Full text of "Journal of the Indian Archipelago and Eastern Asia, Volume 8"

 highest hiU is Ganong Trosa or 
Tttwanko, rising in the north of the island and east of Tuwanktt 
baj to an altitode of about 400 feet J^ towers prominently aboTO 
the surrounding hillsj and is elothed to its summit^ which has nerer 
been ascended, with tall forest trees. The islanders dare not 
ascend it because thej believe that on the top there is the grare 
of a bad spirit which would kill anj person who approached its 
place of rest. So &r as Mr Rosenberg was able to examine its 
mineral composition, it consbted principally of sandstone and 
limestone. The hill next in magnitude is Gunong Batn Lanting, 
which stands by itself on the north west side of the island. It is 
Tery steep, shows nearly the same outline on all sides, and is 
about 2S0 feet in height. On the north it plunges perpendicularly 
into the sea, and the nake J rocks exposed on this side are the same 
as those observed on Gunong Trusa. It is covered from base to 
summit with dense jungle. The name, which signifies ''the cast- 
stone," is said to have been bestowed from a fight having once 
taken place off it between Achinese and Baniak praus, in which 
the crews of the latter used slings and stones. The last of the 
more conspicuous points of the island is Gunong Tambehgo to 
the north of Panghulu bay, and about 120 feet in height. It is 
an offshoot of the same chain which sends out Gunong Trusa to 
the eastward. Seen from the north it has the shape of a dome, 
and from the south that of a sugar loaf. In other respects it 
resembles the hills already mentioned. 

The island of Bangkaru, with the exception of a few small flats 
on the coast, is entirely hilly, the highest portions being about 500 
feet above the level of the sea. In many places it sinks with so 
much steepness into the sea that no anchorage ground can be 
found. The Baniak islanders visit P. Bangkaru very seldom and 
hold it in superstitious dread, believing that it is haunted by bad 
spirits, who convey to it the souls of the dead,— a remnant of the 
old Malayu-Polynosian creed. 

Palo Ujong Batu is also intersected by a hill range, of which 
the highest points reach to 60 or 70 feet. Pulo Bagu and P. 
Baleh have likewise each a hill and on the northern side of P. 
Balambak Oadang there is a trachitc rock about 25 feet high. 



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ttlB UAROWI Ol^ TUB bANIAI^ 18LAND0. 5 

Cooii and Sea, — ^The only points along the coasts that are namedi 
with one or two exceptions, are ihe promontariesof Pulu Tuwanku, 
viz., Ujong Selinga — the western point of the island, — U. Telo 
Limoh, n. T. Nare, U. Labiian-lalu — the soath point, — U. Tani«* 
behgo, U. Siolch — the east point, — U. Karang Eym, U. Bala^bala 
and Batu^lanting— ^the north point. The northwest point of P. 
Simoh is called Ujong Simoh, and the north point of P. U. Bata 
IS called U. Batu. 

The sea between the islands is very dangerous even for vessels 
of no great size, owing to the numerous coral reefd, sand banks and 
strong currents. These dangers are especially numerous between 
P. Tuwanku and the islets from P. Mandan kati to P. Asap, and 
from P. Asap to P. Balambak. In these tracts the bottom con- 
sists of sand and coral banks lying in stripes and frequently so close 
to the surface that even when in a sampan it is necessary to step 
out in order to drag it over them, and men may be seen standing or 
running in the sea at a distance of many hundred yards from the 
nearest land^ 

A heavy surf prevails on all the banks. Along the whole of 
the southwest and south coast of Pulo Tuwanku it is so violent 
that the land cannot be approached. It is equally strong around 
P. Sarambau and P. Bangkaru, and at the north point of P. 
Ujong Batu. But it is against the steep shore of Batu-lanting 
that the waves break with their greatest fury. Rushing against 
the perpendicular rocky wall, torn by their constant assaults, they 
are sometimes driven up to the height of fifty feet and fill the 
vicinity with a sound like thunder. 

The principal currents that have been observed are one beguining 
at P. Ujong Batu and ending at the Rangit islands, and running 
very strong from the south east to the northwest ; one running 
from east to west, to the south of P. Tuwanku; and one running 
from south to north, to the south east of P. Bangkaru. 

Square rigged vessels wishing to make the large bland must 
sail outside, but vessels of less draught can sail in to the south of 
P. Rangit Kichil between the islands, following the oourse 
marked on the chart. 

The chief anchoring places arc, on the north side, Labuan 



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6 THB ^AMVti OF THK ftAMUlt ISLAMJM. 

TawankU) L. Asaluftn and L. Sau; on the south sidei Tiloh 
Limoh and T. Narre ; on the eaat coast of P. Tuwanku, L. Sohri^ 
L. 8amut| L. Pangalu and L. Tambehgo ; and, at the north 
west point of P. Ujong Batu, Tilo Nibung. Of these the onljr 
anchorages for larger yessels are L. Tawauku, L. Saa and T. 
Nibung. When the wind is from the north or west they are 
exposed to a heavf sea. Places where small vessels can anchor 
are also found on the north side of P. Bangkaru, on the west side 
of P. Asap, on the cast side of P. Balambak gadang, on the east 
side of P. Balehf and between P. Rangit gadang and P. Rangit 
kichil, the last being the safest of all. 

Strsams.'^SiresLmB are only found on the two Uirge islands^ 
Tawanka and Bangkaruy and from the small size and height of 
the land they hardly deserve even the name of rivulets. With 
one exoeption they are only about three yards broad, and in the 
middle from } a foot to 2 feet deep at their mouths and 4 to 6 
feet further up the stream. Their course is Yery short and wind- 
ing. The principal in P. Tuwanku are Ayer Sentolei A. Sirohi, 
A. Luan-wanoy A* Sesagu and A. Tutalo. The last is the largest* 
It is about seven yards broad^ 3 feet deep at the mouth and a 
fathom further up, and after a continued rain it is difficult to ford. 
All these streams fall into Tuwanku bay. Two rivulets without 
names pour their waters into Pangulu bay and Sohri bay. The 
streams of Bangkaru are insignificant and unnamed. 

CZtmo/tf.— The climate is almost the same as that of the adja* 
cent matnlaod. During the north-west monsoon the storms are 
more violent, and are seldom attended with thunder and lightning. 
The mornings in that season are generally clear, and nothing 
betokens a change of weather. It is not till about midday that 
the scailerod clouds begin to pack themselves about the sttmmil 
of Guaoiig Truaa. They slowly spread and descend, covering 
the whole sky, and finally discharge themselves in heavy rain, 
which is usually accompanied by a strong north-west gale. The 
climate is somewhat cooler than on the neighbouring Sumatraii 
coast, owing to the narrowness of the land and the more frequent 
winds. 

JBook$ tmd SoiL^The dense vegotaiion renders it very difficult 



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TRB MARUWl OF THB BANIAK ISLANDS. 7 

io eiamine the geological formation of tlie islandsi and as tlis 

streamlets are not rocky their beds and banks throw little light on 

it. The rooks that have been obseryed are limestone, sandstone, 

slate, porphjrj, qaartz, felspar, and trachite. No trace of metals 

has yet been foand. The shores of the larger blinds and all the 

small islands are of coralline origin. Like the Batu, Mantawe 

and Engano islands the coral islets do not take the lagoon form. 

The coral banks are constantly enlarging, and, with the spreading 

mangrove, will, as Mr Rosenberg thinks, in the coarse of ages fill 

up the whole basin among the islands, and make them one. None 

of the coral islets take their origin at a great depth, and a large 

number of them have been formed, in Mr Bosenberg^s opinion, 

not by the proper growth of coral banks, but by the upheaval of 

the sea bottbm. The subject, perhaps, requires longer and more 

eitended observation. No facts showing a recent elevation of 

land are mentioned by Mr Bosenberg. On (he eastern side of the 

Straits of Malacca the spreading of oond banks appears, in general, 

to be attributable to the waste of land. The grinding action of 

the waves is chiefly exerted at the summit of the ocean, and while 

the land in some places advances by the deposit of mud and sand, 

in others it is slowly worn down beneath the sea level. The 

rocky point gradually recedes landward and the coral zoophytes 

build over its former site. From the exposure of the wester 

coast of Sumatra to heavy oceanic waves and to a violent surf, 

it is probable that in general the sea is gaining on the land* The 

Bcattered island groups that rise along the belt of soundings are 

more likely to be remnants of the land that once covered it, than 

the nudd of krger islands. On the sheltered eastern coast the 

ftlTaviam advances on the sea and will envelope the islets as it 

reaches them. The question of a gradual upheaval of the Suma« 

tm^Peoinsular or Sumatra-Bomeon geological band is distinct 

firotn that of the increase or diminution of dry land from the action 

of the waves, although the one force might tend to mask the 

operation of the other. It must ahN> be bom in mmd that the fact 

of Sumatra bdng on an ancient line of upheaval does not carry with 

it the corollary that the western coast continues to rise. Indnbita* 

ble proofii of recent elevation must be furnished. No voloanie 

phenomena have been observed. The soil of the higher islands is 

rich and fruitful, that of the coral tracts is less productive. 



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8 THB ITABUWI OF THK BANfAK ISLANDS. 

Vegetation. — ^The yegetation is of the nsaal prolific character. 
The islands arc masses of bright greeoi and the small coral islets 
present clumps of feathered cocoaniits rising above tha other 
vegetation and surrounded bv a band of white and dazzling sand. 
The principal useful plants are the cocoanutf sago and durian — 
each in great abundancei — the nangka, pinang, nipah, plantain, 
barobu, rattan, timber trees of different kindS| mangroves, paddy, 
ubi, kaladi and glaga. It is remarkable that the coast Casuarina 
(C. littorea)| which is so abundant on the opposite shores of the 
mainland, and on those of the islands to the south of the fianiak, 
is not found on them, with the exception of a few trees at the extre- 
mity of Labuan Sohri which may have been planted. 

^njisiab.—- Fishefiy shell mollusks, and insects are plentiful. 
There are several kinds of snakes, some of them tolerably large, 
iguanas and a few crocodiles. Among birds, water fowl predomi- 
nate. The principal are a small white and an ash coloured heron, 
the black necked sea swallow, a large numenius and several 
pnngas. JPigeons of different kinds, perspicilata, finchesi maja- 
noides &c, &c. Fowls are abundant| particularly on the smaller 
islands. The domestic mammals are the dog, cat, goat, rat and 
mouse. The wild ones, which only inhabit Tuwanku and Bang, 
karu, are black and brown monkeys, bats, squirrels and wild hogs- 
The last are so numerous that it is necessary to surround all the 
ladangs and gardens with strong fences to save the crops from 
their ravages. A few buffaloes have become wild. 

THB HARUWI OF THX BANIAK QROUP. 

Omimxd eondition^ number^ distribution and ethnic patUion of 
the race. — Unlike the Mantawe and Niha, the Marnwi — at least 
those of Baniak — have lost most of the proper Niha-Polyuesian 
habits, and adopted those of the Achinese and Malays. In their 
general condition and usages they resemble the petty and rude 
maritime tribes in other parts of the Archipelago who have adop- 
ted the dress and religion but not the arts and refinement of the 
more civilised Malays. The chief characteristic of such tribes is 
the absence of social development and energy of any kind. They 
have lost the spirit and the usages of the old Oceanic life, without 
acquiring a higher culture, and have sunk into a state of dullness 



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THE MARUWI OP THE BAKIAK ISLANDS. 9 

and sloth. The vicinity and maritime habits of the Achinese hare 
destroyed all independent national action among the Maniwi 
tribes. Before the rise of the later Sumatran civilisations it is pro- 
bable that they were able to maintain their freedom and nationali- 
ty against the aggressions of other tribes of the islets and of 
Sumatra, and that with the loss of the warlike and predacious 
habits which characterise di the purer Niba- Polynesian communi- 
tiesy their energy and individuality disappeared also. 

Achinese have permanently settled in the group, adhering to 
their own manners and onstomsi and owing no $ubjection to the 
Maniwi Tuwanku. They are chiefly deseendants of immigrants 
from Tampat Tuan and Tarumon. They employ themselves in 
trade and in the cultivation of pepper and paddy, ezpcurting co- 
coanuts, pepper, timber, tripang and fowls. The two Rangit 
islands are the fikvorite resort of all the trading vessels from Ba)t>s, 
Singkel, Tarumon, Analabu, Acfain and Pulu Simala, and it is 
not uncommon to see ten praus lying at anchor. 

The Maruwi population does not exceed 354, or about 3 to the 
square-mile, which is considerably less than the Mantawe propor^ 
tion. Pulo Tuwanku has 231 persons out of this small number 
and they are chiefly found on Tuwanku bay, the rest of the island 
being uninhabited, with the exception of a few ladangs to the east 
and west of the bay. Sfany of the smaller islands have no fixed 
inhabitants, and are only occasionally visited for fishing. Tiye 
kampongs and ladangs on Tuwanku are :— 

Kampong Tuwanku with 6 houses and 23 persons. 



ft 


Talaltt „ 


15 


>f 


Sirohi „ 


9 


ff 


Rautan „ 


4 


Ladang 


Tuwanku „ 


7 


f9 


Pangulu „ 


6 


if 


Asaluan „ 


6 



86 


M 


67 


w 


19 


f> 


19 


ij 


17 


ff 


20 


•f 



62 231 

The other inhabited islands are : — 

P. Simoh 4 houses 4 persons. 

Lamun ...3 ,, 6 „ 

Xaiiana ••#••••••••'' fy ^ >y 

B 



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10 Tne KARUWI OF THE BANIAK ISLANDS. 

Laraga 1 house 2 persons. 

Aningan. •••••••.. 1 i, 2 ,, 

Matahari 1 „ 4 ,, 

Bahlong 2 „ 2 „ 

Sikandang 3 ,, 7 ,, 

Mejia • 1 ,, 3 „ 

Laurat 2 ,, 6 ,, 

Balambak gadang. . 4 ,, 9 y, 

Rangit gadang 6 ^9)2 „ 

Rangit kichil 3 ,, 5 ^ 

I^anjang 2 „ 3 „ 

Bahgu 2 „ 4 „ 

Bale 9, 26 „ 

Ujong Batu 2 ,, 6 ,, 

Phyikal Characters. — The Maruwi do not appear to present 
any traits that distinguish them from the Niha and the Mantawe, 
who are described elsewhere. 

Mental Character and CivUUatian. — All that we are informed 
as to the character of the tribe is that they are exceedingly indolent 
and ignorant. Although their manners and customs are those of 
8ingkel> they are inferior in art and cnterprize to the more sequest- 
ered and unmodified Mantawe, whose large houses are palaces in 
comparison with the hovels of the Maruwi. They are apparently 
a fishing tribe ohiefiy, and do not draw so large a portion of their 
aabsistence from the forest as the Mantawe. Besides the ordinary 
garden yegetables they cultivate a liule paddy. This and the 
manufacture of salt and lime are the only arts in which they are 
in advance of the Mantawe. 

language. — As no sentences are given by Mr von Rosenberg 
the phonology and annexed particles can only be described. It is 
clear from these and the glossarial composition that the dialect is of 
the vocalic Niha-Poiynesian family and, like Nihan and Tilanjang, 
less modified by the consonantal Sumatran than the Mantawe. 

Most of the words are vocalic, but there are a few with final 
n, ngy k, ty s, m. The vocalic character is shown in such words 
as a-liwu (Bata libung, Malayu nibong) wiJa (Silong a-bit). It 
frequently adheres to the archaic Sumatran and Peninsular pho- 
nology in preferring e to i, a or u, a predeliction still found in 



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THE MARUWI OP THE BANIAK ISLANDS. 11 

most of the langaages of the Malacca basin, induding some 
dialects of Mataya. Ex. xi-Iahe, Malay laki ; tureo, M. tarun ; 
ma-Iange, Bat. ma-langi; mtf-dem, M. itam; ahe, M. api. It has 
the aspirate, liquid and elliptic tendency partially observable ia 
several of the Sumatran langaages, and much more prommently 
developed in the Nihan, Tilanjangi, Bima-Molaccan and cognate 
Polynesian phonologies. £x. oee foater, a drink (from munu, 
i-nu &c) ahe^ fire (com. Oceanic form afe, ape, api, Polynesiaa 
ahi), oho/ rain (com. Oceanic form usa &c, Pol. aha), o-wahla 
red, (Bat bara, Mai. mera), fitu 7, fula 10, se-rifu 1,000, ula, 
island, (palaa, palo, com. form), woh-noe eocfhrnU, bira, utoer, 
(pirak Bata), bo hair, (bok Singkel, O'buk, boe Bata). 

Definitive prefixes occur similar to those of the cognate dialects^ 
e. g. ^lahe man, xi-iawe woman, a-liwa nibong, o-laha the 
wareng tree, a-Iimo the citron ;i6;i-ara the aru tree, ^-obi the 
ubi, ^tt-li laJang, (ri Singkel, Batta). Qaalitives and assertivea 
have the eom. ma-, m- &c, me-dem black, ma-odin white; o-mi-da 
stand (du'dvL Ache) ; mo-lange swim, (ma-langi Bata) ; tMne-gan 
laugh, u-»ie-ng-k6 erg (i^tan-angis Bat., Mal.y&c Thesaper- 
added u-, o- that occurs in several of the asscrtives appears to be 
a contraction of lu-, la-, as in lu-maAtLO go^ (lao Bata). It occnrs 
in lieu of the more common directive di^, in /n-bawa Mow, {di- 
bawa Malay) which has also an assertive application, osaallj 
passive, but in some dialects active, and contracting to u The 
Baniak qualitive and assertive la appears to be the la^,na', ra'',a' 
of many of the other dialects — Bata, Niha, Ache, Sunda &c— 
generally qualitive, sometimes also substantival, and in Niha as in 
Roti, Timori &c. also assertive. In one Baniak word of Bata 
origin the liquid def. is postfixed, a Malagasy usage now best 
preserved in some of the Bima-Moluccan, Papua-Polynesian and 
Micronesian languages, — tibo-2a tin, (tima-ra Bata of Pak-pak, 
siembo-ra Bata of Toba). The final 1 in oho{ rain, (tuha Pol.) 
bol-a2, bal-a/ day, langko/ sky (langit Mai. Bata &c), lepu-/ earth 
appears to be also postfixual. The glossarial affinities of the lan- 
guage are examined in the hbtorical section. 

8pirituaUsm. — All the Maruwi tribes are Mahomedans. Of 
their native superstitions we know nothmg. There is only one 
priest in the Baniak islands. 



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12 TBI ICAIIUWI OF THK BANIAR ISLANDS. 

Dr#jt.— The dress is that of the ^lalsrs of Sumatra and the 
weapons are mostly of Achinese atui Nias fabrication. 

J2biiSM.— The bouses are nretcbed hov^els^ and bear the strongest 
testimony to the laziness of the Mariiwi. It is only in the kam« 
pongs of Tuwaoku, Talalu and Sirohi that some plank houses built 
in the Malay fuhion arc to be seen, but in a miserable state of 
decay and scarcely inhabitable. All the other huts arc made of 
bambuSy cocoanut and other leaves and are open to the wind and 
rain. Each is placed on a tand bank in the sea, several hundred 
yards from the adjacent island, on account of the swarms of mosqui- 
toes. They Imve the custom of piling their ripe coconuts beside 
the huts in columns six to eight feet high. 

Food, — Their food consists of sago, ubi, kaladi, rice, fish, shell 
fish and wild animals. When there is a want of better provisions 
they use the inalaut, a root one to two feet long, six to ten inches 
thick, with a thorny skin, and, in its raw stale, yellowish. They 
skin it and roast it at a large fire. It is bitter and ropy. 

AgrieuUure, — In the ladangs they plant paddy, kaladi and ubi, 
but, from their excessive indolence, in quantities too small even for 
their own consumption. It hence often happens that their provi- 
sions are entirely exhausted, and when a continuance of bad 
weather prevents them from fishing, they must starve. As a great 
portion of their subsistence is derived from the sea, they devote 
themselves to fishing and are very expert in it, especially in throw- 
ing a light harpoon, 10 to 12 feet long. 

ProparaHon of Sago. — They prepare sago in the following 
mauner. The stem is cut in pieces about 3 feet long, from which 
the outer bark is removed. After lying some days in the shade, 
they are brought into the bouse, and the whole family join ia 
rasping them into a coarse meal with graters half a foot long 
furnished with teeth of nibong. The noeal is then placed on a 
cloth stretched over a wooden tub, water is poured over it and tiie 
mass worked with the hands. The fine particles of sago psiss with 
the water into the tub, while the woody substances remain ou 
the cloth.^ When the sago has sunk to the bottom of the tub, the 
water is poured off and 'the meal dried. 

Other Arts.^The only other arts practised by them arc the 



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THB HARt'Wt OF THE BANIAK ISLANDS. 13 

prcpairatton of salt, burning shells and cor&I for lime, the manufac- 
ture of brown sugar, and iwisting rop€s of bark. 

Trade* — The trade of the islands is ibsigniflcant. The princi- 
pal imports are ricei tobacco, cotton goods and cutlery, and the 
exports coconuts, dried fish, shell-lime, a little tortoiseshell, tripang, 
birds nests, timber and coral. 

Family and Social life. Ootfemment. — Nothing is mentioned 
as to the family and social life, save what may be implied in the 
resemblance of some of their manners and customs to those of 
Singkel and of others to those of Nias. 

The chief authority is the Tuwanku of Qreat Baniak, who 
resides in kampong Tuwanku. Under him are Datus of whom 
there are in some cases five or six in the same kampong. 

History. — Of the recent history of the Baniak islanders scarcely 
anything is known. 

From the tradition of the natives with respect to Batu lanting 
It is probable that they have at some former period been invaded 
by Achinese. They still entertain a fear of a similar attack. 

The present Tuwanku, who is a very old man, holds himself to 
be a descendant of the earlier royal family of Menangkabau, his 
grandfather having come from Fagar-rugong and married a 
Woman of Nias. 

With Singkel the Baniak islands fell under the dominion of the 
Dutch government. The only exception is the uninhabited ishind 
of Jawi Jawi which is a dependency of Tarumon. 

The ancient history must be drawn from the ethnology. Mr 
Rosenberg believes that the islands were firat peopled from 
Nias. As Nihan is generally spoken in addition to the native 
dialect, it may be inferred that a long and intimate intercourse 
had existed with the Niha prior to the monopoly of the trade by 
settlers and traffickers from the coast of Acheen. It is probable 
that the Nihans regularly frequented the group and that much 
intermixture took place, but it would be going too far to hold, 
with Mr Rosenberg, that the basis of the population is Nihan, and 
that the local peculiarities have been derived from different foreign 
sources, thus ignoi^ng any native ethnic element whatever. 

Mr Marsden, upon Malayan or Nias authority it may be pre- 
sumcd| classes the Baniak with the Nako-nako and Si-Malu 



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14 TBB VARUWI OF THB BA9IAK ULAHOS. 

iglanden as a people distinct fiom the Nihaand known as Marts 
or Maruwi. The inhabitants of Nako-nako, who were probably 
described to him by the Padang Malays who resort there for 
coconut oil> are as fair complezioned as the Nihans. 

That the Marowi belong to the same branch of the Niha-Poly* 
nesian race with the Niha may be admitted, and it is also probable 
that they have gradually assimilated more and more to them, but 
there is no proof whatever that they are merely colonies of the 
latter. It b possible that, at bome remote period, when the tribes 
of Nias spoke different dialects, they were derived from it, bat the 
Maruwi possess in their language an incontestible evidence that 
the basis of the population, whatever it may have been in blood, 
was not a tribe speaking the existing Nihan. The Maruwi and 
Nihan are distinct, although closely connected, dialects. 

Mr Marsden, in his essay on the Polynesian or East-Insular 
languages (1834), gives a short vocabulary, on the authority of 
Mr W. Smith, under the heading << Marras (near Nias)." This 
was probably obtained from the Nako-nako islanders. It consists, 
like his other vocabularies, of the first 10 numerals and of 24 other 
words or rather of 21, three being blank in the Marras column. 
The language, he remarks in his History of Sumatra (p, 479), 
'' although considered by the natives of these parts as distinct and 
peculiar ^ which will naturally be the case where people do not 
undentand each other's conversation — ^has much radical affinity 
to the Baia and Nias, and less to the Pagi ; but all belong to the 
same class and may be regarded as dialects of a general language 
prevailing amongst the original inhabitants of thb eastern arehipe- 
lago, as far at least as the Moluccas and Philippines/' In the 3d 
chapter of the Ethnology of the Indo-Pacific islands, it was obser- 
ved that, from Marsden's vocabulary, the language appeared to 
be vocalic with a small proportion of consonants ; and, from a 
comparison of the Nihan, Tilanjangi and Bata with the other 
Sumalran tongues, the general inference was drawn that the wes* 
tern islanders preserved, with considerable purity, the original 
vocalic and East Indonesian character of the Sumatran languages. 
Mr Rosenberg has appended to his paper a very valuable com- 
parative vocabuiarly of 264 words, in the dialects of Ache, Singkcl, 
Pak-pak, Toba and Bauiak. The full number is not given in all 



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THE tfAKCWr OP THE BANIAK ISLANDS. 15 

the dialects. The Baniak vocables amount to 126, and ihey are 
the first important contribution to the ethnology of the tribe. Mr 
Rosenberg expresses bis surprise that so small a population should 
have been able to form an idiom of their own, from which it would 
appear that he attributes the peculiarities of the dialect when 
compared with Nihan, to the addition of vocables invented by the 
colonists after their first migration from Nias. He informs us 
that besides the native dialect the greater number of the inhabi- 
tants also speak Nihan, many of them Malay, and those on the 
eastern islets Achean. We thus find in full operation on these 
islands the same cause of the change and assimilation of language 
which is at work in most of the ethnic provinces of the Indian 
Archipelago, as in other regions. It is probable that the native 
element has long been decreasing, as in Nihan. 

To understand the relation of Maruwi, in its proper form, to the 
other languages of the Sumatran province, it is necessary to advert 
to their history as a whole. In the Section on the languages of 
Sumatra (Ethn. of the I. P« Is.) it was shown that three principal 
lingaistic phases may be recognized, each of which has predomina- 
ted more or less extensively during different periods in the history 
of the existing race and formation. This mixed formation may be 
termed the Himalayo-Polynesian, and the four most prominent of 
the phases it has assumed in Sumatra may be indicated as follows. 
Prior to the entrance of the Himalaic phonology, the vocalic 
Malagasy had succeeded to the Draviro- Australian ; and it had 
prevailed so long and so exclusively as to confer one character on 
all the Sumatran dialects. The effect of the intrusion of Himahtto 
tribes during an era when the Himalaic like the Chinese phonolo- 
gy retained its ancient harsh and consonantal character, was to 
prodaoe two phonetic phases. In the one the native phonology 
kept its ground and gave its soft and vocalic form to the Himalaic 
words that were received into the Sumatran vocabularies as Sans- 
krit ones were in an after age into those of the leading tribes. In 
the other the intrusive phonology predominated, and not only pre- 
served the proper forms of the Himalaic vocables, but to some 
extent modified the native Sumatran ones. The Himalayo-Poly. 
nesian formation may thus be considered as having been evolved 
Scorn the presence in Sumatra of three successive formations. 



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IG THE MARrWI OF TUE DANIAK ISLANDS. 

the Draviro-Asoncsian, the Malagaso-Asonesian and the Ultraindo- 
Asonesian. Each of the two last had partially prescrfed and 
modified and partially destroyed the preceding formation. In the 
Uitraindo-Asonesian era the vestiges of the Draviro-Australian 
age appear to have been glossarial only, with some slight excep- 
tions, but the Malagaso-Asonesian formation was still the basis one 
in the phonology of many of the dialects and in the idealogy of all, 
although already considerably modified by the cruder Ultraindian. 
The vocabularies were exceedingly mixed. Most of the formatives 
and particles, the pronouns and numerals, and many of the other 
vocables, were of Malagasy affinity, while the remainder of the 
glossary was Himalaic or Ultraindo-Oangetic. The consonantal 
phasis was induced in those dialecu in which the Himalaic element 
predominated over the vocalic and gave its own character to the 
phonology. The Achean, the ancient Mai ay u and other mixed 
phonologies poss^^ssing a considerable degree of harshness, were 
thus formed. 

In an era subsequent to the first migration of the Tibetan and 
Chino-Tibetan tribes across the Himalayan harrier into India and 
Ultraindia, the Chinese and Tibetan phonologies began to lose 
their ancient character and to become soft, slender, elliptic and 
vocalic. This phonetic emasculation has affected all portions of 
the Chinese and Himalaic provinces, although in its develcpement 
in different languages and groups it has exhibited much variety. 
It is still in progress, and the many partially sequestered dialects 
of the Tibeto-Ultraindian region have preserved examples of the 
ancient consonantal forms and of successive stages of decay. 
The slender and elliptic Ultraindian phonology was also commu- 
nicated to the Saroatran languages, and it chiefly affected those 
of the western islets. As with the older consonantal wave, its 
presence was marked both by a fresh introduction of Himalaic 
vocablfes in the new elliptic or softened forms, and by the change 
it produced in many of the prior Sumatran words, Himalaic, 
Malagasy and Dravirian. The older phonology has been retained 
in a considerable degree by the Mon-Anam languages, and they 
strongly influenced the dialects of the Malay Peninsula and 
Sumatra up to a recent period. Indeed their influence is still in 
operation where the Siamese is in contact with Simang and Malay. 



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TBB tfARirWI OV THB BANUK MLAHSf. 17 

The foHrth phasis is not in itself a diatinot one from the. preoedilig. 
It is not connected with enj great linguistic j«?olQtion on the 
oontinenty bat merely, results from one of the native langoages 
of Sumatra that was least affected by the elliptic Ultraindia 
phasis, having become expansive and aggressive, and thus acquired 
the character of a diffusive sab*forroation. This latest influential 
phasis was that acquired by Malayu after it had become much 
softened by the presence of the less consonantal dialects with 
which it must always have been in contact as it expanded, and 
after its ideology had thrown off much of the ancient Malagasy 
character and taken a form more akin to the crude Ultraindian. 
The modem Malayu has deeply influenced and lai^^ly bat un- 
equally assimilated all the other languages. This Malayucising 
of the other Samatrau tongues has been in progress throughout 
the era in wbioh the Malays have been the most numercasi 
powerful aad enterprising of the Snmatran tribes. 

Each of these linguistic phases of Sumatra was carried to the east- 
ward by the navigating tribes of its coasts and laleta, and was disss* 
minated from island to island and group to group far over the Indo* 
Pacific seas. The latest or Malayan form of tho consonantal 
phonology spread to most parts of the Indian Archipelago, the 
<rider and more consonantal Snmatran over Java, Borneo, North 
Indonesia, Micronesia and a portion of Papuanesia, while the 
elliptic chiefly predominated in East Indonesia and was thence 
diffused over Papuanesia, Polynesia and Micronesia. The existing 
Snmatran languages preserve remnants of the ruder forms given 
to the vocables by the primary consonantal Ultraindian phonology. 
These are chiefly found in Malay dialects and Achean. In Malay 
itself these forms have been softened. The secondary or elliptic 
aspirate Malagasy and vocalic Ultraindian and the archaic vocalic 
phonologies are best preserved in Nihan, Maruwi and Tilanjang. 
Mantawe has been partially and fiata considerably modified by 
the consonantal phonology. The proper consonantal tongues them- 
selves possess numerous vocalic words of the Malagaso-Asonesian 
and vocalised Himalayo-Asonesian forms, and their consonantalism 
has long been in a state of slow decay. If the process of emascu- 
lation be not interrupted, it is probable that all the Sumatran 
languages will ultimately revert to the archaic vocalism or rather 
to mollifications of it, elliptic in their general character. 



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IB TUS VAR0WI OF TRV BAHIAK IgLANDl. 

From Uiis acooant of the butory of the Samatran languages we 
are prepared to find in each of them nnmeroui and oAen pecniiar 
affinitieB with the more eastern tongues ofrtbe Indo-Pacifio pro- 
▼ince, and in those of the more vocalic group— B atari, Nihan, 
Mantawe, Maruwi and Tilanj angi — relations with the Tocalio 
eastern languages that were formed prior to the predominance and 
diffusion of the Halayu. But as Malayu itself, in the old Suma- 
traa or Malagasy portion of its basis, belongs to the same vocalic 
family, many archaic vocables are also common to it with the group 
in question and with eastern tongues, and some are even common 
to Malayn and the latter which are not found in the former. In 
all these cases it is necessary to distinguish as much as possible 
between the vocables, or forms of them, that have been carried 
eastward by the proper Malays and those which were disseminated 
from the Sumatran centre in the pre«Malayan era when theinsnhir 
parent of the Malayu formed one of the dialects of the Sumatran 
vocalic group. The eastern dispersion of 8 nmatran vocables has 
proceeded in all eras and been conducted by various tribes. Hence 
not only different roots for the same idea, but different forms of the 
same root, have been carried from its shores. In the long and 
oscillatory succession of tribes, formations and dialects that have 
filled its history from the present epoch to that wh en rude Austra* 
loid hordes first gave it human inhabitants, a singi e navigable ri?er 
like the Palembang, may have furnished many synonimous roots 
and variations of roots to the eastern vocabularies. 

In Baniak we find Nihan, Batan, Malayan and South Sumatran 
wordsy and many others either peculiar or having affinities with 
eastern tongues. It is fundamentally a member of the Bata-Nlhan 
group and its relationship to the other Asonesian groups has a 
similar range. 

From the phonology, the pronouns, the prefixes and the post* 
fixes of Baniak, and the known ideologic character of the other 
languages of the same geographical and glossarial group, it may 
be inferred that its basis is mainly Oceanic or Malagasy in pho« 
nology and ideology. The vocabulary, like that of the other 
Sumatran and Sumatro-Polynesian tongues, is chiefly composed 
of Draviro-Australian, Malagasy, Himalaic a nd Chino-Himalaic 
words. Its more archaic history is involved in that of the other , 



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THl MABVWI 09 THX BANIAK IBtAVlM. 19 

Niha-Potyoeuao languages, and must be investigated with that of 
the whole &mily. The proper object of a special consideration 
of a single tongue like the Marawi is to establish to what group 
it belongs; and where the materials are only glossarial, this must 
be done by tracing the roots in the Marnwi forms in other Aso* 
nesian vocabuhuries, or in those foreign ones to whidi the mass of 
the Asonesian roots are referable* 

The modern ingredients are chiefly Makyan, but some of the 
Nihan, Bata and Acbean words are probably also recent. There 
are some slight traces of intercourse with Javanese. 

A considerable number of the words are Malay of Singkel and 
Ache, especially the former. Ex. bunga karang, coral; ungkung, 
S., (nngka M.); tumba, spear, S., M. tomba; kubnr ^ra«s; 
telinga ear; utara north; selatan south; timor eatt; ber-lant 
(seaward) tent; dado, a chief S. (dato M. also grandfaiher); turen, 
deeeend, turun Mai. A. ; mesiaia, poor, mtski A. (miskin Mai. 
Arabic, but the Ban. may be Yue-siaia); kaya, riehy M. A., 
kuning, yellow^ M. A. ; kilet, Ughtiungj A. (kilat M. Bat.) ; 
guru thunder^ A. M. Words of this class whether directly or 
indirectly received from the Mahtys, belong to the Malayan or 
latest influential sub-formation. 

There are a few Malayu words which must have been derived 
from the proper Malays, as they are not current in Ache, in the 
mixed dialect of Singkel or in Bata. Ex. near dekan, M. dikat. 

There are also some non-Malayan vocables similar to Achean, 
to Bata and to Nihan, respecting which it may often be doubtful 
from the proximity of the tribes whether they have been borrowed 
from settlers, or are a portion of the archaic vocabulary common 
to the Baoiak tribe and the adjacent Sumatran race to which they 
belonged. If the vocabulary could be resolved into ingredients 
derived from Niha, Bata, Ache and Malay, all such words might 
be referred to the Niha, Bata and Ache vi^dtors and colonists, 
but as there is a large and distinct native element, the true history 
of these vocables can only be ascertained afler the forms they 
possess in this N. W. group have been compared with those 
which they take in other dialects. 

Amongst the purely Achean arc>i-wula rtfn. Ache <fa- blung ; 



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20 THS UAMWl OF TflB BAlOAiC ttLAllDi. 

o«i<- du Jtaniiy A. db- da; words both from ibeir form sod tbeir 
aaturo more likely to be arohaic than reoent 

From the much more mimerom Bata list may be eited bahba 
mouth, Bata baba, Singkel, Ache bswa, Tilanjang hawi (h-b, p, as 
in the more aspirate Niha-Polyn^an phonologies, e. g. Til. hawi 
hoff for bawt, babi) ; igong note, the Bata form of a common 
Sumatran and Indonesian vocable, Nifaan ighn, im; gaul plantain, 
B. gal, galo, Singkel gala ; delok kiU, B. dolok ; woogi hoa(, B. 
bangki, tu-morho go B. Iao> ma-lange wnim, tiia-langi Bataj 
a^u 3og, B. Niha a-sa (com.). 

Amongst the words common to Marawi with Nihan are obo 
larg; Nilian ibt, Mantawe ebe^yo. (The N. and Mantawe forms 
are Tarieties of the same form, but the Baniak is an archaie 
dialectic form foand in Malagasy and Polynesian) ; mor-2a tlMip, 
N. mar» mnro, Mant mar-«6; bo, bu hair, N. ha, Rijang bu, 
Bata M-bn — all elliptic forms of babo, buok Ac ^ a- tha man, 
o-taha Niha, taka Tilanjang, the Baniak variety is a curt form of 
the aspirate Nihan ^ ai%a trt%, N. ewo 'nood\ bawa, bowa moon, 
N. bawa; bungi bangi mght, N. bangi, bongi, Batabongim 
Some of the words foand in both vocabularies are to be consider* 
ed as archaic Niha-Marawi and some as common to the varions 
dialects of the ancient vocalic Samatran, but others are evidently 
of Ntas origin. The Niha vocabulary, it may be remarked, has 
been more Malaicised than the Marawi, so that the ancient com- 
mon glossary is probably better preserved by the latter. 

A few words have special Mantawe affinities and a larger num- 
ber South Sumatran (Rijang, Komreag, Lampong.) These mast 
belong to an archaic and diffusive glossary. 

Several words connect Maruwi with eastern vocabularies and 
especially with those of the trans-Jaran or Bima-Timorian band, in 
which the elliptic phonology is also strongly marked, — mo-odi-n 
nhiU, i»-uti-i» Timor; o-hin teeth, ica-hine Belo; mehia 
monheiy, Timcnr belo; loan stream, Endelava; ^kk,firt, Ende 
ahi; u drink, n^rt-u Savu. These words do not necessarily prove 
that the Maruwi colonised the Timorian islands or Timorians the 
Baniak islands. For the present they merely shew that Maruwi was 
one of the ancient Sumatran vocalic dialects akin to Niha, Man- 
tawe and Bata, and probably to many others now modified or 



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TBB KARUWl OF THB BANUlK I8LA1II». 21 

ektinct^tfaat Us phonology nndenreot elliptic and aspirate changes 
like tile Nihan, Mantawe, Tilanjang and Bata — and that from this 
Samatren Tocalic group ssTeral varieties of the same vocables were 
carried to the eastern islands. The Mamwi navigators may have 
founded eastern colonies as well as the Nihas and Betas, but a 
larger vocabulary must be examined before inferences so specific 
can be drawn* At present it id sufficient to remark that the voca- 
liC| aspirate and elliptic phonology of the Ticorian, Moluccan and 
Polynesian dialects, and a very large number of those forms of the 
insular vocables that are n^ost prevalent in these groups, are found 
preserved in the languages of the western isletsof Sumatra. The 
civilisation of the Niha and the vestiges of the pre-Hindu civilisa- 
tion of the Bata, connect the old Sumatran race with that which 
most largely colonised the eastern islands ; and the circumstance 
that moat of the dialectic varieties of the Sumatran voca« 
bles are found in eastern vocabularies, can only be explain- 
ed by the greater number of the maritime Sumatran tribes 
having in the same or in successive ages, voyaged to the 
eastward for trade, rapine, war or colonisation. In the presence 
of the Indian, Uitraindian, Arabic, European and Chinese navi- 
gation, and that of the Javans, Malays and Bugis with their 
improved vessels, the ancient Niha-Polynesian maritime art 
has decayed among the Maruwi, Niha and Mantawe, but the 
last still retain some traces of it, and in the Philipines, the Moluo> 
cas, Micronesia and Polynesia it continues to ftourish with varia- 
ble vigour. When it was in the ascendant in Sumatra, the fleets 
of Tapanooly Bay, of Tuwanku Bay, of Nias and the Pagai 
islands may have more than rivalled the Moluccan and Micronesian 
in the range of their voyages ; and to the possession of these fleets 
we must ascribe the spr^ of the Himalaic race from Sumatra 
to the eastern confines of Polynesia. 

The connection between the Maruwi vocabulary and that of the 
Niha, the Mantawe, the Tilanjangs and the Batas will be specially 
examined in describing the Nihas. 

If we now view the Maruwi glossary on the side of its conti- 
nental affinities we find that like the other Sumatran vocabularies 
it bean the impress of all the great formations that have been 
leoognised in Asonesia. Of the words more particularly examined 



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22 THB UAMVtl Ot TUB HXVIAIL IflUNM. 

below, Ihe Pronouns, DefinitiTea (annexed ), and Nnmarals with 
the words for JffiwSt Teeth, Hamdj Bar, Fire, Moon, White, 
Large, Eat, Drimh, Man, Mother, Child, PUh^ Tree (2) Cocoas 
fiut. Stone, Pire, Moon and OoU are M aLaqabt ; that the words 
for Hair, Eye, Earth, Hill, Night, Black, Dark, SmaU, Tee, 
No, Man (1), WowMn, Brother (or Sieter) Dog, Catf Bird, 
Monkey, Snake, Tree (I) Plantain, Biee, Earth, HOI, Stream, 
and Ship are Hikalato (Chino*Ht*nalaicy Scjtho-Himalaio &c) ; 
and that those for Water, Sun, Day, Star, Short and &le^ are 

BRAVrRO^AUSTRALUlt. 

Most of the vocables belong to the great Sumatro^PoIynesian 
formation, but the archaio indiTiduality of Maruwi in relation not 
only to Bata and the other Snmatran dialects but to Nthan, is 
iliuetrated by its possession of some forms haTing a peculiar 
connection with Himalaic or Malagasy and with eastern Asone- 
Han* For example the Ist pron. rv-hu has a distinct and Tery 
archaic connection with Malagasy, its is a current Malagasy 
definitive, but Malagasy now uses tsa as the prefix. When the 
language was first transplanted to Sumatra the pronominal root 
bU| kn, must have been free, and admitted of different preposed 
definitives. It occurs not only with the sibilant but with other 
forms of the liquid in different Asonesian vocabularies. 0-bo 
large, is another example of the retention of an archaic Malagasy 
and Nilotic form (/hho-ma Shangalla, am-bu Malagasy), Nihaand 
Mantawe have another Malagasy form t-bi, e-be. The broad form 
is preserved in the New Caledonian amrhoi-da. Ahejlre, preserves 
the Malagasy form afe, the common Asonesian being afi,aLi. The 
Malagasy vowel is also preserved in lahe man. Examples like 
these show that the pure Malagasy was first deposited on the western 
blets— and probably also on the adjacent coasts— of Sumatra, 
and that there have been less frequent and extensive linguistic 
mixtures and consequent corruptions in these islets than in Suma* 
tra itself. 

To compare each of the vocables even in Mr Rosenberg's short 
vocabulary with those of all the other Asonesian and the connect- 
ed continental tongues would demand a volume, and the results 
would be much less satisfactory and determinate than those I have 
derived from my general oomparAtive vooabukry, and from the 



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THE IffARUWI OT THB BANIAK ULANBS. S3 

consideration of the insn lar langaages in the mass. The Marnwi 
is bat one of some hundreds of dialects having a similar history, 
and the peculiarities of each of which ate mainly due not to a 
difference in the succession of great formations and gradual ethnic 
revolutions which have resulted in making it what we now find it 
to be, but to the hct of so many distinct groups of tongues 
having co-existed throughout a long lapse of time^ and given rise 
to various local linguistio currents. Each dialect, however much 
seque&tered, has, from time to time, been affected by intrusive 
ones, gi ving rise to new special affinities and diminishing some old 
ones. Thus in proportion as Baniak replaces old words by 
Malayan its Nihan element decreases. As its special Nihan 
ingredients increased it became the less Batan, and the more it 
gained from other Sumatran tongues generally during its later 
history, the more must it have lost of those specific affinities to 
eastern vocabularies which arose at an earlier period. It is quite 
consistent with such a gradual restriction or localising of its more 
intimate relationships, that its general ethnic position with refers 
ence to the great formations of Asonesia, should remain little if 
at all changed. Tlie mutual intermixture of a dozen languages 
forming one of the groups in a large family does not affect their 
relation to the family or that of the family to the wider alliances 
in which it has a place. 

That the historical evidence furnished by the vocables may be 
the better understoo d, I have adduced a few in each class and in 
the first place indicated the Asonesian range of each of them, 
giving examples of those varieties that most resemble the Baniak. 
The formation by which the root was communicated to the islands 
is then mentioned, and one or more of the forms which it has in 
that formation are cited. As an exemplification of the full light 
which is thrown on the origin of the Asonesian vocables by taking 
not one but all or several of those that are prevalent in different 
vbocaularies or in the same vocabulary with changes in meaning, 
I have in one or two instances appended the synonymes current 
in the other Sumatran languages and their derivation. 

1. PBOlfOUNS AVD PARTICLBS. 

^ Tho Ist pron. rehu (re-hu) has the Malagasy and Sata form 



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S4 TR8 MARUWI OV THB BAITIAK KLANM. 

of the Semito-Libyan and Oceanic aspirate and gnttoral root Im^ 
ka. To this it prefixes a defioitire, a osage cooimen to the 
Malagasy and Semito-Libyan with most of the Bast Ooeanio 
pronominal systems. Re is a common definitive of the Semito- 
Libyan and Malagaso-Polynesian formations, and de, le, ne ; fs, 
da, la, na fcC| are variations of the same partide. Be is a 
Malagasy form (Ethn. P. ii, c v, sec 6, sub-sec 6>« 

Comp. o-hu, t9-a-ha or t-za-hu Malagasy (ku poss.)» an-a-ka 
or a-na-ktt Babylonian, o-hu Bata, a-ku Malay, y-€i-n-[ probably 
from « (z}4L'(h) u] Niha, Kisa, t-a Lam pong, Komreng, si-a-k 
Iloko, ^a-kn Malay, na-kn Balignini, na-hu Bima, 2a-ka Lobo, 
rv-ka Kaili, and a-^ka Wagi^ the nearest to the Baniak re-ha. 

The 2d pron. tlo (ri-o) appears to combine the same prefix 
with a contracted form of the common Niha-P olynesian root« 
The Bata ho and the Timorian ho, o (Timor, R oti; Lieti, Kisa) 
are the same variety. The prefix rv is foand in the Malay 
^kan, Lampong ni-kn, Javan i»-ko. The Belo i-ri is probably 
a contraction of a similar variety. The Tilanjanji barM (te-vv-e) 
is an analogous form in which the root is rep resented by e (koe, 
kue being a common Asonesian form) and the kbial prefix is 
superadded as in the 3d pron. fto-hey (comp. the 1st pron. toJuu 
Bajo, fiuwo-ku Pasir, mi-fa-ko Snmba and the 2d mi-ka Binoa^ 
ma-st-ko Pasir). The Belo i-ri is an analogous E. Indonesian 
form, with the root elided. 

The 3d pron. dio is Malay dia, nia, Landak diyo, Goronttto 
&c 

The definitive prefixes st-, a-, pea-, gif-, ^« are Malagaso- 
Polynesian. The sonant form occurs in Nihan ^a-, gu-, Oebe g€h 
&c 

The qualitive and assertive mo-, nU', m- is the common Mala- 
gaso-Polynesian particle. 

The def. postfix -la, 4 is the -na of Malagasy and the -na, 4a^ 
ra &c of many eastern vocabularies. La abo occurs assertively 
in mor-2a sleep. It is used assertively in many Niha-Polynesian 
languages. 



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THB MARUWI #F THB BANIAK 1BI.AKP4» dS 

2. VUMIBAL8. 

The aamemlft are the Malagaso-Poljiieuaii^ 1 MtL^ 2 ifcia, 
d tolv, 4 ampe,6 lima, 6 aaaiB, 7 flUi, 8 w«l«,9 Blwa^ 
10 IU«« The only departures from the Malagasy ferms eve asa 
1, ampe 4 ( Aohi ampet, Malay ampat) and anaia 6 <Malay fco)» 
the Mdagasy prefix bewg e in 1 and 4 wnd not m-, am- and 4S 
wandng the final m. The Nako^nake forms are somewhat dif- 
ferent, and several of them have the postfix -6o or •o. They an 
I aawo, 2 diie-o (Mali^asy dae), 8 tlo-»o, 4 ata (for htai\ 
5 Itoaa-be, 6 amua, 7 latil«6o, or ita (for &aX ^ 9l««A^ 
9 fllwa, 10 aolii« 

> & KAiCBS OF ▲Tratiorras. 

White, 
maodltt (ma-odin) B., ndlng N. * Samatran and earn. In- 
dones. puti &c. A nasalised form is found also in Timor mutin 
and Bdi puting, of which the gattaralised Bomeon putik, put! 
are variations. Bisayan has busag. The elision of tlie labiaj 
initial oocnrs also in Mala ute nte, Mangkasari utim, Pormosan 
mo-Qsi &c. The prefix is the com, Malagaso -Asonesian qualitive 
ma-, still prevalent in E. and N. Indonesia and Polynesia, altboagh 
rare or modified in damatra. The n, -rig may be simply the nasal 
final often taken by the Malagasy vocalic words in the consonan- 
tal Indonesian dialects* But it is possibly the definitive as in the 
Cerami pati-ra &o. 

Malaoast futsy, fuchi, fmi, fusi. The sibilant is preserved in 
tbe Niha o-fiisi, Tidori wio-busi, Madura a-puse, Karangan r(wi- 
pos, Celebesian wio-busi, mo-busa, Bisayan busag, Formosan tno- 
iisi. The root was carried eastward in this form by the Microne 
sian stream (Pelew bowse, Ualan was, waa-wag, e-wue^ Radak 
«.mus, Rotuma fis), but not by the Papuaneeian or Polynesian. 

The Malagasy vocable is African,— fuchi Agau. The root ia 

various forms— more often fa, ba, fu, bu &c, than fi, bi 4c, and with 

or without prefixes and suffixes— is the most prevalent Semito- 

Libyan ; abiad, abiar &c Arabic, hais Saumali, hathi Galia, ht 

Egyptian, fasi, afads &o Sereras gr., ped, bisa Bode, padi Pika, 

Umsi'k Ngambana, fade Mandara. The fiaal ekanges {faqaently 

• B., Bonlak ; N. Naka*Nsko (or Manden's). 

D 



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26 THB MABVWI OF THB BANtAK ULANDfl. 

from the dental to the liqaidiefar Mso^ «-bari Bute, o-wuru Okam 
M-biul Hanii fall Haasa (oomp. fade Mandara), puru Gebo gr. 
O'-para Boko, o^^hale Oadeaga, a-pfora Bumbete, fora Ntere, 
mbara Ekamtulnfa gr*, bal Bomui, bu-bali Goali, Ao-pula Bagba- 
lan, o-fira SusOi «0-fire Tone. The labial root simple and daplica- 
ted is also common i-fo, i-hf a-fe, pfu, mo-foy ^fu, pu, e-we, we, 
fiifa, fiftti baba, e-pupa, popo, o-pawa, t-fifi, Aa-pup kc, &c. 
These radical forms and the common variety in which the final is 
a liquid 1, r, rarely n, are not to be considered as derivatives from 
Semitic^ bat as having descended, like the cognate Semitic terms, 
from the mother formation. The root is nearly universal, and it 
occurs with a liquid final in the Scythie, Draviro- Australian, and 
—applied to sUmt, gold and iron — ^in Semito-Libyan (bir, bir-to, 
fil-a< kc, Ac), While the rarer African form fuchi [ssfusi] is 
current as white in Malagasy, the more common African pula, 
pura, buly puru is preserved in Malagasy in one of its secondary 
applicationsi moofi vula. The root is Chino-Tibetan as well as 
Scythic but with a final guttural pe'^ pa', pue' ^Chinese, phyok 
Thochu. Khamti also preserves the k, phyuk. In Burman Naga 
&o it is lost, phyu, o^po kc. See Ethn. Part II., c. v., S. II. — 
Ibon, Silver. [See Appentlix, Whitb.] 



medem, (ni-eden) B. mitome, (m-itome) N. Sumatran and 
Indones. com« Malay ke, itam, Niha, Pampangan a-itu. The 
o of the N. variety is found in some Bomeon and Celebesian 
vocabularies, m-etom, ma-iton, mo-itomu &c. The final becomes 
nasal in some dialects, itang Tranganu, idong Sunda. The Javan 
chemu has an independent connection with continental forms of 
the root 

Ultraikdian, dam Siam, nam Khamti, den Anam, cham 
Singfu, jFO-tscham Bodo, ^a-sam Garo, chang Mon, chang-io 
Changlo. The root is probably current with other meanings 
(Uue, green, darh^ kc Ac) in other Himalaic vocabularies. Tengsa 
and Nogaung Naga have for green ^a-cham. The root is proba- 
bly Tatar - chara, chona, shem-el &c. 

Dark. 
malawa («na-Iawa). Rijang blaek ma-lau (see Black). Hi^ 
xalaic. 



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THB MARUWI OF THE BANUK ISLANDS. 27 

obo (^bo) Niha t-bi, Mantawe e-be-yo, Polynesian pn. New 
Caledonian ai7i-boi-d^. 

Malagasy, aiTi-ba, c^hn, be\, be. African o-bo-ma Shangalla, 
o-vee Tigre. Scythic, e-mo, Fin a»i*ba Tangosian &c. 

Small- 
ada-ada. [The Niha idi, Mantawe te-te, Bataete, Polynesian 
iti, iki, chi, Australian miti &c &c is a different root, of Dravi* 
rian origin]. 

Chino-Himalaio. Chin, shori t6, d6, to. Horpa i^o-de, 
Thocba thatha, Lepchaatan, Burman ato, to. The Himalaic ex- 
panded form Bhotia thundung, Miri adyadag, Dhimal to-toka, is 
found in Niha aduko, Cerami tuktuk &G. 

Short. 

wlda. Silong o-bit, Onin fisio, TJtanata me-meti, Australian 
small miti. 

Dravirian, imiting Kol. The other Dravirian forms of the 
root are also found in Asonesia. The broad Uraon phuda, Garo 
bandok is represented by the pandak, pendek, mo-pundu, mo- 
pnndi, «»a-punch0| ponok of Sumatran and other Indonesian 
vocabularies. The Bisayan m^-a-put, mo-Zi-pot, Polynesian poto, 
poko may be a contraction of forms in nd^ or a pure Dravirian 
form (puda Uraon, pnlti Telinga &c). 

Tes. 

aiiga. Jav. ingge, Mantawe onon [Rajmahali onon] Philip, 
oen, nan, un. 

HiMALAio in Bhotian, inge Gond, (? in-^s), anga Kiranti^ an 
Milchanang &c, ongo Bodo, onon Male. 

Ho« 
baoa« Binua beh, Simang mina, biak, Ende amuna, Lampong, 
Komreng &c mawot. 

Chino-Him ALAic. Chin, bo, mo. Bhotian &c ma, me, men, 
Naga mau, Thochu, Kiranti mang, Kol bano Ac fcc &c (Scythio 
abu &c). 



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2B TMt lUnUWI OF TKB BANIAK 16LANM. 



(mo-ngaii) Sumatran and emu. ladon. aUo, mvngan 
Lamp., fRO-kan Malay, mt-ogan-cfa Parigi, ffie-nam Aru, ma-nga 
MUle, Wiradarei» a-rara Jalakara, /a^t-nono, po-lt-nganga 
^ilaDJang. The last is the Malagasy form when applied to drink^ 
and in Tilanjang the same form is both eat and dnnk^ the word 
for water being added in the latter application (^^i^nono lewo 
lewv). A Hiailar root is DraYin^Ultraindian, b«t the resem- 
Uance to the Makgaay is much closer. 

Malaqast mtAI-nana, Ao-m-ana (see Ihink). 



Hj ManCHwo lo, (for no) contractions of a com. Indonesian word 
mt-num Bata, Mitlay Ae, fnangi-mk Parigi, moAt^nn Lobo, l-nu 
Snmba, Polynesian, ngri-imm Mangkasar fto, iigi'^a Savu (Baniak 
ii)&c&c 

Malagasy m»-nana| m»-nono (a variation of the root for eo^i 
nana, and preserved in the Tflanjang nono, nganga eat^ drink). 
It is a common African root, nn, nyn^ ni, nin Zimbian &c. In 
African languages and in Malagasy it is also applied to mtZA, 
Malag. ro-nono subs., mj-nono verb, Africa nono Hausa, Limbe, 
Nufi gr. Mandingo fam.; neni Orebo gr. 

The Tibeto-Ultraindian root has also been imported into Indo- 
nesia. Bhotian thung, Kiranti dnng, Sunwar tung, Bodo lang, 
Hon sung. Naga tunun. Indonesia has tunu Bima, tinn Roti. 

The North Dravirian unah, ona &q has probably a radical 
connection with the Afrioo-Malagasy nunn. 

morla (morb) ; Niha mum, mar, Mantawe mareft, Onin ma- 
ntfoa, Bima mara, Polynesian vale, Tasmanian malong-no.* 

Dravirian mara ELamataka ; Bodo muda-bai, mudu-lang, 
Lepcha mithn-p. 

The Malaqast tory, tuotory [Zimbian tolo, dere, dale, lale 
&c] is one of the more common Asonesian vocables — tori Pasir, 
o-toli Balignini, jpo-tum Tojo, 9na-dura Mille^ mo-tu Tarawa &c. 

• The not may be rs, te, le, m. The ICntswe Tsriaty &veu» tfaie aoilyab 
ma^i9rby fiie-re-6. 



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na IfARUWI OF THB BAKIAK ISLANDS. 29 

4» VAU9M OF PABTS OP THB BOOT. 



uhl B. and N. Samatro^PolyneetaiiycaiDaioD. 

Malagasy or TJltrainbian. The AfloneBian olu is a para 
Scyckic form — ulo, Samoiede^aad, as is to freqaeotly the ease, 
the Seythic root is current both in the Semito-Africaii aod in the 
Himalaie proYinoeSi rendering it unoertain from which the Asone- 
sian has been derived. In the former the Malagasy laha, Ina, 
ioa, has nnmeroiis sisters^ hi, olu, alo, wt^k, oar, ra-« Ac, &c, the 
liqaid being the most prevalent Caacaso- African root for heacL 
The form which the common Oceanic word for hair — vola Mala- 
gasy, bula Saraatran, fala Polynesian — takes in several Indone* 
sian langaages, weloa, bilaa Ac and the Paser, Bajoand Sambivwaa 
form for face raa, favor the derivation of ala from the Malagasy 
laa. In the Indian and Ultraindian province the term is excep* 
lional, being only foood in Singhalese olaa and in the Yama and 
Manipari group ala, la. For face and hatr, however, the term 
is Hindi rukh face, alak ^tV (comp. luk hair Binaa, lug-in 
Samba, rak«atu Savo (atu head Tarawa, and, with slight variations, 
com. in Asonesia). The Malagasy fall form laha is allied to these, 
but its more immediate grouping is probably with the Semito- 
African rosh, ras, rus, arus, rusa (Haragi), head, which again are 
Caucasian, ras hair, and Scythic—^nLBZ head Hang., an-em head 
tTgr. (Jace rosa, rozha &c Fin, ortza Hung). 

bo B., bu N. ; ba Niha ; Sumatro-Philipine, Samatran, In- 
donesian com. ; the fall form being buk, bu', bo*. Uba' Bata, 
btt' Rejang, bubo, buck, buwa Lampong, Bomeon and PhiKpine, 
poho Polynesian. The Malay rambut appears to be the same 
root with the liquid pref , ram-but, (euph. for 9^bat) comp. dih 
pDch Formosa, am-puwa Onin. 

Chino-Himalaic, pu Bhotian kc, bo, mo Chinese, ub Kol 
&c hair ; bu, bubo, bohu Kol head. The Malagasy and Semite- 
African vulo, balu hair, feathers &c, is equally common in 
AjBooesia. 

Eye. 

laala B. and N. Sumatro-Polyncsian, com. 
Chiho-himalaic. The Malagasy maso is conneeted with the 



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90 TilR MARUWI OF THB BANIAK IStANDS.- 

Zimbian sibilant root for ey«, facB^ head. Tho Zimbian labial 
pref gives plural forms for ey$^ moso, maio, mezo &c, bat maso is 
a regular singular form for face in the S. E. Zimbian group 
adjaoent to Malagasj. The Oalla mata A«aif, is probably also 
Zimbian (i. e. ma-ta ; Zimb. mu-tua, nuhie &c). The Padsade 
roasa etfe (prob. «aa-sa Zimb.) is a form similar to the Malagasy. 
In Asonesia the Borneon and Celebesian mato, Rotuman matho, 
resemble the Malagasy in the final yowel, but it is probable that 
they are merely variations of the common mata, which is Tibeto* 
Ukraindian in the Anam, Ka,Chong, Manipurian, Graro, Kiranti, 
Simang and Binoa form, male, mat, the more com. Himalaic forms 
being mot, mok, mig, mik, mit &c, [See Ethn. App. B. and D. 
to chap, vi., Part II. — voce Eye]. 

Nose. 

i^ong B., Ihonr) lahons N. Bata igong, Iloko ugong^ 
Formosa gong-o«, Rijang, Lampong iyong, Malay, Nias &c, idong, 
Javan irong, Borneon urung, com. Indon. in diflT. forms. 

Malagasy uru, urun, oron, urong (probably a contraclion of 
the Scy tho- African murun, burun &c.) 

Semito- African mur-ghum, raura-ef, muhurah, muhar ; muddo 
(Kaffa) ; norune (Gadsaga) ; e-pula, puno^ mbula (S. E. Zimbian) 
miarc, nyore, mer, nyor (Gurma gr.), mola, mero (Grebo gr.) 
irau (Yoruba gr.), milindo, amin (Bulom gr.) bihl Pepel ; Cau- 
casian mali, miiT| mara, mahar ifc, Scythic, oforo Tungusian, 
burun, burtn, parun, murun, &c, Turkish. The same root, with 
the dental postfix, is mouth in Malagasy mulu^u and lip in Scythic, 
Asonesian &g. — [Journ. Ind. Arch, ix, 226 &c]« Tho full Scytho- 
African forms for nose are also preserved in Asonesia porong 
Manahar, murung Wiradurei, muru Feel Riv., moral Moreton 
B., wirin Onin, birimbu Utanata (comp. wiling lip Australian, 
bibir Malay &>c, bir Japan). 

Teeth, 
yens 6., ahean^ ahln N., shon Mantawe, loahine Belo, tea* 
hang Manado, n;asi Mangarai, isi Borneon, Celebesian, ngisi 
Kaili, Ende, nihi Endc, Timor, nehan Timor, ngifin Tagalo, nifan 
Onin, nipun Sumatran, nifo Hoorn and C, Pol.. Yery com. in. 
various forms, (fi=hi=8i). 



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.THB MARimri OF THK BANIAK ISLAKOS^ 31 

Malaoast nifi (ni^). In Africa ni in a common root ni, nyi, 
no &o— and iu some vocabularies with prefixes or postfixes nyi-W, 
ni-Ttf^^nin, A^-nin, pu-nvi, c^t-ni (pi. mt-ni). N'l-fi appears to be 
tilts root with the Semito-Libyan labial def. postfixed in accord- 
ance with the more common usage in place of bein^ prefixed as 
in the ^Falnp ^nin, (pi. ^-uin) Pepel pt-nyi (pi. t-nyi). The 
root also occurs in the doublo Afiican form ia Indonesia nin, ngin 
Mille, nini Aru. The Malay gigi appears to be a hardening of 
ngingi, nini^ from the dupHcated or plural form nifi-nifi or ninifi. 
The Tagalo ngi-pe, ngi-pin, Hoom and C. and Pol. ni-fo may 
connect the Malagasy lorm with the broad Asonesian ni-pun 
SumatrSi ni-fan Onin, ne-han Timor &c &c, but some of these 
may be of Draviro-Ultruindian derivation, Drav. pal, palla, 
pallu, paU, Milchanang bung [Scythic pane, panA/, ponA, pin, 
pu &c], Lepcha apho, Newar Singpho wa, Abor phi, tpang, 
Naga pa, wa, Siam fan, fuan, Kambojan r/m-bang. The Chinese 
and Tibeto-Burman roots are different. The African nin, ni &c, 
as well as the other common African term sui| dsin, zo, zu ke, 
are Semitic^ sin Arabic, sinun Arabic of Adirar, ( ? Kimyaritic), 
sinon Gara, sinin Mahrah. From the Zimbian dZ-ni, pi. mt-ni 
^c, it is possible that in the Semitic term si was archaically pre« 
£xaal, and the primary form n-ni, n-nin, n-non &c. Comp. the 
Malagasy lila tongue, the African neno &;e tongue, and the 
Caucaso-Scythic nin, nina, nil, nun &g tongue, no^, terms closely 
related in archaic glossology to each other and to tootli. But iu 
most of the Zimbian vocabularies the sibilant is preserved, (see 
Journ. Ind. Arch, ix, 208) and the Caucasian sibi, sila^ zil, ziul, 
zulive, Atzu, the Turkish shil and the Tibeto-Burman so, syo, syn, 
swa, Bwe &c, make it clear that the primary Semi to- African term 
was tlie Scytho-Caucasian sibilant with the liquid terminal (sil, 
sin); that in the forms sinm, sinun, the superadded liquid is the 
Semitic pi. postfix ; and that in the African vocabularies in which 
ni, oin kc, appears as the root, the true root has been elided. In 
the Asonesian vocabularies in which the sibilant or the pure 
aspirate sometimes takes the place of the aspirate labial, the 
variations are attributable to the strongly aspirate propensity of 
the Niha-Polynesian phonology, and to the facility with which 
the aspirates of all the organic clashes of sound? pass into each 



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92 THS VARUWI OP THS BANIAK IftLAKM. 

Other. That in the Polynesian group / beoomes h in Hawaita 
and Maori, and h beeomee « in Samoan and Fakaofa. [Elhn^ 
Fart I, ch. 3, sec. 1]. The aspirate and mbilant fenns for tmlk 
are evidently not deriTatives from the broad Tibeto-Bnrmam awa^ 
ewe, &c. 



N. The word is not given in the Baniak voc, but it 
has gau ami and gan anangan finder; tanga» Snmatnm oom., 
tanang Madura ; Indon. eom. 

Malagasy tanana, (tana-na, oomp. mi-tana to seize) to- which 
the Madura tanang and Baniak anangan (for tanangan> adhere 
more closely than the prevalent tangan fcc. The root ta (oftea 
also reduplicated, tata) is found throughout the entire length of 
the Scytho-Afrioan band (Scythic, Caucasian, Semitic, Afirican) 
as handf finger, arm, also foot, toe, leg. It takes final n,l,mkc 
in several other vocabularies, e. g. tono Kamschatkan, tidan 
Samoiede ; Africa tando hand, foot Musentanda (with the words 
for arm and fo&t conjoined), ndam Bagba, na-tale Gurma,. ttan- 
nkod foot Anan, (ukod leg, ttan radically hand or /oot\ tan- 
dsame foot Gadsega, danza hand Nyamban (but in the S. E. 
Ztmbian group the duplicated root ndada, ntata, pi. marta b the 
proper form, as in Egyptian). The Malagaso-Polynesiaiv diray, 
limi ftc "fiv^\ **hand", is finger and toe in Zimbian lemi^ Uemiy 
liam, lembu &c* 

Bar. 
tellnga* com. Sumstra-Rotuman talinga &o. 

Malagasy, talinhe, tadign &c. Semito-Afrlcan adan,. aton, 
ato, etn, eti, tulo, tulu, tula, tnii, kuni-na, {k for t), kune, gann-fa 
&c« The MaUgasy adheres in its root vowel to the Gara a-ian, 
Gonga aAi-sa and Soa (adanab) forms of Semitic. The Malagasy 
sufina is also Sumatro-Polyaesian (supiog, kuping &o). 
6. woass ov vAxiLT AHi> 800ZAL aiLAnonsozr. 



I. atha B. (homo) taka Tilanjang, ataha, mir-chua (chna fi>r 
tna) male, Niha,fiui-tau Mantawei, tan Timorian gr., tano, lani ke. 
Philip, hatue, Aatua &c Bomeon. Father, Philip. Aatha, tttha. 
&0., PoL mo-tua fcc. 



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THTJ VARinrr op thb baniar islandb, S3 

HiMALAio, te* man, hutband Sifoang, tanga generic, (husband, 
wife) Kasia, tang Naga, generic (id tang-ngyu mi/e) [Comp. jan* 
tan, male, Malay (jan is a root for male, Sanskrit &o), o-toai, 
man, Timor, tane, tangata, man, Poljoeaian (whence kanaka, 
kane) &o], dagh-^, jako husband Bhottan, dach Milohanang, 
thong-po male Changlo* tbuk male of animals Kbamti, dae it. 
Anam, tho ib. Barman. The Simang te* and Tilanjang taka 
preserve the guttural of the older Himalaio forms. 

The root is a Scythic one and rery widely diffUaed, bat in 
most Yocabularies it signifies ^fAer, e. g. ata Cbukchii Turki^h^ 
Ugro-Fin (atei, ota &c), thei Anam, ta Kanibojan, atc^ nda &c 
Africa. The Ugriaa doable form tato, dadei &o is still more com- 
mon, or rather it is universal, being sometimes current for grand-^ 
father, unde, chief &e. where there is a separate wprd for father. 
In Africa it is the proper Zimbian term, tata &c the Somito- 
Libyan being the labial aba, baba, bawa, ba &c. (also Scythic and 
universal). It is Asonesian, tatai Philipine tec, date grandfather^ 
ehi'f, Malay &c., — Dravirian, tande, father, tata grandfather, 
— Indo-European dada &c. 

2. silalae (n>lahe) B. (vtr). Com. ^umatraa and Indones. 
(^ft-lahi Bata, laki Malay &c &c, rahi Bima).« 

Malagasy, lahy, lehi-lahy, la-lah^, la-lahe, laJae, ]a-Jae-^ 
(Bata lai, Malay lai, laki-Iaki, la-Iaki, la-lahe, arake-/). Comp. 
rai or ray, ranga-hy Malagasy, langa-i Celebes. The root ia 
Scytho-Semi'tic, and the final A (frequently convertible to s or h in 
Malagasy) refers the word to the Semitic form of a Scythic term 
Mahrah reg, Gara reg, raj, Arabic ruj-w/, raj-a/, raz-el, Caucasian 
leg (Osetic). Turkish er, ir, erchek, erkek, arini &c, Mong. arc, 
Ugrian alma, nlmo, ohrs, lize, ilset &c. The pure root Ts afeo' 
Draviro- Australian al, ala, al u, horh, horro, leh, leah &c ; Indo- 
Eur., cr, air; and Chino-Ultraindian, Ian, la, rin, linj?, lu &o. 
The guttural final or suffise is found in some of the Ultraindo- 
Gangetic forms. In these ii is probably the Tibeto-Ultraindian 
postfix, but it may be merely the final n, ng of Chinese Ac 
gutturalised. Comp. Mikir a-lo male, Changlo la^o viale (of s*#rae 
animals), Lau lo-A child (generic), Abor mi-Io husband, (mi-yeng 
mfe), roi-Io-ko boy, Singpho la husband, la-«a maU for the lower 
animals, (num-fa female) Kumi loh male (small animals), luhi 

E 



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34 TRB MARUWI OP THB BAIHAK I8LARM. 

mak (birds). The Ugrian a1-iiiay nani fcc b also found in Africa 
OMM Tomaliy har Tumbnkto, ru-ma Egyptian; Mbariko u-ioniy 
Tiwi mwiy OaUa n-nm ke and probably abo in the Semitic generic 
ad-oMi while the other Ugrian form ibet, liie it not only the type 
of the Cancaso-Semitio and Malagaqr rej, raj, lah^Iahet, bat of 
die Kandin elis, Mandara ahilei Ac The Baga t-myiMN (pi. a- 
raguHM) has the Semito-Malagasy form. 

The Malagasy generic word oIom imh, ('Asonesian oraM, 
onmg &o) b a modification of the Ugrian form current abo in 
Afnca, omiii Landoma. 

8. ala N., Beta hala, lai. The b,na of the generic s»-ra or 
]U>ra of Nihan and si-nana of Mantawe. La, ra, na, nana kc 
appears to be the same root that b contained in la^by, la-Ia-ki &c, 
Balignini la-la, as well as in la-we fvoman and in the Malagasy 
olo-Mo. (See TVaman ) 



•llawa (si-Iawe> Niha hira bve or sira lave, also sialapi (jt- 
a-lapi for «i-ra-lapi), Rijangsi-la-Iawe, Mantawe si-nana-leb, Sasa' 
A-Iipi-nina, Am man Ufi, Yiti o-Iewa-lewa, Samba girl lipa nlo- 
lana. The la, li, le of la-ye, la-we, b-pi, li-pi, K-fi, le-b, le-wa 
appears to be the generic root for man foand in the masc. la-hy, 
ranga-hy of Malagasy. The final ve, wo, wa, pi, fi, b appears to 
be the fern, root found reduplicated or with a prefix in the 
Malagasy vave, yavi, vaivaTe &c and Asonesian vaivi, babai, 
mabei, mabe, bawl, babi-m, Tahi-iM, mobe-ni, wawi-iM fcc ftc. 
The root occurs alone in the Sunda we, Wugi bei. If la-hy or la- 
U and la-iM were respectively man and mman in archaic Malaga- 
sy, it would follow that Ay or ki was the aichaio Semito-Libyan 
guttural masc. particle still current in Hottentot and of which 
traces are preserved in the Semitic pronouns. (E. II, c. t., sec. 6J. 
It remains to enquire if it bad a similar power in archaic Caucasian 
and Scythic. Ku, cho &c occurs as a masc. root in the bttor. 

rather 



This b evidently a softened form, but as there b no other 
example of the kind in the Sumatran group and it b not obviously 
referable to any of the current terms, its affinities must remain 
undetermined. There are several eastern terms from which such 



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fai MA&UWI 09 THB BANIAX ISLANM. 35 

^ form might bo derived, apua 'Baton, taama Celebesian kc (kma 
ana Tihnjang). The Malay wa is probably an allied term. 

Mether. 
a6ae« Bisayan nanei ; the more common form of the root is 
inang, ina kc The Baniak form is current in other Tocabnlaries 
as grandmother mid grandfatker, nene Malay^ kc, nini Sambawa, 
Wugi, nono TagalO) Pamp. 

Malagasy neny, reny, nint. African nene Eolah, Isiele, ene 
Yala^inani Dankali, ina Tumali, Kandin,Mandingo,anen Kanyop, 
ni, ne, nye, na com. Scythic, nene, ini, ana &c Torkish, ani 
Tangus. Ac Ac ; Chino-Ultraindian aniang, nana, nane. 

ChUd. 
Uiali« Bamatran, Indonesian com. anak, kanak Makiy kc, 
sanak Lampong. 

Malagasy zanaka, zana, 2a2a. Africa,— Zimbian fiuMina, «io- 
anaka (S. E.), mo-anakn (Basunde) ; Haosa da, dana, daka. If 
ta be the root the aflSinides are Semitic, Caucasian and Scytho- 
Iranian. 

Brotheir, Bister, 
agl (with the qualitiyes of sex n-lahe, m-Iawe). Mantawe sister 
bagi, vagi brother or sister Kagayan, pokh-Ian br* Bawian, paga-ly 
br. Magindanau, bug-to br. Bisayan, weko br, Viti, bijom Tobi. 

HiHALAia Bhotian Mer br. phogem, Namsangya Naga elder 
br. i-pho, Singfu pn, Turkish brother nb^agim, Ugrian pok-ysb,- 
wok ^; Fin weiko, Yeniseian bitsch, Turkish bitschei) Milchan- 
ang byach, Khamti Mer br. bi-tsai, pi*tsai^ {youmger nong-tsai) 
Bengali sister bhagini. [The words are not included in Mr 
Brow^n's and Mr Hodgson*s comp. vocabularies. The Scythico- 
Tibetnn labio-guttund root will probably be found in Himalayan 
or Ultraindian dialects in forms similar to the Asonesian]. 

e. NAXIB OP DOKBSTIC AVD OF SOMI WILD ANIMALS. 

Dog. 

ara (o-Bu). Niha, Bata, Ache and com. in Indonesia (Javan, 
Timorian chain, Celebes, Borneo, Philipines). 

HiMALAio com. Naga su, ha, to-su, a-s, &c ; Manipuri gr. thu 
Ac ; Anam, Ka, Chong, sho ; Kiranti A»-chu. The Indonesian form 
has been derived from the Naga variety and is one of the numerous 
vocables that were cairied to Sumaira and the eastern islands by 



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36 THE IIARUWI OF TUB BASTIAK IStAfllM* 

that branch of the Sifan-Irawadi tribes which preceded not only 
the Burtnan but the Karen as the dominant and moet inflaential 
people of the Irawadi basin and Arracan. The Naga, Manipuri 
and Yuma groups now best represent the dialects of this branch 
in Ultraindia. It is clear from the evidence of physical form, arts 
and customs that it was not merel j the glossary but the race itself 
that spread to the Indian Archipelago, where it is now well repre- 
sented by all those tribes that retain the pre^Htndu or Himalaic 
civilisation, — ^the rndcr Samatrans and B9meons and many of the 
eastern tribes [Ethn. 11., c. ii. and iv]. See Appendix Doa. 

Cat. 
mlSU (mt-su). There is no other example of this vocable in the 
Sumatran and Peninsular group. Allied forms are founj to the 
eastward in Borneo, the Philipines and Polynesia, pusa, busi. 
Rotuma alone has pitsa. 

The term is Dravirian in the form pusi &c, Scythic, Caucasian, 
Semitic and Indian under the forms pishi, bis &o &c. But 
mi-su and pi-tsa appear to be Himalaic, the sibilant being a 
common Him. root for the Cat. Comp. Kumi min-cho, Joboka 
me^Bfi ; (seu, thu, chu occur as varieties of the root in other corn* 
binations). 

Cow* 
linirl- Javan,— jawi Kawi, jajawi Basa Krama« This is proba* 
biy the same qualitive that is applied to things of foreign origin. 
Bat it may possibly be cognate with the more common sapi 
which appears to be the Himalaic labial root with the sibilant 
prefii. Sttiiwar hi, Limbu ya-pi, Karen ppi. 

Monkey 
mehlu. Timor belo, Magindanau ubol, Malay brok. 

HiBCALAio. Both meh, be, and lu, lo, rok are roots applied 
to the monkey, Nagt: vch, Singfu we, Silong A-lak, Kumi hlait. 
The same roots and combinations are used for other quadrupeds, 
goat be, me, b-!ang (Drav. va«la), pn-mn, eat byiJa, cow bar 
lang, el^hant p-lo, b-rang, horse b-roh, bo-ro'. In Malay the 
liquid root occurs with the guttural prefix kra' (ik-ra'), Bata gere' 
(ffe-re') Silcmg A-lak, Bodo mo-khara (AAo^ra), Garo Yita-khre 
(mfl-k-ro g0at S. Tangphul.) 



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lilli HAnUWt OF HIB BANUK IBLANDSt 87 

Fofwl, Bird. 

InanOy manok (ma-nok). Sumatra^Pol. com. 

Ultrainbian, Siamese nok, nuk, Murmi naga [applied to the 
duck in Scythic and other vocabaiaries]. 

Fish. 

ecas B, nas N. (probably ^-as, n-as). Niha, Pasir isa', 
Pampangan asan, Phitipines ista, suda ^c, Netr Guinea saifi 
hisa &c> Kayan ma-Bik. The Pampangan asan preserves the 
original Malagaso^African form. 

Malaqast hasandranoy i. e. hazan-drano, water-fish (drano 
fvater) as in Semitic. The root is the most common in Africo*^ 
Semitic vocabularies, — isi, os^ doui, izo, esui sae Zimbian^ azu^ 
azO| aze Isoama gr., isan Padsade, esen Akarakura, edsa 
Yoruba gr., usa Amharic, esa Shangalla, sod Gara, sdrnak Arabic, 
]. e., sa-mak water-fah (ma' water^ Gara mek), [so in the post- 
positional Tumbukta hari ham rvater-Jish (bari roater), in Yala 
ebe-yenye (yenyi water)^ in Ekamontulufu ny-alap (alap water), 
in Mbofon ny-aneb (ancb water), &c]. The root b also Cau- 
casian, tschua 6*-zbeh; Armenian tzugne; Scythic, isse, yisya 
Yenis., ziz-f, zepf, tschep, Aino, zyenyj, zen Permian [also 
tscharyg Ac, tsherik, probably tschor-yg, tscher-ik, shor being 
trater and ik ao archaic Chinese, Tibeto-Asonesian and — with tho 
liquid final — Scythic, root for Jieh; bo nimacba Tungusian, i. e. 
ni-macha, muja, muke,nxi/er (e-mak, mok Chukchi — the Semito- 
Afrtcan form — ), ni, an archaic Scythio root for fish, preserved 
in the Yukahiri annil (o-nii) and Permian nan], sagasun, dsaga^sa 
&c Mongolian, i. e. saga-sun, usun water, saga the Scythio 
sibiiant root for fUh wiih the guttural final as in Armenian, so 
nago-eun duck nago an archaic Asiatic root for bird, fowl ; 
Tibetan, izha' Thochu, — as the sibilant root is not found in tho 
other Tibetan vocabularies nor in the allied Gangeto-UItraindiao, 
izha' — a soft form of ishak — is probably an intrusive Mongolian 
term (from dsag, sag),* 

* The compotUe Scythie farms nrastbe of proto-Scjthie descent, far Uie quali- 
tlYe or poasessiTe term follows the substantive, instead of preceding it as in 
Scytliic. When this archaic Seytlio-Semitic combination was first used, the root 
must have had a more generic meaning. It probably includod snakct. 



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mi MARUWI OF THE BANIJLlt ISliAITMi 



sawm* Mantewe sabah, Tilai\janp^ sauda. Jet. sawer, sawafi 
Tojo sawal, Btttoo sa, Banenti sa', [? aarpa Kawi, Sanikrit]. 

This word is probably from the Kawi and Sanskrit sarpa. 
The ultimate root is also Chino-Ultraindian sa, shia, se, chaa &c 
Chinese, thaom, sam Hon, tho& Angami Naga. The Tilanjang 
sau-da appears to preserre the r of the Javaii sawa-r in its da* 
The Tojo has also the dental (so sawr Jav., saat MaU repl^). The 
form sawah is current in Malay, applied to a variety of the boa, 
ular sawah, but as the same word means *^wet^tand/* this may 
also be its meaning when used as descriptive of this boa. 

7. FAMBS OV TEBBS. FEURS, BOOTS Ec 

awa aya ajii« 

Awa is a variety of the common Indonesian labial word puang, 
pah, &C, Tjbbto-Ultrindiam and Chinesb, which is current in 
Niha for wood with a similar form, ewo, whence iwo Mairasi (New 
Guinea). (Chin, bu', mo' &c, Soythic ew, mu, mo, op &c). 

Ayu, which is also current in Savu and Gorontalo, and in the 
form aju in Wugi, is a contraction of the prevalent Sumatro- 
Polynesian kayu (whence also perhaps kai of Am, New Guinea 
and Tarawa), itself a softening of a sibilo-dental form preserved 
in kaju, Bima, Solor, £nde, Tidori, kathu Yiti, kajang Kawi, 
katu-oku Car Nicobar, kahuy Philipines. The original is the 
MAI.AOA8T ka-kasn, hazu, hsju. The same root is Indian kash, 
kath, gash, katte &c, Turkish agash, and Yeniseian oksa, kus- 
oshtsche &c The Simang kuing is Ultraindian, akoi Maram, kai 
Anam, and the Molucco-Tarawan kai may be derived from it 
and not from kayu. The sibilant (variable to the dental) root is 
common in Africa with and without prefixes. The vowel is 
generally slender but the Grebe group has zu, dsu, tu. 

Ooooaut* 
woh-nu (woh ''fruit''). Ach. u, Gorontalo bo-ngo, Timor 
nua, nob, 8nmatra-Pol. com. nio Bali, Sasak, Buton, Bima, 
Totong, Magindanau, Iloko, niu Kisa, Botuma, Yiti, Polynesian, 
nior Malay &o. 
Malaqasy voa-nto (voa, fruit). 



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THB KARUWI 09 THE BANIAK IBLAVlHk flft 

Vlaatala (108). 
gavl« BaUi gain, gol, galo, Bima kalO| Samba klua, Pam« 
paogan galean, Utanata kamo. 

Tibbto-Ultbaihdian and Indiin* ngala Bhotian, kala Ben- 
galiy Oarang, kela, kera kc^ Ko\, kal-«t Hale, ker HinduTi, 
kel-gaddi Singhalete, kalway LaOi klnei, klue, Anam. The 
same root is probably contained in the Bengali, Hindi and Kol 
kadali, kodal, kadii &c, Lepcha kar-dung, Anam kongrtin whence 
the Binoa kan-tnk, Bawlan kin-tang, Hadora ki-dang, Jayan gi- 
dang. The tin^ dang tak, tang, dang of these terms appears to 
be a separate root Corop. tang, yooknab Car Nioobar, ton-dok 
Pampangan, Tagalla. [See Appendix]. 

ymmoilS (yamong). Boded Bice, bang Mandhar. me Samba- 
wa, mei Maginadanau, minga Bonerati. 

Chino-TJltraindian, wong, Tong Naga, pnng Mon^ bn 
Bonju, Kaki, to-ming Barman, a-pin Abor>Miri, mi Garo, ping, 
phui, bai, fan, mi, bi, mei &e Chinese. The common Indonesian 
name for Bice bras is Himalaic, bat applied to a diiferent grain. 

The other names of fruits &c are the common Samatran and 
Indonesian ones jambu, a-limo, mangis, dorian, ^-obi, teba,^»- 
arn, a-liwa (nibong) tala (from kaladi). Odi banUm, tungkol 
nipa, bongi pinang are not Malay or Bata. 

8. HAXBS OF JNAVIXATB VATUBAL OB/BCTS. 

Eatth- 

1. topia B., (Iepa-1) lopa, leopa lapa, labua, laba€i<2 Phili- 
pine, Iaba-<u idand^ Tojo, lapa Lifa, lepo Polynesian. CoufUry 
liba Kahogan, lipa Gorontalo, Baol, lawo Solor. 

If the root be le, li, lo, it is Himalaic. See 2. 

2. lanmi* N., (lan-sa) Simang country lang*ke, Sambawa A. 
omng, Mille ruran. 

Himalaic, Mikir lang-le, Bhotian country lung-fta, Play lang- 
koa, Khamti lang-nin, Naga ali. Barman mre, Mishmi tori, Mani- 
pnrian fna-lai, a-Iu, Manyak mali, mlu The sa of hin-sa is also 
nbeto-Ultraindian. 

Stone, 
bfttu; Sumatra-Pol. com. Malaqast vata. 



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40 THB VARUWI OT TBB BAVfAK ULAN2M. 

BilL 
delok« Bat. doloky dalangy doleng. Tbe vocable b nuv^ 
tuHk turi Grub, turi, tuli Masid, talit Am, terio Onin, doro 
Sambawa, daru Bima, todula Sambawai nadala Somba, dlai 
Silong. If, as ia probable, de-, do* be tbe pre£ def. and the root 
lok, lang, leng, it is Himalaio — ^rok Lepeba, dok-ang Milch., rong 
Lhopa,dak Bhotian &c and Sctthio, tak, tag, dag Turk. &c, lok 
Oatiak, Ice. 

Water« 
06e B., wal, wet N. Komrang, Lampong wei, Lamp, wai^ 
we. Samatro-Pol. com. in Tarious forms, wai being tbe most 
widdj spread (Moluccany Polynesian &c ue ni New Caledonia.) 
Both (his vocable and the less prevalent ayer, ayira &c. (Malaya 
kc) and aing, eng, aying, haen &c (Madura, Borneo) appear to 
be contractions of the full form preserved, with some variations, in 
tbe Silong a-waen, Saparaa waelo, Timor wair, Utanata warari, 
Lobo walar, Onin Hream wera-buan. Mairasi weari, Australian 
wadyang, purai, marye, &c " water" or " river.'* 

Dravibo-Avstraliak. Dravirian vellom, yer, fvater, pa» 
varu, aru, era, pole, puna! rivir. Scythic wir-to, wire, bera, 
poI*yn» mura, waim, weiom, &c. Sanskrit vari, Pali wari. 

Stream, 
Inan. Bata ley, Javan lepen, lipen, Bali <e-labafa, Ende luvu, 
Roti leb, Kissa lapang, Magindanau lowa-saig. Comp. Water^ 
Tilanjang lewo-Icwo, lebu, libu. Rain Lampong labong, Lifu 
(Loyalty 1.) lelapu. Mare (lb.) ale, Tuanlu (New Cal.) ri,? Toro 
(Sol. I.) langi, Sea Lamp, lawok. Ache lawut, Malay &c laut, 
Yengin (New Cal.) halue, Polynes. moana, Manh Malay &c 
rawab, rabah &c. 

Ultraindian, Rakhoing ri, re, Chepang, Mikir lang, Tablung 
Naga riang. Biver w-rik Rakhoing, p-rek Kambojan, lik Khycn, 
(leko Men, i-lung Philip.) 

nie« 
1. ahee B. ; com. Sumatran api : Pol. afi, Ende, Pol. ahi, 
Binua, Landak ape. Sumatra-Pol. com. in various forms. 

Malagasy, afe, afu, afo. Africa,— Tumali ibe, ibi, Kamamil 
mo. Koelle's voc. does not contain /re, but for Aorhe gives afa 



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TUB If JLRirWI 07 THB BANIAK I6I.ABpi|. 41 

Mandanii zafi Hansa, bie Oara, efi Param, efie Boritsu, and for 
smoia the same vocable ia aeveral languages, e. g« afi, efi Yoruba 

2. awal N. (comp. balal N. walal, bolal B.),? Murray I. war. 
Ultrainbxan, Garo wol, yer, Manipuri group wan, favan, 
Singpho wan, Naga van. [See Sun, Day]* 

San (Day). 
mata bolal mn, walal day B., matabalal 9un N. Rejang 
bilue, bilely bilei-Iueng day, Kagajan bilak fttit, Auat. punal »un. 
Comp. Shy Niha banua, Madura, Sabimba, Sambawa wang, awan 
(Cloud in Malay kc), Australian wono; JAght Kahayan balawa, 
Kayan mala, Pol. malana, Day Australian ben, benan, Tana 
mararen. 

Dravirian Light belaku, Telicb-atfi, Sun polutu, Shy ban, 
vanant, bonu. Tin &c. Ultraindian Light ban, wan, war. Shy 
bloei, pleng, wan, ban,, Sun wan, ban. Fire wan, Tan, wol 
(Garo), ver (lb.) 



%aiira B., bowa N., bawa Nthan, boi, pue, rauea, mue, New 
Caledonian. These exceptional forms are probably contractions 
of tbe common bulan, bura, bara, &c, mooUf white, like the 
Temate ti-buan, Tojo na-buya, Dore baya white, and the Ache 
binan, Tagalo bnan, Keh dulan huan, Rotuman hual, &c moon* 

Malaoast volana. The TTItraindo-Gan^etic vocabulary has 
also rala &o but the final -na, -n of the full Malay u-Polynesiau 
forms refers them to Malagasy. Africa,---Bola gr., puli, pnng-at, 
Biofada wulam-pa, Eilbani fulhen, Tiwi wuele, &c. With the 
primary meaning white the vocable is common in Africa. [See 
WkHe^. 

Stars- 
iMiatlin N., bl&tau [r bintan] B. Sumatra-Pol. com. Radical 
forms are preserved not only in the common bintan^ &c but in tbe 
Niha petu, Silong bituek, Tilanjang pidua, Sangir witui, Polyne- 
sian feta, petu (Niha), Tasmanian potenu &c, &c. 

Drayiriam and UIiTraindian, Ka patua (Tilanj.)^ Naga 
pitinu (Tasman.), Male bindeke, Uraon binka, South Drav. vin* 
min &c, Kol t-pil. The root bin, vin^ pil, van is Scytho- Dravirian, 
and is applied to Fire, Light, Sun,Shyf Moon. [See Sun, Fire]. 

F 



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42 THB VARUWI OV THB BANUK ISLANDS. 

Might, 
bmigl B., iMIttgl N.bungi, bongi Niha, bongin Bata. Samatra* 
Pol. earn. The root is also Black na-bonge Parigi, pangu, mangu 
Polynesiany manguin Kagayan. 

HiMALAic, mon Murmi, (pang Rotamai bang Mille, pang 
Rotoma, bong Tara.wa, po Polynesian) me, be Chinese (we dkh^ 
pO| pi Ugrian, Sam.), blacky a, o, wa &c Chin, mce Barm, o-ping 
Thampe; bhe mon-|io Tiberkad. 

Q. ▼ORDB OP ABT. 

Ship 
iMldong, probably dong with the la pref. nasalised, before the 
d : Boat <t-dong Kisa, longa Tagalo. 

Oangbtio and ultimately Tibbtak, donga, dongo, dunga &o 
&e. [See Ethn. u, Ch. v. Sec. 11]. 

Boat, 
wongl. Bat. buogki, Mantawe o-bak, a^Tank, Saniatra-PoI« 
com. wanagi, bangka, bangkong Borneo, Balignini vangka, yanga 
Yiti, f«-&nga Pol. &c &o. The Mantawe a-bak is foaad in Rod 
o-iakh, Bruner L waga, Wugi pada-wmka, Pol. vaka, ve'b. 
These forms and the Redsoar Bay wanagi (Marawi wongi) 
iadioate the main oourse of the Niha^Mantawe maritime art to the 
eastward— Timorian chain (and Celebe8)^Molaocas~Papuaneaa 
—Polynesia— and the general vocabnlary confirms the indioation. 
A second current connected Java, Borneo and the Philipines, and 
4 branch from the Philipines formed the main one in the northern 
Molaccas. 
Iff lUAN. paka-da Tamil, pla-vaka Sanskrit 

Oold. 
vlawaily a contraction of the com. Indonesian term, bulawan 
Bisayan, bulawa Celebesian, vulanu ib., contoining the Malagaso- 
Asonesian root for white, moon &c vnla, bulaa &c. The Mala* 
OAST term vula has been extended from white and silvsr to gold, 
and the qualitives mena red and fasi white are added to distinguish 
the two precious metals vula or vula-fatsi silver, vula-mena gold. 



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43 



Notes on Malacca. 

The territory of Malacca extends along the wcBtern coast of 
the Malayan Peninsula^ from tbe liingie river in north latitude 
2^ 30, to the Caasang river in north latitude 2^. The coast line 
runs north-west and south-east* ^he settlement has never been 
properly surveyed, the only maps in the Government Offieea 
being founded on old Dutch estimates, improved by partial 
surveys, made at different times. iJ^sing the best of these maps 
we find the territory to lie in an irregular parallelogram, the 
sea-coast forming the south, the river Cassang the east, the 
river Iiingie the west, and a line from Mount Ophir to Sungio 
Londoo, on the Lingie river, the north boundary.^ The greatest 
length is 40 miles, while the breadth varies from 10 miles, at the 
west, to 28 at the east. The area has usually been calculated at 
1,000 square^ miles, an extent in elccess of the truth. 

In the interior the country is arranged in a series of undulating 
hills and valleys, generally lying parallel to the sea^^^oast. There 
are no great ranges of hills, but a vast number of detached 
elevations are found irregularly situated over the surface, varying 
in height from 100 to 1,000 feet. The general formation of 
such of these hills as have been examined is granitic, covered in 
many instances with beds of '' laterlte,'' which form of clay'* 
is found in great abundance all over the country* The sea-coast 
may be divided into three portions which are of distinct type. 
The northern part from the Lingie river to Tanjong Kiing, shews 
a bold wooded elevation reaching to the sea, behind which the 
undulating series of hill and valley immediately commences. 
The central, or from Tanjong Kling to the town of Malacca, is a 
sandy beach with ferruginous rocks appearing in points at several 
places, particularly near Tanjong Kling. While the third part is 
a low mud flat exposed for a great distance at low water, and 
with its inner extremity covered with mangrove jungle. Inland 

* Tbe boondaries of Malacca are tliiis laid down by Mr Van Son, the Dotch 
Commitftionery in a letter addreaeed to Mr Cracroft, the Bngiiah commiuionery when 
Malacca was transferred to the English, dated 8th April. 1825. 

Soath— Along the Cassang ri?er to Mount Ophir.— Nortli^the Lfngte river, to 
the mouth of the Mirbow river, and thence along Rambow Mountain to Mount 
Ophir, "et de Ik le long des montagnes de Rombewe jusqne au dit Mount 
*• Ophir." 



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44 HOTta OK UALkOCA. 

from the two latter portions, an immenae alluTial plain, with H 
few detached hilla, eztenda for aome mi(ea ; f iaingy in the channela 
of the Malacca and Dayong riverB, not more than 3 0r 4 feet in 
a distance of 10 or 12 miles. Tbua the plain in which the hot 
well of Ayer Pannas, Rheiro, is aituated, at a direct distance from 
the aea of 10 milea, ia only about five feet abo^e the sea level. 

The country is abundantly watered by four navigable rivers, 
the Lingie, Malacca, Duyong and Cassang, with their numerona 
branches. Of these the Lmgie is navigable fdr vessels of 20O 
tons as far as Stmpang, a distance of 10 or 12 orilea, while the 
Cassangi the Duyong and Malacca rivers can accommodate large 
boata for about the aame dhitance, beyond which amaller boats or 
canoea are used. By the Malacca and Duyong riven, all the 
tin produced in the settlement is brought down to the sea. In 
addition to these principal rivers, with their tributaries, there are 
innumerable others of lesser capacity draining the great plain 
directly to the aeai aa may be aeen by a reference to the map. 

The aoil of the low knde consista of a rich allavial clay^ 
▼ar}'ing in colour from light^rown to red. Tbit clay ia aometimee 
found to be tenacious, but ia general it ia of an open friable 
quality, admirably adapted for *'cereala." Round the bases and 
on thd sidea of the hilla^ rich deposita are formed from the 
detrition of the granite and lateritic daya ; theae aituationa 
are found particularly auitable for apicea and fruit treea. The 
whole territory ia universally admitted to be capable of pro* 
ducing in perfection almost every article of intertropical cultiva* 
tion ; labour ia cheap and plentiful and justice is administered 
under English law ; yet, although now twenty eight years under 
English government, but little advance has been made in develop* 
tag the resources of this magnificent Province, and it remains cover- 
ed with the dense forests which sprung up after the destruction of 
the native government and which 350 years of Europsan occvpa* 
tion has failed to recultivate. 

The Portuguese held Malacca from 1511 to 1641, but their 
attention was solely directed to commerce. The settlement was 
made a Custom House ** depot" for the trade of the Archipelago : 
agriculture was neglectt^d, and the ruling power, occupied ia 
monopolizing trade, as a more profitable occupation, afibrded 



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Hofsa ON MALACCA; 45 

Aeitber protection nor encouragement to agricaltural parBQita* 
Sobject to constant attacks from the Malays, and often on the 
verge of absolute ruin, the Portuguese were never able to diverl 
anj of their disposable resources from the protection of their Town 
atid shipping to the exposed and appareutlj little valuable coun-* 
try districts, and in consequence the population was not able to 
spread far from the walls of the Fort. It is doubtful whether the 
Portuguese, or even the Dutch, till within the last 100 years, ever 
actually occupied more territory than a circle of two or three miles 
from the ToWn. The previous Malayan occupants of lands must 
have gradually retired before the presence of an inimical intruder^ 
and there is reason to believe that the territory of Malacca proper, 
during the occupation of the Portuguese, was nearly depopulated* 
The Dutch followed in the steps of their predecessors in turning 
(heir attention solely to commercial affairs. Under their rule the 
Port was strengthened, and although after some time, by the 
decay of the Achinese and Johore empires, they were relieved 
from fear of attack, thoy still confined their internal arrangements 
to exacting from the neighbodring chiefs the preemption of theif 
produce, without themselves encouraging production. The cul- 
tivation of rice, the staple food of all Southern Asiatics, Was 
strictlj prohibited in favour of Java; the natives, unable to 
feise food for their own consumption, were thereby precluded 
from attempting to gain a livelihood in agricultural pursuits, 
ind, in consequence, except in the vicinity of Town, where fruit 
and vegetables were grown, the land was allowed to remain uncul* 
tivatcd. The inexhaustible productions of a Malayan jungle 
attracted the labour of a number of the poorer classes who were 
content to lead a life of hardship and privation in the search for 
gums, oils and valuable woods, the spontaneous growth of the 
forest. The lands of the Settlement were of no value, but as 
their fastnesses afforded cover for the robbers and marauders of 
their half savage neighbours, the Dutch Authorities were willing^ 
saving the protection of Java rice, that they should be cleared and 
if possible inhabited by a more orderly population than their 
dreaded enemies the ** Manicabows." To this end grants were 
made to. the favourites of government of tracts varying in extent 
from one to one huudrcd square miles. The grants, except in some 



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46 KOtKB ON MALACCA. 

of the lols near Town^ contained conditions binding the grantees Id 
cultivate and people the lands i but at these coniitions were nol 
enforcedi the receivers, without rendering themselves liable to any 
penaltji generally contented themselves with exacting a propor* 
tion of the forest, and other scanty^ produce } and the object of 
government was defeated. 

In 1795 the English took possession of Malacca, but as their 
occupation was only provisional^ and without any intention c^ 
permanency^ no attention was paid to the internal economy of the 
place. The officer in command of the troops was invested with 
a nominal power to enable the proceedings of ihe Dutch Court of 
Justice to be perfected j but beyond this no controul was exercised 
over the country } and it afterwards appeared that the English 
authorities were not even aware of the fact that the whole of the 
territory of Malacca proper had been granted to private indivi^ 
duals| and that the scanty rural population was living under the 
exactions and judicial oppressions of the native servants of these 
land grantees. The only bencflt which accompanied the English 
occupation was the removal of the restriction on planting rice 
crops ; but as the attention and protection of the government 
authorities were not extended to agriculture little improvement 
followed^ except in the immediate vicinity of town. 

Under the seven years occupation from 1818 to 1825, no 
attempt was made to restore mattere to the old footing, as it sooq 
became understood that the place would not be long held by the 
Dutch ; and they in consequence allowed every thing to remain 
in a state of neglect, second only to the indifference of the English. 

In 1825 Malacca was given over to the English, and, as the 
transfer was now fical, arrangements were at once made to conduct 
the government on improved principles* The station was incor* 
porated with Pinang and one of the first subjects which occupied 
the attention of the new government was the disposal of forest lands 
and the encouragement of agriculture. It appeared evident that 
all prospect of commercial prosperity was destroyed by the esta 
folishment of Singapore ; and it followed that if Malacca was to be 
a valuable acquisition, it must be made so by developing its internal 
resources, particularly in the matter of cultivating the soil. 

In accoixlanco with a fundamental rule, which vests the pro* 



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NOTES ON MALACCA. 47 

prietorship of the soil of all Asiatic states in the ruling power, 
the English goyemment proceeded to take possession of all waste 
lands, in order to make such arrangements as should seem advis- 
able to secure to the future occupier that first requisite to a prosper- 
ous agriculture— a good permanent title; but here, at the threshold, 
thej were met with the claims of the Dutch grantees. It was of 
course to be expected on taking charge of the settlement that the 
cleared and cultivated lands should be claimed by private indivi« 
duals, but that the forest and waste lands of the whole territory 
should be so claimed was as unexpected as it has proved ombar- 
rassing. Enquiry was at once made as to the nature and extent 
of the claims then made, and for the first time heard of by the 
English authorities, after a previous occupation of 23 years. 

When called on to produce their title deeds a number of bills 
of sale were brought forward regularly attested as having been 
registered in the Dutch Court of Justice. The absence of original 
grants and intermediate transfers was accounted for by the practice 
of that Court which retained as records all previous " deeds/* and 
issued to the present possessor only the transfer in which his own 
name is used. On enquiring at the Court of Justice it appeared 
that many of the valuable records had been removed to Batavia, 
but some were discovered, and from these, and the transfers, the 
following information was obtained.— That the Dutch government, 
at various times, from the commencement of their rule down to the 
latest dates, had made grants of land to private individuals. Some 
of the grants were written- in a law language and character said 
at that time (1828) to have been unintelligible ; but others, of a 
later date, were translated. Two of these grants, entered in the 
minutes of Council, shewed the following tenures. "The Governor 
and Council, upon proper motives, and for the amelioration of this 
place, have granted and bestowed a certain forest garden, in 
some places planted, and in others abounding in woods, morasses 
and hills, which make it inaccessible to be measured on all sides, 
situated about 6 miles on the river bank to ■ and he may 

from henceforth claim the full possession of it, and may, with our 
knowledge, sell or mortgage it, and may use it with that freedom 
as if it were his own property. Provided that as quick as possible 
he shi^U build and cultivate the same and that it remain subject o 



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48 NOTES ON MALACCA, 

each government iikiposidons and restrictions as the Ligh authort* 
«tie8 have fixed or may fix." 

The transfer of this grant, registered in the Court of Justice in 
1799, after reciting that a certain person is proved to the Court bj 
the testimony of two other persons to be the lawful proprietors of 
a certain forest garden, goes on thus, '' therefore the lawful pos« 
session of the garden by the appearant is confirmed and he is 
authorised to sell, barter or do whatsoever he pleases with lU" 
The other grant has a different tenure. '<Tbe Governor with a good 
desio^n and for the good of the place, allows and permits to ■■ 

a certain piece of Morass land of the Hon'ble Company, hitherto 
given to nobody, situated &c. to have and to hold, hereditarily to 
possess, and with our foreknowledge to sell, let, alienate and encum« 
ber and to do with, and handle the same at pleasure. Provided it 
remain subject to such duties as the Supreme Government have, 
shall or may set on freely granted lands and subject to annulment 
when there is an accident from the enemv or otherwise required 
for the public good, and subject to restoration without compensation 
when required by the Hon'ble Company". 

The transfers in the Court of Justice appeared to be the same 
in all cases, without reference to the diversity of tenure and condi- 
tions. The translations of these documents made in 1828, are so 
loose and imperfect that no argument can be brought as to the 
meaning and legal bearing of the operative words. 

On claims made out under these and similar documents Govern* 
ment was called on to decide. It appeared that the proprietors 
lived in Town, never visiting the lands, which they hired out yearly 
to Chinese farmers, and that the farmers having only a temporary 
interest, exerted their ingenuity to exact as much as possible 
during their year from the unfortunate rayats, without refer- 
ence to future consequences. It was obvious that, putting 
aside all other considerations. Government could not permit such 
a state of affairs to continue under British rule, and measures were 
at once taken for finding the real position and right of all parties 
concerned in order to effect a pecuniary compromise. It appeared 
that 2^7,840 acres were claimed by 10 individuals ^ the highest 
claim was for 179,200 acres, and the lowest for 1,600 acres ; that, 
of the whole amount claimed, only about I5fi00 acres were in 



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NOTBS ON MALACCA. 49 

cuUmtion ; that the population on these lands amoanted to 
14,323 ; and that, by their own shewing, the profits derived by the 
grantees from the whole quantity amounted only to Ba- 18,439 
yearly. 

In the course of the enquiry farther information was obtained 
as to the tenure. It appeared that the grants at first produced 
were exceptional, and that the greater proportion of the others 
were burthened with a proviso that the grantees must clear and 
cultivate the land ; that they must keep in repair all roads and 
bridges ; provide proper Police ; and keep clear, and free from 
obstructions, the banks and beds of the rivers ; that by a Begula- 
lioR of Government, dated 14th December 1773, and renewed 
29th of May 1819, the grantees were restricted from taking moce 
than one tenth of the gross produce from the tenants ; that the 
tenants, so long as they pay this tenth, have an indefeasable right 
to the soil, which they may sell, transfer and devise ftc, subject to 
this one liability of tenth ; and that so long as they pay this tenth the 
grantees cannot dispossess them. On the other hand the grantees 
urged that, without questioning the absolute authority of Oovem- 
inent to resume land in default of its having been cleared, they 
considered themselves as possessing, in equity, a full and inviolable 
right to the lands, inasmuch as they had been sold and handed 
over to various individuals for a series of years, without any men* 
tion having been made of such inherent reservation affecting the 
title by the Court of Justice ; which Court retained the original 
grants, and, if there had been any such reservation, ought to have 
noted it in the transfer. 

It is perfectly clear that this tenure of land, however it may have 
been in accordance with the Dutch system of government, could not 
possibly have existed under the more particular and jealous regu* 
lations of lands in an English Settlement ; that it was never intend- 
ed, by the Dutch Oovemment, to alienate, in the full meaning of an 
English '' grant in perpetuity/' such extensive tracts of land. The 
truth is evident that the Dutch government, with a view to induce 
influential persons to interest themselves in cultivating and peopling 
the forest lands, made over to them the right which they possessed 
of levying a tenth of the produce, in the hope that the attention 
which they were themselves unable to direct to the subject, might, 

G 



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fiO K0T£8 ON MALACCA. 

under a private interest, be found effectual in peopling the territory. 
It is also clear that as the grantees would be put to no expence in 
effecting this object the Dutch Government could have resumed 
the right of collecting the tenths without any compensation, as is 
really stipulated in some of the grants, if they should require the 
lands, in the event of any future arrangements making a change 
desirable. 

Taking all the circumstances of the case into consideration, Go* 
▼emment agreed to purchase the rights of all the grantees for a 
yearly annuity, equal to the amount of rent derived by each from 
his land. At that time a deed was entered into between the 
Government and each of the parties, of which the following b an 
abstract; 

Abstrcxt of deed of transfer of lands to East 
India Company. 

Becitea Titles of present holder, A. B., many of the original 
PtewMid. deeds being lost, and ail the boundaries on the inhmd 
side, being unmeasured by reason of the deep jungle, 
are unstated. 

Whereas A. B. stands possessed of the right of levying from 
the tenants on the siud lauds one-tenth of the produce on the 
tenure and condition of bis grant, and is now wiUing to transfer 
all his right to the East India Company. — ^The Goiemor in 
Council for the East India Company is willing to receive said 
rights. 
The following agreement is therefore entered into : 
A. B. for self and heirs relinquishes and transfers to the 
East India Company, all the rights, title and advantages resulting 
to him from the possession of deeds kc aforesaid, now delivered 
over to East India Company with transfer indorsed. 

The East India Company acknowledge to have received deeds, 
title, privileges, advantage and benefit aforesaid and in considera* 
tion, covenant and agree to pay to the said A. B and his heirs for 
ever, so long as the settlement of Malacca remains under the 

British flag, the sum ot Ra- and agrees that payment by 

East India Company to A. B. and right to levy one-tenth from 
lands shall commence 1st November, 1828, to East India Com* 



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HOTSB ON MALACCA. 61 

{lany and for over cease on part of A. B. (By sapplementary 
article altered to Ist Jaly, 1828. The last para is given in full as 
important). In case the ''settlement and territories of Malacca 
"should be hereafter transferred to any other power, Government 
" do bind themselves to re-transfer to the present holders, or their 
** hem, all deeds, privileges, rights, benefits and instruments now 
''delivered, and will put then in possession of all rights and ad van* 
tages derived therefrom.'^ Some of the then holders were merely 
tenants for life^ so of course such au arrangement as the above 
would not bind their successors, but with one or two exceptions 
they all transferred their rights to Government, which thus became 
possessed of all the lands of the settlement. 

The arrangement made remains in force till the present day. 
Unfortunately the result has been disastrous to the welfare of the 
settlement, as well as unprofitable^ in a pecuniary point of view, to 
Governments 

Having taken over the lands, a suitable establishment was 
ttuthorized, under the management of an officer styled the "Super* 
intendent of Lands,*' who commenced at once to make arrange* 
tnents for the collection of the revenue, as well as for the settlement 
of new lands, and the government of the country districts. A 
Regulation for Lands was passed in Council on the 25th of June 
1828^ of which the following is an abstract : 

Land Regulation. 

I. Preamble. 

II. Bight of government declared to one-tenth of the gross 
produce of all lands and to sole and absolute property over all 
waste and forest lands. 

V. Government right on cleared lands not to interfere with 
cukivator*s rights. 

VI. Cultivator's right declared to consist of full and free 
enjoyment of the land, transfer by sale, gifl or bequest, subject 
only to pay one tenth o\ gross produce to government. 

YII. Limits of all lands, cleared aud cultivated, to be deter- 
mined by Survey as soon as possible and title deeds given to each 
cultivator. 

VIII. Government reserves the sole and absolute right over 



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fit HOTBi ON MALACCA. 

all waste and forest lands not deafed and occupied whhiii20jreaitf 
past. 

IX. All lands remiunhig anproductiTe for 5 yean to rerert tor 
government. 

X. Cultirators to be etempt from forced labour. 

XI. Govemmcnt may take sufficient land to make roads on 
payment of loss of crops. 

XIII. Payment of one-tenth not to exempt from futtfre tazefr, 
excise farms, customs or transit duties, assessment, cleaning, pacing 
and keeping the Town fte. 

In carrying on the gOTomment of the country districts the 
Dutch availed themselves of the Malay village system. Every 
eommunity of 44 ftmHies constitutes a village, which is entitled to 
have a mosque and the regular officers, Imanm, Khatib, Bilal and 
Punghttlu. AH these held their lands free, and formed a tribunal 
before which minor matters in dispute were adjudicated. The 
two first named are mahomedan priests, the third i» the ** Muezzin" 
while the last is the chief secular officer. Under a Christian govern** 
ment the chief, and in temporal matters sole, authority was lodged 
in the Punghalu, and in oourse of time, by the neglect of superTi** 
sion from Malacca, these officers became invested with fall power 
to bear and decide petty oases, and to collect the revemie of the 
district When the lands wti'e granted away to private indivtduala 
each was authorised to appoint his own Punghulus, subject to the 
confirmation of government As the system has exercised, and 
does till thb day exercise, a very great influence, no apology la 
necessary for entering the following abetHAOt of a Regulation about 
to have been passed by the Dutch authorities before the transfer 
in 1825. The regulation will give a better idea of the powers and 
dudes of the Punghulus than a mere description. After the ex- 
tension of the Court of Judicature to Malacca the judicial powera 
of tho Punghulus oeased, and they were then sworn in as Peace 
officers under the Court, which gives them the powers of Bnglbk 
Constables ; but, from the absence any officer of government to 
check and controul them, after the reduction of establishment in 
1890, they have retained and exercise in a great measure all the 
powers formerly given, with a great many of a still more objectioi»- 
able nature, when, as in this instance, unchecked by the supervi- 
sion of European officers. 



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NdTBS ON MALACCA. 6& 

Ahsiract of Regulation far Punghuhis. 

1. PuDghuIus to be appointed by owners of lands bat subject to 
Governor's sanction : when the appointment is sanctioned every 
one in his district most obey his (Piinghulu's) orders 3 if the 
l^nnghulas oppress the people^ an appeal lies to Malacca. 

2. Punghulus must follow Police regulations and protect their 
people. 

3. Panghulos bound to obey the orders of their Master 
(Owners of the land) but dan appeal td Maladca. 

4. All complaints in the district miist be made to Punghulus. 

5. Punghulus to appoint Mata Matas to assbt^ and may haivd 
(Stocks to confine refVactory prisoners. 

6. Punghulus may arrest suspicious persons at night. 

7. Punghulus to arrest all persons without passes, and persons 
committing crimes of degree beyond their power to adjudicate, and 
send them to Malacca. 

8. Any stranger wishing to sleep in a tenant's house must first 
report to Punghulu. 

0. Punghulu to arrest any person hiding himself in another 
person's land, or any suspicious person. 

10. To arrest and send to Malacca any person smuggling or 
evading Government dues. 

11. To see that the Tenants pay their tenth« 

12. If Punghulu hears of any offence he must enquire into it 
and bring offenders to justice^ 

13. Punghulu not to keep any one in confinement more thaq 
24 hours. 

14. Punghulu must obey Police orders to seize persons; if h^ 
cannot make the arrest with his Mata Matas, he can call on the 
tenants to assist. 

15. Landholders and Punghulus of estates adjoining each 
other mutually to assist in executing Police orders. 

16. If any person be found dead Punghulu is to go to tho 
spot with 2 Witnesses and make notes as to wounds &c« 

17. Also is bound to secure any one suspected of the crime. 

18. When persona are seixed Punghulu mu9i write down de« 
positions of witnesses. 



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64 HOTES ON MALAOOi. 

19. In case of fire, robbery &Cy Panghala miuit tiiit the 
spoty and write down an accoant of tbe transaction for the Fiscal. 

20. Punghulu bound to obey all orders from tbe Fiscal, or 
Captain of his tribe. 

21. In settling petty cases Punghula onght to obese 4 or 5 
elders to assbt. 

22. Power to punish to the extent of 12 strokes of the rattan 
or 3 Rupees fine. 

23. Punghnlus not to allow gambling, except on holidays, 
then a cock pit may be made, but in the presence of the Mata 
Mata. 

. 2i. Punghultts and elders to settle all cases of marriage and 
religious usages. 

25. Fees on CTery marriage 2 Sb-, to be sent to Governor, for 
the poor. 

26. Punghulu can permit a marriage against the wishes of tbe 
parents. 

27. Any person seducing a virgin and leaving her shall be 
flogged with 25 lashes and fined. 

28. Any one running away with a virgin shall be sent to the 
Fiscal. 

29. Punghulu with 4 or 5 elders may settle all disputes about 
money up to -100 fte-, with right of appeal to Fiscal within 4 days, 
cases above 100 Sa- to be heard in Court of Justice. 

80. On complaint made Punghulu to fix a day for hearing. 

81. Fees on hearing each case J a Rupee, register of fees to 
be kept. 

32. If creditor does not appear on tho day fixed for hearing, 
case to be dismissed, if debtor does not appear judgment to go by 
default. 

83. Punghulu to enquire into all affairs without fistvour even 
to his own family. 

84. In dividing inheritances Mahomedan law to be followed 
by the Punghulu. 

35. Punghulu to take into custody all property in dispute till 
settled. 

36. Punghulu to keep all roads in order and call on Tenants 
to repair them. 



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NOTES ON MALACCA. £5 

37. Panghalu to keep a list of all persons in his district, age, 
ti*ade, time of departure &c. 

38. Panghalu to keep a list of all births, deaths and marriages. 
32. Copies of above lists to be brought to Malacca every first 

day of January. 

40. Punghalu not to allow any stranger to settle on lands in 
his district, without a written testimony of character. 

41. To prevent Cattle stealing Punghulu to keep a list of 
every person's Cattle, and if any sold he shall give certificate. 

42. If no Punghulu on an Estate the land-owner to be held 
answerable for the execution the orders herein above described. 

When we consider that these Punghulus are chosen by mere 
chance, from among needy and illiterate villagers, and are allowed 
to exercise these extensive powers without the slightest attempt 
at controul, we can be at little loss to account for one reason of 
the failure of the land system at Malacca. 

During the first year of the experiment the lands were allowed 
to remain partly in the hands of the Chinese renters, and a 
considerable portion of the expected revenue was collected, viz. : 

Co.'s fi» 15,400 

Against this must be debited the annuities « 16,270 

Salaiies of Clerks, &c 4,560 

Contingent charges 3,4S0 

Add i the Superintendent's salary, as he had 

other duties ••••••• ^ 7,800 

•——32,080 

leaving a loss to Government for the 1st year of fis- 16,680 
From that time the loss has been constant and increasing. The 
Government payment has remained steady, but the receipts have 
become less every year. The general break up of the Govern- 
ment and the reduction of the establishments which took place 
in 1830, had a bad effect on the settlement of the lands. There 
are only two officers to perform all the executive and judicial 
duties of the station. Both of these officers are necessarily con- 
fined to their offices in the town, and in consequence the country 
dbtricts are left entirely in the hands of the Punghulus. 



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fi6 NOTES ON MALACCA. 

The result of the ammgemefit with the land owners has prOTed 
BO unsatisfactory, that, in ignorance of many of the causes which 
hare affected the question in practice, the foresight and judgment 
of its originator haTC been called in question ; bui it will require 
little argument to relieve his memory from the chai^ of impolicy, 
in a measure which rescued the settlement, in its most Taluable 
interests, from the hands of the grantees under whose management- 
nothing but the most fatal consequences could haye ensued. The 
present system has been a losing one to Government, but as there 
has been no legalised machinery for oppression, cultivation has 
greatly extended. It is calculated that the breadth of cultivation 
estimated in 1828 at 16,000 acres, now reaches to 70,000 acres ; 
though the revenue formerly derived from the first named extent 
was three times as great as that now received from the whole 
70,000 acrss. Mr Fallarton, a member of the Kadras Ci?il 
Service, and generally oonsiderod one of the ablest administrative 
officers employed in the Straits, was head of the GKivemment 
which effected the arrangement. In order to enable us to form a 
hir opinion, we must view the question in all its bearings a* 
brought before him at the time. He appears in the first insUncc^ 
to have been strongly impressed with the idea that it was abso- 
lutely necessary from motives of humanity alone, independantly 
of political considerations, to relieve the Malayan rayats from the 
grinding oppression of the Chinese farmers, as well as the hardly 
less cruel impositions of the grantees, in exacting a pretended 
right to command the labour of the tenants. 

It appeared to him that the so called proprietors, the descendants 
and representatives of the original grantees, had certain rights, 
which had, in a measure, been recognized by the Dutch Court of 
Justice, and which rights, he well knew, would be recognized by 
his own superiors, in accordance with one of the first principles of 
the Indian Governmerit, — respect for private property. It was not 
till a subsequent date that the real rights of the grantees were found 
to extend only to the privilege of levying one tenth of the produce. 
In a ** Minute*' recorded in the Proceedings of Government on 
the 26th November, 1828, Mr Fullarton says, in reviewing the 
question of the lands : 

** The whole of the lauds appeared to have been assigned over 



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VOTES OK UAUlCCA. 07 

^ to certaio of the inhabitants nearly 100 ynrs ago : on first 
^< enquiry and examination of the deeds held hj the present pro- 
^' prietora, as they were called, descendants of the first grantees, 
'' the goveraiuent were led to view them as absolute proprietors 
*^ and owners of the soil, at full liberty to rent and derive the 
*' utmost advantage from it. On a further enquiry, howerer, apd 
*' an examination of the Dutch Records it was foaad that only the 
<< governioent rights of levying from the resident inhabitants one 
*^ tenth of the produce had been granted to them." This last piece 
of information, strange to say, arrived too late to be made use of, 
as the arrangement had been already carried too far to permit any 
alteration. 

From the information laid before the Oovemor be was led ta 
believe that the capabilities of the soil were so great, tb^^t tha terri-> 
tory only required to be brought under fair government, and to bo 
relieved from the pernicious influence of the land granteesj to 
enable it to produce such a revenue as would ten times repay the 
annuities* There were only then about 15,000 acres in cnltiva* 
tion, the profits derivable from which to the grantees, together 
' with the whole forest produce of the settlement, amounted to about 
18,000 9^ yearly > that, in Malacca, there were about 830,000 
acres of land available for rice cultivation; sappeeiog only OM 
half of this to be cultivated, or 160,000 acres, the produce would be, 
at 600 gantangs per acre, 120,000 coyans. at «f40 =^^4,800,000, 
on which the government tenth would have been ^480,000-— a 
sum nearly sufficient to defray the whole charges of the three 
Settlements, from the single item of rice, exclusive of other pro- 
duce. This was the prospect for futurity under a managenipnt 
calculated to attract population &c ; while as to present pros- 
pects the following calculation was made. The quantity of land 
in rice cnltivation in 1827 was: 

In Malacca Acres 4,397| 

In Nanning 1|265| 

Total-^Acres 6fiS^ 
la each year 8 gantangs ef seed at 75 fold inorea8e»600 
gattteDgs per acre or total :-— 



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OS NOTKI ON MALACCA. 

For Malacca.. ..GantangR 2,638,200 
For Nanntng ... do. 753,000 



3,391,200 
or 800 gantangs to one cojan. 

4,840 coyana at 540 • ^ 109,600 

In addition to this the trade returns shewed a 

yearly exportation of local produce of. .... • 106,325 

5275.926 

10 per cent for GoTemmcnt $ 27,592 

or in its- 61,806— while the payment to the grantees was only to 
bo 16^270, leaTing a profit of ^ 45,536 to Oovemment, exda- 
■iTe of the tenth on the other agricultural produce consumed in 
the place. 

It also appeared that Oovemmcni would become possessed of 
all the waste lands ; and would be able to let them out, or dispose 
of them in any manner they pleased, and from this source 
alone, in such an extensive and fertile province, very large 
tetums were looked for. It was never contemplated that there 
-would have been any difficulty in realizing a revenue much 
larger than the suoi of the annuities to be paid, and therefore, 
for such a trifling sum, no hesitation was felt in concluding the 
arrangement 

We have now to enquire into the causes of such a remarkable 
failure and there is little difficulty in pointing out two circumstances 
sufficient to account for the result : the first of these is the fact 
that, after the reduction of establishment in 1830, the land De- 
partment was left entirely without supervision, and, secondly, the 
last clause of the " Indenture", transfering the rights of the 
grantees to goveinment, contains a stipulation to the efiect that, 
in case the settlement of Malacca should hereafter be given up to 
any other power, the grantees were to be restored to their original 
position with respect to the lands. These two causes acting in 
unison have prevented that increase in population and in cultiva- 
tion, which was so confidently .expected. Malacca, unlike the 
other stations, is not in the least degree English in feeling — ^the 



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N0TK8 ON MALACCA^ A 

EngHdIi OoVenmiGlit^ except in the case of a feif oiBeen knowa 
for theit* consideration towards the natives, does not exercise much 
influence in the place. The remnants of the Dutch inhabitants 
have been enabled to maintain a position towarJ the natives 
more in accordance with their previoas, than their present, oondi« 
tion ( from the fact that there never have been, from the first, 
any English settlers in the place to occnpy that position, which 
gives sQch weight to Government at the other stations. The 
descendants of the Datch have ever looked fondly to a 
return to their own government, and to this end they have 
endeavoured as much as possible to retain old in^tutions. In 
the matter of these lands they have kept up the idea of a 
restoration to themselves as not only a possible but a probable 
event ; and, in consequence, they have tried to preserve, and, 
in the absence of English Colonists and of English Officen 
of Oovernment, they have succeeded in preserving, a great 
portion of their influence over the lands. By representing the 
Company hs their tenants and assuming the airs and rights of 
proprietoi-s, ihcy have been able to oppose snccessfuUy any attempts 
foi Improvement which a temporary exertion on the part of the 
loqal government has endeavoured to introduce. From the proviso, 
as to restoration, Government is precluded from giving a perma- 
nent title to purchasers. Without such a title it is clear that 
Europeans cannot be expected to invest their capital; and with- 
out the example to be set by Europeans, it is almost hopeless to 
expect that the natives of Malacca will ever emerge from the state 
of apathy and indolence into which they have fallen. These rea- 
sons will account, in a great measure, for the absence of any great 
improvement in the revenue : but how shall the fiict be accounted 
for, that, from the first year. Government has never been able tq 
collect the amount of the sum paid as annuities ; though it is 
well known that the breadth of cultivation has increased, and that 
the tenth, if collected, would far exceed the amount paid as 
annuities. 

The simple results of this operation have been most nnfortunate 
in their effects on Malacca. The character which the settlement 
must, in consequence, bear with the Supreme Government is of 
course affected. The Government can have no respect or care 



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to ROTES ON MALAO0A« 

Ibr • ProTlDoe, of 1000 iqwre mWm, which, cannot pay a grc« 
land reteauo of 17,000 R» -, and \?bioh has ta fact not paid more 
than 6fl00 An for some jwn past. Wtifaout such an explana- 
lion as caanotwell be pnt mlo a " Ooternment Report' it oerUun« 
1/ wonld nppenr to be n diflcuh matter to account aatiafaetoril j for 
the fact that the land RcTenne on 640,000 acrea, only reachea 
4;9S1 it» a y^r, particularly as that rereune ongbt to represent 
ono^tenth of the talue of the grcsa produce of all tbe lands in the 
settlement, arable, mountain, and forest* It is not easy to aoconnt 
for the reasons for allowing such a stipaktion, as that noti>d 
abore, to be entered hi tbe Indentore > it was most likely per- 
mitted in ignorance of the effect, and it will be remembered 
that to Mr Fvllarton, a Madras Civilian, accustomed to Indian 
tenure, and quite unacquainted with the practice of tbo English 
law in such matters, it moet likely would not hare appeared to be 
a matter of any consequence. At tbe present day such a mischance 
ooald not oecur, as, in the erent of such claims being brought 
forward, the parties would be at once referred to the Court of 
J'ndicature, where each must make out his title, and where be 
would not hare each a lenient tribunal as the Governor and Coun« 
cil of 1828. It would require a clear case to convince an English 
lawyer that any goremment had transferred the fee simple of a 
whole Province, without conditions or consideration, to a few 
private individuals, who could not strengthen their claims either by 
original grants or by tbe possession of what they sought to enjoy. 
Uufortvnately Mr Fullarton was then engaged in his difference 
with the Court of Judicature } and did not feel sufficient oonfi* 
dence to allow the question to be brought before that tribunal, so 
the pi*oceediDgpi were hurried to a conclusion* This fact is record- 
ed in one of the Oof ornor's minutes in Council The grants are 
all informal, tbe lands are not measured, nor are any boundaries 
deftned ; while some are dogged with pi*ovision8, in the nature 
of ** conditions pieeedent," none of which have been fulfilled, and 
others are eipressly subject to resumption without compensation* 
It was arranged, and provided for in the Land Regulation, that 
each tenant should have his lands sarreyed, end should be pro- 
vided with a regular title deed. A surveyor was appointed, but, 
before he had been many months employed, his services were 



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• NOTfi« on MALACCA* 61 

dispensed with in the general redaction^ and, in coneeqaencci till 
this daji except in the immediate Ticinity of town, the lands are 
not measnredi nor do the tenants hold any docomente to proris 
their rights. 

Originally the gOTemment tenth was collected in kind, by the aid 
of the establishment sopplied, hot the system was found to be so 
cambrouB in practice, and the collection, storing and selling of the 
agricuUaral prodnce, after passing through so many bands, left snch 
a very small net result, that it was determined to commute the tenth 
into an" average money payment. In this matter the Government 
met with every obstmctiouc IntheabsenceofOovemmeht influ- 
ence the most absurd statements were credited: it was asserted by 
those inimical to the arrangement and believed by the tenants, that 
if they signed the commutation papsrs, they rendered themselves 
liable to serve in the Ceylon Rifle Regiment, a punishment not 
less to a Malay than transportation for life. It was afterwards 
asserted that the persons representing themselves as assisting in 
the Government duty were at the same time using all their 
inflaenoe to poison the minds of the natives by the most vile 
insinuations. After sixteen years 7,618 deeds have been signed, 
representing 14,886 acres, or not one-fifth of the cultivation. 
Every efibrt was used to indues the occupants of lands to come 
in and commute, but without avail, and at last in the confusion 
and cross purposes to which matters bad been brought, the tardy 
and obstinate were handed over to the clutches of Chinese farm- 
ers. The temporary convenience of this system was so manifest 
that the whole settlement had a narrow escape from being 
involved in a danger, the relief from which formed one of Mr 
FuUarton's chief inducements for purchasing the rights of the 
-grantees. 

The result of the commutation system has been as unfortunate 
•8 the payment in kind. The rate was fixed at half a rupee per 
acre, but even this rate has- not been paid, and the arrears are 
annually increasing. Those who have commuted find themselves 
aulyeet to the annoyance of being asked for payment at various 
iiraes when ** the office" is energetic ; while their more fortunate 
aeighboare who have not ''signed,'' are able to make their own 
arrangements, at their own convenience, with the Punghulus, 



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68 NOTXS OK MALACCA. 

who occasionally render an aocount to the treulury^ of the little 
amounls which ''their great zeal for the Company's service has 
'' enabled them to force A'om the resisting and ungrateful rayats 
" at the risk of personal enmity and unpopularity." 

It was directed that all those who occupied waste lands^ sub- 
sequent to the transfer to &0Ternmenty should be on a diffeiont 
footing, as the lands, not having been cleared, were considered not 
to belong to the grantees; and therefore, no person having right?, 
Governnjent could make any arrangement which might be found 
advantageous, but by the discharga of the land surveyor, and 
from tlie i*ca8ons before hinted at, this useful purpose was pre- 
vented, greatly to the delight of the land grantees, and there is 
now no distinction between '' previous tenants" with rights and 
''subsequent tenants" without rights. The inconvenience of this 
neglect was felt in 1840, when instructions arrived that the "sub- 
sequent tenants'* shoald be reduced to certain terms, as follows: — 
Any person requiring lands was to apply at the Land Office, 
stating quantity required and situation; on this a permit to occupy 
was to issue, to be changed hereafter, when the surveyor had 
measured the ground, for a lease for 20 years, renewable for 30 
more to be granted in the following terms : 

For the first 2 years free 

„ 3 do 4 annas 

w 5 do 8. „ 

„ 10 do ,1 per acre rent. 

20 
A surveyor was appointed but no one came in for leases. 
From the reasons before stated the tenants found themselves very 
comfortable, without any papers, and the example of the incon- 
convenience experienced by the commuters was too fresh in their 
minds to permit them to run the risk of a similar fate. Several 
thousand blank forms of leases were provided ; but, up to the 
end of August, 1841, only 6 were executed. 
The commutation deeds merely recite that A. being in possession 
of certain lands agrees to pay, and the East India Company 
agrees to receive, instead of one-tenth of the gross produce, a 
regular yearly payment, generally one half of a rupee per acre. 



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NOTES ON MALACCA. 63 

Tbese (leedsi which give no title, are regularly used as titles | 
being sold and transferred in the same manner as grants or leases ; 
andy in default of other documents, are received in the Courts of 
Justice as presumptive proof of proprietorship. 

In an action of ejectment tried by the Court in 1829, the 
following points were decided, and have formed the rules in 
subsequent cases: — ''It was proved that, in the territory of 
'' Malacca, the ownei*? of the soil, and the cultivators of it, are 
'' entirely distinct persons, except in and in the immediate vicinity 
'' of town ; that the owners of the soil cannot eject the cultivator 
'' so long as he coutinues to pay him a certain portion of the 
<' produce, generally one-tenth ; that the owner of the soil may 
'^ sell, or otherwise dispose of his interest, without prejudice to 
''the cultivator, and the cultivator vice versa; that, in case the 
" cultivator allows the land to lie waste, the owner of the soil 
" may eject him by due process of law ; that the fact of lands 
" Iving uncultivated for certain periods is evidence of waste ; 
^' that the periods arc : 

"For paddy lands ••••• 3 years 

" Cocoanut and other fruit trees. 3 do. 

" Gambler •••••• I do. 

'♦ Pepper 1 do." 

In the year 1847 a hope was entertained that some improve- 
ment would soon be brought about. In that year a number of 
European gentlemen applied for lands to cultivate sugar-cane. 
It was expected that the attention of the Supreme Government 
would be called to the unsatisfactory state of the land tenures at 
Malacca, in the discussions which must follow oh the application 
of these gentlemen, as they of course asked for other terms than the 
payment of one-tenth of their gross produce ; and it was also hoped 
that the example and the encouragement afforded by the presence 
and large expenditure of the sugar planters would have had had a 
salutary effect. Both expectations were however diappointed; 
the monetary crisis of 1847-48 put a stop to the sugar specula- 
tion, and the land question has remained as before. Frequent 
'^reports*' have been made to Government, but other matters of 
more ionportance have interfered to prevent attention. One 
officer suggested that the rights of the gprantecs should be bought 



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M NOTBft ON MALACCA. 

cot for a capiial sum, that ibis som calculated at 20 years pur- 
chase would amount to^the yearly sum of 17|360 fid- at 2Q 
yean purcIiaseasS47,000 Ss-. GoTemment could borrow this 
sum in their 4 per cent loaO| thus saving 1 per eenU The adrau** 
tages to be expected are the release of the territory from the dead 
weight of the grantees, and the ability to Govenuneot to give such 
titles as would induoe capitalists to settle. It is not to be expected 
that any European would invest capital in a soil over which per* 
sons of the description of these grantees exercise any influence, but 
under the proposed arrangement they could purchase the lands 
in perpetuity, and thus be independent of accidents. The advan- 
tages to Government are be evidenL At the selling price of 
6 fis- or 10 shillings per acre^ as at Pinang and Sbgapore, it 
would only require the sale of 09,400 acres to clear aS the 
purchase money of the whole, thus leaving upwards of 500,000 
acres clear to Government, bat by the terms of the grants the 
grantees probably can only claim a right to all such lands as were 
cultivated at the time of cession : unless indeed it might be con- 
strued on the ro-cession that they would be entiiled to all then 
cleared. This plan was not adopted, but lately Government 
offered to make the annuities perpetual if the grantees would give 
up their right to reclaim, in case the settlement is taken by any 
other power. The offer was, at first, readily agreed to by the 
natives, and those who held the ananiiies as any other mercantile 
investment; but it was rejected at once by the Dutch settlers, 
who fear to lose the importance which . their claims giro 
them in the eyes of the lower classes; and who also, finding the 
welfare of the settlement dependant on them, appear to be 
determined to retain their hold till they have exacted good ransom. 
One individual when asked for how much he would dispose of 
his claim, promptly said for 99 years purchase, and this evidently 
as if he was doing a liberal act, as if, indeed, he did not wish to 
be hard on the Company. The lands if given up to-morrow^ 
would be to them of very little vahie, and the fulfilment of the 
conditions of tenure to keep up roads, police^ &c, would far 
exceed any probable receipts; while ereB supposing the govern* 
ment put on no Und tax, a lew yean of their style of manageamit 
would effectually reduce the breadth of cultivatioa and the 



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NOTES OH MALACCA. 65 

number of inhabitants. It is mach to be feared that nothing 
short of an Act of the Legtslatire Council wiD flnaRy sMIle this 
qaestion; and that is a step the ladtaa OoTermnent will hesitBlte 
before adopting. It is parfeellj clear that the land ^dtees haw 
a hold to Gk>7enioieaty and that Aejr stre prepared to use it« 
In order to gi^e a good idea of the real valae of the inlerM 
Which they had in the soil, it k only necessary £6 note the Mltifig 
price of the sereral lots at the last tramfers* 382 square miles 
were sold at Tarions periods for the aggregated sum of 43,860 R» 
or eqoal to 115 R» per square male. One indttidaal purdiased 
325 square miles for 3^880 £», and is now in receipt of the 
yearly annuity of 4^280 A» for the same quantity, while ttiMkelt 
as hte aa 1817 for part and 1825 for the rest, pniehased 19 
square ouietf for 1,660 Aet', and has leoei^ed 420 St^ yearly as 
^n annuity. It is not likely that in the year the Bdglish reoCirfBd 
ov«r final p oesoBs ton of Malacca hud could bd bougbt hi per- 
pcflutty tor 160 Afr a square mile: and if the looul authorities 
had been aware at the time of these and stmilar ftets^ we may be 
asavred they wduhl not so readily hnye made the arrangeaMnt 
tlieydid. 



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06 



OAKBUHO AWO OVIUX SXOXINO I!« THB STRAITS OF VALACCA. 

From a very early period of the governing intercourse of Earo* 
peani with the inhahitants of these coantries, the vices of gaining 
and cook-fighUng have i>een made subject of peenniary gain to the 
ruling power. 

Without entering into any enquiry as to the origin of the belief 
that these vices were innocuous, and therefore fit subjects for the 
encouragement which necessarily accompanies a government sanc- 
tion, it may suffice to say that the Dutch always farmed the right 
of keeping gaming tables, an example which was followed by the 
English at Bencoolen, and afterwards at Pinang. The question then 
did not appear to be involved in any doubt as to the immorality 
which might attend promiscuous gaming, and indeed was viewed 
simply as a matter of revenue. It was not till the beginning of the 
present century that the European inhabitants of Pinang felt com- 
pelled by the growing evils attending the permission of promiscuous 
gaming, to bring the subject to the notice of Oovemment. The 
question was then fully discussed in all it bearings. It was assert- 
ed on the part of the public that the vice of gaming was attended 
with the most demoralizing effects on the entire population, that 
however much it might be tolerated and possibly made a subject 
of revenue by the semi-barbarous native states, no argument for 
its extension to a British Settlement could be drawn from such facts, 
and that, as the Settlement of Pinang was of British growth, no 
necessity existed for permitting any native j'ule or observance 
which might be opposed to the most enlightened principles of 
Government. The supposed necessity of the case wafi absolutely 
denied, and it was asserted that, with a proper execution of the 
duties of police, prevention sufficient for the purpose of public 
morality could be effected. 

To this it was replied that from long experience it had been 
proved that gaming among the Chinese was quite ineradicable, and 
that any attempt to put it down would only result in corrupting 
the subordinate police officers, by giving them a power which 
would be improperiy applied. It was urged that a great propor- 
tion of the trade and indeed the general prosperity of the settlement 
depended on visitors who yearly arrived at the island and resided 



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OAH&LIKO AND OPIUM SMOKING &C 67 

there, for the purposes of traffic, daring the monsoon : and, 
gaming heing a necessary of life, any attempt for its suppression 
would have the effect of deterring these persons from coming to tho 
island in future. It was admitted that gaming was a demoralizing 
vice, and that a remedy was desirable, but from all experience this 
remedy could not be provided by attempts at positive suppression 
font rather that the efforts of government ought to be directed to 
discourage its increase by surrounding the indulgence with all pos* 
aible fiscal difficulties; and by the enforcement of such rules and 
regulations as might, by experience, be found suiiable for confin« 
ing the practice within narrow and known limits. 

The arrival of the Recorder in 1806 brought matters to a crisis. 
It was obviously impossible for an English Judge, administering 
English law, to permit any appearance of encouraging gaming 
against all the maxims of that law, and Sir Edmond Stanley did 
not hesitate to make his opinion public. The vicious consequences 
of gaming had become a crying evil^ the extent of which may be 
inferred from the fact that in 1807, with a population of 14,000 and 
an aggregate trade of £1,000,000 sterling, the amount paid for the 
gaming farm privilege was 30,700 dollars, and adding for the far- 
mer's profits, say only 10,000 dollars, we have thus 40,000 dollars 
as a percentage of the sums lost and won in one year at Pinang. 

Assisted and emboldened by the opinion and support of the 
Recorder, the Grand Jury, in their Sessions of 20th September 
1808, preferred a bill of indictment against the gaming farmers, 
for a common nuisance, and thus at once brought the matter to a 
hearing. Under ordinary circumstances the indictment must have 
gone to trial, but, though in name against the farmers, it was in 
reality against the Governor and Council who were merely repre- 
sented by the farmer, and the Governor and Councillors being 
judges of the Court, they overruled the Recorder and refused to 
allow the bill to be brought forward. The Recoiiler, in his 
charge to the Grand Jury, had attributed the melancholy cata- 
logue of crimes in the calender to ihe " very depraved state of the 
morals of the lower classes of the people of the inland.'' The 
Jurora considered it a part of their duty <' to investigate the causes 
of the deplorable and increasing evil'* and presented that they arose 
from gaming being openly permitted. At the following sessions, 



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98 OAMBLmO AirO OPIUM 8M0KINO 

bald 19 April 180^ the Jaron repented their Presentment, and 
fg^ia Ibroadl/ elated their deliberate conyictioni '' that no amend- 
** meat oaa he expeeted in the morals of the lower orders in thb 
<' island whilst these evils^ are suffered to eiist, to which ate to be 
** attributed the nnmeroos and atrocions crimes whieh are daily 
•i oommiOed/' 

The eoBstitation of society at that time did not permit the exei^ 
cise of great influenoe in soch a subject by the inhabitants, all ef 
whom were resident on safference, and could be deported at the 
l^eaeare <^ Got emment. In the beat of argument it was even 
hinted that the European inhabitants had no right to interfere in 
such a case^ as they were not ooneemed in the gaming tax. The 
GoTemroent refused to alter their policy and it remained therefore 
tot a higher authority to interfere. The following extract from 
9 letter of the Court of Directors, doted 4th May 1810^ will expkio 
fully the enHghteaed and liberal ?iewB of that body. As the 
extract contains its own introduction no explanation is required s 
Exiract from general letter from Court of D%r€Ctor$ 
to the Oovemor and Council at Pmang, 
dated London, 4tk May, 1810* 
''18.<— Our attention has been particularly called to two Present'* 
ments of the Grand Juries at your Presidency, with respect to the 
opium and gaming farms, which we find recorded on your pro* 
ceedings of the 20th September and 13th October, 1808, but 
which, to our astonishment, have never been noticed in any of 
your advices, an omission which we trust we shall not have again 
to mention upon any occasion of the like nature* 
<' 19.— 'In our instructions to your Government of the 18th April, 
1805, we observed that the revenues arising from the fiirms of 
opium and gaming houses, appeared to give encouragement to 
the two most dangerous vices in society; and expressed a desire 
that on a political as well as a moral view of these prectioes, they 
should if possible be suppressed. 

<< 20. — The Presentments of the Grand Juries above adverted 
to have very much strengthened our opinion upon the subject ; 
and as the Jurors were composed of the most respectable rest* 

• Gamiag snd opHun smoking ;^the latter not included In Uie Preseatmeat of 
the previous Gxand Jury. 



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tn TttB fitRAlTS OF MALACCA. 69 

dcnls at yoar Bettlemenf, whose local knowledge and experience 
it is impofisible to dispute, however they may injure as with 
regard to the mere revenue arising from the licenses in qoestion, 
we feet it a duty incumbeiii npon us to attend to the circumstances 
set forth in the Presentments, and to endeavour by every means 
in oar power to remedy the evils complained of. 

<^21. — ^We cannot observe in any of the minutes recorded by the 
members of yout Oovernment, with regard to the expediency of 
licensing the gaming houses, any cause for continuing thorn 
except for the purpose of deriving a revenue; unless we admit 
the argument that gaming would be practised privately, if not 
publicly allowed ; but this may be said of every evil practice to 
which haman nature is prone* The semblance of encouragement 
to this vice, however, on our part, must be extremely detrimental 
to the morals of the bwer orders of society, and must, as the 
Presentments observe, be a principal cause of the lament&ble state 
of that class on your island. Wo therefore direct that on the 
expiration of the present licenses for public gambling houses, 
you will endeavour to suppress this immoral practice by every 
means in your poWep» not only by discontinuing the licenses in 
future, bat by establishing such salutary regulations of your 
Government combined with the jurisdiction of the Recorder's 
Court as may effectually remove this vice from your Presidency.'' 

The principle of absolute suppression was now to be enforced^ 
as preferable to any attempt to discourage by partial restrictions, 
but, in order to give a fair opportunity of proving the advantage 
of the new plan, it is obvious that a primary requisite was a 
machinery for the duties of prevention. It is difficult now to 
arrive Hi any just idea of the efficiency of the police (the only 
machinery applicable) of Pinang in those days. There can be 
no hesitation in asserting that since the abolition of the old form 
of Oovcrnment, in 1830, the police of all three stations has, till 
within the last few year?, been inefficient, but under the more 
liberal expenditure of former years, it may have been better, and 
the doubts which may be raised on this point tend to embarras 
the question. It appears clear that the abolition of the gaming 
farm was not attended with a great diminution of the vice, and 
in 1818 the subject was again urged on the attention of Govem- 



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M GAICBLIKG AND O^IUM MOktNOA 

ment. It was trinmphantlj asserted tbat the system of total 
suppression was a failure, and the experience of 7 years was 
brought forward as a fuither and conviocing proof of the impos- 
sibility of total prevention. The argument had weight, as some 
of those who had signed the Presentments of 1808 and 1809, 
now, when asked for their opinion, freely confessed that they had 
been disappointed. In the statements brought forward, it appears 
to have been taken for granted that it was quite impossible for 
the police authorities to deal with the case. It was asserted that 
the police had been corrapied, and, in consequence, that gaming 
had increased rather than diminished. The question as to the 
ability to prevent the universal corruption among the police was 
not entered on. It was considered as proved that the magts- 
Irates had done their duty, by the production of the numerous 
convictions made by them for the olFence of gaming. A.t the 
present day these arguments would not be received as conclusive. 
Since the executive management of police has been taken in hand 
with some degree of intelligence, much information has been 
acquired on these subjects, and we have little difficulty in arriving, 
by analogy, at the conclusion expressed at the time by the more 
enlightened members of society, that, from want of proper ma- 
nagement and care on the part of the police authorities, no 
opportunity was afforded of really proving the practicability of 
totally suppressing common gaming. It would appear that the 
subordinate officers of police were, from neglect, allowed to make 
a farm for their own benefit, by a politic arrangement of charges 
brought by them against pei'sons for gaming. 

The Governor consulted, among others. Sir Ralph Rico, the 
Recorder, on this important subject. The opinion given by Sir 
Ralph was, as he himself informed the Governor, not satisfactory, as 
his short residence precluded any personal experience. Viewing the 
question as one of morality and not of revenue, and on the under- 
standing that the whole object of Government was the discourage- 
ment of the vice, Sir Ralph said that public gaming houses would 
become a place of resort and of the most artful temptation to the 
young, the giddy and the profligate, that the interests of the farm- 
er would induce him to use every temptation, and try every device 
to cherish the ruinous passion for gaming, and *' inveterate as may 



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IN THE STRAITS OF MALACCA. 71 

<^ be the habit of gaming, I own I think that, as a general princi- 
'' pie, every practicable measure of law and of Police should be 
'' caatiously, gradually, but firmly adopted, and proved beyond 
'' the remotest doubt to be ineffectual, before a measure (legalizing 
'^ public gaming bouses) pregnant with such mischief should be 
'^ sanctioned by the legislature." The Palais Boyal of Paris was 
held up as a notable example of the evils of sanctioning public 
gaming. The assertion that the Chinese and Malays would desert 
the place if gaming were strictly prohibited was doubted, except 
as regards the worst classes of the population whose absence would 
probably be a benefit. The rich natives would contibue to gamble 
privately in their houses, whether public tables were permitted or 
not, and as the lower classes would alone be foand to frequent public 
gaming houses and as they had not the means of securing secrecy 
if gaming were prohibited, it was argued that an efficient police 
would be able to prevent public gaming. Sir Ralph further inform- 
ed the Governor that before carrying out any regulation it would be 
necessary to obtain the consent of the Court of Directors and Board 
of Controul, and to obtain their consent mere assertion would not 
sufiice — after the opinion (above given) of the Court they would 
require facts to prove that gaming had increased* A memorandum 
ought to be sent shewing the number of convictions for gaming, 
and also pointing out '' all the active and minute means which have 
been taken, and taken so incfiectually, to repress this ▼ice.'' With 
regard to legality, Sir Ralph said public gaming houses were 
indictable by common law, and, without an act of Parliament, no 
contract with respect to them could be recognized in a court of 
law. It would also, he added, be necessary to have legislative 
power to prevent private gaming which is only illegal by statute. 
The Oovemor in Council, in a letter to the Court of Directors, 
dated Srd April, 1818, urged most strongly on that body the pro* 
priety of allowing licenses to be issued under very strict regulations 
as the only way for checking the vice. A long list was sent home 
including 690 convictions for gaming, some of the parties having 
been convicted 8 or 9 times. It was stated that the passion for 
gaming among the Chinese and Malays who resort to the Island 
was too strong to be overcome by any prohibitory laws, which 
would not have the effect of driving them from the island ^ that, in 



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72 OAMBUITQ AND dPWM tMOKXltO 

gpite of every attanpt to prerenl U, cland^MiiM gaming had pre- 
vailed to a Terj great extent ; that, as gamtng ooald not be proren- 
ted| it wai proper to consider by what means the evib arising iron 
it oomid be dtmimshed ; and that, in the deliberate opiaios of the 
Oovemor in Cooacil, the best means to acoomplish the object 
would be to legalise gaming nnder very strict rales and restrietions. 
The Courtp in their leply^ dated 2ard Janaary, 1822, fiadi|^ the 
local Government had considered the qaeetioa in aoch a deliberate 
and complete manner, gave saaotion to their plans in the foUowing 
words — ** We have much doubt of th ^tness and probable effioacy 
<' of these measures, but the experiment we doabt net may besafek 
<< ly left in yoar hands and we will not object to year making it** 

Before this letter arrived at Pinang the interest in the subject 
had declined, owing to the death of the former Governor, and it 
was not revived till the year 1824. 

Elsewhere, a powerful opponent bad arisen in the person of EBr 
Stamford Raffles. The great evih of legalized gaming had been 
forcibly brought lo his notice in Java, where, under Dutch rule, 
the system was in full force. Sir Stamford aboltshed the farm of 
gaming and assured Government that the beneficial effect of that 
measure were quickly observed. Afterwards he pursued the same 
coune at Beneoolen, which place appears to have been remailtable 
for a general laxity of morale among all classes, and the result of 
abolishing the gaming and cock-fighting farms was so evidently 
encouraging, that afterwards, in drawing up a conslittftion for the 
new settlement of Singapore, gaming was prohibited. After a few 
months however, in Sir Stomford's absence, the Resident gnulnal- 
ly oommenced lo permit gaming nnder licenses which aoon de^ 
generated into the farming system. On hi6 retnm to Singapore, in 
October 1832, Sir Stanrfbrd found himself opposed ia opinhm to 
the Resident, who had been, for the greater portion cf his oflkial 
Kfe, confined to the narrow incidence of afiairs in the decayed 
Dutch station of Malaco«, and who, in Sir Stamford's opinion, ww 
disqualified for forming a broad and statesmanlike view of this 
and similar matters of Government. The Magistrates were appealed 
to, — tbey unanimously represented the great and growing evils of 
the gaming licenses, and with their advice and countenance, thovgh 
against the protest of the Resident, the system was abolished and 



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in tfl» BtRMtS OF MALACCA. J 78 

public gaming prohibited. On making over charge of the i«tllo- 
ment to a now Resident in June 1828, Sir Stamford wmestly 
entreated him on no acooant to permit public gaming, as it woald 
tend most serioasljr to injure the prospects of a settlement which 
he believed would soon rise to great consequence. The following 
extract of a letter from Sir Stamford to the secretary to the Bun 
preme Government, dated Bencoolen, 1st December 1828, wHl 
show the result of his entreaties. " It is with pain and surprisd 
« that I have recently learned from public report that, since my 
</ quitting Singapore, the Resident, notwithstanding my podtive 
" instructions to maintain the Regulation in this respect inviolate . 
" unless it was suppressed by higher authority, has so far departed 
" from its letter and principle as again, openly and publicly, iq 
** license public gaming houses for a pecuniary consideration to bq 
** paid to Government" I . . 

" Under these circumstances I must again appeal to the Govern 
** nor General in Council to uphold the principle which I felt it 
'' my duty to lay dawn, and which has been so fully concurred in 
*' and approved of by his high authority •'' i 

" The well disposed inhabitants of Singapore naturally look to 
" the support of the Supreme Government in this question, which 
''involves no less the character of the place, than the interests of 
'< those who reside in it, and who, unless they are to consider the 
" orders of that high authority as conclusive and final, can never 
'< be expected to place due confidence in our Government.'^ , 

In his letter reporting the abolition of the licenses allowed by 
the former Resident, Sir Stamford says: — ''It is alleged, in 
'^ support of the gaming farm, that, by putting it under regula-f 
** tions, the quantity of vice is diminished, but independently of 
** the want of authority in any human Government to dounten« 
" ance evil for the sake of good, I cannot admit that the efiPecte 
" of any regulations whatever, established on such a principle, 
"are to be put in competition with the solid advantages which 
** must accrue from the administration of a Government acting 
" on strict moral principles, discountenancing vice, and exercising 
'^ its best efforts to represrs it.'' 

Sir Stamford utterly repudiated the principle which appeared 
to have been acknowledged in Pinang; that it was necessary to 



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74 eAMW^iM AM9 pnvu rawma 



lb* r«le» of Oof erolMM and liorality in ordar to indiuM 
tiM inmicratiMi of Chioate and otbtr tradera. ConTiMml ol 
tke Mtand advantagw of Sisgapora, aod forMteiiig tti fatom 
jKOBfexkjf be anBloutl/ •ndeavoarad to pfraleot it from the toeoiH 
fw AttC e wMcb mmi erite fton Mcri&ung prineipU to ezpedtmioy^ 
utdVfmtkt fint iii6t«ioe» the local ^ Reeideiita" had carried oal 
bk inalmctioiii, tbe aMtlemeal would pfobablj bave been savel 
tnm BMaj imgiibuntiee wMch now have arifoa to aaeb a heigbl 
M moit aaalerialiy to mletfcre with Ms well beio^. 

Tbe ne^ Rerident earlj took up a contrary view on the aabject 
Jbf gaming. In addition to tbe argaments fonaeriy urged at 
Pmangf be was of opinion, *'the a.tempto mode to pat the prac 
^ tice of gammg down appear to me Ihile better than cbarlatanerie 
«* in such sodetlee ae thoee of oar eastern settlements, where 
•^the mass of the hibabttanfs is habitually addicted to play) 
^ and where it is viewed only as a harmless amusement. It 
9* is said to be disgracefal to gain ■ revenne by gaming, not 
** sorely more so than making a revenue by drunkenness,^ for 
'< both as far as regards gaming and tbe consumption of wine and 
^ spirits, it u impracticable to distingcdbb between vicioos and 
'' harmless indulgence } at all events, it is consistent wKh every 
^ principle of wise legislation that that which cannot be prevented 
^ ought to be regulated/' The Resident agreed that, while Oo^ 
Vermnent ought not, under the circumstances, to reject the revenue 
lo be derived from gaming, h ought, as far as possible, to di»* 
courage the increase of tbe vice by strict rpgolatione. In practice, 
however, tbe resalt was as had been predicted. To prevent any 
appearance of mistake as to bis intentions and doings, the Re- 
sident's own words are here given. On the 81st Hay, 1625, in 
reporting the sale of tbe farms, tbe following passage occurs 5— 
f* Tbe object chiefly lield in view in the arrangement submitted 

' • Allading to the Spirit F«nii. It hai sot ev«a till this day been eonflUerad 
Sbjeetlonabie to encourage tbe consilmiition of opiam and spirits anong the native 

rimlatlon of tliese aettlements, nod at a time wina the ^ropean GovernneDt 
speoding tbe natkmal ivrenae in one part of tbe empire for toe diacottragemeal 
ff vieions propensities, tbe local Oovemment is in these settiements deriving fthe 
of its gross revenues bj the active enooanveaent of opiam and Inaag amomg 
ttid spirit drinking. 

By olassing Singapore with an eastern aettlemenf , the Resident sppaientty wtt 
not ImprrswiT with the extended views of Sir Stamford Kofflct. 



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TH THE 0num W HALAOCUi 7S 

^to the OoTeremeiil* fa td produce eompetition, andbythfa 
^ means to aflbrd to the Gtoveroment the highest prioes for the 
<' iicenses with the hest seeuritjp for the realiioition of the m^emm 
^ end to the pHblic the greatest practieable aoooiamodi^iL Witb 
^ this yiew it will he observed that the Ghitieee glimhig hoMes wU 
^ subdivided into 12, opittm into 5 fco fca" This is oertilnly not 
id aceordanoe with the view staged hi urging en the Sapvemo Oo« 
▼eroment the legalising of gaming* The same Repideot, in answof 
to a reference from Govemmonty writes as follows on the 22dof 
January 1824—^* Nothing has occurred since that measure (salQ 
'< of gaming licenses) to lead to a belief of the possibility of sup- 
^ pressing gaming altogether, and I feel thoroughly persuaded thaf 
^ the surest means of limiting and controuling this vice is not to 
^ attempt to prohibit it altogether but to place it under a strict 
>< system of license, and as in the similar cases of the consumption 
'' of ardent spirits, opium and other intoxicating drugs, io make 
** the practice of it as expensive as possible to those who are deter- 
^ mined to indulge in it without driving them to the resouroe of a 
^ clandestine place.*' As to the opinion offered by the RttsideBt 
above that gaming is viewed as a '< harmless amusetnent*' it is onlj^ 
necessary to advert to the fact that the dreadful consequei^ces to 
the natives themselves, arising from an indulgencfe ofthevic^ 
formed one of the leading arguments of the Pinang Government iii 
pressing on the home authorities the necessity of lessening the vtci 
by placing it uad6r the strict rules of a revenue farm. 

Before going tip to the Supreme Government with his plan^ 
legalizing ganlihg, the Resident had addressed the Magistrates for 
their advice iBtnd co-operation, but the non-offlcials tinanimonsl^ 
protested against the principle of recognizing the vice in any riiape, 
as likely to be detrimental to the best interest of the Settlement. 
The Resident however persisted and the measure was passed. Oi& 
the 29th August, 1823, a letter was addressed by the Resident 
to the Magistrates, directing them to suspend all prooeedingtf 
against gaming, as, in consequence of an exten^ve consplradjr 
among the native police to defbat the regulation against gamtdg^ 
and in consequence of repeated and earnest representations of thA 
prineipal Chinese infaabitanta, he<tiM ResideDtJ had arrangad to 

* la slteratkb iii tbs mode of dtipofltog t»r the fet«iae awtts. 



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78 QAXBLIVa AHP OPlCTlf SM 9KINO 

IMnnit gmmuig by lioense, ander itrict ralet and restrninC*. At 
there wee no BoyiU Court of Juetice to ioterfere, by refutiog, wicli^ 
out an act of Parliament, to reoogniac the legality ofoontractt 
fimnded^j:on gaming^ and as the publio bad no means of making 
Iheir] objection known, the Supreme Government confirmed ibe 
arrangement. 

' This ^success 'emboldened the Pinang Government to renew the 
eonsideration of the subject at their island, and as the Home 
authorities had sanctioned a trial of the licensing principle the 
draft of a regulation was sent home for sanction on the 2nd June, 

1825. The answer, dated lOth May, 1826, to this reference was 
not favourable. The regulation was suspended, and fresh informa- 
tion called for as to the alleged fact that gaming had increased 
since the abolition of the old farm, and the reasons for the increase, 
Idso the grounds for the opinion that the enforcement of the pre- 
sent regulation would reduce the evil. 

Fresh opinions and statements were called for from the local offi* 
cars, and as it was again unhesitatingly received as a fact that 
gaming could not be put down by the police, it appeared to follow 
fw a consequence that the police was considered to be efficient in 
other respects from the fact that no steps were taken for improve- 
pnent. It was shortly stated, in respect to gaming, that the police 
srere corrupt and would remain corrupt till the restoration of the 
gaming farm, but it was not discussed whether an ordinary degree 
of supervision, by an officer higher than a Constable, would not be 
sufficient to check this universal and apparently open corruption. 
The result of the fresh reference was sent to England in December, 

1826, but nothing further was attempted in the way of re-establish, 
incnt at Pinang, and, on Singapore and Malacca being placed 
pnder the Royal Court, the Grand Jury at the former place took 
ibe earliest opportunity of presenting the gaming farm as a 
nuisance, in consequence of which it was abolished both there and 
^t Malacca, where the Recorder simply directed the Magistrates 
''in future not to allow the existence of these places" (gaming 
lionses), 

i The revenues derived from the gaming farms were ^ery large 
at Pinang and Singapore ', the amounts collected were as follow3 : 



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IV THB ST11AIT9 07 MALACCA. 77 

Popuktion. YesrljT rent. Of for each indiviUaaL 

1807.— Pinang .... 14,000 «» 68,768 «» 4 8 9 

1827.--Singaporo .. 12,907 71,283 5 | 

„ Malacca.... 38,162 9,698 I 

At the present daj, when more jast sentiments prevail as to the 

position and reqairenients of these settlements, it will be needless 

to argae on the necessity of porifyiog the administration to the 

same extent as in any other British colony, but the following 

extract from a minute, dated 29th May, 1829, and written by 

one of the ablest Governors of Pinang, will fully prove that it is 

only of late date that the t^ue interests of the settlements have 

been recognized as British colonies, and not as mere dependencies 

of British India. The writer of the "minute" states:— "The 

" above farm (gaming farm) has been sanctioned by the long 

" established custom of these countries, as already amply dis* 

" cussed, and the case is only one amongst many others, tending 

" to shew the utter inapplicability of the common law of England 

" to the customs and usages of the eastern scttlementd.'* The 

reverse of this argument would at, the present day meet more 

favour. 

After the aboliiion of the gaming farms at the three stations, 
matters were allowed to go on in such a neglected way as to 
prevention, that it was asserted to have been an object to prove 
the great evils of the abolition, and to force on a return to the 
gaming system. The revenue to be derived from this source 
(equally, as Sir Stamford Raffles said, with a permission for piracy 
or larceny) was enormous and very much desired by the local 
officers, who suffered under constant remonstrances against the 
heavy charge of these settlements, and were anxious to avail 
themselves of any possible resource. The real reason, however, 
of the safference must be looked for in the inefficiency of the old 
police. Since the reform of the Straits police, commencing in 
Singapore In 1843, and in Pinang in 1849, the vice has been 
brought under controul sufficiently to put a stop to the open and 
known exhibition of gaming before the eyes of the public. It 
has now become the rule that any increase of public gaming 
houses is a marked proof of the inefficiency of the police, and,> 
as soon as public attention is drawn to the fact, the nuisance is 



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78 aAMBUNO Airo opitm bmokim 

promptly abated. It cannot be denied tliat hcKi as in London, 
there are gaming bonsee which carry on their operationa so 
secretly as to defy the police, bat the very fact of the secrecy is a 
proof that the evil tS lessened as far as the general public is 
concerned. The injury which must accrae to indiTidnals from an 
indaigence in gaming must apparently remain, here as elsewhere, 
irremediable by any practicable police arrangemeals. It is evi^ 
dently better that a few individuals, at great risk to themsel?esy 
should be still able to meet in secret for the indaigence of their 
▼ices, than that the public morals should be contaminated by the 
open exhibition of gaming under the patronage and encourage^ 
ment of GoTcmmcat. 

The result of the police operations at Singapore in 1846, have 
fully proved to the community the perfect practioabilit/ of extir* 
pating public gaming, and they now rest satisfied in the conTictios 
entertained by the more liberal from the first, that any greal 
increase in the nuisance is to be attributed to inefficiency in the 
police, and that the total extirpation of the vice may he effected 
as soon as it can be attempted without injury to the other revenue 
farms. In a state of society where so large a proportion of the 
public revenues are derived from the encouragemekt of opium 
and baang smoking and the drinking of spirits, the public does 
not expect perfection. 



In describing the vices of the Chinese, next to gambling must 
be considered opium smoking. The one is destructive to theic 
moral and the other to their physical health. 

The subject of the effect of the use of opium on the human eoof* 
stitution has long been diicussed in Europe, where the drug has 
met with its def^ders, but there can be little doubt that if any of 
those defenders had ever had the opportunity of obaerving the 
effects of the use of opium on its devotees in this country, their 
opinions most have altered* The subject has been fully examined 
hj one of the meet extensive medical practitioners in 8ingapora«; 
and the results of his observations and practical experience have 
been published in an elaborate article in the 1st number of the 
<' Journal of the Indian Arohipehgo'* for the year 1848. Froos 
the great care and paink bestowed on that article, it fiirms the beat 



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Ill TtfS STBAlTi at HAtACOA. 79 

toll book for anjr one ia search of information on a subject so 
nearij touoliing the best interests of theM settlements and of the 
most valaable ami advanced class of onr native population, and I 
shall content myself with pointing oat such portions as appear to 
illustrate the subject in its various lights, merely premising that no 
one of local knowlodj^e and experience can possibly doubt the 
awful results to the Chinese from an addiction to the vice. 

The opening paragraph is here given in full as the best Intro* 
duction to the melancholy details which follow :— 

** The subject of this paper is one which in spite of the imperfect 
ntanncr io which it may be handled^ ought to claim the serious 
attention of all. 

^' It has^ up to the present moment, engaged the attention of the 
government, in so far only as it affords facilhies for raising money; 
and the public in general, whether residents here, or passing 
Strangers, have looked on the miserable devotees to the vice of 
opium smoking in the same light, and visited their abodes with the 
Same curiosity, as they wonid have done a den of wild beasts, or 
a raving lunatic'^ cell. They enter the opium shop, by pushing 
aside a filthy mat, and, in a small space, they see many men crow^ 
ded and crouching on a narrow board ', dim lights faintly disclose 
their squalid appearance ; the air is impregnated with a close 
suffocating odour; the heat is oppressive ;— a few qnestions are 
asked by the visitor, a pipe is shown, a human being gazed upon 
as he slowly, to all appearance, with much gusto, inhales the 
sedative vapoare;^«t last, unable to endure it any longer^ a rush 
is made by the visitor to the door, and, according to his precon* 
ceived opinion, what has been seen is either a blot as black as 
Erebus, a canker eating into the vitals of society, a moral curse 
attended with great and deep physi cal evils, which are slowly, but 
surely, extending; or it may be looked upon as one way of 8pen« 
ding money, not a bad plan for raising the revenue, a lighter 
curse than dram drinking and a fiir pleasanter, where the young 
men dveam dreams, and the old men see sights. But let the 
philanthropist pass from house to house, mark the appearance 
of the Tisitors, pursue them to their homes, when, reeling from 
the. e&ds of the drug, they, heedless of wife or children, pass 
into a disturbed sleep, to waken to the tortures of the damned 



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60 QAM LING AKB OPIUM SMOlCiNd 

when (ho snti is up in the horison, and the industrious of 
their fellow creatures have been at work for hours ; tliis is the 
moment they appreciate their wretchedneM, when feverish and hot, 
wiih a tongue that is dry, jet cannot be rooistenedy lips thit are 
oraclced, jet cannot be Bofteueil, a throat parched and thirst ezces- 
sivoy that cannot be quenched, with eyes either closed or running 
wiih rlieum^ a tightness of the chest that prevents breathing, a 
bissitude, a iangour, a pain in all the bones, a downright incapabi- 
lity of exertion, a loiithing of food and a craving for one thing onlji 
which not to attain is worse than death,— «nd that is another 
draught of ihe poison, which soothes for the moment, but clenches 
thti faster the misery of the wretches. No overdraivn picture is 
this, but sketched from life, yea more by the victims themselves^ and 
of the?e victims there are at lt*ast 15,000 in Singapore. Surely 
the importance of the subject \viU not now bo questioned, and a 
little attention can safely be claimed to the particuUrs which have 
justified me in making the above statement/' 

After describing the various kinds of opium known in commerce, 
and the kinds chiefly used in these countries, the writer goes on to 
give a short sketch of the history of th-^ opium trade, from which 
it appears that although the narcotic effect of opium has been re- 
cognised and the drug has been an article of commerce in the 
Archipelago for some centuries, yet its use as an intoxicating niedi* 
cine in China has been of late growth. The first adventure in 
opium to China was made by the Company in the year 1773 and 
its evil effects on the morals of the Chinese were so quickly and 
evidently seen that in 1796 it was declared criminal to smoke 
opium. Notwithstanding this prohibition the allurements to the 
vice arc so extraordinary that the trade has increased from a 
couple of hundred to forty-thousand chests of yearly import, to the 
value of upwards of £5,000,000 sterling. 

Nearly all our old fiscal and general regulations in these seas 
have been taken from the Dutch, who apparently copied Malayan 
Institutions as fur as they found them suitable to the system of their 
government. The tax on the consumption of opium was early 
seized on as a profitable and convenient source of revenue and on 
the establishment of the Bencoolen Government the example was 
followed. At that time, before the enlightenment and advance of 



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In TklB sTRAtts ot Malacca. 61 

political knowledge^ which Have since marked British rulO| had 
reached these countries^ it was not to be wondered at that any 
system ot financial management which promised such fruitful 
results \Yith so little trouble as the renting of gambling and opium 
farms should be eagerly seized on, but it must be confessed that in 
these days it Were much to be desired that the encoUr^ement 
necessarily accompanying a government sanction of such vices 
should cease. If the difficulties attending a total loss of the reve- 
nue derived from the sale o( opium in these settlements should have 
proved too great to be reudily overcome) it is still strongly urged 
(hat in forming the new English Settlements at Hongkong and 
Labuan the English Qovernment should not have given their 
high sanction to a system which, to secure a trifling revenue, acts 
in the most injurious manner on the moral welfare of the settle- 
ment, and on the reputation of that government. It is argued that 
the same government which, in the one part of its dominions^ 
exerts its whole influence to curt;iil the vice of intoxication ought 
not in another quarter to lend the aid of official authority to 
encourage such vices. 

As in the case o( gaming so in opium smoking it has been 
hastily assumed that the vice was ineradicable, and that no at- 
tempt for its total suppression could possibly succeed, and in con- 
sequence that the next best thing to do was to diminish as far 
as possible the evil efiects to the public, by surrounding an indul- 
gence with such difficulty and expence by strict fiscal and police 
regulations as to discourage any but those most accustomed from 
using the drug. This argument, which appears to be sufficiently 
specie us, has been' brought forward to excuse the existence of the 
present system ; but those conversant with the fiicts of the case 
deny the goodness of the inference supposed to be drawn from the 
premises, and assert that the result has uniformly proved that the 
system in force has a tendency to encourage rather than restrain 
the industrious classes in their indulgence of the vice. 

By an Act of the Legislative Council of India No. 14 
of 1851> the exclusive privilege of dealing in opium in less quan- 
tities than one chest, and of preparing opium for smoking in the 
Straits Settlement is vested in the local government, who yearly 
sqU it to the highest bidderi generally, indeed of late years always, 



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82 OAMBtlNG JL2?D OPIDK SBCOltiNO 

a Chinese who is called the Farmer. The act provides very strict 
penalties for any infringement of the farmer's rights and he is 
allowed to have a certain number of licensed shops for the retail 
sale of the prepared opiam. These shops are marked bjr having 
a large board hung up in front with the words " licensed opium 
shop" printed in large letters. Any one who has gone through 
tbe streets of our three towns must have been surprised to observe 
the vast numbers of such shops. 

The mode of using opium here is peculiar. The extract is not 
nsed in its crude form, but only after undergoing a purifying pro- 
cess with water and fire, by which all extraneous matters are expel* 
led, and the drug is reduced in quantity and brought to the state of 
a paste of the consistency and appearance of thick treacle. In 
this state it is known as ^'chandoo'' and is used in smoking 
through a pipe of a peculiar form. A hollow bambn about an 
inch in diameter and a foot in length is surmounted by a small 
covered cup which is screwed to a metal plate let in on one end 
of the bambu. On the cover of the cup there is a small hole like 
the touch-hole on a child's cannon, the other end of the bambu 
is closed with a plate, in the centre of which is another small hole 
from which to inhale. Some of these pipes are very expensively 
fitted, while others again are of much more primitive form. 
Taking a little chandoo on the end of a sharp iron stylus the 
smoker frizzles it in the flame of the lamp, and after turning it 
about a little enters it at the touch-hole of the pipe, from whence 
ho inhales the smoke of the burning opium. 

The physical efiocts of a continued use of opium are apparent 
to the most casual observer resulting in a complete prostration 
of strength, and leaving the hale strong man a mere useless 
incumbrance. 

While the physical efiects of the vice are so terrible to indivi- 
duals, we shall on enquiring find that the moral results carry an 
influence even more fatal or not confined in its action to the 
victims themselves, but eating as a canker into the moral health of 
the settlement and leading to the fatal results which always attend 
vicious indulgence. 

Having thus briefly glanced to the efiects of opium smoking on 
its votaries, we may now enquire as to the extent of the evil and its 



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IK TRB STRAITS OF MALACCA. 88 

effects on the public good. In the absence of any official record 

of the quantity of opiiun used by the several farmers, and of the 

quantity smuggled, it is diflicult to arrive at a just estimate, but 

it may be calculated that the monthly quantity used in the three 

settlements of Singapore, Pinang with Province Wellesley, and 

Malacca does not fall short of 75 chests, or yearly 900 chests. 

Ifonr the price paid by the consumers for this opium exceeds 

1,100 doRars per chest, or on the whole 990,000 dollars, or say 

in round numbers one million of dollars. The expenditure of 

this sum, not to mention the vast injury done by the use ofopium^ 

actually benefits no one in the place but the farmer, as the small 

amount received by the few merchants for commission on the 

sale of 900 chests would be much more than counterbalanced 

by their profits in other articles which would take the place 

of opium. How much good would accrue ta the settlement if 

this sum of one million of dollars were to be expended yearly in 

the purchase of manufactures or articles the use of which would 

benefit all parties, instead of as now in purchasing a drug which 

only acts as a poison. 

The number of persons addicted to the vice of opium smoking 
has been calculated to exceed 40,000, distributed as follows :— 
Singapore 15,000, Pinang with Proiince Wellesley 12,000, Ma- 
lacca with the Cassang tin miners 13,000. These numbers never 
decrease, as when the habit of smoking is once acq^uired it is im- 
possible to break it without medicine, which the poor have na 
means of securing; 



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84 



lOVRNAL OF A TOVR ON THE KAPUAB.* 

1840| March 26. — At 2 o'clock p. m. wc took leave of our 
families^ and set out on our contemplated tour into the interior of 
the island. It is our intention to ascend the Kapuas river as far 
at least as Sangau, some six or seven days from Pontianak, from 
thence return to Tyan, and from Tyan cross by land to Landak, 
from whence we hope to reach Pontianak again by way of Man- 
door, a Chinese settlement, three days distant by land from 
Iiandak. The principal object of the present tour is to endeavour 
to gain as much knowledge as possible of the numbers, characters, 
habits and situation of the Dyak tribes of the interiori and ascer- 
tain by personal observation the openings for missionary labour, 
and the most eligible site for a station among them. Both the 
Resident and Sultan of Pontianak have kindly furnished us with 
letters to the chief men at the principal places we design to visit. 

Our boat is of the class called here bedar. This kind of boat 
is used by the European residents of the place, and the chief 
men among the natives, to the kindness of one of whom, the 
Pangeran Bandahara, a brother of the Sultan, we are indebted 
for the loan of this on the present ocoasion. It is about thirty 
feet in length, six feet in breadth in tbe centre, and rather light in 
its construction. A small frame work in the afler part supports 
a shelter of thatched kajang, the space beneath which just allows 
room for our travelling trunks and spreading of our mattrasses, 
which form at once our seat by day and our bed by night, for in 
a Malay boat a traveller looks in vain for a stool, bench, or eleva- 
tion of any kind to serve for a scat; nor will the lowness of the 

* The Kapnas is the prinoipal river on the West Coast of Borneo, and is sop- 
poeed to take its rise in the Batang Lupar range of mountains. The enterprising 
ftraTeller Madame Ida Pfeiffer, in the beginning of 18^, crossed the hill range which 
divides Sarawak from tlie oonntry watered bv the Kapuas and, embarking at the 
lakes wliich appear to be situated at the foot of this range, descended the 
Kapuas to Pontianak. In March 1&35, Mr A. Prins, tbe Government Commis- 
aioner for the Western Division of Borneo, ascended the Kapuas in a small 
steamer, visiting the lakes (which are oonneoted with the Kapuas by several out- 
lets) and proceeding much further up the river than had been previously attemp 



:he object or tii!s voyage was to make contracts with tlie 
petty Dyak and Malay states situated on the Kapuas, by 
the sovereignty of the Netherlands Government and placed 
themselves'uTider Its protection. 1 he following narrative of a voyage up part of the 
Kapuas. oriainally appeared in the Singapore Free Press ^ in 1840, and was written 
by two intelliseat American Missionaries then stationed at Pontianak.— ^</, 



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JOURNAL OT A TOUR ON THE K iPUAS. 85 

roof or awning over lioad admit of relief in a standing postnre. 
On each side of us^ 9H far as onr mattrasscs reach, are screens of 
knjang hung upon ratlan hinges which may be elevated at pleasure 
to admit the air and to enable us to view the banks of the river. 
Most of our baggage finds a place beneath thu boards or flooring 
that form the deck of our boat, and our rowers, six in number, 
under a temporary kajang shelter, occupy the fore part. When 
a native of consequence ascends the river in such a boat more 
than double our number of men are generally employed. 

About an hour after leaving Pontianak we passed Nibong 
Saribu, a settlement of Chinese, containing a population of about 
five hundred souls, bituated on the left bank of the river. The 
inhabitants cultivate small plantations of vegetables, sirih and 
sugar-cane, for the Pontianak market. There is a small sugar- 
making establishment in the settlement. Another hour brought 
us to Pcnghai-apan where the Dutch have had a sugar manufacto- 
ry in operation for some years past. Large sums of money have 
been expended upon it, but owing to difficulties in procuring a 
moving power to be applied to the cast rollers for expressing the 
juice of the cane, and in drying and preparing the sugar for mar- 
ket, on account of the extreme humidity of the atmosphere, it has 
proved an unprofitable investment of capital, and has recently 
been abandoned without realizing what was anticipated, when by 
the first projectors of the enterprize the name was given to the 
place which it now bears, Pengharapan. 

At a distance of a mile and a half or two miles from Penghara- 
pan we passed a small Malay kampong over which a Rling man, 
resident in the place, ** clothed with a little brief authority" by the 
Sultan of Pontianak, exercises a kind of guardianship. There is a 
mosque which owes its existence to the zeal of this strict Mohome- 
dan pnnce. This place is designed as the first stage in his trips 
np the river where he may stop for refreshment, rest, aud to per- 
form the duties of his religion. 

After passing Quala Dua, a small stream on which are a few 
Chinese a short distance into the interior, we reached Teluk 
Kompei, on the right, a small Chinese settlement of some thirty 
dwellings, between five and six o'clock, where we stopped to pre- 
pare and take oar evening meal. All the places abovementioned. 



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8G JOURNAL OF A TOUR OK THR KAPUA8. 

with the exception of Qnaia Daa, we had before Tinted and siif- 
plied the readers both Chinese and Malaj with tracts. Having 
remained at Teluk Kompei about an hoar we proceeded up the 
rirer, lighted on oar way by almost constant vivid flashes of light- 
ning accompanied with heavy peals of thunder, nntil a little past 
9 o*cIocky when we fastened our boat for the night uy some logs in 
front of a few Malay dwellings situated at the mouth of a small 
creek. 

27th — Rain fell during the greater part of tlie night attended 
with lightning and thunder, calculated to fill the mind with solemn 
awe. Our men who had nothing tb screen them were much 
annoyed by mosquitoes, and although we were furnislicd with 
curtains which kept out most of these unwelcome visitors yet 
owing to the novelty of our situation, lying in a small boat, the 
sides of which are only a few inches above the water, the buzzing 
of musquitoes, screams of monkies in the adjoining forests, added 
to the thoughts of the dangers and trials to which we might be 
exposed on our journey, prevented us from sleeping as soundly as 
under ordinary circumstances we might have done. 

After our morning repast at about past 6 o'clock we left and pro- 
ceeded our on way. On the right shore during the course of tlie 
morning were seen a few Malay dwellings and cleared patches 
near the water's edge, but the left bank, except one or two small 
clearings, presented no traces of the hand of cultivation, but ap- 
peared low, woody and monotonous. Passed before noon the 
mouths of several small creeks, the banks of some of which are 
inhabited by Malays who cultivate rice, vegetables &;c. One is 
noted as being formerly the resort of banditti, who since the pos- 
session of Pontianak by the Dutch have disappeared. 

About noon we stopped at a place called Tanjong Quaw, a small 
Malay settlement. This is another of the Sultan's stopping phices ; 
and among the dwellings is one erected by him for the purposes 
above referred to. Shortly after leaving this place saw two small 
crocodiles a short distance from each other basking on the shore. 
They were about six feet in length. From Tanjong Quaw the 
river banks appealed rather more open, particularly on the right, 
until between three and four o'clock p. h. when we passed a place 
called Sukalanting containing about 40 Malay dwellings. Here 



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/OURNAL OF A TOUR ON THE KAPUAS. 87 

aho the Sultan has a small building erected for his accommoda- 
tJOD. From Pontianak to to this place the Kapuas is about two 
hund/ed yards avenge width , quite circuitousi the banks low and 
if] undated at spring tides, especially during the rainy season. At 
Sukalanling the Kapuas divides, sending off less than half its 
waters by this place, in nearly a north west direction to Pontianak, 
where joining with the Landak it forms the Pontianak or Lewa 
river, while a large body of water passes off in a western direction. 
At the distance of about half a day from Sukalanting this stream 
called Punggur divides, part of it continuing to flow to the west 
until it reaches the sea, and part flowing to the south called Ola- 
Ola, the term here for eddies, which owing probably to the rapidity 
of the current and the sudden bends of the stream, are said to be 
very numerous. The Ola-Ola also divides, and a part of its 
wafers turning westward are discharged into the sea at a place 
called Membawang where there is a small settlement of Chinese. 
The remaining waters fall into the sea some distance to the south 
at Kubu, a settlement of Malays and Chinese. The inhabitants of 
both these places are principally engaged in taking fish, which is 
drii d or salted for the Pontianak and other markets. At Kubu 
somo excellent rice is produced, and at the same place are obtained 
honey and wax of superior quality. The place is said to be very 
unhealthy, so much so that but few of the Chinese who go there 
live more than three or four years. A year or two since, one of 
the largest of the Pontianak ships, of between two and three 
hundred tons measurement, passed up the Punggur, mistaking its 
mouth for the Pontianak, to Sukalanting, and from thence was 
carried by the current down the Kapuas to Pontianak. In fact 
all these mouths are navigable for vessels, and as the water on the 
sand bars at the sea is said to be of greater depth than at the 
the mouth of the Pontianak (where vessels are often detained for 
weeks, sometimes for mouths) with a strong favoring sea breeze this 
although circuitous way would most probably be sometimes pre- 
ferred, were it not that the Government forbids the entrance of 
vessels by these streams. Two small forts have recently been 
erected at Sukalanting by order of the Sultan of Pontianak, within 
each of which are mounted two or three guns. These forts are 
simple wooden inclosures, coustiucled of thick plank or split 



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8d iOURKAL OF A toUR OK THE Kll^UA?. 

timbers, 15 or 20 feet long, set upright and driven into the earth. 
In contending with a European force they would famish no pro- 
tection, but in invasions of piratical Djaks and other natives, who 
arc almost altogether unacquainted with the use of artillery, they 
are sufficiently formidable. About two years sincc^ previous to the 
erection of these forts, piratical Dyaks from Saribas, led on by 
some runaway Malays of Pontianak and others, ascended the 
Punggur to this place, bumod one house, decapitated three or four 
persons here, and a few more further up the river. Above the 
forks we found the Kapuas spreading out into a most noble stream, 
half a mile in width, very deep, and the current strong except 
when chocked by the rising tides of the sea. Just at this place 
some peculiarity in the foliagQ of the trees on the river banks, as 
seen at a distance, gave them an appearance so often seen in Ame- 
rican forests in the early autumn. It struck us as something 
peculiar in this land where constant summer clothes the trees in a 
robe of perpetual green, and did not fail to call up to the mind 
many tender and pleasing associations. 

A little before sunset we reached a small island in the stream 
called Pulo Binge. The shores of the island and river opposite 
were once inhabited, but arc now deserted and lonely. As there 
were no dwellings near, between six and seven o'clock we tied our 
boat to a tree on the river's bank just above the little island and 
proposed to pass the night in this place. Multitudes of fife flies 
were here sporting a little above the water on the leaves and 
branches. Some particular bushes, which seemed to be the favo- 
rite resorts with them, were most beautifully illuminated by their 
little lamps, and at each flash of light as they raised their wings, 
the reflection from the waters beneath added much to the beauty 
of the scene. Our boatman gave as their reason for selecting this 
spot, that no musquiloes were to be found in the vicinity of these 
illumincrs of the darkness. This in the present instance, much to 
our comfort, we find true, but whether the absence of the musqui- 
toes is owing to the presence of the fly (as the Malays suppose) or 
to some other cause we cannot say. 

Have rowed about ten hours to-day, and the distance passed 
over has been probably, following the bends of the river, about 
thirty miles, but in a direct line not more than fifteen or twenty. 



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JOURNAL OF A TOUR ON THR KAPUA8. 89 

28th — ^Awoke this morning betvreen 3 and 4 o'clock and soon 
after proceeded on our way by moon-light. Shortly afler sun-rise 
our boatmen stopped to cook and bathe near the mouths of two 
small streams. The place is called Lunchur Naga, and it is fabled 
that in former times two very large serpents entered the Kapuaa 
by these streams and pursued their way to the sea. The memories 
of many Malays are stored with legends of this kind. We found 
the ground bere a little elevated into something that bore the 
semblance of a hill, the first we have seen since we entered the 
mouth of the Fontianak river. At 10 o'clock we saw the 
first blue mountain top. It is called Gunong Tiang Kandang, 
and is situated between Tyan and Laudak. Not long after Gunong 
Balungie, south of Tyan, was visible. The course of the river to- 
day has been very winding, more so than yesterday, and the 
average width between 4 t^nd J a mile — the banks low and covered 
with an almost impenetrable forest. 

29th. Soon after mooring our boat last night a heavy shower 
came on accompanied with most vivid lightning and heavy peals 
of thunder. We found that the kajang of our boat, which we be- 
fore considered tight, leaked considerably. We next found our- 
selves invaded by hordes of musquitoes' more numerous than the 
hosts of Xerxes. In vain did we try to screen ourselves behind 
our curtains, for in spite of all our efforts numbers of the insiduous 
ioe found out our retreat and seemed determined to feast upon our 
blood — while the more numerous host without kept up a continual 
roar, and if our hands or any other part of our bodies touched the 
curtains, we were stung through them. Being thus prevented 
from sleeping, as soon as the moon arose, which was about 4 
o'clock, our men were desirous of proceeding, to which we did not 
object. 

About sun rise we passed the upper end of Pulo Limbong. On 
this island there were formerly inhabitants but it is now quite 
deserted. A few moments more took us past the lower or western 
point of Pulo Jambu or Guava isle, so called from the number of 
guava trees cultivated upon it* On this island there were a few 
years since a considerable number of inhabitants, Chinese and 
Malays, but none at present. Here terminates the jurisdiction of 
the Sultan of Pontianak; and that of the Panambahan of Tyaa 



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90 JOURKAL OF ▲ TOUR ON THE KAPtTAd^ 

be^ns. At 10 a. k. we passed the head or eastern end of this 
island. On this point there was formerly a small wooden fort, and 
another on the western end of Saparoh, a small island in the river, 
a little higher np. At Tanjong Jurung, a point on the shore 
opposite to Palo Jamba, lying northward of it, there were formerly 
many Dyaks, who not long since remo? ed farther into the interior. 
Oik the south of this island there is another outlet of the Kapuas, 
by which part of its waters pa^ to the sea. The fork at the 
Kapuas is called Simpang Dawak, and the month of the stream, 
where it eitfters the sea near Succadana, Quala Mandup. The 
Tolume of water passing this way to the ied is considerable, but 
not to be compared to the Punggar at Sukalanting. Northward 
of the island, some distance in the interior, are the first settlements 
of I)yak8 found in ascending the river. At half-past ten o'clock 
we stopped for rest and refVesbment at the lower end of Pulo 
Saparoh. Here were two Malay dwellings, the first seen since 
last night, containing some fifteen or twenty inmates. The 
situation is pleasant, on rising undulating grounds, and the soil 
apparently rich, — nothing seemed wanting but the hand of indus- 
try to make it a delightful spot. In the afternoon passed Pulo 
Katipo, another small island in the river. Several mountain 
peaks were now visible, and on the right shcAre three small Dyak 
huts, the first we have seen. Near sun-set reached a place called 
Jang, where we stopped for the night. Here Were three Dyak 
dwellings, into one of which we entered. The inmates received 
IIS cordially, and answered cheerfully our questions; which were 
J>roposed in order to ascertain whether their language bore any 
i^semblance to that of the Banjarmassing Dyaks, in whose lan- 
guage we have a small elementary book, but We could not learn 
that there existed any resemblance in proper or common names. 
A^ soon as we returned to our boat, the Dyaks brought us the 
present of a fowl, cucutiibers, and a little rice, for which We gave 
diem a small prissent in return. 

30th.— -About 4 o'clock this morning we left Jang, being 
anxious to reach Tyan at as early an hour as possible. We now 
saw & few Dyak dwellings oh each shore. A little before 7 o'clock 
we stopped near one of these habitations for breakfast. We 
stepped on shore and entered the house, which stood in a patch 



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loUllNAL OP A TOtJR PN THE &APUA8« 91 

t>r paddy ground, and found tbe occupants a trnly interesting 
family, conBisting of a man, his wife and two sons. Tbe man was of 
really noble mien, about 6 feet in heighr, witb an open intelligent 
countenance, bis eyes dark, and check bones high — while bis 
erect form, athletic and well proportioned limbs, indicative of 
great muscular power, rendered him a fit subject for the sculptor's 
chisel. His sons, probably about 11 aud 12 year^ of nge, of 
well formed limbs, and bright pleasant countenances, had just 
arrived in a boat from the opposite side of the river. They were 
entirely naked. It was ^truly pleasing to see them hanging upon 
the father and manifesting such strong filial affection as they did 
for him. When asked whether they would go with us to Pon- 
tian^k an4 be instructed, they replied they could not leave their 
father and mother. The wife was in the rice field in which the 
dwelling stood, gathering in a rather large basket the ears of rice, 
and another grain new to us, the cultivation of which seems con- 
fined to tbe Dyaks — she soon bent her steps homeward with her 
basket of grain, which was held in its position on her back, by a 
strap passing from it to the forehead. She paused when she first 
saw us, as though afraid to approach, but again advanced after a 
few words addressed to her by her husband. They all understood 
and conversed quite fluently in the Malay language. The man 
confirmed what we had before heard of the Babel like diversity 
of languages among this people. Almost every separate tribe 
has its distinct language, understood only to a very limited extent 
by the nearest neighbouring tribes. The absence of books among 
them (the first attempt to commit their language to writing with 
which we are acquainted being that of the German brethren at 
Banjarmassing, in the elementary work above referred to ;) and 
the existence of the most deadly feuds and animosities between 
the various tribes, presenting to mutual communication a ban ier 
more impassable than that of mountains and seas, are probably 
the principal causes of this diversity. Were you to meet with 
Dyaks of such and such places could you hold communication 
with them by any common language ? we inquired of this man. 
How would I dare visit them, was his instantaneous reply. By 
such an act of temerity, I would lose my head. When we looked 
at this interesting family group, only the representatives of thou* 



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d2 JOURNAL OF A TOUR ON THB tCAPtJAS* 

Bands and tens of thousands with physical and mental qualities 
not inferior perhaps to them, we could not help sighing when we 
considered their gross ignorance and superstition, the tyranny 
exercised over them, and the cruel practices to which most are 
addicted. Oh ! that God would have mercy upon them and 
grant that their dark minds may soon be enlightened by the 
glorious rays of the blessed gospel. Upon leaving the Dyak 
dwelling its owner offered many apologies because he had nothing 
to present us. 

At 8 o'clock met the Gezaghebber of Tyan accompanying his 
son and the greater part of his famil}-, as far as Pulo Jambu on 
their way to Ponliunak. The term Gezaghebber, it will be seen, 
is of Dutch origin, (but what precise idea they attach to the word 
we have not yet been able to ascertain.) He is the Dutch 
excise officer at Tyan, and exercises some authority on the part of 
the Government there. A small swivel was mounted on the bow 
of his little boat while several muskets lay at his side. He son 
followed in a large boat propelled by a kind of tread-wheel 
worked by men. He expects soon to follow his family to Pon-^ 
tianak, and is to be succeeded by a Dutchman, who at present has 
the command of one of the guard schooners. Before 10 A. h. 
passed two low mountaiuF, Sumbayan and Ghampidik, some 
distance from the river on the left. The mouth of the creek that 
takes its rise in the latter mountain we passed some hours pre- 
Tiously down the river. Here are situated some eight or nine 
Malay dwellings, while near the source of the stream and round 
the base of Champidik, there are a few Dyak desas containing a 
population of some three or four hundred. These Dyaks are 
under tho Panambahan of Tyan. Panambahau is a title given 
to a prince next in rank below a Sultan. At this place also we 
came in sight of a few Chinese dwellings, the first seen since 
leaving Teluk Kompei. About 11 o'clock Tyan mountain ap- 
peared in sight, and shortly after we passed the mouth of the river 
Balungei on the right. Here is a small Malay kampong and a 
wooden fort erected by Pangeran Jaya, who resides here a part 
of his time. He has under his jurisdiction at Balungei, ^ or j of 
a day south of Tyan, 200 Dyaks and about l,dO0 at Mili&n about 
one day east of Balur.gci. This Pangeran is not independent 



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JUURNAL OP A TOUR ON THU KAPUA8. 03 

but is only a deputy of the Rajali of Matan, whose authority 
extends to the Kapuas. Between twelve and one o*cloek we 
reached Pulo Tyan, a small island in the river, on the eastern 
point of which is the Dutch fort and the residence of the Qc* 
Bagbebber. The Dutch have only 12 native soldiers stationed 
here at present. Before the departure of the Gezaghebber's 
family (60 in number) there were on the island about 200 Malays. 
The Chinese kampong is also on the island. The Chinese popu- 
lation is partly of mixed character ; part of Teo Chew and part 
Khek, numbering not more than 60 or 70 souls, including a few 
engaged in working mines a short distance down the river. The 
gold mines, however, in the vicinity are small, worked by from 
two to six men, and are said to yield at present but small quantities 
of the precious mental.' 

The revenue of the Dutch Government here arises from an 
impost on all produce and merchandize in boats ascending and 
descending the river, the privilege of working the mines, selling 
of pork, opium, &c» 

A short distance north of Pulo Tyan, on the banks of a«mall 
river which empties into the Kapuas, is the village of Tyan, 
properly so called, containing according to the GezRghebber 
about 250 inhabitants. Here the Panambahan resides; within 
whose jurbdiction there are 700 kwangs (or doors) of Dyaks, 
and probably between 3,800 and 4,000 ^ouls. There are difficul- 
ties existing between the Dyaks of Tyan and Landak, which it is 
expected will break out into open hostilities on account of the 
pertinacity of the rulers, especially of the Panambahan of Tyan. 
The Dyaks of Landak are said to be the aggressoi-s. The Pa- 
nambahan having sent out his summons to all the Dyaks under 
his cotumand, is now absent in the interior erecting forts and 
making other preparations for defence, as he is the weaker party 
and will probably act on the defensive should the difficulties 
terminate in war. An influential Malay man under him called 
upon us this af'iernoon and asked for books. We gave him a 
number; a part of which we requested him to give to his pug- 
nacious master, which he promised to do, and seemed to be 
gratei'ul for those given him. This evening we had a long con- 
versftlion with one of our boatmen respecting the Christian 



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94 JOURNAt OF A TOtJtl OH TUB iLAfUAS. 

and Mahomedan religions. We cndeaTOured to show bim the 
deficiency of his ByBtem, particularly on the great point of satis- 
faction for sin, and the superiority of the Christian system which 
so precisely meets the sinner's case. He listened attentively to 
what was said, but seems very much prejudiced in favor of his 
own religion. 

Slst — At eight o'clock, the hour of his appointment, we called 
upon the Gezaghebberi who had returned from his excursion 
down the river a little after mi>Juight. He received us politely 
and contrary to the native custom invited us to sit upon chairs 
placed round a small table in the middle of an open hall. Cof- 
fee, rice, cakes, and confectionary prepared in Malay style were 
then brought in and set before us. The Gezaghebber is a brother 
of the Sultan of Pontianak and a man of considerable intelligence. 
Learning from a letter from the Resident of Pontianak as well as 
from our conversation, our wish upon our return from Sangau to 
go overland to Landak, he gave it as his opinion that it would 
not be prudent at present to cross, owing to the excited state of 
the f)yaks between the two pkices, but proposed, instead, that we 
shonld go up the river to Sintang, five or six days beyond Sangau, 
kindly offering at the same time to give us a letter to one of the 
most influential Pangerans of that place. We concluded to follow 
bifi advice, as we were unwilling to give any just occasion for the 
charge of rashness, which might have been the case had we deter- 
mined to carry out our original plan in the face of the opinion of 
auch a man. The distance between Tyan and Landak is about three 
days, one day by water ascending the Tyan a small winduig 
stream — then one day by land to Saberang on the Landak river. 
Prom Landak to Tyan the journey might be made in a day les9, 
owing to the currents of the rivers favouring. The banks of the 
river are about 6 or 7 feet above the present level of the river, but 
are sometimes inundated during the heavy rains. Having receiv- 
ed the Gezaghebber's letter, we leA Tyan about 11 o'clock for 
Sigalam, some 3 or 4 miles distant up the river or the right shore* 
-—This is the residence of Pangeran Adapati who had sent us an 
invitation to visit him. He formerly resided in Tyan near the 
Panambahan ; but owing to some difficulties that arose between 
them, he left a few years since and fixed hb residence in this place. 



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JOURNAL 07 A TOUR ON THE KAPUAS. 95 

Oil onr arriTsI we were cond acted into a large balci or front hall 
of the dwelling honse, and took our seats by a long table covered 
with jellow cloth (upon benches covered with rugs). The hall 
is large, as are nearly M we have seen in this part of the world, 
being about 60 or 60 feet by 35 or 40^ and open on three sides 
except a light railing. The posts of most of the timbers are kayu 
bilian (iron wood), and the roofof shingles laid on lath without 
any fastening except small wooden pegs to keep them from sliding 
down. Indeed all shingle roofs here are thus put on as the wind 
is seldom if ever of sufficient force to blow them off. The floor 
is of round poles from one to two inches in diameter laid close and 
made fast by tattans to timbers beneath. On this floor coarse 
mats are spread. Finer ones and rugs are sometimes laid over 
these, especially where persons of consequence are seated. Soon 
after our entrance the Pangeran made his appearance. He is not 
of the roost prepossessing exterior but affable, polite, and hospita- 
ble. The male part of the Pangeran's household, and others, as 
Is customary, wore seated around listening to our conversation and 
conversing together. Females are seldom seen except peeping 
from behind some curtain or through some opening to get a sight 
of the visitors. The Pangeran and an interesting young man, his 
nephew, whom he has adopted, made many enquiries respecting 
our business, object in ascending the river, mode of support &c, 
and on all these points we gave them all the satisfaction in our 
power. Being desirous of visiting the Dyaks under this chief, 
of whom we had heard much, we asked the privilege which was 
readily granted. The young man above spoken of accompanied 
us. The Dyak kampongs are } or 2 of an hour up a small sti-eam* 
This we ascended in a boat furnished by the Pangeran as ours was 
too large for the purpose. With the exception of a few hills the 
banks of this stream were low and heavily wooded. In this 
vicinity is found the timber for the junk masts with which they 
are furnished on their annual visit to Pontianak. They bring old 
cedar masts which, on account of the character of the wood, they 
part with to considerable advantage in the Chinese campong. 
They then furnish their vessels with new masts from the timber of 
this island which on their return to China they sell at a handsome 
profit. 



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90 JOURNAL OF A TOUR ON THE KAPUAS. 

We found Dyak k&mpongs sitaatcd along the stream and on a 
small lake in which it takes its rise. The principal part of the 
dwellings are huilt upon the brow of a hill that rises abruptly from 
the water's edge, and so concealed by fruit and forest trees that 
they were scarcely perceptible from the boat when we landed. 
We were agreeably surprised in not witnessing that poverty and 
degradation which we had anticipated. The houses were much 
better then we expected to find them, and marks of industry 
were everywhere visible, which are looked for in vain in Malay 
villages. We ascended first to the house of the Tamungong, or 
head man of these kampongs. This man according to his own 
statement was once guilty of the practice of cutting off heads ; but 
has long since laid it aside, never, we hope, to take it up again. 
When spoken on the subject of the instruction of Dyak children, 
he seemed pleased with the idea. He is considered rich for a 
Dyak, his property being valued at between two and three thou- 
sand rupees. His house accordingly we found rather spacious^ 
but built after the true Dyak style. The general mode of building 
is this ; all the houses or nearly all in a kampong are erected on 
posts of the same height, generally about 10 or 12 feet, and are all 
joined together under one roof with only slight partitions to 
separate the families. ' Each door marks a household ; henoe 
results the mode of reckoning the population, not by so many 
houses, by so many lawangs or pintus. The roof is commonly of 
bark, sometimes of kajang ; the sides of bark ; from the roof to 
(he floor generally stooping inwards; and the floor of poles, as 
the Malay hall before described. The windows are in the roofs of 
the houses, a portion of which is raised by poles, to a horizontal 
position for the admission of light and air and for the emission of 
smoke. In some of the small single houses that stand in the 
paddy fields these apertures occupy nearly half the roof. The fire- 
places are in the houses, under or between the windows. Before 
the houses and on a level with the floor, and resembling it, is a 
wide open platform, generally the whole length of the village, on 
which they walk dry and thrash their rice &c. They ascend to 
their houses by notched tirabere, laid in a slanting position or by 
rude ladders formed of round poles lashed together by rattans. 
Under their houses they keep their swine and poultry ; but the 



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lOUBNAL OF A TOUR OK TBB KAVDABk 97 

latter often seem quite «t home above the floor. The iiamber of 
lawaogB to these kampongs is one hundred and twenty ; and the 
whole popolation does not fail muoh short of six hundred* The 
asil or tax paid by these kampongs is two rupees each lawang to 
the Paogeran ; who ia addkioa to this oonsiders that he has » 
clautt upon their serrioee for a portion of their time. They acoor^^ 
dii^ly assist him in oultiyatmg some paddy gronqdi and in ereo* 
ting houses when they are required* The time not emph>yed 
directly in the seryice of the Pangeran is spent in the oidti?atiQi|r 
of rioe^ collecting rattans, &c. which artides they may sell te 
whom they please — pri?ileges granted to few if any other Dyake 
under Malay chiefik All the Dyaks of Sugalam have long since 
abandoned the cruel practice of cutting off heads^ and seem in 
some degree convinced of the evii of the practice. They have 
also lost their own language and speak nothing but Malay. The 
number of swine seen under their dwellings afforded ocular de<^ 
monstratioQ that they have but little or any desire to become 
Mahomedans. Their love fi>r the fiesh of these aniouilsy as the 
young man who was with ne remarked, is a great obstacle in die 
way of their embracing Islamism, ** but, added he, they would 
perhaps like your religion better.'^ Judging from the knowa 
character of the Pangeran and his connezioQ wkh the Dutch Go- 
vernment, we tUnk there would not be any serious difficulty in 
the way of a missionary hd>ouring for the spiritual benefit of these 
Dyaks. The smallnesR of the number, however, might be an 
objection to his locating there, except he oould have access to the 
Dyaks of Tyan, and those of Balungei and MHion on the south of 
the Kapuas. 

April Ist-^Tbottgh we arose very early and were prepared to- 
set oat on our way about 4 o'clock, the strict Hahomedan was up 
before ns and engaged in his devotions. Whether this is a con- 
stant practice with the Pangeran's household and those around 
him we did not learn, but rather suspect they arose thus early this 
morning to show us how devout and what good Mussutmen they 
were. About 7 o'clock passed a low mountain of conical form, 
and at 10 passed Milion. Here again is a native fort. A high 
fence of round timbers set upright enloses an area of probably SOO 
feet scjoare and within tUs enclosure are two or three small 

M 



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96 JOVRVAL OF A TOUR OV THB KAPUA9. 

ImildiiigB. It standfl in a somewbat commanding position on the 
brow of a small hill^ at the foot of which, where a small creek falls 
into the Kapaas, are some ten or tweWe Malay honses. At this 
place and at Balnngei, Pangeran Jaya alternately resides, as has 
been before remarked. The general coarse of the ri?er today 
abont west— ayerage width nearly half a mile. About 4 o'clock 
p. X. passed a somewhat rocky shore. Towards evening a long 
range of hilb appeared in front at some distance. But the banks 
of the river after passing Milion appeared low (bearing evident 
marks of being innndated during great swells) — ^heavily woodedi 
and almost altogether uninhabited. 

2nd.— Near six o'clock we left our lodging place, which had 
been the uninhabited and woody shore far from any 'human dwel- 
ling. The screams of the monkies in the adjoining forest were 
almost incessant. About 9 o'clock we passed point Suntoh on the 
right and shortly after a mountain range of the same name. The 
highest point of this range is probably about 600 feet. Be- 
tween this and the shore are gold mines worked by about 30 
Chinese. At 10 o'clock we passed another mine worked by some 
ten or fifteen men ; and shortly after, on the same side of the river, 
Samarangkeiy a Malay town containing about 40 houses. The 
town is on the increase, and is more pleasantly situated than 
any other we have passed since leaving Pontianak. It stands on 
an elevation ; and in front of it, on the opposite side of the river, 
is the beautiful ridge of Suntoh, mostly covered with primitive 
forest. About 2 p. h. passed a range of hills on the right with 
cultivated spots; giving to the distant prospect an air of cheerful- 
ness in our eyes, accustomed as they had been to gaze npon the 
low dense forest or wooded hills while the few traces of eol- 
tivation have been in narrow strips along the shore. During 
the course of the afternoon passed several mines worked by Chinese^ 
a few being employed in each mine. We saw also some hilb 
nnder cultivation by the same people. Near evening passed a 
small creek where there yrero a few Chinese inhabitants who are 
also engaged in a mining operation* At half past 6 o'clock we 
stopped for the night at a place called Rantu Skiang where there 
are a few Malay and Chinese inhabitants. Here is a gold mine in 
which ten or twelve Chinaman are employed. There is also a 



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JOURNAL OV ▲ TOim ON THB KiPUAf. S9 

diamond mine in the yicinity. In the evening both Malays and 
Chinefle came on board oar boat and brought with them small 
presents of rice and dried fish. The Chinese who work these 
mines, as well as the Malays who superintend them^ are exceedingly 
saperstitioas. They informed us that for some years past there 
had been a diminution in the quantity of gold obtained, and said. 
with the utmost apparent credulity that it was owing to the power 
of some hantu. If these invisible beings became for any reason 
displeased, the gold they say will lari (run away). 

The course of the river to-day has been very winding, the 
current rapid, but the width not as great as yesterday. The 
shores have appeared higher than before. Low mountains were* 
visible the whole day, some of them quite near the river. There 
are a few Dyak kampongs, it is said, scattered among these 
mountains, but they are small and as usual at some dbtance from 
the river. 

April 3rd. — ^Reached Sangau at a few minutes past 11 o'clock 
A. M. The town is pleasantly situated on the left bank of the 
river amid a grove of coco and other fruit trees, and presented, 
as we approached from the opposite shore, quite an imposing 
appearance in connexion with a large number of trading boats 
and floating houses which lined the river. We stopped at the 
Chinese hampong and immediately despatched a messenger to the 
Panambahan to ask an interview with him, and learn at what 
time it would be most convenient for him to receive us. He 
appointed the hour of 4 p. ic. for audience, giving as a reason 
that the heat would then be less intense. In the meantime, 
Chinese, Dyaks, and Malay children came around the boat to get 
a view of the strangers, and for other purposes. The Chinese 
(among whom were two who bore the title of Captain) as in other 
places questioned us respecting the time we had been coming 
from Pontianak— what we had brought for trade, whether the 
wankangB (junks) had arrived at Pontlanak from China, &c. &c. 
The Dyaks, after gratifying their curiosity with a sight of us, 
asked for tobacco which they prefer to any thmg else. 

At 2 p. M., although the heat was oppressive, the thermometer 
standing at 90 of Farenheit under the kajang of our boat, we 
walked through the Malay kampong followed by a number of 



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too '^dOIINAL OF A T6nn on tHV KAPUAS. 

nett tnd boyv. The houset are raised high and suffiotentljr ampb 
in their dimenBione ; but oonstrocted of rude materials and eet 
tiithont the least regard to order, in the wildest confnsion imagine 
able. There were some scattered fmlt trees, the interrals between 
which, and the space around and under the dwellings, were filled 
np with logs, stamps, and every species of filth ; and not the 
eemblance of a road or decent path appeared. By the help of 
onr Malay men, who were skilful guides in this choatic labyrinth, 
we wound our way from west to east, sometimes over solid ground, 
then over old logs, planks and poles laid on mud, ftc If we 
gained nothing more by this walk, we at least oblaified prooiSi by 
oonlar demonstration of the aversion of the Malays to labour. 
Wherever we passed there was a general msh of men, women 
mad children to the sides of the way, and to the doors and ytnsa* 
4Bh§ of the houses^ to see the orang putih : a sight which many 
of them, particularly the females and children, had probably 
never before enjoyed. 

At tiw appointed hour, in company with one of the Chinese 
Captams we called upon the Panambahan at bis dwelling, whidi 
atands at the npper end of the kampong and is of somewhat 
imposing appearance. He received us near the door of the hall 
-of audience, returned onr salutation in European style, and invited 
na to take oar seats on the fioor upon mats which had been spread 
for us. Having presented our letters firom the Resident and 
Sultan of Pontianak, they were read by his secretary in onr 
presence. The Panambahan seemed little inclined to introduce 
oonversation himself, or to converse when we attempted to etart 
a topio. This we did several times by referring to the contents 
of the letters we brought, and our wish to ascend the river. But 
our efforts were ineffectual, for he would only answer our ques- 
tions in simple affirmatives or negatives. From this embarrassment, 
however, we were in some measure relieved after lome time by 
some that were present, especially by a younger brother of his 
and the Secretary, who addressed is and entered into oonversaition 
in a somewhat free and fltnuliar mataner. The Panambahan 
throughout the whole interview seemed to be in a state of i^pta- 
tion and embarrassmenL When we arose to withdraw, many 
that were within (for the hall was full) ruriied out, and asaoon 



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J0UMA1 OF A TOUR ON THB KAPUA9. lOl 

»f they were withoar, raised a shout which rao^ through the 
premises and made it evident that it was difficnlt for the Panam- 
bahan to preserve decorum wtihtn and about his dwelling whatever 
night be his power beyond these limits. After leaving the hall 
of the Panambahan we called upon Pangeran Parabn, (the Malay 
officer who owes his appointment to the Dutch and collects their 
customs in this place)| to whom we had a letter of introduction 
from the Gksaghebler of Tyan. He received us in a friendly 
manner and invited us to take our seats upon chairs and en- 
tered freely into conversation with us. Our interview with him 
throughout seemed rather in striking contrast to that with the 
Panambaban. The river Skiam which falls into the Kapuas just 
above the town of Sangau, the Pangeran informed us, has its 
source far into the interior where it has a very rocky channel and 
in one place a high fall of water. It is a winding stream and one 
of its bends approaches the Landak river, fr*om which there is a 
footpath across to that town. There is, however, an overland 
route to Landak more direct requiring not more than three or four 
days. This path has been variously represented to us ; some say 
h is a good one, others say that the Dyaks have purposely 
rendered it almost impassable. One thing is certain, that the 
Chinese do hold communication in this wav with Landak and 
Mandoor. 

4th-- At 8 o'<olock this morning, accompanied by a son of the 
Pangeran, we set out to visit a rock with inscriptions on the right 
bank of the Skiam. It is now called Batu Tulis, formerly Batn 
Sampei, because the chiefi and others in previous years always 
stopped here in ascending the river. About 4 of a mile above the 
month of the stream we came to a small rocky glen through 
which a little rill empties itself into the main stream* Here we 
stopped and ascended the bank. One of the boatman preoeded 
witfi his parang, and cutting away the bushes prepared a way for 
OS along the sides of the glen and the rocky bed of the stream ; 
(^ibr the rock has recently been so seldom visited that the path was 
quite overgrown with bushes.) At the distance of between fifteen 
and twenty rods from the bank of the Skiam, and at an elevation 
of some thirty feet above the level of its waters, we reached the 
«pot. We had heard of this inscription at Pontianak| but always 



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102 JOURNAL OF A TOUR OK TBI KAPUAfl. 

imaginod that it was to be found upon some stone or stones be* 
longing to the rains of some sacred edifice* What was our sar« 
prize then to find the letters cut in a solid perpendicular rock 
about 12 feet in length and 6 feet in height, extending quite across 
the rayine, o?er which the water was falling in a limpid cascade. 
The space covered by the characters is about 4 feet by 2 of the 
perpendicular surface of the rock. The general opinion here 
among those who venture one, is that the language is Sanscrit and 
the inscriptions are the relics of Hindooism. Confirmatory of 
this opinion, it seems to us, is the fact that in the Spau, another 
branch of the Kapuas a little farther up, have been found rude 
images of the sacred cow. A few years since, slabs with inscrip- 
tions and the image of a female sculptured in stone, were taken 
from the vicinity of Sangau and shipped for Batavia, but the 
vessel was lost on the passage. 

On our return from the rock we called again on the Pangeran, 
who informed us that the Panambahan would permit us to pass up 
the river. Although we spoke in our late interview of our wish 
to ascend the Kapuas as far as Sintang, we did not ask formal 
permission to do so. On subsequent reflection we thought proper 
to request formally this privilege through thePangeran; as the 
people of Sangau several months since declared that no boats from 
Pontianak should pass the place. By a former treaty with the 
Dutch, trading boats were permitted to ascend by paying to the 
authorities for this privilege a sum varying according to the size of 
the boat and the value of the merchandize, from 20 to 60 some- 
times even to 100 rupees. Not satisfied with the revenue thus 
derived, the authorities now, in the face of the treaty, stop the 
boats, buy up their cargoes and completely monopolize the trade 
of the interior. This is so ccnsiderable that the Bugis and Malay 
traders are willing to pay a sum considerably exceeding the former 
rate of duties, if they will suffer the boats to pass. The Dutch 
authorities are highly exasperated at this infraction of the treaty, 
and threaten to send up a gun-boat to enforce compliance. As 
they are dependant on Pontianak for many articles by them 
deemed quite indispensable they will undoubtedly yield. It was 
our intention to have left Sangau to-day, and to have gone a short 
distance up the river with the hope of spending the Sabbath more 



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JOURNAL OV A TOUR ON THB KAVVA9. 108 

quietly than can be done in this place, bat at the hoase of the 
Pangeran we found on our return a messenger from the Panamba- 
ban with a request (made however is a somewhat peremptory tone) 
that we would remain until tomorrow, as he wished to send com- 
munications by us to Sintang. Thus we were in a measure com- 
pelled to remain in the place until Monday morning. After 
receiving this message we returned to our boat, where we had 
constant calls for books from Malays and Bugis until 7 o'clock at 
night. Several small parties of Dyaks from the interior have also 
Tisited us, and during all the afternoon we have seen them passing 
up and down the river in boats. The Chinese as usual have paid 
ns frequent visits 

Bangau, which as before stated stands on the left bank of the 
Kapuas, contains a population of nearly 3,000 souls, two thirds, 
perhaps three-fourths, of these are Malays, the remaining fraction 
chiefly Bugis. Besides these there are some twenty or thirty 
Dyak slaves, and in the Chinese kampong forty or fifty Chinese. 
The whole number of Chinese under the Kongse of Sangau, accor- 
ding to 'the Captains' estimate, is about five hundred. This 
popalation is very much scattered. Except those in the kampong 
in town, they are found in small settlements, not exceeding twenty 
or thirty in a place, and are almost exclusively engaged in mining. 

As respects the number of inhabitants in any Malay town we 
find it very difficult to obtain an exact estimate. Those whose 
sitoation afibrds the best opportunity for obtaining the requisite 
information are either nnable or unwilling to furnish it. The num- 
ber of houses in a place are sometimes taken as a standard ; but 
the average number- of persons so dwelling yaries so much in 
different towns as to make this, to say the least, a difficult method. 
If the number of inhabitants of Sangau (for example) were 
estimated at an average of 5 or 6 to a dwelling (a fair estimate for 
Pontianak and some other places) we would come at least one 
half short of the truth. The number of inhabitants at Sangau, 
boweyer, as well as other places on the river, is far less now, it is 
■aid, than when the island was under native rule, and Succadana 
(now called New Brussels) was in its glory. The character of the 
inhabitants of Sangau differs little from that of other Malay towns 
wt liaye yisited, except that the male population are, if poasibley 



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104 JOURNAL OF ▲ TOUa ON THB KAPUA8. 

more indolent and feel more independent. So ffreBi ie their indo^ 
lence and pride that not a fool of land, aa far we could eee or 
learn, is cnltiyatod by them. They obtain their eubebtence from 
their Dyak sabjectB and the trade of the interior. The females 
however seem more indostrious. They manufactare considerable 
quantities of cloth from yam brought from Singapore and Batayia, 
and from the interior, where cotton is cttlti?ated to some extent by 
the Dyaks. In our walk through the town we saw many looms 
in operation under their dwellings. The looms are yery simple 
and rude in their construcUon, and the process of weaving labori* 
ous and slow* A hand's breadth is the work of a day, and a sin- 
gle garment requires a month for its completion. The cloth 
appears good and is of firm texture. 

The banks of the river are but a few feet above the present lerel 
of the Kapuas, and are sometimes inundated during the rainy 
season. The Dutch once had a fort on the right bank of the river 
opposite the Chinese kampong; but no remains of it are now to 
be seen. Their authority however is still so far acknowledged 
thai their agent Pangeran Parabu exacts a tribute from all boats 
coming down the river, and all from Pontianak. The soil in the 
yicinity of the town is a mixture of yellow chy and sand with 
only a thin layer of black mould on the surface; hut judging 
from the small spots we have seen cultivated by Chinamen, it 
seems well adopted to the cultivation of sugar cane and several 
kinds of vegetables, such as the yam, radish, cucumber, egg plant, 
bean &o. The chief exports fram Sangau are gold dust, rice^ 
rattanf, bees wax and a species of vegetable oil« 

In the district of Sangau, extending several days in eveiy diroo- 
tion, there are three tribes of Dyaks, together nsmberiDg fiOO 
lawangs and probably 8,000 souls. Two of these tribes ate several 
days in the interior on the banks of the Skiam. One of these, the 
Jangkang, is addicted to . the horrible practice of cannibalism. 
Except this and a single tribe on the Eastern coast we have noi 
heard of any other portion of the people who eat human flesh. 
That the practice prevails to no inconsiderable extent among this 
tribe there is no longer in our minds the shadow of a doubt. One 
man with whom we conversed had seen them making then* meA 
on the human frame. They themselves oonfeas it with beastiaf 



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JOURNAL OF A TOUR ON TIIR KAPUAS. 103 

and gtfe as a reason for the horrid custom that it makes them 

courageous. How coald we be brave, said one man, if we had 

never tasted human flesh. They do not eat indiscriminately all 

parts of the body, but with a most horrid kind of epicurism, fea^t 

with the greatest relish apon the tongue, brain, and muscles of the 

leg. The men of this tribe file down their front teeth to a point 

like the teeth of a saw. This, while it may fit for the indulgence 

of their fayourite propensity, adds not a little to the ferocions 

appearance of these man*eaters. The practice of cutting o£f heads 

is also their confession and boast. They seem to consider it their 

greatest glory. An old man of great muscular strength drew his 

iword and with an exulting smile declared that with it he had 

decapitated twelve men. When we expressed oar abhorrence of 

the practice and our hope that in future they would live in peace 

with each other, another old man said ; '^ but if we have a debt we 

must discharge it.'* Thus when one head is out off it creates a 

debt which, in the opinion of the parties concerned, must not be 

suffered to remain uncancelled ; but the cancelling creates a fresh 

demand for blood. In this way a kind of running account is kept 

open in the work of mutual slaughter, never we fear to be settled 

until the Gospel shall teach them the subUme doctrine of forgive* 

neas and the blessings of peace. 

The Dyaks kept as slaves in the town of Sangau are of the 
Jankang tribe. Some of them were brought from the interior for 
killing a Malay man, and others for different crimes. When a 
Dyak murders a Malay here seven men 6f bis tribe are demanded 
for him, who are disposed of as the Malay chief thinks proper, 
and are generally killed or enslaved. These Dyak slaves are 
employed a part of their time in the manufacture of swords of a 
peculiar form, and other articles in demand by the Dyaks of the 
interior, which are sold to them by the Malays at a very great 
profit. They also perform most of the difficult manual lahour 
about Ihe place. 

Dreadful havoc has been made among the tribes of Sangau on 
the North and East within three years past. Whole villages have 
been entirely cut off. The Sadong, a tribe of Brunai, have des- 
troyed §00 on the Skiam, and the tribee of, and near Sintang,20a 
If this destruction of life should continue a few years longer these 

N 



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Mtt JOURtf Ai OF A TOUR Oil TB« 1;ABPAS« 

Uibef miiat beoome extinct, except they lomoYe to die vioimly of 
Ibeir Malay maatei9— 4o wbioh Dyaks generally arp extremely 
ayene— or take better nieaearee for defence than they have kitheita 
done. 

The men of the Jankang tribe are m many respects a noble 
race. Iii slatnre, in the features of the ftce, and in their well 
proportumed and mnsoalar limbs, they excel all Dyaks we have 
yet seen, with one or two indiyidual exceptions. 

The Jaagkang Dyaks and most other tribes go nearly naked» 
wearing only what the Malay call the cliawat, a narrow doth or 
bark abont their loins. On the right side they carry a tangking, 
a small ornamented basket made of rattan. This contains two 
pieces of ornamented bamba flye or six inches in length and 
about 1| in diameter, and a little bark. The bambu tubes hold 
their quick lime and tobacco, while the sirih is wrapt up in the 
bark. This basket or pouch is flistened to the body by a narrow 
belt, ornamented with small sea shells. On the left side they 
carry the sinda, a sheathed knifb of long slender blade, used for 
ordinary purposes and for trimming off the ears &c of heads 
taken in war. On the left side hangs the lansa or sword for 
cutting off heads. Such is the weight of this weapon, the keen* 
ness of its edge, and the power and skill of the arm that wields 
it, that a single stroke genenlly seyers the bead, and sometimea 
the arm from the body. Of those who haye their heads coyered» 
aome^ like the Malays, wear a handkerchief. Others, particularly 
when going to war, put on a kind of cap made of rattan in whiofa 
they stick long feathers taken from domestic fowls or the laige 
wild birds of the island. Of ornaments this tribe is yery fond. 
Those who can procure them wear seyeral strings of beads or 
ahells, or both, about their necks. Their estimation of these is 
generally in the inyerse ratio of their siae* On the arm, above 
the elbow, some wear a kind of ring imported from China, about 
two inches broad, formed of horn, bone, and sometimes of mother 
c'reurl. They are valued at several rupees each, Otherawear 
rude articles of domestic ouinufiMture cut from wood or cocoanut 
shells. On their wrists and fingers they wear rings and bracelets 
of some metal, iron, copper, or gold, according to the ability of 
their wearer. Their ear pendants arc small silver ooin^ as quarter 



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lOHmiAIr OV A TOUR ON THB &APUAS. 107 

tind faolf rupees or cironlar pieces of tia of the same site. Some 
xjf the tribes wear fewer ornameots than the Jangkang and some- 
what different ; thoagh the passion for omaments, particalarly for 
beadsi seems qaite general among them^ One tribe of Sangavi 
the Bibnt^ wear clothing similar to the Malays, at least when they 
leav^ their kampong and visit Sangaa for purposes of trado. 
Tbey are darker in complexion and bferior in strength to the 
Jangkang. 

In the absence of all written language the Dyaks, or some of 
them at least, hare a kind of symbolic mode of commnnieation 
exceedingly simple. A Malay man sitting on otir boat first in^ 
formed as of it, and appealed In confirmation of what he said t6 
some Dyaks seated on the shore requesting them at the same time 
to famish us with a specimen. They immediately took their 
knives and cut out the forms of two snmpitaa arrows,— Hme some« 
what longer than the other. On both notches were cut. Iliese 
arrows are, if we have been correctly informed, sent round to the 
different desas of the same tribe to rouse them to war. The not* 
ches on the smaller arrow denoting the number of days before the 
attack is to be made, and those on the larger the number of men 
demanded from the different villages. They sometimes burn the 
^nd of these sticks, and paint the other red, denoting they intend 
to bum the village and destroy all the inhabitants. Tbeyalso use 
sticks of other shapes, and balls for the same purpose. 

Monday, April 6th.— The greater part of the Sabbath we pas* 
sed in a room of the Captain Chinaman, where wo hoped to be 
more free from interruptions than upon our boat But in this we 
were mistaken. Oar room having no door, Malays and Dyaks 
Crowded in until it seemed quite as public a place as the boat. 
Some came merely otft of curiosity, as the Dyaks, and some for 
books, who were supplied. 

About 5 o'clock this morning left Sangau for Scaddan and 
Sintang. Having engaged our men at Pontianak to go only as 
far as Sangau, they absolutely refused to go further unless we pio- 
cured additional rowen, on account of the greater strength of the 
current beyond this, and supplied ourselves with weapons of 
defence. To have procured a new set of boatmen would have 
been inconvenient perhaps imifracltcablc; or if practicable Would 



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lOB* JIHJRNAI. OF A TOUR ON TUB KAPUA9. 

have been aUonded with mach delay and not have relieved us at ail 
from the necessity of which we speak ; for so customary is it for 
all boats going up the river to take this precaution, that we had 
not the slightest reason to suppose that if we had obtained new 
boatmen they would have pleaded for it less strenuously that the 
others. The alternative therefore seemed to be to comply or 
return home without seeing any more of the interior. We con*> 
sented therefore, though reluctantly, and Pangeran Parabu kindly 
furished as with three rowers, two in addition to our former num- 
ber, and one to supply the place of one of the oarsmen from 
Pontianak who is incapaciated for labour by a recent attack of 
chills and fever. The Pangeran also furnbhed us with a small 
brass swivel weighing 80 or 100 pounds, an old rifle with a broken 
Ipck, an old musket, and four Dyak spears. Thus equipped our 
men were content to proceed cheerfully on the way. 
. Between two and three hours after leaving Sangau we touched 
at a Dyak campong called Pengaladi. The number of inhabitants 
is about twp hundred, who, like the Dyaks of Sagalam, have lost 
their language and speak nothing but Malay ; and what is more, 
they have become the disciples of the prophet of Mecca. The 
very appearance of the village seems to indicate this. According 
to true Malay style it is composed of scattered dwellings surround- 
ed by fruit trees, among which the plantain predominates. But 
in the conduct and appearance of the iuhabitants the most marked 
change has taken place. Some of them were engaged in their 
prayers when we arrived. They were as loud and apparently as 
devout as the Malays. Their new faith has also made a great 
metamorphosis in their dress. The cbawat and beads have given 
place to the turban and full dress of the Malay. The inhabitants 
of this village are under the rule of Pangeran Parabu of Sangau. 
They originally lived further up the river, but on their conversion 
to Mahomedanism they left their houses and settled in this spot, 
probably on account of the protection offered by their vicinity to a 
large town. This event occurred about six years ago. There is 
another settlement of Dyaks below Sangau of nearly the same size 
who have become Mussulmen. Other kampongs belonging to 
Sangau it is said wish to follow their example, but are prevented 
by their Malay masters who find them less profitable subjects 



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JflURNAt OP A *rO0a ON THB ]LAPUA8» 100 

tofter than before their conversion. This desire of bccoming^ 
Mahomedans is decisive evidence that they are p^rcatlj oppressed^ 
else their Io?e of pork and other articles prohibited by the Koran 
would entirely preclade every such desire. In the forenoon pas* 
^ a mining district and a range of hills on the right which near 
to their termination were to some extent cultivated. A few Malay 
houses were also seen on both sides of the river. About noon 
passed mount Lintang, five or six hundred feet high, and a littla 
before sunset Matan mountain and a river of the same name* 
Our stopping place again to-night is the woody and aninhabited 
shore. 

7th. At au early hour this morning passed the mouths of two 
small streams on which the Dyaks who have embraced Islamism 
above spoken of formerly dwelt. At 8 o'clock passed the mouth 
of the Manawa?, a small river, the termination of the Panamba« 
bun's jurisdiction in this direction. On this stream there were 
once many Dyaks, but they ate now but few iu number. Between 
3 and 4 o'clock p. v. we stopped on the left to visit a rock remark- 
able as a natural curiosity and still more so on account of tho 
superstitions connected with it. The rock is near the river's bank 
and almost parallel wiih it, and behind it rises a small hill. It is 
several hundred feet in length and about 35 or 40 feet perpendi-t 
cnlar height. It has a number of apertures, some nearly on a 
level with the groniidi but most of them nearly on a range at tho 
height of between 4 and 5 f»et. They are nearly of the same size, 
rough, filthy, and scarcely large enough to admit the body of an 
ordinary sized man. The apertures we were told widen and open 
into caverns sufficiently large for persons to walk erect in them. 
These have been peopled by the superstitions of the natives with a 
kind of beings who have the power of conferring on visitors 
strength and invulnerability. Deluded by the belief many visit 
the rock and present ofienngs. We saw in one of the apertures 
which is appropriated to females the carcase of a fowl, and in 
another the sirih leaf with its accompaniments prepared for chew- 
ing. In front of the roek w^ere scattered in great abnndance the 
remains of small split baskets said to be used in bringing ofi'erings 
to the place. To favoured individuals who attempt the entrance 
t in said the rocks open and present a wider passage. The Sultan 



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110 totfaiiAL OP A troua ok tbb Ha^uas. 

of Seaddati ha» Tutted the took frequently for two yean with gifb^ 
in eonfleqnenee of which be is nid, and no doubt believed by 
many Malays^ to be invninerable* So silly and childish are the 
notions to which this saperstitious people yield their ready 
credcncew This rock is called Batu Tape. Soon afler we left this 
place we were OTcrtaken with a hea? y rain, and about 5 o'clock 
reached Scaddan. Immediately upon our arri?al we dispatehed 
a man to asceilain at what time it would be conyenient to have an 
ioterriew with his majesty the Sultan* But the latter had been 
previously informed of the approach of stran^ers^ and our messen* 
ger soon returned with a number of men who had their orders to 
bring our boat nearly in front of the palace, and who informed us 
that at 8 o'clock the following morning their master would be 
ready to receive as. Between 6 and 7 o'clock in the evening, 
however, one of the Sultaa*s men came and gave us notice that 
his miyesty would soon visit us in our boat. This we had not 
anticipated. In a few minutes he came in a small boat of his 
own, accompanied by his son, an interesting youth of about 11 or 
12 years, and several attendants. In his band he held a long 
spear and bis son carried in his hand a small sword, or dagger. 
He immediately addressed ns in quite a familiar manner, and came 
on boHrd our boat withont ceremony or dignity of deportment* 
IVe soon discovered that be was quite intoxicated ; but this did not 
much Burprifie ns as we had previously been told that he drank 
spirituous liquors to excess. His garmento were of the richest 
materials, but he is very filthy in his habits and appearance* He 
chewed ponang and sirih with the accompaniments to such excess 
that the saliva ran almost in streams from his mouth. In a word 
he has sunk the gravity and dignity of the sovereign in the low 
and vulgar habits of the common drunkard. His familiarity was 
intrusive, and his conversation either offensive, or filled with 
obscenity and low wit, at every fresh sally of which bis attend*^ 
ants, as most probably in duty bound, langhed obstreperously. 
He seemed to be quite suspicious of us and put such questions to 
us respecting the regulations of the Dutch government as we were 
unable to answer. He appointed an interview in the morning, but 
requested us to remain until sent for. 
8th. Early this morning the Sultan sent us some fowls and a 



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JOURlflL OV A TOUB ON THE K%PUA8. tU 

quantity of rioe 119 a prosent. Soon after the Captain Chinaaian. 
called who informod us that the Scaddan Chinese amount to only 
between one and two hundred. A little after 8 o'clock the Sultau 
sent for a&, His palace is a spacious building surrounded by a bigh- 
encJosure. On one side of the ball in which we found him sitting 
were hanging largo Dyak shields ; and a kind of large frame 
work over our heads supported a lai^ nnmber of muskets and 
spears. "When we entered he gave ua his labik bat did not rise to 
receive us. We shook hands with him as he sat, and after pulling 
off our shoes seated ourselves before him on mats. His conversa*- 
tion was more chaste and rational than the preceding evening, but 
his appearance indicated that he felt the effects of bis bachanaliaa 
revel. Some of bis children weie present, of which lie has no less 
than seventeeni although bis age does not probably exceed thirty* 
The pumber of his wives and concubines exceeds twenty. Ha 
boldly advocates polygamy, and we took the liberty of giving bian 
plainly out opinion on the subject. The entertainment he gave 
us, was what is called here bubur kachang, made of jilib, a 
Dyak grain before described. This was brought in bowls ready 
aweetened with native sugar, and set before us and several of the 
attendants. He inquired also of one of our boatmen present 
where his companions were as he was desirous of entertaining 
them all in the same way. For drink, or rather for rindng the 
mouths of the sirih chewers, water was brought in decanters with*- 
out cups or glaeses. We could not get any information from hin^ 
respecting the population, either Malay or Dyaks, under hin\. 
We informed him of our design in visiting thb and other placep 
on the river, and asked him whether he has willing that a 
missionary or missionaries should be located at Scaddan. He 
immediately replied in the affirmative. Indeed from what we 
have learned of his character from others it is probable that if ft 
missionary could gain his favour, fewer difficulties would be fonn4 
in labouring for the benefit of both Malays and Dyaks than in 
many other places. He engaged us strongly to call on him on our 
return from Sintang, and promised to procure some Dyak wea- 
pons and clothing for us. 

Our interview with the Sultan being closed we walked through 
the kampong, which extends along the west bank of the river 



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112 JOURNAL OF A TOVR ON TOB KAPUA9. 

Scaddan fN>m its month to the distance of half a mite or moro^ 
The hooaee are much scattered, and, as at Sangau, we found it 
difficult at tiraea, for want of any thing like a decent path, to make 
our way throogh. The number of houses is about 70 or 80 and 
the whole population about 800. The Scaddan is a stream of 
about 100 yards wide, and where it falls into the Kapuas its 
coarse is firom the South East to N. West; but the course lies 
nearly South and is said to be very rocky. In this way lies a 
path to Malan. In passing throogh Scaddan the sound of the 
loom was every where heard as at Sangau. 

Gold-dust, rice, rattans, and wax in small quantities are ex- 
ported annually from Scaddan, but a greater quantity of minyak 
tangkawang (tangkawang oil) than from any other place in the 
interior. This oil is obiainei from the nut of the tangkawang 
tree, which produces only once in two or three years. There are 
said to be ten species of the nut, each having a different name 
from the others, and are of various siscs, from that of a common 
orange to that of the duku. The kernel is covered with a hard 
shell to separate which it is necessary to immerse them in water 
for thre or four days. After the separation they are exposed to 
the sun for about the same number of days until the oil beings to 
exude, when they are pounded in a mortar and then boiled in 
water for some time ; after which the oil is expressed while hot 
This oil has nearly the consistence and something of the appear- 
ance of tallow, but generally yellower. It is found in the markets 
in rolls from one inch and a half to 8 inches in diameter. It is 
used in the interior almost exclusively for light and culinary pur- 
poses. It sells at the rate of from 10 to 12 Rupees per ptcul. 

Left Scaddan at 10 a. m. and proceeded up the river. Before 
noon a few Malay and Chinese habitations were seen. Until 3 
o'clock continued to meet the river craft consisting of bandongs 
(covered trading boats), rafts and sampans. Our first stopping 
place was at a dwelling inhabited by some ten or twelve Dyaks 
who had embraced Mahomedanism. The ears of some of the men 
still exhibited the perforations made by them to suspend orna- 
ments, of which in their native state they seem so fond. One of 
the men had his teeth filed down, resembling those of a saw, as 
the Jankong tribe; and another had a tatooed figure upon his 



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anD. This we w«re told is fneHimi by mbm nf the D/ftkf^ 
jwrdealarij by tbe Bqa tribe of BoqjeniiaMiiig to a lai^ estent. 
They lometimeB coTor their entire bodies widk figere of this kind, 
fiarii^ paitetHted the tkin they oae the gam of ft oeHain tMe 
which combiniiig with their blood ibnaB ft dark and inddiUe dye. 
The oecapation of theae men is the itaanoftctare of iron Weapons 
and oroamentnl rings for Iheir Dyak brsthren of the interior 
beyond Sintang from whence they originally oame. 

Leaving this plaee, near evening we feaehed Snngei Ayak, a 
mall stream which iidls into the Kapnas on tiie left ; and a little 
after a Chinese settlement which bears the same name. Jnit 
before we reached this place, mountains higher than any we had 
before seen on the island were Tisible in the hr distance to the 
south. In the evening visited the three prinoipal Ghinameti in 
the place, the Capati, Captain and Captain Tonranggong. Wtdi 
each of these and at some other places in the kampong, left some 
Chinese tracts and then returned to our boat 

9th.-^Early this morning Tisited two of the nearest gold mine*. 
The mines in the vicinity of this place are the richest and moSt 
extensive of -any yet discovered on the river, and the gold taken 
from them commands a more ready sale than any other obtained 
in the residency of Pontianak* About an hou^s walk brought 
US to the farther of the two. Our way lay over undulating open 
grounds and through forests. The soil is a light sand intermingled 
with white pebbles. When we reached the mine we found in the 
nrigbbourhood a few dwellings of the miners, and in the eentre 
the dwelling of the overseer of the mines, which also serves as a 
place for the transaction of all tbe business connected with the 
mines. There we rested awhile and left a few tracts to be given 
to the men when the labours of the day were ended. 

On our departure we noticed that this building was prepared 
(br defence, being surrounded by a high fence, inside of which was 
a breast-work and port holes for small guns ; while in the portico 
of the building on an eminence there is also a small watch towef . 
After near half an hour's wLlk we came to the other mine, but as 
the men were absent taking then- morning meal we i&erely passed 
through it. The excavations here are larger than at the othtor and 
Hie number of men employed near thirty. The ground Work^ in 



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Il4 JOURHAL 09 A TOUR OH THX KAP0A0. 

theeo miiMs dlfibn somewhat $ in tbe one caie it it a yeHow, and 
in the other a white admixture of elay and saad. It is mid the 
goM when first taken np generally resembles the soil in which it 
is foandy and is not often perceptible until washed.* The region' 
of the gold in the three mines is from 15 to 90 feet from the sur^ 
face. The process of working is something like this. A stream 
of rapidly running water is led along the foot of the bank into 
which the superincambent earth is thrown and carried away by 
the stream. The earth containing the gold is then iakea and piled 
np, and once in three or four months the gold separated, or lifted 
as the Chinese say. This is done by throwing the earth containing 
the gold in a ditch, planked for the purpose, aboat two feet wide 
and one and a half deep ; and a stream of water turned on. When 
it is thrown iq, it is stirred with spatulas or hoes and by the foroe 
of the water the earth and saud are carried away while the gold 
and pebbles remam. After the water is tamed off, the gold is 
separated from the pebbles by washing in krge trays a little 
inclined, called duhmgs. The particles of gold are generally so 
small as to agree Tery well with the name giveu them— sometimes 
however solid li^mps weighing from one to two or three ounces 
are found. The stratum of earth containbg the gold is generally 
not yery deep. In the first mine we Tisited it is not orer four 
feet We haTC endeavoured to ascertain the quantity of gold 
taken yearly from these mines but have not obtained any thmg 
satisfactory. We hear, however, that the smaller of these pays 
to the Sultan of Scaddan ten bunkals of gold a year, for the privi^ 
lege of working, and the larger 15 bunkals to a Pangeran of 
Scaddan. The Sultan of Scaddan professes to e^tercise a kind of 
jurisdiction over this place. His younger brother called Abang 
Israel has his residence on the right side of the river opposite the 
Chinese kampong, where there is a Malay village containing 80 
or 100 inhabitants. The whole number of Chinese in the district 
of Sungei Ayak is said to be about five hundred. At 8 o'clock 
returned to our boat and after receiving some small presents froqn 
the different Captains proceeded on our way. During the fore- 
noon saw a few Malay and Dyak dwellings on the banks of the 
river. At the distance of 8 or 10 miles from Sungei Ayak passed 
two gold mines with 40 or 50 workmen. At ^ pest 4 r. k. ice 



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JOUBNAC OF ▲ TOUR 09 THB XAFlTAf. lid 

\mmBi Span, a small Malay kampong on the right ihore of the 

Kapms at the month of a small rirer of the same name. This is 

the leddenee of a Pangeran, a brother of the Rajah of Sintang« 

On the Span there are several desas of Dj^ks, oontuning 

lyOOO or more sonis^ who cnltimte eottoil as well as rice 

and vegetables. Some distance into the interior^ as before men- 

tionedi there are said to be some imagesof animals of the cow 

spedeSy cut from the solid rock, bnt when or hj whom it was done 

nbne can tell. There* is also an island some distance from the 

mouth of the river which prodnoes several hilndred gantangs of 

salt annaallj. For a short distance beyond Span, the Kapnas ia 

very rapid and the eddies nnmeroos, which is owing probably to 

the short betids and rocky bottom. The banks of the river very 

low during the day and no hilb of any Considerable size visible. 

10th. — Last night a little after sun-set, we passed the mouth of 
the river Balitang, on which, a short distance into the interior, is 
a small Malay settlement and the residence of a petty rajah of 
Sintang, Rati! Bagns. On this river there are also some Dyaks^ 
but they are less numerous than those on the Span. Between 9 and 
10 o'clock fastened our boat to a tree projecting into the river, fur 
distant from any human habitation. This we were led to suppose 
waa the place to apprehend an attack from orangjahat, if there 
were any on the river. But our boatmen, although unwilling to 
leave Sangau without weapons to defend us from nightly attacks, 
soon fell asleep without taking any precautions for safety. This 
morning was cloudy, and rain fell until the afternoon. Bzcepting 
a few small huts, principally on the right shore, the banks of the 
river during the forenoon were wild and and uninhabited. Afler 
2 P. M., the number of small habitations rather increased. The 
river to-day less winding than before, and the average breadth 
nearly a quarter of a mile. No mountains or hills in any diieo* 
tion visible. 

At 10 o'clock We arrived at the Chinese kampong on the right 
bank of the river nearly opposite the town of Sintang— several 
Chinese soon Came to our boat, although it was a late hour, and 
put to us similar questions lo those put by their countrymen at the 
other places on the river. They also soon conveyed intelligence 
to the Malay Rajahs of the arrival of white men. One of these 



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116' imJKSAL OF A TCUm oil THS KAPVIS. 



Ftagvnui Adtpati imiMdiatety dhpatobed a man to i 
ttm whediar we ware Datoli or Saglklih-^froai wheiioe we had 
o om o'-' on r object in oaming, tuu After we had aseweied the 
qneetieM ef the aieaeenger, we inqubed of him the coetomi of the 
jimoB, and when he thooghl it would be eoaTenient for the PaiK 
geran to have «a call npon bin* To the htter qoeBtion he replied, 
that he weald inform the Pangeran of our wiih and bring ai an 
answer m the moraiag. 

lltL— The man who eame to is laat night came again early 
this moining with the oomplimentB of the Pangevaii and informed' 
na that a boat wonld be sent when the preparatione to reoeiYe na 
were completed. Between 8 and 9 o'clock we called opon the 
Captain Chinaman and were reoeiTed with the aaoal Chtnefe 
hoapitalitj. A crowd of Chinese and natiYcs were soon collected 
aio«ndt and with no other apparent design than of seeing ns, 
asking qnestionsy and heariog what we had to say. About the 
middle of the aftemoooi the Pangeran's boat came ferns and 
Cjonyeyed ns to bis residence. As we passed from the water^e 
edge to the ball, on an ele?ated plank walk, a salute of five gana 
was fired, and a number of natives, men and boys, in nnooatli 
dresses and wearing masks, presented tbemselTss and played off 
all manner of fantastic tricks near the hall alongside of the walk, 
all of which was done, they said, to do ns honor. The ball and 
^welling of the Pangeran were somewhat capacious, but like all 
natiye dwdlingi in this part of the world rude in the construction. 
We were met by the Pangeran at the door and were conducted 
to the farther end of the hall, which was long and dark, and took 
our seats on mats on the floor in front of the Pangeran and three 
of bis brother Rajahs. The ball, as most others we have seen, 
is a kind of armottry-*Dyak shields and other weapons were 
suspended on the walls, and over our heads were perhaps 60 or 
more old muskets, which judging from their appearance were 
manu&ctured at least two centuries sgo. We presented our letter 
iirom the O^wghebber of Tyan and the chops of the Sultan of 
Pontianak, the Pauambahan and Pangeran Parabu of Sangan, 
all of which were read in our presenqe. In the communication 
from Tjran we were called Orang Bolanda (Dutchmen). As this 
expression was a mistake as it regards our naticnolity, and ee we 



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JOUBKAI. 09 A VOUR M THE K4PUA9. 117 

Ifeared that an impressbn might thos be left upon their mindsi 
that Dotwitfaatanding our profeastooa we might in aome way be 
ceBBeoted with the GoTemment at Pontiaoak, we took pains to 
set them right, and again ftilly informed them respeeting onr 
eoantiy, our dcrign in aioending the river ke. When informed 
of many things with regard to the geography of onr oonntry*** 
as its poeitton, distanee, extent of ita population, acts, goremt 
ment, be, they listened to us as to those who brought certain 
strange things to their ears. And how could it be otherwise aa 
many of them cannot read ; and if they could, what information 
would they gather from their books. Little also is the informa- 
tion they gain from travel, for multitudes here, princes as well as 
their subjects, live and die without ever huTing seen the mouth of 
the river on whose banks diey were bom and have passed their 
lives. We attempted to gain from these Rajahs some information 
lespeeting the Dyak population wi(hm their jurisdiction, but failed* 
They profess themselves utterly ignorant of the number, and say 
how is it peaiible to count them. There is reason to believe, 
however, that it is disinclination rather than ignoranoe that Hes 
in the way of obtaining from them what we sought. Soon after 
ve entered, tea, rice, cakes, and confectionaries were brought and 
placed before ua and a considerable number of others. As we 
were leaving the hall of the Pangeran, five cannon were fired, aa 
when we entered. We then returned to our boat, and a little 
before sun-set walked through the kampong. We counted, in 
passing through, 90 houses berides 80 or 40 built upon rafts, and 
about 80 east of the Kapoas. The banks are from 7 to 10 feet 
above the level of the water at present, but are sometimes inun- 
dated during heavy swells. The structure of the honses is much 
the same as at Saagau and Scaddan but rather inferior in appear* 
aaoe, and there seems very little attention given to keep them in 
repair. They are generally covered with shingles which are tied 
on with rattan instead of being held on with pins. The rides are 
generally of bark or bambu and sometimes of hewn boards. Of 
sawn boards they know nothing, at least there are none used m 
the conatraetien of their buildings. The aveiage number of per- 
sona to a dweUiog is h^ge, perhaps ten. The male population 
are extremely indolent, more so, if possible, tliui at Uie other 



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120 JdUaiTAL OV A ffOOR ON TBB KAPUAf 

preiente df sotane kind are alwftyt dzpeeted. We know of ik» 
articles which at so low a price woald be so sooeptable. The 
missionary then too would know that he wts presenting what b 
intrinsically valaable and might be very osefal ; which oannot be- 
said with equal propriety of tobeccoy and other articles sometimea 
presented. We sent a copy of the Scriptures in Malay to Pange-^ 
ran Adapati on Saturday, but yesterday when he Tisited us he 
broaght it back saying he could not uadeiatand the contents and 
therefore it was of no use to him* But whether his inability to 
understand it and perhaps to read it was the chief reason for not 
keeping it, we think rather questionable^ 

This morning, in company with the Bugis man before nentioa* 
ed, who offered to be our guide, we took a short excursion up the 
Kapuas and Mekwi rivers. The banks of each, aa far as we 
ascended, are lined with fruit trees, but this is not the seasoa of 
fruit. The town of Sintang stands on the left bank at the con- 
fluence of these livers, which are both about two hundred yards 
wide, but the Kapuas appears to have the greater volume of water. 
The course of the Kapuas near Sintang is from the east or m 
little north of east and that of the Melawi from the south. Oa 
both these rivers for 7 or 8 days into the interior, according to 
native travelling, there are seltkments containing in all apwarda 
of 4,000 souls. The most important plaoes oa the Kapuas are 
Silat about two days from Sintang ; Salimban* one day or a little 
more from Silat, and Banat the&rthestintotheiateri<wSor4 
days from Salimbau. Silat has a population of about 400 Malays^ 
Sslimbau and Bunut about 1,000 each. In the dbtriot of 8alin»» 
ban is the Manuh tribe of Dyaks, about 100 of whom have ba- 
come Mahomedans. This tribe and a few others believe in trade- 
migration. They say that their ancestors have become onmg^ 
hutan and deer, and that they themselves will become such after 
death. 

About 4 days from Sintang, on the left of the Kapuas and some 
distance from it, is a large lake called Danau Malayu which ac- 
cording to the natives is two or three days in cii^umfereaee. The 
waters are said to be transparent and stored with numerous firiir 
There are several islands in the lake^ two of which are oonsider- 



• From the report of the P»tehCoiiniwloMr(MSft)iin^iyhiiii« iiHf rt >* «*"*h*" 
i*«- for workSg Which are befa« taken by the I)ut4i5wSmSu ' 



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JOVHNAL OF A TOUR ON THE KJLPUA8« 121 

ably larger than the rest. One of theee b called Vander Capellea 
and the other Tobias. There are several small lakes near the 
larg;e one in which fish are abundant as well as in the streams in 
that region. The head banting Djaks of Sarebas and other 
places prowl around these lakes and frequently surprise solitary 
and small parties of fishermen. The large lake is the source of 
a small riwer called the Tawang* which falls into the Kapaas. 
The river Banting, a branch of the Batang Lupar^ has its source- 
net far from the Danau Malayu. The Batang Lupar falls into 
the sea north of Sarebas within the limits of Brunai. By these 
riven some trade is carried on from Sintang and other places in- 
the interior with Singapore. The. distance by Und between the 
Banting and Tawang rivers is 3 or 4 days with burdens^ but ia 
frequently travelled in one day without. Last year a quantity of 
fire arms was brought that way from Singapore. 

On the Malawi the Malay population is less than on the Ea- 
pnas ; the whole, probably, not exceeding 1,500. The names of 
their settlements are Dedai, Oadis, Bilimbing, Pinu, Nongeilah 
and Beigalah. These settlements and others, we have been inform*- 
ed, are on or near the mouths of streams^ on the banks of which 
are numerous Byaks. The most common rout from Sintang to 
Banjarmassing u by asoendiog the Melawi some distance, then 
one of its branches, the Pinu, on the right, from which there is a 
path by land of only a few hours to the SLotaringan or one of its 
branches, and from the mouth of the Kotaringaa by sea to Baui* 
jarmassin. There are more direct routes on the leflof the Melawi, 
bat these are seldom travelled by Malays on account of the 
difficulty of crossing the intervening mountains, and the fear of 
some of the Dyak tribes ia that region. 

Both on the Kapuas and Melawi rivers the Dyaks are said 
to be numerous by all with, whom we have conversed on the 
subject and who had opportunities of knowing. By some they 
are estimated at from 70 to 80,000 ; by others much beyond that 
number. Under the Rajas of Sintang, whose authority extends 
but a few days, there are at the lowest estimate between 15 and 

* By this ri>rar. which Ib stated to form the principal means of commanicatioa 
vitliL the lakes, Mr Prios, the Datoh Commissioner, entered the Seriang ia thft 
steamer Owurt in 1855. 

P 



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121 ioUftNAL Ot A TbOR ON T0k XAIPUAS. 

SbyOOO. The nnmber under other liaky bhieft Ikrther into the 
interior is probably about the natane. Pangerah Adt trho k^^ft!^ 
it dunat, has it ia said lO^OOO under hfa juKsdietion. Besides 
these there are within 7 or 8 days oJTSintang aey^ral other tribes 
or parti oFtrtbes still independant. 

The iBlapaas beyond 6intang to Bnnut is ^id to bs 4 sliiggish 
Stream without ftlls or rapids and navigable for hrge boats, but 
beyond fliat j[>Iaee rapid and dangerous of navigation, Tlie Kyan 
or Kayan tribia of Dyaks inhabit the region beyond Bunut, and ia 
i^id to be one of the largest And ibost powerfbl'ota the island. 
They excet in the manufacture of steel. Some of their swords we 
saw, which Were of superior polish and manifested mnch skill 
In the workmanship. With their best tempered swords we were 
informed they can etft in two, with olte stroke, rods of iron 
more than half an fneh in diameter. Within die bounds of th2i 
tribe it is said the explorer MuIIer was murdered. The partieu- 
lars of his death as related to us are as follows : — ^In descending 
one of the braliohes of the Kapuaa from the East his guldea 
advised his nieni to ihsten their weapons to the boat, so that if it 
Ahoulfl eaprfze in passmg over the rapids they would not lose 
them. Not siispedting any thing they fkstened their mrmsaa 
ffirected, and whRe descendbg in the middle of the strenn, tho 
inen who had the management of the boat upset it, and Mailer 
Ind his men were precipitated into the water, uM at the same 
momcfnt armed natives in two boats near fell upon them and matf- 
tecHBd the whole o6ttpany, 17 or 18 in number, except two» 
a native soldier tnd u Papuan^ who escaped and related the mas* 
ner of their deadi. 

It is asserted by some who have written respecting thb island that 
the KHpuas takte its rise In a very large lake near the eentieof the 
tslknd, and which is said also to be the source of the Banjarmaa^ 
sin and other large rivers which fall into the sea on the l^ist and 
North. Thfis abo some geographers represent ft We have mUde 
many inquiries respectitig the source of the Kapuas and have seeiii 
and conversed with many who had traded up the river and been 
much among the Dyaks, but we saw no one who had followed 
the stream to its source. It is probable that it is at letot 100 ndlcfe 
in a direct line beyond Sintang. 



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lOUBNAL OF A TOUR Olf T^B KAPUAS. 193 



The «hidf jarticles of export frpm Sintang are rice, rattan^ and 
bee? i7a;c. Of other articles sach as damar, colouring wood, and 
tangkawang oil, the quantities fire small. The principal imports 
are cloths, salt, iron ipd tobacco. 

The Rajas of Sintang are 7 in number, of nepAj e^ua) authgn- 

tj, an4 9hare between tbem the profits accruing from their Djak 

subjects* They do not raise from them a reren^e by direct and 

r^olar t^ixation, as in some other places on the river and in other 

pa^ of the island. It wouhl be far better for the poor Dyaks 

were this tbe case, for the system adopted in its stead appears to 

us far more oppressive (although the Dyaks tben^selyes prefer it) 

than a heavy annual tax would be, as it almost impossible to set 

limits to the extortion practised under it The system is called 

the sarah. By this the Dyaks agree with the ^jas to purchase 

all the articles they need from them at a certain rate of exchange, 

and Ihos they generally pay several times the original cost of the 

articles; for example, for a small price of iron, yrhich costia 

Pontianak five wangs (50 Java pice) they ^ve in exchange 40 

gan tangs of rice, worth from 9 to 12 pice per gantang in Slnta^g. 

For a piece of blue or black cotton cloth sold in Pontianak fo^ 

from 4^ to 6 rupees, they give 400 gantangs of rice, and other 

arliolee in porportion. Besides the sarah, what is called thp 

pupa IS demanded, that is, when a prince or one of his family 

dies or is married, or erects a dwdling, a small sum of mouey qf 

its equivalent in rice, wax, rattan, or some other article, is d^mand* 

ed of each lawang to defray the expences. The pupu system we 

we believe is quite general. 

Soon after our return from our excursion up the river this mor^ 
ning, Pangeran Anum sent his boat to convey us to his residence. 
The interim passed off much as at the house of his brother Adar 
pati on Saturday. We found him however living in apparently 
better style, surrounded by a large train of domestics. This man 
has visited the Danau Malayu and confirmed the statements wa 
had before heard of it. From the house of Pangeran Anum we 
went to that of Pangeran Kuning, which is situated on the opposite 
side of the Kapuas a short distance beyond the kampong. Its 
situation is quite high and romantic amid a beautiful grove of 
fruit trees. The ground rising yery jabruptly from the rirei^e 



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124 JOURNAL OF A TOUR ON THB KA^AS. 

bank, we ascended by flights of rough stairs to his dwelling, 
which we found spacious and exhibiting rather more taste than 
any other dwelling we ha?e entered in the place. We were 
received again with such noisy honours as almost deafened ua. 
The hall in which we were received was large and along one side 
of which there was again a display of Dyak shields, and nearly 
in the centre overhead a number of muskets and spears. We 
were asked to our seats on benches at a table. This was quite a 
relief to our limbs wearied as they had been by sitting in native 
style. Wo were struck with the manner (whether designed or not 
we cannot tell) in which the colour correspondmg to his name 
predominated about his person and dwelling, even the table was 
covered with a yellow cloth. Noticing that we observed the 
pranks of an orang hutan in the yard before his dwelling he made 
lis a present of it. This animal, as we have learned from many 
sources, is quite abundant in the forests on the north side of the 
river, while none are found on the south. A curious fact. 

In the afternoon we made our parting calls upon the Pangerans 
in the kampong as we hope to leave this evening. We have 
inquired of these chiefs if they were willing that missionaries 
should come and settle among them» and they have uniformly 
expressed their willingness, especially if one were a physician. 
As a station for a Dyak mission we think Sintang presents claims 
fiir beyond any other place on the Kapuas, and perhaps than any 
other place on the western part of the island ; and we trust that 
in the good Providence of Ood it will not be long before it is 
occupied. Bui men are needed for such a station of no ordinary 
fihare of &ith, patience, and decision of character, for they would 
no doubt meet with much, especially at first, to put all these to 
the severest test. 

Pangeran Adapati gave us on leaving, several Dyak weapons. 
His reserve as well as that of Pangeran Anum seemed to be all 
laid aside and they conversed freely on various subjects. The 
oontrast in their manner and conversation between this and our 
first interview was striking. Towards evening Pangeran Kuning 
sent to us a request that he would remain until to*morrow as be 
wished to call upon us in the morning. Most dilatory themselves 
and devoid of punctuality in their business and engagements. 



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JOURNAL OF A TOUR ON THE KAPUA8. 125 

they seem to think all others like themselves, and cannot believe 
that we will start at the time appointed. Perhaps too, they think 
that it is a part of their prerogative to ask such favours as this. 
We sent back word, however, to the Pangeran, that we would be 
happy to see him, but as all our arrangements were made for 
starting we could not remain until to-morrow. He came, there- 
fore in the evening between 7 and 8 o'clock, and conversed quite 
freely for about three quarters of an hour when he left. Very 
soon afler, a heavy storm of rain and wind came on and continued 
for several hours, during which time we were preparing medicines 
for those who reguested us to leave some with them. As soon 
as the storm had ceased we left Sintang. 

14lh. — Our progress down the river we find to be very different 
from that of ascending. Having left Sintang about midnight, 
and rowing and floating by turns, at 8 o'clock this morning 
reached the place where we stopped the night previous to that 
of our arrival at Sintang. At 10 o'clock passed the mouth of 
the Balitang and at 11 Span. 

At one o'clock p. m. we arrived at Sungei Ayah where we 
made a stay of an hour. Between 5 and 6 we reached Scaddan. 
Shortly after our arrival the Sultiin with his father and four of his 
sons came to our boat. He was even more intoxicated than be- 
fore, his conduct more disgusting and his langu&ge more offensive. 
He forcibly reminded us of many profligate drunkards we have 
seen in our native land. He ordered our cook in a peremptory 
manner to prepare tea and when it was brought helped himself 
and his children to it and its accompaniments without ceremony. 
While he was sitting the Moslem's hoar for evening prayer was 
sounded from the mosque on shore. Ho immediately said he must 
go, for if he did not God would be angry with him — as if be 
thoaght that mere punctuality in presenting himself at the stated 
periods would make the sacrifice of a reeling drunkard acceptable 
to God. This however is in perfect keeping with Mahommedan- 
ism. We then endeavoured to give him some idea of acceptable 
worship, telling him that Jehovah looked more at the temper and 
spirit of the worshippers than at the strict observance of time 
seasons &c. But the Su'tan, notwithstanding his intemperance 
and the arbitrary sway he exercises, is said to oppress his subjects 



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126 iOURlTAL OP A tOUR OK THB XAPUAS. 

far lem than most other Malay chiefii. The comparative mildnee^ 
of his government is a freqaent topic of conversation among the 
natives. Be urged us strongly to remain in Scaddan nntil morn- 
ing and said if we remained he would give us whatever we asked 
for in the morning ; but not altogether trusting to the promise of 
one intoxicated, and being desirous of reaching home as soon as 
possible, we, notwithstanding his importunity, proceeded on our 
way as soon as he left for the mosque. 

15. — Our men having rowed the great part of the night, our 
progress was such that when we awoke w^ found ourselves near 
Sangau. At 8 o'clock reached there. Soon after our arrival 
Pangeran Paraban come on board and inquired very particularly 
respecting our reception at Sintang, and about other matters. We 
then in company with the Pangeran called on the Panambahan 
whom we found with few attendants. At 2 p. x. left for Tyan. 

16th. — ^This morning about 5 o'clock arrived at Tyan and at 8 
called on the Oezaghebber. He informed us that the prospect 
of an open war between the Dyaks of Tyan and Landak is greater 
than when we were on our way np the river. Our interview with 
the Gezaghebber being concluded we visited the kampong of 
Tyan, North of the river. The number of houses, among which 
is that of the Panambahan, is between 30 and 40. The kampong 
is situated on both sides of the river Tyan, which is about 30 or 
40 yards wide, and by it lies the road across to Landak as before 
stated. The Panambahan and nearly the whole adult male popu- 
lation were absent in the interior preparing for expected hostilities. 
The Dyaks of Landak are said to be assembled to the number of 
4,000, while the Panambahan of Tyan has less than 2,000 men 
to oppose them. At 10 a. m. proceeded on our way. 

Our boatmen fearing if they fell asleep we might be carried 
down the Punggur towards the sea, remained awake and continu- 
ed rowing hard until between 3 and 4 o'clock when we passed 
Bukalinting. After passing this place we floated until after sun- 
rise. In the afternoon about 2 o'clock we reached Ponuanak in 
health and safety. 



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127 



THE BANDA KUTMEO PLANTATIONt. 
By T. OxLBT^ Esq., A.B., Senior Suigeon of the Straits SetUements. 

ThS following paper being written simply for the information 
of tbe Straits Planters, does not pretend to any scientific research, 
nor even to sufficient interest to reward the general reader for the 
trouble of its pertisal. 

Thai small, isolated, yet important cluster of islands, situated 
iA 130 east longitude and 4.30 north latitude, known by the name 
of the Banda group, consists of three large and seven small 
islets, many of which are little more than points of rock jutting 
from the sea. Of these, three are planted with the nutmeg trees, 
viz., the Great Banda, Banda Neira, and Pulo Aai, a small 
island about 7 miles south-west of the channel that leads into the 
harbour, which is formed by Neira and Gunong Api on one side^ 
and the Great Banda on the opposite. On approaching the land 
these islands are so close together that it is difficult to distinguish 
them. Gunong Api with its lofty cone arrests the view of the 
beholder, and the other two islands seem to form a part of its 
base ; so much so, indeed, that we passed the group to the northward 
and beat about for several hours before we discovered the narrow 
passage that separates the Great Banda from Xeira and Gunong 
Api* This channel has three entrances, two towards the north 
md one at the west There is, besides, a narrow strait between 
Gunong At»i and Neura, but the water is here too shallow for any 
thing larger than boats. We entered by the eastern side of the 
north channel, which is divided into two parts by a small islet 
oalM Pnio Pisang, upon which a few cocoanut trees are growing. 
The passage is very narrow, and by no means free from danger, 
pattienlarly during the south-east monsoon, owing to the violent 
gusts of wind that rush down from this mountain sides, forming 
iddiffis or whirlwihds that embarras a vessel exceedingly. Wo 
ientered with a fair bre^e, but no sooner did we get past the head 
of Great Banda than the ship was taken aback, and we were 
«p«i twice completely roand to tbe imminent dftnger of being 
Wrecked. By the regulations of the port, whenever a vessel 
^nds herself in a similar predicament she need only fire a couple 
of guns, when all the boats in the place are bound to proceed out 



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12B THB BANIM NUTMie PLANTXTIOKB. 

and tow her in, bat we were ignorant of this excellent regalation, 
and had not a faToarable breese oome to oar aid, we must have 
gone on shore. The diatanca is short, and about half an hoar 
took OS to the anchorage opposite the town, where we let go 
anchor in 6 fathoms, about 200 yards distance from the shore. 

The most striking feature from the anchorage is Gnnong Api, 
presenting its brown bare sides, encrusted with ashes thrown ou^ 
from the crater, which shew but little evidence of vegetation. On 
the western side it is quite brown and bare to the water's edge, 
but on the eastern side there are shrubs and trees for nearly half 
its height. With the exception of a few huts there are no houses 
or plantations on this island. On looking towards Great Banda, 
it seems nothing but jungle and resembles many parts of the 
Pinang hills ; here and there along the shore are seen the neat 
picturesque cottages of the Parkineers or nutmeg proprietors, 
but first sight reveals nothing of the marvellous beauties it 
contains. The small island of Neira contains the Government 
bnildings, the two forts Belgica and Nassau, and the houses of tbo 
Resident and principal inhabitants, but here again first impressions 
are unfavorable. The unroofed and dilapidated houses, the 
effects of the terrible earthquake of 1852, give it a most desolate 
appearance, far more than e^en the absence of all traces of civiliz- 
ation ; there is a gloomy stillness about the place, no evidence 
of traffic, no neat gardens or handsome honses, nothing apparently 
attractive about it, yet ne^er have I found any spot in the East 
possessing so many natural charms or such beautiful scenery as 
these lovely isles contain. 

The houses of the inhabitants stretch along the sea-shore and 
are of one story, the walls being thick and solid and the roofs of 
attap, as light as possible, to moderate the effects of the earth- 
quakes. Every house is provided with a small bungalow injlha 
rear, to retreat tO npon the coming on of these terrible visitaUons. 
These bungalows have strong foundation walls, about three feet 
thick, upon which a light structure is raised, the walls of which 
arc composed generally of the leaf stems of the sago palm. 
The last severe earthquake of 1852, levelled almost ererj buildr 
ing in Great Banda and Neira, with all the drying houses of tho 
Parkineers, and the church, leaving but a few houses unroofed^ 



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tHB BANDA KUTXBO PtANTAT10!ft UB 

and these wera seTerely shaken. 8m6e then ibe inhahitanls biTe 
been bat little distarbed, although an ocoarional undulation waraa 
them of the insecaritj of their terrA finniL Indeed an nndnlatiott 
of this sort took place whilst we were al Banda, bat ooearring 
in the night, it escaped oar -obseryation. The scTere earthqnakei 
hare always a Tertical moTement* Besides the chance of being 
baried in the rains of their hoases^ the inhabitants haTe a fair 
probability of some day sharing tho fate of Heroahmeam and 
Pompeii. The contiguity of Ounong Api is truly appalling; 
only a few hundred yards distant, it raises its head nearly 2|000 
feet aboTC them, slambering at present in a fearful repose, and 
only giving evidence of the destructive agencies in its bosom by an 
occasional puff of smoke from its several craters ; but placed u 
it is on the roost active part of the Great Volcanic Belt, stretching 
from Kam^ohatka, through the Phillipines, Celebes, Floris, Sum- 
bawa, Bali, Java, Sumatra, and ending in the Bay of Bengali 
it is ever ready to resume its work of destruction, and will soma 
day or other doubtless do so. But tho late dreadful eruption in 
the Sangir islands, north of Meoado, by which 2,800 lives have 
been lost, will most likely save Ban Ja for a while, the subter- 
ranean forces having found a vent at so short a distance from it 
Neira would be safe from a current of Uva, u it would be 
received by the Strait that separates it from Ounong Api, but 
an irruption of ashes would at once descend and bury the whole 
place. The soil and rocks, the former quite black and full of 
portions of pumice stone, and the latter Basalt and Conglomerate, 
Buffidently demonstrate their origin. In some places the Con* 
glomerate was in largo beds or layers, 8 or 10 feet thick^ 
apparently formed by several distinct eruptions. The Oreat 
Banda would be safe enough from any ordinary volcanic dis- 
turbance, particularly during the prevalence of the south-east 
monsoon, as the ashes would be carried into the sea, but an 
eruption such as occurred lately in the islands north of Menado 
would do extensive mischief and from such a visitation Banda 
can never be secure. 

DBsoazrrzov ov mm PAmxa oa puLSTAnoiia of bahj>a. 
There are in all 34 parks, containing 819,804 bearing trees. 
The total produoe from these last year was of nutmegs 4,092 

Q 



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laD ^m BAHDA irVVlCfid FtAKtATtOiri. 

pioiikv 0f nhoe 1IM6 ; tUt g(veg titiU tnoro tbati one ostty ancl ^ 
^latf of spleo fer eteli tree per anniiin) but then a teiy large pro- 
.'portlon of t\m produoa h lost firom the fellonring eaoees j-^mueh 
QUDBot bo odlootel ftom the height of the trees, and the inaccea^ 
n'ila pIoeaB in Wbioh hundreda of them are placed, and many are 
loit by windMla. In some phices I observed the ground covered 
utth young ftnit blo«m down by the high winds; in one park 
'there naat have been hundreds of thousands strewed on the 
.gronnd* The large pigeons called Walur feed ettetisftely upon the 
iV«it and ijoet ll after digesting the mace ; besides these, fi^ld rats 
mA the iuita**4h«8 the losses from ail these causes are very consi- 
derable* 

Omm parki or plantations are private properly and can be sold, 

morlgngedi or bequeathed according to the will of the owner. 

Tkey are distributed amongst the islands in the following pr6por- 

*tioost Oreal Banda £5 parks, Neira three parks, and Pulo Aat six 

^rko. The Government, however, require all the spice to be deli- 

TOffod to them at a fixed rate, but if this be small, the Parkineers 

iNive great privileges. The chief labour is perfortned by Con- 

idiots, famished by Government, of whom there are 2,500 employed 

-in the plantationa. The Government give these men one fupee and 

'Ik half a month, medicine and medical attendance, gratis, and the 

Parkineers supply them with rice and two suits of clothes yearly. 

Bice, again> is sold to the Parkineers at half price, and th^y can 

obtain any implementu they require or material for building, by 

•indenting on the Government Stores. As there is no indigenous 

population in Banda, it does not appear to n e how the cultivation 

eould be carried on wrthout the assistance of the Government. If 

the Convicts were withdrawn there would be no persons to collect 

the firuit ; to look aflef these convicts, see that the Parkineers 

treat them well, as also to prevent smuggling, there are 4 overseers 

and sixteen pafk rangers in the pay of the Government, and these 

men are bound to report the state of the parks, the number of the 

trees that die, the numbers planted, and in fact every thing conneo- 

ted with the produce. 

Of the 34 parks, I visited all those on Great Bahda and Neira, 
.p.4bflt i$ 38 H)f (hem. Thia desoriptkHi I ain about to Mteicpt lias 
yderoaeo principaUy to the parks in Groat BifOrfa^ but the pBxkB 



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TtiB BANBA MUTHBA FLANTATlOSfc Ml 

ill Keira have abe many beaatiflil BpMs, and the vi6# (h>m a stee]^ 
bill called tbe Parpenbai^i Q9ed ai t Tekgrapli station, is tMgiUh 
fioent. 

The Great Banda forma nearly half a circle ; the tvo enda 
approachifig N^ira and Gunong Api form the Strait, the water ot 
which is remarkable for its translucency, the bottom being clearly 
visible in six or eight fathoms ; it is also sabject to peettliar shades 
ioif color, turning sometimes of a milky hoe, bat being generally of 
a beautifal asiire ; this milky appearance is called the white water 
and is supposed by the credulous to be the forerunner of sickness 
and the cause of the nutmeg splitting before maturity. Of this 
sereral of the Parkineers most gravely assured me. 

The only attempt at cultivation adopted is the cutting close 
with long knives the ferns or grass below tbe trees. Short grass 
where it will grow is permitted to approach the stems, but the 
deuseness of the shade is more favourable to the production of 
mosses, ferns and lycopodiums than to grass, and tliere does not 
appear that tendency to the growth of weeds and underwood that 
exists so strongly in the Straits, to the great delriment cf the 
Planters. No manure or artificial stimulus is used, the plants 
deposited abundantly by the pigeons arc merely taken up and 
stuck in wherever a vacancy occurs-^therefore no regularity 
h observed. In some places yoo see clumps of trees growing 
together, not more than ten or twelve feet apart, while their tops 
run up to 50 or 60 feet in height, frequently without a branch for 
15 or 20 feet above the ground ; all the trees grow under the 
shade of the canari, and the general appearance at a distance is 
that of a jungle, like the western hill in Pinang, whilst the 
precipitous nature of the ground even exceeds the steepest portion} 
of the Pinang hills. It is true the highest portion of Great fanda 
is little more than 1,600 feel at one end, trending gradually lower 
towards the west, whilst Pinang is 2,800 fe6t ; but the whole of 
Great Banda b little more than a mountain ridge, there is no tuble 
land ; on the top are some undulating plateaux and on either face the 
ground shelves gradually towards the shore. The island is traver- 
sed by several artificial stairs, in some places almost perpendicular. 
I^e travelled up and down these in chairs, carried by ten men, and 
a most giddy and perilous journey it appeared. Persons using 



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IM THB AANDA MUTMBO PLAHTATIOMjI. 

ibaie ehain are obliged to hold fret by tbe arms, with their fed 
•upported by a cro« bar, to prevent themselves falling over the 
heads of the bearers and being precipitated hundreds of feet perpen- 
dicnlarlj^ in ascending yoa have no need to throw back your bead 
to study the stars, you behold the sky by looking straight forward. 
Now as these etairs are of course made over the most accessible and 
easy parts of the hiUS| the steepness of the rest may be imagined* 
The scenery is most encbanttng, the cool shade, the ever-varying 
prospect, and the entire freedom from underwood, make these parks 
the most lovely places of rural retreat and fine woodland scenery I 
have ever witnessed. I thought that could Great fianda be placed 
within a few hours journey of Singapore, the Counting Houses 
would not be so sedulously attended as at present ; picnics would 
be the order of the day, and Ladies fair would lose their hearts 
to enamoured swains, unable to resist tbe soft influences of those 
seductive scenes. There being no obstruction, as I have alrea- 
dy observed, from underwood, and the lowest branches of the 
nutmeg trees being far above the level of vision, you can walk 
about with perfect freedom, and see distinctly for considerable dis- 
tances according to the undulating nature of the ground. Under 
your feet is a carpet formed of short grass, mosses, ferns, or 
soft lycopodiums ; down the steep ravines in many places run 
crystal rills of pure refreshing water, murmuring over rough 
beds of trachyte rock, and all along the south eastern face you 
bear the resounding echoes of the Banda Sea as it breaks in 
high waves upon the iron bound shore, sending its spray for 
hundreds of yards over the park^, to the no small injury of the 
nutmeg trees, while the hoarse croak of tbe Walur or softer coo 
of a smaller pigeon called Una are not disagreeable adjuncts to the 
scenery. There are a few wild hogs and deer in the inaccessible 
parts of the hills, on the tops of which are small natural ponds, 
where they enjoy themselves in undisturbed repose; there are also 
some extraordinary birds of the genus Megapodius to be found 
on the bland. I discovered two of their nests, and it is absolutely 
necessary to see one of them to form a conception of the reality. 
Imagine a mound of earth, five feet in height and twelve in 
diameter, scraped and put together by a couple of birds no larger 
than common fowls ; in the centre of this heap about three feet 



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tliS BANDA NUTXBO PLAHTATIOSB. 133 

deep ibey deposit their egp, where they are hatched $ I fancy the 
old birds are present to scrape away the earth and emancipate 
the yoang Megapod at the full period of incubation • I observed 
a (cood quantity of dried leaves mixed up with the earth, so that 
heat mu^t be generated during the decomposition of the leaves, 
and the eggs are really placed in a sort of hotbed , although 
nothing can look colder than the damp outside of the heap ; the 
eggs are much sought after and are considered a delicacy. They 
described them as about the size of a goose's egg ; unfortunately 
ibe nests I found had been preyiously plunderedj so that I neither 
obtained the eggs nor saw the birds. 

Some of the houses of the Parkineers are comfortable re« 
sidences, and many are most picturesquely situated. Were I to 
select one in particular, I would mention Orang Datong, the 
Tiew from which no pen or pencil could do justice to. The 
Parkineers themselves are almost all country-born, full of pre- 
judices, indifferent to all improvement and satisfied with whatever 
it pleases nature to do for them. I must except from this category, 
a German gentleman cf the name of Brandos, who, although only 
in possession of a park for three years, has already by judicious 
management doubled his produce. But the nutmeg cannot be said 
to be cultivated at Banda, it is merely collected, and they have as 
good a right to be admitted to the English market on the low 
duty as the long sort from Ceram and Papua, — both are wild, that 
b, the indigenous productions of their respective localities. This 
would be only consistent with the reasons afforded for the present 
discriminative duties, whereby the savages of Papua are protected 
and encouraged to the detriment of the Straits Planters, and a 
sparious and inferior article, which from its astringency is even 
unwholesome, is forced by the folly of legislation, ignorant of facts, 
into general consumption. ^ 

The true nutmeg has occupied its present position in the Banda 
isles from time immemorial. It was found there by the Portu- 
gaeso in 1511, and so long as the islands remain above the surface 
of the sea, so long will they produce the spice, unaided by the 
hand of man, for the pigeons alone are abundantly sufficient to 
keep up and reproduce the tree. The nutmeg of Banda is the 
type of the genus and will for ever maintain a certain superiority. 



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184 THB fiAKBA KUTXXO PLANTATIONS. 

and all dcriations from it must be considered abnormal. I shall, 
therefore, endeaTour to describe some of the differences that exist 
between the Banda tree, with its produce, and that of the Straits. 
The first remarkable difference is in their respective heights. The 
nutmeg tree of the Straits is a mere shrub compared with those of 
Banda ; 50 or 60 feet is no uncommon size, whilst I have seen 
some that could not have been less than 70 feet high. This is 
partly caused by the dense shade in which they grow^ which draws 
them np when young, but I observed many groups of trees grow- 
ing without any other shade than that afforded by their own 
foliage, and they always appeared to me to be nearly as tall, but 
Letter and more robust trees than those less under the influence of 
light. It appears to me the shading is overdone ; at the same time, 
owing to the strong winds that constantly prevail, the tree needs 
shelter of some description. The colour of the leaf is a lighter 
green than those in the Straits, the foliage is less dense and the 
branches less crowded together. The roots have a strong tendency 
to run along the surfaca of the ground, where they can feed upon 
the rich vegetable mould formed by the constant fall of the nutmeg 
and canari leaves. The tree as a general rule does not bear fruit 
before the 8ih or 9th year, and is not considered in its prime until 
about 35 years old ; it is said to bear well up to 60 years and even 
longer. The male tree is much shorter lived than the fruit bearing 
one, which may account for the few males observable in the Plan- 
tations. The Parkineers do not estimate the proportion of males 
above two per cent, and from all I saw I should not think they 
much exceeded that proportion ; if this be the case we hate far too 
great a number in our Straits Plantations. With respect to the 
proportion of males and females yielded by a given number of 
planted seed, the Parkineers say they never get more than 30 
per cent of males end seldom so many ; this again is a far better out- 
turn than Straits Planters can boast of. The fruit hangs upon 
longer and more slender stalks than ours, tha skin is more free 
from all blemish, more thin relatively to the fruit, and of more 
uniform propcnrtion. Yon neither observe such difference of shape 
nor such extremes of size; in fact, the fruit, unstimulated by strong 
manures, preserves more perfectly its normal character, and, both 
fn and out of its covering, is more perfectly spherical, the nnt 



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nU BANDA NUTMltO PLATfTATIONS. 195 

tiiolf is of greatdr gpecMIc gravity, tbe albumen more perfectly 
luminated and containing a larger quantity of essential oil. There 
kf however, ono curious variety to be found; a few trees, belonging 
to a widow of the name of Mayer, bear ivory coloured mace. 
There is no appreciable differenca of soil to account for this, and 
tbe nuts when planted in any other situatioti produce mace of the 
usual red color. The black spot or gangrene of tbe outer coTering 
exists among the Banda Plantations^ but in so slight a degree that 
they take but litUa account of it. Dr Brandes, the intelligent 
Planter to whom I have already alluded, is of opinion that it 
is caused by an insect depositing its larvcs in the husk, which fve4 
on the saccharine matter of the outer covering, until it bursts, 
when they make their way Into the soft nut itself, and become 
that small weavel so well known to all Planters. The nuts fre* 
quently split before maturity as in the Straits ; this is produced by 
similar cause8,^-K!old damp weather, and sudden changes of tem* 
perature. Tbe trees bear more or less every month throughout 
tbe year, but there are four months in which the oropisfouf 
or five times its usua] quantity, these are May, June, 8e|ftem» 
ber and October. The method of collecting the fmtt is far 
better than that adopted in the Straits. They use neatly made oval 
baskets of bambu, open for half their length on the upper side 
with a couple of prongs projecting from the top ; these seise the 
iruitstalk, and by a gentle pull the nut falls into the basket, whiefc is 
^pable of containing three or four nutmegs. Thus the maoe is not 
spoiled or bruised by falling on the ground and there is no search^ 
iog aboHt the grass for the escaped nut. I have brought some 
musters of these useful baskets, which oan be attached to bambni 
of the required length and removed at pleasure* Besides a better 
mode of collecting tbe nuts, the manner of breaking them when 
dried b superior to ours.. This is done by spreading them on a 
aort of drumhead and striking them wi(h flat pieces of board. 
Several are oracked at each stroke, swept off and re*supplied aa 
iast by a man standing alongside. One man in this way will 
break more nuts without injury than half a dosea men afler the 
iStraits fashion. Women and children are used in the oolleetioa 
of the produce, which is brought in twice a day, and tbe sieee 
removed by large knires by which it is scraped from the baee 



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188 THB BANDA KUTMBO PLANTATIOlTt. 

and| it Appears to me^ not a little iDJared by the operatioiu The 
plan of removing it hj the hand from the apex is decidedly 
preferable, as the interlaotngs of the maoe are thus freed and the 
blade better expanded* 

nBAWSHV OV FBODVOX. 

The mace is dried in the sun and deUrered monthly at the Go- 
Temment godowns; the nats are smoked rn the usual Straits 
fashion by slow wood fires for three months and delivered quarter- 
ly. The mace when received is divided into three qualities and 
packed in casks containing abont 280 lbs ; in packing very slight 
pressure b used, such as a man standing in the cask and treading 
down the spice as it is filled in. 

The nuts when broken are packed in wooden bins, filled np with 
lime and water to the consistency of mortar, where they are allow- 
ed to remain for three months, the bins being carefully closed and 
marked. At the expiration of three months they are taken out, 
sorted into three qualities and packed in casks similar to those 
used for the mace ; these casks are all made of the best Java teak 
and ft regular establishment is kept up for their manufacture. 

The refuse nuts are ground down to a fine powder and convert- 
ed into nutmeg soap, by steaming them over large cauldrons for 
5 or 6 hours, and compressing the warm mass, packed in bags, 
between powerful wedgeS| when a brownish coloured fluid runs out. 
This on cooling becomes of a saponaceous appearance and consis- 
tence, and is the nutmeg soap of commerce. It is said to be a very 
efiectnal remedy in chronic rheumatism. 

' With the exception of spice, the Banda islands produce scarcely 
any thing worth mention; rice and all the necessaries of life are 
imported. The large canari trees bear a sweet, well flavoured nut 
firom which they make excellent oi\ and in considerable quandtiea. 
The common canari contains rather too much oil to eat any quan- 
tity of, but the canari Ambun is one of the most delicious nuts I 
ever tasted. When young it is covered with a pink skin like the 
scarlet filbert, to which it is no way inferior ; it has a delicacy and 
at the same time richness of fiavour peculiarly its own. Orape 
vines grow well and bear abundantly, the bunches are said to be as 
fine as any produced in Europe, the time of my visit, however, was 
unfortunately not the season for grapes. The ordinary fruits of the 



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THB BANDA KtmCBG VLANTATIONl. 137 

Indiaii Arohipelago grow here; tbey have the dorian, mangoeleeiiy 
jaokp and many othen, though not produced in marketable quan* 
titiee ; this is not, because they would not flourish abundantly, but 
on account of their room being better occupied by the more valu- 
able nutmeg. AH Tegetables are extremely scarce, yet die soil is 
dipaUe of producDii; anything} one matt snkaUe for Tegetables 
I have nerer seen, it seemed to me the beau ideal of fertility. 
Wild plants are scarce, I only met one wMth bringing away. This 
was a veiy splendid orchid, if I may judge from the size of the 
seed TCSBeb and length of the flowering stem ^ it has large pseudo 
tubers but not ha?Hig seen the flower, I am unable to name it. 
The ordinary plants growing in the Ticimty of the houses are 
cosmos snlphare, Tinea ro6ea,russelia(e?ideatly exotic) ; mussoenda, 
derodendron, spomea, and conysa balsamifera, form the chief 
ftatures of the indigenous flora. The production of cryptogamous 
plants is tolerably abundant, particularly ferns ; howcTcr, on the 
whole, therlB is but little scope for botanical inTCstigation in these 
small islands. ^ 

son. Airn ouiiAiKXr 

Nothing more completely Tolcanio exists on the surfSu^ of the 
globe than this small group of iriands. Ndra is little else than 
Tolcanic ashes, mixed with large quantities of pumice stone, which, 
broken into mipute portions, form in many places a sort of brown- 
ish gravel on the surface. The colour of the soil is nearly quite 
black, as is also the sand of the sea-shore. It is a sandy friable loam, 
enriched, by the constant fiJling of a Tory dense foliage, with a 
large prop(Mrtion of vegetable quitter^ Nothing can be better suited 
to the thick fibrous roots of the nutmeg. The natural fertility of this 
soil is scarcely to be imitated, it has the paramount advantage of 
being able to supply the tree with all that it requires, without 
forcing or over-stimulating it. The swl of Oreat Banda is gener- 
ally speaking of a brown color and has more tenacity iban that 
on Netra. There is no granite rock to be found on either of the 
islands and but very Utile iron stone. The luUs are composed of 
haaal^ oongtomerate, tracdiyte and obsidian; of conglomerate 
and trachyte there are many different kinds. It is a magnificent 
sight to pull round Ounong Apl in a boat and observe theevidencea 

•f volcuiio action accumulated at its base, whilst its sumnut and a 

B 



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138 THB BANDA KUTUSa PIiAKTATlONfl. 

great portion of ito ndes are ooTered with a light colored sulpha* 
rouB ash, in which is found realgar and other compounds of 
arsenic and sulphur, seyeral specimens of which were shewn me 
by Dr Brandes. 

The climate of Banda is in many respects similar to that of the 
Straits of Malacca, particularly at the Singapore end of them. 
The same constant supply of rain and no regularly dry season 
pertains to both places ; two months is the bngest period without 
rain, bnt so long a dronght seldom occurs in Banda. It howe?er 
suffers seTerely from Tcry high winds, particularly during the 
north west monsoon, and even hunicanes have occasionally visited 
the islands, causing great devastation amongst the trees, 

I have no regular motereological observation to offer, but through 
the kindness of Mr Andriesse, the Resident, I was furnished with 
the following facts. The south-east monsoon begins in May and. 
ends in the middle of September. The north-west monsoon begins 
in the middle of November and ends about the middle of March ; 
durin|^ the intervening months, calms and irregular breezes prevail. 
Both monsoons are ushered in with heavy rains ; the north-west by 
severe squalls, whirlwinds and waterspouts. The range of the 
thermometer daring the south-east monsoon is, in the morning from 
76 to 79, noon 80 to 86, evening 79 to 80; daring the north-west 
moDsoon the thermometer ranges, in the morning from 80 to 82, 
noon 87 to 92, evening 80 to 84, so that their warmest is our cool- 
est weather, and the general average of the climate is decidedly in 
fhvoar of the Straits. During my stay the weather was cool and 
agreeable enough, but July is about their coolest month ; October* 
and November are represented^ insupportably hot, disagreeable 
and unhealthy. Bowel complaints and fevers are then said to 
prevail. 

POrUX^TZON. 

The whole population of these islands amounts to but 6,500- 
sonls. The greater portion of these are convicts from Java ; there 
are about 300 military and a few peons, 10 I believe is the 
number; there are, besides these, descendants, of slaves, anak. mas, 
distributed through the various parks, to which they are bound 
by a sort of feudal tenure, as they cannot leave the islands nor the. 



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tffS »AMBA NtTTHfid FULNTATI6K& 139 

parkff upon which they are born* The Parkineers with their 
dasoendanCs and a few Government officials complete the list. 
There is therefore no such thing as free labor or indigenous 
population in Banda ; the number of women is disproportionately 
smalL The wives and children of the anak mas are employed in 
the plantatioTis to collect the produce and prepare it, but they can 
only of course collect from low trees, and that which is within 
reach of the long bambns. When the Portuguese first yistted 
Banda there was an indigenous population of 24,000 inhabitants, 
and no less than 9 kings. Should any one be desirous of learning 
their fate, I refer them to Yaleatyn and a pamphlet published 
at Utrecht in 1848, by M. Dassen. 

From what I have stated, I think we may draw the following 
inference8:^>that seed from the Banda isles must be very much 
superior to that from any other place, retaining as it does all its 
indigenous vigor, unaltered by change of soil, climate and cultiva- 
tion, for in its exotic state the fruit loses many of its distinctive 
features, as shewn in those long and ill-shaped nuts to be seen so 
frequently in Straits Plantations. These differences become yearly 
greater by every remove, but going back to the original stock 
will produce more uniform and perfect nuts. The Banda tree 
being a longer lived one than those in the Straits, the planter has 
every chance of obtaining a more vigorous and enduring tree, and 
this is pretty well established by the appearance, age, and bearing 
of the only original Banda plant known in the Straits and which is 
growing in Malacca. This famous tree is supposed to be upwards 
of 70 years old, and it still produces abundantly* This seems to 
hold oat a fair prospect of similar advantage to those who are wise 
enough to avail themselves of the present opportunity of renewing 
their plantations. For these advantages the Straits Planters cannot 
feel too grateful to the Netherlands Government, whose liberal 
policy granted them the privilege of obtaining tlie fresh seed. 
And I cannot conclude this short paper without making a public 
acknowledgement, on my own account, for all the kindness, assist- 
ance and hospitality rendered me by the Resident of Banda, 
Mr Andriesse, who, with his amiable partner, made my short 
sojourn amongst them an oasis in this dreary pilgrimage, a bright 
spot to illumine the future and dispel for ever all feelings of 



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140 VHB BANBA WtUM ThAVlATlOn. ' 

mia^thropyi aMoriiig m% that wann bearts and cordial weloomaa 

eyen for a ftranger are lo be foimd in eTary land, that homan 

•ympathifii are oomopotite, and that he stodiaa his own hapfiineBs 

best, who getB rid of prqndioee and oon?entionaUtieBy wid can * 

beliete that exoeilenoe of eharaotcr ia not the peooliar production | 

of mj coBOtqr or diaalB, 



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Ttt« 

JOURNAL 

OP 

THE INDIAK ARCniPEUGO 

AND 

EASTERN ASIA. 



ITOtBB OV DTTYCB BISTORT IN THB ASCHtPBLAOOy ZXttLkCTl^ VRMC 

THB KECORDS AT BiTTAVlA UNDKR T^B ADMIBlBTRATZOlV OF 
SIB STAMFORD BAFF£B8. 

Thb discoTory of a passage to India by Yasco de Gattia in tlie 
latter end of the fifteen century, gave a nevr spring to the industry 
and mercantile pursuits of the nations of Europe. IPhe Portuguese^ 
to whoni the world is indebted for this great etent, ^tended their 
commerce to Persia^ Hindustan, Bengal, Surat, China, Japan, 
the Moluccas, Java, Acheen on the Island Sumatra, almost the 
whole Malay Coast, Siam, Pegu,the Coastaof Coromandel and 
Malabar, Ceylon, Macassar on the Island of Celebes, and thd 
Phillipine Islands^ The English, French, Danes, Spaniards, and 
especially the Dutch, became successively competitors in thelucra*> 
tive harvest of the rich productions and manufactures of the East^ 

It is not our plan to write a history of the proceedings, suceessen 
or failures of the several nations who exerted themselves to the same 
end and purpose. We are limited to draw up a statement Con- 
oeming the Dutch commercial transactions in India, as far as the 
documents we have had the means of collecting, will enable us to 
do, and which were partly translated by us from originals and 
partly from authenticated copies. 
Nbw SBRXBi, Vol. I., No. 2-— 1886. S 



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142 NOTES OF DITTCH HISTORY IN THB ARCUIPBLAGO. 

In this place we cannot avoid evincing our high admiration of 
the wisdonii patience and perseverance of the first Dutch rulers of 
the concerns of that nation, who had to contend with innumerable 
dangers and difficulties. Their first object was commerce, their 
second became conquestj partly through necessity and for the sake 
of their own secnrity amongst nations who held Europeans in abhor- 
rence, — whose religion, dress and manners were diametrically 
opposite to their own ; and partly from a conviction that fixed 
establishments, in the difierent parts of India, were requisite, in 
order to give stability to their enterprizes. 

The first Dutch expedition to the East Indies was planned by 
several individuals, at the cost of the state. They fitted out in the 
year 1684, three ships and a sloop with instructions to seek a pas- 
sage to the northward, but Ihe attempt proved fruitless. A 
second undertaking in the year following met with no better 
success, and the States General having declined any further 
participation in enterprizes of this nature, the town of Amsterdam 
sent two ships to proceed on the same route, but they also failed 
and returned to Holland, after having encountered many hardships 
and dangers. 

In the meantime a very intelligent person, who had been in the 
Portuguese service at Goa, Cornelius Houtman, stated to some 
merchants in Amsterdam the nature of the Portuguese commerce, 
and the incalculable advantages they were deriving from the same, 
which caused the said merchants to join their interests, calling 
themselves a Company of Merchants trading to distant parts 
(de Maatschappy Van Yerre), and to send in the year 1505 four 
ships under the direction of Houtman, who sailed round the 
Cape of Good Hope, arrived at Bantam and touched at several 
ports of Java. He made a treaty with the natives of Bantam, in 
which both parties engage to trade honestly and fairiy with each 
other, and to afibrd mutual assistance in case of being atUcked by 
an enemy. This first expedition, however, did by no means fulfil 
the hopes and expectations of the Company, yet the failure thereof 
did not disconn^e them from further pursuits. 

In 1606 Admiral Wybrand and vice Admiral Heemskerk, were 
sent to the Moluccas with four ships. The former came with two 
ships to Amboina and made an agreement with the Orang Kayaa 



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KDtBS OF DUTCH ttlSTORt IN THB AttOHinLAQO. 143 

Of chieflainB to pay them 35 Spanish dollars for each bhar of cloves 
offiSODatch lbs. 

The Tice Admiral Heemskerk went with the other two ships to 
Banda, and made an agreement with the Orang Kayas of Banda 
and Ortatan, by which a free trade and leave to bdld a warehouse 
were granted to the Datch, in consideration of the payment of a 
toll of 4 bhars of mace ; with the Orang Kayas of Neira he madel 
a similar contract and obtained the same privileges for 60 lbs of 
mace. By the said contract the prices of macei nutmegs and 
cloves were alio fixed. 

The first cloves were delivered to the Datch in barter for 000 
small medicine bottles for a bhar of 620 lbs. The price was after- 
wards fixed at 64 Spanish dollars per bhar. 

A treaty^ made in the year 1600, by Admiral S. van der Hagen 
with the Amboinese, stipnlated, that they will assist each other 
in expelling the Porta gaese. The Dutch were to build a castle 
at Kitooi on condition that the cloves should be delivered to them 
exclusively. 

Owing to the faithless conduct of the natives of Acheen regard- 
ing a pepper contract entered into with Admiral van Caerdeni the 
ratification of the same was refused by Admiral Vlaming, yet after 
a long discussion it was agreed upon between the latter and the 
Rajab, that the pepper should be delivered at the rate of eight 
taels per bhar, and that the Rajah was to receive the Spanish 
dollars at 5 mace each, the pepper to be paid for on delivery; that 
is to say, 1,800 bhars to be delivered within four months, a duty 
of per cent on exportation to be paid by the Dutch and no other 
nation to be allowed to purchase any pepper, until their cargoes 
were completed. 

By Admiral van Neck a contract was made in the end of 1601 
with the natives of Patani (situated on the East Coast of the Bialay 
Peninsula) by whi<;h the Dutch obtained leave to build a house 
there. The price of the pepper was fixed at 80 Spanish dollars 
per bhar of 380 lbs Dutch and a duty of per cent. 

Admiral Woifert Hermansz made a contract with the Banda« 
nese in 1602, securing mutually a free exercise of religion and 
promising assistance against foreign enemies. In the event of 
intestine wan the Dutch were only to ofier their mediation^ 



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t^ 90ni O^ DVTCH BI0TO9T IN THft AliqfllMUtt^. 

dfiierters |o be raitofed by b0h partiei. Rdigioiu prindpIeB Uy 
be unrestraiiied and a volantary change of faith permitted. The 
apioe trade to be exclteirel j granted t6 the Dutch* 

A rimilar ocmtract was abo at Ae same time made with the 
Drang Kayae of Palo Way. 

In lOOBy all the merchants who bad hitherto traded to the 
East Indiesi eithef separately or jointlyi established wider the sane-* 
tion of the States General, a United Netherlands East Indica 
Company* A Charter was granted them for the space of 21 years, 
and their first capital amounted to 6 millions and 600^000 Dutch 
florins. That wto b«t a small beginning, yet the sucoess that 
attended Ae labonrs of those who bad the direction of aflhirs waa 
wonderful and astonished aU fiurope. 

The new general United East Indies Company sent their AM 
fleet, consisting of 14 ships and a sloop, under the command of 
Admiral Warwyk to India* 

A contract was made in 1605 between the Captain and Orang 
Kayas of Hitoo and Admiral yan der Hagen, by which the former 
^eknowledgo the sovereignty of the Dutch and promise, in reward 
for the protection granted them against the Portuguese, not to 
dispooe of any cloves to other nations, to assist them in their wars, 
and further to render sueh services as might be required by the 
Dutch government 

A convention, dated Ist July, 1605, was entered into between 
Admiral van der Flagen and the native chie& in the Banda 
Islands, which is similar to the contract made with Admiral 
Hermansz in 1602, stipulating, however, expressly that the Banda* 
liese shall be at liberty to trade with other nations in such articles 
as are not imported by the Dutch. 

On the 17th May, 1606, an agreement was made ofi^ Malacca 
between the Rajah of Johor and Pahan, and Admiral C. Matelief 
Junior, by which the latter engages his nation to assist His High* 
Bess in conquering Malacca, then in possesion of the Portuguese, in 
consideration of which the town was to be ceded to the Dutch with 
as much ground as might be required to raise a fortification, -the 
remainder (tf the territory to become the property of the Rajah, yet 
that the former shall be at liberty to cut as much fire-wood as they 
AM stand in need of. No tolb to be paid and no person allowed 



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y^TEB 09 DUTCH HI3T0RT IN fHB AROHll^SLAOO. 149 

to trade wi(hqat a permit from the Dutch governor. Tho ordnance 
to be delirertd to the Rajah, with one of the subm'ba called 
Campong Kling, which he ahail possess and fortify with the advice 
of the former* The rest of the captured property to be equally 
divided between His Highness and the Dutch, and ail goods 
imported by foreigners, to be landed in the Rajah's dominions. 
An offensive and defensive allianoe is concluded against the 
Spaniards and Portuguese, and no separate treaty shall be made 
by either party with those nations, but with regard to other powers 
the Dutch shall only act defensively in behalf of His Highness. 
All offenders against public worship and all unwilling debtors are 
to be summoned before the tribunals of their own nation, the first 
to be punished and the second to make good their engagements, 
deserters to be mutually given up. 

A second agreement waa entered into between Admiral Matelief 
Junior, and the Rajah of Johor, on the 23rd September, 1606, by 
which the Dutch are allowed to choose another eligible place in 
His Highness' dominions, as the projected attack on Malacca had 
not yet been made. The agreement ol Ist May in the meanwhile 
is confirmed, although several articles of it must remain without 
taking effect. 

Contract concluded at Malayo on the 26th June, 1607, between 
Admiral C. Matelief, Junior, and the Sultan of Temate, stipula- 
ting :— 

1. The manner in which the place is to be best defended against 
the expected attack by an armada fitting out at Manila. 

2. That the Sultan of Temate is to furnish the requisite num- 
ber of cora-coras, to acknowledge tho Dutch nation as the protec- 
tor and supreme authority of Temate. 

3. That the ezpences of the war shall be borne by the Rajah 
and his subjects, as soon as they are able to do so, and the garrison 
left at Temate to be paid from the imposts and duties. 

4. That the dove trade shall be exclusively left to the Com- 
pany that in case any disputes arise the same shall be 

decided by the nation of the party aggrieved. 

5. That the free exercise of religion be allowed. 

6. That deserters shall be given up, and, finally— 

7. That no separate peace shall made either with the Spaniards 
or Tidorese. 



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146 NOtBS 0^ DitTCH itlSTOAT IN THB ARCBlPEtAOtf* 

Treaty between the Duteh Company and the Rajah of Bantanii 
concluded in February 1609| in the town of that name, by which 
the States General promise to assist His Highness against foreign 
invasions, particularly of the Spaniards and PortuguesCi that is to 
Sfeiy^ that the Resident at Bantam will assist His Highness when 
attacked in his own country, but not in foreign territory* His 
Highness, on the other band» promises to the Dutch a good and 
strong house, free trade and security for their persons and property, 
without paying any duties or taxes. All other European nations 
are excluded from either trading or residing at Bantam. 

A contract was made on the 26(h April, 1609, by Governor 
Houtman at Amhoyna with the Orang Kayas of Roomakay, the 
latter acknowledging to have been freed from the Portuguese 
yoke by the Dutch, they swear fidelity to the States General of 
Holland, and promise to render them the same obedience and 
service as subjects owe to their sovereign, to supply government 
with as much sago as they shall demand and before this is done not 
sell any to others. They shall once a year wait on the governor^ 
make him some presents, and sell their provisions, sago, rice &e 
in the Castle. The Dutch government on their part promise to 
assist the Orang Kayas and people of Boomakay whenever re^ 
quired. 

Admiral Francis Wetters confirmed, in July 1609, the contract 
entered into between Admiral Matelief and the Rajah of Temate 
without any material alterations. 

The contract between Admiral van der Hagen and the Chief* 
tains of Hitoo in 1605, was renewed by the former in August 1609. 

In the same month and year, an agreement was also made be* 
tween the Honorable Company and the Orang Kayas of the 
Islands of Banda, by which the latter consent to be subordinate to 
the government of Fort Nassau and to resign to the Dutch the 
monopoly in spices, the natives being allowed to barter spices for 
various necessaries of life, buf these spices to be disposed of 
ultimately to the Company, wherefore all vessels shall anchor with- 
in reach of the Castle guns. The island on which the castle is built 
to belong to the Company, who shall protect the inhabitants and 
allow them a free trade in all articles, save and exce|)t spices tec, 
A contract was made at the same time between Admiral S. H. 



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NOTES OP DUTCH niSTORT IN THIC AUCIIIPUL 100. 147 

Hocfi and the Orang Kayas of Hi too, stipulating the free exercise 
of religion, that each nation should he suhordinate to its on'n 
chiefs and no forts to be built by the Dutch in time of peace, \?ith- 
out the consent of the natives. All the cloves to be sold exclu- 
sively to the Dutch at such a price as shall be fixed by the Rajah 
ofTcrnate. 

In the satne year a treaty was concluded in the name of the 
States General with the Rajah of Sambas, on the Island of Borneo, 
containing a promise on the part of the former to protect His 
Highness against his enemies at home but not in foreign parts, 
while, on the other hand. His Highness engages to allow the 
Dutch a free trade and a good house for their residence, without 
charging them any duties or to render them subject to any restric- 
tions regarding th^e diamond trade, and further to interdict other 
nations from trading in his dominions. 

Another treaty was entered into between Admiral S. H* Hoen 
and the Rajah of Bachian, on the one part, and the Rajah of Ter- 
tiate on the other part, by which they mutually promise to assist 
each other against their enemies respectively. The Rajah of 
Bachian to restore the lands conquered by him from Ternate and 
each party to be allowed the free exercise of their religion. The 
Dutch engage, moreover, to build a fort in the Rajah's dominions, 
who is bound to furnish good houses and sell to the former all the 
cloves produced at Bachian which they will be allowed to export 
on paying the same duties as His Highness's natural subjects. 

On the 26th March, ,1611, a contract was made with the 
Sengadjees of Sebonge, Touchwane and Sale, the said Sengadjees 
promising to be faithful to the Dutch and Tematese and to assist 
them against their enemies. They engage further to abstain from 
all communication with the Spaniards, and for the purpose of 
preventing any attempt on their part to establish an influence iii 
the country, the Dutch shall be at liberty to build a fort. Both 
parties to have the free exercise of religion &c. 

A convention was made with the King of Jaccatra in 1612, in 
virtue of which the Dutch obtained a free trade and a place was 
allowed them for a residence : amongother stipulations are,— mutual 
assistance in all vfars on Jaccatra ; duty to be paid on all mer-^ 
chandixe^ except such as arc imported on Dutch vesseb and on 



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148 irOTE4 OF DUTCB HijTORT IN THC AROUtPfiLAaO. 

Chiaeee junks. The Rajah to permit the cutting of firewood^ to 
assist in collecting bad debts, and not to permit the Spaniards and 
Portuguese to trade in his dominions. 

By a contraot with the Rajah of Boutoni on the 5th January, 
1613, His Highness had a promise from the Dutch of having some 
troops for his protection, and of their intercession with the Rajah 
of Macassar to obtain a cessation of hostilities between Ihat Prince 
and the Rajah of Bouton, religious principles to be respected, rebels 
punished by the competent authorities, a copper coin to be intro* 
duced, an offensive and defensive alliance to exist between the 
Rajah and the Dutch, the former promising io assist the latter iu 
an expedition against Solor, and to grant them a free and exclusive 
trade in his dominions, rice shall be cultivated at Ronton, and tho 
Dutch have liberty to cohabit with the Women of the country, in 
order to cement Uie new formed friendship. The Rajah is to 
communicate this contract to the people of Banda and cause the 
same to be observed by them* 

The Governor General Pieter Both concluded also a contraci 
on the 6th of January following, with the Sengadjees and chief* 
tains of the Island Machian, of which the principal points were 
free exercise of religion by both parties, arms and ammunition to 
be supplied by the Dutch at the same rate as to the Tematese^ 
the price of the cloves to be fixed for ever at 60 Spanish Dollan 
per bhar, all other nations to be excluded from the spioe trade^ 
and the contract with the Rajah of Temate to be made applicable 
here Ac. 

A contraot with the Rajah of Temate, dated 4th March, 161% 
stipulates that slaves Of either, absconding with an intention to 
change their religion, shall be given up. Slaves that are made 
captives may be retained, on payment of their value being made 
to their former legal owner. Christian prisoners of war shall be 
exchanged for slaves, and Ternatese subjects in the like manner* 
Dutch soldiers that happen to be released from captivity by sub* 
jects of Ternate shall be delivered over without fee or reward. 

At the accession of Governor General Gerrit Reynst, an addi- 
tional contract was made with the King of Jaccatra, fixing the 
on duties arrack and the other articles at 800 -Spanish dollars per 
annum, and on spices and sandal-wood at 5 per cont. 



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KOTlSa OP DVrCH BOTOlty IV TIUI ARCHIPBLifiO* 149 

.Cootraflt donelttdod od the 15th Marob, 1616, Utv^cnthe 
Rajah of Amanooban* (sUoated in the southem divteioii of Timor) 
and the Dutch East India Compaojr, aocordiag to whieh a pile of 
sandal-woody meamiriRg 5 fathom in breadth and one fathom and 
a half in height, shall be delivered bj the Rajahi for whtoh he ia 
to receive in payment eiry pinang, robe robe, and other smaU 
articles) some presents of cloths were aJbo to be made to the Bajali 
and his chiefiains in consideration of an eJEclttstve trade granted 
to them. 

On the 3rd May in the same year, an agreement was nude with 
the Oraag Kayss of the Banda Islands, containing the cession of 
these islands and of Palo Way to the Dutch, resigning to them the 
exclusive trade in Spices, and promising to prevent ships of any 
cKher nation from anchoring near the Banda Islands^ except <f«8aela 
from Bantam, Jaccatra, and Japara, — these and the vessels h#« 
longing to Banda to be sabject to visitation by the Dnleh aafho- 
ritiee. 

The Dutch are authorized to fetch water and stone from 
Comber free from payment, the price of mace fixed at 100 Spanish 
dollars and of nutmegs at 10 Spanish dollars per Portuguese hhar.f 

By an agreement with the King of Jaccatra on the 8th Optober* 
1616, a piece of ground on the banks of the river at Jaccatra is 
granted to the Dutch, for the purpose of laying oat a garden, on 
certain conditions expressed at targe in the said agreement. 

The Governor General L. Reaal entered into a contract with the 
Orang Kayas of Banda, on the 80th April, 1617, confirming fop« 
mar contracts and stipulating that the diflkrences that had occurred 
shall be buried in oblivion, that na commanication shdU be hehl 
with Pulo Run, as long as they are at war with the Dutch, that^ 
no trade shall be carried oa farther than Pulo Way and that even 
at that place no inhabitant of Banda shall hind without a writtea 
permit from the Governor*. The inhabitants of Baada do more- 
over engage not to navigate without passes and to look upon all 
Dutch subjects, of what nation they may be, as natural bom 
Dutchmen. 

* TUi Itnd was OMvpsd by flie Portngoete vntii 1740, when the natives threw 
off the yoke. 

f TbU importent contract hee not been found in the archives, either In the native 
sr Datdi hu^iages, but is vamtkaad hi tha Realiaa. 

T 



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100 90TB9 ov xyirrcH BitroiiT 1V thh ahchipblaoo. 

An agreement of25th July, 1618, stipalates that the Bandtneso 
of Salamine shall delirer their maee and nutmegB exclusively to 
the Company on pun of confiscation. The fishermen shall not 
•sport oocoanuts from Neira, and no Bandanese travel by land or 
sea without a white flag as a sign of peace. All mace of a bad 
qnality to be bamed, and all Yessels belonging to Banda to exhi- 
Ui their passes to the Dutch vessels who may require to see them. 

Contrad with Chelly Bartany and the Chieftains of Solor, dated 
7th September, 1618, containing a mutual promise of assistance, to 
■dvise the Rajahs of Ooa and Maccassar of this contracf, no 
person to be admitted at Solor without a pass from the King of 
Ternate, the coin to be reduced to a fixed standard and provisions 
to be sold at stipulated prices. The chiefs of Solor shall not inter- 
fere in differences which may arise between the Dutch and other 
nations. 

Agreement with the King of Jaccatra on the 0th January, 1619^ 
ftipulating the fort is to remain in its present state until the arrival 
of the Governor General. The English to build their factory,^ 
and the natives their houses, at a certain distance from the fort, in 
eonsideration of which indulgence, the Dutch are to pay to the 
King >he sum of 6,000 Spanish dollars, one half in cash and the 
other half in doQi. 

On the 1st February following, an agreement was made between 
the King of Jaccatra and the commanding officer of the English on 
die one part, and the Commandant of the Dutch Fort at Jaooatra 
on the other part, the latter promising to give up the fort to the 
English and the treasure and merchandize to the King, and on the 
9th cl the same month, the King of Bantam having deposed the 
King of Jaccatra, it was agreed that the Dutch should be removed 
to Bantam and the fort given up to him, which however did not 
take place, the Governor General Keen arriving in May, and 
eharing the Javanese out of Jaccatra. 

A Treaty was concluded on the 7th January, 1621, with the 
Rajah of Ternate, the principal chieftains and allies on that island, 
together with the chiefs of Loohoo, Cambello Lyssidy, Bonoa and 
Xulla,by which fidelity and allegiance were promised to the Dutch 
and sworn to upon the Mousaph. 

An agreement was made on the 16th February, 1622, with the 



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KoTBB op dutch history in THl AROBIPBLAOO* 161 

Chiefs and Orang Kayas of the Island Manipai stipalating on &% 
part of the latter fidelity, obedience and assistance to the Dutch, 
and on the part of the first named protection, and that the doves 
shall be paid at the same rate as those reoeiTed from Loohoo, 
Hitoo and Cambello. 

Contract With Lato Coly from tijssedy on the 14th January, 
ld23, the conditions of which were as follows, Tiz. : —Protection 
by the Butch, free exercise of religion, to be faithful and 
afford to the Company assistance by sea and by land, when 
required, not to enter into alliance, treaty or connection with 
others without the knowledge of the Oovernor at Amboyna, all 
the cloves to be exclusively delivered to the Dutch. 

The Rajah of Temate, the Captain Laat, and other chieftdns, 
made an agreement with the Dutch Governor on the 12th Novem- 
ber, 1624, stipalating that the ship << Faith" should be well fitted 
out and given to the Rajah, for the purpose of making an attack 
on Coulong, the booty to be made there to be equally divided 
between the Governor and Rajah, the latter to reimburse one 
half of the expences incurred for provisions, nothing to be done* 
in that warfare without the concurrence of the Dutch Commis- 
sioners, who will be appointed for that purpose. 

By the GK>vemor in Council at Amboyna, a contract was made 
on the 2dth December, 1629, with the Orang Kayas of Ceram, 
wherein the latter bind themselves to the following conditions, 
viz.: — ^The Dutch are^ at liberty to visit all sea-ports, the Orang 
Ifayas shall not enter into alliances with the Spaniards, the 
inhabitants of Tidor, Macassar, Banda, the English, French, 
Danes, or any other nation, not to trade to any other places but 
Amboyna ' without passports, to permit the people of Key Arow 
and other Dutch subjects to visit their sea-coasts, to return deserters 
and slaves, on being paid for each person Spanish dollars 20, 
robberies and hostilities to cease, and public services to be per- 
formed when required by the Government of Amboyna. 

On the 16th June, 1625, a contract was made with the Rajah 
of Batchian,* stipulating that all foreign sago traders shall pay a 

* Tbe Ttkuid of Bfttehfam it om of the Mohieet Idtiidf. It it a large bnt deio. 
hte country, and but thinly peopled. The principal article of produce it tago. In 
former timet it alto prodaoed a large quantity of clovet, hat the ladnett of the 
iahabitantt and a despotic govemnent canted this cultiTatlon to be neglected, aod 



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1S2 NOTBS Of^ tfVWn HI9tOflY tff THB AHmilPEtAaO. 

d)cxty of 10 per eemi, to be diyided between the Rajah and tbe 
Dntchy the same to be obeerred with respect to foreign imports 
of other articles of inerchandize. 

' Treaty of peace, dated 6th July^ 1626, with the Kimelaha 
Leleatta, Goveraor of the Rajah of Teroate, over the places of 
Iiuciela, Loohoo, Cambello, &o, stipalating that hostilities shal^ 
oeasci a free trade subsist^ no clovee be sold to other nations but 
the Dutch, kc, &c« 

Another treaty was made with the same nations, on the 20th 
October, 1628, in which the price of the cloves is fixed at 60 
Spanish dollars per bhar, and is for the rest a repetition of the 
former contract. 

' A treaty with the Ri^h of Tefnate^ dated I4th August, 1620^ 
stipubtes that the cloves ahall be delivered to the Dutch Com- 
pany, at the rate of 60 Spanish dolUrs per bhar of 605 lbs, Dutch 
weight. The dore plantations and trees to be weil taken care of ^ 
the Dutch Oovernment to furnish the Hajah with Spanish dol- 
lars, as far as lie may require, for which Talue shall be given. 
. Aj^icles, dated IStb December, 1620, sabmitted by the Pan- 
geran of Jnmbi* to the Dutch and Englieb Cofspaoies, the 
punctual observation of which ia tbe only condition on which be 
will allow them to continue trading in his country. These articles 
are — to relinquish all former debts or claims, to submit to hia 
authority in the same manner as his own natural subjects, to leave 
th^ir ships a little way down the river, and not to moor them off 
the faetoriesi to pay Spaniah dolkrs for every pieul of pepper, 
in failure of which the trade in that article will be thrown open 
to other nations, not to molest these foreign traders on pain of 
being punished by the Pangeran by way of retaliation. 

Contract on September, 1630, with the Orang Kayas of Hitoo 
and Mamala, stipulating that they shall live in peace and amity 

it traa althnaftly aboUalied. Sabfeet to Bftlekian life the Islands of OobiOoU, 
lAtod» andl numy tmaU ulaadt wkhin tlia Umits of tkree Dutch mUos. 

* A Malay state on the Sovth East of Sumatni. The Pangeran, who is general- 
ly (»fle<l KhiK, i» independent of the kinir of Achfn. Jambi earries om a great 
commerce, chiefly in pe|»per and goU dust, which is bartered with the English, 
Dutch sad other DStioaS rssUeiit ia IndiA.— JfcQaou^-Jambi is new under the 
Diituh eniteeUon. The port of Koora Koropeh is open to general trade, 4^ot is 
nnW resorted to fay natlTc eraft. From its vicinity to t^ngapore, the greater part 
of the produee of JmiU aatwcaily finds Us way to that poru— JBi. (1^.) 



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K^ES OP HUYOII UISTOltT IN THB AaCHlt^ftLAGO 18$ 

with the Datch, aseist with Yeesels and people when required and 
to deliYer clean, dry, cloves exclusively to the Datch. 

Agreement with the Orang Kayas of Toboi dated dOth I>fovember| 
1631> stipulating that two children of the principal chiefs shall be 
sent to the Fort at Amboyna and receive an education there, to 
restore runaway slaves, for each person being paid to him who 
brings them back 15 Spanish dollars, but if the owners come to 
Tobo and claim them there 10 Spanish dollars only, It shall be per- 
mitted them to navigate and to trade to Banda and Amboyna &o. 

Contract with the Orang Rayaa and people of Hiltoo on the 28tli 
May, 1684, by which the former swear fidelity to the Dutch and 
promise to build vessels for the service of the Company when re- 
quired, to hold no communication with the enemies of the Dutch 
Government, to sell their cloves to the Companyi to destroy all the 
fortifications in the land of Bittoo which the Governor of Amboy-> 
tUL shall consider superfluous, and to erect others where he may 
deem it necessary. 

Agreement with Rajah of Macassar, dated 26lh June, 1637, sti- 
pulating that a house will be given to the Dutch as long as their 
tesflels remain in the harbour, that they shall commit no act of ho»> 
tility a^inst the Rtijah's people, that all questions arising between 
them and the English or other nations will be decided on by the 
Rajah and his Council and the Dutcli Resident ; that the fort of 
Macassar shall be considered as neatral; but that if the Dutch 
there are^attacked by enemies they shall be at liberty to retaliata 

On 20ih August, 1642, all former contracts were renewed with 
the Rajah of Temate, and it was further stipulated that the Rajah 
shall take away from Amboyna all the natives of Ternate, men, 
women, children and slaves, with their property, and not permit 
any of them to return wfthoat permission from the Governor 
General, that no foreign traders, either Europeans or Indians, shall 
have access to the Rajah's dominions, unless they can produce « 
passport from BaCavia, and eyen then only to the four following 
places, — viz to Fort Tictoria in Amboiaa, to the Redoubt in Hittoo 
and to Loohoo and Cambello, on condition not to export any 
cloves, and on pain of capital punishment and confiscation of their 
property ; that in order to guard the better against smuggling, the 
Dutch shall be at liberty to erect fortifications ia the Rajah's 



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IM nOtttS OP DUTCH HUTORt lit T^B ARCIIIPXLAOOi 

dominionB where they may think proper, that the cloyes shall be 
delivered exclustvelj to the Dutch, at the rate of 60 Spanish dollars 
per bhar of &50 lbs Dutch weighf, clear and dry, in considention 
of Which the Rajah of Ternate is to receive annually the sum of 
Spanish dollars 4,000, payable in specie or in such articles as he 
tnay requirts frotn Batavia or Amboinai 

A treaty was made with the Pangeran Depatty Amumat at Jambt 
on the 6th July, 164d, stipulating that permission be given to all 
native vessels to trade at Jambi without molestation from the 
Dutch, that all Vessels from Jambi bound to the Bastward and to 
the Mataram shaU touch at Batavia and take out a pass, on penalty 
of confiscation^ that those bound to other places mentioned in the 
Treaty will obtain the permission of the Resident, and those trad* 
ing to the tin countries shall touch at Malacca ; that four Shaban- 
dars, appointed by the Pangeran, will superintend the shipments of 
pepper, and the Pangeran is to draw 80, the Shabandars 25 and 
the oppassers or custom house servants 10 Spanish dollars, for 
every 100 piculs shipped off, on condition that the Dutch and 
English nations alone be allowed to trade at Jambi, that the 
Dutch shall be at liberty to enclose their factory with a wooden 
paggar or fence of a stipulated thickness, and proceeding up the 
country they shall receive passes and an escort from the Pangeran 
ft>r their protection. 

On the 2nd February, 1646, a contract was made with the 
Captain Laut and the Orang Kayas of Timor Laut, setting forth i 
that the Datoh will be at liberty to build a factory to be protected 
by the natives, that no vagabonds from Macassar or Banda will 
be allowed to reside in the island, that certain goods shall be sold 
to the Company exclusively, that the free exercise of religion be 
allowed, prisoners of war restored without ransom &c. 

Contract with the chief Orang Kayas of the six spice negries 
on the Island Damme, dated 28th May, 1646, granting to the 
Dutch permission to build houses, factories, redoubts, castles &o 
whenever tliey shall deem it requisite for the protection of their 
vessels and merchandize, without paying for the ground ; all the 
nutmegs, mace, tortoise-shell, sarongs, slaves or what else may be 
the produce of this and the islands dependant on the same, shall be 
sold exclusively to the Dutch, and no other nations be permitted 
to trade there Ac* 



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MOnS OF BUTCH BISTOBT IN TUB ARCHIPBLAOO. 153 

Contract in 1649 with SaiffcBdien, Rajah of Tidore, hj which 
he promises to destroy all clove trees on that island, and not per- 
mit that any shall again be planted there or on the dependant 
islands. An annual investigation shall be made whether any of 
those trees are still remaining and persons found guilty of cultt« 
vating spice trees, shall be punished. The Tidorese shall not keep 
up any intercourse with foreign states or nations, nor trade to any 
other parts but the MoluccaSj without the consent of the Dutch 
Governor. 

The Dutch promise to let the Tidorese enjoy the free exercise 
of their religion, to pay them annually 3000 reals of 48 stivers 
each, and to protect them i^inst their enemies. 

Contract of the 6th August, 1650, with the chiefs of Rarakit, 
stipulating that they shall be subject to the Dutch, live in peace 
with the allies of the same, not to admit foreigners into their 
country on any pretext whatever, not to trade to the westward of 
Amboina without special licence from government, but to Banda, 
Uliassar, Nossalaut and along the coast ot Ceram a freo trade is 
allowed them, to restore to the Company and to the Rajah of 
Temate all the slaves belonging to them, never to rebuild the fort 
upon the hill, but to erect some other kind of fortification at the 
place of their abode for their defence, to deliver three of the sons of 
the principal persons among them, as hostages, who shall not be 
molested for the sake of their religion. 

Agreement nnder SOth November, 1650, with the Orang Kayas 
of Goram, setting forth that they acknowledge the Dutch govern- 
ment as their sovereign, promise to be faithful to the same, not to 
enter into contracts with other nations and especially not with 
Europeans Ac. 

Contract with the chiefs of Hittoo, dated 29th April, 1651, 
stipulating, that they shall be faithful to the Dutch Company, to 
keep no secret correspondence with the enemies of the same, but 
to assist them by sea and land when required. 

Agreement with the Rajah of Temate, under Slst January, 1652, 
stipulating that the Rajah shall cause the Kimelaha, who was his 
Governor at Amboyna, and his adherents, to be punished for the 
unheard of cruelties they committed at that place, that no clove 
trees at Amboyna shall be planted again where they have been 



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160 NOTES OP BVTOn BISTORT IN THB ARCHIPBUao^ 

destroyed, to deliver over to the Datch gOYemmetit sttck host- 
ages as shall be required and pointed ont, theCompanj to be 
at liberty to build and destroy forts whenever they deem fit tor 
dieir interest, the Company shall pay to the Bajah the sum of 
6000 reals per annum, as a compensation for the loss arising to 
His Highness from the ii.terdiction in regard to foreign traders 
and a farther sum of 200 reals annually in lieu of a duty of 10 per 
eent on the doves that are growing there at Ternnte ; all clove, 
nutmeg and other spice trees found in districts wliere the inhabi-* 
tants ai*e still in a state of rebellion, shall be rooted out, but where 
the inhabitants remain faithful to their allegiance, no trees shall be 
injured but with the consent of the owners, with whom the Com- 
pany can enter into agreements; afier the lotal extirpation of the 
said spice trees, the Company promises to pay the Rajah, in lieu of 
the sum of roals 6000 above mentioned, the amount of reals 12,000 
per annum, exclusive of 500 reals to His Highness's brother Quay 
Cielale Matte as long as he may be deserving of that favor by his 
conduct towards the Company and the Rajah, moreover there shall 
be divided among the chiefs who remained faithful to the Rajah, the 
sum of reals 1500 annually, as long as they behave loyally,. no con- 
tracts shall be made with other nations without the approbation of 
ihe other party &c &c. 

Agreement between tlie Regents of the Islands Xulla Bissie 
and XuUa Mongally, the Dutch Company and the Rajah of 
Temate, dated 1652, setting forth that the first named promise to 
be faithful to the Rajah and to obey his orders, unless they should 
be in opposition to the interest of die Dutch Company, to treat as 
enemies and rebels all those who shall oppose the authority of the 
Rajah and the Dutch in the Moluccas and Amboyna, referring 
particularly to the Captain Laut^ Ooogoogoos and Hakeems in 
the Moluccas, and the rebek in the interior of Amboyna and of the 
Islands of Booro, Amblau, Manippa, Kelang and Bonoaand those 
between Permatti and Gilolo, as far as the Island Ceram &o. 

By an agreement with Sultan Ali, Rajali of fiachian, dated 7th 
Kovember, 1658, it was stipulated that the Company is at libeKy 
to destroy all the clove trees in the Rajahs*s dominions, for 
which they shall pay to the owners of the said trees a gratification 
of 400 reals of 52 stivers each for once, and to Hid Highness 100 



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VOTES OF DUTOH HlffTOBT IV THE ARCHIPBLAaO. 167 

reals annually in consideration thai the destroying of these trees 
will cause a diminution in his rcFenaes. 

The Chiefi of Maoqaian made an agreement with the Datch on 
the 26th June, 1655, stipnlating, thai they shall destroy all the 
dove trees on their island and not plant aay again» for which a 
compensation will be made of reals 6000 annaalty, to be distribu- 
ted among the inhabitants in proportion to the number of trees 
each of them shall have rooted out, on condition, however, that only 
one half of that sum will be paid until all the disaffeoted subjects 
shall have returned to their duty. 

Treaty dated alst December, 1656, with the Rajah of Ooa, 
stipulating that all hostilities shall cease and he Moall the force he 
sent to Ambojna ; natives of Amboyna wishing to settle at Macas* 
ear shall not be prevented to do so, having the same religion as 
other inhabitants of that country, no depredations to be committed 
at Amboyna by the subjects of the Rajah, the Ri^ah shall be at 
liberty to collect his outstanding demands at Amboyna, yet with- 
out force or violence, all prisoners shall be exchanged except 
those who may have embraced another religion, wars with other 
powers shall not afiect the peace between the Rajah and the 
Dntcb, kc 

Another treaty with the same Rajah was made on the I2th 
January, 1666, similar to the foregoing, with the exception that 
in this latter the Rajah is allowed to withdraw his subjects from 
Amboyna, that the Company shall not interfere in the Rajah's 
quarrels with any nations to the leeward, that his subjects shall 
not trade to Amboyna, fianda and Ternate. 

Treaty of peace and amity with the Rajahs of the islands 
Timor, Amanasste, Sonncrbayan and Corromeno Ammaker, dated 
2nd July, 1666, stipulating, that all hostilities and misunderstand- 
ings shall cease forthwith, that they shall be faithful to the 
Dutch, and pay such taxes as the Govemor-Oeneral shall impose 
npon them, not admit foreigners into their countries, nor to trade 
with them in gold, silver, brass, copper, wax, tortoise shell, 
slaves, &c, that the Company shall be at liberty to build for- 
tifications in any parts of their islands, and the Rajahs afford them 
an assistance in their power. 

U 



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163 NOTBI OF DUTCH HISTORY IN THE ARCHIPELAGO. 

Treaty with the chieftains of Ceram Laut, Kiffingh, Killemorry, 
Goram and Rarakit, concluded on the 18th November, 1656, 
the said chieftains promising to be faithftil to the Dutch, to 
acknowledge their supremacy by right of conquest, not obey in 
future the commands of the chiefs of Macassar, Bonton or from 
any other but the Dutch, not enter into alliance or contracts with 
Europeans or Indians, not to navigate without passes from Am-, 
boyna, yet a free trade to this place and to Banda is allowed 
them ; to make restoration of all property taken from inhabitants 
at Banda or Nossalaut, either in sago or sbves. 

Treaty dated 2nd November, 1658, with the Orang Kayas of 
Booro, setting forth that they shall be pardoned for their mis- 
demeanors and hostilities against the Dutch and their lawful 
sovereign, the Rajah of Temate, that they shall be true to the 
Rajah and his successors, and faithful allies to the Dutch Com* 
pany. That no natives of Macassar, Malays, or other foreigners, 
shall be admitted into the country, that all clove trees shall 
be rooted out and none again planted, that the navigation to 
Amboyna shall be free, and passes given by the Governor of 
Amboyna. Slaves and deserters to be restored on paying for 
each a gratuity of 10 rdrs., four hostages with their wives and 
children shall continually reside in the fort, and be exchanged 
every six months, &c. 

A contract was made by the Governor of Banda with the 
Orang Kayas of Arro and the adjacent islands, dated 5th 
November, 1658, stipulating that all former contracts shall remain 
in force, that they shall build forts, houses, &c, at any place in 
their country where the Dutch require it, without remuneration 
or payment, interdict foreigners who are not provided with a 
permit from the Dutch to trade to their islands, and much more 
to settle there; they shall have liberty to visit Banda for the sake 
of trade or other purposes, and having repeatedly expressed their 
wish to be instructed in the Christian religion, a Schoolmaster 
will be sent them for that purpose, whom they are to respect and 
to treat with kindness and attention, &c« 

On the lOtb August, 1660, a treaty was made with the Rajah 
of Macassar, stipulating that the Rajah shall relinquish all 
pretensions to Bouton and the land and places subordinate to 



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KOTBS OF BUTCH HISTORY IN THE ARCHIPILAOO. 150 

the same, as well as all others being subjects to the Rajah of 
Ternate, he shall not meddle with the affairs of Amboyna/ 
bat leave the same to the Company^ and the Rajah as lawful 
sovereign of the same ; the Government of Macassar shall not 
permit the subjects of the Company or of the Bajahs of Temate, 
Timor and Bachian to trade to Macassar, without producing a 
pass from the Company, no spices shall be sold there but by the 
Company alone, the subjects of Macassar shall not extend their 
trade to Solo, Timor, or other places in that vicinity, further than 
it is at present, nor shall they assist the enemies of the Company 
in the above-named parts, either with men, arms, ammunition^ 
vessels, provisions, or any thing else ; the Portuguese having been 
the cause and instigators of all differences and disputes which 
have subsuted for many years between the Government of Ma- 
cassar and the Honorable Dutch Government, the Rajah shall 
expel that nation and their adherents and abettors from his 
dominions ; the Rajah shall oblige the Portuguese to reimburse 
the Company for all they have successively received from the 
same, at His Highnesses request, from the captured ships '' Jean 
Baptiste'' and ** Nazareth," in 1652, and a sum of Spanish dollars 
8,000 for the loss sustained by the desertion of the assistant 
Adrichem, who was conducted to Solo by the Portuguese, to give 
up the Baid Adrichem and others who deserted with him, all other 
deserters shall be restored, except those who have embraced the 
Mahometan religion ; the Company shall in future have a Resident 
in Macassar, and carry on a free trade, not only there but in all 
other dominions belonging to the Sultan without paying higher 
duties or taxes than during the lifetime of His Highnesses father ; 
the murderers of P. Gillesen shall be punished by the Rajah, all 
misdemeanours committed by Company's servants or subjects 
shall be punished by the Company's chief and all disputes between 
the Dutch and the Rajah's subjects to be decided by mutual arbi- 
trators ; as soon a& the Portuguese shall have left Macassar and 
other conditions of the treaty are duly fulfilled, the Company will 

• I he Iftlands of Xulla, Bocro, Amblaii, Manipa, QuUanff, Bonoa, the Coast of 
Manoola, Kit too, Laytimore, IJouimocc, Nocsaalaut and Great Ceram, Ceram 
Lfttttf Goram and the adjoiniDg ialands. 



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160 Hont or dutch buiobt m m AfiCHiPUAoo. 

withdrmw its troopt from the PoMCOca, and deliver op the same to 
Hk Highaem fcc Ice. 

Sapplementary treaty with the Rajah of Hacassar, dated Snd 
Deoanbeii lOBO, eondaded at Lunhoopoo Port, netting forth : that 
the artide referrii^ to the rcetitatioQ of a earn of money bj the 
PofftagMae oa aeeoant of the captured ship <' Jean Baptiste/* is 
amialled, hot the Rajah reUoquiahes on the other band all peconi- 
aiy daioM oa the Company. The Rajah promises not to interfere 
ia theeeoeems of the Company and to refose admimion to all Tea* 
aeb nol provided with Company's passes; to pay 6000 mace of goldj 
as a eompensation for the vessel and property of Mr P. Gillesen 
when that gentleman was marderad at Bima; to rebuild at his own 
eipenoe the Company's Factory, with the exception that the tiles 
for the rocf will be Aimished by the Datch ; a Resident and nine 
persons to remain at Maoassar, the Company allows Prince Cal- 
matta to reside at Macassar, all who have adopted the Mahometan 
religion previous to the making of this treaty shall retain the same, 
all the Portuguese shall l^ve Macassar within the space of one 
year and never be nsadmitted there or in any other of the Rajah's 
dominions &c. 

Tieaty of peace and agreement on the 10th February, 1661, with 
the Orang Kayaa of Ceram Laut, Ooram, Kiffingh and all the 
Negries to the Northward of Goolegoole who were engaged m the 
late war. 

The Governor pardons them and their sobjedi for their late 
mutinoQa eondnet, on condition to acknowledge henceforth the 
Dutch Company as their lawful superiors, the inhabitants of the 
pkoes above named, who are now assembled at Solathay, shall 
return to their homes, where, after the Fort of that place shall be 
demolished, the trade of the Orang Eayas shall be confined to 
Amboyna and Banda, they shall break off all commuuication with 
Macassarese, Javanese, Malays, and other foreigners, and they 
shall keep them from their ooast, no trade to be carried on by them 
to Amboyna or Banda without a written permit from the Sergeant 
at Goolegoole, no cloves nor nutmegs shall be exported iGrom 
Amboyna or Banda on pain of severe punishment, their vessels 
therefore shall be searched anct not visit other places but the 



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9tnt3 OP DOTCH BISTORY in THB ARGHIPBtiAaO. 16l 

Caetle JSeelandia at Hanimoa^ and the Orang Kayas having repre-* 
sented that the restriction regarding their trade with strangers will 
prevent them from disposing of their Massoy, the Governor pro* 
mises to recommtmd to the Supreme Government at Batavia to 
porchase that article from them at the established price y all runaway 
slaves shall be restored^ the Orang Kayas shall furnish 20^000 ataps 
for tlie Fort at Ooolegoole^ which shall be kept in repair at iheir 
cost, they should assist the subjects of Am boy na in the recovery 
of their outstanding debts at Goram and other places and will in 
like manner, on application^ be assisted in settling their accounts 
with subjects of the Company, the Orang Kayas promise further 
to make restitution of money or effects lost on the occasion of the 
murder of Simons, an inhabitant of Banda. 

Treaty with the Pangeran Depatty of Palembang, concluded 
on the 27th September, 1662, whereby is stipulated that a recipro- 
cal friendship shall subsist between the said Pangeran Depatty 
and the Dutch and that what is past shall be buried in oblivion ; 
the Company is at liberty to built a factory and warehouses at 
Palembang, for which purpc se the Pangeran will point out an eli- 
gible spot near which no natives shall reside within the space of 60 
fothoms, the Pangeran shall protect the Company's servants and 
property, the Company's trade at Palembang sball be unmolested, 
the whole of the pepper shall be delivered to the Dutch exclusive* 
ly at the rate of 4 reals when paid in specie and 4} reals if bartered 
for merchandize, per picul of 100 catties or 125 lbs Dutch, and there 
will always be sufficient funds and merchandize at Palembang 
to pay any quantity of pepper that may be received and no duties 
whatever shall be charged &c« 

Contract of 29th December, 1663, with the Orang Kaya of 
Bomatiga, Mattheus Mendes, stipulating that the natives shall 
assist the Dutch with their cora*cora8 in cases of emergency only, 
and that the same be considered with respect to stone cutting 
and the limekilns, that the Orang Kayas shall provide prows and 
people for the Dutch who are going from the Coast of Kittoo 
to the castle and from thence back to the three houses, the inhabi- 
tants of which shall be divided in three classes and he who has 
the week shall not absent himself but be always ready to perform 
the Company's work &c. 



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162 K0TB9 OF DUTCH HISTORY IM THE i^RCHlPSLAOO. 

On the 6th March, 1664, a contract was made with the Orang 
Kayas of the Island of Serouway setting forth that they (Orang 
Kayas) acknowledge the Dutch Company as their sovereign and 
promise that they will not give access in their bland to any other 
nation but the Duich, nor dispose of their spices to any others but 
to the Company, the nutmeg trees growing on their island shall be 
cut down on a certain payment being made to them for each tree. 
In consideration of the above the Company promises to protect 
them and to treat them with lenity. 

Contracts of the same tenor were made with the Orang Kayas of 
the Island Damme, on the 30th March, 1664, and with the Orang 
Kayas of Pulo Nele &• 

Treaty with the Christian Chief, Anthony Bapias of the Island 
Togottlando on the 2Ist July, 1664. 

The Chieilain promises friendship to the Company, to assist the 
same with vessels, men, &c, when required, and as &r as the safety of 
his own island admits of it. The Company reciprocally engages 
to assist and to protect the Chieflain, who shall strictly adhere to 
the contract formerly made with his grandfather Rajah Bolango 
in regard to the rooting out of the clove trees, he promises further 
to assist Company's vessels that might be compelled to touch at 
Togoulando, and to supply them with necessaries, to procure small 
craft or timber to construct the same if demanded, to protect the 
school like a good Christian, to maintain a good understanding 
with aU the Chieftains who are friends of the Company &c. 

Agreement under 11th July, 1665, with the Orang Kaya 
Baokos, on the Island of Macassar under the jurisdiction of 
Banda, containing a promise to be faithful to the Company and to 
prevent all communication with the Macassars, the Calemata peo* 
pie, the English and other nations. 

Similar agreements were made on the lOth July with the Orang 
Kayas of Tooticay, on the 29th July with the Orang Kaya Sauual 
on the Island of Lety^ and on the 4lh Aui^ust with the Orang 
Kaya Laloly on the Island of Lacker. 

Treaties with the Bajah of Bouton on the 31st January and 
26th July, 1667, stipulating that the Rajah Paduka Sirie Sultan 
shall cause all nutmegs and clove trees on the Tookan Bessie 
Islaudk) to be destroyed, in consideration of which the Company 



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NOTKS OF DUTCH HISTORY IN THE ARCHIPBLIOO. 163 

will paj to His Highness the sum of 100 rix dollars annaallj^ 
being the amount of the revenue he has drawn from the spices on 
those islands. No vessels of other nations, especially none from 
Macassar, shall be permitted to trade at Bouton, unless they can 
produce passes from the Company ; on the death of the Bajah imme- 
diate notice thereof shall be given to the Dutch government and 
to the Rajah of Temate, for the purpose of electing a successor, who 
cannot be deposed but by the Company and the Rajah of Ternate, 
the GboG^oogoos and other officers of high rank shall not be depos- 
ed without authority from the Company, the Rajah may send his 
vessels to Batavia, Amboyna and Ternate and also to Bugis, as 
long as the latter acknowledge the supremacy of the Company, but 
not to Macassar except with the permission of the Company, a fort 
and settlement may be built on the Island of Bouton by the 
Company, to which the Rajah promises to furnish materials, &c, 
hostages shall be given by the Rajah for the due performance of 
these treaties. 

Treaty with the Bajah of Tidor, concluded with admiral Sped* 
man on the 19th March, 1667, stipulating that the Rajah surren- 
ders to the Company at discretion with all his subjects, that he 
shall deliver up to the Admiral all natives of Macassar now at 
Fontiana, and not permit any prows from Macassar or other 
places at war with the Company to enter the port of Pontiana 
nor shall he accept presents from the Rajahs of such countries, that 
he shall always be prepared to assist the Company against her 
enemies and never dare to take up arms against the same; that all 
nutmeg and clove trees within his dominions shall be destroyed 
for which the Company will pay annually as an indemnification to 
the parties concerned the sum of 3,000 reals of 48 stivers each, that 
no person shall be placed upon the throne of Tidor but with the 
approbation of the Company, hostages shall be given if required 
from among the Chiefs of Tidor &c. 

By a treaty with Sultan Mandarshah, Bajah of Ternate, under 
SOth March, 1667, the said Rajah and and his subjects are permit- 
ted to trade to Mindanao, but not to visit Amboyna, Banda or 
other Company's Settlements without express permission. 

A treaty of the same tenor as the foregoing was entered into 
on the 12th April, 1(367, with the Rajah of Bachian, act of 



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1G4 NOTES OF BUTCH HIBTORT IN THB ARCHiPBLA.ao 

reconciliation betireen the Orang Kayas of Lissibatai and the 
Rajah of Taalaut under the mediation of the Dutch Companji 
dated 4th September, 1667. The Rajah promises not to offend 
or to make war upon the inhabitants of Lissibata, and Quipaty of 
Liasibata with the Orang Kayas engage not to molest the Rajah 
of Tanlauty both parties to live in peaoe and amity hereaAer, they 
agree to delirer up all prisoners, to pay to the Company the 
charges inonrred by her amounting to 200 rdrs., in cloth, guns 
and slaTes, one^third by Lissibata and two-thirds by the Rajah, 
who now acknowledges the people of Lissibata for free subjeols 
of the Company, the Dutch promise to re-establish a friendly 
understanding between the two oontracting parties and the Rajahs 
of Someth and Siloulou, and further, that they will assist that 
party which shall be attacked in a hostile manner by the other. 

Treaty of peace and amity oonelnded on the 18th Norember, 
1667, with Paduea Serie Sultan Hassan Oodeen, Rajah of Ma« 
cassar, setting forth that former contracts shall remain in force, 
that the Sultan shall deliver up all servants and subjects of the 
Company now residing within bis dominions, that the vessels, 
guns, ammunition, cash or effects taken out of the ship, the 
<< Whale'' at Salayer, and out of the yacht <<Lionness" wrecked at 
Pulo Dondoango, shall be restored, except 8 iron gons, for which 
payment has been made, that persons guilty of murdering natives 
of Holland shall be punished, that ultimately, before the end of 
the ensuing season, all debts to the Company shall be paid, that 
the Portuguese and English shall leave Macassar at an early date, 
the latter being the principal cause of the last war, in short no 
European nation but the Dutch shall have admission at Ma- 
cassar, that the Company shall have the exclusive trade in 
Coromandel, Surat, Persia, China, and Bengal goods and mer- 
chandize, the coarse cloth manufactured on Java is, however, 
permitted to he imported, that no import or export duties shall 
be paid by the Company, that the subjects of the Rajah are 
permitted to trade to Balli, the Coast of Java, Jacatra, Bantam, 
Jambi, Falembang, Johor and Borneo, but they shall not navi- 
gate to Bima, Solor, Timor, &c, nor to the eastward of the point 
of Lassar, being the eastern part of the Straits of Salayer, nor pro- 



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NOTB8 OP BUTCH HISTORY IN THl ARCHIPBULGO. 165 

oeed north or eastward of Borneo to Mindanao or the islands 
thereabout, on pain of forfeiting life and property; that all the 
fortifications on the Sea Coast of Macassar shall be forthwith 
dismantled, with the exception of Samboapo fort, that immediately 
after the ratification of this treaty the northero fort of Joupadang 
shall be surrendered to the Company, the village and inhabitants 
shall remain attached to the same and be no longer subject 
to the Sultan ; that the merchants shall pay such duties to the 
Sultan as will be stipulated hereafter^ that the Dutch coin current 
at Batavia shall hold the same ralue at Macassar, that the Goyem- 
meot of Macassar shall deliver (as a penalty for the last breach of 
peace) one thousand male and female slaves^ all young, healthy 
and full grown, being at liberty however to pay the value of the 
the same (being calculated at 2 J taels or 40 Macassar golden mas 
for each person) either in cannon, gold or silver, provided that 
one-half at least be remitted to Batavta in June next and the 
remainder in the subsequent season ; that the said government 
shall not interfere in the concerns of Bima,. that the Rajah 
shall deliver up to the Company all such persons as are now in hia 
dominions who arc implicated in the cruel murder of the Com- 
pany's subjects committed by the Rajah of Bima and his subjects; 
that the Rajah shall renounce all claims on Bouton, and do* 
liver to the Rajah of that island the people carried away from 
thence during the late invasion, that in like manner he shall 
restore to the Rajah of Ternate the people and guns taken 
away from the Xulla Islands and declare that these said islands 
lawfully belong to the Riyjah of Ternate, that he shall still further 
declare that the Rajahs of Bugis and Looboo are free and 
independent Princes, and that he shall forthwith liberate the 
Raj^ of Soping and his family and deliver them over to the 
Company,^ as well as all other Biigis men or women now in his 
power^ that he shall in like manner declare the Rajahs of I^oyo^ 
Bancal, Turate and Padjang are independent Chiefs, giving up all 
claim to their countries; the lands conquered during the late war 
by the Company and her allies shall remain under their authority, 
that the Sultan shall also place at the disposal of the Company 
the state of Wadjo Booloo Booloa and Mandahar, which by their 
crimes and misdemeanours have incuredthc displeasure of the Comii 

V 



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166 N0TS8 OF DUTCH HISTOBT IN THB ABCHIPBLAOO. 

pany, that Bngk or Ternatese having wives of Macassar, and the 
people of Macassar wives of the aforenamedi shall be at liberty to 
keep them, that no other liations shall be admitted at Maccassar; 
that there shall be everlasting peace, amitj and alliance between 
the Rajah of Macassar and the Company, in which are included 
the Bajahs of Temate, Tidor, Bachian, Boutou, Bugis, Soping, 
Loobo, Tarate, Sayo, Padjang and Bima, together with all other 
Princes and Chieftains who may desire hereafter to be admitted ; 
all differences between the allies shall be referred to the Dutch 
Resident in otder to mediate between them ; that two of the princi- 
pal Rajahs shall proceed to Batavia and solicit the confiimation 
of this Treaty by the Supreme Government, and that two of the 
sons of the principal Rajah shall be sent as hostages, if demanded ; 
that the Company shall be at liberty to seize upon the property of 
the English at Macassar without opposition from the Sultan, that if 
the Rajahs of Bima and Montemarano are not detected within 10 
days the sons of both shall be surrendered to the Company, that 
the Rajah of Macassar shall pay the Company the sum of 250,000 
rix dollars for expences incurred during the late war, in five succes- 
sive terms, either in gold, silver or jewels after valuation. 

A contract was made on the 9th March, 1668, with the Rajah 
of Tello, by which he declares that with the advice of his Chiefs, 
brothers and subjects he has solicited the special protection of the 
Company, binding himself to be faithful to the same and to assist 
her in her wars, leaving to her also the choice of a successor to the 
throne of Tello on the death of the Rajah. 

On the 13th March, a similar contract was made with the 
Rajah of Chinrana, Linques &c. 

To these, two agreements with the Rajahs of Tello and Linques 
were added on the 25th July, 1669; after having acknowledged 
their deviation from their former engagements, they pray not to 
be charged with higher taxes than before, and promise to deliver 
up all the ordnance in their possession, to raze the Fortress of 
Tello and never to rebuild the same, the Rajah of Goa not having 
submitted to the Company shall be considered as an enemy, but 
all the Rajahs of Macassar and their subjects shall be pardoned ; 
Croman having caused the breach of the contract shall be 
pursued and punished with death and his property confiscated for 



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MOTXS OF DUTCH HfSTOlKY IN THU AnCHlPBLAaO. 167 

tlie benefit of the Company, the Rajah or one of his chiefs shall 
reside on the Company's territory, the Rajahs of Telloand 
Linques finally promise not to enter the Company's Forts but with 
a few attendants and unarmed. 

To the foregoing were afterwards joined the following articles. 

The Orang Kayas Dain Macaule Shabandhar, Crain Maho- 
med and Crain Rapochiin attended by Dain Mangalique, Dain 
Tcllo and others, promise that all the fortifications of Goa and 
Sadrabona, at the first requisition of the Company, shall be razed 
to the ground, that the Rajahs of Telle, Goa and Sadrabona shall 
keep no intercourse with Malays, Moora or other foreigners, but 
the Company be at liberty to quarter as many troops in their 
dominions as they n\ay think proper, nor shall the said Rajahs 
receive any vessels into their rivers, unless they are provided with 
a Company's pass. 

^he old King of Goa likewise subscribed to the above. 

Contract of 26th August, 1669, with Posalophan, Rajah of the 
large district of Liela, by which the said Rajah is admitted among 
the Company's other allies, towit of Ternatc, Booton, Bugis,Turatta, 
Tareta, Batookika &c. He, the said Rajah, promises friendship to 
the Company and enmity to her adversaries, not to sell provisions 
or other articles to the enemies of the Company, the Company 
being at liberty to trade in the Rajah's dominions, who again may 
traffic at Fort Rotterdam and the allies in their territories on the 
Island Celebes &c. 

Treaty with the Governments of Bima and Dompo, who having 
expressed their coutrition for their hostile conduct towards the 
Company in the late war with Macassar, peace and amity was 
established between them, the Company to have the exclusive trade 
within the Dominions of Bima and Dompo, not to hold any inter- 
course with Macassar, nor to admit the natives of Java, the Malay 
coast, Acheen, Siam &c, without a passport from the Com- 
pany, the exportation of Merchandize, such as sapanwood, cassia, 
tortoise-shell, wax &c, shall not be exported by any other but by 
the Company, who is to pay for the rice 24 rix doUara per Bima 
coyang of 80 measures, each measure weighing 54 lb, yet in times 
of plenty no more than the market price ; the Silver coin of the 
Company shall be iutroduccd and the Macassar gold withdrawn 



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168 NOTBS or DUTCH BISTORT IN THE ARCHIPBLAOO. 

A'om circulationi the Rajah of Bima being at liberty to establiA 
saoh other coinage which the Company may receire in payment 
for their merchandize ; neither Dutchmen nor other Chrtetians 
«haU be peimitted at Bima to adopt the Mahometan religion, the 
Company promising not to make proselytes of any of the Rajah's 
subjects : Dutch ships in distress on the coast of Bima shall meet 
with etery assistance from the Rajah, the Company is to pay nO 
duties, and is at liberty to build a fiictory within the Dominions of 
Bima and Dompo, all ordnance, arms ftc, in the possession of the 
Rajahs, saved from vessels that were wrecked there, shall be given 
up, and those persons who have been implicated in the murder of 
the crews of the said vessels shall be severely punished, no fortifi* 
calions shall be erected by the Rajahs without leave, if the Rajah 
of Sambawah should not agree to this Treaty the two Rajahs 
above named shall commence war against him ; they shall deliver 
hostages for the fulfilment of this Treaty if required &c« 

About this period the Government of Banda entered into contracts 
with the ChiefUitns on the Island of Timor and with the Orang 
Kayas of Lety, of Pally on the Island of Moa, and of Mohooly 
on the Island Lackor, which are all in substance tending to the 
same point, promising submission to the Dutch, grant of a free 
trade with the exclusion of all other nations, in consideration of 
which the Compsjiy grants them protection. 

On the 10th April, 1070, a contract was made with the Orang 
Kayas of Kiffingh, Goolo, Qnamen, Hidde, Emamme and Quaus, 
stipulating the free trade of the Dutch ; that they shall not build 
fortifications, nor retain fire arms but with leave of the Governor 
General, and as far as may be requisite for their defence, not to hold 
intercourse with the natives of Macassar, the Javanese, Malays or 
other foreigners, not to trade to any other places but Amboyna, Ban- 
da, Ony Coreay, the Islands adjoining Ceram Laut and Goram, 
Teeuuer included, but nowhere else without a Company's Pass- 
port, to root out all the clove trees and not to trade with spices of 
any kind ftc. 

Treaty with Rajah of Tosoora and the other Chieftains of To« 
wadjo, 23rd December, 1670, who acknowledge that their country 
according to the right of conquest belongs to the Company, promis- 
ing to be fiiithful subjects and abjuring all allegiance to the Rajah 



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NOTES OV OUTCa HISTORY IN THE ARCIlIPIZLAaa. 109 

t>F Macassary all fortifications within the Province Towadjo shall 
be forthwith demolished and none other bo erected, neither foreip^n 
European nor Indians shall be admitted into the country, the inha- 
bitants of Towadjo shall be free to trade to Bally, along the coast 
of Java to Batayia, and to Borneo, provided they hold Passports 
from the Dutch authorities, but they shall not trade to Bima, Solor, 
Timor or farther to the South or Eastward of the Point of Lassam 
on the other side of Odebes, to the North or Eastward of Bonieo> 
to Mindanao or the Islands situated thereabout ; to pay the Com<^ 
pany fifty-two thousand riz dollars in four annual instalments, for 
disbursements of the expcnces in the last war. 

Oontract with the Chieftains of the Negries Chinrana and 
Tcliiambo, Malauwa and Bingo on the Island Celebesi on the 
7th December, 1671, stipulating that they shall no longer be sub- 
ject to the Rajah of Goa but submit to the authority of the Com- 
pany, that they shall participate in the friendship or enmity of the 
Company towards all nations, deliver up three brass guns concealed 
last war by the Rajah of Qoa, perform for the Company the 
same services as were imposed upon them formerly by the Rajah 
of Macassar, they shall pay a fine to the Company of 35 slaves 
viz : Chinrana 10, Tchiambo 10, Malauwa 10, and Bingo, (the 
smallest) 5 &c. 

Treaty on the 18th June, 1872, with the Orang Kayas of the 
Island Maro, setting forth their submission to the Company and tho 
principal points of all Treaties or contracts in the Moluccas, such 
as granting an exclusive trade to the Dutch, the building of forts 
and factories, Ac, and the Company on the other hand promises 
protection to the inhabitants of the Island Maro, allowing them to 
visit Baada for the sake of trade or other purposes as often as 
they deem necessary &c. 

Similar Treaties were made on the 529th June following, with the 
Orang Kayas of the Island Timor Lauf, on the same date with tho 
Orang Kayas of the Negries Eurottou, Autowally, Rum, Salla 
and Kamak Tooboor on the Island Ccram, on the 6th July with 
Orang Kayas of the Island of Lackor and on the 7th July with 
the Orang Kayas of the Island Salarow« 

Contract on the 10th October, 1674, with the Chieftains of 
Mandhar, Billanipah, Chinrana, Manjinnc, Parapooan, Binoang, 



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170 NOrSS OP DUTCH HISTORY IK THE ARCUIPBLAOO. 

CaiookOy BoachOy Mapile and Galcrangi who engage to surrender 
Co the Company all the ordnance in iheir possession \yhioh will be 
paid for, small arms they are allowed to retain ; they shall set at 
liberty the na tires of Temate, Macassar, Bugis, Bouton and 
others made prisoners during the late war or who took refuge 
among them, the Company shall have a free trade to Mandharand 
the preference in the purchase of the produce of the country, espe* 
cially cassie lignum (which they call cayo Mangies) on paying 
the current price, all strongholds and fortifications shall be demo* 
lished, 90 slares bo given to the Company for the expenccs incur- 
red during the last war &c. 

Treaty with the Rnjah of Sambawah on the 12lh February, 
1676, fur the most part a repetition of the usual form : besides the 
Rajah^s prombing to break off all commnnication with Macassar, 
to permit the introduction of the Dutch coin, to deliver up all 
the heavy ordnance and all iK^rsons who are guilty of the murder 
of the crew of three Dutch vessels cut off on the coast of Sambaw- 
ah, to send hostages to Balavia if required, the differences be^ 
tween His Highness and the Rajah of Bima and Dompo shall be 
amicably settled, His Highness shall maintain the deposed Rajah 
Alaas Goa during his lifetime suitable to his birth. 

Contract with the Chieftains of Bonte Cange, Gantarang, 
Tanette, Bookit, Pooto Cange, Onto, Bonte Caries, Batta Matta, 
Baram Barrang Baden, &c, stipulating to grant assistance to the 
Company when required either on the Island Celebes, at Bima, 
Bouton or elsewhere, the said Chieftains shall possess on the 
Island Saleyar their own negries, gardens, lands, fields, jurisdic- 
tion, &c, without molesting each other. The Chieftains them- 
selves shall take up their abode under the Company's fort with 
their wives and children, in order that they may be present at all 
times, and in cases of emergency ; the said fort being erected for 
their protection they shall keep the same in repair, the Chieftains 
shall give sufficient land to the garrison for gardens and fields 
to Sow and plant upon, the Company has the disposition of the 
successorship of the Chieftains at their demise; subjects of Salayer 
have permission to trade under a Company's pass to Mangary, 
Bima, Bali, Java, and further to the westward, but not to the east- 
ward cither to Timor, Solor, or the adjacent Islands, nor to Ccram, 



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NOTBS OF DUTCH HISTORY IN THB ARCHIPBLAOO 171 

the Toucanbeaey IslandB, Timonko, the Bay of Boni, Loobo, the 
west and the north-west coast of Celebes^ the coast of Borneo, 
bnt not farther east than the point of Lassa; the Company's 
silver coin shall be current and the Macassar coin brought out 
of circalation ; disputes arising between the natives and the Dutch 
shall be settled by the Governor of Macassar. 

A contract was also made with the Rajah of Tambora^ con- 
taining the usnal stipulations in all other contracts. 

A similar contract was made with the Rajah of Sambawah, 
on the 12th February, 1676, stipulating for the exclusive trade of 
the Company, the introduction of the Dutch stiver specie, the 
free exercise of religion, that the Rajah shall deliver up to the 
Company all heavy ordnance, to assist them in their wars, yet not 
beyond the limits of his Island, . unless he be willing to do so, 
to settle all differences subsisting between him and the Prinoes 
of Bima and Dompo, and as the Rajah's aiding the people of 
Macassar caused great expences to the same, he shall pay such 
fine as the Supreme Government at Batavia shall be pleased to 
impose upon bim. 

Agreement with Kiay Nebei Wangsa Deepa, Governor of the 
Sea-ports of Java, on behalf of His Highness the Soosoohoonang 
of the Mataram, dated 15th February, 1677, stipulating that th<r 
Company and the Soosoohoonang shall assist each other reci- 
procally against their enemies, the expences of the war to be paid 
by the party assisted ; that the Company's jurisdiction at Batavia 
shall extend to the Crawang river ; slaves, debtors, and others 
flying from the territories of the one contracting party to those 
of the other shall be given up on demand, the Company is at 
liberty to import and export all kinds of goods and merchandise 
free from duty, and to establish a factory where it moy be deemed 
most convenient. The Soosoohoonang promises to supply the 
Company annually with 4,000 lasts of rice at the market price, 
payable at the places where the same are shipped, people of 
Macassar, Malays or Moormen having no Company's passes, 
shall not trade or settle in the Soosoohoonang's dominions. The 
Company may attack the vessels of their enemies in the ports of 
the Soosoohoonang. 

His Highness promises to reimburse the Company for the 



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173 N0TK8 OF DUTCH niSrORT IN THB ARCHIPbLiOO. 

heavy expenccs incurred in assistiDg biin against the Macassarese 
and Madurese, amounting to 250,000 Spanish dollars and 3,000 
lasts of rice, deliverable at Batavia. The whole to be discharged 
in three annual instalments. 

If a peace is concluded between His Highness and his enemies 
through the Company's mediation, he promises to submit himself 
to their decision regarding the terms, but if no accommodation 
is effected by the SOth July next, he engages to pay to the 
Company monthly 20,000 dollars, for the inevitable expenoea of 
the war. 

The Company promise to station an adequate force on Japara 
hill, in order to preserve that place for the Soosoohoonang, 
which force will also be maintained at the expence of His 
Highness. 

By a treaty on the 20th May, 1677, the Rajah of Temate 
resigns to the Company his right to the Island of Limbotto and 
Gorontalo on the Celebes. 

A treaty with the Soosoohoonang of 20th October, 1677, seta 
forth that His Highness owes to the Company the sum of 801,000 
Spanish doUarf and 3,000 coyans of good rice, yet not being 
able to discharge that debt at present, he mortgages to the 
Company all the sea-ports from the river of Crawang to the 
eastern extreme of the Island, the revenue of which will be 
drawn by the Company in diminution of the said debt, including 
the quantity of rice which His Highness is in the habit of 
receiving from his subjects at these ports, which the Company 
will cease to occupy as soon as the debt shall be paid. 

By another instrument of the same date, the Soosoohoonang 
makes over to the Company the kingdom of Jacatra or the land 
between the rivers of Ontong Java and Crawang and the southern 
and northern sea-coast. The inhabitants who wish to remain shall 
acknowledge the Company as their lawful sovereign, but they 
are at liberty to leave the Compatfy's territory after the expiration 
of 12 months from the publication of this Act^^ and to remove 
to the dominions of His Highness, 

His Highness, moreover, cedes to the Company, in acknow- 
ledgment of the services rendered by Admiral Speelman against 
the rebels^ the country between the Crawang and Pamanookan 



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NOTES 07 DUTOB HISTORY IN THB ARCHIPBLAQO 173 

rirers, in a straight line to the south sea with all the immanities 
and privileges thereto attached. 

Treaty on the 8th November, 1677| by which Rajah Amster- 
dam at Temate and the Rajahs of Taroona, Boolang and Candipan 
grant peace to the Rajah of Chiaua, vizi that the latter shall pay 
to the former a tribute of 500 pieces of Chiaaware, 60 outlaBses, 
some muskets, 60 catties of gold, 60 slaves and a Cora^^Conu 

Contract with the Bajah of Cbiauu of 9th November, 1677, 
stipulating that the country shall be held by him as a fief of the 
Company on the usual terms, that be shall not tolerate any other 
than the reformed religion, no Roman Catholic Priest shall remain 
in thecountry and all Paternosters, Crosses, Images, or other signs 
of Idolatry shall be burnt ^ all clove trees must be rooted out and 
as Boolangitan resorts under Candipan, which by the treaty of 
peace with Macassar in 1667, was ceded to the Sultan of Temate 
and the Company, the Rajah and bis Chieftains make over to the 
Dutch Government all their right and title to the same; that the 
brother of the King of Taroona, Don Martin Totanda PocarilU, 
who has caused many disturbances, shall be delivered up to the 
Company. 

On the 25th March, 1678, a Treaty was entered into with the 
Rajahs of Gorontalo and Limbotto, stipulating that they approve 
and confirm the transfer of their Territories by the Rajah of Temate, 
whose subjects they were, to the Company ; that they shall bold the 
said Territories as fiefs of the Company, the Rajahs shall not wage 
war, but if attacked act upon the defensive; with regard to peace 
or war they shaU make common cause with the Company, who 
promise their special protection to the territories of Gorontalo and 
Limbotto ; the produce of the soil shall be sold to the Company at 
the Manado prices ; Slaves they are permitted to sell to subjects of 
the Company who hold regular Passes ; Tortoiseshell shall be sold 
exclusively to the Company at the rate of 30 rix dollara per picul, 
if delivered at Limbotto or Gorontalo, and 86 rdrs, if delivered at 
Fort Malayo. The Rajahs shall not prevent their subjects to 
embrace the Christian religion, no Papists to reside or visit at 
Limbotto and Gorontalo; all free born subjects of Toming now in a 
state of bondage at Limbotto and Gorontalo shall be forthwith 
liberated ; all spice Irecs without exemption shall be rooted out^ the 

W 



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174 VMBB or JMJTOH HlflfORT IN TUB ARCBlPBl 100. 

Rajahi shall tak* ao anchorage fees from Company's reneb or 
prows &c. 

Oontraet of the 10th Janoarj^ 1679, with the Cbiefiains of 
Manado, sitaatcd on the North East coast of Celebes. 

The Chieftains from their own free will and choice^ acknowledge 
the Company for their sole and lawfal sovereign and promise to 
assist her on all occasions; to furnish materials for the repairs of 
the fortifications, to repair bridges and ditches, to build and to keep 
in repair a spacious house and a warehouse for the Company's 
use, to supply the Company with new and clean paddy. 

The GoFemor, on the part of the Company, promises that the 
abo?e Chieftains and their subjects shall be considered as faithful 
subjects and be protected, including in this contract the inhabitants 
of Saban, Datahan, Passan and Saccan with one part of Bantik, 
provided thc|y withdraw from under the aathority of the Rajah of 
Boolan. 

Treaty on the 25th January, 1680, with the Ambassadors from 
Naning and Rambow on behalf of the Rajah of Johor. 

They swear fidelity to the Company and submit to the following 
regulations, viz : a native of Minong Kwebow* dying at Nanning 
without heirs, his property shall be divided between the Company 
and the native Chiefii, if a Native of Minong Kwebow commit 
manslaughter and absconds, his property shall be confiscated by the 
Company, who is to give half thereof to his wife and children; one* 
tenth of the crops of rice shall be given to the Company, ten per 
cent ed valorem shall be paid to the Company on the sales of 
pepper. 

The Company promises to give an adequate subsistanco to the 
Chief of Nanning, besides one-tenth of the revenue collected; each 
boat coming from Nanning shall pay one crusade to the C<»npany } 
slaves from Nanning flying to Mahicca with intent to embrace the 
Christian faith shall be emancipated and the value of the same is 
to be paid to their master, the inhabitants of Nanning shall not 
trade with foreigners but sell their merchandisEe at Malacca. 

An agreement was entered into on the 6th January, 1681, with 
the three Rajahs of Cheribon, setting forth their gratitude for the 
signal service rendered them by the Company and their determi« 

* Mtnangkabow. 



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NOVfiS OF HUTCH BHTOHY tW THl AACtitPHtikQa. 175 

nation to follow the Company's advice nnder all ciroamBtanees, to 
asstst tbe same whenever reciuired ; to lite upon good terms with 
His Highness the Sooeoohoonangf should any of the Princes com* 
mit any act prohibited under the present M'ticles or derogatory 
to the Soosooboonangy the same shall be punished with severity. 
No fortificatioDB shall be ereeted without the consent of the €k>* 
Ternor-Oeneral, who can build a factory at Cheribon, and cause 
all kinds of merchandize to be imported there duty free. 

Tbe whole of tbe pepper, being the produce of Cheribon, shall 
be disposed of to the ComfMuiy at the baaar price, but if ua 
Company'a officer is sent ta purchase the same, the inhabitants 
are at liberty ta sell their pepper ta private traders, navigating 
with Company's passes, under tlie restriction, however, that tbe 
same must be imported to Batavia. The trade in timber,, nigur 
and rice is free ta all, paying- an export duty of 2 per cem ta the 
Rajahs. Natives of Macassar^ Malays and Moormen shalf have 
na permission to settle at Cheribon and to trade there only wilb 
Company's passes. All vessels belonging to Cheribon will be 
provided with passports from the Company, authorizing them t^ 
trade to the eastward as far aa Bali, but not to any plaees^ situated 
beyond Borneo* 

Contract on the 15th June, 1681, with tbe Oraitg Kaya Amacu-' 
tan of the Negry Dikoon on the island Wetter, setting fortb 
that the said Orang Kaya acknowledges the supreme authority 
of the Company and promises not to admit foreignere into hie 
country, to dispose to the Company of all the wax within his 
dominions or which is procured by the Alforese, at the rate of 12 
rdrs per picul, payable in such articlea of dress,, merchandize &c ae 
he may require for use and traffi:c. Tbe Company are at liberty 
to build Forts and Factories at their option*. The Rajah and his 
subjects shall be protected by the Company and the former is 
allowed to visit Banda as often as he may think necessary. 

Similar contracts were made with the Orang Kayas of the 
Negrees lUiter, Sauu and Elmeedo on the Island Wetter. 

Agreement with the Sengadies of the two Xulo Islands, named 
Xula Bessie and Mangoly, setting forth that the said Sengadiea, 
considering the incapacity of their Snllan to protect them, submit to 
the authority of tbe Company, who promises them protection and 



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176 NOTKB OV DUTCH HIITORT IN THE ARCHTPBLA0O. 

grants the free exercise of their religion, they shall not admit 
foreigners into their islands withoat permission of the Governor of 
Amboynai they shall perform the same duties as other subjects and 
furnish provisions for the support of twenty-five soldiers, they shall 
further deliver 16 lasts of paddy per month, each last valued at 
10 rdrs, and extirpate all dove and nutmeg trees. 

In 1682, 6th July, the Sengadies of the Island Xula Taljata 
acceded to the above agreement. 

And on the 3rd November, 1682, an agreement of a similar 
nature was also made with the Orang Kayas of the Island Moa. 

On the 17th July, 1683, a treaty was entered into with the 
Sultan and all the Chieftains of Temate, setting forth that they 
having waged an unjust war against the Company without provo- 
cation, the said Company has obtained an undoubted right to their 
dominions and free disposition of their lives and fortunes, renoun- 
cing the former at the pleasure of the Company for themselv(», their 
theirs and successors, they renounce the recognition which the Com^ 
pany used to allow them annually according to former agreement 
tIz : to the Sultan rix-dollars 9,600, to the Bobatos at Ternate 
1,200, to the Chiefs at Machian 4,000, to the Sengadies of Moter 
800, but declare at same time to be utterly incapable of re-imbur- 
sing the sum of rdrs 13,955 which the Company has advanced to 
the Government of Temate. Declaring all former contracts null and 
void, the Supreme Dutch Government (from motives of genero- 
sity and compassion) re-establish the Sultan in his dominions, 
which will be considered hereafter as a feudal tenure of the Com- 
pany and which the Sultan promises to cede to them when requir- 
ed. The Dutch Government further declare in the name and on . 
behalf of the Company, that they will not be bound to former 
agreements entered into with Sultan Mandarshah respecting the 
appointment of a successor to the throne of Ternate, but that the 
Company shall have a free choice to elect whom they plea8i>, 
releasing at present the Government of Ternate from all former 
debts, the free exercise of religion is granted, but no proselytes 
shall be made by either party, all Christians subjects to the Com- 
pany or others who rendered themselves guilty of crimes towards 
their government shall be given up. All clove and nutmeg trees 
shall be rooted out in the dominions of Ternate, Machian and 



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NCiTBa OP DUTCH HIBTORT IN THB ARCHIPKI.AOO. 177 

Tklor on pain of forfeiting life and property. The Company t8gran 

to the Saltan an annual suhsidy of rdrs 6,400. 

to the Soasi?09 600. 

to the Chiefs of Machian 2,000. 

to the Chie& of Motir 150. 

as long as they shall merit such a favour from the Company. 

Treaty of 29lh June, 1684, with Hi:i Highness Philip Anthony, 
son and Heir to the late Rajah Anthony Bapias of the Island of 
Tagulanda, setting forth that the said Phillip Anthony having 
attained the age of majority and been instructed in the reformed 
Christian religion, and having also given unquestionable proofs of 
attachment to the Company, it has been determined to put him in 
full possession of the island aforenamed, on the following terms— ' 
that he and bis chieftains shall consider their appoii.tment as 
marks of faror of the Company, the people shall be governed by 
the existing laws subject to modifications from the Company, the 
Company will appoint a successor to the Rajah on his demise ; 
the true reformed religion shall solely be tolerated at Tagulanda 
and all signs and remains of idolatry be destroyed, priests, conjurors 
arid other persons of that description shall not reside on the Island 
Tagulanda ; no Europeans but the Dutch shall be admitted ; all 
former contracts, especially with regard to the clove trees, shall be 
adhered to, neither war nor peace shall be made without the know- 
ledge of the Company, the Rajah's subjects shall not trade to 
Amboyna, Banda, Macassar, Magindanao or other places under 
any pretence whatever without a licence from the Company's Go- 
Temment, restraining their trade to those places mentioned ; the 
birds nests and tortoiseshell collected at Tagulanda shall be sold 
exclusively to the Company at reasonable prices kc 

By a treaty with the Rajah of Johor, on the 6th April, 1685, 
the following privilege was granted to the Company, viz: the 
ezdnsiTe trade on Siac River, without paying any duties, provid- 
ed that the returns are only to consbt in gold and tin, that the 
Rajah be permitted to import annually one cargo of cloth and that 
the people of Johor are allowed a free trade in provisions (salt 
excepted Ac.) 

Contract of SOth September, 1686, with the Panghooloos of 
Ayer Trist, Bantina, Salla and Coa. 



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178 K0TB9 OF DUTCH BISTORT IN THK ARCHIPRLAGO. * 

The coDtracU wkh the aljove named places, including Patta- 
pahan, aball be renewed ^ the Company shall not enter into any 
agreement with the Rajah of Pagger Oodjaxig^ wbioh can affect 
this contract, nor shall the Panghooloos conclude any Treaty 
without the approbation of the Company ; aU the gold from the 
upper countries passing the fiandhare shall be delivered to the 
Company and paid for in Spanish dollars, no gold to be exported 
through the River Campar^ nor any other merchandise, salt only 
excepted ;, they are permitted to send one vessel annually to Ba- 
tavia, Acheen, Queda, Malacca, or elsewhere,, and to let her 
depart from and return to the River above named Ac. 

Contract with the Princes of Cheribooy dated 7(b September,. 
^1688» stipulating: that all former diflferences shall be forgotten 
and Panabahan Cheribon and Sultan Anum promise to respect 
and honor their elder brother Sultan Sopo, that Sultan Sopa 
promises not to slight his brothers, but to treat thei» with that 
deference due to their rank ', that the Toumamenta shaU be held in 
front of the Court at Tape, where the Princely brothers are to 
appear every Saturday in their state dresses attended by their 
Mantries, they shall be seated on the right and left of Sultan Sopo 
and the Mantries below, that the Sultan only has the right to speak 
at the tournament but in his absence that right devolves on the 
second and so in succession ; that all letters from the Company 
will be addressed to the Sultan, and all ambassadors must wail 
on him, who then is to summon his brothers to appear, that all 
matters of state shall be decided by the three brothers and the 
council, that affairs of little importance are to be settled by seven 
Mantries, who are relations of the Prince ; that none of the Princes 
are empowered to put one of their subjects to death without 
previous notice to the council of the state, that in this council the 
interest of the state shall be discussed, also all matters relating to 
debts, cases of incendiarism, robbery on the highways &t and the 
guilty are to be punished and the innocent protected according 
to the Javanese law, that there shall be no appeal from the sen- 
tence of this council, except in casesof the utmost importance; 
that the established duties shall be levied by the Shabandhar, one 
half for Sultan Sopo and the other half for Sultan Anum and his 
brother, which will be received by some person appointed by them 



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NOtBS OF BUTCH HISTORY IN THE AROUIPELAOO. 170 

for that purpose ; that the Shabandhar is not allowed to interfere 
with the Chinese Arrack Manu&ctories, Gambling houses &c, these 
matters being left entirely to the management of Sinko, Chief of 
the Chinese, ^vho pays to the Prince annually the sum of 3000 
Spanish dollars for that indulgence; that to Pangerang Topattr, 
the youngest prince, be granted the title of Panumbahan Cheribon, 
that in disputes arising between the Princes which they cannot ad- 
just among themseUes, the Resident at Cheribon will be requested 
to act as arbitrator on the part of the Company. 

Agreement on the 26th January, 1689| between Kichil Ealoo 
Kobollang appointed Rajah of Bongay and its dependencies and 
the Dutch East India Company and His Highness Paduca Sine 
Sultan Kitchiel Amsterdam^ king of Ternate. 

No Christians, either Europeans or Indians, or Malefactors which 
are subjects of the Company or the Rajah of Ternate having 
eluded the yigilance of the Police, shall be permitted to reside on 
the Islands of Bongay, nor shall the Rajah or his Chieftains 
harbour any runaway slaves. They shall destroy all nutmeg and 
clove trees on the Islands of Bongay. Those who import from 
other parts any cloves, nutmegs or mace shall be apprehended by 
the Rajah and sent to the Governor of the Moluccas in a state of 
personal restraint. 

The above Islands will be under the authority and protection of 
the Company, the Rajah shall not receive any letters, messages 
or ambassadors from other states, but send them without delay 
to the Qovemor of the Moluccas; should any European or Indian 
vessels, not provided with passes from the Company, arrive at 
Bongay and endeavour to take possession of the island or to 
fix a settlement there, the Rajah and Chieflains shall expel 
them and give information of their proceedings to the gover- 
nor of the Moluccas, who is then to adopt such measures as 
would be resorted to in simihur cases in the Company's own 
territories. The Rajah shall make neither war nor peace with- 
out the previous consent of the Company, but in the event of 
being attacked he shall defend himself. The Rajah and his 
Chieftains shall assist the Company in their wars inallcottn« 
tries as well as in the Moluccas and on the Island of Celebes. 
The Rajah shall not permit any vessels to sail from his do- 



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160 M0TB8 Olf OtlTOH HISTORY IM THB AnCHlPBlkQO 

luinionB for any place, except Ternatei without express leave 
from the OoTemor of the Moluccas. If the Rnjah violates the 
present contract or behaves improperlji he shall be deposed and a 
ducccssor be appointed by the Company and the Rajah of 
Temate. No Forts shall be erected without leave from the 
governor. The Company is at liberty to construct fortification 
and station troops on the Island of Bongay, to the building of 
which fortifications the Rajah shall furnish material and labourers. 
The Dutch cotnS| shilling and dnbbelljesi shall circulate at tho 
Bongay Islands at the same rates as at Ternate. Th^ Company 
engage to purchase all the rice and paddy at the same price fixed 
elsewhere. No tortoiseshell and bird's nests shall be sold to any 
other but the Company at the following rateS| viz. — ^if delivered at 
Bongay — 

Tortoise Shell per picul rdra. 32 

Bird's Nests . • . « ,^ . . • • • . . • ,, 20 
if delivered at Ternate^ 

Tortoise Shell... „ „ 36 

Bird's Nests.... „ „ 24 

The Rajah shall do homage annually to the Rajah of Ternate 
and offer the presents or tribute usually given on such occasions. 

In a later contract the price is fixed for tortoiseshell at from 40 
to 70 rix dollars per picul of 125 Ib^ pearl shell from 8 to 12 rdrs 
if large and glossy and for wax 16 rdrs when well cleaned. 

Agreement with Hb Highness Jacobus Manopo, Rajah of 
Magondoj setting forth that he the said Bajah having ceded his 
country to the Company, is to hold the same as a fief, that no 
religion but the reformed shall be tolerated in the villages and 
on the Coast of Boolang, that no Roman Catholic Priests or 
monks shall be allowed to reside at or visit Magondo and this 
prohibition nhall be extended to Macassarese, Javanese, Achinese 
and other Indian nations, that the subjects of the Bajah of Magon- 
do shall not trade to Amboyna, Banda, Macassar, Magindanao or 
elsewhere without licences from the Company, that all spice trees 
shall be rooted out, that all bird's nests and tortoiseshell collected 
in the Rajah's dominions shall be sold exclusively to the Company. 

To the above was added the following article. The juris- 
diction of Boolan shall extend as far as Progiar; the Pontak 



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90TBt OF DUTCH HISTORY IN THB AHOKIPBLAOiK 181 

country and Boorasi while Tonimwan, Poonosakan and Amoorang^ 
are in future to be considered as annexed to the Manado terrttorj. 
Neither the subjects of the Rajah of Boolan and Mi^ondo, nor 
the Alforese of Manado shall be allowed to pass these respectire 
boundaries without a permit from the Resident. The Rajah and 
hie sudcessors desist from all claims on the Manado Highlands 
especially on the above negries Tonsawan, Poonosakan and 
Amoorang* 

On the 18th April, 1701, a contract was made with the Chief- 
tains of Sambawa, of which the following are the principal points 
Tiz. — the Chieftains promise to abide by the existing contracts, to 
be faithful allies to the Company, who is alone, with the exclusion 
of all others, permitted to trade in their country, all correspondence 
with Bima and Macassar shall cease, they shall deliver to the 
Company all their sapanwood, tortoiseshell and wax, for which 
they will be paid either with merchandize or specie, no imports or 
exports duty shall be paid by the Company, who engages to pro- 
tect their country, &c. 

Contract with the Rajah and Chieftains of Bacbian, dated 
21st April, 1703, setting forth renewal of all former treaties ; the 
transfer of Pulo Ouby, Oomome, Anwouwa, &c by the late 
Rajah Allawadine is confirmed, and the Bajah and Chieftains do 
for ever relinquish all pretensions to those islands, no European 
or Indian shall be admitted at Bachian without special permission 
from the Company. 

By an agreement under 14th June, 1720, between the Rajahs 
of Temate and Tidor, under mediation of the Dutch Govern- 
ment, it was stipulated that the district Toniko shall belong to 
the Rajah of Temate, and the district Kiaffo to the Rajah of 
Tidor, and that the navigation on the river Toniko shall belong 
exclusively. to the subjects of Temate as far as Toniko and 
Dodingo to the northward, and Kiaffo to the southward of the 
boundary as far as Vegaja shall be subject to the Rajah of Tidor. 

Contract on the 2l8t October, 1721, with Sultan Assar Inga- 
laga, Rajah of Jambi. 

All former contracts are renewed, the Company remits the 

debts of His Higbness's predecessors, with the exception only of 

the monies advanced to Sultan Kiay Oedel for maintenance of 

X 



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188 SOTBS or DUTCH ntroRT in tbb arohipblaoo* 

his brother Maharajab Batia f tbe Ck>mpan7 is to have the 6Z* 
dnsiro trade in pepper, the price being fixed at 8 Spanish dollars 
per pical if paid in speoie, and at 3t Spanbh dollars if paid in 
goods, besides an export dnty of i rdrs. per pical to be paid in 
specie, the pepper sbail be delivered in front of the factory and 
weighed by the Shabandhar, for which serYice he will receive 
90 Spanish dollers per day, and a present of 15 rdrs. in goods 
for each cargo of 6,000 piculs exported, tbe Company has tbe 
exolosive privilege to import opium, cloth and piece good^, tbe 
Bajah's subjects shall not trade, without passports from the 
Company, to the southward for Banca, Palembang and Batavia, 
and to the westward for Malacca and Billiton ; the Company is 
at liberty to build a house at tbe mouth of tbe Jambi river for 
the convenience of their servants, and the factory at Jambi will 
be snrrounded by at least 50 roods of empty ground in all di- 
rections, foreign merchants trading at Jambi are during tbe time 
of their residence placed under the authority of the Company. 

Contract with the Christian Prince Andrias Manaboung, 
Bajah of Kandhar, dated 3rd May, 1729, stipulating that the 
former contracts shall be renewed and confirmed, that in the event 
of difierences arising between His Highness and the other Chiefi 
of Sangir or among the Rajah's own subjects, he is to give notice 
thereof to the Governor of Temate, by whose decision be is to 
abide, that no foreigners shall form settlements in His Higbness's 
dominions, that no other Christian religion than tbe reformed shall 
be tolerated, and that the Bajah is to use his influence to dis- 
courage Mahometism. 

Contract of 26th September, 1730, with tbe Bajahs of Go- 
rontalo and Limbotto, setting forth that the Company will enjoin 
the Rajahs of Attingola, Boolanga and Boni to bear their share 
in the Company's work in equal proportion with their Higbnessses; 
Company's vessels entering tbe river of Gorontalo are to be laden 
and discharged by the people of Gorontalo and Limbotto ; the 
tortoise-shell in the Rajah's dominions shall be sold exclusively 
to the Company^ Cruisers shall be sent to the Gulf ofTomine 
against the pirates, the Company promise to use their influence 
to engage the Rajahs of Macassar to prohibit their subjects from 
committing any acts of piracy in the abovementioned gulf ^ tbe 



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VOTES OF BUTCH III8T0RT IN THE ARCHlPBLAOO. 183 

Company will supply the Rajaha with 50 muskets at the esta- 
blished price, payable in gold orsil ver ; the gold found in the district 
of Tomakallang and other parts of the country, shall be deltrered 
nnadulterated to the Company at 10 rdrs. per real, if a con- 
siderable quantity of gold is obtained from Pagoo or Tanma 
10| rdrs. per real will be allowed for the same; the Company 
will supply the Bajahs with rice from Manado as long as Tagia, 
Ampana and Mabuba, from whence they drew their supplies, 
are in the hands of the Booginese and Mandharese, the Rajahs 
promise to improve the state of agriculture in their dominions 
in order to lessen, and ultimately to obviate, foreign supplies, &c. 

To the foregoing contract acceded on the 90th April, 1731, 
the Rajah of Boolanga and his Chieflains. 

Contract with Miri Bifalalihiadjes Limahtjin Balahi Malikel 
Manaan Shah, Rajah of Tidor, stipulating that the former con- 
tracts shall remain in force ; if any well founded complaints are 
prefered from Amboyna, Banda, or other places against the 
conduct of the Papuas or other Tidorese subjects, the Rajah 
shall pay to the Company a fine of two healthy male slaves for 
each cora-cora, or other vessel belonging to his dominions, which 
may at that time be found on the high seas without regular 
passports, and an equal fine for each free native who loses his 
Kfe in conseqnence of such depredations, a fine of one slave for 
each person wounded, and a fine of two slaves for each person 
carried off, all stolen slaves or other property, and all dama^'es 
sustained by individuals, shall moreover be made good by the 
Rajah; the Company, on the other hand, promise that in the event 
of the measures to be adopted by His Highness to suppi*ess 
piracy having the effect of exciting his subjects to rebellion, they 
will duly assist him in reducing such refractory tribes, if his own 
resources are not adequate to do so, the Company moreover 
promise to punish with rigor such of their servants or yassats 
as insult His Highness or his subjects. 

A treaty was made on the 30th March, 1736, with the Rajah of 
Toutolly situated on the West Coast of Celebes, purporting that the 
Rajah and his Chieftains cede the country of Toutolly to the Com- 
pany and shall hold the same in future as a fief and do homage 
accordingly, the people shall be left in the free exercise of their 



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184 NOTJtt or DUTCH HIBTORT IM THB AROBIPBLAQO. 

religion, bosides the Dutch no Earopeans shall be admitted in the 
oobntiy nor any Ja^anose^ Chinese, Macaesarose or other native 
Indians ; the Rajah shall not give offence to any one by acts of 
piracy or otherwise; tortoise and pearl shell shall be sold exclusively 
to the Company who engage to take any quantity at a reasonable 
price ; without special licences from the Governor of the Moluccas 
the Rajah's subjects are not permitted to trade to Amboyna, Bands, 
Macassar, Magindanao or other places ; all spice trees must be cut 
down and none others planted, all the gold shall bu deli vwed unadul* 
terated to the Company at the rate of 10 rdrs. per picul ; a strong 
and comfortable house of wood surrounded by a stockade shall be 
built by the Rajah for the accommodaUon of the Europeans 
who w ill be stationed at Cala Ontong and properly kept in repairs, 
four men shall daily be furnished for the service of the European 
detachment 

Contract with the rebellious inhabitants of Maros, after their 
chieft had laid down their krisses and implored the pardon of the 
Governor of Fort Rotterdam, dated 15th January, 1738. 

They forswear the fidelity they bad promised to the rebel and 
usurper of several territories to the north, Dian Mainarce alias 
Crain Bontolancas, they also forswear the Rajahs of Goa, Telle, 
Sandra Bon6 &c, and acknowledge the Con&pany as their sove- 
reign, they will perform to the Company the same foudal 
services which they were wont heretofore to perform for the 
Rsjahs of Macassar, such as repairing Fort Yalkenburg &c, they 
promise to observe punctually the contracts existing between th® 
Company and the Rajahs of Goa and Telle &c. 

Agreement with the Chieftains of Halmahera on the 1739. 

The chiefs of the villages of Halmahera promise to perform the 
usual services to the Company and to give notice if they discover 
any hidden spice plantations ; not to act in any way without 
the permission of the Rajah not to listen to chieftains which are 
not expressly sent by the Rajah of Ternate ; if they should become 
faithless and harbour any evil design against the Rajah or the 
Company they do invoke upon them the 30 punishments of the 
Coran and that the fire of the volcano at Temale may consume 
them, that thoy may dissolve like salt in water and melt like 
wax in the heat, but they hope that if they do faithfully observe 



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IfOTSS OP BUTCH HI8T0BY IN TUB ARCUIPELAQO, 185 

this agreement Ood will bless them and prolong their lives. 
From the year 1799 until 1774 no nevr contracts were made 
but many renewed, and after 1774 we have not found any more ; 
that however such there must have existed cannot be doubted, yet 
what is become of them we are unable to discover. 



It will be observed from the above collection of contracts, agree- 
ments and treaties, that the Dutch Government had a certain rule 
or standard to go by. After having expelled the Spaniards and 
Portuguese from the different Eastern Islands, they made them- 
selves sovereign of the whole by degrees, and we see that nearly 
always the Ist article of an agreement contains a cession of the 
country to the Dutch and that the ancient possessors shall hold the 
same as a fief. The general tenor of all a&:reements stipulates that 
all the different Eastern nations with whom they arc made shall be 
faithful to the Company, that both parties will allow the free exer* 
cise of religion, expel all Roman Catholic Priests and destroy 
their emblems of religious worship, that they shall reciprocally 
aid and assist each other in their wars by sea or land as far as 
their means will allow it; the Dutch to have the exclusive ti*ade — 
especially in spices, gold, tortoise-shell and wax; that no foreigners 
shall be admitted in any of these Eastern countries to trade and 
much less to settle there, without leave from the Dutch ; that all 
spice trees shall be rooted out and none again planted in the 
Moluccas ; that deserters and runaway slaves shall be given up by 
both parties, that the various produce of the country shall be deli* 
vercd to the Company at certain fixed rates, that the Dutch are 
at liberty to erect fortifications and to build factories whenever 
they deemed proper. 

The treaties and contracts with the princes on Java form a 
separate collection, but being translated by us at Samarang where 
no clerks to copy them could be obtained, the rough translations 
were delivered to the Lieutenant Governor Raffles and never 
afterwards come into our hands again. 

These treaties are not numerous an J are for the greatest part of a 
commercial nature. 

Those who have some* knowledge of this valuable island, are 
well acquainted with the great change in the administration after 



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186 N0rE3 OF BUtCU HISTORY IV THK AROHIPXLAOO*' 

the terminaiion of the 16 years war between the Dutch Companyi 
the Soosoohoonang or Emperor, the Chinese and Mancooboomie 
and his adherents. It may not, however, be irrelevant in this place 
to say a few words concerning that great change, for the informal 
tion of those who are bat liitle acquainted with the occurrences of 
these days. 

The empire of the Soosoohoonang extended from Cheribon to 
the Eastern extremity of the island, to which also belonged the 
fertile Island Madura, containing the districts of Sumanap, Pama- 
cassang and Madura Proper. These districts were governed by 
great Chieflains, especially the latter; the smaller districts were 
administered by regents, who in proportion to their greater or 
lesser distance from the court were more or less independent. 

The origin of that dreadful war, which overwhelmed Java with 
misery for so many years, must be traced so far back as the year 
1703. At that time died the Soosoohoonang or Emperor Amang- 
koratthe 1st, when the Crown Prince Pangerang Depatty Annm, 
and the brother of the late Em peror, Pangerang Poogar, disputed with 
each other the succession to the throne. The Company, who mis- 
trusted the Crown Prince, decided in favor of Pangerang Poogar, 
who was proclaimed under the name of Pacoeboeana the first. 
He was succeeded by his son Amangkoorat the 2nd, who after his 
death again was succeeded by his son Pacoeboeana the second. 
Rebellion and intestine wars la\d the country waste, occasioned 
principally by the four brothere of the Soosoohoonang — Manco- 
boemio, Aria Mattaram, Boeminata and Singa Sarie. The year 
1741 is remarkable for bloodshed and crimes of every descrip- 
tion, menacing the whole Island Java with total destruction. At 
this period the Chinese at Batavia and all over the island took 
up arms against the Dutch, who being unprepared for such an 
event applied to the Soosoohoonang for assistance, which was 
promised them, yet underhand he befriended the Chinese, pro- 
mising to put thorn in possesdion of all the seaports on Java 
after having expelled the Dutch from the inland, which for that 
trading nation was a powerful incitement to risk the utmost. 
From Batavia and the western parts the Chinese were soon 
compelled to withdraw with the loss of some thousand men, but 
they retreated the east end of Java. At this time the Pangerang 



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N0TB8 OV DUTCH HIITORT IN THE ABCHIPBLAOOi 187 

of Madura, who was dissatisfied with the Soosoohoonang, his 
brother-in-law, come to the aid of the Datch with 4,000 men. 
He killed all the Chinese on the Island Madura, and many to 
the eastward on Java, yet they remained still very powerful 
being joined by many of the regents. Meanwhile the Soosoo- 
hoonang became frightened, considering that if the Chinese were 
to succeed in expelling the Dutch, he himself might undergo a 
similar fate, for which reason he proposed peace and alliance to 
the Company. This was acceded to on the following condi- 
tions : — that all Dutch who were prisoners of war should be 
delivered up, together with their wives and children, that he 
should resign the sovereignty of the Island of Madura, of all the 
sea coast, Sourabaya, and of all the country situated to the 
eastward as far as Balemboangang, of Bembang, Japara, Sama- 
rang, and the lands thereto belonging. 

When the Chinese saw that the Soosoohoonang had left them, 
they breathed nothing but vengeance, and determined to depose 
him and to appoint in his place a young man, named Maas 
Orendo. The latter having accepted of that dignity he was. 
proclaimed by the name of Soosoohoonang Amancoorat Aman- 
coobooana. He took Cartasoura by surprise and made himself 
master of all the treasure of the Soosoohoonang, who narrowly 
escaped with his son, the Crown Prince, and withdrew into the 
mountains of Pranagara. 

An alliance between Chinese and JavanesCi who hate each 
other, could not be lasting, and the former made an offer to the 
Emperor of submitting again to his authority on certain con- 
diUons being granted to them. Many of the Regents at that 
time returned to their allegiance, but the Emperor rejected the 
proposition of the Chinese, whom he determined to extirpate, 
altogether. 

The capital Cartasoura was taken by the Madurese, and the 
new Emperor was obliged to seek his safety in flight. The 
Pangeran Ingebey, brother of the old Emperor, was elected in 
his room, but his reign was of short duration ; the old Emperor 
being re-establbhed by the Dutch, the greater part of the re- 
fractory Javanese, and among others Maas Grendo, returned to 
their allegiance. 



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188 N0TB8 OP DUTCH HISTORY IN THB AROHIPBLAaO* 

The Pangeran of Madara who had been especially acti? e in 
sabdaing the Chiaeee and their adherently and in re-establishing 
peace and tranquillitj on the Island Java, declined lo beany 
longer subject to the Soosoohoonang, bat declared, together with 
the regents of Pamaoassang and Sumanapi that they were willing 
to acknowledge the sovereignty of the Company, which was 
acceded to. 

Haughty and BUfierciliouB, the Pangerang laid too great strew 
upon the success that had attended his arms and the services 
which he had rendered in subduing the Chinese and the rebellions 
Javanese, demanding as a reward that the tolls at Qriessee, Toebaa 
and Sidayo should be ceded to him, that he might bear the title 
of Panumbahang and that the regentsbip of Sourabaya should be 
given to his son Basra Diningrat. These demands were declined, 
as the Dutch Government thought that the cession of the tolls 
would be too great a sacrifice on their part. The Prince felt 
highly indignant at this refusal, collected his forces and applied to 
the regents of Sumanap and Pamacassang for assbtance, in which 
be did not succeed. 

The Dutch who saw the rising storm, sent Ambassadors to 
Madura who endeavoured to pacify the troubled spirit of the 
Prince, they represented to him the great advantages he had derived 
from being no longer dependant on the Soosoohoonang, and that 
the Company would always be ready to favor and to protect his 
children. To this he replied that he had sufficient proofs that the 
promises made by the Company were but seldom performed; 
that with regard to his independence of the Soosoohoonang it had 
been purchased by the loss of many of his people, that he was by 
no means obliged tp the Company for the regentsbip of Madura 
and that from the late war the Company had derived great ad- 
Tantages, having obtained by means of that war the lands of 
Sonrabaya and those to the Eastward of Passaronang with all the 
Shabandharies on Java and still were unwilling to acknowledge 
the essential services which he had rendered them during the war. 

Hostilities commenced and the Madurese made themselves 
xnaster of Sumanap, Pamacassang, Sassum, Padjankoengong, 
all the villages as far as Paradessie and the Island Manara, 
laying several districts of Sourabaya in ashes. He was joined 



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N0TB9 07 BUTCH BISTaBT IN THB A^OBZPBIAOO. 189 

bj the rebels of MalaDg and hy some of the Chieftains of Ball. 

The war was continued for a considerable time with various. 
SQCoesSy until at last the Dutch with the aseistanoe of some allies 
prevailed, and the Prince of Madura with his two sons Sadra and 
Rana Diningrat were obliged to seek their safety at Banjermas* 
sing, from whence the latter was sent to provide troops and ammu* 
nilion ; it being said at that time that the English then, and had 
long before, entertained a secret correspondence with the lif adurese. 
The Prince embarked at Banjermassing on an English ship, but 
a Dutchman who was there claimed that he should be delivered 
up, together with his son Sasra Diuingrat, he being a rebel to the 
Company, who was an ally of the Sultan, in consequence of which 
the Prince and his son were sent to Batavia, from whence the 
father was banished to the Cape of Good Hope and Sasra with 
Rana Diningrat, which latter bad likewise fallen into the power 
of the Dutch, were sent to Ceylon. 

Peace was now reestablished all over the Island Java and 
might have been of long duration, if the Soosoohoonang had not 
been a man of fickle and superstitions character in whom his 
regents placed no confidence* 

The Pangerans Mancooboomie and Mancoonagara, the latter 
being married to a daughter of the former, were in open rebellion 
against the Soosoohoonang. Mancooboomie was a son of Soosoo- 
hoonang Amancoorat and brother to Pacoobooana the second. 
He lefl the Court at the time of the Chinese war and jMught the 
protection of the Dutch, and after peace ha4 been made he 
returned and was pardoned by the Soosoohoonang. 

Mancoonagara or Maas Said had already at an early age joined 
the rebels. He was a younger son of Pangeran Mancoonagara, 
who had been banished to Ceylon where he died. 

The aforesaid two Chieftains became very powerful, the eastern 
parts of the island were laid waste, many thousands of the inha- 
bitants were killed, and the Soosoohoonang and Dutch brought 
to great distress, and although the enemy was repeatedly con- 
quered, and notwithstanding all the successes of the Dutch and 
Soosoohoonang, the latter were unable to quell the fury of 
the rebels, who whenever they were defeated sought refuge 
in the caverns and hollows of the southern mountains. This 



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198 ifom OM WAwnrorl 

of the DatcTi, as in 1708, on the resignfttimi of the tlien Ponghulrf 
of Naningy they were enabled to appoint his brother to sacceed ; and 
though the Nanm^ people refused at firet to accept the appoint- 
aienty thej did so altimatelj, on the Datch sending up the Captain 
of the Malays, from Mahusoa, to remonstrate with them. The 
tollectton of the tenth of produce had been merely nominal, and 
in 1746 the quantity had fidlen to 200 gantangs, of the iralae of 
about 6 dollars yearly. GHie collection was in that year comront- 
ed for 400 gantangs, but on account of the poverty of the people 
one-half was remitted. The obvious reason' was the inability of 
the Dutch to collect the tenth, as the rayats paid regularly to the 
Pnnghulu, and could not be induced to pay a second tax to the 
Europeans. Under a weak government it is not to be supposed 
that the people of Naning would be checked by fear of their 
European protectors ; and, accordingly, frequent instances are on 
record where, from tyranny and oppression on the part of the 
Naning Chiefs, the country has been so disordered that the Dutch 
felt called on to interfere for the peace of their own territory, and 
in doing so frequently met with a repulse, as in the year 1761, when 
thePnnghuIu was repeatedly summoned to appear in Malacca, but 
as oflen refused to come down. Had there been any reason (o 
consider Naning as part of the Dutch territory, it is impossible to 
believe that such conduct could have been overlooked. So long as 
die Europeans did not interfere with them, and were satisfied with 
a tribute of 400 gantangs of paddy, the chieb and people of 
Naning had no objection to be called subjects, or any other name 
their Europeaa neighbours might wish. They were satisfied at 
being generally protected from external enemies, and for this 
protection they rendered the tribute nniversally exacted and paid 
in the east, in connections between a powerful state and its weaker 
neighbour. It thus would appear that the Europeans had a 
nominal claim to Naning as part of their territory, shewn by the 
IMknowledgment of their right to one-tenth of the produce, but 
that, except on rare occasions, they never were able to interfere 
in the internal arrangements of the country, which was exclusiufr* 
ly managed, even to matters of life and death, by its native chiefs; 
and that tlie tenth, instead of being a revenue levied in Naning 
for the Datch, was merely a present or tribute of a few gantangs 



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NOMi ON HAIilKCK 100 

«f rice, not amounting to a tbousandib part of the produce aa* 
^ili bosli^M^n.bolow. 

In 179^ the English became possessed of the Dutch Settlement 
of Malaooa, and it was supposed that Naning followed as part of 
iho settlement ; howeyeff from certain reasons elsewhere sttcted, the 
English government did not pay muob attention to the interior of 
Iho settlement. It appears that no notice was taken pf Naning 
till the year 1801» when circumstances occurred which drew thQ 
attention of the authorities in that direction. On the I6th Jul/ 
of that year, a treaty was entered into by Oolonel Taylor, then. 
Resident at Malacca, with the Punghulu and 4 chiefs of Naning. 
, From a perusal of this treaty, which will be found in Newbold's 
work, it will be evident that Naning was treated rather as a protected 
state than as part of Malacca, as the European governments, in these 
countries, do. not make treaties with their own subjects, Intha 
year 1802, Dool Syed was installed as Punghulu of Naning by; 
Colonel Taylor, on the condition that he was to use the English 
Company's Seal. The Dutch had succeeded in imposing a yearly 
tribute of buffaloes and fowls. The payment of bufikloes was now 
remittod, and in 1807 Colonel Farquhar remitted a tax of one rupee 
which had been levied on every boat coming down the Malacca 
river from Naning. This tax was one imposed in Malacca terri* 
tory and therefore was beyond the right of interference of Naning 
\inder any circumstances ; it was now, however, abolished, thu^ 
leaving only the 400 gantangs of paddy and 6 dozen of fowls as 
tax or tribute.* 

. The chiefs continued to exercise exclusive jurisdiction in Nan« 

ing, even to the power of life and death as before, till 1807; 

when Colonel Farquhar interfered and made a fresh settlement 

irUh the chiefs, by .which the power of life and death was taken 

away and other matters of less importance arranged ; among the 

MSI the before named remission of the tax on boats. Excepting 

IB eases involving capital punishment, however, matters as to the 

internal government of Naning ware left on the old footing, no 

alteration being attempted till the year 1828. 

; In 1826 Mal^ca was finally ceded to the English, when certain 

* In t746 the tax had been reduoed to 900 a:antan(^ on tho pretext of the poref'* 
ty of the p«ople, bat it was in 1776 raised Bg«un to i00s«ataog4. 



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in) ifoTO' mi »Amn00 

rite|itw«re tekeii fiy govcrntnctit for th« MUleMent of the faitcrmit 
ftflkin of tbe territory* It wm found that none of the lands of 
Kafting had been granted hj the Dateh, in the tame noiiner aa 
the lunda ef Makeoa, a proof of itself, if farther proof wore 
required, that the Duieb did not possess Naning, and the qnestios 
arase as to tfae'dlspesai of the Naning hmda. The Reoards were 
examined, atid from them it was aigoed that Naniiig was an 
integral portion of the settlement of Mslaeoa; that as sneh it wan 
nelvded in the teapa and doenments handed ^^er by the Dutch 
authorities $ that by the treatiee before mentioned, one with the 
Dutch hi 16<4 and a subsequent one with the English in 1802| it 
Appeared ' in plain terms tlmt Naning was subject to Malacca, as 
in both these documents they bound tbemself es to pay one^tenih 
of their paddy crops to tbe Mahcea gofemmenty and they had 
continued to pay this tax, tbe smallness of which was attribated 
to laxity in the avtborities not haring made the collections* Tbe 
settlement of lands in Malacca was already aiade on the footing 
ihat the rayats were to pay one-tenth of their' produce togo- 
Temment as a land tax, and it w6uld have been obriously an 
unequal and Improper arrangement to tax one portion of the land 
of the settlement, and exempt tbe other, on the supposition that 
Naning, as appeared by the Records and treaties, was an integral 
porfion of the territory of Malacca. The Gorcnior was strc^ngCh- 
ened in this course by finding that in 1822, tbe then Ddtcb 
Goremor, Mr Thyssen, bad taken steps to adopt a similar course, 
but on referring the case to Java for sanction, a delay had occnr- 
red, and tbe fiaglish agun had obtained possesion befoi^ the 
decision of the reference. The Court of Judicature was at this 
lime extended to Malacca, and the point arose as to whether 
Na^og was to be subject to its jurisdiction. To the answer oh 
this point, the other question as to the gOTemnieat right 19 
exercise the usual functions m that district was left; a tetorso 
•bf iously incorrect, as it ought to bays been first decided wheth^fr 
Naning was part of the settlement^ the other question solely 
depending on that. 

' On the information derired from the Records, government 
determined .to extend the Malacca system to Naning, as part of 
tbe settlement; and the Superintendent of Lands wa9 ecnt to 



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from OK iiAifi9(K sol 

tmiko a settlement Tbit oiBeer found tliedifioakj m> gveal^ 
and expeeted so nnich oppoettion^ that he reqiested a large force 
of militarj to be detached to his assistanee. He imported tfaak 
the Pangbolu and other chiefs were tenacious in •enquiring 
srkether their jurlidiction was to be interfered witli $ that the 
Punghulu offered to increase the present eolleotions of rice from 
400 to 1|600 gantangsi that a lai^e amount of rioe, fowls^ kc, 
was colleoted from the Rayats by the Punghulu | that the quan* 
titj of paddy jreaped yearly amounted to much more than 4,000 
gantangs)*^ that a combination was being formed in the neigh* 
inmring etatas to assfet the Punghulu in resisting goTemment-) 
and that the Rajahs were ground down by an incredible degree 
of tyranny and oppression. On this the Superintendent was 
directed to enforce the government orders as far as possible 
without the aid of military for the present, till a reference could 
be made to Ptnang« In Council there was a Uifision of opinion, 
but the sending troops to afford personal protection to the Super* 
intendent was sanctioned. The loual authority declined, however, 
to march troops till it was made to appear that the Superinlendent 
and Collectora were in dangei* The SuperintendenL was so much 
engaged in other duty that he could not himself go up again.; 
but a Christian Collector was sent with a number of native 
writers, Ac, to take down the account of the collections* They 
were- met with a universal coolness and were in consequence 
recalled. The question was then reserved for the Governor, who 
was expected soon in Malacca. This delay and hesitation-had a 
bad effect, as it inflamed the mind of the Punghulu, and laid the 
foundation for the resistance which was afterwards experienced. 
. On the 25th February, 1829, the Governor arrived at Alalaeoa* 
One of his fint duties wa^ the consideration of this question* 
.The Superintendent of Lands was directed to address the Pun^ 
ghulu, pointing out the impropriety of his conduct, and requiruig 
his presence at Malacca. Several letters passed between that 
officer and the Punghulu, but without any other result tha^ 
adding to the embarrassment. 

* in 8 preTlotts report, dated July 1827, the Mine oSleer ealenHrted Mm prDdoee 
of paddv Bl abont 1,125,000 eantangs, on which the government tenth, if leviail, 
Would bBTe amouBted to 112,500 Rantangs and not 400 gantangs at paid by the 
Fanghala. ... 



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fi02 NOTES ON NANlNOi 

At this jimctare ibe Goyornor*Oeneral, Lord Wiiliam Bonttdcki 
arrived in the Struts^ and the local Governor was called lo Pinang. 
The proceedings had hitherto been carried on throogh the channel 
of inferior and nntrustworthjr officers^ as the Superintendent of 
Lands could not himself attend personal! j; and it was feared that 
the Punghulu had been instigated in his opposition by evil dis* 
posed persons. Accordingly the Deputy Residenti the highest 
oflker 4inder the Resident Councillor, was deputed to proceed to 
Naning to hold a conference with the Punghulu* The instroe* 
tions given to this officer were that he was not to insist, for the 
prosenti on the collection of the tenth, but to exphiin to the Pun- 
ghulu the absolute right of government to the payment and that 
the right was only waived, not abandoned ; to insist on a census of 
the popuhition being made ; and that ha should not imitate the 
question as to the jurisdiction of the new Court of Judicature, and 
the consequent continuance, or otherwise, of the sovereign autho* 
rity hitherto exercised by the Punghulu* A party of sepoys 
was detached for a personal guard, and the Military authorities 
were directed to attend to a requisition for aid, to the fullest extent 
of their force, at a moment's warning. On the 3rd of July the 
Peputy Resident Wft Malacca, and arrived the same day at Sungic 
Puttye, on the borders of Naning. There was a Government 
bungalow at this place, and here he fixed his headquarters. A 
letter was despatched to the Panghulu, bforming him of the 
arrival of a high officer from Malacca, and requesting his atten^ 
dance. The following morning the Punghulu came, attended by 
hi& chiefs and by a large party of armed MaUys. He was evi* 
dently very much agitated and discomposed for some time, till 
the Deputy had convinced him that there were no designs against 
Ills personal liberty. The Deputy explained the views and wish^ 
of government, and expressed r^ret that the Punghulu had beea 
taking such an improper . course ; that government considered 
Naning as part of their territory, and consequently that it wa% 
subject to their authority in the same wi^ as Malacca ; and that 
the Punghulu instead of being an obedient subject was in open 
rebellion. The Punghulu replied that he had been in a state of 
terror for some time ; that all manner of reports were constantly 
coming up from Malacca to the cITcct that he and his chiois wcro 



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N0TB8 ON NAKTNQ. SOS 

to be seized and transported; but thai now, having heard from a 
responsible quarter the real state of affairs, he and bis people would 
give cverj attention and respect to the wishes of government ; 
that the census would be at once commenced ; while on other 
subjects he would wait the directions of government. After this 
universal cheerfulness prevailed, and all recovered from their 
alarm'. The Deputy proceeded on to Taboo, where he Iiad fur- 
ther opportunity of conversing with the Punghulu, at his own 
residence. He found that the chief cause of dissatisfaction on the 
Punghnlu*s part, was the fear that the establbhment of the new 
Court, about which the roost Exaggerated reports were prevalent, 
would destroy his authority among his people, by. taking away 
his right to adjudicate in all matters of complaint. In his report 
to government, the Deputy Resident stated that it would be ex- 
tremely difficult to divest the Pnnghuin of his Jifdrcial authority ; 
as, from the great respect and veneration entertained towards him 
as a saint, the people would, to a man, arm in his favour ; and 
further, there was every reason to believe that the late insubor^ 
dination on the part of the Punghulu, had been caused by the 
machinations of evil disposed persons in Malacca, who took every 
opportunity of abusing his mind with the most exaggerated re* 
ports of the intentions of government towards Naning. 

Afier this meeting matters went on quietly pending the arrival 
of the Ctovemor from Pinang. The census was taken, with the 
assistance of the Punghulu and chiefs; and the other matters in 
dispute were allowed to remam in abeyance. On the arrival of 
the Oovemor on the 18th of October, a letter was addressed to the 
Punghulu requiring his presence in Malacca, but, unfortunately^ 
by this time the good effects of the Deputy Resident's mission had 
been done away with by the sinister efforts and insinuations of the 
Punghalu's disloyal advisers. He positively declined to come to 
Malacca. This was a final answer and it afforded the Governor 
to opportunity for insisting on active steps being taken to reduce 
the Punghulu to submission. 

By his refusal to come down to Malacca after repeated sum* 
monses the Punghulu Dool Syed was in open opposition to Go* 
▼emment; and prepared to resist by force, any attempt on 
Naning. He had foreseen the turn matters were likely to take 



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itM iroTKs Mf NAHiim. 

Mid had made pre|iarati«iia kctoni\ng\y. Hm tfppli^km to*th« 
neigUKHiring states for aasistaace liad' been iaFoarably received, 
aad he had unbounded influenoe over his own people. The sane' 
tity attached to. the poeaesaer of the miraculous bajoo and aword* 
bad been turned to suck account as completeij to outweigh the 
evil effect of his numerous aets of tyranny and oppreasioo. 

Mr Fullarton after a fuH consideration of the casein all its 
kearingft, founded on tlie information laid before him, came to the 
conclusion that an armed force ought at ofiee to be sent into the 
tnterio^ to bring tlie Pnnghulu to reatfan. Preparations were 
made accordingly. The anenal was put in requisition and the 
troops prepared to march'; when, at the hut hour, the expedition 
was couiitermanded. There was a difference of opinion in the 
Council; Those ponessing intimate local knowledge could not bo 
convinced, frdm the evidence laid before tfaem» that Dool Syed 
and his preddcessors were sufficiently within the category of sub- 
jects, after having so long exercised sovereign authority, even to 
taking df life, to warrant thd sliarp practice now proposed ; and in 
cdnsequcnce a more quiet course of negociation was recommended 
to be torried on by properly qualified peraons. The governoTi 
finding this opmion not to be weakened, at bat, as the expedition 
was on the point of starting, Tcfemd the'question to the Supreme 
OoVemment, expecting to receive an answer in two monAiat 
further. Unfortunately the matter was referred from Bengbl to 
fiifglaiid, and the delay prored to be a moist serious evil. No 
answer arrived for two years, during which time the local govern* 
■umt was broken np, and Mr Fnlleitod, thd former governor, had 
retired from tlie service. 

' The English power had not been directly exercised in these seas 
fbr ages. It had been taken on trust, as reflected from India and very 
recently from Burmab ; and now on the first appearance- of oppo>» 

• A eoncabine had been carried off from the Palace of AbdulJiJil, Kins off 
fobore; bjr a Mahi^ wbofled wnh herto Hakoea. The k\n^ Wrote to Inche' AMm, 
the CapUin of Matins at Malacca, au aceoan^ of this lerr|Ue^pt»g^ and re(anC;> 
cif his assistance to revenge the Boyal bonor^ The Inche eiQpIoyed a Naning man 
oatSiBd Jnara Jlfl«al aiid he kiiiaedtfaettan.wblia'tliieiwtaum.irastautteflk to 
JFohore. In gratitude for this service the kiag re^mraended Joara to ibe l)utc|i 
and" on the next vacancy, belng'eligible, he was made Patigbttla\)f Ndnlbg. The 
(lipsr •ifo mseoled J^iara with a spord» called the *< satiated serfent,*' and a aiik 
iscket, both of which have descended as regalia, and are bnpposed aow to conicr 
hathefrpossetsaratiApemalttraFpowari ' • ' 



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MOnS ON JfAKIVO. 285 

titioa, the &iitboriti«befitated« Tbat this httitatioii ftrote/rom any 
cause but fear, was not considered for to instant as possible, and, 
in consequenosi a grand combination of all the sarroandiag states 
was formed to assist the Pnnghola, who became so elevated at 
the apparent weakness of the Europeans and at the unanimous ' 
support and encouragement of the native allies, that he threw off 
the air of reserve and respectful resistance which be had hitbeKo 
worn. On a groundless preteit, in the month of October, 1890, 
he ercesed the frontier of Malacca proper and seised a.portion of 
land which had been granted to and held by Incha Surin, a Malay. 
The Inchecame to Malacca, produced his title deeds, and reques- 
led to be re-instated. Had the Court of Judicature been sitting 
at the time, this would have brought matters to a crisis, as, .when 
judgment had issued, the civil power must have protected the of- 
ficers of the Court in the execution of process ; however as no suc- 
cessor had yet arrived to replace Sir John Claridge, the government 
was not placed in that dilemma, A letter was sent to the Pongbulu 
poindng out the impropriety of his oondnct, and requiring him 
to restore the ground ; to this letter a haughty and insolent reply 
was returned. The answer to the reference concerning Naning 
had not yet arrived from England, the local government had lately 
*been abolbhed, and the incorporated settlement was ander^a iosk 
dent at 'Singapore, and as he could not aasume any responsihilitj 
jio active steps were taken concerning the Punghulu* In July, 
1831, authority arrived from England to march troops into Nan-* 
ing, when ISO sepoys and a fow native artillerymen with twp 
-6 pounders were ordered to proceed to seize the Punghulu. Owing 
to the want of supplies in the arsenal it required 16 days to equip 
this force, during which period of delay Dool 6yed was.enabled Ip 
make his arrangements. 

On the 15th July, 1881, a proclamation was issued by the 
Oovemoi^ informing the inhabitants that a force was going up to 
ca)>tttre' the Pnnghulu of Naning on account of his rebellions oetf- 
duct, requiring them lo remain qniedy in their houses, and promi- 
sing that they should be on the same iboting as tiie people 0f 

* In order io avoid confusion in this narrathre I eontintte touMfhetitlerdl 
B i M a at Couna»ti>r nd Qawunor, altkougb tliay w«re.aqfe.nit0rfd UU the lOtk . 
April, of the rollowiog }ear. 

A, 



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SQ6 NOTES ON VAVIHQ. 

Malacca, except as to the tanthB, which tbottld not be le?ied a^ 
present $ that new Pun^huliis would be appointed; and finally that 
thej all knew that Naning belonged to the Company, and that it 
was only the Panghnln's rebellions conduct which had brought this 
* infliction on him. 

On the 6th of Aagust the force marched, accompanied by the 
AsBiKtant Resident as Civil Commissioner. Provisions were sent 
by the river, to be landed near the borders of Naning, and thence 
carried by coolies. The boats grounded far short of their in- 
tended destination, and on their return to MaUcca the next 
morning caused a panic ; being mistaken for the Malays, who 
who were supposed to have got into the rear of the advancing 
force, and thus were coming to sack ihe town. In marching this 
force the ciril and military authorities were entirely without 
information, nothing was known of the country or of the opposi- 
tion likely to be made. The spies employed reported that the 
Naning people were entirely in favour of the English and against 
their own diiefs. It was afterwards said that these spies were 
chosen with so little care that they were, to a man, in the interests 
of the enemy and that in pmnt of fact the whole population of 
Malacca and Naning were strongly in favour of the Punghulu and 
chieft, who had numerous relatives and connections in Malacca, 
while the government could hardly commaud the loyalty of their 
own paid servants. On arriving at the boundary of Naning, two 
muskets were fired at the force. This show of opposition was 
made the pretext for burning down the houses of several persons 
who had made themselves obnoxious. IVith the exception of a 
few shots, now and then, from the jungle, no opposition was ex- 
perienoed, till they arrired at Bukit Seboasoh, where a sepoy 
and coolie were wounded. By this time however the rigor of the 
foroe in destroying the houses of the chieft had roused the feelings 
of the Malays and they came out in numbers to take vengeance. 
The provisions had not come up from the boats, and on the 
fourth day, their supplies being exhausted and not having any 
reliable information, the officer in command determined to retreat, 
in which course he was confirmed by the receipt of urgent calls 
firom Malacca to return for the protection of the town. The fauter 
part of their advance had been made by a narrow path, in thick 



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NoTBS on NATtlNG. 207 

jungle^ and now they felt the fall effect of their needless seTeritj^ 
in burning the houses of the chiefs. The Malays had turned out 
with their axes, and, cutting down immense tr^es, had blocked up 
the roadway so that the officars were obliged to abandon the 
heavy baggage and to retreat a& expeditiously as possible. Oa 
arriving at Sungie Puttye, one of the Government bungalows^ 
which was stockaded, they halted till the 20th August, when the 
re-inforcement arrived from Singapore* This place was held till 
the 25th when the whole force was ordered to retire to Malacca. 
In the retreat the two six-pounder guns were lost in the jungle 
fh>m the difficulty of conveying them over the fallen trees. 

After the retreat, Dool Syed wrote down complaining that the 
Assistant Resident had come into Naning with sepoys, and shot 
down a Panglima who had been sent as an honorary escort to 
receive him. To this a dignified but moderate reply was made, that 
the Punghulu had forfeited all claims to consideration, but still, if 
he came down to Malacca, matters might yet be arranged, without 
inflicting certain misery on him and his people ; but the Punghulu 
was infatuated by the advice of his false friends, and refused to 
listen to any terms ', on the contrary, he commenced to make incur- 
sions and to levy contributions in the Malacca territory. 

The opposition had now changed into a dangerous rebellion, 
which government could not tolerate. Requisitions for a large 
force were made to Madras and Pinang and pending their arrival 
the troops were confined to the neighbourhood of the town. 
.. On the 25th August, the detachment left at Sungie Puttye was 
ordered down, and the whole attention of the force occupied for 
the present in the defence of the town. 

On the 25th September, seven men, four of them of consequence 
in Naning, were brought down as prisoners by one of the Govern- 
ment Punghnlus who had taken an active part in favour of Naning, 
but on seeing matters going too far, now found it convenient to 
alter his side. These prisoners had been sent into the Malacca 
territory to levy contributions, and they were ultimately transported 
to Bengal as state prisoners. 

On the 24th October, the Punghulu and Chiefs wrote an appeal 
to the King of England, complaining of the treatment they had 



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206 KOTSi Oir llAllfHO* 

received at the hands of the looai gorermneDt* lo tlie nonth of 
January^ 1882, po-inforeeroentf an-ired from Madrati and eoTeral 
detaobmeDts were sent on in advance to ocenpj the post still io 
posBeasion. Colonel Herbert^ tbo^Comtnandittg offioer, left for tbo 
field on the 2ttd of Marcb, 1892, and the aecoad campaign open« 
ed. After the retreat of the last expedition a unmber of Malays 
bad been employed to eat down the jungle to such a distance, on 
each side of the road, as to prevent further blocking by felling 
trees across the path. In this doty the men bad been protected 
by an armed party of Malays, but unfortunately the work had not 
been conducted with spirit } and, in consequenoe, the troops now 
were obliged to cut their own way, by alow and painful toil, 
through the nearly impenetrable forest for some miles; a 
kbour which might have been avoided, al least in tlie Malacca 
territory, by a little previous attention to the eoiployment of coolies., 
. A proclamation was prepared by tbe Resident Councillor wam« 
ing the people not to put their property into armed stockadea aa 
they and all found in them would be destroyed ; and inlbrming. 
Ihem that if any of them, while employed in their usual peaceful 
occupations in the villages or fields, should receive injury from the 
troops they might appeal to the officer in command who would 
redress tlieir grievances. This proclamation was unwisely rejected 
by the Governor and another substituted, simply warning the 
people to stay at home, as all found in arms would be treated as 
enemies. 

In tbe advance Dod Syed tried tbe patience of the officers and 
tnen by not firing first. His object was to be able hereafter, in 
his complaints, lo say that he had only acted in self-defence and 
that he had not commenced the fighting. 

The delay caused by having to clear the road had a depressing 
effect on the troops and elevated the Malays in an extraordinary 
degree. They now surrounded the camp, and getting into the 
rear, threatened the communication with town, tbe only source of 
supplies. From ilic nature of the country, the enemy's numbers 
or dispoBJlion could not be guessed at, and it was leasonably 
supposed, from [luriics appearing at different times and at distant^ 
places, that thoy were numerous. On the 18th April, after a 
^erioiij) check, the commanding officer in writing to government 



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NqtKS QN IVAMtHO. 209 

^eiported Ilia critical aitnaiioDi being closed vp and bis coBunuiikfif 
tipMCutoffiD tberear|.be.ttrgenily reqiiesUid reinfercomentSyBUtillg 
that if thej did not. rapidly arrivei tho fofcc muat act on thedeien* 
aiTe. Tbo Oovernment Panghalua were inert, and opposed 
obstacles to obiaiaing any assistance in the matter of ooolies and 
measeageni; however, by greet exertion?^ u body of 50 armed 
Malays . was sent up to open the road to town« Tbe I^alays were 
daily beeoming more bold; and had now aclaally stockaded them* 
selves on the flanka of the poala occupied by tbe troops, apd tbe 
iftnation of affairs had become so critical. that, on the 26tb April, 
a prsflsing requisition was made for Earop^ia soldien from 
Maulmain as tbe.nearest Eurdpean garrison. . 

On the dOih April, a most valuable ally went up in tbe person of 
Sycd Saban, a native chief who exercised a considerable inftuence 
on the future success of the ext^dilion^ Syed Saban was the son> 
by a female of low origin, of one of the Arab adventurers who 
constantly visit these countries, as priests and traders, and who 
enjoy high consideration and privileges in right of tbeir coantry. 
Syed Sttban early shewed signs of intelligence and superiority j 
but, as his mother was of low origin, and bis father had not been 
able to acquire a recognised position, it was necessary for tlie Syei 
to endeavour to carve out a fortutie for himself. His first step 
was to* effect an alliance with some of the neighbouring ehiefs ; 
and in this he soon succeeded. He married the daughter of Rajah 
Alii, the lang de Pertuan Mudab of Rnmbow, to whose fortunes 
he then attached himself. At tbe commencement of tbe Naning 
disturbances Rajah Alii was actively engaged against Rajah 
Laboo, the Menangkabow cliief who bad come over to assutne the 
office of ** lang de Pertuan Besar." Rajah Laboo bad brougbt 
with him from Sumatra a man of the most violent and flagitious 
character named Rajah Krajan, whose advice and measurei 
proved fatal to his protector, who had before this time been obliged 
to fly to Malacca for protection, on being driven oat of the interior 
in consequence of the excesses of his follower. At the commence* 
ment of hostilities, tlie Punghalu of Naning worked on the fears 
of Rajah Alii, in order to obtain his co-opeiation against the £n<> 
gUsb, b^ circulating a report that Rajah Laboo batd been takcii 



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210 iroTES OIV MAMIVO. 

oncier pfDteciioo hj the Baglbh, and thai after Naning fthoUld fart 
subjugated, he wae to be gratified by the expulsion of Rajah AJU 
from the interior and his own el«?atton to the head of the 
Menangkaboar states. When the first expedition started for 
Naning, Syed Saban was sent to watch the force, and to obsenre 
if Rajah Laboo and hts followers were present as asserted by the 
Punghuln of Naning. Letters were also sent to government to 
enquire into the truth of the reports of ulterior intentions against 
Rajah Alii. To these letters answers were sent denying the truth 
of such reports. Unfortunately they miscarried, not without 
suspicion of treachery, and although 8yed Saban reported that 
Rajah Laboo did not accompany *the force, the Punghuln was 
able to satisfy them that he would join afterwards, pointing out 
the evident insincerity of government in not denying the truth of 
the reports when an opportunity had been offered by Rajah Allies 
letter. Syed Saban joined the Naning forces, and to hu energy 
and talents are due the defeat of the first expedition. He it was 
who blocked the force by felling large trees in their rear, thus not 
only preventing them from receiving supplies firom town, but 
ultimately perilling the safety of their retreat Time, however, 
proved that there was no foundation for the reports about the 
English alliance with Rajah Laboo, and in consequence Rajah 
Aili and Syed Saban became alive to the true state of affairs. 
They had sufficient foresight to know that the struggle between 
the English and Naning most eventuate in ftivour of the former 
and they gave intimation that they might be detached from the 
confederacy, and be brought with their whole power to act against 
their former ally. Their objects in desiring the alliance were to 
FTCure the protection of government to place Rajah Alii at the head 
of the interior states ; and to secure Syed Saban as his successor in 
Rumbow. The Syed had also a further aim ; he wished to secure, 
with the aid of the English government, a right to levy a tax at 
the Lingie river, on all tin and other produce brought down that 
river. A meeting was arranged to take place at Simpang, a neu- 
tral territory on the Lingie river, and there on the 19th January, 
1832, a treaty was agreed on which provided that Rumbow should 
withdraw from the Naning confederacy and should assist the En- 
glish. In pursuance of this arrangement Syed Saban had now 



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NOTSS ON NANINa. 311 

JMO^d Ihe camp wkh bia.follavei's. Rajah Krajaa had previaiisly 
gone tQ Naning, where he took an acti?e part ia the operations 
against the English troops* 

The effects of Syed Saban's presence and co-operation were in- 
stantljr felt. Hitherto the troops had been harassed by constant 
attacks, and an apparent ubiquity of the enemy. The command- 
ers laboured under the important disadvantage of a total ignorance 
of the country and an absolute want of even the most ordinary 
information. The feeling, in favour . of the Punghulu as a saints 
warring for the faith against infidels, was so strong that nothing 
could induce the rayats to assist in any respect against him and it 
was found that the spies employed were universally false, convey* 
ing perfect intelligence to the Malays of all the movements of the 
Europeans ; and at the same time keeping the latter in the dark 
as to their opponents. It had been supposed that a very large 
force of armed Malays was on foot, as they were felt at dif; 
ferent times, and in all directions, but Syed Saban soon put 
matters on a more satisfactory position. Without giving the 
number of the enemy,* he communicated information as to the 
days when attacks might be expected ; as well as the days when 
the stockades would be empty. When an attack was meditated 
by the Malays it was necessary to collect the men previously, for 
the purpose ; buffaloes were killed, and a grand feast given ; after 
which they set out on the expedition. When not collected in this 
way for an express purpose, the stockades and other defences were 
left in the sole charge of the few personal followers of the Pun- 
ghulu* The country was a succession of densely wooded heights, 
with low swampy flats intervenmg. The road from Ching towards 
Naning had not been sufficiently dearedi in the time between the 
first and second expedition, and the troops were now forcing their 
way upwards towards Taboo, the capital of Naning, by the slow 
process of clearing the jungle and forming their own road. Before 
Syed Saban's information was fully imparted to the Commanding 
Officer, much valuable time was lost, apparently from a want 
of confidence in the Syed's good faith, caused by the absence 
of any respectable means of communication. The presence of a 

* He says now thtt there were nerer more than 60 or 100 in trms at any one 
time. 



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212 NOTISS ON If AHiwa. 

€if il OoiniiiiiisioMr who eould hav« had ibe confidcAoe of both 
parties, and wiMMe knowledge ofthe nalivet would have prevented 
imposition, was much required ; bat in answer to the urgent 
reqaisitione of the oommaodant for sach an officer, the reply was 
that there was no one at present available, but that the doficteney 
woald soon be supplied. 

The following extracts from the despatches of the officer oom^ 
nanding the troops to the Resident Councillor, will point out Im 
position and the serrices of- Syed Saban nt this period : — 

Head quarters, Sungie Pultye, Slst March, 1832. 

** Suggested that as a temporary measure two Companies 
'' might be called from Pinang" if the troops were to remain in 
Naning ; ** the propriety of warning the Madras government to 
** hold another native Regiment in readiness.** 

On the 18th April, after a " severe contest'* he *' solicits that a 
** requisition be immediately made for the following addition to 
*^ his force'* — artillery, 3 subalterns, 2 sergeants, 30 men, and 
12 gun lasears ; 1 conductor, t sub do and 40 store lascars ; sap- 
pers and miners, 2 companies ; European Infantry two companies^ 
native infantry one [complete Regiment — ^and concludes his letter 
ihus — '' it is further a most painful duty to report that I am of 
U opinion if speedy reinforoements are not afforded me that the war 
'' on the part of the British must become merely defensive". 
Those acquainted with Indian warfare, will easily know the mean- 
ing of this sentence. 

Between this time and the 16th of May, when three companies 
nrrived in Camp from Pinang, the Colonel continued to write in 
the same strain. Thns on the 20th April, he says — that he eoald 
make no forward movement, that even if he did take the stockades, 
lie had not troops to keep them, that the roads across the rice fields 
were destroyed and filled with '' ranjows" (caltrops), that all be 
could do for several months, would be to maintain a good position, 
and keep the roar open ; — ^28th April, that he did not oontemplaie 
the possibility of advancing, even with the three companies from 
Pinans;; — 6th May, he urges that a further requisition be made for 
jeinforcements, being of opinion, with the officer next in commaad, 
that another native Regiment and 2 companies of European infan- 



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NOTBI ON NANINft* 219 

try ought to be sent for in addition to thoie already requested on 
the 18ih Aprii^ and lie oonolndM the letter by deioribing this re* 
quisition as of *^absolale necessity";— 4th May that tfie three com- 
panics, anxiously expected from Pinang, willbeof npayail bjsyond 
strengthening his position, and lightening the fatigue of officers an4 
men,, but that they cannot enable hira to go>on« On the VQ^x May 
the 3 companies arrived, and, on the 18th, Colonel Herbert writes 
that he cannot find in them anything beyond a paiiial relief to hio 
overworn men, that he dreads the absence of reinforcements will 
protract the service, that ''I look upon thia force iis next thing 
^' to knocked up" but that he may find his situation widely difierant 
if the Resident Councillor would send him a strong supply of fight- 
ing men, or intell^enoe of a compact having been made with somo 
of the native chiefs. Such is the picture of his position andprespects 
drawn at this period by the officer commanding the foree«. 

Syed Saban arrived in camp on the SOth April.. On Srd and 
14th May he performed some service, but he had not yet acqnir* 
od the confidence of the Commandant, who at first was naturally 
doubtfiil of the ability of a petty chief, with a few half armed 
followerSi to overcome difficulties which had efiectually checked 
hia disciplined and well provided force. On the 17th May, Syed 
Saban proposed an attack on Bukit Seboosoh, one of the chief 
positions of the enemy, where Dool Syed had concentrated all his 
efforts in erecting stockades i and to thia phioe, he staked hisrapu* 
tation for supernatural powerandsanctiiy, that the British oonid 
not advance. Syed Saban proposed to attack these lines on the 
17th of May. He succeeded in getting possession of the stockades ; 
a success which effectually broke up the confederation. Colonel 
Herbert had applied for the sanction of government to allow Syed 
Saban to make this diversion, and on the 21st May he wrote thus 
to the Resident Councillor-*'' you will have heard from rumour of 
<< the success of Syed Saban, which appears to have been very 
«' complete, and at present without a man haiing been touched. The 
'< only point of consideration which made me backward in permit* 
'< ting his project without high sanction, was the conviction that I 
'< oould not assist him to any extent with my present meanp, and 
^^ this iact stares me now in the facci for, unless this exploit draws 
** off the followers of Dool Syedj, it is extremely probable that, for 

B 



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SI 4 K0TC8 OJf lfA5IKO. 

'' want of troops in the present sick itate of the force, I cannot oc«* 
** copy the ground taken and victory over the stockades will be of 
*^ no arail." In this however the Colonel was wrong : once in pos- 
Beraion of the stockadas he had force to resist ten times the utmost 
power of the Malays, who had no possible chance, at any time, of 
retaking a work held by the regular troop?. The blow inflictail by 
Syed Saban at Seboosoh was serious, and called forth the best 
afibrts of the Malays to retake the defences ; in which however 
they signally failed ; and thereafter the war became a series of 
advancesi till, at last, Taboo itself was taken. Syed Sabau's local 
knowledge and means of gaining correct information as to the 
enemy's movements, enabled him to select days for attack when 
he could count on the stockades being very slenderly provided 
with defenders ; a species of knowledge in which the officer com* 
manding the force was singularly deficient. 

The interior had hitherto been plentifully supplied with mili- 
tary stores and provisions through the five rivers, and so bng 
as these supplies continued, it was anticipated that resistance 
would last; as there were no means of coercing or inconvenien- 
cing the neighbouring states. An attempt had been made to 
form a blockade, but the operation failed, having been from 
necessity entrusted to the ftiithless crews of local gunboats. At 
this juncture, however, it had become essential that some means 
should be adopted for bringing a pressure to bear on the neigh* 
bouring states, which were covertly assisting Dool Syed. The 
means were made available by the opportune arrival of H. M* 
S. *' Magicienne", under the command of Captain •Plumridge. 
That officer, after being put in possession of the merits of tite 
case, tendered his hearty co-operation. It was arranged that an 
indiscriminate blockade should be established on the Lingie and 
Cassang rivers, extending, however, only to the ingress of military 
stores at Muar river. The other two rivers, Malacca and Du* 
yong, being within the English territory, were under the strict 
supervision of the local departments at Malacca. The blockade 
commenced on the 8th of June, and the effect was instantaneous. 
The inconvenience and indeed misery, which a blockade of these 
livers, so easily made by the power in possession of Malacca, 
effect, are inconceivable in countries where life can be sustained 



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KOTS^ ON NANIVO SIS 

Without external assistance. The pressure vras now found lo be 
so effectual, that petitions |)oured in daily from all the surround- 
ing native states, praying that the ri?ers might be opened, and 
disavowing any complicity with Dool Syed and Naning affairfir. 
Finding government firtn in purpose the chiefs, one by one, 
deserted Dool Syed, as the only means of saying themselves from 
destruction. 

This blockade, together with the information and co-operation 
of Syed Saban, smoothed matters in the interior. The troops 
were able to advance more rapidly, and on the I5th of June^ 
Taboo, the residence of Dool Syed, was taken, after a very slight 
resistance. Some outworks at a considerable distance were first 
carried, when the officer in command observing Syed Saban to 
push on towards the chief defences, followed up with his whole 
force, and the place fell. Dool Syed narrowly escaped. The 
box was found in which his regalia, the sanctified sword and 
jacket, were kept, but the contents had been carried off. This 
operation finished the war. Dool Syed, deserted by all the chiefs 
and driven from his capital, forfeited the veneration and belief 
in bis fortune which had hitherto preserved for him the adher* 
ence of his people, and wandered about an outcast till February, 
1834, when he surrendered unconditionally at Malacca, 

When the Punghulu saw the extensive preparations being made 
for the second expedition, he became seriously alarmed, and sent 
letters to several individuals in Malacca to intercede for him; to 
these he received the reply that he must comedown to Malacca and 
make his submission in person, but that his life would be spared. 
In February, he wrote again, promising to give up the guns lost in 
the 1st expedition, and to abdicate his Punghuluship in favour of 
cither his son or nephew ; to this a similar reply was given on 
the part of government. On the 2nd of June, he sent a message 
to the advance to enquire if his life would be spared; to this he 
received for answer that he must surrender unconditionally, and 
trust to the mercy of the government. On the following day, 
on the arrival from Malacca of a gentleman who had consented 
to act as negociator, Dool Syed threw himself at his feet and 
burst into tears, bitterly regretting that he had been led into his 
present situation by the councils of false and designing friends. 



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210 mm ON nAtunm*^ 

UnfortuDftleljr for himtelf, lie wm not yet sufficiently (errifieJk 
He Mserted that he did not contemplate resisting goyernroenti 
bat only the oppressive acts of subordinates^ and offered to 
delirer the two gtlns at Sungie Puttye, the post at the boandary 
of Naning. An armistice was agreed on at this meeting, to 
allow a reference to town $ but Ibe following day it was broken, 
whether treacherously or inadvertently does not appear, by an 
attack on a post held by the troops at Purling. On the 6ib, 
the answer to the reference iirrived, to the effect that Dool 
Syed must bring down the guns to Malacca, ^hts he refused to 
do, and operations commented wtlh renewed vigour. There can 
be little doubt that Dool Syed was misled as to the position in 
which he was placing himself with the British government. He 
was encouraged in the belief that he was in opposition to a subor- 
dinate officer only ; and those who were in a position to advise 
him to the contrary, refrained from domg so, doubtless for reasons 
of their own. The expenditure of the large sums of money, 
necessary in proti acted operations in the interior, was a bait' too 
attractive among a population in which the European and English 
element was insignificant, and other private objects placed many 
in a position where their interests were too strongly opposed to 
Iheir duty. Since this settlement was finally taken over in iQiS 
there has llardly been a single European inhabitant, independent 
oT government, whose interests and feelings are in support of Bri* 
fish supremacy ; and, if it again becomes subject to any other 
nation, the British name and recollection will be obliterated in a 
day. Had diere been any influential Europeans with British 
ftelings in the settlement, or had the government officers been pro- 
perly informed, the Naning vrar could never have occurred. It b 
evident, from the result of the Mission of the Deputy Besident in 
July, 1829, that if the policy then opened had been carried out 
under the supermtendenoe of European officers, assisted by proper 
influences of the well disposed inhabitants, and not opposed by the 
the sinister efforts of aliens, Dool Syed would have been brought to 
a sense of his true position, and the matters in difference between 
him and the authorities would have been arranged on a footing 
satisfactory to both parties. The subsequent history of this chief 
tnay be here narrated. Oovcrament provided htm with a house 



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MOTBS OK MAMlNa* 217 

fttid laodin Malacca and gave him a pension of 200 rupees a month* 
^he following extract from a report of the Resident will explain 
the rest. ''He has effected the purchase of the contiguous 
" paddy fields, is devoting attention to the cultivation of the soil, 
" is turning his mind to trade, is practising as a physician, is mak- 
'' ing money. As respects pecuniary means he is certainly more 
'' mdependani than he ever was at Nauing ; he now wear? shoe^, 
"keeps a huggy and is occasionally employing a goldsmith.'* 
The fact of his having been pensioned has done more to strengthen 
the ininence of government among the surrounding states 
than the result of the war in other respects. He died peaceably 
in August^ 1848, and his children inherit his Malacca property. 

In the month of July large re-inforcements of European and 
native troops arrived from Madras, but as there was no farther 
necessity for their presence, they were sent back immediately. 
Two Companies of Europeans were detained for a short time as 
a reserve, pending the arrangement of matters in the interior, as 
the occupation of the troops in Naning had afforded opportunities 
for marauders at Mount Ophir to make encroachments. 

Two or three years before this time the Tumonggong of Muar 
died, leaving a son and successor of immature age. The country 
of Muar, being virtually independant of the nominal Sultan of 
Johor, from want of power on his part to interfere effectually, 
tiie relatives of the young Tumonggong, not being apprehensive of 
any opposition either from him or from the British, seized the 
opportunity to make themselves masters of the country, each in 
his own district. Two of them, Ahat and Mahamat, took the 
districts round Mount Ophir, where they came into collision with 
the English on account of their claims and violent encroachments 
on the territory of Malacca. During the continuance of the 
Naning war they became so insolent and tyrannical that the conn- 
try was deserted by the rayats, who weredeprivedoftheir lives and 
property on the slightest pretexts, and finding themselves unop- 
posed they gradually came across the boundary, and took pos- 
session of a tract of land at Chabow which formerly had 
been in dispute between Malacca and Muar. The Sultan was 
requested to drive out these miscreants, he issued an order to tlio 
two chiefs and A force of military was sent upon to bo stationed 



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218 KOTES Olf HANIIftt. 

near tbe borders^ at Astaliaii and Rhetm, where posts were 
retained lor some yearsk 

A Civil Servant was sent up to N^aning, during the continuance 
of military operations, to act as political commissioner. He 
arrived at head quarters in the end of June and afterwards 
was authorized to hold a Court of Raquesta and a Police 
Court for the trial of cases of minor importance. This officer 
died on the 6th of August following, from over-exertion in the 
duties of his office, and unfortunately no successor was appoint* 
ed to the vacany. lu the month of October, 1832, the Governor 
visited the district of Naning and appointed a number of Pun- 
ghulus, on the same footing as those of Malacca. The old sys- 
tem of native government was completely abolished, and an 
arrangement made with a gentleman of Dutch descent in Malacca, 
who agreed to introduce the system of tenths, to make a census of 
the population, number of houses, quantity of grain planted, and 
extent of lands exempt under the system.- Por these services he 
was to receive an allowance for travelling expences on the usual 
scale and to be permitted to appropriate the tenths. It is almost 
needless to add that this arrangement was soon annulled as advan* 
tageous neither to goverament nor to the natives. 

Aflcr the war was concluded Naning became in effeot, what it 
certainly never had been before, an integral portion of the English 
territory ^ the constables and bailiffs then for the first time began 
to serve process there as they do ia other parts of the settlement 
without reference to native rights or institutions. The country 
was treated in the same manner as the other districts. Panghulus 
were appointed and the Malacca land system was introduced. As 
ihe waste lands were not subject to any claim, such as those of 
Malacca proper, Government took possession of them, but from 
^ant of proper establishments nothing has been done in the way of 
granting titles or of effecting improvements. The apathy and ill 
success which have attended all attempts in Malacca have produc- 
ed similar results in Naning, population does not increasCi protec- 
tion is not extended and revenue is not collected^ 



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NOTBS OK NAKINO. 210 

Exira^ti from a letter from & Garling, JSsq., SesUknl 

Councillor at Maiacca, to the Oovernovy communicating 

information previcue to the Naning wmr. 

4. Malacca is bounded on the eastern border by the Cassang 
liver, ^hich separates us from Muar. This country is under the 
governracnt of an hereditary chief, styled Dato Tumonggong, 
vrhose residence is in a village called Pangcallang Cota^ not far 
up the Muar river. The present chief is very young, and suc- 
ceeded his late father about two years ago. Availing themsdves 
of his youth and inexperience, several of his relatives have posses- 
sed tlicmselvcs of independent authority. Unkoo (or Tuankoo) 
Tuan, his uncle, is chief of Se Gammat, situated on an inferior 
bianch of the Muar river, containing about 400 houses. This 
chief has claimed independent jurisdiction. Inche Ahat and Inche 
Mahomed, who reside at Sungie Dna, a small village situated on 
the eastern bank of the Cassang river, not far fiom Mount Ophir, 
are distant cousins of the Tumonggong'sy and are also now inde- 
pendent. These are the t\io individuals who have given us of iate 
BO much trouble at Rheim and Chohong. Since the late disturban- 
ces, whith have involved the expediency of withdrawing our small 
detachment of sepoys from Rheim, they have seized upon all the 
formerly disputed land at the foot of Mount Ophir. Froxli the 
inhabitants they have levied the tenth, and have driven away Inche 
Alkng, whom we placed there as a Pungbulu. This Inche 
Al'ang and Inche Barimah, who, you may remember, had pos- 
session of the land, and was obliged by us to quit about three 
years ago, are I believe, related to the Tumonggong, similarly 
with the two former. Inche Ahat and Inche Mahomed have, 
fom their exactions, obliged the workers of the small gold mines 
of Gemmy, at the foot of Mount Ophir, to abandon their labors. 
Thefle two men are disposed to render every aid in their power 
to the Punghnlu of Naning, and have had the boldness to 
threaten that they would stockade Ayer Panas. Unkoo Tuan 
sent some arms to the Punghula of Naning. I am not aware that 
the Tumonggong rendered any aid, and I am inclined to believe he 
would prefei remaining on friendly terms with us. 
5. from Mount Ophir to Quallab Si Marabow, on a branch 



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920 NOTMi OK IfAirtlfO, 

of tlio Ltngie ri? or, it an irregular line ranniog in an aTei«g» 
direelion nearly doe wott. To the northward of (bis »boandarjr 
and to the westward of the Lingie river, are the goTemmenU of 
Johol, Rambow and Sungte Ujong. 

6. In epeaking of these countriefy I am unavoidably led 
oocasionally to associate with them the district of Naning. But 
in doing so, I am not to be understood as implying that the 
Punghulus of Naning for many years past have claimed to sit 
as members of their council, or to be consulted as a party whose 
interests remain inseperably united with theirs. I must further 
observe, that I cannot vouch in every insCaace and to tha very 
letter, for the truth of all the details contained in the notes which 
follow. I have diligently set myself to gather what information I 
could, and I feel satisfied as to the general authenticity of all thai 
is most material. 

7. Sungie Ujong, Rumbow, Johol and Naning, are each 
governed by a Pungbulu Bclantaye and four Sookoos. These 
four Punghulus derive their origin from Menangkabow. The line 
of succession observed is similar to that prevailing in the royal 
family of Pagarooyong in Menangkabow, which is through the 
sister's son, and not the son of the deceased rulen 

8. Over these four Punghulus is a titular chief, designated 
lang de Pertuan Besar. This chief is not succeeded by any 
member of his local family. The selection is vested in the 
Menangkabow ruler, from whom the individual so selected brings, 
in token of his appointment, a document termed ** Trompah'', 
containing the genealogy of the Pagarooyong royal family, with 
which the lang de Pertuan Besar of our interior mv«t be 
necessarily connected by blood. This chief resides at Sri Me* 
nantie, where an Istana is built for him ; but he does not, howeveE, 
possess any regalia, neither has he any people or territory which 
he can claim as immediately his own. Menangkabow has ^o 
practical ascendency over the councils of our interior; neither 
is any tribute or periodical present paid or sent to the ruler of 
Menangkabow. The supremacy, if such it can be termed, is 
simply titular. The Sultan of Johore is no longer considered 
as the head of these states, 

9. At Sungie ITjong there exists another officer, styled Raja de 



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mMB \)!r KAimra. SSI 

Higfti <|r the R^ Shabani]ar. I'hisfaiDcttonary Kisj&riadietiim 
ID all matters connected with the River, and the trade carried on 
hj water ouTiage. His office is of considenibre importane^, in 
oonseqaenoe of the exteneive tin trade carried on at SimgiA 
Ujon^. Sangie Ujong is the least popniont and powerful of the 
four districts, although the chief of it is considered aa 5< £lder 
Brother" of the foar Panghnlus and takes preoedenoe 6f them. < 

10. Bttmbow presents a political Variety^ < This' district is 
divided into Rumbow UIoo (the prinnpal Tillage of whieb is 
Chambong) and Rumbow Ilir (the principal Setdenients being 
Penagy and Bandaar.) Each diiision has its four Sookoos^ ' This 
Punghuln Belantaye^ or << Punghttin Rumbow** presides in Rum-i 
bow UIoo, but has always had equal jansdictionoTfer- Rumbow 
Ilir. At the last election, howeVer/ Rajah AUie (of whom I 
shall presently speak) managed to bring aboat'the appointdienl of 
a second Punghulu to preside over Rumbow IMr* The person 
elected is named Pakat ; and it is tfupposed thai/ on his death he 
will not be ^succeeded by another, pitrticularly as Rajah Alliens 
interests have of late been warmly supported by the Punghulu 
Belantaye of Rumbow Uloo.- A further innoiution has.'siiice ob<< 
tained in the OoTernment of Rumbow, by the nomination of an 
lang de Pertuan Mudah, This chief lanks next to thd lang dd 
Pertmm Besar. He has no regalia, neither has he' any people or 
territory of his own, being in this respect as powerless and helpless 
as the lang de Peftnan Besar; It may be here noticMi,Ahai the 
terms '* Punghulu and four Sookoos" mean the Pun^lu of 
Rumbow Uiob and the eight sookoos. ■ Timmmnan Thyssen, the 
late Dutch Gdvenior of Malacca, entered into treaty with Riim*^ 
bow in 1819. The treaty is dated 0th June, and is sighed by 
Rajah AUie, as Rajah of Rumbow, Lellah Maharajah, as Punghulu, 
abd Gempah Maharajah, Muarbaogsa, Sangsorab Palawan and 
Bangoah Balang, as Sukoos. 

11. Johol is the most powerful of the four states, Naning, as 
stated in para. 6, is not longer a necessary portion of the union. 

. 12. There are other places and chieb subordinate to Pungbuia 
Belantaye of which the subjoined is a list. The term Punghulu 
as applied to the subordinate ohiefr, is unconnected witii any modt-> 
fying epithet, whereas the word '< Belantaye*' is uAderslood as 

C ' 



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222 VOTn OR iroriire. 



aft aiix to the fltne. term wlieii fpcakiog of ike <6«r prineipftl 
Paaghttluk 

Uftder SoBgie Ujoag are lingie- and Teraehie, in part. Th* 
knd of JUagie itan iategnd part of Soagie Ujoag* bat the origin 
■al fcaadeia ef the eolony removed from Bambow. The aaiiTee 
■peak of the ftther of Lingie ae deriviag hie origin from Saag^ 
Ujoog and the mother her'e from Bombow. The Chief of Lmgie 
b elyled ^Dato Madah** and ii withoat Sookooe for reasons aet 
forth behm. Teraohie ie aitoaled on the boundary between Sri 
Henantie (which ie ealgeet to Johol^ ae. mentioned below).aad 
JBaagie Ujoi^. ThmeafethertfoietwobendeofampateookooeB 
ae at Bnmbow (pea. 10) one preeidiag in each di^rision. The 
Paagbobi reiidee on the Sri Menantie eide. The inhabitants.aK 
Mievad to be defloendenin of people from Menangkabqw. . . 

Under Bambow are Tamping and Caroo^ at ench of wbicb 
diitriete are a Panghnla and tout •Sookooe* Lingie abo ia partly 
depfcadent npoo BnmboWf qr at. leaet^acknofrledgeetitalar alle- 
giaaee^ ae el|^ above. Under Johoi are Sri Menantie, Ponding 
Pamir, Jnmpool and Giminebe (whence the.principaLpartof our 
gold ie proenred), and Terachio in part, as elated above* At 
each ofthewplaeeeareaPmighattt and foor Sookooe. .0riA|eiian* 
tie ie the vendenoeof the laagde Pertoan Bemr.. 

Naning hae no dependencies and certainly none which are not 
aubjectto onr aecendenoy. 

13. The mode of saooemioii on vacandee ie aomewliat ae fol- 
lows:— 

r The laag de Pertaaa Besar (or as he is sometime termed, tlie 
Bajah Besar) hesaoeeeded es noticed m para. 8. Owmg tofiuniljr 
qnarreby to the weaknem and die ignorance of the person last esfrt 
fipom Blenangkabow and possibly the non4ateiferenoe of bar 
govemmenti the ooame of saooession has been reoently iatermpted. 
Biyah Laboo now at Malacca possesses the <' Ttompah/' and is 
styled Bijah Pagarayong (the capital of Menaagkabow) orlang 
de Pertaan of Sri Menande. The lang de Pertaan* Besar eaniiot 
amume office natil he is recognised by the Pungbulu Belaataye. 

The lang de Pertuan Madafa (or as he issometimestyledBi^fa 
Bambow or Bajah Kichil) b considered as elective by the Pan- 
ghttltts, Sookoos and people of Bambow and snbject to the c<mfir* 



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NOTBB ON Hxnntai: 223 

mation of the lang Ae Pertaan B<3sar. He residrt at BandiarVa 
villags situated on the Rumbow branch of the Lingie rirer, rather 
higher up than Qoalla Si Marabow. 

' Hie Pniighnlas Belanfaye are anceeeded^ as already nodeed, 
by sister's sons^ selected by the Sookoos and people, ^and dotf- 
firmed by the lang de Pertuan BeAr. The Pnnghnla of Nttikig 
cannot' properly assume ofBce without the previous sanetito of 
the European authorities at Malacca, as the Rajah Besar df 
'Pagaruyong can have no Toice in the electioui noi^ has he any 
' titular controul over the affairs of Naning. 

The subordinate Pttnghulns, the Sookoos, the Rajah de Rajak 
of Sungie Ujottg and the Data Mudah of Lingie are all elective. 
The Pungh'nias are elected by the Sookooe and people^ end 
receive 'the sanction of the Panghulu Belantaye immediately 
superior. The Sookooa are usually nominated by the Pmigbillas, 
but in strict regard to tlie general sense of the people. The 
same may be said of the offices of Rajah de Rijah and IHto 
Mudah. These two offices and that of Pimghulu are neveitheless 
usuiliy preserved in the same family, if not ii^reapeetof bbod, 
at least in regard to oonneedbn. 

1:4. There is eonsidevable diffidnlty hi oorreetly asoertabing 
in what the revenues consist, and upon wkat general principle 
they are distributed or appropriated. It has been noticed above^ 
that the two lang de Pertuans are without regalia, people or 
territoi^V nefther have they any "certaift revenue. The latag de 
Pertuan Besar levies fines on ofienders in cases adjudicated by 
him, Iconsisting of disputes between rayataofdifii^nt districts, 
drid^of matters 'especially eubnritted fbr* his* judgment by Ae 
Pnnghulus. The lang de Pertuan Mudah appears to enjoy 
etll the fined arising out of difierences where Rumbow is con- 
cerned, as in such cases they are submitted for his own decision. 
Both the lang de Pertuan expect contributions (called ** poon« 
geotaro"' or gathering) on occasion of marriages, birdis and 
deatlis in their families, or on any political emergency. 

Ttie Punghnlus levy -fines hi cases adjudged by themselvea, 
and aro aidod by contributions, something after the manned ob« 
tajtting with the lang de Pertuan. The Punghulu and Rayah 
de Rajah at Sungie Ujong and the Dato Mudah of Lingie, 



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231 NOTfil 0!f NAiflRO* 

«ijO7*0Mii4«imble adTanlages from ihe ti« miiiet.- The Pan* 
gholos of Johol and Giminche reap something from ihegolct 
minee. The Pangbolu of Nantog, in addiiion to the osual 
levies reoeifea amiaaUjr from each dwelling house 5 gantan^ 
of iiaddjy 2 fowk and a coocMUMit. 

The Spokooa paNake in the fiaea and emolnmeats necdved by 
tbe . Punghttltt, and are aasiiCad when making feasts in their 
IhmiUes on apeeial occasiona. 



The following are aaid to he the plaoea imn^diatelj on the 
boundarws hotweea Bnmbow and Malacca, The famda of Ifa- 
nin^ are imoMdiateiy eootignoiia to those of Rnmhow : 

• Quallah 81 Marabow. The jaaclion of thorirnlel 8i Maiahow 
with the Rnmbow branch of the Lii^e riter. Then is hcio m 
small filiage alandnig parity in Hnmbow and paitiy in Naaii^* 

Ajcr Belantaye. A swamp. 

• Raroooningfa Chandong. A tice alands hare, 
lanjool Mania do^ dOb 

Padang C^iimr. A plain with a Chaflhar tree. Li this pbio 
the Mahoca and Rambow aathoiMas hato owarionalty met 
fer * political oomspanddtaco. The plain ia nsar the Thboh Md 
Oiefane Patih, the lasidence of the PnB«h«la of Naming. 
, knbor Goonjayo. Here is alaondof earthpiaisadomtha 
snppoaad gmve of a Portngaeaa of tank named Goonjayo. 

ThafootoriWmpii«hilL The hiU is oa the Kmnbow mdsb 

Tuspiag Vmgah. A villaga bahmg ji g in part la Rnmbow 
and in part la Mining, 

Dnarai Priagit.* An oidmd of fiwii tnas andnhaapaon 
ihaNaaingaMla. 

. D n soc n Capar. An oidmid nnd honam aa abor^ f>rtly in 
Rambow and partly in Naaing, 

Pnsoon lijui^tgai do. do. 
. BnU Pntooa ^Divided HiU*'. The bomdaiy line raai 
brt wosn the two kiUa. 

Daiiaa Don Baung« Two dorian tram on each side. They 
am replaced when dead by oihen being | 



TW trim ** rrtixcrt". ♦-^•tf^ 't IVHwnsi"*. TV w^ i 



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' VUTliS ON /«ANMC6. 226 

A line dmwn from Uioo Tabong to Uloo Batang MalacoB, 
fcolb of which are on the Malucoa side. 



The titloa gianted of old bj the Saltan of Johoro^ are aaid to 
he as foUowfl c— - 

Bandabanu This is tfao noblest. It appertains to the obie^ 
of Pahang. He plaoes the crown on ihe head, or the chain over 
the neck of the newly inaugurated Sultan. Without his and the 
Tomonggong's concurrence the Smian cannot be recognized as 
such. The Bandahara is said to have jorisdiction OTer ail affairs 
ce&nected with the waters o^ the sea. 

Tomunggong. He is. said to have jurisdictioo on the islands. 
The term Tuanku (or Unkoo) is prefixed to this title. There 
is a secondary title s^led ^'Dato Tomunggong'' which is borne by 
tha chief of Muar. 

Calana. This title supposes to have, jurisdiction on the maia 
land. It was^coiifemd on \he chief of Sungie Ujong^ 

Pangawa. A title applied to certain members of the royal 
blood. One ns^ to be stationed at Rhio and another atlapggin. 
. Rajab-Hudsli, the Sultan's Deputy at Rhio. 
. • Punglittla. This is an ordinary tUIe. The four Punghalus 
of Sungie TJjong, Bumbow, Jobol and Kaning, by way of di^ 
tsnctioB are styled Puogbulo Belaataye. The term ** Dalo'' ie 
usually prefixed to this title. 

Sookoos, are the heads of tribes. . . 

Since the Sultaa of Joboie has withdrawn Us active control 
from the adjoiniog districts, a variety of innovations are beoomiog 
prevalent in rapeet of the titles borne or clain^ by varioos 
Chieftains* The Tomunggong of Muar is properly <' Date To* 
munggong''. The custom obtains of styling him ** Unkoo (or 
Tuanku) Tomunggong". His uncle at Se Oammat is no other 
than '^ Inobe Tuan**, but he receives the more honorable appelk- 
tion of << Unkoo Tuan''. The Tomunggong's relatives, Inche 
Ahat and Inche Mahomst, claim the title of lUyah, ko, &c. 

Gunong Ledaug or Mount Ophir, is principally situated in the 
Muar territory. The small gold mines of Gemmy, mentioned 
in para. 4, arc on the Muai^ lands. From ihcncc to Uloo Batang 



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^ H6TM OH KlWIHtt. 

MahK««i » the boundary »'«'>«»''•*" ^•If^jr***^^!^ 
Johol. From UIoo Batang Malacca to Q«aU.h 8. Marabo# 
«.paralc« Na..ing from Rnmbotr. From Si Mmbow^ tbo Unp* 
HrTmark. the boundary between Mal««a «A tbe fend. «.1g«t 
to the Punghulu (or Clana) of Sangie TJjong. The wCTtward 
bank of the Kngie rifer i. crowned with jungle or uncuU.Taled 
huids as for up as the lingie colony under Inche Cattas. 

The original chiefc of Sangie Ujong, Rumbow, Johol and 
Naning,-emigr*ted from Menangkabow, and '^l^e^,'^^ 
iand in the interior fiom the Sultan of Johow. The following 
titles were conferred by the Sulton, w.:-- 
• Dato Calana Pnturob, on the Punghulu of Sungie Ujong, by 
virtue of which he is termed the « elder brother" of the four. 
He takes precedence of them. He is also said to have a superior 
proprietory right in the soil. 

Leila Maharajah, on the Punghulu of RumboW, 
' Sutiya' Maharajah, on the Punghulu of Johol. 
. Si Rajah Merah, on the Punghulu of Ntoi*g. 

The history of this bst title is said to be as follows:— In the 
«ariy part of the hst centuty the Sritan oT Johofo wrota to 
iBche Aroom, the Captain Malay, an officer of considenlite kcil 
tathority and general influence at thfet period, compUining against 
one Gampa de Langha, who had inveigled away one of his 
concubines, and with her had taken refiige at Naning. The 
Sultan require that this man sbouUI be pat t6 death. Thi» 
Captain MaUy ooaeerted with a man named Juwarra I«i^^g 
of Nvnittg. This man cooseqoentiy slew Gampah de langha, 
and the concubine was returned to Johore through Inche Aioomi 
The gratified Sultan transmitted to Jowwr* langgang a sillt 
haioo, a sword and two shires (a boy and a giri), and eoofened 
«pon him the title of Si Rajah Merah; On the death «f tiift 
ineutobent Punghulu of Naning, Si Rajah Merah, although no* 
of tiie tribe from whence the Punghulus t»ert selected, wa^ 
through the influecco of dw Captain Malay, inTCSted withth* 
office of Puaghttlu; and il has continued in the same family ever 
•imse. On this occasion he was presented with a gold Aouated 
ttick. 



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noTsa ON XAmfo. 227 

. The silk bjoo and the sword are still in the poraession of the 
Panghulu. They are considered, as peculiarly sacred, and as in^ 
parting sanctity to theiir poMessor* Once a year they are brought 
put. The sword is then cleaned by the Punghulu. . He holds the 
bajoo extended over sipoking incense, and the Sookooa and people 
bow to the earth, repeatedly exclaiming '' Doulat" (Holy !) 

I am informed that of the descendants of the two slaves seat to 
Jttwarra Xianggang, as mentioned above, there are now existing 
^bont 300 persons. They are no longer viewed as shivcs, but are 
considered as especially devoted to the interest of tlie Punghulu, 
to. whom alone they are amenable, having no concern with, and 
being in no manner subject to the jurisdiction of the Sookoos* 
They are called '' Omng Tallah" (people piresentcd) and. their 
Ifead ma^ is termed ** Sookpos tiga N^ek." . , . 



The law of succession in Menangkabow, referred to in the cour 
text, is said to have taken its rise from the following incident 

The lang de Pei^tuan or Saltan pf Pagarooyong (the capital of 
Menangkabow) built a large vessel, but unexpected and seemingly 
inv,inoible difficulties wer^ iopposed %gainsl every attempt to launch 
her. . The, chief dreamed that his efforts woald succeed Only 
\n, qa^ a pregnant women of ^the royal blood .would lie her lengtht 
^nder the keel of the vespel. His daughter refusing to meet his 
wbhes, the chief addressed himself to his sister. She complied 
and the consequent reward was that of establishing the right of 
succession in the suter's son* .^ 



Abou^ 20 years agp, overtures were made by soveval Chinese 
to Inclie Aman, the iather«in-law and piedecessor of Inohe.Cattas 
fhe present Dato. Mudah of Lingie. Their object wastoandep* 
take the working of the tin mines. at Sungie Ujong» The tin 
must be brottgjht in small boats from the minep as fhr as Lingie^ 
find there it may be traas^iipped. Hence the Patto Madab reaps 
pis advantage. Kawal, uncle of the present Calana, was then Pun- 
ghulu of Sungie Ujong. Kawal agreed that the mines should be 
worked. Each time the tin was meltedi whether much or little^ 
whetheir the produce of one mine or the accumulated produee of 
severali he was to receive 3 bahars of tin (of 3 piculs each) at the 



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22B HOTBS OW IfAmUD. 

rate of 30 dollars per baliar. For each mine the siiil dT 6 doUars 
was to be paid to the owner of the ground. 

The Chinese oommeneed their labor on funds provided by thai 
Dato Mndah. This chief obtains the funds from the merchants 
of Malacca* He has been accustomed to engage with certain 
indiTiduals at Malacca, that all tin passing down the langie riycr 
aball be consigned to them. In return he receives an ajunual pre- 
sent. He is said to have received so large i^ snm as 2,600 dollars; 
of which 1^000 dollars were reserved for himself, 800 dollars wer^ 
yielded to Calana, 400 dollars to Rajah de Rajah, and 300 dollai^ 
to Canda Allie and Inche Mahomed (who were concerned in thd 
original foundmg of the Colony,) and some other indWidnah, 
Since the disturbance, of which an account is subjoined, this mo* 
nopoly has ceased. Dato Mudah now contents himself with 
levving 1 dollar per bahar on all tin which enters or passes Linp^. 

In 1828 there were about 000 Chinese miners, divided nto 
ten Kongsees or companies. They latteriy seemed to have pie^ 
aumed upon their number, and by their conduct gave great 
umbrage to Calana and Rajah de Rajah. In consequence of some 
misconduct with a woman at Terachie, the natives about two year« 
ago roao upon a party of the Chinese and murdered one of 
their numb^. Their countrymen at the Sungie Ujong mines, 
availing themsdves of the absence of the Calana, who was then 
at Sri Menantie.on die business of the lang de Pertuan, proceeded 
in a large body towards Terachie. They were met by a party of 
the Mahys and compelled to fly. They were pursudl to Sungie 
Ujong, attacked and many were killed. The Chinese abandoned 
the mines, and their property was confiscated. Dato Mudah 
thereupon represented to Calana the serious diflknities in whicU 
himself and the langie people would be involved with the Malacca 
nierchants, whose funds were largely involved in the tin specnhn 
tion on their responsibility* The Calana consented that the tin 
yet in the mmes (Timah Carangan) and the Tin Ore(Tiraah 
Bij£) should be given up. The melted tin CRmah masak) 
found in the houses, amounting to about 18 piculs, was however 
confiscated, ^ of which were to be given to the lang de Pertuan 
Besar, and the remaining f to be reserved to himself. Some of 
the Chinese were subsequently induced to return to the mines. A 



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vbrUA ON KANINa. 229 

fresh engagement was to be made; but thus far nothing has been 
concluded. The Calana has proposed that he shall receive «S100 
for every Chinese dwelling house^ with a dollar for every bahar of 
tin^ and shall reserve to himself the opium monopoly. The Rajah 
de Rajah vfas also to receivehalf a dollar on every bahar of tin/ 

Prior to 1819^1 doriiig the coarse of which year Bahogob, the - 
Punghnlu of Rumbow, died^ it seems that there was bat one 
Pangholu at Rumbow. There were then appointed two, viz :-« ' 
Renneh and Pakat, nephews of the deceased Bi|bogoh. Renn^h 
was appointed Paaghulu Belantaye of Rumbow Uloo(dedarat) ^ 
and- bear» the title of Leila Mahanya, and Pakat wae declared ' 
Ponghida of Rombow Ilir (or de Baroo.) 

The selection of a Punghulu from the -regular family is vested ' 
in the eight Sookoos, On the death of Bahogoh, die four Sook(>o8 
of Rumboiv Uloo announced Renneh as the successful candidate. 
Th^' Sookoos of Rumbow Iliri under the influence of Rajah Ali, - 
declared Pakat as Punghdlu. His title is Sidire Maharaja. As 
Pakat raided near Bandar/ the village residenee of Rajah Ali^ this 
chief would gladly baTC secured to him the ondi voided Punghulu- 
sbTp. To this the Sookood of Rumbow Uloo could not consent, 
very probably vexed at the preference which Rajah Ali had shewn ' 
fcr the Sookoos of Rumbow Ilir when treating with Timmerman 
Thysscn. Of latCi the sentiments of the parties hate changed. 
Renneb has sided with Rajah Ali and Pakat is opposed to him. 
At Pakat's death it is probable he will not have a successor, as his. 
nomination was anomalous and ho is not a favorite. 

The office of lang de Pertuan Mudah is of no long standing. 
Rajah Itam, the predecessor of Langgang Lawoot, (the late lang de 
PertuAn Besar, who died in 1824) married the daughter of Rajah 
Assil. Rajah Assil was the son of Rajah Adil, the immediate pre- 
decessor of Rajah Itam as lang de Pertuan Besar. Rajah Adil 
married' a Rumbow woman, by which marriage he had issue the 
above Rajah Assil and a daughter. On the death of his wife Rajah 
Assil married a woman from the family of the Rajah of Jalaboo, 
most probably the sister of the Rajah. By this marriage Rajah 
Adil had a son named Rajah Saboon, and subsequently to the death 
of his father, the people of Jalaboo elected Rajah Baboon their 



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SSK) 3fOTBi OV NANING. 

king. Tho Pangbalos Balantaye and the Rambow SookooB being 
consnlted, tbey consented that Rajah AMiIehoald be elected Rajah 
of Rumbowy and be Btyled lang de Pertnan Mndah. Rajah 
AuSL had four sons and two daughters. One of the daoghtera 
was married to a fingis chiefi from which marriage sprung Rajah 
Ali^ the present Rajah Rambow, or lang de Pertnan Mudah. 
Rajah Ali is said to hare conoerted with a piratical chief against 
his grandfather's dignitji if not against his life. Having .fiuled in 
the attempt he retired to Snngie Nipah. 

The other daughter was married at first to Tuanku Seh (since 
dead, leaving one child). She latterly retired to Lingie. From 
thence she was afterwards invited to Sungie Ujong and married 
to Rajah Laboo, by whom she has several children. Rajah Alt 
is apprehensive of her resentment should Rajah Liboo succeed 
as lang de Pertnan Besar. 

The son, named Rajah Hadjee, fell in love with the daughter 
of a celebrated Hadjee, who was related to Renneh (now 
Punghulu of Rumbow). The Hadjee refused to give up his 
daughter, and Rajah Hadjee succeeded in carrying her off to the 
Istana (or place of his father*s residence). Kassip, the Punghulu 
of Rumbow, complained to Rajah Assil, who either could not 
or would not satisfy him. A rupture ensued. The Punghulus 
and Sookoos sided with Renneh. I am told that in the interior 
. it is not considered correct to dethrone or to fight against a chief, 
unless a chief of similar or equal rank leads the party. In the 
present instance a deputation was sent to Rajah Ali. He consent- 
ed to be their leader. By negociation, Rajah Ali prevailed upon 
Rajah Assil to vacate the government, and to retire to Naning. It 
is believed that Rajah Ali swore to re-instate his grandfather, so 
soon as matters were somewhat quieted. Rajah Hadjee quitted 
Rumbow with his wife and came to Malacca. Subsequently he 
abandoned her. She returned to Rumbow. He persevered in 
bad habits and practices and became a neglected vagabond. 

The Pnnghulus and Sookoos having been prevailed upon to 
elect Rajah Ali as Rajah Rumbow, Rajah Assil discovered 
that he had no hope in his own abstract pretensions. He came to 
Malacca, and addressed himself to Captain Farquhar, the Resident. 
It was at first intended to support him against Rajah Ali, under 



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Nt>TBS ON NAMINQ. 231 

the belief that goyernmeDt were Tirtually bound to do so by trea« 
ty. The Pinang aulhorities were against interferencei and Rajah 
Assil was thrown upon his own resourses. He is now dead. 

Rajah Ali does not feel himself quite secure. His father being 
a Bttgis, he is viewed as the son of a foreigner. The pretension 
of Rajah Cronjan and the animosity of his aunt, who is married 
to Bajab Laboo as abore noticedi rendered Rajah Alt somewhat 
anxious^ 



About 50 years ago, 6vo men named Inche Aman, tnche Ma- 
bamed, Canda AUie, Inche Jahoodiii and another whose name I 
cannot discover, originally men of Rhio, who had emigrated to 
Penaji in Rumbow, removed with their families to Lingie, where 
with the consent and under the guaranty of Calana they founded 
the present colony of Lingie. It is situated about 2 hours row 
from the junction of the Rurabow branch with the Lingie river, 
and about 4 houi-s row from the sea. The land was covered with 
jungle, as is tlio case w ith the surrounding lands and the ground 
between Lingie and the sea. There may now be about 100 houses. 
The whole of that part of the country belongs to Calana. He 
appointed Inche Aman the local chief under the designation of 
Dato Muda. Ho has no Sookoos or ministers. Calana adopted 
this plan instead of nominating Inche Anam Punghulu with Soo- 
koos, as this would have required the sanction of the other Paa« 
ghulu, and Inche Amam and his followers being of Rumbow or 
intermarried with the people of that district, the chief of Rumbow 
might have enjoyed too much influence in the affairs of Lingie. 

There are gold mined at Gominche which are worked by Chi- 
nese and Malays. For each person working at the Gominche 
gold mines, the Punghulu of Gominche receives a mayam (or 
3-320th of a catty of gold.) That chief visits the mines once or twice 
a year, and on such occasions he receives a small present from each. 
The Punghulu of Johol, who is the superior of the local chief, does 
not derive any settled revenue from the mines. He sends annual- 
ly 2 or 3 buffaloes to the mines as a present and they return to 
him a tahil of gold for each. 

There are a few tin mines in Gominche of small value. 



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1}32 MOTES OK NANIKO. 

About the year 1756 the Sultan of Johore mode over to the 
Dutch authoritiee his interest in Bumbow and all the interior dis* 
tricts connected with the goyemment of the four chiefs of Soongie 
Ujong &C| with the understanding that his own name instead of 
that of the Sultan of Rome (or grand signior) should be mention* 
ed in the prayers offered up in the Mosque. 

The Punghulus in the interior are said to hare represented to 
tho Sultan of Johore, that as he had withdrawn his right of 
supremacy^ they wished to have as their titular head some native 
cliief from Menangkabow, from whence they derived their origin. 
The Punghulus accordingly communicated with the ruling autho* 
rfties in that country, and an individual connected by blood 
with the royal family of Pagaruyong was consequently deputed* 
The credentials produced by this chief was a document termed 
"Trompah". 

The chief so deputed was to present himself and produce his 
credentials, in the first instance, to the local authority at Malacca. 
This practice has of late years fallen into disuse, L^ggang 
Lawoot, who succeeded about 1813, passed at once into the 
interior without regarding the josual practice. Riyah Laboo m 
1828 did the same. Rajah Radin is now recognized as lang de 
Pertuan Besar, although no official communication on the subject 
has been made to us. This is the less called for of late years, ss 
we have studiously avoided all interference with the politics of the 
interior. This titular chief cannot, however, resume authority 
QHtil he has been accepted and acknowledged by the principal 
cliiefi of Sungie Ujong, Rumbow and Johol. Naatng has scarce- 
ly any thing to do in the afEeuri in consequence of her connection 
with Malacca. 



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2:33 

HlMA AND 8UMDAWA.* 

By H. ZoLLHrOEB. 

Chapter I. 

Ifonu aud hatubb op the country. 
1. Surrounding Waters. The Sea^ Daye and Straits. 

TfiB Island of Sambawa is to the South complelcljr washed by 
the Indian Sea; to the North by that part of the Indian Sea which 
18 properly called the Celebes Sea. To the West it is divided by 
the Strait of Alias from Lombok| and to the East by that of Sapio 
from the country of Mangareij and its numerous neighbouring 
islets. 

The Strait of Alias is less used than those of Lombok and Sapie, 
on account of the numerous islands lying in it^ which aro dreaded, 
although without cause, for they are close to the shore and offer 
no real obstruction. The current b less strong there than in the 
Strait of Lombok, and generally runs during the east monsoon 
towards the sotub, and during the west monsoon towards the 
north,— -thus in an opposite direction to the wind. 

The following bays in the Strait of Snnda lie on the Coast of 
Snmbawa. Beginning from the south, the bay of Chereweh^ in 
whidi are two small islands. Still further towards the north, and* 
only separated from it by a mountain, follows the bay of Taliwang 
called Kerta Sah«ui. Both bays bare &?orable anchoring ground, 
and are good places of shelter in the east monsoon. I have heard 
it said, however, that high seas are sometimes experienced in the 
last. Rivers fall into both bays and afford a supply of water. 
Provisions can also be procured in the villages of the same names* 
Taliwang, however, lies at more than an hour's distance from the 
bay. Chereweh is also known by the name of Labu Ballak. 

To the N. of the bay of Taliwang follows,— first, the little Laba 
Bra, and then the larger Labu Sagena or the bay of Setelok, which 
lies at the distance of IJ hour from it. Three islets are found at its 
northern point. Still further to the north we have Telok Alias, 
which is distant about half an hour from Alias. This bay is not 

* Translated for tliis Journal from the ** Vcrhande]inf;en van het BataTlaaach 
deaootscliap van Kunsten en Weteuschappen" Vol. XX U 1, 1850. 



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234 BIMA AND SUMBAWA. 

largCi but deep and secure at all seasons. Tlie row of islets irhich 
here stretch along the coast, protect it against the force of the sea 
from the N. in the season of the N. W. winds, and it is sheltered 
from the S. E. winds bj the mountains. At the western point 
lies a very small island, on which is the Tillage Bnngeni inhabited 
by Orang Bajo. 

The strait from this widens, and the coast runs N. Eastwards. 
The many Labus, which are found her(>, are not properly bays, 
but only safe anchorages, sheltered by tlie range of islands aboTC 
mentioned, such us Labu Boeer, Panyorong, Laba Paddi, Lebbo, 
Labtt Bua, &c. The narrowness of the Strait of Alias may be 
judged from the fact that prahus can pull from Alias to the oppo- 
site Coast of Lombok in three hours. We can sail with a good 
wind from the bays of Taliwang and Chereweh to Piju on the 
opposite side in an hour, and from the capes on this side in clear 
weather we can distinguisli single objects on the opposite coast, 
Such as men and buffaloes. The narrowest part of the strait is bat 
nautical miles broad. If we now proceed along the north ooast 
to the eastward, we have the small bays of Manini, Bremang, Logg, 
Karang Match, Padas, Labu Tuntie and the larger bay of Sum* 
bawa. The last only is of importance to shipping. Prahus lie 
in the western end, that is, in the bay of Labu Tuntie. Both are 
pretty deep, but are too much exposed to the N. and W. wimk. 

Of all the Sunda islands Sumbawa has the most bays in com- 
parision to its size, and is divided into some large peninsalaa, 
of which we shall afterwards speak. Some of the bays are so 
large and at the same time so closed in, that they might almoa^ 
be described as inland seas. If the island were better peopled, 
thiscircumstance,^lhat is, this peculiar geographical constitution, 
ought and would exert the most fayorable influence on the 
development and civilization and on the material interests of the 
population. As it is, however, at present, the greatest advantages 
of the geographical position are useless. The extent of the 
coasts stands to the size of the surface on Sumbawa as 140: 232 
and on Lombok as 63: 104, thus on the first almost as 1: 1^, 
and on the last as 1 : 2. For these observations I have chiefly 
found occasion in the largest bay (Telok) of the country, namely, 
that of Sumbawa, which is not to be confounded with the an- 



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BIlffA AVn SUMBAWA. 28& 

ehorage (Lftba Sambawa) already mentioned. If ire take inta 
consideration the relation which exists between the size of the 
bay and its narrow entrance^ then it with justice merits the name 
of inland i 



Its greatest length (from the deepest inlying part of the bay 
of Kowanko to Tanjong Menangis) is 49 minntes or 12^ geognu 
pbical miles. Its greatest breadth (from Ampang to the mountain 
Tambora lying opposite,— from the 8. W. to the N. E.) is 18 
minutes or 4i| geographical miles. It thas possesses a surface of 
about 88} square geo<^raphical miles, that is, almost equal to the 
residency of Batavia. Pulo Moyo blocks up the entrance and 
only leaves a small strait for passage on both sides. The western of 
these two Straits is called Salee, the northemi between Pulo Moyo 
and the mountain Tambora, Batahay. Both are very deep. I 
have only passed through the first, and found no ground in the 
middle at 100 fathoms. Close under Pulo Moyo we had 20 
fathoms. The strait is sufficiently broad to allow a ship to beat 
np. In its length the bay of Sumbawa runs from the S. £. to the 
N. W. The prevailing winds blow in the same direction, that L9, 
from the S.E. and, in the rainy season, from the N.W. They are so 
heavy sometimes, that they are dangerous to prahus, as I myself 
have experienced. In the upper part of the bay we have sometimes 
flaws of wind, as they are called, which proceed from the small val- 
lies between the mountains in the East. There is a. strong stream 
in the strait by which we enter the bay, setting into the bay with 
the flood and running out with the ebb. In the east monsoon tho 
strength of the ebb is greater than the flood ; in the west monsoon 
the opposite is the case. When the moon passes the meridian the 
flood comes in so much more rapidly, that there is ebb and flood 
two times a day. The two shores of the bay are very dissimilar. 
The southern is very flat and indented with small bays, covered 
with islets which have fresh water. The northern shore, on the 
other hand, consists of high mountains without water, and exhibits 
almost a straight line, without any bays or inlets. Here the 
water is very deep close jn shore, and we have frequently no 
anchorage ; in the south, on the contrary, it is mostly shallow. 
In the western part of the bay, most of the small bays run from the 
south to the north , in the middle from the south east to the north 



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2S6 MVA AlTD gUVBAWA. 

w«8t, and in die opper put of the bay wholly from the aast ta 
the west. 

The BBialler bays in the large bay of Sunibawa, from the 
Weat to the East, along the Soath ooast^are the Allowing:— 
On the right hand aide of the Strait of Sal^ the bay of Pan- 
yorong. On the other side of the entrance^ Laba Banga, two. 
hoars long, rery small and deep. It rons from the 3. to the N. 
There are reeft on both sides of the enlranoe. The long, small 
and deep bays formed by the mainland and the islands next follow 
each other^ viz — Laba Kuris, Laba Tsrata and.Labu Tleris. 
Prabas can here pass between the mainland and the islands;, 
bat ships canDot, From here the bays change in form and 
direction. Laba Kollong is large, broad and shallow. It re- 
oeiyes several streams. The neighboaring coiutry^ like that at 
Karis, is flat and alluvial. 

In this bay especially, the Soath East wind, which is also 
called Angin KoUonfff blows very strong. The land in the 8. E. 
is very much lower than anywhere else on the island (Kollong 
means also hn> land); the S. B. wmd therefore reaches this, 
and it blows with redoubled strength throagk the bay and oat of 
It. The ground of the bay is a mixture of sand and mad. 
Ships cannot approach close to the land. Next foHows Ae 
smaller Labu Santong, with two arms, and two islets in the 
western arm. Labu Ampang, which is precisely similar to Iiaba 
Kollong. Both lie in the direction of South East to Nortb 
West A considerable number of prahns resort here, by means 
of which the neighbouring village of Ampang carries on some 

trade. 

To the right of the last, lies a smaller bay called Labu Haji. 
Labu Kowanko, of which the back ground is called Labu Krebfi. 
It receives the rivulet Kowanko, and on the East is inclosed by 
the islet Kowanko. 

The following places, all in the upper part, come next : — Labu 
Chuni with a rivulet, Labu Lara, with a rivulet and islets, Labu 
Sonapa with a river and Labu Gemb6 which lies from the N. E. 
to the S. W. with a rivulet. It is not very large but tolerably 
deep. At the entrance we have 13 fathoms of water. Near to 
the shore there are some large rocks in the bottom, which would 



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BIMA AKb eiTMBAWA. 297 

be dangeroufl for yeBseb, bat ifaey lie !n sight and can be avoided. 

On the other side of the mountain Ruha there lies another small 
ereeky the only one on the liorth side of the bay. Palo Hoyo has 
na anchoring ground on its east side, bat on the west side there 
is one called Laba Haji, which may at least serve as a refage in 
easterly winds. Small riyalcts here afford water. 

To die eaist of the moantain Tambora follows the bay of Sangar, 
of which we find the following sabdivisions, gomg from east to 
west:— 

a. The bay of Bin, into which a small rirer falls. The 
entrance is narrow and rocky on both sides, while in the middle it 
is deep and approachable. Pirates sometimes take shelter in this 
small bay. 

9. The bay of Belambu, or Sangar in a more limited sense. 
Open and without dangers. The Company's ships sometimes 
came here in former times, to load sandalwood. 

e. That of Kambn, in the kingdom of Dompo, where sapan- 
wood is shipped. 

d. The bay tyf Kilo, more open than the above and lying ftuv- 
tber to the eastward. The road must be very good in the east 
monsoon. 

The bay of Bima, at least as regards the entrance and the 
northern part, is better known than all the previous ones, because 
it is most frequented by ships. The remarks concerning the floods 
ebb and current in the bay of Sumbawa, are equally applicable 
hei«. The current inwards in the west monsoon is stronger 
than that outwards, and in the east monsoon the reverse. 

In the outer bay there are some good anchoring places^ as well 
to the iK>ath of and near Batu Puti as near Batu Pah or the so 
called Portuguese cavern. We find here a small, narrow and 
d^ep bay, where there is a beautiful spring of clear water in abun^ 
dance, which can also be used as a bathing place. The mouth 
ot the inner bay is so small, that ships have scarcely room to enter. 
It is fortunately very deep close to the shore, else it would be im-' 
practicable for the entrance of vessels. Near the point of the so 
called Southern Fort, the breadth is only about ^^ of a German 
mile or 600 paces. 

The so Gfdled Northern Tort lies on an islet close to the shore, 

£ 



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288 »MA ANB iVVBAWA. 

and neither sbipft nor pmhus cnn pass it on tbe west side, as at ebb 
there is aimoet no water there. Tbe mountains on either side of tho 
entrance prevent any bat the wmds from N. and S. from prevailing. 
Whenever the last are strong, vessels cannot enter and must anchor 
in the outer bay. In the same manner in a strong N. wind no 
ships can leave the bay, in which otherwise they can lie as secure 
as in any other bay of the Indian Archipelago. The landing place 
near Bima is bad, because the water to a considerable distance has 
become shallow from the alluvium washed down. Directly oppo- 
mte lies Pulo Kambing, the passage by the west side of which is 
impracticable for ships on account of reefs and shallows. To the 
south of Bima the bay is broader, but on the other hand decreases 
gradually and regularly in depth towards the upper part. Ships 
do not go further southwards than to Bima. Further inward 
there exists, however, a very brisk trade for native vessels, and 
even with very hirge prahus. 

. The length of the bay from Tanjong Batu to the southern 
point of Pulo Kambing is about 1) German miles; the length 
of tbe southern part from the last place to the upper part, is 
probably more. Some hoars to the S. of Bima lies the bay of 
Belo with a river of that name. Still further on, the bay at 
length divides into two shallow arms, into whidi several rivulets 
discharge themselves. A small tongue of land, at whose extre- 
mity the islet (Nissa) Sedn lies, divides the two arms. -Prom 
Belo to the hills of Silah, an alluvial flat stretches round the 
bay« on part of which no trees grow, and which, covered with a 
thick bed of ashes and sand, is partly covered at high water^ 
while the water deposits much salt on the ground at ebb. 
* From the bay of Bima to Pulo Nam, opposite Pulo Gunung 
Api, there are different small bays, which are inclosed by the 
mountains. I do not know them by name, however, and they 
are not particularly large or of importance. 

Here we find the much frequented Strait of Sapi, which issepa- 
rated from the Strait of Mangareij by the island Komodo, and 
with these divides the islands of Bima and Flores from each 
other. The current in this Strait is very strong, stronger that in 
that of Alias. The direction, however, is the same. Tho nu** 
merous islands in the Strait of Sapi, and some imperfectly known 



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Bllf A AND SUMBAWA. 239 

Yeefs lying to the Soalh of it, make it more prudent to proceed 
through the Strait of Alias. On the West side of the Strait, 
along Bima, the following bays lie from the N. to the S. :-^ 

Labu Kandang (also Labu Wiera) with a broad opening to 
the N. E. To the North the long Tanjong Narn. 

Labu Tcngeh, with a small river. To the N. a tongue of land, 
Tanjong Tengeh, stretches out into the sea. 

Labu Loka, yery small. In the neighbouring valley there is 
a small spring* 

Labu Kallo, narrow and deep. On the North side of the 
entrance is a rock, which bears a pei-fect resemblance to a coffin. 
This bay is probably the bay which is marked in the charts under 
the name of Britannia Bay* 

Labu Chiri, very narrow and deep. It receives two rivers of 
this name. This bay is probably the same as that known on the 
charts as Rees Bay. 

Labu Kowo. It is deep with a sandy ground, and has two 
broad but short arms, into which two rivulets discharge themselves. 
Now follows the large and much frequented bay of Sapi. It 
affords at all seasons of the year a good anchorage, and is inclosed 
by hillocks in the N. and S. It is divided in the middle 
by a group of islands. It has in consequence two entrances, one 
on the north and the other on the south. Ships must always 
chuse the last The first is only practicable lor prahus. 

On the south coast of the country there are doubtless many more 
bays, but they have not yet been properly explored. The high 
sea makes the approach difficult. Near Prado for instance, there 
must be an inlet behind the islet lying there. 

The bay of Chempi to the S. of Dompo, which is even more 
like an inland sea than the bay of Bima, is very well known to 
me. It is 2^ Gkrman miles long and at the broadest place a mile 
wide. The entrance, on the other hand, is so narrow, that large 
ships, even if there was sufficient water, could not enter. The bay 
is but two fathoms deep at the entrance, in the middle four, and on 
the north side only three, — at flood one fathom more. Formerly 
there were pearl banks here. Pirates have sometimes visited 
this bay. 



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240 BIMA AKD StiVBAWil. 

2. Capu and Islands. 
The south western promontory of Sambawa b marked npon tlic 
charts Table-point. I do not know the nattye name. It lies in 
1160 47* East Longitude (Greenwich) and 8® S8* South Latitude. 
Ilorsburgh gives ft 116o 42' E. Long, and 9« 2* 8. Lat. The 
north western point is Tanjong Labu Bua, which however has 
another name. It lies in 117<> ir E. Long, and B^ 23' S. Lat. 

Between those two points the following islands are found in the 
Strait of Alias, from the S. to the N. 

In the bay of Chereweh two small islands, named on the 
charts Green and Button Islands. 

Near the northern point of the bay of Sagena three islands, call- 
ed by the natives Gili Satu, Burung and Lawang, 

Further to the north there is a range of islands, extending 
parallel with the mainland to Labu Bna, and which gives the 
character of a bay to the sea lying behind it* The bhinda 
of this range, are, in their order from the 8. to the N., Belang, 
Tatagen, Passeunet, Pakuku, Genang, (also called Pnlo Bangeh) 
Busser (also Pulo Kalong), Gili Belo (also Pulo Panjang, that is, 
the long island) Segattel, Ai«Tawar and lastly Eamudung. These 
numerous blets differ very much from each other. Some are long, 
originating from coral reefs; having more length than breadth and 
are covered with jungle. The first and the four last above named 
belong to thb class. They prolong themselves on both sides in 
ooral reefis ^^^ ^^^^ su^ent room between to allow ships to 
pass through. 

All the others are high blets, oonsbting of volcanic formation, 
and mostly cone-shaped in appearance, covered with grass and 
without clifis around them. 

The sea decreases in depth behmd these blands from the 8. to 
the N. In the 8. it has above SO, in the N. near Panyorong, &c, 
only 4 or 5 fathoms depth, as the natives informed me. Erom 
whence the name Timor lyung or Yang for thb row of blands 
b derived, I know not. I never heard it used by the natives. 
Near the western point of the entrance of the bay of Albs there 
is an islet called Bungen, having a campong on it inhabited by 
orang hajo. All the other islets arc uninhabited. Those which 



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BIUA AND SUMBAWA. 241 

lie in the W. part of the Strait are considered as belonging to 
Lombok. In front of and in the bay of Sumbawa there are the 
fallowing islands :— ' 

Pulo Medangy low, covered with jungle and uninhabited. 
Probably a coral formation^ and surrounded by rocks. 

Pulo Moyo obstructs the entrance of the bay of Sumbawa. 
It is G square Oennan miles in size, everywhere hilly, and in 
almost all places very steep. The sea which washes it is very 
deep and rich in polypi of all kinds. On the west side is the 
bay Labu Haji, to which the pirates very eagerly resort to waylay 
the prahus on their way to or from Sumbawa. The S. £. point 
of the island is called Tanjong Taniwang. The whole bland 
belongs to the latest chalk formation. It is covered with jungle 
which abounds with game and wild bees. There are rivulets on 
the west side only. Formerly there were cam pongs and ricc-fields 
here. At present the island is deserted. The former inhabitants 
all went to Sumbawa, because they were yearly attacked by the 
pirates. 

Opposite the South coast of Pulo Moyo lies, on the West, 
Tanjong Menangis and, in the East, Tanjong Ai Gayong, in front 
of both of which arc reefs. Opposite the east point of the island 
in the N. is Tanjong Arum, and in the S. Tanjong Basso, both 
points of the Tambora mountain-chain. Within the bay we have 
Great and Little Pulo Dangar, opposite Tanjong Ai Raras. Then 
Pulo Liang and Pulo Ngali, both very long, small and high. 
The islets of Pulo Tapan, Tenger, Tai Eebo, Dempu with its 
two horns, and Tepi, are much smaller. 

All these islets mostly consbt of volcanic remains, and are, like 
the following, uninhabited and covered with jungle. 

Pulo Rakit is the largest bland in the bay, long (from S. E. 
to N. W.) and low. 

Nissa Dewa b a naked rock opposite Tanjong Satupu. Palo 
Kowanko is also very long (from 8. K to N. W.) and low, but 
smaller than Pulo Rakit. 

The blets in Labu Santong, Labu Lara, as well as the Great 
and Little Pudu, are naked masses of rock. 

Nissa Balcro, near the shore in the bay of Kowanko and Nissa 
Muntc to the N. W. of Pulo Kowanko are not much larger. 



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S42 BIMA AlTD 8UMBAWA. 

Pulo Satanda, to the N. £. of Palo Moyo, ifl high and abounds 
in game. It is easily recognised by the two nipple-shaped hills of 
which it consists* 

In the bay of Bfma we have to the E. Tanjong Bata Putt,— 
further to the S. Tanjong Batn and to the 8. of Bimai near Lelo, 
Cape Lewi Mori. 

I have already mentioned the blet on which the Northern Fort 
stands and Pulo Kambing opposite Bima. The inhabitants assert 
that Pulo Kambing is a shipwrecked prahu which has been turned 
into stone. They point out all the different parts, cTcn to the cable 
of the anchor. It is a steep rocky hill, on which some half 
withered trees grow. Above, on the hill, is the grave of a saiot 
belonging to the family of the Sultan. The sea round it is very 
rich in fish. 

Nissa Scdu, quite in upper part of the bay, is a small spot 
of ground, which from a superstitious fear cannot be trodden by 
women who are enceinte. Wherefore, people would not tell me. 

We now come to the capes and islands in the Strait of Sapi, 
where they are very numerous. 

The North Easterly point of the country of Bima forms Tan- 
jong Naru, to the north of Labu Kandang, opposite Pulo Gunong 
Api. To the south follows T. Tenge with a cliff at the extremity. 

T. Dumbia divides the bays of Kowo and Sapi and T. Jati 
forms the most easterly point of the land to the south. 

Of the islands, I will first take those in the bay of Sapi. The 
largest is Nissa Na£, that is, the great island, the second in size 
Nissa Entossa, while the many masses of rock which are scattered 
about are collectively called Passir Bajo. 

Nis:3a Todo (and not Sintodo as on former charts) is larger. In 
the Bima language Nissa means island and Todo means ground 
full of holes and pits. To the east lie the three masses of rock and 
the three iilets Burussu, Keppa and Mata Setan. More to the 
south lies the larger Komoro, with some rocks in the vicinity. 

Pulo Gunong Api follows next. The mountain rises imme- 
diately out of the sea and forms two peaks, a northern and sou- 
thern. The last is very steep, with deep chasms and covered with 
wood so that it would appear not to have been in a state of crup- 



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BIM A INB SUHBAWA, 243 

tion for a long time past. Tho sonthern eummit, with a crater on 
the top, still retains its globular shape and is covered from the top 
to the shore with sand and black stones. It is, according to 
Melvill van Cambee, 7123 Rhineland feet high. The crater was 
not in operation at the time I saw iL From time to time, however, 
the mountain is heard thandering and whenever earthquakes are 
felt on Bima it is believed that they proceed from Gunong Api. 
This island was formerly inhabited, although in the dry season 
neither rivulets nor wells yielded any water and in the rainy 
season only after heavy showers. Notwithstandmg this, however, 
water is to be had in abundance all the year round. Wherever 
holes are dug on the shore they are immediately filled with the 
purest water for drinking. Some villages were to be found here 
formerly* When however the villagers were every year attacked 
by pirates and murdered or carried away, they at last forsook it and 
went to Bima, wher«3 part of them settled and part in the 
vicinity of Wiera which is exactly opposite to Gunong Api. The 
fruit trees still flourish which once overshadowed thecampong and 
bear the finest fruit, especially pumplemoses (citrus decumand). 
Some people still go every year to the island and remain some time, 
hunting, fishing, gathering the fruit and burning the grass and 
lalang fields. 

Gili Banta is much larger than the islands already men- 
tioned and has a high peaked hill in the south. Komodo is still 
larger, having a surfiice of about 10 square German miles which is 
intersected from the S. to the N. by a high ndge of hilb. 

All these blands are under the government of Bima, and are all 
at present uninhabited. Some persons formerly lived in Komodo, 
but the attacks of pirates forced them to abandon it and go to 
Bima. To the South of Bima and Sumbawa there are also some 
islets, of which very little is known. Two of these and not one, 
as on all charts,— lie to the South of Bima, close to Prado. Tho 
easternmost is called Tengani, the westermost Sido. Norrie and 
others also place Pulo Rakit here, but it lies in the bay of Sum- 
bawa. 

3. Size of the Idandsj-^Natural and Political Divisions. 

Now that I have described the boundaries of the country, its 
coasts and the islands surrounding it, I will return to tho country 



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244 BTHA AVD SUMBAWA. 

itself. The mainland of Smnbawa and Bima has^ according to tny 
calcalations, a surface of 222 sqnare miles. Mr Mel vill van Cam- 
bee estimates it 878 sqaartf miles, wbicfa ie certainly too mnch, 
even if we ioclttde the sarface of all the neigfaboaririg islands, irhich 
is reckoned at 34 square miles. 

The island is divided into fbar parts by its natural eonformation. 

The first is the Peninsnla of Sumbawa, the westernmost and 
largest division of the country, bounded on the south by the South 
sea, on the west by the Strait of Alias and on the north by the 
Celebes sea and the great bay of Sumbawa. It is joined to the 
eastern part by the isthmus of Kowanko and Mataandis90 
square miles in siie. 

The second division is the peninsula of the T<imbora mountain, 
bounded on the south by the bay of Sumbawa, on the west by the 
Strait Batahay and on the north by the Celebes sea and the bay 
of Sangar. It is connected with the rest of the country by the 
bthmus of Sangar and possesses a superficies of 26 square miles* 

The third division consists of the middle of the country, and is 
bounded on the South by the South sea and on the ncM'th by the 
Celebes sea, while it is connected on the west with Sumbawa and 
Tambora, and extends to the bay of Sumbawa. It is bounded on 
the east by the bay of Bima and the easternmost part is bordered 
by considerable mountains^ It has a surface of 44 square miles. 

The fourth divbion is the eastern penbsula of Bima. It is 
bounded on the north by the sea of Celebes, on the east by Sapi 
Strait and on the south by the South sea. On the west side it is 
shut in by the bay of Bima. The mountains between this bay 
and that of Chempi connect the eastern peninsula with the middle 
of the country. Tbb division contains about 38 square miles. 

The political division of the country is not the same as its natu- 
ral division. 

The first part, only, consists of an entire state, that of Sambawa, 
with the almost independent sub-divisions of Chereweb, Tatiwang^ 
Setelok (and formerly Serang) and Alkis, all lying on Alias strait. 
The isthmus of Mata forms the eastern boundary of the kingdom 
of Sumbawa. 

The second di? ision of the country formed at one time the 



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BIUA AND eUMBAWA. 240 

kingdom of Tambora, and in the South West point of it the 
Btateof Papekat. 

The kingdom of Tambora extended to Sangar and Dompo 
along the isthmus of Sangar. 

The third part consists of the kingdom Dompo and the king-^ 
dom of Sangar, inclosed by it and lying to the north. 

At present Dompo also claims the former kingdoms of Tam» 
bora and Papekat which cannot any longer be considered as 
independent states. 

The eastern half of the third division and the whole of the 
fourth division constitute the kingdom of Bima. 

The size of these states, according to the present divisions of 
the country, is as follows :*- 

Sumbawa, mainland and islands. . • • 93 sq. miles. 
Dompo, „ „ •»•• 70 I, 

Sangar, „ „ •••• 6^ „ 

Bima, „ ,!•••• ilJi „ 

346 
Snmbawa lies between the 116o 47' and ligo 12' East Lat. 
(Greenwich) and has thus a length of 2^ 25'. The western point 
of the land is the Table-point on the Strait of Alias, the eastern 
Tanjong Jati on 119o 12' £. Lat. and 8^ 33' S. Long. The 
distance between these two places is 35^ geographical miles. 
Its greatest breadth, from the northern foot of Tambora in 8^ 6' 
and the last point somewhat to the east of Table-point in 9^ 3* 
8. Long., is 14} geographical miles. 

2. Geological eonUittUion of the islancL Mineral productions. 

Sumbawa is such a mountainous country that there are almost 
no plains to be found in it,— that is, plains of any size. Those 
which we find there are small strips along the coasts and alluvial 
land. They scarcely rise above the level of the sea, from which, 
as well as their small breadth, it is to be presumed that they are of 
recent formation, and that not long ago the sea washed the foot 
of the monntdns. It is certain that the ashes, during the eruption 
of Tambora, added much to theur extent The geognostic struo- 
turc of the mountains of Sumbawa is very simple. I have 

F 



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246 BIVA AUD SVMBAWA. 

only noticed Jwir principal formatiomiy ?ix., the aHavial groond, 
already mentionedi new coral formations, reconi coarse chalk 
(groflcalk) and yolcantc remains. 

The coarse chalk forms no very large masses, is nowhere 
drif en high up (scarcely to fiOO feet) and bears very evident traces 
of haTing once been washed by the sea. I have not found a aingle 
petri&cUon. 

At one phice it appeared as if the coarse chalk had been 
driven up through the Tolcanio mountain chain, at another that 
it had been burst through by it and lastly that it was covered by it 

I have met with it on the following places vis ; on the ridge of 
the Woo Sahdi, which divides Bima from Dompo and forms the 
connectmg link between the northern and southern mountain-chains 
of these countries; on Pulo Moyo: on the hill ranges between 
Sumbawa and Rd, but only appearing in detached places, and at 
the same time in other hills which consist of volcanic masses of 
stone ; on the bank of the river Tampok Benok, mingled in un- 
equal combination with volcanic remains. 

The coral formadon is confined to the low islands in the west. 
The volcanic elements are, besides sand, ashes, lapillis, pumice 
•tone and volcanic tufibtone, principally trachite and lava. I never 
found either basalt or obsidian. 

The topography of the mountuns seems to be much more mtri« 
cate, and I shall here shortly sketch it. 

In general the country consists purely of volcanic remains, or of 
fragments, which have been strewed and flung to a distance when the 
volcanoes formed themselves, or h ave been scattered and destroyed 
by subterranean forces. Such a systematic combination of raised 
and upheaved places as in the east of Java, Bali and Lombok, we 
never find here. Certainly no island in the Archipelago has 
suffered so much from violent changes and shocks in its geological 
condition as Sumbawa. Except the southern peak of Gunong 
Api, no mountain has retained its original shape, and in most of 
them it is scarcely to be recognized. 

We can distingaish four mountain chains on Sumbawa which 
all run from the east to the west. The Northern consists of the 
remains of some volcanoes^ which have partly retained their circu* 
lar and coneshaped appearance. 



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fiZMA AND SUIIBAWA. r^lBl' 247 

The Western consiBto of the beautiful mountain Ngengesi which 
forms the north western point of the country. The whole moun- 
tain forms a huge crater with a steep descent on the inside, while 
the outer sides consbtof numerous sharp ridges which radiate in 
all directions. Numerous rivulets and rivers flow down the inter- 
vening hollows. Tlie wall of the crater is broken through on the 
N. W. so that the lai^est chasm is here, in which the village Budr 
is situated. The highest peak to the S. is called Satupu and that 
to the :^. W. Sabra (which is seen from Alias). The highest and 
lowest mountain ridges stretch to the Southward. First the Gu* 
nong Bedokh along the coast of Alias strait; more inland the 
Tamper-Bayem which terminates near the village Reba and the 
very high ridge lying next it called Gunong Sonkhar. All three 
run from the N. to the S. 

I hold the mountain Ngcnges to be the highest in Sumbawiii 
although the natives assort that Gunong Batu Lanteh is higher. 
I place the height at 5,400 Rliineland feet. My calculation can- 
not be more than 200 feet from the truth. 

The mountain is more thickly covered with trees, than any of 
the others which lie in the vicinity of Tambora. It is also well 
supplied with water. To the east of Ngenges and somewhat 
more to the N. lie the Scesct mountains, of which the uppermost 
part is serrated like a comb and runs from the S. W. to the N. E. 
The detached peaks which belong to it, are the steep Skedet to 
the S. and the Pussu to the N. The highest point of this moun- 
tain is probably not more than 2,400 feet above the surface of the 
sea. 

On the N. N. W. side of it rises the isolated, steep and cone- 
shaped Gunong Rd, also of volcanic origin. 

The third mountain of this scries is the Batu Lanteh in the S. 
W. of Sumbawa. The natives consider it the highest mountain 
of the country, in which I do not agree with them. It is particu- 
larly rich in water, on account of which the natives facetiously 
call it Gunong Perampuan. Its slopes are not very steep, so 
that its form has the appearance of a fiat pressed cone. The 
ridges also which ruu down from it are not so dharp us thuiio of 
Gunong Ngcnges. 

The higher part of the mountaio and thu S. W. slope arc 



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248 fillfl AND SVUBAWA. 

ooTered with fine trees. I visited this mountain on the lOlh and 
12th September, 1848. X followed the river from Sambawm 
upwards to the village Pelat through a well cnlttvated vallef • 
From thence I ascended a mountain ridge which I followed 
upwards to Summung, wliere a spring of water takes its rise. 
lliere was formerly a small mountain yillnge here but it is now 
abandoned. We now only find a few huts here and there on the 
mountain ridge imd the slopes. They are only inhabited duing 
the season when the cultivation of hill paddy draws the people 
there. From hence a footpath leads to the villages Ngeotong 
and Ampang in the N, £. lying on one side of the ravine, while 
another runs to Mugen and the neighbouring mountain villages 
Tepo, Batu Rotokb, Mnssukh, Tankan Pnlit, &c, in the S. W. 
Opposite to fiummung we find ourselves amongst very old trees. 
The mountain has two peaks, of which the 8. E. appeared to me 
the highest I asoended the N. Western, which has an unusual- 
ly shv*p ridge at last. Above lie two masses of rock, which 
run into a blunt point and turn the flat side to each other, form- 
ing a cleft about a foot wide from which water wells out. 
This split rook or stone is the cause of the name of the mountain. 
The natives say that these two rocks on the top (for there are 
two others besides these) belonged to a fortified village, which 
was surrounded by walls and fortifications. With consider- 
able difficulty I climbed to the top of the highest of the 
trachite rocks, which commands a most enchanting view. From 
Gunong Rlnjani on Lombok I perceived a vast column of smoke 
ascending. The Tambora, on the other hand, was scarcely dis- 
cernible in the flood of light difi'nsed by the morning rays. At its 
foot the great bay of Sumbawa was visible, its smallest and most 
hidden nooks and all its numerous islets standing dbtinctly out To 
the south, in the distance, stretches the labyrmth of the mountain- 
ous world of Sumbawa, of which none can tell me the secrets, any 
more than I, with my compass, can measure the principal peaks. 
The rocks, impregnated with iron, drew the needle entirely out of 
its proper direction — sometimes as much as 9^. By means of 
the temperature of boiling water I estimated the height of the 
peak on which 1 was standing at 5090 Rhineland feet. The 
second range of the mountains of Sambawa shows itself much lees 



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BIMA AND BVHBAWA. 240 

distinctly, it -does not fonn a sepante system, but consists of side 
branches or pieces of the contigaons ranges to the N. and to the 
8«; and partly also of isolated moantains or such as have been 
thrown up between by simultaneous volcanic action in the N. and 
in the 8. We can recognize in this range only one common Tolca- 
nie origin, but there is no agreement in form— 'no fixed direction 
and no central point conspicuous from height or extent. 

To this range, to the west, belong Gunong Mantar near Setelok 
in the Strait of Alias, Ounong Bedokh (i. e. the long mountain), 
—Tamper Bayem and Gunong Sonkhar. 

To the south this mountain range is divided by the Taliwang 
river and the rivulets falling into it. To these succeed the Udan 
'river in the valley of Mugen and Kalais. On the right bank (I.e. 
to the S.) the mountun called Batu Besanak rises out of a high 
steep ridge with seven rugged points, from whence the mountain 
derives its name, which means " the mountain with its children.** 

On the left (i. e. to the N. E.) lies the rounded and less lofty 
Atas Kalais, i. e. '' the head of Ealais.'' It is entirely covered 
with alang-alang while the sides of Batu Besanak are bare in 
many places. Further to the E. we have the Setemper which 
is completely overgrown with alang-alang and abounds in deer. 
It is aspedesof high country, consisting of hundreds of rounded 
hills* There is very little water in the intervening hollows, where, 
however, rice was formerly cultivated. Two steep precipitous 
pyramidal rocks called Gunong Tutuk are conspicuous amongst 
these hills. To the N. and N. E. of the Setemper mountain, lie 
the high mountun ridges, known under the names of G. Sell, O. 
Lammer and G. Patonang, about south from Sumbawa. They 
are covered with jungle, but none of them are probably above 
2,000 feet high. In the same direction, but further to the east, 
follows the labyrinth of hills between Plampang and Sumbawa, 
which stretch in a long longitudinal direction from the S. S. E. to 
the N. N. W. from Jaran Pussang to Tanjong Menangis. This 
collection of Tolcanic debris has no general name with the popula- 
tion. Each high hill has its own particular appellation. Most of 
these hills on the N. N. W. side are very steep and destitute of 
vegetation, while those in the 8. 9. E., are gently swelling and 
covered with alang-alang. They mostly consist of lava and some- 



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uao »mA AUD buiihawa. 

times of volcanic luff-fltone. I have nowhere obecrved a continii- 
onfl regular formation. The islands of Palo Dangar to, and indur 
81 ve of, N. laang also belong to tliis colleotion of liiUs, wbich, for the 
rest, must bo considered as belonging not only to the second but 
also to the first range of mountains. 

The thnrd range of the mountains of Sumbatra was not Tisitod 
by mo, although I was at its base. It stretches in an almost 
unbroken Ibe from Sast to West, and it will be better, instead of 
describing it from West to East, like those above, to reverse the 
order. It commences abruptly in the East with a steep moun- 
tain, the Jaran Pussang, which appears to me to be a burst 
volcano. It is naturally a wedge shaped hill, forming the § or | 
part of a conenihapcd mountain, wliich it has been originally. 
The eastern and northern sides are precipitous, perpendicular 
walls, more than 1^00 feet high, while the southern and western 
sides, as is usual in Indian volcanoes, slope gently down and lose 
themselves in tha low ground. I estimate the height of the top 
at more than 3,000 feet. Jaran Pussang means ^ a steep horse** 
and in reality the contour of the crest from many sides has much 
resemblance to the back of a horse. Other parts of the moun- 
tain have difTcrent names. The natives assert that the mountain 
cannot be ascended without danger of life. As soon as the top 
is reached, the rash explorer is assailed by tempests, rain, &c, 
which deprive him of life. It is a legend which is related of 
other high mountains, and generally where the mhabitants ar« 
too lazy to undertake the ascent. 

Further to the West wo find another high point in the chain^ 
Gunong Ropang. It has much resemblance to Batu Lanleb, 
and is rather higher than the Jaran Pussang. It is Yery jungly 
and abounds in water. The ground must be very fertile. Most 
of the coffee consumed in the kingdom of Sumbawa comes from 
the plantations on Ounong Ropang, on which some villages are 
found at a considerable height. The chain extends further to 
Alias Strait, between Taliwang and Cbereweh, without showing 
a high point of any importance. The whole extent of the range 
appears to be of volcanic origin. To the west of Gunong Ropang 
the range appears to be completely intersected by two voUeys 
which afford passages to the Panik and Udan streams. 



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BTMA AND SUMBAWA. 251 

The fourth mountain-rango runs along the south coast to the 
Strait of Alias. It commenoeB with Ounong Dodo^ a mountain 
on the South coast having much similarity to the Ropang, and 
about 8,600 feet high. This chain is also cut throngh in many 
places. The eastern part is decidedly volcanic, while, on the otlicr 
band, it is probable diat the chalk formation commences at the so 
called Tafelkoek (Table point), — as the name appears to indicate^ 
and which is also confirmed by the analogous geological rebtions 
on Lambok, Bali and Java. 

The third and fourth mountain chains, are those, probably, 
which are marked on charts of Sumbawa in the south, <' high 
elevated land in a double chain of mountains** (see Norric, Berghaus 
and others). 

From Jaran Pussang in the direction of the East the nature of the 
country and the mountains begin to alter. At the eastern foot of this 
mountain there runs through the country or through the isthmus, 
a strip of low land from the S. E. to the N. W. which constitutes 
the lowest portion of the country, and fVom that circumstance 
is called ^'Koliong*'. The conjunction ofthe South sea with the 
bay of Sumbawa is however not a valley properly so called, for it 
consists in all parts of hilly country at least 300 feet above the level 
ofthe sea, and can only be denominated low land in comparison to 
the much higher mountain country lying to the east and west To 
the N. W. this level plain terminates in the valley of L. £!ollong, 
while in the south east, probably on the south side, it ends in an al- 
luvial coast plain at the place marked on the charts '^ long island'*. 
If we now proceed further towards the £. we find a similarly form- 
ed mountainous or rather high hilly country, which extends from 
Jaran Pussang to the bay of Jempi. It consists of numerous hill 
ranges, which run in a direction from the S. E. to the S. W. with 
more or less noticeable variations to the S. and N.W. and E. The 
slopes are generally steep, the ridges broad and flat, — and the 
valleys lying between them so narrow that they may be called 
defts. ConcHBhaped mountain tops, circular mountains, traces of 
craters and so forth are not to be met with here, although they 
have clearly been elevated by volcanic agency. They all rise 
precipitously from the South sea and extend to the bay of Sum- 
bawa. 



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aSe BlUA AirP BVMBAWA. 

From the West to the Eaet we have the foUawing points, wfaicb 
are at all distinguidied by height. 

Ganong Lompak, W. S« W. and Oonong Sadi to the W. 8. oT 
Ampang. Oanong Baja ie aa isolated peak to the N. between L. 
KoIloDg and L. Santong. 

From Ampang going towards the east, we have the following 
hill ranges : 

First, rising over the barren plateau or tabk land called Lat^r, 
which forms the foreground, we hare Gunong Pedu Mangi, (tole- 
rably high), Mangitoi (much lower), Danan Dereh (west), Danan 
Dereh (east), Wonto (west), Wonto (east), Latta, Welaand Riaso. 

The mouQtaia Mangi is on the west side covered with bambn, 
while on the east side side it is thickly covered with jungle. The 
last of this hill range, forms the highest monntam among them, the 
Mata do Jawa (the eye of Javanese). At its eastern base lie the 
villages Mata to the 8. E. and Kowanko to the N. Behind this 
mountain, a little more to the W., rises the still higher top of the 
mountain Gunong Troa (the dear mountain). 

I have thus gone through the whole structure of the mountains 
on Sumbawa, and I shall now go over the other parts of the coun- 
try. I need only further mention, that in the language of Sum- 
bawa a mountain is called Olat, while in the Bima language a 
monntiun is called Doro and a chain of mountains or mountainous 
country is called Dongo. 

The same hilly formation prevails, direct to the bay of Chempi. 

From the valley of Kowanko to the east, follow the hill range of 
0-on-Janga, which consists of volcanic tuffnitone of which the 
layers are so singularly placed that they have a dose resemblance 
to a wall which has fallen down, and Panto*bungi, Mehjang and 
Lemba, all three low, sterile and covered with thomy-bambus. 
The Luru Bangu is much higher and longer. It encloses the haj 
of Sumbawa on the east On its west side it is very steep. In the 
south there is a high peak, one of the highest of thb hill country, 
called Sahtpi, certainly over 1,000 feet high. Beyond the Luru 
Bungo in the east there stretches the valley of Bango. Then 
follows a ridge which runs from the 8. to the N., connecting the 
mountain chains to the N. and the 8. by a cross-range, at the 
point over which the road passes, called Doro Sir],--more norther- 



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BIMA AND SUMBAWA. 233 

ly Doro Karira^ and more to the South called Doro I>epa. Close 
on the bay of Chempi in the west lies the Doro Lara. This bay 
taken in connection with the broad plain of Dompo, marks 
distinctly the termination of the southern hill country. Further 
to the east this hill country undergoes a change in its character. 
tt still consists of parallel ridges^ which run from the south-east to 
ihe north-west, but these ridges arc higher. They are no longer 
hills but mountains. Some points are distinguishable from' their 
height, form and steepness. Others still show remains of old 
craters or solfataras. Between them are deep vallies, through 
which flow streams and rivers which present ample space for culti- 
vation and occupation. 

In the first of these ranges the pyramidal mountain Rango 
raises itself in the S. E. of Dompo. The second range has the two 
high peaks of the Jara Dundu in the south. This name signifies 
''a mountain so steep that horses on its sides slip down bclow*% 
To the northward this ridge expands into the broad plateau of 
Woo-Saheh (buffalo neck) consisting of chalk, — which bounds 
the plain of Dompo to the east, and forms a connecting link 
between the north and south hill country. On the south side and 
at the extremity of one of the ranges lies the Gnnong Jollo os 
Sulphur mountain, south-west of the village Brado and south-east 
of Dompo, within which last district it is situated. The fotlowing 
are some particulars regarding this mountain. It lies at the dis- 
tance of a day's journey from Prado, two day's journey from 
Bimat, aiid two fi^m Dompo. It is ascended on the north side. 
The Souib-sea is visible ^tom the summit. In order to reach the 
0olfatara (from which the sulphur ]8obtaihed)'it is necessary to 
descend thef southern side it little way, and a hollow is reached, 
ifhich forms the halF or | part of )& basin, which Is open on the 
south side. Through this opening flows a stream of cold and clear 
water to the South sea. The sulphur is dug from three places, in 
the east, the south and the west. Each place is from 100 to 120 
roods long and 50 to GO roods broad. The sulphur collects 
between masses of white stone (probably dissolved trachite) and 
ibmetimes covers a space of 1 to 3 roods square. Oh the liquid 
and warm sulphur there is a hard crust of two inches thick. It is 
<ni1y dug in the morning and evening, it being too hot to work it 

G 



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204 BlXl AKS BVU^XWJL 

in the middle of the day. Bound holes ere madei at a distance 
firom each other of 8 or 9 feet, which are two feet deep and have 
an outlet from above of one, and from below of from three to four 
feet. A koyan of sulphur was formerly dug yearly at this plaoe^ 
but more than twenty oould be procured. At present the working 
is abandoned. Since the Sultan of Dompo has quarrelled with the 
Sultan of Bima he has prevented tlie Bimanese from resorting to 
it. The people of Dompo do not go there as it is too fiurfrom 
them. 

Gunong Prewa is the north western termination of another 
range, which rises to the cast of the two Jara Dundus. That 
it is an eiistiug volcano, appears from the sol&tra on its south* 
western slope. Formerly reports were heard from the interior of 
the mountain like claps of thunder, and when thunder is heard st 
Bima from the south, it is said to come from Gunong Prewa. 
The Woo-Saheh, Jara Dundu and the Prewa enclose the fertile 
plains of Silah and Dena and the sterile plains of Dongo-bolo and 
Belo, which extend round the bases of these mountains and th^ 
back ground of the bay. 

I am less acquainted with the mountainous country towards the 
south-east and must therefore leave some ranges undescribed. On 
the east side of the bay of Bima and to the south of the chief 
place, the mountain Londa stretches from the north to the south. 
The advanced hill Lewi Mori, which is an outshoot from it, is a 
lava stream, of which it is not easy to determine the origin. In 
the south, the D. Londa terminates at the Belo liver. To the S. 
£• of the village of Belo is a hill, which, accord- ing to the natives, 
is so steep that no European can ascend it. At the foot of this hill, 
it is rehted, is a spring and near it a bench and a chair which 
have been turned into stone. Above on the hill, stands a horse 
with saddle and bridle and a cat, which have also been converted 
into stone. The horse is named, after its owner, Ompu Beba* 
Once upon a time the ground in this quarter began to shake and 
everything to turn into stone. Ompu Reba then fled to horse, 
while his cat ran after him. But when he saw that his horse could 
not go further and was also changing into stone, he leapt off and 
fled alone. 

The whole legend undoubtedly refers to a volcanic working or 



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BlUA AND SUSI^AWA. 265 

tartbquake or an eniption of Tolcanic matteri and may cerUunly 
be held to be connected with the lava stream of Lewi Mori. 

In the eastern part of the country another high mountain ridge 
shows itselfi which runs in la double bend irom the N. W. to the 
8. B. The highest northern point is Doro Tongo, from which 
the whole mountain chain is sometimes called Dongo or the 
mountain country of Tongo. The central and highest peak is call* 
ed D. Sambori. The eastern on Sapi strait is called D. Massa. 
To the east of this mountain extends a broad mountain ridge^ 
which consists of a great many low, rounded and sterile hills, 
running from the mountains in the north to the bay of Sapi and 
parallel with the similarly described hill chain of Tongo. This 
country on the wefi(t side is called 6. Wabo. 

The eastern part of the island, lastly, includes the mountain* 
ridge Lambu, which runs from the W. to the East to Tanjong 
Jati. O. Lambu is a truncated, cone-shaped hill, with not very steep 
slopes, against which lean some isolated, steep and cone-shaped 
hills. I estimate its height at 4,600 foot. It may have been a 
burnt out volcano and each hill one of its side openings. 

It now remains to go over the northern mountain chains of the 
eastern part of the island. 

The first which we find in the west is the Tambora, in the 
mountain country of Sangar, but I will postpone its description 
until further on, when I will collect all that relates to this range 
and its mountains in one chapter. 

Further to the east, in the kingdom of Dompo, come the moun- 
tains in the district Sneho, with the highest peak D. Snahi. It is 
unoccupied by the popuktion, notwithstanding it appears fertile 
and fitted for cultivation to the highest point (3,000 feet). It is 
connected with the mountains in the S. by the Doro Sirih. 

Further east follow the mountains of the district Kilo, with the 
highest point D. Dende. It has much resemblance to the prece- 
ding mountains, but is higher (perhaps 4,000 feet). Lastly, we 
find in the west of the bay of Bima the mountains of Dongo Pajo, 
called in Bima simply Dongo (the mountain country). It is like 
the two preceding of volcanic character. The western and highest 
part forms the proper mountain of Pajo. It is a mountain of 
cone-shaped appearance, with two peaks; between which is a 



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2oG BltfA AUD SUHBaWA. 

saddic-ridgo, from which it is called by seamen Saddle-mountain. 
The north-western peak is called D. Dendi,-the south eastern 
Aru Hassa. I ascended the last from the village of Piyo on the 
8th and 0th September. It had never been ascended preyiouslj^ 
not even by the natives. The highest point is thickly covered 
with jungle, principally Frcycinetias and Gleichenias. All the 
way up the mountain forms a ridge, very like a roof, of which the 
cast side runs nearly 2,000 feet straight to the bottom. I tried the 
height with boiling water and estimated it at 6,340 feet. D. Dini 
is somewhat lower. The Woo Saheh leims against D. Pajo to 
the south. 

The eastern part of this mountain country conrists of a high and 
long mountain-chain, with many steep points and summits. It 
runs from north to south along the west coast ofBima^and 
encloses the Aru Hassa in a great bend. On the inner side, the 
sides are very steep. On the outer, they slope gently down to 
the bay, intersected by the ravines, between which there are aa 
many exceedingly sharp ridges with almost perpendicular sides. 
To the north of this chain rises the isolated Vader Smit or D. 
Soro Mandi, 4,421 Rhineland feet high, according to Mr Melvile 
van Carnbee. It has never been ascended. The natives state 
that there is a hollow on the top, containing a lake, which is y&j 
probable. There must be still traces remaining of a former crater* 
From the flat summit bold ribs run down the steep slopes on all 
sides. When the earthquake occurred in 1836, large pieces fell 
from these ribs on the south into tlie ravines. The Bimanese 
have many legends and superstitions regarding the Soro Mandi. 
In its jungle lurk enormously large serpents, millipeds as long aa 
an arm and as broad as the hand, and troops of mountain-demons. 
In short, death awaits the rash adventurer who should attempt to 
climb the mountain. Also, spanning the middle of the mountain, 
there is a kain (doth) woven of gold thread. It is invisible and 
cannot be stept over. He only, who at this place delivers up two 
pure virgins, can cross the magic barrier. Unfortunately I had 
no ume to prove to the brave burghers of Bima that it was possi- 
ble to surmount the barrier without such a fascinating offering. 
In the chain which runs along the bay, we can distinguish a 
number of peaks, of which I shall only notice those most distin- 



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I^IltA AND svmdaWa. 257 

gaishcd by lioiglit vis— to the north D. Sura, D. Lassi and D. 
Tiro^ which are all probably above 4>000 feet high. The Dongo 
Bafaia 18 tho steepest of all. It has the appearance of a three sided 
pyramid and is so steep in the upper part that it is impossible to 
climb it. It is about 3^000 feet high. The slopes are covered 
with alang-alang* D. Lari, to the south of this, is still lower, 
a flat ridge, somewhat resemblrag a coffin in appearance. The 
chain is terminated by the isolated cone-shaped hill Dongo or 
Ounong Iku. 

To the cast of the bay there are two other steep chains of hills 
on the north ooaet. Both are circular mountains, with deep but 
ruptured cauldrons on the inner side. Both are remains of old 
volcanoes. 

The western mountain is the Mongo Lewi, the different peaks 
of which have distinctive names, such as that called D. Kray to 
the N. £. of Bima, at the foot of which the chief place is situated. 

The eastern system has several names. It is higher and moro 
extensive than the system of Mongo Lewi. Both are connected 
by a high mountain ridge of the Doro Lela. 

In the west is tlie mountain chain which forms the north oasterh 
lK>int of the country, called 6. Maria — in Sapi simply Ara, name- 
ly the mountain, or the great mountain. It is most open to the 
N. or next the side of the village Wiera, where a valley runs from 
the sea right into thu heart of the mountains. To the west the 
valley is enclosed by the high and ste -p ridge of the Gunong 
Chewu, across which the road to Bima runs. In all directions 
similar, although less lofty, ridges (such as 6. Kanento) extend to 
the N. E. The highest part of the mountains is covered with 
beautiful jungle. On the western ridge are very fine teak trees. 
I make O. Maria 6,000 feet high, and the path across Chewu, 
according to a barometrical observation, 1,660 Rhineland feet. 

I will here add a few particulars regarding the mineral produo* 
tions and resources of this mountain world. 

Salt. See the chapter on trade and indu&try. 

Sulphur. I have mentioned this in describing Gunong Jollo. 
Sulphur is also found in the solfatara of the Gunong Prewa, but 
in trifling quantity. A great deal of sulphur exists on the sides of 
the Tambora. 



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258 AlllA AND SUltBlWA 

Ar$enic, k probably also found on the Tambora. 

Pumice Stone, in incredible qaantity round the Tamboia, but 
it 18 of very inferior quality. 

Aaphalt and earthM>il in the interior of Floree near BarL 

Haneu They are fodnd high in the hills near Alias and also 
in the river of that name. The place where they are picked up n 
difficuU of access. The stones are of very good quality and even 
adapted to set pen-knives. They have given their name to Allas^ 
for that word in the Sumbawa language is the same as in the 
Malay alu»f and means ,/SfM. 

Batu Lebbo, a hard clay which is found in the interior of Sum» 
bawa and is brought to market in Sumbawa. The stones are 
heated, then pounded very fine and eaten by themselves or with 
rice and vegetables; this singular dainty b chiefly used by preg- 
nant women. 

Opdlf b found iu detached pieces on the Gunong Prowa. 

Preeiaui Metah, or metab such as lead, tin, iron &c in latge 
deposits are not met with on Bima and Sumbawa. No coal of 
any kind has been found. 

The Prigi Tambaga, three hours to the south of Sapi is not so 
named because copper is found there, but on account of the metallic 
sound which is observed when a stone b dropped into thb holy 
well| which b 60 feet deep. 

Riven and Rivukte. 

It is almost unnecessary to remark that on an bland of the 
extent of Sumbawa, no streams of any sise, much less large riven, 
can be found. No single river of the country b in the proper 
sense of the word navigable. At the most they ean only be used 
with small boats, and generally only at the mouths when the tide 
is full. In the rainy season most of them are swollen, but only 
for short and uncertain periods. The rapid currents, moreover, 
then render them all but unnavigable. 

Most of the rivers and rivulets dry up in the fair season, while 
others dbappear in the sand and only have water in them amongst 
the mountains. In the rainy season, on the contrary, they have 
not only water, but many of them, especially those which rise in 
the mountains, change into destructive mountain streams and wild 



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BIMA AVD SUMBAWA. 8S9 

torrents, which overflow their banks and sometimes work much 
mischief. 

(M. Zollinger adds the names of a great number of rivers and 
rivulets, which are omitted here as not possessing any interest to 
the reader.) 

Chapter II. 

THB TBOBTATZON OF THE ISLAKD. 

1. JEtttemat Appearance. 

In regard to the Botany I need only describe it very briefly^ 
because in general the Botanical character of the vegetation on 
the island of Sumbawa is identical with that of Java. 

As on Java, we also find here antitheses in the vegetable 
kingdom ; in the sea and on the land, — on the shore and in the 
interior,— in the plain and on the mountain^on the cultivated 
and the uncultivated ground. Bima, however, has no Alpine 
regions, for there is only one peak which rises above the 8,000 
feet, that of the Tambora, whereon no vegetation exists. 

The country has been much poorer in plants since the desola- 
tion of 1815, for many plants which require a humid jungle 
and a thick humus layer for their production, have probably died 
Qttt. Many places which were formerly thickly covered with 
vegetation are now covered with ashes or with a very thin sprink- 
ling of plants. That the number of individual plants has been 
diminished is evident, but we can only guess at the kinds. 

Although the flora of the country is rich, yet we can readily 
perceive that there is on a similar extent of ground on Java more 
species of plants than on Bima and Sumbawa. The greatest 
difierence between the vegetable kingdom on Java and that on 
Sumbawa is more a physiognomical than a systematic botany, 
at least during the dry season. Nearly all the trees then lose 
Aeir leaves, and the trees are as bare as they are during the winter 
in Europe. An exception to this, however, occurs in the planta- 
tions formed by man, — the higher forests on the mountains, — and 
the vegetation growing close on the shore, which at all times 
surrounds the coast with a green and fresh girdle. In the forests 
growmg on stony hill slopes and on plains covered with ashes, this 
periodical shedding of leaves is the most marked. In the dry sea- 



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260 BtMA AND smnAWA. 

son, fcr example, the lull and mountain slopes which sorroand the 
bay of Bima, present a Tery dismal and withered appearance. 
At such times the only pfau)e0 where the eye finds a green spot to 
rest upon, are near campongs or where a river finds it way throagh 
a ravine or on the hill tops. Everywhere there prevails a greyish 
brown raooldiness which speedily weariers the eye. The grass and 
alang-alang fields appear to be covered with straw. At a later 
season those intended for pastore were set on fire and the black, 
bumt-np bill sides increased the dismal impression which sach 
a waste landscape made on os. The only places on Java 
which I can in any manner compare with the above, are the 
slopes of the Arak-arak mountains near Beznkie and those of the 
Balnran mountains, as well as the eastern plains and hiUocks m 
the division of Panamkan. The tamarind trees which are found 
growing in great numbers on the driest ground constitute an agree- 
able exception. New leaves make their appearance as soon aa 
Aoso of the previoQS year have (kUen oflT, and the young foliage 
has the same dedicate green as beech trees in Europe* How 
welcome were these trees to me, when they aflbrded me a thick 
shady refuge during the burning mid-day heat, while all around 
was leafless and the eyes were nearly blmded by the intense light 
of the aoon-day sun and the refiraction from the base ash-covered 
ground. 

On the arid pluns and low hills we chiefly find thorny shrubs. 
The most common is the Acada^^nnenioMa or the Elayu Pilang <f 
Java. The young shoots, of which the thorns are still weak, are 
eagerly devoured by the buffiiloes, which often can find no other 
food than the shoots of this or other trees. In still greater abun- 
dance we find the Bidara tree (ziziphus jnjuba) the sour fhAt of 
which, with the tamirind, forms the principal food of a number of 
monkeys. Thorny climbing plants are also abundant, such as the 
Acacia, Capparis and the Caesalpinia, amongst which ought to be 
mentioned Uie sapan wood (also a Caesalpinia.) 

I will here shortly enumerate the principal physiognomical 
plant-forms. 

I have already mentioned the shore vegetation. It almost 
entirely consbts of trees with constantly green shining leaves. 
The Rhizophora, Sonneratia and Adviecnnia and others grow in 



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BIMA AVP «UlfBAWA. 261 

the watcr^ while the Kayu Sawo (Diospyroe kanki), the gigantic 
Ketapang (Terminalia), and Barringtonia and the dark-green 
Janiplong (Galophyllnm Inophyllnm) grow along the ahorein 
the Band. Sometimea low, grey green Saltcornia, Sakolas and 
Trianthemas with fleshy leaves cover the salt-saturated ground. 
We most generally met with thickets of Exooecaria Agallocha, L. 
This tree is much larger here than I have any where seen it on 
Java« 

The cultivated plants are mnch the same on Sumbawa as on 
Java, such as coco palms, fruit trees and bambns in the campongSj 
rice fields, sugar canes &c« 

In the jungle, the most important of the palms which we find is 
the lonthar-tree, with its globular, grey-green crown, in the damp 
hoUowsnear the sea* I have already mentioned the appearance of 
the leafless forests on the plain and on the mountain sides. After 
the first falls of rain in September and October the aspect of things 
undergoes a change. New leaves burst forth and a new green 
mantle spreads itself over the forests and fields, increanng daily, 
until the whole country has undergone a complete alteraUon. The 
forests and trees then again resemble those of Java, and those in the 
higher mountain-chains and well watered valleys of Sumbawa. 

It u only on the northern and south-wdstem slopes of the Tam- 
bora that we find fir-trees^ represented by the Chamara-trees 
(Casuarina montana, Jungh.) 

The cactus-like, apetalons Euphorbiacea, constitute ft complete- 
ly peculiar form of plants, which are only met with on Java sing- 
ly or planted in hedges. On Bima they are found in large thick- 
ets, chiefly on stony hillocks and flats. The Euphorbia Tirucalli 
is the most abundant, and is a pretty large tree with a stem more 
than i a foot in diameter. Another form which deserves notice 
are the bamba tickets. They are all thorny bambus and are found 
mostly on the barren, rooky mountain-ridges, — ^for example on the 
bays of Chempi and Sumbawa, on the Chewu &c. They are not 
so pretty as the bambn clumps on the Smeru and the Salak &q 
on Java ; which are of an entirely different kind of bambu. Those 
on Bima lose their leaves every season. Their stalks are not very 
tUck and hang over very much. They therefore obstruct the way 

H 



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262 BIMA AND flVirBAWA. 

and mkft it diffieoU to tntvel through them. They we of Tcry 
little uae for eoonomical parpoees. 

I have already mentioned that grass and lallaag fields are not 
wanting. The Wabo range, the slopes of the Dongo, the Pajo 
and the Tamborai the Setemper range &o are covered by them. 
They generally spring np in places where the jungle has been 
burned and cut down. 

2. On some Sjfitematk CharaeieriMtiei nf tie Vegeiaiiom 
iff Bwkbuwtu 

- I mentioB here as charactemtics those features in which the 
flora of Binm and Sumbawa differs from that of Java, without 
distnigiashiag all new or peculiar plants. This can still the less 
be determined, because a number of the plants found here are yet 
wholly undescribed and undasrifled. The researches of Botanists 
in Europe will fix what is really new. It appears to me that the 
sea on the coasts of the island and the salt waters are richer in 
Algtt than those of Java. Other water plants of higher formation 
are more abundant here ; such as many Hydrilhsi and especially 
two kinds of a new species of the family of Podostemes. These 
are probably the already known species of Lemnopsisof Zippdhis. 
I had further the satisfaction to ascertain the peculiar fructifica* 
tion of the Enhalus, This plant, like the foregoing, grows under 
the water of the sea. 

Fewer ferns are found on Bima and Sumbawa than on J*va. 
This is the case also with the Orchide se, and in general with all 
pseudo^parasites, so that I only found m the country three kinds 
of Loranthus. I found one true Aloe on the rocks in the valley 
of Sapi and in the bay of Bima. Beyond the usual plantation^ of 
palms the country is poor in varieties of the family, which is the 
case also with the rattan (Calamus). The PiperacesB are also 
scarce. I do not recollect to have seen a single oak (quercns) in. 
the mountain forests. All the plants which grow on Java above 
8,000 feet are entirely wanting, as are also the rhododendnuuy 
ranunculus &c. The island is particularly poor in Myrsinete. I 
saw only two Ardisia and one Algiceras. Almost as unfrequent 
are the Anonacese so numerous on Java. On the other hand, the 
country is rich in those plants which grow readily on the shore. 



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BIMA AND flUMBAWA. 263 

tn the sand, between stones and especially on dr^ and sanny spots. 
These are mostly plants with thick, juicy and fleshy leaves. To 
these belong the Salsola, the Salicornia and nomeroos Portulac- 
cese, amongst which are not fewer than 3 Trianthemas, 2 to 3 
Glinus, 2 Portnlacca and 1 HoUugo, making 12 to 13 kinds of 
plants of this &mily, while on Java only 10 are to be found. 

Here> also^ is the native placeof theCapparidese, of whichi 
found 8 or kinds, while there are scarcely so many on Java. A 
new discovery is also a small plant, of the European species of 
the £pilobinm, which grows on the top of the Tambora. It is the 
first kind of this species which up to the present time has been 
observed in the Archipelago. As in all parts of the Archipelago* 
we find here in abundance the families of CompontesBi the Malva- 
ceae, EuphorbiacesB and PapilionacecB. 

3. The principal euUivated and useful pbnUs. 

These I will treat more in a botanical point of view, reserving 
for another portion of this sketch, the details relating to their 
culture and use. I will first mention plants which furnish food. 
The plant which here furnishes the most indispensibie article of 
fiM)d 18 the rice-plant. It is cultivated in the same manner as on 
Java, at the same season, and in the same three chief varieties and 
numerous sub-divisions* 

The next in importance to the rioe is undoubtedly the Maize ; 
indeed in some parts it is preferred to rice, and in general is more 
cultivated than on Java. 

As in all parts of the Archipelago there are many kinds of pulse 
(kachang) planted on Sumbawa, especially the kaekang gau 
(Phaaeoltts radiatus.) 

Of roots which furnish flour, we find the same kinds as on Java 
-^Hshiefly the edible AroidesB (Colocasia) the Batatas and the 
Dioeoorea or the Gadung* 

European potatoes are not planted ; European peas and salad are 
sometimes grown at Bima. Ail the natives make use of the same 
plants which are used on Java as vegetables— the most common 
being the leaves and fruit of the Keller (Moringa pterygosperma) 
and the Portulacca. 

Of the GucurbitaccaB the most common are the gherkin. 



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261 BIHA iXD SVVBArjk. 



gonid (LukH^ftf) and ike watmodoB; te iwl ndoa k iie?er 
aidwitk 

The mortiHiidortlieediUefiwIsaiediffefaitla^ 
( Jminb»Uji| Jamlmmyer, J«nbii4iol fce.) 

The JunbiHBODyeC (Aneeerdiaai oocMentele) is mvch hrger 
and tweeter on SniDbawa than on Jara, and is eatable. 

The Piaaogy Manga, Nangka and Dorian are fiiand in aban- 
dance. The Hangas are better than thoee in the west of Java. 
The Belimbing ia abo.Luger and when yoong ii nnd aa a 
vegetable. 

We abo find the SooMop on BinMy the Dokn, theaweet Aw^sr 
aimlo in the fereeta of the Sooth, the Jefok(Citn»)ordi£Bereol 
kinds, especiall J the Jcnik bcaar, wbidi however is not so good as 
that of BaU and Batnvk. The Maja (asglo Marmdos), here 
called Bih, is feond in the jangle growing on the drj hillocks, 
ilangostins and Bambnlans are nearlj mknown. The natirca 
were not aware that the fruit of the Eriogloesnai edala, which is 
plentifiil, and that of the raspberry (rabns) wereedtbleb 

I may mentioo, hatly, the grape which is cohivated at Silab, in 
the kingdom id Bima. The plant was mtrodaoed by an Arab. It 
was formerly so extensivdy grown that the frnit used to be sold in 
the market at Bima, bat at present the cnltivalkm has greatly 
diminished. 

Amongst the oil-yielding plants the Coeo-trse ocenpim the first 
place. NeztlbUowstheKanari-tree^whidi grows in great aboB- 
dance in the jangle on the Doogo range, and hsdy the diflocnt 
kinds of Jarak(cmtor.eO plant). One kind, the Bieimn commn- 
nis^ is cnltivaled, the other (cncas pagans) grows in the jangles 



; the sagaiwyiddi^{ pbnis and thoae from which fifoors 
are obtained, I wiD pbse firrt Oe a^ar-cane^ aevenl loads of 
whkah are pbirted in the kingdom of Bima. 

Tim oaoo^rsa Inrnirimi Oe fmd^-lho Lonthar pafana the 
grsatest qnantity, however,^the Gomotie palm very sddom ; this 
is abo tend in mnehlem plenty than on Java and Celebes. The 
jaice of the Lonthar palm is dnefly amde into si^ar. 

A very stnpiQring liqnor, called *rvai, is prepared from ri€c. 



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mUA AlfD StJHBAWA. 265 

Coffee is grown all over the eottntry but in small quantities,--^ 
on Bima and VompOi principally in the country Dongo Pajo, and 
pn Snmbawa on the Ropaog range of moantains. 

Cloth is only made from cotton and of one species exclusively, 
the gossypium herbaceum, which is extensively planted and yields 
an abundant produce. 

Rope and thread are prepared from the Ram£ (urticae diversae 
sp.), from bambus, from the filaments of lonthar leaves and from 
the fibres of the coco-nut. 

The following are the plants which yield dye-stuffs. The sapan 
wood, and the Morinda (bracteata and tinctora) which is found 
plentifully in the campongs. It is called Binkuru on Bima. 
Enough of Indigo is grown for use in the country. 

The Safflower or Kassumba (Carthamus tinctorius) tot red and 
orange dye, is grown largely on Bima and iBalso exported. 

The Kayu Tegerang or Chira (probably a Trophis, although 
I saw neither the flower nor fruit) In the kingdom of Bima, yields 
a dirty yellow and mixed with indigo and alum a green dye. It 
grows here and there on the higher hills. 

The plants principally used for native medicinal purposes, are— - 
the Suren (cedrela febrifuge) and the Millingtonia hortensis, both 
as a remedy for fevers. The Bidara puti or Bidara pait (strychnos 
ligustrina), is found plentifully in the country } its wood is strong- 
ly bitter ; its powers are, however, unknown to the natives. 

Of the woods the piincipal is the Snti tree. The Javanese 
Sono or Angsana wood (a Pterocarpus) is scarce, but another 
variety of the same species, called Nam batn, is very plentiful on 
Bima* On the shore the gigantic Jamplong abounds and many 
tayu-sawo and cordia subcordata, that is, the Prono Soda so highly 
esteemed on Java. All three furnish beautiful wood for furniture. 
I may also particularly mention the Suren, the Renga and the 
Maje only found on Sumbawa — good and durable woods for build- 
ing and also the Rendu on Bima. It is scarcely necessary to dei- 
cribe at length the bambu, the meet useful among usefol plants. 



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aAFFLBS AND THB IMDIAIT ABCHIPBtAOO* 

The following Correspondence, extracted from tbe Pinan|( 
Records, contains an outline of the plan submitted by Sir T. 8. 
Baffles in 1814| when lieutenant-Oovemor of Java, to the 
Supreme Ooyemment of India, for the improvement of the Native 
States in the Eastern Archipelago, and the views formed thereon 
by the authorities in Pinang and Indiiu The moans proposed by 
Raffles to be used, were rather of an arbitrary nature and it waa 
therefore as well that they were not sanctioned. He fell upon an 
infinitely better pbm afterwards, when he established the free port of 
Singapore. 

To the Hon'ble WiUiam Petrie^ Esquire, 
Governor in Council, 

Prince of Wales Island. 
Hon'ble Sir, — Having this day submitted to the consideration of 
the Supreme Oovemment my ideas relative to the Native States 
in the Eastern Seas, and the measures best calculated to complete 
the suppressioa of Piracy, I request to propose the subject to your 
notice, as one which is mutually interesting to the Government of 
Prince of Wales Island and to this colony, and on which the 
superior authorities may be also desirous to receive your opinion 
and judgment, previoui^ to the adoption of any final plan or 
arrangements. 

2. The principles of my suggestions on this subject have been 
that nothing can tend so effectually to the suppression of piracy, to 
the encouragement and extension of lawful commerce, and to the 
civilization of the inhabitants of the Eastern Islands, as affording 
a steady support to the established native sovereigns and assisting 
them in the maintenance of their just rights and authority over 
their several chiefs and along the shores dependant upon their 
dominions. 

3. It appears to me that the adoption of this principle, and the 
establishment of British Agents, accordingly, at the leading ports, 
would gradually change the barbarous and uncivilized life of the 
people who inhabit the shores of these islands, and, united with 
tbe beneficial effects of lessening the means of plunder and securing 



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RATFLSS ANB THB INmAlf AROniPBtAQO. 267 

the exertion of legal miperior authority, gradually tend to agricul- 
tural improvement and to the prosperity and interior trade that 
naturally <nust follow* 

4. With a view to carry this principle into effect, it seems 
evident that an indiscriminate resort of traders to different parts o[ 
the Malay islands should be prevented, because it is by the irregu-* 
lar traffic thus carried on that the petty chiefs are enabled to render 
themselves independent of theur sovereigns and to form establish* 
ments that uniformly depend chiefly on piracy for their sup- 
port. This would probably be prevented were the acknowledged 
native princes supported in maintaining their due authority, while 
the establishment of fixed ports at which alone the European 
trade oould be carried on, and where an established custom house 
would ensure an adherence to regularity, would remove the source 
from whence the petty chiefe derive their support, and at no very 
distant period would amply repay any temporary sacrifice of trade^ 
if such should seem likely to happen, by the introduction of civi- 
lized habits and the wants and luxuries which those habits demand. 

5. It is not necessary for me, however, to enter more fully into 
this discussion, more especially as your Hon'ble Board are well 
acquainted wilh the subject, and will doubtless be prepared with 
many arguments that may have escaped my observation, but I 
request to suggest to yon that as the subject has been submitted to 
His Excellency the Right Hon'ble Uie Govemor^Oeneral in 
Council, an advantage may arise from a communication of your 
sentiments being also in His Lordship's possession. 

6. Adverting therefore to the uncertainty of political events 
which renders it prudent that whatever arrangements may be 
decided upon should be determined without unnecessary delay^ 
and conceiving it probable that it might be satis&ctory to the 
Supreme Government to receive your opinion on a question so 
important to the British interests generally, and to the Governments 
of Prince of Wales Island and Java in particuUr, I have inform- 
ed His Lordship of the present communication, which is made to 
avoid the delay that might arise by the reference for your senti- 
ments and opinion being made in the first instance from Bengal. 

I have Ac* 

_ (Signed) Thomas Raffles. 

Batavia, 18th February, 1814. 



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268 RAFFLKS AND THB IXDIAV ABOniPBIiAOO. 

Mimiie hg Mr PhUUpi^ ike 7l4 May, 1814. 

Until the conquest of Jaya, and the congeqnent direct inter- 
conne which has ensned between the ports of that Island and 
those of the Malayan States beyond the Straits of Malacca, the 
British anthorities had but partial and imperfect knowledge of 
them. The records of this Oovemment therefore do not supply 
materials on which well gronnded opinions might be formed oa 
the question now referred, in consequence of which I hate soaghl 
for information from respectable persons, either at present or 
heretofore engaged in traffic with the cbiefii and the people of 
the ports to the eastward of Malacca, and the result of those 
enquiries, supported by the generally received opinion of the 
character of the people, induce me to form an opinion, offered 
with deference, that any attempt of the British Gk>Yemment to 
restrain or r^ulate their domestic trade^ would engender di^ 
satisfiiction if not disgust agunst ourselTes, more likely to irritate 
than lessen the sangdnary habits of a wandering and adventurou9 
people, long accustomed to predatory as well as piratical warfare 
among each other, but seldom opposing their force against British 
vessels unless the aggresrion was on our side, which has been too 
often the case* At present and for several years back, the eastern 
commerce has become better understood, and the Europeans 
engaged in it have established a confidence that is daily becoming 
more mutual, and may in a veiy few years be expected to 
effectuate civilisation without the risk of involving Government 
in the various broils direct political or commercial interference 
might bring about among Chieftains, whose petty attacks on e#oh 
other have hitherto as littie affected the commerce of this Island^ 
as the battles of the Rooks and Kites in thev forests. 

With this impression, and a conviction that the measure of 
introducing Residents upon their Princes unsupported by a 
military force, would on every occasion of sudden jealousy or 
distrust expose the British representative to assassinatJop^ I 
deprecate its adoption: and even did not this apprehension oppose 
the suggestion, I should object to it on the ground that the 
personal influence of such an officer, solely dependant on the 
Malayan Oovemmcnt for local support, would fiequentiy be 
• Member of ConncU at Piaang. 



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RAFFLK8 AND tHE INDIAN ARCHIPBLAao. 269 

doubtful and precarious, and if fully establiahed hold out to the 
European such an invitation to monopolize the trade ot the port, 
as few would resist unless so liberally remunerated by the Com. 
pany for their servioe, as to render the establishment a very heavy 
pecuniary burthen* 

Possibly, mild and admonitory letters from the British antho- 
rities to the Malayan sovereigns and petty independent Rajahs, 
taight discourage their own depredations or their countenancing^ 
the piratical branches of their families, who generally are the 
leaders of the banditti that infest the eastern seas, and should 
this fail of success, all prows of a warlike description should be 
prohibited from entering the ports in the British possesuons if 
tnet by British cruisers navigating the seas. . 

The ports of 8iac, Rhio, Lingin, Borneo Proper, SambaiS 
Pontianak, are resorts of the mamoders, but shonld it be deemed 
expedient to address the Chiefc more generally, I should. wish 
that in addition to the states before mentioned, the Rajahs of 
Perak, Salangore, Tringanu, Calantan, Koti and Passier should 
be included. 

(Signed) W. B. PhiUips^ 

JUinute by Mr Erskine, the 1th May^ 1814. 

In order to have been enabled to o£El^r an opinion on the pro- 
positions now submitted to our consideration by the Java Govern* 
ment of establishing British Residents and Custom Houses at the 
Malayan Ports to the eastward, it would have been material to 
have known at what port or place? it is intended, and also the 
probable extent of their Commercial concerns &c tau 

It has ahready been recommended from home^ and also by the 
authorities in this country, to cultivate a good understanding and 
maintain a friendly intercourse with the Native sovereigns, from 
motives of obvious policy. By inculcating and encouraging a 
spirit and disposition to trade and affording flBusilities to do so, 
appears to me well suited for such purpose. The manner now 
suggested of confiniog the General Eas^m, or Malay Trade to 
stated and particular ports, appears very . difficult to be strictly 
carried into effect, and inexpedient or injudicious if freed from 



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S70 BAFFLES ANB THE TNBIAlf AnOHIPELAQO, 

diiTicnHj. It is (rac (bo ehips todvesscb rcsoKing Ibitbcr froift 
India may be placed under sacb orders and restrictions in their 
intercourse to the Eastward that they could not deviate from tbe 
injnnctiona nnder which they act, but I doubt much whether any 
and what regulations could be framed so as to prohibit the native 
prows from navigating in those seas or cotsts, and if th^ coald 
be thus forcibly excluded they are necessarily driven to lenew their 
habits and dispositions to acts of piracy. If the proposilioaa 
abould fail, the open ai^d avowed /air trader, acting under the 
authority of the Government in India, would alone be exposed 
and subjected to the endless variety of such embarrassing les- 
trictions. 

It is obviously also of great advantage that a trader should be 
anabled to deal dbreei with the immediate eonsumersy instead of 
being obliged to go to other ports with articles of supply which 
are absolutely known to be intended for anorAer settlemeati be* 
cause a tax or duty must be levied to remuneraite the intermediate 
itigiaiL. . I believe some arrai^^ements have lately been entered into 
r^arding the future supply of Sambas via Pontianak, in which 
an express stipuktion to this effect is made : there are also other 
considerations in appomting British agents which ought scrupu- 
lously to be guarded against^ i. e. that of prohibiting them from 
interfering cither directly or indirectly with the trade, or monopo* 
lizlng. To do this effectually requires pointed and particu- 
, lar attention; at the same time, some means must be devised 
for remunerating adequately those persons, who might be numo- 
reus, and this fund, whether fidltng upon the Export or Import 
trade, imposes a certain grievance in the first instance for a problo* 
matical advantage. Besides these, the proposition ought to como 
from the native Sovereigns with their own views of the subject 
and of combining and connecting their ports for the purposes of 
tradci and it would then be for the considefation of the British 
Government what advantages or facilities might result, or in-> 
jurions and embarassing difficulties take place. I annex h^eto 
an extract from a minute I recorded in March 1813, shewing the 
destination of the opium received here, and I have looked in vain 
over it for any place where I could venture to reconmiend such 
an eetablishmcnt as is now suggested. 

(Signed) J. J. Erskine. 



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hafflbs and thb xkdiav abchipblaoo. 271 

Part of paper albtded to in foregoing Minute of Mr Erskkie, 
lih May, 1814. The 20<A March, 1813. 

AB-having referenoe to this subject, and with a view to shewing 
the eitent and variety of intercoarae we have between this 
Ishmd, with proximate and distant places, in the article of opium 
alone, I take the liberty of stating what may be considered a 
regular annual distribution of one year's sales of produce. 
: . Imported into Prince of Wales Island . • • 900 chests. 

Exported to Sangora, Siam and China • 120 do* 

Trangganu • 3Q do. 

. Calantan • 20 do. 

Patani 20 do. 

Perak and Salangore • 4D do. 

Queda • • • • . .^ 20 do. 

Siac • 10 do. 

, Malacca , • 10 do. . 

Assahan, Batta Barra, Langkceb, Jlddce, and 
boats to China •..••...• 40 do. 

Acheen and Soosoo, &c ......•• 100 do. 

Bencoolcn, Padang, &c lOQ do. 

Rhio....... , 50 do. 

. Lingin and Sinkep «.. 30 do. 

Banca 40 do. 

Palembang and Jambi 50 do. 

Pontianak SO do. 

. Pahang 10 do. 

Buoomsam ?. . • • 10 do. 

Sambas ••.. .• 40 do. 

Moutparra? 30 do. 

Passier, ■ ■ and Bonthian • 30 doi 

Junk Ceylon 10 do. 

PuloPinang.. • « 30 do. 



890 chests. 
Chests supplied from Calcutta 30 do. 



SCO chests. 



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272 KAFTIBS AMB THE UfBIAH ARCBIPUAQO. 

Cliiiia aad MaeM 2»700 

JaTAyfcc 050 

Sooloo, filacMBar, Ballj, Lombock, and 
Banjannttsui ,. ,,^ gOQ 

3,»50 

Grand Total. ,4^10 chesU. 

I bare naaoo to befieve the forog<Hiig tolerably aoearate, it 
e^ently points out the ad?antageoii8 situation in which this 
Uand is plaoed. 

(Signed) J. J. Enkme. 
13th March, 181S. 

Mmut9 of the Prendm. 

As my oolleagnes in the Government, Messrs Phillips and 
Erakin^ Lave in their separate minntes so fally expressed my 
sentiments on the subjects on which onr opinions are called for by 
the Lieatenaat Governor of Java, it is not necessary for me to say 
mach more upon this reference. Until my arrival on this island, 
I was bat very 'generally and imperfectly informed of oar connec- 
tions and interconrse with the Malay states, of their political 
dependencies, parsaits, and character. I had heard of ansuccessfal 
attempts on the part of the Bridsh Goyemment of India to interfere 
with those powers, which had, I believed, been attended with no 
advantage to the'pablic and considerable loss to the commerce of 
individual traders. Sinoe my appointment to this Gk)vemment I 
have drawn nearer to the subject, and it became my duty to 
make myself acquainted with the character of the neighbouring 
Malay states and thdr commercial and political relations to the 
British Government, which naturally led to iny resorting to 
every source of information from whence I could derive knowledge 
of the measures adopted by the Government of Java for extending 
the British influence amongst the Malay powers, for the improve- 
ment of commerce and the suppression of piracy. These subjects I 
have reviewed with an unbiassed mind, and it is with concern, but 
not with diffidence, that I acknowledge my dissent from the 



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lUVFLBS AND TBB INDIAN ABCHIPQLAOO* 273 

opinioDB of Mr Raffles, and my oonviction that his repeated attempts 
to interfere with the Malay states to the eastward of the Straits of 
Malacca, his different attacks upon their rivers and settlements, his 
interference in their internal government and regulations, will 
prove extremely prejudicial to onr eastern trade, will excite to 
more general acta of piracy the inhabitants of the Eastern 
Islands and unite theni in general hostility against the English 
traders. I understand there is only one solitary instance of an 
act of piracy committed against an English vessel, that was taken 
several years ago and carried into Borneo, bat delivered upon the 
requisition of the Resident, who was then in charge of thia 
Island* My opinions on these subjects I have formed on the 
information of merchants who have traded to the eastward for 
the last 20 years, from the Captains of His Majesty's Navy who 
have been employed on expeditions from Java against the Malay 
states, from the oommanders of country ships who have long 
navigated in those seas, and from the best informed military 
officers who have served in this unfortunate warfare in which so 
many valuable lives have been lost. On these authorities an4 
from facts which have been brought within my own view, I have 
thought it my duty to record this opinion, and to add that I 
consider Mr Raffles's plan or expectation of suppressing piracy 
as altogether chimerical and impracticable* Sooner might ha 
succeed in exterminating these people, than to compel them to 
abandon what is I believe interwoven in the habits, pursuits and 
character oi the Malays; when those who know their language 
and history, inform me every man is a pirate professionally from 
the prince to the boatman* It would be a more laudable and 
perhaps a more easy attempt to endeavour to change the character 
of the people, to wean them from their Ticious habits and pro- 
penrities, to introduce amongst them the rudiments of civilization, 
to point out the means of supporting themselves and their families 
by agriculture, the working of their mines, the cultivation of 
those articles which would be sought for in commerce, and above 
all, by endeavouring, by means very different from coercion, to 
ameliorate their government and to improve the situation of the 
people. I am aware that the idea may appear Utopian, and that 
it may be said, I am recommending a chimera not less wild 



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ft94 BAFFL8B AHD TBS ISDUH ABGHtraiAGO. 

thtti what I have impated to the lieatenant Governor of Jaf% 
but my information induces me to think otherwiae, and as my 
avthorities are good, I have not adopted tlie opinion merely on 
my own specohitioB. 

I reooflUMnd that copies of these Minutes be transmitted to 
the Supieme Govenmcnty with a short letter to accompany themt 

(Signed) W. Petrie. . 
Fort Comwallisi the 6th May, 1814. 

To Charles Asiey, Esquire. 

Secietary to the Government of Java. 

8ir,-^His ExceUency the Right Hon'ble the Govemor-Genenal 
In Council, havmg had before him your letter irf the 81st Janoaiy^ 
and the letter from the Lieutenant-Governor of the 11th February^ 
with the several docnmoits accompanying them, and this govern* 
ment having deliberately eonsidered the representattons of te 
Uenlenant-Govemor in these and in former dispalehes oa the 
Same subject, Hn Lordship in Council is now preparsd to ooa^ 
%ey to the government of Java his sentiments and resolutionB on 
the questions submitted to him. 

2. The Governor-General in Council observes that the views of 
the laeutenant-Govemor, communicated in the despatches in ques* 
tion, embrace a very extensive range ; for the leading propositiofi 
in Mr Raffles' Mmnte is understood to be that settlemedts should 
be formed, and an administrative government be established on 
the port of the Honb'le Company, on the Eastern Archipelago; 
totally independent of the government at present existing in Java 
imd the other Dutch possessions lately acquired by the Brifish 
arms. 

~ 3. The Governor-General in Council observes thaf if t&er^ 
were any plausible reasons for entertaining the proposition, ft 
would be necessary to enquire, as a preliminary step, in what manner 
it is intended to form the projected settlements; for as it id not 
proposed to advance any claims derived fiom the Dutch by virtue 
of our late acquisitions, these settlements must be established 
citlior by conquest, or by cessions under treaties with the native 
cbiefi, or by the occupation of a territory which may be consider* 
eJ to have no immediate proprietor. The Governor-General in 



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XAVFIE9 AND THE INDIAN ARCfllPEtAOOv 275 

Council docB not however deem it ossehtial to enter into Ais quelle 
tion^ becansG the proposition is liable to other objeetionA^ which 
mast preclude its adoption. 

4. The GoTernor-General in Coancil observes that if Java and the 
other Dtttch Islands should remain in the possession of the British 
government, there can be no motive whatever for establishing another 
Government in the Eastern Seas, because the possesBion of these 
islands will sufficiently secure the ascendancy of the British power 
in those seas, will afford every necessary protection and facility to 
the commerce carried on by British subjects, and will enable the 
administration establbhed in these islands, with the aid of Hi|i 
Majesty's Naval Force, to take all those measures which would 
be practicable in any other state of things for suppriessing piracy 
in the Eastern Seas. •, 

• 6*. If on the other hand, Java and the Molqccas should be 
restMed to the Dutch, the introduction of British Agency, and th^ 
fomation of new settlements in the immediate neighbourhood of 
that power, would be regarded by the Dutch with extreme jealousy 
if their establishment should not be considered as an actual 
encroachment, and the consequenoa must be that we should bf 
engaged in perpetual disputes,' that our commerce would be 
designedly obstructed on all .occasions, and that a resort to arms 
might ^became necessary to res^t and to repress the wrongs done 
to individuals. 

. 6. And if it be not politically just or politically expedient iq 
attempt the- formation of new settlements after the restoration of 
Java to the Dutch, the Governor-General in Council is at a loss to 
qonceive how it can be just or expedient to attempt their formation 
at the present moment, for it is not to be supposed that an attempt 
to supplant that, nation during our temporary sway over Java 
would liave the effect of reconciling them to an encroachment, and 
if they have no rights or pretensions to the territory which it is 
proposed to occupy, the Settlements might . be formed under 
circamstances less likely to excite jealousy and animosity after 
the restoration of their colonies. 

7. The Governor-General in Council has not, moreover, seen 
reason to conclude that the native chiefs and inhabitants of the 
Coast of Borneo and the other Islands in the Eastern Seas, are io 



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27G RAFFLG6 AKD THB XKDIAlf ARCHIPCLAGOw 

reality desirous that we shonld intcifcre in their concerns; and 
eren if it bei supposed that particular chiefs, whose territorf 
has been usurped or encroached upon by pirates and others, 
should be anxious to obtain our assistance, an alliance with 
these petty Chieftains would be liable to involve the British 
Government in the wont species of warfare. We should be 
compelled to take part in the disputes between neighbouring 
Chiefs, as well as in the disputes between those Chiefs and thei^ 
dependants and subjects, and it might frequently happen that the 
British Government would be called upon to employ its force in 
the support of violence and injustice* 

8. The Oovemor General in Council observes, that ovk 
settlements have already been so far multiplied, and have boeii 
extended to such a distance from the seat of the supreme authority 
as to render it extremely difficult to superintend with effect the 
administration of these remote dependencies; and if no other 
objections occurred to the plans of the Lieutenant Oovemor the 
injunctions of the Hon'ble Court of Directors and the deddred 
will of the Legislature must be considered to preclude, or at least 
to discourage, the extension of our territory in India* 

0. The Governor General in Council cannot perceive any 
sufficient reason for the distinction proposed by the Lieutenant 
Governor to be made in favor of the Hon'ble Company ; bat if 
there had been any particular motive for forming establishments 
in the Eastern Seas on the part of the Company for commercial or 
other purposes, the late Act of Legislature has drawn a line, which 
excludes the Hon'ble Company from the acquisition of Territory 
for the Company except in the instance of the Island of Banoa, 
His Lordship conceiving it probable that Mr Raffies proposed 
only to establish factories on the Coast of Borneo and in the other 
blands. 

10. The Governor-General in Council observes that the lead- 
ing object of the Lieutenant-Governor's plans seems to be to 
change the habits and to improve the condition of the piratical 
inhabitants of the Coasts of Borneo, but although it may become 
the object of a benevolent policy to civilize a barbarous people^ to 
fcrtilT^e a territory which h&s been long desolate arid wioste, and to 
extend to distant regions the benign influeficc of Britbh Laws and 



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ttAFPXCS A2fB THB IVDIAV AnCHIPBLAOO. 277 

vegolar gOTeroment, it is eTidently neeosaary in engaging in t udi 
undertakingH that this gOTernment should previously enquire — 
whether the projects be capable of execution, whether the risk 
of failure may not be greater Ulan the chance of suoccbs, whether 
in the course of pursuing a speculative good a certain mischief 
may not be produced; The fair picture drawn by the Lieutenant* 
Gorernor would be miserably dianged, if it should be found in 
the sequel, that the valuable lives of British seamen and British 
soldiers have been wasted and sacrificed in the hopeless attempt to 
introduce civilization and order among a ferocious people, inhabit* 
log a climate which is known to be baneful and destructive to the 
European constitution. The crews of the ships which were employ^ 
ed in the late expedition against Sambas furnished decbive evidence 
•f the fatal effects of the climate of Borneo. 

11. The Governor-General in Council adverting to these 
several considerations, is of opinion that the appointment of a 
political agent for the administration of our affairs in the Eiistern 
Islands is not at all necessary at the present period, and His Lord* 
ship cannot therefore adopt the proposition, 

12. The Governor-General in Council is of opinion also that 
the appointment of British Residents at Pontianak and at other 
places on the Coast of Borneo, is quite unnecessary, and His Lord- 
ahip directs that Mr Hunt and any other officers of this descrip- 
tion who may have been nominated by the Lieutenant-Governor, 
with the exception of the Besident at Banjarmassin, be immediate- 
ly vacalled. Any intercourse which it may be necessary or conve- 
nient to maintain with the Chief of Pontianak or other Chiefi 
ott the Coast of Borneo, can easily be carried on by oorrcspon- 
deooe or by the occasional deputation of an agent on the part of 
the Government of Java, or the Government of Prince of Wales 
Ishind. 

13. The Governor-General in Council is of opinion that Mr 
Hare may be continued in the situation of Resident at Banjar- 
masam, with a moderate salary and establishment, for the pur- 
pose of superintending the public afikirs on the Coast of Borneo 
and of furnishing the Government of Java from time to time 
with such information as may enable them to judge of the 
measures which it may be proper to adopt for the suppression of 

J 



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278 BAvnn akd thb tvouir arciiipblaoo. 

piraqr* ftnd fiir the enoonvageoieiit of tbo oommeroe of tho 
£atteni Itlandt. 

14. Ab it 18 not intended to encreese Mr Hare's publio 
allowanoesy the Oofemor*Oenenil in Council is of opinion that 
it will be neoesBary to permit him to engage in private trade ; 
but His Lordship in Council is decidedly of opinion, at the same 
time, that Mr Hare should not be allowed to exercise any exdns- 
ive right of trade, and that it would be more consistent with 
just principles if an officer enjoying the influence of a public 
station, could be restricted from trade altogether. 

15. The Gk>vemor-Oeneral in Council cannot aToid noticm^ 
in this place, that although so many arguments ha?e been urged 
in favor of extending our connections in the Eastern Islands, few 
facts have been adduced for the purpose of shewing the nature 
and extent of the commercial advantages expected to be derived 
from a more enlarged intercourse with the inhabitants of those 
Islands. It is well known, that an extensive trade has long been 
carried on between India and the Eastern Arohipehgo ; but the 
Government of Java have not explained in what pardcalar 
ijnarter, or in what particular articles, an extension of thb com- 
merce is both denrable and practicable. 

18. The Govemor-General in Council has paid great attention 
to the reasoning which appears to have determined the Lieutenant 
Governor in Council to confine the trade of Borneo to three 
principal ports ; bat if his Lordship were convinced of tha policy 
of this measure (and he is by no m.^ans so) the justice of it would 
still be questionable. 

17. The Govemor*Oeneral in Council is' of opinion, that the 
Government of Java possesses no authority which could justify 
them in. placing an interdiction upon the trade of any ports ot 
an independent state not actually engaged in hostilities against 
the British power. The numerous petty Chieftains who hold 
territorial possessions on the extensive coast of Borneo, owe no 
allegiance to the British Government, and if it were possible to 
keep their ports in a state of blockade, (and this, it is apprehended, 
could not be efiectually done) a proceeding so oppressive and 
unjust must necessarily irritate them against the British nation 
and must produce at least a disposition on their part to retaliate 
by acts of piracy and violence. 



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RAFFLBd AND THB INBIAN AROHIPBLAOO. 210 

l'^. The Governor-General in Coanoil aeeordingly direetf, ^ 
that the order* of the Gh>?eminent of Java confining the trade 
of Borneo to particnlar ports be immediately withdrawn ; and 
that all interference in the afiairs of the petty chiefs of that . 
Island be as much as possible avoided by the Colonial Departs 
roent. 

19. In directing that the ports on the Coast of Borneo be im* 
mediately opened, the Governor-General in Coancil is not prepar- 
ed to say that this order should be immediately extended to the 
Port of Sambas, because if the chief of that place or Pangeran 
Anam bis brother, who is understood to be the efficient,' head of 
this petty state, should persist in acts of hostility and piracy against 
British subjects^, the British government will have a legitimate 
right to blockade his ports and otherwise to punish the aggression. 
But even in this instance it would be desirable that the acts of 
ptnicj and outrage, which may have been committed by Pangeran 
Anam against the persons or property of British subjects, should be 
substantiated by satbfactorjr evidenee,and itwill occur to the Govern- 
ment of Java that any representations on this subject, which may 
be made by the Chief of Pontianak, the neighbour and rival of 
the Chief of Sambas, must be received with great caution and 
reserve* 

2D. The Governor-General in Council is willing to hope that 
no final arrangement has been concluded with the Chief of Borneo 
Proper, and His Lordship can see no sufficient reason for forming 
an intimate connection with that chief, and still less can this Govern- 
ment admit the propriety of our undertaking to enforce his autho- 
rity over other Chiefs of the Island, or over any of his former 
subjects, who may have succeeded in establishing an indepen- 
dence. We should have no satisfactory groundsfor judging of 
the rights of the parties, our interposition would probably be 
viewed with jealousy and distrust, and we might be engaged in 
a petty warbre which must be attended with expenoe and with the 
loss of valuable lines, and which could not possibly promote any 
rational object of British policy. 

21. The Govemor-General in Council observes that the views 
of the Lieatenant-GK>vemor seem to have comprehended the 
Islands of Japan; but if the scheme of superseding the Dutch in 



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the blands adjacent to JaYm, be liable to olijectioitf,' tboae objeet-' 
ions most be conaidered to apply with equal or greater force to 
the project of supplanting them in the trade with Japan. Oaf 
competition in that quarter would be Tiewed with peealiar jea*" 
lottfliy, but although an open competition could not be objected tor 
by them on any just grounds, this GoTemment are not disposed U> 
prosecute the design of opening the trade by any indirect means. 
32. If a commercial intercourse can be established with Japan 
by a fair and o|>eR proceeding, the GoTemor-Gkneral in Council 
is far from thinking that the opportunity of establuhing it should 
be neglected, nor is his Lordship aware that the Dutch nation have 
acquired any exclusive right to the trade which it is incumbent 
upon the British government to respect. The Governor-General 
iu Council is inclined to Muk that the Lieutenant-GoTemor great- 
ly overrates the advantages to be derived from a trade with 
Japan, but as this question will be adverted to in a separate dia- 
patch, His Lordship in Council considers it necessary only to 
add in this place, that this branch of the Lieuteoanl^oTcnior's 
plans does not tend to strengthen and recommend the geoeml 
proposition^ and that if the acquWtion of the trade of Japan can 
justly be esteemed an object of importance to the British nation, 
the attempt to establish a commercial interoourse may be preae- 
cuted by other means. 

I have fcc. 

(Signed) H. St. Q. Tucker, 

SecreUry to the Government. 
Fort William, 28th May, 1814. 

Resolved that the above letter be acknowledged, and that the 
•atisfacUon of the Board be expressed to the Supreme Govem- 
inent at finding the sentiments of its members approved by that 
authority, on the occasion to which the above letters relate. 



[The following despatch from the Pinang Government shova 
the feelings of jealousy which that government entertained towards 
Raffles, \\ho bad iM) recently filled a subordinate place iu their 

o\vn service.] 



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nXPl^LUS ANH THB tntftAfl AUCUtVnULOO. 281 

To George Dowdeswell, Eflquirc^ 

Chief Secretary to Govefninent — Port Wil iiam^ 
Sir, — t am direcfecl by the Hon'ble the Governor in Coancil, to 
submit to the notice of fiis Excellency the' Right Hon'ble the 
Governor-General in Council, the circuniatafides of a case which 
hds recently occurr^ in thid nei«(hboc(rhood, in ^vbicfa govemmetit 
cdfasidered ii needful to elert an Interference, and which 83 it 
embraces points of some importance to the interest of Prince of 
Wales Islalid, is considered proper should be submitted to the 
Supreme GovefUment, and to the Hon^ble the Court of Directors. 

2. The foUawing detail of the circumstance abote alluded to^ 
firith such observations on the general subject as are called for by a 
duo consideration of what has occurred, will it is hoped evince to 
tiie Supreme Government that the exercise of authority and powef 
on the part of the Government of Java, which is principally the 
point of reference, is not in conformity with general practiee. 

3. It appears that several Chinese boats belonging to an Indi* 
vidoal of this island named Che Im, in the course of their traffic id 
various articles of merchandise and with the native porU to the 
Eastward ultimately touched at Lingin where they was seized and 
detained, in common with many others which had previously 
arrived at the same place from Malacca and other quarters, by the 
Company's Cruizer ** Aurora *' under the orders of the Govern- 
ment of Batavia, with no other alleged cause than that frequent 
acts of smuggling had been practised there of late. 

4. A. petition from the individual who was principally interest- 
ed, gave the first intimation to thb government of the circumstance 
which had occurred, and as he was a person who for a considera- 
ble number of years had resided under the British protection at 
Prince of Wales Ishind, and who has had public dealings with 
government on many occasions, and whose property moreover was 
principally invested in the speculation which was thus likely to be 
frustrated, the Governor in Council felt a double inducement to 
extend the interference that might be needful to recover his pro- 
perty, if unjustly seized, and on the other hand to evince a desire 
of continuing the exercise of that influence which had been usuaU 
ly exercised by this government in the Straits of Malacca* 



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Am the 

me fcllj 4ctttM 

^MaaoiV I em duvdeJ 

KufiMmrj ia Co«ac3 a copj 

Mine use tW ayimlem emi eeetim 

ud ere mill firftawfj ob tW o>*>*»Vi « 

7. IhftYetlMk»or,atikenaeUae,W< 

ia Coaadl, to aMtoKeofMsof kum wd< 

wbich lave be» — b i eqaei ij r recrii 

aU Mulmcem, ta rqily Co tke oHcn above i 

cvulent llwfvfriNB^ aliboo-rh ike pion I 

ben ai leet permtUti to dispart, OuA the ( 

60 acUttlJ/ eoonder ibe Rjjab of La 

eoaCroal aad aalboritj, a^l cbe powcri ^ ^^ 

m comequtaee delegated to the Bnikb Roidait at tbTi 
oTMiotoaad Palembui^ vfaooooadoa Uanelf aat 
ordon tod iaftmctioiit to tlie Bejab, wbieb the] 
DMnaer required to obej, witboat aaj iotioiafioa of «.«, 
iMring been caareyed to tbit Proideocj fioa tbe ( 
ofJe^ik, 

a The Ilooorabie tbe GoTenior m Cooncil ,..,«. 

a euitiomery portion of his duty to eomsspoad with tbe -^rm 
Nalire Princas in the Straits of MabMsea, of wbieb tboee of Rbio 
aad Lingin are tbe prinetpal, aad tbe inllaeace of lbs goveroment 
baa been exerciaed witb them la general oMea vbeaoTer cmom. 
atancea rendered the aame neecaniy, aad ainoe the period of the 
capture of Malacca tbiaajralem baa been penerored 10. Tbemea- 
anrea however now panned bare the effect of altering the oidmary 
fmoM of correspondence and of aubatitntiog a new and aBaeena. 





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BAFFLHS ANB THB INDfA..Y ARCIIIPBLAaa 

HHoed channel of oommttnicalion with the Mahy states to the 
eastward. If in this instance the Lieutenant^Oovemor of Java 
has aeted under orders from llie Supremo OoTernment, the 
Governor in Council bows with submission to superior authority ; 
if not, it is apprehended that he has stepped considerably beyond 
the limits of his local jurisdiction. 

0. The immediate influence of this government has been mor^ 
especially and in repeated instances exorcised with the Sultaun 
of Rhio, to whom that of Lingin is tributary, in as much as a most 
valuable and beneficial trade has been the eifect derivable there- 
ff om. The centrical situation of those places for facilitating the 
commerce cnrried on between the Straits of Malacca and the G-ulf 
of Slam, which is of considerable extent, renders it the more neces* 
sary, if not indispensible, that the same system should be continued 
when has proved so advantageous in former years, and by the 
restriction of which by the Government of Java, at the present 
period, considerable detriment has been occasioned to the commer- 
cial interests of this presidency and the neighbouring Settlement of 
Malacca. 

10. In addition also to the inconveniences resulting from the 
measures above alluded to, it appears that even the prows and small 
native trading vessels from this port are subjected in their traffic 
with the Malay states to the eastward, to all the vexatious demands 
and the clashing of rival interests, which as they could be little 
expected so were they the less prepared for. It is the opinion of 
the Governor in Council that so long as the interference of Java in 
the politics of the Malay Rajahs in the Straits of Malacca is exeh- 
cised, so long will the consequences be felt in the continual depri- 
ciation of the commerce and revenue derivable at this Presidency 
and Malacca from the eastern trade. 

11. From the view which the Governor in Council has taken 
of the present subject, I am directed to add his opinion that the 
measures adopted at Java in regard to Rhio and Lingin, if not 
sanctioned by orders from the Right Honorable the Governor- 
General in Council, are absolutely and directly an uncalled for and 
certainly an unnecessary interference with this government in the 
general and ordinary exercise of its executive duties, and if persist- 
ed in may advance to the neighbout hood of this island, a tenden- 
cy to which was but lately manifested even in regard to Malacca, 



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t84 BAFPLtt An TBB mBIAff AHeRIPUAOO. 

which MCUeniant is immedbCel/ taboidiiMte to thb PMiidenej* 

12. The Governor in Coaneil ooottden It adfiHtble to eoofioe 
hie oontidenitioni on the preeent f abject to the qoeBtioD whether 
the fight MMuned by the Jnfm Gorcmment to iDterTera with anj 
portion of the Stmito of MefaMcn be agreeable to the tenor oftle 
anthority. It would be in the power of this government to enter 
much at large on the extent to which those measnras have dimi- 
nished the public revenues of this government But on such a 
question, while it may be advisable to refrain from its agitation at 
present, the Governor in Council feels that he should be wanting 
in the due discharge of his public duty if he suffered the material 
and most objectionable point to remain as it at present stands, and 
to submit without any reference to a continuation of the same 
system of interference which the present representation is intended 
to prevent, if poesible, a recurrence of. 

13. The Governor in Council is not aware of any political rea- 
sons which may operate to render expedient any interference of the 
Government of Java with places so near Malacca, as the states of 
Rhio and Lingin. Such an interference must tend to hamper the 
native trade of this neighbourhood, and must operate to cause 
either a considerable diminution of commerce or forcibly to turn 
off that commerce to a new channel even against the inclination 
and wishes of those engaged in it. A general reason has been 
assigned for the detention of native vessels at Lingin in conse- 
quence of a system of smuggling in which it was said that port was 
principally concerned. Such a general reason might be assign- 
ed for the same measures to be pursued with all the Malay Rajahs 
in the Straito of Malacea, all of whom in a certain degree have 
been addicted to the same practice and to prevent which a regular 
establishment could alone be effectual. But even allowing such 
n reason to be well grounded, the Governor in Council directs me 
to add that he trusts a representation from this government, and a 
proper course of measures from hence, would have weight in the 
suppresBion of those practices in a degree equal at least to what 
may be produced by the interference of force from Java. 

14. The subject noticed in the preceding paragraph will be 
fully detailed to the Honorable the Coort of Directors, and I am 
directed to express the hope of the Governor in Council that His 



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VtATWLU AND fH6 X}fDtkH AROHfPfitAQV. SSS 

BxeelUncy the Right Honorable the Ooyernor-GeneraHh Council 
will not consider his time nnnecessarily engaged by the eeneidera- 
lion of a subject which, with the authority that has been delegated 
to this goTemment from the Honorable the -Court of Directors, it 
would be improper and inconsistent to preolude from a public 
ropresentation. 

15. In conclusion I am directed by the Honorable the Qor 
▼emor in Council to submit his request, that such orders and 
instructions as may in the opinion of the Supreme Government 
be needful on the subject of this reference, may be communicated 
as early as practicable and convenient. . . ^ 

I have &c, 
(Signed) W. A. Chibley, 

Secretary to the Government. 
2nd February, 1814. 

[The following papers appear to evidence a great scarcity of 
coin in the public treasures at Batavia and Pinang at the period 
to which they refer.] 

From the Lieutenant-Governor in Council at Batavia, 
To the Honorable William Petrie, 

Governor in Council,— P. W. Island. 

Honorable Sir,— Tn consequence of a pressing demand for silver 
for the pay of the troops, and the ezpences incident to an expedi- 
tion at present on foot to the eastward. We find it impracticable 
to comply with a requisition which has been made to us, by the 
Kesident of Banca, and as the demand on that is urgent, we are 
induced to request your aid, and that if the state of your treasury 
admits, you will have the goodness to forward to the Resident of 
Banca, on account of this government, a lac of Spanish dollars. 

Should the state of your treasury not admit of this issue, wo 
would suggest that cash to this amount be obtained by you for 
bills on Bengal on account of this government, a measure which 
would have been adopted here had it been practicable* 

The urgency of the demand from Banca is extreme, and as seri- 
ous consequences might arise from a failure in payment to the mi- 

nen, we hate authorized Captain Court to dispatch the '^Antelope" 

H 



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Cniiser lo Priaca of WalaB Itbiidy in order to obtain this slippif , 
and in ibe OTtnt of the fall amoont which we have requested nol 
being immediately at eommand, we request that the '< Antelope *' 
may be retnnied with such portion as may be conTenieQt. 
We have the hon<Hr to request, that the enclosed despatch to the 
Snpreme Goremment, on the subject, may be forwarded by the 
earliest opportunity* 

We have fce. 
(Signed) Thos. S. Raffles^ 
W. Kope. 
4th May, 1814. 

Minute of the President. 

I desire to be honored with the opinion of Council on the best 
measures to be adopted on the present communication from the 
Ooyemment of Java :— 

If the siim required by the Resident at Banca can be supplied 
from the meagre resources of this island. 

If under the present immediate pressure, we shonid retam the 
''Antelope/* with all the specie we can possibly spare ? — or if we 
shall send the cruizer to Bengal, with the letter from the Govem- 
.tnent of Java to Lord Moira, and a representation of our inability to 
answer the demands of the Resident of Banca, and, if we determine 
on this measure, which I am disposed to recommend, shall the 
"Thetis" or the "Antelope" be sent on this service? Captain Coiir^ 
.will probably have pressing occasion for the '' Antelope," in the 
.present embroiled state of the Malay powers. 

If the stores &c required by Captain Hall can be supplied, I 
beg to recommend their being immediately issued. 

(Signed) W. Pelrie. 
May, 29th. 

JUinute by Mr PhiUipi. 
Banca being the station to which the " Antelope" is attached, 
and her services there being necessary, she should, I think, be re- 
turned with such pecuniary aid, in furtherance of the object of that 
establishment, as the means of this government will admit of. 



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lUVPLBa ANH TUB IMDIAH AROUlPBltAaO. 987 

I'hc season of the year being that in which cash is osnally soaroe^ 
and other local circamstances rendering it peculiarly so jast now, 
it is not probable that the fall extent of the requimtion can bo 
complied with, bat I should aappose even 90 or 40,000 dollar 
would be an acceptable supply and one that could be made with^ 
out inconTenience to the settlement ; in which belief I recommend 
cash to that extent being sent without delay, as also bills to tha 
amount reqaired by the Resident in his favor, drawa by us on the 
Supreme Qo?emnpient. 

The Java dispatches should be forwarded by the *^ Pbang" 
cruizer, in preference to the " Thetb," and that immediately. 

(Signed) W. B. PhUUps. 

Seeand Reference from the Prtfndeni to lAe CaunciL 

As Mr Phillips thinks that this government possesses the means 
of supplying the Residency of Banca with an immediate remit* 
tancc in specie to the amount of 40,000 Sp. dollars, and that this 
sum should be transmitted without delay, I will not, nor ought T, 
to oppose my opinion to his ; I will only say, that the result of my 
enquiry on this head, leads to a different conclusion, and that the 
withdrawal of this sum for the time would create much indivi'» 
dual embarrassment and probably public inconvenience. In thu^ 
stating this, it is far from my idea to offer any opposition to ihh 
pleasure, but beyond this sum I request the Council to pause be« 
fore they advance further and deprive us of the very small pittance 
of specie which may remain on the island. Aller an opulent and 
wealthy man dissipates his fortune by extravagance, or by injudi« 
cious, wild and ckimeiical speculations, he has no claim upon the 
charity of his poorer neighbours, nor would it be very wise in 
them to distress themselves by improvidently administering to 
*vrant8 of his own creation. 

I never dreamt of relieving the present emergency by an appli- 
cation to Bengal, but I referred to what I conceive to be our indis* 
pensable duty, to lose no time in communicating to the Supreme 
Government the alarming situation of the public interests to the 
Eastward, and in pariicular in making kaown to Earl Moira the in- 
formation I have received from xwo respectable and disinleresieJ 



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^88 tiXtfLU A|f]> TttS INBIAN ABCaiPBLAOOT. 

public ufficert^—ono of them the friend of the Lietttenanl-Govemor 
of Java^— what makes it highly probable that the ezpeditioa 
against Bali, and nnceasing loterferenoe and innoTatione of that 
officer in the GoTemaent of the Malay States, will produce a 
general combination of these Powers against the British commerce 
and interests in the Eastern Seas. Thn combination may not 
take place, bat it is certainly proToked and excited by the mea* 
snres ofthe JavaGoferanMnt. 

(Signed) William Petriew 
Bill, dOth May, 1814. 



Fmnk§r ifinuiB by Mr PhVlipi. 

On the present occasion it is by no means my province to canvass 
the measores pnrsaing to tho Eastward ; it is enough to know that 
a sister colony is in urgent want of the aid which it is presumed this 
government possesses the means of supplying, in part, if not to the 
extent required. I am therefore still of opinion if our treasury 
cannot supply specie, that application be made to the merchants 
and monied men on the island, for whatever sum can be convo^ 
iiiently raised on our bills on the Supremo Government, and that 
should this measure succeed to tho extent of 80 or 40,000 dollars 
only, such be immediately forwarded by the '^ Antelope^' to 
Banca as also bilb in favor of the Resident to the extent he requests. 

The Java dispatch should also, I think, be forwarded without 
loss of time to Bengal, and as there is less chance of the '^ Pinang*' 
being diverted from returning here than the *' Thetis,*^ I suggest 
(he ^patcb of the former. 

(Signed) W. E. Philiipe. 



MinMie by Mr Enkine. 

I obtained a hasty perusal of the letter from Java, and the two 
from the Resident at Banca, early on Sunday morning ; since that 
time until the present moment (Tuesday, noon) I have neither 
seen the papers, uor the minutes by the honorable the President or 
Mr Phillips. 

I now beg respectfully to offer my opinion that to the extent 
of 90 or 4O|006 dollars should, if it can be obtaiued at the usual 



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ftAVPLSS AND TBB IKDIAN ARCHlPatAOO. 980 

BlLchange or spared from the treasary here, be dispatched for the 
purpose BO urgently set forth in the present applioatioo. 
- Without hayin^i: recourse to native merchants and increasing the 
usual rate of exchange, I do not think a greater sum than what I 
have stated, could be raised here at present. 
. I have no means of knowing nor it is my purpose to enquire, by 
what cause these embarrassing difficulties have arisen, but I think 
that such a sum is calculated to relieve (for a time) any exigent 
disbursements at Baoca. 

I would beg also to suggest the expediency of sending a few 
chests of opium, to ascertain whether any of the eastern trading 
prows, (very few of whom have visited us this season) may be 
found in the neighbourhood of Banca, who might incline to pur- 
chase for ready money that drug*; and by that means raise funds— 
and if the Resident of Banca be authorized to make a repayment 
to us by tin, which could advantageously be forwarded to China. 
I would also recommand, (if this suggestion is adopted) to desire 
the ** Thetis" may stop at Malacca, and that a confidential servant 
<Mr Macalister or Mr Clubley) should proceed to confer with 
Major Farquhar upon the situation of affairs generally, (including 
this matter) and return forthwith and make his report, and that 
either the ** Antelope*' or '' Piuaog^' be dispatched to Bengal. 

I cannot conclude without recommending that the utmost 
promptitude and dispatch may in both cases be used. 

(Signed) J. J, Erskine. 
81st May, 1814. 



2nd June, 1814. 

The Board having taken into consideration the subject broaght 
to their notice by the communication above recorded, and willing 
to afford every reasonable aid so emergently requested by the 
Resident at Banca, for the immediate supply of silver treasure to 
the extend of a Lac of dollars, as likewise the bills to be drawn by 
this government and made payable to his order. 

Agreed therefore that the Accountant be desired to draw out the 
6 seu of bills as enumerated by the Resident, to the extent of Sicca 
Rupees 15,000, and to place the same to the debit of the Govern- 
xucut of Java^ and that the Assistant to (he Treasurer be authorized 



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'8Q0 BAPFLBS AND TUB tUDIAN ARGHWBtAOO. 

to reoetve into the Treasury such cash as may be procaraUe for 
bills on the Supreme Goverament, aod the amount so procur- 
ed to be put in boxes pro|>erly secured and ship the same on board 
the Honorable Company's cruiier <<Antelope'\ bformingtbo 
Board the extent of such shipment and making out the Invoiee 
and Bill of Lading, and transmitting the same to the Secretary with 
the loast praettcable delay. 

The Board being of opinion that a few chests of opium wonid 
meet with ready sale in the neighbourhood of Banca, direct that 
a consignment of six chests of this drug be made accordingly to 
the Resident of Banca. 

' The Honorable the Pres'dent proposes to the Board, that the 
opium be purchased from Forbes and Broirn, that application be 
made to those gentlemen to this effect, and the reply having been 
received during the sitting of counciI| the same is recorded. 



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291 



NOTICB OF MR CRAWFURB'S DnSORIPTim DICTIOKART. 

• Mr Crawfurd has completed his literary labonrs in conneotion 
with the Indian Archipelago by ** A Descriptive Dictionary of the 
Indian Islands and Adjacent Coontries/' Thia work is^ to a cer<^ 
tain extent, based on his " History of the Indian Archipelago"- 
publbhed so long ago as 1820, and which was the result of tweire 
years investigation of the subjecti the first three having been pass* 
ed in Pinang as a civil surgeon, and the next six in Java as one' 
of the chief officers of the government during our temporary ocoof^ 
pation of that Island. In the year following the publication of the 
History, Mr Crawfurd was employed as envoy from the Indian 
Government to the Courts of Siam and Cochin China, (1821, 22) 
and hb account of his embassy contributed greatly to our know* 
ledge of those countries and their inhabitants. In 1823 he suc- 
ceeded Sir Stamford Raffles in charge of Singapore, and remained 
there till the beginning of 1826 when he was appointed Civil 
Commissioner on the part of the British Government at Rangoon 
and in the following year went to Burmah as ambassador. The 
additional seven years knowledge and experience of the Archipe- 
lago and the neighbouring countries thus acquired have been 
availed of in Mr Crawfurd's present work, but as it embraces a 
field much beyond his personal observation while in the east, ho 
has prepared himself for it by a study of many of the principal 
writers on the numerous objects of which he treats. The distino* 
tive value and merits of the Dictionary consists in the author, after 
half a century's preparation, having skilfully and neatly collected 
and condensed into one volume a vast amount of information which 
has hitherto been accessible to those only who were in possession 
of the library of Dutch, Englbh, Spanish, Pottuguese, French 
and German books in which it was contained. We do not affirm 
that Mr Crawfurd has fully examined all these .works, or that he 
has not overlooked important geographical papers in the Dutch 
periodicals. But while it may be objected to particular articles; 
such as those on the large and interesting islands of Gilolo and 
Ceram, that they are somewhat perfunctory in treatment, and are 
based on the meagre notices of some of the older writers and not 
on the more accurate and scientific accounts of recent explorers^ 



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SM nonoB OP MR .ciiAWFVRD's imsoiimiVB dtctiobart. 

of the Indian Archipelago lA found to be aBsoetatod, in a Tcry 
coneiderable measure, with that of the Hinialaic or Tibeto-CaiBfr- 
iMJan region. If the lees oiviliied tribee of ** adjacent coantriee*^ 
refen^d to in the tide of the Dictionary had received a share of 
Mr Crawfard'e attention^ he wonld hardly have sought to 
fesuscitate opinions formed for^ years ago, when the (rue rek<^ 
tioas of these tribes and their languages were not suspected, and 
whra we possessed scarcely any authentic inforniatton respecting 
the language of one of them. Mr Crawfurd gives great promi** 
taence to the insular languagcSi stoutly maintains his old theory as 
to Uieir mutual relationship, and makes much ingenious use of 
iroeabularies in speculating on the history of aits and the deriva* 
tion of animals in the Archipelago. But if he had extended his 
comparisons of vocables to those used by the adjacent tribes of 
the mainland, he would not have found in the names for the fowl 
in Javanese, manuk, pitik,— for the dog in Malay, anjing, in 
Bejang, kuyo, and in Javanese, asu, for the goat in Malay, kam« 
hing,— for the horse, in Javanese, jaran* — ^for the hog in Malay^ 
babi, in Sunda, badil, in Ende^ la, and in Tagala, pagil, — ^for the 
cat in Malay, kuching,— for the ox in Malay and Javanese, sapi, 
«— for the buffalo in Malay, karbau, in Sunda, munding, and !• 
Bugb, . tedung,— for the elephant in Malay, beram, — ^for the tiger 
in Javanese, machan — proofs or indications of the animals which 
bear them, or of their nomenclature, being indigenous. Instead 
^ these vocables being all native, as Mr Crawfard asserts, they 
are all still current in the vocabularies of continental tribes of the 
Tibeto-Cambojan race, to which the Malays and Javanese them* 
selves belong. Of course the identity in race is not established by 
the possession of some common vocables. It shows itself by a 
community in physical form, arts, usages and in a great mass of 
words of all classes, between the tribes of the continental and 
insular divisions of the province that have been least modified by 
the influence of alien civilisations and languages. The veteran 
historian of the Archipelago not only tells us nothing of this, but 
is so little tolerant of conclusions different from his own, that his 
habitual courtesy deserts him when he forces himself to the rare 

• The Malay name, kuda, which 3Ir Crawfurd supposes to be a cormption of 
the Sanskrit ghura, w Druvirian, kada. 



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NOTICB OF MR CUAVVFURD'b BGSCBIPTIVE BICTXONART. 295 

concession of alluding to them at all. Tn the elaborate and admi- 
Table article on the PhilipineSi in wbioh no notice is taken of 
Haoiboldt's demonstration of the radical identity of the language 
with that of the African negroes of Madagascar, this passage 
occurs :-^^' Sooie writers have fancied the negritoes to be aborigi- 
nal iiUiubitants of the Archipelago and the fairer race to be intru- 
ders from some unknown country, but for this hypothesis there ia 
not a shadow of evidence, historical or lingual, and it must bd 
regarded as the mere dream of the inventors. For anything 
known to the conti-ary, both the Malay and negroe race have an 
tqual claim to be considered as aborigines.'' Whether the opinion 
in question was in its origin visionary or fictitious, it happens to be 
that which almost every ethnologist of note now holds, with tfam 
qualification that, while none assume tho negroes to be aborigincB 
in the strict sense, and some consider them to be traceable to another 
province, all are satisfied that the brown tribes were later occQ« 
pants of the islands. Surely Mr Crawfurd, with his established 
reputation and after his rich gifts to science, could have wall 
afibrded, while re>aisserting his own early opinions, to treat with a 
little more benevolence conclusions which, sound or baseless, are 
BOW in the ascendant 

Pew general readers, however, will concern themselves with the 
soundness or otherwise of Mr Crawfnrd's ethnology, while there 
are none, even amongst the best informed, who will not profit by 
a frequent reference to the Descriptive Dictionary. As a ready 
source of accurate information of the most varied and substantial 
kind, conveyed in an agreeable, condensed and lucid style, the 
book is invaluable, and it is sure to be soon found in the bands of 
every European in the Archipelago. 



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296 



MAP OF MALACCA. 



This map was made for me, in the beginning of ibe year 1853^ 
by Mr Valberg, a suryeyor in Malacca, and formerly in the 
service of government Tho wbole territory bad not been sur- 
veyed by Mr Valbergi and be very properly declined to become 
responsible for tbe correctness of the map. As bowevery tbere is 
no other map of equal correctness, as far as it goes, I am induced 
to Lope that its publication in tbe Journal of tbe Indian Archipe^ 
lago may be acceptable. The map is founded on old Dutch Re- 
cords, and is improved by more recent and accurate surveys, as to 
particula]: localities, where it has been found necessary by govern- 
ment to procure correct measurements: for instance, the gene^ 
lal outline of the coast has been laid down after the marine sur- 
veys of tbe late Captain Congalton and Mr Thomson. The 
districts about the town have been repeatedly surveyed by Mr 
Valberg ; and he assures me that he has been careful to make 
tbe plan as correct as possible in that respect. Tbe locality at tbe 
scene of war in Naning is presumed to be correct, having been 
founded on military surveys, undertaken with special ref rence to 
that war. The tin district of Cassang was surveyed by Mr Val- 
berg in 1852, consequent on arrangements for an improved orga- 
nization of tbe police force in that district. Mr Yalberg assured 
me, in general, that he had taken every precaution to correct the 
map, by all the partial surveys which bave been made, and, from 
his long residence in Malacca and familiarity with the concerns 
of his own profession, there is reason to believe that he is acquun- 
ted witb all the surveys made for tbe last thirty years. 

The boundary between Rumbow and Naning is laid down 
according to the treaty with the chiefs of Rumbow, 9th January 
1833, (see 2nd vol. of Newbold, p. 450) ; while the continuation, 
along the Johole boundary, is taken from the treaty with tbe 
Jobole chiefs, dated 26tb August 1833. This last Treaty with 
Johole has never been published, to my knowledge ; and I there- 
fore add a translation of it, made by myself when at Malacca. The 
treaty, dated 15th June 1833, given at page 459 of Newbold's 2nd 
vol.| it will be observed, shut us out from Mount Ophir. I do 



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MAP OF MALACCA. S^ 

% 

)iot 1&D0>>v the precise locality of Labo Pcoawan^ there referred to, 
1>at believe it to be about as I have marked it^ on the riyer, in a 
line with Bukit Pntoos and Bakong Chondong, a remarkable tree 
now fallen^ but long used by the Malays as a boundary mark« 
The second treaty was made with the same chief Leilah Perkasah^ 
but with separate tributaries, if they may be so termed : Syed 
Saban being the leader of the first party, in the June treaty, and 
Bajah Balang of the second, in August. The n&me is incorrectly 
written Johore in Newbold, above referred to,— it is a clerical 
error for Johole. 

The localities about Mount Ophir are corrected by observations 
made by myself, on a visit to the interior in the beginning of 
1853. I found, by compass bearing from the summit of Mount 
Ophir, that Bukit Batang Malacca bore N. W. by W. J W., and 
Judged the distance to be about 15 miles, and Bukit Patoos J a 
point north of this, or N. W. by W. The position of Jamintab is 
laid down, by observation from Mount Ophir, correctly as to 
loi^tudc, but by mere guess, as to distance. The courses of the 
Mount Ophir tributaries of the Muar river are placed by suppo- 
sition : and, as the road lay through dense jungle, without any 
attempt at a survey, are not entitled to much credit. The same 
remark applies to the upper portion of the Muar river. The two 
remarkable loops are however laid down by bearings from Mount 
Ophir. The lower part of the Muar is taken from old surveys. 

In presenting this map to the readers of the Journal, it is 
obvious that apologies for its incompleteness are necessary. I 
must say that I had great doubts as to the propriety of publishing 
it I and these doubts were only overcome by the knowledge that 
none better is procurable; and, from present appearances, it is 
not likely that the deficiency will be immediately supplied, so it is 
hoped that the reader will accept the map, as it is intended, to sup- 
ply a present want, pending a future opportunity ; when we may 
expect to have government maps of this Settlement, on the same 
liberal scale as those for Pinang and Singapore. T. B. 



Treaty, defining the boundaries of Johole and Malacca, made 
on the 26th day of August 1833, between the Hon'ble Bobert 
Ibbctson, QoYcrnor, and Samuel Garling, Resident Councillor, for 



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1308 HAP OV MALACCA. 

the H. E. I. Company^ and the Data Panghnltt of Johok, LeUiii 
Perkasab. 

(Signed) R. IbbeCson. 
(Seal of E, I. C.) 

The Honorable R. Ibbct?on and S. Garling, on Ihe part of the 
East India Company, and Dutu Pungbula of Jobole^ Leilah Per- 
kasahi in order to settle the boundary between Jobole and Malacca^ 
agree to make the undernamed boundary between the countries ; 
that IS to say, a line, to run from Bukit Futoos in a straight line, 
to Bukit Hulu Balang Malacca, and thence straight to Gunong 
Lcdang (Mount Ophir). On the right side of this line is the 
territory of Malacca, and on the left side that of Jobole. This 
arrangement shall be in force between the East India Company 
and Jobole, so long as the moon and sun exist. It cannot be 
broken through or altered, and it shall also be considered binding 
on the future possessors of these countries, from this day forward. 
Moreover the contracting parties, having arranged on the above 
named boundaries, agree to reduce the affair to writhig. Two 
copies are to be made ; one to be kept at Malacca, and one at 
Jobole, in order to preserve a correct account of the transaction^ 
with the seals and signatures of the contracting parties. 

Dated 26th August 1833— 14th Rabiatakkir 1249— Signed 
Rajah Balang — Maharajah Indah — Maharajah Senarah and Ba- 
ginda Rajah. 

Witnessefl — Rajee Abbas Bin Khadir, Hajee Ahamed Bin Ja- 
iBak)odin. 

(Seal) Data Punghulu Johole, Bin Wala Datu Kool, &c 

Translated by I. Braddell, at Malacca, on the 12th Feb. ISfia 



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I I 



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ajBsi 



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299 



POLITICAL AND COMMERCIAL COVSIDBRATIOVS RELATIVB TO 

THB MALAYAN PENINSULA AND THIS BRITISH 8BTTLK- 

MKNT8 IN THB STRAITS OF MALACCA.* 

CONS! DEB A.TIONS ON THE SIAMESE CONQUEST OF QUEDAH AND TESAK. 

DaaiNQ tho long period of twenty-four years^ namely, from 
1786, the complaints to the several Superintendents and Governor 
of Pinang by the King of Quedab, of the oppressive demands of 
Siam, were frequent and oft repeated. In July 1810, he writes 
to Governor Bruce— '^ The country of Quedah being small, and 
situated in the neighbourhood of the extensive kingdom of Siam, 
it has been the custom established from time immemorial, to send 
tributary presents of gold flowers to Siam once in three years. 
In my time, the Government of this country, arising from internal 
circumstances, has become extremely exposed to the heavy requi** 
sitions imposed by the Siamese, unprecedented in former times^ 
and for two or three years past, the pressure of these demands 
has been extreme. I was unable to avoid them, their people 
being numerous, and the country of Quedah being insufficient to 
oppose them by force, I fulfilled their rcquisilions. When the 
Burmahs attacked Salang, it was rumoured abroad, that I had 
engaged in the service of Siam, and I have thereby acquired tho 
severe resentment of that power, a matter of evil consequence to 
my country. Having behaved well in this business, their de- 
mands have increased beyond measure, and I am proportionably 
distressed. It is reported the Burmahs will return, and if not 
that the forces of Siam will go to meet them. They havo 
required from me a supply of prows and men completely 
equipped with arms and ammunition. These proceedings are 
repugnant to my mind, and tend to lower me in the estimation of 
neighbouring princes. They are also ii^jurious to the character 
of the Company, inasmuch as, notwithstanding the friendship 
and alliance which hes subsisted from the time of my grandfather 
to the present, I am exposed to demands so oppressive from Siam« 
For in former times, this country was not exposed to danger and 
distress from Siam, but in my lime first became endangered from 
them. The relations of fricnd<bip and alliance between my 

• Continued from p. 372, of vol vi". 



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300 AUBBRSON^S COlTSIBEBATTOirsr. 

father and the powerful Company, haTe been transmitted to me; 
How then can I become weak and distressed ? I am decidedly 
desirous to meet personally with my friend, in order to effect a 
aettlemcnt of these affairs, it being improper for me to continue 
longer under such circumstances. Former Rajahs who were not 
connected with the Company, were neither reduced to weakness, 
nor difficulties/' Some months afterwards, in again soliciting 
the assistance of the British Grovernment to oppose the Siamese 
encroachments, he says,^'^ I now remind my friend and request 
to know whether my friend intends fulfilling the Treaty or not* 
It 16 necessary that my friend should be prepared and not make 
light of this communication, for the Siamese are numerous, and 
consider none superior to themselves. True it is they posses» 
many countries from Cochin-China to Tringano ; my friend will 
duly consider and reflect. Even should they not attack Pinang, 
yet when Quedah shall be destroyed, my friend will be distressed 
in many ways.'' 

In applying for instractions to the Supreme Government about 
this time, the Government of Pinang represented ** on the autho* 
rity of generally received tradition, it is admitted by the best in- 
formed, the Quedah has from the immemorial acquiesced in the 
paramount authority of Siam, and as a token of vassalage has 
triennially sent to the king of that country the present of the 
Boonga mas, or golden flower, notwithstanding which, such 
tribute was received and given more as an assurance of continued 
friendship than an acknowledged (or till now claimed) right of 
feudal service/' 

The Siamese, engaged perhaps with other more important af- 
fairs, seem to have allowed the King of Quedah a respite from the 
oppressions with which they had visited him during the few pre- 
ceding years, as we do not find any further complaints from Octo- 
ber 1811, until August 1813, when he addressed the governor to 
acquaint him, that on a late occasion when the Bindahara of 
Quedah had been deputed to the Court of Siam, to present one of 
bis sons, in order, as he says, to put an end to the long subsisting 
troubles of Quedah, it was determined by the King of Siam and 
his Ministers to attack the country of Perak, and to add it to the 
number of his Majesty's other tributary states. The correspon- 



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iVDBtSOll'tf 0OMSIDBRATI0N8. 901 

dcnce of tho King of Quedab from this period, nameljTi August 
1613, until the close of 1818, is principally relating to the con- 
quest of Perak, which was long insisted upon by SiaiPi and at last, 
after various evasive pretences, reluctantly complied with by 
Quedah, as the king expresses himself—^ I did not go to war with 
Perak, of my own will, but by the orders of the King of 8iam, of 
whom I was afraid, and therefore conquered Perak/' 

The conquest of Perak can be justified by no precedent or ex* 
ample, nor by any one circumstance of a palliating nature. It was 
a wanton and most unprovoked aggression, and the execution of 
the odious and unjust measure was forced upon a power too weak 
to refuse compliance with a mandate which it in vain attempted to 
evade. It is but too evident, that there was a deep policy ia this 
scheme of the Siamese forcing a power which yet possessed suffi- 
cient strength and means, to have made possibly not an unsuccess- 
ful defence, if the Siamese proceeded to open hostilities, and which 
would, at all events, have oflfered considerable resistance to 
expend it's men and resources in the subjugation of an inferior 
state, by which itself would fall an easy prey to the ambitious 
of the designing government. The political agent of the Pinan^ 
Government who proceeded to Perak in 1818, clearly established 
ihat from the most accurate inquiries he was enabled to make 
there was no tradition of the Perak state ever having sent a 
Boonga Mas to Slam, or having ever been, in the remotest de- 
gree, dependent. The King of Quedah exhausted every topic of 
counsel to persuade the Rajah of Perak to comply, but in vain 
and in reply to the admonitions of the Pinang Government, the 
Perak chief said, "No such custom has been handed down to me 
from past times, as the sending of a Boonga Mas either to Siam or 
Quedah," and positively refused compliance. In another letter he 
says, '* I am a king rf the ancient race. I am he who holds the 
Royal Sword and the Dragon Betel Stand, and the Shell Fish 
which came out of the Sea, which came down from the hill of Se- 
gangtang,'' and again,— *'I am the oldest of all the kings of these 
parts, such as the King of Siack, Salengore, Rhio, Quedah and 
Tringanu. With respect to the desire of the Kings of Siam and 
Quedah, I cannot consent to it, should war even be the conse- 
quence. I must try my strength with them, for such a custom 

M 



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902 ^NDBRSOH'S COKSXDBRiTIOnS 

"was neither heard of, or attempted to be imposed on Perak. Now 
for the first time the Rajah of Quedah demands a Boonga Mas to 
be sent to Siam, in an unaccountable manner. I will not comply 
with this his desire. Had it been usual from time past with 
Perak to send a Boonga Mas to Quedah^ or Siam, I should have 
done 80; according to ancient custom.*' In November 1816, the 
King of Quedah's messenger returned from Siam with a positive 
order to attack Perak. The King of Quedah says, — '* It greatly 
afflicted me to execute this order. It is not with my good will 
that I attack Perak, nor at all my wish to become an enemy of 
that Rajah, but only to avert mischief from my country." 

A force was accordingly despatched to Perak by land under the 
Bindahara, or- General, and a fleet under the Laksamana, or Ad- 
miral. In October 1817, the King of Quedah acquainted thet 
Governor of Pinang, that his forces had subdued half the couutry. 
In June 1818, a confidential Agent of the Pinang Government 
was sent to persuade the Rajah of Perak to comply at once with 
a demand which he had not the power long to resist, but after a 
long stay and numerous conferences, he was unable to obtain any 
satisfactory assurances that he would comply. In September 1818, 
the Quedah forces took complete possession of the Perak country. 
A few months afterwards, the King's Son, Rajah Mooda, was raised 
to the Throne, and the Boonga Mas, the object of contention, was 
sent to Siam, via Quedah. The old king did not survive many 
months after having made a powerful, but ineffectual resistance. 
Such is the history of the subjugation of the Perak state by Siam. 
It has however been again wrested from the Siamese by the form* 
er conqueror, the Rajah of Salengore, who has established the 
King, Tajudin, the lawful sovereign, and he now maintains his 
possessions unmolested for a time, under the continual apprehen- 
sion however of a renewal of hostilities from the Rajah of Ligore. 

Soon after the capture of Perak, a lengthened correspondence 
which took place on the subject of throwing open the navigation 
of the rivers Mirbow and Mooda, and extending the Honorable 
Company's territory on the opposite shore, evinced fully that the 
King of Quedah was under the greatest apprehensions from the 
King of Siam, and fearful of incurring the displeasure of that 
haughty Potentate by making any further cession. Matters 



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AKBBR60N'8 OOirSIDBRATIOMS. 903 

continued rather more traoquil than they had been for some time 
afler the conqnest of Perak ; but towards the close of 1821, they 
began to draw to a crisis, which was, indeed, in a great measure 
anticipated by the Government of Pinang, which having received 
intelligence of hostile preparations on the part of the Sia<aesef 
communicated the same to the Rajah of Quedah, with a suitable 
admonition and precautionary advice. As early as February 
1821, the Governor thus wrote to the King—'' I hasten to com- 
municate to my friend, that intelligence has reached this place 
from Slam, stating the King of that country to be engaged in the 
equipment of about 6,000 troops destined to march to Quedah* 
This army, it is said, will embark at Bangkok for Sangora, from 
whence it is to march overland. It is further stated, that some 
remissness in the transmission of the Boonga Mas is the reason 
assigned for this measure ; it is however not improbable, that as 
the Burmahs have declared war with Siam, this movement of 
t)ie troops of the latter power is in view to avail of the situation 
of my friend's country and vessels to embark an expedition 
against the Island of Salang. Be this as it may, sincere friend- 
ship calls for my immediately communicating the intelligence to 
tny friend, as it reached me from a respectable person very lately 
from Bangkok." 

The King immediately replied to this, that he had heard similar 
rumours, and learning that the Siamese had come to Satool and 
Lingow, about 500 in number ; he sent a Pangulu secretly to 
gather all the information he could and he enclosed his report on 
the subject. Ho says ''Relative to the Siamese having a jealousy 
on account of the Company possessing Pinang, it has been so 
for a long time, and I have often communicated it to former 
Governors. My friend notices a report of the coming of the 
Siamese, being occasioned by my not having forwarded as usual 
the Boonga Mas. If this is the cause assigned it is only a 
pretext, because there has been some delay on many former 
occasions ; nor were they angry. The transmission of the Boon- 
ga Mas at the present period, has been delayed on account of the 
epidemic sickness." 

The report alluded to is as follows :— " Your MajesJy directed 



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9M AVMiittoii'i eovfitiRATioiri. 

jronr feirant to obtain intelligonce relatire to the Siameseittiid 
yoar iertant sent a man named Airon, to boy and sell and pro* 
cure each intelligence on the 13th Rabial-akir. The Chief of the 
Biameee at Lingow, is Chow Rubut, with 300 men and a few 
more, who came on the 19th ; at Setooli the headman is Umboom 
Nongta^ with aboat SOO men, and on the 19th Rabial-akir, the 
younger brother of the Rajah of Sangora came there with 100 
followers, intending to equip some prows formerly built there, for 
which they have collected the necessary materials^ What their 
intentions are is unknown to any of the people of 8etooI> whom 
they have not ill used. It is understood, howcTer, that a Burmab 
army is coming to attack the Siamese by way of Trong, Chingow 
and Setool, and the latter say, that all the Burmahs in Siam 
]iave been sent into their own country. They say also that great 
numbers of Siamese have died of the epidemic sickness, and that 
the Burmahs are taking advantage of this to attack them, in which 
event, they (the Siamese) will send a force to Trong, Kedah and 
Purlis, and if the Burmahs do not fulfill tlieir intended attack^ 
they wish to go for the purpose of amusing themselves at Pinang. 
The prows they have built are in Soonghy Barn. My messenger 
obtained this from a relationof the Chief of Umboom Nongta." 

The disastrous events which followed not many months after, 
and the easy conquest obtuned by the Siamese over the Quedah 
people, who wore quite unprepared and over a country whoso 
resources had been gradually wasted and extracted for a series of 
years, are fully detailed already. 

From the foregoing history of the connexions subsistmg between 
Siam and Quedah, we cannot fail to come to the conclusion, that 
the conquest of the latter state by the beat contrived plans that 
treachery and injustice could devise, can only be regarded as an 
act of the most unjustifiable usurpation and unprovoked hostility, 
and such as loudly calls for the interference of a powerful 
Uovernmcnt like the British. It has lately been observed, in 
allusion to the present state of affairs of Continentel Europe, that, 
*^ As the safety of all states depends on the observance of the 
Laws of Nations, all acts done in avowed and systematical 
tjefiance of its principles, gives a right of war to all states against 



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AKBBBBOIl'S COKSIDfiHATIONS. 305 

wrong doers."* And it was remarked by one of the moBt dis- 
tinguiBhed statesmen of the present day, (Earl Grey). **Vfe 
admit it is the interest and duty of every member of the common-^ 
wealth of Europe, to support the established system and distri- 
bntion of power among the independent Sovereignties which 
actually subsist, and to prevent the aggrandisement of any state, 
especially the most powerful, at the expense of another.'' The 
turbulent and restless character of the Siamese, and the haughty 
tone of arrogance they have long assumed, united to the consi- 
deration of the state of alarm and agitation in which the British 
Settlements have been kept since that power became nearer 
neighbours than formerly, may lead us to doubt whether the 
neutrality observed by the British Government, and founded on 
solid and substantial grounds of expediency under the critical and 
peculiar circumstances of the time, will be preserved for any 
length of time, and it will be matter of consideration, "whether," 
as observed by the Reviewer, *' if we do not prevent the maturing 
of plans and the approach of dangers which have already unequi* 
vocally disclosed themselves we shall not shortly be called upon 
to fight in our own defence.'^ 

When we advert to the immense quantity of grain, and various 
other stores, which this ill-fated country supplied daring a long 
scries of years to the Siamese forces, that it was at the same time the 
Granary of Prince of Wales Island, and many of the surrounding 
states, we must form a very favorable estimate of of its resources. 
Mr Light says, and with truthj^ that little more than the name of the 
Company would be required in declaring the King of Quedah 
under our protection, and his sentiments as well as those of many 
other competent judges of the time, have been given as to the bane* 
ful effects of allowing the Siamese to possess themselves of Quedah. 
We have already observed that the Quedah country was captured 
by treachery, and wrested from its rightful sovereign by that very 
power to which it had done homage, and which, therefore, accord* 
ing to the Law of Nations was bound to protect, instead of oppres* 
sing it. We should recollect, that promises of assistance were 
given to the King of Quedah, as a condition of his cession of 
Pilnce of Wales Island, and that in oil correspondence during 

• Edinburgh Rcricw, No. 75. 



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300 ikffDBR0O]il*fl CONaiDUBATIOSrS. 

thirty-five years, almost every letter concluded with " Piirang and 
Quedah are oncj" we shall be at no loss, therefore, for a just 
pretext for interference, if deemed consistent with the policy 
of the superintending and controuling authorities. If a further 
cause were wanting, the incessant hostilities, between the Burmahs 
and Siamese in our immediute vicinity, the consequent interrup- 
tion of commerce, and the frequent acts of barbarous piracy com- 
mitted by the adherents of the contending parties upon peaceable 
British tradcm, might be assigned with propriety, as a just cause 
for the interposition of the British power and authority at Quedah, 
as a barrier between them and thus discourage that incessant war- 
fare which has prevailed between these two nations for such a 

Iciif'th of time. . «, , 

The policy and advantage of extending the terr.tory of the 

Honorable Company on the continent opposite Pinang, have b«"» 

warmly argued by aome of the Governors of Prince of Waks 

Island and the subject >yas ably discussed, particularly by Deute- 

nnnt Governor Farquhar, in his report upon the island in 1»H. 

He gives his sentimente as follows-«The advantages to be derived 

from Quedah, are worthy of separate and distinct inqniry, and if 

Ihis island is to be made a great naval depot, the following sng- 

ccstions may eventually be found ultimately connected with tho 

interests of the British Government. In all its extensive plans and 

operations, the British Government of Prince of Wales Ishnd 

iuld keep in ita recollection that the immediate wants of tho 

settlement have considerably increased and are likely to become 

erreater every day, and government should then advert to the un- 

tortant circumstance of supplies from Quedah being more w.th.a 

L reach, cheaper to the community and subject to fewer failures 

than supplies which, by exertions, might be elsewhere acquired. 

Now as these supplies cannot long be depended upon under tho 

nrcscnt conflicting authorities of five or six brolhei-s and an uncle, 

all eaually opiiressive and independent, the Company, in order to 

command piovisions for Pinang adequate to any demand, must 

adopt one or other of the following alternatives, viz : 

"They must lake such a share in the politics of Quedah as to 
..i«n such a decidea preponderance to Tuanko Pangiia.i (the pre- 
sCt kin.') as will enable him ulFcctuully to curb his brother and 



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AHD8lidO!l'6 OOMSlDEnATXOlftil. 307 

give efficacy to tho laws for the secarity of the Ryots, or they 
must obtain the 144 square leagaes opposite this Island, and 
ptirsne suoh measares for its Government as promise, with the 
greatest celerity, to be tho means of peopling and cultivating it. 
Were my opinion asked in regard to choice of these alternatives, 
I should certainly adopt that which placed Quedah under ou^ 
controul and management, but both will best secure the object. 

'' As cheapness of provisions is one of the greatest allurements 
to an increase of population, and as it is from a numerous popu- 
lation alone that the Company can expect the price of labour to 
be diminished, as well as a permanent and efficient revenue to 
defray the great expences of their important and extensive plans, 
this object may be considered as of the last importance, and aided 
by peace and quiet, it will soon leave no jungle either on this 
Island or on the Company's dominion on the opposite shore. 
Taking matters, therefore, on the great scale, the acquiring this 
territory ought never to be lost sight of. The possession of it, 
governed under peculiar laws, reserving the customs and usages 
of the Malays, excepting those that are arbitrary and oppressive, 
in regard to tho rights of life and property, would soon render it 
populous and productive of provision? equal to all the wants of 
the Island, provided the Government prohibit for a time all cul- 
tivation that interferes with the produce of provisions. This 
modified Malay Government is better suited to the people and 
managed at less ex pence than any other. Their laws will have a 
received sanction. They will with ease and readiness be submitted 
to, and ought therefore to have the preference if a speedy popula- 
tion be the object in view. The portion of territory above alluded 
to, would be boundel to the northward by the ridge of Gunong 
Jerai hills from Tanjong Jaga on the west, across the lake to the 
mountains on the east, and thence by a line east and west to the 
confines of Tringano. To the south the defined boundaries would 
be the River Carrian* to the confluence of the River Trase and 
Tamungong — then along the River Tamungong to the mountains, 
and thence an east north-east line to the confines of Tringano. 
To the east the boundaries of Tringano, to tho west the Sea, 
including all the Islands lying south of the east and west line 

• Krian. 



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306 AKBBMOll'S OOIIIIDBEATIOII0. 

from Tanjong Jaga, and those to the northward of a aouth-weat 
line from the soathem entrance of Carrian Rircr.'' Neither of 
these jadicioua plans for effectually seoaring the interests of the 
British settlement were ever adopted, but OoYeraor Bannerman 
in 1818 endearoared, though in vain, to obtain a much leas 
extensive addition than proposed bjr Lieutenant-Oovemor Far* 
quhar, to onr territory on the opposite shore. 

Colonel Bannerman proposed that the northern boundary should 
be extended from the south bank of the Kwala Mooda, to ten orlong^ 
beyond the north bank of the Kwala Mirbow, but no protection 
being stipulated to the King of Quedafa, and hu dread of the Siamese^, 
although he assigned another cause for tbe refusal, no doubt preTenti» 
ed a compliance with the wishes of the Government of Pinang. 

It may not be amiss to advert here briefly to the several objects 
which were expected to be attained by the Government of Pinang^, 
in proposing a Mission to the Siam Court a few years ago, not 
one of which was gained by the Embassy under Mr Crawfurd ia 
1822. The first commercial object was to secure a continuanee 
of the unrestricted importation of supplies of provisions from 
Quedah, on which Pinang had so long depended, as well as from 
other ports and places in the vicinity of Pinang, in any manner 
dependent on Siam. The next objects were to negotiate for a fixed 
and more moderate rate of duties to be levied in all the states under 
Siam, and particularly Junk Ceylon, to prohibit any exclusive 
monopoly farms, to permit a free navigation of all the rivers on the 
Western side of the Peninsula from their mouths to their sources, 
and to allow an uninterrupted intercourse overland, by means of 
these rivers, with Patani and the tin countries in the interior, with 
lagor, Singora, and all the ports on the eastern coast. The next 
commercial object was, with a view to encourage the formation 
at Pinang of an emporium or entrepot for tbe tin produce of Junk 
Ceylon, Patani, and Perak, to obtain some remission of the heavy 
duty levied on the exportation of that article from Junk Ceylon, 
to open a free intercourse with the tin mines of Patani, whence 
large supplies were ofiered to Colonel Bannerman, and where, 
there is no doubt, almost any quantity may be derived through 
the Mirbow, Mooda, and Prye rivers j and lastly, to prevent, 
through negotiations at Siam, the renewal of the Dutch Monopo- 



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909 

ly of tin at Perak. The letter ofthe committee in ISlS/showa 

the advantageous means possessed at Pinang for establishing a 
most extensive tin trade from the countries of Tavoy to Colong, 
The average quantity of tin exported from Pinang in the seven 
years preceding 1822, was 16, 800 picnis per annum. A reduc* 
tion of the supplies from Junk Ceylon/ and from Perak, in conse<f 
quence of the war, as well as the almost total discontinuance of 
the annual produce of 1,000 piculs from Ewala Moods, hasmucl^ 
reduced the importation of tin. It was also a part of the plan of 
the present Governor of Pinang, amongst the important qbject^ 
contemplated, and too numerous to detail, to turn the views of thq 
Siamese Court to the great advantage and practicability of con-r 
ducting an almost direct overland trade between Pinang an4 
their territories, along the Gulph of Siam, by a route across the 
Malayan Peninsula, or more to the northward across the Isthmua 
of Kraw, which is said by one authority to be only 20 leagues 
broad,* and it is said by some to be only half a degree broad. 
Forrest says, that from Pandang Pandang point on the Southern 
side of the Trang River, it is only two days journey to Singora^ 
in the Gulph of Siam. Between Ligor, Singora, and Trang and 
the territories of Quedah, a regular communication has long beea 
maintained by means of elephants, but the passage, which occupies 
six or eight days, might probably be rendered much more easy and 
expeditions if the roads were improved. 

Amongst the political objects, the permission to form an esta'* 
blishment at Junk Ceylon was particularly insisted upon, and 
also to obtain the cession of the Island of Pankour, near the 
mouth of the Dinding Biver. Relative to this plan, the Hon(H 
ruble Resident remarked— '^ The chance of the Butch at any 
time hereafter renewing their establishment at a place so intime- 
diately in the vicinity of this port as Perak, and the convenient 
situation of the Island for collecting the tin of that country, and 
for preventing piratical fleets seeking shelter in the numerous 
creeks and rivers in that quarter, have been urged in support of 
the measure. If this can be obtained without any chance of 
future collision wiih the Dutch claims^ it will certainly not prove 
the least advantage in favor of Pankour that its occupation, 

♦ Tuckey's Maritime Geography, p. 226. • • 

N 



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810 AiiDBiiMv'0 ooiini^xftATiom. 

•hooM k eror take plme, (Mnot entail any ex^cd om the Hono^ 
vable Company/' 

Not one of the above namoroiu and important objects was 
attained ; the Ambassador was received with distrust and jealousy, 
tad it would appear, by the accounts which have been published^ 
that nothing more was obtained than a promise not to raise the 
present duties ; and that the arrogance of the Siamese and impe- 
diments to a free trade have rather been increased than diminished 
by the mission. In a work lately published in Calcutta, profess- 
ing to give an authentic account of the mission/ it is stated ** Ati 
engagement has been entered into, not to raise the duties beyond 
iheir present amount^ but the word of the Siamese is not to be 
felied upon, and they are only anxious for our trade, that they 
<nay commit extortion upon it in their own waj. That way is 
this ; they give a public order for a free trade, and a secret oqo 
not to deal with the persons so offbred a free trade, under a penalty 
of stripes and fines/' and it is afterwards mentioned bj the same 
author,t that ^By the treaty entered into with the Siamese, the 
fiee admission of British commerce is stipulated for, an engage* 
nient entered into that the present duties, amounting generally to 
8 per cent shill never be raised, and a pledge given of cordial 
assistance from the officers of Government The great object of 
our Qov^mment was to secure such a finee trade as is granted to 
the Chinese, but this could not be brought about, without entering 
ittto snch political relations with the Siamese, as are at variance 
with the known principles of moderation acted npon by our 
Indian Administration,'* so that we are in fact in the same pre- 
cHoament aa before the mission. There is no doubt, that the 
Siamese having long found the advantages and profit of admitting 
British subjects to trade at Bangkok, however they may appear 
to be and really are averse to our political interference, will 
always find it their interest to carry on an extensive commerce 
with us, without which the country would soon suffer the greatest 
inconvenience. They have few or no manufactures and for ages 
past have been dependent upon the English for their supplies of 
olothing, opium, &c, and if there was no demand for their sugars, 

* Phipp'8 Shipping and Commerce of Bengal, p. 1(>5. 
t Md, p. XW. 



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AllDBIIflOM*^ OOVSIDBBATKOnu 811 

Uidir pepper^ tini ried, flftlt, and vivioiift otiiisr eomni()diftiflB whick 
are carried to the British aettlenients^ and to Earope, theooautry. 
woald soon be reduoed to povertj. We may be assnred there« 
fore, thaty however the Siamese may assume a lofty tone and 
pretended indiSerenoe to the British trade, they are too. sensible 
of its importance to wish any limitation of it^ and though it may 
be possible, that they would rather not see any of our smart ships, 
in their ports, fiom an apprehension that we have.designs upon 
them^ and there may be spies taking an account of their resources; 
and population, still they are aware that the active, industrious,, 
and numerous Chinee settlers, would always carry on an exten- 
sive trade in their junks to the British Settlements. 

Seeing that negotiations are of little or no avail with the 
Siamese, it may perhaps be a matter of consideration, whether the 
British Qovernment should longer delay asserting its rights, and 
evincing to the imperious power of Siam, that however desirous it. 
has hitherto been to cultivate a good understanding, and promote 
the interests of commerce^ it cannot admit of any indignities or 
encroachments, which the interference with an old Ally, the refu- 
sal of every reasonable proposal for the amelioration of our com* 
mercial intercourse, the ungracious reception of the Ambassador^ 
and barbarous treatment of British subjects, sufficiently indicate a 
deliberate and determined disposition to impose upon the British 
Govemmenti A very small force would be adequate for the pro« 
tection of our Ally, for the Siamese are not altogether ignorant of 
our power, and would tremble when they saw a determination to 
support the iCing ofQuedah. The king would no doubt vol un* 
tarily relinquish any claim to pecuniary assistance, and his reve- 
nues, under an improved system of Administration, with the aid 
of a British Resident, conversant with the language, manners, and 
institutions of the Malays, would not only be fully adequate to 
the support of his independence and dignity, but for defraying the 
expenses of the subsidiaiy establishment granted him by the Bri- 
tish Qovernment. 

The advantages of such a connexion are too manifest to be dila« 
ted upon. Thousands of poor people would be raised from misery 
and slavery to comfort, the Island of Pinang would be plentifully 
supplied with provisions of all sorts fOr its own consumption, for 



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318 AUDIRSOll'S COHSIDSBATIOHV. 

His HajestyV and the Honorable Company's ships, and the 
numerous vesseb touching at the islands, the traders would be 
aecure in continuing their adventures to Quedah and the adjacent 
statesi piraey would cease in a great degree, and the Honorable 
Company might reap immense advantages from the tin mines of 
Patani, and the Mountains of Quedah, which abound with Tin 
Ore. A very intelligent native who came from Banca, and surveyed 
the tin mines up the KwaU Mooda, declared, that the produce 
might in a few years be rendered fully eqaal to Banca, and offer- 
ed to establish a colony of miners, but was prevented by the ezor^ 
bitant demands of the king, who wished to have one-half of all the 
produce. There is no question the Siamese would speedily be 
reconciled to the British posseraing Quedah, and a lucrative over- 
land commerce might, after a proper understanding, be established 
to an almost unlimited extent.* ^'Jn the commencement of oar 
political connexion with the Siamese Government," says Mr Craw- 
furd, ^'a firm tone and vigorous conduct will be indispensibly 
requbite. The Siamese are surrounded by weak neighbours, 
whom they have subjugated, and to whom they dictate without 
resistance. This, and their great ignorance of all foreign nations, 
l)as rendered them, although essentially weak and puerile, avari- 
oious, vain and arrogant to such an extreme, as to fancy themselves 
nothing less than the very first nation on the globe. These un- 
founded pretensions mislead them so egregiously, that it is scarce- 
ly safe even to attempt to conciliate them, and thus the most 
moderate policy on the part of other nations, will always be in 
danger of being construed by them into timidity and apprehension 
for their own power. From personal experience of their singular 
and impracticable character, it is now my firm conviction, that 
had the circumstances of the time warranted the Pinang Govern- 
ment in promptly repelling even by military force, the threatened 
invasion of the island, the partial invasion of the opposite coast, 
and the threatening and arrogant language of the Government of 
Ligore, that the fears of the Siamese Court would have induced it 
to have made ample atonement, to have retracted its steps, to have 
withdrawn its force from Quedah, and even forborne in future 
from meddling in the affairs of that state." 
* Mr Crawford's report of his MiMion to Siam. 



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XNDBHSON'S CONSIDBRATIflrNS. did 

Having declared Qaedab under our guardianship, it might ber 
proper, in order to tranquillize the other Malayan states to the 
southward, and to gite confldence and an impetus to the revival 
of a daily languishing commerce, to declare their independence 
also, and the mere knowledge of the avowed protection of the 
English, would prevent the possibility of any foreign invasion. 
In my judgmerit/ not a soldier of the Company would be re- 
quired to defend them. Proper boundaries would be defined for 
their separate governments, and treaties entered into binding them 
against any encroachments upon their neighbour's territory or 
domain. Commercial alliances might also be formed. These 
treaties should be calculated to establish a mutual confidence, 
founded on a community of interests, and a sense of reciprocal 
benefits resulting to all parties concerned from such an alliance, as 
suggested long since by Lieutenant Governor Farquhar. There 
is no doubt all the different states, from the unequivocal disposi- 
tion of the chiefs, and their respect and attachment to the British 
Government would readily accede to measures so well calculated 
to secure their own interests. Possessing then a controuUing in- 
fluence over the several states of Quedah, Patani, Perak and 
Salengore, by the Pinang Government on one side, and Singa- 
pore holding a commanding interest over Johor, which might be 
extended to Pahang, Packanja, Tringano, and Callantan on the 
other, the whole Malayan Peninsula, comprehended within the 
circumscribed limits which I have assigned, would be under our 
influence, without involving the Honorable Company in one far- 
thing of expence ; the riches of the Mines would be drawn forth, 
and the valuable products with which that fertile tract abounds, be 
made subservient to the purposes of general commerce, a more 
extensive demand for our manufactures would be created, an d 
peace and tranquillity, the object of all good governments, restor- 
ed. It would still be advisable to form a small establishment 
upon the island of Pankour, to put an effectual stop to piracy in 
the Straits, to collect the tin from Perak and Salengore, and to 
afibrd provisions and assistance to small native traders between 
Singapore and Pinang, and particularly the numerous vessels from 
the East Coast of Sumatra, a branch of commerce which merits 
the greatest encouragement. Having established, as has already 



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dU AHMIIBOII'S CONStSBRATtOV0« 

been donc^ friendl/ relations vrith the namerouls Matetf ftom 
Diamond Point to Slack on the East Coast of Sumatra, the 
fertile countries on either side of the Straits would then be per* 
pctually pouring into the British Settlements^ their precious stores^ 
like the incessant rolling down of the waters by the numerous- 
rivers with which both coasts are interested. 

In extending our protecting influence to Qnedah^ and declaring 
the other Malayan States under our guardianship against foreign 
inTasion, we acquire a vast increase of Colonial Power without: 
any outlay or hasard, and we rescue from oppression, a countless 
multitude of human beings who will no doubt become attadied 
and faithful dependants ; we protect them in the quiet pursuits' 
of commcrcci and give life and energy to their exertions. We 
shall acquire for our country the valuable products of these 
countries, without those obnoxious impositions under which we 
formerly derived supplies from the West Indies. ** As it seems 
generally allowed," says Lieutenant Governor Farquhar, who 
formerly presided at this Island, *^ that a trade between a manu- 
facturing nation, and another having few manufactures, and rich 
in native productions, is advantageous to the former, and as 
Western India bears that relation to the Eastern Archipelago, a 
trade with them must be advantageous to us. The riches of 
Sumatra and Borneo certainly equal either Brazil or South 
America, and possess the advantage that they may be acquired 
by a sale of our manufactures without the disadvantage of 
capital, or precarious speculation, or expenditure of the human 
species which American mines require.*' But the riches of Suma- 
tra and Borneo are not much superior to those of the Malayan 
Peninsula, the mountains of which are one continued bed of tin ore; 
the finest gold is procured from Pahang ; pepper, rice, sugar, 
rattans, ivory &c. in abundance. In considering the policy of 
declaring the independence of the states on the Malayan Peninsu- 
lo. South of the Island of Junk Ceylon, we should look to the 
possibility, in the event of our delaying to do so, of the re-establish- 
ment of foreign influence at Tringano, Callantan, or any of the Ports 
on the Eastern Side. The French, the Americans, or the Dutch 
may possibly anticipate us. It must be remembered too, that the 
Dutch claim, and now exercise Sovereignty over, the extensive 



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AHDliRSON'S COXSIDBHATTONS. 319 

Isiandg of Javaj Borneo^ CdebcSi the Moluccas^ Bancnj a great 
part of Sumatra, and, in inct, appear to be aiming at the entire 
possession of the Eastern Archipelago. The British Government 
at present possess only two small islets, and an almost useless post 
on Sumatra* 

If the Malayan Peninsula too, shall ftill a prey to the ambitions 
aggrandizement of the Dutch, or even Siamese, the British 
GoTcrnment will scarcely have a foot in this quarter on which to 
stand.* Timely precautions are assuredly advisable and necessary ; 
a little longer delay in asserting our rights and putting a stop to 
farther encroachmcntSi may be attended with the most baneful 
consequences to British interests, and be hereafter only an unavail- 
ing source of regret. We should not overlook that the Dutch 
have almost excluded the admission of our manufactures exported 
from the British Settlements in this quarter, into Java or any of 
the places under their government, for the duty of 24 per cent 
assuredly amounts to little short of a prohibition. If the Dutch 
are permitted to proceed as they have lately done, they will havd 
the sole and entire commend of the eastern trade, which heretofore 
was enjoyed, in a great degree, by the Merchants of £^inang and 
Western India, which materially benefited the commerce of Bri- 
tish India, and which added considerably to the revenues of the 
Company and the State. 

* This was written before the Tieaty of 1824, between Great Britain and Hol« 
hind, by which the former became bound not to interfere with Sumatra and thd 
latter not to interfere with the Malay Peninsula. The nature of our intercourse 
with SUm, also, has assumed a very different aspect from wbAt prevailed when 
Anderson wrote, and is now as friendly os it was then the rerene. (1856. ) 



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316 



THB OAKBOCUi TBBB.* 

Thk Gamboge plant or tree is woody, with thick ovate leaves, 
and the natives saj that it sometimes grows to be 18 inches in 
diameter, though generally less, reaching a great height. The 
plant is not cultivatedj but grows wild like the sugar maple in the 
forests of America. At the commencement of the rainy season 
parties of the natives go out in search of the trees, and finding one 
of the proper size they make a spiral incision in the bark on two 
sides of the tree, at the base of which they place joints of bambu, 
into which the sap percolates, day by day, for months* It is at 
first a yellowish fluid, hardening gradually into a viscous and then 
into a solid state. In the viscous state its fracture is glistening 
like crystal. In this consists the whole process of its preparation 
when pure, and on the spot where it is gathered it sells for only 
4, 5 to 6 ticals per picuU It hardens in the bambu. 

The common means of adulteration is rice floar or the bark of 
the tree pulverized, but this last is apt to impart a greenish tinge. 
Sand is also added. 

The flowers are said to resemble those of the '' egg-plant'' and 
the fruit to be small and globular. Accounts differ as to the sea- 
son of gathering the gum. Some persons say they have been 
accustomed to Q:ather it in the rainy season while others say they 
collect ib in the dry season. A good tree generally yields 
enough of sap to fill three joints of bambu, 18 to 20 inches long 
and 1^ inches in diameter. The trees are said to grow on both 
high and low land. If the trees arc tapped every year it shortens 
their lives, but when the gum is only drawn every alternate year 
they do not appear to suffer injury and last for many years. 
There are several kinds of trees which produce substances rcsenoi* 
bling gamboge, but they differ essentially from it. 

Although Kamboja is the appropriate locality of the plant, 
there are at present large forests of it in the province of Chantibun 
in Siam. It does not grow in Kamboja so far north as Mata- 
bong. The name is unquestionably derived from the native name 
of the place of its original discovery, which should be written in 
accordance with both Kambojan and Siamese usage — Kambuja, 
Hence the Portuguese ''Gutta Kambuja" *' Kambuja drops." 
The Siamese call it R5ng, sounding the o as in cone but shorter, 

* This account of the Gamboge tree is taken from a memorandum fumlslted ia 
18»), by tlie late Revd J. Taylor Jones, of Bangkok, to Sir James Brooke, K.C.B. 



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KTIINOLOOY OF THB INDO^PACIFIC ISLANDS. 

By J. R. Logao. 

GOAF. TI. BHQU1HIB9 INTO THB BTSXIC BISTORT AND &BLATIONB OV 
TUB TIBBTO*BDBXAlf AND MOK-AKAM FORXATIO1I0. 

Sec. 5 (contd.). The Miscellaneoat Glossariol Affinities of the Tibetan Dialects 
amongst themsehes and with Chinese and Scythic. 

Sec. 6. The glossarial connection between Ultraindo-Gangetic and Tibetan. 

Sec. 7. The forms and distribution of the Chino-Himalalc Knmerals in China, 
Tibet, India and Ultraindla, con*i(iered as illustrative of the ancient relations and 
movements of the tribes of this Province, and of the Mcnlar cbanget In their 
glossarien. 

NOTICE. 

A renewed examination of each of the Oaogetic and Ultrain- 
dian vocabularies by itself and of the relations amongst the differ- 
ent groups, which I have made since sections 5 and 6 were print- 
ed, has greatly extended my knowledge of the forms of the com- 
mon roots and their transfer from dialect to dialect. The results—" 
ncluding corrections and additions to these sections-— will find a 
>lac6 in a later section. 

After the first part of section 7 was printed, the great historical 
nportance of the numerals induced me to reconsider them as ex- 
iustively as I could, and to construct a full comparative table in 
accordance with my analysis. The previous remarks on the 
numerab both in this Section, (pp. 116 to 125) and in Sees. 6 (pp. 
16 to 90) and 4, are now to be read subject to the corrections 
which will be found in the latter part of this Section (p. 126 to 
the end.) The chief of these is the transfer of the liquid in 4 and 
in some names for 5 and 8, from the dual to the unit series, and 
the establishment of the trinai character of the Chinese system 
up to 7. 

J. R. L. 

/February, 1857. 



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TimnplTrtitjinnwnirTri «f aU the dialeoto of tibe ftaflj, and we nrast lisre 
compaiea an thor Tocables iiot only with eich other but with those of tha* 
oogoate jfiunilies^— 4hat u with aU other human languagea. The history 
of every apoken tongue aaoends to the very beginning of speech, or to tha^ 
origin of mankind. It contains roots that have oome down through nu** 
DMRMia ohannels and with various changes of form and m^nuiiag. 
Eaidt root has alflOy through all ethnic time, flowed in hundreds of coo-. 
temporuieousoairantBymultialyingby self division, diverging £u* apar^ 
^^rpaching, touohing or ooaieacing, and again divaricating. The genea- 
logy of every language is henoe exctedin^y oomplicated, }ind will remaia 
a snhject of researeh lor eenturies to come. We must make a bmiiaing 
with imper£BOt TOGabolaries, and such partial groups as they enabte us to 
determine. The results which the iirst labooran m the ^Id may arrive 
at will appear inwgniiioant as the science advances; but they have this eiw 
aouragement that every well considered comparison, however narrow, leads 
toa positive historical result What is learned ia a substantial and slable 
gain. It win aftsrwards tske its phuse as only one among: many evid^^iu 
ceaof the same ethnic movement or influence, or internal iingui:«eii8 
dumge; and conneetiona that now appear isokted or partiU will be expl lia* 
ed as flie rasiilta of ethnic alliances and events that were n it at first: ^ .^ 
pected, but which have left other records in the vocabulaiy. 'fha en. Hor 
genevalisatioiis wiU be eorreeted when they have been too narrow or *6^ 
wide, but the substantial affinities brought to hght will alwayn remain 
tsauu^ the iiuts on which the sdenoe^ in aU iu successive deveiO|)inenti. 
win be based. ^ 

With the smaU samples which we poesess of most of the Himnlsic 
knguagea, we mujtt be satisfied irith the examiviation of a tew groups jf 
woids, «ia eaeh of theae exceedingly defective, ^ot to oi»mp;icate che 
anqni^, it wiU be confined to ascertaining 1st, the ramificiti .n^ of each 
root in an the vocabularies; 2d, the vocablCB br which each o\9i:t is i^ 
present known in the diflbrent vocabnkhes, ana the conaecti'.n4 tliere^iy . 
mdici^ed; 3d, the affinittes of each vocabulary Augly. The relations ind- 
aated under the int head are to a great extent ardikic: they muit have 
been formed during a great kpse of time ; and many of them mu4 bclo.ig 
lo tlie earliest phase of human speech The history iudicated by these 
affinities is comulex and must emb^*ace many and great ethnic changed and 
ttuvemeuts. The affinities examined uiiier the 3i head will throw some 
h'^ht on the later ethnic mivements ; and thoM brou^cht tog» t ler u rider 
ihe :id will help to show to what extent each dialect was affected b v t<^4e 
fnovements^ ana what its modem and its later pru*tustorical sulaUoiis t^ 
the other dialects have been. 

As the Chinese is, on the whole, more faith ul to the primary systrat 
of nomenclature than other laQ^aares, ana the HimaUuc family ^ta^ea 
the next phce in the order of gLweariai disorganisation and coucre- 
tion, it wul be nsdiil to take a £bw iUostratious from Chinese uf 
the use df. generic names. The root ngau—dialectically varied t« 
gu on the guttural side and to niu on the liquid-— is applied, with 
apedfic quaiitives, to the Cow, wong ngau {ifM>m ngau), Biffklo^ 
urn ngau {water ngau), Yak man ngau, Zelm fung ngau, and 
BhmoearossuL Bgsa. The root yeung (yang te.) i^^^PpHed to tbe Sheep 
inin yeimg, OoaC shan yeong hmmiUam yeung) or tso (teau &c.) yeuoM^ 
OonoiifiDgyettiigiaMAnti^ yeuug). 



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T4 WfBVMAOr Of' tHB HTDO-PACinC I9tAinM. 

The roat sbu it appKed t& flif!h*«it kinds of FMt$ 1o dlra, chnk shn, tMD^ 
ihu, ku aha &c., and Mice ahik ahn, tso nhn kc., to the iS^ntrfvl aui^ehu 
or woDfr ahu, to the Wem$el yau shu, to the Mole tin ahu or an ^u, to the 
Marmot to pat ahn, and to the Bat li shu. 



The fullowing ap]iaar to be the nwta now current in the Tibeta& vocfr- 
bularieain the namea for the Cat, Do^, Hor, Goat, Monkey, Cow, BuAk- 
Ipe, Elephant, Horse, Tif?er and Monkey, the namea of other qoadmpeda 
not beini; contained in the abort Sifan fiata. 

1. ( a. ). The labial with a alrader vowel, mi, hi or byi, ni, me', ia aa 
element in the namea. for the Cat in Bhotian (Sokpa andTakpa), txx the 
Cow in Uorpa and Manyak, and for the Bt^ffiuoe in Manyak. The Horpa 
me' auggeata that it may, in an oUer form, haTe had a gruttural final. Tne 
Thochu pi Eo^ may be a alender 8i&n Tarialion of the preralant phafr» 
pha ItCjlike n road for the Bhotian km, bri muik€ fi>r ine Bhotian biiil 
)cc ((tee Sec. 2), ao that it cannot be omaidered aa a fourth application of 
the archaic slender root. 

( 6. ) The aspirate labial with the • vowel ia applied to tha ffoff. It 
weaerTeaagattuTalfinalin Bhotian, but haakiat it mHorpay Manyak and 
Takpa,— phar, phak, pha, vah, wah. 

( c. ) Another broad form in applied to the Com^l%, pha, wo— in ffiio- 
tian, Takpa and Manyak ; and to Uie Horse— bo— in Oyanmar and Manyak. . 

A a. ) Cat, hyi^k Bhotian wr., ai-mi Bholian sp., Bok-na, ayi-m-^ 
pa (-bu, the Bhotian maac. postfix aa in the BnoL pre-^ monkey). 
Comp. bi-thi rat Bhot., pi-chni4» Changlo. 

Cow. ngau-me Horpa, wo-mi Manyak. ffop^ ]» Thochn. 
Bf{flaloe, ding-mi Manyak. The word ia not given in the other Sifiua 
Tocabulariaa. 
XTiaer^ le-pbe Manyak (Chinese lo>fii Ac.).] 

1 h.) Hog. phag Bhot wr., phak Bh. sp.; Horpa vah, Manyak wah, 
Takpa pha. 

ie. ) Caw, ba Bh. wr., ba' Takpa. pha-chuk Bh. ap.^ wo-mi Manyak* 
ior$e, bo-ro' Gyaninff, Manyak, b-ro' Manyak. 
Chineae has mi »tag^ 1 oolt^ ma haroe. 



II. The liquid root occurs in names for the Caif Goat^ Cow, Bt{ffaloef 
SUphant and Horse, 

Cat. byi-la Bh. wr., chu-la Horpa, lo-chi Thochu to-rhu Gyarung. 

Goat, ra Bh., Takpa. 

Cow. toAo Sok-pa, lang dang Bh. (Bob.), hmg-gu Ml (Pitti), p^ 
lmoow{ib). 

Bnffaloe. ding-mi Manyak. 

Blaphant. i^-lang^hen Bh. wr., km-^^^e Bh. sp., Iha-5o-che Bdkpa, 
la-flio-che Horija, laug-chhen Gyarang, Takpa. The second element ia 
the compound is Chinese. The native term lang is obvioualy that used 
for the Cow and Bt^ffaloej the Chinese name being added as ue apecifie 
one or qualitive, or conversely. 

Eorse. rhi, lyi Horpa, ma^ri Sokpa, ro' lliochu. bo-ro' Gyarung, Ma- 
nyak, b>ro' Manyak. [Chinese has lu, lo a»s, lau nu, lo fu tiffer, ku ahu, 
lo dui raif luk, in deer^ lok, loh to aamel]. 



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BTHfilOLOaT OF THB HfDO-PACIFIC ISLANM. . 75 

' III. The sibflant and dental ioot]9 applied to the Cat n, syi, chi, chu, 
ch^a, Ooat ehhe, tmh, so, cha, chang, Cow chuk, Bull zyah, zi, Deg ah% 
tft', JJi/r*? ta', TV^iT tak, te. 

A. The sibilant. 

Cat. si-mi Bh. sp., (sji-m-^ Takpa), chu-la' Horpa, lo-chi Thochii, 
mi^-cheu Manyak. 

Ooat. chang;*ra Bhot., chhe Horpa, tsah Thochu and Manyak, kU'OO 
GyBLTVLug, cha-pu, chya-pu (the goat of *' the northern region of the sub- 
ITimalayas " Hodgson, J. B. A. S. XVI., 1020). 

Cow. pha chuk Bh. sp. 

Bull, zyah Thochu, nga-zi Manyak. 

Doff. Ac^sha' Mauyak. This appears to be a Tariation of the dental found 
in Horpa Auv-ta'. 

B. The dental. 

Iforite. r-ta Bh. wr., ta sp., te' Takpa. 
Doff. ka-ta* Horpa, k-aha' Manyak. 
Tiger, s-ttLg Bh. wr., tak sp., «-tak Horpa, tee Takpa. 



IV. The sntturnl and nasal roots are applied to the Doff, Boa, Tiger 
and Cow, and appear to be al) Chinese in their immediate affinities. 
•• Dm. khyi Bh. wr., uyo sp., khwa Thochu, khi Gyarung, Takpa, (dii- 
nese kiuen, bun, kau, keo. Fin kd-ra &c., Monsrol nho-khwe, na-koi &c. 

Nog. ki Gvarung [? chi, ti, tio, chu, tu, du Chinese]. 

Tiger, khd Thochu, kong Oyarung, [khn Gyami, hu Chinese]. 

Cow. gwa Thochu [? Chinese ngau, gu]. 

Cow. ngan-me Horpa, nye-nye Gyarnng. Chinese K-t. ngau, K-h. niu 
Hok-kiengu; cwhwang niu, wong ngau, vong ngiu, (hwang, won^, 
Ton^, yellow) &c.; bull mau niu, niu ku, n^u ku, ngau kung &c. (mau. 
kn, kung, male)', h^ffkloe (water-cow) shui niu, shui ngau. 

The oocurreaoe of the same root as an element in difierent names, and 
its change of position from initial to finals i^ in several cases, explained by 
ito posaesaing, or having primarily poasessed, a sexual power. The labial 
retains its sexual power m Tibetan. The sibilant is masculine in its ap- 
plication to the Bull in Thochu and Manyak. llie liquid does not appear 
to be current as a mascuhno root in Tibet, but it is preserved in Bhotian 

Si-Ia Fath^Ty and in the southem languages of the family it is common in 
e Tibetan forma lang, ra, ro, ri &c, as a masc. substantive or aerfile. 
On comparing the Tibetan names of animals in which it occurs with 
the southern ones, it is clear that it must originally have been a masc. 
root in Tibetan. Hence byi*2a, chu-W, io-chi eat and chang-ra goat, are 
radically masc.; while si-mt, mo-cheu eat, wo-m cow, are radically fern. 
In Tibetan the sex qualitive may either preoede or follow the substantive 
word. In the course of that gloaaarial metamorphosis to which language 
is subject, the sex name has, in aeveral mstances, become a substantive onel 
Ba, wo and lang are now Cow, ra Goat, rhu Cat, phag Bog, and ding 
Buffaloe. With the light thus thrown on the Tibetan names we can pro- 
cera with more certainty to examine their history and lehitioDa. 

I. The labial ia one of the pRiniiysookgkal roots. It la also priiQA* 



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79 wrmHoumr urn thi nrB^-PMinc lauiraiu 



lyia 8gythicy«dwith>«milariMyofiffliflrtfan. Oi^ ToridA mi- 
diik, iMhiky BMH^hi 4EcUy Oilaak n^^ Thatthit, 

wu a Toy vchaic applicatiQii— oBilMptiie eariki^ unkaa tfaa aioiue wa* 
the iint of the hooae ({iiadriipeda (pq)i» miuhy mii% piaae Iw. Iec.)— is 
aiiowii bj tiie prevaknoe of tiie Moae lOot, and of the nnw cQinbmatiaiis. 
in other lamiliiea, induding Semito-Afiican hi-ay mua Iec^ Caiicaaian and 
Paflhitt puh-iky and Dimvirian pt-ohi kt. (See chap. Y. see. 11, Gax). 
Similar yoeablea for the wwum are as widely apread: and tboae for the. 
dog, goatj fheep and eow are the aaaie (e. g^. wn> Ugiian mia-ye, me^ 
mns, wya &c.). It la much mote probaUe that the root waa extended 
from the nnaUer to the larger animala than the nnrerae. The order was 
probably firom the moose and rat to the cat» and then to the dog, gQat| 
aheep, hog, oow, and bnffitloe, as they were domesticated. The moose and 
nt would be the flmt quadrupeds tooeoome inmatea of human dwsUinga^ 
a.»d they would be the baits that fliat attracted the cat and the dog £ram 
their coverts and reconciled them to man's oompanionship.* T&fbna 
and the free position of thr TSbetanmi Iec. in the difierent oompoonda ia 
which it occurs, show that it is not a derivatnre from Scythic. It must be 
equally archaic ia both brandiea of theTibeto-Scythic stem. The nUimats 
source, or primanr meaning, ol cue root iqipeaatohate been fMsii,male or 
frmale. it was attorwards applied to the umW or females «f the lower a^ 
mala. In the BboCiau si*Mt (m^ Mauyak wohsi Oo», dingnni Bm/ft^f mi 
has probably its femiuioe tunctiou« The BhoCian and Gyarang mi Jfim i§ 
the same f4>rm ot the labiai. It is also Ugiian mi, ma, mi%mes» mias^ maa^ 
mus, mia, man, mar, mor, ^., and in tliat £unilv may also be thesouroa 
of the similiir names of domi«tic animain. The i»otiau pha, pa, ba kc^ 
J'miker^ and ama, (loa, mo Ice.) mM*r, bave not only been applied to ani- 
nuis, to dttiig^iate tite sex, a«jd tiMM urigiuatei Siibataative names, but have 
eome to be usfNi as defiidtiTes with inaniinatt^ substantived. The aiender 
luim is not current ^ a deliiiitive in Bhotian, Horpa or Gyaruug, but it 
is tiiusd in Tnochu -isi, -^, Manyaib -sm, '•pi, -H, iJiopa -Ac?, and m Gan* 
getic diaiccts. 

The Bhocian byi of byi-la Cut aldmuh primaiily identioal with tho 
■9rvile sexual bi, mi !((:• has evIUently liad a ilistiuet histoiy. It pvesenta 
ittelf as a root used substantively lor the Oa^ and that this api^caliQn was 
rery archaie appears from its being ibnnd huth in tiie Chioese gloisary 
aiulin thatof the sicythic, andmost of the other Aaatie fonuationa. Ls 
a pesrs ts be the maac. liquid mot used posdiually as in pa-ja Joiker^ 
ciiang<4ia jifmif chu4tt esl. 

Ba, fW, is the same loot as the pha in pha ehuk. Serpa has ma cfa«« 
B:i or pha and ma are identical with the Bhotsn saxnal labial definitives 
S' d postiixes, pa, ba, po, bo 4c, masc, ma, mo Jcc. fem. 

In the LhoDa dialect of Bhotian bha is the ^i/, langtbecaip; the 
oempound ba-iang, pa-lai^ is used in some dialeota for tha amv« in laug^io* 
che, ekphanty laii^takea themasc. postf. Tb.e woof Maayak ia also ra* 
dically the same masc. def< It has the same f arui^ in Thochn as a postfix, 
mar-fV0 Bird, nyag-ir0 Crow. Bhotian has bo^ vo^ pho, po. 

* I have found a somewhat similar |iim|ik in Admiral Sehiadiko£rs 
Tergleihendea Wbrterbuch iL» 224. — ^Referring to the iidentity of some 
Widely p. i^valent names for tne Gat, Dog, and Mouse, he explains it by 
aa>i4ig that tfafey must hiiTa beofc tihe »it4 



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rrsvoLo«T of tbb iNoo-PACiric islands. ft^ 

Both bs, pha, or wo and lang miut have been oriinnally applied as qnali* ' 
tites to the MIy with or without another suhstantiTe root conjoined. li 
b probable Uiat chuk preoedod them as the substantiTeand that chuk, ba, 
chuk wo, chuk lang:,— or ba chuk, wo chuk, lang ohuk, — ^weie current like 
pha chuk and ma chuk. 

The broad form of the kbial root for Man^ ba, pa, wa, wo, bu isa vexy 
oommon one in the soological vocabulary, with different applications, and 
with or without a final consonant, s, 1, k ice. It has frequently a mascu- 
line application, both when used for the bull and ox, and for the males of 
other quadrupeds. It is applied to the Bull in Scythic, buffa, buka, Indo- 
European buka, bufTu, buk : wol, wul, bull : bus, bos, bu, oe, wo (Scvthio 
mus,miB. wo-gol &c. ke.), and to the Oj? in Circassian, w we, be, Dl>y. 

TheTifietan pha§^, pha, wa ke. Hogy is distinct in form from mi and byi, 
and is eyidently a verf archaic yariety of pa, ba Jcc The labial does not 
appear to retain a similar form with the same application in the glossaries 
of the otherjrreat families, but it is still current for the^oo/^ ikeepy ox, 
ieerkcj in Scythic, Indo-European, Semito-African kc, and it is frequent- 
ly applied to the male. It is not Chinese in any of these applications, and 
it therefore belongs to the Scythic side of the basis glossary, out without be- 
iBflra deriyatiTe mm Scythic. It is one of the distinctive archaic vocables 
of Tibetan. Its relations to the examples of the same root found in other 
fiunilies will be considered when the Ultraindian forms and appioationa 
have been given. 



II. The fiquid root is one of the primary or most archaic of the Tibetaot 
and hence enters into many animal names. It appears in the form lang, 
k to have become one of me proper native words lor the Cow and to have 
been afterwai^is applied to the JElephantj in the form ra it has become a 
substantive name for the Ooat;-a.nd m the form rhu for the Oat. A 
different form of the same root, or a primarily distinct liquid root, appears 
to be the native term for the horse to (probably a softening of rok), rhi, ryi. 

This root has also a masculine application. Its primaiy meaning is 
ma$iy male, and it occurs extensively m the Chino-Himalaic vocabularies 
in masculine terms, — man, husband j father kc., — and as a masculine defi- 
nitive with the names of animals, in various forms, nan, lang, leng, la, 
lu, lo,long, loff, ru, ling, ri, ren kc. The Bhotian word for father, pa- 
le adds it to &e labial root of old Bhotian. In chu-2a', 2o-chi Cat and 
chane-m Ooat it has probably the same function. It is a widely spread 
Tootfor SUM, — Chinese, Turkish, Mongolian, Semitic, African and Draviro- 
Australian. 

The more immediate affinities of the root in its application to the Cow 

are found in the Ugro-Semitic band. Fin Cow loh, loch,leh, or, er, la,— 

k^-flMO, lochnna, leh-siu ; Caucasian Ox, her-^, hor-g, or-j, or-g, er- 

dse, hyer-ko, Ugrian yzh-la, (comp, ish, ysh-kuzh £c,), ok-or, (comp. 

I ke.), Tungusian or-gol (comp. gol Turk.); Indo-European aur-ochs 

E is Scythic), ur^s; Caucasian o^ al ^Lesgian); Semito-Nilotic lo-ft' 
lahi-<At» Mahrah, lahe-mt, la-m^ Tigre, la-m Amharic, Harragi, 
Gafot, lu, lo-ipo, Ae-lo-a le-ti;u A^u, hMiu>-wi Gafat, la Danakil, loh 
Sanmali, lo-wt Galla, la^Tumali, ai-ra Dalla ; Ml oura Dsnakil, Amha- 
ric, uhnrArldko. The Semitic form, as in so many other instanrfs, 
must be directly connected with the Caucasian ; and from the Lesgian (^1, 
il^«ad the Mahzah and Tigre lahiy lahe, it is evident that this S. £. group . 



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79* KTHNOLOGT OF TBB 1NDO PACIFIC ISliAKDfk 

is more iminediately connected with the F^ ikmit with the Tiketat. 
In the Chinese, Scjthic, Indo-European, CaacaBian, Semitic and African 
families the prevalent names for the Cow contain different roots. The 
Tibetan name is therefore independent. The Fin loch, loh is a variety of an 
archaic form applied to the Horse in Uirro-Tibetan, and to the jPovria 
Chinese, ard probably cojinected with llbetan forms for the Com only 
through the dehvation of both from the same archaic Asiatic ma^niline 
root. 

Ha ffofit ( ra-ma^., ra-ba m.) appears to be the same root. The wor4 
18 only found in Bhotian. It is not Chinese. It seems clear therefore that 
ra was oriiinally derived irom chan-m, a nwsc. form of the root chwg. 

The liquid root is applied to the/foat in Semito-Nilotic langun^sasy ba^ 
mn Mahrah, a-ron Gara, Ao-rar, n, re Galla, ilk Danakil, arre Saninali> 
araha Bulanda, [eru, eri, ere laoama &c. is probably a contraction of tha 
com. African ^-wure, wnh, c*^pori &c.]; arre Bauma&. But these namas if^ 
Dot a^ipear to have any direct connection with the Tibetan. 

Ro Horse is U^rian, and the guttural is preserved in Ostiak log^ 
loch, low, (in other Ugrrian lan^jruagos lo, In, lyu; wol, wyl, wal; lowo« 
The 0>tiak gruttural Ibrm corresponds not only with the Sifan rd^ bat with 
the Chinese luk, lii, Id drer. In £. Tibet and Siling it is also used •» % 
generic vocable for sheep, two kinds of which are luiown as ha*luk and 
pe-luk ( Hodj2^n J. B. A. 8. xvi, 1008). The root may also be oootainecl 
in the Samoiede bo-ra, Koria mol, mar. Tungusian mo-ro-fi, mu-ri*A, mur. 
ri-Z, Mongolian mu-ri-», mo-ri — this liquid form corresponds with the 
Horpa rhi. But in this prevalent Tartar term the liquid is either one of 
the common Anals taken uy monosyllabic roots in the 8cythic £umly or it 
is a sex postiix, the root being mo, mu, cognate with the Chinese mA. 
In the Ugrian and Turkish ola-sha, Turkish lo-sha and Caneaasn ukh 
( Hisjejian ), it may be a substantive root, as in the Ugrian lo &e. 

' From the occurrence of the liquid as a'prefix or postfix in the human sax 
names and in several names of animals in Scythic glossaries, itis probaUy 
servile and masculine, or was so originally. Man Fin a^>maz, iil-miiz, U<t: 
grian ^-man, rW-goIos; Husband tin o/-ma, ti^-ma, toe-lo'mnn, Mongohaa 
ere, Turkish ire, eri, er, ir, er-kek, er-in, ar-ini ; Cat tV-my-shak, er-gak^ 
m^'i, Turkish (.so a ^n-p-shik, ata being J^/z/Aer) ; Doff koi-ro, koi-ff , koi-nc 
Ian, a/-tschipy a/-ship, i7-tschap (al;M> tschip kc.) Yeniseian ; Ox •r-gol 
Tungusian. 
It we consider the labial as the substantive root in the Soythi# 



xno>ro-it, mu-ri-n, and ro, ri as masc. serviles, which in tha Uezuut ^ 
Off &c. have become substantives, the same view must be taken of tfas : 
Tibetan bo-rd, rd, which are thus placed in the same class with pa* lis, pba; , 
chang-m, ra; chu-^ /o-chi, rhu ; and perhaps r-ta, if the Bnotian pre- 
fizual r-, /-, S-, r-, b'f p-, r- be, as is probable, contractions of the origi* : 
nally masculine definitives la, ba, si kc. As the form ro is no longer onr- 
rent in the southern Scythic languages, it must belong to the ardbaie U- - 
grian basis of Tibetan, like a large proportion of the other vocables. la ' 
the Ultraindian vocabularies the masculine lianid root retains the gnWatm • 
ral final in several dialects. Indeed all the Scytnic forms are foand| — ^ri, xio^ * 
xoui log, lok &c. 



III. The sibilant in its application to the ai< appears to be archaie^ . 
ttri u^itive. The root isjfoimd m Scythic Tocabukrios jEqx tl(e Mvtm ifi^g* ^ 



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ETHKOLOGT QF TH9 INDO-PACIFIC ISLANDS^ 7^ 

Turkish Mak^ zis> shi kc^ in shiab-Aon, 8hi-^«7f, shyshi kcX and a sinm 
lar root is combiaed with the labial root in the Ugriou me-tscnik^ n;a-tek% 
mi-sak, and Mongal mi-ohoi (al^ mil) cat. 

In the Tibetan vocabularies (Horpa as well as Sifan) the sibilant root ift 
the preyaLent one for goaty chang, chhe, tsali, so. It is a common Scythic^ 
root, occurring in names for the coio, horse, do//, hog, iiumse and sheep* 1% 
is doubtless applied to the goat also, but most of Kknroth^s Scjthic voca- 
httlaries omit the word. In other highly Sc3't}iic g'lossaries it is applied 
to the ffoat. It is the prevalent Caucasian root — ze, tzia, etcha, cnan, 
zu-ku, tn-ka, z&-ki, ka-za, E. Caucasian; ga-se Misjejian, ^-zhen, zhi-ma, 
Circassian; tcha Georgian, sa-ga, sa-g, zan, zan-ek Ossetic; Indo-Euro- 
pean zie-ge, chha*g«l, chha-g, a-ja, cnhe-lo, tsa-wul ; Semito-African ne- 
ze, bi-se, c-j^^so, t-jnt-shu, .^zo [lis, fus, hheep Ossetic], dc?-«ha, ^dfl^ 
sikh, e~3u, ffibo-zi, si, si-JM &c. 

The same root has as great a range in its application to the caw. Thd 
Tibetan zyah, zi, chuk, are ^cythic in their immediate affinities. Chuk is 
Tungusiaii chyu-kun, hu-kur, ku-kur, Yeniseian thu-ga, tu-k kc The 
root has the same application in the Ugriau isli, oah &c. ax [Indo~£ur. 
oehs, ox kc.]j MongoliaB shar, zar bull; Caucasian is, as, ots, atu, ust^ 
n-itz &c.; Indo-European oohs, ox, oas, osae ice. 

All the appUcations of the sibilant appear to be Scythic ia their afEni-« 
ties. Chinese does not use this root tor the caw, goat or ciU. It is applied 
to tiie Mare shie, she, Hog chu, chi &c., Musk deer she, Mouse shik, shu 
(as in Turkish &c.)i H^ ahu, chuk ; and in the same form to the squirrel 
and weasel with qualitive roots proposed. The Chinese chi, chat, stalli4m^ 
flp))ear8 to be the same root in its masculine Tibetan, Scythic, Caucasian 
and Indo-European applieation. 

The dental root is, m many cases, the same as the sibilant, and has^ 
similar range. As a name for the Horse the Bhotian r-ta, ta is cogpoate 
not only witn the Turkish at^ ut, but w^ith the Chinese shie, she ; Scythio 
sha of oioHsha (U&ro-Turk.), Indo-Euronean M-p, ash-;ra, tzi, Cauci^^ 
man shu, shi, che, chak fcc., Semitic sua, oas-^n, nis-on, AiHcan eis, es, 
sy, ii, su, so, dsu, enri, e-^si, a-shi. The Bhotian ta appears to be aa 
archaic form. It is found (reduplicated like s of the Hebrew sus) in the 
*Dravirian and-N. Indian tata, totu. Exactly similar terms in t and s of 
ah are widely current names for the dog, hog, and ox» 

The Horpa ka-td, Manyak ^hd, dog corresuond with the Turkish eda, 
it, ot, KoriaK a-tan, a*-tar &c., Kamschatkan ke-tan, ko-eha kc.^ Aino 
8tah-pu, Yetiiseian tsi, t^^tscha, tscbip. tip &c. 

The Bhotian and Horpa «-tag, tak, Tiger, is a consonantal and probablj 
niore archaic form of the same root. 

From this form, the abrupt accent of id and sha, and the application of 
the root to the dog, horse and tigir, it is probable that the root was one of 
the primary ones of the Tibetan glossary. 

like the labial and liquid roots its primary application was also to Man^ 
and most commonly in the sense of Father,* Progenitor kc. It occurs in 
many families in reduplicated forms tata, dada, titi &c. In the Scythio vo- 
cabularies it is equally common with the labial root as the word for Father. 
Ugrian isi, ese, atte^ ata, tato, tatei &c., Turkish ata, ote, asio, Mongol 
etschi^ etj'chi-ge &c., Japan titi, tsitsi, kc. kc. The redu]>licated Scythic 
form IS also Indo-Eum^n and Zimbian. In the Himalaic family it does 
not appear to be one ot the primaiy and prolific roots, but it occux's ii^ 



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80 STHNOLoor or thk inrao PACiric islands. 

Hoqtt fh-'dh fnan and Manyak chho' sum, which show the same tanatian 
ftDm the palatal and broad to the purely ofailant and ilmder Ibnn Uiat la 
•een in chn, cheu, chi, &c. in the nainet of the eatj in changr, tsah, so, chhe 
in Uioae for the goaty and in znm, tyu, si in those for the wumkey* The 
broad form of Manvak ia Ostiak cho, choi, hat the normal Scythic £irm of 
cho ifl the gnttoral ku. 

lY. The guttural and nasal roots do not appear to have been primary 
and |firOlific, unless khi d(M and ki hog he both native, and the former only 
primitively connected with the Chinese. 



From this ffeneral survey of the Tibetan names of the domestic animalsy 
we iniSer that lafaial roots now having* the forms bi, mi &c.; phag, pha Ice., 
and ba, wo ke., — ^liquid, now having the forms kng, la, lo, ra, rhu, t6 
hik, — sibilant and dental, now in i£e forms si, chi, dbu, cheu, chhe, cha, 
chang*^ tsah, so, — and dental, in the fbnns tag or tak, ta, ta,*— were among 
the pnmary roots of the family. Of these the earliest to ao^uire a spedfic 
substantive meaning appear to have been the labial byi in its application 
to the Caiy the labial pha^ in its application to the Hog, the lalmQ do in its 
appKcation to the Horse, the sibilo-paktal in its application to the Ooat and 
Oowy the aspirate-pittural in its application to the Dog, and the dental and 
aspirate in its application to the Uog, Hone and TxgtT. The labial in its 
otner applications, and the liquid, appear to have remained servile to a 
comparatiTely late period, and they probably still retain their sex function 
in most of the names in which they occur. 

The primarr roots connect the Tibetan or Himalaic fiimily with the 
Scythic as dialects of one proto-Scythic monosyllabic glossary, distinct fhmi 
the Chinese, but having also affinities with it. The separation between 
the Chinese and Bcytlio-l^ibetan vocabularies must have taken place at a 
much more remote period than that of Uie separation of Tibetan from 
other proto-Scythic vocabularies. At the latter period seveml forms of 
the common roots had acquired specific applications, which they have re* 
tained in Tibetan and in several of the widely difiused Scythic and Scy- 
thoid vocabularies of the Old World. Others again are proper to Tibetan, 
and indicate the great antiquity of the separation. This is also proved by 
several of the common forms being best preserved by languages now widely 
removed from Tibet-His the Ostiak. In speaking of the period of separa- 
tion it is not intended to limit the connection to one age. There may 
have been successive contacts between Scythic and Tibeten vocabularies 
in archaic as in recent ages. 

The only name that may indicate an archaic connection with the Chineae 
nomenclature is the guttural root in its application to the Dog, The other 
radical Chinese names are difi^rent from the Tibetan. The names for the 
Cow, Horse, Sheep, Cat, Hog, Tiger and Monkey are ouite distinct. A Chi« 
nese root for the Deer is the same as the Tibetan for tne Skeep, but this is 
one of those primordial affinities that may rank with those of the pronouns. 

The other Chinese names found in the Tibetan vocabularies are evident- 
]y intrusive and compratively modem. Some have the forms of the an- 
cient Chinese phonology, and some tiie emasculated Kwan-hwa. Like many 
other Chinese words in these vocabularies they prove that the Chinese race 
is that with which the Tibetan tribes have been longest and most intimate-^ 
hr connected in the latest era of their ethnic histery . Broad Chinese names 
Kv the Citw are found in all the vocabularies along with native ones, save 



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VTBNOtiOOY OF THB INDO.?ACTFIC I5tAKIW. 81'- 

I 

in Gyaruni; which has the modem or Kwan-hwa name only. The Chines* 
name of the J^jpikant appears to be annexed to a native root in all the 
dialects. The Chinese name for the Tiffer is found in the grutturalised Gyami 
form of Kwan-hwa in Thochu and Gyarunsr, and in the old Chinese form 
in Manyak. The Gyarung name for the ffo^and the Manyak name for 
the Monkey appear to be corruptions of the Chines. 



The 2d step is to examine the nomenclature of each animal, with a 
view to ascertain the extent of the dialectic divergency. 

The Oat has five names, 1. byi-to Bhot. wr.; 2. »i-m Bhot. sn., Soknt 
and Takpa; 3. chu-to' Horpa, chi-fo Thochu; 4. «w-cheu Manyak; 
and, 6. to-ru Gyarung. In these names the sibilant substantive and the 
liquid servile are the most prevalent roots, and they connect all the dia- 
lects. Special connections exist between Horpa and Thochu, both pofr- 
•esainff tne substantive and qualitive roots combined in the same orders 
thougn differing in form ; between Bhotian and Thochu in the slender form 
of £e substantive; between Horpa and Manyak in its broad form; 
between Bhotian and Horpa in the a, and between Thochu and Gyarung 
b the o, u, of the servile. Old Bhotian in its use of the slender labial aa 
the substantive, is peculiar, the Sokpa and Takpa being obviously deriva- 
tives from it. 

The Dog has 2 or 3 names, 1. khp Bhot n>r.y khi Gyar., Takpa, khwa' 
Thochu ; 2. uyo Bhot. siJ.\ 3. *^ta' Hor., *-sha' Manyak. Here also 
Horpa and Manyak, st the two extremities of the province, agree. Pos- 
dbly ta', sha', is the primary Tibetan name, and khi &c, a later intrusive 
one of Chinese origin. 

The Hog has 2 names, 1. phag Bh. nv., phak Bh. sp.^ pha Takpa, yah 
Horpa, wah Manyak, pi Thochu; 2. ki Gyarung ; in wliich the connection 
between Horpa and Manyak is again illustrated. 

Th%Goat has 2 names, 1. ra(the sex qualitive, for the substantive) 
Bhot. Takpa ; 2. chang-ra Bhot., tsah Thochu, Manyak, chhe Horpa, ku^ 
80 Gyarung. The normal vowel is preserved by Bhotian, Thochu and Ma« 
nyak. There are other instances in the vocabulaiy of Horpa affecting e 
and Gyarung o ( and e). 

The Cow IS known by 6 names, 1. ba Bh. wr. (pha in 3), ba Takpa, 
1 a. wo-mt Manyak ; 2. laiig, ba-lansr Bh.; 3. pha chuk Bh. sp.; 4. ngau- 
me Horpa, gwi[ Thochu, nga-zt, baU Manyak ; 5. nye-nye Gyarung ; 
6. aya, huU^ Thochu (n^-zi bull Manyak). For this important domestic 
ftttimal 4 native and 2 Chinese names are current. The southern Chinese 
ngau. gu preserves the archaic broad form, to which the Horna, Manyak and 
l^oeiiu ngau. nga, gwa are referable. The softened Kwan-hwa niu is 
the original or the Gyarung nye, through the Gyami neu, nyeu. The 
Chinese name ia found in the Lhopa dialect of Bhotian, ngo, as the generio 
term, ba being confined to the male and lang to the female, from which it 
may be concluded that the Chinese name was at one time received into 
all the Tibetan dialects. 

The Elephant ia known by the same Tibeto-Chineae compound in all 
the dialects. 

The Horse has 3 names, 1. r-ta, ta Bhot., te Takpa; 2. bo-rd Gyarung 
Manyak, b-rd Manyak ; 3. t6 Thochu, rhi, ryi Horpa. The remarkable 
ftct here ia that the Bhotian name should be exceptional. 



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^'Tfae 7\fffrhfks "9 names. 1. *4jjr Bk irr., ttk Bb. «>., Mair Hpffk,* . 
tttTalqm; *i. khu Thoehu, kun^ G^}'iirtng^ d. k^phe Mftnyii^. 01 tUm 
the Hhotian, Uorpa and Takp* wenb are native. Th* Thgcku and G^fir ) 
ntogr are from the (Tvomi &rin khu of the ai»pirated Kwan^hwa )i%^»4 * 
tlie.Maii.yakU a uatiye slender Ibrut of the ortgiual Chineoe biii ^ i 

The Matiki'y \\x\^ 3 ottnu». 1. «-{)re-^ Bh. wr., «A^-ph GyiniAfiTftpiHii' 
Tiikpa; 2. tvu Hli. ftp.; 2 a. zum-de Uorpa, 2 ^. ti Uyarung, ivai-si 
Thoehu, — the Gyarun^ having the tihotian fonn. 

.*The roota poM«'dded by each dialect, and the oelatioa of flack te tfaifrotbera 
will be best shown in a table. I have added the namea iot FiAp S/MJUi* 
Mrdf CrinCy AjU and Mmimto. {Sw next p(^). 



From this table it appears that in the names for animak compfiaed i» 
it, there Li — when we exclude those of Chinese derivation^a close mdimt' 
agreement in all the vocabularies, the variations beings efaieiy phonetic* 
TOe dialectic relat ioi i »« indicated are : — > 

l>«t, ft veiy intiniiite one between Bhotian and Tskpa, the latter adhev* 
ing" to Bhotian when ths other dialects depart from it; and thediferencB 
betner, it almost every case, merely a slight phonetic one. I» its gieaiar • 
y6caTtc tendency Takpa partiikefl of the Sifan (>hoRology. 

2d, a connection between Bhotian end Gyanunff, 'in the levin of tlw ' 
rgots for Doff and Fish, in the roots for Idtinkey^ Birdy Crow, and Am$, and^ " 
in the ])retix in the words for Mtmkeif, Crow ^G. preserving thethU ^^om^.^ 
ta, Bh. has a-), and AtU. l^e connection is ehieflv with the eld or anuiea. " 
Bhotian, the words for Doff^ Monkey y Bird, and Ant preservinjgf the old ^ 
Hhotian roots or forms while the s^ioken Bhotian has lost them* • 

3d, a very slig-ht connection between Manyak and old Bhetiftn. Thm ' 
Mftnyuk ^-ru luiake like the Takpa m-rui preserves the vowel of the ^ 

4th, an archaic aenaration between Bhotian and the ether dielectassn^ •' 
l4kpa, as shown in the forms of several of the roots end preluees. Thesfieckl ^ 
connection indicated under the preceding heads, if archaic, would bais inf«~ 
consistent with the vArly divergence mdiceted under thi^head. U is attribn^ : 
table to the dialect of the lihotiane halving acquired more or less eorreiicy ia 
the provinces of the other tribes, during the period wlien the BhoCiens m w^ 
pRUominant, andtliis most have been while the old phonologry still ]irevail- 
ed. As illustrations of the archaic separation ef the dialects, we mmf ^ 
peint to the dilferent roots, or combinations of roots, for Gaty Dotf^^ Har^§^ * 
Monkey y and Fishy and to the diilerence of the preiixes. in the Bheto-» < 
G^arung ^-rog, ko^tokf Manyak ki^n Ant, and in ^h-ral Bh., M^s^b^a. ' 
Gyarun<r Sttake, 

5th. A sfteeial connection between Horpa and Manyak,-^ Cel^ Dog^^ Btg^ ~ 
Cbnfy end Crou)y—9^ the compara^ely alight trace ol^ soch a counectioii; • 
between Uorpe and Thoehu («-^li<-ro, («-klwai4n< being the on! jrexaMple)^ • 
aiHi between Horpe and Gyarung. Aa this special relacian of Ueipa tabs 
Manyak extends to sons other substantive words, but not tathe pmMoumi.f 
ayd the niAbS of the aU^ti-act and qualitive vocables, and as the Hbrpa.ara*; 
k^own to be adventurous and nomadic, being even now Matterea over 
aouthem Tibet, it is probable that a llorpa horc^ at one period mized vithi r 
tke- Stain aks, and communicated to tnem a portioa ol their vocabiuiefy. 
T4it:iatei\ojar»e ot the M^iyaks with the Boi^ia, however caused^ u|^l<^iM9|^ 
to iiave iieeu luoie ji i JiiM i^ t^i i liftp Mri;tf^.»H>r «ttHM;v(4«tb« ];i))e^tah(^,. . . /.. 



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AS 



II . 

... V cr 

,b> . S ' 

I .< I -I 



'ii 



4J s s 






V 



•c 

bo a- 






•a 

3 55 









8. 

J-. 






I 






I 



^ 

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1_1 



5 









'9s Hm ' 



?lfi 



.* a J b « 



cS 






I 









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fH iH iH ri r-( r9 



^ 



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t4' KTRNOLOGT OF TOS llfDOPACIFfC ISLANDS. 

Ml. The connection between the nroper Siian dialects is not very cloee ; 
and they mxut have bad distinct historieB from a very archaic period: 
i^ach haa v^ eii marked tfiecialitied. The agreement coniOAta in a commoD, 
bat not identical, roiteiiing of the Bhotian phonology, and in some com* 
men mn-Bhotian roots and ibrmey aa in the word lor Moru, Thoehu haa 
a alight itpedul agToement with Manyaky ^ool, BuUy Mosquito. 

In conduaiun it should be remarknl that| in so Jar as each of the Toca« 
Imlaries has received vocables from Chinese or from a siater Tibetan di*- 
lect| dnring recent eras, the archaic glosaarial relations amongst the dif* 
lerent Tib^an dialects, have been disturbed and obscured. 



AH the Tibetan roots are found in the Southern vocabularies. They have 
the same fonnS| but variations are also prevalent,— some of southern ori* 
gin, and others archaic. The roots have not only the Tibetan applicationa 
but others, which are also, in several cases, archaic. The eonnectioD with 
tiw Tibetan vocabularies not oolv embi:Bces all those phonetic and glossa* 
hal phases which the existing Tibetan data have enabled ua to diftoimi* 
nate, but others which are not now dbtinctly marked in Tibet, and which 
indicate the archaic existence (^conditions of the Tibetan language and 
dialectic peculiarities which are now obliterated. 

The labial root b applied to the Cow and Hog as in Tibet ; and also to the 
Cat (Kambojan), and Doa (Lau). It has consonantal guttural and dental 
forms not only iu names ior the Hog as in Tibetan ; but in names for the 
Cortf bik, bit, EUphamt puok, mag, and Honewaky mok. 

The liquid is applied to the Cat^ CoWj £li'phant, Goat and SorsenBm 
Tibetan ; and also to the Dog jMon), liog (Mishmi) Bt^ffaloCy Tiger and 
Monkey. It has not only the Tibetan forma la, hing, ra, rd, 16, rhi ; but 
many otiers, long, rong, roii, rung, rok (i. e. the full form of ro), ruk, rat^ 
rak, lut, luk, luak, lak, dak, nak, roi, k>i, ling, li, let, le, ren, re «c. 

The guttural is applied to the Dog as in Tibetan ; and also to the Goat, 
Twer and Monkey, 

The sibilant, asj irate and palatal root is applied to the Cat^ Ooat, EU- 
pkaiU and Mmkejf as iu Tibetan ; and also to the Cow^ Buffaloej Horse 
and Tiger. It is not applied to the I)og as a primary root, but the gut- 
tural in this application varies to the dental, sibilant, (lalatal and aspirate. 
The dental is, in general, a variation of the more prevalent aspirates 
^failant, paktal, aspirate-guttural). The Bhotian dental form for the 
Tiger occurs only in two vocabularies, and the same form is applied to the 
B^aloe in some dialects. The pure dental is not used for the D(m and 
the Horse, The aspirates are common roots for the Tiger^ Dog^ uorse^ 
and are not distinguishable from those for the Cat^ Moimeg, Ooat, Com, 
Bv^'aloe and Bl^hant, 

The nnsal, passing into the ^ttural (ng, ny, g), is applied to the Cow, 
Bujf'alue and Goat, but it has in nearly every case a direct Chinese origin. 
The primarily sexual meaning of several of the roots, and their reten- 
tion oi a merely qualitive function in many of the current names, is placed 
beyond doubt by the Ultraindian languages. We have seen, in consider- 
ing the words of tamily relationship, tli^t the roots applied to males are 
the labial under the forms ha, pa, wa, va, pang, po, pho, bu, pai kc.\ the 
liquid under the ibrms lang, la, lung. In, lo, ru kc,\ the sibilant under the 
lorms shai, sen, ehiau, tho, thong, thuk km. \ wime those applied to te- 
males are the labial under the ibrms ma, mo, mu, mi| me^ mai, moi, mia, 



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BVarfOLOOT OV THB INDO-FACIFIC IBLANOS.. %& 

(iQiiieCmie» bi| pi, iie km,); the sibilant under the fonoB 01, hi, aa, syn^ 
tghtty chek lee.; ana the naeal under the fijrms nu, num, na, ne, nyong^ 

yong, jong, ing &c. 

' Of these the two forms of the hihial and the liquid are the common sex 
Word:^ ; and they occur most frequently as such, or as substantive words, 
in the names of animals. The sibilant is rare as a sex qualitive. It is a re* 
ry common element in names of animals, but from its rarity as an indubi* 
table sex terai, from ite form, and from tho sex words usually joined with 
it, we must consider it as an inde^iejident root in the existmg Himalaic 
animal vocabulary, whatever it may have been originally. 

In many cases it is difRcult, and in some impossible, to ascertain which, 
of two conjoined roots, both primarily sexual, is substantive, and which 
Qualitive. It also happens, from the cumulative habit of the formation^ 
toai a name sometimea osnteina three sex rooto, — the one that originally 
became substantive; another iirst joined with it as a m. or f. qimlittve^ 
and afterwards kMing its sex meaning and becoming definitive or concre- 
ted ; and a Aird superadded to mark the sex again. Thus the mase» 
rqotlo applied, to the ISkpheaU took the mase. labanl pref., and on this con^* 
cretin^ with the root, p-'lo. a sex posttix was added p-lo^'. The root tso 
applied to the Com took tlMiunc. qualitive ^a-ru, and this concreting into 
a postfix, the fern, form became ma-tsa-A-rn, equivalent to '^ female Bull". 
If mo^tsa first concreted, ma*t8a-A«ru must originally have been applied to 
the Bull ("male Cow"). In several instances the same compound ol two sex 
roots chniges the Anietiona of the roots with the dialect or with the ap<* 
plication. Thus in such a word as la-mi or mi-ln, the labinl must be con- 
sidersd as substuitive in one application, because it is so in dialects where 
it rejets the liquid and appem as a simple root or with distinct serviles^ 
while in a different application the liquid is obviously the substantive. In 
marking the auolitive roots in the ccmpounds I have been guided bv a 
conpansoB 01 vocabularies and by general probabilities in each case,, tut 
I am far from confident that a larger acquaintance with the glossary of 
tbtt fonnation will astafalisb the oorreclness of my aoalysiB throughout. 



Tlie following appear to be examples of the oualitive use of the sex roots. 
Whether in a particular dialect, tbey retain the ori<rinal sexual meuuing 
or have sunk into definitives absolute, or those marking a class of animals, 
can only be ascertained when the existing habits of the dialect ore better 
knoiKTi. When the form agrees with that of the current sex words, as it 
does in some of the djalects for which we have grammatical details, it pro- 
bably retains its masculine or feminine function even when it has become 
a prefix or potitfix. I give a few names in which the sexual or definitive 
use of the qualitive appears to be preserved. 

For the Cat we find la-mt; ja-mi, fft^-sa, mo-chi, fnt/t-cho, in which the 
two Tibetan roots are conjoined with a fem. def.; and ngwai-^m, p<»~kwai, 
^-ngau-bt in wliich a Chinese root has masc. definitives. For the Doff 
we find choi-iim; for the Hog,t»^ i»., <t-li prob./. (tis=zsi), chti^rM\iJ\\ 
for the Goat fnr-run m.; mi-^-r^, m^te4e «i.; ehlieng^ccr, cho-Z^r, tso^, 
sha-AafMiM.; mt-cha, ifMndze/.; for the Com chu-mit, f/ian-chu, fiui' 
au, iwi-thu, 9hH'-meJ\, cho-ro;i^, cha-ra, si-ra «., froi't*ym w., ma-tomj', 
vut'tAo-k-ru m,; for the B%ffaloe fco^Kfi^ />ai>nai^ |ia-na, /mmp^ m,\ 



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80 ' KTBNOLOOT OF THE INDO-PICIFIC tSLlN'M, 

fcr the Si^pkant mt^r-im, imn-pongr, p-lo^hi «•; for the Tiaer im-^b, mm* 
M^ flMMshty aah-fiti, cda-imi/.; khu-%rt, khu-M «!•; for the JKmAcgf ti-flMW, 
•Mt-Dftk, aitf-nak, nu»-kha«ra, #i-be/., I^be m. 

The iumI fem. root oocun rarely ,—lok-fit« HUpkmni Tftbluoff ^nea Chi« 
nese), m Tt^«r Namaang, 6ah-i»« Malang, Tablung, cha-HM JoDoki^ chia- 
nu Muthan (nu Chinese, Kumi). In the Angami te-nu, M. Angami ta- 
nu Ooat, Nogaunff to-nu, Angami and M. A« nu-no Coif it appears to 
hftTe become a substantive name, ta^ U &c. being the moet common pre- 
iix in these dialects. 

The sibilant is so common as a root that it is difficult to distinguish in 
what cases it is used as a sex qualitive, and the difficulty is incrosed bj 
some of the masc. and fem. forms doselj resembling each other. 



The following appear to be examples of substantiTe applicatiolM of the 
aez roots. 

The masc. labial is applied — ^in the forms pai, bai, woi — ^to the OwU in 
ICijha Mishmi kAm-'^i, Mou ^Aa-bai, Toungthu bai, Boagju woi ; to the 
Cam in Kumi iftAo-boi ; to the Mephamt woi, mwi ; — ^in the fbrms mi, fai, 
me, bhe to the Goat ; to the CowiA, mih, pi, bit^jcc.; to the Monkey be, 
we, pi I and to tbe Cat mi, hi, be; in the forms'VB, fw, mo^ bo, woa to'the 
Cam\ m the forms me, moh, pang to the Bt{ffjUoe ,* in the forms tu, phn, 
poiu^, mu, mun (phang fem, m Lau) to the mepkanU ; man, manff, beng 
to the Horse ; wun, mvu, mang to the Monkey ; in the form muk to die 
Com ; mag, puok to Uie Elephant ; mok, puk to the Hone ; muh to the 
Monkey. 

The masc. liquid is applied to the Dog in Hon iko-la, to the Tiger in 
ICon and sereral other dialects A;-la, si-ra, M-roog, rang-hn ; to the Ooeit 
in seTeral Tocabularies il-lang, ^-langy keA^ ffram mi*K-re]; to the Com 
in Karen ft-lo and Hon ^rau ; to toe BtMloe in manv cualects huar^ 
long, loi, lui, roi, la. le, reh Ice. to the lUepkemt p4o, lok, luak ; to the 
Horse rang ; to the Monkey Ian, lak, nak, ra, rhn^ ling, ri, re. 

I tabuli^ some identical foams showing yanatioiM firamqnalitiTe to 
snbstantiye applications. 

mim-AfH Catf Kumi. 

khar-M CoWf „ 

woi Goat^ Bongja. 

woir-iom Com^ Songpo. 

iiH^pong Mepkant Maram« 

khu-^» 2\ffer „ 

itam-pai Goat Hijhn, 

iwi-noh Hmfaioe Kumi. 



«-pang B^faloe Khari. 

ig JBlepkant Manipurigr. 
Dg V JSlephanHem,&vun. 



phak Hog com. 



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■Ttt)«01.06T OF Ttt« iKDO-FAClFie^ ISLANDS, 
wok Hog 

pQok Ekphmt Namaaiig. 

M-pnk Eww Tangkhul. 

Aor-phuk ^, Lungrkhe. 

mok ,y Maznaang'. 



wet 


JSij^ 


Burman. 


j»-wet 


B^ifaloe 


Limbtt* 


ibi.la 


Cat 


Mon. 


ifco-la 


Ttger 


Mon. 


it-]a 


99 


Kasia. 


ra 


Goat 


Bhotian. 


la 


99 


Tiberkhad. 


in«fi-da 


19 


limbu. 


de 


99 


-Anam. 


le 


2?ii]ffl^^« 


Namaane. 


•liin-reh 


99 


KasSaT' 


t^ri 


Monkey 


Kasia. 


, Kng 


99 


Lau. 


ktt-ri 


^OTM 


Tengsa. 
T. Mishrni. 


ba-le 


ir«i» 


li-U 


99 


Gurung. 


pi-li 


Goat 


Lhopa. 


ra-K 


Bvfaloe 


Angami. 


ifco-ri 


Horse 


Tengaa. 


ma-A-Ttf 


Goat 


S. Tangkhul. 


*-ro 


Horse 


Burman. 


iM-U-re 


Monkey 
Buffalhe 


Garo. 


A^io 


Sak. 




jsiephant 


ChSSfcr 


mh 


Cat 


Manyak. 


mh 


Monkey 


Serpa. 


W 


Cow 


Bhotian. 


V-W 


Goat 


Marine. 


>-lang 


99 


Kaaia. 


jo-Iang^ 


Bfifaloe 


Mikir. 


tanrAsuL 


Mmksy 


Toung^thu. 


^i-nng 




Anam. 


lUm^niig 


Horse 


Singpho. 




n 


Buiman. 


#»-nu]g 


F> 


Chcpang. 


nng 


^w 


Milduuuing. 


cshfr-rong^ 


Com 


ff 


die-kMig 


Bnfahe 


n 


«Hnk 


Hog 


Dn^ib. 


M»-iiak 


Bnfaioe 


DupUa. 



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^ the true ffiuitiaiifl of upper iBiiawmr. Gcrvd itetM tlia* n Ae ffmtl» 
Wait of Lodok Bhotian beoomes intenmxMl with Torkkh, aod if pinihi 
ke cairent in Ladak it in prubably of Turkish derivaCian. The true geoeril 
oeune of ito archaic diflvaioD appearB to be clear, li is a primarj So¥« 
Due tonn cognate probaUy with the Ttbetaa, h«t disdngui^hed fram the 
eumnl Tibetan by the sibilaot invariably fbllowiagr the iafaiai, aod in ito 
moat commoii form taking a guttural final. Mongol luw asi^cboi and tho 
probably contracted mil. The Tungudian terms are not given by IQsa 
pioth. Ugrioa baa mi-sak, au-dhok, ma-tska, me«tM3hik ; and Toriusb 
tta-obaky me^shnk, mi-^hik, pi«ehik, ataHp-shik, ataHoa^cfai, ata-p« fce; 
fMOiUtf ehik^tfji &c.). With tnese Ugro-Turkish forms are eonneeted, oa 
one dde, the Caucasian pi-sihik (Chan) and Semito^African bi«o, ft^KMMi, 
BUt-fliy mu-eaJcc. (the Turkish ata is also African), and. on the other sids^ 
the PiBsfatu ^-ehik, pi-shi, Sindhi pund, and Tibeikhaa«Dravinan pUehiy 
ptt«8a, pu-iei kc. 

. The CSunese miaa, mao, tnu itc. is found iu Anaai, Lau, and Kasia in 
tiw original form miau, and the Mon-Anam stream has canted it to 
Tengaa aaieyau, tioogpu and Koreng myau*na^ Kumi miyaung and Gaio 
myou. The iimbu and Kiranti myong, fiamiMuig miansr, Muthun miih 
VB probably also Chinese through Mon-Anam« The lUmbojan dU^ma 
ipMr be the same root. 

The Chinese niau, (Hok-kien, Hai-lam), ngio (Teo*chu), is found in 
8&ngpho Bgj'au, Jili to-ngau, and Cham^mur Aa«ngau-M« The 
To«i(g-thu ugvta-puiy and Mon jM-kwai, are probabl^r related to it. 

Obs. The lihotum root byi, pi with the liquid senrnle, onJy ocean in a 
lew of the Maninuri-Yuma oialects, and the pieftxual position of the s»* 
lile shows that the Ultraindian names are not decivatiTef finom the latef 
cancreted fihotion and Lhopa byi^la. pi-H, but were reoeived when the 
root was separate. Thii» is made still mon manliest b;^ the Drevalenoe of 
the labial root in the Yuma dialects, eithw separate^ with a aef. prefix, or 
followed by a distinct root, if the prevalent archaic Indian name be of 
Bhotian4Mngin, it mutt be very ancievit and derived firam a s'losaarial cur- 
rent dietinct from those that carried Hhotian words into Uteitiindia, It 
ykt^ probably preceded in the Dravirian family J>y the Scythic pi-shi Ice. 
whica is found in L Itraiudia and Asouesia^ while no examples 01 pi-li^ bip 
li are found out of India. \ 

' The sibilant is not found in the Horpa and Thochu m,a9C5 forms^ but the 
fjem. form current in Manysk is common. The form of the root is not 
Uanyak, whence it may be inferred that the connection belongs to.the era. 
when similar fom. forms were currtfnt in the Sifon languageft. or Tibetan' 
generally. The form sa, ja, da Miithmi Dophla, Abor, Joboka— is not 
iound in Tibet. The Horpa chu appears to be connected with the Msgar 
thu, Kumi cho, Karen yo. The slender fihoto-Tfaochu si, chi, is Bodo ji, • 
Mulung chi, Lunu'ke si. These various forms and their distribution at*' 
test an ancient and general transfer and diA^on of the Tibetan names to 
the southward. 

The Burman i^-roung is evidently on^ Qf the Vtos^ SaCui acf uiaitiQi^ 
and belongs to the modem Gyarung-Manyak current. 

I'he Chinese names, which do not oceur in l^ty «|)pear to have Arlt 
•pread into the Ultraindo-Gangetic province. As liiAy are best preseivea 
in Mon- Anam voeabulariee, it is proliabla that they Irefi^Moeived bf tha 
other dialects from them. The kumi, Korengi Jdongpuy Tengaa, KiranH uA' 



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iMm »I||BM f^all c9|i9QCt^ <»^d uctt^Clufi^^e fQra>wjtli»iMMritoiiL 

1. (a.) The fihotian kliyi, Gyarung^ and Takpa khi, has the sam^ forq^ 

fct]il•$i<l!^h BhQtia« diakiptii of Ser|)a4Uid4iuH)ft^*khi, Abor i-jii/a^ki, 
liiDal «^<jL limbm khi-a, 5ewar kh^-gha, Kaaxbojan ^i-ke. 
. (( ) Thei»u)9t «NUQKii» Ultruiadian term is, in it» full foiUM, khwk 
k,bwe,kwiorkiM, TheTh«chu knwi is a similar broad torm and the adjacei^ 
Bokf»fti)l¥>-kbwei)«« theaume form with the slender vowel of BurmaiT^ 
l^hwe. 11m identity between the oormifl I Itraindian f^rm and the ^o^^ 

Eolian, fljiows that the Conner wii^ not derived from Chinese J^kiuen, tiax^ 
au), but from Scytho-Tibetan. That khwe is a distinct root in nho-khw^ 
Aod th^ oM>«r MongcUian fornix, no^i, no-«ai, no-choi^ is clear irom kpi, 
&j ^tfl<pdf^ heing aAi|)lied to thf shfit]^ ia Vongoiian, koi, a^ in Veoi^^eiax^ 
koiy kav ; to the 1)0^ in Korea, kai ; m the Mongolian form ,to the I)ii(/ ii^ 
Fin with a pqstfij^ pr aecond root Iroi-c?. luu-re, koi~r j ^d, lastly^ to t,he 
Cat in, Mongolian nii-choi. Korean koi^ kui-ni, Japan ne-ko. In 
its appIicAtious both to the ua^ and Shep, the guttutal root has frequett^ 
Iv a f^nal n or second nasal root, in the Scythic yocahularies. Thus ^r thi{ 
qheep Mongolian has cho-nin, cho-in^ ko-ni^ go-ni ; and for the Dod 
Tangnsian ^ nin^-^in^i neoa-ki &c^j and Samoiede wene-ku, ka-nan£. 
ka-nak £c. The njisal is shown to be a distinct root by the Fux piod-nak^ 
Japan inu, in, Aino inu, Tungusian nyin. 

, The Thochu and Burman khwd^ khwe, khwi^ kwj, bem^ thus undoubt- 
edly Sc^-thic in ^heir affinities, it )b ]X)r«aible that the Bhotian khyi, khi, ^ 
a aoltemng of khv^i) and uot a derivative of the Cbineae kiuen. That the 
difan-Ultraindian ^rm is not a modem derivation from the Sok|>a nho* 
khwe is evident fron^ ita widediflvsionin the (iuug,etic, U Itraindian and In- 
donesian provinces^ ajidfroip the Sok pa distinctive foot nlio bein«r absent in 
Thocl^uai|d in the southern vocabularies. It must belong to the earlier ages of - 
Bcytho-Tibetan connection. The Oangeto-L Itraindian forms areas fbliows. ' 
Anamkhuyen, Mijhi^ Mishmi kwe,TayingM.n-koe,«<?-kwe •, Murmi fta^ 
ngL (iurung rith^yu. phanglo kou/ Chepnnjg ki)i, Newar khi cha, Ti- 
berKhad khin, knoi, Milchaiiiiii^ kwi, kui, liaro kai, Muiung and Tablun^ 
kui, dingfd gui, kyti, JiH, Mru to-kwi, Rakhoing klmi, Burmun 
khwe, Kven thwi, tai, Toung-thu thwe, (f-twi, Luhyppa thu, 8ak tu, 
Manipuri hwi. The contracted fbrniB are hu, su ; zu, z, hi, shi, si, wL ] 
td, n, ai. Kamsacg ^aga fau, Muthnn, Joboka, 31ikir hi, Bod^u sbi^' 
Harain^-thi, Koreng r^-si, Muzonie Ani:ami rtf*.->u, | ? An^ami thi'tu, 
N. Tangkhul phul, jNogaung a^z [=^<«-zu J. Tengsa a-m Khyeug, Kuxni^ 
Eyau, jKajwi, U. Tan^khul, Khoibn^ Maring ^i or uj, h-^au bui.'. 
8. TVmgkiiul. Shindu u. Khnri arid riilong ai. 

•Hie Horii *//-ta ana Manyak k-shd may b^ the Tibetan prototypeB of 
the Lepcha fciz-shu, ht-zevi, Limbu and Kiranti ko-<hvL, iSewar khi cha, 
Higar chhyii, ^onwar ^u^cbung, Bodo clioi-uMi, uhi-ma, 8ei-«ucy Garo 

* Mr. Brown's form ^the Tajping-Miithmi w€t)d, neko, M voe t* * 
believe that it and the Munui nangi, u»gi, UUiluig nugyn, were diatiiiet . 
bun the Tibelo-UiUraindian root khi^ ki^vi ^c. an^ aiuad (» the DnijnrGh> • 
Aus t r al i a n naya, uayi, n^, Bi»go, aUy U^ in which tbe cuot ia aa, la &«.. 
It;ia navr dear firmn Mr/ fiobiaiioa'a lurm, nkne-nokwe ^Mijbu kwe), 
that the Taying root in koe, kwe and »-, no*- tbeMiahim iia^l preiix^v 
Tkia M^fMoM on the nUiitttiea of tfa»\Dvandro%Au3tt«liaa namea of the 4Ji^ 
(ch. V. sec. XI) must be so far moufied^'. . . ' i 



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•-dnk, Kmi ka^^en, Ifranf tditi*, Aimi, Ka nd flmf «te; kilH v 
ae fimns 



man |mi'«ble that tbeae fimns m tumImmii of kfli, grv, Umtiin 
ICodffolian. 

2. The Attam mnoiie i*, Lan hm* Chamfilnin^ »*val, Kaidnnrnr tm, 
baiii^— to which the Anitami tke-fn and N. Tan^lnd Dim nar pcsliafia 
be added — u fKMbly onecf tlie dJ^netiTe roota of the Moii--AnaiB mIk 
formatioo. It 00 the iminediate affinities are Scrthic, — hiiaii|^, hiiiiy ban. 
nen Hamoi^e, pmi, puny, |«ne, nire I'^rriaa. The namehaa been earned 
to iW OD«^ia. Bui it ia pro^ble tlmt it ia oierelT the Himalaic ftx rooi, vwd 
aabatantirely a^ in ra manT other namea o^ animala. The Lan ibrm ifl 
Applied to die Cat in Kambqjan, Mi*iiia. 

3. The Mon ka^lu^ Kla la the fiqaid, med alao for the Ti^^tr in If on 
and aome of the cognate Tocabalanea. It appears to be the oommoa 
maacoline root 

4. The Chineae kau haa been introduced into Anan onlr. 

Oiia. The Tibetan rocableaforthe Dog are current in nearlj all the Ul- 
traindian and Oaneetic languairea. A. form which appnra originally tohare 
been khwi. khwe, khm(Biirroan,Tiberkhad), and which the Thoclin khira 
indieattf to have been of Stfiin—probably Gyaninis^— deriratioQ ia found 
in moat of the Ultraindian vocabularieayand it muat have bencaritd 
ea'^twani alonir the Ganeetic band aa it ia found at the two extremes, 
Miahmi and Tiberkhad. It haa undergone variooa changeaa of form ; and 

r'ia) oonnectiona can be traced throng them. In the Ganopetic band 
augmer teil form ^ven by the Dhimal phonoloflry ia found in limba, 
andtlte im-prefix of Tavinfr Miahmi ia founa in Murmi, — a relation to the 
Nipal fxx^up confirmed nv other crloaaarial ooinddencea. (e. g*. the peculiar 
word for the lioir ^o-li T. Mii«hmi, ti-M Ma^r). In the great Lltfaindiait 
awpep of the vocable it preaentamudificationa of one form only. No spe- 
cial affinitiea con be inferred from the preaeot nin<re of the full form, 
but the contracted oneaahow a cloae connection between the Karen, Yuma, 
Manipnri and Naga groupa, which appear aa a clnater of aiater dialects. 
The Karen and Tonng'thn thwi, twi, Luliuppa thu, Maram tbi, ahov 
the beginning' of the emaacuLitiun. In the Manipuri hwi the pure as- 
pirate haa ejected the dental. The Namaang hu, Moz. Angrami su, ^ogaung 
t, [Anpami fu, N. Tangkhul phu, if not Mon-Anam] appear to be refera- 
ble to It, and mutually connected. The Maram o-thi ha-* probably a dis- 
tinct cT'Onection with the Karen — ^Toung>«thu forma, and it oppears to have 
been the parent of the Songpu ahiand Koreng ai, whence the 5iaga hi. From 
thedistriourion ot the very contracted forms ui or wi and n, they appeal to 
b^ alao referable to the Karen auh-formation. They are d instinctive of 
Kliyeng and moat of the other Yuma dialecta and of nome of the adjacent 
Manipuiian. The Khari and Silong ai may be from the Garo kai. | 

• The B<ido choi (whence the Garo kai, Mmng tchni), appears to be re* 
lated to the Anam, Ka and Chonsr cho, found alM in fiinua cho, chub. 
The Karen, Yuma, Naga and Manipuri aibiknt forma, thwi, thu, an &o., 
at»d the Nipal chhyu, chu. cfaung, ahu, aeu, cha, ahow that the aame va- ' 
nation of the gpittuml originated both to the westward, and eastwards > 

* See Rtrt I, ch. iv. aec. 2 on the apeeial coimoction of the Mnu^ 
▼ocabulary with the Bndo and Garo. 

• t Brown'a Voc Probably the dialect ia a mixed one. Falligttx'a 
Diet, does nut give a labial aynonyme. . ; 



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Tlie gilttima pnfix of ikiw jripd taiietm and the mmd floal «f Simtvw 
show that they belong to the earlier forms of the G^«n2ng<^^MuihBfr«^ 
Tuma baixL ropreseuted by the Tiberkhad khai, Milch, kuiimd not to the 
emasculated Karen and Burman. Hie k prefix is still current in MishnuL 
Kumiy Hon, Toungr-thu and to some extent in Karen. In the Maiuf un 
and Naga dialects the dental and palatal forms are more common, but ka 
is still current in several. (Champhung, Luhuppa, N. and O. T!sDg\OMf 
Koreng k^.). 

The Anam, Ka, Chong and Bin«a ebo bebngs to the same «ni. ikstka 
Mon ka»)A is exceptional, its proper application being ta the Tigery stia 
prabable that it poesessed a similar name for the Bog at oae tine. 

3. fioo. 

1. The full Bhotian form phag, phak, is found in the southern Bhotiaii 
▼ocabularies, phak Serpa, phag-j»o Lhopa, in limbu and Kiranti phag, 
in Chepang piak, Changlo phak-r/w (Lhopa), Mikir phak. 

The Horpa and Manyak forms in r, w — Horpa vah, Manyak wah, of 
which the older forms must have been vak, wak, — vindicate that the most 
common Ultraindian forms were of Sifan derivation, and as some of them 
have to-, ka-y it is probable that Gyarung had Aa-wak, ta^wtk or to*vak 
before its proper Tibetan vocable was displaced by id. It had not rc^vid 
Id when it spread to Ultniiiidia, for that form of the Chinese Toot ia 
not found there. The Magar wak, Jili ta-wsk, Singpho and Mtmng 
wa, Rakhoing wat, Buitnan and Kyau wet, Khyeng wut, weok, Khyaa 
vaak, Kami and Khaii Naga auk, &iimi an, Kami o, Garo, Nansang^ 
Muthnn, Joboka and dak vuk, Mra te^pak (? ^ot-vak), Nogaung, MolaWy 
Dabhme and Teagsa ak, lY Songm ^-ak], Khan auk, Koreng A^vo£y 
Champnung a-vak, Garo, Maram, Maring and Lungkhe wok, Kapwi bok^ 
Luhuppa, Khoibu, N. and C. Taagkhal hok, S. Tangkhul and Manipuri 
ok, Angami and M. A. tft^-vo, the-voy Shindu 'vo, Sunwar po, Lepcha 
men, Lbm mu, Bodo vo-ma, ^ma, Dhimal panya [comp. on-%a kor^Cf 
nho-^ menfttyy pun-mi snakey im^ya^hy Vhi-a aog, ji-Aa biruy nar-ta 
skphant &c.]. As Anam ofUm changes the labial into the aspirate, its 
heo is probably from beo or weo (weuk Khyeng). 

2. Mon A:tt-let, ^-leik, As-lueit, ^lut, Taying Mishmi Aa-Ii, Mijha 
Ifisfami \Ay Giiitmg ^-H, Baphla o-rak softened in Abor to e-yeg, 
f-Hsk, Vuek [=Mon fueit], Eamboian cA-rok, ehe-raky Chon^ oha^rvSi, 
Ka cAU-r, Anam t-Tu, lad. lib tippKcation of the liquid root to 
the JSog is not Tibetan, and the distribution of the names shows that they 
belong to the peculiar Oang^to^MoneutTent. The broad forms ruk, Ink, 
rok, rak, appear to be the ori^nals, let, li, yeg, being characteristic i^the 
latMT cfenaA.'ttlated'Gyarang^Misfaiiii phonalogY. They are connected widi 
tkfe Maniparian naaaes Ibr the \BlephaMiy 1(^, loak, luak I s=lneit]. A sinii* 
lar archaic Ibrm is apphed to the Momkei^in some Jdanipurian dialects 
aad'Hilon^, aak, lakykit, rhu [atsiira ^7^^ Qyarung]. The root is not a 
native OhaMse or Mon-Anam oae for the Hoa, It is evidently of seooada* 
nr ort|rin, aiicieBe'aatiiefoniiis. It ia probably a contraction of one of 
ine older names for the ^oor, -pfaaf .Aii*luk kc. 

The amplified vocalic fonna applied to the Bt{ffaloey Mtphant and Mom- 
ibyin some vocabalaries, lui, w, mai <cc appear to be oontractiona of 
f#vina like hieit, luak ice. 

%. The Chinese JtK>tcliu, dii, tu, ti, has been received by Karen iho» 
IWiig^4haihaa»Ma<attdiim,(haa,aadI)eoaaG^^ TheAasm 



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M BTHirOLOOT or THl nn»0-9ACmO XttABBS. 

Eke Hm Gjmng ki, amy pombl j be a Ttriftiion of the Cbiiieae cbL 
on hu also heo kut. 



4. Tbe Kuift smuigr) (prob. «M-yiag, oomp. «ftifi*reh), Nioobur htoii, 
lK>w]i,appaunBtobeooniMctedirithtlieiiaMl name for the i/orf^ &c., Irot 
it moat oe left nndetennined. 

5. The Akakak-^ is Hindi khuk. 

Obs. The UltraiDdo-Gangetic names an neariy all TibeCan. Tbe 
Bhotian forma have a small lange. The Ultndndian names appear to be 
fiifim, and moatljarchaic, that is they were reoeiTed before the toss of the 
mttival final. The Mon-Anam names are Tibetan and seoondaiy, one 
being from a soft Angtimi form of a Manipori Tariety of the root, and the 
other bong the IMbetan liquid masculine qualitt^e in an archaic form* 
Anam may possiblr preserve a native root, but it is probably Chinese. 
Karen has reoeived the Chinese name and communicated it to Deoria 
C^iutia and Hurmi. This is one among many gkasarial eridences of its 
p ie» Dunua p inftnence, diilhsionand Chinese relationship. 

4. Goat. 

1. (n.) The Bhotian ra is current in Serpa, Lhopa, Murmi, Gurang 
Magar and Changlo. l^berkhad has la for tne female. Allied forms are 
found in Garo^Mi-run, Muthun ron, Joboka roan, (whence the Mulung 
TOO, TsUan^ ynn), Marine Muag, Kasia fr-lang, SingpAiu pai nam, Anam 
hoi nam (hoiaBboiy pai). Lun^e, Kumi A^l, Kyau ift^-rat, iU^*ar, Mm 
te-rau-a, Limbu men-da, Garo do-AoJk (Brown), Anam de. The liqtiid is 
clearly the mase. root. It is current in the same forms as a sex woid, and 
in the names of other animals. 

2. (III.) The Bhotian chang, Horpa chhe, Thochu and Manyak tssh, 
Gyamng ika-so, are found in Anam su noi, (ss su boi)^ Abor shu-Am, ao- 
tai, Aim thA-hamj Kumi su-Af, Kami tso-^, Leocha sawir, Kiranti 
chheng-or, (Bhot. duuig-m), Newar cho-U, Sunwar cna-r-eye [See 6W], 
Chepang mt-cha, T. Mishmi ma-dae (Brown), 8ongpu zyu, Biirmsn 
ahe-tA, tshi-^ chhi-^. 

The Anam, Abor, Newer, Kumi, Kami and Songpu forms in u, o, 
resemble the Gyarung so. The Aka. Chepang, Lepdia and Sunwsr 
aha, sa, cha adhere to the Bhotian, Tnochu and Manyak vowel. The 
Kuranti, Taying Mishmi and Burman have the e of Horva. But these va- 
riations are too slight to warrant any inferenoesy save that u, o, is proba* 
Idy the older farm. 

3. (I.) The labial root is veiy prevalent aaa name for the fi'aal, 
ahlMmgh it may have originally been a contraction of Tibetan fonns in 
which the sex definitive was conjoined with the root, as in the Bhotian 
ra-ba. ra*roa, Chan^lo ra-ba. The Abor shu*ben and the cognate terms 
may be the sibilant libetan root with a simikr postfix. Mijhu Mishmi 
ifcam-pai, Sinfffu pai-oam, Taying M. aia-bie, Bodo bur-iNa, bor-aia, 
Tengsa and jNogaung ao-bong, hJiari aa-bong, Mrung pun, Manipuri 
Aa-meng, Koreng ka-niy Msram A:Aa-mi, Luhupjua me, Ciiamphung o-mu, 
N. TWighttl mi, C. T. mi-ik-re, S. T. ma-A-re, (k-re male postf.^ Knmi 
me, mee, Khyeng me, ma, Pwo Karen bhe, liikir be, hi. In some of 
these terms the labial retaina a qualitive power. Sak iti-bi, Mon^AAa-bhat, 
AAa-pay Toung-thu bay, ioA^yX'-pM (Cat ngwai-^), Bongju woi| Kuki 



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RH9OLO0T OP THB TVlKHrACIFIC IBLUTDS, MK? 

hn\y Anam su hoi, hm nam, * Lau pa, i)e» Ahom po-nga, Deoria Chatia 
li-pe — du-ni, Kambojan po-P^ Silong pet. 

' The kbial 10 not uaed m Tibet as a name for the GotUy the only true 
Tibetan radical name being the sibilant (2). These labial names are* 
obviously of secondary southern orisin. Tne various forms are simply 
the diflerent current modifications of the labial masculine root, and most 
of them are also used as names, or elements of names, for the Cut^ Com, 
Buffaio&f ElepkaiUy Horse and Mtmkey. Many of the dialects that, use 
the labial for tne €foat retain the proper sibilant root of Tibet for the Cofo^ 
and in forms and combinations identical with those current in other 
southern dialects, or in Tibetan, for the Ooat, Thus Teng»a, Nogaung 
and Khari have no-bung, na-bong for the Ooat^ but ipo-si, tiA-ei, ma-wx 
for the C<m» The same remark applies to the liquid qualidve. Thus 
while Kyan and Kumi have only At^ar, ke-nty ke-l for the Ooaif they 
retain the Tibeto-Grangetic forms cha-ra| si-ra, tsi-ya, shar-r^ as names 
for the Cffw, 

' 6. The Chinese yeong, yong, yang, yu of shan yeung, tso yeung, 
shan yang, tsau ^ang kc. {sheep min yeung &c.) appears to be foand ia 
Anam dn-ong, thi-ungr, (Brown). The common native term is de. 

4. Jill to-khven, Namsang luen, Kapwi ken. 

6. Khoibu huig-ngau. 

6. Angami ^nu, M. A. fo-nu. This appears to be thefem. root used 
substantively. The Burman nua, nwa Cow (Chinese) has some resem- 
Uanoe to it.* 

0hs4 The Ultraindo-Gangetic names that are similar to the Tibetan 
do not appear to have been derived from any single Tibetan dialect. Thay 
reproduce all the Tibetan forms, and must be considered very archaic 
Tne Bhotian secondaiy form ra is only found in the Himalayan vocabu- 
laries, in which it is probably modem. The Kiranti chheng-or is the 
full Bhotian name slightly modified, the vowel being similar to the 
Hor[)a chhe. The prevalent sibilant in the south is prolmbly Si&n. The 
paucity of names containing this^ root is remarkable when its persistence 
in all the Tibetan dialects is considered . From the great nhonetic range' 
of the labial names, the peculiarities of some, and the serviies annexed to 
several, it appears that the labial became current as a substantive name 
ior the Goat at a very early period, and in dialects that acquired great in- 
fluence. The sibilant root, in the names in which it survives, has the la- 
bial masc. poetf. in the forms mi, ma, be, ben, bam. With mi Chepang, 
and be Kumi, Kami, ben Abor, the prevalent Manipurian mi, me, meng, 
Yuma me, bi, Taying Mishmi bie, Mikir be, bi, Karen bhe. corresncnd, so 
tiiat all may have been derived from one East Gangetic dialect. The Na- 
ga bang, bon^, is probably rdated to the Aka bam, and it appears to have 
Been the original of the liodo bur, bor, the older form of which is preserv- 
ed in the Mrun|p pun. The^Mijhu and Sinrpho, Mon, Tungthu and Yuma 
pai, is a distinct form, perhaps derived from Tibet by the Irawadi route, like 
other peculiar Sifim — Irawadi vocables. It occurs in Thochu in the form 
icai ( Monkey fiM>i-si), and in all the forms in other Ultraindian names. 

The Lau and Kambojan names appear to have been derived from the 
Karen-Yuma me, be. 

* 80 the Arung Naga name of the iii-thun, bui taug {buffuloe gu- 
bni) is hui in Angami. 



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6. Coir. 

KO. Tiberkbwl b».kiiff, T«d, Milcli«Mi» lugv Lepchfttoi«,(iMgfo wT^ 

In the slender form it ie foond in flfraa Airaa co |n, DIbhmI ¥h^ 
Annwarbi, Lepcha bik, limlra bit» f^-pi, Kimti pit, Msnu «Im^ ni^ 
Gunmg myau, Bengali ga*bhi. 

In some of these ▼oDabolaim i^ in Bhotian the Inbial has beD«ne » laW 
■tantiTe term, or it was originally reoeiTed into them as sncli. In most 
of tho Ultraindian dialects it is oonfoinod widi proper substtknlive naiMi^ 
and has either a sexual or a definitive force. As our infoimatioii respect* 
ing these Tocaholaries is too scant to enable ns to distinguish thuse oa^ 
in whieh its sexual meaning is still reoogoiied, hoot those fin which it lus 
become a mere deflnitivey and aft it is carrent with both fbnctknu in Blifor* 
tian and several other languages of the famity, I have in aO easea il«li> 
cised it, in order to give greater prominence to the substantive namen. 
Tlw forma ma, mi, mu, tf^^ear to be always feminine. Ba. pha, boy bn are 
Bisenline. But as the two forms of the ialMal are easily mtcrrimngeaU^ 
masc. forms snch as pha become fem. in some dialecte, and feoa. beeesic 
mase. Boi, wd, hi, wi, wa, would be mase. if the Bholian maee. -foroe of 
by p, Wy were preserved, but in some cases they appear to be fem. Hm i 
ifeay have a (eln. power in some Arianised vocabularies, as in Kma(, 

(h.) The Manyak form we^t may possibly be direotlrtsonatooced wiii 
the Shan wo, woa, Anam bo^ Toung-thu po, Mon e-won-ban, Sgau Karea 
OF-mo. 

A similar form is applied to the Ooat mu, Woi, )^pt, Buffdio$ filKm, 
JBUpkatU mon, vu, mu &c., Ey vo, po, mon, knu. 

(o.) A consonantal guttural form occurs in MaHng muk, Mkttit^ttiiattd 
^^khul so-muk, Chiimphung #%«.muk. Luhiipok M-mt!ik, Sak tn&-ttitdt, 
ihotbu ao-mulu In th^se forms the sibimnt !s the d^'. pft%f. 'Cotnp. in 
Kanipuri, M-muk eowy so-mu eV^phant^ M-gol %^«0, AA-muhg^M^. 

The same form is applied to the Horie in Marihg, iOioibu. S. TlJltt^ 
khul and Lun^ke puk, phuk, and Namsang hiok, a^d to the JEto/ftditf m 
j^amsan^ puok, Singpno mag-inn (Manipuri ia-mn, diaimtm to-lntkn). 

(d.) xiamsang man. The sanie form is used for the Horu in Mu&Am 
man, and Jobokam'&ng. 

11. (a.) The Bhotian chuk6fpAA-diuk is found ihiS«i)A diu-^, 
faying Mishmi man-ch^, mo-chu, mo-tsa-Artt, (riiasc.) Abor ftou, Firt 
Karen tshu-mffi, Bodo ifia-shu;;^, Garo mtf-^u, Mrung mo-chan, Khiri 
f6a.su, Angami tod M. A. nti-thu, Tablung and Muthtm Mo-hti, JUMtii 
mtf-hu. llmung ma-hu-nyu(fem.) Ahom hu, Singpho idH-^iti, Aia^^tt^- 
krau, * Lungke tcho. 

h. The a and i forme of Thdchu ssya (MO toid Itta^yi^ ^s^^fi 
(iii/0 <^ found in Aka shye, Abor sha.«i«, Chepang fiui-ehyiu IfeWttr^ea, 




.postfix 

for the Ooaiy chang-f'a, l^hott, chh<ing-ar Kiranti, sa^^ Lepdia,dtfMN 
1^ Sunwar, oho40 NeWar. 

The same ro ote ^Ppftf ^ be cont ained in Arian wimim ioftik^ BwU 
bft^sha, 'fllisnr, €^wU tmha-gri, ^ihsg, aja. 

* Brown's dialect. 



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S. (III.) Soiunu woi4iom, ^»p^ torn, Koreng^ mn^tota, Miniia ri'^ouk. 

4. (I(.) The'liqaid prob^ibly retoins its sexual faactioa, in tke Tayia^ 
Mifihmi ma-tao k^rii {ka^m 18 'the enrreat term for male), Anam B4iag«- 
knta (Brown), Kyau chA-^ra, Kumi si-r^, Hru t«i*^a, Khyeng' sba-^ 
[Goat sa-ar Lepona], Mikir Qho^rtmff. In the Men i^rau -and Stata 
ft-lo TBro^rn) the qualitiTe has beoome substantiva, aain the sim^ar names 
^r all the other animals in oar list. 

The G^al is termed shial (^shuaiyhy the Kukis. The Asl Gyal of tihe 
Ben^lis is also called se-loi. Se^ Buffoloe. 

da. The Chinese root in the Uorpa ngau-me^, Thocfau gwa, Mali^ak 
ngH'Zi, is found in several of the southern langiia^res, but it appears to he 
a direct Chinese importation. The Lau race have spread it to the nolth- 
Irard and probably also oommunicated it to the Karens, BurtBaosy JiliB 
ftnd Lhopos, the Lhopa form being* the same as the Khamti. Lhopa ngo 
(^nenc), Khamti ngo, Siam n^^, ngoti, Jili ta^n^, Barman nua, nwa 
[nwa^mOf whence the Sjrafu Karen a-mo CoiVj n^^n^-pfio, n'wsi^Mi htUl], Ku* 
mi kha-b^t. Comp. nim-^M eat. 

6b The Chinese masculine qnaHtire ku, kun^, is found in Siamese 
HtppHed to the hill kho. The 'Karen go and Kambojan ku generic me^ m* 
iferable to it. 

He. The only Sifan forms of the Chinese that has 'spread soulh «i8 
the slender Gyamng nye-nye found in Magur nhet. (final tasin^tiie 
adjacentl>it). 

Obs. The Bhotian ba and lang have the usual limited and modem 
diffusion. They are only found in the southern Shot, dialects and some 
of the conterminous ones. 

The slender form is the Manyak variety of the Tibetan mosc. labial bi, 
mi (occurring^ also in Thoohu), and it was probably derived by an east 
€rftngetic vocabulary from a Sifan dialect before the native names weie 
teplacedby Chinese. It has a very limited ran^, Dhimal-Nipal. In 
S^u Karen it appears to retain its proper qualitive function. 

The Mon-Anam, Sgau Karen and ToungH;hu wo, bo, mo, po, won, 
form a well marked group. Its sources may have been the Mimyak wo-m, 
Whence it mig'ht be oommunioated to a southern Mon-Anam or Karen dia- 
lect. But as the masc. quaUtive has the same forms in Ultraindian names 
for the Bull and is one of the old Tibetan forms having a general applica- 
tion, this is doubtful. Comp. the Burman nwa-m6) CoWy uwa^/7Ao, nwa-boh 
'Btdl^ Siamese ngua toAphu or po Bull &c. The Karen name a*mo is 
vrofaably a contraction of a term similar to the Burman nwa-mo. Tiie 
form mo is the Karen name for Mother and po, pu Man (generic). The 
most probable inference is that ^he Aiiam bo is a comparatively late de- 
Hv^tive from the Irawadi province, (Toung-thu — Karen). 

The Manipurean muk is a purely local application of the qualitive. 

The true Tibetau root clmk, chu; zya, iX has a wide currencv. The 
j^hotian form probably prevailed in Sifan abio before it was replaced by 
Chiiiese terms, as although found in Berpa t is absent in Lhopa, Changlo 
and Takpa, and could not therefore have been communicated by them — 
M least in their modem oondidon^^to the east Grangetic tongues, Mishmi, 
Abor. From this'^np it has spread to the Bodo, Garo and Naga vo- 
oabuhiHes. The Sing-pho i^9»^u, dtstinet in form and with a Gyarung 
prefix in place of t^e Aboi^lf ishmi im»-, also favours a direct Sil'an ori- 
glB. Lastly Ibrmssiauiar to the Thoohu zja and Manyak zi are found, 



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9& ITHirOLOOY 01* VHB nTDO-YACmC XSLAlTDt. 

along^ with cho, Uo in the east Gangvtic ffroap, shya, eha, ja, shye,— in 
Naga si, — and in the Tuma gr, shya, sha, cna, si, tsi. It is probable tlmt 
the Aboir-Naga broad form was received into the east Gangetic vocaba- 
lary from one of the earlier Sifan streams, and the Abor-Tuma from one 
of the later, after the slender phonology prevailed in east Tibet. 

It is dear that the sibilants used for the GiMt and Cow in the Himalaic 
glossary are forms of one root. The same variations are applied to both 
animals, shu, (with the variations zyn, so, tso, cho lor Goat, and an, 
thu, hn, tso, tcho, son, chuk, chu, for Caw), cha, sha, sa, (also for Ct/m 
ja, sha, shya, zhya, and for Goat chang, teah); for Goat the slender tsfai, 
chhi, chhe, dse, she, chheng and for Cow zi, n, shye. 

The two animals ivere therefore referred to the same species in the 
primary Himalaic zoology, and they were probably disttngmshed either 
oy the forms of the sex qualitives or by separate attributives, descriptiTe 
of size, colour or other distinctive qualities, as in several of the (^nese 
names of animals. In the gradiud concretion of the glossary in each 
dialect, each variety of the root would become a substantive name, ren* 
dering qualitives and definitives superfluous ; and in like manner, varieties 
in the qualitives and deiinitives, on acquirii^ an independent substantive 
meaning, would render the older substantive roots m the compound re- 
dundant and sometimes cast them off. For example in Bhotian the ra 
form of the masc. qualitive, may have become distinctive of the Goat, and 
the lang form of the Cow ; and' when the sibilant substantive name itself 
took the two indei)endent forms chang Goat and chuk Cow, distinctions 
in the qualitives were no longer necessary. In the latest stage of concre* 
tion ana metamorphosis all mese forms, chang, chuk, lang, ra, have ac- 
quired distinct substantive applications. 

The Mauipurean torn ap{)ears to be a local modification of the sibilo- 
palatal root, from the form thu, Angami tcho (Lungke) &c. found in ad- 
jacent dialects. The same variety is used for the Mephant in Mishmi 
da^Um, 

The Ultraindo-Gangetic names for the Cow and BuU of Chinese de- 
rivation appear to have been first acquired by the Lau tribe, and to haTe 
been communicated by them to a few of the other vocabularies^ when they 
spread to the west and south. 

0. BUFFALOX. 

1. (Ill .) The Bhotian ma-hi, ma-he Lhopa, Lepcha, Murrai ma-hi, Serpa 
me-slii, Sunwar me-6iye, Newar, Deoiia Ghutia me, Gurung ma-i. Ma- 
gar bhain-sa, Ta3ring Mishmi ma-ji, Mrung ma-shi, N. and S. Tangkhal 
shi, appear to be Arian, Sanskrit ma-hish. But although the Bufhloe 
with its name appears to have been carried from India to Tibet, the name 
is probably pre- Arian and Himalaic in India. If the Arians found the 
Buffeloe ther«», they would be likely to adopt the native name. That mo- 
liish, 7^-shi, &c. is Himalaic can hardly t^ doubted when it is compared 
with the corresponding Himalaic names'for the Cow, mo-shya, ma-shu, 
mu'hu, ma-si kc, 

2. (II.) (a,) M. Mishmi to-loi, Jili, Champhung ii^^lui, Mikir c^-lon^r, 
^'o-lnng, Muthun loi, Joboka lue, Maring lui, Manipuri t-roi, Songpa 

woi-roi, Kapwi M-loi, Luhuppa ^loi, 8. Tangkhul se-hd, fse-loi is apK 
plied to the Asl Gyal in Chittagon^], Koreng o-lui, Maram o-ghcn, 
As^mi and M. A. ro-li, Khoibu ro-loi, Eyau cAo-l^we, Bongju/Hse-loi* 



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ETHirOXO&T OP THX IKDO-PJLCITIC IBLANDB. 99 

ThiB is the common li(|uid masc. root. The form loi probably spread 
southward from one Himalayan dialect (Bfishmi or Singpho) to the 
Manipori-Yuma vocabularies, in which it prevaik, or from a southern 
diidect northward. As similar amplified forms are found in the Yuma 
^up and Mon applied to the Hog leuk Ice. and Monkey h'lait (Kumi) 
It may have snret^ from this group to Mauipuri and thence to thft Ira- 
wadi and nortnward. The liauid element in the name of the Horse 
(whatever its etymology may t)e) takes the same form in Kasia, kalai and 
Bodo korai, ^rai. The Kambojan name for the Ulephant has a similar 
form tanp-rai, Chong /^i-nai, but this appears to be a derivative from the 
Irawadi ^a-loi Bi{ffaloe, The form is probably of western Irawadi ori- 
gin. 

(b.) Anam Mong-nuk, (Mikir c^-long) Sak k-ro, Ahom kh-rai, Lau 
kh-uai, Burman k-ywai, k-wye, k-yue, Kambojan k-m-bo. From the 
Ahom, Suk and Kambojan forms the original appears to have been a 
form of the masc. qualitive similar to {a\ rai ice. with the guttural 
prefix in place of the ng or t of the north Irawadi ( Jili, Mishmi). Ihe 
iCambojan combination is similar to the Kyau cha-^a-we. In Sec. 11 of 
ch. y. I considered the Kambojan name to be Dravirian. If, as I now 
think, it is Himalaic, the. question arises whether the Dravirian karan, 
karavai is not itself Himalaic. 

(c.) Namsang le, Kasia Mi»-reh, Mon pfl-ren,7?-riang, »-yen. Similar 
slender forms occur for the Goat in Karen and Newar le, C. and S. Tan^- 
khul re, Anam de ; for the Mephant in Kambojan re ; for the Hog m 
Mijhu Mishmi leh, and Mon let : and for the Horse in Abor, Burman re. 
The modification belongs to the later Si&n — Irawadi current. The 
Manyak ding-mt is perhaps connected with these forms. 

3. (III.) (a). Aka, Dophla m^-dak. Abor m^^i-zek, men-jeg, Mulung, 
Tablung tek. Possibly this is an archaic form of the liquid masc. root 
similar torak Hog^ rat Ooaty lok Elephant , and lak, nak Monkey, But 
it is closer to an archaic form of the dental and sibilant preserved in 
names for the Tiger tak, jik. In the Bhotian u form of the same root as ap- 
pUed to the Cow final k is preserved, chuk. 

(b). Tengsa tyang, Nogaung chang, Tengsa chan?. This is the form 
of the sibilant root found in the Bhotian chang Chat^ Murmi chyan Tigir^ 
Lepcha tvan Elephant, 

4. (I.) (a.) Deoria Chutia me, Assam mob, Garo mat-ma, Khari a* 
pang. 

(b,) limbu sa-wet (Barm, wet Hog)^ Kiranti san-wa. 

6. Anam ngiu, Singpho nga, Jili nga-lui, Lungkhe na, Kh^ensr nan, Ku« 
mi ;iat-noh, por-no, ma-ua, riaren, Toung-thujMi-na, pai-nta. With the ex- 
ception of the Anam ngiu these forms appear to be all variations of the 
north Irawadi n^, which is identical with the Manyak form for the Coio, 

Obs. No distmotive root for the Bt^aloe occurs amongst the various 
names. They are the same substantive and qualitive roots that are used 
for the Groat, Cow &c. Some well marked groups exist. The Gangetic 
form, including the Sanskrit and Bengali, is the archaic Himalaic name 
for the Cow (m^-chu, ma-su, ma-hu, vio-si &c.). If any quaUtive original- 
ly distii^uished the Buffiiloe from the Cow it has been lost. 

Another group is the large Irawadi one in which the masc. liquid root 
has been diffused in the form lot kc, from some single dialect. 

A second and smaller Ultraindian group presents tbe same root in • 



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bter or slender form. It appears to be an Trairadi form (idiihrni-^lfon 
liOff), and vrad probably oommuuioated by M^n to Kadia and by Kaaia €o 
Ko^uiig Nagtt. 

The Abor group presenres the 8ub«tanliTe root in an arohaic llb^;€a'& 
form and the Noj^ung and Tei^^sa fomu aupear to rank with it. Thede 
forms were probably used originally for toe Qoat and Cow in the iMi^t 
Gangetic dialects. 

The labial names, with one exception, are confined to Amam and its bof- 
dera. They apjiear to be remnants of the old Gangetic ma-hish, ine-sfai 
&c. (Nipal), the Deoria Chutia me being identical with the NeWlLr. 
The iJmbu sa- wet and Kiranti san-wa appear to be archaic, for 'they have 
the qualitiTe posttLxed and not prefixed as in the prevalent oonoretea 
Gangetic woni. 

7. Elbphaivt. 

1. (II.) {a^ The Bhotian wr. und com. Tibetan j^-lang-chen is Lhoi^ 
kng-cnheu. The sp. lang-do-chen, Horpa la-m^-clien is derpa lang-bo. 
If unni lung-^M-chi, Chaii^lo lang-/^0-hi. 

«.) Anam <i-rang, Kambojan tom-rai, dum-re, Chong %a-nai, Ka mai. 
uthun loak, Jobuka luak, Mulung, Tablung lok-niu, Burman a-K!e>9 
Bakhoing nin, Kyau ni, Kasia tii^-nar, Dhimal narna. 

2. (I.) Mijhu Biishmi mau-rongr, T. H. amiaoor, Garo mong-ma, Sing^ 
phomag-WE, Namsaug puok, Manipuri M-rau (Citnf jo-muk, harie sa-gm, 
goat Ao-meng), Songpu »^-pong (fiow TVtii-tom, bt{ffaloe ii^cn-rhoi), Ka- 
nwi <a-poug, Koreng oAii-pon^, Maram m-pong, Luhuppa Am-tu, 
xf . Tan^khiQ »M-phu, Anam voi, woi, Champa £k-*mun, Khying mwi. 
lliese are similar to forms of the niasc. labial current as names for the 
Cow^ OiHU, Hors' &c. 



Uf.'S Garo iia-/i-lo, Champhung p-lo-M 



The slender form is apphed in Mon to the Bt^tUde ;Hren'&c. 
Comp. also Souffpu n^^-roi. 

3. Ull*) T. Mishmi da-Um (Brown), Lepcha tyan-mo, teng-mu. 

'4. The Chinese siang, tseung, siong, ch'hio. sio, tiangis ibund in the 
Iau dialects chiang, tsan^, sang, Jili tsang, Burman, Mon ahen, Mon 
chuein, Itakhoing san, i^au sang -hung. 

6. (III.) The Karen ^o-taho. An- ^mi and 1£, A. tsu, S. TangltbtQ, 
Haring aai, Khoibu Aa-sai, C. Tanguiul sorha^XaXy Shindu ^tt-dhey, 
£umi Atf-shoi, Luiigke tsai, Newar and Chepang Ai-ai, may either be 
Chinese or Uimahuc. The tbrm of the root, the pre&es, and of the range 
the terms ap^iear to show that some of them are native application lif the 
root for O^ &c. 

6. The skuiskrit sdCa, site is current in Abor, Sunwar (soda), Ten^ 
Buti, Nogaung shiti, Khari sati. Both this term and gaja (=r^i»-ja) ap- 
pear to be Himalaic. 

7. The Hindi hati is used in Aka, Bodo, Limba, Kiran1ti| Mormi, 
Vogar, Gurung, Mikir. 

8. Sak tt-ku. 

'0b8. The Tibetan chen is probably of modern' Chinese oriein. 

The most commou native term is the masc. Himalaic labial, !& tite 
wrchaic u, o form (Bhot. po, bo, bu &o.). The -k form:< appear to be 
very ancient, resembling those for the Eog. The nasal were prdba'bly 
Ibrined from them. 

The Anam voi, woi, ia the Sdngpu prefix with the root elided. 



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STHXOLOGY OF THE IKSO -PACIFIC ISLANDS. 101 

The Naga loak, lok, is a remnant of an archaic masc. form. Similar 
forms survive in names for the Hog^ and this may indicate a special con- 
nection. 

8. Horse. 

1. (III.) (a.) The Bhotian r-ta, ta, Takpa te', is corrent in Serpa, Lhopa 
and Murmi ta, tah, tha ; and the Tiberkhad shang, shung*, is the same 
root. Karen &a-the, iba-se, thi, Khyen^ tsa, Kyau sha, IQtmbojan se. 

2. (II.) The rd, ^ro, lh-r6 of the Sifan dialects, rhi; ryi of Uorpa, is the 
most common Ultraindo-Gangretic name, — ^i^re Abor, jo-la Newar, se^ 
rang Chepang, rang, run<^ Milchanang, A^m-rang Singpho, m-rang, 
m-yen Burman, rang Kyau ; Mishmi ga-re, g-nie, Abor gu-re, Tengsa 
ku-ri, Nogaun^ ko-r, Khari kung-ri, Angami ki-r, M. Angami SiC" 
kwi-r, Manipun, Champhun^ «a-go-l, Koreng and Maram eAo-kon, Song- 
pu and Kapwi /o-koan, Kumi kaungo, Luhuppa ^kui, N. and C. Tang- 
Khul «a-koi, [Rakhoii^ k-ray, Barman k-re, Mon k-yeh, Kasia ka^lai, 
Bodo ko-rai, go-rai, luranti, Mogar, Gurung, Sunwar, Bengali, Hindi 

ffao-ra, Changlo ko-r-ta, (ta 1), Sindhi go-ri, Kashmiri gu-ri-ri, Tirhai 
a-ra.1 * 

3. (I.) Maringpuk, Khoibu«Aa-puk,S.Tftngkhul5a-puk, Kumi, Lung- 
ke AM»-phuk, Namsang mok, Muthmi man, Joboka mang, Mijhu Mishmi 
Aom-beng. (See cow, elephant, kog). 

Tablung and Mulung ko-wai. 

4. Dhimal on-hya, Lepcha, limbu on. (? 2). 

5. The Chinese ma is current in the Lau dialects and in Anam. 

9. Tiger. 

1. (III.) The Bhotian and Horpa tag, tak, is Lhopa tah, Serpa jik, 
Milchanang and Tibarkhad tar, thar. 

2. (111.) («.) Abor si-Olio, su-jn^0, T. Mishmi (Cat, si-mi Bhot.). 
{b,) Bodo 7/i<>-cha, i»t-sah. wa-sa, Garo mo-tsa, f/io-cha, Sunwar 

gu-p-sa, Chepang ja, Karen 6o-thao, ^sa, bo, Jili ^-sa, Namsang sa, 
Mulung — ^Tablung sah-ziu, Joboka cha-/tu, Muthun chia-;ta. 

(«.) Lepcha ^x-thong, ^-tong, Newar dhun, Murmi chung, chyan, 
Gurung chen. This is an archaic fonn fur cat Manipuri gr. ton":, tung, 
tu, &c., Magar thu, Horpa chu: and the Maram tok, Anam sok, snow it to 
be a variation of the Tibetan tak, tag titjer, 

(d,) Anam ho, ong-kop (Brown), Lau su, sua, Maring hum-n^, Song- 
pu Jbam-hang, S. Tangkhul ham-/;tf, Khoibu hom-pm, 

3. (IV.) (a,) The guttural root (primurly .applied to the dog) is very com- 
mon. Tengsa khu, Khari a-khu, Angami and M. A., Kapwi to-khu, Koreng 
Mo-kwi, C. Tangkhul 5a-kwi, Maram khu-^it, Champhung o-khu-^, 
Luhuppa sAA^-khu, N. Tangkhul ^o-khwu, Shindu chu-kom. 

Nogaung kayi, Manipuri kai, Kumi <'-kai, ^u-kae, to-gain, Kyau 
kieh, Lungke tchek-ke (? «^-ke), Mikir /i-ke, Limbu ke-i7a, ke-^o, 
Kiranti ^-wa, Sunwar gu-j9-fea| Anam ong-ko-p (Brown), Ka dea. 

Silong p-nuk. 

4. Changlo kai-la, Kambojan A-la, A;t-]a, Mon A:-la, A>ya, Kasia A-la, 

* Many of these names are evidently Scytho>Dravirian (Hindi.) 
and not Scymo-Himalaic, but it is difficult to draw the line. Those with- 
in brackets appear to be Hindi. See ch. v sec. 11. 



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102 ETHWOLOOT OP THIS IlTDO-PACinO I8LAWl>i. 

Maprar rangr-hn, Singpho sa-ron^, Lau ai-ra, Burman ni-ra, Ghong' 
l*o-7rat. {See Dog). 

10. Mo^KJSY. 

1. (fl.) (II.) The Bhotian wr. 5-p-re-^, Gyarung *Ae-p-ri, Takpa 
p. in, is cnrrent in Lhopa />-ya. 

(h.) Serpi rhu, [ta-rhu Cat Gyarun^l, Cheniinsr jrukh, Knmi h'lait, 

«vc-nak. Tounsr-thu tof/-1am, Lau ^. Hn^, Kaaia ^-ri. The Newar 
mako is probably derived from the B«k1o mokhara. 

2. (111.) The sn. Bhotian tyu, Horpa zum-de, Thochu mai-ei, is found in 
Mulun^ and Tablunp: si-7Aat, Tensrsa su-i^hi [EUyhant, su-ti], Chan^lo 
ja-to, Kiranti he-Z/«-;t*a, Nograunpr 9^t-t<<u [Elephant .•lAi-tiJ, Khari^t-»ha, 
Kapwi, Marani ka-zyont^y Korengr ta-zy on fr^ Manipun, S. Tanjrkfaul 
yong, NLarinfT yung, Luhuppa, N. & 0. Tan^khul na-yong, Khoibu htb- 
yong, Khyeng, Lungke yaung, Barman »»-youk, Kyau juang, Kambojan 
sua. 

3. (I.) The labial root is found in Mijhu Mishmi muh, Taying Mtfthioi 
lo-mium, Gunrng ^t-myu, Murmi mang, Hindi mat-mum, Drav..mao£ra, 
mange, Sunwar mora, Lepcha sa-heu, Anam wan (Brown), Ahor Ji-faie, 
n-be, Aka le-^se, Singnho we, Jili ta-we, Namsang veh, Garo i^-we, 
Limbu jo-bii, cAo-ba, Mikir /ri-pi. 

5. Angami and Mozome A. ^-kwi, Songpu o-koi, Anam khi. The 
same forms are u^ed for <2o/7„ (foat^ tiger, horse, 

6. Hon ^a-nwe, Dhimal nho-^a. 

11. FrsH. 

1. Nera, nya (Bhot., Takpa) is very common in the southern vocabu- 
laries. The Gyarung form npyo occurs in Abor e-n^ro, Tengsa and 
I^ogaung <»-ngu, Kumi, Khyeng n?o, Kyau ngwau. The Angami kho,' 
Mikir «-k are rehited to these. The change of ns: to k is common to 
Angami with several of the Manipuri dialects kha, knai, rAa-kha, a-khai, 
khi &c. with Anam, Mon and Nicobar ka, and Ka<^ia do-Vh^ (o-k Mikir). 
The lu«:* of the nasal occurs in Pwo Karen, — Sgau nya, Pwo ya. 

2. izha Thochu. This Scythio word is only founS in one of the "ptib- 
blished (langeto-Irawady vocabularies, but it is Indonesian. Hie Magar 
she of di-she has the same root. 

3. yu Manyak. Chinese yu Kwan-hwa, rue Gyarang. 

The Gyarung usage of preposinir the word (ov water — chu-ngyo— is an 
archaic Asiatic one, Scythic, Semit4)-African &c. It is preserved by 
Magar di-she (di water), See also Snake, 

ITie Murmi tar nya, Gyarung ton-nga appears to have the dental 
preilx in one of its Gyarung forms. 

The Taying Mishmi tan, ta, mav have lost the root, or only preserves 
it in the ii, ta being a common pref. in this vocabulary. The Toung-thu 
i2/.'-iian, Mm dam are evidently related to tan, and suggest its being a form 
of the la, ran root. 

l^au reverses the Tibetan application of nsra, ngo, ngu and ]a.-&c., 
using the former for smike and the latter for fish, j^-la Ahom, 8iam, p*la 
Ehamti, Liaos. The Kambojan group has the same root tor fish, f-rau, 
^-mi, t-rei Ka-iner, ^-re Chong, nuA Choug. Anam follows the Tibetan 
usage ran, sn'tlte, (f-ran bm). The a form of the root is peculiar to the 
Mon- Anam group— the Tibeto-Burmaa having u. It is probably related 



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ITHKOLOQT CT THE IKDO-PACIFrC TSLA.NB8. 103 

to a Manipuri form, ma-ixiti Kapwi, phu-nm Khoibu, the ncfrmal form 
beinor rul. The Auam luon fe^i3 a :*iinilar form. The Mru foi*m fo-roa 
resembles the Kambojan. The I, r, root appears to be that for river, rva^ 
tCTj m archaic forms. See S/uift^. 

12. SXAKB. 

1. The broad wr. Bhotian s-b-TuX, Manyak b-rui, Serpa d-ni] (whence 
d-tu Bh. sp., b-en Lhop. I^p.) is prpHerred in Takpa w-rni, Mikir 
phur'Tul, phe'Toi, Maring: pA-rul, Khoibu ///iw-run, Kapwi ffia-nxn, 
Tengsa phaAu, Luhiippa pha-rn, N. T. pk-rn, C. T. /?/i-rui, Kuki rul, 
Lung'ke rul, rui, ^akhoinpf m rwi, Kyau ?/i-riii, wj-vuk, Burm. wi-ywe. 

Anam ran, i-nm, (/?r/ loon) M on ^^/-run, Mm ^«-roa, Sin'f|)ho la-pu. 

Champhims: ri-nam, Maram ««-na, Koreng ku-iixi, Moz. tAi-nhye, 
Yernkala tu-na. 

Manipuri lil, Charaph, ri-nam, S. Tangkhul ma-n; (tu-lil river 
Maring", ri water, nam watery rivrr), 

2. The labial is found in Dophla frt-buor, Aka ta^huV, Garo eftf-pu, 
Deoria r/«-bu, (radaba bu-rf«f-lju, Bodo ^'i-bou, Ju-bu, Dhimal yu-nhaf 
Taying fa-bu, Snk *«-pu, Sinj^ho la-pu, Aamsang nnd Mulung groups pu, 
Nosraunar P«-t, Ma^ar bu-1, Khari «-hu, Anirsimi tbo-I^A, Kumi pu-m, 
Khyf nJT pwa, Mrung* tw-bu, Sunwar bii-sa, Murini pu-ku-ri, Gurung 
bhu-(ru-r, Abor ta-hi, Garo c^^pi, Newar bi, Kol bin^,'-, Kamboj. po-s 
(Sunwar). 

5. Dravirian. pa, ba (root).. 

3. Mijhu zhu. 

4. M. Kumi ww-khui, nw-kwi, R. Karen <ru, P. K. w-g«. 

6. Limbuo-sek, Kir. pe-cham, Sava raja. 

(j. Gond to-ras, Kondh ^c^-raso (prob. 1 with a postf. sa-rASOf oomp. 
ran Anam, bu-sa Sunwar). 

7. Lau nf?a, ngu. (8ee JPmA).. 

All the names for snake, with the exception of 2 and 7, appear to be 
forms of the common roots for rivrr, watery rul beina: an archaic form ; 
that is, the root has been lost, and the dcHcriptive or quuhfying- word only 
preserve I, as in many other current vociibW, includinj»: name:^ of animals. 
The nbefam root was probably the labial, the forms and di.-^tributiun of 
which show it to be raaioid, and not merely the Tibetan prefix with the 
r root elided. The Murmi puku-ri, Gurung" bhnj;ju-ri (*rt-buQ^ Dojihia), 
are examples of an archaic form o^ the root, followed by the fonn of the 
liquid root for watery common to Burraan, Maj^ar &c. Tfio JSingrpho k-pu 
may be a similar combination. In the Garo dii-nu, Gadaba bu-du-bu, 
Yerakala tu-na, du, tu may be water and not merely a prefix. 

1^. Binn. 

1. fl- The old Bhotian byu is now an exceptional form. It is pre- 
served in Indonesia, pio Sambawa. TJie a form is found in Lhopa 
bhya, Takpa pya, Tayiny: ?/»-j»ia, Milchanang pia, pesi, piafeh, Munni 
n^-mya, Aeivar /« -mya. The Gyarung pyo-pye is the only slender 
Tibetan form. Comp. weng Kapwi. 

With the old Bhotian fonn are connected the Singrpho wu, Na{^ tk€' 
▼u, vo, o, Kumi ^o-wu, Limbu bu, Lepcha pho, Chepaug: raoa. 

To the fonn in a are related the Mijhu wa, Yuma wa, Avi-wa, <a-wa, 
ka-^VL, ti-va, Tounff-thu a-wa, Sak wa-M, Chepan'jr,y««^/, wa. 

2. The Thochu mar-/r.'/ (Wo, irom thf analogy of otiier vocables, 1)€- 
ia^^ probably tftie del.) iuu» direi;t iSc> tiiic afiixuticd. it id oa archaic 



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I04t XTHVOLOOY OF THE IKDO-PAOIHC ISUIKDS. 

Scythic liquid form of the labial root like the dental form, and lik« it 
is alao Iromau and Dravirian. The pure root appears to be radically 
JeatheTf wiruf. Both the liquid (-fi, -I, -r) and the dento-guttund seiies 
(-*, -A, s &c.) are current in Scythic, Indo-European and Dmvirian. 
JFeather pal Korea, pil, pul-a» YeniH., pil-<7<», pil-;iytf, pyd, pud, bud-fl/ 
Ufrian, (pul Tibet, mun Sinprpho &c.), pli.-^ui Lat., wot Armen., psr, 

gn-aky pad, pakha, pakh-n/i &c. 8ansk., Bang., Hind., pum-ih< ; b )t-;v 
rav. Wing bar, doI, pauk, Hind, kc, &c. Bird German, ^o.^-c^, 
Lat. ATis, Eo^. bir-<f, &msk., Bene:., Hind, par-indu, pata-Aa |»kh-i6rtt, 
pakh-yi, Drav. par-ra, para-m, pul, paki. pita: 

The ^gami para, pera appears to be Dravirian and not Thochu. There 
is no other example ot the Thochu vocable, and other Dravirian vocables 
are preserved in the Ultruindian vocabularies. 

Allied vocables are current in Malayo-Polynesian — pio Sambnwa (byu 
old Bhotian, pia Takpa &c.), bau lUssa, pao MiUe, haixjifwol «-p^ 
Polynesian ?^/ moa (Chepantr). 

llie Tagalo t-bon, Murray I. tf-bor, Erub i-bu are probably contnictioDg 
cf the MaJagudo-Polynesian vuru, vuru-aa, buro-n^ dec. which is related 
to the Scythic pul-a;i &c. 

The Tasmanian muta, Lampong puti are Dravirian, Paser has piati 
J&ml, in the Abor form putah. 

The Binua pake is Dravirian or Bengali. 

The same root is curreut as nnng^feathrr^ and egffy the specific conjoin- 
ed roots having been dropped. In many of tne smaller vocabuUries 
these words are wanting. But the larger ones furnish undoubted affinities. 
1. The labial is Efjtj in Abor a-piu (old Bhot. byu, Sambawa pio, 
'bird)^ o-pu, Dophla pupu, Aka po-puk, Kambojan pang, Korengfw- 
bum, Murmi }»hum, Gurung phuns-, Sunwar ^-phu, Mon Ma-pa, 
Male kir-})an, Thochu /ri-wost, (Naga->'ipal vu, bu, wu, va, wa 
&c. birdy Polynesian moa fowl, Malayalam pui fowl^ Gyami «-phui 
Inrd), It \i FeatluiT in Chinese mo,*^ bo, mau, Burman mui, Kumi 
A-moi, Sin^pho mun, Changlo A:^-phu, Mikir ar-weng (with mo bo 
comp theTibeto-Ultrsiindian byu, bu, wu kcHrd; with mui, moi the 
Gyami jr-j)hui, bird, Pol. bui, foi, e/fff ; with ar-weng the Kapwi weng 
bird). Winfj does not occur even in* Mr. Robinson's vocabularies, and as 
Feather is also wanting in Mr. Hodgson's, the root will probably be found 
to be common with both of these meanings. Siamese has pi wuig. The 
Indonesian bang Madura, (Itr-bang tojly Malayu &c.), pai Bugi.-, Balig- 
nini, baka Kissa, pak, pako Philipine, appear to be paitly Tibeto-LJtrain- 
dian and prtly Dravirian. 

Examples of the Scytho-Iranian and Dravirian forms current for Bird^ 
Featfier, Winfjy have' alrendy been given, and it will be seen frona the 
forms now citt'd that the Tibeto-Ultraindian labial for bird is immediate- 
ly connected with the Chino-Burman forms for feather ^ and not with the 
6cvthic vocables- 

i^or Duck the dental form is Scythic pot, poat, bata, Semito-Afncan 
bato, bie-aAr., m«-bata &c., Indo-European pat, bat, bat-aA; &c., Dravirian 
batu, bud-7/A;, Indonesian patu, bati-^t &c., and Mon-Anam vit, pet, the 
last l)eing probably an archaic Scythic form, as it is lUso Semitic. The 
duplicated radical is found in Turkish papi, baby-^A, babu-jrA. A simi- 
lar form is common in Indonesia bebe, pipe, bibi-ko &c. It is probably 
Tibeto-Ultraindian. The word is not included in the small vocahularies. 
Bibiko, bebek &c. were probably formed by a common Ind o neaian mode 



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XTHVOLOftT OF THB nn>0-PACITIC ISL^VDS. 105 

«f redaplication from bik, bek, in which case the form is Mon-Anam, 
Tit, pet. Naga has a sixnilar dpuble form pak-mak. 

3. The current Bhotian ch^a is Chinese taioh, chiau, tiau, chio, 
Ho, 4c. The Horpa gjo appears to be another'Tariation of the Chinese. 
The Mishmi tsa, Mon kha-tm-j Naga o-zah, ii-so, n^zu, Manipnri iMa*' 
saVwo-tsa, fTo-chay 0^ta,o-tay ma-te, it^tc-the, Karen tho, Kiranti clion^- 
9Miy Dhimal jiha, Serpajha, Newarjhangso, appear to be all variations 
of the Chino-'Hbetan vocable, which is probably of later diffusion than'the 
labial . . .=. .. 

The Abor patang, petang, Dophla pata. Aka putah appears to be the 
dental and sibilant root (3j with the labial prefix. It maV possibly be an 
arduiic Dravirian form or the labial root not derived mun TiMt, boi- 
having direct Ugro-lranian affinities* [See App. B to chap. Y, Bird], 

4. The Jili mo-chik, Manipnri «-chek, n-thik-na, and the Sunwar 
chi-«a, Anam, Binua chim, M6n A^o-chim, Kasia ka^xnif Good sim, Si- 
Ion^ risom [Komreing sisu], appear to be archaic Chino-Tibetan ibrms, 
distinct from the preoedinf , and of earlier diflusion. Kwang-tung pre- 
serves the final k in its tieok. 

The Manyak ha, Xaga au-ha, Khyen^^ ban, is referable to bhya, wa, va 
or to chiau, chya, sa. The latter was probabiy its original form. " ' - 

The Irawadi thik, chik is found in Indonesia, tika Tilanjang. The Sa- 
sak tiu preserves the Chinese form tio, tiau. 
The same root is found in the Gond ite, titit, and as Duck in Dravirian 
• ite, Burman ute, and Indonesian itik, iti'j ite, titi. 

As Bird the r<>ot is Wchaic 'imd' Widely diffused. Scythic doi, tirte, 
tori, tschir-jm &c.; Semito-African tauir, aide, dea, diuiy &c.; Sanskrit 
ati. 

The final m is included in the Sgrthic range affinals, ziaf Aino, sibe-chu, 
shobo, shub-Uf^ &c. Mongolian. In Samoiede the same form is duck^ 
shabu. 

l^or Feather the -k form is common to Turkish and Tibetan, a-aag 
Turk., shuk-^ Bhot. The pure sibiknt is Japanese asi (iiansk. ati bir^ 
ai^d Korean zo. ' • • • ' 

5. The exceptional Maram o-roi, Songpu f»-roi, appear to be N. Dra- 
virian, ure Mundak, orak Uraon (urak ice. duck Turkish); 

13. Aht. 

The Bhotian f-rog-Mo, Gyar. Ao-rok, and Takpa rhok-/i0, preserve 
the same archaic form. The Abor ^o^ruk, Aka ^o-rak, are referable to 
the Gyarung branch. SuiiwarluiB the Bhotian rog^-ma-«hi. In the 
Bivr&a-Gangetie dialects the ffutittfal final is naaalis^ and the prefix is 
^neraUy tlie labial as in the ICaoyak, ha^nh. The a vowel, variable 
i, t; is also mere common than o er «. The Mishmi o-ruang is an am- 

g lined form found also in Burman mh-rwak-chhit, p^rwet, pn-yiiet, the 
rat of whieh preserves the fvMmL The form lang is Abor (from rak 
as in Aka* nh Manyak^ Jih, N. Tangkhol and Maram. The slender ling, 
leng, is Manipttrian«na Tuna, mt-^fig^ moi-ling, ba^hn, p»-]%ng. The 
meM prevalent Burma*Qangetietcnn is a distinct root, chi, tsi, tsip, tik, 
cboj teag, ching k9- cka, tak, tang^. 



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106 XTHKOLOOT OF TJlVTmO-TkCrXlO ISLAITVS 







WonD? OF Amt. 








Ilouse 


Yillafra Iload Boat 


Arrow Iron 


Salt 


Bhot. wr. 


kbjim 


yul tdho lam ^-ni 


m-dah ^^ag9 


taha 


ap. 


nang 


thong lam koa 

ayen 

rhava che m 

we-kha gri pnya 


da chhya 


chha 


Horpa 


hyd 


• Wa chu 


chha 


Thochu 


ki* 


ja sor-mo 


che 


Gyarung 


chhem 


wo-khyu tri ^ra 


&a-pi ahom 


ehhe 


Manyak 


nye 


hu ra ^-u 


m-a abi 


ehc 


Taki^ 


khera 


yu lem-dang ^ru 


m^hi lekh 


taa 



1. House. 

1. The Bhotian khyim, Takpa khem, preaenrea the fall fonn of the 
moat common aoathem name. It appears to be one of the primary native 
roota of the family. It io not Chineae, and although the Scytho- Iranian 
glossary like Chinese has the guttural root never takea the m final, the 
common forms being k-r, k-1. k-t, k-d, k-k, k-sh^k-th Ugrian, Karoach., 
Paatbu, Hind. kc. The Milchanang and Tiberkhad keum, T. kennpr, 
^Kinawari Bhotian kung, Serna khang-6a) auggeat a connection with the 
Chinese heung Villaye K-t, hiang lu K*h. Chinese for haus$ ha^ uk, 
kwei^. 

2. The ap. Bhotian nang, Man\iik nve ^=:nyek) may be remotely 
connected with the hquid rout found in Chukchi, Japanese, Caucasian, 
Dravirian, Iranian and African. 

Southern forms, 

1. The giittaral U the moat common of the Southern roots, and it 
takes many contracttHl and softened forms. The ^11 form if retained by 
JiUkim and Kirauti kliini. Milchanang, Magar and Abor have archiuc n 
forma, r-kum Ab., keum M. T. This appears to be alao a local Bhotian 
form, one voc. giving ai kung. The jkamsang, Kumi and Aka forms 
appear to have been similar to the Abor ; and the Mulung, Joboka and 
Mikir may be referred to the group. The southern Irawndi varieties 
have n, Suk retaining the full form kyin. Khyeng and wr. Burm. pre- 
serve m. 

The gutturol is lost in some of the Manipuri dialects, moat of the Yuma, 
Burman, and Two Karen. 

The linal consonant is lost in several of the Naga dialeota, Sgau Karea 
and Mou. 

Tlie Newar chhen appears to be referable to the Gyarung chhem. Tlie 
Mugar yum belongs Ui the Abor-Milchanaug band. It may be from a 
local fu)l form like keum Milch., or it may be derived from the eastern 
extremity of the band where similar forms occur. Tengsa haa yum vil' 
htfje. (See Villof/c). 

e-kiim Abor, hum Namsang, um Kumi, u Aka; ham Mulung, Joboka, 
hem Mikir. 

kim Jili, yim Manipuri ; shim Luhuppa, shin N. C. Tangkhul, taim 
Khoibu, chiin Moring, yin 8. Tangkhul, in Kapwi, eing Burm., Khyeng, 
Lnug-kho, Kumi, m Kami, ing Kyau, im Burman wr., Khyenj^, yen 
Two Karen, hi Sgau K., he Mod, kin Mm, kyin tSak, cAo-ki korengv 



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BTSKOLOGT OF TITB INJ)0-PAOtriO ISLAXBS. 107 

kai Son^u, Maram — final ai for i ns in other words, — ki Tenjrsa, Nogaun^, 
Angumi, a-ki Khari, khim Kiranti, dhim Munni, khi Suawar, him 
Limbn, chhen Newar, yum Ma|?nr. 
kenm Milch., Tiberkh., keung* T,, kim M., khan<^-to Serpa. 

2. The Manyak nye and ap. Bhotian aansp are found in na^u, nak 
Oaro, noo, nau, na Bodo, nok Hulumr> TablungT) nya Deoria Ch., nha, 
ja Anam. The Anam and Deoria Chutia forms are connected. The 
ethers are more faithful to the archaic Tibetan forms. The root is also 
used for villoffe (see Village), 

3. lh\\ Mijhu M., li Lepcha, Ian Tonn^-thu, a-ru Champhunii^y raa 
Ahom, reuan Siam, heun Lan, bun Khamti, hon, ong> Taying M., ron 
Gond, ora, oa uraa Kol, er-pa Uraon, arra, ar~«A Toda, illa-m, illu, ilia 
Tamil &c. {^'Villoffe), 

This Too^ is used for vilUiffe and it appears to be the same as the pre* 
ceding. The variety of forms and the mode of its distribution, show it 
to be Very archaic. 

The Toung-thu Ian is closer to the Bhotian nangr than the other forms. 

The EhyensT nang village has the Bh. form, and in Anam and Magar 
it becomes lang*. Abor has lonsr, lun^r, Sinsrpho reng, Angarai rana &c. 

The Siamese reuan, Ahom ren, preserve the full form of the T^au fam. 
The vowel connects it with the Singpho reus: village^ but the Rakhdng 
rwa, (Horpa rhava) is probably more faithful to the oriinnal form. 

The Champhung o-ru, and the Mijhu and Lepcha li, appear to be both 
referable to the Lan reuan, ren &c. 

4. ka ting Kasia, teng Kuki, tin Guning, (? dhim Marmi). This ia 
a Chinese word for milage, tawny and it is current with that signification 
in Taying M., several Naga ' dialects, Sak, Kiranti and Newar. (See 

ViOiage). 

5. p^-tah Kambojan, nta Singpho, cha Dhimal, sang Manipuri. This 
appears to be a distinct group from the last. It is probably referable to 
the broad Ghino-Tibetan form for villayey town^ tsho, thong, so, inGu- 
rung sa. The Gyami sbhang and Sok pa-syang house resemble the 
southern forms. 

2, Village, 

1. The Bhotisn tsho, thong is Chinese, tsun, hiang taun Kwan-hwa. 

2. yul Bh. wr. (yul taho), yu Takpa yul Serpa. Mongol, ail. 

3. rhava (? rha-ra) Horpa. Comp. ala, ola, ula Ugrian (Cheremish), 
ail Mong., and the liquid root for h4)Wie, 

4. Thochu we-kha, Gyar. wo.khyn, tu-khjTi, Many. hu. Probably 
the guttural is the same root that is \ised for hmse, 

Sovthera forms, 

1. The broad form is very rare, song Garo, nam-so Murmi, na-aa 
Gurung. 

A slender form is prevalent but it has a distinct Chinese source. 

mo-tyung, iw/i-ting Taying M., ting Muthun, Mulung, Tengrsa, ting- 
khuaJoboka, chin^ Mulung, thing Sak, a-ti-gu Deor., teng Kiranti, de 
Newar {house tin Gurung, ka ting Kasia, tcng Euki). Chinese towUf cittff 
ching K-h., shing K-t. 

2. 3. ma-reng, ww-reng Singpho, nkha-yeng Mijhu M., rfu-long, doAwng 
Abor, dung Toung-4hu, rong Mikir, fA-nong luisia, nang Khyeng, Ling 



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108 BTHVOLOeT OF THE HTDO-PA^CIFIC ISItAiriM. 

it • ' , . -p 

AnuB, lan^-ha Ma^r, nna Angami, d-rame Mos. Ang., rwm Rakli., 
yira Barm. 

mm Champhung, C, S. Tan^khul, ram-kha Lnh., lahahg K. Tmg- 
khul) nham Songrpu, nam Kapwi, Koreng, Khjeng, i-aam Mttnam, nam* 
pum Aka, nam-ao Murmi, na-aa Giirang. 

:TheBe forma have aereral distinct aiBnitiea with Tibetan. The Kbyeng 
nang, Anam lang fee. resemble the Bhotian nang kmue more ibmi^ 
forma now cnrrnit in Tibet for vi/Aa^f. >. . r. .. .^ 

>TbA MoQB-Ang., Maniimnan, Kbjeng, Aks and Murmi rame, ram, 
nam &c. is a group referable to the Horpa rava, of whidk the Bakhohig 
nnita a contracted form. 

iThe Tengsa yamy Noganng yum, Khari o-yim, Khoiba yon, might all 
be referred to the liquid root. Bat aa they are identical with soft fornia 
of the giiitural root used for house, it is probaUe that they take their 
place with them. Gompw house yum Magar, yim Manipuri, yen Pwd 
Xirsn kc. 

The Maring yul is identical with the Bhotian yul, and the Khoibo yoa 
is probably connected with it. 

4. tiufi^^khna Joboka, Ural Manip., Champh., ram-khu Loh., Uud 
C. Tangkhul, ko Kyao, koo Shindu, kwa Lung^e, Mru, koh M<tai,«-ti-ffli 
Beoria C, go DophU, ha Namsang, n-kha-yeng M^hu M., ke-^ Mafe, 
ga Ohentsu, jiu-ffo-ma Gadaba. - • 

krong Lbopa, Lepcha, gaun Sunwar, gang Newar. 

llie if ijhu kha, Namaaag ha, may be arimaic formsy of direct Tibetan 
oririn Hcha Thochn). The others have the u of Gyanmg and Manyak. 

*The Lohpa kyong and the cognate Nipal forms appear to conned these 
words with the guttural nKauBtixr house. Comp. keung Tiberkhad, khatig 
fierpa. 

5. muang Siam, mung Lau, ban Ahom, Lau, Siam, man Khamti, vang 
Xami, o-vang, o-wung, wang Kumi, 1a*wun rwo iLarte^ ths^wo Sgaa, 
nam-pum Aka, bang-]vA^ Limbu, m-ba^^ Jili. The lab. is Draviiian pi^ 
Uraon, ha-^v Kol, pa-^, ha-^, p*-^t, ha4^ mor-f, mo-d, maan^ 
mad-tftt, manHJ S. Drav. (House mum, mane, pci^ tn-dm ui-^ vi- • 
da). The Jili ba-^ preserves one of the Dravirian forms, and the mora 
com. man, ban kc, the other. The root is probably connected with the Chi- 
nese hug tsz house K-h. Samoiede has ma, mat, men house^ mar viUage. 

3. Road. ^' ' 

1. The liquid root is Chinese lu, tau lu E-h., lau Hok-kien. The 
Bhotian lam, and Manyak ra, are variations of one form [slam, lakj, 
Aom the com. range of the final cons. It is probabhr a distinct axcbaic 
form. The root is one of the widely diffused ones of the ancient Asiatic . 
glossarv* Semitic Ao-rom, o-rom &c., African ^'i-ra, soAa kc, Malagasy 
Ula-iia, lala-mbe (path-great); Georgian aha^ra, Pers. 8a-rak| rah, re, 
I^htu lar, Koi ho-nh, ho-ren, da-ha-ri, Drav. sa-di &c. 

The Thochu g-n^ and Gyarung ^-ri appear to be connected slender 
varieties. The'Takpa lem is a modem one of the Bhotian lam. The -m 
form thus appears to be the distinctive one of Bhotian, and the -ng and -k 
of the 8ii^ dialects. The last ia probably archaic, rak Many., nk. The-. . 
chu. The Persian and Geor^n rak, rah, ra are referable to such a foxtti: 

2. che Horpa. Unless this root be Scythic it is exceptional. ' 
The word ia not given in most of Klaproth'a Scythic vocabularies. 
1« The liquid is the oommon southerai root; 



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'Hie Bhotiui fonn 1am is found in Singri^ho, Burman (also Ian sp.), 
'Knittiy Khyen^, Kjau, Kami, Sak (Um^it), Kaaia lan-^», ^on ,i/^£-1an, Sla^ 
nipurij Maram, Ch»mphuii{2r him-/n, Kitpwi, Khoihu lam-/;Vt, Korenn^ 
fn-j^/m, Marioyr 1am, the Na^a dialecta(save KhA:i mid Arigumi), .No^amig^ 
lem-ang", (Takpa), Tengaa anu-lan, Abor lam-ft^rr, latn-^f, Dophia Inm-^ 
Aka Ism^^im, Garo rama, lam, BimIo In ma, Dhimal dam.i, Mm tuna; 
fierpa, Lhopa, Lirabv, Kinuiti, Mnpir lam, Sunwai* la, L^pha lium ; 
Cbeuan^Iiam, MijhaMo-on?, Newarlon, Jili t4in<r>io;ig', Hiam tbaiij^-iion* 

Toe Slender Thochu and Gyaning form n\ li resemble the Kliari ndi, 
6giiii Karen ^le, (Thochu ^-ri'), Toung-thu Xr-lai, aad Tajiiig; Mi-^hmi a* 

Takpa dang*, Anam dan?, Lau fam. tan^, 8iam thnn^ don, sa-non, tha^ 
t1mnfr« Jili tan^Ioiiir, Touni^-thu ^-lai-tan-tha, Pwo Kai^eu phuii thai 
Hon aan. It appears to' be Dravirian, tan^-ora Havara, da-ha-r» ITraua 
{hK'di Kamat., aawft TuIut., mi-ti Gond &c.), do-'; ( Tulug*., da-da Irulay 
ou-rt Telu^, Hada^a, Kurumhe, aUda-r Tod.i. The dibilant Sonjfiai 
ehangf, Luhuppa .^hl^'-vm, ^\ Tansrkhul som-phtty 0. T. nom-bui, An- 
ffarai chah, Deoria Ch. tsa-^^, Mikir toar appear to be referable to tha 
iental. 

The Murmi ^hyam, and Gurung kyan, are probably rebited to tha 
Gadaba kunir-oru, Venikala ye-id» 

Pwo Karen phun tha, Touii|^-thu /a-phu, Mon ^Aa-pan. Dravirian^ 
th-zkit ba-<«, pa-^, be-ie, ba-<, pa-ho-ri, mo-r-^ (varying to the aapi- 
Mte aiid ^nbilant ha, 9a). 

The Kamboian chirada may be Arian. 

0b8. 1. The Bhotian -m t'onu ii< the most prevalent, but the n forma 
ttnnot be radically separated from it. 

2. The labial positf. oounecta the Abor and Dophla with the Manipn- 
tian forma. 

S. The Thochu and Gyarung slender form ia only represented by % 
Karen name. 

4. The Anam and Lau names are connected with the sibilant and 
dental tbrmA of a group which includes Manipuri and Naga dialects aa 
well aa Jili and Takpa. 

5. The k prefix ia preserved in Thochu, Karen, Mon, Toung-thu, 
Murmi, Gurung. 

4. Boat. 

1. The principal root ia ru. The guttural pref. is common to Bhot., 
Horpa, Manyak and Tak^M J the labial to Thochu and Gvarung. The 
only Tariatiou of the root ia m thn .nubntitution of a for u and the sotltening 
or eliding of the contKmaiit The Uorpara preaervea the original form ca 
the Tho(3iu of yapA-ya (for »A-ra). 

2. The ap. Bh. koa may be a contraction of a form like A^rna. 

3. The Hhot. sp. syen is Chinese, chuen Mp &-h., shun Jt^ti^^ 
hfat. K-t. 

The southern terms have been given in Chap. V. Sec. 11. 

1. The prevalent fonns of 1 have the naftfil iinal. The vowel aug- 
aient of the Bhotian koa ia found with this final in Tayiug Miahmi to* 
wang (rua Browu). Thfi Lau fam. haii rua, reua. I'he Ka duak id th^ 
aame form with the final gutturaliaed ; and the Kambojnn tak, tu-tuit, tnj^ 
and Chong dok are vahatioiiaof it. ^yeiig also {iraseitea a k fonxt| 
Aa-rok. 



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110 XTKVOLOGT or THK JXIK>*FA.CIYIC IBLAKJM. 

The Lunerlce, Ehumi, Kyau, Kami^ Mni laong, lonngr, Sak lisu ; have % 
different furm of the double vowel. The Anam tau ship is probacy re- 
ferable to it, the Kambojan group liaving' alao the dental tor the liquid. It 
18 possible that the^e au forms have a distinct origin from the ua one*. 
Thej resemble the Irano-Dnivirian and Asonesian nau, nlava, falau &c. 

A slender form of the root is found in Singpho, Jili, Karen, Kapv^ 
Marine, li, Rakhoin^, Maram, C. Tangkhul Ihi, Barman Ihe, Mon len^, 
Kasia liinfr, Garo rin^. 

The A;, t prefix of Bhot., Horpa, Manyak and Takpa is found in Jili 
to-, Karen, Mon, Khyeng* kk-, n-, Mikir t-. In Aka it becomes hu-^ 
in Nogauns: Na^ su-, in Khyeng* ha^; Lhopa and Clian^lo have d-; the 
labial of Thochu and Gyar. occurs in Kumi, Kyau, Korengr, Khoibu, 
K. Tangkhul, Champhung, and Toung:-thu. 

The sp. ph. koa is found as a distinct root in *the Na^ group khoi^ 
khnon, khung, kho, Manipuri gr. khong>, kho, kong>, and lambu khom-^. 
Anam has ghe. Abor et-ku. 

4. The Chinese sam pan K>t., mm pan K-h., is found in Siamese for 
$kip kam-pan, sam-phao, ta phao, Anam sloop tam ban, Burman song ]»ua. 

3. The Ohinet^e chuen is found in Anam thuyen boat. Brown gives 
ding which must be the Chinese ting. Mulung has ye-sang and Ta- 
blung ih-sang, which are referable to the Chinese san. 

Obs. 1. The slender forms of m, ra are only found in the Irawady 
branch, llie u form was evidently the original in the South, and waa 
communicated to the Gangetic dialects, the same form being found in the 
liipal, the Hindi and the north Dravirian dialects. 

2. The Tayin^ Mishmi rowan^ [=ruang] and Ka duak, appear te 
preserve an archaic form now lost in Tibet. Its presence in the Kambo- 
jan group in one tbrm and in the Lau in another, accords wiUi the com- 
parative antiquity of the Mon- Anam glossaries. The Gangetic forma 
aonga, dunga ^c*^ are referable to tliis variety. The Dravirian and Arian 

flossaries have distinct terms, but none of these are found in the Mon- 
nam. 

6. Arrow. 

1. The Bh. dah, and Thochu jn suggest that the archaic form was dak. 

The southern forms are similar to the sofVened Takpa m-la, (Manyak 
m-a). Comp. Jili ^i«-la, Singpho /Mi-la, Toung-thu and Karen p la, ;M-la, 
Burm. m-ra, m-^a (found also in Gurung, * Murmi and Magar, and fiir- 
ther contracted m the m-e of Kiranti, pS-ee of Garo unless these be me, 
phee). 

Mijhu Mishmi has the variation lo (lo wat), and a similar form lu is 
found in Ang&mi the lu, Songpu lu, Champh. mo-lu and applied to the 
how in Tengsa lu. The Siamese luk (luk son, — son, ka^nn is bow) has 
this vowel with the guttural final which ardiaic Tibetan appears to haTe 
bad. Kambojan has jn-ruen, Mon leou, lay, lau. 

The other forms of the Lau family have the m final, lem Laos, Ahom, 
lim Khamti. The Kasia A^-nam is related to these. A slender form is 
also current in Karen AA-li, Lungke, Kami li, Doing- nak and Mrung le. 
Sak has the double term <o-li— wi/i-la, the second belonging to the Jili- 
Burman-Takpa-B: otian variety, and the former to the older Karen-Tumft) 
Kumi has li-ta-i. 

The Thochu ja is found in the Khan le-jak bow. 



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ZTHKOLOOT OJ TUB INDO-PACIFIC ISLINDS. Ill 

2. The Iftbial root— found in Gyarung" only in the slender and contract- 
ed form A«-pi— is the prevalent one on the north Iwink of the upiier Bra- 
mahputra, and in older forms, probaWy Dravirian (a-bu, am-bu &c.), 
w-po Taj'ing: Mishmi, ^-pug', e-puk Abor-Miri. The Garo phee and 
Kiranti me may be this root in slender foi-ms similar to the Gyarung^ 
and to the Kondh pin;;tt. It is found in the Khnmti lem-pun, M. An- 
gamithi-wu. , , . j. , 

3. A very common southern root applied to the ornr* in some dialects 
and to the drrjw in others appears to be of Chinese ori|iin. Chinese has 
for arrow t'^ien K-h., t«in, ctu K-h., ten, chen, dian &c. in other dialects. 
Kambojan has tinj?, (bow) Anam ten. A broad form is more common Ka 
tonjr, Siamese son, A»-«un, Limbu tonfr, Lepcha chonir; Kapwi than, 
^amsanrf la-chan, Muthun, Joboka san, Mulunj:-, Tablunir la-han, Tenor- 
sa la-san, Nograungr k-sang. Ansrami has /?<y-si bo.v (AI. A. /w-rhu) ; 
Mm sa, Kumi ta-i, tsa-koi, Khyonjr thwa, Deoria Ch. n-tn, Mikir tha-1. 

4. A guttural root occurs for arrow in Khari ta-khahtLj and for bow 
in Namsangf doa-khap, Muthun and Joboka hap. 

Obs. 1. ITie older Irawady fonns — Karen, Yuma &c., have the Gva- 
mng k pref.; the later Sinppho, Burman &c. have the Takpa and Bho- 
tian m pref. The Burman form has spread to the Xipal vocabularies. 

2. The Mon-Anam forma are older than any of the Tib«itan. 

3. The Abor preserves an archaic and pi-obably Di-avirian form of th* 
Gyarunp root. 

'4. The slender form of la, lu is characteristic of the Karen- Yuma 
group. 

5. The broad form of the sibilant root connects the Lau group with 
the IVaofa. This form has spread to Limbu and Lepcha which have the 
t^^iamese vowel and not the I^aga. Possibly the a form of the root is 
Arian and not Chinese. 

6. The same word is applied to arrow in one dialect and to bow in 
another. In some dialects both have the same name as in Nogaung la- 
sano" (pro|)erly bow's arrow), 

7. The name is frequently compound. 

6. Iron, 

I. Tlie BTi. wr. chags is a broad full form of the sp. chhyn, Manyak 
shi. The Horpa chu, Gyarung shorn (prob. sho-7;i) have a distinct vowel. 
The Thochu sor-f»^ appears to be connected with these terms. 

Chinese has the sibilant root tit K-t., tie K-h. ^comp. also sik tm K-t, 
se K-h.). But the archaic broad Tibetan form is more immediately re- 
lated to Scythic forms, thu-mar, tu-mur, also the mar Moiig., tup, tip 
Y'enis., soi, suy Korea. The s-r, s-1 form of Thochu is probably connect- 
ed with the similar Scythic forms applied to ir(m, sello, selle, zhilla Tun- 
grus., but more commonly to ffold sor, shor, son, sir kc. The older ap- 
plication of the sibilant root was to silver, salt &c., the root itself being 
that for white. Iron was afterwards distinguished as biack'silver and 
silver itself as irAt^^-silver, and this led to the form for silnr acquiring a 

feneric meaning (ww'te?). See chap. v. sec. 11. Chinese hak kam K-t., 
a kin K-h. for iroh i. e. black metal ; and pak kam K-t., pe kin K-h. 
for silver i. e. white metal. Gold is kam, kin, with or without the quaU- 
tive iotytlhw. 

Some other examples in addition to those given in chap. v. may be 



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TI3 imnro£o«T of THt nmo-^it^ro nrcxirra. 

teken from the adjacent Scythic family. The TakuzVi Tonppttian hr 
Imagold \» a variation of the*^ word for red chola-rin ; the Laronti dmlee^ 
Iiaa liuatT- »hTn|nin rtd-^Ustr (nlatyn* red), and the oo iimon Be^'thie 
•l^n, aftahy altun, appears to be a TniHtion of the form for rrif, the"^ full 
loot heiuf^ kola, chola, [ula-<yfi^kula-rti»l, in Ufrrian fror-d, por-^e, 
kel-ban £c. Some Turkish dialects have kyAyl- kiimyo^ red-rihir^ or 
■imply kyayl ; Yakuti prefixes the word white to silver oryon-knmna. 
In aome of tlie Lesfrian dialectt* the i^ame root nnts, aniz kc, is both 
wkUe and giher ; and it recurs with the former meaning in ^ilotic dialects 
«na Worat4a kc, 

2. lekh. Thin exceptionol Takpa form h probably a Tariation of tiit 
Tibeto-Barman root lor d2u4;A:nak,lak, reg&c.&c. (Seep. 25etseq.). 

Sovthent Urms, 

1. The broad form is found in the Burfn. than, Mee Kami A^-dang^^ 
Son^pu fi-tan, >':rm}*. jan, Muth. jian, Job., MuL, Tab. yan, Augrami 
fAtfHU (M. A. je), tha Karen, fai Toung'-thn. 

Ine arfhaic Bhotian fruttui-al is preserved in the , Khoibn sak-ira, Ko- 
•leoflr chag-hi, Anam aat (oomp. Chinese sik tiny tit itvn), Tiberkhad 

Slender forms are common, t«n|;^-gri Mijhu M., tsi, si Taying M., thin 
Xapwi, tin Luhuppa, thir Mann^, thiar »S. Tunfrkhol, ki-y'm^ Kyau^ 

E'n Ten^rsa, No^unp, n-yin Khari, je Moa. An<r.; tir Kyau Lunirkhe, thi 
bveufT) mj^chinMikir^shein Kami, theiu^ak, saj-thi Toung-thu; Dhi- 
mal chir, Lepcha paiy-jing. 

I'he u, o form of Horpa, Thochn and Gyarungr is found in Qaro shur 
(Thochu sor-ifw), Bodo chur, Mrung tcho, Augami ^At-ju, Deoria Chutia 
Ming, Mon /)A-8oe iErcr-swav, p/i-thway. 

2. The Tak|ia lekh is found in the lek, lik of the Lan fam., dek, dik 
Xambojan. Some Irawad^ terms which 1 forn eily considered to be 
Dravinan, aiipeur to be vanatiotis of this root. 

WA-ru ^. Tsnirkhul, fN«-ri S.T.,m;i-ri 8mg])ho, «-ruk Champhung, rung, 
run, /9-ron Milcharian^. Rok, luk, lok are current forms of the Tibeto-Bur- 
mon r<Kit for blaek. The same root iirobably occurs with the guttural pref. 
in the Abor^o-gir, yr>-gid, va-guran, Mijhu teng-gri, Sunwur wa a-kli^ 
(Sii)»-pho hruM mo-gri). The analynis is probably ^-ri, A-U, ^-rah ko, 

nau, <a-mo, to-mhu kbumi; Le 
Magar pha-lam, Munni pha4, 
Q. Kiranti, Hagar pha-iam. 
-mban, ka^bina &c. S. Dray. 
4. nar Kasia, na Newar. 
0b8. 1. The broad and full Sifim form sor, sho ( r ), chu ( r*), j# 
found in Bodo and Garoj the more prevalent slender forms in r— also 
refeitible to it— are chieny found in the Manipuri and Yuma group. Tlie 
a form distinguishes the Burman, Karen and aeyeral ^aga dialects; it 
may be Bhotian. chang, than for chag. 

2. Thf liqi id name appears from its yariations to he archaic. The 
alender lull fotm connect^ Takpa and Lau, while the contracted form, with 
the gutt. prei. is common to Sing|tho, Mijhu, Abor and Sunwar, and, 
with the labial pref. is com. to Singpho and S. Tangkul Broad forms Hke 
the Champhung o-ruk, and Milch, run, p-ron — found so fxt a)iart^0ttg* 
geat that this word, deriyed from the native voot for hlaek^ was the earlier 
diffiuiyeTibeto-Buniuuiaame. It may have betti that of the tot Hi* 



3. Aro-pha Marom, to-phi Jili, e*-mau, <a-mo, to-mhu kbumi; Lepdia 
pan-jing, Limbu phen-je, Kiranti, Magar pha-lam, Munni pha4, Gii« 
rung pa^i, Hunwar wa akii, Ka mam. Kinmti, Ma^r pha-fam. Tht 
labial IS Dravirian, panna Uraon, karu-n 



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XTHKOLOOT OT THV HTDO-PAOriTO ISLAITDS. 113 

malaie vocabularies that were carried flouth (Mon-Anam or Lau). 

The named for the other metaU are not &dven in the short vocabularies, 
and any comparison of thodo knowTi would be very imperfect. But I grive 
those for silver and goldf as some repeat the roots that are used for irvn* 

7. Silver, 

1. The Bhotian word for silver is Chinese, K-t. ngan, K-h. yin, Bh. 
ngui. The Lau fam. has njjrun, n^on, Namsanur> JoM)ka . giitky Muthuzi 
norvun, Toun<r-thu yun, Mulunir nin-mang*, Tablung toi-nan, Anam ngfan^ 
The Lau word and the derivative Naora have the archaic u preserved by 
Bhotian. The root is probably white 2. 

2. Khari has o-tsun, IVfikir tan^^ Changrlo tang-ka, Mon thaun. This 
is one of the root^ for white, A different form preserved in the Siamese 
sit rithite is applied to tin in Chinese, aik K-t., se K-h.; Anam thick 
(K-t.); Siam di-buk (buk white). 

3. Angami has roko, i aka. This is the liquid root for white lak, 
long &c. The Kambojan j9-rak has the same root, but it \a probably {W)m 
the Malay perak, in Champa preak. The Angami raka throws doubt on 
the SemiHe origin of the Indonesian perak, pirak ; and the silaka of 
Javan &c. more than strengthens it. The root oi both words appears 
to be the Angami raka,— /?e-rak, M-laka. The prevalpnoe of this root in 
Indonesia and its rarity in Ultraindia may be attributable to the native 
Tibeto-Burmau term having been generally replaced by the Chinese. 
Khari preserves a native name, a-tsun, which is also a root for n^At/^ ; 
Tongsa and Nogaung have adopted an Ary^an word, rup, lup ; while all 
the other Naga dialects have received the Chinese name. 

4. ^iii^\t\\o\i\xm ph-xon^ (metal white), 

6. Anam bac {white j bach). 6. Abor n-mel, Naga mang, Murmi mui. 
Milch, mil, mol, Dniv. vili kc. (See Iron 3, and chap. 5. sec. 11.). 

8. Gold. 

1. For Gold Bhotian has ser, si, Changlo, Mikir ser, Kasia A;-ser, Hindi 
aar, Pasthu sar, Muthun sien, Jobokasian, Siloiig hiii, Karnataka.chin*^ 
na, Rakhoing shwi, Burm. sui, Karen tu, Mon to, tha, thau. 

Both the Tibeto-Burmnn slender ser, and tlie Pushtu sar, are Bcythtc, 
serine, sir-ne Wolg., sar-ui, sor-na Ost. &c. The Aryan hir-nu, hira-nia 
are evidently from sir-na, — sona from sor-na; suvar-na is an amplified 
form. 

The Siamese thong appears to be from the Pali sona, like the Milch. 
Bung. 

2. Mikir dor-^ (rok-dor iron Dophla). This is probably an archaic 
form of the Scythic sor, derived from a Sifan dialect. The Sifan names are. 
not known. 

3. Abor a-ngin, a-ina, Doph. o-en, Angami li, Khari to-ru {Iran 2). 

4. Singpho ja (Iron 1). 

5. The" Chinese kam K-t., kin K-h. is found in the Lau fam. kham, 
thong khara, Namsang kam, Mulung,Tablungkham, Anam kirn, Toung* 
thu khan-ni. 

6. Aram has vang, Laos wang (yellow Ch.); Ch. hwang kin K-h., 
Wong kam K-t. yellow^metal. 

7. The Kambojan mias is Malay, mas. 

Obs. The southern naorn for the metals are mostly Tibetan. A few 



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114: vmDicsu>n w thb unto^-Vwuma isiujri>a. 

DraTirian tenns are preficrred in the North Gasgetic dialects.' The M<<m» 
A|>am vocabularies couttun an'baic aud modem Tibetan, and archaic 
•od luodt'iTi Chiu&te, names. The Chinese names appear' to have di»- 
plAUOd the native ones in several dialects. 

0. Suit. 

AH the Tibetan diolects have the jiame word, — ^Horpa, Bhotian and Takpft 
lu^ving: a broad, nnd the Sifun dialects a nleiider, vowel. The abrupt a^ 
cent of Hur])fl, Thochu, Gyaruiig aud Manyak indicates an archaic gut*, 
tiiral final. 

The root is not Cliinese, hut Scythic. It is common to all the Scythi« - 
fiimilies. and in mo^t oi them it occurs both witli the liquid aud dento*^ 
frptt-unil iiiial-*, and also without them. Korea sok-om, suk-/<i» &c.; Ye* 
iiibeiau chh^'p, Samoiede shuk, i^ak ; ser, sir, sL U^-ian sich, sek; chai 
0al, flol, eal-na ; sot, sow, 80 &c. 

The root opiiears to be the same that is used for fthitef and applied to vai iou»> 
wjiite or bripnt objects, m(Hjn,$ii n r kc, &c. (ante}>.*J9). Thus Samoiede 
hifiA sirr, sen, kyr ic. trfiite, sir salt, sennt-liire sHiur ; Vprnun has sor-ffjr^ 
aar-nt, sair-«wi fvJtit , sol-«t &c. salty siu-t/zi silttr. TLe Yeniseian chhw"' 
sqlt occurs for rrhite iu tyir-bis Yen., tyujr, clinpa lev. Hamoiede. Tat- 
Ar.uem;in a^c salt appeal 8 to be the rjrri:in and Turkish uk, nph, white, 
Tac root is one of the archaic and widely diifused ones of the proto-IS<-vthic^ 
vocabulary. Caucasian prei^cr^es a primary form shujr, chu^h. It has also t rrat 
ii) m, n, an.l vocalised, — zam, zyani, zon, zun, rhin, zio, ze, p-su Lesg*. 
Ifingrelian has zhumi and Lazian cliunio. In Cherke:iiin the same rool' 
is nmite and salt, — ebush, kush white, ihnsh salt. 

The flibilo-li^piid form is found iu the iudo-LuroiKnn family, — sol, sol, fvl, 
saby *out &c., — and iu a few Africjin lani;u:i<res, — ^sira, hina Malaifa- 
sy, singa 8han<iala, f/i-t\li llausa, //j-ftile Karekare, rfw-#jft/-sin, ^e-adi 
hode ^r,, ffo-da-6\n liu^henni, t-si JMoiidara, dsi^-sem Kandin, [saW 
Kabenda, ndzolu Mimboma, prob. hurop.]. An m form occms 
in Gonpi shum-^r;. An older Scyfhic lunn occurs in Ptnin aek, 
ttam tok, Goali sag-bele ; and a sibilant root vvithout a linal consonant ia 
eym,, ch^r-wkhf chao Ailotic; chua, cha-rin, le-nize, vile-^i, mO''S>o,ftW9 
sa. n-ta, »-to, fftt'-si, a-wc-ds, a-dsd, i-sa, t-zo, e-sa, ffa-^e, jf -sa- 
fltt-si-s. The iSemitic root is different, — melach, mileh, melh, malhut, ana 
his found sporadically in Afiica, mrh E^ryptinn, miluk I>L>hari, mer, 
Luidoma, Ba«!a. The more common African roots are the liquid, «-uun| « 
^nuk, t-non, ^a-no,ii-no, r-ro, bu-roju'ro-tuij pv-num, lam-dam &c. aii4t 
the guttural koro, kiri, kon, /i*koli, a-«an, mo-u$;gua, n|»kttfl. 

From the Georgian miriliy and the general «:los.->arlal connection betweeiu- 
the Semite- Africini and the Caucasian vocmbuUiries, it L^ probable that tlia 
mel, mil of tlie Semitic word is a distinct root, and that tiie Chaldee mu- 
chn, Syriac mel-cho, Assyrian mil-cha, prc-erve the compound best. If.j 
«), the sieond element would ap^iearto be the Seythic, Tibetan, CauG»- 
M.n and At'iican root, and the lirst the Semitu-AJ'ricao, Dravirian mud 
Beythicrootforn/t<^e thtttisso pix)lilio in names of wiiite and bii^hl 
objects (chop. V. sec. 11, Iron, Siivei ). The form, of the second element | 
€hu, cha, cho, is that which the sibilant r(M>t retains iu Tigre, Agauaud i 
. €bn«rn, cha-w», chu-a, shum-Zx; (or sh^u-vtAo). 

. I the south the Tit)etan root is very common. Must of the forms &p« 
pc at ) be more archaic than any of the current Tibetan, and to be refera- 
Uitoaii-n aadnQt toa^ ramtj- PoMbJ^jrihA ChinsBe yam, ioi^ 



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BjlorpLooT OF Tn nrDO-PA^onrc islands. 11$ 

V«n — ^which would otherwise be neither Scythic nor Tibetan — is a Boft 
ftrm of an archaic Ghino-Himalaic form, saxn^ sim, as the yum is of sum. 
The -m form is rare in Scythic. and the Caucasian zam, zun &c. favours 
the' archaic existence of a similar Chino*Uimalaic form. The Mijhu tu* 
m^xin is probably a modem Chinese form. 

oingpho sum, tdum, jum, Jill chum, Manipuri thum, Namsang sum^.. 
Huthun, Joboka, Mulung, Tablung hum, N, Tangkhul n-tsu, Nogaung 
vftt.tsu, Bbdo shyung kare, sayung kri, Deei ia Chutia sun^ Sak sung^ 
Limbtt, ELiranti ynm, Lepcha Tom, Sunwar yu si. 

Maram n-chi, Songpa n^tai, Koreng mo-tai, Arung in-chai, M. An?, 
mn-tse, Ang. wtf-tsa, (by invers.), Kapwi, Luhuppa, C. Tangkhul, S. T.|^ . 
T^ngsa^Kha* " '" " ' ^^^ m^_ .. .. 4, _ .. ,,., . 

Pwo Karen 1 

Gaaaba bi-^ti {= mi-ti KhoibuV. 

Champhung ^sam, Changlo tn-cha^ Burm. chha, shs, Toun^-tha 
ta, ta-thah^ ^. Karen i-tha, Mru wi sha, Magar cha, Gurung, Murmi cha- 
clu^ TiberKhadj Mikh tsa, Garo syang, kara sam, (the guttural is the 
ifiudi khar, Bengali khyar j^ti^AsA). 

. 2. Siam /D-leua, ki-lua, Ahom ^'-lu, Laos ^eu, ^-em, Khamti ib-u;, 
Kksiaiw^lahj'Kumi mo-lwe, ^^a-loi, Kami nio-loi, Abor a-lu, 0-IO, <7-la, 
Dophla U'Ao, T. Mishmi 7>-la, Pwo Karen la, Anam loi. This root is Chi* 
nese^ Iu< Itaj)pear3 to be the com. Tibeto-Burman liquid root for tvhit^^ 
which occurs with similar forms (p. 28, 29). 

The Bengali nun, Hindi Ion, Sindhi, Asam. lup, JSinghalese lunn, KoI, 
l>u-lan^, bu-lansr, have the same root in the Mijhu, Garo, and Yuma forms 
for fvhtte^ lung, lang^ nuiig &c. The ' Afi ican liquid names may have an 
Indian origin. 

8. Anam muoi, Mob bho, Kambojan am-bil {? vom Lepcha). These 
words have no affinity.with the Tibetan or Chinese roots, and they must 
be referred to the Di-avirian element of Mon-Anam, The S. Drav. dia- 
lects have uppu, uppa, upp, Kdi bu in bu-lang-, Male be-Af^, Uraon he^ih. 
All these Di-aviro-Anam words are connected with the Thochu,Mon- 
Anam ilnd Dr^tirian la|)ial root for tvhtte. The Kambojan am^bil has the 
Drav. form found in white, silvir, inoan, star &c. The others resemble 
the KoL pun-^i, pun-t«, Tuluva bol-a?!^ (the other S.' Drav. dialects have 
the slender form vel, bil), Naga o^po, Sunwar bwi kc whiter and^som^ of 
ih^iGtn^elid.forms for safto^, mul Milch., mui Murmi &c. The root is 
Bi^ftim^^wM^ boi-nat Yukahiri, woi-kan Ugrian ; silver hopia &c. Fin, uqi- , 
Koraii From the fotras of the. Dmvirian and Hon- Anam root in it^.,. 
^ieveat apfUcations, it Li probable that it belongs to the Scvthic basis of the 
Mohaic Dmvirian gloasarv. The -k forms for white in Lau kc. are Chi- 
ne^Tibetan) (Thochu)u the use of the labio-Hquid root for salt is com- 
meii to Geox^an, iSemitie and Dravirian. 

The Gond M^bar («&-» is pref . in- some other words) appears to preserve i 
^aft archaic fuH form of the labial root like Kambojan (bal, val is the i 
'Kxttm and Tuluva form, mar in mai^sal light Xol.). The Pushtu malgA 
n^lte the same- root, mal-^a.- 

The^SaQskrit la-van may have the same liquid root. The postfix oc- 
' cv^in 9oythic and African words aliso andmav be the Scytho-Drav« zof^ 
if:feM$.. Au9tj»Uaahaawil-bSan?Ai^«(wilDrav.). 



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llfl> ^ . XTHKOLOer 0* TnZ IltBO-PACTFiC I8LA.KB8. 

Sbc. 7. 

ThB F0BV8 ATTO OISTBIBUTION 07 TAB ChIXO-HiMALAIC NuXBRALS 
Zir CUIZTA, TiBBT, IlCDIA ATTD UlTBAIITDIA, COICSIOBRBO AS ILLUSTBA- 
TIYB or THB A5CIB5T RBLATIOITS A5D MOYBMBIfTB 07 TBB TBTBBS OF 
THIS PBOTinCBi AND OF THB SBCULAB CHAHOBS IN THBIB OUIABA&IB8.' 

Any fiiiiher remarks on the distribution of the numerals must be chie& 
Ij supplementary to those which have already been offered. But some 
genenu points oi interest are brouorht out by a closer comparition of the 
southern formii with each other aud With the Tibetan and Chinese. 

It is clear that each of the primary numeral elements — definitives-^has 
assumed a great diversity of ibrms in different era^, or in different dialects. 
The most prevalent Chinese and Tibetan forms are not those which ap- 
pear to have been so at the epochs of the tir^t division of the Chinese 
numerals in Tibet and of the Tibetan in Ultnrindia.* But as the vowd 
probably varied from a very remote period, the subject does not admit o^ 
our attaining positive results beyond a certain extent. 

Upon the wnole evidence, direct and ooliateml, it may be concluded 
that hroad forms of the guttural or dental detiuitive were used as the 
earliest unit, and in higher numbers iormed from the unit^ and thai the 
Chinese series ' 



(I) 1. 

(H) 2. 

(III.) 2 + 1, contracting to 1. 

(IV.) 2 + 2 „ „ 2. 

(V.) 3 + 2, i.e.2 + limd2 „ „ 2. 

(VI.) 5 + 1, , „ 1. 

(VII.) 6 +1 „ „ 1. 

(VIII,) 10-2 (10 being 1) .. „ „ lor 2, or 3,1. 

(IX.) 10-1 „ „ 1. 

(X.) 1. 

In sec. 4, I considered it probable, from analo^ry, that 5 was 1, al- 
though differing in form from all the definitives used in the lower numbers^ 
save one of the varieties of 2. That it is really 2 will appear on a com- 
parison of all the forms. The root for appeared exceptional, and it was * 
conf«idered as being an archaic N, £. Anian teniarv term, 3, for 3, 3. As 
3 is 1, the root, whether considered a^^ 5 H- 1 or 3 + 3, wouht be the same' 
in form, so long as the two definitivea used hs 1 und 2 formed higher' 
numbers by simple repetition without agglutination or contraction. I 
now rJiink that luk 6 can be explained as a normal Chino-Tibetaii form 
of I. The Chinese 7 was shown to be 1 (for 6-4-1); but the Tibetai^ 
with the exception of Thochu and Manyak, to be (luiimry. The Chinese 
8 was shown to be 10 (tor 2, 10); bnt the Tilx-.tan 8 was* considered to be 
4t, 2, for 4 the 2d. In several of the Southern dialects the name for 
8 is a root for 10, tliftt for 2 being lost. .Sin^rpho wa-tsat, Uodojat, 
Arung ti-a&tt I^amsang t-sat^ Tablung thaihj lUiyeng sati loong-tha 



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ITHKOLOOT OF THE nn»0-PXCIFIC ISLAlTDg. H? 

that, Khari sa-^heij Muthun a-cliet, Garo diet, Burman shvit, Nogaung 
te, Deoria ^/f/711-clie, Chongr ka-fi, Ansrami <A«-ta, Newar chya, Tengsa the- 
9ep. ThUid the Gliino-Tibetan 10 ^itself a form ot'l). In fiec.4 the identity of 
ther,l, element of 8 with 4 was |M>inted out, and the inference drawn that 8 
was 4) 2, i. e. 2d 4, the second element resembling: some forms of 2. But these 
■common southern forms of 8 appear te be reconcileable with the northern. 
In the remarks on the Chnn&^e nnd Tibetan 2 and 4 the radical identity 
t>f both was shown, and it was pointed out that the Tibetan liauid form of 
4 preserved a variety now obsolete in the Chinese 4, althou9:n preserved 
in 2, "one of many illustrations of the great antiquity of the first diffusion 
of the Chino-Tibptan numerals." The probably denary oripn of the Chi- 
nese 8 and 9 w.vs also noted. In my first comparison of the Chino-Tibe- 
tan numerals (App. C), I remarked the accordance of some forms of the 
liquid element in 8 with liquid forms of 2. If we cen^nder -this element 
as in all cjises representing 2, the southern numerals of the Tibeto-Bur- 
mnn family are reconciled with the northern, and both with the 'Chinese-; 
and this view I now consider the rif^ht one. According to it, the Tibetan 
^ and 4 retain forms of the Chinese 2 distinct from the current nasal 
ones. The common southern 4, ma-Wy jsn-li, ^a-li, ^-ri p-re &c. is an an- 
tnent Tibetan form of 2 and 4, corresponding with the Cninese li, Hang 2. 
A Tibeto-Burman full form with the Inlyinl preiix, as in 4 and 8, is also 

Preserved in one of the most archaic of the southern diHleef-s, Mru, whidh 
as p'Te 2, (romp. Bodo^re 4, he.. &c.). This appears to have heen re- 
placed in 2 of the other southern dialects by the later prevalent Tibetan £• 
The second element in the Tibetan 8, gyud, gyet, yet, gye, ee, must be a 
€orm of the unit representin<^ 10. The Mru ri-yat 8 has the two pure 
«oot.s 2, 10, as in Uorpa ana Gyarunjr. * 

From the preceding T<fble it api^ears that the definitive used as the unit 
is found in 1. 3, 6, 7, 10, and, in some dialects, in 8 ; and that the definitive 
tised as 2 is round in 2, 4, 6, and, in some dialects, in 8. These two defini- 
tives may be termed the unit and the dual. 

The unit beiQ|^ in its origin a demonstrative or definitive used quali- 
tively or discrirainatively, its vocabularv was propably coextensive with 
that of the definitive in the older classes of language. In the Chiao- 
Himalaic definitive system the normal unitdef. was the guttural, varying 
to dental, sibilant and aspirate forms, as the same def. and unit does 
in all other formations in which it occurs, Scythic, Semito-African &c. 
It also varied to the liquid as in other formations, but this form was com- 
paratively rare. In Tibetan this def. is now applied to inanimate substan* 
•eee, the labial being the primary animate def. 

The Chino-Himalaic unit, in its earliest cognizable stage, had two forms, 
one having the labial final, and the other the guttural passing into the 
dental, the vowel being broad in both, u, au, a &c. Extant examples, 
gyud, kyok, kyot, kat, (kung, kang &c.); sat, tsat, chat, jat &c.; zuxn, 
aura, sam, tham, sap, chap, (dun, sun, tun, song, san &c.); luk, ruk, kt 
.(ram mod,^ rang, nung &c.). Of these forms those with the guttural ioi-' 

♦ As the Chinese y of yat, yit appears to have been formed, not hy 
■a conversion of cfi into y, but by a haraening of the vowel, from an am^ 
«ltfied vocalic form similar to 9, it is probable that in gyud, g is the »•» 
dical initial, and yu merely the amplified vowel. Comp. the £epcha kyo^ 
in 9, kyok in a* 



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118 ITHXOLOOT OF THB IKDO-PACITIC IBtAlfDfS. . 

efixt probably ihe oldest. Forms in t, d, ob, 2,9, 1, r nppeer tO'hajre 
n formed from it at an ancieut period, and before the system tpmvd 
into Tibet. When it waa fint^mrripd into the HimaUuc province htotA 
.inrma only prevailedi and tbera are etill the moat common in it. 

In the next or 2d atage — that preaenred in the aouthern. Chinese. dia- 
.Jectay-r^lendar vowels were developed, but the ^al CDnsonanta-'W^eBe^v- 
^1 t&ined. The fihotian 1 vhig, ohxk, is referable to this condition of Ohi- 



In the.dd or latest atajjce, or that of the modem Kwan-hwa, the vocalie 
.and elliptic tendency set in strongly. In tlio Kwan«hwa phonology ^\ 
Jhe consonantal finals, save n and ng, hare disamteared. The only.nnn>»- 
. jal forms referable to this stage that are ibnnd in Tibet, are some oif J. 
•Md 10 (jtib, chi, che, thi, ti). Its influence u» chiefly marked in the oqb* 
.fractions of the native vocables. Many of the bniad archaic forms 1^ 
. ftill preserved, although vocaliMsd by the loss of the final consonant. J^ 
, others the vowel has become slender. If the formation of the Kwan- 
jbwa phonology only began in the Tsang dynasty (A. D. 620 to 907]h-#e 
ifr. fki^kin believes — and the lot^ of the final consonants took. place after- 
swarda. its influence on the Himalaic province mus^t be w&ry modecp. 
probably it dates from the conquest of eastern Tibet by the .Chineae/an 
,^the I2th century. 

The 3d stage being brought down to a period so recent, the 2d-vill.npl 
^/equire to be placed at a very great distance behiad it. 

A aeeond Chinese ^ef. used as the unit was. the lal»ia]. Jt appeara Ao 

^iiave been disused at a very remote period, And. before the .Chinese an> 

tem was carriel to Tibet, as it is only extant in the Chinei^ • 8 pat (te. 

' (lor the unit of 10), and 100 pak &c. This is nn archaic foam .of, the 

. maac. labial ouahtive and definitive of the Himal^c system. 

The normal ^ualdef.- was the liquid in ja, ng, 1, r, variable to it)|t 
aibilant. 

FoBica OF TRs UNIT DnmitTiyx. 
Broad Fortns. 
1st, n, o forma. 

landX. The archaic broad forms have, in m(M of thetThiHeie'tiid 
Tibetan dialects, been changed into slender oiies. Some of the Chintee 

'forms retain final k, t, (in 10 p.) The oldest forms Appear to Imvebeitn 
kuk, kut, tuk, chuk ^c, ksk, tak, chak &c., and these are current itt 
N. E. Asisn systems. Bhotian in 10 preserves a similar form ^hu, Serpa, 

■ Gurung clnih. The great antiquity of this form is corroborated by-its- re- 

'^ tention of the archaic labial def. as in the Dravirian ;i0-du, ha^^kc, iO, 
Bcythic ft^-t 10, 6at-ke, J?-to &c. 1. A similar broad foirn ia found -In 
the 1 of Sjrau Karen tu, Pwo Karen Ita du, Tengsa kha-tu, whence the coii- 
tracted Kuki, Magar and Lepcha ku^t. Thochu retains this form in iO 
-^bo-du, a Tibetan form of the root equally ardunc with 4he Bhotian 

. >^n. The archaic Irawadi forms clearly aasodate themselves by their 

tjretix with Thochu, which probably preserves an older form of .the 
^yarung Jfa»H, — u in the slender phonology becoming i. The Lau^mu^, 
(line in Ahom), is referable to the Tibetan d, r, 1 forms. 

III. The same archaic form of the unit iff found in'the 3 of Bho^i^ 
-^-eum and Horpa su. It is the most prevalent form in the aoutib abd 



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XTB90L00T or THE nruo-piciTrc TSLJtiris. 119 

probaWy t;lie oldest, beinjr that of the Yuma gr., Karen, T(nin<r-tlra, ©ur- 
mun, Singpho, Dhimal, 'f^ipftl ^^c.-tt-buq)^ turn, tun, suog; thun, th^i, songf^fiu, 
una, om. ^ \ 

. VI. The Chiaese luk appears to be a liquid vanety of the full archliic 
..u fonn. T.heu, o vow^l i9 retained in all. the Himalaic forms. In the 
Tibeto-Ultraindiau dialects the prefix is the guttural, .denUil or, sibilant. 
The root vanea to ru, ro, ran. 

The dental and palatal rarities are found in the 'Bhotian dnk^-ttlky 
thu, Gyar. tok, Horpa chho. The last is probably a primary f>)nn ofTl 
«imil|ir to the Bhptian chu of 10. The others may also be more, f(iU 
.j»rimitive forms, but the immediate .source jnay be.t}ie Bhqtian dmk, and 
druk may be the Chinese luk with, a Bhotian prefix d-ruk. PosettSy 
dr id an archaic intermediate' form between the dental and the liquid. 

VII. Manyak «<»kwi, a form, of the unit preserved in 9. JUpcha ky6k 
: (=skyotof 9), a remarkaihle archaic' form. 

The Bhotian and Lhopa dun, S^rpa dyun, Changlo zum, ' I n6w consi- 
der native, for the reasons opven elsewhere. Chan^lohaa the .aTVhdc 
form of 1 preserved in 5. Mrfhu has nun, a form (M^rreapondingT I^Ch 
* the Lau nung I. 

VIII. Bhotian ^gyud^ Sunwar yoh (? Miihu n^m). 

IX. Both Chinese and Tibetan retain. archaic form9,'kyeu,'l^iu, gti' &c. 
. Bhotian, Takpa axiU Horpa preserve the inanimate prefix, :df-gn, rfff-gu, 

r-gu. In the south it is fouHd ill Garo sh^ku, Bodo 5-ku,c^.ku, -iSingpbo 
ftH'kvLj 4ihiiidu 'Chu-ku, .^q^ng «/i-ku, Ten^sa tka-kuy Khari te-kn^ 
Kami to- ko, Kumi /a-kau, Milch, s-f^oi^ Karen khwi. TheLepcha 
ka kyot is an archaic Chinese form sin^ilar to the Bhot. gryud of 8. The 
Gyami chyu is an instance of the chnnge of the circhaic guttural into ^h, 
which has taken place in the Ghinese 1 and 10. 

. X. .Bihpt. fr-chu; Thechu A^-du, Kami Aa-su, S/ik:si 8u. Ti^e ^uki 
.f*attm-&a preserves the full archpjc form. Tengsa lias the liquid y^riatiqn 
rflA^lu [=s(Ae-log, toHCix ^. in ^. 

C. chum-wari Kumi, ro-A-ru Nogaung (10 X 10),.ta.-lpyen Toui^-tbu. 

2d, a forms. 

The a form is also preserved in several dialects, .and is probCibly 
.'boeval with the u fotrn. 

I. ra Horpa, a Thoehn^ ta IMAnyak. This was evidently, a coam^qn 
'Tibetan form at one period. In the south it is Yuma, Burnnan, Karen 
snd Toung^thu. From tbo iKstribution of the a forms they . appear to be 
of the same a^ with the u forms. Comp. Tengsa AAo-tu, ^No^. ^•rtaQif, 
'B^rau tu or ta $cc. The Barman wj. taeh [=tang Nog.] presenires the 
archaic ^ttural final. 

III. The .Chinese form is sam, varied to song, san, sa, ta. In Tibet itjis 
.en'ly found in Gyarpng, jfti»-eai|i, whence it has been transferred to the 
. south, being the 'form of Mij&u, Mikir, (laro, Bodo, the Naon groups 
(save Angiimi), I)op]tla, Chttngio, Lepcba, Sunwar. It probably l^lopgs 
\to the Uktetjt Gyar^ng current. 'In some^f tke Naga dialects the ^m* 
lant is hardened ipto.z, r, l,--rmn Mttthun, ram Kamsang, lem Ti^blang. 
Saaia has hn. 

Vt. The aformisyerfraie. Iftoehv -has yui»taHre apd Mijlpn^- 
tham, the Gjrarunj^ 3 form. 
VII. Chmese in Kwang-tnngiiasiBat, Thecha i-ta. 



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ISO ITHKOLOOT or TJE lKl>0~9^CmC I8LAN98. 

VIII. The same broad form is found in tererti of the southern syi- 
terns, repreeentinfir 10. It appears to hare been the old Irawadi form — 
Toune-thu, Khyen^r, Napa, Sinjrpho, Bodo, Newar— taat, that, sat, ta ke. 
The Takpa ya, Mm jat, Kami and Kami ya, are from an a variety of the 
archaic form pre!*eryed in the Bhotian gmd. 

IX. The a fornix apfiear to lie referable to the archaic nmplificationt 
of n. Thus the Donhla kayo appears to be a broader variety of the an- 
cient form preservea in the Lepcha k^ot. The Kwang'-tnng' kau is a simi- 
lar Chinese form, perhaps more archaic than kiu, kyeu See. TheLuu and 
Kumi kau are referable to it. 

The nans: of the double Abor term ko-nang-ft^?, ko-nan<!w*, is an nrebaic 
10 fonnd in the Dophla rang* Id, and corresponding* with tlie 1 of Horpa 
ra, and Laa nong^, hng /fee The Taying ko-nyoog> 9 has the broad Laa 
▼oweL 

Dhiroal has a rimilar double form ko-lia-H^n^, and Tayinsr has tia-2^. 

X. Chinese chap. The Horpa i-ga, <-ka, uaro i-kanir, is a vocalised 
rariety of a still asore archaic form. The Lhopa cha of cha-tham has the 
Chinese form. Kewar san-ho, Khyencr lui, Kami ha of hasuh. 

The Bhotian thnm-ha appears to oe an archaic form eorrespeodiajp 
with the Cliinese chap, Kuki sum. 

J^ophla rang:, Khan to-mh, Shindn mr-rha. (See I). 

JCumi has hau, an amplified form correspondinc: with kau 9. 

<3. §rya-tham-to Bhet., gya Serpa, cha-the (10 X 10) Nama., ya-kha 
Shindu, ta-ya Sak. 

Aunwar s-wai ka (1 X 1 for 10 X 10, ka 1 Sunwar, chi-wai 10 Mnrmi). 

rhya Horpa, Jat-sa (10 + 10) Singpho^ xa-sa Kuki, Ah-kat Khyeng, ta- 
f« Kami, Burmaa wr. (ta.ya s/x.^ 

JSfvndir Forms, 

I. Cliinese chit, chek, yit, it, ih, i*, i, Bhot. chig", t5yflT. ti. These 
slender forms have made little progress in the south, and must have been 
xeceived subsequent to the migration of the broad forms preserved in 
Ifanyak, Horpa and Thocbu. 

III. The only slender forms are the Thochu, Manyak and iSak. 

VI. There are no elender forms. 

VI !• The Chinese forms are generally slender. As an archaic broad 
fonn is found in 3, it may be enouired whether the Chinese 7 did not 
retain vts f all iwrm 6, 1, until after toe devel<»ment of the slender form of 1 f 

YIII. Garo -chet, Jluthun «kchet, Klutri Ms^het, Burm. shyit, 
Kogaungte, Deoriaifti^7ti--che,Chong Ao-ti, Tengaa '/Atf-«ep. These ue 
all referable to the modern 10. 

IX. The modern Chinese kiu, kyeu, are not connected with the mo- 
dem slender 1, 7 or 10, but with the archaic form of 1. They libeto- 
iUltraindian forms are all broad. 

X. The Chinese blender shi, ship, sip. kc. has been received into Gy- 
arung >ianyak end Takpa. In the south it is found in conjunction with 
an older broad form, equivalent to one ten (20 being in many tioo ten, 30 
three ten kcX Burman she, Toungp-thu tah-si (ta in 1), Sak si su (su 1), 
Tfamsang t-cni, (Mikir t-cbi l),Kingpho si, Bodo ji, Abor u-ying, Changlo 
se (also song), Lepcha ka-ii { 1 AM-t, Gyarun^ ka-ii^y Kasia shi pon, Lim- 
bu thi bong, Murmi chi wai, Lau. tarn, aip, Mikir kep, Kiranti ki|^ 
Chep. gyib. 

C. Angnmi krxe, ■ ■■ 



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F9BM0 or fHH BUAX jmnvmrM. 

n. A. A)i ardhab Cluiwse form is preserTed in the Hok-kicm nS and 
De-diiand. 

B. The next form STolved appears to baTe been Itan?, lenhg, ni,— 
nobabW froin an archaic form of no [e. g. ng^k, nyok or niok, niak, 
iiiangy haoK]' Mis the oollo(|uial Shanghai form, and appears to haf# 
been also t£e Kwan- hwa. 

C. the laU'^t form has been erolved sine« I:iran4iwa oonTerted ni 
into rhy in Gyami ar. 

Some of the s^rregrativcs used to indicate pairs were probably ancienll 
irords for txoo, Kwang-tang has tui and sheung, Kvm-hwa ta and 
•hwang; Shanghai has song '' a pair of shoes.*^ 

The o form is net found in the Himalaic province in 2, sare in die JLvt^ 
mi nhu, Sibsagor Miri ngo-ye and Sing|Ao gutturalised nkhong. A cog^ 
Itete broad Toriety is presenried in Thochu nga, Manyak na, Takpa and 
Sodo nai, and, less contracted, in the Burman wr. nhuch, nhaik(sp. nhit)^ 
Tengsa o-nat, Nogaung ii-na. The Bhotian nyia, Gyaning nes, ava 
Hender Tariette s fomysd from a siniilar arehaic Tibetan form [nhak or 
nyak, ngak, ngik> nyik, ngit, ngia; nis}. The Changlo ngik preaervea 
an older' stf^. 

The sp. Bhotiari nyi. Horpa nge, are not deriratiTea ftoitt the Kwaa^ 
hwa glossary, but local Variations produced under the influence of ther 
hter Chinese phonulu|^. The contraction of the Silan broad forms is to 
be explained m th^ a^ine way. 

in the south, the nrevalent slender forms nhity nyet, ngi, ni, ne ke* 
are not in general, Tio^tan importations, but local assimilations to the later 
C3uno*^betan forms, induced by the modem phonology. (See p. 17). , 

The Muhu and Gapo ning is referable to nik. There is no example in 
the Himalaic province oi i& modem Kwan-hwa form. 

While the Chinese dialecta use both the nasal and liquid (e. r. ni, liang) 
lorms as distinct wiMds for' 2, it is remarkable that only one of the known 
Himalaic vocabularies uses the liouid. It is found in one of the^ least mo- 
tevised of the Yuma dtalecU, Mro, in the form p-re, the vowel being 
that of the nasal form in Toung-thu, Angami, EChari, Dhimal, Lepcha^ 
Limbv, Gyarang and Horpa. This is an archaic Chinese vowel— leiing 
KwHug-tung,— and as it is preserved in the 4 of Manjrak, Bddo, Burman, 
Angami, Tengsa and Sunwar and in the 8 of Kininti, Murmi and Qu- 
fimg, it was pobably at an early period current as 2 in Tibet. The Kasia 
Ar is a cognate broad variety, of which the full form is pi-eserved iu p-rah 8» 
in 4 and 8 li and not ni is the common form. It is clear therefore that 
fi, ri^ re, were used for 2 in the Tibetan system before it was carried 
ie)Qtn, and as then form, how almost universal for 2, has archaic forma 
. which could hardly have been derived from' China subsequent to U, it ii^ 
probable that in libet also both forms were current at one period. Th€^ 
Ifthial ^Jrelix indicates the great antiquity of the 1, r, form. It must have 
been disused in 2 before the original of the prevalent Southern systems 
was transported from Tibet. 
' The Lau Mngy song, Clumglo ching (ngik chmg) appeon, like nung I, 



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12S tYRXOLOOT OF T3S IKlKh-TlCmC IStAJOm. 

to be aa trrbaie Chin«« nnmenil. It k nmilar to some of the current 
Cbinese «onL« for fiair. * 

1 Y. The oldest forms anpeer to be the Horpe Ihe, Kinnti la, Aron^ 
dai, AniEeod da, deh, which are probably examples of archuc Chi* 
peatf^ ff/rma early current with uha, or nk. The Chineae hanie 2 i« a 
aimiiar form. Archaic forms arc a]«o presenred in thoae names for 5 
Irliich Tvepoaethe word for 4 — ^lia,Tak|iay dia^ Dhimal, nd Boii«Hn, ler 
):ijhu (li in Abor.). sSee p. 19. The Tokpa and Dhimal lia, are evideatly 
from lian^. 

The iMMaiire to the sibilant was probably through the sonant forms j^ 
a &c in Kwan-bwa tlie archaic sound lu becomes r and j (=zh). This 
chiiiige would convert tlie nia into zha (ThochuV and the current Chinese 
SK, S.4 arr analo^us foinu», si, ti beinir probably later. The 1, r forms are 
probably older than the sibilants. I^e interchange of ni and li is so eas^ 
and common that forms in li must have early been current in China akm^ 
with n forms. The current lian^, leung show that the n was eommutea 
with 1 before the final consonant was kkS. 

The llbetan and Southern li, di, xi, le, deh kc. are of a later type thaa 
flia, ra, hut older than the ailniant. As the Horpa Iha adhemto the nor« 
Imil form of the Thochu zha, so the earlier form m the filiotian ah^ zhi 
is preferred in the Takpa li, and the Gyarung di is referable to a similar 
A>nn. It must have prevailed in Tibet wlien the numerals were carried south. 

V. The older Cnine:»e ngo, ^o, ncr are broader than the old forms of 2 
BO, nS, and aimiiar to aome an^aic Uimalaic ones, — niro, n^. In Tibet 
thete aivhaic forms are also current as 5, — ngo, iiira, una. 

lu the South nga (Uhotiani Manyak, Thodia) is the moat commoa 
form. The o, u vowel of Chinese and Gyarunfi: is found in Khyeng ngau, 
An;:ami9 Tenpa, ^<^aun|^ n|n>, Abor/Dophla and 8uowar ugo, Le}H;liA 
ikgou. The slender vowel of Horpa gwe and Takpa ha-uge is not found 
in the south. 

VII. In Tibet the nasal form with the e vowel is foand in the Horpa 
end Ciyaruug 7 as in :i. Both e and i aie common in the Houth. 

The older broad form ia found in Tuuug-thu nwot, Kuuii M-ru (aa ia 
jMi-lu 4), Liuibu nu-ail. 

The a form occurs in Muthun A-nath| Abor JbMiang-^, Dophla i^a-nag, 
Che|iang chu-utk-^ho. 

VJII. The Thochu ra of M-ra-re, Gyarung or of or-yet, and Horpa 
rhi of rlii-ee are einiuples of the three forms which the root has acquii^d 
in the liquid variety. The Uhotian brot ^-gyud ai»|<earB to be merely a 
duuble pnlix to gvud as in ^r-g^a 100 where the guttural can only be 
the uiiit. (comp. r-hya 100 Horpa, pttr-ye 100 Gvarung). When thia 
form of 8 u as prwiucfd, the 1, r fonn of 3 muat have been current in Tibet^ 
or atleo^^t in the dialect which originated such a form. The Manyak z& 

SI • I 40 zyi) apiiear^ to be a sibilant form of an older ri or li simikr to the 
lorpa rhi. in the South the old&^t group preservea some full foriKS 
Ilru n vat, KuLi ri-et, rik-t, Shindu eaa-ri-Hi. Similar forms without 
the 10 oV its remnant occur in Kirauti re-^o, Murmi, Guiung|7-re (=p-re 
SofMru). 

* Possibly it is from liong. In the decaying Chinese phont 1o«ry id 
jwasesintozaudj. Thus the Shanghai colloquial niun man is.reaazuni 
aliu lu h.Y«ang-tung hoa become j in ; mih^em ia zoh andjuh* 



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STnNOI.OaT OF THB I^TBO-PACinC ISLAKB9. 123 

, The only broad fomoB similar to Thochu are ;;-ra-p Chepang, /^-rah 
Kariiu. 

llie only na^il forms are those of Abor and Mikir. 

RESULTS. (1). The archaic broad form iip>y n5&c. is carrent in 2, and 
5 of Chinese and aeveral of tibe Tibeto-Ultraindian dialects, but in most 
cases with the a vowel, and in several with a linal consonant, k, t, s, ng*. 
From its great persistency in 5 throughout the Chino-fiimalaic province^ 
it appears that it was a current form of 2 when 5, by throwing off tho 
word for 3, acquired the character of a distinct root, and was thus exempt* 
ed from participation in the later changes which 2 suffered. 

(2). liquid forms of 2, both broad and slender, appear to have early 
been evolved, and to have been current along with natul ones. The use 
of two or more names for 2 is common to the Ohino-Iiiroalaic with other 
Bumeral systems. The Chinese liang,leung 2 is an ancient form. It 
wus probably the most common name in the dialect that Urst guve tiie 
numerals to'Tibet, for it ap]»ears to be the parent of Ha, li, la, lu, rj, 
xa, ru &;c., the form of 2 which must have been current when the exist- 
ing Tibeto-Ultraindian 4, 8 and 40 were produced, llie Chinese, like 
tlie Himalaic, sibilant 4 appears to be referable to this form. 

The Chinese form of 4 then current must have been liang, leung, 
( I liang-liang &c.) or a similar form which afterwards became sibilanty 
and acquireathe character of an independent root. 

( 3 ). The current Himalaic slender nosal forms of 2 are local varia- 
tions of the archaic broad nasal form. The ancient ra, li cannot be de- 
rived from ni, the most modem form of ngak or nyak. The relation of 
tlie Himalaic ni to lia, li, lu &c. appears to be similar to that of the 
Slianghai ni to liiuig. Both have been derived through different chau* 
n«'ls from a primary naso-guttural root ngt>k> nyok ^. In the Hima- 
laic province the 1, r, numeral appears to have fallen into disuse in 2 in 
nearly all the dialects, the current 2 being in general the nasal. The 1, r 
fcrm has lost its binary character, and in most of the dialects bus concreted 
with the archaic lubiail prefix. The occurrence of the later prevalent 2^ 
and not of the earlier //-li &c., in 7 may arise from 7 having been tf, 1 
while li was used in 2, as in Oiinese, Hor|ia, Manyak Sjc, That the' 
quinary 7 whs not formed till /^•li &c. was disused for 2, appears from its 
not only taking the later current form of 2 but the kter prefix. 



To complete this review of the elements that enter into a comparison 
of the Himalaic liumerals and throw light on the histonr of their diffu- 
tton, it is necessary to advert to the various forms of the prefixes and 
postfixes. Tliese are simply the archuic definitives of the formation used 
possessively or qualitively, as in the numeral systenui of other formationa 
that retain a posi^essive servile. 

The labial (onimate, masculine, fern.) is well distin^uthed. The others 
present some difficulty. The most important is the guttuiul, inanimate 
in the Tibetan system. As an archaic prefixed def. it has the variations 
g,k; d, t; », 8,h;r, 1, n. 

In the secular progress of glossarial mutation, the definitives have 
acquired various specific functions, and different forms are now in 
many (ases equivnl«»it to distinct rouf«. The dialectic variations are also 
cuuuJcrable« Jiy'rum tho commutatiun of aU the couaonouts save the 



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124 BTRKOLOOT OF TBM nQKHFJLClUC iSLAlTtt. 

kbialy it is hardly nmsible to asoertain the number cndlbnns of the 
primarf Himaliiic defioitivet. Hie hiatory of the labial ia clear. It still 
tfiiniiaHa ynimitiTe and earlieir aecondary applicationa, humaoy male and 
ftnaler animata kc, ita tranafer to iBanimate objeeta was probably 
wlmordial, beeanae in primitiTe science all thin^ are living and sexnaK 
Tb» grvttural was nrobably also animate and aexuid, as in Chinese. In 
Anam it ia fran. ana inanimate, and in Bhotian inanimate. How fkr the 
otiMr deflnitiTea are merely jphonedc-rariationa ol the gruttttnil, and hotr 
far the^ are priroitiTely diattnet, it ia difficult, if not impoaaible, to deter* 
mine with complete aocuraor. In many caaes they are clearly referable 
te it But the prevalence of the liquid la, ra, na, lu, ru, nu &c. &c, 
m an animate, a maaonline, and, to a leia extent, aa a fem. root, in the 
Ghino^Himalaie Tocabalarieat makea it poaaible that the liauid def . is re- 
inrable to it in aome oaeea^ and not to k throutfh t, d. In many of the 
Mmea for nan and the lower animala it ia a sex deflnitiTe or ^ ualitive ; 
and as the labial in all its foraw waa aaviy tvauaferred to inanimate ob* 
ieeta, it ia probable thai the liquid wna s» also. The sibilant appears ttr 
juiTe been a very anoient, aa it ia one of thmoateatensively didused, hu« 
sian and aezual — ^enendlT feminine— forma of the definitive, and aa it 
eeonn with its prinrtive substantive meaning in the Chino-Hxmalaic vo* 
eabularies, it may have early been apphed to inanimate objects. The 
oo«y interdiaofce of t, th with a, h, and of 1^ r with a, s, venders the hia^ 
asry ti/i the aibilant tm a distinct prefix very unoertam. But as the pa»- 
aege of the ?» h, d, t into the th, t^ s, a ana h prefix is free from doubt^ 
iad the sibfiaBt ia not eanuaon aao aobatandve sexual root, it may be 



OMieleded that, m genml, theattslaalpiefix of die Himahdc dossanea U 
m- seeondsry form derived horn the gotlnnJ Aroufirh the (feutal or the 
Iquid. The common aevieo of mutatiaaB are g, k, kh; d, t, th; ZyS, 



It ia pfobaUe that in the earliest sta^ of the definitives the labial wai 
applied to animate and the grnttwal with its variations to inanimate ob- 
jects. In that stage the numeral and the oualitive probably took the det. 
of ^e subBtantive as in Zimbian. But bi>)ore even the oldest prefixed 
now extant in the gloseariea cooevoted with the roots, they had either 
acquired aa absolute use, or life and sex were attributed toinanimaCo 
objeda. 

After the prepoeed definitives became prefixes^ they tended to mergo^ 
10 the root ; hut definitives beingstill eurrent aa aeparate particles, they 
were used with words which had concreted prefixes. In different dialsoCo 
the common prefixes^ or their forms and applications^ varied. Thus while 
one used Uie labial chiefly or wholly, anotner used the guttural or one ejf 
its fimns. The same dialect varied m different eraa in thb respect. A 
frit ther source of divefsity and irrernkrity in the prefixes of each dia« 
ket haa been the mutualaetion of the dialects. Thus when one which 
affected the kbial prefix came under the influence of another which used 
the guttural, and adopted it, some words might have the old and some Ao 
new piefix ; but the old would, in general, either be disused or concrete 
With the root. Tims Aa-ri would become ^ri, and then i^i-b-ri. In th« 
same way the archaic k, ^ a, 1, r prefix might mer;^ in the root, or be 
retained aa a prefix, while the later current definitive labial or guttorfet 
waa superadded ;-HfiHru or i^rn would become ka i^>ru,— i(i-ni, li-ni, «•- 
nior fHii, would beeomeka#^iiBas-nifcc> InsomecaaesthftooaCTaliBdpgo* 



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ItHKOLOQT OF TUE INDO-PACIFIC ISLANDS^ i25 

fixed oonsonaiit appeiira to be the (enninal and uot the initial of the defini^ 
tive, definitiyes aometimea having: final m, or r, n, ng. Thus the Thochu r 
of r-ma name may be from tor-ma, Qyarang* having ^ir-ming. The Bho* 
tian r-na ear mav be from tor-na, Gyarung havinr tir-ne. But the final 
r&c. may itaelf be the remnant of ra, ro &c. aa Mr. Hodgson believes. 
While in one dialect an archaic prefix has thus concreted with the root 
IDon-.syIlable, in another the full form is retained* This bos l)een abundant- 
ly illustrated in the course of the miscellaneous glossarial comparisons, 
1 shall only adduce one or two instaiicea here. The 1, r root for hone has 
the labial pref. in some of the archaic Irawadi dialects (Manipurian, Sak), 
andka, kh, g, ta,te, sa, thu, so, in the majority of the Southern dialects. la 
the Gurung ntf-g-ri the guttural pref. is oencxeted and the nasal super- 
added, unless nu be a later Bhotian form of the root (ru). Garo lias^-nng, 
Jili kham^mngy Maring kh'Tu. ke. In the Gyaning ^-ri road, t is the 
oiUTent secondary form of the ^ttural preserved in tlie Thochu (^-ri. In 
the Gyamng ii^rif iici$^ ri is the root and c{«n«lder form of the dental 
nrefix, of wmch the aix;haic guttural form is preserved in the Horpa p-la, 
Mamrak o-ra. The Thochu ra-jn gives the pure root with the labial 
post£ &io i/Ao-da, tUu\ Thochu, is archaic ; /7-ra Manyak, an arehaie 
ooncreted /orm ^ s-j^-re Horpa, a slender variety of the same archaic form 
with a superadded prefix, in its turn concreted. The Gyarung tn*m ^ves 
tbia later.pref. in a full form. The Bhotian ^ro*; h^t is prei^ervea in a 
more archaic form in the Takpa^-ro-mo. Gyarunsr,' in ka-s^rnvji ripe^ 
superadds its current pref. to an archaic ooncreted n)rm of the same nref« 
aimikr to the de^ of the Manyak d^mL Bhotian has the Gyarung lorm 
with ita current oualitive pestfix s-roin-Ao. Thochu has the pure rooty 
min. In the soutn the arcluiie form of de-mi, i-min, s-man is preserved ; 
Bodo ^ic-mang, Tengsa /a-man. The Khari t«-nhing (for ming), Anga- 
mi ke-m/ty 4X>nnect the dental Manyak form of the prefix with the guttural. 
Hie archaic labial is aJse found in the south, /wp-man G«ro. The names 
of animals afibrd several examples of the concretion of archaic prefixes 
and the adoption of new ones, e. g. Monkey she-p-n Gyarung, s^p^re-bu 
Bhot. (both the primarv and secondary prefixes concreted) ; Sfiake m-rui 
Takpa, j-^rul Bhot., kha^b-h Cryar^ Ant ba^n Manyak, tu-kh-rA Tho-> 
ehu, s-kh'To Horpa ; Cram wo'lo Tengsa, n-lok Lepcha, a-^lak Bhot. 
la-^-rok Gyar., ^-^An-rak Ehoibu, Ao-Iuk Serpa itc. 



The roots having now been identified in their varwiis forms, and the relb« 
tive antiquity of these forms so far aaoertainedy the mimerals are found to 
reflect some historical light. , 

The oldest links were tho kbial and the guttural. The former was 
disused in China before any form of the numeral system spread into Ti- 
bet ; but its retention in the Chinese 8 and 100 shows that it was current 
when the full denary numeration was attained. The guttural was proba- 
bly current from the first along with the labial as a definitive and unit. 
(Sec. 3). At all events it early became the princi|ml unit. It ap- 
pears to have been the only one current in the Chinese dialect that first 
gave the numerals to the Tibetan tribes, and even in the existing Chinese 
■Tstem the unit in I, d, 6, 7, 9 and 10, is the guttural root under different 
forma. When the system was first carried into Tibet the pure s^uttural 
waa4»irent aa 1 in China. It is now onl}' preserved, contractea, in 0; 
kot iome iuU forma reaain m theiiioudaic province^ not only in 9 but 19 



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126 KTHKOLOGT OP THE INDO-PACIFIC ISLAin>9. 

1 and other rramerala. These Himalftic nomes are a distinct proof of the 
archaic pi*evalenco of the frutruml unit in China, and of the Chinese sys- 
tem having* been carried to Tibet before the era when dental, sibiUint and 
liquid forms replaced tlie puttiiral.* 

This purely phonetic chanere produced the existing Chinese system, in 
its oldest form. It is bosed on two typical forms of the modified nnit, 
(1st) chyuk, chuk, chut, duk, chnk, diik &c.,-whence chhat, tsat ^, 7, cbek» 
chit &c.* 1, and luk, lak &c. 6 ; (2d) chum, chup, chap &c. whence cbapj 
aip kc. 10, s«m, san, sa 3. The history of the changes in Chinese pbo- 
nolos-y, has made a ^reat advance in the hnnd^ of Mr. Eklkins, but the full 
elucidation of the development of the numeral system must await further pn>- 
crress. The final con.<onant has some dependence on the vowel, and especisl- 
jy on the tone. Mcwt words ending in -Ic have the labial vowels u, o (Ed- 
Sins' Grammar of Shanghai pp. 59, 60). An examination of the phonetic 
characters shows that Au, A, e, ii, prefer -k, while ai, ui, ^, *i pwf*'^ -♦ ; 
ui also taking -p (Rdkins on Ancient Chinese Pronunciation, Tr. China 
Branch R. As. Soc. Part IV p. 5*2). The vowel also influences the 
initial consonant. Thus in Shanghai k has a tendency to be pronounced 
before i like t, dj or dj. The recrular final consonants taken by words in the 
long tones are -nir, -n, -m. The short or abrupt tone does not admit of 
these, but takes the corresponding finals -k (or g), -t and -p. The 
passage of -m into -n and -ng, and of -n and -ng into -t and -k, conse- 
quent on gradual changes in the vowel or its tone, would explain the exis- 
tence of the 8amo word in different ages or dialects in such forms as kttm^ 
kap, kan, kang, knt, kak, kag. The changes in the initial consonant may 
have some influence on the vowel and final. In compounds the diflefent 
words exercise an influence on each other, and theChmeae numerals above 
2 were originally all compounds. In the^ compounds the same unit and 
dual occupied different |)ositions with relation to each other. Thus in 1 the 
unit stood by itself; in 3 it f(»llowed the dual; in 5, it had the dual both 
before and behind it ; as the final element in 6 it followed it ; in 7 it 
followed itself. As the last element in these compounds distinguished 
the number from the one immediately preceding, it would most readily 
yield to phonetic influences inducing a change of form ; and when tboA 
changed, it would be considered as the distinctive element, eyen before 
the preceding numeral ceased to be repeated. Thf> Milchanaiig sum 3, so- 
rum 13, tuk 6, so-rukh IH, may be examples of an euphonic change of the 
initial from s to t under the influence of the consonant of a preceding element. 
Such changes are common in all harmonic formations ; and Mr. Edkina 
has shewn that Chinese is much more plastic in its sounds than has hi* 
therto been supposed. The investigation of thi« subject must be the 
work of a Chinese scholar, and in a more advanced stage of theacience of 
Chinese phonology. 

The direct change from the labial to the guttural final is well illustrated 
by many of the llimalaic glossaries. Numerous current roots haye had 

* I do not overlook the possibility of the system having origrinated 
in Tibet and been thence transferred to China. The full discussion of 
the primary relations of the Chino-Himalaic tribes and dialects demands 
a section by itself. The community of the numeral roots in their older 
forms was probably as ancient as that of the pronouns. But the deve* 
loped system appears to me to bo Chinese. 



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ETHKOLOOT OF THE INDO-PACIFIC ISLANDS. 127 

both forms from remote periods, but the most archaic^ as we have found 
in many instances, is the labial. Thus the oldest forms of the liquid root 
fur tvhitef air kc. are lum, lom, rom, dum, dom kc, whence lung, lug, 
long", lak, rhot, lut &c. For water, river &c. the forms nam, nak, rang, 
rak, rik, rit, ri &c.; for tnountain \\im, (Kasia) ram, nom, lung:, dung, 
rong, nong, rok&c; for hand lap, lak, dak, chak, yak, let kc; for boat 
tup, dok, dong &c.; for iron shorn, sung, chur, chak, ohat kc, — are 
all current. Archaic labial forms of the common Himalaic roots are 
most conanon in the older Southern vocabularies — the Mon-Anam. In 
one of the later, the circumstance of its h:vvin;r been reduced to* writing, 
enables us to trace the recent progress from labial to guttuml finals. In 
Burman tupy^^ of the era when the alphiibet was acquired, is now pro- 
nounced tok; nhup mouth is now nhok; a-rup chho v/jly is now a-yok 
slio. The change uf m to n, and that of k to t, are also common. 

The two ty|>es of the unit may have been contemporaneous in the 
same Chinese dialect from a very remote period, and even in the guttural 
era. The present system may have resulted from gradual changes in 
the same dialect-^the different forms of the unit in higher numbers, to 
some extent representing the forms used as 1 in different ages. A 
very slight change, in the tone, vowel, final or initial, would suffice, m 
a monosyllabic ana richly vocalised language, to raise the unit in a 
higher number to the rank of a distinct vocable, and enable it to dis- 
pense with the other member of the compound. The current 1 being 
used as an article, and much more frequently than higher numbers, 
would be more liable to phonetic changes ; and the units of higher num- 
bers, when their genealogy was lost, would not share in these changes. 
But it is more probable that the aiier.cy of more than one dialect is to 
be reco2'hised in the different Chinese forms of the unit, as it so clearly ia 
in the Himalaic province. 

The archaic existence of the guttural root with both dental and 
labial finals is rendered probable by comparing the Bhotian forms for 
10 in 8, gyud, gyet, gye, keu, khya&c, with the lOof Mijhu kyep, gyep 
(in 30), Chepang gvib, Kiianti kip, Lepcha tip (in 11, 12 &c.), Limbu 
g-ip (in 100), Mikir V^— these labial forms witli the Chinese and Lau 
sip, chap&c. 10;< — ^theiTenaserim tsit, 8, 10 and the com. Lau chit, chet 7, 
with sip 10; — and finally the current Chinese chit, chek, cha' &c. 1, 
ch'hit, ch'het, tsat, sit &c. 7, with ship, sip, chap kc. 10, and sam 3. The 
Mon-Anam double form lag, lak, lat and dap, — dam, lam, rom, nam, — also 
shows that both finals wore current at a very remote period. The -ng, 
-n, -1, final is less common than -m and -t, -k, and in some cases it may 
be derived from -k. But there are instances in which it is certainly 
a variation of archaic -m forms, and it may otiten have been the imme- 
diate parent of tliose in -t, -k. £or example the unit of the Bhotian 7, 
dun, further modified in the Changlo thur 1, is from an archaic dum, 
zum, preserved in the Changlo zum 7. In 3, sum, sam, changes to song, 
sang, son ; in 10 it has the forms sum, song, tham, san : in dong, rong, 
luk. The hquid form has the variations ram, rang, rak. The archaic k 
form with final -m is very rare, but the form kun, gun. ken &c. is 
widely preserved in 1, (5, 0, 10, 20 and 100. Mijhu has a variation in 
ngun'^S, m which the initial k or gis also nasalised ; and the Bhotian gyud 
8 may be from a similar form. 

As the labial form Ls not uow found in 1 of Chinese or any of the Himalaic 



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1128 XTHNOLOOT OF THK INIIOHPACIFIC ULAi^M. 

BjTBtenu, it probably preceded the other form as the principal current 1. 
In Chinese it became fixed in d> 10 and 1000, when the currrent 1 
chanpped to duk, tuk, chjuk, &c, or it was teceivcu from another dialect. 

Ofthe later current Chinese forms, luk, lak 6 — ^referable immediately 
to duk, chuk — ^is older than the current 1 and 7, and it probably therefor^ 
lost its idendty as the unfit, and became fixed in 6, befbre chat &€. became 
the current 1. 

Of all the higher numbera f must haye been the last to become A 
simple concrete numeral. It must have remained a compound, 6, 1, 
after the names of all the other numbers abotne 3 had become mdependeni 
of the current unit% 

As the initial consonant is the most essential part of a roo^ the princi* 
pal phases of the unit ma^ be distinguished Mth reference to it, as prima* 
ry and aecondary^ — the fonner embracing both the older g-m, k-m, k-p 
forms, and the later k-k, k-t, g-d forms, — and the latter embracing bota 
the older d-m, t-m, s-m, s-p, ch-p, 1-m, r'-m forms, and the later d-k, 
t-k, 8-t forms. Each of these types has a aeries of variations, many or 
them marking prog^iesHive changes, e. g. the subsdtution of i, e, vowels 
fbr a, o, u, and the less of the final consonant. Applying these distinc- 
tions to Chine.4e, we have found Aat it retains no full primarr forma 
of the unit, but possesses a contracted one in 9 : that 3 and 10 are 
older secondary forms ; that 1 and 7 are later secondary forms ; and that 
6 is a later eeoondary form of a distinct typow 

The history of the numerals in the Himalaic province is in some ies« 
pects clear, but in others obscure. 

The variations of Che unit are numerous^ The primary khum, khup^ 
has taken the variations khung, khun. and is also preserved in slender 
forms kep, kip. The initial has variea to s, a, h, th, t, d, 1, n, r; and 
these variations have occurred independently in different eras and in dif «> 
fereuoe groups. The vowel has varied as much as the consonant. The 
final in -k, -t, whether a derivative from -4ig, -n, or immediately from 
^n, has also vari^ in its turn to ^ &c. A reference to the following 
(able of typical variations will render the sequel more clear. 

fhum, ffhung, ffhun 

ham, ahii>Vf khun, 

eum, aungy aun« 

hum, hung, hum 

thum, thung, thun. 

turn, tung, tun. 

dum, dungy dun. 

lum, lung, Inn. 

num, nung, nun. 

rum, ning, run. 

The direct interchange of r, 1 with s, h, alao oecora ; and the aspiration of r 
in some rare cases transforms it into the normal r. 

The older primary form ofthe unit must have been current in 1, 6 &c. — 
as it still is in 9— when tlie Chinese system was first carried to Tibet and 
thence to the South. In Tibet it is retained in the ICanyak s-kwi 7 ; in the 
Horpa *-ga, s-ka 10 : and a form gc, corresponding with the Soutnem 
ken.kheofDophla ic. is current as 1 m Gyamng, along with t^ 
ttodemtii Mr. Hodgson giving ttr-mi toi^ge, man tme^ asafonnin use. 



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XTHNOLOGT OF THE nn>0-PACIFIC ISLANDS. 129 

Mru has gaum in tiium-gaum 30, the vowel agreeing with that of 9, kau 
Kami, Laa &c. In a aleoder form it ta retained in the 10 of Mikir ken, 
Kiranti kip, Miihu kyep ( g:yep in 30), Chepang jryib, and Khyen^ gin, ( la 
30, 40, 50). In later primary forms it is current in 1 of Taying ken, kning ; 
and in 6 of Abor, Changlo, Newar and Karen, kung, khung, ghu, khu, 
ken, ke, a-k. Of this ancient phase of the Chinese system the Manyuk 
7, #-kwi; the Bhotian and Mijhu 8, gyud, ngun; the Horpa, Dophla, 
Garo and Murmi 10, ga, ka, kang, kun ; and the common Chino-Himalaic 
9 are remnants. The n form occurs iu the 9 of Newar, gun, and of Tav* 
ing, kon-yong. 

TmetUy^Mke 10, 100, 1000 — appears in many dialects to have been a 
substantive number, equivalent to one soorCj or score one. Similar forms 
of the guttural unit are preserved in it, the substantive word being lost as 
in 10, 100 &c., and the unit having itself acquired the meaning score*. 
Singpho khun r=:kun 10 Murmi, gun in 9 and 100 New.], Cachari Bodo 
fiM-khon, Sak nun r=skunj, Shindu fiu?-ku, Angami fn^-ku,ma-ku, Khari 
mo-khi ; Changlo khai tfaur (thur 1), Bodo cho-kai ba, 20, khe-nga 100 
(scores 5), Lhopa khe chik (chik 1), Lepcha kha-ka-t (ka-t 1) 20, kha 
jiAo-ngon 100 (scores 5), Gurung ku-ti. With final r or 1 for n it occurs 
m KhyenjT kur, Manipuri kul, Mikir m//-kol, t/«^-koi, Arung ng kai 
(in 100 hai), Murmi hokaX (in 100 &0-kal nga, scores 5), Sunwarkhal-ka. 
In the Kami ku suh 20 (hasuli 10), both ku and suh appear to have the 
power of 10 like the two elements m the Garo chi-jr-kang. 

Nioobari, one of the oldest dialects of the mixed Yuma-Manipuri and 
Mon-Anam group, has hing, eng in 1, gian, keni for 10 in 30, 40 &o. 
The aspirate form coiTesponds with the common Nicobari prefix, which, ia 
the Barak ^roup (Kasiri, Mikir, Bodo, Namsang, Singpho &c.), is seen to 
be a derivative from the guttural (kin, grin =hin, sin). JNicobari has 
also an archaic form in 7, ha^kxKt, corresponding with the (iopcha /^i-kyok 
7, iko-kyot 9. The Lepcha forms would alone show that the ancient form ' 
of the Tibetan unit htia not become conlined to 9 whon the system spread 
South ; and the distribution of all the similar forms establishes the guttural 
as the current unit of the Abor- Yuma or oldest Tibetan miorration. As 
the extant forms are nearlv all of the later type, khung, Khun, kyok^ 
kyot, &c., we cannot infer irom them alone, that the older form in k-m 
or k-p was that of the first l^betan migraition. But as they are associated 
with k-p forms in a few dialects it becomes probable that the later forms 
are local or southern variations of the older ; or that both -m or -p and 
-ng, -n forms were possessed by the dialects of the first migration. 

The passage of the guttural into aspirate and sibilant forms— either 
directly or £rough the dental— throws further light on the distribution of 
the oldest Tibetan forms of the definitive and unit. There are remnants 
of a sibilant unit with final m and ng in 1, 10, 20, and 100 as well as in 
3, and these appear to associate themselves with the forms in khung, 
khing, hing &c., both having a common ()oint of departure in a typical 
kham, kham. Bhotian has tham in 10 and 100, and Mijhu has the same 
form with a unit power in its exceptional ^o-tham 6. Traces of an 
a-m form are found in the Yuma group. In 10 Kuki has the fiill form 
sum, som, Kyau chuom, andCar-Nicobarsum. From the Kami ha suh 
(ha:=ska the prefix in 1), it is probable that the Khyeng and Mru ha are 
also from ha su or ha sum. Sak preserves the same form in 1 as in 10, 
and coDJoiued with a Draviro-Mon 1, su wa-r. This form associates 



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IdO STBVOLOOT OF T0B XIVDO-PACinO IBhASTDB. 

itadf phonetically with ta,du, of Tengsa, Karen, &c., and with the «um» 
■u, shi, si, of the Tibetan 3. In the southern Gangetic band, Chanj^lo 
preaerTMB a sibilant form in 13, sonsr, corre»fK>ndiu(f with the Nipal and 
burman sonfr, thonfr 3 ; and its thur 1, i^ a siinilar vanety ; while in the unit 
ef 7, som, the full Yuma form of 10 is preserved. Thus its thur 1, sum 
7, song 10, and khung 6, are all referable to the same tyne. Thia Bho- 
tian dun 7 is a link between the Changlo thur and sum. The Changlp sa 
of 10 may be a late form of khe preserved in khe-nga 100. 

In 100 Kumi has chum wa-ri, chun-wai-re, the same oompound aa 
the Sak su wa>r 1. 

In the Tengsa me sung o-nat 40, and m^^-sung pAu-nga 100, sung is 
used as score^ and corresponds with the common use of the guttural 
unit, khun, kha, ku, khi &c. with that power. Sak, as we have seen, has 
hun score. The guttural passes in the Angami — Tenj^ grouf) into th« 
•ibilant, mo-ku Mos. Aug., mo-tsu Nag., ma-khi Khari, tna-<ihi Tengaa. 
Lau has sau $eore (sau nung, .fc^^re one, Laos), a form corresponding with 
tsau 10 Mon, hau 10 Kami, kau 9 Chinese, Lau, Kami, gaum 10 Mm. 
The Anam 6 sau may retain a similar unit, but it strongly resembles 
the Khyens sauk (= M-uk, ^o-ruk.) 

Some of the Tibetan forms may also be referable to an archaic ^lUy 
turn, chom &c. The Manyak cha for 10 in na-cha--M 20, (che ia the 
current 10), ta 1, with the Thochu ta in 6 and 7, a in 1, are probably 
modem forms of chara, tarn. Mijhu has tlie full form in 6 tham. The 
preservation of ta in 6, while mo8t of the current Himalaic forms are 
from the Chinese luk or \t» earlier form duk, is consistent with this 
leference of it to the oldest Tibetan system. The Bhotian chab, chu of 
10, tong 1000, the Horpa chho of 6, su of 13, the Thochu so for 10 in 20, 
30 &c. (changing to a^-shi in 100, which is the current form in 3 ifc-phi)^ 
the Manyak si of 3, zi in 8, and chi in 10, appear, from the coniiectioii 
of the forms in 3 with those in other numbers, to be remnants of the era 
when the unit had the form sum ; and to be of equal antiquity with cha» 
ta &c., which are referable to tham, cham. The Horpa chho 6, like the 
Thochu ta, must be older than the reception of the Chinese system iii 
which duk, luk &c. was the current unit. 

As sum, sum, song*, dum, dun, tam &c. waa an archaic Tibetan ant 
Southern form of the unit, and is hirgely preserved in 10 and other num* 
bers in full and contracted form^, it is probable that many of the south* 
ern forms for 1 similar to the latter are also contractions of the ~m ibrm. 
The Sak su of 1 and 10, which has been referred to sum preserved in 
the Kuki 10, associates itself with the Karen ka du, ka tu, ka ta, the 
Tengsa i^^-tu, >*og. AAa-tang, and the com. contracted Yuma«Ni]wl 
hhu-ij ha-t &c. Both dum, turn and tam, appear, from these forma, to 
have been current in the same gTou()s. The Lepcha hor-t 1, k^ir-^ in 10» 
has a full archaic form in 11, 12 &c. A»z-tip 11 (from Ao-t-tip, 1, 10)^ 
nye-tip 12 (2, 10), while the adjacent Kiranti has the primary form kip. 
" For 3 the forms sum and sam appear to have both been current lo. 
the South from an esrly period. Sum, Bhotian, is the moat commoo. 
It was the prevalent Tibetan form also, — ^the Horna su, Thochu shi and 
Manyak si, being referable to it. On the other hand the Chinese and 
Gyamnf; sam, has so well defined a range in the South, that it cannot 
he. considerpil as beinff everywhere a mere local variation of sum. Thm 
Chinese sap 10 aud the Bhotian thami tam of 10 and 100 (gyar-thaaH- 



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KTHKOtOQT Ot TBS I2nK>-PACIIFIC ISLANDS. ISI 

aa 10 X 10), with the contracted ta of Thochu and Manyak (1, 6, 7) 
cha, za, of Matijak for 10 in 20, 30 &c., show that this waa a distiuct and 
archaicailj diffused Chinese furm. From the fowel it appears to hav# 
been the older fV)rm of the Chinese chak 1 and tsat 7. In the South 
it is found iu the Teng-sa group o-sam, and in the two iSipal dialects 
which, in numerals as in the general grlossary, have a lar^ Tenj^ 
element — Lepcha and Suuwar ; with the Teng-sa form in Muthun and 
Joboka a-zam ; in Mikir, Garo, Bodo, Changlo and Dophla iu the forms ka* 
tham, ffi-tham, tham, sam, am; in Myhu *«-cham; and, lastly, in 6 of 
some Mon-Anam dialects, /»a-san Mon, san Kasia, ha Lau, chang Ka, and 
in the Miihu 6 A»-tham (the Mikir 3). In the 8 of Mon and Anam— which 
I formerly considered quinary, but which, from the analogy of the 
Chinese, Tibetan and Gangetic systems, is probably denary — a similar 
form occurs, Mon kor^hsm^ kor^a&n^ Anam tarn. As 10, the form is 
\eTy rare. Dophla has chang in rang-chang 100 (10 X 10). Newar has 
san-ho 10, sang-san-ho 20, gun san-ho 100 (gun is the unit in 9 of Newar, 
lOof Murmi, kun). A com. East (ran^etic 1, 8,10, and «c<yr^ is refer- 
able to this form. The Mon-Anam liquid 1 is a variation of tarn, f^ f^n^ &c 

The normal a form of the tsouth appears to be ^.o-cham, Ao-tham. 
kor-mm (whence o-sam, o-zam), and this is Chinese in the Gyarung 
form Ara-sam. ^^ 

It is probable therefore that both this form and the more preyaleni 
sum were received from Tibet. 

From the distribution of the guttural and sibilant forms in -m and -n, 
it appears that the former early passed into the latter, and that both 
were current as the unit in the older Tibetan as in the older Chinese 
dialects,— sum, song, sam, sang &c. 3, being but aspirate forms of khum^ 
khang, kham, khang &c. ; and sap, sip, sang 10, of kap, kip, kang &c. 

The third variety — the li(][uid — ^was also current as the unit in the 
oldest southern system, and with the archaic -m final, passmg into -ng| 
•»i -g» -Jt» -*• 

In the Mon-Anam family Kambojan preserves an intermediate 
dental form in 10 dap [=tip, ki|) Lepcha, Kiranti &c., tan, sap- 
sip Chinese]. For 100 a similar form is current in Ka dam, while the 
liquid is found in Anam ^-ram, Mon Mom, koAun and I'ayino* ma-lum. 
Bome of the Yuma-Gangetic -«S -u forms may be contractions of the 
-m fonn, e. g. Burman to-ra. The Lau and Kambojan roi, roa, may be 
contractions of the Mon form lorn, but similar fonns are also preserved 
in the lower numbers of other dialects. The full form is preserved ia 
5 D-ram Kambojan, Chongr, nam Anam, i. e. 3 for 3, 2. The antiqnirr 
ef this form of 5 appears from its retaining one of the elements in the 
arehaic and obsolete Chino-Himalaic compound kham-nga, dam-nga 
tham-nga, sam-nga &c., while Chinese, and, after it, all the Tibeto-Burroaa 
dialects, retain the other, nga, ngo. The Mon- Anam name is thus referable 
to a period when the word for 3 was still used in China along with that 
for 2, . while the Tibetan is referable to a period when the Chinese had 
dropt the word for 2. Mon has the sibilaiitjM-san, pa-sun, and Chong has 
chang, forms of the unit similar to the common Himalaic 3 and to the 9 of 
Choiig Bar, Anam and Ka chin, Mon chit. For 8 Anam has tarn, an older 
form tham ram, and similar to the Ka dam of 100, Kambojan dap of 10. The 
Savara tamuji may he an Anamact^uisition. Remnants of the Men Aam 



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182 BTHKOLOOr OF THE iNDO-PACtFIC ISLANDS. 

liquid form of the dental A nam occur in the Nogaung* and Khari /Aa-nam, 
to-nam 50, which in tlie Anam 5. The Namaang* tM»N-ram and the Mu-> 
lunfT andTablung: lem3, maybe Bimilar remnants, and not modiUcationa 
of the Muthun and Ten^r(« a-8aro, a-zam. Chepang' api^para to have a 
▼nttigeofthe M on- Anam 8y8tem in ita Sp^np^Of which I formerl j 
considered to be 2 (for 2, 10). 

The only examples of the liquid form in 1 are the Lau nnng — in Ahom 
ling- — Mm loung* [=rlong 10 Taying], Play Karen lay, Maplu ua, and 
Miri o-t^-ro [=rAr< -ro 10 Angami]. The Murmi ffh^nk and Gurung ^-ri, 
formerly referred immediately to the Bhotian i^-chik, are of uncertain age. 

Forma lean clearly referable to that with final m are common in higher 
numbera. The TengMi thrAu and ^'og. to-ru 10 ia a contracted form, re- 
taining the Him. pref. For 10 Angami haa A:ti-ro, ht-r, Ar<f-ro, ke-r^ 
l^Iikir k'Tt (in 11, 12, Jd), Namsang ruak (in 20, 30 &c.), Aning i^r-iou 
(eomp. .sAr-ruk 0). The Ten*: 8a group haa an a form in Khari ta-rah« 
and the same form i» found in Manipuri ta raand Bhindu fiM'-rha. The 
AlH)r group haa lag for 10 in the Dophla 8p-lag nag (10, 2), ranr in the 
Dnphia 10, nang in the AborO ko nang-^0 (1, 10), Img for 10 m 20 of 
one dialect ir-ling-^o, ying in the otlieih in 20 and in 10. Taring hua long, 
lo in 10 (ha*long), and yong in (kon-yong). The Mijhii nun 7 (ft, 1) 
IH a nimilarfonn uf the unit, (iaro has rung for satre in 20«nd 100 (runi^ 
2w>-nga, sc(/res A) a form similar to the Mon 6 ka-rnng. The wr. Bur- 
man rhacli 8 aftpears to corres^tond with tlie Dophla lag. Both 
are probably from rang, mm. The same form of the unit o€x;ura in 100 
of Karen Aaya, 8ingi»lio liit-sn, (10X10), Kuki ra-sa ^-lat, Burman, 
Kami to-ra, Angami A:-ra, A:-re, ^o»tiung ro-k-ru (10 X 10), Khari ru-k- 
rah,— corresponding with the Lau rui, hoi, Kambojaii roa, roe, Anam 
ram. For 1000 Angami hasAr-ra ke^r (100,10). 

Lhopa has phe^datii for 10 in 30, khe phu'detni {,^orey ten)j and phe* 
dang in 50, kne phe-dnnip sun (score, ten, three), foima probably oonea* 
ponding with the Abor rung, nang. 

There are some other and rarer remnants of the liquid unit. That dia* 
lect of the East (vangetic group which retains the strongest Mon-Anam 
element — Kasia — has an archaic and peculiar combination of numeral 
namea. 1 and 2 are Vind^-an as in the Mon-Anam dialects. But while 
the hitter have also adopted Uie Vindyan.3, Kasia retains a Bimalaic 
unit in 3, lai, which is evidently a variety of the liouid unit of the Mon- 
Anam family. It recuis in 9 //an-dai, which i formerly considered 
trinal, but which is more probably denary (1 from 10) like the other forma 
of the Chino-Iiimalaic 0. Cliong preserves the same form in 10, rai, 
and Lau in 100 roi. In the Kasia 6 the unit haa also a aomewhat |iecn* 
liar form hin-rui', ka-d 10 may also be Mon-Anam, but ita resem- 
blance to the Yuma Gangetic ka-i &c. makes thia doubtful. The Kasia 
form of 3 and is retained as 1 in the Play Karen lay (Maplu na). The 
archaic prevalence of a liquid unit in 3 explains the otherwise anomaloua 
liquid in the com^iound 5 of Bongjuand Takpa. In the Bongju i*ai nga- 
kar, rai agrees in form with the Kaaia lai 3, and as nga is tlie (!hino* 
Ilimalaic 2, the name is the full archaic compound 3, 2. In the Kuki 
ru-aga-A:a the 3 has the form of the unit that ia common in 6 (ru-J^ft): 
while another dialect has ra-n<ja. Mijhu has ^ii-lei 5, ng-run-si 50 (5, 10). 
In the Takpti lia-nge, lia would ulao appear to be the unit and not the duiJ. 
The Abor pi'li-ngo-ko, pt-li-n^o-ko, despite theaooordance ofj9t-li witiw 



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HTHKOLOQT OF THB IKDO-PAGIFIO ISLANDS. 183 

the common dual, must now be classed with the Takpa, Kasia, Bonsju 
and Kuki names, and the li, la referred to the liquid unit preservedxxi 
ling, rang, yiwg 10, and nang 9, — the slender form being also, as we have 
seen, that of the Ahom 1, ling. 

This identification of an archaic 1 in the disguise of a co nraon form of 
2 leads to another important correction. We have seen that the liquid 
was one of the most ancient and widely diffused unit foi'ms in the South, 
and that it occurs with the archaic labial prefix,— ;^-rara, p-rap, /»-ljig» 
jn-la, pirM&M. In Tibet it is still current as 1 in the Horpa ra. From 
the analogy of all the other Chino-Himnlaic names for 100, chose of Gya- 
rung and Horpa, parj-e, rhya, must be the unit ; and their true classifica- 
tion would now appenr to be with the secondary liquid form and not with 
the primary guttural*, however strona^ly theBhotian ^r-gya, the common 
softening of gya, gye to ya, ye, and Mr. Hodgson's orthoCTaphy (Par-ye, 
r Hya) may be considereid to support my former analysis {par-ye, r-hva). 
That these names are por-rye and rhya is confirmed by the ]\(ikir 
pha-T, corresponding with the more common to-ra, ^o-ya of the adja- 
cent dialects. This recognition of a liquid form of the unit Tibetan 
names for 100, necessitates the recognition of an obsolete liquid form in 
10, and this throws a new light on the liquid forms found in 8. The 
Bhotian and Manyak 8 are clearlv 10, and it may now be inferred that 
the Thochu hhrxvL-re (ra 1 Horpa), the Horpa rhiee, and the Gyarung 
o-ryet (=^rye 100) are also 10. This inference also involves the similar 
southern names, /^-rah Kasia, p-re Giirun^, Murmi, re-ya Kiranti, r» 
Milchanang (also 100), (^fto-ria Shindu, riet Kuki, riyat Mm, rhach 
Burm. &c.t Taying has the same amplified vowel but the~m final in ita 
e-lyem 8 (com p. «-khing 6). If this conclusion be the correct one, the 
only names for 8 in which 2 is preserved are the ancient Dophla/)-lag nag 

S itself a strong illustration of the mode in which the forms of the unit and 
lual approximate X), the Abor pi-nit and the Mikir nir-kep. 

The Gyarunor and Horpa comir.unity of numeral forms found in 100 
end 8, occurs also in 7, the Gyarung hv^sh^neA being an old Sifan form 
similar to the Horpa s-ue, with the current guttural prefix su|)ei*added. 
Both also retain a guttural unit, Horpa in 10 and Gyarung in 1. The 
Sifan dialect which had the form pa-ryet &c. in 10, 8 and 100, ma^ have 
originated the similar southern forms found in the older Yuma dialects, 
Mrii, Shindu, Mikir &c. The Gyarung element in the general glossary 
of the older East Gangetic tongues we have seen to be strong. The 
Mon-Anam dap, dam, ram and its derivatives belong to an older move- 
ment, but amongst the contracted forms it is difficult to separate those of 
Mon-Anam from those that may be of later Sifan origin. The East Gangetio 

^ But these r forms may have been from the g forms directly, and 
not through the dental or sibilant. G and a guttural r are phonetically 
close to each othefi and the passage of g into r and that of r into g are 
common. 

t The other languages in which 10 occurs in 8 with the liquid form 
are Changlo yen (for ren ;, Dhimal ye, Limbu yetP, Sunwar yoh?, Kami, 
Itumi ya, Kyau ruet, Shindu ria, Kuki rai, riet, get (g for r). 

t The Nogaung li-ri 40 {pha-M 4 Khari, ru, lu 10 Nog:., Khari ) 
is a similar example of an eupnonic assimilation of slender forms. In 
the Khari li-rah| 10 retains its proper iorm (to-rah). 



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"* «HxoLOGT or TH, umo-PAcmc ,nu^ 

have both the «„aJ ,.J'l"7r;S,^„^;i'';--'^^^^^ 

rh-, »7- r=!fh, ?y tonus of Hw« «uT r ^J^'"*^'' " • '"nnwit of the 

had them in 1, 3,5, 6, 8, 10 a^ i,LT« Zr«"""'*'*"'*' ^'f«° '•'•'leinrh ob 
«bilam form.: the laWr aW S"n"^?;?"r "''^ ""««1««^ a^ 
fecto.» To thLs ,,««„ the remn.„"^^M„ri°' '" '?"°* "«-h^« or dia- 

table. If the Abor-Ynma liquid 10 b^l^'/?^,""'' '? "f?^'' ''^bjl 
•nd not to a J«ter «fan, the ASorVunuTsTn!? ,^ '"^^ Mon-Anan, e^ 
With the remnants in 3, 5 &c """ be associated with it, ud 

It 18 not always dear whether the vnci:- r 
those in -m or of thoae in -k BuTit ^«^1 -"^f "^ «'«'*«rtioB» of 
cnrn-nt. Ttm the former ^ with the r^/?"' «^' both wer,^*/ 
•jfree with the Chino-HimaL^ t? •."*, S. ""^ ^ *"«* W. the ^i^ 
I«k, mk, nuk, »k, kk, K'iSij J''"';^" -^'^•■•ic form, ,'n.r ft' 
Chi„<.Hi.„aIaic6a f^^ 3, l^IS tc.lof %T ^r"** ^ •'^«2-' 
«c.) A nasalised form aimilir to nan^ lonn^ h ' "T***-"** «, ri, ni, ^ 

distribution which pn,ves iuLr„.,rr*J» <'"»^ •''-*«./-««?,. 
&"il7pos*:.^the(Jangetic rallev The it^J f" j"** ^<«-AiSm 

lde.iUcuU^h.heAborMSg,yingoflO 20 "* '^'^^'^ *"«» 1^ 

1 he hquid forms extant m 1 f i « « i , „ 
dialecto may be recapitulat^ -dio'd!™ ' ' ^^' ^0 and 100 of diifem., 

rok,ruk, ruak, rak, rik, luTc', U*la" kk to'"""^i '""^ '»g. J^^ 
rha, ra, ya, ru. ro, ri. re V I-. I.!i: "' • ' ""' '™' «>. W, roi £r ^* 
r;a, 1|.,' ^u. M-hile";om'e"i/th^ ^A^CM ^■'^"^'' ^'^^ 
* Th^^ "fem le to the archaic ^S^of 1";-^^ ^^ -5 

The later rtecondarv fonn4 nf ♦k^ -^ F^viuce. 

In «,ver»l dialec "^he^^^^^tV^fe^r!^''' «»^^-«bJe difficuhr 
forms, and it is certain that there h^ hlZ '" ""-^ "'^ ""' ««»«« oldi; 
forms from dialect to diatew B^t t^« !?""* J'*"«f«f of th««, ^ 

«" be clearly tmced is nSr;«ifv a^^e^*^'!*" ^ow fcrsuchSLSS 
01 mutations has taken place in ill ZAi^S'LT^ ^^""^ -^2 
— ojs» 01 tue pronnce, however 

chan.ttc'J:^'„ra:.^ X^^-t mto the H„«id ^p^^^^T^T^^ 
tained when comparing the^Cn^^"^ """"^ t^-^J ^^ h«i ,s^ 
«>»» 1 bavesinceS^i^''^g'^"^J2:=«bles. the minuter co^^ 
several of the liquid roots ^oi°v«ri.^'? ^"""^ •"'« shown U«i 
cepUomd sibihmt «,d dent^o^^ JwS"iT ?^"'T *"'"^*. "d thTt «^ 
prvvalent Uquid r«oto are, inStJ^ ^ "^ doubtfully r^ferredto S^ 
roots. In^yak,N,^&f!^;'!r'?«»«»ftbeol<4pl^/S,2^ 
comer or L ^^ "''•'^ J b*ve a strong tendency to^ 



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ETUNOLOGY OF THE INDO-PACIFIC ISLANDS. 133 

iri*egnlar its operation on the different vocabularies has been in* 
dej^ree, in extent and in the particular vocables subjected to it. In the 
Chinese numerals tho older secondary sap of 10, sani of 3, appears to be. 
the immediate parent of the current 1 and 7 in their older form 
chak, chat, taat &c.,— that is 1 and 7, like 3 and 10, had the unit in the 
form chap, sap &c. before it changed to chak, chat &c. 

The common form in 6 luk, lok, is distini^uished by its vowel from 1, 
3, 7, and 10, and its older fo' ni duk, was probably from dup, dum, cor* 
respondiii^r with the Bhotian dun from dura 7, (sum 3) and with numerous 
other Himalaic* forms in u, o. In the older Tibetan system the form of the 
unit in 6, khum, chum &c., appears to have corresponded with that in 1,3, 10 
&c. The Gyarung tok, and the original of the sp. Bhotian thu as preserved 
in tuk of Milch., Serpa, Limbu and Kiranti, and dok of Garo, must have 
been derived from China at a later period, and when dup— prol>ably the 
remnant of a distinct dialect from that in which a forms prevailed — had 
taken the form duk in Chinese. 

The (jurung tu, Lhopa and Murmi dhu, Dhimal tu and Bodo do, are 
eontractions of Che same form. Their diffusion in the south appears, 
from their distribution, t^ be not older than the later Uhutian migration. 
The soutliern Bhotian dialect of that period must have agreed with the 
present si)oken dialect of Lhasa in having a dental form. 

The wr. Bhotian h;is a distinct form d-ruk agreeing with tho current 
Chiuf^se, and to it the Manyak i-ru is referable. The common Gangetic 
is also derived from it. This form is certainly separated by a very slender 
phonetic boundary from duk, tuk, chuk, suk, but as it is also the Chinese 
form, luk, and its great Southern diffusion attests its antiquity and persis- 
tency, there seems no retison to doubt that it was the form used by the 
southern Tibetan dialect which oriuinafed the predominant Gangetic sys- 
tem. The Gangetic vocabularies combine Sifan with Bhotian words^ 
generally in older forms than the current or even the written Bhotian, so 
that 6 may be referred to the Bhotian element in the parent south Tilietaii 
dialect. The form d-ruk, is from dn-vuk (comp. d-gn s with the Tak- 
pa (/M-gu), andeZtf isa eunhonic secondary form of the guttural (ha-, go-, 
tfi-y da-, ku-y ffu-y tu-j au- Sec.) The southern forms are A-ruk, A^-ru, 
ft^ro (Sinirpho, Garo, Chepan«p, Takpa), to-rok, /a-ru, tJte-rokf cht^rUf^ 
su^rw, tu-vM ice. 

The preservation of otlier varieties of 6, in which the unit has older 
forms both primary and secondary, and the wide prevalence of the Chi« 
nese form, make it evident that the latter was carried westward by disUnct 
movements from those which gave primary and secondary -m forms to 
Tibet. 

The dissemination of the later forms of the Chinese 1 and 7 is much 
more doubtful. The Bhotian chiu^, chik has certainly a close resemblance 
to the Chinese cliit, but it may be from a native chuk, chum. Possibly chuk 
is of the same age as tuk &c. 6; and was a Chlaeae form of 1 in tho di;i- 
lect which gave tuk to Tibet. 

In the South there are no forms clearly referable to the Bhotian chiif. 
ehik, save the Kiuawari and »:>erpa chik, Limbu tkit, ^'ewar chhi, and 
Lhopa chi. 

The common form of 1 and 10 in the latest diffusive Gangetic system 
was similar to the older secondary (^hinese forms in 7 and 1, but it nyym 
pears nevertheless to have been local, it h well preserved iu d of louug-* 



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13d ETHNOLOOT OF THS IKDO-PAOIFIC ISLANDS. 

thu, Khjen^, Sak, Tablunfr, Namsangr, Sinsrpho, Barman, Bodo, that, 
sat kc,y and in later ftlender forms in several of the allied dialects. Simi- 
lar forms occur in 10 and 1 ; but under the influence of the later phonolo- 
ff they have, in several dialects, l)ecome slender like the 1 of Chineae, 
botian and Gyarunj?. Both broad and slender forms are sometimes 
found in the same dialect. Thus Rodo retains jat in 8, but in 10 has ji, 
in 1 che. Graro has chet in 8, sha in 1, chi for 10 in 11, 12 &c., both bein^^^ 
combined in chi-sha 11. Nam8an<r has t-sat 8, t-chi 10^ van-the^ 1 ; 8in«^- 

J»ho mo-tsat 8, si 10 ; Burman tach, tit, ta 1, shyit 8, she 10. The slender 
bm^is evidently borrowed in some of the dialects. It is 61ear that the 
broad forms have not been derived from the current Bhotian chik. The 
older Chinese form of 7, identical with some of them, is not found in 
Tibet. It is probable therefore that, like these Chinese forms, they 
•re directly referable to the native labial form tham, tsam, sam, sap &c. 
The Tenffsa group preserves sep in Teng^sa, corresponding: with chet in 
Khori, while Mikir retains a pnmary form kep in 8, and 10, and a 
•iroilar form is found in the Kiranti/ Chepang* and Lepcha 10. The No- 
giiungr tang is an intermediate form between tarn (a Himalaic form of the 
unit still current, as we have seen, in 10 and other numbers, both in Tibet 
and the South) and t;vch, the old Burman form. The com. tssit, sat, chat 
&c. like the slender Barman tit, are but later variations of tak, cbak. 
This form is the distinctive one of tho latest East Gant^etic (Bodo-Singpho) 
band, and has been communicated by Burman to some of the Tuma dia- 
lects, as it is fonnd in the 8 of Tonn^-thu that, Sak tseit, Khyeng sat. 
These dialects have received numerous other Burman vocables. Whe- 
ther the common vocalic forms in 1 and 10 were contracted from -m^ 
•«»p, or from -k, -t, form^, is uncertain. The labial forms may have be- 
eome contracted in 1 and 10 before the t forms were evolved in 8. For 
•xample sha 1 of Garo may not be from shat, sat, the curi-ent East Gan- 
luetic form in 8, but from the older form sap. The same uncertainty attends 
the Tibetan vocalic forms in 1 ta, ti, ra. In the South the evidence is in 
lavor of many of the vocalic forms being* from sham, tarn &c., through 
shang, tang: kc. in 100 Arung has cbang* and Kuki shang-, ahan ; in 20 
Dophla has san, sangr. The cogrnate dialects have sha, cha, t«a, tha, sa iu 1, 
Mor^orlOO, (Nogaun?, Tablung, Mulung, Joboka, Muthun, Nnmsangr, 
Sinin)ho, Manipuri, Bodo, Garo, Dhimal,) anditiscl^ar that they are re- 
ferable to the current forms in -ng, -n,— of which Nogaung, as we have 
aeen, preserves an example in 1, — aud these to the widely prevalent labial 
forms common to the Mon-Anam and Tibeto-Burman systems. The u 
Ibrms appear to be cliiefly of ancient Bhotian origin — Changlo beinir an 
example of a highly Bhotian system — and the a forms to bo chiefly Mon- 
Anam, Sit'an and (jliinese. 

Notwithstanding the examples ofthepasmige of guttural into dental 
formii in the South and the posssibility of this having happened in many 
cased of which no evidence remains, 1 think there oin be no doubt that 
the most prevalent Himalnic forms of the unit are not local variationt 
of the guttural, but were derived from the Chinese system after seconda- 
ry forms had been evolved in it. The prevalent forms of 3 preserved in 
thiit numeral in Tibeto-Burman and in the 5 of Mon-Anain, agree with 
the Cliiiiese 3 and must be referred to it in its existing s form and in 
oldt'r t, d forms. It may also be held as certain, from the abundant 
remainsof this type of the unit, — ^notonly iu 3 and 5, but in 1, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 



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BnmoLeaT or thb ikdo-pacifio i8LATn>9. 187 

fiO and 100, — that when the secondary Chinese system was transferred to 
ihe Hiiualaic province, s-ni, s-p had not becuine ti\ed in 3 and 10, but 
that the t-iu, d-m, s-m forms were the current unit.* 

The concluriiona at which we seem ju.Htilied in anivinsr are thefure a* 
follows. The typical form of the most prevalent Tibeto-Burmuu and 
lion^Anam ui it is dam, dura, U¥ u, sam, sum, mm, lom ^ c. The commoa 
-Unit of both families had tiiereforo tlie same ribdtanoiifl:in. It^ .source ap- 
peiins to have been the Chinese sy.^teni in iM older secondary form, that is 
when 1 and 7 as well as 3 nud 10 had the forms d:im, tarn, sum, and whea 
d, 7, and 10 must have still been compound. The Ciiinese 6 of this era 
mny also have had the sume form of the unit. At all events there are 
Himaluic remimiit^i of it (Thochu, Horpa, Mijliu). 

The purer Mon-Anam appears to have been distin£rniv:hed from thelater, 
while it was aiiined to one of the older, groups of Tibeto-Bunuan by the 
.tendency to 1, r, n forms in prefereitce to sibilants. Trom the mode ia 
which its forms of other words are intermixed in the Southern Tibeto* 
Burraan vocabularies with the proper Tibetan fornu«, it is probable that 
.the liquid 10, 100 &c. found in seveial of these vucabularies, or the liquid 
tendency in which it oritrinated, watsderiveil from the Mon-Auam family 
or f.o n a co7nmon archaic East Hiimdaic ur Si tan sun; ce. It is chieiiy 
found in the older Yuuia-Gan^eric di.ilet:t!«, and cannot be derivetl fnra 
the prevalent forma of l.f The Dmvirian labial unit of Mon-Anam is ni-o 
found 08 1 and iO in mine of these dialect^, — Munipun ma 1, pal 10 
(in 8 and 9), one of tlie Kh.yentj dialects mn 1, Mijlju //-mo 1, //avz-lmia 
4 (bon Anam), An^-aini pu 1, Mutliun, Jnbuka, Mulung and Ta blunt; 
10 ban, pan, Mru mi in pi-ra mi 20 (.i, 10), Kunii 10 in //-puni-/T 'JO, 
.m-phui-rt; 30, wu-pa-Au-rf 40 (/;fl-lu 4), wi (= n»i Mru) in wi-pn-r/ 5v) 
(pa-n 5), wa in chum-wa-r^ or wai-re 100 (10, 10), Sak ^i-fu 9, Kirand 
tlii bon^ 10, h\u\-t/-ya 8 (Ito-k Mon, vo-ffu Yerukala, ba-^iu 2 Savur-») 
iiurmichi-wai 10, Sunwar s-wai-ka 100, I^uncuwry funn 4, tfri-faan 8, 
#A<i-ful tf, Car feuji 4, ta-tud 6, a-wera 8. Limbu and Kirauti phan^ 9 
(10 ior 1, 10). 

The pi imary pnttural forms retained in different num^iers insomony 
dialects, and aUo p:issing' directly into the .sibii.nit, indicate an older tnn s- 
fer of the Chinese system to the we«<tward than tliat wliicli ])roduci'd 
the Mon-Anam ami current Tibeto- Burma n. The preservation of khunef 
in ({ is itself a strou'r proof uf a distinct, mii^ration ])nor to the era whea 
dental, siliilant and liquid formsalone pn vaihnl. iU»thin the Mnn-Ananiai^d 
Tibeto- Burmmi dialects 6 is either the current Chinese f(»rm lak, luk, oi it« 
immediate parent duk, tnk, which is probably a derivative from dum, turn, 
throuifh duntr, tunir. The M'»n- Anam family in its (Janjifiic era had 
don?, ruii«i- in 6 contemporaneoti.«ily with luk, and from the reaemblance 

♦ In many of the southern dialects (Sin»rpho-Bi>do g-r. &c.) the si- 
, bilantand dental of 1, 8 and 10 is referable to the jiuttural khnm, khip, 
khinfr,khat,&('.,bnt in others to tlie secondary Chino-Til>etan sum, sam &c. 
f For example the oM or written Buiman rhuch 8, ra 100, is evi- 
dently a distiMct and hi HnTman an older torm of the unit of 10 than the 
•current 10 chhe, cori-es|Kmuin^'- with the current 8 shyitand 1 tit. Doph- 
la has thesami^ 8 latr and 10 ran"-, and liumian niii'-t at one time I ave 
had a ^'^TOilar 10. Narnsan?- h w the sanie r\ pe in 1 , 8, 10 aud loO ftb ilia 4iUr- 
fiout Baimau 1, 8 uud 10, but in ^O ^>i^<sgi vu» luak. 



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188 XTmfotoor of tbm wwy^Adno tsLAinw 

of the former to current varieties of dam, ram kc. an earlj Hon- 
di;ilect may have hud its prevalent -m unit in 6 as well aa in otber num* 
ber*. 

The Abor and Tuma dialects preserve many of the most arcliaie forms 
of the Himalaic vocables. A lar^ number are less contracted and soften- 
ed thHfi in the other <?roupSy buth Tibetan and Southern. They have been 
ItiM affected by the later phonetic and gloesarial modifications, whether 
spreiidinfi: from Tibetan or from Southern sources. The ^ttoral 1 and 
6 of AlK>r kc.y the 10 of the Mru dO» and the common guttural for »care 
xnuy therefore be ooiididered as remnants of the first Tibetan system 
that woii carried to the South, and an evidence of the very great antiquity 
of the niitrmfion. How far this early form of the Chino- Himalaic system 
wai« diHAeminated in the South cannot be ascertained. If it had been thai 
of the first Himalaic tribes that became predominant in the Gangetio 
valley and in Ultruindia, it is probable that some distinct traces of it 
would have been left in the Mon-Aiiam dialects. Although not found io 
the existing much mixed Mon-Anam systems, it oocurs in others which 
retain some Mon-Anam numerals. Of the three hypotheses, Ist^ that ^ 
Himalaic system having this unit preceded the Mon-Anam, 2d, that it was 
contemporaneous with it, one dialect or number having ^e guttural and an« 
other the dental and liquid unit, and 3d that it immeoiately succeeded it,-^ 
the 2tid is the most consistent with all the facts* The Mon-Anam. vocan 
bularies are largely and closely connected with the old Tibeto-Burmaa 
of the South, bnt the Dravirian and the peculiar native traits of the former 
as well as their distribution, show thom to have been earlier. The pre*, 
■ence of numerals of Mon-Anam forms in the older Tibetan systems of 
the South is in accordance with the general character of the vocabulariea^ 
But as the Tibetan glossary of the period when the Mon-Anam migration 
took place must have differed little from that of the first Tibetan tribes who 
followed them across the Himalayas, it is probable that the guttural unit 
was from the first coeval in the South with the sibilant and liquid. At 
present, however, we have no direct evidence that it was, the only native 
Mon-Anam unit that has been preserved being the dental and liquid : and 
it is therefore possible that while the mora eastern parent of Mon-^ 
Anam had a secondary Chinese unit, a Tibetan dialect retained the ar- 
chaic guttural unit of the Chineae and afterwards carried it soutk, 
In some of the Sifan dialects the guttural unit appears to have been sue 
cecded by the liouid, and the earlier dialects that were carried souUi 
prulMbly possessed ooth forms. The Gj|rarung>Uorpa series still combines 
ge ill 1 ofGyarung and ga, ka in 10 of Horpa, with a liquid form in 1 of 
H(>r;ia and in B and 100 of both. The older Abor- Yuma systems appear 
to be referable to the (vyarun^-Horpa. The Dophla system with the gut* 
tural in 1 and 6 and the liquid in 8, 10 and 100, must be an example pf 
the OJirliest Sifan systems that were carried south. The difference be« 
tween these and the cognate Mon-Anam appears to have been, that the 
Litter had entirely lost the guttural unit while in the Sifan system it waft 
\m d along with the hquid. 



The most remarkable point in the history of the dual is the prevalenot 
of a secondary form in 4 and of a primary one in 2 and 7. The quea» 
ti«»ns that remain to be answered are, when and how this difference arose,*j« 
went tap same loruts ever curi:«ut ia aU the uumerala of the dual aehea^^ 



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BTHNOLOGT OF THS mOO^VAOIFtO fSLAITDi. Y89 

«nd how many Tersions of this series were carried to the South ? On a 
cursory g:lance at a comparative table of the numerals, it might be infer- 
red that, in all the dialects, the common broad form in 2 and liij^her num- 
bers, ngat, nhat, nga, ngfo kc. preceded the slender current form n^^ikp 
nhit, ni &c. ; and that the lateat and most contracted nasal form of 2 ni &c. 
was the parent of the li of 4. This was doubtless the phonetic order of tha 
mutations, if li be from the nasal root. But it by no means follows that because 
ni is now the current 2 in several dialects, it is the immediate parent of the li 
current in the same dialects. The historical succession of the forms of a root ia 
a particular dialect, has no necessary dependence on the absolute philoloufical 
succession. A slender form may be contemporaneous with a broad form iu one 
jrroup for thousands of years before ii is evolved in another group; and 
It may be communicated, in a special apulication, by the former and re« 
ceived by the latter as a substantive vocaole while the only native forma 
continue to be broad. In a numeral series it is of course possible for a 
unit root or a dual root common to several numbers, to suffer phonetic 
changes in one number while it adheres to the old form in the others* 
And it might, at first sight, appear that the U of 4 was an instance of the 
kind, — ^ngok &c. having, by segregation and successive phases, attained 
that form in 4, but stopped at an older segregated one in 5, while a still older 
remained current as 2 in 7. But many facts concur to show that li, lii 
originated in one dialect or group and that it was received as a substantive 
name for 4 into other dialects which retained or acquired older forms of 2* 
Amongst these we need only at present refer to the almost universal preva- 
lence of the 1, r form in 4, its retention of the labial prefix where 2 and 7 
have the guttural, and the ti-aces of ao archaic labial prefix in the unit 
aeries. 

Tke frequent pasaage in the Himalaic vocabularies of the sibilant roots 
of Chinese, 8cythic, Chino«Scy thic and Himalaic itself, into hquids, ap- 
pears to afford the true clue to ^he history of the numeral 4. The sibi- 
lant forms, I now think, in accordance with my first opinion *, must be 
regarded as the primary ones and the liquid as the secondary. All the 
Chinese dialects preserve the sibilant. In Tibet the nassa^e into the li- 

?|uid is illustrated by the Thochu aha and Horpa Iha. The Southern 
orms appear, with a few exceptions, tq be all referable to one dialect. 
The first great migration must tu^ve brought the form /m-li, ^m-H, baAi kc, f 
. which became all but universal in the South ; and its Tibetan type in the 
primary form is preserved in the Bhotian 2r-zhyi. The highly Bhotined 
Gyarung has the same fom^ in 40, hut liquid as in the South, p-ii. As the 
identification of the Chino-Uin^alaic 4 with the com. dual of 2, 5 and 7 
•was founded on the hypothesis that the sibilant fom^ was a modification 
of the liquid, 4 must now be considered as involving a separate root, for 
.the primary form of the dual, ngok &c., cannot be derivedifroin f^i, zhji, zha 
kc, A 4 the liquid elements in 8. formerly considered to bed in the 4 form, 
have been found to be forums oif tne unit, it is not strictly necessary, for 
the purposes of this Section, tq pursue the enquiry why the Chino-I^ima* 
laic 4 has a distinct root from 2. If si, ri, U kc. of 4 were really a distinct 

* App. to ch vi *' Comparative Table of Chinese and Tibeto-Ul- 
tnundian numerals" pp. 23, 24. See also Sec. 4. 

t Or its older form &»-lu, from a Bhotian (n^zhyu* 
^ y nkaa the Lftu song, sang be the aam^ r<M>t. 



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14d .ITHNOtOOY OP THE IKDO-PACIFIC JSLASTJ^. 

root for 2, it must have become olwoMe in tbat number when tbefijiiteiri bt^ 
en me thut of Tibet |, and no rcmnantn of it are preserved in oiber 
DumlHTK. 1 lie Initer ciri-umHtaiice iH burilly contfis^tent with itt^ beinira 
|>nniBtT duiil root uf the Bvatem. On the other hund it it be a unit it i>icleu» 
tiiol with the common hibilantand hquid furmMiftheChhio-himalairunit^ 
and theChi^e^e 8^ intern muht liave had a ti-inal baiiia thiou|rhout,— that is 
4 muftt have been i, 1, in like manner asd wai>d, 2, and 7 viHt» 6, 1. This 
p^odeot tormin^ 4 in raie, but ezumples of it occur in the A. £. Attian and 
^fncan pvovincefi ; and the \ii:dYun 4 ia a]i>o trinal. As the Chiiiif-tiima« 
laic hibilhut 1 and ;i liaafi nns precii«e)y t^imilur to 4, bulb in 3 and hi other 
Dumbera, 1 do not hesitate to tllln^t^r 4 tiom the dual to the unit series. 

When the first Himalaic diuieit wiis« cairied south a broad o, u form of 
tlie dual UI18 common to 2, 5, 7, and, probublY, to 8; and it appeals to 
hnvehud the labiiil preiix throughout, as it pie^er^ei* it in Si, and ma tew 
disilects later fuinid bave it in 2. The unit associated with thi** lurm 
ot the dual muHi have l>ef'n one of theuldet^t carried 8<iuth, and as the 
hner iorm was contemporaneuus with the Til»ctan fr>ud, rvat &c, 
if is }>robable that t)ie ngo, nhu, dun) was that of the H\stem uhich h:jd 
kliung: 6lv, tis the unit. In the Abor group both Jchung and ugo (2) 
are )ire:»ei vtd» 

M hen the next pent miprotion tooV place the predominant Tibetan dia^ 
lect had ti niui erul >in if f< ys h'n h liiid tl.e foi m na^*^ &c. in 2 and in the quina^ 
ry 7, — a^sociated withtamji-unijnim *c. in 1, :j, 10, ai d in tbe denaiy 7 j 
and the labial prefix hnd ^iven pliue to tlie «»uttwral. Dophla retains Jlta^ 
naji- hi 7, nsijr in 8; and in 2 liunnan >vr. has nach,Ten«rsa ^-nat (for ka* 
iu»t), Ch»nj:lo n^rik. \N ith a few exceptions the {^ourberu Ynma-GtJnpetic 
fbini5 are modit.cationH of thi^ foim. In Tibet the brond vowel i^ retained 
in Thocliu and Munyak nga, na and in the llorfta 2 of ;^0 na. In the other 
Tib^titn dialects and in mo.st of the Southern one^ slender and contracted 
forms now prevail, 'ihe change has generally been local. The llor|)a r-na 
and (lyarung* /i-neH ot 7 are from a iorm of i^nimilar to the ( •} arun^ Art-nia 
ii 20 and Bhotian //-nyis *J. lii>tli are probably from one diaieet, ])erh»ps 
Iior|ia, which baa a Mmilar form of tbe prefix in 9 d>^a. it ha^nge in 2 
ml.ich ma\ have been /rTiigeK, whenc^e *A-nes, «-ne. I'lie Gyaiunfr .*A-nes 
ol 7 ii* not the current kfi-uea 2, but a concreted voiable, at^ it takes the 
current prefix iJru-s'h.nes. The later southoru foruis have many varieties, 
and j*ome similar to tl.e Tibetan, but they are all of local firowth. Thua 
tbe liodo and (inro s-xn 7, aitliough ao close to the Uorpa s^ne, Ls from 
si-u\ pre.-^erved in the Mikir /tt-ni 2 (Sinf pho «t-nit 7); and «f-ni u from 
*?-iii, //f-ni (iaro. In the \ uma 7 n bccomea r, but the prefix ideutitea 
it with the.<e (ian^»etic foimt*. Comp. Ten^^sa /fl-ni, Sak iAa-uiy Shii.da 
sha-n, Kami, Kuki sn-ii &c. The ai^oiiated form nit &c. showa that ui^ 
ri belongs to the later nguk, n^ik, n^it beries in 2. 

The Himalaic form of 2 brou<»ht south bj the Mon-Anom fiimJlj 
a) pears to have been tbe broad Iorm with the labial prefix preserved 
in the TiMo-Ultrnindiun 5, In the Bonfrju, Kuki, Tapka and Al^orS and 
in the Dophhi 8, this foim of 2 is conjohied with the liquid 1 (for 3 and 
16), whence it^is clear that when that form of 1, 3 and 10 waa ci rrtnt, 
the Chino-liimalaic form of d, n^o, nga, was current aB2. it tl)« 
1 an son^, sanjr 'm hvm an 1 . or n form it was probably one of the 
Tiuiatiea of the Mou-Amim 2. The cuiieut 2 in oil the other dii^ectB 



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9TBN0L0OT OF THE Xin>0-PACIFIO ISLANDS. |4{ 

of this fomily is the DraTirian labial. Although the traces of th« 

n'nal Mon-Anam 2 are not very stron?, they are decided enough 
sad us to the conclusion that the dual had a form similar to tha 
prevalent Himalaic 5, or, in other word8, that this was the form 
current in south Tibet at the era of the first great Himalaic migra* 
tion. Although the labial prefix was that of 2, 4 and 5, and the unit 
also had it, the Mon-Anam 6 and 100 (^-lom, ^-ram) show that a 
unit having the guttural, passing* into the dental and sibilant, prefix was 
early current. The Bhotian i^gu, Thochu r-»:u 9, is another form of the 
unit with the same archaic secondary form of this prefix. 

The later slender forms, both of the prefixes and roots, connect many 
of the southern systems, although the movements and special borrowings 
disturb the agreement thus induced. The progress of aspirate, slender 
and contracted forms of the guttural prefix is illustrated by the dual in 
2 of Garo ^t-ni, Mikir Ai-ni, 7 of Singpho ^i-nit, Nams. i-ngit, Kasia 
At-nian, Garo and Bodo ^ni. This group or movement centres in the 
western extremity of the Garo-Singpho band. Another well marked 
^up^ which breaks through this band or has been broken through by it, 
IS distmguished by similar changes in the broad forms of the prefix. In 
2 Angami has ka-uey the adjacent Tengsa group o-nat, (Gyarung^ 
Jki^-nes). In 7 the Yuma dialects have tha-^ sha-y M-, the Tengsa gr. 
iha^, tOr-. Chepang-and Swnwnr cha-. The oiiginal hu- is preserved ia 
the broaa Dophla Aa-nug. In the Yuma group has tha-, ta^^ ChepanK 
to- J Shiudu chn^f Singpho tse^ Garo sh-, Bodo ch-. In the Yuma gr.^ 
Tengsa ^, and Lepcha have to-, Shindu cku-^ Aug. so-y Mikir tho-^ 
while Smirpho, Garo, Takpa and Chepang retain k- and Mon kor. 

The unit 7 ^6, 1 or 1) is found in Chinese and Lau; in Thochu. 
Hanyak and Bhotian ; in Changlo, Le[)cha, Milchanan^, Mijhu and 
Mikir. The dual form (5, 2, or 2) is found in Tibet m Uorpa and 
G^arung (2), and in nearly all the Southern dialects. It was the form 
of the dialect that gave the prevalent numeral series to the South, and 
it corresponds with the 2 of tliat dialect, thus proving that 7 was still qui- 
nary or dual at the period of the great Tibetan migration, or immediately 
before it. No example of the full form is preserved. The quinary Kam- 
bojan p-mm pil (5, 2) belongs to the earlier Draviro-Himalaic system 
of the South. 



The prind|>a1 inferences bearing on the historical relation of the Hima» 
laic to the Chinese numerals are as follows. 1st. The earliest Chinese dia* 
kct that gave numerals to Tibet had the primary guttural form of the unit 
either alone or with later terms. It is still current in 10 of Horpa, in a 1 
of Gyarung, in 7 of Manyak and in 1, 6, 7, 10, 20 of some southern 
dialects. There is no direct or conclusive evidence that it was ever cur- 
rent in 3 or 5, either in Tibet or the South ; although the close resemblance 
of some of its forms in 10 to the Chinese sibilant 10 — and of the latter, 
and similar current cis-Himalayan sibilant forms, to the Chinese 3 — 
make it probable that tlie earheat Chinese system of Tibet had gut- 
tural forms throughout. The 8 and 100 must have had similar forms of 
the unit, and not the labial of the current Chinese. The dual in this system 
must have had the form ngong, ngang or ngok ngak kc, 2d. The later 
Chinese phase, which waa communicated to Tibet before the g^reat mi- 
gration to the Soath, ia very distinctly marked by the forms of 3| i and •» 



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141 ETHNOLOGY OF THE IXDO-PACIFIC ISLANDS. 

Eflch of tliese iso peculiar modification of the primnrr fonn ; and the devia«> 
tion8 from it and from each other are so considerable, that they must be- 
long to an ajfe long Hubt»equent to that of the exclusive currency of gut- 
tural fonns and w hen the system hod become partly concreted. Whether thes« 
forms ori|;inated in one dialect or in several, their combination in a.aingle 
current system cannot belong to the earlier eras of the formation. The 
form in 3, sam, sum, &c. must have long* been the unit exclusively cur»- 
rent in a Chinese system. The form in 4 Ls a later form, as it wants the 
iinal consonant ; the initial, however, having a stronger aspirate. The 
current form was probably nreceded by one closer in the vowel to 3, like 
Ihat preserved in Thochu, Horpa and some Southern dialects. The still 
later liquid 6 may have originated in a western Chinese dialect which had 
• similar form,lum, lam, lung, lang, luk, lak, in its current unit, and was 
associated with those ancient Si fan or East Himalaic dialects which pos- 
{iessed a similar unit and gave it to the South, but it is more consistent 
with the other forms of the ay stem to refer it directly to sum, suk&c What- 
ever may be the history of the production of the Chinese numeral system 
which ultimately had these forms iixed in its 3, 4 and 6, it is clear that, after 
they were so iixed, it became the mo^t influential system first in China and 
Tibet, and then, through the great Tibetan migration, in the South also. The 
prevalent 4 and 6 anjmar to have always been concreted and substantia! 
Dames in the Himalaic province, the connection between them and the 
unit having been lost before they were received from Chinese. The current 
form of 3, on the other hand, ap{>ears to have retained its unit power, 
after this late Chinese phase became that of the Himalaic province also, 
as it undoubtedly remained current with this power iii 7 ana 10, and pro- 
bably in 1 and 8 also. The slender form of the dual cuiTent in the Chi- 
nese 2 in a contracted form is so widely prevalent in the Himalaic province 
in 2 and 7, that it must be associated, m the form nging, nerik &c., with 
the later Chino- Himalaic form of 3, 4 and 6. The vocalic out broad 2 of 
6 — which is almost universal— obviously belongs to the same phase. 
The current Chinese 1 and 7 appear to be later in form. The labial 8 
and 100 were probably not possessed by the western Chinese dialecta, 
until after the period wlien they gave the secondary forms of the unit to 
Tibet. They have no connection with the other Chinese numerals and 
no representatives in the ]mrer Himalaic systems. It is probable there- 
fore that this unit was preserved in a northern Chinese aialect — perhaps 
the Kwan-hwa itself — which became that of the predominant Chinese 
nation. The Himalaic systems present many examples of a similar per- 
sistency of a native or older form. Thus the Kwan-hwa system, in a 
late form and embracing this labial 8, has been widely spread over Ul- 
traindia by the conquering Lau tiibes, but the 1 and 2 are wanting, in 
the Lau dialect, native names taking their place. The northern dialects 
have the Chinese name in 100, hut it has not established itself in tho 
southern. * 



* As the forms of the same root varied from era to era in different 
numbers and in different dialects, and as these forms did not attain the 
character of independent names at the same period, any attempt to re- 
produce the system as a whole in its successive phases would be Hable to the 
risk of associatng some furuu that may never have been current together 



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CTHNOLOGT OF THE TNDO-PACIFIC ISLAN1>S. 143 

Further liplit will be thrown on the history of the Chino-Himalaic 
numerals when we com()are them systematically with the 8cytl)icy 
Caucasian and African. But our examination of the Chino-IIimalaic, 
Semitic and African must be followed up by that of the Scvthic and 
Caucasian, before we can enter on such a comparison. All the nu- 
meral systems of the Old World are more or less connected, and point 
to the diffusion of its earlier arts and civilisation, or of the races 
themselves, from one family. For exam[)le both the primary and 
secondary forms of the Ghino-IIimalaic unit are found in the other Edst 
Asiatic and the connected Western s3'stems. The most important of the 
•econdary forms sam, sum, sap &c. is so widely diffused thnt, on an 
examination of a few numorals, it mi^ht be thought probtible that it was 
evolved from kam, kap, at a very remote period and before any extensive 
dispersion of the ancient Asiatic system. Both the primary and second- 
try forms certainly ap|iear to have been cii*culated toi^ether over other 
provinces besides the Himalaic. But a comparison of all the Old World 
systems leads to the inference that the connection of the Chino- Himalaic 
^ith the Scythic and more distant numerals is through the primary 
g^uttural forms, and that the recurrence of identical secondary forms 
and (yoes in different provinces is, in ^^eneral, attributable to the same 
cycle 01 phonetic chang^e having been independently repeated in each family 
of language. There are doubtless examples of a transfer of later forma 
from one family to another. But it requires strong evidence to establish 

in a single dialect. If we were to assume that, at one time and while the 
names still remained compound, a dialect existed in which the primary 
form of the unit had been lost and sam, sap was its only current form, the 
trinal system might be thus presented. 

1st serieii. 
I sam 

II ngra 

III 2, 1 nga-aam 

2d aeries, 

IV , 3, 1 nga.sam-sam 
y , 3, 2 nga.sam-n^ 

VI y 3, 3 ( or 5; 1 ) iiga.sam-ngii.8am 

Sd series. 
Vn 6, 1 nga.sam*nga.sam — sam 

In all the compounds of the 2d and 3d series, the la.Mt word would be 
the distinctive and permanent one. The office of the tirst common term 
of each series would be merely to mark the series, ajid when a slight 
phonetic change was induced in the last, this would itself suthce to mark 
the series, and the first term would become a needless incumbrance. 
Thus if, from the action of the preceding elements of sound, or by acqui« 
aition from another dialect, the name of 1 became sang or sak, thossm ef 
3 would be enabled to dispense with the nga* not only in 3 but through* 
out the higher series of which it forms the radix. So, if the distinctive 
or final sam of 4 bocame sum, su or si, the initial nga-sara, or its remnant 
•am, might be rejected. In like manner a change of nga 2 to ncri would 
enable the diatiuctive xiga of to reject the preposed term or its reomaut. 



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144 BTHirOLOtfT 09 TSB STDO^AOFIC ttUUIM. 



the foreign origin oft form that can be dednoed from a natiTe wanSbuti 
type by the ordinary phonetic evolutions of the iamil^. 

The mo6t widely pnnralent of the older secondary forms of the gattnral 
unit is s-m, s-b. Taking^ the Chino-Himalaio systems in their <»itiifdny 
forms, it is clear that this has been the most prolific type of the unit* 
It was the current unit of the era when the present 8 became concreted. 
It is preserred in seyeral dialects in 10, 8 and 5 and several comaMNi 
forms of the current 1, 8, 10 and the unit 7 (6, 1) are referable to it. 
It is the integral form of the latest Chinese unit, bein^ preserved in 1 
and 10, and in a modified form in 1 and 7. If any direct connection 
between the historical Chinese system and other systems of the Old World 
can be established, it must be through this form. 

In 1 the Scythic systems have either ths more archaic labial unit of 
Draviro- Australian — ^preserved in Chinese in 8 and 100, but obsolete 
as a unit when the system soread over the Himalaic provinoe or other 
forms of the guttural, dentu and sibilant. 

The most com. Scythic 3 has a primary guttural form or a modification 
of it, kol, gur, kuj, chud &c. ; tong, dong &c. The labial and the liquid 
unit are uao found in the 3 of some groups. Beyond the proper Dcy« 
thic limits— or in those of the earlier or proto-Sc^thic movements — the 
Chinese form is found in Caucasian, sa.mi, su.ini, ju.mi &c., and also i^ 
Semito- African, but preserved in Egyptian only sho.m, sha.m &c^ ia 
which it is referable to a native Semito-African kho.m &c 

The Chinese 5, as we have seen, is a remnant of 3, 2, and the terra 
when the present form of the system retained its full integrity, was sam* 
Dgo &c. The 5 of the Mon-Anam dialects retains the 8 in the forms sal^ 
chang, ram (for sam). The Samoide sam, sum, sab, saba, sobo &o. 6 haa 
the same form with the postfix -riffOt '4ik kc; but from the T^ingusiaa 
tong, sun &c. and the Mongolian ta-bun, tha-ba &c. in which -^n, -^ ia 
the common labial possessive postf., it is probable that sobo, saba &c. is 
identical with the Mongol ic form and that is radically so-60, sa-^ Cau- 
casian has the same form of the root chu-^At and in Abkhassian the same 
postfix chu-6a. The s-m, R-n form w very common in the African pro^ 
Tince, but as it is k-ni in Semitic and there are examples of the passsge 
of k- into s- forms, the latter appear to be historically connected, not 
with the secondary Chinese form, but with the primary Cbino-Scythic 
k-m, k-n. The Ugrian and Turkish fomilies have the archaic labial vait 
in 5. 

The Scythic forms of 6 appear to be all, or nearly all, quinary (6, 1 or 1) 
and not trinal as some phiiolo2]ers maintain. In this respect they accord 
with the Chino-Hiinalaic. With some of the Himalaic ton^ea, the 
Semitic, African and Indo-European they have, the older sibilant uid 
dental form of the unit, and not the later liquid of Chinese and most of 
(lie Himalaic systems. It is not here intended to contest the trinal 
character of the Indo-European and Semitic 6, although the fiict of 3 
being itself the unit must render it uncertem — when other evidence does 
not exist — whether a unit form of a be a'remnant of 6, I or of 3, $• 
In African systems both forms occur. 

The Ugrian and Turkish 7 has the later form of the sibilant unit m 
in Chinese, site, sis, sat Ice. Some Ugrian dialects that appear to hav« 
the older form shi-m, te-b, sa-b are contractions of »iz-im kc. Thia 
form is also lado-JSuropean aa-p and Semitio-Afiicaa sa^ba, and ia both 



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nHNOLOar OP THE IKDO-PACIFIC ISLANDS. 245 

fliinilies the labial appears to be radically poatfixual as in Scythic. 

'llie Scytluc 8 and 9 are mostly denary like the Chino-Hiiualaic, hut 
tome quinary named are also current, — Koriak, Kaiuschatkan, t^omeof 
Ihe Yem«eian. A form of 10 Mmilar to the Chino-Himalaic saui &c. is 
&und in a Samoiede 9 tu-ma, thun. Ten has the archaic labial unit; the 
primary g-utfural k-m a* in some of the Uimalaic names ; ajid later second- 
ary forms hiinilar to the Chino-IIi.Milaic t s, 1-k &c. Ihitthe ronnection 
indicated is throujrh the primary Im ms. The Japanese, Koriaik nmi Yuka- 
hiri names for 9 preserve a g^utturul unit like the (Jhiao-IIimaluic (kun, 
diun.) 

On the whole we may conclude that tlie Scythic and other Aso- 
African numeral Hystems (♦^xcludinjr the Diaviro-Austraiiah) are more 
•loeely connected with each other rluui with the Cliiiio-IIimnlaic ; and are 
oiily connected with it thruujih tlie older primary fi)iins, — the liimnluic 
branch preserving examples oi the:>e similar to the Scychio &c. aithou>^h 
lost in China. 



The general conclusions at which we have arrived are these. The first 
Chinese dialect that gave numerals to Tibet preserved the. ({-uttural unit 
and abroad dual. The Tibetan system spread to tho ^outU while it re« 
tained this archaic form. The next Chinese diaieet, or pi>ase. of the nu- 
merals, that influenced the Tibjtan had the secondary nnit sain, sum, sap 
kc. in I, 3, 7 and 10. The Tibc-tan system which oritfiiiated in it was 
the parent of the prevalent Mon-Anam and Tibeto-Ujiriaan systems. Two 
archaic movements to the south at different periods ai'ter this form was 
acquired, are traceable. The first had the labial prefix, — the unit ha i a 
decided tendency to pass into the liquid form, — and the dual appvar;^ to 
have had broad forms. When the older Sifan-(iau^ri;tic tribes lollowod 
the Mon-Anam, if indeed they can be separated, similar forms of the unit 
and dual were current in East Tibet. In the later and jrreatest Tibetan 
movement the guttural prefix prt* vailed, — the unit had broad dental and 
libilant forms, — and the dual had broad, pxssin;; into slendi-r, nasal forms. 

Historically and more exactly stati d. these inferences stand thus. \\ liea 
the Chinese system wtw received in Tii»et >**condary or contracted piimary 
numerals had already \ieco ne fixed and concreted, in rheir present lo.ina 
nearly, in 4 and 9 of the unit «M-ries and in .> of the dual. The enquiry 
into the phonetic changes and diabetic intermixtures which lesulti d 
in the establishment of :bese names, beloncrs to (Miinese and not to 
Himalaic phonology and ethnolojiv. But the current unit in 1, 3, (>, 7 
and 10 (as well tis in 8 and lOd) ai.il the dual in 2 and 8 were nut so fixed. 
The numeral dialect that first took root in Tibet preserved a guttural 
unit, of which undoubted primary lemnants are found in 1, 6, 7, 8, 10, 
SO and 100. Some of the secondary Hiniulnic forms are also referaMe 
to it. The Himalaic forms cpiiim, khunp- (Tor khum), jryeb, kip, kep 
(whence kyok, gyud) are the oritrinals, wirh modifipti vi;wels of tlie 
Chinese chap, shap &c. 10, and the tii-st Clnnese dialect of Tibet munt 
htive had similar forms not only in 1, 7 and 10, but in 6 and 8 al>o. 
Tiiis dialact had proimbly the secondary lorrasum, sam in 3, as it is equal- 
ly universal with the forms in 4, 9 and 5. It may have been fixed in thia 
cfialect; but that fjom \^hieh it was deji%'ed must have piesei ved it as the 
current unit in 1, .'J, 7, 8, 10 &e. and simultane* usly or subsequently cora- 
ipunicated it to Tibet, in this dialect it appears to have aMumed tlie loriD 



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144 



STHKOLOtfT or THS IHDO-PACItTC ISLAUDA 



«Qk, chuk, duk, luk kc. in 6 before it was carried to Tibet, ia there is ii4 
teiiin«ant of the 4-m, 8-p form in that numeral iu any of the Himakic dia« 
lecUi To the era when thia pha.se of the unit prevaiied a large number of 
the current Him:ilaic forms clodely adhere, from which it ia certain that 
during: this era a Titietan system was carrid south. Amonp the best ex- 
amples extant are the Bhoto-Chaiiglo sam| dun of 7, Kukisum, Sak sii^ 
Bbutiau chu, Thochu da of 10. 

In several dialectii, Sifan and Southern, the silnlant changed to n 
A dialect which had this form was very influential at one period. In 
the Muth the tyjiical forms are lum, lam. The latter is widely current 
in various forms one of the most oomnion beinir rai. The antiquity of 
this <-on traded form appears from its bein^ found in 1 of Play Karen, 
3 uf Kaxia, 5 (for 3) of Bon^riu (rai) and Mijhu (lei), 8 of Milchananfr, 
and Bongju, 10 of Chong-, and 100 of Kambojan (rue), Siamese (roi, hoi^p 
and Buntrju. The frequent occurrence of the r form in 8, or m 
S and 100, where 10 and 1 have the sibilant form, must arise either (1st) 
from the same dialect having at one time UMd both form.^ in 10, or in 1 
ftnd 10, or (2iid) from having replaced the liquid of 10 by the sibilant 
derived either from its own 1 or from the 10 of another dialect. Different 
^rms of the unit have been used both synchronously and succesaivelr 
in :wveral of the dialects for 1 or 10. Several express 10 by one ien^ aua 
in such a compound an archaic unit will be preserved in ten and the 
current unit in one. Thus in the Tayin|i^ ha-longp IQ^ long oorrespondt 
with the 10 of 8 and 100, while ha or sa is a com. current unit in 10 and 1 
of Yuraa-Ganfretic dialects. The liquid appears to have been the 1 of the 
archaic Abor-Yuma and Mon-Anam fn^ups. In many dialecta it has 
h^f^n replaced in 1 and 10 by the sibilant that characterised the later 
diffuinive 5V!4tem of the South. In others aguin the sibilant — whether 
from the ^ribetansum, orfiromthe Tibetan gyum, khum, kap ^ — hi^ 
heen replaced by the liquid or by the Draviriaa labiaL 



The numerous southern systems are reducible, in thdr Hlmalaie 
element, and both in root and prefix, to two great and one or two* 
minor migrations from Tibet, not differing very widely in the forme 
brought by them, — ^to a few special lines of movement in the South, 
— and to some phonetic changes that have taken place since the migra^ 
tions, and of wnich the centres and lines of dispersion are more or leas dis* 
tinctly marked. Precisely the same movements and chanses ar# 
indicated by the distribution of the miscellaneous vocables that 
have been analysed and compared in the prececUng paffes ; but be* 
ibre their evidence can be fully understood and historically marshalkd« 
W*^ must specially examine the Mon-Anam famUy, and the effects on alt 
the southern Uimalaic vocabularies of the early contact of the Mon* 
Auam dialects with the Dravirian of the Grangetic basin. 

Tho preceding examination of the Himalaic numerals is fiir from suf- 
ficient to explain their liintory in the separate group:) and lant^agtis. In 
each of the^ the names have been more or less affected by 8ucce5siv# 
phonetic ehan^reS; internal and external, and the consideration of each 
Dy itself will rhrowlurf her lighten the ethnic movements of the province. 
1a 8ume of the dialectai almost every numeral belongs to a different age 
•ri)huueU(;i>habe|6oUuit tkeaeriesiuwa sjmha charai^ter to thatotf* 



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BTHNOLOGrr OF THB INDO-PACIPIC ISLANDS* |4T 

feoloorical section exhibiting a ftuccesnion of nnconf Drmable Btrata, soma 
derived from the waste of subjacent ones and others from distinct sources. 

The annexed table of all the published numerals from 1 to 10 of 
the ancient Chino-Indian province, will ^eatly facilitate my readers inf 
their comparisons.* I regret that I did not commence, instead of finishiugv 
rov own by compiling* it, as the means which it gives of noting" at « 
jylanceall the variations of each number, and all those of each root, would 
have saved me much labour and not a few mistakes. 

I have included the Dravirian, as the earlier Himalaic — the Mon-* 
Anam— combine Chinese with Dravirian roots. Snvara has several pe-i 
ouliar numerals and the analysis of the table requires some explanations. 
1. The root bo occurs also in bo-kodi 20 ((?«« «c<>rc). 3. The guttural 
postfix shows this dialect to be very archaic. 3. Ya-^/i, this appears to 
tie 2 (for 2, 1), the other dialects, S. Drav. and Vind., having 1 (for 2, 1), 
6 ku-d-ru. This evidently compound term appears to be an archaic full 
name, and as 6 is 1 in the *S. Dravirian dialect-*, it is probably 5, 1 ; d-rii 
corresponds with the Sol tu-rw, tu-r which I have hitherto regarded as 
Himalaic. It is to be hoped that there are still some unpublished Vin- 
dyan systems which will throw further light on its origm. Meantime 
there are some indications of Dravirian aflSnity which have induced me,^ 
altiioucrh with much hesitation, to analyse it in the Table as a Dravirian 
compound. Ru is the com. Drav. postf., but tu is not the a, oof the 
S. Drav. root (for va, vo 1). It may hotvever be the to for 1 in the 
Telucru and Chentsu 9. Ku must l>e from an element in a name for 5. 
Dr. Stevenson in the Toda vocabulary furnished to him by Mr. Greinei? 
ffives khu 5. This is the guttural unit preserved in the Kol and Savanv 
10, and in 5 mav either have represented 3 (3, 2) or 1 (4, 1). 7 laru-Mf. 
The gu must here also represent 5 and not 2. 8 ta-mu-^*i / mn-ji is the 
unit for 10 in the form occurring in the Tuluva rau^^t 3 (Brahui mu--9e)l 
ta is not a Drav. root for 2 and is probably a contraction of a form Hke e-tm 
(Toda, Mai.) ; the Teliigu e.ni-mi-ifi is a sin^ilar connpound. 

NOTB. 

In lately issuing separately ch. v and the first 5 sections of ch . vi, I pre-" 
fkced it by some explanations, which I subjoin here also. The remarka 
on the Dravirian numerals will be found to elucidate the analysis of the 
Table. 

" The readers who have accomimnied me from the first do not need to be 
xemin Jed that the publication of this work has extended over several years ; 

♦ In writinsr out the names for the Table I overlooked the R ikhoin^ 
l^rauk 6, and the correct analysis, which I had aven in the text, of the 
Burman khyauk, khyok and the derivative Sak kliyouk as /^A-yauk, 
kh^xokj *A-youk. 

The elliptic and varv comno«<ite Deoria Ohutia numerals having also 
been omitted I give them hei*e. 

l/f;/-/jp-sha(Graro).4/^«-(//i-chi (Ahora \ 7 d'f-gn-chi (\hom ^^ 
arf?i-*.«-ni(Garo). i5</w-(^/«-mu-a (Vimlyjin ). Sda-rfn-cha (Garo ), 
^du-g-dsL (Garo). 6 dtt^tf-chu (arch. Him.). 9 r/vw/w-chu-ba (Uaroju)* 

10 d '('gU'chvL'-hsk 
du'£i-ehQ 



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i4^' STHKOLOGT OF THE IKDO-FACIFIC ISLAXBIi 

and tLat tlie increasing li^^bt thrown on the oomparaiiye charactera of 
eiicli faiiiiiy of lunifuaire, auriug: the revision of the section relatiug to it, 
has disclosed defeirts in the preceding ones. The continuity of publica* 
tion and equality of treutra<'nt, orij^inallj intended, have been prevented by 
frequent and, at tinier*, prolonged breuks in the att(*ntion I have been able 
lo give to tlie .subject, and, in some decree, by ab:4ence from the place of 
printing. The oonsii^tency which the work had when fii-st rapidly writtan, 
aa a statement of the opinions to which I had been led by a review of the 
other liufjfuistic groups with i*eference to the Oceanic, has been lost by 
the lapHO of six years, durin^r wliich ethnolo<;y has not stood still, while I 
Lave been endeavouring to bring these ouinions to the test of a more 
searching enauiry into the peculiarities of the diiferent ^rroups. A final 
rp> ision, on tne eompletiun of the work, can alone restore its uniformity, 
Ly bringing all its facts and inference.*^ into harmony with the knowledge 
of the time at which it publication may Ije concluded. It seems necessary^ 
Ltnvever, on the separate issue of the pi-esent portion, nearly two yean 
after itj* earlier pa<res appeared, to warn the reader that some of its grlos- 
aaiial details are at vaiiance with tlic more accurate acquaintance with the 
liimalaic and Dravirian root^t which I have obtained from the minute 
oomparisons in chap. vi. These errors will be best understood by a re- 
ference to that chapter, and espfcially to the comparative table of Dravii ion 
and Uimnlaic roots which will be found in it. Some of the mostim|)or- 
laiit will be here noted, iu addition to errors of the press and of haste. 

" In some places I have U4M»d the word IHmalaic in a larcre ?ense, and as 
the parat^niph explanatory of it was omittt^d in the proper place, it \% 
necessary to mention here that, for want of a better tenn, 1 have appHed 
it to that larue uroup of connate languages and tribes which have imme- 
iDorially clusterfd in and around the Himalaya and the rang-es subordinate 
to it, and the iireservution of the rntive character of which must be 
chiefly ancribed to the protection aifi)nlHd by these mountains against 
the more powerful and civili>ed races of Eastern Asia, — Cninese, Scythic, 
Dravirian and Arian. An extract from a letter to Mr. Hodgson (July 16 
18.")tl) will illuHtrate the application of the name. "Tluit my Mon-Anam 
group was the JJrnf/aii of the pre Tibetan era (using Tibetan for the 
present Scythoid l)ranch) and conterminous with the Vindynn Dravirian 
dialects is demons'rared ; hut 1 am not prepared to admit that Dravirian 
has not a di>tinLt nnhnii' in«:rf'dieiit, not derived either from the Mon- 
Anum or the Tiheto-lkirman branch of what I have termed ** Himalaic" 
till you can supply us with a more appro|»rinte name. I conceive the 
Druviio-An.stralism bnau h of Scythic or rsther of Chino-Scythic, to 
be of vast antiquity, and to have long preceded the descent of the Chino- 
Tihetan race from tlieir trnns-Himahiyan abodes. Its strong Scytlio- 
Cuucasiun element appenrs to me to show that it came round 
the western extemity of the great dividing barrier between middle 
and southern Asia. The Mon-Anam or IJa<t Uimnlaic stem was more 
Chinese and less Scythic thon the later West Himalaic or Tibeto- 
Burman. All the earlier dispersed languap^es — that is, their mixed 
and sometimes hybrid descendants — have a core of primary roota, 
retaining a close resemblance to each other, and to those of the vo^ 
oabularies that have remained in and near the primarv abode of the Mid- 
Asiatic trilH»s. In tliis way 1 would ex?>1ain the |>eculiar Chinese element 
of Himalaic, Caucabian ( preserved by the mouataius ), and Draviru*Au»» 



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ETHNOLOGY OP THE INDO-PACTFIC I3LAlfDfl» |4^ 

thilian, and the secondary Himalaic element of Caucasian, Draviro-Aua* 
tralian and other lnii<rua(^-e8. The East Ilimalaic tribe:^ prububly occupi* 
ed much of what i:< now eastern Tibet and western China ; and thou^'h 
the precise line of their first southern mi^rratioiis can hardly be traced 
with certainty", it is most con.^istent with the general character of the 
Hon-Anara jcloft^'itry? to infer that tliev lirst descended into the Brahma- 
putra basin by the routes al*terv?arJs followed by the co«:nate Tibeto- 
Burman tribes, and thence spread over the Gui)<retic valley, mixing with 
the prior Dravirians, and, in the course of ajyes, eliminatin<ir the Dmvi- 
rian physical element, thoujjfh retaiuini^ Dmvirian pronouns, numerals 
Uc, Of course there may have been other more eastern migrations, but 
the Mon-Aiiam branch, which predominated and spread everywhere ia 
TJltraindia prior to the Tibeto-Burmun, had its primary southern homo 
and nursery in Benp^al or the Bhramaputra-Gancretic valley, for its basis 
of Dmvirian, and of a secondary or corrupt dialect of JDravii*ian| could 
have been obtained nowhere else. " 

The name is convenient in distinguishing the various elements of Asone- 
nan ethnology. The latest of the three formations of the Indian province 
has appropriated its only general name, which is radically Himalaic* 
This na:3 rendered it necessary to adopt a second name for that formation 
wliich would otherwise have had the first claim to the designation of In* 
dian, — the Dravirian. A third is required for the intermediate great for* 
mation of northern India and Ultraindia. * Tibetan might be made to 
include the Indian and Transgangetic languages of the i)To\yer Tibetan 
type; but Mon-Anam has native characters which cannot be confounded 
with those of the more Scythoid Tibetan, and it is modt oouvenieut to use 
i. distinct name for the iormation as a whole. 

December 1856, 



Additions and CoRiuicTTo^rs. 

clu ▼. MC Z Pronouns and Generic Particolara. 

Page 1. The calculation of chances here ascribed to Bopp, is Bun* 
sen's. Alluding to the hypothesis that famihes of language haa many dis* 
tinct origins, he says that ^* the very roots, full or emnty, and all their 
Words, whether monosyllabic or polysyllabic, must needs be entirely differ- 
ent." ''There may besides be some casual coincidences in real words; but 
the law of combination applied to the elements of sound gives a mathemati- 
cal proof, that, with all allowances, that change is less than one in a milli- 
on ror the same combinatioQ of sounds signifying the same precise object.'* 
My objections to this position have been greiitly confirmed by my subse- 
quent comparisons of Chinese, Himalaic and Scythic roots. The number 
of the elementary sounds that entered into primitive language appears 
to have been exceedingly small. The same monosyllabic roots (nhonetic) 
are repeated again and again, and meet us in every class of woroa Like 
all other arts, language was, in its earlier stages, rude and narrow. 
Only mateaial things were named ; and to the undeveloped family of sa- 
vages, tew even of these required names. The same name suMced for 
many objects having common properties. The growth of the analytic 
iM^ulty must have been very slow. Most new names were but old ones 

m ,. ■ ■■ .m ■ 111 ■ — 

^ SmA (whence iiind, Ind) is a HiinaUic root for Hv^* 



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ISO ttmoLOGT or the ikdohpacipic ulahm^ 

in new sbapM. INstinct Mmnds were not in genera] inycnted or imitated 
ibr new conceptions. The oonc^j»rion8 mud the nmmee grew together from 
the old stock. The senaration or families most hare been the ^nand sonroe 
of doAelopment, intellectaal and lingnistic. By this n^eana chiefij the 
primary roots acquired ▼ariety ia phonology and application. Each new 
family or tribe became the nnrsery of a new dialect; and the intaroom- 
munication of these dialects gradually enriched each with ideas and vo- 
cables. It Was only by the aid of hundreds of 6i:tter-dialeets that it be- 
came poifible for any one dialect, after ages of ^rrowtb, to make an ap- 
proach to a language in our sen^e of the word, in every period of time 
and in every group of langna:;es the same mntaal action pon on. 
Hence, as Uiegenealo<ry of every existing dialect ascends to the begin- 
ning of human speech in the world or in the race, and passes through 
loT]^ periods of barbarism and of a minute subdivision of tribes, its voca- 
bulary has had innumerable proximate sources. Its discoverable homoge- 
neity is in proportion to the narrowness or exclusiveness of the circle of 
dialectic development and int(>raction» It may be at a maximum in a 
group that has alwa3's remained secluded, so far as the geomphy of any 
any province admits of this, and although the seclusion has lasted solon|^ 
that archaically distinct dialects have now few vocables in commons. 

Pftgey 6. The new series of Vindyan vocabukries compiled for Mf. 
Hodgson by Mr. Ncvill (J. B. As. Sue for 1856. p. 46) have the common 
form of the first pron. A-nu Kondh, nga Savora, nai-^i Gadaba, (noi-ny^ 
poss., na-fftt Terukala) (na-mv, ntL-tnbu-ru^ pi., the secod form combm-^ 
mg the abso[ute and the relative pi, particles as in the Telusru roi-ni). 
The second pron. has the com. form in Gadaba no, Yeruk. ni-i»M (pi. ni- 
fiffa-hi^ssni-fu^-la Bada^a, a-va-ru), Kondh yi-iiw. In the Mlgiri seriea 
furnished by Mr. Metz, a du-m i» uiven as a sinsr. form of the 3rd pron. ' 
in Toda, along with a-du, a-van| the pK being a-va-r a-du-m. 

Paae Id. Savara supplies a new proof that the labial 2d pron. of Eol 
is a nJural form used in the sintrular. It uses the same pi. form, in both 
nuMoers, a^uM'^n thou^ a-ma-n ye (pe-n Gad., a-va ru Ye uk ). 

Zlm Niiineralfl. 

The new Nilciri and Vindyan series have led me to adopt some modi- 
fication of the analysis in Chap. v. The reasons will be found in the sec. 
<m the Mon-Anain numerals in Chap. vi. 

i. The S. Drav, on-r« 1, I now read o-nm, and identify the root with 
vo of the 1 of Toda vo-rfrfa, Telus:. xo-kafi, Nilgiri yo-ndu, vo-dde, and 
the com. pa, ha of 10, pa-it?/ -rfii &e- (p. 56). Yerukala has vo-«rf¥ 
=o-«<fM Karn. The Male yid-ndo-nff, o-ndtt-nff 1 are similar forms. Comp. 
also the Teiuiru vA-nda 100. The Kol and Mon-Anam mo-i &c. 1 is the 
same root, with a diilcrent Drav. poss. postf. 

2. em-du and the vai'iations in 2 and higher numbers I now read e.ro- 
rfw, e.rf, i.int, e.r &c. e, i being the sole remnant cf the ultimate root» 
which in its oldest form had n#, ru only as a postf. or second element, 
bat afterwards superadded -du &e., probably ou the earlier postf. con* 
creting with the root remnant. Uraon has Q-no 2, mtL-no 3. From the 
facile and frequent elison of the initiallabial it is probable that the full 
form of the initial root was be, bi. (p. 60.) Tlie form be-r« &c. a^^reea 
with the Kol ba.r; and that ba is the initial root and r a second element 
or apoitdx in bar appears from its occurring with the guttural postfix in 



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tttootooT or Tfix nmo-TAomo islands* 151 

SftTara, harffti^ a form preserved aim in? of Terukala vo-.i^, KIranti bha* 
y-,ya and Mon ho-h (2 for 5), and identical with the Telusu yo-^a of 
To-ko'ti ] and the com. S. Drav. 10. It is probable that in bejra &c, 8| 
ra was a second archaic definitive or unit. 

4. If 2 be e.ra-cfw &c., 4 must be nt^luj i. e. the secondary element 
without the initial one. The Kol po.n retains the root of 1 with tho 
concreted consonant of the second element or primary postf. The form 
t>pun-ta is probably from op-pu.n, i. e. op 3, pu.n 1. The Savara con* 
tracted form of 4, vo.n-/i(l for 3, 1) b evidently the full form of the 
Tuluva o.n-Vt 1. 

6. The Gadaba mo-^-yt confirms the analysis of the Kol mu-na, mo-r 
&c. as 3 (S. Drav. mu-da &c.) for 3, 2. 

8, e-fi<« (not en-^) as in 2. 

The Kol irl appears to be radically i.r^Z, a oontraclion of the S. Drav. 
i.TtL'du =«=i.ra-lti. 

The exceptional Gond, Teluffu and Tuluva forms must, in conformity 
with the amended analysis of 2, be read a..na- mu-r, e.ni-mi-ift, e.na-me 
i. e, a.na, eJni, e.na 2, and mu.r, TDi-dt, me 10 in the form of the unit 
found in the Kol 5> S. Drav. 3 &c. ^ ^ 

The Telugu tommidi must be to^minl^l. e. tm^di tar 10 as in e.m 
tid'di 8, and to, a distinct root for 1, preserved also in the Chentsu to-ta| 
9, and corresponding with the Drav. dental 3d pron. and def. (p. 56). 

The Kol anr of 9 has a for 1, as in the S. Drav. 6. 

The identification of the S. Drav, on 1 with vo.n, and e.ra 2 with be.ra 
Ac. complete the proof of the agreement between die basis systems of S* 
Dravirian andof Vindyan, and between both and the primitive labial 
system preserved in Australian. In its first form the system was simply 
the labial definitive, or the labial and liquid, repeated or compounded. 

It is clear that the liquid in ba.ra, bi.ra, &c. 2, is very archaic, and that 
it early possessed a distinct n .meral and plural force. In the Semito« 
African and Scythic systems, in which the same compound was the prin- 
cipal archaic numeral name, the lifjuid, changing to the sibilant &c., hai 
been more stable than the labial initial, and there are strong reasons for 
regarding; it as the essential element in 2. See App. to Sec. 6 of ch. v., 
T?te Semitic and African Namerrd^ pp. 18, 19, 43, See also a Note on 
the same subject inserted in the Journal with Sec. 1. of chp. v. 

128. The note belongs to p. 129, and note f of p. 129 should be note * 
«fp. 128. 

132. line 3 from the bottom for phhik read ^-pisa, and in the follow- 
ing Ime^Jbr /0-pisa, read musa, mus. 

137. The substantive root in the name for the Buff aloe is the labiaL 
The liquid is the root for ivater^ e-ru-ma= water-cow. 

138. In tango caw of Jili (not Singpho) the root is nga (/a-nga). 

140. The statement that in Chinese the root alone sigi.ifies hvffahe 
and the influence from it are incorrect. In Chinese, as in Dravirian, the 
name for the buflfaloe is wuter-eow (or ox\ and it is only by contractioa 
that gu &c. alone is applied to it. 

141. The Deer god is identical with the Bhotian god mare. 
145. The sibilant name of Tibcrkhad &c. is Tibeto-Ultraindian. 
155. 7th line from foot-^ for vioon^ read silver, 

157. deL 5tli line irom loot. 



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/ 



Jff A. 

n-tf 
uo-i 



sang A* 
pi.r 



o-e ba.r 

o-e lia.r 

^^ ba.i 

U-f ma.r 

Aa-ma.r 



pakA., Kbaiiiti 
choh k-Uaa 

tsau 



dap 

ehit 
mi 

H&IIOH 



roa^roo 

dam 
ebufi 



thia 


ba.]>M 


-idh 





I ire.Wa Si»-ybi88i(5X20) 

thh m-f-dao 

Uo-Da jf bim-{ 
[hifl^bL^] 



"^ , -^ 



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