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THE JOURNAL OF "^ 

AMERICAN FOLK-LORE 

r 

VOLUME XIV 




BOSTON AND NEW YORK 

5^uBIij9i!)cb for €l)c ^3IImencan iroIfe^Hore' ^ocictp 6p 

HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY 

LONDON: DAVID NUTT, 270, 271 STRAND 

LEIPZIG: OTTO HARRASSOWITZ, QUERSTRASSE, 14 

M DCCCCI 



Copyright, 1901, 
By the AMERICAN FOLK-LORE SOCIETY. 

All rights reserved. 



I 



TV Kiperiidf Prru, Camhridet. Matt., U. S. A. 

Elfctrotrped and printed br H. O. Houghton sTir Compaoy. 



THE JOURNAL OF 

AMERICAN FOLK-LORE. 

Vol. XIV.— JANUARY-MARCH, 1901.— No. LII. 



THE MIND OF PRIMITIVE MAN.i 

One of the chief aims of anthropology is the study of the mind 
of man under the varying conditions of race and of environment. 
The activities of the mind manifest themselves in thoughts and 
actions, and exhibit an infinite variety of form among the peoples of 
the world. In order to understand these clearly, the student must 
endeavor to divest himself entirely of opinions and emotions based 
upon the peculiar social environment into which he is born. He 
must adapt his own mind, so far as feasible, to that of the people 
whom he is studying. The more successful he is in freeing himself 
from the bias based on the group of ideas that constitute the civili- 
zation in which he lives, the more successful he will be in interpret- 
ing the beliefs and actions of man. He must follow lines of thought 
that are new to him. He must participate in new emotions, and 
understand how, under unwonted conditions, both lead to actions. 
Beliefs, customs, and the response of the individual to the events of 
daily life give us ample opportunity to observ^e the manifestations 
of the mind of man under varying conditions. 

The thoughts and actions of civilized man and those found in 
more primitive forms of society prove that, in various groups of 
mankind, the mind responds quite differently when exposed to the 
same conditions. Lack of logical connection in its conclusions, lack 
of control of will, are apparently two of its fundamental character- 
istics in primitive society. In the formation of opinions, belief takes 
the place of logical demonstration. The emotional value of opin- 
ions is great, and consequently they quickly lead to action. The 
will appears unbalanced, there being a readiness to yield to strong 
emotions, and a stubborn resistance in trifling matters. 

In the following remarks I propose to analyze the differences 
which characterize the mental life of man in various stages of cul- 
ture. It is a pleasant duty to acknowledge here my indebtedness to 

^ Address of the retiring President before the American Folk-Lore Societj', 
Baltimore, December 27, 1900. See, also, Science, vol. xiii. pp. 281-289. 



2 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

my friends and colleagues in New York, particularly to Dr. Liv- 
ingston Farrand, with whom the questions here propounded have 
been a frequent theme of animated discussion, so much so, that at 
the present time I find it impossible to say what share the sugges- 
tions of each had in the development of the conclusions reached. 

There are two possible explanations of the different manifesta- 
tions of the mind of man. It may be that the minds of different 
races show differences of organization ; that is to say, the laws of 
mental activity may not be the same for all minds. But it may also 
be that the organization of mind is practically identical among all 
races of man ; that mental activity follows the same laws every- 
where, but that its manifestations depend upon the character of 
individual experience that is subjected to the action of these laws. 

It is quite evident that the activities of the human mind depend 
upon these two elements. The organization of the mind may be 
defined as the group of laws which determine the modes of thought 
and of action, irrespective of the subject-matter of mental activity. 
Subject to such laws are the manner of discrimination between per- 
ceptions, the manner in which perceptions associate themselves with 
previous perceptions, the manner in which a stimulus leads to action, 
and the emotions produced by stimuli. These laws determine to a 
great extent the manifestations of the mind. 

But, on the other hand, the influence of individual experience can 
easily be shown to be very great. The bulk of the experience of 
man is gained from oft-repeated impressions. It is one of the funda- 
mental laws of psychology that the repetition of mental processes 
increases the facility with which these processes are performed, and 
decreases the degree of consciousness that accompanies them. This 
law expresses the well-known phenomena of habit. When a certain 
perception is frequently associated with another previous perception, 
the one will habitually call forth the other. When a certain stimulus 
frequently results in a certain action, it will tend to call forth habitu- 
ally the same action. If a stimulus has often produced a certain 
emotion, it will tend to reproduce it every time. 

The explanation of the activity of the mind of man, therefore, 
requires the discussion of two distinct problems. The first bears 
upon the question of unity or diversity of organization of the 
mind, while the second bears upon the diversity produced by the 
variety of contents of the mind as found in the various social 
and geographical environments. The task of the investigator con- 
sists largely in separating these two causes and in attributing to 
each its proper share in the development of the peculiarities of the 
mind. It is the latter problem, principally, which is of interest to 
the folk-lorist. When we define as folk-lore the total mass of tradi- 



The Mind of Primitive Man. 3 

tional matter present in the mind of a given people at any given 
time, we recognize that this matter must influence the opinions and 
activities of the people more or less according to its quantitative 
and qualitative value, and also that the actions of each individual 
must be influenced to a greater or less extent by the mass of tradi- 
tional material present in his mind. 

We will first devote our attention to the question. Do differences 
exist in the organization of the human mind ? Since Waitz's thor- 
ough discussion of the question of the unity of the human species, 
there can be no doubt that in the main the mental characteristics of 
man are the same all over the world; but the question remains 
open, whether there is a sufficient difference in grade to allow us to 
assume that the present races of man may be considered as stand- 
ing on different stages of the evolutionary series, whether we are 
justified in ascribing to civilized man a higher place in organization 
than to primitive man. In answering this question, we must clearly 
distinguish between the influences of civilization and of race. A 
number of anatomical facts point to the conclusion that the races of 
Africa, Australia, and Melanesia are to a certain extent inferior to 
the races of Asia, America, and Europe. We find that on the aver- 
age the size of the brain of the negroid races is less than the size of 
the brain of the other races; and the difference in favor- of the 
mongoloid and white races is so great that we are justified in as- 
suming a certain correlation between their mental ability and the 
increased size of their brain. At the same time it must be borne in 
mind that the variability of the mongoloid and white races on the 
one hand, and of the negroid races on the other, is so great that 
only a small number, comparatively speaking, of individuals belong- 
ing to the latter have brains smaller than any brains found among 
the former ; and that, on the other hand, only a few individuals of 
the mongoloid races have brains so large that they would not occur 
at all among the black races. That is to say, the bulk of the two 
groups of races have brains of the same capacities, but individuals 
with heavy brains are proportionately more frequent among the 
mongoloid and white races than among the negroid races. Probably 
this difference in the size of the brain is accompanied by differences 
in structure, although no satisfactory information on this point is 
available. On the other hand, if we compare civilized people of 
any race with uncivilized people of the same race, we do not find 
any anatomical differences which would justify us in assuming any 
fundamental differences in mental constitution. 

When we consider the same question from a purely psychological 
point of view, we recognize that one of the most fundamental traits 
which distingfuish the human mind from the animal mind is common 



4 yournal of American Folk-Lore, 

to all races of man. It is doubtful if any animal is able to form an 
abstract conception such as that of number, or any conception of 
the abstract relations of phenomena. We find that this is done by 
all races of man. A developed language with grammatical cate- 
gories presupposes the ability of expressing abstract relations, and, 
since every known language has grammatical structure, we must 
assume that the faculty of forming abstract ideas is a common pro- 
perty of man. It has often been pointed out that the concept of 
number is developed very differently among different peoples. While 
in most languages we find numeral systems based upon the lo, we 
find that certain tribes in Brazil, and others in Australia, have 
numeral systems based on the 3, or even on the 2, which involve 
the impossibility of expressing high numbers. Although these nu- 
meral systems are very slightly developed as compared with our 
own, we must not forget that the abstract idea of number must be 
present among these people, because, without it, no method of 
counting is possible. It may be worth while to mention one or two 
other facts taken from the grammars of primitive people, which will 
make it clear that all grammar presupposes abstractions. The 
three personal pronouns — I, thou, and he — occur in all human 
languages. The underlying idea of these pronouns is the clear dis- 
tinction between the self as speaker, the person or object spoken to, 
and that spoken of. We also find that nouns are classified in a great 
many ways in different languages. While all the older Indo-Euro- 
pean languages classify nouns according to se.x, other languages 
classify nouns as animate or inanimate, or as human and not human, 
etc. Activities are also classified in many different ways. It is at 
once clear that every classification of this kind involves the forma- 
tion of an abstract idea. The processes of abstraction are the same 
in all languages, and they do not need any further discussion, ex- 
cept in so far as we may be inclined to value differently the systems 
of classification and the results of abstraction. 

The question whether the power to inhibit impulses is the same 
in all races of man is not so easily answered. It is an impression 
obtained by many travellers, and also based upon experiences gained 
in our own country, that primitive man and the less educated have 
in common a lack of control of emotions, that they give way more 
readily to an impulse than civilized man and the highly educated. I 
believe that this conception is based largely upon the neglect to 
consider the occasions on which a strong control of impulses is de- 
manded in various forms of society. What I mean will become 
clear when I call your attention to the often described power of 
endurance exhibited by Indian captives who undergo torture at the 
hands of their enemies. When we want to srain a true estimate of 



The Mind of Primitive Man. 5 

the power of primitive man to control impulses, we must not com- 
pare the control required on certain occasions among ourselves with 
the control exerted by primitive man on the same occasions. If, for 
instance, our social etiquette forbids the expression of feelings of 
personal discomfort and of anxiety, we must remember that personal 
etiquette among primitive men may not require any inhibition of 
the same kind. We must rather look for those occasions on which 
inhibition is required by the customs of primitive man. Such are, 
for instance, the numerous cases of taboo, that is, of prohibitions of 
the use of certain foods, or of the performance of certain kinds of 
work, which sometimes require a considerable amount of self-con- 
trol. When an Eskimo community is on the point of starvation, 
and their religious proscriptions forbid them to make use of the 
seals that are basking on the ice, the amount of self-control of the 
whole community, which restrains them from killing these seals, is 
certainly very great. Cases of this kind are very numerous, and 
prove that primitive man has the ability to control his impulses, but 
that this control is exerted on occasions which depend upon the 
character of the social life of the people, and which do not coincide 
with the occasions on which we expect and require control of im- 
pulses. 

The third point in which the mind of primitive man seems to 
differ from that of civilized man is in its power of choosing be- 
tween perceptions and actions according to their value. On this 
power rests the whole domain of art and of ethics. An object or an 
action becomes of artistic value only when it is chosen from among 
other perceptions or other actions on account of its beauty. An 
action becomes moral only when it is chosen from among other pos- 
sible actions on account of its ethical value. No matter how crude 
the standards of primitive man may be in regard to these two points, 
we recognize that all of them possess an art, and that all of them 
possess ethical standards. It may be that their art is quite contrary 
to our artistic feeling. It may be that their ethical standards outrage 
our moral code. We must clearly distinguish between the aesthetic 
and ethical codes and the existence of an aesthetic and ethical 
standard. 

Our brief consideration of the phenomena of abstraction, of inhi- 
bition, and of choice, leads, then, to the conclusion that these func- 
tions of the human mind are common to the whole of humanity. It 
may be well to state here that, according to our present method of 
considering biological and psychological phenomena, we must assume 
that these functions of the human mind have developed from lower 
conditions existing at a previous time, and that at one time there 
certainly must have been races and tribes in which the properties 



6 yourna I of American Folk-Lore. 

here described were not at all, or only slightly, developed ; but it is 
also true that among the present races of man, no matter how prim- 
itive they may be in comparison with ourselves, these faculties are 
highly developed. 

It is not impossible that the degree of development of these func- 
tions may differ somewhat among different types of man ; but I do not 
believe that we are able at the present time to form a just valuation 
of the power of abstraction, of control, and of choice among different 
races. A comparison of their languages, customs, and activities 
suggests that these faculties may be unequally developed ; but the 
differences are not sufficient to justify us in ascribing materially 
lower stages to some peoples, and higher stages to others. The 
conclusions reached from these considerations are, therefore, on the 
whole, negative. We are not inclined to consider the mental organi- 
zation of different races of man as differing in fundamental points. 

We next turn to a consideration of the second question propounded 
here, namely, to an investigation of the influence of the contents of 
the mind upon the formation of thoughts and actions. We will take 
these up in the same order in which we considered the previous 
question. We will first direct our attention to the phenomena of 
perception. It has been observed by many travellers that the senses 
of primitive man are remarkably well trained, that he is an excellent 
observer. The adeptness of the experienced hunter, who finds the 
tracks of his game where the eye of a European would not see the 
faintest indication, is an instance of this kind. While the power of 
perception of primitive man is excellent, it would seem that his 
power of logical interpretation of perceptions is deficient. I think it 
can be shown that the reason for this fact is not founded on any fun- 
damental peculiarity of the mind of primitive man, but lies, rather, 
in the character of the ideas with which the new perception asso- 
ciates itself. In our own community a mass of observations and of 
thoughts is transmitted to the child. These thoughts are the result 
of careful observation and speculation of our present and of past gen- 
erations ; but they are transmitted to most individuals as traditional 
matter, much the same as folk-lore. The child associates new per- 
ceptions with this whole mass of traditional material, and interprets 
his observations by its means. I believe it is a mistake to assume 
that the interpretation made by each civilized individual is a com- 
plete logical process. We associate a phenomenon with a number 
of known facts, the interpretations of which are assumed as known, 
and we are satisfied with the reduction of a new fact to these previ- 
ously known facts. For instance, if the average individual hears of 
the explosion of a previously unknown chemical, he is satisfied to 
reason that certain materials are known to have the property of 



The Mind of Primitive Man. 7 

exploding under proper conditions, and that consequently the un- 
known substance has the same quality. On the whole, I do not 
think that we should try to argue still further, and really try to give 
a full explanation of the causes of the explosion. 

The difference in the mode of thought of primitive man and of 
civilized man seems to consist largely in the difference of character 
of the traditional material with which the new perception associates 
itself. The instruction given to the child of primitive man is not 
based on centuries of experimentation, but consists of the crude 
experience of generations. When a new experience enters the mind 
of primitive man, the same process which we observe among civ- 
ihzed men brings about an entirely different series of associations, 
and therefore results in a different type of explanation. A sudden 
explosion will associate itself in his mind, perhaps, with tales which 
he has heard in regard to the mythical history of the world, and con- 
sequently will be accompanied by superstitious fear. When we 
recognize that, neither among civilized men nor among primitive 
men, the average individual carries to completion the attempt at 
causal explanation of phenomena, but carries it only so far as to 
amalgamate it with other previously known facts, we recognize that 
the result of the whole process depends entirely upon the character 
of the traditional material : herein lies the immense importance of 
folk-lore in determining the mode of thought. Herein lies particu- 
larly the enormous influence of current philosophic opinion upon the 
masses of the people, and herein lies the influence of the dominant 
scientific theory upon the character of scientific work. 

It would be in vain to try to understand the development of mod- 
ern science without an intelligent understanding of modern philoso- 
phy ; it would be in vain to try to understand the history of mediaeval 
science without an intelligent knowledge of mediaeval theology ; and 
so it is in vain to try to understand primitive science without an 
intelligent knowledge of primitive mythology. Mythology, theology, 
and philosophy are different terms for the same influences which 
shape the current of human thought, and which determine the char- 
acter of the attempts of man to explain the phenomena of nature. 
To primitive man — who has been taught to consider the heavenly 
orbs as animate beings, who sees in every animal a being more 
powerful than man, to whom the mountains, trees, and stones are 
endowed with life — explanations of phenomena will suggest them- 
selves entirely different from those to which we are accustomed, 
since we base our conclusions upon the existence of matter and 
force as bringing about the observed results. If we do not consider 
it possible to explain the whole range of phenomena as the result of 
matter and force alone, all our explanations of natural phenomena 
must take a different aspect. 



8 Journal of American Folk-Lore. 

In scientific inquiries we should always be clear in our own minds 
of the fact that we do not carry the analysis of any given phenomenon 
to completion ; but that we always embody a number of hypotheses 
and theories in our explanations. In fact, if we were to do so, 
progress would hardly become possible, because every phenomenon 
would require an endless amount of time for thorough treatment. 
We are only too apt, however, to forget entirely the general, and, 
for most of us, purely traditional, theoretical basis which is the 
foundation of our reasoning, and to assume that the result of our 
reasoning is absolute truth. In this we commit the same error that 
is committed, and has been committed, by all the less civilized peoples. 
They are more easily satisfied than we are at the present time, but 
they also assume as true the traditional element which enters into 
their explanations, and therefore accept as absolute truth the conclu- 
sions based on it. It is evident that, the fewer the number of tra- 
ditional elements that enter into our reasoning, and the clearer we 
endeavor to be in regard to the hypothetical part of our reasoning, 
the more logical will be our conclusions. There is an undoubted 
tendency in the advance of civilization to eliminate traditional ele- 
ments, and to gain a clearer and clearer insight into the hypo- 
thetical basis of our reasoning. It is therefore not surprising that, 
with the advance of civilization, reasoning becomes more and more 
logical, not because each individual carries out his thought in a more 
logical manner, but because the traditional material which is handed 
down to each individual has been thought out and worked out more 
thoroughly and more carefully. While in primitive-civilization the 
traditional material is doubted and examined by only a very few 
individuals, the number of thinkers who try to free themselves from 
the fetters of tradition increases as civilization advances. 

The influence of traditional material upon the life of man is not 
restricted to his thoughts, but manifests itself no less in his activi- 
ties. The comparison between civilized man and primitive man in 
this respect is even more instructive than in the preceding case. A 
comparison between the modes of life of different nations, and par- 
ticularly of civilized man and of primitive man, makes it clear that 
an enormous number of our actions are determined entirely by tradi- 
tional associations. When we consider, for instance, the whole 
range of our daily life, we notice how strictly we are dependent upon 
tradition that cannot be accounted for by any logical reasoning. 
We eat our three meals every day, and feel unhappy if we have to 
forego one of them. There is no physiological reason which de- 
mands three meals a day, and we find that many people are satisfied 
with two meals, while others enjoy four or even more. The range 
of animals and plants which we utilize for food is limited, and we 



The Mind of Primitive Man. 9 

have a decided aversion against eating dogs, or horses, or cats. 
There is certainly no objective reason for such aversion, since a 
great many people consider dogs and horses as dainties. When we 
consider fashions, the same becomes still more apparent. To ap- 
pear in the fashions of our forefathers of two centuries ago would 
be entirely out of the question, and would expose one to ridicule. 
The same is true of table manners. To smack one's lips is con- 
sidered decidedly bad style, and may even excite feelings of dis- 
gust ; while among the Indians, for instance, it would be considered 
as in exceedingly bad taste not to smack one's lips when one is 
invited to dinner, because it would suggest that the guest does not 
enjoy his dinner. The whole range of actions that are considered 
as proper and improper cannot be explained by any logical reason, 
but are almost all entirely due to custom ; that is to say, they are 
purely traditional. This is even true of customs which excite 
strong emotions, as, for instance, those produced by infractions of 
modesty. 

While in the logical processes of the mind we find a decided ten- 
dency, with the development of civilization, to eliminate traditional 
elements, no such marked decrease in the force of traditional ele- 
ments can be found in our activities. These are almost as much 
controlled by custom among ourselves as they are among primitive 
man. It is easily seen why this should be the case. The mental 
processes which enter into the development of judgments are based 
largely upon associations with previous judgments. I pointed out 
before that this process of association is the same among primitive 
men as among civilized men, and that the difference consists largely 
in the modification of the traditional material with which our new per- 
ceptions amalgamate. In the case of activities, the conditions are 
somewhat different. Here tradition manifests itself in an action 
performed by the individual. The more frequently this action is 
repeated, the more firmly it will become established, and the less 
will be the conscious equivalent accompanying the action ; so that 
customary actions which are of very frequent repetition become en- 
tirely unconscious. Hand in hand with this decrease of conscious- 
ness goes an increase in the emotional value of the omission of such 
activities, and still more of the performance of actions contrary to 
custom. A greater will power is required to inhibit an action which 
has become well established ; and combined with this effort of the 
will power are feelings of intense displeasure. 

This leads us to the third problem, which is closely associated 
with the difference between the manifestation of the power of civil- 
ized man and of primitive man to inhibit impulses. It is the ques- 
tion of choice as dependent upon value. It is evident from the 



lo yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

preceding remarks that, on the whole, we value most highly what 
conforms to our previous actions. This does not imply that it must 
be identical with our previous actions, but it must be on the line of 
development of our previous actions. This is particularly true of 
ethical concepts. No action can find the approval of a people which 
is fundamentally opposed to its customs and traditions. Among 
ourselves it is considered proper and a matter of course to treat the 
old with respect, for children to look after the welfare of their aged 
parents ; and not to do so would be considered base ingratitude. 
Among the Eskimo we find an entirely different standard. It is 
required of children to kill their parents when they have become so 
old as to be helpless and no longer of any use to the family or to 
the community. It would be considered a breach of filial duty not 
to kill the aged parent. Revolting though this custom may seem to 
us, it is founded on an ethical law of the Eskimo, which rests on 
the whole mass of traditional lore and custom. 

One of the best examples of this kind is found in the relation 
between individuals belonging to different tribes. There are a 
number of primitive hordes to whom every stranger not a member 
of the horde is an enemy, and where it is right to damage the 
enemy to the best of one's power and ability, and if possible to kill 
him. This custom is founded largely on the idea of the solidarity 
of the horde, and of the feeling that it is the duty of every member 
of the horde to destroy all possible enemies. Therefore every per- 
son not a member of the horde must be considered as belonging to 
a class entirely distinct from the members of the horde, and is 
treated accordingly. We can trace the gradual broadening of the 
feeling of fellowship during the advance of civilization. The feel- 
ing of fellowship in the horde expands to the feeling of unity of the 
tribe, to a recognition of bonds established by a neighborhood of 
habitat, and further on to the feeling of fellowship among members 
of nations. This seems to be the limit of the ethical concept of 
fellowship of man which we have reached at the present time. 
When we analyze the strong feeling of nationality which is so po- 
tent at the present time, we recognize that it consists largely in the 
idea of the preeminence of that community whose member we hap- 
pen to be, — in the preeminent value of its language, of its customs, 
and of its traditions, and in the belief that it is right to preserve its 
peculiarities and to impose them upon the rest of the world. The 
feeling of nationality as here expressed, and the feeling of solidarity 
of the horde, are of the same order, although modified by the 
gradual expansion of the idea of fellowship ; but the ethical point 
of view which makes it justifiable at the present time to increase 
the well-being of one nation at the cost of another, the tendency to 



The Mind of Primitive Man. 1 1 

value one's own civilization as higher than that of the whole race of 
mankind, are the same as those which prompt the actions of primi- 
tive man, who considers every stranger as an enemy, and who is not 
satisfied until the enemy is killed. It is somewhat difficult for us 
to recognize that the value which we attribute to our own civiliza- 
tion is due to the fact that we participate in this civilization, and 
that it has been controlling all our actions since the time of our 
birth ; but it is certainly conceivable that there may be other civili- 
zations, based perhaps on different traditions and on a different 
equilibrium of emotion and reason, which are of no less value than 
ours, although it may be impossible for us to appreciate their values 
without having grown up under their influence. The general theory 
of valuation of human activities, as taught by anthropological re- 
search, teaches us a higher tolerance than the one which we now 
profess. 

Our considerations make it probable that the wide differences be- 
tween the manifestations of the human mind in various stages of 
culture may be due almost entirely to the form of individual experi- 
ence, which is determined by the geographical and social environ- 
ment of the individual. It would seem that, in different races, the 
organization of the mind is on the whole alike, and that the varieties 
of mind found in different races do not exceed, perhaps not even 
reach, the amount of normal individual variation in each race. It 
has been indicated that, notwithstanding this similarity in the form 
of individual mental processes, the expression of mental activity of 
a community tends to show a characteristic historical development. 
From a comparative study of these changes among the races of man 
is derived our theory of the general development of human cul- 
ture. But the development of culture must not be confounded with 
the development of mhid. Culture is an expression of the achieve- 
ments of the mind, and shows the cumulative effects of the activi- 
ties of many minds. But it is not an expression of the organization 
of the minds constituting the community, which may in no way 
differ from the minds of a community occupying a much more ad- 
vanced stage of culture. 

Franz Boas. 



1 2 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

NAVAHO NIGHT CHANT. 

LAST NIGHT. NAAKA^Af AND END. 

This ceremony, which is the longest and most important of all, 
begins after dark, — seven o'clock or later, — and lasts incessantly 
until daylight. It is called Naak//ai. It consists of a performance 
outdoors, which is mostly dance and song, and a performance within 
the medicine-lodge, which is mostly song, and in which there is no 
dancing. Let us first consider the performance which occurs out- 
side. 

CHARACTERS DRESS. 

The requisite characters are : //astxeyal/i, the Talking God or 
YebitJ-ai ; To'nenili, the Water Sprinkler (Rain God), and a number 
of dancers, preferably twelve. Of these six represent yebaka or male 
divinities, and six, yebaad or female divinities. Besides these the 
chanter and patient participate. The mask of //astj-eyalri is illus- 
trated in " Navaho Legends," fig. 27. The yebaka have their 
bodies whitened, and are decorated, masked, and equipped as are 
those who appear in the dance of the atsa'/ei, or first dancers. The 
yebaad, or goddesses, are usually represented by small men and 
youths. The males thus acting are nearly naked like the yebaka ; 
have their bodies daubed with white earth ; wear silver-studded belts 
with pendant fox-skins, showy kilts, long woollen stockings, garters, 
and moccasins ; but, instead of the cap-like masks of the yebaka, 
each wears a blue domino (illustrated in " Navaho Legends," fig. 28), 
which allows the hair to flow out behind. They have no eagle 
plumes on head, or on stockings, and no collars of spruce. They 
carry rattles and wands like those of the yebaka. Sometimes women 
and so-called hermaphrodites are found who understand the dance. 
When such take part, as they sometimes do, in place of small men 
and youths, they are fully dressed in ordinary female costume, and 
wear the domino of the yebaad, but they carry no rattles ; they 
have spruce wands in both hands. As has been said, there should 
be six yebaad characters ; but there is often a deficiency of the small 
men and youths, and when such is the case, arrangements are made 
to do with a less number. 

That which is considered the typical or complete dance will first 
be described, and then the variations will be discussed. The dan- 
cers are dressed and painted in the lodge, and then proceed to the 
green-room or arbor, blanketed, to get their masks, wands, and rat- 
tles. When they are fully attired, they leave the arbor, and proceed 
to the dance-ground (fig. i). The chanter leads, observing all the 
forms he used in conducting the atsd'/ei (fig. 2) ; //astj-eyal/i follows 



Navaho Night Chant. 13 

immediately after the chanter ; the twelve dancers come next, all in 
single file, and To'nenili brings up the rear. Among the twelve 
dancers the first is a yebaka, the second a yebaad, and thus the 
male and female characters follow one another alternately. As they 
march in the darkness, they sing in undertones, and shake their rat- 
tles in a subdued way. 

When they reach the dance-ground between the two lines of fires, 
the chanter turns and faces them ; they halt ; the patient, warned 
by the call, as before, comes out of the lodge. They all now stand 
in the order shown in the diagram, fig. 3. The patient and chanter 
walk down along the line of dancers from west to east. As they 
pass, the chanter takes meal from the basket carried by the patient, 
and sprinkles it on the right arm of each dancer from below upwards. 
This done, the patient and chanter turn sunwise and retrace their 
steps to their original position west of and facing the line of dan- 
cers. Meantime the dancers keep up motions such as those made 
by the atsa'/ei when they are sprinkled. 

When the patient returns to the west, //astj-eyal/i runs to the 
east, whoops and holds up his bag as he did with the atsa'/ei ; 
the dancers whoop, lean to the right, and dip their rattles toward 
the earth, as if they were dipping up water, //astjeyal^i runs to the 
west, whoops and holds up his bag ; the dancers turn toward the 
east, and repeat their motions. They turn toward the west again, 
//asti-eyal/i, now in the west, turns toward the dancers, and stamps 
twice with his right foot as a signal to them ; they whoop and begin 
to dance and sing. Usually now the chanter goes into the lodge 
to superintend the singing, and the patient sits beside the meal- 
basket, near the door. 

For a while they dance in single line, nodding their heads oddly, 
and facing around in different directions, each one apparently accord- 
ing to his own caprice. At a certain part of the song, the yebaad 
move, dancing, a couple of paces to the north, and form a separate 
line, leaving the yebaka dancing in a line to the south. The posi- 
tion of the dancers at this time is represented by the following dia- 
gram, fig. 4. They dance only for a brief time in this position, 
when the two lines again intermingle, and they form a promiscuous 
group, the dancers facing in different directions, and moving around. 
After dancing thus for a little while, the yebaad dance again to the 
north, and two lines are formed as before. 

They dance thus for a while when, at another part of the song, 
the single yebaka and yebaad who dance farthest west approach one 
another, and face east in the middle. Here the yebaka, or male, 
offers his left arm to the yebaad, or female, much in the manner in 
which civilized people perform this act ; the yebaad takes the prof- 



14 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

fered arm, thrusting "hers" through to the elbow; with arms thus 
interlocked they dance down the middle toward the east. Before 
they reach the eastern end of the lines, they are met by //asti-eyal/i, 
who dances up toward them ; they retreat backward, facing him ; 
when they reach the west again, //asti-dyal/i begins to retreat, dan- 
cing backward, and they follow him. When they reach the eastern 
end of the lines, they separate and take new positions, each at the 
eastern end of his or " her " appropriate line. Soon after they have 
begun to dance " down the middle," the second time, the pair now in 
the extreme west lock arms and dance east. As soon as the first 
couple separate, //asti'eyal/i dances up to meet the second couple. 
All the evolutions performed by the first couple are now performed 
by the second. This is continued by each couple in turn until all 
have changed their places, and those who first danced at the west 
end of the line dance there again. White people witnessing this 
dance usually liken it to the well-known American contra-dance, the 
Virginia reel. 

When all the figures of the dance proper, heretofore described, 
have been repeated four times, the yebaad return from their line in 
the north, and a single line is formed of alternate yebaka and yebaad 
facing west. Zfastj-eyal/i whoops and places himself at the eastern 
end of the line ; all face east, and, dancing in a lock-step, as closely 
packed together as the dancing will allow, they move to the east. 
When they get off the dancing-ground, they halt, give a prolonged 
shake of the rattles, whoop, and move away at an ordinary walk in 
silence, until they get beyond the glare of the fires, about midway 
between the dance-ground and the arbor. Here in the darkness 
they cool off, and breathe themselves for the next dance. They may 
take off their masks, and chat with one another, or with any one 
else. 

All the acts described are performed in a most orderly and regular 
manner, without the slightest hitch, hesitancy, or confusion on the 
part of any of the participants. No orders or promptings are given. 
The dancers take their cue, partly from the acts and hoots of //as- 
txd'yal/i, but mostly from the meaningless syllables of the song they 
are singing. At certain parts of the song, certain changes of the 
figure arc made. 

When the dancers have rested for about five minutes, they return 
to the dance-ground in the same order in which they first came ; but 
the chanter does not accompany them, neither does he sprinkle meal 
on them when they arrive on the dance-ground, unless the patient 
be a child. The chanter only leads, and, as a rule, only sprinkles 
meal on each group of dancers once, and that is when they make 
their first appearance. 



Navaho Night Chant. 1 5 

Except when performing the dipping motion described, and when 
turning around, the veritable male dancer holds the upper arms 
hanging by the side, the forearms partly flexed, a gourd rattle in the 
right hand, a wand of spruce in the left. When a real woman enacts 
the part of the yebaad, she holds both arms extended outward hori- 
zontally, the elbow bent at right angles, the forearms vertical, and a 
wand of spruce in each hand. 

At those parts of the dance where men remain in one place they 
raise the right foot high, and hold it horizontally in marking time. 
At certain parts of the song they hold the foot raised for a period of 
two notes. When moving, also, the men lift the feet well from the 
ground ; but the women do not do this ; they shuffle along on their 
toes, lifting the feet but little. 

The average duration of a figure, such as described, is five minutes, 
and that of the breathing-time is about the same. But on occasions, 
when many sets of dancers are prepared, and the programme for the 
night is crowded, the periods of rest are greatly shortened or alto- 
gether neglected. The dancers sometimes go but a few paces away 
from the dance-ground, when their song is done, and return imme- 
diately to begin a new song. 

There is often no change in the general character of this figure 
all night. From the beginning, soon after dark, until the ending 
after daybreak, it may be constantly repeated, and the accompanying 
songs may be sung to the same tune and in the same cadence. 

The most desirable number of repetitions for the dance is said to 
be forty-eight, when four sets of dancers each perform twelve times. 
This, it is said, was in old times the invariable rule. On such occa- 
sions each set holds the ground about two hours, and there is a 
pause of about half an hour between the final exit of one set and the 
first appearance of another. This gives us, with the work of the 
atsa'/ei, an entertainment of ten hours' duration. But great varia- 
tions are made from this standard, depending on the number of 
groups which have drilled themselves and come to the ground pre- 
pared to dance, also on the number of songs which each group may 
have composed and practised for the occasion. For the first set we 
have noted always twelve or thirteen dances ; but for subsequent 
sets we have sometimes noted higher numbers, up to twenty, — not 
always multiples of four and not always even numbers. When the 
night's programme was crowded, we have seen two sets perform com- 
pletely within an hour ; then the rests were short or omitted. There 
may be six or more relays, and they may dance until perilously near 
sunrise. 

The performances of To'nenili, the clown, next demand our atten- 
tion. While the others are dancing, he performs various acts accord- 



1 6 Journal of American Folk-Lore. 

ing to his caprice, such as these : He walks along the line of dancers, 
and gets in their way. He dances out of order and out of time. 
He peers foolishly at different persons. He sits on the ground, his 
hands clasped across his knees, and rocks his body to and fro. He 
joins regularly in the dance toward the close of a figure, and when 
the others have retired, he remains going through his steps, pretend- 
ing to be oblivious of their departure; then, feigning to discover 
their absence, he follows them on a full run. He carries a fox-skin ; 
drops it on the ground ; walks away, as if unconscious of his loss ; 
pretends to become aware of his loss ; acts as if searching anxiously 
for the skin, which lies in plain sight ; screens his eyes with his hand, 
and crouches low to look ; imitates in various exaggerated ways the 
acts of Indian hunters ; pretends at length to find the lost skin ; 
jumps on it, as if it were a live animal he was killing; shoulders it 
and carries it off, as if it were a heavy burden ; staggers and falls 
under it. Sometimes he imitates the acts of //astj-eyal/i ; tries to 
anticipate the latter in giving the signals for the dance ; rushes 
around with wands or skins in his hands in clumsy imitation of 
//asti-eyalA ; in intervals between the dances goes around soliciting 
gifts with a fox-skin for a begging-bag, to which no one contributes. 
Thus with acts of buffoonery does he endeavor to relieve the tedium 
of the monotonous performance of the night. He does not always 
come regularly in nor depart with the regular dancers. His exits 
and entrances are often erratic. 

There are some variations of the dance which have not been yet 
described. Sometimes a set of dancers is made up without any 
yebaad characters ; then, instead of the dance down the middle, two 
men lock arms to dance along the north side of the line, and other 
changes are made to suit circumstances. Sometimes the number of 
yebaad is less than six ; in this case some of them dance down the 
middle more than once. Portions of the song may be varied in 
length. If the song is longer than that given here, //astj-eyal/i may 
cause the dancers coming down the middle to retreat more than once 
to the west. On some occasions they are not required to retreat to 
the west at all, but dance directly down the middle, and then sepa- 
rate. There seems to be difficulty often in finding men and boys of 
suitable size to enact the part of the yebaad, and even when present, 
they have been seen, as the work approached its conclusion, to be- 
come exhausted by the severe exercise, to throw themselves on the 
ground, and refuse to take part. 

There is a variety of the dance called be^i/o«, occasionally em- 
ployed, which has not been carefully noted on the dance-ground, but 
which has been demonstrated in private to the author. In this, the 
hands are thrust far downwards and thrown backwards in time to 



Navaho Night Chant. 1 7 

the song. The step is slower and more halting than in the regular 
form. As compared with the latter it bears somewhat the relation 
of deux-temps to trois-tenips in our waltz. 

In the element of music, the songs sung outdoors are much alike. 
To the ear untrained in music they sound quite alike. Even a mu- 
sician, Sergeant Barthelmess, says of them : " In all the figures of 
the dance, the melody of the song remained the same." Yet it is 
apparent, from a study of the phonographic records, that some lati- 
tude is allowed the musical composer in framing these melodies. 
The author is not sufficiently versed in music to declare wherein 
they must agree and wherein they may differ. In " Navaho Leg- 
ends " (pp. 283, 284) may be found the music of two different naak/zai 
songs noted by Professor Fillmore from phonographic records. The 
male personators of female divinities sing in falsetto. 

As for the language of the songs, it has little significance. They 
consist mostly of meaningless syllables, or of words whose meanings 
are forgotten. Yet many of these are all-important, and must not 
be changed or omitted. As before stated, some of them serve as 
cues to the dancers. There are changes made in the few significant 
words of the song ; those of the first song after dark and of the last 
song in the morning are invariable ; it is in the intervening songs 
that the modern Navaho poet is allowed to exercise his fancy. All 
the songs begin with these vocables " ohohoho ehehehe." In sing- 
ing these the dancer in the west sings the first syllables " o " and 
"e" alone ; in all the subsequent syllables the other singers join. 

Following is the full text of a stanza of the first song : — 

FIRST SONG OF THE NAAK/TAf. 



1. Ohohohd dhehehd hdya hdya 

2. Ohohohd ^hehehd hdya h^ya 

3. £0 Mdo €0 Mdo ^o Mdo najd 

4. Hdwani how owow owd 

5. Eo Iddo do Mdo do Mdo naj-d 

6. H6\vani how owoii owd 

7. H6wani hdwani how hdyeyeye ydyeydhi 

8. Hdwowow hdya hdya hdya hdya 

9. Hdwa howd hdya hdya hdya 

10. Ohohohd dhehehd hdya hdya 

11. Ohohohd dhehehd hdya hdya 

12. //^dbi niye hcCav niye 

13. /fd'hui^dnaha, j'lhiw^waha. 

14. //d'haya' dahedo dahedo 

15. .Jihiwdnaha, //a'hui^rjinaha. 

16. //d'hayd.' dahedo dehedo dahedo eahedo. 

VOL. XIV. — NO. 52. 2 



1 8 Journal of American Folk- Lore. 

The words in this stanza to which any significance is now assigned 
are those in the 13th and 15th verses, and the meanings of these 
are only traditional : " The rain descends. The corn comes up." 
The other three stanzas are the same as the first, except that in the 
second and fourth the significant words are placed in inverse order. 

Sometimes, in the intervals that occur between the final disap- 
pearance of one set of dancers and the first appearance of the next 
set, //astj-eyal/i or some other of the masked characters go around 
among the spectators with a begging-bag, soliciting contributions, 
and receiving tobacco and other articles. He does not speak, but 
merely holds out the bag ; when the contribution has been put in, 
he closes the bag, and utters his peculiar hoot. 

So far we have described the work outside the lodge ; it now re- 
mains to describe the work within it. The basket is " turned down " 
at night with many ritual observances. From the time it is turned 
down until the final ceremonials in the morning, the work consists 
of singing the songs of sequence of the rite in their proper order. 
The singing begins when the atsa'/ei depart from the medicine-lodge 
in the evening, and continues until the song of the atsa'/ei is heard 
outside. The moment the song outside ceases that in the lodge is 
resumed, and again thq song in the lodge ceases the instant the 
singers outside are again heard. Thus, song is continued through- 
out the night, without interruption, either in the lodge or on the 
dance-ground, but never in both places together. There are many 
intricate rules connected with these songs, some of which have been 
learned ; but there are many more which have not been discovered. 

The first of the songs of sequence sung in the lodge is perhaps 
the most musical of the night. It is the first of the Atsa'/ei Bigi'n, 
and alludes to the atsa'/ei without naming him. The following is a 
free translation of the first stanza : — 

1. Above it thunders, 

2. His thoughts are directed to you. 

3. He rises toward you, 

4. Now to your house 

5. Approaches for you. 

6. He arrives for you, 

7. He comes to the door, 

8. He enters for you. 

9. Behind the fireplace 

10. He eats his special dish. 

11. " Your body is strong, 

12. Your body is holy now," he says. 

The second stanza is the same, except that the first line is. "Below 
it thunders." 

After the dancers have sung their last song outside, the singers 




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rt 


a; 


■a 


(U 




u 




rt 


^ 




1) 


-^ 




LO 


0) 




%i 


rf 


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vT 


oS 


1 


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<o 


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U-r 





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Plate II. 






y 




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Figure 2. Diagram of first position of Atsa'/ei or first dancers: a, clianter 
b, patient ; c, ^'ebitjai; d . . . d, dancers. 




0^ 



•: '0 '0 ■: -:K 



FicrRK 4. Diagram of position of dancers of tiae Na'ak//ai' in two lines : ,?, lodge: 
/', patient ; r, Yebitj-ai ; </, line of male dancers ; c, line of female dancers. 



Navaho Night Cha^it. 19 

inside the lodge sing the four Bena HditdiH or Finishing Hymns. 
The followino: is a free translation of the last of these : — 



From the pond in the white valley (alkali flat) — 

The young man doubts it — 

He (the god) takes up his sacrifice. 

With that he now heals. 

With that your kindred thank you now. 

n. 

From the pools in the green meadow — 

The young woman doubts it 

He takes up his sacrifice. 

With that he now heals. 

With that your kindred thank you now. 

At the pronunciation of a meaningless vocable (niyeooo) in the re- 
frain, the chanter puts his right hand under the eastern edge of the 
inverted basket which serves as a drum. (Illustrated in "Navaho 
Legends," fig. 16.) As the last verse of the song is uttered, he 
turns the basket over toward the west, makes motions as if driving 
released flies from under the basket out through the smoke-hole, and 
blows a breath after the invisible flies, as they are supposed to de- 
part. During the singing of this song, an assistant applies meal to 
the lower jaw of the patient. 

The next labor of the chanter is to unravel the drum-stick (illus- 
trated in "Navaho Legends," fig. 40), lay its component parts in 
order, and give them to an assistant to sacrifice. While unravelling, 
the chanter sings the song appropriate to the act. When the stick 
is unwound, the chanter gives final instructions to the patient, and 
all are at liberty to depart. 

According to these instructions, the patient must not sleep until 

sunset. Shortly before that time he returns to the medicine-lodge to 

sleep there, and this he must do for four consecutive nights, although 

he may go where he will in the daytime. Under the threatened 

penalty of a return of his disease, he is forbidden to eat the tripe, 

liver, heart, kidney, or head of any animal, or to eat anything that 

has floated on water. If an ear of corn or a melon has dropped into 

water, and floated, it must not be eaten. These taboos must be 

carefully observ^ed until he attends a celebration of the rite of don- 

astji^ego kdiiil; then he may partake of the peculiar composite mess 

prepared on that occasion, and thereafter the taboos are removed. 

VVas/migtOH Matthews. 
Washington, D. C. 



20 youvital of American Folk- Lore. 



THE TREATMENT OF AILING GODS.^ 

A LARGE proportion of the numerous myths which I have col- 
lected among the Navaho Indians of New Mexico and Arizona belong 
to a class which I call rite-myths. They pretend to account for the 
origin of ceremonies or for their introduction among the Navahoes. 
Some of them are of great length. I hav^e one in my possession 
which contains nearly thirty thousand words, but others are quite 
short. The length of the story that you receive depends as much 
on the memory or knowledge of your informant as on the original 
amplitude of the tale. A shaman telling the story of the rite with 
which he is most familiar will have much more to say than when he 
is recounting the myth of a rite with which he is not familiar. In 
most cases some of the elements of the ceremony are given, but are 
never all told. In the short myth I am about to relate, although 
many observances — absurd to the Caucasian understanding — are 
described, they are probably not one tenth of those to be witnessed 
during the actual performance of the ceremony. I say this from my 
experience in the study of other rites and myths. 

I shall relate to you now, in the words of a shaman, a brief myth 
of how a couple of the greatest divinities of the Navaho pantheon 
were taken ill and how they were successfully treated by a minor 
divinity ; and when I have done you will thank the unnamed shaman 
for making the tale so short. 

It is long since the Navahoes went to war ; but in former days 
when we fought our enemies we often suffered from war diseases. 
Our young men know nothing of this. One who killed an enemy 
by striking him in the chest would get disease in the chest ; one who 
killed his enemy by striking on the head would get disease of the 
head, and one who killed by wounding in the abdomen would get 
disease of that part. 

Thus it came to pass that, in the ancient days, when the war-gods 
Nay^nezgani and Tb'bad^'isti'i'ni had killed many of the Alien Gods, 
they got war diseases in many parts of their bodies. They suffered 
much and became so weak that they could not walk. Their friends 
tried all the remedies they could think of, but for a long time no 
cure was found. 

At length some one said: "There is one dwelling at Tse'^In^af 
(Black Standing Rock) named Z^ontjo (an insect) who knows of one 
who can cure war disease." So the people lay in wait for Z^ontjo 
and caught him. " Who is it that can cure the war disease } " they 

1 Read at the Twelfth Annual Meeting of the American Folk-Lore Society, 
Baltimore, Md., December 28, 1900. 



The Treatment of Ailing Gods. 21 

asked. "I dare not tell," said Z^onti'O ; "it is one whom I fear, 
who does not like to have his power known." But the people per- 
sisted and persuaded and threatened till at last DcvXso said : " It is 
//asti-e^rini (Black God), the owner of all fire. But never let him 
know it was I who revealed the secret, for I fear his vengeance." 

On hearing this, the people got a sacred buckskin, filled it with 
jewelled baskets, precious stones, shells, feathers, and all the trea- 
sures the gods most prize, and sent the bundle by a messenger to 
H2i?>\.siz\ri\. When the messenger entered the house of the fire-god 
he found the latter lying on the ground with his back to the fire — 
a favorite attitude of his. The messenger presented his bundle and 
delivered his message ; but the fire-god only said, " Begone ! Go 
home, and take your bundle with you." 

The messenger returned to his people and told the result of his 
errand. They filled another sacred buckskin with precious things and 
sent him back with two bundles as a present to Black God ; but the 
latter never rose from the ground or took his back from the fire. 
He dismissed the messenger again with angry words. Once more 
the messenger was sent back with three bundles and again with 
four bundles of goods tied up in sacred buckskins ; but the god only 
bade him begone, as he had done before. When he returned to his 
people he found them singing. 

Now Z^onti-o appeared before them and asked them what they had 
offered the fire-god. They told him, and added : "We have offered 
him great pay for his medicine, but he refuses to aid us, and sends 
our messenger away with angry words." " He is not like other 
gods," said D6x)Xso\ "he is surly and exclusive. Few of the holy 
ones ever visit him, and he rarely visits any one. He cares nothing 
for your sacred buckskins, your baskets of turquoise and white shell, 
your abalone and rock crystal. All he wants is a smoke, but his 
cigarette must be made in a very particular way." And then he 
told them how to make the cigarette sacred to //astj-e^'ini [a recital 
which I shall spare my hearers]. But he made the people all pledge 
secrecy. He lived with the fire-god, and thus he came to know how 
the cigarette should be made and how it should be given to the god. 

Three messengers now went to //asti-e^-ini. Two remained out- 
side, and one went in to deliver the cigarette, and thus he gave it : 
He carried it from the right foot of the god, up along his body, 
over his forehead, down his left side, and laid it on his left instep. 
Shading his eyes with his hand, the god gazed at the cigarette on 
his instep. He picked it up, examined it on all sides, and said 
angrily: "Who taught you to make this cigarette.-' No one knows 
how to make it but //as/i'niaci (Little Old Man) and Dontso. One 
of these must have taught you." The messenger replied : " I made 



22 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

it myself according to my own thoughts. No one taught me. DontsQ 
dwells above you and watches you day and night ; he never leaves 
you." //astj-e^mi examined the cigarette again, inhaled its odor 
four times, and said : " Zaa ! It is well ! This is my cigarette. 
Stay you and show me the way I must travel. Let the other mes- 
sengers go home in advance. I shall get there on the morning of 
the third day." But they begged him to start that night. He bade 
the messengers who went in advance to kill a deer with two prongs 
on each horn, and to boil it all for a feast. When they returned to 
their home, they told what HzsXstzxm. had said to them, and the 
people got all things ready as he had directed. 

Next morning the Black God left his home, went about half way 
to Naydnezgani's house, and camped for the night. Many people 
came to his camp and held a dance there. There were birds among 
them, for in those days birds were people. And because of this 
occurrence now, in our day, when //astje^ini camps at night on his 
way to the medicine-lodge, the people go to his camp and hold a 
dance. 

On the morning after this dance, all left for the house of sickness 
and got there at sunset. Before they arrived they began to shout 
and to whoop. The Navahoes in these days shout and whoop, and 
they call this shouting al/asitje. A party from Nayenezgani's house, 
when they heard the shouting, went out to meet the returning party, 
and they had a mock battle, in which //ast.ye^^Tni's party seemed 
victorious. Such a mock battle we hold to-day in the rites. 

When //astje^ini and his party arrived at the lodge there was a 
feast of the venison. Then the ailing gods said they wished to go 
out of the lodge. Previously, for many days they had to be carried 
out ; but now they were only helped to rise, and they walked out 
unaided. The people who came with H-^sX-sczvca now went out and 
began to sing. The Black God was there ; he had not yet entered 
the lodge. But when the people came out he joined them, and when 
they returned to the lodge he entered with them. 

They now burned materials and made two kinds of mixed char- 
coal. The first was made of pine bark and willow. The second 
was composed of five ingredients, namely : tJiL/ilgTsi (a composite 
plant, Gutierresia enthamicz), tlo'nastazi (a grama-grass, Bontcloua 
Jiirsnta), tsd'aze, or rock-medicine (undetermined), a feather dropped 
from a live crow, and a feather dropped from a live buzzard. They 
made four bracelets for the patients, each out of three small yucca 
leaves plaited together. Then they prepared for each seven sacred 
strings called wol/Z/ad, such as are now used by the shamans, and are 
so tied to a part that with a single pull they come loose. They 
pounded together cedar leaves and a plant called tJiigxxIs'm and made 



The Treatment of Ailmg Gods. 23 

of these a cold infusion. All present drank of tliis infusion, and the 
patients washed their bodies with a portion of it. They applied the 
wol^/^ad to different parts of the patients' bodies, proceeding from 
below upwards, viz : feet, knees, hands, and head. While they were 
tying these, the Black God entered and song was begun. When the 
singing was half done, the patients and all present drank again of 
the cold infusion, and the patients washed their bodies with the 
residue. Assistants next touched each of the ailing gods with black 
paint made of the second charcoal, on the soles, the palms, on each 
side of the chest, on each side of the back, over the shoulder-blade, 
and painted the throat. They greased the bodies of the gods with 
a big lump of sacred fat, and over this coating of grease they rubbed 
the first charcoal until the bodies looked as black as that of i/ast- 
j-e^ini himself. But they painted the faces with grease and red 
ochre, and they spotted each cheek in three places with specular 
iron ore. They put on each a garment called kd/aha /^ast.ye [worn 
diagonally like a sash] ; they tied on the yucca bracelets, and tied a 
downy eagle-feather, plucked from a live eagle, to each head. The 
two who painted the patients got for a fee four buckskins each. 
They placed gopher manure in the moccasins of the ailing gods, and 
then put the moccasins on They put strings of beads around their 
necks. They gave to each a bag of medicine, out of the mouth of 
which stuck the bill of a crow. They began to sing, and sent the 
tdiWtk,s\ (patients) forth from the lodge. 

The patients went to a place where lay the scalp of an enemy on 
which ashes had been sprinkled. Each picked the scalp four times 
with the crow's bill from his medicine-bag. Then they went to a 
distance from the lodge and "inhaled the sun." They did not then 
return to the medicine-lodge, but each went, as he was instructed, to 
his home, where a mixture of glej- (white earth) and water was 
already prepared for him. Each dipped his hand into this, and 
marked on the shins, thighs, and other parts of his body the impress 
of his open hand in white. They partook of corn pollen, the first 
food they had eaten during the day, and they arose and walked 
around, happily restored. It was beautiful above them. It was beau- 
tiful below them. It was beautiful before them. It was beautiful 
behind them. It was beautiful all around them. 

At sundown //asti-e^-ini left for his home, and the war-gods went 
back to the medicine-lodge. The people sang all night, and beat 
the basket-drum. As was done to the gods then, so would we do 
to-day, if one among us got the war-disease. 

Washington Matthews. 

Washington, D. C. 



24 your7tal of American Folk-Lore. 



THE SHOSHONEAN GAME OF NA-WA-TA-PI.i 

During the months of May, June, and July of 1900, I made, 
on behalf of the Department of Anthropology of the Field Colum- 
bian Museum, an extended collecting expedition through several of 
the Western States. One of the chief objects of my journey was to 
secure ethnological specimens from some of the Shoshonean tribes, 
which great stock, with the exception of the Hopi division, was 
practically unrepresented in the museum. Being accompanied by 
Mr. Stewart Culin, of the University of Pennsylvania, it was only 
natural that particular attention should have been paid to the subject 
of games. We had not proceeded far on our journey before it be- 
came perfectly evident that much yet remains to be learned concern- 
ing this very interesting and important subject. Indeed, during the 
three months, many suggestive variations of games already exten- 
sively known and studied were discovered, the presence of certain 
games not hitherto reported among tribes was determined, and finally 
a few games were unearthed which, so far as I am aware, have never 
before been described in anthropologic literature. Into this last 
category falls the game which forms the subject of this paper. 

The first encounter made of this game was among the Shoshoni 
of the Wind River Reservation, Wyoming. It is neither more nor 
less than a contest among women of their skill of juggling in the air 
two or more balls made of mud or cut from gypsum. Occasionally 
rounded water-worn stones are used. The Shoshoni name for the 
game is nd-wd-td-pi ta-na-wa-ta-pi, meaning to throw with the hand. 
The usual number of balls used is three, although two or four may 
be used. The object is to keep one or more of the balls, according 
to the number used, in the air by passing them upward from, one 
hand to the other, and vice versa, after the fashion of our well-ki^own 
jugglers. The balls (see PI. I.) are about an inch in diameter, and 
are painted according to the fancy of 'the owner, one of the sets col- 
lected having been painted blue, another red, while a third set was 
white. 

Contests of skill with these balls are occasions of considerable 
betting among the women, stakes of importance often being wagered. 
The usual play of the game is when two or more women agree upon 
some objective point, such as a tree or tipi, to which they direct 
their steps, juggling the balls as they go. The individual who first 
arrives at the goal without having dropped one of the balls, or 
without having a mishap of any sort, is the winner of the contest. 

^ Read at the Twelfth Annual Meeting of the American Folk- Lore Society, at 
Baltimore, Md., December 28, 1900. 



Plate I. 




Two sets of gypsum balls used in the Shoshonean game of Na-\va-tapi. 

Plate II. 




Two sets of clay balls used in the I'aiute game of Na-wa-tapi. 



The Shoshoneaji Game of Na-wd-ta-pi. 25 

We were not so fortunate as to see an actual contest among the 
women of their skill in juggling these balls, but enough was seen at 
the hands of the women from whom the sets were obtained to make 
it perfectly evident that they were expert in the matter, and pos- 
sessed such control over the movement of the balls as could come 
only from long practice. All Shoshoni who were interrogated on 
this point declared that the art of juggling had long been known by 
the women, and that before the advent of the whites into Wyoming 
contests for stakes among the women was one of their commonest 
forms of gambling. 

This game was also observed among the Bannocks, the Utes, and 
the Paiutes (see Plate II.), and it is quite likely that it is known 
among all the tribes of the Shoshonean stock. Its presence among 
tribes of other stocks has not yet been noted. 

George A. Dorsey. 



26 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

LEGENDS OF THE SLAVEY INDIANS OF THE MAC- 
KENZIE RIVER.i 

I. THE LONG WINTER. 

Before the present state of the world was established, and when 
there were as yet no men, a very long winter set in. The sun was 
never seen, the air was dark, and thick clouds always covered the 
sky and hung low down. It snowed continually. After this had 
lasted three years, all the animals were suffering very much from 
want of food and still more from want of heat. They became greatly 
alarmed. A grand council was held, which beasts, birds, and fishes 
attended. It was noticed that no bears had been seen for three 
years, and that they were the only creatures which did not go to the 
council. 

The meeting decided that the great thing was to find out what had 
become of the heat, whose long absence was the cause of all their 
sufferings, and if possible to bring it back again. In order to do this 
they resolved that as many of them as possible, representing all 
classes, should go on a search expedition to the upper world where 
they thought the heat was detained. When the council broke up 
they all set out, and after much travelling far and wide through the 
air, some of them were fortunate enough to find the door or opening 
to the upper regions, and they went in. Among those which were 
fortunate enough to get in were the lynx, the fox, the wolf, the car- 
cajou, the mouse, the pike, and the mari (dogfish or fresh-water ling). 
After exploring for some time they saw a lake and beside it a camp 
with a fire burning. On going to the camp they found two young 
bears living there. They asked the cubs where their mother was, 
and were told she was off hunting. In the tipi a number of full, 
round bags were hanging up. The visitors pointed to the first one 
and asked the young bears, — 

" What is in this bag } " 

" That," said they, " is where our mother keeps the rain," 

"And what is in this one," pointing to the second bag. 

"That," they answered, "is the wind." 

"And this one.? " 

" That is where mother keeps the fog." 

" And what may be in this next one } " 

" Oh, we cannot let you know that," said the cubs, "for our mother 
told us it was a great secret, and if we tell, she will be very angry 
and will cuff our heads when she returns." 

^ Read at the Twelfth Annual Meeting of the American Folk-Lore Society at 
Baltimore, Md., December 28, 1900. 



Legends of the Slavey hidians. 27 

" Oh, don't be afraid," said the fox, " she will never know that you 
told us." 

Then the cubs answered, *' That is the bag where she keeps the 
heat." 

The visitors had ascertained what they wanted, and they all went 
out of the tipi to hold a consultation. It was decided to retire to a 
distance, as the old bear might return at any time. But first they 
advised the young bears to keep a lookout for any deer (caribou) 
which might come to the opposite shore of the lake. 

It was resolved that the lynx should go round to the other side 
of the lake, turn into a deer, and show himself so as to attract the 
attention of the young bears. Meantime the mouse was to go into 
the bear's canoe and gnaw a deep cut in the handle of her paddle 
close to the blade. The others were all to conceal themselves near 
the bear's tipi. The scheme proved successful. When one of the 
little bears saw the supposed buck across the lake he cried out, 
" Mother, mother, look at the deer on the opposite shore." The old 
bear immediately jumped into her canoe, and paddled towards it. 
The deer walked leisurely along the beach pretending not to see the 
canoe, so as to tempt the bear to paddle up close to him. Then all 
at once he doubled about and ran the opposite way. The bear 
hastened to turn her canoe by a few powerful strokes, throwing her 
whole weight on the paddle, which broke suddenly where the mouse 
had gnawed it ; and the bear, falling at the same time on the side of 
the canoe, upset herself into the water. The other animals were 
watching the hunt from the opposite side, and as soon a§ they saw 
the bear floundering in the water, they ran into the tipi, pulled down 
the bag containing the heat, and tugged it, one at a time, through the 
air towards the opening to the lower world from which they had 
come. They hastened along as fast as they could, but the bag was 
very large, and none of them were able to keep up the pace very 
long ; but whenever one became tired out, another would take the 
bag, and so they all hurried along at a rapid rate, for they knew that 
the bear would soon get ashore and return to her tipi, and that when 
she discovered her loss she would make haste to follow them. Sure 
enough, she was soon in hot pursuit, and had almost overtaken them 
before they reached the opening to the underworld. By this time 
the stronger animals were all exhausted, and now the mari took the 
bag and pulled it along a good way, and finally the pike caught it up 
and managed to get it through the hole just as the bear was upon 
the party. But every one of them passed safely through at the same 
time, and the moment the bag was within the underworld all the 
animals seized upon it and tore it open. The heat rushed out and 
spread at once to all parts of the world and quickly thawed the vast 



2 8 Journal of A merican Folk-Lore. 

accumulation of ice and snow. Its rapid melting flooded the earth, 
and the water rose till it threatened to drown all the animals which 
had survived the long winter. Many of them saved their lives by- 
climbing up a particularly big tree which was much taller than any 
of the others in the woods. There was also a high mountain which 
others reached and were saved. The poor beasts now cried loudly 
for some one to remove the water, and a great creature, something 
like a fish, appeared and drank it until he became as large as a moun- 
tain. So the dry land returned, and as summer had come again, the 
trees and bushes and flowers which had been covered by the ice 
leaved out once more, and from that time till now the world has 
always been just as we see it at the present day. 

II. THE GUARDIAN OF THE COPPER MINE. 

Many years ago, a woman of the Yellow (or Red) Knife tribe got 
separated from her people and was left at the edge of the woods, 
from which the open lands stretch away to the north. She was 
found by a party of Inuits, who took her with them to the salt sea 
on the other side of the open country.^ Having reached the sea, 
they took her across it in a boat made of skins, to a country still 
farther away. 

She was in that country for several winters, but became very tired 
of it, and longed to see her own people once more. One day in 
spring she was sitting on the shore looking south across the water and 
crying for her people. A friendly wolf came towards her, wagging 
its tail. " My poor woman," said the wolf, " why do you cry } " At 
the same time he licked the tears from her cheeks. She told him 
she wished to cross the sea, so that she might try to walk to her own 
tribe. " I can help you to do that," said the wolf. " But," the 
woman answered, "you have no boat," " Never mind, follow me," 
was the reply. She followed him along the shore for some distance, 
and then he commenced to wade out into the water. He knew the 
shallow places for crossing the sea. The woman found the water not 
too deep. In some parts it was not much above her ankles. She 
got safely to the south side, and the wolf returned by the way they 
had come. She then started to walk over the open country. After 
trav^elling thus all alone for two moons she came to a river and sat 
down upon its bank. Among the stones at her feet she saw some 
pieces of red metal. She selected a thin one and made it into a 
bracelet, which she polished till it looked very beautiful, and then 

^ The Indians of the far north imagine that the whole sea consists of the long 
channel formed by Dolphin and Union Straits, Coronation Gulf, Dease Strait, etc., 
and tliey speak of the north and the south side of the sea as they would of the 
opposite shores of a large lake. 



Legends of the Slavey I7idia7is. 29 

put it upon her arm. She then continued her journey toward the 
south. For several days after leaving the place where she found 
the red metal she set up a stone for a mark here and there on the 
tops of the hills, so that if she ever came that way again she might 
be guided to the exact spot by these private marks. 

She walked for many days more towards the south, and then saw 
some tipis which looked like those of her own people. Approaching 
them cautiously, so as not to be seen, she satisfied herself that 
the people living in the tipis belonged to her own tribe. She then 
entered one of the lodges, tired and hungry, and was well received. 
The occupants gave her food, and she then lay down and slept. 
When she awoke she found the women of the tipi examining the 
shining bracelet on her arm. They asked her where she had got it, 
and were told that she had made it herself from a piece of red metal 
picked up a long way off, but she said she would go with them to the 
place in the spring. When the winter had passed, a number of the 
men of the band proposed to go to the red metal mine, and when 
they started she accompanied them as guide. They travelled back 
in the direction in which she had come, and as they approached the 
place she recognized the private marks she had set up, but said 
nothing about them to the men. 

They camped at the spot and gathered a number of pieces of the 
metal to take back with them, but before starting on the return 
journey they insulted her and treated her so badly that she refused 
to go back with them, but resolved to stay always at the mine in 
order to guard it. So she sat down upon it, and the men went 
away. 

About ten years afterwards a second party of men came to the spot 
and found that about half of her body had sunk into the ground. 
Another ten years had passed before the Indians again visited the 
place. Only her head then remained above the surface. It was 
thirty or forty years after the first visit when the last party went 
there, and she had then sunk entirely out of sight, pressing the 
mine down beneath her. Since that time many have searched for 
the treasure, but none have found it, because it is buried. 

Robert Bell. 

Ottawa, Canada. 



yournal of American Folk-Lore. 



KENTUCKY FOLK-LORE. 

On numerous botanical collecting trips through Southern Ken- 
tucky, I have found that there still prevail many of the superstitious 
ideas of a less civilized age. Implicit faith is placed in signs, or " to- 
kens "(as one quaint old vi^oman termed them), omens and charms, 
even by very sensible, well-informed people. One wonders what the 
schoolmaster has been about all these years, or whether, despite his 
efforts, these ideas are bound to survive and always retain a niche 
in the minds of sensible people. 

Many of the ideas given below are common to people of other 
States, but the greater part of them are peculiar to this section, and 
have probably never before appeared in print. 

Following are some of the weather proverbs I have heard here : — 

Fruit is never killed by frost in March. Nor is it killed during 
the light of the moon. 

Remove your flannels on the first day of May, and you will not take 
cold. 

If locusts (cicadas) are noisy, it is a sign of dry weather. 

Whirlwinds of dust are a sign of dry weather. 

It never rains at night during July. 

If the sun shines while it is raining, it will rain again the following 
day. 

There will be frost just three months after the first katydid is 
heard. 

Birds and hens singing during rain indicate fair weather. 

If roosters crow when they go to roost, it is a sign of rain. 

When the coal smoke and gas puffs out into the room with a sing- 
ing noise, it is a sign of snow. 

The first thunder in the spring awakens the snakes. 

A common expression when the first robin is seen in the spring 
is : " You '11 be looking through glass (ice) windows yet ! " 

The sun always shines brightly some time on Friday and Saturday. 

If the weather clears off during hours of darkness, it will rain again 
in thirty-six hours. 

When chickens get on the fence during a rain and pick themselves, 
it is a sign of clear weather. 

When the rain gets thick and heavy, almost like mist, it will turn 
cold. 

If a rainbow bows over a house, there will be a death in that house. 

Stretch a yarn string over beans and other young plants in the early 
spring, and they will not be injured. The frost will collect on the 
yarn, and the plants will not be touched. 



Kentucky Fo Ik-Lore. 31 

It always rains for five days in succession after an eclipse of the 
sun. 

If a " Bob-white " only says " Bob " once (that is, does not repeat 
the first note), there will be rain. 

Cool weather in May is called " blackberry winter ; " and if it is 
cool when the dogwood blooms, it is styled "dogwood winter." 

If taken sick any time in March that has two new moons, the pa- 
tient will die. 

When the rain-drops stand on the trees, it will rain again. When 
they drop off, it will stop raining. 

It always clears off at milking-time. 

It never rains as hard at three o'clock in the afternoon. 

"Rain from the east rains three days at least." 

If the sun sets in a cloud on Sunday, it will rain before Wednes- 
day. If on Wednesday, it will rain before Sunday. 

Many gnats and flies are a sign of rain. 

If the clouds open before seven and shut up again, it will rain be- 
fore eleven. 

" Open and shet is a sign of wet." 

If the stars are thick, it is a sign of rain. 

If dark clouds arise in the west at sunset and then fall back, it will 
rain ; if they disperse, it will not. 

When the peacocks cry a great deal in winter, it is a sign the cold 
weather is over. When they run along the ground crying, it will rain. 

If it rains before seven, it will clear off before eleven. 

If there is lightning in the north, it will rain in twenty-four hours. 

Lightning in the south means dry weather. 

Three white frosts and then a rain. 

The following are some of the ideas entertained, not only by ne- 
groes, but by all classes of people, in regard to charm-healing : — 

A brass ring worn on the left thumb prevents rheumatism. 

A leather band worn around the wrist prevents cramp. 

To have your ears pierced, or to wear earrings, prevents sore eyes. 
(It is not unusual to see countrymen and negro men wearing ear- 
rings.) 

To cure a bone-felon, have a person, who, before he was seven 
years old, has held a mole till it died, hold the finger for one half 
hour. 

For warts, steal a dish-rag and hide it in a stump. Also, pick the 
wart with a needle, and put the blood on a piece of paper, then hide 
this till the paper decays, when the wart will disappear. Still an- 
other is to put the blood on a grain of corn, — in the crease at the side 
of the grain, — and feed it to a fully grown chicken. Also to spit on 
the wart, and rub it seven times upward with the finger while one 



32 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

chants a hocus-pocus rhyme. Another cure is to tie as many knots 
in a string as there are warts, and bury it under a stone. Warts are 
thought to be caused by handling a toad. 

If a person who has never seen his own father will look in the 
mouth of a child who has the thrush it will effect a cure. It is said 
that in the mountains intelligent (.'') women take their babies miles 
on horseback, through heat or cold, to have some one, who has never 
seen his father, blow in their mouths for the thrush. 

Rheumatism is treated with pole-cat grease, or red-worm oil. 

March snow, or bottled snow-water, is used for sore eyes ; and a 
snail, or slug, is placed on the gum for the toothache. An old woman, 
with great earnestness, told me of this last remedy, and also added, 
"If you take a 'Bess-bug' (a large black beetle) and cut off his 
head one drop of blood will flow, this will cure the earache every 
tiniey 

For toothache a " faith doctor " wrote the following words, " galla, 
gaffa, gassa," on the wall. With a nail he pointed at each letter of 
the words, at the same time asking the sufferer if the tooth felt any 
better. When he reached a letter where the tooth was said to be 
better he drove the nail in and the tooth ceased aching. 

To " take out fire " (cure burns) he wet his forefinger with spittle, 
and gently rubbed over the burned places, repeating some "cere- 
mony." 

To cure bots in horses, he rubbed the animal nine times from the 
tip of its nose to the end of the tail, repeating some lingo, then 
slapped the horse on the side. When this story was told to me, it 
was added that " the horse would be up and eating grass in half an 
hour." It is believed that if a man teaches a man this " cere- 
mony," he will lose his power to cure ; but he can teach a woman the 
words. 

To stop hemorrhages, this same "faith doctor" has a second per- 
son repeat, with the patient, the following text from Ezekiel : " And 
when I passed by thee, and saw thee polluted in thine own blood, I 
said unto thee, Live." 

I have been told by reliable persons that, in the mountains, hem- 
orrhages are checked — or supposed to be — by laying an axe under 
the bed of the patient, and erysipelas by " striking fire " over the 
patient's head. 

Glandular swellings arc treated with two-year-old marrow taken 
from the inferior maxillary of a hog. 

Boils are treated with a poultice of mud-dauber's nests. 

Sprains are treated with goose-grease. 

Chicken-pox is treated with the water in which the feathers of a 
black chicken are boiled. This is founded on the belief, no doubt, 



Kentucky Folk-Lore. 33 

that the disease is contracted from a chicken, and that " the hair of 
the dog is good for the bite." 

For " fallen palate," the hair on top of the patient's head is grasped 
and pulled " till it pops," the patient at the same time being made to 
swallow twice. 

Toothache is relieved by making the gums bleed, and taking the 
blood on a long cotton string. This is tied around a dogwood-tree 
at the place where an incision has been made in the bark. 

For nose-bleed, a yarn string is worn around the left little finger, 
or a certain gristle is taken from a hog's ear and worn as a pre- 
ventive. 

Buckeyes carried in the pocket are a preventive of rheumatism. 

Many of the negro superstitions are quite interesting. An old 
philosopher told me with great gravity : " If you want peppers to grow, 
you must git mad. My old 'oman an' me had a spat and I went right 
out and planted my peppahs an' they come right up ! " Still another 
saying is that peppers, to prosper, must be planted by a red-headed, 
or by a high-tempered, person. The negro also says that one never 
sees a jay-bird on Friday, for the bird visits his Satanic majesty 
to "pack kindling " on that day. The three signs in which the ne- 
groes place implicit trust are the well-known ones of the ground- 
hog's appearing above ground on the second of February ; that a hoe 
must not be carried through a house or a death will follow ; and that 
potatoes must be planted in the dark of the moon, as well as all vege- 
tables that ripen in the ground (and that corn must be planted in 
the light of the moon). 

Feed gunpowder to dogs, and it will make them fierce. 

A negro will not burn the wood of a tree that has been struck by 
lightning, for fear that his house will burn, or be struck by lightning. 

If a bird flies into a house, it brings bad luck. If a crawfish, or a 
turtle catches your toes, it will hold on till it thunders. 

When a child, I was told by a black nurse that if a bat alights on 
one's head, it would stay till it thundered. This was so terrifying 
that even now I have an unnecessary fear of being clutched by a bat. 

To make soap, stir it with a sassafras stick, in the dark of the 
moon. 

Snakes will not come about a garden where gourds are grown. 

Boil a biscuit with cabbage, and there will be no odor. 

When cooking onions, place a pan of water over them, and there 
will be no odor. 

If you kill the first snake you see in the spring, you will over- 
come all your enemies that year. 

You must not cut a baby's nails before it is a year old ; you must 
bite them off. 

VOL. XIV. — NO. 52. 3 



34 jfournal of American Folk-Lore. 

A ring around the moon indicates bad weather, which will last as 
many days or begin in as many days as there are stars inclosed in 
the circle. 

Only a fool can grow gourds. 

If you burn the bread, your sweetheart is thinking of you. 

It is bad luck to have weeds grow about the house. 

If you drop the dish-cloth, it will bring a caller. 

It is bad luck not to leave the room by the same door you enter. 

Martens go south the fifteenth day of August. 

If a young child marks the furniture, it will soon die, — " it is mark- 
ing itself out of the world." 

If a dog howls in front of a house it is a sign of death. 

Eat a buckeye and your head will turn round. 

The young people in the country can tell you quite as many 
"signs." Here are a number of them : — 

To sit on a table is a sign you wish to marry, while to stumble 
when going upstairs is a sure sign you will receive a letter. 

If your ears burn some one is talking ill of you, while if your hand 
itches you will receive a present, or shake hands with a stranger. 

If your right foot itches, you are to go on a journey ; if the left, you 
are going where you are not wanted. 

When your nose itches, some one is coming. If it is when you 
are away from home, you may know you are wanted at home. 

If your right eye itches, you will cry ; if the left, you will laugh. 

If you sing before breakfast, you will cry before night. 

If your apron or shoe comes untied, your sweetheart is thinking 
of you. 

If a bunch of straw comes out of a broom when sweeping, name 
it and place it over the door, and the person named will call. If the 
broom falls across the doorway, some one will call. 

It is extremely bad luck to step over a broom ; if you do this, you 
must immediately step over it again backwards. 

If a bride drops the wedding ring before or during the cere- 
mony, it is a bad omen. 

One must not give a friend a knife or other sharp instrument, as 
it "cuts love." 

A common thing with young girls, when they spend their first 
night in a room, is to name each of the four corners for as many 
beaux. The corner first looked at in the morning will bear the name 
of the accepted suitor. 

You must not turn a log of wood over in the fire, or you will have 
bad luck ; and if a chunk falls down, you must not turn it around 
when you replace it. If you spit on it, and name it for your sweet- 
heart when you replace it, he will come ere it burns out. 



Kentucky Folk- Lore. 35 

If the fire roars, there will be a quarrel in the family. 

If two hens fight, two ladies will call. 

Catch a butterfly, and bite its head off, and you will have a dress 
the color of the butterfly ; while, if you find a " measuring-worm " 
(caterpillar) on your dress, you will have a new garment of the same 
color. 

If you see a hairy caterpillar (called "fever-worms" in some sec- 
tions of the country), spit on it, and it will save you a spell of 
fever. 

"Where the spider webs grow, no beaux don't go." 

If you can make your first and little finger meet over the back of 
the hand, you will marry. 

Count ninety-nine white horses and a white mule, and the first 
person you shake hands with you will marry. 

Spit over your little finger when you s:ee a white horse, and your 
wish will come true. 

Look at a new moon over your left shoulder, and make this wish, — 

New moon, new, 

Let me see 

Who my future husband is to be ; 

The color of his hair, 

The clothes he is to wear, 

And the happy day he is to wed me. 

The new moon must never be seen through the trees when making 
a wish. 

A custom known as "sweating eggs " is as follows : Place an tg% 
in front of an open fire at night, and sit in front of it without speak- 
ing. Your future "to be " will come in and turn the Q.g^ when it is 
hot. Of course, many pranks are often played on the credulous. 

A "dumb supper" is sometimes given. Not a word is spoken by 
the guests or the hostess during the entire evening. That night, 
each one who fails to speak will dream of his or her "intended." 

The night of the 30th of April spread a handkerchief in a wheat 
field, and in the morning the name of your future husband or wife 
will be written in the corner. 

Hold a looking-glass over a spring early in the morning of the 
first day of May, and you will see your future sweetheart's face re- 
flected in the water. 

When paring an apple, if the paring does not break, throw it over 
your left shoulder, and it will form the last initial of your sweetheart's 
name. 

Beat up an ^gg and add as much salt as you can, stir and eat this 
before going to bed, and you will dream of your sweetheart, who will 
come and bring you a drink of water. 



36 youriial of American Folk-Lore. 

If a butterfly comes into the house, a lady will call wearing a dress 
the color of the butterfly. 

When you see the first star in the evening, repeat the following 
rhyme, then spit over your left shoulder, and your wish will come 
true : — 

Star light, 

Star bright ! 

The very first star I have seen to-night, 

I wish I may, 

I wish I might 

Have the wish I wish to-night. 

When you see the first robin in the spring, sit down on a rock, 
take off your left stocking, turn it wrong side out ; if you find a hair 
in it, your sweetheart will call to see you. (A negro superstition.) 

If a rabbit, or squirrel, runs from the right across the road in 
front of you, it is a sign of good luck ; if from the left, you will have 
bad luck. 

If you see grains of corn in the road, company will come ; and if 
you cover them over, it will be a stranger who comes. 

In moving, you must not take a cat or a broom. 

You will have bad luck if you mend a garment while wearing it, 
unless you hold a straw in your mouth. 

If, in planting corn, you skip a row, there will be a death in the 
family. 

If a lightning-bug comes into the house, there will be one more or 
one less to-morrow, — some one will go or some one come. 

If you knock down a mud-dauber's nest, you will break your 
dishes. 

When combing your hair, if the comb falls behind you, it is a sign 
of trouble. 

To sneeze at the breakfast table is a sign of death ; and to sneeze 
before breakfast is a sign you will see your sweetheart before Satur- 
day night. 

It is bad luck to bring fire where there is fire (coals from another 
fire), or to have a black cat follow you, or to kill a cat. A woman 
told me, with great earnestness, that her brother killed a cat, and the 
next day he found that a valuable mule (one he expected to sell that 
day for two hundred dollars) had " hung hisself in a grapevine, so 
he never killed no more cats." 

The same woman believes that May butter will make ointment 
that will cure any ill, and that it never grows rancid. 

I have heard the expression, "Wide thumbs will spin gold" (make 
or earn gold). 

To dream of muddy water is a sign of trouble, and of clear water. 



Kentucky Folk-LoTe. 37 

the reverse. To dream of the dead is to hear from the living. Many- 
people of education and refinement believe in these last signs, as 
well as many others, and though apparently ashamed of them, yet 
would not think of violating them. There are many families who 
believe that certain dreams are peculiar to themselves. Thus, a lady 
believes that to dream of a certain pearl brooch she owns is followed 
by a death in the family. Another says that a dream of runaway 
horses is followed by trouble. 

The superstitions in regard to the number thirteen, and about 
beginning a journey or a piece of work on Friday, are, of course, 
generally believed. 

A common saying is that you must not watch a friend out of sight, 
or you will never see him again. 

If one starts away, and turns back, he must sit down, or make a 
cross mark, before leaving again. 

If two persons utter the same word at the same moment, they 
must lock little fingers, and, without speaking, make a wish. 

I have known persons to wear a garment all day that they had 
put on wrong side out rather than to reverse the luck by changing it. 

If you break a mirror, you will have seven years' bad luck ; and if 
you let a baby under a year old look in a mirror, it will die. 

If you drop a knife or scissors so that they stand in the floor, it 
is a sign some one is coming. 

You must not place your bed with the head to the west, as that is 
the way they bury the dead. 

If two persons are walking together, they must not let a third 
pass between them, or go on opposite sides of a tree, or they will 
have a "falling out." 

If you sit in the sun, and look at a yellow caterpillar, you will have 
a chill. 

If you find an Indian arrow, put it in the chimney, and the hawks 
will not kill the chickens. 

Locust-trees are more often struck by lightning than any others. 

Fishermen think it brings bad luck to step over the pole, and to 
spit on the bait brings good luck. 

A common saying is : — 

Wind from the south, hook in the mouth ; 
Wind from the east, bite the least ; 
Wind from the north, further off ; 
Wind from the west, bite the best. 

The posts of a rail fence will sink in the ground if not set in the 
dark of the moon. A house should be shingled in the dark of the 
moon. A man said that he cut some shingles, and piled them in 
the woods to weather. He shingled one half of the barn in the lisfht 



38 yournal of American Folk-Lore, 

of the moon, and finished the other side in the dark of the moon, — 
"the light side ripped up (warped), while the dark did not." 

You must sow cotton and cabbage seed the 9th of May, and tur- 
nip seed the 25th of July. 

Plant cotton among your cucumber plants, and insects will not 
attack your cucumbers. 

Place corn-bread crumbs about your cucumber plants. It will 
attract the ants, and these will destroy the cucumber bugs. 

Mulberries are poisonous during the time of the seventeen-year 
locust. 

Hogs fed on apples make the sweetest meat, and when fed on 
beechnuts, the meat is all fat. 

Place a horse-hair in water, and it will turn into a worm. 

I save the most ridiculous till the last : — 

If the inmates of a rat-infested house will write the name of some 
person on a piece of paper well greased with lard, and put it where 
the rats get it, — telling them where they will find a better larder, 
they will forsake this house, and go to that mentioned in the paper. 

This is so generally believed in one section of the state (and that, 

too, in quite an enlightened section), that it was the cause of a bitter 

neighborhood feud, 

Sadie F. Price. 
Bowling Green, Kentucky. 



Witch-Finding in Western Maryland. 39 



WITCH-FINDING IN WESTERN MARYLAND.i 

Summer before last there was a great apple crop in Frederick 
County. Everybody made apple-butter. Now, an apple-butter boil- 
ing, though shorn of much of its former glory as a social event, is yet 
an important function. I had the pleasure of assisting at more than 
one. Many a tale of the olden time, and many an uncanny experi- 
ence were exchanged over the '^ cider and the sc/mitts,'" and I realized 
that here, at least, tradition and local influences still held their own 
against books. 

Over the great copper kettle one night an old man remarked, as 
he stirred its seething wholesome contents, that we did n't hear 
much of witchcraft nowadays, but when he was young, there was a 
good deal of that business going on. His own father had been 
changed into a" horse, and ridden to the witches' ball. All the witches, 
as they arrived, turned into beautiful ladies, but he remained a horse, 
and so far and so fast was he ridden, and so sore and bruised was he 
the next day in his own proper person, that he could n't do a stroke 
of work for two weeks. 

Aunt Susan remembered well this adventure of her father-in-law. 
Her own father always kept a big bunch of sweetbrier switches hang- 
ing at the head of his bed. And many a night she had heard him 
" slashing away at the old witches that would n't let him sleep." 

Progressive farming has about impro\ied the sweetbrier off the 
face of the earth. But old beliefs are not so easily uprooted, as the 
stories that followed will testify. 

Some of the stories at these gatherings are as follows : — 

When Grandmother Eiler was young she had a cow of her own 
raising, of which she was very proud. One evening at milking time, 
a certain woman passed through the barnyard, stopped, and looked 
the cow all over. " I was foolish enough to tell her all about the 
cow, how gentle she was, how much milk she was giving, and all that, 
and she said I certainly had a fine cow. Well, the next morning 
that cow could n't stand on her feet, and there she lay in the stable 
till father came home from the mountain, where he was cutting 
wood. He said it was all plain enough, when I told him ev^erything, 
but he wondered I had n't had better sense. However, he knew just 
what to do. He rubbed the cow all over with assafoetida, saying 
words all the time. And the next day, when I went into the barn, 
there she stood on her four legs, eating like a hound. Witches can't 
stand assafoetida." 

^ Read at the Twelfth Annual Meeting of the American Folk-Lore Society, 
Baltimore, December 28, 1900. 



40 yournal of American Folk-Lore, 

It was this witch woman who, going to a neighbor's one day on 
an errand, prolonged her stay without apparent reason, till it was 
almost night. Though she was very uneasy all the time, and kept 
saying there was sickness at home and she ought to be there, still 
she did n't go. Finally, it was discovered that the broom had fallen 
across the door. When it was taken away, she fairly flew. Of course, 
this looked very suspicious. But, not to be rash in their judgment, 
the people of the house sought further proof. So, the next time she 
came, salt was thrown under her chair, and there she sat, as though 
bound until it was removed. Then, as her visits were now considered 
undesirable, 7iails were driven in her tracks, but the place in the 
ground marked, in case the footprints became obliterated. It was 
soon known that she was laid up with sore feet, which refused to 
heal until the nails were dug up. 

Miss K.'s father, when a youth in Germany, had a friend whose 
rest was disturbed by nightmare. At last he concluded that a 
witch was troubling him, and proceeded to entrap her by stopping 
up every crevice and keyhole in the room. (Mindful of the fact, of 
course, that " for witches this is law, — where they have entered in, 
there also they withdraw.") The next morning he found a beauti- 
ful girl cowering in the cupboard. He put her to work as a servant 
about the house. But eventually, thinking her reformation complete, 
he married her and lived happily for several years. Sometimes, 
though, she would sigh, and say she longed to see beautiful France 
again. One day she was missing, and her little child, just tall enough 
to reach the keyhole, told how she had removed the stopping for her. 
She was never seen again, having of course "taken French leave"' 
through the keyhole. The same story is told of a miller in Fred- 
erick County. He, too, domesticated a witch-maiden, having caught 
her in the same way. But, years after, he incautiously opened the 
keyhole, and found himself a grass widower. 

From Miss K. I have a version of a story told to me, as a child, by 
Aunt Sarah, very black and very old. She was fond of her pipe. 
Yes, she learnt to smoke from her mammy, who learnt it from her 
grandmammy, who was a witch. This grandmother was phthisicky, 
and often called for her pipe at night, as smoking relieved her. It 
was her granddaughter's duty to fill her pipe just before going to bed, 
and also to get up and light it, if necessary. Some nights, though, the 
grandmother would say, "Guess you need n't fix my pipe to-night ; 
I don't reckon I '11 want it," and on those nights, if the grand- 
daughter woke up, she found herself alone, and her mother and 
grandmother gone. 

One night when grandmother had declined her pipe, she only pre- 
tended to be asleep, and saw the two women get the lump of rabbit's 



Witch-Finding in Western Maryland. 41 

fat off the mantelpiece, rub themselves all over, and say, " Up and 
out and away we go ! " The third time, away they flew up the 
chimney. 

She quickly got up, rubbed herself with rabbit's fat, saying, "Up 
and about and away we go ! " And up and about she went, flying 
around the room, bumping and thumping herself against wall and 
rafters until daylight. Her "vaulting ambition" was not repressed, 
however, by this experience. The next time she observed more 
closely, and saw that her maternal relatives greased themselves with 
downward strokes, and said, not " Up and about," but " Up and otU 
and away we go ! " She carefully repeated this procedure, and 
slipped up the chimney after them. Mammy and grandmammy each 
took a horse out of the field, leaving nothing for her but a yearling. 
So she took the yearling and rode gloriously till cock-crow. 

As Miss K. told this story, the witches slipped out of their skin 
after the greasing, and the yearling escaped, since there were horses 
enough to go round. But the misadventure of the witches' appren- 
tice on the first night was the same. 

A woman was suspected of bewitching her husband's horse. The 
animal refused to eat or drink, flying back from the trough in fright, 
as if struck by something. A neighbor, who claimed to be able to 
overcome the power of witches, was called in, and after some mys- 
terious muttering, with pacings round the horse and in and out the 
stall, he gave the horse a kick in the side. At this, the woman, who 
was looking on, walked away, holding her side, as though she felt the 
effects of the kick. As the man was leaving the farm, the woman 
crossed his path in the form of a snake, but he avoided her, and 
escaped harm. He could have killed the snake, but would not, 
knowing what it was. 

This woman's reputation as a witch seems firmly established. I 
heard many stories of her. She was known as a very industrious, 
honest woman, not very quarrelsome, but capable of using abusive 
language when angered. She died but recently. 

Miss K. tells a story of her grandfather, who was a famous witch- 
finder. He was called in once by a farmer who promised him fifty 
dollars if he could cure a valuable horse that he had reason to think 
was bewitched. He proceeded to work by taking a hoop off a bar- 
rel and passing it over the horse's head, with words known only to 
himself. He then replaced it and began to hammer it down. " Shall 
I drive it hard .''" he asked the farmer. " Yes," was the reply. "I 
don't care if you kill the witch ! " Just then the farmer's little boy 
ran out of the house, crying, " Little old Stoke " (the witch-finder's 
name was Stokes) " my mother says if you don't stop, you '11 kill 
her 1 " At this the owner of the horse (and of the witch too, as it 



42 jfoumal of American Folk-Lore. 

turned out) became very angry with Stokes for harming his wife 
(he evidently held her a little dearer than his horse), and refused to 
pay the fifty dollars. Miss K. says they went to law about the money. 
It would be interesting to know if such grounds were allowed and 
the suit actually entered. 

Many stories point to a belief in the evil eye. Children fall sick 
or cry incessantly after having been admired or caressed by some 
suspicious person. 

The hero of the following tale was surely no faint-heart : — 

The pleasure of a young man's visit to a young lady was sadly 
marred by the ill-timed antics of a black cat, which, every night, 
would appear in the room and fly about from floor to ceiling in the 
most surprising manner. Sometimes a black squirrel would relieve 
the cat, but continue the acrobatic performance. All the time there 
was a terrific accompaniment, as of droves of rats, scratching and 
scrambling in the walls and under the floor. At last, being properly 
advised, he provided himself with a pistol and a silver bullet, stopped 
up the keyhole, and waited. But that night the cat did n't come 
back, nor the squirrel, and the powers of darkness no longer inter- 
fered with the course of true love. The lady in the case, mindful 
of her own difficulties, no doubt, now tries for witches with great 
success. 

Note that it takes a silver bullet to bring down a witch. You 
have only to aim at her picture and the ball will take effect wherever 
she may be. And as I was advised, " If you can't get hold of her 
photograph, just draw off her profile on the end of the barn, and 
shoot at that." 

Your silver bullet is easily made by beating up a silver quarter or 
ten-cent piece. (The moulding of the silver bullet in " Der Frei- 
schiitz " will be recalled.) Witches' bullets are of pith or hair, and 
are often found in the bodies of animals that have fallen victims to 
their spells. 

While I had not the pleasure of personal acquaintance with a 
witch or warlock, the promise is mine of introduction to two in good 
and regular standing. 

One, a dweller in the Fox Hills, is the proud possessor of a book 
which nobody can read. But it is chiefly as the "nephew of his 
uncle " that he is known to fame. This uncle of fearsome mem- 
ory — among many advantages he possessed over the common run 
of people was entire independence of police protection or burglar- 
alarms — never turned a key in his house, his barn, or his corn- 
crib. For, if any persons came on his premises with evil intentions, 
they were held there foot-fast until morning, or such time as he was 
pleased to release them. Men have been found standing under his 



Witch-Finding in Western Maryland. 43 

apple-trees with open but empty sacks, begging to be freed and sent 
away. 

The other notable, whom I hope to meet next summer, lives on 
the edge of the Owl Swamp. He was characterized " as about the 
best man we have left in that line." 

But it is comfort to know that, if a witch hath power to charm, 
there be those also who can "unlock the clasping charm, and thaw 
the spell." And this power does not reside in professionals only ; 
anybody, in fact, who knows how, can "try " for a witch. Of course, 
some people, having a natural gift that way, are more successful 
than others. They are possibly more ingenious in devising punish- 
ments. 

But certain conditions must be observ-ed by everybody in all 
cases. Most important is the time for the trial. This must be 
within nine days after the spell has been detected. 

Persons of small invention had better confine themselves to old, 
reliable methods like the following : — 

If the cow's milk is n't good, throw the milking into the fire, or 
heat stones and drop them into the milk, or cut and slash the milk 
with knives. If this does not bring the witch to terms, she will be 
obliged to suffer severe pains, as from cutting or bruising. 

If your baking fail, burn a loaf. The witch will come to you, 
seeking to borrow. Give her nothing at all, bite, sup, nor greeting. 
For, if she obtain anything from you, even a word, no counter-charm 
of yours will avail to lift the spell. 

I happened to be present when an old lady, who had been away 
visiting, was asked for news of friends down the country. 

" Oh," she said, " I did n't get to see them, I was on my way to 
their house when some one told that their cow had died, and they 
were trying for the witch. Of course I did n't go then." 

Aunt Betsy knew well that, had she gone, silence and the cold 
shoulder would have been her portion, even though she were not 
among the suspects. For, at this critical time, the social amenities 
are in complete abeyance and hospitality in eclipse. 

When Mr. F.'s child was taken with crying spells at night, he 
stood it as long as he could, but, being a workingman, as he said, he 
could n't afford to lose his rest. So, when all remedies failed, he 
decided that the child was tormented and he must try for the witch ; 
especially, as his wife admitted having met an old woman some days 
before, who admired and caressed the child. His preparations were 
elaborate, but, neglecting to take his mother-in-law into his confi- 
dence, they failed. For, when the witch came a-borrowing, she 
accommodated her. Otherwise, he assured me, the witch's punish- 
ment would have been dire : "■ SJie would have busted!" 



44 yournal of American Folk-Lore, 

'■ Another man's well-laid scheme went wrong because he could n't 
hold his tongue. His cattle had died unaccountably. So he built a 
pyre of brush and cord-wood and began to burn the bodies. 

Soon, across the field, a woman was seen, circling round in her 
approach to the lire. At last her clothing nearly touched the 
flame. " Gad ! " but that was close ! " he exclaimed. Instantly she 
shot away, released from her punishment. 

The year 1899, though a good apple year, was an off one for 
peaches. But some friends of mine contrived to get a taste at least, 
which was more than the most of us had. Coming home late one 
night, these young men passed a place where the only peaches in 
the neighborhood were said to be. They all "felt for peaches," as 
their peculiar idiom has it, and the coincidence of opportunity with 
capacity struck them all. But the owner of the peaches was like- 
wise the owner of a savage dog, that, howling as he prowled, seemed 
to realize that eternal vigilance was the price of peaches. But one 
of the party bethought him how to lay the dog. He took his pocket- 
knife and drove the blade into a stake of the stake-and-rider fence, 
saying three times, " Dog, keep your mouth shut until I release you." 

In the language of an eye-witness, "That dog nearly tore his toe- 
nails off getting to the back of the house. And there he stayed, 
with never a word out of him, until we had all the peaches we 
wanted. Of course, we only took a few to eat. As Jake pulled the 
knife out, the dog flew around the house again, raging like mad, and 
we made good time down the road ! " 

These young men had no thought of stealing. "A few to eat" 
custom allowed them. For they, like the rest of this community, are 
self-respecting, substantial farmer-folk. Descendants of Germans 
who settled in Frederick County about the middle of the last cen- 
tury, they are still remarkably homogeneous. Their surnames, though 
badly corrupted as to spelling, preserve the German sound, and 
German idioms persist in their English speech. For their folk-lore, 
therefore, we may assume a Teutonic origin, especially, as the negro 
element is almost entirely lacking in this particular section of the 
county. The people, having mostly small holdings of land, never 
were slave-owners. 

Elisabeth Cloud Seip. 

Baltimore, Md. 



Record of American Folk-Lore. 45 



RECORD OF AMERICAN FOLK-LORE. 

NORTH AMERICA, 

Algonkian, EtJinobotany. Pages 2-5 of Miss L. S. Chamber- 
lain's article on " Plants used by the Indians of Eastern North 
America," in the "American Naturalist" (vol. xxxv. pp. i-io), for 
January, 1901, are devoted to the enumeration of plants used for 
food, artistic, manufacturing, and other purposes, medicine, orna- 
ment, etc. The tribes treated of more or less briefly are : Abnaki, 
Algonquin, Blackfeet, Delaware, Kickapoo, Menomoni, Miami, Mic- 
mac, Narragansett, Ojibway, Pequot, Pottawotomi, Savannah, Sacs 
and Foxes, Shawnee. In the case of the Shawnee, the Indian names 
of the plants in question are also given. At page 3 dogckjiviak is 
said to have been smoked by the Delawares, — this seems to be 
dockmackie. — Ojibwa. Dr. A. E. Jenks's " The Childhood of Ji-shi'b, 
the Ojibwa," etc. (Madison, 1900, pp. 130), deserves mention here, as 
it is an interesting and attractive story of the growing up to name- 
bearing of a little Ojibwa child, and not one of the trashy children's 
books of the day. 

Athapascan. Navaho. To Part II. (pp. 469-517) of the "Seven- 
teenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology," Cos- 
mos Mindeleff contributes a valuable and interesting article on " Na- 
vaho Houses," illustrated with nine plates and fifteen figures. After 
a brief general introduction the following topics are treated : Descrip- 
tion of the country, habits of the people, legendary and actual winter 
/wgdns, summer huts or shelters, sweat-houses, effect of modern con- 
ditions, ceremonies of dedication (pp. 504-509), the hogdn of the 
yebttcai ^2^1.0.0. (pp. 509-514), hogdn nomenclature, etc. The author 
notes that in and around the Navaho country the correct Indian 
word qogdn has become Anglicized in the form hogdn. The custom 
of "half-concealed habitations," so characteristic of the Navaho area, 
may be "a survival from the time when the Navaho were warriors 
and plunderers, and lived in momentary expectation of reprisals on 
the part of their victims." Very interesting is the author's state- 
ment (p. 484) that " it is an exceptional Navaho who knows the 
country well sixty miles about his birthplace, or the place where he 
may be living, usually the same thing." Another curious fact is 
that "under normal circumstances, when the family has settled down 
and is at home, the care of the flocks devolves almost entirely on 
the little children, so young sometimes that they can just toddle 
about" (p. 485). The ancient clan lands, which have now no defined 
boundaries, are still spoken of as " my mother's land," and elsewhere 
also woman's influence appears. A noteworthy example of the fail- 



46 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

ure of similarity of conditions to produce similarity of results is to 
be seen in the difference in house-structure of the Navahos and the 
Mokis or Hopi, — this the author attributes to "antecedent habits 
and personal character." The influence of the whites in modifying 
the original Navaho ideas of house-building is also very noticeable. 
The house is very early mentioned in Navaho mythology, for in the 
creation myths, " First-Man and First-Woman are discovered in the 
first or lowest underworld, living in a hut which was the prototype of 
the hogan." The first sweat-house, or go'tce, is said also to have 
been made by First-Man. Mr. Mindeleff gives a brief account of the 
house-dedication songs, with texts in Navaho and English. Both 
husband and wife, besides the shaman, take part in these songs, the 
last singing the ceremonial songs. For grave causes (disease, fear 
of ghosts, bad dreams, etc.) an elaborate ceremony, called the dance 
of the yebitcai, is resorted to. At the end of the paper an exhaus- 
tive list of the Navaho names for the house, its parts, etc., is given, 
with etymological explanations. 

Caddoan. M. G. B. Grinnell's sumptuous volume, "The Indians 
of To-Day" (Chicago, 1900, pp. iii., 185), besides a good deal of gen- 
eral folk-lore by the way, contains some Pawnee myths and legends, 
reproduced from the author's " Pawnee Hero-Stories and Folk-Tales." 
These are " The Ghost Wife," " The Bear Man," " The Young Dog's 
Dance," "The Buffalo Wife." 

Eskimo. In the " Popular Science Monthly " (vol. xlvii. pp. 624- 
631) for October, 1900, Professor Franz Boas publishes an article on 
" Religious Beliefs of the Central Eskimo," embodying observations 
of Captain J. S. Mutch, collected during a long-continued stay in Cum- 
berland Sound. Captain Mutch's investigations were made at the 
suggestion of Dr. Boas. It seems that " almost the sole object of 
the religious ceremonies of the Eskimo is to appease the wrath of 
Sedna, of the souls of animals, or of the souls of the dead that have 
been offended by the transgressions of taboos." This is done with 
the help of the angakut or shamans. Among the Central Eskimo 
there appears " an evident tendency to affiliate all customs and 
beliefs with the myth of the origin of sea animals," a tendency which 
is "one of the principal causes that moulded the customs and beliefs 
of the people into the form in which they appear at the present 
time." As compared with the beliefs of the Greenlanders, Dr. Boas 
tells us : " The beliefs of the Central Eskimo are characterized by the 
great importance of the Sedna Myth and the entire absence of the 
belief in a powerful spirit called Tonarssuk, which seems to have 
been one of the principal features of Greenland beliefs." 

Iroquoian. Etiinobotany. Pages 5-10 of Miss Chamberlain's 
article on " Plants used by the Indians of Eastern North America," 



Record of America7i Folk-Lore. 47 

cited above, are devoted to the consideration of the following Iro- 
quoian tribes : Cayuga, Cherokee, Huron, Mohawk, Oneida, Onon- 
daga, Seneca, Wyandot. In the case of the Senecas and Wyandots 
the Indian names of the plants are given. In both sections of the 
paper the plant-names are arranged alphabetically under each tribal 
name. A list of forty authorities to which references are made is 
appended. 

KwAKiUTL-NooTKA. MakaJi. To the "American Antiquarian " 
(vol. xxiii. pp. 69-73) for January-February, 1901, Dr. G. A. Dorsey 
contributes an interesting account of " Games of the Makah Indians 
of Neah Bay." The information was obtained from "an unusually 
bright and intelligent Indian." The games are: Dutaxchaias, or 
arrow-ring game; tlitsaktsaudl, or "shoot arrow;" tatauas,di spear- 
throwing game ; katikas, " sharp stick slanting ; " keyjiquah, or 
" shinney ; " tlahatla, or battledore and shuttlecock ; soktis, a sort of 
guess-game, played with bones; sactssawhaik, "rolls far," a game 
played with wooden discs ; ehis, or dice game with beaver-teeth ; 
kaskas, a cup and pin game ; babnf hlkadi, top-spinning games (said 
to antedate white intercourse, but to be derived from the more 
northern tribes). Of the eleven Makah games here discussed, " three 
are dependent for their existence upon the proximity of the Makahs 
to the seashore, the chief material used in the three games being 
kelp ; while in still another game we see modifications from the 
original buckskin ball of the Plains or Mountain Indians to a ball of 
whale-bone, while the game itself has become intimately bound up 
with the celebration of the capture of a whale." These seashore 
modifications of inland games deserve careful and detailed study. In 
the soktis game the marked pieces are men, the unmarked women ; 
in the sactssawhaik, the single disc with an entirely black edge is 
male, the white-bordered discs female. 

SiouAN. In " Everybody's Magazine " (vol. iv. pp. 1-24) for Jan- 
uary, 1901, is an illustrated article entitled " Some Indian Portraits." 
The illustrations are Indian drawings (animals, men, tents, etc.) and 
"photographic portraits" by Gertrude Kasebier. The Indians 
whose pictures were taken were Sioux belonging to the " Wild West " 
aggregation. The drawings are interesting, and there is also given 
in facsimile the text (in Roman script) in Sioux of the story of the 
Custer fight. Several letters in English from educated Indians also 
find a place in the article. 

Uto-Aztecan. Mexican. In the "Nouvelles Archives des Mis- 
sions Scientifiques," vol. xi. (1899), L. Diguet publishes a "Contribu- 
tion a r^tude ethnograpbique des races primitives du Me.xique : la 
sierra du Nayarit et ses indigenes." The article deals with the Cora, 
Huichol, and Tepehuano Indians of the Sierras Nayarit and Durango 



48 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

in the territory of Tepic and the state of Durango. The Coras still 
worship their ancient divinities in caves, and, like the Huichols, have 
preserved many old songs and traditions. The texts of some of 
them, together with certain ceremonial music, the author reproduces. 
Interesting items about manners and customs, general folk-lore, etc., 
are given. 

In the "Revue Scientifique" (4« serie, tome xiv. p. 473) for 
October 13, 1900, is an interesting note by Jose Ramirez on the 
ololiu/iqui, a plant used by the ancient Mexicans to produce intoxica- 
tion. Like the peyote or mescal, this plant was held in very high 
esteem by the Aztecs, and the intoxication produced by the decoction 
preferred to that of the latter. The oloiiu/igni is a plant belonging 
to the genus Ipovicca. According to Hernandez it was also called 
goJinaxiJniatl, or " snake plant." The Indian " medicine men " em- 
ployed it to induce visions. 

Moki. By far the greater portion (pp. 519-744) of Part II. of the 
" Seventeenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology " 
is occupied by Dr. J. W. Fewkes's detailed account of his "Archaeo- 
logical Expedition to Arizona in 1895," illustrated with plates xci«- 
clxxv and figures 245-357. After a brief description of the general 
plan of the expedition. Dr. Fewkes discusses in detail the ruins of 
Verde Valley (cavate dwellings, pictographs, Montezuma Well, cliff- 
houses, ruins of Honanki and Palatki, and objects found there) and the 
ruins in Tusayan (Middle Mesa, East Mesa, Jeditoh, Awatobi, Sikyatki, 
etc.). The most interesting portions of the paper for the folk-lorist 
are the accounts of Awatobi (history, destruction, clans, shrines, mor- 
tuary remains, pottery, stone and bone implements, ornaments, etc.) 
and Sikyatki (history, destruction, clans, acropolis, Hopi cosmogony, 
pottery, symbolism of ceramic decorations, hair-dressing, mytho- 
logy, figures of animals, and other living creatures on pottery, veg- 
etal designs, sun-symbols and geometric figures, crosses and like 
decorations ; food-bowl decorations, arrows, pipes, and prayer-sticks). 
Sikyatki is of especial interest as indicating "a culture uninfluenced 
by the Spaniards." The drawing of human figures on pottery. Dr. 
Fewkes thinks, "was a late development in Tusayan art, and post- 
dates the use of animal figures on their earthenware " (p. 660). The 
sequence of evolution in designs was probably (i) geometrical figures, 
(2) birds, (3) other animals, (4) human beings. Except a figure of a 
maid's head "the human hand, for some unknown reason, is the only 
part of the body chosen by the ancient Hopi for representation in 
the decoration of their pottery." The most common symbols of 
decoration are the bird and the feather. Plants and their parts are 
very sparingly used for pottery decoration. The study of the geo- 
metric desicrns and linear figures is an art in itself. 



Record of American Folk-Lore. 49 

Zapotecan. In the " Bulletin of the American Museum of Nat- 
ural History " (vol, xiii. pp. 201-218), Prof. M. H. Saville publishes an 
account, illustrated with 1 1 plates and 8 figures in the text, of " Cru- 
ciform Structures near Mitla." The investigations were carried on 
during the winters of 1898 and 1900. After a brief historical intro- 
duction, Mr. Saville describes the cruciform structures in the main 
group of " Palaces," at Xaaga and at Guiaroo. Concerning these 
structures we are told (p. 205): "Three of these chambers, which 
were unquestionably designed for tombs, of the ancient priests, have 
the 'mosaic ' decoration. No structures of like character are known 
in any other part of Mexico or Central America. They are by far 
the most elaborate and important burial chambers yet found in the 
New World, both in size and in beauty of stone work." The Indi- 
ans of the region about Mitla " have a belief that stone or fragments 
taken from the buildings will, sooner or later, turn to gold." The 
absence of carved monoliths at Mitla is noteworthy, considering the 
great monolithic lintels of one of the " palaces." From page 210 we 
learn that " the common term used by the natives in designating the 
ruins ispaderones, a corruption of the Spanish v^ord paredones, 'walls.' 
The Zapotecan term is basul lyobaa. Lyobaa is the Zapotecan name 
of Mitla." 

SOUTH AMERICA. 

Araucanian. In the " Anales de la Universidad de Chile " (San- 
tiago) for February, 1900 (pp. 341-373), May (pp. 923-937), July (pp. 
1 1 5-241), August (pp. 147-181), and September (pp. 337-348), Tomas 
Guevara continues his " Historia de la Civilizacion de la Araucani'a." 
The topics treated are : The discovery of Arauco and the campaigns 
of Valdivia, the conquest and resistance of the natives, their attempts 
at revolution and their results. Incidentally many names of places 
and persons belonging to the Araucanian language are explained, 
especially, those of native chiefs and battlefields. It was customary 
among the ancient Araucanians for individuals to be named after a 
certain animal, to which name was later added one denoting some 
action or quality, — a custom still surviving in some of the native 
settlements. Most of the Indians, however, now add a saint's name 
from the calendar to their aboriginal appellation, e. g. Francisco 
Melivilu = Francis Four Snakes. The animal-name seems to 
have constituted a sort of family bond or tie, and the place where 
the family resided named after it also, thus, Vilwnapic = " the land 
of the Vilic" (or " Snake" family). Among the Vilu family of Ma- 
quehua, one cacique is named Painevilu, " Celestial Snake," and his 
brother, another cacique, is Melivilu, or " Four Snakes." Ercilla and 
his famous poem. La Araucana, are discussed, and the subsequent 

VOL. XIV. — NO. 52. 4 



50 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

imitations of the work noted. An interesting point brought out in 
these papers is the readiness with which the Spanish conquerors 
adopted some of the native words into the jargon of their campaigns, 
especially words referring to military arts and expedients. — In the 
same periodical R. B. Briseno has published a series of articles on 
" Chilean Anniversaries " (Corolarios de los fastos de Chile en par- 
ticular), in which there is incorporated much that is interesting con- 
cerning names of persons and places of importance in the history of 
the country. Pages 272, 273, of his concluding article, in the number 
for August, 1900, deal with geographical names referring to distin- 
guished persons, etc. After Araucanian chiefs have been named : 
Caupolican, Lautaro, Rengo, Tucapel. Pages 284, 285, discuss six 
different etymologies offered for the word Chile^ without reaching 
any satisfactory conclusion. Pages 290-309 are occupied with the 
discussion of the etymologies of some eighty or ninety geographical 
names of aboriginal derivation, among the principal ones being : 
Andes, Arauco, Biobio, Caupolican, Chile, Copiapo, Coquimbo, Itata, 
Lautaro, Longavi, Llanquihue, Maipo, Mapocho, Penco, etc. Not a 
few of these etymologies, however, are quite risky. 

GuAYAQUi. What little is known about these Indians, a tribe of 
the less explored forest region of Paraguay is resumed in R. Leh- 
mann-Nitsche's "Quelques observations sur les indiens Guayaquis 
du Paraguay " (pp. 12), a reprint from the " Rivista del Museo de La 
Plata," vol. ix. (1899). 

GENERAL. 

Indians and Anglo-Americans. A handy rhimii of the story 
of the contact of the Indians and the Anglo-Saxon in North America 
is to be found in Lieutenant Georg Friederici's " Indianer und Anglo- 
Amerikaner. Ein geschichtlicher Ueberblick " (Braunschweig, 1900, 
pp. 147). The chief facts, with numerous bibliographical references, 
are given. 

Religion. In the "Open Court" (vol. xv. pp. 46-56) for Janu- 
ary, 1901, Dr. W. T. Parker has a brief illustrated article on "The 
Religious Character of the North American Indian." Unfortunately 
the author, who seems rather to favor the absurd theory of an Israel- 
itish origin for the American Indian, and takes Longfellow literally, 
reads too much into the Indian ideas of God, heaven, etc. 

Research. In his "Notes sur I'Americanisme, quelques-unes de 
ses lacunes en 1900" (Paris, 1900), M. D^sir^ Pector resumes our 
knowledge of the topography, geology, palaeontology, botany, anthro- 
pology, etc., of the New World, what has already been done and 
what needs to be done in the future. The book is in fact, as Dr. 
Verneau styles it (" Anthropologic," xi. p. 95), " a real guide for ex- 



Record of American Folk- Lore. 51 

plorers and savants, although imperfect as all such books must 
necessarily be. What remains to be done in American philology, 
mythology, folk-lore, and sociology is here briefly indicated so that 
he who runs may read." 

Song. Dr. Karl Blicher's valuable essay on " Arbeit und Rhyth- 
mus" (2*® Aufl. Leipzig, 1899, pp. x, 412), which is reviewed else- 
where in this Journal, contains some items of American Indian 
song-lore. The appendix contains (pp. 384, 385) the music of three 
boat-songs, one from Th. Baker and the other two from Spix und 
Martins. In the index the Botocudos, Kolusch, and Indians in gen- 
eral, find a place. 

Techxic Arts. — Dr. S. D. Peet's "The Cliff Dwellers and Pue- 
blos" (Chicago, 1899, pp. xviii+398) is the result of "several years 
of close study " of the clues as to the identity of the Pueblos In- 
dians and the CJiff Dwellers, to which argument the book is mainly 
devoted. The volume does not fall quite within the field of folk-lore, 
since, as the author remarks, " their myths and symbols have been 
left to another work," — the appearance of which will be looked for- 
ward to with interest. It contains, nevertheless, many items of value 
to the student of the human mind and its outward expression. 

A. F. C. ajid I. C. C. 



5 2 journal of A merican Folk-L ore. 



TWELFTH ANNUAL MEETING OF THE AMERICAN 
FOLK-LORE SOCIETY. 

The American Folk-Lore Society met in the rooms of Johns 
Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md., with the American Society of 
Naturalists and other Affiliated Societies, December 27 and 28, 
1900. 

On Thursday, December 27, the Affiliated Societies met in Lover- 
ing Hall, at 8 p. m. An address of welcome was given by President 
Oilman. Prof. Frank Russell, of Harvard University, gave an illus- 
trated lecture on the Indians of the Southwest. 

At 9.30 p. M., in McCoy Hall, a reception was given by the Johns 
Hopkins University to the Affiliated Societies and guests. 

On Friday, December 28, the Council met at 10 a. m. 

At 1 1 A. M., in Donovan Hall, the Society met for business, the 
President, Dr. Franz Boas, in the chair. 

The Secretary presented the report of the Council. 

The number of Annual Members, according to the Secretary's roll 
(printed in No. 51 of the Journal of American Folk-Lore, October- 
December, 1900), was reported as 336. 

The income received from yearly fees being obviously inadequate 
to the extensive tasks imposed on an American Folk-Lore Society, 
increase of the membership becomes the first duty of persons inter- 
ested in the welfare of the Society. Experience has shown that this 
can be most easily accomplished by some form of local organization. 
The Council has, therefore, decided to appoint in the several states 
of the Union, and in the provinces of the Dominion of Canada, local 
or state secretaries, who may represent the Society. In many states 
of the Union the Society is at present entirely unrepresented ; it 
ought not to be difficult to obtain in each state the accession of a 
certain number of members. Where possible, these Secretaries 
might organize local groups, or provide for occasional meetings, at 
which addresses might be made. Members of the Society interested 
in such development are requested to address the Permanent Secre- 
tary. 

During the year 1900 no volume of the Memoirs has been issued, 
the sum now in hand properly to be credited to the Publication 
Fund not having been sufficient for such issue. It is expected that 
the series will be continued by volumes as creditable to the Society 
as those already published, and such a volume will probably appear 
in the course of the current year. 

The issue of the Journal of American Folk-Lore has continued 
regularly. 



Twelfth Annual Meeting. 53 

At a past Annual Meeting, a committee on Music was appointed, 
with a view to the promotion of the collection and study of folk- 
music, more especially to that of the negroes in the Southern States. 
The pressing necessity of such collection has been repeatedly urged ; 
but no active steps have been taken by the committee, owing to the 
absence of funds available for the carrying on of this work in the 
only advantageous manner, namely, by the employment of skilled 
musicians for the purpose of travel and research. If the end is to 
be achieved, the task can no longer be delayed ; it would appear 
impossible that an appeal could be made to the generosity of the 
American people without obtaining an adequate response. It is 
expected that at the next annual meeting a more satisfactory report 
may be made on this head. Members of the Society, and others 
who take an especial interest in this task, are requested to address 
the Chairman of the Committee. 



RECEIPTS. 

December 27, 1899, Balance 

Annual dues (for one or more years) ..... 
Contribution for payment of collections on two checks 
Subscriptions to Publication Fund ..... 
John Crosby Brown, contribution to the Committee on Music 
Houghton, Mifflin & Co., sales of Memoirs to January 31 . 
Houghton, Mifflin & Co., sales of Journals to January 31 . 
Houghton, Mifflin & Co., sales for tlie half year, to August 22 
Sales of volumes of Memoirs through the Secretary . 



$796.70 

924.00 

.20 

190.00 

50.00 

226.10 

192.89 

186.20 

14.00 

$2580.09 



DISBURSEMENTS. 

Houghton, Mifflin & Co., for manufacturing Journal of American 

Folk-Lore, No. 47 . . $244.92 

Houghton, Mifflin & Co., for manufacturing Journal of American 

Folk-Lore, No. 48 220.29 

Houghton, Mifflin & Co., for manufacturing Journal of American 

Folk-Lore, No. 49 ........ . 232.44 

Houghton, Mifflin & Co., for manufacturing Journal of American 

Folk-Lore, No. 50 ........ . 206.77 

Houghton, Mifflin & Co., binding, etc 92-59 

Typewriting for Memoir No. VII. ...... 13.00 

E. E. Wheeler, printer, to W. W. Newell 51-41 

W. W. Newell, Secretary, postage and express charges . . 8.70 

R. B. Dixon, Treasurer of Boston Branch, rebates . . . 33-50 

M, L. Fernald, Cambridge 13-00 

Mrs. G. A. McLeod, Cincinnati 12.50 



54 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

W. W. Newell, for printing circular ...... 11.25 

Second National Bank, New York [collecting out of town 
checks] 4.25 

$1144.62 
December 28, 1900, balance to new account .... 1435.47 



$2580.09 



No nominations for officers during the year 1901 having been 
forwarded to the Secretary, according to the rule permitting any 
member to offer such nominations, those of the Council were read, 
as follows : — 

President, Prof. Frank Russell, Harvard University, Cambridge, 
Mass. 

First Vice-President, Prof. Livingston Farrand, Columbia Uni- 
versity, New York, N. Y. 

Second Vice-President, Dr. George A. Dorsey, Field Columbian 
Museum, Chicago, 111. 

Councillors (for three years). Dr. Roland B. Dixon, Cambridge, 
Mass. ; Mr. Stansbury Hagar, Brooklyn, N. Y. ; Dr. Alfred L. Kroe- 
ber, San Francisco, Cal. 

The Secretary was instructed to cast a ballot for the officers as 
nominated. 

No further business coming up, the Society proceeded to hear the 
address of the retiring President, Dr. Franz Boas, on " The Mind of 
Primitive Man." 

Mrs. Waller R. Bullock, Baltimore, Md., offered a Report on the 
Collection of Maryland Folk-Lore, as undertaken by the Maryland 
Folk-Lore Society. 

Further papers were presented, as follows : — 

The Good Hunter of the Iroquois, Rev. W. M. Beauchamp, 
D. D., Syracuse, N. Y. 

Legends of the Slavey Indians of the Mackenzie River, Dr. 
Robert Bell, Ottawa, Canada. 

The Shoshonean Game of Na-wa-ta-pi, Dr. George A. Dorsey, 
Chicago, 111. 

An Interpretation of Pueblo Katcinas, Dr. J. Walter Fewkes, 
Washington, D. C. 

The Lazy Man in Omaha Indian Lore, Miss Alice C. Fletcher, 
Washington, D. C. 

The Treatment of an Ailing God, Dr. Washington Matthews, 
Washington, D. C. 

Witch-Finding in Frederick County, Maryland, Miss Elisabeth 
Cloud Seip, Baltimore, Md. 



Twelfth Annual Meeting. 55 

Laieikawai : a Legend of the Hawaiian Islands, Dr. John Rae 
(from memoranda of the deceased author). 

Methods of Burial in British Columbia. (Illustrated.) Mr. Har- 
lan I. Smith, New York, N. Y. 

Hair in Folk-Lore, Mr. H. E, Warner, Washington, D. C. 

Miss Mary Walker Finlay Speers presented and sang Negro 
Folk-Songs collected by herself in Anne Arundel County, Maryland. 

A resolution of thanks was adopted to the Johns Hopkins Univer- 
sity, to the Maryland Folk-Lore Society, and to the Local Committee. 

The Society adjourned, the Secretary to appoint time and place 
of the next Annual Meeting. 

At 7 p. M., in the Hotel Rennert, took place the Annual Dinner 
of the American Society of Naturalists and Affiliated Societies. 

The following are Committees of the Council for the year 1901 : — 

Committee on Publication : Dr. F. Boas, Miss A. C. Fletcher, 
Dr. Henry Wood, with the President and Permanent Secretary of 
the Society. 

Committee on Local Societies : Presidents or other Representa- 
tives of the Local Branches or Societies, with the President and 
Secretary. 

Committee on the Collection and Record of Folk-Music in North 
America: Dr. F. Boas, American Museum of Natural History, Cen- 
tral Park, New York, N. Y., Chairman ; Prof. C. L. Edwards, Trinity 
College, Hartford, Conn. ; Miss A, C. Fletcher, Washington, D. C. ; 
Mr. H. E. Krehbiel, New York, N. Y. ; Mrs. W. R. Bullock. Balti- 
more, Md., as Representative of the Maryland Folk-Lore Society. 



56 y ournal of American Folk-Lore. 



NOTES AND QUERIES. 

Adieus of the Retiring Editor. — With the end of the century the 
Permanent Secretary of the American Folk-Lore Society, who has directed 
the Journal of American Folk-Lore through its thirteen completed volumes, 
resigned his task as editor ; and with the initial number of the new century 
this responsibility is assumed by an associate, who, in the " Record of 
American Folk-Lore," has furnished the greater part of the bibliography 
contained in the recent numbers of the Journal. Under such circum- 
stances it seems proper that the retiring editor should offer to members of 
the Society and readers of the Journal a few words of regard and leave- 
taking. The duty which he relinquishes has been singularly agreeable in 
respect of the excellent understanding which has existed with contributors 
and collaborators. The number of investigators qualified properly to deal 
with traditional matter has indeed been limited ; but among these have pre- 
vailed a kindness of attitude and readiness of service which have made the 
duty of an editor a work of pleasure and service. Nor need it be feared 
that in the future such cooperation is likely to diminish. It is true that 
this department of science has suffered unusual losses. From the small 
body of anthropological students in America during the past decade have 
been removed many names, some of world-wide reputation, others beloved 
and admired within their own circle, and the places of these laborers have 
not as yet been filled. But the increasing interest in anthropological in- 
quiries, and the opportunities only lately provided in the universities, are 
developing young minds, who will begin their careers with a scientific outfit 
more complete than belonged to their predecessors, whose researches they 
will carry forward with equal ability and devotion. The value of traditional 
material, its indispensability to correct theory in history, psychology', ethics, 
and religion, so often enforced in this journal, is no longer a disputed claim, 
but one conceded by all scholars capable of forming an opinion. In the 
course of the rapid change which is converting so-called savages into folk 
as civilized as any others, ancient lore has been passing away with swifter 
and swifter flight, with which the energy of collection has not kept pace. 
The result will be, as often predicted in these pages, that there will remain 
deficiencies of record, to which in the future will correspond uncertainties 
of theory. To make good such omissions must be the object of the Society 
and its Journal, a task to be pursued with the greater persistency, the more 
attenuated become the sources of information. The retiring editor, who, 
as Permanent Secretary, will still be concerned with the fortunes of the 
Society, and who will be connected with the Journal as Associate Editor, 
rejoices in the good fortune which enables him to leave its management in 
hands capable of following with increased activity the ends which from its 
foundation the Society has sought to attain. 

William Wells Newell. 



Notes and Queries. 57 

Greeting. — Speaking, if he may, for the members of the American Folk- 
Lore Society, and for all students of Folk-Lore with whom the Journal has 
come into contact, the incoming Editor thanks his predecessor and col- 
league for the generous and unstinted services which he has always placed 
at the disposal of our science. America, especially, owes to him much it 
can never pay. Founded under his auspices, directed by him so long with 
admirable discretion and ability, the Journal has been one of the makers of 
science for the new century. Could he not continue to count upon the 
wise counsel and long experience of the one who has gone before, his suc- 
cessor would hesitate, still more than he has done, to follow him. That he 
remains as Associate Editor is matter for felicitation. The future years of 
the Journal will, it is hoped, be the continuance of the rich and fruitful 
harvest of the past. 

Alexander F. Chamberlain. 

FoLK-LoRE Investigations in Australia. — According to " Nature " 
(vol. Ixiii. p. 88)': "Early in the summer [of 1900] a memorial was sub- 
mitted to the governments of South Australia and Victoria, praying that 
facilities might be granted to Mr. Gillen, one of the inspectors of aborigines, 
and Prof. Baldwin Spencer, for the continuance of their investigations into 
the habits and folk-lore of natives of Central Australia and the Northern 
Territory. The memorial, which was signed by all British anthropologists 
and many prominent representatives of other sciences, has met with a 
prompt and generous response. The government of South Australia has 
granted a year's leave of absence to Mr. Gillen, and the government of 
Victoria has provided a substitute for Professor Spencer during his absence 
from Melbourne." The sum of ;;^iooo has been contributed towards the 
ordinary expenses of the expedition by Mr. Syme, the proprietor of the 
Melbourne " Age." The party starts in February, and, after a careful study 
of the tribes of the MacDonnell Range, will travel along the Roper River 
towards the Gulf of Carpentaria, and, if there be time, will also proceed 
down the Daly and Victoria rivers. It is fully expected that, with favor- 
able conditions of -weather, etc., the explorers will meet with a success as 
brilliant as that which fell to their expeditions of three years ago. 

The Value of the Epic for Sociology. — Writing of " Sociology and 
the Epic" (Amer. Journ. of Sociol., vol. vi. igoo, pp. 267-271), Mr. A. G. 
Keller notes the great gain that would accrue to sociological science, " if 
the workers on the grand scale could have at their service separate mono- 
graphs which would undertake impartially to gather and systematize the 
sociological material in such documents as the Vedas, the Zend-Avesta, 
the Eddas, the Hebrew Scriptures, the Kalevala, the Nibelungen Lied, the 
Homeric poems, and the like." The writer then indicates briefly the 
merits of the Iliad and the Odyssey in this respect, holding them to be 
more or less " universal and unbiased." Judged in this way, the Homeric 
poems, he thinks, appear to advantage when compared with certain Rus- 
sian and German epic compositions. 



58 Journal of America7i Folk-Lore, 

Arcadian Religion. — In a very interesting article, " In Arkadia " 
(Cath. Univ. Bull., vol. vi. 1900, pp. 525-541), Mr. Daniel Quinn writes of 
the ancient and modern characteristics of this region of the Peloponnesus. 
The following passage (p. 539) is worth reproducing here : " The Arkadian 
of to-day, like his ancestors, is religious, — more religious than good. He 
delights in feasts, and in the 'paneg^'rics,' or occasions of dancing, sing- 
ing, and eating, that accompany church celebrations. Every mountain-top 
is crowned with a chapel, and has its analogous feast-day, when all the 
inhabitants of the village to which the mountain belongs ascend to the 
little plateau round the chapel, many of them dressed in mountain costumes 
of kilt and fez, where they first hear Mass, and then amuse themselves in 
lively songs and vigorous dances, and in feastings, in which roast lamb and 
resined wine play the chief role. It is also common to build chapels near 
springs of cool water. These latter chapels are often sacred to the 
Madonna, under the title of Zoodoc/ios pege, or 'the Fountain that contains 
the Life-Giver,' referring to the Blessed Virgin as Mother of God, while 
the chapels on mountain-tops are usually dedicated to the prophet Elias or 
to the Ascension of Our Lord." An excessively modern element in this 
environment reveals itself in the practice the natives have of killing and 
catching the beautiful speckled trout of the mountain torrents by explod- 
ing dynamite. How the old lingers on may be judged from another fact 
that " even in the last century, the inhabitants rarely, and most of them 
never, visited those villages distant only a walk of two hours." 

FoLK-LoRE OF THE NuMBER Seven. — In a paper read before the Ger- 
man Anthropological Society at Halle in September, 1900, on " Die Sie- 
benzahl im Geistesleben der Volker " (Corrbl., xxxi. pp. 96-98), Dr. von 
Andrian traces " the evil seven " of German folk-lore back to the " seven 
evil spirits " of the ancient Babylonians. According to Dr. von Andrian 
these people had "the cult of seven" more highly developed than any 
other so far known, and it is from them that " seven-lore " has traveled into 
all parts of Europe and into many regions of Asia and Africa. The Baby- 
lonians had : Seven planets, seven star-pairs, seven regions of the world, 
seven rivers, seven winds, seven mountains and seas (about Aralu), seven 
gates of the lower world, seven tones, the seven-headed cosmic snake, the 
seven-day week, etc. The " cult of seven " appears to be weakest nowa- 
days among the North and South Slavs, the Roumanians, the modern 
Greeks, and the Albanians. Probably the author sees more Babylonian 
influence in this matter than has really been at work. 

Trees struck by Lightning. — In connection with the Kentucky 
belief that " locust trees are more often struck by lightning than any oth- 
ers," reference may be made to the discussion of this subject by Karl Miil- 
lenhofE in his " l~)ie Natur im Volksmunde " (Berlin, 1S98). Says the 
author (p. 71): "The old popular idea that the lightning had a predilec- 
tion for certain trees has quite recently been confirmed by careful observa- 
tions. The statistics of eleven years in Lippe show that, although seven 



Notes and Queries, 59 

tenths of the forest in that region consists of beeches, oaks were struck 
fifty-six times, firs and pines twenty-four times, and beeches not once. . . . 
Next to the oak, in frequency of suffering from lightning strokes, comes the 
poplar, — statistics of recent date concerning the territory about Moscow 
indicating that over half the trees struck by lightning were poplars. From 
time immemorial these trees have been planted around the farms as natural 
lightning-conductors." So Miillenhoff considers that the old German say- 
ing has justified itself : — 

Vor den Eichen sollst du weichen, 
Vor den Fichten sollst du fliichten, 
Doch die Buchen sollst du suchen. 

Zahoris. — Appendix F (pp. 367-372) of Prof. W. F. Barrett's elab- 
orate study of the "Divining Rod," which occupies the chief part of the 
"Proceedings of the Society for Psychical Research " for October, 1900, 
gives a brief account of the Zahoris, or lynx-eyed clairvoyants, of the six- 
teenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries in Spain, who were believed 
to be able " to see things, although hidden in the bowels of the earth, if 
not covered with blue cloth." They were said to be born on Good Friday, 
and, according to some writers, " were accustomed to restrict this faculty 
of seeing to certain days, the third and sixth day of the week, which is a 
token of a secret pact [with Satan]." Besides being able to see corpses 
through the sarcophagi inclosing them, to see through clothes, flesh, and 
bones into the secretest parts of the human body, they also detected " veins 
of water and treasures of metal," hidden underground to a depth of twenty 
pike-handles, or, some say, to the extent of thirty to forty fathoms. Ac- 
cording to Professor Barrett : " The word ' Zahori ' is really from the 
Arabic, meaning 'clear,' 'enlightened;' it was, in fact, equivalent to the 
term, ' clairvoyant,' as that word is now used. The same root occurs in 
Hebrew, and is the origin of the title ' Zohar,' the famous Bible of the 
Kabbalists." It is rather curious that apparently the earliest account of 
the " Zahoris " is contained in the section De Anima, lib. ii., speculatio ii. 
(pp. 300, 301), of a book published in the city of Mexico in 1557, the 
Phisica Speculatio of Alphonsus (Gutierrez) \ Vera Cruce, which work was 
reprinted in Salamanca in 1559 (copies of both works appear to be in the 
British Museum). This fact further enhances the importance of Mexico 
as*a fountain of literature and printing during the sixteenth and seven- 
teenth centuries. 

Christmas in French-Canada. — In "North American Notes and 
Queries" (vol. i. pp. 169-178) for December, 1900, there is an interesting 
account of "A French-Canadian Christmas" by Mr. E. T. D. Chambers. 
Both Christmas and New Year's are largely children's festivals, and as 
such have appealed to the poets and story-tellers of the land. Says the 
author (p. 177) : "Many French-Canadian children are taught the pretty 
fiction that the Christmas gifts that greet them when they awaken on 
Christmas morning are sent them by the Little Jesus, and Frechette, the 



6o yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

poet-laureate of French-Canada, has woven about this juvenile belief one 
of the most attractive stories of his Christmas in French-Canada.''' The old 
New Year's custom of the Ignolee or Gtiignolee seems almost to have died 
out, or to have become something similar to Valentine's Eve in some parts 
of America. Formerly, " On the eve of the New Year bands of youthful 
masqueraders serenaded the various residents of the locality after night- 
fall with music and song, knocking at doors and windows, and begging for 
offerings for the poor, generally eatables, with threats of revenge if gifts 
were refused. A piece of pork with the tail adhering, called La Chigne'e, 
was the traditional offering expected." In the city of Montreal, down to 
about i860, the mayor used to issue, on New Year's Eve, permits to young 
men " to run the Ignole'e without danger of arrest or molestation by the 
police." The Indians, too, share in the observances of Christmas. Ac- 
cording to Mr. Chambers : " The Huron Indians of Lorette sing in their 
own language a very fine carol, Jesus Ahatonnia, — 'Jesus is born.' The 
oldest existing copy of it is a MS. in the Parliamentary Library at Quebec, 
in the handwriting of Pere Chaumonot, and the words are supposed to have 
been composed by the martyred Jesuit missionary, Jean de Breboeuf. At 
all events, they date from the time of the bloody missions of the Huron 
Peninsula. The Christianized Montagnais Indians, who inhabit the forests 
that stretch from the north of Quebec to Hudson's Bay, sing to French- 
Canadian airs a number of cantiques in their own language, throughout 
the night of Christmas Eve, which they call ' the night when we do not 
sleep.' " 

Atacamenan Folk-Lore. — From the little " Glosario de la Lengua 
Atacamena" (Santiago, 1896, pp. 36), by Vaisse, Hoyos, and Echeverrfa, 
the following items of folk-lore have been extracted : — 

Ckaratai?-e, " bare ribs." Said in jest or insult of a very lean person 

(P- 17)- 

Ckanliblibar^ " pitcher belly." Said in jest of very fat or corpulent per- 
sons (p. 25). 

Paatcha, " the earth " (considered as a species of divinity). The vicuna 
hunters believe that " among the vicunas there is always one who is the 
duenna ox pacha of all, and to render the animal propitious they offer up to 
it (burying the offerings in a hole in the ground wherever they may be 
hunting) coca, aguardiente, and tobacco. By reason of this superstitious 
practice, they believe \.\i& pacha of the vicufias permit to them to hit the 
mark in shooting" (p. 27). The expression paatchamdttia is also in use. 
There is evidently some relationship here with the Pachacamac of the 
ancient Peruvians. These Indians of Chili form a linguistic stock by 
themselves. 

Polynesian Fire- Walkers. — The "Hawaiian Gazette " for December 
18, 1900, January 22, 25, and 29, 1901, contains a discussion of the 
" fire-walking" ceremony, interest in which was revived by the presence in 
Honolulu of Papa Ita, the aged and famous Tahitian " fire-walker." Of one 
of his "walks "we read: "Papa Ita walked upon hot stones Saturday 



Notes and Queries. 6i 

night in the presence of Queen Liliuokalani, Prince David, and several 
hundred spectators, who cheered the aged Tahitian, picking his way care- 
fully upon the oven. The performance was an artistic success, and those 
who were disappointed at previous exhibitions by the lack of spectacular 
features had nothing to complain of. The stones were glowing when over- 
turned by the native assistants, and settled into position. Papa Ita was 
clad in a skirt of red cloth with yellow figures and a //-leaf girdle. As he 
walked around the oven, speaking the words of his incantation to Vahine- 
nui, native singers olilied the ancient inelcs, accompanying their weird 
chants on gourds. Then the Tahitian, picking his way carefully upon the 
stones, which were in a firm position, walked straight through the oven. 
Repeating his performance of calling upon his gods to assist him, he walked 
back over the stones, and resumed his seat. He was loudly applauded, 
Queen Liliuokalani and Prince David joining in the ovation. Papa Ita 
wore a satisfied smile. After a few moments of rest, he trod the lava 
blocks again, repeating this eight or nine times. During this time the 
mele singers alternated with a Hawaiian quintet in rendering the music and 
airs of Hawaii. The performance was free from the disgraceful scenes 
which attended the one given on Thursday. Papa Ita leaves for Ilo to- 
morrow, where an exhibition will be given this week." 

The coming of Papa Ita to Hawaii seems to have stirred up again the 
never-quenched embers of native beliefs, for the " Gazette " for January 29, 
1901, in a brief editorial on Kahiinaism, says : " Since the coming of Papa 
Ita there has been a revival of KaJnoiaism in these Islands which has led 
some of the clergy, in direct spiritual contact with the natives, to take vari- 
ous measures of resistance. No belief is harder to get out of the native mind 
than that in the power and presence of witchcraft. Some of the strongest 
and most cultivated Hawaiians turn to the Kahunas in time of weakness 
or distress, and all the laws that have been passed against these devil- 
doctors, and all the knowledge imparted to their dupes, does not sufiice to 
stop the spread of their sorcery, or limit the respect paid to its pretensions. 
People are still being prayed to death, as they were in the days when a 
Kahuna tried the experiment upon the famous John Young, only to die 
himself in abject terror when Young set up an altar, and began industri- 
ously praying for the death of the Kahuna. Elsewhere in these columns we 
show how a young wife was made ill by Kahunaistn, and not long ago a 
reputable evening paper attributed the death of David Naone to the same 
cause. Indeed, such instances might be multiplied by scores without going 
back on the calendar very far. Papa Ita has brought the superstition to a 
much whiter heat than are the lava stones upon which he walks. In the 
Hawaiian belief he has more than apostolic power to 'bind or loose.' It 
was only necessary to hear the cries of native rage when a haole Xx'x^iS. to 
follow in Papa Ita's footsteps on the heated rock, and to see the Hawaiians 
flock about the old man after his performance to touch the hem of his gar- 
ment, to realize the height and depth of the heathen influence he is found- 
ing. We should have no cause for astonishment, if Papa Ita's tour undid, 
in a month's time, the work of laborious years in leading the native up 
from superstition to enlightenment." 



62 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 



LOCAL MEETINGS AND OTHER NOTICES. 

Boston, — December i, 1900. The first regular meeting of the Boston 
Branch of the American Folk-Lore Society was held at the residence of 
Miss Reed, 184 Commonwealth Avenue, Prof. F. W. Putnam presiding. 
The deferred election of officers resulted as follows : President, Prof. F. W. 
Putnam. Vice-Presidents, Mr. W. W. Newell, Dr. G. J. Engelmann. Secre- 
tary, Miss Helen Leah Reed. Council, Dr. E. F. Pope, Dr. S. E. Palmer, 
Mr. Ashton Willard, Dr. Frank Russell, Mr. Francis Noyes Balch. Three 
vacancies in the list of officers were afterwards filled by the choice of Mrs. 
Lee Hoffmann, Mrs. O. B. Cole, Mr. Eliot Remick. After the transaction 
of business, Mr. W. W. Newell gave an account of the Hawaiian legend of 
Laieikawai, as recorded by Dr. John Rae. Professor Putnam gave an ac- 
count of recent work in American Archceology, and Dr. Hrdlicka described 
the work of preserving Indian types, carried on under his supervision. 

January 18. The regular meeting was held by invitation of Mrs. John 
A. Remick, 300 Marlborough Street. Dr. Robert Means Lawrence gave 
the paper of the evening, his subject being " Verbal Charms and Spells." 
He reviewed certain superstitions in the realm of medicine, showing that a 
belief in the efficacy of mummy dust prevailed as late as the time of 
Charles the Second, and that an opinion that some ailments might be 
cured by the use of passages of Scripture continued to a later time. He 
alluded to the general mediaeval belief in astrology, and gave examples of 
remedies which he had found prescribed in old Florentine manuscripts, the 
work of Spanish priests who had accompanied the earliest explorers of 
Mexico. 

February 19. The regular meeting was held at the house of Dr. Robert 
Means Lawrence, 321 Marlborough Street, Mr. W. W. Newell presiding. 
The speaker of the evening was Dr. Rodney A. True, of Harvard Univer- 
sity, who treated of " Folk Materia Medica." Dr. True, in his interesting 
paper, called attention to the belief in the power of certain vegetable and 
animal substances to cure disease entertained by primitive peoples. He 
showed that while some of these substances were evidently worthless, and 
their supposed efficacy imaginary, others have been proved by modern 
science to possess more or less value. Thus folk-opinion is not wholly to 
be distrusted, but, on the contrary, continues to offer valuable suggestions. 



ROBERT GRANT HALIBURTON (1831-1901). 

Robert Grant Halirurton, whose death at Pass Christian, Miss., has 
been announced, was a man of varied talents and accomplishments. Born 
June 3, 1831, at Windsor, Nova Scotia, the son of Judge Haliburton ("Sam 
Slick"), he was educated at King's College in that town, graduating with 
high honors. In 1853 he took the degree of M. A., and twenty-two years 
after his Alma Mater conferred on him a D. C. L, in consideration of his 



Robert Grant Haliburton. 63 

scientific labors. Connected with the volunteer militia, he rose to be 
lieutenant-colonel, and was in 1861 A. D. C. to the Lieutenant-Governor of 
Nova Scotia. His profession was that of a lawyer (having been called to 
the bar in 1853), and he figured as counsel in many important private and 
governmental cases, serving in 1875 as one of the commissioners in the 
settlement of the celebrated Prince Edward Island land question. In 
1876 the Provincial Government created him a Q. C, and the Dominion 
Government in 1878 conferred a like honor upon him. Although he had 
declined in 1854 to enter the Provincial Parliament, following the advice 
of his father, he took, nevertheless, a keen interest in political affairs both 
as a speaker and a writer of pamphlets, newspaper and magazine articles, 
advocating the cause of a self-reliant Canada and a united empire, views 
which he further emphasized and expounded during his residence in Eng- 
land, 1871-1876. On his return to Canada he was publicly welcomed, and 
from 1877-1881 practised law at the Federal capital. Ill-health supervening 
in 1 88 1 made it necessar\' for him to pass the winter in warm climates, and 
from that time forth (with the exception of certain efforts for the improve- 
ment of the condition of the people of Jamaica, where he spent for many 
years a considerable part of his time) he devoted himself chiefly to sci- 
entific studies and investigations. He attended when possible the meetings 
of scientific societies and congresses in America and Europe, and con- 
tributed often to their proceedings and transactions. He was a member of 
many learned societies in both hemispheres and a Fellow of the Royal Geo- 
graphical Society, the American Association for the Advancement of Science, 
the Royal Society of Antiquarians of the North (Copenhagen), etc. The 
income from the practice of his profession earlier in life and his interests in 
Nova Scotia coal mines enabled him during his years of scientific activity 
to engage in travel and investigations otherwise impossible. His discover- 
ies concerning the " dwarf races " of northern Africa were the result of 
several extended journeys in Morocco and the Atlas region, 1887-1893. 
These investigations excited a good deal of controversy at the time, but the 
author held his own well, and his continued studies have added very much 
to the literature of "dwarf peoples" all over the globe. The " dwarf ani- 
mals " of pygmy races also engaged Mr. Haliburton's attention. One of 
his theories was that the race of man began with a " Dwarf Era," and some 
of his views were even farther from the run of common scientific reasoning, 
but none the less interesting or suggestive for that. The logical conse- 
quences of his " dwarf theory " led him sometimes unconsciously to mag- 
nify the significance of evidence that failed to convince other observers. 
Through persistence, however, he was often able at last to fit the missing 
links in the chain. 

Another subject to which Mr. Haliburton devoted much study was the 
relation of the Pleiades to the calendars and mythologies of primitive peo- 
ples. Here again his African travels helped him out. In several publica- 
tions he supported the thesis that "these stars are the 'central sun ' of the 
religious calendars, myths, traditions, and symbolisms of early ages," — a 
view more poetical than scientific. 



64 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

Of his numerous publications and addresses (outside of many political 
and social essays), the following are of interest to the folk-lorist : — 

1. The Unity of the Human Race proved by the Universality of Cer- 

tain Superstitions connected with Sneezing. Halifax, 1863. 

2. New Material for the History of Man, derived from a Comparison 

of the Calendars and Festivals of Nations. Part I. The Festival 
of the Dead. Halifax. Part H. Astronomical Features in the 
Mosaic Cosmogony. Halifax, 1863-1864. 

3. Notes of Mt. Atlas and its Traditions. Read before Amer. Assoc. 

Adv. ScL, 1882. 

4. Primitive Traditions about the Lost Pleiades. Nature (London), 

vol. xxi. (1881-1882) pp. 100, loi. 

5. Notes on a Tau Cross on the Badge of a Medicine Man of the 

Queen Charlotte Isles. Read before the Brit. Assoc. Adv. Sci.^ 
1886. See, also, Nature, vol. xxxiv. (1886) p. 610. 

6. On Gypsies and an Ancient Hebrew Roll in Sus and the Sahara. 

Read before the Brit. Assoc. Adv. Sci., 1887. See, also, Nature, 
vol. xxxvi. p. 599. 

7. On Berber and Guanche Traditions as to the Burial-Place of Her- 

cules. Read before the Brit. Assoc. Adv. Sci., 1888. 

8. Primitive Astronomical Traditions as to Paradise, /did. 

9. Gypsy Acrobats in Ancient Africa. Journ. Gypsy-Lore Soc, 1890. 
ID. Dwarf Races and Dwarf Worship. Read before Internat. Congr, 

of Orientalists, 1 89 1 . 

11. The Dwarfs of Mt. Atlas. London, 1S91. 

12. Racial Dwarfs in the Atlas and the Pyrenees. Imper. Asiat. Quar. 

Rev., 1893 ; Acadetny (London), 1893. See, also, Nature, vol. 
xlvii. p. 294. 

13. Orientation of Temples by the Pleiades. Nature, vol. xlviii. (1893) 

p. 566. 

14. Survivals of Dwarf Races in the New World. Read before the 

Amcr. Assoc. Adv. Sci., 1894. 

15. Dwarf Survivals and Traditions as to Pygmy Races. Ibid., 1895. 

16. A Search for Lost Colonies of Northmen and Portuguese in Brit- 

ish North America. Read before Brit. Assoc. Adv. Sci., 1895. 
See, also, Froc. Roy. Geogr. Soc, 1895, ^"^^ -^^P- •^^'- -^^-i vol* 
xxvii. (1885) pp. 40-51. 

17. Zwergstamme in Sud- und Nord-Amerika. Fer/i. d. Berliner An- 

throp. Ges. 1896, pp. 470-472. 

18. The Dwarf Domestic Animals of Pygmies. Froc. Canad. Inst., vol. 

i. N. S., 1897, pp. 3-7. 
The writer of these lines of appreciation had only slight personal ac- 
quaintance with Mr. Haliburton, but found him to be an amiable gentle- 
man of the old school, with an inexhaustible fund of reminiscences and 
experiences. He had, too, the zest and enthusiasm of a man of science 
wedded to a life of great variety and extensive scholarship. 

Alex. F. Chamberlain, 
Clark University, Worcester, Mass. 



Bibliographical Notes. 65 

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES. 

BOOKS. 

Devil Tales. By Virginia Frazer Boyle. Illustrated by A. B. Frost. 
Harper & Brothers. 1900. 

Stories of the old South, recprded by one who learned them in her child- 
hood from the negroes of Mississippi. The tales are repeated for the most 
part in the forceful, native phrase of the black " mammy," to whom they 
had come as a heritage of generations. But inasmuch as they are embel- 
lished by suggestive setting, and moulded into artistic form by graceful 
narration, they must be assigned to the domain of literary rather than sci- 
entific folk-lore. It is, however, a work of wide interest, not only by reason 
of the weird fascination of the tales themselves, but because of their value 
to the psychologist and anthropologist, in showing, as they do, the supersti- 
tion which is as warp in the characters of these dusky children, and which, 
crossed and recrossed by the woof of daily doings, makes up the fabric of 
their life. 

The ten tales of the collection have for their common theme the baleful 
influence of the Evil One, who wanders abroad in the quarters during "de 
dark er de moon ; " and the counter conjuring of the good Hoodoo, whose 
business it is to beat the devil at his own game. 

There is a suggestion of Faust in the tragedy of " Marse Charles," the 
only one of the tales that deals with the " Quality," and a hint of classic 
Psyche in the clay butterflies fashioned by the crazed old Maumer to " fetch 
back de soul er Cindy's baby." Most of the stories recall ^Esop's Fables, 
from the active participation of the beasts and birds, here regarded as 
emissaries of Satan. Herein, also, is Darwinism reversed, so to speak. 
" Brer Baily hain't got no call ter 'low dat niggers is 'v'luted fum Afiker 
monkeys, fur dey 'v'lute back inter monkeys, sho, mum ! " For this was the 
punishment of the transgressing piccaninny who, bribed by Satan, stole the 
widow's last coal of fire. 

Nor is this African philosophy free from the complacent egoism that 
marks the dogmatic wherever found : " Now white folks ain' lack niggers," 
old Daddy Mose explains ; " dey '11 look at de new moon ober de lef shoul- 
der th'u' de trees an' nebber eben tek time ter say er pra'r back'ards : 
whilst dey puts on de right shoe fust, an' wonder what 's de matter wid dey 
business when hit go wrong. . . . White folks sho' is cu'is." 

The illustrations are genuine illuminations to the text, and help to make 
the volume one to be welcomed by all who find interest in folk-tales, and 
care for their preservation. The tales belong to the past, and must have 
departed with it had they not found in Mrs. Boyle a competent and sym- 
pathetic chronicler. 

Frank Russell, 



VOL. XIV. — NO. 52. 



6 6 journal of A merican Folk-L ore. 

The Book of Saints and Friendly Beasts. By Abbie Farwell 
Brown. Illustrated by Fanny Y. Cory. Boston and New York : Hough- 
ton, Mifflin & Co. 1901. Pp. 225. 

This little book contains a series of tales relating to certain saints and 
their attendant animals, told in the simplest and most charming manner. 
The reader will not find a herbarium, in which desiccated elements of folk- 
lore are preserved for the consultation of an expert ; the old stem is made 
to put forth leaf and blossom in a manner to attract and touch the taste 
and sensibilities of the public for which it is intended. The last of the nar- 
ratives relates to Saint Francis, and the spirit of the whole collection is not 
unlike that of the saint. The material furnished by mediaeval legends is 
sufficient to supply several such works ; throughout these breathes a feel- 
ing for animal life, not at the time so completely separated from human 
existence as to-day is the case. It may be thought that the narrator would 
have done well to treat of well-known holy personages whose names she 
omits ; for example, Ste. Genevieve and her doe might well have been 
accepted. As it is, a considerable number of the saints introduced are 
obscure characters, chiefly Celtic, scarce known to Acta Sanctorum. In 
some cases their legends are rather the creation of literary activity than the 
exact presentation of popular belief. But the themes are sufficiently an- 
cient ; and the writer did not intend that the stories should of necessity be 
mediaeval in detail. 

In regard to the tale which occupies the first place, we are obliged to 
take some exception. This is entitled " Saint Bridget and the King's 
Wolf." It is related that a certain king of Ireland had a tame wolf, which 
is shot by a countryman, who does not observe that the beast carries the 
royal mark. The man goes to court in order to claim the reward promised 
to destroyers of wolves, but instead of recompense is sentenced to die. 
Bridget, who knows the condemned person, pities his fate, and goes to the 
king in order to beg his life ; a white wolf jumps into her chariot, is taken 
to the king, and accepted as a substitute. From what immediate source 
the author has taken this tale we do not know ; but in the mediaeval nar- 
rative which served as the ultimate source the beast is not a wolf, but a 
tame fox, on account of his sagacity a favorite with the king. The fox is 
killed by a peasant ; but the king swears to annihilate the slayer and all 
his race, unless he can produce a fox as clever as that which he has re- 
moved. Bridget prays to God, who sends her, as the account naively ob- 
serves, one of his own wild foxes {iinain de suis vulpibus feris). As Bridget 
is riding in her car, the fox takes his seat beside her, and, when he gets to 
the palace, goes through a series of tricks for the benefit of the king. The 
performer gives satisfaction, is admitted to the privileges of his predeces- 
sor, and the criminal forgiven. On the following day the fox furnishes a 
still more striking indication of ability by running away, and getting off 
safely to his hole, in spite of the most active pursuit on the part of dogs 
and hunters. The more authentic form of the history to our mind appears 
also the more agreeable \ and, pleasing as is the figure of the white wolf, 
whom Bridget is represented as caressing, we would rather have seen the 



Bibliographical Notes. 67 

fox blinking from the front seat of the jaunting car, where he had perched 
himself beside the maiden. 

W. W. Newell. 

Bluebeard, A contribution to history and folk-lore, being the history of 
Gilles de Retz, of Brittany, France, who was executed at Nantes in 1440 
A. D., and who was the original of Bluebeard in the tales of Mother 
Goose. By Thomas Wilson, LL. D., Curator, Division of Prehistoric 
Archseology, U. S. National Museum, etc. Illustrated. New York and 
London': G. P. Putnam's Sons. Pp. xv, 212. 

The work of Professor Wilson, which we are late in noticing, is essen- 
tially an account of the career of Gilles de Retz, Marshal of France, con- 
demned on charges of heresy and the abduction of children. Gilles was 
fond of magnificence, and his extravagance caused presumptive heirs to 
make an attempt to deprive him of the management of his propertv. In 
1440 the Bishop of Nantes cited Gilles to appear before his court on ac- 
cusation of unspeakable crimes against infants, and a decree of excom- 
munication was passed upon him. This decree profoundly affected the 
accused, who seems to have been a devout believer, more anxious for the 
safety of his soul than for that of his body. At the trial accusations of 
heresy and magic were added ; the defendant was alleged to have a famil- 
iar spirit, who had appeared to him within a magic circle, in the form of a 
serpent or a leopard, and such acts of incantation Gilles admitted. He 
was convicted of heresy, but, in consideration of his submission, the ex- 
communication was annulled. 

Professor Wilson agrees with other historians in considering that Gilles 
was guilty ; but a good case could be made out in his defence. The 
assumed acts belong to folk-superstition ; the mediaeval process made it 
easy to enforce confession by torture, and the fears of the accused for the 
future fate of his soul inclined him to subservience ; the evidence is sus- 
picious, and in a modern court would carry little weight. It is a curious 
piece of folk-lore that the altar erected to the memory of Gilles, an alleged 
murderer of infants, came to be popularly considered as that of The 
Blessed Virgin who Makes Milk (Bonne Vierge de Cree'-Lait). Nursing 
mothers worshipped at this shrine. 

That Perrault's tale of Bluebeard is founded on the career of Gilles de 
Retz is assumed by the author ; but this supposition scarce appears to 
have foundation. A number of variants appear in Europe. These, with 
related stories, have been ably discussed by Mr. E. Sidney Hartland, in 
the " Folk- Lore Journal "for 1885 (iii. 192-242). His conclusion is that 
the narrations belonging to the category of " The Forbidden Chamber " 
developed from an account of " the slaughter of his wife and children by 
a capricious or cannibal husband, to marriage and -murder for previously 
incurred vengeance, or for purposes of witchcraft, and thence to murder by 
a husband for disobedience express or implied." At this point the killing 
is represented as a punishment for fatal curiosity. It may here be re- 
marked that another reason for the destruction of a pregnant wife is to 



63 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

prevent the birth of a babe who might become a rival of the father. Such 
a story, given in the earlier life of Gildas, is referred to Brittany ; but there 
is no further analogy with that of Perrault. 

The interest of Professor Wilson's subject for folk-lore is not the connec- 
tion with the nursery tale, so much as with the theory of mediaeval trials 
for witchcraft. As an item of popular religion may be mentioned the 
prayer of La Hire, a companion of Gilles, who at the assault of Rainefort 
is said to have petitioned : " O God, I pray Thee to do for me to-day what 
Thou wouldst that I should do for Thee, were I God and Thou La Hire." 
This was probably a common form of entreaty ; Michelangelo Buonarroti 
introduces it into a madrigal. 

W. W. Newell. 

Arbeit und Rhythmus. Von Dr. Karl Bucher. Zweite, stark ver- 
mehrte Auflage. Leipzig: B. G. Teubner. 1899. Pp. x-l-412. 

Although the title of this volume hardly indicates the fact, it is devoted 
for the most part to the consideration of the relations between work and 
song among more or less primitive peoples. The book is an enlarged and 
improved form of an essay published in 1896 in the " Proceedings of the 
Royal Saxon Scientific Society," is well printed in Roman type, and pro- 
vided with a very good index. The topics discussed are : Labor among 
primitive peoples (pp. 1-23), rhythmic form of work (pp. 24-40), labor 
songs (pp. 41-59), diverse species of labor songs (pp. 60-194), employ- 
ment of labor songs in keeping together large masses of men (pp. 195- 
249), song and other rhythmic bodily movements (pp. 250-298), origin of 
poetry and music (pp. 299-237), woman's work and woman's poetry 
(pp. 33S-356), rhythm as an economic principle of evolution (pp. 357- 
383). There is also an appendix giving the music (in some cases likewise 
the text) of a number of boat-songs from various regions of the globe. The 
extent of the material examined by Dr. Bucher may be judged from the 
two hundred songs of all sorts of which the texts (and in many cases 
the music also) with translations find place in the book. These songs 
cover a wide range of human activities : Dance and kindred phenomena, 
house-life, meal-grinding, food-preparing, manufacture and use of textile, 
fictile, and other materials, trades and professions, ploughing, sowing, reap- 
ing, and harvest, threshing and storing, fruit-gathering, hay-making, coal- 
mining, hunting and fishing, house-building, lifting, pulling and carrying, 
rowing, paddling, and sailing, pastoral life, war, religion, ritual, processions, 
caravans, " medicine," etc. All these things the author uses to support and 
illustrate his theory of the intimate relationship of bodily movement, music, 
and poetry. In the beginning work and play were one, and a " joy in 
doing," resembling that of the civilized man in his highest creative acts of 
mind, — was common to all the labors of primitive man. As an economic 
evolutionary principle rhythm served " not merely to lessen the burden of 
labor, but also as one of the sources of assthetic pleasure and that element 
of art for which all human beings without distinction of culture have some 
sort of feeling within them." Work, play, and art were formerly one, as 



Bibliographical Notes. 69 

can still be seen in the growing child, and often in the genius. According 
to Dr. Biicher both the dance and poetry originated in labor-rhythms. It 
is a very suggestive fact on this point that the Mincopies, of the Andaman 
Islands, are said to compose their songs while at work, and then carry 
them out in the dance (p. 203), — and every Mincopy has the gift of com- 
posing. The first step taken by primitive man in the direction of song 
was to make labor-songs out of the same stuff wherefrom language took its 
words, the simple " nature-sounds,'' — thus songs with meaningless words 
arose, in which rh)rthm was all. Next came the intercalation of intelligible 
words, phrases, sentences, and by and by the poetical creation was born. 
Whatever one may think of this theory, one must admit that he has mar- 
shalled his facts with no little skill and thoroughness. One can hardly help 
regretting that the author was not able to go into the American Indian side 
of his subject with more detail, as he would have found in the songs of the 
Navahoes, Sioux, Iroquois, Cherokees, to say nothing of many South 
American tribes, a rich grist for his mill. So, too, the songs of the Indians 
of the Northwest Pacific coast. The section on "work and poetry of 
women " maintains^ the thesis that folk-poetr}- has a certain woman-ww///' 
linking it directly with labor-song, for women were the chief workers in 
early times, and they sang as diligently as they toiled. This share of 
woman in early literature has been emphasized already by Mason and 
Letourneau, but Biicher furnishes other facts of interest concerning woman's 
poetic activity. Out of 1202 Esthonian, Lettic, and Lithuanian folk-songs 
examined by the author, 67S were songs of women and only 355 distinctly 
men's songs. Something the same may be said of the Finns, while among 
the peoples of western Europe there are marked traces of similar phe- 
nomena, — a recrudescence is noticeable in the Middle Ages. 

While he has not exhausted the subject by any means. Dr. Biicher has 
■written a very interesting and suggestive volume worthy of consultation by 
all students of the beginnings of human arts. 

Alexander F: Chamberlain. 

Chinese Mother Goose Rhymes. Translated and illustrated by Isaac 
Taylor Headland, of Peking University. New York: Fleming H, 
Revell Co. 1900. Pp. 160, 

The author of this profusely illustrated volume tells us that " the entire 
work is due to the fact that our attention was called by Mrs. C. H. Fenn, 
of Peking, to her old nurse repeating these rhymes to her little boy," and 
declares not only that " there are probably more nursery rhymes in China 
than can be found in America," — his own collection of Chinese rhymes 
numbers more than six hundred, — but also that "there is no language in 
the world, we venture to believe, which contains children's songs expres- 
sive of more keen and tender affection than some of these here given." 
The translation is one "which is fairly true to the original, and will please 
English-speaking children," and the Chinese text of each "rhyme" (not 
transliterated, however) is given. In this volume one hundred and forty 
rhymes are printed, fairly representative of the activities and environment 



70 yournal of American Folk-Lore, 

of childhood in China. The satire and the ethics of some of these rhymes 
are very interesting, while their appeals to the weaknesses and to the 
strong points of children often equal, if they do not excel, the correspond- 
ing characteristics of the rhymes of the white race. The " Pat-a-Cake " 
rhyme, — 

Pat-a-cake, pat-a-cake, 

Little girl fair, 
There 's a priest in the temple 
Without any hair. 

You take a tile, 

And I 'II take a brick, 
And we '11 hit the priest, 

In the back of the neck, — 

being aimed at native priests, must not be held responsible for the current 
troubles in the Celestial Empire. The doctors and the merchants figure in 
an amusing fashion in some of these rhymes. Some of the tenderness dis- 
played towards animals and insects would delight the good St. Francis. 
This tenderness the plant-world also shares, and all nature lives for the 
little child. What could be more naively human than rhymes like these, — 

A red pepper flower, 
Ling, ling, ling, 
Mama will listen, 
And baby will sing. 

Old Mother Wind, 
Come this way. 
And make our baby 
Cool to-day. 

This book will interest everybody from the most ignorant to the most 
learned, for it has within it the human essence that proves the real unity of 
mankind. 

A.F. C. 

Monographien zur deutschen Kulturgeschichte, herausgegeben von Georg 
Steinhausen. V. Band. Kinderleben in der Deutschen Vergan- 
GENHEiT von Hans Boesch. Mit 149 Abbildungen und Beilagen nach 
den Originalen aus dem 15-18. Jahrhundert. Leipzig: Eugen Diede- 
rich. 1900. Pp. 132. 

This book, replete with reproductions of quaint and curious pictures and 
drawings, together with facsimiles of broadsides, etc., deals with child-life 
in Germany in centuries past. The topics treated of at length are : Birth 
(pp. 1-23), baptism (pp. 23-33), early childhood (pp. 33-45), home educa- 
tion (pp. 45-62), toys and play (pp. 62-7S), festivals and holidays (pp. 78- 
93), school (93-106), after school (pp. 106-114), illegitimate, poor, and 
orphan children (pp. 1 14-120), sickness and death (pp. 120-131). The 
valuable and interesting details in which it abounds can only be appre- 



Bibliographical Notes. 71 

dated by examination of the volume itself, and the same may be said of 
the whole series to which it belongs. They are wonderfully cheap as well, 
— the *' Kinderleben " selling for only four marks, with a finer edition at 
eight marks. Boesch, after noting how long some strange and even cruel 
customs have lingered in the land, points out that not a few of the finest 
German Mdrchen owe their origin to the exposure of infants (p. 13). From 
page 21 we learn that birth notices in the newspapers date from towards 
the end of the eighteenth century, and were far less simple than those of 
to-day. The " Freudmaidli," as the announcer of births to relatives and 
friends was termed in Schaffhausen, was a very interesting figure. In Swa- 
bia the belief seems still to be current that the presence of a sleeping in- 
fant protects a house from lightning (p. 37). From the examples on page 
45, it would be fair to judge that the rudeness of modern children towards 
their elders had some brilliant precedents. The cut of the " Zuchtwagen," 
with its accompanying rhymes, from a Niirnberg broadside of the sixteenth 
century, treats humorously the difficulties of bringing up children. So, too, 
the " Tischzucht " on page 54. The section on " bad children " is very 
good. Niirnberg children's toys were celebrated already in the fourteenth 
century. The pictures, of various sports and games deserve more than 
passing notice. Among the good and evil characters of the childish pan- 
theon appear Schonbart, Knight Rupert, St. Nicholas, " the child-eater " 
(who resembles the famous witch with a basket, of the Indians of the North 
Pacific coast), etc. That the German, like the English boy, " crept like 
snail unwillingly to school," is evident from confessions of eminent men on 
page 98. The illustrations of some of the text-books are more ingenious 
or witty than profitable. The following charm to drive away pain, — 

Heile, heile, Segen, 
Drei Tag Regen, 
Drei Tag geht der Wind : 
Heile, heile, liebs Kind, — 

is worth citing here. Some of the pictures of death are characteristically 
horrible, — Cornelius Teunissen's " Allegory on Instability " is reproduced 
as a full-page illustration (p. 128). All folk-lorists and those who are not, 
who take any manner of interest in the folk-reaction to the phenomena 
of childhood, especially those things which " are a perpetual fountain of 
youth," will enjoy this book. 

A. F. C. 

Things Chinese : Being Notes on various Subjects connected with China. 
By J. Dyer Ball, M. R. A. S. Third Edition, Revised and Enlarged. 
London : Sampson Low, Marston & Co., Ltd. 1900. Pp. 666-|-xxv. 

This little encyclopcedia, the first edition of which appeared in 1893, con- 
tains much in the nature of folk-lore. Among the new rubrics added since 
the second edition are: Betrothal (pp. 69-92), Birth-customs (pp. 74-77), 
and Cosmetics. 

A.F.C. 



72 yournal of American Folk- Lore. 

The Childhood of JisHfB, the Ojibwa, and Sixty-four Pen Sketches. 
By Albert Ernest Jenks, Ph. D., author of " The Wild-Rice Gatherers 
of the Upper Lakes " and " Economic Plants used by the Ojibwa." 
Madison, Wis. : The American Thresherman. 1900. 12°. Pp. 130. 

The timely appearance of this attractive little volume is another evidence 
of the growing interest in Indian things. While making no claim to be 
anything more than a story for little people, it is in reality the finest study 
of the Indian that has appeared in a long time. The author is a young 
man who has already given proof of capacity for close scientific work in a 
recent monograph, soon to be published by the Bureau of American Ethno- 
logy, upon the native wild-rice industry of the upper lake region. This 
book shows that he has reached the heart of the Indian as few white men 
ever do. It is a consistent record of the daily life of the Indian boy at 
home with his tribe from the first day in the beaded cradle until the vision 
of his medicine spirit makes him a man. Every forward step in the transi- 
tion is followed, as an old man, sitting by the fireside, might recall his boy- 
hood adventures, with loving touch upon all his childhood wonderings 
and longings. It is written from the inside — such a book as the Indian 
himself would write had he but the literary ability, and, failing that, it is 
such a book as the Indian would wish to have written. More than that, it 
is a study of primitive life, and contains more of genuine ethnology than 
many pretentious octavos claiming authority upon the subject. If the 
ethnologist fails hereafter to keep it upon his library shelf, it will be 
because the children have carried it off to read the story. Only one small 
fault seems worth noting, viz. : the use of the word squaw for woman. The 
book is handsomely illustrated with numerous appropriate pen drawings, 
and contains an introduction by Prof. W. J. McGee, ethnologist-in-charge 
of the Bureau of American Ethnology. 

James Moomy. 

Kindheit und Volkstum. Von K. Muthesius. Gotha : Thienemann. 

1899. Pp. 54. 

This pamphlet. No. 13 of the "Beitrage zur Lehrerbildung und Lehrer- 
fortbildung," is an interesting review of recent German literature about 
folk-lore from the standpoint of the teacher in reference to the nature and 
capacities of the child. The author emphasizes the teacher's need of in- 
sight into the nature-world of the folk and of the poet, who are both so 
often very close to the child in their thoughts concerning life and its phe- 
nomena. To cause folk-lore to permeate every branch of instruction and 
to touch every teacher with its spirit, rather than to utilize it as a special 
feature of the curriculum of the training-school, is. Dr. Muthesius thinks, 
the way to make folk-lore serve best the cause of education. In this fash- 
ion will the German teachers be able to make real the dream of Fichte and 
Herder, and, in the spirit of the deep and true things the folk have trea- 
sured through the ages, train the young generations for the great deeds of 
. the future. These pages ought to be read by every teacher and every 
folk-lorist. 

A. F. C. 



Bibliographical Notes. 73 

Materialien zur Geschichte des Deutschen Volkslieds. Aus Uni- 
versitats-Vorlesungen von Rudolf Hildebrand. I. Teil : Das altere 
Volkslied. Herausgegeben von G. Berlit. Leipzig: B. G. Teubner. 
1900. Pp. viii -|- 239. 

This volume, v/hich forms also the supplementary number of the four- 
teenth volume of the Zeitschrift fiir den deutschen Unterricht, is made up 
from notes of lectures delivered at the University of Leipzig at various 
times during the ten years 1880-1890 by Rudolf Hildebrand, the distin- 
guished teacher and folk-investigator, on " The older German Folk-Song 
in its culture-historical and literary significance." Among the topics 
treated are : Folk-Song and Artificial Song, New Songs that hark back to 
Olden Times, The Significance of Song in Olden Life, The Literature and 
the Transmission of the Older Folk-Song, Competitive Singing, Contest 
between Summer and Winter, The Maiden and the Hazel-Bush, The Rose 
in Folk-Song, Martinmas Songs, Drinking Songs, Carnival Songs, Foot- 
soldier Songs, The Old Epic, Historical Folk-Songs, Children's Songs, etc. 
The texts of many songs are given, and there is a plenitude of biblio- 
graphical references, historical, comparative, and explanatory annotations. 
Although ver}' fragmentary in not a few sections, this book cannot but fail 
to be useful to the student of German folk-song in its origin and develop- 
ment. A. F. C. 

Bibliography of Worcester. A List of Books, Pamphlets^ Newspapers, 
and Broadsides, printed in the Town of Worcester, Massachusetts, from 
1775 to 1848. With Historical and Explanatory Notes. By Charles 
Lemuel Nichols. Worcester : Privately Printed, mdcccxcix. Pp. 
xii-|- 216. 

This well-printed volume contains among its 1296 entries many items of 
interest to the folk-lorist, the historian of English folk-lore in America in 
particular. The Worcester edition of " Mother Goose's Melody," Dr. 
Nichols rightly terms " the most famous of Thomas's reproductions of 
Carnan and Newbery's London children's books." The vogue which the 
"last and dying words " of criminals about to be executed enjoyed is appar- 
ent from the number of broadsides of this nature. The titles of the Juve- 
nilia and the pseudonyms of some of their authors make very good reading 
for a melancholy mood that needs to be changed into a merry one. One 
can hardly refrain from mentioning the following: "The renowned History 
of Giles Gingerbread, a little Boy who lived on Learning," 1787; "The 
History of Little King Pippin ; with an Account of the melancholy Death 
of four naughty Boys, who were devoured by wild Beasts. And the won- 
derful Delivery of Master Harry Harmless by a little white Horse," 1787 \ 
" The Death and Burial of Cock Robin ; with the tragical Death of A 
Apple Pye," 1787. In these titles figure : Tommy Trapwit, Nurse True- 
love, Mrs. Lovechild, Solomon Sobersides, Charley Columbus, Crop the 
Conjurer, Tommy Thumb, Cock Robin, Goody Twoshoes, Tom Trot, Robin 
Goodfellow, Mr. Tell Truth, Jackey Dandy, Solomon Winlove, etc. Alto- 
gether, the output of Juvenilia is very remarkable. Most curious of all, 



74 jfournal of American Folk-Lore. 

perhaps, is the " Hieroglyphick Bible," with " Emblematical Figures for the 
Amusement of Youth," published in 1788 by Isaiah Thomas. Dr. Nichols 
has done his work well, and one can only regret that being privately printed 
in a small edition, his " Bibliography " can hardly attain the circulation it 
deserves. A. F. C. 

Die Geheimsymbole der Chemie und Medicin des Mittelalters. 
Eine Zusammenstellung der von den Mystikern und Alchymisten ge- 
brauchten geheimen Zeichenschrift, nebst einem kurzgefassten geheim- 
wissenschaftlichen Lexikon. Von C. W. Gessmann. Mit 120 litho- 
graphierten Tafeln. Miinchen : Franz C. Mickl. 1900. Pp. xii-|-67 
4-126 + 36. 

This book, with an historical introduction, a dictionary of alchemistical 
terms (178 in number), 122 pages of symbols, copious indexes in German, 
Latin, French, English, and Italian, and a list of works referred to, is in- 
deed a remarkable composition, and one not without value to students of 
folk-lore, who cannot fail to be interested in the thousands of symbols fig- 
ured and explained, as well as in the terms employed by the old alche- 
mists and men of medicine, or rather, perhaps, " medicine men " of the 
middle ages. The transmogrifications of some of the letters of the Roman 
alphabet to make alchemic signs are really wonderful. The historical in- 
troduction contains many interesting facts. According to Zosimus, an 
alchemist of the fourth century, the Egregori, or "sons of God," as a 
reward for the favors they received from the daughters of men (as related 
in the Book of Enoch), disclosed to them the secrets of astrology, medicine, 
and cosmetics. Another alchemistic legend attributes the knowledge of 
these occult matters to the goddess Isis, who claimed it as the reward for 
her submission to the passion of the angel Amnael. Jacob Toll, a profes- 
sor of Duisburg, at the end of the seventeenth century, sought to place the 
whole of ancient mythology on a basis of alchemy. The incident of the 
burning of the golden calf gave rise to the idea that Moses was an alche- 
mist, and the Balneum marice or Marienbad is said to take its name from 
Miriam, the sister of Moses. In the palmy days of alchemy both men and 
women of all nations devoted themselves to its pursuit, and crowned heads 
(like Henry VI. of England and Barbara, the consort of the German Em- 
peror Sigismund) are found among their numbers, besides monks and 
churchmen. The most recent book on alchemy by one of the " adepts " is 
JoUivet Castelot's "Comment on devient Alchymiste " (Paris, 1897), the 
author of which is general secretary of the " French Alchemistical So- 
ciety." According to Dr. Gessmann the very latest development is the 
establishment in America of an " Argentajirum Company." 

A. F. a 

The Indians of To-Day. By George Bird Grinnell, Ph. D. Illus- 
trated with full-page portraits of living Indians. Chicago and New York : 
Herbert S. Stone & Company, mdcccc. Pp. iii -[- 185. 
This elaborately illustrated volume (there are fifty-six full-page portraits 

of Indians, — Arapahoes, Blackfeet» Cheyennes, Apaches, Wichitas, Kiowas, 



Bibliographical Notes. 75 

Pueblos, Flatheads, Assiniboines and Sioux of divers tribes, Tonkawas, 
Crows, etc.) treats of Indian Character, Beliefs and Stories, Myths, Former 
Distribution of the Indians, Reservations and Reservation Life, The 
Agent's Rule, Education, Some Difficulties, The Red Man and the White. 
To the author, the Indian is " a grown-up child," " an adult with the mind 
of a child," and from this point of view he discusses very sympathetically, 
in the light of his own long and extensive personal experience, the various 
questions involved. Against the common view that the Indian is stoical, 
stolid, or sullen. Dr. Grinnell justly protests, and his sketch of the Red 
Man's character is illuminating. In the chapter on " Beliefs and Stories " 
(pp. 13-26) the author has incorporated from his "Pawnee Hero Stories 
and Folk-Tales " the myths of " The Ghost Wife " and " The Bear Man." 
Chapter iv. (pp. 27-33) is devoted to " The Young Dog's Dance," chapter 
V. (pp. 35-43) to "The Buffalo Wife," both Pawnee legends, and chapter 
vi. (pp. 45-48) to " A Blackfoot Sun and Moon Myth," reprinted from the 
Journal of American Folk-Lore. Of the buffalo we learn (p. 21): "The 
Blackfeet called rt Ni-ai, which means my shelter, my protection, while all 
the plains tribes prayed to it." Widespread, also, is "a faith in the intel- 
ligence and spiritual power of the spider " (p. 25). Among the Blackfeet, 
" the butterfly seems ta be the sleep producer," and the lullabies refer to 
it. The chapter on " Former Distribution of the Indians " (pp. 49-73) 
consists of brief accounts, in alphabetical order, of the chief Indian fami- 
lies or stocks north- of Mexico, and is a ver}' handy list for reference pur- 
poses, although the author has not correlated with absolute exactness the 
various doubtful relationships. Attention is called to the very mixed Indian 
blood of the Northern Cheyennes, and to the strong infusion of Mexican 
blood among the Comanches. The chapter on " The Reservations " 
(pp. 75-140) is a somewhat similar descriptive list of the numerous Indian 
agencies in the United States, embodying all sorts of general information. 
The number of the Indians, the author thinks, is decreasing. On the re- 
servation the Indian is really " a prisoner," and its life is very irksome to 
him. He is often expected to conform to the virtues of civilization, with 
very little real protection from its vices. And the agent, when he is good, 
he is very good, and when he is bad, he is very bad. The discussion of 
"Education" (pp. 153-162) is very sane and suggestive, the view taken 
being that "the main object in educating the Indian children is to render 
the race self-supporting," and that the Indians are Americans, and " should 
be put in a position to develop into a constituent part of our new race, just 
as the immigrants from a dozen foreign lands have developed and are devel- 
oping into good and useful citizens of the United States" (p. 161). Alto- 
gether " The Indians of To-Day " is a very useful and a very ornamental 
book, with excellent illustrations and a good index. The author's work, 
the printer's, and the artist's are all well done. 

A. F. a 



y6 younial of American Folk-Lore. 

FoLK-LoRE Stories and Proverbs gathered and paraphrased for 
Little Children. By Sara E. Wiltse. Illustrated by Edith Brown. 
Boston: Ginn & Company. 1900, Pp. vii-f-Si. 

In the hope of fostering the joyous spirit in child life, Miss Wiltse has 
modified considerably, for the use of children just learning to read, some 
familiar stories of the folk. These are : Henny Penny, Big Spider and 
Little Spider, The House that Jack Built, The Moon in the Mill Pond 
(after " Uncle Remus "), The Sheep and the Pig (after Asbjornsen), The 
Lion and the Elephant, The Sole, The Three Bears, The Lion and the 
Mouse, Boots and Beasts (after Asbjornsen), The Tortoise and the Earth, 
with the addition of " Chaucer's Garden." The numerous illustrations are 
well suited to the text. Miss Wiltse, in the true child-study spirit, has not 
abused her office of editor, and this little book will doubtless achieve the 
success it deserves. 

A. F. C. 



JOURNALS. 
recent articles of a comparative nature in folk-lore periodicals 

(not in ENGLISH). 

Agostini, J. Folk-Lore du Tahiti et des iles voisines. Changements survenus 
dans les coutumes, moeurs, croyances, etc., des indigenes, depuis 70 ann^es en- 
viron (1829-1898). Rev. d. Trad. Pop., Paris, 1900, xv, 65-96, 157-165. The 
author, who has resided for some three years in Tahiti, compares his own observa- 
tions with the data in Moerenhout, and notes the changes that have taken place in 
the habits, customs, beliefs, etc., of the natives in the seventy years that have 
elapsed since the latter visited these islands. Some ancient customs and prac- 
tices have entirely disappeared, others are obsolescent, while some have hardly 
yet felt the touch of the new influences. The bark-cloth jnaro has been dethroned 
by the /^rtv of European calico; the kiss has largely changed to the European 
sort ; the morals of the peoples (and these are reflected in the latest versions of 
many tales and legends) have changed in part for the better and in part for the 
worse ; the marriage relation in particular has been deprived of some of its cruel 
aspects. But the ghosts of old superstitions still stalk about among the Chris- 
tian beliefs imposed by the missionaries, and superstitions still mingle strangely 
with the practical matters of trade and commerce. 

d'Araujo, J. Proverbios venezianos com equivalencia portugueza. A Tra- 
di^ao, Serpra, 1901, iii, 12-15. -^ ''^^ of 9~ Venetian proverbs and their Portuguese 
equivalents. 

Bartels, M. Was konnen die Toten.? Ztschr. d. Vcr. f. Volkskundc.VitxXvn, 
1900, X, II 7-142. "What can the dead do?" An extended discussion with 
bibliographical references of the various acts and deeds credited to the dead in 
folk-thought all over the world, but especially in Central Europe. Among the 
acts attributed to the dead, directly or indirectly, are the following : Open one eye 
or both, eat and drink, use his former property of all sorts, talk, sing, hear, carry 
with him to the grave sickness and disease, draw the living unto him, turn in his 
grave, walk the earth, visit the survivors, dance together, roam about at night, 
visit the beloved, feel pain and grief, think and feel generally, give good advice, 
talk, jest, and sing with and to one another in their graves, see and know what is 



Bibliographical Notes. 77 

going on in the world, kiss or suck to death the living, act as a sort of detective. 
To the folk reqiiiescat in pace ! means a great deal. 

Bastiax, a. Zum Seelenbegriff in der Ethnologie. Ethnol. N'oiisbl., Berlin, 
1901, ii, 77-97. A general discussion of the idea of the soul among the various 
races of man, with references to Koch's recent study of "Animism." 

BiTXER, S. Presn o ojcu z trzema cdrkami. Odmiunka ludowa piesni " o 
krdlu Learze." Wtsla, Warzawa, 1900, xiv, 1S6, 187. Records a Polish variant 
of the song of King Lear. 

Chauvix, V. Mahmoud: Contes Populaires. IVal/onia, Lxhge, 1900, viii, 5- 
12. Brief comparative study of the legend of the murderous pastry-cook or bar- 
ber, — the story of Mahmoud, or the son of the Emperor of China. The incident 
of razing the house and its analogues in Belgian law and folk-lore are discussed, 

Chauvix, V. Documents pour la Parabole des trois anneaux. /did., 197-200. 
Brief discussion, with bibliography, of the origin of the parable of the three rings 
made famous by Lessing in his Nathan der Weise. The parable is traced back 
to an Arab text of the eleventh century of our era. 

CoELHO, T. O Senhor Sete. A Tradi^ao, 1900, ii, 39-42, 69-71, 86-88, 97- 
102, 11S-120, 135-138, 154-157, 162-168, 185, 1S6; 1901, iii, 8-10, 17-22. These 
articles on " Mr. Seven" deal with the folk-lore relating to the number 7. Besides 
giving some 100 quatrains and a number of other pieces of folk-poetry in which 
the number seven figures, the author discusses such proverbs, sayings, etc., as the 
following : Seven dogs to one bone, to have seven eyes, seven hours' sleep or 
travel ; a man of seven offices, the seven sons of St. Felicity, the last of seven 
daughters a witch (of seven sons a werewolf), rumor is seven-mouthed, reason 
comes when one is seven, the seventh of May is unlucky, the seven sages of 
Greece, seven deadly sins and seven virtues. 

Crock, B. II ginoco delle canne o il carosello. Arch, per lo Stud, delle Trad. 
Pop., Palermo, 1900, xix, 41 7-420. Discusses the carosello, a game introduced into 
Italy by the Spaniards in the fifteenth centurj-, but ultimately of Arabic origin. 

Defrecheux, J. Le latin et I'humour populaire. Wallonia, 1900, viii, 21-24, 
107. Gives examples of the folk-use, mostly in a facetious manner, of Latin words 
and phrases, in Li^ge, where that language was once highly cultivated. 

Drechsler, p. Das Riickwartszaubern im Volksglauben. Mitteil d. Schles. 
Ges. f. Volkskunde, Breslau, 1900, 45-50. Examples (chiefly from Central Eu- 
rope) of the wide-spread folk-belief in the virtue and magic of "backwards 
doing." 

Ferraro, G. La genesi della mitologia meteorica. Arch, per lo Stud, delle 
Trad. Pop., 1900, xx, 469-481. In spite of linguistic differences, the author 
thinks, the mythologies of the different peoples are sisters, for they are all 
"daughters of the impression which nature made and is still making on the senses 
of man." Man in his brief course of life repeats the story of the race, the infancy 
of the individual corresponds to the infancy of his people. The author believes 
that the " child of 2-5 years of age is in that psychic state in which abstract ideas 
are personified ; this is the epoch of the creation of atmospheric mythology." 
The author sustains this thesis by comparing the beliefs of primitive peoples, the 
folk, and children, concerning thunder and lightning, fire, hail, wind, rain, clouds, 
rainbow. These personifications have a " corporeo-psychic " origin. 

Hauffen, a. Kleine Beitrage zur Sagengeschichte. Ztsehr. d. Ver. f. Volks- 
kunde, 1900, X, 432-438. Treats of " The Dream of the Treasure on the Bridge," 
" The Legend of Mons Pilatus," and Lenau's " Anna." 

Kaixdl, R. F. Napoleons-Gebete und -Spottlieder. Ibid., 280-283, 449- 
Treats of the " Napoleon cult" in Poland at the beginning of the nineteenth cen- 
tury, with its literature of parodied prayers, song, and satire. 



y8 Journal of American Folk-Lore. 

Karlowicz, J., et Gaidoz, H. L'obole du mort. Melusitie, Paris, 1900, x, 56- 
66, 114, 115. Brief account of the custom of placing money in the hands, in the 
mouth, on the eyes, or somewhere about the body of the dead, in Europe, Asia, 
etc. 

VON LiEBENAU, T. Der Ring des Gyges in der Schweiz. Schweis. Arch. f. 
Volkskjinde, Zurich, 1900, iv, 220, 221. References to literature concerning the 
magic power of precious stones. 

LoPACiNSKi, H. Dwa przyslowia starozytne. Wisla, 1900, xiv, 69-71. Dis- 
cusses the origin of two old Polish proverbs ("eagles beget eagles, not doves"). 

Meyer, R. M. Goethe und diedeutsche Volkskunde. Ztschr. d. Ver.f. Volks- 
kunde, 1900, x, 1-15. Examines the evidence in the life and writings of Goethe 
as to the nature of his interest in folk-life and folk-lore. The conclusion arrived 
at is that the interest of the great German poet in these matters was only a 
" Dreingucken," not a deep, abiding passion. 

VON Negelein, J. Die Reise der Seele ins Jenseits. Ibid., 1901, xi, 16-28. 
The first part of a general essay upon the beliefs and practices of the various 
races of man with respect to the journey of the soul from the earth, to, and in the 
other world. This section deals with the departure of the soul and the ideas 
therewith connected, among Aryan and Semitic peoples especially. 

Perroni-Grande, L. Un "cuntu" Siciliano ed una novella del Boccacci. 
Arch. p. lo Stud. d. Trad. Pop., 1900, xix, 365-369. Text (with a few notes) of a 
Sicilian cunfii, or folk-tale, resembling in several respects one of the stories (ii, 9) 
in the Decameron of Boccaccio. 

Petsch, R. Ein Kunstlied im Volksmunde. Ztschr. d. Ver. f. Volkskunde, 
1900, X, 66-71. Discusses the changes in von Zedlitz's poem " Mariechen," in its 
passage through the mouth of the folk, — some of the changes are of psychologi- 
cal interest. Four versions of the song are referred to. 

PiNEAU, L. Paysans Scandinaves d'autrefors et Paysans Frangais d'aujourd'- 
hui. Rev. d. Trad. Pop., 1900, xv, 497-502. The author detects " a striking re- 
semblance," in life, beliefs, and superstitious practices, between the French peas- 
ants of to-day and the Scandinavian peasantry as described by Olavus Magnus. 

PiTR^, G. Contribute alia bibliografia dei " Contes des Fdes " di Ch. Perrault, 
d'Aulnay et Leprince de Beaumont in Italia. Arch. p. lo Stud, delle Trad. Pop., 
1900, xix, 256-259. Gives (with descriptive notes) the titles of twenty-six editions 
of Italian books, containing in whole or in part the "Fairy Tales" of Perrault, 
etc. 

PiTRE, G. Le Tradizioni popolari nella Divina Commedia. Ibid., 521-554. 
Produces evidence to show that Dante absorbed largely items of folk-thought and 
folk-belief into his great poem. Dr. Pitr^ cites forty-three passages containing or 
relating to folk-lore, with explanatory notes and references to the literature of the 
subject. Folk-usages, games, beliefs, superstitions, legends, proverbs, etc., are 
touched upon. The facts contained in this article show that the wise Dante was 
not able to rise altogether above the lore of the folk of his day. 

PoLiVKA, G. Tom Tit Tot. Ein Beitrag zur vergleichenden Miirchenkunke. 
Ztschr. d. Ver.f. F<7/,i'j/Jv/'«</6', 1900, x, 254-272, 325, 382-396, 43S, 439. A com- 
parative study and investigation into the origin, history, and connections of the 
tale of " Tom Tit Tot," which Mr. Edward Clodd has discussed with special re- 
ference to content in his volume (named after the storj') which appeared some 
three years ago. Polfvka's study is a useful appendix to Clodd, and is well pro- 
vided with references to the literature of the subject. The tale is probably of 
Teutonic origin, and has spread from the peoples of that stock over the West 
European and Romance area. The author discusses with considerable critic 
detail the numerous versions of this folk-story. 



Bibliographical Noles. 79 

Stiefel, A. L. Zu Hans Sachsen's " Der plint Messner." Ibid., 'ji-Zo. The 
author thinks Russian influence in the case of Sachs's " Blind Sacristan " impos- 
sible. The direct source is the " Keskiichlein," a poem by his contemporary and 
fellow countryman, Hans Vogel. The ultimate origin is also discussed. 

Thomas, N. W. O mercado de Grillos. A Tradudo, 1900, ii, 129, 130. Treats 
briefly of the " cricket market " in various parts of Europe. 

Trotter, A. Die alcune produzioni pathologiche delle piante nella credenza 
popolare. Arch. p. lo Stud, delle Trad. Pop., 1900, xix, 207-214. Discusses 
folk-lore from various parts of Europe (Italy in particular) concerning such patho- 
logical vegetable phenomena as the " galls " on barks, beeches, etc., and excres- 
cences of a like sort. Their role in folk-medicine is noted. 

TucHMANN, J. La fascination. Me'lusine, 1900, x, 8-14, 40-46, 68-70, 115- 
117, 125-127. Treats of fascination in ancient and modern times and among 
various peoples, with respect to its prophylaxis, jurisprudence, etc. Many biblio- 
graphical references are given. 

A. F. C. 



THE JOURNAL OF 

AMERICAN FOLK-LORE. 

Vol. XIV. — APRIL-JUNE, 1901.— No. LIII. 



AN INTERPRETATION OF KATCINA WORSHIP. 

Many travellers and ethnologists who have visited the Pueblo 
Indians have witnessed and described their masked dances called 
Katcinas, but few have attempted to explain the meaning of these 
dances. It is commonly agreed that these performances are reli- 
gious — giving to the adjective religious a meaning which would 
include primitive expressions of a religious sentiment. Without 
claiming to interpret satisfactorily this intricate cultus, I desire to 
offer a few suggestions bearing on its nature derived from several 
years' study among the Tusayan Indians of Arizona. Hopi linguis- 
tics shed no certain light on the origin of the word Katcina, and 
the fact that masked personages are known by the same name in 
the New Mexican pueblos has been interpreted to mean a deriva- 
tion from that quarter. 

Among the Hopi the name Katcina has at present three appli- 
cations ; the first, apparently the original, to a masked man person- 
ating a supernal being with totemic characteristics; the second, 
to a ceremonial dance, in which these masked personators appear 
in public ; and the third, to secular or religious images or pictures 
representing these same beings. 

Katcinas are designated by distinctive names, as those of animals, 
plants, the sun, stars, and natural objects. Some have received their 
names from their songs, or peculiar cries which the personators utter, 
while other names are derived from pueblos or Indian stocks from 
which they have been adopted. The symbolism of the mask or 
other paraphernalia by which each is recognized, and the peculiar 
dance or step of the personator have given names to many others. 
It may be said without exaggeration that the names of Hopi Ka- 
tcinas are numbered by hundreds. Each of these many different 
Katcinas may be further designated by colors, as yellow, red, green, 
black, and white. Masks differing in color alone, but preserving the 
same symbolic markings, are distinguished by names denoting those 
colors ; as Green Bear, White Bear, etc. Katcinas of the same name 



82 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

form groups, in each of which there are representatives of brothers, 
sisters, mother, grandmother, and uncle ; all bearing a common 
general name, with added specific name denoting that relationship. 
Groups containing all the relatives mentioned are not common, but 
in many we find male and female representatives distinguished from 
each other by the symbolism of their masks. The origin of the 
characteristic names of different Katcinas will not be here considered 
except so far as to say that it is found in totemism. The names of 
several Katcinas are the same as those of living clans, but there are 
many living clans having no corresponding Katcina of the same 
name. One Walpi clan is called the Katcina clan, a fact which is 
instructive, since it is probable that the name of the cult was intro- 
duced by this clan. 

It would be wearisome, in this communication, to mention all the 
individual names of Katcinas,^ or to giv-e in detail the distinctive 
symbolism by which each is known. Nor need I describe the elab- 
orate rites, distinctive songs, or characteristic prayers addressed to 
them, for we are now concerned with a more general question, to an- 
swer which resemblances rather than differences will be considered. 
Regarding the three applications of the word, the first is considered 
the original, the second and third derivative. 

My first conclusion in an attempt to interpret the meaning of the 
Katcinas is that these personations represent the dead or the to- 
temic ancients of clans ; or, in other words, the spirits of deceased 
members of the clan with totemic symbolic paraphernalia charac- 
teristic of the ancients. Katcinas are breath bodies of the old people 
reincarnated in their traditional form.^ This theory is supported by 
the character of mortuary prayers and exercises at time of burial. 
"You have become a Katcina: bring us rain," say the relatives of 
the deceased to the dead, before they inter them. This conception 
of the nature of the souls of those who have just died is extended 
also to the spirits of those who long ago passed away. The great 
host of ancients have apparently each in turn, on death, been 
regarded as Katcinas in the same way, and these spirits are sup- 
posed to form a population akin to the living, but endowed with 
greater power. 

It is not necessary for me to present evidence that the American 
Indians have a well-defined aboriginal belief in a spirit life beyond 
the grave. Among the pueblos, where this belief is universal, the 
spirits or breath bodies are supposed to live in an underworld, not a 
"happy hunting ground," ^ a term not necessarily attractive to agri- 

^ I have a collection of pictures of Hopi Katcinas in which are represented 
over 250 different kinds. 

2 When a man dons the paraphernalia of the Katcina he " becomes a Katcina*." 
^ A congenial habitation after death for hunter tribes. The name among the 



An Interpretation of Katcina Worship. 83 

culturists, but in a world of shades blessed beyond that of their ter- 
restrial residence when embodied. This future life is neither one 
of punishment for violation of ethical laws, nor one of bliss for the 
just, but is a complement to that on earth. From this place of 
shades come at birth the souls of the newly born, and to it the 
shades or spirits of the dead return. The occupations of the inhab- 
itants of this nether world are not far different from those on the 
earth's surface. They perform ceremonies so intimately connected 
with those of terrestrial Hopi that an occult communication is sup- 
posed to exist between them, and many rites are performed simul- 
taneously. This is recognized during the progress of ceremonies 
when the priest raps on the kiva floor to communicate with a synchro- 
nous assemblage of priests in the underworld, or calls through the 
hole in the floor to the germ goddess in the abode of spirits. 

The specific names by which these personated ancients are known 
are in many instances the same as those of clans, living or extinct, 
which would in itself indicate an intimate relationship, which is 
greatly strengthened by the fact that the living members of a clan 
claim that the Katcina of the same name as that of their clan is their 
ancient or ancestor ; thus the Bear Katcina is a spirit of the Bear 
clan. The fact that there are many Katcinas with names which do 
not appear in the roster of clans at Walpi need not weaken this 
conclusion ; it can be accounted for in several ways : (i) A clan 
may have become extinct, and the Katcina bearing its name has so 
crystallized in the worship that the name has survived, or this par- 
ticular Katcina become so fixed in the ritual during the life of the 
clan, to which it belonged that it was not dropped when the clan 
became extinct. (2) A Katcina may have been borrowed or pur- 
chased from a neighboring tribe or pueblo, and never had a clan 
representative at Walpi. Katcinas of this class are numerous, and 
ordinarily bear the name of the tribe from which they were derived, 
Jemez, Zuni, Navajo, Apache. A man visits a distant pueblo, wit- 
nesses a Katcina dance, learns the characteristic songs, and, return- 
ing to Walpi, teaches the same to his people. Evidently such a 
Katcina is unrelated to any Walpi clan and may not even be related 
to clans among the people from which it was derived. (3) There is 
no doubt, also, that some of the Hopi Katcinas are inventions of 
individuals not represented by Walpi clans, and not derived. A 
man recognizes either in a vision or otherwise some object which he 
thinks will be efficacious ceremonially and he exalts it into a Katcina. 
Then, too, there are derivative or secondary names, modifications 
affording no clue to the meaning of the cultus. In those instances 

plains tribes shows that their conception of the future as related to their terres- 
trial residence has much in common with the Hopi idea. 



84 Journal of American Folk-Lore. 

where the Katcina and a clan bear the same name, we have more 
significant data. The Tcakwainas may be mentioned as an illustra- 
tion of a Katcina and clan of the same name, which is appropriate in 
a general discussion, since this Katcina is said to be universally recog- 
nized by pueblos of Zunian, Tanoan, and Keresan stocks, and because 
in its personation in Tusayan there is found the most complete col- 
lection of the several spirit relatives of a typical clan. The mem- 
bers of the Tcakwaina clan living at Sitcomovi consider the Tcak- 
waina Katcinas as their ancient kindred, and so explain the similarity 
of names. 

Let us examine the method of Katcina worship as a preliminary 
to its interpretation. It is an almost universal idea of primitive 
man that prayers should be addressed to personations of the beings 
worshipped. In the carrying out of this conception men personate 
the Katcinas, wearing masks and dressing in the costumes char- 
acteristic of these beings. These personations represent to the 
Hopi mind their idea of the appearance of these Katcinas or clan 
ancients. The spirit beings represented in these personations appear 
at certain times in the pueblo, dancing before spectators, receiving 
prayers for needed blessings, as rain and good crops. These dances 
thus celebrate clan festivals or clan reunions in which the dead and 
the living participate. 

Let us consider in detail the several Tcakwaina personations who 
are thus represented and their relation inter se, for there are several 
kinds of Tcakwainas which are personated. 

By far the largest number of the personations bearing this name 
are males, and represent men of the spirit clan. With these are 
others representing women and called elder sisters ; their masks 
and dress differing from those of their brothers, the men. One of 
these female personators is distinguished by symbolic markings on 
her mask and is called the mother, and there is still another called 
the grandmother. 

Besides the twenty or more males above mentioned, we find one 
personation, also male, known as their uncle, the Tcakwaina uncle. 
A further examination of the relationship of the personations shows 
that they are all mother relatives or belong to a clan based on 
the maternal system. Judging from the example given it would 
seem that no father is personated, and the Tcakwainas which are 
represented have the same clan kinship as that which exists among 
the living. Turning now to other Katcinas, we detect similar condi- 
tions of clan relation, although we rarely find so complete a repre- 
sentation of all the spirit kin of a clan. In most of these persona- 
tions, only two groups, brothers and sisters, are represented, the 
former more numerous dancing in line, singing traditional songs ; 



An Interpretation of Katcina Worship. 85 

the latter kneeling before them either grinding corn on a metate or 
scraping a sheep scapula on a notched stick in rhythm with the 
song. In a few cases we find personations of brothers, and sisters, 
and a single male representing their uncle, mother and grandmother 
not being represented ; or we may have the uncle missing and a 
personation of the mother with her children, brothers and sisters. 
Such syncopations are not objections to the theory of a maternal 
clan system among Katcinas, but are rather a confirmation of the 
conclusion that the Hopi believe that the spirit population of the 
nether world is organized in clans, just as is that living on the earth's 
surface. The dead retain membership in their earthly clan when 
they pass to the abode of spirits, and are not relieved from any clan 
obligation. Consider in passing the nature of this obligation. A 
clan as organized in primitive society has a right to expect each mem- 
ber to do his part in its support, and the ancient clan members are 
not exempt from this duty. They ought to contribute their part, 
and are personated in the clan festival for this very reason — that 
they may know the needs of the clan and use their exalted powers 
to fulfil their clan worship. 

Here we come face to face with the significance of ancients or 
ancestor worship as exemplified among these people. The spirits of 
the dead are endowed with powers to aid the living in material ways ; 
they have certain obligations to do so implied by their status in the 
clan. In the festival of the clan they or their personators are prayed 
to by the living chief of the clan to exert their powers and bring 
rain and good crops. 

Two nature gods, regarded as anthropomorphic, rule the under- 
world where Katcinas or clan ancients live — the Sun and Earth. 
These are the parents of all clans, and in their hands are all forces of 
nature which bring material aid to an agricultural people. The wor- 
ship of these two was a second step in the evolution of the religious 
sentiment to clan ancients worship and was taken independently by 
clans living apart. The same worship of the Sun and Earth evolved 
itself from ancestor worship in different clans, but the conception of 
the symbolism of the masks of these beings varied with the clans. 

The theory that originally each clan had a sun mask with special 
symbolism is supported by the existence of sun masks now no longer 
used, in possession of these clans. Almost every large Hopi clan has 
one or more of these sun masks named from and owned by the chief 
of the clan. Thus we have Naka's mask, Wiki's mask, and masks of 
other chiefs. These are really the property of the clans of which 
these men are chiefs, and while in many instances these masks betray 
solar symbolism, it is combined with the totemic characteristics of 
the clan to which the mask belongs. 



86 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

Consider the relationship between the souls of the dead and sun 
and earth gods. The subterranean world of which the clan ancients 
are denizens is the house of the sun and the earth goddess, the latter 
of whom gave birth to clans of men who later crawled from the 
underworld to the earth's surface through an opening called the 
sipapu. Here are generated the souls of the newly born on earth, 
and to this home of the Sun return the spirits of the dead. Mortals, 
even, have visited this place and returned to earth to tell of their 
adventure.^ 

Theoretically in ancient times each clan, at the time of its family 
festival, personated its totemic ancient members and at the same 
time personated the Sun and Earth gods, making use of character- 
istic masks for these personations. At the present time many clans 
have lost the knowledge of their particular form of sun, earth, or 
clan totem mask, and there survive certain masked personifications, 
nondescripts, the clan of which has become extinct. 

, As a rule, Katcina dances are modified survivals of clan festivals 
in which spirit members of clans are personated. They are simply 
public dances in which sun and earth gods are not represented, and 
from which secret rites have disappeared. Certain survivals show 
the unabbreviated Katcina festival in which not only the ancients 
of the clan but also the Sun and Earth are personated, the festival 
being a collection of elaborate secret rites of many days' duration. 

Let us consider one of these survivals, the festivals of the Katcina 
clan, of which two are celebrated in Walpi. These festivals drama- 
tize the arrival and departure of the Katcinas, and are called by the 
Hopi the Powamtl, and the Ninian. The former occurs in February, 
the latter in July, and both are of several days' duration, and are 
accompanied by secret rites in which appear personations of the Sun 
and Earth and the spirit members of several clans. It appears that 
these festivals, originally limited to one clan, have become nuclei 
about which other clans have added the personations of their 
ancients. Hence in Pozvam/l we find many different kinds of Ka- 
tcinas, besides the ancients of the Katcina clan. 

There are many things in the Pozvamtl festival which are instruc- 
tive in the study of Katcinas, but there is one that is especially so, 
a representation of an old man wearing a sun mask, and called Ahiila, 
the Returning One. This man personates the Sun ; and it is but 
natural when the terrestial members of a clan celebrate its festival 
in which personations of the ancients of that clan appear, that their 
great ancestor, the Sun Father, should also be personated. As he is 
chief, he leads the others in the dramatization of their return to the 
pueblo, which the Powamjl celebrates. 

^ See legend of the Snake hero. The underworld is the home of the Sun and 
the Earth goddess of germs. 



An hiterpretation of Katcina Worship. 87 

This personation of the Sun takes place first at night in the kiva or 
sacred room where secret rites are performed, when he is said to yanma 
or rise, the same word being used for sunrise. Several interesting 
rites are connected with his advent, which is witnessed only by the 
initiated. On the morning following, at sunrise, this same man, hav- 
ing: arraved himself and donned his sun mask at a shrine on the trail 
to the pueblo, enters the village guided by the chief of the Katcina 
clan, and is seen by all the people, for he goes from the home of one 
chief to another, and to the entrances to all the kivas, marking with 
sacred meal the doorposts, and presenting the occupants with bean 
sprouts which have been germinated in the heated rooms during the 
fortnight before. He receives in return small feather prayer offer- 
ings and handfuls of meal, prayers of the household. He turns to 
the rising sun at each house and makes six obeisances, uttering pe- 
culiar hoots as he does so, and then passes to the next house. This 
personator of the returning sun, as his name Ahiila indicates, is sup- 
posed to be the leader of the ancients of clans, the personators of 
which follow a few hours after, and for several days dance at inter- 
vals in the plazas in view of all the people. 

This Powanm festival was originally a celebration of the return to 
the pueblo, by personators, of the ancients of the Katcina clan, led 
by a representation of the All Father, the Sun. In course of time 
several other clans have added to it personations of the ancients of 
their clans. Consequently there appear in it many Katcinas or clan 
ancients besides those which were formerly personated. 

Another group of clans, living in Sitcomovi, but originally derived 
from Zuni, are strong enough in numbers to hold a special festival 
in honor of the return of their spirit ancients. At this festival, 
which occurs in January, the sun gods ^ of several clans, as well as 
the ancients of those clans, are personated. The special name of the 
sun god who leads these clan ancients is Pautiwa. 

The group of clans which come to Walpi from the south, or Palat- 
kwabi, have their festival dramatizing the return of their sun god, a 
personator wearing a mask with symbolism different from that of 
both, either Ahiila or Pautiwa types. He appears at Walpi in the 
festival of the winter solstice or the return Katcina of the Raincloud 
clans. On the night of that part of the festival w^hich pertains to the 
clans which come from the south, the Sun is personated in the sacred 
room or kiva by a man disguised as an eagle, as described in the fol- 
lowing quotation, where he is called the Bird-man. "About 10 p. m. 
this man passed into the kiva, his entrance having been previously 
announced by balls of meal thrown through the hatchway upon 

1 The names of these sun gods are different, but there is a close similarity in the 
objective symbolism of their masks. 



88 Journal of American Folk-Lore. 

the floor, falling near the fireplace. He carried feathers in his 
hands, and, moving his arms up and down, imitated the motion of 
wings, as if flapping them like a bird. 

" While he was performing these avian movements, the spectators 
sang a stirring song and the Bird-man slowly advanced to the mid- 
dle of the room, imitating the gait of a bird and crouching in a 
squatting attitude. The motion of the wings and the bird-cries con- 
tinued, the personator now and then raising his arms and letting 
them fall with a quivering motion. Once in the middle of the room, 
he laid the feathers on the floor and remained there for a short time 
without moving. He then arose and danced for a long time, accom- 
panied by a woman who held in one hand an car of corn, which she 
gracefully waved back and forth. She followed the Bird-man as he 
moved from place to place, and at the close of the dance took her 
seat near the right wall of the kiva, where she sat before the Bird- 
man entered the room. 

"After the woman had taken her seat, the Bird-man continued the 
wing movements with his arms, stretching them at full length and 
then drawing them back to his body. He then proceeded to a pile 
of sand in a corner near the upraise ; taking pointed sticks or reeds 
in his hand and halting before this mound of sand, he threw first one, 
then another, of the sticks into the sand, all the time imitating a bird 
in the movements of his body and simulating the bird-calls with a 
whistle. He then went to the Soydluna woman who had danced 
with him ; squatting before her, he uttered the strange bird-calls, 
and, making a pass, raised the small sticks which he carried from her 
feet to her head several times. He then returned to the mound of 
sand and again shot the sticks into it, after which he returned to the 
woman. This was repeated several times. The bird personator then 
returned to the middle of the kiva, before the altar, and, taking a 
bow and some arrows, danced for some time, while all the assembled 
priests sang in chorus. As the Bird-man danced, he raised the bow, 
fitted an arrow to it, faced the north, and drew the bowstring as if 
to shoot. This was repeated six times, the performer pointing the 
arrow to the cardinal directions in prescribed sinistral sequence. 

" At the close of this part of the performance the songs ceased, and 
the Bird-man took his seat before the altar, while a priest at his right 
lit a conical pipe, and blew through it, on the body of the Bird-man, 
clouds of tobacco smoke. This smoke was not taken into the mouth, 
but the smoker placed the larger end between his lips, and blew 
through the tube, causing the smoke to issue from a small hole at 
the pointed end.^ After prayers by one or more of the priests, the 

^ The relation of the religious fraternity to the clan will be discussed in some 
future article. 



An Interpretatio7i of Katcina Worship. 89 

Bird-man again danced before the altar, at the same time imitating 
the movements of wings with his arms and bird-calls with a whistle 
in his mouth. He then left the room, and the calls could be heard 
as he went outside. 

"This proceeding is interpreted as a symbolic dramatization or 
representation of the fertilization of the earth, and is an example 
of highly complicated sympathetic magic by which nature powers of 
sky and earth are supposed to be influenced. The Bird-man is a 
sun god, the return of whom the winter solstice ceremony commem- 
orates." 

The personation in public of this sun god takes place on the fol- 
lowing morning, when a man representing the returning sun appears 
in the pueblo accompanied by two masked girls, one of whom is the 
same as the woman mentioned in the preceding description. He 
distributes seeds to all women, heads of clans, who come to the kiva 
entrance to receive these gifts. 

The men who take part in this personation of the Sun god and 
celebrate his return do so not as members of a priesthood, but as 
members of the Raincloud and other clans which lived together 
before they came to Walpi. In the winter solstice ceremony the 
kiva in which each clan does its ritualistic work is the meeting-place 
of members of clans, not of priesthoods, and at that time the kiva 
represents the original clan home. 

It has been shown above that there survive in the religious rites 
of the Hopi personations of sun gods in which the symbols on their 
masks vary considerably. The Ahilla symbol of the Katcina clan 
is somewhat different from that of AJiiilani, the Bird-man of the 
Raincloud clan. Paiitiwa, Sun god of the Zuni clans of Sitcomovi, 
differs in symbolism from both. The sun masks of the Badger 
clan, called Wuwnyovio, and that of Wiipamozv resemble each other 
in their symbolic markings, and are closely analogous to that of 
Ahiila. All are disk-form and have eagle feathers radiating peri- 
pherally about the border, in the midst of which hang bright red- 
stained horsehair. These masks also resemble in their symbolism 
disks representing the sun which are found painted on altars, or 
are worn on the backs of men who personate the solar god in public 
dances. Thus we conclude from these symbolic sun masks at 
Walpi that each clan has a distinctive symbolic sun mask, as well 
as characteristic masks of the ancient totemic beings of their clan. 
In a few festivals these sun masks are still used and the Sun is 
personated, as has been shown in PowaniJi, in the January cere- 
mony of the Sitcomovi clans of Zuni derivation, and in the winter 
solstice. There are other sun masks, the identity of which we 
detect by morphological symbolism, among which may be mentioned 



go yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

Wnpamow and Wnwiiyomo, and still others where the identification 
is more or less speculative. Among the latter may be mentioned 
the avian personification called the Shalakos, the masks of which 
still preserve much solar symbolism. 

In these Shalakos we find a morphological relation in the symbol- 
ism of their masks with that of the sun god of the Raincloud clans, 
rather than with that of Ahula of the Katcina clan. The masks of 
Shalako have a crest of feathers representing the radiating feathers of 
sun masks, and the avian character of the personation is indicated 
by their feathered garments, or rather is symbolized by feathers tied 
at intervals to the blankets by which their giant bodies are covered. 
These avian sun gods, like Ahula, sun god of the Katcina clan, visit 
houses, give and receive offerings, and in various actions dramatize 
the return of the sun whom they dramatize. 

In addition to masked personages representing clan ancients and 
their father, the sun, there sometimes appears in a clan festival or 
Katcina dance a personation of the Earth-Mother. As the universal 
mother she is consequently the object of the worship of all. The 
Earth-Mother appears under various names, which differ in different 
clans, apparently indicating that before the various clans now com- 
posing any one Hopi pueblo were united, each was familiar with the 
conception of an Earth-Mother, and denominated this being by a 
clan name, as Old Woman,^ Goddess of Germs, Spider Woman, and 
various other appellations. In some instances she is mentioned as 
the Grandmother, but is not considered a deified ancestral spirit of a 
mortal woman, as are her daughters, the cultus heroines of the clans, 
but, like the sun, is a great nature god. The Sun and the Earth are 
regarded by the Hopi as potent to aid them in their agricultural life, 
for they control natural forces which produce a food supply. But 
in the worship of these the pueblo Indian has not risen far above 
ancients' worship, for both sun and earth are spoken of as anthropo- 
morphic parents — the one father, the other mother of all. 

It is instructive to notice that in Hopi sun worship, at the winter 
solstice, we have the sun personated by a bird ; but this conception, 
like other forms of beast-god worship, is an archaic survival. Primi- 
tive man regarded all animals as close relatives. Man had animal, 
and animals human characteristics of structure and disposition. He 
talked with them, and believed he was descended from them. When 
the germ of the religious sentiment originated, man looked upon him- 
self as one of many groups of animals. It was perfectly natural for 
him to be influenced in the formation of fundamental religious ideas 
by this thought, which was engrafted into his earliest religious con- 
sciousness, and tenaciously clung there when culture widened the 
1 Hahaiwilgti, Miiyinivii, Kokyanwilgti^ and various other names. 



An Interpretation of Katcina Worship. 91 

chasm between his mind and that of his brutish relatives. The 
widespread existence of beast gods in mythology is a survival of a 
universal belief, in the first stages of religious development, that man 
and beasts w-ere originally related. 

In those instances where beast worship underlies ancestor worship, 
it must not be hastily supposed that totemic animals which primitive 
men believe are ancestral are identical with living species. The per- 
sonation of the Duck Katcina has little resemblance to a duck, or that 
of the Bear Katcina to a bear. Brinton, in his " Myths of the New 
World," went so far as to write that he did not believe that "a single 
example could be found where an Indian tribe had a tradition whose 
real purport was that man came by a natural process of descent from 
an ancestor, a brute, regarded merely as such." Other well-known 
students of primitive religions hold somewhat similar views. Katcina 
worship, then, is not that of an animal, plant, or other object which 
has given a totem, name, or symbol to a clan. It is not what is ordi- 
narily called totem ism, nor, strictly speaking, ancestor worship, for 
in a system of clans with matriarchal descent, the male ancients are 
not parents or ancestors of the living members of the clan. They 
are simply ancient members of the same ; their sisters are literally 
ancestors of the worshippers. 

The so-called dances or festivals in which the Katcinas take part 
are dramatizations, and the actors in them represent clan ancients, and 
the Sun and Earth. The celebration begins with the entry of these 
masked actors into the villages from some distant place outside the 
pueblos. Different clans have preserved different festivals drama- 
tizing the advent of their ancients, but the departure of these clan 
ancients or Katcinas is represented in but one festival, the Niman, 
or Farewell, which occurs in July. The plan of dramatization of the 
coming of the clan ancients is practically the same in the three 
festivals in which it survives in extetiso. First, the sun is personated 
by an unmasked man in the kiva ; on the morning following, at sun- 
rise, he appears in public wearing the sun mask and other parapher- 
nalia of the sun, visiting different houses of the pueblo, receiving 
and presenting offerings. The clan ancients or Katcinas follow 
him at that time or shortly after. They dance in the plazas during 
one or more days, and at the close receive prayers for rain and 
crops. 

The departure of these clan ancients is dramatized in the Niman, 
or Farewell, which has been elsewhere described. It is commonly 
said that when the clan ancients leave the pueblos they retire to 
their home in the San Francisco Mountains, which only partially 
states the Hopi belief. They are really supposed to return to the 
underworld, the entrance to which is the Sun-house or place of 



92 yournal of Americaii Folk-Lore. 

sunset at the winter solstice. As seen from Walpi, the entrance to 
the Sun-house is indicated by a notch on the horizon situated between 
these mountains and the Eldon Mesa. Hence, when the clan ancients 
depart from Walpi, in the ceremony, they are commonly said to go 
to the San Francisco Mountains, where the trail leads to their abode, 
the underworld. 

As has been shown, Katcina worship is psychologically a form of 
ancestor worship ; its present purpose remains to be mentioned. The 
present purpose of any cult must be distinguished frBm that which it 
originally served ; for as the environment and culture of man changes, 
his material wants also change, and with them his desires for supernal 
aid. The Hopi are agriculturists living in an arid environment ; 
their food quest is corn, to raise which rain is necessary. Conse- 
quently the majority of all their ceremonies are for rain and abun- 
dant crops, and all their prayers to clan or other gods are to bring 
these things. While many of their totemic gods and a large number 
of their rites have originated since they reached the condition of 
maize farmers, their worship of ancients implied an older culture, as 
the nomenclature of certain of their clans indicates. These archaic 
gods were born before the Hopi became agriculturists and before 
they desired rain, and under changed conditions have been endowed 
with new powers. By this strange anachronism the Bear, Buffalo, 
and Antelope Katcina have become potent in bringing rain or caus- 
ing crops to grow. 

It is hardly probable that the Hopi in ancient times deified natural 
forces, nor had they reached that stage of development in which they 
believed atmospheric phenomena were controlled by special " gods ; " 
but power over rain, lightning, and the like were regarded as attrib- 
utable, and were delegated to rude supernal beings, survivals of archaic 
pre-agricultural conditions of culture. Ancients' worship is a psy- 
chological characteristic of man, one of the earliest forms of worship, 
whatever the nature of the food quest. As the food quest changes 
with culture, the nature of man's desires for supernal aid also changes, 
and archaic gods are endowed with corresponding attributes, but the 
gods themselves survive ; man is always building new religious struc- 
tures on the same old foundations, the worship of the ancients. 

There is nothing in the above interpretation of the Katcinas as 
clan ancients out of keeping with the Hopi conception of other clan 
gods not of the masked variety to which Katcinas belong. The 
four or five great ceremonies between August and November in 
the Hopi ferial calendar are not Katcina festivals ; no masked men 
appear in them, but they have the same clan ancients' worship, and 
that of the sun and earth gods, as in Katcina festivals. The methods 
of representing or personating the ancients and their symbols have 



An Interpretation of Katcina Worship, 93 

changed, for the clans of which they are the festivals are different ; 
but the scheme of the celebration, so far as ancients' worship is 
concerned, is identical. 

Suppose we consider one of the best known Hopi ceremonials, the 
biennial festival called the snake dance. We find that it offers 
remarkable parallels to a Katcina festival in its general conception. 
It was originally the festival of two or more consolidated clans, 
the Snake and Horn, now represented in the personnel of cele- 
brants by two fraternities of priests, the so-called Snakes and Ante- 
lopes. In the public dance, the ancients of the above-mentioned 
clans are publicly personated carrying reptiles, " elder brothers," like- 
wise members, of the Snake clan. The Snake Maid, ancestress of 
the clan, is personated in the sacred or kiva rites, and the Snake Boy 
appears at the same time, as has been elsewhere descibed. The 
ancients of the Snake and Horn clans, known as Snake and Ante- 
lope priests, dance in the pueblo, the latter carrying reptiles, " elder 
brothers " of the former clan. The snake dance is a form of ancients' 
worship highly modified into a rain prayer. 

Attention was called earlier in this article to the almost universal 
custom among primitive men of personating clan ancients by masked 
men, that prayers might be addressed more directly to them. These 
ancients may be personated in another way by images called idols. 
This method is common in representing the cultus hero and heroine 
of a clan on altars, but the two methods may coexist. 

In the festival of the flute fraternity, the ancients are personated 
in the public dance by a boy and two girls, which ,on the altars are 
represented by images. The Sun and the Earth goddess are found 
in effigy or drawings on the same altars. The name given to the form 
of sun idol in which he is found on the flute altar is Coiokijizin (The 
Heart of the Sky), while the Earth goddess has the name Miiyi7mn ; 
but they are the same sun and earth personations with special clan 
names. The festivals known as basket dances, called by the Hopi 
the Lalakoiiti and Owakiilti, have an analogous personation of clan 
ancients, which are represented by boys and girls in public and by 
images on the altar. The same sun and earth gods are likewise 
symbolized by images or pictures. 

In the woman's dance called the Mamzrauti we find the same 
thing ; the names of sun and earth have changed, but the concep- 
tions are identical. 

The main conclusions arrived at in this article are that the masked 
personations called Katcinas originally represented ancients of clans, 
and that the symbolism of their masks is totemic in character. 
These Katcinas are shown to be organized in clans, and persona- 
tions of them are limited to representations of clan relations on the 



94 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

mother's side. In a few instances, living clans claim spirit or 
Katcina clans of the same name as their ancients. A Katcina 
dance was formerly a clan festival participated in by living members 
of a clan and by ancients of that clan. The latter, called Katcinas, 
were represented by men wearing masks, and other paraphernalia 
decorated with symbolic masks which legends ascribe to them. In 
addition to personations of these totemic ancients, each clan per- 
sonated in its festival the sun, father of all, and the earth, mother 
of all members of the clan. These, like the clan ancients, wore 
masks and other paraphernaHa distinctive of the clan in the festival 
of which they participated, but the special names of these varied 
with the clans. 

There are at least three ceremonies called Katcina dances in 
which something like the original character of clan festivals survive. 
The majority of these dances, and these three to a certain extent, 
are abbreviated or modified by consolidation of several clan festivals. 
When thus abbreviated they are sometimes reduced to a masked 
dance, the personations in which are unrelated to any one clan, even 
to that which introduced the dance, and whose ancients are person- 
ated in it. Many Katcinas have become simply crystallized in the 
Hopi mind as traditional beings, and are recognized by certain sym- 
bols on their masks. Their relation to clans is no longer known ; 
their original names have been lost, and no one can now tell their 
significance. A comparison of the symbolism of the masks of these 
obscure Katcinas with others better known may supply the informa- 
tion which has long been forgotten by the present Hopi and their 
immediate predecessors. 

J. Walter Fewkes. 

Washington, D. C. 



Kootenay " Medicine-Menr 95 



KOOTENAY "MEDICINE-MEN." 

About the shamans of some of the less known tribes of American 
Indians very little is on record. Among the Kootenays of south- 
eastern British Columbia and northern Idaho the name of the 
"medicine-man," or shaman, is nipik'ak'dk-'d, a word derived from 
nipik'a, "spirit," because he has to do with "spirits," or the forms 
in which the dead may appear to the living. The "singing" of the 
shaman is termed k'dnuktmamlkandimidjn, which word is sometimes 
applied to the whole "medicine" procedure. The word dwumo, 
"medicine," is also in use, but the expression dwumo tit'kdt (literally 
"medicine-man") seems to be a neologism, suggested perhaps by 
corresponding expressions in the language of the whites ; it is not 
quite " good Kootenay." 

The actions of the Kootenay shaman have been described by Dr. 
Franz Boas, who visited these Indians in 1888, as follows i^ "The 
shamans of the Kutonaqa are also initiated in the woods after long 
fasting. They cure sick people, and prophesy the result of hunting 
and war parties. If this is to be done, the shaman ties a rope about 
his waist, and goes into the medicine-lodge, where he is covered with 
an elk-skin. After a short while he appears, his thumbs firmly tied 
together by a knot, which is very difficult to open. He reenters the 
lodge, and, after a short time, reappears, his thumbs being untied. 
After he has been tied a second time, he is put into a blanket, which 
is firmly tied together like a bag. The line which is tied around his 
waist, and to which his thumbs are fastened, may be seen protrud- 
ing from the place where the blanket is tied together. Before he is 
tied up, a piece of bone is placed between his toes. Then the men 
pull at the protruding end of the rope, which gives way ; the blanket 
is removed, and the shaman is seen to lie under it. This perform- 
ance is called k"'eqnEmnam ( = somebody cut in two). The shaman 
remains silent, and reenters the lodge, in which rattles made of 
pieces of bone are heard. Suddenly something is heard falling down. 
Three times this noise is repeated, and then singing is heard in the 
lodge. It is supposed that the shaman has invoked souls of certain 
people whom he wished to see, and that their arrival produced the 
noise. From these he obtains the information and instructions 
which he later on communicates to the people." 

When the present writer was among the Kootenays in 1891,^ one 
member of the tribe gave the following free translation of a " medi- 
cine "song: "An Indian is crouching in the corner of his lodge 
beneath blankets, invoking the spirits. Soon the spirit enters 
1 Rep. Brit. Assoc. Adv. Set., 1889. 2 /^j/,/.^ 1S92. 



96 ' journal of American Folk-Lore. 

through the top of the lodge, passes beneath the blanket, and enters 
the Indian, who then flies away on high ; by-and-by returns, and, 
sitting under the blanket, causes the spirit to depart again." This 
Indian applied the term k'S.k'dqndvinain to the whole procedure under 
the blanket. According to another informant, the "spirits " assume 
the form of some beast or bird, in which state the adept can summon 
them, and commune with them. The Kootenay " medium " gets 
behind a blanket in the tepee, as noted above, and summons the 
spirit to him, and, while under the blanket, imitates the voice, etc., 
of the beast or bird in whose form the spirit appears. The "spirit " 
is supposed to "fall down" through the smoke-hole of the lodge. 
The advent of the blanket {seet or tldmdtl) has driven out the elk- 
skin {dqk'okild gitlk-'' titles) which was formerly the cover under 
which the shaman ensconced himself. With many Indian tribes the 
elk has always been great or good " medicine ; " hence, perhaps the 
use of its skin here. In accordance with the general democratic 
character of Kootenay institutions, the coming and going of " spir- 
its " is not bound up with intervention of the shaman, whose art has, 
nevertheless, been looked upon, in recent times, at least, as more 
efficacious. Probably, at an earlier stage in the history of these 
people, all persons of a seasonable age could " traffic with the spir- 
its." It would not be surprising if not a little of the paraphernalia 
and modi operandi of the "medicine-man" among the Kootenays 
turns out to be borrowed from neighboring tribes. 

A part of the business of the shaman was to predict the outcome 
of hunting and war expeditions, and in some of his efforts he had the 
assistance practically of the whole tribe, as, e. g. at the dance in the 
"great lodge" in winter, when good snow for game is "prayed for." 
The older midnight dance, occurring about Christmas time, is char- 
acterized as imtQdtltitketl, evidently a derivative from mitqaiie, " he 
shoots," from the fact that guns were fired off, etc., during the cele- 
bration, in which much clapping of hands also took place. Among 
the Upper Kootenays the Roman Catholic missionaries have made a 
rather successful attempt to divert some of the energy formerly 
expended on the "great winter dance," to a recognition of the Chris- 
tian holy day occurring at approximately the same time. But while 
they celebrate the Christmas of the whites, these Indians have not 
altogether forgotten the festival of their forefathers. Still less have 
the Lower Kootenays, who are much more "pagan " than their kin- 
dred farther " up country." 

Concerning the " cure " of the shaman. Rev. W. F. Wilson ^ writes 
thus : " In cases of sickness these people have more faith in sorcery 
than in the use of medicines. They believe that some evil spirit has 
^ Our Forest Children^ vol. iii. (1889-1S90), p. 165. 



Kootenay *' Medicme-Men.^^ 97 

caused the sickness, and that the evil spirit must be driven out. 
The patient usually is stretched on his back in the centre of a large 
lodge, and his friends sit round in a circle, beating drums. The sor- 
cerer, grotesquely painted, enters the ring, chanting a song, and pro- 
ceeds to force the evil spirit from the sick person by pressing both 
clenched fists with all his might in the pit of his stomach, kneading 
and pounding also other parts of the body, blowing occasionally 
•through his fingers, and sucking blood from the part supposed to be 
affected." 

The Kootenay shaman, as is the case with the " medicine-men " 
of many other tribes, seems to have been at one and the same time 
medium, doctor, and prophet. 

That the doings of the Kootenay shamans made considerable im- 
pression upon the missionaries may readily be believed from the state- 
ment attributed to a Jesuit missionary in 1861 :^ "I have seen many 
exhibitions of power which my philosophy cannot explain. I have 
known predictions of events far in the future to be literally fulfilled, 
and have seen medicine-men tested in the most conclusive ways. I 
once saw a Kootenia Indian (known generally as Skookum-tamahere- 
wos,2 from his extraordinary power) command a mountain sheep to 
fall dead, and the animal, then leaping among the rocks of the 
mountain-side, fell instantly lifeless. This I saw with my own eyes, 
and I ate of the animal afterwards. It was unwounded, healthy, and 
perfectly wild. Ah, Mary save us ! the medicine-men have power 
from Sathanas." 

During his stay among the Kootenays in the summer and autumn 
of 1891, the present writer obtained from various members of the 
tribe a considerable number of drawings of all kinds. Among these 
are two which the Indian who drew them said represented " medi- 
cine-men." The artist of these drawings was Blaswa, one of the 
oldest men of the Upper Kootenays, formerly a great warrior, and 
reputed as having been more skilful with the bow and arrow in the 
days of intertribal warfare than with the pencil to-day. The draw- 
ings were made with no interference or suggestion on the part of 
the writer, and may be taken as fair specimens of the Indian's artistic 
accomplishments. The first of the drawings occupied twenty, the 
second seventeen minutes in execution. 

Drawing No. i. This picture represents one of the Kootenay 
shamans or "medicine-men," arrayed as he appears in the great 
dance. He has on, apparently, the special ^' shirt " of the shaman, 
while his head is adorned with the " horns " of weasel fur, etc., for- 

^ E. R. Emerson, Indian Myths (Boston, 1884), p. 404. 

2 This is evidently a misprint for Skookum tamahnewus (skilk'Em tamdnowas)^ 
the term in the Chinook jargon for " strong sorcerer." 

VOL. XIV. — NO. 53. 7 



98 Journal of American Folk-Lore. 

merly so much esteemed. It is not certain what he carries in his 
extended hand. 

Drawing No. 2. This is a very curious picture. The artist 
who drew it said it was another " medicine-man " picture, and did 
not differentiate it particularly from the other drawing of a shaman. 
In the left hand is a small cup or basket (J) — the word dtsiindnd, 
originally applied to a small {nana) bag or basket {atsu) of birch- 
bark, etc., has come to be used for cups and receptacles of a like 
sort — containing " medicine " iawumo). In the right hand is 
some other article. The expression on the face, the beard, the out- 
stretched arms, etc., suggest that the Indian has here given us a 
copy of the figure on the cross or crucifix seen at the Mission of St. 
Eugene, or in the possession of some of the Catholic missionaries. 
Perhaps the article in the left hand is the communion cup, and that 
in the right, the consecrated bread. In his second attempt to pic- 
ture a shaman the old Indian had before his mind the Catholic priest 
and the figure of Christ upon the crucifix, the result being the very 
interesting picture here presented. This drawing, therefore, may 
belong to the class of art products which reflect the contact of 
pagan religious ideas with the new concepts introduced by mission- 
aries of the Christian faith. 

Some remarkable examples of such have been very recently dis- 
cussed by Dr. Karl von den Steinen.^ In the pipe-carvings of the 
Payaguas, which deal with the Garden of Eden and the Creation of 
Adam, it is the Deity who is represented by the unmistakable figure 
of a shaman in characteristic action and attitude. In connection 
with these phenomena, it is interesting to find Dr. Boas writing of 
the Nootka Indians of Vancouver Island : ^ " The name of the deity 
is kept a profound secret from the common people. Only chiefs are 
allowed to pray to him, and the dying chief tells the name, which is 
Katse {i. e. the grandchild), to his heir, and teaches him how to pray 
to the deity. No offerings are made to Katse ; he is only prayed 
to. In a tradition of the Nootka it is stated that a boy prayed to a 
being in heaven called Cicikle, who is probably identical with Katse. 
The boy is described as praying, his arms being thrown upward." 
Now Cicikle is neither more nor less than Jt^sus Christ, and reveals 
the fact of French missionary influence ; for in the Kootenay lan- 
guage, the speakers of which first came into contact with French 
missionaries of the Catholic faith, Jt^sus Christ is rendered by the 
Indians Cicekle. 

There is need for a comparative study of the influence of Chris- 

^ Der Paradiesgarten als Schnitzmotiv der Payagud-Indianer. Ethnol. Notizbl., 
Bd. ii. (1901), pp. 60-65. 

2 Rep. Brit. Assoc. Adv. Set., 1890. 



Fig. I. This drawing represents tlie 
"Medicine-man" of the Kootenajs, as he 
appears when taking part in the " great 
dance." He wears the special " shirt " of 
the shaman, and his head is adorned witli 
the " horns " of weasel fur, characteristic 
of his office. 





Fir,. 2. This drawing was said by the 
Indian who made it to represent a " Medi- 
cine-man." If so, it must be what the In- 
dians call the " Medicine-Man " of the 
whites that is pictured here. The beard, 
the expression on the face, the outstretched 
arms, and the general character of the 
thawhig indicate that the idea of the figure 
on the crucifix (the Upper Kootenays are 
under Catholic influence) and of the priest 
l)resided over its execution. 



DRAWINGS OF " MEDICTNK-MEN " BV THE I.\T)I.\X BE.\SW.\. 



Kootenay " Medicine-Men^ 99 

tianity, as introduced from time to time among the Indians by mis- 
sionaries of different faiths and languages, upon the rehgious con- 
cepts of the aborigines, and of the literary and artistic effects of this 
contact. 

Alexander F . Chamberlain. 
Clark University, Worcester, Mass. 



ICX3 Journal of American Folk-Lore. 



THE "LAZY MAN" IN INDIAN LORE. 

One August evening I sat beside an outdoor fire enjoying the 
coolness of night after a very warm day. The sky was clear, the 
stars were bright, and the light of the setting moon just touched 
the edge of the woods that encircled the grassy glade where I wa& 
camped. At one side in shadowy outline stood the tent, its cover 
lifted at the bottom to cool off the interior. About the fire five 
Omaha men were lying in various attitudes, resting after their day's 
work, while two women were clearing away the supper dishes. 

Suddenly a voice in the distance shouted " Watermelon ! " and in 
a few moments the bearer of the refreshing gift- came out of the 
darkness into the firelight, and laid his offering before us. We were 
all glad to partake of the juicy fruit, and commended the giver, com- 
plimenting him on his success as a gardener. 

Our jesting talk led on to the repeating of old-time sayings, used 
for the instruction of the young ; and as we talked, an old man, sit- 
ting apart from our immediate group, spoke up, bidding us believe 
that the young people of to-day lived an easier life than that of their 
fathers and grandfathers. An animated discussion followed between 
the old and the young of our party as to the comparative duties 
and hardships of the hunting and warring days of the tribe and 
the requirement of modern times. Finally it was agreed that it would 
be difficult to decide between the two phases of living, both of which 
exacted courage, fortitude, and persistent labor. 

As the old man repeated to us some of the admonitions common 
in his young days, I wrote them down by the light of the blazing 
logs. He assured us that the young people now were not trained 
with the care that was exercised by parents in former generations. 
Then children were taught from their infancy to respect their elders, 
and were early made to take a share in the care and work of the 
household. Not that they were held back from play and childish 
pleasures, but light tasks were assigned them which they were obliged 
to perform. As they grew in years they were cautioned against 
habits of self-indulgence, for the self-indulgent youth would grow up 
to be a thriftless, lazy man, and the feet of the lazy man were upon 
the descending road that led to crime and social disgrace. 

To the youth who was indolent, who would not make an effort, 
who was inert, it was said : — 

" If you are lazy you will wear leggings made from the top of an 
old tent cover, yellowed by smoke. For a robe you will cover your 
shoulders with a skin that has been used for a pallet, pieced out 
with the fore part of a hide ; such is the lazy man's clothing." 



The " Lazy Man " in Indian Lore. loi 

To see this picture from the Indian's standpoint, one must needs 
know his peculiar habits and customs. 

The forlorn costume of this picture indicated how low the lazy 
man had sunk in self-respect. The trim leggings, which set off the 
straight limbs of a man, were here shapeless, clumsy, and unseemly ; 
the robe, which custom required to be worn in many different ways 
to suit many different occasions, is here of rough, coarse hide, which 
had been chosen for its thickness to serv^e as a bed and cut to suit 
that purpose. Its shape and size precluded its being wrapped about 
the lazy man's figure. Even when it was pieced out with the refuse 
ends of a hide, it lacked pliancy and was incapable of adjustment, 
and could not meet the requirements of a man whose position in the 
tribe was one of dignity and importance. 

In contrast to this warning picture, the appearance of the thrifty 
man was thus presented : — 

" The energetic man wears leggings of well-dressed deerskin ; 
his robe is of the finest, well dressed and soft, and ornaments hang 
in his ears. Such is the dress of the industrious man." 

Again it is necessary to explain an Indian custom. In this picture 
not only were the leggings and robe of the best, but the man was 
able to have something more ; he could wear ornaments. This not 
only indicated ability on his part to procure them, but it also showed 
that he was held- in high regard by his relatives ; for in order to have 
a hole bored in the ear, the father or other near of kin must make 
a valuable gift to the man invited to perform this ceremony. The 
boring of a hole in each ear often cost the value of a horse. It was 
not uncommon to see men and women in a tribe with the inner edge 
of the helix so pierced that the outline of the ear was fringed with 
ornaments ; every hole had cost some one a gift, so that only those 
who were held in respect by well-to-do and industrious people could 
receive this mark of regard. 

The social estimate of the industrious and of the lazy man is aptly 
described in these admonitory sayings of the old people. The youth 
is told : — 

" If you are lazy your tent-skin will be full of holes. No one will 
have pleasure in speaking to you. A man in passing will give you 
a word with only a side glance, and never stand face to face in talk- 
ing with you. You will be sullen, hardly speaking to those who 
address you. Such is the temper of the lazy man. No one mourns 
for the thriftless ; he dies friendless and alone, and no one knows 
where he is buried." 

" The energetic man is happy, easy of approach, and pleasant to 
talk with. Even where only two or three are gathered to a feast, he 
is among the invited. The thrifty man is known and spoken of in 



102 Journal of A merican Folk-Lore. 

the tribe. He is able to entertain guests, he can be generous, he 
can help those that are weak, and all his actions bring happiness. 
This man is visited upon his deathbed, there are many to mourn for 
him, and he is long remembered." 

In Indian aphorisms high social estimation is directly imputed to 
the effect of habits voluntarily acquired. The initial step to a manly 
independence is pointed out to the youth, who stands, as it were, 
where the ways divide, — one leading up to social honor, the other 
downward to social disgrace. He is told : — 

"You must learn to make arrows," 

" Arrows," said the old man, stopping to explain to me, " are man's 
most important possession ; he must know how to make them so they 
will be straight and true, and his quiver must always be full. With 
arrows he kills the game required for food and clothing, and with 
arrows he defends his home and his tribe from outside enemies. A 
man to be a good hunter and a good warrior must depend upon him- 
self, must have things of his own, and to have them he must be 
industrious. So the young man, if he would enter upon the path of 
honor and prosperity, must begin by learning how to make arrows." 

Again, " If you do not learn to make arrows, a young man who is 
industrious may show you his arrows, and you may be tempted to 
steal from him." 

And, " The lazy man is apt to be envious, and so be led to take 
what belongs to another, — a robe, a pair of moccasins, or a horse ; 
andthe man who steals is shunned by all people." 

If the lazy escape this depth of social disgrace they may fall into 
a condition nearly as bad, for we are told: "If you are lazy you 
will borrow a horse ; it may be that you will borrow from a man who 
has no position in the tribe, but you will feel proud to ride a horse, 
although it is not your own. You may even borrow a bridle, too. 
The man who borrows is disliked by those from whom he borrows, 
whoever they may be. The man who borrows falls into poverty and 
dependence, and finally goes to a neighboring tribe to avoid meet- 
ing his own people." 

The lazy man loses all sense of propriety and is unable to estimate 
rightly the value of such things as he may happen to possess ; for 
the 'admonition satirically says: "If you are lazy, and by chance 
have a horse that is stalled, or blind, or disjointed in the hip, you 
will think that you possess property, that you are well off ! " 

An examination of the Omaha words translated "lazy," "ener- 
getic," "thrift," or " thrifty," in the sense of acquiring property, 
will help to a clearer understanding of these sayings and reveal some 
of the workine:s of the Indian mind. 



The " Lazy Man " m Indian Lore. 103 

The word wa-shkon is well translated by our word " energy," the 
power to act effectively, to bring about results, to change. things. 
Wa-skkon is used not only to characterize a man of personal strength, 
who by his muscular power can overthrow another, but it is also 
applied to the putting forth of mental power so as to bring things 
to pass. The priests in their fasts and rituals are exercising " wa- 
shkon " in bringing the supernatural near. Shkon is to move. The 
study of the prefix wa leads us deep into the primitive mind. It 
stands for the ego, the centre from which man's observation, conjec- 
ture, and thought ever radiates. It represents the directive force, 
the power to will, the ability to bring to pass, inherent in man's con- 
sciousness. Wa-shkon is therefore composed of two elements, — the 
subjective zva, that stands for the power to direct, to determine, and 
the objective shkon, to move, to act, to exercise strength. 

The energetic man is to the Indian one who directs his strength. 

"Thrift," that is, having the power of accumulating, of possess- 
ing wealth, is spoken of as, oii-ki-iie wa-kon-da-gi. Oti-ne, he seeks 
or searches ; ki, a reflexive pronoun, meaning for himself. Wa-kon- 
da-gi is an adverbial term, signifying that he searches for himself 
through, or because of, the kinship of his own powers to those of 
wa-kon-da, that mysterious directive force that animates all nature. 
The power to do a thing is wa-kon-da-gi. The Omaha word wa- 
kon-da has within it three elements, — the fundamental wa, the ego 
principal ; kon, which indicates a moving, a going forth, allied to the 
idea of desire ; da, which has in it the formulative element. The word 
stands for the power which brings to pass, which moves in all things, 
and in that sense, for God. The suffix gi adds the idea of like, or 
akin to. Thus the idea of " thrift," the accumulation of wealth, is 
expressed in the Indian tongue by a word which indicates that the 
man has achieved this wealth by his own effort, searching for him- 
self and exercising powers that are like or akin to those which bring 
to pass all things in nature. This word, however, should be viewed 
in the light of Indian ceremonies and beliefs concerning wa-kon-da, 
all of which have one dominating idea, that man is ever dependent 
upon the supernatural to supplement his own strength. 

The term for " lazy," oii-ki-g dhi-a-ge, can be resolved into oii-dhi- 
a-ge, he protests against or refuses to do ; ki, a. reflexive pronoun, for 
himself ; gi, his own or related to him. The doubling of these pro- 
nouns adds emphasis to the statement. The term, therefore, means 
he refuses to do for himself those things which belong to him to do. 
The term really means more than lazy, for it carries the idea that 
he who thus refuses to do, or protests against doing those things for 
himself which it is his duty to do, exercises his will, makes a choice, 



104 Journal of American Folk-Lore. 

determines to so act, and is not constrained by outward circum- 
stances. 

From the analysis of these words it is evident that the Indian holds 
the individual responsible for his own actions and for the habits 
he permits himself to form. The injunction to the youth to "make 
arrows " embodies in terse form a moral teaching : the necessity of 
action, and that action with purpose, and that purpose to embrace 
not only the welfare of the man himself, but that of his kindred and 
of his tribe. 

If a youth does "not make arrows," he will envy one who has 
made them, and he will either borrow and become a burden, or he 
will sink to the level of the thief and bring trouble upon the entire 
community. 

These homely sayings, which contain such wise observations of 
human nature and such good moral teaching, are so picturesquely 
worded that they cling to the memory of the young ; they serve as 
a spur throughout the active years of life, and they receive from 
the old the approval of long experience. To us they reveal the 
Omaha Indian's estimate of the value, to one who would become 
vigorous in mind and body, moral and independent, of acquiring 
what we should denominate industrious habits ; a practical view of 
life that seems not to be peculiar to any race or to any age, 

Alice C. Fletcher. 
Washington, D, C. 



Folk Materia Medica. 105 



FOLK MATERIA MEDICA.i 

It has occurred to every one, doubtless, that in the mass of super- 
stitious, empirical beliefs held among the ignorant concerning mate- 
rials useful as medicines, some small portion of truth must be 
present. Of course, among these remedies we find some capable, as 
far as we can see, of producing beneficial results chiefly through the 
effect on the mind of the patient. We have bread pills and colored 
water still present as valued aids to the physician and also to the 
patient. Still, we cannot suppose that the action of all folk reme- 
dies can be thus explained. This supposition is borne out by the 
large number of animal and plant drugs that have come down to us 
from the remote past. Probably less that two dozen out of the num- 
ber now in general use have been introduced during the century just 
closed. Since chemistry and the other experimental sciences now 
contributing to a better understanding of the properties of drugs 
have been in efficient service in this respect for less than one hun- 
dred years, it follows that the great bulk of the recognized remedies 
of plant and animal origin antedate the modern methods of investi- 
gation, and have come down to us from the folk medicine of former 
centuries recommended chiefly by their reputation for good works. 
Thus the line separating folk materia medica from that of the modern 
schools of medicine cannot be drawn, the latter growing out of the 
former as the tree-trunk grows from its roots. 

When one casts about for a limit to what may be termed folk 
materia medica as distinguished from the materia medica of the 
schools, another relation soon becomes clear. As we trace the 
development of our present knowledge and practice in the matter 
of drugs back to its sources, we follow from the earliest times to the 
present a gradually ascending scale, marked by a decreasing empha- 
sis on the grosser and more fanciful aspects, and we see a more 
intelligent and rational aspect more and more clearly defining itself. 

Thus the beginnings of our present materia medica antedate the 
most ancient papyrus or inscription. It seems to have had its begin- 
nings in Egypt, Phoenicia, and India. These strands were woven 
together by the Greeks, and collected by their restless and untiring 
travellers. We may trace the development down through the Ro- 
mans and Arabians, each time and people contributing according to 
its special genius. Hippocrates and Dioscorides among the Greeks ; 
Celsus, Galen, and Pliny from the Roman period ; Avicenna, Mesue, 
and Rhazes among the Arabians — all were for centuries names of 

^ A paper read before the Cambridge and Boston Branches of the American 
Folk-Lore Society. 



1 06 Journal of A merican Fo Ik-Lore. 

authority. The school of Salerno and the Benedictine monks of 
Monte Casino, hard by, for hundreds of years preserved the know- 
ledge of the art of healing from becoming merest superstition. 

Germany, under the patronage of Charlemagne, and Venice, from 
the vantage ground of her world-wide commerce, took the torch of 
learning from the failing hand of the Arabian and passed it over to 
Europe. Among the important later names follow Albertus Magnus 
at Ratisbon, Valerius Cordus, Gesner, Brunfels, Bock, and the other 
so-called Fathers of Botany. This group of German physicians and 
pharmacists rendered distinguished service. 

A somewhat later figure, well known through Browning, was Par- 
acelsus, who announced the doctrine of signatures. This dogma 
stated that every plant having useful medicinal properties bears 
somewhere about it the likeness of the organ or part of the body upon 
which it exerts a healing action. Traces of this doctrine may be 
seen in many of those popular plant names which impute medicinal 
properties to the species concerned. The hepatica, with its lobed leaf, 
was thought to be a sovereign remedy for liver complaints. The 
lungwort, the lichen, Sticta pnlvionaria, resembling the reticulated 
surface of the lung, was long held to be a valuable remedy for lung 
troubles. This man had a very original mind and powerful person- 
ality, and left many other thoughts to influence later times. He 
held that illness and disease are matters concerning principally the 
spirit, and he maintained that drugs influence health only as they 
act through the organs of the body on the soul or spirit. He further 
imputed spiritual properties to drugs (or arcana, as he chose to call 
them), and held that the operation of the drug back of the physical 
machine is essentially an action of spirit on spirit. Accordingly, he 
studied how he might rid drugs as far as possible of their bodies, and 
obtain their essences or active principles separated from the crude 
substance of the herb or bark or root. 

With the later names of Scheele, the chemist who discovered 
oxygen simultaneously with Priestly, Caspar Neumann of Berlin, 
Trommsdorf of Erfurt, Sertiirner of Paris, Liebig, Wohler, Berg, 
and, in our own generation, Fliickiger, Hanbury, and Schmiedeberg, 
we come down to our own times. Only highly civilized lands, how- 
ever, exhibit a development of medical knowledge represented by 
these later names. The more ignorant classes and peoples fall 
short according to the degree of their ignorance. In the extreme 
case of savages in many parts of the earth, we find a situation 
even more primitive than that represented by Egypt in the times of 
the Ebers papyrus. Thus, the same natural principle by which the 
life of any individual epitomizes the life history of the race, from 
its lowest stages of development to the highest, applies to the 



Folk Materia Medica. ' 107 

materia medica of the earth at this present time, illustrating, as it 
does, all the various stages of development through which has come 
down the knowledge possessed by the most enlightened moderns. 

In what has been thus far said, I have tried to show that it is dif- 
ficult to tell how far the use of drugs as now practised is a result 
of scientific activity and how far it is an inheritance from the folk 
remedies of former times. The former state grades into the latter. 
Since it is hardly useful to further prosecute our search for a well 
defined limit to our subject, we may waive the matter and define folk 
materia medica as that body of substances which in the popular belief 
possess efficacy as remedies, although no confirmation has been 
offered by men of science. In what follows I shall show that 
science has often merely put its official stamp on folk beliefs in pro- 
ducing our present materia medica, and raise the presumption that 
it will do so many times more. The bushel of chaff has already 
yielded much good grain, and may yield still more. 

Since a reasonable time limit would exclude any exhaustive dis- 
cussion of the subject, I have noted only a few of the more interest- 
ing and significant items of animal and plant materia medica. 

It is possible from descriptions and pictures coming down from 
earlier centuries, as seen in the interesting works of Behrendes, Peters, 
and others, to form some idea of the stock kept by drug dealers of 
centuries ago. The most conspicuous features were dried reptiles, 
bundles of herbs or simples, packets of various animal substances, 
dried organs and excreta. The large part played in primitive mate- 
ria medica by drugs of animal origin is very striking. In order to 
give an idea of the items of such a stock, I have transcribed some 
of the articles mentioned in lists of European origin dating back from 
one to two hundred years. 

Fats, from elk, lamb, duck, wild duck, eel, goose, wild boar, bittern, 
dog, seal, goat, stork, beaver, wild-cat, lion, leopard, monkey, snake, 
he-bear, she-bear, etc. 

Marrozv, from bones of the lamb, donkey, goat, deer, horse, calf. 

Gall, from the hawk, rabbit, pickerel, ox, bear. 

Liver, of the eel, deer, wolf, otter, calf. 

Blood, of the deer, dove, rabbit, hog, and calf. 

Lungs, of the deer, bear, and fox. 

Teeth, of the wild boar, beaver, hippopotamus, rabbit, wolf, trout. 

Excrevient, from various animals. 

Bones, from various animals. 

Hair, from cats, deer ; ram's wool ; partridge feathers. 

Bees, toads, crabs, cuckoos, incinerated after drying. 

Amber, spiders, lobster claws, horns of stag beetle, brains of spar- 
row and rabbit ; shells of most various mollusks ; corals. 



io8 youmdl of American Folk-Lore. 

Ants, lizards, leeches, earthworms, pearl, musk, honey, crabs' 
eyes, eyes from wolf and pickerel, ants' eggs, hens' eggs, ostrich 
eggs, cuttle-fish bone, dried serpents, hoofs, linen cloths steeped in 
blood. 

An uncanny list we shall all agree ! It may be interesting to men- 
tion a fact of which I have been informed by Professor Miyoshi, of 
the Imperial University of Japan, that in that country at the present 
time small lizards are taken in an entire and living condition for 
digestive troubles. 

As materia medica developed in Europe, the tendency to make 
use of animal drugs began to decline. Ten years ago not more than 
fifteen found much recognition. The most important were ox gall, 
cod liver oil, pepsin, lard, tallow, and musk. Within the last decade, 
however, there has been a most marked revival in the use of animal 
drugs, and the market now offers a large number of extracts of ani- 
mal organs. Let me quote a sentence or two from a well-known 
pharmaceutical journal of August, 1899: "Organic medication 
occupies an important position in the medical literature of the past 
year. The material adduced in its favor has gradually become so 
extensive that the reserve with which its doctrines were received has 
given way to a general recognition of their substantiality. It remains 
for the future, as a scientifically established fact, that the specific 
function of a pathologically changed or entirely suppressed human 
gland is capable of restitution by the introduction of a corresponding 
glandular substance of animals." (Pharm. Rev., Aug. 1899, p. 336.) 

I will mention some of the best proved remedies derived from 
animal organs and cite some of the troubles for which they are use- 
ful. 

The cerebrum of different animals, dried or fresh, is a very eflfi- 
cient remedy for lockjaw (tetanus) and for certain classes of ner- 
vous troubles. It is capable of rendering harmless the alkaloid 
strychnine, a conspicuous nerve stimulant, and morphine, an alkaloid 
equally marked as a sedative. The thyroid gland acts favorably on 
the circulation in a number of troubles : helps cases of goitre, and 
so influences the nutrition as to reduce obesity. The pituitary gland 
increases the rate of the heart beat and raises the blood pressure. 
It is used when this structure in the brain does not function properly. 
The spleen, dried and pulverized, is useful in certain mental troubles 
characterized by stupor and general weakness. Extracts prepared 
from the ciliary body and vitreous body of the eye are used in a num- 
ber of optical difficulties. 

From the examples cited and from others not given it appears 
probable that all the organs of the body, as obtained from the com- 
mon animals, when properly prepared and administered, are of 



Folk Materia Medica. 109 

marked effectiveness in disease, and act, in general, according to the 
old popular notion that an organ from an animal, used as a remedy, 
strengthens the corresponding organ of the patient. Thus a large 
class of the folk remedies just cited seem to receive a sufficient 
vindication at the bar of twentieth century science. In this par- 
ticularly unpromising bushel of chaff there has been found a large 
measure of grain. 

A number of other classes of animal remedies remain. Let us 
consider those consisting of the blood of various animals. In a recent 
summary on the subject at least fifteen preparations of blood are 
mentioned as now on the market. They are prescribed for patients 
suffering from deficient blood supply and from poor assimilation. 
Arterial blood dried and powdered is sometimes used as a restora- 
tive, in continuation of ancient usage. 

Many folk remedies for skin troubles involve the external applica- 
tion of the blood of various animals. An interesting collection of 
such uses may be seen in Mrs. Bergen's "Animal and Plant Lore." 

In Maine, blood from a cat, especially a black cat, is recommended 
as a cure for "shingles." Over a wide area of Eastern United 
States the freshly removed skin is preferred. In Cape Breton, black 
cat's blood is said to be good for ringworm. Hives are believed to 
be cured in Eastern Massachusetts by the fresh skin of a black cat. 
Sometimes a fowl is used instead of a cat. 

As a result of very careful work by investigators, chiefly European, 
it has been shown that animals are protected from pathogenic germs 
which may enter the blood, by a class of antiseptic substances gen- 
erated or localized in the blood. Here these germicidal principles 
meet and usually destroy the invaders. The nature of these sub- 
stances is not well known. That the blood of one animal may be 
poisonous to one of another kind has been well authenticated. Thus 
eel's blood has somewhat recently been shown to contain a substance 
classed among the toxalbumins, which is fatally poisonous to rabbits 
when injected hypodermically in small quantities. The resulting 
symptoms strongly suggest those following the introduction of snake 
poison. 

Since some of the skin troubles above mentioned in connection with 
blood cures are known to be due to the presence in the skin of small 
vegetable parasites, perhaps bacterial or fungal in their nature, the 
suppression of the trouble by the use of fresh blood can perhaps be 
accounted for by the action on the germs of the antiseptic principles 
contained in it. I shall not try to explain why the cat should be 
black. The use of blood in curing some kinds of sore mouth, as 
recommended in Newfoundland, may perhaps be accounted for in a 
similar way. 



no yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

The study of the action of blood has shown a further point. Eel's 
blood, when properly prepared and administered, is able to render 
animals immune from harm when later inoculated with snake venom* 
This brings up an interesting point in connection with the use of 
blood or of flesh of nezvly killed animals in treating snake bites. I 
notice in Mrs. Bergen's valuable collection the statement that in 
Illinois, Michigan, and Missouri the flesh of a freshly killed chicken 
is regarded as capable of effecting a cure. 

Bones as curative agents date back to the earliest times, and are 
still sometimes cited in books on materia medica. The bones of 
domestic animals and cuttlefish bones similarly used are given as a 
remedy for an acid condition of the stomach. In the remedial pro- 
cess, the acid combines with the carbonates of the bones. Egg- 
shells, the pearly portions of the shells of most mollusks and corals, 
noted in the' ancient apothecary stock, are likewise useful as ant- 
acids. 

The uses of fats, whether from marrow of bones or from other 
parts, are many and have always been conceded to be valuable. 

To inquire in detail into all animal drugs known to folk materia 
medica would take us too far, but it has been shown, I hope, that 
a large number of these folk beliefs really rest on a basis of fact 
which we are coming more fully to appreciate. Nevertheless, I am 
not sanguine enough to look for any rational explanation of the use 
of hoofs, or of teeth, or of incinerated cuckoos. 

Let us now turn our attention to a consideration of some points 
concerning remedies of vegetable origin. Plants have always sup- 
plied a large proportion of the medical substances used by all peoples 
at all times. At the present time, this proportion is perhaps less 
than ever in the past. This is due to the great development of 
organic chemistry. It has been found in the laboratory to what 
active principles plants owe their medical value, and what is the molec- 
ular nature of these active principles. 

The growing ability of the chemist to build up, synthetically, mole- 
cules having a desired molecular structure has rendered it possible 
to make in the laboratory a large number of substances having valu- 
able medicinal qualities. It has even become possible, within a now 
limited but ever widening range, to indicate from the structure of the 
molecule its physiological action. Thus, as chemistry has increased 
in efficiency in this direction, plant remedies have more and more 
become relegated to the list of herbs and simples. There is no 
immediate danger, however, that plant remedies are to be altogether 
superseded by the products of the laboratory. 

As we go back to the earliest known sources in the history of 
materia medica, we find prominent in the list of plants used as reme- 



Folk Materia Medica. 1 1 1 

dies by the people many of those to-day recognized as statidard reme- 
dies. Inscriptions on temple walls in Egypt, dated about 1700 b. c, 
state that sea voyages to parts of Africa and Arabia were made in 
order to get gum-arabic, frankincense, and myrrh. Probably at an 
equally early date mastic, cardamoms, curcuma, and fenugreek were 
used in Egypt, and coriander, the poppy, and the castor-oil plant were 
under cultivation. The Hebrews and Phoenicians doubtless knew 
all these products and many more ; since aloes, cinnamon, saffron, 
olive-oil, pepper, and others are added to the list, on Old Testament 
authority. 

At a very ancient date camphor seems to have been a very well- 
known medicine among the Chinese, and menthol among the Jap- 
anese. 

During the centuries of Greek and Roman predominance, the list 
was much increased by substances brought from the Orient and 
other sources. Almonds, squills, pomegranate bark, anise, fennel, 
nutgall, savin tops, opium, licorice, scammony, tragacanth, male fern, 
turpentine, and many other drugs were brought into use. As these 
nations declined, the Arabians assumed the leadership in affairs of 
learning, and in their turn enriched the world's stock of remedial 
plant substances. Tamarinds, nux vomica seeds (source of strych- 
nine), cubebs, senna leaves, and rhubarb were among the number. 

Centuries passed, and, as new lands were explored and the medical 
traditions of new peoples were learned, additional drugs were brought 
into use. The discovery of the American continent, embracing all 
latitudes and conditions, and occupied by a rich and varied flora, 
offered a new opportunity for hunters of drugs and spices. The 
discovery of the sassafras, with its spicy taste and fragrance, won 
for its discoverer more immediate honor than was bestowed on 
Columbus. The cinchona barks, ipecacuanha root, and sarsaparilla 
were among the important drugs. 

During the last twenty years the leaves of Erythroxylo7i coca (the 
source of cocaine), pilocarpus, and jaborandi, and the seeds of stro- 
phanthus, have taken their place among recognized remedies. Such 
has been, in barest outline, the growth of the knowledge and use of 
plant drugs. 

But the question may be asked. How this is related to folk materia 
medica } The relation is the most intimate, as I hope presently to 
indicate. Every people has its own trusted remedies, usually found, 
in large part, among the plants immediately about them. The value 
of these has been tested and handed down from generation to 
generation as a precious possession. Certain members of the tribe 
or village, more or less singled out by their skill in healing, or by 
their keen discrimination in identifying the useful herbs, preserved 



112 Journal of American Polk-Lore. 

this information, this medical folk-lore. As commercial, scientific, 
or religious incentives led more enlightened individuals to go among 
these races, the medical properties of their plants became matters 
of great interest, and, in some cases, of eventually world-wide sig- 
nificance. An instance will suffice to illustrate the process. In the 
seventeenth century the wife of the governor of one of the Spanish 
colonies west of the Andes was attacked by malarial fever, and 
seemed likely to die. The natives gave to a Jesuit missionary, who 
worked among them, bark from a certain kind of small tree growing 
on the slopes of the Andes, and told him to grind it up, and give it 
to the countess at regular intervals. The directions for use and 
the bark were duly transmitted and tested. The countess re- 
covered and, being of a philanthropic disposition, obtained a quantity 
of the powdered bark and sent it to Europe for use among the 
poor. It was known for a long time as the " Countess bark," and 
by its good effects attracted much attention at Madrid. In due 
time the plants were botanically investigated and named in honor 
of the house to which the countess belonged, " Chinchona." This 
became abbreviated to "Cinchona," the generic name usually applied 
to these trees. In course of time the active principle was dis- 
covered by the chemists and named *^ quinine.'' 

Jaborandi leaves, collected in the Amazon valley, useful in dropsy, 
uraemia, and various other troubles,, first attracted the attention of the 
explorers by their use in the hands of the natives as a remedy for 
snake bite. In fact, the native name of the drug, of which jaborandi 
is a corruption, \s jaguaratidi, a word indicating in the native dialect 
this useful property. The most conspicuous action of the drug is 
seen in the greatly increased action of the sweat glands, a feature 
immediately suggesting its usefulness in dropsy and snake bite. 

Coca leaves, borne by a shrubby plant of the Bolivian Andes, were 
cultivated by the natives prior to the Spanish invasion. The leaves 
are chewed by the natives for their peculiar physiological action. 
The sense of fatigue on long journeys or during hard labor is 
lessened and a sense of well-being imparted. This fact attracted 
the attention of Europeans, and the discovery of cocaine resulted. 
This drug has done much to rob minor surgical operations of their 
terror by numbing the endings of sensory nerves. 

As we look over the history of the long list of vegetable drugs 
now in use, we see that a previous recognition of unusual properties 
by the people to whom they were known as medical agents, in very 
many cases attracted the attention of students of medicine, and led 
to their introduction into scientific medicine. The form taken by this 
recognition of unusual properties varied widely. Strophanthus, a 
remedy now widely used for certain heart troubles, was first brought 



Folk Materia Medzca. 1 1 3 

to the attention of explorers of equatorial Africa as a very deadly 
arrow poison,. so deadly as to paralyze the heart when but slightest 
wounds were made by the arrows. Aconite root, supplying the well- 
known remedy of the same name, furnishes arrow poison for Malay 
tribes of southeastern Asia and certain Pacific islands. 

The calabar bean, Phy so stigma, first attracted the attention of 
explorers of the Niger valley through its use in ordeals. Only those 
plants were allowed to grow which were cultivated by the chief of 
the village for judicial purposes. A person accused of grave crime 
was brought before the chief and sentenced to eat the seeds of this 
plant until either vomiting or death ensued. If death resulted, guilt 
was regarded as certain. This deadly seed was brought to Europe 
and tested in the light of its function in the Niger valley. As a 
result a new and valuable remedy for certain exaggerated nervous 
conditions was discovered. 

The use of substances in connection with native religious services 
has led to the discovery of new remedies. Some of the tribes of 
Indian Territory observe a religious occasion of which the chief fea- 
ture is the chewing of the so-called " mescal buttons," dried slices of 
small cacti belonging to the genus Anhalotimm. These dried slices 
are chewed until a state of great exhilaration is reached not unlike 
that following the use of hasheesh. The exhilaration is followed by 
a period of depression and sleep. These rites came to the attention 
of students of materia medica, and the mescal buttons were investi- 
gated. Hospital tests showed that the alkaloidal principle contained 
in the cactus furnishes a valuable remedy for certain troubles of the 
nervous system. 

In some cases the hard conditions occasioned by war have forced 
a people to a study of the resources of their folk materia medica. In 
Revolutionary days, when the accustomed supply of remedies from 
the mother country failed, the colonists turned to the native plants 
in the hope of substitutes. The general use of the bark of the but- 
ternut as a purgative is said to date from that time. 

The history of Lobelia iiiflata, the Indian tobacco, formerly much 
used in regular practice as an emetic and anti-asthmatic, was an unus- 
ually stormy one. Oldest reports indicate that it was used by Penob- 
scot Indians and white colonists in domestic medicine as early as 
1770. In 1785 that all-around genius. Rev. Manasseh Cutler, de- 
scribed its emetic properties in his accounts of " Indigenous Vege- 
tables." Thompson, the founder of the school bearing his name, 
claimed to have first used lobelia, and waged war on Cutler, as well 
as on many others. By dint of much litigation, by the death of a 
number of patients from the effects of lobelia given by Thompson, 
and by the reported death of many more from the same cause, 

VOL. XIV. — NO. 53. 8 



114 Journal of American Folk-Lore. 

lobelia was widely advertised. Thus in the early decades of our 
national history, the name " lobelia " was the slogan in the medical 
profession whereby a Thompsonian was identified. It would carry 
us too far to cite further instances in this direction. 

In what I have said, I hope that one thing may have been made 
clear. The folk materia medica of any time or land need not alto- 
gether be despised when looked at from the practical standpoint. 
As slang phrases and barbarisms introduce candidates for mem- 
bership into philological polite society, so the medical lore of the 
people does contain, 'and has always contained, elements capable of 
adaptation and use in skilled hands. It is the crude stuff in which 
much of value lies hidden. For the student of folk-lore, quite apart 
from utilitarian considerations, it is in itself a sufficient reason for 
study. 

■ . . Rodney H. True. 

Cambridge, Mass. 



Some Traditional Misconceptions of Law. 1 1 5 



SOME TRADITIONAL MISCONCEPTIONS OF LAW. 

We are somewhat accustomed to regard ourselves as being free 
from the superstitions and prejudices of our forefathers, yet it is 
probable that the present generation has inherited a number of these, 
besides generating quite as many misconceptions of fact as any that 
have preceded it. 

Common errors of beliefs, especially among a rural population, are 
largely traditional, and therefore peculiarly tenacious. 

Country-folk, however, do "not maintain a monopoly in this regard, 
for town-dwellers, especially in the very large cities, usually possess 
quite as many misconceptions. Perhaps owing to their more strenu- 
ous conditions of life, they are given to opinions in matters legal. 
In no case is this more marked than in London, where some very 
crude superstitions of the last century still exist as to what is or is 
not lawful. 

It is probable that, though some of these are happily quite extinct, 
others may be still current in this country, and may possibly be 
derived from the city of London. 

It was at one time commonly believed that it was penal to open a 
coal-mine near the city, a very questionable venture in any case. 
The belief may have grown out of a traditional recollection of the 
prohibition, as a pubhc nuisance, upon its first introduction as a fuel, 
of the use of coal in London, by King Edward the First. 

Similarly an idea prevailed during the last century that it was ille- 
gal to plant a vineyard, or to establish a sawmill near London, thus 
ascribing to the operation of imaginary statutes the general decad- 
ence of the vine and growing scarcity of timber at that period. A 
common saying went that a crow must not be killed within five miles, 
of London, ^ by which title, no doubt, the common rook was in- 
tended, as the genuine carrion crow is rarely seen in south England. 
Perhaps the suggestion was' semi-sarcastic, in allusion to the incapa- 
bility of cockney sportsmen. 

It was and is still supposed to be unlawful to shoot with a wind- 
gun, or, as we now call it, an air-rifle. This may have been an ex- 
tremely ancient idea, as air-guns have been known since a century 
before the commencement of the Christian era, when the principle 
was invented by Ctesebius of Alexandria, who, however, neglected 
to take out a patent, so that when the idea was reinvented by Outer 
in Germany in the seventeenth century, he was considered a most 
original genius. No doubt the popular idea of their prohibition arose 
from a very proper appreciation of their possible misuse and their 
adaptability for secret assassination. . 



ii6 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

An equally practical idea is that the use of a dark lanthorn at 
night is illegal, a belief probably based on the likelihood of being 
taken for some evil-doer, as such an appurtenance was and is usually 
part of the stock in trade of any well-appointed member of the bur- 
gling profession. A watchful police would now, like the race of 
watchmen who preceded them, interrogate any doubtful-looking 
character with a bull's-eye lantern, and the carrying of a ladder after 
dark is now considered equally suspicious. 

Old-time credulity could scarce proceed further than in the com- 
mon notion of a statute which would, if required, compel the owners 
of asses to crop their ears lest their length should frighten horses 
upon the road, yet such was the belief. I have met with this con- 
ception in the modern form of an idea that bicycles had no legal 
rights, and that riders were liable, if horses were frightened thereby. 
The superior right of foot passengers to the roadway is in Eng- 
land a well-founded belief, since the law has so been interpreted, 
and herein may be found the basis of the solicitude and care of foot 
traffic at the busy crossings in London so generally admired. 

If such ideas prevailed during the last century in regard to the 
current regulations of society, the vulgar opinions of common law 
would scarcely be of a higher character. One very prevalent belief, 
existing even until recent years, when the property of married 
women was placed on a basis independent of that of their husbands, 
was that a man's taking his wife from the hands of the priest, clothed 
only in her shift, "would exempt him from liability for her debts or. 
engagements." Cases actually occurred of this nature. One such 
is entered in that curious record of marriages performed in the 
purlieus of the Fleet prison, the so-called " liberty of the Fleet," by 
disfrocked clergymen and others who assumed that semi-sacred 
character. In that particular instance the woman came across 
from Ludgate, a respectable locality, in her scanty garb. 

Another is thus. related in the "Whitehall Evening Post" of Sat- 
urday afternoon, June 30, 1792: "A correspondent of Bolton, Lan- 
cashire, informs us that a few weeks ago a woman appeared at the 
altar divested of every article of clothing, except a shift (and the 
which she had borrowed) in order to be married. It appears she 
took her lawyer's opinion, how to avoid paying a former husband's 
debts ; he advised her to appear as above. The minister refusing 
to officiate while she was in her chemise, she thus addressed her in- 
tended spouse : ' Woot marry me neau .-* tha hcears what th' parson 
says.' ' Whoi (said the man) saut things ar as the ar, theaw moight 
as weel get beaunt ; (that is get out of it) an I '11 e'en ta thee for 
better or wo.' " 

The notions of the vul^rar on legal matters were sometimes based 



Some Traditional Misconceptions of Law. 117 

on slight historical grounds, such as in the common assertion of 
would-be reformers, that there was no land-tax previous to the acces- 
sion of William the Third. While land-taxes were levied in England 
in the year 990, if this, the Saxon system, be excluded from the 
subject, the common error would have historical foundation in the 
redistribution or settlement of land taxation in the above king's 
reign. 

The threat of the pains of the "crown-office" on the most trifling 
injury was as common as the modern threat of the terrors of the 
police, or the expression, " I '11 have the law of ye," for every trifling 
disagreement, while many an unfeeling creditor believed, and, I have 
heard, still believes, that he could, at the worst, realize something 
upon the body of his debtor after his decease, if he failed to deprive 
him of liberty and property during his lifetime. 

Common misconception still has it that King John signed Magna 
Charta ; and it may be assumed that a large number of people still 
retain the idea that the sovereign actually signs the death warrant 
for the execution of a criminal, and thus the personal interference of 
the iponarch with the course of the law is frequently sought over 
the head of the Home Secretary. 

Finally, some poetic, if not historical license might be pleaded for 
that dramatic belief that the corpse of a murdered person would 
bleed in the presence of the murderer. Thus spoke Anne Neville of 
Warwick by Shakespeare's mouth, as the bearers set down the coffin 
of the murdered Henry in presence of Gloucester : — 

" If thou delight to view thy heinous deeds, 
Behold this pattern of thy butcheries. 
O gentlemen, see, see ! dead Henry's wounds 
Open their congeal'd mouths and bleed afresh. 
Blush, blush, thou lump of foul deformity ; 
For 't is thy presence that exhales this blood 
From cold and empty veins, where no blood dwells ; 
Thy deed, inhuman and unnatural. 
Provokes this deluge most unnatural. 
O God, which this blood mad'st, revenge his death ! " 

Reginald Pelham Bolton. 



ii8 journal of American Folk-Lore. 

RECORD OF AMERICAN FOLK-LORE. 

NORTH AMERICA. 

Algonkian. Micmac. At pages 190-194 of the "Bulletin of the 
Free Museum of Science and Art" (vol. ii. No. 3, January, 1900), 
Philadelphia, Dr. A. S. Gatschet describes two " circular split fans, 
one white with yellow splints, and the other green with drab," ob- 
tained from the chief of the " Western Counties Indians of Nova 
Scotia," also a set of implements for the Micmac dice-game, altes- 
/«'-^«, obtained from the same source. The Micmac terms relating 
to fans and the materials of which they are made are given, the 
game described, and the Micmac names of the implements, terms of 
the game, etc., recorded. The dice, the bowl, and the counting-sticks 
ar.e figured in the text. — Mr. J. T. Clark's little book, " Rand and the 
Micmacs " (Charlottetown, P. E. J., 1899, pp. xiii.-j- 81), contains some 
information about mission-work from the diary of the late Dr. S. T. 
Rand, also a brief chapter on Micmac mythology, compiled from his 
observations. — Ampaho and Chcyoine. In the " Southern Work- 
man " (Hampton, Va.) for December, 1900 (vol. xxix. pp. 721-723), Mr. 
Frank K. Rogers gives a brief account of " The Rain-Dance of the 
Arapahoes and Cheyennes," as performed on the reservation near 
El Reno, Oklahoma. The influence of white surroundings and civ- 
ilization is very noticeable, — the bass drum was borrowed from the 
Arapaho school band, some of the younger participants smoked cigar- 
ettes, and in the feast that followed the dance several boxes of 
" Uneeda biscuits" were consumed. Of the braves who took part in 
the dance, " most were nearly naked, with bodies and faces painted, 
and with anklets of old-fashioned round sleigh-bells strapped loosely 
around the legs just below the knee." — Ojibiua. In the " South- 
ern Workman" for January, 1901 (vol. xxx. pp. 771-776), Mabel H. 
Barrows gives a brief illustrated account of " ' Hiawatha ' among the 
Ojibway Indians," the subject of the article being the "pantomimic 
tableau " — rather a reminiscence of the former life of these Indians 
than a real adaptation of Longfellow's work — performed by the 
Indians of Garden River,- Ontario, for the poet's family. Of little 
Hiawatha we are told that " in learning to shoot with his Httle bow 
and arrow he would hit the mark every time." Minnehaha and 
Hiawatha were particularly interesting. It is planned to have these 
tableaux repeated by the Indians every summer. 

Athapascan. Navaho. In the "American Anthropologist" (N. S., 
vol. i. pp. 638-642) for October-December, 1900, Dr. Washington 
Matthews writes about "A Two-Faced Navaho Blanket." The two- 
faced blanket (of which an excellent plate accompanies the article) is 



Record of American Folk-Lore. 119 

regarded by the author as " a remarkable instance of their aptness in 
learning, and, added thereto, an example of their inventive advance- 
ment." In the last 300 years the Navahoes " have become a race of 
expert loom-weavers, and they have accomplished this without coercipn 
or any such formal methods of instruction as we employ; they have 
picked it up " (p. 638). They have far outstripped the Pueblo Indians, 
from whom they have taken up the art. There seems every reason to 
believe that the double or reversible weaving is of Navaho invention ; 
for although the modern golf -cloth somewhat resembles it, the two- 
faced blanket is siii generis, no European or American having yet 
invented a loom for producing such a fabric. Nor do the Navahoes 
know of the two-faced, hand-made baskets of certain Indians of the 
Pacific coast. The Navaho loom, too, "is an aboriginal invention 
which has not been modified since pre-Columbian days." The recent- 
ness of the invention appears from the fact that "it was not until 
about the year 1893 that the oldest trader in the Navaho land saw a 
two-faced blanket." It is quite probable that the inventor of the 
process was a Navaho woman, and the discovery was made between 
1884 and 1893. — Apache. The third and fourth sections of the " Be- 
navides's Memorial, 1630," translated by Mrs. E. E. Ayer, edited and 
annotated by Professor F. W. Hodge and C, F. Lummis, in "The 
Land of Sunshine" (vol. xiii. pp. 435-444) for December, 1900, and 
January, 1901 (vol. xiv. pp. 39-52) treats largely of the Apaches, and 
pages 442-444 contain valuable- notes by Professor Hodge on the 
names of the various Apache tribes and their origins. The name 
Apache is a Yuman term signifying " fighting men ; " the Mescaleros 
get their name from their custom of eating mescal bread ; the Llan- 
eros are the "plainsmen ;" the CJdricahna are so called "from their 
former mountain home {tsihl, 'mountain,' kawa, 'great') in south- 
eastern Arizona ; the Pinalefios are the" pinery people ;" the Coyote- 
ros are said to have formerly lived partly on coyotes, hence the name. 
— Atna. In the " American Antiquarian " (vol. xxiii. pp. 137-139) for 
March-April, 1901, Miss H. Newell Wardle publishes some "Notes 
on the Designation Atna." The author concludes that "there are 
two tribes known as Atnah, one to the northwest, the other in the 
southwest, a Tinne and a non-Tinne people." She also thinks that 
the essential part of the appellation of the northern Atna is some 
form oi gdelfnn, a stem which seems to signify "glacier." 

CoAHUiA. Professor D. P. Barrows's article on "The Desert of 
the Colorado," which appears in "The Land of Sunshine" (vol. xiii. 
pp. 312-322) for November, 1900, has some items of interest con- 
cerning the Coahuia Indians. The explanations of a number of 
Coahuia place-names are given. The author considers that Fiske in 
his "Discovery of America" has done the Indians of this region an 



I20 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

injustice by thinking them incapable of the invention of a well, for 
the Coahuias have been well-diggers for centuries, their occupation 
of the country being dependent on the discovery of this art. The 
following passage may be reproduced here : " In the lower part of 
the valley water can usually be found at a depth of from 12 to 15 
feet. The Indians dig a series of pits about 3 feet deep, one within 
another, forming terraces downward, and a path winds along one 
side down to the water's edge, by which the woman can descend 
with olla on her head and dip her painted vessel full. The Coahuia 
name for these wells is rather pretty, te-ma-ka-wo-mal. Temal means 
the earth, and ka-wo-vial is an olla or water jar. It seems to be the 
same metonomy that in New Mexico has led to calling a pothole in 
a rock a tinaj'a" (p. 320). The Coahuia name for the village of 
Martinez (as the old Spaniards called the site) is So-kut men-yil, " two 
words meaning 'deer' and 'moonlight,' so called because of frequent 
ceremonial deer hunts that long ago took place there." — In the 
issue of "The Land of Sunshine" for February, 1901, Miss Frances 
Anthony writes (pp. I2i-i'25) of "An Indian Well," on the west 
side of the Colorado Desert. Both the author and the editor of the 
magazine consider that western aboriginal workmanship in stone 
implements is in no wise inferior, but rather superior to eastern abo- 
riginal workmanship, where a fair comparison is made. At this 
Indian well many valuable specimens were found, — arrowheads, 
metates and mullers, fragments of pottery, etc. 

Eskimo. In the "Archivio p. 1. Studio d. Trad. Pop." (vol. xix. 
pp. 108-111) for January-March, 1900, there is an article on " Usi e 
costumi degli Esquimesi," containing general items of customs and 
usages, gathered from various writers, but without specific refer- 
ences. 

Iroquoian. Hurous. In the "Transactions of the Ottawa Lit- 
erary and Scientific Society" (No. 2, 1899-1900, pp. 69-92, with 
map), M. Leon Gerin publishes a general account of "The Hurons 
of Lorette." The topics discussed include : Labor, property, family, 
etc. The effects of white influence on the mode of living, industries, 
etc., of the Hurons have been very great. Says the author; "Com- 
petition put a stop to the manufacture of toboggans and lacrosses ; 
but a new industry, fancy basket-making, taken from the Montagnais 
and Abenakis, some ten or fifteen years ago, was introduced ; and 
considerable impetus was given to the making of snowshoes and 
moccasins and to the making of hides." The only industry which 
these Indians have kept to themselves is snowshoe making ("not 
more than two French Canadians being trained in the art "), How 
far white influence has really gone with the Hurons of Lorette may 
be judged from the fact related on page Sy that one of the old men 



Record of American Fa Ik- Lore. 1 2 1 

actually argued with the author the case for man, not woman, as the 
race-maker, — ,the very opposite of the ancient Iroquois theory. At 
Caughnawaga things have not gone nearly so far. The French- 
Canadian wives of many of these Indians have been an important 
factor in some of the transformations. Of the children at Caughna- 
waga the author says : " The lively chatter they are carrying on in 
their native dialect is unexpectedly interrupted now and then by some 
popular American or English tune." 

KuLANAPAN. In the " American Anthropologist " (N. S., vol. ii.pp. 
775, ^^6) for October-December, 1900, Mr. J. W. Hudson describes 
the "Preparation of Acorn Meal by Pomo Indians." These Indians 
make bread from any of the light varieties of acorns, but the breads 
known as the niici (from the Querciis agrifolia) and the tsiipa (from 
the Qiiercus densiflord) are esteemed the best. The red ceremonial 
yeast or mdsil {xtd earth in solution) gives the meal a dark red cast, 
while the 7nakd' (or tarweed meal) turns it almost black. 

Otomi. In the "American Anthropologist" (N. S., vol. ii. pp. 
722-740) for October-December, 1900, appears a translation by F. F. 
Hilder of an article 'by Dr. Nicolas Leon on " A Mazahua Cat- 
.echism in Testera-Amerind Hieroglyphics." Pages 730-740 are 
devoted to "an exact and complete reproduction of the orginal man- 
uscript" of II leaves. The MS. contains the following: Tpdojiel 
Cristiano ; Pater, Ave, and Credo; Salve Regina; Decalogue and 
Commandments of the Church ; Sacraments and articles of Religion ; 
Works of Mercy ; Confession ; Declarations of the Nombres senal 
del Cristiafto, of the Creed, the Decalogue, arid the Sacraments, — 
all in questions and answers. The paper of the MS. is "relatively 
modern," and the document in question dates probably from circa 
1 77 1. In this MS. the hieroglyphs are of what the authors term the 
"Testera-Amerind" sort, the nature of which can be understood 
from the following : " Father Jacob de Testera, having become impa- 
tient at his inability to instruct the natives, in consequence of his 
ignorance of their language, availed himself of paintings on linen, 
which represented the substance of the Catholic doctrine ; and, 
spreading them before their eyes, he caused an intelligent native, 
who had been instructed by him, to explain them, interpreting what 
he had said." This device of the missionary seems to have been 
suggested to him by "the Indians themselves, " who previously had 
used an analogous didactic method." The Otomi Indians (the Ma- 
zahua is of this linguistic stock) are very conservative. " For them 
the ages have passed in vain, because they have not lost the racial 
type, the peculiar language, nor their aboriginal customs ; the dawn 
of the twentieth century finds them almost identical with their ances- 
tors of the sixteenth century." They have resisted the Latin alpha- 



122 . Journal of American Folk-Lore. 

bet to such an extent that " even to-day the Testera-Amerind writing 
is in use among them." This mixture of Indian and white ingenuity- 
is of great psychological and folklorical interest. Some of the hiero- 
glyphs are as follows: Ame7i = 2i bird's wing; a sin by word=he3.d 
of a coyote with tongue hanging out; from between -2i wing and a 
half moon ; and=2i hand pointing or signalling in a horizontal posi- 
tion ; r/^r«rt'/= parallel lines ; all-2i. heap of human heads. Here and 
there above some of the hieroglyphs are Mazahua words in Latin 
script. This "catechisme en images" is a valuable addition to our 
knowledge of the products of Indian-white contact in Mexico. The 
Mazahuas, according to Peiiafiel, number 5577, of whom all but 255 
are in the State of Michoacan. The Otomis proper count 161, 2or, 
and the Fame 2729 souls. They seem to be still a flourishing stock. 

Pueblos. The second section of the translation of " Benavides's 
Memorial, 1630," by Mrs. E. E. Ayer, annotated by Professor F. W. 
Hodge, and edited, with notes, by C. F. Lummis, which appears in 
"The Land of Sunshine" (vol. xiii. pp. 345-358) for November, 
1900, is concerned with the Pueblos Indians, — Piros, Tiguas, Oueres, 
Tanos, Zunis, etc. The text and the notes contain valuable items 
of information about the past and present condition of the Indians, 
of the region in question. 

PujUNAN. To " Science " (N. S., vol. xiii. pp. 274, 275) for Febru- 
ary 15, 1901, Dr. Roland B. Dixon contributes a note on "The 
Musical Bow in California." He describes the kdwatone pafida, a 
sacred bow occurring (rarely at present) among the Maidu Indians 
of northern California. Its use " is restricted to the medicine-men 
or shamans, and other persons are rarely allowed to see and never 
allowed to touch the instrument." Even the medicine-men use it 
"only in communicating with and praying to the kiikini or spirits," 
and its manufacture " is accompanied by ceremonial observances, 
including the rubbing of the bow with human blood." These and 
other reasons point to native origin and militate against the theory 
of extra-American origin; 

Sahaptian. To the "American Anthropologist" (N. S., vol. ii. 
pp. 779, 780) for October-December, 1900, Mrs. R. S; Shackelford con- 
tributes a brief note on the " Legend of the Klickitat Basket." The 
first weaver, a woman, had in vain, at the suggestion of the Shade, 
tried to make a water-tight basket. As she sat despairing by the side 
of the lake and looked into its depths, "the pattern was revealed to 
her in the refracted lines she saw," and, returning to the forest, she 
soon accomplished her task. This story is recorded from Lummi 
Island, Bellingham Bay, Washington. Few Indians to-day, \ye are 
told, " can weave a perfect pattern and a perfect basket." 

Seri. The monograph of Professor W J McGee, "The Seri In- 



Record of American Folk-L.ore. 123 

dians," which occupies pages 1-344 of " The Seventeenth Annual 
Report of the Bureau of American. Ethnology," is a comprehensive 
account of one of the most primitive of all known tribes. These 
Indians inhabit the island of Tiburon in the Gulf of California, and a 
portion of the mainland of Sofiora adjoining. Since this noteworthy- 
contribution to American ethnology is reviewed more at length else- 
where in this Journal, it is here necessary only to call attention to 
the rich store of materials it contains for the student of primitive 
man in all aspects of his life. Among the topics treated, which are 
more or less of a folk-lore nature, are the following : Symbolism and 
decoration, face-painting, food-getting, habitations, dress, war, clans 
and totems, chiefship, adoption, marriage, mortuary customs, etc.. 
The mythology of the Seri is briefly noted thus (p. 11) : "The Seri 
Indians appear to recognize a wide variety of mystical potencies and 
a number of Zoic deities, all of rather limited powers. The Pelican, 
Turtle, Moon, and Sun seem to lead their thearchy." 

SiouAN. Otnaha. In the " Southern Workman " (vol. xxix. 1900, 
pp. 554-556), Francis La Flesche writes of "The Laughing Bird, 
the Wren," telling the Omaha story of how the wren defeated the 
eaglcj and got its name of the " laughing bird," kihahaja. — In the 
same periodical for February, 1901 (vol. xxx. pp. 106-109), Mr, La 
Flesche tells "The Story of a Vision, a tale of Indian boy life." — In 
connection with these and other articles of the author should be 
read his interesting book "The Middle Five" (Boston, 1900), a story 
of his schoolboy life, an American Indian's account of his education 
under white auspices. — In the " Southern Workman" for March, 
1901 (vol. XXX; pp. 156-159), F. D. Gleason describes "Omaha Buri- 
als " in eastern Nebraska. The "grave-house" is a peculiarity of the 
Omaha cemetery. Among other things to make it less gloomy, the 
Indians will "cover the earth-walls or sides with white cotton cloth, 
hang pictures there, and place the knife, gun, and other personal 
property in the grave," In one case "the grave was adorned, by a 
life-size crayon portrait of a brother of the departed." In the Omaha 
cemetery we see .the influence of contact with the white race crop- 
ping out in many curious ways. 

Uto-Aztecan. Utes. In " The Land of Sunshine " (vol. xiv. pp. 
130-134) for February, i90i,Mr. L. M. Burns publishes the first part 
of " * Digger ' Indian Legends." The central figure of the Digger 
Indians of Scott Valley in northern California (a tribe never a 
large one, and rapidly becoming extinct) is Quatuk, the Coyote, to 
whom the Indians owe all they know of the next world, according to. 
one legend. The story of his death is "The Indian Version of Brer 
Rabbit and Tar Baby." The present article records the legends, 
" Why the Animals are Warm-blooded," " The Stealing of the Fire." 



124 • yournal of America7i Folk-Lore. 

The Indian theory of medicine is also r^siimed. The fire-stealing 
story is the familiar one of animal cooperation under the leadership 
of the Coyote with the addition, that " the family of pains, whose 
duty it was to guard the eternal fire," out of revenge for the act, 
"took up their abode in the bodies of the animals that had assisted 
in the theft, where they have existed ever since, torturing men and 
beasts in the thousands of ways that their malice has devised." In 
the first story the cold-blooded animals are those who failed to get 
any of the fragments or dust of the hot rock (once the only thing 
the animals had to warm themselves with) which the lynx smashed 
to pieces when he hurled it at the Coyote. Of the drake the tale 
informs us that he " caught up one piece and ran away with it under 
his arm, where it is easily proved he still carries it ; for is he not, like 
all fowls, warmer under his left wing than his right } " — In the same 
periodical (vol, xiv. pp. 13-19) for January, under the title " Lo's 
Turkish Bath," Miss Idah M. Strobridge writes of the " Sweat- 
house" of the Piute Indians. 

Moki. In a very interesting paper in the "American Anthro- 
pologist " (N. S., vol. ii. pp. 690-707) for October-December, 1900, 
Dr. J. Walter Fewkes discusses " Property-Right in Eagles among 
the Hopi." After a brief account of the turkey and the parrot (both 
which birds seem to have been domesticated by these Indians), the 
author treats of : Ownership of eagle nests affected by clan migra- 
tions, ancient eagle hunts, prayers for the increase of eagles, the 
Hopi domesticated dog, other domesticated animals. Dr. Fewkes's 
chief conclusions are: i. When "discovered" by the whites, the 
Hopi were in an early stage of the development of Zooculture, the 
nature of which may be seen in the relations between the people and 
their eagles. 2. Birds were among the first animals to which pro- 
perty-right attached among the Hopi, and of these the more impor- 
tant were the eagle, the turkey, and the parrot. These birds seem 
to have been "used for religious purposes rather than as food." The 
parrot and turkey were probably kept in the pueblos, while the eagle 
was "allowed to remain in its feral condition, and captured only as 
needed." Unlike other wild animals, "eagles and eaglets, with their 
nests, were the property of the clans," and " ownership of eagles 
descended through the clan in the maternal line." Moreover, "the 
present geographical distribution of eagle nests is directly connected 
with clan migration." When the eagle is captured, the killing and 
ceremonial burial take place, — " survivals of an ancient custom, 
probably paralleled in the case of the parrot and the turkey." The 
domestic dog of the Hopi, according to Professor Fewkes, "was a 
pet rather than a beast of burden," and " the good qualities of this pet 
were recognized and recounted in their legends." The details of the 



Record of American Folk- Lore. 125 

eagle hunt, past and present, are very interesting. For. the eagles 
there is a special prayer-stick " carved of wood, ovoid in form, and 
painted white, with spots in imitation of eagle eggs." There are sev- 
eral shrines, too, in which are deposited these artificial eggs. 

Mexican. In the " Ethnologisches Notizblatt " (vol. ii. 1901, pp. 
66-76, Dr. K. T. Preuss publishes an article, illustrated with 43 figures 
in the text, on " Der Aff e in der mexikanischen Mythologie." Besides 
figuring in religious pictures, etc., the monkey appears frequently on 
pottery, and clay objects of various sorts simulate in whole or in part 
the form of this creature. There are monkey pipes, rattles, etc. 
The monkey, too, is one of the day signs in the Mexican calendar. 
The monkey also appears in connection with the dance, music, and 
pulque. Other specimens indicate some relation between the mon- 
key (with his patron Macuilxochitl) and the fertility of the earth. 
The appearances of the monkey together with death are not very 
rare in Mexican mythologie art. The monkey, too, has some asso- 
ciation with Quetzalcoatl, while in one case a monkey represents 
Tezcatlipoca. — In "The Catholic University Bulletin" (vol. vii. 
pp. 252-254) for April, 1901, Mr. T. J. Shahan writes about "An- 
other Mexican Codex : Codice Rios, Vaticano 3738." This Codex 
named from F. Pietro de los Rios, who is quoted in 1 592 as having 
something to do with it, was first printed in Lord Kingsborough's 
" Antiquities of Mexico," but not with any perfection. The pre- 
sent reproduction is by the photochromographic process. The 
Codex may be a copy of a copy. This makes the sixth valuable pub- 
lication of Mexican manuscripts made possible through the generosity 
of the Due de Loubat since 1895. 

CENTRAL AMERICA. 

Mayan. Maya. In the " Zeitschrift fiir Ethnologie " (vol. xxxii. 
1900, pp. 215-221) Dr. E. Forstermann discusses " Drei Maya-Hiero- 
glyphen." Starting from the basis that the Maya manuscripts and 
monuments of a calendar nature must refer in places to "good" and 
"bad" days, lucky and unlucky times, he finds from examination 
of the manuscript that of two frequently occurring signs (reproduced 
in the text), one stands for each of the ideas in question. A third 
sign Dr. Forstermann interprets as indicative of "fasting." The 
occurrence of these signs in the codices is discussed. There seems 
to be some close relation between the "luck " sign and the day sign 
oc (dog), as also between the "unlucky" sign and w^« (eagle). 
— Quiche. In the " Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft fiir 
Anthropologic" (1900, pp. 352-354) Dr. Hermann Prowe gives a 
brief account of " Altindianische Medicin der Quiche (Guatemala)." 
T^^Ahcun, doctor, or " wiseman," of the Quiches, gets his name from 



126 Journal of A merican Folk-Lore. 

ah, expressive of male activity, and. cun, "hidden" (also vulva) ; and 
although their ideas and procedure are largely based upon oral and 
pictographic or hieroglyphic transmission of knowledge from past 
ages, some foreign elements have drifted in here and there from the 
priests and other whites. The Quiche text of a manuscript, the Popol 
Vnh (formerly but imperfectly translated by Jiminez in 1680 and 
published by Scherzer in 1856), was published by the Abbe Brasseur 
de Bourbourg in 1861. A careful translation of pages 72-74 of the 
Paris edition shows this passage to be "a brief pathology." The dis- 
ease called chiiganal (a word not known to the Indians of to-day), the 
author considers to be ankylostomiasis, of which one symptom is 
geophagy ("earth eating"), of which the god Cabrakan, or "Two 
Legs" (earthquake deity)," is said to have died. Toothache and primi- 
tive dental surgery are indicated on page 40, and in other places 
hypnotic phenomena are in question. To-day, Dr. Prowe tells us, 
hysteria is very common among the Quiche. The fact that in his- 
toric times a Ouich6 king was nicknamed Cotuha, i. e., "sweat bath," 
is worth noting. 

*"'• SOUTH AMERICA. 

Araucanian. Comte Henri de la Vaulx's " Voyage en Patagonie " 
(Paris, 1901, pp. 284), besides traveller's notes, zoological data, etc., 
contains many pages of interesting matter about the Araucanians, 
etc. (implements, habits, and customs, musical instruments). The 
national musical instrument is the rdli, a primitive sort of drum. 
Others worth mentioning are the pifilka, a whistle made from a 
feather of the condor, and the troutotika, a large flute. This book 
is briefly reviewed by Professor Mantegazza in the " Archivio per 
r Antropologia," vol. xxx. 1900, p. 190. 

CALCHAQuf. In the "Boletin del Instituto Geografico " (vol. xx.) 
Adan Quiroga writes (with many illustrations from monuments, 
vases, etc.) of the " Huayrapuca," or "mother of the wind," repre-- 
sented by a meander. Huayrapuca figures in the myths of the 
Antos of Anconquija. 

GuARAxf. The etymology of the country and river name Paraguay 
is discussed by R. Endlish, whose article, " Zur Etymologic des 
Wortcs 'Paraguay,' "appears in "Globus" (vol. Ixxvii. 1900, pp. 191- 
193). The author's conclusion is that Paraguay is derived " from 
Paragud, the name of an ancient chief," the signification of which is, 
in Guarani, "a circle of many colors." — In the "Archivio p. 1. Stu- 
dio d. Trad. Pop." (vol. xix. 1900, pp. 18-24) Angela Nardo Sibele 
concludes her study of the folk-lore of San Paulo with an alphabeti- 
cal list of " Alcune parole usate dalle popolazione mista italiana e 
negra nelle 'fazende' di S. Paulo ncl Brasile." A number of the 



. Record of American Folk-Lore. 127 

words, like capoera ("virgin forest"), suairiu (a species of serpent) 
are of aboriginal origin. 

Patagonia. In the " National Geographical Magazine " (vol. xii, 
pp. 12-22) for 1901, Mr. J, B. Hatcher writes about "The Indian 
Tribes of Southern Patagonia, Tierra del Fuego, and the adjoining 
islands." The Tehuelches, Onas of the Plains, Yahgans, Alikulufs, 
etc., are briefly treated of. — According to Professor Paolo, Mante- 
gazza (Archivio per 1' Antropologia, vol. xxx. p. 187) that part of 
D. Lino Carbajal's voluminous "La Patagonia" (the fourth volume 
appeared in 1 899-1900), which deals with the aborigines of the coun- 
try, is the least satisfactory portion of the work. 

PayaguX. In the " Ethnologisches Notizblatt " (vol. ii. 1901, 
pp. 60-65) Dr. Karl von den Sfeinen writes of " Der Paradiesgarten 
als Schnitzmotiv der Payagua-Indianer." The Payaguas, whom 
Brinton ranks, by language, as a distinct stock, lived in the last half 
of the eighteenth century on the Paraguay River near Asuncion, 
where a remnant of them still survives. They were very skillful canoe- 
men, and had the reputation of terrible river-pirates, being feared by 
all the neighboring tribes. The Museum fur Volkerkunde in Berlin 
possesses three " medicine-pipes " and one ordinary tobacco pipe from 
the Payaguas, the carvings on which are the subject of Dr. von den 
Steinen's article. The carvings represent, in more or less curious 
fashion, the " Garden of Eden," and must be taken as examples, of 
the influence of Christian doctrine upon native art. The tree of the 
Garden, thp serpent, the Deity, Adam, Eve, the cherubim, Jesus, 
certain animals and insects, appear' in the various carvings in a man- 
ner deserving of careful study. The carvings on one of the pipes 
represent the taking of the fruit, while those on another are a ruder 
and more degenerate rendition of the Garden and the animals ; on a 
third pipe is- represented the creation of Eve, while on a fourth a 
huge serpent occupies the foreground of the garden, which contains 
only a few trees and a few animals. The most remarkable things 
about these carvings are the representation of the Deity as a " medi- 
cine-man" (attitude and detdil rnake this unmistakable), of Adam as 
the Devil with a spike-tail, and of the cherubim with the flaming 
sword as a tailed human figure, with a shepherd's staff in the right 
hand, and a long zigzagged left arm. Jesus, as is customary with 
Catholic Indians, is represented with a rich feather diadem. Alto- 
gether these carvings are among the most interesting specimens we 
possess of post-Columbian aboriginal art. 

Peruvian. In the " Proceedings of the American Association for 
the Advancement of Science" (vol. xlix. 1900, pp. 320, 321), Mr. 
Stansbury Hagar publishes a brief abstract of a paper on " The 
Peruvian Star-Chart of Salcamayhua," which he considers to be 



128 yournal of American Folk- Lore. 

pre-Columbian and to embody symbolic astronomical ideas of the 
ancient Peruvians. A series of articles on the last general topic 
is promised. 

GENERAL. 

Basketry. To the ** American Anthropologist " (N. S., vol. ii. 
pp. 771-773), for October-December, 1900, Professor O. T. Mason 
contributes a note on "Woven Basketry : A Study in Distribution." 
The conclusion reached is that " no twined weaving was ever done 
in America south of the present boundary of the United States." 
There appears to be no specimen in the United States National 
Museum from Central or South America, and " in the codices, as well 
as in the beautifully illustrated books of Stubel, Reiss, and Uhle, not 
one example contains this compound weft." 

Faith. Mr. A. E. Jenks's article on " Faith as a Factor in the Eco- 
nomic Life of the Amerind," in the "American Anthropologist" 
(N. S., vol. ii. pp. 676-689) for October-December, 1900, presents 
some " facts, selected from a great body of similar evidence, tending to 
show that " faith or belief — sometimes social, sometimes incipiently 
political, but at most times superstitious — is the great stumbling- 
block which everywhere lay in the pathway of the primitive Ameri- 
can leading toward economic manhood ; and they also show that, 
no matter what may be the final or present-day measure of value, 
there was a time when superstitious faiths or beliefs raised and 
lowered values at the beck and nod of mere fancy " (p. 689). The 
beliefs discussed by the author are those relating to production, 
distribution, and consumption. Mr. Jenks exaggerates perhaps the 
sexual labor division among the Indian tribes of America. The fail- 
ure of the Menomini of Wisconsin to cultivate "wild rice" is due 
to the import of one of their religious myths, while the idea that 
the bear has a spirit in him keeps the Crows from killing that ani- 
mal. Of importance, also, is the belief that after the owner's death 
"property must be abandoned, or killed, or burned, or broken, or 
otherwise injured, or deposited with the'corpse." 

Linguistics. In the "Bulletin " (vol ii. pp. 202-234) of the Free 
Museum of Science and Art (University of Pennsylvania, Depart- 
ment of Archaeology, and Palaeontology) for May, 1900, is published, 
from the manuscript of the late Dr. Daniel G. Brinton, the " Cata- 
logue of the Berendt Linguistic Collection," now in the Library of 
the Free Museum. There are altogether 183 titles, of which 98 are 
concerned with the Mayan group of languages, 2 with Chinantec, 
1 1 with Zoque-Mixe, 6 with Zapotec, i with Huave, 6 with Chiapa- 
necan, 3 with Popoluca-Chontal, 14 with languages of Honduras, 10 
with Nicaraguan languages, 13 with languages of Costa Rica, and 



Record of A merica n Folk-L ore. 1 2 9 

1 5 with the languages of Panama and Darien. This collection is rich 
in manuscripts and of inestimable value to students of Mexican and 
Central American tongues. 

Traps. To the " American Anthropologist " (N. S., vol. ii. pp. 
657-675) for October-December, 1900, Professor O. T. Mason con- 
tributes an interesting and valuable essay on " Traps of the Ame- 
rinds \i, e. American Indians] : A Study in Psychology and Inven- 
tion." Among other things are described : Pen, cage, pit, door 
traps ; mesh, set-hook, noose, clutch traps ; weight, point, edge traps, 
— as found among the hunting and fishing tribes of North America. 
One of the most ingenious devices is the Eskimo fox net. A fact 
worth noting is that " no picture of a fishhook is seen in any Mexi- 
can or Mayan codex, and von den Steinen notes the entire absence 
of fishhooks from large places on the afifluents of the Amazon " 
(p. 668). The.procedure of the Tarahumari of northern Mexico is 
repeated in the history of the civilized individual of the white race : 
" They catch blackbirds by tying corn on a snare of pita fiber hidden 
under the ground ; the bird swallows the kernel, which becomes tog- 
gled in its esophagus, and cannot eject it." While fall-traps are 
common in North America, Professor Mason observes that he has 
" no reference to a fall-trap in Middle America or in South Amer- 
ica." An interesting point brought out by the author is that "the 
demands of trade, first native and then European, provoked the 
inventive faculty immensely in such areas, for instance, as the Hud- 
son Bay Territory." 

A.F. C. and I. C. C. 

VOL. xiv. — NO. 53. 9 



130 journal of A merica7i Folk-Lore. 



NOTES AND QUERIES. 

Gushing Memorial Volume, — Asa fitting memorial of the late Frank 
Hamilton Gushing, it is proposed by his friends to " have published, by a 
prominent New York house, a handsome illustrated volume containing 
more than thirty folk-tales which were recorded and translated by Mr. 
Gushing during his long and intimate association with the Zuhi tribe in New 
Mexico." The work will be entitled " Zuni Folk-Tales," and will have an 
introduction by Major J. W. Powell, of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 
Washington, D. G. The Gommittee of Publication is as follows : Major 
J. W. Powell, Miss Alice G. Fletcher, Dr. Franz Boas, Mr. Stewart Gulin, 
Dr. G. A. Dorsey, Professor W. H. Holmes, and Professor F. W, Hodge 
(Secretary). The printing of the volume will be begun as soon as advance 
orders sufficient in number to guarantee the cost of production have been 
received. The number of copies to be printed will depend on the sub- 
scriptions. The subscription to the volume is $3.50, and applications 
should be addressed to F. W. Hodge, Washington, D. G., the Secretary of 
the Publication Gommittee. It is hoped those interested in the labors of 
Mr. Gushing and in the advancement of the study of the folk-lore of the 
American aborigines will rise to the occasion and further this excellent 
object. 

Translation. — The article of Dr. Washington Matthews which appeared 
in the Journal of American Folk-Lore for January-March, 1899 (vol. xii. 
pp. 1-9), with the title, " The Study of Ethics among the Lower Races," 
has had the honor of being translated into French. It occupies pages 140- 
148 of the February (1901) issue of ''L'Humanite Nouvelle," — the well- 
known Parisian scientific-literary periodical, edited by A. Hamon and V. fi. 
Michelet. 

Weather Lore. — In the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Soci- 
ety for July-August, 1708 (vol. xxvi. pp. 143-167), is an interesting resume 
by Edward Lhuyd of a book by J. J. Scheuchzer entitled, '• OYPE2I4>OITH2 
Helveticus, sive Itinera Alpina Tria, etc." (Lond., MDGGVIII.), which 
contains some quaint information concerning the weather and kindred 
phenomena. The following proverbial expressions are worth noting : — 

The pleasant weather of Engelberg; winter thirteen months, and all the rest 
of the year summer. 

In Rhinwald the year has three months of exceedingly cold weather, and nine 
winter. 

These Alpine proverbs have their analogues in some of the American say- 
ings respecting the weather in Maine, the Dakotas, parts of Canada, etc. 

Chinese and German. — In Professor Headland's book of "Chinese 
Mother Goose Rhymes," there is given on page 46 the following: — 



Notes and Queries. 131 

MIXED. 

Just outside my door I hear some one say, 

A man bit a dog in a dangerous way ; 

Such a message I ne'er for a moment could stand, 

So I took up the door and I opened my hand. 

I snatched up the dog I should say double-quick, 

And threw him with all of my force at a brick ; 

The brick — I'm afraid you will not understand — 

I found in a moment had bitten my hand ; 

I mounted a chair, on a horse I was borne, 

I blew on a drum, and I beat on a horn. 

A German counterpart of these rhymes of things the wrong way about is 
to be found in Boesch's " Kinderleben in der deutschen Vergangenheit." 
At pages 72, 73 of this work is reproduced, from an engraving of the seven- 
teenth century, the illustrated jest-rhyme for children entitled ** Ein newer 
Kiinckelbrielf -^ Die widersinnige Weldt genandt." This "poem" runs 

thus : — 

Ein dorff in einen Baiiren sass, 

Der gerne leffel mit milch ass 

Sampt einem grossen Wecke. 

Vier haiiser hat sein Ecke 

Vier Wagen spandt er fiir sein pferdt, 

Sein Kiich stundt mitten in dem herd, 

Vol stadel war sein Hewe, 

Sein ho£E lag in dem Strewe, 

Sein stall stundt mitten in dem Ross, 

Sein offen in das brod er schoss, 

Auss kess macht er gutt Milche, 

Von Juppen war sein Zwilche, 

Er schlug die haw auss der gruben, 

Und Feldtacker auss den Ruben, 

Mit garben Troscht er Flegel, 

Auff der spitz stellt sein Kegel. 

It may be rendered into English thus : — 

There sat a village in a peasant 

Who liked to eat spoons with milk, 

Together with a great roll (of bread). 

Four houses had his corner ; 

Four wagons hitched he to his horse ; 

His kitchen stood in the middle of the hearth; 

His hay was full of barn ; 

His yard lay in the straw ; 

His stable was in the midst of his horse ; 

He shot his oven into the bread ; 

Out of cheese made he good milk ; 

His ticking was of jackets ; 

He made a hoe with a pit, 

And a field out of turnips. 

He threshed flails with sheafs. 

And set his skittles on the points. 

The coincidence in motif is as striking as the diversity in elaboration. 



132 y ournal of American Folk-Lore, 

FoLK-LoRE IN Literature. — In " Modern Language Notes " (vol. xvi. 
pp. 89-105, 130-142) for February and March, 1901, Professor John A. 
Walz publishes a very interesting article on " The Folk-Lore Elements in 
Hauptmann's ' Die versunkene Glocke,' " in which he points out to how 
large an extent this " fairy play " goes back to popular traditions and folk- 
thought. Among the characters and personages of the play that smack 
strongly of the folk are : Die alte Wittichen, the Nickehnajin^ the Waldschrat, 
Rautendelein. The character of the first " is, even in minute details, based 
upon German folk-lore," Hauptmann having "combined different tra- 
ditions about the Biischgrossniutter or Buschweibcheti, the Waldfrau and 
the witches." The character of the Nickelmaiin finds its counterpart in the 
Wassermafm of popular traditions, even to certain minor details. The 
Waldschrat, " though in the main an antique satyr [Goethe's influence is 
perceptible here], has an admixture of German blood." ^Yi&xizxa^ Rauten- 
delein was not invented, as some have thought, by Hauptmann, but occurs, 
as Professor Walz notes, in the title of ScJwn Ulrich imd Rautetidclein, the 
Silesian version of the well-known ballad Schon Ulrich und Roth-Amichen, 
— in her character too, the poet " follows popular tradition even in little 
details." Taking up act by act and scene by scene. Professor Walz shows 
the " marked influence of popular poetry upon language and subject-mat- 
ter." Not only, then, the name of the play itself comes from olden legend, 
but many of the characters, the scenes in which they appear, the words they 
speak, etc., are fairly rife with folk-thought. Professor Walz is of opinion 
that " on the whole, there is no doubt that the poet is far more indebted to 
German folk-lore than to all the works of literature combined." Of the 
author's sources of information he tells us : " To get the milieu for his sprites, 
he made a systematic study of folk-lore, German folk-lore in particular. 
An inexhaustible mine of folk-lore is furnished by the works of the two 
Grimms, and to these works Hauptmann must have turned first of all, 
especially to Jacob Grimm's German Mythology and to the Kindermarchen. 
There are other rich storehouses of German folk-lore with which the poet 
must have familiarized himself. He may of course also have utilized per- 
sonal recollections of popular tales and traditions heard in Silesia and else- 
where." With such lore he naturally used time and again the poet's license. 
Hauptmann's great play may thus be looked upon, in large measure, as a 
draft by the poet on the lore of the folk. It is curious to find Professor 
Walz expressing the following opinion concerning the appeal of the play to 
the American public : " One of the main reasons why the play proved 
almost a failure on the American stage is the fact that to the average 
American audience fairy-lore in such quantity is unintelligible and bewil- 
dering." 

Use of Plants by Children. — This topic has been touched upon by 
Mrs. F. D. Bergen in her " Animal and Plant Lore," and by the editor of this 
Journal in his recent volume on " The Child." A later and more special 
treatment of the subject is the article on " Die Verwendung der Pflanzen 
durch die Kinder in Deutschbohmen und Niederosterreich," which appears 



Notes and Queries. 133 

in the first number for 1901 of the "Zeitschrift des Vereins fiir Volkskunde " 
(vol. xi. pp. 49-94) as a joint production of E. K. Bliimml and A. J. Rott. 
The first of these authors had already, in collaboration with F. Hofer, pub- 
lished in the "Zeitschrift fiir osterreichische Volkskunde" (vol. v. pp. 132- 
135) a brief article dealing with plants in children's games in Lower Aus- 
tria. The article of Bliimml and Rott lists alphabetically (with indication 
of uses, folk-names, etc.), 106 species of trees, shrubs, plants, flowers, etc., 
of which some use is made by children (in German Bohemia and Lower 
Austria) in their games, amusements, nascent industries and arts, or as 
food, ornaments, weapons, and the like. It may be worth while to give 
here in English the list of these plants and their chief employments : — 

1. "Acacia" {Robi7iia pseudacacid). Thorns used as nails and for sticking 

leaves together. 

2. Apple {Pyrus mains). Seeds " flipped." Peeling, after being carefully 

removed, thrown over the head backwards to spell out the beloved's 
name. Cut in two, to indicate, by the number of seeds cut into, how 
long one has to live. The apple itself is divided into two halves by 
a zigzag cut to make a " snuff-box." 

3. Arnica {A. mojitana). Flowers (gathered on St. John's Eve) set in the 

wind to protect from lightning. See No. 43. 

4. Barley {Hordeum vulgare). An ear of barley is stuck in the sleeve and 

is pushed up or crawls up, with the movement of the arm. 

5. Bean {Phaseohis vulgaris). Used in guessing games ("odd or even," 

e. g.) and the like. 

6. Beech {Fagiis sylvaticd). Nuts eaten. Rotten phosphorescent wood 

put in dark places to frighten people. 

7. Birch {Betula alba). Trunk bored and the exuding sap drunk. 

8. Bird-cherry {Pniniis Padus). Branches (cut a few weeks before and 

placed in water to make them sprout) used with "palms" on Palm 
Sunday. 

9. Bitter cress {Cardamine amard). Eaten. 

10. Bitter-sweet {Solatium dulcafnara). Stalk chewed. 

11. Bladder-senna {Cohitea arborescens). Fruits used to crack. 

12. Bleeding-heart {Dielytra spectabilis). The two large petals are removed 

and a human figure (a dancer) is left. 

13. Bulrush {Typha latifolia). The " clubs " are smoked. 

14. Burdock {Lappa officinalis). The flower-heads are used for throwing 

at one another. Also for baskets, carpets, etc. The leaves are used 
as " umbrellas." 

15. Butter-bur {Petasites officinalis). The large leaves serve for umbrellas. 

16. Buttercup {Ranunculus sp.) The flowers, like those of the marsh 

marigold, are held close under the chin "to see how much butter one 
has eaten ; " the amount of yellow left on the chin indicates the 
amount of butter eaten, — also how fat one is. 

17. Calamus {Acorus Calamus). The tender inner leaves and roots eaten. 

18. Caraway {Anthricus sylvestris). Stalks used to make w^histles, blow- 

pipes, and for blowing into water to make it bubble. See Nos. 84, 
:oo. 



134 Journal of American Folk-Lore. 

19. Carline thistle {Carlina acaulis). Part of the flower is eaten. 

20. Cat's foot {Gnaphaiium dicecuni). Much used for bouquets. 

21. Celandine {Chelidoniiim niajus). Sap used to drive away warts (espe- 

cially on the fingers). See No. 90. 

22. Cherry {Prunus ccrasus, P. aviuni). Fruit used for ear -ornaments. The 

stones are used for " filipping." The "gum" is "spun" and then 
eaten. See No. 74. 

23. Clover {Trifoliujii ^pratense). Flowers are sucked. 

24. Club moss {Lycopodhan clavatum). Used to make wreaths, carpets, 

etc. The spores are thrown into the fire, " to light up." 

25. Corn-cockle {Agrosteffwia githagd). By compressing the calyx the petals 

turn and a " clock " is formed. The seeds are eaten, although said 
to be poisonous. 

26. Cornflower {Centaurea cyanus). Used for bouquets and wreaths. 

27. Covi-hexxy {Vacciniufn vitis idcea.). Twigs used to put with "palms" 

on Palm Sunday. 

28. Cranesbill {Erodium cicutariuni). The fruits are clock-hands. 

29. Curled mint (yMentha crispd). Put into books, and taken to church. 

See No. 106. 

30. Daisy {Bellis perennis). The flowers are threaded on strings to make 

springtime wreaths ; flowers and stems are woven into wreaths. The 
flowers are also used as oracles, being pulled to pieces. See No. 69. 

31. Dandelion {Taraxacum officinale). Stems set end in end to make chains 

of rings (a favorite device of girls). Also used to make a noise by 
blowing through them. The plant with its crown of seeds is blown 
at with the mouth as a sort of oracle. The seeds remaining tell what 
time it is, etc., and one is said to have as many sins as there are 
seeds sticking to his clothing after having blown at a dandelion. The 
number of times one has to blow to get rid of all seeds on the dande- 
lion indicates what hour it is. The hollow stem is also used to blow 
in water to make it bubble. Spirals are made out of the stem. 

32. Dead nettle {Lamiiim sp.). Flowers sucked and the stalk cut up to 

make wreaths. 

33. Elder {Sambuciis nigra). Syringes (for spraying water) are made out 

of the wood, also pop-guns and pipes (in which certain leaves, rose, 
strawberry, etc., are smoked). From the pith, by sticking a peg into 
it, " tumblers " are made. See Nos. 76, 104. 

34. Ergot {Claviccps purpurea). Sometimes eaten. 

35. Fern {Polypodium rulgare). The sweet rhizome is chewed. 

36. Field rush {Luzula campestris). Used for bouquets in early spring. 

37. Fir {Picea vulgaris, Abies excelsa). The wood is used for carving vari- 

ous objects, — arrows, guns, water-wheels, etc. Also stilt-poles and 
objects for use in certain games. The resin found on the bark is 
chewed to make the teeth white, and it is also used, after being 
softened in warm water, to fashion the forms of various animals. 

38. Fool's parsley {^thusa cynapiuni). A stalk with the sheath serves as 

a pistol. 



Notes and Queries. 135 

39. Forget-me-not {Myosotis pahistris). Used for bouquets and wreaths. 

40. Foxglove {Digitalis sp.). The flowers are stuck on the ends of the 

fingers. 

41. Fox-tail {Alopecunis pratensis). After the spiculae have been rubbed 

off, the flower stalk is used for twisting the hair. 

42. Germander speedwell {Veronica chamczdrys). Must not be plucked 

near a house, or lightning will strike, — plucking it causes a thunder: 
storm. See No. 3. 

43. Goat's-beard {Tragopogoti pratense). Stalks chewed on account of their 

sweet taste, and the juicy thalami are eaten as artichokes. 

44. Gooseberry {Ribes grossularia). Twigs used to put with "palms" on 

Palm Sunday. 
41^. Grass. Stalks used to bind nosegays and bunches of flowers together. 
Also used to stick into the abdomen of horseflies, who are then 
let go. 

46. Harebell {Campanula rotundifolid). Flowers used to pop or clap. 

47. Hawthorn {Cratcsgus oxyacantha). The fruit is eaten. 

48. Hazel {Coryliis avelland). Nut-shell used as pipe. Of the wood fishing- 

rods and walking-sticks are made. 

49. Horsechestnut {/Esculus hippocastaman). Fruits used in games, as 

spinning-wheels, etc. Also thrown into the fire to make them crackle. 
The hollowed-out chestnuts serve as pipes to smoke from. The leaves 
are smoked. The ribs are laid bare as a test of skill. See Nos. 
66, 99. 

50. Laburnum {Cytisus laburnum). The sweet juice is sucked out of the 

flower-stalk. 

51. Lady's mantle {Alchemilla vulgaris). The leaves represent peasant 

women. 

52. Larch {Larix decidua, L. Europea). The long thin twigs are used by 

boys to wreathe about their hats. 

53. Lichen {Usnea barbata). Used as a beard. 

54. Lilac (Syringa vulgaris). The flowers are piled on the thumb-joint. 

Also stuck into one another and pressed in books. The leaves are 
made with pine and fir needles into bands and wreaths, — they are 
used also to pop or clap and whistle with (the leaf is held with both 
hands in front of the mouth, and blown upon). In the sap time 
(spring) whistles are made by beating off the bark. 

55. Mallow {Afalva sp). Fruit eaten, also used in games. 

56. Maple {Acer platinoides, A. pseicdoplatafius.) The fruits (green or ripe) 

are split and set on the nose. The dry fruits are thrown up into the 
air so that they keep turning continually in falling, hence they are 
called " butterflies." Baskets are made of the leaves. 

57. Marsh marigold {Caltha palustris). Used for bouquets. See Nos. 16, 

68. 

58. Meadow saffron {Colchicum autumnale). Seed capsules used as boats. 

59. Monkshood {Aco7iitum napellus). By bending out the two small petals 

" the coach and little horses " are made. 



J 



6 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 



60. Moss {Muscus sp.). Put in the windows over winter by poor people, 

and the children place on it berries of various sorts. 

61. Mountain ash {Sorbus acudaria). The fruits are strung together to 

make necklaces and bracelets, also eaten (when frozen). From the 
wood whistles and buzzers are made, and in order that the bark 
may come off better, it is beaten, which action is accompanied by 
short songs or sayings, of which a large number are on record. 

62. Mullein {Verbascum sp). The leaves are smoked. 

63. Narcissus {N. poeticus). Children are fond of taking it to church. 

64. Nettle (yUrtica 4mca, U. urens). Bad boys put it into bouquets and 

bunches of flowers, so that those who smell at them may be stung. 
Bad boys also use it to strike others in the face. 

65. Nodding thistle {Cardmis nutatis). Bad boys strike other children with 

the flower-heads, or tie them to a string and whirl them about to strike 
other children. 

66. Oak {Qiierciis sp). Acorns and cups used in games, the latter especially 

by girls in cooking. The hollowed-out acorns are used to smoke dry 
leaves in. The leaves are made into wreaths with fir and pine nee- 
dles. The dry leaf-ribs are put into books, etc. See Nos. 49, 99. 

67. Oats {Avena sativa). Children pelt one another with the stripped-off 

spicule. As many as the latter stick to him, so many children will 
the pelted individual have, or so many sins has he. 

68. Orange lily {Lilium bulbiferuni). The pollen is rubbed on the nose to 

make it yellow. See Nos. 16, 57. 

69. Oxeye daisy {Chrysanthemum Icucanfhemufn). Used as an oracle, the 

flower being pulled to pieces to some saying or rhyme, for the pur- 
pose of discovering if one is loved or not, how much one is loved, 
what one is, or is going to be. The rhymes and sayings used are 
largely variants of our " He loves me, loves me not," " Rich man, 
poor man, beggar-man, thief," etc. See No. 30. 

70. Pea {Fisum sativum). Put into split stick and hurled away. 

71. Peony {PcBOfiia officinalis). After the petals have been pulled ofif one 

sees " Hahnchen und Hennchen," the little cock and hen. The petals 
are used to whistle and to pop or clap, and also laid away in books. 

72. Pine {Finus sylvestris). From the bark, boats, animal-forms, etc., are 

carved, 

73. Plantain {Flantago sp,). The leaves are torn from the stalk, and from 

the number of " strings " adhering one knows how many girls a boy 
is in love with, or the number of lies one has told during the day. 
94. Plum {Frunus domcsticd). The malformations of the fruit are eaten. 
The resin, after being spun into fine threads, is eaten. By sticking 
little pegs into the fruit, forms of animals are made. See No. 22. 

75. Poppy {Fapaver somniferurn). The stigmata of the capsules are used 

in games. 

76. Potato {Solatium tuberosum). Out of the sliced potatoes ammunition 

for quill pop-guns is made. Out of them also spinning-wheels and 
" bats " are made, the latter consisting of potatoes hurled into the 



Notes and Queries. 137 

air after feathers have been stuck into them. The '' berries " are 
stuck on the ends of sharp wooden sticks and hurled to considerable 
distances. The dry leaves are smoked in elder pipes. See No. -i^-i)- 

77. Puff-ball {Lycoperdon bovistd). The ball is crushed ; if any one gets the 

dust in his eye, it is supposed to make him blind. 

78. Y\iiXVL\^V\n{Cucurbita pepo). The shells are used to make " masks " and 

" lanterns." See No. 97. 

79. Quaking grass {Briza media). Used to flap and shake, 

80. Reed {Phragmites conummis). Used to sing into or make noises with. 

81. Reed {Arundo donax). Used for arrows and for pipe-stems. 

82. Rose {Rosa sp.). The leaves are used to smoke. 

83. Rush (/uncus sp.). Used for weaving hats, baskets, seats, etc. The 

pith is used also to make wreaths. 

84. Rye {Secale cereale). Stalks used to whistle with, to drink with, and to 

make soap bubbles. Also to blow in the water to make it bubble. 
The leaves are used to make noises with the mouth, whistle, etc 
See Nos. 100, 18. 

85. Service (Sorbusaria). Fruits are eaten. 

86. Sloe {Fru7ius spinoza). Fruits are eaten. 

87. Sorrel (Rumex acetosa). Eaten, See No. 88. 

88. Spotted persicaria {Polygon ium persicaria). This is given by one child 

to another to chew as being better than sorrel, and if he tries it he 
is laughed at. See No. 87. 

89. Spindle-tree {Euonytnus Europaus'). Wreaths are made by stringing 

the fruits. 

90. Spurge {Euphorbia sp.). Juice is said to drive away warts. See No. 21. 

91. Spurge laurel {Daphne mezereum). Whoever smells at the blossoms 

gets a big nose. 

92. Star of Bethlehem {Omithogalum umbel/ata). The blossoms are eaten. 

93. Strawberry {Fragaria vesca). 'The fruits are stuck on hair-grass. In 

picking, any berry that drops belongs to the "poor souls," and is not 
picked up. In some places when the berry-picking children pass a 
cross or a chapel each offers up three berries. See No. loi. 

94. Sunflower {Helianthus annuus). The fruits are eaten. 

95. Thistle {Carduus sp., Cirsium sp.). " The thorns " are used to " write " 

with on leaves and to mark them in various ways. 

96. Truffle {Elaphomyces granulatus). Pipes are made by boring out dry 

spores, 

97. Turnip {Brassica Tiapus, var. esculenta). By hollowing it out and cut- 

ing a face in it a " mask " is made in which a light is placed after 
dark. See No. 78. 

98. Vine {Vitis vini/era). The leaves are smoked. The fresh, green, and 

juicy shoots are sucked on account of their sour taste. 

99. Walnut {Juglans regia). From the shells little "goblins" are made. 

The leaves are smoked. The leaves are stripped so as to preserve the 
edge of the leaf and the ribs, something regarded as quite an art. 

100. Wheat {Triticum vulgare). From two stalks woven together a \vreath 



138 Journal of American Folk- Lore. 

for the hat is made. The stalks are also used for the same purposes 
as those of rye. See Nos. 18, 84. 
loi. Whortleberry {Vaccminm myrtillus). The fruits are stuck on hair- 
grass. See No. 93. 

102. Wild cabbage {Brassica oleracea, var. capitatd). From the stalks water 

buckets and trumpets are made. The leaf-stalks furnish " cows." 

103. Wild rose {Rosacafiina). The fruit (deprived of the seeds) is eaten, 
especially in winter (when frozen). The leaves are smoked. 

104. WiWow {Saiix sp.). The branches are used to put with "palms" on 

Palm Sunday, and after consecration the buds are sometimes swal- 
lowed. From the wood whistles, etc., are made ; also bows and 
arrows and a sort of sled. Into a piece of willow split at the end a 
stone is placed, and the stick then put into the water to float. See 
No. 33. 

105. Wood sorrel {Oxalis aceioselld). Eaten. 

106. Wormwood {Artemisia abrotamati). Put into books, and carried to 

church. See No. 29. 
This list is by no means exhaustive, but it indicates a variety of use that 
is interesting enough. A complete list for English-speaking America is 
a desideratum which ought not to be long in forthcoming. 

A. F. C. 

Ethnographic Views taken in Ireland. — In vol. xiii. p. 291, have 
been printed paragraphs relating to primitive superstitions still current in 
France relating to fairy wells. By the kindness of a member of the Ameri- 
can Folk-Lore Society, I have received a beautiful illustration of an Irish 
holy well, in the form of a photograph taken by Mr. R. Welch, of Belfast. 
Mr. Welch, who makes a specialty of geological views, publishes also an 
ethnographic series, containing, as shown by his latest catalogue, more 
than seventy scenes dealing with local superstitions and survivals belonging 
to the country about Belfast ; these include cabins, farmhouses, vehicles, 
coracles of canvas and skin, field work, and industries of men and women, 
such as cutting turf, spinning, embroidering, etc. Also presented are holy 
wells, primitive graveyards, cursing and praying stones (including the holy 
stone of Glencolumbkill, sent to America and subsequently returned to its 
place in the sixth century oratory of Donegal), dance-masks of straw, still 
used in dances on the west coast, and the like. The prices are : for per- 
manent platino prints, 8 by 6 in., single copies, one shilling and three 
pence, by the dozen, one shilling. I am glad to be able to recommend 
these views, which ought to find acceptance with American Irishmen, or 
any Americans interested in Ireland. The address is R. Welch, 49 Lons- 
dale Street, Belfast, Ireland. 

W. W. Newell. 

Dakota Legend of the Head of Gold. — In vol. xiii. p. 294 (Oc- 
tober-December, 1900), this legend is reprinted as extracted from the 
" Dakota Grammar," attributed to Mr. J. Owen Dorsey. With regard to the 



Notes and Queries, 139 

collection of this tale a statement has been received from Mr. H. E. War- 
ner, of Washington, D. C, who wishes it to be understood that the original 
publisher was Mr. Stephen R. Riggs, well known as a missionary to the 
tribe, the tale having been printed in the " lapi Oyae," a little paper partly 
in Dakota and partly in English, in numbers for December, 1878, and Jan- 
uary, 1879. When, before the death of Dr. Riggs, it was in contemplation 
to issue a second edition of his Dakota Dictionary, published by the Smith- 
sonian Institution, it was proposed to include this and seven other tales in 
the second volume ; such publication, however, was not accomplished until 
ten years after Dr. Riggs's death in 1883, when the work appeared as 
edited by J. Owen Dorsey, who did not, however, make any alteration in the 
matter of the book. Of course it was not the intention of Mr. Dorsey to 
deprive Dr. Riggs of any part of the credit due him as collector. Mr. War- 
ner adds that through his wife, a daughter of Dr. Riggs, he had known the 
story, and in part made a metrical rendering, such version being published 
in the " Century. Magazine," October, 1884, under the title "The Red 
Horse ; " and also that he had used it in an article on " The Magic Flight 
in Folk-Lore," appearing in " Scribner's Magazine," June, 1887. Mr. War- 
ner has in manuscript, also, other tales, including a complete version of 
" The Blood Clot Boy," which he was fortunately able to complete from 
the recitation of David Zaphyr, a Brule. At one time Dr. Riggs had pro- 
posed to use the stories in connection with studies of Mr. Warner, who, 
however, at the time determined not to carry out such project. 

W. W. Newell: 

Fragments of Two American Ballads. — I inclose two stanzas of a 
song of which I have always wished I could know the whole. Lord Lou- 
don, you remember, was the commander-in-chief of the British forces in 
America, during the campaign of 1756-7. His indecision was supposed to 
have caused the failure of the British, and the colonists were bitterly dis- 
appointed at his delaying the proposed expedition against Louisburg. I 
suppose it is to him that the song refers. 

The other needs no explanation ; I do not know but that it is complete 
save and except the last half of the first stanza. 

I cannot tell which I admire the more, — the moral reflection of the last 
stanza, or its closing rhyme. I believe the song was very popular at the 
time to which it refers. Yours truly, 

Pamela Mc Arthur Cole. 

Lord Loudon. 

Lord Loudon he wrote to his gracious king, 

Desiring of his Majesty 
To send him some men from the Highland hills 

And send them over speedily. 

" Send me some of your good old clans. 

Send me some of your Campbells or your Grants; 
For those are the men that are trained up in war, 
Such warlike souls Lord Loudon wants." 



1 40 jfournal of American Folk-Lore. 



Bonaparte at St. Helena. 

Bonaparte he 's awa' from his wars and his fighting; 
He is gone to the place that he takes no delight in ; 



No more at St. Cloud's he '11 go forth in his splendor, 
Or go forth with his crowds like the great Alexander; 
He can look at the moon, on the great Mount Diana, 
When forlorn and alone on the isle of St. Helena. 

Louisa she sits in her bower broken-hearted. 

And she weeps when she thinks of her hero departed; 

No one to console, — even those that wait on her, 

And she weeps when she thinks of the isle of St. Helena. 

Ye men of great wealth, O beware of ambition, — 
Lest some degree of state should change your condition ; 
Be steadfast in time, for what 's to come you don't know, 
Perhaps your days may end on the isle of St. Helena. 

Abigail Snow : A Colonial Literary Ballad. — The heroine of this 
song, Abigail Snow, was born in the East Parish of Bridgewater (now the 
town of East Bridgewater), in 1727. She was a daughter of James Snow. 
She was twice married, in 1746 to John Egerton, in 1780 to Jonathan Beal. 

The writer was Dr. Josiah Thurston of Rehoboth, who is said to have 
been not only a physician, but a fashionable wig-maker. 

My brother-in-law, the late William Allen, Esq., of East Bridgewater, was 
an enthusiastic collector of all that related to the history of his native town. 
He took this song from the recitation of a lady who died at an advanced 
age in 1853. 

Pamela McArthur Cole. 

East Bridgewater, Mass. 

AiBiGAiL Snow. 

I have travelled o'er hills and high mountains, 
Through meadows all clothed in green; 

I have walked by the side of still fountains, 
And many fair maids have I seen. 

And with them found very good quarters-^— 

They often showed favors to me ; 
There is one in the town of Bridgewater 

Which exceeds all that ever I see. 



She 's fairer than King David's Tamar, 
Or the beautiful daughters of Job. 



Notes and Queries. 141 

For seven long years have I sought her, 

My love it most gently did glow, 
In the East of Bridgewater I found her, 

And her name it was Abigail Snow. 

Such love from my bosom is glowing, 

My tongue it can never express ; 
Such streams of affection are flowing. 

It 's for you I am often distressed. 

To keep all my spirits in motion, 

Good reason doth seem to advise 
For to cross the proud waves of the ocean, 

Where dangerous storms do arise, — 

Where men great wonders surveying 

When they have a prosperous gale. 
Behold the leviathan playing, 

And ships that most pleasant do sail. 

Oh, pity my doleful condition 

And now take a walk by the shore. 
And see your own true love a-swimming 

Where dangerous billows do roar. 

Oh, be not the worse of all women, •. 

And prove to me cruel no more ; 
Get into the boat of compassion, 

And lead your true love to the shore. 

How can I leave my own nation 

And country in which I was born? 
My friends will make great lamentation, 

And for me most bitterly mourn. 

How can my fair one despise me 

And slight me because I am poor 1 
I swear by the gods of Pharaoh 

You will ne'er find a true lover more. 

You are the girl I admire 

Above all that dwell in this land ; 
Your favor I greatly desire, 

Oh grant me your heart and your ha^d. 

Don't let your heart be so narrow 

Since we dwell in fair Venus' grove ; 
Your heart it is harder than Pharaoh 

Or else you would grant me your love. 

Let me now gently reprove you 

For being so cruel to me ; 
If ever I cease to love you 

I will tell you what things you shall see. 



142 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

The streams shall flow back to the fountains, 
And the wine like the rivers shall flow, 

The valleys leap over the mountains, 

And the rocks they shall melt like the snow. 

I will leave the rough plains of Bridgewater 
And travel through mud and through mire, 

And to the smooth plain of Rehoboth 
Again I do hope to retire. 



LOCAL MEETINGS AND OTHER NOTICES. 

Boston. — April, 1901, The Boston Branch held its last meeting of the 
season Friday evening, April 26, at 8 o'clock, at the residence of Mr. O. B. 
Cole, 551 Boylston Street. Pres. F. W. Putnam presided, and the annual 
reports of the secretary and treasurer were read. The nominating com- 
mittee then presented its report, and after balloting the following officers 
were declared elected : President, Prof. F. W. Putnam ; First Vice-Presi- 
dent, Mr. W. W. Newell ; Second Vice-President, Dr. R. B, Dixon ; Coun- 
cil, Dr. E. F. Pope, Mrs. O. B. Cole, Mrs. Lee Hoffman, Mrs. G. W. Vaillant, 
Mr. Ashton Willard, Mr. F. V. Balch. 

The reports of the branch showed that in membership it had held its 
own, as the gain in numbers had exactly equalled the number lost by resig- 
nation. The report of the treasurer showed a small balance after payment 
of all expenses, and that in addition §15 had been raised by special con- 
tributions of members towards the purchase of a phonograph, the Peabody 
Museum having contributed the remainder of the $30 needed for the 
purpose. The phonograph has been used in notating the cylinders of 
" Pastores," the miracle play collected in Mexico by Captain Bourke. 

At the close of the business meeting the members listened to an address 
on "The Music of the North American Indians" by Mr. Arthur Farwell, 
lecturer on music at Cornell University. The very interesting lecture was 
illustrated by aid of the piano, and was followed by an informal discussion. 

Helen Leah Reed., Secretary. 

Cambridge, Mass. — Harvard Folk-Lore Club. During the season of 
1900-1901, the following topics have been treated before the club : — 
Dr. F. N. Robinson . . . Druidism. 
Mr. H. H. Kidder .... Chippewa Tales. 
Mr. F. S. Arnold .... Variations of Vagrancy. 

Mr. Leo Wiener Mediaeval Gypsies. 

Prof. C. H. Toy The Primitive Religion of the 

Australians. 
Mr. T. Michelson .... The Primitive Religion of the 

Indo-Aryans. 
Mr. H. W. Prescott .... The Worship of Zeus. 



Bibliographical Notes. 143 

Prof. Clifford H. Moore . . The Primitive Religion of the 

Romans. 

Dr. John Orne The Ancient Religicn and Super- 
stitions of the Arabs. 

Prof. G. L. Kittredge . . . The Religion of Odin. 

Prof. D. G. Lyon .... The Adventures of Gilgamesh, an 

ancient Babylonian Hero. 



BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES. 

BOOKS. 

The Origins of Art. A Psychological and Sociological Study. By Yrjo 
HiRN. London : Macmillan & Co., 1900. Pp. xi, 331. 
The author of this volume is lecturer on Esthetics and Modern Litera- 
ture at the University of Finland (Helsingfors), and, as was the case with 
his friend and colleague Westermarck, he has chosen to compose it in Eng- 
lish, for which many readers will doubtless be duly grateful. About half 
the book is psychological and sociological rather than folkloristic, dealing 
with the essence and the theory of art rather than with its popular expres- 
sion, but the chapters on Art and Information (pp. 149-163), Historical 
Art (pp. 164-185), Art and Sexual Selection (pp. 203-213), The Origins of 
Self-Decoration (pp. 214-227), Erotic Art (pp. 228-248), Art and Work 
(pp. 249-260), Art and War (pp. 261-278), Art and Magic (pp. 278-297), 
amply justify its consideration in these pages. A list of works referred to, 
numbering some 560, and indexes of authors and subjects, add to the value 
of this interesting essay. 

Among the " powerful non-assthetic factors " favoring the origin and de- 
velopment of art-forms, the author gives prominence to information, his- 
tory, sexual life, work, war, and magic. With primitive peoples " every 
one of the lower art-forms — the dance, the pantomime, and even the 
ornamental — has been of great importance as a means of interchanging 
thoughts " (p. 149). As conventional language grew in strength and 
power of expression, " pantomimic display, which involves an unnecessary 
waste of force and time, was doomed to disappearance." The net result of 
education has been to confine the language of the body within ever-narrow- 
ing limits. Indeed, with a considerable portion of civilized humanity, a 
part of the face only is now the arena of pantomime, though pathological 
or atavistic phenomena, sympathetic ignorance, etc., often widen consider- 
ably the field of expression. The political meetings of the Maori of New 
Zealand to-day illustrate the survival of what was once almost a universal 
dramatic accompaniment of the art of the orator. The way in which the 
Indians of Central Brazil, _/?^^ von den Steinen, help themselves out with 
drawing on the sand, when gesture-speech proves insufficient, suggests that 
we may "find in these transferred gestures the origin of pictorial art" 
(p. 156). Upon this theory, glimpsed by Rafinesque and Mallery, Professor 



144 Journal of American Folk-Lore. 

Hirn does not insist, contenting himself with the remark that "a kind of 
extempore design, almost as spontaneous and fugitive as the dramatic art, 
appears together with the mimic and poetic representations." The " Com- 
ing from Town " dramas of the Macusi children of Guiana, the Corrob- 
borees of the Queensland aborigines, and the countless mimicries of inci- 
dents in travel, hunting, and war, to say nothing of the events of home life, 
indicate how commonly, among the lower races of man, art has served for 
information. An interesting point to which the author calls attention is 
the recentness of the events to which the pantomimes and dances of the 
lower savages refer, — in this the primitive would seem to differ from the 
civilized art, which perpetuates things of a very remote past. One cannot, 
however, quite agree with him on this head and attribute to accident rather 
than design the occasional existence of true commemorative art among 
savage and barbarous peoples. The primitive mind is not so absolutely 
confined to " the immediate present," as Dr. Hirn thinks. The same may 
be said, perhaps, of his discussion of pictorial art, where the " vague and 
indistinct character " of certain primitive images is emphasized. As to the 
factor of sex, the author seems largely in sympathy with Westermarck, 
holding that " at a stage of development where nudity is the normal state, 
veiling must necessarily suggest the same emotions as unveiling in a civil- 
ized society " (p. 205). The age of puberty is very often the period of 
" dressing " with primitive tribes. In this connection the following passage 
is of considerable significance : " And it may even now be observed among 
living tribes of man to how great a degree antipathy to every detail in the 
outward appearance of foreigners precludes union between members of 
different tribes. The national and parochial dresses of modern peasants 
no doubt exercise a great influence on the love-life of the respective boys 
and girls " (p. 211). When asked by Ahlqvist why his people never took 
wives from among the girls of Ayramii, a Savakot youth (both Savakot and 
Ayramaiset are in eastern Finland) replied : " As these Ayrama girls have 
such horrid dresses, our boys do not dare to approach them." And much 
more could be said on this topic. The superstitious factor in the origin of 
clothing and of self-decoration is also of no little importance. Fear of im- 
pregnation by wind, sunlight, and moonlight, water, etc., has doubtless in- 
fluenced women in the way of covering. With not a few primitive peoples 
clothing is put on, not from a sense of modesty, but to avoid the " magic 
influence " of another man's nakedness. Imitation of .trophies of war and 
of the chase, and imitation of the scars of battle have furnished many orna- 
ments, while " by symbolical representation sights and events have often 
been recorded on the body, this most primitive of all commonplace-books " 
(p. 223). It would be well if thoroughgoing studies were made of such 
phenomena as the development of bodily painting from an original plaster- 
ing or greasing against insect-bites or inclemencies of the weather, noted 
by von den Steinen among the Indians of the Xingii in Brazil. Art as an 
aid to the individual's ownership of himself is also important, no less than 
art as a means of marking the property of others. The exact interpretation 
of eroticism and seeming obscenity in primitive art is not always forthcom- 



Bibliographical Notes. 145 

ing, but the author leans against the strict Darwinian theory here. Of the 
Chukmas of southeastern India we are told that " they never allow any 
songs but those of a religious character to be sung in their villages." The 
reason given is, " Our girls would be demoralized, if boys were allowed to 
sing freely." Out in the jungle, the Chukmas " allow their poetry greater 
license." More proof is required for the statement (p. 248): "As the 
same cause, /. e. an art and a social life which are full of erotic suggestions, 
operates in many savage tribes, it may perhaps account to some extent for 
the fact, recently commented upon by Kidd, that, notwithstanding the mar- 
vellous teachableness of primitive children, savages always prove inferior 
to white men after the attainment of puberty." With Groos, the author 
recognizes the close connection, especially among primitive peoples, "be- 
tween play, or art, and the serious occupations of life," — the games of 
children, as well as the dances and pantomimes of the full-grown, " almost 
everywhere corresponding to the prevailing activities in the various com- 
munities " (p. 251). With Biicher, too, he emphasizes the great evolution- 
istic importance of " work-poems," songs of exhortation, excitational dances, 
and other employments of art as a stimulant to labor. That " the slow- 
ness and the insensibility of the Guarani are, however, as appears from 
Mr. Rengger's description, exceptional and pathological," may well be 
doubted, especially after Dr. McGee's account of the alternation of activity 
and inactivity among the Seris. Besides, Renngger wrote in 1830. The 
regular cooperation so useful in fighting " is effectually promoted by rhyth- 
mical music ; " indeed, " war, as the hardest form of the struggle for life, has 
needed, more than any other kind of work, the support which esthetic 
stimulation affords to practical activities." But the military type of art-life 
has always been " circumscribed within the narrow bounds of tribal sym- 
pathy." Dr. Hirn calls attention to a fact of great interest, when he ob- 
serves (p. 277) : "Such a sympathetic interest in the picturesque qualities 
of the human and animal body as that which characterizes the art of the 
prehistoric European cave-dwellers, the Bushmen, and the Eskimo, does 
not seem compatible with the customs of war." The importance of magic 
in connection with primitive art can hardly be exaggerated, and, as the 
author remarks, " there is practically no limit to the effects which primitive 
man claims to produce by magical imitation." The bibliography of Dr. 
Hirn is so full that one wonders a little that he has not included the articles 
of Popoff on the origin of painting (Rev. Scientif. vol. xlvi. pp. 399-403) 
and Mongeolle on the evolution of ornament (Rev. d'Anthrop. vol. viii. pp. 
79-98), in which the magical origin of certain art-forms is broached. The 
role of art in medicine is worthy of special treatment in an exhaustive 
essay. Dr. Hirn's general philosophical position is indicated in the fol- 
lowing sentences (p. 301) : " Art never ceases to inform, never ceases to 
please, never ceases to stimulate, never loses something of a magical effi- 
cacy. But while acknowledging the importance of all these purposes, we 
have, on the other hand, to maintain the view which was set out in the psy- 
chological chapters of the opening — that it is only by assuming an inde- 
pendent art-impulse [based upon feeling] that we can explain the essential 
VOL. XIV. — NO. 53. 10 



146 Journal of American Folk- Lore. 

character of art." The "Origins of Art" is beyond a doubt one of the 
best discussions of primitive esthetics we have had for a long time. 

Alexander F. Chamberlain. 

Melanges Traditionnistes publics par Paul Sebillot et Julien Vinson. 

Tome Premier. Paul Sebillot : Les Coquillages de Mer. Paris : 

J. Maisonneuve, 1900. Pp. v, in. 

This little volume on shellfish and sea-shells is the first of a series 
of brief monographs on divers subjects from the wide field of folk-lore. 
Chapter I. (pp, 1-35) is devoted to living shellfish ; Chapter II. (pp. 37-103), 
recast from an essay published in 1886 in the "Revue d'Ethnographie," 
treats of shells ; and the few pages of Chapter III. refer to the role of shells 
and shellfish in tale and legend. According to M. Se'billot, the forms of 
shellfish are so suggestive, in the folk-mind, of phallic ideas, that " a col- 
lection of KpuTTTaSta alone could contain many of their popular names and 
appellations " (p. 2). The use of sea-shells as clothing is interesting in 
this connection. One of the tritest of the proverbs about shellfish is, " The 
fish belies his shell," said of a man whose physique overshadows his intel- 
lect. Less gracious is the Breton saying, " Softer is a bed of shells than the 
bottom of a woman's heart." A remarkable superstition of fishermen along 
the Channel is that a kind of limpet *' is the eye of some one who has been 
drowned, which, at the end of the world, will grow wings, and fly away to 
take its place in the head to which it belongs." Not a little folk-lore 
centres around the idea that shellfish are good weather-indicators. One 
is hardly surprised to find that by some of the natives of the South Sea 
Islands the beautiful colors of sea-shells are attributed to the personal inter- 
vention of the gods. The very brief account (pp. 92-95) of the use of sea- 
shells in children's games, ancient and modern, deserves expansion. Even 
as late as 1884, oyster-shell ashes had some vogue in folk-medicine at 
Nantes. In case the author revises his monograph, reference might be 
made with profit to W. von Buelow's article on " Sea-shells in the Life of 
the Natives of Samoa," published in the " Internationales Archiv fiir Ethno- 
graphic " for 1900, and to Cushing's study of " Primitive Copper Working," 
in the " American Anthropologist " for 1894, in which last paper the imita- 
tion of shell ornaments and figures in copper is dwelt upon. There exists 
material for a much larger treatise than the interesting one M. Sebillot has 
compiled in this instance. 

A. F. C. 

BiRLioTH^QUE Du Glaneur Breton. Tomc Premier. Paul Si^billot : 
CoNTES des Landes et des Gr^ves. Rennes : Hyacinthe Cailli^re, 
MDCCCC. Pp. xi + 306. 

This is a collection of forty-one tales of the kind " qui peuvent honnete- 
ment s'tfcrire," of which all but one are from that region of the C6tes-du-Nord 
where French is spoken. The tales were almost all gathered subsequently 
to 1SS2, and are in large measure not included in M. Scbillot's previous col- 
lections of folk-tales from Brittany. Many of the stories, like The Magic 



Bibliographical Notes. 147 

Ship, The Lion's Bride, The One-Eyed Giant, The Four Gifts, The Man 
who sold his Skin to the Devil, The Fairy's Godchild, William the Wolf 
and Peter the Fox, etc., easily suggest analogues in other lands, while some 
of the rest are more notably local. The fairy atmosphere of several of 
the tales is naive enough, and in others the imagination really runs riot. 
In the tale of Pere Decampe (p. 10), the hero sees a little green nanny- 
goat walking about on the balcony of a castle suspended in air by chains 
of gold. This goat, which is cmtnorphosee, turns out to be the daughter of 
the king of the Golden Mountains, and is demorphosee by De'campe. The 
end of this story is of a piece with the rest of it. Many of the local 
legends of Brittany have to do with caverns under the cliffs (here the queen 
of the fairies lives, p. 42) on the seashore. At page 77 appears the inex- 
haustible purse in the possession of a fisherman who obtained it from the 
king of the fish, whose city he had visited. From the tale of " The Sor- 
cerer's Daughter " (p. 95) we learn that in Upper Brittany Sarasin (Sara- 
cen) is often s)-nonymous with " ogre or powerful sorcerer." At page 240 
pousser occurs with the meaning " to give an education to." The story of 
the man who had Death godmother of his child, because she was more truly 
just than God (who lets the poor but honest die, and lets the scapegraces live), 
St. John (who is in league with le bon Dieu), St. Peter (who is readier to swing 
open the door of heaven to the rich with many masses than to the poor who 
have nothing to get prayers with) is characteristic. Death is just because 
she takes alike the rich and the poor, the young and the old. In the next 
following tale (p. 249) Death is personified as a man. The tale of "Death 
and the Goodman " (p. 254) should be compared with the famous Irish 
story which tells how St. Patrick locked up the Devil in a box, but in this 
case the man lets Death out upon promise of a century of life. Pages 259- 
304 consist of facetious and tricksy stories, of which " La Mort du Bon 
Dieu " is one of the best. From this attractive volume one gets a good 
idea of certain aspects of the Breton folk-mind. 

A.F. C. 

Heimatklange aus deutschen Gauen ausgewahlt von O. Dahnhardt. 

I. Aus Marsch und Heide. Mit Buchschmuck von Robert Engels. 

Leipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1901. Pp. xix-|- 170. 

This little book is a collection of ninety-four pieces of verse and prose 
in the Low German dialects of Schleswig-Holstein, the Hansa Cities 
and Oldenburg, Hannover, Mecklenburg, Pomerania, northern Saxony, 
Brandenburg, West Prussia, East Prussia, Brunswick, Westphalia and the 
North Rhenish country, by a great variety of writers, of whom some, like 
Klaus Groth and Fritz Reuter, have a reputation far beyond the narrow bor- 
ders of their own land, while others are of local fame. Dr. Dahnhardt, 
who is the author of several interesting and valuable essays on German 
folk-lore, has compiled the present volume of " Home Notes from Marsh 
and Heath," in order to give in the language of the Low German folk, a 
true account of their life, thoughts, and actions, in their unity and their 
diversity. All sorts of topics are broached, and the treatment runs all the 



148 Journal of American Folk-Lore. 

way from solemnity to jest, from dream to reality (the reviewer, for one, is 
glad to find Groth's " Matten Has" at p. 29; and, at p. 169, Storck's 
" Wenn't Kermes ess"). On pages 52-56 an old friend appears in Schro- 
der's " Wettlopen twischen den Hasen un Swinegel," the race between the 
hare and the hedgehog. The rarer and more difficult words in the text are 
explained in copious foot-notes, a list of works used is given (pp. xviii, xix), 
and the introduction deals in general fashion with the folk of marsh and 
heath. The reading of a volume like this will give us an excellent idea of 
the " folk as they are," while the closeness of the dialects in which the 
poems and prose pieces are written, to modern English, adds something to 
the pleasure of perusal. 

A. F. C. 

Stand und Beruf im Volksmund. Eine Sammlung von Sprichwortern 
und Sprichwortlichen Redensarten. Herausgegeben von Rudolf Eck- 
ART. Gottingen, Verlag von Franz Wunder. 1900. Pp. vi-|- 7-152. 
The author of this little book is well known through his writings on Ger- 
man (especially Low German) poetry and folk-literature. Of the 3560 
proverbs and folk-sayings here presented, 398 refer to royalty and the 
nobility, 238 to officialdom and business, 398 to medicine and law, 860 to 
artists, the learned professions, the clergy, and teachers, 166 to the military, 
1068 to the working-classes, and 432 to domestic affairs. A list of author- 
ities is given (pp. 243-248). The exceeding brevity of folk-wit at times is 
seen in some of these proverbs and proverbial expressions : Hofamt ver- 
dammt. Adel — Tadel. Kaufmann — Glaubmann. Advokaten — Schad- 
vokaten. Malervolk — Hadevolk. Bussvater — Busenvater. Jesuwiter — 
Jesuwider. Moncherei — Schweinerei. Leichenpredigt — Liigenpredigt. 
Bauer — Lauer. Jagdrecht — Teufelsrecht. Ehe — wehe. Ehelos — ehr- 
los. Frau — au ! Muttermal — Liebesmal. Of all classes of the com- 
munity the monks seem to have been lashed most by the German folk- 
tongue, the mother to have fared the best. Some of the most striking 
proverbs in this collection are as follows : A prince is as rare in heaven as 
a stag in a poor man's kitchen. At court a bolt often comes from the blue. 
Better brought up great than born great. It is politics to talk like an angel 
and mean like the devil. Company is beggary. No doctor is better than 
three. When the doctor comes the toothache has gone. Good lawyers are 
bad neighbors. If the beard made the philosopher, the he-goat would be 
in the ranks. Great scholars are rarely great saints. God in Heaven is 
not safe from Jesuits. One teacher is better than two books. Schoolmas- 
ters are seldom rich. Ninety-nine schoolmasters, a hundred fools, say the 
peasants of the Black Forest. Soldiers are the devil's playfellows. One 
peasant and eleven oxen are thirteen head of cattle. Baker and brewer 
cannot sit on one place. He lies like a printer. The host is the best who 
drinks more than the guests. The best hunter often comes home empty- 
handed. The miller and his donkey do not always think the same. Even 
a good fisherman loses an eel. The blacksmith hammers even in dreams. 
The shoemaker goes to church, to pray God to let sheep die. When par- 



Bibliographical Notes, 1 49 

ents sleep, children dream, Adam's rib is worse than the "grip." Mar- 
riage comes after love, like smoke after flame. The first wife is the maid, 
the second the mistress. The stepmother's child is fed twice. Hungry 
children don't play. A mother's tears are real tears. 

On the whole, this selection gives a very good idea of the richness of 
Teutonic folk-thought about the activities of life, and makes very interesting 
reading. 

. A. F. a 

Eaglehawk and Crow. A Study of the Australian Aborigines, including 
an Inquiry into their Origin and a Survey of Australian Languages. By 
John Mathew, AI. A., B. D. London: David Nutt, 1899. Pp.xvi-|- 
288. 

This is a rather venturesome, though withal a very interesting volume. 
The thirteen chapters have the following headings : The Origin of the Aus- 
tralian Race ; The Indigenes of Australia, Papuan ; The Dravidian Ele- 
ment ; The Malay Element ; Distribution (of the population) ; Physical 
Characters of the Australians ; Dwellings, Clothing, Implements, Food ; 
Government ; Laws, Institutions ; Marriage, Man-Making, ^Mutilations, 
Burial Customs j Art, Corroborees ; Sorcery, Superstitions, Religion; Aus- 
tralian Languages; Outlines of Grammar. Pages 208-272 are taken up by 
a comparative table of fifty-two word-lists, of which three are from the 
New Hebrides, two from Torres Strait, and five from Tasmania. The 
comparative table is preceded by a distribution-map and a list of authori- 
ties. A good index completes the book. 

"Eaglehawk and Crow" is the expansion of an essay written in 1889, 
since which time the author has been a constant student of the Australian 
aborigines, while during his youth he was for a period of some seven years 
of station life in intimate touch with the Kabi tribe of Queensland. Hence 
his opinions on many of the questions concerning the aborigines, their 
condition, capacities, etc., are entitled to great respect. But in the fields 
of ethnolog}^ and comparative philology he does not appear to such advan- 
tage. The need for continued and thoroughly scientific study of the na- 
tives is apparent from the opinion expresssd by the author (p. 92) : " It 
seems very probable that, in Victoria and New South Wales at least, there 
will not be a single pure aboriginal surviving, fifty years hence." The 
influence of white colonists upon native customs and practices, in a direct 
and indirect way, has been considerable, and Mr. Mathew thinks that " all 
over Australia circumcision would probably have prevailed in time but for 
British settlement " (p. 120). In the description of the " man-making " 
ceremonies, the following item deserves emphasis (p. 118) : " Various par- 
ties of blacks congregate at one spot, each party having several candidates 
for initiation. One party takes the boys out of one camp, the men there 
take boys out of the next, and so forth. The boys are never taken out for 
initiation by their own friends." The "message-sticks" of the Australian 
natives, according to Mr. Mathew, " are imitations of the old Malay prac- 
tice, prevailing at least in Sumatra, of writing upon bamboo and rattan 



I JO Journal of American Folk-Lore. 

canes " (p. 125). The rite of circumcision he attributes also to Sumatran 
immigrants. A good deal of Australian art he would trace to the same 
source, especially certain rock-paintings reproduced in figures 1-4. Con- 
sidering how little we really know about Grey's pictures, the author's con- 
clusion seems somewhat far-fetched, that " there has been an attempt to 
present pictorial fragments of Hindu mythology in the confused form which 
has been developed by naturalization in Sumatra " (p. 135). As other 
investigators have reported of other peoples, Mr. Mathew remarks that 
" the greatest bane of aboriginal life is sorcery," but the devout Christian 
is sometimes apt to magnify these things. From the fact that the eagle- 
hawk and the crow figure so prominently in the mythology, tribal nomen- 
clature, etc., of the Australian aborigines, the author evolves the theory 
that " the eaglehawk and crow represent two distinct races of men which 
once contested for the possession of Australia, — the taller, more powerful, 
and more fierce ' eaglehawk ' race [Dravidian] overcoming and in places 
exterminating the weaker, more scantily equipped sable ' crows ' " [Papuan]. 
Hence the name of the book. In Australia, according to Mr. Mathew, the 
order of races has been Papuan, Dravidian, Malay, whose coming and 
influence may in some fashion be compared with those of the Celt, Saxon, 
and Norman in Britain. The Tasmanians, now completely extinct, were 
" the lineal descendants of the primitive Australian race." On the whole, 
one feels that the author might have made a better book, and cherishes 
the hope that he will. 

A. F. a 

Collection de Voyages illustres. Comte Henri de la Vaulx. Voyage 
EN Patagonie. Ouvrage" contenant quarante illustrations d'apres les 
photographies de I'auteur, et une carte hors texte. Pre'face de M. Jose 
Maria de He'redia, de I'Acade'mie Frangaise. Paris : Hachette et Cie., 
1901. Pp, xvi -f- 280. 

An interesting account of travels in Patagonia (including Tierra del 
Fuego), in 1896-1897, the author having been commissioned by the Minister 
of Public Instruction to make anthropological and ethnographic researches 
in those parts of the globe. In making a collection of crania and skele- 
tons of the Patagonian Indians Comte de la Vaulx noted that the bones 
were painted red, the custom being to exhume the remains some years after 
burial and re-inter them after having painted them (p. 21). From the dis- 
covery of calcined bones at Coui, in the arid plains south of the Rio Negro, 
it appears that the Indians once were accustomed to burn to death a sor- 
cerer {kalkoie), or any one who bewitched {wdkcufcii) his neighbor (p. 78). 
About the Araucanian Indians, with whom he came specially into contact, 
the author has recorded many facts of value to the folk-lorist. With them, 
the daughter cannot speak to her mother in the presence of her husband, 
nor must mother-in-law and son-in-law look at each other (p. 97). " Music 
of the toldos " is the name given by the Indians to the curious noise made 
by the wind whistling about the guanaco-skins of which the tents are made 
(p. 1 01). The religious festival of the Indians is called kamarouko^ and 



Bibliographical Notes, 1 5 1 

some of them offered, for the consideration of a few horses and a little 
cane-sugar brandy, to organize one in honor of the author and for the suc- 
cess of his voyage in the south (p. 103). When the count arrived at the 
camping place of Saihue'que, near the headwaters of the Chubut, that chief 
received him with songs by the women of the tribe, an ancient custom ; 
and the fact that he ate a morsel of the caroutiar, or national dish of sheep- 
entrails, made him at once a favorite (p. 124). The description of the 
/^a;««/'^/^/^£7, celebrated in his honor (pp. 131-147) is both interesting and 
entertaining. The kaniarotiko is a combination of prayer, butchery, and 
dance, some of the most outre features of which have been suppressed by 
the Argentine government. According to the old Indian rite the conduc- 
tors of the ceremony had to be virgins (rarer to-day than of old, perhaps). 
The end of the festival to-day is sexual orgie, to whose brutality alcohol has 
largely conduced. Formerly (the government has now forbidden the prac- 
tice) one of the acts in the kamarouko consisted in " taking the still palpi- 
tating heart from' the breast of the mare [a sacrifice for the occasion], scat- 
tering blood three times toward Geunetchen., the divinity invoked [perhaps 
the sun originally], and, after putting the heart back in its place, throwing 
the entire animal into the water or the fire" (p. 140). In the kamaroicko, 
the rali, koultroun, or wasa, the national musical instrument of the Arau- 
canians, a primitive drum, the pifilka, a whistle made from the quill of the 
condor, and the trotitoitka, a huge reed flute, appear. Near the camp of 
Saihueque were noticed some red and white hieroglyphs on the rocks, whose 
signification the Indians could not (or would not) reveal, — ^"of these photo- 
graphs were taken. Similar inscriptions were noted near camping places 
on the Rio Negro (p. 127). Among the Tehuelches, a noteworthy event or 
institution is the wouelleydi or great guanaco hunt, during which "the 
Indians are no longer men, but tigers killing for the pleasure of killing " 
(p. 166). The kupuloue, or bamboo cradle for attaching behind the saddle 
on horseback, in which the infant often spends months of its life, is sui 
gejieris (p. 169). The Tehuelche festivities in honor of the count were as 
curious as the Araucanian. The game of loncotoum is played by two 
Indians who seize hold of each other's long hair and keep pulling until one, 
overcome by the pain of the struggle, lets go (p. 180). While the author 
was at the camping place of Choiquenilahue', the Indians celebrated the 
attainment of puberty by an Indian girl, — this ceremonial, called huecoun- 
rouca, being the great secular festivity of the Patagonians (pp. 218-230). 
The effects of alcohol in brutalizing the Indian are even more visible here. 
This volume, as will be seen, contains much more than the ordinary travel- 
book of its kind. 

A. F. C. 

Stringtown on the Pike : A Tale of Northernmost Kentucky. By 
John Uri Lloyd. Author of " Etidorhpa," etc. With illustrations. 
New York: Dodd, Mead & Co. 1901. Pp. vii, 414. 
In this story Mr. Lloyd, a member of the American Folk-Lore Societ}', 

has conscientiously undertaken to describe the social conditions, manner of 



152 Journal of A merican Folk-Lore. 

feeling, and dialect existing forty years ago in Northern Kentucky, a sec- 
tion scarcely known in literature, but with which he has from birth been 
familiar. It is the folk-lore abounding in the fiction which it falls within 
our province to consider. The tale opens with the imagined appearance 
of ghostly figures popularly supposed to haunt a hollow in which an Indian 
maiden had been tomahawked, and where her spirit is believed to present 
itself at sunset, and cast a shadow made by the body and outstretched 
arms. An old negro is introduced as learned in prophetic art, and under- 
taking to predict every event by the aid of " signs." As methods of his 
divination are given the reading of marks or " tracks " in ashes, on which 
are also laid straws representing named persons, and yielding indications 
from combustion ; we are told that forthcoming events are read in the 
water of a spring (p. 187). Among omens are mentioned the following: to 
have a chicken or other animal die in the hand is a very fatal sign ; the 
transplanter of a cedar-tree will die whenever the lower limbs grow to the 
length of his coffin ; to marry on the last day of the year is dangerous. 
Negro dances are introduced, but without melodies ; also tales, relating 
the contest of the turkey and duck as to which shall first see the rising 
sun, and why the honey-bee sucks red clover. In Kentucky survived a 
curious legal procedure, in virtue of which a prisoner under sentence of 
felony could claim the " Right of clergy," and escape with burning in the 
hand; this plea was abolished by the legislature in 1847. The narrative 
supplies a piece of barbarous chivalry ; the feud of two families is ended 
by the last survivors of each shooting each other in the court-room, after 
the representative of one has vainly endeavored to obtain the release of 
his enemy, a youth under sentence of death, whose place he even offers to 
take, on the ground that it would be dishonorable to have his hereditary 
foe killed except by his own hand. 

Mr. Lloyd has separately printed a brief glossary intended to show his 
method of dealing with this feature of his book, on which he has bestowed 
much pains. As regards the Southern gentleman, he makes no change 
save in the letter r ; \\\^ patois of the negro added idiomatic contractions 
and corruptions to linguistic change ; Mr. Lloyd seems to think that rules 
are not absolute. Thus the final / and d after a consonant are dropped, 
as temp' for tempt, 7vM for wind \ but also chist for chest, and aiii't, wotCt, 
couldn't, but on the other hand doa7i' for don't. The difficult questions 
regarding negro dialect can only be decided after long investigation by 
professional philologists. The attention devoted to this part of the subject 
affords a gratifying evidence of increasing interest in the field, and local 
studies of this sort will be welcome. Concerning the more important part 
of tlie author's task, the exhibition of provincial character, we cannot here 
treat. The isolated and narrow but tragic lives of the people with whom 
this tale deals offer a field to the novelist, and appear in Mr. Lloyd's 
description. 

W. W. Newell. 



THE JOURNAL OF ' 

AMERICAN FOLK-LORE. 

Vol. XIV. — JULY-SEPTEMBER, 1901.— No. LIV. 



THE GOOD HUNTER AND THE IROQUOIS MEDI- 
CINE. 

In the "Jesuit Relation" for 1636 is an account of the Huron 
feasts, and one of these lacks clearness. " The Ononhara is for the 
madmen. . . . They refer the origin to a certain interview of the 
wolves and the owl, where this nocturnal animal predicted to them 
the coming of Ontarraoiira, that is, a beast which approaches the 
lion by the tail (retire au Lyon par la queue), which Ontarraoura 
revived, they say, a certain good hunter, a great friend of the wolves, 
in the midst of a good feast ; whence they conclude that the feasts 
are capable of healing the sick, since they even give life to the 
dead." 

It was easy for me to see that this beast was the panther, an ani- 
mal little known to the Hurons or the missionaries, but which has 
been widely named the mountain lion. The Onondagas still call it 
Ske7i-tah-ses-go' -nah, " Long Tail." Its nocturnal habits, and even 
its cry, often mistaken for that of the panther, might have associated 
the owl with it in tales of the forest, but what was the story of the 
good hunter .'' In answering this question I have nothing very ori- 
ginal to offer, but will transcribe two accounts very nearly as I find 
them. In neither of these does the panther figure, but the death of 
the good hunter, the gathering of birds and beasts, his revival, and 
the gift of the great medicine, are prominent features. In the lapse 
of two centuries and a half, and in its relation by another people, it 
has become slightly changed, but the story is probably essentially 
that of the ancient Hurons and their kindred. 

The oldest version of this may be found in Doty's " History of 
Livingston County, New York," as it was given long ago by an old 
Seneca, to Mr. Horsford, their missionary. 

" In ancient times a war broke out between two tribes. On the 
one side the forces were jointly led by a great warrior and a noted 
hunter. The latter had killed much game for the skins, the remains 
being left for beasts and birds of prey. The battle was going against 



154 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

his side, and he saw that to save his own life he must quit the field. 
As he turned, the body of a great tree lay across his path. He came 
up to it, when a heavy blow felled him. On recovering he found, 
strangely enough, that he could as easily pass through as over the 
obstruction. Reaching home, his friends would not talk with him ; 
indeed they seemed quite unaware of his presence. It now occurred 
to him that he, too, had been killed, and was present in spirit only, 
human eyes not seeing him. He returned to the place of conflict, 
and there, sure enough, lay his mortal part quite dead, and its scalp 
gone. A pigeon-hawk, flying by, recognized the disembodied hunter, 
and gratefully offered to restore his scalp ; so, stretching away in its 
flight to the retiring victors, he plucked it from the bloody pole. 
The other birds had, meantime, prepared a medicine which soon 
united the scalp to the head, when bears and wolves gathered around 
and joined in the dance. The hunter got well and lived many years, 
his experience strengthening their religious faith, and teaching them 
how to use the remedies so strangely acquired, which, to this day, 
are among the most efficacious known to the Indians." 

In 1 88 1, Elias Johnson, a Tuscarora chief, published the " Legends, 
Traditions, and Laws of the Six Nations," in which the story has an 
ampler form. Of this I will give a summary. The good hunter ap- 
pears as before, as one noted for kindness and generosity to all, even 
beasts and birds. Though a hunter, he was considered the protector 
of these. On one occasion he went out with a war party. The 
battle was furious, and in the most desperate struggle he was struck 
down, scalped, and left for dead. 

A fox came along when the conflict was over, and recognized this 
friend of bird and beast lying lifeless on the field. Shocked by the 
sight, he raised the death lament, and called all the beasts together. 
Their cries were heard in the forest ; they came by hundreds to the 
spot and tried to revive their friend. Vain were all their efforts, 
and he remained lifeless. As they sat down on their haunches to 
hold a council, they raised their heads, and a dolorous cry rent the 
air. Then the bear was called to speak, as being the nearest relative 
and best friend of man. He appealed to each and all for any medi- 
cine they had, but though each had his own, none did any good. 
Again they lifted up their heads and howled a mournful requiem, 
long continued, and with many varying notes. 

This sad lament, wild as the Highland coronach, brought the oriole 
to the spot. He was told of their sad plight, and in turn went and 
called a council of the birds. There was a flapping of wings every- 
where, and all came, from the eagle to the wren, in response to the 
call. With beak and with claw they made every effort, but nothing 
came of it. The hunter was dead, stubbornly dead, and his scalp 



The Good Hunter aud the Iroquois Medicine. 155 

was gone. The eagle's head had become white in his long and wise 
life, and from his lofty eyrie he had looked down, and knew every 
force of nature and all the events of life. This white-headed sage 
said that the dead would not revive unless the scalp was restored. 

First of all the fox went to seek it. He visited every hen-roost 
and every bird's-nest, but no scalp did he find. The pigeon-hawk 
took up the search, but soon returned. She flew so swiftly that no 
one expected her to see much, for birds have characters as well as 
men. The white heron flew more slowly, and said he would do 
better, but he came to a field of luscious wild beans, which tempted 
him to stop. He fed and slept, and fed again, while the council 
waited his return in vain. At last the crow took the mission. The 
warrior who had the scalp knew of the council, but feared nothing 
when he saw the crow flying near. He was accustomed to that. 
She saw the scalp stretched to dry in the smoke above his cabin, 
and after a time carried it off. Great was the rejoicing when she 
came back successful. At once they put the scalp on the dead man's 
head, but so dry and warped had it become that it would not fit. 

Here was a new trouble. The animals did their best, but could 
not moisten it, having no patent lubricator. Then the great eagle 
said that on the high rocks, where he lived, the mountain dew had 
collected on his back, and perhaps this might serve. He plucked 
one of his long feathers, dipped it in this dew, and applied it to the 
scalp. It was at once effectual, and the scalp became moist again. 
The animals brought other things for the cure. The scalp was placed 
on the head, to which it closely adhered, and then the hunter revived 
and recovered his strength. They gave him the compound which 
had restored him, as the gift of the Great Spirit, and then there was 
a pattering of feet and a rustle of wings as the council dispersed. 
The medicine was always cherished. 

It was used in this way : a wooden goblet is taken to a running 
stream, and filled by dipping down the stream. When brought back 
to the house it is placed near the fire, with some tobacco. Then 
there are prayers while the tobacco is gradually thrown on the fire. 
The smoke is grateful to the Great Spirit, and with this American 
incense their prayers arise. Some of my white friends also like it, 
without this ritual use as yet. The medicine-man then places a piece 
of skin near the cup, and on this the medicine is laid. He takes up 
a little of the pulverized compound with a wooden spoon, such as was 
recently used, and dusts it on the water in three spots *.^* in the 
form of a triangle. This is closely watched. If it spreads over the 
water and whirls about on the surface, the sick person will recover. 
If it sinks at once, where it was placed, the sick will die, and nothing 
can be done. In the one case the medicine is given, in the other all 
the water is thrown away. 



•.156 Journal of American Folk-Lore. 

This is not the only medicine, and Mr. Johnson gives another 
story and use : One day a hunter heard the sweetest music in the 
woods, but the most thorough search did not reveal its source. 
Charmed by the sound, he went again and again, but with no better 
success. Not a note was heard. At last the Great Spirit came to 
him in a dream, and told him what to do. He was to purify himself 
before he sought it, and this he at once did. The forest path was 
taken, the ravishing strain fell upon his ear, and he listened atten- 
tively till he could sing every note himself. Then he drew nearer. 
A tall, green plant stood before him, with long and tapering leaves. 
This he cut down, but it was immediately healed, and became as 
before. He did this repeatedly, with the same results, and then knew 
it as medicine especially good for wounds. Rejoicing in his great 
discovery, he took part of the plant home, where it was dried and 
pulverized. Then he touched it to a bad wound which a man had 
received, and it was healed at once. In this way did the Great Spirit 
bestow this great medicine upon men, and very grateful were they. 

This medicine is used very differently, and Mr. Johnson describes 
the feast to which it belongs. Once in six months there is a great 
feast at the hunting season, and these come in the spring and in the 
fall. On the night of the feast, as soon as it is dark, all concerned 
assemble in one room. Lights are extinguished, and even the coals 
are carefully covered. The medicine is placed near these, and to- 
bacco is laid beside it. Then all begin to sing, proclaiming that the 
crows are coming to the feast, and the other birds and beasts whose 
brains form part of the first great medicine, the one which originated 
when they revived the good hunter. At the end of the song their 
calls are imitated. Thrice during the night prayers are offered, and 
during these tobacco is thrown on the smothered embers. In these 
it is asked that all may be protected from harm, and that this medi- 
cine may heal injuries of every kind. To preserve due solemnity 
and prevent interruption the doors are locked when the ceremonies 
begin. None are allowed to enter or go out, and none to fall asleep. 
Anything like this would spoil the medicine. 

The actual feast begins just before daybreak. The past obser- 
vances being here described as in the present, the master of cere- 
monies first takes a deer's head and bites it, imitating the call of a 
crow. He then passes it to another, who bites it in turn, and imi- 
tates some other beast or bird. Thus it goes around. When it 
begins to be light the master of ceremonies takes a duck's bill and 
dips it full of the medicine. Some of this he gives to each one 
present, who puts it into a piece of skin, wrapping it in several covers. 
This is kept for the next feast, six months later. The panther's 
skin was preferred for the first cover, when it could be had. 



The Good Hunter and the Iroquois Medicine, 1 5 7 

Those who take active part in this feast are all medicine-men, but 
chiefs may be present, and those who at any time have been cured 
by the medicine. While these things are going on within the house, 
the young people are having a merry time outside, and the remnants 
of the feast are given to them when those inside are done. When 
this medicine is used the tune heard at its discovery is sung, both at 
the feast and at its administration. The ceremonies are thought to 
make it effective. Each medicine-man has a large quantity, which 
he keeps in a bag. To this he sometimes adds pulverized corn roots 
or squash vines, if he fears its exhaustion, and when it is given 
several assemble and sing. Both kinds were deemed especially useful 
in healing wounds received in war. These were the great medicines ; 
there were others less important. 

Mrs. Erminnie A. Smith's account of the origin of the Seneca 
medicine has some resemblance to this : A hunter is awakened by 
singing and the sound of a drum. He followed the sound and came 
to a place apparently inhabited. There a hill of corn had three ears, 
and a squash vine bore three squashes. The next night he heard 
the sound again, and a man threatened his life for looking on forbid- 
den things. Others gathered around and said he should not die, but 
they would impart to him their secret medicine. This was contained 
in the squashes and corn. 

He was led to a spot where many were dancing around a fire. 
They heated an iron and thrust it through his cheek, and then at 
once healed it. They burned his leg, and did the same, but all the 
time they sang the medicine song, which he also learned. As he 
turned homeward he found that these w-ere not men, as he had sup- 
posed, but a great gathering of birds and beasts. It seems in this a 
variant of the good hunter story. 

He had been shown how to prepare the medicine. He was "to 
take one stalk of corn and dry the cob and pound it very fine, and to 
take one squash, cut it up and pound that, and they then showed 
him how much for a dose. He was to take water from a running 
spring, and always from up the stream, never down." I quote this 
verbatim in case any one may wish to try so powerful and simple a 
remedy. 

Of course the giving of it varies little. " The people sing over its 
preparation every time the deer changes his coat, and when it is 
administered to a patient they sing the medicine song, w^hile they 
rattle a gourd-shell as accompaniment, and burn tobacco." 

Mrs. Smith relates another story, much like that told by David 
Cusick. An old man applied for hospitality at several lodges in turn, 
and was repulsed. He found shelter at last, and was kindly treated. 
Being sick, he desired his hostess to go for certain herbs, which she 



158 jfotirnal of American Folk- Lore. 

prepared as he told her, and he was soon cured. Then he had a 
fever, and other herbs were brought for his cure. One after another 
he had all the ailments known to the red man, and recourse to 
every healing herb. When the cure of all diseases had been taught 
he went away, and was seen no more, leaving a blessing behind. 

David Cusick did not dwell upon the particulars of this visit, but 
said that the old man taught them much besides medicine, though 
this was his principal mission. 

Among the Onondagas a secret medicine society is called Ka-noo'-tah, 
but there are other names having some reference to these. Captain 
George, of that nation, used a whistle of bamboo in the annual cere- 
monial making of the medicine, of which I have a figure. It is eight 
inches long, and has a lateral hole towards one end. On either side 
of this is a piece of lead, fastened to the bamboo by winding a string 
several times around both. By pushing these back and forth the 
tone can be changed. This is also a feature of the Iroquois flute. 
As many of the Onondagas have faith in their old remedies, and 
Captain George had some real medical skill, he held the appointment 
of physician to them for some years before his death. 

As a rule, we depend on what the Indians tell us for what we 
know of the great medicine or any other. It is rarely the case 
that a white person is a member of any of the Iroquois medicine 
societies. Mrs. Harriet Maxwell Converse has been initiated in the 
Seneca Na-gu-na-gar-ha, and gives a favorable account of this. It 
would hardly be proper to anticipate her description in any way, but 
she says that devout Christian Senecas are among the active mem- 
bers. Her account does not conflict with those here given, and she 
has published such notes as thus far seem best. The feasts occur 
in the fall and spring. 

The Jesuits mentioned the drinking of medicine water by the 
Hurons in 1640, in a ceremonial way. This does not seem to have 
been customary among them, and the other allusions which I recall 
are to simple healing beverages of an ordinary kind. Among the 
Iroquois it was different. The most exact account we have of the 
Onondaga medicinal water is in the " Relation " of 1670 : " They took 
in their mouth a certain mysterious water, and with great efforts 
blew it upon the cheeks and temples of the sick man, and he who 
was as it were the chief of this band ordered them also to throw it 
upon the hair and head, and even upon the mat where this poor sick 
man was lying. It was needful that everything should be bedewed, 
in order to chase the demon of the malady, which was in the ear of 
this savage. I noticed that they then all drank of the same liquor, 
and that they took the medicine which ought to cure the sick man." 

Bruyas has an allusion to this in his Mohawk lexicon, now two 



The Good Hunter and the Iroqttois Medicine. 159 

centuries old. Arontaton he first defines "to blow," and then "tirer 
le fusil et arroser d'eau medicinale ; " to fire the gun, and water or 
sprinkle with medicinal water," thus transferring to this its primitive 
personal use. The idea may have been that the gun was bewitched. 
In fact, it is yet supposed that guns are affected by certain mysteri- 
ous influences aside from any evil intent, but charms and witchcraft 
still have a prominent place in New York Indian life. In guarding 
against these the medicine has a recognized power, yet I do not find 
the Indian more superstitious on the whole than some of his white 
neighbors. 

W. M. Beaiichamp. 



i6o yournal of American Folk-Lore. 



• . AN ABENAKI "WITCH-STORY." 

The following story was told by Beulah Tahamont. She is an 
Abenaki, about sixteen years of age. Her home is at Lake George, 
New York, but she has visited New York city, where this story was 
obtained. It is given as nearly as possible in her words. 

An old "witch " was dead, and his people buried- him in a tree, up 
among the branches, in a grove that they used for a burial-place. 
Some time after this, in the winter, an Indian and his wife came 
along, looking for a good place to spend the night. They saw the 
grove, went in, and built their cooking fire. When their supper was 
over, the woman, looking up, saw long dark things hanging among 
the tree branches. "What are they ?" she asked. "They are only 
the dead of long ago," said her husband, "I want to sleep." "I 
don't like it at all. I think we had better sit up all night," replied 
his wife. The man would not listen to her, but went to sleep. Soon 
the fire went out, and then she began to hear a gnawing sound, like 
an animal with a bone. She sat still, very much scared, all night 
long. About dawn she could stand it no longer, and reaching out, 
tried to wake her husband, but could not. She thought him sound 
asleep. The gnawing had stopped. When daylight came she went 
to her husband and found him dead, with his left side gnawed away, 
and his heart gone. She turned and ran. At last she came to a 
lodge where there were some people. Here she told her story, but 
they would not believe it, thinking that she had killed the man her- 
self. They went with her to the place, however. There they found 
the man, with his heart gone, lying under the burial tree, with the 
dead "witch" right overhead. They took the body down and un- 
wrapped it. The. mouth and face were covered with fresh blood. ^ 

M. Raymond Harrington. 

1 The narrator intimated that the " witch " was a man. She said, " There is 
more to the story, but I have forgotten it." 



Siouan Mythological Tales. 1.6 1 



SIOUAN MYTHOLOGICAL TALES. 

Among primitive tribes are heard time-honored tales that may be 
called fables without viorals, which seem designed only to while 
away the time of the young, and children of a larger growth. Our 
Indians are no exceptions. The same stories are current among 
tribes remotely related so far as location, language, and tradition 
indicate. 

An insignificant tribe of the Siouan family has, or quite recently 
had, a sort of fraternity called the medicine lodge. Members of 
distant tribes came to it for instruction, and it seems to have com- 
manded respect a generation or more ago, but recently the Omaha 
dance has supplanted it. 

From those who had received this instruction the following 
account was obtained, under promise not to reveal the informants' 
names lest the enmity of the tribe be incurred. According to this 
information, all the tales current among all northern tribes relate to 
the misadventures or heroic actions of ^^foiir who 7ieverdie.'" These 
are, first, The Monster ; second. The Sharper Who Makes a Fool of 
Himself ; third, The Turtle ; fourth. The Rabbit. Recently some of 
the exploits of a Blackfoot or Piegan, named Red Horn, were added 
to the list, the initiated at once recognizing him as one of the Immor- 
tal Four, No doubt they confer the same honor on other recent 
worthies. 

For the sake of brevity, the most amusing character, the second, 
will be known by one of his local names. Bladder, which seems to 
indicate that his body resembled a bladder blown full of air. He is 
known to different tribes as the Clown, Spider, White Man, Silly 
Man ; and the Assiniboins call him the Ape. The Old Man of many 
tribes is either Bladder or the Monster.^ 

By one account Bladder and the Monster were twins and the sons 
of the Turtle. Bladder hunted his brother all over the world to slay 
him, because his body was of stone and caused his mother's death. 
This version begins with the Turtle and a waterfowl on the waters 
of a universal flood, with the nuclei of the earth in mouth and bill, 
the one mud, the other grass, which were placed to grow on the 
Turtle's back. Some call the Turtle a Muskrat or Coyote, and the 
waterfowl seems to be the Wonderful Bird that flaps its wings for 
rain, and the noise to us is thunder! 

But the version of the medicine lodge says the Monster was the 

1 Monster = Wah-reh-ksau-kee-ka ; Bladder = Wa-teh-gho-ga ; Sharper — Was- 
chang-ka-ga, — Winnebago dialect. Sharper = Unktomi, — Siouan dialect. Rab- 
bit and Turtle are well-known characters in all Siouan tales. 



1 6 2 Journal of A ^nerican Folk- Lore. 

first created, was made of stone, and had one leg or foot broken off, 
either by being dropped or by cracking off as he lay before the fire 
to dry, so another was made to be the progenitor of the human race, 
which thereby incurred his enmity. The chief account of him con- 
cerns his hand-to-hand conflict with Bladder. 

A characteristic story of Bladder, as a smart man who makes a 
fool of himself, describes minutely his diving into the water after 
plums that he saw reflected there. In the far northwest the plums 
become buffalo berries, and among the Cheyennes instead of plums 
it is buffalo meat hung on the limb of a cottonwood tree to dry. 

But all accounts agree that he dived again and again and again, the 
fourth time fastening stones to his wrists, ankles, and neck to drag 
himself down, and all but drowning before he could liberate himself. 
Then, as he lay gasping on the ground, his face turned upward and 
he saw the desired object over his head ! 

In the great duel, the Monster struck off the head of Bladder, and 
it flew up and up into the Divine Presence, where it asked, " Shall I 
kill him" (with reference to his opponent). Receiving no response, 
it fell upon the neck where it belonged, and was reunited. Bladder 
then, in his turn, struck off the head of the Monster, and exactly the 
same thing occurred as to the head of Bladder. These blows were 
repeated in turn, for the conflict grew out of an Indian ball game. 
Since Bladder suffered first, he was first to ask permission to kill 
his adversary for the fourth time, at which he received permission, 
and while the head of the Monster was in the air, he pushed aside 
the body. Not falling npon its wonted place, the head of the Monster 
rebounded and co7itiniies to rebound to this day in the form of the 
sun I 

Except the conclusion, this story may be told to any man, woman, 
or child ; but only old men or wise men are initiated into the secret 
that the sun is the head of the monster, worshiped in the Sun 
Dance, instituted by Bladder. 

There were brothers made for Bladder, so there were eight all told. 
Six of these had been captured, slain, flayed, eaten, and their skins 
inflated with air. The principle of life was in these skins, and after 
the duel they were transformed into clouds by the power of Bladder. 

The youngest had been captured, but was not slain. He became 
the Morning Star. Sometimes the seven appear as the Seven Stars. 
All this is known to the young men, the women, and the children. 

But only the initiated are to know that the Bladder himself is the 
sky, the part of which that we see being the inner surface of his 
thorax, we being in the cavity of the thorax, which appears as a 
skinbag in the Turtle story. 

As was said, one version makes the Turtle antedate the Monster 



Siouan Mythological Tales. 163 

and Bladder. Our account implies that the Turtle is the son of 
Bladder and that the Thunder Bird is the mother of the Turtle, who 
taught the art of war. 

All accounts agree that the Turtle w-as eventually caught in a 
skinbag, or under a basket or kettle. His further adventures, 
shrewd answers, and contest with the otter are known to the men, 
women, and children. Only the initiated are to know that the 
Turtle is the earth and that we inhabit the shell on his back. 

After the second character in his ridiculous career, comes the 
Rabbit as a favorite with the boys and girls. His adventures were 
many, and he is supposed to have introduced the social feast. 

Bladder, in his character of the sky, still retained some of his old 
habits. Once the Rabbit met him. Bladder was hunting, and kept 
throwing one of his eyes up in the treetops to look for game. He 
taught the rabbit how to do the same, instructing him to chajige eyes 
after tising one four times. Unfortunately, the poor Rabbit did not 
take into account the first time, w^hen, as he thought, he was only 
making a trial. So he failed to get his eye back after throwing it 
up the fifth time. 

This is known to the men, women, and children. Many things 
are told of the mice eating the Rabbit's eye and the expedients by 
which he tried to regain possession of the lost member. One account 
makes him get the eye of another animal. 

The initiated know that the eye of the Rabbit is the moon, and 
that the figure we see on the face of the full moon is the reflection 
of the Rabbit in his own eye, as we see ourselves reflected in the eye 
of a friend if we look closely. 

Such is the aboriginal mythology, if our information is correct. The 
account has been quite useful as a sort of introduction to members 
of several tribes whose confidence was desirable. None professed 
to be entirely ignorant. None knew and agreed with it in all points. 
Most professed to know it in part and were desirous of knowing the 
whole. A few offered corrections of different portions. 

One suggested that the medicine lodge combines the Sioux legend 
of the Monster and Bladder with the Algonquin legend of the 
Rabbit and the Iroquois legend of the Turtle. In the original, he 
said, both heads went on rebounding unto this day in the form of 
sun and moon, and in the original Rabbit story the other eye was 
thrown up to regain possession of the first, one eye being the sun, 
the other the moon. 

Another suggests that the Monster represents the chief of those 
who were here when the Indians came and who were destroyed for 
the sake of their wives, the new-comers being braves only. The 
story states that Bladder and his brothers took the wives of the 



164 y ournal of American Folk-Lore. 

Monster. He further conjectures that the original Bladder was a 
French refugee who feigned insanity, represented himself as the 
first of the human race, and coined the tales of his exploits to secure 
his own safety. 

The Turtle, he thinks, was a renegade Delaware who fought his 
own people ; the Rabbit, the son of a mulatto woman and a Mohawk 
Indian, which accounts for the saying that "The Rabbit owes his 
power to the fact that he is the son of the sky, the nephew of the 
sun, and the brother of the earth," a saying meant to mystify the 
uninitiated, but simply meaning that Turtle is the son of Bladder 
and father of the Rabbit. 

These conjectures as to the origin of the stories seem uncalled for, 
but may be in part correct. Such personages may have taken 
advantage of the general belief and claimed for themselves the 
characters in question, adding to the tales their own exploits, real 
or imaginary. 

It matters little to the Indian boy who earns the story by con- 
tributing the large stick to keep fire in the lodge all night and who 
firmly believes that a Rabbit story would bring on a winter's storm 
at any'season, that if he hears stories in summer he will step on a 
snake next day, and that to tell children stories in the daytime will 
make them grow humpbacked. 

Louis L. Meeker. 
Pine Ridge Agency. 



Translation^. 165 



TRANSLATION : A STUDY IN THE TRANSFERENCE 
OF FOLK-THOUGHT. 

The familiar Italian proverb, tradiittori tj'adittori ('translators are 
traitors ") has a good deal of truth in it. There are no two races 
upon the faces of the earth whose minds run in exactly the same 
channel, whose speech is cast in just the same mould. Dr. O. W. 
Holmes has well said : " Language is a temple in which the soul of 
those who speak it is enshrined." Into its holy of holies, the gen- 
tile, the barbarian, the stammerer, as the speaker of an alien tongue 
is so often designated, can never enter. To all but the high-priest 
of each language the penetralia of its shrine are tahi. The ethnic 
instinct, the racial SprachgefuJil tends, as is also the case with the 
inner religious life, to preserve its best and noblest creations, — a 
single word, the epic of barbarism ; a great poem, the epic of 
culture, — from becoming the absolute property of even its most 
cherished adopted sons. To him not born to speak the tongue he 
desires to acquire and to utilize, there are golden vessels in the 
temple which his touch would profane or disfigure. In the saying 
of Talleyrand, " Speech was given to man to disguise his thoughts," 
there is this measure of truth, at least, that through their various 
languages and dialects the diverse. races of men have succeeded in 
hiding many of their ideas from one another. To change the lan- 
guage of a people completely would be to change its very soul ; to 
possess its speech perfectly, its spirit must be incarnate in the 
acquirer. 

To translate {transferre, traduire, iibersetzten) is, literally, " to 
carry over, to put over, to set over " thought from one language into 
another. In Aramaic ^ the figure is even more materially expressed, 
for in that tongue "translate" really signifies "to throw a bundle 
over a river." Sometimes the bundle falls into the stream and is 
lost ; sometimes it lands in the shallows fast by the shore ; not so 
often does it rise gracefully, pass fleetly over, and fall gently on the 
green sward of the bank. 

In the language of the Maya Indians of Yucatan, the priests, 
whose special duty was to declare the oracles of the gods, are 
termed cJiilan, "interpreter" (literally, "mouth-piece," from chij, 
"mouth"), — they were the "mouth-pieces" of the deities. 

In Aztec, nauatlaio, the word for " interpreter," comes from nauati 
(the radical is nd, "to know, to be able"), " to speak clearly and dis- 
tinctly." 

In Ojibwa an '' interpreter " or "translator" is called dnikanota- 
1 Posnett, Comparative Literature (New York, 1886), p. 48. 



1 66 Journal of American Folk-Lore, 

gewinini, (from dnikanotage, " to repeat," and mini, " man "), liter- 
ally, " the repeat man." Here the " translator " is the " repeater." 

In Cree, another Algonkian language, the word is itivestamdkewi- 
yiniw (from itwestamdwew, "he speaks for him," and iyiniw^ 
"man"), literally "the speak-for man." 

Our English word talk harks back to a translation-word. We bor- 
rowed it from the Icelandic tulka (Swedish tolka, Danish tolke), "to 
interpret, to explain, to plead one's case." This Icelandic word, in 
its substantival form tulkr (Swedish folk), " an interpreter," is of 
Slavonic origin, — Lithuanian tidkaSy Lettic tulks, "interpreter;" 
Lithuanian tulkoti, Lettic tnlkot, "to interpret." To the same stock 
belong also Russian iolkovat, " to interpret, to explain, to talk, to 
speak of," and to/k, "sense, meaning, doctrine." 

The English interpret comes, through the French interpreter, from 
the Latin interpretari, the source of which last word is interpres, " an 
agent, broker, factor, go-between," perhaps originally "a speaker 
between." Besides tratislation and interpretation we speak of ren- 
dering, and we have yet another term, version. To render is properly 
"to give back, to restore," and diversion is "a change, a turning," as 
the Latin original of the word shows. 

The thing itself which all these words seek to describe is hard to 
accomplish. Everywhere the "carrier," "bundle-thrower," "mouth- 
piece," "clear speaker," "repeat man," "speak-for man," "go-be- 
tween " fail to do absolute justice to the original. It is as Dryden 
has it : " Something must be lost in all transfusions, that is, in all 
translations ; but the sense will remain, which would otherwise be 
lost, or at least maimed, when it is scarce intelligible, and that but 
to a few." Long before him the Roman Horace had written 
Nee verbum verbo curabis reddere fidus 
Interpres. 

It seems as if the inborn genius of a people, the spirit that gave 
birth to its noblest work in verse or in prose, forbade its perfect 
transfer to the speakers of an alien tongue. Shakespeare is still 
English, Hugo French, and Dante Italian, after hosts of translators 
have essayed their art. It has well been said that a great writer 
needs not a translator but a sympathetic genius to reproduce in his 
own fashion the work of the master. Then not traduttore tradittore, 
but rather traduttore perfecitore. 

The efforts of Christian missionaries to render the Bible accessible 
to innumerable "heathen" peoples have resulted in the production 
of a mass of "translated" literature, which, with the "missionary- 
made " words introduced into many of these strange tongues, are of 
great value for psychological study. 

Let us take, e. g., the Dictionary of the Ojibwa Language, made 



Translation, 167 

by a noted Catholic missionary, Father Baraga,^ and examine some 
of the "translation-words," words changed in meaning, w^ords made 
up by the missionaries, with or without the aid of their converts, etc. 

1. Abide. The expression "I abide in him" is rendered by nin 
pindigawa (radical, pindig, " inside "), " I come to his dwelling, I 
visit him," then, figuratively, " I enter into him, I enter into his 
heart," — " I abide with him." 

2. AbsohUioii. "I grant him absolution " = ni)i gassiamawa, liter- 
ally " I blot it out to him, I wipe it off to him." In the cognate 
Nipissing dialect one can say kasikan ki patatowman, "thy sins are 
forgiven thee (blotted out)," and kasiabawe, "to be effaced by the 
water." 

3. Almighty. This appellation of the Supreme Being is rendered 
inisi gego netaivitod (ir om misi, "all," gego, "something," netawi- 
todt "he can make it "), /. e., " He who can make all." 

4. Altar. The altar of the Old Testament is pagidiiiigewinikan, 
really "sacrificing-place." The series of words to which this term 
belongs is very interesting. We have, among others : Pagiditiigewin, 
" sacrificing, offering, immolation, sacrifice ; " ninpagidinigc, " I give, 
I sacrifice, I bring or make an offering, a sacrifice, I immolate," also 
"I sow, I plant ; " pagidinigan, "gift, sacrifice, offering ;" nin pa- 
gidinin, " I let it go out of my hands, I release it, I desist from it," 
also "I sow it;" nin pagidina, "I let him go, release him, permit 
him to do something or to go somewhere, I betray him," also " I sow 
it, I plant it ; " nin pagidenindis, " I sacrifice myself, I give myself up 
to somebody, I give myself up for some purpose, I put myself in the 
power of somebody ; " nin .pagidenima, " I give him away, I sacrifice 
him, I offer him, I renounce him, I reject him, I give him up, I bury 
him ; " pagidindamowin, " giving, sacrifice, renunciation, burial, 
funeral." The radical from which all of these words are derived is 
pagid, "free, to set free." From the same root come 2\so pagidana- 
viowin, "breath, respiration, sigh;" pagidandjigewin, "abstinence, 
fasting ; " and tiin pagidawa, " I set a net to catch fish, I catch fish." 
The psychological interrelation of these terms is curious, and the 
translator must be careful lest his context permit of some of the seri- 
ous ambiguities which their loose use might entail. The word used 
of the old pagan sacrifices is nin sagiivia, " I sacrifice some object 
according to pagan rites." 

5. Annunciation. In the translation of the phrase "the annuncia- 
tion of the Virgin IMary," as Bishop Baraga points out, one of the 
peculiarities of the Ojibwa language is in evidence. In the language 
of Baraga there are two forms of expression : Anjeni od anamikdge- 

^A GraDtmar and Dictionary of the Otchip-we Language, Parts I. and II. 
(Montreal 1878). 



i68 ■ yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

win and kitchitwa Mani od anamikdgowin, the first of which is to be 
rendered, "the salutation of the angel," the stcond "the salutation 
of the Virgin Mary " (literally " Holy Mary "). Anamikdgezvin 
means " the salutation as made by the angel," while anamikdgowin 
means "the salutation as received by Mary." This same distinction 
is made in many other words : — 

dibaamdgewin = a reward (given to somebody). 



dibaamdgowin - " " (received by " 




dibdkonigewin — " judgment (made by ** 




dibdkonigowin = " " (undergone by " 




gassiamageivin - " pardon (granted " " 




gassiamagowin - " " (received " " 





In this language there cannot be such an equivoque as the amor 
Dei of Latin. In the Nahuatl (Aztec) tongue of Old Mexico, as Dr. 
Brinton points out, " these two quite opposite ideas \onr love towards 
God and God's love towards tis'\ are so clearly distinguished that, as 
Father Carochi warns his readers in his Mexican Grammar, to con- 
found them would not merely be a grievous solecism, but a formi- 
dable heresy as well." \ Many other American Indian tongues have a 
like precision of speech. 

In translation into the Kechua language of Peru the possibilities 
of serious ambiguity ought to be very remote, for Dr. Brinton tells 
us that this " is probably the richest language on the continent, not 
only in separate words denoting affection, but in modifications of 
these by imparting to them delicate shades of meaning through the 
addition of particles. As an evidence of the latter, it is enough to 
cite the fact that Dr. Anchorena, in his grammar of the tongue, sets 
forth nearly 600 combinations of the word mimay, to love." ^ The 
Kechua even possesses a word, ruacciiyay, which signifies " the love 
of mankind." 

6. Ark. The expression " ark of the covenant " is translated 
gaiat-ijitwaivini-makak — " old-testament box." Makak is properly a 
box of birch-bark used to put maple-sugar in, and for other purposes. 
Baraga uses it also in the sense of "trunk, chest, coffer, barrel," etc. 

7. Baptism. As given by the priest, " baptism " is sigaandagewin ; 
as received by the neophyte, it is sigaandagowin. There is no am- 
biguity here. The word adopted by the Catholic missionary is de- 
rived from nin sigaandan, " I pour water on it," — nin sigaandawazva, 
"I pour water on him." The word for "baptize," in the sense of 
"to dip into the water, to immerse," is entirely different — nin 
gogina, " I dip him into the water," or nin tcJickagamina. One of 

, these last two words a Baptist translator would be forced by the 

^ Essays of an ..4 w^r/icaw/j'/ (Philadelphia, 1890), p. 324. 
2 Ibid.^ p. 425. 



Translation. 169 

logic of the language to employ, and no acrimonious discussions 
among the Indian converts could ever arise, for the text could never 
be constructed so as to display the ambiguity of the English Bible. 

8. Blasphetny. This word is translated batagigiivewin (from 
gijwe, " I talk," and bata-, a prefix used with verbs to express the 
idea of "wrong, damage, sin"), literally, "wrong talk." 

9. Brimstone. The word given for " brimstone " is osdwi makate. 
Now makate means " black," and since gunpowder is " black," 
makate came, after Indian contact with the whites, to signify 
" powder." Hence " sulphur (brimstone) " is " yellow powder." But, 
^v[iQ.Q. osdwi signifies "yellow" and makate, "black," the final ety- 
mology of the word for "brimstone " is really "yellow black." 

10. Christian. \i enamiad, the Ojibwa word for " Christian," were 
taken in its literal sense, it would include any " one who prays," for 
such is its real signification. A " pagan, or heathen " is e?iamiassig, 
"one who does not pray." 

11. Cross. The name of this symbol of the church Baraga ren- 
ders by tchibaidtig and ajideiatig. The first of these words is com- 
posed of tchibai, " dead person, corpse," and dtig, " wood," its proper 
meaning being "wood of the dead," or "wood to be placed upon a 
grave " — the primitive Indian tombstone (not a cross, however, be- 
fore Christianization). The second word is, seemingly, in more com- 
mon use, and signifies literally " crossed wood, wood in the shape of 
across," — the radical ajide meaning "crossed." Here the trans- 
lator might make use of one of two words entirely different in ety- 
mology and primitive signification. These Ojibwa words are much 
simpler than the Cree n t' ayamihezvdttikiimindnak. This word Dr. 
D. G. Brinton^ analyzes thus: iVV (possessive pronoun, first-third 
person plural) ; aya^ni something relating to religion) ; he (indicative 
termination of the foregoing) ; zv (a connective) ; ditik (suffix indi- 
cating "wooden " or "of wood"); u (a connective) ; ndn (termina- 
tion of first-third person plural) ; ak (termination of animate plural, 
— the cross is spoken of as animate by a figure of speech). We may 
translate this w^hole word as "praying-stick," but what a faint idea 
this gives us of the many elements of which it is composed, and the 
faintness increases when the rendering is " cross." Cross translates 
but does not embody the Cree thought. 

12. Forgive. The word "forgiveness" is rendered bdnendamozoi^i, 
which signifies " ceasing to think on a thing," — niu bonendam, "I 
cease to think on something, I forget, I forgive." The components 
of the word are bon = " finishing, ceasing, stopping, end of some- 
thing," and nin inetidam, " I think, I suppose." 

13. Heaven. For "heaven" Baraga uses two words, gijig and 

1 Loc. cit., p. 363. 

VOL. XIV. — NO. 54. 12 



170 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

wakwi. The first of these really signifies " day, sky, firmament," 
and is probably from the radical ^{;', "warmth, heat." The second 
properly signifies " sky, vault of heaven." Says Cuoq,^ the author 
of a dictionary of the Nipissing dialect : " Ce mot n'est pas entendu 
par des Strangers ; leur ciel est kijik, ils disent nosinan kijikong 
epian — Pater noster qui es in coelis. Au lieu de kijikong nous \i. e., 
the Nipissings] dison zuakzving." Another translation, however, is 
ishpeming; the locative oiicpim, "on high, up," from the radical icp, 
"up, on high." 

14. Hell. This word Baraga renders by anamakamig, literally 
"underground abode," — from anam, "below, underground," and — 
kamig, " house, abode, dwelling." In Cree, Lacombe translates 
" hell " by kitchi-iskiUew, the " big fire." 

15. Holy Ghost. Baraga's word for "Holy Ghost" is wenijishid 
manito, which simply means "good spirit," wenijishid being a par- 
ticiple of onijishin, "it is good." Manito is used by Baraga to 
translate " spirit," — 7iin manitozu, " I am a spirit." Rev. Peter 
Jones, in his translation (John ii. 22), renders " Holy Ghost " by 
PaJinezid Oojcchog, and the American Bible Society's " New Testa- 
ment in Ojibwa " has Panizit ojijag. These two last authorities use 
oojechog {ojijag) to render "spirit" in all such expressions as the 
following : tapzvawcneJi oojechog, "the spirit of truth " (Johnxv. 26) ; 
oojechog sah ewh ayahvezeewamahguk, " it is the spirit that quicken- 
eth " (John vi. 63) ; oojechahgooweh sah oxvh keshamimedoo, " God 
is a spirit " (John iv. 24) ; einah oojechahgoozvong kiya emah tapwa- 
wining; " in spirit and in truth " (John iv. 24). The significance of 
manito has been discussed at length by Dr. J. H. Trumbull.^ The 
radical of the Ojibwa oojeechog {ojijag) is jij (or jich) = the tschitsch 
(German orthography), the radical of the Delaware tschitscha^ik, 
" soul, shadow." Of this radical Dr. D. G. Brinton ^ observes : " The 
root tschitsch indicates ' repetition,' and, applied to the shadow 
or spirit of man, means as much as his 'double' or ' counterpart' " 
These Indians speak of a " double " just as we do. 

16. Hymn. The words for " hymn," Ojibwa nagamdn Nipissing 
nikamon, etc., come from the root tiagam, nikam (the Cree has Jiikaam 
also), "to sing." Cuoq derives nikam, "to sing," from 7iika, "wild 
goose," so that, literally, "hymn," and "singing" {nikamowin) mean 
nothing more nor less than the voice and song of that bird. The 
Cree language has both nakamun and nikamiim. We, in English, 
speak of some of our highest literature as "swan song," and therein 
are not so very far removed from these Indians. We have our 
" nightingales " also. 

* Lexique algonquin (Montreal, 1886), p. 419. 

2 Old and A-ew (Boston), vol. i. (1870), pp. 337-342. 

' Letidpi a7id their Legends (Philadelphia, 1885), p. 69. 



Translation. 171 

17. Marriage. Here is a pitfall for the unwary translator. 
Widigewin signifies " marriage or cohabitation in regard to ojie of 

the parties ; " while " marriage or cohabitation in regard to both " is 
widigendiwin. These words are derived from widig (the ultimate 
root \swid, widj, zvit, "union, association, together"), "to cohabit, 
to live in the same room with." The word for " marry," speaking of 
the priest who performs the ceremony, is nin ividigen daa, " I marry 
her," but of the contracting party ni7i winhta, " I marry her " (from 
the radical iv, "wife"). 

18. Pope. For " Pope " Baraga uses the rather formidable word 
7naidmawi-iiiganisid-kitchi-inakate-wikwa7iaie the signification of 
which seems to be "first-chief-great-black-robed." A priest is ma- 
kate wikwanaie, "the black-robed," — the other components of the 
word are kitcJii, "great;" niganisid, "foreman or chief;" maia, 
"first, at the head of." Cuoq, for the Nipissing dialect, gives the 
shorter word meia-aiamie-ganawabitsh, "the head bishop," — from 
meia, "at the head, first," and eiatnie-ganawabitsh, "bishop." This 
word for "bishop" is'derived from aiamie, "to pray," and gajtawa- 
bitsh, " supervisor, guardian," — the " Pope " being thus the " head- 
praying-superintendent." 

19. Sabbath. For " Sabbath " Baraga uses anwebiwinigijigad = 
"rest day," and anatniegij'igad = "prayer or worship day." Mon- 
day is gi-ishkwa anamiegijigak — " after Sunday ; " Wednesday is 
dbitosse = "half way;" Saturday is Marie gijigad = "Mary day." 
This last would, of course, never do for a Protestant translator. Rev. 
E. F. Wilson,^ an Episcopalian missionary, in his Ojibwa dictionary 
gives the day-names as follows : Sunday uJinuJimea-kezJiegud (" wor- 
ship-day ") ; Monday, ke-ishquahuhmihmea-kezhegiik (" after Sun- 
day ") ; Tuesday, neezJio-kezhegiid ("second day," — from Sunday) ; 
Wednesday, ahbeioosa ("middle," "half-way"); Thursday, Jieeo- 
kezhegud ("fourth day"); Friday, nahno-kezhegiid ("fifth day"); 
Saturday, ningodwauso-kezJicgud (" sixth day "). If one took the 
nineteen words discussed above and examined the representatives of 
them in all the languages into which the Bible and Protestant and 
Catholic religious writings have been translated, the results would 
form a most valuable and interesting psychological museum, as the 
examples from the Algonkian Indian tongue serve to indicate. Trans- 
ference of folk-thought is perhaps the highest inter-racial art. 

Alexander F. Chamberlain. 
Clark University, Worcester, Mass. 

* The Ojebivay Language, Toronto, 1874. 



172 journal of A merican Folk-L ore. 



"SEEKING JESUS." 

A RELIGIOUS RITE OF NEGROES IN GEORGIA. 

Right after the war a great many negroes came into the interior 
of Georgia from the Sea Islands of South Carolina and Georgia. 
They brought with them a religious festival or custom called " Seek- 
ing Jesus." They would congregate in a cabin, all the lights and 
fires would be put out, when one among the number would call out, 
" Where is Jesus .'' " Some one would answer : " Here is Jesus." 
They would rush to the part of the cabin where the answer was 
given, and, of course, not finding him there, would say, " He ain't 
here." Then another voice would cry out in the darkness from 
another part of the cabin : " Here is Jesus." Another rush would 
be made, when the statement, " He is not here," would again be 
made. The calls and answers would be repeated for hours, some- 
times all night. The women and men would become excited and 
frantic, would tear their hair, and scream and pray until the meeting 
was broken up in a religious frenzy. 

Roland Steiner. 

Grovetown, Ga. 



The Practice of Conjuring in Georgia. 173 



OBSERVATIONS ON THE PRACTICE OF CONJURING 

IN GEORGIA. 

The collection of beliefs relating to witchcraft which is furnished 
below, and which has been obtained from informants whose confi- 
dence I have acquired, may be introduced by some account of my 
personal experience with "cunjer." 

A family of negroes consisting of husband, wife, and son applied to 
me at my plantation near Waynesboro, Ga., for work. The man and 
woman were well advanced in years and both of the pure negro type. 
The woman asked that I would give them a house as far removed 
from others as possible, which request seemed to me rather odd, as 
most negroes prefer living together, or near each other. They 
worked as well as the average negro, and I had no cause to complain. 
A few months after their arrival, when they were firmly established 
and were well acquainted with the neighborhood, it began to be 
rumored about that Hattie McGahee, the woman, was a root doctress, 
could relieve pains, cure diseases, foretell events, bring about estrange- 
ment between husband and wife, or effect reconciliations. She had 
as assistants in the occult art a perfectly black dog and cat, which 
were regarded as evil spirits, perhaps as Satan himself. Upon the 
same plantation were two negroes, Joe Coleman and Henry Jenkins, 
both of whom were seeking to win the affections of a young negress 
named Laura Jones. Henry Jenkins sought the assistance of Hattie 
McGahee, while Joe Coleman procured as advisor and friend a cele-. 
brated negro root doctor called Hosey Lightfoot. The black cat or 
dog was brought into service by furnishing a few hairs which were 
burned with some sassafras sticks and as a powder administered in 
food to Laura. The plantation was divided as to the suitors for the 
hand of Laura, and Hattie declared open war against all those 
espousing the cause of Joe Coleman. Cross marks and graveyard 
dirt, or small bundles of tied-up sticks, were found lying in the paths 
leading to the houses of the respective rivals, and many of the 
negroes refused to work in the same field with Hattie and her hus- 
band. Every headache or other pain, or even diseases common to 
the climate, were laid to the account of the different doctors. I once 
found a large pile of cotton lying in the field, which the negroes 
refused to take out, claiming that Hattie McGahee had put a spell 
on it. Negroes would not even walk in the paths that Hattie used, 
fearing the effect of some spell. Matters were at a fever-heat until 
a crisis was reached in the killing of Hattie McGah-ee's dog, which 
was ascribed to Joe Coleman and his friends. When the principals 
with their friends met to settle the difficulty personally, the result 



174 jfournal of American Folk-Lore. 

was that Henry Jenkins was fearfully mutilated with an axe, Joe 
Coleman suffered a fearful beating with sticks, while others of the 
respective parties escaped with more or less personal injury. Joe 
Coleman, the aggressor, was sent to the chain gang by the county 
court for six months. While he was serving out his term, Henry 
Jenkins recovered from his injuries, and married Laura. Shortly 
after the difficulty, the father of Joe Coleman was kicked by a mule 
and killed ; his death was laid at the door of Hattie McGahee, the 
negroes believing that she used some spell over the mule, making 
him kill Lewis Coleman, the father of Joe. Since I left Waynes- 
boro, Henry Jenkins and another negro had a difficulty, in which 
both were killed, about the same Laura Jones whom he married. I 
immediately discharged the whole McGahee family, saving the young 
son, who refused to go with his mother and father. Wherever she 
went, still pursuing the calling of a dealer in the occult science, 
trouble followed in her wake. Hattie could interpret dreams, was a 
weather prophet, and in short completely proficient in her art. 

Those following the profession of "cunjer doctor" rarely remain 
in one place for a long time, and generally wish their homes far 
removed from other habitations. When their work becomes known 
and its effect felt, for the peace of all, master as well as man, it is 
necessary to remove them from the place. 

In 1896, upon my plantation near Grovetown, Ga., I secured as 
cook the services of a mulatto woman by the name of Jane Jackson, 
who was highly recommended. She and her husband lived in the 
yard. At the same time I employed as milkwoman Anna Bonney, 
whose husband, Jim Bonney, attended to the lot. An estrangement 
between Anna and Jane soon produced the following disastrous 
results. Anna would complain about Jane, Jane in turn would 
accuse Anna of taking the milk. One morning at breakfast, my 
brother and myself, upon drinking a little of the coffee in our cups, 
were made violently sick. Of course Jane was questioned very 
closely in regard to it ; but I soon became convinced that she was 
not the guilty party. We never could explain the coffee incident, 
having failed to analyze the coffee. A negro told me that he 
thought powdered pecune root was put in the coffee, as it is a power- 
ful emetic. Though Anna milked, Jane churned, and every effort 
to make butter failed. Jane said that Anna had put a spell on the 
milk. Anna retorted by saying that Jane put something in the milk 
to prevent the butter coming, so that she, Anna, could be dis- 
charged. Chickens about the yard began to die, the water in the 
well had a peculiar taste, little bundles of sticks were found in the 
kitchen as well as in the cow lot, graveyard dirt served its purpose 
in various ways and in many places. Having stopped using water 



The Pracfice of Conjuring in Georgia. 175 

out of the well, we had all the water used for drinking and culinary- 
purposes brought from a spring that was a short distance from the 
house. Very soon sticks of various lengths, "devil's snuff" and 
graveyard dirt, was found strewed along the path to the spring. Our 
milk cow prematurely going dry, and a fine calf dying at the lot, to- 
gether with the fact that Jim Bonney and his wife Anna were seen 
by a negro, Steve Olley, at midnight making repeated circuits 
around the well, and motioning with their hands towards the house 
occupied by Jane Jackson. Upon the negroes telling me of the 
walk around the well, I determined to make a clean sweep of every- 
body, and discharged all hands in any way concerned in the matter. 
It was with great difficulty, while all this "cunjer" was going on, • 
that I could get any one to enter the yard in order to perform the 
slightest offices. Negroes would use neither axe nor hoes kept at 
the yard, but would bring their own, and take them away as soon as 
the work was finished. Some would not even pass through the yard. 
When a hen was put to setting, she rarely brought off chickens. 
Shortly after the discharge of all parties, John Jackson, the husband 
of Jane Jackson, was seen, when passing on a path, to motion three 
times towards Anna Bonney's house. Anna was standing in the yard 
at the time the motions were made, and fell in convulsions. She 
was taken into the house, where she lingered for some weeks, and 
died. Her death was laid at the door of Jane Jackson. Before 
using the well, I had it thoroughly cleaned out, and red pepper 
thrown in, as well as into and under the house that was occupied by 
Jane Jackson, before I could get other negroes to occupy the pre- 
mises, or use the water from the well. It can be well understood 
from the foregoing, how this matter of "cunjer," in designing hands, 
can work evil to the innocent. Jane and Anna, with the assistance 
of their husbands, were fighting a battle royal against each other. 
Yet I and other innocent people had parts to play in this drama. 

HOW CUNJER DOCTORS GET PATIENTS. 
(From Henry Thomas.) 

Two miles from Grovetown, Ga., lived an old widowed negro 
woman, Sarah Davis, who had accumulated quite a sum of money. 
She was very close, and would neither lend nor give. A sharp 
negro, learning that she was sick, put the following scheme in exe- 
cution to get some of it. He went along the path that led to the 
spring, and found a convenient spot for his purpose, dug a hole, put 
in it a small bottle containing human hair, some graveyard dirt, and 
two small sticks ; he covered up the holes, throwing leaves over the 
surface of the ground to conceal his work. He then went into the 
house, where he found the old woman quite sick, her son and daugh- 



176 yournal of A merican Folk-L ore. 

ters were with her. After talking with her for some time, asking 
particularly the nature of her complaint, as to pain, etc., he plainly 
told her she was under a spell, or cunjercd. He told her the cunjer 
was near her house, and that if she would give him ten dollars he 
would find it, break the spell, and cure her ; if he did not find it, no 
pay. He asked that the son and daughter accompany him in the 
search, which proposition seemed fair enough. He told them he had 
with him a rod that could find it. He, with the son and daughter, 
began the search. He did not go on the spring path when he began 
the search for the cunjer, but went about the yard in opposite direc- 
tions, holding in his hands the rod, a small piece of rod-iron about 
twelve inches long ; he held the rod firmly in both hands, a hand 
holding each end of the rod. After searching the yard thoroughly, 
with no success, he went towards the lot where the mules were kept, 
with no better luck ; the rod would not turn. At last he turned his 
face toward the spring, and slowly walked along, no one speaking a 
word. When he neared the spot where he had put the bottle, the 
rod began to show signs of life ; when he got within two feet of the 
spot, the rod acted very excitedly. He sent the son after a hoe and 
shovels, made a circle about four feet in diameter, and began digging. 
He gradually approached the bottle, then began very carefully to 
take away a little dirt at a time, till at last he unearthed the bottle ; 
the son and daughter were speechless. He took the bottle to the 
old woman, who was much relieved and paid the ten dollars, and then 
gave her some roots to chew. The bottle, after being broken, was 
buried in the middle of the public road. The old woman recovered, 
and, though the trick was exposed, still believes she was cunjered, 
and cured by the doctor. • • 

A CUNJERER. 

Tom Franklin is supposed to be a "cunjerer." Whenever he 
comes into a house, he always puts his hands in his pockets, then 
on a chair, or table, or bed. When he does this, something always 
happens to the household. Negroes think he carries graveyard dirt, 
and works his spells by it. They say he works entirely with grave- 
yard dirt, that he knows the time to get it. He was the cause of a 
negro named Alex Johnson giving up a farm and moving off the 
place ; he put graveyard dirt under Alex's house, and made him very 
ill. Alex saw the dirt, and what he could get of it he took with a 
shovel and threw in a fire he had made in the road. Some he 
could n't get, as it kept sinking into the ground. 

Tom Franklin is also a root doctor, and practices ; he collects 
roots at different stages of the moon. 



The Practice of Co7tjuring in Georgia. 177 

(Account of Alex Johnson.) 
I was cunjered last May, 1898. I felt the first pain, hoeing in the 
field ; it struck me in the right foot, and then in the left, but most 
in the right foot, then run over my whole body, and rested in my 
head ; I went home, and knew I was cunjered. I looked for the cun- 
jer, found a little bag under my front doorstep, containing graveyard 
dirt, some night-shade roots, and some devil's snuff, took the bag, 
and dug a hole in the middle of the public road, where people walked 
and buried the bag, and sprinkled red pepper and sulphur in my 
house. I have used fresh urine, pepper, and salt to rub with ; am 
going to get fresh pokeberry root on the next new moon, make a 
tea, and rub with it. My feet feel hot, the cunjer put a fire in them ; 
am going to see a new root-doctor, and find out who zvorkcd on me, 
have the speU tuk off of me, and put on the person who spelled me. 

AN AFRICAN WIZARD. 

Many years ago an old African, or Guinea negro, who was a 
trainer of race-horses, and hanger-on of the sporting ring, claimed to 
be a conjurer and wizard, professing to have derived the art from the 
Indians after he arrived in this country from Africa. This power he 
never used criminally against any one, but only in controlling riotous 
gatherings, commanding forgiveness from parties threatening him 
with personal violence ; would cause runaway slaves to return to 
their masters, foretell the time they would appear and give them- 
selves up, and compel their masters or overseers to pardon and for- 
give them for the offense of running away, even against their own 
threats of severe punishment when caught. 

By rubbing any race-horse in a peculiar and secret way he would 
insure him to be a winner while under his training, and claimed to 
be able to make cards, dice, and other games subject to his will. 

ITEMS RELATING TO CUNJER, . 
(From various informants.) 

To cunjer a well, throw into the well graveyard dirt, an old pipe 
of a cunjer doctor, or some devil's snuff. 

Devil's snuff, a large species of mushroom, when broken, is full of 
a powder of a slatish color, and is used in cunjer, singly or in com- 
bination with graveyard dirt and other things. 

If a person is cunjered by a negro with a blue and a black eye, he 
will surely die. 

If cunjered by a blue-gummed negro, death is certain. 

To produce blindness by cunjer, take a toad-frog and dry it, then 
powder it up, and mix with salt, and sprinkle in the hat of the per- 
son to be cunjered, or on the head if possible ; when the head 
sweats, and the sweat runs down the face, blindness takes place. 



1 78 Journal of American Folk-Lore. 

Wherever any one gets killed, the spot is haunted. 

All old houses, that stand off by themselves, and are unoccupied, 
generally get the reputation of being haunted. A cunjer doctor can 
lay haunts. 

Graveyard dirt must be got off the coffin of the dead person, on 
the waste of the moon at midnight. 

If you go through a place that is haunted, to keep from seeing the 
haunts and from their harming you, take your hat off and throw it 
behind you, then turn around to the right and take up your hat 
and walk fast by the place, so as not to aggravate the haunts to 
follow. 

Spirits come in any shape, as men, cows, cats, dogs, but are always 
black. Some whine like a cat. 

To see spirits, take a rain-crow's Qgg, break it in water, and wash 
your face in it. 

To put a root with a cunjer-spell on it on the ground and let a 
person walk over it will hurt him. 

If a man dies and leaves money buried, so that nobody knows 
where it is, his spirit will come back, and the color of the spirit is 
red. 

A cunjer bag contains either devil's snuff, withworms, piece of 
snake-skin, some leaves or sticks tied with horsehair, black owl's 
feather, wing of a leather-wing bat, tail of a rat, or foot of a mole ; 
any or all of these things may be used as needed. 

To carry about the person a bone from the skeleton of a human 
being is proof against cunjer, but the bone must be gotten out of a 
grave by the person. 

In excavating an Indian mound on the Savannah River, Georgia, 
the negroes working took each a metacarpal bone to protect them 
against cunjer. 

If a negro finds a coat or article of dress lying nicely folded, with 
a stick lying on it, he will, not touch it for fear of cunjer. On one 
occasion, where some cotton was left in the field, and thought to be 
cunjered, I could not get a negro to touch it. When I picked it up 
and put it in a basket, the spell left it, as the spell leaves after being 
touched by a human hand, the cunjer going to the person touching 
it. Cunjer can only, be effectual against those of the same race. A 
negro cannot cunjer a white man. 

To prevent a hunting dog from " running spirits," take a glass 
button and tie around his neck. 

To stop a dog from hunting, rub an onion over his nose, and he 
will not trail anything; a piece of wild onion is sometimes found in 
a cunjer bag. 

To keep witches from riding, you make an X on a Bible, and put 
it under your pillow. '^ 



The Practice of Coiijuring in Georgia. 1 79 

Fish-bone is good for cunjer when swelling has occurred. 

Pecune root is good for cunjer to rub with. 

Any trouble that befalls a negro that he can't explain is laid at 
the door of "cunjer." 

Many negroes say that they travel round with spirits, but they are 
generally considered cunjerers. 

To keep from being cunjered, wear a piece of money in either 
shoe, or both. If you eat where any one is who you fear may cunjer 
you, keep a piece of silver money in your mouth while eating and 
drinking. 

Red pepper in your shoe will prevent cunjer. 

To cunjer by means of a hat, take a toad-frog dry and powder, and 
put the powder in the hat, or the dried toad may be put up over the 
door, or under steps. Toads, frogs, lizards, etc., must be all gotten 
at night on the waste of the moon, as that will insure a wasting away 
of the body. 

I give an illustration of cunjer by hat and by water. While Bill 
Marshall, a negro, well known around Grovetown, Ga., was riding in 
a wagon with another negro, the latter's hat blew off. Bill Marshall 
picked it up, and handed it to the negro, who in a few days was taken 
sick and died ; his death was laid at the door of Marshall. Marshall 
went to a well to get some water ; he drank out of the bucket ; a 
negro woman came after him, drank out of the same water, and died 
shortly after ; the death was laid to Bill Marshall. I employed him 
to deaden timber in new ground ; none of the negroes would have 
anything to do with him, but said he was a bad man, a cunjer doctor ; 
one old negro said, " Look at tree Bill cut, die in a week." I 
could n't reason the question with them ; Bill could get no place to 
stay or cook, so I had to discharge him. He is now living in a 
house he built far off from his fellows, and will be forced to follow 
"cunjering." 

Some cunjer by getting the excrement of the person to be cun- 
jered, boring a hole in a tree, and putting the excrement in the hole, 
and driving a plug in tight ; this will stop one up, an action on the 
bowels can't be had unless the tree with the plug is found, the plug 
taken out, and the tree cut down and burned where it stands ; the 
smallest trees are generally selected to prevent their being found. 

Some cunjer bags are made with snake-root, needles and pins, tied 
up with pieces of hair of the person to be cunjered in a bag of red 
flannel. 

This mode of cunjer does not produce death, but much suffering 
and pain. 

Sol Lockheart found a cunjer bag at his doorstep, he did not look 
into it, but picked it up with two sticks, and threw the bag and two 
sticks into the fire. 



I So jfournal of American Folk-Lore. 

Cunjer as graveyard dirt is taken from a grave one day after 
burial. Negroes rarely ever go near a graveyard in daytime, never 
at night. 

One can be cunjered by shaking hands with any one, if he has 
rubbed his hands with graveyard dirt. 

To sprinkle graveyard dirt about the yard, about a house, makes 
one sleepy, sluggish, naturally waste away and perish until he dies. 

Take heads of dried snake, " ground puppy," scorpion, or " toad- 
frog, pound them up, put in the water or victuals of any one ; the 
" varmints," when taken into one's stomach, turn to life, and slowly 
eat you up, unless you can get the cunjer taken off. 

Get a hair from the mole of your head, tie it around a new ten- 
penny nail, and bury it with the nail head down, point up, under the 
doorstep. This will "run one crazy." 

Roland Steiner. 
Grovetown, Ga, 



The Mythology of the Dieguefws. 1 8 1 

THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE DIEGUENOS. 

The Dieguefios have been classified as belonging to the Yuman 
family of Turner and Brinton. They make part of the Mission In- 
dians of San Diego County, California, in which are also included 
fragments of Shoshonean tribes, akin to the Nahuatlan peoples of 
Southern Mexico. It would not be surprising to find in the folk- 
lore of the Shoshonean tribes traces of Aztec influence ; but if the 
Dieguenos belong to another family, a rather curious problem is 
presented by the following relics of tribal mythology related to me 
by old Cinon Duro, the last chief of the Dieguenos, since they seem 
to suggest by internal evidence relations with primitive Aztec 
tradition. 

THE STORY OF THE CREATION. 

When Tu-chai-pai made the world, the earth is the woman, the sky 
is the man. The sky came down upon the earth. The world in the 
beginning was pure lake covered with tules. Tu-chai-pai and Yo- 
ko-mat-is, the brother, sat together, stooping far over, bowed down 
under the weight of the sky. The Maker said to the brother, " What 
am I going to do .-' " 

" I do not know," said Yo-ko-mat-is. 

" Let us go a little farther," said the Maker. 

Then they went a little farther and sat down again. " Now, what 
am I going to do } " said Tu-chai-pai. 

" I do not know." 

All this time Tu-chai-pai knew w^hat he would do, but he was ask- 
ing the brother. 

Then he said, "We-hicht, we-hicht, we-hicht," three times; and 
he took tobacco in his hand, and rubbed it fine, and blew upon it 
three times, and every time he blew the heavens rose higher above 
their heads. Then the boy did the very same thing, because the 
Maker told him to do it. The heavens w^ent high, and there was the 
sky. Then they did it both together, " We-hicht, we-hicht, we-hicht ; " 
and both took the tobacco, and rubbed it, and puffed upon it, and 
sent the sky up, so — (into a concave arch). 

Then they placed the North, South, East and West. Tu-chai-pai 
made a line upon the ground. 

"Why do you make that line .-" " 

" I am making the line from East to West, and I name them thus, 
Y-nak, East ; A-uk, West. Now you may make it from North to 
South." 

Then Yo-ko-mat-is was thinking very much. 



1 82 JoMrnal of American Folk-Lore. 

" Why are you thinking ? " 

" Oh, I must think ; but now I have arranged it. I draw a line 
thus (a crossUne), and I name it Ya-wak, South ; Ka-tulk,^ North." 

" Why have we done this ? " 

"I do not know." 

" Then I will tell you. Three or four men are coming from the 
East, and from the West three or four Indians are coming." 

The boy asked, " And do four men come from the North, and two 
or three men come also from the South .-' " 

Then Tu-chai-pai said, " Now I am going to make hills and valleys, 
and little hollows of water." 

" Why are you making all these things ? " 

The Maker said, " After a while, when men come and are walking 
back and forth in the world, they will need to drink water, or they 
will die." He had already put the ocean down in its bed, but he 
made these little waters for the people. 

Then he made the forests, and said, " After a while men will die of 
cold unless I make wood for them to use. What are we going to do 
now .-' " 

" I do not know." 

"We are going to dig in the ground, and take mud, and make the 
Indians first." And he dug in the ground, and took mud, and made 
of it first the men, and after that the women. He made the men 
very well, but he did not make the women very well. It was much 
trouble to make them, and it took a long time. He made a beard for 
the men and boys, but not for the women. After tbe Indians he 
made the Mexicans, and he finished all his making. Then he called 
out very loud, " You can never die, and you can never be tired, but 
you shall walk all the time." After that he made them so that they 
could sleep at night, and need not walk around all the time in the 
darkness. At last he told them that they must travel towards the 
East, towards the light. 

The people walked in darkness till he made the light. Then they 
came out and searched for the light, and when they found it they 
were glad. Then he called out to make the moon, and he said to 
the other, " You may make the moon as I have made the sun. Some 
time it is going to die. When it grows very small, men may know 
that it is going to die, and at that time all men, young and old, must 
run races." 

All the pueblos talked about the matter, and they understood that 
they must run these races, and that Tu-chai-pai was looking at them 
to see that they did this. After the Maker did all this he did no- 
thing more, but he was thinking many days. 

' Or Ka-tulch ; it has a guttural sound. 



The Mythology of the Dieguenos. 183 



THE FLY AT THE COUNCIL. 

Tu-chai-pai thought to himself, " If all my sons do not have enough 
food and drink, what will become of them ? " After he thought of 
that a long time he said, "Then they would die." Then he said, 
" What do my men want to do .<* I will give them three choices, to 
die now forever, or to live for a time and return, or to live forever." 

When he had finished thinking, he called all the men together, but 
not the women ; and he said to them, " I was thinking ; there is not 
much food and water now. I want to know what you wish to do, and 
I will give you three choices ; to die forever, to live for a time and 
return, or to live forever." Some of the people said, "We want to 
die now forever." Others said, " We want to live for a time and 
return." Others said, " We want to live forever." So they talked 
and they talked, and they did not know what to do. 

Then the fly came and said, " Oh, you men, what are you talking 
so much about } Tell him you want to die forever," So they talked 
and they talked very much, and they made this choice, to die and to 
be done with life, and to die forever. This is the reason the fly rubs 
his hands together. He is begging forgiveness of the people for 
these words. 

THE IMPIETY OF THE FROG. 

When the moon had grown very little all the people were over 
there running races ; and after all had finished running, the rabbit 
and the frog ran together ; and all the people stood around looking 
on and laughing at the frog, because he had the shape of a man, but 
wore no clothes. Then the frog was very angry at the Maker, and 
the thought entered his head, " Because you did not make me well, 
you shall pay for it." 

Tu-chai-pai had gone away to a very high place, and he was asleep 
up there, and the frog was down in a deep place holding up his hands 
in defiance of the Maker. Then came the sunshine, and Tu-chai-pai 
with it. He had a long stick, pointed at both ends, and he held it up 
over his head. And he took the stick and felt in the deep place with 
it, and it touched the back of the frog, where it made a long white 
mark. By that time the frog had planned a wrong deed. He meant 
to exude poison, swallow it, and die. When thoughts of this evil 
entered the heart of Tu-chai-pai, he said to himself, " I shall die." 
Then some boys came and told him what the frog had done. 

Tu-chai-pai said, " I shall die with the moon. Go, look at the 
moon, Ach-hulch-la-tai. Look again, Hup-lach-sen, Look at it a 
third time, Hucht-la-kutl.i Then I will die." 

^ Are these the phases of the moon ? 



184 Journal of Avterican Folk-Lore, 

" Oh, it is a bad time." They looked at the moon, and they 
watched it to see when Tu-chai-pai would die. It was very little, 
and they watched it grow smaller, and in six months he finished his 
life. And all the things on this earth are the children of Tu-chai- 
pai, and they will die, too. 

THE FIESTA OF THE DEATH OF TU-CHAI-PAI. 

As soon as they found that Tu-chai-pai was dead, all living things 
came together from the mountains and the valleys, all men and all 
animals to mourn for him. The dove that lives here went away to 
seek her mate upon a high white mountain, and when she came back 
there was blood on her wings, the blood of her father. Then they 
went on a high mountain, and set up two tablets, one to the East, 
and another to the West, and on these tablets were written the num- 
ber of the days of the fiesta of the death of Tu-chai-pai. 

So the men wanted to bury him, and they made a great funeral 
pyre, and were going to set fire to it, but the coyote would not agree 
to this, and the men were afraid of him. So the men sent him very 
far to the East ; and when he was far away he saw the plume of 
smoke rising up, and came hurrying back. 

" What are you burning .-' " 

"We are burning nothing." 

Then they sent him away again, far towards the sunset ; but when 
he looked back again he saw the smoke. By that time the body was 
burned, all but the heart. And now the coyote came back. 

So the men stood close together, shoulder to shoulder, about the 
heart of Tu-chai-pai. The coyote said, " I see what you are burn- 
ing ; " and he sprang over the heads of the men, seized the heart, fled 
to the mountain, and devoured it. For this reason men hate the 
coyote. 

Then Yo-ko-mat-is, the brother, went far away to the West, but 
when men pray to him for rain, he comes back and answers their 
prayers. 

Since the Mission Indians were long ago converted and civilized 
by the early Spanish friars, one is tempted at first to emphasize in 
this mythology certain resemblances to Christian teachings ; but if 
the reader is sufficiently interested in the subject to give it further 
study, he will find that such resemblances are for the most part mis- 
leading. Let him consult, in this connection, Brinton's "Myths of 
the New World," pp. Gy, 132, 171, 194, 226, and 255 ; and "Ameri- 
can Hero Myths," by the same author, pp. 55, 75, 103, and 125. 
The latter references will convince him that the correlated ideas of 
the death of the Maker, the frog, the moon, the coyote, the funeral 



The Mythology of the Dieguefios. 185 

pyre, and the unconsumed heart are genuine fragments of Aztec 
folk-lore. To compare this story in its resemblances and differences 
with the folk-lore of the Indians of Northern California, he should 
refer to Powers's monograph in the " U. S. Geographical and Geo- 
logical Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region," vol. iii. 

Constance Goddard Du Bois, 



VOL. XIV. — NO. 54. 13 



1 86 jfournal of American Folk-Lore. 

FOLK-MUSIC. 

OH, BURY ME NOT ON THE LONE PRAIRIE. 

A Song of Texan Cow-boys. 
All the notes should be slurred more or less to give the wailing effect. 

Andante. ^-^ a /r\ 



&=i 



^ 



d: 



Oh, 



bur 



me not on the lone prai - rie." 



These 



i 



S 



^^=-lc 



t= 



words came low and mourn - ful - ly, From the pal - lid lips 



of 




youth who lay On his dy - ing couch at the break of day. 



" Oh, bury me not on the lone prairie." 
These words came low and mournfully 
From the pallid lips of a youth who lay 
On his dying couch at the break of day ; 
Who had wasted in time till o'er his brow 
Death's shades were closely gathering now. 
He thought of home and the loved ones nigh, 
As the cowboys gathered to see him die. 

" Oh, bury me not on the lone prairie. 
Where the wild cy-ote will howl o'er me. 
In a narrow grave just six by three, — 
Oh, bury me not on the lone prairie. 
I always hoped to be laid when I died 
In the old churchyard by the green hillside. 
By the bones of my father, oh there let me be, — 
Oh, bury me not on the lone prairie." 

" I wish to lie where a mother dear. 
And sister's tears can be mingled there. 
Where my friends could come and weep o'er me, — 
Oh, bury me not on the lone prairie." 
It matters not, so we oft him told, 
Where the body lies when the heart grows cold : 

" But grant, oh grant this boon unto me, — 
Oh, bury me not on the lone prairie." 

*' Oh, bury me not" — and his voice failed there, 
But they gave no heed to his dying prayer; 
In a narrow grave just six by three 
They buried him there on the lone prairie. 
Where the dewdrops close and the butterfly rests, 
Where wild rose blooms on the prairie crest. 
Where the cy-ote howls and the wind blows free, 
They buried him there on the lone prairie. 
Uvalde, Texas. Mrs. Annie Laurie Ellis. 



Record of American Folk- Lore. 1 8 7 

RECORD OF AMERICAN FOLK-LORE. 

NORTH AMERICA. 

Algonkian. Blackfoot. In the "American Antiquarian" (vol. xxiii. 
pp. 163-169) for May-June, 1901, Rev. John Maclean has an article 
on " Blackfoot Amusements " containing much valuable information. 
Among the topics treated are songs and dances, gambling, foot-races, 
smoking, "teas," guessing games, throwing-games, swimming, etc. 
Since contact with the whites the great Buffalo dance has degen- 
erated into a "begging dance," and "teas" have assumed consider- 
able social importance. Cards, too, have been readily adopted. The 
article contains the Blackfoot and English texts of three brief songs. 
The author also vouchsafes the interesting information that the 
Blackfeet are said to have had a historical song resembling that of 
Hiawatha, recorded by Mr. Hale in "The Iroquois Book of Rites." 
— .S"^^ and Fox. Mr. Culin's account of " A Summer Trip among 
the Western Indians," in the January, 1901, issue of the " Bulletin 
of the Free Museum of Science and Art " (Philadelphia), contains 
(pp. 2, 3) a few notes on the remnant of the Sacs and Foxes at 
Tama, Iowa, — there is another fragment of this people in Oklahoma. 
Although these Indians are situated in the midst of a farming 
country and within three miles of the town, " they are among the 
least affected by contact with our civilization. They remain pagan. 
They have rejected Christianity, and at present the missionaries have 
withdrawn from the reservation." The dog feast is still celebrated 
by them, and there are other evidences of olden beliefs and practices. 
Altogether the Sacs and Foxes make a favorable impression. Their 
graveyards deserve further study. — Arapaho. Pages 18-22 of the 
same paper are devoted to a brief account of the Arapaho of the 
Wind River Reservation, Wyoming. They still have their Sun- 
dance in a specially prepared and ornamented lodge, used year after 
year, but tabooed to all after the ceremony is over. Although there 
is little intercourse between the Arapaho and the Shoshoni, " the 
dancers go backward and forward, the Arapaho coming up and 
dancing with the Shoshoni and the latter going down to the Ara- 
paho dance-lodge, some six miles from the post." The Arapaho 
have traditions of the Hajase daheaimu ("the small children"), 
dwarfs, or Rock-fairies, who were man-hunters. They were afraid 
of the stuffed buffalo calf of the Arapahos, and in spite of their skill 
and fleetness of foot, the latter ultimately exterminated them. 
Other tribes of this region have somewhat similar legends of dwarf 
races. The Indians tell some amusing stories of these little folk. 
We learn, furthermore : " The Arapaho call the north ' to windward,' 



1 88 Journal of American Folk-Lore. 

the south 'down below.' While they have no root-names for buffalo 
(which they call * noisy animal'), deer ('dark animal'), horse ('animal 
like an elk '), bear (' ugly animal '), they have names for elk and 
dog." 

Athapascan. Hupa. A brief note by Mr. Pliny E. Goddard on 
" Conscious Word-Making by the Hupa," in the " American Anthro- 
pologist" (vol. iii. n. s. p. 209) for January-March, 1901, records 
the prevalence among these Indians of the taboo of uttering the 
name of a deceased person in the hearing of a relative. This cus- 
tom leads to the creation of new words, which, if they " take," 
become part of the current language of the tribe. A certain woman, 
who has lost a relative by death, substitutes for djo-kjo ("grouse"), 
which happened to be his name, " the poetical expression wit-wdt- 
yetl-tcJiwc, ' the flour-maker,' from the similarity of the sound of a 
grouse's drumming and the noise made in pounding acorns." The 
author thinks that this process of word-building " in the course of a 
few centuries may have largely changed the nouns of the language." 
— The same writer describes, in the "Bulletin of the Free Museum 
of Science and Art " (vol. iii. pp. 1 17-122), of Philadelphia, for April, 
1901, the " Hon-sitch-a-til-ya (a Hupa Dance)," the White-deer-skin 
dance of these Indians, which used to be celebrated every second year, 
at a somewhat indefinite time, late summer or early autumn. Dress, 
rehearsal, and the dance itself are briefly referred to. It is interest- 
ing that one of the stopping-places on the way to the dance-grounds 
is called Tse-liin-ta, " place where children play." The Hupas 
believe that "the holding of this dance, in strict accordance with 
the ceremonial law, is pleasing to the divine powers, and in return 
the tribe enjoys immunity from sickness and famine." The great 
occasion of the celebration is the second and last day, when " the 
priests and old men repeat to the people the myths concerning the 
origin of the dance, and rehearse the moral and ceremonial law as 
they have received it from their fathers." When this dance is going 
on the " holy people " (Ki-Zmn-nai) in the world over-sea (to which 
go after death the shamans and the singer of the dance if he does 
well, — the ordinary Indians go to the underworld), who otherwise 
dance all the time, stop to watch the Hupas. The songs of the 
dance are without words, and, according to the most gifted singer of 
the tribe, were dreamed or heard by the riverside or among the 
trees on the mountain top. The English text of the myth of " The 
Origin of the White-deer-skin Dance" is given (pp. 120-122), and is 
a story of the Elder and Younger Brother type, and suggests com- 
parison with the Mississaga legend of the two brothers recorded in 
the Journal of American Folk-Lore (vol. iii. pp. 149, 150). — In the 
same issue of the "Bulletin " (pp. 105-117) Mr. Stewart Culin gives 



Record of American Folk-Lore. 189 

an account of his visit to the Hupa Valley in the summer of 1900. 
Houses, basketry, dance-property (white deerskins, woodpecker 
crests, obsidian blades), the white-deer-skin dance, native industries, 
games, etc., are briefly described, and there are six plates, four of 
which illustrate the white-deer-skin dance, and one the basket dance. 
The Hupas have probably celebrated their last great dance, for " it 
was necessary for the Indians to provide food at the time of the 
dance for visitors from far and near, which they are now disinclined 
to do. Hence, they are more willing to dispose of their dance 
paraphernalia." Interesting are the " private graveyards " of these 
Indians, with their ornaments. Except the buckskin moccasin, the 
clothing of the Hupas is civilized costume. Their native industries, 
" with the exception of basket-making, fostered by Mr. Brizard, have 
almost entirely disappeared," and they have also "practically aban- 
doned their old games, using white men's cards, and play a game 
known as ' seven and a half.' " The former popularity of the old 
guessing game of kin is proved by the great number of bundles of 
the splints used which are still obtainable. 

Eskimo. The excellent article on " The Chukchi of Northeastern 
Asia," by Waldemar Bogoras, in the "American Anthropologist" 
(vol. iii. n. s. pp. 80-108) for January-March, 1901, contains a few 
references to the Eskimo. Before the coming of the Russians into 
this part of Siberia, traffic occurred between Asia and America, the 
coast Chukchi going to America in the summer, and in the winter 
travelling to the fairs of Anadyr, etc. In this way not only tobacco 
but other Russian goods were carried inland in America. The fol- 
lowing observation of the author is of considerable interest : " The 
character of their folk-lore is quite different from that of some of the 
Ural-Altaic people, and, in common with the folk-lore of the Yuka- 
gir, Kamchadal, and probably, also, the Koryak, presents many 
points of resemblance to that of North America, especially of the 
North Pacific coast tribes " (p. 92). In cosmogonic legends " the 
raven acts the same part as in North American lore." Some of 
the tales in the Eskimo collection of Rink are also known to the 
Chukchi. While the Chukchi now have no slaves, " it is not 
unusual to hear people taunted on account of their descent from 
Koryak or Eskimo boys." — In the " Proceedings of the Cambridge 
Philosophical Society " (vol. xi. pp. 143-149) Mr. W. H. R. Rivers 
has a most valuable and interesting paper on " The Colour Vision of 
the Eskimo." Besides the results of the examination with the 
Holmgren wools, of eighteen Labrador Eskimo, there is a discussion 
of the etymology of Eskimo color-terms and their significance. 
These Eskimo mark themselves out from other primitive people by 
an acute color-consciousness, and by the extensive use of qualifying 



1 90 journal of A merican Folk-Lore. 

affixes. They also name practically all lines, shades, and tints of 
color " by various modifications of the six words for red, yellow, 
green, blue, white, and black." — The psychological implications of 
these Eskimo data are discussed by Christine Ladd Franklin, in her 
paper on " Color-Introspection on the Part of the Eskimo," in the 
" Psychological Review" (vol. viii. pp. 396-402) for July, 1901. The 
author considers " the Eskimo discovery, coinciding with a scientific 
color-scheme, of the unitary character of red, yellow, green, and 
blue," as a remarkable confirmation by primitive man of the declara- 
tions of science in the matter of color-relations. 

Haidah. In the "Overland Monthly" (vol. xxxvii. pp. 1083- 
1086) for June, 1901, Margaret W. Leighton has a brief illustrated 
popular article on "The Haidah Indians," for whom she seems 
inclined, rather unnecessarily, to assume an Aztec origin. Among 
the topics referred to are totem-poles, tattooing, thunder-bird, ca- 
noes, carving, gambling feasts, houses, shamans. 

KiowAN. Pages 129-445 of the "Seventeenth Annual Report of 
the Bureau of American Ethnology" are occupied by an article on 
"The Calendar History of the Kiowa Indians," by James Mooney, 
which is illustrated by 25 plates and 186 text-figures, besides a map 
showing the location of the tribes in 1832 (with their Kiowa names) 
and the principal military and trading posts. After a brief introduc- 
tion on aboriginal calendars, a sketch of the Kiowa tribe (historical 
and ethnographical, pp. 148-237), an account of their religion (pp. 
237-244), and an ethnographic sketch of the Kiowa Apache (pp. 245- 
253), come a detailed interpretative account of the "Annual Calen- 
dars, 1833-92" (pp. 254-364), a valuable discussion of "Kiowa 
Chronology " (pp. 365-372), an interpretative account of the " Anko 
Monthly Calendar, August, 1889-July, 1892" (pp. 372-379), a list of 
military and trading posts, missions, etc. (pp. 381, 382), with dates of 
their foundation, a brief account of the Kiowa language, with Kiowa- 
English and English-Kiowa glossaries (pp. 389-439). The article 
concludes with a list of authorities cited. The Kiowa calendars 
(with the exception of the Dakota) "are the only ones yet discovered 
among the prairie tribes." Those obtained by Mr. Mooney are : 
"The Sett'an yearly calendar, beginning with 1833 ^^^ covering a 
period of 60 years ; the Anko yearly calendar, beginning with 1864 
and covering a period of 37 months. All these were obtained in 
1892, and are brought up to that date." The section on Kiowa 
chronology, with its discussion of names of seasons, "moons," and 
other time-terms, is of especial interest to the folklorist, while the 
Kiowa-English glossary abounds in folk-lore data, particularly 
sematological. The Report is reviewed as a whole elsewhere in this 
Journal. 



Record of A merican Folk-L ore. 1 9 1 

KiTUNAHAN. In the " Report of the U. S. National Museum for 
1899" (pp. 523-537), Prof. O. T. Mason describes, with five plates 
and six text figures, the " Pointed Bark Canoes of the Kutenai and 
Amur." The bark canoe of the Kootenays of northern Idaho and 
southern British Columbia, pointed at both ends below water, is one 
of the unique phenomena of American primitive industrial art. A 
somewhat similar boat is found among the Giliaks, etc., of the river 
Amur in Siberia. The origin of the practice of thus pointing these 
canoes is unknown, and their distribution in America and Asia gives 
rise to interesting speculations. 

Klamath. In the "American Anthropologist" (vol. iii. n. s. 
pp. 14-27) for January-March, 1901, Dr. George A. Dorsey pub- 
lishes a paper (illustrated with two plates and eight figures in the 
text) on "Certain Gambling Games of the Klamath Indians." The 
specimens described were collected during a visit to Upper Klamath 
Lake, Oregon, in June, 1901, when no fewer than ten varieties of 
games were noted and data concerning them acquired. Of ring and 
javelin games five distinct variations {w6shaka7ik, three games called 
shu'kshuks, and shikna, a variation of the ring game played only by 
men) are briefly described after nine specimens. Of ball-games two 
sets were collected, — tchimmaash, generally played by women, and 
shinny, — with specimens of tops, which the Indians claim to have 
possessed before the coming of the whites. Of ball and pin games 
six varieties of the one known as soqiwquas were obtained. Of 
guessing games, the well-known hand-game, or /oipas, and the shiil- 
ske'shla, or four-stick game, are represented ; and of the latter three 
sets were obtained. The stave and dice category is represented by 
the sknshasJi, a stave game, and by the dice game with woodchuck 
teeth, which bears the same name in Klamath (of this two sets were 
collected). In his classification of games Dr. Dorsey adopts the 
method of Culin, and adds that " it is extremely likely that the 
games of the second division [/. e., ball games] represent the oldest 
of American games." Of the ring game shikna, he says : " In play- 
ing they exhibit great skill, one of the players whom I saw not fail- 
ing to strike the goal oftener than once in six or eight throws." In 
the game called soquoqnas, which is played only by adults in winter, 
striking the braided loop and catching it on the point of the pin, is 
termed shapashspatcha, or " punching out the moon," and by so 
doing " the winter months are shortened and the advent of spring 
is hastened." These Klamath games are of great interest, for, as 
Dr. Dorsey obser\'es, "it seems probable that no phase of American 
aboriginal life was so subject to adoption by other tribes as gaming 
devices." Moreover, the Klamath Indians are "near neighbors of 
not fewer than twelve different stocks, among which may be noted 



192 yournal of American Fo Ik-Lore. 

families of such importance as the Shoshonean, Shahaptian, and 
Athapascan." This is a valuable paper, and the illustrations are 
excellent. 

MusKHOGEAN. Ckoctaw, In the " American Antiquarian " (vol. 
xxiii. p. 179) for May-June, 1901, Mr. H. S. Halbert discusses 
briefly " The Derivation of Mobile and Alabama^ The former name 
he considers " an archaic form of the Choctaw moelik, rowers, 
paddlers," while Alabama comes from the Choctaw alba, " vegeta- 
tion" (of the lesser sort), and amo, "to gather," the reference being 
to "clearing the bush." In 1888 Dr. A. S. Gatschet suggested a 
derivation of Alabama from the Choctaw alba, " thicket, brush," and 
dyalimi, " place cleared." Undoubtedly the name has something 
to do with "clearing." 

Pueblos. In the "Land of Sunshine" (vol. xiv. pp. 227-232) for 
March, 1901, appears the concluding portion of Mrs. Edward E. 
Ayer's translation of "Benavides's Memorial, 1630," annotated by 
F, W. Hodge, and edited, with notes, by C. F. Lummis. Cibola, 
the Tiguas, Tusayan, Cicuyo (Pecos), and the "marvelous crag" 
(Acoma) are briefly referred to. Professor Hodge's explanatory 
notes treat of the place-names mentioned in the narrative. — In the 
"Southern Workman" (vol. xxx. pp. 316-320), Frances W. Lewis 
writes briefly of " Pueblo Home Life." 

Sahaptian. Pages 156-158 of Mr. Culin's "A Summer Trip 
among the Western Indians," in the May, 1901, number of the 
" Bulletin of the Free Museum of Science and Art" (Philadelphia), 
contain brief notes on the Indians of the Yakima Reservation in 
the State of Washington, — Klikatat, Palus, Topinish, Yakima, and 
Wasco, the last belonging to the Chinookan family. Near Fort 
Simcoe " the Indians were entirely abandoning their aboriginal cus- 
toms, and were divided among themselves, not by tribes and families, 
but in accordance with the church to which they belonged [there are 
four churches on the reservation, with a membership of 450], Metho- 
dist and Catholic, much in the same way as in white communities." 
The native or Pum-ptim (so called from the use of the tom-tom or 
drum) church, founded by the prophet Smohalla, has been on the 
wane for several years. — Umatilla, Walla-Walla, Cay use. Pages 
159-164 of the same article relate to the Indians of the Umatilla 
Reservation in Oregon. The dance paraphernalia here seem to be 
"all practically identical with that used by the Shoshoni." The 
" hand game " was very popular with these Indians, — especially the 
women. Other games are briefly referred to, and "a small boy 
showed me a cat's-cradlc, manipulating the string on one hand, with 
the aid of his teeth, in intricate figures." This part of the article is 
illustrated by seven plates containing photographs of Cayuse and 
Umat'illa Indians. 



Record of American Folk-Lore. 193 

Shoshone AN, Coahida. These Indians, once a most powerful 
and important tribe, whose habitat was southern California from the 
River Colorado to the Pacific, are the subject of an interesting and 
valuable study by Mr. D. P. Barrows, whose thesis for the Ph. D. in 
anthropology in the University of Chicago is entitled " The Ethno- 
Botany of the Coahuilla Indians of Southern California" (Chicago, 
1900, pp. 82). Among the topics treated with more or less detail 
are : Linguistic and tribal affinities, habitat, houses, basketry, uses 
of plants in manufactures and arts, foods (gathering, preparation, 
storing), food plants, drinks, narcotics, and medicines. As this work 
is reviewed at length elsewhere in this Journal, it suffices to say here 
that it is a meritorious essay, abounding in information about the 
use of plants and the ideas concerning them among one of the most 
remarkable, in certain respects, of the numerous peoples belonging 
to the widespread Shoshonean stock. — Ute. Chapter ii. (pp. 88- 
lOi) of Mr. Stewart Culin's "A Summer Trip among the Western 
Indians," published in the " Bulletin of the Free Museum of Science 
and Art" for April, 1901, is devoted to the Shoshonean tribes of 
Idaho, Utah, and Nevada, — Bannocks, Utes, Piutes, etc. Of the 
Bannocks, the author observes : " The women wear moccasins and 
blankets, but the men have abandoned their old costume, and every- 
where we found a lack of personal ornaments such as are common 
among the Shoshoni at Washakie." Here, too, the native industries 
(except a little beadwork, of an inferior sort, done by the women) 
have practically disappeared. The Bannocks look upon the coyote 
as their ancestor. The "hand game" is now the principal game 
surviving among them. At Salt Lake City, we are told, " the de- 
mand for Indian curios is so great that the dealers send to the 
various reservations for supplies, leading to the manufacture by the 
Indians of many objects which are created for this special purpose." 
It is interesting to learn that " the most curious of these fabrications 
are human bones, skulls, and femurs, decorated with incised and 
painted figures representing the day signs of the Mexican calendar." 
Of Nine-Mile Caiion we read : " Its walls are precipitous, and on the 
rocks are numerous Indian pictographs. Dorsey expressed the 
opinion that these pictures, among which I recognized the antelope. 
Rocky Mountain sheep, and rattlesnake, were the work of children. 
The rocks throughout the country southward are full of them, and 
Hopi children to day are in the habit of making them. With the 
Indian pictographs were names and other words, scrawled in black 
paint, the work, it is to be inferred, of teamsters and soldiers on 
their way to the fort." The custom of visiting a great deal survives 
among the Utes of White Rock. At the time of the visit of Mr. 
Culin and Dr. G. A. Dorsey the Uinta Utes were preparing for their 



194 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

Sun-dance. One of the sights of the place was a " crazy Indian," 
who " had been lying naked upon the ground, exposed to the 
weather for a period of twenty years," — a good photograph of him 
is reproduced at page 96. He was said to be either a criminal (ex- 
piating some offence) or a disappointed lover. The Piute Indians 
"speak English uncommonly well." There are two other plates 
accompanying this section of Mr. Culin's article, one of the summer 
shelter of the Indians, the other of Ouray Ute women playing the 
dice game. — Eastern Shoshoni. Pages 11-18 of the same article, 
in the January number of the "Bulletin," treat of the Eastern 
Shoshoni of the Wind River Reservation, in Wyoming. As a result 
of the coming of Mr. Culin and Dr. Dorsey, " Industry was greatly 
stimulated. The women set to work making dice and shinny-sticks, 
and some of the old men tried to revive the arts they had known in 
their youth, and manufactured bows and arrows, fire-sticks, and the 
various implements we expressed a desire to purchase." Dancing 
(wolf-dance, etc.) goes on Sunday nights. Of the wolf-dance, 
which the author saw, a brief account is given. The Sun-dance 
took place a few weeks after his visit. The Shoshoni are said to 
" believe in a personification, the principle of evil, whom they call 
Nin-nim-be, a little old man, very short, who lives up in the moun- 
tains." He shoots with invisible arrows, and the old stone darts 
picked up here and there are said to have been shot by him, to 
whom sudden deaths and other misfortunes are attributed. Another 
account makes the Nin-nim-be to be rock-fairies, of whom it is said : 
"Their name was Nin-nim-be, 'little demons,' or Nim-me-rig-ar, 
* Shoshoni-eaters,' and they were the ancestors of the present Nin- 
nim-be." They live in the mountains, are dwarfs, expert hunters, 
and malicious in the extreme, always on the watch to kill an Indian. 
They are, however, believed often to fall victims to eagles. In the 
Shoshoni creation-legend the Widj-e-ge, a small bird of the titmouse 
family, discovered the world. Of this bird they say : " Its tongue 
is divided into six parts ; it drops one of its tongues every month ; 
its tongues arc renewed every six months, so that by catching the 
Widj-c-ge one can find which month it is of the summer or of the 
winter." But it must not be killed. Other "medicine" or wonder- 
ful birds are the flicker, or Anegooagooa, and the Hoo-jah, a species 
of sagc-hcn. A certain male bird of the last species "has the power 
to impart to Indians that spirit [of divination], so that the possessor 
thus endowed becomes a bo-o-gani, a medicine-man gifted with 
supernatural powers, having the gift of healing, of a seer, of an 
exorcist, of an all-round ' medicine-man.' " To-day the Shoshoni 
shamans " have only a small portion of the bo-o of the mighty medi- 
cine-men of the olden time," because some years ago a foolish 



Record of American Folk-Lore. 195 

Indian shot at it with arrows. The tribe is said to possess "a sacred 
stone, which they guard carefully, believing that good and evil can 
be worked by its means." The late chief, Washakie (of whom a 
good portrait accompanies the paper), said the Shoshoni tradition 
made his people come originally from the south. — Digger. In the 
" Land of Sunshine " (Los Angeles), L. M. Burns continues (vol. xiv. 
pp. 223-226, 310-314, 397-402) the interesting series of "Digger 
Indian Legends." The legends here recorded are The Deer Ball, 
The Love-Making of Quatuk (Coyote), The Rabbit, and The Toad, 
and The Legend of Endoochme. In the second tale, which is a 
general favorite, the Coyote took the ocean for a fog and tried to 
swim it, to his misfortune. The first tale tells how, from the origi- 
nal one "deer-ball" in the world it has come about that the deer 
of the present day have each a fragment in their necks, — the 
hard lump or ball, an inch or so through, sometimes found under 
the skin of the deer's neck. In this tale the coyote, the " lion," the 
wild-cat, etc., appear. The third legend tells how, after the toad 
had killed the little green frog whom the rabbit loved, the latter 
induces the toad to jump into the fire and get burned. The last 
tale tells of an abandoned child, who becomes wonder-worker. He 
lies now turned (by himself) into stone in the bed of the Salmon 
River, "with his arms and legs uplifted in arches." And to-day, 
" the Indian boy who can swim through without touching will never 
be harmed by a grizzly." 

SiouAX. Chapter vi. (pp. 165-175) of Mr. Culin's "A Summer 
Trip among the Western Indians," in the May, 1901, number of the 
"Bulletin of the Free Museum of Science and Art" (Philadelphia), 
contains notes on the Indians of the Foft Belknap and Fort Peck 
Reservations in Montana and Devil's Lake in North Dakota, — 
Yankton, Assiniboin, Dakota, etc. Near Fort Peck the author met 
"a company of Indian boys, pupils of the school, stripped and 
bedaubed with red paint, engaged in a foot-race." This is the so- 
called "grass dance," the dancers carrying in their hands, among 
other things, wisps of green grass. Although these Indians bury 
their dead in coffins instead of exposing them on trees, they chng 
tenaciously to some of their old funeral customs (chanting the death- 
song for a dying person, e.g). Formerly in the " ghost gamble," the 
effects of the dead were made away with. At page 171 is an inter- 
esting account of a medicine-man's tipi, in which, "on the earth floor, 
at the foot of a post, were two round stones, painted red, precisely 
such as I had seen at Fort Belknap, with a large oval stone bearing 
a rude indication of a face, between." A rattle of deer-hide, ob- 
tained from an old shaman, " was painted on one side with red spots 
[stars] and on the other with red and yellow stripes [Milky Way]." 



1 96 yournal of America^t Folk-Lore. 

At Devil's Lake the secret society known as Wakanwacipi (" Spirit 
Dance"), resembling the Ojibwa MidciviwiJi, is said to be "rapidly 
becoming extinct, no new members being taken in." — Ogalala. In 
the same issue of the "Bulletin," Mr. Louis L. Meeker publishes 
(pp. 23-46) an interesting and valuable article on " Ogalala Games," 
illustrated with 26 text-figures, and accompanied by a vocabulary 
of technical terms. Of men's games, the painyankapi (great hoop 
game), kaga zvoskate (elk game), tahuka canglcska (buckskin hoop), 
hanpapecu (moccasin game); of women's games, the takapsica (shinny), 
kansu (plumstone game), /«j-///« (deer-bone game) ; of boys' games, the 
mato zvoskate (grizzly bear game), can atkapsica (wood shinny), can 
wakiyapi (whip top) ; and of girls' games, the winyanta, paslo hanpi, 
or stick-throwing game, are briefly described. Besides these the boys 
have the hoJioiiJi yuJimunpi (bone buzzer), taleka yiilinuinpi {whisza) 
sticks for throwing ; battle games, with mud-ball on end of throwing 
sticks, or with heads of a sort of bearded grass made into balls with 
moistened clay ; or again " by spitting rotten wood or dried leaves, 
chewed fine, upon each other." The sling, the pop-gun of wood (or 
gpakoton), the snow-man as target, coasting on pieces of bark, and 
" foot-racing, rough-and-tumble wrestling, * teetering ' astride of a 
bent bush, bathing, diving, swimming, and climbing are all known 
and practised, but have no regular forms." Girls make dolls of corn 
husks, buckskin, etc., and both boys and girls make "clay figures of 
horses, cattle, dogs, men, and other objects ; " they also make 
"elaborate toy tents or tipis." The men "cut images of pipe-stone 
and call them 'stone devils.' They arc used in conjuring the sick 
and in recovering lost or stolen property. One was consulted here 
a year ago. The sick person was to recover in four days if the 
'power ' was obtained. On the fourth day she died." At pages 
36-39 is an account of "the games and sports of the boys and girls 
of an Ogalala camp in the summer of 1900, played for the writer's 
benefit." Pages 39-44 are occupied by a descriptive list of the im- 
plements and objects used in the various games. The following 
statement of the author is interesting : " I never heard an Indian 
boy or girl whistle, except when taught to do so. They talk in 
company and are still when alone" (p. 35). Very curious is the 
practice noted on the same page : " They have a practice of stopping 
the circulation in one hand by grasping it firmly around the wrist 
with the other hand. Then by moving the fingers and stroking 
against the body they make it look like the hand of a corpse. Some- 
times when sick they do this and predict death or recovery from the 
time it takes for the hand to assume its natural appearance. These 
predictions are generally correct. All Indians seem to practise it." 
— Dakotan. In the " Southern Workman " (vol. xxx. pp. 348-352), 



Reeord of A merican Folk-L ore. 1 9 7 

F. D. Gleason writes of " Dakota Children " at the Rosebud 
Agency. 

Wakashan. Makah. Pages 145-152 of chapter iv. of Mr. 
Culin's " A Summer Trip among the Western Indians," in the May, 
1901, number of the "Bulletin of the Free Museum of Science and 
Art " (Philadelphia), contain notes on the Makah Indians of Neah 
Bay, in the State of Washington, who belong to the Wakashan or 
Kwakiutl-Nutka family. The account is accompanied by three 
plates illustrating seashore activities. Halibut-fishing is the great 
industry of the Indian village. The canoes " terminate in a bird or 
animal head at the prow," and are made from cedar logs. Yew- 
paddles of graceful form are still in use. The following fact is 
rather interesting : " The Makah were formerly engaged in sealing 
and owned two schooners, but these boats were seized some years 
since, one by the United States and the other by the Canadian gov- 
ernment, and they are now compelled to depend upon the halibut 
industry." The Makah, apart from fisheries, " have abandoned most 
of their aboriginal industries and customs," and dress practically in 
civilized fashion, although " the women wear silver bracelets made 
by a native silversmith." A board cradle has supplanted the one 
of bark formerly in use. The games of these Indians have been 
described by Dr. Dorsey in the "American Antiquarian" for Janu- 
ary-February, 1 90 1. 

Weitspekan. Mr. Stewart Culin's account of "A Sum.mer Trip 
among the Western Indians," published in the "Bulletin of the Free 
Museum of Science and Art" (Philadelphia), contains (p. 116) a few 
notes on the Weitspek or Wichapec Indians, of whom the author 
remarks : " Their customs appeared identical with those of the Hupa, 
and the specimens I collected among them differ in no way from 
those of the valley (Hupa) except in name." The language of the 
Weitspek, however, makes them a distinct linguistic stock. They 
live at the junction of the Trinity and Klamath rivers, and "are 
dominated by their salmon fishery." They have practically aban- 
doned their old customs, but the women are still " disfigured by a 
blue bat-shaped mark tattooed on their chins." 

YuMAN. Cocopahs. In the " Land of Sunshine " (vol. xiv. pp. 
196-204) for March, 1901, Capt. N. H. Chittenden has a brief illus- 
trated article, " Among the Cocopahs." The isolation of these people 
(some 450 in number), whom Brinton assigns to the Yuman stock, 
" has been so complete that they still retain most of their aboriginal 
habits and customs." Still, although so wild in other respects, the 
Cocopahs "have become agriculturists to such an extent that nearly 
every family plants a garden after the June rise of the Colorado 
River, and raises considerable quantities of corn, beans, squashes, 



198 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

and melons." Face-painting is the chief ornamentation of these 
Indians, as it is also with the Seris, and in one household "several 
naked red, white, and blue faced children, with their heads plastered 
thick with mud, were evidently objects of parental pride." The 
houses and primitive industries of the Cocopahs are briefly described. 
The following method of taking fish is worth noting : " The young 
men, taking long poles, sprang naked into the narrow lagoon, and 
began to beat the water vigorously as they advanced toward the net, 
which was buoyed on the surface with wild cane. They were so 
successful that, by the time the bed of hot coals was in readiness, 
a pile of fish of several varieties, including carp and mullet, were 
floundering alongside." 

CENTRAL AMERICA. 

Mayan. In the "American Anthropologist" (vol. iii. n. s. pp. 
129-138) for January-March, 1901, Mr. Charles P. Bowditch publishes 
"Memoranda on the Maya Calendars used in the Books of Chilan 
Balam." From careful study of the data in the Chilan Balam books 
and of the inscriptions on the steles of Copan and Ouirigua, the 
author arrives at the conclusion that "Copan lasted, so far as the 
erection of stelae is concerned, for about 200 years, and Ouirigua for 
about 350 years, though of course this may be only a small part of 
the period of their existence." This leads to the further result that 
"the date of a. d. 34 for the monuments of Copan and Quirigua is 
by no means unlikely to be the true one." This article seems to be 
a real contribution to the study of Central American hieroglyphics. 
— In the " Report of the Smithsonian Institution for 1899" (pp. 
549-561) there is published, with eleven plates, a translation of H. 
Strebel's article on "The Sculptures of Santa Lucia Cozumahualpa, 
Guatemala, in the Hamburg Ethnological Museum," which appeared 
in the "Annual of the Hamburg Scientific Institute for 1893." 

SOUTH AMERICA. 

Araucanian. In the " Afiales de la Univcrsidad de Chile " (vol. 
cviii. 1901, pp. 3-82), Dr. T. Guevara continues his " Historia de la 
Civilizacion de Araucania," dealing with the campaigns during the 
period 1561-98, especially the general rising of 1594-95. An inter- 
esting feature of the period is the way in which the natives, partly 
by improving their own resources and ideas, and partly by imitating 
or borrowing from the Spaniards, bettered their fortifications, gained 
greater skill in the use of horses, and became more expert generally 
in military tactics. *Thcy also seem to have gained in morals and 
foresight. 

Guiana. In 1890, Mr. Everard imThurn published in "Timehri " 



Record of American Folk-Lore. 199 

(vol. iii. pp. 270-307), the organ of the Agricultural Society of Deme- 
rara, a rather inaccessible journal, an article on " Games of Guiana 
Indians." This paper, with added material, is now prnited in *' Folk. 
Lore" (vol. xii. pp. 132-161) for June, 1901, where it will meet with 
the consideration it justly deserves. The games described are those of 
"the * Indians' of the country immediately south of the Orinoco River, 
who are still in much the same condition as when the seacoast 
and the river-banks of these parts were first explored by rival Dutch 
and Spanish adventurers of the sixteenth century," for the Spaniards 
never really established themselves in these parts, and the Dutch 
interfered with the natives as little as possible, befriending them 
whenever they could. It is the gold and diamond hunter (Anglo- 
Saxon largely) who seems now bent on driving them to the wall. 
The author takes "game" in a broad sense. Among the topics 
discussed are : Imitation games (practically education here), Macusi, 
"coming from town" dramatic games (in which great physical and 
mental skill and imagination are displayed) ; animal games (clever 
impersonations and imitations of the jaguar, monkey, acoorie, duck, 
hawk, anteater, trumpet-bird, etc.). Pages 141-150 are devoted to a 
detailed account of " the whipping game, called ^nacqjiari, of the 
Arawaks, a curious performance, the essential feature of which, the 
mutual whipping, is, I suppose, unique ; " to this game a funeral 
purpose has by some been attributed. At pages 150-155 is a 
detailed account of " the Warau game, called taratoo or naha, in 
which the most marked feature is that each player is provided with a 
large shield made of palm-leaf stalks," which he pushes against his 
opponent when the participants are lined up opposite each other, 
and " each strives might and main, heart and soul, to push his oppo- 
nent back from the line, and, if possible, to overthrow him." The 
article closes with an account in detail (pp. 1 55-161) of the Para- 
sheera dance of the Partamonas, a combination of dance, music, and 
drinking-bout, in which the participants are said to imitate the pec- 
caries, or wild-hogs of the country. The Warau game of taratoo is 
the only one unaccompanied by drinking. Ball-play, according to 
Mr. im Thurn, "is almost unrepresented among these utilitarian 
Red-men." He adds: "The rarity of ball-play in Guiana, and the 
fact that it appears to be practised only by adults, looks rather as 
though it had not been spontaneously developed, but had been 
adopted from some other people." The Arekunas of Roraima are 
the only Guiana Indians among whom the author saw any ball-game. 
The article is accompanied by five plates illustrative of the various 
games described. 



200 Journal of American Folk-Lore. 



GENERAL. 

Basketry, Prof. O. T. Mason's paper (illustrated with 32 text- 
figures) on "The Technic of Aboriginal American Basketry," in the 
"American Anthropologist" (vol. iii. n. s. pp. 109-128) for January- 
March, 1901, treats of the varieties of woven and coiled basketry, 
their manufacture, distribution, etc. According to the author, " the 
finest specimens of wickerwork in America are the very pretty Hopi 
plaques [food plates] made of Bigelovia graveolcns!' The Porno In- 
dians, of the Kulanapan family in California, are the only ones repre- 
sented in the U. S. National Museum by "lattice-twined weaving." 
In a Hopi basket jar three-ply and two-ply twined weaving both 
occur, suggesting, as language docs, that these Indians are a very 
mixed people. The imbricated basketry of the Klikitat type is 
largely sui generis. Concerning the grass-coil foundation type seen 
in the Hopi plaques. Professor Mason remarks : "If this be exam- 
ined in comparison with a style of basketry found in Egypt and in 
northern Africa as far as the Barbary States, great similarity will be 
noticed in the size of the coil, the color of the sewing material, the 
patterns, and the stitches." Hence he suggests that "this particu- 
lar form of workmanship may be due to acculturation, inasmuch as 
this type of basketry is confined in America to the Hopi pueblo, 
which were brought very early in contact with Spaniards and Afri- 
can slaves." 

SoPHiOLOGY. The article of Major J. W. Powell, in the "Ameri- 
can Anthropologist" (vol. iii. n. s. pp. 51-79) for January-March, 
1901, contains much of interest to the folk-lorist, — " Sophiology, or 
the Science of Activities designed to give Instruction." Pages 53- 
65 are devoted to the consideration of mythology, which is "the 
creation of imaginary things to explain unknown phenomena." 
Myths are legion because " a mythology has sprung up with every 
primordial language." The mythology of the American Indians "is 
replete with myths concerning the powers of thought," and "there 
is no myth more common than this one of confounding thought with 
force, and there is no myth that has a more venerable history." 

A. F. a audi. C. C. 



Notes and Queries, 201 



NOTES AND QUERIES. 

Indian Summer. — The history of the term " Indian Summer " is a sub- 
ject in which all Americans ought to be more or less interested, since it is 
one of the expressions which the English settlers of the New World have 
added to our language. Professor Cleveland Abbe, of the United States 
Department of Agriculture (Weather Bureau), has set on foot an investiga- 
tion into the origin and signification of the term, and Mr. Albert Matthews, 
of 145 Beacon Street, Boston, Mass., has been asked to put together all 
that can be discovered concerning its etymology and history. The word 
has been traced in printed books as far back as 1794, and the readers of 
this Journal, who come across earlier references either in books or unpub- 
lished manuscripts, are invited to help in the matter. Communications on 
the subject, containing new evidence, important data as to local use, etc., 
may be sent to the editor of the Journal, or direct to Mr. Matthews. 

Spider Invasion. — In his charming volume, " The Naturalist in La 
Plata" (3d edition, London, 1895), Mr. W. H. Hudson has the following 
passage (p. 193) : "The gauchos have a very quaint ballad which tells that 
the city of Cordova was once invaded by an army of monstrous spiders, 
and that the townspeople went out with beating drums and flags flying to 
repel the invasion, and that after firing several volleys they were forced to 
turn and fly for their lives. I have no doubt that a sudden great increase 
of the man-chasing spiders, in a year exceptionally favorable to them, sug- 
gested this fable to some rhyming satirist of the town." But perhaps we 
have here a variant of the widespread tale of animal-invasion of which the 
" Pied Piper of Hamelin " and " Bishop Hatto " are examples. 

Sacred Trees. — During the last three or four years several special arti- 
cles dealing with the role of certain trees and shrubs in mythology and folk- 
belief have appeared in the journals devoted to Folk-Lore, Anthropolog)', 
and kindred subjects. Brief references to some of them may be in place 
here. 

I. Birch. The birch is dealt with in an article, " Der Birkenbesen, ein 
Symbol des Donar," in the " Internationales Archiv fiir Ethnographie " 
(vol. xiii. pp. 81-97, 125-162). In this essay Friedrich Kunze discusses 
somewhat exhaustively the relation of the birch-tree, the birch-twig, and the 
birch-broom to the thunder-god (Donar). The birch-broom itself, so com- 
monly deemed a talisman or remedy against many kinds of evil spirits 
(especially those inimical to the house, the home, the person, the field, etc.), 
is said to derive its virtue from the fact that it is really " a bundle of rods 
from the tree sacred to the great thunder-god." The birch-rod was 
esteemed a powerful defence against demons, local spirits in particular. 
The birch in folk-thought and folk-custom has marked associations with 
the spring, Easter, May, St. John's Day, etc., and is even more closely 
connected in some respects with agriculture, the harvest, and the weather 

VOL. XIV. — NO. 54. 14 



2 o 2 JoMrnal of A merican Folk- Lore. 

(here its role is protective). The cuckoo, which is the bird of the thun- 
der-god, is associated with the birch. Altogether the birch is, next to the 
oak, perhaps the most notable tree in ancient Germanic folk-thought. 
2. Oak. In the "Journal of the Anthropological Institute " (London), Mr. 
H. M. Chadwick publishes (vol. xxx. n, s. iii. pp. 22-44) ^ri article on 
" The Oak and the Thunder-God." According to the author " the cult of 
the thunder-god was in early times common to most of the Indo-Germanic 
speaking peoples of Europe " (p. 28), and " in the Greek and Prussian 
sanctuaries of the thunder-god the priests lived beneath the sacred tree, 
and there is some reason for supposing that the same custom may once 
have prevailed among the Kelts, Germans, and Slavs " (p. 40). Mr. Chad- 
wick remarks in addition, "one might, perhaps, say 'chiefs' for 'priests,' 
for in the earliest times it is probable that the two offices were united." 
He likewise suggests that " the oak acquired its sanctity from the fact that 
the priests lived beneath it " and not vice versa. His general conclusions 
are (p. 42), " The thunder-god was supposed to inhabit the oak because 
this had formerly been the dwelling-place of his worshippers. Originally, no 
doubt, he was conceived of as dwelling in the sky ; but from the very close 
connection which exists in all primitive peoples, between the god and his 
people, it became inevitable that he should be regarded as present in the 
home of the community. When tlte community took to building and 
deserted the tree-home, the sanctity of old associations clung to the latter, 
and the god was still supposed to dwell there. This is the stage of society 
represented by the Germans of Tacitus's day and by the Prussians up to 
their conversion. The protection of the god over the new home was 
obtained, in the north, at all events, by the importation into it of a pillar 
(probably cut from a holy tree) with the image of the god carved upon it. 
The third and last stage was reached by the accommodation of the god in 
a temple built like human habitations, but with certain peculiarities which 
may be due to reminiscences of the grove sanctuary. This is the stage found 
in the north in the last days of heathendom. The change, however, was 
not complete, for, in certain cases at all events, the sacred tree or grove 
continued to exist by the side of the more modern temple." Why the oak 
should have been chosen as a sacred tree is not clear. Mr. Chadwick 
thinks (p. 41), "There is reason for believing that the oak was once the 
commonest, as well as perhaps the largest tree in the forests of northern 
Europe. As such it would naturally be chosen for the habitation of the 
primitive community and consequently of all their belongings, their animals, 
their guardian spirits, and their tribal god." The holy oak of the Prussians 
at Remove seems to have been their nearest approach to a temple. Evi- 
dence of the association of the thunder-god and the oak is found among 
the Prussians, Germans, Kelts, Romans, Greeks, etc. The emblem of the 
old Prussian thunder-god, Perkuno, was " a sacred fire of oak-wood which 
was kept up perpetually," and the Lithuanian pcrkuuas ("thunder"), with 
the old Prussian Pcrkimo, is said to be related to the Latin quercus (" oak"). 
So, Mr. Chadwick holds, " the word can originally have meant nothing else 
than ' oaken,' and must have been an epithet, ' the god of (or in) the oak.' " 



Notes and Queries. 203 

3. Hazel. Dr. Karl Weinhold, the editor of the " Zeitschrift des Vereins 
fiir Volkskunde " (Berlin), has in that Journal (vol. xi. pp. i-t6), an article, 
"Ueber die Bedeutung des Haselstrauchs im altgermanischen Kultus und 
Zauberwesen," in which the role of the hazel in old Teutonic mythology 
and " magic" is discussed with considerable detail. Says the author (p. 16) : 
" Most of what in folk-thought and tradition clings to the beautiful hazel- 
bush seems strange, coming forth from dense superstition, covered with 
very ancient dust, crippled and deformed thereby. But we can brush off 
the dust and restore what is disfigured to something of its original form. 
We began with the demonstrable use of the hazel in old Germanic cultus. 
There it served as a holy instrument, for it was a sacred symbol. The 
hazel-staff was a weapon of the sky-god, and there resided in it, therefore, a 
sacred power, which streamed forth in the most diverse directions for the 
advantage of man." According to Dr. Weinhold, the hazel belongs, with 
the ash and the mountain-ash, the beech and the oak, the willow, the ser- 
vice-tree, the hawthorn, the elder, and the juniper, to the select list and 
limited number of the trees and shrubs intimately related to old Teutonic 
folk-life in its mythological and its mystical aspects. The hazel (or some 
portion of it) appears as a tree sacred to the thunder-god ; as a sacrifice to 
the gods j as a rod or stick carried in procession on various occasions ; as 
a hedge for the primitive places of combat, assembly, judgment, etc. ; as a 
lightning-protector ; as a protection against fire ; as a talisman against the 
wind-demon ; as an exorciser of witches ; as a magic rod ; as a protector 
against snakes, etc.; as a shepherd's staff; as a luck-bringer, especially to 
domestic animals, corn, wine, etc.; as a medicinal rod or curing staff ; as a 
foreteller (by its blossoming) of the fertility of the year ; as a wishing-stick, 
water and treasure finder ; as a rain-charm, etc. The hazel. Dr. Weinhold 
thinks, was primarily connected with the sky-god (<?. ^., Tius) and only later 
with the thunder-god (Donar, etc.). 

Folk Materia Medica. — In connection with some of the observations 
in Dr. True's paper in the last number of the Journal, the following items 
are of interest. The " Revue Scientifique of Paris, in its issue for Feb- 
ruary 9, 1901, reprints from the " Gazette hebdomadaire de medecine," the 
following letter of a traveller in Bengal : " Three months ago a mad dog 
bit six or seven men, among them two of my bearers, wounding them badly. 
I at once had some iron heated white to cauterize the wounds. But the 
natives looked on laughingly. ' Eh, sahib,' said they, ' it 's nothing at all ; 
we have an excellent remedy for hydrophobia ; you shall see.' The dog 
ran again. One of the men seized a stick, and killed him on the spot. 
Another ripped open the paunch, took out the palpitating liver, cut some 
pieces off, and gave them to each of the wounded men, who swallowed 
them raw and bloody as they were. ' The danger is over now,' they said. 
As I was incredulous, they brought to me a young man on whose legs were 
large scars. Bitten by a mad dog some five years before, this man had 
eaten a bleeding piece of the animal's liver, and had felt no evil results 
from his wound. The case I witnessed happened in March, and it is now 



204 Journal of America7t Folk-Lore. 

the third day of July, The wounds have healed, and all the men continue 
in good health. The natives even go so far as to maintain that if this 
remedy be given to a man already stricken with hydrophobia, it will infal- 
libly cure." It appears, also, that from time immemorial the peasants of 
central France have been in the habit of using the gall-bladder as a remedy 
for viper-bites. The folk seem thus to have anticipated the interesting and 
valuable experiments of Phisalix, Neufeld, Valle'e, and others concerning 
the anti-toxic properties of the hepatic substances. 

A correspondent, in the issue for February 23 (p. 252), adds this state- 
ment : " The natives of Bengal are not alone in knowing the anti-toxic 
power of the liver and in employing it therapeutically. Nor are the pea- 
sants of France, or of England either, whose practices gave rise to the inves- 
tigations of Professor Fraser of Edinburgh, the first to show by searching 
and scientifically conducted experiments that the bile of the serpent is an 
antidote against the venom of that creature. In Guiana, — the fact is 
noted in the ' Revue' for February 20, 1892, — the natives treat poisonous 
bites with a powder composed of the liver and bile of the serpent. In Cali- 
fornia (according to the ' Scientific American ' of October 7, 1893) the In- 
dians do the same thing. And at our watering-places to-day one may see 
fishermen treat stings and pricks with a plaster of fish-liver. It is inter- 
esting to know that such practices, scattered here and there all over the 
globe, among the most diverse peoples, are not at all so irrational as might 
at first sight be thought. They are justified by the brilliant studies of 
Fraser on the action of bile against venom, by those of Frantzius on the 
action of bile against the virus of rabies, and by those of Vicenzi on the 
action of bile against the virus of tetanus. These different experimen- 
tators have been pioneers in this field." 

A. F. C. 

Igorrote Marriage Customs. — As Tennessee has a considerable 
number of soldiers in the Philippines, I some time since sent out letters to 
a few of those best qualified to make the reports, asking for Islands folk- 
lore — it now being ours, I suppose, by the triple rights of discovery, con- 
quest, and adoption. 

The most interesting reply came from Lieutenant Frank L. Case, of 
Chattanooga, who has, I am glad to say, been promoted for bravery since 
the letter was written. 

He wrote from Vigan, and stated that he had just returned from a most 
exhausting expedition into the heart of the Igorrote country, during which 
they averaged eighteen miles a day, over mountains, some of which were 
eight thousand feet in height, and along trails that had to be cleared and 
shovelled. 

" There are many tribes of Igorrotes," writes Lieutenant Case, " whose 
names I have been unable as yet to collect. 

" ' Igorrote ' is a general term, like ' Indians ' at home. Most of them 
are pagans, but there are a few Christian settlements. 

" Their religion in most instances seems to be a sun, or nature, worship. 



Notes and Queries. 205 

They are ruled in the patriarchal style, with chiefs and petty chiefs, and no 
man of one village or clan will go to another unless for warlike purposes, 
or without danger of war, in the ' Malo Igorrote ' sections. 

"A lieutenant of our regiment, stationed in the edge of the mountains, 
heard of a big dance that was about to take place and went out to it early 
one morning. It proved to be a marriage dance. It began at four o'clock 
A. M., and forty or fifty couples were married. 

" The pairs would start out into the centre of the assemblage while two 
men beat instruments something like tom-toms or drums. 

" Each of the pairs had cloths about the size of large handkerchiefs. 
The man approached his damsel, dancing and making motions with the 
cloth or handkerchief. She at first was coy, and made gestures of disdain 
while dancing. This continued for some time, but she finally succumbed, 
and this concluded the marriage ceremony." 

This occurred among the Igorrotes, but not the wild head-hunters. 

Of the head-hunters Lieutenant Case says : — 

" Here is the way the young Igorrote gets his wife. First, he carefully 
counts the number of heads hanging in his little hut ; they are strung 
around in a circle by blocks of five, I suppose for convenience in number- 
ing. Perhaps he is short one or two heads, or more. If so, he shuts up 
shop and goes forth, taking his head-axe with him. Within a radius of 
about three miles of his native village he is in honor bound to behead 
nobody. That would be a violation of the rules, and of the moral code ; 
and besides, he might get hurt some time, when not prepared for resistance. 
But outside of this limit he can kill his own relatives ; an entirely proper 
thing, he thinks, if thereby he can gain his wife. 

" When the number of heads required is obtained, sufficient to show his 
lady-love, I suppose, that he is a man not to be henpecked, he invites the 
lady's father to his house for a feast. This is eaten in silence, and in full 
contemplation of the strings of heads. Nobody can blame the old man 
for eating in silence under such circumstances. 

" When the father has left the young man's house, he sends his daugh- 
ters in, one at a time. The first one to go may not be the light of the 
warrior's life. If that be the case, he grunts his disapproval as she enters, 
and so on until the proper lady-love arrives, and the ceremony is thus 
ended. 

"The head-hunters are not exactly cannibals, but when a head is taken, 
they have a big dance. They also cut out the shin-bones of the victim, 
and some also take the heart, liver, and other parts of the body, place them 
on spears, and dance about them." 

Later, Lieutenant Case says he has learned that one head is sufficient in 
some cases to vouchsafe the Igorrote young warrior a wife,. whereas he had 
supposed that a number were necessary. 

H. M. Wiltse. 

In the Field of Southern Folk-Lore. — i. Superstition concerning 
Dog-bites. A superstition which is very widespread in the South, and is 



2 o6 yournal of A merican Folk-L ore, 

not confined to the ignorant classes, is that if a dog bites a person it 
sliould be killed for the protection of the person whom it has bitten ; espe- 
cially if there is the least reason to suppose that it was mad. I have 
known people to bear the feeling of ill usage for years because their friends 
failed to kill dogs by which they had been bitten, and which they feared 
were rabid. They seemed to feel a constant uneasiness, lest the dog was 
mad when the bite was inflicted, and the results of it might leap up and 
destroy them at any time, even after the lapse of years. 

Two ladies recently told me about an experience which befel their sister, 
the wife of a congressman, and a woman of intelligence, education, and 
refinement. 

Her little son was bitten by a valuable dog which belonged to their next 
door neighbor. There was no especial reason to believe that the dog was 
rabid, but the mother of the boy insisted that it should be killed. The 
neighbor was not willing to sacrifice his pet, and the lady's husband was 
not willing to offend his friend by taking upon himself the responsibility of 
inflicting the death penalty. 

In order to temporarily pacify the mother, and hoping that she would 
soon abandon her determination that the dog should die, they sent it away 
to a village some miles distant. 

But she went there, and appealed to a friend. He sent his negro man 
with instructions to kill the dog, and threatened him with dire vengeance 
if he came back without having done so. The negro chased the animal 
ten miles, killed it, and reported to the mother. She then insisted upon 
having the tail and an ear, as evidence that the deed had been done. 
These she put into a tin bucket, and took them home to her little son, in 
order that his future years might not be disturbed by a haunting fear that 
the dog had escaped, after all. 

2. S/iake Snperstitiofis. — I have often questioned a middle-aged colored 
woman who was reared in South Carolina, and who was a slave in child- 
hood, about the superstitions of her race; the "signs," as she and most 
people of her class call them, knowing nothing of superstition by that 
name. 

Those that she related to me were so common that I gave little heed to 
them. But in the summer of 1900, when she was working at my house, I 
was called upon by a frightened neighbor woman to kill a snake which had 
found its way into her garden, although the house is in the outskirts of a 
city which boasts a population of fifty thousand. The snake was one 
which I took to be venomous, and there was considerable excitement con- 
cerning its presence. 

A few days after the occurrence Jane was at work in my dooryard, and 
suddenly remarked that there was another snake around somewhere. 
Being asked what made her think so, she said, " I feels suah of it, suh, 
kase I smells de smell of watahmillion an' dere 's no watahmillion aroun'. 
Dat 's a suah sign dat a snake is neah by. I knowed dere was one aroun' 

somewhah de day you done killed dat one in Mrs. G 's gyarden, kase 

I smelt de smell of watahmillion afore she sont for you to come ober dah." 



Notes ayid Qtieries. 207 

Of the very many superstitions regarding snakes the one which I have 
found most prevalent is that if one is killed and hung up or stretched out 
on a fence it will bring rain. 

Judge H. B. Lindsay, of Knoxville, Tenn., writes me that this is a wide- 
spread belief in upper East Tennessee, and Dr. A. S. Wiltse writes me that 
in the Cumberland Mountains, East Tennessee, it is common to see them 
stretched on the fences or hung in trees, in obedience to this belief. I 
have not infrequently seen this disgusting evidence of belief in the rain- 
making virtues of serpents myself. 

3. Planting Superstition, — Hon. C. C. Collins, of Elizabethton, Tenn., 
informs me of a quite common belief that, in order to raise gourds, it is 
necessary for the planter of the seeds to throw them over his left shoulder, 
one at a time, and utter an oath as each seed is thrown, before planting 
them. Mr. Collins says he has heard his grandmother tell about one of 
her daughters who was so thoroughly convinced of the truth of this that, 
although of a very religious family and personally devout in the extreme, 
she selected a profane word for gourd seed-planting time. The word that 
she picked out as probably least objectionable of all that she regarded as 
truly profane was " hell." So she would stand and solemnly throw the 
seeds over her left shoulder, and distinctly exclaim " hell ! " as each seed 
was thrown. 

4. Measuring Cures in Popular Medicine. — Mr. Collins says it is thought 
by many people that a child can be cured of phthisic by measuring its 
height with a sourwood stick, and hiding the stick, so that the child can 
never see it. As soon as the little one has grown taller than the stick is 
long, the disease will have been conquered. But if it ever sees the stick, 
the charm is broken. 

This is akin to a superstition of which Mrs. Henry Burns, of Lancing, 
Tenn., informs me. 

If a child is subject to croup, measure its height on a good sized, live 
tree. Bore a hole in the tree at the point which marks the exact height of 
the child ; take a lock of the little one's hair and put it into the hole, 
wedge it in tightly with a plug of wood, and as soon as the child has grown 
a bit above the hole it will cease to have croup, and never again be trou- 
bled with it. 

5. Marriage Signs in Tenfiessee. — Mrs. Burns has kindly furnished to me 
a large collection of the superstitions prevalent in the mountain country, 
where she was reared, many of which she has seen practically demonstrated 
frequently. Two or three of them are given below : — 

If a girl desires to know whom she will marry, she can find out by per- 
suading another girl to join her in going through the formula given, each 
doing her part " backwards," and neither speaking during the whole cere- 
mony. 

Together they secure an egg, put it in the fire, and leave it there until it 
has had time to become thoroughly cooked. Then they take it out to- 
gether ; together get a knife, and cut it into halves. Each takes a half, 
and removes the yolk from it. This is %\Tapped up in a handkerchief. 



2o8 journal of American Folk-Lore. 

The cavity of the white is filled with salt and eaten, shell and all. Then 
the two take the pieces of yolk which they wrapped up in their handker- 
chiefs, and put them under their pillows. They go to sleep, lying on their 
right sides, and both are sure to have the delight of dreaming, each that 
the man she is going to marrj' hands her a drink of water. 

There is certainly some scientific basis in this case for the dreams, and 
for the fact that water figures prominently in them. 

Another way for a girl to secure a glimpse into the future is to take nine 
new pins and drop them into a tin vessel which contains water, and set 
the vessel on the bed-slat under her pillow. Then, if marriage is in store 
for her, she will dream of the man who is to be her husband. But if she is 
destined not to marry, the tin vessel will turn over and spill all of the pins 
upon the floor. 

Another way yet to manage such affairs is for a girl to look out through 
the chimney and name three stars, giving them the names of the most 
desirable young men in the neighborhood. If she is to marry either of the 
three young men whose names she has given to the stars, she will dream 
of the one who is to be the bridegroom at her wedding. If she is not to 
marry either of the three, she will surely dream of the other man who is to 
be her partner for life. 

Again, if a girl wishes to know her fate, she can find it out by going to 
the forks of a road between sundown and dark, standing there, and say- 
ing, — 

" If I am to marry nigh, let me hear a bird cry. 
If I am to marry in foreign lands, let me hear a cow loo. 
If I am to marry not, let me hear my coffin knock." 

She will be sure to hear one or another of the sounds called for. 

Henry M. Wiltse. 
Chattanooga, Tenn. 



BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES. 
BOOKS. 

LeS LiTTjfeRATURES POPULAIRES DE TOUTES LES NATIONS. Tome XLIII. 

Paul S^billot. Le Folk-Lore des Pecheurs. Paris : J. Maison- 
neuve, 1901. Pp. xii + 389. 

The principal topics treated in this interesting collection of the folk-lore 
of fishermen are : Birth and childhood (prognostics, plays, games, toys, 
etc.) ; adolescence and later life (marriage, disease, death) ; the fisherman's 
house (amulets, luck, fishing apparatus) ; cult and festival (saints and pil- 
grimages, annual festivals, sacrifices, etc.) ; boats and vessels (building and 
launching) ; luck (presages of plenty and dearth, favorable and unfavor- 
able seasons) ; actions on board and while fishing (lucky and unlucky 
things to meet, persons, animals, and objects, religious observances, meteors 
and apparitions, fascinations, forbidden deeds and words, entreaties, vows, 



Bibliographical Notes. 209 

taking the fish, return, sale of fish, etc.); fresh-water fishermen (habits, 
beliefs, customs) ; deep-sea fishing (Newfoundland, Iceland, whaling) ; oral 
literature of the fishermen (tales and legends, songs, blason popidaire). At 
pages ix-xii is a list of some fifty-five works from which citations are made 
in the text, and at the end of the volume is an analytic table of contents, 
but no alphabetic index. 

The toys and games of the fishermen's children abundantly prove the 
influence of environment, for it is not to " Ride a cock horse " that the baby 
is trotted on the parent's knee on the island of Sein, e. g., one of the out-of- 
the-way Breton communities, but to " Row, row," while on the sands of the 
coast of upper Brittany the children in their " hopscotch " diagram repro- 
duce on a large scale the circumvolutions of the helix of the sea-snail. 
The bogy-man, too, smacks of the sea, — on the coast of Brittany, Saint 
Nicolas or Nicole, who is sometimes a monster of the deep with sharp 
claws and long arms, sometimes a fish. There is also Gros Jean, who 
shuts bad children in a cask, feeds them with seaweed through the bung- 
hole, -gives them salt water to drink, and entertains them with stories of 
what happens to disobedient children ; the red dwarf of Dieppe ; and, at 
Saint Cast, the fairies who whip children with kelp. Some of these 
demons are kin to the Gougou, which Champlain and Lescarbot reported 
from the Gaspesian Indians in the seventeenth century. According to M. 
Sebillot : " It is probably to imitation of the children that the regattas of 
models, instituted at Saint Malo, are due" (p. 16). The crab-races of the 
children have been dignified by a drawing in the " Journal Amusant " for 
October 25, 1885. The baptbne du mousse^ described at pages 45-47, is 
unique in its way. The clannishness of the Breton fisher-people appears 
in their marriages and their greater or less despisal of the peasantry, and 
is reflected in their marriage customs and observances. Everywhere the 
intelligence, activity, and, in certain things, the marked superiority of the 
women-folk are to be noted, although disapproval of too much " petticoat 
rule " occasionally vents itself upon the husband, as in the incident related 
from Saint Jacut de la Mer (p. 58). The belief seems to be widespread 
that the tide influences the time and the conditions of death. In Lower 
Brittany " sick people suffer more at high tide than at any other time, and 
then most deaths are thought to take place," but around Saint Malo the 
opposite belief prevails, and fishermen die with the ebb. 

Amulets and luck figure largely with fisher-folk all over the world. The 
blessing of the sea and of the fishing-boats is common in the Catholic 
countries of Europe, but is dying out of late even in Brittany. The sacri- 
fice on the island of Lewis, in the Hebrides, of a goat or a sheep, at the be- 
ginning of the season, or after a successful fishing, suggests many similar 
practices of savage and barbarous peoples of both hemispheres. Like other 
creatures, in Catholic lands, to be lucky and thrive, a boat must be chris- 
tened, — a heathen vessel would hardly fare well. Among the things of 
good augury before or during the fishing season are the sea-swallow (in the 
mackerel time), the cuckoo, the wind from the west, etc. Certain days of 
the weeks and of the month, especially in Catholic countries, are bad for 



2 1 o yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

fishing ; so also with certain saints' days and other festivals, A curious 
Esthonian belief exists to the effect that to have a quarrel with some one 
of the family before sailing is a good omen for the fishermen, — indeed, to 
come actually to blows is better, for "each blow counts three fish" (p. 173). 
Quite widespread is the idea that to ask a fisherman, " Where are you 
going? " will spoil his luck. To wish him "good luck" is sometimes quite 
as bad. Common also is the belief that priests and clergymen are of ill- 
omen to the fisherman. In parts of Brittany a tailor brings equal bad luck. 
Strangely enough, in many countries, women are thought to exercise no 
good influence upon fishing. To keep a boat too clean is to drive away 
the fish according to the folk of Saint Malo, and those of Boulogne believe 
it unlucky to drop anything into the water when leaving port. The taboos 
relating to fishing would make a good study of themselves, in their relation 
to persons, places, things, acts, words, etc. So, too, the vows, prayers, and 
conjurations of fishermen at sea and on land. 

Naturally, fishing on foot, largely an individual pursuit, has not the same 
chance to gather about it the mass of folk-lore that attaches to fishing in 
boats and ships, that leave the native land out of sight and visit strange 
countries ; but nevertheless those who fish by the shore of the sea, or in 
fresh-water lakes and rivers are not without their share of legend and 
superstition. 

There are many very interesting things about the deep-sea fishers and 
their doings. The French fishermen who visit Newfoundland seem to be 
especially given to imaginative tale-telling, while the yarns the " vieux 
loups dTslande " spin to novices are quite equal to any efforts of the for- 
mer. It was in Brittany that Pierre Loti w-as born, and the tale-telling 
exemplified in his " Pecheurs dTslande " came quite natural to him. 

M. Se'billot expresses the opinion that " tales in which fishing and fisher- 
men appear are rarer than is commonly believed " (p. 335). Part of this, 
doubtless, is due to lack of record. In not a few tales, owing to the influ- 
ence of Christianity, the devil appears to have superseded the more ancient 
sirens and sea-genii. It would seem, also, that the daughters of fishermen 
meet less frequently than their brothers with marvellous adventures. Fish- 
ermen, too, according to the author, have but comparatively few songs be- 
longing particularly to them ; moreover, they seem to figure rarely in the 
songs of the rest of the country. Of Brittany M. Sebillot says : " During 
a rather prolonged stay in villages exclusively inhabited by them, when I 
collected many tales and rhymes, I did not meet with a single song worthy 
of note which was peculiar to them*" (p. 374). The few fishermen's songs 
of the Mediterranean region seem to have a sentimental tone. The Flem- 
ish fishermen, apparently, have more songs relating to their profession than 
the French, Breton, or Basque, — the Reys nacr Ishmd " is a sort of national 
song for those who sail for the cod-banks from Gravelines, Marydyk, and 
Dunkirk.'' Fishermen, of course, furnish to their neighbors some Boeotians. 
Among these are the Martigots of Provence and the Jaguens of Brittany, 
who even exceed those of Fittie near Aberdeen in Scotland and the famous 
three of Gotham. 



Bibliographical Notes. 211 

Although this book contains matter from all regions of the globe, it is 
strongest and most valuable when it deals with the 'h.sVoxXzxiA par excellence, 
Brittany, where the author is always at home, and, naturally enough, it 
hardly does justice to the aborigines of America. 

Alexander F. Chamberlain. 

Over the Great Navajo Trail. By Carl Eickemeyer. Illustrated 
with photographs taken by the author. New York. igoo. Pp. 270. 

The author, who has previously published " Among the Pueblo Indians," 
and is a member of the American Folk-Lore Society, offers here a pleas- 
ing illustrated account of his journey over the Great Navajo Trail from 
Santa Fe westward to the Navajo Reservation in the northwestern corner 
of New Mexico and the northeastern part of Arizona, and his experiences 
among a people more or less " unaffected by the influences of civilization 
or by contact with white settlers." The peak of El Cabezon, in the broad 
valley of the Puerco, is, according to Navajo legend, — the tale can be 
read in full in the works of Dr. Washington Matthews, — the head of the 
giant Yeitso, whom the Twins slew, with the help of the Sun. At San 
Mateo are to be found the famous Penitentes of the Franciscan order, whose 
self-torture on Good Friday is worthy of the Red Man himself. Among 
the interesting characters met by the author was Que-su-la, chief of the 
Hualapi Indians of northern Arizona, who passed through Gallup, a little 
American town close to Navajo land. At page 129 is an account of koon- 
kan, " a game of cards the Indian has learned from his Mexican neigh- 
bors," and at pages 149-153 some remarks about the baby Navajo, who, 
" figuratively speaking, is born in the saddle," so early does his acquaint- 
ance with the horse begin. The author lavishes compliments on the Na- 
vajo maidens, " comely, well-built girls, strong as oxen, and graceful as 
fawns " (p. 163), About the mountains and their origin the Navajos have 
many legends. Concerning the Dsilli-che, or Black Mountains, the author 
was informed by an old medicine-man that " it will take four days to tell 
all about them" (p. 172). A Navajo mother would not sell the bead- 
necklace on her baby '' lest Chindee [the devil] should run off with it " 
(p. 206). Brief notes on marriage, basket-making, blanket- weaving, death, 
medicine, etc., are given by the author. The Navajo silversmith, we learn, 
" turns out ornaments that for ingenuity of design and skill in workman- 
ship are not rivalled by his civilized contemporary " (p. 220). Again, at 
page 240, Mr. Eickemeyer notes the happiness of child life among the Na- 
vajos. The volume closes with a plea for just and advantageous treatment 
of these Indians and a protest against "civilizing them out of existence." 

Alexander F. Chamberlain. 

The Ethno-Botany of the Coahuilla Indians of Southern Cali- 
fornia. By David Prescott Barrows. Chicago : The University of 
Chicago Press. 1900. Pp. 82. 
This is a Dissertation for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the 

Department of Anthropology at the University of Chicago. After a brief 



2 1 2 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

introduction, the work is divided into eight chapters as follows : Linguistic 
and Tribal Affinities of the Coahuilla Indians ; The Habitat of the Coa- 
huillas ; Houses and House-Building ; Baskets and Basket-Making ; Plant 
Materials used in Manufactures and Arts ; The Gathering, Preparation, 
and Storing of Foods ; Food Plants of the Coahuilla Indians ; Drinks, 
Narcotics, and Medicines. The Indians, whose knowledge and use of 
plants with the folk-thought concerning them, are here considered, are the 
Coahuilla (better : Coahuia) Indians, " inhabiting the arid plains and moun- 
tains of the California desert," a people now "almost unknown outside of 
their own portion of the State," but a tribe that " once controlled southern 
California from the Colorado river westward to the Pacific sea." The word 
Coahuilla " is Indian, and the tribesmen's own designation for themselves, 
and means 'master' or 'ruling people.' " The interesting account of the 
habitat of the Coahuias is interspersed with Indian place-names and their 
interpretation. From the account of the houses of these Indians it appears 
that "the work of building is done by the men " (p. 36). The Coahuia 
basketry " is of one type throughout, a type peculiar to the Indians of 
southern California, Dieguenos as well as Luisenos and Coahuillas, — a 
variety of narrow coiled ware " (p. 41). Basket-making is one of the chief 
employments of the old women. Of basketry ornamentation the author 
remarks (p. 43) : "The patterns are varied and always tasteful. A great 
variety of formal decorative figures are used : sometimes rather conven- 
tionalized representations of men, w^omen, and children, horses, deer, etc., 
are woven into it. I have a curious basket with figures of the human hand 
in black. The inspection and collection of these baskets is fascinating 
employment. The eye is constantly delighted with graceful forms and 
harmoniously arranged colors." With these Indians, pottery, which prob- 
ably superseded an earlier use of water-tight baskets, is of native origin, 
and not derived from the Spanish, as many have thought, — the remains in 
the old village and camping-sites prove this. The Coahuia women tattoo 
themselves with agave charcoal, pricking in the pattern with opuntia thorns. 
From cord twisted from the phragmites or agave " beautiful baby ham- 
mocks " are woven. Baby-boards, however, are also somewhat in use. In 
the chapter on food-getting Dr. Barrows pays the following tribute to 
aboriginal woman (p. 51): "In this work the woman has naturally been 
the important factor. They have been her explorations, her revolutionary 
discoveries, the tests made by her teeth and stomach that have advanced 
the race in its quest for substance. Among the Coahuillas, as among all 
Indians, the woman is the getter of vegetable foods, the ethno-botanist of 
her community. Now that the man's hunting has been interrupted forever 
by the settlements of the whites and the disappearance of the game, the 
support of the family falls principally on the woman." The amount of in- 
genuity displayed by these Indians in the manufacture of food-storing and 
food-preparing utensils is considerable. The Aztec word atoUi (in its Span- 
ish from atole) has drifted into several of the Indian dialects of this region 
since " the boiled mush served daily to the Indians under the Missions 
went by this name " (p. 54). The author, not claiming to have in any way 



Bibliographical Notes. 213 

exhausted the subject, informs us that he has discovered " not less than 
sixty distinct products for nutrition, and at least twenty-eight more utilized 
for narcotics, stimulants, or medicines, all derived from desert or semi- 
desert localities, in use among these Indians." The detail concerning the 
use of some these is very welcome. The diet of the Coahuias " was a 
much more diversified one than fell to the lot of most North American 
Indians," — a natural result of their '* roaming from the desert, through the 
mountains to the coast plains," thus drawing upon three quite dissimilar 
botanical zones. The Indian, too, found where the white man can see 
nothing. Besides beverages prepared from the mesquite, the screw-bean, 
the sumac, the ochotilla, etc., the Coahuias make tea from the Ephedra 
Nevadensis. They also have their native tobacco {Nicotiaiia afk/iuata), but 
seem to have been " quite largely free " from the use of intoxicating drugs, 
not distilling or fermenting, so far as is known, the agave, from which 
comes the tizwifi of the Apaches. The poisonous Datura jueteloides is, how- 
ever, used by the Coahuias to produce delirium. The " medicine-men of 
the Coahuillas seem to form a special class, having undergone a prepara- 
tion and initiation that make them exorcists and men of influence for life. 
They are still common and keep up their practices, although most of the 
mountain Coahuillas are nominally Roman Catholics " (p. 76). The 
sweathouse is still in use. Of the remedial herbs known to the Coahuias, 
" perhaps the largest number are purgatives or laxatives." Plant-lore in 
its medical aspects " is (unlike the practices of the * medicine men ') com- 
mon to all and peculiar to neither class nor sex. The knowledge in these 
matters is greatest, of course, in the old men and women, but the good 
effects of some herbs are known to every child " (p. 80). 

Of the culture of the Coahuias Dr. Barrows says, " it was a developing 
barbarism, and it is folly to insist that it would have made, of itself, no 
further advances." To-day, we are told (p. 71) : " The Indians are begin- 
ning to earn a large part of their support by civilized labor. They are the 
best sheep-shearers in California, riding in bands through the- country in 
spring and fall. Many work through the summer in orchards and vineyards 
and in fruit drying and packing establishments. On the reservations they 
raise cattle, especially in the mountain Coahuilla valley. They plant maize, 
beans, peas, potatoes, watermelons, squashes, and, in the mountains, also 
wheat and barley. All but the last two require irrigation, and for this 
purpose they make in the mountains small reservoirs, by damming and 
deepening the springs, and dig rude zanjas, or irrigating ditches. In the 
Cabezon valley they conduct the water short distances out of the canons 
in which it trickles, or at certain villages they irrigate small patches from 
their wells." But the change of diet that all this implies is no unmixed' 
evil, and the author believes that " the heavy mortality among children, the 
decay of teeth, and skin eruptions that are appearing, are due in large part 
to the abandonment of native foods for those of civilized life." Diseases 
of civilization are making their inroads also. Dr. Barrows's monograph is 
both interesting and informing, and it is to be hoped other branches of the 
Shoshonean stock may soon receive like treatment. 

Alexander F. Chamberlain. 



214 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

Wigwam Stories told by North American Indians. Compiled by 
Mary Catherine Judd. With Illustrations by Angel de Cora (Hinook- 
mahiwi-kilinaka). Boston : Ginn & Co., AthenEeum Press. 1901. 
Pp. viii -|- 276. 

This book is a great improvement upon works of its kind, and would 
have been still better had the author not depended so much upon School- 
craft for certain parts of it. The volume is divided into three parts, 
"Sketches of Various Tribes of North American Indians" (pp. 1-75), 
" Traditions and Myths " (pp. 77-214), and " Stories recently told of Men- 
abozho and other Heroes," making altogether seventy-eight items of tales 
and descriptions. Besides twenty-eight full-page illustrations from photo- 
graphs. Miss Angel de Cora, the young Indian artist, has contributed three 
full-page sketches, the design for the cover, the chapter initials, etc., Miss 
Angel de Cora's pictures, " Sequoyah, the Indian Scholar," " The Indian 
Story-Teller," and " The Indian of To-Day," being reproduced from her 
original paintings. The author, besides Schoolcraft, has used to great 
advantage the collections of myths and tales in the Reports of the Bureau 
of American Ethnology, and her selections are, on the whole, very judicious. 
Naturally enough, the great Algonkian family, who have influenced more 
than any other Indian people, the European settlers in the United States, 
are best represented in this book, but the Iroquois, the Zuiii, and other 
tribes of the South and West come in for their share, the first especially. 
" Wigwam Stories " is intended for general use and for supplementary 
reading in the schools, and for that end is well suited and cannot fail to be 
both interesting and profitable. A few errors have crept into the text, 
which ought to be eliminated in future editions. That the Iroquois are 
"akin to the Sioux" (p. 274) lacks proof entirely, and John Eliot was of 
Massachusetts, not of Rhode Island (p. 3). While Siwash is localized to 
designate " a tribe of Indians living near Puget Sound and northward " 
(p. 276), it would be well to state also that siwash (from French sauvagf, 
Canadian-French savage) is really the Chinook Jargon word for " Indian." 
A note ought to be added to page 13 to indicate that the Delaware Namesi 
Sipu is 7iot the etymology of Mississippi. The section on " The Indian at 
Home" (pp. 31-34) wilfbear amplification, especially so as to bring out 
the fact that with some tribes the position of woman was high, and she was 
by no means a slave, even " a willing one." 

For the folk-lorist the most important section of this volume is Part III., 
which records stories gathered from the Ojibwa of Minnesota and Wiscon- 
sin in 1894-1900, besides stories from the Iroquois, Micmac, Dakota, etc. 
In the brief "Story of the Deluge" (pp. 227-229), obtained in 1900, the 
flood comes as the result of the enmity between Menabozho, " the great 
land manitou," and the water-spirits. After the muskrat has brought up 
sand from the deep in his paw : " Menabozho held the sand in his own 
hand, and dried it in the sunshine. He blew it with his breath far out on 
the water, and it made a little island. Afenabozho called the sand back to 
him. He dried it in his hand again, and then blew it to its place on the 
deep water. He did this for two day<;, and the island grew larger every 



Bibliographical Notes, 2 1 5 

time it was sent back." The story of " Menabozho Caught " (pp. 230- 
233), obtained from an Ojibwa Indian in Wisconsin in 1895, deals with the 
same incident as "A Mississaga Legend of Na'nib5ju " (Jour. Amer. Folk- 
Lore, vol. v. pp. 291, 292). Very beautiful is the " Legend of the Arbutus " 
(pp. 253-256) and very poetical, but perhaps the Indian who told it had a 
dash of civilization about him. Among the books of Indian lore compiled 
by those not ethnologists vom Fach, " Wigwam Stories " deserves to rank 
high, containing, as it does, so much, and of that much so large an amount 
of the good. 

Alexander F. Chamber-lain. 

Anting-Anting Stories, and other Strange Tales of the Filipinos. 
By Sargent Kayme. Boston : Small, Maynard & Co. 1901. Pp. 
vii + 235. 

From the title of this book one would be led to believe its folk-lore 
content greater than it really is. It is named from the anting-anting, con- 
cerning which the editor says in the preface, "No more curious fetich can 
be found in the history of folk-lore. A button, a coin, a bit of paper with 
unintelligible words scribbled upon it, a bone, a stone, a garment, anything 
almost — often a thing of no intrinsic value — its owner has been known 
to walk up to the muzzle of a loaded musket or rush upon the point of a 
bayonet with a confidence so sublime as to silence ridicule and to com- 
mand admiration if not respect." The eleven rather interesting stories, in 
which the white man, more often than the Filipino, is the chief figure, have 
most of them something to do with the native belief in the anti?ig-antiftg, on 
which the denouement sometimes depends. Otherwise, they have more a 
literary than a folk-lore cast. They will doubtless be enjoyed by the large 
circle of readers who turn eagerly to the human experiences of new lands 
which necessarily seem to be of a more or less occult character. 

A word or two about the anthtg-anthig may not be out of place here. 
De la Gironiere records a?iien-anten as " a diabolical song." Pardo de 
Tavera defines it as "amuleto que salva la vida, da poder sobre natural," 
etc., etc. Blumentritt says of some of the Tagals of Luzon that " they 
believe in a sort of Fortunatus-rod, or antin-afitin, which can bring them 
riches and happiness." Besides these significations the word has also 
the meaning of " earring " probably of secondary origin. 

Alexander F. Chamberlain. 

The Games and Diversions of Argyleshire. Compiled by Robert 
Craig Maclagan, M. D. (Publications of the Folk-Lore Society, 
xlvii.) London: D. Nutt. 1901. Pp. vii + 270. 

The language of the Gael is exceptional, in that it has hitherto been un- 
represented among the collections of children's games ; it is therefore with 
interest that one approaches the book of Mr. Maclagan. A high degree of 
antiquity is frequently ascribed to things Celtic ; and it would seem likely 
that a gathering from the Highlands of Scotland or Ireland would furnish 
instruction on dark problems of European games. It is through the for- 



2 1 6 journal of American Folk-L ore. 

mulas by which games are directed, especially rounds or dances to song, 
that the history of the amusements is most easily traced ; and it is these 
which it is natural first to consider. A division at once presents itself 
according to language, inasmuch as the population of Argyleshire is bi- 
lingual, and this division corresponds to a diversity of character. The 
dramatic games are entirely English, Gaelic examples of rounds being com- 
pletely absent ; further, the rhymes exhibit modern and debased variants 
of English types, in no one instance furnishing any version of much inter- 
est or value ; this quality clearly implies a very recent transmission. So 
far, the result is in accordance with previous observations, which go to 
show that the West European ballad and round failed to find acceptance 
on Gaelic territory, a deficiency no doubt due to isolation and severance of 
the peasantry from the higher class by whom such usages and songs were 
introduced and naturalized. 

Turning to the Gaelic lore, this is of a very tenuous character ; such 
paucity also must be modern, for we cannot suppose that Scottish and Irish 
usage should not have once been curious and interesting. In this part of 
the material also appear traces of borrowing from the European stock ; nor 
do the formulas show clear marks of any great age ; their generally puerile 
nature implies the reverse. It would seem likely, therefore, that we have 
not much to expect from future Gaelic collection ; but it would hereafter 
be well to separate the Gaelic from the English matter. That the result of 
the gathering is a disappointment does not of course diminish the merit of 
Mr. Maclagan's essay. » 

One item may here be noticed. In dancing, in case of the absence of 
instruments, " ports " or isolated verses are used to direct the dance ; these 
are sung by young women, and are usually meaningless, being purely 
mnemonic. 

Mr. Maclagan has completed his record by illustrations of implements 
used in ball, archery, and puzzles. 

W. W. Newell. 

T. HE Fundamental Principles of New and Old World Civilizations. 
By Zelia Nuttall. (Archaeological and Ethnological Papers of the 
Peabody Museum of Harvard University. Vol. ii.) Cambridge, Mass. 
igoi. Pp. 602. 

One of the most interesting problems which confront the modern student 
of ethnology and archa}ology is the question, whether human advancement 
on the different continents is the product of independent evolutions, or 
the common inheritance of prehistoric migrations. Not so long ago serious 
writers on the subject were wont to deduce relationships between distant 
peoples from very inadequate data. One result of such methods was the 
well-known fact that the Indians of America have, in various learned works, 
been placed on the genealogical tree of nearly every nation known to antiq- 
uity. These reckless theories have caused a natural reaction. An influ- 
ential school of anthropologists now expresses the conviction that the 
American Indian was separated from his human relatives in savage times. 



Bibliographical Notes. 2 1 7 

if, indeed, his birth was not the result of an independent evolution. All 
analogies are to them merely the results of like forces and like environ- 
ments acting independently. When these analogies are based on the kind 
of evidence which they usually ridicule, few fair-minded students will ques- 
tion that they are right. But the real question is whether all analogies 
can be regarded as products of general law. Many students of the subject 
are convinced that, in spite of the vagaries of former and less scientific 
times, there is a point at which this general law ceases to perform satisfac- 
tory service. At this point they find it necessary to dismount from general 
principles to find in the transmitted idiosyncracies of tribes and individuals 
the only satisfactory support across a stream of complex and arbitrary 
analogies. Obviously we can best settle the merits of the question involved 
by examining the nature of the analogies which occur. For this purpose 
the recently published work of Mrs. Zelia Nuttall is especially valuable, 
because in her steadies she has entered into a seldom trodden field where 
there is much to learn. Independent of the problem mentioned this field 
is a most attractive one, for there the human mind probably made its 
earliest attempt to understand itself and the relation to the great and ever 
present mystery of the sky. 

We may accept the author's explanation of the analogies which she 
points out, or we may explain them ourselves in another manner, but we 
can seldom, if ever, deny that they exist and are worthy of careful consid- 
eration. The work opens with an interesting study of the varieties and 
distribution of the svastika. The form of this symbol is believed to have 
originated in the revolution of the stars of Ursa Major about Polaris. 
This theory is both novel and plausible. In so far as it associates the 
svastika with celestial motion, it is in accord with the generally received 
opinion, and if there has been a tendency to connect that motion with the 
solar journey along the ecliptic, it must at least be admitted that a deriva- 
tion from stellar rather than solar motion is more consistent with primitive 
conditions. There can be no doubt but that the svastika presents to the 
eye a faithful summary of the revolution of the stars of what we call the 
Dipper, nor is it doubtful that primitive peoples watched the movements of 
the stars with great care, and gained a surprisingly accurate knowledge of 
the apparent revolution of the heavens. The pole is a natural focus to which 
all celestial motion points. It must therefore have attracted the attention 
of the earliest star-gazers, who would soon learn the importance of know- 
ing the only immovable point in their sky. Various tribes of North Amer- 
ica, for example, who name but few constellations, seem to have been 
acquainted with the pole-star from pre-European times, and they relate an 
elaborate myth of the revolution of Ursa Major around it. Mrs. Nuttall 
describes numerous instances in which these stars play a conspicuous part 
in the Mexican ritual. She regards the god Tezcatlipoca as the personi- 
fication of this asterism, and thinks that there existed in Peru a marked 
reverence for the north due to the memory of Polaris worship amongst 
emigrants from that direction. This reverence was, to some extent, trans- 
ferred to the Southern Cross, which, as the writer has shown in his studies 

VOL. XIV. — NO. 54. 15 



2 1 8 yournal of American Folk- Lore. 

of the Salcamayhua chart, was distinctly associated with the south pole by 
the Peruvians. 

But to return to the northern hemisphere, the curve of the stars of the 
Dipper is also connected with the symbols of the scorpion's tail, while 
Cassiopeia becomes the serpent and the sacred bird with outspread wings, 
which figures in the contest with the ocelot, yet another symbol of Ursa 
Major. While we may not follow Mrs. Nuttall in all these identifications, 
those who deny them must possess no mediocre knowledge of the Nahuatl 
and Mayan glyphs to meet the arguments which she bases on a system of 
rebus reading that, to the writer at least, seems too consistent with the 
genius of the American peoples to be other than correct in principle. The 
svastika has been called by some writers the trademark of the Phoenicians. 
Placed in this light, its unquestionable appearance in America takes on 
additional interest. The late Dr. Brinton stated that the ignorance of the 
wheel on this continent is a fatal objection to the view of those who derive 
the svastika from this source. He seems not to have considered the pos- 
sibility of such a simple derivation as is proposed by Mrs. Nuttall. The 
Anglo-Saxon fylfot or falling foot, a form of the svastika, clearly suggests 
the motion of revolution symbolized by a man running around a fixed 
object, and is a good companion for the Mexican gladiator tied to the sac- 
rificial stone around which he moves, according to Mrs. Nuttall, in imita- 
tion of Ursa Major. 

Our author passes from the svastika into what is perhaps the most inter- 
esting and important department of her extensive researches. This is con- 
cerned with the existence in all parts of the world of a " Great Plan " in 
accordance with which the lands and population were divided, and the 
governments and religions arranged. This plan was supposed to reflect 
on earth conditions which the study of nature indicated to exist in the 
celestial world. After reading the evidence bearing upon this subject, 
there is no room for skepticism. Some such plan undoubtedly existed, 
though as before we may differ as to the explanation of details. It is the 
material bearing upon this Plan which offers most interesting opportunities 
for testing the question of intercommunication versus independent origins, 
and, whichever explanation may be accepted, the plan affords a striking 
demonstration of the essential unity of human thought in the most distant 
regions of time and locality. We start with the observation of the celestial 
pole, the one central, stable, and unmovable spot about which all else in the 
heavens revolves. As in the sky so on earth. Eagerly man in his earliest 
advancement, driven from place to place by battle and earthquake and the 
turmoil of the elements, seeks for a like terrestrial ideal, for a paradise in 
the centre of the world where he may dwell in quiet and harmony with 
nature, in the ideal home. So arises the sacred unmovable centre identified 
with so many sacred cities. And the vision which at first beholds Polaris, 
lord of the centre, gradually sees more clearly and yet more clearly until 
the star is supplanted by the infinite, invisible Spirit, the unknown god, 
the god whose name is concealed except from the initiate. Around this 
name is thrown the darkest veil, yet through it there still appears, in the 



Bibliographical Notes. 219 

Egyptian Book of the Dead, the form of the god of the centre associated 
with the bull. Behind that still occur suggestions of a singular romance 
of truth. Looking outward from the centre, man sees in the four so-called 
elements, fire, earth, air, and water, and in the four seasons corresponding 
to the four celestial regions divided by the solstice and equinoxes, sufficient 
reason for dividing the earth into four regions, often bounded by roads 
leading from the central temple to what the late R. G. Haliburton aptly 
termed the four diagonal points. To each region there is assigned a god. 
Celestially and terrestrially the rule of the centre is the supreme lord of 
the whole. Under him are the lords of the four regions. But in addition 
to this horizontal division there is the vertical division into above, centre, 
and below, making seven in all as the centre is repeated. Hence the well- 
known prominence of the number seven in symbolism. A yet more com- 
plex division parallels the twelve months with twelve provinces. There is 
a conspicuous example of this in Peru which the late Col. William S. Beebe 
first pointed out, and the present writer has elaborated. Both the wards of 
Cuzco and the provinces of the empire seem to have been arranged on 
this basis. The inhabitants of the different regions here and elsewhere 
were distinguished by peculiarities of dress and adornment. Although as 
a whole this Plan tended to promote the interests of law and order, it 
offered at times an excuse for tyranny and other abuses. The representa- 
tives of the upper world in the vertical division in some instances claimed 
the right to hold those of the lower world in slavery, while the excesses 
committed by the followers of the sky father and the earth mother are 
well known. In presenting the evidence bearing on the Great Plan, Mrs. 
Nuttall does not confine herself to historical governments. Some of her 
most interesting material is obtained from the description of the ideal 
republics of Plato and other philosophers. She argues very forcibly that 
the influence of these men and of the ideals which they perfected must 
have been sufficiently powerful to induce the foundation of more than one 
colony upon the basis proposed by them. When we find an identical 
scheme at the basis of many actually existing governments, it is not unrea- 
sonable to suppose that it originated amongst the followers of a similar 
philosophy who carried their ideas with them around the world. Indeed, 
she regards it as possible that the followers of Themistius, the philosophic 
contemporary of Constantine, driven from their own land by Christian 
persecutors, established at last in the New World the empire of Temistitlan, 
the land of Temis, the later Mexico, which at the time of Cortez was still 
an epitome of the Themistian philosophy. 

Such in outline are a few of the more important elements of this ably 
written volume. It contains many minor suggestions of much interest. 
Space will only permit the briefest mention of one. There is a compari- 
son of the Peruvian, Mayan, and Nahuatl cultures which reveals many ele- 
ments in common. The first and last do homage to the noble knights of 
the eagle and the tiger, orders not inconspicuous in the Old World. 

Several recent writers, notably Hewitt, d' Alviella, and Allen, have inci- 
dentally touched upon the symbolism and astronomy of the American In- 



2 20 jfournal of American Folk-Lore. 

dians, but Mrs. Nuttall is the first to centre these studies on this continent. 
Possibly she has assigned to the polar element of astronomical symbolism 
some of the concepts which belong to the solar and other cults. Even 
allowing for secrecy, the polar cult does not seem to play the widespread 
role in myth and legend which a very general recognition of this Plan 
would seem to necessitate. The supreme deity, for example, is much more 
often associated with the sun than with the pole and about as often with 
the Pleiades and with Orion. The land of the hereafter is also associated 
with the Pleiades at least as often as with the pole, as the researches of 
R. G. Haliburton have clearly shown. On the other hand, the important 
role played by pole worship has probably not been appreciated by students. 
At least Mrs. Nuttall's book cannot fail to arouse and maintain interest in 
the subjects to which it refers. It is a valuable work, a worthy supplement 
to the author's earlier studies of the Mexican calendar. She has given us 
impressive evidence of the important and but recently suspected role 
played by symbolism in America, and we may well be glad to learn that 
this volume will before long be followed by others bearing upon related 
topics. Professor Putnam contributes a brief editorial note which lucidly 
explains the contents of the volume. 

Stansbury Hagar. 



JOURNALS. 

RECENT ARTICLES OF A COMPARATIVE NATURE IN FOLK-LORE AND OTHER 
PERIODICALS (not IN ENGLISH). 

Basset, R. Notes sur les Mille et una Nuits. VIII. Le marchand et le gdnie. 
IX. Le dormeur €\€\\\€. Rev. de Trad. Pop., Paris, 1901, xvi. 28-35, 74-88, 193. 
These " Notes,'' continued from vol. xiv., are critical (both as to literature and 
folk-lore) and are accompanied by a wealth of bibliographical references. The 
redaction of the " Merchant and Genius," the author thinks, dates from the fifth 
century of the Hegira, about the second half of the tenth century A. D. The 
second part of the " Sleeper Awakened " is independent of the first, to which it 
has been more or less adroitly attached, and is based, in all probability, upon a 
real event. The first part is a development of the widespread theme, IJ^ I were 
king. 

BoucHAL, L. Indonesische Wertiger. Mitt. d. Anthrop. Ges. in Wien, 1900, 
XXX., N. F. X. Sitzber., 154-156. Brief notes on Werwolf beliefs in Java, Celebes, 
etc. — Bezoarsteine in Indonesien. Ibid., 179, 180. Gives etymologies of names 
of the bezoar-stone in use among Indonesian peoples. — Noch einige Belegstellen 
fiir Geophagie in Indonesien. Ibid., iSo, 191. Notes occurrence of "earth- 
eating" in New Caledonia, Nusalaut, Saparua, Ambona, Java, Sumatra, and gives 
etymology of several of the names for "edible earth" in Malay languages. 

Capitan, L. Les pierres ii cupule. Rev. de VEcole d' Anthrop. de Paris, 
1901, xi. 114-127. Discusses (with 13 text-illustrations) the various theories as 
to the origin and significance of the so-called "cup-marked" or pitted stones and 
rocks in various regions of the globe. 

Chervin, Dr. Traditions populaires relatives k la Parole. Rev. d. Trad. Pop., 
Paris, 1900, 241-263. Treats of superstitions and customs relating to "tongue 



Bibliographical Notes. 221 

cutting " in children in various countries of Europe (Italy in particular), gives a 
list of proverbial expressions in divers languages relating to the subject, notes 
" medical theurg)' of speech," folk-lore of deaf-mutes, etc., and concludes with a 
list (pp. 260-263) of French, Italian, Spanish, Bulgarian, English, and German 
proverbs relating to the tongue and speech. 

COELHO, T. O senhor sete. A Tradifdo, Serpa, 1901, iii. 33, 34, 56, 57. Con- 
tinuation of detailed discussion of " seven " in folk-lore. 

CoLSON, O. Fetichisme. Wallonia, Liege, 1901, ix. 25-35. Cites instance 
of fetichistic survivals in the folk-Christianity of Belgium, popular practices which 
exist side by side with the sacerdotal religion, — a sort of barbaric ambiante. One 
of the most common examples is the " particularist faith," and the " specialization " 
of the powers of saints, notably as curers of disease. Another is the animism of 
religious statues. The ancient custom of placing in a consecrated place a nail or 
a pin to cure a sick person, comes, the author thinks, from a belief similar to that 
of the Congo negroes who have fetiches stuck full of nails, etc. The " mortifica- 
tion of the god" exists still in the region of Chimay. Love affairs have also their 
fetichistic side. — Le loup-garou. Ibid., 49-59- Names, nature, and lore of wer- 
wolf in Belgium, etc. 

De Cock, A. De Doode te gast genood. Volkskutide, Gent, 1900-1901, xiii. 
77-81. Brief notes on " Death as Guest " in the folk-thought of Belgium, France, 
Germany, Denmark, China, Spain. The Flemish version is closely related to the 
"Don Juan" tale from the Iberian peninsula. — Spreekwoorden en zegswijzen 
over de vrouwen, de liefde en het huwelijk. Ibid., 84-87, 122, 123. Nos. 187- 
227 of Dutch proverbs and folk-sayings about women, love, and marriage, with 
references to literature and some citations of parallels from other languages. — 
Spreekwoorden en zegswijzen afkomstig van oude gebruiken en volkszeden. Ibid., 
151-160, 183-186, 231-237. Nos. 344-391 of Dutch proverbs and folk-sayings 
relating to wooing, marriage, spinning, etc., with references to literature and 
comparative notes. — De Arabische Xachtvertellingen. Ibid., 173-182, 216-230. 
Critical review on the occasion of the appearance of the first three parts of the 
Krebbers-Stamperius edition of the " Arabian Nights " for the young. Also a 
comparative study, with reference to twenty-four variants in divers languages, of 
the " Story of the Little Hunchback." — Le gargon au bonnet rouge. Rev. d. Trad. 
Pop., Paris, 1901, xvi. 217-231. Besides giving the Flemish text of "the red-cap 
boy," a variant of the " pursuit-tale," the author refers to some forty other similar 
stories from Europe, Asia, Africa, America, and Oceanica. 

Delafosse, M. Sur des traces probables de civilisation Eg}-ptienne et 
d'hommes de race blanche k la Cote d'l voire. Anthropologie, Paris, 1900, xi. 
431-451, 543-568, 677-690. Author cites evidence to show that the Baoule, of 
the Ivory Coast of West Africa, have been influenced in the past by Eg}'ptian 
civilization: that an " island" of white men has existed somewhere in this region. 
The folk-lore evidence relates to cosmology, astronomy, medicine, religion, funeral 
rites, cult of the dead, etc. 

Drechsler, p. Der Wassermann im schlesischen Volksglauben. Ztschr. d. 
Ver. f. Volkskunde, Berlin, 1901, xi. 201-207. Discusses the folk-lore of the 
"water man" and "water woman " in German and Polish Silesia. 

Ellox, F. Verzeichniss der japanisch-buddhistischen Holzbildwerke in der 
Sammlung Ellon. Ethnol. Notizbl., Berlin, 1901, ii. 41-57. Explanatory list of 
141 Japanese-Buddhistic wood-carvings presented by Herr F. Ellon to the Royal 
Ethnological Museum in Berlin. Brief notes are added (pp. 58, 59) by F. W. K. 
Miiller. The names of some of these are very interesting from the standpoint of 
etymology. 

Gallee, J. H. Sporen van Indo-germaansch ritueel in Germaansche lijkplech- 



222 journal of American Folk-Lore. 

tigheden. Volkskimde, Gent, 1900-1901, xiii. 89-99, 124-145. An endeavor to 
discover in Germanic funeral ceremonies traces of Indo-Germanic rites. Many 
interesting analogies and coincidences are pointed out and remarked upon. 

Heusler, a. Die altnordischen Ratsel. Ztschr. d. Ver. f. Volksktuide, Ber- 
lin, 1901, xi. 101-147. A somewhat detailed study of "Old Norse Riddles." Lit- 
erary form, variants, prosody, content, motif, seriation, solutions, reflection of 
nature and environment, etc., are considered, likewise their relation to literature 
proper. Comparison with English riddles of the eighth century and with old 
German riddles reveals the fact that these Old Norse rhymes are largely sui 
generis. 

JiRiczEK, O. L. Hamlet in Iran. Ztschr. d. Ver.f. Volksktmde, Berlin, 1900, 
X. 353-364. According to the author, there is a rapprochejne7it between Hamlet 
and the story of Kei Chosro in the Shah Nameh. Resemblances with other 
legends are also noted. 

KiJHNAU, Dr. Die Bedeutung des Brotes in Haus und Familie. Mitt. d. 
Schles. Ges. f. Volkskunde, Breslau, 1901, 25-44. A comparative study of the 
folk-thought of various regions of Germany concerning bread in its relations to 
the welfare of the house and its inmates, family, birth, marriage, death, etc., and 
also to the powers of nature. The basis of the bread-cult is the vegetative life of 
the field and its harvests. 

Lasch, R. Weitere Beitrage zur Geophagie. Mitt. d. Anthrop. Ges. in Wien, 
1900, Sitsgber., 181-183. Addenda to article published in 1898 on "earth eating." 
— Die Anfiinge des Gewerbestandes. Ztschr. f. Socialwiss, Berlin, 1901, iv, 73- 
89. A useful discussion with references to literature (Mason, McGuire, Gushing, 
Holmes, etc., ought to be added) of the beginnings of the industrial classes among 
primitive peoples. The folk-lorist is interested in the development of special 
deities for the various professions. 

Lefebvre, E. Mirages visuels et auditifs. Mehisine, Paris, 1900, 25-39, 49~ 
56. A detailed account, with abundant bibliographical references, of the folk-lore 
of eye and ear deception and kindred phenomena in ancient and modern times, 
Among the topics treated are : INIirages on land and water, phantasmagoria, 
peculiar noises, sounds and music, voices, echoes, singing sands, etc. — L'arc-en- 
ciel. I/nd. , gy-iii, 121-125, 146-153, 178-1S6, A valuable study, accompanied 
by abundant bibliographical references, and a wealth of citations from the poetical 
literature of many lands, of "the rainbow in poetry." Circumstances attending 
the rainbow, appearance and disappearance, form, color, nature and composition, 
r61e and symbolism, rainbow as woman, fairy, etc., are some of the topics dis- 
cussed. For psychologists and folk-lorists alike this study is of great interest. 

LEFfevRE, A. Le saint graal. Rev. de VEcole d^ Anthrop. de Paris, 1901, xi. 
178-183. Brief general discussion. The author considers the story of the Holy 
Grail to be a remarkable instance of the sur\'ival of myth in spite of religion. 
Behind the Christian gradalis lies the ceremonial vessel of the Celtic bards. 

Leroy, Mgr. Usages des ndgrilles d'Afrique et des ncgritos d'Asie. Arch, p- 
I. Stud. d. Trad. Pop., Palermo, 1900, xix. 117, 118. Enumeration of customs of 
African negrillos and Asiatic negritos concerning birth, circumcision, adolescence, 
marriage, death, funerals, etc. 

VON LuscHAN, F. Ueber kindliche Vorstellungen bei den sogenannten Natur- 
volkern. Ztschr./. Pad. Psychol. 11. Pathol., Berlin, 1901, iii, 89-96. This inter- 
esting discussion of the mental "childlikeness " of primitive peoples should be 
read in connection with the Address of Dr. Franz Boas on " The Mind of Primitive 
Man " (Journ. Amer. Folk-Lore, vol. xiv. pp. i-i i). 

Magiera, J. F. Uwagi nad przyswojeniami w gwarach naszych. IVisla, 



Bibliographical Notes. 223 

Warzawa, 1901, xv. 145-152. Contains interesting examples of assimilation in 
foreign words and folk-etymolog}' in Polish dialects. 

IVIoCHi, A. Gli oggetti etnografici delle popolazioni etiopiche posseduti dal 
Museo Nazionale d' Antropologia in Firenze. Arch. p. V Anirop. e la Etnol., 
Firenze, 1900, xxx. 87-172. The folk-lore material of this paper consists in the 
description of a number of personal ornaments, amulets, sacred pictures, and 
similar objects from the Erythreans and Abyssinians, Danakil, Somal, and Galla. 
These, as well as the other ethnographic data, demonstrate the antiquity of contact 
with Europe, as well as the influence of Semitic intruders and neighbors. 

DE MoRTiLLET, A. La circoncision en Tunisie. Bull, et Mem. SoccTAnthrop, 
de Paris, v' s., i. 1900, 538-543. Describes, after Dr. A. Loir, circumcision as 
diversely practised by the Arabs and the Jews of Tunis. 

MuszYXSKi, S. Presn o Ameryce. ^F/j-Az, Warszawa, 1901, xv. 197-199. Text 
of a Polish folk-song about America. 

vox Negeleix, J. Die Reise der Seele ins Jenseits. ZtscJir. d. Ver.f. Volks- 
kmtde, Berlin, 1901, xi. 149-158. This second section deals with the journey and 
path of the soul, the "path of death," its direction, length, width, straightness, 
etc., and the time consumed on the way, the obstacles en rotite, etc. 

Olbrich, Dr. Aal und Schiange. Mitt, der Schles. Ges.f. Volkskunde, 
Breslau, 1901, 1-3. Brief account of some of the German folk-ideas springing 
from the resemblances between the eel and the snake. These vary from " hissing " 
to imparting a knowledge of beast-speech. 

PiCHLER, F. Ladinische Studien aus dem Enneberger Thale Tirols. CorrbL 
d. deutschen Ges. f. AntJirop., Miinchen, 1901, xxxii. 39-45. Contains interesting 
etymological notes and a list of some 560 folk-names of places (mountains, 
valleys, villages, streams, lakes, etc.) with here and there historical-etymological 
explanations. 

DE Pratt, A. A sepultura de Herodes. A Tradifdo, Serpa, 1901, iii. 81-85. 
Treats of the legend which makes Herod Antipas die in Portugal, where his tomb 
is said to exist in a little village named Redinha, between Pombal and Condeixa. 
Folk-etymology makes of Redinha (the cavern where the remains of Herod are 
supposed to rest) a memory of the noted exile, — Redinha, Rodinho, Rodiolum, 
Rodim (cf. Rodao, Rodio, Roda, etc.). 

Radlixski, L Apokryfy ludaistyczno-Chrzescijanskie. Wisla, Warszawa, 
1901, XV. 184-196. The first part or preliminary note of a study of Polish apocry- 
phal JudcEO-Christian literature concerning the apocal\-pses, assumptions, ascen- 
sions, etc., of Moses, Baruch, Isaiah, etc. 

Regnault, F. L'dvolution du costume. Btdl. et Mem. Soc. d'' Anthrop. de 
Paris, v" s., i. 1900, 328-344. General discussion of the origin and development 
of dress. The factors of need, ornament, modesty, climate, etc., are considered, 
and the "laws "of imitation, exaggeration, and misoneism brought out. When 
fashion no longer rules, we shall see, the author thinks, a real gain for taste and 
aesthetics. The article is illustrated with seven figures in the text. 

Retzius, G. Om trepanation af hufudskulen, sasom folksed i forna och nyara 
tider. Vmer, Stockholm, 1901, xvi. 11-28. General discussion of trepanning in 
connection with the recent discovery of trepanned skulls from prehistoric burial- 
places in Sweden. 

Sabbe, M. Peter Benoit en het vlaamsche Volkslied. Volkskunde, Gent- 
1900-1901, xiii. 209-21 5. A brief account of the work of Benoit, the first composer 
in Flanders to prove the great value of folk-melody for musical purposes. 

VON DEN Steixex, K. Der Paradiesgarten als Schnitzmotiv der Paragua- 
Indianer. Ethnol. Notizbl., Berlin, 1901, ii. 60-65. Describes and discusses the 



2 24 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

use (for decorative purposes on medicine pipes) by the Paragua Indians of the 
garden of Eden viotif, as obtained from the missionaries. See Journal of 
American Folk-Lore, vol. xiv. p. 98. , , , 

Zachariae, T. Zu Goethe's Parialegende. Ztschr. d. Ver. f. Volkskunde, 
Berlin, 1901, xl. 186-192. The author concludes that the source of Goethe's 
poem is the story of Mariatale as given in Sonnerat's " Reise nach Ost Indien 

und China" (Ziirich, 1783). 

A. F. C. 



THE JOURNAL OF 

AMERICAN FOLK-LORE. 

Vol. XIV. — OCTOBER-DECEMBER, 1901. — No. LV. 



EPISODES IN THE CULTURE-HERO MYTH OF THE 
SAUKS AND FOXES. 

The Sauks and Foxes are wont to gather on wintry nights round 
about the fires in their lodges, and listen to a story which to them is 
held sacred. The story tells of their creation by a divinity that 
came long before, and prepared the earth for them to live in. It 
recounts the divinity's benevolent acts towards men, his teaching 
the people the way to live, and his preparation for them of a home 
after death in the spirit world. 

The narrative below is made up of certain episodes which deal with 
the main thread of the divinity's career. It is not so full of detail 
as might be, but the incidents and such parts of them as are here 
told occur in the order of their sequence. Furthermore, the frag- 
ments — for they are nothing more — are rendered freely in a simple, 
straightforward idiom rather than formally in a literal, bald transla- 
tion. English equivalents for Indian terms are used wherever pos- 
sible, and brief notes along the way will add certain explanations. 

Once on a time the manitous dwelt upon this earth. They also 
dwelt beneath the earth, and far away where the stars are now. 
They were like people, marrying and rearing children just as people 
do now, and they were tall and big and mighty. Over them ruled 
Gisha' Mu'netoa,^ the greatest manitou of them all. He, too, had 
taken to himself a wife, and of the four sons who were born to him 
two were destined to become great manitous. 

Now the elder of the two sons was Wi'sa'ka,^ and the younger 
Klyapata.^ They were different from all other children before them, 
for, even when very young and small, they were mightier manitous 
than those who were older than they. And the older they grew, 
the stronger they walked in their might as manitous. The mani- 
tous beheld the growing might of the two boys, and became jealous. 
And then drawing apart, they made talk one with another about it. 
At last the youths became equal in power with their father ; and on 
seeing it, the father was greatly angered. Then he, too, became 
jealous. 



226 Journal of A merican Folk-L ore. 

Gisha' Mu'netoa then called a council of all the chiefs and fore- 
most manitous upon earth, and when they were gathered together 
within his lodge, this was what he said : — 

" Oh, my kindred, I have called you together to tell you of my 
trouble. I have long kept it to myself, but I cannot any longer. 
You know well my two elder sons, Wi'sa'ka and Kiyapata. You 
have seen them grow up, till now they are full-grown boys. Alas, 
you have also seen how they have grown in their might as manitous. 
And now you see how they surpass the greatest of you, and are even 
equal with me. It will not go well with us if these youths continue 
in their might, the older they grow. By and by they will drive us 
away from the places where we now dwell. Then Wi'sa'ka will cre- 
ate a people ; these he will put to live in the places where we now 
live, and then he and not I will be Gisha' Mii'netoa. So for the wel- 
fare of me and of you and of us all these two boys of mine must 
die." 

Thereupon the manitous burst forth, talking angrily one with 
another. And the din of their voices was like the growl of the 
thunderers in their wrath. And the whole earth trembled. The 
manitous all agreed that Wi'sa'ka and Kiyapata should live no longer ; 
and when they had hushed, Gisha' Mii'netoa spoke to them again. 

" My kindred, go to Hu'kl's* lodge, for it is there the youths dwell. 
She loves them, and she uses every effort to keep them always with 
her. Go to the lodge when the boys are away. Tell Hiikl all that 
I have told you, and persuade her to be on our side ; for without her 
help we shall not succeed." 

Up then rose the manitous, all of them together ; and, rushing 
out of the lodge, they hurried to the place where Hu'kl dwelt. And 
the tramp of their feet, as they went, was so heavy that the whole 
earth shook beneath them. On coming to the lodge, they found 
that the boys were away ; and so they entered, and beheld the aged 
woman seated upon the otasdni.^ 

Straightway they told Hu'kl all that their chief had commanded 
them. She tried at first to put them off, and have them talk of 
other things. But the manitous would listen to nothing. Then 
Hii'kl pleaded for her grandsons, beseeching that their lives be saved. 
But the manitous would not hearken to her prayers in behalf of 
Wi'sa'ka and Klydpata. 

Then the aged woman was sad. She bowed her head, bent far 
forward, and hid her face in the palms of her hands. And there she 
sat in silence and in thought. By and by she lifted her head, lifted 
it slowly ; and as she looked at the manitous, this is what she told 
them : — 

" You may kill Kiyapata, but I give you this warning. You will 



The Culture-Hero Myth of the Sauks and Foxes. 227 

gain nothing by slaying him. He is now great, and if you slay him, 
it will be the means of his becoming even a greater manitou. He 
will live forever. 

"And as for Wl'sa'ka, he is a mightier manitou than his younger 
brother. You will never be able to slay him, however much you 
may try. And if you make the attempt, it will be the fiercest fight 
ever fought by manitous. But you will not listen to me. You per- 
sist in demanding the death of Wl'sa'ka and Klyapata on the ground 
that it will be for the welfare of us all. Very well, have your own 
way. If you demand that I must be on your side in this fight, I 
suppose I must do what you say. But this much I will not do. I 
will take no active part in this war against my own grandsons." 

Then the manitous rushed joyfully out of the lodge, joyfully 
because they could tell Gisha' Mu'netoa that Hu'kl had yielded to 
their demands. They doubted much the things she said about the 
might of her grandsons. They had made up their minds to slay the 
two boys, and at once set to work to accomplish their purpose. 

The manitous called a council to which came all the manitous, 
old and young ; and they invited Wl'sa'ka and Klyapata to be pre- 
sent. When the two boys came and entered the gathering, this is 
what the manitous told them : — 

"All of us are going on a journey. It is over the beautiful coun- 
try which belongs to Gisha' Mu'netoa, and we ask you boys, his sons, 
to come with us. There are two parties of us. One is of the old, 
the other of the young. We should like you, Wl'sa'ka, to accom- 
pany the older manitous, and you, Klyapata, to go along with the 
younger ones." 

The youths consented, and joined each his own party. Thereupon 
the manitous departed from the gathering, the older ones with 
Wl'sa'ka going one way, and the younger ones with Klyapata the 
other. In a little while the two parties were out of sight of each 
other. On coming into the beautiful country, Wl'sa'ka noticed that 
the manitous one after another kept dropping out along the way. 
By and by the company dwindled down to a few very old manitous. 
These few chose Wl'sa'ka their leader, and, pushing him ahead, bade 
him to lead. On nearing a cluster of hills, Wl'sa'ka stopped and 
glanced over his shoulder. And as he looked, he beheld only one 
manitou behind him, one very aged manitou, who was in the act of 
stooping. 

" Go on, do not stop for me," said the old manitou. " I shall be 
up and following you as soon as I shall have tied my moccasin 
string ! " 

Wl'sa'ka continued on, making no reply. On coming into a hollow 
between the hills, he looked again over his shoulder ; and this time 



2 28 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

he found he was alone. Straightway he hurried to the top of a hill 
ahead of him ; but, before reaching it, he suddenly felt a twitch 
through his body, and then heard a cry from afar, ** Oh, Wi'sa'ka, 
my elder brother, I am dying ! " 

Wi'sa'ka listened, and heard the cry repeated. Then he looked 
everywhere round about him ; and while he did so, he heard the 
voice calling to him as before. But he was unable to find whence it 
came, no, not even after he had heard the cry calling to him a fourth 
time. 

Then Wi'sa'ka ran from crest to crest, hoping to catch sight of his 
younger brother. But, alas ! nowhere could he see even a single 
manitou. He then returned home, but even there Wi'sa'ka was un- 
able to find Klyapata. Then it was he began to suspect that some 
harm had befallen his younger brother at the hands of the manitous. 

Wi'sa'ka set out to search for Klyapata, going from lodge to lodge ; 
but from each he was turned away with the answer, " I went with 
such and such a party, and how can I know where your younger 
brother has gone or what has become of him .■' " 

Wi'sa'ka searched for Klyapata in every lodge of the manitous, and 
did not leave off asking for him until night. Failing to find a sign 
of him, Wi'sa'ka returned home. He was sorely grieved, because he 
was now sure that the manitous had harmed his younger brother. 

Wi'sa'ka went out the next day to weep. He wept for four days, 
and on the evening of the fourth day he returned to his lodge. 
There, in the middle of the lodge, he sat himself down on a mat, and 
wept more bitterly than ever. And, lo, while he wept for his 
younger brother, he heard a footstep approaching without. At that 
Wi'sa'ka hushed, and hearkened at the tread of the step, which 
grew softer the nearer it approached. 

The footstep stopped at the entrance-way ; a tap sounded on the 
wood, and a voice in an undertone called, " Open to me, my elder 
brother; I would come in." 

It was the ghost of Klyapata ! 

"Do not rap, my younger brother," whispered Wi'sa'ka, "and do 
not ask to come in. I must not let you enter. I have a better 
place than this where you may dwell. It is in the West, beyond 
the place where Sun goes down. Thither you shall go, and you shall 
not be alone. I will create a people after the race of our mother, 
and they shall follow you, and live with you there forever. And there 
they shall call you ChTbTabosa ^ because you shall watch over them 
in the spirit world. The manitous have already heard me weep for 
you. So now you must leave this place ; and, as you go, take with 
you this drum and this fife and this gourd-rattle and this fire. You 
will need these things when you welcome our nephews and our 
nieces" into the world of spirits." 



The Culture-Hero Myth of the Sauks and Foxes. 229 

Thereupon the ghost reached its hand through the crack in the 
entrance-way, and received the drum and the fife and the gourd- 
rattle and the fire. And as the ghost started to go, it blew upon 
the fife, beat upon the drum, and whooped. And there straightway 
sprang from the ground a vast throng of ghosts, whooping as they 
rose, and accompanied the ghost of Klyapata on its way to the land 
beyond the place where Sun goes down. 

After a time Wl'sa'ka went forth to find the manitous that had 
slain his younger brother. He went far and hunted long. He was 
pacing the shore of the sea ^ one day, weeping and sad. As he went 
along, little Ge'tchi Kanana^ flew across his path, and fluttered over 
his head. The little bird would have his elder brother stop and 
look up, for he wished to talk with him. Seeing Wl'sa'ka would not 
stop, Ge'tchi Kanana fluttered near, so near that he flapped his wings 
against Wl'sa'ka's cheek. 

Thereupon Wl'sa'ka stopped and, in an anger, scolded, " Away, 
you naughty little bird ! Do not bother me ! " 

" Oh ! " exclaimed little Ge'tchi Kanana, " I had something to tell 
my elder brother. It was about the manitous that slew Klyapata, 
but I see he does not care to know." 

" I am not angry, my younger brother," said Wl'sa'ka in a pleasant 
tone. " Come, tell me this that you know. Tell me, and I will 
paint your little eyes." 

The little bird was happy, and this is what he told Wl'sa'ka : " You 
see that island yonder, round and formed wholly of sand. There is 
a hole in the centre of that island, and it goes deep underground into 
a huge cave. And in that cave dwell two manitous. They are 
among the foremost leaders, and mighty. It is they who had most 
to do with the death of your younger brother. They come forth 
early, and lie at the mouth of the cave sunning themselves most of 
the morning. And while they lie there, they look out over the sea 
toward the shore on the north and toward the shore on the south. 
Thus they guard the island, and they never let anything reach it 
alive." 

Then Wl'sa'ka took little Ge'tchi Kanana in his hand, and painted 
him as he had promised. And ever since that day Ge'tchi Kanana 
has been red beneath the eyes. 

Wl'sa'ka went out to the shore of the sea early on the morning of 
the next day ; and, hiding himself, he watched for the appearance 
of the two manitous. And sure enough, as Sun rose, out came the 
manitous, as Ge'tchi Kanana had said. And they lay stretched out 
close to the mouth of the cave, and there they basked in the sun- 
shine. 

Wl'sa'ka set to planning how he might get over to the island ; and, 



230 yournal of American Folk-Lore, 

as he thought, he looked away to the northwest to a mountain which 
reached high above the clouds. Thither Wi'sa'ka went and gained 
the highest peak. As he sat there, he was able to look down upon 
the manitous without having them see him, for the clouds hid him 
from view. It was in the autumn when Wi'sa'ka sat upon the peak, 
and looked down on the island. As the wind blew past, it carried 
along dry leaves and withered flowers and seasoned blades of grass 
and all things small and light. Wi'sa'ka beheld many of these 
things drop along the way, some of them falling about the place 
where the manitous lay. He noticed, too, that the manitous did not 
move when these things dropping from the air, fell about them. 

As Wi'sa'ka bowed his head in thought, he beheld a small white 
flower growing from the ground at his feet. It was a fluffy-headed 
flower, round as a little ball, with a slender stem. Plucking the 
flower and bringing the ball close to his lips, Wi'sa'ka blew upon it. 
Instantly the ball burst into a shower of fluffy particles which the 
wind carried away toward the island. The wind must have blown 
upon other heads of the same flower, for presently the air was dense 
with the little seed-wings, like snowflakes at the time of a heavy 
snowfall. And some of the broken parts of the flower fell by the 
hole where the manitous lay. Quickly the manitous slid back into 
their cave, for they suspected the wiles of Wi'sa'ka. By and by 
they reappeared, slowly and slyly at first, for it was their fear that 
Wi'sa'ka might be trying to cross over to the island. 

"You cannot get over to the island in that flower, my elder 
brother," said Ge'tchI Kanana, as he sat perched on a limb near by 
Wi'sa'ka. " Waft a spider's web over there as you did the flower. 
I am sure the web will help you better." 

Wi'sa'ka did as Ge'tchI Kanana told him. And he and the little 
bird together watched the wind carry the web over to the island and 
drop it between the two manitous. The instant it touched the sand 
the manitous grasped and swallowed it, for they suspected Wi'sa'ka 
might be in it. Wi'sa'ka wafted another web, and this time the 
manitous only looked at it. The third web they did not even cast 
eyes upon. 

"Now is your chance, my elder brother," said little Ge'tchI 
Kanana, "and the manitous yonder shall not see you." 

Then taking another web, Wi'sa'ka floated it as before. And as 
the web lifted, he climbed into it, wrapping himself about with it. 
And, lo, as he did so, he became invisible ; only the web could be 
seen floating toward the island. When the web fell, it dropped softly, 
noiselessly, between the two manitous. The instant it touched the 
sand, Wi'sa'ka resumed his own form and quickly shot the manitous, 
first one, then the other, piercing each in the side with his arrows. 



The Ctdture-Hcro Myth of the Sauks and Foxes. 231 

And then there was a fight ! Wi'sa'ka would have slain the two 
manitous there on the spot ; but they howled so loud with pain that 
the earth trembled, and the other manitous, hearing the cry, came 
at the top of their speed to the rescue. Wi'sa'ka caught the heavy 
tramp of the manitous hurriedly approaching, and, before he was able 
to bring about the death of his enemies, he had to flee for his own 
life. 

The manitous found their wounded friends in the water, where 
they had sought safety when hard pressed by Wi'sa'ka. The rescuers 
carried their wounded to a big lodge. There they held a council to 
find means of healing the wounded and of taking revenge upon 
Wi'sa'ka, for they were sure it was he who had come so near to slay- 
ing the two chiefs. They were sorely wroth to think that Wi'sa'ka 
had been able to reach the island. But they were even more 
wrought up to think that he had been able to get away without their 
knowing whither he had gone. They had decided in the council to 
go at once to Hu'kl's lodge; and on their way, they hurried as fast 
as they could run. When they arrived at the lodge, they did not 
tarry without ; but they burst through the entrance-way, wailing and 
crying out, " Oh, our grandmother ! our grandmother ! Wi'sa'ka has 
wounded two of our chiefs. We beg of you to send for Metem5 
Mamaka,^^ the great healer. Send for her at once, tell her to come 
quickly, or else our two chiefs will die." 

"Go to your chiefs," Hu'kl replied. "I will go now to find the 
great healer, I will send her to you as soon as I shall have spoken 
to her." 

On hearing this, the manitous pushed out of the lodge and hurried 
back to the place where the wounded lay. And as they went, the 
earth shook beneath the heavy tramp of their feet. 

As soon as the manitous were out of sight of her lodge, Hu'kl 
went out and made her way to the great healer's home. On arriv- 
ing there, she straightway entered, and beheld the old woman seated 
at one end with all her daughters around her. They were busy pre- 
paring medicine from roots and herbs. Hii'kl went into their midst 
and said, " Oh, Metem5 Mamaka, I am told that two chiefs of the 
manitous are wounded and about to die. And indeed they will die 
unless you go at once and heal them." Saying this Hu'kl went out 
of the lodge and returned home. 

After Hu'kl had gone, Metemd Mamaka rose to her feet with the 
help of a cane, and called to all her daughters, " Up, my daughters, 
and on your feet. Come with me to the hills and hollows, along the 
rivers and through the woods. Help me find a medicine that shall 
heal the chiefs of the manitous." Saying this she moaned a lament, 
and led the way out. Her daughters followed, all of them in line, 



232 Journal of A merican Folk-Lore. 

one behind the other. And as they followed, they joined in chorus, 
wailing the lament. They walked slowly, each leaning upon her 
staff and bending forward. They held their faces close to the 
ground, for they were anxious to find the roots and herbs that would 
heal. 

Now as Wl'sa'ka lay in hiding, he heard the wail of the great 
healer and her daughters. He knew by their lament what they were 
about ; and so coming from his hiding-place, he went forth to meet 
them. On the way, he transformed himself into one of the old 
woman's daughters, and joined their train without having them see 
him. 

By and by Metemo Mamaka stopped, and turned about to see why 
one of her daughters was wailing so bitterly and was more wrought 
up than all the rest. 

" My younger sisters," said Wl'sa'ka on resuming his own form, as 
the great healer and her daughters stood round about him : " You 
know who I am. I am your elder brother. I would have you return 
home. It was I that wounded the manitous. I did it, because they 
slew Klyapata, my younger brother. You must not heal them. 
Leave them to me." 

The old woman and her daughters were happy to see their elder 
brother, so happy were they that they forgot themselves and hushed 
their wails. And then they turned homeward. 

The manitous were gathered about the wounded chiefs, keeping 
up an incessant din, when they heard the heavy tramp of approach- 
ing footsteps. A silence suddenly fell upon them, for they sus- 
pected the coming of Wl'sa'ka. And during the silence, in walked a 
Metemo Mamaka, like to the form of the great healer, who leaned 
on a cane and wailed out of sadness for the wounded manitous. 
She went and knelt beside the two chiefs as they lay on the ground 
in the middle of the big lodge. She wailed in song as she felt for 
the wounds. This she did for a while, and then rose to her feet, 
saying, " Kindle me here a fire. Put over the fire two kettles, and 
fill them with water. Place a manitou iron " into the fire to heat. 
And when you have done all that I have told you, leave me alone 
with these wounded chiefs. Go far away, so far away that you can- 
not see this lodge and cannot hear what I am doing. Should you 
remain to see and to hear all that I do, the medicine will not be 
strong and your chiefs will surely not be healed. Now go, and, after 
I am done treating them, I will send for you. And when I send for 
you, do not tarry, but come, all of you." 

The manitous now felt quite sure it was the great healer, even if 
her step was heavier than usual. They did all that was told them, 
and withdrew far away from the lodge and out of view of it. 



The Culture-Hero Myth of the Sauks and Foxes. 233 

For a while the wounded manitous watched the Metemo Alamaka 
at work with the medicines. At last they fell asleep. 

At that Wl'sa'ka resumed his own form. The manitou iron was 
by this time red hot ; and quickly taking the cool end in his hand, 
Wl'sa'ka thrust the other end first into the side of one manitou, then 
into the side of the other, following each time the track of the wound 
that he had made with his arrow. 

The manitous far away among the hills heard a shriek of pain 
coming from their great lodge ; straightway they beheld puffs of 
smoke shooting skyward from the roof of the lodge. And then they 
caught the smell of burning flesh. They hurriedly gathered them- 
selves together, suspecting ill of the old woman and fearing that 
after all it might be Wl'sa'ka and not she. " Go," said one of them 
to Shashaka,^ " and find out what is happening within the lodge. Go 
under the ground and enter the lodge behind the ketdkdni}^ on the 
side away from the old woman. Show only your head abov^e the 
ground. Find out all that is going on and hurry back and tell us 
what you have seen." 

In the meanwhile Wl'sa'ka had slain the two manitous. He cut 
their flesh into bits and broke their bones, and he put both flesh and 
bones into the two big kettles to boil. Then he sat upon the 
otdsdiii, watching his work. And as he sat there, he saw a little 
head push out from the ground near by the ketdkdni. 

It was little Shashaka. The first thing he beheld was W'l'sa'ka's 
finger pointing straight at him and beckoning him. 

"Come, Shashaka! " Wl'sa'ka called, "and sit up here beside me 
for a while." 

Shashaka climbed up and sat beside his elder brother. 

" I know why you have come," said Wl'sa'ka. " The manitous have 
sent you to see what I am doing here. Go down to the kettles and 
eat all you can of the meat which you find there." 

Shashaka went to the kettles and ate till he could eat no more. 

"Now," said Wl'sa'ka, winding a string of fat about Shashaka's 
neck, " fill your mouth so full that you can hardly speak, and then 
return to the manitous. But before you arrive at the place where 
they are, take out some of the meat from your mouth, and holding 
it above your head, call out to them and say, ' Oh, manitous, see 
what Wl'sa'ka has done for me because I went to see him ! He has 
made a great feast of the meat which you see about my neck, and 
he asks you to come and eat of it.' " 

Shashaka left the lodge so stuffed that he could hardly move. 
He was able, after some time, to come within calling distance of the 
manitous, and then he told them what Wl'sa'ka had bidden him. 

The manitous waxed wroth at the sight of the cooked fat, for they 



2 34 Journal of American Folk-Lore. 

knew it was the flesh of the two chiefs. They hurried with all speed 
to the big lodge. On their entrance, they beheld no one within, but 
they saw the flesh and the bones of the two manitous cooking in 
the kettles. Then it was all very clear to them that Wl'sa'ka had 
come to them in the form of the great healer and had thus slain the 
two chiefs. 

Then they sought to find Wi'sa'ka to slay him. In their anger 
they howled and wailed, and the tramp of their feet was so heavy 
that the whole earth shook beneath them. They hurled fire into all 
the places where they thought Wi'sa'ka might be in hiding. After 
the fire, came the rain. The rivers rose and the lakes overflowed, 
and the water ran over the land everywhere. By and by the water 
drove Wi'sa'ka from his hiding ; it pursued whither he fled, even to 
the top of a high mountain. It did not leave off following even 
there ; it pursued him up a lofty pine to the very tip of the topmost 
branch. And as the water was about to lay hold on him, Wi'sa'ka 
called to the pine for help. And lo, a canoe slid off from the top of 
the pine where he was standing. The canoe floated upon the water, 
and Wi'sa'ka sat within it, holding a paddle in his hand. 

Then Wi'sa'ka went paddling about over the water, and as he did 
so he came upon a turtle-dove floating dead on the water. Wi'sa'ka 
drew him into the canoe, and, breathing his breath into the bill of 
the turtle-dove, said, " I pity my poor younger brother." 

Straightway the turtle-dove came back to life. 

In a little while Wi'sa'ka came upon a muskrat ; he too was float- 
ing dead on the water. Wi'sa'ka pulled him into the canoe, and, 
breathing into his mouth, said, "I pity my poor younger brother." 

Thereupon Muskrat came back to life. 

Now the water covered the earth everywhere. And on the fourth 
day, when Wi'sa'ka was paddling about in the canoe with his two 
little younger brothers, he said to Muskrat, " My younger brother, I 
wish you to dive into the water to sec if you can find some earth. 
If you find earth, come up and bring it to me." 

Thereupon Muskrat climbed over the side of the canoe and slid 
head first into the water. 

Then Wi'sa'ka said to the turtle-dove, "And I wish you, my 
younger brother, to fly over the water till you find a tree. If you 
find one, break off a twig and fetch it to me." 

At that Turtle-dove lifted himself on his wings and flew out over 
the water. He was long returning. Wi'sa'ka saw him coming from 
afar, and paddled to meet him. But before they met. Turtle-dove's 
strength failed him and he fell into the water dead. Wi'sa'ka pulled 
him into the canoe, and, breathing into his bill again, said, " I pity 
my poor younger brother." 



The Culture-Hero Myth of the Sauks and Foxes. 235 

Turtle-dove instantly came back to life. Wl'sa'ka was proud of 
him, because he held within his claws a tiny twig, holding it even 
after death, 

Wl'sa'ka and Turtle-dove then looked out over the flood, watching 
for Muskrat to appear. By and by they found Muskrat floating 
dead on the water. Wl'sa'ka pulled him into the canoe, and, breath- 
ing again into his mouth, said, "I pity my poor younger brother." 

Straightway Muskrat returned to life. Wl'sa'ka was proud of him 
too, for he had brought up some earth which he still held under the 
claws of his forefeet, even though he had lost strength and died in 
the attempt. Muskrat held up his paws while Wl'sa'ka dug out the 
earth into the palm of his hand. 

Wl'sa'ka rolled the tiny grains of earth into a ball. Then sticking 
the little ball on to the twig which Turtle-dove had brought, Wl'sa'ka 
cast them both together into the flood. And, lo, as soon as the ball 
and the twig touched the water, the flood began to fall, till by and 
by the canoe was resting upon dry land.^'^ 

Now the flood had caused the earth to be level and flat every- 
where. Such was the way it looked when once on a time Wl'sa'ka 
was seated in front of his lodge, making arrows for the people whom 
he was soon to create. 

All of a sudden as he sat there, he heard a voice calling to him 
from afar, " Oh, Wl'sa'ka ! " He heard it once more, and then again ; 
and at the fourth time he looked up to the sky, and lo, found that it 
was Sun,^^ his grandfather, who was calling to him. 

"Come up to ray lodge," Sun went on to say, "and let me give 
you blue to color your arrows. I have it here in great store, and 
you may have all you wish. Buzzard will carry you up on his back." 

Wl'sa'ka was glad, and the very next time Buzzard came on a visit 
he told him what Sun had said. 

Now Buzzard was made unhappy by what Wl'sa'ka had told him. 
At this time he was the most beautiful of all creatures. The blue, 
the red, the yellow, the green, and the white of his feathers were so 
dazzling that they blinded the eyes of all that looked upon him. 
And Buzzard became proud, so proud that he dwelt alone with his 
kin far away in the sky, where no other living-kind could go and 
intrude upon him. He grew lazy, and he liked nothing better than 
to look at himself all the while. But he knew better than to refuse 
Sun and Wl'sa'ka, and so stooped to let Wl'sa'ka climb on his back 
and clasp him about the neck. And when Wl'sa'ka was on. Buzzard 
spread his wings and rose ; and up, up, up they went till they 
vanished from the eyes of creatures on earth. 

The journey was long and it took many days. At last Sun saw 
his grandson coming ; he saw him coming from a great distance, and 



236 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

went to meet him. By and by Buzzard drew near, near enough at 
last for Sun to reach down to take Wl'sa'ka by the hand ; but as 
Wi'sa'ka let go Buzzard's neck with one hand and started to grasp 
Sun's hand with the other, Buzzard flew quickly from beneath him. 
Then down fell Wi'sa'ka, now diving head foremost, now lying on 
his back, now plunging feet first, and now whirling over and over. 
Thus Wi'sa'ka fell ; and, had he fallen to the earth, he would surely 
have been killed. But his grandfather, the tree, saw him, and caught 
him in his arms, thus saving him from death. 

Then was Wi'sa'ka in great wrath. And while he was in great 
anger, his friend Elk came on a visit to see him. Wi'sa'ka said to 
him, " My grandfather Sun asked me one day to come to his lodge 
and get blue for my arrows. He told me Buzzard would carry me 
there, and indeed Buzzard did carry me as far as my grandfather's 
country. But as I reached out to take my grandfather's hand, Buz- 
zard flew out from under mc. And down to earth I fell, I surely 
would have been killed had it not been for my grandfather, the tree, 
who caught me in his arms. Now I want you to bring Buzzard to 
me ; bring him any way you can and as soon as you can," 

Elk went away happy, for he was glad to be on an errand for 
Wi'sa'ka, whom he loved. He knew just where to go. It was at a 
place where all animal-kind was wont to frequent, and there he lay 
himself down and pretended to die. 

Wolf was the first to find him, and it pained when Wolf dug his 
teeth in and began to pull on the flesh. Then came Crow, whose 
sharp beak pricked through the skin. But Elk lay still as if sure 
enough dead. By and by Buzzard lit on a mound close by in the 
rear. Presently he began to sidle nearer, hop by hop, till he was 
close enough to pull on the flesh. Elk endured it all till Buzzard got 
his beak in past the head. Then up jumped Elk, holding Buzzard 
by the head, and ran off to Wl'sa'ka's lodge.^*^ 

Wi'sa'ka did not look angry, and he did not scold Buzzard. All 
he said was, " I want you to go home and return at once with your 
kindred. I have a message for them when they are all together." 

Buzzard went home thinking that Wi'sa'ka had forgotten his fall 
from the land of Sun. It was but a little while before Buzzard 
returned, he and all his kindred. They came and assembled them- 
selves before Wl'sa'ka's lodge and waited for him to give them his 
message. 

By and by he came out to them, and this is what he said : "And so 
you thought it much fun, Ikizzard, to drop me down from my grand- 
father's country after you had carried me thither. Of course all 
living-kind will laugh on hearing about it, and you think you will be 
greatly pleased because you are the one who let me fall, I am dis- 



The Culture- Hero Myth of the Satiks and Foxes. 237 

pleased with you, Buzzard, for letting me fall, and I mean to punish 
you for it. 

" You see the land is level everywhere. Now I wish you to dig 
courses for rivers, to build hills and mountains, and to give shape to 
all the earth. I shall create a people when you will have done this 
work, and I shall put them to dwell on the earth. They will look 
upon you, and you will be to them the most loathsome of all living- 
kind. The beautiful colors of your feathers shall change to the 
color of the soil of the earth. And your neck and head, once so fair 
of form, shall remain disfigured as Elk made them in dragging you 
to me. So now set to the work that I have commanded you." 

Thereupon the Buzzards set to work, and sad they were at their 
task. Some formed in line, one behind the other, and pushing 
their breasts against the soil, formed the river courses. Others dug 
up the ground with their talons and piled up huge mounds of earth. 
Afterwards they came and soared slowly along the slopes of the 
mounds and gave them shape with the under side of their wings. It 
was these that made the hills and the mountains and formed the 
slopes of the valleys in between. 

Thus Wi'sa'ka prepared the world for his people. But he drove 
the manitous away before he brought the people into the land which 
he had prepared for them. Some of the manitous fled under ground, 
and to these Wi'sa'ka gave the charge of fire. Others fled above, 
where they may now be seen as stars. Among them is Gisha' 
Mu'netoa. His lodge is on the shore of the White River ; ^' and 
there he dwells, he and many of the manitous that had warred against 
Wi'sa'ka. Wi'sa'ka made thunderers of some of the manitous that 
had fled to the south, and these he made guardians of the people. 

Wi'sa'ka then created the people, making the first men and the 
first women out of clay that was as red as the reddest blood. ^^ And 
he made them after the race of his mother. He taught them how 
to hunt, and he taught them how to grow food in the fields ; he 
taught them all kinds of sports, and he taught them how to live 
peacefully with one another; he taught them how to sing and dance 
and pray, and he taught them all manner of other good things. So 
once on a time, after he had taught the people the way to live, 
Wi'sa'ka called them all together, and said : — 

" I am now going away to leave you. I am going away to the 
north and build me a lodge amid the snow and ice. Thither you can- 
not, must not come, unless it is my will for you to see me. But I 
shall appear to you once every year, not in the form as you see me 
now, but in the flakes of the first snowfall. I shall live in that land 
of snow till I think you have dwelt long enough upon this earth. 
Then I shall return to you as I am. I shall return to you as youth- 



238 jfournal of American Folk-Lore. 

ful as when I leave you. And this will be the sign by which you 
will know me. My braided hair will fall down in front of my two 
shoulders just the same as now. You will know me by the eagle 
feather in my hair at the back, by this bow which I shall hold in 
one hand and by this arrow which I shall hold in the other. Then 
I shall take you with me to the west, to the place where rules Chibia- 
bosa, my younger brother, your uncle. There we shall meet our 
kindred that have gone before us, and we shall dwell there with 
them forever. After I have taken you to the new home, I shall 
return once more to this world ; and my return will be to destroy 
this world. Then I shall go and live forever with you." 

And this is the promise Wi'sa'ka made before he went away to 
the north. 

William Jones. 

NOTES. 

[These notes include some corrections of phonetic notation, etc., which came 
too late to be inserted in the text. For Kiydpata and Wi'sa'ka read throughout 
Kiya"pa'ta'ha and WT'sa'ka'ha ; for Gisha' Mii'netoa read Gisha Ma'neto'wa; for 
otasdnT read o'tasa'ni ; for Chibidbosa read Tclpaiyapo'swa ; for GS'tchI Kanana 
read Gdtci Ka'nana'ha; for Mdtemo Mdmaka read Mdtemo'ha ma'ma'ka'ha; for 
Shashaka read Sha'shaga'ha; for k^idkdtti rfa.di kdtaga'ni ; for Huki read through- 
out Mesd'kamfgo'kwa'ha. — A. f. c] 

^ Gisha is an adjective meaning big, great, large ; G is hard and a is like a in 
hat. Ma'netcVwa is for manitou; a is like n in btiti. 

2 8 The sign ' before k in WT'sa'ka'ha, and before p and / in Kiya"pa'ta'ha is 
a slight aspirate due to the change of position which the tongue makes under 
certain conditions as here, when about to pronounce a surd, 

* Mesd'kamigo'kwa'ha is made of two words, viesd'-kamtgi — the world over, 
and {'kwdwa — woman. She is the grandmother of the manitous and of the 
people, 

^ O'tasa'ni is a raised platform which extends along both sides of the interior 
of a summer bark lodge. People sleep and eat upon it and store thereon their 
household goods. 

' Tclpaiyapo'swa is the name of KTya"pa'ta'ha in the stories of him in the 
spirit world. Sun (1. 37) should more properly be written KT'sheswa, a divinity 
that dwells in the land of dawn. It is from the tip of the eagle feather which he 
wears at the back of his head that the light of day comes. 

^ It is said that WIsd'ka'ha created the people, yet they are called his uncles 
and his aunts (not nephews and nieces). 

8 Sea is for Giftci Guml'we, a word meaning the great expanse. It is also the 
word for the Great Lakes, near and about which the Indians once lived. 

^ Gdtci Ka'nana'ha is a small bird of a bluish color with a black stripe across 
the eyes. 

'" Me'temo'ha is an old woman, and ma'mS'ka'ha is a toad. 

'^ Manitou iron is from vid'fietd'-cvi ptydpd'kwi, which means more literally 
vtanitou metal. 

^- Sha'shaga'ha is a small snake, probably the garter-snake. He is a frequent 
character in story. 



The Culture-Hero Myth of the Satiks and Foxes. 239 

^^ Ketaga'ni is a tall post which stands in the middle of a summer bark lodge. 
It helps to hold up the ridgepole. 

" Some leave out the incident of the canoe. It is said by these that Wi'sa- 
'ka'ha was out of reach of the water when he stood at the top of the pine. Aside 
from this difference the story is pretty much the same as here. 

^^ See note 6. 

^® The paragraph is an epitome of a long narrative that is told with much lively 
detail. 

" The White River is the " Milky Way." 

1^ Hence Meskwa'kia'gi, Red-Earths. The name is applied especially to that 
part of the tribe known as Foxes. The name Foxes, so the story runs, was 
given by the English. The English got it from Les Renards, a name which the 
French in turn got from Wa'goha'gi, a plural form denoting members of the Fox 
clan. It is said that members of this clan were the first in the tribe to see white 
men. The occasion was on a hunt north of the Great Lakes, and the white 
men were French. 



240 journal of American Folk- Lore, 

FOLK-LORE OF THE FLATHEAD INDIANS OF 
IDAHO: ADVENTURES OF COYOTE. 

I. HOW SPOKANE FALLS WERE MADE. 

Coyote and Fox were travelling together and they were coming 
up from below. When they got to where Spokane Falls now is, 
Coyote said to Fox, " I believe I '11 get married. I '11 take one of 
the Pcnd d'Oreille women for my wife." 

So he went to see the chief of the Pend d'Oreilles about getting 
one of the women for a wife. The chief was not willing to let his 
women intermarry with other tribes, so he told Coyote he could not 
have any of the Pend d'Oreille women for a wife. 

Coyote said, " Now I '11 put falls right here in the river, so the 
Salmon cannot get past them." That is how Spokane Falls were 
made. 

n. COYOTE KILLS THE GIANT. 

From Spokane Falls Coyote came on up to Ravalli. There he 
met an Old Woman, who was camped close to where Ravalli Station 
is now. The Old Woman said to Coyote, "Where are you going?" 

" Oh," said Coyote, " I am going to travel all over the world." 

" Well," said the Old Woman, " you had better go back from here." 

" Why should I go back from here .-' " asked Coyote. 

" Because there is a Giant in this valley who kills every one that 
goes through," replied the Old Woman. 

" Well," said Coyote, " I will fight with him and kill him." 

Then Coyote started on the trail again. He saw a great big 
tamarack-tree growing on the hillside, and he pulled it up and threw 
it over his shoulder and went on his way. He said to himself, " I '11 
choke that giant with this tamarack-tree. That 's what I '11 do." 

Pretty soon he saw a woman that was nearly dead. " What is the 
matter with you .-* " asked Coyote. " Are you sick } " 

The woman said, " No, I am not sick." 

Coyote said, " I am going to choke the Giant with this tamarack- 
tree." 

The woman said, " You might as well throw that stick away- 
Don't you know that you are already in the Giant's belly ?" 

Then Coyote threw the tamarack against the hillside, and it can 
be seen close to Arlee, a little station on the Northern Pacific Rail- 
road. It stuck against the hillside and grew. All of what is now 
Jacko Valley was filled by the Giant's belly. 

Coyote went on from there and he saw lots of people lying around. 
Some of them were dead, and some were pretty nearly dead. "What 
is the matter with you people ? " asked Coyote. 



Folk-Lore of the Flathead Indians of Idaho. 24 1 

They all said, " We are starving to death." 

Coyote said, " What makes you starve ? There is plenty to eat in 
here, lots of meat and fat." 

Then Coyote cut chunks of grease from the sides of the Giant 
and fed them to the people, who got better. And then Coyote said, 
" Now, all of you people get ready to run out. I am going to cut 
the Giant's heart. When I start to cut you must all run out at 
O'Keef's Canyon or over at Ravalli." 

The Giant's heart was the rounded cluster of mountains north of 
Flathead Agency, and there are marks on the side which show the 
place that Coyote cut with his stone knife. 

Coyote began to cut the Giant's heart with his stone knife. Pretty 
soon the Giant said, " Please, Coyote, let me alone. You go out. I 
don't want you to stay in here. You can go out." 

Coyote said, " No, I won't go out. I am going to stay right here. 
I 'm going to kill you." 

Then he started to cut the Giant's heart. He cut the Giant's 
heart off and then ran out. The Giant was dying, and his jaws 
began to close. Woodtick was the last to come out. The Giant's 
jaws were just closing down on him when Coyote caught him and 
pulled him out. 

" Well," said Coyote, " you will always be flat. I can't help it 
now. You must be flat." That is the reason Woodtick is so flat. 

III. COYOTE AND THE TWO SHELLS. 

From there Coyote went on down to where Missoula now is. Coyote 
was walking along between Lolo and Fort Missoula when he heard 
some one call his name. He stopped and looked around, but he 
could n't see any one. Then he started on a little trot, and he heard 
his name called again. He stopped and looked right through the 
trees, and there, by the side of the river, he saw two women sitting 
down. 

He went across the river and up the hillside to where the women 
were sitting. When he got close to them he thought he would 
marry them, because they were good-looking women. So he went 
and sat down between them. 

When he got between them they stood up and went dancing 
down the hill to the river. When they got close to the river. Coyote 
said, " Wait, I want to take off my clothes." Coyote had nice 
clothes on, all beaded and trimmed in shells. He was a great chief. 

The women said, " No, we don't want to wait ; we will have a 
nice time dancing." They danced right on into the river, and they 
pushed Coyote down and drowned him. 

Some time after that, his partner, Fox, was around the river look- 

voL. XIV. — NO. 55. 17 



242 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

ing for something to eat. He looked down in the river and saw 
something lying at the bottom. " Why," said he, "that is my part- 
ner, Coyote," and he pulled him out, and jumped over him, and 
Coyote came to life again. 

"Oh, my," said Coyote, " I have slept too long." 

Fox told him, "You were not asleep; you were dead. What for 
did you go near those women t You had no business near them 
anyhow." 

Coyote said, " Now, I '11 go back there and I '11 kill them both." 

Coyote went back and climbed half way up the hill. Then he set 
fire to the grass. The women started to run, but they could n't get 
away. Both of them were burned to death. 

They were Shells, and the reason the side of a shell is black is 
because they were burned that time. 

IV. COYOTE KILLS ANOTHER GIANT. 

Coyote started from there to go up to Stevensville. Between 
Corvallis and Stevensville there is a very sharp Butte, The Giant 
lay on top of that Butte. Coyote had a little black squirrel for a 
dog. He called him One Ear. The Giant had Grizzly Bear for his 
dog. Grizzly Bear killed all the people that passed through the val- 
ley. He never missed one. 

At the foot of the hill Coyote saw a little camp of Mice. He said 
to them, " What will you take to dig a little hole for me from the 
bottom of this hill up to where the Giant is.? I want to go up under 
the ground. It is the only way I can get up." 

The Mice said, " Give us some camas and blackberries and we 
will dig the hole." Then Coyote gave them some camas and black- 
berries, and they began to dig. They dug and dug until the hole 
reached from the foot of the hill to the top. It came right up to 
where the Giant lay. 

Coyote went in about noon. He crawled through the little hole, 
and pretty soon he came out right under the Giant's belly, where 
the hole ended. 

The Giant was very much surprised. " W^here did you come 
from .? " he said. 

Coyote said, "Are you blind that you did n't see me come .? " 

" Which way did you come .-' " asked the Giant. 

"I came right across the prairie," answered Coyote. 

" I did n't see you," said the Giant. " I 've been watching every- 
where all day, and I did n't see any one come." 

Coyote said again, " Are you blind that you did n't see me } You 
must have been asleep. That is the reason you did n't see me." 

Just then the dogs began to growl at each other. Coyote said to 



Folk-Lore of the Flathead Indians of Idaho. 2^2) 

the Giant, " You had better stop your dog. My dog will kill him if 
you don't." 

The Giant said, " You had better stop your dog. My dog will 
swallow him." 

Then the two dogs began to fight. One Ear ran under Grizzly 
Bear and cut his belly open with his sharp pointed ear. Grizzly 
Bear fell down dead. 

Coyote said, " I told you to stop your dog. Now he is killed." 

Then they sat down and began to talk. Coyote made a wish, and 
whatever he wished always came true. He wished there were lots 
of horses and women and men down at the foot of the hill. Pretty 
soon he could see the people and horses moving down there. The 
Giant did n't see them yet. 

Coyote said, " I thought you had good eyes .'' " 

The Giant said, " Of course I have good eyes. I can see every- 
thing." 

Coyote answered, " You say you have good eyes. Can you see 
the Indians moving over there } You did n't see them yet .-* " 

The Giant looked very carefully and he saw the Indians moving. 
He was ashamed that he did n't see them before. 

" Now," said Coyote, " let us be partners. We will kill all these 
people." 

"All right," answered the Giant. 

" Now we will go after them," said Coyote. " We will go down 
to the foot of the hill." 

They started down the hill, and when they were half way down 
the Giant was very tired. 

" Give me your knife," said Coyote. " I will carry it for you. It 
is too heavy for you, and you are already very tired." So the Giant 
gave Coyote his knife. Then they started on. 

When they got to the bottom of the hill the Giant said, " I am 
not going any farther than this. I am played out." 

Coyote said, " Give me your bow and arrows. I will carry them 
for you." The Giant gave his bow and arrows to Coyote. Then he 
had nothing at all to fight with. 

As soon as Coyote got the bow and arrows he began to jump and 
yell. " Now we '11 start war right here," he said. 

" Let me go free. Coyote," begged the Giant. " I won't kill any 
more people. I '11 be good friends with everybody if you '11 let me 

go-" 

" No," said Coyote. " I am going to kill you now. To-day is 

your last day." 

Then he commenced to shoot, and soon he killed the Giant. 



244 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

V. COYOTE AND THE CRYING BABY. 

From there Coyote went on to a place called Sleeping Child. As 
he was going through the woods he saw a child in its cradle-board 
leaned up against a pine-tree. The baby was crying and crying just 
as hard as it could cry. Coyote called for the baby's mother, but he 
could get no answer. He called again and again for the mother to 
come and take her baby. But the mother did n't come. 

Then he took the baby to quiet it, and he said, " I know how I '11 
stop your crying." He put his finger in the baby's mouth for it to 
suck. The baby sucked a while, and when Coyote took his finger 
out of the baby's mouth there was nothing left but the bones. 

He put in another finger and another, until there was nothing left 
of all his fingers but the bones. Then his hand, then the arm, the 
other hand, the other arm, his feet, his legs, all of him, and then 
there was nothing of Coyote but the bones. 

In a few weeks Fox came along that way, and he saw the bones 
of Coyote lying on the ground. He jumped over them, and Coyote 
came to life again. 

Coyote said, " I have slept a long time." 

Fox said, " You were not asleep. You were dead. What for did 
you go near that baby .■* It is one of the Killing People. That is 
the way it kills every one that goes through these woods," 

Coyote said, " It kept on crying so hard that I put my finger in 
its mouth. It felt pretty good, so I put in another and another 
until it was all of me. Give me a knife and I will go back and kill 
that baby." So Coyote went back and killed the baby. 

VI. COYOTE AND THE WOMAN. 

Coyote went on across the river. As he was going up the moun- 
tain-side he heard the dogs barking furiously. He looked to see 
what they were barking at, and he saw a Mountain Sheep running 
ahead as fast as it could. 

On the top of a high steep cliff stood a Woman, who kept holloa- 
ing to Coyote to come on and kill the Mountain Sheep, to shoot 
him quick before he got away. 

Coyote went around the mountain-side, and came up where the 
Woman was. The Mountain Sheep was right in among a pile of 
rocks. The Woman kept showing Coyote where to stand when he 
shot the Mountain Sheep, but she kept behind him all the time. 

When they got very close to the edge of the cliff, she was show- 
ing him how to aim, and then all at once she pushed him over the 
edge. Coyote fell down, down into the middle of the river, and lay 
there dead. 



Folk- Lore of the Flathead Indians of Idaho. 245 

About a month after that, his partner Fox was fishing in the 
river, and he saw something white at the bottom. He looked again 
and saw that it was the bones of his partner. He fished him out of 
the river, jumped over him, and Coyote came to Hfe again. 

Fox said, " What have you been doing again ? " Coyote told him 
about the Mountain Sheep and the Woman that had pushed him over 
the cliff. 

Fox said, " Go back on the same trail and play blind. Get the Wo- 
man to go in front of you to show you the way, and when you are 
at the edge of the cliff, push her over and kill her." 

Coyote went back over the same trail, and he played blind for the 
Woman to lead him and show him how to shoot straight. He kept 
her in front of him, and every once in a while he would open one 
eye just a little bit to see if they were near the edge of the cliff. 
When they were close to the edge. Coyote pushed her over and she 
got killed. This happened between Grandstell and Darvy. 

VII. THE MEDICINE TREES. 

Coyote took to the trail again, and went up to Medicine Trees 
between Ross's Hole and Darvy. Coyote was going down the 
mountain-side, and a big Mountain Sheep ran after him. There 
were big trees standing at the bottom of the mountain. 

Coyote ran and the Mountain Sheep ran after him. Then all at 
once Coyote ran out to one side. The Mountain Sheep ran on down 
the mountain and right into the big trees at the bottom. One of his 
horns stuck in the side of the big tree. It is away up high now and 
can be seen quite plainly. 

Every time the Indians go by there, they give earrings or beaded 
moccasins or anything they happen to have to that horn, because it 
is big medicine. That is why the trees are called Medicine Trees. 

VIII. COYOTE AND ROCK. 

Coyote and Fox went on from there to a place called Ross's Hole. 
Coyote had a very fine new blanket. As they went along they saw a 
very nice big smooth round Rock. Coyote thought it was a very 
nice Rock. 

He said, " I think you are a very nice Rock. You 're the nicest 
Rock I have ever seen. I guess I '11 give you my blanket to keep 
you warm." So Coyote gave the blanket to Rock. 

Then Coyote and Fox went on their way. Pretty soon it began 
to thunder and lightning. Coyote and Fox went under a tree for 
shelter. Now Coyote had no blanket to keep the rain off his nice 
beaded clothing, and he was afraid his clothes would get spoiled. 

He told Fox to go back and get the blanket from Rock. Fox 



246 Journal of American Folk-Lore. 

went and asked Rock for the blanket, but Rock said, "No." Then 
Fox came back, and told Coyote. 

Coyote said, " Go back and ask Rock if I can't please have the 
blanket for a little while. I '11 give it back to him again after the 
rain is over." 

Fox went back and asked Rock again, but Rock said, " No, he 
can't have it. I want it myself." Then Fox went back and told 
Coyote what Rock had said. 

"Well," said Coyote, "he is awful mean, I think he might let 
me have the blanket for just a little while. He never had a blanket 
before. What for should I work hard and get a blanket just to let 
him keep it .'' I '11 not do it. I '11 take my own blanket." So Coy- 
ote went back and jerked the blanket away from Rock. 

Then all at once it cleared up. Coyote and Fox sat down to 
smoke. While they were smoking, they heard a crushing, crashing 
noise. They looked up and saw Rock come rolling toward them as 
hard as he could. They jumped, and ran down the hill as fast as 
they could run. Rock was going awful fast, and going down the 
hill he got pretty close to them. Fox jumped into a hole in the side 
of the Hill and Rock just touched the tip of his tail as he went by. 
That is what made the tip of a Fox's tail white. 

Coyote went on down the hill, jumped into the river, and swam 
through and came up on the other side. He saw Rock go into the 
river and thought he would sink to the bottom, but Rock swam 
through all right, came up on the other side, and went after Coyote. 
Then Coyote ran for the thick timber. When he got to the middle 
of the thick woods, he lay down and went to sleep. Pretty soon he 
woke up, and heard the trees crashing and crackling, then he knew 
Rock was after him yet. 

Coyote jumped up, and ran for the prairie. Rock came on after 
him on the prairie. Coyote saw a big Bear, and Bear said to Coy- 
ote, " I '11 save you." Pretty soon Bear and Rock came together and 
Bear lay dead. 

Then Coyote saw a big Buffalo, and Buffalo said to Coyote, " I'll 
save you." Rock passed on, he struck the big Buffalo, and Buffalo 
lay dead. 

Coyote ran on till he came to where two Old Women were stand- 
ing, who had stone hatchets in their hands. They said to Coyote, 
"We '11 save you." Coyote ran in between them, and Rock came 
right after him. Coyote heard the Old Women strike Rock with 
their hatchets. He turned and saw Rock lying on the ground, all 
broken to pieces. 

Then Coyote noticed that he was in a big camp. Pretty soon he 
heard the Old Women say, " He looks nice and fat. We '11 have 



Folk-Lore of the Flathead Indians of Idaho. 247 

something good for our supper now. Let us eat him right away." 
Coyote sat and studied. When Coyote wished for anything it 
always came to pass. So he wished that all the water would dry up. 

After he had made the wish, he said, " I am very thirsty. I wish 
you would let me get a good drink of water." 

The Old Women said, " There is plenty of water here. You may 
have a drink." But when they looked in the pails they found that 
every one was empty, and all the little streams close by were dry. 

Coyote said, " I know where there is a creek that has water in it. 
I will go and get some water for you." He took the pails and 
started off. When he got out of sight he ran away. The Old 
Women waited for him a long time. Then they began to blame 
each other for letting him go. At last they quarrelled and killed 
each other. 

IX. COYOTE IN THE BUFFALO COUNTRY. 

Coyote travelled on from there. After a while he had nothing to 
eat. He was pretty nearly starved. He went into a tepee about 
noon and lay down to rest. He was very weak because he had had 
nothing to eat for a long time. 

He heard some one holloa, but he could n't see any one. Then 
some one called again, and after he had looked carefully for some 
time he saw Eagle a long ways off. 

Eagle told him that far away from there was a very rich country 
where there were plenty of Buffalo all the time. " I am going 
there,"' said Eagle, "but you can't go, you 're too poor." 

Then Coyote got mad. He said, "I can go any place I want to. 
I am going to go there." Coyote started out, and in fifteen days 
he got there. The place is on the Missouri River, not far from 
Great Falls. There was a big camp of people at this place. Bear 
was their chief. The people did not like Bear at all. When they 
killed lots of Buffalo, Chief Bear would always take the best pieces 
for himself, all the good meat, and the nice chunks of fat. 

Coyote wanted to be chief himself, so he went out and killed a 
big Buffalo and stripped off all the fat. Then he cut the meat in 
strips and hung it up to dry. After that he built a big fire and 
heated some stones red hot. 

Chief Bear found out that Coyote had killed a Buffalo, and he 
came to look at the meat. "This is nice meat," said Bear, "I'll 
take this." 

Coyote said, "I saved some fat for you." Then Coyote took one 
of the red hot stones, and put plenty of fat around it. Then he 
shoved it into Bear's mouth. This killed Bear, and then they 
made Coyote chief. 



248 yournal of American Folk-Lore, 

Bear had been a great Medicine Man, and whenever he wished for 
anything it always came to pass. It was Bear who had caused the 
Buffalo to stay around in that country all the time, so when Coyote 
became chief all the Buffalo went away. In ten days the people 
were starving. Every one said, " Coyote is no good of a chief." 

Coyote went out to hunt for Buffalo. He was all alone, and he 
hunted for five days, but he could n't find any Buffalo at all. He 
was ashamed to go back to the people without anything, and so he 
kept right on. 

In a little while Coyote met Wolf. 

" Where are you going .-' " said Wolf. 

" I am going to travel all over the world," answered Coyote. 

Wolf went on ahead, and pretty soon Coyote heard a wagon com- 
ing after him. He looked around and saw that the wagon was full 
of meat. Coyote lay down by the side of the road, and pretended he 
was dead. The driver stopped his horses. " This is pretty good 
fur," said he. So he threw Coyote into the wagon and went on. 

Coyote ate and ate all the meat he could hold. Then he jumped 
off the wagon, and ran away. Pretty soon he met Wolf again. 

"Well," said Wolf, "you look fat. Where did you get the 
meat t " 

Coyote told him that he had played dead and lay on the roadside. 
The driver picked him up, threw him into the wagon, and drove on. 
" Now," said Coyote, " he picked me up for my fur, and your fur is 
much finer than mine ; he '11 take you quicker than he did me." 

Wolf lay down on the road, and pretended he was dead. Pretty 
soon the wagon came along. The driver stopped his horses and 
jumped out. "Ha, ha," he said, "Wolf looks as if he were dead, 
but I '11 see this time." So he took a big club and hit Wolf on the 
head, and then right away he hit him another lick. 

Wolf was pretty nearly killed. He jumped and ran away as fast 
as he could. Pie was awfully mad at Coyote. He said, " I know 
Coyote did this on purpose. I '11 kill Coyote, that 's what I '11 do." 

Wolf ran, and Coyote ran. After a while, Wolf overtook Coyote. 
" I 'm going to kill you," said Wolf, " that 's what I 'm going to do 
to you. What for did you play that trick on me ? I am going to 
kill you right now." 

Coyote said, " Wait, I have something to say to you. Wait till I 
have said it. Then you can kill me after that." 

" All right," said Wolf, " what is it .? " 

"Well," said Coyote, " there are only two of us. It is n't fair for 
us to fight alone. Let us get others to fight with us. Then it will 
be like one tribe fighting another. Let us get some other fellows to 
fight with us, and let us fight fair." 



Folk-Lore of the Flathead Indians of Idaho. 249 

"All right," said Wolf. 

Wolf went in one direction, and Coyote in another. Wolf saw a 
Bear, and he said to Bear, " Come with me and fight against Coy- 
ote." 

" I will," said Bear. So Wolf and Bear went on together. In a 
little while they met Bore. W^olf said to Bore, " Come with us and 
fight against Coyote." "All right," said Bore. So they took Bore 
along. Then there were three in this party. Wolf, Bear, and Bore. 

Coyote had gone the other way, and he had Cat and Dog in his 
party. Coyote and Wolf had agreed to meet at Butte. Coyote 
had said, " If you get there first, wait for me, and if I get there first 
I '11 wait for you." 

Wolf and his party got there first, and they waited for Coyote and 
his party to come up. Pretty soon Bear looked out and said, " I see 
Coyote and his party coming. He has Cat and Dog." " Yes," 
said Bore, " and Coyote is a brave man, but we '11 do the best we 
can." 

Coyote was all dressed up, — nice beaded moccasins and every- 
thing very fine. Coyote was a great chief. Then Coyote and his 
party came up, and the two crowds fought. Coyote killed all of his 
enemies. Then he went on alone. 

X. COYOTE AND FOX SEPARATE. 

Coyote kept on alone till he met Fox, his partner. They went on 
together till they came to the White Man's camp. They had had 
nothing to eat for a long time, and they were both very hungry. 

Fox said to Coyote, " You play dead and I '11 take you to the 
White Man and sell you for a sack of sugar. Then, when the White 
Man cuts the strings that tie your feet, you must jump up and run 
away." 

Coyote agreed to this plan. Fox took him and sold him to the 
White Man for a sack of sugar. He took the sack of sugar and went 
away. The White Man took his knife and began to skin Coyote's 
legs. Coyote yelled and tore, and finally he broke the strings that 
held his feet together, and ran away. He was awfully mad at Fox, 
and he said, " If I find my partner I will kill him sure." 

After a while he met Fox and he said, "Where is the sugar.'' I 
want my share of the sugar." 

Fox said, " Why did n't you come right away } I was so hungry 
I ate it all up." 

Fox said, " I am going back now. I am not going any farther." 

Coyote said, " I am going to keep right on." 

So they parted there. Fox went back and Coyote went on 
alone. 



250 yournal of A merican Folk- Lore. 

Xr. COYOTE AND LITTLE PIG. 

Coyote kept on alone for a while. When he was tired of travel- 
ling he built himself a little house and stayed in it for a while. Then 
he started out again. When he had been travelling for some time, 
he came to a place where the road divides. 

The three Pigs had come there before Coyote, and each had 
taken a different road. They went out to find homes for themselves. 
When they parted, they said they would come back every month and 
see each other. 

They found nice homes, but Coyote came after them. He killed 
the oldest brother, then the next oldest, and then he was looking 
for the youngest brother. Little Pig. Little Pig was the smartest of 
them all. 

After a while. Coyote came to where Little Pig lived, and he said, 
" Hello ! Little Pig." 

Little Pig said, "Hello ! " But he kept the door of his house 
closed tight. He had a very nice place. 

" Let me in," said Coyote. 

" Who is it t " said Little Pig. 

" It 's me," said Coyote. 

" Well, who is me } " said Little Pig. 

" It 's Coyote, and I want to come in." 

"You go away, Coyote," said Little Pig. "I don't want you 
here." 

Little Pig was pretty smart. Coyote thought, " He 's pretty smart, 
but I '11 fool him, I '11 kill him yet." Then he said, — 

" Little Pig, don't you know there is a nice garden about half a 
mile from here, — cabbage and potatoes and everything in it .''" 

Coyote wished for the garden, and it was there. The next morn- 
ing Little Pig got up early, and went to the garden and helped him- 
self to everything. 

The next morning, when Coyote got to the garden, he looked at 
all the things. He saw that Little Pig had been there and helped 
himself to everything and then gone away. He looked around and 
saw Little Pig down the road about half a mile. He ran and Little 
Pig ran. Little Pig got into the house first and locked the door and 
would n't let Coyote in. 

Coyote knocked at the door, and said, " Little Pig, let me in. I 
have tobacco and kin-i-kin-ic. W^e will smoke together." 

" No," said Little Pig, " I don't smoke. I don't want your to- 
bacco and kin-i-kin-ic. I won't let you in. You want to kill me." 

Then Coyote went away. That night he came back and knocked 
at the door. " Let me in," said Coyote. 



Folk-Lore of tJie Flathead Indians of Idaho. 251 

"Who's there?" said Little Pig. 

"It's me," said Coyote, "I don't want to hurt you. I want to 
help you. Let me in." 

"Who are you .-* " asked Little Pig. 

" I am Coyote." 

*' Go away, Coyote. I don't want you here." 

"I want to tell you something," said Coyote. 

"Well, what is it.^*" said Little Pig. 

"About half a mile from here is a nice big orchard, and all kinds 
of fruit in it." 

"All right," said Little Pig. "To-morrow morning I will go there 
and get me what I want." 

Coyote wished for an orchard to be there, and it was there. Early 
the next morning he got up and went to the orchard. When Coyote 
got there, Little Pig was up in a tree gathering apples. He was 
pretty badly scared when he saw Coyote. 

Coyote said, " What have you got there .'' Some nice big ap- 
ples ? " 

"Yes," said Little Pig. "I have some nice big apples. Don't 
you want me to throw you one ^ " 

"Yes," said Coyote. "Throw me a nice big apple." 

Little Pig took a big apple and threw it just as hard as he could. 
Coyote tried to catch it, but he could n't. It hit him in the eye and 
knocked him down. Little Pig jumped down from the apple-tree 
and ran as fast as he could. Coyote jumped up and ran after him, 
but Little Pig got in the house first, and he locked the door on 
Coyote. 

Coyote knocked and knocked, but Little Pig would n't let him in. 
Coyote said, "I '11 come down the chimney." 

"All right, come down the chimney, if you think you can," said 
Little Pig. 

Little Pig began to build a fire. Coyote came down the chimney, 
and fell into the fire, and was burned to death. Fox was not there 
to step over him, and so he never came to life again, and that was 
the end of Coyote. 

Louisa McDermott. 
Fort Lewis, Colo. 



252 yournal of A mericayi Folk-L ore. 



UTE TALES. 

The following tales ^ were collected in the summer of 1900 from 
the Uintah Utes, now in northeastern Utah. They were all ob- 
tained in English except the fifth, which is based on a loosely trans- 
lated text. They are given as nearly in the form in which they 
were heard as was thought possible. 

Of these twelve tales, only the first four bear a close resem- 
blance to any myths that have been recorded from other American 
tribes and that the writer is acquainted with. But these four myths 
all seem widespread. 

The first, the theft of fire, is more characteristic of the Pacific 
side of the continent than of the Atlantic. The second, the pursuit 
by a rolling rock or skull, seems to be found nearly everywhere. 
The third, the unsuccessful imitation of the host, is one of the most 
frequent mythological ideas in North America. The fourth has 
very likely been more frequently heard than published. Mr. R. B. 
Dixon has, however, recorded it among the Maidu of California, and 
I have obtained it among the Arapaho of the Plains. 

Of the remaining tales, the tenth, while based on a widespread 
idea, does not resemble in detail any other story known to the 
writer ; and the fifth resembles others only in details. 

These resemblances are at once too few and too general to indi- 
cate the mythological affinities of the Ute. There is quite clearly, 
however, some similarity with the Californian region. 

Unfortunately, it is impossible to compare these tales with any 
from the Pueblo and Navaho. The myths of these tribes are pri- 
marily cosmogonical. In the time at his disposal, the writer could 
not obtain any cosmogonical myth among the Ute. 

The myth of the miraculous twins and war-leaders, given by 
Powell in the " P'irst Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology," 
was obtained in a slightly different form, but is not here printed. 

I. 

Coyote lived with the people of whom he was chief. They had 
no fire. They gathered large flat rocks and piled them together. 
Toward evening the rocks used to begin to be hot. In the morning 
Coyote threw water on them ; then they steamed, and that made 
them still hotter. The other people did the same with their heaps. 
They all used these rocks instead of fire. 

Now Coyote was lying on his bed in his tent looking before him. 

* Published by permission of the Trustees of the American Museum of Natural 
History. 



Ute Tales. 253 

Something fell down in front of him. It was a small piece of burnt 
rush which had gone up with the smoke and had been carried by 
the wind. Coyote picked it up and put it away. Without delay he 
went outside and called to his head men to come. They gathered 
in his tent. He told them about what had fallen down ; he said, 
" This is what I mean. This is what I want you to look at. Here 
it is. Look at it. What do you think .? Do you know what it is ? 
Where does it come from } I wish that you all speak." They did 
not speak. They thought about it and were silent. Coyote said, 
*' I do not want that you do that. I want you to talk. In order 
that we may find this out, I wish you all not to be silent." Then 
one of the head chiefs said to him, " We do not know what this is." 
They all assented. " Yes," said Coyote. 

Then he pointed to one of his men, the Owl. " I select you ; 
bring very many Owls." He sent another to call the Eagle people ; 
one to bring the Crows ; one to the Grouse and the Sage-Hens and 
the Hummingbird tribe. He also sent to the Hawk-Moths, and to 
all the kinds of birds. They were to send runners to other tribes, 
and all were to come to him quickly. Then he said to one man, 
" My friend, go to the river and get reeds. Bring them here." His 
friend went to get the reeds. The others went home. Because 
Coyote had told him to be quick, the one man soon came back bring- 
ing reeds. Then Coyote took a stick and crushed the reeds into 
shreds. He finished this about sunset. 

When it was dark he called to his friends to come to him again. 
Then they came. They did not know his plan, and they asked each 
other, "Why does he do that } " He had a heap of the shredded 
bark of the reeds. His friends watched him. In the night he told 
them to go home. It was late. When he was alone he took dark 
blue paint ; he rubbed the paint and the bark together, and the bark 
became blue. When he rubbed a long time the bark finally became 
black. It was black like human hair. Coyote could hardly sleep. 

Now it was morning again. After sunrise he called to his friends 
to come. He put the shredded bark on his head, and it was like 
long hair reaching down to the ground. When they came he did 
not look to them like Coyote, but like another person. Then he 
asked them, " Who knows why I am doing this } What do you 
think .-• " No one of his friends answered. They all sat still. They 
did not know what his purpose was. " We do not know what this 
is," they said. They thought that he asked them merely to trick 
them, because he himself must know his purpose. Then he sent 
them home again. When they had gone out he took off his bark 
hair, wrapped it up, and put it away. Then he thought that the 
tribes that he had sent for must be coming: near. He sent his 



254 Journal of American Folk-Lorc. 

friends on the hills to look out for them. He told them to go 
quickly. Then they went as quickly as possible. Coyote hardly 
slept. He constantly thought about what he had found. 

Now some of his people met the various tribes coming. The dif- 
ferent people continued to arrive at short intervals from different 
directions. They were all able men, not the entire people. They 
came towards his tent. He ordered the arriving tribes to go to the 
tents of his own people and not to camp separately. " Eat quickly 
and come to council with me," he told them. They did so. Then 
all the head men came. They sat in circles in several rows to listen 
to Coyote. It was night. Continually he asked the new people 
what the thing was. He asked them from what direction it came, 
or whether it came from above. It was laid on something and 
handed from one man to another. Nobody knew what it was. When 
no one knew it, Coyote said, " I intend to hunt up this thing. I 
shall find out from where it comes, from what tribe it is, or whether 
it is from the sky. I want you to search, looking where each of 
you thinks best. That is why I called you. We will start in the 
morning." They all said, "Very well, we follow your advice. We 
will go behind you ; we wish that you lead us. That is why we 
came here." Now they were ready to start. " Which way would 
you go .'' " they asked each other. " I do not know," they said to 
each other. Then Coyote spoke, " There is mostly a considerable 
wind from the West ; it does not come from any other direction. I 
think that is where this thing came from. That is what I think. 
Let us go there." Coyote took his bark hair by a carrying-thong. 
Then they started. Then they camped for the night. 

That night Coyote had nothing to say. Before it was daylight 
they went on again. They camped overnight. Coyote said nothing. 
They went on again. 

The third night they camped at the foot of a mountain. Next 
day they climbed the mountain. They stopped at the crest of the 
range. Coyote asked his people which was the way to go ; but none 
knew. Then Coyote himself spoke. He saw a mountain. It was 
far off, so that he could hardly see it. It appeared like smoke. He 
saw only its summit. " We will go straight to that mountain there," 
he said. So they went down from their mountain and camped at its 
foot. Coyote spoke to them there. " I think the place is much 
farther. I think it is near the mountain that we saw from the sum- 
mit. My friends, I shall ask for scouts to go ahead." Then they 
travelled on, and next camped in the level plain. 

Again they travelled a whole day. They approached mountains, 
and made a camp. Coyote said, " We will stay here. To-morrow I 
wish some of you to go away to look, searching all over the world." 



Ute Tales, 255 

The next day he sent a large Red-tailed Hawk up to search. The 
Hawk came down again in another place. They went towards him. 
Before they quite reached him, Coyote, who was anxious, said to 
him, " What did you see, my friend .'' " The Hawk said, " I saw 
nothing. I became tired. I could not fly higher. I could not see 
the edge of the earth. I was not high enough." " Yes," said 
Coyote. He thought who was the best man to send up. " You 
go," he said to the Eagle, " I do not think I will reach there," 
said the Eagle. Now he started, going up and around, up and 
around. They could not see him. He was away longer than the 
Hawk; then he came back. At once Coyote, without waiting, 
asked him where he had been. The Eagle said, " I could not go 
farther. It was hard to go farther. I was tired. I saw nothing. 
Only I saw that the earth looked a little smoky." Then the others 
thought that the Hummingbird was the best to go, and that Coyote 
ought to ask him. " He could do better than the Eagle." So 
Coyote went to the Hummingbird. " Try what you can do, my 
friend. I think you can do something." The Hummingbird gave 
no answer ; he continued to sit. Then he began to make a noise 
and flew off. They looked after him, but lost him. They could see 
him no more. He was away a longer time than the other two birds. 
Coyote asked the rest, " Can you see the Hummingbird returning.-'" 
They said to him, ** No." Again he asked them, " Has he not come 
back yet .-• Search about ! See what has become of him ; perhaps 
he has gone to sleep." 

It began to be afternoon when they went away searching. Coyote 
thought that they were a long time. When they were tired from 
looking for him, the Hummingbird at last came back. They could 
hardly see him coming down. They went to him, and all gathered 
around him. Coyote said, " Well, my friend, how far were you .'' " 
For a while the Hummingbird sat still ; he said nothing. Then he 
said, " Very well, I will begin to speak now. At the edge of the 
earth and the sky, where they are together, I saw something stand- 
ing. It was very far away. Something was there; I do not think 
we can reach it. It was a dark thing standing up, and the top was 
bent over. That was all I saw." Coyote said, " That is what I 
thought one of you would see. That is what we are going for. It 
is from this that the thing came which I found." Coyote liked very 
much what the Hummingbird had seen. He said, " My friend, 
what you say makes my heart feel good." He was happy and went 
about among all his people. He could hardly sit still. He did not 
stay in that place the rest of the afternoon. " We will start and go 
a distance, then camp again for the night," he said. 

Next morning they started again. They went over the mountain 



256 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

and camped at the foot of it on the other side. Again they travelled 
on and camped in the plain. 

The next day they crossed another ridge and camped at its far- 
ther side. Then Coyote sent some of his people up again to see 
how near they had come. He sent the Eagle, thinking he might 
see it now. Soon the Eagle came down again. " My friend, what 
did you see .'' " asked Coyote. The Eagle said, " I saw nothing. It 
is very dangerous to go up. It is very difficult." Coyote said to 
the Hummingbird, "Go again, my friend, and see how far from it 
we are now." The Hummingbird flew up again. Soon he came 
back. All gathered around him. The Hummingbird said, " I saw 
three mountain ranges this side of it. We are approaching it." 

Coyote wished to go on. He started again with his people. They 
camped at the foot of a mountain. Crossing it, they camped at its 
farther side. From there they went faster, Coyote leading. They 
went over another range. Then Coyote said, " We will go on again 
to the foot of that mountain. That mountain is the last one. We 
will stop here and wash and become clean and dress. I think there 
are people where that is which we saw ; therefore wash and decorate 
yourselves." Then they did so. Coyote, too, adorned himself. He 
took the bark and put it into his hair. He spread it all around like 
hair. He parted it in the middle and wrapped up two long strands 
of it that reached to his feet ; he wrapped them with bark. Before 
he had finished this he sent the Eagle up again. They were on this 
side of the third range. Then the Eagle came down again. He 
said, " We are not very far away now. I saw that which the Hum- 
mingbird saw. We are near." "Yes," they all said. Then they 
went to the top of the range. There they counted their people, and 
divided them into twenties. Each twenty were to go to one tent. 
Coyote said that he would go to the tent of the head chief, with 
twenty of his own head men. 

They descended the mountain. They came near a village which 
was on the top of a flat hill. Then Coyote spoke to his friends, 
" We have burned nothing heretofore. Our fire was not fire. We 
have come to fire now. We will stay here two days. It is the fire 
for which we have come. We will take it away from them. They 
will have none left here. Where the origin of the fire is, there they 
will have no more fire. We will take it to the place where we live, 
and we will possess it in our own land. I will use this hair of mine 
to take it away from them. I will deceive these people that have 
the fire. I will tell them that we wish them to make a large fire. I 
think that is the best way to do it. What do you think .-' " " Yes, 
that is the right way," they said. Coyote said, " Before we take the 
fire away from them I shall whoop twice ; keep apart by yourselves, 



Ute Tales, 257 

ready to go. Do not tell them why we come here. Keep it to your- 
selves. All of you take my advice: follow it. Do not forget it. 
We have not the right kind of fire to use, but after we take this we 
shall possess fire in our land. We will run away. No one of us 
will stay. I do not think that they will let us escape easily, but they 
will pursue us and attack us and try to kill us." " Very well," they 
said. Then, Coyote going at the head, they went to the first tent, 
and he asked where the chief lived. "That is where our chief lives," 
they said to him, pointing. "Very well, that is where I will live." 
Coyote went there. He shook hands with the chief. " My friend, 
I became nearly exhausted from travelling," said Coyote. The chief 
said to him, " Very well. You have reached my house. It is good." 
All of Coyote's men arrived. " Here are my people. You can go 
to their tents." You can divide and stay with them," said the chief 
that owned the fire. 

Coyote was there overnight. Then he called to his friends, the 
head men, to gather at the lodge of the chief. Coyote spoke first 
[to the other chief] : " Well, my friend, I travelled. I came here 
without intending anything. I came only to see you. I desire that 
you all make a dance for me on the second night. I came very far, 
and I wish to see a dance; that is what all my people like." The 
other chief said, " It is good ; I am glad that you came for a dance. 
I like it. I will make a big dance for you near where I live." 
Before sunset this council was over. 

After it was dark the chief called out to his people concerning the 
dance, " Make a dance for these people. They like to see our way 
of dancing." They all assented. Coyote said that they were to put 
out all the large fires when they danced. The fires in the tents were 
also to have water poured on them. They should have only one 
large fire. Now they began to assemble. There were very many. 
They were all [gathered] in one place. All the women and children 
were there. None were left in the tents. Coyote said, " Let us keep 
up this fire all the night." Then he unwrapt the bark and spread 
it. When he put it on, the people thought he was adorning him- 
self for the dance. He danced all night without resting. He danced 
continually. At the beginning of daylight he whooped as a signal. 
Then he said, " I do not mean anything. I only whooped to show 
that I like this very well ; to show that I like this dance. I never 
had this kind of dance in my land. It makes my heart good to see 
all these women and fine girls and your way of dancing. I mean 
nothing wrong." "Very well," they said. Then it began to be a 
little lighter. Coyote got close to the fire and whooped again. He 
was very close to the fire, dancing about it. Now his people sepa- 
rated from the others ; they got ready to start. Coyote took off his 

VOL. XIV. — NO. 55. 18 



258 Journal of American Folk-Lore. 

bark hair, and seized it in his hands. With it he hit the fire and 
put it out. The fine shredded bark took all the fire. Coyote was 
not slow : it was just as he started to run that he hit the fire. He 
ran as fast he could. 

All Coyote's people ran. They made a noise like many horses. 
There was nothing left for the other people ; all the fire was out. 
They said, " That is what he intended to do [when he came] ; now 
let us kill all his people." Then they pursued him. Coyote was 
already over the ridge. They could not catch him at once. Then 
Coyote said to the Eagle, " You can run fast ; take this, my friend." 
" Yes," said the Eagle. So the Eagle carried the fire for a dis- 
tance. Then the Eagle said to the Hummingbird, " My friend, I 
am nearly exhausted. You take this." "Very well," said the Hum- 
mingbird, and took the fire. Coyote was far at the rear of his tribe 
talking to them. " If any of you are tired, and are exhausted, hide 
somewhere ; in this way you will save your lives. When we get 
over this adventure we shall be safe. In this way we shall be saved 
by hiding." He thought that the pursuers would kill any one whom 
they ran down. 

They continued to exchange the fire as they became exhausted ; 
different birds took it. The Hummingbird said to the Hawk-Moth, 
" I am nearly exhausted. Take it, my friend. I think you are good 
yet." "Very well," said the Hawk-Moth, and took it. Then the 
Hawks and the various slow birds became exhausted and hid, but 
the others continued to go on, and at last only the best and fastest 
birds were left. Coyote saw the other people coming near. He 
thought who of his people might be the best yet. Then he selected 
the Chicken-Hawk as the swiftest, and gave him the fire to carry. 
Coyote asked his friends if they were tired. Then he took the fire 
himself and ran with it, telling all his people to run after him as 
hard as they could. Then Coyote held it out, saying, " Some one 
take it quickly ! " And the Hummingbird took it [again] and flew 
ahead. " Stop ! The fire is nearly out," said Coyote. Then the 
Hummingbird was angry and gave the fire back to Coyote, though 
he was already far in the lead. Hummingbird went aside and hid, 
because he was angry with Coyote. Only four were left now, — 
Coyote, the Eagle, the Chicken-Hawk, and the Hawk-Moth. The 
rest had scattered as they became exhausted. 

The pursuers were near Coyote. They were intending to kill 
him. The Eagle and the two others became exhausted and hid, and 
Coyote alone was left, running, carrying the fire. There was a little 
hill. Coyote ran over the top and went into a hole and closed it up 
with a stone, so that it looked like the ground. He was inside, hold- 
ing the fire. Only a little spark of it remained. Then he came out 



Ute Tales. 259 

again, and, changing his direction somewhat, ran through a ravine 
that he saw. After a while the other people saw him again. Then 
they commenced to pursue him once more. At last they said to 
each other, " Let him go. We will cause rain and then snow. We 
will make a hard storm and freeze him to death and put the fire 
out." Coyote continued to go, and it began to rain much, just as if 
water were being poured on him. It rained still more, and soon the 
ground was as if covered by water. All the hollows were filled, and 
the valleys were nearly knee-deep with water. Coyote thought that 
the fire would soon be gone. He thought, " I am carrying this fire 
now, and perhaps it will go out soon. I wish I could find some one, 
some animal living in this land." He saw a small hill with a few 
cedars on it. He thought he might stand on the hill and be safe 
under the cedars, as the valleys would all be filled with water. So 
he went towards the hill. 

Before he reached it, he saw a Black-tailed Rabbit sitting right in 
the water. Coyote said to him : " Quick, my friend ! I have been 
getting fire from far away. I have it now. It is this fire that has 
brought me into difficulty, that has caused this rain. This fire will 
kill me. I am tired. You should know something. You should 
do something. You should know how to save this fire. Perhaps 
you do know some way. My friend, you must do it. I think you 
know something." He gave him the fire, holding his hand over 
it. [There was only a finger's length left.] The Rabbit took it 
and placed it right under himself. " Do not do that. You are 
in the water. It will go out. You will put the fire out," said Coy- 
ote. So the Rabbit handed it back to Coyote. When he handed 
it back to him, more was burning than before. Then Coyote said, 
"Well, my friend, take it, keep it." "No," said the Rabbit [who 
was offended]. But he told Coyote, " There is a cave in the rock 
over there ; go into it. It will be good." " Yes," said Coyote. 
When he reached the cave, he found some dry sagebrush and dry 
cedar lying there. Standing by the brush, he thought, " I will 
make a fire out of thi.s." So he heaped it, and placed the fire under 
it, and blew. Then it began to burn. Then he spoke to the dry 
cedar, " I shall use you. I shall make a large fire out of you. You 
will be burned." So he piled the cedar on the sagebrush. He had 
been shivering, but soon the fire made him feel good. When the 
rain was over, the snowstorm and West wind were to come, the peo- 
ple had intended, and they should freeze him dead. Now they be- 
gan. It became very cold. Coyote was in the cave. There was 
deep water on the ground. This began to become ice. Coyote felt 
good from the fire. He did not think that he would freeze to death. 
He began to sleep. During the night he dreamed that it was clear ; 



2 6o Journal of A merican Folk-Lore. 

that everything was gone from the sky, and that there were no 
clouds. In the morning he awoke. He looked up and saw that the 
sky was clear ; everywhere was ice. Then the South wind came, and 
the ice all melted. Then Coyote looked for the Rabbit. He was 
sitting where he had sat last. Then Coyote shot him and killed him. 
Then he went back to the cave. He took a piece of old dry sage- 
brush ; he bored a hole through it. Then he filled it with coals of 
fire, and closed it up. He thought that he could carry the fire 
safely thus. A Rock Squirrel with big ears was there. Coyote said 
to him, " I have killed your friend [the Rabbit], but you will eat 
him." Then the Squirrel went away. 

Then Coyote put the fire under his belt and went away with it. 
He went away without looking around, and without watching, just 
as if he were at home. Then he got back home. He laid down his 
tube of sagebrush containing the fire. He called together the few 
men who were left home with the women and children. After they 
came, he took the fire. It looked only like a stick. He took an 
arrow point and bored a small hole into the stick. Then he whit- 
tled hard greasewood. " Now look, you people," he said. He told 
two men to hold the sagebrush firmly to the ground. Then he 
bored it with the greasewood, and picked up the borings, and put 
them into dry grass. Blowing upon this, he soon had a fire, " This 
dry pine-nut will be burned hereafter. Dry cedar will also be 
burned. Take fire into all the tents. I shall throw away the rocks. 
There will be fire in every house." Thus said Coyote. 

Now all the birds that had become tired and had hidden arrived. 
Then they all flew back to the places from which they had come ; 
and from that time on they were birds. 

II. 

Coyote went from his village down a narrow canyon. The can- 
yon widened into an open place, in which there stood one tent. 
The Hummingbird lived there with his wife and two children. 
" Where are you going .-' " he asked Coyote, after the latter had 
stayed overnight with him. Coyote said, " I will continue to go 
along this canyon. I do not know how far it extends, but I am 
going along it." The Hummingbird said, "Where you mean to 
go there is no water. There is nothing in this canyon. Only after 
you travel a long way will you come to water. You can follow 
the ridge of this mountain ; from the top you can see far, almost 
over the whole world ; that is the nearest way to reach water." 
Coyote said, " No, I am going through this canyon ; when night 
comes I shall sleep without drinking. Next day I will go on, go on, 
go on. At night I will sleep again." The Hummingbird answered. 



Ute Tales. 26 1 

" The way that I told you of is the best ; you had better take the 
way I tell you. You cannot do without water. You will die before 
half a day. You must not try to be superior to me, but follow what 
I tell you." The Hummingbird's wife said to him, "Do not talk 
to him any longer. He will not do what you tell him. You have 
talked to him enough." The Hummingbird said, " Yes ; let him 
go where he wishes." Then he said to Coyote, "Yes, go where 
you wish." 

Before Coyote started, the Hummingbird said to him, " After a 
distance you will find a red blanket lying on a large rock to your 
side ; there will be another blanket on the other side, and your path 
will go right between them. There will also be blankets of green, 
blue, and other colors lying on both sides of the road. Do not take 
any of them." Coyote started and travelled quickly. He reached the 
place of the blankets. It was near a rock ; a trail ran by there. 
He saw a good, new, red blanket ; he stopped and thought about it. 
He wondered to whom it might belong. " Some one must live 
here," he thought, and he wondered where. Then he went near the 
blanket ; he touched its edge, and felt that it was a fine heavy blan- 
ket. " Some one must live near this place. I will search for his 
tracks about here," he said. He made a circle around the blanket 
at a distance, but found no tracks. Then he thought again, " I will 
look for tracks farther away." Again he made a circle around it, 
but saw nothing. Then he came back and stood by the blanket, 
and he thought, " To whom does it belong .'' I might get one of 
these blankets for myself. Which is the best one to have .'' " He 
thought especially of the red blankets, and took one of these. He 
put it about himself, and considered it just right. Then he rolled 
it up and threw it over his shoulder and walked off among the rocks. 
He went a little way ; then he looked back to see if any one was 
coming after him ; he saw no one. He came out of the canyon and 
went over a plain where there were no mountains visible. At first 
he had walked watching, looking behind, but when he was in the 
open plain, he no longer thought about watching. At last he looked 
back and saw much dust coming from the canyon, as if there were a 
whirlwind. He went to a somewhat elevated spot and looked. He 
saw a large rock. It was immense. It was the one on which the 
blanket had been, and it was rolling along. Coyote did not know 
what to do. He saw the rock going up a slope. It slowed. It 
nearly stopped. He thought that it would not continue to go on, 
and would not reach him ; therefore, he delayed to watch it. It 
came very near him. 

Now Coyote was much frightened. He put the blanket over his 
shoulder and ran along a little ridge, as hard as he could. After 



262 Journal of A merican Folk-L ore. 

some distance he saw that the rock had reached the top of the ele- 
vation on which he had been, and that it was coming with a fresh 
start, as fast as when he first saw it, rolUng its hardest. He was 
afraid to continue running in the plain, and seeing a mountain, he 
ran towards it in hope to reach it. He remained in the lead, and 
the rock stopped gaining on him. Coyote continued to run as hard 
as he could. Now he was near the mountain. At its foot he had 
nearly given out. He looked back and the rock was close. The hill 
was steep ; going up, he sat on the summit and watched the rock. 
His body was shaking with panting ; he was nearly dead. He 
thought that the rock could not roll up the hill, but would fall back. 
It kept coming on slowly ; then it went up the hill sideways. It 
would stop and sit still, then go on again, then turn and go up in an- 
other direction. It came nearer, hardly moving. It lay still. Then 
it rolled over once. Coyote sat on the summit and thought, " I 
think I can push it down again ; I think I can make it roll back." 
So he ran towards it. But when he got close to it, the rock began 
to roll towards him ; when it nearly touched him, he dodged aside. 
The rock just touched his leg. Coyote gave a war-whoop and dodged 
about. The rock started to roll faster in pursuit. Then Coyote 
went off straight, running his hardest. At the foot of the hill he 
looked back, and saw the rock coming fast. Now he no longer 
had a mountain to go to ; everything was flat. He went to a small 
canyon and jumped across it; he thought that the rock would fall 
in. He stopped and looked back ; but he could not see the rock. 
He only saw much dust coming from the canyon below him. Then 
he went on slowly. Looking again, he saw nothing but dust. Then 
he saw a small, pointed, rocky hill, and thought that from there he 
might look back and see the rock. 

He ran to the hill, but the canyon stretched toward the hill, and 
before Coyote reached it he saw the rock ahead of him in the can- 
yon. Then he started back again. He was all tired out. He 
could hardly lope. As he ran along he thought, " Where is my 
friend the Deer living?" Then he saw the Deer standing at the 
place where he generally lived, and he said to the Deer, " Come ! 
Hurry ! This rock pursues me. You can do something for me." 
" Yes, come this way," said the Deer, and they loped along together 
as if they were racing. "This rock is after me. It will kill me," 
said Coyote. " Yes," said the Deer. " I think you will hold it, 
you will push it back," said Coyote. The Deer said, "Yes, very 
well, my friend, watch me, look at me." The Deer turned and ran 
towards the rock ; with full power he struck it at its bottom. The 
rock went straight over him, crushing him to pieces. " My poor 
friend," thought Coyote. " Now he is killed by that rock. What 
shall I do .? " 



Ute Tales, 263 

He continued to go on, still carrying the blanket on his shoulder. 
He thought of the Mountain-Sheep as his friend, just as of the Deer 
before. As he ran on he saw a fresh Mountain-Sheep track. He 
followed it as if he were hunting. Then he saw the Mountain-Sheep 
sitting \i. e. lying down]. " Well, my friend, hurry ! This rock 
pursues me," he said. " Very well, come with me," said the Moun- 
tain-Sheep. Then they loped along together as if they were racing, 
just as he had done with the Deer. As they ran. Coyote told the 
Mountain-Sheep of his plight : " My friend, I wish you to stop this 
rock. I am exhausted. I think it will kill me. I want you to 
strike it with your horn, and break it." The Sheep did not an- 
swer. " Thrust your horn against it and break it," said Coyote. 
The Mountain-Sheep asked, " What caused the rock to come after 
you .'' You must have done something to it; it would not pursue 
you for nothing. Where did you get that blanket .'' " Coyote did 
not speak. " The rock is never going to stop ; it will kill you. You 
took that blanket from it," said the Mountain-Sheep. Coyote said 
to him, "If you stop the rock you can have the blanket." The 
Mountain-Sheep said, " Only throw the blanket away and the rock 
will stop there, lying upon it." Coyote would not give it up ; and 
he said, *' I like this red blanket very much. I like to have it ; that 
is why the rock pursues me. I knew you were strong. You can 
do almost anything. I want you to stop this rock." They ran up a 
hill. "Now I will attack it. My friend, watch me," said the Sheep. 
The rock had come close again. The Mountain-Sheep prepared. 
Then he ran back, stood up on his hind legs, and butted the rock 
squarely. The rock always rolled faster when anything opposed it ; 
it came on now and tore the Sheep all to pieces. Coyote thought, 
** My poor friend ! What will I do now } What friend will I find 
again } " 

He went down a wide valley and found the Whip-Poor-Will ; he 
told him his trouble. The Whip-Poor-Will said : " I can do nothing, 
go to the Bull-Bat." Coyote ran to the Bull-Bat. " Hurry, my 
friend ! " he said. He told the Bull-Bat what he had told the Deer. 
Coyote was very nearly exhausted, and the rock was near. The Bull- 
Bat flew back and forth between Coyote and the rock. The Bull- 
Bat said, "You have a blanket belonging to this rock. Why are 
you carrying that } My friend, you have no place to save your- 
self ; the rock will kill you. It will go all over the world, night 
and day, without stopping (until it reaches you). Why do you carry 
this blanket .-• You cannot escape with it. You cannot escape 
from this rock if you cross a river. The rock will jump over. You 
cannot hide from this rock. Throw the blanket away, and the 
rock will stop right upon it." " No, I like it," said Coyote, " I 



264 y ournal of American Folk-Lore. 

like its color, and I will go all over the world using it. How can 
I stop the rock, my friend? What can I do?" "Throw the 
blanket away," said the Bull-Bat. Coyote said to him, " No, I will 
wear it. I will travel all over the world with it, after you have stopped 
the rock." The Bull-Bat said, " No, I cannot stop it ; the rock will 
kill me. Then what will you do after it has killed me ? It will kill 
us both ; rather throw the blanket away. Do you think this rock is 
merely a rock without thought ? It has thought, eyes, a mouth, it 
can talk, and it has a heart ; it rolls of itself like a person ; a rock 
does not roll by itself." During this time they were running. " Stop 
it ! I want this blanket," Coyote said at last. " Very well, my 
friend. I think the rock will kill me," said the Bull-Bat. The Bull- 
Bat flew ahead of Coyote ; then he flew towards the rock, swerving 
in front of it. He just did not touch it. The rock slackened some- 
what ; then it began to roll faster again. Again the Bull-Bat made 
it slacken. The third time he flew straight at it ; and with the whir 
of his wings he struck the spirit of the rock. The rock stopped 
altogether. It groaned, shook the earth, and quivered like a dying 
animal ; then it died. Coyote, altogether worn out, watched it. 
When he saw it die, he fell over from exhaustion. 

The Bull-Bat was near the rock, while Coyote lay some distance 
away. The Bull-Bat said, " Now you will be a rock forever. You 
will pursue no one." Then he went to Coyote to see how he was. 
Coyote said, " I am very sick. I shall die soon. My thighs are alto- 
gether stiff. I also feel bad in my throat. I shall die." The Bull- 
Bat said to him, " No, that only means that you have been running 
too much. When you go on again you will get over that." Coyote 
said, " Yes." Then Coyote told the Bull-Bat what had happened. 
He told him how the Deer had been killed, and, the second time, 
the Mountain-Sheep also. The Bull-Bat said to him, " Have you no 
sense? You killed them. If you had thrown away the blanket, 
they would not have died. Every one knows who owned the blan- 
ket. Only you, I think, did not know it. Now I am going to where 
I live. You can go where you please. I hope you have a home." 
"Yes," said Coyote, " I will go where I please." 

III. 

Coyote lived alone. He had no wife, but five children. He spoke 
to them, " Stay here. I will go to see my friend the Mountain- 
Sheep." He went there. The Mountain-Sheep was lying down, 
holding a bow and five arrows. Coyote entered and sat down. 
Then the Mountain-Sheep got up and went out. He took the ar- 
rows and shot up five times very quickly. Then he shot himself in 
the anus five times, and ran away. Coyote sat watching. The Moun- 



Ute Tales, 265 

tain-Sheep came back with fat meat. He had intestine fat and good 
meat. He cooked some of it for Coyote. Coyote was hungry and 
ate it all. Then the Mountain-Sheep gave him the rest of the meat. 
Coyote tied it up and put it on his back. He said to the Mountain- 
Sheep : " Come to visit me to-morrow." The Mountain-Sheep said, 
"Yes." The next day he went there, following Coyote's tracks. 
He found Coyote's tent. He entered. Coyote was lying down 
just as the Mountain-Sheep had lain. He had Mountain-Sheep 
horns on his head, and he held five arrows and a bow. His children 
were not in the tent. He had sent them away. Then Coyote got 
up and went out. Just like the Mountain-Sheep, betook five arrows 
and shot them up, and then shot them into his anus. Only two en- 
tered ; three times he missed, and the arrows stuck in his rump. 
Then he ran off. He came back carrying meat, with only one small 
piece of fat. He gave it to the Mountain-Sheep, "Here, my friend, 
eat this." The Mountain-Sheep said, " No, my friend, I do not like 
your meat. Eat it yourself. I will go back." He went away. 
"Yes," said Coyote. He was a little angry. 

Coyote slept in his tent one night. The next day he said to his 
children, " Stay here. I will visit the Snowbird." Then he went. 
The Snowbird was lying down. He did not speak Coyote thought 
he was angry. Then the Snowbird went out. He came back car- 
rying wood on his shoulder, and dropped it on the ground. " What 
does that mean } " thought Coyote. The Snowbird had a small 
door. He put the wood into this and took out nuts. Coyote was 
very hungry. He ate some and took the rest home for his children. 
He said : " Come to visit me." " Yes," said the Snowbird. The 
next day the Snowbird came. Coyote lay there. He did not look 
like Coyote, but like a Snowbird. He appeared angry. The Snow- 
bird sat down, and Coyote went out. He came back again, carrying 
wood on his shoulder, and dropped it. He put the wood away and 
covered it from sight. When he took it out, it was nuts, but they 
were small and hard or hollow. He said, " Here, my friend, eat 
this." The Snowbird said, " No, I do not want it. Eat it your- 
self." " Yes," said Coyote, Then he ate the nuts himself. 

Then Coyote said to his children, " Stay here, I will visit my 
friends." He went to the Magpie. The Magpie sat making a bas- 
ket. Coyote sat down and watched him. The Magpie reached be- 
hind himself and took a little basket. He pushed a stick into his 
nostrils and made the blood run. Soon he had a basketful. He 
cooked the blood. He cut slices of fat and put them into the boiling 
blood. Then he gave it to Coyote. He ate it. It tasted good to 
him. He said, " My friend, you cook well. This is very good. I 
like this kind of food. What do you think .-" Come to my house to 



266 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

visit me." "Yes," said the Magpie. The next day the Magpie 
came. He sat down. Coyote was working, just as the Magpie had 
done. He used the same kind of awl. Slowly he reached backward 
and took a basket. He punched into his nostrils. Sometimes he 
hurt himself ; then he sobbed or groaned. The Magpie looked at 
him and laughed. Coyote did not make much blood ; the basket 
was only half full. Then he cooked the blood and put grease into 
it. He gave it to the Magpie. The Magpie said to him, "I do not 
like that. Eat it yourself." " Yes," said Coyote. Then he ate it 
himself. 

Then Coyote said to his children, "Stay here, I will visit my 
friends." He went away. It was winter, and there was a little snow. 
He saw deer tracks, which were followed by other tracks. Coyote 
followed them both. He saw that some one had killed a deer, 
skinned it, butchered it, and carried the meat home. Coyote followed 
him. He saw the tent. There were three children and one woman. 
There was much dry meat, very good and fat. It was the tent of the 
Puma. He was not in the tent. He was hunting. The woman 
said to Coyote, " Are you hungry } Do you wish to eat .-' " Coyote 
said to her, " Yes, I am hungry." Then she cooked for him and 
gave him to eat. She said to him, " Stop ! Wait ! Sing while you 
eat. Do both together." Coyote said, "How shall I sing .-• " She 
said, "Wait. Listen. I will sing for you." Then she gave food to 
her children and sang. Then the children sang and ate, and Coyote 
sang and ate, until they had eaten all. Then she asked him, " Do 
you wish to go or to remain .'* " Coyote said, " I live far away. I 
think I will stay one night. I will go home to-morrow." At sunset 
the Puma came back. He had killed three deer. He carried one 
and dragged the two others, one in each hand. He laid them down 
and entered the tent. He said to his wife, " I am hungry. Cook 
quickly. Coyote, my friend, is also hungry. Cook ! I think Coy- 
ote does not eat meat." " Yes, I eat meat. I am hungry," said 
Coyote. Then she cooked meat for them and set it down for them. 
The Puma said, " Now wait. Hear me. I will sing." Then he 
sang, and his children and Coyote too all sang, and then they ate, 
singing. They finished eating. Then they slept. Ne.xt morning 
the Puma told his wife to cook. Then she cooked and set out the 
food. They ate it just the same way, singing. Then the Puma 
said, "I am going to hunt now." Coyote said : " I will go back." 
Then the woman gave him two large bags of meat, and one small 
one. They were packed full. Coyote started. On the way he 
opened a sack. He ate while singing. He went on again. He 
stumbled and fell down. When he got up again, he had forgotten 
how to sing. He tried to sing, but forgot. He lost the song more 



Ute Tales. 267 

and more. Then he went back to the Puma's tent. He said, " I lost 
that song. I came back after it. Please give it to me again." " Yes," 
said Puma's wife. She sang it for him. Coyote went away, sing- 
ing the song all day. At sunset, he arrived at his tent with his 
sacks. His children said, " Oh ! Our father has meat." He said, 
"Wait! Cook it; then we will sing and eat." Then they sang 
and ate just as he had done before. After that he lost the song 
again, and again he obtained it from the Puma's wife. The Puma 
said to him, "If you lose the song you will see no game, and kill 
none, and you will have nothing to eat. Go back. Do not lose the 
song. Then hunt singing. You will find deer. If you do not sing, 
you will see nothing." Coyote sang all the way home. 

One night he stayed there. Then he told his children, " Stay 
here, I will hunt." He w-ent hunting, singing ; then he saw deer 
tracks. He found the deer ; singing, he went on. He came near 
them, and killed five. He skinned them, no longer singing. He 
carried the meat home. Some of it he left, after having covered it. 
He got back. He entered his tent. He said to his daughters, " Do 
not eat of it. Cook for all together. Do not taste it. Do not let 
the children touch it. Then we will all sing and eat together." 
They cooked it and set it out. They all sat down. Coyote sang. 
Then all sang and ate. The next day Coyote said, " Stay here ; I 
will go hunting." He went on the hills, but he saw nothing. Then 
he found many deer tracks. He sang. He killed all the deer; they 
were twenty. He looked at them. He saw a buck with eyes and a 
mouth, but without nostrils. Coyote said, " What kind of a deer is 
that } It is not good. It is bad. Where are its nostrils } " He 
looked at them all : they were all without nostrils. He took a stick 
and pushed it into the nose of one ; then he pushed it in on the other 
side ; thus, he made nostrils for it. Then he did the same to the 
rest. Deinde penem quasi ut nares amplificaret intromisit. Then 
the deer jumped, and ran away, and all the others ran away. Coyote 
seized his bow and shot one of them. He said, " What is the mat- 
ter } It is not good to shoot deer by singing and then have them 
escape. It is good to pursue them and shoot them. I do not like 
the singing. I want to throw it away. I do not wish to sing any 
more." He skinned the deer, and carried the meat home. He said 
to his children, "Quick! Cook it." They cooked it and set it out. 
Coyote said, " Now we will eat. We will talk no more. I threw it 
away. We will not sing any more. We will only eat." They said 
to him, "Is that right.'' Will we eat without singing?" Coyote 
said to them, " Yes. It is right. We will sing no more. I threw 
it away." 

Now the Puma went huntine:. He found deer tracks. He saw 



268 journal of American Folk-Lore. 

ten bucks. He went toward them, singing, singing. The sun was 
low. The Puma came to the windward of the deer. Then they 
smelled him, and ran away. He went home ; he was angry. He 
thought Coyote had made this happen. He said to his wife, "I 
saw ten bucks. I sang, but I did not kill them. I went around 
them ; then they smelled me and ran away. I think Coyote made 
nostrils for them and caused them to smell. I am angry. I will 
hunt again. I want to find out about Coyote. I wish to find out if 
he did it." The Puma went off; he found tracks and saw deer. He 
came near them. He was going around them ; suddenly they ran 
away. Then he was angry. He thought Coyote was the cause. 
He went home empty-handed and angry. At sunset he started to 
go to Coyote. When he came near, he said, " Let Coyote sleep 
well. Let him not awaken. Let it be the same with all his chil- 
dren." He went into Coyote's tent. Coyote was sleeping. The 
Puma pulled his nose and his tail and his legs. He made his legs 
long and thin, so that they had no flesh on them. Then he pulled 
his ears straight up. Li the morning, Coyote got up. He saw his 
nose ; he saw his long legs and his tail. He awoke his children, be- 
ing frightened. " Is that you, my father } " they said. " Yes," said 
Coyote. " You do not look like him. I think you are a bad man," 
said they. Coyote said, " No, I am your father ; perhaps the 
Puma did this to me. He made me sleep. Perhaps he was angry 
that I did not sing. I also am angry ; I will do it to him also." 
At night he went to the Puma. When he was close, he said, " Let 
him be sleepy. Let him not awake." He entered the tent. He 
pushed the Puma's nose in. He crushed his legs and his claws, so 
that they were compressed. He pulled his tail long. He made 
short little ears for him. Then Coyote went home. Then Puma 
awoke in the morning. He said to his wife, " Give me water." The 
she gave it to him. He was washing. In rubbing down over his 
face his hand slipped [not being stopped by the projecting nose as 
formerly]. He said, "What is the matter with my face.-*" His 
daughter said to him, " You are not my father. You are a bad 
man. I am afraid of you." The Puma said, " Yes, I am he. What 
is the matter with my face.?" She said, " It is not good." Then 
the Puma said, "I think Coyote did it. I did the same to him last 
night." 

IV. 

Coyote had a wife, several pretty daughters, and a young son. 
He went away out of sight. Then he scratched himself and put 
gum on the wounds to make them look worse. Going home, he 
said [to his family] that he had been shot by enemies. He pre- 
tended to become very sick. Soon he pretended to be about to die. 



Ute Tales. 269 

His family placed him in a brush shelter. He said, " When I die, 
go to such and such a camp. There will be a man with a white 
horse. He is better than others. Marry your daughter to him." 
Now he seemed to be nearly dead. He kept his eyes nearly closed ; 
but under his clothes he looked out at his daughters. Unae erant 
magna genitalia. Earn conspexit concupiscens. " Delectabilis erit," 
secum dixit. Then he said, " When I die, heap up a large pile of 
brush and burn me. Go away at once [after putting me on the fire], 
without looking back. If you look back at me I shall do you 
injury." Then he seemed to be at the very point of death. His 
family made a heap of brush, and began to carry him there. Fili- 
arum una eum dorso suo portante, copulavit cum ea. Puer vidit et 
dixit, " Soror, pater tecum copulat !" Deinde eum in terram jecit. 
" O, O, morior," ingemuit cum caderet. Deinde uxor eum portavit. 
Etiam cum ea copulavit. Puer dixit, " Mater, pater mens tecum 
copulat !" Sed ilia respondit, "Tace ! ex hoc (acto) tu es." Puer 
ergo tacuit. Then they laid him on the pile of brush and set fire to 
it on all sides. Then they went away. The boy looked back, and 
said, " My mother, my father is rolling off the fire. Now he is 
crawling away." She said to him, " Do not look back ! Do you 
not know what he said to us .'' He will do you some injury if you 
look back ! " " But he is crawling," said the boy. 

Coyote went to the camp to which they were going. He rode a 
fine white horse. He wore a quiver of mountain lion skin, with the 
long tail hanging from it. He looked [altogether] different. His 
family came there and camped. Then he rode up, as if to look at 
them. His wife said, "There is the man on a white horse, the one 
that your father told me to have as son-in-law. Bring your brother- 
in-law ! " she said to her son. The boy went to get him, but looked 
at him sharply. He was suspicious. Then Coyote married one of 
the daughters. Vix dormivit : omne nocte iterum atque iterum 
copulavit. Next morning the woman said to the boy, " Take your 
brother-in-law to hunt rock-squirrels." Coyote had used to hunt 
these squirrels along a rocky ridge, and used to take his son with 
him. Now the boy showed him the hunting places. The boy stuck 
a stick into the holes, and when he shook it the squirrels came out. 
Coyote did not shoot them ; he seized them with his mouth, like a 
dog. This made the boy suspicious. Then Coyote went to some of 
the holes without having been shown where they were. This made 
the boy more suspicious. He thought, " I will learn whether he 
is my father." Coyote had marks or holes on his teeth: one from 
his wife, one from his son, and one from each of his daughters. The 
boy took him to a hole that extended through the rock, so that he 
could look through it. When he looked, Coyote was standing at 



270 Journal of American Folk-Lore. 

the other end with his mouth open, ready to seize the squirrel. The 
boy saw the marks on his teeth. " There is my mother's mark, there 
is my own, there is my eldest sister's," he said, and so on. The num- 
ber was complete. Then he put his stick into the hole, and shook 
it so that it rattled. He ran home, while the stick continued to 
rattle in the hole. Puer sorori dixit, " Pater tuus tibi conjunx est ! " 
Deinde matrona filiam suam rogavit, " Quod tibi omne nocte 
fecit?" " Omne nocte assidue copulavit," puella respondit. "Est 
ille," mater sua dixit. " Ita et mihi faciebat, canis ille turpis." They 
deliberated how to flee. They went underground a little distance. 
Then they rose to the sky and became stars. Meanwhile Coyote, 
standing before the hole, said, " Shake harder ! " He was talking 
to nobody. At last he discovered this. " You cannot escape from 
me," he said ; and he followed the tracks of his family. At last the 
tracks stopped. He was at a loss. Then the boy thought, " I wish 
my father would look at me ! " Coyote looked up. He saw them 
above. He said, " You are in the sky. You are stars. You will 
be called Coyote's family." The woman answered him, contending 
with him, " You will be below there. People on the earth will call 
you Coyote. Early in the morning, or when there is fire in the 
grass, you will stand and watch for mice and will seize them. At 
night you will howl. You will be Coyote." 

V. 

The Porcupine was tracking buffalo. Where many buffalo had 
defecated, he asked the buffalo chips how long ago they had been 
defecated. " Long ago," they told him. He kept asking them until 
he found one that said, "I was defecated lately." From there the 
Porcupine started again. The tracks soon became fresh, and he 
followed them until, just as he got to a river, he saw a herd that 
had crossed the ford, coming out on the other side. " What shall I 
do t " thought the Porcupine, as he sat down. Then he called out, 
" Carry me across ! " " Do you mean me .'' " said one of the buffalo. 
"No; I want another than you," said the Porcupine. Thus he 
rejected the herd one after another. When he had refused all, the 
best one in the herd said, "Do you want me.'" "Yes," said the 
Porcupine. Then this buffalo crossed the water and asked him, 
"Will you be carried riding me } " " No, I will fall into the water," 
said the Porcupine. " Then ride between my horns." But the 
Porcupine said, " No, I will fall into the water if I do that." 

When the Buffalo had suggested all other ways of carrying him, 
he said, " Perhaps you would rather go inside of me } " Then the 
Porcupine said, "Yes." So he entered the Buffalo, who went into 
the river. " Where are we now ? " asked the Porcupine. " In the 



Ute Tales. 271 

middle of the river," said the Buffalo. After a while the Porcupine 
asked again. " We have nearly crossed," said the Buffalo. Then 
he said, " We have emerged from the water ; now come out of me ! " 
"No, go a little farther," said the Porcupine. Soon the Buffalo 
said to him, " We have gone farther now ; so come out ! " Then 
the Porcupine hit his heart with his tail. The Buffalo started to 
run, but fell down right there. Thus the Porcupine killed him. 
Then all the rest of the herd tried to hook the Porcupine with their 
horns, but he sat under the ribs and they could not reach him. 
Then the buffalo desisted and ran off. 

The Porcupine came out. " I wish I had something with which 
to butcher it," he kept saying. Now Coyote was sleeping there. 
Waking, he heard him. " What does he mean saying, ' I wish I 
had something with which to butcher it } ' " Coyote thought. He 
went to him. " Here is my knife for butchering," he said. Then 
they went together to where the buffalo lay. " Let him butcher 
it who jumps over it," said Coyote. Then the Porcupine ran over 
a rib ; but Coyote jumped clear over it. Thus Coyote beat him in 
jumping, and began to cut up the buffalo. But first he defecated 
near the river. After a time he gave the Porcupine the paunch, 
saying to him, " Go wash it, but do not eat of it ! " So the Porcu- 
pine took it to the river. After washing it he bit off a piece to eat. 
Then Coyote's excrement said to him, " Eat of it ! " After a while 
Coyote himself came after him. [Seeing that his excrement had 
said the ver}' opposite of what he had instructed it to say, and that 
the Porcupine had eaten of the paunch, he became angry.] He 
said, " I did not tell you to eat this. I forbid you to eat it." Then 
he killed the Porcupine with a club. Placing him beside the buf- 
falo, he left both there and went home. When he arrived he said 
to his family, "I have killed a buffalo. I have killed the Porcu- 
pine. Let us carry them home." 

Now the Porcupine said, " Let a red pine grow fast." Then a 
red pine grew up under all the meat. It grew very tall. The Porcu- 
pine climbed it and sat in the top. All the meat was in the top. 
The Coyote's family came there. All the meat was gone and the 
Porcupine too. They began to look for it. " I wish they would 
look up," the Porcupine said. Then one of them, a child, looked up. 
He said, " Oh ! " Then the rest looked up. There sat the Porcu- 
pine with all the meat. They said to him, "Throw down a piece of 
the neck." " Yes," said the Porcupine to them. " Place that 
youngest one a little farther off." "Yes," they said, and placed 
him to the side. " Now all hold up your hands," said the Porcu- 
pine. So they held up their hands. Then he threw down the buf- 
falo neck, which, striking, killed all of them. Then the Porcupine 



272 journal of A merican Folk-Lore, 

went down and took the youngest Coyote. He brought him up into 
the tree and gave him much meat to eat. After a time the young 
Coyote was compelled to defecate. The Porcupine said to him, 
" Go out on the limb." " Here ? " asked the Coyote. " No, farther 
out," said the Porcupine. Again he asked, " Here .-' " and the Por- 
cupine said to him, " No, farther out." At last the young Coyote 
was at the end of the limb, where it was flexible. Then the Porcu- 
pine kicked the limb hard and shook him off. The young Coyote 
fell down and broke to pieces. 

VI. 

Coyote had a sick daughter. He thought the Duck had done 
something against his children, in order to make them sick. He de- 
termined to injure the Duck. Going to him, he persuaded him to 
run to a certain place with his eyes shut. The Duck did so. When 
he opened his eyes again, he found himself in a bad place. He was 
in a hole in the rock, a little cave high on the face of a cliff. 
There was no way out. Coyote went and took the Duck's wife and 
children. He maltreated the children. He urinated upon them. 
Soon he had children of his own from the woman, and these he took 
good care of. 

For a long time the Duck could not get out of the bad place. At 
last the Bat camped near this place, and every day when he went to 
hunt rabbits, his children heard some one crying. They told him, and 
he went upward to look. On the way he killed rabbits and hung 
them by their heads on his belt. At last he found the Duck, who 
was very weak. "Who is there.-'" he asked him. "It is I," said 
the Duck. "Who are you.?" asked the Bat. "lam the Duck." 
" How did you come up here .'' " the Bat said to him. The Duck 
said, " Coyote caused me to come here with closed eyes. He 
brought me here in order to get my wife." Then the Bat told him, 
"Throw yourself down." The Duck was afraid that he would be 
killed by the fall. So the Bat told him, "Throw down a small rock." 
The Duck threw down a rock, and the Bat caught it on his back. 
He said, " That is how I will do to you. You will not be hurt." 
The Duck feared that the Bat would not do so to him. The Bat 
continued to urge him. Several times the Duck almost let himself 
fall, and then drew back. At last he thought, " Suppose I am 
killed ; I shall die here too ; I am as good as dead now." So he 
shut his eyes as the Bat commanded, and let himself fall. The Bat 
caught him gently without any shock, and deposited him on the 
ground. Then he took him to his home. He said to him, "Do 
not use the fire-sticks that are near the fireplace, but use those that 
are stuck behind the tent-poles, "at the sides of the tent." Then they 



Ute Tales. 273 

entered. The Duck saw the sticks at the sides of the tent, but 
thought them fine canes, that were much too handsome for stirring 
the fire. Around the fireplace lay a number of sticks that were 
charred on the end. He took one of these and stirred the embers. 
The stick began to cry, and all the other sticks called out, " The 
Duck has burned our younger brother." These sticks were the Bat's 
children, and they all ran out now. Then the Duck became fright- 
ened at" what he had done, and went out and hid in the brush. The 
Bat came out and called to him, " Come back ! You have done no 
harm." For a long time the Duck was afraid that the Bat would 
punish him, but at last he thought, " I have already been as good 
as dead ; so there is nothing to fear even if they should kill me." 
So he went back into the tent. But the Bat did not harm him, but 
gave him plenty of rabbits to eat, so that soon he was strong again. 

Then the Duck said, " Coyote took my wife and children ; I think 
I shall look for them." Knowing that he was strong again, the Bat 
allowed him to go. The Duck went to his old camp, which he 
found deserted. He followed the tracks leading from it, and after a 
while he found also tracks of children other than his own. " I think 
Coyote has already got children of his own from my wife," he 
thought, and he became very angry. Then he came up with his 
wife. She was carrying a very large basket. Inside of this were 
Coyote's children, well kept ; but the Duck's children sat on the 
edge of the basket, nearly falling off. They were dirty and misera- 
ble. The Duck caught the basket with his finger and pulled back. 
" What are you doing there, children .'* " the woman said. " Do not 
do that. You must not seize something and hold me back." The 
Duck continued to pull, and at last she turned to look at the chil- 
dren : so she saw him. He said to her, " Why do you take care of 
Coyote's children, while mine are dirty and uncared for ? Why do 
you not treat mine properly .■' " The woman was ashamed and did 
not answer. Then he asked her: " Where will you camp now.!"" 
When she told him, he said, " Go to the place where Coyote told 
you to camp, but when you put up the shelter, make the grass very 
thin on one side, and very thick and heavy on the side on which you 
are, so that I can reach Coyote." 

The woman came to the place and Coyote arrived there also. He 
said, "'To whom have you been talking now.-'" She said, "I have 
not met any one nor talked to any one. Why do you always ask me 
that ? " Then she put up the shelter as the Duck had directed her. 
Then the Duck began to blow. He blew softly ; but again and again ; 
thus he made it freezing cold. Coyote could not sleep. He took 
his spear and thrust it through the sides of the shelter in all direc- 
tions. He nearly speared the Duck. He said, " I knew that you 

VOL. XIV. — NO. 55. 19 



274 yournal of American Folk- Lore. 

met some one. It must have been the Duck, who is now making it 
so cold." The Duck continued to blow and blow. At last Coyote 
dug down into the fireplace, hoping to become warm there. But it 
was of no avail. He froze to death. 

Thus the Duck got his wife and children again. Taking Coyote's 
children, he threw them away here and there in the brush, and said, 
" Why do you take care of these .-* I do not want them." Then he 
went back to where he had lived before. 

VII. 

The Puma had a wife and son. He went out hunting with his 
son. The Bear came to his tent. He saw the Puma's wife and fell 
in love with her. " I wish to have her," he thought. Then he went 
to where she was sitting. He proposed to run away with her. She 
consented, and they went off together. Then the Puma came back. 
He could not find his wife. He thought, " Perhaps she has eloped 
with the Bear." He saw no tracks. He looked all about ; then he 
found their tracks. Very angry, he followed them. Then a high 
wind came and he lost their tracks. Next day he found the tracks 
again and went on. " Perhaps they are in that cedar wood," he 
thought. Approaching it, he heard voices. He knew them as his 
wife's and the Bear's. Then he sent his son to make a circuit, so as 
to come upon them from the other side, in order that the Bear might 
run towards himself. The woman was saying, " The Puma is very 
strong." " No ; I am very strong," said the Bear. " No ; he is 
strong," said the woman. 3o the Bear seized a cedar and tugged at 
it, lifted it, and threw it on the ground ; but she said, " He is 
stronger than you." The Bear had his moccasins off. Then the 
young Puma came. Quickly the Bear put on his moccasins, but he 
put them on the wrong feet. On his fore feet also he interchanged 
the moccasins in his haste. Then he ran. The Puma was waiting 
for him. He rose up and grappled the Bear ; he threw him to the 
ground. The Bear got up and came on again. The Puma seized 
him again. Now he threw the Bear to the ground and broke his back. 
Then he went to his wife and threw her down. Again he threw 
her down, and broke her back. Then he went away with his son. 

VIII. 

Insects (tuvat'ainc ; the species could not be determined) had 
killed a White-tailed Deer among the willows. There were ten of 
them. Two Owl-Hawks lived among the wire grass and willows. 
While hiding there, they saw the ten Insects kill the Deer. They 
said to each other, "We will deceive them ; before they cut up the 
meat we will tell them, ' Why did you kill our brother } ' As soon as 



Ute Tales. 275 

we reach them, we will begin to cry loudly, and will tell them to go 
away from that place. We will say, ' We will drag him away and 
bury him.' " So the Owl-Hawks went to them and said, " Go away. 
You killed our brother. We had the same mother and father. Go 
away. We want to bury him." Then one of the Insects said, "He 
does not look like you. You have wide eyes, and wings, and feet that 
are different. You are altogether different. You do not belong to 
him." The Owl-Hawks said, " He has been away from us since he 
was a boy, living in the willows , that is why he looks different." 
The same man said to them, " You lie to us. You have nothing to 
eat ; therefore you want this Deer to eat. You wish to deceive us." 
The Owl-Hawks said, " We tell you the truth ; he was our relative. 
If you continue to talk to us, we shall shoot at you." " What will 
you do with him } Where will you bury him .'' " they asked. " We 
shall not bury him, we shall burn him," said the Owl-Hawks. The 
Insects said, " Very well, we will go. We did not know that he 
was your brother. We thought he was a Deer ; that is why we killed 
him. We made a mistake." They went away. Then the Owl- 
Hawks, who were hungry, and had deceived the others, dragged 
the Deer a little distance off, and made a fire near the Deer. The 
ten Insects looked back and saw the fire. They believed thai 
they were burning the Deer. The Owl-Hawks cut up the Deer and 
carried it home. When they arrived at home, they ate it. They 
laughed about those others. They said, "We tricked them. We 
deceived them agreeably. Long-tailed Deer always tastes good. 
That is why we eat it." 

IX. 

Two young Fawns sat on the ground. They were two boys with- 
out a mother. We used to have a Deer for our mother," they said. 
The Rabbit came to them and said, " I am hungry. I travelled 
without eating. I have come a long way." The Fawns said, "We 
have nothing to eat here ; our food is not here." " Where is it } " 
asked the Rabbit. "It is not here, I say to you," said one of the 
Fawns. The Rabbit said, " Tell me about it. I am hungry and I 
want to eat." He continued talking about their food for a longtime. 
They concealed how they obtained it. Then the Rabbit said, " I 
think you are too lazy to go to get it. Show me the path and I will 
go after it ; I will cut off enough for us and bring it." "We never 
eat here," they said. " You boys do not know me. I am your 
grandfather. You did not know me ; that is why you hid your food 
from me," said the Rabbit. Then one of them nudged the other 
and whispered to him, " I think he is our grandfather ; I will tell 
him where we eat." The other one said nothing for a while; then 



2 76 Journal of Afnerican Folk-Lore. 

he said, " What we eat is not on the ground ; our food is far up in 
the sky ; we eat at a certain time. When we ask for our food, 
something always comes down from the sky ; it is white, like a cloud. 
At the hind end it is like a person ; it has an eye, and a mouth, and 
it watches us. It comes only at a certain time. If we ask before 
this, it will think that some one else wants it. But when we ask for 
it, we will hide you under the bedding." Then they hid him. One 
ran towards the East, the other towards the West ; then they ran 
towards each other, and when they met, they cried like animals at 
play. Then they circled about, met each other, crying, and gradu- 
ally came nearer to their tent. Something white came from the sky. 
The Rabbit saw it coming down. It was like a cloud, and above it 
was like a face ; like a man sitting on their food. The boys took up 
dull knives ; and when the food came down, they cut off a piece. 
They cut off more than usually, in order to give their grandfather 
some. Then the thing ran back. It flew up just like lightning, be- 
ing hardly visible. The boys cut up their food, and the Rabbit came 
out and ate with them. The food tasted very sweet, and the Rabbit 
wanted more, and he asked them to make it come again. They said 
to him : " It comes only at certain times." Then he said to them, 
" I will live with you, for your food is good." He made a burrow in 
the brush near by, and watched. Then the food came down again. 
The person on it looked around like an antelope watching. The Rab- 
bit took a bow and arrow from his quiver; just before it came low 
enough for the boys to cut off a piece, he shot at the part that looked 
like a man. The whole object fell down in a heap. " I thought that 
was what he would do," said the older brother to the younger, blam- 
ing him. The Rabbit said to them, "Well, my grandchildren, I 
will leave you. You have something to eat and it will last you 
long. After you have eaten it all, you will go up into the moun- 
tains and eat grass and be Deer." 

IX*. 

The Cedar used to be dangerous. When it was broken, it snapped 
and whistled, and shot off splinters. The mother of two Fawns had 
been killed by it. The Rabbit came to the two Fawns, and he told 
them to make a fire to cook for him. They told him that they could 
not do so ; the Cedar had killed their mother and was dangerous. 
Nevertheless, he ordered them to make a fire. Because they feared 
him, they went, but unwillingly. When they broke the wood, it 
snapped, and shot, and flew about. The Fawns were frightened, and 
ran about, dodging the wood, and crying like animals. Pieces flew 
about the Rabbit also, and he became angry. He took a rock and 
smashed the Cedar Tree as if it had been struck by lightning. He 



Ute Tales. 277 

said to it, "You have done wrong. You will be called Cedar. You 
will do no more harm. You used to kill people, but you will do so 
no more," 

X. 

A man was hunting. He went on a flat-topped hill. Looking into 
the valley below, he saw two young Deer running away from him. 
When they were on the side of the hill opposite, they stopped, and 
looking back said to him, " Do not shoot us. Stop ! we will tell 
you something." "Very well," he said. Then they came towards 
him. When they reached him they said, " We will tell you some- 
thing." He asked, "What will you tell me .•* " In this way they 
spoke to each other several times, the man asking, " What will j^ou 
tell me .'' " and the Deer answering, "We will tell you something." 
At last he said, "Well, tell it tome." One of the Deer said, "I 
was about to tell you that there is some one on the other side of 
that ridge that you see ; there are two women there. As soon as 
you climb the ridge you will see a small lake. At the end of this 
stands a cedar, and near it a young cedar. Dig under the small 
tree, hide there, and watch the lake. As you lie in hiding under the 
small tree, you will see a bird come. It will sit in the tree. When 
it alights on the ground, it will be a woman, who is pretty, and 
wears a light red dress. This first bird is not a good bird. The 
woman will go into the lake to take a swim. Do not touch her. 
Let her put on her clothes again and fly off. Then another bird 
will come, and it will be a good one. When she is in the water, 
show yourself. Take her clothes, roll them in a bunch, and clasp 
and lie upon them. When she comes out of the water and asks for 
her clothes, do not let her have them at once ; do not give them to 
her until she says, "I will marry you and we will go away together." 
If you give them to her before she has said this, she will fly off 
very quickly. You will hardly see her." 

The man went off and did as he had been told. He allowed the first 
woman, though she was good looking, to become a bird again. She 
sat in the tree a while, and then flew off. Then a blue bird came 
and sat on the same tree. When it touched the ground, it was a fine 
looking woman, dressed in blue. Taking off all her clothes, she 
swam in the water. When she came out, she asked him to give her 
her clothes. Finally she said, " If you give me my clothes, I will 
marry you." "Truly.-*" he asked. "Indeed," she said, "it is the 
truth. I will marry you and we will go away together." Then she 
told him to go a little distance off while she was dressing. When 
she was dressed, she called him, and they went off. When they had 
gone a little way from the lake, she said, " Let us lie down here." 
Then she asked him, " Who are you .-• To what tribe do you belong ? " 



278 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

He said, " Who are you ! " She said, " Did you not see me ? I have 
wings. If you will tell me who you are, we will be married. We 
will have a boy, then a girl, then a boy, and so on. I have been 
all over the world, but I have seen no tribes like you, nor animals 
like you." It was because he wore trousers that she asked him 
what he was. She intended, if she liked his people, when he told 
her, that they should stay there for the night. The sun went 
down, and it was a little before night. She began to ask him again, 
" What tribe are you ? To whom do you belong } " Then he said, 
" I am Kokvatc " (Mexican). " What do you mean ? " she said. " I 
never heard that word. What do you mean with Kokvii'tc .-' " She 
could not understand him. She asked him, " From what direction 
are you .'' " He pointed to the East. Then she did not like him. 
She thought that after he was asleep, she would leave him ; and she 
resolved never to be a woman again, but to remain a bird. They 
slept together without a blanket. The man slept soundly, and in 
the morning got up alone. No one was with him. He went to the 
lake again, thinking that she would come back there. He stayed 
there five days, but no one came. Then he went back to find the 
two Deer. He saw their tracks, which had become very faint. He 
followed the tracks very far for a long time, thinking that the Deer 
might tell him more. But at last he stopped, without having over- 
taken them, and went back home. 

XI. 

A man lived on a rock with his two grandsons. He told the 
boys, " You had better go hunting and bring something to eat. I 
am hungry. Go to the hills, sit on the top, and watch in all direc- 
tions ; then you may find something." Then the boys went off and 
watched in the brush. An elk came straight towards them. One of 
them said, " I see an elk. Let us kill it." The other said, " My 
older brother, let us run away. I am afraid." The older said, 
" No. Sit still. It is an elk. I shall shoot it, as our grandfather 
directed." The other one said, " No. I am afraid." 

When the older was nearly ready to shoot, his younger brother 
fled, crying, " Let us run away. I am frightened." Then the elk 
started back. The older one said, " What is it .-* Are you crazy ? 
I was nearly ready to shoot that elk." The younger said, "I was 
frightened ; but I know now that it is an elk. Let us go after it ; 
it cannot have gone far." 

When they got near the elk again, the younger brother wanted to 
shoot at it. The older brother wanted him to stay behind, but did 
not persuade him. When they were ready to shoot, the younger 
again ran off shouting, and the elk escaped. The older brother 



Ute Tales. 279 

upbraided him ; he nearly struck him. The younger said, " I was 
afraid that it would jump on me. I became frightened." Again he 
persuaded the older to take him with him. When they approached 
the elk another time, he again persuaded his older brother to allow 
him to shoot, saying, that if one of them missed, the other could 
still try to hit it. But the same thing happened as before. Then 
the older brother again became angry and reviled the younger. It 
was now sunset, but once again the younger persuaded the older to 
go after the elk ; so they went around ahead of it. Then the older 
tied the arms and the legs of the younger, and tied up his mouth. 
The elk came close. The younger one began to emit smothered 
screams. Then the older brother hurriedly shot. He killed the 
elk. The younger was tossing about, trying to scream and to flee. 
"Are you crazy .■* I have killed the elk," said the older. "Have 
you really killed it .-^ " asked the younger. Then he loosened his 
younger brother and showed him the elk. The younger said, " What 
kind of a deer is that .-• " The older said, "It is an elk. Hurry! 
Get some brush for a fire. Let us skin it and go home quickly. 
There may be bad persons about here." The younger said, " I will 
get some presently." Then the older said, " What is the matter 
with you } Get some brush so that we can go home." " I will get 
some presently," said the younger. Again the older said to him, 
" Make a fire quickly. I will roast some meat and eat it, then I will 
go home. Be quick!" "No. Presently. I want to rest now," 
said the younger. He would not help his older brother. So that 
one alone skinned the game and cooked some of the meat. Then 
he said, " Let us go home now. There may be bad things about. 
I am frightened." The younger said, " No. I am afraid to go. I 
cannot go home. Let us stay here for the night ; there is nothing 
bad about here." Then the older urged him no more. He said, 
" Let us sleep in a cedar. Make a bed." The younger one agreed 
and made a bed in the top of the cedar, after they had buried the 
meat. Then they slept. In the middle of the night the younger 
one said, " I am hungry. I will go down to eat." The older said 
to him, "What is the matter with you } Eat to-morrow, sleep now." 
But the younger one insisted on going down to eat. Finally his 
older brother said, " Very well." Then the younger brother went 
down, made a large fire, and cooked a whole shoulder of the elk. 
He began to eat. Then there were cries from far off from all direc- 
tions. The boy said, "What is it.'' Is anyone approaching.' Come 
here ! we will eat." The older brother remained in the cedar. 

Then some one came to the opposite side of the fire. He was a 
large, long man. The younger brother said, " Come, my friend, 
eat; I have good food; sit down there." There was no answer. 



28o Journal of American Folk-Lore. 

*' Here is something to eat," said the boy, holding it out to him. 
The person did not take it. He did not answer even when he was 
repeatedly spoken to. Then the boy hit him on the head and 
knocked him down. Coming closer, he then stood by his head, 
whereupon the man reached out and caught him with a violent grip, 
in scroto. "Oh! Oh! Let me go!" cried the boy. The man 
continued to hold him. " Do not hold me. Oh ! Oh ! You hurt 
me. Let me go. My older brother, come to help me. This man 
is holding me." But his older brother was angry and did not come 
down. The man squeezed him harder, while the boy groaned. Then 
he walked off with him. The older brother heard his cries growing 
faint ; then he ceased to hear them on account of the distance. 

In the morning he came down from the tree. Crying, he fol- 
lowed the tracks. He saw that they led to a lake and right down 
into it. He could go no farther. Going back and taking the elk- 
meat, he went home and told his grandfather. (The story here 
makes him repeat what has been told.) His grandfather said to 
him, "We will go to-morrow to see that place." Then they went 
to the lake and watched it. Then the old man said, " Wait here 
while I go down, following the tracks." He was away until noon. 
Then he came up, bringing a dead man, and laid him down. He 
said, "This is the man that killed your brother. Deep down I 
killed him." Again he went into the lake and stayed until nearly 
sunset. Then he came up with another. " This is the man that 
killed your brother," he said. " I entered his house and killed him. 
Now open his mouth and look at his teeth." The boy saw a little 
meat between the teeth. His grandfather said to him, "Take a 
stick and pick out the meat from his teeth." The boy did so and 
made a little pile of it. Then the old man told him to cut open the 
dead man. When he had done so, he asked him, "Do you see any 
bones or other parts .'' Pick them out." The boy did as he was 
told, and then did the same to the other man. They put the meat 
and bones into a hollow stone and carried it home. They left it 
standing outside, a short distance from the tent. Then they slept. 
Early in the morning his grandfather said, " He is shouting, Wuwu- 
wuwu ! Do you hear him ?" " Yes," said the older brother. They 
answered with a shout. Then he came. " Well, my older brother," 
he said. He had arisen from the meat. 

XII. 

There was a very large man. He had a big head, a protruding 
belly, and long feet. He had two wives. They had nothing to eat 
but ground grass-seed. They lived alone, where they saw no one. 
There was not even game to hunt. The man said to his wives, 



ly/e Tales. 281 

" Let us gfo Eastward again. I am tired of eating this grass-seed. 
I am tired \x seeing no tracks, and of seeing no game; therefore I 
wish to go -iast." The next day they moved away. Seeing a moun- 
tain, they vie.it up it, then down the other side. They saw a spring 
and campf?u there, staying the next day. The man said, " Stay 
here. I vj^ll go on and hunt." 

He fou'hi the tracks of a man, a woman, and two children. Com- 
ing bac'c he said, " I saw the tracks of four persons. I shall go 
and loo n for them ; perhaps we shall see them living somewhere." 
Then lo, went with his wives to where he had seen the tracks. 
There ^ fpy saw two antelopes. " Kill them. I am hungry," said 
one of lirre women to him. " No, they belong to him (they are his 
hv^.-^^e-t vsaid the man. They followed the tracks and again camped 
at ?^%.i l-mg." Then the man left the two women after saying to 
then'^-i' will go after that man and kill him. I want to eat him. 
I shall bring him back, and you also will like to eat him." Then 
he ent, watching closely. He saw the man, and shot him. Then 
he-.f^ot the woman and choked the children. He returned to his 
women and said, " Let us go there. I have killed them all. We 
will go to butcher them." So they skinned the man and woman. 
Then he told one of his wives to skin the boy neatly and carefully. 
The meat they dried, hanging it up. They stayed there two days. 
The man ate all the meat. He ate the bones of the feet and every- 
thing else, throwing nothing away. Then he said, " Stay here ; I 
will travel about to see if I can find anything. I will take the skin 
of that boy with me." 

He ascended a mountain ; he peered over the top, but saw nothing. 
Then he raised his head higher, and saw a tent, with two women and 
a man near it. He took the stuffed skin of the boy, held it up, and 
moved it about. The second time he did so, the man saw it, and 
said to the women, " A boy is up there. Did you see him } I will 
go up to him." The cannibal laid the stuffed skin down and hid in 
the bushes. The man came up and said to the boy, " Who are you.? 
Get up. Can you not sit up } " The cannibal drew his bow and 
shot the man. He ran a short way, fell, and died. Then the canni- 
bal went on another hill, and did the same there. He held the boy 
in front of a cedar and made him wave his hand. " Did you see 
that boy ? He is over there," said a young man, who was with the 
women. He went up the hill. The cannibal laid the boy down, 
and shot this one, as he had shot the other. Thus he had killed two 
men. Then he showed the boy in another place ; but the women 
did not come to him. " We will both stay here and wait until the 
men come," they said. Then the cannibal made a circuit to the 
other side of the tent. He approached it and again showed the skin. 



282 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

One of the women saw the boy, and called to him, "Mtho are you? 
What tribe are you?" But the man only lowered thj boy out of 
sight, and then made him appear to look again. But 1 he women did 
not come to him ; therefore he left the hide lying ail ^ approached 
the tent from another side. He came up to the won^^.^^-^ " Where 
is your husband ? " he asked. They said to him, " He^.went there 
after a boy. A young man also went away after that (^ \ ^ and has 
not come back ; perhaps the boy was only playing." T^ju-^ he shot 
both of the women, one after the other. Taking the ,t/Uifed hide, 
he went back to his tent. He told his wives, "I have knJed four 
pieces of game. Let us remove there." Then they wentiesiere and 
lived in that tent. He said to his women, " Skin this wtai^n well 
and tan her hide ; make it your dress. After three nightsngwill go 
to hunt again." Then they skinned her. They tanned rj .,; skin ; 
they made it stiff and crackling. One of them used it fo/<vdress. 
The cannibal ate one of the men. He put the head into the rfe to 
roast. "Gather the bones and get the marrow," he said. Socgc the 
women were fat from eating grease and marrow. <: ^ 

After the man had slept three times, he said, " I will kill another 
one for you now. You stay here and I will go hunting." Then he 
went away, taking the boy's skin. He saw an old man, a woman, and 
a girl. On the top of the hill, he showed them the boy. The old man 
said, " I see a boy there. I will go to see what kind of a boy is 
there." So he went up and was shot. Again the man showed 
the boy in another place. The old woman said, " Let us go to see 
who the boy is. Perhaps some one is living on the other side of the 
hill now." Then they both went there. The man put down the 
stuffed skin and hid behind some cedars. He shot both of the wo- 
men. Then he went to their tent, but he found no one else there; 
he had killed all. He went home and told his women. They all went 
there. He said to them, " Skin this woman, and make a dress of 
her. I will skin this old man. I think I like his skin for my 
blanket." So they skinned them and dried the meat. " Now tan 
that skin," he said to one of the women. Then she made it stiff. 
Then he said, " Remain here. I will hunt again." 

Again he went, carrying the boy's skin. He went far and found 
no one. In the middle of the day he became tired. He went to a 
spring and drank, and lay down with the stuffed hide beside him. 
He slept. Two men came to drink. They found him with the 
stuffed skin of the boy. They spoke to each other, and knew that 
he was a bad man. They fled. Then he shot at them and killed 
one. The other one escaped. The cannibal went home and said, 
" I killed one at the spring ; let us go there. One of them escaped." 
The women cried. "Why do you cry?" he asked. "They said, 



Ute Tales. 283 

" Because you let him escape. I want him." "Oh!" he said. "I 
will get him later." The other man fled. He said to the people, 
" I saw a bad person. He has a big belly, a big head, and big feet. 
I saw that he had the skin of a boy. He is bad." Then they re- 
moved to another camp and told those persons there. These also 
were afraid, and removed to another place. Thus all went away, 
being much afraid. Only in one camp there remained a young man 
and his mother. All the others fled. His mother said to him, " Let 
us flee, my son. He is a bad person ; he will kill us." He said to 
her, " No, we will stay here. I want to talk to that one ; I think 
he is my friend." His mother was much frightened, and continued 
to tell him to go away. After a while he said to her, " Now, mo- 
ther, get water in a large basket." They lived on a slate hill. On 
the rock he made a small lake with the water that she brought. Ten 
times she brought him water, and he poured it in. Then he told 
his mother to grind a basketful of seeds and to cook them. She did 
this. She was much frightened. " I am afraid," she said. "I will 
run away." He said to her, "No, my mother, do not fear him. 
Let him come. He will not hurt you. Go and set fire to that cedar 
so that he will see the smoke, and come to visit us." The man saw 
it and told his wives. " Some one is over there. I saw smoke." 
They said to him, "Good, you will kill him." He said to them, "I 
will go there now ; perhaps there are many people. I will stay there 
one night ; perhaps I will kill ten. If I do not come back after one 
night, you must come after me." 

Then he travelled fast. He went on a hill and peered over. The 
young man was looking for him and saw him. " Look, mother, 
there is that man," he said. " Oh, my son, I will run away," said 
she. Then the cannibal raised the stuffed skin. The young man 
cried out, " Why do you do that .-^ Come here, you." So that one 
left the skin and went there. His mother said, " He is coming now. 
Let us run." " No," said the young man. She ran a short distance. 
He called to her, " Come back, my mother. Let him come. Give 
him this food." Then she came back to him, shaking. Now the 
cannibal arrived there. The young man went to him quickly and 
said, " Well, my friend," and took his hand. " Sit down there," he 
said to him ; and the man with the large belly sat down there. " Are 
you hungry.'" he asked him, "Yes," he said. " What do wish.-' 
Do you want meat or something else .-^ " he said to him. "Any- 
thing," said the man. "Very well. Do you like this food .-' It is 
already cooked," said the young man. Then he gave him a basket- 
ful. That one drank it all. " Have you finished .' " he asked the 
man. He said, "No." Then he gave him another basketful. Again 
the man drank this off. The young man said to him, " Where do 



284 Journal of American Folk-Lore, 

you live ? Where is your tent ? What is your purpose in coming 
here ? " The man said to him, " I live far away. I came here with 
no purpose." The young man said to him, " Stay here one night. 
We will talk together." But that one wished to go back home. The 
young man said, " Do you wish to urinate or defecate ? " " No," 
said the man. " When you wish it, do so there," said the young 
man to him. After a little while the man said, " I am full now. I 
must defecate." The young man said to him, "Very well. Come. 
I made a lake over there by urinating." The cannibal said, "Where 
shall I urinate.!*" "Here," said the young man. Then he said, "I 
have a pretty eagle here on this cliff. Do you wish to see it .'' " 
Then the large-bellied one lay down and looked over the jutting cliff 
to see the eagle. The young man threw him down into the lake. 
He swam around and around. All about him the rock was steep. 
He could not get out. The young man watched him. Soon he 
began to be tired. He went down. Then he came up again ; he 
was nearly dead. At last he drowned. 

The next day the young man stayed at home. He said to his 
mother, " Where is your rope } What did you do with it ? I 
wish to pull that man out." " No. He is a bad man," she said to 
him. But he said, "Give me the rope. I will do what is good." 
She gave him the rope. He went down to the water and tied the 
legs and the hands of the man. Then he pulled him up. He butch- 
ered him, skinned him, and told his mother to dry the meat. " Why 
do you do this .'* " she said. He said to her, " I think his women 
will come. We will give them his meat to eat and go outside. We 
will watch what they do." Then he put the head under the iire in 
order to cook it. He laid down two large, fat pieces ready cooked. 
Then he went away behind a rock and watched. He saw two women 
come. They saw the meat hanging to dry, and saw the cooked meat 
lying there. They sat down and ate it greedily, laughing. One of 
them said to the other, " Perhaps my husband went to kill the oth- 
ers. He has already killed a fat one." Soon they had finished. 
One of them saw the head covered up in the fire. She said, " See 
the head. Let us eat it." Then they took it out. " I want part 
of it," said the other. Then they cut it in two. They ate it, laugh- 
ing. One said, " My husband cooks well." Then one said, " I am 
sleepy." The other one said she was sleepy ; so they went to sleep. 
The young man watched them. One began to sleep lightly. Then 
she awoke. She said, " Get up, my sister ! My heart is bad, it 
hits me hard, I think I ate the flesh of my husband." The other 
one said, " Yes, I also feel bad. I do not know what is the trouble. 
I think the same as you think." Now they both cried. The young 
man had been watching them. Now he came and they saw him. 



Ute Tales. 285 

He said, " What is the matter with you ? Why do you not eat this 
meat hanging here ? Your husband has gone away hunting." They 
said to each other, " Perhaps he killed our husband." Then he 
said to them, " Yes, I killed your husband. He is a bad man, I 
will kill you also." " No, do not kill me," they cried. He said, 
" No, I will certainly kill you." " Do not kill me," they said. 
Again he said, " No, I will kill you." Then he shot them. He 
killed them both. He said, "That one has killed many persons, but 
now he is gone. He is killed. People will not do thus any more. 
They will be friends and will not eat each other. That one was in- 
sane." 

A. L. Kroeber. 



286 



yournal of American Folk-Lore. 



EARLY SONGS FROM NORTH CAROLINA. 

The following songs have been taken by me from the lips of 
elderly reciters, who have given them as current and popular in Cen- 
tral North Carolina in the days of their youth, about the first quarter 
of the nineteenth century. The religious and sentimental cast re- 
flects the taste of that time ; in some cases, no doubt, it will be 
necessary to seek their origin at a date much earlier : — 

r. FRIENDSHIP. 




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Friendship to every willing mind 
Opens sweet and heavenly treasure, 
There may the sons of sorrow find 
Sources of real pleasure. 
See what employment men pursue, 
Then you will own my words are true, 
Friendship alone unfolds to view 
Sources of real pleasure. 

Poor are the joys that fools esteem, 
Or fading and transitory. 
Mirth is as fleeting as a dream, 
Or a delusive story. 
Luxury leaves a sting behind, 
Wounding the body and the mind, 
Only in friendship can we find 
Sources of real pleasure. 



Learning, that boasting glittering thing, 
Is but just worth possessing. 
Riches forever on the wing 
Scarce can be called a blessing. 
Fame like a shadow flies away. 
Titles and dignity decay, 
Nothing but friendship can display 
Joys that are freed from trouble. 



Early Songs fro^n North Carolina, 



287 



Beauty with all its gaudy shows 
Is only a painted bubble, 
Short is the triumph wit bestows, 
Full of deceit and trouble. 
Sensual pleasures swell desire, 
Just as the fuel feeds the fire, 
Friendship can real bliss inspire, 
Bliss that is worth possessing. 

2. THE MOULDERING VINE. 
(Central North Carolina.) 



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Hark, ye sighing sons of sorrow, 
Learn from me your certain doom ; 
Learn from me your fate to-morrow, 
Dead, perhaps laid in your tomb. 
See all nature fading, dying. 
Silent all things seem to pine. 
Life from vegetation flying, 
Brings to mind the mouldering vine. 

See in yonder forest standing 
Lofty cedars, how they nod. 
Scenes of nature, how surprising, 
Read in nature nature's God. 
Whilst the annual frosts are cropping 
Leaves and tendrils from the trees. 
So our friends are early dropping. 
We are like to one of these. 



Hollow winds about me roaring, 
Noisy waters round me rise. 
Whilst I sit my fate deploring. 
Tears fast streaming from my eyes. 
What to me is autumn's treasure. 
Since I know no earthly joy ? 
Long I 've lost all youthful pleasure. 
Time must youth and wealth destroy. 



Journal of American Folk-Lore. 



3. PEACE OF MIND. 




While beauty and youth are in their full prime, 
And folly and fashion affect our whole time, 

let not the phantom our wishes engage. 

Let us live so in youth that we blush not in age. 

The vain and the young may attend us awhile, 
But let not their flattery our prudence beguile, 
Let us covet those charms that never decay, 
Nor listen to all that deceivers can say. 

1 sigh not for beauty nor languish for wealth. 
But grant me, kind Providence, virtue and health. 
Then richer than kings and far happier than they, 
My days shall pass swiftly and sweetly away. 

For when age steals on me and youth is no more, 
And the moralist time shakes his glass at my door, 
What pleasure in beauty or wealth can I find, 
My beauty, my wealth, is a sweet peace of mind. 

That peace I '11 preserve it as pure as 't was given. 
Shall last in my bosom an earnest of heaven, 
For virtue and wisdom can warm the cold scene. 
And sixty can flourish as gay as sixteen. 

And when I the burden of life shall have borne, 
And death with his sickle shall cut the ripe corn, 
Reascend to my God without murmur or sigh, 
I '11 bless the kind summons and lie down and die. 



4. THE DYING FATHER S FAREWELL. 



Early Songs from North Carolina. 

The time is swiftly rolling on, 
When I must faint and die, 
My body to the dust return, 
And there forgotten lie. 
Let persecution rage around, 
And Antichrist appear, 
My silent dust beneath the ground, 
There 's no disturbance there. 

My little children near my heart, 
And nature seems to bind. 
It grieves me sorely to depart. 
And leave you all behind. 
O Lord a father to them be. 
And keep them from all harm. 
That they may love and worship thee, 
And dwell upon thy charms. 

My loving wife, my bosom friend. 

The object of my love, 

The time 's been sweet I 've spent with you 

My sweet and harmless dove. ' 

For I can never come to thee. 

Let this not grieve your heart, 

For you will shortly come to me. 

Where we shall never part. 



289 



Slow 



5. MR. DAVIS'S EXPERIENCE. 




Come all ye young people and all my relations, 
Come, listen awhile, and to you I will tell, 
How my bowels did move with desire for salvation 
While enwrapt in the gales and breezes from hell ' 
I was not yet sixteen when Jesus first called me, 
To think of my soul and the state I was in, 
I saw myself standing a distance from Jesus. 
Between me and him was a mountain of sin. 



VOL. XIV. — NO. 55, 



20 



2 90 



yournal of American Folk-Lore. 



The devil perceived that I was convinced, 
He strove to persuade me that I was too young, 
That I would get weary before my ascension, 
And wish that I had not so early begun. 
Sometimes he 'd persuade me that Jesus was partial. 
When he was a-setting of poor sinners free, 
That I was forsaken and quite reprobated. 
And there was no mercy at all for poor me. 

And now I 've found favor in Jesus, my Saviour, 
And all his commandments I 'm bound to obey, 
I trust he will keep me from all Satan's power, 
Till he shall think proper to call me away. 
So farewell all kin folks, if I can't persuade you 
To leave off your follies and go with a friend, 
I '11 follow my Saviour in whom I 've found favor, 
My days to his glory I 'm bound for to spend. 

6. MRS. Saunders's experienxe. 



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With faith I trust in Christ the Lord, 

Who did my mind console ; 

I '11 tell to you, my Gospel friend, 

The travail of my soul. 

The early part of life I trod 

In vanity and mirth, 

Quite thoughtless of the living God, 

The author of my birth. 

At length I thought I was not right, 

My wrong could plainly see, 

Then I assumed a serious turn, 

Became a Pharisee. 

I 'd oft repeat a formal prayer, 

But only with my tongue. 

And thank the Lord, I 'm not so vile, 

As such or such a one. 



In ignorance I wandered on, 

On works alone I stood. 

And wished that all that saw my walk 

Misht think that I was s.ood. 



Early Songs from North Carolina. 291 

Predestination sounded hard, 
So did Election, too, 
I thought if I would do my part, 
The rest the Lord would do. 



The Baptists did this doctrine teach, 

But it appear'd so vain, 

I thought such men should never preach 

These principles again. 

As I disliked those sentiments, 

I seldom went to hear. 

And when I did, felt anger rise, 

Instead of godly fear. 

I prayed that God would give me faith, 

And help me to believe. 

Some gloomy days of sorrow pass'd, 

But still found no relief. 

This Baptist man again I went to hear, 

His theme free grace and love, 

He mentioned those the Lord had seal'd, 

And took to him above. 

He likewise said that Satan hath 

A mark to put upon 

The forehead or the hand of those 

That he claims for his own. 

Marked in the forehead they are bold, 

And care not what they do, 

They have no fear of God above. 

Neither of man below. 

The others when with Christians are, 

The mark will try to hide, 

But when they meet the forehead mark, 

Their hand will open wide. 

This was a blow severe indeed, 

And I condemned did stand. 

And told a friend when I came out, 

The mark was in my hand. 

All earthly thoughts did vanish now 

From my distracted mind, 

I read the Scriptures, tried to pray, 

No comfort could I find. 

Each judgment in the holy writ 

Appeared to point at me, 



292 journal of American Folk-Lore. 

And no sweet promise could I find 
To reach my misery. 

Amidst this torture, fear of hell 

Was not much on my mind, 

But God seemed angry, frowned on me, 

No comfort could I find. 

In reading of the word of truth, 

The Lord this promise gave, 

Though he cause grief, in mercy still, 

He will compassion have. 

I felt a gleam of hope arise, 

But yet I could not see 

How a just God could mercy have 

On such a wretch as me. 

Still did I hope and try to pray, 

My soul was in a strait. 

This was the word that came to me, 

Although it tarry, wait. 

My soul was filled, my eyes o'errun, 

With wonder, love, and praise ; 

I thought that joy and peace would crown 

The remnant of my days. 

Election, too, how sweet the word ! 

For had I not been one 

Gave to the Saviour ere he died, 

I should have been undone. 

Call in thy sons and daughters, Lord, 

And may I live to see 

My dear relations keep thy word, 

And meekly follow thee. 

Oh, let thy righteous will be done, 

IMay I submissive be, 

And trust in God whose grace alone 

Can set a captive free. 

From a lady, eighty-five years old, who, when a girl, learned them 
from her grandfather. The song, therefore, was sung in Central 
North Carolina before 1750. 

I have heard before of the two marks of Satan, one in the head 
and one in the hand, I believe, of this shape T. 



Early Songs from North Carolina. 



293 



7. COLUMBIA. 



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Thus down a lone valley with cedars o'erspread, 
From the noise of the town I pensively stray'd, 
The bloom from the face of fair heaven retired, 
The wind ceased to murmur, the thunders expired. 
Perfumes as of Eden fiow'd sweetly along, 
And a voice as of angels enchantingly sung : 
" Columbia, Columbia, to glory arise, 
The queen of the world and the child of the skies." 

To conquest and slaughter let Europe aspire, 
Whelm nations in blood or wrap cities in fire. 
Thy heroes the rights of mankind shall defend, 
And triumph pursue them and glory attend. 
A world in thy realm ; for a world be thy laws, 
Enlarged as thy empire and just as thy cause. 
On freedom's broad basis that empire shall rise, 
Extend with the main and dissolve with the skies. 

Fair science her gate to thy sons shall unbar. 

And the east see thy morn hide the beams of her star, 

New bards and new sages unrivalled shall soar, 

To fame unextinguished when time is no more. 

To the last refuge of virtue design'd. 

Shall fly from all nations the best of mankind. 

There grateful to Heaven with transport shall bring. 

Their incense more fragrant than odors of spring. 



294 yournal of A merican Folk-L ore. 

Thy fleets to all nations thy power shall display, 
The nations admire and the oceans obey, 
Each shore to thy glory its tribute unfold, 
And the east and the south yield their spices and gold. 
As the day-spring unbounded thy splendors shall flow. 
And earth's little kingdom before thee shall bow, 
While the ensigns of union in triumph unfurl'd 
Hush anarchy's sway, and give peace to the world. 

Emma M, Backus. 
Grovetown, Columbia Co.., Georgia. 



Song-Games from Co7ineciicut. 295 



SONG-GAMES FROM CONNECTICUT. 

The games below communicated were played and sung in the back 
country towns of Connecticut as late as the year 1870, at the so- 
called "Evening Party." In the centre of the house was usually 
found a large and old chimney, and the rooms were connected by 
doors, so that it was possible to march round. In each cosy corner 
was stationed one to choose from the players, who moved marching 
and singing ; at the proper time in the game the chooser took a 
sounding kiss, and left his choice to continue in the same manner. 
About midnight were passed refreshments of several kinds, "frosted 
cake," apples, popped corn, walnuts and butternuts already cracked, 
a pitcher of cider, and another of cold water ; no napkins were 
thought of. Each guest was seated and given an empty plate, after 
which the young men handed the good things on large waiters. The 
singing and marching was resumed, and kept up until about four 
o'clock in the morning, when the young men issued and huddled about 
the door, and as the girls came out, each stepped forward, and offered 
his arm to his choice, with the words : " Can I see you home ? " 
after which they separated, and went in the dark, often across fields, 
to their scattered homes, perhaps two miles away ; at the door of 
the fair one (which often was the back door, when snow lay on the 
ground, and no path had been shovelled to the front entrance), there 
was always a final hug and kiss. Chaperones were unknown in 
those neighborhoods ; thus did our rural Puritan mothers trust to 
the inherited honor and good sense of their daughters, and all was 
right and pure and good. Of flirting there was not much ; each 
girl had one young man, whom, as she would have said, she "liked," 
and cared nothing for the admiration of the others. When any girl in 
the community had acquired the name of " liking the boys " (which 
meant receiving questionable attentions from more than one), she 
was dropped from the kissing party, and the young men who would 
"wait upon her" were considered as of doubtful character, and no 
longer accepted as escorts by those on whose name no stain of re- 
proach had rested. 

These games I saw played in the hill towns of Ashford and East- 
ford, in the year 1865. The music was procured from Mrs. Charles 
Perrin, who played the games in her youth. 



296 



yournal of America^i Folk-Lore. 



I. ROSE IN THE GARDEN. 




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dimple in her chin. Say, young men, but you can't come in. 

Sailing in the boat when the tide runs high, 
Sailing in the boat when the tide runs high, 
Sailing in the boat when the tide runs high, 
Waiting for the pretty girl to come by 'm by. 
Here she comes so fresh and fair, 
Sky-blue eyes and curly hair, 
Rosy in cheek, dimple in her chin, 
Say, young men, but you can't come in. 

Rose in the garden for you, young man, 
Rose in the garden for you, young man. 
Rose in the garden, get it if you can. 
But take care and don't get a frost-bitten one. 

Choose your partner, stay till day. 
Choose your partner, stay till day. 
Choose your partner, stay till day, 
Never, never mind what the old folks say. 

Old folks say 't is the very best way. 
Old folks say 't is the very best way. 
Old folks say 't is the very best way. 
To court all night and sleep all day. 



Song- Games from Connecticut, 



297 



2. OLD MAIDS. 



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you shall be hap-py, You shall be hap -py When you grow old. 

All you that are single and wild in your ways, 

Come sow your wild oats in your youthful days, 

And you shall live happy, 

You shall live happy when you grow old. 

The day is far spent and the night 's coming on, 

So give us your arm and go jogging along, 

And you shall be happy, 

You shall be happy when you grow old. 

At the words : "So give us your arm," the couples which are 
marching change off, and each girl tries to get a boy's arm, and 
escape being left over for the old maid, the number of players being 
so arranged that the girls make one more than the young men. 



3. MARRIAGE. 



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Live to - geth - er all your life, and be a good and f aith-f ul wife. 

Here we go around this ring, 

For you to choose while others sing ; 

Choose the one that you love best, 

And I '11 be bound 't will suit the rest. 

Now you 're married you must be good, 

Be sure and chop your husband's wood ; 

Live together all your life. 

And be a good and faithful wife. 









4. THE RICH WIDOW. 










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choose you a good one or else choose none. I've 

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Song-Games from Connecticut. 299 

I am a rich widow, I live all alone, 

I have but one daughter and she is my own. 

Go, daughter, go, daughter, and choose you a one, 

Go choose you a good one, or else choose none. 

I 've married off my daughter, I 've given her away, 

I 've married off my daughter, she 's bound to obey. 

She 's bound to obey and to never disagree. 

So as you go round, kiss her one, two, three. 

5. KING WILLIAM WAS KING GEORGE's SON. 

In this play a young man stands with a broad-brimmed hat in his 
hand. While the song proceeds, he puts it on a girl's head, after 
which they march arm in arm, and finally she in turn puts it on the 
head of a young man, to continue as before : — 

King William was King George's son. 
And from the royal blood he sprung ; 
Upon his breast he wore a stowe. 
Which denotes the sign of woe. 
Say, young lady, will you 'list and go ? 
Say, young lady, will you 'list and go ? 
The broad-brimmed hat you must put on, 
And follow on to the fife and drum. 

The play continues until all have been crowned with the hat, and 
march round the chimney in couples, singing with a will the words 
over and over. 

Emma M. Backtis. 

Editor's Note. — The game is (or within a few years was) ver}- familiar in the 
streets of our cities, where the words now are : — 

King William was King George's son, 
And all the royal race he run ; 
Upon his breast he wore a star, 
And it was called the sign of war. 

The popularity of the meaningless song {Games and Songs of American Chil- 
dren, No. 17) is surprising, and it was natural to regard it as the imported amuse- 
ment of children of Irish birth. However, by this interesting communication, it 
would seem that the game is from England, and represented recruiting in war time. 
— W. W. N. 



300 Journal of American Folk-Lore. 

RECORD OF AMERICAN FOLK-LORE. 

NORTH AMERICA. 

Algonkian. General. In a note on "An Algonquian Loan- 
word in Kiowa," in the "American Anthropologist" (vol. iii. n, s. 
pp. 390, 391) for April-June, 1901, Alexander F. Chamberlain points 
out the identity of Fishemore — Pi'-senidi in the Kiowa Glossary of 
Mr. Mooney and the Ojibwa apisJianion "a seat, saddle-blanket, 
etc.," the Kiowa term (a personal name) signifying "spoiled saddle- 
blanket." — A note in the same number (pp. 387, 388) by Mr. G. P. 
Winship, on "A Maine Ceremony in 1605," calls attention to Captain 
Waymouth's voyage to Monhegan, as related by Rosier and Purchas, 
where is to be found an account " of one of the earliest native 
dances witnessed by a white man on the North American coast." 
The account in Purchas has some interesting additions. — ArapaJio. 
A. L. Kroebcr's essay on the "Decorative Symbolism of the Ara- 
paho," which appears in the April-June number of the "American 
Anthropologist" (vol. iii. n. s. pp. 308-336), with two plates and 
four text figures, is valuable for the psychologist as well as the folk- 
lorist. While in appearance Arapaho art (now consisting largely of 
bead-work, supplanting almost altogether the older style of em- 
broidery in porcupine quills, plant fibres, and perhaps beads of an 
aboriginal manufacture) " is almost altogether unrealistic, unpictorial, 
purely decorative," it really "consists of the intimate fusion of sym- 
bolism and decoration." Beside the art represented on the moc- 
casins, there are geometrical designs painted on skins and hides. 
The stripes and bars of the moccasin decorations represent buffalo- 
paths, the cross the morning star, the checker-board design in colors 
buffalo-gut ; while on the medicine-cases more highly developed 
symbolism is seen ; in the animal symbolism " an undeniable real- 
istic tendency is manifested." According to Dr. Kroeber, "the 
symbolism of the Arapaho is as ideographic as it is realistic, and is 
as much a primitive method of writing as it is of artistic representa- 
tion." There is much wisdom in the author's statement: "The 
fundamental error of the common anthropological method of investi- 
gating origins is that it isolates phenomena and seeks isolated 
specific causes for them. In reality, ethnic phenomena do not exist 
separately ; they have their being only in a culture. Much less can 
the causative forces of the human mind, the activities of tendencies, 
be truly isolated. Every distinction of them is not only arbitrary 
but untrue. Both phenomena and causes can be properly apper- 
ceived only in the degree that we know their relations to the rest 
of the great unity that is called life. The more this is known and 



Record of America7t Folk-Lore, 301 

studied as a whole, the more do we comprehend its parts. This, the 
whole of life, is the only profitable subject of study for anthro- 
pology." Mr. Kroeber's essay is a thesis for the Ph. D. degree at 
Columbia University. — Crce. In the " American Antiquarian " 
(vol. xxiii. pp. 275, 276) for July- August, 1901, Mr. G. E. Laidlaw 
writes briefly of '* Gambling amongst the Crees with small Sticks." 
The game, which is described as seen in 1882 on Musc-cow-pe- 
tung's reserve, about thirty miles west of Fort Qu'Appelle, in the 
Canadian Northwest, i§ the familiar hiding and guessing perform- 
ance, with, in this case, " during the intervals of the questions and 
remarks (to deceive or put out opponents), a most idiotic, monoto- 
nous hi-zahing." Here " the chief player on each side does all the 
guessing and playing," and " squaws do not take part in this game, 
except when they are used as chattels, and are themselves included 
as the stakes." — Abenaki. As a reprint from the "Miscellanea 
Linguistica in onore di Graziado Ascoli," appears Professor J. Dynely 
Prince's "The Modern Dialect of the Canadian Abenakis " (Torino, 
1901, p. 20). Of the name Wohnbanaki, of which Abenaki is a 
French corruption, we are told : " Among the Canadian Abenakis it 
is explained as being derived from zvohnban, ' day-break,' or ' east,' 
and aki, ' land country ' ; but both the modern Abenakis and the 
Passamaquoddies use it also in the sense of ' a man from the east.' 
A precisely parallel usage is the modern Abenaki term Nibenaki, 
which means both ' land of the south ' and ' man from the south.' " 
It would seem, however, that to be in harmony with the genius of 
the language, '^Wohnbajiaki, 'man from the east,' should really be 
pronounced Wohnbajiaki-i," the word, when employed as gentilic, 
actually containing the syllable (gentilic) — i, contracted in the 
last syllable. While this paper is primarily linguistic, it contains 
items of great interest to the folk-lorist. The older name of St. 
Francis, Que., where these Indians (some three hundred in number) 
chiefly reside, is Arsikantekw, " river where no human beings are " 
(referring, perhaps, to the extermination of the former French inhab- 
itants by the Iroquois) ; the modern form of the word, however, is 
Alsigontekw, " river where shells abound," a clear instance of folk- 
etymology, — arsi, " empty," being made a/si and that confused with 
ais, " shell." The Abenaki word for "queen," kirijames-iskwa (where 
2j^w« means " woman "), and the word for " king," kinjames, take us 
back to " King James, the first king with whom the Abenakis had 
prolonged relations." At the end of the article is a short anecdote 
concerning a wizard in Abenaki, Penobscot, and Passamaquoddy, 
with English translation. — Lendp^. In the " American Journal of 
Philology " (vol. xxi. pp. 295-302), Professor Prince publishes some 
" Notes on the Modern Minsi-Delaware Dialect." The author gives 



302 yournal of American Fo Ik-Lore. 

five sentences, a brief letter, and the Lord's Prayer in Modern 
Minsi, with grammatical and interpretative notes ; also the Lord's 
Prayer in the Old Delaware, Abenaki, and Passamaquoddy. — Pas- 
samaqjioddy. Professor Prince's " Notes on Passamaquoddy Liter- 
ature," published in the " Annals of the New York Academy of 
Science" (vol. xiii. 1901, pp. 381-386), treat of the recreations of 
the Passamaquoddy and Penobscot Indians, and of Witchcraft among 
the former. Story-telling, we learn, like other recreations, "was 
never allowed except during the winter months, when the deep 
snows made sport and war impossible." As an example of narra- 
tion, the English text of a story of constancy in a Wabanaki girl is 
given. In the game of " barter by clowns," the point of the joke 
lay in the " witty songs sung by the nolniihigon (clown) in praise of 
his wares, which nearly always induced the listening company in the 
second wigwam (in the first a similar party was assembled) to pay 
for the articles offered with another of much greater value (a canoe, 
e. g., for a wooden spoon)." Other games are ball, lacrosse (in use 
as an inter-tribal game), and " pull hair ball," a game in which his 
opponents try to make the man who endeavors to carry the ball to 
goal drop it, by pulling his long hair. Professor Prince gives the 
Passamaquoddy text and English translation of a " witch-song in six 
sense-stanzas," illustrating their belief in the power of magic over 
nature. In this song there are appealed to the following : Chebe- 
laquc, or spirit of the night air, " a supernatural monster, consisting 
solely of heads and legs, without a body. It is always seen sitting 
in the crotch of a tree ; " tvnc/iozusm, " the storm-bird which sits in 
the north and makes the gales by the movement of its wings ; " 
liimpcguin^ "the water-spirit;" atzvjisknigess, or wood-spirit, "an 
invisible being who roams the forest armed with a stone hatchet, 
with which he occasionally fells trees with a single blow. The Indi- 
ans accounted in this way for the sudden fall of an apparently strong 
tree ; " appodumketi, like the lumpeguin (a dweller under water), 
" had long red hair, and was the favorite bugaboo used by Indian 
mothers to frighten their children away from the water." 

Athapascan. " Atnasy In the "American Antiquarian" (vol. 
xxiii. pp. 307-312) for September-October, 1901, Rev. A. G. Morice 
discusses the question, "Who are the Atnasf and criticises the 
paper of H. Newell Wardle on the same topic in a previous number. 
The conclusion reached is that there is no Dene Atna tribe, for 
" they are to the Dcn6 of America what the Etruscans were to the 
Romans (Exteri), what the Gentiles in general were to the Israelites, 
and the Philistines in particular to the Septuagint (Allophuloi), — in 
a word, what foreigners are to the English-speaking peoples of to- 
day." 



Record of American Folk-Lore. 303 

EsKiMOAN. A note in the " American Anthropologist " (vol. iii. 
n. s. p. 391) for April-June, 1901, by Professor O. T. Mason, on 
" Eskimo and Samoan ' Killers,' " notes the resemblance between 
the whale-bone " killer" for wolves of the Eskimo and the bamboo 
"killer" for sharks in use among the Samoans. The chief point in 
each is the coil-release after the contrivance (hidden in bait) has 
been swallowed by the animal to be killed. — In " Globus " (vol. 
Ixxix. 1901, pp. 8, 9) Eduard Krause discusses the question, "Die 
Schraube, eine Eskimo-Erfindung .'' " From observation of the 
shaft-insertions of arrows in various parts of Eskimo-land, the author 
concludes that the Eskimo have themselves invented the screw. — 
At pages 125-127 of the same journal. Dr. Karl von den Steinen 
replies to Krause in an article, with nine text illustrations, " Die 
Schraube, keine Eskimo-Erfindung." The opinion here expressed 
is that the Eskimo "screws" are only "occasional, sporadic uses of 
a technique of European origin." — In a subsequent issue (p. 285) 
G. von Buchwald has a note, " Zur Frage nach dem Alter der 
Schraube," in which reference is made to Greek names and to pre- 
historic European specimens of the screw twist. — In the same 
Journal (pp. 44, 45) Dr. P. Ehrenreich, with the title, " Religioser 
Glaube der Centraleskimos," rcsjinics the article of Dr. Franz Boas 
in vol. Ivii. of "The Popular Science Monthly." 

Iroquoian. The paper of Mr. David Boyle, "On the Paganism 
of the Civilized Iroquois of Ontario," in the "Trans, Anthrop. Inst. 
(Lond.)," vol. XXX. 1900, pp. 263-273, relates to a condition of things 
discussed at much greater length in Mr. Boyle's "Archaeological 
Report " for 1898, reviewed in some detail in a previous volume of 
the Journal of American Folk-Lore. This condition the author 
rightly terms " an extremely interesting and instructive one to the 
anthropologist, one which in many respects is unique in the history 
of the world." 

KiTUNAHAN. In the "American Anthropologist" (vol. iii. n. s. 
pp. 248-256) for April-June, 1901, Alexander F. Chamberlain has 
an article on " Kootenay Group-Drawings," describing, with four 
full-page reproductions, drawings by Kootenay Indians of a gam- 
bling-game, a war-dance, an ordinary dance, and a buffalo-hunt. 
These drawings are of interest as coming from a people not known 
to have left many art remains. The drawings discussed are such as 
contain several figures, — group pictures, not the ordinary one- 
figure picture. 

Uto-Aztecan, Mexican. In the "American Anthropologist" 
(vol. iii. n. s. pp. 227-238) for April-June, 1901, Mrs. Zelia Nuttall 
discusses " Chalchihuitl in Ancient Mexico." The article is illus- 
trated with four maps, and endeavors to identify the modern repre- 



304 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

sentatives of the various towns associated in Montezuma's " Tribute 
Roll " with the tributes of chalchihuitl. The importance of this 
stone in ancient Mexico is indicated by the fact that the word for 
" lapidary," cJialcJiiuh ixiniatqui, signifies literally " he who works in 
cJialchiJuiitiy Another interesting fact is that Sahagun mentions 
" the wearing of labrets and earrings of false chalcliilmitl by ordi- 
nary people among the Otomis, a Mexican tribe." No fewer than 
thirteen names are cited which incorporate the word chalcJiihuitl 
itself, indicating the presence of the stone or some reference to it. 
A surprisingly large number of ancient Mexican local names have 
remained unaltered to the present day. — In "Globus" (vol. Ixxix. 
1901, pp. 261-264) Dr. K. T. Preuss writes briefly of " Die Schick- 
salsbiicher der alten Mexikaner," treating in particular of the tonala- 
viatl of the Aubin collection. At pages 85-91 of the same periodical 
the same author writes about " Mexikanische Thonfiguren " in an 
article illustrated with fifty-nine text figures. The clay figures in 
question are of the earth goddesses (Xochiquetzal, etc.) ; the maize 
and fruit goddesses (Chicomecouatl, etc.) ; Mexican women ; the war 
and fruit god, Xipe ; the god of play, Macuilxochitl ; the god, Tez- 
catlipoca, as patron of the dance, etc. In the opinion of the author, 
these clay figures seem to indicate that " those deities were nearest 
to the ancient Mexican which served his practical prosperity and 
earthly desires. Hence, the earth deities were closer than the great 
celestial deities." — Professor John Campbell's paper on " Mexican 
Colonies from the Canary Islands traced by Language," in the 
"Trans, and Proc. Roy. Soc, Canada," for 1900 (vol. vi. sec. ii. 
pp. 205-265), with its appended comparative vocabularies of Peru- 
vian and Celtic, Peruvian and Basque, Berber and Celtic, Yuman, 
Pujunan, and Kulanapan and Peruvian, Berber and Welsh, Adaize 
and Celtic, etc., and its elaborate " interpretation " of Canary Island 
inscriptions, again proves the tireless industry and ingenuity of the 
author, no less than his defiance of the achievements of scientific 
linguistics. That " Peru was colonized by the Berber stock in con- 
junction with an Iberic people," and that Telde ("the national title 
of the Iberians of the Canary Islands ") is identical with the name 
of the Toltecs of ancient Mexico, can only be proved in the fashion 
in which Professor Campbell does it. After the conquest of the 
Berbers, Goths, and Celt-Iberians in Spain, according to the author, 
" the people of the Canaries crossed the Atlantic," and, sailing past 
Florida, landed on the Mexican coast, while "there can be little 
doubt that the Peruvians consisted chiefly of the fugitive Toltecs 
and Olmecs from Tollan and Potochan, after the destruction of the 
Toltec empire in 1072 a. d. The identification of Inca and Jingo 
is an interesting achievement. In the section, pp. 248-265, Professor 



Record of American Folk-Lore. 305 

Campbell comes to the conclusion that the Adaize of Louisiana 
" represented a remnant of the Celtic colony." To his mind "the 
Welsh-Indian is no myth," and there is a " possibility of raising him 
both in North and in South America to a higher state of Celtic cul- 
ture than at present he has attained." — In the " Ethnologisches 
Notizblatt " (vol. iii. pt. i. 1901, pp. 135-139), Dr. E. Seler writes of 
" Ein anderes Ouauhxicalli." The quatihxicdlli, or bowl for holding 
sacrificial blood, here described (with five text figures) is in the 
Becker collection in Vienna (K.-K. Naturh. Mus.). Dr. Seler com- 
pares it with a similar bowl in the Berlin Museum fur Volkerkunde, 
which has a wreath of hearts not present on the Vienna specimen. 
The eagle feathers on both refer to the technical name of these 
utensils, — quatihxicalli, " eagle bowl." Other ornaments are the 
earth-toad and the sun. — JMoki. In the " American Anthropolo- 
gist " (vol. iii. n. s. pp. 211-226) for April-June, 1901, Dr. J. Walter 
Fewkes writes of " The Owakiilti Altar at Sichomovi Pueblo." The 
Owakiilti ceremony, celebrated only occasionally at this pueblo, is 
"in some respects the most suggestive of all Tusayan religious per- 
formances." The wii}ii, or ancient sacred objects, of which the altar 
is composed are : tipoiiis (badges of the religious fraternity) ; effigies 
(idols) ; medicine-bowl and surrounding objects ; wooden slats, etc., 
on which are painted symbols of various sorts. The Owakiilti, like 
all other Hopi or Moki festivals, has two presentations per year, — 
one (elaborate) in October; the other six months after, an abbrevi- 
ated form. In the making of the Owakiilti " medicine " butterfly 
symbols are prominent (with butterflies comes summer) ; and whis- 
tling occurs also " as a means of bringing summer birds." On page 
216 is given a list of the names of the butterflies corresponding to 
the six world-quarters, from which it appears that north, west, south, 
east, above, and below are represented respectively by yellow, blue, 
red, white, black, and variegated butterflies. The public dance in 
connection with the festival " is performed by many women bearing 
basket-trays in their hands, and consists of a series of posturings of 
the body in raising and depressing the baskets in rhythm with their 
songs." The wivii of the Owakiilti altar are now owned by the 
Pakab, or " Reed," Bull, or " Butterfly," and Kokop, or " Firewood," 
clans. The Owakiilti " is celebrated at Sichomovi and not at Walpi, 
the most populous pueblo on the East mesa, because most of the 
members of the Bull clans live in that village." According to Dr. 
Fewkes, " the festival was introduced into the present Hopi pueblos 
by descendants of those who survived the destruction of Awatobi." 
— As Publication 55 (Anthropological Series, vol. iii. No. i) appears 
"The Oraibi Soyal Qo^xoxaowy" (Chicago, March i, p. 59), by G. A. 
Dorsey and H. R. Voth, well illustrated with thirty-seven plates and 
VOL, XIV. — NO. 55. 21 



3o6 JoMrnal of American Folk-Lore. 

explanations. The data here given are based chiefly on observation 
by both authors of the ceremony in 1897, with references to other 
observations by them between 1893 and 1899. Participants, time 
and duration of ceremony, preliminary ceremony, Soyal proper (in 
detail), and the four days after the ceremony are discussed. The 
Oraibi Soyal celebration " is in charge of the Shoshyaltu (the Soyal 
fraternity), the largest religious organization in that and probably in 
any other Hopi village." During the last few years, however, the 
fraternity has been split into " Liberals" and "Conservatives" — a 
dispute remarkably like some of those occurring in civilized com- 
munities not of Indian stock. The details of this dispute, covering 
all aspects of native life, are very interesting. As a result of these 
factional quarrels, " the regular extended Wowochim (initiation into 
manhood) celebration, one of the most important of the Hopi cere- 
monial calendar, during which initiations into the Woivocliivi, Kzoan, 
Tao, and Ahl fraternities take place, has not been held for many 
years." The Soyal\2J~X^ nine days, and "the men are required to 
practice the strictest continence, not only during the nine cere- 
monial but also during the four post-festival days. If any one fails to 
comply with this rule, and he is found out, one of his clan sisters 
prepares for him a dish of Sakwawotaka (blue wotaka), made of blue 
corn meal, and seasoned with salt. The man is compelled to pro- 
claim his own shame by carrying the tray in the procession." This 
excellent detailed study of the Oraibi winter solstice ceremony 
should be read with Dr. Fewkes's account of the celebrations at 
Walpi and Hano. The illustrations of this paper are very illumi- 
nating. — Utc. In "Globus" (vol. Ixxix. 1901, pp. 216, 217) C. A. 
Purpus writes briefly of " Felsmalereien und Indianergraber in Tu- 
lare County (Kalifornien)." On the "painted rocks" here referred 
to the preponderating pictographs are wheel-like circles ; others are 
elliptical rings with a snake-like stroke winding through them, rude 
forms of fish, deer-antlers, hearts, etc. Figures of human beings, 
mammals, birds, are strikingly absent. 

Yakonan. Alsea. In the "American Anthropologist" (vol. iii. 
n. s. pp. 239-247) for April-June, 1901, Dr. Livingston Farrand 
publishes " Notes on the Alsea Indians of Oregon," concerned 
chiefly with folk-lore, — general beliefs, social organization, marriage, 
shamanism, traditions. Among the beliefs of these Indians of a 
general sort are : Flat earth (floating in water), sky-country (like 
earth), underworld (peopled by the shades of the "bad"), abode of 
" good " (somewhere on earth). These beliefs are probably of native 
origin, and not due to missionary influence. Surface-burial (in 
small huts, canoes, etc.) was practised, and in explanation of the 
custom of placing all sorts of things with the corpse it was said that 



Record of American Folk-Lore. '^o'j 

"the bodies were animated and moved about at night if they so 
willed, so easy exit from the graves was afforded, and the things 
deposited were for their use under such circumstances." Among the 
Alsea "the ordinary northwest coast system of social orders," viz., 
" nobility, common people, and slaves prevailed." The " nobility," 
especially, preferred exogamy (marriage was by purchase). Nick- 
names and puberty-names were in use. There is also noted " a 
marked tendency to local segregation of groups related by blood in 
every village." The shamanism of the Alsea " did not differ essen- 
tially from that of the other northwestern tribes." Their chief 
tribal stories " are grouped about the account of the Transformer 
and Wanderer, Shiok," a character of the northwest coast type, 
about whose ancestry, birth, or childhood the Alsea version is silent, 
but " presents him at the opening as full-grown and not nearly so 
powerful as he appears later." Of the other Alsea stories, "the 
majority were of the adventures of five brothers, — a different group 
in each case, — of whom the youngest brother was always the clever 
one who led the band, and devised means for escape from dangers 
and difficulties." But few of these interesting people now survive 
on the Siletz reservation), and it is to be hoped that much more 
of their folk-lore and traditions will be obtained ere the great death- 
rate of the reservation ends them altogether. Dr. Farrand's visit 
was in the summer of 1900. 

CENTRAL AMERICA. 

Mayan. Maya. In " Globus " (vol. Ixxix. 1901, pp. 298, 299) 
Dr. E. Forstemann has a brief paper on " Der Merkur bei den 
Mayas." The author's contention is that the figure, occurring in 
the codices Dresdensis and Troano, which has the form of a person 
squatting, represents the planet Mercury. 

SOUTH AMERICA. 

Araucanian, Pages 307-335 and 631-682 of T. Guevara's " His- 
toria de la civilizacion de Araucani'a," in the " Anales de la Univer- 
sidad " (vol. cviii., cix., 1901), Santiago, treats of the relations, con- 
flicts, etc., between the Spaniards and the natives during the period 
1 599-1610, 

Colombia. In the " Ethnologische Notizblatt " (vol. ii. No. 3, 
1901, pp. 31-33) Dr. A. Baessler describes, with two plates, "Goldene 
Helme aus Columbien." These two golden helmets (only five others, 
in the possession of the king of Spain, exist) were discovered in a 
grave in the department of Cauca, along with many other remains. 
There are certainly no more interesting prc-Colombian remains from 
this region. The human figure and other ornaments on them de- 
serve further study. 



3o8 Journal of American Folk-Lore. 

Ecuador. As vol. ii. No. 5 (Anthropological Series) of the Pub- 
lications of the Field Columbian Museum (Chicago), appears Dr. 
G. A. Dorsey's Archaeological Investigations on the Island of La 
Plata, Ecuador" (Chicago, April, 1901, pp. 247-280), a most inter- 
esting paper, profusely illustrated with ten figures and sixty-two 
excellent plates. These archaeological explorations on La Plata 
Island (just south of the equator, and thirty miles from the coast) 
were made in July, 1892. Graves were excavated and refuse heaps 
examined, with the result that there were discovered images of gold, 
silver, and bronze; a gold cup; pendants, tops, and other objects of 
copper and gold ; a ceremonial stone axe ; pottery (with human and 
animal heads, sometimes grotesque, bird and animal forms, etc.), 
engraved stones, etc. The gold and silver images ** are of the usual 
form such as are found in the highlands of Peru and Ecuador." In- 
deed there is a " perfect agreement in design between the images 
from La Plata and those of the Cuzco Valley, Peru." These images 
" in physiognomy, methods of dressing the hair, and general pro- 
portions, are all alike ; in all likewise the sex is represented as that 
of the female. The hair is parted in a straight line from the middle 
of the forehead to the crown of the head, and is loosely gathered 
about half way down the back by means of a curious device, the 
nature of which I have not yet determined. It is interesting to note 
also, that in all the specimens the head is moulded after the antero- 
posterior deformity which was practised throughout the interior of 
Peru." With one exception (which is a unique specimen, and resem- 
bles the typical Cuzco form inverted), "all the pieces of pottery 
have nothing to distinguish them from the ordinary forms found 
over the entire Ouichua territory." As to the " ceremonial axe," 
Dr. Dorscy suggests that, " since it emits, when suspended in a cer- 
tain fashion, a clear resonant tone not unlike that of a bell," it may 
have been used as a sort of bell or temple gong. From the refuse 
heaps were dug up large numbers of engraved rectangular and cir- 
cular stones, some with, some without, ornamentation ; perforated 
and cylindrical stones, beads, etc. ; engraved stones representing the 
human face ; worked stones, etc. Also an immense amount of pot- 
tery, practically all parts of small images in the form of human 
figures, often crudely executed. Nearly all the images " have secreted 
within them, either in the head or within the breast, one or two 
whistles." Of the images themselves, Dr. Dorscy observes : " The 
range of expression, as seen in the faces of the images, for example, 
is extremely varied and interesting, and yet in the majority of the 
cases the expression has been brought about without showing evi- 
dence of labored effort. The faces themselves vary in character 
from portrayals of excessive beauty to strange and grotesque forms. 



Record of American Folk- Lore. 309 

In many cases the countenance is portrayed as decidedly hideous 
and repulsive. Not the least interesting feature of the pottery is 
the presence of what we may call the plumed serpent, and in cer- 
tain other examples of highly conventionalized serpents' heads. Of 
interest also is the variety of nose ornaments and ear decorations 
which are portrayed. The ability of the potters to produce different 
forms of eyes, each one expressive of some phase of character, can- 
not be too highly admired. The many forms of arm and leg bands 
and ornaments revealed in the fragments of vessels, as well as the 
many ways of fashioning the arms and feet, are also worthy of men- 
tion " (p. 279). The absence on La Plata Island of objects repre- 
senting every-day phases of domestic life leads the author to conclude 
that the remains are due to "long occupation by a people who prob- 
ably resorted here during seasons of the year, perhaps for the cele- 
bration of religious rites." This opinion is enforced by the citation 
of a passage from Cieza de Leon, seeming to refer to this very island 
as the site of a temple or Jmaca. Some of the remains represent 
subsequent intrusive burials. Of the engraved stones (decorated 
with circles, parallel lines, etc.) the author remarks : " There is such 
an enormous range of variation in the size, character, etc., of these 
stones, that it is hard to conceive of any game or series of games in 
which they might have been used." This paper is a valuable con- 
tribution to the literature of primitive art, and the specimens from 
La Plata Island deserve further study and investigation. Some 
parts of the paper should be read in connection with the recent 
utterances of Boyle and Regnault on the human physiognomy in 
primitive art. 

Tupf. Apiacd, Maiihe, MiindiLvukii. Dr. F. Katzer's paper, " Zur 
Ethnographic des Rio Tapajos," in "Globus" (vol. Ixxix. 1901, 
pp. 37-41), which is illustrated with text figures of masks, tattooing, 
stone implements, etc., treats of the Apiacas, Mauhes, and Mun- 
durukus, of the region of the river Tapajos, all of whom are assigned 
by Brinton to the Tupi stock. On page 40, the face-tattooing of an 
Apiaca and a Mauhe Indian is figured. A considerable portion of 
the paper is devoted to the stone implements of the iVIundurukus. 
Polished stone implements seem to be in use now among these Indi- 
ans only as ornaments or as children's toys. On page 38 is figured 
the head of a Yuruna Indian, preserved as a trophy by a Munduruku. 
A few words of the Mauhe and Apiaca languages are given, with 
some criticisms of Coudreau's linguistic material from this region. 

GENERAL. 

Agricultural Customs. In the "Jour. Anthrop. Inst. (Lond.) " 
for January-June, 1901 (vol. xxxi. pp. 155, 156) Mr. N. W. Thomas 



3 1 o yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

has a " Note on some American Parallels to European Agricultural 
Customs." On the authority of some early traveller to Florida, the 
following custom is reported : " It was the custom at the end of 
February to take as large a deer hide as could be procured, and, 
having the horns on it, to fill it with all manner of herbs and sew it 
together. The best fruits were fastened to the horns, and other 
parts fastened to a ring or piece of stuff. They then proceeded to 
an open space and fastened the skin to a high tree, turning the head 
towards the east. Thereupon they offered a prayer to the sun, ask- 
ing it to give them in the future these same fruits. The king and the 
magician stood nearest the tree and officiated, and the remainder of 
the people stood farther off. The hide was left up until the follow- 
ing year." The Papago rain-dance, in which a deer's head figures ; 
the Pawnee ceremonies before a stuffed bird ; and certain corn- 
spirit rites of other Indian tribes present some analogous features. 
The European parallel, Mr. Thomas thinks, is to be found in the 
custom reported by Praetorius from the Prussian Slavs, " who used 
to kill a goat when they sowed their winter corn, and consumed its 
flesh with many superstitious ceremonies. They hung its skin upon 
a high pole near an oak, and it remained there until harvest. Then 
a bunch of all sorts of corn and herbs was fastened over it, and, 
after prayer had been offered by a peasant, who officiated as priest, 
the younger portion of the assembly joined hands and danced round 
the pole. The corn and herbs were then divided among them." 
Something similar is known from the Woguls, with whom, " when a 
reindeer was sacrificed and eaten, the skin with the horns was left 
as an offering, and sometimes filled with rice." In the opinion of 
the author, " the corn-spirit which we know in Europe reappears 
almost unchanged in America." 

Bibliography. The article on " Rare Books relating to the 
American Indian," in the April-June number of the "American An- 
thropologist" (vol. iii. n. s. pp. 270-285), treats of several books of 
great interest to the folk-lorist. 

Ethnology. The recent publication of the seventy-three volumes 
of the "Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents," under the editor- 
ship of Mr. R. G. Thwaites, gives rise to an interesting paper in the 
April-June "American Anthropologist " (vol. iii. n. s. pp. 256-269), 
wherein is presented a general view of Indian life and customs as 
reflected in these documents, — the life and habits of the natives of 
the St. Lawrence, the Great Lakes, and the Mississippi. 

Illumination. The paper on " The Development of Illumina- 
tion," by Walter Hough, in the "American Anthropologist" (vol. 
iii. n. s. pp. 342-352) for April-June, 1901, has references to several 
Indian tribes. The following list of Hopi terms for sunrise deserves 



Record of American Folk- Lore. 311 

record here : " Sunrise, talavaiya ; place of sunrise, tawa yum tyaki ; 
faintest dawn, kiiyaTiiptu ; first light, talti ; light of sunrise, taldove ; 
yellow light of sunrise, sikyannptu ; before emergence of sun, tawa 
kuyiva, ' sun appears ; ' sun-up, tawa yama." 

Mummification. Dr. D. S. Lamb's paper on "Mummification, 
especially of the brain," in the "American Anthropologist" (vol. iii. 
n. s. pp. 29, 307) for April-June, 1901, contains some references to 
the Peruvians and mound-builders. 

A. E a and I. C. C 



312 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

NOTES AND QUERIES. 

Polynesian Fire-Walkers. — (Vol. xiv. p. 6i.) The most competent 
of all descriptions of the performances of Papa Ita, the famous Tahitian 
"fire-walker," is that of Professor S. P. Langley of the Smithsonian Insti- 
tution, whose report appears in " Nature " (London) for August 22, 1901, 
and is reprinted in the "Journal of the Society for Psychical Research" 
(vol. X. pp. 1 1 6-1 21) for October, 1901. The notes taken by Professor 
Langley as an eye-witness of the " fire-walk " on July 17, 1901, and his 
subsequent examination of the stones and of one. stone in particular as to 
porosity, non-conductibility, etc., leave no doubt concerning the correctness 
of his conclusion : " It was a sight well worth seeing. It was a most clever 
and interesting piece of savage magic, but from the evidence I have just 
given I am obliged to say (almost regretfully) that it was not a miracle." 
A touch of the shamanistic esprit de corps is seen in the reply of Papa 
Ita: "A gentleman present asked Papa Ita why he did not give an exhibit 
that would be convincing by placing his foot, even for a few seconds, be- 
tween two of the red-hot stones which could be seen glowing at the bottom 
of the pile, to which Papa Ita replied with dignity, ' My fathers did not 
tell me to do it that way.' " 

Filipino Medical Folk-Lore. — The article of Dr. P. F. Harvey, on 
" Native Medical Practice in the Philippines," published in the " New York 
Medical Journal " (vol. Ixxiv. pp. 203-212), contains some interesting items 
of folk-lore. Of the Moros the author observes : " Among the Moros 
generally there is no surgery, and absolutel}'^ no rational practice of medi- 
cine. The latter is simply a species of shamanism, which is observed 
among most primitive races, by whom it is believed that spiritual or super- 
natural powers both good and evil, occupying the earth and surrounding 
space, cause all things to happen. They are firm believers in incantations, 
charms, and witchcraft. Their preventive medicine consists in wearing an 
amulet which is purchased from a paiidita or priest. The latter reads a 
prayer from the Koran and writes it down upon paper, parchment, silver, 
copper, or lead ; this he wraps in many layers of paper, and finally sews into 
a muslin cover colored with saffron, and made with long tapering extremities, 
with a noose at one end ; this is fastened about the waist or other part of 
the body by the owner, and, while so worn, is supposed to protect against 
sickness and evil. The panditas ask different prices for these charms, alleg- 
ing that the higher priced ones are the most potent. The Moro name for 
this article is aguifnat, and it is known as atiting-a>ifi;ig ^mong the Filipinos, 
who also believe in its efficacy, but whose belief in the Christian religion 
causes them to reject the idea that there is any virtue in the Koran ; so that 
among them a peculiar stone or pebble is used, one of peculiar shape, color, 
or markings, which is likewise sewed into a piece of muslin long enough to 
be tied around the body and so worn as an amulet." 

Customs similar to those of the Moros obtain among the Tirurayes, who 



Notes and Queries. 313 

inhabit the country about the town of Tamontaca (near Cottabatto), Min- 
danao. Concerning these people the author informs us, on the authority of 
Jose Tengorio-Sigayan, whose pamphlet in the Tiruraye language has been 
translated into Spanish by a Catholic missionary: — 

" Among these people it is customary', when one of their number is taken 
sick, to surround his house with bejiica, a species of rattan, w^hich they call 
uar, in order to frighten away the bolbol, an evil spirit that flies at night and 
eats men. This spirit can also cause sickness by inflicting an invisible 
wound. The reason the bolbol fears the rattan^ they suppose, is because, 
when it sees it, it thinks it is a snake, and moreover the uar, the natives 
believe, has itself the power of turning into a snake. The bolbol is an ugly 
customer indeed, because, in addition to all his other nefarious traits, he 
frequently indulges in the cheerful practice of eating the livers of the sick. 
They consider it very important, therefore, to keep a sharp lookout at 
night and have their krises ready at hand to attack the bolbol should it 
make its appearance. The writer of the monograph (in Tiruraye) has no 
hesitation in affirming his belief in this malign spirit, as he gravely asserts 
that he saw one killed one night in his house over the room in which his 
mother was sick, and felt the house rock with the contortions of the evil 
spirit, as if a carabao (water-buffalo) were rolling over and over on the 
floor, and saw the kris of the doughty native dripping with gore when he 
descended from the room above." A funeral ceremony of the Tirurayes is 
also described, — when a child dies, "they hang its body to the limbs of 
the balete tree, supposing that it will be fed by the milk-like sap that ex- 
udes from the tree. This tree is held sacred, and no one would venture to 
cut it for anything in this world." The article also contains some items of 
folk materia medica. The Moro term for " T^ne.st," pandita, suggests Hindu 
influence. 

Phonographic Records of Folk-Songs. — At the International Folk- 
Lore Congress (Paris, 1900), M. Paul Se'billot gave an account of the work 
of Bela Vikar, " Phonographic Collection of Hungarian Folk-Songs." As- 
sisted by a grant from the Minister of Public Instruction, A^ikar has gath- 
ered more than 500 cylinders. Besides this J. Sebestyen has collected 
ancient epics, and Kernoz Turkish songs from Hungary. From '" Globus " 
(vol. Ixxx. p. 196) we learn that Dimitri Arakichwili, of the Russian Eth- 
nographic Society, is engaged in the Kachetian region of the Caucasus 
taking down folk-songs with a phonograph. He has taken a course at the 
Moscow Conservatory and will pay particular attention to the musical no- 
tation. 

Photographic Documents. — In Geneva a society has recently been 
formed (Arch. Suisses de Trad. Pop. vol. v. p. 135) for the founding of a 
Swiss Museum for Photographic Documents. The object is to preserve for 
reference photographs of distinguished Swiss, of places (formerly and now), 
of landscapes, buildings, works of art, revolutions, strikes, processions, 
public festivals, meetings, etc. The president of the society is Dr. E. 
Demole. A. F. C. 



3 1 4 yourna I of A merican Folk- Lore. 

Annual Meeting. — The Thirteenth Annual Meeting of the Ameri- 
can Folk-Lore Society will be held at Chicago, Tuesday and Wednesday* 
Dec. 31, 1901, and Jan. i, 1902. The Society will meet with the American 
Society of Naturalists, Section H of the American Association for the 
Advancement of Science, and other affiliated societies. Members intend- 
ing to present papers will please send to the Secretary their titles, to the 
end that these may be entered upon the printed program hereafter to be 
communicated. Members expecting to be present, and desirous of infor- 
mation regarding rebates, hotels, etc., will please address the second Vice- 
President, and representative of Local Committee, Dr. George A. Dorsey, 
Field Columbian Museum, Chicago. 

Hop-Scotch Diagrams. — In the review of Paul Sebillot's " Le Folk- 
lore des Pecheurs " (vol. xiv. p. 209), it is mentioned that the author 
states that the children on the seacoast in Upper Brittany, in playing hop- 
scotch, make use of a diagram resembling " the circumvolutions of the 
helix of a sea-snail," and he regards this as the result of the environment 
of the children. My criticism is that the children of Washington, D. C, 
employ the same diagram with no thought of ichthyological surroundings ; 
all over the sidewalks of this city one sees the helicoidal hop-scotch dia- 
grams, chalked on the surface of the flags. I would like to know through 
the pages of the Journal if this design is widely used in the United States ; 
I never saw it in New York city where I was a schoolboy. 

H. Carrington Bolton. 

Cosmos Club, Washington, D. C. 

Killing a Biting Dog. — In the last number of the Journal Mr. Henry 
M. Wiltse tells of a superstition concerning the necessity of killing a dog 
which has bitten a person. He seems to me to give only half the supersti- 
tion. Perhaps a part of it has been lost in his neighborhood. He says 
that in the South there is a superstition that the biting dog " should be 
killed for the protection of the person whom it has bitten ; especially if 
there is the least reason to suppose that it was mad." 

I do not quite see what the killing of a mad dog has to do with super- 
stition or with folk-lore. In the region where I passed my youth, Rhode 
Island, it was thought necessary to kill a mad dog, not for the protection of 
anybody who had been bitten, but because it was mad. There were per- 
sons, however, and probably are still, who thought that a dog which had bit- 
ten a person ought to be killed, although under no suspicion of madness, and 
this was indeed a superstition and was based on folk-lore. The belief was 
that if a dog quite in its right mind bit a person, and the dog ever after- 
ward went mad, no matter how many years afterward, the person bitten 
would then have hydrophobia. The killing of the dog was not, therefore, 
because of any fear that it might, after all, have been mad when it bit (in 
which case the victim would be expected to have hydrophobia any way), but 
to prevent its ever going mad afterward. 

I remember, when I was a boy, hearing argument on this question by 



Bibliographical N'oles. 315 

persons who maintained, in opposition to the superstition, that a dog not 
supposed to be mad, which had bitten, should be kept and watched with 
especial care, to ascertain with certainty whether it was mad or not and to 
relieve any groundless fears of hydrophobia. It seems to me that Mr. 
Wiltse's interesting observations will be read more clearly in the light of 
this other half of the superstition. 

William Henry Frost. 
121 Fifth Ave., New York. 



BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES. 

BOOKS. 

Studien zur vergleichenden Volkerkunde. Mit besonoerer Beriick- 
sichtigung des Frauenlebens. Von V, Jaekel. Berlin : Verlag Sieg- 
fried Cronbach. 1901. Pp. xi, 144. 

As the sub-title indicates, the studies in this little volume have reference 
chiefly to the position and activity of woman among primitive peoples. 
The subjects of the various sections are : Personality in heathendom ; 
heathen women in public life ; ancestors as helpers and as gods ; bridal 
and married life ; comradeships and brotherhoods ; priests and women ; 
male and female activities ; dreams ; the dance ; females in the service of 
princes and female body-guards ; smoking ; women as horsemen ; state^ 
district, and family deities ; the owl in cult and superstition ; the significa- 
tion of bride-purchase, polygamy. 

According to the author, the present is the freest age of man that has 
ever been, the Middle Ages, the Greek and Roman periods, the earlier 
epochs of Egypt and Assyria, to-day and yesterday in China and India, and 
the whole range of primitive existence, being characterized by subjections 
of personality innumerable. The chief modes of this repression are by 
legal interferences and state paternalism with reference to the ordinary 
affairs of life, of the household, of private actions (seen during the Euro- 
pean Middle Ages, in China, Rome, Greece, Peru, and many primitive 
peoples) ; by the recognition not of the person but of the community, fam- 
ily, clan, etc., as the legal individual or unit (seen in particular among cer- 
tain West African tribes, but also in many other quarters of the globe) ; 
by \.\iQ patria potestas (in India, Rome, among many uncivilized races); by 
the power of the old (in the Orient, among many of the lower races) ; 
by discriminating against the stranger and the foreigner (still a common 
practice even with civilized man). The position of woman as oracle, priest, 
doctor, counsellor, etc., has been discussed at greater length, and. more 
satisfactorily, by Mason, whose " Woman's Share in Primitive Culture" 
does not figure among the authorities cited by Hr. Jaekel. The variety in 
the treatment of woman among the " lower races " justifies the opinion 
of Ratzel, which the author quotes : " In primitive society woman has 



3 1 6 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

a position quite as full of contradictions as is her position among the 
most civilized peoples." 

One of the most curious facts (noticeable over a wide range of peoples) 
in the history of the priesthood is its penchant for certain things properly 
belonging to women. Says Hr. Jaekel (p. 8i) : " Everything that civil- 
ized man looks upon as peculiarly feminine clothing (including veils, fans, 
ornaments, etc.) appears frequently as priestly garb ; and not alone Bud- 
dhist, Mohammedan, Armenian, Greek, Catholic, and Protestant clergy 
wear as their official dress a robe flowing about their heels." Many primi- 
tive peoples have the same or similar customs. The Gallic Druids wore 
gloves ; long hair was in many lands and among many peoples associated 
with the priest ; the priest of Cybele aped the woman's walk ; certain 
Anglo-Saxon priests would ride mares only ; with some peoples only those 
boys were selected for the priesthood who had a feminine cast of counte- 
nance ; the priest is a " house-dweller," like woman ; very often the priest 
lives on a vegetarian (/. e. a feminine) diet ; in primitive law priest and 
woman are often associated. 

Concerning woman's method of riding on horseback the author observes : 
" It does not seem (/. e. in the Middle Ages and subsequently) to have been 
regarded as improper for a lady to eschew the courtly side-position. A 
medal (a. d. 1223) of the consort of William I. of Holland shows the 
princess astride on horseback. The French Amazon of the 17th cen- 
tury, Phillis de la Tour, appears riding man-wise on a fashion-plate ; and 
Queen Christina of Sweden made her entry into Rome in like manner" 
(p. 125). 

Bride-purchase, as Hr. Jaekel points out, is by no means accompanied, 
as is very generally supposed, by a low estimate of woman. Where the 
marriage is often only a mere business matter, the wife is sometimes excel- 
lently treated and highly esteemed. Polygamy, also, has sometimes nothing 
to do with a low estimate of woman. 

In spite of the fact that the author has relied upon the older rather than 
the most recent anthropological authorities for his data, these " compara- 
tive ethnological studies " are well worth reading. They treat the sub- 
jects in rather an original fashion, and some of the matter can hardly be 
found elsewhere. 

Alexander F. Chamberlain. 

Der Ursprung des Totemismus. Ein Beitrag zur materialistischen 
Geschichtstheorie. Von Dr. Jui.ius Pikler und Dr. Felix Somlo. 
Berlin : K. Hoffmann, rechtswissenschaftlicher Verlag. 1900. Pp. 36. 
After pointing out that some phenomena (exogamy, c.g}) have nothing to 
do per se with totemism, Dr. Pikler holds that " the problem of totemism 
reduces itself to the three following questions: i. Why do certain commu- 
nities of primitive people name themselves after objects (animals mostly)? 
2. Why do they reverence these objects to a degree that prevents the killing 
or eating of the living or edible among these things ? 3. Why do they believe 
themselves to be descended from these objects ? " The first of these facts is 



Bibliographical Notes. 3 1 7 

the original one, and is, the authors think, a result of " writing " (/. e. of pic- 
ture-writing). The first part of this essay (pp. 1-15) is devoted to Dr. 
Pikler's statement of the theory, the remainder to Dr. Somld's inductive 
evidence in its support. 

In pictography, the most primitive form of writing, a difficulty arises, 
Dr. Pikler thinks, as to the " writing " of proper or individual names ; for 
while places, whole communities of peoples, and certain well-marked 
classes, can be " written " by reference to topography, clothing, etc., and 
abnormal individuals also by reference to their peculiarities, " the absence 
of such marks in normal individuals and in subdivisions of communities 
made some helpful device necessary." Such a device is "naming after 
and designation by easy representable objects." This need "led to the 
totem-naming of clans among primitive peoples, and these names (the device 
having been invented and set going by the intellectual leaders) were taken 
over to facilitate writing." In other words, totemism is due to the practical 
necessities of picture-writing as a mode of expression and communication 
among primitive peoples. The other elements of totemism — worship and 
theory of descent — have developed as added intellectual elements. 

In support of Dr. Pikler's theory. Dr. Somld cites evidence from primi- 
tive peoples to show that totems are actually used as writing-characters, 
that totemism and picture-writing appear together, and that the character 
of the totem is that of the writing-sign. Believing that phenomena of 
primitive magic connected with totemism are merely secondary. Dr. Somld 
dismisses (p. 34) Frazer"s theory with brief consideration. This essay is 
an interesting and ingenious, if not very convincing, contribution to the 
literature of totemism. Its paradoxicality has something attractive about 
it. One cannot, however, help wishing that a profounder examination of 
totemistic phenomena had been undertaken before the theory was broached. 
It does not explain enough about totemism. The role of picture-writing is 
probably exaggerated, and the writable characteristics of the normal individ- 
ual underestimated. The element of conscious interference with a writing 
system is also possibly given too much importance. Altogether, however, 
we have here a new idea, or at least the outline of one. 

Alexander F. Chamberlain. 

County Folk-Lore. Vol. IL Printed Extracts No. 4. Examples of 
Printed Folk-Lore, concerning the North Riding of Yorkshire, 
York, and the Ainsty. Collected and Edited by Mrs. Gutch. 
Published for the Folk-Lore Society by David Nutt, 57-59 Long Acre, 
London, 1900. Pp. xxxix, 447. Price 15^'. net. 

The 19 sections of this book treat of : Natural or Inorganic Objects ; 
Trees and Plants; Animals ; Goblindom ; Witchcraft ; Leechcraft ; Magic 
and Divination ; General Superstitions ; Future Life ; Festivals, etc. ; Cere- 
monial ; Games ; Local Customs ; Tales and Ballads ; Place and Personal 
Legends ; Jingles ; Proverbs ; Nicknames ; Gibes ; Place-Rhymes ; Etymo- 
logy. Pages xxiii-xxxix are occupied by a list of authorities and the abbre- 
viations by which they are cited in the body of the work. The references are 



3i8 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

carefully to page and volume, and the alphabetic arrangement of many 
of the sections as to topics facilitates their use, but the addition of a de- 
tailed general index would have been no incumbrance, where the material 
is so extensive and so good. The idea of such a collection of printed 
folk-lore for the various regions of English-speaking America ought not to 
be long in materializing. 

A noted Yorkshire character was Mary Bateman, " the Yorkshire Witch, 
who was executed for murder in 1809. Not only were " parts of her body 
sold to her admirers at her execution, but some of them were actually on 
sale at Ilkley in 1892." Another Yorkshire woman of fame is " IMother 
Shipton," who, the author says, " can hardly be regarded as a myth, although 
the fact of her existence and the story of her life rest wholly upon York- 
shire tradition" (p. 193). The designation (p. 216) of Friday as "an 
Egyptian day, when the power of witches and the like was supposed to be 
most potent," is interesting. In North Yorkshire a servant is said to have 
stipulated with her mistress that she should be " allowed ten minutes every 
day at noon to go pray for a husband in," and the prayer of one such given 
at page 220, se non e vero e ben trovato. The general desire in the north for 
" lucky persons " to be dark-haired may have something racial behind it. 
The sex of the next baby is foretold " by its predecessor's first utterance 
of Papa or of Mamma" (p. 237). The " wide-open " character of some of 
our American cities was mild compared with English York at Yule-tide, as 
revealed on page 357. The vagaries of popular phrases are illustrated by 
the sayings : " As daft as a door nail ; " " as dead as a door nail " (p. 429). 
Quite expressive is "to sweat like a brock" (cuckoo-spit). Besides having 
scientific value, this book is interesting reading. 

Alexander F. Chamberlain. 

Hallesche Rektorreden II. Die Heimat des Puppenspiels. Von Rich- 
ard PiscHEL. Halle a. S. Max Niemeyer. 1900. Pp. 28. 
This address of the Rector of the Halle-Wittenberg University, delivered 
July 12, 1900, is a brief argument on philological and historical grounds 
for the theory that the home of the puppet-play was in India, whence, in 
the course of the ages, so many folk-things seem to have come. The nature 
of the names for puppet-plays in the various languages of Europe and 
among the Gypsies, Turks, etc., the ancient Indian (Sanskrit, etc.) terms 
for dolls and puppets, the antiquity of the puppet-show as a folk-institution 
in Hither and Farther India, are urged as proof of this view. Some inter- 
esting facts as to the use of dolls and puppets in ancient and modern times, 
with indications of the position of adults towards these things and of the 
esteem in which the puppet-show man has been held, are given. The author 
inclines to believe that the puppet-show is the oldest form of dramatic re- 
presentation, particularly in India. An interesting study might be made 
of the puppet and the doll in Hindu myth and legend. A few of the most 
noteworthy items are referred to here. A curious point in the history of the 
puppet-show is the character of the showman. Often he was not merely 
the dramatic artist, but the puppet-artificer as well. The diflSculty of find- 



Bibliographical Notes. 319 

ing one man equally qualified for both these duties led to a transitory or 
a permanent association of two individuals in the business, one as artist, 
the other as artisan. In many cases where the two were united in one the 
artist seems to have been developed out of the artisan. Even the funny 
character of the puppet-show, the German Kasperle (Hans Wurst), English 
Jack Pudding, French Jean Potage, Italian Signor Maccaroni, Dutch Pe- 
kelhaaring, Hungarian Paprika Jancsi, etc., may have their prototype in the 
Sanskrit Vidusaka, a figure taken in the art-drama of India from the folk- 
representations. The share of the Gj'psies in the spread of the puppet- 
show and its occidental development may be cleared up by further investi- 
gation. To all students of the beginnings of the dramatic art this essay 
will be of interest and value. 

Alexander F. Cha?nberhiin. 

Sammlung von Abhandlungen aus dera Gebiete der padagogischen Psycholo- 
gic und Physiologic. IV. Band. 4 Heft. Die Extwicklung der Pflax- 

ZENKENNTNIS BEIM KiNDE UND BEI VoLKERN. ISIit cincr EiulcitUUg : Logik 

der statistischen Methode. Von Wilhelm Ament. Mit 14 Kinder- 

zeichnungen. Berlin : Verlag von Reuther & Reichard. 1901. Pp. 59. 

Price M. i. 80. 

This essay, which is illustrated with 14 drawings (by children of a tender 
age) of plants, trees, and flowers, is the revision of a paper read before the 
Botanical Socie'ty of Wiirzburg in July, 189S, with additions from subse- 
quent investigations, the children concerned being the same whose speech 
the author has written of in his " Die Entwicklung von Sprechen und 
Denken beim Kinde," published in 1899. Pages 15-44 treat of the devel- 
opment of plant-knowledge in the child, and pages 44-54 of such in the 
race. The statistics of the children's knowledge, as compared with that of 
their father concerning the plant-world, indicate that " the ordinary indi- 
vidual has by his eighth year become acquainted with the most of the 
plants noteworthy for daily life, and does not make notable acquisitions 
after that" (p. 39), /. e. the individual left to himself. This is of interest 
in connection with the teaching of botany in the schools. The greater 
number of plants known to children seem to be such as have peculiarities 
apt to attract their attention. With children plants that daily come under 
the eyes, rather than rare plants, tend to be named. Primitive concepts 
and generalizations Dr. Ament seeks to explain through word-lack. 

In the drawings of the individual child, as, seemingly, in those of most 
primitive peoples, there is a decided dearth of plant-representations. As 
with children, so, too, with the lower races, the striking peculiarities of 
plants give rise to their names. There are, however, considerable differ- 
ences among primitive peoples as to the extent of plant-naming, — a warm 
climate like that of Java, Japan, etc., where men are so largely out of 
doors and more or less in communion with nature, leads to an almost 
universal acquaintance with plants to an extent far exceeding that of the 
European peasant and almost equalling that of the botanist by profession. 
The researches of Pritzel and Jessen into the German folk-names for 



3 2 o yournal of A merica 71 Folk-Lore. 

plants record or indicate the existence of some 24,000 such names, which, 
according to Dr. Ament's estimate, refer to 1787 species, the increase 
since Old High German times being progressive. This essay should be 
read in connection with the study of Bliimml and Rott resumed in the 
Journal of American Folk-Lore (vol. xiv. pp. 132-138). 

Alexander JF. Chamberlain. 

A Collection of Ladakhi Proverbs. By the Rev. H. Francke (from 
the Journal, Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. Ixix. Part I. No. 2, 1900). 
Pp. 14. 

This little collection contains fifty-one proverbs from the language of 
Ladakh (the author is a Moravian missionary at Leh, the capital), in north- 
west India. For each proverb there are given the Ladakh writing, the 
indication of the pronunciation in Roman letters, a literal translation, ap- 
plication, and explanatory notes, grammatical and others. Some of these 
proverbs are decidedly interesting : On a spring day there are three colds 
and three warmths (/. e. misery and happiness are well-balanced in a man's 
life) ; in the company of goats he says goa, in the company of sheep he says 
bea (said of a man who has no will of his own) ; after a long time a dead 
bird [which is blown by the wind against the trunk of a tree] cuts the 
trunk (/. e. with perseverance great things can be done) ; to the dog a load 
is what a plough is to a musician (/. e. certain people cannot be expected 
to do real work) ; the stolen food was eaten by the crow, but the beak of 
the raven is red (/'. e. often the wrong person is caught instead of the 
guilty one). Among the items of folk-lore to which direct or indirect refer- 
ence is made in these proverbs are the following : Driving all evil spirits of 
the winter into a cake, which is burnt outside the village ; it is not good 
to speak much of a dead man, his eye might frighten the speaker (the 
proverb on tiie subject is : If you say ' he is dead,' the eye of the dead will 
look out of the hill). These proverbs offer many beautiful examples of 
parallelism for which the folk-poetry of Ladakh is celebrated. 

Alexander jF. Chamberlain. 



Members of the American Folk-Lore Society. 321 



OFFICERS OF THE AMERICAN FOLK-LORE SOCIETY (1901). 

President : Frank Russell, Cambridge, Mass. 

First Vice-President : Livingston Farrand, New York, N. Y. 

Second Vice-President : George A. Dorsey, Chicago, 111. 

Council : Robert Bell, Ottawa, Can. ; Franz Boas, New York, N. Y. ; tj. D. Buck, Cin- 
cinnati, O. ; Roland B. Dixon, Cambridge, Mass. ; Alice C. Fletcher, Washington, D. C. ; 
Stansbury Hagar, Brooklyn, N. Y. ; Alfred L. Kroeber, San Francisco, Cal. ; tFrederic 
\V. Putnam, Cambridge, Mass. ; Frederick Starr, Chicago, 111. ; Gardner P. Stickney, 
Milwaukee, Wis. ; Anne Weston Whitney, Baltimore, Md. ; tC. H. C. Wright, Cam- 
bridge, Mass. 

Permanent Secretary : William Wells Newell, Cambridge, Mass. 

Treasurer : John H. Hinton, 41 West 32d Street, New York, N. Y. 
t As Presidents of Local Branches. 



MEMBERS OF THE AMERICAN FOLK-LORE SOCIETY. 

(for the year 1901.) 

HONORARY MEMBERS. 



John Batchelor, Sapporo, Japan. 

Francisco Adolpho Coelho, Lisbon, Portu- 
gal. 

James George Frazer, Cambridge, England. 

Henri Gaidoz, Paris, France. 

George Laurence Gomme, London, Eng- 
land. 

Angelo de Gubematis, Rome, Italy. 

Edwin Sidney Hartland, Gloucester, Eng- 
land. 



Jean Karlowicz, Warsaw, Poland. 
Friedrich S. Krauss, Vienna, Austria. 
Kaarle Krohn, Helsingfors, Finland. 
Giuseppe Pitre, Palermo, Sicily. 
John Wesley Powell, Washington, D. C. 
Paul Sebillot, Paris, France. 
Heymann Steinthal, Berlin, Germany. 
Edward Burnett Tylor, O.xford, England. 



LIFE MEMBERS. 



Eugene F. Bfiss, Cincinnati, Ohio. 

Henry Carrington Bolton, Washington, 

D. C. 
Hiram Edmund Deats, Flemington, N. J. 
Mrs. Plenry Draper, New York, N. Y. 
Willard Fiske, Florence, Italy. 
Joseph E. Gillingham, PhDadelphia, Pa. 



John H. Hinton, New York, N. Y. 
Henry Charles Lea, Philadelphia, Pa. 
Frederick W. Lehmann, St. Louis, Mo. 
J. F. Loubat, New York, N. Y. 
William Wells Newell, Cambridge, Mass. 
Miss Mary A. Owen, St. Joseph, Mo. 



ANNUAL MEMBERS. 



John Abercromby, Edinburgh, Scotland. 

I. Adler, New York, N. Y. 

Miss Constance G. Alexander, Cambridge, 

Mass. 
F. S. Arnold, Cambridge, Mass. 
Mrs. Monroe Ayer, Boston, Mass. 

Irving Babbitt, Cambridge, Mass. 
Miss Alice Mabel Bacon, Hampton, Va. 
Francis Noyes Balch, Boston, Mass. 
Mrs. Mary M. Barclay, Milwaukee, Wis. 
Charles T. Barney, New York, N. Y. 
Miss Mary E. Batchelder, Cambridge, Mass. 
\V. M. Beauchamp, Syracuse, N. Y. 



^ 



VOL. XIV. 



William Beer, New Orleans, La. 
Robert Bell, Ottawa, Ont. 
George W. Benedict, Providence, R. I. 
Miss Cora Agnes Benneson, Cambridge, 

Mass. 
Mrs. T. W. Bennet, Boston, Mass. 
Mrs. Fanny D. Bergen, Naples, Italy. 
Charles T. Billom, Leicester, England. 
Clarence J. Blake, Boston, Mass. 
Francis Blake, Auburndale, Mass. 
Frank E. Bliss, London, England. 
Franz Boas, New York, N. Y. 
Reginald P. Bolton, Pelhamville, N. Y. 
C. C. Bombaugh, Baltimore, Md. 



Journal of American Folk-Lore. 



322 

Richard G. Boone, Cincinnati, O. 

Mrs. John G. Bourke, Omaha, Neb. 

Charles P. Bowditch, Boston, Mass. 

George P. Bradley, Washington, D. C. 

H. C. G. Brandt, Clinton, N. Y. 

Miss Margaret Brooks, Cambridge, Mass. 

Miss Abbic Farwell Brown, Boston, Mass. 

Edwin W. Brown, Boston, Mass. 

Miss Jeannie P. Brown, Cambridge, Mass. 

Philip Greely Brown, Portland, Me. 

Mrs. W. Wallace Brown, Calais, Me. 

Gustav Briihl, Cincinnati, O. 

J. D. Buck, Cincinnati, O. 

Mrs. Waller Bullock, Baltimore, Md. 

Miss Ethel Quincey Bumstead, Cambridge, 

Mass. 
Edward S. Burgess, New York, N. Y. 
Mrs. Frances B. Burke, Cambridge, Mass. 
Miss Mary Arthur ]5urnham, Philadelphia, 

Pa. 
Miss Amy Burrage, Boston, Mass. 

John Caldwell, Edgewood Park, Pa. 
Mrs. L. Ethelyn Canfil, Cincinnati, O. 
T. W. Carver, Cambridge, Mass. 
Mrs. J. B. Case, Boston, Mass. 
Alexander Francis Chamberlain, Worcester, 

Mass. 
Miss Mary Chapman, Chicopee, Mass. 
Miss Ellen Chase, Brookline, Mass. 
W^ alter G. Chase, Brookline, Mass. 
Heli Chatelain, Angola, Africa. 
Clarence II. Clark, Philadelphia, Pa. 
Richard A. Cleeman, Philadelphia, Pa. 
Robert Clement, Boston, Mass. 
Mrs. Otto B. Cole, Boston, Mass. 
Miss Katherine I. Cook, Cambridge, Mass. 
Mrs. Elizabeth Johnston Cooke, Macon, Ga. 
George W. Cooke, Wakefield, Mass. 
Mrs. Kate Allen Coolidge, Cincinnati, O. 
Mrs. Oliver Crane, Boston, Mass. 
Thomas F. Crane, Ithaca, N. Y. 
Charles D. Crank, Cincinnati, O. 
J. M. Crawford, Cincinnati, O. 
Miss Sarah H. Crocker, Boston, Mass. 
Miss Sally Muzzy Cross, Maiden, Mass. 
Stewart Culin, Philadelphia, Pa. 
Roland G. Curtin, Philadelphia, Pa. 
Mattoon Munroe Curtis, Cleveland, O. 

William G. Davies, New York, N. Y. 

Charles F. Daymond, New York, N. Y. 

Mrs. John Deane, Boston, Mass. 

James Deans, Victoria, B. C. 

Robert W. De Forest, New York, N. Y. 

E. W. Ueming, New York, N. Y. 

Mrs. Amelie Denegre, New Orleans, La. 



George E. Dimock, Elizabeth, N. J. 
Roland B. Di.xon, Cambridge, Mass. 
Richard E. Dodge, New York, N. Y. 
George A. Dorsey, Chicago, 111. 
Andrew E. Douglass, New York, N. Y. 
Charles B. Dudley, Altoona, Pa. 
Arthur W. Dunn, Chicago, 111. 
R. T. Durrett, Louisville, Ky. 
Mrs. H. H. Dwight, Boston, Mass. 

John L. Earl), Utica, N. Y. 
Edwin S. Ebbert, Cincinnati, O. 
Charles L. Edwards, Hartford, Conn. 
Mrs. Annie L. Ellis, Uvalde, Texas. 
L. H. Elwell, Amherst, Mass. 
Mrs. Thomas Emory, Syracuse, N. Y. 
Carl Eikemeyer, Yonkers, N. Y. 
Dana Estes, Boston, Mass. 

Livingston Farrand, New York, N. Y. 
Mrs. Ernest F. P'enollosa, Boston, Mass. 
Merritt Lyndon Fernald, Cambridge, Mass. 
J. Walter Fewkes, Washington, D. C. 
*John Fiske, Cambridge, Mass. 
Miss Emma J. Fitz, Boston, Mass. 
George William Fitz, Boston, Mass. 
Miss N. L. Flagg, Boston, Mass. 
Miss Alice C. Fletcher, Washington, D. C. 
Robert Fletcher, Washington, D. C. 
Wyman Kneeland Flint, Milwaukee, Wis. 
Kent C. Foltz, Cincinnati, O. 
Henry W. Foote, Cambridge, Mass. 
Alcee Fortier, New Orleans, La. 
William Henry Frost, New York, N. Y. 

Alfred C. Garrett, Cambridge, Mass. 
Albert S. Gatschet, Washington, D. C. 
Frank Butler Gay, Hartford, Conn. 
Mrs. S. R. Geiser, Cincinnati, O. 
Arpad G. Gerster, New York, N. Y. 
Wolcott Gibbs, Newport, R. I. 
W. W. Gibbs, Philadelphia, Pa. 
Miss Bessie C. Gray, Boston, Mass. 
Mrs. John C. Gray, Boston, Mass. 
Byron GrifiTing, Shelter Island Heights, 

N.Y. 
George Bird Grinnell, New York, N. Y. 
Louis Grossmann, Detroit, Mich. 
Victor Guilloii, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Stansbury Hagar, Brooklyn, N. Y. 

Charles C. Harrison, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Mrs. I'klward Haskell, Boston, Mass. 

Miss Millicent Hayes, Cambridge, Mass. 

H. W. Haynes, Boston, Mass. 

D. C. Henning, Pottsville, Pa. 

Mrs. Esther Herrman, New York, N. Y. 



Members of the American Folk- Lore Society. 



o-o 



Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Cam- 
bridge, Mass. 

Henry L. Hobart, New York, N. Y. 

Frederick Webb Hodge, Washington, D. C. 

Richard Hodgson, Boston, Mass. 

Robert Hoe, Xew York, N. Y. 

Mrs. Lee Hoffman, Boston, Mass. 

Miss AmeUa B. Hollenback, Brooklyn, 
N. Y. 

Mrs. C. F. Hopkins, Cincinnati, O. 

Walter D. Hopkins, Cambridge, Mass. 

Miss Leslie Hopkinson, Cambridge, Mass. 

Miss Cornelia Horsford, Cambridge, Mass. 

Walter Hough, Washington, D. C. 

Jerome B. Howard, Cincinnati, O. 

Miss Leonora Howe, Cambridge, Mass. 

Prentiss C. Hoyt, Cambridge, Mass. 

C. F. W. Hubbard", Buffalo, N. Y. 

Henry M. Hurd, Baltimore, Md. 

Percy A. Hutchison, Great Barrington, 
Mass. 

Clarence M. Hyde, New York, N. Y. 

Miss Elizabeth A. Hyde, New York, N. Y. 

A. Jacobi, New York, N. Y. 
Thomas A. Jaggar, Cambridge, Mass. 
Edward C. James, New York, N. Y. 
Henry F. Jenks, Canton, Mass. 
Miss Isabel L. Johnson, Boston, Mass. 
Robert Rankin Jones, Cincinnati, O. 
Miss Marion Judd, Boston, Mass. 

Thomas V. Keam, Ream's Canon, Ariz. 
Frederick W. Kelly, Milwaukee, Wis. 
John Goshorn Kelley, Philadelphia, Pa. 
Mrs. Josephine M. Kendig, Philadelphia, Pa. 
Mrs. A. L. Kennedy, Boston, Mass. 
George G. Kennedy, Roxbury, Mass. 
Miss Louise Kennedy, Concord, Mass. 
Homer H. Kidder, Cambridge, Mass. 
Landreth H. King, Dobbs Ferry, N. Y. 
George Kinsey, Wyoming, O. 
A. H. Kirkham, Springfield, Mass. 
George Lyman Kittredge, Cambridge, Mass. 
Mrs. C. D. Klemm, Cincinnati, O. 
Karl Knortz, Evansville, Ind. 
Henry E. Krehbiel, New York, N. Y. 
Alfred L. Kroeber, San Francisco, Cal. 
George F. Kunz, New York, N. Y. 

Robert M. Lawrence, Boston, Mass. 
Miss Annie Laws, Cincinnati, O. 
Walter Learned, New London, Conn. 
Miss Margaret C. Leavitt, Cambridge, 

Mass. 
Mrs. William LeBrun, Boston, Mass. 
George E. Leighton, St. Louis, Mo. 



George H. Leonard, Boston, Mass. 
Josua Lindahl, Cincinnati, O. 
John U. Lloyd, Cincinnati, O. 
Benjamin Lord, New York, N. Y. 
Charles A. Loveland, Milwaukee, Wis. 
Charles F. Lummis, Los Angeles, Cal. 
Benjamin Smith Lyman, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Louisa McDermott, Breen, Colo. 
Kenneth McKenzie, Cambridge, Mass. 
Mrs. A. D. McLeod, Avondale, O. 
Mrs. A. H. McLeod, Wyoming, O. 
Mrs. John L. McNeil, Denver, Colo. 
Edmund R. O. von Mach, Cambridge, Mass. 
Lionel S. Marks, Cambridge, Mass. 
Mrs. W. Kingsmill Marrs, Saxonville, Mass. 
Arthur R. Marsh, Cambridge, Mass. 
Artemas Martin, Washington, U. C. 
Otis T. Mason, Washington, D. C. 
Albert Matthews, Boston, Mass. 
Washington Matthews, Washington, D. C. 
Miss Frances H. Mead, Cambridge, Mass. 
Lee Douglas Meader, Cincinnati, O. 
\Villiam F. Merrill, New York, N. Y. 
J. Meyer, New York, N. Y. 
Mrs. Emma Smith Miller, Cincinnati, O. 
Mrs. Garret S. Miller, Peterboro, N. Y. 
Thomas E. Miller, Orangeburg, S. C. 
James Mooney, Washington, D. C. 

C. H. Moore, Clinton, 111. 

Miss Agnes Morgan, Osaka, Japan. 

James L. Morgan, Brooklyn, N. Y. 

Lewis K. Morse, Boston, Mass. 

Lewis F. Mott, New York, N. Y. 

Mrs. Hugo Miinsterberg, Cambridge, Mass. 

W. A. Neillson, Cambridge, Mass. 
William Nelson, Paterson, N. J. 
Mrs. George B. Nichols, Cincinnati, O. 
Mrs. Zelia Nuttall, Xew York, N. Y. 

D. J. O'Connell, Rome, Italy. 

Mrs. E. S. Page, Cleveland, O. 

Nathaniel Paine, W' orcester, Mass. 

Charles Palache, Cambridge, Mass. 

Sarah G. Palmer, Boston, Mass. 

Miss Mary Park, Elmira, N. Y. 

C. L. Partridge, Redland, Cal. 

Mrs. C. Stuart Patterson, Philadelphia, 
Pa. 

J. W. Paul, Jr., Philadelphia, Pa. 

Charles Peabody, Cambridge, Mass. 

Miss Josephine Preston Peabody, Cam- 
bridge, Mass. 

William F. Peck, Rochester, N. Y. 

James Mills Peirce, Cambridge, Mass. 



Journal of American Folk-Lore. 



Bliss Perry, Cambridge, Mass. 
Thomas Sargent Perry, Boston, Mass. 
Perry B. Pierce, Washington, D. C. 
Dr. C. Augusta Pope, Boston, Mass. 
Dr. Emily F. Pope, Boston, Mass. 
Edna Dean Proctor, Framingham, Mass. 
T. Mitchell Frudden, New York, N. Y. 
Miss Ethel Puffer, Cambridge, Mass. 
W. H. Pulsifer, Newton Centre, Mass. 
Frederic Ward Putnam, Cambridge, Mass. 
Mrs. Frederic Ward Putnam, Cambridge, 
Mass. 

Benjamin Rand, Cambridge, Mass. 
Mrs. Warren Rawson, Cincinnati, O. 
Mrs. II. E. Raymond, Brookline, Mass. 
John Reade, Montreal, P. Q. 
Miss Helen Leah Reed, Boston, Mass. 
Eliot Remick, Boston, Mass. 
William L. Richardson, Boston, Mass. 
Everett W. Ricker, Jamaica Plain, Mass. 
R. Hudson Riley, Brooklyn, N. Y. 

D. M. Riordan, Atlanta, Ga. 
Craig D. Ritchie, Philadelphia, Pa. 
Benjamin L. Robinson, Cambridge, Mass. 
Frederick N. Robinson, Cambridge, Mass. 
Mrs. F. N. Robinson, Cambridge, Mass. 
George Ross, Lake Temiscamingue, Que- 
bec, Can. 

Frank Russell, Cambridge, Mass. 
Charles J. Ryder, New York, N. Y. 

Stephen Salisbury, Worcester, Mass. 
W. S. Scarborough, Wilberforce, O. 
Charles Schaffer, Philadelphia, Pa. 
Otto B. Schlutter, Hartford, Conn. 
W. H. Schofield, Cambridge, Mass. 
James P. Scott, Philadelphia, Pa. 

E. M. Scudder, New York, N. Y. 
Horace E. Scudder, Cambridge, Mass. 
Mrs. W. S. Scudder, Cambridge, Mass. 
Dr. C. J. Sharretts, Astoria, N. Y. 
John K. Shaw, Baltimore, Md. 

J. B. Shea. Pittsburgh, Pa. 
Augustus Shearer, Cambridge, Mass. 
Mrs. Annie Trumbull Slosson, New York, 

N. Y. 
E. Reuel Smith, New York, N. Y. 
Harlan I. Smith, New York, N. Y. 
Herbert W. Smith, Chicago, 111. 
Mrs. J. B. Smith, Boston, Mass. 
Frederick Starr, Chicago, 111. 
George E. Starr, Germantown, Pa. 
Roland Steiner, Grovetown, Ga. 



Mrs. Matilda Coxe Stevenson, Washington, 

D. C. 
Gardner P. Stickney, Milwaukee, Wis. 
R. M. Stimson, Marietta, O. 
Miss Olivia E. P. Stokes, New York, N. Y. 
Mrs. J. P. Sutherland, Boston, Mass. 
Brandreth Symonds, New York, N. Y. 

Louis S. Tesson, Fort Ethan Allen, Vt. 

Benjamin Thaw, Pittsburgh, Pa. 

Miss Edith Thayer, Cambridge, Mass. 

S. V. R. Thayer, Boston, Mass. 

John S. Tilney, Orange, N. J. 

Archibald Reed Tisdale, Jamaica Plain, 

Mass. 
Crawford Howell Toy, Cambridge, Mass. 
A. M. Tozzer, Cambridge, Mass. 

Henry H. Vail, New York, N. Y. 

Mrs. George W. Vaillant, Boston, Mass. 

Horace E. W^arner, Washington, D. C. 
Samuel D. W^arren, Boston, Mass. 
Ethan Allen Weaver, Philadelphia, Pa. 
^V. Seward Webb, Lake Champlain, Vt. 
Frederick Webber, W'ashington, D. C. 
David Webster, New York, N. Y. 
Hollis Webster, Cambridge, Mass. 
Mrs. Walter Wesselhoeft, Cambridge, Mass. 
George N. Whipple, Boston, Mass. 
Francis Beach White, Cambridge, Mass. 
Miss Anne Weston ^Vhitney, Baltimore, 

Md. 
Frederick P. Wilco.x, Grand Rapids, Mich. 
Mrs. Ashton Willard, Boston, Mass. 
Henry J. Willing, Chicago, 111. 
Mrs. Henry J. Willing, Chicago, 111. 
Miss Constance B. Williston, Cambridge, 

Mass. 
C. C. Willoughby, Cambridge, Mass. 
Miss Florence Wilson, College Hill, O. 
James G. Wilson, Baltimore, Md. 
Mrs. M. C. ^Vilson, Brookline, Mass. 
R. N. Wilson. Macleod, Alberta, N. W. Ter 
Thomas Wilson, Washington, D. C. 
Rev. Charles J. Wood, York, Pa. 
Henry Wood, Baltimore, Md. 
J. F. Woods, Boston. Mass. 
Miss Eda A. Woolson, Cambridge, Mass. 
C. H. C. W' right. Cambridge, Mass. 
Joel F. Wright, Hartford, Conn. 

Miss Sarah D. Yer.xa, Cambridge, Mass. 
F. W^ Voumans, Cincinnati, O. 



Members of the American Folk-Lore Society. 325 



LIST OF LIBRARIES OR SOCIETIES, BEING MEMBERS OF THE 
AMERICAN FOLK-LORE SOCIETY, OR SUBSCRIBERS TO THE 
JOURNAL OF AMERICAN FOLK-LORE, IN THE YEAR 1901. 

Amherst College Library, Amherst, ISIass. 

Athenaeum Library, Minneapolis, Minn. 

Boston Athenaeum, Boston, Mass. 

Buffalo Library-, Buffalo, N. Y. 

Carnegie Free Library, Allegheny, Pa. 

Central Library, Syracuse, N. Y. 

Chicago Literary Club, Chicago, 111. 

City Library, Lincoln, Neb. 

Columbia College Library, New York, N. Y. 

Forbes Library, Northampton, Mass. 

Free Library of Philadelphia, 1217 Chestnut St., Philadelphia, Pa. 

Free Public Library, Jersey City, N. J. 

Free Public Library, Sacramento, Cal. 

Free Public Library, San Francisco, Cal. 

Free Public Library, Newark, N. J. 

Free Public Library, Worcester, Mass. 

Hackley Public Library, Muskegon, Mich. 

Hartford Library- Association, Hartford, Conn. 

Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Howard Memorial Library, New Orleans, La. 

Iowa State Library, Des Moines, Iowa. 

John Crerar Library, Chicago, 111. 

Johns Hopkins University Library, Baltimore, Md. 

John Thomson Free Library of Philadelphia, Pa. 

Kansas State Historical Society, Topeka, Kans. 

Library of Chicago University, Chicago, 111. 

Library of Congress, U. S. A., Washington, D. C. 

Library of Cornell University, Ithaca, N. Y. 

Library of Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. 

Library of Parliament, Ottawa, Ont. 

Library of Pratt Institute, Brooklyn, N. Y. 

Library of Trinity College, Hartford, Conn. 

Library of University of Illinois, Champaign, 111. 

Library of University of Kansas, Lawrence, Kans. 

Massachusetts State Library, Boston, Mass. 

Mechanics Library, Rev. C. B. Dudley, Altoona, Pa. 

Mercantile Library, New York, N. Y. 

Morrisson-Reeves Library, Richmond, Ind. 

Newberry Library, Chicago, 111. 

Newton Free Library, Newton, Mass. 

New York State Library, Albany, N. Y. 

Peabody Institute, Baltimore, Md. 

Philadelphia Library, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Public Library, Boston, Mass. 

Public Library, Buffalo, N. Y. 

Public Library, Cambridcre, Mass. 

Public Library, Painesville, Ohio. 

Public Library, Chicago, 111. 

Public Library, Cincinnati, O. 

Public Library, Detroit, Mich. 

Public Library, Evanston, III. 

Public Library, Indianapolis, Ind. 



326 



yournal of American Folk- Lore, 



Public Library, Kansas City, Mo. 

Public Library, Los Angeles, Cal. 

Public Library, Maiden, Mass. 

Public Library, Milwaukee, Wis. 

Public Library, New London, Conn. 

Public Library, New York, N. Y. 

Public Library, Peoria, Til. 

Public Library, Portland, Me. 

Public Library, Providence, R. I. 

Public Library, Rockford, 111. 

Public Library, St. Louis, Mo. 

Public Library, St. Paul, Minn. 

Public Library, Seattle, Wash. 

Public Library, Toronto, Ont. 

Public Library, Omaha, Neb. 

Reynolds Library, Rochester, N. Y. 

State Historical Library, IMadison, Wis. 

State Historical Society Library, St. Paul, Minn. 

State Library, Harrisburgh, Pa. 

State Normal School, Greeley, Colo. 

University of Nebraska Library, Lincoln, Neb. 

University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Watkinson Library, Frank B. Gay, Hartford, Conn. 

Women's Anthropological Society, Washington, D. C. 



LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS TO THE PUBLICATION FUND, igoi. 



Charles P. Bowditch, Boston, Mass. 
John Caldwell, Pklgewood Park, Pa. 
Clarence H. Clark, Philadelphia, Pa. 
William G. Uavies, New York, N. Y. 
Charles F. Daymond, New York, N. Y. 
Hiram Edmund Deals, Flemington, N. J. 
George E. Dimock, Elizabeth, N. Y. 
John Fiske, Cambridge, Mass. 
William Henry Frost, New York, N. Y. 
Miss xVmelia B. Hollenback, Brooklyn, N. Y. 
Clarence M. Hyde, New York, N. Y. 



Miss Louise Kennedy, Concord, Mass. 
Walter Learned, New London, Conn. 
Albert Matthews, Boston, Mass. 
Public Library of New London, New Lon- 
don, Conn. 
Charles Schaffer, Philadelphia, Pa. 
C. Bernard Shea, Pittsburgh, Pa. 
Brandreth Symonds, New York, N. Y. 
Samuel D. Warren, Boston, Mass. 
Henry J. Willing, Chicago, 111. 
Mrs. Henry J. Willing, Chicago, 111. 



ADDITIONAL SUBSCRIBERS. 

Mrs. Lee Hoffman, Boston, Mass., $3. Frederic W. Putnam, Cambridge. Mass., $5. 



INDEX TO VOLUME XIV. 



American Folk-Lore Society : 

Twelfth Annual Meeting, 51 ; Report 
of Council, 52 ; Treasurer's Report, 53 ; 
Committee on Music, 53 ; officers elected 
for 1 90 1, 54; papers presented, 54; offi- 
cers, 321 ; honorary members, life mem- 
bers, annual members, 321 ; libraries and 
societies subscribing, 325; subscribers to 
publication fund, 326. 

Animals, in folk-lore and myth : 

Ant, 37; antelope, 93, 193; ape, 161 ; 
bat, 23i 178, 262, 272; bear, 26, 46, 75, 
107, 154, 242, 247; beaver, 107; bee, 
107; beetle, 32, 107; bittern, 107; blue- 
bird, 277 ; boar, 107, 249 ; " bob-white," 
31 ; buffalo, 75, 187, 246, 247, 270; butter- 
fly, 35, 36, 305; buzzard, 22, 235; carca- 
jou, 26; cat, 36, 42, 107, 109, 178; cater- 
pillar, 35, 37 ; chicken, 30, 32, 37 ; chicken- 
hawk, 258; cow, 39, 107, 173, 178; coy- 
ote, 123, 161, 184, 186, 195,240-251, 252- 
285; crab, 107; crawfish, 33; cricket, 
79; crow, 23, 30, 149, 155, 178, 236, 253, 
320; cuckoo, 107; cuttlefish, 108; deer, 
21, 22, 26, 120, 156, 189, 262, 274-278, 
310; dog, 33, 34, 44, 46, 107, 124, 125, 
173, 178, 187, 203, 205, 314, 320; dog- 
fish, 26; duck, 107, 271 ; eagle, 23, 78, 
123-125, 154, 194,305; eagle-hawk, 149; 
eel, 107, 223; elephant, 76; elk, 96, 107, 
236, 278; firefly, 36; fish, 146, 178; fly, 
31, 183; fox, 16, 26, 66, 240-251 ; frog, 
179, 195, 205; gnat, 31; goat, 107, 320; 
goose, 32, 107 ; ground-hog, 23 ; " ground 
puppy," 180; grouse, 188; hare, 148; 
hawk, 149, 255 ; hawk-moth, 253 ; hen, 
30, 55, 108; heron, 155; hippopotamus, 
107; hog, 32, 32y 76, 250; horse, 32, 35, 
41, 107, 269 ; insects, 20, 274 ; katydid, 
30; leech, 108; leopard, 107; lion, 76; 
lizard, 108, 179; lobster, 107 ; locust, 30; 
lynx, 26, 124; magpie, 265 ; marten, 34; 
"measuring worm," 33 ; mole, 178; mol- 
lusk, 107; monkey, 65, 107, 125; moun- 
tain-sheep, 97, 193, 242, 262, 264 ; mouse, 
26, 76, 242 ; " mud dauber," 32, 36 ; mule. 



25; muskrat, 161, 214, 234 ; ostrich,lo8; 
otter, 107; owl, 178, 253; panther, 153; 
partridge, 107; parrot, 124; peacock, 
31 ; pelican, 123; pickerel, 107; pigeon, 
78, 107, 184, 234; pigeon-hawk, 154; pike, 
26; pole-cat, 32; porcupine, 270; puma, 
174, 266; rabbit, 36, 123, 161, 176, 195, 
275, 279 ; rat, 38, 178; rattlesnake, 193; 
raven, 189,320; robin, 30,36; sage-hen, 
194, 253; scorpion, 180; sheep, 76, 107, 
310; shell-fish, 146, 241; snake, 33, 39, 
93, 107, 108, 127, 178, 180, 204, 223,233; 
snowbird, 265; sole, 76; sparrow, 107; 
spider, 35, 76, 161, 204; squirrel, 36, 
260; stork, 107; titmouse, 194; toad, 
107, 177, 179; tortoise, 76; trout, 107; 
turtle, 23y 123, 161; whale, 47; whip- 
poor-will, 263; wild-cat, 107; wolf, 26, 
28, 66, 107, 134, 220, 221, 236, 248; 
woodchuck, 241; woodpecker, 189; 
worm, 32, loS, 178; UTen, 154, 178. 

Backus, Emma M., Early Songs from North 
Carolina, 2S6-294 : Friendship, 286 ; The 
Mouldering Vine, 287 ; Peace of Mind, 
2S8 ; The Djing Father's Farewell, 289 ; 
Mr. Davis's Experience, 289 ; Mrs. Saun- 
ders's Experience, 290 ; Columbia, 293. 

Backus, Emma M., Song-Games from Con- 
necticut, 295-299 : " Evening Party," 
295 ; kissing, 295 ; Rose in the Garden, 
296 ; Old Maids, 297 ; Marriage, 297 ; 
The Rich Widow, 29S; King William 
was King George's Son, 299 ; Editor's 
Note, 299. 

Beauchamp, W. M., The Good Hunter and 
the Iroquois Medicine, 153-159: Huron 
feast, 153; panther, 153; versions of 
story of death and recovery of good 
hunter by use of "medicine," 153-157; 
search of animals and birds for hunter's 
lost scalp, 155; hunting feast, 156; pre- 
paration of medicine, 157 ; Iroquois medi- 
cine societies, 158; " drinking medicine," 
158, 150. 

Bell, Robert, Legends of the Slavey In- 



328 



Index. 



dians of the Mackenzie River, 25-29: 
Cause of long winter, 26 ; council of ani- 
mals, 25 ; heat-bag stolen from house of 
bear, 27 ; thaw causes flood, 28 ; guard- 
ian of copper mine, 28 ; woman sinks 
gradually into the earth over the mine, 
when badly treated, 29. 

Bibliographical Notes : 

Books, 65-76, 143-152, 208-220, 315- 
320 ; Journals (Recent articles of a 
comparative nature in folk-lore and 
other periodicals, not in English), 76-79; 
220-224. 

Boas, Franz, The Mind of Primitive Man, 
i-ii : Different manifestations of mind 
of man, i ; influences of civilization and 
race, 3 ; faculty of forming abstract ideas 
common to all races of man, 4 ; power to 
inhibit impulses, 4 ; assthetical and ethical 
choice, 5; perception, 6; mode of thought, 
different character of traditional mate- 
rial, 7 ; elimination of traditional elements 
in civihzation, 8 ; will-control of activities, 
9 ; inhibition of impulses, lo ; feeling of 
fellowship, II; development of culture 
not the same as development of mind, 11. 

Bolton, Reginald Pelham, Some Tradi- 
tional Misconceptions of Law, 115-117: 
Country and town, 115; London, 115; 
air-guns, 115; dark lanterns, cropping 
ears of asses, 116; street-traffic; "mar- 
riage in shift," 116; criminals, bleeding 
of corpse of murdered man, 117. 

Books Reviewed : 

Ament, W., Die Entwicklung der Plan- 
zenkenntnis beim Kinde und bei Vcilkern 
(A. F. C), 317; Barrows, D. P., The 
Ethno-Botany of the Coahuilla Indians 
of Southern California (A. F. C), 211 ; 
Ball, J. Dyer, Things Chinese (A. F. C), 
71 ; Boesch, H., Kinderleben in derdeut- 
schen Vergangenheit (A. F. C), 70; 
Boyle, Virginia, Devil Tales (F. Russell), 
65; Brown, Abbie F., The Book of 
Saints and Friendly Beasts (W. W. New- 
ell), 66; Biicher, K., Arbeit und Rhyth- 
mus (A. F. C), 68 ; de la Vaulx, Comte 
Henri, Voyage en Patagonie (A. F. C), 
150; Dahnhardt, O., Aus Marsch und 
Heide (A. F. C). M?; Eickemeyer, C, 
Over the Great Navajo Trail (A. F. C), 
211; Eckart, R., Stand und Beruf im 
Volksmund (A. F. C), 148 ; Francke, H., 
Ladaklii Proverbs (A. F. C), 320; Gess- 
mann, C. W., Die Geheimsymbole der 
Chemie und Medicin des Mittelalters 



(A. F. C), 74 ; Grinnell, G. B., The In- 
dians of To-Day (A. F. C), 75 ; Gutch, 
Mrs., Examples of Printed Folk-Lore 
concerning the North Riding of York- 
shire and the Ainsty (A. F. C), 317; 
Headland, I. T., Chinese Mother Goose 
Rhymes (A. F. C), 69 ; Hildebrand, R., 
Das iiltere Volkslied (A. F. C), 73 ; Hirn, 
Y., The Origins of Art (A. F. C), 143; 
Jaekel, V., Studien zur vergleichenden 
Volkerkunde (A. F. C), 315; Jenks, A. 
E., The Childhood of Jishib, the Ojibwa 
(James Mooney), 72; Judd, Mary C, 
Wigwam Stories (A. F. C), 214 ; Kayme, 
S., Anting-Anting Stories (A. F. C), 215 ; 
Lloyd, U., Stringtown on the Pike) W. 
W. Newell), 151 ; Maclagan, R. C, The 
Games and Diversions of Argyleshire 
(W. W. Newell), 215 ; Mathew, J., Eagle- 
hawk and Crow (A. F. C), 149; Muthe- 
sius, K., Kindheit und Volkstum (A. F. 
C), 72 ; Nichols, C. L., BibUography of 
Worcester (A. F. C), 73 ; Nuttall, Mrs. 
Z., The Fundamental Principles of New 
and Old World Civilizations (S. Hagar), 
216; Pikler, J., and F. Somlo, Der Ur- 
sprung des Totemismus (A. F. C), 316; 
Pischel, R., Die Ileimat des Puppen- 
spiels (A. F. C), 318; Sebillot, P., Les 
Coquillages de Mer (A. F. C), 146; Sebil- 
lot, P., Contes des Landes et Greves 
(A. F. C), 146; Sebillot, P., Le Folk- 
Lore des Pecheurs (A. F. C), 209 ; Wil- 
son, T., Bluebeard (W. W. Newell), 67 ; 
Wiltse, Miss S. E., Folk-Lore Stories 
and Proverbs (A. F. C), 76. 

Chamberlain, Alexander F., Robert Grant 
Haliburton, 62-64 ; sketch of life, 63 ; 
bibliography, 64. 

Chamberlain, Alexander F., Kootenay 
" Medicine - Men," 95-99 : Words for 
shaman and " medicine," 95 ; perform- 
ances of shaman, 95; winter-dance, 96; 
" cures " and " miracles," 97 ; Indian 
drawings of " medicine-men," 97 ; influ- 
ence of Christianity upon Indian art, 
98. 

Chamberiain, Alexander F., Translation: 
A Study in the Transference of Folk- 
Thought, 1 65-1 71: Etymology of terms 
for " translate," 165 ; " translation-words," 
166; discussion of Ojibwa words for 
abide, absolution, Almighty, altar, annun- 
ciation, ark, baptism, blasphemy, brim- 
stone, Christian, cross, forgive, heaven, 



Index. 



329 



hell, Holy Ghost, hymn, marriage, Pope, 
Sabbath, 1 67-1 71 ; absence of equi- 
voques in certain Indian tongues, 168; 
names for days of the week, 171. 
Chamberlain, Alexander F. and Isabel C. 
Chamberlain, Record of American Folk- 
Lore, 45-51 ; 1 18-129; 178-200; 300-311: 
Algonkian, 45, 1 18, 187, 300; Athapascan, 
45, 118, 187,302; Araucanian, 49, 125, 
198,307; Caddoan,46; Calchaqui, 126; 
Coahuia, 119; Colombia, 307 ; Ecuador, 
308; Eskimo, 46, 120, 187, 303; Gua- 
rani, 126; Guayaquf, 50; Guiana, 198; 
Haida, i9o;'Iroquoian, 120, 393; Kiowa, 
190; Kitunahan, 191, 303; Klamath, 
191 ; Kulanapan, 121 ; Kwakiutl-Nootka, 
47; Mayan, 125, 198, 307 ; Muskhogean, 
192; Otomi, 121 ; Patagonia, 127; Paya- 
gua, 127; Peruvian, 127; Pueblos, 122; 
Pujunan, 122; Sahaptian, 122, 192; Seri, 
122; Shoshonean, 24, 193; Siouan, 47, 
123, 195; Tupi, 309; Uto-Aztecan (in- 
cluding Moki), 47, 123, 303 ; Wakashan, 
197; Weitspekan, 197; Yakonan, 306; 
Yuman, 197 ; Zapotecan, 49, 193. Gen- 
eral, 50-51, 128-129, 200,309-311 : Agri- 
cultural customs, 309; basketry, 128, 
200; bibliography, 310; ethnology, 310 ; 
faith, 128; illumination, 310; Indians 
and Anglo-Americans, 50 ; linguistics, 
128; mummification, 310; religion, 50; 
research, 50; song, 50; sophiology, 200 ; 
technic arts, 5 1 ; traps, 1 28. 

Dorsey, George A., The Shoshonean Game 
of Na-wa-ta-pi, 24-25: Name and nature 
of game, 24 ; contests of skill, betting, 
25. 

Du Bois, Constance Goddard, The Mytho- 
logy of the Dieguenos, 181-185 : The 
story of the creation, 181 ; the sexes, 
182; light and darkness, 182; the fly at 
the council, 183 ; the impiety of the frog 
(how the frog got the white mark on his 
back), 183; the fiesta of the death of 
Tu-chai-pai (the Maker), 184. 

Ellis, Mrs. Annie Laurie, " Oh, bury me not 
on the lone prairie : " A Song of Texan 
Cow-boys, 186. 

Fewkes, J. Walter, An Interpretation of 
Katcina Worship, 81-94 : Meanings and 
application of name Katcina, 81 ; " breath 
bodies," 82 ; future life, 83 ; personated 
ancients, 83 ; signification of worship of 



ancients or ancestors, 85 ; Sun and Earth 
gods and masks, 86 ; Katcina festivals, 
86 ; personation of Sun, 87 ; powamU 
festival, 87 ; bird-man, 88 ; symbols on 
sun-god masks, 89; beast-worship, 91; 
clan-dramatizations, 91 ; rain-ceremonies, 
92 ; snake-dance, 93 ; various festivals, 
93 ; reduced and crj'stallized Katcinas, 

94- 
Fletcher, Alice C, The " Lazy Man " in 
Indian Lore, 100-104 '• Admonitions to 
youth against laziness, 100 ; picture of 
lazy and of energetic man, loi ; sayings 
about them, social estimate, loi, 102 ; 
Omaha words for " lazy," " energetic," 
" thrifty," their etymologies and connota- 
tions, 103 ; Indian doctrine of individual 
responsibility, 104. 

Harrington, M. Raymond, An Abenaki 

"Witch-story," 160. 

Indian Tribes : 

Abenaki, 45, 110, 301 ; Alsea, 306; 
Alikulufs, 127; Apache, 74,83, 119, 190; 
Apiaca, 309; Arapaho, 118, 187, 300; 
Araucanian, 49, 125, 198, 307 ; Arawak, 
199; Arekuna, 199; Assiniboine, 75; 
Atna, 119, 302; Aztec (Nahuatl, Mex- 
ican), 47, 48, 124, 165, 168, 181, 218, 303, 
304 ; Bannocks, 25 ; Blackfeet, 45, 74, 
187; Botocudo, 51 ; Brazilian, 143, 144; 
Calchaqui, 126; Cayuga, 47; Caj'use, 
192; Cheyenne, 74, 118; Cherokee, 47 ; 
Choctaw, 192 ; Coahuia, 119, 193, 213; 
Cocopas, 197 ; Colombia, 307 ; Cora, 47 ; 
Cree, 165, 169, 170, 301; Crows, 75; 
Dakota, 196, 214; Delaware, 45, 164, 
301 ; Diegueiio, 181 ; Digger, 195; Ecua- 
dor, 308; Eskimo, 10,46, 120, 129, 187, 
303; Flathead, 75, 240; Guarani, 126, 
145; Guayaqui, 50; Guiana, 198; Haida, 
190; Hopi (Moki), 45, 48, 81, 124, 200, 
305; Huichol, 47; Hupa, 188; Huron, 
47, 60, 120, 153, 158; Kickapoo, 45; 
Kiowa, 74, 190, 300; Klamath, 191; 
Klickatat, 122; Kolusch, 51 ; Kootenay, 
95, 191, 303; Lenape, 301 ; Macusi, 144, 
199 ; Maidu, 122; Makah, 47, 197 ; Mauhe, 
309; Maya, 125, 165, 198, 307; Mazahua, 
121; Menomoni, 45 ; Miami, 45; Micmac, 
45, 118, 214; Mohawk, 47; Montagnais, 
60; Mundurukii, 309 ; Narragansett, 45; 
Navaho, 12, 20, 45, 83, 118, 211 ; Nipis- 
sing, 171 ; Ogalala, 196; Ojibwa, 45, 72, 
118, 165, 167, 171, 214; Omaha, 100, 123; 



330 



Index. 



Onas, 127; Oneida, 47; Onondaga, 47, 
158; Otomi, 121 ; Paiute, 25, 124; Pa- 
pago, 310; Partamona, 199; Patagonian, 
127; Payagua, 98, 127; Pawnee, 46, 75, 
310; Penobscot, 113; Pequot, 45 ; Peru- 
vian, 112, 122, 218; Porno, 121, 200; 
Pottawottomi, 45; Pueblos, 75, 122; 
Quiche, 125; Sacs and Foxes, 45, 127, 
225; Savannah, 45; Seneca, 47, 157, 
158; Seri, 122, 145; Shoshoni, 24, 193; 
ShawTiee, 45 ; Slavey, 26 ; Tarahumari, 
129; Tehuelche, 127, 151; Tepehuano, 
47; Tonkawa, 75; Tupi, 309; Tusayan, 
81 ; Tuscarora, 154; Umatilla, 192 ; Ute, 
25, 103, 252, 306; Walla- Walla, 192; 
Warau, 199; Weitspek, 197; Wichita, 
74 ; Wyandot, 47 ; Yahgan, 127 ; Yuma, 
197 ; Zapotec, 49, 193. 

Jones, William, Episodes in the Culture- 
Hero Myth of the Sauks and Foxes, 225- 
239: Sons of the manitou, 225 ; Wlsa'- 
ka'haand Klya"pa'ta'ha, 225; council of 
manitous, 226; the "grandmother," 226; 
death of Klya''pa'ta'ha, who becomes 
TchTpaiyapo'swa in the spirit-world, 228; 
his brother avenges his death, and kills 
the manitous, 229-233; pursuit of the 
slayer and causation of great flood, 234 ; 
WTsa''ka'ha escapes, 234 ; animals dive 
in waters to find earth, 234 ; work of buz- 
zard, 237 ; formation of diversifications 
of earth's surface, 237 ; creation of men 
and women, 237 ; departure of Wisa''- 
kli'ha, 238; explanatory notes, 238, 239. 

Kroeber, A. L., Ute Tales, 252-285 : Intro- 
ductory, 252 ; coyote steals fire ; animals 
help him to carry it home, 252-260 ; why 
fire is in wood, 260 ; coyote, blanket, and 
rock, 260-264 ; coyote and puma, coyote 
" visits his friends," 264-267 ; coyote de- 
ceives his family, 268-270 ; porcupine, 
buffalo, and coyote, 270-272 ; coyote 
and duck, 272-274 ; puma and bear, 274 ; 
insects, owl-hawks, and deer, 274,275; 
rabbit and fauns, 276 ; rabbit makes 
cedar-tree harmless, 276 ; hunter and 
bird-woman, 277; older and younger 
brother, 278-280 ; the big cannibal and 
the young man, 280-285 ; end of canni- 
balism, 285. 

McDermott, Louisa, Folk-Lore of the Flat- 
head Indians of Idaho: Adventures of 
Coyote, 240-251 : How Spokane Falls 



were made, 240 ; coyote kills giant (why 
the wood-tick is flat), 241 ; coyote and 
the two shells (why the side of a shell 
is black), 241, 242 ; coyote kills an- 
other giant, 242 ; coyote and the crying 
baby, 244 ; coyote and the woman, 244 ; 
the medicine trees, 245 ; coyote and rock, 
245 ; coyote in the buffalo country, 247 ; 
coyote and fox separate, 249 ; coyote and 
little pig, 250; death of coyote, 251. 

Matthews, Washington, Navaho Night 
Chant, 12-19: Name and nature, 12; 
characters, dress, masks, 12; "herma- 
phrodites," 12; typical dance and dance- 
grounds, 13; rests, 15; repetitions, 15; 
clown, 16; varieties of the dance, 16; 
music and songs, 17-19; language of 
songs, 17; ceremonies inside lodge, 18; 
songs of sequence, 18; drum, 19; con- 
duct of patient, 19. 

Matthews, Washington, The Treatment of 
Ailing Gods, 20-23 : Myth of the sick 
deities, 20; search for cure for war-dis- 
ease, 20 ; messengers sent to fire-god, 21 ; 
house of sickness, 22; "medicine," 22 ; 
treatment and recovery of patients, 23. 

Meeker, Louis L., Siouan Mythological 
Tales, 1 61 - 1 64 : Fables without morals, 
161; the "four who never die," 161 ; 
" Bladder" and the monster, 162 ; " Blad- 
der " and rabbit, 163; taboos of tale-tell- 
ing, 164. 

Notes and Queries : 

Adieus of retiring editor (W. W. New- 
ell), 56 ; greeting (Alexander F. Cham- 
berlain), 57 ; folk-lore investigations in 
Australia, 57 ; value of the epic for soci- 
ology, 57 ; Arcadian religion, 58 ; folk- 
lore of number seven, 58 ; trees struck 
by lightning, 58 ; Zahoris, 59; Christmas 
in French Canada, 59; Atacameiian folk- 
lore, 60 ; Polynesian fire-walkers, 60, 312; 
Cushing Memorial volume, 130; transla- 
tion, 130; weather-lore, 130 ; Chinese 
and German, 130; folk-lore in literature, 
132 ; use of plants by children (A. F. C), 
132 ; ethnographic views taken in Ireland 
(W. W. Newell), 138; Dakota Legend of 
the Head of Gold (W. W. Newell), 138 ; 
Fragments of two American Ballads 
(P. A. Cole), 139; Indian Summer, 201 ; 
spider invasion, 201 ; sacred trees (A. F. 
C), 201 ; folk materia medica (A. F. C), 
204 ; IgoiTote marriage customs (H. M. 
Wiltse), 204 ; In the Field of Southern 



Index. 



331 



Folk-Lore{H. M. Wiltse) : Superstition 
concerning dog-bites, 205 ; snake super- 
stitions, 206 ; planting superstition, 207 ; 
measuring cures, 207 ; marriage signs in 
Tennessee, 207 ; Filipino medical lore, 
312 ; phonographic records of folk-songs, 
313; photographic documents, 313; An- 
nual Meeting, 314 ; Hop-scotch diagrams 
(H. C. Bolton), 314; kilhng a biting dog 
(W. H. Frost), 314. 

Phenomena of nature, etc., in folk-lore and 
myth : 

Cardinal points, 13, 182, 187 ; chalchi- 
huitl, 303; cold, 26, 31, 259; copper, 28; 
dust, 30 ; earth, 28, 60, 85, 92, 180, 222, 
226, 239, 300; eclipse, 31; fire, 21, 34, 
35, 36, 60, 124, 252, 312; flood, 28, 214, 
234; fog, 30, 195; frost, 30, 31; Great 
Bear, 217; heat, 26; light, 182; light- 
ning, 31; Mercury, 307; meteorology, 
77; Milky Way, 195; moon, 30, 31, 34, 
35, 38, 76, 123, 163, 183, 190; Orion, 
220; Pleiades, 63, 162, 220; rain, 18, 30, 
31, 82 ; rainbow, 30 ; rock, 245, 265 ; sea, 
146, 147, 195, 208; sky, 181, 306; snow, 
26, 30, 32, 237; Southern Cross, 218; 
stars, 36, 63, 127, 162, 217; sun, 23, 30, 
85, 123, 183, 229, 310; thaw, 28; thun- 
der, 30, 161; water, 37, 58, 181, 195; 
waterfall, 240 ; weather, 26, 30, 34, 77, 
130 ; wind, 37, 126. 

Plants, etc., in folk-lore and myth, 18, 22, 
23. 30-38- 45. 47. 48, 58. 79. 106, 109- 
114, 121, 127, 132-138, 179, 201-203, 211- 
213, 230, 234, 240, 245, 271, 277, 310, 

317,319- 
Price, Sadie F., Kentucky Folk-Lore, 30- 
38 : Weather signs, 30, 31 ; charm-heal- 
ing, 31-33; negro -superstitions about 
plants and animals, 33-34 , domestic folk- 



lore and love-superstitions, 34-36; bad- 
luck, 36 ; dreams, 37, 38 ; fishermen's 
luck, 37 ; planting-superstitions, 38 ; get- 
ting rid of rats, 38. 

Seip, Elizabeth Cloud, Witch-Finding in 
Western Maryland, 39-44 : Apple-butter 
boiling, 39; nibbing cows with assa- 
foetida, 39 ; salt and nails, 40 ; witch- 
maiden as servant, 40; escapes through 
key-hole, 40 ; formula used by witches 
to "fly" out of chimney, 41 ; horse be- 
witched, 41 ; black cat, silver bullet, 42 ; 
" foot-fast," 42 ; how to bring a witch to 
terms, 43 ; silencing a dog, 44 ; German 
element in Frederick County, 44. 

Steiner, Roland, " Seeking Jesus," a Reli- 
gious Rite of Negroes in Georgia, 172. 

Steiner, Roland, Observations on the Prac- 
tice of Conjuring in Georgia, 173-180: 
A "cunjer doctress," 173; spells, 174; 
how " cunjer doctors" get patients, 175 ; 
a"cunjerer," 176; account of a "cun- 
jering," 177; an Africa wizard, 177; 
items relating to " cunjer," folk-lore about 
"cunjer," 177-180; "cunjer" by hat 
and water, 179. 

True, Rodney H., Folk Materia Medica, 
105-114: Relation of folk materia med- 
ica to modern schools of medicine, 105; 
development of medicine, 105, 106; doc- 
trine of signatures, 107 ; drugs of animal 
origin in use in earlier centuries, 107 ; 
revival of animal remedies, 108 ; folk 
remedies, 109 ; remedies of vegetable ori- 
gin, III; remedies derived from Amer- 
ican Indians and other primitive peo- 
ples, 112, 113; "mescal buttons," 113; 
lobelia, 113; folk materia medica contri- 
butes much to scientific medicine, 114. 



THE JOURNAL OF 
AMERICAN FOLK-LORE 

VOLUME XV 



BOSTON AXD NEW YORK 

5^ubli.3^f)cti for Zt\e American f olft.Horc ^ocictp tip 

HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY 

LONDON: DAVID NUTT, 270, 271 STRAND 

LEIPZIG: OTTO HARRASSOWITZ, QUERSTRASSE, 14 

MDCCCCII 



Copyright, 1902, 
By the AMERICAN FOLK-LORE SOCIETY. 

All rights reserved. 



THE JOURNAL OF 

AMERICAN FOLK-LORE. 

Vol. XV. — JANUARY-MARCH, 1902. — No. LVL 



KNOW, THEN, THYSELF.^ 

Long ago, as history measures time, when our planet was regarded 
as a flat disk girt by an unknown sea, and heaven was no farther 
away than the fair summit of Mount Olympus ; when learning centred 
about the eastern curve of the Mediterranean, and a knowledge of 
music, mathematics, and philosophy constituted a liberal education, 
a master mind emphasized the seemingly simple precept, " Know 
thyself." 

Centuries later, when the disk had rounded into a sphere; when 
Jehovah had superseded Jove ; when civilization had become conti- 
nental ; when the classics, modern languages, and literature had been 
added to the list of scholarly pursuits, a keen little Englishman 
echoed the injunction of the ancient Greek. 

And to-day, when scientific research has extended beyond the 
confines of the habitable portion of the earth, invaded the depths 
of the sea, explored the uttermost heights of the atmosphere, and 
mapped the heavens ; when God is worshipped as a spirit and ever 
more reverently as we begin to comprehend the marvels of his crea- 
tion ; when the making of many books has given this knowledge 
entrance through every door open to receive it, how much more rea- 
son have we than had Alexander Pope to reecho the advice of the 
sage of old, "Know thyself." 

Man may boast that he has conquered a universe, but what does 
he know about his own nature ? He began to study it but a little 
more than a generation ago, when the publication of the "Origin of 
Species" and the confirmation of the conclusions of Boucher de 
Perthes rendered possible the organization of the Science of Man. 

Instead of a few individual writers and an occasional investigator 
there is now a well-trained corps of anthropologists. Active national 
societies have been formed, costly laboratories are maintained, and 
excellent journals are published. The science is taught in the lead- 

^ Address of President of American Folk-Lore Society at Annual Meeting, 
Chicago, January i, 1902. 



2 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

ing universities of most civilized countries : in the United States 
some degree of instruction in it is offered in thirty colleges. It has 
seemed to me worth while to set forth my reasons for believing that 
anthropology should be taught in every college in America, both 
because of the information it imparts and the discipline it gives. 

As a branch of education, anthropology has passed the pioneer 
period. In some of our older institutions, where instruction in it 
has been given for more than ten years, the number of instructors 
and students is continuously increasing. Always offered as an elec- 
tive, anthropology has thus demonstrated its ability to win its way. 

As an objection to the introduction of this new science it is some- 
times said that college curricula are already crowded. But with the 
rapidly extending elective system the number of courses offered far 
exceeds the time limit of any individual. At Harvard, for example, 
the undergraduate might study one hundred years before obtaining 
his bachelor's degree if he took all the courses open to him. I pre- 
sume that the authorities of our universities of a hundred and fifty 
years ago would have considered their curricula threatened by an 
appalling congestion if to the subjects of that time had been added 
simply the increase of courses due to the present status of know- 
ledge in those branches. And yet, besides all these, additional de- 
partments — electricity, biology, psychology — have been admitted, 
not only enriching the schedule of studies but winning prominent 
rank therein. Similarly, anthropology, "the crown and completion" 
of the sciences, is assuming its rightful place ; and I shall endeavor 
to show why it may be added with special advantage to even a 
crowded curriculum. 

Since anthropology has become clearly defined we hear fewer pro- 
tests that it embraces too much. Its very comprehensiveness is a 
virtue ; for thereby it is rendered suitable to serve as a framework 
for all other knowledge whatsoever, a symmetrical framework, lack- 
ing which the student but too often builds a series of mental water- 
tight compartments, so to say, that give no unity or harmony to the 
intellectual edifice. 

Mathematics, for example, though a discipline study based upon 
necessary reasoning and thus perhaps the most remote from anthro- 
pology, nevertheless finds its appropriate place in this ideal educa- 
tional structure. The anthropologic student learns that among some 
peoples the mastery of the number concept does not extend beyond 
the ability to count two or three ; that all grades of mathematical 
comprehension exist from this primitive condition up to our own 
denary .system. He learns that culture may be most profoundly 
influenced by the reaction of the number concept upon human 
thought. The basic number may determine the number of gods 



Know^ then^ Thyself. 3 

that are selected to rule ; through the calendar it influences agri- 
culture, and, indeed, most of the industrial arts ; it affects the plea- 
sures and religious ceremonies of the people. Wherefore I maintain 
that the addition of the " human touch " to mathematics gives new 
meaning to the limited portion of the science with which the average 
student is acquainted. 

In the case of geology the relation to anthropology is more ob- 
vious. With the general outlines of geology, the earth-building 
processes, the sequence of strata, and the like, the student is familiar 
before he takes up the study of anthropology. Passing over the 
rapidly increasing importance of the economic uses of geologic ma- 
terials from mine and quarry, we observe that the later geologic 
periods are of supreme interest in the discussion of the great pro- 
blems of the time and place of man's origin. Back to the confines 
of the tertiary we have traced the remains of man and his handi- 
work, and beyond that barrier we are constantly hoping to pass. 
Therefore, at each new archasologic discovery the question of geo- 
logic age must be answered. After these primal problems come 
those of the distribution of mankind during the glacial and other 
cosmic changes. At other points in geology the "human relation" 
is likewise established, and without it the allied sciences, geography 
and meteorology, would be poor indeed. 

Permit me to cite one more example, drawn, not from the sciences, 
but from beliefs. During his course in anthropology the student 
receives instruction in the so-called "science of religion," studying 
it wholly as a product of human thought or imagination. It is a 
revelation to him to discover the vital part religion has played in 
the history of the human race. He learns that religion dictates to 
millions of his fellow creatures what they .shall eat and drink, what 
they shall wear, how they shall work and how they shall play, what 
they shall think about, and some things about which they may not 
even think. Says Brinton of the savage, "From birth to death, but 
especially during adult years, his daily actions are governed by cere- 
monial laws of the severest, often the most irksome and painful, 
character. He has no independent action or code of conduct, and 
is a very slave to the conditions which such laws create." Not only 
among savages does this intimate connection between religion and 
all other elements of culture manifest itself, but also in all other 
grades of development, in all times and places. He must have 
breadth of view who realizes the significance of it. The theologi- 
cal student, however liberal, views but one side ; the art student 
sees little more than the influence of religion upon painting or archi- 
tecture or music ; the sociologist deals primarily with Caucasian 
culture ; the anthropologist alone investigates religion impartially in 
relation to other phases of thought. 



4 yournal of Americmi Folk-Lore. 

Furthermore, the erection of this framework brings before the 
attention of the student the rooms that are incomplete and vacant 
so that he may set about furnishing them. With this guidance he 
will study modern geography, with its complete survey of environ- 
ment and life; comparative religion, with its breadth of view; the 
fine arts, as the highest expression of universal feeling ; history 
which he will approach with a correct sense of proportions and time 
relations. P'or he will see that the adoption of the first articulate 
word by man, as distinguished from the mere animal cry of his 
ancestors, was an event of infinitely greater importance than the 
foundation of the Roman Empire ; that the discovery of the art of 
kindling fire was vastly more significant in history than the battle 
of Tours. 

Modern anthropology does not formulate theories from travellers' 
tales nor indulge in metaphysical speculations. It proceeds to its 
conclusions by the scientific method of direct observation and exper- 
iment, a method that is obtaining so much popularity that most 
students desire some acquaintance with it. By proper training in 
any of the natural sciences this knowledge may be acquired, but it 
frequently happens that students having no taste for these branches 
will not take them under the elective system. Thus they may be 
graduated with an excellent store of linguistic, literary, or mathe- 
matical information, and yet be sadly deficient in the power of ob- 
servation and of correct inference, important requisites for success 
in this workaday world. To such students anthropology opens a new 
field. He who may abhor the smell of zoological specimens and 
the sight of laboratory dissections will, perhaps, take kindly to the 
examination of fictile objects, or textiles, or the various other art 
products that we study to determine the cultural status of this or 
that group of men, or for the purpose of tracing the course of indus- 
trial or aesthetic development. He who may be indifferent to the 
wonders revealed by the lens of the botanist may engage with en- 
thusiasm in research relating to the music, mythology, or ceremonies 
of alien peoples. He whose interest is not held by the marvellous 
story of geology fixed in lifeless stone may be zealous in the study 
of living humanity. 

Among his fellows the anthropologist finds alnmdant opportu- 
nitv for cultivating his powers of observation. After studying the 
problems of heredity, miscegenation, degeneracy, and the like, it 
becomes an instinct with him to note the color of hair and eyes, the 
shape of the head and face, and other individual peculiarities of 
those around him. A friend tells me that he relieves the tedium 
of a long examination of which he may have charge by tabulating 
statistics concerning the busy writers before him ; how many are 



K710W, then. Thyself. 5 

left-handed, part their hair in the middle, wear glasses, are blonds 
or brunettes, and the like. Here it is little more than a pastime, 
but it illustrates the manner in which the habit of observation is 
fixed. 

In the field the anthropologic investigator quickly discovers that 
to record accurately requires the keenest watchfulness. Let us 
suppose that we are witnessing the annual festival of the Jicarilla 
Apaches. The event is the relay race. The runners are marching 
in column through the surging mass of spectators. Drums are beat- 
ing, rifles and revolvers are fired, shouts and cries add to the confu- 
sion. What is the signal that causes the column to divide .'' Why 
do all march to one goal and then half of them march back to the 
other.'' Soon t.he crack of the starter's pistol sends the best runner 
of each of the two groups down the course on the first relay. The 
excitement is intense. The walls of the narrow lane down which 
the brown forms are flatting yield to the pressure from without and 
threaten to collapse. The observer struggles to obtain a position 
near the goal. Does the winner touch his successor of the next 
relay .-^ Does he hand him any object to carry.'' Wbat is the pur- 
pose of these branches of cottonwood that are moved up and down 
the line .'' W^hat is the meaning of the tufts of down that are added 
to the scant attire of the runners .'' W'hy are they cooled by spray- 
ing their backs from the mouths of their attendants.'' What are the 
methods of imparting speed resorted to by the opposing factions .'' 
For half an hour the observer hurries from point to point with 
camera and pencil in hand, and then suddenly the uproar becomes 
deafening. The race is ended. Offerings of bread, grapes, and 
other fruits from the distant Rio Grande — even watermelons — are 
thrown from the crowd to the victors. A dozen observers are needed 
now to complete the account. Indeed, some measure of ubiquity 
is often longed for by the field-worker. He has every incentive to 
become proficient in quickness and accuracy of observation. 

Again, the student may be so fortunate as to witness a Maricopa 
medicine dance. The shaman is in doubt as to the nature of the 
disease ; he must consult the dead for guidance in treatment of it. 
Followed by his awestricken friends he approaches a grave, but not 
too closely, and calls to the resident spirit. Out of the darkness of 
the night come ghostly whispers in reply. The medicine-man grows 
more confident and emphatic ; his followers shrink farther back. To 
them the dialogue is conclusive evidence of the power of the shaman. 
To the observer it presents an opportunity for the detection of fraud. 
Is he clever enough to discover the identity of the confederate } Can 
he see without seeming to do so .'' 

The nature-quickened keenness of observation of those whom the 



6 Journal of American Folk-Lore. 

field investigator studies affords him an example wherefrom he must 
needs profit. In no other science is the object of research at once 
an example and also laboratory material. Again and again I have 
been impressed by the degree of perfection in observation mani- 
fested by Indian hunters in all parts of America. Old Peter, the 
Assiniboine, for example, with whom I hunted big horn in British 
Columbia, taught me as much about observing as any college pro- 
fessor ever did. Of course I appreciated the fact that his livelihood 
depended upon the cultivation of this trait, and it was not surprising 
that he should manifest proficiency in that one line when practically 
all others were excluded. Peter led the way into the mountains 
through passes yet choked with the late snows of winter, riding an 
old cayuse whose speed was not in the least accelerated by the tattoo 
of Peter's heels on its ribs. A band of green mosquito netting kept 
Peter's hat-rim against his ears on cold days, and served to protect 
his eyes on bright ones. But my attention was soon drawn from his 
attire to the skill with which he read the half obliterated signs. I 
could see the tracks as well as he, but I could not follow a single 
one through a maze as complicated, apparently, as the crowded street 
through which the dog trails his master with unerring swiftness. 

Contrast with Peter's keenness the lack of it exhibited by the Gila 
freighter, who had made a dozen trips to Tempe, and yet wagered 
his team that the butte that overlooks the town was on the left 
as one approaches the place. There are no hills to confuse one's 
memory within twenty miles along that road, so that he had no 
excuse to offer, no word to say, when he found the butte on his right 
as he entered Tempe. He simply left the team and wagon to his 
more observing companion and walked home. 

Incidentally, field research enables the student to travel, and thus 
add to his resources for happiness throughout life. For it is not 
alone the viewing of new scenes and new peoples that gives him 
pleasure, but there is the more lasting enjoyment resulting from the 
addition of new territory to his literary domain. For example, it 
is well known that he who visits the realm of arctic frost is ever 
tempted to return. He also finds the keenest pleasure in reading of 
the experiences of others in that region of infinite vastness. After 
the lapse of ten years I feel as deep an interest in that "Land of 
Desolation and Death " as when I left it. Again, those who know 
the great arid Southwest find in its tragic history and in the writ- 
ings of its pioneer anthropologists a source of perennial pleasure. 
He who has felt the spell of the desert has added a priceless treasure 
to his experience. He can sympathize with the belief of the desert 
dwellers that the wraith-like remolinos sending their columns of 
sand toward the bluest of heavens are not miniature whirlwinds, but 



Know, then. Thyself. 7 

spirits of air ; that the pillars and other strangely eroded forms of 
sandstone are the figures of men transfixed there in the early twilight 
of time ; he himself has felt the clutch of the demon of thirst that 
camps ever close upon the trail. 

The student engaged in field research in archaeology can usually 
find but few facts at best from which to reconstruct the history of 
the past, and those few are often obscurely hidden in the mud of the 
swamp or the sand of the desert, where a careless blow of the spade 
may annihilate the record forever. For example, the shape of ancient 
wooden implements may be known from the mould of clay in which 
they decayed ; but this form may be destroyed by a single stroke. 
Many old skulls, also, are so fragile when found that after a few 
minutes exposure to the air they crumble to dust. Careful treat- 
ment may save some of them, but quick and accurate observation is 
absolutely necessary. 

But correct observation is not the sole requirement for success. 
It suffices to render a man useful and helpful in minor positions, 
but ere he can become a leader in thought and action he must have 
the ability to interpret the data accumulated. In other words, he 
must develop his reasoning powers, and here again anthropology 
presents her opportunity. In the domain of culture history, par- 
ticularly in its genesis, he ventures upon so much controversial 
ground that he must wield his weapons well in order to pass safely 
through. It was to this opportunity for diversity of opinion, and 
the innate bellicose tendency of man, that Huxley attributed the 
growing popularity of the science a quarter of a century ago. I 
have found that the presentation in the lecture room of the inter- 
jectional, gesture, and other theories of language usually leads to the 
liveliest discussion with the students, discussions that are sometimes 
adjourned to the home of the instructor. The ascertainable evi- 
dence relating to the origin of beliefs gives rise to widely differing 
inductions. A venerable friend who is preparing a treatise upon 
religion told me that he had found sixty-two theories accounting for 
its origin, — and I had the pleasure of calling his attention to a sixty- 
third. In the examination of any considerable portion of that array 
of arguments, the student must exercise his judgment to discrimi- 
nate between the plausible and the reasonable. He aims to dis- 
cover fundamental principles and laws, and to that end his attitude 
must be not credulous but critical. Folk-lore, too, has its debatable 
problems of myth migration, acculturation, and relationship. In the 
arts opportunities for independent reasoning abound ; for example, 
the student may examine the weapons, utensils, and ceremonial ob- 
jects of a tribe, and by comparison and analysis determine the char- 
acter and course of development of its decorative art. He may study 



8 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

primitive scales of music, and investigate the theories of Darwin, 
Spencer, Grosse, and others accounting for its origin. 

The ethnologic study of technology is by no means the least in its 
power to stimulate thought. The college student all too frequently 
loses sight of the importance of the part that manual labor plays in 
the maintenance of civilization, and is usually ignorant of the extent 
of its contributions to cultural development. It extends the range 
of his thoughts to learn of the age-long gropings of his forbears in 
their discovery of the value of a newly fractured flint as a cutting 
instrument, and their improvement of it until it became a symmet- 
rical blade. He sees a deeper meaning in the simpler industrial 
activities as he learns that the training of the muscles reacts upon 
the brain. The savage who binds a rawhide netting around a rough 
frame for his snowshoes, finds that the untrimmed edges of the 
wood soon cut through the leather. He makes many pairs, perhaps, 
before he notices that when he scrapes the surface of the wood the 
lashing wears longer. He derives a sensation of pleasure, also, from 
the contact of his hand with the smoothed surface, and this gradu- 
ally develops a mental pleasure at the sight of well-made frames. 
His skill in cutting and carving increases with practice, so that deco- 
ration of implements and weapons becomes possible, or, as we say, 
"the manual concepts react upon the aesthetic mental concepts." 

When the student of anthrojwlogic habit of thought contemplates 
that wonderful product of this industrial age, the ocean liner, he 
takes it " by and large." His mental vision sees beyond it the long 
line of less and less ambitious craft that terminate with the floating 
log propelled by a pole, or with the naked hands. Yet more than 
this : he sees migratory movements probably initiated by the food 
quest that required the use of boats to cross, now a river, now an 
arm of the sea. He sees a resulting development of commercial 
routes forming a vast network, which even in the earliest historic 
times was the product of centuries of growth and the interplay of 
forces ultimately environmental. The vista is a long one, and in 
viewing the evolution of this single industry the student perceives 
something of the complexity and grandeur of the laws that have 
moulded the modern arts. And so, because based upon broad lines, 
and yet balanced by exhaustive special researches, the science of 
anthropology develops a sane and wholesome mind. 

The inherited proclivity of the Anglo-Saxon to despise all non- 
Caucasians becomes in the anthropologist a passion for studying 
them. He knows that his self-assumed superiority has its limita- 
tions, that his own ancestors in times geologically recent were tat- 
tooed cannibals as primitive in habit as the Digger Indians of the 
Sierras. He knows that his culture is in a measure due to environ- 



Know, then, Thyself, 9 

ment, to the chance that led those early immigrants to a continent 
whose vast extent of shore-line rendered it immeasurably superior 
to all others as the home of commerce. His people were surrounded 
by animals capable of domestication, while the American race, for 
example, was handicapped by their absence. 

Not only does the anthropologist take a more modest view of the 
virtues of the Caucasian, but he also learns to credit the savage and 
barbarian with many praiseworthy qualities. He finds that our 
aborigines are more devout than we, their happy family life most 
exemplary, their patience and courage under the wrongs of border 
"civilization" most admirable. This knowledge induces forbear- 
ance and respect. Brought into contact with these and other alien 
races through field research, the anthropologic student discovers that 
they can estimate his worth with surprising quickness ; they may 
not have heard of the nebular hypothesis, they may be unacquainted 
with the units of the metric system, but they can take the measure 
of a man with a glance. 

Anthropology, with ever- widening knowledge of the peoples of 
earth, promises to make real that dream of the poets, the Brother- 
hood of Man ; not a relationship based upon sickly sentimentality, 
but a brotherhood resulting from an understanding of the capacities 
and limitations of our fellow beings. We shall then have apprecia- 
tion without adulation, toleration not marred by irresponsible indif- 
ference nor by an undue sense of superiority. Anthropology leads 
to a more charitable attitude toward the diverse philosophies of men, 
dealing as it does with the basic motives of all systems. It induces 
religious toleration, "which," says our greatest of college presidents, 
"is the best fruit of the last four centuries." And yet, although the 
sun of enlightenment has absorbed the flood of mediaeval religious 
persecution, we have all seen remnants, noisome pools of intolerance, 
in localities where the cleansing rays seldom and feebly penetrate. 
I know of no instrument with a potency equal to that of anthro- 
pology for their removal. 

The proverbial tendency in the college student toward self-com- 
placency is checked and corrected by a knowledge of the broad lines 
of cultural development, of the primal principles of all human ac- 
tivities. Vanity cannot thrive in the contemplation of a plan that 
requires an eternity for its fulfilment. "Wisdom is before him that 
hath understanding." 

The somatologist discovers in the human body a record, kept by 
the vital principle of heredity, of its upward struggle from the sim- 
plest animal forms. This living history dates from a past beside 
which the glacial epoch is but as yesterday, yet it is not vague and 
indecipherable ; it is boldly written. Pages are inscribed in our 



lo Journal of American Folk-Lore. 

muscles ; others in vein, artery, and gland ; in the digestive system 
and the epithehal tracts ; and others in that most conservative of 
tissues — the nervous system. In head, trunk, and limbs these 
functionless "fossilized structures" abound, not only useless to us 
now but positively dangerous, as they frequently become the seat of 
disease. 

In like manner, the folk-lorist finds in the body politic survivals 
of belief and practice that antedate and supplement written history. 
Backward they lead through ever simpler social organizations to the 
primitive period when men walked in the fear of gods innumerable 
that influenced every waking moment and filled with dread their 
dreams. Yet farther, and the investigations of the folk-lorist mingle 
with those of the comparative psychologist along the border line 
between brute and lowest human. These survivals, also, are a 
menace to individual welfare, as I doubt not that more than one 
person will be executed for witchcraft within the boundaries of these 
United States in this year of grace, 1902. It is not long since a 
Pima Indian was killed by his fellow villagers in Arizona because 
he knew how to use a carpenter's spirit-level. With the magic stick 
he had begun pushing at unheard of speed the preliminary survey 
for an irrigating ditch. That night a jury of his peers tried, con- 
victed, and shot this Piman martyr to progress. 

Not only the individual but the tribe or community also may be 
injured by the continuance of traditions from a lower cultural stage. 
" The power of tradition " is an accepted aphorism. An illustration 
of the power and possibilities of evil in such a survival is seen in the 
case of the city of Mexico. Six centuries ago a migrating band of 
aborigines were led by a myth to select an islet in a stagnant lake 
as the site of their pueblo, a choice that it is extremely improbable 
they would otherwise have made. But the eagle with the serpent 
in his talons alighted on a cactus there, and thus determined the 
location of Tenochtitlan. The village became a city and throve 
in material prosperity, but it suffered one serious disadvantage ; it 
was subject to submergence under the waters of the lake, so that 
protection was sought in a great causeway seven or eight miles in 
length. Later a drainage canal was begun ; as the centuries passed, 
millions on millions were spent in the work, thousands and hundreds 
of thousands of peons perished in that ditch. In the mean time, the 
city of Mexico suffered the odious distinction of having the highest 
death rate of any capital in the world. 

Not alone in its origin, but also in its downfall as the scat of 
Aztec power, did this city illustrate the effect upon the community 
of traditional belief. In the golden age of the empire the fair Oue- 
tzalcoatl taught the useful arts, and of the lands of Anahuac he 



Know, the7i^ Thyself. ii 

formed a paradise. Cotton had not then to be cultivated, but grew 
wild, ready colored the hue of every dye. The maize plant was of 
such a size that a single ear was a carrier's load. Melons o'ertopped 
their owners' heads. Not the favored class alone, but all men pos- 
sessed palaces of silver and gold. But the adversary came in the 
form of an old man who roused in Quetzalcoatl a desire to wander 
to other lands. With his departure the fruit-trees withered and the 
singing birds took flight. Then arose the belief that he would 
return, and it was the expectation of his second coming that un- 
nerved the fierce courage of the Aztec warriors before the pale-faced 
Cortes. Was he the white god of their fathers } Credulity, doubt, 
and dissension hastened their undoing. 

For more than a millennium England has been a Christian nation, 
yet in the museum at Oxford we see images, bristling with rusty 
nails and needles, which demonstrate the late survival of a belief in 
sympathetic magic in the rural communities whence these objects 
came. Within the university itself I secured a dessicated specimen 
of a familiar vegetable which an officer of one of the colleges had 
carried for years as a preventive of rheumatism ! Neither centuries 
of enlightenment nor the revolutionary changes of this progressive 
age have exterminated such beliefs. They even adapt themselves 
to the new conditions, as in the case of the lady living within the 
shadow of the walls of Harvard University, who maintains that car- 
bons from arc lamps are a sure preventive of neuralgia ! 

I am aware that the study of these beliefs sheds light upon the 
history of the mental development of the race, and is of the highest 
value in certain theoretic considerations, but I involuntarily think 
of folk-lore as a study that will influence practically the life of him 
who engages in it. He learns that much that he has accepted from 
childhood without thought as truth is mere superstition and error. 
Not until he has had his attention called to the existence of these 
survivals does he realize their abundance, or the part they play in 
the daily lives of those around him. They are by no means confined 
to the servants' quarters ; they are also in his own family, to what- 
ever class or country he may belong. The nature and the preva- 
lence of error are literally brought home to him. We all admire 
truth and natural law — in the abstract — and seek the widest pos- 
sible knowledge of them by means of a most admirable educational 
system. And yet the graduate seldom possesses the power of apply- 
ing theoretical knowledge to his own individual life. This is not an 
argument for what is termed "a practical education," but an expla- 
nation of a condition which I believe can be greatly improved by 
thorough training in anthropology. 

By the comparison of customs and beliefs it was discovered sev- 



12 yournal of A^nerican Folk-Lore. 

eral years ago that striking similarities exist whenever like environ- 
mental conditions prevail. It was the discovery of this principle of 
unity that led anthropologists to seek among the savages and bar- 
barians of to-day an explanation of survivals in the Caucasian group. 
Hundreds of examples of these " Ethnographic Parallels " have been 
observed. One will serve our purpose here. In savagery the func- 
tions of priest and physician are combined in the medicine-man. 
He fits himself for his profession by a rigorous training, and has the 
utmost faith in his own power to enlist the sympathy of the benefi- 
cent gods and to expel the evil ones. Disease he banishes with a 
formula of magic words, or with ceremonies that are oftentimes 
elaborate. Upon analysis it is found that the success of the shaman 
depends upon two elements, the credulity of man, and the power of 
the sub-conscious mind The parallel is observed in the medicine- 
men of that modern cult which numbers hundreds of thousands of 
otherwise intelligent Americans. Their healers proceed by methods 
no more rational than those of the aborigines, and in some respects 
similar to them. Their success depends upon the same two factors. 
The red shaman calls the headache an evil demon and proceeds to 
suck it through a tube. The white shaman terms it sin and dispels 
it by a "demonstration." 

The student of folk-lore learns of the rise and fall of many an 
"occult" belief. As this phase of human experience is intangible 
and variable, those only who have been instructed concerning the 
characteristics of thought can profit by an accumulated knowledge. 

While anthropology may not be classed as a "bread and butter" 
study, it does equip the student who is to become a merchant, phy- 
sician, attorney, with a practical knowledge of the motives of his 
competitors and clients. He learns in youth the significance of the 
folk-saying, "Human nature is the same the world over." His 
interest in the science cannot terminate with the pass-mark of the 
final college examination, but must be coextensive with his interest 
in his kind. He will employ it in his vocation and enjoy it as an 
avocation. 

To the aspirant for honors in the diplomatic service, anthropology 
offers an admirable training. He learns the significance of the racial 
factor in national welfare ; the measure and condition of progress ; 
the principles of ethnologic jurisprudence ; and, also, the character- 
istics of the particular people among whom his duties lead him. 

For the legislator, anthropology must become a necessary prepa- 
ration. America has problems whose solution calls for the widest 
knowledge of races and cultures. Such knowledge, free from politi- 
cal bias and hereditary prejudice, can best be gained by the study 
of che Science of Man. The list of these problems is a formidable 



Know, then, Thyself. ■ 13 

one, including Philippine slavery, Mohammedan harems, Tagal insur- 
rections, Spanish-American complications, coolie labor, the negro 
problem, the Indian question, not to mention the demands for legis- 
lation that shall regulate the immigration of Poles, Russian Jews, 
Italians, Hungarians, and others. 

Anthropology prepares the law-maker and the jurist for the task 
of coping with crime. Criminal anthropology has explained the char- 
acter and causes of criminality and degeneracy, and led to revolu- 
tionary changes in the methods of crime prevention. While it is 
difficult to accept all the claims of the school of which Lombroso 
is the accomplished master, we must acknowledge our indebtedness 
to it for the reforms that it has directly or indirectly inaugurated. 

For the injurious effects of exclusive specialization, anthropology 
offers a corrective. It is particularly fatal to narrowness in the 
teacher, who oftentimes leads young people to specialize in his par- 
ticular field before they are aware of their own aptitudes and wishes. 
It forearms the teacher of inferior races, who usually ignores the 
traditional mental activities of those he would instruct. It induces 
a more considerate attitude in the missionary who calls the religion 
of his parishioners mere superstition, and speaks with contempt of 
theiv mode of thought, not appreciating the manner of its growth 
through uncounted centuries of struggle. 

These few representative examples but suggest the extent of the 
utility of the science in the affairs of men. In the training of youth 
anthropology furnishes a comprehensive outline of human know- 
ledge, showing the relations existing among its several branches, 
and giving the student a correct sense of the proportion between 
what he knows and what there is to know. Employing the scien- 
tific method, it teaches how to observe. College training in it is 
continued directly in subsequent experience with the world. The 
material is ever at hand. Dealing with the vital problems of all 
epochs, it inculcates breadth of mind and develops the reason. It 
induces consideration and awakens appreciation of other men and 
other races. It supplies an available touchstone of truth and error. 
Wherefore it is that a new and deeper meaning now abides in the 

words : — 

Know, then, thyself; presume not God to scan; 
The proper study of mankind is man. 

Frank Russell. 



14 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 



SKY-GOD PERSONATIONS IN HOPI WORSHIP. 

It has been shown in a previous article ^ that the Hopi Indians 
personate in their worship the spirit ancients of their clans, by 
masked men wearing totemic designs characteristic of those clans. 
They also represent them by graven images and figures with like 
symbolism. The spirits of the ancients, their personations by men, 
the festivals in which these personators appear, and their representa- 
tion by images and figures, are called Katcinas. The power which is 
personated objectively, or that which we call the spirit, is the magic 
potentiality 2 conceived of as an anima or invisible aerial or breath 
body. The objective cultus of Katcinas is made up of representa- 
tions of these animas (breath bodies) of clan-ancients by masked 
men, by images, by pictures, and ceremonial dramas. 

In certain elaborate festivals these Indians also personate other 
beings besides clan-ancients, prominent among which may be men- 
tioned the Sky-god. It is the author's purpose, in this article, to 
consider at length the objective symbolism and acts of this persona- 
tor in certain festivals. The distinction between the terms. Sky-god 
and Sun-god, is verbal, not real, for the sun is the shield or mask, a 
visible symbol of the magic power of the Sky-god conceived of as an 
anthropomorphic being. Both these names are used interchange- 
ably in the following pages. 

In a study of the different personations of gods in the drama of a 
primitive people it is oftentimes difficult to discover their identities, 
since they bear many attributal or descriptive names. These names 
differ widely, and this multiform nomenclature has introduced so 
much confusion that priests themselves have lost the knowledge of 
the gods to whom they were originally applied. Minor differences 
in the paraphernalia of the personator, resulting from additions or 
syncopations, have obscured the original objective symbolism, thus 
giving a new name and making it difficult to recognize the old. 

^ your. Amcr. Folk-Lore, April-June, 1901. 

2 Since tliis article was written, Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt has suggested the Iroquois 
word Orcnda as the name of this power. As almost every native language has a 
different word for it, the choice of the Iroquoian might seem arbitrary, and it may 
appear that the English designation " magic power " is adequate. Mr. Hewitt 
has shown that the English term does not exactly convey the meaning of Orenda, 
nor does it mean what other Indians have in mind when they use the special word 
in their languages, as ivakan and the like. We need a word which means some- 
thing for which there is no English term. Mr. Hewitt has defined more accurately 
than his contemporaries that something for which ethnologists need a word, and 
suggests a term, which is euphonious, brief, and easily pronounced. No word 
has a better claim for universal adoption. 



Sky-God Personations in Hopi Worship. 15 

Nomenclature in mythology is in a state of continual flux, the gods 
being regarded in a different light and given new names as man pro- 
gresses in culture, or as clans with somewhat different ideas of their 
nature are brought into close contact with each other. Native 
names thus often lead one astray who attempts to discover by this 
means the original nature of the gods to which they are applied. 
In this article the author uses similarity of symbols as a means of 
identification, a method believed to be reliable when names are insuf- 
ficient. For example, there are two personifications, called respec- 
tively "Ancient Being " ^ and " Great-Above-One," ^ which would 
appear to designate different gods, but when one examines the sym- 
bolic paraphernalia of both the similarity in their symbols is so close 
that they may logically be considered the same and the minor dif- 
ferences in symbols may be regarded as secondary growths. By 
making use of the method of morphological similarities in symbol- 
ism,^ we thus can detect the Sky-god under several aliases. 

In order to obtain a clear idea of the nature of Sky-god persona- 
tions among the Hopi let us first describe those of the so-called 
Katcina clan, to be followed by a consideration of the modifications 
which appear among other clans. 

The two most important festivals of this clan at Walpi celebrate 
the advent and exit of personations of its clan-ancients. In one, the 
arrival, and in the other, their departure, are represented by men 
who personate these beings. They are supposed to enter the pueblo 
in February, an event dramatized in the festival called Powamu ; to 
leave the pueblo, or go home, in July, and the representation of that 
event is called the Niman. In the intervening months the clan 
ancients are supposed to remain in the village or its neighborhood, 
publicly appearing from time to time in the pueblo in masked dances 
lasting a single day. 

While these dramatizations of advent and departure are festivals 
of one clan, the actors are not restricted to this clan. Several others 
combine with it and personate their ancients, so that it has come 
about that while in the main these two great festivals are controlled 
by one clan, whose chief is chief of the festivals, fragments of drama- 
tizations by other clans survive in them, and personations of many 
clan ancients unconnected with the leading clan likewise appear. 
With all these additions, however, the main events are distinctly 
those of one clan or group of clan.s. 

When the advent and departure of the ancients are dramatized a 

^ Wuwiiyomo. 2 Wupamow. 

^ The author recof^nizes no psycholopjical line of demarcation between symbols 
and personations so far as intention goes, although the latter term may be limited 
to living actors. 



1 6 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

being is personated who leads them into the pueblo, and another 
who conducts them from it to their home, the underworld. The 
former leader represents the Sky-god as a Sun-god ; the latter the 
same god, ruler of the realm of the dead, and god of germs. 

DRAMATIZATION OF THE RETURN OF SUN-GOD IN POWAMU. 

The Sun-god of the Katcina clans, the advent of whom is cele- 
brated at the Powamu festival, is generally called Ahiila, the return- 
ing one, although sometimes called the "Old-Man-Sun." 

The author witnessed the public dramatization of the return of 
this god on the morning of February 3d, the opening day of the 
festival, at Walpi, in 1900. As this dramatization is a type of other 
presentations a somewhat detailed description of his dress and sym- 
bolism, with an account of the acts performed, is appended. Like 
most dramatizations the ceremony has two parts, a secret ^ and a 
public exhibition. 

The accompanying plate represents this personator descending 
the stone steps of the second story of a Walpi house, as recorded in 
the following pages. The figure is a striking one, the reproduction 
of which would have gained much were the colors represented, but 
the photographs, which have been carefully and artistically copied 
by Mrs. Gill, show the most striking features of the symbols on the 
mask and headdress. The man wears a mask which has a circular 
or disk form, with periphery bounded by a plaited corn-husk in which 
are inserted eagle-wing feathers, and a fringe of red horsehair repre- 
senting sun's rays. The upper part of the face is divided into two 
quadrants, one of which is yellow ; the other green, both decorated 
with black crosses. The middle is occupied by a triangular figure, 
and the chin, here hidden by a foxskin, tied about the neck, is black 
in color. A curved bcak^ projects from one angle of the triangular 
symbol in the middle of the face. 

The clothing consists of two white cotton ceremonial kilts, one 
tied over the shoulder, and the other around the loins. The leggings 
are made of an open mesh cloth with a fringe of shell tinklers tied 
down the side. In his right hand this figure carries a staff, to one 
end of which two feathers are tied, while midway in its length are 
attached a small crook, feathers, and an ear of corn. Among many 
objects carried in the left hand may be mentioned sprouts of beans,^ 
a slat of wood, a bag of sacred meal, and stringed feathers ; the uses 

^ A performance before tbe initiated in a secret room or kiva. 

2 From the base of this curved beak hang pendants reminding one of turkey 
wattles. 

' These bean sprouts have been germinated in the superheated kiva for use in 
this festivaL 




AIIL'LA, SUX-GOD OF KATCIXA CLAN 



Sky-God Personations in Hopi Worship. 



17 



of these will be referred to in an account of the acts of this person- 
age. The most characteristic symbolism, as is always the case, is 
shown on the face-shield or mask, which resembles somewhat that 
of the conventional Hopi Sun-disk. 

ACTIONS OF THE MAN PERSONATING THE SUN-GOD. 

A man who personated the Sun-god donned this characteristic 
mask and dressed near the sun shrine at Walla, northeast of the 
pueblos, and after certain preliminaries at this shrine, led by the 
Katcina chief, proceeded up the trail to the pueblos, first Hano, 
from which he proceeded to Sichomovi and Walpi, visiting the kivas 
and houses of all the principal chiefs in these three villages. The 
acts at each house are substantially identical, so that one description 
may serve for all, but before giving this account the author has 
inserted a list of houses visited. 







Hanoki. 






Clan. 




Owner. 


I. 


Tewa-kiva. 






2. 


Kolon, Corn. 




Nampio. 


3- 


Ke, Bear. 




Pobi. 


4- 


Sa, Tobacco. 




Anoti. 


5- 


Kisombi-kiva. 






6. 


Okuwan,- Rain-cloud. 




7- 


Tan, Sun. 


Sichomovi. 


Kalakwai.* 




Clan. 




Owner. 


I. 


Anwuci's kiva. 






2. 


Tcoshoniwu kiva. 




t 


3- 


Honani, Badger. 






4- 


Honani, Badger. 




Kelewiiqti. 


5- 


Ala, Horn. 


Walpi.2 


Tuwa. 




Clan. 


Owner. 


Tiponi. 


Kokop, Firewood. 


Koitnaia. 


Eototo. 


Patki, 


Rain-cloud. 


Koitsanunsi. 




Kokop, Firewood. 


Saha. 


Masauu, Tip 


Lenya 


Flute. 


Sakbensi. 


Lenya, ' 


Patki, 


Rain-cloud. 


Vensi. 


Lakone, ' 
Tawa, ' 

Soyaluna, ' 


Asa, Flower. 


Wukomana. 


Wiiwiitcim, ' 








Tataukyamu, ' 


Kokop 


, Firewood. 


Nakwaihonima. 


Owakiil, 



^ This house was formerly Kalacai's, at whose death the Tan, or Sun-clan, 
became extinct. 

^ Also the five Walpi kivas. As each chief owns a badge {tiponi), the name of 
this badge is a'lso given. 

vol. XV. — no. s6. 2 



yournal of American Folk-Lore. 



Clan. 


Owner. 


Tiponi. 


Tciia, Snake. 


Caliko. 


Tciia, 
Tciib, 
Teak, 

Marau, 


Patki, Rain-cloud. 


Koitsnumsi. 


Lakone, 


Honau, Bear. 


Honsi. 


Aaltu, 


Ala, Horn. 


Pontima. 


Kiiyi, 


Kivahu (Pakab). 


Nunci. 


Kalektaka, 
Owakiil, 


Katcina, Katcina. 


Komaletsi. 


Katcina, 


Asa, Flower. 


Tuwasmi. 


Aaltii, 


Patki, Rain-cloud. 


Naciainimu. 


Lakone, 


Pakab, Reed. 


Ponyaniumka. 


Sumaikoli, 


Patki, Rain-cloud. 


Nempka. 


Lakone, 



Tiponi. 



As the personator of the Sun-god walked through the pueblos he 
imitated the gait and general manner of an old man, using a staff 
for support as he proceeded from one room to another, and per- 
formed the following rites at each kiva. Having approached the 
hatchway of one of these rooms he leaned down, and drew a vertical 
mark with sacred-meal on the inside of the entrance, opposite the 
ladder. Turning to the east he made solemn inclinations of his body, 
bending backward and bowing forward, uttering at the same time a 
low, falsetto growl. He then turned to the kiva entrance and made 
similar obeisances, calling in the same voice ; two or three of the 
principal men responded by coming up the kiva ladder, each bearing 
a handful of prayer-meal, and a feather-string which he placed in the 
hand of the Sun-god, at the same time saying a low, inaudible prayer. 

At the houses of the chiefs the personator performed similar acts 
having the same import. Advancing to the doorway, he rubbed a 
handful of meal on the house wall, at the left of the doorway, mak- 
ing a vertical mark about the height of his chest. He then turned 
to face the rising sun, and made six silent inclinations of his body, 
uttering the falsetto calls, holding his staff before him at arm's length, 
as shown in the plate. Turning again to the doorway he bowed his 
body four times, and made the same calls. 

The chief man or woman emerged from the house and placed in 
the hand of the personator a handful of prayer-meal and stringed- 
feather, saying at the same time a low prayer. In return for which 
the Sun-god handed him a few bean sprouts. 

All the prayer offerings which the Sun-god had received in this 
circuit of the towns were later deposited in a sun-shrine, and the 
personator returned to the kiva, where he disrobed ; the mask was 
carried to the house of the Katcina chief in whose custody it is kept, 
and to whom it is said to belong. 

The above actions admit of the following explanations : The per- 




AHULA, SUX-GOD OF KATCINA CLAX 



Sky-God Personations in Hopi Worship. 19 

senator of the Sun-god enters the pueblos from the east at or near 
sunrise, receiving at each house the prayers ^ of the inmates sym- 
bolized by the meal which each chief places in his hand, receiving in 
return sprouted beans symbolically representing the gifts for which 
they pray. The inclinations and obeisances with the accompanying 
calls may be theoretically interpreted as signs to his beneficent fol- 
lowers, the clan-ancients, and the bows to the doorways, gestures 
indicating the houses that he wishes them to enter, bringing bless- 
ing. The whole performance is a "prayer by signatures," or a panto- 
mimic representation in which the desires of the Hopi are expressed 
by symbols and symbolic actions. The priests ask the Sky-god to 
aid them, and he answers in a symbolic way for himself and his fol- 
lowers, the anqients of clans. 

The representation of the departure of the clan-ancients is not 
less dramatic than that of their advent ; in it they are conducted or 
led away by a personage with symbols which are characteristic of 
another god. 

THE DEPARTURE OF THE CLAN-ANCIENTS. 

The representation of the departure of the clan-ancients, as stated 
above, occurs in July. Their leader is called Eototo, the germ god, 
who is ruler of the underworld, back to which habitation he leads 
the personators of the dead. On his head Eototo wears a closely fit- 
ting cloth bag, without decoration, but with simple openings pierced 
for eyes and mouth. The gorgeous headdress of the Sun-god is 
absent ; in its place he wears a sprig of green tied to the top of this 
bag. He carries a planting-stick, a symbol of growth, and wears 
leggings not unlike those of the Sun-god. 

The representation of the departure of the clan-ancients occurred at 
sunrise on the morning following the last day of a nine days' festival, 
and was performed by four men, three of whom were masked to 
represent clan-ancients, and one to personate their leader, Eototo. 

The performance of these actors, just before leaving the pueblo, 
was as follows. Each stood at one of the four sides of the kiva 
entrance, where symbols of rain-clouds had previously been drawn 

^ Prayer-meal in Hopi worship has imparted to it by the worshipper's breath his 
maf^ic power, thus conveying the wish or desire to the god addressed. Spittle 
has also a like magic power derived from the man from whom it comes. Hence a 
rain of spittle from assembled spectators when the personators of the Snake-clan 
ancients leave the pueblo bearing prayers for rain. In that way magic power is 
exerted to influence the personation. As breath, spittle, or tobacco smoke con- 
veys magic power from the man, so anything taken into his mouth increases his 
own power of magic, hence crystals of quartz or other stones used in preparation 
of medicine are often sucked at the close of the rite by the priests to obtain this 
magic power. 



20 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

with meal on the ground, which the masked men faced, looking down 
the hatchway. 

A man stood on a ladder so that the top of his head protruded 
out of the entrance into the chamber below, and from this position 
threw pinches of meal outside, making several attempts to strike 
with it the garments of Eototo, who, when he saw the meal, laid on 
the symbol of the rain-cloud before him a black stick and a small 
annulet made of leaves. 

These were so placed as to be beyond the reach of the man within 
the room, who again threw pinches of meal at Eototo. In response, 
the latter raised the two objects and moved them nearer the entrance. 
Again prayer-meal was thrown out of the room at the god, who again 
raised the two objects,^ and advanced them within reach of the man 
who carried them into the room below. 

The chief in the kiva cast meal at the three other masked men 
representing clan-ancients, and received from them similar black 
sticks and annulets, after which all marched around the hatchway 
of the kiva, returning to their former position. 

The chief then cast meal at Eototo and his three companions, 
this time praying for rain, and they in turn poured water into a bowl 
held at the four sides of the kiv^a entrance. This prayer was fol- 
lowed by others for food, in response to which small imitation cakes 
were thrown into the room. 

These performances are interpreted as follows : They represent 
prayers and answers to the same by signatures. The meal carries the 
wish of the priest, the sticks and annulets symbolize growth of crops; 
the water poured into the bowl typifies falling rain ; and the minia- 
ture cakes, food. 

The final act in the departure of the clan-ancients and their leader 
was as follows : The chief having emerged from the room, led the 
procession from the plaza to their symbolic home, a shrine to the 
west of the town, all the spectators casting meal (praying) towards 
the masked men as they passed out of the town. They went down 
the west trail, because the entrance to the underworld, the home 
of the beings personated, is situated in the west where the sun 
sets.^ The masked men, having deposited their prayer emblems in 
this shrine, disrobed, for they then ceased to personate the gods, as 

1 These symbols, the black stick and the annulet, represent the sexes, male and 
female. Similar black sticks are placed on the pictures of zigzag form represent- 
ing the male lightning, and small annulets on those representing the female in the 
sand mosaic of the snake-dance at Walpi. Flute-girls carry similar annulets, and 
the Flute-boy objects representing the black sticks, which they throw on the rain- 
cloud pictures as they march in procession from the sacred spring to the pueblos. 

^ I' or details in this dramatization, ste Jour. Eihn. and Arch., vol. ii. 



Sky-God Personatio7is in Hopi Worship. 2 1 

the dramatization had ended. We are especially concerned with the 
identity of Eototo. What god does he represent ? 

The conductor of the clan-ancients from the pueblo, in this annual 
celebration of their departure, has symbolic resemblances to a being 
called Masauu, who is often personated as the ruler of the realm of 
the dead and god of fire ; but Masauu, like Eototo, sometimes plays 
the role of Germ-god, as described in the pages which immediately 
follow. 

MASAUU, A GERM-GOD.^ 

Many personations of Masauu have been witnessed by the author, 
but in most of these he is represented as a god of death or fire. A 
ceremony in which he appears in the role of a planting-god was wit- 
nessed on one of the nights of the great Powamu festival, in the 
month of February, 1900. He is at all times much feared and rever- 
enced, and on the night in which he was personated there was a 
profound hush in all the pueblos on the East Mesa. Few men and 
no women or children at that time ventured out of doors, and all 
said that it was an occasion of great solemnity to them when this 
god was personated in their kivas, an event not celebrated every 
year. On the night of this performance, the author groped his way 
through the darkened pueblo to the Tcivato-kiva, where he found the 
leading men of the pueblos seated in a circle about the fireplace, and 
was strongly urged by them to smoke. On many occasions he has 
been invited to join the circle of smokers at the beginning of a cere- 
mony, but on this eventful evening the invitation was urgent ; he was 
almost commanded to do so, and it was distinctly stated that every 
one who is a witness of the personation of the "old god "^ must not 
omit the preliminary formal smoke. 

Seated with the chiefs around the fireplace, it was noted that 
many other men besides the chiefs were in the room busily occupied 
in decorating their bodies, painting their cheeks with daubs of white 
kaolin, and tying yucca fibre on their legs. These men later person- 
ated the so-called Maswik Katcinas, a kind of escort accompanying 
Masauu from place to place. Although they wore no distinctive 
masks or other paraphernalia, they were said to represent both male 
and female Katcinas. They constituted a chorus, performing dances 
and singing excellent songs, which reminded the author of those 
sung in the Snake ceremonies at Walpi. When these men were 
ready they stood in line on three sides of the kiva, singing and 

1 Masauu and Eototo are different clan names of the same god. This cere- 
mony is described to show the former as a Germ-god. 

' The term "old god" is significant. He is in fact the oldest god, the father 
of lesser gods and men. 



2 2 Journal of American Folk-Lore. 

dancing, as Moume came down the ladder bringing the mask of 
Massauu, which with reverence he laid back of the fireplace within 
the circle of the chiefs. In general appearance this object resembled 
a large human skull, but on nearer inspection it was found to be a 
hollow gourd rudely painted, punctured with round holes for eyes 
and mouth. The edge of the orifice, through which the head was 
inserted, was notched, and the gourd had been broken and repaired 
in several places. It had no decorations or appendages, but its sur- 
face was daubed with black paint. 

When it had been put on the floor before the fireplace the chiefs 
solemnly smoked, reverentially taking it in their hands in turn, and 
puffing great clouds of bmoke over it. They also prayed very fer- 
vently, in sequence, addressing their prayers in all instances directly 
to the object. In the same bundle with the mask, Moume brought 
also two basket plaques, two planting-sticks, and two old blankets, 
all of which he laid on the floor in front of the fireplace. 

These objects having been deposited on the floor and the fervent 
prayers to the mask having ceased, Sakwistivva proceeded to paint 
the latter by squirting upon it from his mouth a pigment made of 
ground black shale mixed with spittle, sprinkling also upon it a little 
glistening iron oxide. No other color and no feathers were added 
to this archaic object ; but while it was being painted all sang a fine 
solemn song. Each of the Maswik Katcinas then laid a feathered 
string in one of the basket trays on the floor near the gourd, as his 
personal prayer for benefits desired, and then all filed out of the 
room. At their departure the man who was to personate Masauil put 
the gourd on his head, and prepared for the rites which occur in the 
other kivas. The subsequent events took place in the Mon-kiva, and 
were repeated in all the secret rooms in Walpi on the same night. 
Pautiwa, chief of the warrior society, personated IMasauu, and was 
assisted in preparation by Sakwistiwa, who tied a yucca fibre garter 
on his legs, and adjusted the gourd to his head. In a few moments 
he was ready to join the escort which had preceded him. On leav- 
ing the room, where he had witnessed the events mentioned, the 
author went to the Mon-kiva, and found the chorus huddled around 
the entrance wrapped in their blankets, for it was bitter cold, wait- 
ing for the coming of Masauu. Many people had gathered in the 
chamber below to witness the advent of the god ; all the spectators 
sitting on the raised floor of the room, north and east of the ladder, 
but the chiefs squatted by the fireplace, in which sputtered a flicker- 
ing flame of greasewood. 

Soon after the author descended into the room the chorus began 
to file down the ladder and arrange themselves in line on the three 
sides of the kiva As each of these personages entered, Naka, the 



Sky-God Personations in Hopi Worship. 23 

Katcina chief, dropped on his left shoulder a pinch of meal, symbol 
of a prayer. The last man of the line asked, as he stepped from 
the rung of the ladder upon the floor, if they were welcome, and all 
present responded that they were. It was observed that they bore 
many cow-bells, which they immediately began to rattle, at the same 
time dancing a solemn step. In the midst of this dance the per- 
sonator of Masauu came down the ladder, as one would stairs, not 
as ordinarily, facing the ladder, and without a word slipped behind 
the row of dancers passing to the back of the room, ultimately mak- 
ing his way between two of the chorus to the space near the fire- 
place. He was followed by an unmasked man who had black marks 
painted on his cheeks, and carried a planting-stick in his hand. This 
man sat by the side of Masauu and imitated his actions, but his true 
function seemed to be to guide his comrade in the dark from one 
place to another. 

Masauu facing the fireplace assumed the posture of a man plant- 
ing. He held a planting-dibble and a basket-tray in his hands, while 
over his shoulders was thrown an old blanket. Yucca fibre garters 
were tied on his legs, and he was barefoot. The most striking 
object in his appearance was the old glistening gourd, painted black. 
Nothing was said by any one as the two personators took their posi- 
tion, but continued the song and dance, which began before they 
came. Finally they ceased and the chorus filed out, each saying, 
" good-night " as he left the room, but the last of their number, who 
carried a bundle on his back, announced that at planting a few 
months hence there would be a more extended dramatization of the 
god at a place called Maski, the home of Masauu, near the trail to 
the Middle Mesa. This ceremony, thus formally announced, was 
later performed, but the author was unable to witness it on account 
of his absence from the pueblo. 

After the departure of the chorus, the two figures remained seated, 
and all the men, preceded by their chiefs, pressed forward with their 
feather emblems, each in turn saying his prayer to the masked being, 
and depositing his feather in the basket plaque. Masauu made no 
response to these appeals, which were in a low voice, inaudible to 
any but the god, and soon went out, followed by his companion. 
Meanwhile the chorus, who has preceded him, awaited his arrival, 
huddled on the hatch of the adjacent kiva, and subsequently the 
same ceremony was repeated that night in all the sacred rooms of 
Walpi, but not in Sitcomovi and Hano. The closing exercises, or 
those in the last room, took place about midnight. 

In the ceremony described above we have a personation of a being 
not in the role of a god of fire or ruler of the underworld, home of the 



24 yotirnal of American Folk-Lore. 

dead, but of a Germ-god, the same as Eototo,^ who in the departure 
festival leads the ancients to their home, the realm of the dead. 

From what has been written it is evident that there is yearly per- 
formed in one Hopi pueblo, and probably in four others, two festi- 
vals, or elaborate dramatizations of the arrival and departure of the 
gods. In the personnel of each there is a masked man their leader, 
known in the advent drama as the Sun-god ; in the exit, the Germ- 
god. The shape of the mask of the former, its radiating feathers 
and horsehair, represents the sun's disk ; the head-covering of the 
latter, a simple bag or gourd without ornament, a fitting symbol of 
the underworld. In their objective symbolism these two persona- 
tions have little in common, and yet theoretically there is good evi- 
dence to regard them as variants of the same being, the magic power 
of the sky, the genitor of men, animals, and plants ; one designated 
by the mask of the sun ; the other, the ruler of the underworld, home 
of the ancients, the old Fire-god or Germ-god, male parent of all 
beings.''^ 

In the preceding pages the author has given what he supposes to 
be the best preserved dramatizations of the advent of the Sky-god 
as the Sun-god, and his exit as the Germ-god, performed in February 
and July. He believes that they are typical, and show the scheme 
of clan festivals, which were once duplicated by several clans. At 
present, however, most clans have ceased to observe their festivals 
ill extenso, having curtailed them, and in this reduction lost all save 
the personation and totcmic symbols of their ancients and their Sky- 
god. They still personate their Sky-god, but as a subordinate being, 
which still preserves enough symbolism to betray its celestial origin. 

While there is no other group of clans on the East Mesa which 
preserve the drama of the advent and departure of the Sky-god in as 
unmodified a form as the Katcina clan and its relatives, there are 
others in which enough of the dramatic element exists to show that 
the same general plan was followed in them. One of these occurs 
in Sichomovi, a small pueblo of the East Mesa. The dramatization 
of the advent of the clan-ancients conducted by a Sun or Sky-god, 
called Pautiwa, takes in that pueblo in January, and is called the 
Pamiiti. 

1 The mask of Eototo is cloth, that of Masaiui, gourd ; the material is different, 
but the .symbolism identical. 

2 The fact that the Hopi regard these two as the same father of all shows their 
identity. The god of Christianity they call Cotokinnnwvi, the idol of which is a 
bird-serpent personation. Those somewhat familiar with the teachings of the 
missionaries call the Cotokinufi prayer-stick, a " Jesus paho." 



Sky-God Personatio7is in Hopi Worship. 25 

PAMUTI. 

The pueblo, Sichomovi, is mainly inhabited by clans of Tiwa^ and 
Tanoan extraction, which, however, have long since lost their lan- 
guages. The predominating clan is called the Asa, which is repre- 
sented by kindred at Zuni. The Zuni kinship of this clan dates to 
a time when in its migration it lived for many years at that pueblo. 
So that even now the Zuiiis sometimes speak of Sichomovi as a 
"Zuni pueblo among the Mokis," on account of the kinship of Asa 
clans in the two pueblos. 

The festival of the Pamiiti is a Sichomovi dramatization of the 
return of clan-ancients, most of which bear Zuiii names, controlled 
by the Asa dan. In it there appears a personation of the Sky-god 
whose acts resemble those of the Sun personation already described. 
While the author reserves a complete description of the Pamiiti to 
another article, he here considers the personation of the Sun-god 
Pautiwa, which particularly concerns the reader of this article. 

In this festival all the participants march into the pueblo in solemn 
procession from a distant house in the plain, led by this personator 
of the Sun-god, who, a few days previous to this celebration, had 
visited all the kivas and houses of the foremost clans, but in a much 
less formal way than Ahiila, as already described. 

Passing from the representation by personations of the advent of 
totemic ancients of Asa and other clans, we come to a consideration 
of such clans as no longer celebrate, in extenso, festivals of advent 
and departure of their ancients, although still retaining knowledge 
of the symbols which characterize their ancients, and, in several in- 
stances, their Sun or Sky-god. The festival of such clans, formerly 
as extensive and elaborate as those above mentioned, has been worn 
down to a simple dance in which their ancients are represented, but 
the personator of their Sun-god has become one of many subordi- 
nate masked persons in festivals not their own, like Powamu, and 
Pamiiti. The names of these personations have been changed, their 
identity is practically lost, but their symbolism is not changed, and 
its design enables us to determine with fair certainty whom they 
represent, even if name and action give no clue to their identity. 

1 One of the most reliable men of the Asa clan told the author that his clan 
once lived at Payiipki. If this information be correct the Asa were Tiwan, for the 
Payiipki people returned to the Rio Grande and were settled at Sandia, a Tiwan 
pueblo. In Menchero's map (1747) the Hopi Payiipki, on the Middle Mesa, is 
figured and marked as " Mesa de los Tiguas," thus supporting the discovery made 
by the author several years ago that Payiipki ruin was peopled by people of a Rio 
Grande stock, and was not abandoned until after the middle of the eighteenth cen- 
tury. Menchero's map shows that the ruin was inhabited by Tiwa people, not 
by Tewa. 



26 Journal of American Folk-Lore. 

Superficially they are simply masked men ; in reality they are per- 
sonations of Sun-gods of clans which have died out or lost promi- 
nence. 

SUN-GOD PERSONATIONS WHICH ARE SIMPLY MASKED DANCERS. 

We have seen in the preceding descriptions how Ahiila, Sun-god 
of the Katcina and Pautiwa, Sun-god of the Asa clan, are person- 
ated as leaders in certain representations of the advent of the gods, 
and we come to consider masked men who play a subordinate role, 
but whose symbolism indicates that they once represented Sun- 
gods. Among these may be mentioned Wiiwiiyomo and Wupamow, 
whose identity, betrayed by their symbolic likeness to Sun-gods, is 
brought out in the accompanying figures. 

WiJWUYOMO, A SUN-GOD. 

The Honani clan at Sichomovi own four masks called Wiiwiiyomo, 
which from comparative reasons the author concludes are Sun- 
masks. Personations in which they are worn have not been seen by 
him, but so close is their symbolism to that of Ahiila that, notwith- 
standing their name is different, their identity is beyond question. 
Some differences between them, as, for instance, in the position^ of 
the beak, cannot be regarded as more than clan variation. 

WUPAMOW, A SUN-GOD. 

In the same way if we compare the mask of the personation called 
Wupamow (Great-Above-One) with those already described, we 
detect a morphological similarity in the designs on the face, the 
feathers about the disk, and the peripheral red horsehair. Wupa- 
mow is regarded as a Sun-god of an unknown clan, or a traditional 
being yearly personated, the identification of which, by its name, is 
no longer possible. At one time or in some other pueblo it no 
doubt played quite as important a role in the ceremony of the return 
of the ancients of the clan to which it belonged, as the Sun-god per- 
sonation of the Katcina clan, but it no longer occupies this position. 
A reverence amounting to worship still clings to these masks, and 
they betray their identity to other masks in the similarity of their 
objective symbols. 

THE SKY-GOD REPRESENTED AS A BIRD-MAN. 

It is customary for primitive men to represent their gods with 
objective symbols of mythic animal and human affinities. For obvi- 
ous reasons the bird is naturally chosen as the characteristic animal 
of the sky. And when, therefore, in primitive drama, the Sky-god 
1 The beak curves upward instead of downward. 



Sky-God Personations in Hopi Worship. 27 

is personated, he naturally takes a bird form, so that the more real- 
istically the drama reflects the zoomorphic conception the more 
avian the symbolism of the personator. 

There is little, however, in the objective symbolic personations of 
the Sky-god thus far described to suggest any bird, real or imagi- 
nary. To be sure we find the radiating crest of eagle feathers about 
the head of Ahiila and the curved beak suggesting the eagle, turkey, 
or hawk, but the general appearance of this personator or its equiva- 
lents can hardly be called bird-like. There remain to be considered 
representations of the Sky-god, and in those clans where the resem- 
blances are more striking or in which the apparel actions of the per- 
sonator leave no doubt that he imitates a bird. Some of these are 
related to those already described, but others are only remotely con- 
nected with the same, and the festivals in which they occur are 
widely different from those already considered. 

The prominent personages in the festival called Shalako presents 
an interesting transitional form of Sun-god personation between 
those already described where the avian character is not apparent, 
and those which follow when there can be no doubt that the per- 
sonator represents a bird. 

THE SHALAKO, A REPRESENTATION OF SUN-GODS. 

This celebrated Zuiii festival ^ is performed on occasions at Sicho- 
movi, and from similarities to Hopi festivals the author supposes it 
to be a dramatic representation of the return of the Sun-god, accom- 
panied by Eototo, the Germ-god, and followed by their children, the 
Koyimshe, called grandfathers or clowns. The festival at Sichomovi 
is derivative, and hence abbreviated, as compared with the elaborate 
performance at Zuiii, so that it may be necessary to modify the 
interpretation here given when more is known of the Cibolan per- 
formance ; the suggestion here offered being the result of studies of 
the Sichomovi variant, the main events of which were published by 
the author in a Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology for 
1897. 

Briefly stated the scheme of the Sichomovi Shalako drama is as 
follows : Four men representing giants, elaborately dressed, bearing 
on poles artificial heads with bird symbolism, accompanied by a per- 
sonation of Eototo and followed by many Koyimshi, or masked 
clowns, march to the mesa top along the Zuni trail. They represent 
the Sun and Germ gods, with their children, returning to the pueb- 
los. 

They enter the houses of the chiefs, where they receive prayers, in 

^ The giant personators, as well as the festival itself, is called by the same name, 
Shalako. 



28 Journal of American Folk-Lore. 

reply to which they hang symbolic objects on the rafters, typifying 
answers to those prayers. In these public ceremonies of the Si- 
chomovi Shalako, the Earth-Mother, Hahaiwiiqti, also takes part, but 
the meaning of her acts has not been interpreted. In this festival 
all other performances harmonize with the interpretation suggested, 
that the four giants represent the Sun-gods of the four solstitial 
directions, called by the Hopi their cardinal points.^ 

WINTER SOLSTICE DRAMATIZATION OF THE ADVENT AND DEPARTURE 

OF THE SUN-GOD. 

From the type of dramatization and sun personation adopted in 
the Katcina cultus let us pass to another somewhat different but 
essentially the same, that of the Rain Cloud and those related clans 
which came to Tusayan from the south. A similar dramatic repre- 
sentation of the return and departure of the Sky-god or Sun-god 
occurs here as in the Katcina festivals. 

Among these southern clans this being is symbolized by a Bird- 
Snake personation, who is represented in the kiva at the Winter 
Solstice ceremony at Walpi. In this drama he appears as a man 
"made up " to imitate a bird, and the actions he performs symbolizes 
a bird. The author has elsewhere described in detail the main points 
of this dramatization of the return of the Bird-]\Ian of the Rain Cloud 
clans at Walpi and Oraibi, and it is not necessary to repeat that 
description except to offer the interpretation that the proceedings in 
which the Bird-Man takes the prominent part are simply dramatiza- 
tions of the Return of the Sky-God, combined with a pantomimic 
prayer to this being and responses by signatures. 

In more elaborated dramatizations in which the Sky-god of kin- 
dred southern clans represent the epiphany of their celestial father 
we find the Sky-god personated as at Oraibi, by a man wearing a 
star 2 on his head and bearing the sun disk in his hand. The star or 
cross on the head of this personation is a Sky-god symbol which 
sometimes hangs before altars to represent the same god here per- 
sonated by a man. 

In the public dramatization of the advent and possibly the depar- 
ture of the Sky-god of these clans we find a considerable variation as 
compared with that of the Katcina clans already described. 

In one variant a masked representation^ of the Sun or Sky-god 

1 Tlie author connects the four world quarter worship and the above and below 
with the Sun and the clan-ancients, or their animal, plant, and other symbols. 

^ See Dorsey and Voth's account of the Soyaluna at Oraibi. The so-called 
Star-god described by them is a Sky-god. 

8 Called Ahiilani or Soyal Katcina ; the name Katcina is an intrusive one to 
the extent of a special designation of a supernatural being to one having no con- 
nection with the Katcina cultus. 



Sky-God Personations in Hopi Worship. 29 

with two maidens, cultus lieroine and Earth-goddess, appear in the 
pueblo of Walpi at sunrise, and in answer to prayers present to the 
women, heads of all the clans, ears of seed-corn symbolizing abun- 
dant harvests. They do not visit the houses and there receive prayers 
from the chiefs, giving in return sprouts of beans, as does Ahiila in 
Powamu, but the heads of households come to the personation of 
the Sky-god, and pray to him, receiving corn-ears in response. The 
proceedings in both instances have the same symbolic meaning, a 
sign prayer, and answers to the same. 

PERSONATION OF A SKY-GOD WIELDING LIGHTNING.^ 

There is an instructive act in the great mystery-play of the Hopi, 
called the Paliilukonti, which gives an idea of the symbolism of an- 
other form of a Sun-god personation, as well as that of the lightning. 
In this act a masked man representing Shalako stands in the middle 
of the kiva before the spectators holding an effigy of the Plumed 
Snake which he causes to coil about his body and head and to dart 
into the air. The means by which the movement is effected is at 
first not apparent, but closer examination reveals a false arm hang- 
ing at the actor's side in place of his real arm which is inserted in 
the body of the effigy imparting to it its deceptive movements. 

This act represents the Sky-god wielding the lightning; the former 
represented as Shalako, the latter as the Plumed Snake. 

In another episode of this remarkable mystery-play effigies of the 
Great Serpent are thrust through openings closed by disks with Sun 
symbols. These effigies are made to knock over a symbolic cornfield. 
The meaning of this drama is apparent. The serpent effigies repre- 
sent the lightning and the rains and winds which accompany it. 
They are made to emerge from the Sun symbols representing the 
Sky-god, whose servants they are or from whom their power comes. 
They knock over the hills of corn, representing how the floods and 
winds destroy the works of the farmer. The final part of this epi- 
sode is also dramatic and symbolic ; a man personating the Earth- 
goddess Hahaiwiiqti, wife of the Sky-god, symbolically prays to the 
angry serpents, symbols of his power, — in other words, prays to the 
god to cease afflicting man and destroying the fields of the farmers 
by means of his agent the lightning. In both these acts the per- 
sonation of the lightning is controlled by the Sun or Sky-god ; the 
lightning, once regarded an attribute, has become a special persona- 
tion controlled by the Sky-god. 

Now this Great Serpent conception or personation of lightning 

1 " A Theatrical Performance at Walpi," Pj-oc. Wash. Acad., li. pp. 605-629. 
This mystery-play, consisting of many acts, is a most instructive example of primi- 
tive dramatization. 



30 jfournal of American Folk-Lore. 

has powers which naturally grew up in the mind from analogical 
reasoning. Certain kinds of rain accompany the lightning ; there- 
fore, reasons primitive man, one causes the other ; the lightning 
causes rain,^ or, put in another way, the Great Serpent brings the 
rain. Hence the Sky-god through his agent is a powerful rain-god, 
and symbols of the lightning in form of zigzag designs are constant 
on Hopi rain altars. 

IDOL OF THE SKY-GOD WITH LIGHTNING SYMBOLS. 

In the personations thus far mentioned the Sky-god is represented 
by men, but there are several instances when this being is symbolized 
by an idol or graven figure, which has avian and snake characteristics. 
One of the best of these is an idol on one of the Flute altars at 
Oraibi. 

This idol bears the name Cotokinufiwu, or Sky-heart, and is a 
rudely carved figure representing an anthropomorphic bird, with zig- 
zag lightning designs down the long, slender legs. The curv^ed horn 
on the head suggests a bird, and the designs on the wings, rain-cloud 
symbols. Roughly speaking, we may call this a homologue of the 
Thunder-bird of northern tribes ; the association of bird and great 
serpent designs suggests the primitive conception of the Sun-god, 
Quetzalcoatl, before it had become a cultus hero. 

In this connection reference should be made to the paraphernalia 
of a certain priesthood of the Hopi, which is said to have brought to 
Tusayan the cult of the Plumed Serpent. The author refers to the 
so-called Kwakwantu, who takes such a prominent part in the New- 
fire ceremonies at Walpi. These priests, when fully dressed, wear 
on their heads closely fitting caps with a horn like that of the idol 
mentioned, decorated with rain-cloud symbols. They wear on their 
backs a skin tablet representing the Sun-god, and carry in their 
hands small slats of wood, carved to imitate plumed serpents. They 
personate ancients of certain clans which came from the far south, 
and the above mentioned symbols, which they share with the bird- 
snake god, are totemic signs of their descent. - 

CONCLUSIONS. 

This fancied connection of sun and serpent no doubt began in 
symbolism, in which the zigzag paths of serpent and lightning played 

* The Hopi recojjnizc many different forms of rain which they desig;nate by 
different names. One of these forms is the torrential rain accompanying light- 
ning. 

"^ Incidentally, it may be mentioned that the helmets worn by the Kwakwantu 
are called Cotokinufiwu, the same name as that of the idol. It is theoretically 
supposed that the Flute clans, like those from which the Kwakwantu spring origi- 
nally, came from the same geographical locality, northern Mexico and southern 
Arizona. 



Sky-God Personations in Hopi Worship. 31 

an important role. The idea that the lightning was symbolized by a 
great snake, and was at the same time a manifestation of power of 
the Sky-god suggested the intimate association of the two, and the 
compound became the Bird-serpent god that plays such a role in the 
cultus of Old Mexico and Central America. The use of the bird as 
a symbol for the Sky-god, and the association of lightning with the 
serpent, naturally led to a combination of these two. The Sun and 
Great Serpent came to be regarded as intimately connected, as shown 
in the objective symbols used in the drama above referred to. The 
serpent represents the lightning, one attribute of the Sky-god, and 
the bird, another ; combined we have the Bird-Serpent, the great 
Sky-god of those Hopi clans whose ancestors once lived in the "far 
south." 

Instances have been given, in the preceding pages, of a persona- 
tion, in a realistic way, of the Sky-god and Germ-god, and it has 
been shown how these personations participate in elaborate dramatic 
festivals, celebrating the arrival and departure of beings which are 
worshipped. Certain of these personations have bird and serpent 
symbols, or a combination of the two is chosen in some cases as the 
animals symbolic of the Sky -god. To the minds of the Hopi a mythic 
bird symbolizes better than any other animal certain attributes of the 
magic of the sky, and the mythic plumed serpent represents the 
lightning, a great power of the Sky -god. When, therefore, they wish 
to personate the Sky-power by an animal symbol, they adopt a mythic 
being with avian and ophidian characteristics.^ 

Precisely the same idea of personation and dramatization runs 
through the use of symbols of the Sun and Sky-god where mere 
pictures are employed, instead of realistic dramatizations by men 
or representations by idols. As every altar has one or more such 
designs upon it, it is not too much to conclude that sky worship is 
one of the most important elements in the Hopi ritual. 

In considering the crude conceptions of the Sky-god, as person- 
ated by the Hopi, the question arises, whether these personations 
have any other status than symbols in the minds of those who per- 
form or witness the dramatizations. If so, do the Hopi now believe 
that somewhere there is a Sky-god of the same general appearance 
and like bodily form, but with powers adequate to grant those things 
for which the Hopi pray .'' Such questions involve the more compre- 
hensive one, whether myth or ritual was the most ancient expression 
of the theological sentiment .-' 

The author believes, and the question is largely one of belief, that 
myth and ritual arose and developed simultaneously ; that in early 

^ They regard this mythic being as a worthy representation of the magic power 
of the sky. 



32 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

stages the existence of one implied tliat of the other, but that ritual, 
which among primitive people is largely made up of personations of 
supcrnaturals and dramatizations of their acts, has furnished much 
of the material from which complicated mythologies have developed. 
Among many aboriginal peoples of America we find the idea of the 
epiphany of the Sky-god dramatized, and in this drama a man is 
dressed and decorated to personate this god. It occurred among 
several of the cultural races of Mexico and Central America where 
the advent was accompanied by many elaborate rites. The Mandans 
had a similar personator in their Sun-dance, and he is found in the 
ritual of the Natchez. Among the Incas there was an elaborate 
drama in which the personator of the sun was conspicuous. In all 
these instances, and others which might be mentioned, this person- 
ator leads the minor gods in a representation of their advent. 

The lesson taught by the objective symbolism of these persona- 
tions of the Sky-god is also instructive in a comparative way, for 
they reflect widespread ideal conception of the nature and form of 
this god. A composite picture of these various personations reveals 
a being of bird and human form, bearing lightning and rain designs 
or symbols of the same import. A similar conception of the nature 
of the Sky-god is widespread in American Indian mythologies, and 
among people in similar culture elsewhere. It can be traced histor- 
ically among classic nations, where it at present survives in fossil 
forms known to the folk-lorist. The author is tempted to regard it 
as universal among races in the environment of agricultural culture ; 
nature furnishes like impressions, to which the human mind makes 
the same response through identical objective symbols. 

J. Walter Fewkes. 
Washington, D. C 



The Bear-Maiden. 33 



THE BEAR-MAIDEN". 

AN OJIBWA FOLK-TALE FROM LAC COURTE OREILLE RESERVATION, 

WISCONSIN. 

There was an old man and woman who had three daughters, two 
older ones, and a younger one who was a little bear. The father and 
mother got very old and could not work any longer, so the two older 
daughters started away to find work in order to support themselves. 
They did not want their little sister to go with them, so they left 
her at home. 

After a time they looked around, and saw the little Bear running 
to overtake them. They took her back home, and tied her to the 
door-posts of the wigwam, and again started away to find work ; and 
again they heard something behind them, and saw the little Bear 
running toward them with the posts on her back. The sisters 
untied her from them and tied her to a large pine-tree. Then they 
continued on their journey. They heard a noise behind them once 
more, and turned around to find their younger sister, the little 
Bear, running to them with the pine-tree on her back. They did 
not want her to go with them, so they untied her from the pine-tree 
and fastened her to a huge rock, and continued on in search of work. 

Soon they came to a wide river which they could not get across. 
As they sat there on the shore wondering how they could cross 
the river, they heard a noise coming toward them. They looked up 
and saw their younger sister running to them with the huge rock on 
her back. They untied the rock, threw it into the middle of the 
river, laid a pine-tree on it, and walked across. This time the little 
Bear went with them. 

After a short journey they came to a wigwam where an old woman 
lived with her two daughters. This old woman asked them where 
they were going. They told her that their parents were old, and 
that they were seeking work in order to support themselves. She 
invited them in, gave them all supper, and after supper the two older 
sisters and the two daughters of the old woman went to sleep in the 
same bed. 

The old woman and the little Bear sat up, and the little Bear told 
many stories to the old woman. At last they both appeared to fall 
asleep. The little Bear pinched the old woman, and finding her 
asleep, went to the bed and changed the places of the four sleeping 
girls. She put the daughters of the old woman on the outside and 
her own sisters in the middle. Then she lay down as though asleep. 
After a short time the old woman awoke and pinched the little Bear 

VOL. XV. — NO. 56. 3 



34 yournal of American Folk-Lore. 

to see whether she slept. She sharpened her knife and went to the 
bed and cut off the heads of the two girls at the outer edges of the 
bed. The old woman lay down and soon was sleeping. The little 
Bear awoke her sisters, and they all three crept away. 

In the morning when the old woman got up and found that she 
had killed her two daughters, she was very angry. She jumped 
up into the sky, and tore down the sun and hid it in her wigwam, so 
that the little Bear and her sisters would get lost in the dark. They 
passed on and on, and at last met a man carrying a light. He said 
he was searching for the sun. They passed on, and soon came to a 
large village where all of the men were going around with lights. 
Their chief was sick because the sun had vanished. 

He asked the little Bear whether she could bring back the sun. 
She said : " Yes, give me two handsful of maple-sugar and your old- 
est son." With the maple-sugar she went to the wigwam of the old 
woman, and, climbing up to the top, threw the sugar into a ket- 
tle of wild rice which the old woman was cooking. When the old 
woman tasted the rice she found it too sweet, so she went away to 
get some water to put in the kettle, and the little Bear jumped down, 
ran into the wigwam, grabbed up the hidden sun, and threw it into 
the sky. When the little Bear returned to the village, she gave the 
oldest son of the chief to her oldest sister for a husband. 

The old woman was angry, very angry, to find that the sun was 
again up in the sky, so she jumped up and tore down the moon. 
The good old chief again became sick because the nights were all 
dark. He asked the little Bear whether she could bring back the 
moon. She said : " Yes, if you give me two handsful of salt and your 
next oldest son." She took the salt, climbed on top of the wigwam 
of the old woman, and threw it into her boiling kettle. Again the old 
woman had to go away for water. The little Bear then ran into the 
wigwam, and, catching up the moon, tossed it into the sky. The 
little Bear returned to the village and gave the chief's second son to 
her other sister. 

Again the old chief got sick, and he asked the little Bear whether 
she could get him his lost horse which was all covered with bells. 
She answered : " Yes, give mc two handsful of maple-sugar and 
your youngest son." The little Bear went to the old woman's wig- 
wam, and, doing as she had done before, she made the old woman 
go away for water. She then slipped into the wigwam and began 
taking the bells from the horse which was there. She led the horse 
outside, but she had neglected to take off one bell. The old woman 
heard the bell, and ran and caught the little Bear. She put the bells 
all back onto the horse, and put the little Bear into a bag and tied the 
bag to a limb of a tree. When this was done she went far away to 
get a large club with which to break the little Bear's neck. 



L 



The Bear-Mazdeii. 35 

While she was gone the little Bear bit a hole in the bag and got 
down. This time she took all of the bells from the horse, and then 
she caught all of the dogs and pet animals of the old woman, and put 
them and her dishes into the bag, and tied it to the limb. Pretty soon 
the old woman returned with her large club, and she began to beat 
the bag furiously. The little Bear could see from her hiding-place, 
and could hear the animals and hear the dishes breaking as the old 
woman struck the bag. 

When the little Bear took the horse to the chief, he gave her his 
youngest son. They lived close to the other two brothers and sis- 
ters. The little Bear's husband would not sleep with her, so she 
became very angry, and told him to throw her into the fire. Her 
sisters heard the noise, and came in to see what the matter was. 
The young man told them what their sister had ordered him to do. 
When they went away he turned toward the fire, and a beautiful, 
very beautiful maiden sprang out from the flames. Then this beau- 
tiful maiden would not sleep with her husband. 

Albert Ernest yenks. 
Washington, D. C. 

Note. The writer was at Lac Courte Oreille Reservation, Sawyer County, 
Wisconsin, four weeks in September and October, 1899, getting photographs and 
folk-tales to further illustrate a memoir, " The Wild Rice Gatherers of the 
Upper Lakes,'' to appear in The igih Annual Report of the Bureau of American 
Ethnology (Washington, D. C), and he necessarily had to hear much which was 
useless in his memoir. The " Bear-Maiden " was told by old Pa-skin', an Ojibwa 
woman considerably more than one hundred years old. 
' All of the above story, excepting the last three paragraphs, is plainly aboriginal. 

I It is a version of the struggle between the Earth personated by the old woman 
with the two daughters, and forms of light, as the morning star, personated by the 
little Bear, and other stars personated by the men searching for the sun and moon 
with artificial lights. The informing idea of the last three paragraphs is also 
aboriginal, but the introduction of the horse, the little bells, and the dishes is 
post-Columbian. 



36 yournal of American Folk-Lore, 



A SABOBA ORIGIN-MYTH. 

When Powers was studying the tribes of California, he found the 
aboriginal peoples south of the Tehachipi so mixed up and " unsort- 
able " that he gave up the task in despair. Consequently practi- 
cally little of value is known of the mythology, history, or tribal 
legends of these South Tehachipi peoples. 

On Christmas Day, 1899, an earthquake was felt in southern 
California, especially in the town of San Jacinto and Hemet. The 
centre of the earthquake was undoubtedly Mount San Jacinto, and 
Saboba also suffered. Indeed, it was in this Indian village that the 
only loss of life was experienced. Here, six Indian women were 
sleeping in an adobe house when the shock occurred. One of the 
heavy walls fell upon them, and thus, in their sleep, they were made 
" jrood Indians." In the same shock another house fell in, and in so 
doing, seriously wounded the aged husband of one of the women. 
Jose Pedro Losero, the oldest male Saboba, as his wife was the old- 
est female, was the sufferer. As soon as he learned that his wife 
was dead he told the doctor who had set his broken leg and collar- 
bone that he did not desire to live. For over seventy years he and 
his wife had lived happily together, and now she was gone, he had no 
wish to live. Resolutely he set his face towards the setting sun, 
blind though he was, as if he would penetrate the mysteries of the 
beyond, and in a few days he had passed into that region — mys- 
terious alike to the cultured white man as to the untutored Indian.