Skip to main content

Full text of "The journal of American folk-lore"

See other formats 


THE  JOURNAL  OF 

AMERICAN  FOLK-LORE 

VOLUME   XVIII 


€ 


e> 


o 


(o 


\ 


^-.. 

■b-^- 


BOSTON   AND   NEW   YORK 

^\Mi^^^  for  €f)e  American  fom^%ott  ^mttp  hp 

HOUGHTON,  MIFFLIN   AND   COMPANY 

LONDON:   DAVID  NUTT,  270,  271  STRAND 

LEIPZIG:  OTTO  HARRASSOWITZ,  QUERSTRASSE,  14 

MDCCCCV 


Copyright,  1903, 
By  THE  AMERICAN  FOLK-LORE  SOCIETY. 

All  rights  reserved. 


I 

Cob. 2, 


THE  JOURNAL  OF 

AMERICAN  FOLK-LORE. 

Vol.  XVIII.  — JANUARY-MARCH,  1905.  — No.  LXVIII. 


DISENCHANTMENT  BY  DECAPITATION.i 

Decapitation  as  a  means  of  disenchantment  occurs  in  two  Middle 
English  romances  which  deserve  a  closer  study  than  they  have  yet 
received,  —  TJie  Carl  of  Carlisle  ^  and  T/ie  Turk  and  Gawain.^  In 
The  Carl  of  Carlisle,  which  belongs  to  the  same  group  as  the  Old 
French  Chevalier  a  I'Esp^e,'^  the  decapitation  is  the  last  act  in  a  com- 
plicated process  of  unspelling.  The  bespelled  person  is  a  cruel  giant 
who  puts  to  death  every  stranger  who  seeks  harborage  in  his  castle. 
Gawain,  with  Kay  and  Bishop  Baldwin,  having  lost  his  way,  is  forced 
to  seek  the  Carl's  hospitality,  though  the  Bishop  is  well  aware  that 
he  belongs  to  the  class  of  personages  known  to  modern  scholars 
as  "  Difficult  Hosts."  Gawain's  courtesy,  however,  enables  him  to 
become  master  of  the  situation.  The  savage  host  makes  several  ex- 
traordinary requests,  but  Gawain  yields  cheerful  acquiescence  to  them 
all.  Next  morning  the  Carl  bids  Gawain  take  a  sword  and  strike  off 
his  head.  To  this  also  Gawain  assents,  though  not  without  express- 
ing considerable  reluctance.  As  soon  as  his  head  was  off,  the  Carl, 
we  are  told,  "stood  up  a  man  of  the  height  of  Sir  Gawain,"  and 
thanked  the  knight  for  delivering  him  from  the  "false  witchcraft" 
under  which  he  had  labored  for  forty  years.  It  was  this  enchantment 
which  had  made  him  act  so  murderously  ;  he  had  killed  guests  enough 
to  make  five  cartloads  of  bones. 

In  The  Turk  and  Gawain,  the  hero  visits  the  Isle  of  Man  under  the 
guidance  of  a  "  Turk,"  that  is,  a  dwarf.  The  island  is  inhabited  by 
giants.  The  King  of  Man  requires  the  performance  of  various  diffi- 
cult feats,  all  of  which  are  accomplished  by  the  Turk.     Finally  the 

1  Address  by  the  Retiring  President,  at  the  Sixteenth  Annual  Meeting  of  the 
American  Folk-Lore  Society,  Philadelphia,  December  30,  1904. 

2  Madden,  Syr  Gawayne,  pp.  187  ff.,  256  ff . ;  Hales  and  Furnivall,  Bishop 
Percy's  Folio  Manuscript^  iii.  275  ff. 

'  Madden,  pp.  243  ff.  ;  Hales  and  Furnivall,  i.  88  ff. 

*  Edited  by  M^on,  Nouveau  Reciieil  de  Fabliaux  et  Contes,  1823,  i.  127  ff.,  and 
by  E.  C.  Armstrong,  Baltimore,  1900. 


2         '  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

heathen  king  is  slain.  Then  the  Turk  bade  Gawain  strike  off  his 
head  ;  and  when  this  was  done,  he  "stood  up  a  stalwart  knight,"  sang 
Te  Deum,  and  thanked  Gawain  heartily. 

On  another  occasion  I  hope  to  discuss  these  romances  fully.  For 
the  present,  I  will,  with  your  permission,  confine  myself  to  the  single 
incident  of  Unspelling  Decapitation,  which  is  common  to  them  both. 
In  the  Carl,  the  bespelled  person  is  a  cruel  monster  until  he  is  re- 
leased from  enchantment ;  in  the  Turk,  he  takes  the  role  of  Helpful 
Attendant,  performing  superhuman  tasks  as  a  substitute  for  the  hero. 
In  both,  he  urges  the  reluctant  Gawain  to  cut  off  his  head,i  and  this 
is  the  final  act  in  a  somewhat  complicated  process  of  disenchantment. 
The  efficacy  of  decapitation  in  undoing  a  spell  is  a  widespread  pop- 
ular belief,  and  many  of  the  tales  in  which  it  occurs  are  otherwise 
parallel  either  to  The  Carl  of  Carlisle  or  to  The  Turk  and  Gawain.  In 
what  follows,  there  is,  of  course,  no  attempt  at  exhaustiveness.  My 
purpose  has  been  to  illustrate  the  belief  by  means  of  typical  examples, 
and  to  bring  out  its  significance  as  an  article  of  the  popular  creed. 

We  may  begin  with  the  Decapitation  of  Helpful  Animals. 

In  a  Gaelic  tale  a  serviceable  steed  bids  the  hero  "  take  a  sword 
and  .  .  .  take  the  head  off  me."  The  hero  objecting,  the  horse 
replies :  "  In  me  there  is  a  young  girl  under  spells,  and  the  spells 
will  not  be  off  me  till  the  head  is  taken  off  me."  In  the  same  story 
a  serviceable  raven  makes  a  similar  request :  "  A  young  lad  under 
spells  am  I,  and  they  will  not  be  off  me  till  the  head  comes  off  me." 
The  pair  are  transformed  and  make  a  fine  couple.^  This  is  an  instruc- 
tive example  because  it  is  outspoken.  Usually,  however,  and  more 
properly,  the  animal  does  not  tell  the  hero  or  heroine  why  the  be- 
heading is  to  be  performed.  So,  for  instance,  in  a  Swedish  tale,  Den 
underbare  Hasten,  the  horse  simply  asks  the  hero  to  strike  off  his 
head,  and  when  this  is  done  he  recovers  his  proper  shape,  that  of  a 
prince,  the  brother  of  the  heroine.^ 

*  There  is  no  beheading  in  the  Porkington  version  of  the  Carl  (edited  by 
Madden),  but  this  text  has  omitted  the  motif  of  disenchantment  altogether,  to 
the  manifest  injury  of  the  romance. 

3  The  Rider  of  Griatiaig,  J.  F.  Campbell,  Popular  Tales  of  the  West  Highlands, 
no.  58,  iii.  16-18;  of.  QwxWn,  Hero-Tales  of  Ireland,  pp.  354-5.  See  also  The 
Black  Horse,  from  Campbell's  manuscript  collections,  Jacobs,  More  Celtic  Fairy 
Tales,  pp.  57  ff.,  and,  on  the  supposed  Indian  provenience,  Hartland,  Folk-Lore, 
V.  331-2.  Cf.  Leskien  u.  Brugman,  Litauische  Volkslieder  u.  Mdrchen,  p.  386,  and 
Wollner's  notes,  pp.  ^■^y-^2, 

8  Eva  Wigstrom,  Sagor  ock  Afventyr  upptecknade  i  Skhne,  p.  "j^/m  Nyare 
Bidrag  till  Kdnnedom,  etc.,  vol.  v.  In  the  Norwegian  ballad  of  Asmund 
Fregdegcevar,  the  hero,  who  has  rescued  the  king's  daughter  from  the  land  of  the 
trolls  by  the  aid  of  a  magic  horse,  strikes  off  the  horse's  head :  "  detS  vart  ein 
kristen  mann,"  namely,  the  queen's  youngest  brother,  Adalbert,  son  of  the  En- 
glish king  (Landstad,  Norske  Folkeviser,  no.  i,  sts.  62-63,  p.   21).     Cf.  Curtin, 


Disenchantment  by  Decapitation.  3 

In  the  Lettish  epic  Needrischu  Widwuds}  the  hero  Widewut  is 
much  helped  by  a  werewolf  {wilkata),  who,  among  other  services, 
replaces  the  heads  of  the  hero's  two  companions  and  brings  the  dead 
men  to  life  by  means  of  a  magic  elixir.  The  wolf  then  insists  on 
being  beheaded  in  his  turn,  and,  when  his  request  is  granted,  is 
transformed  into  a  handsome  youth. 

The  serviceable  cat  becomes  a  princess  on  being  decapitated  in 
Mme.  d' Aulnoy's  La  CJiatte  Blanche^  and  in  the  Norwegian  Herrepeer 
(Sir  Peter).^  In  Perrault's  Le  Chat  Bott^  there  is  no  beheading  and 
no  disenchantment,  but,  instead,  a  delicious  specimen  of  French  wit : 
"  Le  Chat  devint  grand  Seigneur,  et  ne  courut  plus  apr^s  les  souris, 
que  pour  se  divertir."  ^  In  a  Tyrolese  story  the  hero,  at  the  cat's 
request,  takes  the  animal  by  the  hind  legs  and  dashes  her  against 
the  hearth  till  he  sees  her  no  more.  Immediately  she  reappears  as 
a  beautiful  maiden,  whom  he  marries.* 

In  the  Welsh  Gypsy  tale  of  The  Black  Dog  of  the  Wild  Forest, 
two  helpful  little  dogs,  Hear-all  and  Spring-all,  who  have  saved  the 
hero's  life,  require  him  to  cut  off  their  heads,  threatening  to  devour 
him  if  he  refuses.  As  Jack  travelled  on,  grieving,  "  he  turned  his 
head  round  at  the  back  of  his  horse,  looking  behind  him,  and  he 
saw  two  of  the  handsomest  young  ladies  coming  as  ever  he  saw  in 
his  life."  They  are  Hear-all  and  Spring-all.^  Similarly,  three  black 
dogs  in  a  German  tale,  who  have  served  the  king  well,  are  beheaded 

Myths  and  Folk-Tales  of  the  Russians,  etc.,  pp.  293,  405,  in  both  of  which  the 
horse  makes  the  reason  known.  Bayard,  the  helpful  horse  in  Le  Prince  et  son 
Cheval  (Cosquin,  Contes  pop.  de  Lorraine,  i.  133  ff.),  does  not  ask  to  be  disen- 
chanted, but  simply  requests  his  dismissal.  He  is  certainly  bespelled,  however: 
"  Je  suis  prince  aussi  bien  que  vous  :  je  devais  rendre  cinque  services  k  un  prince  " 
(i.  137).  A  Christianized  incident  of  this  sort  is  in  Vernaleken,  Osterreichische 
Kinder  ti.  Hausmdrchen,  no.  46,  p.  252:  a  horse  says,  "  Hew  off  my  head,"  and 
when  this  is  done,  a  white  dove  flies  forth  and  up  to  heaven. 

1  Put  together  by  Lautenbach-Jusmiea,  song  17,  Jelgawa,  1891,  pp.  211  ff. ;  see 
summary  by  H.  Wissendorff  de  Wissukuok,  Revue  des  Traditions  Populaires, 
xii.  160-1. 

2  AsbJ0rnsen  og  Moe,  Norske  Folkeeventyr,  2d  ed.,  1852,  p.  162  (translated  by 
Dasent,  Popular  Tales  from  the  Norse,  2d  ed.,  1859,  P-  347)  !  so  in  Kong  Knud 
fra  Ktwlande  (variant),  p.  431,  and  in  another  version  (in  which  the  cat  becomes 
a  prince),  p.  433.  See  Lang,  PerrauWs  Popular  Tales,  1888,  Inirod.,  p.  Ixxii. 
Asbjernsen  and  Moe  cite  a  number  of  parallels.  Cf.  the  German  mdrchen  of  Der 
Federkonig  (Haltrich,  Deutsche  Volksmdrchen  aus  dem  Sachsenlande  in  Sieben- 
biirgen,  3d  ed.,  1882,  p.  50).  In  Das  weisse  Kdtzchen  (Kuhn  u.  Schwartz, 
Norddeutsche  Sagen,  p.  334),  the  kitten's  paws  and  head  are  cut  off,  and  the 
transformation  begins  on  the  amputation  of  the  first  paw. 

8  Lang's  ed.,  as  above,  p.  35. 

*  Zingerle,  Kinder-  und  Hatismdrchen,  1852,  no.  9,  p.  52  ;  ed.  1870,  p.  42. 

•^  Groome,  Gypsy  Folk-Tales,  pp.  267-71.  There  are  unspelled  green  dogs 
(which  remind  us  of  the  fancy  brackets  in  French  romance)  in  a  tale  in  the  Celtic 
Magazine^  xiii.  279. 


4  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

at  their  own  request :  "  Siehe,  da  standen  nun  einmal  drei  Konigs- 
sohne."  ^ 

In  the  West  Highland  tale  of  Mac  Iain  Direach,  the  fox,  who  has 
assisted  the  hero  materially,  remarks  as  they  come  to  a  spring  by 
the  side  of  the  road  :  "  Now,  Brian,  unless  thou  dost  strike  off  my 
head  with  one  blow  of  the  White  Glave  of  Light  into  this  spring,^  I 
will  strike  off  thine."  Brian  complies,  and  "  in  the  wink  of  an  eye, 
what  should  rise  up  out  of  the  well,  but  the  son  of  the  King  that  was 
father  of  the  Sun  Goddess."  ^ 

When  we  pass  from  Helpful  Animals  who  are  unspelled  by  decapi- 
tation to  Helpful  Servants  who  are  released  from  enchantment  by 
the  same  means,  we  approach  sensibly  nearer  to  the  situation  in 
The  Turk  and  Gawain.  Frequently  (as  in  that  poem)  the  helpful 
attendant  wears  a  monstrous  or  dwarfish  likeness  till  he  is  disen- 
chanted.* 

In  the  Welsh  Gypsy  story  of  An  Old  King  and  his  Three  So7is  in 
Englajid,  Prince  Jack  has  been  entertained  and  helped  at  various 
stages  of  his  journey  by  three  brothers,  whose  heads,  at  their  request, 
he  cuts  off  and  throws  into  a  well.  What  happens  may  be  seen 
from  the  case  of  the  eldest  of  the  three:  "  No  sooner  he  does  it,  and 
flings  his  head  in  the  well,  than  up  springs  one  of  the  finest  young 
gentlemen  you  would  wish  to  see ;  and  instead  of  the  old  house  and 
the  frightful-looking  place,  it  was  changed  into  a  beautiful  hall  and 
grounds."  There  is  complete  disenchantment,  it  will  be  observed, 
of  place  as  well  as  of  person.  This  oldest  brother  is  described  as  a 
frightful  creature  :  "  He  could  scarcely  walk  from  his  toenails  curl- 
ing up  like  rams'  horns  that  had  not  been  cut  for  many  hundred 
years,  and  big  long  hair,"  and  so  on.^ 

^  Haltrich,  as  above,  pp.  107-8. 

2  The  spring  is  significant.  Immersion  in  water  or  some  other  liquid  is  often 
a  means  of  dissolving  a  charm,  and  sometimes  operates  as  one  of  several  measures 
conducing  to  that  end.  See  Child,  Ballads,  i.  338,  507,  ii.  505,  iii.  505,  and  add 
Laistner,  Rats  el  dcr  Sphinx,  §  31,  i.  252  f¥. 

*  J.  F.  Campbell,  no.  46,  ii.  358-9.  Campbell's  story  was  derived  from  John 
Macdonald  the  tinker,  whom  Mr.  Hindes  Groome  makes  out  to  have  been  a  Gypsy 
{Gypsy  Folk-Tales,  pp.  Iviii-lxi;  cf.  Nutt,  Folk-Lore,  x.  i\\--i).  It  is  reprinted, 
with  valuable  notes,  in  Groome's  Gypsy  Folk-Tales,  pp.  283-9. 

*  Cormac's  Glossary,  s.  v.prt'ill,  Stokes,  Three  Irish  Glossaries,  pp.  36-38,  and 
O'Donovan's  translation,  ed.  Stokes,  pp.  135-7  ;  O'Curry,  Manners  and  Customs, 
ii.  89 ;  Nutt,  Revue  Celiigue,  xii.  194-5  ;  the  same,  Holy  Grail,  pp.  139-41,  205-6  ; 
Zimmer,  Kuhn's  Ztschr.,  xxviii.  438  ;  hntheacht  na  Tro?ndhaitnhe,  ed.  Connellan, 
Ossianic  Society,  Transactions,  v.  1 14  £f. ;  Life  of  S.  Fc'chin  of  Fore,  §§  37-38,  ed. 
Stokes,  Revue  Celtique,x\\.2,^2-$;  Maclnnes,  Folk  and  /Zero  7"<2/^j-,pp.9i-93(with 
Nutt's  note,  pp.  454,  467-8) ;  Maynadier,  PVife  of  Bath's  Tale,  pp.  65  ff.,  195  ff. ; 
J.  F.  Campbell,  iii.  299-300  ;  Curtin,  Myths  a7td  Folk-Lore  of  Ireland,  pp.  235  ff.  ; 
Mac  Dougall,  Folk  and  Hero  Tales,  pp.  35  ff. ;  Hyde,  Beside  the  Fire,  pp.  18  ff. 

*  Groome,  In  Gipsy  Tents,  1880,  pp.  299-317  ;  the  same,   Gypsy  Folk-Tales, 


Disenchantment  by  Decapitation.  5 

In  the  Irish  Mac  Cool,  Faolan,  and  the  Mountain,  an  old  forester, 
who  has  assisted  Dyeermud  and  Faolan  in  some  very  perilous  adven- 
tures, asks  Dyeermud  to  cut  off  his  head,  Dyeermud  consents  after 
the  old  man  has  told  him  that  he  is  under  enchantment  and  cannot 
be  otherwise  released.  "  He  cut  off  his  head  with  one  blow,  and 
there  rose  up  before  him  a  young  man  of  twenty-one  years."  He 
had  been  enchanted  by  his  stepmother.^ 

Sometimes  the  person  disenchanted  by  beheading  is  not  a  helpful 
animal  or  attendant,  but  the  heroine  of  the  story.  There  is  a  good 
instance  in  the  Saxon  tale  of  SaiisewindP'  Here  a  woman  who  lives 
with  the  ogre  Sausewind  tells  him  of  three  enchanted  princesses  and, 
gets  from  him  the  answer :  "  Wenn  einer  ein  Schwert  nimmt  und 
schlagt  dir  den  Kopf  ab,  so  bist  du  die  eine  ;  dort  unten  am  Wasser 
steht  ein  Erlenbusch,  wenn  davon  der  rechte  Ast  .  .  .  abgehauen 
wird,  so  ist  das  die  zweite  ;  und  oben  am  Wasser  steht  noch  ein 
Busch,  wird  davon  ebenfalls  ein  Ast  abgehauen,  so  ist  das  die  dritte; 
dann  sind  alle  drei  wieder  beisammen."  A  visitor  —  a  young  man  — 
then  effects  the  disenchantment  in  the  way  prescribed.  Again,  in 
the  Saxon  tale  of  Der  dimime  Hans  (a  variant  of  a  well-known  mdr- 
chen)?  Hans  serves  a  mouse,  the  mistress  of  an  enchanted  castle, 
for  three  years.  At  the  end  of  the  third  year,  the  mouse  bids  him 
beat  her  till  she  is  covered  with  blood  {bliitriinstig).  He  does  so. 
Immediately  the  castle  is  disenchanted  and  full  of  life ;  the  mouse 
becomes  a  crown-princess  and  marries  Hans.  In  a  variant,*  a  cat 
takes  the  place  of  the  mouse,  and  Hans  has  to  cut  wood  during  his 
three  years  of  service,  make  a  huge  fire,  and  finally  throw  the  cat 
into  the  flames. 

Sometimes  the  disenchanted  person  is  a  prince,  and  the  maiden 
who  releases  him  wins  him  as  a  husband.  Thus  in  a  West  Highland 
tale^  which  is  a  variant  of  the  well-known  Frog  Prince,  the  frog,  for 
whom  the  girl  has  made  a  bed  beside  her  own,  finally  says  :  "  '  There 

no.  n,  pp.  220-32 ;  see  also  Journal  of  the  Gypsy  Lore  Society,  1891,  iii.  110-20. 
From  the  first  of  these  publications  the  tale  was  reproduced,  with  changes  and 
comments  of  which  Mr.  Hindes  Groome  complains  {Gypsy  Folk-Tales,  p.  232),  by 
Jacobs,  More  English  Fairy-Tales,  pp.  132-45,  232-3. 

^  Curtin,  Hero-Tales,  pp.  510-11. 

2  Schambach  u.  Miiller,  Niedersdchsische  Sagen  u.  Mdrchen,  pp.  260  £f. 

8  The  same,  pp.  268  £f. 

*  The  same,  p.  368.  This  story  has  great  similarities  to  the  Swedish  mdrchen 
of  Den  Fdrtrollade  Grodan  (Hylt^n-Cavallius  and  Stephens,  Svenska  Folk-Sagor 
och  Afventyr,  no.  1 5,  i.  25 1  £f.),  translated  by  Thorpe,  Yule-  Tide  Stories,  pp.  226  ff . 
(The  Enchanted  Toad).  In  Afanasief,  vol.  v.  no.  28  (Ralston,  Russian  Folk- 
Tales,  p.  134),  a  helpful  bull-calf  tells  the  hero  to  kill  him  and  burn  his  carcass; 
from  the  ashes  there  spring  a  horse,  a  dog,  and  an  apple  tree,  all  three  of  which 
play  an  important  part  in  the  next  act  of  the  drama. 

^  J.  F.  Campbell,  no.  33,  ii.  130  ff. 


6  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

is  an  old  rusted  glave  behind  thy  bed,  with  which  thou  hadst  better 
take  off  my  head,  then  be  holding  me  longer  in  torture.'  She  took 
the  glave  and  cut  the  head  off  him.  When  the  steel  touched  him, 
he  grew  a  handsome  youth ;  and  he  gave  many  thanks  to  the  young 
wife,  who  had  been  the  means  of  putting  off  him  the  spells,  under 
which  he  had  endured  for  a  long  time."  In  an  Annandale  version 
of  The  Frog  Prince,  the  frog  asks  the  girl  to  cut  off  his  head  with 
an  axe.-^  In  Grimm's  version  and  some  others,  the  frog  is  dashed 
against  the  wall  by  the  girl  in  anger  at  its  request  to  be  taken  into 
her  bed,  and  the  transformation  follows.^ 

The  Frog  Prince  is  particularly  interesting,  since  it  combines,  in 
some  of  its  versions,  disenchantment  by  personal  contact  with  disen- 
chantment by  decapitation  or  by  some  other  method  of  killing  the 
magical  body.  In  some  forms  of  the  great  class  of  "animal-spouse  " 
tales,  the  mysterious  husband  is  a  man  by  night  and  an  animal  (frog, 
serpent,  wolf,  etc.)  by  day,  and  lays  aside  his  beast-skin  when  he 
assumes  human  shape.^  This  gives  us  a  clear  insight  into  the  real 
meaning  of  disenchantment  by  beheading.  We  shall  return  to  the 
point  later. 

Especially  important  for  the  illustration  of  The  Carl  of  Carlisle  are 
the  instances  in  which  the  bespelled  person  who  is  released  by 
decapitation  is  a  cruel  and  murderous  demon  or  monster  until  he  is 

1  R.  Chambers,  Popular  Rhymes  of  Scotland,  1842,  p.  52  (ed.  of  [1870],  pp.  88- 
89),  from  C.  K.  Sharpe,  who  learned  it  from  a  nurse  about  1784. 

*  See  R.  Kohler,  Orient  u.  Occident,  ii.  330  ;  Landau,  Ztschr.f.  vergl.  Littera- 
turgeschichte,  i.  17.  There  is  an  English  version  from  Holderness  in  Jones 
and  Kropf,  Folk-Tales  of  the  Magyars,  Folk-Lore  Society,  pp.  404-5,  in  which, 
as  in  a  version  of  The  Frog  Prince  given  by  F.  Pfaff  in  his  Mdrchen  atis  Loben- 

feld  {Ale^nannia,  xxvi.  87,  88),  the  frog  is  taken  into  bed,  but  there  is  neither 
smashing  nor  decapitation.  In  Haltrich,  Deutsche  Volksmdrchen  atis  dein  Sach- 
senlande  in  Siebenbilrgen,  3d  ed.,  1882,  p.  37,  a  little  creature,  apparently  a  dwarf 
or  elf,  who  has  been  changed  into  a  toad  by  enchantment,  resumes  his  proper 
shape  when  the  toad  is  smashed  to  pieces.  Cf.  Laistner,  Rdtsel  der  Sphinx, 
i.  59. 

*  On  the  Frog  Prince  or  Princess,  and  on  the  burning  of  the  frog  (or  other) 
skin  or  of  the  whole  frog  to  effect  the  transformation  or  to  ensure  its  perma- 
nence, see  Benfey,  Pantschatantra,  i.  Einl.  §  92,  pp.  266-9  (where  there  are 
many  references).  There  is  some  good  material  in  De  Gubernatis,  Zoological 
Mythology,  ii.  376  ff.  See  also  Der  Prinz  vtit  der  Schweinshaut,  Kohler, 
Kleinere  Schriften,  i.  315  ff.  A  Zulu  story  of  a  prince  in  serpent  form  (Callaway, 
Nursery  Tales  of  the  Zulus,  i.  321  ff.)  is  a  fine  example  of  confusion  between  a 
person  who  really  has  the  shape  of  a  serpent  and  one  who  is  disguised  by  being 
clad  or  inclosed  in  a  serpent's  skin.  The  narrator  cannot  keep  the  distinction  in 
mind  at  all.  For  one  shape  by  day,  another  by  night,  see  Child,  Ballads,  i.  290, 
iv.  454,  V.  289;  Maynadier,  The  Wife  of  Bath's  Tale,  1901,  pp.  201  ff. ;  Kroeber, 
Cheyenne  Tales,  no.  18,  fournal  of  American  Folk-Lore,  xiii.  181.  Many  refer- 
ences for  the  transformation  of  animal  spouses  are  collected  by  S.  Prato,  Bulletin 
de  Folklore,  i.  316-35. 


Disenchantment  by  Decapitation.  7 

relieved  from  enchantment.  This  comes  out  clearly  in  the  first 
adventure  of  Art  and  Balor  Beimenach}  The  princess  of  Greece  will 
not  marry  Art  unless  he  brings  her  the  head  of  the  Gruagach  of  the 
Bungling  Leaps.  Art  fights  the  monster  thrice.  The  first  time  he 
beheads  him,  but  the  body  goes  down  through  the  earth,  the  head 
follows,  and  the  next  day  the  gruagach  is  whole  and  twice  as  strong 
as  before.  The  second  day  Art  seizes  the  head  before  it  has  time 
to  sink  into  the  earth  and  starts  off  with  it  toward  the  king's  castle. 
On  the  way  he  meets  three  men  with  a  headless  body.  Art  foolishly 
allows  them  to  apply  the  gruagach's  head  to  the  trunk,  and  on  the 
instant  men,  head,  and  body  go  down  through  the  earth.  The  third 
day  a  raven  carries  off  the  head.  Instructed  and  helped  by  a  friendly 
old  man,  Art  recovers  the  head,  which  he  carries  to  the  castle  of  the 
king  of  Greece.  The  princess  consents  to  marry  him,  but  he  refuses 
her.  Acting  on  the  old  man's  instructions.  Art  carries  the  head 
back  to  Jiiin.  "  The  old  man  threw  the  head  on  a  body  which  was 
lying  in  the  cabin ;  the  head  and  the  body  became  one,  and  just  like 
the  old  man."  The  old  man  says  :  "  The  gruagach  was  my  brother, 
and  for  the  last  three  hundred  years  he  was  under  the  enchantment 
of  .  .  .  the  only  daughter  of  the  King  of  Greece.  The  princess  is 
old,  although  young  in  appearance ;  my  brother  would  have  killed 
me  as  quickly  as  he  would  you  ;  and  he  was  to  be  enchanted  till 
you  should  come  and  cut  the  head  off  him,  and  show  it  to  the 
princess,  and  not  marry  her,  and  I  should  do  as  I  have  done.  My 
brother  and  I  will  stay  here,  take  care  of  our  forests,  and  be  friends 
to  you."  2 

The  Highland  tale  of  T/te  Widow  and  her  Daitghters  ^  is  another 
case  in  point.  It  is  a  Blue  Beard  story,  curiously  modified  by  the 
motif  of  unspelling  decapitation.  A  great  gray  horse  (who  is  also 
called  a  king,  and  who  apparently  is  a  man  by  night)*  abducts  a 
widow's  three  daughters  one  after  another.  He  decapitates  the  first 
two  for  entering  a  forbidden  chamber.  The  third  escapes  by  a  ruse 
and  reaches  her  mother's  house.  Her  lover  pursues  "  in  a  wild 
rage."  "  When  he  reached  the  door  he  drove  it  in  before  him.  She 
was  standing  behind  the  door,  and  she  took  his  head  off  with  the  bar. 

^  Curtin,  Hero-Tales,  pp.  312  ff. 

'^  The  same,  p.  323. 

8  J,  F.  Campbell,  Popular  Tales  of  the  West  Highlands,  no.  41,  ii.  265  ff.  See 
Campbell's  references,  ii.  275.  Kohler,  Orient  and  Occident,  ii.  679  {Kleinere 
Schriften,  i.  256-7),  and  Jahrb.  f.  rotn.  Litt.,  vii.  151  ff.  {Kleinere  Schriften, 
i.  312  ff.),  adds  little  that  helps  us  here.  See  also  Laistner,  Rdtsel  der  Sphinx^ 
ii.  loi.  In  Die  singende  Rose  (Zingerle,  Kinder  u.  Hausmdrchen,  2d  ed.,  1870, 
no.  30,  p.  154),  an  old  graybeard  makes  the  princess  strike  off  his  head;  a  key 
comes  out  of  it,  which  opens  all  the  doors  and  chests  in  the  castle. 

*  This  may  be  said  to  be  implied,  though  it  is  nowhere  stated. 


8  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

Then  he  grew  a  king's  son,  as  precious  as  ever  came,"  and  they  were 
married.^ 

The  very  formidable  giant  called  the  Bare- Stripping  Hangman,  in 
the  Gaelic  tale  of  that  name,^  turns  out  to  be  under  spells,  from  which 
he  is  released  when  the  egg  which  contains  his  life  has  been  crushed, 
and  when  his  hands  and  feet  have  been  cut  off  and  cast  into  a  fire. 
"  As  soon  as  the  hair  of  the  head  was  singed  and  the  skin  of  the  feet 
burnt,  the  very  handsomest  young  man  they  ever  beheld  sprang  out 
of  the  fire."  He  is  the  king's  younger  brother,  "who  was  stolen  in 
his  childhood."  This  is  also  an  instructive  example.  The  Bare- 
Stripping  Hangman  belongs  to  the  class  of  giants  who  have  no  soul 
in  their  body,  —  Koshchei  the  Deathless,  corps-sans-dme,  Punchkin, 
and  the  rest,^  —  and  should  be  destroyed,  not  disenchanted.  By  the 
addition  of  the  disenchantment  motif,  the  monster  is  made  into  a 
bespelled  mortal.* 

The  idea  that  fierce  or  destructive  creatures  need  only  to  be  sub- 
dued or  disenchanted  to  make  them  kindly,  or  even  to  win  them  to 
marriage,  is  familiar  enough  from  the  story  of  Brynhildr.  An  instruc- 
tive instance  from  North  America  is  the  Dakota  legend  of  two  can- 
nibahstic  wives  who  wish  to  kill  their  husbands,  but  become  harmless 
when  freed  from  the  spell.  The  phrase  is,  "  He  made  them  good."  ^ 
There  is  a  very  interesting  parallel  in  the  wild  Armenian  tale  of 
Zoohisia,  which  also  shows  the  confusion  between  an  immortal  won 
as  a  bride  and  a  mortal  released  from  spells.^ 

^  In  a  variant  reported  by  Campbell  (ii.  274-5),  the  transformation  is  missing. 
Here  the  girl  beheads  the  giant  (who  is  previously  called  a  horse)  with  a  sword 
and  holds  it  on  the  spinal  marrow  till  this  cools,  in  order  that  the  head  may  not  go 
on  again.  This  is  clearly  the  proper  ending.  It  is  instructive  for  our  present  pur- 
pose to  observe  how  the  idea  that  beheading  releases  from  enchantment  has  affected 
the  catastrophe  in  the  other  version. 

2  Mac  Dougall,  Folk  and  Hero  Tales,  pp.  76  ff. 

8  See  Cosquin,  Contes  pop.  de  Lorraine.,  i.  173  ff.;  Hartland,  Legend  of  Perseus, 
index,  under  external sojil ;  Ralston,  Russian  Folk-Tales,  pp.  84  ff. ;  Curtin,  Russian 
Myths  and  Folk-Tales,  pp.  165  ff. ;  J.  W.  Wolf,  Deutsche  Mdrchen  u.  Sagen,  pp. 
87-93  ;  Rand,  Legends  of  the  Micmacs,  p.  245  ;  Kphler,  Orient  u.  Occident,  ii.  100- 
103  {Kleinere  Schriften,  i.  158-61) ;  Frazer,  Golden  Bough,  1890,  ii.  296  ff.,  2d  ed., 
1900,  iii.  351  ff. ;  Seklemian,  The  Golden  Maiden  and  other  Folk  Tales  and 
Fairy  Stories  told  in  Armenia,  Cleveland  and  New  York,  1898,  p.  133;  Friis, 
Lappiske  Eventyr  og  Folkesagn,  pp.  46,  5 1 . 

*  CI.  a  similar  confusion  in  Maspons  y  Labrds,  Lo  Rondallayre,  Quentos  popu- 
lars  Catalans,  no.  27,  ii.  104-10. 

*  S.  R.  Riggs,  Dakota  Myths,  in  Contributions  to  North  American  Ethnology, 
ix.  141-2. 

•*  A  king's  son  and  his  companions  follow  an  antelope  into  a  forest,  where  they 
find  a  tent  by  a  fountain.  Within  is  a  table  spread  with  delicious  viands.  The 
prince  does  not  eat  or  drink,  like  his  companions,  but  explores  the  neighborhood 
and  is  shocked  to  find,  not  far  from  the  tent,  a  heap  of  human  skeletons.     ThQ 


Disenchantment  by  Decapitation.  9 

A  few  other  examples  of  disenchantment  by  decapitation  may  be 
cited  to  show  how  readily  this  feature  attaches  itself  to  almost  any 
kind  of  tale  of  supernatural  creature. 

In  a  German  tale  a  girl  hears  night  after  night  a  voice  calling  on  her 
to  rise.  At  last  she  gets  out  of  bed  and  sees  a  woman,  who  asks  her 
to  come  and  free  her.  The  girl  follows  through  a  long  subterranean 
passage,  entering  at  length  a  brilliantly  lighted  hall.  Here  sit  three 
black  men  at  a  table,  writing,  and  on  the  table  lie  two  bright  swords. 
"  Take  one  of  these  swords,"  says  the  woman,  "  and  cut  off  my  head  : 
so  bin  icli  erldst."  The  girl  is  about  to  obey,  when  her  brother,  who 
has  followed  her,  interferes.  The  woman  seizes  the  girl  angrily  and 
throws  her  violently  to  the  floor,  so  violently  that  she  becomes  a  heap 
of  ashes.     Then  there  is  a  loud  noise,  and  palace  and  all  disappear.^ 

A  cowherd  is  besought  by  a  White  Lady  to  strike  off  her  head, 
since  he  alone,  she  says,  can  release  her.  He  alleges,  in  excuse, 
that  he  has  no  axe.  She  fetches  one  with  a  silver  handle,  but  he 
runs  away.  In  another  form  of  the  same  story,  the  White  Lady 
brings  with  her  a  block,  a  broad-axe,  and  a  bunch  of  keys.  She  tells 
the  herd  that  she  is  under  a  ban  {verwunscki),  and  begs  him  to  cut 
her  head  off  before  noon,  in  order  to  release  her.  She  promises  him 
great  treasures.  He  delays  too  long,  and  she  vanishes,  declaring 
that  not  for  another  hundred  years  will  one  be  born  who  can  set  her 
free.2  This  is  an  ordinary  legend  of  a  White  Lady,  the  only  pe- 
culiarity consisting  in  the  manner  of  disenchantment :  kissing  is  far 
more  common.^  In  another  version  the  White  Lady  conducts  the 
peasant  into  a  hill  and  gives  him  treasure,  which,  however,  disappears 
when  twelve  o'clock  strikes  and  the  blow  has  not  been  dealt.* 

Disenchantment  by  beheading  is,  by  a  singular  confusion,  intro- 
duced into  a  Swabian  version  of  the  widespread  story  of  the  Thank- 
ful Dead  Man.     A  bird  flies  to  Karl's  window  with  a  dagger  in  its 

food  and  water  are  poisoned,  and  all  his  companions  die.  Soon  horsemen  approach 
and  pillage  the  dead  men,  the  prince  looking  on  from  a  place  of  concealment. 
The  robber  leader  turns  out  to  be  a  beautiful  virago,  Zoolvisia,  with  whom  he  falls 
in  love.  She  it  was  who  had  enticed  hunters  to  the  spot  in  the  form  of  an  antelope. 
The  youth  visits  Zoolvisia's  castle  and  manages  to  deprive  her  of  the  talisman  on 
which  her  power  depends.  "  You  have  overcome  me,"  says  Zoolvisia ;  "  you  are 
brave  and  a  real  hero  worthy  of  me.  No  one  except  you  has  ever  heard  my  voice 
and  lived.  Now  my  talisman  is  broken,  and  I  have  become  a  mere  woman." 
Thereupon  she  accepts  the  prince  as  her  husband.  Seklemian,  The  Golden  Maiden 
and  other  Folk  Tales  and  Fairy  Stories  told  in  Armenia^  1898,  pp.  59  ff. 

^  Kuhn,  Mdrkische  Sagen  21.  Mdrchen,  no.  94,  pp.  99-100. 

^  Schambach  u.  Miiller,  Niedersdchsische  Sagen  u.  Mdrchen,  no.  106,  pp.  77-78. 

8  See  examples  in  Child,  Ballads,  i.  307  ff.,  338,  note,  ii.  502,  504,  iii.  504,  iv.  454, 
v.  214,  290  ;  Schofield,  Studies  on  the  Libeaus  Desconus,  in  Studies  and  Notes, 
iv.  199  ff. 

*  Schambach  u.  Miiller,  no.  107,  p.  79. 


lo  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

beak  and  tells  him  to  cut  off  its  head.  The  bird  has  assisted  him, 
and  Karl  is  unwilling,  but  at  last  he  obeys.  The  head  of  the  bird 
falls  into  the  room  ;  the  trunk  flies  away,  and  there  stands  before 
Karl  the  spirit  of  the  merchant  whose  corpse  he  had  ransomed.^ 

So  far,  we  have  confined  our  attention,  in  the  main,  to  decapitation 
as  a  means  of  unspelling,  but  we  have  compared  a  few  stories  in 
which  some  other  forms  of  violent  death  have  the  same  effect.  Be- 
heading, then,  is  only  a  special  means  of  putting  to  death  :  the  main 
point  is  to  kill  the  enchanted  body.  Thus  in  the  Irish  Mac  Cooly 
Faolan,  and  the  Moimtain,  Faolan  pierces  a  man  with  his  sword  in 
the  darkness.  "  The  man  fell  dead  ;  and  then,  instead  of  the  old  man 
that  he  seemed  at  first,  he  rose  up  a  fresh  young  man  of  twenty- 
two  years."  He  was  Faolan's  uncle,  and  could  not  be  freed  from 
enchantment  till  pierced  with  a  particular  sword,  which  Faolan 
carried.^ 

Transformation  from  a  dwarf  to  a  man,  as  in  The  Turk  and 
Gawain,  occurs  in  an  Austrian  tale,  Der  erldste  Zwerg.  A  laborer 
gives  a  dwarf  such  a  stroke  in  the  head  that  he  falls  dead  ;  but  he 
immediately  becomes  a  beautiful  youth  and  thanks  the  laborer  for 
his  "Erlosung."^ 

The  Kathd-sarit-sdgara  tells  of  a  Vidyadhara  who  has  been  com- 
pelled by  a  curse  to  take  the  form  of  a  camel.  He  is  to  be  restored 
only  when  he  is  killed  in  that  form  by  a  certain  king,  —  which  hap- 
pens.* So,  in  the  same  collection,  a  Yaksha  is  doomed  by  a  curse  to 
be  a  lion  till  he  is  killed  by  a  certain  king  with  an  arrow.  This  hap- 
pens, and  he  regains  his  human  form.^ 

The  following  is  perhaps  merely  an  anecdote  of  condign  punish- 
ment after  death,  not  an  instance  of  disenchantment.  A  Scnn  in  the 
Watthenthal  saw  a  red  bullock,  which  advanced  in  a  threatening 
way.  He  caught  him  by  the  horns  and  forced  him  over  the  brink 
of  a  ravine.  The  bullock  fell  and  was  dashed  to  pieces.  Up  came 
the  spirit  of  another  Senn,  and  thanked  him  for  his  release.  He  had 
masqueraded  in  this  shape  as  a  punishment  for  once  having  thrown 
a  peasant's  bullock  into  this  chasm.^ 

^  E.  Meier,  Deutsche  Volksmdrchen  aus  Schwaben,  no.  42,  p.  151.  Cf.  Simrock, 
Der gute  Gerhard  u.  die  dankbaren  Todten,  Bonn,  1856,  p.  57.  On  the  Thank- 
ful Dead,  see  Hippe,  Herrig's  Archiv,  Ixxxi.  141  ff.,  and  Kittredge,  Studies  and 
Notes  in  Philology  and  Literature,  viii.  250,  n. 

"^  Curtin,  Hero-Tales,  pp.  495-6.  The  incident  is  really  out  of  place  in  this 
tale,  which,  at  this  point,  is  a  case  of  the  attempt  to  resuscitate  dead  warriors  (the 
"Hilda-saga"). 

8  Vernaleken,  Osterreichische  Kinder  u.  Hausmdrchen,  p.  171. 

*  Bk.  xii.  ch.  69,  Tawney,  ii.  141-2. 

^  Pt.  i.  ch.  6,  Tawney,  i.  37. 

^  Von  Alpenberg,  Deutsche  Alfiensagen,  no.  98,  pp.  96-97. 


Disenchantment  by  Decapitatio7t.  1 1 

Often  a  wound  that  is  not  sufficient  to  cause  death  is  enough  to 
effect  a  disenchantment,  so  as  to  make  the  person  who  suffers  it  re- 
turn to  his  proper  shape.  Indeed,  the  mere  drawing  of  blood  may  be 
all  that  is  required.  So  in  a  story  from  Annam,  a  farmer,  while  cut- 
ting grass,  accidentally  amputates  the  tail  of  a  serpent.  The  snake 
immediately  becomes  a  fine  young  man.^  Again,  in  a  story  from 
Brittany,  a  beautiful  woman  has  been  changed  into  a  turtle.  Two 
men  are  fighting  for  her  hand.  Throwing  herself  between  them  to 
end  the  combat,  she  is  wounded,  and,  as  soon  as  her  blood  flows,  her 
metamorphosis  is  at  an  end.^  In  a  legend  of  Auvergne  a  wicked 
baron  is  condemned  for  his  crimes  to  wander  as  a  loup-garoii  till  a 
Christian  shall  make  his  blood  flow.  Wounded  by  a  woodcutter,  he 
resumes  his  human  form  and  dies  instantly.^  In  a  Lapland  tale  a 
lad  draws  blood  from  the  hand  of  one  of  two  fairy  maidens  who  are 
dancing  about  him.  Instantly  the  boatload  of  persons  among  whom 
the  women  have  come  vanishes,  boat  and  all.  Only  the  maiden 
remains.  "  Now  you  must  take  me  to  wife,"  says  she,  "  since  you 
have  drawn  blood  upon  me."  * 

In  a  Gypsy  story  from  Transylvania,  two  wild  geese,  on  being 
shot,  fall  to  the  ground  as  two  beautiful  maidens.^  In  a  Maori 
legend,  the  god  Maui,  in  pigeon-form,  is  hit  with  a  stone,  and  he 
immediately  turns  into  a  man.^  A  precisely  similar  incident  is  found 
in  the  Irish  Wooing  of  Enter  :  Derbforgaill,  daughter  of  the  King  of 
Lochlann,  wishing  for  the  love  of  Cuchulinn,  takes  the  form  of  a  bird 
and  flies  to  Ulster,  along  with  one  of  her  maids,  who  is  also  in  bird- 
likeness.  Cuchulinn  wounds  her  with  a  stone  from  a  sling.  Immedi- 
ately both  resume  their  mortal  shape.  The  rest  of  the  saga  does  not 
now  concern  us.''     In  the  Latin  De  Rebus  Hiberniae  Admirandis,  as 

*  Landes,  Contes  et  L^gendes  Annamites,  pp.  12-13.  In  a  Tyrolese  story,  a 
bride  accidentally  steps  on  her  snake-husband's  tail  and  crushes  it,  whereupon  he 
becomes  a  handsome  prince :  Schneller,  Mdrchen  u.  Sagen  mis  Wdlschtirol,  no. 
25,  p.  65  (see  Crane,  Italian  Popular  Tales,  pp.  324-5,  with  the  references). 

^  Sdbillot,  Cotites  populaires  de  la  Haute-Bretagne^  [i.]  13-14. 
8  Antoinette  Bon,  Revue  des   Trad.  Pop.,  v.  217-18  (reproduced  by  Sdbillot, 
Litt.  Orale  de  V Auvergne,  p.  231). 

*  Friis,  Lappiske  Eventyr  og  Folkesagn,  no.  7,  pp.  24-25,  cf.  p.  39. 

5  Von  Wlislocki,  Mdrchen  u.  Sagen  der  transylvanischen  Zigeuner,  no.  14,  p.  33. 
In  a  Lithuanian  tale,  St.  George  {lurgis),  tired  with  hunting,  sits  down  on  a  stone  ; 
out  comes  a  black  serpent  and  creeps  towards  him  ;  he  shoots  her  down  and  she 
immediately  becomes  a  beautiful  maid,  whom  he  marries  :  Veckenstedt,  Mythen, 
Sagen  und  Legenden  der  Zamailen,  i.  289-90.  Veckenstedt's  collection  is  dis- 
credited (see  Karlowicz,  Mehisine,  v.  121  £f.),  but  this  incident  must  be  substan- 
tially correct. 

^  Buller,  Forty  Years  in  New  Zealand,  London,  1878,  p.  185. 

'  Tochmarc  Entire,  translated  by  Kuno  Meyer,  Archceological  Review,  i.  304 
(same,  revised,  in  Hull,  Cuchullin,  p.  82).     Cf.  Zimmer,  Haupt's  Ztschr.,  xxxii. 


12  Journal  of  Americaji  Folk-Lore. 

well  as  in  the  Mirabilia  in  Todd's  Irish  N'cmmis}  there  is  an  account 
of  a  man  who  threw  a  stone  and  brought  down  a  swan.  Running  to 
pick  up  the  bird,  he  found  it  was  a  woman.  She  told  him  that  she 
was  thought  to  have  died,  but  that  really  she  was  carried  off  in  the 
flesh  by  demons.  He  restored  her  to  her  astonished  relatives.  In 
a  German  story,  Hans  cuts  and  slashes  among  a  lot  of  animals  with 
a  sword,  whereupon  they  are  disenchanted  and  become  mortals.^ 

We  have  already  seen  that  decapitation,  etc.,  must  have  been 
regarded  as  a  slaying  of  the  enchanted  body  (the  beast  or  bird  form) 
and  therefore  as  the  release  of  the  human  shape,  so  that  the  article 
of  the  primitive  creed  which  we  are  studying  has  its  close  association 
with  the  belief  in  swan-maidens  and  werewolves  and  their  feather- 
garment  or  beast-skin.  The  real  (human)  body  was  thought  of  as 
clad  in  the  enchanted  body  or  covered  by  it.  This  comes  out  with 
perfect  clearness  in  those  stories  in  which  the  enchanted  animal  is 
to  be  opened  or  skinned,  and  in  which,  when  this  is  done,  the  real 
person  emerges  from  the  skin  or  belly. 

Thus  the  Breton  Peronic  kills  and  skins  the  enchanted  horse  at 
its  own  request.  He  is  much  surprised  "  de  voir  sortir  de  sa  peau 
un  beau  prince."^  In  the  same  collection,  a  black  cat,  born  of  a 
woman,  asks  to  be  placed  on  its  back  on  a  table  and  to  have  its  belly 
ripped  up  with  a  sword.  This  done,  "  il  en  sortait  aussitot  un  beau 
prince."  ^ 

217-18;  Kuno  Meyer,  Revue  Celtique,  xi.  437-8;  Nult's  note  in  Mac  Innes,  Folk 
and  Hero  Tales,  p.  477;  Hartland,  Legend  of  Perseus,  iii.  50. 

1  An  hexameter  list  of  the  Wonders  of  Ireland,  printed  by  Thomas  Wright, 
Reliquiae  Antiquae,  ii.  103-107.  This  is  no.  18  in  the  list  (p.  105),  and  no.  21  in 
that  given  in  Todd's  Irish  N^ennius,  pp.  210-11.  It  does  not  occur  in  Giraldus 
Cambrensis,  Topographia  Hiberniae,  ii.  4  £f.  {Opera,  Rolls  Series,  v.  80  £f.),  nor 
in  the  Norse  Speculum  Regale  (see  Kuno  Meyer,  Folk-Lore,  v.  299  ff.).  Clearly 
by  ''  demons  "  we  are  to  understand  "  fairies."  The  idea  that  persons  thought  to 
be  dead  have  really  been  abducted  by  the  fairies  is  common  in  Ireland  and  else- 
where. It  underlies  the  beautiful  Middle  English  romance  of  Sir  Orfeo,  which, 
as  the  present  writer  has  conjectured,  may  be  based  on  a  combination  of  the  Irish 
tale  of  the  Wooing  of  Etain  with  the  story  of  Orpheus  and  Eurydice  {American 
y our jial  of  Philology,  vii.  176  ff.;  Studies  and  Notes,  viii.  196,  note  ;  cf.  Brand!, 
Paul's  Grundriss,\\.  630;  Bugge,  Arkiv  for  Nordisk  Filologi,y\\.  108;  Herz, 
Spiel/Jiannsbuch,  2d  ed.,  pp.  361-2). 

^  Vernaleken,  Osterreichische  Kinder  u.  Hausmdrchen,  no.  54,  p.  316. 

^  Luzel,  Conies  populaires  de  Basse-Bretagne,  ii.  66-67  ;  cf.  the  modern  Irish 
Story  of  Conn-eda,  translated  by  N.  O'Kearney,  Cambrian  fournal,  ii.  loi  ff., 
1855  (reprinted  in  Folk-Lore  Record,  ii.  188-90,  and  by  Yeats, /r/j/i  Fairy  and 
Folk  Talcs,  pp.  306  ff.). 

*  The  same,  iii.  166.  So  also  in  Le  Chat  et  les  deux  Sorciercs  (iii.  131),  which 
is  in  effect  another  version  of  Le  Chat  A^oir.  Something  similar  may  once  have 
stood  in  The  Red  Pony  (Larminie,  West  Irish  Folk-Tales,  p.  215),  where  the  dis- 
enchantment (p.  218)  is  confused  and  distorted. 


Disenchantment  by  Decapitation.  1 3 

A  Catalan  story  has  this  feature  in  a  singularly  complicated  form. 
A  wolf  who  has  guided  the  cast-off  daughter  of  a  king  to  his  palace, 
sfives  her  elaborate  directions  for  his  own  disenchantment.  Accord- 
ingly  the  girl  builds  a  fire ;  kills  the  wolf ;  rips  him  up ;  catches  the 
dove  that  emerges  ;  puts  the  dead  wolf  in  the  fire ;  extracts  an  egg 
from  inside  the  dove ;  breaks  it,  —  and  there  emerges  a  beautiful 
prince,  who  marries  the  girl.^ 

A  queer  variation  of  the  skinning  process  occurs  in  a  Swedish  tale, 
Kidet  ock  Kungen.  A  kid  has  become  the  trusted  counsellor  of  a 
king.  One  day  he  bids  the  king  behead  him,  turn  his  skin  inside 
out,  and  force  it  on  the  flayed  body  again.  It  was  a  hard  job;  but 
when  it  was  finished,  there  stood  a  handsome  prince  whom  the  king 
greeted  as  his  son.^  Still  more  elaborate  are  the  directions  given 
by  a  helpful  ass  (a  prince  under  enchantment)  in  a  Faeroe  story : 
"  You  must  chop  off  my  head  and  tail,  skin  me,  cut  off  my  legs,  put 
the  head  where  the  tail  was  and  the  tail  in  the  neck,  turn  my  hoofs 
up  toward  my  legs,  and  sew  my  hide  together  about  me  with  the  hair 
inside."^  Here  the  symbolism  of  reversing  a  spell  is  carried  out  in 
a  grotesquely  thoroughgoing  fashion.  Compare,  for  a  part  of  the 
process,  the  well-known  trick  of  turning  one's  coat  inside  out  for 
luck  in  gaming,  or  to  prevent  being  led  astray  by  Robin  Goodfellow 
or  other  errant  sprites.*  Turning  a  somersault  is  a  regular  prelimi- 
nary to  transformation  in  Gypsy  stories.^  In  a  legend  of  Derbyshire, 
a  certain  treasure  chest  in  an  underground  passage  "  can  only  be 
fetched  away  by  a  white  horse,  who  must  have  his  feet  shod  the 
wrong  way  about,  and  who  must  approach  the  box  with  his  tail 
foremost."  ^ 

In  the  remarkable  Zulu  tale  of  Umamba,  a  prince  born  in  the  form 

1  Maspons  y  Labrds,  Lo  Rondallayre,  ii.  104,  no.  This  will  be  at  once  recog- 
nized as  a  variant  of  the  folk-tale  best  known  as  Beauty  and  the  Beast.  There 
is  also  a  forbidden  chamber,  or  cupboard,  as  in  Blue  Beard.  The  elaborate 
directions  for  liberating  the  prince  are  properly  directions  for  putting  an  effectual 
end  to  a  monster  with  a  "  separable  soul  "  like  Koshchei.  Here,  then,  as  in  The 
Bare-Stripping  Hajigman,  we  have  a  composite  (see  p.  8,  above). 

2  Eva  Wigstrom,  Sagen  ock  Afventyr  tipptecknade  i  Skdtte,  p.  10  {Ayare 
Bidrag,  vol.  v.). 

*  Jakobsen,  Fcer^ske  Folkesag7i  og  jEventyr.,  p.  399  (cf.  pp.  401,  406,  407). 

^  There  is  a  good  instance  in  Bishop  Corbet's //^ri?tfr^fl/^(Dryden,  Miscellany 
Poems,  1 716,  vi.  376;  Corbet's  Poems,  4th  ed.,  edited  by  Gilchrist,  1807,  p.  191). 
Cf.  Tyndale,  Exposition  of  the  First  Epistle  of  St.  John,  Prologue  :  "  They  wander 
as  in  a  mist,  or  (as  we  say)  led  by  Robin  Goodfellow,  that  they  cannot  come  to 
the  right  way,  no  though  they  turn  their  caps  "  {Works  of  Tyndale  and  Frith,  ed. 
Russell,  1831,  ii.  388). 

^  See  Groome,  GyPsy  Folk-Tales,  pp.  16,  24,  40,  58,  59  ;  M.  Klimo,  Contes  et 
Legendes  de  Hongrie,  1898,  p.  243. 

*  S.  O.  Addy,  Household  Tales,  London,  1895,  p.  58. 


1 4  Journal  of  A  merican  Fo Ik-Lore. 

of  a  snake  asks  his  young  wife  to  anoint  him  and  to  pull  off  his  snake- 
skin,  when  he  appears  in  his  true  shape.^  The  teller  of  the  tale 
seems  partly  to  have  rationalized  it,  as  if  the  prince  wore  his  snake- 
skin  as  a  disguise.  At  all  events,  there  is  very  instructive  confusion 
between  a  prince  in  snake-form  and  a  prince  concealing  his  true  form 
by  wearing  a  snake-skin,  and  the  close  psychological  connection 
between  the  idea  underlying  the  belief  we  are  discussing  and  that 
which  underlies  the  belief  in  werewolves  and  swan-maidens  comes 
out  very  clearly.  It  does  not  appear  that  Umamba  would  ever  have 
abandoned  or  been  released  from  his  snake-form  if  he  had  not  found 
a  woman  willing  to  marry  him.  Thus  Umamba  connects  itself  with 
The  Frog  Prince"^  and  similar  instances  of  disenchantment.  That 
the  animal  skin  is  conceived  of  as  a  covering  to  be  stripped  off  comes 
out  clearly  in  stories  in  which  the  bridegroom  is  enveloped  in  several 
such  skins  and  the  bride  tells  him  to  take  them  off.^ 

In  an  Armenian  tale,  Dragon-Child  and  Siin-CJiild,^  we  have  a 
clear  case  of  an  enchanted  prince  born  in  monstrous  shape,  half  man 
and  half  dragon,  who,  when  released  from  the  spell,  issues  from  the 
dragon-skin,  which  bursts.  While  in  dragon  form  the  prince  had 
been  a  destructive  being,  devouring  a  maiden  every  week  (like  St. 
George's  dragon).  His  habitation  is  a  dry  well,  and  this  associates 
him  with  the  familiar  class  of  water-stopping  monsters. 

It  would  be  useless,  as  well  as  wearisome,  to  multiply  examples 
further.  Enough  has  been  said  to  make  it  clear  that  both  TJie  Carl 
of  Carlisle  and  The  Turk  and  Gazvain,  whatever  their  dates  may  be, 
preserve,  in  the  matter  of  disenchantment,  a  naive  and  ancient  super- 
stition, which  may  fairly  claim  universal  currency. 

George  Lyman  Kittredge. 

^  Callaway,  Nursery  Tales,  Traditions  and  History  of  the  Zulus,  i.  327. 
This  is  the  tale  mentioned,  without  a  reference,  by  H.  Husson,  La  Chaine  Tradi- 
tionelle,  Paris,  1874,  p.  130  (cited  by  Prato,  Bulletin  de  Folklore,  i.  334).  Cf.  the 
Roumanian-Gypsy  tale  of  The  Snake  who  became  the  King's  Son-in-law,  trans- 
lated from  Constantinescu,  Probe  de  Limba  si  Literatura  Tigatiilor  din  RomAnia, 
Bucharest,  1878,  no.  3,  pp.  61  ff.,  by  Groome,  Gypsy  Folk-Tales,  pp.  21-24.  See 
also  Giambattista  Basile's  Lo  Serpe,  Pentamerone,  ii.  5,  ed.  Croce,  i.  209  £E. 
(Liebrecht's  translation,  Der  Pentamerotie,  1846,  i.  191  ff.  ;  J.  E.  Taylor's,  The 
Pentamerone,  2d  ed.,  1850,  pp.  153  ff.  ;  Keightley,  Tales  and  Popular  Fictions, 
1834,  pp.  185  ff.). 

'^  See  pp.  5-6,  above. 

8  Kohlcr,  Kleinere  Schriften,  i.  318,  note  2. 

*  Seklemian,  The  Golden  Maiden  and  other  Folk  Tales  and  Fairy  Stories  told 
in  Armenia,  Cleveland  and  New  York,  1898,  pp.  73,  74. 


African  Insliluiions  in  America.  15 

AFRICAN  INSTITUTIONS  IN  AMERICA. 


The  great  majority  of  slaves  brought  to  America  were  from  that 
part  of  Africa  which  extends  from  Sierra  Leone  to  the  Congo  River, 
the  Guinea  Coast.  In  America,  they  were  distributed  over  an  area 
reaching  from  Argentina  to  New  England.  About  the  middle  of 
the  eighteenth  century  the  slave  trade  began  to  develop  very 
rapidly,  and  the  number  of  slaves  in  America  grew  very  fast  at  the 
end  of  the  century.  The  West  Indies  formed  a  sort  of  distributing 
point  whence  slaves  were  procured  for  New  England,  Mexico,  and 
the  Spanish  Main  in  return  for  products  of  those  places.  In  1780, 
besides  the  1,500,000  whites  of  New  England,  New  York,  New 
Jersey,  and  Pennsylvania,  it  was  estimated  that  there  were  43,000 
negro  slaves;  Massachusetts  had  10,000,  Rhode  Island,. 5000,  Con- 
necticut, 6000,  and  New  Hampshire,  4000  slaves.^ 

In  New  England  the  slaves  were  allowed  considerable  freedom,  and 
were  given  holidays  on  certain  days  for  recreation  and  amusement. 
One  of  these  days  was  election  day,  when  the  whole  community 
took  a  holiday  and  gathered  in  the  towns  to  vote.  These  days  of 
relaxation  were  made  the  occasion  for  a  pompous  and  ceremonious 
parade  by  the  negroes.  They  decked  themselves  out  in  striking  or 
fantastic  costumes,  and  on  horseback  or  on  foot  accompanied  their 
"  governor  "  through  the  streets.  The  parade  included  an  accom- 
paniment of  hideous  music,  and  was  followed  by  a  dinner  and  dance 
in  some  commodious  hall  hired  for  the  purpose.^  Sometimes,  how- 
ever, the  dinner  and  dance  were  not  preceded  by  the  parade.  The 
central  figure  in  these  functions  was  the  "  governor,"  who  was  a 
person  of  commanding  importance.  Just  who  this  person  was  and 
what  the  origin  of  these  customs  was,  writers  have  left  in  doubt. 
It  has  been  said  that  they  were  the  representatives  of  the  kings  of  the 
African  tribes ;  on  the  other  hand,  it  has  been  thought  that  "  the 
negroes,  having  no  voice  in  political  affairs,  naturally  enough  fell 
into  the  curious  habit  of  holding  elections  of  their  own,  after  the 
manner  of  their  white  masters  ; "  ^  and  some  have  gone  so  far  as  to 
say  that  the  election  of  a  "governor"  was  an  annual  performance 

^  Stiles,  Diary,  vol.  ii.  p.  410.  Fowler,  Hist,  of  Durham,  p.  161,  quoting  from  a 
letter  of  the  Governor  of  Connecticut  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Board  of  Trade. 
Connecticut  had  191,372  whites  and  6444  slaves  in  1774. 

*  The  best  single  collection  of  material  on  this  subject  is  by  Senator  O.  H.  Piatt, 
on  the  Negro  Governors,  in  New  Haven  Col.  Hist.  Soc.  Pap.  vol.  vi.  The  same 
subject  is  treated  in  Steiner,  Negro  Slavery  in  Conn.;  F.  C.  Norton,  Conn.  Mag. 
vol.  v.;  J.  D.  Shelton,  Harp.  Mon.  Mag.,  March,  1894. 

»  N.  H.  Col.  Hist.  Soc.  Pap.  vol.  vi.  p.  318. 


1 6  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

in  imitation  of  the  annual  election  of  the  whites.  It  has  been  thought 
also  that  these  "governors"  were  elected  to  preside  over  the  whole 
body  of  negroes  in  the  State,  but  there  is  no  evidence  to  show  that 
this  was  so  ;  on  the  other  hand,  the  evidence  does  show  that  their 
jurisdiction  was  local  rather  than  over  the  whole  State. 

Without  going  into  the  question  of  whether  the  negroes  really  had 
these  so-called  inaugural  parades  before  the  white  people  used  them,i 
it  may  be  said  that  these  customs  of  the  negroes  were  a  direct  sur- 
vival of  their  practices  in  Africa.  In  their  own  land  they  had  elective 
kings  or  chiefs  chosen  from  among  descendants  of  royal  blood,  and 
many  practices  of  a  judicial  and  social  nature  which  bear  a  strong 
resemblance  to  those  found  among  them  in  America.^  As  time  went 
on  these  customs  were  greatly  modified,  partly  by  association  with 
different  customs,  but  chiefly  through  the  mere  action  of  time  and 
the  failure  of  fresh  arrivals  from  Africa,  until  finally  the  meetings 
became  little  more  than  an  opportunity  for  a  good  time.  The  evidence 
which  has  been  preserved  contains  some  contemporary  records,  but 
the  great  mass  of  it  is  recollections  recorded  long  after  the  events 
(in  some  cases  over  sixty  years),  and  is  of  little  value  by  itself.  These 
recollections  are  interesting,  however,  and  aid  us  with  the  help  of 
more  definite  material  in  forming  a  picture  of  the  by-gone  practices, 
which  began  about  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century  and  ceased 
about  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth. 

A  gravestone  stood  in  the  burial  ground  of  Norwich,  bearing  the 
following  inscription  :  "  In  memory  of  Boston  Trowtrow,  Governor 
of  the  African  tribe  in  this  town,  who  died  1772,  aged  66."  ^  Another 
case  on  record  is  that  of  Cuff,  who  on  May  11,  1776,  at  Hartford, 
resigned  the  governorship  in  the  following  words  :  "  I,  Governor 
Cuff  of  the  niegro's  in  the  province  of  Connecticut,  do  resign  my 
governmentshipe  to  John  Anderson,  niegor  man  to  governor  Skene. 
And  I  hope  that  you  will  obey  him  as  you  have  done  me  for  this  ten 
years  past,  when  colonel  Willis'  niegor  dayed  I  was  the  next.  But 
being  weak  and  unfit  for  that  office  do  resign  the  said  government- 
shipe to  John  Anderson."  *  The  manifesto  of  the  new  governor 
follows  :  "  I,  John  Anderson,  having  the  honor  to  be  appointed  gov- 
ernor over  you  I  will  do  my  uttermost  endeavor  to  serve  you."  The 
appointment  of  a  slave  of  a  British  officer  on  parole  in  the  town  led 
to  some  uneasiness,  and  a  committee  was  appointed  to  investigate. 

1  N.  H.  Col.  Hist.  Soc.  Pap.  vol.  vi.  p.  320.  Senator  Piatt  thinks  the  inaugural 
parade  of  the  whites  commenced  about  1830  in  Connecticut. 

"^  Details  may  be  found  in  Spencer,  Sociology .^  African  Races^  Table  23,  25,  26. 

8  Caulkins,  Hist.  N^or.  p.  330. 

*  Hinman,  Avi.  Rev.  p.  31  et  seq.  This  abdication  is  duplicated  in  the  case  of 
King  Cassar  at  Durham.     N.  H.  Col.  Hist.  Soc.  Pap.  vol.  vi.  p.  326. 


African  Institutions  in  America,  17 

Their  report  of  the  examination  of  the  persons  concerned  makes  it 
clear  that  Cuff  had  been  advised  by  some  of  the  negroes  to  resign  to 
Anderson,  and  that  he  had  appointed  the  latter  without  an  election. 
On  the  other  hand,  Anderson  stated  that  he  had  told  the  negroes 
that  if  they  would  elect  him  governor  he  would  treat  them  to  the 
amount  of  twenty  dollars,  and  that  he  had  done  it  as  a  matter  of  sport. 
CufT  appointed  him  because  some  of  the  negroes  declared  that  they 
would  not  have  a  Tory  for  governor. 

From  these  two  documents  it  is  probable  that  there  was  a  gov- 
ernor in  Norwich  and  Hartford  at  the  same  time,  for  Cuff  says  that 
he  has  been  governor  for  ten  years,  and  succeeded  another  man  on 
death.  In  the  next  place  it  appears  that  Cuff  resigned  on  the  very 
day  of  so-called  "election,"  so  that  it  is  clear  that  he  did  not  know  of 
any  cause  why  there  should  be  an  election  on  that  day.  The  cause 
of  his  resignation  was  his  feebleness  and  the  desire  of  many  for  a 
younger  man,  who  could  give  them  more  fun.  If  there  was  no  elec- 
tion in  1776,  there  was  none  the  year  before,  and  Cuff,  who  had  been 
elected  in  1766,  was  expected  to  hold  his  office  until  death. 

In  Derby,  Tobias  Bassett,  the  grandson  of  an  African  prince,  was 
governor,  and  his  son  after  him  ;  ^  the  latter  "  was  of  the  very  finest 
physical  mould,  being  over  six  feet  tall  and  admirably  proportioned. 
He  was,  besides,  ready  of  speech  and  considered  quite  witty."  In 
Seymour,  "  Juba  served  a  number  of  years,  and  his  sons,  Nelson  and 
Wilson,  were  likewise  honored,  Wilson  .  .  .  being  the  last  governor, 
a  few  years  before  our  late  Civil  War."  ^ 

To  proceed  now  to  the  secondary  evidence  :  Professor  Fowler  says 
the  negroes  "  had  their  holidays  and  amusements  ;  they  would 
statedly  or  occasionally  appoint  a  king,  who  was  decorated  with  some 
of  the  emblems  of  royalty.  One  of  these  kings  the  present  writer 
recollects  to  have  seen.  He  had  the  appropriate  name  of  Caesar, 
and  held  his  court  on  the  west  side  of  the  town."  ^  "  The  person 
they  selected  for  the  office  in  question  was  usually  one  of  much 
note  among  themselves,  of  imposing  presence,  strength,  firmness 
and  volubility,  who  was  quick  to  decide,  ready  to  command,  and  able 
to  flog.  If  he  was  inclined  to  be  a  little  arbitrary,  belonged  to  a 
master  of  distinction,  and  was  ready  to  pay  freely  for  diversions  — 
these  were  circumstances  in  his  favor.  .  .  .  The  precise  sphere  of  his 
power  we  cannot  ascertain.  Probably  it  embraced  matters  and  things 
in  general  among  the  blacks,  —  morals,  manners,  and  ceremonies  ;"  ^ 

1  Letter  of  Hon.  Eben  D.  Bassett,  N.  H.  Col.  Hist.  Soc.  Pap.  vol.  vi.  p.  331. 
"^  N.  H.  Col.  Hist.  Soc.  Pap.  vol.  vi.  p.  330 ;  "  Quosh  held  the  office  for  many 
years  ; "  p.  334. 

8  Hist.  Dtirham,  p.  161  ;  Hist.  Status  of  the  Slaves  in  Conn.,  p.  16. 
*  Stuart,  Hartford  in  the  Olden  Time,  p.  38. 
VOL.  xvni.  —  NO.  68.      2 


i8  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

"  it  kept  the  blacks  in  good  order,  while  it  at  the  same  time  inno- 
cently gratified  their  fondness  for  enjoyment."-^  In  their  courts 
they  decided  cases  "generally  with  a  leaning  towards  severity," 
whipping  being  a  common  punishment.^ 

The  last  cases  show  the  presence  of  the  element  of  heredity  in  the 
elections,  and  establish  the  probability  that  the  elections  were  not 
annual,  and  were  of  an  African  derivation.  We  have  the  names  of  five 
governors  at  Hartford,  and  the  likelihood  that  there  were  governors 
at  Huntington,  Middletown,  Wallingford,  and  Farmington,  besides 
those  mentioned  herein.^  There  is  evidence  that  the  institution  was 
present  in  Massachusetts  and  New  Hampshire  ;*  in  Rhode  Island, 
where  the  negro  population  was  densest,  it  was  closely  observed. 
Not  long  after  the  Revolution  the  negro  population  began  to  decrease, 
owing  to  the  removal  of  slaves  to  the  South,  and  the  lack  of  fresh 
importations  caused  the  institution  to  die  out ;  indeed,  the  circum- 
stances in  the  case  of  Cuff  show  that  it  was  even  then  on  the  wane  ; 
the  customs  attendant  upon  it  lasted  longest  where  the  negro  popu- 
lation was  largest  and  communication  with  the  West  Indies  most 
direct,  namely,  in  New  Haven  and  Rhode  Island. 

The  two  attendant  circumstances  which  observers  never  failed  to 
recall  were  the  "election"  parade  and  ball.  They  could  not  have 
failed  to  impress  people  in  those  times.  "  His  parade  days  were 
marked  by  much  that  was  showy,  and  by  some  things  that  were 
ludicrous.  A  troop  of  blacks,  sometimes  an  hundred  in  number, 
marching  sometimes  two  and  two  on  foot,  sometimes  mounted  in 
true  military  style  and  dress  on  horseback,  escorted  him  through  the 
streets.  After  marching  to  their  content,  they  would  retire  to  some 
large  room  which  they  would  engage  for  the  purpose,  for  refresh- 
ments and  deliberation.  This  was  all  done  with  the  greatest  re- 
gard for  ceremony."^     This  function  occurred  annually;  but  it  was 

1  Stuart,  Hartford^  43  et  seq. 

'  Ibid.  The  following  is  quoted  by  Piatt  from  a  Rhode  Island  source,  but,  no 
reference  having  been  given,  it  is  not  possible  to  verify  it:  "  The  judicial  depart- 
ment consisted  of  the  Governor,  who  sometimes  sat  in  judgment  in  cases  of  appeal. 
The  other  magistrates  and  judges  tried  all  charges  brought  against  any  negro,  by 
another,  or  by  a  white  person.  Masters  complained  to  the  governor  and  magis- 
trates of  the  delinquencies  of  their  slaves,  who  were  tried,  condemned  and  punished 
at  the  discretion  of  the  court.  The  punishment  was  sometimes  quite  severe,  and 
what  made  it  the  more  effectual  was  that  it  was  the  judgment  of  their  peers ;  people 
of  their  own  rank  and  color  had  condemned  them,  and  not  their  masters,  by 
an  arbitrary  mandate.  The  punishment  was  by  bastinado.  .  .  .  Execution  was 
done  by  the  high  sheriff  or  his  deputy  —  and  what  made  it  more  salutary  in  re- 
straining the  immorality,  infidelity,  petty  larceny,  or  other  delinquencies,  was  the 
sneers  and  contempt  of  their  equals."     N.  H.  Col.  Hist.  Soc.  Pap.  vol.  vi.  p.  324. 

^  Stuart,  Hartford,  pp.  39,  41,  37. 

<  N.  H.  Col.  Hist.  Soc.  Pap.  vol.  vi.  p.  321. 

*  Stuart,  Hartford,  p.  38  ;  Caulkins,  Norwich,  p.  330.    "  At  dinner  the  Governor 


African  Institutions  in  America.  19 

this  which  at  Hartford  led  people  to  suppose  that  the  election  was 
annual,  because  the  arrival  of  many  outsiders  there  on  the  annual 
election  day  made  a  fitting  occasion  for  the  parade  and  dance  over 
which  the  governor  presided. 

How  easy  it  was  to  confuse  the  election  and  the  parade  and  ball, 
can  be  seen  from  the  record  in  French's  Journal :  ^  "  The  next  day  the 
negroes,  according  to  annual  custom,  elected  a  governor  for  them- 
selves, when  John  Anderson,  Gov.  Skene's  black  man,  was  chosen  ; 
at  night  he  gave  a  supper  and  ball  to  a  number  of  his  electors,  who 
were  very  merry  and  danced  till  about  three  o'clock  in  the  morning." 
French  was  one  of  the  Ticonderoga  prisoners  at  Hartford,  and  his 
record  shows  that  the  gathering  and  ball  of  the  negroes  was  known 
in  the  locality  as  "  annual  election,"  although  it  is  clear  that  there 
was  neither  a  forecasted  nor  actual  election  at  the  time. 

Considerable  search  has  failed  to  reveal  any  very  satisfactory 
material  relating  to  these  institutions  in  the  South.  The  laws 
repressing  meetings  of  negroes  appear  to  have  been  severe.^  The 
following  account  of  an  African  "  wizard  "  in  Georgia  is  interesting 
and  important,  but  the  fact  that  he  is  said  to  have  operated  "  many 
years  ago  "  may  detract  somewhat  from  its  value.  An  old  Guinea 
negro,  a  horse-trainer  and  hanger-on  of  sporting  contests,  "claimed 
to  be  a  conjurer,  professing  to  have  derived  the  art  from  the  Indians 
after  his  arrival  in  this  country  from  Africa."  The  only  use  he  made 
of  this  valuable  accomplishment  was  "  in  controlling  riotous  gath- 
erings "  of  negroes,  and  "  in  causing  runaway  slaves  to  return,  fore- 
telling the  time  they  would  appear  and  give  themselves  up."  He 
would  get  the  master  and  overseers  to  pardon  their  erring  slaves.^ 
This  shows  a  powerful  control  in  this  man  over  his  fellows,  and  one 
that  could  be  put  to  good  use  if  properly  directed.  The  basis  of 
his  power  undoubtedly  lay  in  some  combination  in  the  mores  of  the 
negroes  themselves.  Traces  of  this  individual  power  seem  to  be 
present  in  the  Gabriel  revolt  in  Virginia  in  1800,  and  in  the  Nat 
Turner  revolt  at  a  later  date.*  It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  the 
negroes  would  have  submitted  to  a  form  of  conjuration  derived  from 
Indians.  The  great  prosperity  of  the  South  came  after  the  period 
of  active  importation  of  slaves,  so  that  in  recent  times  there  was  not 

was  seated  at  the  head  of  the  long  table,  under  trees  or  an  arbor,  with  the  unsuccess- 
ful candidate  at  his  right  and  his  lady  at  his  left.  The  afternoon  was  spent  in  dan- 
cing,.games  of  quoits,  athletic  exercise."  Updike,  Hist,  of  the  Episcopal  Church 
in  Rhode  Island,  p.  1 78. 

^  N.  H.  Col.  Hist.  Soc.  Pap.  vol.  vi.  p.  329.  The  record  is  the  same  date  as  the 
resignation  of  Cuff. 

2  Brackett,  Negroes  in  Maryland.,  p.  100 ;  Gayarrd,  Louisiana.,  p.  539. 

*  Journ.  Am.  Folk-Lore.,  vol.  xiv.  p.  177. 

*  Calendar  of  Virgi?iia  St.  Pap.;  Drewry,  Southampton  Insurrection. 


20  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

a  large  number  of  negroes  with  the  practices  of  Africa  fresh  in  their 

minds.^ 

II. 

In  Brazil  and  the  West  Indies  the  slave  trade  lasted  longer  than  it 
did  in  New  England,  especially  in  Brazil  and  Cuba,  where  the  intro- 
duction of  negroes  from  Africa  did  not  cease  until  after  the  middle 
of  the  nineteenth  century.  There  is  an  abundance  of  contemporary 
evidence  showing  the  condition  of  the  negroes  in  these  colonies,  and 
the  government,  in  Cuba  at  least,  legally  recognized  and  made  use  of 
their  African  customs  as  a  part  of  the  local  police  and  as  a  means  of 
controlling  the  negro  population.  "  The  different  nations  are  marked 
out  in  the  Colonies  both  by  the  master  and  the  slaves.  Each  tribe 
or  people  has  a  king  elected  out  of  their  number,  whom  they  rag 
out  with  much  savage  grandeur  on  the  holidays  on  which  they  are 
permitted  to  meet.  At  these  courtly  festivals  (usually  held  every 
Sunday  and  feast  day)  numbers  of  free  and  enslaved  negroes  assem- 
ble to  do  homage  with  a  sort  of  grave  merriment ;  one  would  doubt 
whether  it  was  done  in  ridicule  or  memory  of  their  former  condition."  ^ 

The  fantastic  parades  took  place  in  all. parts  of  Cuba,  in  the  towns 
and  cities  and  on  the  plantations.  The  favorite  times  for  the  parades 
were  Carnival  and  El  dia  de  los  reyes,  or  twelfth  day.  This  is  a 
description  of  El  dia  de  los  reyes  at  Gufnes  in  1844:  "Almost  un- 
limited liberty  was  given  to  the  negroes.  Each  tribe,  having  elected 
its  king  and  queen,  paraded  the  streets  with  a  flag,  having  its  name 
and  the  words  Viva  Isabella,  with  the  arms  of  Spain,  painted  on  it. 
Their  majesties  were  dressed  in  the  extreme  of  the  fashion,  and 
were  very  ceremoniously  waited  on  by  the  ladies  and  gentlemen  of 
the  court,  one  of  the  ladies  holding  an  umbrella  over  the  head  of  the 
queen.  They  bore  their  honors  with  that  dignity  which  the  negroes 
love  so  much  to  assume."  ^  Three  of  these  tribes  paraded  at  Guines, 
and  an  athletic  negro  in  fantastic  dress  accompanied  the  procession, 
performing  a  wild  dance  and  all  sorts  of  contortions.*  Here  is  one  at 
Havana  in  1856:  the  negroes  were  free  by  law  until  four  o'clock  in 
the  morning ;  they  decked  themselves  out  in  the  oddest  kinds  of  cos- 
tumes and  paraded  the  streets,  screeching  out  the  songs  of  their 
nations  to  the  music  of  rattles,  tin  pans,  and  tambourines  ;  one  had  "  a 
genuine  costume  of  a  king  of  the  Middle  Ages,  a  very  proper  red, 

^  Cf.  Du  Pratz,  Louisiana,  vol.  ii.  p.  255.  The  old  negroes  tended  to  break 
down  the  superstition  of  the  new  negroes. 

^  Letters  from  the  Havana,  during  the  Year  1820,  p.  21.  There  is  a  translation 
of  these  letters  in  Huber,  Aper(^u  sur  Vile  du  Cuba,  under  title  of  Lettres  sur  la 
Havane,  pp.  57-60. 

'  Wurdiman,  Notes  on  Cuba,  p.  83. 

*  Ibid.  Dr.  Wurdiman  spent  three  winters  in  Cuba,  and  his  work  seems  care- 
ful and  accurate. 


African  Institutions  in  America.  21 

close  coat,  velvet  vest  and  a  magnificent  gilt  paper  crown.  This  negro, 
who  was  enormously  tall,  and  had  a  tolerably  good-looking  head, 
gave  his  hand  gravely  to  a  sort  of  feminine  blackamoor  who  repre- 
sented some  queen  or  other.  He  walked  with  a  deliberate,  majestic 
step,  never  laughed,  and  seemed  to  be  reflecting  deeply  on  the  gran- 
deur of  his  mission  to  this  world."  ^ 

After  the  parade  the  negroes  proceeded  to  their  hall.  These  re- 
unions on  Sundays  and  festivals  were  called  Cabildos,  and  were  known 
under  the  distinctive  name  of  the  tribe,  Cabildo  de  Arara,  Cabildo 
de  Congo,  Cabildo  de  Lucumi.^  The  laws  gave  the  slaves  certain 
hours  and  parts  of  certain  days  for  amusement  and  recreation,  and 
they  gathered  in  these  halls  to  enjoy  themselves  in  their  own  way 
and  to  practice  their  customs.  One  custom  followed  upon  another, 
and  when  a  large  body  was  gathered  together  some  system  of  con- 
trol was  necessary  and  they  inevitably  fell  back  on  their  own  devices. 
"  In  the  houses  which  face  the  rampart,  to  the  right  and  left  of  the 
main  gate  of  Havana,  the  negroes  assemble  to  dance  Sundays  and 
feast  days.  Each  different  nation  has  its  Cabildo  or  chapter  ;  the  meet- 
ing is  attended  by  a  frightful  uproar.  Old  and  young,  man  and  woman, 
even  the  spectators  follow  the  movements  of  the  dance.  Without, 
the  sounds  of  the  tamtam,  of  the  bamboula,  the  noise  of  the  kettles, 
animate  those  who  have  been  unable  to  find  a  place  in  the  dance 
hall.  The  mirth  of  these  poor  slaves  is  very  open  ;  there  are  few  dis- 
putes among  them.  A  master  readily  gives  permission  to  his  ne- 
groes to  gather  at  the  cabildo,  unless  they  are  inclined  to  be  wild."  ^ 

Frederika  Bremer  spent  some  time  in  Cuba  in  1851.  She  was 
curious  to  learn  about  the  negroes,  and  she  wrote  of  them  and  the 
island  in  a  sympathetic  way.  She  visited  several  of  their  cabildos  at 
Havana.  She  learned  that  many  of  the  slaves  had  been  princes 
and  chiefs,  and  that  their  fellow  tribesmen  on  the  plantations  showed 
them  great  respect  and  obedience.*    The  cabildo  of  the  Lucumis  was 

1  Beauvallet,  Rachel  in  the  New  World,  p.  363  ff. ;  Marmier,  Cartas  sobre  Amer- 
ica, vol.  ii.  pp.  39-56.  "EI  gefe  adornado  con  el  gran  penacho  de  plumas  hace  mil 
contorsiones."  This  person  performed  the  so-called  devil's  dance :  "  El  diablito, 
el  negro  vestido  ridiculamente  a  modo  de  marmarracho  6  arlequin,  que  el  dia  de 
Reyes  anda  por  las  calles  con  su  cabildo,  dando  brincos  y  haciendo  piruetas,  algunas 
vezes  con  un  muneco  de  la  misma  figura  y  nombre."  —  Dico.  de  Vozes  Cubanas. 

2  Maddon,  Poems  by  a  Slave;  word  "  Cabildo  "  in  Glossary. 

3  Masse,  Otba  et  la  Havane,  p.  369.  Cabildo.  —  "  Reunion  de  negros  y  negras 
bozales  en  casas  destinadas  al  efecto  los  dias  festivos,  en  que  tocan  sus  atabales 
6  tambores  y  demas  instrumentos  nacionales,  cantan  y  bailan  en  confusion  y 
desdrden  con  un  ruido  infernal  y  eterno,  sin  intermision.  Reunen  fondos  yfor- 
man  una  especie  de  sociedad  de  pura  diversion  y  socorro,  con  su  caja,  Capataz, 
Mayordomo,  Rey,  Reinas  (sin  jurisdiction).  Cada  Nacion  tiene  su  Cabildo.'^  — 
Dice,  de  Vozes  Cubanas. 

*  Homes  of  the  New  World,  vol.  iii.  p.  142. 


2  2  Journal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 

held  in  a  room  large  enough  for  one  hundred  people.  At  one  end 
there  was  a  throne  with  a  canopy  over  it,  and  on  the  wall  above  a 
laro-e  crown  was  painted.  The  throne  contained  seats  for  the  king 
and  queen,  and  in  front  the  customary  dancing  went  on,  to  the  sound 
of  drums,  gourds  filled  with  stones,  and  beating  of  sticks,  —  all  of 
which  made  a  very  great  din.  The  cabildo  was  governed  by  one  or 
two  queens,  but  the  cabildo  elected  its  king,  who  managed  the  finan- 
cial affairs  of  the  tribe  and  had  a  secretary  and  master  of  ceremo- 
nies for  assistants.  Here  too  there  was  a  very  conspicuous  figure  in 
fantastic  dress,  before  whom  all  made  way,  who  with  many  contor- 
tions danced  up  to  welcome  such  visitors  as  were  allowed  to  enter. 
The  Cabildo  de  Congo  had  two  very  fine-looking  queens. ^ 

In  Matanzas,  on  Sunday  afternoons,  flags  on  high  staffs  pointed 
out  the  places  about  town  where  the  negroes  gathered  to  indulge 
in  their  national  dances.  The  meetings  were  under  the  protection 
of  the  civil  authorities.  Good  order  generally  prevailed  ;  they  were 
governed  by  a  king  and  queen,  who  had  great  influence  and  could 
stop  the  vicious  habits  of  their  subjects.  "  Complaints  made  to  him 
of  the  idle  or  vicious  habits  of  any  particular  individual,  not  infre- 
quently through  his  remonstrances,  correct  the  evil."  ^ 

In  Cuba  the  practice  of  African  customs  undoubtedly  began  early 
in  the  eighteenth  century  at  least  ;  so  that  with  the  great  increase  of 
African  negroes  due  to  the  removal  of  restrictions  on  the  slave  trade 
at  the  end  of  the  century,  it  became  necessary  to  regulate  the  cabildos. 
The  number  of  the  negroes  had  grown  to  such  an  extent  that  it 
seemed  dangerous  to  allow  them  to  gather  in  large  masses  without 
any  restraint,  and  they  used  these  meetings,  too,  for  practising  some 
forms  of  fetishism  and  mourning  for  dead  which  were  at  variance 
with  the  attempts  being  made  to  Christianize  them.  The  use  of 
drink  at  the  cabildos  was  another  evil  that  had  to  be  forbidden,  as  it 
seemed  beyond  the  power  of  the  chiefs. 

These  regulations  first  appeared  in  the  Bando  de  buen  gobierno 
of  Captain-General  Luis  de  las  Casas,  in  1792.  The  frequency  of 
elaborate  street  parades  was  very  much  restricted,  and  also  visits 
to  the  houses  of  the  chiefs.  The  Spanish  local  police  officers  and 
magistrates  were  ordered  to  communicate  the  prohibitions  of  the  law 
to  the  chiefs,  with  strict  orders  to  execute  them,  and  heavy  fines  were 
placed  upon  offenders.  Dances  after  the  fashion  of  Africa  were  al- 
lowed on  feast  days  only,  from  ten  to  twelve,  and  from  three  in  the 
afternoon  to  eight  at  night.^ 

1  Homes  of  the  New  World,\o\.  iii.  pp.  183-185  ;  Davey,  Cuba,  pp.  140-142. 

2  Wurdiman,  Notes  on  Cuba,  p.  1 14. 

3  Bando  de  buen  gobierno,  1792.  Articulos,  8,  9,  10,  36,  37,  38.  Art.  8. — 
"Menos  se  permitird  d  los  negros  de  Guinea  que  en  las  Casas  de  sus  Cabildos, 


African  Institutioits  in  America.  23 

The  greatest  danger  connected  with  these  gatherings  was  in  the 
presence  of  free  negroes,  and  .heavier  fines  were  placed  on  infractions 
by  them.  These  regulations  sufficed  for  the  period  between  1792 
and  1820,  but  in  the  stormy  period  which  began  at  that  time  it  became 
customary  to  greatly  restrict  the  freedom  of  the  slaves  in  this  re- 
spect, although  it  is  probable  that  the  negroes  in  the  cities  always 
enjoyed  more  latitude  in  this  matter  than  their  fellows  in  the  coun- 
try. However,  in  the  legislation  of  1842  and  1843,  when  it  was  the 
purpose  of  the  government  to  improve  the  condition  of  the  slaves, 
special  attention  was  given  to  this  point,  and  masters  in  the  country 
were  required  to  allow  their  slaves  to  have  "  el  baile  conocido  con 
el  nombre  de  tambor,"  on  feast  days  at  customary  hours,  under  the 
care  of  the  Mayorales.^ 

In  St.  Lucia,  as  late  as  1844,  the  negroes  had  "societies"  for 
dancing,  which  once  had  a  political  character  ;  each  society  had  three 
kings  and  three  queens,  who  were  elected  by  the  suffrages  of  the 
members.  The  first  or  senior  king  and  queen  appeared  only  on 
solemn  occasions.     Any  member   guilty  of  improper  conduct  was 

levanten  altares  de  Nuestros  Santos  para  los  bailes  que  forman  al  uso  de  su  • 
tierra ;  cuya  prohibicion  intimardn  los  Comisarios  sin  perdida  de  tiempo  d  los 
capataces  de  cada  Nacion ;  .  .  .  "  Art.  9.  —  "  los  Comisarios  intimar^n  tambien 
d  los  capataces  de  estos  Cabildos,  que  en  lo  adelante  con  ninguno  motivo,  ni  pre- 
texto,  conduzcan,  6  permitan  conducir  i.  ellos  los  cadaveres  de  Negros,  para  hacer 
bailes  6  llantos  al  uso  de  su  tierra  ;  "  .  .  . 

Capataz ;  "  se  aplica  con  frequencia  y  principalmente  entre  la  gente  de  color 
y  vulgar  de  la  parte  occidental  d  cualquiera  persona  que  tiene  alguna  empresa, 
establicimiento,  cuadrilla,  &c.,  que  necesita  de  subalternos."  —  Pichardo,  Dice. 
Prov.  de  Vozes  Cubanas. 

A  noted  Cuban  lawyer  and  author  writes  as  follows  about  these  customs  in 
Cuba : — 

"  Las  reinas  y  capataces  de  los  cabildos  con  sus  plumas  y  quitasoles,  y  aquel 
aturdimiento  de  infelices  esclavos  que  eran  menos  infelices  por  la  proteccidn  de  los 
leyes  y  la  presencia  de  otros  de  sus  semejantes  ya  libres,  y  la  esperanza  de  serlo 
algun  dia,  ofrecia  un  cuadro  interesante  en  consideraciones.  La  mayor  parte  de 
las  casas  de  la  Habana  se  quedaban  sin  servidumbre  y  sus  habitantes  se  resig- 
naban,  como  en  los  tiempos  de  Roma  antiqua,  k  ser  sus  propios  servidores  un 
dia  del  ano. 

"  Cudl  bx€  el  origen  de  esa  costumbre  que  ha  llegado  hasta  nuestros  dias  ?  No 
lo  he  podido  averiguar  como  concesidn:  todas  las  disposiciones  que  he  visto  se 
han  reducido  d  sancionarla  como  existente :  deduzco  por  lo  tanto  que  los  negros 
que  vieron  pedir  aguinaldo  d  la  tropa  el  dia  de  Reyes  con  pitos,  tambores  y 
cornetos  la  incitaron.  Las  asociaciones  6  eabildos  negros  eran  una  concesidn  d 
los  negros  africanos  que  se  establecian  con  conocimiento  y  autorizacidn  del 
gobierno."  Antonio  Bachiller  y  Morales,  Los  Negros,  pp.  114-115.  It  is  note- 
worthy that  the  Creole  negroes,  or  those  born  in  the  island,  took  no  part  in  these 
demonstrations  of  the  raw  African  negroes;  they  looked  upon  these  practices 
with  contempt,  or  had  their  own  meetings  and  other  functions. 

1  Bando  de  buen  gobierno,  1842,  Art.  51.    Reglamento  de  esclavos,  1843,  Art.  23. 


24  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

censured  at  the  meetings  by  the  king.  The  attendance  of  the  women 
was  more  regular  than  that  of  the  men.^ 

In  Brazil  "  the  negroes  brought  their  languages  and  usages,  which 
were  found  as  original  as  on  the  coast  of  Africa."  ^  The  patriarchal 
feeling  remained  very  strong.  The  tribes  seemed  to  be  families, 
considering  the  prince  as  the  father  ;  the  tie  never  died.  "  These 
princes  are  frequently  seen  sitting  on  a  stone  in  the  street,  surrounded 
by  a  crowd  who  come  to  them  for  judgment.  At  the  corner  of  the 
Travessa  de  S.  Antonio  is  a  stone  or  post,  for  many  years  the  throne 
of  an  African  prince  from  Angola.  .  .  .  The  natives  of  Congo  elect 
a  king  among  themselves,  to  whose  decrees  they  submit  in  a  similar 
manner."  ^ 

The  coffee  carriers  are  reported  to  have  been  extremely  well  organ- 
ized. They  were  mostly  Minas  from  the  Benin  region.  They  had 
a  system  by  clubbing  together  of  buying  the  freedom  of  any  one  of 
their  number  who  was  highly  respected.  "There  is  now  a  Mina 
black  in  Rio  remarkable  for  his  height,  who  is  called  '  the  Prince,' 
being  in  fact  of  the  blood  royal  of  his  native  country.  It  is  said  his 
subjects  in  Rio  once  freed  him  by  their  toil."  * 

The  negroes  of  Jamaica  had  gatherings  of  tribes  on  the  plantations, 
each  with  its  king  and  queen  dressed  in  hideous  attire,  at  which 
dancing  was  the  most  noticeable  feature.  In  the  towns  the  proces- 
sions were  headed  by  a  tall,  athletic  man  with  hideous  headdress, 
surmounted  by  a  pair  of  ox  horns  and  boar  tusks.  He  was  called 
John  Cornu,  from  a  celebrated  African  character,  carried  a  large 
wooden  sword,  and  executed  many  evolutions  and  freaks.^ 

III. 

In  most  of  the  French  West  Indies  the  slave  population  was  too 
small  to  afford  good  opportunities  for  observation,  and  they  ceased 
to  receive  large  numbers  of  Africans  at  an  early  date.  The  famous 
P^re  Labat  visited  many  of  the  smaller  islands  and  Haiti  about  the 
year  1700,  and  has  given  us  many  examples  of  African  customs  sur- 
viving in  the  islands.^     They  kept  up  their  idolatrous  religious  prac- 

1  Breen,  St.  Lucia,  p.  191  etseq. 

2  Walsh,  Notices  of  Brazil  in  1828  and  1829,  vol.  ii.  p.  185. 

3  Ibid.  vol.  ii.  pp.  187,  188. 

*  Kidder  and  Fletcher,  Brazil  and  the  Brazilians,  1857,  p.  135  ;  Ewbank,  Brazil, 

P-  439- 

^  Phillippo,  Jamaica  ;  its  Past  and  Present,  p.  242.  There  is  also  a  good  account 
of  an  African  funeral  as  practised  in  Jamaica.  The  person  described  above  may 
be  the  Mumbo  Jumbo  of  the  Mandingoes,  whose  duty  was  to  execute  public 
authority  in  the  hall  of  the  tribe  upon  the  female  offenders.  The  punishment  was 
by  whipping  in  public.     Spencer,  Af.  Races,  p.  11  ;  from  Park,  vol.  i.  pp.  38,  39. 

•  Voyage  aux  Isles  Francoises,  vol.  ii.  chap.  7. 


African  Institutions  in  America.  25 

tices,  had  obiism,  sorcerers,  pdisoners,  funeral  festivals,  and  showed 
great  reverence  or  fear  for  old  men.  Dancing  was  their  favorite 
exercise ;  one  of  these  dances,  called  the  Calenda,  the  father  states, 
came  from  Guinea,  and  was  accompanied  with  a  furious  racket  of 
tambours  and  bamboulas ;  it  was  thought  to  be  very  indecent,  and, 
because  the  negroes  were  likely  to  become  intoxicated  and  lead  to 
revolts,  the  authorities  forbade  it,  without  complete  success,  however. 
The  Congo  dance  was  less  objectionable.  The  men  exacted  a  great 
show  of  respect  from  their  families.  "  I  have  often  taken  pleasure 
in  watching  a  negro  carpenter  at  Guadaloupe  when  he  eat  his  meals. 
His  wife  and  children  gathered  around  him,  and  served  him  with  as 
much  respect  as  the  best  drilled  domestics  serve  their  masters  ;  and 
if  it  was  a  fete  day  or  Sunday,  his  sons-in-law  and  daughters  did  not 
fail  to  be  present,  and  bring  him  some  small  gifts.  They  formed  a 
circle  about  him,  and  conversed  with  him  while  he  was  eating.  When 
he  had  finished,  his  pipe  was  brought  to  him,  and  then  he  bade  them 
eat.  They  paid  him  their  reverences,  and  passed  into  another  room, 
where  they  all  eat  together  with  their  mother.  I  reproached  him 
sometimes  for  his  gravity,  and  cited  to  him  the  example  of  the  gov- 
ernor, who  eat  every  day  with  his  wife ;  to  which  he  replied  that  the 
governor  was  not  the  wiser  for  it ;  that  he  supposed  the  whites  had 
their  reasons,  but  they  also  had  theirs  ;  and  that  if  one  would  observe 
how  proud  and  disobedient  the  white  women  were  to  their  husbands, 
it  would  be  admitted  that  the  negroes  who  kept  them  always  in  respect 
and  submission,  are  wiser  and  more  experienced  than  the  whites  in 
this  matter."  ^  The  father  says  that  the  negroes  were  often  very 
eloquent,  and  that  they  all  spent  much  time  in  ridiculing  the  whites 
and  their  customs. 

A  letter  of  the  governor  of  Martinique  in  1753^  speaks  of  the 
parades  and  processions  of  the  negroes  in  the  island,  which  afforded 
means  of  amusement  and  disorder.  The  negroes  were  decked  out 
with  a  great  deal  of  ostentation,  many  were  armed  with  wooden 
weapons,  and  they  seemed  to  be  under  a  remarkable  discipline.  "  Sev- 
eral others  dressed  in  very  rich  garments  represented  the  king,  the 
queen,  and  all  the  royal  family,  up  to  the  grand  officers  of  the 
crown."  The  thought  that  there  were  18,000  negroes  in  the  island, 
thus  trained  and  disciplined  and  only  needing  a  leader,  made  the 
governor  feel  uneasy,  and  he  took  the  first  chance  he  had  to  forbid 
the  processions.  But  the  slaves  then  gathered  in  secret,  and  it  was 
necessary  to  resort  to  severe  punishment  to  enforce  the  law.^ 

The  most  remarkable  instances  of  the  survival  of  African  political 

^  Labat,  Voy.,  vol.  ii.  p.  54. 

*  Peytraud,  Vesclavage aux  Antilles  franqaises,^.  182. 

"  Ibid.  p.  301. 


2  6  journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

institutions  are  to  be  found  in  Haiti.  The  new  inventions  and  pro- 
cesses introduced  into  the  making  of  sugar  by  Pere  Labat  in  the 
first  two  decades  of  the  eighteenth  century  had  made  this  industry 
very  profitable,  and  the  French  soon  turned  their  attention  to  their 
foothold  in  Haiti,  ultimately  getting  a  recognition  of  their  claims 
to  the  western  part  of  the  island  of  Santo  Domingo  from  the  king 
of  Spain.  After  the  middle  of  the  century  the  march  of  its  prosper- 
ity was  very  rapid,  negroes  were  introduced  very  fast,  and  at  the  out- 
break of  the  French  Revolution  it  was  one  of  the  richest  colonial 
possessions  on  the  globe. 

Side  by  side  with  the  development  of  the  island  had  proceeded  a 
rapid  increase  in  the  number  and  wealth  of  the  people  of  mixed  blood, 
who  chiefly  occupied  the  southern  part  of  the  colony.  In  1789  the 
population  has  been  estimated  at  from  571,708^  to  614,429  ;2  there 
were  between  509,642  ^  and  434,529 ^  slaves,  27,000  to  40,000  people 
of  free  color,  and  35,000  to  40,000  whites.  The  great  mass  of  the 
mulatto  people  lived  in  the  south  and  the  adjacent  parts  of  the  west 
department,  that  is,  in  the  region  about  Port  au  Prince ;  the  moun- 
tainous north,  with  the  interlying  department  of  the  west,  had  the 
greatest  percentage  of  negro  population.  In  1805  the  population  was 
reported  to  be  480,000  blacks,  20,000  colored  or  mulatto,  and  1000 
whites  ;^  the  republic  of  the  south  had  261,000,  and  the  kingdom  of 
the  north  had  240,000  souls ;  *  of  the  two  higher  classes  of  popula- 
tion, including  the  old  freemen  and  administrative,  judicial,  and 
military  officers  of  government,  and  the  soldiers,  sailors,  artisans, 
domestics,  and  laborers  in  the  town  and  ports,  the  south  had  120,000, 
but  the  north  had  only  50,000 ;  ^  the  remainder  were  cultivators  of 
the  land  held  under  a  strict  regime  to  till  the  soil. 

The  mulattoes  occupied  a  decidedly  inferior  position  in  the  colony 
compared  to  that  held  by  the  whites,  laboring  under  political  and  so- 
cial disabilities,  and,  at  the  beginning  of  the  revolution,  when  it  be- 
came apparent  that  the  whites,  who,  for  various  reasons,  were  divided 
among  themselves,  would  not  allow  them  to  receive  the  benefits 
granted  by  the  National  Assembly,  they  revolted.  Two  weeks  later, 
August  22,  1 791,  the  revolts  amongst  the  blacks  at  the  north  began. 
There  was  probably  no  concerted  action  between  the  two  outbreaks  ;^ 
the  mulattoes  struck  for  equality,  the  blacks  for  liberty. 

For  many  years  there  had  been  bands  of  runaway  negroes  in  the 
mountains  under  their  chiefs.     The  earliest  known  of  these  chiefs 

^  St.  Amand,  Rev.  (V Haiti,  vol.  i.  p.  8. 

-  Lacroix,  i^d^w.  vol.  ii.  p.  273.    Edwards,  St.  Domingo,  p.  154,  estimates  165,000 
slaves  in  north,  193,000  in  west,  77,000  in  south,  and  241,000  mulattoes  in  south. 
^  Lacroix,  vol.  ii.  p.  276.  ■•  Ibid.  *  Ibid. 

«  St.  Amand,  Rev.  d' Haiti,  vol.  i.  p.  317. 


African  Institutions  in  America.  27 

was  Polydor  in  1724  ;  he  was  succeeded  by  Macandal,  of  whom  the 
negroes  seemed  to  stand  in  superstitious  dread  :  ^  The  great  chief  of 
these  maroons  at  the  time  of  the  revolts  was  Jean  Fran^ais,  and  he 
was  followed  by  another  black  called  Biassou.  One  of  their  agents 
said  to  the  French  commissioner,  "  I  am  the  subject  of  three  kings  : 
of  the  king  of  Congo,  master  of  all  the  blacks  ;  of  the  king  of  France, 
who  represents  my  father,  and  of  the  king  of  Spain,  who  represents 
my  mother.  If  I  passed  into  the  service  of  the  republic,  I  would 
perhaps  be  brought  to  make  war  against  my  brothers,  the  subjects  of 
these  three  kings  to  whom  I  have  promised  fidelity,"  ^ 

Toussaint  when  he  fled  from  his  plantation  joined  this  band,  where 
he  was  known  as  "  the  doctor  of  the  armies  of  the  king,"  ^  and  soon 
became  aid  to  Jean  Fran^ais  and  Biassou.  Upon  the  death  or  with- 
drawal of  the  other  chiefs,  Toussaint  rose  to  the  chief  command. 
He  soon  acquired  complete  control  over  the  blacks,  not  only  in 
military  matters  but  an  absolute  dominance  over  politics  and  social 
organization  ;  *  "  the  soldiers  regarded  hira  as  a  superior  being,  and 
the  cultivators  prostrated  themselves  before  him  as  before  a  divinity. 
All  his  generals  trembled  before  him  (Dessalines  did  not  dare  to 
look  in  his  face),  and  all  the  world  trembled  before  his  generals.^' '^ 
Toussaint  passed  into  the  north,  and  in  an  astonishingly  short  time 
the  whole  district  was  under  his  control,  the  negroes  began  to  return 
to  work  on  the  plantations,  and  security  was  in  sight.  The  English 
who  held  Mole  St.  Nicolas  made  some  overtures  to  Toussaint,  but 
he  quickly  gave  them  to  understand  that  he  would  be  no  dupe  of 
theirs.  A  reconciliation  was  brought  about  between  Toussaint  and 
the  French,  recognizing  the  freedom  of  the  blacks,  but  provisions 
were  made  for  confining  the  black  population  to  the  estates  and 
compelling  them  to  till  the  soil. 

The  mulattoes  of  the  south  under  Rigaud  still  refused  to  submit. 
If  the  whites  and  negroes  had  settled  their  differences,  it  left  the 
mulattoes  in  the  same  relative  situation  as  before  the  outbreak. 
There  was  no  bond  of  sincerity  uniting  the  whites  and  mulattoes, 
nor  the  mulattoes  and  the  negroes.^     There  was  a  universal  preva- 

1  Brown,  Hist.  St.  Dom.  vol.  i.  p.  1 19, 

^  Lacroix,  Mem.  sur  la  Rev.  vol.  i.  p.  253,  This  agent  appears  to  have  repre- 
sented Pierrot,  black,  under  whom  Jean  and  Biassou  acted,  of,  p.  303.  Pierrot 
died,  1794. 

3  Ibid.  p.  302. 

*  Ibid.  pp.  310,  311  ;  Brown,  St.  Dom.  vol.  ii.  p.  108. 

^  Quoted  from  Lacroix  by  Mackenzie,  Notes  on  Haiti,  vol.  i.  p.  45,  and  confirmed 
by  the  latter ;  Brown,  St.  Dom.  vol.  ii.  p.  29 ;  Lacroix,  vol.  i.  p,  408. 

®  Castonnet  des  Fosses,  St.  Do?n.  p.  199.  Manifesto  of  Toussaint,  21  Feb.,  1799 : 
" '  Le  gdndral  Rigaud,'  s'dcria-t-il,  '  refuse  de  m'obdir  parce  que  je  suis  noir, 
Mulatres,  je  vois  au  fond  de  vos  ames  ;  vous  dtiez  prets  k  vous  soulever  contre  moi. 


28  Journal  of  A merican  Folk- Lore. 

lence  of  distrust.  Toussaint  was  now  a  general  of  the  French  army. 
Whether  Napoleon  really  intended  to  violate  this  agreement  has  not 
been  shown,  but  his  colonial  scheme  required  the  presence  of  a  large 
force  in  the  island.  Upon  the  arrival  of  these  forces,  Toussaint  told 
his  officers  that  the  French  were  coming  to  reenslave  them,  and  that 
resistance  to  the  last  must  be  made.^  Shortly  afterwards  Toussaint 
was  seized  and  sent  to  France  and  imprisoned,  where  he  soon  died  from 
old  age,  melancholy  (which  is  singularly  characteristic  of  the  proud 
spirits  of  African  chieftains  when  placed  in  captivity),  and  the  change 
to  a  severer  climate. 

Toussaint  was  succeeded  by  the  black,  Dessalines,  in  1802,  who 
declared  himself  emperor.  Dessalines,  like  Toussaint  and  his  lieu- 
tenant Christophe,  was  noted  in  his  days  of  slavery  for  his  severity 
toward  his  fellow  slaves  and  for  the  discipline  which  he  exercised 
over  them.  He  had  other  characteristics  of  African  chieftains. 
"There  were  seasons  when  he  broke  through  his  natural  sullenness, 
and  showed  himself  open,  affable,  and  even  generous.  His  vanity 
was  excessive,  and  manifested  itself  in  singular  perversities.  He  was 
delighted  with  embroidery  and  ornaments.  At  times  he  appeared 
to  his  subjects  clothed  in  magnificent  decorations,  and  upon  other 
occasions  his  costume  was  plain  even  to  meanness.  A  ridiculous 
propensity  of  the  black  emperor  was  displayed  in  his  desire  to  mani- 
fest himself  to  his  subjects  as  an  accomplished  dancer.  .  .  .  His 
courage  in  the  field  was  that  of  the  headlong  fury  of  the  tiger.  The 
events  which  conducted  him  to  his  high  elevation  all  had  their  origin 
in  the  terror,  and  perhaps  confidence,  inspired  by  his  determined 
fierceness.  ,  .  .  For  the  slightest  causes  both  blacks  and  mulattoes 
were  put  to  death  without  mercy  and  without  the  forms  of  trial."  ^ 
The  population  prostrated  themselves  before  him.^ 

On  the  I  St  of  January,  1804,  the  blacks  and  mulattoes  united  to 
issue  the  declaration  of  independence  of  Haiti  ;  the  act  was  signed 
by  Dessalines,  the  black  general-in-chief,  by  Christophe,  his  black 
lieutenant,  by  Pction,  the  leader  of  the  mulattoes,  and  by  many  others.* 
The  mulattoes  and  negroes  seem  to  have  agreed  that  the  expulsion 
of  the  white  man  was  necessary  to  the  peace  of  the  island. 

In  1805  a  constitution  was  drawn  up  and  accepted  by  both  mulat- 
toes and  negroes,  placing  all  power  in  the  hands  of  the  emperor. 
The  severity  with  which  Dessalines  enforced  the  laws  soon  began  to 
turn  many  against  him.     The  mulattoes  did  not  wish  at  any  price  to 

Mais  en  quittant  le  Port-R^publicain  pour  me  rendre  au  Cap,  j'y  laisse  mon  ceil  et 
mon  bras ;  mon  oeil  pour  vous  surveiller  et  mon  bras  pour  vous  atteindre.' "  Cf. 
p.  166. 

1  Lacroix,  vol.  ii.  p.  63.  *  Brown,  vol.  ii.  pp.  158,  159. 

'  Lacroix,  vol.  ii.  p.  192.  *  Printed  in  Mackenzie,  vol.  ii.  p.  263. 


African  Institutions  in  America.  29 

submit  to  the  domination  of  the  negroes,  part  of  whom,  being  natives 
of  Africa,  had  preserved  their  savage  mores}  Dessalines  started  to 
suppress  this  revolt  of  the  mulattoes  led  by  Potion,  but  was  killed  in 
ambush  in  October,  1806. 

A  new  constitution  was  drawn  up  in  1806,  providing  for  the  election 
of  a  president  for  life  ;  the  presidency  was  offered  to  Christophe,^ 
the  next  of  the  great  black  chiefs  after  Dessalines,  but  the  office 
was  too  much  burdened  with  limitation  of  power  to  suit  him,  and  he 
withdrew  into  the  north,  leaving  Petion  to  set  up  his  republic.  In 
the  north  a  new  constitution  was  drafted,  establishing  the  kingdom 
of  Haiti,  and  Christophe  was  declared  the  first  king,  with  the  title  of 
Henry  I.,  181 1.  A  former  constitution  drawn  up  in  1807  had  made 
the  president  hold  for  life,  with  right  to  appoint  his  successor.  It 
was  now  declared  advisable  to  erect  an  hereditary  throne  and  provide 
for  the  reestablishment  of  customs,  morals,  and  religion.  The  con- 
stitution provided  for  hereditary  succession  to  the  crown  in  the  family 
of  Christophe,  through  the  direct  male  line,  in  failure  of  which  it 
was  to  pass  into  the  family  of  the  prince  next  related  to  the  king's 
family,  or  the  oldest  in  dignity.  It  provided  for  a  royal  family,  a  re- 
gency, a  grand  council,  and  a  privy  council,  officers,  ministers,  oaths, 
etc.  All  power  was  centred  in  the  hands  of  the  king.  In  the  south 
the  separation  of  powers  was  the  basis  of  the  government.^ 

Some  writers  have  thought  that  this  was  purely  an  act  of  gran- 
diloquence and  mimicry  on  the  part  of  Christophe,  but  it  is  truer 
to  say  that  in  it  he  was  actuated  by  a  clear  insight  into  the  needs 
and  peculiarities  of  the  people  with  whom  he  had  to  deal.  There 
is  nothing  in  the  constitution  which  did  not  have  its  companion  in 
Africa,  where  the  organization  of  society  was  truly  despotic,  with 
elective-hereditary  chiefs,  royal  families,  polygamic  marriages,  coun- 
cils, and  regencies.  But,  undoubtedly,  the  form  in  which  these 
things  were  put  into  writing  was  influenced  very  much  by  the  lan- 
guage and  systems  which  were  known  in  Europe.  Toussaint,  Des- 
salines, and  Christophe  had  ministers  and  others  in  their  employ 
who  were  men  educated  in  France. 

But  we  have  now  to  consider  that  which  was  the  foundation  of  this 

1  Castonnet  des  Fosses,  Rev.  St.  Dom.  vol.  i.  p.  201. 

2  Christophe  was  the  son  of  a  mulatto  and  a  negress,  thus  preserving  the  heredi- 
tary line  of  black  descent.  Christophe  exercised  the  same  rigid  control  over  the 
blacks  as  Toussaint  and  Dessalines,  yet  in  spite  of  his  ferocity,  the  old  chiefs 
retained  a  yearning  toward  him  for  years  after  his  death  ;  he  was  spoken  of  in 
awe,  and  called  "  I'homme  "  and  "le  roi."  Mackenzie,  Haiti,  vol.  i.  p.  178  ;  vol. 
ii.  p.  71  ;  Brown,  vol.  ii.  p.  210. 

'  Many  documents  relating  to  the  government  of  Haiti  are  collected  \xvBrit.  and 
For.  State  Pap.  vol.  xvi.  pp.  661  ff.  They  are  also  given  in  Mackenzie,  Notes  on 
Haiti. 


3  o  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

system,  which  at  once  marks  the  insight  of  Toussaint  and  Christophe, 
and  the  African  origin  of  their  government.  This  is  the  system  of 
agriculture.  This  system  was  adopted  at  the  time  of  the  reconciU- 
ation  between  the  French  and  the  blacks,  under  the  advice  of  Tous- 
saint. Some  writers  have  called  it  an  attempt  to  establish  feudalism 
in  the  island,  and  the  system  does  have  a  resemblance  to  it,  but  it 
also  has  many  points  of  similarity  with  the  organization  of  society  in 
many  African  tribes.  There  was  a  division  of  the  population  into 
military  and  civil  or  laboring  classes,  the  latter  including  both  free 
and  slave  laborers.  The  territory  was  parcelled  out  to  chiefs  or 
lords,  and  the  laborers  were  bound  to  the  soil,  which  they  were  com- 
pelled to  work  under  a  rigorous  system  of  inspection  ;  for  their  sup- 
port a  part  of  the  produce  was  set  aside,  the  rest  going  to  the  chiefs, 
and  for  the  support  of  the  king  or  general  government  and  the  army. 
The  army  was  kept  under  stern  discipline,  which  made  it  possible 
to  arm  the  free  men  and  laborers ;  the  women  did  a  large  part  of 
the  agricultural  labor.  Under  Toussaint  the  administration  of  this 
labor  system  was  committed  to  Dessalines,  who  carried  it  out  with 
the  utmost  rigor,  and  it  was  afterward  followed  by  Christophe  in  the 
same  manner.  The  latter  went  so  far  as  to  import  4000  negroes 
from  Africa,  which  he  took  means  to  bind  to  his  person  and  form 
into  a  national  guard,  for  patrolling  the  country.^  These  regulations 
brought  back  for  a  time  a  large  part  of  the  prosperity  which  the 
island  had  enjoyed. 

The  comparison  of  their  lot  with  the  easier  and  more  indolent  life 
of  the  south  brought  dissatisfaction  into  the  ranks  of  Christophe's 
people,  so  that  at  his  death  Boyer,  the  president  of  the  south,  was 
able  to  assert  his  sway  over  the  whole  island.  The  following  quo- 
tation is  taken  from  the  book  of  Dr.  Brown,  who  spent  the  year 
1833-34  in  the  island,  and  whose  work  shows  many  marks  of  care 
and  accuracy : — 

"  A  distinction  is  recognized  by  law  between  the  class  of  laborers 
and  that  of  proprietors  ;  and  the  regulations  established  by  Toussaint 
and  Dessalines  for  the  prosperity  of  agriculture,  and  to  make  a  just 
division  of  its  avails,  are  still  preserved  in  the  laws  of  the  country 
under  the  denomination  of  the  code  rurale.  But  the  aristocratical 
principle  which  makes  such  invidious  distinctions,  and  enables  the 
proprietors  to  compel  the  laborer  attached  to  the  soil  of  his  planta- 
tion to  perform  a  daily  task  and  receive  one  fourth  of  the  harvest  as 
the  reward  of  his  season's  toil,  has  been  discovered  to  be  uncongenial 
with  the  institution  of  a  republic  based  upon  the  maxim  that  all  men 
are  equal.  Thus  '  the  toe  of  the  peasant  comes  near  the  heel  of  the 
courtier,'  and  it  is  found  impossible  to  enforce  regulations  against 
'  Brown,  vol.  ii.  p.  204.     They  were  called  the  "  Dahomet." 


African  Institutions  in  America.  31 

it  without  a  restoration  of  such  arbitrary  despotism  as  that  experi- 
enced under  the  sway  of  Christophe.  The  negroes  are  thus  permit- 
ted to  roam  at  large,  legally  independent  of  each  other,  and  invested 
with  the  full  enjoyment  of  their  beloved  indolence.  An  exception 
to  this  is  said  to  exist  within  two  districts  in  the  north  of  the  island, 
those  namely  of  Grande  Riviere  and  Port  de  Pai.  The  commanding 
generals  of  these  arrondissements  are  black  chieftains  once  attached 
to  the  service  of  Christophe,  and  convinced  by  the  results  which 
they  saw  acquired  by  his  rigid  severity  toward  the  lower  classes  of 
the  population,  that  no  means  are  so  effectual  as  absolute  compulsion 
to  induce  the  negroes  to  labor,  they  still  continue  the  policy  of  their 
royal  master,  and  make  coercion  the  basis  of  their  measures  for  the 
prosperity  of  the  districts  under  their  command.  Delinquent  labor- 
ers, vagrants,  and  petty  offenders  are  in  these  two  arrondissements 
seized  and  punished  by  scourging  instead  of  imprisonment ;  and  this 
severer  punishment  is  found  to  produce  much  greater  effects  than 
incarceration,  which  has  in  it  no  terrors  to  the  black.  In  consequence 
of  this  more  summary  government,  the  condition  of  things  in  these 
two  districts  is  deemed  to  a  great  extent  better  than  that  which 
exists  in  other  parts  of  the  country.  .  .  .  Upon  these  working  days 
the  negroes  are  prohibited  from  assembling  to  amuse  themselves  by 
dancing  or  any  mode  of  festivity,  —  such  seasons  of  merriment  being 
exclusively  confined  to  the  religious  feasts  or  national  anniversaries 
established  by  the  rules  of  the  church  or  the  laws  of  the  republic. 
The  dances  introduced  from  Africa  are  still  in  vogue,  and  upon 
Sundays  and  fete  days  the  monotonous,  thumping  sound  of  the  bam- 
boula  is  heard  in  all  directions.  .  .  .  With  this  characteristic  orchestra 
a  ring  is  formed  in  the  open  air,  and  the  voluptuous  African  dances 
commence  with  shrill,  drawling  outcries,  the  sound  of  which  is  more 
plaintive  than  exhilarating  or  lively.  .  .   . 

"  In  no  other  country  perhaps  is  there  such  entire  absence  of  all 
enormous  crimes  among  the  population.  .  .  .  The  unexampled  security 
of  a  traveller  among  the  population  of  the  interior  is  almost  incredible, 
for  he  may  journey  from  one  end  of  the  island  to  the  other  .  .  .  with- 
out the  least  danger  of  violence  or  of  any  interruption  whatever.  .  .  . 
Almost  the  only  prevalent  crime  is  petty  theft.  ...  As  is  the  case 
with  all  barbarous  nations,  the  females  are  compelled  to  perform 
most  of  the  labor.  Those  of  the  country  employ  themselves  in 
cultivating  the  soil,  while  the  men  spend  their  time  in  traversing 
the  country  on  horseback,  in  drinking,  smoking,  and  other  habits 
equally  unprofitable.  The  females  of  the  towns  perform  all  the  retail 
traf^c  of  the  country,"  ^ 

1  Brown,  vol.  ii.  pp.  278-280.  Cf.  Mackenzie,  vol.  i.  pp.  38,  79;  vol.  ii.  pp.  146- 
154.     In  the  south,  the  decline  in  agriculture  followed  the  excessive  relaxation  of 


32  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

One  great  difficulty  in  dealing  with  this  question  lies  in  the  fact 
that  observers  did  not  know  just  what  they  were  describing.  A  chief 
is  called  indiscriminately,  governor,  king,  marshal,  or  fetishman. 
But  what  their  material  does  make  certain  is  that  the  negroes  did 
keep  their  mores  and  practised  them  whenever  they  were  allowed 
to  do  so,  and  that  such  practice  was  usually  attended  with  beneficial 
results.  Of  course,  the  incompleteness  of  our  data  does  not  permit 
us  to  affirm  that  Toussaint,  Dessalines,  and  Christophe  were  princes 
of  royal  blood,  but  it  is  very  probable  that  they  were.  A  striking 
instance  of  the  effect  of  an  election  upon  the  conduct  of  a  negro 
chief  is  seen  in  the  example  of  Soulouque,  president  and  emperor  of 
Haiti.i 

Soulouque  was  a  negro  born  in  Haiti,  of  the  Mandingo  tribe.  He 
became  a  general  under  several  mulatto  presidents.  In  the  anarchy 
which  followed  the  fall  of  Boyer,  he  was  elected  president  by  the 
mulattoes  because  he  was  old,  could  not  read  or  write,  and  it  was 
thought  he  would  be  a  weak  president  and  an  easy  tool.  Upon  be- 
coming president  he  developed  an  exceedingly  strong  will  and  began 
to  attach  the  negroes  to  himself.  This  did  not  suit  the  mulattoes, 
and  a  series  of  conspiracies  was  begun.  Soulouque,  although  his 
antecedents  were  all  with  the  mulatto  party,  retaliated  by  executions 
and  massacres  in  true  African  style.  In  spite  of  his  failure  to  con- 
quer the  Dominican  Republic,  he  was  allowed  to  proclaim  himself 
emperor  in  1849,  with  the  will  of  the  people  apparently  in  his  favor 
and  by  unanimous  consent  of  the  legislature.  He  proceeded  at  once 
to  form  a  numerous  court,  a  military  and  a  civilian  class,  and  to  pro- 
claim his  right  to  rule  as  he  pleased  at  any  time  he  saw  fit.  The 
marvellous  extent  of  the  power  of  these  kings  and  emperors  leaves 
no  room  for  doubt  that  it  was  based  upon  something  more  than 
mere  personal  excellence.  According  to  African  customs  it  might 
not  always  happen  that  the  successor  of  a  chief  was  chosen  from 
among  his  kin.  A  chief  might  be  selected,  on  account  of  his  ability 
or  prowess,  from  outside  the  royal  line,  but  he  of  course  succeeded  to 
all  the  prerogatives  of  the  office. 

In  Cuba,  Brazil,  and  the  United  States  the  absence  of  opportunity 

to  engage  in  war  and  the  comparatively  confined  life  that  the  negroes 

led  left  them  small  latitude  for  the  exercise  of  their  customs,  which 

was  confined  to  the  regulation  of  the  morals  of  the  people. 

Hubert  H.  S.  Aimes. 
West  Haven,  Conn. 

the  law  in  regard  to  idleness.    In  the  north,  1826.  the  people  in  the  mountains  were 
still  "excessively  addicted  to  Obeah."     Mackenzie,  vol.  i.  p.  96.     Christophe  is 
said  to  have  had  jjreat  faith  in  Obi.     Ibid.  vol.  ii.  p.  167. 
^  Diet.  Am.  Biog. 


The  Passover  Song  of  the  Kid.  33 

THE  PASSOVER  SONG  OF  THE  KID  AND  AN 
EQUIVALENT  FROM  NEW  ENGLAND. 

We  are  told  that  Jesus  and  his  disciples,  while  gathered  for  the 
Passover  celebration,  sang  a  hymn.  (Matt.  xxvi.  30.)  The  reference, 
doubtless,  is  to  the  Hallelox  psalm  of  praise  (Psalms  cxiii.-cxvii.).  In 
later  centuries  were  added  chanted  benedictions,  such  as  :  "  Praised 
art  thou,  O  Lord,  King  of  the  Universe,  who  hast  redeemed  us,  and 
hast  redeemed  our  fathers  from  Egypt."  Mediasval  manuscripts  con- 
taining the  Haggadah  (Passover  eve)  rite  include  other  pieces  of  a 
poetical  character.  At  the  end  of  the  service  were  added  two  folk- 
songs, included  in  the  Prague  edition  of  1590  (but  not  in  that  of 
1526),  namely,  E had  mi  j  odea  (One,  who  knows.'')  and  Had  gadya 
(One  kid).^  These  are  still  sung,  with  devotional  feeling,  not  only  by 
orthodox  German  Jews,  but  also  by  those  of  other  countries.  The 
rhymes  have  numerous  equivalents  in  European  folk-lore  ;  the  first, 
a  number-song,  I  have  already  examined  in  this  Journal  ;2  of  the 
Song  of  the  Kid  I  shall  now  give  an  unpublished  English  variant, 
and  add  brief  comparative  remarks. 

The  Jewish  chant  proceeds  as  follows  (previous  terms  being  re- 
peated with  each  new  agent) :  — 

One  kid,  one  kid,  that  my  father  bought  for  two  pieces  ;  one  kid,  one  kid. 

Then  came  the  cat  and  ate  the  kid  that  my  father  bought,  etc. 

Then  came  the  dog  and  ate  the  cat,  etc. 

Then  came  the  stick  and  beat  the  dog,  etc. 

Then  came  the  fire  and  burned  the  stick,  etc. 

Then  came  the  water  and  quenched  the  fire,  etc. 

Then  came  the  ox  and  drank  the  water,  etc. 

Then  came  the  butcher  and  slew  the  ox,  etc. 

Then  came  the  Death-angel  and  slew  the  butcher,  etc. 

Then  came  the  Holy  One,  blessed  be  he  !  and  slew  the  Death-angel,  etc. 

As  the  song  was  sung  with  devout  feeling,  it  came  to  be  felt  that  it 
must  be  something  more  than  a  nursery  rhyme.  In  1723,  Probst  von 
der  Hardt  gave  a  mystical  explanation,  and  interpreted  the  two  pieces 
as  significant  of  Moses  and  Aaron,  the  cat  as  indicating  Assyria,  the 
stick  Persia,  the  fire  Alexander,  the  water  Romans,  the  ox  Saracens, 
the  butcher  Franks,  the  angel  Turks,  and  the  Holy  One  God,  who 
would  send  the  still  expected  Messiah.  The  principle  of  the  rhyme 
was  found  in  Jeremiah  xxx.  16:  "All  they  that  devour  thee  shall  be 
devoured."  This  fanciful  interpretation  found  some  favor  with  sub- 
sequent writers.^ 

^  Jewish  Encyclopcedia,  "  Haggadah." 

'^  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore,  vol.  iv.  1891,  pp.  215-220. 
8  G.  Paris,  Romania,  vol.  i.  1872,  p.  222;  J.  C.  Ulrichs,  Sammlung  jUdische 
VOL.  xviii.  —  NO.  68.         3 


34  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

From  the  communication  of  Halliwell-Phillips  in  1842,  an  English 
parallel,  in  the  form  of  a  tale,  has  become  very  familiar  in  nursery 
literature.^ 

An  old  woman  was  sweeping  her  house,  and  she  found  a  little  crooked 
sixpence.^  "  What,"  said  she,  "  shall  I  do  with  this  little  sixpence  ?  I  will 
go  to  market,  and  buy  a  little  pig."  As  she  was  coming  home,  she  came  to 
a  stile ;  but  piggy  would  not  go  over  the  stile. 

She  went  a  little  further,  and  she  met  a  dog.  So  she  said  to  the  dog, 
"  Dog  !  dog !  bite  pig  ;  piggy  won't  go  over  the  stile ;  and  I  shan't  get 
home  to-night."     But  the  dog  would  not. 

She  went  a  little  further,  and  she  met  a  stick.  So  she  said,  "Stick! 
stick !  beat  dog ;  dog  won't  bite  pig,"  etc. 

The  story  continues  in  the  same  accumulative  fashion,  with  "fire  !  burn 
stick,"  "  water  !  quench  fire,"  **  ox  !  drink  water,'"  "  butcher  !  kill  ox,"  "  rope  ! 
hang  butcher,"  "  rat !  gnaw  rope,"  and  "  cat !  kill  rat." 

[At  this  point  of  the  story,  the  cat  demands  milk,  which  must  be  sought 
from  the  cow,  who  in  turn  asks  hay,  which  is  obtained  from  haymakers.] ' 

As  soon  as  the  cat  had  lapped  up  the  milk,  the  cat  began  to  kill  the  rat ; 
the  rat  began  to  gnaw  the  rope  ;  the  rope  began  to  hang  the  butcher  ;  the 
butcher  began  to  kill  the  ox ;  the  ox  began  to  drink  the  water ;  the  water 
began  to  quench  the  fire ;  the  fire  began  to  burn  the  stick ;  the  stick  began 
to  beat  the  dog ;  the  dog  began  to  bite  the  pig  ;  the  little  pig  in  a  fright 
jumped  over  the  stile ;  and  so  the  old  woman  got  home  that  night. 

Scottish  variants  make  the  tale  one  of  the  kid. 

There  was  a  wife  that  lived  in  a  wee  house  by  hersel',  and  as  she  was 
soopin'  the  house  one  day,  she  fand  twall  pennies.  So  she  thought  to  her- 
sel', what  she  could  do  wi'  her  twall  pennies,  and  at  last  she  thought  she 

Geschichte,  Basle,  1768,  p.  133.  Hardt's  explanation  was  repeated  by  P.  N.  Lebrecht, 
1 73 1,  to  whom  Halliwell  ascribes  it.  For  authors  who  have  favored  such  view,  see 
the  Jewish  Encyclopcedia,  "  Had  gadya." 

1  Nursery  Rhymes  of  England.  Obtained  principally  from  oral  recitation. 
Edited  by  J.  O.  Halliwell.     London,  1842,  p.  159. 

^  Or,  a  silver  penny. 

'  This  bracketed  material  does  not  belong  to  the  song  now  in  question,  but  has 
been  introduced  by  way  of  "  contamination  "  from  another  accumulative  rhyme,  that 
of  the  mouse  whose  tail  has  been  bitten  off,  and  who  goes  to  the  cat  to  reclaim  it. 
The  mouse  is  referred  to  the  cow  for  milk,  thence  to  the  barn  for  hay,  thence 
to  the  blacksmith  for  a  key  to  the  barn,  to  the  sea  for  coal  to  forge  the  key.  etc. 
Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore,  vol.  xiii.  1900,  p.  229.  Halliwell  (-Phillips),  Popu- 
lar Tales  and  Nursery  Rhymes,  London,  1849,  P-  33-  This  rhyme,  The  Cat  and 
the  Mouse,  has  a  separate  comparative  history  in  several  languages.  French, 
Revue  des  Traditions  Populaires,  vo\.  ii.  p.  131;  E.  F.  Carey,  Guernsey  Folk- 
Lore,  London,  1903,  p.  493  ;  see  Cosquin,  <?/.  cit.  below,  vol.  i.  p.  281,  No.  29; 
Provengal,  adulterated  with  the  tale  (originally  Hindu)  of  the  Hermit  and  the 
Mouse  Csee  note,  below).  African  (Berber),  R.  Basset,  Contes  pop.  berbtres,  Paris, 
1887,  No.  45  ;  Nouveaux  contes  berblres,  Paris,  1897,  p.  168.  This  randontide  is 
almost  as  variable  as  that  of  the  Kid,  with  which  the  series  is  often  adulterated. 


The  Passover  Song  of  the  Kid.  35 

couldna  do  better  than  gang  wi'  it  to  the  market  and  buy  a  kid.  Sae  she 
gaed  to  the  market  and  coffed  [/.  e.  bought]  a  fine  kid.  And  as  she  was 
gaun  hame,  she  spied  a  bonny  buss  o'  berries  growin'  beside  a  brig.  And 
she  says  to  the  kid  :  "  Kid,  kid,  keep  my  house  till  I  pu'  my  bonny,  bonny, 
buss  o'  berries." 

"  Deed  no,"  says  the  kid,  "  I  '11  no  keep  your  house  till  ye  pu'  your  bonny 
buss  o'  berries." 

Then  the  wife  gaed  to  the  dog,  and  said,  "  Dog,  dog,  bite  kid  ;  kid  winna 
keep  my  house,"  etc. 

The  series  proceeds  with  staff,  fire,  water,  ox,  axe,  smith,  rope,  mouse,  cat, 
and,  on  the  latter's  refusal,  makes  the  wife  say,  "  Do  't  and  I  '11  gie  ye  milk 
and  bread."  "  Wi'  that  the  cat  to  the  mouse,  and  the  mouse  to  the  rope,  etc., 
and  the  kid  keepit  the  wife's  house  till  she  pu'd  her  bonny  buss  o' berries."  ^ 

A  variant  represents  the  wife  as  anxious  to  gather  sticks.^ 

*'  Kid,  kid,  rin  hame,  leuk  the  hoose,  an'  come  again,  till  I  gedder  a 
puckle  o'  sticks  to  my  fair  firie." 

"  Niver  a  lenth,"  said  the  kid,  "  will  I  rin  hame,  leuk  the  hoose,  an  come 
again  ;  ye  can  dee  't  yersel'." 

The  series  here  is  dog,  stick,  fire,  water,  ox,  smith,  mouse,  cat. 

I  now  print  for  the  first  time  a  version  obtained  by  myself,  many 
years  ago,  from  the  recitation  of  Miss  Lydia  R.  Nichols  of  Salem, 
Mass.,  at  the  time  aged  88  years,  who  retained  the  words  as  a  remi- 
niscence of  her  earliest  infancy  ;  the  date  of  the  rhyme  therefore  goes 
back  to  about  1800. 

KID    DO    GO. 

As  I  was  going  over  London  Bridge, 

I  found  a  penny  ha'penny,  and  bought  me  a  kid. 

Kid  do  go. 
Know  by  the  moonlight  it 's  almost  midnight. 
Time  kid  and  I  were  home  an  hour  and  a  half  ago. 

Went  a  little  further,  and  found  a  stick. 

Stick  do  beat  kid, 

Kid  won't  go. 
Know  by  the  moonlight  it  's  almost  midnight, 
Time  kid  and  I  were  home  an  hour  and  a  half  ago. 

Went  a  little  further,  and  found  fire. 

Fire  do  burn  stick, 

Stick  won't  beat  kid. 

Kid  won't  go. 
Know  by  the  moonlight  it 's  almost  midnight. 
Time  kid  and  I  were  home  an  hour  and  a  half  ago. 

'  R.  Chambers,  Popular  Rhymes  of  Scotland,  p.  57. 

^  W.  Gregor,  Folk-Lore  yournal  (London),  vol.  ii.  p.  277. 


36  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

Went  a  little  further,  and  found  water. 

Water  do  quench  fire, 

Fire  won't  burn  stick, 

Stick  won't  beat  kid. 

Kid  won't  go. 
Know  by  the  moonlight  it 's  almost  midnight, 
Time  kid  and  I  were  home  an  hour  and  a  half  ago. 

Went  a  little  further,  and  found  ox. 

Ox  do  drink  water, 

Water  won't  quench  fire, 

Fire  won't  burn  stick. 

Stick  won't  beat  kid. 

Kid  won't  go. 
Know  by  the  moonlight  it 's  almost  midnight, 
Time  kid  and  I  were  home  an  hour  and  a  half  ago. 

Went  a  little  further,  and  found  butcher. 

Butcher  do  kill  ox, 

Ox  won't  drink  water, 

Water  won't  quench  fire, 

Fire  won't  burn  stick. 

Stick  won't  beat  kid. 

Kid  won't  go. 
Know  by  the  moonlight  it 's  almost  midnight, 
Time  kid  and  I  were  home  an  hour  and  a  half  ago. 

Went  a  little  further,  and  found  rope. 

Rope  do  hang  butcher, 

Butcher  won't  kill  ox. 

Ox  won't  drink  water, 

Water  won't  quench  fire, 

Fire  won't  burn  stick, 

Stick  won't  beat  kid. 

Kid  won't  go. 
Know  by  the  moonlight  it 's  almost  midnight, 
Time  kid  and  I  were  home  an  hour  and  a  half  ago. 

Rope  began  to  hang  butcher,  butcher  began  to  kill  ox. 
Ox  began  to  drink  water. 
Water  began  to  quench  fire, 
Fire  began  to  burn  stick. 
Stick  began  to  beat  kid, 
Kid  began  to  go. 
Know  by  the  moonlight  it 's  almost  midnight. 
So  kid  and  I  got  home  an  hour  and  a  half  ago. 


The  Passover  Song  of  the  Kid.  3  7 

There  is  a  class  of  rhymes  of  this  sort  which  increase  and  then 
reverse,  and  which  in  English  are  called  accumulative.  The  French 
have  a  better  word,  randortn^e  (dialectically  rengaine).  An  anony- 
mous writer  from  Tarn  and  Garonne  remarks,  in  connection  with  a 
tale  of  this  class  :  "  This  old  rengaine  was  a  favorite  in  all  the  coun- 
try-side ;  every  peasant  wife  used  it,  as  soon  as  she  had  children  to 
suckle  or  nurse.  The  child  remained  serious  and  attentive  as  long 
as  lasted  the  part  called  the  ascent  {vtountado,  i.  e.  crescendo),  and 
burst  into  explosive  laughter  during  the  descent  {dabalado,  diminu- 
endo). The  ascent  was  merely  spoken,  every  phrase  on  the  same 
monotone,  and  the  descent  chanted  on  one  elevated  note."  ^ 

To  the  kid  song  belongs  an  extensive  literature.  An  excellent 
bibliography  is  furnished  by  J.  Bolte,  in  addition  to  an  article  of  R. 
Kohler.2  Since  new  versions  continually  appear,  while  the  number 
of  unpublished  variants  must  be  innumerable,  a  writer  cannot  be  per- 
fectly informed.  As  Bolte  has  not  discussed  the  forms  he  notes, 
I  shall  briefly  set  forth  the  results  of  a  comparative  examination. 

The  very  numerous  German  versions  exhibit  several  types,  A 
common  form  is  that  in  which  a  farmer  sends  his  servant  Jack  to 
perform  some  agricultural  labor,  and  Jack  refuses, 

Der  Bauer  schickt  den  Jackel  naus, 
Er  solt  den  Haber  schneiden  ; 
Jackel  wolt  nicht  Haber  schneiden, 
Wolt  lieber  zu  Hause  bleiben.^ 

The  farmer  sends  Jack  to  mow  oats.  Jack  will  not  mow  oats,  would 
rather  stay  at  home. 

The  farmer  sends  his  man  to  fetch  Jack,  The  man  will  not  fetch  Jack, 
Jack  will  not  mow  oats,  would  rather  stay  at  home. 

The  song  proceeds  in  the  usual  cumulative  form.  The  farmer 
sends  the  dog  to  bite  the  man,  the  stick  to  beat  the  dog,  the  fire  to 
burn  the  stick,  the  water  to  quench  the  fire,  the  ox  to  drink  the 
water,  the  butcher  to  kill  the  ox,  the  vulture  to  carry  off  the  butcher, 
the  witch  to  enchant  the  vulture,  the  hangman  to  burn  the  witch, 
the  doctor  to  kill  the  hangman,  and  the  verse  concludes  :  — 

Rather  than  be  killed,  I  will  burn  witch, 
Rather  than  be  burned,  I  will  enchant  vulture, 

^  Revue  des  Traditions  Populaires,  vol.  ii.  1887,  p.  131.  The  rhyme  given  is  a 
version  of  that  in  English  called  the  "  Cat  and  the  Mouse,"  though  in  the  French 
the  cat  does  not  appear.  "  I  am  going  to  find  Madame  that  she  may  give  me 
bread."     "  Madame  will  not,  unless  I  bring  her  the  keys  of  Monsieur." 

2  R.  Kohler,  Kleinere  schriften  ztint  neueren  LiieraiJtrgeschichte  volkskiinde 
und  wortforschung,  ed.  by  J,  Bolte,  Berlin,  1900,  No,  45  :  Der  Bauer  schickt 
den  Jackel  aus,  vol.  iii.  p.  355. 

3  Kohler,  loc.  cit. 


38  journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

Rather  than  be  enchanted,  I  will  carry  off  butcher, 
Rather  than  be  carried  off,  I  will  kill  ox, 
Rather  than  be  killed,  I  will  drink  water. 
Rather  than  be  drunk,  I  will  quench  fire. 
Rather  than  be  quenched,  I  will  burn  stick, 
Rather  than  be  burned,  I  will  beat  dog, 
Rather  than  be  beat,  I  will  fetch  Jack, 
Rather  than  be  fetched,  I  will  mow  oats. 

Equally  common  is  a  variation,  in  which  the  duty  required  is  to 
gather  pears. 

The  master  sends  his  huntsman 

To  knock  down  pears  j 

Huntsman  will  not  knock  down  pears. 

Pears  will  not  fall, 

Huntsman  will  not  pick. 

The  rhyme  proceeds  with  dog,  stick,  fire,  water,  ox,  and  the  devil, 
who  will  fetch  all.  This  form  of  the  song  has  had  a  sort  of  sacred 
use,  being  chanted  on  the  eve  of  St.  Lambert,  September  17,  in  the 
public  place  of  Munich,  about  greenery  with  lighted  candles  ;  the 
great  circle  of  dancers,  who  performed  this  and  other  chants,  was 
headed  by  monks  of  various  orders.  "Number-stories"  {Zdhlge- 
schichten)  of  this  sort  were  also  employed  in  gatherings  of  spinners, 
to  accompany  movements  of  the  hands.  A  clever  spinner  would 
spin  off  a  skein  and  recite  the  long  stanzas,  while  an  awkward 
worker  could  hardly  get  through  the  shorter  ones.^ 

Other  German  forms,  in  which  Jack  figures  as  the  first  actor,  give 
a  series  accordant  with  the  English,  in  that  the  cat  is  made  to  catch 
the  mouse,  the  mouse  to  gnaw  the  rope,  the  rope  to  hang  the 
butcher,  etc.^ 

Some  versions  that  have  this  series  (ending  with  the  cat)  dis- 
pense with  Jack,  and  make  the  history  recite  the  adventures  of 
Chanticleer  and  Partlet.  Thus,  in  a  Low  German  rhyme,  the  cock 
and  hen  proceed  to  the  wood,  where  the  latter  finds  a  grain  of  malt. 
Beer  is  brewed,  which  the  cock  begs  to  partake,  but  falls  into  the 
tub.  The  hen  then  appeals  for  help  to  the  man,  who  refuses,  and 
the  series  proceeds  with  the  dog,  stick,  etc.^ 

A  Flemish  variant  makes  Pouledinnetje  and  Pouledannetje  go  to 
pick  up  sticks  (after  the  manner  of  the  wife  in  the  Scottish  variant). 
After  they  have  proceeded  a  long  way,  the  latter  refuses  to  return 
without  being  carried,  and  the  dog  is  appealed  to.  The  series  ends 
(as  in  English)  with  rope,  mouse,  and  cat.* 

1  L.  Erk  and  F.  M.  Bohme,  Deutscher  Ltederhort,  Leipsic,  1894,  vol.  iii.  p.  530. 
^  E.g.  J.  M.  Firmenich,  Cermaniens  Volkersiitnmen,  Berlin,  1854,  vol.  iii.  p.  22. 
8  K.  Miillenhoff,  Schleswige  Sagen,  Kiel,  1845,  p.  470. 
*  L.  de  Baecker,  De  la  Religion  dtt  N^ord  de  la  France  avant  le  Chris  Hants  fne, 


The  Passover  Song  of  the  Kid.  39 

A  version  from  Alsace,  instead  of  a  kid,  treats  of  a  pig.^ 

There  was  a  wife  who  had  a  pig.  Once  on  a  time  the  pig  ran  into  the 
wood  to  eat  acorns.  After  it  had  eaten  enough,  the  wife  said  :  "  Pig,  you 
must  go  home."     But  the  pig  would  not. 

Then  the  wife  went  to  the  dog,  and  said  :  "  Dog,  bite  pig,  pig  won't  go 
home."     Then  said  dog:  "The  pig  would  n't,  and  neither  will  I." 

Stick,  fire,  water,  cow,  butcher,  and  hangman  are  appealed  to  ;  rather 
than  be  hanged,  the  butcher  consents,  and  the  impulse  is  propagated. 

A  German  parody  introduces  the  finding  of  a  coin,  as  in  the  Eng- 
lish.2 

Yesterday  I  swept, 

I  found  a  kreutzer ; 

The  kreutzer  I  gave  to  my  mother, 

My  mother  gave  me  corn, 

The  corn  I  gave  to  the  miller, 

The  miller  gave  me  meal. 

The  meal  I  gave  to  the  brook. 

The  brook  gave  me  water. 

The  water  I  gave  to  my  father, 

My  father  gave  me  a  stick, 

The  stick  I  gave  to  my  teacher, 

My  teacher  gave  me  a  beating.  .  .  . 

Some  Dutch  versions  closely  answer  to  the  English.^ 

There  was  once  a  little  man  who  swept  his  little  stable.  What  did  he 
find  ?  A  little  golden  penny.  What  did  he  buy  with  it?  A  fat  pig.  But 
the  pig  would  not  go,  unless  it  were  carried  on  a  litter.  Then  he  went  to 
the  dog  :  "  Dog,  will  you  bite  pig,"  etc. 

Or,  still  more  nearly  correspondent :  — 

An  old  woman  had  bought  in  the  market  a  suckling  pig,  and  was  driving 
it  home.  On  the  way,  she  came  to  a  hedge  and  said  :  "  Pig,  will  you  jump 
over  the  hedge  ?  " 

Scandinavian  forms  offer  little  that  is  especially  characteristic.  In 
a  Danish  variant,  a  boy  who  is  set  to  keep  a  recalcitrant  goat  appeals 
to  a  dog  :*  — 

Lille,  1854,  p.  122.  (The  last  term  of  this  series  is  a  little  old  man,  who  is  asked  to 
seize  the  cat  ;  according  to  a  method  of  interpretation  fashionable  in  a  preceding 
generation,  Baecker  took  this  personage  to  be  Odin.) 

1  A.  Stober,  Elsdssische  Volksbiichlem,  Strassburg,  1842,  No.  236. 

2  E.  Meier,  Deutsche  Kindereime  und  Kinderspiele  aus  Schivaben,  Tubingen, 
l85i,p.  65. 

3  In  French  translation,  Revue  des  Traditions  Populaires,  vol.  vi.  1891,  pp.  103, 
104. 

*  J.  Kamp,  Danske  Volkeminder,  Odensee,  1877,  p.  241.  Asbjorsen,  translated 
by  G.  W.  Dasent,  Tales  from  the  Fjeld,  London,  1894,  p.  238,  has  an  elaborated  tale 
of  a  goat  who  is  in  the  habit  of  coming  home  late. 


40  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

"  Dog,  won't  you  bile  kid  ? 

Kid  won't  go  home, 

And  I  can't  get  any  supper." 
"  No,"  said  the  dog. 

The  confused  series  ends  with  the  cat. 

So  far,  the  variants  have  not  thrown  much  light  on  the  evolution 
of  the  tale.     But  the  case  is  different  with  French  versions. 

The  earliest  printed  (in  1853)  made  the  story  one  of  a  wolf  who 
was  to  be  driven  from  a  wood  :  — 

J'y  a  un  loup  dedans  un  bois, 
Le  loup  n'  veut  pas  sortir  du  bois. 
Ha  !  j'  te  promets,  coniper  Brocard, 
Tu  sortiras  de  ce  lieu-Ik.^ 

The  series  continues  with  dog,  stick,  fire,  water,  calf,  butcher.  Devil. 
However,  other  forms  show  that  in  this  rhyme  a  verse   has  fallen 
out ;  it  is  properly  the  kid  who  must  be  driven  from  the  wood.^ 

Ya  t'un  bicquet  dans  notre  bois, 
Qui  ne  veut  pas  sortir  du  bois. 
Par  la  sambler,  monsieur  I'  bicquet, 
Vous  sortirez  de  notre  bois. 

II  faut  aller  chercher  un  loup, 

Ce  sera  pour  manger  1'  bicquet,  etc. 

The  terms  are,  stick,  fire,  water,  calf,  butcher,  hangman  {bourreau). 

With  more,  propriety,  it  is  from  the  cabbage-patch  rather  than 
from  the  wood  that  the  kid  should  be  expelled.^ 

Biquette  ne  veut  pas  sortir  du  chou  ; 
Ah  !  tu  sortiras,  Biquette,  Biquette, 
Ah  !  tu  sortiras  de  ce  chou-lk. 

The  title  Biquette  (kid)  seems  not  always  to  have  been  understood, 
and  to  have  given  rise  to  the  proper  name  Brocard,  as  above,  and  in 
a  Provengal  rhyme  to  Bricou,  who,  by  confusion,  is  required  to  plant 
cabbages  :  "  Tell  Bricou  to  come  and  plant  cabbages  ;  Bricou  will  not 
come.  Ah  !  coquin  of  a  Bricou,  in  spite  of  this,  you  shall  plant  cab- 
bages !  "  * 

The  series  ends  with  butcher.  Moor. 

^  E.  L.  Rockholz,  Alemannisches  KinderliedundKinderspiel,mis  der  Schweiz, 
Leipsic,  1857,  p.  152. 

^  C.  Beauquier,  Chansons  populaires  recueilUes  en  Franche-Covit^,  Paris,  1894, 
p.  117. 

*  Du  Mersan,  Chansons  et  Rondes  enfantines,  Paris,  1891,  p.  35. 

••  Revue  des  Langues  Romanes,  vol.  vi.  1874,  p.  314. 


The  Passover  Song  of  the  Kid.  41 

In  a  variant,  Jean  (a  farm-hand)  is  required  to  drive  the  pig  from 
the  garden  where  it  is  eating  the  grapes.^ 

Ha!  Jean,  dit  le  niaitre, 
Va  m'  chasser  la  biquette 
Qui  mang'  tout'  not'  raisin, 
Lk  has,  dans  1'  grand  jardin. 

The  next  step  is  to  dispense  with  the  kid,  and  begin  the  rhyme 
with  Jean,  who  is  represented  as  declining  to  perform  agricultural 
labors. 2 

Jean  is  clearly  identical  with  the  Jackel,  etc.,  of  the  German 
rhymes,  which  therefore  are  perceived  to  be  only  variations  of  the 
Kid  song. 

A  further  alteration  was  effected  by  turning  the  kid  and  its  owner 
into  companions  with  alliterative  names.^ 

It  was  Poutin  and  Poutot  who  lived  together.  One  said  :  "  We  will  go 
for  strawberries  ; "  so  they  went.  Poutin  ate  faster  than  Poutot.  When  he 
had  had  enough,  he  said  :  "  Now,  will  you  go  back  ?  "  "  No,  not  till  I  have 
had  as  much  as  you."     "Well,  I  '11  tell  the  wolf  to  come  and  eat  you,"  etc. 

This  form  of  the  narrative  is  widely  spread  through  Europe,  and 
is  often  referred  to  animal  actors,  as  in  the  story  of  the  cock  and 
hen,  above  given. 

We  perceive,  therefore,  that  the  German  and  English  rhymes 
derive  from  a  single  source,  namely,  the  story  of  the  kid  who  enters 
the  cabbage-patch,  and  cannot  be  driven  out  without  help. 

Since  the  terms  of  the  series  of  actors  differ,  and  the  variants  go 
back  to  a  common  origin,  we  may  inquire  which  are  the  earlier. 

In  many  versions  the  wolf  first  appears,  and  is  asked  to  devour  the 
kid ;  however,  he  is  evidently  interpolated,  since  no  householder 
would  think  of  employing  a  wolf  to  drive  his  kid  home ;  and  con- 
formably, in  the  best  versions  he  is  absent.  From  this  point  the 
series  is  uniform,  dog,  stick,  fire,  water,  ox,  butcher ;  then  arises  a 
divergence  ;  one  set  of  variants,  to  which  belong  the  English  rhymes, 
have  rope,  mouse,  cat ;  another  set,  as  well  as  the  Hebrew,  introduce 
animate  actors.  The  better  versions  favor  the  last  form,  and  in  fact, 
the  change  can  be  explained :  the  butcher  is  to  be  controlled  by  an 
officer  of  the  law,  the  hangman  ;  *  instead  of  the  latter  could  be  put 
the  rope  he  uses ;  the  rope  required  the  mouse,  and  the  mouse  again 
the  cat. 

^  C.  Marelle,  Affenschwanz,  Brunswick,  1888,  p.  63. 

2  Romania,  vol.  i.  p.  218. 

^  E.  Cosquin,  Cotites  populaires  de  Lorraine,  Paris,  1886,  vol.  ii.  p.  32. 

*  Bourreau,  R.  d.  T.  P.,  vol.  x.  p.  662.  Du  Mersan,  loc.  cil.,  has  judge  ;  Marelle, 
sword.  The  term,  which  is  wanting  in  the  Latin  and  Hebrew,  may  be  an  interpo- 
lation. 


42  Journal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 

In  the  preferable  forms,  after  bringing  in  human  justice,  the  origi- 
nal series  seems  to  have  called  first  on  demonic  and  then  on  celestial 
power. 

Many  versions  end  with  Death  or  the  Devil,  agents  who  in  medi- 
aeval folk-lore  often  exchange. ^ 

A  mediaeval  series,  however,  could  hardly  have  ended  in  this  man- 
ner ;  the  usual  procedure  would  have  been  to  recognize  the  supremacy 
of  divine  authority.  Accordingly,  the  Donimus  of  the  Latin  form 
must  have  meant  Doniinus  Dens?"  This  conclusion  is  corroborated 
by  the  Hebrew  chant. 

As  the  song,  ending  in  this  manner,  described  an  effect  produced 
by  a  chain  of  forces,  acting  mediately  after  the  will  of  the  Supreme, 
it  had,  according  to  Middle  Age  ideas,  a  character  sufficiently  serious 
to  allow  of  its  employment  as  a  sacred  chant.  We  find  it,  therefore, 
in  use  at  the  festivals  of  saints,  as  well  as  for  a  spinning-song,  a 
game-rhyme,^  and  an  exercise  of  memory,  while  the  prevailing  use, 
as  it  had  been  the  original  purpose,  was  for  the  amusement  and  con- 
solation of  the  nursery. 

The  Jewish  Passover  song,  as  now  clearly  appears,  was  only  a 
translation  of  the  randonn^e.  The  version  is  very  imperfect,  seeing 
that  the  essential  feature  of  the  whole,  the  enforcement  of  a  rejected 
task,  is  wanting.  This  deficiency  probably  resulted  from  the  defects 
of  the  version  used  by  the  renderer.^  After  the  translation  had  been 
made,  the  sacred  use  acted  as  a  conservative  principle,  and  in  the 
Hebrew  version  maintained  the  serious  idea  involved  in  the  intro- 
duction of  Death  and  of  the  Almighty,  which  had  once  character- 
ized the  mediaeval  French,  but  which  dropped  out  as  the  rhyme 
reverted  to  mere  nonsense. 

Inasmuch  as  Germans  of  the  sixteenth  century  were  familiar  with 
other  and  later  forms  of  the  rhyme,^  the  rendering  must  have  been 
effected  long  before  the  publication,  and  may  have  proceeded  from 
Romance-speaking  Jews,  seeing  that  these  still  sing  the  piece.     In 

^  Death,  Rockholz,  loc.  cit.,  R.  d.  T.  P.,  vol.  vi.  p.  502.  In  European  versions 
generally  the  terms  vary.     Modern  Greek  has  the  plague,  Passow,  he.  cit. 

*  Many  versions  have  for  a  final  term  master,  which  is  understood  to  be  the 
master  of  the  recalcitrant  servant,  but  may  originally  have  had  this  meaning, 
Marelle,  loc.  cit. 

^  Several  rhymes  used  in  different  games  are  made  up  from  the  series  of  the 
Kid  song.  So  with  the  English  game  "  Club-fist,"  Newell,  Games  and  Songs  of 
American  Children,  No.  "JS.  French  game  of  queue  leu-leu,  Rev.  d.  Langues 
Romanes,  vol.  iii.  p.  313. 

*  Compare  version  of  A.  Montel  and  L.  Lambert,  Chants  populaires  du  Lan- 
guedoc,  Paris,  1880,  p.  536,  and  the  Modern  Greek  of  Passow. 

'  The  song  is  mentioned  among  the  games  of  Gargantua  by  the  German 
Johannes  Fischart,  in  1575  :  "  Der  Baur  schickt  sein  Jockel  aus,"  so  that  the  words 
must  have  been  nearly  the  same  as  those  now  current. 


I 


The  Passover  Song  of  the  Kid.  43 

applying  the  randomise  to  a  holy  use,  these  only  followed  the  exam- 
ple of  their  Christian  neighbors.  The  Had  gadya  contains  nothing 
essentially  Jewish. 

The  impression  made  by  comparison  is,  that  the  source  was 
probably  Old  French,  say  of  the  twelfth  or  thirteenth  century ;  had 
the  beginning  of  the  evolution  been  much  older,  the  process  could 
hardly  have  been  traced  so  much  in  detail,  and  the  derived  forms 
would  have  presented  more  variation. 

This  view  is  consistent  with  the  character  of  other  European 
versions. 

In  Italy,  the  recorded  variants  all  belong  to  secondary  forms  ;  the 
kid  has  fallen  out  of  the  story.^ 

Spanish  variants  either  agree  with  the  Italian,  or  belong,  not  to 
this  particular  rhyme,  but  to  other  randonnees  which  also  have  had 
international  diffusion.^ 

In  Northern  Europe,  the  tale  is  understood  to  be  very  familiar  in 
Russia,  and  doubtless  in  all  Slavic  lands  ;  but  the  examples  known 
to  me  seem  to  indicate  that  the  Russians  have  borrowed  the  story 
from  neighbors  to  the  south.^ 

Modern  Greek  rhymes  present  a  confusion  and  deficiency  which 
seems  to  require  a  similar  explanation.* 

A  Breton  variety,  as  might  be  expected,  is  nothing  more  than  a 
rendering  from  an  inferior  French  form.^ 

Indications,  therefore,  point  to  a  single  Old  French  root  for  the 
European  song. 

As  to  other  continents,  the  collection  is  still  too  limited  to  formu- 
late any  definite  opinion.  What  may  be  said,  accordingly,  should  be 
given  merely  as  an  opinion  open  to  future  change,  in  case  additional 
inquiry  should  point  out  new  facts. 

The  manner  in  which  European  nursery  rhymes  do  easily  pass 
into  the  folk-lore  of  simple  races  with  whom  Europeans  are  brought 

^  See  texts  mentioned  by  Bolte.  In  a  version  of  Imbriani,  Conti  pomiglia- 
nesi,  Naples,  1876,  No.  9,  the  son,  offended  by  his  mother's  failure  to  keep  his 
supper,  refuses  to  eat.  In  other  cases,  like  Jean,  the  boy  refuses  to  pick  cab- 
bages. 

^  E.  G.  Coelho,  Jogos  e  rimas  infantiles,  Porto,  1883,  No.  109,  resembles  the 
English  "  House  that  Jack  Built :  "  "  This  is  the  key  which  opens  the  gate  of  the 
castle  of  Chuchurumel,"  etc. 

'  The  version  of  Afanasief,  Skazki,  vol.  iv.  No.  16,  is  one  in  which  a  couple 
(here  the  he-goat  and  she-goat)  quarrel,  as  in  the  French  Poutin  and  Poutot, 
above. 

*  Passow,  Carmina  popularia  GrecicE  receniioris,  Nos.  274-276.  An  old  man 
has  a  cock  that  keeps  him  awake ;  the  fox  eats  it,  etc.  The  original  idea  of  the 
enforcement  of  an  action  is  lost  (as  in  the  Hebrew  song). 

^  F.  M.  Luzel  and  A.  Le  Bras,  Chatiso7ts populaires  de  la  Basse-Bretagne,  1890, 
vol.  i.  p.  61. 


44  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

in  contact,  is  illustrated  in  Algeria,  where  the  Kabyls  have  adopted, 
not  only  this  randomise,  but  others  of  a  kindred  spirit.^ 

In  India,  the  tale  is  said  to  be  universally  familiar  in  the  Panjab.^ 
A  crow  carries  off  a  grain  of  corn  belonging  to  the  wife  of  5 
farmer,  who  seizes  the  bird  and  demands  restoration.     The  corn, 
however,  has  rolled  into  a  cleft  in  a  tree,  whence  the  thief  cannot 
extricate  it ;  accordingly,  he  appeals  to  a  forester  :  — 

Man  !  man  !  cut  tree, 

I  can't  get  the  grain  of  corn, 

To  save  my  life  from  the  farmer's  wife ! 

As  the  forester  will  not  interfere,  appeal  is  made,  in  the  accumu- 
lative form,  to  queen,  king,  snake,  stick,  fire,  water,  ox,  rope,  mouse, 
cat.     "  So  the  cat  began  to  catch  the  mouse,"  etc. 

In  this  case,  the  European  rhyme,  of  which  the  influence  is  suffi- 
ciently shown  by  the  concluding  terms,  appears  to  have  amalgamated 
with  some  native  nursery  tale. 

In  Siam,  a  boy  set  by  an  aged  couple  to  watch  the  plantation 
refuses,  and  the  crow  carries  off  the  seeds.  The  boy  appeals  to  crow, 
hunter,  mouse  (to  bite  bowstring),  dog,  earwig,  fire,  water,  river- 
bank,  elephant  (to  break  the  bank),  and  gnat  (to  sting  elephant). 
The  chain  of  causes  is  set  in  motion,  and  the  crow  makes  abundant 
restoration.^ 

In  a  Hottentot  story,  the  mouse  has  spoiled  the  garments  of  a 
tailor,  and  when  accused  before  the  peacock,  casts  the  blame  on  cat, 
dog,  tree,  fire,  water,  and  elephant,  in  the  usual  accumulative  form. 
The  cat  is  finally  bidden  to  bite  the  mouse  and  does  so.  Since  that 
time  the  animals  have  had  nothing  to  do  with  each  other.^ 

If  there  were  for  every  European  and  African  country  a  list  of 
variants  as  complete  as  that  in  France  and  Germany,  it  might  be 
possible  to  trace  the  manner  in  which  each  member  of  the  history  is 
altered  and  adulterated,  and  to  determine  just  what  originals  have 
combined  for  such  result.  Under  present  conditions,  this  cannot  be 
done. 

In  a  tale  from  Zanzibar,  Goso  the  teacher  is  killed  by  a  calabash 
shaken  from  a  tree  by  a  gazelle.  His  scholars,  who  wish  to  avenge 
him,  cast  the  blame  on  the  south  wind.     The  latter  replies,  that  if 

1  One  Kabyl  version  is  of  a  child  who  refuses  to  eat  (as  in  the  Italian).  J.  Riviere, 
Rectieil  de  Contes  populaires  de  la  Kabylie  du  DJurdJura,  Paris,  1882,  p.  137. 

2  F.  A.  Steel,  Wide-awake  Stories,  Bombay,  1884,  p.  209. 
'  Notes  atid  Queries,  7th  ser.,  vol.  ix.  p.  461. 

*  W.  H.  Bleek,  Reineke  Fiichs  in  Afrika,  1870.  p.  26.  The  idea  of  throwing 
blame  of  stolen  property  from  one  to  the  other  belongs  to  genuine  African  tales, 
whence  it  is  doubtless  borrowed.  Bleek,  African  Folk-Lore,  papers  printed  in 
the  Cape  Monthly  Magazine,  December  15,  1877. 


The  Passover  Song  of  the  Kid.  45 

he  were  the  chief  (and  so  able  to  act  independently  and  responsibly), 
he  would  not  be  stopped  by  a  mud  wall.  The  wall  is  inferior  to  the 
rat  (which  digs  through),  and  so  on  with  cat,  rope,  knife,  fire,  water, 
ox,  tick,  gazelle.     The  latter,  being  guilty,  is  silent,  and  is  killed.^ 

This  story  is  of  interest  because  it  derives  in  part  from  a  really 
ancient  fiction.  The  Panchatantra,  and  other  works,  informs  us 
of  the  manner  in  which  a  hermit  changed  a  mouse  into  a  maiden. 
When  the  girl  came  to  be  of  marriageable  age,  the  hermit  wished  to 
select  the  most  powerful  husband.  The  Sun,  first  chosen,  declares 
his  inferiority  to  the  cloud  that  obscures  him,  the  cloud  to  the  wind, 
the  latter  to  the  mountain,  and  the  mountain  to  the  mouse.  The 
maiden,  who  has  found  serious  objections  to  other  proposed  bride- 
grooms, is  delighted  with  the  prospect  of  a  congenial  marriage,  and 
the  hermit  is  obliged  to  re-transform  her,  in  order  that  she  may  be 
able  to  enter  the  mouse-hole.  Thus  every  creature  returns  to  its 
own  essential  nature.^ 

The  Sanscrit  tale,  which  is  an  apologue  with  an  obvious  moral,  has 
had  a  distinguished  literary  career,  and  is  responsible  for  a  fable  of 
La  Fontaine.  In  folk-lore,  also,  it  has  retained  currency  to  the  pre- 
sent day.  What  is  sufficiently  curious  is,  that  in  Provence  as  well  as 
in  Zanzibar  it  has  been  turned  into  a  popular  randomise,  being  **  con- 
taminated "  from  the  Kid  song.  The  fly  and  the  ant  go  on  pilgrim- 
age to  Jerusalem.  They  come  to  a  river,  which  the  ant  undertakes 
to  cross  on  the  ice,  and  breaks  his  leg.  He  sues  for  the  recovery  of 
this  member,  but  the  ice  sends  him  to  his  superior  the  sun,  the  sun 
to  the  cloud,  the  cloud  to  the  wind,  the  wind  to  the  wall,  the  wall  to 
the  rat ;  we  then  fall  back  on  the  termiS  of  the  Kid  series,  —  cat,  dog, 
ox,  fire,  water,  man,  death.^ 

The  conclusion  seems  to  me  to  be  that,  according  to  present  evi- 
dence, it  is  likely  that  the  Old  French  narrator,  whose  song  of  the 
Kid  became  popular,  in  a  hundred  variations,  all  through  Europe,  is 
likewise  responsible  for  its  repute  in  other  continents.  Doubtless, 
his  (or  her)  rhyme  required  no  great  effort  of  invention,  being  only 
one  of  a  class  of  similar  histories.  When  and  how  the  type  itself, 
the  randonnh  with  its  crescendo  and  diminuendo,  came  into  exist- 
ence, may  be  left  for  future  decision  with  better  light ;  it  is  enough 
to  say  that  it  is  not  shown  in  ancient  literature. 

^  E,  Steere,  Swahili  Tales,  London,  1870,  p.  288.  Also,  G.  W.  Bateman,  Zan- 
zibar Tales,  Chicago,  1901,  p.  dy.  Mr.  Bateman  alleges  that  he  has  himself  trans- 
lated tales  which  were  recited  to  him  in  Zanzibar;  the  stories,  however,  exhibit 
no  new  features  other  than  an  alteration  of  the  titles  by  which  they  are  designated. 
The  writer  does  not  mention  the  name  of  Steere. 

"^  Benfey,  Fantschatantra,  vol.  ii.  p.  262 ;  Cosquin,  op,  cit.,  vol.  ii.  p.  40. 

'  Romania,  vol.  i.  p.  108. 


46  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

To  these  brief  comparisons  I  may  be  allowed  to  add  some  general 
observations. 

The  territory  traversed,  that  of  nursery  tradition,  may  seem  too 
humble  to  deserve  scientific  survey  ;  yet  it  is  precisely  in  these  lower 
regions  that  the  abundance  of  material  may  enable  the  inquirer  to 
test  wide-reaching  theories. 

It  is  not  every  species  of  nursery  lore  for  which  it  is  reasonable  to 
expect  foreign  parallels.  Many  of  the  little  but  witty  rhymes  which, 
by  a  name  borrowed  from  Perrault,  we  designate  as  belonging  to 
"Mother  Goose,"  owe  their  acceptance  to  a  raciness  which  depends 
on  the  accident  of  rhyme  or  alliteration  ;  they  could  not  recommend 
themselves  to  a  stranger,  and  a  nurse  in  France  would  employ  verses 
quite  different.  Even  though  the  English  sayings  may  often  prove 
an  ancestry  of  three  hundred  years,  they  are  nevertheless  essentially 
local  and  modern. 

On  the  other  hand,  other  kinds  of  nursery  tradition  may  claim  wide 
diffusion.  Such,  speaking  generally,  is  the  case  with  the  formulas 
belonging  to  games,  whether  those  used  by  children  or  by  nurses. 
So,  also,  with  the  accumulative  stories  to  which  belongs  the  par- 
ticular rhyme  which  has  been  considered.  In  such  cases  the  agree- 
ment is  so  close  that  even  the  minor  varieties  have  become  interna- 
tional. The  collector  who  recorded  the  English  randonnie  thought 
that  the  Hebrew  song  might  explain  other  series,  such  as  "The  Cat 
and  the  Mouse"  and  "The  House  that  Jack  Built."  We  see  that 
this  is  not  the  case,  but  that  each  of  these  pieces  of  nonsense  has  its 
separate  comparative  history  in  several  tongues. 

The  seriousness  of  the  Passover  chant  made  it  natural  to  presume 
that  it  had  in  some  way  a  serious  origin.  It  seems  to  represent  acts 
of  vengeance  inflicted  by  actor  after  actor,  until  the  final  term  is 
reached  in  deity.  Comparison  has  been  made  with  the  Athenian 
ceremony  of  the  Diapolia.  In  this  singular  rite,  an  ox  (or  bull)  who 
ventured  to  partake  of  the  sacred  meal  was  sacrificed  by  means  of  a 
knife  thrown  at  him  by  a  priest.  The  animal  was  then  stuffed,  put 
in  the  plough,  and  made  to  be  present  at  a  judicial  inquiry.  The 
maidens  who  brought  the  water  were  first  accused  of  the  murder ; 
they  cast  the  blame  on  the  knife-grinder,  he  in  turn  on  the  executor 
of  the  act,  the  latter  on  the  knife  itself  ;  as  the  knife  could  not  plead, 
it  was  adjudged  guilty,  and  cast  into  the  sea.  Obviously,  the  rite 
was  intended  to  appease  the  spirit  of  the  sacrifice,  whose  ghost  or 
kindred  might  be  expected  to  avenge  the  deed.  Now,  as  we  have  a 
series  of  agents  on  whom  reproach  is  thrown,  it  was  thought  that 
such  ritual  usage  might  be  at  the  bottom  of  the  nursery  rhyme,  just 
as  the  "counting-out"  rhymes  of  children  have  been  supposed  to  be 
relics  of  formulas  employed  in  sacrificial  rites. 


The  Passover  Song  of  the  Kid.  47 

In  this  example,  comparative  examination  seems  to  establish  that 
the  randonnh  did  not  so  descend  from  religious  custom,  but  was  at 
first  simply  a  piece  of  nonsense,  which  obtained  currency  through  its 
sprightly  character.  Whatever  sacred  significance  it  obtained,  alike 
as  a  Christian  carol  and  Jewish  hymn,  was  conferred  by  process  of 
interpreting  sanctity  into  what  is  secular,  which  is  responsible  for  no 
small  part  of  mythology. 

The  wide  circulation  of  the  piece  is  a  gratifying  example  of  the 
ease  with  which  even  the  minor  elements  of  European  folk-lore  have 
found  their  way  to  simple  neighbors.  So  with  folk-tales  ;  I  have 
elsewhere  argued  that  the  history  of  Cinderella,  popular  though  it 
be,  is  probably  no  world-old  myth,  but  a  sophisticated  story  of  medi- 
aeval romance  origin. ^  Civilization,  which  is  light,  shines  into  the 
darkness,  by  which  it  is  little  affected.  For  communication  of  cul- 
tivated narratives  to  savages  the  door  is  wide  open  ;  in  the  other 
direction  the  valve  swings  to.  The  obscurity  and  mysticism  of  sav- 
age chants  renders  them  incomprehensible ;  one  cannot  imagine  a 
European  mother  using  a  Hottentot  or  Berber  song.  In  the  same 
manner  Bretons  get  many  of  their  folk-tales  from  France,  Basques 
from  Provence  or  Spain,  and  even  modern  Irishmen  from  modern 
Englishmen.  As  I  have  written  respecting  the  tale  of  the  "  Bird- 
wife  : "  — 

The  origin  and  history  of  a  folk-tale  common  to  many  countries,  such 
as  the  one  which  has  been  the  subject  of  discussion,  may  be  figuratively 
represented  by  the  illustration  of  a  species  of  vegetable,  which  has  origi- 
nated in  an  early  civilization  at  a  time  so  remote,  that  from  the  first  mo- 
ment of  its  discernible  history  it  possesses  a  cultivated  character.  This 
vegetable,  again,  under  the  influence  of  civilization,  is  differentiated  into 
new  varieties,  arising  in  different  localities,  each  one  of  which,  on  account 
of  advantages  which  it  appears  to  offer,  may  in  its  turn  be  introduced  into 
different  regions,  and  even  supersede  the  original  out  of  which  it  was  de- 
veloped, this  dissemination  following  the  routes  of  commerce  and  ordinarily 
proceeding  from  the  more  highly  organized  countries  to  those  inferior  in 
the  scale  of  culture.^ 

These  remarks  need  to  be  modified  by  the  recognition  that  in  some 
cases,  the  process  indicated,  far  from  beginning  in  a  remote  period, 
may  be  comparatively  modern.  The  winged  seeds  of  tradition  may 
suddenly  take  root,  multiply  with  speed,  and  soon  become  abundant. 
Once  firmly  established,  the  new-comers  may  persist,  as  in  the  pre- 
sent example  has  for  three  centuries  been  true  of  the  German  rhyme  ; 
such  obstinacy  does  not  show  that  the  plant  is  autochthonous,  nor 

1  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore,  vol.  vii.  1894,  p.  70. 

2  The  International  Folk-Lore  Congress,  1891.  Papers  and  Transactions. 
London,  1892,  p.  40. 


48  yournal  of  American  Fo Ik-Lore. 

that  it  had  indefinite  antiquity  prior  to  the  date  of  record.  The 
immigrant  is  often  variable,  and  freely  amalgamates  with  the  native 
flora ;  such  "  contamination  "  seems  to  proceed  more  easily  in  un- 
lettered communities,  where  fancy  easily  takes  oral  channels  ;  we 
then  usually  find  combination  with  aboriginal  histories,  introduction 
of  savage  motives,  and  recast  into  barbaric  form.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  tradition  of  civilized  lands,  as  less  free,  may  be  more  con- 
servative. Thus  English  lore  sometimes  maintains  characteristics 
of  a  history  which  has  perished  in  its  original  habitat  ;  so  in  the  Kid 
rhyme  has  been  preserved  the  humorous  preface  which  once  was  a 
necessary'  feature  of  all  randonnees. 

The  series  under  consideration  also  illustrates  the  difference  of 
literature  and  folk-lore  as  regards  method  of  composition.  In  some 
variants  we  have  illustrated  a  process  entirely  corresponding  to  that 
of  written  letters  ;  the  brief  nursery  rhyme  was  expanded  into  a 
long  story,  just  as  a  modern  author  enlarges  a  nursery  tale  into  a 
novelette.  The  majority  of  reciters  repeated  the  rhyme  with  an 
intention  of  adherence  to  their  original ;  but  lapse  of  memory  on  one 
hand,  influence  of  association  on  the  other,  introduced  unconscious 
changes,  which  sometimes  accumulated  in  such  manner  as  to  alter  the 
form.  In  general,  the  tendency  was  toward  confusion  ;  the  formula 
degenerated,  so  as  to  forfeit  such  measure  of  consistency  as  it  had 
once  possessed.  Here,  however,  appears  a  certain  degree  of  free- 
dom ;  reciters  appropriated  and  reproduced  the  fun  of  the  piece, 
using  their  own  words,  as  may  be  seen  in  the  Scottish  variants.  On 
the  whole,  so  far  as  regards  the  history  now  in  question,  the  meth- 
ods of  folk-lore,  beyond  the  difference  arising  from  the  oral  medium, 
offer  no  salient  distinction  to  those  of  literature. 

Since  this  article  has  been  put  into  type,  I  find  that  the  Rhyme 
of  the  Kid,  in  the  form  above  given,  has  been  generally  known  in 
New  England.  Readers  of  the  proof,  respectively  from  White  River 
Valley,  Vt.,  and  from  Norway,  Maine,  find  the  history  familiar. 
The  first  informant  learned  the  rhyme  from  a  grandmother  who 
originally  came  from  Norwich,  Conn.  The  only  difference  observed 
in  the  words  is  that  the  first  line  of  the  refrain  went :  — 
See  by  the  moonlight  it 's  almost  midnight. 

William  Wells  Newell. 


Some  Traditio7ial  Songs. 


49 


SOME  TRADITIONAL   SONGS. 

In  the  present  brief  article,  I  shall  give  an  account  of  four  songs 
or  ballads,  with  presentation  of  variants  for  comparison,  included  in 
the  interesting  collection  of  family  songs  recently  printed  by  the 
Aliens,  of  Medfield,  Mass.,  in  whose  family  they  have  been  traditional 
for  many  generations.  Not  alone  because  of  the  uniqueness  of  one 
or  two  of  them  are  they  objects  of  interest  to  the  student  of  folk- 
lore, but  also  because  of  the  authenticity  of  the  tradition  that  has 
kept  them  alive. 

I.    THE    ELFIN    KNIGHT. 

In  the  printed  collection  referred  to  above,  this  ballad  is  given 
under  the  title,  "Blow,  ye  Winds,  Blow." 


m^^^^^^^m. 


stitch  of    nee  -  die  work,        Blow,    ye    winds    that      a  -  rise,  blow,  blow. 

1  You  must  make  me  a  fine  Holland  shirt,  — 

Blow,  blow,  blow,  ye  winds,  blow,  — 
And  not  have  in  it  a  stitch  of  needlework,  — 
Blow,  ye  winds  that  arise,  blow,  blow. 

2  You  must  wash  it  in  yonder  spring, 

Blow,  blow,  blow,  ye  winds,  blow, 
Where  there  's  never  a  drop  of  water  in. 
Blow,  ye  winds  that  arise,  blow,  blow. 

3  You  must  dry  it  on  yonder  thorn. 

Blow,  blow,  blow,  ye  winds,  blow, 
Where  the  sun  never  yet  shone  on. 
Blow,  ye  winds  that  arise,  blow,  blow. 

4  My  father  's  got  an  acre  of  land, 

Blow,  blow,  blow,  ye  winds,  blow, 
You  must  dig  it  with  a  goose  quill, 
Blow,  ye  winds  that  arise,  blow,  blow. 

VOL.  XVIII.  — NO.  (i%.  4 


50 


yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 


5  You  must  sow  it  with  one  seed, 

Blow,  blow,  blow,  ye  winds,  blow. 
You  must  reap  it  with  your  thumb  nail. 
Blow,  ye  winds  that  arise,  blow,  blow. 

6  You  must  thrash  it  on  yonder  sea. 

Blow,  blow,  blow,  ye  winds,  blow. 
And  not  get  it  wet,  or  let  a  kernel  be. 
Blow,  ye  winds  that  arise,  blow,  blow . 

7  You  must  grind  it  on  yonder  hill, 

Blow,  blow,  blow,  ye  winds,  blow, 
Where  there  yet  has  ne'er  stood  a  mill. 
Blow,  ye  winds  that  arise,  blow,  blow. 

8  When  you  've  done,  and  finished  your  work, 

Blow,  blow,  blow,  ye  winds,  blow, 
Bring  it  unto  pie  and  you  shall  have  your  shirt, 
Blow,  ye  winds  that  arise,  blow,  blow. 

Comparison  of  this  version  with  the  several  others  taken  down  of 
late  years  in  various  parts  of  this  country  brings  out  the  fact  that  it 
comes  from  a  distinct  and  separate  line  of  tradition.  This  appears 
from  the  refrain,  "  Blow,  blow,  blow,  ye  winds,  blow."  In  the  other 
versions  referred  to,  —  which  appear  to  spring  from  a  line  of  tradi- 
tions rather  English  than  Scotch,  — the  refrain  was  originally  a  list  of 
names  of  flowers,  in  course  of  time  perhaps  becoming  much  altered. 

For  purposes  of  comparison,  as  showing  well  the  specific  points 
of  difference  in  the  two  lines  of  tradition,  the  following  set  of  the 
words  of  this  ballad,  recently  recovered  by  me,^  may  be  of  interest. 


3: 


^^■ 


::]: 


-* n» 

I    want    you     to   make    me 


a       cam    -    brie    shirt,  Pars  -  ley      and 


i 


i^^ 


j=j=i-h— j^ 

s — • — 0 — « — * 


--^ 


sage,     rose  -  ma   -  ry      and   thyme,  With  -  out        a   -    ny    nee  -  die       or 


fe 


i 


d: 


J      m 


a  -  ny   fine  work,  And  then   you  shall     be      a     true  lov  -  er      of   mine. 

I   I  want  you  to  make  me  a  cambric  shirt. 
Parsley  and  sage,  rosemary  and  thyme. 
Without  any  needle,  or  any  fine  work. 

And  then  you  shall  be  a  true  lover  of  mine. 

1  The  Elfin  Knight.    Recorded  about  1875  by  a  lady  of  Providence,  R.  I.,  from 
the  singing  of  an  aged  man. 


Some  Traditio7ial  Songs, 


51 


2  Go  wash  it  out  in  yonder  well, 

Parsley  and  sage,  rosemary  and  thyme. 
Where  there  's  never  no  water  nor  drop  of  rain  fell, 
And  then  you  shall  be  a  true  lover  of  mine. 

3  Go  hang  it  out  on  yonder  thorn, 

Parsley  and  sage,  rosemary  and  thyme. 
Where  there  's  never  no  blossom,  since  Adam  was  born. 
And  then  you  shall  be  a  true  lover  of  mine. 

4  Now,  since  you  have  asked  me  questions  three, 

Parsley  and  sage,  rosemary  and  thyme, 
I  pray  you  would  grant  me  the  same  liberty, 
And  then  you  shall  be  a  true  lover  of  mine. 

5  I  want  you  to  buy  me  an  acre  of  land, 

Parsley  and  sage,  rosemary  and  thyme, 
Between  the  salt  water  and  the  sea  sand, 
And  then  you  shall  be  a  true  lover  of  mine. 

6  Go  plough  it  all  up  with  one  cuckold's  horn, 

Parsley  and  sage,  rosemary  and  thyme, 
Go  sow  it  all  down  with  one  peppercorn, 
And  then  you  shall  be  a  true  lover  of  mine. 

7  Go  reap  it  all  up  with  a  sickle  of  leather, 

Parsley  and  sage,  rosemary  and  thyme, 
And  bind  it  all  up  with  one  cock's  feather, 
And  then  you  shall  be  a  true  lover  of  mine. 

II.    THE    RAM    OF    DARBY. 

This  amusing  ballad  or  song  is  said  to  have  been  originally  the 
composition  of  a  malefactor,  under  sentence  of  death,  in  an  effort  to 
write  a  song  in  which  there  should  not  be  a  single  word  of  truth. 

Among  the  Allen  Family  songs  is  a  version  of  this  ballad,  sung  to 
an  air  which  seems  to  be  a  set  of  the  same  air  to  which  it  is  usually 
sung  in  England,  —  an  air  having  some  resemblance  to  the  "  Hobby 
Horse  Dance." 


i 


fi: 


t 


iE=fe 


As 


I       was    going     to     Der    -    by,      Up   -   on        a        mar  -  ket 


^ 


■^ 


:^ 


d: 


day, 


the       big    -    gest       ram,  sir,        That 


i: 


i 


^ 


I 


t^ 


ifclM 


ev    -  er     was     fed    with  hay,        That     ev  -  er    was    fed      with   hay. 


5  2  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore . 

1  As  I  was  going  to  Derby, 

Upon  a  market  day, 
I  saw  the  biggest  ram,  sir, 
That  ever  was  fed  with  hay, 
That  ever  was  fed  with  hay. 

2  The  ram  was  fat  behind,  sir, 

The  ram  was  fat  before. 
He  measured  ten  yards  round,  sir, 
I  think  it  was  no  more. 

3  The  wool  grew  on  his  back,  sir. 

It  reached  to  the  sky, 
And  there  the  eagles  built  their  nests, 
I  heard  the  young  ones  cry. 

4  The  wool  grew  on  his  belly,  sir, 

And  reached  to  the  ground, 

'T  was  sold  in  Derby  town,  sir. 

For  forty  thousand  pound. 

5  The  wool  upon  his  tail,  sir, 

Filled  more  than  fifty  bags. 
You  had  better  keep  away,  sir, 
When  that  tail  shakes  and  wags. 

6  The  horns  upon  his  head,  sir. 

Were  as  high  as  a  man  could  reach, 
And  there  they  built  a  pulpit,  sir. 
The  Quakers  for  to  preach. 

7  And  he  who  knocked  this  ram  down, 

Was  drowned  in  the  blood, 
And  he  that  held  the  dish,  sir, 
Was  carried  away  by  the  flood. 

8  And  all  the  boys  in  Derby,  sir. 

Came  begging  for  his  eyes, 
To  kick  about  the  streets,  sir. 
As  any  good  football  flies. 

9  The  mutton  that  the  ram  made 

Gave  the  whole  army  meat, 

And  what  was  left,  I  'm  told,  sir, 

Was  served  out  to  the  fleet. 

Absurd  as  it  is,  this  song  has  a  special  interest  for  us  Americans^ 
owing  to  the  recorded  tradition  that  General  Washington  sang  it  on 


I 


Some  Traditional  Songs.  53 

one  occasion  to  the  children  of  Chief  Justice  Ellsworth.     This  tradi- 
tion is  recorded  by  the  late  Senator  Hoar,  in  his  autobiography. 
The  following  version  comes  from  Glover,  Vermont :  — 

1  As  I  was  going  to  Derby, 

Upon  a  market  day, 
I  spied  the  biggest  ram,  sir, 

That  ever  was  fed  on  hay. 
That  ever  was  fed  on  hay,  sir, 

That  ever  was  fed  on  hay, 
I  spied  the  biggest  ram,  sir. 

That  ever  was  fed  on  hay. 

Tow  de  row  de  dow,  dow. 

Tow  de  row  de  da. 
Tow  de  row  de  dow,  dow. 

Tow  de  row  de  da. 

2  He  had  four  feet  to  walk  on, 

He  had  four  feet  to  stand, 
And  every  foot  he  had,  sir. 

Covered  an  acre  of  land. 
Covered  an  acre  of  land,  sir,  etc. 

3  The  wool  upon  his  back,  sir. 

It  reached  up  to  the  sky, 
The  eagles  built  their  nests  there, 

For  I  heard  the  young  ones  cry. 
For  I  heard  the  young  ones  cry,  sir,  etc. 

4  The  wool  upon  his  tail,  sir, 

I  heard  the  weaver  say, 
Made  three  hundred  yards  of  cloth. 

For  he  wove  it  in  a  day. 
For  he  wove  it  in  a  day,  sir,  etc. 

5  The  horns  upon  this  ram,  sir, 

They  reached  up  to  the  moon, 
A  nigger  climbed  up  in  January, 

And  never  came  down  till  June. 
And  never  came  down  till  June,  sir,  etc. 

6  The  butcher  that  cut  his  throat,  sir, 

Was  drownded  in  the  blood. 
And  the  little  boy  that  held  the  pail 

Was  carried  away  in  the  flood. 
Was  carried  away  in  the  flood,  sir,  etc.^ 

'  In  the  American  Monthly  Magazine  for  October,  1897,  the  above-mentioned 
anecdote  of  General  Washington  is  told.   A  similar  version  of  the  ballad  is  given. 


5  4  Journal  of  A  merican  Folk-L  ore. 

In  Derby,  England,  the  ballad  of  the  Ram  has  continued  to  be 
popular,  and  is  sung  in  much  the  same  manner.  There  are  a  number 
of  additional  verses.  For  the  sake  of  comparison,  the  following 
stanzas  may  be  cited :  — 

The  space  between  his  horns,  sir, 
Was  as  far  as  a  man  could  reach, 

And  there  they  built  a  pulpit 
For  the  parson  there  to  preach. 

This  ram  jumped  over  a  wall,  sir. 

His  tail  caught  on  a  briar, 
It  reached  from  Darby  town,  sir, 

All  into  Leicestershire. 

And  of  this  tail  so  long,  sir, 

'T  was  ten  miles  and  an  ell. 
They  made  a  goodly  rope,  sir, 

To  toll  the  market  bell. 

The  little  boys  of  Darby,  sir, 

They  came  to  beg  his  eyes, 
To  kick  about  the  streets,  sir, 

For  they  were  football  size. 

The  jaws  that  were  in  his  head,  sir, 

They  were  so  fine  and  thin, 
They  were  sold  to  a  Methodist  parson, 

For  a  pulpit  to  preach  in. 

Indeed,  sir,  this  is  true,  sir, 

I  never  was  taught  to  lie, 
And  had  you  been  to  Darby,  sir, 

You  'd  have  seen  it  as  well  as  I.* 

The  song  belongs  to  the  class  of  "  lying  tales,"  or  extravaganzas. 

^  L.  Jewitt,  The  Ballads  afid  Songs  of  Derbyshire,  London,  1867,  p.  115.  Con- 
cerning football,  the  editor  explains  that  this  was  essentially  a  Derby  game,  and 
was  played  every  year,  frequently  with  highly  disastrous  consequences,  until  put 
down  by  the  authorities  a  few  years  back.  On  Shrove  Tuesday  business  was 
entirely  suspended,  and  the  townspeople  being  divided  into  two  parties,  —  All 
Saints  and  St.  Peter's,  —  the  ball  was,  at  noon,  thrown  from  the  Town  Hall  to  the 
densely  packed  masses  in  the  market-place,  the  two  parties  each  trying  to  "  goal 
it "  at  their  respective  places.  The  fight  —  for  it  was  nothing  less  —  continued  for 
many  hours,  and  sewers,  brook-courses,  and  even  rivers  were  invaded,  and  scores 
of  people  who  were  fortunate  enough  not  to  get  killed  or  lamed  were  stripped  of 
their  clothing  in  the  fray. 


Some  Traditional  Songs. 


55 


III.    THE    QUAKER  S    WOOING. 

The  most  complete  version  of  this  quaint  little  comic  song,  for 
such  it  evidently  is,  may  be  found,  with  the  air  to  which  it  was  sung, 
in  Mr.  Newell's  "Games  and  Songs  of  American  Children."  In  the 
Allen  songs  is  a  shorter  version,  as  follows:  — 


n 


m 


t^ 


^nM^ 


t^ 


-2=)- 


^ 


'Mad 


am,     I        have  come       to    woo  thee,      Oh,        hum, 


ohl 


fe; 


:*: 


^ 


W 


^^ 


Mad 

0         1 

am. 

I          have  come 

to 

court  thee,        Oh  I 

hum. 

r  U      1 

s 

1 1  ff       P 

IJ 

J     r 

J 

^ 

.  N      ■ 

1  n^     J 

_,> 

•  • 

^       I 

^ 

K 

■\^    j'  •         J        -^ 

1  R       *  ' 

d  __■— 

J 

m '       a 

-'i 

•          -1^ 

J 

^ 

CJ 

1  ^ 

^ 

«-. 

Oh, 


dear      me  I ' 


"  Get       you    gone,    you    sau    -    cy     Qua  -   ker. 


^ 


-t^f^=^ 


Hi 


dink 


da  -  dy   oh !     I'll   have  none   of  your 


i^ 


:h 


E# 


^ 


Quaker -ish     ac   -   tions  !  Kut  -  ty   -   ka  dink         a       da    -    dy,    ohl" 

1  "  Madam,  I  have  come  to  woo  thee, 

O,  hum,  oh  ! 
Madam,  I  have  come  to  court  thee, 

Oh,  hum,  oh  dear  me  ! " 
"  Get  you  gone,  you  saucy  Quaker, 

Hi  a  dink  a  dady  oh ! 
I  '11  have  none  of  your  Quakerish  actions, 

Kutty  ka  dink  a  dady  oh  !  " 

2  "  I  Ve  a  ring  cost  forty  shilling, 

Oh,  hum,  oh. 
Thou  shalt  have  it  if  thee  art  willing. 

Oh,  hum,  oh  dear  me  !  " 
'*  I  '11  have  none  of  your  rings  or  money, 

Hi  a  dink  a  dady  oh  ! 
I  'II  have  a  man  that  calls  me  '  Honey,' 

Kutty  ka  dink  a  dady  oh  !  " 

3  "  Must  I  then  change  my  religion, 

Oh,  hum,  oh  ! 
And  become  a  Presbyterian  ? 
Oh,  hum,  oh  dear  me !  " 


56  jfournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

"  You  must  learn  to  lie  and  flatter, 
Hi  a  dink  a  dady  oh, 
Else  you  never  can  come  at  her, 
Kutty  ka  dink  a  dady,  oh !  " 

From  Fall  River,  Mass.,  I  have  the  following  version,  which  I 
take  occasion  to  print  here  for  purposes  of  comparison  :  — 

1  "  Madam,  I  have  come  a-courting. 

You  for  to  see, 
To  marry  you  I  have  a  notion. 

Oh,  deary  me  !  " 

2  "  To  marry  you  I  've  no  desire. 

Fal-lal,  fal-lal,  fal-lal-la, 
I  '11  sit  down  and  poke  the  fire, 
Fal-lal,  fal-lal,  fal-lal-la." 

3  "  Here  's  a  ring  cost  forty  shillings, 

Oh,  deary  me. 
Thou  may'st  have  it  if  thou  art  willing. 
Oh,  deary  me  !  " 

4  "  I  want  none  of  your  rings  or  money. 

Fal-lal,  fal-lal,  fal-lal-Ia, 
Give  me  the  man  that  calls  me  *  Honey,' 
Fal-lal,  fal-lal,  fal-lal-la." 

5  "  Fare  you  well,  for  we  must  part. 

Oh,  deary  me, 
I  don't  care  if  I  've  broke  your  heart, 
Oh,  deary  me  !  " 

6  "  I  '11  go  home,  and  tell  my  mammy, 

Fal-lal,  fal-lal,  fal-lal-la, 
You  may  go  to  the  Old  Harry, 
Fal-lal,  fal-lal,  fal-lal-la  !  " 

IV.    THE    TWELVE    DAYS    OF    CHRISTMAS. 

Mentioned  among  the  Allen  Songs  as  a  Christmas  carol,  it  is, 
however,  neither  a  Christmas  song  nor  a  carol.  Mrs.  Gomme  (Tra- 
ditional Games,  vol.  ii.  p.  319)  gives  the  best  account  of  it,  showing 
that  it  is  originally  a  game,  bearing  some  resemblance  to  the  game 
of  "  Forfeits,"  and  connected  with  the  festivities  of  the  Epiphany. 

"  The  company  were  all  seated  round  the  room.  The  leader  of 
the  game  commenced  by  saying  the  first  line.    The  lines  for  the  first 


Some  Traditional  Songs. 


57 


day  of  Christmas  were  said  by  each  of  the  company  in  turn,  —  then 
the  first  day  was  repeated,  with  the  addition  of  the  second  by  the 
leader,  and  then  this  was  said  all  around  the  circle  in  turn.  This  was 
continued,  until  all  the  lines  were  said  all  round  the  circle  in  turn. 
For  every  mistake,  a  forfeit  had  to  be  given  up." 
The  version  in  the  Allen  Songs  is  as  follows  :  — 


3=^^=^Ei 


-^ 


V- 


:S^ 


-=!—•- 


The      first       day     of   Christ  -  mas,  my  true  love  sent      to     me 


part      of      a     Ju    -    ni  -  per    tree. 


Ffit 

J— 

-N— 

-f- 

-i- 

-IV— 

-^ 

r 

f-^ 

1* 

1     1 

\^A^ 

-:•- 

"     i 

4 

— • — 

—^ 

--I — - 
-i-fc/— 

b* 

—V — 

r-T^;^ 

^ 

The    twelfth  day      of   Christ  -  mas    my      true  love  sent      to     me 


=fe 


tS'-t- 


'^=^=1=1 


Twelve  lords  a  reap-ing,Five    gold   rings,     Four  col-lege  birds.Three  French  hens, 
etc.     (  Gifts  12  or  6.) 


=(E 


^ 


I 


"^if— 1/— 

Two    tur  -  tie      doves  and      a      part      of 


Ju  -   ni  -  per  tree. 


1  The  first  day  of  Christmas  my  true  love  sent  to  me 
A  part  of  a  juniper  tree. 

2  The  second  day  of  Christmas  my  true  love  sent  to  me 
Two  turtle  doves,  and  a  part  of  a  juniper  tree. 

And  so  on,  a  different  gift  being  added  for  each  of  the  twelve  days. 
The  last  stanza  reads  as  follows  :  — 

12  The  twelfth  day  of  Christmas  my  true  love  sent  to  me 
Twelve  lords  a-reaping, 
Eleven  golden  pippins, 
Ten  fiddlers  playing, 
Nine  ladies  dancing, 
Eight  hounds  a-running, 
Seven  swans  a-swimming, 
Six  geese  a-flying, 
Vive  gold  rings, 
Four  college  birds, 
Three  French  hens, 
Two  turtle  doves,  and  a  part  of  a  juniper  tree. 


58 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 


This  song  became  popular  in  America  at  an  early  date,  —  as  the 
following  melody,  copied  from  a  manuscript  of  1790,  testifies  :  — 


First  Day. 


^^ 


d: 


fe 


ii=i 


i 


Twelfth  Day. 


3 


^ 


^ 


•— .!•- 


t=r- 


S 


(1 2th  to  6th  Gifts.) 


^ 


^m 


(5th  Gift.) 


(4th  Gift.) 


(3d  Gift.) 


i 


;i 


iE^ 


(2d  Gift.) 


(1st  Gift.) 


From  the  same  source  as  the  version  of  "  The  Elfin  Knight,"  cited 
on  a  previous  page,  I  have  the  following  set  of  the  words  and  air  of 
this  game-song. 


i^ 


^ 


=? 


X 


The    first     day     of  Christ -mas    my    true   love   sent    to      me 


i 


-^ 


-Mn 


^^^1 


part      of      a       Ju    -    iii  -  per  tree. 


Twelfth  Day. 


m 


^^ 


*=|5: 


The  twelfth    day      of   Christ  -   mas    my    true    love  sent     to        me 

A-         A  A  A  A 


^= 


3 


■^~ 


-Xr- 


^ 


Twelve  ships  a-  sail  -  ing,    Five  gold  rings,  Four  col  -  ly  birds.Three  French  horns, 
etc.  (Gifts  12  to  6.) 


:^^ 


S 


g=B^^ 


r^- 


Two      tur  -  tie      doves,  And    a      part       of 


Ju    -    ni  -  per   tree. 


Some  Traditional  Songs,  59 

I  The  first  day  of  Christmas  my  true  love  sent  to  me 
A  part  of  a  juniper  tree. 

And  so  on,  a  different  gift  being  added  for  each  of  the  twelve  days. 
The  twelfth  stanza  is  as  follows,  — 

12  The  twelfth  day  of  Christmas  my  true  love  sent  to  me 
Twelve  ships  a-sailing, 
Eleven  bells  a-ringing, 
Ten  girls  a-dancing, 
Nine  fiddles  playing, 
Eight  horses  running, 
Seven  swans  a-swimming, 
Six  geese  a-flying, 
Five  gold  rings, 
Four  colly  birds, 
Three  French  horns, 
Two  turtle  doves,  and  a  part  of  a  juniper  tree. 

Phillips  Barry. 
Boston,  Mass. 

Editorial  note.  The  pamphlet  from  which  are  taken  the  four  songs  above 
given  is  entitled  "  Family  Songs,  compiled  by  Rosa  S.  Allen,  Music  arranged 
by  Joseph  A.  Allen.  As  sung  by  the  Aliens  at  the  Homestead,  Castle  Hill,  Med- 
field,  Massachusetts,  1899."     Pp.  14. 

The  songs  included  are  as  follows :  — 

1.  Katy  Cruel. 

2.  Johnny,  the  Miller. 

3.  Blow,  ye  Winds,  Blow. 

4.  Polly  Van. 

5.  Bingo. 

6.  The  Ram  of  Derby. 

7.  Song  of  a  Hunter. 

8.  A  Frog  he  would  A-Wooing  go. 

9.  The  Dumb  Wife. 

ID.  When  Adam  was  First  Created. 

11.  The  Twelve  Days  of  Christmas. 

12.  The  Quaker's  Wooing. 

This  little  collection,  which  includes  examples  of  some  ancient  ballads,  may 
serve  as  illustration  of  the  considerable  body  of  folk-song  still  existing  in  all  parts 
of  the  country,  and  awaiting  collection. 


6o  Journal  of  A  merican  Folk-Lore, 

RECORD   OF   AMERICAN   FOLK-LORE. 

NORTH   AMERICA. 

Algonkian.  PowJiatan.  In  the  "American  Anthropologist" 
(vol.  vi.  n.  s.  pp.  670-694)  for  October-December,  1904,  Mr.  W. 
W.  Tooker  discusses  at  length  "  Some  Powhatan  Names,"  largely 
with  reference  to  etymologies  recently  proposed  by  Mr.  W.  R. 
Gerard  in  the  same  periodical  for  January-June,  1904.  Among  the 
words  treated  are  :  Appa^matuck  ("the  resting  tree  "),  Quiyoughquo- 
hanock  ("  place  where  the  lesser  priests  were  initiated  "),  Rapahanock 
("  country  of  exceeding  plenty  "),  Warraskoyac  ("  the  top  or  point  of 
the  land  "),  Onawmanient  ("a  path  where  they  were  led  astray  or 
betrayed  "),  Orapikes  ("a  solitary  water-place  or  swamp  "),  Werowo- 
comoco  ("sachem's  house"),  Wynauk  ("winding  about  place"), 
Massawomek  ("  those  who  travel  by  boat  "),  Chickahominy  ("  hominy 
people"),  aitowh  ("plaything"),  attaangwassiiwk  ("shining  star"), 
attemous  (from  radical  "to  hunt ''),  cattapeuk  ("sowing  time"),  qiian- 
nacut  ("  long  mantle  "),  tapaantaminais  ("  satisfied  or  contented  with 
corn  "),  iittapaantain  ("  food  that  contented  them  "),  aitssencpo  ("  mid- 
dle-aged person "),  aittoundg  (an  onomatopoetic  term),  kekatangh 
("one  remains"),  matcJicores  ("great  mantle  of  deer-skin  "), /^w/^^- 
hiccora  ("  made  from  broken  or  pounded  shells  "),  tnatatsno  (typo- 
graphical error  for  menatano),  nimatewh  ("he  is  my  brother"), 
nahapiie  ("  he  that  abides  "),  aspamu  ("our  abode  "),  ottawam  ("our 
possession "),  Uttasantasough  ("  he  speaks  a  strange  language "), 
paqwantewim  ("clean  apron"),  bagwanchybassen  ("it  bindeth  about"), 
piitteivas  ("he  is  covered"),  otitacan,  wintuc  ("head-heavy"),  etc. 
Incidentally,  Algonkian  words  for  "stream,"  "dog,"  "rainbow," 
"season,  time,"  "man,"  "dish,"  etc.,  are  discussed.  To  the  study 
of  the  Virginian  dialects  of  Algonkian  Mr.  Tooker  has  devoted  some 
sixteen  years,  and  his  Jlair  Algonquin,  no  less  than  his  sprach- 
gcfiihly  appears  to  advantage  here,  for  he  seems  to  have  decidedly 
the  best  of  the  argument.  —  New  yersey.  In  his  "  Personal  Names 
of  Indians  of  New  Jersey  "  (Paterson,  1904,  pp.  83),  Mr.  William 
Nelson,  whose  monograph  on  "The  Indians  of  New  Jersey  "  (pp.  168) 
appeared  in  1894,  publishes  "a  list  of  650  such  names,  gleaned 
mostly  from  Indian  deeds  of  the  seventeenth  century,"  thereby 
earning  the  lasting  gratitude  of  the  onomatologist,  and  at  the  same 
time  adding  to  the  rather  scanty  linguistic  records  of  the  New  Jer- 
sey Lenap6  (the  author  estimates  that  the  dictionaries  and  vocabu- 
laries of  the  Lenap6  tongue  extant  "  furnish  perhaps  3,000  different 
words").  Names  prior  to  1664  were  written  by  the  Dutch  (except 
a  few  on  the  Delaware  by  Swedes),  after  1664  mostly  by  English- 


Record  of  A  merican  Folk- Lore.  6 1 

men,  though  deeds  for  lands  north  of  Newark  were  usually  drawn 
up  by  Dutch  scriveners,  —  also  many  in  Monmouth  and  Somerset 
counties.  Women's  and  children's  names  often  appear,  but  "  be- 
cause an  Indian  squaw  or  child  joins  in  a  deed,  it  does  not  neces- 
sarily follow  that  the  aborigines  recognized  the  woman's  right  of 
dower  or  the  child's  inheritance  in  lands."  In  comparatively  few 
cases  is  the  etymology  of  these  names  known  or  given.  —  New 
Brunswick.  In  the  "Bulletin  of  the  Natural  History  Society  of 
New  Brunswick"  (no.  xxii.  1904,  pp.  175-178,  i  pi.)  Professor  W.  F. 
Ganong  writes  briefly  "  Upon  Aboriginal  Pictographs  reported  from 
New  Brunswick."  Hitherto  but  four  aboriginal  pictographs  have 
been  reported  from  New  Brunswick,  —  Gesner's  wood  picture,  the 
St.  George  stone  medallion,  the  Passamaquoddy  marked  boulder  now 
in  the  University  of  New  Brunswick  Museum,  and  the  Oromocto 
carved  sandstone  boulder.  Of  these  the  third  and  fourth  are  most 
likely  not  of  human  but  glacial  origin,  the  second  is  probably  not  of 
Indian  workmanship,  and  the  first  has  long  ago  crumbled  to  dust. 
At  French  Lake  Professor  Ganong's  party  discovered,  in  July,  1903, 
what  may  be  a  real  aboriginal  pictograph.  —  Mascoiiten.  In  a  brief 
paper  in  the  "American  Antiquarian"  (vol.  xxvi.  1904,  pp.  84-88) 
entitled  "  Site  of  Mascouten  Rediscovered,"  Rev.  Thomas  Clifford 
writes  of  the  "Indian  city,"  described  by  Dablon  in  1675  as  located 
"  in  the  midst  of  a  terrestrial  paradise,"  but  which,  after  the  French 
and  Indian  wars,  vanished  utterly.  Its  location  became  one  of  the 
problems  of  Wisconsin  archaeology.  According  to  the  author,  Mas- 
couten was  "  exactly  in  Seymour's  Valley,  at  the  head  of  Mud  Lake, 
on  the  banks  of  the  Hihorokera,  or  Running  Swan."  The  much- 
sought  fortification  mounds  are  at  Port  Hope.  A  natural  fortress 
is  this  valley. — Arapaho.  Mr.  C.  S.  Wake's  article  on  "  Nihancan, 
the  White  Man,"  in  the  "American  Antiquarian"  (vol.  xxvi.  1904, 
pp.  225-231),  discusses  the  character  of  Nihancan  (who  corresponds 
to  the  Ojibwa  Manabozho,  the  Blackfoot  Napi,  etc.)  as  he  appears  in 
the  "Traditions  of  the  Arapaho"  recently  published  by  Dr.  A.  L. 
Kroeber.  In  Arapaho  Nihancan  is  now  "the  ordinary  word  for 
wJiite  men,''  as  ViJmk  (a  mythological  figure)  has  given  his  name 
to  them  in  Cheyenne.  To  Nihancan  the  spider  corresponds,  as  in 
Ojibwa  the  rabbit  does  to  Manabozho.  Nihancan  figures  in  Arapaho 
mythology  and  tradition  as  creator  (or  rather  changer,  perhaps), 
giver  of  death,  a  sensual  being,  an  evil-disposed  person,  a  deceiver, 
a  trickster,  an  ungrateful  individual,  etc.  The  complexion  of  the 
whites,  resembhng  the  sacred  white  of  certain  animals,  etc.,  is  sug- 
gested as  having  led  to  the  transference  of  the  name. 

Athapascan.     Nah-ane.     In  the  "Transactions  of  the  Canadian 
Institute"  (vol.  vii.  1904,  pp.  517-534,  2  pi.)  Rev.  A.  G.  Morice  has 


62  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

an  article  on  "The  Nah-aneand  their  Language."  The  topics  treated 
are  the  name  ("  people  of  the  west "),  tribal  divisions  and  numbers 
(now  ca.  looo  souls),  physical  characters,  etc.  (Nah'ane  are  pure  Dene 
"neither  in  blood,  customs,  nor  language  "),  institutions  and  customs, 
language  (pp.  526-534).  Some  evil  influences  of  white  contact  are 
very  noticeable  (syphilis,  drunkenness,  etc.),  and  the  Tlinkit  of  Ft. 
Wrangell  have  not  improved  them  by  intermixture.  The  eastern 
Nah'ane  differ  from  the  western  in  physique,  culture  (the  former  have 
not  been  so  adaptive-minded  as  the  latter),  etc.  The  author  informs 
us  that  in  the  house  of  his  hosts  (western  Nah'ane)  "were  to  be  seen, 
besides  gilt  bronze  bedsteads,  and  laces  of  all  kinds,  two  sewing- 
machines,  two  large  accordeons,  and,  will  the  reader  believe  it  ? 
—  a  phonograph  !  All  this  in  the  forests  of  British  Columbia,  north 
of  the  58th  degree  of  latitude  ! "  The  "new  order"  of  things  is  also 
exemplified  "in  the  small  travelling-trunks  bought  from  the  whites, 
which  are  to  be  seen  planted  on  two  posts,  in  several  places  along 
the  trails,  and  which  contain  some  of  the  bones  of  the  dead  picked 
up  from  among  the  ashes  of  the  funeral  pile."  The  language  of  the 
western  Nah'ane  possesses  a  regular  accent,  "  something  quite 
unknown  in  all  the  northern  Dene  dialects ; "  this  feature.  Father 
Morice  thinks,  is  due  to  Tlinkit  influence.  There  is  also  a  marked 
song-like  intonation  of  speech.  Nah'ane  is  an  eclectic  language,  and 
its  vocabulary  contains  fully  40  nouns  borrowed  from  Tlinkit,  besides 
several  terms  from  the  Kutchin,  Hare,  and  Chippewyan  dialects,  and 
even  one  word  from  Tsimshian,  the  name  for  snake,  that  reptile  not 
being  found  in  the  Nah'ane  territory.  Several  English  words  also' 
have  been  adopted,  and  a  few  others  from  the  Chinook  jargon.  On 
page  531  are  given  the  Nah'ane  names  for  the  months.  Another 
peculiarity  of  the  language  is  the  possession  of  the  numbers  one, 
two,  three,  as  "perfectly  regular  verbs,  conjugated  with  persons  and 
tenses."  The  Nah'ane  language  is  "  much  less  complicated  and 
verbally  poorer  than  the  Carrier," — also  "less  pure  in  its  lexicon, 
more  embarrassed  in  its  phraseology,  and,  owing  to  its  accent,  even 
more  delicate  in  its  phonetics."  —  Navaho.  Mr.  C.  S.  Wake's  "The 
Navaho  Origin  Legend"  (American  Antiquarian,  vol.  xxvi.  1904, 
pp.  265-270)  r6sum6s  the  origin-legend  of  the  Navahos  as  given  by 
Dr.  Washington  Matthews  in  his  "Navaho  Legends,"  published  by 
the  American  Folk-Lore  Society  in  1897.  This  legend  Mr.  Wake 
considers  "typically  American  in  its  contents,  not  only  containing 
many  incidents  as  parts  of  a  connected  whole,  but  giving  a  detailed 
account  of  the  emergence  from  underground  of  the  Dend  (Navaho), 
which  is  the  usual  explanation  of  the  appearance  of  men  on  the  earth 
current  among  the  Indian  tribes."  — H^tpa.  Mr.  P.  E.  Goddard's  two 
monographs,   "  Life  and  Culture   of  the    Hupa "    (Univ.    of   Calif. 


Record  of  American  Folk-Lore.  63 

Publ  Amer.  Arch.  &  Ethnol.  vol.  ii.  1903,  pp.  1-88,  30  pi.)  and 
"  Hupa  Texts  "  {ibid.  pp.  89-368)  are  valuable  additions  to  our 
knowledge  of  the  folk-lore  of  the  Californian  Athapascan.  In  the 
first,  the  author  treats  environment,  history,  villages,  houses,  dress, 
food,  occupations  of  men  (bow  and  arrow  making,  net  making,  hide- 
dressing,  pipe  making,  etc.),  occupations  of  women  (basket  making), 
measures,  social  customs  (sex  and  motherhood,  care  of  children, 
dawn  of  womanhood,  courtship  and  marriage,  restrictions  for  women, 
daily  routine),  social  organization,  amusements,  war,  diseases  and 
their  cures,  burial  customs,  religion  (deities,  feasts,  dances,  religious 
attitude).  The  Hupa  "have  no  migration  myth  nor  legends  relating 
to  a  time  before  their  coming  to  the  region  "  (p.  7),  and  according  to 
their  ideas  "  their  first  ancestors  came  spontaneously  into  existence 
in  the  valley  itself."  Their  seclusion  has  been  so  great  that  "  60 
years  ago  the  news  of  the  coming  of  white  men  had  not  reached 
them,"  and  "  they  knew  nothing  of  the  Spaniards  to  the  south  nor 
of  the  English-speaking  people  to  the  east  and  north  of  them." 
They  number  at  present  some  450.  The  dwelling  of  the  Hupa  was 
the  xonta,  besides  which  they  had  the  taikyuw,  "  sweat-house,"  and 
the  mintCy  or  menstrual  lodge  of  the  women.  Chin-tattooing  was 
practised  by  all  mature  women,  and  "  delicate  marks  were  placed 
on  the  chins  of  quite  young  girls,  the  number  and  size  of  which 
increased  with  later  life."  The  common  measure  of  value  was  the 
decorated  dentalium  shell,  —  "  money  "  was  strung  on  strings  reach- 
ing from  the  thumb-nail  to  the  point  of  the  shoulder.  And,  "  since 
all  hands  and  arms  are  not  of  the  same  length,  it  was  necessary  for 
the  man,  when  he  reached  maturity,  to  establish  the  value  of  the 
creases  [used  to  determine  length  of  shells]  on  his  (left)  hand  by 
comparison  with  money  of  known  length  as  measured  by  some  one 
else."  Besides  this  he  had  also  "a  set  of  lines  tattooed  on  the  inside 
of  his  left  forearm,"  these  lines  indicating  the  "length  of  five  shells 
of  the  different  standards."  This  shell-money  was  carried  in  boxes 
of  elk-horn.  The  women  slept  in  the  xonta,  the  men  in  the  taikyuw. 
Small  children  are  seldom  punished  or  handled  roughly,  —  "  they  are 
thought  to  be  above  the  natural  and  likely  to  disappear,  going  to  the 
world  of  immortals  if  they  are  ill-used."  The  dances  of  young  girls 
are  very  curious.  Courtship  "  often  extended  through  a  summer  and 
a  winter,"  and  a  man's  standing  in  the  world  "depended  on  the 
amount  of  money  which  had  been  paid  for  his  mother  at  the  time 
of  her  marriage."  The  typical  family  "consisted  of  the  man  and 
his  sons,  the  wife  or  wives  of  the  man,  the  unmarried  and  half-mar- 
ried daughters,  the  wives  of  the  sons,  and  the  grandchildren  ;  and  in 
addition  to  these,  sometimes,  "  unmarried  or  widowed  brothers  and 
sisters  of  the  man  and  his  wife."     The  next  unit  above  the  family 


64  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

was  the  village.  Personal  insult  or  injury  is  followed  by  "  absolute 
non-intercourse,"  and  matters  are  ultimately  settled. by  a  go-between. 
The  chief  games  of  the  Hupa  are  four,  and  "the  contestants  are  not 
individuals  but  social  or  ethnic  units  (village  against  village,  tribe 
against  tribe)."  In  war  "  medicine-making  "  had  an  important  role. 
Disease  was  due  to  an  invisible  foe,  and  pain  was  a  substance  to  be 
removed  from  the  body,  wherein  it  had  come  to  be  lodged.  There 
were  two  kinds  of  "medicine  men,"  the  "dancing  doctor"  and  the 
"  sucking  doctor,"  the  diagnoser  and  the  curer.  The  Hupa  had  a 
great  wailing  ceremony  for  the  dead.  The  chief  divinity  is  Ylman- 
tuwinyai  ("the  one  who  is  lost  across  the  ocean  "),  a  sort  of  "trans- 
former." Among  the  festivals  are  "salmon  feast"  and  "acorn 
feasts;"  also  three  great  dances,  "winter,"  "summer,"  and  "fall." 
On  these  dance  occasions  the  Hupa  "  maintains  a  pious  frame  of 
mind."  These  people  have  also  "a  reverence  for  language,"  and  for 
them  also  "  the  trails  were  sacred."  An  undercurrent  of  deep  reli- 
gious feeling  belonged  to  them  in  many  respects.  In  "  Hupa  Texts," 
Mr.  Goddard  publishes  native  version,  interlinear  translation,  and 
free  English  rendering  of  14  myths  and  tales,  and  37  texts  relating 
to  dances  and  feasts,  "  medicine  "  formulae,  etc.  These  texts,  which 
are  "offered  primarily  as  a  basis  for  the  study  of  the  Hupa  language," 
were  collected  chiefly  in  1901,  a  few  in  1902.  Of  the  "creator  and 
culture  hero  "  myth  we  learn  that  but  one  Hupa,  a  woman,  knows 
it  in  its  collective  form.  Yimantuwinyai,  though  the  first  person  to 
exist,  had  a  grandmother,  to  whom  he  returned  after  his  labors.  In 
the  "  dug-from-the-ground  "  myth  appears  the  boy-hero.  "  Rough- 
nose  "  is  a  story  of  the  "  world  above."  In  some  of  the  other  legends 
figure  owl  and  coyote,  three  sisters,  etc.  Fire  was  discovered  by  Old- 
man-across-the-ocean,  who  twirled  a  stick  on  a  piece  of  willow.  In 
some  of  the  other  legends  the  origins  of  various  dances  are  told.  The 
collection  of  "medicine  formula"  is  particularly  valuable  for  com- 
parative study.  The  folk-lore  data  have  their  value  enhanced  by  the 
fact  that  they  are  given  in  the  native  language. 

Pueblos.  In  his  article  on  the  "  Archaeology  of  Pajarito  Park,  New 
Mexico"  (American  Anthropologist,  vol.  vi.  n.  s.  1904,  pp.  629- 
659)  Professor  Edgar  L.  Hewett  devotes  some  space  to  pictographs 
(pp.  651-653,  with  figs.)  and  mortuary  customs  (pp.  655-656).  Petro- 
glyphs  are  found  all  over  the  Park,  but  are  particularly  mumerous 
and  well  preserved  at  Puye.  One  of  the  glyphs  "pictures  an  ancient 
Tewa  legend,  which,  in  modern  times,  has  been  developed  into 
the '  Montezuma '  legend  of  Pecos,  Taos,  and  other  pueblos."  On  Teh- 
rega  cliff  is  a  fine  petroglyph  of  the  plumed  serpent.  Some  of  the 
pictographs  are  pecked,  others  incised  with  a  sharp  tool.  At  Teh- 
rega  and  Tsankawi  four  modes  of  burial  occur,  —  communal  mounds, 


Record  of  American  Folk-Lore.  65 

caves  or  crypts,  intra-mural  chambers,  under  fireplaces  in  living- 
rooms. 

Salishan.  Sl'ciatl.  To  the  "  Journal  of  the  Anthropological  Insti- 
tute" (vol.  xxxiv.  pp.  20-91)  for  January-June,  1904,  Mr.  Charles 
Hill  Tout  contributes  a  "  Report  on  the  Ethnology  of  the  Sl'ciatl  of 
British  Columbia,  a  Coast  Division  of  the  Salish  Stock,"  containing, 
"  with  the  exception  of  a  few  folk-tales,  all  that  may  now  be  gathered 
of  the  past  concerning  this  tribe."  They  are  now,  **  outwardly,  at  least, 
a  civilized  people,  and  their  lives  and  condition  compare  favorably  with 
those  of  the  better  class  of  peasants  of  western  Europe."  They  num- 
ber some  325  souls  and  are  Catholics,  having  been  converted  by  the 
Oblate  Fathers  (to  whose  efforts  their  present  welfare  is  due)  more 
than  forty  years  ago.  The  ethnographic  and  sociological  section  of 
the  Report  treats  of  tribal  names,  genealogy  and  septs,  castes  and 
classes,  shamanism  and  sidaisni,  dress,  dwellings,  food,  household 
utensils,  puberty  customs,  mortuary  customs,  beliefs,  times  and  sea- 
sons, etc.;  the  archaeology  of  middens,  cairns,  and  fishing  works.  In 
the  section  on  traditions,  the  native  text,  interlinear  translation,  and 
free  English  versions  are  given  of  tales  and  legends  concerning : 
The  Beaver,  the  Wolf  and  the  Wren,  The  Sun  Myth,  The  Salmon 
Myth,  The  Eagle  and  the  Owl,  The  Seal  and  the  Raven,  A  Sl'ciatl 
Prophecy.  Of  the  following  the  English  text  alone  is  given :  The 
Thresher  Myth,  The  Eagle  People,  The  Mink  and  the  Wolf.  Lin- 
guistics  occupy  the  rest  of  the  paper,  a  sketch  of  phonology  and 
grammar  and  an  extensive  vocabulary  (pp.  78-90,  two  columns  to  the 
page). 

SoNORAN.  Cora.  In  the  "  Arnerican  Anthropologist "  (vol.  vi. 
n.  s.  1904,  pp.  744-745)  Dr.  A.  Tirdlieka  has  a  note  on  "Cora 
Dances."  The  Cora  or  Nayarit  Indians  of  the  territory  of  Tepic 
(western  Mexico),  who  number  some  3000,  and  belong  to  the  more 
primitive  tribes  of  the  country,  have  characteristic  dances,  "  held  on 
special  occasions,  such  as  feasts,  or,  as  in  the  instance  witnessed  by 
the  writer,  during  a  visit  by  strangers,"  in  the  evening  by  the  light 
of  a  bright  fire.  The  dancing  is  done  on  a  box  (hollowed  from  a 
single  log)  called  a  tarima,  in  a  way  suggestive  of  an  Irish  jig.  The 
dances  known  as  charaves  and  sones  were  witnessed  by  the  author 
at  Guainamota  in  October,  1902.  The  music  is  "  semi-Indian  "  and 
the  dances  have  Spanish  elements,  "  but  enough  of  the  aboriginal 
remains  to  make  them  worthy  of  ethnologic  interest." 

Uto-Aztecan.  Mexican.  In  "  Globus "  (vol.  Ixxxv.  1904,  pp. 
345-348,  5  figs.)  H.  Fischer  writes  about  "  Eine  altmexikanische 
Steinfigur,"  describing  a  nephritoid  figure  of  Quetztalcoatl,  the  an- 
cient Mexican  wind-god,  now  in  the  Stuttgart  Museum.  Its  exacter 
origin  is  unknown.     The  god  is  represented  in  part  as  a  skeleton. 

VOL.  xvin.  —  NO.  68.        5 


66  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

The  workmanship  is  excellent.  —  In  the  same  periodical  (vol.  Ixxxvi. 
pp.  108-119)  Dr.  K.  Th.  Preuss  has  an  article  on  "Der  Ursprung 
der  Menschenopfer  in  Mexico."  The  topics  considered  are  the 
renewing  of  the  sun  and  fire  gods,  the  death  of  the  deities  of  rain 
and  vegetation,  the  origin  of  the  sacrifice  of  deities,  etc.  In  Mexico 
human  sacrifice  had  the  same  sense  as  animal  sacrifice.  The  sun- 
renewal  ceremonies  with  their  god-killings  are  dramatic  acts  of 
"  magic."  When  gods  are  "opened,"  as  in  sacrifice,  their  efificacy  is 
great,  —  so,  too,  with  men  and  other  victims,  —  and  gods  can  charm 
with  blood  as  well  as  other  beings.  The  real  object  of  the  death  of 
the  god,  the  increase  of  his  divine  gifts  to  men,  was  later  complicated 
with  other  ideas.  —  In  his  "El  monolito  de  Coatlinchan  "  (Mexico, 
1904,  pp.  27),  presented  to  the  International  Congress  of  American- 
ists at  Stuttgart  (August,  1904),  Dr.  Alfredo  Chavero  discusses  the 
question  whether  this  "  idol "  represents  the  god  Tlaloc,  as  has  been 
supposed,  reaching  a  negative  conclusion  on  this  point.  The  divinity 
figured  in  the  monolith  is  female,  not  male,  and  represents  Chal- 
chiuhtlicue,  the  goddess  of  waters.  —  In  the  "  Mitteilungen  der 
Anthropologischen  Gesellschaft  in  Wien  "  (vol.  xxxiv.  1904,  pp.  222- 
274,  71  figs.)  Dr.  Edward  Seler  pubhshes  a  detailed  study  of  "Die 
holzgeschnitzte  Pauke  von  Malinalco  und  das  Zeichen  atl-tlachinolli" 
in  which  he  criticises  Preuss'  recently  expressed  ideas  concerning 
the  gods  of  fire  as  fundamental  in  ancient  Mexican  religion.  The 
usual  translation  of  the  sign  in  question  as  "  water  and  fire  "  is  not 
exact,  tlachinolli  signifying  not  "fire,"  but  "the  burned."  The 
whole  expression  ^//-//ar/«'«(?/// probably  means  "prisoners  have  been 
taken ;  (the  town)  is  burnt,"  which  could  readily  enough  take  on  the 
signification  of  "war,"  which  the  term  had  in  the  dictionaries,  etc. 
A  noteworthy  example  of  this  sign  occurs  on  the  wooden  drum  from 
Malinalco,  in  the  Tenancingo  District  (State  of  Mexico).  This  drum 
is  described  in  detail.  —  As  vol.  i.  no.  vii.  of  the  "  Papers  of  the 
Peabody  Museum  "  (Cambridge,  December,  1904,  pp.  26,  5  pi.  and 
8  figs.)  is  published  Mrs.  Zelia  Nuttall's  "A  Penitential  Rite  of  the 
Ancient  Mexicans,"  in  which  is  presented  valuable  material  col- 
lected from  Sahagun,  Motolina,  Duran,  Mendieta,  the  Chronicles  of 
Tezozomoc,  etc.,  concerning  the  rites  of  tongue  and  ear-piercing 
among  the  ancient  Mexicans,  a  painful  rite  practised  by  young  and 
old  in  every-day  life  and  not  confined  to  priests. 

CENTRAL    AMERICA. 

Mayan.  In  "Globus"  (vol.  Ixxxv.  1904,  pp.  361-363)  E.  Forste- 
mann  discusses  "Die  Stela  I  von  Copan,"  which  he  assigns  to  a  date 
1496-15 10  A.  D.,  and  interprets  the  inscription  as  relating  to  the 
appearance  on  the  coast  of  unknown  foreigners.     This  inscription 


Record  of  American  Folk-Lore.  67 

resembles  that  of  Piedras  Negras,  which  dates  from  almost  the  same 
period.  —  In  the  "Journal  de  la  Soci^te  des  Am^ricanistes  de  Paris  " 
(vol.  i.  n.  s.  1904,  pp.  289-308)  M.  Desire  Charnay  discusses  "  Les 
Explorations  de  Teobert  Maler,"  —  his  researches  in  the  Usumasintla 
Valley,  etc.  Charnay  objects  to  the  displacement  of  the  name  of 
Lorillard  for  the  ruined  city,  also  to  what  he  calls  a  "  Washington 
mania  for  changing  or  modifying  names  consecrated  by  use."  The 
term  acropolis,  used  by  Maler,  is  also  objected  to,  since  the  structures 
in  question  were  "not  at  all  fortresses."  He  agrees  with  Maler  in 
thinking  Palenque  in  existence  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest,  but  holds 
that  "  Lorillard  city  "  was  not  the  scene  of  the  visit  of  Cortes.  Pa- 
laneque,  formerly  called  Tula  or  Tollan,  was,  he  thinks,  "  the  capital 
of  Tulapan.  Tikal  also  is  "  Toltec,"  but  Tayasal  Maya.  Copan  is 
for  Charnay  the  most  modern  of  these  "  cities,"  and  "  Toltec."  The 
most  ancient  civilization  of  this  region  (Comalcalco)  dates  from  the 
eleventh  century  of  our  era,  the  latest  (Tayasal)  from  the  seventeenth, 
—  the  whole  civilization  being  relatively  quite  modern.  —  As  vol,  iv. 
no.  i.  (Cambridge,  Mass.,  December  1904,  pp.  47,  i  pi.  65  figs.)  of 
the  "  Papers  of  the  Peabody  Museum  of  American  Archaeology  and 
Ethnology,  Harvard  University,"  appears  Dr.  Paul  Schellhas's 
"  Representation  of  Deities  of  the  Maya  Manuscripts "  (second 
edition,  revised),  translated  by  Miss  Selma  Wesselhoeft  and  Miss 
A.  M.  Parker,  and  revised  by  the  author.  The  deities  considered 
are  the  death-god  (with  whom  are  associated  the  war-god,  the 
nioan-\>\xdi,  the  dog,  a  blindfolded  human  figure,  two  isolated 
figures,  and  the  owl),  the  god  with  the  large  nose  and  lolling  tongue, 
the  god  with  the  ornamented  face,  the  moon  and  night  god,  the 
maize-god,  the  god  of  war  and  of  human  sacrifices,  the  sun-god, 
the  chicchan  god,  the  water-goddess,  the  god  with  the  ornamented 
nose,  the  old,  black  god,  the  black  god  with  the  red  lips,  the  god  of 
the  end  of  the  year,  the  old-woman  goddess,  the  frog  god,  —  these 
various  gods  are  numbered  A  to  N.  Of  mythological  animals  the 
following  are  discussed,  the  wz^^«-bird,  serpent,  dog,  vulture,  jaguar, 
tortoise,  snail,  owl,  ape,  scorpion,  bee,  bat  (only  on  pottery).  The 
god  B  appears  twice  as  frequently  in  the  MSS.  as  any  other.  Next 
in  order  come  D  and  E.  —  To  the  "  Transactions  of  the  Department 
of  Archaeology,  Free  Museum  of  Science  and  Art"  (vol.  i.  1904,  pp. 
61-66),  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  Dr.  George  B.  Gordon  con- 
tributes a  brief  article  on  "Chronological  Sequence  in  the  Maya 
Ruins  of  Central  America."  The  later  migrations  of  the  Mayas 
were  from  south  to  north,  and  at  Copan  is  the  earliest  date  known. 
From  Copan  to  Chichen  Itza  measures  about  three  centuries.  While 
such  a  movement  was  going  on,  however,  the  older  cities  con- 
tinued to  flourish.     Geometrical  ornament  is  later  than  the  highly 


68  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

decorative  if  distinctly  conventional  style.  The  strongest  evidence 
of  the  greater  antiquity  of  Copan  is  to  be  found,  according  to  Dr. 
Gordon,  in  "the  conditions  underlying  the  foundations  of  the  ruined 
buildings  that  occupy  the  surface."  Maya  culture  was  developed  in 
loco.  The  author  is  confident  that  dates  earlier  and  later  than  any 
now  known  will  be  discovered  in  the  future. 

Costa-Rica.  In  the  "Journal  de  la  Societe  des  Americanistes  de 
Paris"  (n.  s.  vol.  i.  1904,  pp.  153-187),  M.  Raoul  de  la  Grasserie 
discusses  at  some  length  "  Les  langues  de  Costa  Rica  et  les  idi- 
omes  apparent^s."  The  grammatical  peculiarities  of  Bribri,  Terraba, 
Brunca,  Guatuso,  Chibcha,  Cuna,  Koggaba  (Arvak  type),  are  briefly 
set  forth,  and  on  pages  175-182  lexical  and  other  resemblances  are 
considered,  while  pages  183-187  are  occupied  with  comparative 
vocabularies  of  Bribri,  Cabecar,  Terraba,  Brunca,  Guatuso,  Chibcha, 
Dorasque,  Guaymi,  and  Cuna.  Uhle,  Thiel,  and  Pittier's  compari- 
sons are  repeated,  and  the  table  of  tribes  on  pages  156-158  is  from 
Brinton. 

WEST    INDIES. 

Cuba.  Dr.  J.  Walter  Fewkes's  article  on  "  Prehistoric  Culture  of 
Cuba,"  in  the  "American  Anthropologist"  (vol.  vi.  n.  s.  pp.  585- 
598,  4  pi.)  for  October-December,  1904,  is  based  on  studies  and  col- 
lections made  by  the  author  during  a  visit  to  the  island  in  1904. 
After  a  brief  introduction  and  a  historical  sketch  of  Cuban  archaeology 
the  author  discusses  various  archaeological  objects  (stone  idols,  cere- 
monial celts,  clay  heads,  etc.).  Dr.  Fewkes  recognizes  three  phases 
of  aboriginal  life  in  the  original  colonization  and  prehistoric  culture 
of  Cuba:  (i)  the  primitive  cave-dwellers  of  the  central  region  and 
western  extremity  of  the  island,  (2)  the  fishermen  living  in  pile-dwell- 
ings in  some  places,  (3)  the  Tainans,  having  the  true  Antillean  stone 
age  culture,  derived  from  Hayti  and  Porto  Rico.  While  "  the  con- 
nection of  the  coast  fishermen  of  Cuba  with  the  shell-heap  and  the 
key  population  of  Florida  was  intimate,"  the  question  still  remains 
open  as  to  which  was  derived  from  the  other.  Concerning  the  cave- 
dwellers  and  "  the  rude  savage  race  of  Cuba,"  little  can  be  said,  but 
"  it  is  probable  that  these  people  were  lineal  descendants  of  those 
whose  semi-fossil  skeletons  found  in  caves  have  excited  so  much 
interest,  and  no  evidence  has  yet  been  presented  to  prove  that  this 
race  had  vanished  when  Cuba  was  discovered  by  Columbus."  The 
Tainan  or  Antillean  culture,  which  reached  its  highest  development 
in  Porto  Rico  and  Hayti,  "  came  to  both  these  islands  from  South 
America,  but  had  grown  into  a  highly  specialized  form  in  its  insular 
home."  The  resemblances  of  the  coast  peoples  of  Florida  and  Cuba 
were  probably  due  to  contact  and  interchange  of  culture. 


Record  of  American  Folk-Lore.  69 

SOUTH    AMERICA. 

Andean  Chaco.  In  his  article,  "  Einiges  iiber  das  Gebiet,  wo 
sich  Chaco  und  Anden  begegnen  "  (Globus,  vol.  Ixxxvi.  pp.  197-201), 
E.  Nordenskiold  describes  flint  implements  from  the  Puna  de  Jujuy, 
the  stone-heaps  of  the  Puna  Indians  where  sacrifices  to  Pachamama 
are  made,  the  pottery-making  of  the  Chiriguanos,  the  fire-making  of 
the  Chorotes,  etc.  In  this  region  there  are  many  evidences  of  the 
former  existence  of  a  culture  higher  than  that  of  the  makers  of  the 
flint  implements,  —  the  fine  pottery,  etc.,  indicate  this.  In  one  of 
the  graves  the  author  found  a  skeleton  with  a  pipe-like  object  in  his 
mouth,  "  made  of  the  arm-bone  of  a  man." 

Aymaran.  In  his  article  on  "  The  Cross  of  Carabuco  in  Bolivia," 
in  the  "  American  Anthropologist  "  (vol.  vi.  n.  s.  pp.  599-628)  for 
October-December,  1904,  Mr.  A.  F.  Bandelier  endeavors  to  "place 
on  record  all  known  information  on  this  topic  as  an  incentive  to  more 
complete  investigation."  The  wooden  cross  of  the  Aymaran  village 
of  Carabuco,  on  the  eastern  shore  of  Lake  Titicaca,  north  of  La  Paz, 
is  first  mentioned  in  the  latter  half  of  the  sixteenth  century.  Since 
then  the  facts  indicate  that  "  the  origin  of  the  cross  is  connected  with 
Indian  lore  purporting  to  be  primitive,  in  the  sense  that  it  antedates 
Spanish  colonization."  Mr.  Bandelier  discusses  also  "  a  series  of  tales 
(mostly  told  ca.  20  years,  or  less,  after  the  coming  of  Pizarro)  related 
by  the  aborigines  of  Peru  and  Bolivia  to  the  Spaniards  at  an  early 
day,  and  which  are  connected  with  the  cross  of  Carabuco  and  the 
story  of  Juan  Rubio,"  —  the  last  was  told  to  the  author  by  a  Peruvian 
Quichua.  These  tales  embrace  "  the  traditions  about  Tonapa,"  etc. 
The  Tojiapa  of  Salcamayhua  and  Ramos  is  probably  the  Viracocha 
of  Betanzos  and  Creza.  Viracocha  seems  to  be  a  Quichua  word,  the 
interpretation  of  the  first  syllable  of  which  as  "froth  ^r  foam  "  the 
author  considers  "entirely  gratuitous,  the  whole  word  signifying 
really  something  that  will  not  sink,  but  floats  on  the  surface  of 
water  "  (cf.  the  tale  of  Tonapa  floating  on  the  waters  of  Lake  Titi- 
caca). Tonapa,  apparently,  is  neither  Quichuan  nor  Aymaran.  This 
valuable  and  interesting  paper  adds  to  our  knowledge  of  South 
American  folk-lore,  and  will  help  to  solve  the  problem  of  the  aborigi- 
nal origin  of  the  lore  of  Viracocha  and  Tonapa,  the  question  of  the 
influence  of  the  first  Europeans  upoi;  the  minds  and  legends  of  the 
Indians. 

Cariban.  Bakairi.  In  "Globus"  (vol.  Ixxxvi.  pp.  1 19-125,  16 
figs.)  Dr.  Max  Schmidt  has  an  article,  "  Ausden  Ergebnissen  meiner 
Expedition  in  das  Schinguquellgebiet,"  giving  an  account  of  his 
observations  among  the  Indians  of  the  head-waters  of  the  river 
Xingu  in  Brazil.     Ornamentation  and  lead-pencil  drawings  are  dis- 


yo  Journal  of  America^i  Folk-Lore. 

cussed,  with  some  detail.  The  latter  include  a  "picture"  of  the 
author,  who  is  also  given  a  necklace  like  the  Bakairf  men,  and  also 
another  of  him  on  horseback,  and  a  third  as  archer.  Interesting  is 
the  use  of  maize  straw  and  cobs  to  make  forms  of  animals,  birds,  etc. 
The  geometric  patterns  of  the  wall-friezes  of  the  Bakairi,  like  the 
patterns  on  the  fire-fans,  have  their  origin  in  the  technique  of  manu- 
facture. 

Guiana.  In  the  "Journal  de  la  Societe  des  Americanistes  de 
Paris  (n.  s.  vol.  i.  1904,  pp.  1 33-1 51)  M.  Gabriel  Marcel  publishes 
"un  texte  ethnographique  inedit  du  xviii«  siecle,"  being  an  account 
of  the  Indians  of  Guiana  in  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century  from 
a  MS.  of  La  Croix,  a  surgeon  at  Approuage,  1 785-1 787.  Physical 
characters,  clothing,  religious  ideas,  marriage,  man  child-bed  (now 
called  couvade),  festivals  and  dances,  chiefs  and  captains,  Indians  as 
laborers,  are  briefly  considered.  Besides  their  own  tongue  these  In- 
dians had  a  sort  of  French-Indian  jargon,  and  they  also  understood 
Galibi,  "the  general  language  of  the  Indians  of  Guiana."  Round 
dances  in  imitation  of  animals  were  in  use  among  them. 

Tupi-GuARANi.  In  the  first  section  of  his  article  on  "  Die  Indianer 
des  Obern  Parana,"  in  the  "  Mitteilungen  der  Anthropologischen 
Gesellschaft  in  Wien  "  (vol.  xxxiv.  1904,  pp.  200-221),  Father  Fr. 
Vogt  discusses  the  Kaingua  (name,  dwellings,  activities,  hunting  and 
fishing,  mental  characteristics,  religious  ideas,  "  magic  "  and  sha- 
manism, language, — vocabulary,  pp.  208-214),  the  Guayaki,  the 
Guayana  on  the  river  Pira  pyta,  —  on  pages  218-220  the  Lord's 
Prayer  and  the  Credo  in  old  and  modern  Guaranf  are  given,  —  and 
the  so-called  Chirripa.  The  Kaingua  have  more  marked  religious 
ideas  than  the  other  tribes  of  the  Upper  Parana,  —  their  highest 
being  is  called  Tupa,  in  whose  honor  they  have  festivals,  particularly 
dances,  in  front  of  the  dwellings  of  their  caciques.  The  shaman,  who 
is  also  healer,  is  greatly  venerated  among  them. 

GENERAL. 

American  Origins.  To  the  "  American  Antiquarian  "  (vol.  xxvi. 
1904,  pp.  105-115)  Mr.  C.  Staniland  Wake  discusses  "American 
Origins."  Among  the  topics  considered  in  relation  to  Old  World 
culture  are  the  Mexican  merchants'  staff,  the  god  of  trade,  the  swas- 
tika, astronomic  ideas,  stone  monuments  and  sculpture,  bronze 
objects,  copper  "money,"  the  Votan  and  Quetzalcoatl  legend,  the 
winged  globe,  etc.  The  conclusion  is  reached  that  "  early  American 
culture  was  derived  from  the  Asiatic  stock  to  which  the  early  Baby- 
lonians, who  probably  originated  in  Central  Asia,  belonged,  or  from 
the  Phoenicians,  who  appear  to  have  been  intermediaries  between 
Asia  and  the  western  world."     Arcades  anibo  ! 


Record  of  American  Folk- Lore.  71 

Art.  Rev.  S.  Peet's  illustrated  article  in  the  "American  Anti- 
quarian" (vol.  xxvi.  1904,  pp.  201-224),  on  "The  Ethnography  of 
Art  in  America,"  deals  in  a  general  way  with  the  totem-figures  of 
the  Northwest  coast,  the  animal  fetiches  of  the  Pueblos,  the  human 
effigies  of  the  "  mound-builders,"  the  Iroquoian  human-image  pipes  of 
Canada  and  New  York,  the  pottery  human-images  of  the  Gulf  Coast, 
the  stone  zemes  of  the  Antilles,  the  figures  of  human  beings,  gods, 
etc.,  of  Mexico  and  Central  America,  etc.  Pictographs,  graphic  art, 
hieroglyphs,  personal  decorations,  dress,  textile  arts,  pottery,  orna- 
ments, basketry,  musical  instruments,  are  also  discussed.  The  author 
endeavors  to  picture  aboriginal  American  art  "as  it  was  before  the 
discovery." 

Codices  and  Pictographs.  In  the  "  American  Antiquarian  " 
(vol.  xxvi.  1904,  pp.  137-152)  Rev.  S.  D.  Peet  has  an  article  on 
"  Comparison  of  the  Codices  with  the  ordinary  Pictographs."  Be- 
tween the  "codices"  of  the  Mayas  and  the  pictographs  of  the  more 
northern  tribes,  "  a  very  close  connection  exists,"  and  the  religious 
rites  and  ceremonies  suggested  or  portrayed  in  both  were  not  so  dis- 
similar as  has  often  been  supposed.  The  author  discusses  calendar, 
cardinal  points,  number  13,  altars  and  costumery,  day  and  month 
symbols,  etc.,  representations  of  industries  and  occupations,  symbols 
of  particular  divinities,  astronomic  ideas,  etc. 

Fire-Worship.  Rev.  S.  D.  Peet's  article  (American  Antiqua- 
rian, vol.  xxvi.  1904,  pp.  185-192)  on  "The  Suastika  and  Fire- Wor- 
ship in  America,"  discusses  in  a  general  way  the  fire-brand  race  of 
the  Navahos  and  their  sand-painting  with  its  hooked  cross,  the  Aztec 
ceremony  of  "  new  fire,"  etc. 

International  Congress  of  Americanists.  In  "Globus"  (vol. 
Ixxxvi.  pp.  199-202)  Dr.  K.  H.  Preuss  writes  of  "  Der  xiv.  Interna- 
tionale Amerikanistenkongress  in  Stuttgart,  18.  bis  23.  August, 
1904,"  resumeing  briefly  the  chief  papers  (there  were  45  read). 
Among  the  topics  treated  were :  The  Share  of  the  Swabians  in  the 
Colonization  of  America  (P.  Kapff),  Discoveries  of  the  Northmen  (Y. 
Neilsen),  Prehuman  Period  in  the  Equatorial  Andes  (H.  Meyer,  — 
"no  traces  as  yet  of  'diluvial  man '  "),  The  Age  of  the  Megalithic 
Structures  of  Peru  (C.  R.  Markham),  Contributions  of  American 
Archaeology  to  the  Science  of  Man  (W.  H.  Holmes,  —  "  five  stages 
of  world-culture,  pre-savage,  savage,  barbarian,  civilized,  enlightened  "), 
The  American  Origin  of  Syphilis  (I.  Bloch),  The  Ancient  Settlement 
of  Castillo  de  Teayo  in  Northern  Vera  Cruz  (E.  Seler),  Paintings  of 
Chichenitza  (Miss  Breton),  Excavations  in  Tiahuanaco  (Count  G,  de 
Creque-Montfort),  Archaeological  Investigations  on  the  Argentine 
Bolivian  Frontier  (E.  von  Rosen),  Finds  in  Northeast  Greenland 
(H.  Stolpe),  The  Influence  of  the  Social  Divisions  of  the  Kwakiutl 


72  journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

Indians  upon  their  Culture  (F.  Boas),  The  Customs  and  Usages  of 
the  Pokonchi  Indians  of  Guatemala  (K.  Sapper  and  V.  A.  Narciso), 
Peruvian  Mummies  (A.  Baessler),  The  Chorote  Indians  of  the  Boliv- 
ian Chaco  (E.  von  Rosen),  Myths  of  the  Koryaks  and  those  of  the 
Indians  of  the  Northwest  Pacific  Coast  and  of  the  Eskimo  (W. 
Jochelson),  Ideas  in  the  Myths  of  South  American  Indians  com- 
pared with  those  of  the  North  American  Indians,  the  Japanese, 
etc.  (P.  Ehrenreich),  The  Occurrence  of  European  Tale-Elements 
among  the  Argentine  Indians  (R.  Lehmann-Nitsche),  The  Reli- 
gious Ideas  of  Primitive  Man  (W.  Bogoras),  Hopi  Prayer-Sticks  (O. 
Solberg),  Sun-Festivals  of  the  Hopi  compared  with  those  of  the  An- 
cient Mexicans  (K.  Th.  Preuss),  An  Ancient  Mexican  Green-Stone 
Idol  (E.  Seler),  The  Art  of  the  Xingu  Indians  (H.  Meyer),  Eskimo 
Dialects  and  Migrations  (W.  Thalbitzer),  Indian  Linguistic  Stocks 
in  the  United  States  (W.  Currier),  etc.  The  next  Congress  will  be 
held  in  Quebec  in  1906. 

"  Ireland  the  Great."  With  the  title  "  La  Grande-Irlande,  ou 
pays  des  blancs  pre-colombiens  du  Nouveau-Monde,"  M.  Eugene 
Beauvois  publishes  in  the  "  Journal  de  la  Societe  des  Americanistes 
de  Paris"  (vol.  i.  n.  s.  1904,  pp.  189-229)  an  article  resumeing  the 
accounts  and  references  extant  concerning  the  Hvitramaimalajid,  or 
"Ireland  the  Great,"  of  the  old  Norse  records,  —  said  to  have  been 
situated  near"Vinland  the  good."  The  evidence  of  Ard  Marsson, 
Bjoern  Bredvikingapp6  and  Gudleif,  etc.,  is  cited  and  the  probable 
situation  of  the  country  discussed  at  some  length.  The  author,  who 
accepts  the  story  of  the  Gaelic  colony,  places  "  Great  Ireland  "  in  the 
neighborhood  of  the  present  city  of  Quebec,  rejecting  the  opinion  of 
Storm,  who  looks  on  the  "  Great  Ireland  "  tale  as  made  up  on  the 
basis  of  monkish  relations  (the  passage  of  Dicuil). 

Legends.  In  the  "  American  Antiquarian  "  (vol.  xxvi.  1904,  pp. 
23-28)  Mr.  C.  Staniland  Wake  treats,  in  general  fashion,  the  "  Legends 
of  the  American  Indians."  The  author  holds  that  "  although  some 
Indian  stories  furnish  evidence  of  contact  with  the  white  race,  yet 
they  may  be  regarded,  on  the  whole,  as  embodying  the  early  ideas 
of  the  native  race  and,  therefore,  as  throwing  valuable  light  on  its 
past."  Topics  of  domestic  and  social  life,  food,  clothing,  social  rela- 
tions, activities  and  amusements,  government,  etc.,  constitute  one 
set  of  ideas  embodied  in  these  legends  ;  character-depicting  another ; 
nature-beliefs  a  third. 

Numbers.  In  the  "  American  Antiquarian  "  (vol.  xxvi.  1904,  pp. 
153-164)  H.  L.  Stoddard  has  a  rather  curious  article  on  "The 
Abstruse  Significance  of  the  Numbers  Thirty-six  and  Twelve," 
intended  as  a  summary  of  "some  data  which  has  a  bearing  upon  the 
Discoidal  Stone  and  Statues,  uncovered  near  Menard's  Mound,  Ar- 


Record  of  A  merica n  Folk- Lore.  73 

kansas"  (in  the  spring  of  1901).  The  discoidal  "is  wrought  out  of 
jasper  beautifully  engraved,  showing  symmetry  and  perfection  of  de- 
sign." The  statue  of  the  man,  in  the  attitude  of  prayer,  is  of  jasper, 
that  of  the  woman,  in  the  sitting  posture,  is  of  marble.  The  man 
"  has  a  Mongolian  cast  of  features,"  the  woman  "  an  Egyptian  style 
of  head-dress."  The  discoidal  "  has  36  principles  of  half  circles  com- 
posing one  full  circle,"  and  on  its  under  side  "  is  a  Phallic  symbol 
showing  \.\iQ.yoni  conventionalized."  The  author's  final  conclusion  is 
that  "the  synthetic  hypothesis  of  the  concomitant  analogies  indi- 
cate that  there  was  an  exchange  of  culture  between  Asia  and  Amer- 
ica, and  that  the  discoidal  and  images  are  an  example  of  Asiatic 
culture." 

Superstition,  In  the  "American  Antiquarian  "  (vol.  xxvi.  1904, 
pp.  48-56)  Rev.  S.  D.  Peet  writes  of  "  Superstition  a  Means  of  De- 
fence." The  author  considers  that  among  the  American  Indians 
"the  most  interesting  method  of  defence  was  that  which  came  from 
the  combination  of  religious  symbols  and  mechanical  contrivances," 
and  holds  that  a  good  example  of  this  may  be  seen  at  Ft.  Ancient, 
Ohio.  The  totem-poles  of  the  Northwest  coast  are  other  illustrations  ; 
also  the  peculiar  figures  carved  on  house-front  posts  in  Polynesia,  etc. 
Religious  influence,  rather  than  a  physical  or  material  barrier,  served 
here  as  a  protection. 

Urn-Burial.  To  the  "American  Anthropologist"  (vol.  vi.  n.  s. 
pp.  660-669)  for  October-December,  1904,  Mr.  Clarence  B.  Moore 
contributes  a  brief  article  on  "  Aboriginal  Urn-Burial  in  the  United 
States."  Urn-Burials  are  reported  from  Sta.  Barbara  (vessels  of 
stone),  Arizona,  New  Mexico  (.?),  Mississippi,  Tennessee,  Michigan, 
Alabama,  Florida,  Georgia,  South  Carolina.  The  facts  indicate  that 
"  urn-burial  occasionally  was  practised  in  the  southern  part  of  the 
United  States,  from  ocean  to  ocean,  though  as  yet  a  continuous  line 
of  occurrence  has  not  been  traced.  It  seems  to  have  been  "  almost 
unknown  in  the  north."  This  may  have  been  due  to  the  "much 
greater  use  of  pottery  in  the  south."  In  part  of  the  southwest  and 
in  the  extreme  southeast  cremated  remains  were  placed  in  urns. 
Burial  in  urns  occurs  in  conjunction  with  other  forms  of  burial. 

A.F.C.  and  I.  C.  C. 


74  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 


SIXTEENTH  ANNUAL   MEETING   OF  THE  AMERICAN 
FOLK-LORE   SOCIETY. 

The  Society  met  in  Philadelphia,  Pa.,  conjointly  with  Section  H, 
Anthropology,  A.  A.  A.  S.,  and  the  American  Anthropological  Asso- 
ciation, during  Convocation  week,  from  December  2j,  1904,  to  Jan- 
uary I,  1905.  On  Thursday,  December  29,  the  societies  met  in 
joint  session  with  the  American  Anthropological  Society,  and  on 
Friday,  December  30,  with  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society.  During 
the  same  week  met  the  American  Association  for  the  Advancement 
of  Science  and  affiliated  societies. 

The  Council  of  the  Society  met  at  12  m.,  December  30,  in  the 
rooms  of  the  Museum  of  Science  and  Art. 

At  2  p.  ,M.  the  Society  met  for  business,  in  the  Museum. 

The  Secretary  presented  the  Report  of  the  Council,  including 
reports  made  to  the  Council  by  the  Secretary  and  Treasurer. 

During  the  year  1904,  publication  of  the  series  of  Memoirs  of  the 
American  Folk-Lore  Society  has  been  continued  with  Vol.  VIII., 
being  "  Traditions  of  the  Skidi  Pawnee,"  collected  and  annotated 
by  George  A.  Dorsey. 

The  number  of  members  remains  about  the  same ;  it  is  hoped 
that  in  the  near  future  an  increase  may  be  effected,  especially  by  the 
formation  of  local  branches. 

.    Herewith  is  presented,  in  substance,  the  Report  of  the  Treasurer, 
from  December  26,  1903,  to  December  27,  1904. 

RECEIPTS. 

Balance  from  last  statement $2,313.85 

Receipts  from  payment  of  annual  dues 705.00 

Subscriptions  to  the  Publication  Fund 147.00 

Sales  of  Memoirs  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society,  through 

Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  to  January  30,  1904        .         .         .  51.80 

Interest  on  bonds 51-38 

Postage  from  members .24 

$3,269.27 

DISBURSEMENTS. 

Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  for  manufacturing  Journal  of  Ameri- 
can Folk-Lore,  Nos.  63  to  66 $831.03 

Houghton,  Mifflin   &    Co.,  for   manufacturing   Vol.  VHI.    of 

Memoirs  (400  copies) 1,073.97 

E.  W.  Wheeler,  Cambridge,  Mass.,  printing  of  circulars,  etc.     .  37.50 

W.  W.  Newell,  Secretary,  clerk  hire,  stamps,  etc.       .         .         .  31.00 


Sixteenth  Annual  Meeting.  75 

To  secretaries  of  local  societies,  rebates  of  fees  :  — 

E.  W.  Remick,  Boston,  Mass.          .....  36.00 

M.  L.  Fernald,  Cambridge,  Mass.            ....  16.00 

Second  National  Bank,  New  York,  N.  Y,,  collection         .         .  3.20 

Treasurer,  extra  postage 10 

$2,028.80 
Balance  to  new  account,  December  27,  1904    ....        1,240.47 

$3,269.27 

No  nomination  for  officers  having  been  offered  through  the  Secre- 
tary as  provided  for  in  the  rules,  the  Council  presented  their  nomi- 
nations, and  the  Secretary  was  instructed  to  cast  a  single  ballot  for 
officers  of  the  Society  during  the  year  1905,  as  follows  :  — 

President,  Miss  Alice  C.  Fletcher,  Washington,  D.  C. 

First  Vice-President,  Dr.  Roland  B.  Dixon,  Harvard  University, 
Cambridge,  Mass, 

Second  Vice-President,  Professor  William  A.  Neilson,  Columbia 
University,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Councillors  (for  three  years)  :  Professor  Franz  Boas,  American 
Museum  of  Natural  History,  New  York,  N.  Y. ;  Dr.  J.  Walter 
Fewkes,  National  Museum,  Washington,  D.  C. ;  Mr.  James  Mooney, 
Bureau  of  Ethnology,  Washington,  D.  C.  ;  Mr.  A.  N.  Tozzer,  Pea- 
body  Museum  of  American  Archaeology,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

The  Permanent  Secretary  and  Treasurer  hold  over. 

The  Secretary  was  empowered  to  select  the  time  and  place  of  the 
next  annual  meeting,  in  conjunction  with  Section  H  and  with  the 
American  Anthropological  Association 

No  other  business  coming  up,  the  Society  proceeded  to  listen  to 
an  address  of  the  retiring  President,  Professor  George  Lyman  Kit- 
tredge  of  Harvard  University,  on  "  Disenchantment  by  Decapita- 
tion." 

Papers  on  folk-lore  were  read,  as  follows  :  — 

"The  Kiowa  Supernatural,"  James  Mooney,  Washington,  D.  C. 

"The  Tale  of  the  Three  Wishes,"  William  W.  Newell,  Cam- 
bridge, Mass. 

"  Superstitions  of  School  Children,"  Will  S.  Monroe. 


76  jfournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 


LOCAL   MEETINGS   AND   OTHER   NOTICES. 

Treasurer  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society.  From  the  year  1892, 
John  H.  Hinton,  M.  D.,  has  acted  as  Treasurer.  At  first  accepting  the 
position  only  for  a  single  year,  Dr.  Hinton  finally  consented  to  accept  an 
election  for  a  term  of  five  years,  and  again  a  reelection  to  the  position. 
In  this  office  his  exactness  and  repute  for  sagacity  have  been  of  great 
and  continued  service  to  the  Society,  of  which  he  has,  by  election  of  the 
Council,  been  made  an  honorary  Life  Member.  Since  the  Annual  Meet- 
ing in  December,  Dr.  Hinton  has  felt  that  the  state  of  his  health  made  it 
advisable  for  him  to  retrench  his  duties,  and  has  requested  that  he  be 
relieved  of  further  responsibility.  Accordingly,  Mr.  Eliot  Remick,  the 
Treasurer  of  the  Boston  Branch,  has  been  asked  by  the  Council  to  serve 
in  the  same  capacity,  and  has  consented  to  do  so.  Mr.  Remick  will 
therefore  act  as  Treasurer  during  the  current  year.  His  address  is  300 
Marlboro  Street,  Boston,  Mass. 

The  following  are  regular  monthly  meetings  of  the  American  Folk-Lore 
Society,  Boston  and  Cambridge  Branches,  held  since  the  last  report :  — 

Boston,  Friday,  December  9,  8  p.  m.  The  Branch  met  at  the  house  of 
Mrs.  H.  E.  Raymond,  16  Exeter  Street.  Professor  Putnam  introduced 
Miss  Emily  Hallowell,  who  gave  a  brief  account  of  certain  folk-songs  col- 
lected by  herself  from  negroes  of  Alabama  in  the  neighborhood  of  Calhoun. 
Miss  Hallowell,  assisted  by  Mrs.  McAdoo,  sang  a  number  of  these  songs, 
which  were  interesting  as  folk-lore  and  pleasing  as  music. 

Tuesday,  January  17,  8  p.  m.  The  Branch  met  at  the  house  of  Mrs.  J.  A. 
Remick,  300  Marlboro  Street.  In  the  absence  of  the  President,  Mr.  W.  W. 
Newell  introduced  the  speaker,  Mr.  V.  Ste'fansson  of  Iceland,  now  Hemen- 
way  Fellow  in  Anthropology  at  Harvard,  who  spoke  on  "  The  Animal  Folk- 
Lore  of  Iceland."  Mr.  Stdfansson  began  with  an  exceedingly  clear  account 
of  the  history  and  present  condition  of  Iceland  and  its  people.  In  the 
realm  of  folk-lore  account  was  given  of  the  part  played  by  the  bear,  the 
bull,  snipe,  plover,  the  raven,  the  kite,  the  eagle,  and  many  dwellers  in 
the  water,  including  the  silver  mullet  and  whale.  Mr.  Ste'fansson  related 
a  number  of  entertaining  myths,  and  at  the  close  of  his  address  showed 
several  ancient  articles  of  dress  and  household  adornment,  and  photographs 
of  Iceland  scenery. 

Tuesday,  February  28,  8  p.  m.  The  Branch  met  at  the  house  of  Mr.  and 
Mrs.  William  G.  Preston,  1063  Beacon  Street.  In  the  absence  of  Professor 
Putnam,  Mr.  Newell  introduced  Dr.  Arthur  W.  Ryder  of  Harvard  Univer- 
sity, whose  subject  was  "  Sanscrit  Fables  and  Epigrams."  Dr.  Ryder's 
paper  consisted  largely  of  original  renderings,  in  verse,  from  several  works. 

In  many  of  these  ancient  fables  the  view-point  is  notably  like  that  of  the 
moderns,  and  the  wit  of  the  fables  has  a  caustic  quality  applicable  to  the 
present  time.     A  discussion  followed  the  paper. 

Helen  Leah  Reed,  Secretary. 


Bibliographical  Notes.  77 

Cambridge,  November  22,  1904.  The  Branch  met  at  the  house  of  Miss 
Batchelder,  28  Quincy  Street.  Dr.  George  N.  Chase  of  Harvard  Univer- 
sity treated  "  Greek  Religion  in  the  Light  of  Recent  Discoveries  in  Crete." 
Since  igoo,  under  Prince  George,  the  Greek  government  has  made  explo- 
rations possible  on  the  same  terms  as  in  Greece  itself.  Crete,  accordingly, 
has  been  the  ground  of  archaeological  exploration,  which  has  been  fruitful 
of  discoveries.  The  customs,  costumes,  houses,  and  even  diet  of  the  Myce- 
naean age,  a  period  prior  to  the  Hellenic,  have  been  brought  to  light. 
Among  Americans  occupied  in  this  manner,  the  speaker  mentioned  an 
expedition  from  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  and  Miss  Boyd  and  Mr. 
Evans.  Mention  was  made  of  the  recently  discovered  palaces  and  palace- 
shrines,  dating  between  2000  and  1000  b.  c,  which  show  the  king  evi- 
dently as  father  of  his  people  and  legate  of  the  gods  ;  of  doll-like  images 
representing  different  cults,  and  exhibiting  the  gods  in  human  form ;  of  a 
cult  of  the  dead  shown  by  tombs  and  rings,  etc. 

December  13,  1904.  The  Branch  met  with  Miss  Bumstead,  12  Berkeley 
Street.  Dr.  A.  W,  Ryder  was  the  speaker  of  the  evening,  his  subject  being 
"  Sanscrit  Fables  and  Epigrams."  His  translations  elicited  discussion 
from  guests,  who  found  in  the  early  Hindu  lore  much  which  reminded 
them  of  European  equivalents. 

Constance  G.  Alexander,  Secretary. 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTES. 

BOOKS. 

The  Old  Farmer  and  his  Almanac.  Being  some  observations  of  life 
and  manners  in  New  England  a  hundred  years  ago  suggested  by  read- 
ing the  earlier  numbers  of  Mr.  Robert  B.  Thomas's  Farmer's  Almanac. 
Together  with  extracts  curious,  instructive,  and  entertaining,  as  well  as 
a  variety  of  miscellaneous  matter.  By  George  Lyman  Kittredge. 
Boston,  Mass. :  William  Ware  &  Co.     1904.     Pp.  xiv,  403. 

It  opportunely  happened  that  in  the  year  of  publication,  the  distin- 
guished writer  of  this  volume  served  as  President  of  the  American  Folk- 
Lore  Society.  The  book,  which  only  in  a  small  proportion  is  concerned 
with  folk-lore  proper,  contains  an  infinity  of  information  in  regard  to  the 
changes  of  New  England  life  and  manners  illustrated  in  the  Almanac, 
whrch  from  the  date  of  its  first  appearance  for  1793  has  continued  its 
annual  issue.  Thomas  (i 766-1846)  was  brought  up  in  the  North  Parish 
of  Shrewsbury,  Mass. ;  it  illustrates  the  frequent  changes  in  New  England 
local  topography,  that  the  district  he  lived  in  was  successively  transferred 
to  four  different  towns.  He  began  life  as  a  schoolmaster,  and  set  up  in 
his  native  place  as  a  bookbinder,  obtaining  work  from  publishers  in  Bos- 
ton, whither  he  migrated  in  1792  ;  having  already  the  ambition  to  prepare 
an  almanac  of  his  own,  he  entered  a  mathematical  school  taught  by  Osgood 
Carleton,  himself  the  author  of  an  almanac.     At  this  point  may  be  noted 


yS  yournal  of  A  Tnerica7i  Folk-Lore. 

one  of  the  amusing  anecdotes  abundantly  furnished  by  Professor  Kittredge. 
Carleton  spoke  English  so  correctly  as  to  make  his  birthplace  the  subject 
of  wagers,  and  subject  him  to  some  inconvenience ;  he  thought  it  worth 
while  publicly  to  explain  in  print  that  he  was  born  at  Nottingham-west  in 
the  State  of  New  Hampshire,  and  had  lived  in  that  locality  for  sixteen 
years  ;  but  in  the  course  of  subsequent  travel,  "  being  (while  young)  mostly 
conversant  with  the  English,  he  lost  some  of  the  country  dialect."  The 
astronomical  studies  of  Thomas  resulted  in  the  publication  of  his  almanac, 
"calculated  on  a  new  and  improved  plan,  for  the  year  of  Our  Lord  1793  ; 
being  the  first  after  Leap  Year,  and  seventeenth  of  the  Independence 
of  America.  Fitted  to  the  town  of  Boston,  but  will  serve  for  any  of  the 
adjoining  states."  The  one  hundred  and  thirteen  issues  of  this  publica- 
tion, as  Professor  Kittredge  observes,  almost  exactly  cover  the  period  of 
United  States  history  under  the  Constitution,  so  that  the  change  and  de- 
velopment of  a  century  may  be  followed  in  its  pages  ;  to  extract  such 
notices,  compare  them,  and  comment  on  them,  is  the  task  which  he  has 
undertaken.  As  a  result,  the  contents  of  his  book  are  very  varied  ;  what- 
ever may  be  the  field  in  which  the  reader  is  interested,  he  will  be  sure  to 
find  something  that  bears  on  his  own  particular  theme,  whether  manners 
or  beliefs,  teaching  or  law,  food  and  festivals,  jests  and  witticisms,  travel 
and  agriculture. 

The  artistic  embellishment  of  the  Almanac  shows  the  permanence  of 
tradition.  In  1800,  cuts  were  introduced  to  illustrate  verses  which  had 
previously  been  made  to  stand  at  the  head  of  each  month  ;  these  at  first 
represented  scenes  and  occupations  suited  to  the  month  in  question.  In 
1804  were  substituted  illustrations  depending  on  the  zodiacal  signs,  which, 
however,  were  realistically  treated,  as  figures  having  an  environment  of 
landscape.  Both  these  methods  of  designation,  whether  by  the  animal 
signs  or  by  the  labors  of  the  year,  have  an  ancient  and  curious  history, 
going  back  to  southern  Europe  and  to  Roman  times  ;  on  this  subject  Pro- 
fessor Kittredge  briefly  touches,  with  reproduction  of  certain  designs. 

Some  of  the  chapters  are  directly  connected  with  folk-lore.  Under  the 
heading  "Murder  will  out,"  Professor  Kittredge  shows  that  the  ancient  or- 
deal by  touch,  in  which  an  accused  person  is  made  to  come  in  contact 
with  the  corpse,  under  the  belief  that  contact  with  the  murderer  would 
cause  a  flow  of  blood  from  the  wound,  was  in  force  and  apparently  legalized 
in  New  England  as  late  as  1769.  In  that  year,  Mrs.  Jonathan  Ames  of 
Boxford  died  suddenly,  and  suspicion  was  directed  against  her  mother-in- 
law  and  the  son  of  the  latter  ;  these  were  invited  to  touch  the  body,  but 
refused  ;  they  were  committed,  but  in  the  end  acquitted  for  want  of  evi- 
dence. In  1646,  a  mother  was  forced  to  touch  the  face  of  the  dead  child 
she  was  suspected  of  having  destroyed  \  the  blood  came  freshly  into  the 
face,  and  she  confessed  ;  no  doubt  to  produce  such  avowal  on  the  part  of 
the  guilty  had  been  one  effect  of  the  superstition. 

An  ancient  folk-anecdote  recites  the  warfare  of  the  toad  and  the  spider  ; 
a  narration  of  this  sort  is  given  in  the  Almanac  of  1798.  We  are  told 
how  the  toad,  after  being  bitten  by  its  antagonist,  sought  out  and  devoured 


Bibliographical  Noles.  79 

a  piece  of  a  plantain ;  a  spectator,  out  of  curiosity,  pulled  up  the  plant ;  the 
toad,  once  more  wounded,  vainly  sought  for  its  remedy,  and  immediately  ex- 
pired. This  duel  had  been  already  put  into  verse  by  Richard  Lovelace, 
whose  poetry  was  printed  in  1659.  Sir  Thomas  Browne  also  knew  the  his- 
tory. In  this  connection.  Professor  Kittredge  cites  from  Winthrop  a  tale 
concerning  a  combat  between  a  mouse  and  a  snake.  Mr.  Wilson,  pastor  of 
Boston,  gave  it  as  his  opinion  that  the  struggle  was  significant :  the  snake 
represented  the  devil,  and  the  mouse  the  Puritan  immigrants,  an  humble 
folk,  but  destined  to  deprive  the  Evil  One  of  his  kingdom.  That  American 
Indians,  like  other  pagans,  were  worshippers  of  the  Devil  was  a  common 
tenet  of  New  England  divines,  in  which  they  did  but  reflect  the  usual  atti- 
tude of  the  Church,  which  some  missionaries  retain  even  to  the  present 
day.  It  is  odd  to  encounter  among  unimaginative  Puritans  the  mystical 
tendency  of  the  Middle  Ages,  in  which  actual  and  external  events  might 
be  interpreted  as  only  symbols  of  spiritual  forces. 

As  to  the  treatment  of  witches.  New  Englanders  only  shared  the  uni- 
versal belief  and  practice.  This  is  better  understood  than  of  old,  although 
ignorant  persons  continue  to  make  the  executions  of  Salem  a  reproach 
against  Massachusetts.  As  Professor  Kittredge  remarks,  the  wonder  is,  not 
that  such  an  outbreak  should  have  taken  place,  but  that  it  should  so  sud- 
denly have  come  to  an  end  ;  the  real  fact  being  that,  as  compared  with  the 
mother  country,  or  any  European  land,  the  colonists  exhibited  a  remark- 
able moderation  and  good  sense,  for  which  they  deserve  credit. 

The  maker  of  the  "  Farmer's  Almanac"  was  not  a  superstitious  person. 
The  custom  of  almanac-makers  required  him  to  insert  something  regarding 
lunar  influences,  as  related  to  the  labors  of  the  house  and  the  farm  ;  but 
this  he  does  perfunctorily,  with  a  suspicion  of  irony ;  and  in  course  of 
time  the  whole  matter  came  to  be  passed  over  in  the  pages  of  his  work. 
Thus  we  read  in  1800  :  — 

August  19.  Mow  bushes,  mow  bushes  now/  If  you  have  any  faith  in  the  in- 
fluence of  the  moon  on  them. 

In  1803,  we  find  him  saying  :  — 

January  i8.  Old  Experience  says  (and  she  generally  speaks  the  truth)  that 
pork,  killed  about  this  time,  will  generally  come  out  of  the  pot  as  large  as  when  it 
was  put  in. 

However,  in  such  attitude  Thomas  was  in  advance  of  his  day.  At  the 
close  of  the  eighteenth  century,  even  scientific  farmers,  who  thought  they 
had  the  attestation  of  experiment,  considered  that  the  state  of  the  moon 
ought  to  receive  attention.  In  1790,  Dr.  Deane,  author  of  an  octavo  vol- 
ume called  "  The  New  England  Farmer,"  a  work  of  real  merit,  having  put 
the  matter  to  a  practical  test,  decided  that  it  was  most  effectual  to  cut 
bushes  during  the  old  moon,  when  the  "  sign  is  in  the  heart."  He  con- 
sidered that  even  though  zodiacal  signs  may  be  a  mere  convention,  yet 
these  might  be  of  service  in  pointing  out  the  proper  time  for  the  undertak- 
ing.    Professor  Kittredge  remarks  that  the  attitude  of  these  sober  experi- 


8o  Journal  of  American  Fo Ik-Lore. 

menters  is  not  to  be  confused  with  the  superstitious  theories  of  earlier 
centuries. 

In  regard  to  astrology,  he  shows  how  important  a  part  this  had  in  the 
daily  life  of  the  eighteenth  century,  more  especially  in  navigation.  It  was 
still  the  usual  practice  to  employ  an  astrologer,  who  should  cast  a  horo- 
scope, in  order  to  determine  the  exact  day  and  hour  on  which  a  vessel 
ought  to  weigh  anchor.  In  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century,  a 
publication  which  received  the  title  of  the  Book  of  Knowledge  circulated 
freely  among  New  England  people ;  this  included  popular  astrology,  prog- 
nostications, palmistry,  etc.  Indeed,  as  is  observed,  almanacs  existed 
largely  for  the  purpose  of  designating  the  days  and  hours  when  the  particu- 
lar influence  of  one  or  another  planet  would  be  operative. 

Only  the  title  need  be  mentioned  of  a  chapter  on  "  Indian  Talk,"  in 
which  is  discussed  the  character  of  the  English  familiarly  spoken  by  Indi- 
ans in  New  England.  In  dealing  with  this  question,  as  all  other  topics. 
Professor  Kittredge  has  employed  abundant  learning,  with  the  result  of 
producing  an  exceedingly  entertaining  book. 

W.    W.  N. 

Geographische  Namenkunde.  Methodische  Anwendung  der  namenkund- 
lichen  Grundsatze  auf  das  allgemeine  zugangliche  topographische 
Namenmaterial.  Von  J.  W.  Nagl.  Leipzig  und  Wien  :  Franz  Deuticke, 
1903.    Pp.  vii,  122. 

The  three  sections  of  this  monograph  treat :  Geographic  names  of  peo- 
ples remote  from  us  (Germans),  those  not  related  culturally  (Chinese,  Jap- 
anese, American  Indians,  Turks,  East  Aryans),  and  those  culturally  so 
related  (Hebrews,  Phoenicians  and  Punic  peoples,  Semites  in  Spain,  Mag- 
yars, etc.),  geographic  names  of  peoples  racially  and  culturally  related  to 
the  Germans  (Portuguese  and  Spaniards,  Italians,  British  and  Irish,  peo- 
ples of  Balkan  peninsula,  Russians,  Austro-Hungarian  Slavs),  geographic 
names  of  Germans  and  Scandinavians.  A  brief  bibliography  and  an  alpha- 
betical list  of  all  geographical  names  discussed  are  appended.  The  only 
aboriginal  American  names  considered  are  :  Mexico,  Popocatepetl,  Tehuan- 
tepec,  Zacatecas,  Chicago,  Mississippi,  Missouri,  Ohio,  Chimborazo,  Chu- 
quisaca,  Chocachacra,  Andes,  Hayti,  for  which  more  or  less  exact  etymolo- 
gies are  given.  Our  yapan  and  cognates  in  the  modern  languages  of 
Europe  go  back  with  the  older  Zipangu  to  the  Chinese  Ji-ptn-koue,  "  Land 
of  the  Rising  Sun,"  —  so  too  Nippon,  by  dialectic  variation.  The  names  of 
the  continents,  Europe,  Asia,  and  Africa,  are  all  probably  of  Semitic  origin, 
but  their  exact  etymologies  are  not  at  all  clear.  The  author  rightly  accepts 
the  derivation  of  America  from  Amerigo,  probably  =  Gothic  Amalrich.  As 
a  place-name  Bismarck  (p.  78)  signifies  "  a  mark  on  the  Biese  (a  little 
river),"  Of  words  which,  in  English,  have  achieved  more  than  a  lodging 
as  place-names  or  ethnic  terms,  the  following  are  discussed  by  Nagl :  Alp, 
Arras,  Atlas,  Brussels,  Cologne,  Croat,  Nanking,  Slav,  etc.  On  the  whole, 
this  little  volume  seems  to  be  much  above  the  average  in  accuracy,  and 
contains  a  good  deal  of  valuable  matter.    The  sections  (pages  68-91)  on 


Bibliographical  Noie&  8 1 

the  metamorphoses  and  transferences  of  geographical  names  will  interest 
the  student  of  folk-etymology. 

Bibliotheque  des  £coles  et  des  Families.  Une  France  Oubliee  :  L'Acadie, 
par  Gaston  du  Boscq  de  Beaumont.  Paris:  Hachette,  1902.  Pp.  191. 
Besides  historical  data  and  travel  notes  this  work  contains  a  brief  section 
on  the  language  and  customs  of  the  Acadians,  and  some  items  concerning 
the  Micmacs  of  Cape  Breton,  the  Hurons  of  Loretto,  the  Montagnais  of 
Pointe-Bleue,  and  the  Iroquois  of  Caughnawaga.  The  author's  derivation 
(p.  64)  of  Lac  Bras  d'Or  from  Labrador  needs  elucidation.  On  page  72 
is  recalled  the  marriage  of  the  Chevalier  de  La  Nouee  in  1754  to  a  Micmac 
metisse.  At  Pointe-Bleue  there  is  abundant  evidence  of  the  intermixture  of 
the  Hudson  Bay  men  and  the  Montagnais  women.  The  old  conical  birch- 
bark  wigwams  of  these  Indians  have  given  way  to  cloth  tents  in  imita- 
tion of  the  whites.  The  younger  generation  of  the  Iroquois  at  Caughna- 
waga are  letting  their  beards  grow.  Here,  too,  "  the  blond  metis "  are 
in  evidence. 

U.  S.  Department  of  Agriculture  (Bulletin  No.  ^^. — W.  B.  No.  294). 
Weather  Bureau.  Weather  Folk-Lore  and  Local  Weather  Signs. 
Prepared  under  the  direction  of  Willis  L.  Moore,  Chief  U.  S.  Weather 
Bureau.  By  Edward  B.  Garnott,  Professor  of  Meteorology,  Washing- 
ton :  Government  Printing  Office,  1903.    Pp.  153.    With  21  charts. 

Pages  5-47  of  this  interesting  little  volume  are  devoted  to  "  Weather 
Folk-Lore,"  /.  e.  proverbs  and  sayings  of  the  folk  concerning  wind  and 
storm,  clouds,  atmospheric  changes,  temperature,  humidity,  animals,  birds, 
fish,  insects,  plants,  sun,  moon,  stars,  moon  and  weather,  stars  and  weather, 
animals,  birds,  etc.,  and  weather,  days,  months,  seasons,  and  years.  Along- 
side the  folk-thoughts  are  given  the  words  of  poets  and  philosophers.  Few 
proverbs  of  American  Indians  have  ever  been  published,  for  which  reason 
the  following  may  be  reproduced  here  :  — 

1.  When  the  clouds  rise  in  terraces  of  white,  soon  will  the  country  of  the 
corn-priests  be  pierced  with  the  arrows  of  rain  (Zuni). 

2.  When  oxen  or  sheep  collect  together,  as  if  they  were  seeking  shelter, 
a  storm  may  be  expected  (Apache). 

3.  When  chimney-swallows  circle  and  call,  they  speak  of  rain  (Zuni). 

4.  When  grouse  drum  at  night,  Indians  predict  a  deep  fall  of  snow. 

5.  When  the  sun  sets  unhappily  (with  a  hazy,  veiled  face),  then  will  the 
morning  be  angry  with  wind-storm  and  sand  (Zuni). 

6.  The  moon,  her  face  if  red  be, 
Of  water  speaks  she  (Zuni). 

Das  Asylrecht  der  Naturvolker,  von  A.  Hellwig.  Mit  einem  Vor- 
wort  von  J.  Kohler.  Berlin  :  R.  von  Decker's  Verlag,  1903.  Pp.  viii, 
122. 

This  little  monograph  endeavors  to  describe  the  nature  and  purpose  of 
the  ''right  of  asylum"  among  savage  and  barbarous  peoples  all  over  the 
vol.  xviii.  —  no.  68.        6 


8  2  Journal  of  A merican  Folk-L ore. 

globe.  This  "  right  of  asylum  "  has  also  had  an  important  role  in  the  de- 
velopment of  higher  human  civilizations,  —  e.  g.  in  the  Greek  and  Roman 
period,  in  the  Middle  Ages  in  Europe,  and  particularly  among  some  of  the 
Semitic  peoples,  with  whom  the  "  city  of  refuge  "  (known  also  to  the  Creeks 
and  the  Iroquois,  etc.,  in  primitive  America)  was  an  approved  institution. 
Hellwig  recognizes  three  divisions  of  this  "right  of  asylum,"  —  those  for 
criminals,  strangers,  slaves,  all  very  intimately  related.  The  division  into 
local,  personal,  and  temporal  "  right  of  asylum  "  is  rejected  by  him. 

Among  people  so  low  in  the  stage  of  culture  as  the  Australian  blacks  the 
"right  of  asylum"  for  strangers  occurs.     Strangers  in  limited  numbers  are 
permitted  by  the  tribe  in  whose  land  alone  the  red  earth  used  for  mourning 
is  found,  to  visit  the  place  unmolested  and  take  as  much  of  it  as  they  can 
carry  away.    In  Polynesia  the  "  right  of  asylum  "  appears  in  many  interesting 
forms,  rising  often  to  the  dignity  of  the  sanctuary  of  the  old  Israelitish  sort. 
The  African  Bushmen  are  probably  without  this  idea,  but  the  author  at- 
tributes it  in  some  form  to  the  Hottentots.     In  various  parts  of  Negro  and 
Negroid  Africa  all  varieties  of  the  "  right  of  asylum  "  appear,  based  some- 
times on  religious  and  sometimes  on  selfish  and  material  grounds.     East- 
ern Africa  has  had   a  relatively  high  development  of  this  institution  for 
strangers  for  more  than  600  years.     The  right  of  the  slave  to  asylum  has 
had  an  ethical  influence  upon  his  master  in  the  way  of  inducing  better 
treatment.     Often  wives  have  right  of  asylum  against  their  husbands  who 
have  abused  them.     "  Right  of  asylum  "  naturally  leads   often  to  arbitra- 
tion, etc.     The  atiaya  of  the  Kabyles  is  *'  the  safe-guard  of  fugitives,  those 
threatened  by  vengeance,  those  in  imminent  or  present  danger."     The  re- 
sponsibilities the  right  imposes  upon  those  who  avail  themselves  of  it  are 
very  great ;  violation  often  causes  every  privilege  to  cease.     The  mass  of 
Hellwig's  data  relates  to  Africa,  which  continent  takes  up  pages  25-105  of 
the  book.     America  is  treated  at  pages  105-122  under  the  rubrics:  gen- 
eral, criminal,  stranger,  slave.     The  Cherokee  and  the  Creeks  are  chiefly 
referred  to,  —  in  the  next  edition  Mooney's  work  on  the  former  ought  to  be 
used  ;  also  Gatschet  for  the  latter.     In  the  "  peace  towns  "  of  some  of  these 
Indians  of  the  southeastern  United  States,  as  also  in  the  corresponding 
"city"  of  the  Iroquois,  we  meet  with  rather  high  conceptions  of  the  idea  of 
asylum.     In  some  form  or  other,  the  "  right  of  asylum  "  was  well-known 
among  many  American  Indian  tribes.     This  section  of  Hellwig's  work  can 
easily  be  enlarged  and  improved.     His  forthcoming  work  on  the  "  right  of 
asylum  "  among  the  "  higher  races  "  will  be  awaited  with  interest. 

Kartographie  bei  den  Naturvolkern.  Inaugural-Dissertation  zur  Er- 
langung  der  Doktorwiirde  der  hohen  philosophischen  Fakultat  der  Fried- 
rich-Alexanders-Universitat,  Erlangen  vorgelegt  von  Wolfgang  Drober. 
Erlangen  :  Junge  &  Sohn,  1903.     Pp.  80. 

The  five  chapters  of  this  discussion  of  map-drawing  among  primitive  peo- 
ples (the  author's  thesis  for  Ph.  D.,  at  the  University  of  Erlangen)  treat  the 
following  topics :  Qualities  capacitating  primitive  peoples  for  map-drawing, 
the  first  traces  of  cartographic  attempts  (rock-drawings  and  their  signifi- 


Bibliographical  Notes.  83 

cance  for  cartography,  primitive  way-marks),  cartographic  figures  on  the 
ground  ("sand  maps,"  relief  maps,  etc.),  "sea-maps"  ("sailing-charts," 
"stick  maps,"  etc.),  map-drawing  with  European  means  (birch-bark,  chalk- 
drawings,  drawings  with  lead-pencil  on  paper,  primitive  conception  of 
modern  maps).  Dr.  Drober  agrees  with  Dr.  K.  E.  Ranke  in  attributing 
the  keen  sense  of  sight  of  primitive  peoples,  where  it  exists,  not  to  peculiar 
anatomical  constitution,  etc.,  of  the  eye,  but  to  exercise  and  individual 
"education,"  —  though  this  develops  in  the  savage  a  marked  gift  of  obser- 
vation. Of  like  origin  is  also  the  much-discussed  "  sense  of  orientation  " 
of  primitive  peoples.  Add  to  these  qualities  the  art  of  drawing,  and  the 
capacity  for  cartographic  representations  of  a  rude  and  crude  order  is  pre- 
sent. And  many  primitive  peoples  have  more  or  less  artistic  instinct  for 
drawing.  It  may  be  said,  indeed,  that  they  often  possess  the  three  quali- 
ties named  in  a  rather  highly  developed  form.  Nor  is  the  sense  of  exact- 
ness and  of  distances  lacking,  and  that  they  are  not  without  geographical 
knowledge  appears  from  their  tales  and  legends,  particularly  many  of  the 
so-called  "  observation-myths."  Some  of  the  maps  made  by  primitive 
peoples  compare  much  to  their  advantage  with  similar  efforts  of  the  igno- 
rant European  peasant.  In  petroglyphs  might  be  seen  the  origin  of  car- 
tography, marks  on  the  rocks,  etc.,  passing  over  to  other  more  easily  in- 
scribed substances,  way-marks  on  trees,  in  the  sand,  etc.  "  Sand  maps  " 
are  found  among  many  primitive  peoples,  African  Negroes,  Australians, 
Pacific  Islanders,  American  Indians,  etc.  Stone  relief  '•  maps "  are  re- 
ported from  Torres  Straits,  Loango,  etc.  Relief  maps  in  sand  are  known 
to  the  Eskimo,  some  North  African  peoples,  some  Pacific  Islanders,  and 
others.  "  Sea  maps  "  of  several  kinds  were  much  in  use  with  the  Polyne- 
sian navigators,  particularly  the  mattang,  the  rebbelib,  and  the  meddo,  the 
first  of  which  is  a  general,  the  last  a  special  "  map,"  all  characteristic  of 
the  Marshall  Islands,  but  not'  entirely  restricted  to  them.  "Maps  "on 
birch-bark  or  skins  are  known  to  several  Indian  tribes  {e.  g.  Montagnais 
and  Naskapi),  to  the  Yukagirs,  etc.  Chalk-written  "  maps  "  are  reported 
from  Laos,  the  Caroline  Islands.  Pencil  "maps"  have  been  brought  by 
travellers  from  many  Indian  tribes  of  North  and  South  America,  —  the  re- 
viewer possesses  such  made  by  the  Kootenay  of  British  Columbia  in  189 1. 
Some  of  the  Eskimo  deserve  almost  the  name  of  geographers,  like  the  Poly- 
nesian "map-maker." 

The  ability  to  "  read  "  or  "  sense  "  maps  made  by  white  men  is  found 
among  the  Eskimo,  the  Maori,  Bechuana,  etc.,  and,  as  the  reviewer  can  say 
from  personal  experience,  the  Kootenay  and  probably  many  other  Ameri- 
can Indian  peoples.     To  the  facts  here  recorded  much  might  be  added. 

A.  F.  C. 

Indian  Folk-Lore.  (Being  a  collection  of  tales  illustrating  the  customs 
and  manners  of  the  Indian  people.)  By  Ganeshji  Jethabhai.  Limbdi, 
Jaswatsinhji  Printing  Press,  1903.     pp.  xv,  236. 

This  little  book,  scarcely  described  by  the  rather  pretentious  title,  is  a 
collection  of  folk-anecdotes,  ninety-four  in  number,  illustrating  maxims  and 


84     "  jfournal  of  American  Folk- Lore, 

proverbs,  or  satirizing  the  faults  and  extravagances  of  Hindu  village  society. 
The  narratives  are  translated  by  the  collector  from  the  vernacular  in  which 
they  originally  appeared,  making,  as  the  writer  says,  the  first  Gujarati  book 
of  its  type  rendered  into  English.  The  scope  of  the  tales  may  be  shown 
by  a  few  examples.  Blindness  to  one's  own  faults  is  illustrated  by  the  case 
of  a  sluggard  who  lies  under  a  fruit  tree,  but  is  too  indolent  to  put  out  his 
hand  in  order  to  grasp  the  fallen  berries.  He  begs  a  hasty  traveller  to  dis- 
mount and  supply  him,  and  when  the  rider  refuses,  observes  that  he  will 
next  apply  to  some  one  who  is  less  lazy.  The  village  of  Gambhu  was 
formerly  owned  by  tailors ;  when  the  place  was  taken  by  an  enemy,  these 
formed  an  army  of  rescue,  each  man  armed  with  his  scissors  and  measuring 
wand.  They  form  in  line,  with  the  intention  of  attacking  the  foe  at  day- 
break. The  head  of  the  row,  however,  argues  that  the  rear  would  be  a 
safer  position  for  himself,  and  accordingly  retires  to  the  end  of  the  line  ;  as 
each  foremost  person  follows  his  example,  by  morning  the  army  has  re- 
treated ten  miles.  The  minister  of  a  native  state,  knowing  well  that  his 
term  of  office  will  be  short,  stipulates  that  when  accused  of  peculation  the 
trial  shall  take  place  before  peasants  of  the  lowest  class.  When  his  greed 
has  borne  its  natural  fruit  in  the  clamors  of  the  people  whom  he  has 
oppressed,  the  charge  is  brought  before  the  arbitrators  already  selected. 
These  are  honest  folk,  who  know  that  the  state  has  been  cheated,  and  that 
the  minister  has  amassed  a  fortune ;  not  wishing  to  be  too  severe,  they 
impose  what  to  them  seems  the  large  fine  of  twenty-five  rupees,  which,  as 
they  think,  may  be  the  half  of  his  gains.  The  master  of  ceremonies  in  a 
Jain  temple  observes  that  the  statues  of  the  twenty-four  saints  or  Tirthank- 
ers  are  of  gold  and  silver,  with  the  exception  of  one,  which  is  of  marble. 
He  cannot  resist  the  temptation  of  taking  and  melting  some  of  the  figures. 
When  called  to  account,  he  explains  that  he  has  had  a  dream,  signifying 
that  the  Tirthankers,  tired  of  this  present  world,  have  determined  to  aban- 
don it ;  at  his  intercession,  however,  they  have  consented  that  the  marble 
figure  may  remain.  The  Jains  tremble  at  the  divine  wrath,  and  regard  the 
thief  as  their  saviour. 

We  are  requested  to  add  that  orders  for  this  book  may  be  addressed  to 
the  Harvard  Cooperative  Society,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

W.    W.  N, 


lUTEM  PULE  AT  FORT  RUPEK'l-,  VICTOKIA,  VANCOUVER  ISLAND,  l!.  C 


THE  JOURNAL  OF 

AMERICAN  FOLK-LORE. 

Vol.  XVIIL  — APRIL-JUNE,  1905.— No.  LXIX. 


WISHOSK   MYTHS. 


INTRODUCTION. 

The  Wishosk  Indians  of  the  coast  of  Humboldt  County,  in  north- 
western California,  inhabited  a  very  restricted  territory.  They  held 
the  shores  of  Humboldt  Bay,  on  which  the  city  of  Eureka  is  now- 
situated,  and  the  mouths  of  Mad  and  Eel  rivers.  Their  frontage 
on  the  ocean  extended  a  few  miles  north  and  south  of  these  rivers 
with  a  total  length  of  about  thirty-five  miles,  all  of  it  flat  and  sandy. 
Inland  their  territory  extended  in  general  to  the  top  of  the  first 
range  of  hills,  nowhere  more  than  twelve  or  fifteen  miles  from  the 
ocean,  and  for  the  most  part  varying  in  distance  between  five  and 
ten.  Their  own  name  for  themselves  as  a  linguistic  group  is  Su- 
latlek.  Wishosk  they  declare  to  be  the  name  that  some  of  their 
Athabascan  neighbors  give  them.  Most  of  the  tribes  of  the  region 
know  them  or  their  territory  by  some  variation  of  the  name  Wiyot, 
which  is  one  of  the  few  native  geographical  or  tribal  names  in  north- 
ern California  that  is  without  apparent  signification  and  known  to  a 
number  of  linguistic  groups.  Roughly  speaking,  the  territory  of  the 
Wishosk  surrounds  Humboldt  Bay,  and  popularly  they  are  usually 
known  as  Humboldt  Bay  Indians.  Their  territory  was  entirely  cov- 
ered, almost  down  to  the  beach,  with  redwood,  and  this  fact,  com- 
bined with  the  circumstance  that  Humboldt  Bay  is  the  only  sheltered 
harbor  on  the  coast  of  California  north  of  San  Francisco,  has  made 
this  bay  the  centre  of  population  for  Humboldt  and  the  contiguous 
parts  of  adjacent  counties.  Almost  all  the  traffic  between  this 
region  and  the  outside  world,  including  a  large  lumber  export,  passes 
through  the  prosperous  settlements  on  this  harbor ;  for  the  district 
is  as  yet  unconnected  with  the  rest  of  the  State  by  railroad,  and 
other  than  trails  only  three  wagon-roads  lead  out  from  it.  In  con- 
sequence, while  the  narrow  valleys  and  canyons  of  the  Klamath  and 
Trinity  and  other  rivers  of  this  region  were  early  overrun  by  miners, 
the  white  population  along  these  streams  being  much  greater  forty 
or  fifty  years  ago  than  it  is  now,  where  in  many  parts  the  Indians  are 


86  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

still  in  the  majority,  conditions  have  been  very  different  on  Hum- 
boldt  Bay,  where  there  have  been  permanent  settlement  and  steady 
development  of  the  country.  The  greater  half  of  the  population 
and  of  the  productive  agricultural  land  of  Humboldt  County  is  prob- 
ably within  the  small  territory  that  once  belonged  to  the  Wishosk. 
Naturally  these  Indians  have  suffered  from  this  overwhelming  con- 
tact with  civilization.  Their  numbers  have  been  reduced  very  much 
more  than  on  the  Klamath  and  Trinity,  and  their  old  life  has  almost 
entirely  disappeared.  They  now  live  like  their  white  neighbors,  and 
an  occasional  basket,  usually  made  for  sale,  is  about  the  only  visible 
evidence  of  their  culture  of  fifty  years  ago  that  one  is  likely  to  find 
among  them.  They  number  all  told  a  few  dozen,  with  hardly  any 
children.  On  the  whole  they  present  a  greater  aspect  of  physical 
infirmity  than  the  other  tribes  of  this  region.  Most  of  what  could 
have  once  been  learned  about  them  ethnologically  has  perished,  and 
the  broken  and  incomplete  nature  of  their  myths,  as  they  remain, 
is  only  too  evident  from  the  material  here  presented.  It  is  possible 
that  individuals  with  better  knowledge  of  the  old  beliefs  are  still 
alive,  but  of  the  six  or  eight  persons,  all  of  them  of  middle  age  or 
more,  with  whom  work  was  attempted,  some  knew  nothing,  and  not 
one  had  any  knowledge  that  went  very  far. 

In  general  culture  the  Wishosk  resembled  the  other  tribes  of  the 
region  which  constitutes  the  northwesternmost  corner  of  Califor- 
nia. It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  culture  of  this  compara- 
tively small  area  is  very  different  from  that  of  the  rest  of  the  State, 
showing  certain  affiliations  with  the  culture  of  the  coast  to  the  north, 
and  being  in  many  respects  unique.  These  special  characteristics 
are  not  each  confined  to  a  single  tribe  or  group,  but  for  the  most 
part  are  common  to  all  the  tribes  in  the  region.  As  compared  with 
this  distinct  northwestern  culture,  the  Indians  of  at  least  the  greater 
part  of  the  remainder  of  California,  in  spite  of  their  numerous  divi- 
sions, must  be  considered  a  unit  in  their  culture.  On  the  material 
and  technological  side  of  their  life  the  Wishosk  were  certainly  very 
similar  to  the  other  tribes  in  the  northwestern  ethnographical  pro- 
vince. Their  houses  and  boats,  their  tools  and  basketry,  were  prac- 
tically identical  with  those  found  on  the  Klamath  and  Trinity.  In 
other  respects,  especially  on  the  religious  side,  there  were  greater 
differences.  The  northwestern  culture  finds  its  highest  develop- 
ment and  greatest  specialization  among  the  Yurok  living  along  the 
Klamath  from  Weitchpec  down,  among  the  Karok  on  the  same  river 
above  Weitchpec,  and  among  the  Hupa  on  the  confluent  Trinity 
from  Weitchpec  up  for  some  twenty-five  miles.  For  instance,  it  was 
only  these  three  tribes  that  held  the  elaborate  deerskin  dance  ;  and 
the  almost  equally  important  jumping  or  woodpecker-head  dance  did 


Wishosk  Myths.  87 

not  extend  far  beyond  their  borders.  The  position  of  the  Wishosk 
is  illustrated  by  the  fact  that  they  held  the  jumping  dance  only  at 
the  mouth  of  Mad  River  at  the  northernmost  end  of  their  territory, 
where  they  were  in  contact  with  the  Yurok.  In  other  places  other 
ceremonies  were  held.  Whether  these  were  similar  to  the  ceremo- 
nies of  the  tribes  to  the  south  and  southeast,  or  whether  they  were 
largely  peculiar  to  the  Wishosk,  is  not  known.  The  food  and  daily 
habits  of  the  Wishosk,  who  lived  along  flat  ocean  shores  backed  by 
heavy  timber,  must  of  necessity  have  been  somewhat  different  from 
those  of  the  other  tribes  of  the  region,  who  lived  along  permanent 
and  rapid  rivers,  or  rocky  coasts,  or  grassy  and  oak-covered  hillsides  ; 
but  such  differences  due  directly  to  locally  varying  environment 
need  hardly  to  be  taken  into  consideration  where  the  fundamental 
characteristics  of  cultures  are  in  question. 

A  considerable  body  of  the  myths  of  the  Indians  of  northwestern 
California  have  been  collected,  but  as  yet  there  is  no  published  ma- 
terial of  any  value  available  other  than  a  number  of  stories  in  the 
first  part  of  Dr.  P.  E.  Goddard's  HupaTexts.^  The  first  five  of  these, 
including  a  long  creation  and  culture-hero  story,  may  be  regarded  as 
typical  also  of  the  mythology  of  the  other  more  developed  tribes  of 
the  region,  these  five  myths  all  being  found,  either  in  whole  or  in 
part,  among  the  Yurok  or  Karok  or  both.  One  of  the  most  funda- 
mental characteristics  of  the  mythological  beliefs  of  these  three 
tribes  is  the  idea  of  a  former  distinct  race,  conceived  of  as  very 
human  in  nature  although  endowed  with  supernatural  powers,  who 
inhabited  the  world  before  the  coming  of  men,  and  then  either  left 
the  inhabited  world  to  become  spirits  or  turned  into  animals.  This 
race  is  the  Kixunai  of  the  Hupa.  In  a  general  way  this  previous  race 
is  held  responsible  by  the  Indians  for  everything  now  existing  in  the 
world,  and  it  is  often  stated  that  all  the  characters  in  myths  were 
members  of  it.  Actually  this  idea  is  carried  out  very  inconsistently, 
'and  does  not  seem  to  have  been  used  by  any  tribe  to  work  the  body 
of  its  myths  into  a  system  ;  and  so,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  origins  are 
generally  explained  simply  by  growth  or  appearance  in  the  time  of 
this  previous  race.  The  most  prominent  characters  in  the  several 
mythologies  are  one  or  more  culture-heroes,  of  whom  the  Hupa 
Yimantuwinyai,  "  Lost-across-the-ocean,"  by  another  name  "Old-man- 
over-across,"  is  a  typical  illustration,  except  for  the  fact  that  he 
approaches  a  little  more  closely  to  being  a  creator  than  do  his  ana- 
logues among  the  Yurok  or  Karok.  The  Yurok  and  Karok  charac- 
ters that  correspond  to  him  are  called  "Widower-across-the-water." 
The  stories  almost  universally  told  about  him  include  among  their 

^  University  of  California  Publications  in  Atnerican  ArchcEology  andEthnologyy 
i.  1934. 


88  yournal  of  Americmt  Folk-Lore. 

chief  incidents  accounts  of  how  he  obtained  by  trickery  salmon  from 
the  woman  who  was  keeping  them  shut  up  ;  of  how  he  first  brought 
about  birth,  women  having  been  previously  killed  at  the  birth  of 
their  children  ;  of  how  he  tried  to  kill  his  son  by  causing  him  to  climb 
a  tree,  in  order  that  he  might  obtain  his  wife  ;  of  how  his  son  there- 
upon left  the  world  for  the  one  across  the  sea ;  and  how  he  himself 
was  finally  carried  off  to  the  same  place  after  having  succumbed  to 
the  temptation  of  a  woman  who  was  a  flat  fish.  This  character  is 
always  represented  as  erotic  and  tricky,  but  does  not  show  the  other 
despicable  qualities,  such  as  gluttony  and  cowardice,  usually  attrib- 
uted to  Coyote,  and  often  to  the  trickster  in  the  mythologies  of  other 
tribes.  A  second  culture-hero,  who  is  more  respected,  is  primarily 
a  destroyer  of  evil  beings ;  but  in  the  common  versions  he  has  less 
part  in  the  shaping  of  the  world.  A  third  character,  whose  function 
and  importance  vary  considerably  even  in  myths  told  by  different  in- 
dividuals of  the  same  tribe,  is  the  dentalium-shell.  Occasionally  this 
personage  is  raised  to  the  rank  of  a  creator.  Coyote  appears  fairly 
frequently,  but,  although  he  sometimes  destroys  monsters,  is  usually 
of  contemptible  character.  The  myths  in  which  the  culture-heroes 
do  not  appear  are  of  course  of  very  varied  character,  but  the  most 
typical  are  mainly  hero  stories  of  a  certain  sort.  In  the  great  ma- 
jority of  these  the  hero  is  distinctly  conceived  of  as  human  and  is 
not  identified  with  an  animal.  This  is  evident  in  such  Hupa  stories 
as  "  Dug-from-the-Ground  "  and  "  He-lives-South."  Among  the  Yurok 
there  are  exceedingly  few  animal  characters  ;  among  the  Karok  they 
are  more  numerous.  These  heroes  are  very  rarely  destroyers  of  mon- 
sters or  enemies.  In  most  cases  their  achievements  are  of  such  a 
nature  as  rising  from  a  state  of  oppression  to  great  wealth  and  power, 
or  receiving  and  establishing  a  ceremony.  The  two  Hupa  stories  just 
mentioned  are  typical  of  this  class  of  tales.  The  idea  so  prevalent 
on  the  North  Pacific  coast,  and  at  least  in  parts  of  California,  of  a 
hero  encountering  and  overcoming  direct  dangers,  is  very  little  devel- 
oped in  this  region.  It  also  appears  from  what  has  been  said  that  the 
hero  myths  sometimes  grade  insensibly  into  ceremonial  origin  myths. 
The  myths  of  the  great  central  region  of  California  contain  some 
incidents  and  ideas  found  also  in  the  northwestern  part  of  the  State, 
but  on  the  whole  are  of  a  very  different  character ;  and,  as  compared 
with  the  northwestern  myths,  they  show  considerable  uniformity 
from  all  sections.  Mythological  material  from  the  Wintun,  Maidu, 
and  Yana,  of  the  Sacramento  valley,  has  been  published  by  Curtin  ^ 
and  Dixon  ;  ^  and  other  material,  not  yet  published,  has  been  col- 

1  Creation  Myths  of  Primitive  Amcj-ica,  Boston,  1S98  (Northern  Wintun  and 
Yana). 

*  Maidu  Myths,  Bull.  Am.  Mus.  Nat.  Hist.  xvii.  pt.  ii.  33-118,  1902. 


Wishosk  Myths.  89 

lected  from  the  Porno,  the  Yuki,  and  other  stocks,  mcluding  in  part 
those  of  the  south  central  portion  of  the  State.  Generally  these 
Indians  have  a  well-developed  idea  of  a  creator,  such  as  the  Wintun 
Olelbis  and  the  Maidu  Earth-Initiate  or  Earth-Namer.  Both  the 
powers  and  deeds  of  this  creator  distinguish  him  quite  markedly  from 
the  culture-heroes  of  the  northwestern  region.  The  character  next 
in  consequence,  and  usually  more  frequently  mentioned  in  stories,  is 
Coyote.  In  certain  cases,  as  among  the  Maidu,  he  is  more  or  less 
antithetical  to  the  creator,  bringing  death  and  other  evils  into  the 
world,  though  through  foolishness  rather  than  from  malicious  intent. 
In  other  cases,  as  among  the  Yuki,  this  relation  between  him  and  the 
creator  is  replaced  or  added  to  by  a  division  of  their  functions,  by 
which  the  creator  is  the  author  of  the  world  and  of  mankind,  while 
Coyote  originates  what  is  characteristic  of  life  and  culture.  In  this 
phase  he  is  virtually  equivalent  to  a  culture-hero.  Sometimes  his 
role  in  this  capacity  is  so  much  developed  as  to  reduce  the  actual 
part  of  the  creator  in  the  myths  to  a  very  slight  element.  In  all 
cases,  however,  at  least  in  northern  central  California,  there  seems 
to  be  a  conception  of  a  single  supreme  or  original  creator,  however 
much  or  little  he  may  appear  in  the  myths,  and  this  conception  can 
be  said  to  be  totally  wanting  among  the  northwestern  tribes.  In 
addition  to  his  other  roles,  Coyote  invariably  appears  in  the  cen- 
tral region  as  a  trickster  and  a  butt  for  ridicule.  The  myths  of 
central  California  that  do  not  refer  to  the  origin  of  things  may  be 
characterized  as  danger  stories.  Sometimes  the  life  of  the  hero  is 
attempted  by  his  father-in-law,  or  by  the  enemies  that  have  killed  all 
his  family ;  sometimes  he  is  of  supernatural  birth  and  powers,  and 
his  achievements  consist  in  destroying  numerous  monsters  and  evil 
beings  and  overcoming  a  hostile  supernatural  gambler.  In  very 
many  cases  the  characters  in  the  myths  are  animals.  A  very  favorite 
and  typical  story  found  over  the  greater  part  of  California  is  that  of 
the  two  deer  children  whose  mother  had  been  killed  by  a  grizzly 
bear  and  who  in  revenge  killed  the  bear's  two  children,  and  then 
fled  and  finally  escaped  from  their  pursuer.  The  idea  of  a  previous 
race  occurs  in  central  California,  as  pointed  out  by  Curtin,  but  differs 
from  the  conception  of  the  northwestern  tribes.  The  individuals  of 
this  race  generally  turn  to  animals,  and  very  frequently,  as  they  appear 
in  the  myths,  have  animal  qualities  even  before  the  transformation 
which  marks  the  close  of  this  earlier  period.  On  the  whole,  the 
idea  of  such  a  previous  race  is  much  more  clearly  defined  among 
the  northwestern  Indians,  but  does  not  affect  their  myths  ;  in  cen- 
tral California  the  idea  is  less  clear,  but  is  more  frequently  used  to 
systematize  the  myths  of  a  tribe. 

In  summary,  the  mythologies  of  the  two  ethnographical  regions 


90  jfournal  of  American  Folk-Lore, 

can  be  contrastingly  characterized  as  follows.  In  northern  California 
there  prevail  conceptions  of  an  earlier  race  parallel  to  mankind  and 
of  origin  by  growth  or  appearance,  culture-heroes,  human  hero  stories, 
and  the  explanation  of  the  origin  chiefly  of  human  institutions.  In 
central  California  the  mythologies  show  a  creator,  accounts  of  the 
creation  of  nature  and  of  physical  rather  than  of  social  man.  Coyote 
as  a  trickster  and  marplot  to  the  creator  or  as  a  supplementary  cul- 
ture-hero-creator, numerous  animal  tales,  and  supernatural  hero  or 
danger  stories.  In  both  regions  historical  or  pseudo-historical  tradi- 
tions and  migration  legends  are  lacking. 

The  mythology  of  the  tribes  immediately  adjacent  to  the  Wishosk 
is  very  little  known.  On  the  north  the  Wishosk  are  bordered  by  the 
Coast  Yurok,  who  hold  a  strip  of  shore  line  as  narrow  as  the  Wishosk. 
The  mythology  of  the  Coast  Yurok  in  great  part  lacks  the  culture-hero 
stories  of  the  Klamath  River  Yurok,  and  seems  to  be  characterized 
even  more  strongly  by  their  peculiar  type  of  human  hero  stories.  On 
all  other  sides,  except  the  ocean,  the  Wishosk  are  surrounded  by  a 
group  of  Athabascan  tribes,  which  extend  from  immediately  south 
and  west  of  the  Hupa  as  far  as  to  the  Wailaki,  who  are  in  Mendocino 
County  in  contact  with  the  Yuki.  Almost  all  the  tribes  in  this  group 
inhabit  the  interior  rather  than  the  immediate  coast,  and  are  as  much 
reduced  in  numbers  as  the  Wishosk  themselves.  They  are  very  little 
known.  In  their  general  material  culture  they  undoubtedly  resemble 
to  a  considerable  degree  the  more  highly  organized  Yurok,  Karok, 
and  Hupa,  with  allowance  for  such  differences  as  are  directly  due  to 
a  different  natural  environment.  In  their  beliefs,  however,  so  far  as 
known,  they  approximate  the  tribes  of  the  central  region.  It  is  certain 
that  the  ideas  of  a  creator  and  of  Coyote  in  his  antithetical  relation 
to  the  creator,  as  they  exist  among  the  central  tribes,  are  found  at  least 
among  the  more  southerly  of  these  Indians,  being  known  to  occur  as 
far  north  as  lower  Eel  River ;  and  in  accord  with  this  circumstance 
there  does  not  seem  to  exist  among  the  Indians  in  this  place  any 
strongly  developed  idea  of  a  previous  race. 

The  Wishosk  myths  here  presented  give  but  a  broken  idea  of  what 
the  beliefs  of  these  people  must  have  been  fifty  years  ago.  Even  as 
they  are,  however,  they  bring  out  several  salient  characteristics  of  this 
mythology.  The  collection  is  too  incomplete  to  allow  of  deductions 
based  on  the  absence  of  any  mythical  incidents  or  conceptions  ;  but 
it  suffices  for  certain  comparisons  with  other  tribes. 

The  stories  were  obtained  from  the  following  informants  :  Nos.  i 
to  6  from  a  man  named  Bob  ;  Nos.  7  to  8  and  10  to  19  from  an  old 
man  called  Bill;  No.  9  from  an  old  woman  ;  Nos.  20,  21,  23,  and  25 
from  Jennie  ;  and  Nos.  22  and  24  from  her  husband,  Aleck.  The 
first  informant  was  utterly  unable  to  give  any  connected  accounts ; 


Wiskosk  Myths.  91 

the  material  presented  in  the  first  creation  myth  has  been  collected 
from  incoherent  statements  which  occupied  him  the  greater  part  of  a 
day  to  make  and  in  part  were  not  to  the  point.  This  man  had  been 
somewhat  influenced  by  the  religious  ideas  of  the  whites.  For  this 
reason  the  information  obtained  from  him  has  been  separated  from 
that  of  the  other  informants,  but  on  the  whole  it  is  undoubtedly  good 
Wishosk.  This  is  evident  from  a  comparison  of  his  account  of  the 
creation  as  given  in  No.  i  with  that  told  by  Bill  in  No.  7.  Nos.  2 
and  10  also  show  considerable  similarity,  with  some  differences. 

Perhaps  the  most  marked  characteristic  of  these  myths  is  the  im- 
portant role  assigned  to  the  creator  and  supreme  deity,  Gudatriga- 
kwitl,  "  Above-old-man."  Sometimes  he  is  also  called  Guruguda- 
trigakwitl,  "  That-above-old-man."  It  will  be  seen  that  he  represents 
a  well-developed  idea  of  true  creation.  He  cannot  be  included  in 
the  class  of  culture-heroes,  but  is  distinctly  a  deity.  The  general 
statements  made  by  other  informants  confirm  the  conception  of  this 
character  as  he  appears  in  the  two  creation  stories  and  leave  no  doubt 
that  the  idea  of  him  is  purely  aboriginal.  In  accord  with  this  occur- 
rence of  a  creator  deity  is  the  absence  among  the  Wishosk,  so  far  as 
known,  of  the  typical  northwestern  conception  of  the  previous  race. 

The  presence  of  a  creator  should  naturally  reduce  the  functions 
of  a  culture-hero,  and  to  a  certain  extent  this  is  the  case  among  the 
Wishosk.  Nevertheless,  their  culture-hero-trickster,  Gatswokwire, 
corresponds  quite  closely  to  the  chief  culture-hero  of  the  Yurok, 
Karok,  and  Hupa.  Like  these  characters,  he  is  responsible  for  the 
origin  of  birth  and  of  the  distribution  of  fish,  and  is  carried  across 
the  ocean  by  a  woman.  The  Wishosk  myth  material  obtained  is  as  a 
whole  so  fragmentary  that  there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  the 
tales  dealing  with  this  character  are  not  exhausted,  and  it  seems  very 
probable  that  if  more  myths  are  obtained  further  incidents  told  of 
him  by  the  other  tribes  will  come  to  light.  Coyote  also  appears  in 
the  Wishosk  myths,  but  only  in  his  lower  character. 

The  Wishosk  myths  not  connected  primarily  with  the  origin  of  the 
world  and  culture  can  best  be  characterized  as  animal  stories.  The 
incidents  in  them  are  frequently  trivial,  but  almost  always  show  char- 
acter. The  number  of  animals  appearing  as  personages  in  this  small 
collection  of  myths  is  rather  remarkable,  reaching  thirty  besides 
Coyote,  namely  :  the  spider,  otter,  frog,  mole,  panther,  fisher,  fox, 
raccoon,  wildcat,  civet  cat,  dog,  blue  jay,  meadowlark,  blackbird,  robin, 
sea  lion,  grizzly  bear,  crow,  eagle,  eel,  sea  otter,  porpoise,  raven,  peli- 
can, skunk,  flies,  elk,  chicken-hawk,  and  abalone,  besides  the  insect 
spinagaralu.  All  the  tales  other  than  the  creator,  culture-hero,  and 
Coyote  myths  belong  to  this  class  of  anim.al  stories,  except  the  last 
two  given,  which  are  human  hero  stories.     These  two  stories  are  very 


92  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

similar  in  their  ideas  and  tone  to  those  most  characteristic  of  the 
Hupa,  Yurok,  and  Coast  Yurok.  It  will,  however,  be  observed  that 
both  of  them  also  contain  animals  as  characters. 

Passing  now  to  specific  comparisons  between  myths  of  the  Wishosk 
and  other  tribes,  tales  i  and  7  are  without  parallel  among  the 
northwestern  tribes,  because  these  lack  creation  myths.  Of  the  two 
Wishosk  versions  of  the  origin  of  death.  No.  2  resembles  closely  that 
of  the  Yurok,  while  No.  10  is  similar  to  that  of  the  Yuki,  Maidu,  and 
other  tribes  of  central  California.  The  Athabascan  Sinkine  of  Eel 
River  also  tell  the  story  in  similar  form.  No.  3,  the  flood,  also  finds 
analogues  to  the  south,  rather  than  on  the  Klamath  or  Trinity.  The 
typical  northwestern  conception  is  that  one  survivor  was  saved  from 
the  flood  in  a  boat  or  box,  with  his  dog.  The  Sinkine,  however,  say 
that  a  couple  was  saved  on  a  mountain-top,  and,  according  to  Ban- 
croft,^ the  Mattole,  an  Athabascan  tribe  still  nearer  the  Wishosk,  had 
a  similar  belief.  Nos.  4,  5,  and  6,  dealing  with  Gatswokwire,  are  all 
told  of  the  northwestern  culture-heroes.  No.  8  is  without  an  exact 
parallel,  but  the  idea  of  the  spider  reaching  the  sky,  or  descending 
from  it,  by  the  string  which  he  makes,  occurs  among  the  Sinkine 
and  certain  of  the  tribes  of  the  northern  Sacramento  valley  region. 
The  idea  of  No.  11,  that  the  mole's  forefeet  are  turned  from  having 
held  the  sky,  is  again  a  central  Californian  conception  not  known  to 
occur  in  the  northwestern  region.  The  Yuki  and  other  tribes  tell 
the  incident  No,  12,  in  which  the  culture-hero-trickster  changes  his 
shape  in  order  to  be  given  food  several  times,  is  widespread  in  North 
America.  Nos.  13  and  14,  telling  of  Coyote's  attempts  to  marry, 
show  character  rather  than  well-defined  incidents.  No.  15,  in  which 
the  Coyote  breaks  his  leg  in  supposed  imitation  of  the  panther, 
has  partial  parallel  among  some  of  the  northwestern  tribes,  but  simi- 
lar ideas  occur  among  Indians  far  east  of  California.  No.  16,  in  which 
Coyote  is  stuck  in  a  stream  of  pitch,  is  without  known  specific  parallel. 
No.  15  is  evidently  a  fragment  of  a  longer  myth.  The  Yurok  and 
Karok  tell  a  form  of  the  widespread  story  of  the  orArinfiof.  fire  by 
theft.  The  Hupa  deny  this,  and  it  is  seen  that  the  Wishosk  agree 
with  them.  The  idea  of  the  dog  having  fire  and  of  his  refusing  it  to 
the  panther  is  related  to  a  Yurok  and  Karok  conception,  according  to 
which  the  dog  surpassed  both  the  deer  and  the  panther  in  a  contest 
of  powers,  thereby  obtaining  for  mankind  the  bow  with  which  to  kill 
animals.  The  idea  of  something  distinctly  human  as  opposed  to  ani- 
mal faculties  having  its  origin  from  the  one  domestic  animal  in  oppo- 
sition to  other  animals,  is  what  is  common  to  this  Yurok  and  Karok 
myth  and  the  present  Wishosk  fragment.  Nos.  18,  19,  and  20  are 
as  yet  all  without  parallels,  though  their  general  character  distinctly 

^  Native  Races,  iii.  86. 


Wishosk  Myths,  93 

resembles  that  of  myths  from  central  California.  No.  21,  in  which 
the  raven  catches  a  woman,  is  a  distant  approach  to  the  swan-maiden 
story.  No,  22  is  again  an  animal  character  tale.  The  idea  of  No.  23, 
that  the  skunk  pretends  sickness  and  shoots  the  summoned  medicine- 
man, has  parallels  outside  of  California,  As  yet  the  conception  is 
not  known  to  have  been  utilized  by  the  northwestern  tribes.  No.  24, 
telling  of  an  oppressed  boy  who  became  powerful,  is  more  similar  in 
general  character  than  in  specific  incidents  to  Yurok  tales.  No.  25, 
telling  of  a  man  who  was  carried  across  the  ocean,  is  very  similar  to 
a  number  of  northwestern  versions  even  in  details.  For  instance,  the 
Yurok  tell  of  ten  men  crossing  the  ocean  nightly  in  a  boat,  and  the 
idea  that  the  world  across  the  ocean  is  one  of  unceasing  dances  is 
deep-seated  among  them. 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  mythology  of  the  Wishosk  occupies  a 
place  between  the  mythologies  of  central  and  those  of  north- 
western California,  sharing  with  one  a  considerable  development  of 
creation  myth  and  animal  tales,  and  with  the  other  especially  certain 
episodes  of  a  specific  culture-hero  cycle.  The  greater  number  of 
actual  parallels  seem  to  be  with  the  central  tribes.  The  general 
character  of  the  mythology  and  the  conception:;  underlying  it  are 
also  more  closely  akin  to  those  found  in  central  California  than 
those  among  the  distinctly  northwestern  tribes.  The  occurrence 
of  almost  exact  parallels  between  the  Wishosk  and  the  Yurok, 
Karok,  and  Hupa  culture-hero  stories  can  be  explained  by  the  great 
importance  of  these  myths  among  the  latter  tribes  and  the  close 
geographical  proximity,  and  in  part  contiguity,  of  these  to  the 
Wishosk.  Altogether  it  would  seem  that  this  tribe,  although  in  its 
material  life  and  in  its  social  structure  clearly  most  nearly  related 
to  the  other  northwestern  tribes,  is  in  its  religious  beliefs  so  far 
different  from  them  as  to  be  closer,  all  in  all,  to  the  great  central 
group  of  stocks  occupying  the  larger  part  of  the  State.  The  extreme 
localization  of  the  typical  northwestern  culture  is  thus  apparent,  and 
it  is  evidert  t^at  unless,  as  does  not  seem  probable,  its  culture  has 
close  affiliations  with  the  Athabascan  tribes  along  the  immediate  coast 
northward  from  the  mouth  of  the  Klamath,  its  most  characteristic 
development  is  confined  to  the  Yurok,  Karok,  and  Hupa. 

I.     GUDATRIGAKWITL    AND    THE    CREATION. 

At  first  there  were  no  trees  nor  rivers  and  no  people  on  the  earth. 
Nothing  except  ground  was  visible.  There  was  no  ocean.  Then 
Gudatrigakwitl  was  sorry  that  it  was  so.  He  thought,  "  How  is  it 
that  there  are  no  animals .-'"  He  looked,  but  he  saw  nothing.  Then 
he  deliberated.  He  thought,  "  I  will  try.  Somebody  will  live  on  the 
earth.     But  what  will  he  use .-' "     Then  he  decided  to  make  a  boat 


94  yournal  of  A  merica^i  Folk-Lore. 

for  him.  He  made  things  by  joining  his  hands  and  spreading  them. 
He  used  no  tools.  In  this  way  he  made  people.  The  first  man  was 
wat,  the  abalone.  The  first  people  were  not  right.  They  all  died. 
Gudatrigakwitl  thought  that  they  were  bad.  He  wanted  good  people 
who  would  have  children.  At  first  he  wanted  every  man  to  have  ten 
lives.^  When  he  was  an  old  man  he  was  to  become  a  boy  again. 
Afterwards  Gudatrigakwitl  found  that  he  could  not  do  this.  He  gave 
the  people  all  the  game,  the  fish,  and  the  trees.  He  said  :  "As  long 
as  people  live,  if  an  old  man  will  tell  his  boy  about  me  it  will  be  as  if 
I  were  there,  for  he  will  tell  him,  'Do  not  do  so  and  so.* " 

In  other  places  there  are  different  people,  but  they  were  all  made 
by  Gudatrigakwitl  at  one  time,  all  over  the  world.  That  is  why  there 
are  different  tribes  with  different  languages.  So  the  old  men  used 
to  say. 

When  Gudatrigakwitl  wanted  to  make  people,  he  said,  "  I  want 
fog."  Then  it  began  to  be  foggy.  Gudatrigakwitl  thought:  "No 
one  will  see  it  when  the  people  are  born."  Then  he  thought  :  "Now 
I  wish  people  to  be  all  over,  broadcast.  I  want  it  to  be  full  of  people 
and  full  of  game."  Then  the  fog  went  away.  No  one  had  seen 
them  before,  but  now  they  were  there. 

Gudatrigakwitl  used  no  sand  or  earth  or  sticks  to  make  the  people  ; 
he  merely  thought  and  they  existed.     (In  answer  to  a  question.) 

Gudatrigakwitl  thought :  "  When  something  is  alive,  like  a  plant, 
it  will  not  die.  It  will  come  up  again  from  the  roots  and  grow  again 
and  again.    So  it  will  be  with  men  and  animals  and  everything  alive." 

Gudatrigakwitl  said  to  the  people  :  "  This  kind  of  plant  is  m«dicine 
for  you.  When  something  is  wrong,  or  when  a  person  is  sick,  call 
to  me."     Whatever  he  made  is  good. 

Gudatrigakwitl  said :  "  I  want  it  to  be  that  there  will  be  dances. 
When  they  begin,  people  will  call  me.  I  want  them  to  call  me  then. 
At  that  time  I  will  make  them  have  a  dance."  That  was  the  word 
that  he  left  to  the  people.  That  is  why  the  people  dance  near  the 
mouth  of  Mad  River. 

Gudatrigakwitl  said  :  "  If  it  is  warm  and  you  are  hot  and  the  water 
is  cold,  do  not  drink  or  you  will  die.  Drink  only  a  little  of  it." 
Therefore  the  people  say,  "  Do  not  drink  too  much."  They  say 
the  same  about  food.  Gudatrigakwitl  told  them  :  "  Do  not  forget 
my  instructions." 

Gudatrigakwitl  made  string  for  people.     String  is  a  person. 

Gudatrigakwitl  thought:  "How  shall  I  make  deer.?  I  think  I 
will  make  them  like  this."     Then  he  made  deer. 

At  first  there  were  no  acorns  growing.  Gudatrigakwitl  made 
them  also. 

»  Cf.  Nos,  2,  7,  10. 


Wishosk  Myths,  95 

Gudatrigakwitl  also  made  it  that  people  pay  when  some  one  is 
killed. 

At  first  there  was  no  fire.  Gudatrigakwitl  thought :  "What  shall 
we  do  ?  There  is  no  fire."  He  took  a  stick,  spat  on  it,  and  it  began 
to  burn.^ 

Gudatrigakwitl  left  the  people  all  kinds  of  dances.  He  said  : 
"  When  there  is  a  festivity,  call  me.  If  some  do  not  like  what  I  say, 
let  them  be.  But  those  to  whom  I  leave  my  instructions,  who  will 
teach  them  to  their  children,  will  be  well.  Whenever  you  are  badly 
off,  call  me.  I  can  save  you  in  some  way,  no  matter  how  great  the 
difificulty.  If  a  man  does  not  call  me,  I  will  let  him  go."  So  he  left 
dances  and  good  times.  That  is  why  the  people  dance.  They  used 
never  to  miss  making  a  dance. 

Gudatrigakwitl  went  all  over  the  world  looking.  Then  he  made 
everything.     When  he  had  finished  everything  he  made  people. 

Gudatrigakwitl  is  not  called  on  every  day.  He  is  called  only 
when  a  man  is  in  difficulty. 

Whatever  things  must  not  be  said  or  done  are  forbidden  because 
Gudatrigakwitl  so  directed  in  the  beginning. 

Gudatrigakwitl  is  alive  to-day.  He  does  not  die.  He  does  not 
become  sick.  He  is  the  same  as  formerly.  As  long  as  the  world 
exists  he  will  live.  The  reason  some  people  (Indians)  are  still  alive 
is  because  some  of  them  still  follow  his  word  a  little.  Therefore 
they  tell  their  children:  "Do  not  do  so  and  so."  Gudatrigakwitl 
has  a  good  place  to  live  in,  where  it  is  shining  and  light.  There  is 
no  darkness  there.  It  is  white  there,  but  never  black.  He  does  not 
like  the  dark.  There  are  flowers  there.  He  is  alone.  Whatever 
he  thinks  exists. 

Gudatrigakwitl  said  :  "  This  sort  of  cloud  will  make  rain  ;  this  kind 
will  make  snow  ;  when  there  is  this  kind  it  will  be  very  warm."  That 
is  how  the  people  know  the  weather. 

Gudatrigakwitl  made  everything  by  wanting  it.  He  did  not  work 
with  his  hands. 

When  a  man  wants  to  go  on  the  ocean  and  it  is  rough,  he  takes 
a  stick  and  strikes  the  water  several  times  and  says  :  "  Gudatrigakwitl, 
you  made  people  be  born  long  ago.  You  made  it  that  they  go  on 
the  water.  I  want  it  to  be  calm  now."  Then  he  launches  his  boat. 
When  he  is  going  to  land  again,  he  says  :  "  Stop  the  waves  for  a 
little  while." 

2.    GUDATRIGAKWITL  AND  SPINAGARALU. 

Gudatrigakwitl  said  :  "  I  want  people  to  live  so  that  an  old  man 
will  be  a  boy  again  over  and  over  again,  and  everybody  will  live  ten 

1  Cf.  No.  17. 


96  y ournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

times."  One  who  was  evilly  disposed  said:  "Ha!  I  do  not  want 
them  to  live."  Gudatrigakwitl  said  :  "  I  do  not  want  that,  I  want  it 
only  as  I  say.  I  want  them  to  have  ten  lives."  The  one  who  wanted 
people  to  die  is  called  Spinagaralu.  He  is  one  of  the  vakirashk,  the 
bad  ones.  He  is  an  insect  that  lives  in  the  ground.  It  is  wingless 
and  dark  and  has  long  arms  like  a  spider.  People  kill  it  when  they 
see  it.     It  is  bad  and  must  not  be  played  with. 

3.    GUDATRIGAKWITL  AND  THE  FLOOD. 

Gudatrigakwitl  thought :  "  I  do  not  know  what  people  will  do." 
He  made  a  great  flood.  He  wanted  to  destroy  the  people,  to  sweep 
them  off,  so  that  there  would  be  new  people,  better  ones.  The  first 
people  were  bad.  That  is  why  he  made  the  flood.  Then  he  made 
people  again.  Only  three  mountain  peaks  projected  above  the  water. 
One  was  Yerded'hi,  Bald  Mountain  near  Redwood  Creek ;  another 
was  Shelton  Butte  (a  not  very  high  but  prominent  peak  on  the  Kla- 
math River,  between  Orleans  and  Weitchpec)  ;  the  third  was  Bear 
River  Mountain  (or  a  peak  in  that  vicinity).  From  this  flood  are  the 
lakes  in  the  mountains  and  the  plants  in  the  lakes.  From  it  also  are 
the  shells  in  the  mountains.  Before  the  flood  the  earth  was  smooth 
and  flat  without  mountains. 

4.    GATSWOKWIRE. 

After  the  world  was  made  by  Gudatrigakwitl  and  there  were  many 
people,  Gatswokwire,  or  Rakshuatlaketl,  went  about.  He  was  foolish. 
He  made  women  pregnant  by  his  supernatural  power.  Gudatriga- 
kwitl made  the  world  and  Gatswokwire  went  about  afterwards.  He 
was  not  bad  ;  he  did  not  kill  people,  but  sometimes  he  thought  about 
a  woman  :  "  I  wish  you  were  pregnant,"  and  then  she  was  pregnant. 

Gatswokwire  always  wanted  to  see  the  people  dance.  He  helped 
them  make  their  dance,  then  went  on.  He  had  many  medicines. 
Most  medicines  (probably  formulas)  belong  to  him.  If  he  was  drowned 
he  came  to  life  again.  People  would  tell  him  :  "  Do  not  go  there." 
He  would  say  :  "  I  can  go  there  ;  they  cannot  harm  me."  Then  he 
would  go. 

Gatswokwire  was  always  following  women.  The  first  time  he  went 
about  he  found  no  women.  Later  he  found  many  women.  As  he 
went  about  he  would  see  people  holding  a  small  child,  but  there 
never  was  a  mother.  He  saw  this  often.  Then  he  thought :  "What 
is  the  matter  that  the  babies  have  no  mothers  } "  He  came  to  the 
middle  of  the  world.  Then  he  saw  a  woman  being  held  by  the  arms. 
A  man  had  a  flint  and  was  ready  to  cut  her  open  to  take  out  her 
child.  In  this  way  people  were  born.  Gatswokwire  did  not  like 
this.    It  was  the  first  time  that  he  saw  it.     He  said:  "Stop!  Wait!" 


Wiskosk  Myths.  97 

He  thought :  "  I  know  why  it  is  that  the  children  have  no  mothers." 
He  went  outside  and  sat  down.  He  thought :  "  It  is  too  bad  that 
they  do  like  that  to  women.  They  kill  too  many."  He  looked 
and  saw  a  plant.  He  took  it.  He  threw  it  into  the  house  and  at 
once  the  baby  cried.^  So  now  children  are  born  and  women  are  no 
longer  cut  open.     Therefore  women  in  labor  call  Gatswokwire, 

5.    GATSWOKWIRE    AND    THE    ORIGIN    OF    SALMON. 

Gatswokwire  took  seeds  of  the  madroila  that  look  like  salmon  eggs. 
There  were  no  fish  in  the  world.  Gudatrigakwitl  had  not  let  them 
out.  He  wanted  to  keep  them  a  little  longer,  Gatswokwire,  carry- 
ing the  dry  seeds,  came  to  where  the  fish  were  kept.  There  he  took 
them  out.  Then  the  one  that  was  keeping  the  fish  thought :  "  Oh, 
they  are  already  out.  They  are  about  the  world."  The  fish  were 
kept  in  a  hollow  rock,  all  kinds  of  them.  Gudatrigakwitl  had  made 
them.  Gatswokwire  came  there  because  he  wanted  the  fish  to  be  all 
over  the  world.  Gudatrigakwitl  thought :  "  Well,  let  it  be.  Let  him 
make  them  be  all  over  the  world."  Then  it  was  foggy  and  no  one 
saw  how  the  fish  went  out.  Then  the  sun  shone  again.  Gatswok- 
wire went  on  and  came  to  a  place  and  saw  fish.  He  came  to  another 
place  and  saw  many  fish  there  too.  Some  of  the  people  had  spears, 
some  had  set  nets,  some  dip  nets.  Then  he  was  glad.  But  Guda- 
trigakwitl had  done  it.  Some  say  that  the  person  who  kept  the  fish 
was  a  woman,  some  say  that  it  was  a  man. 

6.  GATSWOKWIRE  CARRIED  ACROSS  THE  OCEAN. 

When  Gatswokwire  first  went  about  he  found  no  women.  Then 
later  he  found  ralowitlikwi  {a  flat  fish,  probably  the  skate).  She  lay 
on  the  beach  with  her  legs  spread.  Gatswokwire  thought  he  could 
use  her.  He  began  to  have  intercourse  with  her,  when  she  turned 
over  and  carried  him  off  across  the  sea.  She  took  him  to  the  other 
side  and  left  him  there.  Then  Gatswokwire,  regaining  conscious- 
ness, thought  :  "  What  place  is  this .?  Where  have  I  gone  to  }  " 
He  started  back,  walking  on  the  water.  So  he  came  to  this  world 
again.  Then  he  went  about  as  before,  looking  for  women.  The 
skate  had  lain  there  to  carry  him  ofif,  but  did  not  succeed  in  keep- 
ing him  away  from  this  world. 

7.    GUDATRIGAKWITL    AND    THE    CREATION. 

Everything  was  water.     Gurugudatrigakwitl  thought :  "  It  is  bad 

that  there  is  no  land,  but  all  water."     That  is  why  he  made  this  earth. 

He  took  a  little  dust  and  blew  it.    Then  there  was  land  all  about.    He 

looked  over  it  and  nobody  was  there.    Then  he  thought.    He  thought  : 

^  Having  been  born  immediately  through  the  power  of  the  medicine. 


98  yournal  of  A7nerican  Folk-Lore. 

"I  will  make  some  one  to  be  about."  He  made  a  man.  His  name 
was  Chkekovvik.  When  he  was  finished  he  let  him  go.  He  gave 
him  bow  and  arrow.  It  did  not  look  well  to  Gurugudatrigakwitl  to 
see  the  man  going  about  alone.  He  thought  again  and  said  :  "  I  will 
make  another  one."  Then  he  made  a  woman.  When  she  was  grown 
he  let  her  go  and  gave  her  to  the  man  to  go  with  him.  Then  they 
went  together,  the  man  first,  the  woman  behind.  Therefore  women 
follow  men.  Then  Gurugudatrigakwitl  thought :  "  What  will  he  kill 
to  eat } "  Then  he  made  elk  for  him.  He  made  two  female  elk  and  a 
bull  elk.  Then  Chkekowik  saw  them.  He  thought :  "  There  are  elk  ; 
I  will  kill  them."  Gurugudatrigakwitl  gave  them  to  him  to  kill  and 
he  thought  :  "  I  will  kill  them."  Just  as  boys  want  to  kill  everything 
they  see,  so  Chkekowik  was. 

Gurugudatrigakwitl  made  all  fishes,  birds,  and  animals.  He  had 
them  covered  up  in  a  round  basket,  dalitlen.  He  took  them  out  one 
by  one,  set  them  down,  and  they  ran  off. 

Gurugudatrigakwitl  makes  snowstorms  in  winter  by  shaking  his 
head.  Snow  comes  out  from  his  hair  and  there  is  snow  over  the 
world. 

He  made  old  people  young  again  by  sneezing.  He  thought :  "  I 
want  them  to  be  young,"  and  sneezed,  and  they  were  young.  He 
sneezed  and  made  old  clothing  and  skins  new.^ 

He  can  make  all  the  deer  come  to  him.  He  makes  the  white  deer 
by  chewing  deer  tendon.  It  swells  and  grows  in  his  mouth.  He 
spits  it  out  and  says:  "  Hello,  white  deer."  Soon  he  raises  it  up  on 
the  end  of  a  stick.  Then  it  goes  off  as  a  white  deer.  He  keeps  it  in 
the  sky.  Therefore  a  poor  man  does  not  kill  it.  If  a  man  is  rich, 
Gurugudatrigakwitl  may  let  him  see  the  white  deer  and  kill  it. 

8.    GUDATRIGAKWITL    AND    THE    SPIDER. 

The  spider  was  here  on  this  earth  without  any  way  of  catching 
flies  and  other  insects.  He  went  up  to  Gurugudatrigakwitl.  He 
asked  him  to  make  him  a  means  of  catching  them.  Gurugudatrigak- 
witl told  him:  "Sit  here  for  a  time  and  work  for  me."  Then  he 
gave  him  a  string  to  make.  The  spider  put  some  into  his  mouth  and 
swallowed  it.  He  continued  to  swallow  string.  He  kept  it  in  his 
large  belly  until  he  had  a  great  quantity.  Gurugudatrigakwitl  saw 
him  and  knew  what  he  was  doing,  but  thought :  "  Let  him  keep  it  if 
he  wants  it  so  much."  Then  the  spider  thought :  "  There  is  no  way 
to  get  down  from  here."  So  he  drew  the  end  of  the  string  from  his 
mouth,  tied  it  fast,  and  then  let  himself  down,  going  farther  and  far- 
ther. When  he  reached  the  earth  here  he  made  his  webs  and  caught 
flies  and  lived. 

1  Cf.  Nos.  I,  2,  10. 


Wishosk  Myths.  99 

9.      GUDATRIGAKWITL    AND    THE    OTTER. 

The  otter  ate  Gurugudatrigakwitl's  fish.  Gurugudatrigakwitl  knew 
it  was  he  who  had  done  it.  He  told  him  :  "  Now  live  in  the  water 
and  eat  fish." 

10.    THE    FROG   AND    SPINAGARALU. 

The  frog  had  a  single  child.  Spinagaralu  had  one  child.  The 
frog's  child  became  sick.  It  died.  The  frog  saw  that  it  was  dead. 
He  went  to  Spinagaralu  and  said  :  "  What  do  you  think  t  My  child 
is  dead."  Spinagaralu  said  :  "  Well,  let  it  be  dead."  The  frog  was 
sorry.  He  did  not  want  to  see  his  child  dead.  After  a  time  the 
child  of  Spinagaralu  became  sick  too.  Then  he  too  saw  his  child 
dead.  Then  he  came  to  the  frog's  house.  He  said  :  "  Well,  what  do 
you  think  .!*  "  The  frog  said  :  "  It  is  all  right.  Let  it  be  dead,"  and 
Spinagaralu  went  into  the  fire  and  burned  himself  dark ;  then  he 
went  into  the  ground. 

If,  when  the  frog's  child  died  and  he  went  to  Spinagaralu,  the 
latter  had  said  :  "  It  is  too  bad  that  your  child  is  dead ;  let  it  live," 
then  people  would  not  die,  but  all  would  live.  But  Spinagaralu  said  : 
"  Let  it  die,"  and  then  when  his  own  child  died,  the  frog  said  the 
same.     That  is  why  people  die,  die,  die,  and  do  not  come  back. 

II.    THE    MOLE    AND    THE    SKY. 

The  mole  is  ashamed  to  come  out  in  the  daytime.  Once  the  sky 
fell  and  it  held  it  up  with  its  hand.  Under  the  weight  of  the  sky  its 
hand  turned  bottom  up.     Hence  its  hand  is  twisted  now. 

12.    GATSWOKWIRE    EATS. 

Gatswokwire  as  he  was  going  met  a  woman  carrying  a  basket  full 
of  boderush  roots.  Gatswokwire  asked  for  some  of  them,  and  she 
gave  them  to  him.  They  tasted  good  to  him,  so  he  made  a  circuit 
and  headed  off  the  woman  so  as  to  meet  her  again.  This  time  he 
looked  different.  The  old  woman  again  gave  him  some  roots.  He 
ate  all  she  gave  him  and  then  went  on  fast  so  as  to  meet  her  again. 
Again  he  had  a  different  appearance  and  she  thought  him  another 
man  and  gave  him  some  more.  After  a  time  all  her  roots  were  gone. 
But  it  was  he  who  had  eaten  them  all.  Then  the  old  woman  got 
home.  Gatswokwire  came  to  her  house  and  said  :  "  I  am  sick.  I  ate 
too  many  boderush."  The  woman  said  :  "  But  I  gave  you  only  a  few." 
"  You  gave  me  all  you  had,"  he  said.  "  Oh !  you  were  the  same 
man  }  "  she  said.     "  Yes,  I  was  the  one." 

13.    GATSWOKWIRE    AND    COYOTE. 

Two  girls  were  living  on  top  of  a  high  hill.     The  hill  was  as  steep 


lOO  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

as  a  tree.  The  girls  did  not  want  anybody  to  come  to  them.  They 
did  not  like  men.  Gatswokvvire  went  to  the  hill.  He  failed  to  climb 
to  where  they  were,  and  returned.  Coyote  was  going  about,  always 
inquisitive.  He  came  to  where  Gatswokwire  lived  and  said  to  him  : 
"  I  hear  you  would  like  to  get  those  girls."  "Yes,  I  tried  to,  but  I 
cannot  get  up.  I  cannot  get  close  to  them,"  said  Gatswokwire.  "I 
will  go  with  you,"  said  Coyote.  Next  day  Gatswokwire  said  :  "  Let 
us  start.  I  want  to  see  you  climb  up  there,"  "  Very  well,  I  will  go 
with  you,"  said  Coyote.  When  they  reached  the  mountain.  Coyote 
went  ahead  singing.  He  sang  as  he  went  on  up.  His  song  became 
broken  by  gasps.  At  last  he  fell  over.  He  rolled  down  like  a  stone, 
and  lay  at  the  bottom.  Gatswokwire  started  slowly.  He  reached 
the  top.  He  took  one  of  the  girls  and  came  down.  Coyote  was  ly- 
ing there  asleep,  Gatswokwire  prodded  him  with  a  stick.  Coyote 
awoke.  "  Well,  did  you  get  a  girl ,? "  "  Yes,  I  got  one."  "  Are 
there  any  more  .-' "  "Yes,  the  prettiest  one  is  still  there."  "  I  will 
go  to  get  her."  "Yes,  go  on.  You  can  reach  the  place  easily." 
Then  Coyote  started  to  go  up.  He  was  part  way.  Then  he  began 
to  dig  in  the  ground;  he  saw  mice.  Gatswokwire  called  to  him: 
"What  is  there  down  there  .^  Do  you  see  any  girls  down  there?" 
Coyote  said  :  "  Yes,  there  are  girls."  The  girl  who  was  with  Gats- 
wokwire said  to  him  :  "  I  think  he  is  no  man."  Gatswokwire  said  : 
"  Oh,  he  goes  everywhere.  He  has  no  home.  He  is  always  travel- 
ling looking  for  pleasure." 

14.    COYOTE    MARRIES. 

Coyote  went  north.  He  found  a  woman.  He  said  :  "  I  am  very 
anxious  to  have  a  woman."  The  girl  said  :  "  I  want  a  man."  Coyote 
said  :  "  You  can  have  me.  I  am  a  fine  man."  The  woman  said  : 
"  Yes,  you  look  like  a  fine  man."  Coyote  said  to  her  :  "  I  will  take 
you  to  my  house."  So  they  went.  Coyote  said  :  "  Far  off  there, 
where  you  can  see,  is  my  house."  The  woman  thought :  "We  will 
soon  be  there."  They  reached  that  place  and  Coyote  said  :  "  Oh, 
my  house  is  farther  on."  They  were  going  along  near  the  beach  and 
Coyote  told  her:  "Sit  down  here."  She  sat  and  he  went  down  to 
the  beach.  When  he  came  back  he  said  :  "  Come,  let  us  go  on. 
There  is  my  house."  When  they  came  to  that  place  Coyote  said  : 
"Oh,  my  house  is  farther  on."  The  woman  became  very  tired. 
Soon  Coyote  said  to  her  again  :  "  Sit  down  here  and  rest."  Then 
he  went  down  to  the  beach.  This  time  she  watched  him  from  hid- 
ing, thinking  :  "  What  does  he  do  when  he  goes  off }  "  He  was  on 
the  beach  snapping  at  sand  fleas  and  digging  in  the  sand,  seizing 
and  eating  what  he  found.  She  thought :  "  Oh,  it  is  too  bad !  I 
thought  he  was  a  good  man."     Coyote  came  back  and  they  went  on. 


Wishosk  Myths.  loi 

He  kept  saying  to  her,  "  My  house  is  farther  on."  It  became  night 
and  they  made  a  fire  in  the  open  and  lay  down.  The  woman  did  not 
sleep.  Coyote  snored.  She  got  up  and  laid  a  rotten  log  on  his  arm 
and  went  off.  In  the  morning  Coyote  awoke  and  thought  he  had  the 
woman  in  his  arm.  He  saw  it  was  wood.  Then  he  wanted  to  look 
for  her.  He  spoke  to  his  foot.  "Where  did4:hat  woman  go  ?"  he 
asked.  He  asked  sticks  :  "  Where  is  that  woman  .-• "  The  sticks  did 
not  answer  him.  He  asked  everything.  The  woman  came  back  to 
her  home.  "  What  is  wrong  that  you  have  come  back  .-*  "  asked  her 
parents.  "  I  am  ashamed  to  tell  you,"  she  said.  "  Well,  I  did  not 
think  to  have  you  come  back,"  said  her  father.  But  Coyote  sat  on 
a  sandhill.  He  dug  in  the  ground  looking  for  food,  and  cried  and 
cried. 

15.    COYOTE    BREAKS    HIS    LEG. 

Coyote  asked  the  panther  :  "  Of  what  do  you  make  your  salmon 
harpoon?"  The  panther  said:  "I  make  it  of  deer  leg  bones." 
Coyote  said  :  "  Do  not  lie  to  me.  I  don't  believe  it."  He  kept  ask- 
ing the  panther.  At  last  the  panther  said  :  "  Well,  break  your  leg 
and  use  the  bone  for  your  harpoon."  Coyote  went  home  to  his 
grandmother.  He  said :  "  I  am  going  to  break  my  leg  to  make  a 
salmon  harpoon.  The  panther  told  me  how  to  do  it."  His  grand- 
mother told  him  :  "  He  did  not  tell  you  that.  You  cannot  do  that." 
"Yes,  he  told  me  how  to  do  it  and  I  am  going  to,"  he  said.  Then 
he  broke  his  leg  for  a  salmon  harpoon.  That  is  why  Coyote's  right 
leg  now  is  thin. 

16.    COYOTE    STUCK    IN    THE    PITCH. 

Fisher,  fox,  panther,  raccoon,  civet-cat,  and  wildcat  used  to  jump 
across  a  small  ravine.  The  stream  in  this  was  not  of  water  but  of 
pitch.  One  after  the  other  they  would  all  jump  across.  Coyote 
said  :  "  I  want  to  go  with  you.  I  want  to  jump  also."  They  told 
him  :  "  You  cannot  do  it."  But  he  said  :  "  I  can."  Fisher  said  : 
"You  cannot  run  up  a  tree  as  I  can,  going  around  and  around  it." 
But  Coyote  said  again  that  he  could  jump  the  stream.  Wildcat 
said  :  "  You  will  not  be  able  to  do  it.  Let  me  see  how  far  you  can 
jump."  Then  Coyote  ran  for  him  and  jumped.  "You  will  not  be 
able  to  do  it,"  said  Wildcat.  But  Coyote  insisted.  When  they  went 
to  jump  again.  Coyote  said  :  "  I  will  jump  with  you,"  and  accompanied 
them.  When  they  came  to  the  place  Coyote  said  :  "  My  family  used 
to  do  that."  Then  he  jumped.  He  went  well  over  the  ravine.  Then 
he  turned  and  immediately  jumped  back  across  it.  At  once  he  jumped 
across  it  again,  and  just  cleared  it  ;  jumping  again  he  landed  in  the 
middle.     He  stuck  fast  and  could  not  get  out.     Fisher  said  :  "  You 

VOL.  xvni.  —  NO.  69.     8 


102  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore, 

will  not  get  off.  I  will  not  stay  here  waiting  for  you.  It  is  no  use. 
You  will  stay  there."  Coyote  said  :  "  No,  my  friends,  do  not  leave 
me.  I  think  I  will  get  loose  somehow."  Fisher  told  him  :"  No,  you 
will  not  get  free.  You  will  be  born  again."  Then  they  all  went  off. 
Next  day  they  came  back.  Coyote  was  gone ;  only  bones  and  fur  were 
in  his  place.  Fisher  said  :  "  Where  is  Coyote  }  He  is  gone."  Then 
from  a  little  distance  Coyote  said  :  "  Wo,  I  have  been  lying  here 
sleeping."  Then  they  asked  him  to  jump  again.  But  Coyote  would 
not  do  it.  He  said:  "You  got  the  best  of  me."  Fisher  said  :  **I 
did  not  deceive  you.  I  told  you  you  would  not  do  it.  When  one 
jumps  across  he  should  rest.  Then  after  a  while  he  can  jump  back. 
But  you  jumped  back  and  forth  and  back.     That  is  why  you  fell  in." 

17.    THE    dog's    fire. 

The  panther  asked  the  dog  where  he  got  fire.  The  dog  said  that 
he  had  no  fire.  He  denied  until  the  panther  became  angry.  Then 
the  dog  became  angry  too,  and,  although  he  knew,  would  not  tell  the 
panther.  So  when  the  panther  killed  deer  he  ate  them  raw.  The 
dog  had  two  sticks.  One  of  them  had  holes  in  it.  In  these  he  bored 
with  the  other  stick.  Even  though  there  might  be  wind  and  rain  he 
got  fire. 

18.    THE    BLUE   JAY    AND    THE    OTHER   BIRDS. 

The  blue  jay  lived  in  the  mountains  on  acorns.  She  gathered 
many  acorns,  and  in  winter  constantly  pounded  them.  The  meadow- 
lark,  robin,  and  blackbird  also  lived  on  acorns,  but  when  spring  came 
they  had  nothing  to  eat.  The  blue  jay  put  acorn  meal  on  all  her 
feathers.  When  she  wanted  to  eat  she  would  shake  out  a  feather 
over  a  basket,  and  the  basket  filled  with  meal.  When  it  was  spring, 
and  the  meadowlark,  the  robin,  and  the  blackbird  looked  about  and 
could  see  nothing  to  cat,  they  went  to  the  blue  jay's  house  and  each 
asked  her  :  "  Where  do  you  keep  your  acorns  all  winter  } "  Then  the 
blue  jay  said  :  "  I  will  tell  you  where  I  keep  my  acorns.  Look." 
Then  she  lifted  a  feather.  It  was  full  of  acorn  meal.  She  lifted 
another,  and  it  was  full  of  meal.  Every  feather  on  her  body  was 
full.  Then  she  shook  some  out,  cooked  it,  and  gave  it  to  them  to  eat. 
The  three  others  went  to  their  houses  and  pounded  acorns.  They 
pounded  a  large  quantity.  Then  they  stood  up  and  put  the  meal  over 
their  body.  The  meadowlark's  little  daughter  became  hungry.  The 
meadowlark  told  her  :  "Heat  the  rocks."  Then  she  took  a  basket, 
put  it  to  her  body,  lifted  a  feather,  shook  it,  and  nothing  came.  Then 
she  shook  another  and  another  but  got  nothing.  The  meal  had  all 
fallen  off.  Then  the  three  went  to  the  blue  jay  and  asked  her  : 
"  How  do  you  make  the  acorn  meal  stick  to  your  feathers  t     What 


Wishosk  Myths.  103 

myth  (medicine  formula)  makes  it  so? "  Blue  jay  said  :  "You  are  not 
able  to  do  it.  Even  if  I  told  you  the  myth  you  would  not  be  able  to 
do  it."     Then  she  gave  them  food  again. 

The  three  women  also  asked  the  blue  jay  how  she  made  her  acorn 
meal  without  leaching  it.  She  said  :  "  I  take  a  handful  of  meal  and 
rub  it  against  my  elbow."  The  birds  went  home,  took  freshly 
pounded  meal,  and  cooked  it  without  leaching  it ;  but  when  they 
went  to  eat,  it  was  still  bitter. 

19.    THE    SEA    LION    AND    THE    GRIZZLY    BEAR. 

The  sea  lion  lay  on  the  beach  asleep.  The  grizzly  bear  came  along 
the  beach  looking  for  something  to  eat.  He  saw  the  sea  lion  lying 
immovable  and  the  flies  going  into  his  nostrils.  He  thought  him 
dead  and  went  to  bite  a  piece  off  him.  The  sea  hon  jumped  up. 
Seizing  the  grizzly  bear  by  the  back  of  the  neck,  he  shook  him  to 
death.   Then  he  went  off  into  the  ocean.     The  bear  lay  on  the  beach. 

20.  THE  CROW,  THE  EAGLE,  AND  THE  PORPOISES. 

The  crow  was  married  to  the  eagle.  He  went  off  across  the  ocean 
to  visit  his  niece,  the  eel,  who  was  married  there.  He  took  his  two 
children,  a  boy  and  a  girl,  the  porpoises,  with  him.  Out  in  the  ocean 
he  put  them  on  a  rock  and  left  them.  Then  he  came  back.  "  What 
did  you  do  with  the  children  .''"  the  eagle  asked  him.  "They  are  in 
their  grandmother's  house,"  the  crow  told  her.  At  night  the  boy 
came  back.  The  crow  ran  off.  The  eagle  asked  her  son  how  he 
had  come  back,  and  the  boy  told  his  mother :  "  My  father  put  us  on 
the  rocks  and  left  us.  The  sea-otter  took  me  and  brought  me  to  land. 
My  sister  is  dead."  The  eagle  pursued  the  crow.  She  caught  him 
and  brought  him  back.  She  put  him  into  the  fire  and  burned  him 
until  he  died. 

21.    THE    RAVEN    CATCHES    A    WOMAN. 

The  raven  went  to  get  a  woman  for  another  man.  She  was  bath- 
ing and  did  not  see  him  coming.  While  she  swam  he  went  on  the 
sand  and  took  her  dress.  When  she  came  out  she  asked  for  her 
dress  but  he  did  not  give  it  to  her.  She  would  go  up  to  him  to  take 
it  as  he  held  it,  but  he  would  pull  it  away  and  she  would  follow  him 
to  get  it.  Thus  they  went  until  they  came  to  where  the  people  were. 
The  raven  sat  down  in  the  middle  and  the  woman  sat  down  opposite 
him.  Then  he  said:  "I  do  not  want  you."  Then  she  went  to  an- 
other house  where  the  man  was  who  married  her.  When  she  had 
lived  there  some  time  her  husband  told  her  to  go  back.  Her  rela- 
tives, thinking  her  dead,  had  mourned  for  her,  but  when  they  saw 
her  alive  they  were  glad.     "  It  is  good.     We  are  satisfied,"  they  said. 


1 04  Journal  of  A  merican  Folk-Lore. 

22.    THE    PELICAN    AND    THE    EAGLE. 

The  pelican  used  to  catch  fish  where  others  caught  them.  He 
would  take  away  their  catch.  For  one  year  he  took  it.  Then  the 
eagle  came.  He  thought :  "  It  is  not  right  to  do  that.  I  will  look 
for  him."  They  were  catching  surf  fish  with  dip  nets  :  and  when  the 
pelican  took  what  they  caught,  the  eagle  came  and  said  :  "  Why  do 
you  do  that  .'*  You  shall  not  do  it  any  longer."  He  went  out  into  the 
water  to  where  the  pelican  was,  seized  him,  and  tore  him  to  pieces. 
Then  the  others  caught  fish  without  being  afraid. 

23.    THE    SKUNK   AND    THE   ELK. 

The  skunk  pretended  he  was  sick.  The  flies  went  to  get  the  elk 
to  doctor  him.  "The  skunk  is  sick.  The  pain  is  in  his  anus,"  they 
said.  The  elk  came  and  danced  for  him.  He  sang :  "  Delekotin, 
delekotinin."  He  began  to  suck  him.  Then  the  skunk  shot  and 
killed  him.  The  flies  were  glad  and  rubbed  their  hands.  "  I  am  glad. 
I  will  eat  elk,"  they  said.  They  cut  the  elk  up  with  their  knives  and 
ate.  The  skunk  had  done  it.  Now  he  was  well.  When  they  had 
eaten,  the  flies  went  home. 

24.    LAKUNOWOVITKATL. 

Whenever  a  whale  came  ashore  and  there  were  many  fires  (of 
people)  on  the  beach,  Lakunowovitkatl  always  came,  hoping  to  get 
food,  but  they  always  beat  him  away.  All  the  time  he  asked  for 
meat  and  tried  to  get  it  but  they  would  not  let  him  have  it.  Thus 
it  always  went.  He  came  but  they  beat  him  and  never  fed  him. 
Then  Lakunowovitkatl  thought:  " They  have  done  it  to  me  often. 
What  shall  I  do  ?  I  will  go  off  to  train  myself."  Then  he  went  off 
to  train.  He  went  to  a  lake,  where  the  spirits  (yagalichirakw),  who 
had  seen  him  maltreated,  helped  him.  Then  he  came  back.  Again 
a  whale  came  ashore.  He  went  to  see  if  he  could  get  food.  He 
began  to  cut  off  from  the  whale.  He  stood  in  the  water.  One  of 
them  went  up  to  him,  but  Lakunowovitkatl  pushed  him  away.  Again 
he  went  up.  Lakunowovitkatl  pushed  him  so  that  he  fell  down  at  a 
distance.  Then  he  saw  the  dog  coming  to  him,  and  pushed  him  so 
that  he  broke  in  two.  Another  dog  came  and  he  pushed  him  too 
and  broke  him.  The  chicken-hawk  came,  saying  :  "  What  is  the  mat- 
ter with  you  }  You  are  very  strong.  What  have  you  been  practising.? " 
He  broke  him  in  two  also.  Another  one  came.  "Where  have  you 
trained  .? "  he  asked.  Him  also  he  pushed  and  broke.  Then  they 
had  enough  and  were  afraid.  They  maltreated  him  no  more.  Now 
he  would  have  a  whale  for  himself.  Whatever  came  ashore  he  owned. 
They  were  afraid  of  Lakunowovitkatl  (also  called  Lakunowovitkats) 
and  troubled  him  no  more. 


Wishosk  Myths.  105 

25.    DIKWAGITERAI. 

At  Tvvutka  dalagerili,  on  Eel  river  opposite  Table  Bluff,  lived 
Dikwagiterai,  an  old  man.  He  was  not  really  old.  He  was  alone 
and  poor,  and  supported  himself.  Every  night  ten  rich  men  went  by 
in  a  boat  down  the  river.  They  were  the  Watsayigeritl.  They  went 
in  a  large  boat  across  the  ocean,  where  they  danced  every  night  for 
a  girl.  Every  night  they  said  in  ridicule  to  Dikwagiterai  :  "  Come 
along.  Come  with  us."  He  always  thought  to  himself:  "Why  do 
you  do  that .''     You  should  not  say  that."     He  sang  :  — 

"Shoungin  dawitl  rematvin,  do  not  tell  me  to  come  with  you." 

Every  night  as  they  went  by  they  said  the  same  thing.  Then  he 
-sang:  — 

"  Shoungin  tlilevilewal." 

Then  at  last  he  said  :  "  Well,  stop.  I  am  going  with  you."  He 
shook  his  hair,  and  spread  it  out.  It  was  combed  fine.  He  was 
naked  on  account  of  being  poor.  Only  he  took  down  a  belt  from 
the  corner  of  the  house  and  put  it  on.  Then  they  went  across  the 
ocean  to  Shure.  The  name  of  the  girl  for  whom  they  danced  was 
Hi-wat,  abalone.  She  was  also  called  Watswukerakwi.  She  was 
smooth  and  shiny  like  shell  all  over  her  body.  Her  father's  name 
was  Haleptlini.  She  was  in  a  large  house  on  a  high  rock,  hidden 
by  tule  mats.  She  sat  inside  them  as  on  a  shelf,  and  did  not  move. 
All  the  rich  men  went  into  the  house  dressed  up  their  finest  with 
woodpecl^er-heads  and  dentalia.  The  Watsayigeritl  went  in,  and 
after  them  Dikwagiterai,  now  the  finest  of  all  with  woodpecker 
heads  and  dentalia.  Then  they  danced.  The  ten  Watsayigeritl 
danced  like  a  party  from  one  place  competing  against  another, 
namely,  Dikwagiterai.  While  they  danced,  singing,  the  girl  did  not 
stir.  Then  Dikwagiterai  stood  up  and  danced.  He  sang  :  "Hiloni 
wengiwin,"  and  the  girl  jumped  down  from  her  place.  The  Watsayi- 
geritl, ashamed  at  being  surpassed,  hurried  out  and  went  off  in  their 
boat.  Dikwagiterai  came  after  them  and  called  to  them  :  "  Why  do 
you  go  away  without  me  .?  Stop.  Come  nearer."  He  told  the  girl : 
"  Hold  my  belt  behind,"  When  the  boat  approached,  he  jumped 
into  it,  the  woman  holding  behind.  Then  they  went  over  the  ocean. 
When  they  came  into  the  river  and  to  the  place  where  he  lived,  he  told 
them  :  "Let  me  out."  When  they  approached  the  shore,  he  jumped 
to  land,  the  woman  holding  to  him  by  his  belt.  The  Watsayigeritl 
went  on  up  the  river.  Then  Dikwagiterai  was  afraid  that  they  would 
kill  him  and  went  to  Dapeletgek,  Areata  Bottom.  There  he  made 
a  good,  smooth,  grassy  place  to  live.  From  there  he  went  away  to 
get  dentalia  to  pay  for  his  wife.  He  told  her  :  "  Look  over  the  hill 
every  morning  for  a  large  light,  the  morning  star.  This  will  be  a 
sign  that  I  am  coming  back  that  day."     When  he  came  back  he 


I  o6  yournal  of  A  merican  Folk-L ore. 

brought  many  dentalia.     Then  he  went  across  the  ocean  to  Hve,  to 
Shure,  where  his  wife  was  from,  and  paid  for  her  in  dentalia. 

ABSTRACTS. 

1.  Above-old-man  makes  water,  vegetation,  animals,  and  man,  and  in- 
structs man  as  to  life. 

2.  He  wants  men  to  live  ten  times,  but  is  unable  to  prevail  against  the 
underground  insect  spinagaralu,  so  that  men  die  without  returning. 

3.  Above-old-man  destroys  people  with  a  flood,  which  covers  all  except 
three  mountain  peaks,  and  then  makes  a  new  race. 

4.  The  culture-hero-trickster  Gatswokwire  makes  medicine  which  ena- 
bles women  to  bear  children  without  being  themselves  killed. 

5.  He  comes  to  the  keeper  of  fish,  and  by  pretending  to  have  fish  eggs 
secures  the  release  of  fish  into  the  world. 

6.  He  is  carried  across  the  ocean  by  a  woman  he  finds  on  the  beach. 

7.  Above-old-man  makes  the  earth,  man,  and  animals. 

8.  The  spider  descends  from  the  sky  by  string  he  has  made  for  Above- 
old-man  and  swallowed. 

9.  The  otter  eating  Above-old-man's  fish  is  told  by  him  to  live  in  the 
water. 

10.  The  frog's  child  dying,  the  insect  spinagaralu  refuses  to  let  it  come 
to  life  again,  and  thus  causes  permanent  death.  When  spinagaralu's  child 
dies,  the  frog  is  obdurate. 

11.  The  sky  falls  and  the  mole  supports  it  with  its  hand,  which  becomes 
twisted. 

12.  The  culture-hero-trickster  Gatswokwire  changes  his  form  in  order 
to  obtain  food  from  the  same  person  repeatedly. 

13.  He  and  Coyote  go  to  get  women.  He  succeeds  but  Coyote  fails 
and  looks  for  food. 

14.  Coyote  marries  and  takes  away  his  wife.  He  has  no  home,  but  de- 
ceives the  woman.     She  sees  him  looking  for  food  and  leaves  him. 

15.  Coyote,  troubling  the  panther  as  to  the  making  of  his  harpoon  point, 
is  told  to  break  his  leg,  which  he  does. 

16.  Coyote  leaps  with  other  animals  across  a  stream  of  pitch.  Overdo- 
ing the  feat,  he  falls  in,  sticks,  and  dies.     He  returns  to  life. 

17.  The  dog  makes  fire  with  the  fire  drill.  He  refuses  to  give  it  to  the 
panther. 

18.  The  blue  jay  has  the  power  of  shaking  acorn  meal  from  her  feathers, 
and  of  leaching  it  supernaturally.  Other  women  try  to  imitate  her  but 
fail. 

19.  The  grizzly  bear  thinks  the  sea  lion  dead,  but  is  killed  by  him. 

20.  The  crow  crosses  the  ocean  and  abandons  his  children  on  a  rock. 
One  of  them  returns,  and  the  crow's  wife,  the  eagle,  burns  him. 

21.  The  raven  takes  a  bathing  woman's  dress,  and  thus  makes  her  follow 
him  to  the  man  who  is  to  marry  her. 

22.  The  pelican  deprives  others  of  their  catch  of  fish  until  he  is  killed 
by  the  eagle. 


Wiskosk  Myths.  107 

23.  The  skunk  pretending  to  be  sick,  the  elk  is  called  as  doctor,  but  is 
shot  and  killed  by  the  skunk. 

24.  A  poor  boy  is  oppressed  and  starved.  The  spirits  give  him  power 
and  he  overcomes  his  oppressors  and  is  a  prominent  man. 

25.  A  poor  man  accompanies  ten  rich  men  who  cross  the  ocean  nightly 
to  dance.  He  surpasses  them  and  wins  a  wife.  After  his  return  he  pro- 
cures dentalia  to  pay  for  her  and  goes  back  across  the  ocean  with  her  to 
live. 

A.  L.  Kroeber. 


io8  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore, 


EXPLANATION   OF   THE   SEATTLE   TOTEM   POLE. 

Every  visitor  to  Seattle,  Washington,  has  been  attracted  and  more 
or  less  interested  by  the  great  totem  pole  that  adorns  its  main  square, 
but  until  recently  no  authentic  explanation  of  the  carvings  upon  it 
had  been  obtained. 

During  the  last  year,  however,  Professor  Edmond  S.  Meany  of  the 
University  of  Washington  interested  himself  in  the  matter,  and  after 
much  correspondence  obtained  an  account  of  it  from  a  Tlingit  Indian 
of  Ketchikan,  David  E.  Kininnook,  which  was  published  in  the  Seattle 
"  Post-Intelligencer  "  of  September  4,  last. 

Recently  Professor  Boas  has  received  from  Mr.  George  Hunt  much 
longer  versions  of  the  myths  here  illustrated  and  has  transmitted 
them  to  me,  suggesting  that  I  extract  the  essential  portions  and  send 
them  to  the  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore  for  publication,  along 
with  a  reproduction  of  the  pole.  The  accounts  were  obtained  by 
Mr.  George  Hunt  from  its  former  owner,  Mrs.  Robert  Hunt,  and 
therefore  ought  to  be  reliable.  It  seems  that  the  pole  belonged  to 
the  Ganaxa'di  (People  of  Ga'nax),  one  of  the  principal  Tlingit  families 
belonging  to  the  Raven  clan. 

At  the  top  of  this  pole  is  Raven  himself  in  the  act  of  carrying  off 
the  moon  in  his  mouth.  The  story  told  about  this  is  the  familiar 
northwest  coast  tale  of  the  being  at  the  head  of  Nass,  who  kept  day- 
light and  the  moon  in  boxes  in  his  house,  and  of  how  Raven  stole  these 
by  assuming  the  form  of  a  hemlock  needle,  letting  himself  be  swal- 
lowed by  that  chief's  daughter  and  being  born  again  through  her. 
But  after  recounting  in  the  usual  manner  how  the  disguised  Raven 
obtained  the  daylight  and  moon  by  crying  for  them,  this  version  con- 
cludes in  the  Nass  fashion,  i.  e.  Raven  lets  out  the  Hght  to  obtain 
olachen  from  the  ghosts  who  are  fishing  from  canoes  made  of  grave- 
boxes.  In  the  Wrangel  version  these  fishermen  appear  as  the  ori- 
ginal animals  who  were  then  in  human  shape  but  fled  to  the  woods 
and  into  the  sea,  and  became  the  kinds  of  animals  whose  skins  they 
happened  to  be  wearing  at  the  time.  Mr.  Hunt's  version  also  makes 
the  home  of  the  keeper  of  daylight  in  a  cave,  and  presents  Raven's 
quest  as  the  result  of  a  council  to  which  he  had  called  all  of  his 
people. 

The  next  two  figures  are  said  to  be  a  woman  and  a  frog  illus- 
trating the  familiar  story  of  the  woman  who  teased  a  frog  and  was 
carried  off  to  the  frog  town,  where  she  married.  To  recover  her, 
the  lake  in  which  the  frog  town  stood  was  drained.  According  to 
Mr.  Hunt  the  woman  whose  story  is  related  here  was  one  of  the 
Ganaxa'di  called  Gatla'x,  but  it  is  generally  told  of  the  Kiksa'di. 


TOTEM  POLE  AT  SEATTLE 


Explanation  of  the  Seattle  Totem  Pole.  109 

Aside  from  this  it  differs  from  other  tales  of  the  sort  only  in  making 
the  heroine  send  her  two  little  sons  back  to  her  father's  house  after  a 
bone  to  pierce  holes  in  skins,  and  in  making  her  father's  people  break 
a  dam  in  order  to  drain  the  lake  and  kill  all  of  the  frogs  except  her 
children  after  they  had  done  so. 

Below  the  frog  carving  comes  another  episode  from  the  story  of 
Raven.  First  is  a  carving  of  Mink,  then  Raven,  next  a  common 
whale,  and  at  the  bottom  "the  chief  of  all  birds."  It  is  the  familiar 
tale  relating  how  Raven  was  swallowed  by  a  whale  and  lived  on  its 
insides  until  he  killed  it  and  drifted  ashore,  but  the  version  is  very 
elaborate  and  differs  in  many  particulars  from  any  heretofore  pub- 
lished. In  the  first  place  Raven  is  represented  as  taking  Mink  along 
with  him  as  his  companion.  This  is  an  incident  of  the  tradition  of 
the  Kimkink.i  Secondly,  the  whale  is  asked  to  take  them  across  a 
bay  or  strait  as  a  favor,  and  himself  directs  Raven  to  cut  out  and  eat 
portions  of  his  fat  if  he  will  be  careful  not  to  touch  his  heart.  After 
the  people  outside  had  cut  a  hole  in  order  to  liberate  them,  it  is  said 
that  Mink  jumped  out  all  oily  and  rolled  in  rotten  wood,  giving  his 
fur  the  appearance  it  has  to-day,  and  that  Raven  did  likewise. 

The  conclusion  is  quite  new  to  me.  According  to  this  the  whale 
drifted  ashore  at  Naikun  or  Rose  Spit  on  the  northeastern  end  of 
the  Queen  Charlotte  Islands,  and  afterwards  Raven  and  Mink  started 
to  walk  around  them.  "  One  day  he  [Raven]  found  a  great  house, 
and  then  he  thought  to  himself,  '  I  will  go  and  see  whose  house  it  is  ? ' 
And  when  he  went  into  it  there  he  saw  a  great  man  with  a  bird  beak 
on  him,  and  as  soon  as  Yatl  [the  Raven]  saw  him  he  knew  who  it  was. 
And  then  Yatl  called  him  by  his  name.  His  name  is  Nasak  Yale  or 
Chief  of  all  Birds.  Now  he  [Raven]  was  the  chief  of  the  Raven  tribe." 
Because  this  person  was  chief  of  all  the  birds,  Yatl  had  a  long  talk 
with  him  and  told  him  everything  that  he  had  done.  The  chief 
of  all  the  birds  was  not  pleased  with  those  things,  however,  so  he 
turned  Raven  into  the  bird  we  see  to-day  and  Mink  into  a  corre- 
sponding animal. 

There  is  substantial  agreement  between  these  explanations  and 
those  given  by  Mr.  Kininnook.  In  the  second  episode,  however,  the 
latter  makes  it  a  man  who  married  a  frog  woman,  and  he  weaves  the 
whole  story  into  the  myth  of  Raven  by  making  Raven  tell  this  man 
to  do  so.  He  also  seems  to  identify  Mink  with  Low-Tide-Woman, 
whom  he  makes  Raven  marry  in  order  to  obtain  things  found  at  low 
tide.  In  the  version  of  the  Raven  story  which  I  collected  at  Wrangel, 
Mink  also  appears  in  the  tale  of  Low-Tide-Woman  but  is  not  identified 
with  her.  Again,  Mr.  Kininnook  calls  this  whale  a  killer  instead  of 
a  common  whale,  and  makes  Raven  marry  it  in  order  to  get  more 
^  Boas,  Indianische  Sagen  von  der  Nord-Pacifischen  KUste  Amerikas. 


no  Journal  of  A merican  Folk-Lore. 

food,  while  the  lowest  figure  he  identifies  with  the  keeper  of  the  day- 
light, whom  he  calls  the  father,  instead  of  the  grandfather  of  Raven. 
This  last  being  is  worthy  of  special  attention.  The  native  name 
that  Mr.  Hunt  gives  him,  Nasak  Yale,  and  which  I  write  Nas-ca'kl- 
yetl,  means  Raven-at-the-Head-of-Nass  and  was  given  by  my  Wrangel 
informant  as  the  name  of  the  keeper  of  the  daylight,  moon,  etc.  He 
was  furthermore  asserted  to  be  the  supreme  deity  of  the  Tlingit  and 
the  special  object  of  their  prayers.  I  had  supposed  this  view  of  him 
to  have  arisen  under  missionary  stimulus,  but  what  Mr.  Hunt  says 
would  suggest  that  there  was  some  aboriginal  foundation  for  it. 
Perhaps  he  was  the  Tlingit  equivalent  for  the  Tsimshian  and  Haida 
heaven  gods,  Laxha'  and  Sins  sga'nagwai.^ 

yolm  R.  Swanton. 

^  Respecting  the  pole  figured  on  the  frontispiece  Mr.  Hunt  writes :  "  This  is 
the  totem  pole  at  Fort  Rupert,  imitation  of  that  taken  from  Alaska  and  now 
in  Seattle,  put  up  by  its  true  owner,  Mrs.  Robert  Hunt,  who  put  it  over  her  dead 
mother  as  a  tombstone."  He  adds  that  its  true  history  will  be  found  in  the  paper 
written  by  him,  and  signs  himself  "  Geo.  Hunt,  History  Collector." 


Mythology  of  Indian  Stocks  North  of  Mexico.        1 1 1 

MYTHOLOGY  OF  INDIAN   STOCKS  NORTH   OF 

MEXICO. 

I. 

The  following  notes  are  intended  as  a  brief  guide  to  the  principal 
literature  of  the  mythology  of  the  Indian  stocks  north  of  the  Mexi- 
can boundary  line.  The  arrangement  is  the  linguistic  one  of  the 
late  Major  J.  W.  Powell  and  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology, 
with  a  few  modifications  in  spelling. 

Of  works  of  a  general  nature  on  the  mythology  of  the  American 
Indians,  or  certain  large  sections  of  them,  there  may  be  mentioned 
here  :  Miiller's  "  Amerikanische  Urreligionen  "  (Basel,  1855)  ;  Boas's 
"Indianische  Sagen  von  der  Nord-Pacifischen  Kiiste"  (Berlin,  1895) ; 
Brinton's  "American  Hero-Myths"  (Phila.  1882),  "Essays  of  an 
Americanist"  (Phila.  1890),  "Myths  of  the  New  World"  (new  ed. 
Phila.  1896).  "The  American  Anthropologist,"  "The  Journal  of 
American  Folk-Lore,"  and  "  The  American  Antiquarian,"  besides 
the  extensive  publications  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology,  con- 
tain many  monographs  and  articles. 

Of  the  following  stocks,  some  of  which  are  altogether  extinct,  and 
others  nearly  so,  no  considerable  body  of  mythological  data  has  been 
published,  or  is  known  to  exist :  — 

I.  Adaizan,  2.  Attacapan,  3.  Beothukan,  4.  Chimakuan,  5.  Chima- 
rikan,  6.  Chitimachan,  7.  Chumashan,  8.  Coahuiltecan,  9.  Costanoan, 
10.  Esselenian,  11.  Kalapooian,  12.  Karankawan,  13.  Kusan,  14. 
Natchesan,  15.  Salinan,  16.  Sastean,  17.  Takilman,  18,  Timuquanan, 
19.  Tonikan,  20.  Tonkawan,  21.  Waiilatpuan,  22.  Washoan,  23.  Wish- 
oskan.i 

The  amount  of  material,  published  or  in  existence  in  MSS.,  con- 
cerning  the  following  stocks  is  not  very  extensive :  — 

1.  Kidanapan.  Some  legends  and  other  mythological  data  of  the 
Pomo,  Gallinomero,  Kabinapek,  Senel,  Yokaia,  etc.,  of  this  stock  are 
given  by  Powers  in  his  "Tribes  of  Cahfornia"  (Contrib.  N.  Amer. 
Ethnol.  1877,  vol.  iii.).  The  basketry  designs  of  the  Pomo  tribes  are 
discussed  at  pages  20-24  of  Dixon's  work  on  this  subject. 

2.  Mariposan.  Some  legends  and  other  mythological  data  of  the 
Yokuts,  etc.,  of  this  stock  are  given  by  Powers  {op.  cit).  Mr.  J.  W. 
Hudson  (Journ.  Amer,  Folk-Lore,  1902,  vol.  xv.  pp.  104-106)  has  pub- 
lished a  Mariposan  myth  of  the  San  Joaquin  basin. 

3.  Moquelumnan.    Some  legends,  etc.,  from  the  Chokoyem,  Miwok, 

^  Since  this  was  written  Dr.  A.  L.  Kroeber  has  published  in  the  Journal  of 
American Folk-Lore,vo\.  xvii.  pp.  85-107,  "  Wishosk  Myths,"  embodying  English 
tests  and  abstracts  of  twenty-five  tales,  —  a  valuable  contribution. 


112  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

etc.,  of  this  stock  are  given  by  Powers  {op.  cit.).  A  few  basket- 
designs  of  the  Moquelumnan  Indians  of  Amador  and  Calaveras 
counties  are  described  by  Dixon  {op.  cit.  p.  19). 

4.  PalaiJmiJian.  Some  legends  and  other  mythological  data  from 
the  Achomawi,  etc.,  of  this  stock  are  given  by  Powers  {op.  cit). 
The  basketry  designs  of  the  Pit  River  Indians  of  this  stock  are  dis- 
cussed by  Dixon  {op.  cit.  pp.  14-17).  The  shamans  of  the  Acho- 
mawi are  briefly  described  by  Dr.  R.  B.  Dixon  (Journ.  Amer.  Folk- 
Lore,  1904,  vol.  xvii.  pp.  24,  25). 

5.  Piman.  The  existence  among  the  tribes  of  this  stock  of  a 
method  of  recording  events  by  means  of  notched  sticks  was  discov- 
ered by  the  late  Dr.  Frank  Russell,  who  has  given  a  brief  account 
of  these  "  Pima  Annals  "  (Amer.  Anthrop.  1903,  n.  s.  vol.  v.  pp.  76- 
80).  Details  will  appear  in  his  monograph  on  the  Indians  of  this 
region  to  be  published  by  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology.  The 
narratives  accompanying  these  "annals  "  contain  many  mythological 
items.  According  to  Mr.  Mooney  (Ann.  Rep.  Bur.  Amer.  Ethn. 
1892-93,  p.  805)  the  Pima  were  unaffected  by  the  "  ghost  dance  "  of 
1890.  The  Papago  branch  of  the  Piman  stock  were  visited  by 
Dr.  W  J  McGee  in  1894-95,  but  the  results  of  the  investigation 
have  not  yet  appeared  in  detail. 

6.  Qiwratean.  Some  legends  and  other  mythological  data  from 
the  Karok,  of  this  stock,  are  given  by  Powers  {op.  cit.). 

7.  Shahaptian.  Some  "  Notes  on  the  Mythology  and  Religion  of 
the  Nez  Perc6,"  of  this  stock,  were  published  by  R.  L.  Packard  in 
1 891  (Journ.  Amer.  Folk-Lore,  vol.  iv.  pp.  327-330).  The  subjects 
dealt  with  are  the  stealing  of  fire  by  the  beaver  from  the  pines  and 
the  obtaining  of  the  sacred  or  vigil  name  by  children.  According 
to  Mr.  James  Mooney  (Ann.  Rep.  Bur.  Amer.  Ethn.  1892-93,  p.  805) 
the  "ghost  dance"  excitement  of  1890  touched  very  slightly,  if  at 
all,  the  Shahaptian  tribes  of  the  Columbia  basin.  In  the  "Ameri- 
can Anthropologist"  (1900,  vol.  ii.  n.  s.  pp.  779,  780)  Mrs.  R.  S. 
Shackelford  published  a  brief  "  Legend  of  the  Klickatat  Basket." 

8.  Uchean.  In  the  "  American  Anthropologist"  (1893,  vol.  vi, 
pp.  279-282)  Dr.  A.  S.  Gatschet  published  "  Some  Mythic  Stories  of 
the  Yuchi  Indians."  Abstracts  are  given  of  myths  relating  to  origin 
of  dry  land,  making  of  first  land,  origin  of  red-cedar,  sun  myths, 
etc.  The  Algonkian  diving  episode  appears  in  the  myth  relating  to 
the  discovery  of  dry  land. 

9.  Weitspekan.  Some  legends  and  other  mythological  data  from 
the  Yurok,  of  this  stock,  are  given  by  Powers  {op.  cit). 

10.  Yakonan.  In  1900  Dr.  Livingston  Farrand  visited  the  Alsea 
Indians  of  Oregon,  who  belong  to  this  stock,  and  obtained  "  a  series 
of  connected  texts  -and  translations."     The  result  of  the  investiga- 


Mythology  of  Indian  Stocks  North  of  Mexico.        1 1 3 

tion  is  resumed  in  an  article,  "  Notes  on  the  Alsea  Indians  of  Ore- 
gon" (Amer.  Anthrop,  1901,  n.  s.  iii.  pp.  240-247).  General  be- 
liefs about  the  world,  past  and  present,  shamanism,  tribal  stories, 
traditions,  etc.,  are  briefly  considered.  The  "Transformer"  or 
"  Wanderer  "  is  the  central  figure  of  these  legends.  Another  sub- 
ject is  the  adventures  of  five  brothers ;  the  youngest  is  the  cleverest 
and  deviser  of  means  of  escape  from  danger  and  difficulty. 

11.  Yanan.  At  pages  279-484  of  Mr.  Curtin's  "Creation  Myths 
of  Primitive  America"  (Boston,  1898)  are  given  the  English  texts  of 
thirteen  tales  and  legends  of  the  Yanas,  cosmogonic  and  animal, 
including  myths  of  the  hero-child,  finding  of  fire,  the  first  battle, 
star-lore,  etc. 

12.  Yiiman.  The  mythology  and  folk-lore  of  some  of  the  tribes 
of  this  stock  are  but  little  known.  "A  Yuma  Cremation,"  as  wit- 
nessed by  him  in  1892,  has  been  described  by  Mr.  G.  R.  Putnam 
(Amer.  Anthrop.  1895,  vol.  viii.  pp.  264-267).  In  the  "California 
Medical  Journal"  (1896,  vol.  xviii.  pp.  135-140)  Mr.  W.  T.  Heffer- 
mann  discusses  "  Medicine  among  the  Yumas." 

The  mythology  of  the  Dieguenos  or  Mission  Indians  of  San  Diego 
has  been  studied  by  Miss  C.  Du  Bois,  who  has  published  several  brief 
articles  in  the  "Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore"  and  elsewhere. 
"The  Mythology  of  the  Dieguenos"  (1901,  vol.  xiv.  pp.  181-185) 
gives  cosmogonic  and  animal  myths. 

Dr.  A.  L.  Kroeber's  "  Preliminary  Sketch  of  the  Mohave  Indi- 
ans" (Amer.  Anthrop.  1902,  n.  s.  vol.  iv.  pp.  276-285)  contains  notes 
on  religion,  mythology,  ceremonies,  folk-lore.  The  "  younger  bro- 
ther" myth  is  prominent.  Mohave  mythology  "in  its  fundamental 
nature  resembles  closely  the  mythologies  of  the  Zuni,  Sia,  and 
Navaho.  Dreams  are  of  great  importance  in  Mohave  religion,  and 
individual  experience  rules.  Mohave  cosmogonic  and  animal  lore 
are  resumed  in  Lieutenant  J.  G.  Bourke's  "  Notes  on  the  Cosmogony 
and  Theogony  of  the  Mojave  Indians  of  the  Rio  Colorado,  Arizona  " 
(Journ.  Amer.  Folk-Lore,  1889,  vol.  ii.  pp.  170-189).  The  Mohave 
creator  is  Mustam-ho,  whose  resistance  to  being  born  is  the  cause  of 
the  labor  of  women  in  childbirth.  The  Mohave  Venus  is  Cathena. 
The  fire-stealer  is  the  coyote.  The  first  man  was  made  of  Mustam- 
ho's  body. 

Some  data  concerning  the  mythology  of  the  Wallapai  and  Hava- 
supai  Indians  of  the  Yuman  stock  are  to  be  found  nn  G.  W.  James's 
"The  Indians  of  the  Painted  Desert  Region"  (Boston,  1903),  which 
contains  chapters  on  "The  Advent  of  the  Wallapai  "  (pp.  188-198, 
creation  legend),  "The  Havasupais  and  their  Legends"  (pp.  209- 
219,  origin  of  race),  and  "The  Havasupai's  Religious  Dances  and 
Beliefs"  (pp.  248-264). 


114  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore > 

Of  the  stocks  included  in  the  next  group  we  possess  more  mytho- 
logical and  folk-lore  material,  published  and  in  MSS.,  or  are  confi- 
dent of  its  existence  and  probable  record  in  the  future.  For  some 
of  these  tribes  (as  for  the  eastern  and  northern  Algonquians)  sur- 
prisingly little  has  been  done  in  the  way  of  recording  the  native  texts 
of  important  myths  and  legends. 

I.  Caddoau.  The  mythological  data  concerning  the  Pawnee, 
Arikara,  and  Wichita  branches  of  this  stock  have  grown  to  consider- 
able dimensions  during  the  past  few  years,  owing  to  the  activity  of 
specialists,  like  Grinnell,  Dorsey,  and  Miss  Fletcher.  The  "  Ghost 
Dance"  excitement  of  1890,  according  to  Mr.  James  Mooney  (Ann. 
Rep.  Bur.  Amer.  Ethn.  1892-93,  p.  927),  affected  the  Caddo, 
Wichita,  and  Pawnee  so  that  it  "  has  become  a  part  of  the  tribal 
life."  The  part  played  by  the  Caddo  in  the  "  Ghost  Dance  "  is 
described  by  Mr.  Mooney  {op.  cit.  pp.  1092-1103).  Miss  Alice  C. 
Fletcher  has  written  about  "  A  Pawnee  Ritual  used  when  Changing 
a  Man's  Name"  (Amer.  Anthr.  1899,  n.  s.  vol.  i.  pp.  82-97),  "Star 
Cult  among  the  Pawnees  "  {ibid.  1902,  vol.  iv,  pp.  730-736),  "  Paw- 
nee Star  Lore"  (Journ.  Amer.  Folk-Lore,  1903,  vol.  xvi.  pp.  10-15), 
etc.  Her  investigations,  the  results  of  which  have  been  published 
only  in  small  part,  have  revealed  the  possession  by  the  Pawnees 
of  a  deep  religiousness,  which  expresses  itself  in  such  forms  that 
some  authorities  have  been  tempted  to  see  in  them  the  effect  of 
contact  with  the  white  man.  Dr.  George  A.  Dorsey  has  published 
"Wichita  Tales"  (Journ.  Amer.  Folk-Lore,  1902,  vol.  xv.  215-239; 
iQOSjVoI.  xvi.  pp.  160-179), — the  story  of  tribal  origins  and  a 
boy-hero  legend  are  given  in  detail,  —  and  "How  the  Pawnee  cap- 
tured the  Cheyenne  Medicine  Arrows  "  (Amer.  Anthr.  1903,  n.  s. 
vol.  V.  pp.  644-658).  As  vol.  viii.  of  the  "  Memoirs  of  the  Amer- 
ican Folk-Lore  Society  "  (Boston,  1904,  pp.  320)  appeared  Dr.  Dor- 
sey's  "  Traditions  of  the  Skidi  Pawnee."  A  valuable  contribution 
to  the  literature  of  the  mythology  of  the  Caddoan  stock  is  Mr.  G.  B. 
Grinnell's  "Pawnee  Hero-Stories  and  Folk-Tales"  (N.  Y.  1889). 
Mr.  Grinnell  has  published  since  several  articles,  one  of  which  is  a 
general  discussion  of  "  Pawnee  Mythology "  (Journ.  Amer.  Folk- 
Lore,  1893,  vol.  vi.  pp.  1 1 3-1 30).  According  to  Mr.  Grinnell,  "nearly 
all  the  ancient  stories  told  in  the  tribes  convey  some  religious  lesson." 
In  fact,  "  the  mythology  of  the  Pawnees  is  founded  almost  entirely 
on  their  religion."  Dr.  Dorscy's  "Traditions  of  the  Skidi  Pawnee  " 
records  some  ninety  tales  (cosmogonic,  boy  heroes,  medicine,  animal 
tales,  etc.).  In  Pawnee  mythology  the  stars  play  a  very  important 
role,  and  the  concept  of  Tirawa,  the  chief  deity,  is  a  remarkable  one 
for  an  uncultured  Indian  people.  The  Pawnee  origin-myth  is  very 
interesting.  The  Skidi  traditions  must  rank  among  the  notable  con- 
tributions to  the  literature  of  aboriginal  mythology. 


Mythology  of  Indian  Stocks  North  of  Mexico.        115 

Since  this  article  was  in  preparation  has  appeared  Miss  Fletcher's 
fine  monograph  on  "  The  Hako :  A  Pawnee  Ceremony,"  forming 
pt.  ii.  (pp.  5-372)  of  the  "  Twenty-second  Annual  Report  of  the 
Bureau  of  American  Ethnology,"  1 900-1 901  [Washington,  1904]. 
"  The  Hako  "  is  essentially  a  prayer  for  offspring,  but  is  also  of  deep 
social  import,  and  has  made  useN^f  many  very  ancient  and  unrelated 
ideas  and  ceremonies.  It  is  very  expressive  of  primitive  life  and 
thought.  This  monograph  is  discussed  at  some  length  elsewhere  in 
this  Journal. 

2.  Chinookan.  Our  knowledge,  of  the  mythology  of  this  stock  is 
due  to  Dr.  Franz  Boas,  the  results  of  whose  investigations  in  1890- 
1891  and  1894  have  been  published  by  the  Bureau  of  American 
Ethnology.  As  "  Bulletin  20,"  appeared  "  Chinook  Texts  "  (Wash- 
ington, 1894,  pp.  278),  and  as  "Bulletin  26,"  was  issued  "Kathlamet 
Texts"  (Washington,  1901,  pp.  261).  The  first  contains  the  native 
text,  interlinear  translation,  and  free  English  version  of  eighteen 
myths  (cosmogonic  and  animal),  two  historical  tales,  and  thirteen  be- 
liefs, customs,  and  tales  (spirits,  birth,  marriage,  death,  hunting,  pot- 
latch,  etc.).  The  last  few  tales  relate  to  the  Clatsop  of  the  Chinoo- 
kan stock.  The  blue  jay  is  a  very  prominent  figure  in  Chinookan 
mythology.  The  "  Chinook  Texts  "  cover  a  wide  range  of  folk-lore 
and  are  of  especial  value  both  to  the  linguist  and  to  the  mythologist. 
The  "  Kathlamet  Texts  "  contains  native  text,  interlinear  transla- 
tion, and  free  English  version  of  seventeen  myths  and  sixteen  tales  in 
the  Kathlamet  or  Upper  Chinook  dialect,  —  cosmogonic,  observation- 
myths,  animal  stories,  etc.  The  Kathlamet  deluge  legend  has  an  Al- 
gonquian  aspect,  while  the  raccoon  story  resembles  "  Uncle  Remus." 
The  panther  and  lynx  tale  is  a  typical  elder  and  younger  brother 
story.  A  large  number  of  the  myths  have  an  observational  charac- 
ter. Some  are  of  a  social  type,  as  is  the  case  with  many  of  the 
myths  of  the  peoples  of  the  North  Pacific  coast,  among  whom  grades 
or  classes  prevail.  The  crow,  the  blue  jay,  and  the  coyote  are  promi- 
nent figures.  Elsewhere  (Journ.  Amer.  Folk-Lore,  1893,  vol.  vi. 
pp.  39-43)  Dr.  Boas  has  specially  discussed  "  The  Doctrine  of  Souls 
and  of  Disease  among  the  Chinook  Indians." 

3.  Copehan.  Some  mythological  data  concerning  the  Wintun  and 
Patwin  of  this  stock  are  given  by  Powers  in  his  "Tribes  of  Califor- 
nia" (Contr.  N.  Am.  Ethn.  1877,  vol.  iii.).  Curtin  devotes  pages 
3-278  of  his  "Creation  Myths  of  Primitive  America"  (Boston,  1898) 
to  the  Wintun,  the  English  text  only  of  nine  myths  being  given. 
The  chief  figures  in  Wintun  mythology  are  Olelbis  (who  is  now  in 
the  sky),  Winishuyat  (a  sort  of  Tom  Thumb),  Wokwok  (son  of 
Olelbis  and  source  of  power  and  wealth),  Norwan  (food-giving  hero- 
woman),  Hawt  (the  musician  and  water-spirit),  Kele  (the  wolf).     At 


1 1 6  Journal  of  A  merican  Folk-Lore. 

pages  511-516  is  described  "the  making  of  doctors  among  the 
Wintuns."  The  basketry  designs  of  the  Wintun  have  been  briefly- 
treated  by  Dr.  R.  B.  Dixon  (Mem.  Amer,  Mus.  Nat.  Hist.  1903,  vol. 
xvii.  pp.  17-18). 

4.  Eskimoan,  The  literature  of  the  mythology  of  the  Eskimoan 
stock  includes  a  number  of  excellent  monographs  and  special  articles. 
Greenland  is  represented  by  Dr.  H.  Rink's  "  Tales  and  Traditions 
of  the  Eskimo"  (London,  1875.  Danish  ed.  1 866-1 871),  and  G. 
Holm's  "Sagn  og  Fotallingerfra  Anmagralik"  (Meddelser  om  Gron- 
land,  vol.  x.) ;  the  Smith  Sound  Eskimo  by  A.  L.  Kroeber's  "  Tales 
of  the  Smith  Sound  Eskimo"  (Journ.  Amer.  Folk-Lore,  1899,  vol. 
xii.  pp.  166-182);  the  Eskimo  of  Baffin  Land  and  Hudson  Bay  by 
the  data  in  Boas's  "  The  Central  Eskimo "  (Ann.  Rep.  Bur.  Ethn. 
1881-85,  pp.  561-658)  and  his  noteworthy  monograph  on  "The 
Eskimo  of  Baffin  Land  and  Hudson  Bay"  (Bull.  Amer.  Mus.  Nat. 
Hist.,  N.  Y.,  1901,  vol.  xiv.  pp.  1-370),  —  in  the  latter  the  English  ver- 
sions of  81  tales  from  Cumberland  Sound  and  30  from  the  west  coast 
of  Hudson  Bay  are  given,  the  native  texts  of  a  number  from  Cumber- 
land Sound  ;  those  of  Labrador  by  the  data  in  L.  M.  Turner's  "  Eth- 
nology of  the  Ungava  District"  (Ann.  Rep.  Bur,  Ethn.  1889-90); 
the  Eskimo  of  the  Mackenzie  by  the  data  in  E.  Petitot's  "  Traditions 
indiennes  du  Canada  nordouest"  (Paris,  1886),  "Monographic  des 
Esquimaux  Tchiglit  du  Mackenzie  et  de  1' Anderson  "  (Paris,  1876), — 
these  two  works  contain  a  few  native  texts  with  interlinear  transla- 
tions,—  and  "Les  Grands  Esquimaux"  (Paris,  1887);  the  Alaskan 
Eskimo  by  the  data  in  Murdoch's  "  A  Few  Legendary  Fragments 
from  the  Point  Barrow  Eskimo"  (Amer.  Naturalist,  1886,  pp.  593- 
599),  his  "  Ethnological  Results  of  the  Point  Barrow  Expedition  " 
(Ann.  Rep.  Bur.  Ethn.  1887-88,  pp.  3-440.  E.  W.  Nelson's  "The 
Eskimo  about  Bering  Strait"  {ibid.  1896-97,  pp.  309-518  espec), 
and  F.  Barnum's  "Grammatical  Fundamentals  of  the  Innuit  Lan- 
guage" (Boston,  1901).  Nelson,  at  pages  450-518,  gives  the  Enghsh 
texts  of  some  30  folk-tales,  including  the  creation  legend,  animal 
myths,  etc., — the  Eskimo  text  with  interlinear  translation,  of  the 
tale  "The  One-who-finds-nothing "  is  also  given  (pp.  475-479).  The 
stories  (native  text  and  translation)  recorded  by  Father  Barnum  are 
in  the  Tununa  dialect  of  Nelson  Island.  The  Eskimo  of  Kadiak  are 
represented  by  the  10  legends  in  Mr.  F.  A.  Golder's  "  Tales  from 
Kodiak  Island"  (Journ.  Amer.  Folk-Lore,  1903,  pp.  16-31,  85-103), 
—  chiefly  animal  and  hero  stories.  In  the  mythology  of  the  Alaskan 
Eskimo  the  raven  figures  prominently.  The  mythologic  and  folk-lore 
relations  of  the  Eskimo  with  the  peoples  of  N.  E.  Asia  have  recently 
been  discussed  in  admirable  scientific  fashion  by  Mr.  W.  Bogoras,  in 
his  monograph  "The  Folk-Lore  of  Northeastern  Asia  as  compared 


Mythology  of  Indian  Stocks  North  of  Mexico.        1 17 

with  that  of  Northwestern  America"  (Amer.  Anthrop.  1902,  vol.  iv. 
n.  s.  pp.  577-683),  based  on  personal  investigations  (500  tales  from 
the  peoples  of  N.  E.  Asia,  including  the  Asiatic  Eskimo,  were  col- 
lected) under  the  auspices  of  the  Jesup  North  Pacific  Expedition. 
According  to  Mr.  Bogoras,  the  folk-lore  of  the  "West  Bering" 
tribes,  except  the  Chukchee,  "  shows  comparatively  much  greater 
similarity  with  Indian  than  with  Eskimo  tradition."  The  raven  tales 
of  the  Alaskan  Eskimo,  he  thinks,  were  probably  borrowed  from  the 
Indians  of  Alaska,  who  have  deeply  influenced  Eskimo  religious  and 
social  customs.  The  role  of  the  Eskimo  in  the  ethnological  develop- 
ment of  the  Bering  Sea  area  has  yet  to  be  studied  out. 

Of  essays  of  a  general  character  on  Eskimo  mythology  may  be 
mentioned  Dr.  A,  L*.  Kroeber's  "  Animal  Tales  of  the  Eskimo " 
(Journ.  Amer.  Folk-Lore,  1899,  vol.  xii.  pp.  17-23),  Dr.  F.  Boas' 
"Eskimo  Tales  and  Songs"  {ibid.  1894,  vol.  vii.  pp.  45-50),  and  H. 
Newell  Wardle's  "  The  Sedna  Cycle :  A  Study  in  Myth  Evolution  " 
(Amer.  Anthrop.  1900,  vol.  ii.  n.  s.  pp.  568-580), — the  last  treats 
of  the  old  woman,  mistress  of  the  lower  world.  In  an  able  and 
suggestive  article  on  "  The  Folk-Lore  of  the  Eskimo  "  (Journ.  Amer. 
Folk-Lore,  1904,  vol.  xvii.  pp.  1-13)  Dr.  Boas  sketches  the  chief 
characteristics  of  the  mythology  of  this  stock.  The  most  character- 
istic part  of  Eskimo  folk-lore  is  the  hero  tales  which  "  reflect  with 
remarkable  faithfulness  the  social  conditions  and  customs  of  the 
people,"  but  indicate  no  great  power  of  imagination.  These  tales 
treat  of  visits  to  fabulous  tribes,  encounters  with  monsters,  quarrels 
and  wars,  shamanism  and  witchcraft.  Eskimo  tales  present  the 
sexual  element  very  slightly.  The  great  mass  of  Eskimo  folk-lore 
consists  of  hero  tales  in  which  "the  supernatural  plays  a  more  or 
less  important  role."  Another  fundamental  characteristic  feature  is 
"the  limitation  of  the  field  of  animal  tales,"  —  the  animal  myth 
proper,  Dr.  Boas  thinks,  "  was  originally  foreign  to  Eskimo  folk-lore." 
In  Eskimo  myths  there  is  a  "  complete  absence  of  the  idea  that 
transformations  or  creations  were  made  for  the  benefit  of  man  during 
a  mythological  period,  and  that  these  events  changed  the  general 
aspect  of  the  world."  Indeed,  the  most  striking  feature  of  Eskimo 
folk-lore  is  "its  thoroughly  human  character."  In  general  the  sub- 
ject of  tradition  is  "the  events  occurring  in  human  society  as  it 
exists  now." 

5.  Kiowan.  The  mythology  of  the  tribes  of  the  Kiowan  stock  has 
been  studied  by  Gatschet  and  Mooney.  The  former  published  in 
"Das  Ausland  "  (November  17,  1890),  under  the  title,  "Sinti,  dererste 
Mensch,"  the  creation  legend  of  the  Kayowe  (Kiowa).  The  latter 
has  also  discussed  (Ann.  Rep.  Bur.  Amer.  Ethn.  1892-93,  pp.  1078- 
1091)  the  share  of  the  Kiowa  and  Kiowa  Apache  in  the  "Ghost 

VOL.  XVin.  —  NO.  69.  9 


ii8  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

Dance"  religion,  —  texts  and  explanations  of  15  songs  are  given.  In 
"Urquell"  (N.  F.  vol.  i.  pp.  329-333)  Mr.  Mooney  describes  "The 
Kiowa  Peyote  Rite."  It  was  through  Mr.  Mooney's  Kiowa  studies 
largely  that  the  real  importance  of  "  mescalism  "  (see  Havelock  Ellis 
in  Pop.  Sci.  Mo.,  1902,  vol.  Ixi.  pp.  52-71)  among  these  and  other 
Indian  tribes  was  demonstrated.  The  historical-ethnographical  mo- 
nograph of  Mooney,  "  The  Calendar  History  of  the  Kiowa  Indians  " 
(Ann.  Rep.  Bur.  Amer.  Ethn.  1895-96,  pp.  129-445),  contains  some 
mythological  data,  besides  a  section  (pp.  237-244)  on  "the  religion 
of  the  Kiowa."  The  sun,  according  to  Mr.  Mooney,  is  the  chief 
deity  of  these  Indians,  —  "  by  him  they  swear,  to  him  they  make 
sacrifice  of  their  own  flesh,  and  in  his  honor  they  held  the  great 
annual  k'ado  or  sun-dance."  After  the  sun  come  the  buffalo  and 
the  peyote  plant.  The  rain  and  the  serpent  are  of  little  importance. 
The  Sun-boy  and  Sinti  are  the  chief  supernatural  heroes.  The 
worship  of  the  peyote  (comparatively  modern)  has  been  adopted  from 
the  southern  tribes.     The  "  ghost  dance  "  is  also  an  exotic. 

The  "  mescal  rattle  "  of  the  Kiowa  has  been  described  by  Mooney 
(Amer.  Anthrop.,  1892,  vol.  v.  pp.  64,  65). 

6.  Kittmahan.  Our  knowledge  of  the  mythology  of  this  stock  is 
due  to  Dr.  Franz  Boas  and  Dr.  A.  ¥.  Chamberlain,  the  former  of 
whom  visited  them  in  1889,  the  latter  in  1891.  Besides  his  notes  on 
religion,  shamanism,  customs,  etc.  (Rep.  on  N.  W.  Tribes  of  Can- 
ada, 1889),  Dr.  Boas  published  "Sagen  der  Kootenay "  (Verb.  d. 
Berl.  Ges.  f.  Anthr.  1 891,  pp.  159-172),  —  six  legends  (chiefly  ani- 
mal tales),  including  the  making  the  sun  and  the  ascent  of  the 
animals  into  the  sky,  are  given.  In  the  "  American  Antiquarian  " 
(1895,  vol.  xvii.  pp.  68-72)  Dr.  Chamberlain  discussed  in  general 
terms  Kootenay  "  Mythology  and  Folk-Lore,"  and  a  general  account 
of  "  Kootenay  *  Medicine  Men ' "  has  also  been  published  by  him 
(Journ.  Amer.  Folk-Lore,  1901,  vol.  xiv.  pp.  95-99).  In  his  "Re- 
port on  the  Kootenays  "  (Rep.  on  N.  W.  Tribes  of  Canada,  1892) 
Dr.  Chamberlain  gave  brief  abstracts  of  numerous  cosmogonic  tales 
and  animal  stories,  including  the  deluge  legend,  and  several  tales  of 
the  coyote-cycle  (the  coyote  is  the  chief  figure  in  Kootenay  mytho- 
logy) appeared  as  "The  Coyote  and  Owl"  (Mem.  Intern.  Congr. 
Anthr.,  Chicago,  1894,  pp.  282-284).  ^^  the  possession  of  the  same 
writer  are  the  Kootenay  texts  and  translations  of  a  large  number  of 
myths  and  legends  (in  large  part  animal  tales)  collected  by  him  dur- 
ing his  visit  of  1891.  The  af^nities  of  Kootenay  mythology  are 
with  the  coyote-cycle  of  the  Rocky  Mountain  tribes  and  the  British 
Columbian  cycle  of  animal  tales.  The  sun  and  moon  myths  suggest 
comparison  with  those  of  some  of  the  Californian  tribes. 

7.  Koliischan.     Some   items  of   mythology  and  folk-lore  of  the 


Mythology  of  Indian  Stocks  North  of  Mexico.        119 

Tlingit  are  given  by  Boas  (Rep.  on  N.  W.  Tribes  of  Canada,  1889) 
and  Niblack  in  his  "The  Coast  Indians  of  Southern  Alaska  and 
Northern  British  Columbia"  (Rep.  U.  S.  Nat.  Mus.  1888).  In  his 
"  Indianische  Sagen  von  der  Nord-Pacifischen  Kiiste  Amerikas " 
(Berlin,  1895)  Dr.  Boas  gives  (pp.  311-328)  the  German  texts  of  10 
Tlingit  legends,  besides  19  other  brief  tales  about  the  raven,  who  is 
the  chief  figure  in  the  mythology  of  these  Indians.  A.  Krause's 
"Die  Thnkit-Indianer "  (Berlin,  1885)  contains  also  some  folk-lore 
and  mythologic  material.  A  work  of  general  interest  is  F.  Knapp 
and  R.  L.  Childe's  "Thlinkets  of  Southeastern  Alaska"  (Chicago, 
1896).  Lieut.  G.  T.  Emmons's  "  The  Basketry  of  the  Tlingit "  (Mem. 
Amer.  Mus.  Nat.  Hist.,  N.  Y.,  1903,  vol.  iii.  pt.  ii.  pp.  229-277)  treats 
of  animal  and  other  ornamental  motifs,  many  of  which  have  their 
inner  meanings,  although  the  author  notes  "the  absence  of  a  totem 
significance  of  these  forms.  The  mythology  of  the  Tlingit,  etc.,  is 
compared  with  that  of  the  peoples  of  N.  E.  Asia  by  Bogoras  (Amer. 
Anthrop.  1902,  n.  s.  vol.  iv.  pp.  636-668). 

8.  Lutuamiaji.  Of  the  two  sections  of  this  stock,  Modoc  and 
Klamath,  the  latter  has  been  more  studied.  Besides  the  few  data 
in  Joaquin  Miller's  "Life  among  the  Modocs  "  (1873),  we  have  Gat- 
schet's  "Songs  of  the  Modoc  Indians"  (Amer.  Anthrop.  1894, 
vol.  vii.  pp.  26-31)  and  the  Modoc  material  in  his  Klamath  volumes. 
Gatschet's  notable  monograph,  "  The  Klamath  Indians  of  South- 
western Oregon"  (Washington,  1890,  2  pts.),  forming  vol.  ii.  of 
"  Contributions  to  North  American  Ethnology,"  published  by  the 
Bureau  of  American  Ethnology,  contains  considerable  mythologic 
and  folk-lore  data,  including  many  brief  texts  (creation,  cosmogonic, 
animal  tales).  Natural  philosophy,  elementary  deities,  spirit  deities, 
animal  deities,  principles  of  mythification,  etc.,  are  discussed.  The 
chief  figure  in  Klamath  mythology  is  K'mukamtch,  "  The  Old  Man 
of  the  Ancients,"  creator,  namer,  ruler,  transformer.  He  has  begun 
to  have  a  grotesque  and  popularly  comic  character  like  the  Cree 
Wisketchak  and  the  Ojibvva  Naniboju.  The  companion  and  rival  of 
K'mukamtch  is  Aishish,  his  son,  of  whom  several  beautiful  myths 
are  related.  The  "  five  thunders  "  are  also  important  characters. 
Texts,  with  annotations,  are  given  of  a  number  of  incantation  songs  of 
the  shamans  of  the  Klamath  and  Modocs.  Dr.  George  A.  Dorsey 
has  described  certain  "  Gambling  Games  of  the  Klamath  Indians  " 
(Amer.  Anthr.,  1901,  n.  s.  vol.  iii.  pp.  14-27). 

9.  Piijiinan.  Some  legends  and  other  mythological  data  from  the 
Maidu  and  Nishinam,  of  this  stock,  are  given  by  Powers  {op.  cit). 
The  basketry  designs  of  the  Maidu  are  discussed  by  Dixon  {op.  cit. 
pp.  2-14).  The  most  important  work  on  the  mythology  of  this  stock 
is  Dixon's  "  Maidu  Myths "  (Bull.  Amer.   Mus.  Nat.   Hist.,  N.  Y., 


1 20  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

1902,  vol.  xvii.  pt.  ii.  pp.  33-118),  giving  the  English  texts  of  22 
myths  and  legends.  Among  them  are  myths  of  creation,  cosmo- 
gonic  tales,  observation  myths,  animal  tales,  etc.  In  the  last  the 
coyote  is  prominent.  The  "Earth-Namer  "  resembles  the  "Trans- 
former" of  the  N.  W.  coast.  The  deluge  legend  has  the  diving 
incident  so  well  known  from  Algonkian  mythology.  The  miracu- 
lous twins  appear  also.  Some  of  the  animal  tales  have  British  Colum- 
bian analogues.  In  a  later  publication  Dr.  Dixon  discusses  "  System 
and  Sequence  in  Maidu  Mythology"  (Journ.  Amer.  Folk-Lore,  1903, 
vol.  xvi,  pp.  32-36),  showing  mythologies  of  both  the  N.  E.  and  the 
N.  W.  sections  of  the  Maidu  to  possess  "  a  notable  system  and 
sequence,"  expressed  with  a  certain  literary  charm  and  power.  The 
Maidu  shamans  are  briefly  described  by  Dr.  Dixon  in  his  article 
on  "Some  Shamans  of  Northern  California"  {ibid.  1904,  vol.  xvii. 
pp.  25,  26).  In  the  same  journal  (1900,  vol.  xiii.  pp.  267-270)  he  pub- 
lished "  Some  Coyote  Stories  from  the  Maidu  Indians," 

10.  Skittagetan  {Haidan).  The  mythology  and  folk-lore  of  the 
Haida  Indians  has  been  studied  by  Deans,  Boas,  Dawson,  and  Swan- 
ton.  Besides  several  brief  articles  in  the  "American  Antiquarian" 
and  the  "Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore,"  Mr.  James  Deans  has 
published  "Tales  from  the  Totems  of  the  Hidery"  (Chicago,  1899, 
vol.  ii.  of  Arch,  of  Int.  Folk-Lore  Assoc),  containing  many  cos- 
mogonic  and  animal  legends  and  myths  (creation,  sun,  moon,  flood, 
fire,  etc.),  English  text  only.  Dr,  Boas,  besides  notes  in  the  "  Re- 
port on  the  Northwestern  Tribes  of  Canada  for  1889,"  has  pubHshed 
at  pages  306-311  of  his  "Indianische  Sagen  von  der  Nord-Pacifi- 
schen  Kliste  Amerikas  "  (Berlin,  1895),  the  German  texts  of  8  brief 
raven  legends  and  the  story  of  the  frog-woman.  His  "  Facial  Paint- 
ings of  the  Indians  of  Northern  British  Columbia"  (Mem,  Am,  Mus. 
Nat,  Hist,  vol.  ii,  1898,  pp.  1-24)  may  be  mentioned  here,  as  it  deals 
with  a  collection  of  facial  paintings  obtained  from  a  Haida  chief  of 
Masset,  Dr.  Dawson's  work  on  the  Haida  Indians  of  Queen  Char- 
lotte Islands  appeared  as  an  appendix  to  the  "  Report  of  the  Geologi- 
cal Survey  of  Canada  for  1878-1879,"  pp.  103-189.  Dr.  Swanton's 
recent  (1900-1901  and  subsequently)  visits  to  the  Haida  country 
have  resulted  in  the  securing  of  considerable  textual  material  (myths, 
legends,  etc.),  of  which  only  a  brief  specimen  (Amer.  Anthr.  1902, 
vol.  iv.  n.  s.,  p.  401)  has  yet  been  published.  The  subject  of  the 
"Haida  Calendar"  has  been  treated  by  Dr,  Swanton  (Amer. 
Anthrop,,  1903,  vol.  v.  n.  s,  pp.  331-335).  who  is  also  preparing  for 
the  American  Museum  of  Natural  History  (N.  Y.)  a  monograph  on 
the  Haida. 

11.  Tsimshian  {Chijnjucsyan).  The  most  accurate  data  concern- 
ing Tsimshian  mythology  are  the  result  of  the  investigations  of  Dr. 


Mythology  of  Indian  Stocks  North  of  Mexico.        121 

Franz  Boas,  who  visited  the  tribes  of  this  stock  in  18S6  and  1894. 
Besides  the  notes  on  Tsimshian  mythology  contained  in  the  "  Re- 
ports on  the  N.  W.  Tribes  of  Canada"  for  1889  and  1895,  Dr.  Boas 
has  published  German  texts  of  19  myths  and  tales  of  the  Tsimshian 
at  pages  272-305  of  his  "  Indianische  Sagen  von  der  Nord-Paci- 
fischen  Kiiste  Amerikas  "  (Berlin,  1895),  —  cosmogonic  and  animal 
tales,  including  sun  myths,  ascent  to  sky,  deluge  legend,  fire-making, 
etc.  As  "  Bulletin  27 "  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology 
(Washington,  1902,  pp.  244)  appeared  Dr.  Boas's  "Tsimshian  Texts," 
embodying  native  text,  interlinear  translation,  and  free  rendering  into 
English  of  23  tales  and  legends  in  the  Nass  River  dialect,  or 
Nisqae,  —  cosmogonic  tales,  observation  myths,  animal  stories,  etc. 
The  raven  figures  prominently.  Some  of  the  legends  are  almost 
fairy-tales.  Tsimshian  mythology  reflects  Tsimshian  society  and 
class  distinctions.  Count  v.  d.  Schulenburg's  **  Die  Sprache  der 
Zimshian-Indianer "  (Braunschweig,  1894)  also  contains  some  my- 
thological data. 

12.  WakasJian  {KwakitUl-Nootka).  Of  the  mythology  and  folk- 
lore of  some  of  the  peoples  of  this  stock  not  much  is  known,  while  the 
Kwakiutl  is  represented  by  a  rather  large  body  of  material.  Con- 
cerning the  Makahs  of  Cape  Flattery  we  have  some  items  relating 
to  mythology  at  pages  61-76  of  J.  G.  Swan's  monograph  on  these 
Indians  (Smiths.  Contr.  to  Knowl.  1868,  no.  220). 

The  mythology  and  folk-lore  of  the  Kwakiutl  Indians  have  been 
given  special  attention  by  Dr.  Franz  Boas.  Besides  the  data  given 
in  the  "Reports  on  the  Northwestern  Tribes  of  Canada"  for  1889 
and  1890  (religion  and  secret  societies)  and  some  lesser  articles.  Dr. 
Boas  has  published  "  Songs  of  the  Kwakiutl  Indians  "  (Int.  Arch.  f. 
Ethn.  1896,  suppl.  pp.  1-9),  "Songs  and  Dances  of  the  Kwakiutl" 
(Journ.  Amer.  Folk-Lore,  1888,  vol.  i.  pp.  49-64).  His  monograph 
on  "The  Social  Organization  and  Religious  Ceremonials  of  the 
Kwakiutl  Indians"  (Rep.  U.  S.  Nat.  Mus.  1895,  pp.  311-733)  is  the 
standard  work  on  the  Kwakiutl.  Special  chapters  are  devoted  to 
The  Clan  Legends  (pp.  366  ff.).  The  Spirits  Presiding  over  Reli- 
gious Ceremonial  and  their  Gifts  (pp.  393-418),  The  Dances  and 
Songs  of  the  Winter  Ceremonial  (pp.  431-500),  The  Winter  Cere- 
monial of  the  Kwakiutl  (pp.  500-544),  The  Winter  Ceremonial  at 
Fort  Rupert,  1895-96  (pp.  544-606),  Ceremonials  of  Other  Tribes  of 
Kwakiutl  Lineage  (pp.  606-620),  The  Lao'laxa  (pp.  621-632).  An 
Appendix  (pp.  665-733)  gives  native  text  and  interlinear  translation 
of  many  legends  and  songs.  Another  valuable  publication  is  Dr.  F. 
Boas  and  George  Hunt's  "  Kwakiutl  Texts  "  (Mem.  Amer.  Mus.  Nat. 
Hist.  1902,  vol.  V.  pp.  1-402),  which  gives  in  parallel  columns  the 
native  texts  and  English  versions  of  a  large  number  of  cosmogonic 


122  yournal  of  American  Fo Ik-Lore. 

legends,  animal  tales,  etc.  The  late  Dr.  G.  M.  Dawson's  "  Notes 
and  Observations  on  the  Kwakiool  People,  etc."  (Trans.  R.  Soc. 
Can.,  1888,  vol.  V.  sect.  ii.  pp.  63-98)  contains  a  few  items  relating 
to  traditions,  religion,  folk-lore.  In  his  "  Indianische  Sagen  von 
der  Nord-Pacifischen  Kuste  Amerikas"  (Berlin,  1895),  Dr.  Boas 
published  the  German  texts  of  a  number  of  Kwakiutl  cosmogonic 
and  animal  myths  (pp.  157-169). 

Concerning  the  Heiltsuk  people  of  the  Wakashan  stock  and  their 
mythology  and  folk-lore,  we  have  the  notes  of  Boas  in  the  "  Report 
on  the  Northwestern  Tribes  of  Canada  for  1889,"  and  the  texts  of  a 
number  of  cosmogonic  (several  raven  myths)  tales  and  animal  stories 
given  by  the  same  author  at  pages  232-241  of  his  "  Indianische 
Sagen  von  der  Nord-Pacifischen  Kiiste  Amerikas"  (Berlin,  1895). 
Some  data  concerning  the  mythology  and  folk-lore  of  the  Nootka 
Indians  are  given  by  Dr.  F.  Boas  in  the  "  Report  on  the  Northwest- 
ern Tribes  of  Canada"  for  1890  (pp.  32-52),  and  the  same  writer  has 
described  their  religious  ceremonials  (Rep.  U.  S.  Nat.  Mus.  1895, 
pp.  632-644).  A  considerable  section  (pp.  98-128)  of  his  "Indian- 
ische Sagen"  (Berlin,  1895)  is  devoted  to  myths  and  legends  (cos- 
mogonic and  animals)  of  the  Nutka.  Of  earlier  works  must  be  men- 
tioned J.  R.  Jewitt's  "Narrative  of  Adventures  and  Sufferings" 
(Middletown,  181 5),  and  G.  M.  Sproat's  "  Scenes  and  Studies  of  Sav- 
age Life"  (London,  1868). 

Alexander  F.  Chamberlain. 

Clark  University,  Worcester,  Mass. 


Traditional  Ballads  in  New  England.  123 

TRADITIONAL  BALLADS  IN  NEW  ENGLAND. 

I. 

INTRODUCTION. 

Unrecognized  in  its  extent,  if  not  indeed  unknown  as  an  element 
in  American  literature,  is  a  widespread  undercurrent  of  traditional 
folk-song.  Popular  poetry,  even  of  the  better  sort,  is  by  no  means 
yet  dead ;  it  lives  on  in  every  part  of  our  broad  land,  as  well  in  the 
heart  of  the  populous  city  as  on  the  lonely  hillside. 

My  researches,  during  the  past  two  years,  have  been  for  the  most 
part  limited  to  a  special  field  of  activity,  —  the  gathering  of  the 
remains,  scanty,  it  seemed  at  first,  of  the  older  strata  of  the  tra- 
ditional folk-song,  represented  by  the  English  and  Scottish  ballad. 
Scattered  over  the  country,  versions  of  several  ballads,  notably  "  Lord 
Randal,"  "The  Elfin  Knight,"  "Henry  Martin,"  and  two  or  three 
others,  have  been  known  to  collectors  for  some  time,  supposed  to  be 
the  last  fading  flowers  of  popular  poetry  in  the  New  World.  It  seems, 
however,  not  to  have  occurred  to  the  collectors  to  draw  an  inference 
from  the  excellent  condition  in  which  they  found  them  preserved. 
A  ballad,  extinct,  or  nearly  so,  appears  in  a  short  and  mutilated  form  ; 
if  it  still  retains  the  main  facts  of  the  story,  and  especially  if  the 
air  has  been  preserved,  its  life  is  not  yet  ended,  or  near  an  end. 

New  England,  the  oldest  portion  of  our  country,  contrary  to  what 
has  been  supposed,  is  still  the  home  of  a  large  amount  of  traditional 
folk-song,  much  of  it  of  the  best  order.  In  all,  sixty-six  versions  of 
fourteen  of  the  ballads  represented  in  Professor  Child's  volumes  have 
come  to  my  notice  in  the  past  two  years.  And  of  these  a  very  few 
come  from  early  broadsides,  hitherto  unrecorded,  representing  a 
tradition  now  extinct ;  the  great  majority,  however,  are  still  sung  by 
elderly,  or  in  some  cases  by  young  people,  and  are  derived  from  purely 
oral  sources,  uncontaminated  by  hack-balladry.  The  best  of  them, 
those  whose  antiquity  is  most  clearly  attested,  come  from  Vermont ; 
the  greater  number  are  from  Massachusetts. 

At  present  —  for  augmentations  will  come  in  from  time  to  time 
—  the  complete  list  of  the  ballads  recovered  by  me  in  New  England 
is  as  follows  :  — 

The  Elfin  Knight, 

Lady  Isabel  and  the  Elf-Knight, 

The  Twa  Sisters, 

Lord  Randal, 

Young  Beichan, 

Lord  Thomas  and  Fair  Annet, 

The  Gypsy  Laddie, 


1 24  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore, 

The  Demon  Lover, 

Henry  Martin, 

Our  Goodman, 

The  George  Aloe  and  the  Sweepstake, 

The  Golden  Vanity, 

Captain  Ward  and  the  Rainbow, 

The  Mermaid. 
Nearly  half  of  these  are  preserved  in  their  entirety  as  folk-songs, 
that  is,  with  the  original  airs.  Collectors  have  not  always  noted  the 
importance  of  the  air  as  a  means  of  preserving  the  ballad.  Often  it 
happens  that  persons  who  can  sing  a  ballad  of  twenty  or  more  stanzas, 
without  a  break,  will  be  unable  to  recite,  apart  from  the  tune,  more 
than  three  consecutive  stanzas,  and  seldom  these  correctly.  This 
illustrates  an  important  point  in  connection  with  the  transmission  of 
ballads,  namely,  that  the  words  constitute  but  one  half  of  a  folk-song  ; 
the  air  is  no  less  an  essential  part. 

The  origin  of  these  ballads  in  New  England  and  elsewhere  is  a 
question  to  be  considered.  There  are  two  possible  sources,/;//-^  tra- 
dition  and  contaminated  tradition,  as  it  may  be  called.  Pure  tradi- 
tion, the  source  of  the  best  ballads,  as  "  Lord  Randal,"  "  The  Twa 
Sisters,"  and  others,  perpetuates  itself  orally,  unassisted  by  the  baser 
art  of  broadside  hack-balladry.  It  may  be  early,  going  back  to  the 
time  of  the  first  settlers,  as  is  the  case  with  "The  Elfin  Knight" 
and  "  The  Golden  Vanity,"  or,  on  the  other  hand,  it  may  be  more 
recent.  This  recent  tradition  may  come  either  direct  from  the  old 
countries,  or  by  way  of  the  British  provinces.  The  best  version  of 
"  The  Gypsy  Laddie  "  comes  from  Nova  Scotia. 

Contaminated  tradition  occurs  when  the  direct  line  of  transmission 
is  for  the  time  interrupted  by  a  printed  form  of  the  ballad,  which 
may  or  may  not  pass  again  into  oral  circulation,  and  its  ultimate 
origin  be  forgotten  with  the  perishing  of  the  broadside.  "  Young 
Beichan"  and  "  Captain  Ward  and  the  Rainbow"  were  printed  in 
Boston  by  Coverly,  during  the  first  decade  of  the  last  century,  and 
seem  to  have  met  their  death  at  the  hands  of  the  printer,  though 
there  is  evidence  that  "Young  Beichan  "  at  least  was  in  oral  circu- 
lation as  late  as  1790.  On  the  other  hand,  "Lord  Lovell,"  one  of 
the  best  known  of  ballads,  in  its  many  versions  differing  from  each 
other  very  slightly,  must  go  back  to  print,  perhaps  a  lost  broadside 
by  Coverly.  The  same  printer  issued  a  broadside  of  "  Chevy-Chase," 
differing  only  in  eccentric  spelling  from  the  textns  receptns. 

In  the  case  where  contaminated  tradition  is  suspected,  it  is  not 
always  easy  to  say  just  how  much  the  broadside  affected  the  pre- 
existing oral  tradition. 

The  subject-matter  of  the  present  article  will  for  convenience  be 


Traditional  Ballads  in  New  England. 


125 


divided  into  parts.     The  first  part  will  include  versions  of  the  follow- 


ing ballads  :  — 


1.  The  Golden  Vanity. 

2.  Lord  Thomas  and  Fair  Annet. 

3.  The  Twa  Sisters. 

4.  Lady  Isabel  and  the  Elf-Knight. 

5.  The  George  Aloe  and  the  Sweepstake. 

6.  Henry  Martin. 

7.  The  Mermaid. 

8.  Captain  Ward  and  the  Rainbow. 


I.    THE   GOLDEN   VANITY. 

A. 

"The  Little  Cabin  Boy."     Recorded  January  13,  1905,  by  M.  E.  B.,  Irasburg,  Vt.,  from 
the  singing  of  an  aged  man  born  in  Glover,  Vt. 


^^^ 


£fc 


^^ 


There      was        a      ship 

n             Ik.       N            1 

in         the 

North    -    ern     Coun   - 

trie, 

V       1          ^        IS 

\ 

1                                                                                      N               N         1 

/                                a       ^          J 

^       1 

rv           V 

\(\      m        a  •      "       r         • 

J 

'     J 

J        J 

V-/      • 

f>  . 

•              «          «            •              -          -■        1 

0 

All 

n 

in        the  Lov 

IT  -  land     low 

> 

The  name 

of 

the      ship 

was    the 

1    V                   h. 

K, 

1            1 

/      _i      ^ 

N 

m 

P    • 

« 

L 

^'^        *         J 

S> 

■■      ij       J           J 

1   V-  >                         S        4 

^ 

0 

' 

•           •" 

'^ 

i 


Gold    Chi  -  na  Tree,      All 


the  Low  -  land,      low,      low,       low. 


g 


^=^:£j=j 


iE3^ 


ig? 


Sail  -  ing    the  Low-land,   low,  low,    low,        Sail-ing   the  Low-land   low. 

1  There  was  a  ship  in  the  Northern  Countrie, 

All  in  the  Lowland  low, 
The  name  of  the  ship  was  the  "  Gold  China  Tree," 
All  in  the  Lowland  low,  low,  low. 

Sailing  the  Lowland,  low,  low,  low, 

Sailing  the  Lowland  low. 

2  She  had  not  sailed  past  leagues  two  or  three, 

All  in  the  Lowland  low, 
She  had  not  sailed  past  leagues  two  or  three 
Before  she  espied  a  French  Galilee. 

3  The  first  that  spoke  was  the  ship  Captain's  man, 

All  in  the  Lowland  low, 
Saying,  "  Master,  O  Master,  we  're  all  undone, 
All  in  the  Lowland,  low,  low,  low ! " 


126  Journal  of  A  merican  Folk- Lore, 

4  Next  spoke  up  was  the  little  Cabin  Boy, 

All  in  the  Lowland  low, 
Saying,  "  Master,  O  Master,  what  will  you  give  to  me, 
If  I  will  sink  the  French  Galilee  ? " 

5  "  Oh,  I  will  give  you  gold,  and  I  will  give  you  fee, 

All  in  the  Lowland  low. 
And  my  eldest  daughter  your  bride  shall  be. 
All  in  the  Lowland  low,  low,  low." 

6  He  smote  upon  his  breast,  and  away  swung  he, 

All  in  the  Lowland  low, 
He  smote  upon  his  breast,  and  away  swung  he. 
And  he  swung  till  he  came  to  the  French  Galilee. 

7  Then  he  espied  a  little  augur  that  came  from  a  nun. 

All  in  the  Lowland  low. 
Then  he  espied  a  little  auger  that  came  from  a  nun. 
And  bored  holes  with  it,  twenty  and  one. 

8  Some  threw  their  hats,  and  some  threw  their  caps. 

All  in  the  Lowland  low. 
Saying  "  For  the  Lord's  sake,  stop  up  the  salt  water  gaps  ! 
All  in  the  Lowland  low,  low,  low  !  " 

9  He  smote  upon  his  breast,  and  away  swung  he. 

All  in  the  Lowland  low, 
He  smote  upon  his  breast,  and  away  swung  he, 
Until  he  came  to  the  *'  Gold  China  Tree." 

10  Then  all  around  the  ship  this  little  boy  did  swim. 

All  in  the  Lowland  low. 
Saying,  "  Master,  O  Master,  won't  you  take  me  in  ? 
Or  I  '11  serve  you  as  I  've  served  them  !  " 

1 1  They  threw  out  a  rope,  and  they  slightly  drew  him  in, 

All  in  the  Lowland  low. 
They  threw  out  a  rope,  and  they  slightly  drew  him  in. 
And  then  he  began  to  dance  and  sing, 

12  Saying,  "  Master,  O  Master,  what  will  you  give  to  me, 

All  in  the  Lowland  low, 
Saying,  Master,  O  Master,  what  will  you  give  to  me  ? 
For  I  have  sunk  the  French  Galilee  !  " 

13  "Oh,  I  '11  give  you  gold,  and  I  '11  give  you  fee. 

All  in  the  Lowland  low, 
Oh  I  '11  give  you  gold,  and  I  '11  give  you  fee. 
And  I  '11  give  you  the  land  of  North  Amerikee  !  " 


\Traditioiial  Ballads  in  New  England. 


127 


14  "  Oh,  I  '11  have  none  of  your  gold,  or  none  of  your  fee, 

All  in  the  Lowland  low, 
Oh,  I  'II  have  none  of  your  gold,  or  none  of  your  fee, 
But  your  eldest  daughter  my  bride  shall  be  !  " 

15  He  married  the  daughter  in  spite  of  them  all, 

All  in  the  Lowland  low. 
He  married  the  daughter  in  spite  of  them  all, 
May  the  Devil  take  the  Captain,  sailors  and  all ! 


Taken  down  by  me,  October  2,  1904,  from  the  singing  of  J.  G.  M.,  Newbury,  Vt. 


i 


k 


i 


^m-. 


Once    there  was 


ship 


the  North-em  Coun  -  ter  -    ee, 


=1: 


^m. 


^^j^ 


• ^— :J: 

The      ti  -     tie      she    went     un  -   der    was     the     Gold  -  en      Van   -  i 


m 


It 


^— 


Sup-posed    to      have   been    tak  -  en      by        a       Turk-ish      ca 


3 


^3^ 


And  sunk  -  en 


the     Low 


lands 


low. 


tEE3 


^^ 


Low 


lands, 


Low  -    lands      low,        And  sunk  -  en 


the     Low  -  lands      low. 


Once  there  was  a  ship  in  the  Northern  Counteree, 
The  title  she  went  under  was  the  Golden  Vanity, 
Supposed  to  have  been  taken  by  a  Turkish  canoe. 

And  sunken  in  the  Lowlands  low. 

Lowlands,  Lowlands  low, 

And  sunken  in  the  Lowlands  low. 

The  first  on  the  deck  was  the  little  Cabin  Boy, 
Saying,  "  Master,  what  '11  you  give  me,  if  the  ship  I  will  destroy  ? " 
"  My  gold  I  will  give  you,  my  daughter  for  a  bride, 
If  you  '11  sink  her  in  the  Lowlands  low  I  " 


bored  holes  three  times  three, 
And  sunk  her  in  the  Lowlands  low. 


128 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 


II.  LORD  THOMAS  AND  FAIR  ANNET. 


"Little  Eleanor."     Recorded  February',  1905,  by  M.  E.  B.,  Irasburg,  Vt.,  from  the 
singing  of  an  aged  man  born  in  Glover,  Vt. 


g 


t^ 


fi=t^ 


Lord     Thom 


bold 


of 


n  -    cer, 


A 


s 


keep   - 

ei 

of 

a    King's  deer, 

Fair      EI     -    ean  -  or          a 

y  I "      1 

1            ^ 

_,N         J            ^_    . 

/T  b  h 

V 

s 

1              !              '                 1 

i            "*          N 

ffW^  \)       \ 

1 

I              J 

*           m              J 

•^ 

\\)        4 

J 

4           • 

*          4 

J                      J 

k} 

■ 

-^ 

"■ 

gay        La  -  dy,       Lord   Thom  -  as       he      loved     her       dear, 
1  V  ''^ 


Fair 


^ 


Pi 


EE 


^ 


^ 


^ 


El  -   ean  -  or,       a    gay      La  -  dy,    Lord  Thom-as   he  loved  her    dear. 

1  Lord  Thomas  a  bold  officer, 

A  keeper  of  a  King's  deer, 
Fair  Eleanor  a  gay  Lady, 

Lord  Thomas  he  loved  her  dear. 

Refrain,  —  Fair  Eleanor  a  gay  Lady, 

Lord  Thomas  he  loved  her  dear. 

2  *'  Come  riddle  us,  riddle  us,  mother,"  he  said, 

'*  Come  riddle  us  both  as  one, 
Had  I  better  marry  Fair  Eleanor, 
Or  bring  the  brown  girl  home  ?  " 

3  "  The  brown  girl,  she  has  houses  and  lands, 

Fair  Eleanor,  she  has  none, 
So  now  I  will  advise  you,  as  a  blessing, 
Go  bring  the  brown  girl  home !  " 

4  He  dressed  himself  in  his  best  attire, 

His  clothing  all  in  white. 
And  every  city  that  he  rode  through, 
They  took  him  to  be  some  knight. 


5  And  when  he  came  to  Fair  Eleanor's  door, 
He  knocked  so  hard  on  the  ring, 
There  was  none  so  ready  as  Fair  Eleanor, 
To  arise  and  let  him  in. 


Traditional  Ballads  i7i  New  England.  129 

6  "  What  now,  what  now  ?  "  Fair  Eleanor  cried, 

"  What  news  do  you  bring  unto  me  ?  " 
"  I  have  come  to  invite  you  to  my  wedding !  "  — 
"  That 's  very  bad  news  !  "  said  she. 

7  "  Come  riddle  us,  riddle  us,  mother,"  she  said, 

"  Come  riddle  us  both  as  one. 
Had  I  better  go  to  Lord  Thomas's  wedding, 
Or  had  I  better  stay  at  home  ?  " 

8  "  There  are  few  would  prove  your  friends,  daughter. 

There  are  many  would  prove  your  foes. 
So  now  I  'd  advise  you  as  a  blessing, 
Lord  Thomas's  wedding  don't  go ! " 

9  "  There  's  few  would  prove  my  friends,  mother, 

There  's  many  would  prove  my  foes. 
Betide  my  life,  betide  my  death, 
Lord  Thomas's  wedding  I  will  go." 

10  She  dressed  herself  in  her  best  attire, 

Her  clothing  all  in  green. 
And  every  city  that  she  rode  through, 
They  took  her  to  be  some  queen. 

11  And  when  she  came  to  Lord  Thomas's  door, 

She  knocked  so  hard  on  the  ring:. 
There  was  none  so  ready  as  Lord  Thomas  himself. 
To  arise  and  let  her  in. 

12  "Is  this  your  bride  ?  "  Fair  Eleanor  cried, 

"  To  me  she  looks  wondrous  wan, 
You  might  have  had  me,  as  gay  a  lady, 
As  ever  the  sun  shone  on !  " 

13  The  brown  girl,  she  had  a  knife  in  her  hand, 

It  was  both  long  and  sharp, 
She  placed  it  against  Fair  Eleanor's  side, 
And  pierces  it  to  her  heart. 

14  "  What  ails  you,  what  ails  you  ?  "  Lord  Thomas  cried, 

"  To  me  you  look  wondrous  wan. 
The  blood  that  was  in  your  cherry  red  cheeks 
Is  all  faded  away  and  gone  !  " 

15  "  Oh,  where  are  your  eyes  ? "  Fair  Eleanor  cried, 

"  Can't  you  but  skim  the  seas  ? 
The  blood  that  was  in  my  cherry  red  cheeks 
Is  trickling  down  my  knees  !  " 


i^^o 


yournal  of  Americait  Folk-Lore. 


i6  Lord  Thomas,  he  had  a  sword  in  his  hand, 
It  was  both  sharp  as  an  awl, 
And  with  it  he  cut  the  brown  girl's  head  off, 
And  threw  it  against  the  wall. 

17  He  laid  the  sheath  down  on  the  ground, 
He  put  the  point  through  his  own  heart. 
Did  you  ever  see  three  lovers  so  soon  met, 
That  were  so  soon  apart  ? 

B. 

Last  stanza  of  a  version  of  this  ballad,  sung  by  a  young  man  about  1S60.    Contributed 
by  I.  L.  M.,  Vineland,  N.  J.,  originally  from  Lynn,  Mass. 

"  Now  dig  a  grave,"  Sir  Thomas  cried, 
"  And  dig  it  wide  and  deep. 
And  place  Fair  Elinor  at  my  side, 
And  the  brown  girl  at  my  feet ! "' 


IIL     THE   TWA   SISTERS. 

A. 

Recollected  June,  1904,  by  W.  M.,  of  the  U.  S.  Navy,  as  sung  forty  years  ago  by  the 
midshipmen  at  Newport,  R.  I. 


^ 


^ 


There     was 


-•— #- 


-9-r- 


the    West,       Bow        down, 


i 


a      man       lived      in 


^H^ 


^- 


^5=3 


3t=i: 


-•-r- 


bow 


* .4.    '..J. • • ' — • W-' ^•-s U « 

down,There  was      a    man    lived    in        the  West,    Bow      once    to 


i 


i 


me 


There     was 


man      lived      in        the     West,  And    he 


^^^^^^hJ— r^^^pp^^^ 


had      two    daugh-ters    just     of       the    best,     So    it's    I'll 


be     true. 


^=^S^^ 


true      to      my    love,    and     my      love   will      be      true        to        me. 

I  There  was  a  man  lived  in  the  West, 
Bow  down,  bow  down, 
There  was  a  man  lived  in  the  West, 
Bow  once  to  me. 


Traditional  Ballads  in  New  England.  131 

There  was  a  man  lived  in  the  West, 

And  he  had  two  daughters  just  of  the  best. 

So  it 's  I  '11  be  true,  true  to  my  love, 

And  my  love  will  be  true  to  me ! 

2  The  miller,  he  loved  the  youngest  one, 
But  he  was  loved  by  the  eldest  one. 

3  He  gave  the  youngest  a  gay  gold  ring, 
But  he  gave  the  eldest  never  a  thing. 

4  He  gave  the  youngest  a  satin  hat. 
But  the  eldest,  she  got  mad  at  that. 

5  They  took  a  walk  by  the  river  side, 
Alas  !  I  must  tell  what  did  betide. 

6  The  eldest,  she  pushed  the  youngest  in, 
And  all  for  the  sake  of  the  gay  gold  ring. 

7  "  Oh,  sister,  oh,  sister,  oh,  save  my  life  ! 
And  you  shall  be  the  miller's  wife !  " 

8  She  swam  till  she  came  to  the  miller's  pond, 
And  there  she  swam  around  and  around. 

9  The  miller,  he  took  his  hook  and  line, 
And  caught  her  by  her  hair  so  fine. 


Taken  down  by  H.  M.  R.,  in  Calais,  Maine. 

1  There  was  a  man  lived  in  the  West, 

Bow  down,  bow  down, 
There  was  a  man  lived  in  the  West,  — 

The  bow  is  bent  to  me,  — 
There  was  a  man  lived  in  the  West, 
He  loved  his  youngest  daughter  best. 

Prove  true,  prove  true, 

Oh,  my  love,  prove  true  to  me  ! 

2  One  day  he  gave  her  a  beaver  hat, 
Her  sister,  she  did  not  like  that. 

3  As  they  were  walking  on  the  green. 
To  see  their  father's  ships  come  in. 

4  As  they  were  walking  on  the  wharf, 
Her  sister,  she  did  push  her  off. 


132  yournal  of  A  merican  Folk-L ore. 

5  "  Oh,  dear  sister,  give  me  your  hand, 
And  you  shall  have  my  house  and  land ! " 

6  "  No,  I  will  not  give  you  my  hand, 
But  I  will  have  your  house  and  land." 

7  Sometimes  she  sank,  sometimes  she  swam, 
Until  she  came  to  a  miller's  dam. 

8  The  miller,  he  put  in  his  hook. 
And  fished  her  out  by  her  petticoat. 

9  He  stripped  her  off  from  toe  to  chin, 
And  then  he  threw  her  in  agin. 

10  Sometimes  she  sunk,  sometimes  she  swum, 
Until  she  came  to  her  long  home. 

11  Her  sister  was  hanged  for  her  sake. 
And  the  miller  he  burned  at  the  stake. 


IV.    LADY  ISABEL  AND  THE  ELF-KNIGHT. 


Contributed  by  L.  W.  H.,  Cambridge,  Mass.,  in  whose  family  it  has  been  traditional  for 
three  generations. 


^ 


gF^^     .1   I   JF 


^- 


-^. 


^ 


Pret  -  ty     Pol    -    ly,      she  mount  -  ed      her    milk  -  white     steed,   And 


:£ 


=^ 


^; 


he 


the       am  -  bling      gray,  And      they        came     to 


the 


^^m 


broad 
A 


ter 


side,       Full       an    hour        be  -  fore 


it       was 


^ 


^ 


^^ 


day,      day,       day,      Full       an      hour      be  -  fore        it       was     day. 

I  Pretty  Polly,  she  mounted  her  milk-white  steed, 
And  he  the  ambling  gray. 
And  they  came  to  the  broad  water  side, 
Full  an  hour  before  it  was  day,  day,  day, 
Full  an  hour  before  it  was  day. 


Traditional  Ballads  in  New  England.  13; 

2  "  Now  light  you  down,  Pretty  Polly,"  he  said, 

"  Now  light  you  down,"  said  he, 
"  For  six  Pretty  PoUies  have  I  drownded  here, 
And  the  seventh  you  shall  be." 

3  "  Take  off  your  clothes,  so  costly,  so  fine, 

And  eke  your  velvet  shoon, 
For  I  do  think  your  clothing  is  too  good, 
For  to  lie  in  a  watery  tomb." 

4  "  Won't  you  stoop  down  to  pick  that  brier. 

That  grows  so  near  the  brim  ? 
For  I  am  afraid  it  will  tangle  my  hair, 
And  rumple  my  lily-white  skin." 

5  So  he  stooped  down  to  pick  that  brier, 

That  grew  so  near  the  brim. 
And  with  all  the  might  that  the  Pretty  Polly  had. 
She  did  tumble  the  false  knight  in. 

6  "Lie  there,  lie  there  false  knight,"  she  said, 

"  Lie  there  all  in  my  room, 
For  I  do  not  think  your  clothing  is  too  good. 
For  to  lie  in  a  watery  tomb  !  " 

7  Pretty  Polly,  she  mounted  her  milk-white  steed, 

And  led  the  ambling  gray, 
And  she  came  to  her  father's  stable  door, 
Full  an  hour  before  it  was  day. 

8  Then  up  and  spoke  her  pretty  parrot, 

And  unto  her  did  say, 
"  Oh,  where  have  you  been,  my  Pretty  Polly, 
So  long  before  it  was  day  ?  " 

9  "  Oh,  hold  your  tongue,  you  prattling  bird. 

And  tell  no  tales  of  me, 
And  you  shall  have  a  cage  of  the  finest  beaten  gold. 
That  shall  hang  on  the  front  willow-tree  !  " 

10  Then  up  and  spoke  her  father  dear. 

And  unto  the  bird  did  say, 
"  Oh,  what  makes  you  talk,  my  pretty  parrot. 
So  long  before  it  is  day  1 " 

11  "The  old  cat  came  to  my  cage  door. 

And  fain  would  have  eaten  me, 
And  I  was  a-calling  to  Pretty  Polly, 
To  drive  the  old  cat  away." 
VOL.  xviii.  —  NO.  69.       10 


134 


yournal  of  American  Folk-Lorc. 


V.  THE  GEORGE  ALOE  AND  THE  SWEEPSTAKE. 

« 

Recollected,  June,  1904,  by  \V.  M.,  of  the  U.  S.  Navy,  as  sung  over  forty  years  ago  by  an 
ancient  mariner. 


^^^^^^§3 


Once  there  were    two     ships,  and  two  ships  they   were      of      fame,      Blow 


-x^ 


^N^ 


1= 


high,  blow  low,    for     slow      sail  -  ed       we,        And    one   was  the  King   of 


'^=t^ 


^ 


i^= 


:i= 


Prus  -  sia,       and       one        was       Arch  -  ie 


of 


Spain,  Cruis    -  ing 


i 


I 


down      the       lone     -    ly       coast       of      the     high      Bar  -    bar  -  ee. 

1  Once  there  were  two  ships,  and  two  ships  they  were  of  fame, 

Blow  high,  blow  low,  for  slow  sail-ed  we,  — 
And  one  was  the  King  of  Prussia  and  one  was  Archie  of  Spain, 
Cruising  down  the  lonely  coast  of  the  high  Barbary. 

2  "  Now  aloft,  there  aloft !  "  our  gallant  commander  cried, 

"  Look  ahead,  look  astern,  look  to  windward  and  to  lee !  " 

3  "  Oh,  there  's  nothing  ahead,  and  there  's  nothing  astern, 

But  there  's  a  lofty  frigate  to  windward,  and  another  on  our  lee." 

4  "  Now,  hail  her,  oh,  hail  her  !  "  our  gallant  commander  cried, 

"  Oh,  I  am  the  salt  sea  pirate,  as  this  night  you  soon  shall  see  !  " 

5  Then  broadside  for  broadside  this  daring  dog  did  pour, 
Till  the  man  at  the  helm  shot  the  pirate's  mast  away. 

6  Then  for  mercy,  for  mercy  this  daring  dog  did  cry, 

"  Oh,  the  mercy  I  will  give  you,  I  will  sink  you  in  the  sea !  " 

7  "  Your  ship  shall  be  your  coffin,  and  your  grave  shall  be  the  sea, 
Your  ship  shall  be  your  coffin,  and  your  grave  shall  be  the  sea!  " 


Traditional  Ballads  in  New  England. 


135 


VI.     HENRY  MARTIN. 
Communicated  by  S.  C.  G.,  Minneapolis,  Minn.,  as  sung  over  fifty  years  ago. 


* 


^EEE^ 


*8 


^ 


8; 


In       Scot  -  land  there  dwelt     three    broth  -  ers        of       late.    Three 


%-- 


It 


?=^^ 


broth -ers      of    late,   broth -ers       three.        And     they    cast    lots. 


% 


m 


3^= 


^ 


see    which     of      them  Should  go      rob  -  bing      all         on       the      salt 


see  which     of    them  Should  go   rob  -  bing     all      on      the      salt     sea. 


1  In  Scotland  there  dwelt  three  brothers  of  late, 

Three  brothers  of  late,  brothers  three, 
And  they  cast  lots,  to  see  which  of  them 

Should  go  robbing  all  on  the  salt  sea. 
Salt  sea ! 
And  they  cast  lots,  to  see  which  of  them 

Should  go  robbing  all  on  the  salt  sea. 

2  The  lot  it  fell  on  Henry  Martin, 

The  youngest  of  these  brothers  three, 
That  he  should  go  robbing  all  on  the  salt  sea, 
To  maintain  his  two  brothers  and  he. 

3  He  had  scarce  sailed  one  long  winter's  night, 

One  long  winter's  night  on  the  sea, 
Before  he  espied  a  lofty  brave  ship, 
A-sailing  off  over  the  sea. 


4  "  Put  back  !  "  he  cried,  "  and  square  your  main  tack,  — 
Come  sail  down  under  my  lee, 
Your  gold  we  'II  take  from  you,  your  ship  we  '11  let  drift, 
And  your  bodies  we  '11  sink  in  the  sea  !  " 


1 36  jfournal  of  American  Folk-L ore. 

5  Broadsides,  broadsides  they  gave  to  each  other, 

They  fought  for  hours  full  three, 
Till  Henry  Martin  received  his  death  wound, 
And  his  body  did  sink  in  the  sea. 

6  Bad  news,  bad  news  I  bring  to  old  England, 

Bad  news  I  bring  unto  thee. 
Your  rich  merchant  ship  is  now  cast  away, 
And  your  mariners  sunk  in  the  sea. 


VII.    THE  MERMAID. 
Recorded  by  me  October  11,  1904,  from  the  singing  of  J.  G.  M.,  Newbury,  Vt. 

a  ,  A        A        /^ 


^ 


J 


The 


rag 


ing 


sea  goes       roar,      roar,     roar,    And      the 


3^^ 


^Si^ 


^ 


Xf 


storm  -  y      winds  they    do     blow,    While      we       poor      sail  -  ors      are 


^ 


^^ 


-^— N 


^=i 


i 


drown-ing    in     the  deep, And  the  pret-ty    girls  are  stand-ing    on   the  shore. 


1  The  first  came  up  was  the  carpenter  of  the  ship, 

And  a  hearty  old  fellow  was  he, 
Saying,  "  I  have  a  wife  in  old  England, 
And  a  widow  I  'ra  afraid  she  will  be  !  " 

Refrain,  —  For  the  raging  sea  goes  roar,  roar,  roar, 
And  the  stormy  winds  they  do  blow, 
While  we  poor  sailors  are  drowning  in  the  deep. 
And  the  pretty  girls  are  standing  on  the  shore. 

2  The  next  came  up  was  a  little  cabin  boy. 

And  a  nice  little  fellow  was  he. 
Saying,  —  "  I  'd  give  more  for  my  daddy  and  my  ma, 
Than  I  would  for  your  wives  all  three  !  " 


3  The  next  came  up  was  a  fair  pretty  maid. 
With  a  comb  and  a  glass  in  her  hand. 
Saying, 


Traditional  Ballads  in  New  England.  137 


VIII.     CAPTAIN   WARD   AND  THE  RAINBOW. 

"  Captain  Ward,  the  Pirate,  with  an  account  of  his  famous  fight  with  the  Rainbow,  ship 
of  war.     Nathaniel  Coverly,  jun.,  Printer,  Ijoston." 

Broadside,  printed  not  later  than  1S14,  of  which  two  copies  are  known  to  me,  —  one  in 
the  Isaiah  Thomas  collection  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  Worcester,  Mass.,  the 
other  in  the  Boston  Public  Library. 

1  Strike  up  you  brave  and  lusty  gallants,  with  music  sound  of  drum, 
For  we  have  espied  a  rover,  which  to  our  seas  have  come. 

His  name  you  know  is  Captain  Ward,  right  well  it  doth  appear, 
There  has  not  been  such  a  rover  found  out  this  thousand  year. 

2  For  he  has  sent  unto  our  King,  on  the  fifth  of  January, 
Desiring  that  he  might  come  in  with  all  his  company, 
And  if  you  will  let  me  come,  till  I  my  tale  have  told, 

I  will  bestow  for  my  ransom  full  thirty  tons  of  gold. 

3  First  he  deceived  the  wild  Turk,  and  then  the  King  of  Spain, 
Pray  how  can  he  prove  true  to  us,  when  he  proves  false  to  them .-' 
"Oh,  no,  oh  no,"  then  said  the  King,  "for  no  such  thing  can  be, 
For  he  has  been  a  rank  robber  and  a  robber  on  the  sea." 

4  "  Oh  then,"  says  Captain  Ward,  "  my  boys,  let 's  put  to  sea  again. 
And  see  what  prizes  we  can  find  on  the  coast  of  France  and  Spain." 
Then  we  espied  a  lofty  ship  a-sailing  from  the  west. 

She  was  loaded  with  silks  and  satins  and  cambricks  of  the  best. 

5  Then  we  bore  up  to  her  straightway,  they  thinking  no  such  thing, 
We  robbed  them  of  their  merchandise,  then  bade  them  tell  their  King. 
Now  when  their  King  did  hear  of  this,  his  heart  was  grieved  full  sore, 
To  think  his  ships  could  not  get  past,  as  they  had  done  before. 

6  Then  he  caused  built  a  worthy  ship  and  a  worthy  ship  of  fame, 
Oh,  the  Rainbow,  was  she  called,  and  the  Rainbow  was  her  name. 
Oh  he  rigged  her,  and  freighted  her,  and  sent  her  to  the  sea. 
With  five  hundred  and  fifty  mariners  to  bear  her  company. 

7  They  sailed  east,  they  sailed  west,  but  nothing  could  espy, 

Until  they  came  to  the  very  same  spot  where  Captain  Ward  did  ly. 
"Who  is  the  owner  of  this  ship  ?  "  the  Rainbow  then  did  cry, 
"  Here  am  I !  "  says  Captain  Ward,  "  let  no  man  me  deny  !  " 

8  " What  brought  you  here,  you  cowardly  dog,  you  ugly  wanton  thief? 
What  makes  you  lie  at  anchor,  and  keep  our  King  in  grief  ? " 

"  You  lie,  you  lie  !  "  says  Captain  Ward,  "  so  well  I  hear  you  lie, 
I  never  robbed  an  Englishman,  an  Englishman  but  three. 


138  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

9  As  for  the  worthy  Scotchmen,  I  love  them  as  my  own, 

My  chief  delight  is  for  to  pull  the  French  and  Spaniards  dowri." 

"  Why  say'st  thou  so,  bold  robber  ?     We  '11  soon  humble  your  pride !  " 

With  this  the  gallant  Rainbow,  she  shot  out  of  her  side 

ID  Full  fifty  good  brass  cannons,  well  charged  on  every  side. 
And  they  fired  their  great  guns,  and  gave  Ward  a  broadside. 
"  Fire  on,  fire  on  ! "  says  Captain  Ward,  "  I  value  you  not  a  pin, 
If  you  be  brass  on  the  outside,  I  'm  good  as  steel  within  ! " 

11  They  fought  from  eight  in  the  morning,  till  eight  o'clock  at  night. 
Till  at  once  the  gallant  Rainbow  began  to  take  to  flight. 

**  Go  home,  go  home,"  says  Captain  Ward,  "  and  tell  your  King  from  me. 
If  he  reigns  King  upon  dry  land,  I  will  reign  King  at  sea  !  " 

12  With  that  the  gallant  Rainbow,  she  shot  and  shot  in  vain. 
Then  left  the  Rover's  company,  and  home  returned  again. 
To  tell  our  King  of  England,  his  ship  's  returned  again, 
For  Captain  Ward,  he  is  so  strong,  he  never  will  be  ta'en. 

13  "  Oh,  everlasting  shame  !  "  said  the  King,  "  I  have  lost  jewels  three, 
Which  would  have  gone  unto  the  sea,  and  brought  proud  Ward  to  me. 
The  first  was  the  brave  Lord  Clifford,  great  Earl  of  Cumberland, 
The  second  was  the  Lord  Mountjoy,  as  you  shall  understand. 

The  third  was  the  brave  Lord  Essex,  from  the  field  would  never  flee. 
Who  would  have  gone  unto  the  sea,  and  brought  proud  Ward  to  me ! " 

Phillips  Bariy. 
Boston,  Mass. 


Folk'LoTC  of  the  Cree  Indians.  139 


FOLK-LORE   OF   THE   CREE   INDIANS. 

It  was  upon  the  shores  of  James  Bay,  near  the  mouth  of  Pontiac's 
Creek,  that  I  witnessed  a  scene  which  is  most  vividly  impressed  upon 
my  memory. 

Seated  around  a  blazing  camp-fire,  a  group  of  Cree  Indians,  silent 
and  moody,  had  just  finished  supper,  and  were  enjoying  their  evening 
smoke.  The  night  was  cold  and  dark,  and  save  for  the  crackling  of 
the  fires  everything  was  as  still  as  death.  Suddenly  one  of  the  Indians 
began  to  relate  a  story.  At  first  his  voice  was  low  and  pleasing  ;  then 
as  he  spoke  of  fighting,  excitement  obtained  the  mastery  and  his 
narrative  was  accompanied  with  wild  but  appropriate  gestures.  The 
audience  occasionally  grunted  approval.  There  was  not  a  sign  of 
incredulity,  although  to  me  the  tales  were  as  absurd  as  they  were 
interesting.  Since  that  memorable  night  I  have  tried  diligently  to 
add  to  the  collection  of  folk-lore  there  begun,  but  with  small  success. 
The  tales  are  told  only  in  the  fall  of  the  year.  Should  an  Indian 
relate  them  during  winter  or  summer,  the  belief  is  that  misfortune- 
will  attend  all  his  endeavors  during  the  year.  If  told  in  fitting  sea- 
son, however,  the  narration  will  bring  good  luck.  The  young  Indians 
do  not  take  the  trouble  to  learn  the  stories,  and  the  custom  of  story- 
telling in  the  autumn  is  kept  up  by  only  a  few  of  the  older  men,  who 
dread  the  ridicule  of  the  white  man  and  are  for  the  most  part  silent 
in  his  presence.  Owing  to  these  difficulties  the  few  simple  stories 
which  follow  represent  the  whole  of  my  folk-lore  gleanings  during: 
seven  years'  intimate  association  with  Cree  Indians. 

I.    THE    CREATION. 

At  one  time,  long  ago,  the  world  was  covered  with  water,  and  the 
animals  wished  for  some  dry  land.  The  muskrat  volunteered  to 
dive  down  and  see  what  he  could  bring  to  the  surface.  He  carried 
some  mud  on  his  tail,  but  there  was  not  sufficient,  and  it  immedi- 
ately sank.  Next  the  otter  made  an  attempt  and  failed.  Then  the 
beaver  tried  and  managed  to  bring  to  the  surface  enough  earth  to 
form  a  small  island.     From  this  the  world  grew. 

2.    THE    BIRTH    OF    LAKE    MISTASSINI. 

Two  brothers  went  out  on  a  hunting  excursion.  They  separated 
at  a  certain  point,  and  each  took  a  different  route.  One  of  them 
came  to  a  small  pool  and  saw  in  the  water  an  enormous  otter.  He 
was  just  about  to  kill  it  when  several  young  otters  emerged  from  the 
pool.  He  noticed  that  they  were  of  different  colors,  some  red,  some 
blue,  and  some  green.    Amazed  at  the  unusual  sight,  he  ran  to  inform 


140  youvjial  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

his  brother  of  the  strange  occurrence.  The  brother  wished  to  go 
back  and  shoot  the  animals,  so  they  started  off  together.  As  soon 
as  the  old  otter  made  her  appearance,  one  of  the  brothers  fired.  It 
dived,  and  immediately  the  water  of  the  pool  began  to  boil  and  foam 
and  flood  the  surrounding  land.  The  brothers  ran  in  opposite  direc- 
tions and  the  water  followed  them.  At  last  one  of  them  was  brought 
to  a  halt  at  some  high  rocks  near  the  post  of  Mistassini,  and  the  old 
otter  devoured  him.  The  waters  then  ceased  to  rise,  and  the  lake 
remained  as  it  is  to-day, 

3.    THE    PAINTED    CANOE. 

Long  ago  an  old  man  and  his  daughter  lived  by  the  shore  of  a 
river.  They  were  very  happy  until  an  Indian  came  along  and  mar- 
ried the  daughter. 

The  old  man  resolved,  however,  not  to  be  so  easily  deprived  of  his 
only  comfort,  so  he  took  his  son-in-law  out  into  the  woods  and  left 
him  to  freeze  to  death. 

To  the  dismay  of  the  old  man  the  daughter  married  again,  so  he 
at  once  set  about  treating  this  young  man  as  he  had  done  the  other. 
In  the  spring  at  the  time  the  sturgeon  spawns  he  invited  his  son-in- 
law  to  go  out  with  him  to  spear  the  fish.  The  young  man  happened 
to  step  on  the  edge  of  the  canoe,  and  the  old  man,  taking  advantage  of 
the  chance  thrown  in  his  way,  jerked  the  canoe  to  one  side,  and  the 
young  man  fell  into  the  rapid.  When  he  came  to  the  surface  he  saw 
the  canoe  in  the  distance,  but  managed  by  swimming  hard  to  reach 
land  in  safety.  When  the  old  man  came  ashore  he  was  questioned 
as  to  the  whereabouts  of  the  young  man,  and  replied  that  he  sup- 
posed his  son-in-law  must  be  drowned,  as  he  fell  out  of  the  canoe. 
To  his  astonishment  they  told  him  that  his  treachery  was  discovered 
and  that  the  young  man  was  alive  in  his  tent. 

The  old  man  next  invited  his  son-in-law  to  go  hunting  with  him, 
and  again  he  agreed.  They  journeyed  far  from  their  tent  and 
camped  in  the  woods.  At  night-time  it  is  the  custom  of  the  Indians 
to  hang  their  boots  before  the  fire  to  dry.  The  old  man  and  his  son- 
in-law  did  this,  but  the  young  man,  suspecting  treachery,  changed 
the  position  of  the  boots  and  hung  his  own  where  his  father-in-law's 
had  been  placed.  The  old  man  arose  in  the  night,  took  his  son-in- 
law's  boots  and  put  them  in  the  fire,  never  dreaming  that  he  was 
about  to  become  the  victim  of  his  own  treachery.  He  then  aroused 
the  young  man  and  told  him  his  boots  were  on  fire.  The  young 
man  on  coming  out  of  the  tent  said,  "These  must  be  your  boots. 
Mine  are  on  your  poles  and  are  all  right."  He  then  put  on  his  boots 
and  left  his  father-in-law  to  freeze  to  death.  He  had  not  gone  far 
before  he  heard  footsteps   behind  him,  and  upon  waiting  saw  that 


Folk-Lore  of  the  Cree  Indians.  141 

the  old  man  had  tied  brush  (twigs  of  fir-tree)  upon  his  feet,  and  was 
all  right. 

The  young  man  saw  that  there  would  be  no  peace  until  he  could 
rid  himself  forever  of  his  father-in-law's  company.  He  made  a  canoe 
and  painted  the  inside  more  beautifully  than  any  canoe  had  before 
been  painted.  He  also  made  handsome  paddles  and  presented  these 
to  the  old  man,  who  was  delighted  and  became  so  anxious  to  try  the 
merits  of  his  new  canoe  that  he  went  out  without  noticing  the  threat- 
ening weather.  He  was  so  taken  up  with  the  beautiful  way  in  which 
the  canoe  was  decorated  that  he  gave  no  heed  to  his  course.  A 
storm  sprang  up,  and  he  was  never  seen  nor  heard  from  again. 

4.    A    BIG    PERCH. 

Some  Indian  hunters  were  camped  along  the  shores  of  Lake  Mis- 
tassini.  As  fish  and  game  were  plentiful  they  were  happy  and  con- 
tented. One  evening  they  missed  one  of  their  number,  and  though 
they  searched  everywhere  could  not  find  him.  They  had  many  days 
given  him  up  for  dead,  when  he  surprised  them  by  calmly  walking 
into  camp.  On  their  asking  him  where  he  had  been  he  told  the 
following  story  :  — 

"  That  night  you  lost  me  I  was  at  the  bottom  of  the  lake,  where  I 
saw  all  kinds  of  fish,  some  pretty,  some  ugly,  and  some  savage. 
There  was  one  perch  so  large  that  he  could  not  turn  around  in  the 
lake,  but  had  to  swim  up  and  down  without  turning." 

The  above  story  has  been  handed  down  from  father  to  son,  and 
even  to-day  Indians  refer  to  the  "  big  perch,"  just  as  seriously  as  if 
it  really  existed.  Lake  Mistassini  is  120  miles  long  and  20  miles 
wide,  so  the  legend  far  eclipses  the  white  man's  story  of  the  sea 
serpent. 

5.    THE    STORY    OF    KATONAO. 

Katonao  was  a  great  warrior  who  was  always  seeking  for  glory. 
He  had  two  sons  who  were  very  much  like  him  in  this  respect. 
They  went  off  to  meet  some  other  warriors,  and  Katonao  followed  to 
help  them  fight.  When  he  had  gone  some  distance  he  saw  a  lot  of 
warriors  on  the  ground  dead,  and  he  knew  that  his  sons  had  passed 
that  way.  At  last  he  came  across  one  of  his  sons  who  was  lying 
wounded  on  the  ground,  pierced  by  a  number  of  arrows.  The  old 
man  pulled  the  arrows  from  his  son's  body  and  went  in  search  of  the 
other  son.  He  had  not  proceeded  far  when  his  wounded  son  over- 
took him  and  both  followed  the  tracks  of  the  other  son.  At  last 
they  came  across  him  fighting  desperately  with  hostile  warriors,  and 
they  ran  to  help  him.  Old  Katonao  tripped  on  his  snowshoes  and 
was  captured.     The  two  sons  tried  hard  to  save  their  father  and  en- 


142  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

deavored  to  pull  him  from  the  hostile  warriors,  but  he  asked  them 
to  let  him  be  taken. 

The  hostile  warriors  resolved  not  to  kill  Katonao  at  once,  but 
reserve  him  for  a  feast.  They  treated  him  with  great  cruelty  on  the 
journey,  sometimes  dragging  him  naked  through  the  snow  and  tying 
him  to  the  sled  exposed  all  night  to  the  cold.  They  gave  him  old 
skins  to  eat.  As  soon  as  the  warriors  arrived  home  they  tied  old 
Katonao  up,  and  resolved  to  sacrifice  him  on  the  morrow.  They 
placed  him  in  a  tent  with  an  old  man  as  guard.  Orders  were  given 
to  cook  Katonao  for  the  feast,  but  some  of  the  women  cried  out  that 
there  were  lots  of  partridges  in  the  woods.  The  old  man  then  asked 
the  warriors  if  Katonao  and  the  women  could  go  hunting  the  par- 
tridges, and  they  consented.  Katonao  then  took  up  his  bow  and  arrows 
and  killed  many  partridges.  In  hunting  these  birds  he  wandered 
farther  and  farther  away  from  his  captors,  and  at  last  he  made  a  dash 
for  liberty.  He  was  still  naked  and  suffered  much  in  making  his 
escape.  He  had  not  gone  far  when  he  saw  the  warriors  in  full  chase, 
so  he  hid  in  the  snow  and  killed  two  of  them  as  they  ran  past  him. 
He  then  took  off  their  clothes,  fixed  himself  up,  and  started  in 
search  of  his  sons. 

When  the  warriors  came  upon  their  dead  comrades,  they  returned 
to  the  camp  and  blamed  the  old  man  for  asking  Katonao  to  go  out 
hunting.  Then  they  called  him  and  killed  him  for  the  feast.  When 
Katonao  arrived  at  the  tent  of  one  of  his  sons,  he  found  him  making 
snowshoes.  He  walked  on  farther  and  found  the  other  son  making 
a  canoe.  Katonao  shot  an  arrow  into  him  and  chased  him  into  the 
tent.  The  other  son  came  up,  and  seeing  what  Katonao  was  doing 
was  about  to  put  him  to  death,  but  the  wounded  boy  cried  out  for 
him  to  spare  his  father,  so  Katonao  was  spared  and  lived  with  his 
sons  for  a  long  time. 

6.    THE    FISHERMAN. 

An  old  man  and  his  two  sons  were  encamped  by  the  side  of  a  large 
lake.  One  day  the  wife  of  one  of  his  sons  saw  a  number  of  warriors 
on  the  shore  of  the  lake.  She  called  out,  as  she  knew  the  warriors 
were  waiting  for  the  two  young  men  to  return  from  the  hunt. 

The  old  man  had  a  fish-hook  set  through  the  ice,  so  he  took  a 
small  bag  and  a  stick  pointed  at  both  ends  and  went  to  visit  his 
hooks. 

As  soon  as  the  strange  Indians  saw  the  old  man  at  his  hooks,  one 
of  their  number  went  to  push  him  under  the  ice.  As  the  warrior 
drew  near,  the  old  man  stabbed  him  with  the  sharp  stick.  His  com- 
rades seeing  this  sent  two  of  their  number  to  kill  the  old  man,  but 
these  were  killed  in  the  same  manner  as  the  first.     The  whole  band 


Folk-Lore  of  the  Cree  Indians.  143 

then  went  to  obtain  revenge.  They  fired  arrows,  but  these  fell 
harmlessly  into  the  old  man's  bag.  The  sons,  hearing  that  their 
father  was  in  danger,  came  up  and  killed  the  warriors.  The  old  man 
was  very  tired,  and  glad  to  get  a  rest  after  his  exertions. 

7.    THE    BITER    BIT. 

There  was  once  an  old  man  who  had  an  only  daughter  to  look 
after  him.  One  day  the  daughter  was  married  to  a  young  Indian, 
and  this  so  angered  the  old  man  that  he  put  the  husband  to  death. 

The  daughter  married  again,  and  again  the  old  man  made  away 
with  her  husband.  The  manner  in  which  he  killed  them  was  by 
coaxing  them  to  the  top  of  a  hill,  where  he  had  a  trap  placed  to  break 
their  backs. 

At  last  the  daughter  married  a  man  who  happened  to  be  a  little 
more  cunning  than  the  rest.  He  ran  away  with  the  daughter  and 
went  off  to  hunt  bear.  That  winter  he  was  very  successful  and 
killed  many  bears.  He  made  a  large  roggan  or  birchbark  basket  in 
which  he  put  the  bear's  fat.  The  roggan  was  so  heavy  that  it  took 
four  men  to  carry  it. 

In  the  spring  the  couple  returned  to  the  old  man's  wigwam,  and 
the  son-in-law  made  him  a  present  of  the  roggan.  The  old  man  was 
so  strong  that  he  lifted  the  roggan  easily.  The  old  man  then  coaxed 
the  son-in-law  to  go  to  the  top  of  the  hill,  intending  to  serve  him  as 
he  had  done  the  others,  but  the  young  man  proved  too  strong  and 
cunning  for  the  old  fellow,  and  in  wrestling  he  broke  the  old  man's 
back.  During  the  struggle  the  old  man  cried  out  to  his  daughter 
that  her  husband  was  killing  him,  but  she  had  no  sympathy  for  him, 
and  said  that  it  served  him  right. 

Fred  Swindlehiirst. 

Montreal,  Canada. 


144  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

RECORD   OF   AMERICAN   FOLK-LORE. 

NORTH    AMERICA, 

Algonkian.  Blackfeet.  At  pages  276-277  of  Professor  Wiss- 
ler's  monograph  on  the  "  Decorative  Art  of  the  Sioux  Indians," 
noticed  below,  are  some  items  concerning  the  '•  Decorative  Art  of 
the  Blackfeet."  The  beaded  and  quill  work  of  the  Blackfeet  "are 
relatively  infrequent,  and  do  not  possess  the  variety  and  complexity 
of  those  of  the  Dakota."  ParflecJie  decoration  is  known  as  "  Gros 
Ventre  painting  ; "  this  probably  indicates  that  "  the  whole  was 
copied  directly  from  that  tribe."  The  native  art  of  the  Blackfeet  is 
pictographic,  and  "the  few  highly  conventionalized  forms  they  have 
adopted  are  important  religious  symbols."  In  general  it  may  be  said 
that  "  the  Sioux  show  a  tendency  to  love  art  for  art's  sake,  while  the 
Blackfeet  love  art  for  the  sake  of  their  religion."  —  Miisqiiakie  {Onta- 
gavii,  Fox).  Volume  li.  (1902,  ix.  147  pp.  pi.  1-8  and  64  figs.)  of 
the  Publications  of  the  Folk-Lore  Society  (London)  is  entitled 
"  Folk-Lore  of  the  Musquakie  Indians  of  North  America  and  Cata- 
logue of  Musquakie  Beadwork  and  other  Objects  in  the  Collection 
of  the  Folk-Lore  Society,  by  Maria  Alicia  Owen."  Miss  Owen  is  a 
member  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society  and  has  contributed  to 
its  Journal  from  time  to  time.  The  monograph  now  under  consid- 
eration treats  of  :  Mythical  origin,  achievements  and  fate  of  the 
brothers,  legend  and  history,  government,  beliefs,  dances,  birth  and 
infancy,  puberty,  courtship  and  marriage,  death,  burial,  and  ghost- 
carrying,  folk-tales,  etc.  Pages  95-147  are  occupied  by  a  descrip- 
tive list  of  one  hundred  and  nine  items  of  Musquakie  objects  pre- 
sented by  the  author  to  the  Society :  woman's  dance  costume  and 
ornaments  ;  man's  dance  costume  and  ornaments;  shaman's  costume, 
ornaments,  and  paraphernalia  ;  musical  instruments  ;  weapons,  imple- 
ments, etc. 

In  the  myth  of  origins,  He-nau-ee  (Mother),  who  came  down  from 
the  Upper  World  in  a  storm,  figures  with  her  two  children,  Hot 
Hand  and  Cold  Hand,  who,  after  a  number  of  adventures,  including 
the  killing  of  Black  Wolf,  fell  into  the  cave  of  Ancestors  (Ancestral 
Animals)  by  whom  they  were  made  via-cottpce  (full  of  magic),  and 
sent  back.  A  boy  and  a  girl  born  of  lumps  on  the  side  of  the  Bro- 
thers were  the  ancestors  of  the  tribe  —  they  began  by  having  seven 
sons  and  seven  daughters,  from  whom  came  the  seven  clans  of  the 
Musquakies,  named  after  the  seven  ancestral  animals  (fox,  eagle,  bear, 
beaver,  fish,  antelope,  raccoon).  After  teaching  the  boy  and  girl,  the 
Brothers  went  away  to  kill  or  conquer  the  demons  and  devils.  The 
Musquakie  tribe  is  "a  limited  monarchy  with  an  hereditary  chief  of 


Record  of  A  fnerica  n  Folk-L  ore.  1 4  5 

the  Eagle  clan."  It  has  a  head-chief's  council,  councils  of  sub- 
chiefs  (of  the  seven  clans),  and  a  body  of  "  honorable  women."  The 
shaman  is  a  prominent  figure  in  the  councils  —  the  present  head- 
shaman  and  person  of  most  influence  had  the  advantage  of  studying 
medicine  with  a  white  man.  The  "  honorable  women  "  have  great 
power  to  turn  public  opinion.  In  their  religious  and  superstitious 
beliefs,  "  the  Musquakies  pay  homage  to  four  gods,  seven  totems,  or 
patron  saints,  and  an  uncountable  number  of  demons,  devils,  sprites, 
and  ghosts."  The  "gods  "  are  the  good  manito-ah  (in  the  sun),  the 
bad  vianito-ah  (lord  over  that  cold,  slippery,  wet  cavern  in  which  bad 
souls  are  imprisoned),  and  the  two  Brothers. 

The  chief  dances  are  the  religion  dance,  or  dance  of  remembrance 
{i.  e.  of  "unforgotten  ways  of  their  fathers  "),  with  a  subsequent  four- 
days'  Sabbath,  corn-planting  dance,  totem  dances  (like  the  religious 
dance,  but  with  no  dog  sacrifice),  green-corn  dance  ("  what  Thanks- 
giving is  to  a  Yankee,  or  the  Feast  of  the  First  Fruits  to  a  Semite  "), 
the  woman  dance,  bear  dance  (by  young  men),  buffalo  dance  ("  both 
an  incantation  and  an  historical  drama  "),  discovery  dance,  young 
dogs'  dance  (with  howling  and  barking),  horses'  dance,  scalp  dance 
("now  only  a  bit  of  acting"),  dead  man's  medicine  dance,  the  young 
servant's  dance,  birds'  dance  (public  observance  by  members  of  a 
secret  society  of  reckless  young  men),  presents  dance  or  dower  dance 
(by  young  men  for  poor  marriageable  girls).  While  Musquakie 
infants  and  little  children  "are  indulged  and  petted  as  few  white 
children  are,"  they  have  few  toys  and  no  "medicine"  of  their  own, 
except  a  few  talismans,  more  for  the  sake  of  the  soul  than  of  the 
body.  Following  his  being  weaned  (at  four  or  five),  the  Musquakie 
boy  has  a  nine-years'  novitiate  till  after  the  midnight  dance  (Reli- 
gion) he  wakes  up  a  man.  The  girl's  training  is  not  so  severe. 
The  Musquakie  wooing  and  wedding  have  their  share  of  gossip  and 
romance.  The  grave-digging,  formerly  the  work  of  slaves,  is  now 
done  by  white  men  hired  by  the  relations.  The  "ghost-carrier" 
rides  toward  the  west.  The  folk-tales  include  :  Girls  and  bear,  the 
gray-wolf  and  the  orphan  boy,  the  woman  and  the  tree-ghost,  the 
man  and  the  tree-ghost,  the  man  and  the  young  girl,  the  duck-woman, 
the  woodpecker-man,  prairie-chicken  woman,  the  owl,  the  girl-with- 
spots-on-her-face,  the  young  man  that  killed  himself  and  was  made 
alive  again.  One  curious  item  of  belief  (p.  94)  is  that  a  suicide's 
soul  explodes. 

This  volume  is  especially  valuable  as  a  study  of  the  lore  of  a  peo- 
ple who  have  been  considerably  influenced  by  the  whites  in  spite  of 
their  resistance.  In  connection  with  Miss  Owen's  data  should  be 
read  the  articles  of  Mrs.  Lasley  (J.  A.  F.-L.  vol.  xv.  1902,  pp.  170- 
178)  on  "Sac  and  Fox  Tales"  and  William  Jones  {ibid.  vol.  xiv. 


146  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

1901,  pp.  225-239)  on  "  Episodes  in  the  Culture-Hero  Myth  of  the 
Sauks  and  Foxes." 

Caddoan.  Part  ii.  (pp.  5-372,  9  pi.  11  figs.)  of  the  "Twenty- 
second  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology,  1900- 
1901  "  [Washington,  1904],  consists  of  "The  Hako  :  A  Pawnee 
Ceremony,"  by  Ahce  C.  Fletcher,  assisted  by  James  R.  Murie, 
music  transcribed  by  Edwin  S.  Tracy.  The  Hako  ceremony  had  no 
fixed  or  stated  time,  and  "  was  not  connected  with  planting  or  har- 
vesting, hunting  or  war,  or  any  tribal  festival,"  although,  the  Kiira- 
hus  (custodian  and  hierogogue)  said  :  "  We  take  up  the  Hako  in  the 
spring  when  the  birds  are  mating,  or  in  the  summer  when  the  birds 
are  nesting  and  caring  for  their  young,  or  in  the  fall  when  the  birds 
are  flocking,  but  not  in  the  winter  when  all  things  are  asleep.  With 
the  Hako  we  are  praying  for  the  gift  of  life,  of  strength,  of  plenty, 
and  of  peace,  so  we  must  pray  when  life  is  stirring  everywhere." 
Miss  Fletcher  (p.  280)  describes  the  purpose  of  the  Hako,  with  "its 
long  series  of  observances,  which  are  replete  with  detail  and  accom- 
panied by  nearly  one  hundred  songs  "  (no  change  in  the  order  of 
rites  or  songs  was  permitted),  as  twofold :  "  First,  to  benefit  certain 
individuals  by  bringing  to  them  the  promise  of  children,  long  life, 
and  plenty ;  second,  to  affect  the  social  relations  of  those  who  took 
part  in  it,  by  establishing  a  bond  between  two  distinct  groups  of  per- 
sons, belonging  to  different  clans,  gentes,  or  tribes,  which  was  to 
insure  between  them  friendship  and  peace."  Desire  for  offspring 
was  probably  the  original  stimulus,  but  the  ceremonial  forms  here 
used  to  express  this  desire  were  undoubtedly  borrowed  from  earlier 
ceremonies  through  which  the  people  had  been  familiarized  with 
certain  symbols  and  rites  representing  the  creative  powers.  The 
second  purpose  of  the  Hako  "was  probably  an  outgrowth  of  the  first 
purpose,  and  may  have  been  based  upon  tribal  experience  in  the 
practice  of  exogamy."  Besides  its  social  and  religious  significance, 
the  Hako  became  a  medium  of  exchange  of  commodities  among 
tribes,  —  "the  garments,  regalia,  and  other  presents  brought  by  the 
Fathers  to  the  Children  were  taken  by  the  latter  to  some  other  tribe, 
when  they  in  turn  became  the  Fathers."  Testimony  to  "the  men- 
tal grasp  "  of  the  Pawnees  is  borne  by  the  "  compact  structure  "  of 
the  Hako.  The  rhythm  of  the  songs  accompanying  every  ceremo- 
nial act  has  been  determined  by  the  thought  to  be  expressed,  — 
"rhythm  dominates  the  rendition,  which  is  always  exact,  no  liberties 
being  taken  for  the  purpose  of  musical  expression,  in  our  sense  of 
the  term."  Of  the  songs,  words,  music,  and  translations  are  given. 
The  paraphernalia  are  figured  in  the  plates.  The  Hako  ceremony 
consists  of  the  Preparation  with  8  rituals,  and  the  Ceremony  itself 
with  12  rituals.     There  are  also  four  incidental  rituals  that  may  be 


Record  of  A  merica  n  Folk-L  ore.  147 

interpolated  (comforting  the  child,  prayer  to  avert  storms,  prayer  for 
the  gift  of  children,  changing  a  man's  name).  The  rituals  of  the 
Preparation  are  :  I.  Making  the  Hako  (invoking  the  powers,  pre- 
paring the  feathered  stems,  painting  the  ear  of  corn,  and  preparing 
the  other  sacred  objects,  offering  of  smoke).  II.  Prefiguring  the 
journey  to  the  Son.  III.  Sending  the  messengers.  IV,  Vivifying 
the  sacred  objects,  Mother  Corn  assumes  leadership,  the  Hako  party 
presented  to  the  Powers.  V.  Mother  Corn  asserts  authority,  songs 
and  ceremonies  of  the  way.  Mother  Corn  reasserts  leadership.  VI. 
The  Son's  messenger  received,  the  Hako  party  enter  the  village.  VII. 
Touching  and  crossing  the  threshold,  consecrating  the  lodge,  cloth- 
ing the  Son,  and  offering  smoke.  VIII.  The  Fathers  feed  the  Chil- 
dren. IX.  Invoking  the  visions.  X.  The  Dawn  (the  birth  of  Dawn, 
the  Morning  Star  and  the  new-born  Dawn,  daylight,  the  Children 
behold  the  day.  XI.  The  male  element  invoked  (chant  to  the  sun, 
day  songs).  XII.  The  rites  came  by  a  vision.  XIII.  The  female 
element  invoked  (the  sacred  feast  of  Corn,  song  to  the  Earth,  offer- 
ing of  smoke,  songs  of  the  birds).  XIV.  Invoking  the  visions  of 
the  ancient.  XV.  The  flocking  of  the  birds,  the  sixteen  circuits  of 
the  lodge.  XVI.  Seeking  the  child,  symbolic  inception,  action  sym- 
bolizing life.  XVII.  Touching  the  child,  anointing  the  child,  paint- 
ing the  child,  putting  on  the  symbols.  XVIII.  Fulfilment  prefigured 
(making  the  nest,  symbolic  fulfilment,  thank  offering.  XIX.  The 
call  to  the  Children,  the  dance  and  reception  of  gifts.  XX.  Bless- 
ing the  child,  presenting  the  Hako  to  the  Son  and  thanks  to  the 
Children.  The  Hako  Preparation  also  of  three  and  the  Ceremony  of 
four  divisions.  Of  the  Preparation  the  first  division  (initial  rites)  in- 
cludes rituals  L-IV.,  the  second  (the  journey),  the  fifth  ritual,  and 
the  third  (entering  the  village  of  the  Son  and  consecrating  his  lodge) 
rituals  VI.  and  VII.  The  first  division  (the  public  ceremony)  of  the 
Ceremony  includes  rituals  VIII. -XIV.,  the  second  (the  secret  cere- 
monies) rituals  XV.-XVIII.,  the  third  (the  dance  of  thanks)  ritual 
XIX.,  and  the  fourth  (the  presentation  of  the  Hako)  ritual  XX. 

This  monograph,  invaluable  to  the  student  of  primitive  religions, 
represents  four  years  of  work  and  gives  the  entire  ceremony  as 
observed  in  the  Chani  band  of  the  Pawnee  tribe.  The  collaborator 
of  Miss  Fletcher,  Mr.  Murie,  is  "  an  educated  Pawnee  whom  I  have 
known  since  he  was  a  schoolboy,  twenty  years  ago,"  and  one  fully 
qualified  to  preserve  the  ancient  lore  of  his  people.  She  also  had  as 
authority  for  the  text  and  explanation  of  the  ceremony,  Taherussawi- 
chi,  a  full-blood  Pawnee  about  70  years  old,  who  is  a  fine  specimen  in- 
tellectually of  the  Indian  stock.  In  her  "The  Hako  "  Miss  P'letcher 
has  accomplished  a  most  difficult  task  with  great  tact  and  skill,  and 
added  a  classic  to  the  literature  of  the  American  aborigines. 


148  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore, 

California.  Galen  Clark's  "  Indians  of  the  Yosemite  Valley  an'd 
Vicinity,  their  History,  Customs,  and  Traditions  "  (Yosemite  Valley, 
1904,  pp.  no)  treats  of  early  history  (original  legend  according  to 
Chief  Teneiya),  contact  with  the  whites  and  effects  of  the  war,  cus- 
toms and  characteristics  (division  of  territory,  commerce,  communica- 
tion, dwellings,  clothing,  etc.),  sources  of  food  supply  (hunting,  fish- 
ing, acorns  as  food,  Indian  dogs,  nuts  and  berries,  grasshoppers  and 
worms),  religious  ceremonies  and  beliefs  (dances,  festivals,  marriage, 
medicine  men,  disposing  of  the  dead,  spiritism),  natural  industries, 
(basketry  and  bead  work,  bows  and  arrows).  The  section  (pp.  y^- 
100)  on  "  Myths  and  Legends "  contains :  Legend  of  To-tau-kon- 
nu-la  and  Tis-sa'-ack  (origin  of  the  mountain  Half  Dome),  Another 
Legend  of  Tis-sa'-ack  (origin  of  North  Dome),  Legend  of  the  Grizzly 
Bear  (origin  of  tribal  name  Yosemite),  Legend  of  the  Tul-tok'-a-na 
(rock  named  after  the  measuring-worm).  Legend  of  Grouse  Lake, 
Legend  of  the  Lost  Arrow.  Concerning  these  legends  the  author 
remarks  (p.  'j'j):  "The  Legend  of  To-tau-kon-nu'-la  and  Tis-sa'-ack 
is  made  up  of  fragments  of  mythological  lore  obtained  from  a  number 
of  old  Indians  at  various  times  during  the  past  fifty  years.  It  varies 
somewhat  from  other  legends  which  have  been  published  regarding 
these  same  characters,  but  it  is  well  known  that  the  Indians  living 
in  Yosemite  in  recent  years  are  of  mixed  tribal  origin  and  do  not 
all  agree  as  to  the  traditional  history  of  the  region  nor  the  names  of 
the  prominent  scenic  features,  nor  even  of  the  valley  itself."  Pages 
107-109  are  devoted  to  the  "  Interpretation  of  Indian  Names,"  the 
"accepted  meaning  of  twenty-one  names  of  prominent  features  of 
the  valley  being  given,  including  Yo-sem-i-te,  "  Full-Grown  Grizzly 
Bear."  Mr.  Clark,  the  author,  was  the  discoverer  of  the  Mariposa 
Grove  of  Big  Trees,  and  for  many  years  Guardian  of  the  Valley. 

Iroquoian.  To  the  "Twenty-first  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau 
of  American  Ethnology,  1899-1900"  (Washington,  1903),  pages  127- 
339,  Mr.  J.  N.  B.  Hewitt  contributes  the  first  part  of  a  valuable  mono- 
graph on  "  Iroquoian  Cosmology."  Of  an  Onondaga,  a  Seneca,  and 
a  Mohawk  legend  of  the  origin  of  things,  the  native  texts,  inter- 
linear, and  English  translations  are  given.  The  Onondaga  text  was 
obtained  from  the  late  John  Buck  in  1889  on  the  Grand  River  Reser- 
vation, Ontario,  and  revised  in  1897  with  the  help  of  his  son, — the 
shortness  of  this  version  is  accounted  for  by  the  fact  that  "  the  relater 
seemed  averse  to  telling  more  than  a  brief  outline  of  the  legend."  A 
longer  version  from  Chief  Gibson  will  be  printed  later.  The  Seneca 
text  was  obtained  in  1896  on  the  Cattaraugus  Reserve,  N.  Y.,  from 
the  late  John  Armstrong,  "of  Seneca-Delaware-English  mixed  blood, 
an  intelligent  and  conscientious  annalist,"  —  it  has  also  been  re- 
vised since.     The  Mohawk  text  was  obtained  in   1S96-97  on  the 


Record  of  America7i  Folk-Lore.  149 

Grand  River  Reservation  from  Seth  Newhouse,  "  an  intelligent  and 
educated  member  of  the  Mohawk  tribe."  Of  the  material  as  a  whole 
Mr.  Hewitt  says  (p.  137) :  "  In  general  outlines  the  legend,  as  related 
here  is  identical  with  that  found  among  all  of  the  northern  tribes  of 
the  Iroquoian  stock  of  languages.  It  is  told  partly  in  the  language 
of  tradition  and  ceremony,  which  is  formal,  sometimes  quaint,  some- 
times archaic,  frequently  mystical,  and  largely  metaphorical.  But 
the  figures  of  speech  are  made  concrete  by  the  elementary  thought 
of  the  Iroquois,  and  the  metaphor  is  regarded  as  a  fact.  Regarding 
the  subject-matter  of  these  texts,  it  may  be  said  that  it  is  in  the 
main  of  aboriginal  origin.  The  most  marked  post-Columbian  modi- 
fication is  found  in  the  portion  relating  to  the  formation  of  the  physi- 
cal bodies  of  man  and  of  the  animals  and  plants,  in  that  relating  to 
the  idea  of  a  hell,  and  in  the  adaptation  of  the  rib  story  from  the 
ancient  Hebrew  mythology  in  connection  with  the  creation  of 
woman."  The  tales  are  given  "exactly  as  related,"  no  liberties  hav- 
ing been  taken  with  the  texts.  The  idea  of  the  direct  creation  of 
the  bodies  of  man  and  of  the  animals  out  of  specific  portions  of  the 
earth  by  Tharonhiawakon  is  declared  by  the  author  to  be  "  a  com- 
paratively modern  and  erroneous  interpretation  of  the  original  con- 
cept (due  to  Scriptural  teachings).  .The  original  Iroquoian  thought 
was  :  The  earth  through  the  life,  or  life-power  innate  and  immanent 
in  its  substance,  —  the  life  personated  by  Tharonhiawakon,  —  by  feed- 
ing itself  to  them  produces  plants  and  fruits  and  vegetables  which 
serve  as  food  for  birds  and  animals,  all  which  in  their  turn  become 
food  for  men,  a  process  whereby  the  life  of  the  earth  is  transmuted 
into  that  of  man  and  of  all  living  things."  With  this  significance 
the  Iroquois  call  the  earth  EitJiinoha,  "  Our  Mother."  The  mere 
creation  of  man  from  a  piece  of  earth  (as  the  potter  makes  a  pot)  is 
not  Iroquoian — for,  in  the  protology  of  these  Indians,  "things  are 
derived  from  things  through  transformation  and  evolution."  The 
parthenogenetic  conception,  too,  has  been  misunderstood  and  misin- 
terpreted. The  first  beings  of  Iroquoian  mythology  were  anthropic 
or  "man-beings,"  /.  e.  they  "were  not  beasts,  but  belonged  to  a 
rather  vague  class,  of  which  man  was  the  characteristic  type."  Beast 
gods  come  later.  Among  these  first  beings  were  :  Daylight,  Earth- 
quake, Winter,  Medicine,  Wind  (or  Air),  Life  (Germination),  and 
Flower.  The  Iroquoian  term  rendered  in  English  "god  "  really  sig- 
nifies "disposer,  controller,"  for  to  the  Iroquois  "god  "  and  "con- 
troller "  are  synonymous.  The  reign  of  beast,  plant,  tree  gods,  etc., 
came  about  from  the  fact  that  "in  the  development  of  Iroquoian 
thought,  beasts  and  animals,  plants  and  trees,  rocks  and  streams  of 
water,  having  human  or  other  effective  attributes  or  properties  in  a 
paramount  measure,  were  naturally  regarded  as  the  controllers  -i 

VOL.  XVm.  —  NO.  69.        1 1 


1 50  Journal  of  American  Folk-L ore. 

those  attributes  or  properties,  which  could  be  made  available  by 
orenda  or  magic  power."  For  this  reason  "the  reputed  controllers 
of  the  operations  of  nature  received  worship  and  prayers."  Mr. 
Hewitt's  monograph  contains  most  valuable  data  for  the  study  of 
primitive  religion,  and  his  authority  must  carry  weight  in  the  settle- 
ment of  numerous  disputed  questions.  Concerning  the  name  Taiuis- 
karon  \NQ  \e2Lxr\  (p.  139):  "The  Mohawk  epithet  is  commonly  inter- 
preted *  flint,'  but  its  literal  and  original  meaning  is  '  crystal-clad '  or 
*  ice-clad,'  the  two  significations  being  normal,  as  crystal,  flint,  and 
ice  have  a  similar  aspect  and  fracture.  The  original  denotation  is 
singularly  appropriate  for  winter,"  The  Onondaga  Ohad  and  the 
Seneca  Ot/iakivenda'  "  do  not  connote  ice,  but  simply  denote  flint." 
The  name  TJiaronhiaivakon  signifies  "  he  grasps  the  sky  (by  mem- 
ory)," —  he  is  also  called  Odendonnia,  sprout,  or  sapling,  and  loskaha, 
having  apparently  the  same  meaning.  The  "  hiding  away  "  of  chil- 
dren till  puberty  is  a  curious  primitive  Iroquoian  custom  noted  on 
pages  142  and  255.  "  The  tree  called  Tooth  "  is  said  to  be  probably 
the  yellow  dog-tooth  violet,  —  its  blossoms  make  the  world  in  which 
it  is  light.  A  euphemism  for  "  is  pregnant"  is  "life  has  changed." 
The  monkey  (Onondaga  ^' gadjik' daks,  it  eats  lice")  was  probably 
quite  unknown  to  the  Iroquois.  In  the  Seneca  version  (p.  233)  two 
female  children  are  given  to  a  man-being  in  addition  to  his  two  male 
children  "  merely  to  retain  the  number  four,  as  they  do  not  take  any 
part  in  the  events  of  the  legend."  In  the  Mohawk  version  (p.  266) 
occurs  the  word  karoh'to  (it  tree  floats)  in  which  some  authorities 
see  the  etymology  of  the  place-name  Toronto.  To  the  texts  are 
appended  some  good  pictures  of  Iroquoian  Indians.  The  publication 
of  the  original  Indian  texts  and  their  interpretation  by  an  expert  like 
Mr.  Hewitt  marks  a  new  era  in  the  study  of  the  northern  Iroquois. 

Pueblos.  —  Hopi  {Moki).  To  Part  i.  of  the  "Twenty-second 
Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology,  1900-1901  " 
[Washington,  1904],  Dr.  J.  Walter  Fewkes  contributes  (pp.  1-195, 
70  figs.  30  plates)  an  account  of  "Two  Summers'  Work  in  Pueblo 
Ruins."  The  ruins  in  question  are  those  on  the  Little  Colorado 
River,  those  near  Winslow,  the  Chevlon  and  Chaves  pass  ruins, 
the  ruins  between  Winslow  and  the  Hopi  Pueblos,  Kintiel,  ruins  near 
Holbrook,  Four-mile  ruin,  Pinedale,  Stott  ranch,  ruins  in  Pueblo  Viejo, 
etc.,  and  were  investigated  in  the  summers  of  1896  and  1897.  The 
plains  and  mesas  bordering  the  Little  Colorado  River  and  its  trib- 
utaries were  "sites  of  populous  pueblos  in  prehistoric  times."  The 
alkalinity  of  the  soil,  which  led  to  the  abandonment  of  Sunset,  once 
a  thriving  Mormon  settlement  near  Winslow,  may,  perhaps,  account 
for  similar  abandonments  by  their  Hopi  predecessors.  Drought  and 
Apache  attacks  were  also  in  evidence.     The  situation  of  ruins  is 


Record  of  A  merican  Folk-Lore,  151 

indicated  by  the  statement  (p.  58),  "  the  simple  existence  of  a  perma- 
nent spring  of  potable  water  in  this  part  of  Arizona  may  be  taken  as 
indicative  of  ruins  in  its  immediate  vicinity,  and  when  such  a  spring 
lies  on  or  near  an  old  trail  of  migration,  evidence  of  former  settle- 
ments cannot  be  difficult  to  find."  The  former  inhabitants  of  these 
prehistoric  pueblos  were  probably  akin  to  the  Hopi.  The  pottery 
remains  and  their  ornamentation  are  discussed  in  detail.  Of  decora- 
tive designs,  human  figures  are  very  rare,  and  there  were  only  a  few 
pictographs  of  quadrupeds,  the  majority  of  animal  figures  being 
those  of  birds,  —  insects  are  represented  by  the  butterfly,  dragon-fly, 
and  spider,  the  last  occupying  an  important  place  in  Pueblo  mytho- 
logy. There  is  a  wealth  of  geometrical  designs.  In  the  line  of 
ornaments  there  occur  mosaics  ("the  ancient  Pueblo  peoples  of  Ari- 
zona were  adepts  in  making  mosaics,  some  examples  of  which  rival 
in  excellence  the  work  of  a  similar  kind  in  old  Mexico "),  lignite 
gorgets,  ear-pendants,  etc.,  shell  wristlets,  bracelets,  rattles,  gorgets, 
animal  figures,  etc.,  —  "all  the  species  of  shells  which  were  found  in 
ruins  belong  to  the  molluscan  fauna  of  the  Pacific,  and  are  still  used 
for  ceremonial  or  ornamental  purposes  in  modern  Hopi  pueblos." 
The  collection  of  bone  implements  was  "large  and  varied  in  char- 
acter." Turtle  carapaces,  horn  objects,  pigments,  cloth  fragments 
(remarkably  few),  matting  (for  the  dead),  basketry  (essentially  the 
same  as  modern  Pueblo  types),  prayer-sticks,  bow-and-arrows,  gaming- 
reeds,  seeds  in  food  basins  (corn  like  that  cultivated  by  modern 
Hopi  farmers),  food  remains  (corn-bread  like  that  of  modern  Hopi), 
stone  implements,  stone  slabs  (decorated  with  figures  painted  in 
various  pigments),  discs,  fetishes,  human  crania,  animal  remains,  etc., 
are  briefly  treated.  By  its  architecture  and  pottery  Kintiel  belongs 
to  the  Zuni  series.  The  prehistoric  inhabitants  of  Pueblo  Viejo 
practised  both  house-burial  and  cremation.  The  rectangular  rows  of 
stones  on  level  mesa  tops  and  side  hills,  Dr.  Fewkes  thinks,  "  may 
be  regarded  as  the  walls  of  terraced  gardens,  so  placed  as  to  divide 
different  patches  of  cultivated  soil,  or  to  prevent  this  soil  from  being 
washed  down  to  the  plain  below."  The  use  of  terraced  gardens  still 
survives  among  the  Hopi  Indians.  The  ancient  farmers  of  the 
Pueblo  Viejo  also  practised  irrigation,  as  the  remains  of  extensive 
aboriginal  ditches  show.  Jars  or  vases  made  in  human  form  are  not 
known  in  the  northern  and  central  Arizonian  (Pueblo)  region,  and 
their  rare  presence  in  the  southern  area  ie.  g.  cave  in  the  Nantacks) 
is  due  to  Mexican  influence,  and  harmonizes  with  the  theory  of 
a  Mexican  art  element  in  southern  Arizona.  A  human  effigy  vase 
has  been  found  at  San  Jose  (Pueblo  Viejo).  Yellow  ware  is  the 
characteristic  pottery  of  Tusayan,  red  ware  of  the  Little  Colorado,  and 
brown  of  the  Gila  valley  ruins.     The  cliff-building  stage  of  culture  is 


152  Jourjial  of  A  merican  Folk-Lore. 

limited  to  no  race  or  country,  its  existence  being  due  to  geological 
and  climatic  causes.  The  original  hunter  turned  farmer  here  be- 
cause there  was  no  game  to  keep  him  to  his  earlier  estate,  and  no  fish 
to  make  of  him  a  fisherman.  The  history  of  this  region  is  the  story 
of  the  sedentary  agriculturalist  harried  by  the  nomadic  robber.  The 
Indian  turned  farmer  to  escape  perishing,  then  cliff-dweller  and 
pueblo-dweller  to  escape  or  resist  his  human  foes.  — To  the  "Twenty- 
first  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology,  1899-1900" 
[Washington,  1903],  Dr.  Fewkes  contributes  a  paper  (pp.  3-126,  62 
plates),  on"Hopi  Katcinas  drawn  by  Native  Artists."  The  article, 
which  is  "  profusely  illustrated  by  a  series  of  colored  plates  repro- 
duced from  the  original  drawings  made  by  a  native  artist  well  versed 
in  the  symbolism  of  his  people,"  is  concerned  with  data  collected  in 
1900.  The  various  Hopi  festivals  are  briefly  described,  also  the 
pictures  of  the  Katcinas  relating  to  them,  with  more  or  less  de- 
tail in  many  cases.  The  idea  of  obtaining  such  a  "  series  of  draw- 
ings of  all  the  personations  of  supernatural  beings  which  appear  in 
Hopi  festivals  "  was  suggested  to  Dr.  Fewkes  "  by  an  examination  of 
Mexican  codices,  especially  the  celebrated  manuscript  of  Padre  Saha- 
gun,  now  in  Madrid,  the  illustrations  in  which  are  said  to  have  been 
made  by  Indians,  and  Chavero's  *  Lienzo  de  Tlascala,'  lately  (1892) 
published  by  the  Mexican  government."  This  comparison  is  well 
worth  developing  further.  The  pictures  "  may  be  regarded  as  pure 
Hopi,  and  as  works  little  affected  by  the  white  teachers  with  whom 
of  late  these  people  have  come  into  more  intimate  contact  than  ever 
before.  As  specimens  of  pictorial  art  they  "  compare  very  well  with 
some  of  the  Mexican  and  Mayan  codices,"  and  they  also  show  "the 
ability  of  the  Hopis  in  painting,  a  form  of  artistic  expression  which  is 
very  ancient  among  them."  These  pictures  likewise  "represent  men 
personating  the  gods  as  they  appear  in  religious  festivals,  and  dupli- 
cate the  symbols  on  certain  images  called  dolls,  which  represent  the 
same  beings."  It  is  these  personations  that  are  called  katcinas,  and 
the  number  of  them  is  very  great,  —  "  much  greater  than  the  number 
figured,  especially  if  all  those  mentioned  in  the  traditions  are  in- 
cluded." The  names  of  the  pictures  are  of  philologic  importance,  — 
"some  of  them  are  called  by  Zufiian,  others  by  Keresan,  Tanoan, 
Piman,  and  Yuman  names,  according  to  their  derivation."  Says  Dr. 
Fewkes  on  this  point :  "This  composite  nomenclature  of  their  gods 
is  but  a  reflexion  of  the  Hopi  language,  which  is  a  mosaic  of  many 
different  linguistic  stocks"  (p.  18).  Among  the  more  interesting 
and  important  pictures  are  those  of  Pantiwa,  the  sun-god  (of  Zuni 
origin) ;  Tcakwaina  (of  Tewan  origin,  relating  to  the  matriarchal 
clan  system) ;  Sio  Calako  (a  Zuni  giant) ;  Tcbaiyo  (a  bogy  god)  ; 
Eototo  (important  in  the  celebration  of  the  Departure  of  the  Katci- 


Record  of  A  merican  Folk- Lore.  153 

nas) ;  figurines  of  corn  maidens  (an  interesting  marionette  perform- 
ance) ;  Mucaias  Taka  (Buffalo  youth)  and  Mucaias  Mana  (Buffalo 
maid)  ;  Tacab  (a  Navaho  god) ;  Kae  (corn  katcina)  ;  Tawa  (sun 
katcina) ;  Lenya  (flute  katcina) ;  Citulilu  (rattlesnake,  of  Zuni  origin), 
etc.  On  pages  109-112  are  described  "ancient  clan  masks;"  on 
pages  Ii2-ii4masks  introduced  by  individuals;  on  pages  114-117 
personators  appearing  in  races  called  wazuac ;  on  pages  1 18-122  beings 
not  called  katcinas.  On  pages  123-124  are  given  the  Hano  (Tanoan) 
names  for  about  60  of  the  pictures  here  described,  and  on  pages  124- 
126  the  foreign  origins  of  the  various  not-Hopi  katcinas  are  indicated, 
SiouAN.  —  Dakota.  Professor  Clark  Wissler's  "  Decorative  Art  of 
the  Sioux  Indians,"  published  in  the  "  Bulletin  of  the  American 
Museum  of  Natural  History "  (vol.  xviii.  pt.  iii.  pp.  231-278,  19  pi. 
29  figs.,  N.  Y.,  Dec.  17,  1904),  treats  of:  Decorative  designs  and 
their  elements,  conventional  decorations  with  symbolic  associations, 
examples  of  the  ideas  associated  with  designs,  military  symbolism. 
The  chief  symbolic  motive  in  decorative  art  is  furnished  by  "the. 
men  or  rather  the  military  interests  which  they  represent."  To  picto- 
graphic  expression  they  add  the  use  of  the  geometric  designs  of  the 
women,  reading  into  these  their  own  ideas.  The  origin  of  these 
geometric  designs  is  uncertain,  but  they  "bear  a  stronger  resem- 
blance to  Southwestern  art  than  to  any  other."  The  higher  produc- 
tions in  art  seem  to  have  been  masculine  in  origin,  —  the  ideals  of 
the  women  among  the  Sioux  seem  to  be  more  often  ideals  of  tech- 
nique. One  very  interesting  feature  of  the  decorative  art  of  the 
Sioux  is  "  the  use  and  recognition  of  the  pattern-names  for  the  most 
elementary  geometric  designs,  and  the  use  of  these  as  elements  in  the 
composition  of  complex  designs."  Among  these  designs  are  the  tipi, 
step,  bag,  bundle,  box,  trail  (path,  road),  "three-row,"  "middle-row," 
space,  vertebrae,  "filled-up,"  twisted,  tripe,  arrow-point,  "full  of 
points,"  crossed  arrows,  looking-glass,  etc.  There  may  be  said  to 
exist  "a  school  of  art"  among  the  Dakota,  whose  ideal  is  "the  use 
of  conventional  elements  in  compositions  of  conventional  types,"  — 
in  its  production,  this  art  belongs  to  woman.  The  decorations  of  a 
woman  are  adopted  by  a  girl  after  she  has  formally  gone  through 
the  puberty  ceremony.  The  women  say  that  they  sometimes  dream 
out  complex  designs,  —  in  such  dreams,  "the  design  usually  appears 
on  a  rock  or  the  face  of  a  cliff,  though  dreaming  of  an  entire  piece 
of  work  in  its  finished  state  is  not  rare."  Such  experiences  are 
attributed  to  the  female  culture-heroine.  The  few  "dream  designs" 
of  recent  origin  seen  by  the  author  are  "  in  no  way  different  from 
other  designs."  In  ceremonial  and  religious  designs  colors  are  often 
symbolic  :  Red,  sunset,  thunder ;  yellow,  dawn,  clouds,  earth ;  bltie, 
sky,   clouds,  night,  day ;  black,  night ;  green,   summer.     The  cross 


154  journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

appears  as  a  military  symbol.  With  the  Sioux  war  was  an  ideal,  and 
the  Indians  "pray  for  power  and  success  in  a  future  war,"  while  with 
the  Blackfeet  "the  great  idea  was  to  get  horses  by  raiding  other 
Indians  ;  fighting  was  a  mere  incident,"  and  the  Blackfeet  "  pray  and 
conjure  that  they  may  get  many  horses  by  means  within  the  limits 
enforced  by  the  police."  Every  reason  leads  to  the  belief  that  the 
pictographic  mode  is  the  older,  and  that  "  reading  in "  of  resem- 
blances plays  a  large  role. 

CENTRAL    AMERICA. 

Mayan.  In  part  i.  of  the  "  Twenty-second  Annual  Report  of 
the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology,  1900-1901 "  [Washington,  1904], 
pp.  197-305  (12  pi.  47  figs.),  Cyrus  Thomas  has  an  article  on  "Mayan 
Calendar  Systems  II.,"  the  sections  of  which  treat  of :  Initial  series 
of  Mayan  inscriptions,  Secondary  numeral  series  of  the  Quirigua 
inscriptions,  Maya  chronological  system.  The  Cakchiquel  calendar, 
Maya  mode  of  calculation.  Signification  of  the  numeral  series, 
Inscription  at  Xcalumkin,  Yucatan,  Inscription  on  Stela  C,  Copan, 
The  nephrite  stone  of  the  Leyden  Museum,  Calendar  and  number 
tables.  The  topics  are  discussed  largely  in  relation  to  Goodman 
and  Maudslay's  views  and  theories.  Stela  D  Copan  is  noteworthy 
for  having  in  the  initial  series  the  usual  face  characters  replaced  by 
full  forms.  Concerning  this,  Professor  Thomas  observes  (p.  222) : 
"  Entire  bodies,  instead  of  conventional  heads,  are  given,  and,  though 
they  are  to  some  extent  grotesque,  yet  they  seem  to  indicate  the 
aboriginal  idea  of  the  origin  of  these  symbols."  The  a/iau  symbol 
"  is  the  skeleton  form  of  a  nondescript  bird-like  animal  with  a  large 
fang ;  the  c/uien  glyph  is  a  frog-like  animal."  In  the  full  forms  of 
ahatt  and  katim  in  Stela  D  the  little  patches  of  cross-hatching  ap- 
pear as  feather  marks.  Professor  Thomas  considers  that  "  Good- 
man's determinations,  where  the  data  are  sufficient,  are,  as  a  rule, 
correct,"  although  there  are  also  cases  of  mere  guesswork.  On 
page  244  he  suggests  that  in  a  certain  part  of  the  Dresden  Codex 
"  the  aboriginal  artist,  by  inadvertency,  made  an  exchange  between 
the  black  and  red  series  in  the  ahaus  and  chuens."  He  does  not 
agree  with  Goodman's  view  that  "  the  system  used  in  the  inscrip- 
tions is  different  from  that  used  in  the  Dresden  codex,  which  he 
evidently  includes  under  the  term  *  Yucatec  system,'  "  and  points  out 
that  the  inscription  of  Xcalumkin  "  carries  back  the  Yucatec  calen- 
dar system  to  the  days  of  the  inscriptions."  Goodman's  suggestion 
that  the  Colomes,  Xius,  Chels,  and  Itzas  had  each  their  own  "  chro- 
nological system,  using  a  common  calendar,"  is  not  approved,  nor  his 
theory  of  only  thirteen  cycles  to  the  great  cycle.  Goodman's  asser- 
tion that  the  calendar  year  of  the  Cakchiqucls  consisted  of  three 


Record  of  American  Folk- Lore.  155 

hundred  and  sixty-six  days  is  thought  to  be  incorrect,  —  the  num- 
ber was  four  hundred.  Professor  Thomas  holds,  concerning  Maya 
methods  of  calculation,  that  "  all  the  series  in  the  codices  and  inscrip- 
tions could  have  been  formed  by  the  aboriginal  authors  with  their 
numeral  systems  by  addition  and  subtraction."  (P.  289.)  The  ear- 
liest and  latest  dates  at  Copan  are,  according  to  Professor  Thomas, 
222  years  apart,"  and  the  dates  may  refer  to  historical  events. 

SOUTH    AMERICA. 

Calchaquian.  To  the  "  Anales  del  Museo  Nacional  de  Buenos 
Aires"  (vol.  xi.  1904,  pp.  163-314)  Dr.  Juan  B.  Ambrosetti  con- 
tributes a  monograph  on  "El  bronce  en  la  region  Calchaqui."  The 
first  part  treats  of  Calchaqui  mining  and  metallurgy  (ancient  mines, 
use  of  copper  among  the  Peruvians,  methods  of  fusion,  bronze,  Ar- 
gentine tin,  Calchaqui  methods) ;  the  second  describes  the  archaeo- 
logical material  (borers,  simple  knives,  chisels,  axe  blades,  spatulas, 
choppers,  hatchets,  ornamental  objects,  flatheaded  pins  with  holes, 
pin  with  spiral-head,  pins  with  graffiti,  rings,  bracelets,  and  other 
personal  ornaments,  bells,  depilatory  pincers,  needles,  spindle-knobs, 
bolas,  stellate  club-heads,  ceremonial  axe  of  Peruvian  type,  toki  or 
ceremonial  axe,  "sceptres,"  ceremonial  knives,  "gauntlets,"  pectoral 
insignia,  disks,  etc.)  An  appendix  (pp.  305-312)  treats  of  bronze 
axes  with  iron  handles,  counterfeit  bronzes,  fusion  of  bronze  in  the 
colonial  period,  non-Calchaqui  bronze.  The  Calchaquis  were  really 
in  the  bronze  age,  and  there  is  much  to  interest  the  folk-lorist  in  the 
nature  of  their  weapons  and  implements,  their  ornamentation,  etc. 
The  figures  on  the  insignia  for  the  breast  and  forehead  are  sui 
generis.  The  ornamentation  of  the  bronze  disks  is  also  remarkable. 
To  this  monograph  is  appended  (pp.  i-viii)  a  list  —  sixty  titles  in 
all  —  of  the  published  writings  of  Dr.  Ambrosetti  on  Argentinean 
archaeology  and  related  topics. 

A.  F,  C.  and  I.  C.  C. 


156  yournal  of  A  merican  Folk-Lore. 


RECORD  OF  NEGRO  FOLK-LORE. 

Africa  and  America.  Rev.  R.  H.  Nassau's  "  Fetichism  in 
West  Africa"  (N.  Y.,  1904,  pp.  xix,  389)  contains  a  brief  section 
(pp.  273-276)  on  "The  American  Negro  Voodoo."  According  to  the 
author,  "  Vudu,  or  Odoism,  is  simply  African  fetichism  transplanted 
to  American  soil."  As  a  superstition  it  "has  spread  itself  among 
our  ignorant  white  masses  as  the  'Hoodo.'"  He  also  thinks  that 
"  Uncle  Remus's  mystic  tales  of  *  Br'er  Rabbit "...  are  the  folk- 
lore that  the  slave  brought  with  him  from  his  African  home."  The 
glossary  contains  such  more  or  less  familiar  words  as  bwanga  (medi- 
cine), grce-gree  (fetich  amulet),  gumbo  (okra),  mbenda  (  =  pinder 
"  ground-nut "),  etc. 

Jamaica.  The  collection  of  "  Folk-Lore  of  the  Negroes  of  Ja- 
maica" (see  this  Journal,  vol.  xvii.  p.  296)  is  continued  in  "Folk- 
Lore"  (vol.  XV.  1904,  pp.  450-456).  Items  of  superstition  under  the 
rubrics,  relating  to  the  human  body ;  friendship,  marriage,  and 
lovers  ;  birth  and  death  ;  marriage,  courtship,  and  lovers  ;  death,  the 
corpse,  the  funeral ;  vegetation  ;  the  body ;  births,  babies,  and  chil- 
dren ;  miscellaneous,  —  chiefly  from  the  southern  districts  of  St. 
Andrew.  Many  interesting  omens  are  given.  Of  "  a  man  of  medi- 
ocrity in  the  spiritual  matters  of  life,"  it  is  said  that  he  "becomes  a 
'  rolling  calf '  after  death,  for  he  is  too  good  for  hell  and  too  wicked 
for  heaven."  There  is  reminiscence  of  African  witchcraft  in  the 
idea  that  "  if  a  certain  plant  called  wangra  is  in  a  provision  ground, 
every  thief  that  visits  the  field  will  die."  The  folk-lore  of  the  mole 
is  quite  extensive :  A  mole  on  the  lip  signifies  a  lying  tongue  ;  on 
the  abdomen,  edacity  \sic\ ;  on  the  leg,  love  of  travel ;  on  the  neck, 
wealth  ;  one  on  the  neck  also  indicates  that  the  person  will  be  hanged, 
and  one  on  the  wrist  that  he  will  be  handcuffed.  Of  April  Fool's 
Day,  it  is  said  that  "  All  people  who  are  born  on  the  first  day  of 
April  grow  up  fools."  People  who  die  unbaptized  "  become  wander- 
ing spirits." 

A.  F.  C. 


Record  of  Philippine  Folk-Lore.  157 


RECORD   OF  PHILIPPINE   FOLK-LORE. 

"AssuAN."  To  Dr.  Washington  Matthews  the  Editor  owes  the 
following  genuine  contribution  to  folk-lore,  which  appeared  in  "  The 
Friends  School  Quarterly  "  (Washington,  D.  C.)  for  February,  1905  : 

A    CURIOUS    BELIEF. 

In  the  Philippine  Islands  the  people  believe  in  the  "  Assuan."  The 
Assuan  is  supposed  to  be  a  young  man  who  is  very  handsome  and 
who  goes  courting  the  girls,  trying  to  get  them  to  marry  him.  For 
this  purpose  he  goes  to  balls  and  various  ceremonies,  and  also  visits 
at  their  houses  in  the  evenings  and  makes  himself  very  agreeable. 
He  has  power  to  change  himself  into  any  kind  of  animal  or  bird 
whenever  he  wishes. 

The  Assuan  is  supposed  to  have  a  servant  called  "Tic-Tic,"  who 
goes  everywhere  with  him.  It  is  Tic-Tic's  business  to  hunt  for  little 
children  and  babies  and  carry  them  away  while  Assuan  is  getting 
the  young  girls.  The  reason  this  servant  is  called  "Tic-Tic"  is  be- 
cause when  he  has  some  children  he  goes  outside  of  the  house  where 
his  master  is  and  calls  "Tic-tic!  tic-tic!"  so  that  his  master  will 
know  that  he  has  something  and  will  come  out  to  go  home  with  him. 

These  creatures  are  said  to  live  in  the  roots  of  the  big  mango- 
trees,  where  they  make  great  holes.  When  they  bring  the  girls  and 
babies  home  they  drop  them  down  into  a  very  deep  hole  and  keep 
them  there  until  they  are  to  be  eaten. 

All  the  girls  were  terribly  afraid  of  being  caught  by  these  things, 
so  they  always  kept  the  stick  with  which  the  rice  was  pounded  across 
the  front  door.  If  the  Assuan  came  he  could  get  into  the  house 
over  the  stick,  but  could  not  get  out  again,  and  so  would  be  caught. 
It  would  be  hard  to  find  a  house  in  all  the  islands  which  does  not 
have  the  rice  stick  across  the  door  at  night. 

It  is  believed  that  any  man  can  become  an  Assuan  by  eating  a 

great  quantity  of  raw  meat  and  drinking  blood,  so  for  this  reason  no 

good  Filipino  will  eat  meat  that  has  not  been  cooked  brown.     The 

servants  we  had  would  not  take  beef  extract  when  they  were  sick 

because  they  believed  it  was  made  of  the  blood  of  soldiers  killed 

in  the  war.     By  taking  it  they  were  afraid  they  would  become  As- 

suans. 

Alexander  S.  Wotherspoon. 

The  author  is  a  boy  twelve  years  of  age  (son  of  Colonel  W.  W. 
Wotherspoon,  U.  S.  A.),  who  has  just  returned  from  the  Philippines. 
While  there  he  picked  up  a  great  deal  of  folk-lore  from  the  servants 


1 5  S  jfournal  of  A  merican  Folk-Lore. 

and  from  native  boys  of  his  own  age.  Both  in  the  interests  of  the 
collection  of  folk-lore  and  for  the  encouragement  of  the  author,  this 
little  article  deserves  reproduction  here. 

Igorot.  In  the  "American  Anthropologist"  (vol.  vi.  n.  s.  pp. 
695-704,  4  pi.)  for  October-December,  1904,  Dr.  A.  W.  Jenks  has  a 
well-illustrated  article  on  "  Bontoc  Igorot  Clothing."  The  Bontoc 
culture  area  "  is  in  the  centre,  geographically  and  culturally,  of  the 
entire  Igorot  area  of  Luzon."  The  Bontoc  are  "agricultural  head- 
hunters,  who  live  in  the  village  of  Bontoc."  Men's  and  women's 
clothing  are  described,  and  pages  699-704  are  occupied  by  a  discus- 
sion of  the  "  Origin  and  Purpose  of  Clothing,"  with  particular  refer- 
ence to  the  Bontoc.  Dr.  Jenks  concludes  that  man's  clothing  origi- 
nated in  utility,  the  chief  motif  \i€\n^  "convenience  for  carrying 
with  him,  attached  to  his  body,  constantly  desired  possessions." 
Woman's  clothing  originated  because  of  menstruation,  and  "in  the 
Philippine  Archipelago  alone  some  women  seem  to  have  answered 
that  demand  by  the  use  of  the  breech-cloth,  others  by  the  apron, 
others  by  the  pantaloons,  and  still  others  by  the  use  of  the  skirt." 
The  author  is  convinced  that  "  the  sense  of  shame  never  caused  a 
primitive  people  to  adopt  its  first  form  of  covering  for  the  person." 
Naked  up  to  six  or  seven  years,  the  Bontoc  male  puts  on  successively 
the  basket-work  hat,  the  girdle  (at  ten),  the  breech-cloth  (at  puberty, 
ca.  15).  The  woman,  naked  up  to  eight  or  ten,  puts  on  then  the 
bark-skirt  and  the  girdle,  which  constitute  her  usual  attire.  Employ- 
ments, etc.,  and  cold  weather  induce  certain  changes  of  dress.  All 
the  Igorots,  we  are  told,  "men,  women,  and  children,  sleep  without 
breech-cloth,  skirt,  or  jacket."  Women  and  girls  do  not  dance 
without  the  blanket.  Pelvic  depilation  is  practised  by  "  unmarried 
men  and  women  and  the  majority  of  married  ones."  They  wish, 
while  working  or  travelling  naked,  to  "appear  like  the  children." 

Songs.  Lieutenant  A.  S.  Rigg's  article  on  "  Filipino  Songs  and 
Music,"  in  the  "  Dial "  (Chicago),  vol.  xxxvii.  1904,  pp.  277-278,  con- 
tains notes  on  MS.  and  songs  in  general.  Also  a  brief  ancient  song 
of  the  Ilocans,  with  native  text  and  translation.  The  song  is  ad- 
dressed to  the  matigmangkik  or  anitos  of  the  trees. 

A.F.  C. 


jfohn  H.  Hinton,  159 


JOHN   H.    HINTON. 

John  H.  Hinton,  M,  D.,  Treasurer  of  the  American  Folk-Lore 
Society,  died  in  New  York,  after  a  brief  illness,  on  April  26.  Dr. 
Hinton  has  been  officially  connected  with  the  American  Folk-Lore 
Society  during  nearly  the  whole  period  of  its  existence.  In  1891  he 
temporarily  accepted  the  position  of  treasurer,  at  first  for  a  year  only  ; 
from  1893,  under  the  Rules  under  which  the  Society  is  at  present 
organized,  he  received  an  election  for  the  established  term  of  five 
years,  and  has  subsequently  been  twice  reelected.  In  this  office  his 
known  responsibility  and  repute  as  treasurer  of  other  well-known 
societies  have  been  of  signal  service,  and  have  materially  contributed 
to  the  usefulness  and  success  of  the  organization.  His  undertaking 
of  this  duty  was  brought  about  mainly  through  the  suggestion  of  his 
warm  friend,  Dr.  H.  Carrington  Bolton,  who,  more  than  any  other 
person,  was  responsible  for  drawing  up  the  Rules ;  associated  with 
Dr.  Bolton  in  this  task  was  his  intimate  acquaintance.  Dr.  Daniel  G. 
Brinton.  These  three  have  now  passed  away.  Dr.  Hinton,  the  ripest 
in  years,  having  been  last  to  depart.  When  the  removal  of  other 
coadjutors  is  taken  into  account,  including  Francis  James  Child,  J. 
Owen  Dorsey,  John  G.  Bourke,  and  John  W.  Powell,  it  will  be  seen 
that  the  Society  has  suffered  loss  greater  than  the  lapse  of  time 
would  usually  inflict.  Until  very  lately,  Dr.  Hinton  has  been  in  the 
enjoyment  of  apparently  vigorous  health,  while  he  habitually  mani- 
fested remarkable  courage  and  cheerfulness.  It  was  therefore  a 
surprise  to  the  officers  of  the  Society,  when  shortly  after  the  New 
Year  his  resignation  was  suddenly  received.  Through  his  long  pro- 
fessional activity  and  his  official  connection  with  several  important 
societies,  Dr.  Hinton  was  widely  known.  A  formal  memorial  notice 
must  be  deferred  until  the  following  number  of  this  Journal. 


1 60  journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

NOTES   AND   QUERIES. 

Geography-Rhymes.  —  In  the  Boston  "  Evening  Transcript "  some  dis- 
cussion of  this  topic  has  recently  taken  place.  The  following  is  from  the 
issue  for  January  28,  1905  :  — 

I  should  like  to  tell  of  some  of  the  methods  of  teaching  by  means  of 
singing  used  in  a  Maine  country  school  forty-five  years  ago.  We  learned 
the  multiplication  tables  by  a  sort  of  chanting,  thus :  — 

Two  times  one  are  two, 
Two  times  two  are  four, 

and  so  on,  with  a  rousing  chorus  of 

Five  times  five  are  twenty-five, 
Five  times  six  are  thirty, 

and  so  forth,  sung  to  the  air  of  "Yankee  Doodle,"  and  following  each 
table. 

The  whole  school  enjoyed  this,  and  never  failed  to  come  out  strong  on 
the  chorus,  although  often  it  was  a  forlorn  hope  which  carried  along  the 
tables  of  sevens  and  eights  ! 

This  seems  to  have  been  a  precursor  of  the  modern  kindergarten  methods, 
except  that  we  were  learning  something  useful.  We  had  another  singing 
exercise  whereby  we  learned  our  geography.  I  recall  one  verse  relating  to 
the  rivers,  which  was  sung  to  the  tune  of  "  Oh,  Come,  Come  Away :  "  — 

Oh,  come,  let  us  sing 
Our  country's  noble  rivers ; 
St.  Lawrence  gay  begins  the  lay, 
St.  John's  now  we  see ; 
Aroostook,  Allagash,  we  note, 
Machias  and  St.  Croix  we  quote. 
And  then  a  line  devote 
Penobscot,  to  thee. 

We  had  a  small  geography  book  containing  many  rhymes  set  to  such 
familiar  tunes  as  "  Bonnie  Doon  "  and  "  Flow  gently,  sweet  Afton." 

The  countries  and  their  capitals  were  also  learned  by  a  sort  of  chant,  and 
the  words  were  often  amusingly  twisted  to  fit  the  measure,  as  "Mexi' — co, 
the  caplital  is  M'exico."  The  various  bodies  of  water  were  served  up  in 
groups  of  threes,  with  a  repeat :  — 

Atlantic  Ocean,  Pacific  Ocean,  Indian  Ocean. 
Or 

Great  Slave  Lake,  Great  Bear  Lake,  Lake  of  the  Woods. 

Perhaps  some  one  who  reads  this  may  recall  a  similar  experience,  and 
also  may  remember  the  title  of  that  old  geography  song-book. 

H.  J.  c. 

Views  of  a  Mohawk  Indian.  —  In  the  Toronto  "  Evening  Telegram  " 
(January  18,  1901)  appeared  the  following  item:  — 


Notes  and  Queries.  i6i 

The  London  (Eng.)  "  Daily  News  "  publishes  an  interview  with  Brant- 
Sero,  of  the  Mohawk  Indian  reserve,  Brantford,  who  has  been  in  England 
since  his  return  from  South  Africa,  where  his  efforts  to  enlist  in  the  British 
army  failed.  In  the  course  of  the  interview  the  talented  Indian  expressed 
interesting  opinions  regarding  his  race,  and  among  other  things  said  :  — 

"  How  long  have  your  people  been  settled  in  Canada  ?  " 

"  We  have  for  over  a  hundred  years  been  the  faithful  friends  and  allies 
of  England.  Our  ancestors  migrated  from  the  beautiful  Mohawk  Valley  to 
Ontario,  where  they  had  been  granted  by  the  British  Government  a  tract 
of  land  600,000  acres  in  extent.  This  has  now  dwindled  down  to  50,000, 
but  upon  this  reservation  we  have  lived  contentedly,  tilling  our  farms  and 
making  rapid  progress  in  the  arts  of  civilization." 

"Do  the  Six  Nation  Indians  still  cling  to  their  ancient  customs  even  in 
the  midst  of  civilization  ?  " 

"  Yes,  we  are  still  faithful  to  the  ways  of  our  forefathers.  Our  chiefs  are 
chosen  in  the  same  manner,  and  the  same  ritual  is  observed,  as  when  we 
roamed  over  all  the  land  which  lies  between  Florida  and  Canada,  two 
centuries  before  a  white  man  set  his  foot  upon  the  American  continent." 

"These  traditions,  I  suppose,  have  been  handed  down  from  father  to 
son  ?  " 

"  No,  no,  from  mother  to  daughter.  In  our  Indian  tribes  the  woman  is 
of  more  importance  than  the  man.  They  preserve  the  customs,  and  were 
the  depositories  of  the  traditions  of  the  race.  If  a  warrior  died  in  battle,  it 
was  the  women  who  recorded  his  deeds  and  preserved  his  memory.  They 
were  better  educated  than  the  men.  Inheritance  runs  through  the  female 
line,  and  it  is  the  women  who,  in  secret  council,  choose  the  chiefs,  even 
down  to  the  present  day." 

"The  Red  Indians  are  not  degenerating,  I  understand  you  to  say?  " 

"Certainly  they  are  not  degenerating,  nor  are  they  dying  out.  They 
have  made  wonderful  progress,  especially  in  Canada.  The  last  census  in 
the  United  States  shows  that  the  Indians  are  increasing,  and  in  Canada  they 
are  multiplying  rapidly.  There  are  about  20,000  in  Ontario  belonging  to 
the  Six  Nations.  We  are  beginning  to  wake  up  to  the  possibilities  which 
lie  before  us.  Our  children  are  educated  in  the  common  schools,  and  many 
of  our  young  men  study  at  the  colleges.  In  Canada  we  have  equal  oppor- 
tunities, and  we  have  availed  ourselves  of  them.  There  are  Indians  in 
every  profession  and  calling.  There  are  some  few  who  have  qualitied  and 
practise  as  lawyers ;  there  are  a  number  of  doctors,  and  many  have  gone 
into  trade.  Three  or  four  hold  government  positions.  The  one  profession 
which  the  Indian  has  not  taken  kindly  to  is  the  ministry.  Nor  does  he  like 
to  be  a  shopkeeper.  The  old  inclination  to  roam  is  still  strong  in  our 
blood,  and  we  don't  like  to  be  tied  down  to  one  place.^  Of  course,  the 
greatest  number  of  our  people  are  engaged  in  agriculture,  and  in  tilling  the 
ground.  Up  to  two  years  ago  Indians  in  the  reservations  had  the  right  to 
a  vote.  Even  now.  those  who  are  settled  outside  the  reservation  can  exer- 
cise the  franchise  on  the  same  conditions  as  their  white  neighbors." 

"  Then  an  Indian  is  not  looked  dow"  upon  in  Canada,  in  the  same  way 
as  a  negro  in  the  Southern  States  r 


1 62  y otirnal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 

"  Oh,  dear,  no.  We  are  on  a  footing  of  perfect  equality.  In  Toronto 
and  other  cities  a  white  man  will  make  way  for  us  on  the  sidewalk,  take  of¥ 
his  hat  in  salutation,  as  if  we  had  the  same  blood  in  our  veins  as  he.  In 
South  Africa  it  was  very  different.  There  the  white  man  seems  to  think 
he  was  placed  in  the  country  by  Providence  to  boss  the  colored  man. 
Why,  there  were  men  who  actually  refused  to  shake  hands  with  me 
because  of  my  Indian  blood.  Another  thing,  by  the  way,  which  struck  me 
very  much  in  South  Africa  was  the  dress  of  the  women.  Even  right  up 
country  they  would  be  dressed  as  if  for  the  streets  of  London.  Their 
evening  dresses,  too,  were  quite  as  showy  as  anything  to  be  seen  here  in 
England." 

"  Do  your  people  still  speak  the  Indian  language,  Mr.  Brant-Sero,  or 
have  they  adopted  English  as  the  means  of  communication  ? " 

"  We  speak  both  English  and  Indian  as  a  rule.  All  know  English,  and 
in  Quebec  province  French  as  well.  Indeed,  we  speak  too  many  languages, 
and  none  of  them  perfectly.  The  Indian,  however,  is  a  good  public  speaker. 
He  is  always  dignified,  and  never  fails  to  make  an  interesting  and  appro- 
priate speech  upon  even  the  most  trivial  subject.  The  Canadian  Indians 
take  to  politics  like  ducks  to  water.  They  are  quite  at  home  in  the  atmos- 
phere of  politics.  But  really  there  are  few  walks  of  life  in  which  the  Cana- 
dian Indian  has  not  distinguished  himself.  Some  of  our  men  have  made 
themselves  names  which  are  numbered  amongst  the  most  prominent  in  the 
Dominion." 

"  Who,  for  instance,  may  I  ask  ?  " 

"Well,  the  most  remarkable  of  modern  Indians  —  for  my  pride  in  my 
ancestor.  Captain  Joseph  Brant,  will  not  permit  me  to  admit  a  wider  com- 
parison —  is  Dr.  Oronhyatekha.  He  is  a  doctor  of  medicine  and  a  justice 
of  the  peace.  He  has  the  gift  of  mastery  over  men,  and  is  a  most  remark- 
able man  himself.  He  has  been  called  the  second  Sir  John  Macdonald  of 
Canada.  Sir  Henry  Acland  was  his  foster  father.  He  met  Dr.  Oronhya- 
tekha as  a  boy  when  the  Prince  of  Wales  visited  Canada  in  i860.  Both 
the  Prince  and  Sir  Henry  were  so  much  struck  with  the  youth  that  Sir 
Henry  took  him  back  to  England,  where  he  was  educated,  and  took  his 
degree  at  Oxford.  Dr.  Oronhyatekha  is  proud  of  his  race.  He  still  speaks 
Indian  to  his  intimate  acquaintances,  and  has  a  large  home  in  the  reserve 
of  the  Six  Nations," 

"  Then  you  are  hopeful  as  to  your  race's  future  ?  " 

"  Yes,  indeed,"  replied  Mr.  Brant-Sero  earnestly,  "  I  am  sure  my  people 
have  a  very  bright  future  before  them.  Our  ancestors  spilt  their  blood  to 
help  to  build  up  the  Empire  in  the  New  World.  They  preferred  British 
rule,  and  so  transferred  the  whole  of  the  government  of  the  Six  Nations  to 
Canadian  territory.  There  during  a  century  we  have  lived  and  prospered, 
and  Canada,  I  believe,  is  proud  of  the  progress  we  have  made." 

Fr.  Hunt-Cortes,  the  "  White  Indian."  —  In  the  Boston  "  Herald  " 
(Sunday,  January  29,  1905)  was  published  the  following  account  of  a  very 
interesting  cleric  and  scholar  by  F.  R.  Guernsey:  — 


Notes  and  Queries,  i6 


0 


City  of  Mexico,  January  24,  1905.  Sometimes  of  a  bright  morning  on 
the  streets  of  the  Mexican  capital  you  may  chance  to  meet,  among  the 
cosmopolitan  throng,  a  briskly  moving  man  of  blue  eyes  and  ruddy  face, 
vivacious,  and  with  the  clean-shaven  countenance  of  a  priest.  He  is  worth 
noticing,  worth  stopping  to  have  a  chat  with,  for  this  is  the  well-known  Fr. 
Augustin  M.  Hunt-Cortes,  chaplain  of  the  Church  of  Loretto,  and  founder 
and  head  of  the  locally  famous  Working  Boys'  Home  ;  a  scholar,  linguist, 
and  archseologist  known  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic  among  the  learned. 

There  is  no  more  interesting  figure  on  the  streets  of  the  ancient  city  of 
Mexico  than  Fr.  Hunt-Cortes.  He  has  served  republics  and  an  empire, 
given  a  goodly  portion  of  his  life  of  sixty-five  years  to  the  study  of  the 
Nahuatl  or  Mexican  language,  and  is  beloved  by  the  Aztec  people,  by 
whom  he  is  known  as  the  "  White  Indian."  Mexico,  the  modern  and  pro- 
gressive, has,  among  its  many  men  of  mark,  no  more  interesting  person- 
ality. 

Fr.  Hunt-Cortes  is  an  American,  born  in  1840,  in  New  Orleans,  his  father 
being  Thomas  K.  Hunt,  a  native  of  Ireland,  and  his  mother  Dona  Isabel 
de  Cortes,  of  Seville,  Spain  ;  the  bloods  of  two  interesting  races,  the  Irish 
and  the  Andalusian,  are  mingled  in  his  veins. 

In  his  boyhood  he  applied  himself  to  the  study  of  English,  French,  and 
Spanish,  and  so  came  to  be  early  acquainted  with  the  classics  of  three  lan- 
guages. But  at  the  age  of  fourteen  he  lost  both  parents,  and  grew  up 
under  the  care  of  his  guardians.  When  twenty-three  years  of  age  he  re- 
ceived, through  the  instrumentality  of  friends  and  of  President  Lincoln,  a 
post-ofiice  appointment,  and,  though  a  Southerner  by  birth  and  natural  sym- 
pathies, he  adhered  to  the  cause  of  the  Union  in  the  civil  war. 

Subsequently,  at  the  time  of  the  French  intervention  in  Mexico,  young 
Hunt  had  special  charge  of  the  Mexican  official  correspondence  with  our 
government,  and  so  it  came  about  that  he  was  placed  in  contact  with  the 
republican  president  of  Mexico,  Don  Benito  Juarez,  and  his  secretary,  Don 
Pedro  Santacilia.  His  health  becoming  impaired,  he  was  recommended  a 
change  of  climate,  and  in  1866  repaired  to  New  Orleans,  after  a  long 
absence,  having  the  intention  of  proceeding  to  Spain,  where  he  hoped  to 
recover  his  health. 

But  it  chanced  that  his  destiny  was  to  be  linked  to  that  of  Mexico,  for 
he  met  in  New  Orleans  some  gentlemen  attached  to  the  court  of  the  Em- 
peror Maximilian.  A  warm  friendship  sprang  up  with  these  gentlemen, 
and  young  Hunt  was  induced  to  come  to  this  city.  Letters  were  given  him 
to  the  Emperor  and  to  distinguished  members  of  his  government,  then 
approaching  its  fall,  and  Mr.  Hunt  received  an  appointment  in  the  war 
office  under  Gen.  Tomas  Murfy. 

Soon  began  a  stormy  and  hazardous  period  in  the  life  of  Mr.  Hunt,  The 
imperial  forces  were  defeated  at  San  Lorenzo  while  marching  under  Gen- 
eral Marquez  to  the  relief  of  Puebla,  which  was  captured  by  Gen.  Porfirio 
Diaz  on  April  2.  Mr.  Hunt  and  some  men  under  his  direction  took  refuge 
in  a  village  near  Texcoco.  They  crossed  the  lake  of  Texcoco,  landing  at 
Mexicaltzingo,  and  were  preparing  to  take  a  canoe  from  that  point  to  this 


164  yoitrna I  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

city  -when  they  fell  into  the  hands  of  republican  scouts,  and  Mr.  Hunt  was 
sent  as  a  prisoner  to  the  castle  of  Chapultepec,  being  afterward  shifted 
from  place  to  place,  and  finally  to  Puebla,  where  he  remained  till  July, 
1867,  when  he  was  released  under  the  terms  of  a  general  amnesty  granted 
to  the  imperialists. 

He  remained  in  Puebla  three  years,  and  was  appointed  on  the  commis- 
sion to  accompany  the  Hon.  William  H.  Seward,  the  famous  American 
statesman,  who  was  visiting  Mexico.  It  was  while  in  the  party  of  Mr. 
Seward  that  young  Hunt  met  his  first  teacher  of  Nahuatl,  or  the  Mexican 
language,  in  the  person  of  Don  Francisco  Zempoalteca,  afterward  president 
of  the  supreme  court  of  the  state  of  Tlaxcala.  At  this  time  young  Hunt 
made  many  advantageous  acquaintances,  and  was  appointed  to  the  profes- 
sorship of  French  and  English  languages  in  the  Carolina  State  College, 
Tlaxcala. 

Returning  to  this  city,  he  continued  the  study  of  Nahuatl,  and  the  gen- 
eral history  of  ancient  or  Aztec  Mexico.  During  General  Grant's  visit  to 
this  country  young  Hunt  met  the  great  American  soldier,  and  was  of  utility 
to  him.  One  of  Hunt's  teachers  was  the  well-known  lawyer,  Don  Faustino 
Chemalpopoca,  of  Aztec  family,  who  had  been  court  interpreter  and  teacher 
to  the  Emperor  Maximilian.  On  the  death  of  this  gentleman  Mr.  Hunt 
succeeded  him  in  the  chair  of  Nahuatl  in  the  Pontifical  University  of 
Mexico.  This  was  the  beginning  of  his  long  career  as  a  philologist  and 
archteologist.  In  1884  he  founded  at  Texcoco  an  academy  for  the  preser- 
vation and  teaching  of  the  ancient  Aztec  language,  the  school  standing 
on  the  site  of  the  palace  of  Nezahualcoyotl. 

At  first  the  native  children  and  school-teachers  at  Texcoco  were  mem- 
bers of  the  academy  or  school,  but  later  on  its  work  attracted  the  attention 
of  the  better  classes  and  intelligent  natives,  including  members  of  the 
primitive  tribes,  all  familiar  with  the  language.  The  work  of  Mr.  Hunt  at 
this  period  commended  itself  to  learned  men  in  Mexico,  who  offered  to  co- 
operate with  him  in  his  enthusiastic  efforts  to  rescue  from  oblivion  the 
ancient  vernacular  of  the  race. 

It  was  in  1895  that  Mr.  Hunt  met  the  Americanists  who  had  assembled 
in  a  congress  in  this  city.  He  addressed  them  on  the  subject  of  an  early 
translation  of  ^sop's  Fables  from  the  Greek  into  the  Nahuatl,  done  by  a 
friar  of  the  sixteenth  century,  and  put  into  Spanish  by  Mr.  Hunt,  who 
appended  a  grammatical  analysis.  This  work  is  now  being  turned  into 
English  and  Spanish  by  him,  and  when  completed  it  will  serve  as  a  means 
of  acquiring  the  Nahuatl  language. 

While  teaching  Nahuatl  in  his  Texcoco  academy  Mr.  Hunt  undertook, 
successfully,  to  adapt  the  language  to  modern  necessities.  Following 
Nahuatl  analogy,  he  had  the  pupils  learn  such  words  as  "  huecatlacuilotiztli," 
or  "  far-off  writing,"  otherwise  "  telegraph,"  while  telephone  was  rendered 
by  the  odd-looking  and  sounding  word  "  huecacaquitiliztli,"  or  "  sound- 
from-afar-off."  Other  modern  words  of  daily  use  were  turned  into  Nahuatl. 
Several  of  the  pupils,  now  grown  up,  occupy  respectable  positions  in  society 
as  merchants,  priests,  physicians,  teachers,  etc. 


Notes  and  Queries.  165 

In  1892  Mr.  Hunt-Cortes'  investigations  in  religious  matters  brought 
him  into  communion  with  the  Catholic  Church,  and  in  this  act  he  had  the 
support  and  cordial  encouragement  of  the  late  Archbishop  of  Mexico,  INIgr. 
Antonio  Labastida,  a  remarkable  prelate  of  much  influence  in  Mexican 
politics.  The  good  will  of  the  late  Pope  Leo  XIII.  was  at  this  time  mani- 
fested to  Mr.  Hunt,  who  was  baptized  in  the  ancient  church  of  Tacuba,  a 
notable  edifice  built  from  the  ruins  of  the  palace  of  the  last  lord  of  Tlaco- 
pan,  and  of  the  temple  of  Huitzilco-Opochtli.  Mr.  Hunt-Cortes  decided 
to  enter  the  priesthood,  and  made  his  preparatory  studies  in  the  College  of 
San  Luis,  Jacona,  state  of  Michoacan. 

His  first  mass,  a  simple  low  mass,  was  celebrated  in  the  Cathedral  of 
Mexico.  A  first  mass  in  Mexico  is  generally  a  high  mass,  with  classical 
music  and  an  appropriate  sermon,  and  in  the  presence  of  the  sponsors  of 
the  new  priest.  But  Fr.  Hunt-Cortes  preferred  to  ascend  to  the  altar  of 
God  for  the  first  time  before  a  congregation  of  his  Indian  friends,  who 
earnestly  desired  this  favor  of  him,  their  old  acquaintance  and  ardent  lover 
of  their  race  and  language.  His  first  high  mass  was  celebrated  in  Tlaltiza- 
pam,  state  of  Morelos,  and  the  enthusiasm  of  the  good  people  of  this  town 
was  such  that  on  ascending  to  the  high  altar  he  found  before  him  a  gold 
and  silver  chalice  and  a  large  gold  crucifix  and  cruets,  wrought  by  the 
hands  of  the  faithful  Indians  from  metals  found  in  the  state  of  Guerrero. 

Fr.  Hunt  remained  for  a  time  in  the  hot  country,  laboring  among  the 
Indian  people  with  the  zeal  and  Christian  fervor  of  a  faithful  pastor  of 
souls.  He  had  taken  a  special  course  in  the  National  School  of  Medicine 
in  this  city,  and  so  was  able  to  minister  to  the  bodily  needs  of  his  flock. 
His  motto  was  after  the  manner  of  the  pious  missionaries  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  to  give  to,  rather  than  to  receive  from,  the  Indian. 

In  the  fourth  year  of  his  priesthood  he  was  given  charge  of  the  sanctuary 
of  Loretto,  in  this  city,  where  he  still  discharges  the  sacred  duties  of  the 
ministry. 

In  this  city  everybody  knows  of  Fr.  Hunt's  labors  among  the  poor  work- 
ing boys,  newsboys,  pedlers,  etc.  He  founded  his  Working  Boys'  Home 
in  1896,  under  the  auspices  of  President  and  Mme.  Diaz,  who  have  con- 
tinued his  true  and  powerful  friends,  taking  great  interest  in  this  practical 
form  of  philanthropy.  In  this  school  Fr.  Hunt  trains  the  boys,  his  "  future 
presidents,"  as  he  fondly  calls  them,  for  useful  careers.  He  has  had  not 
only  Mexican  lads,  but  Americans,  Spaniards,  French,  and  Cuban  pupils, 
and  even  a  young  Japanese,  who  was  brought  directly  from  Tokio  to  the 
home.  The  latter,  a  bright  little  lad  from  ancient  Nippon,  is  now  again  in 
Japan,  and  keeps  up  an  interesting  correspondence  with  his  benefactor  in 
Mexico. 

Among  his  literary  avocations,  Fr.  Hunt  has  established  a  magazine 
called  the  "  Hunt-Cortes  Digest,"  treating  of  matters  relating  to  the  ancient 
history  of  Mexico,  language,  races,  etc.  A  course  of  instruction  in  Aztec 
or  Nahuatl  is  given,  and  much  light  thrown  on  the  ancient  civilization  of 
Mexico,  which  Fr.  Hunt-Cortes  calls  the  *'  Egypt  of  the  West." 

VOL.  xviii.  —  NO.  69.       1 2 


1 66  younial  of  A  merican  Folk-Lore. 

The  Doughnut.  —  Mr.  Charles  Peabody  is  desirous  of  obtaining  the  in- 
formation outlined  in  the  following  questionnaire :  — 

1.  Have  you  in  your  family  any  special  traditions,  usages,  or  recipes 
concerned  with 

doughnuts 

gingernuts 

crullers 

crumpets 

jumbles 

pancakes 

apees 

olykoeks 

cookies 

pretzels  ? 

2.  Can  you  suggest  any  additional  names  of  such  esculent  objects? 

3.  At  what  meal,  or  on  what  day,  season,  feast,  fast,  etc.,  were  particular 
cakes  or  doughnuts  eaten  with  you  ? 

4.  What  shapes  were  doughnuts,  etc.,  wont  to  assume  among  your  ac- 
quaintance ? 

5.  Did  any  of  the  doughnuts  and  cookies  have  salt,  seeds,  or  other  sea- 
soning sprinkled  on  top? 

6.  What  special  part  did  the  children  play  with  regard  to  cooking  or 
eating  these  things  ? 

Charles  Peabody. 
197  Brattle  Street,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Answers  may  be  sent  to  the  Editor  of  this  Journal  or  direct  to  Mr.  Pea- 
body. 

LOCAL   MEETINGS  AND   OTHER   NOTICES. 

Boston.  —  Thursday^  March  23.  The  regular  meeting  of  the  Boston 
Branch  was  held  at  8  p.  m.  at  Faelten  Hall,  Huntington  Chambers.  Prof. 
F.  W.  Putnam  presided,  and  introduced  Mr.  George  H.  Pepper  of  the 
American  Museum  of  Natural  History,  New  York,  whose  subject  was  "The 
Navajo  Blanket,  its  Weaving,  its  Symbolism  and  its  Folk-Lore."  Mr.  Pep- 
per gave  a  graphic  account  of  the  various  steps  in  the  making  of  a  Navajo 
blanket,  as  he  had  witnessed  the  process  in  the  Southwest.  Each  step  was 
illustrated  by  fine  lantern  slides,  with  an  explanation  of  the  symbolism  of 
the  various  types.  To  illustrate  his  subject  still  further,  Mr.  Pepper  showed 
a  number  of  fine  blankets,  some  of  them  of  great  antiquity  and  value.  The 
address  drew  out  an  audience  of  members  and  friends  that  filled  the  hall. 
Great  interest  was  shown  in  the  subject  as  presented  by  Mr.  Pepper,  and 
many  lingered  after  the  address  to  get  answers  to  their  special  questions. 

Tuesday,  May  9.  The  annual  meeting,  postponed  from  April,  was  held 
at  the  residence  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  W.  P.  Shreve,  1755  Beacon  Street.  In 
the  absence  of  Prof.  Putnam,  Mr.  W,  W.  Newell  presided,  and  after  the 
reports  of  the  last  meeting  were  read  and  accepted,  the  annual  reports  of 


Bibliographical  Notes.  167 

the  Secretary  and  the  Treasurer  were  presented.  The  Secretary  reported 
a  prosperous  year,  with  a  larger  accession  of  new  members  than  in  any 
single  j^ear  during  her  term  of  office,  with  only  one  death  and  two  resigna- 
tions from  the  branch.  Meetings  have  been  held  regularly,  and  have  been 
well  attended. 

The  report  of  the  Treasurer,  Eliot  W.  Remick,  showed  an  unexpended 
balance  larger  than  usual  in  the  treasury. 

The  following  officers  were  elected  for  the  ensuing  year;  President,  Prof. 
F.  W.  Putnam ;  Vice-presidents,  W.  W.  Newell  and  W.  C.  Farrabee ;  Trea- 
surer, Eliot  W.  Remick ;  Secretary,  Helen-  Leah  Reed ;  Council,  Mrs.  H. 
E.  Raymond,  Miss  Marie  Louise  Everett,  Miss  Cora  A.  Benneson,  Dr.  J. 
H.  Woods,  Langdon  Warner. 

After  the  business  meeting,  Langdon  Warner  of  Harvard  spoke  on  "  The 
Nomad  Tribes  of  Central  Asia."  This  w^as  an  extremely  vivid  account  of 
Mr.  Warner's  own  experiences  last  year,  when  a  member  of  the  Carnegie 
expedition  under  Prof.  Pumpelly.  This  address  dealt  particularly  with  a 
ride  of  his  own  from  Khiva  across  the  desert,  and  he  brought  before  his 
hearers,  not  only  these  nomads,  as  they  appear  and  as  they  live,  but  their 
modes  of  thought  as  well.  He  illustrated  the  latter  phase  of  his  subject  by 
a  number  of  bits  of  folk-lore,  as  "  He  who  offers  a  thirsty  man  water  in 
the  desert,  washes  away  the  sins  of  a  lifetime." 

Helen  L.  Reed,  Sec'y. 

Acting  Treasurer  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society.  —  To  fill 
the  vacancy  left  by  the  decease  of  Dr.  Hinton,  the  Council  has  appointed 
Mr.  Eliot  W.  Remick,  who  will  act  in  such  capacity.  Mr.  Remick's  address 
is  300  Marlborough  Street,  Boston,  Mass. 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTES. 

BOOKS. 

Legends  of  the  Apple.  A  Paper  read  before  the  Cincinnati  Branch  of 
the  American  Folk-Lore  Society,  October  19,  1904.  By  A.  G.  Drury, 
A.  M.,  M.  D.     Cincinnati,  1904.     Pp.  52. 

The  topics  treated  in  this  little  volume  include  :  The  name  apple,  the  fruit 
of  the  tree  of  knowledge,  Adam's  apple.  Eve's  apple-tree,  forbidden  fruit, 
the  apple  of  his  eye,  apples  of  Sodom,  Atalanta's  race,  the  apple  of  discord, 
the  apples  of  the  Hesperides,  the  court  of  Alcinous,  king  of  the  Ph^acians, 
William  Tell  and  the  apple,  English  lore  about  the  apple,  Sir  Isaac  Newton 
and  the  apple,  the  apple-dumpling  and  the  king  (George  III.),  Shakespeare's 
references  to  the  apple,  Grimms'  Fairy  Tales,  Prince  Ahmed  and  the  fairy 
Peri-Banu,  the  apple  in  European  folk-lore,  custard-apple,  seedless  apples, 
"  great  apple  dumpling  "  (N.  Carolina),  coreless  apples,  the  apple-tree  at 
Appomattox,  etc.  The  apple  has  figured  largely  in  folk-lore,  especially  in 
that  of  the  Western  European  peoples,  and  Dr.  Drury  has  gathered  together 


1 68  "*  youriial  of  America7i  Folk-Lore. 

many  interesting  facts,  legends,  and  proverbial  expressions.  The  wide- 
spread belief  that  the  fruit  of  the  tree  of  knowledge  mentioned  in  Genesis 
was  the  apple  is  thought  to  be  due  to  a  passage  in  the  Song  of  Solomon 
(viii.  5) :  "I  raised  thee  up  under  the  apj>le  tree :  there  thy  mother  brought 
thee  forth,"  The  Hebrew  word  tappwah,  used  in  Genesis,  means  "  the 
sweet-scented."  The  folk-lore  of  "  the  forbidden  fruit"  is  quite  extensive. 
One  of  the  "  origins  "  of  the  expression  "  in  apple-pie  order  "  is  given  on 
page  48.  Also  "apple-turn-over,"  as  applied  to  a  bed  made  in  a  certain 
way. 

Macedonian  Folk-Lore.  By  G.  F.  Abbott,  B.  A.  Cambridge :  Univer- 
sity Press,  1903.  Pp.  xi,  372.  (Contains  results  of  author's  studies  in 
the  Greek-speaking  parts  of  Macedonia,  1900- 1901.) 

The  subjects  treated  are  :  The  folk-lorist  in  Macedonia,  the  folk-calendar 
and  the  seasons,  winter-festivities,  divination  symbolism,  birth,  marriage, 
funeral  rites,  spirits  and  spells,  Macedonian  mythology,  Alexander  and 
Philip  in  folk-tradition,  bird  legends,  miscellaneous,  riddles,  Kuavorpayov^a. 
In  spite  of  the  inroads  of  modern  "  civilization,"  Macedonia  is  still  a  good 
field  for  the  folk-lorist.  There  "  the  old  Klephtic  ballads  are  still  sung,  not 
only  on  the  mountains,  but  in  the  fields  and  plains,  and  in  all  places  where 
the  ear  of  the  police  cannot  reach."  Few  remnants  of  the  once  so  popular 
blind  minstrels  are  left,  — these  have  died  a  twin  death  from  civilization 
and  from  barbarism.  The  cottage  fireside  is  the  hope  of  the  folk-lorist  here 
as  elsewhere.  The  enthusiasm  for  science  of  Kyr  Liatsos,  the  tailor  of 
Melenik,  was  such  that  Mr.  Abbot  reckons  him  "  worth  at  least  a  dozen 
ordinary  old  dames  rolled  into  one."  His  characteristic  abandonment  of 
business  and  denunciation  of  the  Turk  are  well  expressed  on  page  5.  The 
meanings  and  popular  names  of  the  Macedonian-Greek  month-names  (often 
purely  folk-etymological)  are,  beginning  with  January  :  "  Breeder,"  "  Vein- 
sweller,"  "Flayer,"  "  St.  George's  Month,""  Harvester  "  (June),  "Thresher," 
"Vintage  Month"  (September),  "St.  Demetrius'  Month,"  "Sower,"  "St. 
Nicholas'  Month."  November  and  December  together  are  called  "  Twins." 
The  Macedonian  Yule-tide  celebrations  in  their  entirety  are  described  as 
"  solemn  scenes,"  rather  than  "  merry  scenes."  In  Macedonia  coffee  instead 
of  tea  is  used  for  "cup  divination."  The  shepherds  of  western  Macedonia 
practice  omoplatoscopy.  There  are  three  different  ways  of  interpreting 
sneezing.  No  traces  of  "  seers  of  the  Scottish  Highland  type  "  Avere  met 
with,  but  "  prophets  "  exist.  Symbolic  and  sympathetic  magic  (e.  g.  rain- 
making)  flourishes.  Interesting  is  the  modification  of  classic  tradition, 
especially  in  funeral  rites  and  customs  through  Slav  influence.  On  page 
225  we  are  informed  that  "the  Mohammedan  ministers  and  monks  enjoy 
a  far  higher  reputation  as  wielders  of  magical  powers  than  their  Christian 
confreres.  Likewise  the  most  famous  fortune-tellers  of  either  sex  belong  to 
the  Mohammedan  persuasion."  Part  of  this,  the  author  remarks,  "may 
arise  from  the  universal  tendency  to  credit  an  intellectually  inferior  race 
with  greater  proficiency  in  the  black  arts."  The  old  Gypsy  women,  etc., 
are,  however,  formidable  competitors  of  the  dervishes.     The  Macedonian 


Bibliographical  Notes.  169 

Sroixeta  are  cousins  of  the  Russian  domovoi  and  related  to  the  Teutonic 
brownie  and  the  Celtic  glaistig.  To  Alexander  and  Philip  the  Macedonian 
peasant  attributes  "  everything  that  savors  of  antiquity."  The  game  of 
"  The  Meeting  of  Three  Roads  "  is  identical  with  the  English  "  Nine  Men's 
Morris."  Riddles  (Mr.  Abbot  cites  half  a  hundred)  are  very  popular  in 
Macedonia,  and  "  the  Macedonian  farmer,  like  the  French  wit  of  a  certain 
class,  delights  in  doitble-entendre."  Mr.  Abbot  has  written  both  an  interesting 
and  a  valuable  book,  filled  with  facts  for  the  student  of  comparative  folk- 
lore. 

Griechische  Fruhlingstage.  Von  Edward  Engel.  Zweite,  neubear- 
beitete  Auflage,  mit  21  Bildern  nach  der  Natur.  Jena:  Hermann  Cos- 
tenoble,  1904.     Pp.  376. 

This  pleasant  book  of  travel  contains  much  of  interest  to  the  anthropolo- 
gist and  the  student  of  folk-lore,  —  especially  in  the  comparison  of  the  old 
and  the  new  in  thought,  word,  and  deed  in  Hellas.  The  author  has  not  done 
as  some  travellers  have,  passed  judgment  on  all  the  Greeks  from  his  short 
experience  with  boatmen,  —  even  those  of  Corfu  are  not  so  black  after  all. 
Food-adulteration  is  an  art  in  which  the  modern  Greeks  are  still  complete 
barbarians  and  will  have  to  learn  everything  from  the  "Europeans,"  as  they 
call  all  other  non-Greeks  of  the  continent.  In  Ithaca  the  author  learned 
(contrary  to  some  travellers'  tales)  that  not  all  the  children  had  Ulyssean 
names,  and  some  of  them  had  never  heard  of  the  Homeric  hero,  except  to 
be  able  to  point  out  his  Kastroii.  In  Pyrgos,  the  capital  of  Elis,  one  meets 
with  pretzels,  for  which  the  Greek  term  seems  to  be  kuluria.  Interesting 
are  the  Tragiidia  Klcftika,  songs  of  the  Klephts.  So  too  such  proverbs  as 
"  One  hand  washes  the  other,  and  both  wash  the  face  ;  "  and  the  na?marisma 
(cradle-song)  on  page  124.  The  old  Greek  Moira  are  remembered  in  the 
offering  or  putting  away  of  food  and  drink  for  "  the  three  Mires."  In  the 
village-name  Ajannu  one  has  to  recognize  Agios  yoannis  (St.  John).  On 
page  159  it  is  pointed  out  that  the  term  "  Je  suis  grec  en  jeu  "  (where  grec 
=  sharper)  arose  in  Paris  at  the  time  of  the  Mississippi  fraud.  Before  that 
greo  (as  in  the  Academy's  Dictionary  of  1694)  meant  simply  "  clever."  The 
modern  Messenian  calls  the  "  powers  "  of  Europe  (i  dindmis.  The  Lord's 
Prayer  in  folk-Greek,  not  the  church-tongue,  is  given  on  page  217.  The 
folk-idea  of  the  Graeco-Turkish  war  is  shown  at  pages  217-218;  also  the 
popular  conception  of  King  Otto.  The  Argos  Easter-dances  are  described 
on  pages  240-243.  From  his  guide,  Michail,  the  author  was  able  to  get 
"  a  better  word  than  alogon,  for  '  horse  '  — viz.  ippos."  But  the  idea  of  its 
survival  from  old  Greek  days  was  demolished,  when  Michail  told  him  that  a 
German  traveller  some  time  before  had  told  him  to  say  ippos  and  not  alogon, 
or  soon.  In  spite  of  a  German  philologian's  disgust  at  a  people  who  would 
construe  apo  with  the  accusative,  —  they  have  fallen  so  low  !  from  the  geni- 
tive down,  —  the  author  hopes  for  them  a  happy  future,  citing  the  words 
of  a  Greek  friend  :  "  After  all  we  are  much  better  than  the  ancient  Hel- 
lenes." When  a  Greek  curses  he  wishes  his  enemy  to  be  buried  in  foreign, 
soil ;  when  two  Greeks  meet  in  a  strange  land,  their  greeting  is  Kalin 
patrida  !  "  Happy  Fatherland  !  " 


1 70  Journal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 

Les  Mceurs  des  Indo-Chinois  d'apres  leurs  cultes,  leurs  lois,  leur  littera- 

ture  et  leur  theatre.     Par  Ch.  Lemire,  Re'sident  honoraire  de  France. 

Paris,  1902.     Pp.  28.     Maps  and  figs. 

This  little  book  contains  interesting  data  concerning  the  mental  charac- 
ters and  achievements  of  the  various  races  and  peoples  of  Indo-China,  — 
Annamese,  Kiams,  Thais,  Khmers,  Siamese,  etc.  The  Annamese  have 
Confucian  morals,  ancestor-worship,  laws  and  literature,  all  more  or  less 
Chinese,  —  also  a  sort  of  bastard  Buddhism.  In  Cambodia,  Buddhism  suc- 
ceeded Brahmanism,  with  which  it  mingled.  Just  as  Annamese  culture  has 
been  so  greatly  influenced  by  China,  so  has  Siamese  and  Thai  by  India. 
The  Chinese  drama  uses  only  as  springs  of  human  actions  natural  morals, 
reason,  ancestor-worship,  —  divinity,  although  dominating  humanity,  ap- 
pears only  vaguely  and  unpersonified.  With  the  Khmers  (Thai)  events  are 
subordinated  to  personal  merits  and  demerits,  and  the  characters  are  in 
mental  and  supernatural  relations  with  the  divinities.  The  Annamites,  a 
realistic  people,  indifferent  to  beauty,  form,  ideal,  woman,  do  not  practice  the 
dance.  With  the  Cambodians  it  accompanies  all  plays  and  festivals.  Said 
Prince  Yukanthor  :  "  The  Cambodian  dance  they  showed  us  at  Paris  in  1900 
resembles  the  Khmer  dance  as  the  civilization  introduced  into  Cambodia 
by  the  French  resembles  the  ancient  civilization  of  the  Khmers  !  " 

Some  Cambodian  proverbs  may  be  reproduced  here  :  — 

1.  Do  not  try  to  go  up  stream. 

2.  The  law,  beside  our  passions,  is  like  a  flower  on  the  head  of  a  bald  man. 

3.  Do  not  be  morose.  One  can  live  in  a  narrow  room,  but  one  cannot  live  with  a 
griefstricken  heart. 

4.  Fortune  is  not  equal  to  knowledge. 

5.  Battle  is  painful.     If  the  army  goes  away,  be  sad.     If  it  stays  near,  be  happy. 

The  Siamese  tale  of  "  The  Walking  Skull  "  is  directed  at  drunkenness. 
Being  brief,  it  may  be  given  here  :  "  Two  drunkards  were  friends.  One  of 
them  died.  Some  time  after  the  cremation  of  his  comrade  the  survivor  went 
to  the  cemetery.  Perceiving  the  half-carbonized  skull  of  his  friend,  he  be- 
gan to  lament,  and,  addressing  the  dead  man,  he  invited  him,  as  a  sort  of 
adieu,  to  come  to  drink  a  cup  with  him  as  of  old.  He  then  left.  The  skull 
at  once  rolled  after  him  along  the  road.  The  drunkard,  hearing  behind  him 
something  like  the  noise  of  a  cracked  cocoanut,  turned  round  and  saw,  to 
his  great  surprise,  the  dead  man's  skull  moving  towards  him  as  if  by  means 
of  a  spring.  Brave  and  gay  companion,  he  was  not  afraid.  '  My  friend,' 
he  said  to  himself,  '  is  thirsty.  He  is  coming  to  drink  some  brandy  with  me 
at  the  inn  where  we  have  passed  so  many  happy  moments.' " 

This  is  a  good  example  of  the  short  Siamese  tales. 

Tiele's  Kompendium  der  Religionsgeschichte  iibersetzt  von  Lie.  Dr. 
F.  W.  T.  Weber.  Dritte  deutsche  Auflage  durchgesehen  und  umgearbeitet 
von  D.  Nathan  Soderblom,  Professor  an  der  Universitat  Upsala.  Bres- 
lau:  Verlag  von  Theophil  Biller,  1903.     Pp.  xii,  426. 

,    The  very  brief  space  devoted  to  the  religions  of  primitive  America  in  this 
Compendium,  four  or  five  pages  only,  deserves  extension  in  view  of  the 


Bibliograph  ica  I  Notes.  171 

recent  studies  of  Boas,  Matthews,  Miss  Alice  C.  Fletcher,  Dorsey,  Fevvkes, 
Mooney,  Hewitt,  etc.  None  of  these  investigators  are  included  in  the 
list  of  references,  reliance  being  placed  on  Reville.  Totemism  and  animal- 
cult  are  distinguished.  Totemism  is  often  social  rather  than  religious. 
The  "  sun-worship  theocracy  "  (p.  28)  of  the  Natchez  is  given  too  much 
importance,  perhaps.  The  deities  of  the  civilized  peoples  of  Mexico  and 
Peru  often  "hovered  between  spirits  and  gods,"  as  the  names  given  them 
sometimes  indicate. 

WiE  DENKT  DAS  VoLK  UBER  DIE  Sprache  ?  Plaudcreicn  iiber  die  Eige- 
nart  der  Ausdrucks-  und  Anschauungsweise  des  Volkes  von  Professor  Dr. 
Friedrich  Palle.  Dritte,  verbesserte  Auflage  von  Professor  Dr.  Oskar 
Weise.     Leipzig  &  Berlin  :  B.  G.  Teubner,  1904,  pp.  v,  112. 

The  first  edition  of  this  really  interesting  and  useful  little  book  appeared 
in  18S9,  A  glance  at  the  section  titles  and  the  index  (pp.  127-153,  2 
cols,  to  the  page  in  the  old)  shows  that  Dr.  Weise,  who  edited  it  after  the 
death  of  the  author,  has  made  a  good  many  changes,  both  of  addition  and 
of  omission.  The  topics  treated  are  :  Folk  and  language,  relation  of  sound 
and  idea,  choice  and  significance  of  names,  history  and  use  of  personal 
names,  number  in  the  mouth  of  the  folk,  vanished  speech-consciousness, 
culture-historical  deposits  in  language,  clearness  of  folk-speech,  vocabulary 
of  dialect,  vivacity  of  presentation,  convenience,  liberties  of  folk-speech. 
On  page  15  attention  is  called  to  the  references  to  peculiarities  of  bodily 
organs,  etc.,  in  Latin  names:  Flaccus  ("flabby"),  Brutus  ("heavy"),  Len- 
tulus  ("slow"),  Balbus  ("stammerer"),  Lurco  ("glutton"),  Naso  ("big 
nose  "),  Nasica  ("  sharp-nose  "),  Labeo  ("  thick  lips  "),  Capito  ("  block- 
head"), Calvus  ("bald").  Varus  ("crooked  leg"),  etc.  At  another  ex- 
treme was  the  German  patriots,  who  named  their  daughters  Gneisenatiette. 
and  Bliicherin.  "  Fanny,"  as  a  diminutive  of  Franziska,  obtained  currency 
in  Germany  from  the  name  of  the  heroine  of  Fielding's  novel  published  in 
1742.  To  literary  influences  are  due  also  the  run  of  Edgar  and  Edmund 
(King  Lear),  Richard  (Scott's  Ivanhoe  and  Talisman),  Flora  (Scott's 
Waverley),  etc.  In  central  Germany  the  military  records  reveal  a  peasant's 
son  with  the  name  of  Florian  Stephan  TertuUiani!  The  governmental  re- 
naming of  the  Jews  produced  many  such  appellations  as  Lowental,  Veilchen- 
feld,  etc.  Among  interesting  number  terms  and  phrases  may  be  cited  the 
following:  A  nine-skm  man  (Leipzig  =  "a  sly  fellow"),  nine-wise  (Low 
German  =  " very  wise"),  seven  league  boots,  a  face  like  three  (ox  seven) 
days  of  rainy  weather,  take  your  seven  baked  pears,  and  go,  the  food  is 
already  wzxmed  Jif teen  times,  he  has  only  three  senses,  he  can't  count  up  to 
three,  he  is  three  cYveests  high,  etc.  The  expressions  "eine  alte  Jungfer,  ein 
silbernes  Hufreisen,  die  Stadt  Diisseldorf,  Messinghorn,  ein  vier  blattriges 
Kleeblatt,"  etc.,  represent  curious  appositions  to  which  the  ear  has  become 
accustomed.  Innumerable  are  such  turns  of  folk-speech  as  "to  be  all  ear," 
"  to  run  one's  legs  off,"  "to  be  nothing  but  skin  and  bone,"  "to  be  beside 
one's  self"  (pp.  69-73). 

The  richness  of  dialects  in  names  for  animals,  synonyms,  onomatopoeic 


1 72  Jotimal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

terms,  euphemisms,  etc.,  is  noted.  H.  Schrader  collected  over  500  similes 
and  idioms  for  drinking.  Among  the  "  liberties  "  taken  by  folk-speech  may 
be  mentioned  the  Tyrolean  die  Menschin,  and  the  die  Dingin  of  several 
dialects. 

Although  the  author  naturally  confines  himself  very  much  to  German 
words  and  phrases,  the  English  student  of  folk-speech  and  folk-etymology 
will  read  this  book  to  great  advantage. 

Sociological  Papers,  by  Francis  Galton,  E.  Westermarck,  P,  Geddes, 
E.  DuRKHEiM,  Harold  H.  Mann,  and  V.  V.  Branford,  with  an  Intro- 
ductory Address  by  James  Bryce,  President  of  the  Society.  Published 
for  the  Sociological  Society,  London  :  Macmillan  &  Co.,  1904.  Pp. 
xviii,  292. 

This  volume  consists  chiefly  of  the  papers  read  during  the  spring  and 
summer  of  1904  before  the  newly  formed  Sociological  Society,  at  its  first 
session.  The  names  of  the  authors  guarantee  good  contents.  The  article 
of  most  interest  to  the  folk-lorist  is  Professor  Westermarck's  "  On  the  Posi- 
tion of  Woman  in  Early  Civilization  "  (pp.  145-160).  The  other  topics 
treated  are  the  origin  and  use  of  the  word  sociology,  eugenics  (its  scope 
and  aim),  civics  (as  applied  sociology),  life  in  an  agricultural  village  in 
England,  the  relation  of  sociology  to  the  social  sciences  and  to  philosophy, 
sociology  and  the  social  sciences.  To  most  of  the  papers  are  appended 
discussions  and  written  communications  by  other  sociologists.  Dr.  Wes- 
termarck  cites  evidence  to  show  "  how  little  we  know  at  present  about  the 
real  causes  on  which  the  position  of  woman  in  the  various  human  societies 
depends,"  and  how  incorrect,  in  so  far  as  the  earlier  stages  of  culture  are 
concerned,  is  the  dictum  that  "  a  people's  civilization  may  be  measured  by 
the  position  held  by  its  women."  For  "  even  where  the  position  of  the 
female  sex,  from  a  legal,  religious,  and  social  point,  is  disgracefully  low,  the 
women,  in  spite  of  their  physical  weakness,  are  not  quite  unable  to  influence 
the  men,  and  even  to  make  their  husbands  tremble."  The  common  invest- 
ing of  women  with  a  certain  mystery  has  often  led  to  man's  fear  of,  or  re- 
spect for,  their  magic  powers.  Economic  conditions  also  vary  the  position 
of  woman  among  uncivilized  races.  The  husband's  "  rights  "  are  often  not 
so  absolute  as  many  have  supposed.  Custom  must  be  distinguished  from 
mere  tyranny. 

A.  F.  C. 


THE   JOURNAL  OF 

AMERICAN  FOLK-LORE. 

Vol.  XVIIL  — JULY-SEPTEMBER,  1905.— No.  LXX. 


MEXICAN   HUMAN   SACRIFICE. 

Ceremonial  slaughter  of  human  beings  has  been  practised  in  the 
world  widely  and  for  various  reasons.  Where  the  belief  exists  that 
earthly  social  grades  and  relations  are  continued  in  the  other  world, 
it  is  natural  to  dispatch  wives  and  slaves  to  minister  to  a  dead  man 
in  his  new  life.  In  this  case  the  slaying  is  merely  an  expression  of 
respect  and  kindness  to  the  deceased  —  simple  social  etiquette  ;  the 
victim  fulfils  the  duty  of  his  or  her  station,  and  no  religious  senti- 
ment is  involved.  The  same  thing  is  true  when  a  captive  or  other 
person  is  killed  and  eaten  merely  for  food  or  to  acquire  his  qualities 
(courage,  wisdom,  and  the  like) ;  the  procedure  in  such  cases  is 
physically  or  psychically  economic.  If  a  man  is  killed  in  order  that 
his  ghost  may  harass  an  enemy,  this  again  is  a  social  secular  act,  not 
religious.  If  the  object  of  the  slaughter  is  to  secure  a  skull  as  a 
powerful  supernatural  thing,  guardian  or  oracular,  we  have  a  re- 
ligious ceremony,  a  wise  provision  for  the  ministrant's  welfare.  He 
takes  a  skull  as  he  would  take  a  magic  stone  or  the  claw  of  a  magic 
animal ;  but  to  get  the  skull  its  owner  must  be  killed. 

A  different  element  enters  when  human  blood  or  the  offering  of 
human  life  is  required  to  insure  fertility  of  soil  or  of  animals,  or 
stability  of  houses  or  bridges.  In  some  cases  the  ritual  conception 
in  this  ceremony  appears  to  be  the  recognition  of  the  magical  power 
residing  in  blood  considered  as  the  seat  of  life.  The  motive  is 
economic,  and  the  procedure  is  scientific  in  so  far  as  the  blood  is 
employed  as  a  fertilizer  ;  but  as  its  fertiHzing  power  depends  not  on 
its  chemical  ingredients,  but  on  its  superhuman  qualities,  the  pro- 
cedure assumes  the  form  of  magic  ritual,  possibly  with  a  religious 
tinge.  It  is  sometimes  difficult  or  impossible  to  say  whether  such 
use  of  blood  involves  the  conception  of  a  distinctly  supernatural 
force.  In  the  central  Australian  economic  (food-producing)  cere- 
monies, for  example,  there  is,  according  to  the  statements  of  Messrs. 
Spencer  and  Gillen,^  nothing  but  the  bare  process ;  it  appears  to  be 
^  The  Native  Tribes  of  Central  Australia. 


174  journal  of  A  mericart  Folk-L ore. 

a  sort  of  imitative  magic.  But  it  is  possible  that  the  blood  employed 
is  supposed  to  be  acceptable  and  seductive  to  the  controlling  spirits 
of  the  various  classes  of  animals. 

In  this  latter  case  the  ceremony  involves  the  placation  of  a  super- 
natural being  by  the  offer  of  food.  The  food  placed  by  the  grave  of 
a  dead  man  was  partly  a  tribute  of  respect,  the  fulfilment  of  a  pious 
duty ;  in  part,  also,  it  was,  doubtless,  a  gift  designed  to  procure  the 
good  offices  of  the  deceased.  In  a  relatively  late  stage  blood  was  a 
common  offering  to  ghosts,  as  in  the  Athenian  Anthesteria,  and  this 
was  a  true  sacrifice.  When  ghosts  grew  into  deities,  the  ceremonial 
offering  of  blood  became  an  elaborate  rite ;  and  the  custom  might 
easily  be  carried  over  from  ghosts  or  infernal  deities  to  high  gods. 
The  blood  offered  might  be  non-human  or  human. 

An  obscure  religious  sentiment  is  to  be  recognized  sometimes, 
also,  in  those  cases,  if  any  such  exist,  in  which  the  sins  or  evils  of  a 
community  are  held  to  be  massed  in  the  person  of  a  human  being 
who  is  then  slain,  and  thus  the  evils  are  got  rid  of.^  The  victim,  in 
such  a  ceremony,  is  not  a  substitute  for  other  human  beings,  nor  is 
he  an  offering  to  a  deity  ;  he  represents  the  idea  that  evil  is  a  physi- 
cal thing  that  may  be  thrust  forth  like  a  mass  of  wood  or  earth. 
The  killing  is  ceremonial,  communal,  and  apotropaic  (that  is,  ulti- 
mately economic).  In  the  crudest  forms  of  the  procedure  there 
seems  to  be  no  religious  idea  ;  in  the  higher  forms  it  is  brought  into 
connection  with  supernatural  beings. 

Ceremonial  slaughter  of  human  beings  originates  in  a  time  of 
savagery  when  human  life  is  little  considered  in  itself.  In  many 
cases  the  victims  are  preferably  children,  perhaps  because  children 
are  regarded  as  socially  of  less  importance  than  adults.  The  practice 
survived  in  some  ancient  civilized  nations,  notably  among  the  Semites 
(Carthaginians,  Hebrews,  and  others)  ;  but  in  these  cases  it  was  con- 
nected with  more  advanced  religious  ideas. 

The  Mexican  religious  cult,  in  which  human  sacrifice  figured 
largely,  was  relatively  well  developed,  having  a  great  apparatus  of 
temples  and  priests,  with  elaborate  ceremonies.  Some  of  the  sacri- 
ficial details  are  found  in  other  cults  ;  the  act  of  slaughter  is  com- 
mon to  all  animal  sacrifices,  and  the  barbarous  mode  of  killing  is  a 
feature  of  social  culture  and  is  not  in  itself  religiously  important. 
There  is,  however,  one  detail  of  the  cult  (occurring  in  certain  sacri- 
fices) that  is  not  found  in  the  Carthaginian  and  other  ancient  cere- 
monies of  human  sacrifice :  it  is  the  reverent  care  that  in  certain 
cases  was  lavished  on  the  victim  for  some  time  before  he  or  she  was 
put  to  death.     The  facts  are  familiar  and  need  not  be  repeated  here 

1  Some  facts  bearing  on  this  point  are  collected  by  Frazer  in  his  Golden  Bough, 
ii,  and  Miss  Harrison  in  her  Prolegom.  to  the  Study  of  the  Greek  Religion,  ch.  iii. 


Mexican  Human  Sacrifice.  175 

at  length.^  The  main  points  are  these :  the  victim  was  identified 
with  the  god  to  whom  he  was  to  be  sacrificed ;  he  received  the  dress 
and  the  name  of  the  god,  was  luxuriously  housed,  and  when  he  went 
forth  was  worshipped  and  prayed  to  as  divine;  after  he  was  slain, 
his  heart  was  offered  to  a  god,  his  head  was  preserved  as  a  sacred 
object,  and  (according  to  Herrera)  his  heart  was  eaten.  It  is  obvious 
that  this  procedure  differs  from  those  described  above.  Its  object  is 
not  to  provide  an  attendant  for  a  deceased  chief  or  to  secure  good 
crops,  nor  merely  to  gain  a  head.  Nor  is  Mr.  Frazer's  explanation 
satisfactory,  namely,  that  the  divine  man  must  be  slain  that  he  may 
not  incur  the  weaknesses  of  old  age.^  There  is  no  suggestion  of 
such  an  idea  in  the  Mexican  system.  The  identification  of  the  vic- 
tim with  the  god  is  naturally  explicable  as  a  development  from  the 
early  rite  in  which  the  victim  is  regarded  as  divine  by  nature  (as  in 
the  examples  given  below).  Since  the  victim  was  a  god  and  the 
continued  presence  of  the  god  was  desirable,  it  is  not  difficult  to  see 
how  the  custom  arose  of  clothing  the  ministrant  in  the  skin  of  the 
slain  animal  or  man.  Such  a  mode  of  personation  is  frequent  in 
very  early  ceremonies,  as  in  Australia  and  North  America  ;  a  striking 
Greek  instance  is  given  by  W.  R.  Smith,^  though  here  later  ideas 
also  appear.  The  examples  collected  by  Mr.  Frazer  of  the  slaying 
of  divine  kings  and  of  their  temporary  abdication,  while  very  inter- 
esting in  themselves,  do  not  appear  to  be  connected  with  the  placa- 
tion  of  gods,  and  therefore  have  no  bearing  on  the  question  of 
Mexican  human  sacrifice.  So  far  as  the  mere  act  of  slaughter  is 
concerned,  in  this  and  every  other  animal  sacrifice,  it  might  be 
explained  as  necessary  in  order  that  blood  or  flesh  might  be  offered 
to  the  deity,  as,  in  fact,  in  Mexico  the  heart  of  the  victim  was  so 
offered.  But,  as  is  remarked  above,  there  are  other  details  in  the 
Mexican  ceremony  that  demand  explanation. 

For  the  elucidation  of  the  central  fact  of  this  ceremony — the 
religious  reverence  paid  the  victim  before  his  death  —  we  naturally 
seek  similar  customs  in  other  nations.  Exact  and  instructive  paral- 
lels, however,  it  is  difficult  to  find  —  ceremonies,  that  is,  in  which  a 
human  victim  is  petted  before  being  slain,  and  in  which  an  explana- 
tion of  the  whole  procedure  is  suggested.*  Failing  this,  we  must  look 
for  parallels  in  which  the  victim  is  a  beast,  and  the  procedure  simpler. 

^  They  are  given  in  Acosta's  Historia  de  las  Tndias,  bk.  v.  chs.  lo,  21  ;  Saha- 
gun's  Histoire  des  chases  de  la  Nouvelle  Espagne  (Fr.  trans.),  bk.  ii,  ch.  5 ;  Her- 
rera's  Historia  de  las  Indias  Ocidentales,  III,  ii,  caps.  16,  17. 

"^  Golden  Bough,  ch.  iii. 

^  Religion  of  the  Semites,  Additional  Note  G. 

*  A  somewhat  similar  procedure  is  described,  from  Le  Mercier,  in  Parkman's 
Jesuits  in  North  America,  p.  80.  For  India,  see  Weber,  Itidische  Streifen,  i,  d^, 
and  Hopkins,  Relig.  of  India,  p.  196. 


176  yournal  of  A  merican  Folk-L  ore. 

Such  ceremonies,  more  nearly  primitive  may  suggest  the  desired 
explanation. 

Certain  of  the  features  of  the  Mexican  ritual  appear  in  the  bear 
festival  of  the  Ainu.^  The  bear  cub  is  carefully  nurtured  (sometimes 
suckled  by  the  women)  till  he  is  of  the  proper  age,  and  is  then 
brought  out,  worried,  and  killed  —  slain,  like  the  Mexican  victim,  in 
a  savagely  cruel  manner.  He  is  regarded  as  a  god  both  before  and 
after  death.  The  invitation  to  the  feast  (which  is  prepared  by  the 
possessor  of  the  cub)  announces  that  the  little  divinity  of  the  moun- 
tain is  to  be  "  sent  away  "  —  he  is  a  messenger.^  The  address  to  the 
animal,  before  it  is  killed,  asks  pardon  for  what  is  to  be  done,  assures 
him  that  great  honor  is  thus  paid  him,  and  that  abundance  of  food 
and  drink  will  be  sent  along  with  him,  and  begs  him  to  speak  well 
of  the  people  when  he  reaches  his  parents  and  other  divine  friends 
in  the  other  world.  Similar  petitions  are  addressed  to  him  after 
he  is  killed  ;  his  head  is  cut  off  and  preserved  as  a  sacred  object ; 
a  potage  of  the  flesh  is  partaken  of  by  all  persons  present ;  his 
own  flesh  is  set  before  the  head  as  food  and  worship  is  offered  it. 
He  is  prayed  to  return,  that  he  may  again  be  hunted  and  "  sent 
away."  The  belief  that  a  slain  animal  reports  to  his  fellows  the 
manner  of  his  treatment  by  men,  and  thus  procures  or  prevents  a 
plentiful  supply  of  game,  is  widespread  among  the  North  American 
tribes  ;  and  in  the  California  buzzard  festival^  the  killing  of  the  bird 
seems  to  be  connected  with  the  desire  for  an  abundant  supply  of  the 
species,  though  there  is  no  suggestion  of  how  this  result  is  to  be 
brought  about.  The  Ainu  ritual  appears  to  give  a  definite  reason 
for  the  killing  of  the  animal  :  it  is  sent  as  a  messenger  to  the  inhab- 
itants of  the  other  world,  not  merely  to  procure  a  supply  of  game, 
but  also  to  secure  the  good  will  of  the  Powers  in  the  beyond.  A 
respectful  message,  sent  by  a  proper  person,  is  in  fact  a  natural 
way  of  gaining  the  favor  of  the  powerful. 

The  character  of  emissary  comes  out  plainly  in  the  Borneo  pig 
ceremonies  described  by  Mr.  Haddon.^  When  the  object  is  divina- 
tion by  means  of  the  pig's  liver,  the  animal  is  asked  to  convey  a 
message  to  the  god ;  and  as  it  is  important  that  the  message  be  car- 
ried correctly,  the  attention  of  the  victim  is  secured,  during  the 
utterance  of  the  address  to  the  deity,  by  holding  and  prodding  it. 
On  the  occasion  of  naming  a  child,  when  it  is  desired  to  know  the 

*  I  follow  the  description  in  John  Batchelor's  The  Aititi  and  their  Folklore,  c\\. 
42. 

2  According  to  Mr.  Batchelor  the  Ainu  term  corresponding  to  our  "sacrifice  " 
means  to  "  send  away." 

*  See  Frazer,  Golden  Bough. 

*■  A.  C.  H addon,  Head-Hunters,  pp.  336,  353  ff. 


Mexican  Human  Sacrifice.  177 

will  of  the  appropriate  god,  the  latter  is  not  addressed  directly,  but 
the  pig  is  the  intermediator  between  him  and  the  suppliant.  The 
feeling  seems  to  be  that  the  god  is  too  great  a  personage  to  be  ap- 
proached directly  by  men.  The  pig,  the  familiar  friend  of  man,  yet 
by  its  nature  akin  to  the  gods,  is  a  natural  go-between.  The  death 
of  the  animal  is  necessary,  since  only  by  this  means  can  its  soul  go 
to  the  world  of  the  gods,  where  it  is  conceived  of  as  mingling  on 
terms  of  equality  with  the  divine  inhabitants.  The  report  of  this 
ceremony  says  nothing  of  a  hope  for  the  return  of  the  pig  to  earth, 
and  very  little  of  a  friendly  or  caressing  treatment  of  it  before  it  is- 
slain  ;  the  main  point  is  its  function  as  messenger,  a  function  that 
supposes  the  existence  of  well-developed  high  gods. 

The  Ainu  and  Borneo  ceremonies  offer  parallels  to  the  two  main 
points  in  the  Mexican  ritual,  —  the  reverent  treatment  of  the  divine 
victim  and  its  slaughter  (and  the  tearing  out  of  the  man's  heart 
in  Mexico  may  be  compared  with  the  extraction  of  the  pig's  liver  in 
Borneo).  That  the  victim  is  carefully  and  honorably  tended,  we 
may  suppose,  is  the  expression  partly  of  respect  for  its  divine  charac- 
ter, partly  of  desire  to  gain  its  good  will  and  secure  its  good  offices  in 
the  other  world.  Thus  nurtured  and  petted,  it  may  be  expected  to 
go  its  way  cheerfully  with  its  message  to  the  gods.  Such  would  be 
the  conception  of  the  ceremony  in  its  earlier  form.  In  the  course 
of  time,  in  a  growing  community,  the  cruder  ideas  of  the  ritual 
would  be  outgrown  and  forgotten,  but  the  general  procedure  would 
persist  as  a  traditional  sacred  and  potent  ceremony :  the  victim 
would  be  caressed  and  slain,  not  because  it  was  regarded  as  an  am- 
bassador, but  because  such  treatment  was  held,  in  accordance  with 
tradition,  to  be  acceptable  to  the  gods  ;  still  later,  the  preliminary 
ceremony  would  be  dispensed  with,  the  slaughter  of  the  victim  would 
be  regarded  as  the  effective  thing,  and  would  be  brought  into  rela- 
tion with  such  other  conceptions  of  gods  and  sin  as  might  meantime 
have  arisen. 

In  the  earliest  examples  that  I  have  found  of  this  ambassadorial 
slaughter  the  victim  is  a  beast;  the  slaying  of  human  beings  as 
sacrifice  proper  belongs  to  a  relatively  advanced  cultural  stage  of 
society.  There  are  no  records  to  explain  precisely  the  manner  of 
the  transition  from  beast  to  man ;  conjectures  on  this  point  must  be 
derived  from  the  general  history  of  religious  cults.  It  is  known  that 
the  early  intense  and  vital  belief  in  the  sacredness  and  divinity  of 
beasts  gradually  faded  away.  Wild  animals  were  relegated  to  a 
separate  domain,  and  became  more  and  more  alienated  from  man  ; 
domestic  animals  were  employed  for  labor  and  food,  and  lost,  through 
familiarity,  their  sacred  character  except  as  it  survived  in  obscured 


178  Journal  of  A  merica  n  Folk-L  ore. 

form  in  certain  stated  and  unexciting  ceremonies  ;  totemistic  creeds 
vanished  with  the  adoption  of  the  agricultural  life.  When  there  was 
a  demand  for  a  particularly  powerful  offering  to  the  gods,  human 
life,  as  more  worthy  and  precious,  would  seem  to  be  especially 
appropriate.  Up  to  a  certain  stage  of  social  growth  such  an  offering 
would  not  be  offensive  to  public  taste.  The  slaying  of  human  beings 
for  various  reasons  (as  is  mentioned  above)  had  long  been  practised, 
and  a  certain  degree  of  savage  indifference  to  human  slaughter 
lingered  long  in  half-civilized  communities.  Ancient  methods  of 
warfare  (particularly,  perhaps,  among  the  Semites)  were  characterized 
by  proceedings  barbarous  in  the  highest  degree.  In  modern  times 
illustrations  are  afforded  by  the  wars  between  the  Poles  and  the 
Russians  in  the  seventeenth  century,  by  the  Thirty  Years'  War  in 
Germany,  and  by  the  treatment  of  the  Jews  in  Europe  up  to  the 
seventeenth  century.  Thus,  in  ancient  cults,  where  slaughter  was 
the  traditional  form  of  sacrifice,  no  humane  considerations  would  avail 
to  deter  men  from  offering  what  they  thought  would  be  most  accept- 
able to  the  higher  Powers. 

In  some  such  way,  it  may  be  supposed,  occurred  the  transition 
from  the  simple  process  of  sending  a  messenger  to  the  gods  to  the 
sacrificial  ritual  of  the  Mexicans.  It  does  not  enter  into  the  plan  of 
this  paper  to  discuss  human  sacrifice  in  general.  When  a  ritual  pro- 
cedure has  once  been  established,  every  succeeding  generation  will 
infuse  into  it  its  own  religious  ideas  ;  these  later  accretions  must  be 
distinguished  from  the  original  conception,  and  my  object  is  to  sug- 
gest one  possible  starting-point  for  the  historical  development  of 
animal  sacrifice  in  general  and  human  sacrifice  in  particular. 

A  couple  of  American  Indian  ceremonies  may  be  mentioned,  the 
origin  of  which  may  be  illustrated  from  the  facts  presented  above. 
One  of  these  is  the  White  Buffalo  Festival  of  the  Uncpapas  described 
by  Miss  Fletcher.^  Of  the  many  interesting  details  given  by  her  it 
will  be  sufficient  here  to  call  attention  to  those  that  seem  to  have 
relation  with  our  particular  point.  Her  introductory  remark  is  sig- 
nificant :  "  A  man  who  kills  a  white  buffalo  is  considered  to  have 
received  a  blessing  from  the  gods."  One  naturally  asks  why  the 
slaughter  of  the  animal  should  be  regarded  as  an  evidence  of  divine 
favor  and  recognition  ;  the  report  of  the  ritual  does  not  distinctly 
answer  this  question  ;  the  answer  must  be  sought  in  some  under- 
lying early  conception.  The  main  features  of  the  ceremony  are  the 
divine  worship  offered  to  the  dead  body,  and  the  solemn  eating  of 

1  Alice  C.  Fletcher,  in  the  Sixteenth  Report  of  the  Peabody  Musejun  of  Ameri- 
can ArchcEology  and  Ethnology  (Cambridge,  18S3);  also  as  separate  pamphlet 
(Salem,  Mass.,  1884). 


Mexican  Human  Sacrifice,  1 79 

the  flesh  of  the  animal.  Food  and  drink  are  placed  beside  the  head 
of  the  hide  — an  offering,  the  Indians  say,  to  the  buffalo  ;  pipes  are 
presented  to  the  hide  and  then  to  the  chiefs  ;  portions  of  the  hide 
are  preserved  as  bringing  good  luck  ;  the  skull  is  laid  finally  at  the 
foot  of  the  sacred  pole  ;  soup,  prepared  from  the  scrapings  of  the 
hide,  is  eaten  by  all  the  men  present,  and  the  buffalo  meat  is  solemnly 
eaten  by  the  chiefs.  That  is,  the  animal  is  treated  as  a  god,  and 
the  slaying  of  it  is  regarded  as  bringing  a  blessing  from  the  gods. 
The  ceremony  is  not  totemistic ;  no  such  religious  worship  is  else- 
where paid  a  totem  simply  as  a  totem.  The  resemblance  to  the 
Ainu  ritual  suggests  that  the  two  may  have  had  the  same  origin : 
the  killing  of  the  buffalo  would  then  be  meritorious  because  it  was 
necessary  that  the  soul  of  the  animal  should  be  sent  as  messenger  to 
the  high  gods,  and  these  latter  would  be  pleased  with  such  a  mark  of 
respect  and  homage.  The  Uncpapa  ritual  is  a  relatively  advanced 
one,  and  it  would  not  be  surprising  if  certain  primitive  features  — 
such  as  the  preparatory  caressing  of  the  animal  and  the  putting,  a 
message  into  its  mouth  —  should  have  faded  away.  The  Mexican 
ceremony  has  preserved  the  former  of  these  features  ;  it  is  a  famil- 
iar fact  that  in  the  transmission  of  early  religious  procedures  dif- 
ferent communities  may  retain  or  abandon  different  parts  of  the 
whole  ;  the  complete  ceremony  is  sometimes  to  be  reconstructed 
from  the  scattered  remains  found  in  various  cults. 

Perhaps  the  Zuni  turtle  ceremony  may  offer  a  vestige  of  the  am- 
bassadorial slaughter  of  an  animal.^  The  sacred  turtle,  treated  after 
its  capture  with  every  mark  of  respect  and  affection,  is  then  killed, 
with  prayers  and  offerings,  its  flesh  and  bones  deposited  in  the 
river,  and  its  shell  preserved  as  a  sacred  thing  in  the  house.  The 
native  comment  on  the  procedure  is  that  the  turtle  is  a  kinsman, 
that  when  killed  it  does  not  die,  but  only  changes  its  place,  goes  to 
the  home  of  its  brothers.  This  is  an  expression  of  the  widespread 
belief  in  the  identity  of  certain  animals  with  certain  human  beings, 
but  it  does  not  explain  why  the  killing  of  the  turtle  was  regarded  as 
a  religious  duty.  Mr.  Frazer  makes  the  suggestion  that  the  object 
of  the  ceremony  is  to  keep  up  communication  with  the  souls  of  the 
departed,  which  are  supposed  to  be  assembled  in  the  other  world  in 
the  form  of  turtles.  The  suggestion  is  in  the  right  direction,  but  is 
not  definite  enough.  To  make  the  communication  effective  a  mes- 
sage must  be  sent.  Of  such  message  there  is  no  mention  in  the 
record,  but  a  comparison  with  the  Ainu  ritual  makes  it  not  improb- 
able that  the  Zuni  ceremony  is  a  refinement  on  an  earlier  procedure 
in  which  the  soul  of  the  slain  animal  was  dispatched  as  ambassador 

*  See  F.  H.  Gushing,  "  My  Adventures  in  Zufii,"  in  The  Century  for  May, 
1883. 


1 8o  journal  of  A  merican  Folk-L ore. 

to  the  gods.  The  ceremony  might  be  supposed,  it  is  true,  to  belong 
in  the  same  category  with  the  numerous  cases  in  which  a  slave  or 
a  kinsman  is  slain  as  messenger  to  a  deceased  person  ;  but  the 
elaborate  details  of  the  Zuiii  ritual,  the  deep  feeling  manifested  by 
the  slayer,  and  the  religious  homage  paid  to  the  animal  appear  to 
invest  it  with  a  higher  significance. 

Other  features  besides  the  slaying  of  the  victim  enter  into  the 
rituals  described  above,  particularly,  the  eating  of  the  animal's 
flesh.  This  side  of  the  sacrificial  ceremony  has  its  own  line  of  de- 
velopment and  requires  a  separate  treatment.  It  seems  to  have 
originated  in  the  desire  to  secure  for  the  worshippers  the  potency  of 
the  sacred  body  ;  it  was  communal,  as  most  religious  functions  were 
communal  in  early  times,  when  the  social  unit  was  the  clan  or  the 
larger  family.'  From  time  to  time  it  has  been  modified  and  reshaped 
as  new  ideas  came  in  and  the  constitution  of  society  changed. 

As  is  suggested  above,  the  ambassadorial  sacrifice  may  be  regarded 
as  analogous  to  the  custom  of  slaying  a  man  in  order  that  he  may 
convey  a  message  to  a  deceased  friend.  The  two  procedures  have 
in  common  the  fact  of  a  message  to  the  other  world.  But  the  note- 
worthy feature  in  the  Ainu  and  Borneo  rites  is  that  these  definitely 
open  communication  between  man  and  the  gods  and  secure  the  good 
will  and  aid  of  the  latter ;  they  are  thus  religious  and  sacrificial  in  a 
sense  that  is  not  true  of  the  mere  sending  of  a  message  to  a  dead 
person.  It  is  also  to  be  noted  that,  in  the  crudest  known  rites  of 
this  nature,  it  is  a  sacred  (that  is,  divine)  beast  that  is  sent  as  mes- 
senger, and  not  a  human  being ;  and  therefore  the  employment  of 
a  human  being  in  the  specific  character  of  sacrifice  would  seem  to 
be  a  relatively  late  custom.^ 

Crawford  H.  Toy. 

1  Suggestions  of  an  ambassadorial  function  for  sacrificial  animals  are  cited  above 
(from  Frazer),  and  after  this  article  was  prepared  I  found  that  a  view  some- 
what similar  to  that  here  given  had  been  expressed  by  MM.  Hubert  and  Mauss  in 
their  "  Essai  sur  le  Sacrifice  "  in  VAnnee  Sociologique,  vol.  ii.  1898.  These  gen- 
tlemen, starting  not  with  simple  savage  forms,  but  with  late  elaborate  sacrificial 
rituals,  particularly  the  Hindu  and  the  Hebrew,  reach  the  conclusion  that  sacrifice 
is  a  religious  act  which,  by  the  consecration  of  a  victim,  modifies  the  condition  of 
the  moral  person  who  performs  it,  or  of  certain  objects  in  which  this  person  is 
interested;  that  the  sacrificial  procedure  consists  in  establishing  a  communication 
between  the  sacred  world  and  the  profane  world  by  the  intermediation  of  a  victim, 
that  is  to  say,  of  a  thing  destroyed  in  the  course  of  the  ceremony ;  that  the  object 
of  the  slaying  is  to  detach  the  sacred  soul  of  the  animal  from  its  profane  body, 
and  that  the  disengaged  soul  may  be  employed  to  convey  the  wishes  of  the  wor- 
shippers to  the  celestial  Powers.  I  am  glacl  to  find  myself  so  far  in  accord  with 
these  eminent  scholars.  It  is  not  clear  to  me,  however,  by  what  path  they  reach 
their  conclusion  ;  the  idea  of  intermediation  or  ambassadorial  function  is  not 
expressed  in  the  Hindu,  Hebrew,  and  Greek  rituals,  and  nothing  in  our  authors' 


Mexican  Human  Sacrifice.  i8i 

analysis  (if  I  have  understood  them  correctly)  appears  to  demand  it.  Further, 
the  distinction  they  make  between  the  sacred  soul  and  the  profane  body  of  the 
victim  is  not  borne  out  by  the  history  of  ritual;  on  the  contrary,  the  body, 
from  the  earliest  times  onward,  is  sacred,  and  the  partaking  of  the  flesh,  as  sacred, 
forms  an  important  part  of  most  ancient  sacrificial  procedures.  Nor  is  it  true,  as 
they  represent,  that  the  animal  is  sanctified  by  the  sacrificial  procedure ;  the 
animal  is  sacred  by  nature,  and  it  is  for  that  very  reason  that  it  is  chosen  to  be  a 
messenger  to  the  gods.  But  notwithstanding  what  I  conceive  to  be  serious 
defects  in  their  general  construction  of  the  sacrificial  ceremony,  they  appear  to 
have  divined  its  fundamental  idea,  and  their  essay  is  suggestive  throughout. 


1 82  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 


RIDDLES    FROM   MASSACHUSETTS. 

I.  What  grows  in  winter  and  dies  in  summer,  and  always  grows  with 
the  biggest  end  up  ? 

(An  icicle.) 

2.  Round  as  an  apple, 

Busy  as  a  bee, 
The  prettiest  thing 
That  ever  you  see. 
(A  watch.) 

3.  Round  as  an  apple, 

Yellow  as  gold, 
With  more  things  in  it 
Than  you  're  years  old. 
(A  pumpkin.) 

4.  In  a  mill  there  is  a  chest, 
In  the  chest  there  is  a  till, 
In  the  till  there  is  a  cup, 
In  the  cup  there  is  a  drop, 

No  man  eats  it,  no  man  drinks  it,  no  man  can  live  without  it 
(A  drop  of  blood.) 

5.  As  high  as  a  house, 
As  low  as  a  mouse. 
As  green  as  grass, 
As  black  as  ink. 
As  bitter  as  gall, 
Yet  sweet  for  all. 

(A  walnut.) 

6.  Riddle  cum  riddle  cum  rawley, 
Petticoat  bound  in  scarlet, 
Stone  in  the  middle. 

Stick  in  the  tail, 
Tell  me  this  riddle, 
Without  any  fail. 
(A  cherry.) 

7.  There  is  an  old  woman  that  has  but  one  eye. 


Every  time  she  goes  through  the  gap, 
She  leaves  a  piece  of  her  tail  in  the  gap, 
(A  needle.) 

Helen  S.  Thurston. 


The  Algonkin  Manitou.  183 


THE   ALGONKIN   MANITOU.i 

The  Algonkin  conception  of  the  manitou  is  bound  up  with  the 
manifold  ideas  that  flow  from  an  unconscious  relation  with  the  out- 
side world.  It  is  embodied  in  all  forms  of  religious  belief  and  prac- 
tice, and  is  intimately  associated  with  customs  and  usages  that  bear 
upon  life  and  its  welfare.  It  is  the  purpose  in  the  following  pages  to 
give  simply,  and  in  as  few  words  as  possible,  the  meaning  of  the  man- 
itou as  it  is  understood  by  three  Algonkin  peoples  — the  Sauk,  Fox, 
and  Kickapoo.  All  three  speak  related  dialects  of  the  same  lan- 
guage ;  all  three  have  a  similar  form  of  society ;  and  all  three  have 
much  the  same  religious  rites  and  practices.  It  will  be  convenient 
to  refer  to  them  collectively,  and  when  the  reference  is  made  the 
term  Algonkin  shall  be  used  ;  the  term  shall  apply  to  them  only,  and 
not  to  other  units  of  the  same  family. 

In  the  first  place  the  term  manitou  is  a  religious  word  ;  it  car- 
ries with  it  the  idea  of  solemnity ;  and  whatever  the  association  it 
always  expresses  a  serious  attitude,  and  kindles  an  emotional  sense 
of  mystery.  The  conceptions  involved  in  its  use  can  best  be  shown 
by  taking  up  some  features  of  Algonkin  religion. 

The  essential  character  of  Algonkin  religion  is  a  pure,  naYve  wor- 
ship of  nature.  In  one  way  or  another  associations  cluster  about  an 
object  and  give  it  a  certain  potential  value  ;  and  because  of  this  sup- 
posed potentiality,  the  object  becomes  the  recipient  of  an  adoration. 
The  degree  of  the  adoration  depends  in  some  measure  upon  the  extent 
of  confidence  reposed  in  the  object,  and  upon  its  supposed  power  of 
bringing  pleasure  or  inflicting  pain.  The  important  thing  with  the 
individual  is  the  emotional  effect  experienced  while  in  the  presence 
of  the  object,  or  with  an  interpreted  manifestation  of  the  object. 
The  individual  keeps  watch  for  the  effect,  and  it  is  the  effect  that  fills 
the  mind  with  a  vague  sense  of  something  strange,  something  mys- 
terious, something  intangible.  One  feels  it  as  the  result  of  an  active 
substance,  and  one's  attitude  toward  it  is  purely  passive. 

To  experience  a  thrill  is  authority  enough  of  the  existence  of  the 
substance.  The  sentiment  of  its  reahty  is  made  known  by  the  fact 
that  something  has  happened.  It  is  futile  to  ask  an  Algonkin  for  an 
articulate  definition  of  the  substance,  partly  because  it  would  be 
something  about  which  he  does  not  concern  himself,  and  partly  be- 
cause he  is  quite  satisfied  with  only  the  sentiment  of  its  existence. 
He  feels  that  the  property  is  everywhere,  is  omnipresent.    The  feeling 

^  The  quotations  and  references  throughout  this  paper  are  from  notes  and 
Algonkin  texts  collected  in  work  for  the  American  Museum  of  Natural  History, 
New  York  city. 


184  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore, 

that  it  is  omnipresent  leads  naturally  to  the  belief  that  it  enters  into 
everything  in  nature  ;  and  the  notion  that  it  is  active  causes  the  mind 
to  look  everywhere  for  its  manifestations.  These  manifestations 
assume  various  forms,  they  vary  with  individuals  and  with  reference 
to  the  same  and  different  objects.  Language  affords  means  of 
approaching  nearer  to  a  definition  of  this  religious  sentiment. 

In  the  Algonkin  dialects  of  the  Sauk,  Fox,  and  Kickapoo,  a  rigid 
distinction  of  gender  is  made  between  things  with  life  and  things 
without  life.  When  they  speak  of  a  stone  they  employ  a  form  which 
expresses  the  inanimate  character  of  the  stone ;  in  the  same  way, 
when  they  speak  of  a  dog  they  use  another  form  which  indicates  the 
animate  nature  of  the  dog.  Accordingly,  when  they  refer  to  the 
manitou  in  the  sense  of  a  virtue,  a  property,  an  abstraction,  they 
employ  the  form  expressive  of  inanimate  gender.  When  the  manitou 
becomes  associated  with  an  object,  then  the  gender  becomes  less  defi- 
nite.   Some  reasons  for  this  confusion  will  become  evident  farther  on. 

When  the  property  becomes  the  indwelling  element  of  an  object, 
then  it  is  natural  to  identify  the  property  with  animate  being.  It  is 
not  necessary  that  the  being  shall  be  the  tangible  representative  of 
a  natural  object.  To  illustrate  a  concrete  instance  of  this  sentiment, 
here  is  the  comment  made  by  a  Fox  apropos  of  an  experience  in  the 
sweat  lodge :  "  Often  one  will  cut  one's  self  over  the  arms  and  legs,  slit- 
ting one's  self  only  through  the  skin.  It  is  done  to  open  up  many  pas- 
sages for  the  manitou  to  pass  into  the  body.  The  manitou  comes  from 
the  place  of  its  abode  in  the  stone.  It  becomes  roused  by  the  heat  of 
the  fire,  and  proceeds  out  of  the  stone  when  the  water  is  sprinkled 
on  it.  It  comes  out  in  the  steam,  and  in  the  steam  it  enters  the 
body  wherever  it  finds  entrance.  It  moves  up  and  down  and  all  over 
inside  the  body,  driving  out  everything  that  inflicts  pain.  Before 
the  manitou  returns  to  the  stone  it  imparts  some  of  its  nature  to  the 
body.  That  is  why  one  feels  so  well  after  having  been  in  the  sweat 
lodge." 

The  sentiment  behind  the  words  rests  upon  the  consciousness  of 
a  belief  in  an  objective  presence  ;  it  rests  on  the  sense  of  an  existing 
reality  with  the  quality  of  self-dependence  ;  it  rests  on  the  percep- 
tion of  a  definite,  localized  personality.  Yet  at  the  same  time  there 
is  the  feeling  that  the  apprehended  reality  is  without  form  and  without 
feature.  This  is  the  dominant  notion  in  regard  to  the  virtue  abiding 
in  the  stone  of  the  sweat  lodge  ;  it  takes  on  the  character  of  conscious 
personality  with  some  attributes  of  immanence  and  design. 

Falling  in  line  with  what  has  just  gone  before  is  the  belief  that  the 
virtue  can  be  transferred  from  one  object  to  another.  The  virtue 
in  both  objects  is  of  the  same  fundamental  nature,  but  of  different 
degree  and  of  unequal  value.     In  the  transfer,  the  virtue  of  one 


The  Alg07ikin  Manitou.  185 

object  reinforces  that  of  the  other.  Such  is  the  idea  implied  in  the 
following  abridged  narrative. 

A  body  of  Sauks  had  wandered  out  on  the  Plains  in  search  of  buf- 
falo. While  approaching  a  vast  herd  they  came  unexpectedly  upon 
some  Comanches  who  were  much  fewer  than  they  and  who  were 
creeping  upon  the  same  herd.  The  Sauks  rushed  them,  and  the  Co- 
manches at  once  took  to  flight.  But  in  the  pursuit  the  Sauks  were 
delayed  by  a  lone  Comanche.  He  had  chosen  to  sacrifice  his  life  in 
order  to  give  his  comrades  a  chance  to  escape.  He  accomplished  his 
purpose.  The  man's  deed  and  the  bravery  he  displayed  aroused  a 
feeling  of  admiration  from  his  foes.  And  out  of  honor  for  the  man 
they  chose  not  to  take  his  scalp  nor  to  count  coup  upon  him.  But 
instead  they  cut  out  his  heart.     Passing  it  around,  they  all  ate  of  it. 

So  much  for  the  narrative  in  brief.  To  the  Algonkin  the  heart 
was  endued  with  the  manitou,  the  sense  of  the  manitou  being  an 
impersonal  essence,  a  supernatural  virtue.  The  men  ate  the  heart 
to  get  its  supernatural  quality.  They  believed  that  the  quality  was 
what  made  the  Comanche  so  brave,  and  that  by  eating  the  heart  they 
could  come  into  possession  of  its  quality.  They  felt  that  it  would 
react  upon  them  in  the  same  way  as  it  had  upon  the  Comanche ;  and 
furthermore,  that  the  combined  effect  of  the  quality  within  them  and 
what  was  in  the  Comanche  would  render  it  possible  for  them  to  be- 
come better  fighters  than  they  could  otherwise  have  become.  The 
example  betrays  the  reliance  placed  upon  the  help  of  the  cosmic 
substance  rather  than  upon  human  aid.  The  reliance  does  not  rest 
upon  a  random  hope,  but  on  an  assurance  that  the  expected  will 
come  to  pass  with  a  happy  result. 

It  is  natural  to  confuse  the  property  with  an  object  containing  the 
property.  The  confusion  is  frequently  met  with  in  what  are  consid- 
ered mediums  of  manifestations.  For  instance,  there  is  an  Algonkin 
story  which  contains  an  episode  of  the  cosmic  hero  taking  upon  him- 
self the  form  of  a  pretty  maiden.  The  girl  comes  to  a  lodge  where 
she  is  entertained  by  an  aged  woman.  The  old  woman  prepares  two 
grains  of  corn  and  a  bean,  and  putting  them  into  a  small  bowl,  invites 
the  girl  to  eat.  The  girl  nibbles  one  grain  at  a  time,  and  for  every 
grain  that  is  taken  out,  there  is  always  another  to  take  its  place. 
Finally  the  girl  eats  up  the  food  and  returns  the  vessel  empty  to  the 
hostess.  The  old  woman  looks  with  wonder  at  the  empty  bowl,  and 
then  turning  to  the  girl,  remarks,  "  You  must  be  a  manitou  ! " 

It  is  desirable  to  point  out  two  arrestive  features,  arrestive  to  the 
sense  of  an  Algonkin  who  is  a  passive,  uncritical  listener  to  the  tale. 
One  is  the  continued  multiplication  of  the  food,  and  the  other  is  the 
interruption  of  the  performance.  One's  unconscious  feeling  about 
the  food  is  that  its  recurrence  was  due  to  the  work  of  the  impersonal, 


1 86  Journal  of  A  merican  Folk-L  ore. 

mystic  property  with  which  the  food  was  charged  and  because  of  which 
it  was  replenished;  and  that  the  amazement  of  the  old  woman  was 
due  to  the  surprise  felt  at  the  sight  of  a  miraculous  interruption  of 
a  miraculous  multiplying  process.  She  laid  the  cause  to  the  girl, 
whom  she  addressed  as  an  animate  form  of  the  substance.  Naming 
her  an  animate  manitou  was  the  same  as  making  the  property  and 
the  creature  one  and  the  same  thing. 

Here  is  another  story  which  illustrates  the  ambiguity,  but  in  a  dif- 
ferent relation.  It  is  the  story  of  a  man  and  his  wife  who  had  gone 
off  on  a  distant  hunt  for  game.  One  evening  they  caught  sight  of 
some  Sioux  who  had  been  shadowing  them.  In  the  gathering  dark- 
ness and  during  a  drizzling  rain  they  set  out  in  flight.  The  Sioux 
were  moving  about  them  on  every  side,  and  were  signalling  back  and 
forth  with  the  cries  of  birds  and  animals  in  an  effort  to  locate  the 
pair. 

Despairing  of  escape  by  their  own  help,  the  man  and  his  wife  stopped 
and  dismounted.  The  man  was  not  able  to  get  into  rappoH  with  the 
mystery,  and  so  called  upon  his  wife.  In  a  little  while  she  heard  words 
coming  to  her  from  on  high.  They  were  words  spoken  to  her  by 
her  elder  brother  when  she  was  a  child  ;  he  had  spoken  them  during 
a  fast  and  on  the  day  he  had  died.  They  were  :  "  If  ever  in  the 
course  of  your  life  you  meet  with  adversity,  then  think  of  me." 
With  these  words  were  others  telling  how  she  and  her  husband 
should  escape.  The  story  goes  on  to  tell  how  the  pair  followed  the 
advice  and  how  they  made  their  escape. 

The  story  has  one  purpose  :  it  is  to  tell  of  deliverance  by  the  help 
of  a  transcendent  agency ;  in  this  case  it  is  an  elder  brother  who 
comes  as  a  mystic  apparition  invested  with  the  cosmic  substance, 
and  having  the  attribute  of  prophecy  and  guidance. 

Further  instances  of  the  confusion  are  to  be  found  in  the  narra- 
tives of  individual  experiences  in  trance  and  dream  transport.  Boys 
and  girls  begin  early  to  practise  seclusion,  and  at  the  time  refrain 
from  touching  food.  During  the  earlier  periods  the  fasting  is  of  short 
duration,  and  with  hardly  any  further  meaning  than  that  of  a  prepa- 
ration for  the  ordeals  yet  to  come ;  the  performance  becomes  more 
serious  during  adolescence,  and  it  is  of  the  utmost  importance  during 
maturity.  One  then  fasts  and  keeps  vigil  in  the  hope  of  gaining 
insight  into  the  mystery  of  life.  One  adjusts  one's  self  to  a  particular 
mental  attitude,  and  so  goes  seriously  prepared  to  see,  to  hear,  and 
to  feel.  In  this  mental  condition  one  sometimes  sees  strange  objects, 
one  sometimes  hears  prophetic  warnings,  and  one  sometimes  feels  the 
spell  of  an  all-pervading  presence.  It  is  during  one  or  more  of  these 
experiences  that  one  is  said  to  come  into  possession  of  hidden  reve- 
lation. 


The  Algonkin  Manitou.  187 

Vision  does  not  come  to  every  one  that  fasts.  But  when  one  is 
fortunate  enough  to  experience  a  mystic  transport  at  the  sight  of 
something  animate,  or  inanimate,  then  one  is  apt  to  make  that  object 
an  ideal  of  divine  guidance.  Of  or  through  it  one  invokes  aid  in  the 
critical  moments  of  life.  It  is  not  easy  for  an  Algonkin  to  convey  a 
definite  idea  of  the  nature  of  the  object :  it  may  be  the  inanimate, 
mystic  property,  or  it  may  be  a  medium  of  the  property.  Much  de- 
pends upon  what  the  individual  reads  into  the  manifestation,  and  this 
in  turn  is  colored  by  instruction  received  before  the  transport. 

Some,  however,  do  not  see  the  objects  themselves,  but  they  hear 
their  sounds  or  their  voices.  To  judge  from  the  testimony  of  indi- 
viduals who  have  had  the  transport,  it  would  seem  that  it  is  more 
common  to  hear  than  to  see.  The  words  caught  convey  a  profound 
sense  of  authority ;  they  must  influence  the  course  of  one's  actions. 
It  is  from  this  kind  of  experience  that  some  claim  to  have  derived 
sacred  songs  and  forms  of  ritual.  It  was  from  this  source  that  came 
the  Ghost-dance,  at  least  so  was  it  taught  the  Sauk,  Fox,  and  Kick- 
apoo.  Its  ritual,  its  songs,  its  step,  its  teaching  were  all  said  to 
have  been  revealed  to  a  young  woman,  who  in  turn  transmitted  it 
all  to  the  people  of  her  nation. 

The  most  common  experience  seems  to  be  that  of  being  over- 
whelmed by  an  all-encompassing  presence.  It  is  an  experience  least 
susceptible  of  an  articulate  report,  and  yet  it  is  the  one  looked  upon 
as  the  source  of  greatest  authority.  It  is  not  easy  to  induce  an 
Algonkin  to  speak  of  any  of  these  experiences.  It  is  even  urged 
upon  the  individual  never  to  reveal  the  details  except  on  particular 
occasions,  and  in  critical  moments  like  that  of  approaching  death. 
Many  of  them,  however,  have  passed  into  tradition,  and  here  is  the 
shortened  account  of  one  of  the  experiences  :  — 

A  youth  once  accompanied  a  party  of  warriors  on  a  raid  against  a 
people  of  the  Plains.  The  party  was  beaten  and  the  youth  was 
killed.  In  accordance  with  an  Algonkin  custom,  the  family  of  the 
slain  adopted  another  youth  to  take  the  place  left  vacant  by  death. 
The  adopted  youth  had  been  a  bosom  friend  of  the  slain.  The  act 
of  his  adoption  placed  upon  him  the  responsibility  of  avenging  the 
death  of  his  friend. 

Before  entering  upon  the  mission  he  went,  as  was  the  custom,  into 
a  fast,  that  he  might  obtain  mystic  guidance.  Accordingly,  so  goes 
the  story,  the  youth  had  a  vision,  and  there  was  open  to  him  a  view 
of  the  battlefield  where  his  friend  had  been  slain,  of  the  location  of 
the  enemy  that  had  caused  the  death,  and  of  the  path  to  be  taken 
in  order  to  come  upon  the  foe.  And  in  the  vision  he  saw  himself 
eating  of  the  enemy.  This  last  was  for  him  a  symbol  that  his  mis- 
sion would  have  a  happy  issue. 


I S8  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

The  narrative  is  typical  of  the  more  usual  forms  of  revelation. 
The  youth  had  gone  primed  to  meet  with  a  particular  experience ; 
he  received  tidings  of  just  the  sort  of  thing  he  was  looking  for.  It 
is  not  easy  to  find  out  how  much  of  this  sort  of  thing  is  fraud.  Be- 
yond doubt  there  is  some  fabrication,  and  much  is  read  into  an  expe- 
rience ;  but  there  is  also  reason  to  believe  that  it  is  seldom  done  with 
intent,  and  that  it  is  usually  the  result  of  an  unconscious  self-decep- 
tion. The  visitation  is  attributed  to  animate  beings.  "  The  manitou 
beings  have  taken  pity  upon  me  "  is  the  stock  phrase  uttered  by 
one  coming  out  of  such  a  vision.  These  "  beings  "  are  not  tangible 
realities.  The  term  manitou  beings  is  but  an  intelligible  form  of 
expressing  the  exciting  cause  ;  it  is  more  natural  to  identify  the 
communication  with  animate  beings,  in  spite  of  the  -consciousness 
that  the  beings  themselves  are  vague  and  inarticulate. 

There  is  no  doubt  in  an  Algonkin's  mind  about  the  reality  of  these 
revelations  ;  the  feeling  that  one  saw  something  arrestive,  that  one 
heard  impressive  voices,  that  one  was  overcome  by  an  objective, 
mysterious  presence  is  proof  enough  to  establish  the  reality  of  the 
revelation.  But  it  is  doubtful  if  an  Algonkin  would  think  of  going 
into  the  question  of  authority.  One  is  sure  of  it,  but  why,  one  does 
not  know,  any  more  than  that  it  is  the  inspired  assurance  of  a  tran- 
scendent agency. 

The  interpretation  of  the  cause  of  the  revelation  varies  with  indi- 
viduals. If  the  cause  is  something  present  to  the  thought,  then  it  is 
likely  the  work  of  the  mystic  activity.  This  is  the  interpretation 
sometimes  given  by  one  who  has  been  overcome  by  the  presence  of 
the  mystery  without  form  and  without  feature.  In  another  sense 
and  one  more  frequent,  it  is  the  effect  of  the  combined  presence  of  all 
the  manitou  beings  taken  together.  If  the  object  of  the  revelation 
be  present  to  the  sense,  then  the  interpretation  is  liable  to  confusion. 
For  instance,  if  the  revealing  object  be  an  owl,  then  the  interpretation 
is  likely  to  take  one  or  the  other  of  these  two  forms  :  either  the  owl 
is  a  vessel  or  conveyance  of  the  property ;  or  else  the  owl  is  the 
property  itself.  In  the  first  case,  the  manitou  manifests  itself  through 
the  agency  of  an  owl.  The  notion  here  of  a  difference  between  the 
object  and  what  it  contains  differentiates  the  vessel  from  the  pro- 
perty. In  the  other  case,  the  property  becomes  so  intimately  asso- 
ciated with  the  object  that  the  object  and  the  property  come  to  be  one 
and  the  same.  The  confusion  of  the  object  and  the  property  does 
away  with  the  consciousness  of  any  differentiation.  The  personifi- 
cation is  easy  and  of  unconscious  mould.  The  notion  that  the  object 
and  the  property  are  one  and  the  same  thing  is  the  interpretation  one 
more  commonly  meets  with.  The  sense  of  incongruity  or  improba- 
bility does  not  enter  to  disturb  the  mind. 


The  Algonkin  Manitou.  189 

So  universal  and  easy  is  this  lack  of  mental  discrimination  that  it 
is  no  trouble  for  an  Algonkin  to  invest  an  object  with  the  mystic  sub- 
stance, and  then  call  the  object  by  the  name  of  the  substance.  The 
process  suggests  a  possible  explanation  of  how  an  Algonkin  comes  to 
people  his  world  with  manitou  forces  different  in  kind  and  degree ; 
it  explains  in  some  measure  the  supernatural  performances  of  mytho- 
logical beings,  the  beings  that  move  in  the  form  of  men,  beasts,  birds, 
fishes,  and  other  objects  of  nature.  All  these  are  a  collection  of 
agencies.  Each  possesses  a  virtue  in  common  with  all  the  rest,  and 
in  so  far  do  they  all  have  certain  marks  of  agreement.  Where  one 
differs  from  another  is  in  the  nature  of  its  function,  and  in  the  degree 
of  the  possession  of  the  cosmic  substance.  But  the  investment  of  a 
common,  mystic  virtue  gives  them  all  a  common  name,  and  that  name 
is  manitou. 

The  emotional  effect  produced  by  the  strange  but  sincere  regard 
for  the  manitou  explains  much  of  the  esoteric  sentiment  felt  for  a 
myth,  a  tradition,  a  form  of  ritual,  or  anything  whatsoever  connected 
with  a  ceremonial  practice.  An  Algonkin  holds  that  the  proper  time 
to  recite  a  myth  is  in  winter,  and  that  its  recitation  shall  be  attended 
with  some  kind  of  formality  ;  and  that  to  tell  a  myth  out  of  season 
and  without  formality  is  to  take  chances  with  something  beyond 
human  power.  It  requires  but  a  gentle  scare  to  set  one  who  has 
committed  the  infraction  into  a  state  of  mental  confusion.  The  sen- 
timent behind  the  myth  rests  on  the  naive  belief  that  the  myth  may 
be  either  the  supernatural  property  or  an  agent  of  the  property. 
Hence,  to  play  lightly  with  it  is  like  playing  lightly  with  any  other 
idealized  object  associated  with  the  supernatural  substance.  The 
infraction  creates  a  feeling  of  unrest,  a  disturbing  sense  of  insecur- 
ity. 

In  the  same  way  one  needs  to  seek  for  a  psychological  reason  to 
explain  why  an  Algonkin  feels  reluctant  to  speak  about  a  sacred 
ceremony  except  in  moments  propitious  and  opportune.  The  cere- 
monial lodge  is  a  holy  symbol  ;  it  means  a  place  where  one  can  enter 
into  communication  with  higher  powers,  where  with  sacrifice  and 
offering,  with  music  and  dance  one  obtains  audience  and  can  ask  for 
things  beyond  human  control  ;  it  means  a  place  where  one  can  for- 
get the  material  world  and  enjoy  the  experience  of  that  magic 
spell  which  one  feels  is  the  sign  that  not  only  is  one  in  the  presence 
of  the  supernatural  property,  but  in  that  of  the  beings  who  hold  it  in 
high  degree.  It  is  a  function  with  a  very  definite  purpose.  It  is  to 
invoke  the  presence  of  an  objective  reality  ;  the  objectified  ideal  may 
be  animate  or  inanimate.  And  the  effect  is  in  the  nature  of  a  pleas- 
ing thrill,  a  sense  of  resignation,  a  consolation.  This  efifect  is  the 
proof  of  the  presence  of  the  manitou. 

VOL.  xviii.  —  NO.  70.      14 


iQO  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

It  has  thus  been  observed  that  there  is  an  unsystematic  belief  in 
a  cosmic,  mysterious  property  which  is  believed  to  be  existing  every- 
where in  nature ;  that  the  conception  of  the  property  can  be  thought 
of  as  impersonal,  but  that  it  becomes  obscure  and  confused  when  the 
property  becomes  identified  with  objects  in  nature;  that  it  manifests 
itself  in  various  forms  ;  and  that  its  emotional  effect  awakens  a  sense 
of  mystery ;  that  there  is  a  lively  appreciation  of  its  miraculous  effi- 
cacy ;  and  that  its  interpretation  is  not  according  to  any  regular  rule, 
but  is  based  on  one's  feelings  rather  than  on  one's  knowledge. 

Such  in  very  brief  statement  is  the  conception  of  the  manitou  of 
three  Algonkin  peoples,  —  the  Sauk,  Fox,  and  Kickapoo.  It  seems 
probable  that  the  same  thing  holds  true  of  other  Algonkins,  like  the 
Ojibwas,  Ottawas,  Menominees,  and  others  of  the  central  group.  It 
would  be  interesting  to  know  if  the  same  conception  in  its  general 
features  extends  to  all  the  other  members  of  the  family. 

William    Jones. 


Traditional  Ballads  in  New  England.  191 

TRADITIONAL   BALLADS   IN   NEW   ENGLAND.     II. 

IX.    THE   GYPSY   LADDIE. 

A. 

Taken  down  by  an  operative  in  the  Stillman  Woollen  Mills,  StUIman,  N.  S.,  from  the 
singing  of  an  old  man.     Communicated  by  E.  E.  D.,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

1  The  Gypsy  Daisy  came  riding  o'er  the  plain, 

He  sang  so  loud  and  clearly, 
He  sang  till  he  made  the  green  woods  ring, 
And  charmed  the  heart  of  a  Lady. 

Refrain,  —  Red  Lady  dingo,  dingo  day, 

Red  Lady  dingo,  dingo  Daisy; 
Red  Lady  dingo,  dingo  day. 

She  's  away  with  the  Gypsy  Daisy. 

2  "  Come  saddle  me  my  old  brown  hack, 

The  gray  one  is  not  so  speedy, 
I  '11  ride  all  day,  and  I  '11  ride  all  night, 
Till  I  overtake  my  Lady." 

3  He  rode  till  he  came  to  the  riverside. 

The  waters  flowed  so  freely. 
The  tears  down  his  cheeks  did  flow. 
And  then  he  saw  his  Lady. 

4  "  Could  you  forsake  your  house  and  home, 

Could  you  forsake  your  baby, 
Could  you  forsake  your  own  wedded  Lord, 
And  go  with  the  Gypsy  Daisy .''  " 

5  "  Yes,  I  '11  forsake  my  house  and  home. 

Yes,  I  '11  forsake  my  baby, 
Yes  I  '11  forsake  my  own  wedded  Lord, 
And  go  with  the  Gypsy  Daisy, 

6  "  Last  night  I  lay  on  a  bed  of  down. 

The  Land  Lord  lay  by  me ; 
To-night  I  '11  lay  on  the  damp  cold  ground, 
Along  with  the  Gypsy  Daisy." 

B. 

Communicated  to  me  March,  1904,  by  M.  B.,  Fall  River,  Mass. 

I  Last  night  I  slept  in  a  warm  feather  bed. 
And  in  my  arms  a  baby  ; 
To-night  I  '11  lie  on  the  cold,  cold  ground. 
In  the  arms  of  Gypsy  Davy. 


192 


yournal  of  American  Folk- Lore, 


Refrain,  — Raddle  daddle,  dingo  dingo  day, 
Raddle  daddle,  dingo  daisy, 
Raddle  daddle,  dingo  dingo  day, 
I  'm  gone  with  the  Gypsy  Davy. 

2  "  Oh,  how  could  you  leave  your  house  and  land, 

Oh,  how  could  you  leave  your  baby, 
Oh,  how  could  you  leave  your  true  wedded  lord, 
To  go  with  the  Gypsy  Davy  ?  " 

3  "  What  care  I  for  your  house  and  land, 

What  care  I  for  your  baby, 
Or  what  care  I  for  my  true  wedded  lord,  — 
I  'm  off  with  the  Gypsy  Davy ! 

4  "  I  never  loved  you  in  all  my  life, 

I  never  loved  your  baby, 
I  married  you  against  my  will, 

And  I  'm  off  with  the  Gypsy  Davy  !  " 


Communicated  to  me  September  16,  1904,  by  M.  L.  J.,  Lynn,  Mass.,  as  sung  over  fifty 
years  ago  in  Swansea,  Mass. 


vM 


i 


The 

0^ 

Gyp  -    sy      came       rid 

- 

ing        o'er 

the 

1^ 

field, 

The 

L/ft        1 

^            1 

1 

1              ,"         ,"       -              1 

^•L"        1 

r 

1        1 

A 

J        r 

1 

f 

\        d                        \             m 

J 

•          "■        "■        i            m 

Li 

«. 

)        *                        1             • 

L*     J_ 

-4 

-: ^ ' 

•                             1            • 

Gyp  -    sy        he       sang      gal 


ly,       He    sang      till     he    made     the 


=1= 


m^ 


mer  - 

ry 

woods 

ring,       And 

he 

charmed    the 

heart 

of 

the 

^ 

y-f 

1*    ^ 

K 

N          ^ 

r 

y '  Tl          1 

, 

, 

N.       |«     r 

r 

r 

J 

-t> J 

1 



^     H-^ 

-J— 

J         J — 

s 

^W          ^s^ 

—4- 

— 1/ 

La 


dy. 


Al  -    ly 


al 


ly         ding, 


ly 


^^ 


[=^=M^=Et 


m. 


•t^ 


ding,     al  -  ly     da  -    day,     Al  -  ly      al  -    ly   ding,     al  -   ly     da     •     day. 

I  The  Gypsy  came  riding  o'er  the  field, 
The  Gypsy  he  sang  gaily, 
He  sang  till  he  made  the  merry  woods  ring, 
And  he  charmed  the  heart  of  the  lady. 


Traditional  Ballads  in  New  England.  193 

Refrain,  — Ally  ally  ding,  ally  ding,  ally  da-day, 
Ally  ally  ding,  ally  da-day. 

2  So  when  the  master  he  came  home, 

Inquiring  for  his  lady. 
The  servants  made  him  this  reply,  — 
"  She  's  gone  with  the  Gypsy  Davy." 

3  "  Now  bring  me  here  my  good  black  horse, 

The  brown  one  he  is  lazy. 
For  I  will  neither  eat  nor  drink  (sleep) 
Till  I  overtake  my  lady." 


Taken  down  June,  1904,  by  I.  L.  M.,  Vineland,  N.  J.,  from  the  recitation  of  a  lady  liv- 
ing in  Nantucket,  Mass. 

1  The  Lord  returned  to  his  castle  gate, 

Inquiring  for  his  Ladye, 
The  servant  maid  to  him  replyed, 
"  She  's  gone  with  the  Gypsy  Davie." 

Refrain,  —  Raddle  daddle  ding,  daddle  ding,  daddle  ding. 
Raddle  daddle  ding  O  Davie. 

2  "  Go  saddle  my  black,  go  saddle  my  brown. 

My  brown  it  is  most  speedy ; 
I  '11  ride  all  night,  and  I  '11  ride  all  day. 
Till  I  overtake  my  ladye." 

3  He  rode  all  night,  and  he  rode  all  day, 

And  he  overtook  his  ladye. 


Along  with  the  Gypsy  Davie. 

4  "  Can  you  forsake  your  house  and  home. 

Can  you  forsake  your  baby, 
Can  you  forsake  your  own  true  love. 
To  go  with  the  Gypsy  Davie  ?  " 

5  "  Yes,  I  '11  forsake  my  house  and  home, 

Yes,  I  '11  forsake  my  baby, 
Yes,  I  '11  forsake  my  own  true  love. 
To  go  with  the  Gypsy  Davie  ! 

6  "Last  night  I  slept  on  a  warm  feather  bed. 

Along  with  my  sleeping  baby  ; 
To-night  I'll  sleep  on  the  cold,  cold  ground. 
Along  with  the  Gypsy  Davy." 


194 


yournal  of  American  Folk- Lore, 


m 


^* 


E. 

Communicated  to  me  April  7,  1904,  by  S.  A.  F.,  Providence,  R.  I. 


^ 


The 

rich 

man     came 

froD 

a       o'er 

the 

sea 

In  - 

Vtfit 

1    ' 

■* 

I 

/  ^C 

;                   J 

1            '           J 

r  \  " 

•  • 

^ 

■^ 

« 

J          * 

i 

V-  /         J          * 

J          •                               1 

i}'-        S 

m 

qmr  -   ing       for        his       La    -      dy,      The     ser   -    vant      gave      him 

^     -^ i^ 


r^: 


-1- 


=F=4= 


atit: 


3=^ 


this      re    -    ply,  "  She's     gone  with     the     Gyp  -     sy         Da 

I  The  rich  man  came  from  o'er  the  sea, 
Inquiring  for  his  Lady, 
The  servant  gave  him  this  reply,  — 
"  She  's  gone  with  the  Gypsy  Davie." 

Refrain,  —  Rattle  dattle  ding,  O  rattle  dattle  day, 
Rattle  dattle  ding  O  daisy. 


F. 

Communicated  March,  1904,  by  M.  B.,  Fall  River,  Mass. 

1  The  Gypsy  came  from  o'er  the  hills. 

She  sang  so  loud  and  boldly, 
She  sang  so  loud  it  made  the  green  woods  ring,' 
They  called  her  the  Gypsy  Daisy. 

Refrain,  —  Raddle  raddle  ring,  O  raddle  raddle  ray. 
Raddle  raddle  ring  O  rarey. 
Raddle  raddle  ringo,  raddle  raddle  ray. 
She 's  gone  with  the  Gypsy  Daisy. 

2  "  Saddle  up  the  dark  bay  horse, 

The  white  one  's  not  so  speedy, 
I  'II  ride  all  night,  I  '11  ride  all  day. 
Till  I  overtake  my  Daisy  !  " 

3  "  Yes,  I  will  leave  my  house  and  land. 

Yes,  I  will  leave  my  baby. 
Yes,  I  will  leave  my  true  wedded  lord, 
To  follow  the  Gypsy  Daisy." 


Traditional  Ballads  in  New  England. 


195 


G. 

Contributed  by  E.  E.  D.,  Cambridge,  Mass. 


5 


4 — ^ 


t    I    J    i' 


^ 


i 


Rad   -  die,       rad  -     die       din    -     go,  din    -     go  day. 


r"J7- j^ 


^ 


t 


Rad-dle,   rad  -  die,  din  -   go 


i 


Rad-  die,  rad  -  die   din  -  go        Da  -   vie. 


w^~^~^ 


^ 


^ 


#^^ 


din     -    go        day,     She's   gone     with     the     Gyp  -     sy  Da    -      vy. 


X.    LORD   RANDALL. 


Contributed  by  M.  L.  S.,  Newport,  R.  I.,  August,  1903,  as  taken  down  from  the  recita- 
tion of  a  lady  over  eighty  years  of  age,  who  learned  it  about  1875,  from  a  nephew,  since 
deceased. 

1  "Oh,  where  have  ye  been,  Lord  Lantoun,  my  son? 

Oh,  where  have  ye  been,  my  handsome  young  man  ?  " 
"  Out  with  the  hounds,  mother  make  the  bed  soon, 
I  'm  weary  with  hunting,  and  fain  would  lie  doon." 

2  "Where  gat  ye  your  dinner,  Lord  Lantoun,  my  son? 

Where  gat  ye  your  dinner,  my  handsome  young  man?" 
"  I  dined  with  my  leman,  mother  make  the  bed  soon, 
I  'm  weary  with  hunting,  and  fain  would  lie  doon." 

3  "What  ate  ye  to  dinner,  Lord  Lantoun,  my  son  ? 

What  ate  ye  to  dinner,  my  handsome  young  man  ?" 

"  Eels,  stewed  in  damsons,  mother  make  the  bed  soon, 

I  'm  weary  with  hunting,  and  fain  would  lie  doon." 

4  "  Oh,  where  are  your  hounds,  Lord  Lantoun,  my  son  ? 

Oh,  where  are  your  hounds,  my  handsome  young  man  ? " 
"They  swelled  and  they  died,  mother  make  the  bed  soon, 
I  'm  weary  with  hunting,  and  fain  would  lie  doon." 

5  "I  fear  ye  are  poisoned,  Lord  Lantoun,  my  son  ! 

I  fear  ye  are  poisoned,  my  handsome  young  man  !  " 

"  Oh,  yes,  I  am  poisoned,  mother  make  the  bed  soon, 

I  'm  weary  with  hunting,  and  fain  would  lie  doon." 


196 


jfourtial  of  American  Folk-Lore. 


Taken  down  by  me  September  21,  1903,  from  the  singing  of  J.  M.  L.,  Hingham,  Mass., 
n  native  of  Springfield,  Mass.,  where  the  ballad  was  simg  eighty  or  more  years  ago. 


3^t 


II 


(9  -9- 

Oh,     where  have     you       been,   .      Sweet   Wil  -  liam      my         son? 


gE=|^^^P^i|lg^li=^ 


Oh,  where  have  you         been,  .        my     own     dear  -  est       one  ?        Oh, 


I  've  been    a       hunt  -  ing,      moth  -  er     make    the       bed      soon. 


:^: 


:^ 


q=- 


::i=i 


:t: 


1^-. 


-s^- 


For  I'm   pois  -oned     to     the  heart    and        I       fain     would     lie     down. 

1  "  Oh,  where  have  you  been,  Sweet  William,  my  son  ? 

Oh,  where  have  you  been,  my  own  dearest  one  ?  " 
"  Oh,  I  've  been  a-hunting,  mother  make  the  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  poisoned  to  the  heart,  and  I  fain  would  lie  down." 

2  "  Oh,  what  have  you  been  a-drinking,  Sweet  William,  my  son  ? 

Oh,  what  have  you  been  a-drinking,  my  own  dearest  one.'  " 

"  Oh,  't  is  ale  I  've  been  a-drinking,  mother  make  the  bed  soon, 

For  I  'm  poisoned  to  the  heart,  and  I  fain  would  lie  down." 

3  "  Oh,  who  gave  it  you.  Sweet  William,  my  son  ? 

Oh,  who  gave  it  you,  my  own  dearest  one?  " 
"  My  Sweetheart,  she  gave  it  me,  mother  make  the  bed  soon. 
For  I  'm  poisoned  to  the  heart,  and  I  fain  would  lie  down." 

4  "  Oh,  what  will  you  give  Father,  Sweet  William,  my  son  ? 

Oh,  what  will  you  give  Father,  my  own  dearest  one  ?  " 
"  My  horses  and  cattle,  mother  make  the  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  poisoned  to  the  heart,  and  I  fain  would  lie  down." 

5  "  Oh,  what  will  you  give  Mother,  Sweet  William,  my  son  ? 

Oh,  what  will  you  give  Mother,  my  own  dearest  one  ? " 
"  My  love  and  my  blessing,  mother  make  the  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  poisoned  to  the  heart,  and  I  fain  would  lie  down." 

6  "  Oh,  what  will  you  give  Brother,  Sweet  William,  my  son? 

Oh,  what  will  you  give  Brother,  my  own  dearest  one?  " 
"  My  sword  and  my  pistol,  mother  make  the  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  poisoned  to  the  heart,  and  I  fain  would  lie  down." 


Traditional  Ballads  in  New  England. 


197 


7  "  Oh,  what  will  you  give  Sister,  Sweet  William,  my  son  ? 

Oh,  what  will  you  give  Sister,  my  own  dearest  one  ?  " 
,     "  My  gold  and  my  jewels,  mother  make  the  bed  soon, 

For  I  'm  poisoned  to  the  heart,  and  I  fain  would  lie  down," 

8  "Oh,  what  will  you  give  Sweetheart,  Sweet  William,  my  son  ? 

Oh,  what  will  you  give  Sweetheart,  my  own  dearest  one  ?  " 
"Give  her  Hell  and  damnation,  mother  make  the  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  poisoned  to  the  heart,  and  I  fain  would  lie  down." 


C. 

Communicated  July  11,  1903,  by  A.  M.,  with  the  following  comment,  "As  sung  by  my 
mother,  who  would  be  more  than  one  hundred  years  old,  if  living. 


I#=d3 


:^E=3L 


::1=R 


Oh,        where     have      you  been, 


Fair 


El 


son,      my 


^S: 


-^ 


'^ 


=t 


i 


son  ?       Oh,     where     have      you        been,  .        my        own  dear  -  est 


S J J- 


one  ?       I  've     been  out        a  -  court -ing,  moth  -  er  make  my     bed     soon, 


-^ 


i^^ 


;0 


For  I  'm  pois  -  oned      to    my  heart,     and     I      fain      would  lie     down. 

1  "  Oh,  where  have  you  been.  Fair  Elson,  my  son  ? 

Oh,  where  have  you  been,  my  own  dearest  one  ?  " 
"  I  have  been  out  a-courting,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  poisoned  to  my  heart,  and  I  fain  would  lie  down." 

2  "  Oh,  what  have  you  been  eating,  Fair  Elson,  my  son  ? 

Oh,  what  have  you  been  eating,  my  own  dearest  one  ?  " 
"I  've  been  eating  eels,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  poisoned  to  my  heart,  and  I  fain  would  lie  down." 

3  "  What  color  were  those  eels,  Fair  Elson,  my  son  ? 

What  color  were  those  eels,  my  own  dearest  one  .''  " 
"  They  were  black,  white,  and  yellow,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  poisoned  to  my  heart,  and  I  fain  would  lie  down." 

4  "  What  you  will  to  your  father.  Fair  Elson,  my  son  ? 

What  you  will  to  your  father,  my  own  dearest  one  .''  " 
"A  black  suit  of  mourning,  mother  make  my  bed  soon. 
For  I  'm  poisoned  to  my  heart,  and  I  fain  would  lie  down." 


198 


yournal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 


5  "  What  you  will  to  your  brother,  Fair  Elson,  my  son  ? 
What  you  will  to  your  brother,  my  own  dearest  one  ?  " 
"  A  black  yoke  of  oxen,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  poisoned  to  my  heart,  and  I  fain  would  lie  down. 


Communicated  December  3,  1904,  by  H.  J.  C,  Concord,  N.  H.,  as  sung  half  a  century 
ago  at  neighborly  gatherings  in  Hebron,  Me. 


=F=F=^E: 


-A=± 


^ 


Oh,     where  d'  ye       go     court  -  ing,     Sweet  Nel  -  son,     my       son  ? 


r- 


X--- 


Oh,    where     d'  ye     go     court  -  ing,     my  sweet    pret  -  ty       one  ? 


=]= 


=^=^ 


^ 


went      to      see      Pol  -  ly,     moth-er  make   my      bed    soon,       For    I'm 


^^^ 


^ 


sick       at  my       heart,        and        I        long       to 


lie 


down. 


1  *'  Oh,  where  d'  ye  go  courting,  Sweet  Nelson,  my  son  ? 

Oh,  where  d'  ye  go  courting,  my  sweet  pretty  one  ? " 
"  I  went  to  see  Polly,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  sick  at  my  heart,  and  I  long  to  lie  down." 

2  "  What  d'  ye  have  for  your  supper,  Sweet  Nelson,  my  son  ? 

What  d'  ye  have  for  your  supper,  my  sweet  pretty  one  ?  " 
"  Speckled  eels,  fried  in  fat,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  sick  at  my  heart,  and  I  long  to  lie  down." 

3  **  What  d'  ye  leave  to  your  father.  Sweet  Nelson,  my  son  ? 

What  d'  ye  leave  to  your  father,  my  sweet  pretty  one  t " 
"  My  farm  and  farming  tools,  mother  make  my  bed  soon. 
For  I  'm  sick  at  my  heart,  and  I  long' to  lie  down." 

4  "  What  d'  ye  leave  to  your  sister,  Sweet  Nelson,  my  son  ? 

What  d'  ye  leave  to  your  sister,  my  sweet  pretty  one  ?  " 
"  My  purse  and  my  jewels,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  sick  at  my  heart,  and  I  long  to  lie  down." 

5  "What  d'  ye  leave  to  your  Polly,  Sweet  Nelson,  my  son  ? 

What  d'  ye  leave  to  your  Polly,  my  sweet  pretty  one  ?  " 
"  The  rope  and  the  gallows.     Oh,  make  my  bed  soon ! 
For  I  'm  sick  at  my  heart,  and  I  long  to  lie  down." 


Traditional  Ballads  in  New  England. 


199 


6  "  Oh,  where  shall  I  make  it,  Sweet  Nelson,  my  son  ? 
Oh,  where  shall  I  make  it,  my  sweet  pretty  one  ? " 
'*  Yonder  in  the  churchyard,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  sick  at  my  heart,  and  I  long  to  lie  down." 

E. 

Contributed  November  5,  1904,  by  M.  L.  J.,  Lynn,  Mass. 


=t 


?= 


-^-^- 


:^: 


Oh,    where    have    you      been    to,        Te  -  ron  -    to,        my 


son  ? 


b£|     ^-tH=::^=q 

-^ 

— 1 — 

—=^4- 

3      H 

— 1 — 



LS^-^=i-t^ 

i^ 

4 

L*— 

— 4. — lJ_ 

*      ^ 

^si— 

4 — ' 

Oh,      where  have    you  been     to,         my   own    dar  -  ling     one  ?     I  've 


down. 


1  "  Oh,  where  have  you  been  to,  Teronto,  my  son  ? 

Oh,  where  have  you  been  to,  my  own  darling  one  ?  " 
"I  've  been  to  see  Mary,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  sick  in  the  heart,  and  I  long  to  lie  down." 

2  "What  d'  she  give  you  for  supper,  Teronto,  my  son  ? 

What  d'  she  give  you  for  supper,  my  own  darling  one  ?  " 
"  Eels,  fried  in  batter,  mother  make  my  bed  soon. 
For  I  'm  sick  in  the  heart,  and  I  long  to  lie  down." 

3  "  You  're  pizened,  you  're  pizened,  Teronto,  my  son  ! 

You  're  pizened,  you  're  pizened,  my  own  darling  one  ! " 


4  "  What  '11  you  give  to  your  Mary,  Teronto,  my  son  ?_ 

What  '11  you  give  to  your  Mary,  my  own  darling  one  ?  " 
"  A  halter  to  hang  her,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  sick  in  the  heart,  and  I  long  to  lie  down." 


Communicated  July  11,  1903,  by  E.  J.  B.,  Winchester,  Mass.,  and  traced  back  for 
three  generations  in  Fredericton,  N.  B. 

I  "  Where  have  you  been,  dear  Willie,  my  son  ? 
Where  have  you  been,  my  darling  young  one  ?  " 


200  jfournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

"  I  've  been  to  see  my  sweetheart,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
As  I  'm  sick  to  my  heart,  and  I  fain  would  lie  down." 

2  "  What  did  your  sweetheart  give  you,  dear  Willie,  my  son  ? 

What  did  your  sweetheart  give  you,  my  darling  young  one  ? " 
"  Three  little  silver  fishes,  mother  make  my  bed  soon. 
For  I  'm  sick  to  my  heart,  and  I  fain  would  lie  down." 

3  "  What  will  you  leave  your  father,  dear  Willie,  my  son  ? 

What  will  you  leave  your  father,  my  darling  young  one  ? " 
"  My  coaches  and  horses,  mother  make  my  bed  soon. 
For  I  'm  sick  at  my  heart  and  I  fain  would  lie  down." 

4  "  What  will  you  leave  your  mother,  dear  Willie,  my  son  ? 

What  will  you  leave  your  mother,  my  darling  young  one  ? " 
"  My  best  milch  cows,  mother  make  my  bed  soon. 
For  I  'm  sick  to  my  heart,  and  I  fain  would  lie  down." 

5  "  What  will  you  leave  your  sister,  dear  Willie,  my  son  ? 

What  will  you  leave  your  sister,  my  darling  young  one  ? " 
*'  Many  rings  and  diamonds,  mother  make  my  bed  soon. 
For  I  'm  sick  to  my  heart,  and  I  fain  would  lie  down." 

6  "  What  will  you  leave  your  sweetheart,  dear  Willie,  my  son  ? 

What  will  you  leave  your  sweetheart,  my  darling  young  one  ?  " 
"  A  rope  for  to  hang  her  on  yonder  green  tree, 
'T  is  more  than  she  deserves,  for  she  's  poisoned  me !  " 

G. 

Recited  to  me  December  22,  1904,  by  E.  J.  B.,  contributor  of  F. 

1  "  Where  was  you  last  night,  dear  Willie,  my  son  ? 

Where  was  you  last  night,  my  fond-hearted  one  ? " 
*'  I  have  been  a-courting,  mother  make  my  bed  soon. 
For  I  'm  sick  to  the  heart,  and  I  fain  would  lie  down." 

2  "  What  did  your  sweetheart  give  you,  dear  Willie,  my  son  ? 

What  did  your  sweetheart  give  you,  my  fond-hearted  one?" 
"Three  little  silver  fishes,  mother  make  my  bed  soon. 
For  I  'm  sick  to  the  heart,  and  I  fain  would  lie  down." 

H. 

Recited  to  me  November,  1903,  by  J.  M.,  Boston,  Mass.,  who  heard  it  over  forty  years 
ago  in  Ireland. 

I  "  Where  were  you  all  day,  my  own  pretty  boy. 
Where  were  you  all  daj',  my  comfort  and  joy  ? " 
"  Fishing  and  fowling,  mother  make  the  bed  soon. 
For  I  'm  sick  to  the  heart,  and  I  fain  would  lay  down." 


Traditional  Ballads  in  New  England. 

2  "  What  will  you  leave  your  father,  my  own  pretty  boy  ? 

What  will  you  leave  your  father,  my  comfort  and  joy  ?  " 
"  My  hounds  and  my  horns,  mother  make  the  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  sick  to  the  heart,  and  I  fain  would  lay  down." 

3  "What  will  you  leave  your  sister,  my  own  pretty  boy? 

What  will  you  leave  your  sister,  my  comfort  and  joy  ? " 
"  My  gold  and  my  silver,  mother  make  the  bed  soon. 
For  I  'm  sick  to  the  heart,  and  I  fain  would  lay  down." 

4  **  What  will  you  leave  your  brother,  my  own  pretty  boy  ? 

What  will  you  leave  your  brother,  my  comfort  and  joy.?" 
"  My  coach  and  six  horses,  mother  make  the  bed  soon. 
For  I  'm  sick  to  the  heart,  and  I  fain  would  lay  down." 

5  "  What  will  you  leave  your  true-love,  my  own  pretty  boy  ? 

What  will  you  leave  your  true-love,  my  comfort  and  joy  ? " 
"  Three  ropes  for  to  hang  her,  mother  make  my  bed  soon. 
For  I  'm  sick  at  the  heart,  and  I  fain  would  lie  down." 


20I 


Communicated  to  me  September  i6,  1904,  by  J.  E.  W.,  Boston,  Mass.,  as  recollected 
by  G.  B. 


i^ 


:l=:]=d=ri: 


iMzit 


■W—m- 


Oh,     where  have  you        been,        Ty    -  ran  -  te,     my        son?       Oh, 


• * — h' 


:a^=^ 


:i=^: 


£ 


-^- 


t^ 


z^-=it. 


where  have  you     been,        my     dear     lit  -  tie     one  ?      I  have  been   to     my 


t=F: 


I 


grand  moth  -  er's,    moth  -  er      make      my       bed         soon, 


For     I  'm 


W-- 


:F: 


^i 


i=g 


:=]= 


:| 


sick       at        the       heart,    and    would     fain        lay       me         down. 

1  "  Oh,  w'here  have  you  been,  Tyrante,  my  son  ? 

Oh,  where  have  you  been,  my  dear  little  one  ?  "  (poor  ?)  (sweet  ?) 
*'  I  have  been  to  my  grandmother's,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  sick  at  the  heart,  and  would  fain  lay  me  doon." 

2  "  Oh,  what  gat  you  to  eat,  Tyrante,  my  son  ? 

Oh,  what  gat  you  to  eat,  my  dear  little  one  ?  " 
"  Striped  eels,  fried  in  batter,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  sick  at  the  heart,  and  would  fain  lay  me  doon." 


202 


yournal  of  Americajt  Folk- Lore. 


3  "  Oh,  where  are  your  blood-hounds,  Tyrante,  my  son  ? 

Oh,  where  are  your  blood-hounds,  my  dear  little  one  ?  " 
"  Oh,  they  swelled  up  and  burst,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  sick  at  the  heart,  and  would  fain  lay  me  doon." 

4  "  Oh,  I  fear  you  are  poisoned,  Tyrante,  my  son ! 

Oh,  I  fear  you  are  poisoned,  my  dear  little  one  !  " 
"  Oh,  yes  !  I  am  poisoned,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  sick  at  the  heart,  and  would  fain  lay  me  doon." 

5.  "  Oh,  where  shall  I  make  your  bed,  Tyrante,  my  son  ? 
Where  shall  I  make  your  bed,  my  dear  little  one?" 
"  Make  my  bed  in  the  kirkyard,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  sick  at  the  heart,  and  would  fain  lay  me  doon." 

J. 

Recollected  July  1903,  by  M.  R.  M.,  Newtonville,  Mass.,  as  heard  sung  more  than  sixty 
years  ago. 


=1: 


Oh,      -where  have  you  been  to  -  day,  .       Te   -  ren    -  ce,       my      son  ? 


iii^ 


^ 


^ 


=1= 


^=^ 


Oh,     where  have  you  been  to  -day,   .      my     pret  -    ty        lit-  tie     one.' 


-x-^ 


SS 


^ 


1 — t 


I    have   been  to     see 


my 


gran-  dame,  moth  -  er    make  my       bed 


^= 


:^=I^ 


^^^^3 


soon,    For  I  'm  sick     at       the    heart,     and    I     fain    would  lie        down. 

1  "  Oh,  where  have  you  been  to-day,  Terence,  my  son  ? 

Oh,  where  have  you  been  to-day,  my  pretty  little  one  ? " 
"  I  have  been  to  see  my  grandame,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  sick  at  the  heart,  and  I  fain  would  lie  down." 

2  "  Oh,  what  did  she  give  you  to  eat,  Terence,  my  son  ? 

Oh,  what  did  she  give  you  to  eat,  my  pretty  little  one  ? " 
"  Fresh-water  potted  eels,  mother  make  my  bed  soon. 
For  I  'm  sick  at  the  heart,  and  I  fain  would  He  down." 

3  "  Oh,  what  will  you  give  your  father,  Terence,  my  son  ? 

Oh,  what  will  you  give  your  father,  my  pretty  little  one  ?  " 
"  One  half  of  my  fortune,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  sick  at  the  heart,  and  I  fain  would  lie  down." 


Traditional  Ballads  in  New  England.  203 

4  "  And  what  will  you  give  your  mother,  Terence,  my  son  ? 

And  what  will  you  give  your  mother,  my  pretty  little  one  ? " 
"  Ten  thousand  sweet  kisses,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  sick  at  the  heart,  and  I  fain  would  lie  down." 

5  "  And  what  will  you  give  your  brother,  Terence,  my  son  ? 

And  what  will  you  give  your  brother,  my  pretty  little  one  ? " 
"  'T  other  half  of  my  fortune,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  sick  at  the  heart,  and  I  fain  would  lie  down." 

6  "And  what  will  you  give  your  sister,  Terence,  my  son  ? 

And  what  will  you  give  your  sister,  my  pretty  little  one  ?  " 
*'  A  thousand  kind  wishes,  mother  make  my  bed  soon. 
For  I  'm  sick  at  the  heart,  and  I  fain  would  lie  down." 

7  "  And  what  will  you  give  your  grandame,  Terence,  my  son  ? 

And  what  will  you  give  your  grandame,  my  pretty  little  one  ? " 
"  A  rope  for  to  hang  her,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  sick  at  the  heart,  and  I  fain  would  lie  down." 


K. 

As  sung  for  generations  in  the  nursery  in  a  family  living  in  Pomfret,  Conn.,  recorded 
by  H.  E.  K.,  New  York,  N.  Y. 


i^ 


± 


:feE 


i 


i^^i' 


5 


y=fc4=il- 


Oh,  where  have    you     been,   .       Ta  -  ran  -  ty,       my 


Oh, 


^^ 


r- 


X-- 


^E=fe 


one? 


where     have     you  been, 


my       dear  lit  -    tie 


1  "  Oh,  where  have  you  been,  Taranty,  my  son  ? 

Oh,  where  have  you  been,  my  dear  little  one  ?  " 
"To  see  my  grandmother,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  sick  at  the  heart,  and  faint  to  lie  down." 

2  '*  What  had  you  for  supper,  Taranty,  my  son  ? 

What  had  you  for  supper,  my  dear  little  one  ?  " 
"  Eels,  fried  in  batter,  mother  make  my  bed  soon. 
For  I  'm  sick  at  the  heart,  and  faint  to  lie  down." 


3  "  What  was  their  color,  Taranty,  my  son  ? 
What  was  their  color,  my  dear  little  one? " 
"  Green  striped  with  yellow,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  sick  at  the  heart,  and  faint  to  lie  down." 


204 


Journal  of  America7i  Folk- Lore. 


4  "  What  will  you  leave  your  mother,  Taranty,  my  son  ? 

What  will  you  leave  your  mother,  my  dear  little  one  ? " 
"  A  coach  and  six  horses,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  sick  at  the  heart,  and  faint  to  lie  down." 

5  "  What  will  you  leave  your  sister,  Taranty,  my  son  ? 

What  will  you  leave  your  sister,  my  dear  little  one  ? " 
"  A  box  of  rich  jewels,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  sick  at  the  heart,  and  faint  to  lie  down." 

6  "  What  will  you  leave  your  brother,  Taranty,  my  son  ? 

What  will  you  leave  your  brother,  my  dear  little  one  ? " 
"A  suit  of  fine  clothes,  mother  make  my  bed  soon,  \ 

For  I  'm  sick  at  the  heart,  and  faint  to  lie  down." 

7  "  What  will  you  leave  your  grandmother,  Taranty,  my  son  ? 

What  will  you  leave  your  grandmother,  my  dear  little  one  ?  " 
"  A  rope  for  to  hang  her,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  sick  at  the  heart,  and  faint  to  lie  down." 

8  "  Where  shall  I  make  it,  Taranty,  my  son  ? 

Where  shall  I  make  it,  my  dear  little  one?  " 
"  In  a  corner  of  the  churchyard,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  so  sick  at  the  heart,  and  faint  to  lie  down." 


Contributed  May  6,  1904,  by  R.  P.  U.,  Cambridge,  Mass.,  who  traces  it  back  for  half  a 
century  in  Cliarlestown,  N.  H. 


^S=^^ 


*==): 


What    had    you      for     sup  -   per,    Or  -    Ian  -    do,     my      son?     What 


nfr 


-t. 


had 


you 


for 


sup    -   per,     my       sweet       lit 


tie 


I 


one  } 


1  "  What  had  you  for  supper,  Orlando,  my  son  ? 

What  had  you  for  supper,  my  sweet  little  one  ? " 
"  Striped  eels,  fried  in  batter,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  am  so  weary,  I  fain  would  lie  down." 

2  "  You  're  pizened,  you  're  pizened,  Orlando,  my  son  ! 

You  're  pizened,  you  're  pizened,  my  sweet  little  one  !  " 


Traditional  Ballads  in  New  England.  205 

M. 

Contributed  by  J.  P.  T.,  as  recollected  from  childhood. 

1  "  Oh,  where  have  you  been,  Taranty,  my  son  ? 

Oh,  where  have  you  been,  my  dear  little  one  ?  " 
"  I  've  been  to  see  granny,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  sick  at  the  heart,  and  fain  would  lie  down." 

2  "  What  had  you  for  supper,  Taranty,  my  son? 

What  had  you  for  supper,  my  dear  little  one  ?  " 
"  Fresh  eels,  fried  in  butter,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  sick  at  the  heart,  and  fain  would  lie  down." 

3  "  What  will  you  leave  father,  Taranty,  my  son  ? 

What  will  you  leave  father,  my  dear  little  one  ?  " 
"  A  purse  full  of  money,  mother  make  my  bed  soon. 
For  I  'm  sick  at  the  heart,  and  fain  would  lie  down." 

4  "  What  will  you  leave  mother,  Taranty,  my  son  ? 

What  will  you  leave  mother,  my  dear  little  one  ?  " 
"  A  box  of  fine  jewels,  mother  make  my  bed  soon. 
For  I  'm  sick  at  the  heart,  and  fain  would  lie  down." 

5  "  What  will  you  leave  sister,  Taranty,  my  son  ? 

What  will  you  leave  sister,  my  dear  little  one  ? " 
"  A  coach  and  six  horses,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  sick  at  the  heart,  and  fain  would  lie  down." 

6  "  What  will  you  leave  granny,  Taranty,  my  son  ? 

What  will  you  leave  granny,  my  dear  little  one  ?" 
"  A  rope  for  to  hang  her,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  sick  at  the  heart,  and  fain  would  lie  down." 

N. 

Contributed   January,  1904,  by  G.  T.  A.,  Boston,  Mass.,  as  sung  many  years  ago  by  an 
Irish  serving-man. 


^fcfe 


^Se^S^=3 


^ 


^j==E 


^— • 


:^==1= 


What  d'  you  have    for     your      break-fast,        Ty     -    ran  -  ting,      my 


-k 


n\ 


son  ?  What  d' you  have   for     your  break-fast,    my     dear      lit  -tie     one? 


I   *'  Oh,  what  did  you  have  for  your  breakfast,  Tyranting,  my  son  ? 
Oh,  what  did  you  have  for  your  breakfast,  my  dear  little  one  ?  " 
"  Striped  eels,  fried  in  butter,  will  you  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  sick  at  heart,  and  I  want  to  lie  down." 

VOL.  xviir.  —  NO.  70.       1 5 


2o6  Journal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 

2  "  Oh,  what  did  you  leave  to  your  mother,  Tyranting,  my  son  ? 

Oh,  what  did  you  leave  to  your  mother,  my  dear  little  one  ?  ' 
"  A  bag  full  of  money,  will  you  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  sick  at  heart,  and  I  want  to  lie  down," 

3  "  Oh,  what  did  you  leave  to  your  father,  Tyranting,  my  son  ? 

Oh,  what  did  you  leave  to  your  father,  my  dear  little  one  ? " 
"  The  cottage  he  lives  in,  will  you  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  1  'm  sick  at  heart,  and  I  want  to  lie  down." 


Communicated  July  ii,  1903,  by  L.  W.  H.,  Cambridge,  Mass.,  in  whose  family  it  has 
been  traditional  for  three  generations. 


a= 


-a 


JfH^Z 


-» ^ 1 ^       s 


=]: 


=1= 


PI 


Oh,  where    have     you  been,     Ty 


•— ^— •— P^ 


i 


ran  -   ty,     my       son?.  Oh, 


^ 


m. 


where    have     you  been,  .        my     sweet       Ut 


■^- 


tle 


one  ?     Oh,  I  've 


^ 


been 


=t: 


my  grand  moth  -  er's,      moth  -  er       make      my      bed 


-t^ 


-»—m—m- 


:}-- 


:=1=1: 


i 


^ 


soon,      For    I  'm  sick     at  the     heart,  and    I      fain  would  lie     down. 

1  "  Oh,  where  have  you  been,  Tyranty,  my  son  ? 

Oh,  where  have  you  been,  my  sweet  little  one  ? " 
"  Oh,  I  've  been  to  my  grandmother's,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  sick  at  the  heart,  and  I  fain  would  lie  down." 

2  "  Oh,  what  did  you  have  for  breakfast  (supper),  Tyranty,  my  son  } 

Oh,  what  did  you  have  for  breakfast  (supper),  my  sweet  little  one  ?  " 
"  Striped  eels,  fried  in  batter,  mother  make  my  bed  soon. 
For  I  'm  sick  at  the  heart,  and  I  fain  would  lie  down." 

3  "  Oh,  what  will  you  leave  your  father,  Tyranty,  my  son  ? 

Oh,  what  will  you  leave  your  father,  my  sweet  little  one  ? " 
"  My  houses  and  lands,  mother  make  my  bed  soon. 
For  I  'm  sick  at  the  heart,  and  I  fain  would  lie  down." 

4  "  Oh,  what  will  you  leave  your  mother,  Tyranty,  my  son  ? 

Oh,  what  will  you  leave  your  mother,  my  sweet  little  one .''  " 
"  A  purse  of  red  gold,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  sick  at  the  heart,  and  I  fain  would  lie  down." 


Traditional  Ballads  in  New  England.  207 

5  "  Oh,  what  will  you  leave  your  grandmother,  Tyranty,  my  son  ? 
Oh,  what  will  you  leave  your  grandmother,  my  sweet  little  one  ?  " 
"  A  halter  to  hang  her,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  sick  at  the  heart,  and  I  fain  would  he  down." 

P. 

Contributed  to  me  by  E.  W.,  Boston,  Mass.,  as  a  "  haunting  memory  of  childhood." 

1  "  Oh,  where  have  you  been,  Tyrajity,  my  son  ? 

Oh,  where  have  you  been,  my  sweet  little  one  ? " 
"  I  've  been  to  grandmother's,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  sick  at  the  heart,  and  I  want  to  lie  doon." 

2  "  Oh,  what  did  she  give  you,  Tyranty,  my  son  ? 

Oh,  what  did  she  give  you,  my  sweet  little  one  ? " 
"  Striped  eels,  fried  in  butter,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  sick  at  the  heart,  and  I  want  to  lie  doon." 

3  "  Oh,  what  '11  you  give  to  your  granny,  Tyranty,  my  son  ? 

Oh,  what  '11  you  give  to  your  granny,  my  sweet  little  one  ?  " 
"  A  halter  to  hang  her,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  sick  at  the  heart,  and  I  want  to  lie  doon." 

Q. 

Taken  down  by  me  October  ii,  1904,  from  the  recitation  of  J.  G.  M.,  Newbury,  Vermont. 

1  "  Oh,  where  have  you  been,  Fileander,  my  son  ? 

Oh,  where  have  you  been,  my  sweet  pretty  one  ?  " 
"  I  've  been  to  see  grandmother,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  'm  sick  at  my  heart,  a^nd  I  want  to  lie  down." 

2  "And  what  did  you  have  for  supper,  Fileander,  my  son  ? 

And  what  did  you  have  for  supper,  my  sweet  pretty  one?" 
"  Eels,  fried  in  fresh  butter,  mother  make  my  bed  soon. 
For  I  'm  sick  at  my  heart,  and  I  want  to  lie  down." 

3  "Oh,  what  did  you  will  your  grandmother,  Fileander,  my  son? 

Oh,  what  did  you  will  your  grandmother,  my  sweet  pretty  one  ?  " 
"  Hell-fire  and  damnation,  mother  make  my  bed  soon. 
For  I  'm  sick  at  my  heart,  and  I  want  to  lie  down." 

XL     THE  DEMON   LOVER. 

A. 

"The  House-Carpenter,"  Broadside,  printed  about  i860,  by  H.  DeMarsan,  60  Chat- 
ham Street,  New  York,  N.  Y.  Transcribed  by  me,  May  21,  1904,  from  a  copy  in  the  col- 
lection of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society  at  Worcester,  Mass. 

I  "  Well  met,  well  met,  my  own  true  love, 
Well  met,  well  met !  "  cried  he, 
"  For  I  've  just  returned  from  the  Salt  Sea, 
And  all  for  the  love  of  thee  !  " 


2oS  your7ial  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

2  "  I  might  have  married  the  King's  daughter,  dear, —  " 

"  You  might  have  married  her, —  "  cried  she, 
"  For  I  am  married  to  a  House-Carpenter, 
And  a  fine  young  man  is  he  !  " 

3  "  If  you  will  forsake  your  House-Carpenter, 

And  go  along  with  me, 
I  will  take  you  to  where  the  grass  grows  high, 
On  the  banks  of  old  Tennessee  !" 

4  "If  I  forsake  my  House-Carpenter, 

And  go  along  with  thee, 
What  have  you  got  to  keep  me  upon, 
And  keep  me  from  misery  ?  " 

5  Says  he,  "  I  've  got  six  ships  at  sea, 

All  sailing  to  dry  land, 
One  hundred  and  ten  of  your  own  countrymen, 
Love,  they  shall  be  at  your  command  !  " 

6  She  took  her  babe  upon  her  knee 

And  kissed  it  one,  two  and  three, 
Saying,  —  "  Stay  at  home,  my  darling  sweet  babe, 
And  keep  your  father's  company !  " 

7  They  had  not  sailed  four  weeks  or  more, 

Four  weeks,  or  scarcely  three. 
When  she  thought  of  her  darling  sweet  babe  at  home, 
And  she  wept  most  bitterly. 

8  Says  he,  —  "  Are  you  weeping  for  gold,  my  love. 

Or  are  you  weeping  for  fear. 
Or  are  you  weeping  for  your  House-Carpenter, 
That  you  left  and  followed  me  ?  " 

9  "  I  am  not  weeping  for  gold,"  she  replied, 

"  Nor  am  I  weeping  for  fear, 
But  I  am  weeping  alone  for  my  sweet  little  babe, 
That  I  left  with  my  House-Carpenter." 

10  "  Oh,  dry  up  your  tears,  my  own  true  love. 

And  cease  your  weeping,"  —  cried  he, 
*'  For  soon  you  '11  see  your  own  happy  home, 
On  the  banks  of  old  Tennessee  !  " 

11  They  had  not  sailed  five  weeks  or  more, 

Five  weeks,  or  scarcely  four. 
When  the  ship  struck  a  rock  and  sprang  aleak, 
And  they  never  were  seen  any  more. 


Traditional  Ballads  in  New  E^igla^id,  209 

12  A  curse  be  on  the  sea-faring  men, 
Oh,  cursed  be  their  lives. 
For  while  they  are  robbing  the  House-Carpenter, 
And  coaxing  away  their  wives. 


XII.     YOUNG   BEICHAN. 
A. 

"  Lord  Bakeman,  who  was  taken  by  the  Turks  and  put  in  prison,  and  afterwards  released 
by  the  jailor's  daughter,  whom  he  married."  Printed  by  Nathaniel  Coverly,  jun.,  Milk- 
Street,  corner  Theatre  Alley,  Boston. 

Transcribed  by  me,  October  15,  1904,  from  a  copy  in  the  Isaiah  Thomas  collection  of  the 
American  Antiquarian  Society,  Worcester,  Mass. 

1  In  India  lived  a  noble  Lord, 

His  riches  were  beyond  compare, 
He  was  the  darling  of  his  parents, 
And  of  their  estate  an  only  heir. 

2  He  had  gold  and  he  had  silver. 

And  he  had  houses  of  a  high  degree, 
But  still  he  never  could  be  contented, 
Until  a  voyage  he  had  been  to  sea. 

3  He  sailed  east  and  he  sailed  west. 

Until  he  came  to  the  Turkish  shore, 
Where  he  was  taken  and  put  in  prison, 
Where  he  could  neither  see  nor  hear. 

4  For  seven  long  months  he  lay  lamenting, 

He  laid  lamenting  in  iron  bands. 
There  happened  to  be  a  brisk  young  lady. 
Which  set  him  free  from  his  iron  chains. 

5  The  jailor  had  one  only  daughter, 

A  brisk  young  lady  gay  was  she,  — 
As  she  was  walking  across  the  floor. 
She  chanced  Lord  Bakeman  for  to  see. 

6  She  stole  the  keys  of  her  father's  prison, 

And  said  Lord  Bakeman  she  would  set  free. 
She  went  unto  the  prison  door. 
And  opened  it  without  delay. 

7  "  Have  you  got  gold,  or  have  you  got  silver, 

Or  have  you  got  houses  of  a  high  degree, 
What  will  you  give  to  the  lady  fair. 

If  she  from  bondage  will  set  you  free  ?  " 


2 1  o  Journal  of  A  merican  Folk-Lore. 

8  "  Yes,  I  've  got  gold,  and  I  've  got  silver, 

And  I  've  got  houses  of  a  high  degree, 
I  '11  give  them  all  to  the  lady  fair. 

If  she  from  bondage  will  set  me  free." 

9  "  It 's  not  your  silver,  no  nor  gold, 

Nor  yet  your  houses  with  a  high  degree, 
'T  is  all  I  want  is  to  make  me  happy, 
And  all  I  crave  is  your  fair  body  ! " 

10  "  Let  us  make  a  bargain,  and  make  it  strong. 

For  seven  long  years  it  shall  stand, 
You  shall  not  wed  with  no  other  woman, 
And  I  '11  not  wed  with  no  other  man  ! " 

1 1  When  seven  long  years  were  gone  and  past, 

And  seven  long  years  were  at  an  end. 
She  packed  up  all  her  richest  clothing, 

Saying,  "  Now  I  '11  go  and  seek  my  friend." 

12  She  sailed  east,  and  she  sailed  west. 

Until  she  came  to  the  India  shore, 
And  there  she  never  could  be  contented. 
Till  for  her  true  love  she  did  inquire. 

13  She  inquired  for  Lord  Bakeman's  palace. 

At  every  corner  of  the  street. 
She  inquired  after  Lord  Bakeman's  palace. 
Of  every  person  she  chanced  to  meet. 

14  And  when  she  came  to  Lord  Bakeman's  palace. 

She  knocked  so  loud  upon  the  ring, 
There  's  none  so  ready  as  the  brisk  young  porter, 
To  arise  and  let  this  fair  lady  in. 

15  She  asked  "  if  this  was  Lord  Bakeman's  palace, 

Or  is  the  Lord  himself  within  ?  " 
'*  Yes,  yes,"  reply'd  the  brisk  young  porter, 
"  He  and  his  bride  have  just  entered  in." 

16  She  wept,  she  wept  and  wTung  her  hands, 

Crying  "  Alas  !  I  am  undone  ! 
I  wish  I  was  in  my  native  country. 
Across  the  sea,  there  to  remain." 

17  "Ask  him  to  send  me  one  ounce  of  bread, 

And  a  bottle  of  his  wine  so  strong, 
And  ask  him  if  he  's  forgot  the  lady, 
That  let  him  free  from  his  iron  chains." 


Traditional  Ballads  in  New  Encrland.  2 1 1 


&> 


18  The  porter  went  in  unto  his  master, 

And  bowed  low  upon  his  knee,  — 

"  Arise,  arise,  my  brisk  young  porter. 

And  tell  me  what  the  matter  is  ? " 

19  "There  is  a  lady  stands  at  your  gate, 

And  she  doth  weep  most  bitterly, 
I  think  she  is  as  fine  a  creature, 
That  ever  I  wish  my  eyes  did  see. 

20  "  She  's  got  more  rings  on  her  forefingers, 

And  round  her  waist  has  diamond  strings. 
She  's  got  more  gold  about  her  clothing. 
Than  your  new  bride  and  all  her  kin. 

21  "  She  wants  you  to  send  her  one  ounce  of  bread, 

And  a  bottle  of  your  wine  so  strong, 
And  asks  if  you  have  forgot  the  lady, 

That  set  you  free  from  your  iron  chains." 

22  He  stamped  his  foot  upon  the  floor, 

He  broke  the  table  in  pieces  three, 
"  Here  's  adieu  to  you,  my  wedded  bride, 
For  this  fair  Lady  I  will  go  see !  " 

23  Then  up  bespoke  the  new  bride's  mother. 

And  she  was  a  lady  of  a  high  degree, 
"  'T  is  you  have  made  a  bride  of  my  daughter,  — " 
"  Well,  she  is  none  the  worse  for  me, 

24  "  But  since  my  fair  one  has  arrived, 

A  second  wedding  there  shall  be. 
Your  daughter  came  on  a  horse  and  saddle. 
She  may  go  home  in  her  coach  and  three." 

25  He  took  this  fair  lady  by  the  hand. 

And  led  her  over  the  marble  stones. 
He  changed  her  name  from  Susannah  fair. 
And  now  is  the  wife  of  Lord  Bakeman. 

26  He  took  her  by  her  lily-white  hand. 

And  led  her  through  from  room  to  room, 
He  has  changed  her  name  from  Susannah  fair, 
And  is  called  the  wife  of  Lord  Bakeman. 


21: 


yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 


XIII.     THE   ELFIN   KNIGHT. 
A. 

'*  Blow  ye  winds,  blow."     No.  3,  in  "  Family  Songs,"  compiled  by  Rosa  S.  Allen,  in 
whose  family  it  has  been  traditional  for  many  generations. 


-F 


P=*=t^F 


V -I ^ 


You     must     make  me       a        fine      Hoi  -  land  shirt :    Blow,      blow, 


::^ 


^ 


blow,         ye     winds  blow.         And      not         have 


i^^l 


stitch  of    nee  -  die- work  ; 


Blow,  ye  winds  that     a  -  rise,  blow,  blow- 


1  You  must  make  me  a  fine  Holland  shirt  : 

Blow,  blow,  blow,  ye  winds  blow. 
And  not  have  in  it  a  stitch  of  needle-work  : 
Blow,  ye  winds  that  arise,  blow,  blow. 

2  You  must  wash  it  in  yonder  spring. 
Where  there  's  never  a  drop  of  water  in. 

3  You  must  dry  it  on  yonder  thorn, 
Where  the  sun  never  )'et  shone  on. 

4  My  father  's  got  an  acre  of  land, 
You  must  dig  it  with  a  goose  quill. 


5  You  must  sow  it  with  one  seed, 

You  must  reap  it  with  your  thumb  nail. 

6  You  must  thrash  it  on  yonder  sea, 
And  not  get  it  wet,  or  let  a  kernel  be. 

7  You  must  grind  it  on  yonder  hill, 
Where  there  yet  has  ne'er  stood  a  mill. 

8  When  you  've  done,  and  finished  your  work, 
Bring  it  unto  me,  and  you  shall  have  your  shirt. 


Traditional  Ballads  in  New  England. 


213 


Recorded  about  1875,  by  S.  A.  F.,  rrovideiice,  R.  I.,  from  the  singing  of  an  aged  man, 
born  in  the  year  iSoo. 


=M 


:3: 


^ 


-X 


^==t 


I         want     you        to       make     me 


3=«t 


3^ 


brie        shirt, 


d= 


^^ 


Pars  -    ley       and        sage,       rose 


e 


ry         and       thyme,     With 


}-=\ — j — i- 


ny 


die 


:=1: 


i 


ny       fine       work,        And 


5^^^= 


then      you       shall        be 


true        lev    -    er 


of 


1  I  want  you  to  make  me  a  cambric  shirt, 

Parsley  and  sage,  rosemary  and  thyme, 
Without  any  needle  or  any  fine  work, 

And  then  you  shall  be  a  true  lover  of  mine. 

2  Go  wash  it  out  in  yonder  well,' 

Where  there  's  never  no  water  nor  drop  of  rain  fell. 

3  Go  hang  it  out  on  yonder  thorn, 

Where  there  's  never  no  blossom,  since  Adam  was  born. 

4  Now,  since  you  have  asked  me  questions  three, 
I  pray  you  would  grant  me  the  same  liberty. 

5  I  want  you  to  buy  me  an  acre  of  land, 
Between  the  salt  water  and  the  sea  sand. 

6  Go  plough  it  all  up  with  one  cuckold's  horn, 
Go  sow  it  all  down  with  one  peppercorn. 

7  Go  reap  it  all  up  with  a  sickle  of  leather, 
And  bind  it  all  up  with  one  cock's  feather. 

C. 

Contributed  March,  1904,  by  I.  L.  M.,  Vineland,  N.  J.,  formerly  of  Lynn,  Mass. 

I  You  go  and  make  me  a  cambric  shirt, 
Let  every  rose  grow  merry  in  time, 


2 1 4  Jourtial  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

Without  any  seam  or  needlework, 

Then  you  shall  be  a  true  lover  of  mine. 

2  Go  wash  it  out  on  yonder  hill, 

Where  rain  never  was,  and  dew  never  fell, 

3  Go  hang  it  out  on  yonder  thorn, 

That  never  was  budded  since  Adam  was  born. 

4  And  now  you  have  asked  me  questions  three, 
I  hope  you  '11  answer  as  many  for  me. 

5  You  go  and  buy  me  an  acre  of  land, 
Between  the  salt  water  and  the  sea  sand. 

6  Go  plough  it  all  o'er  with  an  old  ram's  horn, 
Go  sow  it  all  o'er  with  one  peppercorn. 

7  Go  reap  it  all  down  with  a  peacock's  feather. 
Go  thrash  it  all  out  with  the  sting  of  an  adder, 

8  And  when  you  have  done,  and  finished  your  work, 
Come  unto  me,  and  I  will  give  you  the  shirt. 

D. 

"  Love's  Impossibility."     From  "  Songs  for  the  Million,"  printed  in  this  country  about 
1844.     Contributed  by  J.  E.  W.,  Boston,  Mass. 

1  Canst  thou  make  me  a  cambric  shirt,  — 

Savory,  sage,  rosemary,  and  thyme. 
Without  e'er  a  needle,  or  one  stitch  of  work, 
And  I  will  be  a  true  lovier  of  thine, 
And  I  will  be  a  true  lovier  of  thine. 

2  Canst  thou  wash  it  at  yonder  well, 

W'hose  water  ne'er  sprung,  nor  rain  ever  fell  ? 

3  Canst  thou  dry  it  at  yonder  thorn, 

Where  blossoms  ne'er  blew,  since  Adam  was  born  ? 

4  Canst  thou  buy  me  an  acre  of  land. 
Betwixt  the  salt  water  and  the  sea  sand  ? 

5  Canst  thou  plough  it  with  a  cow's  horn. 
And  sow  it  all  over  with  one  peppercorn.^ 

6  Canst  thou  reap  it  with  straps  of  leather, 
And  tie  it  all  up  in  a  peacock's  feather  ? 

Phillips  Barry. 
Boston,  Mass, 


Aleutian  Stories,  215 

ALEUTIAN   STORIES. 

I.    THE    SAD    WOMAN. 

Both  the  natives  of  Atka  and  Attu  tell  the  following  story,  which 
was  related  to  me  by  Mrs.  C.  A.  Anderson,  a  native  of  Attu. 

Many,  many  years  ago  the  people  of  Atka  and  Attu  were  continually 
at  war  with  each  other,  frequently  surprising  each  other  with  fatal  re- 
sults. At  this  particular  time,  the  Atka  warriors  gathered  a  large  fleet 
of  bidarkas,  and  one  dark  night  fell  on  the  Attu  inhabitants,  of  whom 
but  three  escaped,  two  boys  and  a  woman.  The  boys  were  soon  dis- 
covered in  the  cave  where  they  were  hid  and  killed,  but  the  woman 
was  not  found.  After  the  victors  had  departed,  the  woman  came 
out,  and  was  painfully  surprised  to  know  that  she  was  the  only  human 
being  on  the  island.  For  seven  years  she  lived  in  this  solitary  state, 
and  during  all  this  time  neither  smiled  nor  laughed.  She  lived  mostly 
on  sea-lions  and  sea-otters,  which  she  killed  with  clubs  while  they  were 
on  the  rocks.  In  the  eighth  year  her  sadness  came  to  an  end  in  the 
following  manner.  She  had  as  companions  a  young  duck  and  sea- 
gull whom  she  had  befriended  ;  one  day,  as  she  was  fishing  along 
the  beach,  these  two  birds  began  to  fight,  which  so  amused  her  that 
she  laughed  out.  Not  long  after,  some  suitable  driftwood  came 
ashore,  and  she  set  about  building  a  new  home.  While  busily  en- 
gaged with  her  stone  hatchet  in  trimming  a  log,  she  thought  she 
heard  a  noise  behind  her,  and  on  looking  around  saw  a  man.  This 
so  frightened  her  that  she  cut  off  one  of  her  fingers.  A  little  later 
some  more  Atka  people  came  over  and  settled  in  Attu,  and  they  are 
the  ancestors  of  the  present  inhabitants  of  that  island. 

Another  ending  of  this  same  story  is  that  this  man  and  woman 
married,  and  that  from  them  all  the  people  of  Attu  are  descended. 

II.    THE    WOMAN    WHO    WAS    FOND    OF    INTESTINES. 

Once  there  lived  an  Aleut  with  his  wife  and  little  boy.  The  wife 
was  very  fond  of  intestines,  and  early  each  morning  the  husband 
would  go  out  in  his  bidarka  hunting,  and  return  in  the  evening  with 
a  boat  full  of  intestines  which  he  gave  to  his  wife,  telling  her  to  keep 
what  she  wanted  for  herself,  and  distribute  the  rest  among  her  neigh- 
bors. 

The  wife  was  somewhat  puzzled  by  the  husband's  actions  ;  she 
could  not  understand  why  he  went  so  early  in  the  morning,  where  he 
got  so  many  intestines,  or  his  reasons  for  wishing  to  have  them  dis- 
tributed among  the  villagers.  She,  of  course,  did  not  know  that  her 
husband  had  a  mistress  in  the  village  whom  he  went  to  see  while  his 
wife  was   asleep,  and  that  he  desired  the  intestines  distributed  in 


2 1 6  yournal  of  Anie7dcan  Folk-Lore. 

order  that  his  wife's  rival  might  have  a  share.  All  of  a  sudden,  with- 
out explanations,  the  man  ceased  going  out  early,  and  when  he  did 
go,  he  came  back  but  lightly  loaded.  This  did  not  in  the  least  clear 
up  the  mystery  to  the  wife.  But  one  day,  when  he  had  gone  some- 
what later  than  usually,  his  mistress  called  on  his  wife,  whom  she 
found  busy  sewing  a  kamalayka  out  of  the  intestines  her  husband 
brought.  The  two  got  into  a  conversation,  and,  among  other  ques- 
tions, the  mistress  asked  :  — 

"  Does  your  husband  love  you  ?  " 

"Yes." 

"  Do  you  love  him  }  " 

"Yes." 

"  Do  you  know  where  he  gets  all  the  intestines  ? " 

"  No." 

"  Can  you  guess  why  he  has  them  distributed  over  the  village  ? " 

"No." 

"  I  will  tell  you,"  said  the  mistress,  "  but  you  must  not  tell  him  I 
told  you.  Every  day  your  husband  goes  to  the  village  where  your 
parents  and  relatives  live  and  where  you  lived  before  your  marriage, 
and  kills  the  people  there  and  brings  their  intestines  to  you.  Yes- 
terday there  were  but  five  people  remaining  in  the  village  :  your 
mother,  your  two  sisters,  and  two  brothers.  He  killed  your  mother 
and  sisters  yesterday,  and  to-day  he  went  to  bring  the  intestines  of 
your  brothers.  He  is  in  love  with  another  woman  of  this  village, 
whom  he  visits  nightly  when  you  have  fallen  asleep." 

With  this  parting  shot  she  left  the  house,  leaving  the  poor  wife 
weeping  so  bitterly  that  the  kamalayka  was  hot  from  her  tears.  For 
the  rest  of  the  day  she  did  not  stir  from  the  house,  but  sat  lamenting 
and  sewing.  Towards  evening  her  little  boy  rushed  in  announcing 
the  approach  of  his  father,  which  she  generally  anticipated  with  plea- 
sure, and  always  went  down  to  the  beach  to  meet  him  ;  but  this  time 
she  neither  answered  nor  made  the  least  motion.  A  few  minutes 
later  the  little  son  came  again  saying,  "Father  is  here,"  but  all  the 
reply  he  got  was  a  new  outburst  of  weeping. 

Missing  the  usual  meeting  and  greeting  of  his  wife,  the  father 
asked  the  little  boy  where  his  mother  was,  and  when  told  of  the  state 
she  was  in,  he  hastened  to  the  house,  where  he  found  her  on  the  floor 
shedding  bitter  tears  and  sewing  the  kamalayka. 

"  Why  do  you  weep  }  has  some  one  offended  you  }  " 

"No  one  has  offended  me." 

"  Why  then  this  lamentation  }  " 

"I  was  thinking  of  my  mother,  sisters,  and  brothers,  and  my  other 
relatives  in  my  native  village,  and  I  wondered  how  they  were  getting 
along,  and  this  made  me  weep." 


Aleutian  Stories.  217 

He  did  not  attempt  to  cheer  her,  but  after  a  pause  he  said,  "  I  did 
not  kill  many  animals  to-day  —  two  only."  This  enraged  her  so  that 
she  jumped  up  from  the  floor,  picked  up  the  little  boy,  who  was  near 
her,  and  threw  him  at  him,  saying,  "  If  my  two  brothers  do  not  satisfy 
you,  take  him  also."  The  boy's  forehead  came  in  contact  with  the 
edge  of  a  sharp  knife  on  the  father's  breast,  making  quite  a  gash 
from  which  the  blood  flowed  freely.  This  the  mother  noticed  before 
escaping  out  of  the  house. 

Putting  aside  the  boy,  the  man  made  a  dash  for  the  woman,  but 
she  got  out  of  his  reach,  and  being  the  better  runner  of  the  two  he 
did  not  succeed  in  laying  hands  on  her.  She  would  let  him  come  up 
quite  close  to  her,  and  then  dash  away  again  until  he  saw  the  hope- 
lessness of  the  chase  and  gave  it  up. 

In  a  short  time  the  boy's  wound  healed,  but  it  left  a  very  notice- 
able scar.  Now  that  his  mother  was  gone,  his  father  placed  him  in 
the  care  of  his  sister,  with  instructions  that  he  should  under  no  cir- 
cumstances be  allowed  to  go  very  far  from  home.  In  this  manner 
he  passed  a  few  years  longer,  until  he  became  the  proud  possessor  of 
a  bow  and  arrows,  with  which  he  often  amused  himself.  One  day, 
while  indulging  in  his  favorite  sport,  he  began  to  wonder  why  his 
father  and  aunt  forbade  his  going  far  from  the  house ;  and  the  more 
he  thought  about  it  the  more  anxious  did  he  become  to  go,  until  he 
finally  concluded  "to  go  just  a  little  distance  beyond  that  hill  to  see 
what  is  there."  On  the  way  he  noticed  a  hillock  just  ahead  of  him, 
at  which  he  discharged  his  arrow,  then  ran  and  got  it,  aimed  at 
another  and  another,  and  became  so  absorbed  in  this  amusement 
that  he  did  not  observe  how  far  from  home  it  was  taking  him.  One 
hillock  somewhat  different  from  the  others  especially  attracted  his 
attention  as  offering  a  good  mark.  He  took  aim  and  sent  his  arrow 
flying  right  into  the  centre  of  it ;  but  what  was  his  surprise  on 
approaching  the  supposed  hillock  to  discover  that  it  was  a  barrabara, 
and  that  the  arrow  had  gone  inside  through  the  hole  in  the  top.  When 
he  peeped  in,  he  was  frightened  at  the  sight  of  a  very  wild-looking 
woman  who  stared  at  him,  and  he  began  to  cry.  "  Why  do  you  cry.?  " 
the  woman  asked.  "I  want  my  arrow."  "  Come  in  and  get  it,"  the 
woman  invited.  But  he  was  too  scared  to  do  that ;  he  however  got 
up  courage  enough  to  stick  his  foot  in,  hoping  to  draw  it  out  that 
way,  and  he  had  nearly  succeeded  when  he  heard  the  woman  move. 
At  this  he  ran  away  in  tears.  The  woman  called  him  back,  saying : 
"  Do  not  be  afraid  of  me.  I  am  your  mother.  It  is  I  who  threw 
you  at  your  father,  making  the  scar  on  your  forehead.  Come  in,  I 
will  not  harm  you."  When  he  saw  that  it  was  really  his  mother,  he 
went  to  her  and  remained  with  her  two  days.  During  that  time 
she  told  him  his  father's  wicked  deeds,  how  he  mistreated  and  neg- 


2 1 8  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

lected  her  for  another,  and  finally  wrought  on  him  so  that  he  swore 
he  would  revenge  her  wrongs.  She  bade  him  go  home,  but  attempt 
nothing  for  the  present,  and  make  no  mention  of  what  he  had  seen 
and  heard. 

During  the  boy's  absence  the  father  was  away  hunting,  but  the 
aunt  was  quite  worked  up  over  the  long  absence,  and  ran  about  the 
fields  looking  for  him.  When  he  returned  she  asked  him  all  sorts  of 
questions  as  to  his  whereabouts,  but  all  the  satisfaction  she  got  from 
him  was  that  he  had  lost  his  way  and  could  not  get  back.  She 
offered  him  food,  which  he  refused  to  touch,  and  finally  refused  to 
answer  her  when  spoken  to.  Toward  evening  of  the  same  day  his 
father  returned,  and,  when  told  that  the  boy  would  neither  eat  nor 
drink,  asked  what  was  the  matter  with  him  ;  but  for  an  answer 
the  boy  turned  his  back  on  him  and  went  to  sleep.  The  father  then 
inquired  of  the  aunt  whether  anything  unusual  had  occurred  and 
whether  the  boy  had  been  far  from  home,  and  to  all  this  she  replied 
that  all  during  his  (father's)  absence  the  boy's  life  had  gone  on  as 
ordinarily,  and  that  he  was  not  out  of  sight  of  the  house  the  whole 
time. 

As  the  boy  grew  older  he  avoided  his  father  more  and  more,  and 
when  he  reached  early  manhood  the  father  lost  control  over  him  and 
actually  feared  him.  One  day,  while  the  older  man  was  away  hunt- 
ing, the  young  man  took  his  bow  and  arrows,  some  food  and  water, 
and  set  out  to  see  his  mother.  Before  going,  he  told  his  aunt  that 
he  intended  going  quite  a  distance  from  home,  and  not  to  be,  there- 
fore, uneasy  over  his  long  absence.  He  went  to  the  place  where  he 
had  last  seen  his  mother,  and,  as  she  was  not  there,  he  wandered  on 
until  on  the  following  day  he  came  in  sight  of  some  barrabaras  and 
two  men.  They  answered  him  when  he  spoke  to  them,  but  when  he 
wished  to  enter  into  one  of  the  barrabaras  they  barred  his  way. 
While  they  were  thus  disputing,  his  mother  appeared  on  the  scene 
and  motioned  to  the  men  to  let  him  pass.  When  he  came  inside  he 
was  greatly  surprised  at  the  quantity  of  furs  that  was  lying  about  in 
great  disorder,  and  at  the  abundance  of  meats  and  other  eatables  that 
he  found  there.  He  was  certain  he  had  never  seen  anything  like 
it  before.  After  eating,  his  mother  told  him  to  spend  the  night 
there,  and  in  the  morning  take  as  many  of  the  best  furs  as  he  could 
carry  and  go  back  to  the  village  of  his  father,  in  order  to  tempt 
him  and  his  relatives  to  come  hunting  in  this  neighborhood,  which 
would  offer  an  opportunity  to  repay  him  for  what  he  had  done.  The 
boy  did  as  he  was  told,  took  with  him  a  heavy  load  of  precious  furs, 
and  started  back. 

In  his  absence,  the  mother  and  the  people  with  whom  she  was 
living  made  elaborate  and  crafty  preparations  for  the  reception  of  the 


Aleutian  Stories.  219 

expected  guests.  In  the  large  barrabara,  where  the  feasts  and  dances 
were  always  held  and  where  visitors  were  generally  received,  quanti- 
ties of  oil  were  sprinkled  about  and  covered  up  with  grass.  Along 
the  walls  seal-bladders  full  of  oil  were  concealed,  and  screened  with 
straw  mats.    And  in  this  place  the  visitors  were  to  be  received. 

The  young  man's  father  was  home  on  his  return,  and  received  the 
present  of  furs  which  his  son  made  him  with  much  pleasure,  for  the 
boy  seemed  so  kindly  disposed  that  the  father  hoped  that  his  natural 
affection  for  his  parent  had  returned.  He  inquired  the  whereabouts 
of  the  hunting  grounds  where  the  son  had  secured  these  skins,  and 
the  latter  told  him  that  it  was  not  very  far,  and  that  it  was  very  rich, 
and  that  he  planned  to  go  back  the  next  day  to  the  same  place,  and 
if  he  and  his  men  cared  to  accompany  him,  he  would  be  glad  to  show 
them  the  way.  His  offer  was  accepted,  and  the  following  morning 
a  large  party  left  the  village  for  the  hunting  ground. 

Some  of  the  people  of  the  mother's  village  had  been  on  the  look- 
out, and  when  they  saw  the  large  party  approaching,  they  changed 
themselves  into  wild  beasts,  —  bears,  wolves,  foxes,  etc.  The  hunters 
marked  them  and  shot  at  them,  but  it  had  no  other  result  than  to 
drive  the  beasts  nearer  and  nearer  to  the  village.  These  tactics  the 
men-beasts  repeated  until  the  hunters  were  decoyed  into  the  village. 
Seeing  so  many  barrabaras,  the  men  asked  the  boy  who  the  people 
were  that  lived  in  them.  "They  are  friendly  people,"  he  replied, 
"  with  whom  I  spent  the  night  the  last  time  I  was  in  this  neighbor- 
hood. To-morrow  morning  we  will  go  to  the  other  side  of  the  vil- 
lage, where  there  is  a  great  deal  of  game."  The  people  of  the  village 
greeted  them  very  cordially,  and  assigned  a  place  for  the  night  to 
each  one  of  them  ;  the  father  and  son  were  given  the  barrabara 
where  the  latter  had  been  entertained  on  his  previous  visit.  Al- 
though the  mother  was  in  the  same  room  with  them  they  were  not 
aware  of  it,  for  she  had  concealed  herself.  Everywhere  about  them 
were  scattered  the  richest  furs,  and  the  food  before  them  was  the 
choicest  and  best,  and  so  much  of  it  that  it  rather  made  the  older 
man  uneasy,  for,  though  an  old  hunter,  he  had  never  seen  anything 
like  it  before.  In  the  evening  all  the  people  of  the  village,  includ- 
ing the  guests,  went  to  the  large  dance-hall,  where  the  formal  recep- 
tion was  held  and  the  guests  entertained  as  was  customary.  One 
by  one  they  descended  through  the  hole  in  the  roof,  the  only  en- 
trance there  was.  The  interior  was  lighted  up  by  two  rows  of  stone 
lamps  filled  with  oil,  and  grass  wicks.  On  one  side  of  the  room  sat 
the  local  men,  while  the  visitors  faced  them  from  the  other ;  the 
centre  was  occupied  by  the  women,  and  on  the  two  sides  sat  seven 
or  eight  men  with  drums  in  their  hands,  on  which  they  played  and 
accompanied  their  singing.     They  would  take  turns  ;  first  the  local 


220  journal  of  American  Folk-Lore, 

men  would  sing  their  local  songs,  and  then  the  visitors  sang  theirs. 
To  this  music  the  women  danced  with  men  whom  they  invited  from 
either  side. 

Everything  moved  along  smoothly  and  joyfully  until  the  father 
recognized  his  wife  among  the  women.  She  was  dancing  and  mov- 
ing towards  him.  At  this  sight  he  turned  pale  and  looked  for  away 
to  get  out,  but  the  ladder  had  been  removed.  The  woman  moved  up 
to  him,  grasped  his  hand,  and  dragged  him  to  dance  ;  but  he  resisted. 
The  boy,  who  sat  near,  urged  him  and  pushed  him  on,  but  all  in  vain. 
Then  the  woman  began  to  sing  him  a  song  in  which  she  went  over 
all  his  misdeeds,  his  unfaithfulness,  his  cruelties,  his  falsehoods,  as 
well  as  many  of  his  other  shortcomings,  and  concluded  with  these 
words,  "  You  and  your  men  shall  never  leave  this  place  alive."  When 
she  had  said  this,  all  the  local  people,  including  the  mother  and  son, 
were  turned  into  birds  or  flying  insects  and  flew  out  through  the  hole 
in  the  roof.  The  visitors,  unable  to  follow  them,  remained  behind. 
On  the  outside  grass  and  wood  were  ignited  and  thrown  in,  which 
set  on  fire  the  grass  and  oil  inside.  Then  the  smoke  hole  was  stopped 
up  ;  and  in  this  way  all  those  who  were  inside  were  smothered  to 
death.  A  few  days  later  the  son  went  to  his  father's  village,  de- 
stroying it  as  completely  as  his  father  had  destroyed  his  mother's. 
He  spared,  however,  his  aunt,  whom  he  brought  back  with  him. 

IV.    THE    MAN    AND    \VOMAN    WHO    BECAME    SEA-OTTERS. 

This  is  also  an  Attu  story  told  to  me  by  Mrs.  Anderson.  With 
some  few  changes  it  is  told  everywhere  among  the  Aleuts,  and  runs 
as  follows  :  — 

Once  upon  a  time  there  lived  in  a  certain  village  a  married  couple ; 
and  one  day  the  husband  told  the  wife,  "  We  are  going  to  make  a 
feast,  and  we  are  going  to  invite  your  brother-in-law.  Go  and  gather 
some  herbs  and  roots,  and  then  go  to  the  beach  and  bring  some 
moss  from  the  rocks."  He  himself  went  to  get  some  seals  or  ducks. 
On  his  return  he  busied  himself  preparing  the  dishes.  This  done,  he 
sharpened  his  knives,  and  commanded  his  wife  to  call  the  expected 
guest.  She  knew  that  her  husband  was  jealous  of  her  brother-in-law 
and  planned  to  kill  him,  but  was  forbidden  by  her  husband  to  say 
anything  to  him  about  it.  She  went  and  called  him  ;  and  as  they 
were  coming  toward  the  house  she,  walking  behind,  thought  con- 
tinually of  the  fate  that  was  awaiting  him,  yet  fear  of  her  husband 
prevented  her  from  saying  anything. 

When  they  came  into  the  house  she  looked  at  the  two  men  and 
saw  how  much  the  handsomer  of  the  two  the  brother-in-law  was. 
The  husband  turned  to  the  invited  guest,  and  said :  "  I  prepared  a 
feast  for  you  ;  I  have  planned  it  for  many  years.     Come  and  cat  with 


Aleutian  Stories.  221 

me."  They  sat  down  on  the  floor,  having  the  food  before  them  in 
a  hollowed  rock.  In  the  mean  time  the  woman  was  outside,  weeping 
because  the  man  she  loved  more  than  her  husband  was  about  to  be 
killed.  The  meal  started  off  pleasantly,  but  the  husband  was  watch- 
ing his  chance,  and  once  when  the  brother-in-law  had  an  unusually 
full  mouth  and  could  not  defend  himself  he  jumped  on  him,  seized 
him  by  the  throat,  cut  his  head  off,  and  said :  "  Now  you  have  your 
feast." 

This  done  he  left  the  house  and  sat  down  among  the  rocks,  wait- 
ing to  see  what  his  wife  would  do.  She  went  in  and  picked  up  the 
head,  washed  it,  put  it  into  an  intestine  bag  finely  trimmed  with  sea- 
otter  fur,  and,  after  observing  the  whereabouts  of  her  husband,  started 
off  with  it  towards  the  cliff  near  the  house.  She  went  quite  a  dis- 
tance before  her  husband  noticed  her  and  started  in  pursuit,  calling 
to  her,  "Where  are  you  going.?"  She  answered:  "You  will  see 
which  way  I  am  going ;  you  killed  him  and  you  will  never  see  me 
again."  As  he  increased  his  speed  she  began  to  run  until  she 
reached  the  top  of  the  cliff,  from  which  she  threw  herself  into  the 
water  below.  The  husband  arrived  just  in  time  to  see  her  disappear. 
He  stood  there  watching  the  spot,  believing  her  drowned  ;  but  to  his 
great  surprise  there  emerged  two  sea-otters,  and  one  went  west  while 
the  other  went  east.  He  went  back  to  the  house,  where  he  took  his 
hunting  gear  and  his  bidarka  and  said,  "  I  will  end  their  lives  and 
mine  too."  Saying  this  he  launched  his  skin  boat,  got  into  it,,  and 
paddled  away  from  the  shore,  while  singing  to  himself  :  — 

"  I  will  end  their  life, 
And  I  will  end  mine. 
I  hear  the  birds  singing 
That  sing  in  the  spring-time, 
So  I  am  going,"  etc. 

And  he  upset  his  bidarka  and  drowned  himself. 

V.    A    SEA-OTTER    STORY. 

This  story  differs  but  little  from  the  one  before  it,  and  was  told 
me  by  an  old  Aleut  of  Belkofsky  (Alaska  Peninsula).  I  give  all  the 
versions  I  have  of  this  same  story  in  order  to  show  how  it  differs  from 
village  to  village. 

In  a  certain  place  there  lived  a  man  with  his  wife  and  nephew. 
One  day  the  man  went  away,  and  on  his  return  learned  that  the  two 
had  dishonored  him  during  his  absence.  When  he  went  away  a 
second  time  the  woman  said  to  the  boy,  "  I  will  die  when  you  die." 
On  his  return  the  man  noticed  a  number  of  sticks  (used  as  tools)  and 
asked  his  wife,  "Who  made  these  for  you  .-'"  "Your  nephew,"  she 
replied,  "made  them."   Observing  some  wooden  clamps,  he  inquired 

VOL.  xvni.  —  NO.  70.    16 


2  2  2  journal  of  A  mericaii  Folk- Lore. 

once  more,  "  Who  made  these  for  you  ?  "  Again  she  answered,  "  Youi?y 
nephew  made  them."  Then  the  man  began  to  prepare  some  roots 
for  eating,  and  when  he  had  finished  he  called  to  his  wife  and  nephew 
to  eat.  The  boy  tried  to  eat  the  food,  of  which  he  was  generally 
fond,  but  somehow  he  could  not  swallow  it.  This  was  so  funny  that 
it  made  the  man  and  woman  laugh.  The  man  then  upbraided  the 
boy  and  his  wife  with  their  criminal  conduct,  and  ended  by  cutting 
the  boy's  head  off  and  giving  it  to  the  woman.  She  turned  to  it  and 
said,  "  I  promised  that  I  would  die  with  you  and  I  will."  Putting  on 
her  parka,  she  took  the  head  and  started  for  the  bluff  close  to  the 
sea.  The  husband,  seeing  the  way  she  was  going,  started  in  pursuit, 
but  she  was  already  on  the  summit  before  he  could  come  up  to  her. 
She  waited  until  he  was  quite  close  and  then  turned  to  the  head  and 
repeated,  "I  said  I  would  die  with  you  and  I  will."  This  said,  she 
threw  herself  off  the  bluff  and  disappeared  in  the  water.  The  man 
stood  there  watching,  and  very  soon  he  saw  emerging  two  sea-otters 
who  went  out  to  sea. 

VI.    THE    BROTHER    AND    SISTER    WHO    BECAME    HAIR-SEALS. 

This  story  was  told  me  by  the  chief  of  Unga  Island. 

In  a  certairt  family  there  were  twelve  brothers  and  one  sister.  She 
lived  in  a  hut  away  from  the  rest  of  the  family.  There  were  no 
other  men  living  in  the  neighborhood,  and  so  she  was  somewhat 
surprised  when  some  man  came  to  see  her  at  night.  She  did  not 
know  who  it  was,  but  suspected  that  it  was  one  of  her  brothers,  and 
in  order  to  find  out  which  one  of  them  it  was,  she  prepared  some  red 
paint,  and  when  the  man  was  about  to  leave  she  dipped  her  hands 
into  the  paint  and  put  them  on  his  shoulders.  The  next  day,  as  all 
her  brothers  were  outside  playing,  she  went  among  them  and  de- 
tected marks  of  paint  on  the  shoulders  of  the  oldest.  Going  back 
to  her  barrabara,  she  sharpened  her  knife  and  placed  it  alongside  of 
her.  That  night,  as  usual,  the  man  came  and  slept  with  her,  but  as 
he  started  to  leave  she  threw  her  knife  at  him  and  cut  the  sinews  of 
one  of  his  legs.  The  following  morning  she  went  about  her  work  as 
customary,  when  some  one  came  to  announce  that  her  oldest  brother 
was  sick,  the  sinews  of  one  of  his  legs  being  cut. 

She  went  to  him,  got  him  out  of  bed,  and  set  off  with  him.  Their 
mother,  learning  the  state  of  affairs,  said,  "  We  reared  them  that 
they  might  be  a  help  to  us  and  work  for  us ;  but  now  they  have 
gone  and  ruined  themselves."  The  two  went  a  long  distance  until 
they  arrived  at  the  bluff,  over  which  they  threw  themselves,  and  a 
short  time  after  they  appeared  as  hair-seals. 

F.  A.  Colder. 

Cambridge,  Mass. 


Caingang  Deluge  Legend,  223 

CAINGANG   DELUGE   LEGEND.^ 

In  times  past  there  was  a  great  flood  which  submerged  all  the  land 
inhabited  by  our  ancestors.  Only  the  top  of  Mt.  Crinjijinbe  emerged 
from  the  waters.  The  Caingangs,  Cayurucres  and  Games  swam 
towards  the  mountain  carrying  in  their  mouths  burning  wood.  The 
Cayurucres  and  the  Games  became  tired  and  were  drowned,  —  their 
souls  went  to  live  in  the  centre  of  the  mountain.  The  Caingangs 
and  a  few  Curutons  (Ares)  reached  with  difficulty  the  top  of  Crinji- 
jinbe, where  they  remained,  some  on  the  ground,  and  others  (by  rea- 
son of  lack  of  space)  clinging  to  the  branches  of  trees.  There  they 
passed  several  days  without  food,  for  the  waters  did  not  subside. 

They  expected,  indeed,  to  die,  when  they  heard  the  song  of  the 
saraatra  birds,  who  came  carrying  earth  in  baskets  and  threw  it  into 
the  waters,  which  slowly  subsided.  They  cried  out  to  the  saracm-as  \.o 
make  haste,  and  the  birds  did  so,  repeating  their  song  and  asking  the 
geese  to  help  them.  In  a  short  time  they  reached  the  top  with  the 
earth,  so  that  the  Caingangs  who  were  on  the  ground  could  get  away. 
Those,  however,  who  clung  to  the  branches  of  the  trees  were  trans- 
formed into  macaques  and  the  Curutons  into  biigios.  The  saracuras 
did  their  work  on  the  side  where  the  sun  rises,  and  thus  our  waters 
all  run  to  the  west  and  flow  into  the  great  Parana. 

When  the  waters  dried  up,  the  Caingangs  established  themselves 
close  to  Crinjijinbe.  The  Cayurucres  and  Games,  whose  souls  had 
gone  to  dwell  in  the  centre  of  the  mountain,  began  to  open  roads  in 
the  interior.  After  much  labor  they  succeeded  in  getting  out  by  two 
paths.  In  the  Cayurucre  opening  broke  forth  a  beautiful  valley,  very 
level  and  without  stones,  wherefore  to  this  day  they  have  kept  their 
small  feet.  It  was  different  with  the  Games,  whose  path  opened 
through  stony  ground,  bruising  their  feet  and  causing  them  to  swell  in 
walking, — hence,  to  this  day,  they  have  kept  their  feet  large.  In 
the  path  which  they  opened  there  was  no  water,  and,  being  thirsty, 
they  had  to  beg  it  from  the  Cayurucres,  who  allowed  them  to  drink 
what  they  needed.  When  they  got  out  from  the  mountain,  they  or- 
dered the  Curutons  to  bring  the  baskets  and  gourds  which  they  had 
left  below,  but  the  latter,  through  laziness,  remained  there  and  never 
joined  the  Caingangs  again,  for  which  reason,  we,  when  we  meet 
them,  lay  hold  of  them  as  our  escaped  slaves. 

The  night  after  leaving  the  mountain  they  kindled  fire,  and  with 
ashes  and  coals  made  tigers  {ming),  and  said  to  them  :  "  Go,  eat  people 

1  This  legend  was  told  by  the  chief  Arakxd.  For  the  English  version  the 
Editor  is  responsible.  The  Portuguese  original  will  be  found  in  Rev.  do  Mus. 
Paul.,  1902. 


224  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

and  hunt."  And  the  tigers  went  about  roaring.  As  they  had  no 
more  coal  to  paint  with,  they  could  only  make  with  ashes  the  tapirs 
(pyoro),  to  which  they  said  :  "  Go,  eat  and  hunt,"  But  these  had  not 
come  out  with  perfect  ears,  and,  for  that  reason,  did  not  hear  the 
order,  and  asked  again  what  they  were  to  do.  The  Cayurucre,  busy 
making  other  animals,  said  to  them  in  an  ill  mood :  "  Go,  eat  leaves 
and  twigs  of  trees."  This  time  they  heard,  and  that  is  the  reason 
why  tapirs  eat  only  leaves,  twigs  of  trees,  and  fruits.  The  Cayurucr6 
was  making  another  animal.  The  teeth,  tongue,  and  some  nails  were 
lacking,  when  it  began  to  grow  daylight.  Since  nothing  in  the  way 
of  making  could  be  done  in  the  daytime,  he  put  into  the  animal's 
mouth,  in  haste,  a  fine  rod,  and  said :  "  Since  you  have  no  teeth,  live 
by  eating  ants."  That  is  why  the  tamandica,  or  ant-eater  {iSti),  is  an 
unfinished  and  imperfect  animal.  The  next  night  they  continued 
and  made  many  animals,  among  them  the  bees.  At  the  time  these 
animals  were  made,  the  Cayurucre  made  also  others  to  combat  them, 
e.g.  the  "American  lion,"  venomous  snakes,  wasps,  etc. 

After  these  labors,  they  set  out  to  join  the  Caingangs,  but  found 
that  the  tigers  were  bad  and  ate  many  people.  In  passing  a  deep 
river,  they  made  a  bridge  of  a  tree  trunk,  and,  when  all  had  crossed, 
the  Cayurucre  said  to  one  of  the  Cam6s  that,  when  the  tigers  were 
on  the  bridge,  he  was  to  push  it  off  so  that  they  would  fall  into  the 
water  and  be  killed.  The  Came  did  so,  but  of  the  tigers  some  fell 
in  the  water  and  dived,  and  others  leaped  on  the  bank  and  clung 
there  by  their  claws.  The  Came  wanted  to  throw  them  back  into  the 
river,  but,  when  the  tigers  roared  and  showed  their  teeth,  he  was 
seized  with  fright,  and  let  them  get  away.  This  is  why  we  have 
nowadays  tigers  on  land  and  tigers  in  the  water. 

They  reached  a  great  plain,  where  they  joined  the  Caingangs  and 
considered  how  to  marry  the  youths  and  maidens.  First  they  mar- 
ried the  Cayurucrd  to  the  Games,  (girls),  and  then,  as  there  was  a 
superfluity  of  men,  they  married  these  to  the  Caingangs  (women). 
Hence  the  Cayurucres,  Games,  and  Caingangs  are  relatives  and 
friends. 

Then  they  wanted  to  have  festivals,  but  knew  neither  how  to  sing 
nor  how  to  dance.  One  day  some  Cayurucres,  who  were  out  hunting, 
saw,  at  the  edge  of  a  clearing  in  the  wood,  by  the  trunk  of  a  great 
tree,  a  little  clear  spot.  Against  the  trunk  of  the  tree  were  some 
rods  with  leaves,  and  one  of  them  had  a  gourd  stuck  on  end.  They 
departed  and  told  the  Cayurucre  about  it.  He  made  up  his  mind 
to  go  there  the  next  day  and  verify  the  matter.  So  he  went  to  the 
clearing  cautiously  and  hid  near  the  trunk.  After  awhile  the  little 
rods  began  to  move  slowly  from  bottom  to  top  and  a  feeble  voice  be- 
gan to  sing :  Eminotim  ve,  c,  e,  e:  Andb  xb  c'a  e  vo,  a,  ha,  ha,  ha,  and 


Caingang  Deluge  Legend  225 

the  little  gourd,  with  a  cadenced  movement,  produced  this  sound  : 
Xii,  xii,  xii.  .  .  .  The  Cayurucre  approached  the  trunk,  when  sud- 
denly all  song  and  movement  of  the  rods  ceased,  but  they  contitiued 
on  the  same  trunk.  He  withdrew,  and  returned  the  next  day  with 
several  friends.  They  cautiously  approached  the  same  spot  and  saw 
and  heard  the  same  things  as  on  the  day  before.  After  the  first 
song  a  voice  sang  this  other  :  Do  carndm  coroj^,  cajianibang,  cbiyojigdd, 
emi  no  tim  give  que  matin  .  .  .  e  que  matin.  They  learned  the  song, 
approached  the  trunk,  but  saw  only  the  rods.  Then  they  brought 
them  with  them,  made  others  like  them,  and  prepared  to  have  a  great 
festival.  On  that  day  the  Cayurucre  opened  his  mouth  and  sang  the 
songs  which  he  had  heard  in  the  clearing,  making  with  the  rod  with 
the  gourd  on  it  and  with  his  body  the  movements  he  had  seen.  His 
companions  imitated  him,  and  this  is  why  we  learn  to  sing  and  dance 
without  knowing  who  is  the  teacher. 

After  some  time  the  Cayurucr6  met  on  the  road  a  mirim  ant-eater 
{kakrekin)  and  lifted  his  stick  to  kill  him.  The  ant-eater  began  to 
dance  and  to  sing  the  songs  heard  in  the  clearing.  Then  the  Cayu- 
rucre knew  that  this  was  his  dancing-teacher.  The  ant-eater  asked 
for  his  stick,  and  after  having  danced  with  it,  gave  it  back  and  said 
to  him  :  "  The  child  that  your  wife  has  within  her  womb  is  man,  and 
let  this  be  established  between  us,  that  when  you  or  yours  meet  me 
and  mine  and  give  their  sticks  and  would  fain  dance  with  them,  it  is 
a  sign  that  your  wives  will  give  birth  to  male  children.  If  they  would 
leave  without  dancing,  the  children  will  be  girls."  The  Cayurucre 
returned  much  pleased,  and  we,  when  we  meet  the  mirim  ant-eater, 
always  renew  this  experience,  which  almost  always  gives  certain  re- 
sults. The  mirim  ant-eater  knows  many  other  things  we  are  igno- 
rant of,  and  we  think  that  they  are  the  first  people  who  through 
magic  took  on  the  form  which  they  now  have. 

Telemaco  M.  Borba. 

Note.  This  legend  of  the  Caingang  Indians  of  the  Province  of  S.  Paulo,  Brazil, 
is  interesting,  apart  from  the  immediate  question  of  the  deluge,  by  reason  of  the 
number  of  other  things  for  which  it  endeavors  to  account :  Westward  course  of 
streams  of  the  country,  origin  of  monkeys,  small  feet  of  Cayurucr^s  and  large  feet 
of  Cam^s,  origin  of  tigers  and  tapirs  and  their  food-habits,  ant-eaters,  imperfections, 
origin  of  song  and  dance,  foreknowledge  of  sex  of  children,  etc.  —  Editor. 


226  jfournal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 


CADDO  CUSTOMS  OF  CHILDHOOD. 

The  following  brief  and  imperfect  notes  on  Caddo  customs  of 
childhood  were  obtained  from  an  old  man  named  White-Bread. 

The  lodge  is  always  placed  so  that  it  faces  the  east.  This  is  done 
that  the  sun,  as  it  arises  out  of  the  east  to  shine  upon  another  day 
and  bless  all  things,  may  bless  the  inmates  of  the  lodge.  When  a 
child  is  born  it  is  carried  to  the  door  of  the  lodge  and  held  there  as 
the  sun  rises  that  it  may  see  the  child  and  bless  it.  Then,  if  the 
child  be  a  boy,  the  father  places  a  tiny  bow  and  arrow  in  his  hands 
that  it  may  grow  to  a  good  hunter  and  ward  off  dangers.  Before  the 
child  is  born  a  bright  fire  is  kindled  and  kept  burning  for  ten  days 
and  nights  after  the  birth  to  keep  away  evil.  There  is  a  great  animal 
with  wings  who  eats  human  beings,  especially  babies,  but  the  animal 
cannot  come  near  the  light.  A  greater  monster  than  this  is  the  can- 
nibal person.  In  every  tribe  there  are  some  of  these  wicked  people. 
They  look  like  any  one  else,  but  at  night,  when  it  is  dark,  they  set 
forth  and  steal  human  children  to  eat.  Like  the  animal  who  eats 
human  beings,  they  cannot  go  near  the  light,  and  so  people  keep  the 
fire  kindled  to  frighten  them  away.  Then,  too,  the  fire  is  related  to 
the  sun,  because  it  gives  heat  and  light,  and  so  it  gives  a  blessing  to 
the  child. 

At  the  end  of  the  tenth  day  the  mother  and  father  carry  the  child  to 
the  river,  and  all  bathe.  After  that  the  fire  is  allowed  to  smoulder,  but 
it  is  not  put  out  entirely  until  after  the  child  is  two  years  old.  From 
that  time  until  the  child  is  eight  or  ten  it  is  allowed  to  play  and  grow 
in  its  own  way.  Then  the  grandmother,  or  some  old  person,  calls  the 
child  into  the  lodge  and,  telling  it  to  sit  still  and  behave,  she  teaches 
it.  If  the  child  is  a  boy,  she  tells  him  how  to  take  care  of  himself  so 
that  he  will  grow  up  to  be  a  strong  man.  She  tells  him  how  to  act 
that  he  will  gain  the  good  will  of  the  tribe,  and  she  tells  him  stories 
about  boys  who  would  not  listen  to  the  teachings  of  their  grand- 
mothers, and  the  trouble  that  they  caused  when  they  grew  to  be  men. 
And  she  tells  him  about  boys  who  have  listened  to  their  grandmothers, 
and  how  they  grew  up  to  be  great  and  wonderful  men.  Then  she 
tells  the  boy  to  go  to  the  river  every  morning  to  swim  and  bathe,  no 
matter  how  cold  the  water  is.  He  is  taught  to  say  this  prayer  to  the 
water  :  "  Grandfather,  make  me  strong  to  endure  all  things,  that  heat 
and  cold,  rain  and  snow  may  be  as  nothing  to  my  body."  As  he  re- 
turns to  the  lodge  he  is  taught  to  pick  up  a  stick  and  carry  it  to  the 
fire,  saying :  "  Grandfather,  help  me  to  live  and  become  a  good  man, 
and  to  help  others  to  live."     To  the  rising  sun  he  is  taught  to  pray : 


Caddo  Customs  of  Childhood,  227 

"  Grandfather,  protect  me,  keep  me  from  dangers  and  give  me  a  long 
life  and  success." 

At  another  time  the  boy  is  taught  that  there  are  many  bad  and 
dangerous  places  on  the  road  leading  to  the  spirit-land,  and  that  he 
will  be  caught  in  some  of  these  places  if  he  does  not  heed  what  is 
taught  him.  She  says,  "  There  are  six  bad  places  on  the  way  to  the 
spirit-land.  The  first  place  is  where  the  dogs  stay.  If  you  whip  or 
mistreat  or  kill  a  dog,  the  dog,  when  it  dies,  goes  to  its  people  and 
tells  what  you  have  done.  When  you  die,  you  have  to  pass  the  place 
of  the  dogs,  and  the  chief  of  the  dogs  goes  and  sits  by  the  road  and 
waits  for  you.  When  you  come  he  tells  you  to  look  for  fieas  on  his 
head,  and  when  you  find  one  he  tells  you  to  bite  it.  When  you  bite  it, 
you  become  a  dog.  Then  he  takes  you  to  where  the  dogs  stay,  and 
there  they  mistreat  you  as  you  mistreated  them  on  earth.  They 
keep  you  there  and  never  let  you  get  away,  so  that  you  cannot 
continue  your  journey.  For  this  reason  we  place  a  bead  on  the  little 
finger  of  a  dead  person,  so  that  he  may  bite  it  instead  of  the  flea  and 
so  fool  the  dog  and  escape  him.  Along  the  road  there  is  another 
place  where  you  hear  some  one  calling  you.  If  you  form  the  habit 
during  life  of  standing  about  talking  about  people,  you  will  turn  your 
head  and  wait  for  the  person  who  is  calling.  Then  you  will  stand 
and  say  mean  things  about  some  one  until  you  forget  that  you  are 
going  on  a  journey  and  become  a  tree  by  the  roadside.  If  you  learn 
to  go  through  life  attending  to  your  own  affairs,  you  will  not  pay  any 
attention  to  the  voice,  but  go  straight  ahead.  Soon  you  will  come 
to  a  place  where  there  are  two  large  rocks  pounding  each  other.  You 
will  have  to  pass  between  these  rocks.  If  you  listen  well  to  all  that 
you  are  told,  and  remember  that  you  were  told  about  the  rocks,  you 
can  pass  through.  If  you  forget  what  you  have  been  told,  you  will 
be  crushed  by  the  pounding  rocks.  Next  you  will  come  to  a  stream 
of  water  that  looks  very  small ;  but  it  is  not  small,  for  the  banks 
stretch  away,  and  it  becomes  a  great  river.  If  you  are  quick  to  do 
all  that  you  are  told  in  this  world,  you  will  reach  the  stream  when 
the  banks  are  close  together  and  you  can  jump  across  ;  but  if  you  are 
slow  to  do  what  you  have  to  do  on  this  earth,  you  will  reach  the  river 
after  the  banks  have  spread  and  you  will  be  too  late  to  jump  across, 
but  will  fall  into  the  water  and  become  a  fish.  As  you  journey  on 
the  other  side  of  the  river,  should  you  get  across,  you  will  come  to 
persimmon-trees.  If  in  this  world  you  want  everything  you  see  and 
always  try  to  get  things  that  you  do  not  need,  just  because  some  one 
else  has  them,  you  will  stop  under  a  tree  to  gather  persimmons.  Then 
you  will  wander  to  the  next  tree  and  the  next,  until  you  lose  your 
way  and  forget  that  you  are  on  a  journey.  Then  you  will  become  a 
raccoon  and  live  forever  among  the  trees.    Should  you  escape  the  per- 


228  Journal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 

simmon-trees,  you  will  soon  meet  a  person  along  the  road.  He  will 
ask  you  to  help  him  to  do  some  work.  If  you  are  forgetful  in  life 
and  begin  one  thing  and  do  not  finish  it,  but  go  off  about  something 
else,  you  will  forget  that  you  are  on  a  journey  and  you  will  stop  and 
help  this  man.  You  will  work  until  you  are  nothing  but  skin  and 
bone.  Then  you  will  die,  but  you  will  soon  come  to  life  only  to  work 
yourself  to  death  again.  Then  you  will  come  to  life  again,  and  so  on. 
There  is  no  end.  This  is  the  last  danger  that  you  meet  on  the 
way." 

After  the  boy  has  been  taught  about  all  the  dangers  that  beset  him 
on  the  way,  and  entreated  to  follow  closely  the  teaching  of  his  elders 
that  he  may  escape  those  evils,  he  is  taught  what  is  in  store  for  him 
when  at  last  he  reaches  the  end  of  his  journey.  All  this  is  done  to 
encourage  him  to  lead  a  good  life  and  grow  up  to  be  a  good  man. 

George  A.  Dorsey. 


Superstitions  from  Louisiana,  229 

SUPERSTITIONS   FROM   LOUISIANA. 

The  following  items  of  superstition  have  been  obtained  from  negro 
informants ;  they  include,  as  will  be  observed,  many  which  are  uni- 
versal among  white  people  also,  and  have  been  recorded  in  collec- 
tions :  — 

1.  If  one  plants  a  cedar-tree,  he  will  die  when  the  tree  is  large 
enough  to  shade  a  grave. 

2.  To  sweep  out  a  room  after  dark  will  cause  some  of  the  family 
to  leave  home. 

3.  If  a  child  sweeps  the  floor,  a  stranger  will  come. 

4.  If  a  garment  is  cut  on  Friday,  it  must  be  finished  the  same  day 
or  its  owner  will  not  live  to  wear  it  out. 

5.  It  is  bad  luck  to  start  on  a  journey  or  to  make  a  move  on 
Friday. 

6.  It  is  bad  luck  to  move  a  cat. 

7.  It  is  good  luck  to  put  on  a  garment,  accidentally,  wrong  side 
out. 

8.  To  find  a  pin  with  the  point  towards  you  gives  good  luck  :  the 
other  way,  bad  luck. 

9.  If  friends  use  the  same  towel  at  once,  their  friendship  will  be 
broken. 

10.  "Wash  together,  friends  forever." 

11.  If  a  bird  puts  one's  hair  in  her  nest,  that  person  will  suffer 
from  headache  while  the  bird  is  sitting. 

12.  If  one  feels  a  breath  of  warm  air,  it  comes  from  a  ghost.  Turn 
the  pocket  wrong  side  out  and  the  spirit  does  no  harm. 

13.  A  rooster's  crowing  at  the  front  door  brings  company. 

14.  Breaking  a  mirror  means  seven  years'  bad  luck. 

15.  If  a  girl  spills  dish-water,  she  will  lose  her  sweetheart. 

16.  If  a  baby  is  allowed  to  look  in  a  mirror,  it  will  be  cross-eyed. 

17.  If  an  empty  cradle  is  rocked,  the  baby  will  die. 

18.  Rocking  an  empty  chair  will  cause  a  death  in  the  family. 

19.  If  one  sleeps  with  his  head  to  the  foot  of  the  bed,  he  will  soon 
be  carried  from  the  house  feet  foremost. 

20.  If  a  screech-owl  is  heard  near  the  house  of  a  sick  person,  it  is 
a  sure  sign  of  death. 

21.  If  a  cow  is  milked  on  the  ground,  she  will  go  dry. 

22.  It  is  bad  luck  to  pass  through  the  house  with  a  bucket  of 
water  on  the  head. 

23.  If,  when  going  from  home,  one  hears  an  owl  hoot,  he  must  go 
back,  or  evil  will  befall  him. 


230  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

24.  If  a  rabbit  crosses  the  road  in  front  of  one,  he  must  walk 
backward  beyond  the  place  where  the  rabbit  crossed. 

25.  If  one  has  to  turn  back  after  starting,  he  must  make  a  cross 
mark  to  prevent  bad  luck. 

26.  If  the  nose  itches,  company  is  coming,  and  sneezing  before 
breakfast  means  the  same  thing. 

27.  Telling  a  dream  before  breakfast  makes  it  come  true. 

28.  Drop  a  dish-rag,  and  some  one  will  come  home  hungry. 

29.  Spilling  salt  will  bring  a  family  quarrel,  unless  some  of  the  salt 
is  burned. 

30.  If  the  right  eye  twitches,  it  means  laughter  ;  the  left,  tears 

31.  If  the  right  palm  itches,  one  shakes  hands  with  a  friend;  the 
left,  with  a  stranger. 

32.  Transplanting  parsley  will  cause  the  death  of  one's  children. 

33.  If  one  sprinkles  mustard  seed  round  his  bed,  he  will  not  be 
troubled  by  witches. 

34.  Any  one  who  refuses  to  step  over  a  broom  is  a  witch. 

35.  It  is  bad  luck  to  move  a  broom  from  one  house  to  another  un- 
less the  end  is  sawed  off. 

George  Williamson. 
Grand  Cane,  La. 


Record  of  A merica n  Folk-L ore,  231 

RECORD  OF  AMERICAN  FOLK-LORE. 

NORTH   AMERICA. 

Algonkian.  General.  To  the  "  Proceedings  of  the  Thirteenth 
Session  of  the  International  Congress  of  Americanists,"  New  York, 
1902  (Easton,  Pa.,  1905),  Dr.  A.  F.  Chamberlain  contributes  (pp. 
5-8)  a  brief  paper  on  "The  Algonkian  Linguistic  Stock,"  pointing 
out  its  importance  for  the  student  of  the  Indian.  —  Cheyenne.  In  the 
same  volume  (pp.  135-146),  Mr.  George  B.  Grinnell  has  a  valuable 
article  on  the  "  Social  Organization  of  the  Cheyennes,"  in  which  he 
describes  briefly  the  clan  system  of  this  people,  consisting  of  eleven 
and  perhaps  fourteen  gentes.  In  olden  times  "the  rule  forbidding 
marriage  within  the  clan  was  absolute,  and  not  to  be  violated,"  De- 
scent was  in  the  mother's  line.  The  children  of  a  foreign  woman  be- 
long to  the  father's  clan ;  a  captive  woman  to  the  clan  of  the  husband 
she  takes.  Captive  boys  who  marry  Cheyenne  girls  belong  to  the 
wife's  clan.  Each  clan  had  its  special  tabus,  ceremonies,  medicines, 
etc.  The  Suh'-tai  section  of  the  Cheyenne  are,  perhaps,  recent  mi- 
grants from  the  north,  —  the  other  section  is  the  Tsistsis'tas,  some- 
times called  "  Sand-hill  People."  The  Cheyennes  used  to  say  that 
the  Suh'-tai  were  Crees.  A  few  notes  on  the  Suh'-tai  language  are 
given  (pp.  142,  143),  —  it  is  harsh  and  guttural.  The  readiness  with 
which  nicknames  grow  up  (p.  144)  will  interest  the  "nickname" 
school  of  totemism.  The  young  people  have  little  or  no  knowledge 
of  the  things  of  ancient  times.  —  In  the  "  American  Anthropologist " 
(n.  s.  vol.  vii.  pp.  37-43)  Mr.  Grinnell  describes  "Some  Cheyenne 
Plant  Medicines."  Seventeen  species  of  plants  and  two  dyes  are 
recorded,  but  this  by  no  means  includes  all  the  Cheyenne  remedies. 
Among  the  plant  medicines  are  Balsamorrlnsa  sagittata,  Mentha 
Canadensis,  Arctostaphylos  nva-iirsi,  Acorns  calamus,  Anaphalis  mar- 
garitacea.  Among  the  diseases  prescribed  for  are  stomach  and  head 
troubles,  vomiting,  nose-bleed,  bowel-cramps,  sores,  fever,  plant- 
poisoning,  paralysis,  sore  throat,  etc.  Herb-healing  "  is  practised  by 
men  and  women  alike."  Medicine-bundles  are  carried  about  the  per- 
son.—  Ojibwa.  In  the  same  journal  (pp.  69-73)  D.  I.  Bushnell,  Jr., 
writes  of  "An  Ojibway  Ceremony,"  describing  the  dances  and  other 
ceremonials  in  connection  with  "a  reunion  of  the  Kingfisher  people  " 
at  Basswood  Lake  on  the  international  boundary,  in  October,  1899. 
A  chippee::ung  (or  "  apron  ")  was  a  prominent  object  in  these  rites.  A 
feast  of  moose  meat  and  rice  and  blueberry  stew  followed.  The  in- 
terior of  the  largest  wigwam  is  described  ;  also  the  drum,  its  covering 
and  their  symbolism,  etc.  —  Textile  Fabrics.  To  the  same  journal 
(pp.  85-93)  Dr.  C.  C.  Willoughby  contributes  an  article  on  "Textile 


232  Jour^ial  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

Fabrics  of  the  New  England  Indians,"  in  which  the  conclusion  is 
reached:  "The  textile  products  of  the  New  England  Indians  were  of 
a  relatively  high  order;  baskets,  bags,  matting,  and  twined  woven 
cloth  were  made  of  a  quality  probably  not  excelled  by  any  of  the  Al- 
gonquians,  and,  so  far  as  we  can  judge  by  existing  examples,  it  is 
doubtful  if  embroidered  cloth  of  any  North  American  tribe  exceeded 
in  workmanship  or  artistic  merit  that  produced  by  the  natives  of  New 
England  and  their  neighboring  kindred."  Beautiful  garments  were 
made  of  the  iridescent  feathers  of  the  wild  turkey,  —  usually  the  work 
of  old  men,  but  sometimes  made  by  women  for  their  children,  — 
Mohican.  In  the  same  journal  (pp.  74-84)  Professor  J.  Dyneley  Prince 
has  an  article  on  "A  Tale  in  the  Hudson  River  Indian  Language." 
Phonetic  text,  English  translation,  and  word-analysis  are  given  of  a 
tale  of  adventure  and  murder  {a  woman  is  the  chief  —  passive  — 
figure)  obtained  from  the  Mohicans  now  resident  on  the  so-called 
Stockbridge  Reservation  at  Red  Springs,  Wisconsin.  The  relations 
between  Mohican  and  Munsee  are  "  about  the  same  in  degree  as  those 
which  exist  between  Dutch  and  High  German."  In  this  text,  accord- 
ing to  Professor  Prince,  "  we  probably  have  the  last  specimen  of  the 
tongue  which  was  heard  for  centuries  in  the  neighborhood  of  New 
York  city  and  along  the  banks  of  the  great  Maikaneti'ik,  or  '  Mohican 
river,'  as  the  aboriginal  inhabitants  called  the  great  Hudson." 

Athapascan,  Navaho.  In  the  "  Proceedings  of  the  Interna- 
tional Congress  of  Americanists,"  Thirteenth  Session,  N.  Y.,  1902 
(Easton,  Pa.,  1905),  Mr.  Alfred  M.  Tozzer  writes  about  "A  Navajo 
Sand  Picture  of  the  Rain  Gods  and  its  Attendant  Ceremony  "  (pp. 
147-156),  describing  with  some  detail  the  making  a  sand-picture  in 
Chaco  Canon,  New  Mexico,  in  1901,  in  connection  with  the  ceremony 
known  as  the  "Night  Chant,"  "held  primarily  to  cure  two  Navajo 
Indians,"  both  suffering  from  violations  of  tribal  law.  The  actual 
painting  of  the  picture  took  about  six  hours.  The  strictness  with 
which  these  pictures  are  traditionally  transmitted  is  shown  by  Mr. 
Tozzer's  statement :  "  Mr.  Matthews  collected  the  material  for  his 
memoir  twenty  years  ago,  and  still  the  sand-picture  which  he  calls 
'  the  gods  with  the  fringe  mouths,'  and  which  came  on  the  eighth  day 
of  the  ceremony,  is  the  identical  picture,  even  in  many  minor  details, 
which  was  made  on  the  eighth  day  of  the  ceremony  which  I  wit- 
nessed twenty  years  after  and  a  hundred  miles  east  of  where  he 
worked."  The  star-lore  of  the  Navaho,  in  connection  with  these 
ceremonies,  is  of  considerable  interest  —  the  grouping  is  indicated 
by  the  holes  in  the  gourd  rattle. 

Caddoan.  In  the  "  Proceedings  of  the  International  Congress 
of  Americanists,"  Thirteenth  Session,  N.  Y.,  1902  (Easton,  Pa.,  1905), 
Dr.  Geo.  A.  Dorsey  has  an  article  (pp.  67-74)  on  "  One  of  the  Sa- 


Record  of  American  Folk-Lore.  233 

cred  Altars  of  the  Pawnee."  The  ceremony  described  is  that  of  the 
"skull  bundle"  altar,  held  in  the  spring  through  the  desire  of  some 
woman  of  the  tribe,  who  has  had  a  dream,  had  Tirawa  speak  to  her, 
or  has  "  had  it  in  her  heart "  to  give  it.  Besides  the  more  or  less 
public  rites  there  is  a  secret  performance,  confined  to  one  or  two  men. 
At  a  certain  point  the  "  owner  "  of  the  altar  "  makes  a  speech  and 
says  they  are  ready  to  begin,  and  virtually  turns  the  ceremony  over 
to  the  priests,"  —  these  act  now  for  him,  and  "  the  owner  has  no  longer 
control  of  the  ceremony."  The  whole  ceremony  "prepares  the  fields 
for  the  planting  of  the  corn."  After  the  ceremony  comes  the  plant- 
ing, and  while  the  corn  is  growing  comes  the  buffalo-hunt,  the  success 
of  which  proves  the  favor  of  Tirawa.  Dr.  Dorsey  observes  concern- 
ing the  rather  high  idea  of  a  "great  spirit"  found  among  these  In- 
dians :  "  That  the  Pawnee  obtained  any  of  their  ideas  concerning 
Tirawa,  or,  in  fact,  concerning  any  forms  of  their  religion  from  the 
whites,  I  do  not  for  a  moment  believe."  Within  the  last  three  or 
four  years  the  altar  ceremonies,  which  have  been  largely  given  up 
since  the  Pawnee  left  Nebraska  for  Oklahoma,  have  been  revived, 
and  "  I  think  they  are  themselves  surprised  at  the  amount  of  know- 
ledge which  they  retain  of  the  old  rituals." 

Eskimo.  In  the  "  Proceedings  of  the  International  Congress  of 
Americanists,"  Thirteenth  Session,  N.  Y.,  1902  (Easton,  Pa.,  1905), 
Mme.  Signe  Rink  publishes  (pp.  279-304)  "A  Comparative  Study 
of  Two  Indian  and  Eskimo  Legends."  The  tales  compared,  of, 
which  texts  are  given,  are  :  "  The  Jelch  Legend  "  of  the  Haidas  and 
the  Greenlandic  tale  of  "  Ernisuitsok,  or  the  Barren  Wife,"  "  Scan- 
nagan  nuncus.  Legend  of  the  Fin-back  Whale  Crest  of  the  Haidas," 
and  the  Greenlandic  tale  of  "  Kagsagsuk,  the  Orphan."  The  author 
concludes  that  "the  Greenlandic  ones  are  the  versions  or  copies  and 
not  the  reverse,"  also,  that  "both  of  the  stories  treated  here  have 
been  appropriated  by  the  Eskimo  on  the  American  coast  between 
California  or  Vancouver  Island  and  the  Aleutian  chain." 

Haidan  (Skittagetan).  In  the  "Proceedings  of  the  International 
Congress  of  Americanists,"  Thirteenth  Session,  N.  Y.,  1902  (Easton, 
Pa.,  1905),  Dr.  John  R.  Swanton  has  an  article  (pp.  328-334)  on  the 
"  Social  Organization  of  the  Haida."  The  essential  points  were 
"the  division  into  two  great  exogamous  clans  (Raven  and  Eagle),  a 
division  reflecting  itself  in  the  terms  of  relationship,"  and  the  organ- 
ization of  each  house  under  one  house-chief,  —  "  the  organization  of 
families  and  towns  was  simply  a  larger  application  of  that  of  each 
household."  A  rigid  distinction  between  the  mother's  and  father's 
sides  existed,  — "  theoretically  they  could  not  have  the  same  personal, 
house,  or  canoe  names,  or  wear  the  same  crests,  and  only  in  a  very 
few  cases  was  this  rule  infringed."     Moreover,  "a  man  was  initiated 


234  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

into  the  secret  society  by  his  opposites,  and  when  he  died  they  con- 
ducted the  funeral."  Husband  and  wife  were  never  buried  together, 
—  Ravens  lay  with  Ravens,  Eagles  with  Eagles,  Sometimes,  even, 
the  wife  "  betrayed  her  husband  into  the  hands  of  her  own  people 
when  they  were  at  war  with  his  family."  The  Haida,  however,  "  had 
no  such  thing  as  a  clan  government  or  clan  ownership.  Each  Haida 
household  was  complete  in  itself,  and  "  all  it  required  was  a  name 
and  a  certain  amount  of  isolation  to  develop  into  an  entirely  inde- 
pendent family,  and  there  was  a  constant  tendency  in  that  direction." 
The  chiefs  power  rested  mainly  on  the  amount  of  his  property,  and 
often  very  largely  with  himself.  The  order  maintained  by  war-parties 
is  noteworthy.  —  In  the  "American  Anthropologist"  (vol.  vii.  n.  s. 
pp.  94-103)  Dr.  Swanton  writes  of  "  Types  of  Haida  and  Tlingit 
Myths."  The  article  is  based  on  the  observation  of  more  than  250 
stories  of  the  Haida  and  Tlingit  Indians  of  the  North  Pacific  coast. 
The  plots  of  36  of  these  tales  are  briefly  indicated.  Borrowing  has 
taken  place  both  ways.  In  the  case  of  the  legend  of  the  brothers 
who  travelled  about  overcoming  monsters,  the  story  has  been  trans- 
mitted from  the  Tlingit  to  the  Haida  without  losing  its  Tlingit  names 
and  atmosphere."  The  conventional  expressions  or  "  mythic  for- 
mulae "  differ  with  these  two  stocks  (a  number  of  examples  of  such 
are  given).  In  Haida  four  "is  nearly  always  the  story  or  mystic 
number;  two  appears  quite  as  often  in  Tlingit." 

KoLUSCHAN.  In  the  "American  Anthropologist"  (n.  s.  vol.  vii. 
p.  172)  Dr.  J.  R.  Swanton  has  a  brief  note  on  the  "Tlingit  Method 
of  Catching  Herring-eggs."  During  the  herring  run  "hemlock 
boughs  were  fastened  together  and  laid  down  in  rows  for  the  fish  to 
spawn  upon."  —  In  the  same  journal  Dr.  Swanton  discusses  (pp. 
94-103)  "Types  of  Haida  and  Tlingit  Myths."     See  Haidan. 

Pueblos,  In  the  "  Proceedings  of  the  International  Congress  of 
Americanists,"  Thirteenth  Session,  N.  Y.,  1902  (Easton,  Pa.,  1905), 
Professor  William  P.  Blake  discusses  (pp.  203,  204)  "  The  Racial 
Unity  of  the  Historic  and  Prehistoric  Aboriginal  People  of  Arizona 
and  New  Mexico."  Among  the  points  emphasized  are  :  Unity  of 
architecture,  similarity  of  pottery,  unity  of  decorative  art,  general 
use  oi  cJialcJiiJiiiitl.  —  In  the  same  volume  (pp.  107-130)  Mr.  George 
H.  Pepper  discusses  in  detail  "The  Throwing-stick  of  a  Prehistoric 
People  of  the  Southwest," — a  weapon  "used  in  the  southwestern 
part  of  the  United  States,  probably  before  the  advent  of  the  cliff- 
dwellers."  The  nearest  relative,  outside  this  region,  is  in  the  Jalisco 
country  (Mexico).  The  fetish  of  the  ceremonial  throwing-stick,  or 
atlatl,  was  the  snake.  Ceremonial  usages  are  connected  with  this 
weapon,  wherever  it  is  found. 

SiouAN.    In  the  "  Proceedings  of  the  International  Congress  of 


Record  of  A merican  Folk-L ore.  i2  3  5 

Americanists,"  Thirteenth  Session,  N,  Y.,  1902  (Easton,  Pa.,  1905), 
Dr.  Clark  Wissler  has  an  article  on  "  Symbolism  in  the  Decorative 
Art  of  the  Sioux"  (pp.  339-345),  treating  chiefly  of  moccasin-de- 
signs, primarily  the  art  of  women.  Dr.  Wissler's  monograph  on 
this  subject  has  already  been  noticed  in  this  Journal. 

Southern  United  States.  In  the  "Proceedings  of  the  Interna- 
tional Congress  of  Americanists,"  Thirteenth  Session,  N.  Y.,  1902 
(Easton,  Pa.,  1905),  Mr.  Clarence  B.  Moore  writes  of  "Archaeologi- 
cal Research  in  the  Southern  United  States  "  (pp.  27-40),  resumeing 
the  result  of  his  investigations  during  the  last  eleven  years, — the 
full  details  having  appeared  in  the  author's  monographs  in  the  "Jour- 
nal of  the  Academy  of  Natural  Sciences,"  Philadelphia,  vols,  ix.-xii. 
The  most  recent  work  was  done  on  the  northwest  Florida  coast, 
where  urn-burial  occurs,  although  not  in  the  peninsular  part  of  the 
State.  In  the  latter  region  "bunched  burial"  is  most  prevalent. 
The  muck  deposits  of  the  southwest  Florida  coast  yield  little.  The 
mounds  of  the  peninsular  area  contain  many  copper  objects,  — 
native  copper  from  Lake  Superior,  probably.  The  majority  of  the 
mounds  investigated  "  date  from  a  period  anterior  to  the  coming  of 
Europeans."  The  shell-heaps  "were  dumping  places  for  refuse." 
The  makers  of  some  of  the  St.  John's  shell-heaps  had  no  earthenware. 

YuMAN.  DicgHcTws.  In  the  "  Proceedings  of  the  International 
Congress  of  Americanists,"  Thirteenth  Session,  N.  Y.,  1902  (Easton, 
Pa.,  1905),  Miss  C.  G.  Du  Bois  has  an  article  on  "The  Mythology  of 
the  Dieguenos,  Mission  Indians  of  San  Diego  County,  California,  as 
proving  their  status  to  be  higher  than  is  generally  believed  "  (pp. 
101-106),  giving  extracts  from  a  version  of  the  story  of  Chaup,  "the 
embodied  principle  of  the  great  meteors  of  the  crystalline  California 
sky."  The  Dieguenos  "were  star-gazers,  perhaps,  beyond  other 
Indians."     The  story  was  originally  related  in  a  nine-hour  recital. 

MEXICO. 

AzTECAN  (Nahuatlan).  In  "Globus"  (vol.  Ixxxvii.  1905,  pp. 
110-112),  Dr.  Eduard  Seler  writes  briefly  of  "  Mischformen  mexi- 
kanischer  Gottheiten."  Examples  are  given  of  the  "mixed  forms" 
of  deities,  embodying  in  one  person  different  qualities,  not  agreeing 
with  the  priestly  redaction  of  the  to7ialamatl  era.  Tepeyollotli,  Xipe, 
and  Ouetzalcoatl  are  some  of  the  gods  thus  treated.  —  In  the  same 
journal  (pp.  136-140),  Dr.  K.  Th.  Preuss  discusses  "Der  Kampf  der 
Sonne  mit  den  Sternen  in  Mexico."  The  author  considers  that  the 
unitary  idea  in  the  evolution  of  ancient  Mexican  religion  has  been  "  the 
combat  of  the  sun  with  the  stars."  All  the  deities  are  conceived  of 
as  having  come  as  stars  from  heaven.  The  sun  fights  with  the  stars, 
and  the  conquered  are  offered  up  in  sacrifice.     Star-swallowing  is 


236  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

necessary  for  the  well-being  of  the  sun.  There  is  a  complete  parallel 
between  heavenly  and  earthly  processes.  The  influence  of  the  star 
idea  on  ceremonies,  etc.,  is  noted.  —  In  the  "Proceedings  of  the 
International  Congress  of  Americanists,"  Thirteenth  Session,  N.  Y., 
1902  (Easton,  Pa.,  1905),  Walter  Lehmann  discusses  at  some  length 
(pp.  249-264)  "Tomoanchan  und  andere  Bezeichungen  des  Westens 
zur  Erde  in  der  mexikanischen  Etymologic."  Among  the  terms 
studied  are  those  for  sunset,  night,  earth,  west,  maize,  dawn,  ball-play, 
coitjis,  etc.  The  earth,  and  particularly  the  west,  where  daily  the 
sun  vanished,  made  a  great  impression  upon  the  ancient  Mexicans. 
The  west  is  the  prototype  of  the  earth.  Tojnoanchan  is  the  paradise 
of  the  west,  and,  at  the  same  time,  the  name  of  the  mythic  home  of 
the  undivided  Mexican  people.  —  In  the  same  volume  (pp.  265-268) 
Miss  Adela  Breton  writes  about  "  Some  Obsidian  Workings  in 
Mexico,"  treating  of  several  in  the  states  of  Hidalgo,  Michoacan,  and 
Jalisco.  Near  Tulancingo  are  "some  small  shady  caves,  to  which 
the  workers  brought  their  roughly-shaped  pieces  to  finish."  Out  of 
"cores"  the  Mexicans  made  burial  objects.  —  In  the  same  volume 
(pp.  213-216)  H.  Newell  Wardle  discusses  "Certain  Clay  Figures  of 
Teotihuacan."  The  author  concludes  that  "the  jointed  clay  images 
from  Teotihuacan  are  not  foundations  for  mummy-bundles,  but  prob- 
ably representatives  of  the  goddess  Cinteotl,  such  as  were  hung 
across  the  fields  to  watch  over  the  young  seed  and  aid  its  growth." 
Also,  "with  arms  and  legs  rattling  in  the  breeze,  they  served  inci- 
dentally as  scarecrows."  —  In  the  same  volume  (pp.  171-174)  Dr. 
Eduard  Seler  has  a  brief  article  "  On  Ancient  Mexican  Religious 
Poetry,"  in  which  he  gives  the  native  text  and  a  translation  of  a 
song  to  the  god  Xipe,  —  the  real  content  of  the  song  is  sowing  and 
harvesting.  This  is  "  the  song  of  the  terrible  god  of  the  festival  of 
flaying  men,  of  the  god  of  the  Sacrificio  gladiatorio.  It  is  one 
of  the  chants  found  in  Sahagun,  and,  previously  to  Seler,  edited  by 
Brinton  in  his  "  Rig-veda  Americanus."  Says  Dr.  Seler  in  conclu- 
sion :  "  It  affords  a  strong  argument  that  the  religious  sentiment  and 
the  religious  phantasy  of  these  people  ought  not  to  be  judged  by  the 
bloody  ceremonies  of  a  highly  developed  superstitious  cult  alone  ; 
that  there  are  lying  at  the  bottom  sources  of  a  primitive  pure  feeling, 
with  which  we  too  might  easily  conform." 

Hieroglyphs.  In  the  "  Proceedings  of  the  International  Congress 
of  Americanists,"  Thirteenth  Session,  N.  Y.,  1902  (Easton,  Pa.,  1905), 
pp.  175-188,  Professor  Nicolas  Leon  has  an  article,  "Data  about  a 
New  Kind  of  Hieroglyphic  Writing  in  Mexico,"  treating  of  "a  new 
kind  or  mixed  hieroglyphical  writing,"  found  on  a  clay  statuette  from 
Mixtecan  Cuilapan,  an  onyx  vase  from  Tlalixtac,  and  many  other 
similar  obj'ects  from  the  Oaxaca  valley  (Monte  Alban,  etc.).     The 


Record  of  A  merica  n  Folk-L  ore.  237 

author  concludes  that  "  there  exists  a  hieroglyphical  mixed  writing, 
seemingly  developed  all  over  the  Mixtecan  region,  in  the  State  of 
Oaxaca,  in  which  are  found  the  elements  and  the  fonn  of  the  Maya, 
and  possessing  signs  of  the  Nahua  writing."  Many  extracts  from 
literature  relating  to  this  region  and  their  objects  are  given. 

Oaxaca.  In  the  "  Proceedings  of  the  International  Congress  of 
Americanists,"  Thirteenth  Session,  N.  Y.,  1902  (Easton,  Pa.,  1905), 
Francisco  Belmar  publishes  (pp.  193-202)  an  article  on  "Indian 
Tribes  of  the  State  of  Oaxaca  and  their  Languages."  The  pre- 
Columbian  chief  inhabitants  of  this  territory  seem  to  have  been  the 
Mixtecs  and  the  Zapotecs,  and  the  language  of  the  latter  "  presents 
signs  of  being  one  of  the  most  archaic  in  the  State."  According  to 
Mr.  Belmar,  Zapotec  and  Mixtec  have  a  common  origin.  In  the 
Zapotecan  group  he  includes  (besides  minor  and  sub-dialects) :  Zapo- 
teca,  Papabuco,  Chatino,  Chinantec ;  and  in  the  Mixtecan  :  Mixtec, 
Amuzgo,  Mazatec,  Ixcatec,  Cuicatec,  Popoloco  (Chocho),  Trique. 
The  Zoquean  (Zoque-Mixe)  family  embraces :  Zoque,  Ayook  (Mixe), 
etc.  The  Chontal  is  probably  Nahuatl ;  Huave,  Mayan.  Mexican 
is  also  one  of  the  languages  of  Oaxaca. 

Zapotecan-Mixtecan.  In  the  "  Proceedings  of  the  International 
Congress  of  Americanists,"  Thirteenth  Session,  N.  Y.,  1902  (Easton, 
Pa.,  1905),  Abraham  Castellanos  has  an  article  on  "  Danni  Dipaa," 
the  fortified  hill  occupied  by  the  Mixtecs  at  the  coming  of  the  Span- 
iards,—  Monte  Alban.  The  dolmen,  the  pyramids  and  temple  of 
the  sun,  etc.,  are  described,  and  the  legends  connected  with  these 
edifices  noted  (the  chief  Cosijoeza,  the  princess  Donaji,  etc.). 

CENTRAL    AMERICA. 

Indian  Character.  In  "Globus"  (vol.  Ixxxvii.  1905,  pp.  128- 
131),  Dr.  Karl  Sapper  discusses  "Der  Charakter  der  mittelameri- 
kanischen  Indianer."  Among  the  general  traits  noted  are  control  of 
emotion  (noteworthy  in  children  as  a  result  of  education  and  exam- 
ple), temperance  in  all  actions,  subordination  to  those  in  authority. 
The  Indian  is,  of  course,  capable  of  violent  emotions,  acts,  passion, 
etc.  At  his  festivals  he  gives  way  to  himself,  and  drinks,  dances, 
talks  ad  libittim.  The  forcible  imposition  of  European  culture  works 
no  good. 

Mayan,  In  the  same  journal  (pp.  2"]!,  271)  Professor  E.  Forste- 
mann  has  a  brief  article  on  "  Die  spatesten  Inschriften  der  Mayas," 
in  which  he  seeks  to  show  that  an  inscription  from  Chichen-Itza  and 
one  from  Sacchana  bear  dates,  respectively,  1581  and  1582.  They 
represent  a  brief,  fleeting  renaissance  of  Mayan  hopes,  in  the  last 
half  of  the  sixteenth  century.  Previous  Mayan  dates,  according  to 
Forstemann,  reach  only  to  the  first  quarter  of  that  century.  —  Dr. 

VOL.  xvni.  —  NO.  70.      17 


2  38  yournal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 

Alfredo  Chavero's  paper  on  "  Palemke  Calendar,  the  Signs  of  the 
Days,"  which  appears  in  English  in  the  "  Proceedings  of  the  Inter- 
national Congress  of  Americanists,"  N.  Y.,  1902  (Easton,  Pa.,  1905), 
pp.  41-51,  with  notes  in  Spanish,  pp.  51-65,  has  already  been  noticed 
in  this  Journal  in  its  Spanish  form  (1902).  — In  the  same  volume  (pp. 
189-192)  Mr.  Edward  H.  Thompson  has  an  article  on  "The  Mural 
Paintings  of  Yucatan,"  treating  briefly  of  wall  paintings  at  Chichen- 
Itza,  Tjula,  and  Chacmultun,  those  at  the  last  two  places  being  of 
great  importance.  Mr.  Thompson  thinks  that  "  evidence  is  slowly  but 
surely  being  brought  forth  to  prove  that  these  artists  in  colors  played 
a  part  among  these  people  second  only  to  their  brothers,  the  sculptors." 
Also  that  "  in  every  one  of  the  important  groups  there  was  at  least 
one  building  upon  whose  walls  were  depicted,  in  outline  or  colors,  the 
history  of  the  group,  or  the  record  of  certain  important  events  during 
a  stated  period."  According  to  the  author,  "the  principal  colors  in 
use  among  these  people  were  a  deep  and  a  brick  red,  a  chocolate 
brown,  two  shades  of  blue,  a  bright  gamboge  yellow,  turning  to  a 
tan  yellow  by  age,  two  shades  of  green,  and  a  color  that  may  have 
been  a  purple  shading  into  brown."  They  had  also  white  and  black, 
of  course.  Most  of  these  pigments  were  "  made  by  the  natives  from 
plants  by  processes  not  entirely  unknown  to  the  Mayas  of  to-day. 
The  oxides  of  iron  and  certain  earth,  resembling  yellow  ochre," 
were  also  in  use.  —  In  the  same  volume  (pp.  245-247)  is  printed  an 
abstract  of  a  paper  by  Leon  Douay,  "  De  la  non-parente  de  certaines 
langues  de  I'Ancien  Monde  (en  particulier  du  japonais)  avec  celles 
du  Nouveau  et  specialement,  du  groupe  Maya."  The  author  con- 
cludes that  "  the  Japanese  radicals  are  totally  unrelated  to  the  Maya 
monosyllables."  The  same  holds  with  regard  to  Chinese  and  Maya. 
Also  with  respect  to  the  language  of  the  Guanches.  —  In  the  same 
volume  (pp.  157-170)  Dr.  Eduard  Seler  has  an  article  "On  the 
Present  State  of  Our  Knowledge  of  the  Mexican  and  Central  Amer- 
ican Hieroglyphic  Writing."  After  briefly  noticing  the  two  groups 
of  Mexican  codices,  —  one  confined  to  calendaric  and  astrological 
purposes,  the  other  represented  by  the  Codex  Nuttall  and  the  allied 
Vienna  MS.,  the  author  proceeds  to  resume  recent  studies  in  Mayan 
epigraphy,  particularly  the  work  of  Forstemann  (this  laid  open  the 
whole  framework  of  the  codices),  Schellhas  (names  of  deities),  Thomas 
(the  discovery  that  Plates  25-28  of  the  Dresden  Codex  are  to  be 
explained  by  the  xma  kaba  kin  ceremonies,  as  described  by  Landa), 
Maudslay  (initial  series  of  Copan  stelae),  Goodman  ("  chronological 
calendar,"  numeric  value  of  "face  glyphs,  etc.").  Dr.  Selcr  fails  to 
agree  with  Goodman  that  "all  figures  and  all  glyphs,  and  every  detail 
of  figures  and  glyphs  are  nothing  else  than  numbers  ;  the  whole  bulk 
of  the  codices  and  the  inscriptions  is  confined  to  arithmetic  problems." 


Record  of  A  m  eric  a  n  Folk-L  ore.  239 

The  Landa  alphabet  "is  based  on  a  misconception  of  the  Maya 
graphic  system,  and  is,  perhaps,  no  more  than  a  Spanich  fabrication, 
or,  at  least,  a  development  suggested  to  the  Yucatec  people  by  the 
European  method  of  writing."  Dr.  Seler's  own  discoveries  relate  to 
the  disposition  of  the  glyphs  in  the  codices,  the  nature  of  the  glyphs 
of  the  four  cardinal  points,  the  "  intimate  connection  between  the 
day-signs  of  the  Mexicans  and  the  Maya  day-signs,"  the  real  length 
of  the  katim,  the  "  infallible  calendar,"  etc. 

SOUTH    AMERICA. 

Argentine.  Misiones.  In  "Globus"  (vol.  Ixxxvii.  1905,  pp.  248- 
254),  Father  F.  Vogt  describes  "  Yerba-  und  Holzgewinnung  im  Mi- 
siones-Territorium."  The  article  contains  information  concerning 
the  history  of  the  cultivation  of  the  famous  mat ^  ox  "  Paraguay  tea." 
—  Pre-Cobunbian  Migrations.  In  the  "Journal  de  la  Societe  des 
Americanistes  de  Paris"  (n.  s.  vol.  ii.  pp.  91-108),  M.  Eric  Boman 
has  an  article  on  "  Migrations  pre-Columbiennes  dans  le  nord-ouest 
de  I'Argentine,"  in  which  are  discussed  the  old  Guarani  burial  grounds 
in  the  valleys  of  San  Francisco  and  Lerma,  the  "  Calchaqui "  chil- 
dren's cemetery  on  the  border  of  the  Gran  Chaco,  etc.  The  special 
burial  ground  for  little  children,  discovered  by  M.  Boman  in  i90i,at 
Arroyo  del  Medio,  extends  farther  north  the  range  of  "  Calchaqui 
culture."  In  the  Chaco  the  Calchaqui  were  followed  by  the  Guarani, 
then  by  the  Guaycuru.  Urn-burial  seems  to  have  been  employed  by 
the  Calchaqui  for  little  children  only. 

Brazil.  Caiary-Uauapis  Region.  In  "  Globus  "  (vol.  Ixxxvii.  1905, 
pp.  281-283)  is  a  brief  account  of  Dr.  Theodor  H.  Koch's  travels 
(January-December,  1905)  in  the  region  of  the  Caiary-Uauapes, 
among  various  Indian  tribes,  speaking  numerous  languages  and  dia- 
lects,—  Tukano,  Tariana,  Pira-tapuyo,  Uanana,  Kobeua,  Maku,  etc. 
The  language  of  the  Umana  on  a  tributary  of  the  Yapura  is  a  pure 
Cariban  dialect,  and  the  whole  wide  territory  between  Alto  Uauapes 
and  Caqueta  (Alto  Yapura)  is  occupied  by  Cariban  tribes,  —  really 
one  language.  The  unfair  treatment  of  the  Indians  by  the  whites  is 
commented  on. 

Calchaquian.  In  the  "Proceedings  of  the  International  Con- 
gress of  Americanists,"  Thirteenth  Session,  N.  Y.,  1902  (Easton, 
Pa.,  1905),  Dr.  Juan  B.  Ambrosetti  discusses  (pp.  9-15)  the  "Ressem- 
blance  entre  les  civilisations  Pueblo  et  Calchaqui."  Both  are  desert 
cultures.  The  zoomorphic  fetishes  are  strikingly  similar  in  form 
and  ornamentation.  Other  rapprochements  exist  in  picture-writings, 
pottery  and  its  ornament,  decoration,  etc.,  stone  implements,  urn- 
burial,  the  chachins  2ind  pahos,  headdress  of  idols,  terra-cotta  pipes, 
basketry,  mythology,  and  ceremonies.     The  Calchaqui  culture,  now 


240  Jou rna I  of  A merica n  Fo Ik-Lore. 

extinct,  is  thus  very  similar  to  that  of  the  Pueblos  of  Arizona  and 
New  Mexico. 

Cariban.  In  the  "  Proceedings  of  the  International  Congress  of 
Americanists,"  Thirteenth  Session,  N.Y.,  1902  (Easton,  Pa.,  1905),  Mr. 
L,  C.  van  Panhuys  has  an  article  (pp.  205-208)  on  "  Indian  Words  in 
the  Dutch  Language  and  in  Use  at  Dutch  Guiana,"  in  which  he  gives 
a  list  of  Indian  words  from  De  Martins'  Galibi-Latin-French  dictionary 
in  use  in  the  Netherlands  {e.  g.  kaaimau,  karet,  colibri,  tapir,  ajianas, 
toekan,  manioc),  and  in  Dutch  Guiana  {e.  g.  casseripo,  viarako,  chico, 
sagowyn,  agami,  piaimaji,  azvarra,  carapa,  etc.),  though  in  De  Mar- 
tins' dictionary  a  number  of  these  words  are  not  Carib,  but  Arawak,  or 
even  Tupi.  Other  words  not  in  De  Martins',  but  used  in  Surinam  or 
the  Netherlands,  from  Arawak,  Tupi,  Carib,  etc. :  hamaka  {Jiangmat), 
batatas,  tapana,  pagala,  pirai,  warappa,  tanianoa,  warimba.  The  In- 
dian element  in  Surinam  Dutch  is  evidently  quite  large.  The  Negro- 
English,  which  "  contains  Dutch,  English,  Spanish,  Portuguese, 
French,  Carib,  Arawak,  and  African  words,"  is  deserving  of  thorough- 
going study. 

Peru.  In  the  "  Proceedings  of  the  International  Congress  of 
Americanists,"  Thirteenth  Session,  N.  Y,,  1902  (Easton,  Pa.,  1905), 
Professor  Leon  Lejeal  has  an  article  (pp.  75-83)  on  "La  Collection 
de  M.  de  Sartiges  et  les 'Aryballas' peruviens  du  Musee  Ethnogra- 
phique  du  Trocad^ro."  The  home  of  the  Peruvian  "  aryballe  "  is  the 
Inter-Sierras.  The  sea-shell  ornamentation  is  sui  generis.  See  Qui- 
c/man. 

QuiCHUAN.  To  the  "American  Anthropologist"  (vol.  vii.  n,  s. 
pp.  49-68)  Dr.  A.  F.  Bandelier  contributes  an  article  on  "  The  Ab- 
original Ruins  at  Sillustani,  Peru."  This  place  was,  at  the  time  of  the 
conquest,  in  possession  of  the  Colla,  a  people  of  Aymaran  stock.  The 
name  Sillustani,  so  far  as  known,  does  not  appear  in  any  Spanish 
source,  and  "  may  be  a  Quichua  term  introduced  subsequent  to  the 
sixteenth  century,  when  the  Quichua  Indians  began  to  encroach  on 
the  Aymara  range."  The  ruins  consist  of  towers,  andenes,  etc.,  and 
the  condition  of  the  stone  buildings  "  leads  to  the  inference  that  work 
on  them  was  abandoned  before  completion,"  The  architecture  and 
masonry  at  Sillustani  bear  the  stamp  of  Inca  work,  and  they  resemble 
structural  remains  at  Huanuco,  Coati,  Kalaki,  etc.  Most  of  the  pot- 
sherds are  of  the  Cuzco  type.  These  ruins  are  probably  the  deposi- 
tories, which,  according  to  Cieza,  the  Inca  erected  at  Hatun-Kolla, 
—  depositories  for  stores  of  potatoes,  etc.,  received  in  tribute. 

In  the  "  Proceedings  of  the  International  Congress  of  American- 
ists," Thirteenth  Session,  N.  Y.,  1902  (Easton,  Pa.,  1905),  M.  Leon 
Douay  publishes  (pp.  243,  244)  a  brief  "  Contribution  a  I'dtude  du 
mot  Kechua  Titicoca  ou  Titikaka,"  in  which  an  impossible  etymo- 


Record  of  A  merican  Folk-L ore.  241 

logy,  based  on  Mayan  resemblances,  is  put  forth.  —  In  the  same 
volume  (pp.  217-225)  Mr.  Stansbury  Hagar  has  an  article  on  "  Cuzco, 
the  Celestial  City."  The  topography  of  the  city,  the  names  of  the 
wards  and  districts,  their  symbolism,  etc.,  are  discussed.  According 
to  Mr.  Hagar,  "  it  is  probable  that  every  district,  every  square,  and 
every  street  in  ancient  Cuzco  bore  the  name  of  some  asterism  or 
heavenly  object,  with  which  many,  or  all  of  them,  corresponded  in 
position."  Also  "  Cuzco  was  not,  properly  speaking,  an  epitome  of  the 
empire,  but  the  sacred  city  and  the  sacred  empire  were  planned  to  be 
epitomes  of  the  celestial  world."  At  the  basis  of  the  Peruvian  sym- 
bolism lies  "  the  system  of  mamas  (mothers),  a  name  given  to  the 
spiritual  prototypes  (existing  invisibly  in  the  sky)  of  things,  which 
gave  them  birth.  Imitation  produced  harmony  with  the  object  im- 
itated and  **  thereby  obtained  for  the  imitator  participation  in  the 
desired  qualities  and  powers  of  that  object." 

GENERAL. 

Early  American  Writings.  In  the  "Proceedings  of  the  Inter- 
national Congress  of  Americanists,"  Thirteenth  Session,  N.  Y.,  1902 
(Easton,  Pa.,  1905),  Mr.  Joseph  D.  McGuire  has  an  article  (pp.  17- 
26)  on  "Anthropological  Information  in  Early  American  Writings," 
containing  a  resum^  of  such  matter  as  indicatives  of  its  importance  : 
Trade,  government,  art,  weapons,  implements,  religion,  food,  agricul- 
ture, clothing  and  ornament,  hunting  and  fishing,  industries,  etc., 
are  some  of  the  topics  touched  upon. 

Education.  In  the  "  American  Anthropologist "  (vol.  vii.  n.  s. 
pp.  1-16),  Professor  Edgar  L.  Hewett  has  an  article  on  "Ethnic 
Factors  in  Education,"  in  which  the  author  points  out  some  of  the 
evils  of  the  Indian  and  Philippine  policies  of  the  United  States  gov- 
ernment, besides  indicating  the  pronouncements  of  anthropology  con- 
cerning the  treatment  of  primitive  peoples.  Ethnic  mind  and  ethnic 
traits  are  persistent  realities,  and  the  development  of  a  race  must  be 
from  within,  —  "a  civilization  from  without  is  usually  harmful,  often 
destructive,  and  always  undesirable."  Anthropological  sciences 
should  have  a  prominent  place  in  normal  schools  and  other  institu- 
tions for  the  training  of  teachers.  The  author  well  says  :  "A  sound, 
commonplace  aim  to  keep  in  view  in  educating  Americans  is  to  make 
better  Americans  ;  in  educating  Indians,  to  make  better  Indians  ;  in 
educating  Filipinos,  to  make  better  Filipinos^  The  teacher's  art  de- 
mands "an  understanding  of  the  modifications  effected  by  society  or 
individual  psychic  states  "  and  a  comprehension  also  of  the  environ- 
mental influences  which  in  the  course  of  ages  have  created  and  main- 
tained primitive  life. 

Jesup  North  Pacific  Expedition,     In  the  "  Proceedings  of  the 


242  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

International  Congress  of  Americanists,"  Thirteenth  Session,  N.  Y., 
1902  (Easton,  Pa.,  1905),  Dr.  Franz  Boas  resumes  (pp.  91-100)  the 
results  of  the  investigations  of  the  Jesup  North  Pacific  Expedition, 
1 897-1902.  A  mass  of  valuable  somatic,  linguistic,  sociological,  re- 
ligious, and  mythological  information  has  been  accumulated,  which  is 
yet  to  be  thoroughly  examined.  Among  the  conclusions  indicated 
are  :  In  a  broad  classification  of  languages,  the  languages  of  north- 
western Siberia  should  be  classed  with  the  languages  of  America. 
The  Chukchee,  Koryak,  Kamchadal,  and  Yukaghir  must  be  classed 
with  the  American  race  rather  than  with  the  Asiatic  race  (so  prob- 
ably also  some  of  the  other  isolated  tribes  of  Siberia).  In  British 
Columbia  and  parts  of  Alaska  the  investigations  have  shown  exten- 
sive migrations  to  have  taken  place,  particularly  on  the  coast. 

Petroglyphs.  In  the  "  Proceedings  of  the  International  Con- 
gress of  Americanists,"  Thirteenth  Session,  N.  Y.,  1902  (Easton, 
Pa.,  1905),  Prof.  W.  J.  Holland  describes  (pp.  1-4)  "The  Petroglyphs 
at  Smith's  Ferry,  Pennsylvania."  Among  the  figures  are  those  of 
an  eagle  carrying  away  a  papoose,  deer  and  panther  tracks,  "  thunder- 
bird,"  fighting  buffalo,  turkey-foot,  etc. 

Popular  Fallacies.  To  the  "  American  Anthropologist  "  (vol. 
vii.  n.  s.  pp.  104-113),  Henry  W.  Henshaw  contributes  an  article  on 
"Popular  Fallacies  respecting  the  Indians,"  treating  of  absurd  and 
unfounded  ideas  concerning  the  origin  of  the  Indians,  their  languages, 
alleged  nomadism  a  Votttrancc,  ownership  of  land,  ideas  of  royalty, 
knowledge  of  medicine,  "  Great  Spirit,"  "  Happy  Hunting  Grounds," 
division  of  labor,  population,  degeneracy  of  mixed  bloods,  pygmies 
and  giants,  mound-builders  and  cliff-dwellers,  stolidity  and  taciturnity. 
The  Indians  are  neither  descended  from  the  ancient  Israelites  nor  do 
any  of  them  hark  back  to  the  mediaeval  Welsh  :  the  speech  of  all 
Indian  tribes  is  not  mutually  intelligible  ;  all  Indians  are  not  and 
were  not  excessively  nomadic ;  neither  individual  nor  family  had  ab- 
solute right  to  land  ;  they  had,  for  the  most  part,  simple  chiefs,  whom 
the  Europeans  magnified  into  kings  ;  the  medical  art  was  rooted  in 
sorcery ;  no  belief  in  a  single,  unitary,  overruling  "  great  spirit  " 
existed  ;  "the  happy  hunting  ground  "  implied  future  existence,  but 
not  our  heaven  and  hell  ;  the  position  of  woman  was  fairer  than  is 
generally  believed,  and  often  high  ;  the  pre-Columbian  Indian  popu- 
lation of  America  has  been  much  exaggerated ;  the  mixed-blood  has 
been  miscredited  with  degeneracy  not  his  own  ;  pygmies  and  giants 
are  mythical  here  as  elsewhere ;  mound-builders  and  cliff-dwellers 
were  alike  Indians  ;  the  Indian  "has  a  fair  sense  of  humor,  and  is  by 
no  means  a  stranger  to  jest,  laughter,  and  even  repartee." 

Pygmies.  In  a  brief  article,  entitled  "Are  there  Pygmies  in 
French  Guiana  ? "  in  the  "  Proceedings  of  the  International  Congress 


Record  of  American  Folk-Lore.  243 

of  Americanists,"  Thirteenth  Session,  N.  Y.,  1902  (Easton,  Pa.,  1905, 
pp.  131-133),  Mr,  L.  C.  Van  Panhuys  prints  some  notes  concerning 
the  alleged  existence  of  the  Maskalilis,  a  pygmy  race  of  troglodytes, 
"  dwarfs,  smaller  than  the  Akkas  in  Africa  ;  redskins  with  long  black 
hair."  They  are  naked  noctivagants,  kidnappers,  plantation-thieves, 
and  are  much  feared  by  the  Indians  and  the  Negroes.  "  Is  it  a  truth 
or  a  legend  ?  "  asks  the  author.     It  may  be  simply  folk-lore. 

Wampum,  etc.  In  the  "  Proceedings  of  the  International  Congress 
of  Americanists,"  Thirteenth  Session,  N.  Y.,  1902  (Easton,  Pa.,  1905), 
Mr.  L.  C.  Van  Panhuys  has  a  brief  article  (pp.  273-275)  on  "  Ways 
of  Paying  in  the  New  Netherlands,  at  Dutch  Guiana,  and  in  the 
former  Dutch  colonies  of  British  Guiana," — zcewaiit,  wampum^ 
beavers^  sugar,  etc. 

A.  F.  C.  and  /.  C.  C. 


244  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore, 

RECORD  OF  NEGRO  FOLK-LORE. 

Bush  Negroes.  In  his  article  "  About  the  Ornamentation  in  Use 
by  Savage  Tribes  in  Dutch  Guiana  and  its  Meaning,"  in  the  "  Pro- 
ceedings of  the  International  Congress  of  Americanists,"  Thirteenth 
Session,  N.  Y.,  1902  (Easton,  Pa.,  1905,  pp.  209-212),  Mr.  L.  C,  Van 
Panhuys  treats  of  the  ornaments  and  ornamental  viotifs  of  the 
Bush-Negroes,  "the  most  original,  remarkable,  and  interesting  people 
in  the  present  Guiana,"  as  Professor  Joest  has  called  them.  They 
are  "the  descendants  of  runaway  slaves  brought  from  Africa,  and 
have  established  themselves  in  several  tribes,  under  chiefs  or  'Gram- 
mans,'  with  a  kind  of  republican  form  of  government."  Their  chief 
tribe,  the  Aucaners  (Djoecas)  still  make  use  of  a  "drum  language," 
for  purposes  of  warning.  The  ornaments  of  the  Aucaners  (Djoecas) 
and  of  the  Saramaccaners  (of  the  Upper  Surinam)  differ  markedly. 
The  most  characteristic  ornament  of  the  Aucaners  is  the  eye  of  the 
iguana.  In  Bush-Negro  ornamentation,  "each  artist  has  his  own 
individual  work  and  makes  his  own  combinations,  yet  the  ornaments 
are  strongly  under  the  same  (tribal)  style."  The  male  sex  is  dis- 
tinctly marked  (arrow  sometimes  =  phallus).  Snake  and  bird  de- 
signs are  numerous  and  represented  in  connection  with  religious  ideas, 
while  plants  are  very  rare.  Tattooing  designs  "  are  the  most  conven- 
tional and  seem  to  have  been  copied  from  each  other."  As  carv- 
ing gourds  and  tattooing  are  woman's  work,  there  are  "  special  female 
ornaments;"  needle-work  ornaments  are  made  by  men  and  women 
in  company.  Concerning  the  relations  of  these  Negroes  with  Indians, 
the  author  observes  :  "Coast  Indians  paint  ornaments  on  hammocks 
made  by  Bush-Negroes,  and  given  to  them  for  that  purpose.  Further, 
we  have  Indian  ornaments  in  '  Kivejus  '  and  feather-work."  Also  : 
"As  far  as  my  knowledge  of  Indian  ornaments  permits,  I  should  say 
that  their  ornaments  have  undergone  no  influence,  neither  from  the 
Bush-Negroes,  nor  from  the  more  civilized."  The  coast  Indians, 
who  cling  strongly  to  their  own  primitive  customs,  may  have  adopted 
some  superstitions  from  the  Bush-Negroes.  Some  of  the  Indians 
have  learned  "the'lingoa  geral'  of  the  colony,  the  so-called  negro- 
English."  In  his  article  on  "  Indian  Words  in  the  Dutch  Language," 
in  the  same  volume,  Mr.  Van  Panhuys  states  that  the  language  of 
the  Bush-Negroes  contains  words  from  eight  different  languages. 

A.  F.  C. 


In  Memoriam  :   JVashingto7t  Matthews.  245 


IN    MEMORIAM:    WASHINGTON    MATTHEWS. 

To  the  many  losses  suffered  by  this  Society  is  to  be  added  the 
beloved  name  of  Washington  Matthews,  who  passed  away  in  Wash- 
ington, D.  C,  April  19,  at  the  age  of  sixty-two. 

Dr.  Matthews  was  born  in  Killiney,  a  suburb  of  Dublin,  Ireland, 
July  17,  1843.  In  infancy  he  lost  his  mother,  and  was  brought  to 
America  by  his  father,  a  physician,  who  settled  at  first  in  Wisconsin 
(still  a  territory),  and  afterwards  in  Iowa.  In  i860  the  young  man 
undertook  the  study  of  medicine,  and  in  1863  received  a  medical 
degree  from  the  State  University  at  Dubuque.  In  the  same  year 
he  entered  the  United  States  service,  and  through  the  remainder  of 
the  civil  war  did  duty  as  acting  assistant  surgeon.  In  1868  he  was 
commissioned  as  assistant  surgeon,  in  1871  captain  and  assistant 
surgeon,  in  1889  major  and  surgeon.  In  1865  he  served  as  post 
surgeon  at  Fort  Union,  Montana,  and  about  this  time  became  inter- 
ested in  the  study  of  Indian  tribes,  for  which  he  had  opportunities  at 
various  posts,  coming  into  contact  with  the  Arickarees,  Hidatsas, 
and  Mandans.  In  1871,  at  Fort  Buford,  his  quarters  and  all  his 
manuscripts  were  consumed  by  fire.  In  1872  he  published  in  New 
York  a  "  Grammar  and  Dictionary  of  the  Hidatsas,"  of  which  a 
second  edition,  entitled  "  Ethnography  and  Philology  of  the  Hidatsa 
Indians,"  was  issued  from  the  Government  Printing  Office  in  1877. 
For  the  five  succeeding  years  he  was  employed  in  California,  Nevada, 
Oregon,  Idaho,  and  Washington,  particularly  in  campaigns  against 
hostile  Indians.  In  1880  he  went  to  New  Mexico,  where  he  became 
intimately  acquainted  with  the  Navahos.  During  the  subsequent 
time  he  made  his  home  in  Washington,  and  in  his  latter  years  be- 
came subject  to  painful  infirmities,  especially  lameness  and  deafness, 
difficulties  trying  to  an  active  temperament,  but  which  he  endured 
not  merely  with  resignation,  but  with  the  most  exemplary  courage 
and  equanimity. 

Dr.  Matthews  was  a  member  of  this  Society  from  the  year  of  its 
organization  (1888).  He  was  elected  vice-president  in  1894,  and 
president  in  1895.  To  this  Journal  he  has  contributed  several 
articles:  "  Noqoilpi,  the  Gambler,  a  Navajo  Myth,"  1889,  ii.  89; 
"The  Gentile  System  of  the  Navajo  Indians,"  1890,  iii.  89;  "The 
Study  of  Ceremony,"  1896,  x.  257;  "The  Study  of  Ethics  among 
the  Lower  Races,"  1899,  ^ii.  i.  His  "  Navaho  Legends"  made  the 
fifth  volume  of  the  Memoirs  of  the  Society  (1897).  Here  may  also 
be  mentioned  papers  entitled  :  "A  Part  of  the  Navajo's  Mythology," 
American  Antiquarian,  April,  1883;  "The  Mountain  Chant,  a  Na- 
vajo Ceremony,"  Fifth  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology, 


246  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

1887  (noticed  in  this  Journal,  ii.  y6) ;  "Prayer  of  a  Navajo  Shaman," 
American  Anthropologist,  April,  1888  (i.  166)  ;  and  his  complete 
account  of  the  "Night  Chant,"  American  Museum  of  Natural  His- 
tory Memoirs,  vol.  vi.  1902  (reviewed  in  this  Journal,  xvi.  61). 

The  writings  of  Dr.  Matthews  represent  the  new  method  in  the 
study  of  aboriginal  mythology,  according  to  which  legends  are  treated, 
no  longer  as  mere  curious  tales,  but  as  an  essential  part  of  the  racial 
life,  illustrated  and  interpreted  by  abundant  notes  and  illustrations. 
It  has  been  said  that  "  Navaho  Legends  "  was  the  best  tribal  study  of 
the  sort  made ;  nor  to  this  day  can  it  be  affirmed  that  the  corre- 
sponding material  of  other  continents  has  been  edited  in  a  mat- 
ter equally  satisfactory.  Among  minor  papers  may  especially  be 
mentioned  the  beautiful  "  Study  of  Ethics  "  above  noted  ;  this  arti- 
cle, translated  in  "  L'Humanite  Nouvelle,"  dealing  with  a  field  still 
imperfectly  explored,  finely  shows  the  intimate  relations  existing 
between  the  author  and  the  race  with  which  he  deals.  Seldom  has 
it  happened  that  any  investigator  has  brought  to  his  task  so  valuable 
a  combination  of  qualities,  or  been  equally  able  to  penetrate  the 
mentality  he  examines.  When  we  consider  his  career,  regret  mingles 
with  admiration ;  had  he  been  assisted  with  the  necessary  means,  he 
might  have  perfected  the  study  of  Navaho  thought  and  accomplished 
an  equally  brilliant  account  of  Mandan  beliefs.  For  the  lack  of  such 
perception,  a  chapter  of  mental  history,  to  the  end  of  time,  will  ex- 
hibit sad  lacunas.  Yet  the  gifts  of  the  gods  are  usually  recognized 
too  late,  and  it  is  well  to  rejoice  in  what  we  possess. 

If  the  private  life  of  Dr.  Matthews  could  be  fully  set  forth,  it 
might  be  judged  to  outweigh  even  his  public  services.  Delightful 
simplicity  and  frankness,  combined  with  such  knowledge  of  the  world 
and  extensive  acquaintance  as  an  active  experience  must  needs  be- 
stow, gentleness  and  compassion  united  to  fearless  courage,  a  shrink- 
ing modesty  unaffected  by  the  intimacy  with  primitive  life,  joined  to 
accuracy  and  clarified  by  knowledge,  aversion  to  vulgar  publicity  not 
exclusive  of  pleasure  in  the  recognition  of  worthy  praise ;  a  broad 
and  massive  nature,  neither  desiccated  by  erudition  nor  hardened  by 
experience  ;  a  character  which,  had  its  light  chanced  to  have  set  on 
an  eminence,  might  have  illuminated  a  whole  community. 

Dr.  Matthews  was  poet  as  well  as  artist ;  the  quality  of  his  verse 
reflects  delicacy  and  tenderness.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  Mr.  Loomis, 
who  is  to  prepare  a  biographical  account,^  will  include  at  least  some 
of  his  few  pieces.  Before  the  writer  of  this  inadequate  tribute  lies 
one  such  composition,  from  which  an  extract  may  properly  be  added. 

1  A  preliminary  notice  has  already  appeared  in  Out  West,  May,  1905.  Physi- 
cians and  Surgeons  of  America  also  furnishes  a  "Biographical  Sketch"  to  which 
the  writer  is  indebted  for  facts  and  dates. 


hi  Memoriam  :   Washington  Mai  thews.  247 

Its  title  is  "  The  Pagan  Martyrs ;  "  the  author  describes  a  visit  to 
the  mesa  of  Zuiii,  ascent  to  its  terraces,  entrance  into  the  estufa 
in  which  are  intoning 

learned  priests  who  hold 
A  law  as  ancient  as  the  code  Mosaic, 
A  cult  as  that  of  Baal  or  Indra  old, 

notes  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards,  with  ensuing  persecutions,  and 
proceeds  :  — 

So,  not  for  images  with  pallid  faces 

Would  Zuni's  sons  their  swarthy  gods  despite, 
Nor  take  the  proffered  bargain  which  replaces, 

With  feast  of  saint,  a  day  of  pagan  rite,  — 
(Such  saint  as  they  of  Acomk  believe  in; 

For  there  the  Indian  sings  his  song  of  praise, 
Where  the  fair  statue  of  the  Royal  Stephen 

Supplants  the  war-god  of  the  ancient  days). 

Though  well  they  knew  the  doom  of  death  was  meted 

To  him  who  in  idolatry  was  found. 
They  oft,  in  stealth,  to  deserts  far  retreated, 

Or  met  in  Nature's  temples  underground; 
And  there  they  taught  their  children  tales  of  wonder. 

And  all  the  secrets  of  the  priestly  line ; 
On  high  Toyalani,  the  Mount  of  Thunder, 

They  laid  the  gifts  at  Ahayuta's  shrine. 

But  Faith,  long  suffering,  is  at  last  victorious ; 

And  praise,  to-day,  to  old-time  gods  they  sing, 
No  more  in  trembling,  but  with  voice  uproarious, 

Safe  'neath  the  shelter  of  the  Eagle's  wing. 
Bright  are  the  fires  in  the  estufas  lowly. 

Quenched  are  the  tapers  in  the  Christian  fane, 
Where  now  the  stranger  spoils  the  altar  holy. 

No  longer  guarded  by  the  arms  of  Spain. 

W.W.N. 


248  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 


RECENT   FOLK-LORE   MEETINGS   IN   CALIFORNIA. 

The  first  regular  meeting  of  the  Berkeley  Folk-Lore  Club,  founded 
May  3,  1905,  was  held  in  the  evening  of  August  18,  at  the  Univer- 
sity of  California. 

The  Committee  appointed  to  draft  an  organization  reported  as 
follows :  — 

REPORT    OF    THE    COMMITTEE. 

The  Committee  appointed  May  3,  1905,  by  unanimous  vote  of  the 
charter  members  of  the  Berkeley  Folk-Lore  Club  to  report  on  a 
scheme  of  organization  for  the  Club,  beg  leave  to  submit  the  fol- 
lowing :  — 

CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  BERKELEY  FOLK-LORE  CLUB. 

1.  This  Society  shall  be  called  the  Berkeley  Folk-Lore  Club. 

2.  Besides  the  fifteen  charter  members,  to  wit  :  Messrs.  Lange, 
Mitchell,  Goddard,  Dresslar,  Hart,  Setchell,  Merriam,  Richardson, 
Fryer,  Gayley,  Miller,  Ritter,  Keeler,  Noyes,  and  Kroeber,  members 
shall  consist  of  such  men  members  of  the  Academic  Senate  of  the 
University  of  California,  and  such  men  members  in  good  standing  of 
the  American  Folk-Lore  Society,  as  are  unanimously  elected  by  the 
Club  ;  and  of  such  only. 

3.  The  officers  shall  be  a  President,  Vice-president,  and  Secretary, 
who  shall  constitute  an  Executive  Committee  which  shall  arrange 
for  all  meetings  and  transact  all  business  of  the  Club. 

4.  Four  or  more  meetings  annually  shall  be  held,  at  the  first  of 
which  in  each  academic  year  the  officers  shall  be  elected. 

5.  Five  shall  constitute  a  quorum  for  the  transaction  of  business. 

6.  Amendments  to  this  constitution  may  be  proposed  at  any  meet- 
ing of  the  Club  and  adopted  by  a  two  thirds  vote  of  those  present  at 
the  next  meeting. 

The  Committee  recommend  the  adoption  of  this  constitution  and 
the  immediate  organization  of  the  Club  under  its  provisions. 

Signed  :  A.  L.  Kroeber, 

Charles  Keeler, 
G,  R.  NoYES. 

The  report  of  the  Committee  was  discussed   and  accepted,  the 
proposed  constitution  being  thereby  adopted. 
The  following  officers  were  then  elected  :  — 
President,  A.  F.  Lange. 
Vice-president,  Charles  Keeler. 
Secretary,  A.  L.  Kroeber. 


Recent  Folk-Lore  Meetings  in  California.  249 

New  members  elected  were :  Professor  F.  W.  Putnam,  Dr.  B.  P. 
Kurtz,  and  Professor  H.  K.  Schilling. 

The  Committee  on  the  establishment  of  a  California  Branch  of 
the  American  Folk-Lore  Society  reported  as  follows  :  — 

REPORT    OF    THE    COMMITTEE. 

The  Committee  appointed  May  3,  1905,  on  vote  of  the  charter 
members  of  the  Berkeley  Folk-Lore  Club  to  report  on  the  feasibility 
of  the  establishment  of  a  California  Branch  of  the  American  Folk- 
Lore  Society,  beg  leave  to  submit  the  following  recommendations  :  — 

That  the  formation  of  the  Berkeley  Folk-Lore  Club  provides  an 
opportune  basis  for  the  establishment  and  successful  development  of 
a  California  Branch  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society,  which  will 
extend  the  work  undertaken  by  the  Berkeley  P'olk-Lore  Club  to  a 
wider  sphere  of  influence  and  bring  it  before  a  larger  body  of  persons, 
thus  enhancing  the  promotion  of  folk-lore  interests  on  the  Pacific 
coast.     Be  it  resolved  therefore, 

That  a  California  Branch  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society  be 
hereby  organized  by  such  of  those  present  as  signify  their  willing- 
ness ;  and  ^ 

That  a  committee  of  five  be  appointed  to  arrange  for  a  meeting, 
including  a  programme,  in  Berkeley,  on  the  evening  of  August  28 ; 
said  committee  to  submit  at  this  meeting  a  formal  draft  of  organiza- 
tion, with  nominations  for  officers,  for  the  California  Branch  of  the 
American  Folk-Lore  Society. 

Signed :  A.  L.  Kroeber, 

Charles  Keeler, 
G.  R.  Noyes. 

This  report  was  adopted,  and  the  following  Committee  appointed 
under  its  provisions  to  report  at  the  first  meeting  of  the  California 
Branch  on  August  28  :  J.  C.  Merriam,  G.  R.  Noyes,  A.  L.  Kroeber, 
W.  C.  Mitchell,  and  Charles  Keeler. 


250  Jour7ial  of  American  Folk- Lore, 


NOTES   AND   QUERIES. 

A  Louisiana  Legend  concerning  Will  o'  the  Wisp.  —  The  follow- 
ing tale  was  obtained,  about  1890,  from  Aunt  Cindy,  a  very  old  negress, 
who  could  remember  events  that  happened  some  seventy  years  ago,  and 
who  had  at  her  tongue's  end  the  history  of  every  family  and  plantation. 

"  Mr.  Ivey  "  was  supposed  to  have  died  and  been  interred  in  a  vault  under 
an  oak-tree  ;  however,  the  vault  was  afterwards  found  open,  and  the  coffin 
discovered  to  contain  nothing  but  "  mourners,"  or  the  bands  worn  by  pall- 
bearers, and  thrown  on  the  coffin  before  the  bricking  up  of  the  vault.  The 
ground  in  the  vicinity,  also,  was  seen  to  be  marked  with  tracks  made  by 
cloven  feet;  it  was  known,  therefore,  that  the  devil  had  carried  off  the 
corpse.  The  crime  which  had  occasioned  such  seizure  was  explained  in 
connection  with  a  neighboring  cabin,  in  a  corner  of  the  garden,  provided 
with  one  small  window  and  a  strong  door  ;  here  it  was  said  that  Mr. 
Ivey  had  formerly  immured  his  brother.     According  to  the  narrator  :  — 

"Well,  Mr.  Ivey  done  had  dat  built  for  Mr.  Jakey,  his  brother,  what 
owned  dis  place  afore  I  was  born,  I  'spects.  Dey  say  how  Mr.  Jakey  war 
a  powerful  good  master,  but  he  was  tuk  outen  his  mind,  an'  it  wan't  safe 
ter  go  nigh  him,  so  Mr.  Ivey  built  dat  little  house,  an'  shut  him  up  fer  years 
an'  years.  Now  dis  is  what  I  done  heard  talked  among  der  white  people 
in  der  big  house,  how  Mr.  Ivey  got  tired  er  waitin'  fer  his  brother  ter  die 
so  he  could  git  der  place,  kase  Mr.  Jakey  ain't  never  married  an'  Mr. 
Ivey  would  git  it  all.  No  one  ever  seed  Mr.  Jakey  a'ter  he  was  put  in  dar, 
'cep'n  jest  Mr.  Ivey,  an'  so  nobody  did  n't  know  ter  trufe  of  it  when  Mr. 
Ivey  told  how  Mr.  Jakey  was  daid  all  of  a  sudden,  an'  he  was  a  gwine  ter 
bury  him  under  der  oak  in  a  bran  new  brick  vault.  Well,  dey  suttenly 
did  have  some  kind  of  er  funeral,  but  dar  was  n't  no  preacher  an'  no 
mourners,  an'  dem  niggers  what  toted  dat  coffin  say  how  it  was  powerful 
light.  You  see,  chile,  dat  coffin  was  plum  empty,  kase  Mr.  Jakey  was  seen 
a'ter  dat,  an'  alive  too.     Yes,  alive —  as  sure  as  yer  here. 

"  Out  dar  in  der  brule'e  was  a  poor  white  what  had  a  little  place  on  der 
aidge  of  der  swamp,  an'  dey  do  say  how  Mr.  Ivey  done  give  it  to  him. 
Well,  it  was  out  in  dat  turruble  place  where  Mr.  Jakey  was  seen  by  more  'n 
one  'liable  pussen.  An',  pore  cretur,  he  was  chained  ter  a  stump  an'  gwine 
on  all  fours  like  a  dum'  beast,  an'  a  eatin'  grass  jes  like  dat  ole  man  what 
Miss  useter  read  about  in  der  Bible.  Well,  one  day  he  done  broke  his 
chain  an'  wan'ered  off  in  ter  de  swamp  an'  no  one  never  seed  him  a'ter  dat, 
an'  no  one  never  found  his  poor  ole  bones.  An'  dat  coffin  was  jest  left 
empty  dar  in  der  brick  vault.  An'  Mr.  Ivey  took  der  place  an'  all  Mr. 
Jakey's  money  an'  made  big  craps  an'  bought  er  lot  of  new  niggers,  an' den 
dar  was  high  doin's  in  der  big  house,  an'  den  in  de  midst  of  der  feastin'  an' 
drinkin'  an  sinnin'  Mr.  Ivey  was  done  called  ter  his  account.  Oh,  I  remem- 
bers right  well  dat  time  an'  der  big  funeral,  an'  der  pall-bearers  wid  crape 
mourners  what  jes  clear  der  ground  —  dem  same  mourners  what  I  tole  yer 
about  —  an'  dey  open  der  vault  an'  put  Mr.  Ivey  in  erlong  wid  Mr.  Jakey's 


Notes  and  Queries.  251 

empty  coffin,  but  bless  yer,  chile,  der  devil  would  n't  let  Mr,  Ivey  rest  dar 
while  his  brother's  'mains  was  a-bleachin'  out  in  der  sun  an'  rain,  so  he 
was  jes  natch'ly  sont  down  in  der  swamp  ter  find  Mr.  Jakey's  poor  ole 
bones,  an'  dar  he  hunts  an'  hunts  wid  a  lighted  pine  knot,  all  in  ermong 
der  cypress  knees.  Unc'  Jim  he  's  done  seed  him  lots  er  times  when  he  's 
been  runnin'  der  drain  wheel  dark  rainy  nights.  Yes,  he  's  done  seed  him 
a-tearin'  an'  a-lopin'  over  dem  ridges,  his  pine  knot  a  blazin'  an'  a  flamin' 
spite  of  der  rain,  an'  he  can't  stop  nor  rest  kase  he  's  druv  all  der  time  by 
dem  bad  sperits  following  him  an'  tormentin'  him. 

"  Dem  trashy  young  niggers  do  say  as  how  dat  light  dancin'  an'  bobbin' 
in  der  swamp  'round  der  drainin'  wheel  an'  un'er  de  ole  oak  is  er  Jack- 
lantern —  but  me  an'  Unc'  Jim,  we  knows  it's  Mr.  Ivey  a-huntin' fer  Mr. 
Jakey's  bones." 

Mrs.  C.  V.  Jamison. 

New  Orleans,  La. 

The  Cottonwood-Tree  :  Louisiana  Superstition.  —  The  perpetual 
movement  of  the  cottonwood-tree  was  explained  by  the  same  narrator  as 
follows  :  — 

"  Well,  chile,  yer  see  dis  was  what  my  ole  Miss  useter  tell  me.  Dem 
same  kind  er  trees  growed  in  dat  garden  whar  der  blessed  Lord  prayed  der 
night  afore  he  was  crucified,  an'  when  Judas  cum  dar  along  'er  dem  sol- 
diers ter  'tray  der  Lord  an'  take  him  erway  ter  nail  him  on  der  cross,  dey 
done  chop  down  one  of  dem  trees  and  made  der  Saviour  ob  der  world  tote 
it  up  ter  Calvery.  An'  dey  made  der  cross  outen  it,  an'  dem  trees  sensed 
how  it  was  der  blessed  Lord  what  was  gwine  ter  suffer  an'  die  on  one  of 
'em,  and  dey  jes  tuk  ter  tremblin'  an'  shiverin'  with  fear.  An*  dey  never 
stop  yit,  an'  never  will  while  one  of  dem  grows,  kase  dey  is  der  kind  er  tree 
what  der  cross  of  Calvery  were  made  of." 

De  Witch-'ooman  an'  de  Spinnin'-Wheel.  The  Witch  prevented 
FROM  reentering  HER  Skin  :  A  Tale  FROM  LOUISIANA.  —  One  time  dey 
wuz  a  man  whar  rid  up  at  night  ter  a  cabin  in  de  eedge  o'  de  swamp.  He 
wuz  dat  hongry  an'  ti'd  dat  he  say  ter  hissef :  "  Ef  I  kin  git  a  hunk  o' 
co'n-pone  and  a  slice  o'  bakin',  I  doan  kur  what  I  pays !  "  On  dat  here 
come  a  yaller-ooman  spankin'  out'n  de  cabin.  She  wuz  spry  on  her  foot 
ez  a  catbird,  an'  her  eyes  wuz  sof  an'  shiny.  She  ax  de  man  fer  ter  light 
an'  come  in  de  cabin,  an'  git  some  supper.  An'  Lawd  !  how  he  mouf  do 
water  when  he  cotch  a  glimpst  er  de  skillet  on  de  coals  !  He  luk  it  so  well 
dat  he  stay  ;  an'  he  sot  eroun'  in  dat  cabin  ontwel  he  git  so  fat  dat  de 
grease  fa'r  run  out'n  he  jaws  when  he  look  up  at  de  sun.  De  yaller-'ooman 
she  spen'  her  time  cookin'  fer  him,  an'  waitin'  on  him  wi'  so  much  oberly, 
dat  at  las'  de  man,  he  up  an'  marry  dat  yaller-'ooman. 

At  fus'  dey  git  erlong  tollable  well,  but  a'ter  erwhile  he  gin  ter  notice 
dat  sump'n  curus  'bout  dat  yaller-'ooman.  She  ain'  never  in  de  cabin  when 
he  wake  up  in  de  night  time  !  So,  he  mek  up  his  min'  fer  ter  spy  on  her. 
He  lay  down  one  night  on  de  fo'  pos'  bed  in  de  cornder,  ten'  luk  he  sleep. 


252  yournal  of  A  merican  Folk-L ore. 

De  yaller-'ooman  watch  him  out'n  de  een  o'  her  eye,  an'  when  she  hear 
him  gin  a  sno'  (caze  cose  he  'ten  luk  he  sno')  she  jump  up  an'  pat  a  juba  in 
de  middle  o'  de  flo'.  Den  she  reach  down  a  big  gridi'on  fum  de  wall,  an' 
rake  out  some  coals,  an'  haul  de  big  spinning-wheel  close  ter  de  ha'th. 
Den,  she  sot  herse'f  down  on  dat  gridi'on,  an'  soon  ez  it  wuz  red-hot  she 
'gin  ter  spin  her  skin  off'n  her  body  on  de  spinnin'-wheel.  "  Tu'n  an' 
spin,  come  off  skin,  tu'n  an'  spin,  come  off  skin."  An'  fo'  de  Lawd,  de 
skin  come  off'n  dat  witch-'ooman's  body,  berginning  at  de  top  o'  her  head, 
ez  slick  es  de  shush  come  off  de  ear  o'  corn.  An'  when  it  wuz  fa'r  off,  dan 
she  wuz  a  gret  big  yaller  cat.  Den,  she  tuk  her  skin  an  chuck  it  onder  de 
bed.  "Lay  dar,  skin,"  she  say,  "  wi'  dat  fool  nigger  sno'in'  in  de  bed, 
ontwel  I  come  back.     I  gwine  ter  ha'  some  fum,  I  is." 

Wi'  dat  she  jump  out'n  de  winder  an'  lope  off.  Soon  ez  she  wuz  gone 
de  man,  he  jump  out'n  de  bed  an'  tuk  out  skin  an'  fill  it  plum  full  o'  salt 
an'  pepper,  un'  th'ow  it  back  onder  de  bed.  Den  he  crope  out  an'  watch 
thro'  de  key-hole  ontwel  de  witch-'ooman  come  home.  She  laugh  whilse 
she  wuz  rakin'  out  de  skin  fum  onder  'de  bed,  an'  shakin'  herse'f  inter  it. 
But  when  she  feel  de  salt  an'  pepper,  she  laugh  on  de  yether  side  her  mouf. 
She  moan  an'  groan  so  you  kin  hear  her  a  mile  !  But  she  ain  able  ter  git 
out'n  dat  skin,  an'  de  man  watch  her  thoo  de  key-hole  twel  she  fall  down 
an'  die  on  de  flo'. 

Mrs.  M.  E.  M.  Davis. 

New  Orleans,  La. 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL   NOTES. 

BOOKS. 

Publications  of  the  Folk-Lore  Society  LIII.  [1903].  County  Folk-Lore. 
Vol.  IV.  Printed  Extracts  No.  6.  Examples  of  Printed  Folk-Lore  con- 
cerning Northumberland  collected  by  M,  C.  Balfour  and  edited  by 
NoRTHCOTE  W.  Thomas.  Published  for  the  Folk-Lore  Society  by  David 
Nutt,  57-59  Long  Acre,  London,  1904.     Pp.  xv,  180. 

Publications  of  the  Folk-Lore  Society  LI.  [1902].  Folk-Lore  of  the 
MusQUAKiE  Indians  of  North  America  and  Catalogue  of  Musquakie 
Beadwork  and  other  Objects  in  the  Collection  of  the  Folk-Lore  Society 
by  Mary  Alicia  Owen.  With  eight  Plates  and  figures  in  the  text. 
Published  for  the  Folk-Lore  Society  by  David  Nutt.  London,  1904. 
Pp.  ix,  147. 

The  President  of  the  Society,  in  his  preface  to  this  book  of  Northumber- 
land folk-lore,  observes  that  its  smallness,  as  compared  with  previous  vol- 
umes, "  is  due,  not  to  the  paucity  of  Northumberland  Folk-Lore  to  be 
recorded,  but  to  the  fact  that  so  much  of  it  has  already  seen  the  light  in 
the  publications  of  the  Society."  The  topics  considered  are  :  Superstitious 
beliefs  and  practices  (superstitions  relating  to  natural  objects,  trees  and 
plants,  animals  ;  goblindom,  witchcraft,  leechcraft,  magic  and  divination, 
superstition  generally),  traditional  customs  (festival,  ceremonial  customs, 


Bibliographical  Notes.  •       253 

games,  local  custom),  traditional  narratives  (tales,  ballads  and  songs, 
place  legends  and  traditions,  drama)  folk-sayings  (jingles,  nursery-rhymes, 
etc.,  proverbs,  nicknames,  place-names,  and  sayings).  There  are  recorded 
here  many  quaint  and  curious  items  "  about  the  old-fashioned  country-life 
of  the  Northumberland  Border,  its  rough  gaiety,  its  bonfire  festivals,  its 
harvest-homes,  its  boisterous  weddings,"  etc.  As  an  example  of  cure  by 
cumulative  qualification  the  following  item  (p.  56)  may  be  cited  :  "  If  a 
child  be  ill,  seven  men,  whose  fathers,  grandfathers,  and  great-grandfathers 
have  been  blacksmiths,  collect  in  a  circle,  at  the  centre  of  which  the  indis- 
posed child  is  laid  upon  an  anvil,  and'the  circle  wave  their  hammers  over 
its  head  and  utter  with  great  force  the  stroke-groan, '  hegh  !  '  If  the  child  is 
terrified,  the  symptom  is  favorable  ;  if  it  be  regardless  of  their  menaces,  life 
is  supposed  to  be  in  its  socket.  To  secure  the  charm  each  smith  has  6d., 
ale,  and  bread,  and  cheese."  In  some  parts  of  northern  England  "  May 
goslings  "  (p.  73)  were  once  as  common  as  "  April  fools."  Among  the 
children's  games  are  :  All-in-the-well,  chucks  and  marvels,  neivy-neivy-nick- 
nack  (guessing  hand  game),  London  Bridge,  T\ko  old  Jews,  Johnny  Lingo, 
etc.  The  corn-baby  has  the  names  Keney,  corney-doll,  kern-doll,  kern- 
babby,  mell-doll ;  and  in  Morpeth  "  a  Mell  supper  followed  the  Harvest 
Home,  and  the  Kern,  or  Churn  Baby  is  said  to  take  its  name  from  the 
rich  cream  that  forms  part  of  the  repast  "  (p,  125).  The  cumulative  song 
on  pages  138,  139  begins  with 


and  runs  to 


The  first  day  of  Christmas  my  true  love  sent  to  me 
One  partridge  on  a  pear  tree, 


The  twelfth  day  of  Christmas  my  true  love  sent  to  me 
Twelve  lords  a-leaping,  etc. 


The  "Noah  Play"  (pp.  160-167)  is  from  an  ancient  play  belonging  to 
the  Company  of  Shipwrights  in  Newcastle-upon-Tyne. 

Miss  Owen's  monograph  has  been  considered  at  some  length  elsewhere 
in  this  Journal. 

Naturgeftjhl  und  Natursymbolik  bei  Heinrich  Heine.  Ein  Beitrag 
zur  Wiirdigung  seiner  Kunst  und  Personlichkeit  von  Dr.  phil.  Alexan- 
der Pache.     Hamburg  und  Leipzig :  Leopold  Voss,  1904.     Pp.  164. 

The  four  sections  of  this  work  treat  Heine  as  nature-poet,  the  nature- 
symbolic  element  in  Heine's  works,  the  literary-historical  position  of 
Heine's  nature-symbolism,  forms  and  peculiarities  of  Heine's  nature-sym- 
bolism (esthetico-critical).  Heine  is  noteworthy  among  nature-poets  as 
"uniting  a  pronounced  Germanic  and  an  innate  Oriental  nature-feeling." 
This  he  does  charming  and  naively,  as  no  other  German  poet.  He  halts 
also  often  between  the  classic  and  the  romantic.  Added  to  these  qualities 
are  his  humor  and  irony.  Part  of  his  position  towards  nature  is  seen  from 
the  phrase  he  applies  to  her :  "  O  Natur  !  du  schone,  stumme  Jungfrau  ! 
Ich  verstehe  Deine  Sterne,  und  Du  verstehst  meine  Tranen."  He  sees  the 
momentary  and  is,  therefore,  realistic  and  true.    He  is  "  the  father  of  mod- 

voL.  XVIII.  —  NO.  70.        18 


254  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

ern  impressionalism."  As  compared  with  Goethe,  the  Oriental  element  in 
Heine,  by  reason  of  his  half-Asiatic  blood,  is  much  more  at  home  and 
usable  for  his  own  purpose,  while  with  the  former  the  loosely  cast  mantle  of 
Oriental  stuff  seems  still  foreign  and  lets  the  German  form  peep  betrayingly 
through  again  and  again.  The  first  and  earliest  teacher  of  Heine  was  the 
German  folk-song  (pp.  99-105),  traces  of  whose  influence  crop  out  every- 
where. Like  the  folk,  the  poet  has  "  an  overpowering  love  for  lindens,  night- 
ingales and  moonshine,"  and  for  him  as  for  them  blood  and  tears  have  a 
secret  productive  power.  Both  use,  too,  the  parallel  between  the  life  of 
nature  and  the  life  of  man.  Equally  great  is  the  love  of  both  for  the  rose. 
The  influence  of  Wilhelm  Miiller,  which  Heine  himself  acknowledged,  was 
also  great.  It  enabled  him  to  make  the  old  folk-song  into  the  new  poet- 
song.  To  Brentano  and  Tieck  he  also  owed  not  a  little,  —  the  latter  in  his 
second  romantic  period.  The  flower-symbolism  of  Heine  is  particularly 
interesting  in  its  relations  with  folk-song  and  with  the  works  of  those  poets 
who  influenced  him.  The  statistics  of  comparisons  with  flowers,  animals, 
natural  objects,  etc.,  given  on  pages  139-140,  include  starry  eyes,  pearly 
teeth,  rosy  mouth,  lips,  and  cheeks,  violet  and  sapphire  eyes,  golden  locks, 
ruby  mouth  and  lips,  pitik  mouth  and  lips,  lily  hands,  fingers,  arm,  bosom, 
nose,  foot,  ears,  swan  arm,  hand,  neck,  bosom,  etc.  Characteristic  of  Heine 
is  the  introduction  of  cnlinxe-motifs  into  the  poetic  and  classic.  His  re- 
action to  the  Orient  is  good,  although  he  never  saw  it.  As  an  example  of 
his  mingling  of  diverse  things  may  be  cited  this  phrase,  "  Siisze  Ananasduft 
der  Hoflichkeit."  While  Heine  feels  and  uses  the  elves,  nixes,  fairies,  and 
goblins  of  Teutonic  folk-thought,  he  never  takes  over  into  his  poetry  the 
real  gods,  Wodin,  Baldur,  Donar,  etc.  This  notably  marks  his  treatment 
of  the  old  nature-myth  as  compared  with  the  classical.  Being  at  once 
Oriental  and  German,  Heine  is  a  poet  who  lends  himself  remarkably  well 
for  comparison  with  the  genius  and  creations  of  the  folk. 

A.F.  C. 


RECENT   ARTICLES    OF   A   COMPARATIVE    NATURE    IN    FOLK- 
LORE  AND   OTHER   PERIODICALS. 

Art.  Groos,  K. :  "  Die  Anfange  der  Kunst  und  die  Theorie  Darwins,"  Hess. 
Bl.f.  Volksk.  vol.  iii.  (1904),  pp.  98-112.  Groos  does  not  accept  Darwin's  view  of 
the  origin  of  art  in  the  sexual  life  of  primitive  man.  Social-religious  life  is  more 
powerful  as  a  factor  in  the  higher  development  of  art  than  is  courtship.  The  need 
of  self-representation  is  one  of  the  autonomous  motifs  of  artistic  production,  and 
although  unmistakably  in  relation  with  courtship,  is,  even  in  the  animal  world,  not 
limited  to  it  alone,  but  shows  its  artistic  significance  most  clearly  where  it  is  freed 
from  sexuality,  and  takes  on  an  individualistic  or  a  social  character. 

Child-Mythology.  Chamberlain,  A.  F.  and  I.  C. :  "  Studies  of  a  Child," 
Pedag.  Sam.  vol.  xi.  (1904),  pp.  264-292,  452-483.  Besides  other  linguistic  and 
psychological  material,  contains  data  concerning  the  obiter  dicta,  imagination, 
nature-observations,  poetry  and  song,  stories,  analogy-lore,  etc.,  of  a  three-year 
old  girl. 

D ay-Dreams.    Smith,  T.  L. :  "  The  Psychology  of  Day-Dreams,'M ;«<-;-.  Jonrn. 


Bibliographical  Notes,  255 

of  Psychol,  vol.  XV.  (1904),  pp.  465-488.  Gives  results  of  investigation  of  school- 
children. The  dreams  of  the  youngest  children  who  could  write  (7  to  8  years) 
were  "  almost  entirely  of  play  and  good  times  with  a  sprinkhng  of  the  fairy  story 
type  of  dream."  For  girls  from  8  to  10  "the  fairy-tale  form  of  day-dream  pre- 
dominates above  all  others,"  and  the  deus  ex  machina  "  is  most  frequently  a  fairy 
godmother,  though  wishing  caps,  a  magic  lamp  or  ring,  also  figure." 

Father  and  Son  Combat.  Potter,  M.  A.:  "Additional  Variants  of  the 
Father  and  Son  Combat  Theme,"  Folk-Lore  (Lond.),  vol.  xv.  1904,  pp.  216-220. 
Cites  examples  from  Hawaii,  New  Zealand  (Maori),  Balkan  countries,  etc. 

FoLK-LoRE  IN  School.  Lamieri,  V. :  "  Folk-lore  e  pedagogia,"  Riv.  di. 
Psicol.  appl.  alia  Pedag.  ed  alia  Psicopatol.  Bologna,  1905,  vol.  i.  pp.  26-31. 
Author  describes  the  results  of  the  introduction  into  the  school  for  the  feeble- 
minded of  a  game  of  "proverbs."  When  the  repertory  of  known  proverbs  is  at 
an  end,  the  children  invent  them. 

FoLK-SoNG.  Bockel,  O. :  "  Das  Volkslied  derpolnischen  Oberschlesier  vergli- 
chen  mit  der  deutschen  Volkspoesie,"  Mitt.  d.  Schles.  Ges.  f.  Volksk.  (Breslau), 
1904,  pp.  40-65.  Compares  as  to  material  and  form  the  folk-songs  of  the  Poles  of 
Upper  Silesia,  as  recorded  by  Rogers,  with  German  folk-poetry. 

Hearing.  Chamberlain,  A.  F. :  "  Primitive  Hearing  and  '  Hearing  Words,'  " 
A7ner.  Joiirn.  Psychol,  vol.  xvi.  (1905),  pp.  1 19-130.  Treats  briefly  lore  about 
acuteness  of  hearing,  folk-conception  of  deafness,  "earmindedness,"  ear  and  hear- 
ing in  folk-lore  and  mythology. 

"  Hog-faced  Daughter."  Bookenoogen,  C.  J. :  "  Het  meisje  met  het  var- 
kenshoofd,"  Volkskjtude  (Gent),  vol.  xvi.  1904,  pp.  1-17.  Cites  Dutch  fly-sheet  of 
1 641  describing  the  hog-headed  girl  born  in  Amsterdam  ;  a  song  on  this  topic 
from  a  collection  of  songs  printed  in  1805  related  doubtless  to  the  fly-sheet  ac- 
count; a  print  (dated  1640)  in  the  Bodleian  library,  Oxford,  about  a  "  Hog-faced 
Gentlewoman"  born  at  Wirkham  in  Holland;  a  song,  "The  Long-Nos'd  Lass," 
printed  at  London,  1 672-1 695,  etc.  Dr.  B.  considers  the  tale  to  belong  to  folk- 
lore rather  than  history.  More  or  less  related  are  the  legends  of  the  origin  of  the 
families  Porcelet  and  Trazenies,  of  the  Guelphs,  the  tale  of  the  Knight  and  the 
Swan,  the  Sicilian  Re  Porco,  etc. 

Juridical  Folk- Lore  of  Children.  De  Cock,  A. :  "  Rechtshandlingen 
bij  de  Kinderen,"  Volksktcnde  {G^ni),  vol.  xvi.  1904,  pp.  54-59,  104-106,  151-156. 
The  third,  fourth,  and  fifth  sections,  treating  of  laws  of  exchange,  "  barring,"  and 
oaths  of  children.  In  the  oath  and  exchange  formulas  the  devil,  hell,  beheading, 
etc.,  appear.     The  "barring"  for  seats,  places,  etc.,  are  very  interesting. 

Kava-drinking.  Hough,  W. :  "  Kava-drinking  as  practised  by  the  Papuans 
and  Polynesians,"  Smiths.  Misc.  Coll.  (Quart.  Iss.),  vol.  xlvii.  (1904),  pp.  85-92. 
Author  thinks  that  the  Papuans  invented  kava,  "  because  among  this  people  its  use 
was  prevalent,  and  the  plant  was  systematically  cultivated  for  the  purpose  of  mak- 
ing the  drink.  The  use  of  kava  cannot  be  traced  to  New  Zealand.  Its  introduc- 
tion into  Samoa  from  Fiji  is  of  historic  record.  The  Easter  Islanders  also  do 
not  know  it.     Other  arts  may  be  due  to  "  the  progressive,  woolly-haired  peoples." 

"Milk-drinking"  BY  Snakes.  Olbrich,  C.  :  "  Das  Milchtrinkender  Schlan- 
gen,"  Mitt.  d.  Schles.  Ges.f.  Volksk.  (Breslau),  1904,  pp.  67-72.  Author  considers 
the  "  milk-drinking  "  of  snakes  as  "  an  example  of  the  strong  influences  exerted 
upon  natural  history  tradition  by  ancient  idea  preserved  in  folk-belief." 

Paradise.  Gunkel,  H. :  T>\e:Vz.rdi6.i&sts&rzzh\nng,''DtscheRndschau(Btr\in), 
vol.  xxxi.  1904,  pp.  53-58.  The  legend  hails  from  Mesopotamia,  but  Paradise 
itself  had  no  local  habitation. 

Phonograph  and  Music.  Abraham,  O.  und  von  Hornbostel,  E. :  "  Ueber 
die  Bedeutung  des  Phonographen  fiir  vergleichende  Musikwissenschaft,"  Z.  f. 


256  journal  of  A merican  Folk-L ore. 

Ethnol.  (Berlin),  vol.  xxxvi.  1904,  pp.  222-236.  Emphasizes  need  of  more  exact 
investigation  of  music  as  a  psychological  and  culture  character  of  human  races, 
the  relation  between  text  and  music,  etc.     The  phonograph  is  a  great  help  here. 

Position  of  Woman.  Farnell,  L.  R. :  "  Sociological  Hypotheses  concerning 
the  Position  of  Women  in  Ancient  Religion,"  A^xh.  f.  Religsw.  (Lpzg.),  vol.  vii. 
1904,  pp.  70-94.  Author  argues  that  "the  matriarchate  has  not  left  so  clear  an 
impression  on  classical  religion  as  has  been  supposed."  Other  causes  than  matri- 
archy or  gynaeocracy  explain  many  of  the  facts  involved. 

Prayer.  Marett,  R.  R. :  "  From  Spell  to  Prayer,"  Folk-Lore  (Lond.),  vol.  xv. 
1904,  pp.  132-165.  Treats  of  the  evolution  of  the  prayer  from  the  spell,  of  the 
relation  of  incantation  to  invocation,  Frazer's  ideas  as  to  religion  and  magic,  etc. 
The  spell  belongs  to  magic,  according  to  the  author,  the  prayer  to  religion.  The 
spell  passes  by  easy  gradations  into  the  prayer,  the  imperative  into  the  optative. 

"  Prophets."  Mitchell,  H.  W.  :  "  Nineteenth  Century  Prophets,"  Hist.  Mag. 
and  Notes  and  Queries  (Manchester,  N.  H.),  vol.  xxiii.  1905,  pp.  29-38.  Gives  a 
list  of  105  men  and  women  in  various  parts  of  the  world,  self-styled  prophets, 
founders,  interpreters  of  "new"  religions.  To  these  the  editor  adds  nine  more. 
Of  these  America  furnished  more  than  one  half. 

Proverbs.  De  Cock,  A. :  "  Spreekwoorden  en  Zegswijzen,  afkomstig  van 
oude  Gebruiken,"  Voikskunde  (Gent),  vo].  xv.  1903,  pp.  221-227,  vol.  xvi.  1904, 
pp.  40-50,  77-89,  145-150.  Comparative  Study  of  Nos.  483-485  of  Dutch  pro- 
verbs relating  to  money;  486-493  to  measures  of  distance,  length,  land;  494-501 
to  measures  of  contents  ;  502-508  to  weighing  and  weights ;  509-524  to  knighthood 
and  chivalry. 

"  Thoughts  in  Common."  Mason,  O.  T. :  "  The  Ripening  of  Thoughts  in 
Common.  '  Common  Sense  is  Thoughts  in  Common,' "  Proc.  Amer.  Philos.  Soc. 
vol.  xliii.  1904,  pp.  148-155.  Treats  topic  in  relation  to  biology,  speech,  indus- 
tries, fine  art,  social  life,  learning  and  lore,  and  religion.  The  lore-thoughts  of  a 
people  are  the  most  deep-rooted  and  persistent,  because  indigenous  to  their  minds. 
The  most  overpowering  thoughts  in  common  have  belonged  to  the  realm  of  reli- 
gion. Telepathic  influences,  if  such  exist,  are  not  the  cause,  but  the  effect  of 
striking  coincidences. 

Tree  of  Life.  Peet,  S.  D. :  "The  Tree  of  Life  among  all  Nations,"  Atner. 
Anti'q.  vol.  xxvi.  1904,  pp.  1-16.  Discusses  this  symbol  in  Asia  and  America 
(Mayan  peoples  and  Aztecs).  The  symbolism  of  the  tree  of  life  and  the  tree  of 
good  and  evil  "  have  been  embodied  in  the  religions  of  nearly  every  land." 

Women.  De  Cock.  A. :  "  Spreekworden  en  Zegswijzen  over  de  Vrouwen,  de 
Liefde  en  het  het  Huwelijk,"  Volkskiinde  (Gent),  vol.  xvi.  1904,  pp.  59-65,  107-1 13, 
157-166.  Nos.  262-352  of  proverbs  and  sayings  relating  to  women,  love  and 
marriage,  also  Nos.  1-70  relating  to  brides  and  weddings,  with  comparative  notes. 

A.  F.  C. 


THE   JOURNAL  OF 

AMERICAN  FOLK-LORE. 

Vol.  XVIIL  — OCTOBER-DECEMBER,  1905.  — No.  LXXL 


THE   WHIRLWIND   AND  THE   ELK   IN   THE 
MYTHOLOGY    OF   THE   DAKOTA. 

Several  years  ago,  while  engaged  in  making  a  collection  for  the 
American  Museum  of  Natural  History  illustrating  the  art  of  the  Da- 
kota, the  writer  whiled  away  the  tedious  hours  of  long  journeys  over 
the  open  plains  of  the  reservations  and  the  leisure  moments  around 
the  camp-fires  by  confidential  discussions  with  a  few  old  men  who 
seemed  to  live  entirely  in  the  past.  These  discussions  always  turned 
to  those  phases  of  life  known  to  us  as  ethics,  philosophy,  and  religion. 
The  quick  subjection  of  the  Indian,  with  its  consequent  destruction 
of  his  native  economic  and  political  life,  has  rather  intensified  his  re- 
flective and  religious  activities  than  otherwise,  by  restricting  all  other 
outlets  to  individual  aspirations  and  emotions.  I  have  heard  expres- 
sions from  them  which  among  us  would  be  regarded  as  evidences 
of  those  cynical  scepticisms  toward  the  ultimate  moral  and  religious 
sanctions  for  social  practices  which  an  extensive  acquaintance  with 
the  ways  of  different  orders  of  man  begets  among  many  of  our 
associates.  It  seems  clear  that  mere  contact  with  our  civilization  has- 
increased  the  breadth  of  the  view  of  the  Indian  and  made  him  more 
critical  in  his  attitude  toward  his  own  traditions  and  more  liberal  in 
his  attitude  toward  ours.  At  the  same  time  this  condition  has  sharp- 
ened his  interest  in  speculation  and  observation  as  to  the  true  state 
of  affairs  in  the  unseen  world.  For  these  reasons  we  may  expect  the 
religious  ideas  now  current  among  these  people  to  be  modified  forms 
of  their  ancient  beliefs,  but  the  mode  of  thought  and  the  method  of 
speculation  by  which  these  ideas  are  realized  seem  to  be  a  survival 
of  the  past.  It  is  for  the  purpose  of  illustrating  this  method  and  men- 
tal attitude  that  two  of  the  philosophical  conceptions  of  the  Dakota 
are  discussed  in  this  paper.  If  the  reader  finds  the  account  vague  and 
unsatisfactory,  the  writer  will  feel  that  he  has  in  a  measure  succeeded 
in  presenting  the  ideas  in  their  true  relation  as  they  stand  before  the 
minds  of  the  Dakota. 


258  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

THE    WHIRLWIND    MOTH. 

The  Dakota  believe  that  there  is  a  close  relation  between  the 
whirlwind  and  the  fluttering  wings  of  a  moth.  The  cocoon  is 
regarded  as  the  bundle  or  mysterious  object  from  which  a  power 
similar  to  that  of  the  whirlwind  emanates.  I  was  told  that  the 
observed  facts  as  to  the  emergence  of  the  moth  from  this  bundle 
were  in  themselves  evidences  of  the  sacred  character  of  the  moth 
because  it  had  power  to  escape  from  an  inclosure.  Like  the  wind  it 
could  not  be  confined.  It  represents,  from  this  point  of  view,  the 
kind  of  power  desired  by  the  Indian  :  viz.,  to  be  intangible,  invisible, 
and  destructive  like  the  wind.  The  relation  of  this  insect  to  the 
whirlwind  is  vague  and  nai've  like  most  primitive  ideas.  Some  individ- 
uals said  specifically  that  the  whirlwind  was  caused  by  the  fluttering 
wings  of  the  moth.  On  the  other  hand,  some  of  the  best  informed 
men  explained  the  case  differently.  They  took  the  view  that  it  was 
the  wind  that  was  the  real  power.  There  was  a  deep  mystery  in  the 
wind,  since  it  was  intangible  and  visible  only  in  its  effects.  The 
moth  by  its  wings  reproduced  the  phenomenon  of  the  whirlwind,  or 
received  from  it  power  to  rise  in  the  air,  etc.  Then  all  the  other 
mysterious  acts  of  the  moth  were  explained  by  its  rapport  with  this 
power. 

The  idea  of  the  power  of  the  whirlwind  as  expressed  by  the  Dakota 
is  an  interesting  psychological  fact.  The  whirlwind  to  which  they 
refer  is  always  the  harmless  little  whirl  that  one  sees  upon  the  plains 
every  clear  day.  The  long  slender  column  of  dust  betraying  its 
presence  makes  a  profound  impression  upon  the  Indian.  In  the 
whirlwind  somehow  and  somewhere  resides  the  power  to  produce 
confusion  of  mind.  How  this  idea  arose  is  not  known,  but  the 
Indian  seems  to  see  a  resemblance  between  the  visible  aspect  of  the 
whirlwind  and  the  subjective  experience  in  a  confused  state  of  mind. 
When  a  man  loses  his  presence  of  mind  he  is  said  to  have  been  over- 
come by  the  power  of  the  whirlwind.  As  this  misfortune  often  befell 
a  man  in  battle,  it  became  the  prayer  of  the  Indian  that  the  minds  of 
his  enemies  should  be  confused. 

The  buffalo  bull  is  said  to  pray  to  the  power  of  the  whirlwind 
before  going  into  a  fight.  The  proof  of  this  is  again  in  observed 
phenomena,  since  as  a  preliminary  to  an  encounter  the  bull  paws  the 
earth,  every  now  and  then  deftly  scooping  up  the  dust  with  his  hoof 
and  driving  it  straight  up  into  the  air.  From  a  distance  this  bears  a 
striking  resemblance  to  the  effect  of  a  whirlwind.  The  interpreta- 
tion placed  upon  this  act  by  the  Indian  is  that  the  buffalo  is  praying 
to  the  power  of  the  whirlwind  to  give  him  power  over  his  enemies. 
According  to  this  conception  the  praying  is  really  an  imitation,  an 


The  Whirlwind  and  the  Elk.  259 

outward  duplication  of  the  visible  part  of  the  effects  of  the  power. 
The  assumption  in  this  case  would  be  that  the  Indian  would  pray  to 
the  whirlwind  in  the  same  manner :  that  is,  throw  up  a  handful  of 
dust  in  imitation  of  the  whirlwind.  But  we  must  not  forget  that  our 
primitive  philosopher  is  proceeding  by  deduction,  or  rather  following 
out  a  traditional  line  of  thought  for  the  interpretation  of  observed 
phenomena. 

As  previously  indicated,  the  same  interpretation  is  placed  upon 
the  moth.  It  seeks  to  secure  the  aid  of  the  whirlwind  by  imitating  it. 
The  symbol  of  the  prayer  to  this  power  is  the  cocoon  from  which  the 
moth  comes.  The  cocoon  was  often  taken  with  a  portion  of  the  twig 
or  surface  upon  which  it  was  found,  wrapped  in  an  eagle  plume,  or 
down,  and  worn  on  the  head.  This  was  regarded  as  a  perpetual 
prayer  to  the  power  of  the  whirlwind.  It  was  also  the  custom  to  carve 
the  image  of  the  cocoon  in  wood,  to  model  it  of  buckskin  and  decorate 
it  with  beads,  or  to  represent  it  graphically.  John  G.  Bourke  reports 
such  an  object  on  a  war  shirt  taken  from  a  Sioux,  in  his  paper  on  the 
Apache  medicine-men.^  The  graphic  symbol  is  found  in  the  decorative 
art  of  the  Dakota.  In  Mallery's  paper  on  sign  writing  is  a  drawing 
representing  Whirlwind  Bear  in  which  the  symbol  is  placed  over  the 
head  of  a  bear.^  This  author  is  slightly  mistaken,  however,  in  the  sig- 
nificance of  the  symbol. 

By  some  individuals  it  is  believed  that  the  bear  has  the  power  of 
the  whirlwind.  In  some  cases  the  assertion  is  made  that  it  is  the 
bear  that  controls  this  power,  and  that  one  must  pray  directly  to  the 
bear  for  aid  of  this  kind.  Sometimes  a  person  will  receive  power  from 
the  bear  in  a  dream  or  vision  and  thus  come  to  have  the  aid  of  the 
whirlwind  because  of  the  conceived  relation  between  the  two.  This 
will  change  the  symbolic  acts  of  the  warrior,  as  he  will  now  paint  his 
face  with  the  symbols  of  the  bear  and  then  appeal  to  the  power  of 
that  animal  that  the  confusing  whirlwind  may  place  his  enemies  at 
his  mercy. 

As  noted  by  Mr.  Mooney,  the  mystic  character  of  the  whirlwind 
is  a  conception  common  to  the  Indians  of  the  Plains.^  This  writer 
quotes  three  songs  in  which  the  following  occur:  — 

I  bring  the  whirlwind  with  me. 
'  Our  father  the  whirlwind. 

There  is  dust  from  the  whirlwind. 

The  same  author  mentions  that  in  the  affair  at  Wounded  Knee, 
Yellow  Bird,  a  prominent   man  among  the  hostiles,  stooped,  and 

^  N^inth  Report  of  the  Bureati  of  Ethnology. 

^  Tenth  Report  of  the  Bureati  of  Ethnology,  fig.  962. 

•  James  Mooney,  Fourteenth  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology. 


26o  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

scooping  up  a  handful  of  dust,  threw  it  up  into  the  air.  By  the 
soldiers  this  was  said  to  have  been  a  signal  for  battle,  but  the  writer 
has  been  informed  from  several  sources,  both  Indian  and  white,  that 
a  companion  of  Yellow  Bird,  seeing  that  trouble  was  about  to  occur 
between  them  and  the  soldiers,  said  to  him  :  "  Now  is  the  time  to 
work  your  power,  if  you  have  it."  The  act  was  a  symbolic  appeal 
to  his  medicine  for  aid. 

A  Blackfoot  myth  contains  the  following  incident  :  — 

A  woman  went  out  after  water.  She  saw  a  small  whirlwind  com- 
ing towards  her.  As  she  watched  it  she  saw  a  little  boy  running 
along  in  the  centre  of  the  dust  whirl.  He  spoke  to  her,  saying: 
"  Mother,  I  know  what  you  said  about  having  more  children,  but  it 
will  be  different  with  me.  I  shall  be  your  next."  After  this  she 
was  with  child. 

In  other  myths  of  the  same  tribe  occurs  the  incident  of  the  buffalo 
either  shaking  or  pawing  dust  straight  up  into  the  air  "like  a  whirl- 
wind." 

Among  the  Blackfoot  we  find  the  idea  that  there  is  a  relation 
between  the  moth  and  sleep,  but  the  psychological  conception  of  its 
power  as  found  among  the  Dakota  is  wanting. ^  The  moth  is  appealed 
to  when  the  Blackfoot  desire  to  have  dreams.  With  them  power  is 
always  conferred  in  a  dream.  The  medicine-men  claim  to  use  the 
power  of  the  moth  in  making  childbirth  easy,  producing  abortion, 
preventing  conception,  etc.  Sometimes  if  a  medicine-man  wishes  a 
woman  to  have  children,  he  prays  to  the  power  of  the  moth  and  slyly 
sits  upon  the  woman's  blanket.  Among  the  Dakota  the  power  of 
the  whirlwind  is  appealed  to  in  case  of  misplaced  love.  Even  in 
such  cases  it  is  believed  that  the  mind  of  the  female  is  confused 
to  such  a  degree  that  she  cannot  resist  the  pleadings  of  the  lover. 

The  most  effective  love  charms  and  formulae  among  the  Blackfoot 
are  spoken  of  as  Cree  Medicine,  and  are  regarded  as  having  origi- 
nated with  the  Crees.  In  the  mind  of  the  Blackfoot,  at  least,  these 
are  associated  with  the  idea  of  the  power  of  the  moth.  The  image 
of  a  moth  is  sometimes  worn  on  the  head  of  a  man  in  the  belief  that 
the  power  will  pass  into  any  woman  the  wearer  may  fix  his  mind 
upon  and  cause  her  to  become  pregnant. 

The  Arapaho  use  the  same  word  for  whirlwind  and  caterpillar,  be- 
lieving the  latter  to  cause  the  former.^  Among  the  Gros  Ventre,  a 
division  of  the  Arapaho,  the  writer  found  an  axe  ornament  worked  in 
quills.  On  one  side  of  it  was  the  head  of  the  buffalo.  A  ray  extended 
upward  from  the  tip  of  his  horn  connecting  with  an  insect  hovering 
about.    The  owner  explained  it  as  representing  a  rapport  between  the 

1  G.  B.  Grinnell,  American  Anthropologist,  vol.  iii.  No.  4. 
*  Kroeber  and  Dorsey,  Traditions  of  the  Arapaho. 


The  Whirlwind  and  the  Elk.  261 

buffalo  and  the  moth.  He  explained  that  these  were  two  great  pow- 
ers and  that  they  were  in  sympathy  with  each  other.  The  whole 
represented  a  dream  or  vision  by  one  of  their  ancestors  in  which  the 
ancestor  was  given  power  by  these  mythical  creatures.  The  Gros 
Ventre  decorate  the  backs  of  their  tents  with  a  cross  representing 
the  Morning  Star.  The  Blackfoot  use  the  same  decoration  but  are 
confused  as  to  its  significance.  Some  of  them  claim  that  it  represents 
the  moth  and  is  the  symbolic  prayer  for  sleep  and  mystic  dreams, 
others  that  the  symbol  is  the  Morning  Star.  The  latter  is  doubtless 
correct  because  it  figures  in  the  Blackfoot  myths  as  such.  Yet  the 
same  symbol  is  often  used  to  represent  the  moth.  However,  the  cor- 
rect way  to  use  the  moth,  or  sleep,  symbol  is  to  cut  from  raw  hide  an 
image  of  the  insect  and  hang  it  from  the  back  pole  of  the  lodge  by  a 
thong. 

Unfortunately  the  writer  has  not  sufficient  material  for  a  compar- 
ative discussion  of  the  conception  of  the  relation  between  the  moth 
and  the  whirlwind.  That  it  anywhere  takes  the  peculiar  psychologi- 
cal form  as  found  among  the  Dakota  is  doubtful.  As  is  well  known, 
the  dragon-fly  figures  in  the  symbolic  art  of  the  Plains,  but  among 
the  Dakota,  at  least,  it  is  not  connected  with  the  idea  of  the  whirl- 
wind. With  them  it  is  venerated  as  a  being  possessed  of  the  power 
to  escape  a  blow.  They  say  it  cannot  be  hit  by  man  or  animal, 
neither  can  the  thunder  injure  it.  Hence,  this  dragon-fly  is  also  in 
touch  with  a  power  the  Indian  covets. 

THE    POWER    OF    THE    ELK. 

In  the  days  of  their  prosperity  the  young  men  of  the  Dakota 
prayed  for  power  over  the  sexual  passions  of  women  as  much  as  for 
power  over  the  arms  of  the  enemy  when  on  the  war-path.  Their 
ideals  and  ambitions  as  revealed  in  myth  and  ritual  lead  to  the 
impression  that  they  gave  far  more  than  half  their  energy  to  the  for- 
mer. Love  and  sexual  desire  were  interpreted,  after  their  mode,  as 
manifestations  of  the  working  of  some  magic  or  supernatural  power. 
When  one  young  person  was  drawn  toward  one  of  the  opposite  sex 
by  a  power  too  strong  to  be  resisted,  it  was  considered  certain  that 
the  object  of  this  passion  had  the  use  of  some  charm  or  the  aid  of 
some  unseen  power  that  produced  the  desired  result.  On  the  other 
hand,  it  was  regarded  as  almost  useless  to  resist  such  a  power.  The 
psychological  effect  of  the  consciousness  of  this  idea  in  the  mind  of 
the  woman,  at  least,  must  have  made  the  lover's  conquest  easy.  A 
number  of  mythical  creatures  were  supposed  to  manifest  similar 
powers  over  the  sexes.     The  chief  of  these  was  the  bull  elk. 

The  Dakota  have  observed  the  influence  of  male  animals  over  the 
females  of  their  kind.    When  pairing,  the  bufifalo  bulls  are  said  to 


262  your7tal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 

have  rounded  up  the  cows,  approached  them  with  pawing  and  other 
manifestations  of  anger.  Then  a  bull  would  throw  up  dust  with  his 
forefeet,  producing  an  effect  similar  to  that  of  a  small  whirlwind, 
and,  having  summoned  to  his  aid  the  power  of  the  whirlwind,  would 
turn  away.  As  he  moves  away  a  cow  leaves  the  bunch  and  follows 
him.  Likewise,  the  stallion  is  said  to  have  power  to  herd  the  mares, 
lead  them  about,  and  subject  them  to  his  will.  His  power  is  sup- 
posed to  have  been  given  by  the  thunder  horse,  or  the  thunder.  The 
spider  was  also  regarded  as  a  power  in  influencing  women  because 
of  his  cunning.  Yet  above  all  stood  the  male  elk.  He  travelled 
alone.  At  times  he  would  stand  on  a  hill  and  call  or  whistle  in  tones 
similar  to  those  of  the  Indian  flageolet.  This  call  would  bring  the 
females  to  his  side.  From  the  Indian's  point  of  view  he  seemed  to 
draw  them  from  afar  in  some  mysterious  manner.  They  say  that  he 
draws  them  with  his  flageolet.  The  flageolet  thus  becomes  a  court- 
ing charm,  but  it  is  the  power  of  the  mythical  elk  that  is  appealed 
to  and  symbolized  by  the  music.  It  is  well  to  note  that  while  the 
elk  is  taken  as  the  incarnation  of  the  power  over  females,  the  real  elk 
is  regarded  only  as  the  recipient  of  such  power.  The  power  itself  is 
conceived  of  in  the  nature  of  an  abstraction  similar  to  our  conception 
of  force.  The  fact  that  the  elk  seems  to  act  in  conformity  with  the 
laws  governing  this  power  is  taken  as  evidence  of  its  existence. 
Then  the  idea  of  the  Indian  is  that  the  elk  possesses  the  knowledge 
necessary  to  the  working  of  the  power.  Thus  a  mythical,  or  hypo- 
thetical elk,  becomes  the  teacher  of  man. 

In  the  following  account  it  is  to  be  understood  that  the  dream 
man  who  confers  the  power  of  the  flageolet  is  the  mythical  elk  him- 
self. 

In  the  Minnesota  Lake  country  a  long  time  ago,  near  the  falls  of 
the  Mississippi,  was  a  Sioux  camp.  In  this  camp  there  was  a  young 
man  who,  as  an  orphan,  had  been  reared  by  his  grandmother.  The 
family  was  poor.  The  young  man  fell  in  love  with  the  daughter  of  a 
wealthy  man.  She  refused  him.  One  day  she  ridiculed  him  and 
said,  "  You  are  too  poor  to  have  a  sweetheart ;  go  lie  with  your 
grandmother." 

The  young  man  returned  to  his  grandmother's  tipi,  put  his  robe 
over  his  head,  and  grieved.  When  his  grandmother  came  in  with 
wood  she  saw  that  he  was  in  trouble. 

"  Why  so  sorry  .''     Come,  eat  some  meat,"  she  said. 

The  young  man  explained  his  misfortune  to  her. 

"  Well,"  she  said,  "  I  told  you  not  to  approach  that  girl.  Why  did 
you  not  listen  to  me  .'*  You  are  poor.  You  have  no  good  clothes. 
You  do  not  make  a  fine  appearance." 

As  the  young  man  continued  to  grieve,  the  old  woman  said  to  him, 


The  Whirlwi7id  and  the  Elk.  263 

"Now  you  must  fast.  Send  out  for  some  one  to  make  a  sweat 
house." 

The  sticks  were  brought  and  a  sweat  house  fixed  up.  The  young 
man  was  requested  to  gather  some  sage  grass  and  spread  it  all  around 
inside  of  the  sweat  house.  Then  the  stones  were  heated,  the  young 
man  entered,  and  took  the  sweat. 

When  he  came  out  his  grandmother  told  him  to  cut  four  sticks, 
forked  at  the  end  and  as  long  as  he  was  tall.  When  the  sticks  were 
brought  the  grandmother  opened  a  square  raw  hide  bag,  took  from  it 
some  buffalo  hide,  some  deerskin,  some  red  cloth  and  tobacco.  She 
tied  up  some  tobacco  in  little  pieces  of  the  red  cloth,  and  fastened 
them  on  each  of  the  sticks.  Then  she  took  two  pieces  of  thong  of 
raw  hide  and  cut  them  in  halves,  making  four  cords  in  all. 

To  her  grandson  she  said,  "Wait,  have  you  a  friend  }" 

"Yes." 

"Call  him." 

When  the  young  man's  friend  came,  the  grandmother  requested 
him  to  accompany  her  grandson  to  a  high  hill  far  out  from  the  camp. 
She  directed  him  to  set  up  the  four  sticks  in  the  form  of  a  square, 
place  her  grandson  in  the  centre,  make  two  cuts  in  the  skin  of  his 
breast  and  two  in  the  skin  of  his  back,  to  thrust  small  sharp  sticks 
through  the  cuts  and  tie  the  ends  of  the  cords  to  them.  The  grand- 
son was  to  face  the  east,  and  the  ends  of  the  cord  were  to  be  tied  to 
the  four  sticks  set  up  in  the  ground. 

The  friend  did  this.  The  young  man  was  directed  to  stand  there 
during  the  day.  At  night  he  was  to  untie  the  pins  in  front  and  lie 
down  upon  his  breast.  His  grandmother  had  given  him  a  filled  pipe 
which  he  was  to  place  in  front  toward  the  east.  Before  lying  down 
he  was  to  look  once  to  each  of  the  four  directions  and  pray  for  a  long 
time.  The  substance  of  this  prayer  was  to  be  that  he  might  seduce 
many  women,  receive  many  horses,  and  kill  many  enemies. 

This  trial  was  to  be  endured  for  four  days  and  nights. 

During  the  second  day  of  this  ordeal,  while  looking  toward  the 
east,  the  young  man  heard  something  above  him  say,  "  Young  man, 
what  do  you  wish  that  you  torture  yourself  in  this  way  t " 

The  young  man  looked  up.  He  saw  a  man,  scarcely  visible.  The 
man  looked  old,  and  his  hair  was  white. 

Again  the  young  man  heard  the  words,  "  Do  you  want  some- 
thing ? " 

"  Yes,"  said  the  young  man.  "  I  want  many  women,  many  horses, 
and  to  kill  one  enemy.  I  have  suffered  much  because  of  my  poverty, 
now  I  want  something." 

"Very  well,"  said  the  man,  as  he  gave  him  a  thick  red  stick 
wrapped  in  sage  grass.    "  Now,  go  home.    When  there,  take  this  bun- 


264  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

die  and  tie  it  up  high  among  the  poles  of  the  tipi  where  it  will  not  be 
seen.  Go  into  the  sweat  house  every  morning  for  four  days.  You 
must  always  sleep  with  your  head  directly  beneath  the  bundle  that 
hangs  above.  When  you  have  done  this  you  will  learn  what  the  thing 
is  which  the  bundle  contains." 

The  young  man  did  as  directed.  After  the  fourth  day  when  he 
awoke,  he  saw  the  same  old  man,  who  said,  pointing  at  the  bundle, 
"To-morrow  night  the  whole  tribe  must  hear  this.  In  the  night 
you  are  to  go  out  and  circle  around  the  camp  blowing  upon  this 
flageolet.  You  are  to  pass  around  the  camp  four  times.  Then  go  to 
the  lodge  of  the  girl  you  desire,  strike  upon  the  pole  to  which  the 
cover  of  the  lodge  is  fastened,  and  the  girl  will  come  out  to  you." 

The  flageolet  was  inside  of  the  grass  bundle.  This  is  the  way  they 
got  the  flageolet. 

After  a  few  days  the  young  man  called  in  his  friend  and  invited 
him  to  share  in  the  fruits  of  the  new  medicine.  The  young  man  told 
his  grandmother  that  he  would  try  that  same  girl  again.  The  grand- 
mother laughed  at  him  for  being  so  foolish  about  this  one  girl.  The 
young  man  retorted,  "I  will  bring  all  the  women  into  this  tipi,  all 
the  women  I  want."  He  requested  her  to  go  outside  of  the  tipi, 
close  the  door,  and  allow  no  one  to  approach  the  place. 

When  they  were  alone  the  two  boys  began  to  lay  plans  for  sedu- 
cing girls.  They  were  both  poor.  The  young  man  showed  his 
friend  the  secret  bundle.  He  took  it  down  and  began  to  open  it, 
saying,  "  Now,  we  shall  steal  many  girls."  He  laid  the  bundle  on 
some  sage  grass  and  burned  some  sweet  grass.  The  bundle  was  held 
over  the  smoke  four  times  and  then  unwrapped.  The  young  man 
took  out  the  flageolet  and  played  softly. 

"Now,  my  friend,  we  can  get  any  woman  in  the  camp,"  he  said. 

Then  the  flageolet  was  put  back  into  the  bundle  and  the  grand- 
mother called  into  the  tipi.  Her  grandson  told  her  that  he  intended 
to  steal  a  girl  that  she  did  not  like,  bring  her  to  their  tipi,  and  keep 
her  four  days.     During  that  time  she  was  not  to  speak  to  the  girl. 

When  night  came  the  two  boys  took  the  flageolet,  went  out  upon 
the  hills,  and  circled  the  camp  in  the  direction  of  the  sun,  praying 
for  power  over  the  women  of  the  camp.  They  played  the  flageolet 
as  they  circled  the  camp.  The  people  in  the  tipis  heard  the  noise 
and  wondered  at  it.  The  dogs  barked  and  followed  the  sound  around 
the  edge  of  the  camp.  The  women  went  out  to  listen  and  to  beat  off 
the  dogs. 

The  boys  returned  to  their  tipis  and  hung  up  the  flageolet  in  the 
top  of  the  tipi  as  before.  Then  they  went  out  among  the  tipis  and 
each  led  a  girl  away.  These  were  the  finest  girls  in  the  whole  camp. 
The  next  day  their  relatives  were  looking  for  them  in  the  camp  but 


The  Whirlwind  and  the  Elk.  265 

could  not  find  them.  They  never  thought  of  looking  in  the  tipis  of 
the  poor  boys,  for,  of  course,  they  were  so  poor  and  insignificant  that 
no  girl  would  go  away  with  them.  Finally  the  people  concluded  that 
the  girls  had  gone  to  another  camp. 

Some  of  the  women  went  to  visit  at  the  grandmother's  tipi.  They 
talked  to  her  about  the  missing  girls.  When  they  expressed  the 
opinion  that  they  had  gone  off  to  another  tribe  the  old  woman 
laughed.     She  said,  "My  children  brought  them  home." 

"  Oh,  no  !  that  is  not  possible,"  they  all  said  in  a  chorus. 

"Well,"  said  the  grandmother,  "look  and  see  for  yourselves." 

When  they  raised  the  door  flap  and  looked  they  saw  the  two  boys 
and  the  two  girls  together, 

"  Have  you  stolen  the  girls .-'  "  the  women  called  to  the  boys. 

"Yes,"  was  the  reply. 

The  visiting  women  hastened  to  the  mothers  of  the  girls  and 
spread  the  news.  The  families  talked  it  over,  and  the  fathers  of  the 
girls  gave  their  consent  to  the  double  marriage.  They  sent  an  old 
woman  over  to  invite  the  girls  and  their  lovers  to  live  with  them. 

When  the  boys  received  the  message  they  said,  "  No,  we  will  live 
here." 

After  four  days  they  sent  the  girls  home. 

Then  they  took  the  flageolet  again,  determined  upon  two  other 
girls,  circled  the  camp  four  times  as  before,  and  led  them  away  to  the 
grandmother's  tipi. 

After  the  boys  had  repeated  this  feat  four  times  the  people  of  the 
camp  discovered  how  they  worked  their  medicine.  The  first  to  find 
it  out  were  two  young  men.  These  called  upon  the  young  man,  whose 
name  by  the  way  was  Shoots-at-the-mark,  and  asked  him  for  help  in 
securing  girls  for  themselves.  Each  of  them  gave  Shoots-at-the-mark 
a  horse.  Now  four  boys  went  out  with  the  flageolet,  circled  the  camp, 
and  all  got  girls.  This  state  of  affairs  went  on  until  nearly  all  of  the 
girls  in  camp  had  spent  four  nights  in  the  tipis  with  various  young 
men. 

One  girl  in  the  camp  boasted  that  no  one  could  steal  her  away.  An 
old  woman  reported  what  she  said  to  Shoots-at-the-mark.  He  worked 
his  charm  again  and  took  her  that  very  night.  Then  he  drove  her 
away  in  disgrace.  He  made  a  song  which  he  sang  about  the  camp 
in  derision.    The  words  were  :  — 

"  Shoots-at-the-mark  is  no  good. 
Then  why  do  you  come  ?  " 

In  course  of  time  Shoots-at-the-mark  had  received  many  horses 
from  the  young  men.  He  was  rich  now.  He  had  four  wives  and  a 
very  large  tipi.     The  dream  man  who  had  given  him  the  flageolet 


266  Journal  of  Ajneric an  Folk- Lore. 

warned  him  that  after  being  four  nights  with  a  girl  he  must  cleanse 
himself  in  the  sweat  house  and  take  the  flageolet  with  him.  If  he 
failed  to  do  this,  he  would  be  punished.  At  last  he  forgot.  The  next 
time  he  started  out  to  work  his  charm  and  circled  the  camp  for  the 
fourth  time,  something  went  wrong.  Shoots-at-the-mark  rose  in  the 
air,  circled  around,  playing  as  he  went.  The  people  watched  him  go 
up.  At  last  he  went  out  of  sight.  All  the  women  in  the  camp  were 
crying,  the  dogs  were  howling,  and  the  grandmother  cried  too.  There 
was  some  great  power  at  work. 

The  young  friend  of  Shoots-at-the-mark  explained  to  the  people 
that  there  was  a  penalty  for  neglecting  the  injunctions  pertaining  to 
this  power,  and  that  Shoots-at-the-mark  must  have  made  a  mistake. 

A  long  time  after  this  happened  a  young  man  fasted  in  the  same 
place  where  Shoots-at-the-mark  had  received  his  power.  He  dreamed 
about  the  man  and  the  flageolet.  In  the  dream  he  was  told  to  make 
his  own  flageolet  and  to  take  an  owl  for  a  charm.  He  did  so,  but  did 
not  have  the  power  of  the  first  man  to  use  the  flageolet. 
This  was  the  beginning  of  the  flageolet. 

Another  version  of  this  tale  is  that  the  young  man  first  seduced 
all  the  girls  of  the  camp.  Then  he  exercised  his  power  on  the  mar- 
ried women  until  he  had  led  all  of  them  astray.  At  last  he  ran  away 
with  his  grandmother.  This  seemed  to  have  been  the  limit,  for  the 
men  came  together  in  council  and  agreed  that  something  must  be  done 
about  it.  So  they  formed  a  plot,  and  when  the  young  man  returned 
he  was  set  upon  and  killed.  His  spirit  went  away,  circling  through 
the  air  playing  on  the  flageolet.  For  four  nights  they  heard  him 
circle  the  camp  in  the  air.  At  such  times  the  women  were  very  much 
excited.    Then  he  was  heard  no  more. 

These  myths  are  regarded  as  expositions  of  the  methods  for  work- 
ing the  charm. 

The  flageolet  of  the  Dakota,  referred  to  in  the  above,  is  usually 
one  with  five  holes.  The  end  is  often  carved  to  represent  the  head 
of  a  bird  or  an  elk.  The  figure  of  a  nude  woman  is  often  placed  near 
the  vent.  Among  the  Blackfoot  these  instruments  usually  have  four 
holes.    The  Ojibway  seem  to  prefer  six  holes. 

Another  powerful  charm  was  made  from  a  mirror.  In  a  small  mir- 
ror was  drawn  the  figure  of  an  elk  and  around  the  edge  a  zigzag  line 
to  represent  the  lightning.  Through  the  middle  of  the  mirror  a  broken 
line  was  drawn  to  represent  the  trail  of  the  elk,  and  sometimes  his 
tracks  were  drawn  along  the  trail  line.  In  use  the  mirror  was  flashed 
so  that  the  beam  would  fall  upon  the  girl.  The  trail  in  the  drawing 
implies  that  the  girl  must  follow  the  footsteps  of  the  owner  of  the 
mirror  like  the  females  of  his  kind  follow  the  male  elk.  The  lightning 
symbol  is  added  to  represent  the  thunder,  or,  according  to  some  ac- 


The  Whirlwind  and  the  Elk.  267 

counts,  to  imply  that  this  is  a  charm  object.  The  flashing  of  the  beam 
of  light  upon  the  girl  is  supposed  to  have  something  like  a  hypnotic 
effect  and  to  put  her  into  a  state  of  submission.  It  is  of  interest  to 
note  that  the  mythical  elk  who  figures  in  this  conception  usually  ap- 
pears with  a  hole  through  his  body  in  the  region  of  his  heart.  When 
he  appears  the  observer  can  look  through  the  opening  and  see  the 
landscape  beyond.  Then  this  is  represented  in  ceremonies  by  a  mir- 
ror hanging  over  the  heart  of  the  man  who  impersonates  the  mythical 
elk.  It  must  not  be  overlooked  that  this  same  mythical  elk  bears  a 
part  in  other  ceremonies  where  a  different  motive  moves  the  people. 

The  Dakota  made  use  of  a  painted  robe  that  may  be  called  a  court- 
ing blanket.  This  usually  bore  the  figure  of  an  elk,  a  spider,  and  the 
whirlwind.  Sometimes  the  figure  of  a  woman  was  the  main  part  of 
the  design  with  zigzag  lines  extending  from  the  nostrils  of  the  elk 
around  the  woman,  connecting  with  the  head  of  the  spider.  These 
lines  indicate  the  direction  of  the  power  toward  the  woman,  and  that 
she  is  enveloped  by  it.  In  one  specimen  seen  by  the  writer  the  woman 
was  depicted  as  bleeding  at  the  nose  from  the  stress  of  passion 
aroused  by  the  medicine  power  of  the  elk  and  his  associates.  The 
right  to  such  a  robe  is  conferred  in  a  dream.  After  such  an  experience 
the  dreamer  goes  out  alone  and  paints  the  design  in  secret.  When 
ready  to  seduce  the  woman  of  his  desire  he  puts  on  the  robe  with  the 
design  inside.  He  takes  a  flageolet  as  described  above  and  proceeds 
as  before  with  the  formula  for  that  instrument.  When  his  purpose 
has  been  accomplished  he  wears  the  blanket  in  public  with  the  painted 
side  out.  Usually  a  score  is  made  for  each  conquest  by  drawing  the 
figure  of  a  woman  on  the  border.  The  wearing  of  the  robe  in  public 
is  to  herald  the  fact  that  the  owner's  medicine  was  strong.  In  talking 
about  the  appearance  of  the  owner  with  the  robe  the  people  would 
remark  that  so-and-so  has  one  more  woman  on  his  robe. 

The  courting  robe  may  be  used  without  the  flageolet.  The  man 
wearing  his  robe  with  the  design  inside  goes  among  the  crowd.  The 
image  of  a  spider  is  painted  upon  the  lower  corner.  The  formula  for 
using  this  robe  is  to  so  manipulate  things  that  the  intended  victim  will 
step  upon  the  image  of  the  spider.  This  is  considered  a  sure  catch. 
The  charm  can  be  strengthened  by  the  owner  carrying  a  dead  spider 
in  his  mouth. 

Another  account  states  that,  wearing  the  robe,  the  would-be  se- 
ducer goes  out  on  the  hills  at  night  and  plays.  The  women  of  the 
camp  will  always  come  out  to  listen.  As  they  listen  they  will  become 
excited  and  sometimes  bleed  at  the  nose.  Under  such  stress  they 
.  will  be  drawn  out  towards  the  sound  away  from  the  camp.  Then  one 
of  them  would  be  caught  by  the  would-be  lover  and  forced  away. 
Often  a  confederate  would  lie  in  wait  at  the  edge  of  the  camp  circle. 


268  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

There  seemed  to  be  in  the  minds  of  the  narrators  a  keen  appreciation 
of  the  fact  that  the  knowledge  on  the  part  of  the  women  as  to  the 
purpose  of  the  players  and  the  uncertainty  as  to  whom  they  had  in 
mind  acted  as  a  powerful  suggestion  tending  toward  erotic  states. 

It  was  related  that  a  very  powerful  charm  could  be  worked  by 
standing  before  the  fire  in  the  dance  tipi  and  playing  a  flageolet  with 
an  eagle  feather  tied  to  the  end.  It  required  great  courage  to  do  this, 
as  the  whole  assembly  would  look  on  and  offer  jests  and  ridicule. 
However,  it  was  believed  to  be  an  infallible  formula. 

When  a  young  man  desired  a  woman  who  was  menstruating  he 
would  go  out  at  night  in  the  direction  from  which  the  wind  came  and 
play  four  nights.  On  the  fifth  night  he  would  boldly  take  the  woman 
from  her  tipi  out  to  the  hills  where  he  had  prepared  a  sweat  house. 
Here  a  purification  ceremony  was  performed  before  intimacy. 

These  few  examples  of  the  philosophy  of  the  Plains  have  been 
given  to  illustrate  the  type  of  thought  that  seems  to  have  prevailed 
among  the  natives.  It  seems  quite  clear  that  the  psychological 
aspect  of  these  practices  presents  problems  of  imitation.  The  way 
to  realize  a  condition  in  nature  according  to  this  philosophy  is  to  put 
one's  self  in  the  attitude  of  the  men  or  animals  who  do  accomplish 
what  seems  desirable.  This  is  an  idealism  that  seeks  to  make  the 
play  so  intense  that  it  becomes  a  reality.  In  one  respect  the  Indian 
is  passive,  because  he  seems  to  assume  that  events  result  from  causes 
outside  of  his  will  and  in  practice  seeks  to  put  himself  in  the  atti- 
tude that  pertains  to  the  observed  phenomena  which  results  in  imi- 
tation. The  philosophical  ideas  held  by  these  people  are  in  them- 
selves interpretations,  for,  like  man  in  general,  they  seem  to  have 
developed  formal  practices  first  and  afterwards  devised  systems  of 
philosophy  to  explain  them.  A  review  of  the  preceding  pages  will 
show  that  the  Dakota  has  a  fair  knowledge  of  what  takes  place  in 
the  mind  of  an  individual  when  confronted  with  certain  conditions, 
and  that  his  interpretations  are  the  results  of  keen  psychological 
introspection. 

The  accounts  we  get  from  the  natives  of  the  Plains  are  vague,  and 
often  contradictory.  A  phenomenon  is  assigned  to  one  cause  in  one 
connection  and  another  in  a  different  association.  Thus  a  literal 
account  of  what  one  hears  from  the  speech  of  these  people  will  not 
give  us  an  idea  of  their  philosophy.  The  interpretation  must  be 
rendered  by  the  vi^riter.  In  this  case  the  writer  has  sought  to  give 
literally  the  thoughts  expressed  by  natives,  but  at  the  same  time  he 
has  given  the  whole  an  interpretation  based  upon  all  the  information 
at  hand  and  not  from  the  above  illustrations  alone. 

Clark  Wissler. 

Columbia  University,  New  York. 


Who  was  the  Medicine  Man?  269 


WHO  WAS  THE  MEDICINE  MAN?i 

The  real  character  of  peoples  is  never  fully  known  until  there  has 
been  obtained  some  knowledge  of  their  religious  ideas  and  their  con- 
ception of  the  Unseen  Power  that  animates  all  life.  It  is  not  generally 
credited  by  the  white  race  that  the  tribes  of  this  continent  did  not 
differ  from  the  other  people  of  the  earth,  in  the  effort  to  understand 
the  meaning  of  life  in  all  its  infinite  variety  of  forms,  and  the  relation 
of  these  forms  to  the  great,  mysterious  Power  that  animates  all  life. 
It  is  true,  however,  that  the  natives  of  this  land  had  given  these 
themes  much  thought,  and  had  formulated  their  ideas  concerning 
them  long  before  the  European  set  foot  upon  this  soil. 

The  lack  of  intelligence  as  to  this  fact  has  been  in  part  due  to  the 
absence  of  a  written  literature  among  the  tribes  living  within  the 
area  of  the  United  States,  while  such  records  as  did  exist  have  suf- 
fered grave  misapprehension  and  mistreatment  on  the  part  of  the 
observers.  Moreover,  the  idea  commonly  entertained  by  the  white 
race  that  they  alone  possess  the  knowledge  of  a  God  has  influenced 
the  mind  of  all  those  of  that  race  who  have  come  in  contact  with  the 
Indians.  We  find  that  most  of  the  missionaries  who  have  labored 
among  the  Indians  did  not  stop  to  inquire  if  the  people  had  any  idea 
of  a  Power  that  made  and  controlled  all  things.  These  well  meaning 
and  zealous  men  seem  to  have  taken  for  granted  that  savages  were 
not  capable  by  their  own  effort  of  conceiving  the  thought  of  such  a 
Power.  So,  when  they  happened  to  see  the  Indians  worshipping 
according  to  their  own  peculiar  customs,  using  forms,  ceremonies,  and 
symbols  that  were  strange,  they  said,  "Poor  creatures,  they  are  wor- 
shipping the  devil !  "  when  in  truth  the  Indians  never  knew  a  per- 
sonal devil  until  he  was  solemnly  and  religiously  introduced  by  the 
teachers.  The  Indians  recognized  that  there  were  evil  influences 
that  beset  mankind,  but  these  evil  influences  were  never  the  centre 
of  religious  ceremonials,  much  less  of  worship.  It  was  not  possible, 
therefore,  for  the  white  people  to  gain,  through  the  medium  of  these 
teachers,  any  definite  knowledge  of  the  real  thoughts  of  the  Indian 
concerning  the  Supreme  Being. 

Nor  has  the  Indian  fared  much  better  at  the  hands  of  those  who 
have  undertaken  to  study  him  as  an  object  of  ethnological  interest. 
The  myths,  the  rituals,  and  the  legends  of  the  race  have  been  fre- 

1  This  address  was  delivered  before  the  Fairmount  Park  Association  of  Phila- 
delphia, on  tlie  occasion  of  the  presentation  by  that  association,  to  the  city  of 
Philadelphia,  of  Cyrus  E.  Dallin's  statue  of  the  Medicine  Man,  December  lo, 
1903.  It  is  here  reprinted,  with  the  addition  of  introductory  paragraphs,  from  the 
Proceedings  of  the  association,  by  kind  permission  of  the  board  of  trustees. 


270  youriial  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

quently  recorded  in  such  manner  as  to  obscure  their  true  meaning, 
and  to  make  them  to  appear  as  childish  or  as  foolish.  This  has  been  in 
a  large  measure  due  to  linguistic  difficulties.  The  Indian  tongues 
differ  widely  from  the  English  language,  not  only  in  the  construction 
of  sentences,  but  in  general  literary  form.  Moreover,  the  imagery 
of  the  Indian  speech  conveys  a  very  different  meaning  to  the  mind 
of  the  Indian  from  that  which  it  conveys  to  the  mind  of  the  white 
man.  The  Indian  looks  upon  nature,  upon  all  natural  forms,  animate 
and  inanimate,  from  a  different  standpoint,  and  he  draws  from  them 
different  lessons,  than  does  one  of  the  white  race.  So  when  scholars 
give  a  literal  translation  of  an  Indian 'story,  both  its  spirit  and  its 
form  are  lost  to  the  English  reader.  Or  when  the  myth  is  inter- 
preted by  an  Indian  who  has  picked  up  a  scanty  and  colloquial 
knowledge  of  English,  even  if  by  chance  he  has  himself  a  compre- 
hension of  the  meaning  of  the  myth  he  translates,  his  rendition  will 
be  one  that  no  intelligent  Indian  can  accept  as  a  true  presentation 
of  the  mythic  story.  It  is  from  translations  such  as  these  that  the 
mental  capacity  of  the  Indian  has  been  judged  and  conclusions  drawn 
as  to  his  conception  of  the  Supreme  Being,  and  the  relation  of  that 
Being  to  man  and  all  other  things,  animate  and  inanimate. 

Man  is  a  religious  being.  Wherever  he  has  been  discovered  upon 
the  face  of  the  earth,  in  whatever  climate  or  in  whatever  condition, 
he  has  been  found  to  have  a  religion,  based  upon  some  conception  of 
a  Power  that  brought  into  existence  all  things,  and  put  into  them  life 
and  motion. 

A  broad  study  of  the  human  race  has  shown  that  the  mind  of  man 
is  the  same  the  world  over.  However  widely  the  races  of  the  earth 
may  have  been  separated  from  each  other  by  geographic  or  other 
conditions,  all  seem  to  have  been  inspired  with  the  same  idea — that 
life  in  its  infinite  variety  of  forms  comes  from  some  mysterious  Power 
invisible  to  man.  Moreover,  all  people  seem  to  have  been  alike  im- 
bued with  the  belief  that  this  Power  possessed,  in  a  supernatural 
degree,  qualities  similar  to  those  man  was  conscious  of  within  him- 
self, as  a  will  to  act,  an  intelligence  to  direct,  and  emotions  that  could 
be  moved  to  pity  and  to  love,  to  anger  and  to  hatred.  Therefore, 
this  Power  could  destroy  as  well  as  create  ;  hence,  it  was  something 
to  be  feared,  as  it  was  equally  to  be  adored. 

When  in  the  progress  of  time  this  fundamental  idea  concerning 
the  supernatural  Power  became  more  definitely  formed  in  the  mind 
of  primitive  man,  it  followed  as  a  natural  sequence  that  he  should 
desire  to  know  how  to  conduct  himself  towards  this  Power,  and  in 
what  manner  he  should  worship  it.  There  seemed  at  first  to  have 
been  but  two  ways  by  which  man  could  satisfy  himself  upon  these 
questions. 


Who  was  the  Medicine  Man?  271 

One  was  by  seeking  to  come  into  direct  communication  with  the 
supernatural.  This  he  found  to  be  impossible  amid  the  disturbing 
influences  of  the  manifold  activities  of  daily  life;  so,  in  order  to 
achieve  this  desired  end,  he  secluded  himself  in  the  silent  solitude 
of  the  desert,  or  he  wandered  among  the  mountains,  or  in  the  deep 
forests,  where,  undisturbed,  he  could  listen  for  the  voice  of  the 
Mysterious  One  in  the  sighing  of  the  winds  through  the  trees,  or 
look  for  his  actual  presence  in  the  storm-cloud,  among  the  fires  of  the 
lightning  and  the  crashing  of  thunder.  In  the  intensity  of  his  feel- 
ings he  heard  voices  in  the  sky,  he  saw  visions  and  had  strange 
dreams,  all  of  which  he  believed  to  be  the  manifestations  which  his 
soul  craved.     Yet  these  but  partly  satisfied  his  longings. 

The  other  way  by  which  he  sought  to  approach  the  Mysterious 
Power  —  a  way  which  gave  play  to  his  imagination  and  also  to  his 
reasoning  faculties  —  was  by  seeking  to  fathom  the  secrets  of  nature 
that  surrounded  him  on  all  sides.  With  longing  patience  he  watched 
the  sun,  the  moon,  the  stars.  Their  magnitude  and  the  precision  of 
their  movements  stirred  his  soul  with  sublime  thoughts.  The  air 
that  he  breathed  ;  the  rain  that  moistened  the  land  ;  the  earth,  with 
its  mountains  and  valleys,  its  seas  and  rivers  ;  the  seasons,  with  their 
unvarying  succession  of  changes — all  whispered  to  him  of  the  pre- 
sence of  the  Mysterious  One.  The  mist  that  dimmed  his  mind's 
vision  drifted  away,  and  lo  !  he  beheld  in  all  these  the  foreshadowing 
of  Jehovah,  Allah,  Wa-kon-da. 

This  search  for  a  knowledge  of  the  Mysterious  One  meant  to  early 
man  the  very  life  of  his  soul.  The  voices  that  he  heard,  the  visions 
that  he  saw,  the  dreams  that  came  to  him,  when  he  fasted  on  the 
mountains  or  in  the  desert,  were  all  sacred  to  him  ;  while  the  thoughts 
that  were  inspired  by  this  search  for  a  sign  of  the  Divine  Being  in 
the  sun,  the  moon,  the  stars,  and  the  earth  comforted  his  spirit,  and 
became  more  and  more  necessary  to  his  inner  life.  He  therefore 
strove  to  perpetuate  them  in  rites  and  ceremonies  and  mythic 
stories,  so  that  they  could  be  transmitted  to  his  children  and  to  his 
children's  children,  through  the  successive  ages. 

The  task  of  preserving  these  rites  and  ceremonies,  and  of  keeping 
them  before  the  people,  naturally  fell  to  men  of  character,  who  were 
given  to  serious  thought.  Such  men  were  regarded  as  peculiarly 
favored  by  the  Divine  Power,  and  for  that  reason  they  themselves 
became  either  the  leaders  in  all  interests,  both  secular  and  religious, 
or  they  were  closely  associated  as  advisers  with  the  men  who  were 
rulers  in  temporal  affairs.  They  were  the  Men  of  Mystery,  the 
Prophets,  the  Priests. 

In  such  way  began  the  religions  of  the  people  of  the  eastern  con- 
tinents, and  in  like  manner  the  knowledge  of  the  Great  Spirit  dawned 


272  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

upon  the  tribes  that  dwelt  in  this  land  ages  before  the  coming  of  the 
pale-faces. 

The  Indians  that  lived  within  the  borders  of  this  country  knew  no 
written  literature.  The  record  of  their  religious  conceptions  was 
kept  by  means  of  rites,  ceremonies,  and  symbols.  Among  many  of 
the  tribes  (as  it  was  in  the  case  of  my  own  tribe)  these  symbols  were 
embodied  in  the  organization  of  the  tribe  itself,  and  in  the  ceremonies 
connected  with  the  avocations  of  the  people. 

First,  as  to  the  symbolism  embodied  in  the  organization  of  the 
tribe.  The  plan  or  order  which  was  carried  out  when  all  the  people 
camped  together  was  that  of  a  wide  circle.  This  tribal  circle  was 
called  Hu-dhu-ga,  and  typified  the  cosmos,  the  dwelling-place  of  the 
Great  Spirit.  The  circle  was  divided  into  two  great  divisions  or 
halves.  The  one  called  In-shta-sun-da,  represented  the  heavens,  and 
the  other,  the  Hun-ga-she-nu,  denoted  the  earth.  This  symbolic 
division  of  the  tribal  circle  embodied  the  idea  that  the  Great  Spirit 
pervades  the  heavens  and  the  earth.  Again,  each  of  the  two  great 
divisions  was  subdivided  into  clans,  and  each  one  of  the  ten  clans  of 
the  tribe  had  its  particular  symbol,  representing  a  cosmic  force,  or 
one  of  the  various  forms  of  life  on  the  earth.  The  name  of  the  clan, 
and  the  personal  names  of  its  members,  all  have  reference  to  its 
symbol.  The  personal  name  was  ceremonially  bestowed  upon  the 
child  ;  so  within  the  tribe  we  have  clan  names  that  refer  to  the  sun, 
moon,  stars,  clouds,  rain,  and  wind  ;  the  earth,  hills,  lakes,  rivers, 
and  all  animals,  from  birds  to  insects.  In  this  manner  the  Indian 
recognized  that  all  things  were  created  by  the  Great  Spirit. 

The  burden  of  memorizing  and  transmitting  with  accuracy,  from 
one  generation  to  another,  the  rites  and  ceremonies  common  to  the 
tribe  was  divided  among  men  selected  from  each  of  the  clans.  This 
responsibility  was  not  placed  upon  these  men  without  a  careful  con- 
sideration of  each  man's  qualification  and  fitness  to  be  so  intrusted, 
for  the  reason  that  the  recognition  of  the  Great  Spirit  as  a  ruler,  and 
the  observation  of  the  prescribed  manner  of  worshipping  him,  was 
believed  to  be  essential  to  the  continued  existence  of  the  people  as 
an  organized  body,  that  is,  as  a  tribe. 

Four  requisites  were  demanded  of  the  one  who  was  to  deal  with 
the  mysteries  enshrined  in  the  rites  and  ceremonies  of  the  tribe. 

First,  and  most  important,  was  the  recognition  of  the  sanctity  of 
human  life.  The  man  who  was  to  mediate  between  the  people  and 
Wa-kon-da  must  stand  before  his  tribesmen  and  the  Great  Spirit  with 
hands  unstained  with  the  blood  of  his  fellow  man. 

Second,  he  must  be  a  man  whose  words  never  deviate  from  the 
path  of  truth,  for  the  Great  Spirit  manifests  the  value  placed  upon 
truth  in  the  regular  and  orderly  movements  of  the  heavenly  bodies, 
and  in  the  ever-recurring  day  and  night,  summer  and  winter. 


Who  was  the  Medicine  Man  ?  273 

Third,  he  must  be  slow  to  anger,  for  the  patience  of  the  Great 
Spirit  is  shown  in  his  forbearance  with  man's  waywardness. 

Fourth,  he  must  be  dehberate  and  prudent  of  speech,  lest  by  haste 
he  should  profane  his  trust  through  thoughtless  utterance. 

The  men  thus  chosen  were  true  to  the  sacredness  of  their  office. 
They  protected  it  from  the  abuse  of  those  having  an  hereditary  right 
to  perform  its  duties.  There  are  instances  well  known  in  my  own 
tribe  where  men  have  refused  to  instruct  their  own  sons  in  the 
sacred  rites,  because  their  character  lacked  some  of  these  essential 
requisites.  The  honor  and  sanctity  of  the  office  was  paramount  to 
mere  paternal  feeling. 

These  were  the  prophets  and  priests,  these  were  the  men  who  were 
termed,  in  the  Indian  languages,  the  Men  of  Mystery,  and  by  the 
Europeans  the  Medicine  Men.  The  entire  life  of  the  Medicine  Man, 
both  public  and  private,  was  devoted  to  his  calling.  His  solitary 
fasts  were  frequent,  and  his  mind  was  apt  to  be  occupied  in  contem- 
plating the  supernatural.  His  public  duties  were  many,  and  often 
onerous.  His  services  were  needed  when  the  children  were  dedi- 
cated to  the  Great  Spirit ;  he  must  conduct  the  installation  of  chiefs  ; 
when  dangers  threatened  he  must  call  these  leaders  to  the  council 
of  war,  and  he  was  the  one  to  confer  upon  the  warrior  military 
honors  ;  the  appointment  of  officers  to  enforce  order  during  the  tribal 
buffalo  hunt  was  his  duty ;  and  he  it  was  who  must  designate  the 
time  for  the  planting  of  the  maize.  Apart  from  these  tribal  rites, 
he  officiated  at  ceremonials  which  more  directly  referred  to  the 
individual,  as  on  the  introduction  to  the  cosmos  of  a  newly  born 
babe. 

The  ritual  in  this  particular  ceremony  is  a  supplication  for  the 
safety  of  the  child  from  its  birth  to  old  age.  In  it  the  life  of  the 
infant  is  pictured  as  about  to  travel  a  rugged  road,  stretching  over 
four  hills,  marking  the  stages  of  infancy,  youth,  manhood,  and  old 
age. 

On  the  eighth  day  after  the  birth  of  a  child  the  parents,  through 
certain  prescribed  forms,  send  for  the  Medicine  Man.  In  due  time 
he  comes,  clad  in  his  priestly  garb,  and  stands  at  the  door  of  the  tent 
wherein  the  child  lies.     Raising  his  right  hand  to  the  sky  he  calls  : 

Ho !  Ye  Sun,  Moon,  Stars,  all  ye  that  move  in  the  heavens  ; 

I  bid  ye  hear  me  ! 

Into  your  midst  has  come  a  new  life. 

Consent  ye,  I  implore  ! 

Make  its  path  smooth,  that  it  may  reach  the  brow  of  the  first  hill ! 

Ho  !  Ye  Winds,  Clouds,  Rain,  Mist,  all  ye  that  move  in  the  air; 
I  bid  ye  hear  me  ! 

Into  your  midst  has  come  a  new  life. 
VOL.  xvni.  —  NO.  71.      20 


2  74  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

Consent  ye,  I  implore  ! 

Make  its  path  smooth,  that  it  may  reach  the  brow  of  the  second  hill ! 

Ho  !  Ye  Hills,  Valleys,  Rivers,  Lakes,  Trees,  Grasses,  all  ye  of  the  earth; 

I  bid  ye  hear  me  ! 

Into  your  midst  has  come  a  new  life. 

Consent  ye,  I  implore  ! 

Make  its  path  smooth,  that  it  may  reach  the  brow  of  the  third  hill ! 

Ho !  Ye  Birds,  great  and  small,  that  fly  in  the  air ; 

Ho !  Ye  animals,  great  and  small,  that  dwell  in  the  forest ; 

Ho !  Ye  insects,  that  creep  among  the  grasses  and  burrow  in  the  ground ; 

I  bid  ye  hear  me  ! 

Into  your  midst  has  come  a  new  life. 

Consent  ye,  1  implore  ! 

Make  its  path  smooth,  that  it  may  reach  the  brow  of  the. fourth  hill ! 

Ho  !  All  ye  of  the  heavens  ;  all  ye  of  the  air ;  all  ye  of  the  earth ; 

I  bid  ye  all  to  hear  me  ! 

Into  your  midst  has  come  a  new  life. 

Consent  ye,  consent  ye  all,  I  implore ! 

Make  its  path  smooth,  then  shall  it  travel  beyond  the  four  hills  ! 

From  this  fragment  of  an  extended  rite,  you  may  be  able  to  catch 
a  glimpse  of  the  Indian's  conception  of  the  entirety  of  the  universe. 

There  was  another  kind  of  Medicine  Man  very  different  in  charac- 
ter. He  held  no  office  of  public  trust,  for  he  lacked  one  of  the  essen- 
tial qualifications  for  such  a  responsibility,  and  that  was  truthfulness  ; 
he  continually  wandered  in  thought,  word,  and  deed  from  the  straight 
path  of  truth.  He  was  shrewd,  crafty,  and  devoid  of  scruples.  The 
intelligent  classes  within  the  tribe  held  him  in  contempt,  while  the 
ignorant  of  the  community  feared  him.  His  bold  pretensions  enabled 
him  to  carry  on  successfully  his  profession  of  deception  upon  the 
simple.  He  was  a  "  Healer,"  something  similar  to  the  healer  known 
to  the  civilized  folk  nowadays  as  "  divine,"  only  considerably  more 
so.  (Laughter.)  He  was  a  keen  observer  of  nature  and  human  nature 
and  he  used  his  acumen  solely  to  his  own  advantage.  Had  he  had 
book  learning  added  to  what  he  gleaned  from  experience,  and  lived 
in  New  York  city,  or  Chicago,  he  would  not  fail  of  many  followers. 
(Laughter.)  Or,  he  might  have  been  useful  in  the  Weather  Bureau 
at  Washington  (laughter),  for  when  he  said  it  would  rain,  it  did  rain. 
These  up-to-date  tricksters  were  much  in  evidence  in  the  tribes,  and 
they  never  failed  to  impress  the  stranger  who  travelled,  and  wrote 
books. 

The  tribal  religious  rites  were  invariably  observed,  either  annually 
or  at  the  beginning  of  a  season.  To  go  through  the  forms  at  any 
other  time  would  be  sacrilege,  so  the  Medicine  Man  who  officiated  on 
these  occasions  never  had  the  opportunity  to  become  known  to  the 


Who  was  tJie  Medicine  Man  ?  275 

stranger,  as  had  the  sorcerer,  who  could  go  through  his  incantations 
whenever  and  wherever  any  inducements  might  offer.  It  can  there- 
fore be  readily  understood  how  this  character  became  prominent  in 
the  literature  of  the  white  race,  and  how  his  clever  inventions  were 
believed  to  represent  the  religious  beliefs  of  the  Indians,  to  the 
serious  misunderstanding  of  my  race. 

The  true  religious  ideas  of  the  Indian  will  never  be  fully  compre- 
hended, for  already  many  of  the  rites  and  ceremonies  that  kept  alive 
such  conceptions  as  we  have  been  considering  are  being  forgotten  in 
the  changes  that  are  rapidly  taking  place  in  the  life  of  the  present 
generation.  The  youths  who  might  have  carried  on  these  teachings, 
and  perhaps  further  developed  them,  are  accommodating  their  lives 
to  new  conditions  and  taking  up  the  avocations  of  the  race  dominant 
in  the  land. 

I  cannot  discuss,  from  the  standpoint  of  an  artist,  the  Medicine 
Man  as  he  is  here  portrayed  by  your  sculptor,  but,  in  the  serious  ex- 
pression, the  dignified  bearing,  the  strength  of  pose,  I  recognize  the 
character  of  the  true  Medicine  Man  (applause)  —  he  who  was  the 
mediator  between  his  people  and  the  Great  Spirit.  The  statue  at 
once  brings  back  vividly  to  my  mind  the  scenes  of  my  early  youth, 
scenes  that  I  shall  never  again  see  in  their  reality.  This  reopening  of 
the  past  to  me  would  never  have  been  possible,  had  not  your  artist 
risen  above  the  distorting  influence  of  the  prejudice  one  race  is  apt  to 
feel  toward  another  and  been  gifted  with  the  imagination  to  discern 
the  truth  which  underlies  a  strange  exterior. 

The  representation  of  the  Medicine  Man  as  a  nude  figure  is  not  a 
mere  fancy  of  the  artist,  for  in  many  of  the  religious  rites  the  priest 
appeared  in  such  manner.  This  nudity  is  not  without  its  significance, 
it  typifies  the  utter  helplessness  of  man,  when  his  strength  is  con- 
trasted with  the  power  of  the  Great  Spirit,  whose  power  is  symbolized 
by  the  horns  upon  the  head  of  the  priest.  With  his  best  intelligence 
and  greatest  skill  in  the  use  of  his  hands,  man  is  powerless  to  bring 
into  existence  even  so  much  as  the  tiniest  flower,  while  out  of  the 
force  of  the  will  of  the  Mysterious  One  all  things  in  the  heavens  and 
the  earth  have  come  into  existence  with  beauty,  grandeur,  and 
majesty.    (Applause.) 

Francis  La  FlcscJie. 


276  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 


CUPID'S   ARROW.i 

Of  a  rich  noble  of  late  we  do  hear, 
Who  had  one  only  daughter,  most  beautiful  and  fair, 
And  she  being  admired,  this  beautiful  child, 
Until  by  Cupid's  arrow  her  love  did  be  beguiled. 

Her  father  being  dead,  one  day  for  her  ease 
Went  out  to  view  her  workmen  and  rode  in  a  chaise; 
A  handsome  young  plow-boy  she  saw  standing  by, 
And  with  rapture  upon  him  she  fixed  her  eye. 

A  flame  in  her  bosom  straightway  there  did  glow, 
All  for  to  view  his  beauty  to  the  fields  she  did  go, 
Where  he  whistled  so  sweet  caused  the  valley  to  ring, 
And  his  cheeks  were  like  roses  that  bloom  in  the  spring. 

She  said :  "  Noble  plow-boy,  come  join  our  parade, 
Be  dressed  like  a  soldier  and  wear  a  cockade ; 
No  longer  at  home  for  to  plow  nor  to  sow, 
But  away  for  a  soldier  with  me  you  must  go. 

You  're  proper  and  handsome,  more  fitting  to  shine 
With  lace  cap  and  feather  and  scarlet  so  fine, 
So  you  must  go  along  with  me  and  your  captain  I  will  be. 
And  a  lady  will  court  you  of  noble  degree." 

Then  close  in  a  room  this  young  man  was  confined 
Till  she  altered  her  clothing  and  told  to  him  her  mind. 
He  enfolded  her  in  his  arms,  and  he  solemnly  swore, 
That  the  captain  of  love  he  would  always  adore. 

Then  down  to  the  church  this  young  couple  went, 
And  joined  their  hands  with  mutual  consent ; 
Oh  how  happy  the  plow-boy  when  changed  was  he, 
From  a  poor  man's  estate  a  rich  noble  to  be. 

Mrs.  R.  F.  Herrick. 

Eureka,  Cal. 

1  This  traditional  song  was  brouc;ht  to  America  from  England  by  Christopher 
Gist,  who  came  over  with  Leonard  Calvert  and  settled  in  Baltimore.  It  has  been 
preserved  by  his  descendants,  of  whom  the  contributor  is  one. 


Sioux  Games.  277 


SIOUX   GAMES.     I. 

According  to  the  information  given  by  the  older  men  among  the 
Lakota,  the  games  described  in  the  following  pages  have  been  played 
among  them  as  far  back  as  the  memory  of  man  goes.  They  all 
believe  them  to  be  very  ancient.  These  games  are  played  but  little 
now,  as  they  have  been  replaced  by  others,  most  of  which  have  been 
introduced  by  the  white  people.  Owing  to  the  paucity  of  their  lan- 
guage it  is  difficult  for  these  Indians  to  give  a  differential  description, 
and  to  secure  full  and  accurate  information  from  them  in  regard  to 
any  matter  that  is  complex  is  a  tedious  process.  It  was  necessary, 
in  order  to  get  the  correct  rules  of  these  games,  to  see  them  played, 
and  to  question  the  players  in  regard  to  every  step  relative  to  them, 
for  no  Indian  was  able  to  give  the  rules  completely.  But  after  they 
were  secured  and  written,  all  who  were  questioned  about  them,  or  to 
whom  they  were  read,  agreed  that  they  were  correct. 

The  writer  has  used  the  word  "Lakota"  instead  of  "Dakota," 
because  it  represents  the  Teton  dialect,  while  "Dakota"  represents 
the  Santee  and  Yankton  dialect,  and  because  the  information  rela- 
tive to  these  games  was  gathered  among  the  Tetons.  The  spelling 
of  the  Lakota  words  herein  given  is  that  adopted  in  the  "  Dakota- 
English  Dictionary,  North  American  Ethnology,  U.  S.  Geographical 
and  Geological  Survey,"  vol.  vii. 

Apparently  the  original  Sioux  language  was  composed  entirely  of 
words  of  a  single  syllable,  and  the  vocabulary  was  very  limited. 
Things,  conditions,  and  actions,  not  named  in  the  original  language, 
were  described  by  phrases  composed  of  the  original  words.  These 
phrases  became  agglutinated,  and  formed  compound  words,  and  the 
language  as  spoken  at  the  present  time  is  largely  composed  of  these 
compound  or  phrase  words.  Because  of  the  primitive  ideas  ex- 
pressed by  the  elements  of  these  compound  words  it  is  difficult  to 
make  an  exact  translation  of  them  into  English,  and  for  this  reason 
the  translations  herein  given  are  liberal. 

The  following  is  a  list  of  the  games,  in  Lakota  and  English. 

LAKOTA  WOSKATE  EHANA.       SIOUX  GAMES,  ANCIENT. 

A.  Wayekiyapi  Woskate  Wicasa.  Gambling  Games  for  Men. 

Painyankapi.  Wands  and  Hoop. 

Takapsice.  Shinney. 

Canwiyusna.  Odd  Sticks. 

Hehaka.  Elk. 

B.  Wayekiyapi  Woskate  Winyan.  Gambling  Games  for  Women. 

Tawinkapsice.  Woman's  Shinney. 

Tasiha.  Foot  Bones. 


2  y8  younial  of  A  merican  Folk-Lore. 


Tanpan 

Dice. 

Icaslohe. 

Bowls. 

C.  Woimagaga  Woskata  Wicasa. 

Amusement  Games  for  Men. 

Tahuka  Cangleska. 

Webbed  Hoops. 

Hutanacute. 

Winged  Bones. 

Pteheste. 

Young  Cow. 

Canpaslohanpi. 

Throwing  Sticks. 

Ogle  Cekutepi. 

Coat  Shooting. 

D.  Woimagaga  Woskate  Hoksila. 

Amusement  Game  for  Boys. 

Paslohanpi. 

Javelins. 

Canwacikiyapi. 

Tops. 

Titazipi  Hoksila. 

Boy's  Bow. 

Hohu  Yourmonpi. 

Bone  Whirler. 

Tate  Yourmonpi. 

Wind  Whirler. 

Ipahotonpi. 

Popgun. 

E.  Woimagaga  Woskate  Wicincala. 

Amusement  Games  for  Girls 

Hepaslohanpi. 

Horned  Javelins. 

Hosingagapi. 

Dolls. 

Tipi  Cikala. 

Little  Tipi. 

Some  of  the  Sioux  dances  could  be  included  in  a  list  of  their 
games,  but  as  they  are  all  accompanied  with  more  or  less  of  cere- 
mony, they  more  properly  belong  in  a  list  of  their  entertainments 
and  ceremonies.  In  describing  the  various  implements  used  in  the 
games  the  measurements  given  are  vague,  because  these  Indians  had 
no  fixed  standard,  and  could  give  approximate  measures  only. 

The  only  previous  account  of  Sioux  games  is  by  Louis  L.  Meeker, 
published  in  the  "Bulletin  of  the  Free  Museum  of  Science  and 
Arts,"  University  of  Pennsylvania,  vol.  iii.  No.  i.  In  this  publica- 
tion the  author  gives  most  of  his  attention  to  the  objects  used  in 
playing  the  games,  without  giving  very  full  information  as  to  the 
rules  for  playing.  As  the  games  played  by  the  Sioux  are  known  to 
all  of  the  Indians  of  the  Plains,  it  seems  advisable  to  have  a  complete 
account  of  the  rules  governing  them,  for  comparative  purposes.  As 
the  illustrations  in  the  paper  by  Mr.  Meeker  are  quite  satisfactory, 
the  writer  will  dispense  with  illustrations  in  his  own.^ 

I.  WOSKATE  PAINYANKAPI. 
(Game  of  Wands  and  Hoop.) 
Painyankapi  is  an  ancient  gambling  game  played  by  men.  The 
Indians  took  great  interest  in  this  game,  and  some  became  very 
skilful  at  it.  Sometimes  a  band  of  Indians  would  go  a  long  distance, 
taking  with  them  their  families  and  all  their  possessions,  to  gamble 
on  a  game  between  expert  players.     Such  games  were  watched  by 

1  The  author  made  a  collection  of  the  objects  described  in  this  paper  for  the 
American  Museum  of  Natural  History,  New  York  city. 


Sioux  Games.  279 

interested  crowds,  and,  as  they  offer  many  opportunities  for  trickery, 
fierce  contests  arose  over  disputed  points,  which  sometimes  ended 
in  bloodshed  and  feuds. 

The  implements  used  in  the  game  are :  cangleska,  the  hoop ; 
cansakala,  the  wands. 

The  cangleska  is  made  from  one  piece,  as  long  as  the  tallest  man, 
taken  from  an  ash  sapling  in  the  spring,  while  the  sap  is  flowing. 
This  is  held  in  the  fire,  with  the  bark  on,  until  it  becomes  pliable, 
when  it  is  bent  into  the  form  of  a  hoop.  It  is  then  trimmed  to  a 
uniform  diameter  of  about  one  inch,  the  ends  lapped  about  three 
inches,  and  fastened  together  with  thongs  of  rawhide. 

Beginning  near  the  lap,  on  each  side  of  the  hoop,  four  shallow 
spaces  are  cut  so  as  to  divide  the  hoop  into  quadrants.  These  spaces 
are  about  two  inches  long  and  half  an  inch  wide,  and  those  on  one 
side  are  exactly  opposite  those  on  the  other.  Three  transverse 
grooves  are  cut  in  each  of  the  spaces  nearest  the  lap,  and  these  are 
called  ca)i/iuta,  or  the  stump.  Two  oblique  grooves  crossing  each 
other  at  right  angles  are  cut  on  each  of  the  two  spaces  next  the  lap, 
and  these  are  called  okajaya,  or  the  fork.  Six  transverse  grooves  are 
cut  on  each  of  the  two  spaces  opposite  the  stump,  and  these  are 
called  zvagopi,  or  the  stripes.  The  two  remaining  spaces  are  black- 
ened, and  are  called  sapa,  or  black. 

The  cansakala  are  made  of  ash  or  choke-cherry  wood,  about  four 
feet  in  length  and  three  fourths  of  an  inch  in  diameter.  One  end  is 
flattened,  or  squared,  for  about  ten  inches.  From  the  flattened  por- 
tion to  within  about  eight  inches  of  the  other  end  they  are  wrapped 
with  a  rawhide  or  buckskin  thong,  applied  in  a  spiral  manner.  They 
are  held  together  in  pairs  by  a  buckskin  thong  about  eight  inches 
long,  fastened  to  each  about  one  third  of  the  length  from  their 
rounded  ends. 

Any  one  may  make  these  wands,  but  it  is  believed  by  these 
Indians  that  certain  men  can  make  them  of  superior  excellence,  and 
give  to  them  magic  powers  which  may  be  exercised  in  favor  of  the 
one  who  plays  with  them.  It  is  also  believed  that  certain  medicine- 
men can  make  medicine  over  the  wands  which,  if  carried  when  play- 
ing with  the  wands,  will  give  the  player  supernatural  powers  in 
playing  the  game.  But  if  an  opposing  player  has  the  same  medicine, 
they  counteract  each  other,  or  if  an  opposing  player  has  a  more 
powerful  medicine,  this  will  prevail  in  the  game.  It  is  also  believed 
by  these  Indians  that  if  a  player  in  any  game  has  a  talisman,  pro- 
perly prepared  by  ceremony  and  incantation,  it  will  protect  him 
against  the  evil  effects  of  any  kind  of  medicine  or  form  of  magic. 

The  rules  governing  the  game  are  :  — 

Before  beginning  the  game  the  players  must  choose  an  umpire,  a 


28o  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore, 

hoop,  and  the  wands,  and  agree  upon  the  number  of  points  in  the 
count. 

The  umpire  must  watch  the  game,  decide  all  contested  points,  and 
call  aloud  all  counts  when  made. 

One  hoop  must  be  used  during  the  entire  game. 

Each  player  must  use  his  own  pair  of  wands  during  the  entire 
game. 

If  the  hoop  or  a  wand  becomes  unfit  for  use  during  a  game,  the 
game  is  declared  off,  and  a  new  game  must  be  played. 

If  a  player  persistently  breaks  the  rules  of  the  game,  the  game  is 
declared  off. 

The  players  roll  the  hoop  alternately. 

To  roll  the  hoop,  the  players  stand  side  by  side.  One  of  them 
grasps  the  hoop  between  the  thumb  and  the  second,  third,  and  fourth 
fingers,  with  his  first  finger  extended  along  the  circumference,  with 
the  hoop  directed  forward,  and  by  swinging  his  hand  below  his  hips 
he  rolls  the  hoop  on  the  ground  in  front  of  the  players. 

If  a  player  rolls  the  hoop  improperly,  or  fails  to  roll  it  when  he 
should,  his  opponent  counts  one,  and  rolls  the  hoop. 

After  the  hoop  leaves  the  hand  of  the  player  it  must  not  be 
touched  or  interfered  with  in  any  manner  until  after  the  umpire  has 
called  the  count. 

After  the  hoop  is  rolled  the  players  follow  it  and  attempt  to  throw 
their  wands  upon  the  ground  so  that  the  hoop  will  lie  upon  them 
when  it  falls. 

After  the  hoop  has  fallen  the  umpire  must  examine  it  and  call  the 
count  aloud. 

The  count  is  as  follows  :  — 

To  count  at  all  one  of  the  marked  spaces  on  the  hoop  must  lie 
directly  over  a  wand. 

One  marked  space  lying  over  one  wand  counts  one. 

One  space  lying  over  two  wands  counts  two. 

Two  spaces  lying  over  one  wand  count  two. 

Two  spaces  lying  over  two  wands  count  two. 

Three  spaces  lying  over  two  wands  count  three. 

Four  spaces  lying  over  two  wands  count  the  game. 

The  first  who  counts  the  number  agreed  upon  wins  the  game. 

If  at  the  end  of  a  play  both  players  count  the  number  agreed  upon, 
the  game  is  a  draw,  and  a  new  game  must  be  played. 

Since  this  game  seems  to  have  important  ceremonial  associations, 
the  following  narrative  is  added  :  ^  — 

^  Contributed  by  Clark  Wissler. 


Sioux  Gaines.  281 

HOOP    GAME. 

A  band  of  Sioux  Indians  were  travelling  in  the  lake  country  of 
Minnesota.  Game  was  very  scarce,  and  they  had  little  to  eat  for  a 
long  time.  When  they  were  nearly  exhausted  their  chief  decided  to 
camp.  One  of  his  young  men  requested  that  he  be  allowed  to  fast 
for  four  days.  Permission  being  given,  he  went  to  the  top  of  a  high 
hill  in  full  view  of  the  camp.  After  two  days  and  two  nights  the 
watchers  from  the  camp  saw  a  buffalo  approach  the  man  on  the  hill. 
The  buffalo  circled  around  him,  and  then  disappeared  on  the  oppo- 
site side.  At  midday  the  young  man  returned  to  the  camp.  He 
stopped  and  sat  down  on  the  top  of  a  small  hill,  and  his  younger 
brother  went  out  to  him.  The  young  man  told  his  brother  to  stand 
back  and  not  approach  him.  He  said,  "  I  have  a  message  for  you 
to  deliver  to  my  father.  Tell  my  father  to  place  a  tent  in  the  middle 
of  the  camp  circle.  Tell  him  to  scatter  sage  grass  around  the 
inside,  and  that  he  must  select  four  good  men  to  enter  the  tent  and 
await  me."  Then  the  young  brother  returned  to  the  camp  and  de- 
livered this  message  to  his  father.  Every  one  knew  that  the  young 
man  had  something  important  to  tell  the  people. 

The  father  did  as  requested.  He  believed  the  young  man  be- 
cause the  people  of  the  camp  had  seen  the  buffalo  on  the  hill  with 
him.  When  the  tent  was  ready,  and  the  four  good  men  had  entered, 
the  younger  brother  was  sent  to  notify  the  young  man.  The  young 
man  approached,  walking  slowly.  He  stopped  near  the  entrance  of 
the  tent,  and  after  a  few  moments  he  moved  still  nearer  and  paused. 
He  then  approached  the  door,  walked  entirely  around  the  tent, 
and  entered.  He  produced  a  large  pipe  wrapped  in  sage  grass.  He 
sat  down  at  the  back  of  the  lodge  and  asked  the  four  good  men  to 
send  for  a  good  young  man  to  act  as  his  assistant.  When  the  assist- 
ant came,  the  young  man  said  to  him,  "  Go  out  and  cut  a  stick  for 
me."  When  the  assistant  returned  with  the  stick  the  young  man 
ordered  him  to  peel  it.  When  this  was  done,  the  young  man  asked 
the  four  good  men  to  make  a  sweat  house. 

When  this  was  ready,  the  young  man  and  the  four  good  men 
entered  the  sweat  house,  while  the  assistant  waited  outside.  W^hen 
the  ceremony  in  the  sweat  house  ended,  the  party  returned  to  the 
tent.  Then  the  young  man  told  them  that  a  buffalo  had  come  to 
him  on  the  hill,  had  given  him  a  pipe,  instructions,  and  a  message 
to  deliver  to  his  people.  He  ordered  his  assistant  to  bring  a  coal  of 
fire.  With  this  he  made  incense  with  sage  grass,  held  his  hands  in 
the  smoke  four  times,  took  up  the  bundle  containing  the  pipe,  un- 
wrapped it,  and  took  out  the  pipe.  The  stem  of  the  pipe  was  red, 
and  the  bowl  was  of  black  stone.  "This  pipe,"  said  the  young  man, 
"was  given  me  by  the  buffalo  that  you  saw  upon  the  hill,  and  he 
also  instructed  me  as  to  its  use." 


282  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

The  young  man  ordered  his  assistant  to  go  out  and  cut  an  ash 
sapling  and  four  cherry  sticks.  When  these  were  brought,  he  gave 
a  cherry  stick  to  each  of  the  four  good  men  for  them  to  peel.  He, 
himself,  took  the  ash  stick  and  began  to  remove  the  bark.  This 
done  he  bent  it  into  a  hoop  and  tied  the  ends  with  sinew  threads  and 
buckskin  strings.  He  held  the  hoop  in  the  smoke  from  the  sage  grass, 
then  took  red  paint  in  his  hands,  held  his  hands  over  the  smoke  as 
before,  and  painted  the  hoop.  Then  he  placed  his  assistant  at  the 
door  of  the  lodge,  himself  at  the  rear,  and  two  of  the  good  men  on 
each  side.  He  instructed  the  four  good  men  to  paint  their  cherry 
sticks  red  in  the  same  way  that  he  painted  the  hoop.  The  assistant 
then  smoothed  the  floor  of  the  tent,  while  the  young  man  sang  four 
songs.     The  words  of  the  songs  were  as  follows  :  — 

1.  I  have  passed  by  the  holy  floor  (earth,  smooth  and  level  like  the 

floor  of  a  tipi). 

2.  I  have  passed  by  the  holy  robe. 

3.  I  have  passed  by  the  holy  shell. 

4.  I  have  passed  by  an  eagle  feather,  it  is  good. 

Then  the  young  man  said,  "  Now  I  shall  roll  the  hoop.  It  will  circle 
the  tent.  You  are  to  watch  the  tracks  made  by  it.  You  will  see 
that  it  leaves  buffalo  tracks,  returns  to  me,  and  lies  down."  So  the 
young  man  sang  the  four  songs  again  and  rolled  the  hoop.  The 
hoop  circled  the  tent  and  returned  to  the  young  man  as  he  had  said. 
The  four  good  men  saw  in  the  trail  left  by  the  hoop  the  tracks  of 
buffalo.  The  young  man  said  that,  on  the  fourth  day  from  this  time, 
there  would  be  many  buffalo.  Then  he  took  strips  of  raw  hide  and 
wrapped  them  around  the  cherry  sticks.  He  tied  red  cloth  around 
one  and  blue  around  the  other.  Then  he  put  on  a  buffalo  robe  and 
asked  the  men  to  follow  him.  The  young  man  passed  out  of  the 
door,  and  the  four  good  men  took  the  hoop  and  the  sticks  and  played 
the  hoop  game,  as  they  walked  behind  the  young  man.  The  people 
of  the  camp  watched  them,  and  wherever  the  hoop  rolled,  buffalo 
tracks  appeared. 

The  young  man  requested  his  assistant  to  call  a  good  old  man. 
The  people  of  the  camp  were  in  a  state  of  famine.  When  the  assist- 
ant brought  the  old  man  to  the  tent,  the  young  man  requested  him 
to  harangue  the  camp,  as  follows  :  "  J-fo,  Ho,  Ho,  this  young  man 
wishes  the  people  to  make  arrows,  to  sharpen  them,  and  to  sharpen 
their  knives.  He  says  that  four  buffalo  will  be  here  to-morrow 
morning.  Let  no  one  bother  them,  let  no  dogs  chase  them,  let  them 
go  through  the  camp  in  peace.  The  four  buffalo  will  come  from 
the  west." 

Early  the  next  morning  the  four  buffalo  came  as  predicted.  They 
passed  slowly  through  the  north  side  of  the  camp  and  disappeared  in 


Sioux  Gaines.  283 

the  east.  Then  the  chief  of  the  camp  sent  a  sentinel  to  stand  upon 
the  hill  where  the  four  buffalo  were  first  seen.  The  sentinel  looked 
down  into  the  valley  on  the  other  side  of  the  hill,  where  he  saw  vast 
herds  of  buffalo  moving  toward  the  camp.  The  chief  had  instructed 
the  sentinel  to  run  back  and  forth  when  buffalo  were  visible.  The 
people  of  the  camp  who  were  watching  saw  him  run  back  and  forth 
upon  the  hill,  and  began  to  prepare  for  the  hunt.  The  young  man, 
who  was  still  in  his  tent,  sent  out  his  assistant  to  call  the  people  to 
his  door.  He  requested  that  they  stand  around  and  keep  quiet. 
The  sentinel  who  had  returned  now  addressed  the  people,  telling 
them  of  the  buffalo  he  had  seen,  the  direction  in  which  they  were 
moving,  etc.  The  young  man  then  addressed  the  people,  giving 
them  permission  to  chase  the  buffalo. 

They  had  a  great  hunt.  Buffalo  were  everywhere.  They  even 
ran  through  the  camp,  and  were  shot  down  at  the  doors  of  the  tents. 
The  people  had  meat  in  great  abundance. 

When  the  hunt  was  over  the  young  man  requested  the  four  good 
men  to  keep  and  care  for  the  hoop  and  the  sticks  with  which  they 
had  played.  A  tent  was  always  kept  in  the  middle  of  the  camp 
circle,  and  the  four  good  men  spent  most  of  their  time  in  it.  When- 
ever the  people  wished  to  hunt  buffalo,  the  four  men  played  the 
hoop  game,  and  the  buffalo  appeared  as  before.  In  the  course  of 
time  all  these  men  died,  except  one.  This  last  man  made  the  four 
marks  we  now  see  upon  the  hoop.  After  his  death,  the  game  was 
played  by  all  the  people,  and  became  a  great  gambling  game. 

From  this  narrative  it  appears  that  the  origin  of  the  game  was 
ceremonial  and  that  the  hoop  used  here  is  the  same  as  the  sacred 
hoop  or  ring  so  often  used  by  the  Sioux. 

2.    WOSKATE    TAKAPSICE. 
(Game  of  Shinney.) 

Takapsice  is  an  ancient  gambling  game  played  by  men,  and  is 
their  roughest  and  most  athletic  game.  They  often  received  serious 
wounds,  or  had  their  bones  broken  while  playing  it,  but  serious  quar- 
rels seldom  resulted. 

It  may  be  played  by  a  few  or  by  hundreds,  and  formerly  was 
played  for  a  wager.  The  wager  on  important  games  was  often 
very  large;  men,  women,  and  children  betting,  sometimes  all  they 
possessed,  or  a  band  of  Indians  contributing  to  abet  to  make  it  equal 
to  that  offered  by  another  band. 

In  former  times  one  band  of  Indians  would  challenge  another  to 
play  this  game.  If  the  challenge  was  accepted  they  would  camp 
together,  and  play  for  days  at  a  time,  making  a  gala  time  of  it,  giving 
feasts,  dancing,  and  having  a  good  time  generally. 


284  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

The  implements  used  in  the  game  are:  cantakapsice,  the  club; 
tapatakapsice,  the  ball. 

The  club  was  made  of  an  ash  or  choke-cherry  sapling,  taken  in 
the  spring  when  the  sap  was  running,  and  heated  in  the  fire  until 
it  was  pliable,  when  the  lower  end  was  bent  until  it  stood  at  right 
angles  to  the  rest  of  the  stick,  or  into  a  semicircular  crook,  about  six 
inches  across. 

The  shape  of  this  crook  varied  to  suit  the  fancy  of  the  maker. 

After  the  crook  was  made  the  stick  was  trimmed  down  to  a  uni- 
form diameter  of  about  one  and  a  half  inches,  and  cut  of  such  a 
length  that  the  player  could  strike  on  the  ground  with  it  while 
standing  erect. 

Any  one  might  make  a  club,  but  certain  persons  were  supposed 
to  make  clubs  of  superior  excellence,  and  some  persons  were  sup- 
posed to  be  able  to  confer  magical  powers  on  clubs,  causing  the 
possessor  to  exercise  unusual  skill  in  playing.  These  magic  clubs 
were  supposed  to  be  potent,  not  only  in  games,  but  to  work  enchant- 
ment in  all  kinds  of  affairs,  for  or  against  a  person,  as  the  possessor 
chose.  The  medicine-men  sometimes  included  such  clubs  among 
their  paraphernalia,  and  invoked  their  magic  powers  in  their  incan- 
tations over  the  sick. 

Certain  medicine-men  were  supposed  to  have  the  power  to  make 
medicine  over  clubs,  so  that  any  one  in  whose  favor  this  medicine 
was  made,  by  carrying  it  and  the  club  during  the  game  for  which 
the  medicine  was  made,  would  be  on  the  winning  side. 

One  possessing  a  magic  club  boasted  of  it,  and  the  matter  was 
generally  known,  but  one  who  had  medicine  made  over  a  club  must 
keep  the  matter  secret,  for  a  general  knowledge  of  the  existence  of 
the  medicine  would  either  destroy  its  potency,  or  others  knowing  of 
the  medicine  might  have  a  more  powerful  medicine  made  against  it, 
or  the  magic  of  a  talisman  could  be  exercised  especially  against  it, 
and  defeat  its  power. 

A  player  who  possessed  a  magic  club  was  feared  by  those  who  did 
not,  and  the  latter  tried  to  avoid  coming  in  contact  with  such  a  club 
while  playing  the  game.  This  gave  the  possessors  of  such  clubs 
decided  advantages  over  others,  and  they  were  eagerly  sought  as 
players,  and  heavy  wagers  laid  on  their  playing. 

The  clubs  were  generally  without  ornament,  but  they  were  some- 
times ornamented  by  pyrographic  figures  on  the  handle  or  body. 
Certain  clubs  were  highly  prized  by  their  owners,  who  took  great 
care  of  them,  frequently  oiling  and  polishing  them. 

When  a  club  was  held  for  its  magic  power  alone,  as  by  the  medi- 
cine-men, it  was  often  highly  ornamented  with  feathers,  bead  work, 
porcupine  quills,  or  tufts  of  hair. 


Sioux  Games.  285 

The  ball  was  made  by  winding  some  material  into  a  ball,  and  cov- 
ering it  with  buckskin  or  rawhide,  or  of  wood.  It  was  from  two  and 
a  half  to  three  inches  in  diameter. 

The  game  is  played  where  two  goals  can  be  set  up  with  a  level 
track  of  land  between  them. 

The  rules  of  the  game  are  :  — 

Any  number  of  men  may  play,  but  there  must  be  an  equal  num- 
ber on  the  opposing  sides. 

In  a  series  of  games  the  same  persons  must  play  in  each  game  of 
the  series. 

After  the  game  begins,  if  any  player  stops  playing,  a  player  from 
the  opposing  party  must  stop  playing  also. 

The  players  of  a  game  must  fix  the  goals  before  beginning  to  play- 
Each  of  the  two  goals  must  consist  of  two  stakes  set  about  fifty  to 
one  hundred  feet  apart,  and  a  line  drawn  from  one  stake  to  the  other, 
which  must  be  nearly  parallel  to  the  line  drawn  at  the  other  goal. 

The  goals  must  be  from  three  hundred  yards  to  one  mile  apart,  as 
may  be  agreed  upon  between  the  players,  for  each  game. 

After  the  goals  are  fixed  the  players  choose  their  goal,  either  by 
agreement  or  by  lot. 

After  the  goals  are  chosen  the  players  arrange  themselves  in  two 
lines,  about  half  way  between  the  goals,  all  the  players  on  one  side 
standing  in  one  line,  and  each  side  facing  the  goal  it  has  chosen,  the 
lines  being  about  thirty  feet  apart. 

After  the  players  are  in  line  the  ball  is  placed  as  nearly  as  can  be 
half  way  between  them. 

After  the  ball  is  placed  on  the  ground  it  must  not  be  touched  by 
the  hand  or  foot  of  any  one  until  the  game  is  ended. 

If  at  any  time  during  the  play  the  ball  becomes  so  damaged  that 
it  is  unfit  for  use,  the  game  is  called  off,  and  another  game  must  be 
played  to  decide  the  contest. 

The  club  may  be  used  in  any  manner  to  make  a  play,  or  to  pre- 
vent an  opponent  from  making  a  play 

After  the  ball  is  placed  on  the  ground,  at  a  given  signal,  each  side 
attempts  to  put  the  ball  across  its  goal  in  a  direction  opposite  from 
the  other  goal. 

The  side  that  first  puts  the  ball  across  its  goal  in  the  proper  direc- 
tion wins  the  game. 

3,    WOSKATE    CANWIYUSNA. 
(Guessing  the  Odd  Stick.) 

Canwiyjisna  is  an  ancient  gambling  game  played  by  the  Sioux  men. 
It  may  be  played  at  any  time,  but  was  generally  played  during  the 
winter,  and  at  night. 


286  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

The  wagers  on  the  game  were  generally  small. 

The  implements  used  in  the  game  were  cajiwiyawa,  counting- 
sticks. 

These  are  a  large  number  of  rods  of  wood,  about  the  size  of  an 
ordinary  lead  pencil.  They  are  of  an  odd  number,  and  generally 
ninety-nine.  They  may  be  plain,  but  they  are  generally  colored,  and 
when  so  the  color  on  all  is  the  same,  but  applied  differently,  as  some 
may  be  colored  all  over,  others  half  colored,  or  striped,  streaked,  or 
spotted. 

The  rules  of  the  game  are :  — 

The  game  may  be  played  by  two  or  more  men. 

Before  beginning  the  game  the  players  must  agree  upon  the  num- 
ber of  counts  that  will  constitute  the  game. 

One  player  must  manipulate  the  sticks  during  the  entire  game. 

The  one  who  manipulates  the  sticks  must  keep  his  count  with  each 
of  the  other  players  separate  from  that  of  all  the  others. 

To  play,  the  player  who  manipulates  the  sticks  hides  them  from 
the  other  players,  and  divides  them  into  two  portions,  and  then  ex- 
poses them  to  the  view  of  the  other  players. 

After  the  portions  are  exposed  to  the  view  of  the  players  they 
must  not  be  touched  by  any  one  until  each  has  made  his  guess. 

Each  player  may  make  one  guess  as  to  which  portion  contains  the 
odd  number  of  sticks. 

If  a  player  guesses  the  portion  that  has  the  odd  number  of  sticks  in 
it  he  counts  one  point,  but  if  he  does  not  the  manipulator  counts  one. 

The  one  who  counts  the  number  of  points  agreed  upon  wins  the 
wager. 

4.    WOSKATE    HEHAKA. 
(Game  of  Elk.) 

Hchaka  is  an  ancient  gambling  game  played  by  the  Sioux  men. 

It  was  usually  played  while  hunting  for  elk,  and  was  supposed  to 
give  success  in  the  quest  for  game. 

The  wagers  were  usually  small,  and  but  little  interest  was  taken 
in  the  game  by  others  than  the  players. 

The  implements  used  in  the  game  are:  Jiehaka,  the  elk;  caiigle- 
ska,  the  hoop. 

The  hchaka  is  made  of  a  round  rod  of  wood  about  four  feet  long 
and  three  quarters  of  an  inch  in  diameter,  one  end  of  which  is  squared 
or  flattened  for  about  ten  inches.  A  small  rod  of  wood  about 
eighteen  inches  long  and  one  half  an  inch  in  diameter  at  the 
middle,  and  tapering  towards  both  ends,  is  fastened  to  the  round 
end,  and  bent  and  held  in  a  semicircle  by  a  string  of  twisted  sinev/ 
or  leather,  curving  towards  the  other  end  of  the  longer  rod.     This 


Sioux  Games.  287 

string  is  fastened  at  or  near  the  ends  of  the  curved  rod  and  to  the 
longer  rod  on  about  the  level  of  the  tips  of  the  curved  rod. 

About  eighteen  inches  from  this  two  other  rods  are  fastened 
crosswise  on  the  longer  rod,  on  a  plane  parallel  with  the  plane  of  the 
curved  rod  at  the  end.  One  of  these  rods  is  similar  to,  but  smaller 
than,  the  curved  rod  at  the  end,  but  it  curves  at  a  right  angle  to  the 
longer  rod. 

The  other  is  square  or  flattened,  and  about  a  half  an  inch  wide  at 
its  middle,  tapering  towards  both  ends. 

About  eighteen  inches  from  these,  towards  the  flattened  end  of 
the  longer  rod,  two  other  rods  like  those  above  described  are  fastened 
in  the  same  manner. 

The  longer  rod  is  then  wrapped  with  a  buckskin  or  rawhide  thong 
applied  in  a  spiral  manner  from  the  curved  rod  at  the  round  end  to 
beyond  where  the  cross  rods  are  fastened  to  it,  and  all  the  curved 
and  cross  rods  are  wrapped  in  the  same  manner. 

A  banner  about  two  by  four  inches  in  size,  made  of  buckskin  or 
cloth,  and  colored,  is  attached  to  the  end  where  the  curved  rod  is 
fastened. 

The  ring  is  about  six  inches  in  diameter,  made  of  rawhide  or  sinews, 
and  wrapped  with  a  thong  of  rawhide. 

The  rules  of  the  game  are  :  — 

Two  persons  play  the  game. 

Before  beginning  the  game  they  must  agree  upon  the  number  of 
points  that  shall  constitute  the  game. 

Each  player  must  have  one  heJiaka. 

One  hoop  must  be  used  in  a  game. 

The  players  must  toss  the  hoop  alternately. 

The  hoop  must  be  tossed  up  in  the  air. 

After  the  hoop  is  tossed  and  begins  to  descend  the  players  may 
attempt  to  catch  it  on  the  JieJiaka. 

The  hoop  must  be  caught  on  the  hehaka  before  it  touches  the 
ground.     If  so  caught  after  it  touches  the  ground  no  count  is  made. 

After  it  is  caught  on  the  hehaka,  the  hehaka  must  be  laid  on  the 
ground  with  the  hoop  on  the  point  where  caught,  before  a  count  can 
be  made. 

An  opposing  player  may,  with  his  hehaka,  take  the  hoop  from  a 
hehaka  at  any  time  before  the  hehaka  is  laid  on  the  ground. 

After  a  hehaka  is  laid  on  the  ground  no  one  must  touch  the  hoop, 
either  to  remove  or  replace  it. 

If  the  hoop  is  caught  on  a  hehaka,  and  the  hehaka  is  placed  on  the 
ground,  the  count  is  as  follows  :  — 

If  the  hoop  is  on  the  flattened  end  of  the  longer  rod,  nothing  is 
counted. 


288  yournal  of  A  merican  Folk-L  ore. 

If  the  hoop  is  on  one  of  the  cross  rods,  one  is  counted. 

If  the  hoop  is  on  two  of  the  cross  rods,  two  are  counted. 

If  the  hoop  is  on  the  curved  rod  at  the  end  of  the  JieJiaka,  three 
are  counted. 

If  the  hoop  falls  off  the  hehaka  and  strikes  the  ground  it  cannot 
be  replaced,  and  nothing  is  counted. 

The  count  is  made  for  the  player  whose  hehaka  holds  the  hoop. 

The  player  who  first  counts  the  number  of  points  agreed  upon 
wins  the  game. 

5.    WOSKATE    TAWINKAPSICE. 
(Game  of  Woman's  Shinney.) 
Tawinkapsice  is  an  ancient  gambling  game  played  by  the  Sioux 
women.     The  implements  used  and  the  rules  of  the  game  are  pre- 
cisely the  same  as  those  for  takapsice,  except  that  women  only  play 
at  this  game. 

The  women  play  the  game  with  as  much  vigor  as  the  men,  and  in 
former  times  at  the  meetings  for  playing  takapsice  the  tawinkapsice 
was  interspersed  with  the  other  games. 

6.    WOSKATE    TASIHE. 
(Game  with  Foot  Bones.) 

Tasihe  is  an  ancient  gambling  game  played  by  the  Sioux  women. 

Men,  boys,  and  girls  practised  at  manipulating  the  implement  of 
the  game  so  that  many  of  them  became  expert,  but  it  was  considered 
beneath  the  dignity  of  men  or  boys  to  play  the  game  in  a  contest  for 
a  given  number  of  points,  or  for  stakes. 

The  game  was  played  by  two  or  more  women  who  sat,  after  the 
fashion  of  the  Sioux  women,  on  the  ground. 

Some  women  became  very  expert  at  the  game,  and  others,  men 
and  women,  would  bet  heavily  on  their  play. 

The  implements  used  in  this  game  are  :  tasiha,  foot  bones  ;  tahi^i- 
spa,  bodkin. 

The  tasiha  are  made  from  the  short  bones  from  the  foot  of  a  deer 
or  antelope.  There  are  from  four  to  six  in  a  set,  which  are  worked 
into  the  form  of  a  hollow  cone,  so  that  one  will  fit  over  the  top  of  the 
other.  The  convex  articulating  surface  is  not  removed  from  the  top 
bone.  From  four  to  six  small  holes  are  drilled  through  the  project- 
ing points  at  the  wider  ends  of  the  cones. 

A  hole  is  drilled  through  the  articulating  surface  of  the  top  bone, 
and  all  are  strung  on  a  pliable  thong,  which  should  be  two  and  one 
half  times  the  length  of  the  bones  when  they  are  fitted  together.  The 
bones  are  strung  on  this  thong  with  the  top  bone  at  one  end,  and  each 
with  the  apex  of  its  cone  towards  the  base  of  the  cone  next  to  it. 


Sioux  Games.  289 

The  apex  of  each  cone  should  fit  loosely  into  the  hollow  of  the  cone 
next  above  it  so  that  they  will  not  jam,  but  will  fall  apart  easily. 

Four  loops  about  one  half  an  inch  in  diameter,  made  of  some  pli- 
able material,  are  fastened  to  the  end  of  the  thong  next  to  the  top  bone. 

The  tahiiispa  was  formerly  made  of  bone,  and  should  be  of  the  same 
length  as  the  tasiha  when  they  are  fitted  together.  At  one  end  a 
hole  is  drilled,  or  a  notch  cut,  for  the  purpose  of  fastening  it  to  the 
thong. 

The  opposite  end  is  shaped  into  a  slender  point,  so  that  it  will  pass 
readily  into  the  holes  drilled  about  the  lower  borders  of  the  tasiha. 

Latterly  the  taJiinspa  is  made  of  wire  of  the  same  length  as  that 
made  of  bone,  and  with  one  end  looped  and  the  other  pointed. 

The  tahinspa  is  fastened  to  the  thong  at  the  end  opposite  the  loops. 

Formerly  the  implement  was  without  ornament,  but  latterly  the 
loops  are  made  of  thread  strung  with  beads. 

The  rules  of  the  game  are  :  — 

Only  women  may  play  at  the  game. 

Any  number  may  play  in  a  game. 

Before  beginning  to  play  the  players  must  agree  upon  the  number 
that  shall  constitute  a  game. 

No  player  shall  make  more  than  one  play  at  a  time. 

A  player  must  hold  the  tahinspa  in  one  hand  and  toss  the  tasiha 
with  the  other. 

The  tasiha  must  be  caught  on  the  point  of  the  tahinspa  after  they 
have  been  tossed  into  the  air. 

If  one  tasiha  is  caught  on  the  tahinspa  this  counts  one. 

If  one  or  more  tasiha  remain  on  the  one  that  is  caught,  this  counts 
as  many  as  there  are  tasiha  so  remaining. 

If  all  the  tasiha  remain  on  top  of  the  one  that  is  caught,  this  counts 
the  game. 

If  a  tasiha  is  caught  so  that  the  tahinspa  is  through  one  of  the  holes 
at  its  lower  border,  this  counts  two. 

If,  when  a  play  is  made,  the  tahinspa  passes  through  a  loop,,  this 
counts  one.  If  through  two  loops,  this  counts  two.  If  through  three 
loops,  this  counts  three.    If  through  four  loops,  this  counts  four. 

7.    WOSKATE    TANPAN. 
(Game  of  Dice.) 

Tanpan  is  an  ancient  gambling  game  played  by  the  older  Sioux 
women. 

This  is  an  absorbing  game,  on  which  some  women  became  inveter- 
ate gamblers,  sometimes  playing  all  day  and  all  night  at  a  single 
sitting. 

VOL.  XVIII.  —  NO.  71.      21 


290  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

The  implements  used  in  the  game  are  :  tanpan,  basket ;  kansti, 
dice;  canwiyawa,  counting-sticks. 

The  tanpan  is  made  of  willow  twigs,  or  some  similar  material, 
woven  into  a  basket  about  three  inches  in  diameter  at  the  bottom 
and  flaring  to  the  top,  like  a  pannikin,  and  about  two  and  a  half  inches 
deep. 

The  kansu  are  made  of  plumstones,  one  side  of  which  is  left  plain, 
and  the  other  carved  with  some  figure,  or  with  straight  marks. 

The  figures  usually  represent  some  animal  or  part  of  an  animal, 
though  they  may  represent  anything  that  the  maker  pleases  to  put 
on  them. 

There  are  six  stones  in  each  set,  and  usually  some  of  these  have 
only  plain  marks,  and  others  figures  on  them. 

The  canwiyawa  are  rods  of  wood  about  the  size  of  a  lead  pencil, 
and  may  be  of  any  number,  but  there  were  generally  one  hundred 
in  a  set. 

The  rules  of  the  game  are  :  — 

The  game  may  be  played  by  two,  four,  or  six  old  women,  who  must 
be  divided  into  two  opposing  sides,  with  an  equal  number  on  each 
side. 

Before  beginning  the  game  the  players  must  agree  upon  how  much 
each  figure  on  the  plumstones  shall  count,  how  many  counting-sticks 
shall  be  played  for,  and  place  the  counting-sticks  in  a  pile  between 
them. 

After  the  game  begins,  no  one  must  touch  the  counting-sticks, 
except  to  take  the  number  won  at  a  play.  No  one  shall  play  more 
than  once  at  a  time.  To  play,  the  player  must  put  all  the  kansu  in 
the  tanpan,  and  cover  it  with  the  hand,  shake  it  about,  and  then 
pour  or  throw  out  the  kansii. 

After  the  kansu  are  thrown  out  of  the  tanpan,  no  one  may  touch 
them  until  after  the  count  is  made  and  agreed  upon. 

If  the  plain  side  of  a  kansu  lies  uppermost,  this  counts  nothing. 

If  the  carved  side  of  a  kansu  lies  uppermost,  this  counts  what  has 
been  agreed  upon. 

When  a  player  has  played,  and  her  count  is  made  and  agreed  upon, 
she  takes  from  the  pile  of  counting-sticks  as  many  as  her  count 
amounts  to. 

When  the  counting-sticks  are  all  taken,  the  side  which  has  the 
greater  number  of  sticks  wins  the  game. 

y.  R.  Walker. 


Traditional  Ballads  in  New  England.  291 

TRADITIONAL  BALLADS  IN  NEW  ENGLAND.     III. 

XIV.    LORD  LOVELL. 

A. 

Probably  derived  from  an  early  broadside,  now  lost,  from  which  the  ballad  has  been 
transmitted  in  a  large  number  of  versions,  differing  from  each  other  but  slightly. 

I.  Communicated  to  me  by  I.  L.  M.,  Vineland,  N.  J.,  as  derived  from  a  resident  of 
Nantucket,  Mass. 

1  Lord  Lovell  he  stood  at  his  castle  gate, 

A-combing  his  milk-white  steed. 
When  along  came  Lady  Nancy  Bell, 

A-wishing  her  lover  good  speed,  speed,  speed, 
A-wishing  her  lover  good  speed. 

2  "  Oh,  where  are  you  going,  Lord  Lovell  ?  "  she  said, 

"  Oh,  where  are  you  going  ?  "  said  she, 
"  I  'm  going,  my  dear  Lady  Nancy  Bell, 
Foreign  countries  for  to  see." 

3  "  When  will  you  be  back,  Lord  Lovell } "  she  said, 

"  When  will  you  be  back } "  said  she, 
"  In  a  year  or  two,  or  three  at  most, 
I  '11  be  back  to  my  Lady  Nancy." 

4  He  had  been  gone  a  year  and  a  day, 

Foreign  countries  for  to  see, 
When  languishing  thoughts  came  into  his  head, 
Lady  Nancy  he  'd  go  to  see. 

5  So  he  rode  and  he  rode  on  his  milk-white  steed, 

Till  he  came  to  London  town, 
And  there  he  heard  St.  Patrick's  bells. 
And  the  people  a-moaning  around. 

6  "  Oh,  what  is  the  matter  ?  "  Lord  Lovell  he  said, 

"  Oh,  what  is  the  matter  t  "  said  he, 
"There  's  a  lady  dead,"  a  woman  said, 
"  And  they  call  her  the  Lady  Nancy." 

7  He  ordered  the  grave  to  be  opened  wide, 

The  shroud  to  be  turned  down  low. 
And  as  he  kissed  her  clay-cold  lips. 
The  tears  began  to  flow. 

8  Lady  Nancy,  she  died  the  same  as  to-day, 

Lord  Lovell  the  same  as  to-morrow, 
Lady  Nancy  she  died  of  pure  grief, 
Lord  Lovell  he  died  of  sorrow. 


292 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 


9  They  buried  them  both  in  St.  Patrick's  churchyard, 
In  a  grave  that  was  close  by  the  spire, 
And  out  of  her  breast  there  grew  a  red  rose, 
And  out  of  Lord  Lovell's  a  brier. 

10  They  grew  and  they  grew  to  the  church  steeple  top, 
And  then  they  could  grow  no  higher, 
They  twined  themselves  in  a  true  lover's  knot, 
For  all  true  lovers  to  admire. 

2.     Contributed  August  i,  1905,  by  I.  L.  M.,  Vineland,  N.  J.,  as  derived  from  an  aged 
resident  of  Brooklyn,  Conn. 


:^j: 


i 


i 


Lord     Lov 


ell, 


he   stood        by     his      gar    -    den     gate. 


■^^^r 


=F=F 


comb  - 

0^ 

ing      his  milk  -  white   steed, 

When  a 

-  long 

came 

La 

.    dy 

ytt 

^  •         A 

a                  «  .            ^                                                  L^ 

/^ 

J 

r 

f 

^ 

0 

y^ 

i(\      * 

J 

y, 

"   • 

m 

«^ 

'J 

V 

' 

a 


Nan 


cy 


Bell, 


wish 


ig        her       lov 


good 


eee 


It 


speed,  speed,  speed,        A   -   v^ish    -  ing      her     lov   -     er      good  speed. 
VARIANTS. 

I  a  Lord  Lovell,  he  stood  at  his  garden  gate. 

2a  "  Oh,  where  are  you  going,  Lord  Lovell  ?  "  she  cried. 

3a  "  When  will  you  be  back,  Lord  Lovell  ? "  she  cried. 

4d  Lady  Nancy  Bell  he  'd  go  see. 

5c  And  then  he  see  such  a  mournful  sight. 
And  the  people  all  gathered  around. 

6     "  Oh,  what  is  the  matter  ?  "  Lord  Lovell  he  cried, 
"Oh,  what  is  the  matter?"  said  he, 
"  Oh,  a  lady  is  dead,  and  her  lover  is  gone. 
And  they  call  her  the  Lady  Nancy." 

8b  Lord  Lovell  he  died  as  to-morrow. 

9a  They  buried  them  both  by  the  castle  wall. 

loa  They  grew,  and  they  grew  to  the  castle  top. 


Traditional  Ballads  in  New  England. 


293 


Communicated  by  M.  L.  S.,  Newport,  R.  I.,  from  the  recitation  of  a  very  aged  woman, 
native  of  Narragansett,  R.  I. 


The  Lady,  she  died  of  a  broken  heart, 
Lord  Lovell  he  died  of  sorrow. 

2  The  one  was  buried  within  the  kirlc, 

The  other  within  the  choir. 
And  out  of  the  one  there  sprang  a  birk, 
And  out  of  the  other  a  brier, 

3  They  grew  and  they  grew  to  the  tall  church  top, 

Until  they  could  grow  no  higher, 
Then  turned  about  in  a  true  lover's  knot, 
For  all  true  lovers  to  admire,-ire,-ire, 
For  all  true  lovers  to  admire. 

C. 

"  Lord  Lovell  and  Lady  Ounceabel,"  melody  copied  by  me  May,  1904,  from  a  manu- 
script in  the  Harvard  University  Library,  presented  by  Miss  Alice  Hayes.  Catalogued, 
Mus.  401,  2. 


tei^^^^^i^i^^i 


s^ 


294 


Journal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 


XV.     BONNIE  JAMES  CAMPBELL. 

A. 

Taken  down  by  me  August  15,  1905,  at  Newbury,  Vt.,  from  the  singing  of  R.  J.  P. 
Bury,  P.  Q.,  who  learned  it  a  few  years  ago  from  a  very  aged  woman. 


:3: 


P^ 


:i 


4: 


Sad  -  died       and       bri  -  died     and     boot  -   ed      rode       he,         Soon 


i 


I 


i=^^= 


-JH- 


home    came       the         sad     -   die,       but        nev    -     er      came        he. 


XVL  THE  HUNTING  OF  THE  CHEVIOT. 

This  ballad,  one  of  the  best  in  English,  made  famous  by  the  appreciative  essay  of  Addi- 
son, and  for  centuries  a  favorite  in  England,  had  widespread  currency  in  American 
colonial  times.  Interesting  in  this  connection  is  the  following  anecdote  of  the  battle  of 
Lexington,  recorded  by  Dr.  Gordon,  at  that  time  minister  of  the  church  at  Jamaica  Plain  : 

"  The  brigade  marched  out,  playing,  by  way  of  contempt,  '  Yankee  Doodle,'  a  song  com- 
posed in  derision  of  the  New  Englanders,  commonly  called  Yankees.  A  smart  boy, 
observing  it  as  the  troops  passed  through  Roxbury,  made  himself  extremely  merry  with 
the  circumstance,  jumping  and  laughing  to  attract  the  attention  of  His  Lordship,  who,  it  is 
said,  asked  him  at  what  he  was  laughing  so  heartily,  and  was  answered :  '  To  think  how 
you  will  dance  by-and-by  to  "  Chevy  Chase."  '  " 


A. 

Broadside  printed  about  1810,  by  Nathaniel  Coverly,  Jr.,  Boston,  Mass.,  of  which  two 
copies  are  known  to  me,  one  in  the  Isaiah  Thomas  collection  of  the  American  Antiquarian 
Society  at  Worcester,  Mass.,  the  other  in  the  Boston  Public  Library. 

Differs  only  in  eccentric  spelling  from  the  textus  receptus  of  the  Percy  MS. 

B. 

Melody  from  a  Newburyport,  Mass.,  MS.  of  1790,  contributed  by  B.  O.,  Cambridge, 
Mass. 


m^^^^^^^^^^^ 


-^^^^^^^^mi 


XVII.     OUR  GOODMAN. 


Recited  to  me  March  30,  1905,  by  D.  D.  B.,  Cambridge,  Mass.,  in  whose  family  it  has 
been  traditional  for  over  a  century. 

I   I  went  into  my  parlor,  and  there  I  did  see 
Three  gentlemen's  wigs,  sir,  without  the  leave  of  me ! 


Traditiojial  Ballads  in  New  England. 


295 


I  called  it  for  my  Goodwife,  —  "  What  do  you  want  ?  "  said  she, 
"  How  came  these  gentlemen's  wigs  here  without  the  leave  of  me  ? " 

2  "  You  old  fool,  you  blind  fool,  can't  you  very  well  see  ? 

They  are  three  cabbage  heads  which  my  mother  sent  to  me  ! " 
"  Hobs  nobs  !     Well  done  !     Cabbage  heads  with  hair  on  ! 
The  like  I  never  see !  " 

3  I  went  into  my  stable,  and  there  I  did  see 

Three  gentlemen's  horses,  sir,  without  the  leave  of  me. 

I  called  it  for  my  Goodwife,  —  "  What  do  you  want  ?  "  said  she, 

"  How  came  these  gentlemen's  horses  here  without  the  leave  of  me  ?  " 

4  You  old  fool,  you  blind  fool,  can't  you  very  well  see  ?  " 
They  are  three  milking  cows,  which  my  mother  sent  to  me !  " 
"  Hobs  nobs!     Well  done  !     Milking  cows  with  saddles  on! 
The  like  I  never  see  !  " 

XVIII.     YOUNG  HUNTING. 

A. 

Melody  to  a  version  of  this  ballad  traditional  for  many  years  in  Bury,  P.  Q.     Sung  at 
Newbury,  Vt.,  August  15,  1905,  by  R.  J.  P. 


ft=* 


a=zi 


f==^£^^ 


^g?^ 


i^H^^^^il^-^^a 


XIX.     THE  BROWN  GIRL. 

A. 

Melody  to  a  version  of  this  ballad,  traditional  for  many  years  in  Bury,  P.  Q.     Sung  at 
Newbury,  Vt.,  August  15,  1905,  by  R.  J.  P. 


g=g^^^ 


±=tt 


i^^5 


---^ 


^J 


XX.     SPRINGFIELD   MOUNTAIN. 

This  ballad,  edited  by  Mr.  W.  W.  Newell,  in  No.  49  of  this  Journal,  enjoys  the  distinc- 
tion of  being  the  only  known  traditional  ballad  based  upon  an  American  incident. 
Absurd  in  itself,  it  has  a  unique  interest  for  the  collector  of  folk-songs,  as  illustrating  the 
genesis  of  a  ballad  in  our  own  time. 


Fragment  of  a  ballad  sung  by  my  grandfather,  T.  L.  S.,  from  my  mother's  recollection. 
I  As  I  was  mowin'  in  the  field, 
A  viper  bit  me  on  the  heel. 


296  yournal  of  America7i  Folk-Lore. 


Contributed  by  L.  W.  H.,  Cambridge,  Mass.,  in  whose  family  it  has  been  traditional  for 
three  generations. 

1  On  Hoosic  Mountain  there  did  dwell 
A  hawk-eyed  youth  I  knowed  full  well. 

Ri  too  ral  loo,  ri  too  ral  lay, 
Ri  too  ral  loo,  ri  too  ral  lay. 

2  One  day  this  John  he  did  go 
Down  to  the  meadow  for  to  mow. 

3  He  had  not  mowed  nigh  half  a  field, 
When  a  pesky  sarpent  bit  his  heel, 

4  He  riz  his  scythe,  and  with  one  blow, 
He  laid  that  pesky  sarpent  low. 

5  He  took  it  up  into  his  hand. 
And  kerried  it  to  MoUy-i  Bland. 

6  "  Oh,  Molly-i,  Molly-i,  here  you  see 
The  pesky  sarpent  what  bit  me." 

7  "  Oh,  John  !  "  said  she,  "  Why  did  you  go 
Down  to  the  meadow  for  to  mow  ? " 

8  "  Oh,  Molly-i,  Molly-i,"  John  he  said, 

"  'T  was  Father's  hay,  which  had  got  to  be  mow-ed  !  " 

9  He  riz  his  heel  into  her  lip, 
The  pesky  pizen  for  to  sip. 

10  And  heving  there  a  hollow  tooth, 
The  pizen  took  upon  them  both, 

1 1  Their  bodies  now  are  'neath  the  sod. 
Their  souls,  I  trust,  are  jined  to  God. 


Recollected  June  17,  1904,  by  a  very  aged  lady,  and  recorded  by  E.  E.  D.,  Cambridge, 
Mass, 


^4==f=i^==^=i=^=p=5^ 


On  Spring-  file  Moun  -  ting  there    did  dwell       A     like  -    ly    youth     as 


Traditional  Ballads  in  New  Engla^id. 


297 


3i:ibiz=- 


-JP---- 


i 


I've  heern  tell,    A   like-  ly  youth,just  twen- ti    one,    Lef  -  ten  -  ant  Cur  -  tis's 

1^  r7\ 


Sid: 


Ii^=5 


^ 


w 


on  -  li    son, 


li   son,  Lef-ten-ant  Cur-tis  -  's 


li      son. 


1  On  Springfile  Mounting  there  did  dwell 
A  likeli  youth  as  I  've  heern  tell, 

A  likeli  youth,  just  twenti-one, 
Leftenant  Curtis's  onli  son, 
Onli  son, 
Leftenant  Curtis's  onli  son. 

2  This  likeli  youth  to  the  field  did  go. 
And  took  his  scythe  all  for  to  mow, 
But  as  he  went,  he  chanced  to  feel 
A  pison  sarpent  bite  his  heel. 

3  He  threw  his  scythe  upon  the  ground. 
And  with  his  eyes  he  look-ed  around 
To  see  if  he  could  anyone  spy, 

To  take  him  away,  where  he  might  die. 

4  Then  this  dear  youth  gin  up  the  ghost, 
And  to  Abraham's  bosom  quickli  did  post, 
Crying  all  the  way,  as  on  he  went, 

"  Cru-el,  cru-el,  cru-el  sarpent." 

5  Now  all  good  people  assembled  here, 
O'er  this  poor  youth  to  shed  a  tear, 
From  his  example  warning  take. 
And  shun  the  pison  of  a  snake. 

D. 

Contributed  by  A.  M.,  as  sung  half  a  century  ago. 


On    Spring-field  Moun  -   ting  there     did    dwell      A     like  -    ly     youth    as 


E=^^^M^_^=pi^ii^ 


I  've  heerd  tell,    A  like  -  ly  youth  of  twen  -  ty    one,  Lef  -  ten  -  ant  Cur  -  tis' 


=J=Ft 


gj^gJI 


:t: 


li 


FJ==tL-=| 


on  -  lie     son,     on  -  li     son,   Lef  -  ten  -   ant  Cur   -   tis'    on 


m 


He 


298 


y ournal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 


1  On  Springfield  Mountain  there  did  dwell 
A  likely  youth  as  I  've  heerd  tell, 

A  likely  youth  of  twenty-one, 
Leftenant  Curtis'  onlie  son, 
Onlie  son, 
Leftenant  Curtis'  onlie  son. 

2  On  Monday  morning  he  did  go 
Down  to  the  meadow  for  to  mow,  — 
He  mowed  around  till  he  did  feel 
Some  pizen  sarpent  bite  his  heel. 

3  He  laid  his  scythe  down  on  the  ground. 
And  with  his  eyes  he  looked  around. 
To  see  if  he  could  anyone  spy, 

To  carry  him  home,  where  he  might  die. 

4  This  young  man  soon  gin  up  the  ghost, 
And  away  from  this  carnal  world  did  post 
Crying  all  the  way,  as  on  he  went, 

"  Cru-el,  cru-el,  cru-el  sarpent." 


"  Springfield  Mountain  "  contributed  by  M.  L.  J.,  Lynn,  Mass.,  as  sung  fifty  years  ago. 


On      Spring  -  field      Moun    -       tain     there 


dwell 


^ \—^ 


-=1 — (V 


fet: 


no  -  ble  youth,     I   knew  him      well. 


Lef  -  ten  -  ant     Da  -   vis' 
r7\ 


m^. 


=)==!: 


1 


-Z5l- 


ly 


son, 


A     like    -    ly     youth      just  twen  -    ty        one. 


1  On  Springfield  Mountain  there  did  dwell 
A  noble  youth,  —  I  knew  him  well, 
Leftenant  Davis'  only  son, 

A  loveli  youth  just  twenti  one. 

2  He  went  upon  a  summer's  day 
Out  to  the  field  to  cut  the  hay, 
But  ah  !  alas  !  he  soon  did  feel 
A  peski  sarpint  bite  his  heel. 


Traditional  Ballads  in  New  England. 


299 


F. 

"  On  the  Springfield  Mountains  !  "  Broadside,  printed  about  1850,  now  in  the  Boston . 
Public  Library. 

1  On  the  Springfield  Mountains  there  did  dwell 
A  noble  youth  I  knew  full  well. 

Ki  tiddle  linker  da, 
Ki  tiddle  linker  da, 
Ki  tiddle  linker  da  ri  O. 

2  One  fine  spring  morning  he  did  go 
Down  in  the  meadow  all  for  to  mow. 

5  He  had  not  mowed  quite  around  the  field, 
When  a  poison  serpent  bit  his  heel, 

4  They  carried  him  home  to  Sally  dear, 
Which  made  her  feel  all  over  queer. 

5  "  My  Johnny  dear,  why  did  you  go 
Down  in  the  meadow  for  to  mow  ?  " 

6  "  My  Sally  dear,  don't  you  know. 
That  Daddy's  grass  we  must  mow  ?  " 

7  Now  all  young  men  a  warning  take, 
And  don't  get  bit  by  a  big  black  snake. 

8  Now,  if  you  don't  like  my  song, 
Just  take  your  hat  and  trudge  along. 

G. 

"The  Serpent."     Taken  down  by  me,  October  10,  1905,  from  the  singing  of  R.  B.  C, 
Newbury,  Vt.,  in  whose  family  it  has  been  traditional  for  half  a  century  or  more. 


'-n- 


^|EiE?=E3E^^^^E^E3^=^z^= 


On  Green-land's  Moun-tain  there  did    dwell,    Tim  -  i     -    i  -  turn     turn, 


il 


:=1= 


tid  -  dy  -  ad  -  dy  -  a.        On  Green -land's  Moun-tain  there      did    dwell, 


:^==: 


^3=^ 


^    -•-    -•- 

Tim  -   r  -   out  ! 


On  Green-land's  Moun  -  tain  there     did   dwell     A 


^^ 


^ 


I 


_^_.^ 


•       iN 4 — #■= # — Tih 4 — it  - 

love  -  ly  youth,   is  known  full  well.     N  -  ya  -    ha  -  ha,       n  -  ya    -    ha  -  ha  ! 


300  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

1  On  Greenland's  mountain  there  did  dwell,  — 

Tim-i-i-tum-tum,  tiddy-addy-a,  — 
On  Greenland's  mountain  there  did  dwell,  — 

Tim-r-out ! 
On  Greenland's  mountain  there  did  dwell 
A  lovely  youth  is  known  quite  well. 

N-ya-ha-ha,  n-ya-ha-ha  ! 

2  One  Monday  morn  this  youth  did  go 
Down  in  the  meadow  for  to  mow. 

3  He  had  not  mowed  half  'crost  the  field,  — 
He  felt  a  serpent  bite  his  heel. 

4  They  carried  him  to  his  Sally  dear, 
Which  made  him  feel  so  very  queer. 

5  "  Why  my  dearest  Joe,  why  did  you  go 
Down  in  the  meadow  for  to  mow. 

6  "  Why,  my  Sally  dear,  I  s'pose  you  know 
Your  daddy's  grass  it  must  be  mowed." 

7  This  lovely  youth  gave  up  the  ghost. 
For  fear  that  he  would  poison  both. 

8  Now  it 's  a  warning  too,  —  all  lovers  take, 
And  shun  the  bite  of  a  rattlesnake. 

H. 

Taken  down  by  me,  July  29,  1904,  from  the  singing  of  A.  E.  B.,  Bradford,  Vt.,  as  sung 
years  ago  in  East  Wisconsin. 


:3: 


^=3 


^i=t 


=^ 


On  Spring-field  Moun  -  tain    there  did  dwell        A     come  -  ly    youth      I 


^=^3^3 


=]=d= 


1=1^ 


knowed  full  well   • 


ell   -   i  -  ell     -     i   -   ell.  .  .  Ri      tu  -  ri       nu   -  ri 


^ 


I 


ij^; 


tu 


ri     nay. 


Ri 


tu  -    ri, 


n, 


nu     -     ri     nay ! 


I   On  Springfield  Mountain  there  did  dwell 
A  comely  youth  I  knew  full  well-i-ell-i-ell-i-ell, 
Ri  turi  nuri,  turi  nay, 
Ri  turi  nuri  turi  nuri  nay. 


Traditional  Ballads  in  New  England. 


301 


2  One  summer  morning  he  did  go 
Down  in  the  meadow  for  to  mow. 

3  He  had  scarce  mowed  one  half  the  field, 
When  a  pison  serpent  bit  his  heel. 

4  He  raised  his  scythe  and  with  one  blow 
He  laid  the  slimy  creature  low. 

5  They  took  him  to  his  Molly  dear, 
Which  made  her  feel  so  very  queer. 

6  "  Oh,  Johnny  dear,  why  did  you  go 
Down  in  the  meadow  for  to  mow?" 

7  "  Why  Molly  dear,  I  thought  you  knowed 

Your  old  dad's  meadow  had  to  be  mowed  !  " 
* 

8  Then  Molly,  she  went  round  the  town, 
To  find  something  to  cure  his  wound. 

9  Then  Johnny,  he  gave  up  the  ghost. 

And  straight  to  Abraham's  bosom  did  post. 

10  Now  all  young  folks,  a  warning  take, 
And  shun  the  bite  of  a  rattlesnake. 


Taken  down  by  me,  October  25,  1905,  from  the  singing  of  W.  D.,  East  Corinth,  Vt., 
as  learned  some  years  ago  in  Northborough,  Mass. 


t 


i^r^ 


::fc 


-:=r 


=-? 


-J: 


?^t4 


^=$ 


On  Spring  -  field  Moun  -  tain  there     did  dwell        a      like  -  ly    youth,     as 


i 


"5    V  -^    5~^ 

I've  heem  tell,       i   -  ell 


y: 


r^- 


--i- 


i-   eU     -    i   -   ell. 


Ri     tu    -   ri  -  loo, 


I 


^3 


^ 


^^ 


tu 


lay, 


Ri 


ri     -   loo, 


ri     -  lay. 


1  On  Springfield  Mountain  there  did  dwell 
A  likely  youth,  as  I  've  heem  tell,  — 

i-ell-i-ell-i-ell, 

Ri  turi  loo,  ri  turi  lay, 

Ri  turi  loo,  ri  turi  lay. 

2  He  took  his  scythe  and  off  did  go 
Down  to  the  meadow  for  to  mow. 


302  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

3  He  'd  scarcely  mowed  twice  round  the  field, 
When  a  peski  sarpent  bit  him  on  the  heel. 

4  *'  Oh,  Sam-u-el,  why  did  ye  go 
Down  to  the  meadow  for  to  mow  ? " 


Taken  down  by  me,  November  lo,  1905,  from  the  recitation  of  M.  D.,  Boston,  Mass. 
Probably  derived  with  I  from  a  common  source. 

1  On  Springfield  Mountain  there  did  dwell 
A  beauti-ous  youth,  as  I  've  heerd  tell, 

i-ell-i-ell-i-ell, 

Ri  turi  loo,  ri  turi  lay, 

Ri  turi  loo,  ri  turi  lay. 

2  He  took  his  scythe  and  off  did  go 
Down  in  the  meadow  for  to  mow, 

3  He  had  scarce  mowed  twice  round  the  field, 
When  a  pizen  sarpent  bit  him  on  the  heel. 

4  He  laid  him  down  under  the  sky. 
He  laid  him  down  and  there  did  die  ! 

5  "  Oh,  Samu-el,  why  did  ye  go 
Down  in  the  meadow  for  to  mow  ?  " 


ADDENDA. 
VI.   HENRY   MARTIN. 

B. 

From  "  Boston  Transcript,"  Query  3051,  —  answered  by  A.  C.  A.,  who  states  :  "  I  can 
give  the  song,  as  I  heard  it  sung  many  years  ago  in  Portland,  Me.,  by  Eliza  Ostinelli, 
daughter  of  Ostinelli,  the  musician,  —  she  afterwards  went  to  Italy,  where  she  married, 
and  was  known  as  Mme.  Biscaccianti,  "  The  American  Thrush." 

1  There  dwelt  three  brothers  in  merry  Scotland, 

Three  brothers  there  dwelt  there,  three. 
And  they  did  cast  lots  to  see  which  one 
Should  go  robbing  upon  the  salt  sea, 
Should  go  robbing  upon  the  salt  sea. 

2  The  lot  it  fell  upon  Andrew  Martine 

The  youngest  of  the  three, 
That  he  should  go  robbing  upon  the  salt  sea. 
To  support  his  three  brothers  and  he. 

3  "  Oh,  who  are  you  ?  "  said  Andrew  Martine, 

"  Who  are  you  that  comes  tossing  so  high  ?  " 


Traditional  Ballads  in  New  England. 


303 


"  I  am  a  brave  ship  from  merry  England, 
Will  you  please  for  to  let  me  pass  by  ?  " 

4  "  Oh,  no,  oh  no  !  "  said  Andrew  Martine, 

"  Oh  no,  that  never  can  be  !  " 
Your  ship  and  your  cargo  we  '11  all  take  away. 
And  your  bodies  give  to  the  salt  sea  !  " 

5  The  news  it  came  to  merry  England, 

And  to  King  George's  ears, 
And  he  did  fit  out  a  nice  little  band, 
For  to  catch  this  Andrew  Martine. 

6  "  Oh,  who  are  you  ?  "  said  Captain  Charles  Stuart, 

"  Who  are  you  that  comes  tossing  so  high  ? 
"I  am  a  brave  ship  from  merry  Scotland, 
Will  you  please  for  to  let  me  pass  by  ?  " 

7  "Oh,  no,  oh  no !  "  said  Captain  Charles  Stuart, 

"  Oh,  no  that  never  can  be  ! 
Your  ship  and  your  cargo  we  '11  all  take  away, 
And  your  bodies  give  to  the  salt  sea." 

8  They  fought  and  fought,  and  fought  again, 

Until  the  light  did  appear, 
And  where  was  Andrew,  and  all  his  brave  crew  ? 
Their  bodies  were  in  the  salt  sea." 

X.  LORD   RANDAL. 

R. 

Taken  down  by  me,  October  10,  1905,  from  the  singing  of  R.  B.  C,  Newbury,  Vt.,  in 
whose  family  it  has  been  traditional  for  a  century. 


» 


gi^^=tj: 


---X 


:A=t 


-■J--^-*- 


3=^ 


Oh,  where  have  you  been  a  -  court-  ing,   Fair  Nel  -    son      my      son  ?   Oh, 


^^E^EE^E^E^^EE^^^-^, 


where   have    you  been     a  -  court  -  ing,       my     fair,  you     are      a    pret  -  ty 


i^ 


^- 


3^^: 


one!  "Been     a -court -ing      my      Jul  -  ia,      moth-er    make     my     bed 


I 


-^         -•-     -•-     -•- 


i=g= 


=* 


soon,     For  I'm   sick       to       the  heart     and     I     long       to      lie       down. 


304  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

1  "  Oh,  where  have  you  been  a-courting.  Fair  Nelson,  my  son  ? 

Oh,  where  have  you  been  a-courting,  my  fair,  —  you  are  a  pretty  one  ! ' 
••  I  "ve  been  courting  my  Julia,  mother  make  my  bed  soon. 
For  I  'm  sick  to  my  heart,  and  I  long  to  lie  down." 

2  ••  \Miat  did  you  have  for  your  breakfast.  Fair  Xelson.  my  son  ? 

\Miat  did  you  have  for  your  breakfast,  my  fair.  —  you  are  a  pretty  one ! ' 
'•  Eels,  fried  in  batter,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  "m  sick  to  mv  heart,  and  I  long  to  lie  down." 


o 


*•  What  will  you  will  to  your  father,  fair  Xelson.  my  son  ? 

\Miat  will  you  will  to  your  father,  my  fair.  —  you  are  a  pretty  one  !  " 

'■  Mv  land  and  my  houses,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 

For  I  m  sick  to  my  heart,  and  I  long  to  lie  down."' 

4  ••  What  will  you  will  to  your  mother,  Fair  Xelson,  my  son  ? 

What  will  you  will  to  your  mother,  my  fair,  — you  are  a  pretty-  one  !  " 
■'  My  gold  and  my  silver,  mother  make  my  bed  soon, 
For  I  m  sick  to  my  heart,  and  I  long  to  lie  down."' 

5  •'  ^^^lat  will  you  will  to  your  Julia,  Fair  Xelson.  my  son  ? 

\Miat  will  you  will  to  your  Julia,  my  fair,  — you  are  a  prettA-  one  1  '" 
*•  Hell-fire  and  brimstone,  mother  make  my  bed  soon. 
For  I  'm  sick  to  my  heart,  and  I  long  to  lie  down." 

Phillips  Barry, 


California  Bra7ich. 


o^^ 


CALIFORNIA    BRANCH    OF    THE    AMERICAN    FOLK- 
LORE  SOCIETY. 

The  California  Branch  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society  was 
founded  August  i8,  1905,  at  a  meeting  of  the  Berkeley  Folk-Lore 
Club,  a  more  informal  and  restricted  organization  than  the  California 
Branch,  but  with  similar  aims,  by  the  adoption  of  the  following  re- 
port :  — 

The  Committee  appointed  May  3,  1905,  on  vote  of  the  charter 
members  of  the  Berkeley  Folk-Lore  Club  to  report  on  the  feasibility 
of  the  establishment  of  a  California  Branch  of  the  American  Folk- 
Lore  Society,  beg  leave  to  submit  the  following  recommendations  : 

"  That  the  formation  of  the  Berkeley  Folk-Lore  Club  provides  an 
opportune  basis  for  the  establishment  and  successful  development  of 
a  California  Branch  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society,  which  will 
extend  the  work  undertaken  by  the  Berkeley  Folk-Lore  Club  to  a 
wider  sphere  of  influence  and  bring  it  before  a  larger  body  of  persons, 
thus  enhancing  the  promotion  of  folk-lore  interests  on  the  Pacific 
coast.     Be  it  resolved  therefore, 

"That  a  California  Branch  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society  be 
hereby  organized  by  such  of  those  present  as  signify  their  willing- 
ness ;  and 

"  That  a  committee  of  five  be  appointed  to  arrange  for  a  meeting, 
including  a  programme,  in  Berkeley,  on  the  evening  of  August  28 ; 
said  committee  to  submit  at  this  meeting  a  formal  draft  of  organi- 
zation, with  nominations  for  officers,  for  the  California  Branch  of 
the  American  Folk-Lore  Society." 

This  report  having  been  adopted  and  a  California  Branch  of  the 
American  Folk-Lore  Society  having  been  thereby  founded  by  those 
present  and  signifying  their  assent,  the  following  committee  was 
appointed  by  the  Chair,  to  report,  as  provided,  at  the  meeting  on 
August  28  :  J.  C.  Merriam,  G.  R.  Noyes,  Charles  Keeler,  W.  C. 
Mitchell,  and  A.  L.  Kroeber. 

All  persons  interested  in  folk-lore  are  eligible  to  membership  in 
the  American  Folk-Lore  Society  and  its  California  Branch,  and  those 
desiring  to  become  members  are  particularly  invited  to  be  present  at 
this  meeting  and  make  themselves  known  to  the  committee  or  to  the 
officers  to  be  elected.  Membership  in  the  California  Branch  will 
include  membership  in  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society,  and  will 
bring  with  it  the  receipt  of  the  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore,  a 
quarterly  periodical  published  by  the  Society. 

The  work  of  the  California  Branch  is  designed  to  be  directed  to  the 
study  of  the  many  elements  of  folk-lore  existing  in  California  among 

VOL.  xviii.  —  NO.  71.  22 


3o6  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

its  Indian,  Spanish,  American,  and  Asiatic  populations,  and  to  the 
awakening  of  interest  in  such  studies,  by  the  institution  of  public 
lectures,  meetings  devoted  to  discussions  and  comparisons,  system- 
atic researches  leading  to  the  publication  of  new  information,  and 
the  ultimate  formation  of  branch  or  affiliated  societies  in  various 
parts  of  the  Pacific  coast.  The  work  that  is  thus  planned  is  con- 
nected so  intimately  with  the  history  of  California,  and  will  be  so 
illustrative  in  a  wider  sense  of  the  development  of  the  State,  that  the 
furtherance  of  this  work  should  be  of  general  interest ;  and  it  is  hoped 
that  many  persons  not  directly  or  individually  identified  with  the 
study  of  folk-lore  will  ally  themselves  with  the  Branch  from  a  desire 
to  aid  in  the  furtherance  of  all  knowledge  relating  to  California. 

FIRST   MEETING. 

A  public  meeting  of  the  California  Branch  of  the  American  Folk- 
Lore  Society  was  held  Monday,  August  28,  at  8  p.  m.,  in  the  Philo- 
sophy Building  of  the  University  of  California  in  Berkeley. 

Professor  J.  C.  Merriam,'  chairman  of  the  Committee  appointed  to 
arrange  for  the  meeting  and  to  submit  a  formal  draft  of  organization, 
called  the  meeting  to  order  and  explained  its  purpose.  Nominations 
for  temporary  presiding  officer  having  been  called  for,  Professor  W. 
E.  Ritter  was  nominated  and  elected.  Professor  Ritter,  on  taking 
the  chair,  thanked  those  present  and  spoke  of  the  opportunities  and 
desirability  of  folk-lore  work  in  California. 

Professor  Merriam  then  presented  the  report  of  the  Committee  on 
organization. 

REPORT    OF    COMMITTEE. 

The  Comfnittee  appointed  August  18  at  the  founding  of  the  Cali- 
fornia Branch  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society  to  submit  at  the 
meeting  August  28  a  formal  draft  of  organization  beg  leave  to  report 
the  following 

BY-LAWS. 

I.  This  Society  shall  be  called  the  California  Branch  of  the  Ameri- 
can Folk-Lore  Society.  Its  object  shall  be  the  advancement  and 
diffusion  of  the  study  of  folk-lore  in  all  its  aspects. 

II.  The  officers  shall  be  a  President,  First  Vice-President,  Second 
Vice-President,  Secretary,  Treasurer,  and  six  Councillors.  These 
officers  shall  constitute  a  Council  which  shall  transact  all  business  of 
the  Branch. 

III.  The  officers  shall  be  elected  at  the  first  meeting  held  after 
July  first  of  each  year,  and  shall  remain  in  office  until  their  success- 
ors are  elected. 

IV.  There  shall  be  at  least  four  meetings  annually.     The  time, 


California  Branch.  -  307 

place,  programme,  and  manner  of  all  meetings  shall  be  determined 
by  the  Council. 

V.  Any  one  interested  in  folk-lore  may  become  a  member  of  the 
Branch  by  vote  of  the  Council  and  approval  of  the  members  in  meet- 
ing, and  on  payment  annually  of  three  dollars.  The  dues  of  mem- 
bers shall  be  transmitted  by  the  Treasurer  to  the  Treasurer  of  the 
American  Folk-Lore  Society,  provided  such  arrangements  are  made 
by  the  Council  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society  as  will  enable  the 
California  Branch  to  carry  on  successfully  its  work  and  the  develop- 
ment of  the  folk-lore  interests  of  California. 

VI.  These  by-laws  may  be  amended  by  a  vote  of  two  thirds  of  the 
members  at  any  meeting,  provided  the  amendments  have  previously 
been  approved  by  a  majority  of  the  Council. 

NOMINATIONS    FOR    OFFICERS. 

President,  Professor  F.  W.  Putnam,  University  of  California. 

First  Vice-President,  Charles  Keeler,  Berkeley. 

Second  Vice-President,  Professor  John  Fryer,  University  of  Cali- 
fornia. 

Treasurer,  Professor  W.  F.  Bade,  Pacific  Theological  Seminary. 

Secretary,  Dr.  A.  L.  Kroeber,  University  of  California. 

Councillors,  Charles  F.  Lummis,  Los  Angeles ;  Professor  W.  C. 
Mitchell,  University  of  California  ;  Mrs.  Thos.  B.  Bishop,  San  Fran- 
cisco. 

On  account  of  accessions  in  membership  likely  to  occur  in  the 
near  future,  the  Committee  recommends  that  only  three  Councillors 
be  chosen  at  this  meeting,  the  remaining  three  provided  for  in  the 
by-laws  to  be  elected  at  a  future  meeting. 

J.  C.  MERRiAM,/(?r ///^  Com. 

This  report  having  been  read,  it  was  moved  that  it  be  adopted,  the 
proposed  draft  of  organization  thereby  becoming  the  by-laws  of  the 
California  Branch  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society.  The  motion 
was  seconded,  put  by  the  chair,  and  carried. 

It  was  moved  that  the  officers  nominated  by  the  Committee  be 
declared  elected  as  officers  of  the  Society  for  1905-06.  This  motion, 
having  been  seconded  and  put  by  the  chair,  was  carried. 

Professor  F.  W.  Putnam  of  the  University  of  California  and  of 
Harvard  University,  the  President  elect,  thereupon  took  the  chair. 
After  thanking  the  Society,  Professor  Putnam  explained  the  purposes 
of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society  and  its  branches  and  gave  a  re- 
view of  their  history  and  the  work  being  done  by  them.  He  then 
spoke  of  the  particular  field  of  the  California  Branch,  its  opportuni- 
ties, and  their  urgency. 


^oS  yofmn^Ml  of  American  Polk-Lore^ 

Professor  Patnam  thereupon  introduced  the  speaker  of  the  even> 
ing,  Dr.  C  Hart  Merriam,  Chief  of  the  U.  S.  Biological  Survey  of 
WashiDgton,  D.  C,  who  gave  an  informal  lecture  on  Aboriginal  Folk- 
Lore  £rom  CaUfomia*  treating  particularly  of  the  beUef s  of  the  In- 
dians of  the  Mono  region,  the  San  Joaquin  VaUey,  and  the  area  north 
of  San  Francisco  bay,  and  enlarging  generally  upon  the  problems  of 
foIk4ore  investigation  among  the  Indians  of  aU  parts  of  California 

At  the  conclusion  of  Dr.  Merriam's  lecture,  Professor  Putnam,  as 
President  of  the  Boston  Branch  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society, 
Dr.  R.  R  Dison  of  Harvard  University,  as  President  of  the  Cam- 
bridge Branch,  and  Dr.  Charles  Peabody  of  the  Archs^logical  Mu- 
seum of  Andover,  Massachusetts,  addressed  the  Society. 

A  motion  was  made  and  carried  that  the  second  meeting  of  the 
>;■::.  V.^  hdd  in  Berkeley  on  August  31,  in  conjunction  with  the 
\    .    ;      Anthropological  Association. 

0  e  Secretary  was  instructed  to  receive  ttie  signatures 
\  '.'■   -       -  -  -■     c  to  become  members  of  the  Society. 

.       ^       -       .umed. 

1  c        :  sons  attended  the  meeting. 

A.  I.  Kroebek,  S^:nta3ey, 

-     <  < ^: :  :    :   0  roll  of  membership  at  the  con- 


r.  W.  Pu^iEUJii,  L:iivers::y  of   C.i*--     V   '^    "":.." 

fomiau  >.  s 

CHart  Merriam^W..^  ^ 

Wm.  E.  Ritter,  Uni\  ^  -  .     --    ^~.i---     -'^■---  -^   -"-'  '-^-  ^^":-.-.: beck,  Berkeley. 

fomk.  ^V.  11.  "x;/.;        ':  .vkeley. 

Cb.-.-    -  K;-'erBetkc'  ^   -    '  "•i'ley. 

M:^  ~   :^  ■R'shor.  -  ::_:-;. ^:.^  -  :iity  of  Cali- 

W  etkeley.  fomia. 


';'  -  ^ -kland.     Wm.  A.  Brewer,  Sau  Mateo. 

IVrr^  Wlllietta  Brown,  San  Francisco. 

Mrs.  iN'.  sda-  >'  -e  I^cholson,  Pasadena. 

Mrs-W.  ..        ....  :  -.       .Berkeley,     i.  :■..  _   irett,  Berkeley. 


Dr.  K.   cv  i  -         .": .  .A.  L.    .X      .            "^         .    .'.: 

Mr.Chas.y  .^      >tr^.  R.  F.   :■  -   ..  .    :,;:... i. 

Prof.  W.  A   -  .M:55.T.  K    a 

Pn^"  G   'R    N,_...  ..  Mrs.  M.  O    ^ 

Pr                   T^r,  Berkeley.  Mrs.  K.  R  Miller.  Berkeley. 

''■■""•  ■    ' ;  V.  Miss  McElroy.  O.'.kl^nd. 

M  .X     ^  of  thirty-four. 


(  II li lay II in   /'rmii  fi,  3*-''y 

The  5fjr.o;j'J  mK':\m-^  'A  the  OtYti'frnUi  hrniti  h  *ji  the  Amrtf-nf 
Folk-Lorc  .Society  was*  held  at  the  Uijivcrsiiy  'vl  C;j)iJ'yr7<ia  in  lirtUt^ 
ley,  Auguit  31,  in  conjunction  with  the  Arn^fic^n  Anthropoloi^i^tJ 
Association,  Professor  K  W.  PuUrtm,  President  of  both  so<;i^ties^,  in 
the  chair.  The  s*o<jctie»  met  in  .South  iJaJJ  at  I'j  A.  m,  u/mJ  n^  the 
lecture  roora  o£  th€  Dcpartrn^nt  of  Anthropoloj^y  ^  2  P,  H,  V^m% 
dealinj/  with  anthropology,  f'  "  '  '  '      'rr.j  jjuhjects  were  r€ii4, 

arrjong  them  the  foUowing  »j  .;  to  Jo)k-)o;e;== 

Mr,  Charles  Keekf  of  Berketeyj  Creation  Myth*  and  Folk-Taki 
of  the  Manua  Islands,  .Samoa, 

Mr,  S-  A,  Karrett  of  Jierk^ky ;  B^#k«t  Design*  '/f  th«  l^orno  lii-- 
dians, 

Dr,  C.  Hart  Merriam  of  Wa»hing:t^yn,  D,  C. ;  Jk*ket  Cave  Mfh\ 
in  Cdihiornh. 

Mr,  C.  C,  Willoughby  of  Cambridge,  Mas*, ;  Specimen*  in  tfet 
Peabody  Museum  colJecied  by  the  L*-  -  -^    •  '  Clatk  E;(pe^Jliti.ofl, 

Vr,  C,  F,  Newcombe  of  Vktori;ji,  i  Amnhm:  hxhihiii'm'A 

Northweitern  Indian  De*ign*, 

Mr,  j,  T-  Goodman  of  AlamediA :  Maya  V'^Xm. 

And  '>»1hef»  by  title. 

The  ri>^^\mi^  wa*  adjourned  at  4,3^0  y,  M, 

One  hujidred  person*  attendeid  the  rr^eeting. 

A.  L,  K^og^g»,  Sitcretary. 

COUNCIL  M;'^-'"''^ 

A  meeting  of  \ht  Council  of  the  f  ..  l^^neh  of  the  Ameri- 

can Folk- Lore  Society  wt*  held  J8  tte^  of^€€  of  th«  Derr^rtw^t  €>f 
Anthropology  of  the  University  of  '  '  '  ia  in  H'  ■'  ■'-  1  4,50 
f,  M,,  October  3,  lyi^S.  Mr,  Charles  first  vj-  nt,  In 

the  chair, 

Mr,  Keeler  rea-d  a  letter  from  the  Secret %!rj. 

Jl  wy,^  voted  : 

To  ^iirrarige  if  pra-ciicahle  a  meeting  in  ,Ss-n  Fr-'  -      ^j^^f. 

To  hold  a  rrj-eeling  i-  ''--!--!ey  on  Tuesday,  mo.,  .mv  i  .14,  the 
paper  to  be  r«-jii,d  Vv  prf.'  .'«^  ^m  Cliinei^e  folk-- lore. 

To  hold  :  lay,  December  5,  the  paj^gy 

to  be  rfira.d  hj   >^;    ^v.,..  ■     .;.  . 

To  jriiTu»;'t  the  detailed  arr  --fe  meeting*  to  a  com' 

lisittee  '  ;',  of  the  fir^t  vj^t^e-^/fesi'ierrit  imd  the  ^ecreta,ry. 

Frcic-  .:  ,,  -ri  E.  Ma-tz^ke,  Dr.  C  Ha-rt  Mfcrria.m,  and  Mr.  E.  J. 
Molera  were  norniuiated  for  r/jemberi^hip  in  the  Cou-ncii 


3 1  o  yournal  of  A  7izerican  Folk-Lore. 

The  Secretary  was  authorized  to  have  suitable  letter-heads  pre- 
pared for  the  use  of  the  Society. 
The  Council  adjourned  at  5.30  p.  m. 

W.  C.  Mitchell,  Secretary  pro  tempore, 

COUNCIL   MEETING. 

A  meeting  of  the  Council  of  the  California  Branch  of  the  Ameri- 
can Folk-Lore  Society  was  held  at  the  Hotel  St.  Francis,  San  Fran- 
cisco, Monday,  October  30,  1905,  at  7.45  p.  m.  The  following  persons 
were  approved  for  membership :  Mr.  Harold  S.  Symmes,  Idyllwild  ; 
Mrs.  Bertody  Wilder  Stone,  San  Francisco  ;  Professor  John  E. 
Matzke,  Stanford  University  ;  Dr.  P.  E.  Goddard,  Berkeley  ;  Mr.  A. 
C.  Vroman,  Pasadena;  Mr.  C.  E.  Rumsey,  Riverside;  Miss  Con- 
stance Goddard  Du  Bois,  Waterbury,  Conn.  ;  Dr.  Gustav  Eisen,  San 
Francisco  ;  Miss  Harriett  Bartnett,  New  York ;  Mr.  H.  H.  Bancroft, 
San  Francisco ;  Mr.  E.  J.  Molera,  San  Francisco ;  Mrs.  Samuel 
Woolsey  Backus,  San  Francisco  ;  Mrs.  John  Flournoy,  San  Fran- 
cisco. 

The  meeting  was  adjourned. 

A.  L.  Kroeber,  Secretary. 

THIRD    MEETING. 

A  Meeting  of  the  California  Branch  of  the  American  Folk-Lore 
Society  devoted  to  a  discussion  of  Japanese  folk-lore  was  held  at  the 
Hotel  St.  Francis,  Monday,  October  30,  1905,  at  8  p.  m.  Mr.  Charles 
Keeler  presided. 

The  minutes  of  th  e  two  preceding  meetings  were  read  and  approved. 

Thirteen  persons  approved  by  the  Council  were  elected  to  mem- 
bership in  the  Society,  the  Secretary  being  instructed  to  cast  the 
vote  of  the  Society  for  them.  The  persons  thereby  elected  to  mem- 
bership were  :  Mr.  Harold  S.  Symmes,  Mrs.  Bertody  Wilder  Stone, 
Professor  John  E.  Matzke,  Dr.  P.  E.  Goddard,  Mr.  A.  C.  Vroman, 
Mr.  C.  E.  Rumsey,  Miss  Constance  Goddard  Du  Bois,  Dr.  Gustav 
Eisen,  Miss  Harriett  Bartnett,  Mr.  H.  H.  Bancroft,  Mr.  E.  J.  Molera, 
Mrs.  Samuel  Woolsey  Backus,  and  Mrs.  John  Flournoy. 

A  report  from  the  Council  was  read  nominating  Professor  John  E. 
Matzke,  Dr.  C.  Hart  Merriam,  and  Mr.  E.  J.  Molera  to  the  three 
councillorships  left  vacant  at  the  organization  of  the  Society.  On 
motion  it  was  voted  that  the  Secretary  cast  the  ballot  of  the  Society 
for  the  three  nominees  to  the  Council. 

Meetings  of  the  Society  in  Berkeley  in  November  and  December, 
and  in  San  Francisco  and  Berkeley  in  January  and  subsequent  months 
were  announced  by  the  President. 

A  statement  was  made  by  the  Secretary  in  regard  to  the  receipt 


California  Branch.  3 1 1 

of  the  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore  by  members  of  the  California 
Branch,  and  a  brief  description  of  the  publications  of  the  Society, 
including  the  series  of  Memoirs,  was  given. 

The  acting  President,  Mr.  Keeler,  addressed  the  Society  and  its 
friends  on  the  meaning  of  the  word  "folk-lore,"  the  opportunities  of 
the  Society,  and  the  importance  of  its  work.  A  prospectus  issued 
by  the  Society,  giving  an  account  of  its  organization  and  aims,  was 
placed  at  the  disposal  of  members  for  distribution. 

Mr.  Eli  T.  Sheppard  then  read  a  paper  on  "  Birds  and  Animals  in 
Japanese  Folk-Lore,"  giving  a  review  of  the  principal  qualities  popu- 
larly attributed  to  animals  by  the  Japanese,  and  the  beliefs  and  tales 
connected  with  them.  The  speaker  dwelt  particularly  on  the  firm 
hold  of  such  beliefs  on  the  Japanese  mind  and  their  great  importance 
in  illustrating  the  real  and  inner  life  and  mental  workings  of  the 
people. 

Mr,  Norwood  B.  Smith  spoke  on  folk-lore  elements  in  Japanese 
prints  and  wood-cuts,  emphasizing  the  richness  of  lore  in  this  field, 
of  which  only  the  artistic  aspects  have  usually  been  considered. 

Miss  Mary  Very  pointed  out  the  richness  and  significance  of  Jap- 
anese folk  beliefs  and  customs,  illustrating  her  remarks  by  the  rela- 
tion of  personal  experiences  and  the  exhibition  of  specimens. 

After  a  vote  of  thanks  to  the  speakers  of  the  evening,  the  Society 
adjourned  to  meet  in  Berkeley,  November  14,  to  listen  to  a  paper  by 
Professor  John  Fryer  on  Chinese  folk-lore. 

Sixty  persons  attended  the  meeting. 

A.  L.  Kroeber,  Secretary. 


312  Journal  of  A mericait  Folk-L ore. 


NOTES   AND    QUERIES. 

Street  Customs  of  Buenos  Aires.  The  following  account  of  certain 
street  customs  of  Buenos  Aires,  originally  appearing  in  the  "Mail  and 
Empire "  (Toronto,  Canada),  is  reproduced  from  the  "  Evening  Post " 
(Worcester,  Mass.)  for  September  21,  1905  :  — 

"  Every  large  city  has  certain  street  sounds  that  are  common  to  them  all, 
but  every  city  also  has  certain  street  sounds  that  are  peculiar  to  itself  and 
that  instantly  bring  the  city  to  one's  mind  when  heard  elsewhere,  just  as  a 
fleeting  perfume  often  brings  back  the  recollection  of  some  person,  long 
since  forgotten,  with  whom  the  perfume  was  associated. 

"Buenos  Ayres  has  the  reputation  of  being  one  of  the  noisy  cities  of  the 
world,  and  there  are  not  only  all  sounds  common  to  all  great  cities  con- 
stantly assailing  the  ear,  but  there  are  several  that  are  distinctly  local. 

"  The  one  most  likely  to  first  attract  attention,  because  it  is  often  heard 
elsewhere  to  express  contempt  or  disapprobation,  is  the  sharp  emission  of  air 
through  the  teeth,  causing  a  hissing  sound. 

"  One  cannot  be  on  the  streets  of  Buenos  Ayres  five  minutes  without  hear- 
ing what  to  the  untrained  ear  is  a  distinct  hiss,  such  as  we  use  in  the  thea- 
tre to  bring  sharply  to  book  those  thoughtless  people  who  talk  out  loud  in 
the  midst  of  the  overture,  or,  more  rarely,  to  express  our  discontent  at  a 
particularly  bad  piece  of  acting  or  singing ;  and  it  is  only  when  one  has 
been  here  for  some  little  time  that  one's  ear  differentiates  the  '  s-s-s  '  made 
entirely  with  the  tongue  and  teeth  used  also  by  the  Argentines  in  condem- 
nation, from  the  'pst-pst'  made  with  the  lips,  which  means  primarily  — 
stop ! 

"  Thus,  if  the  driver  of  a  wagon  or  carriage  is  mounting  to  his  seat  and 
the  horses  start  before  he  can  take  the  lines,  he  emits  a  sharp  "  pst,"  and 
the  horses  instantly  stop. 

"  If  you  are  in  a  street  car  or  cab  and  wish  to  stop,  or  you  are  on  the  side- 
walk and  wish  to  hail  a  car  or  cab,  you  simply  hiss  and  the  car  stops,  or  the 
cabman  instantly  looks  in  your  direction  and  comes  to  pick  you  up. 

"  The  most  curious  use  of  it,  however,  is  to  attract  the  attention  of  a  friend 
passing  on  the  opposite  side  of  a  street  or  one  who  is  ahead  of  you  whom 
you  wish  to  overtake,  and  the  first  time  that  a  foreigner  is  hissed  at  in  this 
way  he  feels  distinctly  insulted,  but  one  soon  gets  used  to  it,  as  every  one 
does  it,  and  accepts  it,  and  you  unconsciously  find  yourself  following  their 
example. 

"  It  is  really  a  most  penetrating  sound,  and  it  instantly  arrests  the  atten- 
tion, no  matter  what  other  noises  may  be  going  on  about  one,  and  it  is  es- 
pecially efficient  in  a  crowded  open-air  cafe',  where  the  noises  of  the  street 
are  combined  with  the  talking  and  laughing,  as  it  never  fails  to  bring  an 
acknowledgment  from  your  waiter  that  he  has  heard  you,  no  matter  how 
much  he  may  be  absorbed  in  serving  or  in  talking. 

"Another  sound  that  any  one  who  has  visited  Buenos  Ayres  will  recall  is 
the  rather  weird  musical  note  that  all  the  horsecar  drivers  blow  on  approach- 


Notes  and  Queries. 


o^o 


ing  an  intersecting  street  to  prevent  a  collision,  an  ordinary  cow's  horn 
without  ornamentation  of  any  kind  being  used  to  produce  this  sound,  four 
distinct  notes  in  an  ascending  scale  being  blown  ;  and  the  sound  is  certainly 
distinctive. 

"  We  are  all  of  us  used  to  the  musical  notes  of  the  coach  horn,  and  know 
how  every  one  stops  to  watch  the  jolly  party  go  by,  so  that  when  one  hears 
on  the  street  here  for  the  first  time  a  sound  something  like  it,  but  without 
any  gayety  in  the  notes,  each  one  being  held  much  longer  and  pitched  in 
a  high,  mournful  key,  one's  interest  is  instantly  aroused  as  to  what  may  be 
coming. 

"  All  one  sees  at  first  is  a  man  on  a  bicycle  riding  as  hard  as  he  can,  blow- 
ing a  bugle  about  two  feet  long,  with  twice  as  many  keys  as  the  bugles  at 
home. 

"  From  the  way  the  carriages  scatter,  however,  he  is  evidently  clearing  the 
way  for  something,  and  up  the  street,  a  block  or  so  away,  one  sees  the  fire- 
engines  coming  tearing  along,  the  bicycle  man  keeping  well  ahead  with  his 
melancholy  long  sustained  note  of  warning,  plainly  distinguishable  long 
after  he  has  passed. 

"  No  one  who  visited  the  World's  Fair  in  Chicago  will  forget  the  sad-eyed 
Oriental  who  sat  outside  the  gates  of  the  various  side  shows  on  the  Midway 
and  blew  all  day  long  on  a  reed  pipe  monotonous  changes  on  about  five 
different  notes. 

"  Its  very  monotony  impressed  it  indelibly  on  the  mind,  and  to  hear  it 
instantly  recalls  snake  charmers  and  the  Kutchee  Kutchee  dance  ;  but  the 
same  notes  here  are  used  by  the  itinerant  glazier,  who,  with  a  high  wooden 
frame  strapped  to  his  back  containing  panes  of  glass  of  various  sizes,  is  en- 
deavoring to  attract  the  attention  of  the  woman  in  the  third  story  of  the 
house  across  the  street,  who  has  a  broken  window. 

"It  is  somewhat  startling  in  the  middle  of  an  avenue  crowded  with  car- 
riages suddenly  to  hear  a  steam  whistle,  and  one  often  has  to  hunt  for 
nearly  a  minute  to  see  whence  the  sound  comes,  if  the  carriages  are  densely 
packed,  and  then  be  guided  by  a  thin  line  of  ascending  smoke,  and  to  the 
astonished  gaze  is  disclosed  a  perfect  but  diminutive  model  of  a  locomo- 
tive, about  five  feet  long,  mounted  on  a  push-cart,  the  locomotive  being 
duly  equipped  with  a  real  steam  whistle,  the  blowing  of  which  at  intervals 
has  attracted  attention. 

"  It  is  the  chestnut  vender  who  thus  advertises  his  wares,  and  who  opens 
the  firebox  to  give  you  roasted  chestnuts,  or  the  boiler  of  the  locomotive  if 
you  prefer  them  boiled. 

"  Should  you  hear  the  music  of  a  triangle  on  the  streets  of  Buenos  Ayres, 
and  see  a  man  carrying  a  red  cylinder  on  his  back,  looking  like  a  water 
cooler  or  the  chemical  fire  extinguishers  used  in  the  United  States,  and  fol- 
lowed by  a  crowd  of.  small  boys,  don't  assume  that  this  is  the  Argentine  fire- 
man on  his  way  to  a  fire,  but  watch  him  for  a  minute,  and  you  will  see  one 
of  the  small  boys  pluck  his  sleeve,  at  which  he  will  stop,  unsling  the  red  cyl- 
inder from  his  back,  and  set  it  on  the  ground,  being  instantly  encircled  by 
the  crowd. 


3 1 4  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

"The  top  of  the  cylinder  is  divided  off  into  spaces  which  are  numbered 
from  one  to  ten,  and  in  the  centre  is  a  pointer  that  can  be  rapidly  revolved 
on  a  fixed  centre  like  a  roulette  wheel. 

"  The  boy  who  has  stopped  the  vender  pays  his  penny  with  the  air  of  a  Croe- 
sus, and,  with  a  breathless  audience  gives  the  pointer  a  twist,  and  when  it 
stops  the  vender  opens  the  cylinder  and  hands  to  the  small  boy  as  many 
packages  of  sweets  as  the  number  calls  for. 

"  There  are  no  blanks,  as  the  sporting  spirit  of  the  small  boy  is  not  suffi- 
ciently developed  to  play  for  all  or  nothing,  but  there  is  no  doubt  that  it 
tends  to  cultivate  that  national  vice  in  Argentina,  gambling,  which  is  in- 
dulged in  by  all  classes,  rich  and  poor  alike,  from  horseracing  to  the  national 
lottery,  tickets  being  sold  on  the  streets  for  the  weekly  drawing  of  from 
$80,000  to  $1,000,000  at  prices  within  reach  of  even  the  poorest  classes." 

"  Sometimes  you  will  hear  what  seems  to  be  the  notes  of  a  bird.  If, 
however,  you  investigate,  you  will  find  that  it  is  not  a  bird  at  all,  but 
the  scissors  grinder,  who  by  moving  and  bending  at  different  angles  a  flat 
piece  of  steel  about  three  feet  long  against  his  rapidly  revolving  emery 
wheel,  was  producing  these  birdlike  notes,  well  understood  by  every  Bue- 
nos Ayres  housewife  and  only  bewildering  to  the  stranger  within  the  gates." 

Slang  Terms  for  Money.  The  following  article  is  an  editorial  in  the 
"Boston  Herald"  (Evening  Edition)  for  February  18,  1905  :  — 

"  At  a  dinner  given  at  a  New  York  hotel  last  week  and  attended  by  fifteen 
prominent  police  captains  of  the  metropolis  a  guest  counted  ten  different 
words  used  by  these  captains  in  place  of  '  money.'  The  words  were  these  : 
tin,  cush,  gelt,  rocks,  candy,  dough,  sugar,  mazuma,  glad  wealth,  welcome 
green.  Gelter,  not  gelt,  was  used  by  the  rogues  of  New  York  in  the  fifties  ; 
not  one  of  the  other  words  appears  in  the  curious  slang  dictionary  compiled 
by  George  W.  Matsall,  special  justice,  chief  of  police,  etc.,  and  published 
in  New  York  in  1859.  Welcome  green  is  a  variant  of  long  green.  What, 
pray,  is  the  origin  of  mazuma  ?  Is  it  not  an  importation  of  our  German 
brethren  ?  The  word  '  mesumme '  is  in  German  slang,  and  '  linke  me- 
summe  '  means  counterfeit  money.  Singular  to  relate,  the  police  captains 
did  not  use  the  word  'graft.'  Perhaps  they  have  grown  sensitive  of  late. 
The  reader  will  notice  the  absence  of  simoleons,  bones,  cold  bones,  and 
plunks,  terms  applied  correctly  to  a  certain  number  of  dollars,  as  in  the 
sentence  :  '  It  cost  me  two  cold  bones  ;  '  yet  simoleons  is  a  word  used  at 
times  to  denote  a  certain  fixed  sum. 

"  Think  for  a  moment  of  the  slang  synonyms  of  money.  Here  are  a  few 
of  them  :  The  actual,  ballast,  beans,  blunt  (for  specie),  brads,  brass,  bustle, 
charms,  checks,  coal,  coliander  seeds,  coppers,  corn  (in  Egypt),  chink,  crap, 
chinkers,  chips,  corks,  dibs,  darby,  dots,  ducats,  dimmock,  dinarey,  dirt, 
dooteroomus,  dumps,  dust,  dyestuffs,  dollars,  gingerbread,  gilt,  gent  (for 
silver),  haddock,  hard  stuff  (or  hard)  horse,  nails,  huckster,  John,  John 
Davis  loafer,  lour  (said  to  be  the  oldest  cant  term  for  money),  kelter,  lurries, 
mopusses,  moss,  muck,  needful,  oil  of  palms,  peck,  plums,  nobbings  (col- 
lected in  a  hat  by  street  performers),  ocre,  oof,  pewter,  pieces,  posh,  queen's 


Notes  and  Queries.  315 

pictures,  quids,  rags,  insect  powder,  ready,  ready  gilt,  ready  John,  redge, 
rhino,  rivets,  rowdy,  scales,  salt,  sawdust,  scads,  screen,  scuds,  shigs,  soap, 
shot,  shekels,  sinews  of  war,  shiners,  shinplasters,  skin,  Spanish,  spondulics, 
spoon,  Steven,  stamps,  stiff,  stuff,  stumpy,  sugar,  teaspoons,  tin,  tow,  wad, 
wedge,  wherewithal,  yellow  boys.  No  doubt  contributions  from  a  dozen 
students  of  slang  would  double  the  list.  Thomas  Dekker's  '  Bellman  of 
London  '  and  '  Lanthorne  and  Candle  Light,'  which  with  '  The  Gull's  Horn 
Book '  have  lately  been  reprinted  in  a  little  volume,  are  a  mine  of  informa- 
tion concerning  the  slang  of  the  latter  part  of  the  sixteenth  century  and 
the  early  years  of  the  seventeenth.  Thus  to  cutpurses  of  London  the  purse 
was  the  bung  and  the  money  was  known  as  shells. 

"  We  have  omitted  such  specific  London  terms  as  shiners,  goblin,  finns, 
foont,  deener,  pony,  quid  ;  see  Mr.  Chevalier's  '  Our  Little  Nipper.' 

I  'm  just  about  the  proudest  man  that  walks, 

I  've  got  a  little  nipper,  when  'e  talks 

I  '11  lay  you  forty  shiners  to  a  quid 

You  '11  take  'im  for  the  father,  me  the  kid. 

"  An  entertaining  little  volume  could  be  written  on  the  derivation  of 
these  slang  terms,  with  illustrative  quotations  from  the  flash  poets.  The 
English  have  '  peck  ; '  the  Germans  have  '  pich,  picht,  and  peck.'  The  Vi- 
ennese 'gyps '  is  supposed  to  be  from  the  Latin  '  gypsum,'  as  the  German 
'  hora  '  and  'kail '  from  the  Hebrew  '  heren  '  and  '  kal.'  The  London  '  oof 
or  'ooftish'  is  derived  from  '  auf  tische  '  (on  the  table),  for  the  sports  of 
Hounsditch  would  not  play  cards  unless  the  money  were  on  the  table. 
French  slang  is  rich  and  picturesque  in  this  subdivision. 

"And  it  is  to  be  observed  that  these  synonyms  were  invented  or  adapted 
by  those  sadly  in  need  of  money,  not  by  those  who  have  money  to  burn, 
another  proof  of  the  statement  that  poverty  sharpens  the  wits  and  fires  the 
imagination." 

Indians  decorate  Soldiers'  Graves.  The  newspapers  of  May  31, 
1905,  had  the  following  item  from  the  Crow  Indian  Agency,  Montana  :  — 

"  The  Crow  and  Cheyenne  Indians  celebrated  Decoration  Day  by  placing 
wild  flowers  on  the  graves  of  the  soldiers  killed  in  the  Custer  massacre. 
Every  grave  had  a  few  flowers  placed  on  it. 

"  General  Custer's  grave  came  in  for  the  largest  share  of  flowers,  the 
mound  being  entirely  covered  with  offerings  from  the  Indians.  In  addition 
to  the  graves  of  Custer's  men,  the  graves  of  the  soldiers  killed  at  Old  Fort 
Smith,  whose  bodies  were  brought  here  some  years  ago  and  interred  within 
the  Custer  inclosure,  were  also  decorated. 

"  The  Crows  were  not  engaged  in  the  massacre  of  Custer's  forces,  but 
the  Cheyennes  took  part  in  that  battle,  and  many  of  the  latter  visited  the 
battlefield  yesterday." 


3 1 6  you  rnal  of  A  mcrica  n  Folk-L  ore. 

Indian  Names  in  Maine.     The  following  newspaper  verses  are  perhaps 
worth  record  here  :  — 

Ever  since  th'  war  begun 

'Tween  th'  Russ  an'  little  Jap, 
We  hev  been  a-pokin'  fun 

At  that  portion  of  th'  map. 
Made  an  awful  howdy-do, 

An'  we  kind  o'  sort  o'  sneer 
At  them  names  so  big  an'  new, 

But  we  've  got  some  wuss  ones  here. 

There  's 

Sagadahoc, 

Amabessacook, 

Cauquomgomac, 

Moosetocmagauth, 

Mattawamkeag, 

Magaguadavick, 

Passamaquoddy, 

Witteguergaucum, 

Sisbadobosis, 

Passadumkeag, 

Chemquashhabamticook, 

Unsuntabum, 

Pemadumcook, 

Wyptopitolock, 

Pattagumpus, 

Mattagamonsis. 

Don't  them  twisters  jar  yer  brain  ? 
Well,  you  '11  find  'em  all  in  Maine. 

Yes,  I  think  we  'd  better  quit 

Pokin'  fun  at  Jap  an'  Russ 
'Fore  th'  other  nations  git 

Out  their  hammers  knockin'  us. 
Let  me  hand  you  out  a  hunch, 

'Fore  their  awful  names  we  damn  : 
We  have  got  a  corkin'  bunch 

In  th'  land  o'  Uncle  Sam ! 

Think  of 

Sagadahoc, 

Amabessacook, 

Cauquomgomac, 

Moosetocmagauth, 

Mattawamkeag, 

Magaguadavick, 

Passamaquoddy, 

Witteguergaucum, 

Sisbadobosis, 

Passadumkeag, 

Chemquashhabamticook, 

Unsuntabum, 


Notes  and  Queries,  3 1 7 

Pemadumcook, 

Wyptopitolock, 

Pattagumpus, 

Mattagamonsis. 

Gives  th'  alphabet  a  pain? 

I  should  smile  !     An'  all  from  Maine  ! 

E.  A .  Brinistool,  in  St.  Louts  Star. 

Seneca  White  Dog  Feast.  The  following  clipping  from  "  The  Wash- 
ington (D.  C.)  Post "  was  sent  the  editor  by  Rev.  J.  S,  Lemon.  It  treats 
of  the  "  New  Year's  Feast,"  or  "  White  Dog  Feast "  of  the  Seneca  In- 
dians. 

"  Lawton's  Station,  N.  Y.,  March  i,  1905.  The  Seneca  Indians  of 
Western  New  York  have  ended  their  New  Year's  feast.  For  ten  days  they 
have  celebrated  the  midwinter  festival  in  their  long  house  on  the  reserva- 
tion, a  mile  from  Lawton's  Station. 

"  The  time-honored  customs  of  the  Indian  New  Year  are  over.  The  gro- 
tesque dances  of  wooden  faces  and  husk-clad  harvest  spirits,  the  thrilling 
war  dance,  the  fantastic  feather  dance,  have  ended  for  a  year.  Each  has 
left  its  lasting  impression  in  the  minds  of  the  people  of  this  fading  race. 
Of  all  the  ceremonies,  the  one  which  will  linger  ever  vivid  in  the  memories 
of  the  Senecas  was  the  '  Wae-yet-gou-to,'  prayer  song  to  '  He  who  made  us,' 
by  Chief  Ga-ni-yas  of  the  Wolf  clan,  the  venerable  leader  of  the  pagan 
Indians  of  New  York. 

"  Nothing  was  so  impressive,  so  dramatic,  so  touching,  as  this  prayer 
song  to  the  Great  Spirit.  Originally  it  was  chanted  during  the  burning  of 
the  white  dog,  but  for  a  score  of  years  the  sacred  white  dog  has  been  extinct 
among  the  Senecas,  and  never  since  has  the  prayer  song  been  heard  in  the 
long  houses  where  ceremonies  are  celebrated. 

"The  old  chiefs  have  viewed  with  increasing  sorrow  the  decay  of  the 
religion  and  race,  and,  believing  it  due  to  the  neglect  of  old  covenants 
with  the  Great  Spirit,  importuned  old  Chief  Crow  to  recite  again  the  prayer 
that  once  gave  the  nation  strength  to  conquer  the  evil  things  and  thoughts 
that  the  white  invader  brought. 

"  When  the  aged  priest  stood  at  the  altar  before  the  yawning  fireplace, 
the  people  bowed  their  heads,  tears  coursed  down  the  furrowed  coppery 
cheeks  of  the  older  men,  younger  men  breathed  hard  with  suppressed 
emotion,  and  the  women  hid  their  faces  in  their  shawls.  With  bared  heads 
the  company  of  the  faithful  sat  around  the  square  before  the  altar. 

"The  striped  dog  pole  leaned  against  the  fireplace,  but  there  was  no 
dog.  The  white  man's  civilization  had  swept  all  away,  and  the  Great 
Spirit  would  not  send  more.  The  preacher  must  therefore  pray  more 
earnestly,  for  now  there  was  no  spirit  of  the  faithful  dog  to  carry  the  mes- 
sage with  it. 

"  The  tobacco  smoke  alone  remained  to  do  this.  A  basket  of  exquisite 
workmanship  filled  with  the  sacred  herb  stood  on  the  hearthstone  at  the 
preacher's  feet. 


3 1 8  Journal  of  Afnerican  Folk- Lore. 

*'  No  priestly  robes  adorned  the  old  chief.  He  had  no  beaded  shirt  of 
buckskin,  gay  with  brilliant  spangles,  no  painted  pouch  of  elkskin,  no  red 
sandstone  pipe,  no  embroidered  moccasins,  nor  did  even  an  eagle  feather 
dangle  from  his  flowing  locks.  He  wore  a  black  square-cut  suit  and 
polished  kid  shoes,  yet  beneath  this  varnish  of  civilization  beat  a  heart  as 
strongly  Indian  in  feeling  as  that  of  any  medicine-man  of  the  Sioux  or 
Apaches. 

"  The  wood  in  the  fireplace  snapped  and  cracked,  and  the  preacher 
faced  the  leaping  yellow  flames.  His  back  was  turned  toward  the  assembly, 
as  he  intoned  the  sacred  words. 

"  '  Hoh  !  Hoh  !  Hoh  ! '  he  cried,  and  then  the  people  knew  that  the 
Great  Spirit  was  listening.     This  was  what  he  said  :  — 

"  '  Da  ne  agwa  oneh  nehwah  oneh  ! 
Da  sah-tone-dot  ga  oyah  geb  chijah  ! 
Eees  neh  Hawenin  ! 
Goah  ya-dats-no-deh 
Fnaho  agwuh  siya  heowah  gaiyan  dot. 
0-gai  yaugweonji  ogaukwa  oweh  ! ' 

In  English  it  may  be  rendered  thus :  — 

'"Now  at  this  time  we  are  beginning! 
Oh,  listen,  thou  Great  Father  ! 
You  are  the  Great  Spirit ! 
We  stand  around  the  pole 
At  this  appointed  season. 
Oh,  now  I  send  word  to  Heaven ! 
Oh,  listen,  you  who  live  above, 
Look  down  and  see  how  few  of  us  are  left ! 
Many  more  called  upon  you  long  ago  ! 
How  few  are  left ! 
Do  not  forget  us  because  the  old  men  have  gone  now  ! ' 

"  The  listening  Indians  were  spellbound  as  the  intoned  words  poured 
from  the  lips  of  the  preacher.  Each  felt  a  new  joy  kindling.  Louder  then 
the  preacher  called,  and  then  his  voice  broke  and  sank  to  a  whisper. 

"  '  My  voice  is  old,  my  people,'  he  said,  '  but  the  Great  Spirit  will  help 
me,  for  I  talk  to  Him.' 

"  Then  with  one  supreme  effort  he  struggled  on,  his  body  swaying  with 
intense  earnestness,  and  his  voice  rang  true  and  distinct  again. 

"  '  We  have  your  words  to  us  about  thanking, 
So  we  have  come  at  this  appointed  season 
To  please  you  who  live  above  the  world. 
I  put  tobacco  in  the  flames  to  lift  my  words  to  you. 
Oh,  you  great  maker  of  all ! 
Now  listen  to  your  children  ! 
Oh,  do  not  forget  your  children. 
You  who  live  above  ! 
We  want  the  same  blessings  you  have  always  given  ! ' 

"  For  two  hours  the  pagan  preacher  chanted,  calling  upon  the  Great 
Spirit. 


Notes  and  Queries.  319 

"  To  most  white  men  a  pagan  Indian  means  a  superstitious  savage.  But 
that  is  not  true  of  the  pagans  here.  They  are  honest,  sober,  and  thoughtful 
men  who  love  the  God  of  Nature  and  worship  Him  devoutly.  One  has 
only  to  listen  to  the  prayer  song  and  watch  the  faces  of  the  listeners  to  dis- 
cover this. 

"  Pagans  live  and  dress  like  white  men,  and  as  they  assemble  in  the  long 
hou.se,  all  are  in  ordinary  attire,  yet  beneath  all  there  is  the  Indian  heart, 
and  no  influence  of  civilization  can  change  its  beating  from  the  old  way. 

'*  The  preacher  lowered  his  voice. 

"  '  Oh,  Great  Spirit,  listen  while  you  are  smoking. 
We  are  all  young  people  now, 
We  only  talk  like  children. 
These  four  things  we  thank  you  for  : 

Wainondondyeh,  Stawahgowa,  Ganawangowa,  Dyoheyko  ! 
This  is  all  we  can  do  now.     We  are  but  children.' 

"  Grasping  the  tobacco  basket  he  flung  it  into  the  fire.  No  one  must 
ever  touch  that  which  held  the  tobacco  that  lifted  up  the  words  to  '  He-who- 
lives-above.'  No  basket  collector  can  ever  boast  of  having  the  dog  sacri- 
ficial basket  in  his  collection.  No  bribe  will  purchase  that  which  is  the 
Great  Spirit's. 

"When  the  last  splint  of  the  incense  basket  had  been  consumed  the 
wae-yet-gou-to  ceremony  was  at  an  end. 

"  The  preacher  put  on  his  overcoat  and  hat,  and  took  his  seat  with  his 
people.  The  chief  singers  took  their  places  in  the  main  hall,  and  chanted 
songs  centuries  old,  in  honor  of  the  Great  Spirit. 

"  When  Chief  Kettle  was  asked  how  he  could  be  a  pagan  in  the  midst  of 
the  Empire  State  civilization,  living  like  a  white  man  and  using  every  con- 
venience of  civilization,  he  answered  :  — 

"*I  may  live  and  dress  like  a  white  man,  but  it  was  never  paint  or 
feathers,  wampum  or  moccasins,  that  made  our  religion.  Our  religion  is 
dressed  only  by  the  heart.'  " 

Negro  Genius.  As  a  dispatch  from  Washington,  D.  C,  the  "  Evening 
Transcript"  (Boston,  Mass.)  of  February  18,  1905,  published  the  following 
concerning  the  investigations  of  Mr.  Daniel  Murray :  — 

"  Daniel  Murray,  for  many  years  an  assistant  in  the  Library  of  Congress, 
is  preparing  a  historical  review  of  the  contributions  of  the  colored  race  to 
the  literature  of  the  world,  with  a  complete  bibliography  relating  to  that  sub- 
ject. Public  attention  was  sharply  called  to  this  question  of  the  intellectual 
capacity  of  the  Negro  six  years  ago  by  Booker  T.  Washington  and  other 
colored  men  of  prominence,  when  the  United  States  government  was  prepar- 
ing an  exhibit  for  the  Exposition  at  Paris,  1900.  Mr.  Washington  urged  that 
advantage  be  taken  of  the  opportunity  to  show  what  the  colored  race  had 
contributed  to  the  world's  literature.  The  authorities  consenting,  Mr.  Put- 
nam, librarian  of  Congress,  detailed  Mr.  Murray  to  make  a  list  of  all  books 
and  pamphlets  written  and  published  by  authors  identified  with  the  colored 
race.     As  only  four  months  intervened  from  the  detail  to  the  opening,  the 


320  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

list  was  far  from  complete  and  very  deficient  in  full  historical  information 
which  has  now  been  supplied. 

"  Mr.  Murray's  work  was  practically  begun  about  twenty-five  years  ago, 
when  he  commenced  to  gather  material  for  such  a  work  after  reading  Gre- 
goire's  '  Inquiry  concerning  the  Intellectual  and  Moral  Faculties  and  Lit- 
erature of  Negroes  and  Mulattoes,  Quadroons,  etc.,'  1810.  Gregoire  formed 
in  1790,  in  Paris,  a  society  called  'Friends  of  the  Blacks,'  designed  to  se- 
cure their  emancipation  in  the  French  colonies.  Thomas  Paine,  Benjamin 
Franklin  and  Thomas  Jefferson  were  members.  '  One  of  the  aims  of  this 
society,'  said  Mr.  Murray,  '  was  to  gather  evidence  of  capacity  on  the  part 
of  Negroes  and  mulattoes,  the  same  being  designed  to  reinforce  the  argu- 
ment the  society  intended  to  present  to  the  French  convention,  to  induce  it 
to  grant  full  equality  to  the  mulattoes,  etc.,  in  the  colonies.  Benjamin 
Banneker,  a  mulatto,  born  in  Maryland,  to  whom  credit  is  due  for  saving 
to  the  American  people  L'Enfant's  original  plan  of  the  city  of  Washington 
when  L'Enfant  broke  with  the  commissioners  and  took  away  his  plans,  which 
he  later  sold  to  Governor  Woodward  for  laying  out  the  city  of  Detroit,  was 
an  intimate  friend  of  Jefferson's  and  was  often  held  up  as  evidence  that  no 
mulatto  should  be  a  slave.  Banneker  exhibited  mathematical  knowledge, 
and  compiled  in  1792  an  almanac  which  Jefferson  sent  to  the  Anti-Slavery 
Society  in  Paris  to  support  his  view  that  the  mulatto  was  the  equal  of  the 
white  man.  Jefferson  had  high  regard  for  Banneker  and  formally  invited 
him  to  be  his  guest  at  Monticello,  and  in  other  ways  treated  him  as  an  equal. 

"  '  In  the  same  spirit  animating  Gre'goire,  and  for  the  same  purpose,  to  show 
to  the  world  that  the  colored  race,  under  which  head  I  include  all  not  whjte 
or  who  have  a  strain  of  African  blood,  is  entitled  to  greater  credit  than  is 
now  accorded  it  by  the  American  people,  I  have  prosecuted  my  researches. 
I  claim  for  the  colored  race  whatever  credit  of  an  intellectual  character  a 
Negro,  mulatto,  quadroon,  or  octoroon  has  won  in  the  world  of  letters,  and 
believe  a  fair  examination  of  the  evidence  will  remove  no  little  prejudice 
against  African  blood.  It  has  generally  been  accepted  by  scholars  that 
"  Phillis  Wheatley's  Poems,"  1773,  was  the  first  book  by  a  Negro  to  display 
unusual  intelligence  and  win  recognition  from  the  Caucasian.  But  this  is 
not  so.  Beginning  with  Alexander  the  Great  and  his  black  general,  Clitus, 
I  have  patiently  gathered  the  facts  from  authentic  sources  of  every  highly 
creditable  act  by  a  Negro,  mulatto,  quadroon,  or  octoroon  in  the  forum  of 
letters  or  the  polite  arts. 

"  '  While  primarily  only  those  who  have  displayed  evidence  of  literary  ca- 
pacity of  a  creditable  character  are  the  subjects  of  consideration,  I  have  not 
strictly  confined  myself  to  this  line.  If  I  found  a  colored  man  who,  like 
General  Dodd,  was  in  command  of  the  French  forces  in  China  during  the 
Boxer  troubles,  or  like  Toussaint,  Rigaud,  Henry  Diaz,  or  General  Dumas, 
father  of  Alexandre  Dumas,  all  men  of  military  genius,  I  have  not  neglected 
any  means  to  complete  a  biographical  sketch  of  him.  Again,  I  have  no- 
ticed in  every  case  a  man  like  Henry  Dietz  of  Albany,  who  won  a  prize  in 
a  competition  of  plans  for  a  bridge,  who  in  1857  published  in  "Leslie's 
Weekly  "  plans  and  drawings  for  the  first  elevated  railroad,  now  such  a 


Notes  and  Queries.  321 

feature  of  the  large  cities  of  the  country;  though  not  an  author,  he  is 
included.  Then,  again,  short  sketches  are  given  of  Sebastian  Gomez,  the 
"  mulatto  Murillo,"  and  Juan  Parez,  painter,  who  rivalled  Velasquez,  and 
of  Edmonia  Lewis,  the  sculptress,  whose  "  Cleopatra  "  was  one  of  the  fea- 
tures of  the  Centennial  Exposition,  Philadelphia,  1876 ;  at  the  same  fair 
a  colored  artist,  Bannister,  won  a  prize  for  his  painting.  Along  with  Henry 
O.  Tanner,  of  world-wide  fame,  these  are  noticed.  The  second  president 
of  Mexico  was  a  colored  man. 

"  Mexico  had  a  later  president  identified  with  the  colored  race,  General 
Alvarez.  He  was  in  command  of  the  Mexican  army  that  captured  and 
executed  the  Emperor  IMaximilian  in  1867.  Bolivia,  Venezuela,  and  Co- 
lombia of  the  South  American  republics  have  all  had  as  rulers  men  of 
African  extraction.  Sketches  of  them  are  given.  In  the  matter  of  books 
and  pamphlets  I  have  listed  fully  three  thousand,  and  that  in  a  field  where 
scholars  are  wont  to  regard  the  African  as  a  negligible  quantity.  That  the 
'  Goddess  of  Liberty  '  crowning  the  dome  of  the  Capitol  was  completed  by  a 
mulatto  slave,  and  the  circumstances  that  led  up  to  it,  is  worth  recording,  all 
must  admit.  Queen  Victoria  conferred  the  honor  and  title  of  knighthood  on 
three  colored  men  —  Sir  Edward  Jordan,  Sir  Samuel  Lewis,  and  Sir  Conrad 
Reeves.  In  France  several  have  had  a  similar  honor,  notably  the  Cheva- 
lier Sainte-Georges,  knighted  by  Louis  XVI.  Sainte-Georges  was  one  of 
the  most  remarkable  men  mentioned  in  history.  Thackeray  speaks  of  him 
in  glowing  terms.  The  first  vice-president,  1904,  French  Chamber  of  Dep>- 
uties,  Gaston  Gerville-Reache,  is  a  quadroon  from  Guadaloupe. 

"  '  The  pages  of  history  have  been  scanned  with  unremitting  care,  begin- 
ning with  Ishmael,  the  first  mulatto  mentioned  in  history,  being  the  son  of 
Abraham  by  Hagar,  the  Ethiopian  woman.  Then  through  Solomon  and 
the  Ethiopian  Queen  of  Sheba,  who  bore  him  a  son,  Menelik,  the  direct 
ancestor  of  the  present  ruler  of  Abyssinia.  Then,  like  that  feature  in  "  Plu- 
tarch's Lives,"  comparisons  are  made.  Taking  some  notable  character  of 
the  Caucasian  type,  I  have  matched  him  with  some  man  of  the  other  t\'pe. 
In  that  way  the  whole  range  of  the  world's  biography  has  been  brought 
under  contribution. 

" '  To  the  great  mass  of  readers  it  will  be  news  to  learn  that  Robert 
Browning  was  an  octoroon.  It  is  an  interesting  story,  and  the  details  I 
have  gathered  with  great  care.  The  same  may  be  said  in  the  case  of 
Alexander  Hamilton,  the  American  statesman,  and  Henry  Timrod,  the 
Southern  poet.  Alexander  Poushkin,  Russia's  greatest  poet,  was  a  quad- 
roon. His  grandfather,  Hannivaloff,  a  negro  protege  of  Peter  the  Great, 
rose  to  be  a  general  under  Catherine.  Poushkin's  daughter  Natalie,  wife 
of  the  Prince  of  Nassau,  was  ennobled  under  the  title  of  Countess  of  Mer- 
enberg,  and  given  a  coat  of  arms  in  the  German  peerage  by  the  grand- 
father of  William  II.  of  Germany,  and  her  daughter,  Countess  Torby,  is  the 
wife  of  the  Grand  Duke  Michael  of  Russia  and  intimate  friend  of  Queen 
Alexandra  of  England.  So  was  Lord  Nelson's  wife,  Frances  Nisbett,  who 
succeeded  to  his  title  when  he  died,  and  a  pension  of  $10,000  a  year  for 

VOL.  xviii.  — NO.  71.  23 


322  Journal  of  A  nierican  Folk-Lore. 

life.     Andrew  Graham  is  credited  with  saying  Marcus  Tullius  Tiro,  father 
of  stenography,  was  a  colored  man.'  " 

Ranordine,  Rinordine,  Rinor.  —  I  should  be  very  glad  if  any  one 
would  tell  me,  or  put  me  in  the  way  of  finding  out,  what  legend  or  tradition 
or  folk-tale  underlies  the  following  song,  especially  the  third,  fifth,  and 
sixth  stanzas.  I  quote  it  here  from  a  pocket  song-book  of  the  earlier  part 
of  the  last  century;  it  has  also  been  printed  recently,  in  a  somewhat  differ- 
ent form,  in  Trifet's  (Boston)  "  Monthly  Budget  of  Music."  The  song  is 
current  in  Missouri  and  has  been  for  a  long  time. 

One  evening  as  I  rambled  Two  miles  below  Pomroy, 

I  met  a  farmer's  daughter.  All  on  the  mountains  high; 

I  said,  my  pretty  fair  maiden,  Your  beauty  shines  most  clear, 

And  upon  these  lonely  mountains,  I  'm  glad  to  meet  you  here. 

She  said,  young  man,  be  civil.  My  company  forsake. 

For  to  my  great  opinion,  I  fear  you  are  a  rake ; 

And  if  my  parents  should  know.  My  life  they  would  destroy, 

For  keeping  of  your  company.  All  on  the  mountains  high. 

I  said,  my  dear,  I  am  no  rake,  But  brought  up  in  Venus'  train. 
And  looking  out  for  concealments.  All  in  the  judge's  name  ; 
Your  beauty  has  ensnared  me,  I  cannot  pass  you  by, 
And  with  my  gun  I  '11  guard  you.  All  on  the  mountains  high. 

This  pretty  little  thing.  She  fell  into  amaze  ; 
With  her  eyes  as  bright  as  amber.  Upon  me  she  did  gaze ; 
Her  cherry  cheeks  and  ruby  lips,  They  lost  their  former  dye, 
And  then  she  fell  into  my  arms;  All  on  the  mountains  high. 

I  had  but  kissed  her  once  or  twice,  Till  she  came  to  again ; 
She  modestly  then  asked  me,  Pray,  sir,  what  is  your  name  .'' 
If  you  go  to  yonder  forest.  My  castle  you  will  find. 
Wrote  in  ancient  history  ;  My  name  is  Rinordine. 

I  said,  my  pretty  fair  maiden,  Don't  let  your  parents  know. 
For  if  ye  do,  they'll  prove  my  ruin.  And  fatal  overthrow  ; 
But  when  you  come  to  look  for  me,  Perhaps  you  '11  not  me  find, 
But  I  '11  be  in  my  castle  ;  And  call  for  Rinordine. 

Come  all  ye  pretty  fair  maidens,  A  warning  take  by  me. 
And  be  sure  you  quit  night  walking  And  shun  bad  company; 
'  For  if  you  don't,  you  '11  surely  rue  Until  the  day  you  die, 
And  beware  of  meeting  Rinor,  All  on  the  mountains  high. 

H.  M.  Belden. 
Columbia,  Mo. 

The  Twist-mouth  Family.  There  was  once  a  father  and  a  mother  and 
several  children,  and  all  but  one  of  them  had  their  mouths  twisted  out  of 
shape.     The  one  whose  mouth  was  not  twisted  was  a  son  named  John. 


Notes  and  Queries.  323 

When  John  got  to  be  a  young  man  he  was  sent  to  college,  and  on  the 
day  he  came  home  for  his  first  vacation  the  family  sat  up  late  in  the  even- 
ing to  hear  him  tell  of  all  he  had  learned.  But  finally  they  prepared  to  go 
to  bed,  and  the  mother  said,  "  Father,  will  you  blow  out  the  light?  " 

"  Yes,  I  will,"  was  his  reply. 

*'  Well,  I  wish  you  would,"  said  she. 

"  Well,  I  will,"  he  said. 

So  he  blew,  but  his  mouth  was  twisted,  and  he  blew  this  way  (the  narrator 
shows  how  he  did  it — blowing  upward),  and  he  couldn't  blow  out  the 
light. 

Then  he  said,  "  Mother,  will  you  blow  out  the  light  ?  " 

"  Yes,  I  will,"  was  her  reply. 

"  Well,  I  wish  you  would,"  said  he. 

"  Well,  I  will,"  she  said. 

So  she  blew,  but  her  mouth  was  twisted,  and  she  blew  this  way  (blowing 
downward)  and  she  could  n't  blow  out  the  light. 

Then  she  spoke  to  her  daughter  and  said,  "  Mary,  will  you  blow  out  the 
light  ?  " 

"  Yes,  I  will,"  was  Mary's  reply. 

"  Well,  I  wish  you  would,"  said  her  mother. 

"  Well,  I  will,"  Mary  said. 

So  Mary  blew,  but  her  mouth  was  twisted,  and  she  blew  this  way  (blow- 
ing out  of  the  right  corner  of  the  mouth),  and  she  could  n't  blow  out  the 
light. 

Then  Mary  spoke  to  one  of  her  brothers  and  said,  "  Dick,  will  you  blow 
out  the  light  ?  " 

"Yes,  I  will,"  was  Dick's  reply. 

"  Well,  I  wish  you  would,"  said  Mary. 

"Well,  I  will,"  Dick  said. 

So  Dick  blew,  but  his  mouth  was  twisted,  and  he  blew  this  way  (blowing 
out  of  the  left  corner  of  the  mouth),  and  he  could  n't  blow  out  the  light. 

Then  Dick  said,  "  John,  will  you  blow  out  the  light  ?  " 

"  Yes,  I  will,"  was  John's  reply. 

"  Well,  I  wish  you  would,"  said  Dick. 

"  Well,  I  will,"  John  said. 

So  John  blew,  and  his  mouth  was  straight,  and  he  blew  this  way  (blowing 
straight),  and  he  blew  out  the  light. 

The  light  was  out  and  they  were  all  glad  that  John  had  succeeded,  and 
the  father  said,  "  What  a  blessed  thing  it  is  to  have  larnin'  !  " 

(The  story  hails  from  Plymouth,  Mass.) 

Clifton  yohnso7i. 

Hadley,  Mass. 

Correction,  —  In  a  letter  to  the  Editor,  Mrs.  Zelia  Nuttall  states  that 
her  article  on  "  The  Periodical  Adjustments  of  the  Ancient  Mexican  Calen- 
dar," noticed  in  this  Journal  (vol.  xvii,  p.  288),  "  instead  of  a  critique  of 
Professor  Seler's  paper,  contains  a  correction  of  his  dogmatic  assertion  that 


324  Jour^ial  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

'there  can  be  no  dou3f  tha.t  the  idea  of  the  thirteen  day  intercalation  was 
an  invention  of  the  learned  Jesuit,  Siguenza  y  Gongora.'  Serna  is  quoted,  not 
to  support  any  view  of  the  author's,  but  to  prove  that  this  authority  asserted 
that  the  intercalation  was  used  when  its  supposed  '  inventor,'  Siguenza 
y  Gongora  was  but  eleven  years  of  age." 


LOCAL   MEETINGS   AND   OTHER   NOTICES. 

Berkeley  Folk-Lore  Club.  —  Meetings  of  the  Berkeley  Folk-Lore  Club 
for  1905-06  have  been  provisionally  arranged  as  follows  :  — 

On  November  28  Professor  F.  B.  Dresslar  will  speak  on  Some  Studies 
in  Superstition. 

In  January  Professor  G.  R.  Noyes  will  speak  on  a  subject  connected 
with  Slavic  folk  literature. 

In  March  Dr.  Goddard  will  speak  on  American  Indian  folk-lore. 

These  meetings  will  be  held  informally  at  8  o'clock  at  the  Faculty  Club 
of  the  University  of  California.  Individual  notice  of  each  meeting  will  be 
given. 

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL   NOTES. 

BOOKS. 
Methods  and  Aims  of  Archeology.      By  W.  M.    Flinders    Petrie, 

D.  C.  L.,  LL  D.,  etc.     With  66    Illustrations.     London  :   Macmillan  & 

Co.,  1904.     Pp.  xvii,  208. 

This  is  an  excellent  book  for  any  scientific  investigator  to  glance  over. 
The  fourteen  chapters  discuss  briefly  the  following  topics  :  The  excavator, 
discrimination,  the  laborers,  arrangement  of  work,  recording  in  the  field, 
copying,  photographing,  preservation  of  objects,  packing,  publication, 
systematic  archaeology,  archaeological  evidence,  ethics  of  archaeology,  the 
fascination  of  history.  Chapter  XII,  on  "  Archaeological  Evidence,"  is  of 
particular  interest.  The  "  pan-grave "  and  black  incised  ware  of  the 
Twelfth  Dynasty  are  due  to  the  rude  barbaric  invaders  from  Europe, — 
another  proof  of  the  influence  of  that  continent  in  prehistoric  ages. 

Aus  der  Welt  der  Worter.  Vortrage  iiber  Gegenstande  deutscher 
Wortforschung  von  Karl  MUller-Fraureuth.  Halle  a.  S.  Verlag  von 
Max  Niemeyer,  1904.     Pp.  231. 

There  is  something  of  value  to  the  folk-lorist  in  the  ten  sections  of  this 
work,  which  treat  of :  How  the  German  speaks,  change  in  the  meanings  of 
words,  revivifying  old  words,  strengthening  linguistic  expression,  German 
words  in  foreign  languages,  popular  names  of  vjateria  medico,  German 
folkdom  as  mirrored  in  the  Alsatian  dialect,  folk  puns  and  word-plays, 
ornate  epithets,  the  child  and  language.  In  the  first  chapter  is  an  inter- 
esting discussion  of  German  words  for  "  speak,"  "  say,"  and  their  numerous 
synonyms,  — from  the  fields  of  childhood,  literature,  slang,  etc. 


Bibliographical  Notes.  325 

Die  Anmut  des  Frauenleibes.  Von  Dr.  Friedrich  S.  Krauss.  Mit 
nahezu  300  abbildungen  nach  Original-photographien.  Leipzig,  A.  Schu- 
mann's Verlag,  1904.     Pp.  304. 

This  is  a  worthy  companion  volume  to  the  author's  "  Streifziige  im 
Reiche  der  Frauenschonheit  "  previously  noticed  in  this  Journal.  The 
fourteen  sections  or  chapters  of  the  book  treat  the  following  topics  :  The 
skin  of  beautiful  women  as  the  seat  of  charm  and  loveliness.  The  eyes, 
the  look,  the  eyelashes,  the  eyebrows.  The  hair  of  the  head.  The  head 
and  the  forehead.  The  cheeks  and  the  chin.  The  ears  and  the  nose.  The 
mouth,  the  lips  and  the  teeth.  The  greeting  and  the  kiss  of  women.  The 
neck  and  the  nape.  The  arm  and  the  hand.  The  breast  and  the  bosom. 
The  foot  and  the  calf.  Headdress  and  ornament.  Women's  means  of 
beautifying  themselves. 

The  text  is  pleasing  and  instructive,  the  illustrations  are  artistical,  and 
together  they  make  a  book  profitable  to  the  man  of  science  and  the  layman 
as  well. 

'AN0PfinO<jE>YTErA,  Jahrbuch  fiir  Folkloristische  Erhebungen  und  For- 
schungen  zur  Entwickelungsgeschichte  der  Geschlechtlichen  Moral. 
Herausgegeben  von  Dr.  F.  A.  Krauss,  unter  redaktioneller  Mitwirkung 
von  Professor  Thomas  Achelis,  u.  a.    Leipzig,  1903.     Pp. 

In  this  volume  Dr.  Krauss,  who,  in  the  numerous  issues  of  KPYIITA'AIA, 
has  contributed  much  to  our  knowledge  of  folk-thought  and  folk-action  in 
sexual  life  among  the  southern  Slavs,  publishes  a  great  variety  of  data  (pro- 
verbial sayings,  legends,  stories,  imaginative  tales,  and  popular  descrip- 
tions of  and  comments  upon  the  topics  concerned)  relating  to  all  aspects 
of  the  very  active  sexual  life  of  the  same  people.  Nowhere  else  can  the 
psychologist  and  the  folklorist  find  a  mass  of  material  ready  for  study, 
whose  genuineness  is  guaranteed  by  a  man  of  science,  linguistically  and 
anthropologically  equipped  for  the  task  of  making  it  accessible.  The 
author  has  no  pornographic  motive,  but  desires  to  contribute  to  the  eluci- 
dation of  the  folk-side  of  the  great  human  problem  of  sexual  morality  and 
the  evolution  of  ideas  and  customs  relating  thereto.  Besides  the  main 
section,  the  book  contains  some  notes  on  "  Erotic  Tattooing  "  (illustrated), 
pages  507-513  ;  and  on  "Prostitution  of  To-Day,"  pages  514-517,  —  here 
the  vogue  of  prostitution  of  Magyar  women  in  the  Balkan  peninsula,  etc., 
is  pointed  out.     Some  book  reviews  close  the  volume. 

In  the  editing  of  this  Annual  Dr.  Krauss  is  to  have  the  cooperation  of 
Professor  Achelis  (Bremen),  Dr.  Bloch  (Berlin),  Dr.  Boas  (New  York),  Dr. 
Hermann  (Budapest),  Dr.  Obst  (Leipzig),  Dr,  Pitre'  (Palermo),  Dr.  Robin- 
sohn  (Vienna).     The  general  introduction  (pages  7-21)  is  by  Dr.  Krauss. 

Ed.  Hahn.  Das  Alter  der  wirthschaftlichen  Kultur  der  Mensch- 
HEiT.  Ein  Riickblick  und  ein  Ausblick.  Heidelberg,  Carl  Winter's 
Universitatsbuchhandlung,  1905.     Pp.  xvi,  256. 

This  summary  of  the  author's  theories  and  ideas  about  the  origin  and 


326  yournal  of  A  merican  Folk-L  ore. 

development  of  the  economic  culture  of  mankind  is  dedicated  to  Ferdi- 
nand von  Richthofen.  The  author  is  already  well  known  by  his  books  on 
"  Domestic  Animals  "  and  "  Cultivated  Plants,"  and  his  discussion  of  "  De- 
meter  und  Baubo."  The  topics  treated  in  the  present  volume  are  :  The 
age  of  human  culture.  The  first  beginnings  of  mankind  and  the  principle 
of  evolution.  Origin  of  hoe-cultivation.  Hoe-cultivation,  the  work  of 
women  ;  agriculture  the  work  of  men.  Forms,  stages,  and  transitions  of 
hoe-cultivation.  Horticulture.  Conclusions  for  the  age  and  origin  of  our 
culture.  The  age  of  hoe-cultivation.  Culture-achievements  of  the  stone 
age.  The  hoe-cultivation  culture  of  Peru  (Peru  as  the  ideal  of  the  social 
state).  Shepherds.  Origin  of  agriculture  and  its  individual  elements  (the 
invention  of  the  wagon,  cattle  in  agriculture).  Babylon.  Egypt.  China. 
India.  Conclusions.  Among  the  points  emphasized  by  the  author  are 
these  :  Primitive  man  was  not  merely  a  hunter  or  solely  a  vegetarian,  — 
neither  his  relations  nor  his  mentality  are  so  simple  as  has  been  thought. 
Hoe-cultivation  is  due  to  woman,  agriculture  to  man,  but  to-day  the  man 
guides  the  plow  and  sows  the  seed  while  the  woman  tends  to  household 
duties.  The  oldest  sub-form  of  agriculture  is  agriculture  with  artificial 
irrigation.  Modern  agriculture  embodying  the  use  of  the  plow  and  of  the 
cow  as  draught  and  milch  animal,  the  cultivation  of  grain  in  particular,  etc., 
is  an  economic  iorm  per  se,  different  from  the  "  hoe-cultivation  "  of  primitive 
people,  and  has  been  inherited  by  the  civilized  races  from  the  ancient  Baby- 
lonians. The  wagon  (and  wheel),  first  "  invented  "  for  religious  purposes, 
preceded  the  plow.  The  domestication  of  cattle  arose  also  from  religious 
grounds. 

It  is  evident  that  Hahn,  who  attributes  so  much  to  the  "  ancient  Bab}'- 
lonians,"  is  under  the  influence  of  the  mirage  orietital  and  does  not  take  just 
account  of  the  constantly  accumulating  mass  of  evidence  that  the  begin- 
nings and  often  the  complete  development  of  certain  institutions  and  arts 
of  the  primitive  Europeans  and  their  successors  occurred  on  the  soil  of  that 
continent  and  not  in  Mesopotamia,  which  itself  shows  many  secondary 
phenomena.  Asia  Minor  can  no  longer  be  regarded  as  the  mother  of  pre- 
historic Europe.  The  theory  of  a  "religious"  origin  of  the  wagon  and  of 
the  domestication  of  animals  is  not  by  any  means  proved.  The  author, 
while  ingenious  in  some  of  his  suggestions  and  explanations,  has  not  kept 
up  with,  or  will  not  see,  the  trend  of  the  latest  archaeological  studies,  which, 
to  vary  the  old  saw,  are  bringing  us  setuper  aliquid  7iovi  ex  Europa.  A 
rather  needless  polemic  against  socialism  is  included  and  terminates  the 
volume. 

^cole  Pratique  des  Hautes  iStudes.  Section  des  Sciences  Religieuses. 
L'Origine  des  pouvoirs  magiques  dans  les  societes  australiennes 
PAR  M.  Mauss,  Maitre  de  conferences,  pour  I'histoire  des  religions  des 
peuples  non  civilises,  avec  un  rapport  sommaire  sur  les  confe'rences  de 
I'exercise  1903-1904  et  le  programme  des  confe'rences  pour  I'exercice 
1904-1905.     Paris  :  Imprimerie  Nationale,  mdcccciv.     Pp.  86. 

The  "analytical  and  critical  ethnographic  study  "  of  Professor  Mauss  on 


Bibliographical  Notes.  327 

the  origin  of  the  powers  of  the  Australian  shamans  occupies  pages  1-55, 
and  the  author  chiims  to  have  familiarized  himself  with  practically  all  the 
printed  literature  of  the  subject  with  the  exception  of  a  few  of  the  more 
inaccessible  older  accounts,  and  some  numbers  of  the  journal  "  Science  of 
Man,"  and  furnishes  abundant  references.  After  discussing  the  "  magic 
power  "  itself,  the  author  considers  the  questions  of  birth,  revelation,  initia- 
tion by  other  shamans,  relations  between  initiation  by  revelation  and  initi- 
ation by  magic  traditions,  preservation  and  disappearance  of  magic  powers,^ 
etc.  In  Australia  the  idea  of  "  magic  power "  does  not  present  itself  in 
the  complex  and  complete  form  met  with  in  Melanesia  and  Polynesia, — 
no  general  and  detailed  correspondence  to  the  majia  occurs.  While  with 
some  Australian  tribes  the  rain-makers  are  hereditary,  recruiting  by  birth 
does  not  bulk  largely  in  the  making  of  medicine-men  in  general,  "revela- 
tion "  being  the  prevailing  method  of  acquiring  the  art :  revelation  by  the 
dead  (spirits  of  parents  transmit  the  magic  power  to  children),  revelation 
by  spirits  or  mythic  personages,  more  complex  forms.  "  Magic  revela- 
tion "  is  produced  normally  in  isolated  individuals  and  not  in  groups  (the 
Combiningree  are  an  exception),  and  is  therefore  "a  social  phenomenon 
produced  only  individually."  Cases  of  involuntary  dreams  and  initiation 
are  rare.  Initiation  by  other  magicians  may  be  regarded  as  "traditional 
revelation."  Initiation  by  revelation  and  initiation  by  magic  traditions  are 
very  closely  allied.  The  observances  of  which  the  shaman  is  the  slave  show 
that  even  if  he  is  thought  to  be  beyond  the  common,  he  has  in  reality  the 
same  connnection  as  his  spectators.  He  feels  himself  different  and  does 
not  lead  the  same  life,  as  much  from  the  necessity  of  imposing  upon  others 
as  because  he  imposes  upon  himself,  —  particularly  because  he  fears  to  lose 
the  extraordinarily  fugitive  qualities  acquired.  He  becomes,  he  remains, 
he  is  obliged  to  continue  "another."  He  has  in  part  a  "new  soul."  He 
is  a  being  whom  society  makes  expand,  and  he  himself  must  develop  his 
personality  until  sometimes  it  is  almost  confounded  with  that  of  the  "supe- 
rior beings." 

The  lectures  in  the  Religious  Science  Section  of  the  ficole  des  Hautes 
"Etudes  for  1903-1904  included  the  following  relating  to  Am'erica :  — 

1.  Leon  de  Rosny :  Origin  of  the  religions  of  Ancient  Mexico.  Theories 
as  to  pre-Columbian  relations  of  America  with  the  Old  World.  Interpre- 
tation of  the  sacred  literature  of  Yucatan.  Archaic  writings  of  China  and 
pre-Columbian  America. 

2.  G.  Raymaud :  Astronomic  myths  of  Peru  and  their  relations  with 
those  of  Central  America.  Ollantai.  Critical-historical  introduction  to  the 
study  of  Peruvian  religions. 

For  1905-1906  the  following  are  announced  :  — 

1.  AT.  Alans s :  Exegesis  and  critique  of  ethnographic  data  concerning 
the  relations  of  the  family  and  religion  in  North  America. 

2.  Leon  de  Ros7iy :  Evolution  of  religious  ideas  among  the  peoples  of 
Eastern  Asia  and  the  American  Indians.  Exegetic  study  and  interpreta- 
tion of  ancient  texts  of  Eastern  Asia  and  pre-Columbian  American  inscrip- 
tions. 


328  J'ourna I  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

3.  M.  Raynaud :  Myths  and  cults  of  ancient  Peru  and  their  relations 
with  those  of  Central  America.  Myths  and  cults  of  the  Muyscas.  Study 
of  Ollantai. 

The  Folk-Lore  Readers.  By  Eulalie  Osgood  Grover,  Member  of 
American  Folk-Lore  Society,  Author  of  Sunbonnet  Babes'  Primer. 
Illustrated  by  Margaret  Ely  Webb.  A  Primer.  Chicago-Boston  : 
Atkinson,  Neutzer  &  Grover,  1904.  Pp.  iii.  Ditto.  Book  One. 
1905.     Pp.  III. 

If  the  verdict  of  one  mother  and  little  girl  who  have  used  these  books  is 
to  be  taken,  they  are  really  good  for  the  purposes  intended.  They  contain 
in  good-sized  type,  with  appropriate  and  not  over-done  illustrations,  the 
children's  old  favorites,  —  "  Mother  Goose  "  rhymes,  nursery  tales,  and  a 
number  from  yEsop,  "the  German,"  etc.,  beside  some  to  which  well-known 
names  belong.  It  is  pleasing  to  find  that,  on  page  5  of  the  "  Primer,"  the 
famous  song,  "Mary  had  a  Little  Lamb,"  is  rightly  ascribed  to  Mrs.  Sarah 
J.  Hale,  mother  of  the  late  Horatio  Hale,  ethnologist,  and  once  President 
of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society. 

Paul  Labbe.  Un  Bagne  Russe.  L'ile  de  Sakhaline.  Ouvrage  illustre 
de  51  gravures.     Paris:   Hachette,  1903.     Pp.  276. 

Besides  an  interesting  account  of  Saghalin  and  its  "inns,"  as  the  prisons 
are  euphemistically  termed,  this  book  contains  ethnological  and  folk-lore 
data  concerning  the  Orok  and  Tungus  (pp.  125-135);  Giliaks  (137-183), 
—  houses  and  family  life,  manners  and  customs,  marriage,  religious  ideas, 
legends  and  songs;  Ainu  (185-226),  —  beliefs  and  superstitions,  houses, 
manners  and  customs,  marriage,  motherhood,  occupations,  funeral  cere- 
monies). Pages  227-258  are  taken  up  with  an  account  of  the  bear-feast  of 
the  Ainu,  and  pages  259-269  by  a  description  of  the  Giliak  bear-hunt,  and 
certain  festivals  and  other  customs  connected  with  fishing  and  the  chase. 
The  effect  of  Russian  colonization  and  the  competition  of  the  prisoners 
with  the  natives  is  referred  to  naively  in  the  remark  of  one  of  these  last, 
"  I  had  to  eat  my  dogs  last  winter,  to  prevent  them  starving  to  death 
(p.  126).  The  Giliaks  and  Ainu  have  not  taken  kindly  to  the  efforts  made 
to  Christianize  them  by  the  Russian  priests  ;  the  Tungus  and  Orok  are  less 
refractory,  and  are  now,  for  the  most  part,  "  orthodox  and  baptized,  but 
not  converted."  One  old  Tungus  is  related  to  have  carried  an  ikon  to  his 
hut,  fearing  at  first  it  might  quarrel  with  the  rest  of  his  gods,  but  found 
things  quiet  and  peaceable.  Asked  by  the  author  where  he  thought  the 
god  of  the  Russians  and  prisoners  abided,  this  old  savage,  with  a  grin, 
answered,  "  there  in  the  brandy-bottle  !  "  —  he  drank  hugely  himself  (p.  134). 
The  test  of  wealth  among  the  Giliaks  is  the  number  of  dogs  owned.  The 
death  of  "  a  good,  clever,  industrious,  fertile,  and  quiet  woman,"  among 
these  people,  is  mourned  "  almost  as  much  as  if  she  had  been  a  man." 
The  author's  Giliak  guide  attended  school  at  Vladivostock.  The  Giliak 
commercial-logic  appears  in  the  demand  of  a  native  for  three  roubles  for 
two  dogs,  —  one  for  each,  another  for  the  future  puppies  (p.  163).     Giliak 


Bibliographical  Notes.  329 

women  are  powerful  in  their  influence  over  their  husband's  minds.  A  cer- 
tain Giliak  described  his  "god"  as  being  "a  little  bit  god  and  a  little  bit 
devil"  (p.  177).  The  Giliaks  improvise  songs  while  walking  through  the 
forest,  —  the  song  of  a  young  woman  is  given  on  page  180.  The  Ainu 
account  for  their  lack  of  a  written  language  and  consequent  ignorance  by 
saying  that  when  the  Japanese  god  visited  the  Ainu  god  one  day  he  stole 
the  grammar  and  written  language  while  the  latter  was  asleep  (p.  191)- 
A  similar  legend  is  found  among  the  Giliaks  and  other  Siberian  peoiDles. 
When  the  author  told  him  the  French  proverb,  "  When  one  is  dead,  it  is  for 
a  long  time,"  Otake,  an  Ainu,  said,  "Your  proverb  is  false,  the  dead  are 
dead  forever  "  (p.  198).  Among  the  Ainu  children  are  "  adored  and  spoiled." 
In  the  speeches  at  the  bear-feast,  a  few  improvisations  occur,  the  greater 
part  of  what  is  said  by  the  old  men  is  repeated  according  to  tradition.  The 
Giliaks  venerate  the  bear  less  than  the  Ainu. 

According  to  M.  Labbe,  the  natives  are  being  gradually  corrupted  and 
ruined  by  contact  with  the  prisoners  and  their  jailers.  A  complete  remod- 
elling of  the  prison  system  is  necessary. 

Die  Toten  im  Recht  nach  der  Lehre  und  den  Normen  des  ortho- 
DOXEN  morgenlandischen  Kircherechts  und  der  Gesetzgebung 
Griechenlands.  Von.  Dr.  jur.  Dem.  A.  Petraakakos.  Leipzig  :  Bohme, 
1905,     Pp.  xix,  248. 

This  volume,  which  is  provided  with  a  bibliography  (pp.  x-xiv)  and  a  good 
index,  treats  the  following  topics  in  its  four  parts  :  I.  The  dead  in  law  in 
heathendom  and  Jewry  (burial ;  prohibition,  limiting,  etc.,  of  burial ;  graves 
and  cemeteries  ;  reverence  for  and  protection  of  the  memory  of  the  dead). 
II.  The  dead  in  law  in  Christendom,  III.  The  dead  in  law  in  Greece. 
IV.  Private  law  in  relation  to  the  body  and  its  parts  (a  review  of  literature 
and  considerations).  One  finds  here  much  concerning  the  right  to  be 
buried  and  how,  legal  aspects  of  various  modes  of  disposing  of  the  human 
body,  procedures  in  peace  and  war,  taboo'd  individuals,  etc.  (suicides, 
murderers,  etc.),  church  and  other  burials,  place  and  treatment  of  graves 
and  cemeteries,  ornamentation  of  dead  persons,  coffins,  and  burial-places, 
funeral-flowers  and  cemetery-trees,  child-burial,  prayers  for  the  dead,  mourn- 
ing and  lamentation,  preservation  of  bodies  (mummies),  funeral  feasts  and 
death-meals,  "  punishment "  of  corpses,  funeral  processions,  and  corteges, 
mausoleums,  catacombs,  etc.,  house-burial,  monuments,  and  memorials  of 
the  dead,  family  and  individual  rights,  epitaphs  and  inscriptions,  collegia 
funeratica,  saints  and  images,  sanctuaries,  caves,  churches  and  temples, 
parenialia,  reliquaries,  treatment  of  heretics  and  the  like,  soul-feasts,  death- 
masks,  gifts  to  the  dead,  transportation  of  corpses,  exhumation,  ghouls  and 
violations  of  the  grave,  the  grave  as  locus  religiosits,  etc.  Dr.  Petraakakos's 
book  is  an  excellent  work  to  be  read  in  connection  with  the  folk-lore  side 
of  the  subject  (indeed  much  of  "  law  "  is  folk-lore  here)  as  exemplified  in 
Dr.  Yarrow's  "  Mortuary  Customs  of  the  North  American  Indians." 


330  yournal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 

Der  Richtige  Berliner  in  Wortern  und  Redensarten,  von  Hans 
Meyer,  Professor  am  grauen  Kloster.  Sechster  Auflage.  Berlin  :  H.  S. 
Hermann,  1904.     Pp.  xviii,  172. 

This  study  of  the  vocabulary,  phraseology,  etc.,  of  the  Berlin  dialect  of 
German  consists  of  a  brief  linguistic  and  grammatical  introduction,  a  dic- 
tionary (pp.  1-139,  2  cols,  to  the  page),  three  hundred  verse  items  (children's 
rhymes,  jokes  and  jests,  sarcastic  rhymes,  album  verses,  counting-out 
rhymes,  folk-verses,  proverbial  sayings,  jokes,  songs,  and  couplets,  parodies, 
etc.),  a  section  on  plays  and  games  (pp.  158-163),  lesser  sections  on  fads, 
street-hawkers,  inscriptions  and  signs,  popular  names  of  restaurants,  etc., 
popular  festivals.  In  an  appendix  (pp.  168-172)  are  given  synonyms  and 
expressions  for  deceit,  threats,  dull  wit,  going,  money,  clothing  and  dress, 
parts  of  the  body,  blows  and  to  strike,  sly,  bad,  much,  theft  and  to  steal, 
drink  and  drunken,  refuse,  crazy,  squander,  astonishment,  etc.  Among  the 
popular  verses  is  the  following  in  which  America  is  remembered :  — 

Hurrjott,  Hurrjott,  jetzt  kommt's 
Wenn  et  kommt,  denn  is  et  da, 
Denn  jehn  wir  nach  Amerika. 
Amerika,  det  is  zu  weit, 
Denn  jehn  wir  nach  de  Hasenhaid. 

On  pages  162,  163  are  given,  in  alphabetical  order,  205  idioms,  etc.,  re- 
lating to  the  game  of  "  Skat." 

It  is  curious  to  find  Azteke  (Aztec)  in  use  in  the  sense  of  "  blockhead," 
but  this  may  be  due  to  the  "  Aztec  dwarfs  "  exhibited  in  Berlin  as  elsewhere 
in  Europe.  To  our  "  He  took  French  leave  "  corresponds  "  Er  hat  sick  uf 
franzos'ch  jedriickt."  The  Berliner's  knowledge  of  English  is  said  to  be 
comprised  in  these  terms  :  "  Oh  yes,  all  right,  mixed  pickles,  watercloset, 
beefsteak  "  (p.  ZZ)'  To  his  last  dollar  the  Berliner  says :  "  Der  letzte  der 
Mohikaner  !  "  the  last  of  the  Mohicans. 

VoLKERKUNDE.  Von  Dr.  Heinrich  Schurtz.  Mit  34  Abbildungen  im 
Texte.  Leipzig  u.  Wien  :  Franz  Deuticke,  1903.  Pp.  xiii,  178. 
The  author  of  this  text-book  of  ethnology,  one  of  the  most  brilliant  of 
the  younger  school  of  German  men  of  science,  has  passed  away  since  its 
publication,  and  it  cannot  obtain  from  him  the  revision  it  would  probably 
have  received  in  places  in  a  later  edition.  The  three  chapters  (besides  a 
brief  introduction)  are  concerned  with  the  bases  of  ethnology  (physical 
anthropology,  anthropogeography,  linguistics),  comparative  ethnology  (soci- 
ology, "  Wirthschaftslehre,"  cultureology),  and  the  races  and  peoples  of  the 
globe.  The  sections  of  interest  to  the  folk-lorist  are  those  dealing  with 
sociology  and  related  topics  (pp.  45-78!)  and  material  and  intellectual 
culture  (pp.  78-136).  On  the  whole.  Dr.  Schurtz  takes  reasonable  and 
up-to-date  views  of  most  of  the  problems  involved,  being  one  of  the  few 
European  ethnologists  whose  research  and  reading  have  been  deep  and 
wide  enough  to  enable  him  to  generalize  without  blundering,  although  his 
volume  on  "  Altersklassen  and  Mannerbiinde  "  showed  that  he  could  also  be 


Bibliograph  ical  Notes.  3  3 1 

under  the  domination  of  a  favorite  theory.  The  present  work  is  well  written, 
and,  pres^iting  much  in  little,  can  serve  as  a  good  introduction  to  ethno- 
logy. The  section  on  religion,  mythology,  art,  and  science,  though  brief,  is 
quite  suggestive.  Schurtz  inclines  to  see  one  of  the  earliest  beginnings 
of  religion  in  manism,  contemplation  of  the  spirits  of  the  dead,  but  even 
in  its  early  stages  it  was  divided  into  the  fear-side  and  the  protective 
side.  For  fetishism  he  suggests  the  definition  of  "  animistic  spirit-worship 
with  material  substrate."  While  mythology  can  exist  without  cult,  the 
cult  is  unthinkable  without  a  foundation  of  mythology,  —  mythology  satis- 
fies the  intelligence,  cult  the  will.  Sacrifices  are  perhaps  the  oldest  cult- 
forms.  According  to  Schurtz,  prayers  come  rather  late,  and  vows  are  more 
common  than  prayers  with  primitive  peoples  (no  account  was  probably 
taken  here  of  the  prayers  of  American  Indians).  Mysticism  is  another  germ 
of  religion,  —  both  active  (magic,  divination)  and  passive  (amulets,  talis- 
mans). The  priestly  class  originated  with  the  division  of  labor,  and  their 
care  of  mystic  powers  led  them  to  be  reformers  or  hinderers  of  progress,  as 
the  case  might  be.  Priest  and  poet  created  orderly  pantheons  and  god- 
systems  out  of  the  fantastic  chaos  of  primitive  mythologies,  and  the  recog- 
nition of  light  and  sky  deities  paved  the  way  for  monotheistic  conceptions. 
Folk-lore,  as  such,  the  collection  of  mdrchen  and  sagas,  of  customs  and 
usages,  belongs  properly  to  Volkskunde  and  not  to  Volkerkunde. 

A.  F.  C. 


332  Journal  of  A  merica  n  Folk-L  ore. 

OFFICERS   OF   THE  AMERICAN  FOLK-LORE  SOCIETY  (1905). 

President :  Alice  C.  Fletcher,  Washington,  D.  C. 

First  Vice-President :  Roland  B.  Dixon,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Second  Vice-President :  William  A.  Neilson,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Council :  Franz  Boas,  New  York,  N.  Y. ;  Roland  B.  Dixon,  Cambridge,  Mass. ;  JGeorge 
A.  Dorsey,  Chicago,  111.;  jCharles  L.  Edwards,  Hartford,  Conn.;  JLivingston  Farrand, 
New  York,  N.  Y. ;  jGeorge  Lyman  Kittredge,  Cambridge,  Mass.  ;  Alfred  L.  Kroeber, 
Berkeley,  Cal. ;  James  Mooney,  Washington,  D.  C;  tFrederic  W.  Putnam,  Cambridge, 
Mass.;  Frederick  Starr,  Chicago,  111.;  Alfred  N.  Tozzer.  Cambridge,  Mass.;  Anne  W. 
Whitney,  Baltimore,  Md. ;  t  Henry  Wood,  Baltimore,  Md. ;  James  H.  Woods,  Boston,  Mass. 

Permanent  Secretary :  WiUiam  Wells  Newell,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Treasurer :  Eliot  W.  Remick,  300  Marlborough  St.,  Boston,  Mass. 
t  As  Presidents  of  Local  Branches.     \  As  Past  Presidents  of  the  Society  (within  five  years). 

MEMBERS   OF   THE   AMERICAN    FOLK-LORE   SOCIETY. 
(for  the  year  1905.) 
HONORARY   MEMBERS. 

Juan  G.  Ambrosetti,  Buenos  Ayres,  Argen-  Angelo  de  Gubernatis,  Rome,  Italy. 

tine  Republic.  Edwin  Sidney  Hartland,  Gloucester,  England. 

John  Batchelor,  Sapporo,  Japan.  Friedrich  S.  Krauss,  Vienna,  Austria. 

Francisco  Adolpho  Coelho,  Lisbon,  Portu-  Kaarle  Krohn,  Helsingfors,  Finland. 

gal.  Giuseppe  Pitre,  Palermo,  Sicily. 

James  George  Frazer,  Cambridge,  England.  Paul  Sebillot,  Paris,  France. 

Henri  Gaidoz,  Paris,  France.  Edward  Burnett  Tylor,  Oxford,  England. 
George  Laurence  Gomme,  London,  England. 

LIFE   MEMBERS. 

Eugene  F.  Bliss,  Cincinnati,  Ohio.  Frederick  W.  Lehmann,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Hiram  Edmund  Deats,  Flemington,  N.  J.  J.  F.  Loubat,  Paris,  France. 

Mrs.  Henry  Draper,  New  York,  N.  Y.  William  Wells  Newell,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Joseph  E.  Gillingham,  Philadelphia,  Pa.  Miss  Mary  A.  Owen,  St.  Joseph,  Mo. 
Henry  Charles  Lea,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

ANNUAL   MEMBERS. 

John  Abercromby,  Edinburgh,  Scotland.  Reginald  P.  Bolton,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

I.  Adler,  New  York,  N.  Y.  Mrs.  John  G.  Bourke.  Omaha,  Neb. 

Miss   Constance  G.  Alexander,  Cambridge,  Charles  P.  Bowditch,  Boston,  Mass. 

Mass.  George  P.  Bradley,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Mrs.  Monroe  Ayer,  Boston,  Mass.  H.  C.  G.  Brandt,  Clinton,  N.  Y. 

Louis  Hotchkiss  Brittin,  Englewood,  N.  J. 

Irving  Babbitt,  Cambridge,  Mass.  Miss  Abbie  Farwell  Brown,  Boston,  Mass. 

P'rancis  Noyes  Balch,  Boston,  Mass.  Miss  Jeannie  P.  Brown,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Mrs.  G.  W.  Barnes,  Boston,  Mass.  Philip  Greely  Brown,  Portland,  Me. 

PhilHps  Barry,  Boston,  Mass.  Mrs.  W.  Wallace  Brown,  Calais,  Me. 

Miss  Mary  E.  Batchelder,  Cambridge,  Mass.  Mrs.  Waller  R.  Bullock,  Baltimore,  Md. 

William  Beer,  New  Orleans,  La.  Miss  Ethel  Q.  Bumstead,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Robert  Bell,  Ottawa,  Out.  Lewis  D.  Burdick,  Oxford,  N.  Y. 

Miss   Cora   Agnes    Benneson,  Cambridge,  Miss  Mary  Arthur  Burnham,  Philadelphia, 

Mass.  Pa. 

Mrs.  Fanny  D.  Bergen,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Charles  J.  Billson,  Leicester,  England.  John  Caldwell,  Edgewood  Park,  Pa. 

Francis  Blake,  Auburndale,  Mass.  Alexander  Francis  Chamberlain,  Worcester, 
Mrs.  W.  D.  Boardman,  Boston,  Mass.  Mass. 

Franz  Boas,  New  York,  N.  Y.  Mrs.  W.  E.  Chamljerlain,  Brookline,  Mass. 


Members  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society.         333 


Miss  Mary  Chapman,  Springfield,  Mass. 
Miss  Ellen  Chase,  Brookline,  Mass. 
George  H.  Chase,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Heli  Chatelain,  Angola,  Africa. 
Clarence  H.  Clark,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 
Mrs.  Otto  B.  Cole,  Boston,  Mass. 
Mrs.  Gertrude  A.  Collier,  Boston,  Mass. 
Mrs.  Arthur  M.  Comey,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Daniel  T.  Comstock,  Boston,  Mass. 
Miss  Katharine  I.  Cook,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Thomas  F.  Crane,  Ithaca,  N.  Y. 
Miss  Sarah  H.  Crocker,  Boston,  Mass. 
Stewart  Culin,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 
Roland  G.  Curtin,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

William  G.  Davies,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Charles  F.  Daymond,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Mrs.  John  Deane,  Boston,  Mass. 
James  Deans,  Victoria,  B.  C. 
Robert  W.  De  Forest,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

E.  W.  Deming,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
George  E.  Dimock,  Elizabeth,  N.  J. 
Roland  B.  Dixon,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
George  A.  Dorsey,  Chicago,  111. 

Miss   Constance    G.    Du  Bois,    Waterbury, 

Conn. 
Charles  B.  Dudley,  Altoona,  Pa. 

Charles  L.  Edwards,  Hartford,  Conn. 
Carl  Enkemeyer,  Yonkers,  N.  Y. 
L.  H.  Elwell,  Amherst,  Mass. 
Dana  Estes,  Boston,  Mass. 
Miss  Marie  L.  Everett,  Boston,  Mass. 

William  Curtis  Farabee,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
I>ivingston  Farrand,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Merritt  Lyndon  Fernald,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
J.  Walter  Fewkes,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Franklin    Darracott   Field,  Jamaica    Plain. 

Mass. 
Miss  Emma  J.  Fitz,  Boston,  Mass. 
Miss  Alice  C.  Fletcher,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Alcee  Fortier,  New  Orleans,  La. 

Fletcher  Gardner,  Bloomington,  Ind. 
Alfred  C.  Garrett,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 
Mrs.  F.  W.  Gaskill,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Frank  Butler  Gay,  Hartford,  Conn. 
Arpad  G.  Gerster,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

F.  A.  Golder,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Miss  Bessie  C.  Gray,  Boston,  Mass. 
Mrs.  John  C.  Gray,  Boston,  Mass. 
George  Bird  Grinnell,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Eulalie  Osgood  Grover,  Highland  Park,  111. 

Stansbury  Hagar,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Mrs.  H.  A.  Hall,  Boston,  Mass. 

William  Fenwick  Harris,  Cambridge,  Mass. 


Charles  C.  Harrison,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 
Mrs.  R.  L.  Hartt,  Boston,  Mass. 

C.  W.  Haskins,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
J.  W.  Hastings,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
H.  W.  Haynes,  Boston,  Mass. 
Mrs.  I.  Helbrun,  Boston,  Mass. 

D.  C.  Henning,  Pottsville,  Pa. 

Mrs.  Esther  Herrman,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
George  Hipkins,  Boston,  Mass. 
Henry  L.  Hobart,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Frederick  Webb  Hodge,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Richard  Hodgson,  Boston,  Mass. 
Robert  Hoe,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Mrs.  Lee  Hoffman,  Portland,  Or. 
Miss    Amelia     B.    HoUenback,    Brooklyn, 

N.  Y. 
William  H.  Holmes,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Miss    Leslie   W.    Hopkinson,   Cambridge, 

Mass. 
Miss  M.  E.  Hooper,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Walter  Hough,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Prentiss  C.  Hoyt,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
C.  F.  W.  Hubbard,  Buffalo,  N.  Y. 
J.  F.  Huckel,  Kansas  City,  Mo. 
Henry  M.  Hurd,  Baltimore,  Md. 
Percy  A.  Hutchison,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
A.  M.  Huxley,  Worcester,  Mass. 
Clarence  M.  Hyde,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Miss  Elizabeth  A.  Hyde,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

A.  Jacobi,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

John  A.  J.  James,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Miss  Isabel  L.  Johnson,  Boston,  Mass. 

George  J.  Jones,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Miss  R.  R.  Joslin,  Boston,  Mass. 

Miss  Marion  Hall  Judd,  Boston,  Mass. 

Mary  C.  Judd,  Minneapolis,  Minn. 

Robert  L.  Junghanns,  Bayamon,  Porto  Rico. 

Mrs.  Josephine  M.  Kendig,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 
Mrs.  A.  L.  Kennedy,  Boston,  Mass. 
George  G.  Kennedy,  Roxbury,  Mass. 
Miss  Louise  Kennedy,  Concord,  Mass. 
Mrs.  A.  L.  Kennelly,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Francis  .S.  Kershaw,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Homer  H.  Kidder,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Landreth  H.  King,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Albert  H.  Kirkham,  Springfield,  Mass. 
George  Lyman  Kittredge,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Henry  E.  Krehbiel,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Alfred  L.  Kroeber,  Berkeley,  Cal. 

Adele  Lathrop,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Walter  Learned,  New  London,  Conn. 
Miss     Margaret     A.    Leavitt,    Cambridge, 

Mass. 
Mrs.  William  M.  LeBrun,  Boston,  Mass. 
Edward  Lindsey,  Warren,  Pa. 


334 


yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 


Mrs.  M.  V.  Little,  Boston,  Mass. 
Charles  A.  Loveland,  Milwaukee,  Wis. 
Charles  F.  Lummis,  Los  Angeles,  Cal. 
Benj.  Smith  Lyman,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Edmund  R.  O.  von  Mach,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Kenneth  McKenzie,  New  Haven,  Conn. 

Mrs.  John  L.  McNeil,  Denver,  Colo. 

L.  S.  Marks,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Mrs.  W.  Kingswell  Marrs,  Saxonville,  Mass. 

Arthur  R.  Marsh,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Mrs.  Alexander  B.  Martin,  Boston,  Mass. 

Albert  Matthews,  Boston,  Mass. 

Miss  Frances  H.  Mead,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

J.  Meyer,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Mrs.  Garret  Smith  Miller,  Peterboro,  N.  Y. 

James  Mooney,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Lewis  F.  Mott,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Mrs.  James  F.  Muirhead,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Mrs.  Hugo  Miinsterberg,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

W.  A.  Neilson,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

William  Nelson,  Paterson,  N.  J. 

Mrs.  Zelia  Nuttall,  City  of  Mexico,  Max. 

D.  J.  O'Connell,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Dr.  Sarah  E.  Palmer,  Boston,  Mass. 

Charles  Peabody,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Miss  Josephine  Preston  Peabody,  Cam- 
bridge, Mass. 

Harold  Peirce,  Haverford,  Pa. 

George  H.  Pepper,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Thomas  Sargent  Perry,  Boston,  Mass. 

Perry  B.  Pierce,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Mrs.  Edward  ]\L  Plummer,  Charlestown, 
Mass. 

Dr.  C.  Augusta  Pope,  Boston,  Mass. 

Dr.  Emily  F.  Pope,  Boston,  Mass. 

Murry  A.  Potter,  Boston,  Mass. 

Mrs.  W.  G.  Preston,  Boston,  Mass. 

J.  Dyneley  Prince,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

T.  Mitchell  Prudden,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Miss  Ethel  D.  Puffer,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

W.  H.  Pulsifer,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Frederic  Ward  Putnam,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Mrs.  F.  W.  Putnam,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Benjamin  L.  Rand,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Mrs.  H.  E.  Raymond,  Boston,  Mass. 

John  Reade,  Montreal,  P.  Q. 

Miss  Helen  Leah  Reed,  Boston,  Mass. 

Eliot  W.  Remick,  Boston,  Mass. 

Everett  W.  Ricker,  Jamaica  Plain,  Mass. 

R.  Hudson  Riley,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

D.  M.  Riordan,  Tucson,  Ariz. 

Benjamin  L.  Robinson,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Frederick  N.  Robinson,  Cambridge,  Mass. 


Miss  A.  A.  Rogers,  Boston,  Mass. 
Miss  Fannie  Russell,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Dr.  A.  W.  Ryder,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Marshall  H.  Saville,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
*Charles  Schaffer,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 
Otto  B.  Schliitter,  Hartford,  Conn. 
James  P.  Scott,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 
E.  M.  Scudder,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Mrs.  W.  S.  Scudder,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Mrs.  J.  P.  Sellinger,  Boston,  Mass. 
J.  K.  Shaw,  Baltimore,  Md. 
J.  B.  Shea,  Pittsburgh,  Pa. 
Mrs.  H.  N.  Sheldon,  Boston,  Mass. 
Mrs.  W.  P.  Shreve,  Boston,  Mass. 
Albert  T.  Sinclair,  Boston,  Mass. 

E.  Reuel  Smith,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Harlan  I.  Smith,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Herbert  Wier  Smyth,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Walter  Spalding,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Frederick  Starr,  Chicago,  111. 
Vilhjalmur  Steffason,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Simon  Gerberich  Stein,  Muscatine,  la. 
Mrs.  Oliver  C.  Stevens,  Boston,  Mass. 
Brandreth  Symonds,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Benjamin  Thaw,  Pittsburgh,  Pa. 
Mrs.  S.  V.  R.  Thayer,  Boston,  Mass. 
A.  H.  Thompson,  Topeka,  Kan. 
Crawford  Howell  Toy,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
A.  M.  Tozzer,  Lynn,  Mass. 

Henry  H.  Vail,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

F.  H.  Verhoef,  Boston,  Mass. 

Mrs.  John  W.  Wales,  Boston,  Mass. 

H.  Newell  Wardle,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Langdon  Warner,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Samuel  D.  Warren,  Boston,  Mass. 

W.  Seward  Webb,  Lake  Champlain,  Vt. 

Frederick  Webber,  Washington,  D.  C. 

David  Webster,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Mrs.  Hollis  Webster,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Mrs.Walter  Wesselhoeft,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

George  N.  Whipple,  Boston,  Mass. 

Miss   Anne    Weston    Whitney,    Baltimore, 

Md. 
F.  P.  Wilco.x,  Grand  Rapids,  Mich. 
Mrs.  Ashton  R.  Willard,  Boston,  Mass. 
Miss  Constance  B.   Williston,  Cambridge, 

Mass. 
Henry  Wood,  Baltimore,  Md. 
Horatio  C.  Wood,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 
J.  H.  Woods,  Boston,  Mass. 
Miss  Edna  A.  Woolson,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
C.  H.  C.  Wright,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Miss  Sarah  D.  Yerxa,  Cambridge,  Mass. 


Members  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society.         335 

LIST  OF  LIBRARIES  OR  SOCIETIES,  BEING  MEMBERS  OF  THE 
AMERICAN  FOLK-LORE  SOCIETY,  OR  SUBSCRIBERS  TO  THE 
JOURNAL  OF  AMERICAN  FOLK-LORE,  IN  THE  YEAR  1905. 

American  Geographical  Society,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Amherst  College  Library,  Amherst,  Mass. 

Andrew  Carnegie  Library,  Carnegie,  Pa. 

Athenaeum  Library,  Minneapolis,  Minn. 

Boston  Athenaeum,  Boston,  Mass. 

Buffalo  Library,  Buffalo,  N.  Y. 

Carnegie  Free  Library,  Allegheny,  Pa. 

Carnegie  Free  Library,  Nashville,  Tenn. 

Carnegie  Library,  Pittsburg,  Pa. 

City  Library  Association,  Springfield,  Mass. 

City  Library,  Manchester,  N.  H. 

College  Library,  Wellesley,  Mass. 

College  Library,  Marietta,  Ohio. 

Columbia  College  Library,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Forbes  Library,  Northampton,  Mass. 

Free  Library  of  Philadelphia,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Free  Public  Library,  Jersey  City,  N.  J. 

Free  Library,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

Free  Public  Library,  Evanston,  111. 

Free  Public  Library,  New  Bedford,  Mass. 

Free  Public  Library,  Sacramento,  Cal. 

Free  Public  Library,  San  Francisco,  Cal. 

Free  Public  Library,  Louisville,  Ky. 

Free  Public  Library,  Worcester,  Mass. 

Hackley  Public  Library,  Muskegon,  Mich. 

Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Howard  Memorial  Library,  New  Orleans,  La. 

Hoyt  Library,  Saginaw,  Mich. 

Iowa  State  Library,  Des  Moines,  Iowa. 

John  Crerar  Library,  Chicago,  111. 

Johns  Hopkins  University  Library,  Baltimore,  Md. 

Kansas  State  Historical  Society,  Topeka,  Kans. 

Library  of  Chicago  University,  Chicago,  111. 

Library  of  Congress,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Library  of  Cornell  University,  Ithaca,  N.  Y. 

Library  of  University  of  California,  Berkeley,  Cal. 

Library  of  Harvard  University,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Library,  Baltimore,  Md. 

Library  of  Parliament,  Ottawa,  Ont. 

Library  of  Pratt  Institute,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

Library  of  Trinity  College,  Hartford,  Conn. 

Library  of  University  of  California,  Berkeley,  Cal. 

Library  of  University  of  Illinois,  University  Station,  Urbana,  III. 

Library  of  University  of  Kansas,  Lawrence,  Kans. 

Library,  Stanford  University,  Cal. 

Massachusetts  State  Library,  Boston,  Mass. 

Mercantile  Library,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Newberry  Library,  Chicago,  111. 

Newton  Free  Library,  Newton,  Mass. 

New  York  State  Library,  Albany,  N.  Y. 

Peabody  Institute,  Baltimore,  Md. 

Philadelphia  Library,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Public  Library,  Boston,  Mass. 


336  y ournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

Public  Library,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Public  Library,  Chicago,  111. 

Public  Library,  Cincinnati,  O. 

Public  Library,  Detroit,  Mich. 

Public  Library,  Indianapolis,  Ind. 

Public  Library,  Lexington,  Ky. 

Public  Library,  New  Rochelle,  N.  Y. 

Public  Library,  Syracuse,  N.  Y. 

Public  Library,  Cleveland,  O. 

Public  Library,  Kansas  City,  Mo. 

Public  Library,  Liverpool,  England. 

Public  Library,  Los  Angeles,  Cal. 

Public  Library,  Maiden,  Mass. 

Public  Library,  Milwaukee,  Wis. 

Public  Library,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

Public  Library,  New  London,  Conn. 

Public  Library,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Public  Library,  Peoria,  111. 

Public  Library,  Portland,  Me. 

Public  Library,  Providence,  R.  I. 

Public  Library,  Rockford,  111. 

Public  Library,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Public  Library,  St.  Paul,  Minn. 

Public  Library,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Public  Library,  Seattle,  Wash. 

Public  Library,  Toronto,  Ont. 

Public  Library,  Omaha,  Neb. 

Public  Library,  Denver,  Colo. 

Reynolds  Library,  Rochester,  N.  Y. 

Ryerson  Public  Library,  Grand  Rapids,  Mich. 

State  Historical  Library,  Madison,  Wis. 

State  Historical  Society  Library,  St.  Paul,  Minn. 

State  Library,  Augusta,  Me. 

State  Library,  Harrisburg,  Pa. 

State  Library,  Lansing,  Mich. 

State  Library,  Sacramento,  Cal. 

Steele  Memorial  Library,  Elmira,  N.  Y. 

Trinity  College  Library,  Durham,  N.  C. 

University  of  Nebraska  Library,  Lincoln,  Neb. 

University  of  Pennsylvania,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

University  Club  Library,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

University  of  Washington,  Seattle,  Wash. 

Watkinson  Library,  Hartford,  Conn. 

Yale  University  IJbrary,  New  Haven,  Conn. 


SUBSCRIBERS  TO  THE  PUBLICATION  FUND,  1905. 

I.  Adler,  New  York,  N.  Y.  Clarence  M.  Hyde,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

John  Caldwell,  Edgewood  Park,  Pa.  A.  Jacobi,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

William  G.  Davies,  New  York,  N   Y.  Walter  Learned,  New  London,  Conn. 

Charles  F.  Daymond,  New  York,  N.  Y.  Edward  Lindsey,  Warren,  Pa. 

Mrs.  Anna  Palmer  Draper,  New  York,  N.  Y.  William  A.  Neilson,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Miss  Alice  C.  Fletcher,  Washington,  D.  C.  William  W.  Newell,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Fletcher  Gardner,  Bloomington,  Ind.  J.  Dyneley  Prince,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Edwin  Sidney  Ilartland,  Gloucester,    Eng-  J.  B.  Shea,  Pittsburgh,  Pa. 

land.  E.  Reuel  Smith,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Miss  Amelia  B.  Ilollenback,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.  Henry  H.  Vail,  New  York,  N.  Y. 


INDEX   TO  VOLUME   XVIII. 


Aimes,  Hubert  H.  S.,  African  Institutions 
in  America,  15-32: 

Introductory,  15;  holidays  and  amuse- 
ments in  New  England,  15,16;  elections  of 
"governor,"  etc.,  16-18;  election  parade 
and  ball,  18,  19;  parades,  cabildos,  and 
other  African  customs  in  Cuba,  20 ;  St. 
Lucia,  23;  Brazil,  24;  French  West  Indies, 
24-32  ;  Martinique,  25;  Haiti  and  Santo 
Domingo,  26-32;  Toussaint  L'Ouverture, 
Dessallines,  27,  28;  Christophe,  29-31; 
Soulouque,  32. 

American  Folk-Lore  Society : 

Sixteenth  Annual  Meeting,  74,  75  ;  Re- 
port of  Council,  74  ;  Treasurer's  Report, 
74,  75  ;  Officers  elected  for  1905,  papers 
presented,  75;  Treasurer,  76,  166;  of- 
ficers, 332 ;  honorary,  Ufe,  and  annual 
members,  332  ;  libraries  and  societies  sub- 
scribing, 335;  subscribers  to  Publication 
Fund,  336. 

Animals  in  folk-lore  and  myth  : 

"American  lion,"  224;  ant,  45,  224;  ant- 
eater,  224,  225  ;  antelope,  9,  144 ;  ape,  67  ; 
ass,  13;  bat,  67;  bear,  76,  144,  145,  176, 
259;  beaver,  65,  139,  144;  bee,  67,  244; 
blackbird,  102 ;  blue  jay,  102,  115;  boar, 
24;  buffalo,  178,  258,  282  ;  bull,  76;  bul- 
lock, 10;  butterfly,  151;  buzzard,  176; 
calf,  156;  camel,  10;  cat,  3,  5,  12,  2,3i  48; 
caterpillar,  260 ;  chickenhawk,  104  ;  civet- 
cat,  loi  ;  cock,  51 ;  cow,  34,  229;  crow, 
44,  103,  115;  deer,  94,  98,  loi ;  dog,  3, 
5'  33'  39'  48,  57,  67,  102,  104,  145,  227, 
317-319;  dragon-fly,  151,  261;  duck, 
145,  215;  eagle,  65,  76,  103,  104,  144, 
233,  259;  earwig,  44;  eel,  103;  elephant, 
44;  elk,  98,  104,  257-268;  fisher,  loi ; 
flea,  227  ;  fly,  45,  103,  104;  fox,  loi, 
144;  frog,  5,  6,  14,  67,  99,  108-110;  ga- 
zelle, 44  ;  gnat,  44  ;  goat,  39  ;  goose,  49, 
57  ;  grizzly  bear,  103,  148  ;  hair-seal,  222 ; 
hen,  57 ;  horse,  2,  3,  5,  7,  8,  13,  145,  191 ; 
jaguar,  67;  kid,  13,  33-48;  kingfisher, 
231;  kite,  76;  lion,  loi ;  lynx,  115; 
macaque,   223;     measuring-worm,    148; 


meadow-lark,  102  ;  mink,  65,  109;  moan- 
bird,  67;  mole,  99;  moth,  258,  260; 
mouse,  4,  5,  37,  44,  45;  mullet,  76; 
muskrat,  139;  otter,  99,  139;  ox,  24,  ^^- 
48;  owl,  64,  65,  67,  145,  229;  panther, 
loi,  115;  partridge,  142;  peacock,  44; 
pelican,  104;  perch,  141 ;  pig,  34,39,  176, 
255;  pigeon,  II;  plover,  76;  porpoise, 
103;  prairie-chicken,  145;  rabbit,  61,  230; 
raccoon,  10 1,  144;  ram,  51-54;  rat,  34, 
45;  raven,  65,  103,  108,  116,  121,  233; 
robin,  102;  rooster,  229;  salmon,  65, 97 ; 
saracura-bird,  223 ;  screech-owl,  229 , 
scorpion,  67  ;  seal,  65 ;  sea-gull,  215;  sea- 
lion,  103;  sea-otter,  103,  220,  221;  ser- 
pent, 6,  11,  64,  118;  skate,  197;  skunk, 
104;  snail,  67;  snake,  224,  234,  255; 
snipe,  76;  spider,  61,  67,  96,  151,  267; 
sturgeon,  140;  swan,  12,  57;  tick,  45; 
tiger,  223,  224;  toad,  6;  tortoise,  67; 
turtle,  II,  177;  turtle-dove,  37;  vulture, 
37;  wasp,  224;  whale,  76,  104,  109, 
233;  wild-cat,  loi  ;  wolf,  3,  13,  40,  41, 
65,  115  ;  woodpecker,  105, 145  ;  wren,  65. 

Barry,  Phillips,   Some    Traditional   Songs, 

49-59 : 

The  Elfin  Knight,  49;  The  Ram  of 
Darby,  51;  The  Quaker's  Wooing,  55; 
The  Twelve  Days  of  Christmas,  56. 

Barry,  Phillips,  Traditional  Ballads  in  New 
England.  I.,  123-138: 
Introduction,  folk-song  as  an  element  in 
American  literature,  123,  124;  origins, 
124;  The  Golden  Vanity,  125;  Lord- 
Thomas  and  Fair  Annet,  128;  The 
Twa  Sisters,  130;  Lady  Isabel  and  the 
Elf-Knight,  132;  The  George  Aloe  and 
the  Sweepstake,  134 ;  Henry  Martin,  135 ; 
The  Mermaid,  136;  Captain  Ward  and 
the  Rainbow,  137. 

Barry,  Phillips,  Traditional  Ballads  in  New 
England.    II.,  191-214: 
The  Gypsy  Laddie,  191 ;  Lord  Randall, 
195;    The   Demon  Lover,   207;    Young 
Beichan,  209;  The  Elfin  Knight,  212. 


338 


Index. 


Barry,  Phillips,  Traditional  Ballads  in  New 
England.  III.,  291-304  : 
Lord  Lovell,  291 ;  Bonnie  James  Camp- 
bell, 294;  Our  Good  Man,  294;  Young 
Hunting,  295 ;  The  Brown  Girl,  295 ; 
Springfiled,  Mountain,  295 ;  Henry  Mar- 
tin, 302  ;  Lord  Randall,  303. 

Bibliographical  Notes,  77-84, 167-172,  252- 
256,  324-331.  See  Books  Reviewed,  Re- 
cent Articles  of  a  Comparative  Nature, 
Record  of  American  Folk-Lore,  Record 
of  Negro  Folk-Lore,  Record  of  Philip- 
pine Folk-Lore. 

Books  Reviewed,  77-84,  167-172,  252-254, 
324-331 :  Abbott,  G.  F.,  Macedonian 
Folk-Lore,  168,  169;  Balfour,  M.  C, 
County  Folk-Lore :  Northumberland, 
252,  253  ;  Du  Boscq  de  Beaumont,  G., 
Une  France  oubliee  ;  L'Acadie,  81  ;  Dro- 
ber,  W.,  Kartographie  beiden  Naturvolk- 
em,  81-83;  Drury,  A.  G.,  Legends  of 
the  Apple,  167,  168;  Engel,  E.,  Grie- 
chische  Friihlingstage,  169;  Garnott,  E. 
B.,  Weather  Folk-Lore  and  Local  Weath- 
er-Signs, 81 ;  Grover,  E.  O.,  Folk-Lore 
Readers,  328 ;  Hahn,  E.,  Das  Alter  der 
wirthschaftlichen  Kultur  der  Mensch- 
heit,  325,  326;  Hellwig,  A.,  Das  Asyl- 
recht  der  Naturvolker,  81,  82  ;  Jethabhai, 
G.,  Indian  Folk-Lore,  83,  84 ;  Kittredge, 
G.  L.,  The  Old  Farmer  and  his  Alma- 
nac, 77-80;  Krauss,  F.  S.,  Die  Anmut 
des  Frauenleibes,  325 ;  Krauss,  F.  S., 
'ANePnno^TTEl'A,  325;  Labbe,  P.,  Un 
bagne  russe.  L'  ile  de  Sakhaline,  328, 329 ; 
Lemire,  C,  Les  moeurs  des  Indo-Chinois, 
170 ;  Mauss,  M.,  L'Origine  des  pouvoirs 
magiques  dans  les  societes  australiennes, 
326-328;  Meyer,  H.,  Der  richtige  Ber- 
liner, in  Wortem  und  Redensarten,  330  ; 
Miiller-Fraureuth,  K.,  Aus  der  Welt  der 
Worter,  324,  325;  Nagl,  J.  W.,  Geo- 
graphische  Namenkunde,  80;  Owen,  M. 
A.,  Folk-Lore  of  the  Musquakie  In- 
dians, 253;  Pache,  A.,  Naturgefiihl  und 
Natursymbolik  bei  Heinrich  Heine,  253, 
254;  Petraakakos,  D.  A.,  Die  Toten  im 
Recht,  329 ;  Petrie,  W.  F.,  Methods  and 
Aims  of  Archaeology,  324 ;  Polle,  F.,  Wie 
denkt  das  Volk  iiberdie  Sprache,  171,172; 
Schurtz,  H.,  Volkerkunde,  330,  331 ;  So- 
ciological Papers,  172;  Tiele, C.P.,  Kom- 
pendium  der  Religionsgeschichte,  171. 

Borba,  T.  M.,  Caingang  Deluge  Legend, 
223—22  ^ I 


Flood  covers  all  but  top  of  Mt.  Crin- 
jijinbe,  223;  how  waters  were  made  to 
subside,  223;  emerging  of  Indians  from 
mountain,  223  ;  kindling  fire  and  making 
animals,  223,224;  marriage,  224;  origin 
of  song  and  dance,  224,  225  ;  ant-eater  as 
wiseacre  and  prophet,  225. 

California  Branch  of  the  American  Folk- 
Lore  Society,  305-311  : 
Foundation,  305 ;  report  of  committee, 
305;  first  meeting,  306;  by-laws,  etc., 
306,  307  ;  officers,  307  ;  roll  of  member- 
ship, 308 ;  second  meeting,  council  meet- 
ing, 309 ;  council  meeting,  third  meet- 
ing, 310,  311. 

Chamberlain,  Alexander  F.,  Mythology  of 
Indian  Stocks  North  of  Mexico.  I., 
111-122  : 

Introductory,  ill;  Kulanapan,  Maripo- 
san,  Moquelumnan,  iii;  Palaihnihan, 
Piman,  Quoratean,  Shahaptian,  Uche- 
ans,  Weitspekan,  Yakonan,  112  ;  Yanan, 
Yuman,  113;  Caddoan,  114,  115;  Chi- 
nookan,  Copehan,  115  ;  Eskimoan,  116, 
117;  Kiowan,  117,  118;  Kjtunahan,  118; 
Koluschan,  118,  119;  Lutuamian,  119; 
Pujunan,  119,  120;  Skittagetan  (Haidan), 
120  ;  Tsimshian  (Chimmesyan),  120, 121 ; 
Wakashan  (Kwakiutl-Nootka),  121,  122. 
See  Record  of  American  Folk-Lore,  etc. 

Chamberlain,  Isabel  C.  See  Record  of 
American  Folk-Lore. 

Dorsey,  George  A.,  Caddo  Customs  of 
Childhood,  226-228: 
Treatment  and  protection  of  new- 
bom  child,  226 ;  bathing  of  child  on 
tenth  day  nd  ceremonies  connected 
therewith,  226  ;  lore  of  spirit-land  taught 
to  child,  227. 

Folk-Lore  Meetings  (Recent)  in  Califor- 
nia, 248, 249  : 

Berkeley  Folk-Lore  Club,  248 ;  constitu- 
tion, 248  ;  officers,  report  of  committee, 
248,  249. 

Colder,  F.  A.,  Aleutian  Stories,  215-222  : 
The  sad  woman,  215;  the  woman  who 
was  fond  of  intestines,  215-220;  the 
man  and  woman  who  became  sea-otters, 
220,  221  ;  a  sea-otter  story,  221,  222;  the 
brother  and  sister  who  became  hair- 
seals,  222. 


Index. 


339 


Herrick,  Mrs.  R.  E.,  Cupid's  Arrow,  276. 

Indian  tribes : 

Acliomawi,  1 1 2 ;  Alsea,  1 1 3  ;  Aleuts,  2 1 5- 
222;  Andean  Cliaco,  69;  Apache,  81, 
259;  Arapaho,  61 ;  Are,  223  ;  Argentine, 
76, 239 ;  Arikara,  114;  Aymara,  69 ;  Aztec, 
65,  66,  71,235,  236;  Bakairi,  69;  Black- 
foot,  144, 154,  260,  261 ;  Brazil,  239;  Bribri, 
68;  Brunca,  68;  Cabecar,  68;  Caingang, 
223,  225;  Caingua,  70;  Calchaqui,  155, 
239;  California,  148;  Came,  223;  Carib, 
69, 240;  Cayurucre,  223;  Central  America, 
237;  Cheyenne,  215,  231;  Chibcha,  68 ; 
Chinook,  115;  Chinguano,  69;  Chorote, 
69,72;  Clatsop,  115;  Comanche,  185; 
Cora,  65;  Costa  Rica,  68;  Cree,  139-143, 
231,  260;  Crow,  215  ;  Cuba,  68;  Cuna,  68; 
Dakota,  8,  153,  154,  257-268;  Diegueno, 
\T),  235  ;  Dorasque,  68  ;  Eskimo,  72,  1 16, 
117,  233  ;  Fox,  144,  183  ;  Galibi,  70,  240; 
Guaymi,  68  ;  Guiana,  70 ;  Guayaki,  70 ; 
Guyana,  7c;  Haida,  120,  253,  254;  Ha- 
vasupai,  113;  Heiltsuk,  122  ;  Hopi,  72, 
150-153;  Hupa,  62,  87;  Iroquois,  150; 
Karok,  87,  92;  Kathlamet,  115;  Kicka- 
poo,  183;  Kiowa,  117,  118;  Klamath, 
119;  Klickitat,  112;  Koggaba,  68;  Koo- 
tenay,  118;  Kwakuitl,  72,  121;  Lenape, 
60;  Makah,  121;  Maidu,  89,  119;  Mat- 
tole,  92 ;  Maya,  66-68,  71,  154,  155,  237- 
239;  Mexican,  65,  72,  162-165,  173-189, 
23S,  236;  Mission  Indians,  113;  Mixtec, 
236;  Modoc,  119;  Mohave,  113;  Mo- 
hawk, 248,  160-162;  Mohican,  232; 
Munsee,  132;  Musquakie,  146;  Nahane, 
61 ;  Navaho,  62,  71,  166,  232,  246;  New 
England,  232;  Nayarit,  65;  Nez  Perce, 
112;  Nishinam,  119;  Nootka,  122;  Oax- 
aca,  237  ;  Ojibwa,  231 ;  Omaha,  269-275; 
Onondaga,  148;  Outagami,  144;  Papago, 
112;  Patwin,  115;  Pawnee,  114,  115,  146, 
147,  226-228,  232;  Peru,  240;  Pima,  112; 
Pokonchi,  72  ;  Pomo,  89;  Powhatan,  60; 
Pueblos,  65,  234;  Quichua,  69,  240,  241 ; 
Sac,  146;  Sauk,  183;  Seneca,  148,317- 
319;  Siiciatl,  65;  Sioux,  144,  153,  154, 
186,  234,  277-290;  Skidi  Pawnee,  114; 
Sonkine,  92  ;  Southern  U.  S.,  235  ;  Taina, 
68  ;  Terraba,  68  ;  Tlingit,  1 19,  234 ;  Tsim- 
shian,  120;  Tupi-Guarani,  70;  Uncpapa, 
179;  Wallapai,  113;  Weitspek,  112; 
Wintun,  89,  92,  115;  Wishosk,  85,  107; 
Wichita,  114;  Xingii,  172;  Yuchi,  126; 
Yuman,  113,  235;  Zuni,  81,  179. 


Jones,   William,    The    Algonkin    Manitou, 
183-190 : 

Essential  character  of  Algonkin  religion, 
nature-worship,  183  ;  religious  senti- 
ment and  language,  184;  Sauk,  Fox, 
and  Kickapoo  ideas,  184 ;  identification 
of  property  with  animate  being,  184; 
eating  heart  of  enemy,  185;  confusion 
of  property  with  object  containing  the 
property,  186;  deliverance  by  help  of 
transcendent  agency,  186;  visions,  fasts, 
etc.,  186, 187  ;  in  transport  more  common 
to  hear  than  to  see,  187  ;  forms  of  "  rev- 
elation," 188;  interpretation  of  "  revela- 
tions," 188;  lack  of  mental  discrimina- 
tion, 189 ;  esoteric  sentiment  and  its 
basis,  189. 

Kittredge,  George  Lyman,  Disenchantment 
by  Decapitation,  1-14: 
Disenchantment  by  decapitation  in  The 
Carl  of  Carlisle  and  The  Turk  and 
Gawain,  two  Middle  English  romances, 
1,2;  decapitation  of  helpful  animals,  2- 
4;  decapitation  of  helpful  servants,  4, 
5 ;  decapitation  of  heroine,  5 ;  the  frog 
prince,  5,  6 ;  decapitation  of  bespelled 
persons  in  form  of  cruel  or  murderous 
demons  and  monsters,  6-10 ;  other  forms 
of  violent  death  as  means  of  unspelling, 
10;  wounding,  11,  12;  skinning,  12-14. 

Kroeber,  A.  L.,  Wishosk  Myths,  85-107  : 
Introduction,  distribution,  and  culture  of 
Wishosk,  comparison  of  myths  with  those 
of  adjoining  tribes  and  stocks,  coyote- 
tales,  creative  myths,  animal-stories,  85- 
93;  myths  of  Gudatrigakwtl  ("Above-old- 
man")  and  of  Gatswokwire  (culture-hero 
trickster),  93-99  ;  coyote-myths,  99-102  ; 
other  animal-stories,  102-104  ;  myths  of 
Lakunowovitkatl  and  Dikwagiterai,  104, 
105;  abstracts  of  myths,  106,  107. 

La  Flesche,  Francis,  Who  was  the  Medi- 
cine Man?  269-275: 

Erroneous  ideas  about  American  Indians, 
269,  270;  religion,  ideas  as  to  the  Mys- 
terious One,  270,  271 ;  symbolism  of  tribal 
organization,  272;  four  requisites  of  "  Men 
of  Mystery,  272,  273;  ritual  for  child- 
birth, 273,274;  tricksters,  274;  medicine 
man  in  art,  275. 

Local  Meetings  and  other  Notices,  76,  77, 
166,  167,324: 
Treasurer  of   the   American    Folk-Lore 


340 


Index. 


Society,  76 ;  Boston  Branch  of  American 
Folk-Lore  Society,  76,  166;  Cambridge 
Branch,  77 ;  Acting  treasurer,  167 ; 
Berkeley  Folk-Lore  Club,  324. 

Newell,  W.  W.,  John  H.  Hinton,  159: 
Elected  treasurer,  1891 ;  activities  ;  resig- 
nation; death. 

Newell,  W.  W.,  In  Memoriam :  Washing- 
ton Matthews,  245-247  : 
Sketch  of  life  and  early  activities,  245 ; 
knowledge  of  Indians,  245  ;  contributions 
to  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore  and 
other  publications,  245;  Navaho  Legends, 
246 ;  private  life,  poetry,  art,  246,  247. 

Notes  and  Queries,  160-165,  250-252,  312- 

324: 

Geography -rhymes,  160;  views  of  a  Mo- 
hawk Indian,  161,  162;  Fr.  Hunt-Cor- 
tes, the  "White  Indian,"  163-165;  the 
doughnut  (C.  Peabody),  166;  Louisiana 
legend  concerning  will-o'-the-wisp  (Mrs. 
C.  V.  Jamison),  250,  251  ;  the  cottoff- 
•wood-tree  ;  Louisiana  superstition,  251 ; 
De  Witch-'ooman  an'  de  spinnin'-wheel 
I  (Mrs.  M.  E.  M.  Davis),  251,  252;  street 
\  customs  of  Buenos  Aires,  3 1 2-3 1 4 ;  slang 
terms  for  money,  314,  315;  Indians  de- 
corate soldiers'  graves,  315;  Indian 
names  in  Maine,  316,  317  ;  Seneca  white 
dog  feast,  317-319;  Negro  genius,  319- 
322;  ranordine,  rinordine,  rinor,  322;  the 
twist-mouth  family  (C.  Johnson),  321- 
323 ;  correction,  323. 

Phenomena  of  Nature,  etc.,  in   myth  and 
folk-lore : 

Air,  229;  cardinal  points,  223,  226,  236; 
clouds,  81 ;  deluge,  96,  223-225 ;  dust, 
258 ;  earth,  236 ;  fire,  5,  13,  33,  41,  64, 
66,  71,  224,  281;  foam,  69;  fog,  97; 
light,  4;  moon,  67,  81,  273;  moonlight, 
35;  mountain,  223  ;  night,  7,67,  81,  233; 
noon,  9;  rain,  81,  186,  232;  rainbow,  60; 
rivers,  223,  227;  rocks,  227;  sand,  232; 
sky,  241  ;  stars,  60,  235  ;  stones,  223  ; 
sun,  65,  81,  226,  235,  273 ;  water,  4,  5,  8, 
14,  33.  41,  51.  66,  67,  8i,  223,  226,  239  ; 
weather,  81;  will-o'-the-wisp,  250  ;  whirl- 
wind, 251-268;  wind,  49. 

Plants,  etc.,  in  folk-lore  and  myth  : 

Acorn,  64,  102;  apple,  167,  182;  bean, 
185;  berries,  35;  bushes,  79;  calabash, 
45;  cedar,  229;  cocoanut,  171;  corn, 
44, 147,  151,  185  ;  Cottonwood,  251 ;  dog- 


tooth violet,  150;  fir,  141;  flowers,  95  ; 
gourd,  224;  grapes,  41;  juniper,  57; 
kava,  255;  mate,  239;  medicine-plants, 
231  ;  mustard-seeds,  230;  oats,  37;  pars- 
ley, 51,230;  pear,  38;  rosemary,  51 ;  sage, 
51;  stick,  33-44;  thorn,  49;  thyme,  51; 
tree  of  life,  256;  trees,  223;  willow,  64. 

Recent  Articles  of  a  Comparative  Nature, 
254-256. 

Record  of  American  Folk-Lore,  60-73,  ^44~ 
155,231-243: 

Algonkian,    60,  61,  144,  145,  231,  232 
Andean    Chaco,    69;    Argentine,    239 
Athapascan,  61-64,  232  ;  Aymaran,  69 
Aztecan  (Nahuatlan),  65,  66,  235  ;  Brazil 
239;  Caddoan,  146-147,  232-233;   Cal' 
chaquian,     155,    239-240;     Califoniian, 
148;  Cariban,  69,  70,  240 ;  Central  Amer- 
ica,   237 ;    Costa    Rica,  68 ;    Cuba,  68 
Eskimo,  233  ;  Guiana,  70  ;  Haidan  (Skit 
tagetan),  233-244;   Iroquoian,   148-150 
Koluschan,  234;  Mayan,  66-68,  154,  155, 
237-239;  Oaxaca,  257;  Peru,  240;  Pue 
bios,  150-153,  234;   Quichuan,  240,  241 
Salishan,    65;    Siouan,    153,    154,    234 
Sonoran,  65;  Southern  U.  S.,  235;  Tupi 
Guarani,  70 ;    Uto-Aztecan,  63-66 ;  Yu 
man,    235;    Zapotecan-Mixtecan,      257 
General:  American  origins,  70;  art,  71 
codices  and  pictographs,  71 ;  early  Ameri 
can  writings,  241  ;  education,  241 ;  fire 
worship,    71 ;     Indian     character,    237 
International  Congress  of  Americanists, 
71,  72;    "  Ireland-the-Great,"  72;  Jesup 
Expedition,  241,  242;  legends,  72;  num- 
bers, 72,  73;  petroglyphs,  242;  popular 
fallacies,  242  ;  pygmies,  242,  243 ;  super- 
stition, 73  ;  urn-burial,  73 ;  wampum,  243. 

Record  of  Negro  Folk-Lore,  156,  244: 
Africa  and  America,  1 56  ;  Bush-Negroes, 
244 ;  Jamaica,  156. 

Record  of  Philippine  Folk-Lore,  157,  158: 
Assuan,  157;  Igorot,  158;  songs,  158. 

Sixteenth  Annual  Meeting  of  American 
Folk-Lore  Society.  See  American  Folk- 
Lore  Society. 

Swanton,   John    R.,    Explanation    of    the 
Seattle  Totem-Pole,  108-110: 
History  of  pole,  108  ;  description  and  in- 
terpretation of  carvings  and  raven  myth, 
loS-iio;  comparison  of  versions. 

Swindlehurst,  Fred,  Folk-Lore  of  the  Cree 
Indians,  139-143: 


i 


Index. 


341 


Method  and  circumstances  of  tale-telling, 
139;  creation,  birth  of  Lake  Mistassini, 
139;  the  painted  canoe,  140;  a  big 
perch,  141 ;  the  story  of  Katonao,  141, 
142;  the  fisherman,  142;  the  biter  bit, 
143- 

Thurston,  Helen  S.,  Riddles  from  Massa- 
chusetts, 182 : 

Icicle,  watch,  pumpkin,  drop  of  blood, 
walnut,  cherry-needle. 

Toy,  Crawford  H.,  Mexican  Human  Sac- 
rifice, 173-181 : 

Prevalence  of  ceremonial  slaughter,  173; 
ritual  conception  of  ceremony,  173,  174; 
origin  of  human  sacrifice,  174  ;  chief  char- 
acteristics of  Mexican  human  sacrifice, 
175;  religious  reverence  paid  to  victim 
(identification  with  god)  before  death, 
175;  Ainu  bear  sacrifice  ambassadorial, 
176;  Borneo  pig  sacrifice,  177;  transition 
from  ambassadorial  to  sacrificial  ritual  of 
Mexicans,  1 78 ;  American  Indian  cere- 
monies (Uncpapa  and  Zuni),  178,  179; 
other  suggestions,  180. 


Walker,  J.  R.,  Sioux  Games.  I,  277-290: 
Antiquity  of  games,  277 ;  list  of  games, 
277,  278;  game  of  wands  and  hoop,  278- 
280;  legend  of  hoop  game,  281-283; 
shinney,  283-285  ;  guessing  the  odd  stick, 
285,  286 ;  game  of  elk,  287,  288 ;  woman's 
shinney,  288 ;  game  with  foot-bones,  288, 
289;  dice,  289,  290. 

Williamson,  George,  Superstitions  from 
Louisiana,  229,  230. 

Wissler,  Clark,  The  Whirlwind  and  the  Elk 
in  the  Mythology  of  the  Dakota,  258-268  : 
Relation  between  whirlwind  and  flutter- 
ing wings  of  moth,  258 ;  idea  of  power 
of  whirlwind,  268 ;  buffalo  and  whirl- 
wind, 268;  aid  sought  by  imitation,  259; 
cocoon  symbol  of  prayer,  259;  bear  and 
whirlwind,  259 ;  scattering  dust,  260;  moth 
and  sleep  in  Blackfoot  myth,  260;  Cree 
medicine,  268 ;  whirlwind  and  caterpillar 
with  Arapaho,  260;  cross,  261 ;  power  of 
elk  in  relation  to  sexual  passions,  261 ; 
story  concerning  this,  262-266;  mystic 
flageolet,  266  ;  courting  blanket,  267; 
Dakota  type  of  thought,  268. 


THE  JOURNAL  OF 

AMERICAN  FOLK-LORE 

VOLUME  XIX 


M. 


BOSTON   AND   NEW   YORK 

^uhimcb  for  Cftf  American  folkMovt  M>otietp  Bp 

HOUGHTON,  MIFFLIN  AND   COMPANY 

LONDON:   DAVID  NUTT,  57,  59  LONG  ACRE 

LEIPZIG:   OTTO   HARRASSOWITZ,  QUERSTRASSE,  14 

MDCCCCVI 


Copyright,  1906, 
By  the  AMERICAN   FOLK-LORE  SOCIETY 

All  rights  reserved. 


I 


A 


THE   JOURNAL   OF 

AMERICAN  FOLK-LORE. 

Vol.  XIX.  — JANUARY-MARCH,  1906.— No.  LXXII. 


INDIVIDUAL   AND   COLLECTIVE   CHARACTERISTICS 
IN   FOLK-LORE. 

According  to  the  indication  of  the  name,  a  folk-song  or  folk-tale 
seems  to  be  contrasted  with  the  composition  of  a  single  artist.  "  Popu- 
lar" literature,  as  we  conceive,  belongs  or  belonged  to  the  commu- 
nity, while  a  work  of  art  is  the  property  of  an  individual.  The  former 
is  marked  by  simplicity  and  uniformity,  the  latter  by  complication 
and  variety.  The  one  makes  an  effect  of  unconsciousness  and  naivete, 
the  latter  of  reflection  and  deliberate  choice.  In  this  respect,  the 
simile  of  wild  and  cultivated  flora  appears  to  express  a  real  dis- 
tinction ;  as  every  bloom  of  the  woods  is  felt  to  be  pretty,  so  every 
traditional  product  has  its  aesthetic  value  ;  while  literary  construc- 
tions must  be  perfect,  or  else  are  cast  out  as  unregarded  weeds. 
The  phraseology  which  would  put  down  the  folk-song  as  a  growth  of 
nature,  the  written  poem  as  a  creation  of  art,  has  therefore  some  real 
basis  in  the  impression  respectively  made  by  the  two  sorts  of  compo- 
sition. 

At  the  time  when  folk-tales  first  began  to  attract  attention,  this 
opposition  was  especially  marked.  The  sophisticated  character  of 
eighteenth  century  literature,  its  rationality  and  precision,  common- 
sense  and  absence  of  mysticism,  exhibited  the  reverse  of  qualities 
possessed  by  Christian  legends  still  current  in  Europe,  or  northern 
ballads  made  familiar  by  Percy.  At  a  later  time,  only  in  the  first 
quarter  of  the  nineteeth  century,  the  collections  of  the  brothers 
Grimm  called  the  attention  of  literati  to  the  existence  of  a  treasure 
hitherto  disregarded,  to  nursery  tales  or  mdrchen  recited  by  nurses 
anHj^j^ others,  and  to  the  numerous  narratives  remembered  in  Ger- 
maivy,  in  which  the  activity  of  saints  or  fairies  was  associated  with 
particular  localities. 

By  Jacob  Grimm  himself,  and  by  the  school  which  he  founded,  the 
explanation  given  to  the  entirety  of  this  German  traditional  litera- 
ture was  that  it  represented  the  survival  of  ancient  German  religion. 
Man,  it  was  thought,  had  from  the  first  possessed  a  pure  religious 


2  yournal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 

feeling  and  ethical  sense;  in  the  main,  his  pristine  worship  might  be 
regarded  as  a  system  of  conceptions  founded  on  a  direct  reaction  to 
nature.  The  phenomena  of  the  external  world,  interpreted  as  the 
expression  of  divine  purpose,  by  a  regular  descent  reflected  them- 
selves in  mythology  ;  actions  of  gods  passed  into  narratives  of  heroes, 
these  into  the  fireside  tales  of  the  modern  world ;  folk-song  and 
folk-tale  were  to  be  considered  as  the  detritus  of  myth.  It  was  be- 
lieved that  such  body  of  traditions  formed  the  peculiar  possession 
of  a  single  people,  transmitted  without  serious  admixture  from  gen- 
eration to  generation,  and  expressing  the  peculiar  mentality  of  the 
race  to  which  it  belonged. 

To  the  English  public,  F.  Max  Miiller  became  the  interpreter  of 
such  conceptions,  and  through  his  presentation  the  theory  of  the 
solar  myth  for  a  brief  period  reigned  in  current  literature.  Such 
explanation  was  connected  with  the  habit  of  view,  according  to 
which  primitive  methods  of  thought  and  expression  radically  differed 
from  those  of  recent  time.  Men,  this  author  supposed,  had  once 
possessed  a  language-making  faculty,  in  virtue  of  which  an  external 
stimulus  produced  its  effect  in  sound ;  a  word  was  the  echo  of  the 
organism  to  such  impulse.  In  this  manner,  in  early  ages,  were 
formed  roots  of  language  ;  at  a  later  day,  when  no  longer  needed, 
the  faculty  became  atrophied.  Similarly  with  legend ;  there  had 
been  a  myth-making  age,  in  which  thanks  in  part  to  the  condition 
imposed  by  language,  numerous  histories  had  arisen  respecting  divine 
beings  ;  after  such  mental  stock  had  been  supplied,  followed  a  period 
of  reflection  and  combination.  Aryan  folk-lore,  according  to  this 
theory,  constituted  an  inheritance  from  the  remote  Aryan  past ; 
each  branch  of  the  Aryan  family  retained  and  modified  traditions, 
which  would  express  the  mental  qualities  of  each  special  people. 

The  sudden  ruin  of  this  hypothesis  was  owing  in  part  to  more 
exact  knowledge,  but  in  part  also  to  the  presumptions  derived  from 
other  fields  of  study.  Cataclysmic  explanations  of  creation  came  to 
be  discredited  ;  the  belief  gained  ground  that  natural  laws  had  not 
varied,  and  that  the  same  causes  formerly  at  work  were  working 
to-day. 

In  opposition  to  Miiller,  it  was  argued  that  language  required  no 
"  rhematic  "  or  word-making  period  ;  forces  now  active  were  suffi- 
cient to  have  produced  the  linguistic  outfit.  So  in  regard  to  ""'  th ; 
it  was  more  in  accord  with  scientific  tendencies  to  assume  that  tuere 
never  had  been  a  time  in  which  the  organism  corresponded  more 
directly  than  at  present  to  natural  influences,  or  that  mankind  had 
ever  possessed  a  direct  and  simple  relation  to  nature.  Far  from  sup- 
posing an  ancient  mythopoeic  age,  investigators  were  more  inclined 
to  assume  that  the  myth-making  faculty  is  as  existent  now  as  in 


Individual  and  Collective  Characteristics  in  Folk-Lore.     3 

any  former  period,  however  much  the  increasing  habit  of  reflection, 
the  veto  of  a  larger  experience,  may  negative  inclinations  in  this 
direction. 

The  prejudice  against  the  Aryan  theory,  arising  from  the  desire 
to  bring  theories  of  human  history  into  accord  with  general  scientific 
conceptions,  was  confirmed  by  special  investigations.  Research 
could  not  proceed  far  without  the  discovery  that  the  material  of  folk- 
lore was  European  rather  than  national ;  in  particular,  it  came  to  be 
known  that  the  mdrchen  of  Grimm,  save  in  language,  were  scarce 
more  German  than  they  were  English,  French,  Spanish,  or  Italian. 
In  place  of  hereditary  transmission  from  a  remote  past,  began  with 
more  and  more  confidence  to  be  asserted  the  view  of  relatively  recent 
borrowing.  In  this  manner,  the  attractive  doctrine  which  had  set 
down  popular  traditions  as  the  voices  of  the  different  peoples  fell 
into  total  ruin ;  it  came  to  be  perceived,  that  instead  of  being  pecul- 
iarly the  expression  of  national  characteristics,  traditional  literature 
is  a  racial  product  than  is  written  literature. 

Benfey  had  argued  that  the  real  source  of  European  folk-tales  was 
to  be  found  in  collections  of  Oriental  tales  which  through  written 
record  had  become  popular  in  Europe,  and  which,  as  he  thought, 
had  given  birth  to  a  vast  body  of  western  prose  and  verse.  In  this 
discussion,  the  weak  point  was  the  very  slender  relation  of  the  Occi- 
dental narratives  to  those  from  which  they  were  held  to  have  been 
borrowed.  In  1886,  the  learning  of  E.  Cosquin  gave  more  weight  to 
the  theory,  by  taking  into  account  the  great  body  of  oral  folk-lore  ; 
proving  beyond  a  doubt  the  identity  of  many  European  and  Asiatic 
mdrchen,  he  supposed  the  former  borrowed  from  the  latter,  ulti- 
mately from  India.  In  his  examination  of  English  ballads,  Francis 
James  Child  showed  that  these,  as  a  rule,  belonged  not  to  a  national, 
but  to  a  West-European  vine.  This  knowledge,  however,  found 
slow  acceptance  in  England.  In  1891,  when  the  author  of  this  article 
attended  the  Second  International  Folk-Lore  Conference,  it  was 
still  generally  held  by  English  students  of  folk-lore  that  popular 
traditions  were  local  and  racial,  and  had  descended  from  a  prehistoric 
national  past ;  the  resemblance  of  narratives  and  beliefs  found  in 
different  countries  might  arise,  it  was  still  thought,  from  that  inde- 
pendent origination  which  implies  only  the  like  action  of  the  human 
mind.  On  the  other  hand,  in  the  example  of  a  single  tale,  the  most 
widely  diffused  of  all  human  compositions,  the  writer  pointed  out 
that  in  England,  Ireland,  France,  Germany,  Russia,  and  Cashmere, 
in  the  "Arabian  Nights  "  and  in  Buddhist  scripture,  the  story  of  the 
bird-wife  has  entered  as  a  whole ;  that  in  all  cases  its  outline  and 
the  course  of  its  modifications  could  be  traced,  and  that  it  must  be 
regarded  as  having  migrated  by  way  of  translation,  in  the  same  man- 


4  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

ner  as  the  "  Pilgrim's  Progress  "  or  "  Robinson  Crusoe  "  might 
migrate.  For  the  process  of  such  dissemination  I  proposed  a  rule, 
namely,  that  in  folk-lore  as  in  civilization  diffusion  takes  place  from 
the  higher  culture  to  the  lower ;  whenever  two  races  are  in  culture- 
contact,  the  more  civilized,  itself  comparatively  unaffected,  bestows 
on  its  neighbor  the  entirety  of  its  ideas  and  traditions.  The  valve  is 
open  in  the  flow  from  information  from  the  superior  to  the  inferior, 
but  (with  rare  exceptions)  closed  in  the  inverse  direction.  This  prin- 
ciple, not  yet  generally  adopted,  appears  to  me  to  furnish  a  safe 
canon  of  guidance,  of  which  too  much  cannot  be  made.^ 

Within  the  past  decade,  the  hypothesis  of  diffusion  has  won  a 
final  victory,  and  so  far  as  Europe  is  concerned  is  not  now  ques- 
tioned. American  studies  seem  to  establish  the  same  relation,  inas- 
much as  they  show  that  particular  tales  have  wandered  from  one  end 
of  the  continent  to  the  other ;  while  the  rapid  modification  of  abori- 
ginal traditions  under  the  influence  of  contact  with  civilized  persons, 
the  speedy  absorption  of  European  folk-lore,  furnishes  the  most 
striking  example  of  the  law,  according  to  which  a  superior  neighbor 
remodels  the  ideas  of  an  inferior  with  whom  it  comes  into  touch. 

The  most  interesting  effect  of  this  change  of  view  is  the  different 
attitude  which  it  inspires  toward  racial  tendencies  and  acquirements. 
Instead  of  a  closed  race,  handing  down  from  generation  to  genera- 
tion its  own  stock  of  ideas  and  beliefs,  we  are  offered  only  a  stock 
of  opinions  and  traditions  common  to  a  whole  continent,  migrating 
with  disregard  of  the  barriers  offered  by  descent  or  language,  per- 
petually becoming  differentiated  into  new  forms,  which  in  their  turn 
spread  from  centres  of  culture,  varying  with  all  degrees  of  rapidity, 

^  The  International  Folk-Lore  Congress,  1891.  Papers  and  Transactiotis. 
London,  1892,  p.  64.  The  class  of  folk-tales  considered  is  that  of  narratives  which 
have  found  acceptance  in  many  countries,  and  the  metaphor  used  for  iUustration  is 
that  of  a  species  of  vegetable  which  has  originated  in  a  remote  civilization,  and  has 
differentiated  itself  into  new  varieties,  possessing  certain  advantages,  which  in  the 
course  of  commercial  intercourse  are  carried  into  distant  regions,  and  may  even 
supersede  the  original  plant  in  its  first  habitat.  That  there  can  be  any  such  thing 
as  a  theory  of  folk-tales  in  general  I  have  always  expressly  denied.  See  a  paper  on 
the  "  Theory  of  Diffusion  of  Folk-tales  "  (vol.  vii,  p.  14).  Professor  Gummere  is 
therefore  wrong  when  for  the  second  time,  not  having  noticed  my  correction  (vol. 
X,  p.  337),  he  ascribes  to  me  the  doctrine  which  makes  "the  folk-tale  a  degenerate 
form,  in  low  levels  of  culture,  of  something  composed  on  higher  levels."  {Begin- 
nings of  Poetry,  p.  179.)  To  point  out  the  various  inaccuracies  of  the  statement 
would  require  space  not  at  my  disposal ;  I  have  never  said  or  imagined  that  folk- 
tales are  found  only  in  low  conditions  of  culture,  or  that  they  were  composed 
amid  a  liigher  culture  than  that  in  which  they  have  been  collected.  What  is  true 
and  demonstrable  is  that  Norse  folk-tales,  for  example,  take  on  wilder  forms  as 
a  result  of  transmission  to  Lapps,  while  on  the  lips  of  American  Indians  Euro- 
pean vidrchen  absorb  aboriginal  elements. 


Individual  and  Collective  Characteristics  in  Folk-Lore.     5 

now  in  a  few  years  so  establishing  themselves  in  a  new  region  as  to 
supplant  the  ancient  flora,  now,  with  obstinate  conservatism,  main- 
taining themselves  without  essential  change  for  two  millenniums. 
The  phenomena  of  traditionology,  if  the  term  may  be  allowed,  have 
therefore  some  resemblance  to  those  of  botany. 

In  examining  the  problem  of  diffusion  from  country  to  country, 
we  are  only  contemplating,  on  a  magnified  scale,  that  of  diffusion 
from  individual  to  individual.  A  particular  European  tale,  as  we 
have  seen,  is  likely  not  to  be  autochthonous,  but  to  have  migrated 
into  the  country  where  we  find  it  established ;  it  belongs  not  to  Ger- 
many or  England  alone,  but  to  many  lands  ;  tracing  back  its  history, 
we  should  find,  if  the  evidence  were  adequate,  one  locality,  European 
or  Asiatic,  from  which  it  had  been  borrowed.  The  same  process 
would  apply  to  the  different  districts  of  the  original  country,  to  can- 
tons of  the  district,  and  families  of  the  canton.  In  the  end,  the 
tale,  though  now  world-wide,  would  be  found  to  have  proceeded 
from  the  mind  of  one  narrator,  whose  mentality  it  would  originally 
have  represented. 

We  may  now  ask,  in  how  far  is  this  single  authorship  consistent 
with  the  possession  of  those  collective  characteristics  which  are  attrib- 
uted to  folk-lore }  Reflection  points  out  that  these  qualities,  so  far 
as  they  really  exist,  are  perfectly  consistent  with  ultimate  reference 
to  individual  minds. 

In  the  first  place,  too  much  importance  cannot  be  assigned  to  the 
most  salient  property  of  folk-lore,  namely,  its  communication  by 
word  of  mouth.  In  the  case  of  a  written  document,  the  original 
remains  ;  if  imitators  modify  the  composition,  it  may  still  be  possible, 
by  recourse  to  the  original,  to  determine  the  method  of  development 
and  degree  of  deviation.  For  a  folk-tale  there  is  no  such  record  ; 
the  tale  has  its  life  only  in  the  memory  of  each  reciter,  who  may 
remodel  at  pleasure.  Growth  therefore  proceeds  with  entire  free- 
dom ;  the  organism  adapts  itself  to  new  conditions,  migrates  and 
settles  with  the  ease  of  a  weed.  As  with  a  word  of  the  language,  so 
with  traditional  history,  —  the  alteration  maybe  complete;  we  can 
only  say  that  the  first  reciter  was  the  author,  in  the  same  sense  as 
we  may  say  that  this  or  that  rill  is  the  source  of  a  river.  The  pre- 
sumptive inventor  himself  formed  the  tale  only  by  a  re-arrangement 
of  preexisting  elements  ;  and  it  is  generally  a  mere  matter  of  con- 
venience to  determine  whether  a  particular  tale  or  ballad  is  to  be 
considered  as  a  new  creation  or  as  a  variant  of  an  older  type;  the 
extent  to  which  we  are  ready  to  assume  varieties  is  dependent  on  the 
closeness  of  observation  which  we  choose  to  allow,  and  the  number 
of  pages  available  for  description.  It  will  therefore  be  permissible 
to  refer  the  mdrchen  to  any  one  of  its  hundred  authors,  or  to  set  it 


6  J otLvnal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

down,  without  precise  question,  as  the  property  of  the  community 
in  which  it  is  current. 

The  manner  of  transmission  affects  also  the  quaUty  of  the  tale. 
The  author  who  is  obliged  to  depend  on  the  memory  of  his  auditors 
for  the  permanence  of  his  production  must  deal  sparingly  in  personal 
peculiarities.  Suppose  that  his  composition  varies  in  a  striking  man- 
ner from  the  accepted  model  ;  one  or  two  repetitions,  on  the  lips  of 
narrators  indifferent  to  anything  more  than  the  main  action,  will 
assimilate  its  language  to  the  type  of  familiar  stories.  No  extreme 
deviations  from  accepted  belief  or  usual  emotion  are  likely  to  endure. 
In  this  manner,  the  tendency  of  unwritten  literature  will  be  toward 
the  average  ;  the  tale  will  represent,  not  the  opinions  of  this  or  that 
thinker,  but  the  mental  state  of  a  community.  It  may  then  well  be 
spoken  of  as  belonging  to  the  folk  as  a  whole,  rather  than  to  the 
Peter  or  Thomas  who  may  have  ushered  it  into  the  world. 

A  third  reason  for  the  non-individual  quality  of  folk-lore  may  be 
found  in  its  antiquity.  The  particular  narration  may  not  be  very 
old,  but  the  ideas  of  which  it  is  compounded  are  those  which  animate 
the  uncultured  part  of  the  community,  and  therefore  in  essence 
belong  to  a  time  long  past.  The  tale  will  therefore  partake  of  the 
character  of  antiquity  in  showing  simple  conditions  of  thought.  In 
the  cultivated  part  of  society,  differentiation  goes  on  with  speed ; 
new  senses,  so  to  speak,  are  continually  becoming  active  ;  in  place 
of  colors,  shades  become  objects  of  perception  ;  corresponding  to 
increased  specialization  of  functions,  individual  ways  of  feeling 
become  more  prominent,  and  find  expression  in  literature.  On  the 
other  hand,  folk-lore  will  maintain  the  relative  simplicity  of  the 
classes  among  which  it  is  chiefly  preserved  ;  left  to  the  conservatism 
of  the  people,  it  will  be  little  affected  by  the  continual  changes  of 
fashion  that  affect  literature.  From  the  lips  of  the  folk  it  will  take 
that  naive  quality  which  depends  on  simplicity  and  isolation  from 
the  great  world.  To  the  educated  hearer,  therefore,  the  oral  song  or 
speech  will  appear  more  or  less  uniform  ;  differences  between  one 
composition  and  another  will  be  imperceptible,  since  the  material 
lacks  the  vivid  contrasts  and  accentuation  of  personal  peculiarities 
to  which  he  is  accustomed  in  literature. 

Without  in  any  way  taking  from  individual  authorship,  the  qualities 
mentioned,  in  the  main  belonging  to  oral  as  distinguished  from  writ- 
ten literature,  sufficiently  explain  the  impression  produced  by  the 
former  as  collective  rather  than  personal,  and  as  spontaneous  rather 
than  artistic. 

When,  however,  we  suppose  that  because  all  ballads  or  tales  seem 
to  us  on  the  same  level  they  made  a  similar  impression  on  their  first 
hearers,  we  are  ovcrhasty.     To  the  ordinary  white  man  all  negroes 


Individual  and  Collective  Characteristics  in  Folk-Lore.     7 

or  Chinese  appear  to  resemble  one  another.  There  is  no  reason  to 
doubt  that  the  innovations  of  a  particular  reciter  would  appear  to  his 
audience  original ;  nor  is  it  to  be  supposed  that  every  folk-tale  cor- 
responded to  the  ideas  of  all  the  folk  who  listened  to  it,  any  more 
than  is  the  case  with  literary  productions.^  On  the  contrary,  we 
should  find  that  each  sect,  each  neighborhood,  had  its  distinctive 
folk-lore,  and  that  each  narrator  added  to  the  story  something  of  his 
personality. 

Granted  that  folk-tales  are  collective  only  in  the  sense  explained, 
it  may  further  be  asked  whether  the  process  of  imagination  by 
which  they  were  constructed  differed  in  any  assignable  respect 
from  that  usual  in  letters.  Various  such  criteria  might  be  presup- 
posed;  the  folk-artist,  it  may  be  guessed,  would  be  more  objective 
and  less  reflective,  might  deal  more  in  action  and  less  in  ethics, 
might  be  more  spontaneous  and  less  meditative.  Again,  folk-lore 
might  be  more  sterile,  less  capable  of  variation,  than  literature, 
which,  like  a  trailing  vine,  occupies  every  gap  through  which  sun- 
light may  be  obtained,  and  perpetually  seeks  a  free  atmosphere. 

For  the  examination  of  such  questions  we  have  now  a  considerable 
body  of  comparative  material,  which  enables  stories  and  verses  to  be 
followed  from  age  to  age,  and  allows  their  life-history  to  be  charted. 
In  this  Journal  I  have  recently  offered  such  discussions  in  the  case 
of  a  branch  of  the  "  Tale  of  the  Three  Wishes  "  and  in  a  very  famil- 
iar nursery  rhyme.  The  result  of  these  inquiries  is  decidedly  adverse 
to  the  distinctions  proposed.  The  folk-tales,  it  is  perceived,  vary 
with  even  greater  freedom  than  do  written  productions  ;  they  differ- 
entiate themselves  into  every  possible  form,  and  such  adaptation 
seems  to  be  the  result  of  the  activity  on  the  part  of  authors  who 
aimed  at  attaining  the  greatest  possible  measure  of  novelty.  The 
makers  who  depend  on  oral  communication  are  no  less  original  than 
the  makers  of  folk-books  ;  in  neither  case  is  there  any  such  thing  as 
unconsciousness,  or  any  other  process  than  that  with  which  we  are 
familiar  in  literature.^ 

Thus,  in  the  "  Tale  of  the  Three  Wishes,"  when  the  period  had 
passed  in  which  a  visitor,  as  outside  the  kin,  must  be  an  enemy, 
when  trade  and  barter  came  to  be  regarded  as  sources  of  wealth,  it 
became  desirable  to  protect  the  stranger  within  the  gates.  This  was 
accomplished  by  appeals  to  the  religious  feeling.     The  stranger,  for 

1  The  English  pubhc  which  assimilated  the  nursery  tales  of  Perrault  and  Grimm 
did  not  suppose  that  the  tales  were  true,  or  continue  to  believe  in  the  transforma- 
tions and  other  features  of  savage  belief  which  these  exhibit ;  they  simply  accepted 
the  narratives  as  agreeable  tales,  and  so  for  millenniums  have  their  ancestors 
proceeded  in  the  reception  of  myths. 

2  Vol.  xvii  (1904),  59;  xviii  (1905),  33  ff. 


8  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

all  that  his  host  knew,  might  be  divine  ;  he  might  be  a  god  of  the 
region,  who  had  undertaken  to  traverse  the  earth,  in  order  that  with 
his  own  eyes  he  might  inspect  the  proceedings  of  his  mortal  subjects. 
This  method  of  conception  was  carried  out  by  innumerable  tales, 
which  with  infinite  variation  have  continued  from  prehistoric  time 
to  wander  through  Europe  and  Asia.  These  exhibit  the  close  rela- 
tions of  oral  and  written  literature  ;  now  ascending  into  the  literary 
sphere  and  hence  once  more  descending  to  oral  narrations,  with  no 
essential  distinction  of  character  they  reappear  as  modern  folk-books. 
In  the  process  of  continual  change  the  histories  assume  all  imagi- 
nable forms  ;  every  opportunity  for  originality  is  eagerly  accepted  ; 
alike  in  its  fertility  and  in  its  power  of  development,  the  oral  produc- 
tions are  similar  to  the  written. 

In  this  case,  also,  the  oral  folk-tale  had  one  difference  resulting 
from  the  method  of  communication  ;  the  reciter  was  dependent  on  his 
memory,  which  might  be  imperfect,  and  oftentimes  alterations  in  a 
given  theme  are  due  to  no  other  cause  than  such  forgetfulness  ; 
in  filling  the  void  by  the  aid  of  the  other  material  with  which  his 
memory  was  stored,  the  narrator  proceeded  in  the  same  manner  as 
he  would  have  done  had  he  composed  pen  in  hand. 

The  conclusion  seems  to  be,  that  with  respect  to  methods  of 
authorship,  folk-lore  and  literature  present  no  salient  differences 
other  than  those  arising  from  the  manner  of  record. 

In  respect  to  poetry,  however,  this  doctrine  has  been  denied  by  a 
learned  student  of  literature;  in  a  work  on  "The  Beginnings  of 
Poetry,"  Prof.  F.  B.  Gummere  has  argued  that  verse  is  "communal" 
in  origin.^  In  this  inquiry  it  is  above  all  necessary  to  discriminate 
with  clearness.  What  novelty  has  the  definition  .''  What  does  the 
term  "  communal "  include,  beyond  those  collective  characteristics 
above  allowed,  and  which  have  universally  been  conceded  to  folk- 
song } 

The  additions  which  make  the  originality  of  the  thesis  consist  in 
the  union  of  two  notions,  spontaneity  and  concurrence.  Song, 
according  to  this  idea,  is  originally  an  immediate  creation,  arising 
from  the  response  to  an  emotional  impulse;  once  more,  such  creation 
arises  in  the  dance,  as  a  result  of  "  communal "  excitement,  and  is 
to  be  conceived  as  more  or  less  coincident  in  the  entire  dancing 
group.  Provision  being  thus  made  for  starting  the  poetical  process, 
what  remains  is  the  reaction  of  individual  minds  on  the  common 
material,  which  by  degrees  so  completely  transforms  song  that 
poetry,  which  in  the  first  instance  was  the  common  property  of  a 
throng,  and  had  its  birth  only  in  a  mass,  comes  in  the  end  to  bear 
exclusively  the  individual  stamp,  and  to  be  dependent  on  solitary 
*  The  Beginnings  of  Poetry,  New  York,  1901, 


hidividiial  and  Collective  Characieristics  in  Folk-Lore.     9 

inspiration.  The  working  out  of  these  contrasts,  this  "curve  of 
evolution,"  Professor  Gummere  conceives  (if  I  correctly  interpret 
his  mystical  doctrine)  to  be  exhibited  in  the  history  of  literature. 

In  the  first  place,  it  must  be  remarked  with  respect  to  this  theory 
that  it  has  suspiciously  the  character  of  those  outgrown  hypotheses 
which  Max  Miiller  for  a  time  made  so  famous.  As  the  latter  pre- 
sented us  with  a  myth-making  age,  so  Professor  Gummere  with  a 
song-making  age.  The  whole  argument  is  based  on  a  view  of  ethno- 
logy which  American  students  have  definitely  discarded,  namely,  on 
the  idea  of  a  primitive  simplicity,  freedom,  and  direct  contact  with 
nature.  Exactly  the  reverse  is  the  usual  method  of  present-day 
conception  ;  as  we  recede  in  time  and  in  the  order  of  culture,  for- 
mality, habit,  rigid  custom,  precise  ritual,  appear  to  TDrevail.  Go 
back  as  far  as  we  may,  we  never  arrive  at  origins,  or  at  simple  and 
natural  opinions  ;  we  find  only  artificial  and  complicated  systems  of 
belief  and  worship,  built  on  the  ruins  of  other  antecedent  systems, 
extending  farther  than  the  eye  can  reach. 

Theories  of  origin,  whether  of  language  or  thought,  are  to  be 
viewed  with  suspicion  ;  the  ethnologist  and  folk-lorist,  confident  that 
philosophical  speculation  can  never  enlighten  his  subject,  but  is  cer- 
tain to  obscure  and  distort  it,  will  keep  himself  as  far  as  possible 
from  any  speculations  which  transgress  the  field  of  actual  experi- 
ence. If  the  facts  are  not  adequate  for  a  secure  conclusion  he  will 
seek  to  enlarge  the  field  of  knowledge,  knowing  that  disagreements 
of  theory  arise  only  from  the  existence  of  chasms  in  the  record. 

The  evidence  by  which  the  opinion  in  question  is  sustained  may 
be  sought  either  in  the  field  of  European  and  Asiatic  folk-lore,  that 
is  to  say  among  races  in  a  state  of  civilization,  or  among  lower 
tribes.  In  both  fields  there  is  a  good  deal  of  room  for  more  accurate 
information  ;  and  it  is  on  this  account,  rather  than  with  intent  to 
examine  a  philosophical  hypothesis,  that  I  venture  to  add  a  few 
remarks. 

In  regard  to  English  folk-verse,  it  is  particularly  the  ballads,  as 
songs  performed  in  the  dance,  to  which  attention  is  called.  In  regard 
to  these  it  is  admitted  that  from  existing  material  the  doctrine  of 
spontaneity  obtains  small  support.  Study  of  ballads  leads  to  results 
exactly  corresponding  to  those  above  formulated  for  folk-tales  ;  bal- 
lads also  are  generally  international  and  European ;  as  we  are  re- 
quired to  assign  each  composition  ultimately  to  some  particular  land, 
so,  by  a  parity  of  evidence,  we  are  referred  to  one  composer  as  author 
of  words  and  melody.  Not  that  ballads  did  not  continue  at  all 
times  to  be  composed ;  these  came  into  existence  in  all  countries  and 
periods  ;  but,  as  the  existing  stock  was  adequate,  new  productions 
seldom  found  a  degree  of  popular  assent  sufficient  to  establish  them 
as  traditional. 


lO  yoiirnal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

In  the  case  of  one  ballad,  and  that  an  American  one,  of  relatively 
late  authorship,  it  has  been  possible  to  trace  the  song  to  its  source ;  a 
written  and  highly  literary  production  of  the  late  eighteenth  century, 
belonging  to  a  town  in  western  Massachusetts,  passed  into  familiar 
oral  use,  developed  numerous  variants,  oral  and  written,  and  took  on 
a  crude  love  history  ;  in  the  course  of  transmission,  according  to  the 
universal  law,  the  peculiar  qualities  of  the  original  poem  were  elim- 
inated.^ As  has  been  the  case  with  European  ballads  in  general, 
this  chant  obtained  uses  not  originally  intended,  and  passed  into  a 
nursery  lullaby.  One  fact  is  worth  a  thousand  speculations ;  it  is 
easy  to  understand  how,  in  an  earlier  period  of  history,  a  song  of 
this  sort  might  have  crossed  the  seas  and  become  international ;  no 
doubt,  among  the  stock  of  European  ballads,  many  may  have  origi- 
nated from  the  circumstances  of  a  particular  event. 

Whatever  opinions  respecting  the  origins  of  dramatic  songs  be 
adopted,  —  and  these  can  scarcely  be  reducible  to  any  one  theory, 
seeing  that  the  evolution  would  differ  for  each  separate  case,  — 
allowance  must  be  made  for  that  habit  of  poetical  composition  which 
seems  in  all  races  and  at  all  times  to  have  been  a  general  human 
possession.  From  a  period  long  before  the  daughters  of  Israel  sang 
before  Saul,  every  occasion  in  tribal  or  national  life  would  have  been 
expressed  in  verse  and  danced  in  ballad  ;  every  individual  character- 
istic would  have  given  opportunity  for  malicious  wit,  and  every  im- 
portant personage  be  exposed  to  lampoons,  which  would  have  even 
been  more  dreaded  than  in  our  day  is  the  caricature  of  the  comic 
artist.  Out  of  this  perpetually  replenished  mass  of  song,  for  the  most 
part  dying  in  the  hour  of  its  birth,  here  and  there  a  particular  phrase 
or  melody  would  attract  attention,  be  remembered,  become  subject  to 
traditional  recollection  with  its  attendant  variation,  and  eventually, 
after  the  manner  described,  abdicate  separate  peculiarities,  assume 
the  conventional  type,  and  become  part  of  the  common  stock  of 
poetry.  If  in  this  process,  either  at  the  birth  of  the  song  or  in  the 
course  of  its  life  history,  there  were  a  collaboration  of  several  intelli- 
gences, and  so  a  composite  authorship,  it  would  be  no  more  than  now 
takes  place  in  a  theatrical  composition,  which  in  its  several  rehear- 
sals undergoes  alteration  in  conformity  with  the  suggestions  of  actors 
and  managers.  In  the  whole  process  there  seems  to  be  no  more 
difificulty  and  mystery  than  belongs  to  all  literary  creation,  in  its 
nature  always  more  or  less  mysterious,  and  nothing  which  requires 
the  assumption  of  any  psychological  laws  or  mental  processes  dif- 
fering from  those  daily  familiar. 

As  regards  lyrical  song,  English  folk-verse  is  singularly  wanting, 
a  deficiency  perhaps  owing  more  to  the  lack  of  record  than  to  origi- 
^  Early  AtnertcaJi  Ballads,  vol.  xiii,  p.  107  ff. 


Individual  and  Collective  Characteristics  i7i  Folk-Lore.     1 1 

nal  inferiority.  The  frequent  beauty  of  the  initial  verses  which 
Burns  has  borrowed  from  the  Scottish  folk-song  of  his  day,  and  of 
which  he  has  made  literary  use,  leads  us  to  regret  the  failure  of  any- 
thing like  a  representative  gathering.  So  also  Shakespeare  employs 
and  transforms  the  English  lyric  song  of  his  own  time,  and  shows 
the  attraction  and  fresh  poetical  character  which  it  must  in  many 
cases  have  possessed. 

Among  the  many  types  of  popular  verse  is  to  be  mentioned  one 
very  familiar  on  the  continent  of  Europe,  but  almost  unknown  in 
English  record,  namely,  brief  and  separate  stanzas  of  a  lyric  quality. 
In  German  and  Scandinavian  regions  the  predominant  form  is  the 
quatrain ;  the  lines  exhibit  a  sentimental  quality,  or  else  are  satiri- 
cal ;  present  is  a  conscious  feeling  for  nature,  which  the  ballad 
proper  shows  chiefly  in  the  refrain.  In  the  Latin  languages  the  variety 
of  such  verse  is  far  greater;  distichs,  terzets,  quatrains,  stanzas  of 
six  and  eight  lines  are  represented,  often  with  complicated  metrical 
and  rhythmical  arrangements.  The  poetry  generally  shows  a  highly 
literary  and  elaborate  character  ;  as  in  the  case  of  the  German 
quatrains,  the  relation  of  this  popular  verse  to  cultivated  poetry  pre- 
sents difficult  and  unsolved  problems.^ 

Frequently  stanzas  of  this  sort  are  used  for  social  purposes. 
Either  in  the  open  air  or  in  the  chamber,  one  singer  will  contend 
against  another.  In  these  contests  the  victory  will  belong  to  him 
who  can  with  the  greatest  ease  and  abundance  continue  to  offer 
problems  which  his  antagonist  must  solve.  The  offering  and  guess- 
ing of  rhymed  riddles  is  one  of  the  most  common  forms  of  such 
rivalries.  These  competitions  are  nothing  new,  being  older  than  the 
time  of  Virgil  and  indeed  of  Samson.  Yet  it  does  not  follow  that 
the  popular  verses  of  this  sort  have  come  down  from  remote  antiquity 
in  their  original  form  and  unaffected  by  the  influence  of  literature. 
Rather,  proper  theory  would  indicate  that  while  a  material  may  be 
world-old  in  essence  and  may  from  the  remotest  times  have  been 
universally  familiar,  yet  the  form  in  which  that  matter  is  presented 
undergoes  continual  variation,  and  that,  according  to  the  rule  above 

1  Called  schiiaderhupji  in  the  Austrian  highlands,  stev  in  Norway,  etc.  See 
Gummere,  p.  405  ff.,  and  his  references. 

It  is  a  pity  that  Professor  Gummere's  discussion  of  all  this  material  is  so  ob- 
scured by  the  hypothesis  that  his  mention  is  scarce  useful  for  descriptive  pur- 
poses. That  the  amoebean  chant  and  Fescennine  contest  in  mirth  and  satire 
existed  in  Italy  and  elsewhere  from  the  most  remote  times,  and  that  the  modern 
usages  may  be  considered  as  connected,  is  obvious;  but  that  any  recession  in  date 
carries  us  any  nearer  to  the  time  of  spontaneity  and  concurrence,  demanded  by 
the  thesis,  does  not  appear.  On  the  contrary,  the  allusions  most  remote  in  the 
order  of  time  seem  to  me  rather  indicative  of  the  opposite  principle,  namely,  the 
resemblance  of  poetic  methods  in  the  past  to  those  in  the  present. 


1 2  yourjzal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

offered,  waves  of  influence  in  perpetual  series  descend  through  the 
social  scale,  and  continually  remodel  the  traditional  verse  into  types 
answering  to  those  which,  have  been  developed  by  literary  invention. 

In  encounters  of  this  sort,  invention  would  of  course  be  allowed, 
and  the  onlooker  would  probably  be  impressed  with  the  idea  that 
the  entire  product  was  extemporaneous.  Yet  examination  and  collec- 
tion proves  that  this  is  not  so.  The  stanzas  or  staves  in  question,  for 
the  most  part,  form  an  inherited  treasure  ;  they  are  common  to  many 
districts,  have  wandered  and  varied,  and  are  not  generally  to  be 
referred  to  the  particular  locality  in  which  they  have  been  discov- 
ered ;  as  before  observed  with  regard  to  ballads,  each  separate  stanza 
also  must  originally  have  come  from  one  mind  in  one  place.  The 
reciters,  who  in  this  social  game  compete  with  one  another,  have  their 
memory  stored  with  a  fund  of  traditional  verses.  The  contest,  in 
short,  answers  very  much  to  that  capping  of  verses  which  when 
I  was  a  boy  formed  a  favorite  amusement ;  the  distinction  being, 
that  the  youth  in  case  of  dif^culty  was  not  expected  to  rely  on  his 
invention,  while  the  popular  singer,  if  quick  enough,  might  extricate 
himself  by  an  effort  of  ingenuity. 

Extemporaneous  composition  of  verse  forms  a  social  exercise  still 
in  some  degree  indulged  in ;  it  is  not  an  uncommon  pastime  to 
assign  each  person  of  a  company  a  pencil  and  a  theme,  and  to  amuse 
the  audience  by  the  subsequent  reading  aloud  of  such  lucubrations. 
Neither  is  the  practice  as  common,  nor  the  results  as  striking  as  they 
were  in  the  time  of  Matthew  Prior,  of  whom  it  is  said  :  "  In  a  French 
company,  when  every  one  sang  a  little  song  or  stanza,  of  which  the 
burden  was  given  —  Bannissoits  la  melancholie, — when  it  came  to 
his  turn  to  sing,  after  the  performance  of  a  young  lady,  he  produced 
these  extemporary  and  elegant  lines  :  — 

Mais  cette  voix,  et  ces  beaux  yeux 
Font  Cupidon  trop  dangereux, 
Et  je  suis  triste  quand  je  crie 
Bannissons  la  melancholie." 

The  example  proves  the  more  intellectual  character  of  such  games  in 
the  past,  when,  instead  of  "  I  love  my  love  with  an  A,"  or  the  chil- 
dren's sport  in  which  the  catcher  of  a  thrown  handkerchief  is  required 
to  name  a  certain  animal,  until  the  list  is  exhausted  and  forfeit  must 
be  paid,  the  person  selected  was  expected  to  produce  a  song  on  the 
spot.  The  abandonment  of  such  demands  is  only  a  result  of  the 
specialization  of  functions,  and  consequent  raising  of  the  standard  of 
excellence  to  a  degree  which  makes  only  professionals  incline  to 
perform  ;  yet  in  music,  the  habit  of  extemporaneous  composition 
continues,  and  probably  the  relation  of  the  free  part  of  the  perform- 
ance to  the  themes  and  suggestions  which  the  extemporizer  derives 


Individual  and  Collective  Characteristics  in  Folk-Lore.     13 

from  his  memory  may  serve  to  represent  the  degree  of  originality 
which  the  extemporizing  poet  of  earlier  generations  might  expect  to 
attain. 

In  the  case  of  games  of  children,  extemporization  has  had  a  share. 
A  pretty  example  is  found  in  the  duet :  — 

I  'II  give  to  you  a  paper  of  pins, 
And  that 's  the  way  my  love  begins, 
If  you  will  marry  me. 

The  antagonist  replies  with  a  refusal :  — 

I  don't  accept  your  paper  of  pins,  etc. 

In  this  play,  after  the  remembered  verses  have  been  exhausted, 
additional  offers  may  be  made  up  at  pleasure :  as  the  little  reciter 
said,  improvising  at  the  moment,  and  without  hesitation  :  — 

I  '11  give  to  you  a  dress  of  black, 
A  green  silk  apron  and  a  white  hat, 
If  you  will  marry  me. 

In  spite  of  this  flight  of  imagination,  the  song  in  which  these 
verses  are  included  is  of  very  ancient  origin,  being  a  branch  of  the 
English  marriage  game,  in  itself  doubtless  originally  ritual,  and,  like 
most  other  English  game-songs,  international.  In  this  case  the 
improvised  element  was  certainly  not  the  original  motive  ;  and  it 
seems  to  me  likely  that  this  instance  represents  a  pretty  general 
relation. 1 

The  conclusion  of  these  inadequate  remarks  seems  to  be,  that 
neither  in  respect  of  spontaneity  nor  concurrence  did  the  past  pre- 
sent any  striking  psychological  differences  from  the  present  ;  the 
alleged  collective  or  "communal  "  character  of  folk-song,  its  simpli- 
city and  universality,  are  sufficiently  explained  by  its  oral  medium, 
and  by  the  relatively  simple  life  of  antiquity  as  compared  with  the 
more  differentiated  present. 

1  In  his  discussion,  Professor  Gummere  (p.  284)  passes  over  the  song-games  of 
children.  This  is  a  pity,  seeing  that  these  afford  the  best  opportunity  of  testing 
his  doctrine.  The  existing  material  does  not  favor  his  hypothesis ;  indeed, 
observation  of  children  at  play  seems  to  show  that  cooperative  and  extempora- 
neous composition  of  games  offers  no  psychological  methods  differing  from  those 
involved  in  the  continual  creation  of  speech,  or  the  process  of  invention  with  older 
folk.     See  my  Games  and  Songs  of  American  Children,  2d  ed.,  Introduction. 

A  case  in  which  extemporization  is  more  frequent  is  supplied  by  "Sailors' 
Chanties,"  treated  by  Mr.  Hutchison  in  the  following  article.  Here  also  the 
same  "  chantie"  usually  exists  in  many  versions;  the  theme  frequently  involves 
reference  to  the  fixed  literary  stock;  the  improvised  element  appears  to  be  second- 
ary. It  may,  however,  be  conceded  that  this  very  quality,  the  free,  though  often 
small  addition  which  each  reciter  makes,  gives  to  a  folk-tale  or  folk-song  that 
simplicity,  freedom,  and  absence  of  self-consciousness  which  constitute  much  of 
its  attraction. 


1 4  journal  of  A  merican  Folk-L  ore. 

In  regard  to  native  American  peoples,  the  same  questions  arise. 
In  many  cases,  these  have  impressed  observers  with  the  idea  that  all 
the  tribal  song  is  extemporized.  Is  not  this  opinion  the  consequence 
of  imperfect  record  t  Does  there  not  exist,  or  has  there  not  existed, 
in  each  case,  a  body  of  ancient  and  perhaps  ceremonial  poetry  1 
Even  if  the  stock  of  verse  does  not  now  possess  a  fixed  and  ritual 
character,  will  it  not  be  found,  as  in  the  case  of  the  German  quat- 
rains, to  be  more  or  less  inherited .-'  How  wide  are  the  limits  of 
originality  on  the  part  of  the  extemporizing  composer  .-• 

To  these  questions  corrrespond  others  relating  to  the  theory  of 
song  itself.  Are  there  insensible  limits,  by  which  the  chant  of  the 
tale,  in  exciting  passages,  passes  over  into  a  form  of  verse  .^  In 
aboriginal  American  verse  what  are  the  rhythmical  laws }  Are  the 
refrains  by  which  dramatic  song  may  be  accompanied  limited  in 
number,  and,  as  often  in  the  European  ballad,  suitable  for  many 
chants,  or  is  each  refrain  only  for  one  composition  .-*  Is  the  refrain 
always  the  response  of  the  company  to  the  chant  of  one  singer  .-* 
These  are  interrogatories  which  could  be  indefinitely  extended,  but 
may  be  sufficient  to  suggest  to  the  inquirer  that  there  is  still  oppor- 
tunity to  make  important  contributions  to  knowledge. 

To  return  to  the  general  question,  the  difference  between  folk- 
song, as  collective,  and  written  verse,  as  individual.  The  extent  to 
which  this  distinction  is  real  has  been  examined,  and  I  see  no  need 
to  add  a  qualification.  The  whole  matter  seems  to  amount  to  this, 
that  the  habit  of  writing  has  permitted  the  writer  to  fix  permanently 
his  own  ideas  and  peculiarities.  Before  writing  was  used,  a  similar 
result  was  attained  by  groups  of  literati,  who  could  trust  to  the 
memory  of  friends  or  pupils.  So  again,  one  can  hardly  say  that  the 
folk-song  is  more  collective  than  are  modern  newspapers  avowedly 
edited  by  their  readers.  Thus  between  folk-lore  and  literature  exist 
intermediate  territories. 

If  it  be  asked,  whether  the  distinction  of  collective  and  individual 
thought  can  serve  as  a  clue  to  the  history  of  literature,  in  the  sense 
that  the  former  was  the  original  mental  state,  the  latter  the  final 
result  reached  only  in  modern  time,  I  should,  for  my  own  part,  reject 
the  proposition.  There  never  was  a  time,  since  mankind  emerged  from 
the  brute  condition,  in  which  literary  invention  and  expression  was 
not  as  individual  as  it  is  to-day.  There  never  was  a  time  when  the 
prophet  and  poet  did  not  seek  his  inspiration  in  solitude  just  as  he  does 
to-day.  The  question  whether  early  or  present  man  is  the  more 
social,  makes  one  of  those  philosophic  theses  which  can  be  answered 
with  equal  correctness  in  favor  of  either  alternative. ^     Literature,  in 

*  In  the  Beginnings  of  Poetry^  p.  141,  we  read:  "As  the  individual  frees  him- 
self from  the  clogs  of  his  mediaeval  guild,  in  literature  as  in  life,  there  begins  the 


Individual  and  Collective  Characteristics  in  Folk-Lore.     1 5 

any  time  and  place,  is  part  of  human  life  in  that  period  and  locality ; 
its  history  represents  continually  differentiating  and  developing  ex- 
perience. Oral  literature,  contiguous  to  written  literature,  makes 
part  of  the  human  realm,  but  is  subject  to  no  special  and  distinct 
psychologic  principles. 

Relations  between  extemporaneous  and  traditional  verse  corre- 
spond to  those  discernible  between  conversation  and  literature. 
Over  against  the  free  form  of  expression  there  has  always  existed  a 
determinate  form,  by  which  the  former  is  affected.  We  gain  no- 
thing, as  it  seems  to  me,  by  assuming  an  imaginary  primal  stage 
in  which  one  is  supposed  to  have  been  the  product  of  the  other. 

William  Wells  Newell. 

distinctly  modern  idea  of  fame,  of  glory,  as  a  personal  achievement  apart  from 
community  or  state;  and  there,  too,  begins  the  idea  of  literary  property."  It 
seems  to  me,  however,  that  during  the  Middle  Age,  and  in  antiquity,  writers 
signed  their  names  about  to  the  same  extent  as  do  moderns.  The  excuse  for 
Nyrop's  strange  statement  may  be,  that  authors  who  depended  on  oral  record  had 
no  opportunity  for  signature.  As  to  property  in  verse,  we  have  a  striking  Ameri- 
can Indian  example  in  the  well-known  custom  according  to  which  a  shaman  alone 
can  use  the  songs  which  he  has  bought,  and  which  he  will  sell.  No  doubt  the 
ancient  or  medieeval  poet  was  usually  dependent  on  the  bounty  of  a  patron  to 
whom  he  usually  left  the  reward  (taking  care  that  his  song  should  extol  the  merits 
of  liberality).  Sometimes,  however,  he  fixed  his  own  valuation.  In  the  Irish 
Acallamh  na  senorach  (Colloquy  of  the  elders),  we  read  of  a  prince  of  Leinster 
who  died  of  shame  because  he  could  not  pay  cash  to  a  panegyrist,  who  in  conse- 
quence threatened  a  lampoon.  In  a  poem  of  Li  Tae  Po  (eighth  century)  we  hear 
of  a  Chinese  lady  who  pays  gold  for  love  verses. 


1 6  yournal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 


SAILORS'  CHANTIES. 

In  attempting  to  account  for  poetic  origins,  it  was  formerly  the 
custom  to  refer  them  to  the  individual ;  of  late  the  tendency  has  been 
to  refer  them  to  the  crowd.  The  individual  poet,  whether  working 
in  the  solitude  of  his  closet,  or,  as  minstrel,  in  the  glare  of  the  hall, 
has  been  perceived  to  be  too  sophisticated  a  person,  too  conscious  an 
artist,  to  stand  at  the  beginning  of  poetic  developments.  For  the 
most  part,  primitive  poetry  is  far  too  impersonal,  far  too  haphazard 
and  inconsequential,  to  admit  of  the  individualistic  hypothesis ; 
whereas  if  the  communal  theory  be  allowed,  not  only  are  these  very 
phenomena  explicable,  but  also  are  they  perceived  to  be  the  logical 
consequence  of  precisely  such  a  method.  Whether  or  not  the  com- 
munal theory  should  be  called  upon  to  account  for  everything  in 
primitive  poetry  is  a  far-reaching  question,  and  one  which  does  not 
fall  within  the  scope  of  this  paper.  All  that  this  paper  will  attempt 
to  do  will  be  to  follow  through  certain  actual  instances  of  communal 
composition  which  happened  to  come  under  the  observation  of  the 
author  ;  and  although  the  ballads  cited  may  be  familiar  to  many,  still 
it  is  hoped  that  the  discussion  of  them  from  this  point  of  view  may 
prove  of  interest. 

Some  years  ago  it  was  the  fortune  of  the  author  to  spend  part  of 
his  time  cruising  on  merchant  sailing-ships,  when  he  became  attracted 
by  the  chanties^  —  those  songs  sailors  are  accustomed  to  sing  when 
hauling  at  the  sails,  walking  the  capstan  round,  w^orking  the  windlass, 
or  toiling  at  the  pumps.  A  few  of  these  chanties  he  collected  ;  but 
the  collection  was  soon  forgotten,  and  came  no  more  to  his  mind 
until  a  short  time  ago,  when  he  happened  to  be  concerned  with  bal- 
lad problems.  Then  it  was  that  the  chantie-singing  to  which  he  had 
so  often  listened  appeared  in  a  new  light,  for  it  became  at  once  appar- 
ent that  here  was  a  contemporary,  dramatic,  and  complete  exempli- 
fication of  the  communal  process. 

The  indispensable  conditions  for  the  communal  origination  of 
poetry  are,  according  to  the  hypothesis,  two  :  first,  a  folk  sufficiently 
homogeneous  to  possess  a  fund  of  common  knowledge  ;  and,  secondly, 
at  least  one  individual  who,  when  such  a  people  is  gathered  together, 
can  lead  in  what  may  be  termed  the  composital-recitation  of  the  deeds 
of  the  tribe.  In  a  word,  it  is  necessary  to  have  only  a  crowd  and 
a  "fore-singer."  Now  both  of  these  are  found  on  board  the  sailing- 
ship  at  sea.  Excepting  the  officers,  we  have  a  band  of  men  engaged 
in  a  common  occupation,  —  that  of  working  the  ship,  —  so  that  the 
group  is  ideally  homogeneous  ;  and  from  amongst  this  group  a  chantie- 
^  Sailors  pronounce  this,  generally,  as  if  it  were  "shanty." 


Sailors  Chanties.  17 

leader  quickly  succeeds  in  asserting  himself,  —  that  is  to  say,  our 
"fore-singer"  is  also  at  hand.  As  to  the  impulse  which  compels 
such  a  group  of  men  to  communal  singing,  and  to  communal  com- 
posing, the  question  is  one  which  may  be  postponed  for  the  moment ; 
for  the  present,  it  will  be  sufficient  to  accept  the  fact  of  the  impulse, 
and  to  confine  the  examination  to  the  songs  themselves. 

Since  this  is  an  age  of  books,  —  the  poetry  with  which  we  have  to 
deal  being  primitive  logically,  not  temporally,  —  obviously  it  would  be 
possible  for  sailors  to  use  "book"  songs.  And  to  a  certain  extent  this 
is  done.  There  exist  "Sailors'  Song  Books"  containing  such  speci- 
mens of  the  "poetry  of  art "  as  it  would  seem  ought  to  appeal  to  the 
sailor-mind,  and  these  songs  are  occasionally  used  as  chanties.  But 
such  songs  do  not  displace  those  which  the  sailors  communally  com- 
pose, although  their  influence  upon  the  latter  is  clearly  discernible. 
Indeed,  whole  lines,  sometimes  whole  stanzas,  of  well-known  ballads 
and  songs  will  be  found  imbedded  in  chanties  otherwise  unmistakably 
of  communal  origin.  The  difference  between  songs  composed  fof 
sailors  and  those  composed  by  sailors  becomes  quickly  apparent, 
however,  as  soon  as  direct  comparison  is  made  between  the  two.  As 
a  specimen  of  what  might  be  termed  the  "chantie  of  art,"  a  stanza 
from  the  "Anchor  Song  "  in  Kipling's  "The  Seven  Seas  "  will  serve 
the  purpose  admirably  :  — 

(Solo.)  Heh  !     Walk  her  round.     Heave,  ah  heave  her  short  again  ! 

Over,  snatch  her  over,  there,  and  hold  her  on  the  pawl. 
Loose  all  sail,  and  brace  your  yards  aback  and  full  — 
Ready  jib  to  pay  her  off  and  heave  short  all ! 

(Chorus.)    Well,  ah  fare  you  well ;  we  can  stay  no  more  with  you,  my 
love  — 
Down,  set  down  your  liquor  and  your  girl  from  off  your  knee; 
For  the  wind  has  come  to  say  : 
You  must  take  me  while  you  may, 
If  you  'd  go  to  Mother  Carey, 
(Walk  her  down  to  Mother  Carey  !) 
Oh,  we  're  bound  to  Mother  Carey  where  she  feeds  her  chicks 
at  sea !  ^ 

This  is  breezy,  certainly,  and  with  a  fine,  compelling  swing;  in 
short,  it  seems  to  be  in  one  of  Kipling's  happiest  moods.  But  as  a 
song  to  get  the  anchor  up  by,  it  is  too  complex,  too  ornate,  in  a  word, 
too  artificial.  Hardly  a  word  of  this  stanza  could  be  changed,  cer- 
tainly no  line  could  be  changed,  and  not  materially  alter  the  whole. 
In  brief,  this  song  was  made,  it  did  not  grow.  Let  this  be  contrasted, 
now,  with  a  genuine  capstan  chantie  c^  — 

1  Rudyard  Kipling,  The  Seven  Seas,  N.  Y.,  1896,  p.  87. 

"^  The  capstan  is  used  in  bringing  the  anchor  to  the  "  cat-head,"  the  beam  to 
VOL.  XIX.  —  NO.  72.  2 


1 8  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

(Solo.)      Our  anchor  we  '11  weigh,  and  our  sails  we  will  set, 
(Chorus.)  Good-bye,  fare  ye  well, 

Good-bye,  fare  ye  well, 
(Solo.  The  friends  we  are  leaving  we  leave  with  regret, 

(Chorus.)  Hurrah,  my  boys,  we  're  homeward  bound  ! 

We  're  homeward  bound,  oh  joyful  sound  ! 

Good-bye,  etc., 

Good  bye,  etc., 
Come  rally  the  capstan  and  run  quick  around, 

Hurrah,  etc. 

We  're  homeward  bound,  we  'd  have  you  know, 

Good-bye,  etc., 

Good-bye,  etc.. 
And  over  the  water  to  England  must  go. 

Hurrah,  etc. 

Heave  with  a  will,  and  heave  long  and  strong, 

Good-bye,  etc., 

Good-bye,  etc., 
Sing  a  good  chorus,  for  't  is  a  good  song, 

Hurrah,  etc. 

"  We  're  homeward  bound,"  you  've  heard  us  say, 
Good-bye,  etc., 
Good-bye,  etc.. 
Hook  on  the  cat-fall,  there,  and  run  her  away, 
Hurrah,  etc. 

Clearly,  this  chantie  grew.  The  reader  realizes  that  it  is  only  by 
chance  the  words  are  what  they  are,  and  where  they  are ;  as  one 
reads,  there  is  entirely  lacking  any  feeling  of  inevitableness  as  to 
words  or  lines.  That  each  line  has  been  improvised  to  suit  the 
exigencies  of  the  moment  is  evident ;  the  only  necessitation  one  feels 
is  in  regard  to  the  rhyme-word  of  the  second  solo-line.  Conscious 
structure  there  is  none,  or  almost  none.  Line  could  interchange 
with  line,  stanza  with  stanza,  the  whole  could  be  longer  or  shorter, 
and  the  chantie  would  be  no  worse,  and  no  better,  structurally,  than 
it  is  now.  The  whole  is  haphazard,  inconsequential,  and,  excepting 
the  refrain,  absolutely  spontaneous. 

On  board  ship,  "das  Volk  dichtet,"  to  use  Grimm's  phrase.  But 
this  does  not  mean  that  all  shout  at  once ;  it  simply  means  that  any 

which  the  anchor  is  lashed  while  the  ship  is  at  sea.  The  anchor  is  raised  from 
the  bottom  by  the  windlass,  situated  below  the  fo'csle-deck,  but  worked  from  the 
latter  by  means  of  handles  which  travel  up  and  down. 


Sailors  Chanties.  19 

chantie  for  the  moment  under  consideration  —  if  it  be  a  genuine 
sailor's  chantie  —  is  the  production  of  considerably  more  than  one 
Dichter,  and  that,  although  we  may  come  across  other  versions  of 
the  same  song,  we  shall  never  meet  with  two  sailors  who  sing  it 
exactly  alike,  —  except  as  to  the  refrain.  Indeed,  we  shall  not  find 
the  same  sailor  singing  the  same  words  twice,  —  except,  again,  as  to 
the  refrain.  A  word  will  be  said  later  as  to  these  refrains,  which 
pass  from  ship  to  ship,  from  generation  of  seamen  to  generation. 
As  a  further  illustration  of  improvisation  and  refrain  this  masthead- 
ing chantie  is  typical  :  — 

As  I  was  going  to  Rig-a-ma-row, 
(Chorus.)        I  say  so,  and  I  hope  so, 

I  saw  an  old  man  go  riding  by, 
(Chorus.)       Poor  —  old  —  man. 

Said  I,  old  man  your  horse  will  die, 

I  say  so,  etc. 
Said  I,  old  man  your  horse  will  die, 

Poor  —  old  —  man. 

And  if  he  dies  I  '11  tan  his  skin,  etc. 

And  from  his  hide  I  '11  make  my  shoes,  etc. 

The  extent  to  which  the  anatomy  of  the  horse  might  be  utilized  in 
such  a  ballad  as  this  is  obviously  infinite,  and  would  in  any  instance 
be  determined  solely  by  the  length  of  time  required  to  masthead  the 
sail.  Let  us  assume  that  to  be  some  smaller  piece  of  top-canvas, 
and  pass  to  the  conclusion  of  the  chantie,  which  is  apt  to  go  some- 
thing like  this  :  — 

(Solo.)     I  thought  I  heard  the  first-mate  say 

He  'd  give  us  grog  three  times  to-day. 
(All.)  Belay ! 

Among  other  popular  mastheading  chanties  are  the  following  :  — 


Whiskey  is  the  life  of  man, 

Whiskey  for  Johnnie  ! 
Whiskey  from  an  old  tin  can, 

Whiskey  for  Johnnie. 

Whiskey  here  and  whiskey  there, 

Whiskey,  etc. 
Whiskey  almost  everywhere. 

Whiskey,  etc. 


20  journal  of  American  Folk-Lore, 

Whiskey  made  the  skipper  say, 

Whiskey,  etc. 
Another  pull  and  then  belay, 

Whiskey,  etc. 

II. 

Oh,  up  aloft  the  yard  must  go  ! 

So  handy,  my  boys,  so  handy. 
Oh,  up  aloft  from  down  below, 

So  handy,  my  boys,  so  handy. 

Oh,  sing  and  haul,  and  haul  and  sing, 

So  handy,  etc. 
Right  up  aloft  the  yard  we  '11  bring, 

So  handy,  etc. 

When  it  is  set  the  mate  he  '11  say. 

Handy,  etc. 
'Vast  hoisting,  lads,  so  we  '11  belay, 

So  handy,  etc. 

III. 

I  thought  I  heard  the  skipper  say, 

Leave  her,  Johnnie,  leave  her. 
You  have  sailed  for  many  a  day. 

It 's  time  for  us  to  leave  her. 

The  work  was  hard,  the  voyage  was  long. 

Leave  her,  etc. 
The  winds  were  high,  the  winds  were  strong. 

It 's  time,  etc. 

The  food  was  bad,  the  pay  was  low. 

Leave  her,  etc. 
But  now  ashore  at  last  we  '11  go. 

It 's  time,  etc. 

The  sails  are  furled,  our  work  is  done, 

Leave  her,  etc. 
And  now  on  shore  we  '11  have  some  fun, 

It 's  time,  etc. 

Here  is  one  which  may,  perhaps,  be  assumed  to  have  originated  as 
a  man-o'-war  chantie,  "  Boney "  being,  of  course,  Napoleon.  The 
chantie  is,  like  the  Dead  Horse  chantie,  of  the  very  simplest  type, 
there  being  no  attempt  to  improvise  more  than  one  line  in  the 
stanza :  — 


Sailors  Chanties.  21 

Boney  was  a  warrior, 

Oh,  ay,  oh  ! 
Boney  was  a  warrior, 

Oh,  ay,  oh. 

Boney  marched  to  Moscow, 

Oh,  etc. 
Boney,  etc. 

Boney  had  to  turn  again,  etc. 

Boney  went  to  Waterloo,  etc. 

Boney  was  a  prisoner,  etc. 

Boney  broke  his  heart  and  died,  etc. 

Of  the  chanties  which  have  come  to  the  notice  of  the  author,  this 
is  one  of  the  few  in  which  historical  material  is  preserved ;  as  a  rule, 
the  matter  of  the  solo-lines  is  either  nautical  or  ephemeral.  On  the 
other  hand,  there  are  many  chanties,  and  excellent  ones,  which  pre- 
serve the  names  of  once  famous  ships,  or  lines  of  ships.  The  famous 
Dreadnought,  whose  record-run  across  the  Atlantic  has  never  been 
beaten,  figures  in  many  chanties.  Here  is  a  stanza  from  one  of 
these  :  — 

She  's  a  high-sounding  Packet, 

A  Packet  of  fame. 
She  comes  from  New  York, 

And  the  Dreadnought  's  her  name. 

Here  is  one  handing  down  the  name  of  a  line  of  packets :  — 

In  the  Blackball  Line  I  served  my  time, 

Hurrah  for  the  Blackball  Line  ! 
In  the  Blackball  Line  I  served  my  time, 

Hurrah  for  the  Blackball  Line  ! 

The  Blackball  ships  are  good  and  true. 

Hurrah,  etc. 
They  are  the  ships  for  me  and  you, 

Hurrah,  etc. 

For  once  there  was  a  Blackball  ship. 

Hurrah,  etc. 
That  fourteen  knots  an  hour  could  clip, 

Hurrah,  etc.,  etc. 


2  2  Journal  of  A  merican  Folk-Lore. 

Now  if  we  stop  to  examine  the  chanties  quoted,  and  compare  them 
with  some  such  primitive  ballad  as,  let  us  say,  the  "  Hangman's 
Tree,"  they  will  be  seen  to  have  many  features  in  common  :  — 

Hangman,  hangman,  howd  yo  hand, 

0  howd  it  wide  and  far  ! 

For  there  I  see  my  feyther  coomin, 
Riding  through  the  air. 

Feyther,  feyther,  ha  yo  brot  me  goold  ? 

Ha  yo  paid  my  fee  ? 
Or  ha  yo  coom  to  see  me  hung, 

Beneath  tha  hangman's  tree  ? 

I  ha  naw  brot  yo  goold, 

1  ha  naw  paid  yo  fee. 

But  I  ha  coom  to  see  yo  hung 
Beneath  the  hangman's  tree. 

Hangman,  hangman,  howd  yo  hand, 

O  howd  it  wide  and  far  ! 
For  theer  I  see  my  meyther  coomin, 

Riding  through  the  air.  .  .  . 

The  question  asked  of  the  father  is  now  asked  of  the  mother,  and 
the  same  reply  is  received.  The  mother  also  will  see  the  hanging. 
Next  the  sister  appears  on  the  scene.  The  same  question  is  asked 
of  the  sister,  the  same  reply  is  received.  Finally,  and  just  in  time, 
she  (the  victim)  perceives  her  sweetheart  hurrying  —  we  trust  that 
he  is  hurrying  —  through  the  air.  Then  the  question  is  addressed 
to  him  :  — 

Sweetheart,  sweetheart,  ha  yo  brot  me  goold  ? 

Ha  yo  paid  my  fee  ? 
Or  ha  yo  coom  to  see  me  hung 
Beneath  the  hangman's  tree  ? 

To  which  he  replies  :  — 

O  I  ha  brot  yo  goold, 

And  I  ha  paid  yo  fee, 
And  I  ha  coom  to  take  yo  from 

Beneath  the  hangman's  tree.^ 

This  ballad  has  no  fixed  length  :  the  sister  might  have  been  omit- 
ted and  the  sweetheart  made  to  follow  directly  upon  the  heels  of 
the  mother;  or  for  the  sister,  the  brother  —  who  does  not  appear  at 
all  —  might  have  been  substituted;  or  the  brother  might  also  have 
been  brought  into  the  narrative,  and,  in  addition  to  the  brother,  any 

'  English  and  Scottish  Popular  Ballads,  Sargent  and  Kittredge,  Boston,  p.  xxv. 


Sailors  Chanties.  23 

number  of  aunts,  uncles,  cousins,  and  friends,  —  in  no  case  should  we 
have  felt  that  the  ballad  was  either  more  symmetrical  or  less  sym- 
metrical than  it  is  now.  And  similarly  with  the  chanties ;  we  might 
have  had  enumerated  all  the  separate  processes  of  a  rendering-plant 
for  dead  horses,  or  been  confronted  with  three  times  the  number  of 
reasons  for  Johnnie's  leaving  the  ship,  and  the  chanties  would  have 
been  neither  more  nor  less  complete. 

Secondly,  as  to  the  improvisation  in  each.  In  regard  to  the 
"Hangman's  Tree,"  Professor  Kittredge,  in  the  "Introduction"  to 
the  volume  quoted,  says:  "Suppose  now  that  'The  Hangman's 
Tree '  is  a  new  ballad  sung  for  the  first  time  by  the  improvising 
author.  The  audience  are  silent  for  the  first  two  stanzas  and  until 
the  first  line  of  the  third  has  been  finished.  After  that,  they  join  in 
the  song.  So  inevitable  is  the  course  of  the  narrative,  so  conven- 
tionally fixed  the  turn  of  the  phraseology,  that  they  could  almost 
finish  the  piece  by  themselves  if  the  author  remained  silent.  At 
most  they  would  need  his  prompting  for  'meyther,'  'sister,'  and 
'sweetheart,'  .  .  .  The  song  is  ended,  the  creative  act  of  compo- 
sition is  finished,  — and  what  has  become  of  the  author?  He  is  lost 
in  the  throng."  ^ 

Allowing  for  the  difference  of  purpose  served  by  the  respective 
acts  of  composition,  this  is  the  story  of  chantie-singing,  precisely. 
It  is  the  tendency  of  the  popular  ballad,  by  reason  of  its  constant 
repetition  by  a  folk  who  are  permanent,  to  become  fairly  well  knit 
structurally ;  the  chantie,  because  the  group  of  men  among  whom 
it  originates  maintains  its  homogeneity  but  a  short  time,  is  under  no 
such  law.  Hence,  in  the  latter,  we  are  unlikely  to  pass  beyond  the 
inconsequential  stage.  Even  the  most  primitive  ballad  we  can  bring 
forward  has,  by  reason  of  generations  of  repetition,  become  a  better 
piece  of  work,  structurally,  than  we  can  expect  any  chantie  to  be. 
For  this  very  reason,  however,  the  chantie  is  especially  valuable  for 
the  hypothesis.  In  the  chantie,  the  solo-lines  are  so  simple,  involve 
so  much  repetition,  are  so  conventional  (from  the  point  of  view  of 
ship-life,  that  is  to  say)  and  the  "  motif  "  in  every  case  so  obvious, 
that  we  should  suspect  communal  composition,  even  if  we  could  not 
be  sure  of  it.  The  refrain  aside,  what  may  be  called  the  body  of 
the  chantie  is  not,  any  more  than  the  body  of  the  ballad,  necessarily 
composed  throughout  by  one  and  the  same  man.  Some  one  other 
than  the  one  who  has  first  taken  upon  himself  the  office  of  "chantie- 
man,"  some  one  with  a  louder  voice,  or  a  more  fertile  imagination, 
who  sees  a  possible  development  of  the  narrative,  or  has  a  grievance 
he  would  like  to  air,  either  anticipates  the  original  soloist,  or  drowns 
him  out.     In  this  way,  several  individuals  will  each  have  taken  part 

*  Ibid.  p.  xxvi. 


24  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

in  the  composition  of  the  chantie  of  the  moment.    And  at  the  close, 
not  one  author,  but  all  the  authors,  will  be  lost  in  the  crowd. 

Another  characteristic  common  both  to  the  popular  ballad  and  to 
the  chantie  is  that  there  is  no  text,  there  are  texts}  As  from  time 
to  time  collections  of  popular  ballads  are  made,  so  are  collections  of 
chanties  made.  In  preparing  this  article  such  a  collection  has  been 
used  whenever  the  texts  the  author  had  collected  were  not  suited  to 
the  purpose.  But  in  any  such  compilation  the  versions  given  are  no 
more  authentic  than  would  be  texts  from  any  other  compilation  :  the 
versions  given  are  simply  those  which  happened  to  be  familiar  to  the 
sailor  or  sailors  whom  the  collector  happened  to  consult,  —  other 
sailors  would  have  furnished  him  with  very  different  versions.  Take 
this  stanza  from  a  chantie  which  originated  in  the  earlier  days  of  the 
California  trade  :  — 

Good-bye,  my  love,  good-bye, 
I  cannot  tell  you  why, 
I  'm  off  to  Californy 
To  dig  the  yellow  gold. 

On  the  very  same  ship  from  which  this  was  collected,  another 
sailor  gave  this  version  :  — 

Blow,  boys,  blow, 

For  Californy,  O  ! 

We  're  bound  for  Sacramento 

To  dig  the  yellow  gold. 

But  this,  in  turn,  is  clearly  related  to  the  following  chantie  :  — 

Yankee  ship  came  down  the  river. 

Blow,  boys,  blow  ! 
Her  masts  did  bend,  her  sides  did  shiver, 

Blow,  my  jolly  boys,  blow  ! 

The  sails  were  old,  her  timbers  rotten. 

Blow,  etc. 
His  charts  the  skipper  had  forgotten,'^ 

Blow,  my  jolly  boys,  blow  ! 

Who  do  you  think  was  skipper  of  her  ? 
Blow,  etc. 
"Old  Preaching  Sam,"  the  noted  scoffer,^ 
Blow,  etc. 

'  Cf.  loc.  cit.  p.  xvii. 

2  The  sailor  is  happy  when  he  can  s^et  a  "  grind  "  on  the  "  skipper." 
*  Compare  the  way  in  which  ballads  preserve  the  names  of  people  otherwise 
forgotten. 


Sailors   Chanties.  25 

She  sailed  away  for  London  city, 

Blow,  etc. 
Never  got  there,  what  a  pity  ! 

Blow,  etc. 

And  if  this  is  not  a  version  of  the  following,  it  is,  at  least,  related  to 
it  :  — 

I  '11  sing  you  a  song,  a  good  song  of  the  sea, 

To  my  ay,  ay,  blow  the  man  down  ; 
I  trust  that  you  '11  join  in  the  chorus  with  me. 

Give  me  some  time  to  blow  the  man  down. 

If  so  many  variations  of  one  theme  have  come  down  to  us,  how 
many  more,  simply  for  lack  of  a  recorder,  must  have  perished  .-*  The 
man  who  has  succeeded  in  becoming  principal  "  chantie-man  "  on 
one  ship,  is,  on  his  next  voyage,  beaten  out  by  some  rival ;  neverthe- 
less, he  will  often  be  able  to  assert  himself,  —  to  use  the  current 
slang  phrase,  which  expresses  the  situation  exactly,  he  will  succeed 
occasionally  in  "butting  in."  The  result  would  be,  if  we  should 
report  any  chantie  sung  on  this  latter  voyage,  that  we  should  have, 
not  the  version  either  would  have  given  had  he  been  the  sole  "fore- 
singer  "  of  the  ship,  but  we  should  have  a  version  which  would  be  a 
patchwork  of  those  two.  But,  further,  this  patchwork  would  be, 
not  merely  a  combination  of  their  two  versions,  but  of  many,  for, 
just  as  these  two  have  been  rival  chantie  producers  on  this  particular 
voyage,  each  will  have  had  his  rival  on  previous  voyages.  Hence, 
so  much  of  chantie  material  as  each  brings  with  him  to  this  ship 
—  brings  in  his  memory,  of  course,  not  on  paper  —  will  be  no  more 
his  own  than  the  version  which  we  might  take  down  on  this  voyage 
would  be  the  sole  product  of  either  of  our  two  men.  And  this  would 
hold  true,  back  and  back,  as  far  as  one  cared  to  carry  it. 

Thus  the  chantie-version  of  any  one  moment  is  the  joint  product 
of  memory  and  of  improvisation ;  the  survival  of  two  opposing  ten- 
dencies, —  the  tendency  towards  permanency  and  the  tendency 
towards  change.  It  is  the  law  of  the  refrain  to  be  permanent,  and 
to  suffer  the  minimum  of  change ;  it  is  the  law  of  the  body  of  the 
chantie  to  undergo  the  maximum  of  change,  but  at  the  same  time 
also  to  exhibit  certain  fairly  permanent  features. 

From  this  examination  of  chanties,  then,  we  are  able  to  arrive  at 
a  fairly  clear  conception  of  the  term  "communal  composition."  A 
crowd  shouting  as  with  one  voice  is  farthest  from  what  is  meant,  — 
the  "Volk"  does  not  "dichten"  as  one  man.  On  the  contrary, 
"  communal  composition  "  means  simply  that  if  a  cross-section  were 
to  be  made  at  any  one  moment  of  the  poetical  work  (saving  the 
name)  of  any  primitive  but  homogenous  people,  the  result  would  be 


26  journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

a  collection  no  single  specimen  of  which  would  be  the  sole  work  of 
any  one  man.  Instead,  every  piece  would  be  an  accretional  product, 
the  result  of  such  suggestions  as  would  have  been  able  in  the  struggle 
for  existence  to  survive,  modified  by  the  improvisations  of  the  latest 
singer  or  singers.  If  chanties  are  typical  of  communally  composed 
ballads,  —  and  it  would  seem  that  they  are,  —  then  every  such  bal- 
lad is,  at  the  moment  it  is  taken  down,  an  accretional  survival  which 
has  been  subjected  to  contemporary  variation. 

So  much,  then,  for  chanties  in  general,  and  their  general  bearing 
upon  the  question  of  communal  composition.  Is  it  possible  to  nar- 
row the  problem  further,  and  to  get  at  the  origin  of  chanties  .^  The 
question  brings  us  back  to  the  consideration  of  the  impulse  to  chantie 
singing,  a  consideration  which  was  postponed  for  the  moment. 

The  various  tasks  performed  by  sailors  in  working  the  ship  are 
essentially  rhythmic  in  their  nature,  which  fact  alone  would  be  suf- 
ficient to  impel  many  a  man  to  accompany  his  work  by  rhythmic 
vocal  utterances.  The  impulse  to  such  vocal  accompaniment  may 
be  regarded  as  the  initial,  or  natural,  chantie-impulse.  But  further 
than  this ;  several  men  are  likely  to  be  engaged  upon  the  same  task, 
and  these  men  can  give  a  greater  degree  of  unity  to  their  work, 
can  apply  their  strength  to  greater  advantage,  if  they  "keep  time" 
vocally.  This,  of  course,  is  obvious,  but  it  is  of  value  to  the  discus- 
sion, for  it  can  be  looked  upon  as  the  practical  impulse,  and  to  these 
two  impulses  working  together  may  be  attributed  the  phenomenon 
of  chantie-singing.  This  is,  however,  susceptible  of  yet  further 
elaboration ;  the  various  kinds  of  work  performed  have  their  own 
special  types  of  rhythm,  and  these  furnish  a  basis  for  well-differen- 
tiated verse-rhythms.  The  mastheading  of  a  sail  is  not  performed 
in  the  same  rhythm  in  which  one  pumps. 

The  simplest  rhythmic  work  on  board  ship  is  the  sheeting-home 
of  sails  and  the  shaping  of  yards, — that  is  to  say,  changing  the 
angle  of  the  yard  in  respect  to  the  ship.  In  each  case,  the  work  is 
likely  to  require  the  putting  forth  of  considerable  strength.  To  keep 
time,  one  man  will  probably  call  (or,  if  one  prefers,  sing)  some  such 
word  as  "Yo-ho"  at  each  haul  on  the  rope.  If  the  work  is  a  trifle 
less  arduous,  he  may,  instead,  cry,  "  Yo —  heave  —  ho."  That  is  to 
say,  instead  of  giving  successive  pulls,  at  approximately  equal  inter- 
vals, three  pulls  will  be  given  in  more  rapid  succession,  then  there 
will  be  a  longer  pause,  then  three  more  pulls,  and  so  on,  until  the 
task  is  finished.  In  this  latter,  and  more  complex  case,  then,  there 
will  have  been  established,  in  addition  to  what  might  be  called  the 
"verse-rhythm,"  something  which  might  fairly  be  termed  "stanza 
rhythm,"  or  "stanza  structure,"  although  the  length  of  the  stanza 
would,  obviously,  not  be  determined. 


Sailors  Chanties.  27 

The  next  more  complex  chantie  structure  (if,  indeed,  the  simply 
"Yo  —  heave — ho"  can  be  called  a  chantie  at  all)  is  that  of  the  mast- 
heading chantie.  To  masthead  a  sail,  especially  if  it  be  a  large  sail, 
requires  considerable  time.  Moreover,  the  work  is  by  no  means 
light.  The  most  expeditious  way  of  accomplishing  the  work  is, 
therefore,  to  give  a  succession  of  pulls,  then  to  take  a  breathing- 
spell,  then  to  give  another  succession  of  pulls.  Again,  the  hauling 
can  be  done  to  better  advantage  by  keeping  time.  This  time  is  kept 
to  the  refrain  of  the  chantie,  and  it  is  during  the  breathing-space  that 
the  chantie-man  exercises  his  solo-gifts.  But  here,  also,  the  structure 
of  the  stanza  is  largely  determined  by  the  rhythm  of  the  work  per- 
formed. This  can  be  illustrated  by  referring  to  any  of  the  mast- 
heading chanties  quoted  above ;  perhaps  the  Dead  Horse  chantie 
will  serve  as  well  as  another  :  — 

As  I  was  going  to  Rig-a-ma-row, 

I  say  (pull)  so,  and  I  hope  (pull)  so, 

I  saw  an  old  man  go  riding  by, 
Poor  (pull)  old  (pull)  man  (pull). 

Clearly,  the  number  and  relations  of  the  stresses  necessitated  for 
the  refrain  lines  have,  to  a  certain  degree,  determined  the  rhythmic 
structure  of  the  solo  lines. 

When  we  come  to  capstan  and  pumping  chanties  the  rhythm  is 
less  determinate,  as  these  two  examples  will  show. 

O  Polly  Brown,  I  love  your  daughter, 
(Chorus.)    Away  my  rolling  river  ! 

O  Polly  Brown  !  I  love  your  daughter, 
(Chorus.)    Ah  !  ah  !  we  're  bound  away, 

'Cross  the  wide  Missouri. 

And  this,  from  a  Negro  chantie  :  — 

or  Joe,  bully  ol'  Joe, 

Hi  pretty  yaller  gal  ! 

Kicking  up  behind,  01'  Joe  ; 

01'  Joe  's  got  some  very  fine  clo's, 

Whar  he  get  'em  nobody  knows,  — 

Hi  pretty  yaller  gal ! 

Kicking  up  behind,  01'  Joe. 

In  short,  any  song  not  too  complex  to  march  by  can  be  used  for  a 
capstan  chantie,  and  the  conditions  imposed  upon  the  windlass 
chantie  are  not  more  rigid ;  consequently  "  book  songs  "  are,  as  stated 
above,  frequently  used  at  this  work.  A  favorite  capstan  chantie  is 
"Marching  through  Georgia." 

It  will  not  be  necessary  to  cite  further  examples  to  support  the 


28  journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

thesis  which  the  latter  part  of  this  paper  has  sought  to  maintain  ; 
that  the  impulse  to  chantie-singing  is  due  to  the  impulse  to  accom- 
pany rhythmically  performed  work  by  correspondingly  rhythmic  vocal 
expression  is  sufficiently  evident.  On  the  other  hand,  the  author 
does  not  wish  to  extend  this  thesis  to  other  fields  ;  that  is  to  say, 
because  he  has  insisted  that,  in  its  communal  features,  chantie-sing- 
ing enables  us  to  understand  more  clearly  how  poetry  could  have 
begun,  he  does  not  wish  to  imply  that  poetry  necessarily  began  as 
accompaniment  to  rhythmic  work.^ 

Percy  Adams  Hutchison. 
Harvard  University. 

1  Those  who  would  Hke  to  see  such  a  thesis  maintained  are  referred  to  that  very 
suggestive  work,  Arbeit  unci  Rhythmus,  K.  Biicher,  Leipzig,  1899.  Those  who 
are  acquainted  with  that  essay  will  have  perceived  its  influence  upon  this  article. 
The  third,  revised  and  enlarged  edition  of  this  work  of  Dr.  Biicher  appeared  in 
1902. 


Sioux  Games.  29 

SIOUX  GAMES.    II. 

8.    WOSKATE    ICASLOHE. 

(Game  of  Bowls.) 

Icaslohe  is  an  ancient  gambling  game  played  by  the  Sioux  women. 

The  implements  used  in  the  game  are:  tapainyan,  stone  ball; 
canmibi,  wooden  cylinder. 

The  tapainyan  are  balls  made  of  any  kind  of  stone,  from  one  to  two 
and  a  half  inches  in  diameter. 

The  canmibi  are  cylinders  made  of  any  kind  of  wood,  from  an  inch 
and  a  half  to  two  and  a  half  inches  in  diameter,  and  from  an  inch 
and  a  half  to  three  inches  long. 

The  rules  of  the  game  are  :  — 

The  game  is  generally  played  on  the  ice,  but  may  be  played  on 
the  ground. 

Two  women  play  at  the  game. 

Each  player  must  have  a  tapainyan  and  a  canmibi. 

Before  beginning  the  game  the  players  must  agree  upon  the  num- 
ber they  are  to  play  for,  and  they  must  draw  two  parallel  lines  on 
the  ice  from  ten  to  thirty  feet  apart. 

The  players  must  take  their  positions  opposite  each  other  outside 
the  parallel  lines,  and  must  not  be  between  the  lines  when  they  play. 

Each  player  must  place  her  canmibi  on  the  line  nearest  her. 

The  players  must  bowl  the  tapainyan  alternately,  at  the  canmibi 
on  the  line  farthest  from  them. 

When  the  tapainyan  is  bowled  it  must  strike  the  surface  before  it 
crosses  the  line  nearest  the  one  who  bowled  it ;  if  it  does  not  the 
play  counts  nothing. 

If  the  canmibi  bowled  at  is  knocked  away  from  the  line  it  counts 
one  for  the  player,  otherwise  nothing. 

9.    WOSKATE    TAHUKA    CANGLESKA. 
(Game  of  the  Webbed  Hoop.) 

Tahuka  cangleska  is  an  ancient  game  played  for  amusement  by 
the  Sioux  men. 

This  is  an  exciting  game  in  which  the  Indians  took  great  interest, 
gathering  in  large  numbers  to  witness  the  play. 

The  implements  used  in  the  game  are :  tahuka  cangleska,  webbed 
hoop  ;  wahukeza,  spear. 

The  tahuka  cangleska  is  made  of  a  rod  of  wood  from  one  half  to 
one  inch  in  diameter,  which  is  bent  so  as  to  form  a  hoop  from  one 
to  three  feet  in  diameter.     A  web  of  rawhide  is  woven  across  the 


30  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

entire  hoop,  with  interstices  of  from  one  half  to  three  quarters  of  an 
inch,  that  in  the  centre  being  somewhat  larger  and  called  the  heart. 

The  waJmkeza  is  made  of  the  sprout  of  a  tree,  or  a  young  willow, 
and  is  from  four  to  five  and  a  half  feet  long,  and  about  one  half  an 
inch  in  diameter  at  the  larger  end,  which  is  bluntly  pointed.  The 
smaller  end  may  be  either  straight  or  forked,  and  sometimes  is  orna- 
mented with  feathers,  bead-work,  or  in  any  other  manner  according 
to  the  fancy. 

The  rules  of  the  game  are  :  — 

Any  number  of  persons  may  play  in  a  game,  but  they  should  be 
equally  divided  into  two  opposing  sides. 

Each  player  may  have  as  many  spears  as  he  wishes. 

Before  beginning  the  game  the  players  must  agree  upon  how 
many  innings  will  constitute  the  game. 

Two  parallel  lines,  about  fifty  yards  long,  and  about  fifty  yards 
apart,  are  drawn. 

The  players  take  their  positions  opposite  each  other,  outside  these 
lines,  choosing  them  either  by  agreement  or  by  lot. 

Any  number  of  hoops  may  be  used  in  a  game,  but  there  should 
never  be  less  than  four,  and  they  should  be  of  various  sizes. 

One  player  on  each  side  must  throw  all  the  hoops. 

The  hoops  must  be  thrown  alternately,  from  one  side  to  the  other. 

The  thrower  must  not  have  either  foot  between  the  lines  when  he 
throws  the  hoops. 

The  hoop  when  thrown  must  cross  both  lines,  and  it  may  do  so, 
either  in  the  air  or  rolling  on  the  ground ;  it  may  cross  one  line  in 
the  air,  and  roll  across  the  other,  or  it  may  be  thrown  across  one 
line,  and  strike  between  the  lines  and  bound  across  the  other. 
.  After  the  hoop  had  crossed  both  lines,  the  players  towards  whom 
it  was  thrown,  throw  their  spears  at  it. 

If,  while  the  hoop  is  in  the  air,  it  is  speared  through  the  heart, 
the  count  is  five  ;  if  through  any  other  interstice,  the  count  is  two. 

If,  while  the  hoop  is  rolling  on  the  ground,  it  is  speared  through 
the  heart,  the  count  is  three ;  if  through  any  other  interstice,  the 
count  is  one. 

If  speared  while  the  spear  is  held  in  the  hand  the  count  is  nothing. 

If  speared  after  the  hoop  has  stopped,  nothing. 

When  the  number  of  innings  that  have  been  agreed  upon  have 
been  played,  the  side  that  has  the  most  counts  wins  the  game. 

Another  method  of  playing  with  these  implements  is  :  — 

The  sides  line  up  as  in  the  former  game,  and  the  hoops  are  all 
thrown  from  one  side  towards  the  other,  which  keeps  all  the  hoops 
they  have  speared,  and  returns  all  they  have  not,  which  are  again 
thrown  to  them. 


Sioux  Games.  31 

When  all  the  hoops  have  been  speared,  the  side  that  spears  them 
chases  the  opposite  side,  and  throws  the  hoops  at  them,  and,  if  any 
one  of  the  side  that  is  chased  spears  a  hoop  while  it  is  in  the  air,  the 
chase  stops. 

Then  the  opposite  side  throws  the  hoops,  and  the  game  is  repeated. 

10.    WOSKATE    HUTANACUTE. 
(Game  with  Winged  Bones.) 

Hiitanacute  is  an  ancient  game  played  for  amusement  by  the  Sioux 
men  during  the  winter,  on  the  snow  or  ice. 

The  implement  used  is  hiitanacute,  winged  bone. 

The  Jmtanactite  is  made  from  the  rib  of  one  of  the  larger  ruminat- 
ing animals.  A  piece  about  four  to  eight  inches  long  is  taken  from 
the  rib  where  it  begins  to  narrow  and  thicken,  and  the  wider  end  is 
cut  square  across,  and  the  narrower  end  rounded  up  from  the  convex 
side. 

Two  holes  are  drilled  in  the  wider  end,  lengthwise  to  the  rib,  and 
at  such  an  angle  that  when  the  rods  are  in  them  their  free  ends  will 
be  about  ten  to  twelve  inches  apart. 

Two  rods  are  made  of  plum  sprouts,  about  one  fourth  of  an  inch 
in  diameter,  and  about  fourteen  inches  long.  The  smaller  end  of 
each  of  these  is  feathered  like  an  arrow,  and  the  other  end  is  inserted 
into  the  hole  in  the  bone. 

The  rules  of  the  game  are  :  — 

Any  number  may  play. 

Each  player  may  have  from  two  to  four  winged  bones,  but  each 
player  should  have  the  same  number. 

A  mark  is  made  from  which  the  bones  are  thrown. 

The  bones  are  thrown  so  that  they  may  strike  and  slide  on  the 
ice  or  snow. 

The  players  throw  alternately  until  all  the  bones  are  thrown. 

When  all  the  bones  are  thrown,  the  player  whose  bone  lies  the 
farthest  from  the  mark  wins  the  game. 

II.    WOSKATE    PTEHESTE. 
(Game  of  the  Young  Cow.) 

Pteheste  is  an  ancient  game  played  for  amusement  by  the  Sioux 
men  during  the  winter,  on  the  ice  or  snow. 

The  implement  used  in  this  game  \s  pteheste,  young  cow. 

The  pteheste  is  made  of  the  tip  of  a  cow  or  buffalo  horn,  from  three 
to  four  inches  long.  This  is  trimmed  so  as  to  make  it  as  nearly 
straight  as  possible,  and  a  feather-tipped  arrow  securely  fastened 
into  its  base,  so  that  it  has  the  appearance  of  a  horn-pointed  arrow. 

Any  number  of  persons  may  play. 


32  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

Each  player  may  have  any  number  of  arrows,  but  all  players 
should  have  the  same  number. 

Two  parallel  lines  are  drawn  from  twenty  to  thirty  feet  apart. 

The  players  take  their  position  on  one  side  of  these  lines. 

A  player  must  throw  his  horned  arrow  so  that  it  may  strike  be- 
tween the  two  lines  and  slide  beyond  them. 

The  players  throw  alternately  until  all  the  arrows  are  thrown. 

At  the  end  the  player  whose  arrow  lies  the  farthest  from  the  lines 
wins  the  game. 

12.  WOSKATE    CANPASLOHANPI. 
(Game  with  Throwing  Sticks.) 

Canpaslohanpi  is  an  ancient  game  played  for  amusement  by  the 
Sioux  men  in  the  winter  on  the  snow  or  ice. 

The  implement  used  in  this  game  is  canpasloJiatipi,  throwing  stick. 

The  ca7ipaslohanpi  is  made  of  ash,  and  is  about  four  feet  long. 

It  is  cylindrical  on  one  side,  and  flat  on  the  other.  About  five 
inches  from  one  end  it  is  about  two  inches  wide,  and  an  inch  and  a 
half  thick.  From  this  place  it  is  rounded  up  to  a  blunt  point  on  the 
flat  side  and  tapers  to  the  farthest  end,  which  is  about  an  inch  wide 
and  half  an  inch  thick. 

Each  player  has  but  one  throwing  stick. 

Any  number  of  persons  may  play. 

The  game  is  played  by  grasping  the  stick  at  the  smaller  end,  be- 
tween the  thumb  and  second,  third,  and  fourth  fingers,  with  the  first 
finger  across  the  smaller  end,  the  flat  side  of  the  stick  held  upper- 
most. 

Then  by  swinging  the  hand  below  the  hips  the  javelin  is  shot  for- 
ward so  that  it  will  slide  on  the  snow  or  ice. 

The  game  is  to  see  who  can  slide  the  stick  the  farthest. 

13.  WOSKATE    OGLE    CEKUTEPI. 

(Game  of  Coat  Shooting.) 

Ogle  cekutepi  is  an  ancient  game  played  for  amusement  by  the 
Sioux  men. 

The  implements  used  in  the  game  are  :  Ogle,  coat ;  itazipe,  bow  ; 
wanhinkpe,  arrows. 

The  ogle  is  an  arrow  that  is  either  painted  black  or  wrapped  with 
a  black  strip  of  buckskin,  or  has  a  tag  attached  to  it  (sometimes  it 
is  a  plain  arrow). 

The  itazipe  and  wanhinpe  are  the  ordinary  bow  and  arrows. 

The  game  is  played  by  shooting  the  ogle  high  in  the  air  so  that  it 
will  fall  from  fifty  to  seventy-five  yards  away.  Then  the  players  stand 
where  it  was  shot  from,  and  shoot  at  it  with  the  bow  and  arrows. 

This  is  merely  a  game  of  skill,  and  not  for  points. 


Sioux  Games.  33 

14.    WOSKATE    PASLOHANPI. 
(Game  of  Javelins.) 

Paslohanpi  is  an  ancient  game  played  for  amusement  by  the  Sioux 
boys  in  the  springtime. 

The  implement  used  is  wahiikezala,  javelin. 

The  wahiikezala  is  made  of  willow.  It  is  from  three  to  six  feet 
long,  and  from  three  eighths  to  three  quarters  of  an  inch  in  diameter 
at  the  larger  end,  and  tapers  to  the  smaller  end. 

The  bark  is  peeled  from  it  and  wrapped  about  it  in  a  spiral  man- 
ner, leaving  an  exposed  space  about  a  half  an  inch  wide.  It  is  then 
held  in  smoke  until  the  exposed  part  is  blackened,  when  the  bark  is 
removed. 

This  marks  the  jav^elin  with  spiral  stripes  of  black  and  white. 

Each  one  who  plays  may  have  as  many  javelins  as  he  chooses. 

There  are  two  ways  of  throwing  the  javelin.  One  is  to  lay  it 
across  something,  as  the  arm,  or  the  foot,  or  another  javelin,  or  a 
stump  of  log,  or  a  small  mound  of  earth,  or  anything  that  is  con- 
venient, and  grasping  it  at  the  smaller  end,  shoot  it  forward. 

The  other  way  is  to  grasp  the  javelin  near  the  middle  and  throw 
it  from  the  hand. 

In  throwing,  the  contest  may  be  for  distance,  or  to  throw  at  a 
mark. 

The  game  is  merely  a  contest  of  skill  in  throwing  the  javelin. 

15.    WOSKATE    CANWACIKIYAPI. 
(Game  of  Tops.) 

Canwacikiyapi  is  an  ancient  game  played  for  amusement  by  the 
Sioux  boys. 

The  implements  used  in  this  game  are :  canwacikiyapi,  tops  ; 
icapsintepi,  whips. 

The  canwacikiyapi  is  a  wooden  cylinder  with  a  conical  point. 
The  cylinders  are  from  an  inch  to  two  inches  in  thickness,  and  from 
a  half  to  an  inch  and  a  half  in  length,  and  the  conical  point  is  from 
an  inch  to  two  inches  in  length. 

The  icapsinte  has  a  handle  and  from  one  to  four  lashes.  The 
handle  is  made  of  wood,  and  is  from  fifteen  inches  to  two  feet  long, 
and  about  half  an  inch  thick  at  its  thicker  end,  and  tapers  to  the 
other  end. 

The  lashes  are  made  of  pliable  thongs  or  strings,  about  twelve 
to  fifteen  inches  long,  and  are  fastened  to  the  smaller  end  of  the 
handle. 

The  tops  are  spun  in  the  same  manner  as  whip  tops  are  spun  by 
white  boys.     A  game  is  played  by  marking  a  square  about  five  feet 

VOL.  XIX.  —  NO.  72.  3 


34  y ournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

across.  On  three  sides  of  this  square  barriers  are  placed,  and  the 
fourth  side  left  open. 

The  players  spin  their  tops  outside  of  the  square,  and  while  they 
are  spinning  they  drive  them  into  the  open  side  of  the  square. 

After  the  tops  cross  the  open  side  of  the  square  they  must  not  be 
touched. 

After  the  top  stops  spinning,  the  one  that  lies  nearest  the  side  of 
the  square  opposite  the  opening  wins  the  game. 

Another  game  is  played  by  marking  a  circle  about  six  feet  in 
diameter  and  near  its  centre  making  four  holes  a  little  larger  than 
the  tops  and  about  six  inches  apart. 

The  players  spin  their  tops  outside  the  circle,  and  while  they  are 
spinning  drive  them  into  it. 

After  a  top  enters  the  circle  it  must  not  be  touched. 

The  player  whose  top  lies  in  one  of  the  holes  when  it  has  stopped 
spinning  wins  the  game. 

If  two  or  more  tops  lie  in  the  holes  when  they  stop  spinning, 
those  who  spun  them  must  spin  them  again  until  one  player's  top 
lies  in  the  holes  more  often  than  any  other. 

1 6.    WOSKATE    TITAZIPI    HOKSILA. 
(Game  with  Boys'  Bows.) 

The  Sioux  boys  have,  from  ancient  times,  indulged  in  amusement 
with  the  bow  and  arrow. 

They  play  at  various  games,  mimicking  battles,  hunting,  and 
similar  things. 

They  also  shoot  at  a  target,  and  for  distance,  but  there  appears 
to  be  no  formal  game  or  rules  governing  their  play. 

The  boys'  bow  is  like  the  bows  for  the  men,  except  that  it  is 
smaller. 

The  boys'  arrows  are  like  those  for  the  men,  except  that  they  are 
made  with  heads  large  and  blunt. 

17.    HOHU    YOURMONPI. 
(Bone  Whirler.) 

The  hoJiu  yourmonpi  is  a  toy  that  has  been  played  with  by  the 
Sioux  boys  from  ancient  times. 

It  is  made  from  the  short  bone  of  the  foot  of  one  of  the  larger 
ruminating  animals,  and  is  fastened  to  the  middle  of  a  string  of 
sinews  about  twelve  to  eighteen  inches  long.  At  each  end  of  the 
sinew  string  a  short  stick  is  fastened  to  serve  as  a  hand  hold. 

These  sticks  are  taken,  one  in  each  hand,  and  the  bone  whirled 
about  so  as  to  twist  the  string.  The  string  is  then  drawn  taut, 
which  rapidly  untwists  it,  and  rapidly  whirls  the  bone  so  that  its 


J 


Sioux  Games.  35 

motion  will  twist  the  string  in  the  opposite  direction.  This  process  is 
repeated  indefinitely,  the  motion  of  the  bone  making  a  buzzing  noise. 

The  object  of  playing  with  the  toy  is  to  make  the  buzzing  noise. 

A  game  called  "  buffaloes  fighting "  is  played  with  this  toy,  as 
follows  :  — 

A  number  of  boys,  each  with  a  bone  whirler,  set  them  to  buzzing, 
and  imitate  the  actions  of  bulls  fighting  ;  the  buzzing  of  the  bones  is 
supposed  to  represent  the  bellowing  of  the  bulls.  They  approach 
each  other  and  strike  the  bones  together,  and  if  the  bone  of  a  player 
is  stopped  from  buzzing,  he  is  defeated. 

18.    TATE    YOURMONPI. 
(Wind  Whirler.) 

The  tate  yourmonpi  is  a  toy  that  has  been  played  with  by  the  Sioux 
boys  from  ancient  times. 

It  consists  of  a  blade  of  wood,  usually  red  cedar,  about  one  eighth 
of  an  inch  thick,  two  inches  wide,  and  twelve  inches  long.  One  end 
of  this  is  fastened  to  a  wooden  handle  by  a  pliable  thong  about 
twelve  to  eighteen  inches  long. 

The  handle  is  from  two  to  three  feet  long,  and  about  one  half  to 
one  inch  in  diameter. 

By  holding  the  handle  above  the  head  and  swinging  it  rapidly 
with  a  circular  motion,  the  blade  is  whirled  rapidly  and  makes  a 
buzzing  noise. 

The  object  of  playing  with  the  toy  is  to  make  the  buzzing  noise, 
and  sometimes  a  number  of  boys  contest  to  see  who  can  keep  it  con- 
tinually buzzing  for  the  longest  time. 

19.    IPAHOTONPI. 
(Pop-gun.) 

The  ipahotonpi  is  a  toy  that  has  been  played  with  by  the  Sioux 
boys  from  ancient  times. 

It  consists  of  :  tancan,  the  body  ;  wibopa^i,  the  ramrod  ;  iyopiihdiy 
the  wadding. 

The  tancan  was  formerly  made  from  a  piece  of  ash  sprout,  about 
six  to  ten  inches  long,  from  which  the  pith  was  removed,  but  since 
the  Indians  have  obtained  wire,  they  burn  a  hole  through  a  piece  of 
ash  from  eight  to  fifteen  inches  long,  and  from  one  and  a  half  to  two 
inches  in  diameter. 

It  is  generally  ornamented  by  pyrographic  figures  or  markings. 

The  wibopan  is  made  of  some  tough  wood,  a  little  longer  than  the 
tancan,  and  of  such  size  as  to  pass  readily  through  the  bore. 

The  iyopuhdi  is  made  by  chewing  the  inner  bark  of  the  elm,  and 
using  it  while  wet. 


36  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

A  wad  is  packed  tightly  into  one  end  of  the  bore,  and  a  closely 
fitting  wad  is  forced  from  the  other  end,  rapidly  through  the  bore  by 
means  of  the  ramrod,  when  the  first  wad  flies  out  with  an  explosive 
noise. 

The  object  of  playing  with  the  toy  is  to  make  the  report. 

Sometimes  the  boys  play  at  mimic  battle  with  the  pop-guns,  or 
they  mimic  hunting,  when  one  or  more  boys  imitate  the  game,  and 
the  others  try  to  hit  them  with  the  wads  from  the  pop-guns, 

20.    WOSKATE    HEPASLOHANPI. 
(Game  of  Horned  Javelins.) 

Hepaslohanpi  is  an  ancient  game  played  for  amusement  by  the 
Sioux  girls  in  the  winter  on  the  ice  or  snow. 

The  implement  used  in  the  game  is  hewahukezala,  horned  javelin. 

The  hewahukezala  is  made  of  a  wooden  javelin,  about  four  to  five 
feet  long  and  from  three  quarters  to  an  inch  thick  at  the  thicker 
end,  tapering  to  a  diameter  of  three  eighths  to  one  half  an  inch  at 
the  smaller  end. 

A  tip  of  elk  horn,  about  four  to  eight  inches  long,  is  fastened 
on  the  larger  end. 

The  game  is  played  by  throwing  the  javelin  so  that  it  will  strike 
and  slide  on  the  snow  or  ice,  and  the  one  whose  javelin  slides  the 
farthest  wins  the  game. 

As  many  girls  may  play  at  the  game  as  wish  to  do  so. 

21.    HOKSINKAGAPI, 
(Dolls.) 

From  ancient  times  the  Sioux  girls  have  played  with  dolls. 

The  dolls  were  rude  effigies,  sometimes  carved  from  wood,  but 
generally  made  of  buckskin,  and  stuffed  with  hair,  with  their  features 
made  by  marking  or  painting. 

The  dolls  were  dressed  with  both  male  and  female  attire,  which 
was  adorned  with  all  the  ornaments  worn  by  the  Indians. 

The  girls  would  often  have  doll  baby  carriers,  like  those  used  for 
the  Indian  babies,  and  would  carry  the  dolls  on  their  backs,  as  their 
mothers  carried  their  babies. 

22.    TIPI    CIKALA. 
(Toy  Tipis.) 

From  ancient  times  the  Sioux  girls  have  played  with  toy  tipis 
varying  in  size  from  a  miniature  tipi  of  a  foot  or  so  in  height  to  one 
large  enough  for  a  child  to  enter. 

They  played  with  these  toy  tipis  in  much  the  same  way  as  white 
children  play  with  toy  houses. 

y.  R.   Walker. 


A  Composite  Myth  of  the  Porno  Indians.  37 


A   COMPOSITE   MYTH    OF   THE   POMO   INDIANS.i 

The  following  is  a  typical  myth  ^  of  the  Porno  Indians  of  Cali- 
fornia, and  will  serve  to  show  some  of  the  characteristics  of  Pomo 
mythology.  It  will  be  noted  that  this  particular  myth  is  a  com- 
posite consisting  of  six  elements  or  separate,  though  logically  con- 
nected, ideas  :  Coyote  as  a  trickster,  and  the  miraculous  birth  of 
his  children;  the  destruction  of  the  world  by  fire  ;  the  creation  by 
Coyote  of  Clear  Lake  ;  the  creation  by  Coyote  of  human  beings  ;  the 
theft  of  the  sun ;  and  the  transmutation  of  human  beings  into  ani- 
mals. These  have  been  obtained  from  other  informants  as  separate 
stories,  but  as  a  rule  the  first  three  are  uniformly  combined  to  make 
one  complete  narrative,  while  the  other  three  are  told  separately,  or 
are  at  times,  particularly  in  the  case  of  the  story  of  the  creation  of 
human  beings,  combined  with  certain  other  myths. 

There  was  a  large  village  at  No-napo-tl  (Kelseyville,  Lake  County) 
and  here  there  lived  two  Wood-duck  (wadawada)  sisters  who  always 
kept  apart  from  the  rest  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  village,  and,  al- 
though there  were  many  of  the  men  of  the  village  who  admired 
them,  the  sisters  persistently  refused  to  have  anything  to  do  with 
them.  One  of  their  admirers  was  Coyote,  who  tried  various  means 
to  induce  one  of  them  to  become  his  wife,  but  all  without  success, 
so  that  he  finally  determined  to  resort  to  trickery.  It  being  then 
the  food-gathering  season,  he  proposed  that  all  of  the  women  of  the 
village  should  go  on  a  buckeye  gathering  excursion  into  the  neigh- 
boring mountains  while  the  men  were  busy  hunting  and  fishing,  or 
were  engaged  in  making  implements  at  the  village. 

The  Wood-duck  sisters  had  a  very  old  and  partly  blind  grand- 
mother who  had  gone  out  camping  with  another  party,  although 
they  did  not  know  this.  When  they  went  to  get  her  to  go  with 
them,  they  found  an  old  woman  there  who  was  covered  with  a  rabbit- 
skin  blanket  and  looked  exactly  like  her,  but  who  was  really  Coyote. 

1  This  paper  has  been  communicated  as  part  of  the  Proceedings  of  the  Cali- 
fornia Branch  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society. 

2  This  myth  with  others  from  the  Pomo  region  was  collected  during  the  sum- 
mer of  1904  as  a  part  of  the  work  of  the  Ethnological  and  Archeeological  Survey 
of  California  carried  on  by  the  Department  of  Anthropology  of  the  University 
of  California,  through  the  liberality  of  Mrs.  Phoebe  A.  Hearst.  The  myth  was 
obtained  from  an  informant  who  lives  near  Ukiah,  Mendocino  County,  and  it  was 
first  told  to  him  by  old  people  residing  near  Upper  Lake,  a  town  on  the  northern 
shore  of  Clear  Lake  the  creation  of  which  is  here  recounted.  The  constituent 
parts  of  this  myth  are,  however,  common  throughout  all  of,  at  least,  the  upper 
Russian  River  and  Clear  Lake  region. 


38  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

The  Wood-ducks  led  this  blind  old  woman  along  out  to  the  camp  and 
made  a  bed  for  her,  for  she  was  very  tired. 

That  evening  when  the  food  had  been  prepared,  the  Wood-ducks 
gave  some  to  the  old  woman,  but  she  said,  "  My  daughters,  I  can- 
not eat.  I  cannot  raise  myself  up.  I  want  to  sit  up  and  eat."  The 
elder  of  the  two  sisters  sat  at  the  old  woman's  back  to  hold  her 
up,  but  Coyote  said,  "  I  cannot  sit  up  when  only  one  of  you  holds 
me  up.  One  of  you  must  sit  in  front  of  me."  .  .  .  Then  the  two 
sisters  began  to  fight  Coyote  and  were  soon  joined  by  others  of  the 
women  of  the  camp,  who  brought  clubs  and  stones,  for  every  one 
now  knew  that  Coyote  had  been  playing  another  of  his  tricks. 
There  were  born  immediately  four  children.  The  first  two  Coyote 
rescued,  placing  them  in  his  hunting  sack.  The  other  two  were 
killed  by  the  enraged  women.  Coyote  immediately  ran  back  to  the 
village  and  the  women  followed  soon  after. 

Coyote  continued  to  live  at  N6-nap6-tI  with  his  two  children,  but 
he  had  no  one  to  care  for  them  while  he  was  away  hunting  and  fish- 
ing, and  the  people  of  the  village  treated  them  very  badly  whenever 
he  was  gone.  They  threw  rocks  and  sticks  at  the  children,  called 
them  bad  names,  and  even  threw  coals  of  fire  on  them.  When  the 
children  were  old  enough  to  get  around  by  themselves,  Coyote  de- 
termined to  revenge  himself  and  his  children  for  the  abuse  they  had 
suffered.  He  accordingly  went  east  to  the  end  of  the  world  and 
there  dug  a  huge  tunnel  which  he  filled  with  fir  bark.  He  disap- 
peared regularly  every  morning  for  four  days,  and  no  one  could  think 
what  he  was  doing,  for  he  went  about  it  very  secretly.  Some  of  the 
people  asked  what  he  was  doing  while  he  was  gone  all  day,  but  he 
replied  that  he  was  only  hunting  food  for  his  children. 

After  a  long  time  Coyote  put  all  kinds  of  food,  water,  clothing,  a 
fire  drill  and  other  implements,  and  also  his  two  children,  into  his 
hunting  sack  (ye/),  and  after  sundown  went  on  the  roof  of  the 
dance-house,  where  he  watched  toward  the  east  for  some  time.  Fi- 
nally he  called  out,  "  I  do  not  know  what  can  be  the  matter  ;  it  looks 
as  if  something  is  wrong.  Come  out  and  see."  Soon  there  was  a 
great  noise  like  thunder,  and  smoke  and  fire  appeared  all  over  the 
east  as  far  as  they  could  see  from  north  to  south.  Every  one  knew 
that  Coyote  had  something  to  do  with  it,  and  all  began  to  ask  him 
to  save  them,  calling  him  father  and  other  terms  of  relationship  ;  but 
Coyote  replied,  "  I  shall  not  be  saved  either.  I  do  not  know  what 
has  happened.  I  shall  burn  up  too,  I  suppose ;  my  body  is  no  rock 
or  water."  But  the  people  all  cried  to  him  to  save  them  as  the  fire 
came  nearer  and  nearer,  until  at  last  it  completely  surrounded  them 
and  left  but  a  very  small  space  about  the  village  unburned. 


A  Composite  Myth  of  the  Porno  Indians.  39 

Coyote  now  shouted,  "e ,"  with  his  hand  uplifted  (all  finger 

tips  pointing  upward),  four  times,  and  presently  there  came  down  out 
of  the  sky  a  feather  rope  (yuluk)  on  the  end  of  which  Spider  (to-cbu) 
hung  with  his  back  downward.  Coyote  jumped  on  to  Spider's  belly 
and  the  feather  rope  immediately  started  to  ascend.  After  a  short 
time  Coyote  wished  to  stop,  so  Spider  stopped  the  ascent  and  in- 
stantly spun  a  web  large  enough  for  Coyote  to  walk  around  on  and 
look  at  the  burning  world  beneath,  which  was  by  that  time  entirely 
on  fire.  They  then  went  on  upward  for  a  time,  whereupon  Spider 
stopped  and  spun  another  web  so  that  Coyote  might  give  his  children 
some  food.  A  third  stop  was  made  and  a  web  spun  so  that  Coyote 
might  give  the  children  water,  and  a  fourth  and  last  stop  was  made 
and  a  web  spun  so  that  all  might  rest  and  take  a  last  look  at  the 
burning  world.  At  last  they  arrived  at  the  gate  ^  leading  into  the 
sky  and  entered. 

Spider,  who  was  its  keeper,  remained  at  the  gate,  but  Coyote  and 
his  children,  who  now  got  out  of  the  hunting  sack,  went  eastward 
toward  the  house  of  Madumda,^  which  they  saw  immediately  upon 
entering  the  gate.  Their  road  lay  over  a  plain  covered  with  grass 
and  sweet-smelling  flowers.  There  were,  however,  no  people  to  be 
seen.  On  the  way  Coyote  and  the  children  stopped  and  rested  four 
times,  but  at  last  arrived  at  the  house,  where  Coyote  knocked  on  the 
door.  Madumda  came  and  invited  them  into  the  house  ;  saying, 
"He  he,  sinwa  no  balma ;  what  have  you  come  here  for .''  I  know 
you  have  been  doing  something.  That  is  why  you  come  here  in  this 
manner.  Why  do  you  want  to  do  something  bad  always  ?  Why  do 
you  want  to  treat  your  children  (all  people)  that  way  .-•  Why  are 
you  not  sorry  for  your  children  .^  Now,  go  back  and  live  as  you 
did  before  and  do  not  act  that  way."  Coyote  said  he  would  go 
back  on  the  following  day,  and  MadOmda  then  instructed  him  as  to 
what  he  should  do  when  he  went  to  the  earth  and  how  he  should 
act  toward  people  in  order  that  he  might  be  on  friendly  terms  with 
them. 

Coyote  returned  to  the  gate  and  Spider  then  took  him  back  to  the 
earth  in  the  same  manner  as  he  had  come ;  but  the  earth  was  much 
changed.  Formerly  the  mountains  were  high,  but  now  they  were 
much  lower,  the  tops  having  been  burned  off.     The  trees,  rocks,  and 

^  The  gate,  an  opening  through  the  sky,  is  guarded  by  snakes  who  allow  only 
those  who  reside  in  the  heavens,  or  persons  for  whom  Madumda  has  sent,  to 
enter. 

2  Madumda,  who  is  the  chief  deity  in  Pomo  mythology,  is  the  elder  brother 
of  Coyote  and  lives  in  a  large  sweat-house  in  the  sky,  where,  to  a  great  extent, 
the  conditions  are  the  same  as  on  earth  except  that  there  there  is  nothing  dis- 
agreeable. 


40  journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

streams  were  all  gone,  and  the  appearance  of  the  whole  country  was 
different.  He  found  all  things  which  had  lived  on  earth  lying  around 
roasted,  and  he  commenced  to  eat  everything  he  found,  deer,  birds, 
fish,  snakes,  and  so  on,  until  he  grew  very  hot  and  thirsty.  He  then 
began  to  look  for  water,  running  about  from  place  to  place  where 
there  had  formerly  been  springs  and  streams,  but  all  were  dry,  and 
he  nearly  gave  up  the  search.  Finally,  however,  be  wandered  toward 
the  west  and  found  water  in  the  ocean.  He  drank  copiously  four 
times.  Having  completely  satisfied  his  thirst,  he  started  homeward, 
but  had  not  gone  far  when  he  began  to  feel  sick.  He  grew  steadily 
worse  as  he  raced  on,  endeavoring  to  reach  his  home  before  he 
should  die,  and  was  only  able  to  reach  Kabai-dano  (Wild  Onion 
Mountain),  a  bald  hill  on  the  western  shore  of  Clear  Lake,  where  he 
fell  upon  his  back  groaning. 

Kabai-dano  was  really  Kdksu's  ^  sudatory,  and  when  he  heard  Coy- 
ote groaning  on  the  roof  he  came  out  much  surprised.     "  O , 

who  's  there  .•*  I  did  not  know  there  was  anybody  here."  Coyote 
replied,  "  Yes,  it  is  I.  I  have  been  eating  fish  and  meat,  and  I  got 
hot  and  thirsty,  and  there  was  nobody  around,  so  I  went  west  and 
found  water.  I  took  a  drink,  but  I  took  too  much  and  am  sick.  I 
did  not  know  that  there  was  any  one  here.  I  wish  you  would  doctor 
me  in  any  way  you  know."  Kuksu  soon  prepared  to  doctor  Coyote, 
and  returned  with  his  body  painted  black,  and  wearing  a  very  large 
headdress.  He  had  a  large  whistle  in  his  mouth  and  carried  a  long 
black  medicine  wand  in  his  hand.  As  Kuksu  came  out  of  the  suda- 
tory he  ran  in  a  counter-clockwise  direction  four  times  around  it, 
then  in  a  clockwise  direction  four  times  around  it.  He  then  ran 
four  times  around  Coyote,  then  ran  up  to  him  from  the  south,  and  re- 
turned backwards  to  the  point  of  starting,  where  he  turned  his  head 
as  far  as  possible  to  the  left.  Again  running  around  his  patient  four 
times,  he  approached  him  from  the  east  and  completed  the  same 
cycle,   following    it    by   the   same    cycle  from   the   north   and   then 

^  Kuksu  is  an  important  character  in  Porno  mythology  and  in  certain  cere- 
monials. He  is  a  person  of  characteristic  Pomo  physique,  but  possesses  great 
power  as  a  medicine-man  or  doctor.  He  always  appears  painted  entirely  black, 
wearing  on  his  head  a  very  large  headdress,  called  big  head,  or  Kuksu-kaiya,  and 
with  a  tuft  of  shredded  tule  fibre  attached  to  the  small  of  his  back.  He  carries  a 
black  cane  or  wand  (cakoik),  and,  while  doctoring,  blows  constantly  a  large  whistle 
made  of  elderberry  wood. 

According  to  Dr.  Dixon  {Maidu  Myihs,  p.  42)  Kuksu  is  found  also  among  the 
Maidu,  there  being  the  first  man  created  by  Earth-Initiate.  His  appearance  is, 
however,  quite  different,  he  being  depicted  as  a  person  of  pure  white  complexion, 
with  pink  eyes,  black  hair,  and  shining  teeth,  and  withal  very  handsome.  He 
possessed  great  knowledge  and  played  an  important  part  in  the  final  disposition 
and  distribution  of  the  people  created  by  Earth-Initiate. 


A  Composite  Myth  of  the  Porno  Indians.  4 1 

from  the  west.  He  then  ran  four  times  around  his  patient  in  a 
counter-clockwise  direction,  after  which  he  turned  his  head  to  the 
left  ;  then  four  times  in  a  clockwise  direction,  again  turning  his  head 

to  the  left.     He  then  told  Coyote  that  he  would  cry,  "  e "  four 

times,  and  jump  on  his  belly.     He  then  ran  around  the  sick  man 

in  a  counter-clockwise  direction  and  cried  "e "  four  times  ;  then 

ran  up  to  him  blowing  his  whistle  and  pointing  his  medicine  wand 
at  his  belly  four  times,  and  at  the  end  of  the  fourth  time  he  turned 
his  head  to  the  left.     He  then  repeated  the  complete  cycle  of  four 

runs  and  the  turn  of  the  head  to  the  left.     He  then  cried,  "e " 

once,  ran,  and  jumped  on  Coyote's  belly,  which  burst  with  a  sound 
like  that  of  a  great  explosion.  The  water  which  Coyote  had  drunk 
at  the  ocean  ran  down  in  every  direction  even  to  as  far  asTuleLake 
and  Scott's  Valley,  and  the  rivers  commenced  running,  so  that  the 
water  collected  in  the  lowest  places  and  formed  Clear  Lake.^  And  in 
the  water  there  were  fish,  snakes,  turtles,  and  all  kinds  of  water  birds  ; 
for,  as  Kdksu  jumped"  upon  his  belly.  Coyote  said,  "  There  will  be 
much  water  and  plenty  of  fish,  snakes,  frogs,  turtles,  and  water  birds. 
They  will  all  come  from  my  belly  alive,  and  by  and  by  there  will 
be  people  in  this  country  to  eat  them." 

Coyote  then  arose  and  walked  a  short  distance.  Then  he  turned 
and  said  to  Kuksu,  "  I  will  make  a  dance-house  and  make  a  big  dance 
and  feast  and  will  call  you.  I  will  let  you  know  when  everything  is 
ready."     Kuksu  said,  "All  right,  that  is  good." 

Coyote  went  northward  to  Yd-bu/ui  (near  Upper  Lake)  and  there 
built  a  small  tule  house  for  himself.  He  then  went  all  around  the 
lake  and  talked  with  all  the  different  birds  about  the  coming  dance, 
and  secured  the  services  of  two  young  men  from  every  species 
of  bird  to  assist  in  building  the  dance-house.  These  all  came  at 
the  appointed  time,  and  there  were  so  many  of  them  that  they  were 
able  to  dig  the  pit  and  complete  the  house  in  a  very  short  time. 
Meanwhile  Coyote  made  many  tule  houses  and  had  a  large  village 
prepared.  After  finishing  the  dance-house  the  birds  all  left,  Coy- 
ote promising  to  notify  them  when  all  things  were  ready  for  the 
dance. 

While  the  birds  were  at  work.  Coyote  took  from  them  without 
their  knowledge  two  feathers  each,  and  in  each  one  of  the  tule  houses 
he  placed  a  pair  of  feathers,  except  in  the  best  house,  where  he  placed 
a  single  hawk  (tata)  feather.  He  then  went  to  bed  in  his  own  house, 
and  lay  there  talking  to  himself  all  night.     He  said  that  the  feathers 

1  The  fact  that  there  are  at  times  waves  of  considerable  height  on  Clear  Lake  is 
explained  by  some  of  the  Indians  as  a  necessary  condition,  since  the  water  origi- 
nally came  from  the  ocean,  where  there  are  waves  at  all  times. 


42  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

should  turn  into  people,^  and  that  there  should  be  people  there  be- 
fore daybreak  on  the  following  morning,  a  man  and  a  woman  in  each 
house ;  that  Hawk  (tata)  should  be  the  captain  of  all  and  should  be 
the  last  one  to  leave  the  house  ;  that  Blue-jay  (tsai)  should  be  a  doc- 
tor and  poison  man  (wizard) ;  that  Tsapu  should  be  a  poison  man 
also  ;  that  Gray-squirrel  should  be  Obsidian-man  (katca-tca)  and  that 
he  should  be  a  quick  fighter  and  dodger,  a  high  jumper  and  able  to 
run  up  trees  ;  that  Red-headed-woodpecker  (katak)  should  be  a  slow 
man  but  able  to  see  farther  than  any  one  else ;  that  Crow  (kaai) 
should  be  a  slow  man  but  very  long-winded  and  able  to  fly  higher 
than  any  one  else ;  that  Hummingbird  (tsudlyun)  should  be  able  to 
fly  faster  than  any  one  else  and  should  be  a  doctor  with  the  power  to 
carry  away  disease  by  pulling  hair  out  of  a  patient's  body  and  carry- 
ing it  out  where  the  wind  might  blow  it  away ;  but  that  before  doc- 
toring in  this  manner  he  should  dance ;  that  Hummingbird  should 
also  have  the  power  to  fly  up  in  the  air  and  cause  thunder  and  light- 
ning ;  that  Kingbird  (kapin/ada/adau)  should  always  be  the  first  awake 
in  the  morning  and  should  wake  the  rest  of  the  village ;  and  that 
Wocwoc  (mockingbird  or  thrasher)  should  watch  over  the  people  of 
the  village  and  wake  every  one  at  intervals  throughout  the  night  so 
as  to  prevent  some  one  from  poisoning  them  ;  it  would  be  particu- 
larly his  duty  to  keep  a  close  watch  on  Blue-jay,  who  was  a  poison 
man. 

Coyote  had  just  finished  designating  the  duties  and  powers  of 
each  individual  when  he  heard  Kingbird  say,  "  We  we,  it  is  daylight 
now,  wake  up,  wake  up."  He  went  out  but  saw  no  one  astir.  He 
went  into  the  dance-house,  but  there  was  no  one  there.  Soon  how- 
ever he  heard  some  one  cough  outside  the  house.  He  then  went  up 
on  the  roof  of  the  dance-house  to  a  point  near  the  smoke  hole,  from 
where  he  commenced  to  speak  to  the  people :  "  Now,  my  children, 
you  young  men  go  out  and  get  wood  for  the  dance-house.  You 
young  women  make  mush,  pinole,  and  bread,  and  when  you  have 
finished  preparing  the  food,  bring  it  into  the  dance-house  so  that  we 
may  all  eat.  After  we  have  all  eaten  I  will  tell  you  what  to  do  next, 
my  children." 

As  the  young  men  started  to  get  wood,  the  old  people  told  them 
that  the  first  man  to  return  would  be  considered  the  best  man. 
Then  Gray-squirrel  (Obsidian-man,  katca-tca)  ran  swiftly  up  the  hill 
until  he  came  to  a  large  dry  manzanita  bush  which  he  cut  down  and 
into  short  lengths  with  his  feet  very  quickly.  He  bound  the  wood 
into  a  bundle  with  a  withe  of  white  oak  and  ran  back  to  the  village, 
arriving  there  long   before  any  of   the  others.     As   he  threw  the 

*  According  to  other  versions  people  were  created  from  sticks  instead  of 
feathers. 


I 


A  Composite  Myth  of  the  Porno  Indians.  43 

wood  into  the  smoke  hole  it  struck  the  floor  with  a  loud  noise  and 
those  within  cried,  "  He  h^  be  careful  there.  Don't  make  so  much 
noise  up  there.  You  will  break  down  the  dance-house."  Finally, 
after  all  the  young  men  had  returned  with  wood.  Coyote  directed 
the  fire  keeper  (laimoc)  to  kindle  the  fire  and  then  to  begin  the  fan- 
ning. This  was  done  and  the  men  fanned  one  another  until  all  the 
wood  was  burned  and  all  the  men  were  very  warm,  after  which  they 
ran  to  the  creek  and  bathed  for  a  short  time. 

When  all  had  returned  to  the  dance-house.  Coyote  spoke  again 
from  the  roof,  and  directed  that  all  the  food  should  be  brought  into 
the  house,  where  every  one  might  enjoy  the  feast.  This  was  done, 
and  every  one  feasted  for  a  long  time.  Then  Coyote  rose  from  his 
place  between  the  fire  and  the  centrepole  and  again  spoke  to  the 
people,  finishing  with  these  words,  "  Eagle  (cai)  and  Gray-squirrel 
(the  Obsidian-man)  will  be  your  captains  (chiefs,  tca-kalik).  They 
shall  be  of  equal  rank,  and  each  will  care  for  his  own  people."  Then 
speaking  to  the  two  captains,  he  said,  "  You  shall  be  captains.  You 
shall  talk  to  your  people  and  shall  instruct  them  in  all  that  is  just 
and  right.  Henceforth  I  shall  be  an  old  man  and  shall  have  nothing 
to  do  but  eat." 

The  two  captains  then  consulted  and  decided  to  appoint  Panther 
(damot)  and  Wolf  (smewa)  chief  huntsmen,  Mako  and  Kakau  chief 
fishermen,  and  Wood-duck  (wadawada)  female  captain  (mata  kalitc). 
Others  were  appoined  fire  tenders  (laimoc),  head  singer  (k6uya), 
and  drummer  (tsilotca).  Eagle  then  announced  ^  the  appointments 
of  the  two  huntsmen  and  two  fishermen,  one  each  for  each  division 
of  the  village,  and  of  Wood-duck  as  the  female  captain  of  the  entire 
village,  also  of  the  dance-house  officials  for  the  entire  village.  In 
conclusion  he  said,  "  Now  you  hunters  and  fishermen  must  tell  us 
how  we  can  all  live  together  and  get  along  well  together.  We  have 
finished  speaking  now." 

The  huntsmen  and  fishermen  consulted,  but  finally  said,  "We 
know  very  little.  We  can  only  hunt  and  fish  for  the  people,  and 
must  follow  the  instructions  of  our  captains." 

Then  they  asked  Wood-duck  what  she  would  have  them  do.  She 
replied,  "  I  do  not  think  we  are  living  now  as  we  should.  We  should 
have  one  head  captain  (tca-yedul-bate)  to  govern  us  all,  and  Hawk 
(tata)  is  the  proper  one  for  that  office.  Coyote  created  us  all,  and  I 
think  we  should  make  Tata  head  captain,  as  his  grandfather  (Coyote) 
was  before  him." 

As  Coyote  had  willed  it,  Tata  had  not  yet  left  his  house ;  so  the 
fire  tenders  were  sent  to  bring  him  to  the  dance-house.     A  large 

*  In  speaking  to  the  people  Eagle  always  spoke  in  a  loud  voice,  repeating  ver- 
bathn  what  Gray-squirrel  said  to  him  in  a  low  tone. 


44  journal  of  A  merica n  Folk-L ore. 

black  bear  skin,  blanket  was  spread  immediately  in  front  of  the 
centrepole  in  the  dance-house,  and  when  Tdta  had  seated  himself 
on  it  saying,  "Yes,  this  is  good,"  Coyote  asked  him  to  tell  the  peo- 
ple what  should  be  done  Tata  replied  that  the  best  thing  that 
could  be  done  would  be  to  hold  a  big  dance  to  which  all  of  the  neigh- 
boring people  should  be  invited ;  meaning  all  the  people  who  had 
assisted  Coyote  in  the  building  of  the  dance-house. 

A  great  dance  was  then  celebrated  for  four  days  and  nights,  after 
which  a  feast  was  spread  on  the  dancing  ground  (ke-male)  in  the 
dance-house,  and  Eagle  told  Tata  to  address  the  people.  This  he 
did  and  finally  called  the  two  captains,  the  two  huntsmen,  the  two 
fishermen,  and  the  two  fire  tenders  to  come  and  divide  the  food 
among  the  people  so  that  all  might  eat  and  enjoy  themselves.  Those 
appointed  divided  the  food,  giving  the  best  food  to  the  head  singer, 
next  to  the  chorus  singers,  and  so  on  until  every  one  had  had  an 
abundance  of  food.  This  feast  ended  the  celebration  and  all  the 
visitors  departed.  The  people  whom  Coyote  had  created  out  of  the 
feathers  continued  to  live  at  this  village  for  a  long  time. 

At  this  time  the  sun  did  not  move  across  the  heavens  as  it  does 
now.  It  only  rose  a  short  distance  above  the  eastern  horizon  and 
then  sank  again.  Coyote  finally  determined  to  see  why  the  sun 
behaved  in  this  peculiar  manner.  He  collected  and  placed  in  his 
hunting  sack  food,  dancing  paraphernalia,  a  sleep-producing  tuft  of 
feathers  (sma-kaaitcil),  and  four  mice.  With  these,  and  accompanied 
by  singers  and  dancers  ^  he  started  eastward,  in  which  direction  they 
travelled  for  four  days.  At  the  end  of  the  second  day  all  of  the 
party  dressed  themselves  in  their  dancing  paraphernalia  and  finished 
the  rest  of  the  journey  dancing  and  singing. 

Near  evening  of  the  fourth  day  the  party  arrived  at  a  big  dance- 
house,  the  home  of  the  Sun  people,^  around  which  they  danced  in  a 

1  Coyote  took  with  him  as  his  head  singer  Cmdi-kadokado.  Among  his  dancers 
were  Sul  (condor),  Tcitci  (a  species  of  hawk),  Dakat  (a  small  species  of  hawk), 
Kok  (loon),  and  TcTyd  (a  species  of  hawk).  These  were  all  very  strong  people 
and  were  taken  not  only  because  of  their  ability  to  dance,  but  also  in  order  that 
there  might  be  strong  men  who  were  able  to  carry  the  sun  back  to  tlie  village. 

2  Informants  differ  somewhat  in  their  opinions  of  the  Sun  people,  but  according 
to  one  informant  they  are  :  the  Sun-prophet  (dd-matu),  who  lias  the  power,  by  means 
of  visions,  of  seeing  and  knowing  everything  that  transpires  upon  the  earth,  and 
directs  all  the  movements  and  conduct  of  tlie  other  Sun  people;  the  Sun-man 
(dd-tcatc)  who  carries  the  sun,  a  large  shining  disc,  in  his  hand  or  suspended  from 
his  neck  by  means  of  a  grapevine  withe ;  two  Sun-women  (dd-ma/a),  the  daugh- 
ters of  Sun-man ;  and  four  Sun-messengers  (dd-tcma),  who  always  accompany 
Sun-man  and  do  his  bidding.  As  Sun-man  soars  in  the  heavens  with  the  sun,  he 
sees  everything  done  by  the  people  on  the  earth  and,  when  some  misdeed  is  com- 
mitted, he  sends  one  of  the  Sun-messengers  to  the  earth  to  shoot  the  offender  with 


A  Composite  Myth  of  the  Porno  Indians.  45 

counter-clockwise  direction  four  times,  then  in  a  clockwise  direction 
four  times.  They  then  entered  the  house  and  danced  in  the  same 
manner  around  the  fire,  then  around  the  centrepole,  and  finally 
around  the  fire  and  pole  together,  at  last  halting  and  seating  them- 
selves in  front  of  the  centrepole.  Sun-man  saw  Coyote  and  his  peo- 
ple entering  the  sun-house  and  sent  one  of  his  messengers  to  welcome 
them.  As  the  visitors  seated  themselves  the  messenger  said,  "  It  is 
good,  friends,  that  you  have  come  here."  Coyote  replied,  "  My  peo- 
ple wished  to  come  and  have  a  little  dance  with  you  to-night."  The 
messenger  replied,  "Yes,  that  is  good,  we  will  dance."  By  and 
by  the  rest  of  the  Sun  people  came  home.  Sun-man,  as  was  his  cus- 
tom, hanging  the  sun  by  the  grapevine  withe  to  one  of  the  rafters  of 
the  dance-house.  Wood  was  finally  brought  and  all  things  were  in 
readiness  for  the  dance,  the  first  of  which  Coyote  proposed  should 
be  the  fire  dance  (ho-ke),  a  dance  in  which  all  might  join. 

As  the  dance  began  Coyote  liberated  the  four  mice  which  he  had 
secreted  in  his  hunting  sack  and  told  them  to  run  up  the  centre- 
pole  and  along  the  rafters  to  where  the  sun  was  tied,  and  gnaw  the 
withe  that  bound  it  to  the  roof.  Presently  one  of  the  mice  fell  from 
the  roof  into  the  fire,  but  sprang  out  and  attempted  to  escape.  He 
was  caught  by  one  of  the  Sun-messengers,  who  was  about  to  throw 
him  back  into  the  fire  when  Coyote  called  to  him,  "  Here,  here,  do 
not  throw  that  away.  I  eat  those.  Give  it  to  me."  The  messen- 
ger gave  Coyote  the  mouse  and  Coyote  pretended  to  eat  it,  crunch- 
ing a  piece  of  charcoal  to  give  the  sound  of  breaking  bones,  while 
the  mouse  ran  down  his  arm  into  the  hunting  sack.  P>om  here  he 
was  soon  able  to  again  run  up  the  centrepole  and  resume  his  gnaw- 
ing on  the  withe  that  held  the  sun.  During  this  dance  all  four  of 
the  mice  fell  one  at  a  time  from  the  roof  and  were  rescued  by  Coyote 
and  returned  to  their  work  in  like  manner.  The  fire  dance  was 
finally  finished  after  four  intermissions,  and  the  usual  plunge  and 
short  swim  followed.  Then  came  a  war  dance  (tcma-ke),  which  was 
followed  by  still  another  dance  ;  the  three  dances  lasting  until  nearly 
midnight.  By  that  time  all  of  the  Sun  people  were  very  tired  and 
Coyote  commenced  to  dance  the  fourth  dance  alone.  He  placed 
the  sleep-producing  tuft  of  feathers  which  he  had  brought  in  his 
hunting  sack  on  the  end  of  a  stick,  making  a  wand  which  he  waved 
over  the  people  as  he  danced,  with  the  result  that  after  a  time  all 
of  the  Sun  people  were  sound  asleep  ;  but  Coyote's  people  were  not 
affected  by  the  wand.     By  this  time  the  mice  had  succeeded  in 

an  invisible  arrow  and  carry  away  his  spirit  to  the  abode  of  the  dead  beyond  the 
southern  end  of  the  world,  where,  if  Dd-matu  approves  of  the  death,  the  spirit 
remains.  Otherwise  the  messenger  returns  the  spirit  to  its  body  and  the  victim 
recovers  consciousness. 


46  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

gnawing  in  two  the  withe  which  held  the  sun  and  bringing  it  down 
to  the  floor. 

Coyote's  people  then  caught  hold  of  the  edge  of  the  sun  and  all 
danced  out  of  the  house  in  exactly  the  reverse  order  in  which  they 
had  entered.  They  danced  around  the  centrepole  and  fire  together, 
first  four  times  in  a  clockwise  direction,  then  four  times  in  a  counter- 
clockwise direction,  following  this  by  the  same  cycle  with  the  centre- 
pole  as  a  centre,  with  the  fire  as  a  centre,  and  with  the  dance-house 
itself  as  a  centre,  after  which  they  started  westward  toward  their 
home.  Coyote  now  willed  that  the  earth  should  contract  so  that 
they  might  return  home  quickly,  and  they  found  that  they  were  soon 
near  their  village. 

Red-headed-woodpecker,  the  far-sighted  man,  first  saw  the  party 
as  it  returned,  and  called  every  one  in  the  village  out  to  see  the  new 
light.  The  sun  was  laid  on  the  ground  in  the  village  and  its  final 
disposition  was  discussed,  with  the  result  that  Coyote  told  the  peo- 
ple that  it  must  be  hung  up  in  the  middle  of  the  sky.  Hawk  (tata) 
accordingly  called  forth  two  brothers  of  each  species  of  bird,  and 
instructed  them  to  try  to  take  the  sun  up  into  the  heavens  and 
hang  it  there  according  as  Coyote  had  directed.  Those  who  suc- 
cessively attempted  the  feat  were  Hummingbird  (tsudlyun),  Dakat 
(a  small  species  of  hawk),  Eagle  (cai),  Loon  (kok),  Ce-tata  (a  large 
species  of  hawk),  and  many  others.  All  except  Crow  brothers  had 
tried  and  failed,  and  when  they  came  forward  to  try  every  one  laughed 
at  them  and  remarked  upon  their  slowness  of  flight  and  their  physi- 
cal weakness  ;  but  one  of  them  grasped  the  sun  by  its  edge  while 
the  other  flew  under  it  so  that  it  rested  on  his  back.  Thus  they 
flew  higher  and  higher,  interchanging  their  respective  positions  fre- 
quently in  order  to  rest  each  other.     As  the  Crows  flew  they  cried, 

"a ,  a ,  a ,"  until  to  the  great   surprise  of  the  watchers 

below  they  reached  such  a  height  that  they  could  no  longer  be 
heard  ;  and  then  such  a  height  that  they  were  lost  to  view  to  all 
save  Red-headed-woodpecker,  who  was  able  to  see  much  farther  than 
any  one  else.  He  announced  from  time  to  time  the  progress  of  the 
Crows  :  "  They  are  a  long  way  up  now.  They  are  getting  near  the 
spot  where  the  sun  must  hang.  They  are  flying  very  slowly.  They 
seem  very  tired.  They  have  stopped  now  to  take  a  rest.  They  are 
only  a  very  short  distance  from  the  place  now.  Now  they  have 
reached  it.  There,  they  have  hung  it  up.  Now  they  are  coming 
back  down."  After  a  long  time  the  Crows  reached  the  earth  again, 
having  travelled  downward  like  bullets.  The  people  of  the  village 
rejoiced  greatly  that  they  had  the  sun  and  had  it  hung  up  in  the 
proper  place  so  that  it  could  give  them  light.  They  brought  out  all 
kinds  of  beads,  baskets,  blankets,  and  food  as  presents  to  the  Crows 
for  the  service  they  had  rendered. 


A  Composite  Myth  of  the  Porno  Indians.  47 

Presently   some  one  cried,   "e ,"  and  Blue-jay  told  everyone 

to  assemble  in  front  of  the  dance-house.  Here  they  found  Coyote 
and  Hawk  standing  on  the  roof  ;  they  announced  their  decision  that 
a  dance  should  be  held  to  celebrate  the  occasion.  The  first  dance 
was  the  fire  dance  in  which  every  one  joined,  dancing  until  all  were 
very  warm  and  then  as  usual  taking  a  swim.  When  they  returned 
to  the  dance-house  Coyote  noticed  that  Gray-squirrel  was  not  among 
them  and  said,  "  There  is  one  man  who  is  gone  but  none  of  you  have 
noticed  it."  They  all  asked,  "Who.-*"  "It  is  Gray-squirrel  who  is 
not  here.  He  has  gone  away  and  left  us  because  he  does  not  like 
the  way  we  do  things ;  but  we  need  not  worry  or  try  to  hunt  for  him, 
for  he  does  not  seem  to  like  any  one."  So  all  returned  to  the  dance- 
house  and  resumed  the  celebration. 

Not  long  after  this  Coyote  became  provoked  at  the  actions  of  the 
people  and  said,  "  You  people  do  not  try  to  do  as  I  tell  you  to.  You 
do  not  seem  to  care  to  do  the  proper  thing  and  try  to  be  somebody. 
You  might  as  well  be  animals  and  go  and  do  the  way  you  like  best." 
So  he  proceeded  to  turn  them  all  into  animals  and  birds  and  to  desig- 
nate the  habitat  and  characteristics  of  each. 

"  You  shall  always  live  out  in  the  mountains.  You  shall  be  afraid 
and  will  be  shot  for  meat.    Your  name  shall  be  Deer  (pee). 

"You  shall  live  in  the  woods  and  shall  hunt  for  deer.  Once  in  a 
while  you  shall  kill  a  man.     Your  name  shall  be  Wolf  (smewa). 

"  You  shall  always  live  in  the  mountains  and  in  the  woods.  You 
shall  hunt  for  deer  and  shall  sometimes  kill  men.  Your  name  shall 
be  Bear  (bita). 

"  You  shall  live  in  the  woods  and  in  the  mountains.  You  shall 
hunt  for  deer  and  shall  sometimes  kill  people.  Your  name  shall  be 
Panther  (damot). 

"You  shall  live  around  Clear  Lake.  You  shall  live  in  the  trees, 
make  your  nest  there,  and  defecate  upon  them.  You  shall  eat  raw 
fish.     Your  name  shall  be  Loon  (kok). 

"  You  shall  swim  around  Clear  Lake  and  eat  bugs  and  grass.  Your 
name  shall  be  Coot  (katsiya). 

"  You  shall  also  swim  around  in  Clear  Lake  and  eat  bugs  and 
grass.     Your  name  shall  be  Duck  (kaiyan). 

"  You  shall  stand  around  in  the  lake  and  whenever  there  are  big 
schools  of  fish  coming  out  of  the  lake  into  the  creeks  you  shall  cry, 
'  its  dikubuhu.'     Your  name  shall  be  Dlkfibuhu, 

"  You  shall  fly  around  in  the  air  and  catch  bugs  and  eat  them. 
You  shall  hunt  around  in  places  where  there  are  many  bugs  and 
grasshoppers  and  shall  eat  them  raw.  Your  name  shall  be  Crow 
(kaai). 


48  yournal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 

"  You  shall  fly  around  in  the  trees,  gather  acorns,  make  holes  in 
the  trees,  put  the  acorns  in  there  for  winter  time,  and  then  eat  them. 
Your  name  shall  be  Red-headed-woodpecker  (katak). 

"You  shall  live  among  the  trees.  You  shall  peck  holes  in  them 
and  shall  eat  the  sap.     Your  name  shall  be  Sapsucker  (kalestat). 

"  You  shall  fly  around  in  the  open  country  where  there  is  plenty 
of  room  and  fresh  air  and  shall  fly  down  and  catch  bugs  and  grass- 
hoppers and  eat  them  raw.  Your  name  shall  be  Kingbird  (kapin/a- 
da/adau). 

"You  shall  fly  up  very  high  in  the  air  and  then  fly  very  swiftly 
down  to  the  ground  and  catch  mice  or  birds,  or  any  kind  of  food. 
Your  name  shall  be  Dakat  (a  species  of  hawk). 

"You  shall  live  out  in  the  woods  in  a  hollow  tree.  You  cannot 
see  in  the  daytime.  During  the  night  is  the  only  time  you  will  be 
able  to  see.  Then  you  shall  catch  mice  and  eat  them.  Your  name 
shall  be  Night-hawk  (?)  (natoto). 

"You  shall  live  out  in  a  hollow  tree  during  the  day  for  you  can- 
not see  except  at  night.  Then  you  shall  catch  mice  and  eat  them  and 
you  shall  sing  at  night  also.     Your  name  shall  be  Owl  (makugu). 

"  You  shall  live  out  in  the  woods  during  the  day  for  you  cannot  see 
during  the  daytime.  You  can  only  see  at  night.  You  shall  hunt  and 
sing  at  night.     Your  name  shall  be  Cmaikadokado." 

When  Coyote  finally  finished  designating  the  attributes  of  each 
different  animal  and  bird  he  said,  "  I  shall  go  by  the  name  of  Coyote 
(Iwi).  Tata  here  shall  be  called  Tata.  He  shall  be  a  flying  bird  and 
shall  live  where  there  are  no  other  birds  around.  All  you  birds  and 
animals  shall  raise  children,  and  their  children  shall  raise  children, 
and  all  shall  be  called  by  the  names  I  have  given  you.  I  shall  be 
Coyote  and  I  shall  be  able  to  smell  as  far  as  any  of  you  can  see.  I  shall 
be  able  to  smell  very  far  and  tell  who  or  what  is  there.  I  shall  sneak 
around  and  steal  things.  Sometimes  I  shall  even  run  after  human 
beings  and  kill  and  eat  them." 

"  Now  you  all  stand  up  and  get  ready ;  when  I  cry  four  times  we 
must  all  run  off  to  our  respective  places."     All  rose  and  Coyote 

cried,  "  e 1 ye  ! 

e 1 ye  ! 


e 1 ye 

e 1 ye 


yu he  !  we  we  ! 

All  were  immediately  transformed  into  the  birds  and  animals  Coyote 
had  indicated  and  went  to  the  various  places  he  had  designated. 
Coyote  went  away  last. 


A  Composite  Myth  of  the  Porno  Indians.  49 

SUMMARY. 

(i)  The  licentiousness  of  Coyote  prompts  trickery.  Coyote  saves 
two  of  his  miraculously-born  children  and  cares  for  them  unaided. 

(2)  The  people  of  the  village  abuse  the  children  in  his  absence. 
Coyote  revenges  himself  and  his  children  by  setting  fire  to  the 
world.  The  three  escape  to  the  sky  by  means  of  Spider,  the  gate- 
keeper of  the  sky,  and  a  feather  rope.  They  visit  Madumda.  He 
is  displeased  with  the  conduct  of  Coyote  and  sends  him  back  to  the 
earth  with  instructions  as  to  his  future  actions. 

(3)  Upon  returning  to  the  earth  Coyote  finds  the  tops  of  the  moun- 
tains burned  off,  the  streams  dried  up,  and  all  kinds  of  food  roasted 
by  the  great  world-fire.  He  eats  a  prodigious  quantity  of  the  roasted 
meat,  becomes  thirsty,  and  searches  for  water  which  he  finally  finds 
in  the  ocean.  He  drinks  four  times,  becomes  very  sick,  and  suc- 
ceeds in  reaching  Kabai-dan5,  where  he  is  doctored  by  Kuksu  with 
the  result  that  the  water  he  drank  forms  Clear  Lake,  and  the  roasted 
meat  eaten  turns  into  the  water  fauna  of  the  region. 

(4)  At  the  northern  end  of  Clear  Lake  Coyote  causes  the  erection 
by  the  Bird  people  of  a  large  dance-house.  He,  meanwhile,  erects 
many  dwelling-houses  and  secures  two  feathers  from  each  of  the 
birds.  These  he  places  in  the  houses  and  thus  creates  human  beings. 
Officials  are  appointed,  and  a  dance  and  feast  are  celebrated. 

(5)  The  sun  did  not  formerly  rise.  Coyote  and  party  journey 
eastward  to  the  home  of  the  Sun  people  and  dance  with  them.  Coy- 
ote sends  up  four  mice  from  his  hunting  sack  to  gnaw  off  the  withe 
with  which  the  sun  is  hung  to  the  roof  of  the  dance-house  while  he 
dances  and  induces  sleep  among  the  Sun  people  by  means  of  a  magic 
wand.  The  sun  is  finally  secured  and  all  escape  and  return  to  the 
village  at  Clear  Lake.  The  Bird  people  are  called  together,  and  all 
try  to  carry  the  sun  up  and  hang  it  in  the  middle  of  the  sky,  which 
feat  is  finally  accomplished  by  the  wisdom  of  the  two  Crow  brothers. 
Thus  the  world  has  proper  light. 

(6)  Coyote  soon  becomes  provoked  at  the  action  of  his  people  and 
transforms  them  into  animals  and  birds,  assigning  the  attributes  and 
habitat  of  each. 

The  literature  dealing  with  the  mythology  of  the  Indians  of  Cali- 
fornia covers  but  a  comparatively  small  part  of  the  State,  the  princi- 
pal published  works  bearing  on  the  subject  being  Dr.  Goddard's 
"Hupa  Texts,"  Dr.  Dixon's  "  Maidu  Myths,"  and  Curtin's  "  Creation 
Myths  of  Primitive  America,"  dealing  respectively  with  the  Hupa, 
the  Maidu,  and  the  Wintun.  In  addition  to  these  published  myths, 
the  writer  has  had  placed  at  his  disposal  by  Dr.  A.  L.  Kroeber  the 

VOL.  XIX.  —  NO.  72.  4 


50  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

manuscript  of  the  creation  myth  of  the  Yuki,  the  nearest  northern 
neighbors  of  the  Porno.  With  this  material  as  a  basis  it  is  possible 
to  compare  the  Pomo  myth  here  given  with  the  myths  of  some  of 
these  neighboring  peoples. 

Among  none  of  the  peoples  here  considered  is  there  any  concep- 
tion of  an  abstract  primal  genesis.  All  start  with  some  concrete 
material.  With  the  Yuki  and  Maidu  all  was  water  in  the  begin- 
ning, then  came  the  creator  who  created  the  earth  and  all  things  on 
the  earth ;  but  even  such  an  approximation  to  an  abstract  idea  of 
creation  is  apparently  lacking  among  the  Hupa,  and  Wintun,  with 
whom  there  was  in  the  beginning  an  earth  of  which  the  section  in- 
habited by  the  particular  people  under  consideration  was  in  each 
case  very  similar  to,  if  not  identical  with,  that  now  existing.  Also 
among  the  Pomo  the  majority  of  informants  thus  far  questioned  main- 
tain that  there  was  in  the  beginning  a  world  very  similar  to  the  one 
now  existing,  but  a  few  have  been  found  who  give  very  fragmentary 
accounts  of  a  creation  of  the  world  by  Coyote ;  in  each  case  he  having 
given  certain  materials  from  which  to  start. 

The  burning  of  the  world,  which  is  given  so  much  prominence  in 
Pomo  mythology,  is  found  among  the  Wintun,  and  is  there  also 
actuated  by  the  spirit  of  revenge.  The  re-covering  of  the  rocks  of 
the  earth  with  soil  after  the  great  world-fire  as  told  in  Olelbis  has  no 
place  in  the  Pomo  account,  the  only  destruction  to  the  soil  there 
being  the  burning  off  of  the  tops  of  the  mountains  ;  but  there  is  in 
the  Wintun  account  of  supplying  the  world  with  water  after  the 
world-fire  by  throwing  a  grapevine  root  and  a  tule  root  into  the  moun- 
tains, and  then  making  streams  by  drawing  furrows  of  difTerent  sizes 
on  the  earth  with  the  sky-pole,  something  of  an  analogy  to  the  Pomo 
account  of  the  creation  of  Clear  Lake  and  the  watering  of  the  neigh- 
boring region. 

Considerable  variation  is  shown  in  the  account  of  the  creation  of 
human  beings.  According  to  the  Pomo  they  were  created  from 
feathers,  or  according  to  other  versions  from  sticks  ;  ^  according  to 
the  Yuki  they  were  created  from  sticks,  and  according  to  the  Maidu 
from  earth  modelled  into  human  form,  or  from  sticks,^  or  little  wooden 
figures.^  W^ith  the  Wintun  there  seems  to  be  no  definite  theory  of 
creation  after  the  world-fire. 

The  present  movements  of  the  sun  seem  to  require  explanation, 

1  Stephen  Powers,  in  his  Tribes  of  California,  p.  147,  records  a  Pomo  belief  in 
a  creation  of  human  beings  from  earth,  and  on  page  156  he  states  that  the  Indians 
of  Potter  Valley  were  created,  according  to  their  belief,  from  the  red  earth  of  a 
certain  mound  in  that  valley. 

^  Powers,  op.  cit.  p.  292. 

3  Dr.  R.  B.  Dixon,  "The  Northern  Maidu,"  Bull.  Amer.  Mus.  Nat.  Hist,  xvii, 
336,  1905- 


A  Composite  Myth  of  the  Porno  Indians.  5 1 

and  here  again  there  are  diverse  opinions  as  to  the  cause.  Accord- 
ing to  the  Porno  the  sun  was  stolen  from  its  keepers  in  the  east  by 
Coyote  aided  particularly  by  four  mice,  after  which  it  was  hung  in  the 
middle  of  the  sky  by  the  two  Crow  brothers.  In  the  version  of  the 
myth  here  given  there  was  no  pursuit  of  Coyote  and  his  party  by 
the  Sun  people,  but  in  other  versions  they  were  hotly  pursued  and 
were  only  able  to  escape  by  the  aid  of  strategy.  According  to  the 
Yuki,  Coyote  went  alone,  stole  the  sun,  and  was  pursued  by  the  Sun 
people,  but  finally  succeeded  in  securing  the  sun  and  causing  it  to 
travel  according  to  his  will.  According  to  the  Maidu  the  sun  and 
moon  were  driven  from  their  hiding-place  in  the  east  by  Angle- 
worm and  Gopher,  but  when  once  driven  out  they  agreed  with  each 
other  as  to  which  should  travel  by  night  and  which  by  day.  The 
Wintun  do  not  account  for  them. 

The  transmutation  of  human  beings  into  animals  has  been  found 
among  the  Pomo,  Yuki,  Maidu,  and  Wintun.  Among  the  first 
three  Coyote  appears  as  the  ruling  power,  designating  arbitrarily, 
according  to  the  Pomo  and  Yuki,  the  attributes  and  habitats  of  the 
animals  ;  and  deciding  by  means  of  a  race,  according  to  the  Maidu, 
their  habitats  only.  According  to  the  Wintun,  Olelbis,  after  re-cov- 
ering the  earth,  sent  down  from  heaven  all  the  animals  and  birds 
which  he  did  not  care  to  keep  there  with  him,  and  designated  the 
attributes  and  habitats. of  each.  Of  such  as  he  desired  to  keep  with 
him  in  heaven,  as :  the  eagle,  hummingbird,  and  red-headed-wood- 
pecker, he  threw  a  feather  to  the  earth  and  caused  that  to  become 
the  progenitor  of  the  present  race  of  that  particular  species. 

Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  the  mythology  of  the  Pomo  Indians  as 
shown  by  the  single  myth  here  recounted,  though  having  many 
points  similar  to  and  some  episodes  identical  with  the  mythologies 
of  neighboring  peoples,  has  also  many  points  of  difference,  some 
of  which  are  differences  of  detail,  due  largely  to  local  environment, 
while  others  are  fundamental. 

^.  A.  Barrett. 


52  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore, 


MYTHOLOGY  OF  THE  MISSION  INDIANS.^ 

I.    SAN    LUISENO    CREATION    MYTH. 

In  the  beginning  all  was  empty  space.  Ke-vish-a-tak-vish  was  the 
only  being.  This  period  was  called  6m-ai-ya-mai  signifying  empti- 
ness, nobody  there.  Then  came  the  time  called  Ha-ruh-riiy,  upheaval, 
things  coming  into  shape.  Then  a  time  called  Chu-tu-tai,  the  falling 
of  things  downward  ;  and  after  this,  Yu-vai-to-vai,  things  working  in 
darkness  without  the  light  of  sun  or  moon.  Then  came  the  period 
Tul-mul  Pu-shun,  signifying  that  deep  down  in  the  heart  or  core  of 
earth  things  were  working  together. 

Then  came  Why-yai  Pee-vai,  a  gray  glimmering  like  the  whiteness 
of  hoar  frost ;  and  then,  Mit-ai  Kwai-rai,  the  dimness  of  twilight. 
Then  came  a  period  of  cessation,  Na-kai  Ho-wai-yai,  meaning  things 
at  a  standstill.^ 

Then  K6-vish-a-tak-vish  made  a  man,  Tiik-mit,  the  Sky  ;  and  a 
woman,  To-mai'-yo-vit,  the  Earth.  There  was  no  light,  but  in  the 
darkness  these  two  became  conscious  of  each  other. 

"  Who  are  you  }  "  asked  the  man. 

"  I  am  To-mai'-yo-vit.     And  you .-'  " 

"I  am  Tuk-mit." 

"Then  you  are  my  brother." 

*'  You  are  my  sister." 

By  her  brother  the  Sky  the  Earth  conceived  and  became  the  Mother 
of  all  things.  Her  first-born  children  were,  in  the  order  of  their  birth, 
See-vat  and  Pa-ve-ut,^  Ush-la  and  Pik-la,  Na-na-chel  and  Patch'-ha- 
yel,  Topal  and  Tam'-yush.* 

'  This  paper  has  been  communicated  as  part  of  the  Proceedings  of  the  Cali- 
fornia Branch  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society. 

^  Boscana  alludes  to  the  periods  of  time  in  the  Creation  Myth  which  he  records, 
the  story  to-day  being  analogous  to  that  which  he  obtained  from  the  Indians  eighty 
years  ago.  He  says:  "We  have  the  six  productions  of  the  mother  of  Ouiot,  cor- 
responding to  the  six  days  of  the  creation  of  the  world."  I  did  not  obtain  this 
series  thus  distinctly  stated,  but  on  the  otlier  hand  the  introductory  periods  of  crea- 
tion were  clearly  named  and  defined.  Whether  these  eight  periods  sliow  any  trace 
of  Christian  influence  I  am  not  as  yet  prepared  to  say.  The  myth  in  its  entirety  is 
strictly  primitive.  Only  the  slightest  traces  of  any  external  influence  could  be 
suspected. 

'  Pd-vc-ut  is  the  name  given  to  the  sacred  pointed  stones  of  chipped  flint,  etc., 
used,  not  for  arrow  points,  but  for  insertion  in  the  end  of  the  sword-shaped  staff 
carried  by  the  chief  in  the  religious  ceremonials.  Boscana  gives  as  the  second 
production  of  Mother  Earth  "rocks  and  stones  of  all  kinds,  particularly  flints  for 
their  arrows." 

*  Tarn'  yush,  or  Tam-ish  (obscure  sound)  is  the  name  for  the  sacred  stone  bowls. 


Mythology  of  the  Mission  Indians.  53 

Then  came  forth  all  other  things,  people,  animals,  trees,  rocks,  and 
rivers,  but  not  as  we  see  them  now.     All  things  then  were  people. 

But  at  first  they  were  heavy  and  helpless  and  could  not  move  about, 
and  they  were  in  darkness,  for  there  was  no  light.  But  when  the  Sun 
was  born  he  gave  a  tremendous  light  which  struck  the  people  into 
unconsciousness,  or  caused  them  to  roll  upon  the  ground  in  agony  ; 
so  that  the  Earth-Mother,  seeing  this,  caught  him  up  and  hid  him 
away  for  a  season ;  so  then  there  was  darkness  again. 

After  the  Sun  was  born  there  came  forth  another  being  called 
Chung-itch'-nish  (spelled  Chin-ig-chin-ich  by  Boscana),  a  being  of 
power,  whose  voice  sounded  as  soon  as  he  was  born,  while  all  the 
others  rolled  helplessly  upon  the  ground,  unable  to  utter  a  word.  The 
others  were  so  terrified  by  his  appearance  that  the  Earth-Mother  hid 
him  away,  and  ever  since  he  has  remained  invisible. 

The  rattlesnake  was  born  at  this  time,  a  monster  without  arms  or 
legs. 

When  all  her  children  were  born,  the  Earth-Mother  left  the  place 
and  went  to  Ech'-a-mo  N6y-a-mo.  The  people  rolled,  for  like  new- 
born babies  they  could  not  walk.  They  began  then  to  crawl  on  hands 
and  knees,  and  they  talked  this  way :  Chak-o-la-le,  Wa-wa,  Ta-ta. 
This  was  all  that  they  could  say.  For  food  they  ate  clay.  From 
there  they  moved  to  Kak-we-mai  Po-la-la,  then  to  Po-es-kak  Po-la-lak. 

They  were  growing  large  now  and  began  to  recognize  each  other. 
Then  the  Earth-Mother  made  the  sea  so  that  her  children  could  bathe 
in  it,  and  so  that  the  breeze  from  the  sea  might  fill  their  lungs,  for 
until  this  time  they  had  not  breathed. 

Then  they  moved  farther  to  a  place  called  Na-che-vo  Po-me-sa-vo, 
a  sort  of  a  caiion  which  was  too  small  for  their  abiding-place  ;  so  they 
returned  to  a  place  called  Tem-ech'-va  Tem-eck'-o,  and  this  place 
people  now  call  Temecula,  for  the  Mexicans  changed  the  Indian  name 
to  that. 

Here  they  settled  while  everything  was  still  in  darkness.  All  this 
time  they  had  been  travelling  about  without  any  light. 

The  Earth-Mother  had  kept  the  sun  hidden  away,  but  now  that  the 
people  were  grown  large  enough  and  could  know  each  other  she  took 
the  Sun  out  of  his  hiding-place,  and  immediately  there  was  light. 
They  could  all  see  each  other  ;  and  while  the  Sun  was  standing 
there  among  them  they  discussed  the  matter  and  decided  that  he 

incorrectly  called  mortars,  hollowed  out  of  solid  rounded  stones,  large  and  small, 
used  in  the  toloache  fiesta  for  mixing  and  distributing  the  drink,  and  placed  upon 
the  ground  in  the  sacred  house  (called  temple  by  Boscana)  during  the  religious 
ceremonies.  They  were  painted  with  bright  colors  within  and  without;  and  when 
not  in  use  were  carefully  buried  from  sight  in  places  known  only  to  the  religious 
leaders. 


54  jfournal  of  ATuerican  Folk-Lore. 

must  go  east  and  west  and  give  light  all  over  the  world  ;  so  all  of 
them  raised  their  arms  to  the  sky  three  times,  and  three  times  cried 
out  Cha-cha-cha  (unspellable  guttural),  and  he  rose  from  among  them 
and  went  up  to  his  place  in  the  sky. 

After  this  they  remained  at  Temecula,  but  the  world  was  not  big 
enough  for  them,  and  they  talked  about  it  and  concluded  that  it 
must  be  made  larger.  So  this  was  done,  and  they  lived  there  as 
before. 

It  was  at  Temecula  that  the  Earth-Mother  taught  her  children  to 
worship  Chung-itch'-nish.  Although  he  could  not  be  seen,  he  ap- 
pointed the  Raven  to  be  his  messenger,  flying  over  the  heads  of  the 
people  to  watch  for  any  who  had  offended  against  him.  Whenever 
the  Raven  flew  overhead,  they  would  have  a  big  fiesta  and  dance. 

The  bear  and  the  rattlesnake  were  the  chosen  avengers  for  Chung- 
itch'-nish  ;  and  any  who  failed  to  obey  would  suffer  from  their  bite. 
When  a  man  was  bitten  by  a  rattlesnake  it  was  known  that  he  had 
offended  Chung-itch'-nish,  and  a  dance  would  be  performed  with 
religious  ceremonies  to  beg  his  forgiveness. 

The  stone  bowls,  Tam'-yush,  were  sacred  to  his  worship ;  so  were 
the  toloache  and  mock-orange  plants.  All  the  dances  are  made  for 
his  worship,  and  all  the  sacred  objects,  stone  pipes,  eagle  feathers, 
tobacco,  etc.,  were  used  in  this  connection. 

2.    THE    NORTH    STAR    AND    THE    R.\TTLESNAKE. 

While  they  were  living  at  Temecula,  the  rattlesnake  was  there, 
and  because  he  had  no  arms  or  legs  the  others  would  make  fun  of 
him.  The  North  Star,  especially,  who  was  then  a  person,  was  the 
leader  in  this  abuse.  He  would  fling  dirt  in  his  face,  throw  him 
down,  and  drag  him  about  by  the  hair.  So  the  rattlesnake  went  to  the 
Earth-Mother  and  complained  of  this  treatment,  wishing  to  avenge 
himself  on  Tuk-mush-wut,  the  North  Star.  So  the  Earth-Mother 
gave  the  rattlesnake  two  sharp-pointed  sticks  with  which  he  might 
defend  himself  against  any  who  disturbed  him.  So  the  next  time 
when  the  North  Star  came  and  began  to  torment  him,  the  rattlesnake 
used  the  sticks  (his  fangs)  and  bit  off  one  of  his  fingers  as  you  may 
still  see  in  the  sky.^ 

The  Earth-Mother  further  contrived  that,  in  order  to  make  the  bite 
of  the  rattlesnake  effective,  it  should  be  followed  by  three  intensely 

1  Starting  from  the  North  Star  as  a  centre,  there  is  a  vortex  of  small  stars, 
which  in  the  clear  air  of  the  southwest  are  very  plainly  seen.  They  may  easily 
appear  as  the  five  fingers  of  a  hand ;  a  line  of  three  or  four  stars  for  the  thumb, 
with  several  curving  lines  for  the  fingers,  of  which  the  last,  a  straight  line  shorter 
than  the  rest,  and  pointing  towards  Cassiopeia,  is  the  one  bitten  off  by  the  rattle- 
snake. 


Mythology  of  the  Mission  Indians.  55 

hot  days ;  and  at  the  present  time,  when  three  hot  days  come  in  suc- 
cession, you  may  know  that  some  man  has  been  bitten  by  a  rattlesnake. 

3.    THE   STORY   OF   OUIOT.^ 

While  they  were  all  living  at  Temecula,  there  was  a  man  among 
them  who  was  very  wise  and  knew  more  than  any  one  living.  He 
taught  the  people,  watched  over  them,  and  made  provision  for  their 
needs,  so  that  he  called  them  all  his  children.  They  were  not  born 
to  him  as  children,  but  he  stood  to  them  in  the  relation  of  a  father. 

It  was  the  custom  for  all  the  people  to  take  a  bath  every  morning. 
Among  them  was  a  beautiful  woman  whom  Ouiot  had  especially  ad- 
mired. She  had  a  beautiful  face  and  long  hair  that  fell  to  her  feet, 
completely  covering  her  back.  She  always  went  down  to  the  water 
when  no  one  else  was  there,  and  would  bathe  when  no  one  could  see 
her.  Ouiot  noticed  this  and  made  it  a  point  to  watch  her  one  day ; 
and  when  she  jumped  into  the  water,  he  saw  that  her  back  was  hollow 
and  flat  like  that  of  a  frog,  and  his  admiration  turned  to  disgust. 

Wa-ha-wut,  the  woman,  observed  Ouiot  and  read  his  thoughts,  and 
she  was  filled  with  anger  against  him.  When  she  told  her  people  of 
his  feelings  towards  her,  they  conspired  together  and  said,  "  We  will 
kill  him."  So  the  four  of  them,  Wa-ha-wut,  Ka-ro-ut,  Morta,  and  Y6- 
wish  (people  then,  but  later,  the  frog,  the  earthworm,  the  gopher,  and 
a  water  animal  resembling  the  gopher),  combined  to  destroy  him  by 
witchcraft. 

As  soon  as  they  had  finished  their  work,  Ouiot  fell  sick ;  and  tried 
in  vain  to  ease  his  pain,  sending  north,  south,  east,  and  west  for 
remedies,  but  nothing  could  avail.  He  grew  so  much  worse  that 
he  lay  there  helpless,  unable  to  rise.  Wa-hd-wut  and  her  helpers 
came  and  jeered  at  him,  and  because  he  lingered  so  long  in  his  illness 
they  gave  him  the  name  of  Ouiot.     His  real  name  was  Moyla. 

Then  a  man,  named  Ma-wha-la,  arose  and  said,  "  What  is  the  matter 
with  all  of  you  people  .-*  You  call  yourselves  witches,  and  yet  you  can- 
not cure  our  sick  brother,  or  even  determine  the  cause  of  his  illness." 

So  the  rattlesnake,  then  a  man,  and  a  great  witch-doctor,  who  knew 
everything,  searched  north,  south,  east,  and  west,  trying  to  find  out 
some  way  to  help  Ouiot,  or  to  learn  what  was  the  matter  with  him, 
but  in  vain. 

And  after  him  another  man,  the  horned  toad,  equally  great  as  an 
hechicero,  went  about  searching  for  a  cause  or  a  remedy,  trying  his 
best  but  without  success. 

Next  stood  up  the  road-runner.  He  examined  Ouiot,  and  searched 
about  among  the  people  to  see  if  any  of  them  had  caused  his  illness, 
but  he  could  discover  nothing. 

*  Pronounced  wee-ote. 


56  yoiirjial  of  American  Folk- Lore, 

Next  came  Sa-ka-pe-pe,  a  great  leader,  now  a  tiny  bird.  He  did 
the  same  thing.  He  examined  Ouiot  and  told  the  people  that  some 
one  had  poisoned  him,  and  that  he  was  going  to  die. 

Ouiot  was  getting  worse  all  the  time,  and  he  called  his  best  friend, 
Cha-ha-mal  (the  kingbird),  a  great  captain  and  a  very  good  man,  and 
told  him  that  he  had  been  poisoned,  and  named  the  four  who  had  done 
it,  and  told  him  the  reason  for  their  hatred  of  him,  and  that  he  soon 
must  die  ;  and  to  Cha-ha-mal  alone  he  disclosed  the  truth  that  he 
would  soon  return.  "  Look  towards  the  east  for  my  coming  in  the 
early  morning,"  he  said.     So  Cha-ha-mal  knew  the  secret. 

Then  he  summoned  all  the  rest  of  the  people  that  he  might  give 
them  his  last  commands  ;  and  when  all  had  gathered  together,  some 
of  his  children  raised  him  in  their  arms  so  that  he  could  sit  up  and 
address  them.  The  tears  began  to  run  down  his  cheeks.  Coyote, 
Blue-fly,  and  Buzzard  crowded  about  him,  and  Coyote  began  licking 
his  tears  as  if  he  was  thinking  already  of  eating  him.  So  they  drove 
these  three  away. 

Then  Ouiot  said  that  his  death  might  come  in  the  first  month,  Tas- 
mo-y-mal  a-luc-mal,  or  in  the  second  part  of  the  first  month,  Tas-mo- 
y-il  mo-kat ;  but  this  time  passed,  and  he  was  still  alive.  "  Perhaps 
I  shall  die  in  the  next  month,  T6w-na-mal  a-luc-mal,  or  in  the  second 
part  of  it,  Ta-wut  mo-kat ;  this  also  passed,  and  in  like  manner  he 
predicted  his  possible  death  with  the  beginning  of  each  month,  only 
to  linger  through  each  until  the  last. 

The  series  is  as  follows,  beginning  with  the  third  month  :  Tow- 
sun-mal  a-luc-mal,  T6w-sa-nal  mo-kat ;  T6-vuk-mal  a-luc-mal,  T6-va- 
kal  mo-kat ;  N6-vac-ne-mal  a-luc-mal,  N6-va-nut  mo-kat  ;  Pa-ho-y- 
mal  a-liic-mal,  Pa-ho-y-il  mo-kat ;  Nay-mo-y-mal  a-luc-mal,  Nay-mo- 
y-il  mo-kat ;  Som'-o-y-mal  a-luc-mal,  Som'-o-y-il  mo-kat.^ 

In  the  last  month  he  died,  and  death  came  into  the  world.  No 
one  had  died  before,  but  he  will  take  all  along  with  him.^ 

There  was  a  man  (now  kangaroo-rat)  who  made  a  carrying-net  in 
which  to  lift  Ouiot  ;  and  they  sent  to  all  four  points  of  the  compass 
for  wood,  the  sycamore,  black  oak,  and  white  oak,  tule,  hemlock,  and 

'  I  am  indebted  for  the  spelling  of  these  names  to  Mr.  P.  S.  Sparkman  of  Rin- 
con  (Cal.),  whose  unpublished  dictionary  and  grammar  of  the  Luiseno  language 
is  the  only  authority  extant  on  the  subject.  He  adds  in  regard  to  these  names  :  "  It 
will  be  seen  that  the  first  word  of  the  name  given  to  the  first  part  of  each  period 
has  the  diminutive  suffix  ' mal'  affixed  to  it,  while  the  second  word  of  the  name 
means  thin  or  lean,  therefore  this  means  something  like  the  small,  lean  part  of  the 
period.  Mo-kdt,  the  second  word  of  the  name  given  to  the  second  part  of  each 
period,  means  large,  therefore  the  second  parts  are  spoken  of  as  the  large  parts. 
But  it  is  not  necessary  to  use  the  words  a-luc-mal  and  mo-kdt.  The  other  words 
may  be  used  alone." 

'  "  Som  "  means  all. 


Mythology  of  the  Mission  Indians.  5  7 

cedar,  to  build  the  funeral  pile.  They  got  a  hollow  log  and  on  the 
lower  half  they  laid  the  body,  and  put  the  other  half  of  the  log  above 
it  for  a  lid  ;  and  after  the  pile  was  ready  and  the  fire  lighted,  the  men 
carried  the  body  in  the  net  that  had  been  prepared,  and,  going  three 
times  about  the  fire,  they  laid  the  body  on  it. 

Meantime  Coyote  had  been  sent  away  first  in  one  direction  and 
then  in  another,  being  told  to  bring  fire  to  light  the  pile  ;  but  he  ran 
back  so  quickly  that  they  could  not  finish  their  work.  "  Go  to  the 
central  point  also,"  they  told  him,  "and  go  all  the  way.  Do  not  stop 
until  you  get  there." 

Coyote  ran  off,  but  looking  back  he  saw  the  smoke  of  the  burning 
already  rising  up  to  the  sky  ;  so  he  turned  and  came  running  back 
with  all  his  might.  They  took  sticks  to  drive  him  away,  and  they 
stood  in  a  circle  close  together  about  the  fire  to  prevent  him  from 
approaching  it;  but  the  badger  was  a  little  man,  and  made  a  break  in 
the  circle  (illustrated  by  the  two  thumbs  when  the  hands  are  placed 
together,  making  a  circle  of  the  fingers),  and  Coyote  jumped  directly 
over  his  head,  snatched  the  heart,  the  only  part  of  the  body  that  was 
not  consumed,  and  ran  off  with  it  and  devoured  it. 

There  was  a  man  among  them  named  Wi'skun  (now  a  tiny  squirrel), 
and  when  Ouiot  was  burned,  he  stood  up  and  addressed  the  people ; 
and  he  called  the  clouds  from  the  mountains  to  come,  and  the  clouds 
and  fog  from  the  sea  to  gather  and  fall  in  showers  upon  the  earth  to 
blot  out  all  the  tracks  that  Ouiot  had  made  when  he  moved  about 
upon  the  earth,  so  that  nothing  could  be  seen. 

So  the  clouds  came  and  it  rained  heavily. 

Then  it  was  told  them  that  in  all  time  to  come  they  must  have 
fiestas  for  the  dead  as  they  had  done  for  Ouiot.  And  they  must  begin 
to  kill  and  eat  for  food.  Until  this  time  they  had  never  eaten  flesh 
or  grains,  but  had  lived  on  clay.  And  they  discussed  the  matter,  and 
questioned  as  to  who  should  first  be  killed.  One  man  after  another 
was  chosen  but  each  refused  in  turn. 

While  they  were  talking  about  this,  Tish-mel  (the  hummingbird) 
said  that  he  would  like  to  take  the  eagle's  place.  He  felt  that  he  was 
a  person  of  importance ;  but  the  people  said,  No.  He  was  a  little 
man,  and  not  fit  for  that,  and  they  would  not  have  him. 

The  eagle  must  be  killed  at  the  time  of  every  fiesta,  and  Ash-wut 
(the  eagle)  did  not  like  this.  To  escape  his  fate,  he  went  north, 
south,  east,  and  west  ;  but  there  was  death  for  him  everywhere,  and 
he  came  back  and  gave  himself  up.^ 

Then  they  talked  about  killing  the  deer.     "  He  is  a  nice-looking 

'  Comment  by  the  narrator.  The  eagle  never  dies.  The  old  one  will  be  there 
every  year.  You  can  catch  the  young  ones  by  spreading  nets  for  them  in  the 
canons.    They  are  killed  for  the  fiesta  without  shedding  any  blood. 


58  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

man,  he  would  be  good  for  meat."  The  lion  was  a  strong,  powerful 
man,  and  he  said,  "  Why  do  you  delay  and  discuss  the  matter  ?  This 
is  the  way  it  should  be  done."  So  he  fell  upon  the  deer  and  killed 
him,  and  all  the  others  that  had  been  selected  to  be  animals  were 
killed  at  the  same  time.  They  turned  into  different  kinds  of  animals 
and  different  kinds  of  grain,  and  all  the  things  that  we  see  now  in  the 
world. 

When  they  killed  the  deer,  they  took  the  small  pointed  bones  of 
the  leg  to  use  as  awls  for  making  baskets.  A  fine  basket  was  made, 
and  the  ashes  and  bones  of  Ouiot  were  placed  within  it,  and  they 
buried  the  basket  in  the  ground. 

While  they  were  burying  it,  they  sang  solemn  words  with  groans 
(grunting  expirations),  and  they  danced  in  this  fiesta.  This  was  the 
first  time  there  had  been  singing  or  dancing  for  the  dead.  Until  this 
time  they  had  known  nothing  of  it,  but  after  this  they  knew  how  to 
make  the  fiestas  and  to  sing  and  dance.  The  rabbit  was  the  man  that 
sang  first,  and  the  crow  and  the  wild  goose  danced  first. 

After  this  fiesta  was  over  they  had  a  big  meeting  at  Temecula, 
where  they  were  still  together,  for  when  they  found  out  that  death 
had  come  into  the  world,  they  did  not  know  what  to  do,  and  they  dis- 
cussed the  matter. 

All  those  that  are  now  the  stars  went  up  in  the  sky  at  this  time,  hop- 
ing in  that  way  to  escape  death  ;  and  all  things  that  live  in  the  ground, 
worms  and  insects  and  burrowing  animals,  went  under  the  ground  to 
hide  from  death.  But  the  others  decided  to  stay  on  the  earth.  They 
concluded  that  it  might  be  possible  to  live  so  many  years  and  then  go 
back  and  be  young  again. 

Then  they  left  Temecula  and  scattered  all  over  just  as  it  is  to-day. 
Now  that  Ouiot  was  gone  there  was  no  use  in  staying  in  their  first 
home.     They  no  longer  had  a  guide  or  teacher  there. 

No  one  knew  that  Ouiot  was  to  come  back,  except  Cha-ha-mal, 
and  early  in  the  morning  he  would  go  upon  the  housetop  and  call 
out,  "Ouiot  is  coming  back." 

"What  does  he  say.?"  the  people  wondered. 

But  they  understood  when,  for  the  first  time,  Ouiot  rose  in  the  east. 
They  saw  the  moon  rise  and  they  knew  it  was  Ouiot.  It  was  the  first 
time  there  was  any  moon,  but  he  has  been  coming  ever  since. 

After  Ouiot  died  and  the  people  scattered  from  Temecula,  they 
took  the  Tam'-yush  (sacred  stone  bowls)  with  them.  They  had  been 
people,  but  they  turned  into  stone  bowls  when  the  others  became 
animals,  etc. 


Mythology  of  the  Mission  Indians,  59 

4.    THE    STORY    OF    OUIOT.^ 

There  was  a  village  and  all  the  people  were  together  there,  and  Ouiot 
was  living  there  with  the  people.  This  man  became  a  great  teacher 
and  knew  more  than  all  the  rest  of  the  people.  He  called  all  men  and 
women  his  children.  All  were  naked  then,  no  one  wore  clothes.  At 
that  time  there  was  a  woman  na.med  Wa-ha-wut,  who  was  very  hand- 
some. She  was  of  a  light  complexion,  and  Ouiot  was  very  proud  of 
her.  He  called  her  his  daughter.  There  was  a  pond  where  all  the 
people  used  to  go  to  bathe  ;  and  Ouiot  was  there,  and  this  handsome 
woman  was  there  bathing,  and  Ouiot  saw  that  her  figure  was  not 
handsome.     Her  back  was  flat  and  without  flesh. 

All  the  people  then  were  like  witches ;  and  this  woman  could  read 
his  thoughts,  so  she  knew  that  Ouiot  thought  ill  of  her.  So  this 
woman  killed  him.  She  took  the  spittle  of  Ouiot  and  put  it  in  her 
mouth,  and  took  a  frog  and  hung  it  up.     (This  part  is  obscure.) 

Ouiot  at  once  got  sick  and  thin.  He  knew  what  was  the  matter 
with  him,  and  that  this  woman  was  killing  him  ;  so  he  called  all  the 
people  together,  and  told  them  to  send  for  some  of  the  people  from 
the  north  to  help  him.  So  they  came.  They  were  the  stone  bowls 
(Tam'-yush),  and  they  were  people  then.  They  came  to  see  him  and 
to  doctor  him.  They  knew  what  was  the  matter  with  him,  but  they 
could  do  nothing  to  help  him. 

So  then  he  sent  east  for  some  others.  They  are  the  stars,  Nu-ku- 
lish,  and  Yung-a-vish,^  people  then.  They  came  to  see  what  was  the 
matter  with  him,  but  they  could  not  help  him. 

Then  he  sent  south,  and  some  people  came  from  the  south  (now 
the  oak  and  the  live  oak),  and  they  tried  to  doctor  him,  but  did  no 
good.  Then  from  the  west,  the  tule  and  the  pine-tree  (people  then) 
came,  and  tried  to  cure  him,  but  in  vain. 

He  was  sick  for  a  long  time,  and  he  called  all  these  people,  and  all 
who  were  then  living  around  him.  He  did  not  know  in  which  month 
he  should  die,  but  he  lingered  through  all  the  months.^  In  the  eighth 
month  he  called  them  all  about  him,  and  told  them  that  he  was  the 
one  who  made  death.  No  one  had  ever  died  before,  but  after  his 
death  all  would  die  too.  Death  would  come  for  all.  So  the  month 
was  called  Soym'-a-mul  (or  Som'-o-y-mal),  Soym  or  Som  meaning 
"all."  It  is  applied  to  a  man  who  in  eating  takes  the  whole  of  a 
thing  into  his  mouth. 

While  Ouiot  was  dying.  Coyote  was  trying  to  eat  him.  He  was 
weeping,  and  Coyote  licked  his  tears.  After  Ouiot  died.  Coyote  wanted 
to  eat  the  body,  but  the  people  took  clubs  and  would  not  let  him  come 

^  Another  version,  told  by  another  old  man.  2  Antares  and  Altair. 

'  The  series  is  given  as  above. 


6o  yournal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 

near.  They  told  him  to  go  north  to  get  fire.  He  ran  a  little  way 
and  came  back.  Then  they  sent  him  in  the  same  way  east,  west, 
and  south  ;  but  when  he  looked  back  he  saw  the  smoke  already  rising. 
The  big  blue-fly,  Sar-e-wut,  had  made  fire  with  the  whirling-stick. 
That  is  the  reason  flies  rub  their  hands  together.  When  Coyote 
came  back,  the  body  was  burned  all  but  the  heart.  He  began  to  cry 
out  that  he  wanted  to  see  his  father,  but  the  people  clubbed  him  to 
drive  him  away.  He  still  shows  the  marks  of  the  clubs  on  his  body. 
But  he  got  the  heart  and  ate  it. 

Just  before  Ouiot  died,  he  told  his  people  that  they  could  kill  and 
eat  the  deer.  They  had  never  killed  anything  before  this  time. 
And  when  they  had  killed  the  deer,  they  must  take  the  small  bones 
of  the  leg  for  awls  to  make  baskets  with.  This  was  the  beginning 
of  basket-making.  Spider  was  a  woman,  and  it  was  she  who  must 
make  the  baskets.^ 

So  they  made  awls  out  of  the  bones,  and  gave  them  to  Spider, 
and  she  made  a  basket.  The  first  basket  was  made  to  put  the  bones 
of  Ouiot  in,  and  they  buried  it  and  had  a  big  fiesta.  That  was  the 
beginning  of  the  fiestas  for  the  dead.  As  they  burned  Ouiot,  so  they 
burn  clothes  and  other  things. 

The  eagle  was  a  big  man  and  a  very  great  captain,  and  Ouiot  had 
told  them  that  when  they  made  this  fiesta  they  were  to  kill  the  eagle  ; 
and  so  they  do.  They  kill  the  eagle,  and  burn  the  possessions  of 
the  man,  and  then  begin  to  sing. 

Before  Ouiot  died,  he  commanded  that  when  they  sing  they  should 
use  a  rattle  made  out  of  shells  of  turtles.^ 

A  man  (now  the  kingbird)  was  his  best  friend,  and  a  very  good 
man,  and  before  he  died  Ouiot  told  him  that  he  would  soon  return. 

So  kingbird  got  on  the  highest  mountain  near  San  Bernardino,  and 
began  to  tell  the  people  that  Ouiot  was  coming  back.  You  can  still 
hear  him  saying  this  on  the  top  of  a  tree  in  the  early  morning.  He 
sings,  "  Ouiot  is  coming      Ouiot  is  coming." 

When  the  people  heard  him  saying  this,  they  all  went  out  to  look, 
and  to  their  surprise  they  saw  him.  He  came  up  in  the  shape  of  the 
Moon.  After  he  came  in  the  morning  he  went  west.  Kingbird  alone 
saw  him  in  the  east.  Then  all  the  others,  and  Coyote  first  among 
them,  saw  him  in  the  west ;  and  Coyote  said,  "  Moyla  has  come." 

Constance  Goddard  Du  Bois. 

Waterkury,  Conn, 

*  Others  say  that  a  cicada-like  insect  that  sings  on  summer  evenings  was  the  first 
basket-maker, 

2  This  most  primitive  form  of  rattle,  mentioned  by  Boscana,  is  still  in  use.  It 
is  made  of  two  hollow  land-turtle  shells,  the  top  and  bottom  of  which  are  joined 
by  finely  woven  milkweed  twine,  the  two  shells  being  fastened  upon  a  stick  for 
handle,  and  having  small  pebbles  within. 


Proceedings  of  the  California  Branch.  6 1 

PROCEEDINGS    OF   THE   CALIFORNIA   BRANCH    OF 
THE   AMERICAN   FOLK-LORE   SOCIETY. 

COUNCIL  MEETING. 
A  meeting  of  the  Council  of  the  California  Branch  of  the  Ameri- 
can Folk-Lore  Society  was  held  in  the  Unitarian  Church,  Berkeley, 
Thursday,  December  7,  1905,  at  7.45  p.  m.  On  motion  the  follow- 
ing persons  were  approved  for  membership :  Mrs.  M.  S.  Biven,  Oak- 
land ;  Miss  G.  E.  Barnard,  Oakland. 

A.  L.  Kroeber,  Secretary. 

FOURTH    MEETING. 

The  fourth  meeting  of  the  California  Branch  of  the  American 
Folk-Lore  Society  was  held  in  Room  22,  South  Hall,  University  of 
California,  Berkeley,  Tuesday,  November  14,  1905,  at  8  p.  m.  Mr. 
Charles  Keeler  presided. 

The  minutes  of  the  last  meeting  were  read  and  approved.  The 
following  persons  approved  by  the  Council  were  elected  to  mem- 
bership in  the  Society,  the  secretary  being  instructed  to  cast  the 
vote  of  the  Society  for  them  :  Mr.  R.  F.  Herrick,  Mrs.  S.  C.  Bige- 
low,  San  Francisco,  Mrs.  Zelia  Nuttall,  Mexico,  and  Mr.  and  Mrs. 
Oscar  Maurer,  Berkeley. 

The  President  spoke  briefly  on  the  aims  of  the  Society,  reviewed 
its  history,  and  announced  coming  meetings. 

Professor  John  Fryer  then  delivered  a  lecture,  illustrated  with 
specially  prepared  lantern  slides,  on  "  Fox  Myths  in  Chinese  Folk- 
Lore."  Professor  Fryer  briefly  discussed  Chinese  folk-lore  in  gen- 
eral, its  hold  on  the  mind  of  the  people,  the  important  place  occupied 
by  superstitions  regarding  the  fox,  and  recounted  a  number  of  inter- 
esting and  suggestive  fox  tales. 

Two  hundred  persons  attended  the  meeting. 

A.  L.  Kroeber,  Secretary. 

FIFTH  MEETING. 

The  fifth  meeting  of  the  California  Branch  of  the  American  Folk- 
Lore  Society  was  held  in  the  Unitarian  Church,  Berkeley,  Thursday, 
December  7,  1905,  at  8  p.  m.     Professor  John  Fryer  presided. 

The  minutes  of  the  last  meeting  were  read  and  approved. 

The  following  persons  approved  by  the  Council  were  elected  to 
membership  in  the  Society,  the  secretary  being  instructed  to  cast 
the  vote  of  the  Society  for  them  :  Mrs.  M.  S.  Biven,  Oakland,  Miss 
G.  E.  Barnard,  Oakland. 

Professor  Wm.  F.  Bade  delivered  a  lecture   on  "  Hebrew    Folk- 


j 

62  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

Lore,"  based  primarily  on  folk-lore  elements  in  the  Book  of  Gen- 
esis. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  lecture  a  vote  of  thanks  was  tendered 
Professor  Bade,  as  also  to  the  trustees  of  the  Unitarian  Church. 

One  hundred  and  fifty  persons  attended  the  meeting. 

A.  L.  Kroeber,  Secretary. 

COUNCIL  MEETING. 

A  meeting  of  the  Council  of  the  California  Branch  of  the  Ameri- 
can Folk-Lore  Society  was  held  in  the  Unitarian  Church,  Berkeley, 
Tuesday,  February  13,  1906,  at  7.45  p.  m.  On  motion  the  follow- 
ing persons  were  approved  for  membership :  Mr.  F.  Rossi,  San 
Francisco ;  Professor  O.  M.  Johnston,  Stanford  University. 

A.  L.  Kroeber,  Secretary. 

SIXTH  MEETING. 

The  sixth  meeting  of  the  California  Branch  of  the  American  Folk- 
Lore  Society  was  held  in  the  Unitarian  Church,  Berkeley,  Tuesday, 
February  13,  1906,  at  8  p.  m.     Mr.  Charles  Keeler  presided. 

The  minutes  of  the  last  meeting  were  read  and  approved. 

The  following  persons  approved  by  the  Council  were  elected  to 
membership  in  the  Society,  the  secretary  being  instructed  to  cast 
the  vote  of  the  Society  for  them  :  Mr.  F.  Rossi,  San  Francisco ; 
Professor  O.  M.  Johnston,  Stanford  University. 

Dr.  William  Popper  delivered  a  lecture  on  "  Superstitions  of  the 
Arabs,"  based  on  his  researches  and  personal  experiences  among 
the  Arabic-speaking  peoples  of  the  Orient. 

A  vote  of  thanks  was  tendered  the  trustees  of  the  Unitarian 
Society  for  the  privilege  of  using  the  church. 

One  hundred  and  thirty-five  persons  attended  the  meeting. 

A.  L.  Kroeber,  Secretary. 

BERKELEY  FOLK-LORE  CLUB. 

The  second  regular  meeting  of  the  Club  during  1905  was  held  in 
the  Faculty  Club  of  the  University  of  California,  Tuesday  evening, 
November  28.     President  Lange  called  the  meeting  to  order. 

The  minutes  of  the  last  meeting  were  read  and  approved.  The 
following  new  members  were  elected  :  Professor  H.  F.  Overstreet, 
Mr.  A.  H.  Allen,  and  Professor  W.  F.  Bade. 

Professor  F.  B.  Dresslar  read  a  paper  on  "  Some  Studies  in  Super- 
stition," based  on  superstitions  known  to  and  in  part  credited  by 
advanced  school  students  on  the  Pacific  coast.  Special  attention 
was  paid  to  the  degree  of  credence  given  to  superstitions.  Particu- 
lar attention  was  also  given  by  the  speaker  to  the  subject  of  mental 


Proceedings  of  the  California  Branch.  63 

preference  for  odd  numbers.     At  its  conclusion  Professor  Dresslar's 
paper  was  discussed  by  the  members. 

A.  L.  Kroeber,  Secretary. 

The  third  regular  meeting  of  the  Berkeley  Folk-Lore  Club  during 
1905-06  was  held  in  the  Faculty  Club  of  the  University  of  California 
on  Wednesday  evening,  January  31.  President  A.  F.  Lange  pre- 
sided, Professor  W.  F.  Bade  acting  as  secretary /n?  tevi.  Dr.  W. 
Popper  and  Dr.  A.  W.  Ryder  were  proposed  for  membership  in  the 
Club  and  unanimously  elected.  Professor  G.  R.  Noyes  presented 
the  paper  of  the  evening  on  "  Servian  Heroic  Ballads."  Mr.  Niko- 
litzsch,  who  was  present  as  the  guest  of  the  Club,  read  one  of  the 
ballads  in  the  original.  The  paper  was  discussed  at  length  by  the 
members. 

A.  L.  Kroeber,  Secretary. 


64  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 


RECORD   OF   AMERICAN   FOLK-LORE. 

NORTH    AMERICA. 

Algonkian.  New  England.  In  the  "  American  Anthropologist " 
(vol.  vii,  n.  s.,  pp.  490-508)  for  July-September,  1905,  Charles  C. 
Willoughby  writes  of  "Dress  and  Ornament  of  the  New  England 
Indians."  The  topics  treated  are  :  Hair-dressing  (considerable  va- 
riety, styles  due  to  age  and  station),  tattooing  ("  confined  principally 
to  the  cheeks,  upon  which  totemic  figures  were  made  "),  face-paint- 
ing ("  common  with  both  sexes,  and  among  the  men  more  especially 
when  on  war  raids  ; "  various  colors  used  ;  women  painted  for  mourn- 
ing), clothing;  headdress  (eagle  and  turkey  feathers;  curious  head 
ornament  of  colored  deer  hair),  ornaments  in  general  (bracelets,  neck- 
laces, head-bands,  common  especially  among  the  women  ;  native  cop- 
per ornaments  never  common  ;  shell  beads,  wampiim.  Of  wampum 
the  author  says  (p.  508)  :  "Besides  its  use  as  currency,  wampum  was 
woven  into  garters,  belts,  bracelets,  collars,  ear-pendants,  neck-orna- 
ments, head-bands,  etc.  It  was  used  for  ornamenting  bags,  wallets, 
and  various  articles  of  dress.  The  wampum  belt,  woven  of  purple 
and  white  beads  in  symbolic  figures,  served  as  an  inviolable  and 
sacred  pledge,  which  guaranteed  messages,  promises,  and  treaties." 
Also  :  "  Both  discoidal  and  tubular  beads  of  shell  were  used  in  New 
England  at  an  early  date,  but  they  were  probably  rare  and  highly 
prized  in  prehistoric  days." —  Virginian.  In  the  same  periodical 
(pp.  524-528)  Mr.  W.  W.  Tooker  has  an  article,  "Some  More  about 
Virginia  Names,"  in  which  he  discusses  the  etymologies  proposed 
in  a  previous  number  by  Mr.  W.  R.  Gerard.  The  words  considered 
are  :  Wijiauk,  CluckaJiominy,  Werozvacomaco,  PowcoJiicora,  Moekannu, 
Wunnananoiinnck.  In  all  of  these,  according  to  Mr.  Tooker,  Mr. 
Gerard  is  radically  mistaken  as  to  etymological  analyses.  —  Mr.  Ge- 
rard's paper,  entitled  "  Some  Virginia  Indians'  Words,"  appeared  in 
the  number  for  April,  1905  (vol.  vii,  n.  s.,  pp.  222-249)  and  treated 
the  subject  in  considerable  detail  in  criticism  of  a  previous  article  by 
Mr.  Tooker. 

Athapascan.  Apache.  In  the  "  American  Anthropologist  "  (vol. 
vii,  n.  s.,  pp.  480-495)  for  July-September,  1905,  Dr.  A.  HrdliCka 
published  "Notes  on  the  San  Carlos  Apaches."  Habitat,  dwellings 
{khuva,  built  by  women),  manufactured  objects  (old  objects  of  their 
own  manufacture  rare  ;  basketry  made  in  limited  quantity  by  women  ; 
baby-board  leads  to  occipital  compression ;  pottery  gradually  ceased 
in  the  last  twenty  years  ;  musical  instruments,  "  a  flageolet  and  a 
peculiar  one-string  violin  ")  ;  habits  and   customs    (few  preserved ; 


Record  of  Americmi  Folk- Lore.  65 

hair-dressing  of  women ;  tattooing  now  practised  by  the  young, 
•'especially  the  school-girls," — learned  from  the  Mohave,  not  in  use 
among  the  old  San  Carlos  people  ;  record-keeping  ;  mother-in-law 
taboo  reciprocal ;  puberty  feast  now  abandoned  ;  play  of  children, 
"no  highly  specialized  children's  games  seen,"  girls  play  more  than 
boys,  and,  "  except  about  the  schools,  playmates  are  restricted  to  chil- 
dren of  the  same  family  or  to  relatives,"  little  difference  between 
child  play  of  Indian  and  white,  except,  perhaps,  former  shows  more 
patience  and  perseverance  ;  training  of  children,  —  father  and  grand- 
father, mother  and  grandmother  are  the  teachers  of  boys  and  girls 
respectively ;  burial  in  natural  rock-shelters,  on  hillsides,  in  nooks 
of  small,  unfrequented  canons)  ;  antiquities  (Talklai  nuns  ;  Apache 
attributes  them  to  the  na-ilh-ki-de,  "ancient  ones,"  burial  of  cre- 
mated dead  in  jars  is  indicated).  Of  the  lore  of  these  Apaches  in 
general,  the  author  observes :  "  The  fact  should  not  be  overlooked, 
however,  that  their  traditions  are  meagre.  Many  of  the  men  who 
would  have  preserved  their  lore  were  killed  during  their  almost  inces- 
sant warfare,  and  the  younger  element  know  little  beyond  personal 
recollection." 

Caddoan.  Kitkehaki  Pazvnee.  In  the  "American  Anthropolo- 
gist" (vol.  vii,  n.  s.,  pp.  496-498)  for  July-September,  1905,  Dr.  George 
A.  Dorsey,  under  the  title  "A  Pawnee  Personal  Medicine  Shrine," 
gives  the  English  text  of  the  description  by  "  Shooter,  one  of  the 
oldest  of  the  Kitkehaki  tribe  of  Pawnee,"  of  the  personal  medicine 
shrine  of  his  father,  who,  born  a  poor  boy,  grew  to  be  very  success- 
ful in  war,  etc.  This  was  through  making  offerings,  smoking  and 
praying  to  a  "stone  man"  in  the  midst  of  a  grove  of  cedars  in  a 
deep  ravine.  When  the  "  god  "  disappeared,  the  place  where  he  had 
stood  was  honored.  Others  than  the  original  worshipper  found  suc- 
cess through  this  shrine. 

California.  In  the  "American  Anthropologist"  (vol.  vii,  n.  s., 
pp.  594-606)  for  October-December,  1905,  Professor  C.  Hart  Mer- 
riam  has  an  article  on  "  The  Indian  Population  of  California."  The 
author  estimates  that  the  population,  exceptionally  large  (by  reason 
of  climate  and  food  supply),  has  decreased  from  260,000  in  1800  to 
15,500  in  1900.  The  chief  cause  of  such  decrease  has  been  the  im- 
poverishment of  the  Indians  due  to  the  "gradual  but  progressive 
and  relentless  confiscation  of  their  lands  and  homes." 

Lutuamian.  Klamath.  In  the  "  American  Anthropologist  "  (vol. 
vii,  n.  s.,  pp.  360,  361)  for  April-June,  1905,  Dr.  A.  HrdliCka  has  a 
note  on  "  Head  Deformation  among  the  Klamath."  Deformed 
heads  (produced  chiefly  by  means  of  a  bag  of  water-lily  seeds,  tied 
over  the  forehead  of  the  infant)  are  known  as  "  good  heads,"  while 
"long-heads,"  or  undeformed  heads,  are  termed  "slave-like,"  it  being 

VOL.  XIX.  —  NO.  72.         5 


66  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

said  that  "  their  slaves  had  such,  and  a  man  with  such  a  head  is  not 
fit  to  be  a  great  man  in  the  tribe."  So  far  as  known,  "the  process 
of  deforming  the  head  of  the  child  has  no  deleterious  effect."  Rev. 
J.  Kirk,  an  educated  Klamath,  exhibits  the  deformity. 

Mission  Indians.  In  the  "American  Anthropologist"  (vol.  vii, 
n.  s.,  pp.  620-629)  for  October-December,  1905,  Miss  C.  G.  Du  Bois 
has  an  article  on  "  Religious  Ceremonies  and  Myths  of  the  Mission 
Indians."  The  various  fiestas  of  the  Dieguenos  (the  tolacJie,  or  pu- 
berty initiation-feast  for  boys  ;  the  akeel,  the  corresponding  feast  for 
girls  ;  the  wukaruk,  or  feast  of  the  images  of  the  dead  ;  the  eagle 
feast  preparatory  to  the  wukaruk)  are  briefly  treated  (after  Boscana) 
and  the  English  text  of  the  myth  of  the  wukaruk,  called  "  The  Ori- 
gin of  Song  and  Dance,"  given  as  related  by  an  aged  woman  of  Man- 
zanita.  Some  notes  on  the  religious  observances  of  the  Luisenos 
are  given  on  pages  628,  629. 

Pueblos.  Pueblo  Bonito.  In  the  "American  Anthropologist" 
for  April-June,  1905  (vol.  vii,  n.  s.,  pp.  183-197,  4  pi),  Mr.  George 
H.  Pepper  has  an  article  on  "Ceremonial  Objects  and  Ornaments 
from  Pueblo  Bonito,  New  Mexico,"  in  which  are  described  inlaid 
scrapers  of  bone,  a  jet  frog,  a  jet  buckle,  jet  pendant,  beads  and  but- 
tons, turquoise  beads,  pendants  and  beads,  found  in  1897  in  Room  38 
of  the  ruins  of  Pueblo  Bonito,  a  locality  in  the  Chaco  canon,  whose 
inhabitants  had  had  no  intercourse  with  the  Spaniards,  to  judge  by 
archaeological  evidence.  At  p.  575  of  the  July-September  number 
Dr.  J.  Walter  Fewkes  has  a  note  on  "  Inlaid  Objects,"  in  correcting  a 
statement  of  Mr.  Pepper  concerning  Pueblo  mosaics.  —  Jcniez.  In 
the  "American  Anthropologist "  for  April-June,  1905  (vol.  vii,  n.  s., 
pp.  198-212),  Professor  W.  H.  Holmes  has  an  article,  "  Notes  on  the 
Antiquities  of  Jemez  Valley,  New  Mexico,"  embodying  the  results  of 
investigations  made  in  1889,  hitherto  unpublished.  The  ruins  of 
Vallecito  viejo,  Patokwa  (San  Juan  de  Jemez),  Astialakwa,  Giusewa 
(San  Diego  de  Jemez),  Amoxiumqua,  and  several  unnamed  sites  in 
the  neighborhood  of  Jemez  are  briefly  considered.  Some  of  these 
pueblos  were  in  use  in  Spanish  times,  others  are  only  pre-Spanish. 

Salishan.  R.  de  La  Grasserie's  paper  in  the  "Journ.  de  la  Soc. 
des  Americanistes  de  Paris"  (n.  s.,  vol.  ii,  1905,  pp.  333-338),  "Ren- 
seignements  sur  les  noms  de  parente  dans  plusieures  langues  am^ri- 
caines,"  treats  of  the  relationship-terms  in  several  Salishan  dialects 
(Skqomic,  Bilqula,  Stlat'lEmch,  Shushwap,  Kalispelm). 

Shasta-Achomawi.  In  the  "  American  Anthropologist  "  (vol.  vii, 
n.  s.,  pp.  607-612)  for  October-December,  1905,  Dr.  Roland  B.  Dixon 
has  a  brief  article  on  "  The  Mythology  of  the  Shasta-Achomawi." 
Until  recently  these  Indians  have  been  regarded  as  two  distinct 
linguistic  families,  but  Dr.  Dixon  thinks  that  "  they  may  regarded  as 


Record  of  American  Folk-Lore.  67 

probably  related  members  of  a  single  stock,  though  in  many  respects 
quite  distinct."  In  mythology,  as  in  language,  "  the  two  compo- 
nents of  the  stock  are  alike,  yet  different."  The  eastern  (Achomawi) 
branch  resembles  the  Maidu  in  having  "  much  of  the  systematic 
sequent  quality  "  characteristic  of  the  latter ;  likewise  in  the  im- 
portance attached  to  a  creator  and  the  episode  of  creation.  Dr. 
Dixon  gives  the  outline  of  the  Achomawi  creation-myth.  With  the 
Shasta  "  of  the  creation  proper,  or  the  making  of  the  animals,  there 
seems  to  be  little  trace."  The  coyote,  however,  "names  the  animals, 
and  is  responsible  for  the  introduction  of  death  into  the  world,  but 
in  a  manner  wholly  different  from  that  in  the  Achomawi  or  the 
Maidu."  With  the  Shasta,  "we  find  a  considerably  greater  agree- 
ment with  the  Achomawi  in  the  coyote  and  miscellaneous  tales  than 
in  the  creation  series."  The  Shasta  coyote  "  is  not  so  purely  a  trick- 
ster as  the  Achomawi,"  and  he  figures  as  an  important  character  in 
a  larger  number  of  tales.  The  mythologic  data,  on  the  whole,  con- 
firm the  linguistic  evidence  of  the  relationship  of  the  Shasta-Acho- 
mawi.  According  to  Dr.  Dixon,  "we  may,  perhaps,  regard  the 
Shasta,  at  least,  as  comparatively  recent  comers  into  the  area  south 
of  the  Siskiyou  mountains."  —  In  connection  with  this  should  be 
read  Dr.  Dixon's  previous  article  (vol.  vii,  n.  s.,  pp.  213-217)  in  the 
same  journal  on  "The  Shasta-Achomawi :  A  New  Linguistic  Stock, 
with  Four  New  Dialects,"  based  on  investigations  in  1900  and  1902- 
04.  The  Achomawi  is  not  a  single  language,  as  hitherto  believed, 
but  "in  reality  consists  of  two  markedly  divergent  languages," — the 
Achomawi  and  the  Atsuge'wi.  The  relationship  of  the  Achomawi 
and  the  Shasta  is  regarded  by  Dr.  Dixon  as  certain,  and  the  name 
Shasta-Achomawi  suggested  for  the  stock. 

MEXICO. 

Nahuatlan.  Aztecan.  In  the  "  American  Anthropologist  "  for 
April-June,  1905  (vol.  vii,  n.  s.,  pp.  218-221,  2  pi.),  Mr.  D.  J.  Bush- 
nell,  Jr.,  describes  "Two  Ancient  Mexican  Atlatls."  These  objects, 
"  true  gems  of  ancient  Aztec  Art,"  are  now  in  the  Florence  Anthro- 
pological Museum.  They  are  regarded  as  "  probably  the  finest 
existing  examples  of  the  throwing-sticks  of  the  ancient  Mexicans." 
The  high  degree  of  skill  shown  in  the  design  and  execution  of  the 
carving  indicates  that  "they  were  ceremonial  or  sacred  objects,  and 
not  intended  for  actual  use."  Their  history  is  not  known,  —  they 
have  been  in  Florence  for  centuries.  They  were  originally  (like  the 
specimen  in  the  Kircheriana  Museum  in  Rome)  covered  with  a  thin 
layer  of  gold. 

Mixteco-Zapotec.  In  the  "  Journ.  de  la  Soc.  des  Americanistes  de 
Paris  "  (vol.  ii,  n.  s.,  1905,  pp.  241-280),  W.  Lehmann  writes  of  "  Les 


68  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

peintures  Mixteco-Zapot^ques  et  quelques  documents  apparentes." 
The  article  enumerates,  with  historical  sketch,  bibliographic  refer- 
ences, etc.,  the  group  of  picture-writings  (35  MSS.  in  all)  dominated 
by  the  Codex  Borgia  and  influenced  by  Zapotecan  culture. 

CENTRAL    AMERICA. 

Mayan.  KekcJii.  In  the  "American  Anthropologist "  (vol.  vii,  n.  s., 
pp.  271-294)  for  April-June,  1905,  Mr.  Robert  Burkitt  writes  on 
"  A  Kekchi  Will  of  the  Sixteenth  Century,"  giving  the  original  text, 
phonetic  rendering,  interpretative  notes,  and  vocabulary.  The  will, 
that  of  a  dying  widow,  is  dated  December  3,  1583.  It  contains  (ex- 
clusive of  repetitions)  some  112  Kekchi  and  36  Spanish  words,  —  of 
the  dubious  ones  10  or  11  are  probably  Kekchi  and  5  or  6  Spanish. 
The  language  itself  is  interesting  as  bearing  testimony  against  the 
instability  so  commonly  attributed  to  the  speech  of  savage  and  bar- 
barous peoples.  Says  Mr.  Burkitt,  "  If  '  Juan  Mendez,  scribe,'  had 
been  a  better  scribe,  there  would  be  little  but  the  date  to  show  that 
his  Indian  was  not  written  yesterday."  After  320  years  surprisingly 
few  serious  changes  have  taken  place. — Maya  Dates.  In  the 
"American  Anthropologist  "  (vol.  vii,  n.  s.,  pp.  642-647)  for  October- 
December,  1905,  Mr.  J.  T.  Goodman  has  an  article  on  "Maya  Dates." 
According  to  the  author,  the  only  possible  way  of  aligning  ancient 
Maya  chronology  with  ours  is  by  correlating  the  Xin  (reckoning 
by  a  cycle  of  13  kahuns ;  designated  by  their  terminal  day  num- 
ber) and  the  Archaic  (cycle  of  20  kahuns ;  numbered  in  order  of 
succession)  systems.  The  Xins  migrated  from  a  region  where  the 
Archaic  calendar  was  in  use,  and  adopted  the  current  day  and  year 
count  of  the  new  home,  but  retained  their  chronological  one  in  order 
to  keep  their  records  unbroken.  Its  results  from  the  author's  com- 
parisons that  "  Copan,  Quirigua,  Tikal,  Menche,  Piedras  Negras, 
and  the  other  more  modern  capitals,  flourished  from  the  sixth  to  the 
ninth  century  of  our  era,  speaking  in  round  terms,  and  that  Palenque 
was  in  existence  3143  years  before  Christ."  A  certain  general  di- 
versity in  a  system  where  everything  else  was  uniform  indicates  that 
"every  city,  in  addition  to  the  standard  chronology,  common  to  the 
whole  race,  had  a  reckoning  from  the  date  of  its  founding,  —  like 
Rome." — Mayan.  Of  the  papers  translated  in  "  Mexican  and  Cen- 
tral American  Antiquities,  Calendar  Systems  and  History  "  (Wash- 
ington, 1904),  which  forms  Bulletin  28  of  the  Bureau  of  American 
Ethnology,  the  following  relate  to  the  Mayan  stock  :  Seler,  E.  :  An- 
tiquities of  Guatemala  (pp.  75-121),  The  Bat  God  of  the  Maya  Race 
(pp.  231-241),  The  Signification  of  the  Maya  Calendar  for  Historic 
Chronology  (pp.  325-337).  Forstemann,  E. :  Aids  to  the  Deciphering 
of  the  Maya  Manuscripts  (pp.  393-475),  Maya  Chronology  (pp.  473- 


Record  of  American  Folk-Lore.  69 

489),  The  Time  Periods  of  the  Mayas  (pp.  491-498),  The  Maya  Glyphs 
(pp.  499-513),  The  Central  American  Calendar  (pp.  515-519),  The 
Pleiades  among  the  Mayas  (pp.  521-524),  Central  American,  Tonala- 
matl  (pp.  525-533),  Recent  Maya  Investigations  (pp.  535-543),  The 
Inscription  for  the  Cross  of  Palenque  (pp.  545-555),  The  Day  Gods 
of  the  Mayas  (pp.  557-572),  The  Temple  of  Inscriptions  at  Palenque 
(pp.  573-580),  Three  Inscriptions  of  Palenque  (pp.  581-589).  Schell- 
has,  P.  :  Comparative  Studies  in  the  Field  of  Maya  Antiquities  (pp. 
591-622),  Sapper,  C.  :  The  Independent  States  of  Yucatan  (pp. 
623-634).  Dieseldorff,  E.  P.,  Seler,  E.,  and  Forstemann,  E.  :  Two 
Vases  from  Chama  (pp.  635-664).  Dieseldorff,  E.  P.  :  A  Clay  Vessel 
with  a  Picture  of  a  Vampire-Headed  Deity  (pp.  665,  666). 

SOUTH    AMERICA. 

Araucanian.  In  "  Man  "  (London)  for  July,  1905,  pp.  104,  105,  Mr. 
N.  W.  Thomas  communicates  some  "Animal  Superstitions  among 
the  Araucanians  "  collected  by  C.  A.  Sadleir.  In  former  times  in  the 
Argentine,  "  w^hen  a  great  hunt  was  held,  before  the  animals  were 
surrounded,  the  hunters  drew  themselves  up  in  line,  and  with  a  knife 
passed  through  the  skin  at  the  back  of  the  hand  between  the  thumb 
and  the  first  finge-r  extracted  the  blood,  and  prayed  to  God  to  give 
them  his  'outside'  animals."  No  animals,  we  learn,  "are  said  to 
bring  luck  or  ill-luck  to  the  house  in  which  they  live."  The  kong- 
kong,  the  owl  (near  the  house)  and  the  "  foxbird  "  foretell  death.  The 
sheep  and  the  rooster  (due  to  Spanish  influence,  figure  in  this  folk-lore, 
and  "  the  '  eggs  of  the  rooster  '  turn  into  serpents,  which  they  call  colo- 
colo."  Among  other  creatures  mentioned  are  the  eagle,  the  chiicao- 
bird,  the  snake,  the  lizard,  etc.  The  machi,  or  medicine-women,  are 
important,  —  a  few  men  also  become  such. 

Arawakan.  In  the  "American  Anthropologist"  (vol.  vii,  n.  s.,  p. 
572)  for  July-September,  1905,  Mr.  W.  R.  Gerard  has  a  note  on 
"  Ponce  de  Leon  and  the  '  Fountain  of  Youth,'  "  in  which  he  points 
out  that  the  word  bimini,  "  which  the  Spaniards  of  Boriken  (Porto 
Rico),  Juan  Ponce  de  Leon  among  the  number,  understood  from  the 
Arawaks  to  be  the  name  of  an  island  which  lay  far  out  at  sea  to  the 
northwest,"  and  which  contained  the  "fountain  of  youth,"  so  sought 
after  by  Europeans,  is  capable  of  interpretation  from  the  Arawak  lan- 
guage,—  bi,  "life;"  mini,  "fountain,  spring,  source."  Bimini  thus 
signifies  "fountain  of  life."     This  is  a  very  interesting  fact. 

Brazil.  In  the  "  Journ.  de  la  Soc.  des  Americanistes  de  Paris,"  n.  s., 
vol.  ii,  1905,  pp.  323-325,  Dr.  E.  T.  Hamy  describes  "Deux  pierres 
d'eclair  (pedras  de  corisco),  de  I'etat  de  Minas  Geraes,  Bresil,"  —  two 
flint  hatchets  of  the  old  Indians  (found  in  digging  a  ditch  at  Los 
Tranqueros),  known  locally  as  "  thunder-stones." 


70  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

Pre-Columbian  Landings.  In  the  "American  Anthropologist" 
(vol.  vii,  n.  s.,  pp.  250-270)  for  April-June,  1905,  Adolph  F.  Bandelier 
has  a  valuable  article  on  "  Traditions  of  Precolumbian  Landings  on 
the  Western  Coast  of  South  America."  The  author  calls  attention 
to  "the  danger  of  early  Indian  lore  having  been  colored,  by  those 
who  gathered  it,  so  as  to  support  a  favorite  theory," — some  of  the 
Tonapa-Viracocha-Bochica  lore  belongs  here.  The  tradition  re- 
ported by  Oliva  is  discussed  in  detail.  Bandelier  concludes  that  "  the 
tale  of  the  landing  of  so-called  giants  on  the  coast  of  southern  Ec- 
uador is  a  genuine  Indian  tradition  from  a  period  antedating  the  six- 
teenth century,"  and  "it  is  possible  that  the  strange  beings  came  from 
some  point  on  the  western  coast  of  America,  although  the  marked 
difference  in  appearance  between  them  and  the  coast  Indians  of 
Ecuador  would  rather  indicate  an  extra-American  origin  ;"  perhaps 
from  some  of  the  islands  of  the  South  Sea.  Volcanic  disturbances 
probably  contributed  to  their  extermination ;  the  natural  phenomena 
were  exaggerated  by  the  priestly  narrators  of  a  later  day. 

GENERAL 

Historical  and  Ethnographical.  Dr.  Livingston  Farrand  s 
"  The  Basis  of  American  History  1500-1900"  (N.  Y.,  1904,  pp.  xviii, 
303),  which  forms  the  second  volume  of  "The  American  Nation  :  A 
History,"  edited  by  Professor  A.  B.  Hart,  is  devoted  to  the  considera- 
tion of  the  American  Indian  tribes,  with  introductory  chapters  on 
physiography,  waterways,  portages,  trails  and  mountain-passes,  timber 
and  agriculture  products,  animal-life,  etc.  Besides  the  sections  deal- 
ing with  the  various  groups  of  tribes,  there  are  chapters  on  "  Social 
Organization,"  "Houses,  House-life,  and  Food-quest,"  "Industrial 
Life  and  Warfare,"  "Religion,  Mythology,  and  Art"  (pp.  248-261), 
"  Character  and  Future  of  the  Indians."  Pages  272-289  are  occupied 
by  a  "Critical  Essay  on  Authorities."  In  this  book,  the  author,  who 
was  president  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society  for  1903,  has  pro- 
duced a  valuable  hand-book  of  the  American  Indians,  which  for  the 
ordinary  reader  is  better  than  anything  of  the  sort  we  possess,  since, 
while  popular  in  a  sense,  it  is  none  the  less  scientific.  With  Dr.  Brin- 
ton's  "  The  American  Race  "  (which  now  needs  revision)  the  present 
volume  will  give  the  student  of  the  Red  Man  a  good  idea  of  who  the 
American  Indians  are,  what  they  have  done  and  the  course  of  their 
history  since  the  advent  of  the  Aryan  in  the  New  World. 

Mutilations  and  Deformations.  The  monograph  of  Dr.  Nello 
Puccioni,  "  Delle  deformazioni  e  mutilazioni  artificial!  etnici  piu  in 
uso,"  in  the  "  Archivio  per  1'  Antropologia"  (Firenze),  vol,  xxxiv 
(1904),  pp.  355-402,  contains  several  items  relating  to  the  American 
Indians :    Ancient   Peruvian  tattooing  (p.    365)  ;    ancient  Peruvian, 


Record  of  American  Folk-Lore.  71 

Carib,  Combo,  Chincha,  Chinook,  Calchaqui,  Patagonian,  Aymaran, 
Mexican,  Yucatecan,  Botocudan  skull  flattening  and  other  deforma- 
tions and  mutilations  (pp.  367-384) ;  Northwest  Pacific  Coast  Indian, 
Botocudo,  Chiriguan,  Caingua,  Lengua,  Payagua,  Araca,  Toba, 
Carib  perforations,  etc.,  of  the  nose,  ears,  lips  (pp.  384-389)  ;  Galibi 
compression  (by  tying)  of  the  calves  of  the  leg  to  make  them  more 
prominent.  On  page  400  the  author  remarks,  rather  too  broadly : 
"  The  Fuegians  and  all  American  Indians  carefully  remove  all  the 
hairs  on  their  skin  at  the  age  of  14  or  15  years,  with  copper  pincers 
and  even  more  primitive  instruments." 

Nomenclature  (Ethnological).  The  article  of  Dr.  A.  L.  Kroeber 
on  "Systematic  Nomenclature  in  Ethnology,"  in  the  "American  An- 
thropologist" (vol.  vii,  n.  s.,  pp.  59-593)  for  October-December,  1905, 
will  be  of  some  interest  to  folklorists.  Some  needed  reforms  in  the 
Powellian  system  of  nomenclature  for  Indian  stocks  are  suggested. 

Sociology.  In  the  "  American  Anthropologist "  for  October-De- 
cember, 1905  (vol.  vii,  n.  s.,  pp.  663-673)  Dr.  John  R.  Swanton  dis- 
cusses "  The  Social  Organization  of  American  Tribes,"  — those  north 
of  the  Mexican  boundary.  The  conclusion  reached  is  that  "  the 
primitive  nature  of  the  maternal  clan  is  not  substantiated  by  a  study 
of  the  American  tribes  north  of  Mexico,  and  can  be  proved  only  by 
presenting  more  abundant  proof  from  other  quarters  of  the  globe." 
Sociologists  are  warned  to  exercise  more  care  in  picking  out  "  vesti- 
gial characters."  Many  of  these  refer  to  the  future,  not  the  past,  are 
potential,  not  vestigial. 

A.  F.  C.  audi.  C.  C. 


72  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 


RECORD    OF   PHILIPPINE   FOLK-LORE. 

Guam.  The  fourth  and  fifth  sections  of  W.  E.  Safford's  study  of 
"The  Chamorro  Language  of  Guam"  appear  in  the  "American 
Anthropologist  "  for  July-September,  1904  (n.  s.,  vol,  vi,  pp.  501- 
534),  and  April-June,  1905  (vol.  vii,  pp.  305-315).  In  Chamorro 
giiflii,  "to  love,"  signifies  literally  "to  see  well,"  and  cJiatlii,  "to 
hate,"  means  "to  look  ill  at."  GefJiinaloni,  "generous,"  means 
"kind-interior,"  and  chatliinaloni,  "mean,"  signifies  literally  "bad- 
interior."  Says  the  author  :  "  The  possibility  of  tracing  many  words 
to  their  original  sources  is  an  interesting  feature  of  the  Chamorro 
language,  showing  clearly  that  the  words  were  formed  by  the  Cha- 
morros  themselves,  who  use  them  in  their  primitive  sense."  The 
adverbs  sen  (very,  most)  and  sesen  (exceedingly)  "are  in  all  prob- 
ability identical  with  the  Nahuatl  cen  {sen)  and  cecen  {zezen),  intro- 
duced in  early  times  by  priests  or  soldiers  from  Mexico." 

MoRO.  As  vol.  iv,  pt.  i  (Manila,  1905,  pp.  107),  of  the  Ethno- 
logical Survey  (Department  of  the  Interior)  Publications  appears 
Najeeb  M.  Saleeby's  "  Studies  in  Moro  History,  Law,  and  Religion," 
After  a  general  introduction,  English  translations  of  eight  MSS  (From 
Adam  to  Mohammed  ;  Genealogy  of  Kabungsuwan  and  his  Coming 
to  Magindanao,  or  the  Conversion  of  Magindanao  to  Islam  ;  Gene- 
alogy of  Bwayan  ;  History  of  the  Dumatus  and  the  Conversion  of 
Mindanao  to  Islam  ;  Oldest  Copy  of  the  Genealogy  of  Magindanao 
and  the  Iranun  Datus  ;  History  and  Genealogy  of  Magindanao  Proper  ; 
Genealogy  of  Bagumbayan ;  Ancestors  of  the  Datus  of  Mindanao) 
are  given,  pages  20-50.  Then  comes  a  sketch  of  the  history  of  Ma- 
gindanao (pages  51-61).  The  second  chapter  (pages  64-100)  deals 
with  the  laws  of  the  Moros  (the  luwaran,  or  the  laws  of  Magindanao ; 
the  old  and  new  Sulu  codes).  Chapter  iii  (pages  101-107)  gives  the 
English  texts  of  two  Sulu  orations,  one  for  the  feast  of  Ramadan,  the 
other  the  "  Friday  oration."  Facsimiles  of  many  of  the  pages  of 
the  original  MSS.  serve  as  illustrations  to  this  interesting  mono- 
graph, which  is  based  upon  "exact  and  true  copies  and  translations" 
of  the  original  tarsila  or  salsila  in  the  possession  of  the  chief  datus 
of  the  Rio  Grande  Valley,  —  these  are  "written  in  the  Magindanao 
dialect  with  Arabic  characters,  and  a  great  part  of  their  text  is  Ma- 
gindanao names  which  have  never  yet  been  expressed  by  means  of 
Romanic  characters."  According  to  the  author  Mindanao  means 
"inundated,"  and  Magindanao,  "that  which  inundation,"  —  a  very 
appropriate  name  in  reference  to  the  floods  of  the  Rio  Grande. 
From  page  16  we  learn  :  "The  word  Mindanao,  unless  restricted  by 
the  sense  of  the  sentence,  is  generally  used  to  mean  the  Island  of 


Record  of  Philippine  Folk-Lore  73 

Mindanao,  while  the  term  Magindanao  is  limited  to  the  old  district 
or  town  of  Cotabato  proper."  The  "mythology  of  Mindanao,"  given 
on  pages  16-20,  treats  of  pernicious  man-devouring  monsters  (an 
amphibious  creature,  an  ugly  creature  in  human  form  but  much 
larger,  two  monstrous  birds)  and  their  extirpation  by  Raja  Sulay- 
man  (Solomon)  and  Raja  Indarapatra, — the  latter  "is  the  mytho- 
logical hero  of  Magindanao  and  Mantapuli  is  his  city."  The  amphib- 
ious monster  called  kiirita  may  be  the  crocodile,  and  the  man-like 
tarabusan  some  large  species  of  ape. 

Negritos.  As  part  i  of  vol.  ii  of  the  "  Ethnological  Survey 
(Manila)  Publications,"  appears W.  A.  Reed's  "Negritos  of  Zambales 
(Manila,  1904,  pp.  90),  with  72  plates  and  2  text-figures.  This 
monograph  is  based  upon  two  months' field  work  in  May-June,  1903, 
at  Iba,  Tagiltil,  Sta  Fe,  Cabayan,  Aglao,  etc.  After  an  introductory 
chapter  on  the  past  and  present  distribution  of  the  Negritos  (the  au- 
thor thinks  they  do  not  exceed  25,000  in  number,  the  largest  and 
purest  group  being  that  in  the  Zambales  Mountains  in  western  Luzon  ; 
in  Panay,  Negros,  and  Mindanao  they  are  also  "  pure  to  a  large  ex- 
tent; "  in  east  Luzon  and  Paragua  "marked  evidence  of  mixture 
exists  "),  the  author  discusses  :  Habitat,  Negritos  of  Zambales  (physi- 
cal features,  permanent  adornment,  dress),  Industrial  Life  (home  life, 
agriculture,  manufacture  and  trade,  hunting  and  fishing).  Amuse- 
ments (games,  music,  dancing).  General  Social  Life  (child,  marriage, 
polygamy  and  divorce,  burial,  morals,  slavery,  intellectual  life,  super- 
stitions), Spanish  Attempts  to  organize  the  Negritos.  Appendix  A 
(PP-  75~77)  gives  anthropometric  measurements  of  jy  individuals  (32 
females),  and  Appendix  B  (pp.  79-83)  vocabularies  of  100  words  of 
the  Zambal  of  Bolinao,  Zambal  of  Iba,  Zambal  of  Sta.  Fe,  Aeta  of 
Subig,  Aeta  of  Bataan,  and  Dumagat  of  Bulacan.  The  Negritos 
of  Zambal  "seem  to  have  entirely  lost  their  own  language  and  to 
have  adopted  that  of  the  Christianized  Zambal."  Their  social  state 
is  "everywhere  practically  the  same,"  and  the  Zambals  "were  the 
most  indolent  and  backward  of  the  Malayan  peoples."  Sharpening 
the  teeth  (upper  usually)  is  universal  among  the  Negritos.  The 
fiint-and-steel  method  of  fire-making  "  has  almost  entirely  supplanted 
the  more  primitive  method  of  rubbing  two  sticks  together."  Their 
agricultural  implements  are  the  Had,  or  digging-stick,  and  the  bolo. 
In  the  art  of  making,  "  aside  from  the  bows  and  arrows  which  he 
constructs  with  some  degree  of  skill,  he  has  no  ingenuity,  and  his 
few  other  products  are  of  the  most  crude  and  primitive  type."  By 
instinct,  habit,  and  necessity  the  Negrito  is  a  hunter,  and  some  of 
his  traps  are  quite  skilful  (Malay  borrowing  is  hinted  in  certain 
cases) ;  in  fishing  he  uses  the  bamboo  weir  (perhaps  borrowed).  The 
nearest  approach  to  a  game  observed  was  "a  gambling  game."    Chil- 


74  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

dren  take  up  serious  life  too  early  to  need  games.  Their  music  and 
instruments  are  crude,  and  they  are  said  to  have  but  two  songs. 
Their  chief  amusement  is  dancing  (potato  dance,  bee  dance,  tor- 
ture dance,  lover's  dance,  duel  dance).  Connected  with  marriage 
are  the  rice  ceremony,  head  ceremony,  and  leput,  or  home  coming. 
Polygamy  characterizes  the  well-to-do,  but  the  sentiment  is  against 
divorce.  No  special  burial  ceremony  was  observed  by  the  author. 
In  truthfulness,  honesty,  and  temperance  the  Negrito  is  far  superior 
to  the  Malayan,  from  whom  many  of  his  vices  have  been  borrowed. 
Slavery  probably  still  exists.  The  countenance  of  the  Negrito  is 
"  fairly  bright  and  keen,  more  so  than  the  average  Malayan  counte- 
nance." The  Negritos  "have  developed  to  a  high  degree  a  sense  of 
the  dramatic,  and  they  can  relate  a  tale  graphically,  becoming  so 
interested  in  their  account  as  to  seem  to  forget  their  surroundings." 
The  Negritos  feed  the  spirits  after  a  hunt ;  they  believe  that  the 
spirits  of  the  dead  are  constantly  present  near  where  they  lived  when 
alive.  To  these  "  they  attribute  all  adverse  circumstances,  sickness, 
failure  of  crops,  unsuccessful  hunts." 

A.F.C. 


Record  of  Negro  Folk- Lore.  7  5 


RECORD  OF  NEGRO  FOLK-LORE. 

African,  Two  interesting  recent  collections  of  the  legends  and 
folk-lore  of  the  African  negro  are  A.  Seidel's  "Das  Geistesleben  der 
afrikanischen  Negervolker "  (Berlin,  1905,  pp.  340),  and  T.  von 
Held's  "Marchen  und  Sagen  der  afrikanischen  Neger  "  (Jena,  1904, 
pp.  xiv,  202).  The  former  contains  tales,  proverbs,  and  songs  from 
the  Bantu-peoples  (pp.  147-276), — Herero,  Ambundu,  Dualla,  Po- 
komo,  Shambala,  Bondei,  Ganda,  Suaheli,  Nyamwezi,  Nyassa,  Zulu, 
Sutho  ;  mixed-negro  peoples,  —  Gold  Coast  Tribes,  Temne,  Wolof, 
Nupe,  Bornu,  Haussa,  Dinka,  Bari.  There  are  also  sections  on  Se- 
mitic-speaking peoples  (among  whom  the  author  includes  the  modern 
Egyptians)  and  the  Hamitic  tribes  (ancient  Egyptians,  Berbers,  etc., 
Somali,  Bilin,  etc.),  to  whom  he  attaches  also  the  Nama-Hottentots. 
In  an  introduction  (pp.  1-19)  Hr.  Seidel  discusses  briefly  some  gen- 
eral topics  concerning  the  African  negro.  The  negro,  it  is  here 
said,  lives  in  the  light  of  Spinoza's  conatus  sui  ipsiiis  conservandi.  On 
pages  6-8  the  author  cites  with  approval  the  conclusions  reached  by 
Chatelain,  in  his  noteworthy  article  in  this  Journal  (vol.  viii,  1895,  pp. 
177-184)  on  "Some  Causes  of  the  Retardation  of  African  Progress." 
The  present  condition  of  the  negro  is  not  due  to  lack  of  intellectual 
endowment,  but  to  the  natural  conditions  of  the  African  continent, 
and  certain  unfortunate  social  institutions.  Again,  on  pages  10,  11 
Hr.  Seidel  pays  tribute  to  Chatelain's  summation  of  the  characteris- 
tics of  the  folk-lore  of  the  African  negro.  The  material  for  the 
Ambundu  (pp.  153-162)  is  taken  from  Chatelain's  "Folk-Tales  of 
Angola,"  which  formed  the  first  volume  (1894)  of  the  Memoirs  of  the 
American  Folk-Lore  Society.  Seidel  considers  that  the  African  ne- 
groes have  especially  developed  the  i)idrche?i,  the  fable  (animal  in 
particular),  the  anecdote  (chiefly  with  didactic  tendency),  religious 
(cosmogonic)  tradition,  historic  legend  (genealogical),  riddles,  and 
proverbs,  —  also  many  varieties  of  songs.  —  T.  von  Held's  book  con- 
tains besides  much  material  collected  by  herself  (she  is  now  a  teacher 
in  South  Africa),  tales  of  the  Wolof,  etc.,  from  other  sources.  Also 
(pp.  199-202)  some  Suaheli,  Damara,  Herero,  Bechuana,  Kaffir,  and 
Zulu  proverbs.  Miss  von  Held's  collection  includes  tales  and  legends 
from  the  Kaffirs,  Zulus,  Bushmen,  Bechuana,  Hottentots,  Basuto, 
Nao,  and  a  number  of  other  tribes  and  peoples,  —  animal  stories 
largely  predominate.  The  wealth  of  African  proverbs  is  indicated 
by  the  statement  (p.  8)  that  Christaller  collected  3000  among  the 
Tshi  negroes  alone.  The  chief  animal  figures  in  these  tales  are  the 
jackal,  hedgehog,  serpent,  wolf,  owl,  lion,  hyena,  fox,  raven,  vulture, 


76  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

elephant,  hare,  cow,  turtle-dove,  crocodile,  hippopotamus,  pig,  eagle, 
dog,  chameleon,  etc, 

Africa  and  America.  In  the  "  Pedagogical  Seminary  "  (vol.  xii, 
1905,  pp.  350-368)  President  G.  Stanley  Hall  discusses  "The  Negro 
in  Africa  and  America."  The  question  of  religion,  etc.,  is  treated  at 
some  length.  The  author  considers  that  "  it  is  surprising  to  see 
how  few  of  his  aboriginal  traits  the  negro  has  lost,  although  many  of 
them  are  modified."  Also  :  "The  negro  has  a  tropical  imagination, 
a  very  keen  sensitiveness  to  nature,  and  an  overmastering  tendency 
to  personify,  not  only  animals  but  natural  objects.  This  has  given 
birth  and  currency  to  the  rankest  growth  of  superstition  to  be  found 
among  any  race  and  which  often  controls  daily  life."  The  state- 
ment (p.  360)  that  "  the  negro  himself  has  an  hereditary  disregard  for 
heredity  and  keeps  no  pedigrees,"  is  intended,  as  a  general  statement, 
to  apply  in  America. 

Jamaica.  The  collection  of  "  Folk-Lore  of  the  Negroes  of  Ja- 
maica"  (see  this  Journal,  vol.  xviii,  p.  156)  is  continued  in  "Folk- 
Lore"  (vol.  xvi,  1905,  pp.  68-77).  The  items  recorded  relate  to  the 
human  body  ;  animals,  birds,  and  insects ;  love,  courtship,  marriage ; 
births,  deaths,  funerals  ;  ghosts ;  visits  ;  the  weather ;  raiments ; 
dreams,  etc.  Signs,  omens,  superstitions,  etc.,  in  great  variety  are 
included.  The  "duppy"  figures  largely  as  usual.  On  page  75  we 
learn  that  "  the  butting  of  the  right  foot  is  a  sign  of  good  luck  ;  but- 
ting the  left  foot  signifies  bad  luck," — a  superstition  the  opposite 
of  that  entertained  by  the  Fjort  of  West  Africa,  as  Mr.  E.  S.  Hart- 
land,  in  a  footnote,  points  out. 

Melodies.  The  "  Southern  Workman  "  (vol.  xxxiv,  p.  265)  for  May, 
1905,  calls  attention  to  the  latest  issue  of  the  Oliver  Ditson  Musi- 
cian s  Library,  which  contains  24  negro  melodies  adapted  to  the  piano 
by  Coleridge-Taylor.  The  introduction  is  by  Booker  T.  Washington, 
who  says  :  "  According  to  African  students  at  Tuskegee,  there  are 
in  the  native  melodies  strains  that  reveal  the  close  relationship  be- 
tween the  negro  music  of  Africa  and  America.  And  apart  from  the 
music  of  the  red  man,  the  negro  folk-songs  are  the  only  distinctively 
American  music." 

Georgia  (Geechee).  Under  the  title  "  Some  Geechee  Folk-Lore," 
Monroe  N.  Work,  of  the  Georgia  State  Industrial  College,  publishes 
(pp.  633-635)  the  first  part  (proverbs,  miscellaneous  beliefs,  animal 
beliefs,  plant  superstitions,  etc.)  of  a  collection  of  folk-lore  from  the 
oyster  negroes  of  Thunderbolt,  Ga.,  not  all  of  whom  believe  these 
superstitions,  some  often  saying,  "  This  is  only  a  saying  and  is  not 
true."  There  is  said  to  be  a  considerable  element  of  African  folk- 
lore among  these  negroes.  The  author  informs  us  that  "  the  negroes 
inhabiting  the  tide-water  section  of  Georgia  and  South  Carolina  are 


Record  of  Negro  Folk-Lore.  77 

so  peculiar  in  their  dialect,  customs,  and  beliefs  that  the  term  Gee- 
chee,  which  means  a  rough,  ignorant,  and  uncouth  person,  is  applied 
to  them."  One  curious  belief  is  as  follows:  "If  you  cannot  raise 
your  children,  bury  on  its  face  the  last  one  to  die  and  those  coming 
after  will  live ;  or  if  you  wish  to  raise  your  new-born  child,  sell  it  to 
some  one  for  10  or  25  cents  and  your  child  will  live."  In  support  of 
this  it  is  said  :  "  A  woman,  the  mother  of  16  children,  lost  the  first 
10.  The  tenth  one  was  buried  on  its  face,  and  the  other  six,  as  they 
were  born,  were  raised  without  difficulty.  This  woman's  daughter 
lost  her  first  two  children,  but  the  third  was  sold,  and  it  lived." 

A.  R  a 


78  yournal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 

RECORD  OF  EUROPEAN  FOLK-LORE  IN  AMERICA. 

Counting-out  Rhymes.  In  the  "American  Anthropologist," 
(vol.  vi,  n.  s.,  pp.  46-50)  for  January-March,  1904,  Professor  Will  S. 
Monroe  has  an  article  on  "  Counting-out  Rhymes  of  Children," 
based  on  compositions  (two  sets)  of  some  2050  pupils  in  the  ele- 
mentary schools  of  western  Massachusetts,  and  dealing  with  one  of 
the  points  considered,  viz.,  "  the  extent  and  importance  attached  to 
counting-out  rhymes  in  the  plays  and  games  of  school-children." 
Only  five  boys  reported  never  having  used  counting-out  rhymes  in 
their  games.  Altogether  183  different  counting-out  rhymes  were 
reported,  but  all  but  54  proved  to  be  variations  of  a  few  pleasing  or 
much  used  jingles.  Girls  mentioned  more  rhymes  than  boys.  The 
three  most  popular  rhymes  are  :  — 

1.  Ena,  mena,  mina,  mo, 

Catch  a  nigger  by  the  toe,  etc. 

2.  One,  two,  three,  four,  five,  six,  seven, 
All  good  children  go  to  heaven. 

3.  Rich  man,  poor  man,  beggar  man,  thief,  etc. 

Of  these  No.  i  was  reported  by  91  per  cent,  of  the  children,  No.  2 
by  86  per  cent.,  and  No.  3  by  79  per  cent.  Sex  differences  as  to 
content  of  rhymes  were  marked.  The  large  number  of  variations 
show  that  "  children  must  add  to  and  alter  such  rhymes."  The  for- 
mulas of  play  "are  clung  to  with  gospel  tenacity,"  however,  and  the 
work  of  the  innovation  is  often  very  hard. 

Spanish  (Mexico.)  In  "Harper's  Monthly  Magazine"  (vol. 
cxii,  pp.  258-265)  for  January,  1905,  Thomas  A.  Janvier  has  an 
article  on  "  Legends  of  the  City  of  Mexico,"  stories  which,  with 
many  others  not  here  recorded,  "are  the  common  property  of  all  the 
people  of  the  City  of  Mexico,"  while  many  of  them  have  also  been 
used  freely  by  the  poets,  and  several  have  served  as  the  basis  for 
popular  plays.  They  are  likewise  "stock  material  for  the  iilling  in 
of  odd  corners  in  the  queer  publications  which  in  Mexico  are  called 
newspapers."  The  legends  told  in  English  by  Mr.  Janvier  are: 
The  Legend  of  Don  Joan  Manuel,  The  Legend  of  the  Puente  del 
Clerigo,  The  Legend  of  the  Obedient  Dead  Nun,  The  Legend  of  the 
Callejou  del  Armado.  Of  these,  the  first  is  said  to  relate  to  a  real 
historical  personage  (hung  on  the  gallows  for  his  sins  by  the  angels, 
the  story  has  it)  ;  the  second  tells  how  the  priest's  skeleton  avenged 
his  murder;  the  next  relates  how  the  body  of  a  dead  nun,  at  the 
command  of  the  Mother  Superior,  shrank  so  as  to  go  in  a  coffin  too 
short  for  its  original  length  ;  the  last  is  the  story  of  a  man  armed  to 
the  teeth,  miser  and  murderer,  as  search  after  his  death  revealed, 

A.  F.  C. 


Annual  Meeting  of  the  American  Folk-Lore.  79 


SEVENTEENTH   ANNUAL   MEETING   OF  THE  AMERI- 
CAN  FOLK-LORE   SOCIETY. 

The  Society  met  in  Ithaca,  N.  Y.,  in  affiliation  with  the  American 
Anthropological  Association,  December  26-29,  1905.  During  the 
same  week  met  in  Ithaca  the  Archaeological  Institute  of  America 
and  the  American  Philological  Association. 

The  Council  of  the  Society  met  at  12  m.,  Wednesday,  December 
27,  in  Sage  College  of  Cornell  University. 

At  2  p.  M.  the  Society  met  for  business  in  the  Botanical  Lecture 
Room,  Sage  College,  in  joint  session  with  the  American  Anthropo- 
logical Association.  The  Chair  was  occupied  by  Professor  T.  F. 
Crane  of  Cornell  University,  as  a  Past  President  of  the  Society. 

The  Secretary  presented  a  Report  on  the  part  of  the  Council,  as 
follows ;  — 

During  the  seventeen  years  which  have  elapsed  since  the  organi- 
zation of  this  Society,  there  has  taken  place  a  great  change  in  the 
status  of  American  anthropology.  To  agencies  at  that  time  in 
existence,  available  for  promoting  the  record  of  tradition  in  America, 
have  been  added  important  museums,  able  to  employ  funds,  even 
though  still  inadequate,  for  purposes  of  research  and  publication 
of  traditional  matter.  The  American  Anthropological  Association, 
with  which  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society  is  now  regularly  affili- 
ated, has  lately  begun  a  useful  career.  The  connection  of  moral  and 
physical  anthropology  is  so  close  that  advance  in  one  direction  of 
necessity  implies  interest  in  other  portions  of  the  field  ;  while  to 
other  causes  tending  to  assist  traditional  investigations  must  be 
added  the  prosperity  of  archaeological  inquiry,  which  of  necessity 
involves  attention  to  folk-lore,  as  often  alone  able  to  supply  the  key 
and  explanation,  the  relation  to  human  life,  without  which  monu- 
ments and  objects  are  merely  so  much  earth  and  stone. 

Increasing  attention  to  the  subject  must  involve  an  increase  in 
the  volume  of  publication,  alike  in  the  presentation  of  new  material 
and  in  the  comparison  of  that  already  gathered.  In  spite  of  what 
has  been  accomplished,  and  of  the  rapid  decay  of  oral  tradition,  there 
remain  portions  of  the  territory  either  altogether  unworked  or  imper- 
fectly explored.  The  persistence  of  folk-lore  renders  it  still  possible 
to  do  something  toward  completing  the  record.  For  example,  during 
the  past  year  it  has  been  shown  that  a  considerable  number  of  old 
English  ballads  are  still  preserved  and  sung  in  various  parts  of  the 
United  States.  The  tales  and  songs,  the  superstitions  and  sayings 
of  American  negroes  still  remain  without  scientific  gathering  or 


8o  yournal  of  Americait  Folk- Lore. 

comparative  study.  Although  in  the  United  States  rapidly  passing 
away,  these  usages  and  conceptions  are  still  to  be  found  in  vigorous 
life  in  neighboring  islands,  while  in  Mexico  remains  nearly  a  virgin 
field  for  the  gathering  of  Spanish  and  aboriginal  folk-lore. 

Under  these  circumstances,  and  considering  the  extent  of  the  ter- 
ritory to  be  covered,  the  resources  of  the  Society,  and  number  of  its 
members,  are  absurdly  inadequate.  It  is  to  be  desired  that  the  mem- 
bership in  the  United  States  should  be  made  sufficient  to  exercise  a 
powerful  influence  on  the  collection  of  the  remaining  material,  and 
to  place  at  the  disposal  of  the  Society  funds  for  important  under- 
takings. The  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore  has  a  large  library 
circulation,  and  through  its  exchanges  offers  an  opportunity  to  inves- 
tigators who  desire  to  make  known  the  results  of  their  labors  ;  in 
order  to 'make  the  publication  thoroughly  creditable,  it  is  important 
that  editors,  who  for  many  years  have  given  and  continue  to  give 
their  services  without  compensation,  should  have  at  their  disposal 
moderate  sums  with  which  to  encourage  collaborators  and  obtain 
reports.  There  are  also  cases  in  which  a  relatively  small  appropri- 
ation would  render  it  possible  for  deserving  students  to  engage  in 
useful  tasks. 

It  seems  incredible  that  in  the  United  States  and  Canada  a  thou- 
sand persons  should  not  be  found  who  would  be  glad  to  unite  with 
the  Society,  if  the  matter  were  properly  called  to  their  attention  ; 
but  hitherto  the  recommendations  of  the  Council  have  not  resulted 
in  such  accession. 

During  the  past  few  months,  however,  a  very  important  step  has 
been  taken  in  the  formation  of  a  Branch  in  California,  organized  for 
the  purpose  of  promoting  research  in  that  state,  and  associated  with 
a  club  formed  chiefly  of  professors  of  the  University  of  California. 
It  is  to  be  hoped  that  this  example  may  be  followed  in  other  states 
which  have  the  opportunity  of  contributing  to  their  own  history  in  a 
manner  which  future  generations  will  especially  appreciate.  So  in 
the  Southern  states  of  the  Union  a  movement  designed  to  record 
the  still  existing  folk-lore  of  whites  and  negroes  should  receive  en- 
couragement. 

The  Council  has  therefore  determined  to  establish,  as  far  as  pos- 
sible, Secretaries,  whose  duty  shall  be  to  promote  membership  and 
library  subscription,  to  form  in  their  territory  branches  or  groups 
of  students  or  persons  interested  to  hold  such  public  meetings  as 
may  seem  desirable,  and  to  communicate  their  proceedings  for  pub- 
lication in  the  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore.  Members  of  the 
Society  are  requested  to  make  suggestions  to  the  Secretary  concern- 
ing the  appointment  of  such  Secretaries,  and  also  the  possibility  of 
establishing  local  organizations  in  their  own  neighborhoods. 


Annual  Meeting  of  the  American  Folk- Lore.  8i 

During  the  year  no  addition  has  been  made  to  the  series  of  Me- 
moirs, of  which  the  Eighth  Volume,  "Traditions  of  the  Skidi  Pawnee," 
collected  and  annotated  by  Prof.  George  A.  Dorsey,  appeared  in  1904. 
A  Ninth  Volume,  however,  it  is  hoped,  will  be  ready  by  the  fall  of 
1906. 

The  Report  of  the  Treasurer,  from  January  i  to  December  27, 
1905,  is  herewith  presented  :  — 

RECEIPTS. 

Balance  from  last  statement $1,240.47 

Receipts  from  Annual  dues 708.00 

Subscriptions  to  Publication  Fund 110.00 

Sales  of  Memoirs  through  Houghton,  MifHin  &  Co 434-53 

G.  A.  Dorsey 30.00 

"             "             "         the  Secretary 5.00 

Interest  account  on  balance,  Old  Colony  Trust  Co.,  less  charge 

for  collection 19.82 

Postage  from  Members .10 


$2,547.92 

DISBURSEMENTS. 

Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  manufacturing  Journal  of  American 

Folk-Lore,  Nos.  67,  68,  69,  70 $1,002.46 

E.  W.  Wheeler,  Cambridge,  Mass.,  printing  of  circulars,  etc.,  for 

the  Secretary 34-So 

H.  M.  Hight,  Boston,  Mass.,  printing  bills,  etc.,  for  the  Trea- 
surer        g.oo 

Expressing  of  books  to  Boston .35 

Second  National  Bank,  New  York  city,  collection 2.10 

Postage  on  bills 4.78 

S.  Ward  «Sr  Co.,  printing  Treasurer's  book 4.00 

Rebate  to  M.  L.  Fernald,  Cambridge  Branch iS-5o 

"      Treasurer  of  Boston  Branch '   .     .     .  37-50 

"               "            "                 "         postage  on  bills  ...  7.11 

Rubber  stamp .65 

$1,117.95 
Balance  to  new  account 1,429.97 

$2,547-92 

Note.  The  above  statement  does  not  include  the  sales  of  single  copies  of  the 
Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore  through  the  publishers,  nor  the  subscriptions  re- 
ceived by  the  publishers,  through  whom  the  libraries  which  subscribe  to  the 
Journal  generally  make  their  payments.     Since  January  i  has  been  received  an 

VOL.  XIX.  — NO.  72.  6 


8  2  Journal  of  A  merican  Folk-L ore. 

account,  showing  a  credit  of  1^583.68.  This  sum  represents  net  profits  after  pay- 
ment of  all  mailing  expenses  of  the  Journal,  charges  for  binding  separates,  etc., 
and  extends  to  three  years,  1903-1905;  it  has  been  added  to  the  account  of  the 
current  year  (1906). 

During  the  year  1906  no  nominations  for  Officers  having  been 
received  by  the  Secretary,  the  Council,  according  to  the  Rules,  made 
nominations  as  follows  :  — 

President,  Professor  Alfred  L.  Kroeber,  University  of  California, 
San  Francisco,  Cal. 

First  Vice-President,  Professor  William  Curtis  Farabee,  Har- 
vard University,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Second  Vice-President,  Mrs.  Zelia  Nuttall,  City  of  Mexico, 
Mex. 

Councillors  (for  three  years)  :  Professor  Franz  Boas,  Columbia 
University,  New  York,  N.  Y.  ;  Professor  T.  F.  Crane,  Cornell  Uni- 
versity, Ithaca,  N.  Y.  ;  Mrs.  Zelia  Nuttall,  City  of  Mexico,  Mex. 
(For  one  year)  :  Professor  J.  Dyneley  Prince,  Columbia  University, 
New  York,  N.  Y. 

The  Secretary  was  empowered  to  cast  a  single  ballot  for  officers 
as  nominated. 

The  Secretary  paid  tribute  to  the  memory  of  members  closely 
connected  with  the  work  of  the  Society,  deceased  through  the  year, 
namely.  Dr.  John  H.  Hinton,  for  fifteen  years  Treasurer,  and  Dr. 
Washington  Matthews,  from  the  year  of  its  foundation  intimately 
associated  with  the  life  of  the  Society,  and  author  of  a  volume  of 
its  Memoirs. 

No  other  business  coming  up,  the  Society  proceeded  to  hear  the 
reading  of  papers. 

The  printed  programme  was  as  follows  :  — 

Presidential  Address,  "  Psychic  Relation  between  Men  and  Ani- 
mals," Miss  Alice  C.  Fletcher,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Mr.  Phillips  Barry,  Boston,  Mass.,  "  Folk-Poetry  of  New  Eng- 
land." 

Mr.  W.  W.  Newell,  Cambridge,  Mass.,  "  Early  Printed  German- 
American  Popular  Medicine." 

Mr.  John  B,  Stoudt,  Lancaster,  Pa.,  "  German-American  Rid- 
dles." 

Mr.  V.  StefAnsson,  Cambridge,  Mass.,  "  Icelandic  Bird  and  Beast 
Lore." 

Dr.  John  R.  Swanton,  Washington,  D.  C,  "A  Concordance  of 
American  Myths."  Discussion  introduced  by  Dr.  Roland  B.  Dixon 
of  Harvard  University. 


Annual  Meeting  of  the  American  Folk- Lore.  83 

To  the  regret  of  the  members  present,  the  President  was  pre- 
vented by  illness  from  delivering  the  Address,  The  paper  of  Dr. 
Swanton  was  therefore  taken  up.  In  this  communication  the  writer 
urged  the  desirability  of  preparing  and  printing  a  Concordance  or 
tabulated  index,  in  which  aboriginal  American  myths  and  their  ele- 
ments might  be  presented  in  proper  order,  and  with  requisite  bibli- 
ographical information.  In  the  ensuing  discussion,  Dr.  Dixon,  Dr. 
Boas,  and  others  took  part.  As  a  result  of  this  comparison  of  ideas, 
the  following  resolution  was  proposed  and  adopted  :  — 

I.  That  it  is  the  desire  of  the  Society  that  a  Concordance  of 
American  myths  be  prepared  by  the  Society. 

II.  That  Dr.  Boas  (as  Chairman),  Dr.  Swanton,  and  Dr.  Dixon,  be 
constituted  a  Committee,  to  carry  out  at  their  discretion  the  object 
above  mentioned,  and  that  they  have  power  to  add  to  their  number. 

In  the  evening  of  Wednesday  was  held  a  joint  meeting  of  the 
Archaeological  Institute  of  America,  the  American  Philological  Asso- 
ciation, and  the  American  Anthropological  Association,  at  Barnes 
Hall.  Professor  Thomas  Day  Seymour,  President  of  the  Archaeo- 
logical Institute  of  America  presided.  An  address  of  Welcome 
was  delivered  by  President  Schurman  of  Cornell  University.  At 
9.30  President  Schurman  held  a  reception  at  his  residence  on  the 
Campus. 


84  yournal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 

BRANCHES  OF  THE  AMERICAN  FOLK-LORE  SOCIETY. 

LOCAL  ORGANIZATION. 

From  the  time  of  its  establishment,  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society 
has  especially  occupied  itself  with  the  work  of  publication.  While 
among  its  members  have  been  included  most  American  special  stu- 
dents known  to  be  concerned  with  this  department  of  knowledge,  it 
has  also  welcomed  the  cooperation  of  intelligent  persons  interested 
in  the  subject,  and  inclined,  by  their  contributions  and  influence,  to 
assist  the, undertakings  of  the  Society. 

Either  for  purposes  of  publication  or  research,  the  effectiveness  of 
the  Society  must  in  a  considerable  degree  depend  on  its  numerical 
strength  and  representative  character.  Experience  has  shown  that 
in  order  to  secure  these  advantages  local  organization  is  essential. 
In  the  past,  therefore,  the  Council  has  recommended  the  formation 
of  Branches,  which,  while  connected  with  the  general  Society,  may 
also  have  an  independent  existence,  and  may  hold  monthly  or  stated 
meetings  of  their  own.  The  proceedings  of  such  Branches  will  natu- 
rally assume  more  latitude  than  those  of  the  Society  ;  below  is 
printed  a  list  of  topics,  which,  during  an  existence  of  more  than  fif- 
teen years,  have  been  treated  in  the  meetings  of  a  single  Branch. 

During  the  past  year,  the  inauguration  of  an  active  Branch  in 
California,  especially  welcome  in  a  field  which  has  still  a  living  unre- 
corded tradition,  has  encouraged  the  Council  to  believe  that  the  time 
is  favorable  for  the  extension  of  similar  movements.  In  order  to 
forward  such  enlargement,  the  Council  has  voted  to  appoint  in  each 
State  (or  other  territorial  division)  a  Secretary,  who  may  represent 
the  interests  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society  in  such  a  manner  as 
he  may  esteem  judicious  and  possible.  Without  expecting  any 
sudden  or  remarkable  results,  it  is  hoped  that  in  each  region  there 
may  be  found  a  few  persons  sufficiently  interested  to  form  a  group 
of  members,  by  which  at  least  an  annual  meeting  may  be  held  and 
a  report  rendered. 

The  following  account  will  show  what  beginning  has  been  made 
in  this  movement,  the  progress  of  which  will  appear  in  subsequent 
numbers  of  this  Journal.  Members  or  other  persons  who  may  be 
disposed  to  offer  advice  or  suggestions  are  requested  to  address  the 
Permanent  Secretary. 


Branches  of  the  American  Folk- Lore  Society.  85 


PROCEEDINGS   OF   BRANCHES. 


ARIZONA. 


Mr.  F.  A.  Colder,  Tempe,  Arizona,  has  accepted  the  position  of 
Secretary  for  Arizona. 

BRITISH    COLUMBIA. 

Mr.  Charles  Hill-Tout,  Bucklands,  Abbotsford,  will  act  as  Secre- 
tary for  British  Columbia. 

CALIFORNIA. 

Professor  Kroeber,  Department  of  Anthropology,  Affiliated  Col- 
leges, San  Francisco,  will  act  as  Secretary  for  California. 

The  proceedings  of  this  Branch  have  above  been  separately 
printed.  As  a  part  of  the  proceedings  should  be  considered  two 
papers  also  above  printed,  namely,  "A  Composite  Myth  of  the  Pomo 
Indians,"  by  S.  A.  Barrett,  and  "  Mythology  of  the  Mission  Indians," 
by  Constance  Goddard  Du  Bois. 

COLORADO. 

Mrs.  J.  L.  McNeil,  930  Logan  Ave.,  Denver,  will  represent  the 
Society  in  this  State. 

MASSACHUSETTS. 

Boston,  Tuesday,  November  2,  1905.  The  first  meeting  of  the 
Boston  Branch  during  the  season  1905-6  consisted  in  a  recital  of 
Scotch  and  Gaelic  Folk-songs  by  Miss  Amy  Murray,  the  entertain- 
ment being  given  for  the  benefit  of  the  general  fund  of  the  Branch. 
Miss  Murray  has  just  returned  from  the  Hebrides,  where  for  two 
seasons  she  has  spent  much  time,  sharing  the  primitive  life  of  the 
people  of  the  islands,  and  gathering  their  traditions  and  songs.  At 
the  Highland  Mod  of  1902  she  received  a  prize  for  the  best  render- 
ing of  a  Gaelic  song  with  clairsach  accompaniment.  Of  the  songs 
that  formed  her  repertoire  some  were  taken  from  the  lips  of  Father 
Allan,  an  indefatigable  collector,  who  has  died  since  Miss  Murray's 
departure,  leaving  her  in  possession  of  a  body  of  song  otherwise  un- 
recorded. Her  presentation  of  the  melodies  was  greatly  enjoyed  by 
the  excellent  audience  which  filled  Steinert  Hall. 

Monday,  November  19.  The  regular  meeting  was  held  at  the  house 
of  Mrs.  and  Mrs.  Otto  B.  Cole,  551  Boylston  St.  In  the  absence  of 
Professor  Putnam,  Mr.  W.  W.  Newell  introduced  the  speaker  of 
the  evening.  Professor  George  H.  Chase  of  Harvard  University,  who 
gave  an  account   of  "  Recent   Discoveries  in   Crete  viewed  in  the 


86  yournal  of  A  merica ii  Folk-L  ore. 

Light  of  Greek  Religion."  The  address,  showing  the  character  of  a 
civilization  older  than  that  of  Mycenae,  was  illustrated  with  an  admi- 
rable series  of  lantern  slides.  The  meeting,  as  usual,  then  became 
informal  and  social. 

Tuesday,  January  25.  The  monthly  meeting  was  held  at  the  Col- 
lege Club  House,  40  Commonwealth  Ave.  The  Chairman,  Mr.  New- 
ell, introduced  Mr.  Ernest  Newton  Bagg  of  Boston,  who  gave  an 
account  of  "  Some  Tunebooks,  Psalms,  and  other  Music  of  the  Fore- 
fathers." The  speaker  set  forth  the  characteristics  of  the  early  New 
England  taste  in  this  direction,  noting  dislike  for  instrumental  music 
in  churches,  and  showed  examples  of  old  psalm-books.  Mrs.  Florence 
Hartmann,  to  illustrate  the  paper,  gave  a  number  of  songs  popular  in 
the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries. 

At  the  close  of  the  meeting  a  motion  was  adopted  to  send  a  letter 
of  congratulation  to  Professor  F.  W.  Putnam,  President  of  the 
Branch,  on  his  recovery  from  a  recent  severe  illness. 

Cambridge.  The  meeting  of  this  Branch  will  be  reported  in  the 
next  issue  of  this  Journal. 

The  paper  of  Mr.  Percy  A.  Hutchison,  "  Sailors'  Chanties,"  above 
printed,  was  presented  at  the  February  meeting. 

MISSOURI. 

Professor  H.  E.  Belden,  Columbia,  professor  at  the  State  Univer- 
sity, has  consented  to  act  as  Secretary  for  Missouri. 

NEVADA. 

Miss  J.  E.  Wier,  Reno,  Instructor  in  the  State  University,  has 
been  appointed  Secretary  for  Nevada. 

OHIO. 

Cincinnati.  The  meetings  for  the  year  of  this  Society  will  receive 
notice  in  the  next  issue  of  the  Journal. 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

Dr.  George  Byron  Gordon,  Curator  of  Anthropology,  Free  Museum 
of  Science  and  Art  (University  of  Pennsylvania),  Philadelphia,  will  act 
as  Secretary  for  Pennsylvania, 


Addresses  at  Meetings  of  Local  Branches.  87 

ADDRESSES   AT   MEETINGS   OF   LOCAL  BRANCHES. 

As  examples  of  the  variety  of  themes  likely  to  present  themselves 
for  consideration  at  these  meetings,  is  given  a  selection  of  titles  from 
reports  of  proceedings  in  the  Boston  Branch  since  its  organization 
in  1889. 

Evidences  of  Ancient  Serpent-Worship  in  America.  F.  W.  Putnam. 

Omaha  Ceremonial  Pipes.     Alice  C.  Fletcher. 

Customs  and  Tales  of  the  Central  Eskimo.    Franz  Boas. 

The  Literary  Games  of  the  Chinese.     Stewart  Culin. 

Buddhist  Fables.     Charles  R.  Lanman. 

Negro  Sorcery.     Mary  A.  Owen. 

The  Portuguese  Element  in  New  England.     H.  R.  Lang. 

Negro  Music.     Charles  L.  Edwards. 

Hawaiian  Folk- Lore.     George  P.  Bradley. 

Old  Time  Marriage  Customs  in  New  England.     Pamela  M.  Cole. 

Bantu  (African)  Folk-Lore.     Heli  Chatelain. 

The  Street  Criers  and  Venders  of  London.      W.  G.  Chase. 

The  Shinto  Religion  of  Japan.     N.  Kishomoto. 

The  Tusayan  Cultus  of  the  Dead.     y.  Walter  Fewkes. 

Icelandic  Superstitions.     Sigridr  Magnusson. 

The  Creole  Folk-Lore  of  Jamaica.      W.  C.  Bates. 

The  Abnaki  Indians  of  New  England.     Montague  Chamberlain. 

Folk-Song  in  America.     H.  E.  Krehbiel. 

The  Hand  in  Folk-Lore.     A.  F.  Chamberlain. 

Japanese  Heraldry.     Michitaro  Hisa. 

Decorations  upon  Pottery  of  the  Mississippi  Valley,      W.  W.  Wil- 

loughby. 
Folk-Lore  of  the  Russian  Jews  in  Boston.     Leo  Wiener. 
Melodies  of  Old  English  Ballads.      W.  W.  Newell. 
Indian  Songs.     Alice  C.  Fletcher. 
The  Hero-poems  of  Ireland.     F.  N.  Robinson. 
Traditions  of  the  Aleuts.     F.  A.  Golder. 
Customs  and  Superstitions  of  the  Mayas.     Alice  Le  Plongeon. 
Fireside  Stories  of  the  Chippeways.     y.  Mackintosh  Bell. 
Navaho  Sand-paintings.     A.  M.  Tozzer. 
Dialect  Poems  illustrating  French  Canadian  Character.      W.  H. 

Drummond. 
The  Navaho  Blanket,  its  Weaving  and  Significance.    G.  H.  Pepper. 


Journal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 


LOCAL  MEETINGS   AND   PERSONAL   NOTICES. 

Congratulations  to  Prof essor  Putnam.  During  the  past  two  months 
Professor  Putnam  has  been  the  recipient  of  numerous  congratulations 
on  the  completion  of  his  half  century  of  service  with  Harvard  Uni- 
versity. 

Professor  Putnam  was  born  in  1839,  ^""^  came  to  Cambridge  in 
1856,  on  the  invitation  of  Louis  Agassiz.  In  his  native  town,  Salem, 
Mass.,  he  had  early  turned  his  attention  to  scientific  pursuits,  and 
when  only  fourteen  years  old  had  been  employed  by  the  Essex  Insti- 
tute as  Curator  of  its  collections.  In  1856,  at  the  age  of  sixteen 
years,  he  prepared  a  "  Catalogue  of  Birds  of  Essex  County,  Mass.," 
so  nearly  complete  as  since  to  have  received  only  moderate  addi- 
tions. In  Cambridge  he  assisted  Professor  Agassiz  in  the  Museum 
of  Comparative  Zoology,  having  the  title  of  "  Assistant  in  Charge  of 
Fishes."  From  1867  he  was  led  to  take  an  especial  interest  in 
American  Archaeology,  and  in  1875  became  first  Acting  Curator  and 
then  Curator  in  the  Peabody  Museum  of  American  Archaeology 
and  Ethnology,  established  by  George  Peabody  in  1866.  In  1873  he 
was  made  Permanent  Secretary  of  the  American  Association  for 
the  Advancement  of  Science,  a  position  which  he  held  for  twenty- 
five  years.  In  1886  he  was  made  Peabody  Professor  in  Harvard 
University,  and  continued  to  preside  over  the  Museum,  on  which 
he  had  already  lavished  all  his  energies.  In  1893  he  became  the 
Chief  of  the  Department  of  Ethnology  in  the  Chicago  Exposition, 
and  was  mainly  instrumental  in  the  construction  of  the  Anthropologi- 
cal Building,  out  of  which  afterwards  grew  the  Field  Columbian 
Museum.  In  1894  he  was  appointed  Curator  of  the  Department  of 
Anthropology  in  the  Museum  of  Natural  History,  New  York ;  and 
in  1903  resigned  this  position  to  accept  the  professorship  of  Anthro- 
pology in  the  University  of  California.  In  1888  he  assisted  in  found- 
ing the  American  Folk- Lore  Society,  and  from  1889  has  been  the 
President  of  the  Boston  Branch  of  that  Society  ;  in  1905  he  aided  in 
the  formation  of  the  California  Branch,  of  which  he  is  also  president. 

When  Professor  Putnam  took  the  direction  of  the  Peabody  Mu- 
seum, and  until  a  period  much  later,  the  objects  and  aims  of  anthro- 
pology were  altogether  uncomprehended  in  America,  still  under  the 
narrow  influences  of  the  old-fashioned  classical  education.  It  could 
not  then  have  been  imagined  that  within  a  few  years  even  special 
students  of  Greek  and  Latin  would  welcome  the  new  science  as 
furnishing  necessary  light  for  their  own  investigations,  or  that  the 
methods  of  anthropology  would  revolutionize  philosophical  and  theo- 
logical studies,  and  give  a  new  meaning  to  historical  inquiries.     Pro- 


Local  Meetings  and  Personal  Notices.  89 

fessor  Putnam  has  outlived  this  time  of  miscomprehension ;  he  has  seen 
this  subject,  once  allowed  as  a  proper  part  of  education,  suddenly 
expand  into  one  of  the  great  Departments  of  the  University,  having 
in  the  present  year  almost  two  hundred  students.  From  the  im- 
pulse personally  given  by  himself  have  sprung  great  museums,  in 
New  York,  Chicago,  and  Berkeley,  conducted  by  professors  who 
have  come  from  his  school,  or  been  promoted  by  his  influence.  This 
result  could  not  have  been  achieved  without  a  spirit  of  generosity, 
self-sacrifice,  and  indifference  to  wealth  and  worldly  position,  which 
offers  the  most  needed  of  examples.  The  respect  due  to  such  a 
career  should  be  proportioned  to  the  unjust  indifference  which 
marked  the  earlier  stages  of  its  activity  ;  as  an  example  of  and  the 
sincerity  with  which  such  feeling  is  shared  by  his  classical  colleagues 
may  be  cited  the  concluding  verses  of  a  congratulatory  poem  from 
Professor  C.  R.  Lanman  of  Harvard  University:  — 

The  past  of  a  mysterious  folk  to  ken 

From  grave;  or  shell-heap,  pueblo,  serpent-mound, 

To  read  a  book  writ  with  nor  ink  nor  pen,  — 

Such  was  thy  task.     We  see  what  thou  hast  found. 

Old  as  the  Old  World  is  the  New  World's  face. 

Its  past  no  more  can  wholly  hid  remain. 
For,  lo,  the  romance  of  a  vanished  race, 

Thou  callest  back  and  bidst  to  live  again. 

Dr.  John  H.  Hinton.  The  services  of  John  H.  Hinton,  for  fifteen 
years  Treasurer  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society,  have  already 
been  acknowledged  in  this  Journal  ;  but  it  remains  to  add  facts  not 
accessible  when  such  tribute  was  penned.  Dr.  Hinton  was  born  in 
New  York  city,  January  i,  1827.  In  1852  he  graduated  from  the 
College  of  Physicians  and  Surgeons,  and  subsequently  spent  his  time 
in  hospital  study.  In  March,  1854,  he  went  to  Paris,  where  he  con- 
tinued to  pursue  studies  in  hospitals,  and  on  his  return  served  as 
hospital  surgeon  in  New  York.  During  the  war  of  the  rebellion  he 
was  for  a  period  employed  as  Army  Surgeon.  In  after  years  he  be- 
came Visiting  Surgeon  at  the  Institution  for  the  Blind,  and  also 
belonged  to  the  Surgical  Staff  of  the  Presbyterian  Hospital.  Among 
the  numerous  societies  of  which  he  was  treasurer  were  the  Society 
for  the  Aid  of  the  Widows  and  Orphans  of  Medical  Men,  the  Patho- 
logical Society  (for  34  years).  In  the  last  named  society,  as  in  the 
American  Folk-Lore  Society,  he  held  this  office  until  January,  1905. 


90 


journal  of  American  Folk- Lore, 


NOTES   AND    QUERIES. 

"  Blue-eyed  Hag."  In  the  course  of  an  article  on  "  Some  Jewish  Folk- 
Lore  from  Jerusalem"  ("Folk-Lore,"  1904,  vol.  xv,  p.  189),  Miss  A.  Good- 
rich-Freer  observes : — 

"  Referring  to  Caliban's  description  of  his  mother,  the  witch  Sycorax,  as 
that '  blue-tytd  hag,'  I  ventured  to  quote  the  usual  gloss  that  it  was  an  early 
misprint  for  ^blear-eyed,'  upon  which  the  well-known  Palestinian  scholar, 
the  Rev.  E.  Hanauer,  who  was  present,  suggested  that,  according  to  Jeru- 
salem ideas,  such  an  emendation  was  unnecessary,  as  blue  was  the  color  of 
the  Evil  Eye,  and  a  mother  would  dread  notice  of  her  children  by  a  blue- 
eyed  stranger  more  than  that  of  any  other." 

FoLK-LoRE  IN  "The  Jewish  Encyclopedia."  The  monumental "  Jew- 
ish Encyclopedia,"  in  12  volumes,  1901-1906,  contains  a  mine  of  data  for  the 
folk-lorist.  The  topics  Folk-Lore  (pp.  423-426),  Folk-Medicine  (pp.  426, 
427),  Folk-Songs  (p.  427),  and  Folk-Tales  (pp.  427,  428)  are  briefly  treated 
in  the  eighth  volume.  The  other  folk-lore  topics  scattered  through  the 
work  are :  — 


^sop's  Fables. 

Afikomen. 

Amram. 

Amulet. 

Ancestor  Worship. 

Andreas. 

Angelology. 

Arthur  Legend. 

Asmodeus. 

Asusa. 

Baba  Buch. 

Ba'al  Shem. 

Barlaam  and  Josaphat. 

Bat  Kol. 

Beard. 

Berechiah  ha  Nakdan. 

Betrothal. 

Bibliomancy. 

Blood  Accusation. 

Burial. 

Cabala. 

Cat. 

Caucasus. 

Childbirth. 

Cochin. 

Cookery  (cakes). 

Cradle  Songs. 


Death,  Angel  of. 

Demonology. 

Dibbukim. 

Dog. 

Door  and  Door-Post. 

Dragon. 

Dreams    and    Dream 

Books. 
Elijah's  Chair. 
Evil  Eye. 
Exorcism. 
Eye. 
Forty. 
Games. 
Geomancy. 
Giants 
Golem. 
Habdalah. 
Hair. 
Hand. 
Hanukkah. 
Hosha'na  Rabba. 
Host,  Desecration  of. 
Holle  Kreish. 
Kalilah  wa-Dimnah. 
Kapparah-Schlagen. 
Kissing. 


Knots. 

Korah. 

Lag  ba-*Omer. 

Lilith. 

Lots,  Books  of. 

Lulab. 

Magic. 

Marriage. 

Memor}% 

Messiah. 

Mirror. 

Mourning. 

Mouse. 

Nail. 

Name,  Change  of. 

Names. 

Number. 

Omen. 

Ordeal. 

Plague. 

Proverbs. 

Riddle. 

Sambatlon. 

Shema*. 

Shofar. 

Shylock. 

Sindbad. 


Notes  and  Queries.  91 

Solomon,    in    Legend  Three  Rings.  Wachnacht. 

and  Folk-Lore.  Tooth.  Wandering  Jew. 

Superstition.  Tree-Wedding.  Water. 

Talisman.  Vampire.  Weather-Lore. 

Tashlik.  Vergil.  Witches. 
Tekufah  Drops. 

FoLK-LoRE  OF  Crime.  Dr.  Albert  Hellwig,  of  Kopenick,  near  Berlin, 
Germany,  has  issued  a  questionnaire  concerning  "  criminal  superstitions." 
The  questionnaire,  w\\\ch  appeared  in  the  "Zeitschrift  fiir  die  gesamte  Straf- 
rechtswissenschaft,"  vol.  xxvii  (1905),  pp.  335-338,  is  as  follows  :  — 

1.  Many  people  believe  that  a  perjurer  will  not  be  discovered  if  he 
employs  certain  mystical  means ;  e.  g.  if,  in  swearing  he  holds  his  left  arm 
at  his  back,  turns  the  palm  of  the  hand  raised  in  swearing  towards  the 
judge,  mutilates  the  words  of  the  oath-formula,  has  sand  in  his  boots,  etc. 
(See  on  these  points  the  author's  detailed  article  on  "  Mystische  Zeremo- 
nien  beim  Meineid,"  in  the  "  Gerichtssaal "  for  1905.)  Are  such  beliefs 
known  ? 

2.  Do  thieves  often  ease  themselves  while  at  the  place  of  robbery  ? 
How  ?  Why  ?  Where .-'  Are  the  excrements  covered  .''  Do  habitual  crim- 
inals only  do  this?  Are  such  terms  as  "watchman,"  "night-watchman," 
" Serjeant,"  "picket,"  "sentinel,"  "shepherd,"  or  similar  native  or  foreign 
terms,  applied  to  human  excrements  .-•  What  is  the  idea  of  the  folk,  the 
criminals,  and  the  persons  who  answer  this  questionnaire  concerning  the 
meaning  of  these  terms  ?  (See  the  author's  "  Einiges  iiber  den  grumus 
merdcE  der  Einbrecher  "  in  the  "  Monatsschrift  fiir  Kriminalpsychologie  und 
Strafrechtsreform  "  for  1905.) 

3.  Are  any  superstitions  known  that  could  give  occasion  for  theft  ?  (See 
the  author's  "  Diebstahl  aus  Aberglauben,"  in  the  "  Archiv  fiir  Kriminal- 
anthropologie  and  Kriminalistik  "  for  1905.) 

4.  Are  any  superstitions  known  that  could  prevent  or  hinder  theft?  e.g. 
women  with  child  must  not  steal  because  their  children  would  become 
thieves ;  one  must  not  steal  on  certain  days  or  in  certain  places,  or 
steal  certain  things,  else  bad  luck  would  be  incurred.  (See  the  author's 
"  Diebstahl  verhindernder  Aberglaube  "  in  the  "  Archiv  fiir  Kriminalan- 
thropologie.") 

5.  Is  the  criminals'  superstition  known,  that  in  order  to  prevent  discov- 
ery one  must  leave  something  behind  at  the  place  where  the  crime  was 
committed  ? 

6.  What  is  known  about  the  "  religiosity  "  of  criminals  ?  Are  "  letters 
from  heaven  "  found  among  them  ?  Do  they  go  to  church  ?  Do  they  pray  ? 
Do  they  believe  in  a  God  ?  Do  they  rely  on  the  help  of  God  in  their  acts, 
or  on  that  of  some  special  saint  ?  Do  they  keep  consecrated  objects  for 
talismans,  e.  g.  a  candle,  the  eucharistic  wafer,  etc.  ?  Do  they  believe  that 
by  confessing  they  will  have  an  easier  means  of  being  absolved  again  ? 

7.  Does  the  folk  believe  that  gypsies  steal  children  ?  Where  ?  Has  it 
really  ever  happened?  (See  the  author's  "Zum  Kinderraub  durch  Zigeu- 
ner,"  in  "Die  Polizei  "  for  1905.) 


92  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

8.  Are  "the  sixth  and  seventh  books  of  Moses,"  "  the  Spiritual  Sentinel," 
"Faust's  Spirit-influence,"  "The  Romannsbiichlein,"  or  other  like  "books 
of  magic,"  known  among  the  folk  ?  Has  the  belief  of  the  folk  in  such 
worked  harm  ? 

9.  Are  rabbits'  paws  and  beans  used  as  talismans  by  criminals?  Have 
they  any  other  superstitious  use  ? 

10.  What  popular  remedies  for  epilepsy  exist?  Is  the  blood  of  an  exe- 
cuted individual  considered  specially  effective  ?  Is  the  epileptic  thought 
to  be  possessed  by  the  devil  ? 

11.  Is  there  any  concrete  case  known  where  fortune-tellers  have  done 
harm,  e.  g.  caused  suicide,  family  quarrels,  crimes,  etc.  ? 

12.  Does  the  belief  prevail  that  women  with  child  must  not  take  oath, 
lest  their  children  to  be  born  have  much  to  do  with  the  court  ?  Are  cases 
known  where,  for  this  reason,  evidence  has  been  refused  ? 

13.  Does  the  belief  prevail  that  pederasty,  sodomy,  or  lewd  intercourse 
with  children  or  virgins  will  heal  sexual  diseases  ? 

Dr.  Hellwig  has  made  the  subject  of  the  folk-lore  of  crime  a  special  study 
and  would  be  glad  to  have  answers  to  his  questminaire,  newspaper  items 
(with  exact  title,  date,  place),  references  to  literature  of  an  out-of-the-way 
sort,  and  other  information  sent  to  him  at  his  address  :  "  Kopenick  bei 
Berlin,  Hohenzollernplatz  5,  ii." 

Reference  may  also  be  made  here  to  an  article  by  Dr.  Hellwig  on  "  Aber- 
glaube  und  Strafrecht,"  in  the  "  Unterhaltungsbeilage  zur  Taglichen  Rund- 
schau" (Berlin),  Nr.  220  (19  September,  1905), 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTES.    • 
BOOKS. 

Henri  Coupin,  Docteur  bs  sciences,  Laureat  de  1'  Institut.    Les  Bizarre- 

RiES  DES  Races  Humaines.     Paris:  Vuibert  et  Nony,  1905.     Pp.  287. 

With  214  fgs.  and  map. 

This  popular  presentation  of  the  fads  and  fancies  of  mankind  traverses 
a  wide  field :  clay-eaters,  insect-dainties,  gluttony,  cannibals,  fire-making 
without  matches,  Lilliput  land,  sports  among  savages,  primitive  telephones, 
hair-dressing,  negro  music,  feasts  merry  and  sanguinary,  animal-fights,  mar- 
riage and  nuptial  ceremonies,  children  among  the  various  races,  primitive 
counting,  artificial  deformation  of  the  body,  tattooing,  coquetry,  arms  defen- 
sive and  offensive,  peculiar  beliefs,  dwellings  and  houses,  greeting  and  salu- 
tation, death  and  burial. 

On  page  12  we  learn  that  the  edible  ants  of  Brazil  are  dressed  up  as  little 
dolls,  and  on  page  246  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  Cyclades  salute  each 
other  by  throwing  water  on  their  heads.  Quite  a  collection  of  terms  for 
"Good  day!"  etc.,  is  given  on  pages  245-248.  The  Australians  (p.  34) 
declare  that  while  the  flesh  of  the  blacks  is  savory,  that  of  the  whites  does 


Bibliographical  Notes.  93 

not  taste  at  all  good.  On  pages  55-56  reference  is  made  to  "le  sport 
pe'destre,  —  \^  footing''  among  the  Opatas,Tarahumari,  etc.  In  the  brief  sec- 
tion on  "  Negro  music  "  (pp.  77-85)  are  given  the  texts  and  musical  nota- 
tion of  some  songs  from  Samoa  {sic!).  The  section  on  habitations  contains 
(p.  243)  appropriately  a  figure  of  "  les  '  gratte-ciel '  de  New  York,"  the 
farthest  remove  from  the  roofless  sleep  of  the  savage.  A  good  index,  a  thing 
often  absent  in  French  books,  is  a  welcome  feature  of  this  volume. 

Das  Ich  und  die  sittlichen  Ideen  im  Leben  der  Volker  von  O.  FtJLGEL. 

Vierte  Auflage.     Langensalsa  :  Beyer,  1904.     Pp.  viii,  270. 

This  study  of  the  ego  and  the  moral  idea  in  the  life  of  the  races  of  man 
contains  much  that  is  properly  folkloric,  touching  such  topics  as  the  follow- 
ing :  The  ego  and  the  name,  personification  and  mythological  conception 
of  nature,  the  ego  as  the  body,  the  ego  and  its  environment,  the  contraction 
and  expansion  of  the  ego,  the  development  of  moral  ideas  (benevolence, 
etc.,  sex-customs,  killing  the  old,  societies,  friend  and  foe,  hospitality, 
cruelty,  slavery),  ideas  of  law,  honor,  justice,  fair  play,  revenge,  wergild, 
crime  and  punishment,  gratitude,  fidelity  and  truthfulness,  primitive  art 
(169-185),  cleanliness,  modesty,  contentment,  self-satisfaction,  religion 
(good  and  evil  influence  on  morality),  hermitism,  belief  in  immortality,  etc. 
This  book  would  be  more  useful  with  an  index,  which  it  entirely  lacks. 

The  treatment  of  the  body  of  Pope  Formosus  (described  on  page  5)  in 
897  A.  D.,  reveals  a  concept  of  personality  beneath  that  of  many  savages. 
The  identification  of  image  and  shadow  with  the  individuals  is  still  known 
to  the  folk-lore  of  civilized  lands,  and  the  cult  of  relics  adds  clothing,  im- 
plements, etc.,  after  death.  The  separation  of  the  living  property  of  the 
deceased  from  himself  comes  late  with  some  savage  tribes  {e.g.  in  Africa). 
The  name,  as  Goethe  said,  is  more  a  part  of  the  individual  than  clothing  to 
be  worn,  it  is  rather  a  skin  grown  about  and  over  him. 

Die  Heilgotter  und  Heilstatten  des  Altertums.  Fine  archaologisch- 
medizinische  Studie  von  Dr.  Ludwig  Hope.  Tiibingen :  Pietzcker,  1904. 
Pp.  69. 

The  first  section  (pp.  2-57)  of  this  monograph  treats  of  ancient  sacerdo- 
tal and  folk  places  of  cure  in  Mesopotamia  and  Asia  Minor,  Arabia,  India, 
Japan,  Egypt,  Greece,  among  the  Etruscans,  Romans,  Kelts,  Germans  ;  the 
second  (pp.  57-68)  of  hospitals,  properly  so-called,  among  the  Buddhists 
(Ceylon,  India,  Cashmir),  Jews,  Greeks,  Roman-Byzantines,  etc.  A  biblio- 
graphy of  22  titles  is  given  on  page  69.  With  the  priests  figuring  as  "  medi- 
cine-men "  in  the  early  history  of  mankind,  it  is  natural  that  the  first  places 
of  cure  should  have  arisen  within  the  limits  of  the  sanctuaries  of  the  "  cur- 
ing" gods,  temples,  sacred  groves,  etc.  Water  and  fire,  streams  and 
springs,  cold  and  hot,  led  to  curative  cults  of  divers  sorts.  Although 
toward  the  close  of  the  heathen  age  the  merciful  spirit  of  early  Christianity 
called  into  being  hospitals  and  houses  for  the  sick  of  a  high  type,  the  asser- 
tion of  Dietrich  and  others,  that  proper  hospital-care  of  the  sick  dates 
only  from  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era,  is  contrary  to  the  facts.  Its 
incorrectness  is  shown  by  the  existence  of  the  old  Buddhistic  hospitals  in 


94  y ournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

Ceylon,  India,  Cashmir,  the  iatria  of  the  Greek  Asclepiads,  the  institu- 
tions for  the  care  of  the  sick  founded  in  Rome  by  Antoninus  Pius,  etc.  In 
Mesopotamia  Marduk,  in  Greece  Apollo  and  ^sculapius,  in  Egypt  Imho- 
tep  were  famous  healing  divinities,  whose  temples  and  sanctuaries  were 
often  in  connection  with  springs  (cold,  warm,  mineral)  of  curative  reputa- 
tion. The  Romans  seem  to  have  had  almost  a  special  sense  for  the  dis- 
covery of  "  baths,"  as  the  topography  of  Britain,  continental  Europe,  northern 
♦  Africa,  and  Roman  Asia  abundantly  testifies.  The  Roman  "hospitals,"  as 
their  names  indicate,  were  of  Graeco-Byzantine  origin. 

Das  Pferd  im  abischen  Altertum  von  Julius  von  Negelein.     Konigs- 

berg  i.  Pr. :  Grafe  &  Unzer,  1903.     Pp.  xxxvii,  179. 

This  little  book,  with  two  good  indexes  (persons  and  subjects)  and  a  bib- 
liography (pp.  xxix-xxxvii)  of  262  entries,  treats  of  the  horse  in  Aryan 
antiquity  under  the  following  heads :  Horse  and  man  (horse  and  rider, 
horse  in  war,  the  white  horse),  horse  as  deity  (as  symbol  of  thunder  and 
lightning,  wind,  water),  horse  in  cult  (purpose  and  idea  of  sacrifice  of  the 
horse,  the  Hindu  horse-sacrifice  and  the  horse-sacrifice  of  other  ancient 
peoples,  the  horse  as  grave-gift).  In  the  introduction  (pp.  xv-xxviii) 
Jie  sketches  the  history  of  the  horse,  pointing  out  the  various  stages  of  his 
relation  to  man,  the  folk-observation  of  his  place-sense  (the  Chinese  cred- 
ited the  horse  with  "  night  eyes  "),  his  eye,  his  ear  (used  as  an  oracle,  etc.). 
The  inseparability  of  horse  and  man  is  reflected  in  the  old  Greek  concep- 
tion of  the  centaur.  Scarcely  a  part  or  organ  of  the  horse  but  has  served 
some  role  in  medicine,  sacrifice,  or  augury.  The  "pious"  relationship 
between  man  and  the  horse  appears  in  ancient  religion  and  modern  folk- 
lore. The  sons  of  the  steppe  were  nourished  on  mare's  milk.  Horses 
speak,  have  proper  names  and  other  human  attributes,  are  pathfinders  in 
this  world  and  in  that  to  come.  The  "white  horse  "  has  a  lore  of  its  own, 
solar  and  otherwise.  With  several  ancient  peoples  the  horse  was  symbolic 
of  thunder  and  lightning,  —  the  horseshoe  is  so  even  now  in  some  regions 
of  the  globe.  He  was  also  "the  king  of  swiftness,"  the  very  winds  them- 
selves. Many  times  he  was  fabled  to  be  seaborn,  son  or  brother  of  the 
waters,  —  his  footprints  (like  those  of  Pegasus)  caused  springs  and  foun- 
tains to  arise.  With  many  peoples  the  sacrificial  horse  was  bound  up  with 
war  and  its  cult.  Often  he  substituted  human  sacrifice.  Hindu  horse- 
sacrifice  may  be  a  survival  from  the  nomadic  period.  The  idea  of  the  per- 
sonality of  the  horse  is  still  present  in  modern  civilization,  —  folk-lore  boasts 
a  "  horse  heaven,"  and  others  than  the  ignorant  ask,  "  Has  the  horse  a 
soul ?  " 

Dr.  von  Negelein's  monograph  deserves  careful  reading  by  all  interested 
in  the  creature  so  aptly  designated  by  the  great  English  naturalist,  "our 
equine  colleague,  the  horse." 

DeR    PfLUG    UND   das    PPLtJGEN  BEI    DEN  ROMERN  UND    IN    MiTTELEUROPA 

IN  voRGESCHiCHTLicHER  Zeit.     Eiuc  verglcichendc  agrargeschichtliche, 
kulturgeschichtliche  und  archaologische  Studie  zugleich  als  ein  Beitrag 


Bibliographical  Notes.  95 

zur  Besiedelungsgeschichte  von  Nassau  von  H.  Behlen.     Dillenberg  ; 

Weidenbach,  1904.     Pp.  xvi,  192. 

After  a  brief  general  introduction  and  a  somewhat  detailed  discussion  01 
views  as  to  the  nature  of  the  old  Roman  plough  and  the  differences  between 
it  and  the  old  German  plough  (pp.  9-30),  the  author  considers  in  succession  : 
The  Roman  plough  and  Roman  ploughing  in  comparison  with  German 
(pp.  31-72),  archaeology  of  the  plough  and  ploughing  (pictures  of  the  plough 
of  the  bronze  age  ;  prehistoric  ploughs  of  wood  ;  prehistoric  ploughshares, 
etc.,  of  bronze,  iron  ;  prehistoric  relics  of  ploughing  in  the  so-called  "  Hoch- 
acker "  of  Bavaria-Swabia ;  prehistoric  traces  of  iron  ploughshare  points 
on  stones,  —  "  Pflugschrammen  ").  In  an  Addendum  some  later  literature 
is  discussed,  particularly  Sophus  Miiller's  Charre,  Jong  et  mors  (1902).  A 
good  index,  abundant  bibliographical  references,  and  a  list  (p.  ix)  of  prin- 
cipal authorities  cited  add  to  the  value  of  this  monograph.  Behlen  is  of 
opinion  that  agriculture  had  already  reached  a  high  stage  of  development 
in  Germany  in  the  La  Tene  period,  which  was  seriously  interfered  with  in 
the  time  of  the  great  migrations ;  also  the  La  Tene  culture  was  not  at  all 
specifically  Celtic,  but  represented  rather  a  phase  of  development  involv- 
ing a  great  part,  or  perhaps  the  whole  of  the  culture-world  of  the  time.  The 
mother  of  the  La  Tene  age  was  the  Hallstatt  period.  The  La  Tene  and 
Roman  coulter  (this  makes  a  plough  a  plough)  proves  the  use  of  an  imple- 
ment corresponding  to  the  modern  one.  That  the  ancient  Romans  had  a 
plough  and  not  a  "hook,"  Behlen  believes,  in  opposition  to  Meitzen,  who 
contrasts  the  Roman  "  hook  "  and  the  German  plough.  Interesting  discus- 
sions of  the  Roman  words  for  the  plough  and  its  parts,  ploughing  and  its 
varieties,  are  included.  This  book  is  a  little  tendenzios,  but  contains  much 
useful  information. 

Die  Anfange  der  Anatomie  bei  den  alten  Kulturvolkern.  Ein  Bei- 
trag  zur  Geschichte  der  Anatomie  von  Dr.  Ludwig  Hope.  Breslau : 
Miiller,  1904,  pp.  vii,  126. 

The  two  sections  of  this  interesting  monograph  treat  respectively  of 
primitive  lay  anatomy  (oldest  names  of  the  parts  of  the  body,  the  anatomy 
of  the  kitchen  and  of  sacrifice,  omen  and  augury  anatomy,  primitive  ana- 
tomical figures,  —  parts  of  the  body  in  pictography  of  ancient  Mesopotamia 
and  Egypt,  pictorial  representations  of  omen  anatomy  and  pictures  of  parts 
of  the  human  body  as  votive  gifts,  —  continuance  in  Catholic  Germany  and 
Austria, —  and  the  beginnings  of  a  scientific  anatomy  among  the  nations  of 
antiquity  and  in  the  Middle  Ages  (Mondino  de  Lincci  (12 75-1326)  was  the 
first  since  the  Alexandrine  period  to  dare  to  dissect  human  bodies  for  the 
purpose  of  anatomical  demonstration).  Scientific  anatomy  proper  dates 
from  Vesalius  (b.  15 14),  whose  De  corporis  humani  fabrica  libr.  septem  was 
published  at  Bale  in  1543.  The  very  first  steps  of  anatomy  are  taken  when 
each  people  (as  the  child  does  now,  after  its  experimentation)  coins  its  own 
names  for  the  various  parts  of  the  body  (the  author  lists  and  discusses  with 
some  detail  the  Indo-European  terms  for  these).  A  sort  of  specialism  in 
"anatomy"  arose  in  the  "kitchen,"  where  the  animals  and  birds  slain  in 


g6  yournal  of  Ainerica7i  Folk-Lore. 

the  chase  were  skilfully  carved  and  prepared  for  the  table,  —  the  slaying  of 
domestic  animals  also  contributed  something  in  the  way  of  reaching  vital 
spots  for  the  death-stroke.  Cannibalism  among  men,  too,  was  not  without 
its  bearing  upon  primitive  anatomical  knowledge,  —  so,  likewise,  sacrificial 
rites  and  feasts  with  their  sacred  morsels  and  titbits  (particularly  the  inter- 
nal organs,  etc.).  Sacrifice  at  the  altar  and  the  careful  observation  in  omen 
and  augury  of  birds  and  animals  led  to  more  knowledge  of  the  internal 
anatomy  of  numerous  creatures.  In  Egyptian  pictography  the  heart  was 
represented  as  an  urn,  while  the  lungs  were  six-lobed.  The  votive  gifts  in 
the  form  of  parts  of  the  human  body  or  its  organs  cover  almost  the  whole 
field  of  expression.  Their  survival  to-day  may  be  read  of  in  Andree's 
recent  work  on  votive  gifts. 

Die  altenglischen  Kleidernamen.  Eine  kultur-geschichtlich-etymolo- 
gische  Untersuchung.  Inaugural-Dissertation  zur  Erlangung  der  Doktor- 
wiirde  der  hohen  philosophischen  Fakultat  der  Ruprecht-Karls-Universi- 
tat  zu  Heidelberg  vorgelegt  von  Lilly  L.  Stroebe  aus  Karlsruhe  i.  B. 
Borna-Leipzig :  Noske,  1904,  pp.  viii,  87. 

The  first  part  of  this  dissertation  on  Old  English  clothing-names  treats 
briefly  of  sources  of  information  (Roman  authors,  bog-finds  and  excavations, 
Anglo-Saxon  literary  remains  and  MS.  illustration),  influence  of  foreign 
fashions  on  Anglo-Saxon  dress,  stuffs,  and  colors,  dress  of  men  and  women, 
ornament,  the  second  contains  an  alphabetical  list  (pp.  21-70)  of  the  names 
of  the  individual  articles  of  dress,  and  another  of  the  names  for  clothing  in 
general  (pp.  71-84)  with  etymological  notes  and  citation  of  authorities. 
The  former  list  embraces  60  main-words  and  the  latter  10.  Of  Latin  origin 
are  the  following  terms  :  belt  (balteus),  calc  (calceus),  casul  (casula),  cap 
(capa),  cuffie  (cuphia),  mentel  (mantellum),  ovel  (ovarium),  paell  (pallium), 
pilece  (pellicia),  tunece  (tunica).  Out  of  modern  English  have  passed  : 
basing,  calc,  casul  (now  chasuble),  crusne,  cuffie,  cugele,  faes,  feax-net, 
fnaed,  haccle  (dial,  hackle  survives),  haere,  heden,  hemethe,  hufe,  hwitel  (dial. 
whittle),  lotha,  meo,  nostle  (dial,  fiosle),  oferbraedels,  reowe  (Mod.  Eng.  rug'is 
Scand.),  rifeling,  rift,  rocc,  sciccing,  strapul,  swiftlere,  twaele  (cogn.  is  towel 
from  Teutonic  through  French),  underwrsdel,  waefels,  wining,  wloh,  wrigels. 
Of  the  general  terms  for  clothing  we  no  longer  know  gierala  (but  cf.  gear), 
ham  and  hama,  h^teru,  hrtegl  (obs.  rail),  reaf  (cogn.  is  robe  from  Teutonic 
through  French),  —  waed  survives  in  "widow's  weeds."  The  Anglo-Saxons 
knew  also  silk  (seolc,  side)  and  "  purple  "  (pffiH),  while  a  fine  and  costly 
stuff  for  display  was  called  godwebb.  Interesting  terms  are  wnrtnfah  and 
weolcenread. 

A.  F.  C. 


THE   JOURNAL  OF 

AMERICAN  FOLK-LORE. 

Vol.  XIX.  — APRIL-JUNE,  1906.  — No.  LXXIII. 


VISAYAN   FOLK-TALES.    I. 

INTRODUCTION. 

These  stories  are  intended  to  bring  before  the  American  public  a 
few  of  the  tales  related  by  Visayan  parents  to  their  children,  or  by 
the  public  story-teller  in  the  market,  as  the  people  gather  to  buy  the 
material  for  the  evening  meal.  It  was  only  toward  the  close  of  a 
three  years'  stay  in  the  Islands,  in  one  province,  and  in  neighboring 
places,  and  after  a  fair  acquaintance  with  Spanish  and  a  little  know- 
ledge of  the  native  dialect  had  enabled  us  to  obtain  a  closer  insight 
into  the  home  life  of  our  pupils  than  would  otherwise  have  been  pos- 
sible, that  we  ventured  upon  the  collection  of  these  tales,  hoping 
that  they  might  prove  of  interest  to  people  at  home.  Many  of  the 
stories  were  written  by  our  boys  and  girls  as  part  of  their  work  in 
English  composition.  Others  were  prepared  by  the  native  teachers, 
some  of  whom  had  been  well  educated  by  the  Spaniards  and  had 
already  learned  to  write  very  fair  English.  Indeed,  a  few  were  able, 
at  about  the  time  that  these  stories  were  written,  to  pass  the  civil  ser- 
vice examination  for  appointment  as  insular  teachers.  The  articles 
on  the  superstitious  beliefs  of  the  people  were  prepared  by  one  of 
these  teachers,  so  that  they  might  be  as  nearly  correct  as  possible. 

As  might  be  expected,  the  stories  are  often  very  crude  and  simple, 
presenting  no  difficult  situations  nor  intricate  plots.  Sometimes  they 
resemble  well-known  tales  from  other  lands,  although  great  care  has 
been  taken  to  collect  only  those  from  original  sources. 

The  tales  here  presented  were  collected  during  the  spring  of  1904, 
in  the  island  of  Panay,  belonging  to  the  Visayan  group  of  the  Phil- 
ippine Islands,  and  were  obtained  in  our  own  class  rooms,  from  na- 
tive teachers  and  pupils.  Mr.  Maxfield  was  stationed  at  Iloilo,  and 
Mr.  Millington  at  Mandurriao,  places  five  miles  apart.  We  daily 
came  in  contact  with  about  one  thousand  pupils.  The  tales  were 
gathered  in  both  places,  and  were  found  to  be  substantially  alike, 
the  differences  being  only  in  petty  details.  After  collecting  one 
version,  we  endeavored  to  ascertain  whether  the  same  narrative  was 


98  journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

current  among  natives  in  other  localities  of  the  island.  We  were 
surprised  to  discover  that  they  seemed  to  be  known  wherever  we 
became  acquainted  with  the  people  and  had  obtained  their  confi- 
dence sufficiently  to  induce  them  to  talk  freely.  There  were  often 
variations,  but  the  framework  was  always  the  same.  If  any  stories 
were  obtained  from  native  teachers  who  knew  Spanish,  we  have 
always  verified  them  by  getting  children  or  natives  from  other 
places,  who  knew  no  Spanish,  to  relate  them,  in  order  to  assure  our- 
selves that  the  narrative  could  not  be  a  mere  translation  of  a  Span- 
ish tale. 

We  who  have  collected  these  stories  can  claim  little  credit  for  any 
more  than  the  mere  arrangement  of  them,  as,  so  far  as  possible,  even 
the  wording  of  the  original  manuscripts  has  been  retained.  Doubt- 
less, much  of  the  interest  we  have  felt  in  the  work  is  due  to  our  per- 
sonal acquaintance  with  the  writers  who  put  on  paper  for  us  these 
simple  tales,  yet  we  hope  that  they  will  not  be  wholly  unattractive 
to  those  for  whose  sake  they  have  been  collected. 

B.  L.  M. 

February,  1906.  W.  H.  M. 


HOW    JACKYO    BECAME    RICH. 

A  long  time  ago  there  was  a  young  man  whose  name  was  Jackyo. 
He  was  very  poor,  and  by  his  daily  labor  could  earn  barely  enough 
for  his  food  and  nothing  at  all  for  his  clothes.  He  had  a  little  farm 
at  some  distance  from  the  village  in  which  he  lived,  and  on  it  raised 
a  few  poor  crops. 

One  pleasant  afternoon  Jackyo  started  off  to  visit  his  farm.  It  was 
late  when  he  reached  it,  and  after  he  had  finished  inspecting  his 
crops,  he  turned  back  homewards.  But  the  bright  day  had  gone  and 
the  sun  had  set.  Night  came  on  quickly,  and  the  way  was  dark  and 
lonely. 

At  last  he  could  no  longer  see  the  road.  Not  a  star  was  to  be  seen, 
and  the  only  sounds  he  heard  were  the  sad  twitterings  of  the  birds 
and  soft  rustling  of  the  leaves  as  they  were  moved  by  the  wind. 

At  last  he  entered  a  thick  forest  where  the  trees  were  very  big. 
"What  if  I  should  meet  some  wild  beast,"  thought  Jackyo  ;  but  he 
added  half  aloud,  "I  must  learn  to  be  brave  and  face  every  danger." 

It  was  not  long  before  he  was  very  sure  that  he  could  hear  a  deep 
roar.  His  heart  beat  fast,  but  he  walked  steadily  forward,  and  soon 
the  roar  was  repeated,  this  time  nearer  and  more  distinctly,  and  he 
saw  in  the  dim  light  a  great  wild  ox  coming  towards  him. 

He  found  a  large  hole  in  the  trunk  of  a  huge  tree.  "  I  will  pass 
the  night  here  in  this  tree,"  he  said  to  himself. 


Visayan  Folk-Tales.  99 

In  a  little  while  an  old  man  appeared.  His  body  was  covered  with 
coarse  hair  and  he  was  very  ugly.  He  looked  fiercely  at  Jackyo  from 
head  to  foot  and  said:  "What  are  you  thinking  of  to  come  in  here  } 
Do  you  not  know  that  this  is  the  royal  castle  of  the  king  of  evil  spir- 
its } " 

Jackyo  became  more  frightened  than  before  and  for  a  long  time  he 
could  not  speak,  but  at  last  he  stammered :  "  Excuse  me,  sir,  but  I 
cannot  go  home  on  account  of  the  dark  night.  I  pray  you  to  let  me 
rest  here  for  a  short  time." 

"  I  cannot  let  you  stay  here,  because  our  king  is  not  willing  to  help 
any  one  who  does  not  belong  to  his  kingdom.  If  he  did  so,  his  king- 
dom would  be  lost.  But  what  is  your  name  .'*  Do  you  know  how  to 
sing  ?  "  said  the  old  man. 

"  My  name  is  Jackyo,  and  I  know  a  little  bit  about  singing," 
replied  Jackyo. 

"  Well,"  said  the  old  man,  "if  you  know  any  song,  sing  for  me." 

Now  Jackyo  knew  but  one  song,  and  that  was  about  the  names  of 
the  days  of  the  week  except  Sunday.  He  did  not  like  to  sing  it,  but 
the  old  man  urged  him,  saying  :  "  If  you  do  not  sing,  I  will  cut  your 
head  off."     So  Jackyo  began  to  sing. 

It  happened  that  the  king  ^  of  the  evil  spirits,  whose  name  was  Men- 
saya,  heard  Jackyo's  song  and  was  very  much  interested  in  it.  He 
called  a  servant,  named  Macquil,  and  said  :  "  Macquil,  go  downstairs 
and  see  who  is  singing  down  there,  and  when  you  find  him,  bring 
him  to  me." 

Jackyo  went  before  the  king,  bowed  to  the  floor,  touching  the  car- 
pet with  his  forehead,  and  stood  humbly  before  the  king. 

"  Let  me  hear  your  song,"  said  the  king.  So  Jackyo,  with  great 
respect,  sang  the  only  song  he  knew.    Here  it  is  :  — 


j=:J=t=J=J=bj=:j=t:J^1— i-R 

idi      —■5' \-^ (& |-(g  <S>        \-t5>  ^-       i     {-[ 


Mon  -  day,  Tues  -  day,   Wednesday,  Thurs  -day,      Fri  -    day,     Sat  -  ur-  day. 

While  he  was  singing,  all  the  evil  spirits  in  the  cave  gathered 
around  him  to  hear  his  song,  and  Mensaya  asked  him  to  sing  it  over 
and  over  again.  They  were  all  so  pleased  with  it  that  Mensaya 
ordered  Macquil  to  give  Jackyo  a  large  quantity  of  gold  and  silver 
as  a  reward  for  his  beautiful  song. 

•  The  word  here  translated  "  king  "  is  hardly  satisfactory,  but  perhaps  nothing 
better  can  be  substituted.  Of  course  the  idea  "king''  has  crept  in  since  the 
Spanish  conquest.  "  Datto  "  or  "  chief  "  might  be  more  satisfactory.  What  is 
really  meant,  however,  is  nothing  exactly  imaged  by  these  words,  but  rather  a  sort 
of  "  head-man,"  a  man  more  prominent  and  powerful  than  others. 


I  oo  yournal  of  A  merican  Folk- Lore. 

When  the  morning  came  Jackyo  returned  home,  full  of  joy,  and 
became  known  as  the  richest  man  in  the  village. 

TRUTH    AND    FALSEHOOD. 

One  day  Truth  started  for  the  city  to  find  some  work.  On  his  way 
he  overtook  Falsehood,  who  was  going  to  the  city  for  the  same  pur^ 
pose.  Falsehood  asked  permission  to  ride  on  the  horse  with  Truth, 
and  his  request  was  granted. 

On  the  way  they  questioned  each  other  as  to  the  sort  of  work  they 
wanted.  Truth  stated  that  he  intended  to  be  a  secretary,  so  that  he 
might  always  be  clean  and  white.  Falsehood  declared  that  he  would 
be  a  cook,  because  then  he  would  always  have  plenty  of  fine  things 
to  eat. 

As  they  were  riding  along,  they  met  a  man  carrying  a  corpse  to  the 
cemetery.  He  had  no  one  to  help  him,  and  Truth,  in  his  great 
pity  for  the  man,  jumped  off  his  horse  and  helped  him.  After  the 
corpse  was  buried.  Truth  asked  :  "  Did  you  pray  for  the  repose  of 
the  soul  of  the  dead .'' "  "  No,"  was  the  reply,  "  I  do  not  know  how  to 
pray,  and  I  have  no  money  to  pay  the  priest  for  candles."  Then  Truth 
gave  the  man  all  the  money  he  had,  that  he  might  have  prayers  said 
for  the  dead  man,  and  went  back  to  his  companion. 

When  dinner  time  came,  Falsehood  was  very  angry  at  finding  out 
that  Truth  had  given  all  his  money  away,  but  finally  proposed  that 
they  should  go  to  the  river  and  catch  some  fish  for  dinner.  When 
they  arrived  at  the  river,  they  found  some  fish  which  had  been 
caught  in  a  shallow  pool  near  the  bank,  and  caught  all  they  wanted. 
But  Truth  was  very  sorry  for  the  fish,  and  threw  his  half  back  into  the 
river.  Falsehood  murmured  at  him  and  said  :  "  It  would  have  been 
better  for  you  to  give  them  to  me.  If  I  had  known  that  you  would 
throw  them  into  the  river,  I  would  not  have  given  you  any  of  them." 

Then  they  rode  on.  As  they  were  going  through  a  thick  wood  in 
the  heart  of  the  mountain  they  heard  a  noise  as  of  crying,  far  away. 
Truth  went  forward  to  find  what  it  was,  but  Falsehood,  trembling 
with  fear,  hid  himself  close  behind  his  comrade.  At  last  they  saw 
seven  little  eagles  in  a  nest  high  in  a  tree.  They  were  crying  with 
hunger,  and  their  mother  was  nowhere  to  be  seen.  Truth  was  sorry 
for  them,  and  killed  his  horse,  giving  some  of  the  meat  to  the  young 
eagles,  and  spreading  the  rest  on  the  ground  beneath  the  tree,  so 
that  the  mother-bird  might  find  it. 

Falsehood  hated  his  comrade  for  having  killed  the  horse,  because 
now  they  were  obliged  to  travel  on  foot.  They  went  down  the 
mountain,  and  entering  the  city,  presented  themselves  before  the 
king,  desiring  to  be  taken  into  his  service,  the  one  as  secretary  and 
the  other  as  cook.     The  king  granted  both  requests. 


Visayan  Folk-Tales.  \Qi 

When  Falsehood  saw  that  his  former  companion  sat  at  the  table 
with  the  king  and  was  always  clean  and  dressed  in  good  clothes, 
while  he  himself  was  dirty  and  had  to  eat  in  the  kitchen,  he  was  very 
angry  and  determined  to  do  something  to  ruin  the  one  whom  now  he 
hated  so  bitterly. 

One  day  the  king  and  queen  went  to  sail  on  the  sea.  As  they  were 
far  from  land,  the  queen  dropped  her  ring  overboard.  When  False- 
hood heard  of  the  accident,  he  went  to  the  king  and  said :  "  My 
Lord,  the  King,  my  friend  —  your  secretary  —  has  told  me  that 
he  was  endowed  with  magic  powers  and  is  able  to  find  the  queen's 
ring.  He  says  if  he  does  not  lind  it  he  is  willing  for  you  to  hang 
him." 

The  king  immediately  sent  for  Truth,  and  said  to  him :  "  Find  the 
queen's  ring  without  delay,  or  I  will  have  you  hanged  early  to-mor- 
row morning." 

Truth  went  down  to  the  shore,  but  seeing  how  impossible  it  would 
be  to  find  the  ring,  began  to  weep.  A  fish  came  near,  and  floating 
on  top  of  the  water,  asked,  "  Why  are  you  weeping  }  " 

"I  weep,"  Truth  replied,  "because  the  king  will  hang  me  early 
to-morrow  morning  unless  I  find  the  queen's  ring,  which  has  fallen 
into  the  sea." 

The  fish  swam  out  and  got  the  ring  and  gave  it  to  Truth.  Then 
he  said :  "  I  am  one  of  the  fishes  which  you  found  on  the  bank  of 
the  river  and  threw  back  into  the  water.  As  you  helped  me  when  I 
was  in  trouble,  I  am  very  glad  that  I  have  been  able  to  help  you  now." 

On  another  day.  Falsehood  went  to  the  king  and  said  :  "  My  Lord 
King,  do  you  remember  what  I  told  you  the  other  day  .-' " 

"  Yes,"  replied  the  king,  "  and  I  believe  you  told  me  the  truth,  as 
the  ring  has  been  found." 

"  Well,"  replied  Falsehood,  "  my  friend  told  me  last  night  that  he 
is  a  great  magician  and  that  he  is  wiUing  for  you  to  hang  him  in  the 
sight  of  all  the  people,  since  it  will  not  hurt  him." 

The  king  sent  for  Truth  and  told  him  :  "  I  know  what  you  have  said 
to  your  friend.  To-morrow  I  will  have  you  hanged  in  the  sight  of 
all  the  people,  and  we  will  see  whether  you  are  the  great  magician 
you  claim  to  be." 

That  night  Truth  could  not  sleep.  About  midnight,  as  he  was  in 
great  distress,  a  spirit  suddenly  appeared  to  him  and  asked  what  was 
the  cause  of  his  grief.  Truth  related  his  trouble,  and  the  spirit  said  : 
"  Do  not  weep.  To-morrow  morning  I  will  take  your  form  and  wear 
your  clothes,  and  let  them  hang  me." 

The  next  morning,  just  at  dawn,  the  spirit  put  on  Truth's  clothes 
and  went  out  to  be  hanged.  Many  people  came  to  see  the  hanging, 
and  after  it  was  over,  returned  to  their  homes.   What  was  the  aston- 


I02  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

ishment  of  the  king  and  those  with  him  when,  upon  their  return  to 
the  palace,  they  found  Truth  there  before  them,  aUve  and  well ! 

That  night  the  spirit  appeared  to  Truth  and  said :  "  I  am  the 
spirit  of  the  dead  man  for  whom  you  gave  your  money  that  prayers 
might  be  said  for  the  repose  of  his  soul."    Then  it  disappeared. 

On  another  day  Falsehood  appeared  before  the  king,  and  said  :  "  My 
Lord  the  King,  my  friend  the  secretary  told  me  last  night  that  if  you 
would  let  him  marry  your  daughter,  in  one  night  his  wife  should 
bring  forth  three  children."  The  king  sent  for  Truth  and  said  :  "  I 
will  give  you  my  daughter  to  be  your  wife  and  if  to-night  she  does 
not  bear  three  children,  I  will  have  you  buried  alive  to-morrow  morn- 
ing." 

So  they  were  married.  But  at  midnight,  as  Truth  lay  awake  think- 
ing of  the  fate  that  was  in  store  for  him  in  the  morning,  an  eagle 
flew  through  the  window,  and  asked  the  cause  of  his  sorrow.  Truth 
related  his  tale,  and  the  eagle  said :  "Do  not  worry ;  I  will  take  care 
of  that."  Then  he  flew  away,  but  just  before  the  break  of  day  three 
eagles  came,  each  bearing  a  new-born  babe.  Truth  awakened  the 
princess  and  said  to  her  :  "  My  dear  wife,  these  are  our  children. 
We  must  love  them  and  take  good  care  of  them." 

Then  the  king,  who  had  been  awakened  by  the  noise  of  children 
crying,  sent  to  ask  what  it  was  all  about.  When  he  heard  the  news 
he  came  into  the  tower  where  the  princess  was,  and  when  he  saw  the 
children  he  was  overcome  with  joy ;  for  he  had  no  sons,  and  greatly 
desired  to  have  an  heir  to  his  throne.  So  the  king  made  a  great  feast 
and  gave  over  his  crown  and  sceptre  to  his  son-in-law,  to  be  king  in 
his  stead. 

Thus  we  see  that  those  who  help  others  when  in  trouble  shall 
themselves  be  aided  when  they  are  in  difficulty. 

CAMANLA    AND    PAROTPOT. 

Camanla  was  a  very  poor  but  very  busy  man,  and  always  praising 
his  own  work.  When  he  talked  with  other  people  he  ended  every 
third  or  fourth  word  with  "la,"  which  was  the  last  syllable  of  his 
name  and  is  a  word  of  praise. 

One  day  he  made  a  boat,  and  when  it  was  finished  he  began  to 
talk  to  it.  These  were  his  words  :  "  My  boat,  la,  you  may  go,  la, 
to  find  a  pretty  lady,  la,  for  my  wife,  la,  to  make  me  happy,  la."  Then 
his  boat  started  to  sail  without  anybody  to  manage  it.  When  she 
reached  a  large  town  she  stopped  in  the  river,  near  where  the  pretty 
daughters  of  some  rich  men  of  the  town  were  taking  a  walk.  They 
were  accustomed  to  take  any  boat  they  might  find  and  use  it  when 
they  wished  to  cross  the  river,  returning  in  the  same  way. 

As  Camanla's  boat  was  there  and  looked  very  fine,  the  young  ladies 


Visayaji  Folk-Tales.  103 

decided  to  cross  the  river  in  it.  The  youngest  was  the  first  to  jump 
into  the  boat.  When  the  Httle  boat  felt  that  some  one  had  come 
on  board,  she  ran  away,  carrying  the  lady. 

When  Camanla  saw  his  boat  coming,  he  began  to  praise  it,  saying : 
"  My  boat,  la,  is  coming,  la,  to  bring  me,  la,  my  pretty  lady,  to  marry 
me,  la."  Very  soon  the  boat  anchored,  and  he  went  down  to  receive 
the  lady,  whom  he  soon  married.  Then  was  Camanla  happy,  but  one 
day  he  had  no  food  to  give  his  wife,  so  he  made  a  little  taon,  or  fish 
trap,  and  said  to  it:  "  My  pretty  taon,  la,  you  may  go,  la,  to  the  river, 
la,  to  get  me  some  fish,  la."  The  taon  then  walked  toward  the  river, 
and  soon  came  back,  full  of  fish.  Camanla  was  an  object  of  envy  to 
all  the  world. 

His  happiness  was  soon  heard  of  by  his  friend  Parotpot,  who  be- 
came very  envious.  At  last  he  went  to  Camanla's  house.  When  he 
met  his  friend,  he  said  to  him :  "  You  are  very  happy,  my  friend,  and 
I  envy  you."  Camanla  replied  :  "  Yes,  I  am  very  fortunate.  I  have 
my  little  boat  that  sails  every  day  to  get  my  food,  and  a  little  taon  that 
goes  to  the  river  and  brings  me  fine  fish." 

Parotpot  returned  sadly  home.  He  concluded  to  build  a  boat  like 
his  friend's,  but  Parotpot,  when  he  talked,  ended  every  third  or  fourth 
word  with  "  pot,"  (pronounced  po)  the  ending  of  his  name :  This 
word  has  a  scornful  meaning.  When  the  boat  was  finished,  he  began 
to  talk  to  it  as  follows  :  "  My  boat,  pot,  you  may  go,  pot,  to  find  me  a 
wife,  pot,  prettier  than  my  friend's  wife,  pot."  The  boat  sailed 
away,  and  reached  a  large  river,  just  as  some  men  were  looking  for  a 
boat  to  take  across  the  body  of  their  grandmother,  in  order  to  bury 
it  in  the  cemetery  of  the  town.  When  they  saw  the  boat  they  were 
glad  to  get  across  the  river  so  easily,  so  they  lifted  the  body  and 
placed  it  in  the  boat.  When  the  boat  felt  that  something  was  on 
board,  she  sailed  swiftly  towards  home,  leaving  the  men  behind. 
Parotpot  was  watching,  and  when  he  saw  the  boat  coming,  he  began  to 
talk  thus  :  "  My  boat,  pot,  is  coming,  pot,  to  bring  me,  pot,  a  pretty 
lady,  pot,  to  marry  me,  pot."  But,  alas !  a  dead  grandmother,  in- 
stead of  a  pretty  lady !  He  was  so  angry  that  he  seized  his  bolo 
and  chopped  the  boat  to  pieces,  leaving  the  body  to  float  away. 

But  Parotpot  thought  that  he  might  succeed  better  with  a  fish-trap, 
like  his  friend  Camanla's.  When  he  had  finished  it,  he  sent  it  to 
the  river,  saying  :  "  My  taon,  pot,  go  now  to  the  river,  pot,  and  catch 
many  fishes,  pot,  for  my  dinner,  pot."  The  taon  went.  It  was  Sun- 
day and  the  people  of  the  town  were  killing  cattle  for  their  Sunday 
dinner,  and  throwing  the  waste  into  the  river.  All  this  filth  floated 
into  the  taon  and  filled  it.  Then  it  ran  back  home.  While  the  taon 
had  been  gone,  Parotpot  had  been  making  preparations  for  a  great 
dinner.     He  cooked  the  rice  and  washed  the  dishes,  and  then  invited 


I04  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

his  friends  to  come  to  his  house  and  share  his  excellent  dinner. 
When  he  saw  the  taon  coming,  he  said :  "  My  taon,  pot,  is  coming 
now,  pot,  to  bring  me  many  fine  fish,  pot,  for  my  dinner,  pot."  When 
his  neighbors  saw  what  was  in  the  taon,  they  laughed,  and  Parotpot 
said  :  **  I  can  never  be  as  happy  as  my  friend  Camanla."  Then  he 
took  the  taon  and  threw  it  into  the  fire. 

JUAN,    THE    STUDENT. 

There  was  once  a  poor  couple  who  lived  happily  in  a  quiet  place. 
They  had  one  son,  named  Juan,  whom  at  first  they  loved  very  much  ; 
but  afterwards,  either  because  their  extreme  poverty  made  it  diffi- 
cult for  them  to  support  him,  or  because  of  his  wickedness  and 
waywardness,  they  began  to  hate  him,  and  made  plans  to  kill  him. 

In  order  to  carry  out  this  purpose,  the  father  called  his  son  to  him 
one  evening,  and  said  :  "  My  son,  to-morrow  we  will  go  to  the  moun- 
tain to  get  some  lumber  with  which  to  repair  our  house.  I  want  you 
to  prepare  our  breakfast  very  early,  so  that  we  may  set  out  before  the 
sun  rises." 

On  the  next  morning  they  arose  very  early  and  ate  their  break- 
fast. As  it  consisted  only  of  rice  and  a  few  small  fishes,  it  was 
soon  finished,  and  they  set  out  for  the  mountain.  When  they  had 
arrived  at  a  lonely  spot,  the  man  seized  his  son  and  fastened  him  to  a 
large  tree.  Then  he  took  his  bolo  and  cut  down  the  tree  in  such  a  way 
as  to  cause  it  to  fall  on  the  boy  and  kill  him.  Then  he  returned  home, 
thinking  that  he  should  have  no  more  trouble  on  account  of  his  son. 

Early  the  next  morning,  the  man  heard  a  noise  as  of  some  one 
approaching  the  house.  On  opening  a  window  he  perceived  his  son, 
whom  he  supposed  he  had  killed  on  the  previous  day,  coming  towards 
the  house  and  bearing  a  heavy  load  of  wood.  When  the  boy  had 
come  near  he  asked  where  he  should  put  the  wood.  At  first  the 
father  was  too  much  frightened  to  reply,  but  at  last  he  told  his  son 
to  put  the  wood  down  near  the  house. 

For  a  long  time  Juan  lived  at  home,  but  his  parents  hated  him 
continually,  and  at  last  decided  to  give  him  poison.  One  day  they 
sent  him  on  a  long  trip,  giving  him  seven  pieces  of  poisoned  bread 
for  his  food  along  the  way.  When  he  had  become  weary  and  hun- 
gry from  walking,  he  sat  down  under  a  tree  and  began  to  open  the 
handkerchief  to  get  from  it  some  of  the  bread  to  eat.  Suddenly  a 
number  of  crows  flew  down  from  the  tree,  seized  the  bread,  ate  it, 
and  almost  immediately  died.  The  boy  at  once  perceived  the  inten- 
tion of  his  parents  and  returned  home.  As  soon  as  he  arrived  there, 
he  declared  to  his  father  and  mother  his  intention  of  leaving  them 
and  going  elsewhere  to  live.  As  soon  as  they  heard  him,  they  were 
full  of  joy,  and  readily  gave  him  the  desired  permission. 


Visayan  Folk-Tales.  105 

He  went  to  a  distant  town,  and  decided  to  study.  He  made  such 
progress  that  his  teachers  were  charmed  with  his  diligence.  He 
was  very  fond  of  debates  with  his  schoolmates,  and  one  day  asked 
them  the  following  riddle  :  "Two  tried  to  kill  one,  one  killed  seven, 
two  were  left,  and  one  went  away."  They  searched  through  the 
books  for  the  answer  to  the  riddle,  but  as  they  were  unable  to  find  it, 
they  agreed  that  Juan  was  the  cleverest  one  among  them,  since  they 
could  not  answer  his  riddle. 

One  day  the  student  met  a  young  lady  to  whom  he  gave  the  riddle. 
She  asked  for  a  little  time  in  which  to  study  it,  and  this  being 
granted,  went  home,  disguised  herself  as  a  young  man  and,  return- 
ing, asked  Juan  to  tell  the  answer  to  the  riddle.  "  For  I  know," 
she  said,  "  that  many  students  have  tried  to  find  the  solution  of  this 
riddle,  but  have  not  been  successful."  Juan  finally  granted  her 
request,  and  told  her  the  answer  to  the  riddle,  which  was  the  story 
of  his  life. 

Then  the  young  lady  returned  home,  put  on  her  own  clothes,  and 
went  back  to  the  student's  house,  to  give  him  the  answer  to  his  riddle. 
When  Juan  heard  her  answer,  he  thought  her  a  very  clever  young 
woman,  since  she  had  succeeded  where  so  many  young  men  had 
failed,  so  he  fell  in  love  with  the  young  lady  and  married  her. 

THE    TWO    WIVES  AND    THE    WITCH. 

There  was  once  a  man  who  had  a  wife  that  was  not  pretty.  He 
became  tired  of  looking  at  her,  and  so  went  away  and  married  an- 
other wife. 

His  first  wife  was  in  great  sorrow,  and  wept  every  day.  One  day 
as  she  was  crying  by  the  well,  where  she  had  gone  for  water,  a 
woman  asked  her:  "Why  are  you  weeping?"  The  wife  answered: 
"  Because  my  husband  has  left  me  and  gone  to  live  with  another 
wife."     "Why  V  said  the  witch,  for  that  is  what  the  woman  was. 

"Because  I  have  not  a  pretty  face,"  answered  the  wife.  While  she 
was  talking  the  witch  touched  the  wife's  face,  and  then  she  said : 
"I  cannot  stay  here  any  longer,"  and  went  off. 

When  the  wife  reached  home  she  looked  in  the  glass  and  saw  that 
her  face  had  been  changed  until  it  was  the  most  beautiful  in  the  town. 
Very  soon  a  rumor  spread  through  the  town  that  in  such  and  such  a 
house  there  was  living  a  very  beautiful  woman.  Many  young  men 
went  to  see  the  pretty  woman,  and  all  were  pleased  with  her  beauty. 

The  bad  husband  went  also.  He  was  astonished  that  his  wife  was 
not  at  home,  and  that  a  pretty  woman  was  living  there  alone.  He 
bowed  to  the  lady  and  avowed  his  love.  The  lady  at  first  refused  to 
believe  him,  and  said  :  "  If  you  will  leave  the  woman  who  is  now 
your  wife  and  come  to  live  with  me  right  along  I  will  take  you  for 


io6  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

my  husband."  The  man  agreed,  and  went  to  live  with  the  pretty 
woman. 

The  other  woman  was  very  angry  when  she  heard  the  news,  for 
it  was  reported  that  the  pretty  woman  was  the  man's  first  wife, 
who  had  been  changed  by  a  witch.  She  determined  to  try  what 
the  witch  could  do  for  her,  and  went  to  get  water  at  the  same 
well. 

The  witch  appeared  and  asked  :  "Why  are  you  weeping,  my  good 
woman } "  The  woman  told  her  that  her  husband  had  gone  away  to 
live  with  the  pretty  woman.  As  she  was  speaking,  the  witch  touched 
her  face,  and  said  :  "  Go  home,  my  good  woman,  and  do  not  weep, 
for  your  husband  will  come  very  soon  to  see  you." 

When  she  heard  this  she  ran  home  as  fast  as  she  could.  All  the 
people  whom  she  met  on  the  road  were  afraid  of  her,  because  she 
was  so  ugly.  Her  nose  was  about  two  feet  long,  her  ears  looked 
like  large  handkerchiefs,  and  her  eyes  were  as  big  as  saucers.  No- 
body recognized  her,  not  even  her  mother.  All  were  afraid  of  such 
a  creature.  When  she  saw  in  the  glass  how  ugly  she  was,  she  refused 
to  eat,  and  in  a  few  days  she  died. 

THE    LIVING    HEAD. 

There  once  lived  a  man  and  his  wife  who  had  no  children.  They 
earnestly  desired  to  have  a  son,  so  they  prayed  to  their  God,  Diva, 
that  he  would  give  them  a  son,  even  if  it  were  only  a  head. 

Diva  pitied  them,  and  gave  them  a  head  for  a  son.  Head,  for  that 
was  his  name,  grew  up,  and  gradually  his  father  and  mother  ceased 
to  think  of  his  misfortune,  and  grew  to  love  him  very  much. 

One  day  Head  saw  the  chief's  daughter  pass  the  house,  and  fell 
in  love  with  her.  "Mother,"  he  said,  "I  am  in  love  with  the  chief's 
daughter  and  wish  to  marry  her.  Go  now,  I  pray  you,  to  the  chief 
and  ask  him  to  give  me  his  daughter  to  be  my  wife."  "  Dear  Head," 
answered  his  mother,  "  it  is  of  no  use  to  go  on  such  an  errand,  the 
chiefs  daughter  will  surely  not  be  willing  to  marry  only  a  head." 
But  Head  insisted,  so,  in  order  to  quiet  him,  his  mother  went  to  the 
chief  and  made  known  her  son's  desire.  Of  course  she  met  with  a 
refusal,  and  returned  home  and  told  Head  the  result  of  her  errand. 

Head  went  downstairs  into  the  garden  and  began  to  sink  into  the 
ground. 

"Head,  come  up,"  said  his  mother,  "and  let  us  eat." 

"  Sink  !  sink  !  sink  !  "  cried  Head. 

"  Head,  come  up  and  let  us  eat  ! "  repeated  his  mother. 

"  Sink  !  sink!  sink  !  "  was  Head's  answer, and  he  continued  to  sink 
until  he  could  no  longer  be  seen.  His  mother  tried  in  vain  to  take 
him  out.     After  a  while  a  tree  sprang  up  just  where  Head  had  sunk, 


Visayan  Folk-Tales.  107 

and  in  a  short  time  it  bore  large,  round  fruit,  almost  as  large  as  a 
child's  head.    This  is  the  origin  of  the  orange-tree. 

JUAN    PUSONG. 

The  Visayans  tell  many  stories  which  have  as  their  hero  Juan 
Pusong,  or  Tricky  John.  As  the  name  implies,  he  is  represented  as 
being  deceitful  and  dishonest,  sometimes  very  cunning,  and,  in  some  of 
the  stories  told  of  him,  endowed  with  miraculous  power.  The  stories 
are  very  simple  and  of  not  very  great  excellence.  The  few  which 
follow  will  serve  as  samples  of  the  narratives  told  of  this  popular  hero. 

I.  Juan  Pusong  was  a  lazy  boy.  Neither  punishment  nor  the  offer 
of  a  reward  could  induce  him  to  go  to  school,  but  in  school-time  he 
was  always  to  be  found  on  the  plaza,  playing  with  the  other  boys. 

His  mother,  however,  believed  him  to  be  in  school,  and  each  day 
prepared  some  dainty  for  him  to  eat  upon  his  return  home.  Juan  was 
not  satisfied  with  deceiving  his  mother  in  this  way,  but  used  to  play 
tricks  on  her. 

"  Mother,"  he  said,  one  day,  "  I  have  already  learned  to  be  a  seer 
and  to  discover  what  is  hidden.  This  afternoon  when  I  come  home 
from  school  I  will  foretell  what  you  have  prepared  for  me." 

"Will  you.'  "  said  his  mother  joyfully,  for  she  believed  all  he  said, 
"  I  will  try  to  prepare  something  new  and  you  will  not  be  able  to 
guess  it." 

"I  shall,  mother,  I  shall,  let  it  be  whatever  it  may,"  answered  Juan. 

When  it  was  time  to  go  to  school,  Juan  pretended  to  set  out,  but 
instead  he  climbed  a  tree  which  stood  near  the  kitchen,  and  hidirig 
himself  among  the  leaves,  watched  through  the  window  all  that  his 
mother  did. 

His  mother  baked  a  bibingca,  or  cake  made  of  rice  and  sweet 
potato,  and  hid  it  in  a  jar.  "I  will  bet  anything,"  she  said,  "that  my 
son  will  not  guess  what  it  is."  Juan  laughed  at  his  mother's  self-con- 
ceit. When  it  was  time  for  school  to  close  he  got  down,  and  with  a 
book  in  his  hand,  as  though  he  had  really  come  from  school,  appeared 
before  his  mother  and  said  :  "  Mother,  I  know  what  you  are  keeping 
for  me." 

"  What  is  it }  "   asked  his  mother. 

"  The  prophecy  that  I  have  just  learned  at  school  says  that  there  is 
a  bibingca  hidden  in  the  olla."  The  mother  became  motionless  with 
surprise.  "Is  it  possible.-'  "  she  asked  herself,  "my  son  is  indeed  a 
seer.     I  am  going  to  spread  it  abroad.     My  son  is  a  seer." 

The  news  was  spread  far  and  wide  and  many  people  came  to  make 
trial  of  Pusong's  powers.  In  these  he  was  always  successful,  thanks 
to  his  ability  to  cheat. 

II.  One  day  a  ship  was  anchored  in  the  harbor.     She  had  come 


I03  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

from  a  distant  island.  Her  captain  had  heard  of  Pu song's  power  and 
wished  to  try  him.  The  trial  consisted  in  foretelling  how  many  seeds 
the  oranges  with  which  his  vessel  was  loaded  contained.  He  pro- 
mised to  give  Juan  a  great  quantity  of  money  if  he  could  do  this. 

Pusong  asked  for  a  day's  time.  That  night  he  swam  out  to  the 
vessel,  and,  hidden  in  the  water  under  the  ship's  stern,  listened  to 
the  conversation  of  the  crew.  Luckily  they  were  talking  about  this 
very  matter  of  the  oranges,  and  one  of  them  inquired  of  the  captain 
what  kind  of  oranges  he  had. 

"  My  friend,"  said  the  captain,  "  these  oranges  are  different  from 
any  in  this  country,  for  each  contains  but  one  seed." 

Pusong  had  learned  all  that  he  needed  to  know,  so  he  swam  back 
to  the  shore,  and  the  next  morning  announced  that  he  was  ready  for 
the  trial. 

Many  people  had  assembled  to  hear  the  great  seer.  Pusong  con- 
tinued to  read  in  his  book,  as  though  it  was  the  source  of  his  infor- 
mation. The  hour  agreed  upon  struck,  and  the  captain  of  the  vessel 
handed  an  orange  to  Juan  and  said :  "  Mr.  Pusong,  you  may  tell  us 
how  many  seeds  this  orange  contains." 

Pusong  took  the  orange  and  smelled  it.  Then  he  opened  his  book 
and  after  a  while  said  :  "  This  orange  you  have  presented  me  with  con- 
tains but  one  seed." 

The  orange  was  cut  and  but  the  one  seed  found  in  it,  so  Pusong  was 
paid  the  money.  Of  course  he  obtained  a  great  reputation  through- 
out the  country,  and  became  very  rich. 

HI.  Juan  Pusong's  father  drove  his  cows  out  one  day  to  pasture. 
Juan  slipped  secretly  from  the  house,  and  going  to  the  pasture,  took 
the  cows  into  the  forest  and  tied  them  there.  When  his  father  was 
going  for  the  cows  he  met  Juan  and  asked  :  "  Where  did  you  come 
from  } "  The  boy  replied  :  "  I  have  just  come  from  school.  What 
are  you  looking  for  .-'  " 

"  I  am  looking  for  our  cows,"  said  his  father. 

"  Why  did  n't  you  tell  me  that  before,"  asked  Juan.  "  Wait  a  min- 
ute," and  he  took  his  little  book  from  his  pocket  and,  looking  into  it, 
said  :  "  Our  cows  are  in  such  a  place  in  the  forest,  tied  together.  Go 
and  get  them."  So  his  father  went  to  the  place  where  Juan  said  the 
cows  were  and  found  them.  Afterwards  it  was  discovered  that  Juan 
could  not  read  even  his  own  name,  so  his  father  beat  him  for  the 
trick  he  had  played. 

IV.  Pusong  and  Tabloc-laui.  Pusong  had  transgressed  the  law, 
and  was  for  this  reason  put  into  a  cage  to  be  in  a  short  time  sub- 
merged with  it  into  the  sea. 

Tabloc-laui,  a  friend  of  Pusong's,  passed  by  and  saw  him  in  the  cage. 

"  What  are  you  there  for  .''"  Tabloc-laui  asked. 


Visayan  Folk-Tales.  IC59 

"  Oh  !  "  answered  Pusong,"  I  am  a  prisoner  here,  as  you  see,  because 
the  chief  wants  me  to  marry  his  daughter  and  I  don't  want  to  do  it. 
I  am  to  stay  here  until  I  consent." 

"What  a  fool  you  are  !"  said  Tabloc-laui.  "The  chief's  daughter 
is  pretty,  and  I  am  surprised  that  you  are  not  willing  to  marry  her." 

"  Hear  me,  Tabloc-laui !  "  said  the  prisoner.  "  If  you  want  to  marry 
the  chief's  daughter,  let  me  out  and  get  in  here  .in  my  place  ;  for  to- 
morrow they  will  come  and  ask  you  if  you  will  consent.  Then  you 
will  be  married  at  once." 

"I  am  willing  ! "  exclaimed  Tabloc-laui.  "Get  out  and  I  will  take 
your  place  ! " 

Next  morning  the  chief  ordered  his  soldiers  to  take  the  cage  with 
the  prisoner  to  the  sea  and  submerge  it  in  the  water. 

Tabloc-laui,  on  seeing  the  soldiers  coming  toward  him,  thought  they 
would  make  inquiries  of  him  as  Pusong  had  said. 

"I  am  ready  now,"  he  said,  "  I  am  ready  to  be  the  princess's  hus- 
band." 

"  Is  this  crazy  fellow  raving.''"  asked  the  soldiers.  "We  are  or- 
dered to  take  you  and  submerge  you  in  the  sea." 

"But,"  objected  Tabloc-laui,  "  I  am  ready  now  to  marry  the  chief's 
daughter." 

He  was  carried  to  the  sea  and  plunged  into  the  water,  in  spite  of 
his  crying,  "  I  am  not  Pusong  !   I  am  Tabloc-laui !  " 

The  next  week  the  chief  was  in  his  boat,  going  from  one  fish-trap 
to  another,  to  inspect  them.     Pusong  swam  out  to  the  boat. 

The  chief,  on  seeing  him,  wondered,  for  he  believed  that  Pusong  was 
dead.     "  How  is  this  .-'  "  he  asked.   "  Did  you  not  drown  last  week  ? " 

"By  no  means.  I  sank  to  the  bottom,  but  I  found  that  there  wa3 
no  water  there.  There  is  another  world  where  the  dead  live  again. 
I  saw  your  father  and  he  charged  me  to  bid  you  go  to  him,  and  after- 
wards you  will  be  able  to  come  back  here,  if  you  wish  to  do  so." 

"  Is  that  really  true,  Pusong  } "  asked  the  chief. 

"  Yes,  it  is  really  true,"  was  the  reply. 

"  Well,  I  will  go  there.  I  will  have  a  cage  made  and  go  through 
the  way  you  did." 

So  the  next  morning  the  chief  was  submerged  in  the  water,  with 
the  hope  of  coming  back.  When  a  considerable  time  had  elapsed 
without  seeing  his  return,  his  servants  searched  for  Pusong,  in  order 
to  punish  him,  but  he  had  escaped  to  the  mountains. 

V.  77/6'  Ejiclianted Prijice.  There  was  once  a  king  who  had  three 
young  and  beautiful  daughters  named  Isabel,  Catalina,  and  Maria. 

In  the  capital  city  of  the  kingdom  lived  a  young  man  known  by  th'e 
name  of  Juan  Pusong.  He  had  as  friends  an  ape,  named  Amo- 
Mongo,  and  a  wildcat,  whose  name  was  Singalong.    The  three  friends 


no  yournal  of  America^i  Folk-Lore. 

were  passing  one  day  in  front  of  the  palace,  and,  seeing  the  three 
young  ladies,  were  greatly  charmed  by  their  beauty. 

Pusong,  who  posed  as  a  young  aristocrat  of  considerable  learning, 
determined  to  go  before  the  king  and  declare  his  love  for  the  Prin- 
cess Isabel.  The  king  received  him  favorably,  and  offered  him  a  seat ; 
but  Juan  refused  to  sit  down  until  he  should  know  the  result  of  his 
request. 

The  king  was  astonished  at  his  manner,  and  asked  him  what  he 
wanted.  Juan  replied  that  he  had  presumptuously  allowed  himself 
to  be  charmed  by  the  beauty  of  the  Princess  Isabel,  and  humbly 
requested  the  king's  consent  to  their  marriage.  The  king  had  the 
princess  summoned  before  him,  and  in  the  presence  of  Pusong  asked 
her  if  she  would  accept  this  man  as  her  husband.  She  dutifully 
expressed  her  willingness  to  do  whatever  her  father  wished,  so  the 
king  granted  the  request  of  Pusong,  who  was  immediately  married 
to  Isabel. 

When  Amo-Mongo  saw  how  successful  Pusong  had  been,  he  pre- 
sented himself  before  the  king,  as  his  friend  had  done,  and  requested 
the  hand  of  the  Princess  Catalina.  The  king,  somewhat  unwillingly, 
gave  his  consent,  and  these  two  were  also  married. 

When  Singalong  saw  to  what  high  positions  his  friends  had  at- 
tained, he  became  desirous  of  like  fortune,  so  he  went  to  the  king  and 
obtained  his  consent  to  his  marriage  with  the  Princess  Maria. 

All  three  of  the  king's  sons-in-law  lived  with  their  wives  at  the 
palace,  at  the  king's  expense.  The  latter  seeing  that  his  daughters' 
husbands  were  lazy  fellows,  determined  to  make  them  useful,  so  he 
sent  Pusong  and  Amo-Mongo  out  to  take  charge  of  his  estates  in 
the  country,  while  to  Singalong  he  gave  the  oversight  of  the  ser- 
vants who  worked  in  the  kitchen  of  the  palace. 

Pusong  and  Amo-Mongo  went  out  to  the  hacienda  with  the  inten- 
tion of  doing  something,  but  when  they  arrived  there,  they  found  so 
much  to  do  that  they  concluded  that  it  would  be  impossible  to 
attend  to  everything  and  so  decided  to  do  nothing. 

The  latter,  after  merely  looking  over  the  estate,  entered  the  for- 
est, in  order  to  visit  his  relatives  there.  His  fellow  monkeys,  who 
knew  of  his  marriage  with  the  princess,  believed  him  to  be  of  some 
importance,  and  begged  him  to  save  them  from  the  famine  which 
was  devastating  the  forest.  This  Amo-Mongo,  with  much  boasting 
of  his  wealth,  promised  to  do,  declaring  that  at  the  time  of  harvest 
he  would  give  them  plenty  of  rice. 

When  Pusong  and  his  companion  returned  to  the  palace  they  were 
asked  by  the  king  how  many  acres  they  had  cleared.  They  replied 
that  they  had  cleared  and  planted  about  one  thousand  acres.  The 
king  was  satisfied  with  their  answer,  and,  at  Amo-Mongo's  request. 


Vis  ay  an  Folk-  Tales.  1 1 1 

gave  orders  for  a  large  quantity  of  rice  to  be  carried  from  the  store- 
house to  the  spot  in  the  forest  where  his  son-in-law  had  promised  the 
monkeys  that  they  should  find  it. 

On  the  other  hand,  Singalong  during  the  day  did  nothing,  and  as 
the  king  never  saw  him  at  work  he  disliked  his  third  son-in-law  very 
much.  Yet  every  morning  there  were  great  piles  of  fish  and  vege- 
tables in  the  palace  kitchen.  Amo-Mongo,  knowing  that  his  brother- 
in-law  usually  went  out  at  night  in  order  to  bring  something  home, 
contrived  to  get  up  early  and  see  what  there  was  in  the  kitchen,  so 
as  to  present  it  to  the  king  as  the  result  of  his  own  labors.  In  this 
way,  Amo-Mongo  became  each  day  dearer  and  dearer  to  the  king, 
while  Singalong  became  more  and  more  disliked.  Maria  knew  that 
her  husband  procured  their  food  in  some  way,  for  every  morning  he 
said  to  her:  "All  that  you  see  here  I  have  brought."  However,  the 
king  knew  nothing  of  all  this. 

When  the  early  harvest  time  came,  the  king  commanded  Amo- 
Mongo  to  bring  rice  to  make  pilipig.  (Rice  pounded  into  flakes  and 
toasted,  a  dish  of  which  Filipinos  are  very  fond.)  Amo-Mongo  did 
not  know  where  he  could  find  it,  but  set  out  in  the  direction  from 
which  he  had  seen  Singalong  coming  each  morning,  and  soon  came 
to  an  extensive  rice-field  bearing  an  abundant  crop.  He  took  a 
goodly  portion  of  it  and,  returning  to  the  palace,  had  the  pilipig 
prepared  and  set  before  the  king  and  his  household.  Every  one  ate 
of  it,  except  Singalong,  who  was  the  real  owner,  and  his  wife,  who 
had  been  secretly  notified  by  him  of  the  truth  of  the  matter. 

Maria  was  greatly  perplexed  by  what  her  husband  had  told  her,  so 
she  determined  one  night  to  watch  him.  She  discovered  that,  as 
soon  as  the  other  people  were  asleep,  her  husband  became  trans- 
formed into  a  handsome  prince  and  left  the  palace,  leaving  behind 
him  his  cat's  dress.  As  soon  as  he  had  gone,  Maria  took  the  cast-off 
clothing  of  her  husband  and  cast  it  into  the  fire.  Singalong  smelt 
it  burning  and  returned  to  the  palace,  where  he  found  his  wife  and 
begged  her  to  return  to  him  his  cat's  dress.  This  she  was  unable 
to  do,  since  it  was  entirely  consumed.  As  a  result,  Singalong  was 
obliged  to  retain  the  form  of  a  prince,  but  he  was  afraid  to  appear 
before  the  king  in  this  guise,  and  so  hid  himself. 

In  the  morning,  Maria  went  to  the  king  and  told  him  the  truth 
about  her  husband.  Her  father,  however,  thought  that  she  was 
crazy,  and  when  she  insisted,  invited  her  to  accompany  him  to  Amo- 
Mongo's  farm,  in  order  to  convince  her  of  her  error.  Many  people 
went  with  them,  and  Amo-Mongo  led  them  to  the  farm,  which  was 
really  Singalong's,  but  told  them  that  it  belonged  to  himself.  Be- 
sides other  things,  Singalong  had  planted  many  fruits,  among  them 
atimon  and  candol. 


1 1 2  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lorc. 

Amo-Mongo,  seeing  the  diversity  of  fruits,  began  to  eat  all  he 
could,  until  he  became  unable  to  move  a  step.  Whenever  his  wife 
urged  him  to  come  away,  he  would  take  an  atimon  under  his  arm 
and  a  candol  or  so  in  his  hands,  until  at  last  his  wife,  angry  at  his 
greediness,  gave  him  a  push  which  caused  him  to  fall  headlong, 
striking  his  head  against  a  stone  and  being  instantly  killed. 

Then  Singalong,  who  had  secretly  followed  the  crowd  from  the 
palace,  showed  himself  to  the  king  in  his  proper  form.  After  mak- 
ing suitable  explanations,  he  led  them  to  a  fine  palace  in  the  middle 
of  the  hacienda.  There  they  all  lived  together,  but  Pusong  and  his 
wife,  who  in  former  times  had  treated  Singalong  very  harshly,  giving 
him  only  the  bones  and  scraps  from  the  table,  were  now  obliged  to 
act  as  servants  in  the  kitchen  of  the  king's  new  palace. 

Bert  Oil  L.  Maxficld. 
W.  H.  Millington, 

Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 


Pemisylvania  German  Riddles  and  Nursery  Rhymes.     1 1 3 

PENNSYLVANIA    GERMAN   RIDDLES   AND    NURSERY 

RHYMES. 

J  Was  is  so  weiss  wie  Schnee, 
So  griin  als  Gras, 
So  rot  als  Blut, 
Un  so  Schwartz  als  en  Hut  ? 

(Schwartz  Kirsch.) 

What  is  as  white  as  snow, 

As  green  as  grass, 

As  red  as  blood, 

And  as  black  as  a  hat  ? 

(Common  black  cherry.) 

2  Drunna  im  Schwam  steht  en  griin  Haus, 
Im  griin  Haus  is  en  weiss  Haus, 
Im  weiss  Haus  is  en  rot  Haus, 
Un  im  rot  Haus  is  es  voU  klene  Schwartze. 
Was  is  es  ? 

(Wassermelon.) 

Down  in  the  meadow  stands  a  green  house, 
In  the  green  house  is  a  white  house. 
In  the  white  house  is  a  red  house, 
And  the  red  house  is  full  of  little  negroes. 
What  is  it  ? 

(Watermelon.) 

3  En  eisner  Gaul, 

Un  en  flache  Schwantzel. 

Wie  de  starker  das  des  Gauliche  springt 

We  kurtzer  das  sei  Schwantzel  werd. 

(Nodle  un  Fadem.) 

An  iron  horse. 

With  a  flaxen  tail. 

The  faster  that  the  horse  does  run, 

The  shorter  does  his  tail  become. 

(Needle  and  thread.) 

4  Wer  es  macht,  der  sagt  es  net, 
Wer  es  nehmt  der  kent  es  net, 
Wer  es  kent  der  will  es  net. 

(Falsh  Geld.) 

VOL.  XIX.  —  NO.  73,  8 


1 14  journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

Whoever  makes  it,  tells  it  not, 

And  whoever  takes  it,  recognizes  it  not, 

And  whoever  recognizes  it  wants  it  not. 

(Counterfeit  money.) 

5  Was  geht  zu  der  Deer  rei  un  glemt  sich  net  ? 
Was  geht  uf  der  Ofa  un  brent  sich  net  ? 
Was  geht  uf  der  Disch  un  shamt  sich  net  ? 

(Die  Sonn.) 

What  goes  through  the  door  without  pinching  itself  ? 
What  sits  on  the  stove  without  burning  itself? 
What  sits  on  the  table  and  is  not  ashamed  ? 

(The*  sun.) 

6,  7.  The  two  following  riddles  in  their  setting  clearly  show  that 
they  were  brought  from  the  Fatherland,  which  must  have  been  more 
than  one  hundred  and  fifty  years  ago.  Two  young  men,  both  guilty 
of  some  capital  offence,  were  brought  before  the  king ;  who  being  in 
a  kindly  mood  promised  each  one  his  freedom  upon  the  condition 
that  each  one  would  originate  a  riddle  that  neither  he  nor  his  court 
could  solve.  The  first  one  took  a  walk  along  a  country  road,  returned 
soon,  and  propounded  the  following  riddle:  — 

Fert  gonnd  wieder  kumme, 
Sechs  lebendige  im  a  dote  g'funne, 
Seche  mache  der  sievet  frei. 
Wer  kan  roda  was  des  mag  sei  ? 

I  have  gone  away,  and  have  come  again, 
Found  six  living  ones  in  a  dead  one. 
These  six  shall  set  the  seventh  free. 
Who  can  guess  this  riddle  for  me  ? 

When  neither  the  king  nor  his  court  were  able  to  offer  a  solution 
the  young  man  was  called  upon  to  explain.  "  Why,"  says  he,  "  it 's 
all  very  simple.  As  I  was  walking  along  the  road  I  noticed  a  wren 
fly  up  from  near  the  skull  of  an  ox  ;  and  upon  a  closer  examination 
of  the  skull  I  discovered  in  it  the  wren's  nest  with  six  little  ones. 
Hence  the  riddle." 

The  second  young  man  went  to  his  home,  put  on  a  different  pair 
of  shoes,  and  quickly  returned  with  the  following  riddle  :  — 

In  Inia  ghen  ich. 
In  Inia  stehn  ich. 
In  Inia  bin  ich 
Hiibsh  un  frei. 
Wer  kan  roda 
Was  des  mag  sei  ? 


Pennsylvania  German  Riddles  and  Nursery  Rhymes.     1 1 5 

Into  Inia  I  go, 
In  Inia  I  stand, 
In  Inia  I  am 
Happy  and  free. 
Who  can  guess 
This  riddle  for  me. 

The  king  and  his  court  were  puzzled.  He  too  was  asked  to 
explain.  Thus  he  replied  :  I  had  a  dog,  Inia  by  name,  of  whom  I 
was  very  fond.  When  this  dog  died  I  skinned  him,  had  the  hide 
tanned,  and  made  a  pair  of  shoes  out  of  the  leather.  When  I  left 
the  court  I  went  to  my  house  and  put  on  those  shoes.     Thus  :  — 

In  Inia  gehn  ich. 
In  Inia  stehn  ich, 
In  Inia  bin  ich, 
Hiibsh  un  frei. 


Was  is  das  ? 


Was  is  das  ? 


8  In  Weisenberg  im  Damm, 
Dort  wachst  en  gehli  Blum  ; 
Un  wer  die  gehl  Blum  will  have, 
Der  mus  gans  Weisenberg  verschlage. 

(En  Ei.) 

At  Weisenberg  in  the  dam, 

There  grows  a  yellow  flower ; 

And  whoever  wishes  to  get  the  yellow  flower. 

Must  destroy  whole  Weisenberg. 

(An  egg.) 

9  Fassel  wohl  gebunne. 

Um  sei  leve  ken  Reef  drum  kumme. 

(En  Ei.) 

A  well  bound  cask  without  a  hoop. 

(An  egg.) 

Was  is  das  ? 

10  Es  is  en  Dierli, 
Es  heest  Maureli, 
Es  hot  nein  Haut, 
Un  beist  alle  Leut. 

(En  Zweivel.) 

There  is  a  little  animal. 
Its  name  is  Maureli, 
It  has  nine  skins. 
And  bites  every  body. 

(An  onion.) 


13  Was  is  das  ? 


1 1 6  yournal  of  A  merican  Folk-L ore. 

1 1  Was  is  das  ?  fern  armer  Drop, 

Muss  die  Steg  uf  un  ab  geh  uf  em  Kop  ? 

(Shuhnagel.) 

What  poor  fellow  passes  up  and  down  the  steps  on  his  head  ? 

(Shoe-nail.) 

1 2  Was  is  das  ? 

Hobberti  Bok  uf  der  Bank, 
Hobberti  Bob  unich  der  Banl:, 
Es  is  ken  Mann  im  ganse  Land, 
Das  die  Hobberti  Bob  fange  kan. 

Rie,  Rau,  Ripple, 
Gehl  is  der  Zipple, 
Schwartz  is  es  Loch, 
Wo  der  Rie,  Rau,  Ripple, 
Drin  kocht. 

(Gehlrieve  koche.) 

Rie,  Rau,  Ripple, 
Yellow  is  the  scallion, 
Back  is  the  hole. 

In  which  the  Rie,  Rau,  Ripple  boils. 
(Boiling  carrots.) 

So  hoch  ass  en  Haus, 
So  nidder  ass  en  Maus, 
So  rauh  ass  en  Riegel, 
So  glatt  ass  en  Spiegel, 
So  bitter  ass  Gall, 
Un  is  gut  fer  uns  all. 

(Kescht.) 

As  high  as  a  house, 
As  low  as  a  mouse, 
As  rough  as  a  rail, 
As  smooth  as  a  mirror. 
As  bitter  as  gall. 
But  sweet  to  us  all. 

(Chestnut.) 

15  En  Miihl  hat  sieve  Ecke, 

Im  jederm  Eck  stehne  sieve  Sack, 
Uf  jederm  Sack  hocke  sieve  Katze, 
Un  jeder  Katz  hat  sieve  junge. 
Dann  komm  der  Miiller  un  sie 
Frau  noch  in  die  Muhl. 
Wei  veil  Fiiss  sin  noh  drim  ? 

(Vier  Fiiss,  es  anner  sin  Dobe.) 


14  Was  is  das  ? 


Pennsylvania  Germaft  Riddles  and  Nursery  Rhymes.     117 

There  is  a  mill  with  seven  corners, 

In  each  corner  stand  seven  bags, 

Upon  each  bag  sit  seven  cats. 

Each  cat  has  seven  kittens. 

Then  the  miller  and  his  wife  come  in  the  mill. 

How  many  feet  are  now  in  the  mill  ? 

(Four  feet.     The  cats  have  paws.) 

16  Was  fern  Vogel  hot  ken  Fligel,  ken  Feddre  un  ken  Schnavel  ? 

(Mortervogel.) 
What  bird  has  no  wings,  no  feathers,  and  no  bill  ? 

(Hod ;  mortar  bird.) 

17  Was  fer  Eppel  wachsa  net  uf  Beem  ? 

(Maiappel.) 
What  kind  of  apples  do  not  grow  on  trees  ? 

(May  apples.) 

18  Was  fer  Stee  hots  es  menscht  im  Wasser  ? 

(Nasse.) 
What  kind  of  stones  does  one  usually  find  in  the  water  1 

(Wet  stones.) 

19  Was  fer  Warscht  kann  mer  net  essa  ? 

(Hans  warscht.) 
What  kind  of  sausages  are  not  to  be  eaten  ? 

Clown  (John's  sausage). 

20  Was  steht  uf  em  Fuss  urr  hots  Herz  im  Kop  ? 

(Kraut  Kop.) 
What  stands  on  its  foot  and  has  its  heart  in  its  head .'' 

(Cabbage-head.) 

21  Was  wachst  uf  seim  Schwantz  "i 

(Riib.) 
What  grows  on  its  own  tail  ? 

(Turnip.) 

22  Wie  is  der  Buchwetze  iver  der  See  komme? 

(Drei-eckig.) 
How  did  buckwheat  come  across  the  ocean  ? 

(Three-cornered.) 

23  Was  hots  Hertz  im  ganze  Leib  ? 

(En  Baum.) 
What  has  its  heart  in  its  whole  body  ? 

(A  tree.) 

24  Wer  war  gebore  un  is  net  gesterve  ? 

(Du  und  feil  annere.) 
Who  was  born  but  never  died  ? 

(You  and  many  others.) 

25  Wann  is  en  Fuchs  en  Fuchs  ? 

Wann  er  alee  is,  wann  es  zwee  sin,  sins  Fiichs. 
When  is  a  fox  a  fox  ? 

(When  he  is  alone.) 

26  Was  macht  heller  ass  en  Licht  ? 

(Zwee  Lichter.) 


1 1 8  Journal  of  Atnerican  Folk-Lore. 

What  gives  more  light  than  a  lamp  ? 

(Two  lamps.) 

27  Was  guckt  em  halve  Hinkel  gleich? 

(Die  anner  helft.) 
What  resembles  half  a  chicken  ? 

(The  other  half.) 

28  Was  is  schwartzer  ass  en  Krapp  ? 

(Die  Feddre.) 
What  is  blacker  than  a  crow  ? 

(Its  feathers.) 

29  Was  is  alter  ass  sei  Mutter  ? 

(Essig.) 
What  is  older  than  its  mother  ? 

(Vinegar.) 

30  Was  fern  Esel  kann  mer  net  reide  ? 

(Hernesel.) 
What  kind  of  a  mule  can't  be  ridden  "i 

(Hornet  (horned  mule). 

31  Fer  was  baue  die  Bauere  der  Saustall  zwische  es  Haus  un  die  Scheuer  ? 

(Fer  die  Sau  nii.) 
Why  do  the  farmers  build  their  pig-stys  between  the  house  and  the 
barn? 

(For  the  pigs.) 

32  Wo  hot  der  Adam  der  ersht  Nagel  hie  gschlage  ? 

(Uf  der  Kop.) 
Where  did  Adam  strike  the  first  nail  ? 

(Upon  its  head.) 

33  Dei   Mutter  hot  en  Kind  g'hat,  es  war  net  die  Bruder  un   au  net  dei 

Schwester.     Wer  war's  ? 

(Dich  selver.) 
Your  mother  had  a  child,  which  was  neither  your  sister  nor  your  bro- 
ther.    Who  was  it  ? 

(Yourself.) 

34  Was  hots  grosst  Schnubduch  in  der  Weld  ? 

(En  Hinkel.) 
What  uses  the  largest  handkerchief  in  the  world  ? 

(A  hen  ;  for  it  wipes  its  nose  anywhere  on  the  earth.) 

35  Fer  was  springt  der  Fuchs  der  Berg  nuf  ? 

(Fer  seine  Schwans.) 
Before  what  does  the  fox  run  up  the  mountain  ? 

(Before  his  tail.) 

36  Fer  was  schmokt  der  Schornstee  ? 

(Veil  er  net  chaue  kann.) 

Why  does  the  chimney  smoke  ? 

(Because  it  cannot  chew.) 

37  Wie  weit  fliegt  de  Grap  in  der  Bush  ? 

(Bis  in  die  mit  nau  fleight  sie  widder  raus.) 

How  far  does  the  crow  fly  into  the  woods  ? 

(Until  she  gets  into  the  middle,  then  she  flies  outward  again.) 


Pemisylvania  German  Riddles  and  Nursery  Rhymes.     1 1 9 

COUNTING-OUT   RHYMES. 

1  Ee  Kop, 
Zwee  Kop, 
Drei  Kop, 
Saue  Kop. 

2  Eens  zwee  drei, 
Hiicke  hocke  hei 
Zucker  uf  der  Brei, 
Peffer  uf  der  Speck, 
Hahne  geh  a  weg, 

Oder  ich  schlag  dich  in  der  Dreg, 

3  Bolle  wie  Salz, 
Butter  wie  Schmalz, 
Peffer  geht  uf, 

Wer  fangt  schmeist  druf. 

4  Eens,  zwee,  Drei, 
Hiicke,  hocke  hei, 
Maud  hoi  Wef, 
Knecht  shenk  ei, 
Hehr,  sauf  aus. 
Wer  muss  naus  ? 
Ich,  Oder  du 

Oders  Berke  alte  kiih,  kau  Kuh  ? 
Un  sell  bist  du. 

5  Nodel,  Fadem,  Fingerhut, 
Stoppt  der  Bauer  als  so  gut. 
Wer  mus  naus  ? 

Ich  Oder  du, 

Oder  es  Berke  braune  kiih,  kau  Kuh  ? 

Un  sell  bist  du. 

CRADLE   SONGS. 

1  Eio  Bubbeli  schlof, 

Der  Dawdy  hut  die  Schof, 

Die  Mammy  hiit  die  rote  Kiihe, 

Un  kommt  net  Heem  bis  morge  friih. 

2  Schlof  Bubbeli  schlof, 
Der  Dawdy  hut  die  Schof, 
Die  Mammy  hiit  die  Lammer 
In  der  dunkle  Kammer 

Die  schwartze  wie  de  weise 
Sie  wolle  es  Bubbeli  beise. 


1 20  yournal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 

3  Schlof  Bubbeli  schlof, 
Der  Dawdy  hiit  die  schof, 
Die  Mammy  hiit  die  Lammer. 
Nau  Bubbeli  schlof  so  viel  langer. 

4  Heio  Bubbeli, 

Was  rappelt  im  Stroh  ? 
Es  Katzel  is  gesterve, 
Un  es  Mausel  is  froh. 


5  Lieve  Mammy  bubbel  stock, 
Wo  wid  du  naus  ? 

Uf  der  Berg  Epple  lese. 

Won  andere  Leut  zu  mittag  esse, 

Esse  mir  zu  Morge. 

Won  andere  Kinner  spiele  gehne. 

Stehn  ich  an  der  wiek. 

Die  week  macht  trip  trop. 

Da  steckt  mei  kleener  diick  Sock. 

ON  father's  knee. 

6  Reite  reite  Gauli, 
Alle  stun  e  Meili, 

Alle  Meil  en  Wertzhaus, 
Drink  en  Glassel  wei  aus. 

7  Reite  reite  Gauli, 
Alle  stun  e  Meili, 

Alle  Meil  en  Wertzhaus, 

Bring  ein  Daudy  en  Bretzel  raus. 

8  Tross  tross  trill, 

Der  Bauer  hot  en  Fiill 
Das  Fiill  will  net  laufe. 
Der  Bauer  will's  verkaufe. 

PADDY   CAKE. 

9  Patsche,  patsche  Kiicheli 
Morge  kommt  Meriichli 
Un  bringt  mir  un  dir  en  Kiicheli. 

10  Patsche,  patsche  Kuche, 
Wolle  sie  maul  versuche, 
Un  won  sie  gut  schacke 
Mus  die  Mammy  noch  mee  backe. 


Peniisylvania  German  Riddles  and  N'ursery  Rhymes.     1 2 1 


EVENING  PRAYER. 

Oveds  wonn  ich  schlofe  geh, 

Vierzeh  Engel  mit  mir  gehn, 

Zwee  decke  mich, 

Zwee  wecke  mich, 

Zwee  Zu  Kop, 

Zwee  Zu  Fiiss, 

Zwee  links, 

Zwee  rechts, 

Zwee  die  mit  mir  gehn 

In  das  himmelische  Paradies. 

MOCK   SERMONS. 

Dau  stehn  ich  uf  der  Kanzel, 
Un  bredig  wie  en  Umchell. 
Stohre  in  der  Luft, 
Der  Vader  hot  geflucht. 

Dau  stehn  ich  uf  der  Kanzel, 
Un  bredig  wie  en  Umchell. 
Mei  Hiihn  mei  Hahn, 
Mei  Bredig  is  an. 
Mei  Kuh  mei  Kalb, 
Mei  Bredig  is  halb. 
Mei  Katz  mei  Maus, 
Mei  Kerich  is  aus. 


Lancaster,  Pa. 


yno.  Baer  Stoudt. 


12  2  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

SAYINGS  AND   PROVERBS   FROM   MASSACHUSETTS. 

Don't  stay  till  the  last  dog  's  hung. 

Joy  go  with  you  and  a  good  breeze  after  you. 

To  drown  the  miller.    (Said  in  bread-making  when  too  much  water 
is  put  into  the  flour.) 

The  still  pig  eats  the  swill. 

No  man  dies  without  an  heir. 

Three  removes  are  as  bad  as  a  fire. 

What  comes  over  the  Devil's  back  is  sure  to  go  under  his  belly. 

There  's  as  much  odds  in  folks  as  there  is  in  anybody. 

Put  out  the  work  and  sleep  with  the  master.     (Said  of  a  servant 
who  wishes  to  take  the  place  of  her  mistress.) 

A  short  horse  is  soon  curried. 

Dung-hills  rise  and  castles  fall. 

He 's  got  a  gait  like  a  pair  of  bars. 

Her  tongue  runs  wiggle-waggle  Hke  a  dead  lamb's  tail. 

I  '11  do  it  in  two  shakes  of  a  lamb's  tail. 

Her  tongue  runs  as  if  it  was  hung  in  the  middle  and  wagged  at 
both  ends. 

Don't  try  to  come  your  dumb  Isaacs  over  me  («'.  e.  mislead  me,  to 
pull  the  wool  over  my  eyes). 

Sitting  on  the  little  edge  of  nothing. 

That  beats  my  wife's  relations.     Also  :  That  beats  the  Jews ;  or, 
That  beats  all  creation. 

Don't  need  it  any  more  than  a  cow  needs  two  tails. 

Don't  know  enough  to  be  an  assistant  janitor  to  a  corn  crib. 

Helen  M.  Thurston. 


Four  Louisiana  Folk- Tales.  123 

FOUR   LOUISIANA   FOLK-TALES. 

I.    THE  LITTLE  BOY  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT.^ 

There  was  once  a  woman  who  was  very  bad,  and  she  had  a  daugh- 
ter who  was  as  bad  as  she  was.  One  day  she  had  a  son,  but,  instead 
of  being  glad,  she  was  furious,  and  wrote  to  her  husband  that  she 
was  going  to  send  him  the  boy  for  him  to  kill  as  he  had  done  with 
the  older  children.  But  the  boy  had  received  from  a  man,  to  whom 
he  had  done  a  favor,  a  bow  and  six  arrows  which  he  had  hidden  and 
no  one  knew  he  had  them. 

One  day  the  mother  received  a  letter  telling  her  to  send  the  child. 
She  told  him  then  to  prepare  to  go  with  his  sister  and  that  they 
would  meet  a  blue  lake  and  a  red  prairie,  but  he  was  to  pretend  to 
be  blind  and  was  to  say  nothing,  otherwise  the  bad  spirits  would  catch 
him.  The  boy  started  with  his  sister,  and  they  arrived  at  the  blue 
lake.  "  Oh  !  how  pretty  it  is,"  said  the  child,  and  immediately  the 
lake  regained  its  ordinary  color. 

"  You  are  a  fool,"  said  the  sister,  "  but  you  will  pay  me  for  this." 

They  walked  and  walked  until  they  reached  the  red  prairie.  "  How 
pretty  this  is !  "  said  the  boy,  and  immediately  the  prairie  became 
green  again. 

"What  a  fool  you  are,"  said  the  sister,  "you  will  see  what  you 
will  catch." 

On  leaving  the  lake  and  the  prairie  the  boy  had  heard  a  voice  which 
said  :  "  Thank  you,  thank  you." 

F'inally  they  arrived  at  the  house  of  the  father  who  was  the  Gov- 
ernment. He  was  very  tall,  and  he  had  only  one  foot.  He  tried  to 
catch  the  boy  to  kill  him,  but  the  latter  took  his  bow  and  shot  an 
arrow  between  each  one  of  his  father's  toes,  and  one  in  his  heart.  As 
soon  as  the  man  was  dead,  the  little  voice  which  had  said  :  "  Thank 
you,"  found  its  body  in  the  house  of  the  Government  and  became  a 
beautiful  princess.  "  Oh  !  it  is  you,"  said  she  to  the  boy,  "  who  gave 
back  their  natural  colors  to  my  lake  and  my  prairie,  and  who  killed 
the  Government  who  had  robbed  me  of  everything  I  had.  I  shall 
marry  you,  and  we  shall  punish  your  mother  and  your  sister,  who 
killed  your  little  brothers."  The  wedding  took  place  and  they  sent 
me  to  relate  it  to  you. 

n.  THE  KING  AND  THE  THREE  WOMEN. 

Once  upon  a  time  there  was  a  King  who  was  very  rich  and  he  wislied 
to  get  married.     That  was,  however,  very  difficult,  for  there  were 

*  I,  II,  III.  Related  in  the  Creole  dialect.  Informant,  Edmde  Dorsin,  St.  Mary 
Parish,  La. 


124  journal  of  A  merica^i  Folk-L ore. 

three  women  as  pretty  as  could  be  who  wished  to  marry  him.  Finally, 
not  knowing  what  to  do,  he  sent  for  them  and  asked  each  one  what  she 
would  do  for  him  if  he  married  her. 

The  first  woman  said  :  "I  am  so  smart  that  I  can  make  fine  corn 
grow,  and  you  will  eat  a  great  deal  of  hominy." 

"That  is  good,"  said  the  king. 

The  second  woman  said :  "  I  plant  cotton,  and  you  will  have  fine 
shirts,  and  beautiful  pantaloons  of  yellow  cottonade  2S\.^  of  all  colors." 

"  That  is  very  good  also,"  said  the  King  ;  "  and  you,  what  can  you 
do  ? " 

The  third  woman  said  :  "  I  know  neither  how  to  cook  nor  to  weave, 
but  I  will  be  the  mother  of  a  son  who  will  be  your  very  picture,  and 
moreover  he  will  have  the  devil  for  his  cousin." 

No  one  knows  whether  it  was  the  promise  of  a  son  or  the  wish  to 
be  related  to  the  devil  which  decided  the  King,  but  he  married  the 
third  woman.  There  was  a  great  wedding  to  which  everybody  was 
invited,  even  the  two  women  whom  the  King  had  refused  to  marry. 
They  were  so  angry  that  they  swore  to  avenge  themselves. 

For  a  time  everything  went  on  well  ;  the  King  had  his  son,  who 
was  very  bad,  but  when  one  is  the  cousin  of  the  devil  one  cannot 
help  being  bad.  One  day  the  little  prince  was  not  in  his  bed,  which 
was  a  cot.  They  looked  for  him  everywhere,  but  they  could  not 
find  him.  The  mother  and  the  father  were  weeping  so  much  that 
nobody  knew  what  to  do,  and  you  may  imagine  if  the  two  women 
were  glad.  But  lo  !  the  devil  came  and  asked,  Why  all  those  tears  .-* 
When  they  told  him  he  promised  to  look  for  his  little  cousin,  and  he 
gave  the  job  to  hundreds  of  little  devils.  He  himself  was  searching, 
but  he  found  that  his  wife  was  acting  strangely  and  he  began  to 
watch  her. 

You  all  know  that  the  devil  and  his  wife  are  often  fighting,  for. 
when  it  rains  and  the  sun  shines  at  the  same  time,  it  is  a  sure  sign 
that  Madame  Diable  is  getting  a  beating.  Now  the  devil's  wife,  to 
bother  her  husband  and  to  please  the  two  women,  had  stolen  the  little 
prince  and  had  hidden  him  at  her  house.  The  devil  found  this  out, 
but  he  did  not  get  angry  and  he  did  not  beat  his  wife  as  was  his  cus- 
tom, because  he  was  afraid  she  would  kill  the  child,  who  would  not  be 
able  to  return  to  his  father's  house  with  his  body  but  only  as  a  ghost. 
He  went  then  slyly  and  gave  the  little  boy  an  ^gg,  a  comb,  a  peb- 
ble, and  a  mirror,  and  told  him  to  run  fast  and  to  read  on  the  paper  in 
which  the  things  were  wrapped  what  he  was  to  do  with  them. 

The  little  boy  read  while  running,  and  soon  he  saw  Madame  Dia- 
ble behind  him.  Quickly  he  threw  his  &gg'.  a  lake  was  formed,  and 
Madame  Diable  had  to  get  a  boat  to  cross  over.  She  soon  caught 
up  with  the  boy,  who  threw  his  pebble  :  quickly  a  stone  wall  rose  in 


Four  Louisiana  Folk-Tales.  125 

the  road,  and  Madame  Diable  had  to  get  an  axe  to  break  the  wall. 
She  ran  again  after  the  boy,  who  threw  down  his  comb  ;  a  great  wood 
grew  up,  and  Madame  Diable  had  some  trouble  to  pass  through  it. 
The  little  boy  reached  his  father's  house  just  when  Madame  Diable 
was  stretching  her  hand  to  catch  him.  He  turned  his  mirror  toward 
her,  and  when  she  saw  her  horns,  her  red  skin,  her  black  teeth,  and  her 
green  eyes,  she  was  so  much  afraid  and  found  herself  so  ugly,  because 
there  are  no  mirrors  in  hell,  that  she  ran  away  and  disappeared  for- 
ever from  the  earth.  From  that  time  the  King,  his  wife,  and  their 
little  boy  were  perfectly  happy. 

III.    THE    FEROCIOUS    BEASTS. 

Long  ago  when  the  lions,  the  elephants,  the  tigers,  and  all  this 
kind  of  vermin,  lived  on  the  banks  of  the  Grand  Lac,  there  was  a 
woman  who  lived  with  her  daughter  on  the  banks  of  Bayou  Teche. 
Her  daughter  had  a  lover  who  came  to  see  her  every  day,  but  the 
mother  did  not  wish  any  one  to  come  to  see  her  daughter,  because 
she  was  afraid  that  some  one  would  marry  her  and  take  her  very  far 
away  where  she  would  not  be  able  to  see  her  any  more. 

One  day  the  neighbors  would  tell  the  old  woman  :  "  We  have  seen 
your  daughter  with  a  lion  in  the  wood  behind  the  house,"  or,  another 
day  they  would  tell  her  :  "  How  is  it  that  your  daughter  walks  about 
with  a  tiger  without  the  tiger  eating  her  .-' "  Other  persons  would 
say :  "  But  your  daughter  is  not  one  of  God's  creatures  (an  insane 
girl),  and  I  saw  her  in  the  wood  with  a  wild  cat." 

The  mother,  at  last,  asked  her  daughter  if  it  was  the  truth  that  was 
being  said.  The  daughter,  naturally,  said  that  it  was  a  lie,  but  the 
mother  began  to  watch  her  and  she  saw  that  it  was  the  truth,  that  her 
daughter  was  in  the  habit  of  associating  with  the  wild  beasts,  without 
their  doing  her  any  harm.  Then  she  said  to  herself  :  "  They  must  be 
tame  beasts,  for  my  daughter  feeds  them  without  their  doing  her  any 
harm,  and  she  does  not  want  to  tell  me  so  because  she  is  afraid  that 
I  will  prevent  her  from  seeing  them." 

The  mother  was  glad  to  see  the  kind  heart  of  her  daughter,  and,  as 
she  had  some  supper  remaining,  she  went  out  to  feed  the  beasts.  She 
went  to  a  lion  which  ran  after  her,  and  which  would  have  eaten  her 
up,  if  she  had  not  closed  her  gate.  After  that  the  old  woman  could 
not  put  her  foot  out  of  her  house  without  a  beast  coming  to  run  after 
her. 

The  poor  old  woman  was  half  crazy,  she  was  so  much  afraid,  and 
she  did  not  know  what  to  do.  One  day  she  saw  a  little  bird  which 
told  her  that  the  animals  would  continue  to  be  good  to  her  daughter 
and  bad  to  her,  if  she  did  not  let  her  daughter  marry  the  young  man 
whom  she  loved.     You  may  imagine  that  in  order  to  make  the  wild 


126  your7ial  of  ATnerican  Folk-Lore. 

beasts  go  away,  she  said  yes,  and  there  was  a  grand  wedding,  where  I 
danced  a  great  deal,  although  I  was  only  two  years  old,  and  now  I  am 
more  than  one  hundred  years  old. 

But  how  angry  the  mother  was  when  she  heard  it  was  her  son-in- 
law  who  changed  himself  into  good  beasts  for  her  daughter  and  into 
bad  beasts  for  her.  But  she  was  so  much  afraid  of  him  that  she  did 
not  dare  to  say  anything.  Fortunately  that  man  is  now  dead,  and 
he  was  the  last  zombi  (wizard)  around  here. 

IV.     HOW  THE    ASH-TREE    GREW.^ 

Did  I  ever  tell  you  how  the  ash-tree  grew  }  No  )  Well,  I  will  tell 
you  now.  Once  upon  a  time  there  was  a  man  who  had  many  slaves, 
and  among  them  was  one  who  was  so  lazy  you  never  could  make  him 
work.  Every  day  his  master  used  to  ring  the  bell  in  the  morning  and 
every  slave  but  the  lazy  one  would  go  to  work,  and  he  would  always 
find  an  excuse  not  to  go.  One  day  he  had  toothache ;  his  master 
had  his  teeth  fixed.  One  day  he  had  a  sore  leg ;  his  master  had  his 
leg  treated.  One  day  he  had  the  stomach-ache  ;  his  master  gave  him 
physic.  I  must  tell  you  that  all  masters  were  not  bad  ;  many  took 
good  care  of  their  slaves. 

When  the  lazy  slave  did  not  know  what  to  say,  he  would  say  he 
had  some  inside  sickness  that  neither  the  doctor  nor  his  master 
could  see.  But  all  patience  comes  to  an  end.  The  master  put 
some  one  to  watch  what  the  slave  did  when  he  remained  at  home. 
What  do  you  think  he  saw }  the  lazy  slave,  who  was  no  more  sick 
than  you  or  me.  He  was  quietly  sitting  in  his  room  working,  toe,  toe, 
toe,  on  a  pair  of  shoes  that  he  was  making  to  sell  to  the  poor  white 
folks  who  lived  in  the  neighborhood. 

When  the  master  heard  that,  he  was  so  angry  that  he  ordered  all  his 
men  to  pile  straw  and  wood  around  the  house.  He  put  it  on  fire 
and  threw  some  barbed  wire  into  it  so  that  the  slave  could  not  run 
through  the  flames.  He  was,  however,  so  busy  with  his  toe,  toe,  toe, 
that  he  did  not  see  or  hear  anything  before  it  was  too  late.  All 
this,  you  say,  has  nothing  to  do  with  how  the  ash  tree  grew,  but  wait 
a  minute.  As  I  told  you,  everything  in  the  house  was  burned  and  the 
slave  also.  One  day  the  master  saw  a  little  tree  grow  on  the  spot 
where  the  house  had  stood,  and  the  tree  grew  and  grew  and  became 
a  large  tree.  As  it  was  a  new  tree  which  no  one  knew  they  called  it 
ash  tree,  as  it  grew  from  the  ashes  of  a  man,  and  as  that  man  was  a 
shoemaker  all  the  shoemakers'  lasts  are  made  of  ash  wood. 

ALe^e  Fortier. 
TuLANE  University  of  Louisiana, 
New  Orleans. 

1  Related  in  English.     Informant,  Liza  Ann,  St.  Mary  Parish,  La. 


Da-ra-sd-kwa.  1 2  7 


DA-RA-SA-KWA.  —  A   CAUGHNAWAGA   LEGEND. 

The  following  story  was  obtained,  along  with  a  number  of  others, 
from  James  Hill,  better  known  as  "Jim  Longfeather,"  a  member  of 
the  Caughnawaga  band  of  Indians,  living  near  Montreal,  Canada.  The 
Caughnawaga  are  of  Mohawk  extraction,  and  speak  a  slightly  mod- 
ified dialect  of  that  language.  Longfeather's  Indian  name,  "  Ar-ron- 
ye-6k-ta,"  signifies,  it  is  said,  "The  end  of  the  sky."  The  stories 
obtained  from  him  cover  a  variety  of  subjects  from  mythology  through 
legends  of  war,  witchcraft,  and  mystery  down  to  humorous  or  exciting 
anecdotes  of  his  own  life.  It  is  interesting  to  note,  in  connection  with 
the  story  of  Da-ra-sa-kwa,  that  the  great  horned  serpent  figures  fre- 
quently in  Iroquois  legends  and  sometimes  in  those  of  the  eastern 
Algonkin.  The  incident  of  the  thunder  attacking  the  horned  ser- 
pents and  that  of  the  transformation  produced  by  donning  a  magic 
shirt  are  also  not  uncommon. 

Near  the  Mohawk  village  of  Caughnawaga,  on  the  St.  Lawrence, 
there  is  a  deep  mysterious  pool  in  the  bed  of  the  river ;  no  one  has 
ever  succeeded  in  reaching  its  bottom,  for  the  current  comes  boiling 
up  from  the  depths  in  a  way  that  repeatedly  deflects  the  sounding 
line,  and  washes  it  out  in  the  shallows.  Beyond  the  pool  is  an  island 
from  which  strange  harsh  cries  can  be  heard  at  times  —  wild  and 
mournful,  like  the  calling  of  giant  cranes. 

Not  far  from  this  place  there  lived,  in  the  old  days,  a  bold  and 
fearless  young  man  named  Da-ra-sa-kwa,  the  "  gatherer  of  river- 
moss."  Little  he  feared  the  mysteries  of  the  green  depths  or  the 
lonely  island  ;  every  day  he  swam  in  the  haunted  pool.  The  old  peo- 
ple had  warned  him  again  and  again  against  its  dangers,  but  he  gave 
no  heed  to  their  warnings  and  bathed  there  day  after  day. 

One  evening  while  taking  his  usual  swim,  he  was  searching  the 
shallows  for  a  log  or  stone  to  serve  as  a  diving-place,  when  he  found 
what  seemed  to  be  a  water-soaked  tree-trunk  lying  beneath  the  sur- 
face. "Just  the  thing,"  thought  he,  and  stepped  upon  it.  What  was 
his  dismay  when  the  log  moved  beneath  him  and  began  to  glide 
toward  the  pool !  What  was  his  horror  to  find  his  feet  stuck  fast, 
rooted  to  the  corrugated  bark !  He  struggled  —  he  fought  —  he 
screamed  aloud  in  his  terror.  With  one  last  desperate  effort  he  tore 
himself  free.  Panting  and  exhausted  he  reached  the  shore  ;  later, 
sore  and  weary,  he  made  his  way  homeward.  As  he  thought  it  over 
he  made  an  inward  vow  never  to  visit  the  haunted  pool  again. 

But  when  morning  came  his  terror  had  vanished,  leaving  in  its  place 
a  strong  and  overpowering  desire  to  visit  the  scene  of  yesterday's 


12  8  Journal  of  A  merican  Folk-Lore. 

adventure.  Finally  he  could  stand  it  no  longer,  and  against  his  own 
better  judgment  started  for  the  river,  drawn  by  a  power  beyond 
his  understanding.  As  he  approached  the  shore  he  saw,  standing 
near  the  water's  edge,  a  tall  and  fine-looking  stranger,  w^ho  turned 
at  the  sound  of  his  footsteps  to  greet  him.  "  Se-ko,  se-ko  !  "  he  cried. 
"Se-ko-ya!"  answered  Da-ra-sa-kwa.  "What  was  the  matter  with 
you.-*"  said  the  stranger,  "leaving  me  as  you  did  yesterday!  But 
you  cannot  do  it  to-day.  Willing  or  unwilling  you  must  follow  me. 
Gaj'  6k-sa  (come  quickly),"  and  he  turned  toward  the  water.  A  strange 
power  told  Da-ra-sa-kwa  that  he  must  obey.  Unwilling,  he  protested. 
"  Do  you  see  where  you  are  going,"  he  cried,  "  right  into  the  water ! 
I  cannot  live  beneath  it ;  it  will  choke  me  ! "  "  Have  no  fear,"  replied 
the  unknown.  "  I  know  what  I  am  doing.  Your  business  is  to  fol- 
low."    And  the  waters  closed  above  them. 

As  they  walked  along  the  bottom  the  water  seemed  like  air  to 
Da-ra-sa-kwa,  for  the  stranger  had  put  a  spell  upon  him.  Soon  they 
came  to  the  pool  and  descended  into  its  depths.  Like  a  bark- 
house  it  seemed,  with  mats  upon  the  floor  and  all  the  pots  and  bowls 
of  household  use  in  their  accustomed  places.  Near  the  centre  sat  an 
old  woman  and  two  young  maidens,  handsome,  like  Da-ra-sa-kwa' s 
guide,  but  with  no  clothing  to  cover  their  naked  bodies. 

"My  wife  and  daughters  sit  before  you,"  said  the  stranger.  "We 
belong  to  the  Under-water  People.  Many  of  us  lived  hereabouts  in 
former  years,  but  now  there  are  only  two  families  besides  my  own, 
one  of  which  lives  in  a  pool  near  the  other  village  of  your  people,  the 
second  not  far  away.  As  for  the  others,  they  are  scattered  far  and 
wide,  in  wild  rivers  and  lonely  lakes  where  they  will  not  be  disturbed." 
So  saying,  he  led  the  way  into  a  place  curtained  off  from  the  rest  of 
the  house,  in  which  Da-ra-sa-kwa  saw  hanging  upon  pegs  a  number 
of  coats  or  shirts  of  strange  make  and  form. 

"Turn  them  over,"  said  the  Under-water  Man.  Shining  scales 
flashed  before  Da-ra-sa-kwa's  eyes  as  he  turned  them  ;  they  were  made 
of  serpent's  skin.  Some  had  hoods,  to  which  were  attached  spread- 
ing antlers,  like  those  of  deer  or  elk.  "  Put  one  on,"  commanded  the 
stranger.  Da-ra-sa-kwa  hesitated.  Was  it  safe }  As  he  stood  there, 
the  maidens,  who  had  entered,  spoke  to  him.  "Try  it  !  Try  it !  It 
will  not  hurt  you.  Often  we  put  them  on  and  find  great  pleasure  in 
them."  Hardly  had  Da-ra-sa-kwa  pulled  the  hooded  garment  over 
his  body  when  he  fell  prone  upon  the  ground  —  a  gigantic  O-ni-a-re, 
or  River-serpent,  clad  in  a  scaly  figured  hide  and  bearing  wide  sweep- 
ing antlers  upon  his  forehead. 

The  others  followed  his  example  and  soon  the  band  of  enormous 
serpents  were  playing  in  the  rushing  rapids  ;  up  and  down  they  went, 
twisting,  turning  and  chasing  one  another  hither  and  thither,  full  of 


Da-ra-sd-kwa.  129 

fun  and  excitement.  At  last  Da-ra-sa-kwa,  proud  of  his  new  and 
beautiful  shape,  his  brightly  spotted  coat  and  his  majestic  antlers, 
cried  out  to  his  host,  "  Under-water  Man,  your  gift,  these  handsome 
clothes  I  wear,  pleases  me  well.  Let  me  show  myself  to  my  friends 
and  kinsmen,  for  I  want  them  to  see  how  fine  and  grand  I  look." 
"  Very  well,"  said  the  other,  "  but  let  it  be  once  and  once  only,  and 
you  must  take  great  care,  for  we  Under-water  People  are  all  under 
the  power  of  the  Great  Spirit.  If  we  show  ourselves  too  often  to 
the  gaze  of  your  people  and  they  are  frightened,  he  sends  the  thun- 
der against  us,  and  the  lightning  falls  with  deadly  force  upon  the 
offender.     So  be  very  careful." 

Then  Da-ra-sa-kwa  swam  to  the  village  of  his  people,  and  raised  his 
great  horned  head  above  the  torrent.  "  Listen  !  "  cried  he,  "  listen  !  " 
and  all  the  people  came  running  down  to  the  shore  to  see  a  sight  so 
strange  and  wonderful.  "  I  am  Da-ra-sa-kwa,"  he  began,  then  told 
them  all  that  had  befallen  him.  He  finished  with  the  words,  "  I  am 
Da-ra-sa-kwa.  Never  again  use  my  name  among  you.  Any  child 
given  my  name  would  disappear  forever  beneath  the  waters  of  the 
river,  just  as  I  have  done.  You  will  never  see  my  face  again.  Ne 
ne  ih  wa-ki-roh,  I  have  spoken."  As  the  last  words  left  his  lips  he 
sank  beneath  the  waters.  He  had  spoken  the  truth,  for  never  again 
was  he  seen  in  Caughnawaga. 

M.  R.  Harrington. 

Columbia  University  ,  New  York  City. 


VOL.  XIX.  — NO.  73. 


1 30  Journal  of  Americmi  Folk-Lore . 


TWO  TRADITIONAL   SONGS.  ^ 

The  following  songs  are  traditional  in  the  writer's  family.  They 
were  learned  by  her  from  her  father,  who  was  born  in  1807. 

The  song  "Love's  Impossibility"  ^  is  a  version  of  those  given  under 
the  title  of  "The  Elfin  Knight  "  on  page  212  of  the  Journal  of  Amer- 
ican Folk-Lore  for  1905. 

The  song  "  Betsy  was  a  Lady  Fair"  is  supposed  to  be  the  first,  or  one 
of  the  first,  songs  composed  in  the  colonies.  It  is  said  that  a  widow 
and  her  son,  who,  although  of  good  family,  had  become  impoverished, 
came  to  Virginia  and  settled  in  Jamestown.  The  old  lady  wrote  to  a 
friend  in  England  to  send  her  a  servant,  who  would  answer  also  as 
companion  and  housekeeper.  The  friend  sent  a  handsome  girl  who 
on  the  death  of  her  parents  had  come  to  her  as  a  dependant,  and 
whom  she  was  anxious  to  rid  herself  of.  The  old  lady  was  proud, 
and  when  her  son  fell  in  love  with  the  girl,  could  not  bring  herself  to 
tolerate  his  marrying  one  who  had  been  a  servant. 

I.   LOVE'S   IMPOSSIBILITY. 

As  I  was  a-walking  in  yonder  green  field 
(Savory,  sage,  rosemary,  and  thyme),  — 

Remember  me  unto  yonder  young  maid 
And  she  shall  be  a  true  lover  of  mine. 

Go  tell  her  to  make  me  a  cambric  shirt 

(Savory,  sage,  rosemary,  and  thyme), 
With  neither  seam  nor  needle  work, 

And  then  she  shall  be  a  true  lover  of  mine. 

Go  tell  her  to  wash  it  in  yonder  well 

(Savory,  sage,  rosemary,  and  thyme), 
Where  water  never  ran  nor  rain  never  fell, 

And  then  she  shall  be  a  true  lover  of  mine. 

Go  tell  her  to  hang  it  on  yonder  thorn  bush 

(Savory,  sage,  rosemary,  and  thyme), 
Where  leaf  never  grew  since  I  was  born, 

And  then  she  shall  be  a  true  lover  of  mine. 

As  I  was  walking  in  yonder  green  field 
(Savory,  sage,  rosemary,  and  thyme),  — 

'  This  paper  has  been  communicated  as  part  of  the  Proceedings  of  the  Califor- 
nia Branch  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society. 

'  For  a  New  England  version  of  this  ballad,  somewhat  less  complete,  see  vol. 
xii  (1899),  245.    For  "The  Elfin  Knight,"  see  also  vol.  xiii  (1900),  120-122. 


Two  Traditional  Songs.  131 

Remember  me  to  yonder  young  man, 

And  then  he  shall  be  a  true  lover  of  mine. 

Go  tell  him  to  buy  me  an  acre  of  land, 

(Savory,  sage,  rosemary,  and  thyme), 
Between  the  salt  seas  and  in  the  sea  sand. 

And  then  he  shall  be  a  true  lover  of  mine. 

Go  tell  him  to  sow  it  in  pepper  and  corn 

(Savory,  sage,  rosemary,  and  thyme), 
And  to  plow  it  all  in  with  an  old  ram's  horn, 

And  then  he  shall  be  a  true  lover  of  mine. 

Go  tell  him  to  reap  it  with  a  sickle  of  leather 

(Savory,  sage,  rosemary,  and  thyme), 
And  to  sweep  it  all  up  with  a  peafowl's  feather, 

And  then  he  shall  be  a  true  lover  of  mine. 

Go  tell  him  after  he  's  done  all  his  work 

(Savory,  sage,  rosemary,  and  thyme), 
To  come  unto  me  for  his  cambric  shirt, 

And  then  he  shall  be  a  true  lover  of  mine. 


II.    BETSY   WAS   A  LADY   FAIR. 
Tune  :  Fair  Lady  o'  Mine. 

Oh,  Betsy  was  a  lady  fair 

Who  lately  came  from  Lancaster, 

A  servant  maid  all  for  to  be, 

Although  she  was  of  high  degree. 

Last  Sunday  night,  as  I  heard  tell, 
"  Oh  Betsy,  Betsy,  I  love  you  well ; 

I  love  you  as  I  do  my  life 

And  I  intend  you  to  be  my  wife." 

The  old  lady  in  the  next  chamber  lay 
A  listening  what  her  son  should  say. 

Determined  was  she  all  in  her  mind 
To  frustrate  her  son's  design. 

Next  Monday  morning  she  arose, 

Saying,  "  Rise  up  Betsy,  put  on  your  clothes, 
And  along  with  me  on  a  visit  go,  — 

It 's  there  to  stay  one  day  or  two." 

She  conveyed  Betsy  over  the  main 
And  then  returned  to  her  son  again. 


132  yournal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 

"  You  're  welcome  home  all  in  my  mind, 
But  what  keeps  Betsy  so  far  behind  ?  " 

"  Oh  son,  oh  son,  we  heard  of  late 
Your  love  for  Betsy  was  too  great ; 
If  this  be  so,  'tis  all  in  vain, 

For  Betsy 's  sailing  over  the  main." 

Her  son  took  sick  and  very  bad ; 

No  kind  of  joy  could  make  him  glad  ; 
In  slumbering  dreams  we  heard  him  cry, 

"  Oh  Betsy,  Betsy,  for  you  I  die  !  " 

They  sent  for  doctors  in  great  speed. 

To  try  their  art  and  skill  indeed. 
"  Oh  doctor,  doctor,  't  is  all  in  vain. 

You  cannot  mend  a  broken  heart." 

And  when  she  saw  her  son  was  dead. 
She  tore  the  hair  out  of  her  head  ; 
Saying,  *'  If  my  son  was  alive  again 
I  'd  send  for  Betsy  over  the  main." 

Mrs.  R.  F.  Herrick. 
Eureka,  Cal. 


Lassik  Tales.  133 


LASSIK   TALES. » 

The  nine  tales,  short  and  apparently  fragmentary,  given  herewith 
were  obtained  in  August,  1903,  in  the  form  of  texts  from  one  of  the 
few  remaining  Lassik  Indians.  The  Lassik  inhabited  the  country 
drained  by  Van  Duzen  and  Dobbin  Creeks  on  the  east  side  of  main 
Eel  River,  Humboldt  County,  California.  They  belong  to  the  Pacific 
division  of  the  Athapascan  family.  They  had  for  neighbors  the 
Sinkyone  and  Wailaki,  also  Athapascan,  to  the  west  and  south,  and 
the  Wintun  to  the  east.  They  seem  to  have  been  on  more  friendly 
terms  with  these  non-Athapascan  Wintun  neighbors  than  they  were 
with  the  Wailaki,  with  whom  they  must  have  been  able  to  converse 
without  difficulty,  so  much  alike  are  their  dialects. 

Although  they  are  not  far  removed  from  the  Hupa,  they  possess 
little  in  common  with  them,  as  far  as  culture  is  concerned,  nor  do 
they  know  anything  of  the  art  of  coiled  basketry,  practised  by  the 
Pomo,  a  hundred  miles  to  the  south  of  them.  They  occupied  conical 
houses  of  bark  and  slabs  in  their  permanent  villages  along  the  banks 
of  the  streams  in  winter,  camping  on  the  ridges  where  food  was 
more  plentiful  in  summer.  Their  food  supply  of  game,  fish,  nuts,  and 
bulbs  seems  to  have  been  ample.  The  majority  of  them  perished 
during  the  first  few  years  of  the  occupancy  of  their  country  by  white 
people,  a  bounty  being  placed  upon  their  heads  and  the  traffic  in  chil- 
dren for  slaves  being  profitable  and  unrestrained.  Those  who  sur- 
vived were  taken  to  the  Smith  River  reservation  in  Del  Norte  County 
and  afterwards  resided  for  a  few  years  on  the  Hupa  reservation. 

Of  the  tales,  the  first,  fourth,  seventh,  and  eighth  have  not  been 
found,  as  yet,  among  the  surrounding  peoples.  The  eighth,  and 
possibly  the  first,  describe  methods  of  securing  game  which  were 
employed  by  the  Lassik  but  not  by  the  peoples  north  and  south  of 
them.  The  second  is  well  known  and  widely  distributed  on  the 
Pacific  coast.  The  third  gives  the  usual  account  of  the  origin  of 
daylight  current  in  this  region,  but  unknown  to  the  Hupa  and  Yurok. 
Stories  similar  to  the  fifth  and  sixth,  but  told  in  greater  detail,  have 
been  heard  among  the  Tolowa.  The  ninth  resembles  an  account  of 
the  fatal  results  of  a  dog's  speaking,  related  by  the  Hupa,  and  was 
probably  called  forth  by  mention  of  the  Hupa  story. 

The  Lassik  had  a  story  of  a  flood,  and  doubtless  many  other  sto- 
ries of  interest  and  importance,  some  of  which  it  may  yet  be  possible 
to  obtain.  The  texts  and  other  linguistic  material  of  which  these  tales 
are  but  a  by-product  will  appear  shortly. 

*  This  paper  has  been  communicated  as  part  of  the  Proceedings  of  the  Cali- 
fornia Branch  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society. 


1 34  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

I.     THE    DEER    CORRAL. 

Panther  lived  with  his  two  younger  brothers,  Wildcat  and  Fox. 
They  had  a  large  corral  of  logs  and  brush  into  which  when  Panther 
sang  the  deer  would  come  until  it  was  full.  (Panther  sings.)  "  It  is  full 
now.  Shut  the  gate."  Taking  a  sharp  bone,  Panther  went  into  the 
corral,  quickly  stuck  the  deer,  and  came  out  again.  "  If  Coyote  comes, 
don't  you  tell  him  about  it." 

Panther  went  away  to  hunt,  and  while  he  was  gone  Coyote  came 
along.  "  Tell  me  what  he  does."  "  We  don't  know,  we  never  see 
him."  "If  you  do  not  tell  me  I  will  whip  you."  "My  brother  told 
us  not  to  tell  you."  "  Tell  me  or  I  will  kill  you."  "Well,  my  brother 
sings  one  song  and  that  makes  them  come."  "  Oh  yes,  let  me  see. 
Keep  still,  my  nephew.  You  two  shut  the  gate."  He  went  into  the 
corral  with  a  sharp  bone,  and  choosing  a  fawn  killed  it  and  laid  it 
on  the  ground.  "  You  are  too  slow.  You  take  a  long  time  about  it. 
My  brother  says  it  must  be  done  quickly.  Our  arms  are  tired." 
"  Oh,  wait  a  while."  "  We  are  going  to  drop  it."  They  let  the  gate 
fall.  The  deer  ran  out  and  fled  in  every  direction.  "  Why  did  you 
let  go  of  the  gate  ?  " 

Panther  came  home  and  saw  what  had  happened.  "  What  have  you 
boys  been  up  to  .-'  "  "  That  fellow  told  him,"  said  one  of  them.  "  He 
threatened  to  kill  us,  and  we  had  to  tell,"  replied  the  other.  Panther 
held  his  brothers'  faces  in  the  fire  until  they  were  dead  and  threw  their 
bodies  in  a  pond  of  water  near  by.  Afterwards  he  went  out  and  looking 
at  them  said  to  himself,  "  Why  did  I  kill  them  ?  "  The  next  time  he 
went  out  they  were  not  there.  "  I  am  going  to  follow  their  tracks." 
The  boys  played  along  the  trail  until  they  came  to  the  shore  of  the 
ocean  which  cannot  be  crossed.  Finding  the  large  hollow  stock  of  a 
plant  {Heracleum  lanatum  (?)  they  sat  in  it  and  paddled  over  the  ocean 
to  the  world  beyond. 

Panther  tracking  them  along  found  how  they  had  crossed,  and  mak- 
ing use  of  the  same  plant,  followed  them.  He  was  surprised  to  see 
them  sitting  there.  "  Well,  let  us  go  back  to  our  own  home,"  he  said. 
"Very  well."  Having  ferried  themselves  across,  they  went  back 
to  their  own  country,  camping  along  the  way  and  eating  squirrels, 
which  they  were  able  to  kill  for  their  food.  Finally  they  came  to 
the  country  adjoining  their  old  home  and  shortly  after  arrived  at 
Dobbin  Creek. 

Panther  killed  a  deer.  "  Brothers,  build  a  fire  and  we  will  eat 
venison."  It  did  not  taste  good.  "  I  will  kill  another."  When 
he  had  killed  and  butchered  it,  he  said,  "  I  am  going  to  taste  the 
blood."    He  tasted  it  and  his  mouth  watered.    "This  is  the  kind  I 


Lassik  Tales.  135 

am  going  to  be.  I  will  be  a  wild  animal.  Munducho,^  they  will  call 
me.  Chitlsoga  (fox)  they  will  call  you.  Munduchi  ^  (wildcat)  they  will 
call  you." 

"  Whew  !    May  my  back  last  a  long  time."  ^ 

II.     THE   JOINT    WIVES,  GRIZZLY  AND    DOE. 

Grizzly  Bear  and  Doe,  the  two  wives  of  Chickenhawk,  were  pound- 
ing acorns.  When  they  had  finished  one  of  them  said,  "  Let  us  go 
down  to  the  creek  and  leach  the  meal."  While  they  were  waiting 
for  the  meal  to  soak,  they  agreed  to  hunt  one  another's  heads  for 
lice.  Doe  looked  first  in  Grizzly's  hair.  ''You  have  no  lice,"  she 
said.  "Well  then,"  said  Grizzly,  "I  will  look  in  yours."  When  in 
her  search  she  reached  the  Doe's  neck  she  sprinkled  in  some  sand. 
"  You  have  many  lice,"  she  said,  "  I  will  chew  them."  "  Ukka  ! 
ukka  ! "  cried  Doe,  "hold  on  there."  Biting  her  head  off,  she  killed 
her.  Taking  Doe's  head  and  both  lots  of  acorn  meal  she  went  back 
to  the  house.  She  put  the  head  in  the  fire  and  when  the  eyes  burst 
with  the  heat  she  told  the  children  it  was  only  the  white  oak  log 
cracking  in  the  fire.  "  I  think  it  is  our  mother's  head,"  said  one  of 
Doe's  children.  "Go  a  long  way  off  and  play,"  said  Grizzly.  "  You 
won't  be  permitted  to  livelong,"  they  heard  their  mother's  hair  say 
to  them. 

The  two  bear  children  and  the  two  fawns  went  out  to  play.  "  Let 
us  play  smoke  each  other  out  in  this  hollow  log,"  suggested  the 
fawns.  The  bears  agreed  and  the  fawns  went  in  first.  "  That 's 
enough,  that 's  enough,"  they  cried.  "  Now  you  go  in,"  they  told 
the  bears.  The  fawns  fanned  the  smoke  into  the  log  until  the  bears 
were  smothered.  Going  back  to  the  house,  one  of  them  held  out 
what  she  had  in  her  hand  and  said,  "  Here  is  a  skunk  we  killed  in  a 
log."  "Very  well,"  said  the  bear  mother.  Then  the  other  fawn 
held  out  hers  and  said,  "  Here  is  a  skunk  we  killed  in  a  log."  "  Thank 
you,  my  niece  ;  after  a  while  I  will  make  a  meal  upon  them,"  replied 
Grizzly.  "  She  is  eating  her  children,"  she  heard  some  one  say, 
"  What  did  you  say  .-'  "  she  asked.  "  First  you  killed  a  person,  and 
now  you  are  eating  your  own  children's  hands."  She  ran  after  the 
children  who  had  been  taunting  her.  When  she  came  near  them  she 
called  in  a  pleasant  voice,  "  Well,  come  home."  They  ran  up  on  a 
ridge  and  barely  escaped  being  caught.    Finally  they  came  to  a  place 

^  Munducho  and  munduchi  are  respectively  the  augmentative  and  diminutive  of 
some  word.  Related  species  of  animals  and  plants  are  often  distinguished  in  this 
manner. 

2  If  something  of  this  sort  is  not  said,  it  is  believed  the  back  of  the  narrator 
will  become  crooked. 


136  Jour^ial  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

where  Crane  was  fishing  by  the  river.  "  Grandfather,  put  your  neck 
across  and  let  us  go  over  on  it.  An  old  woman  is  after  us.  Put  your 
neck  across." 

They  crossed  over  safely  and  running  to  the  top  of  a  ridge  hid  in  a 
hole  in  a  rock.    When  Grizzly  came,  Crane  put  his  neck  across  again 
for  a  bridge,  but  when  she  was  half  way  over  he  gave  it  a  sudden 
twist.     She  went  floating  down  the  middle  of  the  stream. 
"  Whew !    May  my  back  become  a  young  black  oak  !  " 

III.  COYOTE  OBTAINS  DAYLIGHT. 

"Tell  me,  old  woman."  "  I  don't  have  anything  to  tell  you."  "Is 
it  west.''  tell  me,  old  woman."  "  I  have  nothing  to  tell  you."  "Is  it 
south?  tell  me,  old  woman."  "I  have  nothing  to  tell  you."  "  Is.it 
way  north  .?  tell  me,  old  woman,"  "I  have  nothing  to  tell  you."  "Is 
it  way  east } "     "  Well,  that  is  the  way  you  ought  to  think  it  is." 

He  made  himself  some  moccasins.  To  try  them  he  first  kicked 
against  a  stone.  When  afterward  he  kicked  against  a  log  he  made  a 
hole  in  them.  Then  he  made  moccasins  of  fawn  skin.  He  went  up 
the  ridge  and  entered  Kettentchaw  valley.  He  approached  some 
one  whom  he  saw  standing  to  the  south  of  him.  "Come,  tell  me  the 
news,"  he  said.  There  was  no  reply.  "  Is  there  anything  wrong  with 
me .-'  Why  are  you  angry  >.  "  Still  there  was  no  reply.  He  shot  at 
the  stump  which  he  had  mistaken  for  a  person.  "  Some  one  stand- 
ing will  be  your  name,"  he  said.  He  dug  some  bulbs  and  started  to 
carry  them  up  the  ridge.  The  load  was  so  heavy  the  carrying  strap 
of  the  basket  broke.  He  ran  back  shouting,  "  Kos  kuntcLdung  (bulb 
valley)  will  be  your  name." 

He  had  made  himself  into  a  young  girl.  He  found  Buzzard  and 
Eagle.  "  My  daughter-in-law,"  said  Eagle.  "  Mine,  my  daughter-in- 
law,"  said  Buzzard.  The  latter  old  woman  was  malodorous.  Eagle 
took  her  home.  After  two  nights  she  reached  womanhood  and  they 
danced  for  her.  She  stuck  a  sharp  bone  into  her  foot  and  the  dance 
was  discontinued.  The  people  went  hunting,  leaving  two  boys  to 
wait  on  the  maiden.  After  one  night  she  asked,  "  What  is  that 
hanging  there  V  "  We  do  not  know,"  they  replied.  "  I  want  to  taste 
it,"^  she  said.  They  gave  her  a  little.  "It  tastes  good,"  she  said. 
"  I  want  water  to  drink,"  she  said.  When  the  boys  had  provided  it, 
she  told  them  to  go  a  long  way  off  and  play.  "  She  is  going  to  carry 
the  sun  off,  I  think,"  said  one  of  the  boys.  They  watched  her.  She 
took  it  away.    "  I  thought  she  was  going  to  do  that,"  said  the  boy. 

The  two  boys  (Trout  and  Fly)  went  to  give  the  alarm.  "  She  has 
carried  off  the  sun,"  they  said.  "  Chickenhawk,  Eagle,  Owl,  Wildcat, 
Panther,  Fox,  Otter,  Jackrabbit,  you  are  swift  runners,"  said  the 
1  The  substance  was  used  for  saU  by  the  people  of  the  east. 


Lassik  Tales.  137 

chief.  When  Jackrabbit  overtook  Coyote  he  was  in  the  guise  of  an  old 
woman.  "  The  trail  is  over  there,  my  grandchild  ;  he  probably  went 
along  over  there,"  he  replied  to  their  inquiry.  They  lay  in  wait  for 
him  between  two  rocks.  "Right  here  she  is,  my  father,"  said  a  boy. 
He  came  near  being  killed  that  time  but  succeeded  in  getting  away. 
They  caught  him  afterward.  "  Don't  kill  me,"  he  cried.  "Your  leg 
hurts  me.  Don't  take  the  sun  from  me.  That  is  right,  lift  me  up  high. 
Throw  me  against  that  rock." 

He  jumped  across.  They  carried  the  daylight  back,  but  pieces 
had  been  broken  off.  "  The  sun  shall  not  hang  in  a  sack.  Let 
there  be  sunshine.     Let  it  be  light  under  the  logs  and  the  rocks." 

IV,  wren's  pet. 

•  "  I  dreamed  I  led  home  a  grizzly  bear  as  a  pet,"  sang  Wren.  He 
saved  deer  marrow.  •'  I  dreamed  I  led  home  a  grizzly  bear."  One 
crate  was  full  of  marrow.  "I  dreamed  I  led  home  a  grizzly  bear." 
Two  crates  were  full  of  marrow.  Coyote  came  along.  "  Do  you  think 
you  are  going  to  lead  home  a  grizzly  bear  .^  You  talk  like  Screech 
Owl,"  sneered  Coyote.  "  Oh,  well,  you  don't  have  to  believe  it.  I 
know  it  won't  be  so.  I  only  say  that.  I  have  sung  that  song  for  a 
long  time,"  replied  the  Wren.  "  I  dreamed  I  saved  deer  marrow  and 
led  home  a  grizzly  bear."  Three  crates  were  full.  Five  crates  were 
full.  He  tied  the  five  together  and  walked  off  with  them.  He  saw 
where  a  small  bear  had  gone  along.  He  turned  away  from  it.  "  I 
don't  want  a  small  one."  He  went  up  the  hill.  A  large  one  had  gone 
along.  The  large  one  only  he  tracked.  He  came  upon  him  where 
he  was  lying  in  white  thorn  brush.     The  bear  jumped  out  at  him. 

"Come,  my  pet,"  he  called  to  him.  The  bear  nearly  caught  him. 
He  held  out  some  marrow  to  him.  "  My  pet,"  he  said.  The  bear 
came  up  to  him.  "  My  pet,"  he  said.  He  put  an  elk-hide  rope  around 
his  neck  and  tried  to  lead  him.  The  grizzly  hung  back.  "  My  pet," 
he  said.  Then  the  grizzly  came  along  with  him.  He  led  him  into 
the  house.     His  grandmother  was  so  frightened  she  ran  away. 

"My  pet,"  he  said,  "strangers  will  come  to  steal,  but  my  kinsfolk 
will  come  and  roast  the  meat  and  eat  it  here.  Those  who  do  that 
way  you  will  know  to  be  my  kinsfolk." 

Coyote  came  along  one  day  when  Wren  was  away  from  home. 
"  You,  who  were  going  to  lead  home  a  grizzly  bear,  are  away  from 
home,"  he  said.  The  bear  jumped  out,  caught  Coyote  by  his  cheek, 
and  dragged  him  into  the  house. 

Wren  used  to  bring  bear  clover  for  his  pet.  One  day  he  brought 
some  and  returned  for  more.  When  he  got  back,  his  pet  was  gone. 
All  night  long  he  tracked  his  pet.  He  found  a  place  all  covered 
with  bear  fat.     The  bear  had   been   killed.     He  bewailed  his  pet. 


138  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

Returning  home  he  made  a  supply  of  arrows.     He  danced  the  war 
dance  with  them  and  took  revenge  upon  his  enemy. 

V.     THE    AVENGING    OF    THE   MICE  WOMEN. 

Nighthawk  killed  two  women  by  pulling  off  their  breasts.  It  was 
the  Mice  sisters  who  were  killed.  The  remaining  sister  wailed,  saying, 
"  My  poor  sister,  my  poor  sister,  son,  son  "  (cry  of  mice),  "  my  poor 
sister,  son,  son."  Coyote  came  along,  "I  hear,"  he  said,  "that  the 
scalps  of  those  who  were  killed  have  been  taken  far  away  to  the  east." 
"  Let  me  go  up  there  and  see,"  suggested  Coyote.  When  he  came 
to  the  place  he  found  them  continually  dancing  the  war  dance  with 
the  scalps.  After  staying  for  a  time  he  went  home,  excusing  himself 
on  the  plea  that  "  his  old  woman  was  probably  lonesome." 

After  hearing  Coyote's  report  the  people  started  out  to  make  war. 
When  they  were  near  to  the  place  they  camped.  "  Let  me  go  and 
dance,"  said  Coyote.  When  it  was  dark  and  they  were  going  to  bed, 
Coyote  asked  that  the  scalps  be  placed  by  his  head  for  safe  keeping. 
In  the  night  he  began  to  groan  and  say,  "  My  stomach  aches,  my 
stomach  aches."  Under  this  pretext  he  left  the  camp.  At  break  of 
day  the  attack  was  made.  They  killed  all  the  people  and  took  away 
the  scalps.  The  bow  strings  of  the  enemy  broke,  having  been  gnawed 
by  the  enemy.  Nighthawk  nearly  made  his  escape  when  his  cane 
was  broken.  "  Oh !  my  back,"  he  cried,  and  died.  His  vital  part 
was  in  his  cane. 

VI.    THE    BOY    AND    HIS    GRANDMOTHER. 

She  and  her  grandchild  alone  were  not  killed.  A  piece  of  tan  oak 
bark  had  fallen  over  him  and  hidden  him.  The  old  woman  made  her 
grandchild  swim.  "  My  poor  grandchild,"  she  said.  "  He  will  grow 
up  to  avenge  his  grandfather." 

She  heard  him  give  a  shout  and  then  he  ran  into  the  house  and 
picked  up  the  big  knife.  "  What  is  it,  my  grandchild  .^  "  she  asked. 
"'  Gun  kuk,  gun  gun,'  it  said  as  it  was  jumping  on  a  log,"  replied  the 
boy.  "  Well  done  !  gray  squirrel  it  is  called.  People  eat  that  kind, 
my  grandson."  Another  time  he  gave  a  shout  and  ran  in.  "What  is 
it,  my  grandchild  .''"  asked  the  old  woman.  "Somebody  is  pawing 
dirt  over  himself,"  replied  the  boy.  "  Good  for  you,  my  grandchild," 
said  his  grandmother.  Putting  the  big  knife  in  the  burden-basket 
he  started  away. 

Old  man  of  the  woods,  who  had  been  setting  snares  during  a 
time  of  low-lying  fog,  captured  the  boy  and  carried  him  off.  "  Bring 
some  water,"  he  was  commanded.  "  You  will  be  killed,"  he  heard  a 
scalp  say.  He  ran  away  over  the  ridge  holloaing.  The  old  man 
heard  him  and  gave  chase.    He  came  to  his  grandmother's  home. 


Lassik  Tales.  139 

"  Come  in,  my  grandchild,"  she  said.  "  Come  in,  my  brother-in-law," 
she  said  to  the  old  man  when  he  appeared.  "  Let  us  gamble,"  she 
suggested  to  him.     While  they  were  playing,  she  killed  him. 

VII.    WHITE    THUNDER    AND    COYOTE    GAMBLE. 

"  My  friend,  let  us  gamble."  "  Rope,  I  bet.  Well,  I  will  bet  again. 
Black  obsidian,  I  will  bet.  An  elk  skin,  I  will  bet.  A  brown  bear 
skin,  I  will  bet.  A  grizzly  bear  skin,  I  will  bet."  Again  he  was 
beaten.  "A  black  bearskin,  I  will  bet.  A  double  blanket,  I  will 
bet."  He  was  beaten.  Beads,  he  bet.  Dentalia,  he  bet.  A  bow, 
he  bet.  A  burden-basket,  he  bet.  A  pestle,  he  bet.  A  basket-mill, 
he  bet.  A  basket-plate,  he  bet.  •'  What  shall  I  bet  next } "  An  old 
basket,  he  bet.  A  milling  stone,  he  bet.  "  My  friend,  what  shall  I  bet  ? 
House,  I  will  bet.  My  friend,  my  two  wives,  I  will  bet."  The  one 
who  sat  beside  him,  he  bet.  She  was  with  child.  He  lost  her.  The 
second  wife  he  bet  and  lost. 

"  Where  the  water  flows  over  the  rocks,  I  cut  the  sticks.  That  is 
why  I  beat  you,"  sang  Thunder.  "I  am  going  up  to  the  sky  to  live. 
I  shall  talk  and  you  better  listen  to  me.  I  will  give  back  one  wife. 
Keep  one  of  them,  my  friend.  It  would  be  too  bad  for  you  to  go 
around  grieving.  I  am  going  up  to  the  sky.  You  will  hear  me 
talk.  I  shall  go  around."  The  thunder  nearly  broke  the  house.  He 
got  nearly  up.  He  tried  again.  "  I  move  up  to  the  sky.  Call  me 
White  Thunder." 

VIII.     PURSUIT    OF    THE    ELK. 

An  elk  passed  in  front  of  the  camp.  The  people  got  up  and  chased 
it.  "  Follow  it,  my  sons,"  said  the  head  man.  When  night  came, 
they  camped  on  its  track.  The  next  day  when  they  failed  to  over- 
take it,  the  two  chickenhawks,  eagle,  owl,  buzzard,  and  coyote  turned 
back.  Two  persons  only  followed  the  elk,  a  man  and  his  younger 
brother.  They  continued  the  chase,  camping  when  night  overtook 
them,  until  the  elder  brother  was  so  old  he  tottered  along  with  two 
canes.  When  the  old  man  following  the  tracks  of  his  brother,  with 
whom  he  could  no  longer  keep  up,  came  to  the  ocean  he  found  his 
brother's  body  where  the  elk  had  impaled  him.  Killing  the  elk,  he 
returned  with  the  body  of  his  brother. 

When  he  had  come  again  to  his  own  country,  he  caught  a  crawfish 
and  roasted  it  in  the  fire.  It  did  not  taste  good  to  him.  He  caught 
another  and  ate  it  raw.  His  mouth  watered.  "  This  is  the  way  I  will 
do.     Otter,  I  will  become." 


140  Journal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 


IX.    WHEN    DOG   TALKED. 

They  set  snares  for  deer.  They  caught  five.  The  dog  came  home 
first.  "  My  dog,  how  many  did  they  catch  }  "  "  You  never  hear  me 
talk,"  the  dog  said.  "They  caught  five."  The  people  who  heard  all 
died  except  one  who  had  crawled  under  something  in  time  to  save 
himself. 

Pliny  Earle  Goddard. 
Unfversity  of  California, 
Berkeley,  Cal. 


Notes  on  California  Folk-Lore.  14I 

NOTES   ON   CALIFORNIA   FOLK-LORE.^ 

TRADITION    FORMERLY    OBTAINED    AT    CHICO. 

The  Indians  formerly  living  along  the  bank  of  Chico  Creek  made 
frequent  excursions  southwestward  into  the  Sacramento  valley  for  the 
purpose  of  gathering  acorns,  fishing,  and  hunting  jackrabbits.  At  one 
time  they  were  camped  not  far  from  a  lake,  which  was  a  few  miles 
from  where  the  little  town  of  Grainland  is  now  located.  A  single 
tree  stood  near  the  bank  of  the  lake.  A  young  man  was  sent  to  the 
lake  with  a  basket  to  bring  water.  He  did  not  return.  After  a  time 
the  people,  thinking  he  had  forgotten  his  errand,  sent  another  man. 
He  also  failed  to  return.  Alarmed  at  the  disappearance  of  these  two 
men,  the  people  held  a  council.  It  was  decided  to  send  a  third  man 
for  water  and  with  him  another  to  watch  and  discover  if  possible 
what  had  befallen  the  two  who  had  previously  gone.  Two  men  were 
selected  and  went  to  the  lake.  The  watcher  cautiously  approached 
and  climbed  into  the  tree  near  the  lake.  Seated  upon  a  branch  over- 
looking the  lake,  he  saw  his  companion  wade  out  into  the  water. 
Suddenly  there  arose  from  the  water  a  beautiful  woman,  who  wound 
her  arms  around  the  man  and  drew  him  down.  In  fear  the  watcher 
descended  from  the  tree,  hurried  to  the  camp,  and  brought  the  news, 
whereupon  the  band  immediately  left  the  vicinity.  Since  that  time 
none  of  these  people  have  approached  the  lake. 

A    GHOST    DANCE    ON    THE    KLAMATH    RIVER. 

During  the  Modoc  war  many  Indians  from  the  rancherias  along  the 
Klamath  River  were  gathered  at  Happy  Camp  in  Siskiyou  County 
dancing  nightly.  When  questioned  by  the  white  inhabitants,  who 
had  become  alarmed,  the  Indians  stated  that  a  medicine-man  had  pre- 
dicted that  if  the  people  would  gather  and  dance,  a  new  river  would 
open  up,  carry  away  the  whites,  and  bring  back  alive  all  dead  Indians, 
each  with  a  pair  of  white  blankets. 

The  following  episode  is  related  in  connection  with  this  dance. 
When  the  Indians  averred  that  the  bringing  to  life  of  the  dead  and 
the  destruction  of  the  whites  would  be  accomplished  only  by  their 
dancing,  and  not  by  violence,  the  whites  demanded  and  enforced  as 
a  guarantee  of  peace  the  surrender  of  the  arms  in  their  possession. 
A  year  or  two  later  a  ball  was  held  at  Happy  Camp  on  the  fourth  of 
July.  During  its  progress  a  number  of  Indians  appeared,  demanded 
a  conference,  and  alleged  their  fear  of  the  purpose  of  the  dance.  They 
stated  that  they  would  be  convinced  of  the  good  faith  of  the  whites 

*  This  paper  has  been  communicated  as  part  of  the  Proceedings  of  the  Cali- 
fornia Branch  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society.' 


142  Journal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 

only  by  the  surrender  of  arms.  An  armful  of  old  guns  was  there- 
upon gathered  and  given  to  the  Indians,  who  departed  with  apparent 
satisfaction. 

G.  A.  Chambers,  Montague. 
Through  Rev.  W.  A.  Brewer,  San  Mateo. 

YOKUTS    NAMES 

In  aboriginal  California,  as  everywhere  farther  north  on  the  Pacific 
coast  and  among  the  tribes  of  many  other  regions  of  America,  the 
custom  of  not  mentioning  under  any  circumstances  the  name  of  a 
dead  person  was  very  deep-seated.  Among  the  southern  Yokuts  of 
the  upper  end  of  the  San  Joaquin  valley,  to-day  represented  principally 
by  the  survivors  of  the  Yaudanchi  and  Yauelmani  tribes  on  Tule  River 
Reservation,  this  feeling  led  to  a  peculiar  development.  Every  per- 
son ordinarily  had  two  names.  Only  one  of  these  might  be  in  ordinary 
use.  The  second,  however,  was  employed  as  a  reserve  in  case  the 
death  of  a  namesake,  in  the  same  or  a  neighboring  tribe,  tabooed  the 
first.  Children  are  said  to  have  received  their  two  names  at  the  same 
time.  New  names  were  not  usual,  children  being  named  generally 
after  a  dead  grandfather,  uncle,  or  other  relative.  Sometimes  the 
names  of  living  relatives  were  also  used.  This  is  proved  by  the  case 
of  a  woman,  alive  a  few  years  ago,  who  had  lost  both  her  names  be- 
cause her  brother's  daughters  had  died.  A  person  who  had  thus  lost 
both  his  names  through  the  death  of  others  was  called  "no  name," 
kamun  hoyowoc.  In  default  of  a  name,  such  a  person  would,  if  neces- 
sary, be  addressed  by  this  term  "no  name."  A  namesake  was  called 
simply  "my  name,"  and  this  term  also  would  be  used  in  address. 
Of  a  person  who  had  lost  one  of  his  names  through  the  death  of 
another  it  would  be  said:  tawitji  an  yet  hoyowosh,  "died  his  one 
name."  Men's  and  women's  names  were  distinct.  Many  names 
had  no  known  significance,  but  others  denoted  animals,  objects, 
actions,  sounds,  or  tribes.  A  list  of  men's  and  women's  names  from 
Tule  River  follows  :  — 

Men : 

Tanka,  buzzard  ;  second  name,  K'aushash,  cracking  or  tapping. 
Djichpu ;  second  name,  Sokhusha.     The  latter  is  also  the  name 
of  a  man  living  in  one  of  the  tribes  north  of  Tule  River, 
Bikh,  denoting  an  action  peculiar  to  a  dog;  second  name,  Saunama. 
Putut,  make  fire ;  second  name,  Koku. 
Seli,  see,  from  sil ;  second  name,  Dumash. 
Kukuya,  the  cry  of  the  mountain  quail. 
Djemshak. 
Tukchuchu. 


Notes  on  California  Folk- Lore.  143 

Gawu,  pronounced  Cow  by  the  whites. 

Hawasya. 

Watokai,  from  watak,  pine  nut.  Also  the  name  of  a  man  of  the 
Tachi  tribe. 

Nahaach,  otter. 

Pitkachi,  the  name  of  a  tribe  on  the  San  Joaquin  River,  was  the 
name  of  an  old  man,  now  dead,  on  Tule  River  Reservation. 

Taucha,  dead,  is  the  name  of  an  Indian  among  the  Gashowu,  now 
near  the  San  Joaquin  River. 

Women : 

Wiamcha  ;  second  name,  Dewat. 

Wawachik. 

Hat. 

Omom. 

Yaudach.  This  name  may  be  related  to  yawud,  brush,  or  to  the 
tribal  name  Yaudanchi. 

The  reason  of  the  strict  taboo  of  the  names  of  the  dead  has  not  yet 
become  clear.  It  is  as  with  most  customs  :  explanations  can  fre- 
quently not  be  given  for  them  by  the  people  observing  them.  It  is 
probable  that  in  many  cases  fear  of  the  dead  had  some  connection 
with  the  name-taboo.  In  some  parts  of  California  it  is  thought  that 
the  mention  of  a  dead  person,  especially  if  he  is  recently  deceased, 
is  likely  to  bring  about  the  return  of  his  ghost  with  evil  consequences 
for  those  visited.  This  definite  explanation  will,  however,  not  hold 
everywhere.  The  Yokuts  say  that  they  are  not  influenced  by  any  such 
belief.  The  only  explanation  they  that  can  give  for  their  observance  of 
the  custom  is  that  the  mention  of  the  name  causes  the  relatives  of  the 
dead  person  great  grief.  This  is  a  motive  which  is  undoubtedly 
present  in  the  minds  of  all  the  Indians  of  California,  whether  or  not 
they  are  in  addition  actuated  by  feelings  of  fear  connected  with  the 
possible  return  of  the  dead.  It  was  usual  everywhere  to  obliterate  in 
everyway  the  memory  of  the  dead  as  much  as  possible,  especially  by 
the  destruction  or  removal  of  objects  specifically  associated  with  him. 
The  house  in  which  he  lived  was  in  many  regions  burned,  destroyed, 
or  abandoned.  It  soon  becomes  very  evident  to  any  one  dealing  with 
the  California  Indians  that  mention  of  their  dead  relatives  and  friends 
usually  causes  them  acute  grief,  especially  among  the  older  people, 
and  that,  when  they  have  reason  to  believe  the  mention  to  be  deliber- 
ate and  not  made  through  ignorance,  it  is  received  as  a  deep  affront. 
Among  some  tribes  the  greatest  insult  one  person  could  inflict  upon 
another  was  to  speak  of  the  latter' s  dead  relatives,  especially  to  men- 
tion them  by  name.  In  northwestern  California  such  a  mention,  even 
if  accidental,  could  only  be  compensated  by  a  considerable  payment. 

A.  L,  Kroeber. 


144  jfournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

CUSTOMS    OF    THE    INDIANS    OF    WESTERN    TEHAMA  COUNTY. 

The  Indians  of  western  Tehama  County,  who  belong  to  the  Win- 
tun  family  and  call  themselves  Nomlaki,  "  western  talk,"  were  very 
precise  in  many  of  their  burial  customs.  The  highest  ambition  of  a 
person  about  to  die,  was  to  have  a  black  bearskin  for  a  shroud.  The 
skin  must  be  black,  and  must  be  perfect  as  regards  eyebrows,  whisk- 
ers, and  claws.  Forty  years  ago,  a  trader  sold  such  a  bearskin  to 
an  Indian  of  this  region  for  commodities  to  the  value  of  one  hundred 
dollars.  Soon  after  acquiring  this  skin  the  Indian  died  and  was  bur- 
ied in  it.  Next  to  a  skin  of  a  black  bear  were  esteemed  skins  of  the 
brown  or  cinnamon  bear,  the  grizzly,  and  the  panther,  in  the  order 
named. 

At  death,  before  the  body  had  time  to  become  rigid,  the  knees  were 
drawn  up  to  the  chin  and  the  entire  body  lashed  and  wound  about 
with  a  rope  of  a  particular  fineness  specially  made  and  kept  for  the 
purpose.  The  body  was  buried  in  a  hole  with  a  small  mound  raised 
over  it  and  a  flat  rock  on  top.  The  burial  grounds  were  usually  at 
some  distance  from  the  village. 

There  were  certain  customs  regarding  the  use  of  food  that  were 
rigorously  observed.  As  a  boy,  I  once  bought  pine  nuts  from  an  In- 
dian, and  a  convenient  log  being  at  hand,  began  to  crack  the  nuts  on 
this  log.  The  Indian  at  once  begged  me  to  stop,  saying  that  if  the 
nuts  were  cracked  on  a  log,  he  or  another  person  next  climbing  a  tree 
for  nuts  would  fall.  If  the  nuts  were  cracked  on  a  stone,  there  would 
be  no  danger. 

The  Indians  were  much  afraid  of  ghosts,  whom  they  called  simply 
"  dead  persons."  Sight  of  a  ghost  was  likely  to  cause  death.  In 
my  experience  an  Indian  who  had  gone  into  the  mountains  to  gather 
pine  nuts  came  back  very  ill,  believing  he  had  seen  a  ghost,  and  died 
within  a  few  days. 

One  of  the  most  striking  peculiarities  of  the  speech  of  these  Indians 
was  the  frequency  with  which  they  used  the  four  cardinal  points  in 
ordinary  conversation.  An  object  would  not  be  mentioned  as  being 
at  a  person's  back,  or  at  his  right  hand,  as  we  should  say,  but  to  the 
north  or  south  or  east  or  west  of  him.  "  It  is  standing  south  of  you," 
"  Hang  this  up  west  of  the  door,"  and  similar  phrases  would  be  used 
where  we  should  say  :  "  It  is  standing  behind  you,"  or  "  Hang  it  up  to 
the  right  of  the  door."  In  describing  the  location  of  an  object  in  the 
country  or  a  way  that  had  been  taken,  the  same  four  terms,  together 
with  "  up  "  and  ''down  "  were  almost  exclusively  used,  and  by  the  aid 
of  such  directions  an  Indian  could  almost  infallibly  reach  any  desired 
point. 

F.  B.  Washington. 

Oakland. 


Mythology  of  the  Mission  Indians.  145 

MYTHOLOGY  OF  THE  MISSION  INDIANS.^ 

INTRODUCTORY. 

Since  the  scientific  value  of  the  myths  and  accounts  of  ceremo- 
nials which  I  have  collected  will  depend  wholly  upon  their  exactness 
and  accuracy,  it  is  important  that  I  should  give  enough  of  personal 
detail  to  account  satisfactorily  for  this. 

The  first  requisite  in  securing  the  Indian  narrations  and  songs  is 
to  gain  the  good-will  and  complete  cooperation  of  the  old  Indians  who 
recite  them.  This  my  many  years  of  philanthropic  work  for  the 
betterment  of  their  tribes  has  won  in  a  general  way  ;  while  individu- 
ally, being  liberally  paid  for  their  trouble,  they  freely  give  a  full  return. 

A  second  point,  and  one  much  more  difficult,  is  the  securing  of  a 
perfect  interpreter. 

Finding  that  translations  made  by  white  people  from  the  Spanish, 
with  which  I  first  began  my  work,  could  not  be  entirely  rehed  upon, 
I  determined  to  depend  wholly  upon  interpretation  direct  from  the 
Indian  into  English. 

The  Mesa  Grande  version  of  the  Story  of  Chaup  (Cuy-a-ho-marr) 
was  well  rendered  in  this  way  by  an  educated  Indian  girl ;  while  at 
Campo  ( the  Manzanita  region )  and  at  La-Jolla-in-the-mountains,  I 
found  in  each  case  the  sort  of  interpreter  for  whom  I  was  seeking. 

Sant,  interpreter  of  the  Manzanita  version  of  the  Cuy-a-ho-marr 
story,  herewith  given,  and  of  all  the  Diegueno  songs,  accounts  of 
ceremonials,  etc.,  which  I  have  lately  secured,  lived  as  a  little  naked 
boy  among  the  desert  Indians ;  listened  as  a  child  to  the  old  myths; 
has  seen  twenty-one  celebrations  of  the  Image  fiesta,  extending  as 
far  as  the  coast  Indians  and  ranging  to  Yuma  in  the  other  direction  ; 
and  is  saturated  with  the  atmosphere  and  terminology  of  the  past, 
which  are  completely  unknown  to  nine  tenths  of  the  younger  gen- 
eration to-day. 

On  the  other  hand,  having  lived  for  years  in  a  white  man's  family, 
he  has  a  full  and  sufficient  English  vocabulary. 

I  was  equally  fortunate  in  my  Luiseno  interpreter  at  La-Jolla-in- 
the-mountains.  Jose  is  an  educated  Indian,  fluent  in  his  English,  and 
able  to  read  and  write  it.  At  the  same  time,  he  is  the  son  of  a  re- 
nowned JiecJiicero,  and  lives  in  a  region  where  every  rock  has  its  name 
and  legend,  and  the  past  and  present  have  suffered  no  divorce. 

The  Luiseno  creation  myth,  the  Ouiot  songs  and  stories,  were  well 
rendered  by  him. 

As  to  method,  —  the  old  men  are  extremely  intelligent  in  catching 

'  This  paper  has  been  communicated  as  part  of  the  Proceedings  of  the  Cali- 
fornia Branch  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society. 
VOL.  XIX.  — NO.  73.  10 


146  Journal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 

and  carrying  out  the  idea  which  I  enforce,  that  a  pause  must  be  made 
after  each  sentence  or  two  for  translation  and  transcription.  No- 
thing is  left  to  memory,  but  all  is  written  down  as  nearly  as  possible 
word  for  word. 

It  only  remains,  in  recopying,  to  put  into  slightly  better  form  the 
English  of  my  interpreter,  being  extremely  careful  never  to  introduce 
the  slightest  change  in  idea.  For  instance,  where  Sant  says,  "  It 
looked  ugly,"  I  write,  "  It  was  an  ugly  sight."  Whenever  it  seems 
expedient,  however,  I  use  the  exact  words  of  my  interpreter,  my  con- 
stant endeavor  being  towards  simplicity,  and  always  towards  the 
truth. 

THE    STORY    OF    CUY-A-HO-MARR    (THE    CHAUP)  )    THE    MANZANITA 
VERSION    (dIEGUENO). 

In  a  former  paper ^  entitled  "The  Story  of  the  Chaup,"  I  have 
given  the  Mesa  Grande  version  of  this  famous  myth.  It  originated 
in  the  former  home  of  the  Mojave  Indians  who  are  constantly  referred 
to  by  the  Manzanita  bards,  not  as  the  ancestors  of  the  Dieguenos 
(called  by  themselves  "  Western  Indians  "),  but  as  the  latest  born  of 
the  related  tribes,  who  remained  in  the  ancestral  home  when  the 
others  scattered.  The  Mojaves,  therefore,  preserve  the  myths  and 
ceremonies  in  their  primitive  perfection,  or  at  least  they  are  so  credited 
by  their  brothers  in  the  mountains  of  San  Diego  County  close  to  the 
Mexican  border  and  not  far  from  the  desert.  The  story  of  Cuy-a-ho- 
marr,  coming  originally  from  the  east,  but  taught  to  the  remnant  at 
Manzanita  by  the  better  informed  Indians  of  the  Mesa  Grande  sec- 
tion, is  still  told  at  Manzanita  by  the  oldest  men.  Hatakek,  who  re- 
lated it  to  me,  was  an  important  man  in  the  old  days ;  but  in  the  direful 
destitution  prevailing  among  these  half-starving,  dispossessed  Indians 
he  no  longer  has  an  opportunity  to  lead  tribal  ceremonies,  or  to 
relate  legends.  His  stories  and  songs  proved  so  interesting  to  the 
rest  that  Indian  men,  women,  and  children  came  from  miles  around 
to  listen  to  the  recital.  He  could  not  recall  every  part  of  the  story  ; 
but  what  he  told  is  most  interesting,  in  its  resemblances  and  differ- 
ences, compared  with  the  Mesa  Grande  version,  as  will  be  readily 
noted  by  those  taking  the  trouble  to  examine  the  two  together. 

In  the  far  distant  Indian  village,  La-Jolla-in-the-mountains,  I  found 
among  the  Luisenos  the  same  story  with  its  songs  ;  but  they  dis- 
tinctly stated  that  this  story  had  come  to  them  from  the  Dieguenos 
by  way  of  Mesa  Grande.  It  thus  still  survives  in  these  distinct  local- 
ities ;  and  instances  well  the  close  communication  existing  in  early 
days  among  distant  and  unrelated  tribes. 

The  following  is  Hatakek's  version  of  the  Story  of  Cuy-a-ho-marr  : 
'  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore,  vol.  xvii,  pp.  217-241. 


Mythology  of  the  Mission  Indians.  147 

In  the  beginning  the  Sky  was  a  man,  the  Earth  was  a  woman.  From 
their  union  a  man  and  woman  were  born  first,  and  Sin-yo-hauch  was 
their  daughter.  Sin-yo-hauch's  father  went  up  in  the  sky,  and  she 
was  left  alone. 

She  went  towards  the  east,  crawling  as  a  baby  on  hands  and  knees  ; 
and  then  later  she  walked  back  towards  the  west,  as  far  as  the  Mojave 
river.     (The  river  of  the  Mojave  Indians .?     The  Colorado  ?) 

In  the  middle  of  the  river  is  a  solitary  sharp-pointed  rock  that 
may  still  be  seen  there,  called  Wee-ka-ru-tutt  (Rock-spear),  and  here 
she  made  her  home,  living  on  the  west  side  of  the  river  in  a  cave,  a 
big  house  where  she  lived  alone  till  she  was  grown. 

Every  morning  she  went  to  bathe  in  a  pond  near  by,  and,  in  a 
manner  not  explained,  she  became  by  this  bathing  the  mother  of 
twin  boys. 

(Song.)i 

She  left  the  babies  in  their  baskets  while  she  went  to  gather  seeds 
for  food.  The  babies  were  crying,  so  the  cricket  came  to  tend  them 
and  sing  to  them  ;  but  when  Sin-yo-hauch  came  home  he  jumped 
down  and  ran  into  the  brush,  and  she  stepped  on  him  and  broke  his 
legs.  They  have  been  crooked  ever  since,  and  he  can  only  go  by 
hops. 

The  next  morning  when  she  went  away  again,  the  babies  came 
down  from  their  baskets  and  played  about,  and  when  she  came  home 
she  saw  their  tracks,  and  wondered  how  they  could  have  gotten  down 
by  themselves.  She  determined  to  find  this  out,  so  next  day  instead 
of  going  far  away  she  turned  herself  into  a  stump,  so  that  she  could 
see  what  they  would  do  in  her  absence.  As  soon  as  she  was  gone 
the  boys  jumped  down  from  their  baskets,  and  the  elder  called  out, 
"  See,  brother,  there  is  something  here  that  will  do  us  harm.  Come 
and  look." 

"  What  is  it  .■*  "  asked  the  younger. 

"  It  is  something  that  will  hurt  us." 

"  But  it  is  only  a  stump." 

**  Still  it  was  not  here  yesterday.  Let  us  go  and  get  our  bows  and 
arrows." 

"  Let  us  see  what  it  is." 

"Shoot  it,  I  say." 

At  this  Sin-yo-hauch  called  out,  "  My  dear  sons,  do  not  kill  your 
mother." 

So  they  all  came  together  to  their  home. 

Then  their  mother  told  them  that  since  they  were  grown  so  large 
they  ought  to  have  new  large  arrows,  and  she  would  make  them  for 

*  The  text  of  the  songs  cannot  be  given,  but  their  occurrence  in  the  narrative 
is  thus  indicated. 


148  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

them.  An  arrow  must  have  a  white  eagle  feather  and  a  black  eagle 
feather,  so  they  must  get  her  two  young  eagles,  one  white  and  one 
black. 

So  they  slept  over  night  and  in  the  morning  she  told  them  where 
to  find  the  eagles,  and  they  agreed  to  go.  They  took  the  hard  ball, 
the  sort  that  boys  still  play  with,  starting  it  with  the  foot,  running  to 
where  it  falls  and  starting  it  again,  with  a  kick ;  and  in  a  very  short 
time  they  reached  the  place,  following  the  ball. 

There  was  a  great  high  rock  there,  and  the  younger  said,  "  I  '11 
climb  it  first."    The  elder  brother  sat  at  the  foot  of  the  rock  crying 
and  singing  about  his  brother.    "  He  may  fall  and  break  his  neck." 
(Song.) 

The  younger  climbed  to  the  top  and  saw  the  young  eagles  on  the 
rock  surrounded  by  all  kinds  of  animals.  All  sorts  of  snakes  were 
there  and  he  was  afraid  to  touch  the  eagles ;  so  he  came  down  and 
said,  "  There  is  no  use  trying  to  get  the  eagles.  Let  us  give  it  up 
and  go  home." 

But  the  elder  brother  said,  "  If  one  tries  and  fails,  try  again."  So 
the  elder  brother  climbed  to  the  top  of  the  rock,  and  when  he  got 
there,  he  reached  with  his  hand  towards  the  west,  and  got  a  quantity 
of  sand  and  threw  it  all  over  those  animals  that  sting  and  bite ;  and 
then  he  held  up  his  hand  to  the  sky  and  got  a  carrying  net  to  carry 
the  eagles  down  the  rock. 

As  soon  as  he  reached  the  bottom,  the  younger  brother  said,  "  Give 
me  the  white  eagle."  So  they  quarrelled  over  the  white  eagle,  leaving 
the  black  eagle  on  the  ground.  Before  they  started,  Sin-yo-hauch 
had  told  them  not  to  quarrel  on  the  way.  "  The  people  that  come 
after  us  will  do  the  same  as  you,"  she  said.  "  And  if  you  quarrel,  it 
will  bring  the  storm  and  rain." 

Meantime  the  clouds  began  to  gather,  and  the  brothers  remem- 
bered what  their  mother  had  said  ;  so  the  elder  took  the  black  eagle, 
and  the  younger  the  white  one,  and  they  started  home.  Their  way 
took  them  over  the  rocks.  It  began  to  rain  and  the  storm  wind  blew. 
When  they  came  from  home  the  distance  had  been  very  short ;  but 
going  back  it  seemed  to  lengthen  with  every  step  of  the  way.  They 
were  drenched  with  rain,  and  their  long  hair  was  wet.  The  eagles 
shivered  with  the  cold,  though  the  brothers  held  them  close,  and  tried 
to  keep  them  dry. 

The  younger  brother  lagged  behind,  cold,  and  feeling  his  strength 
giving  out.  It  was  old  Sin-yo-hauch  who  caused  the  distance  to 
lengthen.    "  Our  mother  is  doing  this,"  they  said. 

The  rain  fell  in  torrents  and  began  to  rise  as  a  flood.  The  night 
was  coming  and  they  were  nearly  worn  out.  The  birds  were  nearly 
dead  with  wet  and  cold. 


Mythology  of  the  Mission  Indians.  1 49 

After  a  time  the  eagles  died. 

"  What  shall  we  do  with  them  ; "  the  brothers  asked  each  other. 

"  Well,  this  will  not  be  the  last  of  them  ;  but  we  will  bury  them, 
and  the  people  who  come  after  us  will  do  the  same  way." 

So  they  dug  a  grave  and  buried  the  eagles,  putting  their  bows  and 
arrows  and  all  they  had  into  the  grave. 

No  sooner  had  they  buried  the  birds,  than  the  whirlwind  swept  by, 
lifting  the  dead  eagles  from  out  of  the  ground,  and  carrying  them 
through  the  air. 

So  the  brothers  dug  another  grave  deeper  than  before,  and  placed 
the  eagles  in  it  and  covered  them  with  earth.  But  the  whirlwind 
came  again  and  lifted  them  out  of  the  grave. 

So  they  left  them  lying  there,  and  running  as  fast  as  they  could, 
they  quickly  reached  their  home. 

When  their  mother  asked  them,  "Where  are  your  eagles  }  "  they 
made  no  answer,  but  lay  down,  turned  their  faces  from  her,  and  went 
to  sleep.  She  sat  and  cried  till  the  morning,  wailing  and  singing  and 
dancing. 

(Song.) 

She  was  singing  to  bring  the  birds  to  life. 

"My  sons,  come  out,"  she  called  to  them.  "See,  your  birds  are 
coming." 

One  said  to  the  other,  "  Go  out  and  see  if  this  is  so.  We  will  kill 
her  if  it  is  not  the  truth." 

The  younger  went  out  and  said,  "They  are  here."  His  brother 
ran  out,  and  there  were  the  eagles,  alive  as  before.  As  soon  as  they 
saw  them  they  began  to  quarrel  again  over  the  white  eagle,  both 
saying,  "  It  is  mine." 

Their  mother  looking  on  said,  "  I  see  now,  my  sons,  how  you  do 
when  you  are  alone  together.  I  did  not  think  that  you  would  do  so. 
I  will  take  the  black  and  white  feathers  and  put  them  together  on 
the  arrows,  so  there  is  no  need  of  your  quarrelling." 

The  boys  had  some  deer  meat  and  they  cut  it  in  pieces  and  offered 
it  to  the  eagles,  but  they  would  not  eat. 

"  You  cannot  force  them  to  eat,"  she  said,  "  but  the  people  that 
come  after  us  will  do  as  we  do.  Go  get  some  crows  that  are  over 
there  not  far  away  in  a  place  towards  the  north." 

So  the  brothers  went  after  the  crows,  and  when  they  had  caught 
them  they  reached  out  their  hand  to  the  west  and  got  some  carrying 
nets  and  brought  a  lot  of  the  young  crows  home. 

When  they  threw  the  deer  meat  to  the  crows  they  ate  the  meat ; 
and  the  eagles,  seeing  the  crows  eat,  began  to  eat  it  too. 

Then  the  brothers  learned  to  hunt  the  deer,  and  would  kill  it  and 
bring  it  home  and  have  plenty  of  food. 


1 50  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

Then  Sin-yo-hauch  said  to  them,  "  When  I  begin  to  plant  the  seed 
of  the  plant  that  grows  in  the  water  on  the  desert,  that  is  the  time 
for  you  to  think  of  getting  married." 

"We  know  that  too.     It  is  true,"  said  the  brothers. 

"  Then  go  to  your  uncle,  the  gopher,  who  lives  in  the  pond  (the 
muskrat  i*)  and  get  him  to  give  you  the  end  of  the  cane  stalks,  the 
part  that  grows  deep  in  the  water,  so  that  out  of  them  I  can  make 
you  some  flutes.  When  you  reach  the  pond,  you  will  see  the  black- 
birds sitting  on  the  cane  stalks  around  the  edge.  Notice  then  which 
stalks  bend  the  least  under  the  weight  of  the  birds,  for  those  are  the 
best  and  strongest." 

Next  morning  the  boys  went  to  the  pond  ;  and  the  younger  dived 
into  the  water,  trying  to  reach  the  roots  of  the  cane,  but,  in  spite  of 
all  he  could  do,  he  could  not  come  near  the  bottom.  So  he  came 
out  and  told  his  brother  there  was  no  use  to  try.  The  water  was  too 
deep,  and  they  might  as  well  go  home. 

But  the  elder  brother  turned  himself  into  a  rock,  and  plunging 
into  the  water  he  dropped  down  to  the  very  bottom  where  his  uncle, 
the  red  gopher,  had  his  home. 

When  the  red  gopher  heard  him  he  cried  out,  "Who  is  it  that  is 
coming  here  where  no  one  ever  came  before  .-' " 

"  It  is  I,  my  uncle.  I  only  want  to  get  the  pieces  of  the  cane  that 
you  do  not  use,  but  throw  away." 

"  Go  back  again,  where  you  came  from,  and  I  will  give  them  to  you." 

So  he  went  up  through  the  water,  and  the  gopher  went  and  cut 
the  cane,  and  sent  it  floating  upward,  so  that  it  reached  the  surface 
of  the  pond  as  soon  as  he  did. 

The  younger  brother  at  once  began  to  quarrel  for  the  possession 
of  the  root  end,  the  biggest  part  of  the  cane ;  but  the  elder  took  the 
root,  and  he  got  the  other  end.  Their  mother  came  upon  them  as 
they  were  quarrelling.  She  was  carrying  a  great  basket,  holding  it 
in  front  of  her,  and  she  was  laughing  at  their  disputing. 

"  This  is  the  way  you  always  do,"  she  said.  "  Why  should  you 
quarrel  about  the  matter }  In  the  end  I  will  make  one  flute  as  good 
as  the  other." 

So  they  carried  home  the  cane  stalks,  hung  them  upon  the  wall, 
and  went  out  to  hunt  the  deer. 

The  mother  stood  the  cane  up  in  the  ground  to  dry.  In  four  days 
she  told  her  sons  to  get  the  stalks  and  put  them  upon  the  floor  of 
the  house  where  the  fire  had  heated  the  earth,  for  there  they  would 
dry  quickly. 

While  they  were  away  hunting,  she  stayed  at  home  to  make  the 
flutes.  Cutting  the  stalks  to  make  two,  she  took  a  piece  of  rock 
with  a  rough  edge,  to  rub  the  edges  smooth. 


Mythology  of  the  Mission  htdians.  151 

(Song.) 

Sung  by  the  mother,  to  indicate  the  action  of  rubbing  the  flute. 

She  made  holes  in  the  flute  and  blew  upon  it  to  try  the  sound. 
Then  she  held  up  her  hand  to  the  sky,  and  brought  down  a  black 
sticky  material  (mescal  juice  .'')  and  rubbed  it  over  the  flute  ;  and  then 
reached  out  her  hand  towards  the  west  and  got  shining  stuff  like 
quicksilver  (mica  T)  to  rub  all  over  it  and  make  it  bright. 

When  the  boys  saw  the  beautiful  flute  that  she  had  made  they 
began  quarrelling  for  its  possession ;  but  she  made  one  for  each  of 
them  and  said,  "Go  to  the  place  where  the  sharp-pointed  rock,  Wee- 
ka-ru-tutt  (Spear  rock)  is  in  the  middle  of  the  river ;  and  play  there 
on  your  flutes ;  and  as  you  play  in  the  middle  of  the  night,  if  you  do 
it  rightly,  you  will  hear  some  one  coming ;  but  unless  you  make  the 
music  right  nothing  will  come." 

So  they  went  to  the  place  where  she  told  them,  and  sat  upon  the 
rock,  and  played  upon  their  flutes  to  call  the  girls. 

While  they  made  this  music,  the  girls  were  bathing  in  a  pond. 
The  elder  sister  alone  heard  the  music  of  the  flute.  The  younger 
could  not  hear  it.  Immediately  they  went  to  their  home  and  made 
ready  for  a  journey.  They  painted  their  faces,  dressed  themselves, 
and  ground  corn  to  carry  for  provision  on  the  road. 

The  elder  sister  went  ahead,  but  the  younger  lagged  behind.  She 
did  not  want  to  go.  She  had  not  heard  the  music,  and  she  did  not 
believe  that  it  had  called  them  to  leave  their  home. 

The  father  of  the  girls  was  named  Ta-pai-ka-ta-mun.  He  was  sorry 
when  his  daughters  went  away.  "  I  am  an  old  man,"  he  said, 
lamenting.  "Who  is  going  to  work  and  to  cook  for  me  if  my 
daughters  leave  me  all  alone  }  " 

The  girls  started  towards  the  west,  but  first  they  followed  a  salt 
river  towards  the  north,  and  then  again  they  took  the  westward  path. 

The  name  of  the  elder  sister  was  Sum-ka-we,  and  that  of  the 
younger  Sum-kwi-ne. 

They  went  onward  towards  the  west,  the  elder  sister  running  fast, 
stopping  now  and  then  to  call  out  to  the  younger,  "  Come  on,  sister," 
as  she  lagged  behind. 

"  I  can  come  no  faster,"  she  answered.  "  I  am  thinking  of  my 
old  father  whom  I  left  behind." 

But  she  followed  on  and  on ;  and  they  came  to  the  house  of  the 
owl,  who  called  to  them  and  tried  to  detain  them,  and  so  did  a  bird, 
Mut-kin-a-wai ;  and  the  white  painted  chipmunk  that  lives  in  the 
desert,  and  the  black  snake  painted  in  stripes  with  the  juice  of  the 
mescal ;  and  the  wildcat,  who  ran  into  the  brush  and  caught  a  rabbit, 
which  he  offered  to  them  for  food  ;  but  the  girls  could  eat  nothing 
but  the  nicest  food,  and  they  would  listen  to  none  of  these. 


152  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

Then  the  chickenhawk,  who  was  painted  and  decorated  with  spotted 
feathers,  called  out  to  them  as  he  sat  sunning  himself  before  his 
house.  But  they  frightened  him  into  the  brush  ;  and  went  on  till 
they  came  to  a  lot  of  quails,  Ach-ma,  who  raised  a  great  dust  as  they 
flew  away,  fearing  they  might  be  killed.  Then  they  came  to  a  big 
pile  of  rocks  where  some  birds  lived,  the  sort  that  live  in  the  rocks, 
Suk-y-a-murr ;  and  after  this  they  reached  the  house  of  the  boys. 

"  Come  on,  sister,"  said  the  elder.  "  Here  are  footprints  of  men. 
We  must  be  close  to  the  place."  So  they  came  to  the  house  and 
sat  down  outside  the  door. 

The  night  had  come,  but  the  old  mother  would  not  let  them  in. 

It  was  cold  and  dark,  but  she  would  not  come  out,  or  speak  to 
them. 

"  Why  can't  you  do  something  to  help  us  } "  the  younger  said  to 
the  elder.  "  You  have  power  in  your  dreams.  Why  must  we  shiver 
in  the  cold  and  darkness  }  " 

So  the  elder  got  something  like  a  powder  which  she  threw  at  the 
old  woman  and  made  her  go  to  sleep ;  and  passing  her  they  got  into 
the  house.  Here  they  found  the  brothers  sleeping,  and  the  sisters 
lay  down  beside  their  husbands. 

Next  morning  the  old  woman  said  something  to  them  that  they 
did  not  like.  "  I  will  not  stay,"  said  one  ;  and,  "  If  you  go  I  will  go 
•with  you,"  said  the  other. 

So  they  started  for  their  home,  talking  of  the  abuse  they  had 
received  from  the  old  woman. 

The  elder  brother  taunted  the  younger,  when  he  found  that  the 
girls  were  gone. 

"Since  you  love  your  wife  so  much,  why  do  you  let  her  leave  you 
in  this  way .-'  "  he  asked. 

The  younger  brother  pined  for  the  loss  of  his  wife.  He  grew  so 
sick  and  weak  he  could  no  longer  kill  the  deer.  His  brother  would 
not  share  with  him  and  he  ate  what  dried  meat  he  could  find.  For 
a  while  he  hunted  rabbits  and  small  game.  Then  as  his  strength  left 
him  more  and  more,  he  caught  the  lizards  among  the  rocks. 

His  mother  and  brother  would  give  him  nothing,  and  he  starved 
until  he  was  as  thin  as  a  skeleton. 

"My  brother  hates  me,  and  I  am  going  to  die,"  he  said  to  himself; 
and  when  night  came  he  dragged  himself  into  an  underground  cave. 

When  he  had  gone,  the  elder  brother  wondered  at  his  absence,  and 
began  to  look  for  him.     "  I  know  where  he  is,"  he  said,  but  he  could 
find  no  trace  of  him.     All  day  he  continued  his  search,  singing  and 
wailing  for  his  brother. 
(Song.) 

The  younger  brother,  though  he  was  the  same  as  dead,  heard 


Mythology  of  the  Mission  Indians.  153 

every  word  he  said.     Little  by  little  he  took  on  the  appearance  of 
the  body  in  the  grave.     His  flesh  was  full  of  worms. 

"  You  will  be  sorry  when  you  find  me,"  he  said.  "  Come  on.  I 
am  here." 

The  elder  brother  heard  no  voice,  but  the  unspoken  thought  of  the 
dead  brother  drew  him  to  the  spot. 

"  I  shall  find  you  now.     I  know  where  you  are." 

"  Come  here,"  he  called  to  his  mother.  She  came,  looked  into  the 
cave,  and  ran  away. 

"  This  is  your  work,"  said  the  elder  brother.  "  Lift  him  in  your 
hands." 

She  went  to  get  some  fresh  grass  to  lift  the  thing.  The  stench 
was  that  of  the  grave. 

"  It  is  you  who  have  done  this,"  said  the  elder  brother.  "Take 
him  up  as  he  is." 

So  the  old  woman  took  the  shape  into  her  hands  and  danced 
with  it. 

The  long  hair  had  partly  fallen  out,  but  what  was  left  upon  the 
scalp,  lifted  by  the  wind,  waved  up  and  down  as  she  danced  and  sang. 
It  was  an  ugly  sight. 

(Song  of  the  Image-dance.) 

This  was  the  first  time  they  made  a  dance  for  the  dead.  These 
were  the  first  people,  and  as  they  did  all  must  do  who  come  after. 

This  is  the  reason  they  make  the  dance  of  Images,  Wu-ka-ruk. 

The  old  woman  laid  the  shape  upon  the  ground  before  her  home  ; 
and  taking  the  fat  of  the  deer  she  made  grease  of  it,  and  put  his 
head  into  it,  and  the  flesh  began  to  come  upon  his  skull.  Then  she 
fed  him  meat  and  all  kinds  of  food  to  make  the  flesh  come  back  upon 
the  bones.     Soon  he  was  alive  again  as  before. 

The  elder  brother  remade  for  him  his  bow  and  arrows,  putting 
new  feathers  upon  the  arrows  and  a  new  string  upon  the  bow ;  and 
sucking  the  blood  from  the  bow  he  made  all  fresh  and  good. 

They  went  hunting  together,  and  while  one  followed  the  trail  and 
scared  up  the  deer  the  other  would  kill  it.  Every  day  in  this  way 
they  went  on  the  hunt. 

Then  they  began  to  think  of  going  after  the  girls. 

"We  will  go  east,"  said  the  younger  brother ;  but  the  elder  would 
not  listen.  At  last  the  elder  brother  began  to  dream,  and  in  his 
dreams  at  night  he  saw  a  spirit  coming  through  the  roof,  calling 
him  uncle,  and  telling  him  to  come.     So  he  decided,  "  I  will  go." 

The  brothers  planned  to  start  in  the  night  when  no  one  would 
know  it.  So  in  the  middle  of  the  night,  they  rose  up,  and  taking 
a  shallow  bowl  full  of  water,  they  set  it  in  the  middle  of  the  floor, 
just  under  the  hole  in  the  roof  where  the  brightness  of  the  sky  was 


154  journal  of  A  merican  Folk-L ore. 

reflected  in  the  water,  and,  looking  in  the  bowl,  they  could  see  to 
paint  their  bodies. 

Early  next  morning  they  went  out  to  hunt  for  food  that  they  might 
leave  enough  meat  for  the  old  mother  in  their  absence. 

They  caught  a  deer  and  broke  its  legs,  that  their  mother  might  be 
able  to  kill  it  when  she  needed  food  ;  and  flinging  it  down  they  left  it 
near  the  house  ;  and,  while  Sin-yo-hauch  was  sleeping,  they  left  their 
home  and  started  on  their  journey. 

When  the  mother  awoke  in  the  morning,  she  began  to  wonder  where 
her  sons  had  gone.  As  soon  as  she  saw  the  deer,  she  understood 
their  plans,  and  she  made  the  deer  well  and  it  ran  off.  The  brothers 
looking  behind  them  saw  the  deer  get  up  and  run  away,  and  they 
knew  it  was  their  mother  who  had  done  this  to  bring  them  home 
again.  They  headed  off  the  deer  and  shot  their  arrows  at  it,  but 
they  could  not  stop  its  flight.  The  deer  ran  into  the  ocean,  where 
nothing  was  seen  but  its  horns,  and  swam  away  before  they  could 
shoot  it. 

"  Our  mother  has  done  this,"  they  said  ;  and  they  went  back  home 
and  began  to  tell  her  of  their  plans  for  the  journey. 

"  If  it  were  not  for  my  brother  we  would  not  have  to  go,"  said  the 
elder.  "  But  while  we  are  gone  you  shall  have  a  sign  that  we  are  safe 
and  well.  When  I  die,  you  will  notice  that  the  dust  that  blows  from 
the  east  and  that  which  blows  from  the  west  instead  of  mingling  will 
remain  apart." 

"  And  if  I  die,"  said  the  younger,  "  this  pile  of  deer  hides  here  will 
fall  down,  and  the  owl  from  the  east  will  come  and  hoot  about  the 
house.     Now  we  must  go." 

So  they  started  towards  the  east,  killing  rabbits  as  they  went  to 
eat  upon  the  road,  and  at  night  they  made  a  camp  and  rested. 

"The  people  that  come  after  us  must  do  the  same  way  when  they 
go  on  a  journey,"  they  said. 

While  they  slept,  the  elder  brother  in  his  dreams  saw  an  owl 
that  came  and  sat  upon  a  stump.  "Get  up,  brother,"  he  called. 
"  Something  is  going  to  happen." 

"  Oh,  go  to  sleep,"  said  the  younger.     "  I  am  tired  and  sleepy.     I 
saw  the  same  owl  in  my  dream,  but  it  means  nothing ;  or  if  it  does, 
how  can  we  be  sure  of  the  meaning.^     I  will  get  up  and  tell  you  some- 
thing you  must  know." 
(Song.) 

So  he  sang  about  the  owl  that  they  had  seen  in  the  dream.  "  When 
you  come  about,"  he  sang,  "  the  people  that  come  after  us  will  know 
that  things  are  going  to  happen,  and  that  people  are  going  to 
die." 

The  next  morning  they  went  on  and  camq  near  the  place  where  the 


Mythology  of  the  Mission  Indians.  155 

girls  lived.  They  sat  down  to  consider  how  they  could  reach  the 
place. 

"They  will  kill  us  if  they  see  us,"  they  said.  So  the  younger 
brother  made  himself  into  the  down  of  the  eagle's  breast,  Min-ya- 
chup,  and  he  floated  through  the  air,  and  went  to  search  out  a  way  to 
reach  the  house  of  the  girls. 

"  In  the  same  way  the  people  that  come  after  us  will  send  a  spy 
ahead  to  find  out  the  way,"  he  said. 

He  saw  the  girls  in  their  house  and  came  back  to  his  brother  and 
told  him  that  they  were  there ;  so  the  two  brothers  made  themselves 
flies  and  went  into  the  house  through  the  hole  in  the  roof. 

The  girls  laughed  so  loud  when  they  saw  their  husbands  that  their 
old  father  heard  them  and  wanted  to  know  what  was  the  matter  with 
them.  "They  never  do  like  that,"  he  said.  So  he  sent  a  little  boy 
named  Shut-kupf-shut-nuckl,  to  go  and  see  what  they  were  doing, 
giving  him  some  parched  pumpkin  seeds  to  eat  on  the  way. 

The  little  boy  went  along  eating  the  pumpkin  seeds  until  he  had 
finished  them  all ;  and  then  he  came  back  and  told  the  old  man  he 
had  seen  nothing  at  all.  So  he  sent  him  out  again,  giving  him  some 
parched  yellow  beans  to  eat,  and  he  went  along  eating  the  beans 
until  he  reached  the  place.  When  he  looked  into  the  house  he  fell 
down  half  fainting  with  fear  ;  and,  running  home,  he  told  the  old  man 
that  there  was  something  dreadful  in  the  house.  They  were  shining 
so  bright  that  he  was  frightened  nearly  to  death. 

"  Say  nothing  about  it,"  said  the  old  man.  "  I  will  get  some  one 
to  kill  these  men  for  me.     I  shall  soon  have  soup  to  drink." 

So  he  rose  up,  painted  himself,  put  on  his  headdress  of  owl  feathers, 
and  started  forth.  He  went  on  towards  the  south  where  those  men 
live  who  gamble;  but  he  kept  on  just  the  same,  running  until  he 
stopped  in  the  midst  of  those  people. 

"Who  is  this  stranger  .-•"  they  asked.  "We  never  saw  him  be- 
fore," and  they  made  ready  something  to  eat. 

The  old  man,  wiping  the  sweat  from  his  body,  did  not  answer  their 
questions.  At  last  he  said,  "  I  did  not  come  here  to  gamble  and 
dance,  but  I  want  you  to  give  up  my  enemies  to  me,  so  that  I  myself 
can  kill  them." 

At  these  words  they  began  to  make  ready  their  clubs  and  to  arm 
themselves.  "Come,  on  then,"  they  said  to  him  ;  and  rushing  into  the 
house  they  began  to  strike  here  and  there  and  everywhere  with 
their  clubs  ;  but  they  hit  only  the  posts  of  the  house,  and  the  brothers 
they  could  not  touch ;  for  they  rose  above  their  heads,  flew  through 
the  hole  in  the  roof  of  the  house,  and  started  towards  their  home. 

The  people,  running  after  them,  asked  the  mockingbird,  Mai-schwi- 
lau,  where  they  were,  but  he  said  they  had  gone  by. 


156  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

The  old  man,  going  on  towards  the  east,  saw  a  big  lizard  sitting 
there  making  ollas,  and  he  asked  him  if  he  had  seen  any  one  pass  by. 
"  Yes,"  he  said,  two  men  had  been  there,  but  they  had  gone  on.  The 
old  man  took  his  war  club,  and  started  alone  after  the  brothers.  The 
brothers  had  first  of  all  flown  through  the  air,  and  then  they  came 
down  to  the  ground  and  went  onwards  on  foot ;  but  the  way  was  beset 
with  difficulties.  First  they  came  to  a  place  where  the  gopher  had 
made  a  big  hole  in  the  earth,  and  into  this  they  fell  headlong.  Then 
they  came  to  a  great  sand-bank,  through  which  they  could  toil  but 
slowly ;  and  when  that  was  passed,  they  reached  a  bog  of  mud  and 
mire  in  which  they  stuck  fast.  They  still  held  their  bows  and  arrows, 
and  when  the  old  man  came  after  them  they  tried  to  defend  them- 
selves ;  but  they  could  not,  and  he  killed  them,  first  one  and  then  the 
other,  with  his  club. 

After  he  had  killed  them  Coyote  came  running  up  and  dipped  his 
club  in  the  blood,  and  ran  off  to  boast  how  he  had  killed  them  both. 
"You  can  go  and  skin  and  eat  them,"  he  said.  The  old  man  came 
along  behind.  The  people  went  out,  skinned  them,  and  brought  them 
home  to  eat  them.  The  old  man  got  the  bones  and  pounded  them 
up  and  ate  them.  The  girls  sat  in  front  of  their  house  and  cried  when 
they  saw  their  husbands'  flesh  eaten  by  the  people. 

They  called  to  the  old  woman  to  come  and  sing  at  the  feast. 
Quail,  who  was  a  person  then,  said,  "  I  can  do  better  than  that." 

First  song.     Old  Woman  sings. 

Second  song.     Quail  sings. 

The  wife  of  the  dead  man,  the  younger  brother,  had  a  baby ;  and 
the  old  man,  her  father,  had  planned  to  kill  it  if  it  were  a  boy,  for  he 
said,  "  Some  day  he  will  destroy  us  all."  When  he  heard  the  cry  of  the 
baby,  he  went  to  take  it  away  and  kill  it ;  but  the  mother  concealed 
the  sex  saying,  "  It  is  a  girl.  Some  day  she  will  help  me  in  the  house," 
so  he  let  it  live. 

The  baby  was  a  boy.  His  name  was  Cuy-a-ho-marr.  While  he  lay 
there  he  knew  everything,  though  he  made  himself  a  baby.  When 
he  grew  older,  and  the  grandfather  discovered  that  he  had  been 
tricked,  he  was  very  angry  with  the  mother  who  had  deceived 
him. 

The  old  grandmother,  Hu-wo-ill-ya,  would  dress  herself  with  the 
bones  of  the  dead  brothers.  She  had  them  split  into  pieces,  pierced 
with  holes,  and  would  hang  them  all  over  her  body.  When  she  was 
moving  about  to  gather  seeds,  these  dry  bones  danced  up  and  down 
and  rattled  as  she  went.  The  little  boy  saw  this,  and  when  she  sang 
and  danced  he  said,  "  I  will  make  you  suffer  for  this  some  day.'*  So 
one  day  he  went  to  his  grandmother  as  if  to  help  her  with  the  load 
she  was  carrying.    He  lifted  the  load  to  her  head  and  crushed  her 


Mythology  of  the  Mission  Indians.  i^y 

beneath  it.    Then  he  put  the  bones  about  his  body,  made  himself 
look  like  the  old  woman,  and  went  home. 

The  old  grandfather  heard  his  wife  coming  and  went  to  meet  her, 
but  when  he  looked  at  her  he  knew  that  something  was  wrong.  The 
little  boy  threw  off  the  things  and  running  into  the  house  hid  him- 
self in  the  rafters.  "  Kill  him  and  I  will  eat  him,"  cried  the  grand- 
father. All  the  people  ran  in  with  spears  in  their  hands,  but  they 
could  not  hurt  him.  He  came  out  again  and  began  to  play  outside. 
He  saw  the  bone  of  his  father's  knee  made  into  a  ball,  and  the  people 
were  playing  with  it  with  a  shinny  stick. 

He  asked  his  grandfather  to  make  him  a  shinny  stick  so  that  he 
could  play  too;  and  he  gave  him  a  crooked  willow  stick.  The  boy 
said  that  would  not  do,  and  he  threw  it  away. 

"  Get  me  something  better." 

So  he  went  out  and  got  him  a  stick  from  the  screw-bean  ;  but  that 
was  not  right,  and  he  threw  it  away.  Then  he  cut  one  from  the  iron- 
wood,  that  grows  on  the  desert,  and  with  this  he  was  suited.  "  It  is 
just  what  I  want,"  he  said,  and  he  went  out  to  play  the  shinny  game 
with  the  rest.  The  ball  came  rolling  towards  him,  for  he  was  calling 
it,  and  he  hit  it,  and  sent  it  far  away  towards  the  east  into  the  ocean  ; 
but  they  could  do  nothing  to  him. 

His  uncle  had  gone  to  gamble  with  some  people,  and  he  lost  every- 
thing he  had.  When  he  came  home  the  little  boy  asked,  "  How  do 
you  play  .-'  Which  way  do  you  throw  the  stick  .''"  (A  game  played  by 
throwing  a  stick  through  a  rolling  hoop.) 

"Oh,  I  throw  any  way;  I  throw  towards  the  north  and  south." 

"  Well,  when  you  go  again,  I  will  go  with  you  ;  and  next  time  you 
throw,  let  it  be  away  from  the  north  and  south,  and  towards  the  east 
and  west.  When  I  get  there  you  must  hit  me  as  if  you  were  angry 
at  me,  and  throw  dirt  in  my  face,  and  the  dog  will  come  and  lick  my 
face  and  the  girls  will  say,  '  Why  do  you  whip  the  boy  .-' '  and  they 
will  take  me  away.  Then  when  I  am  gone  you  must  say  '  I  '11  play 
my  nephew  off.'  " 

"  All  right,"  said  the  uncle ;  and  he  went  again  next  day  to  gam- 
ble.   Then  the  little  boy  started  to  go  after  him. 

"You  must  not  go,"  said  his  mother,  "those  people  would  eat  you, 
if  you  went  among  them." 

"  I  'm  going  in  spite  of  that."   So  he  turned  himself  into  an  arrow 
without  any  feathers  on  it,  the  sort  that  never  goes  straight. 
(Song.) 

The  mother  sang  when  she  saw  her  boy  leave  in  the  shape  of  an 
arrow. 

They  were  gambling  when  he  got  there,  and  his  uncle  was  losing 
again. 


1 58  jPournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

"  What  did  you  come  here  for  ? "  said  his  uncle  angrily.  "  You  are 
not  big  enough  to  come,"  and  he  hit  him  and  threw  dirt  at  him.  So 
the  dog  licked  his  face,  and  the  girls  came  and  led  him  away.  Then 
the  uncle  said,  "  I  will  gamble  my  nephew  ofif,  each  part  of  him  to  a 
point." 

"  I've  got  a  point,"  said  his  adversary;  "two  points,  three."  He 
won  all  the  time  away  from  the  uncle. 

"  I  want  to  see  my  uncle  play,"  said  the  little  boy.  He  was  now 
on  the  last  point.  The  little  boy  was  lost  if  the  adversary  won  this, 
which  was  his  heart.  They  were  making  ready  to  cut  him  up  and 
eat  him  ;  but  he  told  them  he  must  have  some  brush  to  lie  on.  Then 
he  made  himself  so  heavy  that  they  could  not  lift  him.  "  Clear  the 
way  so  that  I  can  see  my  uncle  play."  It  was  the  last  point.  This 
would  be  the  end  of  him.  Coyote  came  and  brought  some  arrow- 
brush  to  lay  him  on.  "No,  that  is  not  the  right  kind."  Then  he  got 
some  kind  of  red  brush.     "Yes,  that  is  right." 

"Come  sit  on  the  brush."     He  went  and  sat  on  it. 

Coyote  got  a  knife.  "  Wait  a  while,"  said  the  little  boy.  "  He  has 
not  lost  the  last  point  yet.  Clear  the  road.  I  want  to  see  the  game." 
(Song.) 

The  boy  sings,  "  My  heart,  it  is  the  last  of  me." 

As  soon  as  he  fixed  his  eyes  upon  him  he  made  his  uncle  win. 
He  began  winning  back  every  point  that  he  had  lost.  He  won  his 
nephew  back,  and  then  he  won  the  people's  possessions  one  by  one. 
He  won  corn  and  grinding-stones  with  their  majios,  and  everything 
they  owned. 

"  Now  let  us  go  home,  uncle,"  said  the  little  boy.  His  uncle  told 
the  people  that  if  they  would  carry  home,  for  him,  in  four  days'  time, 
all  the  things  that  he  had  won,  they  might  have  his  nephew  to  eat. 
But  the  little  boy  held  up  his  hand  to  the  sky  and  got  a  kind  of  wallet 
and  hung  it  at  his  waist  and  carried  everything  home. 

But  in  four  days  the  people  came,  and  they  were  going  to  kill  and 
eat  him.  They  made  a  fire  and  set  a  lot  of  ollas  in  four  rows  full  of 
water  upon  it  to  boil,  for  they  were  going  to  make  chawee  (acorn 
mush)  to  eat  with  the  flesh  of  the  boy,  and  there  were  many  to  eat. 

A  fly  came  to  the  little  boy  and  told  him  of  all  this.  "  I  know  all 
about  it  already,"  he  said.      "I  must  get  help  on  my  side  too." 

So  he  went  first  of  all  to  the  gopher  and  found  him  asleep. 

"  Who  are  you,  coming  here  where  no  one  comes,  and  where  do 
you  come  from  .-• "  asked  the  gopher. 

When  he  heard  his  story,  he  said,  "  Go  to  the  next  place  west,  where 
my  uncle  the  Storm-wind  lives." 

So  he  went  on  till  he  came  to  Storm-wind's  house. 

"Who  are  you  V  asked  the  Wind. 


Mythology  of  the  Mission  Indians.  159 

"They  are  going  to  kill  me  to-morrow  and  I  must  have  help,"  said 
the  boy. 

"  Go  on  to  the  next  place,  where  Fire  lives.  He  may  help  you,"  said 
Storm-wind. 

So  the  boy  went  on  to  where  Fire  lived,  and  when  he  got  there  the 
house  was  full  of  fire,  and  he  made  himself  ice,  and  got  into  the  house. 

"  Who  are  you  .'* "  asked  Fire.   "  I  eat  up  any  one  who  comes  here." 

"  It  is  I,  my  uncle.  They  are  going  to  kill  me,  and  I  come  to  you 
for  help." 

"All  right.  I  will  help  you.  Go  back  home  and  keep  a  careful 
watch  day  and  night.     How  is  it  with  you  now  }  " 

"  They  have  set  four  rows  of  ollas  with  water  in  them  ready  to 
boil." 

"  Go  and  get  some  frogs  and  put  them  in  the  ollas,  and  the  water 
will  not  boil." 

So  he  went  home  and  got  some  frogs  and  put  them  in  the  ollas  to 
keep  the  water  from  boiling.  Then  he  climbed  upon  the  housetop 
and  watched  every  hour  of  the  day  as  Fire  had  told  him  to. 

The  grandfather  said,  "  What  are  you  doing  ?  Why  don't  you  play 
about  instead  of  keeping  a  lookout  there.  What  are  you  watching 
for .?  " 

"  I  am  looking  at  the  hawk  I  see  there  in  the  air,"  said  the  boy,  and 
he  went  and  got  a  wild  duck  and  brought  it  in,  and  said  the  bird  had 
dropped  it. 

Then  the  Wind  came  blowing  the  dust  before  him.  The  grand- 
father told  them  to  mind  the  fire  and  put  brush  around  it  for  a  wind- 
break. The  low  wind  came  first,  but  after  him  came  the  Storm-wind. 
He  overthrew  the  ollas  and  broke  them  in  pieces.  Then  came  Fire, 
Mai-au,  burning  all  it  touched. 

The  boy  took  his  mother's  sister  and  hid  her  under  a  basket,  and 
stood  on  top  of  it  himself,  looking  around  while  one  by  one  all  of  his 
enemies  were  burned  up.  Then  he  lifted  the  lid  to  look  under.  His 
aunt  was  amazed  to  see  that  all  were  dead.  She  put  her  hand  over 
her  mouth  and  looked  about  her.  "You  have  finished  them  all,"  she 
said  ;  "you  should  have  left  some  one  for  company." 

"  Say  no  more,  but  be  thankful  that  you  are  spared  to  live.  Dance 
now  and  sing  that  I  have  destroyed  my  enemies." 

"  I  cannot  dance.     How  can  I  sing  .-•  "  she  bewailed. 

"  When  I  was  in  trouble  you  were  ready  enough  to  dance  and  sing," 
said  the  boy. 
(Song.) 

Cuy-a-ho-marr  sang  and  made  her  dance  to  the  song. 

"  Where  shall  we  go  now  } " 

They  walked  beyond  the  ashes  of  the  fire  and  stopped  there  to 


1 60  Journal  of  A  merica n  Folk-L ore. 

sleep  for  the  night.  All  the  night  they  heard  the  spirits  of  all  those 
dead  people.  They  were  laughing  and  singing  and  playing  exactly 
as  if  they  were  alive.  That  is  why  those  who  come  after  know  about 
the  spirits  of  the  dead. 

They  rose  up  very  early  the  next  day,  and  the  boy  pretended  that 
he  was  afraid  that  his  uncle  and  all  those  people  would  destroy  him. 
But  in  reality  he  knew  his  ovv^n  power. 
(Song.) 

The  boy  sang,  "  My  uncle,  perhaps  this  day  you  will  kill  me." 

His  uncle  was  really  dead,  but  he  saw  his  spirit  and  he  was  afraid 
of  that. 

"  Let  us  go  on."    So  they  started  towards  the  west. 

He  came  to  the  spot  where  his  father  and  his  uncle  (his  father's 
brother)  had  been  killed,  and  coming  first  to  his  uncle's  grave  he  put 
his  hand  into  the  ground,  and  reached  down  and  pulled  him  out.  He 
set  him  there  before  him,  but  his  uncle  said,  "  You  can  do  nothing  for 
me.     My  bones  are  all  dust  and  mixed  with  the  seeds  in  the  earth." 

So  he  put  him  back  and  went  to  his  father's  grave  and  pulled  him 
out  in  the  same  way.  But  it  was  the  same  as  before.  "  You  can  do 
nothing  for  me,"  said  his  father.  "  But  what  you  have  done  the  peo- 
ple that  come  after  will  do.  They  will  bring  back  their  dead  to  look 
at  them  once  more."     (In  the  Dance  of  Images.) 

The  boy's  hair  had  grown  long  ;  and  he  set  fire  to  a  bunch  of  tall 
grass  that  grows  on  the  desert,  and  putting  his  head  in  the  fire  he 
began  to  burn  his  hair  off.  Then  seeing  in  his  shadow  that  one  side 
of  his  hair  was  still  long,  he  put  his  head  again  in  the  fire  and  burned 
it  off  even  all  around.  This  is  why  they  still  cut  the  hair  for  the 
dead  and  burn  it  in  the  fire. 
(Song.) 

He  tells  in  the  song  what  he  has  done. 

Starting  on  again,  he  saw  some  birds  (a  sort  of  eagle-hawk,  king- 
bird) sunning  themselves  on  the  top  of  a  tree  in  the  early  morning, 
and  to  them  he  gave  the  name  Pa-quasch.  As  he  went  on  his  jour- 
ney he  gave  the  names  to  everything  in  the  world.  If  it  had  not 
been  for  this  we  would  not  know  the  names  of  any  of  the  things  we 
see. 

The  boy  and  his  aunt  went  oh  to  where  a  jackrabbit  lived,  and, 
when  he  saw  them  coming,  he  ran  off  and  then  sat  up.  "  You  will 
always  do  like  that  in  the  time  to  come,'  said  Cuy-a-ho-marr,  and  he 
gave  its  name  to  the  jackrabbit. 

They  went  on  and  on  ;  and  he  took  a  spear  and  scratched  the 
ground  with  it,  and  where  he  touched  it  the  water  rose  and  made  a 
great  pond. 

His  aunt  was  frightened  and    said,  "  How  shall  I  get  across  t " 


Mythology  of  the  Mission  Lidiatis.  1 6 1 

He  blamed  her  for  being  frightened  and  stretched  bis  spear  across 
the  water.   It  reached  from  shore  to  shore  and  she  walked  over  on  it. 

They  went  on  and  on  and  came  to  a  place  where  there  was  a  thick 
sort  of  brush,  and  in  it  was  heard  a  strange  noise  like  that  of  an  ani- 
mal squeaking.  He  was  afraid  of  this  noise.  "  It  seems  to  me  that 
there  is  in  this  an  awful  power,"  he  said,  and  he  gave  no  name  to  it ; 
but  he  said  that  in  all  time  to  come  the  same  noise  would  be  heard 
in  this  plant. 
(Song.) 

They  went  on  and  on,  and  he  began  to  think  of  leaving  his  aunt 
and  to  question  how  he  should  contrive  it.  They  came  to  a  pond, 
and  again  he  put  his  spear  across  for  her  to  walk  on  ;  but  when  she 
was  half-way  across,  he  drew  the  spear  away  and  she  fell  into  the 
water.  But  she  got  out  again  and  sat  on  top  of  the  water ;  so  he 
reached  his  spear  again  to  her  and  drew  her  out. 

They  went  on  and  on  and  came  to  a  dense  thicket  of  all  kinds  of 
brush,  and  here  he  turned  her  into  a  bird,  Kul-tisch,  and  she  sat 
there  picking  the  seeds,  and  he  left  her  and  went  forward  alone. 

He  went  on  and  on  and  came  to  a  place  where  there  were  dead 
mesquite  trees  growing  in  the  middle  of  some  water,  and  a  lot  of  white 
cranes  were  sitting  on  them. 
(Song.) 

They  flew  from  the  tree  and  swam  in  the  water. 

He  went  on  towards  the  home  of  his  grandmother,  and  saw  a  lot 
of  mud-hens.  He  could  not  tell  whether  they  were  people  or  what  they 
were. 

He  came  to  a  lot  of  frogs  that  were  swimming  and  diving  down  in 
the  water,  and  when  he  passed  on  from  that  place  he  came  to  the 
track  of  a  bear  that  led  to  the  water,  and  he  stood  and  looked  at  it. 

The  bear  knew  that  some  one  was  on  his  track,  and  he  said,  "  If 
you  pass  by  me,  I  will  get  you  and  tear  you  to  pieces."  He  was 
watching  for  the  boy,  who  stood  looking  at  him. 

"I  don't  know  which  of  us  will  get  the  best  of  it,"  said  the  boy. 
But  he  had  some  tobacco  in  a  piece  of  a  cane,  which  he  took  from  his 
ear  and  smoked,  and  blew  the  smoke  at  the  bear  and  put  him  to  sleep 
so  that  he  passed  on. 

The  bear  woke  up  and  saw  the  track  of  the  boy  farther  along. 
"He  has  got  the  best  of  me,"  he  said.  "  In  his  dream  he  has  over- 
come me.  He  has  more  power  than  I."  The  boy  mocked  him  and 
went  on.  When  he  came  to  his  grandmother's  house,  he  found  it  full 
of  people  of  all  sorts,  such  as  are  now  all  the  animals  and  plants 
and  everything  that  lives  in  the  world. 

He  got  up  under  the  beams  of  the  house  and  hid  himself  in  the 
VOL.  XIX.  —  NO.  73.       1 1 


1 62  jfournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

rafters.  He  began  to  weep  and  his  tears  ran  down  and  fell  like  rain 
upon  the  heads  of  these  people.  Coyote  went  out  to  see  if  it  were 
raining,  but  the  sky  was  bright  and  clear  and  he  began  to  bark  and 
cry. 

The  boy  took  his  spear  and  jumped  down  and  stood  in  front  of  the 
door  and  began  hitting  all  these  people  with  his  spear.  The  road- 
runner  was  hit  as  he  ran  by  and  escaped,  and  the  red  may  still  be 
seen  on  his  head  where  it  was  grazed  by  the  spear. 

The  mock-orange  came  rolling  out  and  it  was  hit  many  times  by 
the  spear.     You  can  still  see  the  marks  in  white  stripes  upon  it. 

"  Whose  boy  are  you  .■'  "  asked  the  grandmother. 

"  It  is  I." 
(Song.) 

He  sang  to  tell  who  he  was. 

"  It  is  you,  my  grandson.     I  know  you  now," 
(Song.) 

The  grandmother  sings. 

So  they  went  away  into  the  islands  of  the  ocean,  and  when  he 
went  up  into  the  sky,  she  went  into  the  ground. 

On  earth  his  name  is  Cuy-a-ho-marr.  In  the  sky  (as  a  meteoric  fire- 
ball) it  is  She-\vee-w.  (Chaup  in  Mesa  Grande  dialect.) 

THIRD    VERSION    OF    THE    STORY    OF    CUY-A-HO-MARR. 
(A  fragment,  interesting  for  comparison.) 

One  of  the  story-tellers  of  the  Campo-Manzanita  region  was  an  old 
man  who  had  grown  a  little  childish,  and  was  so  afraid  of  the  strange 
white  woman,  and  so  reluctant  to  tell  the  stories  of  the  past,  that  he 
made  his  escape  across  the  Mexican  border.  His  nephew,  my  inter- 
preter, Jose  Santo  Lopez,  commonly  called  Sant,  remembers  a  part 
of  the  long  Cuy-a-ho-marr  story  which  the  old  man  used  to  relate  to 
him  twenty-five  years  ago  when  he  was  a  little  boy. 

The  account  of  the  gambling  game  is  the  same  as  that  given  above, 
except  that  Sant  remembers  to  explain  that  the  people  who  gambled 
and  were  so  eager  to  eat  their  enemies  were  coyotes,  that  is  to  say, 
they  were  at  that  time  those  among  the  First  People  who  afterwards 
became  coyotes.* 

Sant  gives  the  following  account  of  the  conclusion  of  the  game : 
When  the  game  was  over,  and  the  uncle  had  won  all  the  posses- 

*  I  use  the  term  First  People  as  a  convenient  generality  borrowed  from  Curtin, 
though  I  have  not  heard  the  Dieguenos  or  Luisenos  use  this  term  exactly  as  he  does. 
Their  creation  myths  are  more  consistent  than  those  which  Curtin  relates,  as  their 
First  Cause  created  the  Earth  and  Sky,  the  former  bringing  forth  the  First  People 
as  her  children.  The  change  into  animals  came  in  a  different  way,  occurring  at  the 
time  when  the  death  of  Ouiot  brought  death  to  all  upon  earth. 


Mythology  of  the  Mission  Indians.  1 6 


J 


sions  of  the  other  side,  the  little  boy  told  his  uncle  to  make  the  peo- 
ple carry  all  those  things  home  for  him. 

The  little  boy  had  a  small  bag  or  wallet  such  as  children  have. 
They  had  won  lots  of  corn,  and  he  asked  them  to  fill  his  bag  so  that 
he  could  parch  and  eat  the  corn.  There  was  a  great  big  granary 
basket  there,  and  out  of  this  they  began  to  fill  his  little  bag.  They 
put  the  corn  in  the  bag,  and  more  and  more  and  more ;  but  it  was 
never  filled,  and  the  big  basket  was  quite  emptied,  so  they  had  to  give 
it  up. 

The  visit  to  the  Fire  and  Winds  is  briefly  given  ;  and  the  dramatic 
climax  is  nearly  the  same. 

The  Light  Wind  came  and  blew  on  the  water  in  the  ollas  so  that 
it  would  not  boil. 

Then  the  Strong  W^ind  brought  the  dust.  Everyone  ran  into  the 
house  or  took  shelter  in  the  brush,  thinking  that  it  was  a  sand- 
storm. The  Wind  broke  the  ollas,  smashed  them,  and  rolled  them 
into  the  fire.  Then  Fire  came  burning  the  brush,  burning  everything 
it  touched.  Great  balls  of  it  fell  here  and  there  and  everywhere  and 
burned  everything  up. 

Fire  had  told  the  little  boy  to  make  himself  ice  and  go  down  into 
the  ground  with  his  mother.  He  must  save  her,  and  all  the  rest  of  his 
enemies  should  be  burned  up.  But  the  boy  got  a  great  big  hard  bas- 
ket and  put  his  mother's  sister  under  it,  and  stood  on  top  of  it  watch- 
ing the  people  burn.  They  screamed,  burning.  He  saw  his  mother 
burn,  but  said  nothing. 

After  Fire  had  gone,  he  got  off  the  basket  and  lifted  it  up.  "  My 
nephew,"  said  his  aunt,  "you  ought  not  to  have  burned  your  mother 
and  have  saved  me." 

"  Never  mind  that.     That  is  your  good  luck." 

While  the  Fire  was  burning,  Coyote  ran  and  jumped  into  the 
water  to  save  himself,  so  that  he  was  not  burned  up,  but  his  skin  was 
scorched  ;  and  that  is  the  reason  it  looks  brown  and  scorched  to  this 
day. 

When  the  little  boy  pulled  his  uncle's  body  out  of  the  ground  they 
cried  and  talked  together. 

His  uncle  said,  "  You  ought  not  to  have  done  this,  as  you  will 
make  a  great  deal  of  trouble,  sorrow,  and  sickness  in  the  world  unless 
you  are  very  careful,  when  you  put  me  back,  not  to  let  a  breath  of 
wind  arise  from  the  place  where  I  am  buried." 

The  little  boy  tried  to  do  as  he  directed.  Very  carefully  he  put  the 
earth  in  place  over  him,  and  pressed  it  down  with  his  heel ;  but  in 
spite  of  all  his  trouble,  a  breath  of  air  puffed  up  from  the  grave ;  and 
this  is  the  cause  of  all  the  sickness  in  the  world. 

Then  he  came  to  his  father's  grave  and  did  the  same  thing,  and 


164  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

sat  there  crying,  "  You  can't  do  anything,"  said  his  father.  "  All 
my  bones  are  scattered.  But  you  will  cause  sickness  and  trouble  in 
the  world  by  taking  me  out  of  my  grave." 

Then  the  little  boy  went  back  to  his  old  grandmother,  his  father's 
mother,  and  she  went  into  the  ground  while  he  went  up  in  the  sky. 
In  whatever  direction  he  goes  in  the  sky  (the  path  of  a  meteoric  fire- 
ball) there  his  grandmother  is  in  the  ground  in  the  mountain  over 
which  he  passes.  He  makes  a  noise  like  thunder  which  is  heard  when 
he  passes  overhead  as  a  big  bluish  ball  of  fire.  Sant  saw  one  once 
when  he  was  a  boy.     The  Indians  fear  him  greatly. 

COMMENT  BY  SANT  UPON  THE  CUY-A-HO-MARR  STORY. 

The  Mojave  Indians  have  the  story  of  Cuy-a-ho-marr,  as  have  also 
the  Maricopas  of  Arizona  ;  and  the  Maricopa  country  must  be  the 
real  home  of  Cuy-a-ho-marr's  grandmother,  Sin-yo-hauch,  for  in  that 
place  they  still  point  out  the  big  heap  of  ashes  where  she  made  her 
fire  for  cooking.  This  is  a  sort  of  stone  that  looks  like  ashes.  And 
you  can  see  the  rock  which  the  twin  brothers  climbed  to  get  the 
eagles  ;  and  the  heap  of  deer  hides  which  they  left  when  they  skinned 
the  deer  ;  and  the  painted  flutes  striped  with  red  which  they  played 
upon  to  call  the  girls.  All  these  things  are  now  seen  turned  into  stone 
and  rocks. 

Constance  Goddard  Dn  Bois. 

Waterbury,  Conn. 


I 


Branches  of  the  Americaji  Fo Ik-Lore  Society.         165 

BRANCHES   OF   THE    AMERICAN   FOLK-LORE 
SOCIETY. 

ARIZONA. 

Through  the  energy  of  Mr.  F.  A.  Colder,  secretary,  excellent 
progress  has  been  made  toward  organization  in  this  Territory.     The 
following  accessions  have  been  reported. 
Harrison  Conrard  ....     Flagstaff.     Colonel  James  H.  McClintock    Phoenix. 

Mrs.  J.  H.  McClintock         .     . 
J.  T.  Holbert      .     .     .     Fort  Defiance.     Mrs.   Francis  J.  McCormack, 

U.  S.  Indian  School     ...        " 

George  Blount Phoenix.     Mrs.  Holland  Merryman     .     .        " 

Mrs.  George  Blount    ....        "  Dr.  Mary  Neff " 

Mrs.  Eliza  Brown "  Mrs.  Mary  R.  Sanderson,  U.  S. 

Mrs.  Shirley  Christy  ....        "  Indian  School " 

Professor  Clarke,  Experiment  Miss  Katherine  Speirs,  U.  S. 

Station "  Indian  School " 

H.  A.  Diehl "  Professor  StiUwell       ....        " 

B.  A.  Fowler "  Professor  Wilson " 

C.  W.  Goodman " 

Dwight  B.  Heard "  W.  G.  De  Vore Tempe. 

Mrs.  D.  B.  Heard        ....  «  F.  A.  Colder 

Miss  Martha  King      ....  " 

Mrs.  M.  W.  Lorraine      ...  "  Dr.  Kendrick  C.  Babcock       .  Tucson. 

The  President  of  the  Branch  is  Colonel  J.  H.  McClintock.  Meet- 
ings will  be  held  in  the  fall. 

CALIFORNIA. 

The  seventh  meeting  of  the  California  Branch  of  the  American 
Folk-Lore  Society  was  held  in  South  Hall,  University  of  California, 
Berkeley,  on  Tuesday,  March  20,  1906,  at  8  p.  m.  Mr.  Charles 
Keeler  presided.  The  minutes  of  the  last  meeting  were  read  and 
approved.  The  following  were  elected  to  membership  in  the  Soci- 
ety:  Dr.  E.  K.  Putnam,  Stanford  University,  and  the  Department 
of  Education  of  Ontario,  represented  by  the  Honorable  David  Boyle, 
Toronto.  Professor  Vernon  L.  Kellogg  of  Stanford  University  gave 
an  address,  illustrated  with  lantern  slides,  entitled  "In  Samoa." 

The  eighth  meeting  of  the  California  Branch  of  the  American 
Folk-Lore  Society  was  held  at  Cloyne  Court,  Berkeley,  Tuesday, 
April  17,  1906,  at  8  p.  m.  Mr.  Charles  Keeler  presided.  The 
minutes  of  the  last  meeting  were  read  and  approved.  Dr.  J.  W. 
Hudson,  having  been  approved  by  the  Council,  was  elected  to  mem- 
bership in  the  Society.  On  motion,  Charles  Keeler,  A.  H.  Allen, 
and  P.  E.  Goddard,  previously  appointed  by  the  Berkeley  Folk-Lore 


1 66  jfournal  of  A  merican  Folk-L ore. 

Club  as  a  committee  to  report  on  the  feasibility  of  making  a  special 
study  of  the  folk-lore  of  Berkeley  and  vicinity,  were  elected  to  repre- 
sent the  California  Branch  and  to  secure  the  cooperation  of  the  two 
societies  in  the  undertaking.  A  report  reviewing  the  work  of  the 
Society  during  the  first  year  of  its  activity,  which  closed  with  this 
meeting,  was  read  by  the  secretary.  Dr.  H.  du  R.  Phelan,  Cap- 
tain U.  S.  Volunteers,  gave  the  address  of  the  evening  on  "  The 
Peoples  of  the  Philippine  Islands,"  based  on  a  sojourn  of  several 
years  in  different  parts  of  the  archipelago  and  illustrated  with  nu- 
merous ethnological  specimens.  At  its  conclusion  Dr.  Phelan's 
talk  was  discussed  by  the  members.  The  acting  president  there- 
upon announced  the  conclusion  of  the  first  year  of  the  Society's 
existence  and  the  meeting  was  adjourned.  Forty-five  persons  at- 
tended the  meeting. 

A.  L.  Kroeber,  Secretary. 

The  fourth  regular  meeting  of  the  Berkeley  Folk-Lore  Club  dur- 
ing 1905-06  was  held  in  the  Faculty  Club  of  the  University  of  Cal- 
ifornia on  Tuesday  evening,  April  3.  President  A.  F.  Lange  pre- 
sided. On  motion  a  committee  consisting  of  Charles  Keeler,  A.  H. 
Allen,  and  P.  E.  Goddard  was  appointed  to  report  on  the  feasibility 
of  a  special  investigation  of  the  folk-lore  of  Berkeley.  Dr.  P.  E. 
Goddard  then  presented  a  paper  entitled  "  Some  Examples  of  To- 
lowa  Tales,"  which  was  discussed  at  length. 

A.  L.  Kroeber,  Secretary. 

The  appalling  disaster  which  has  overtaken  the  city  of  San  Fran- 
cisco, and  the  consequent  temporary  diversion  of  all  forces  to  meet 
material  needs,  will  of  course  interfere  with  scientific  work  in  this 
State  ;  but  the  admirable  courage  and  energy  which  the  occasion 
has  developed  give  ground  for  the  belief  that  such  interruption  will 
be  of  no  long  duration. 

MASSACHUSETTS. 

Boston.  Meetings  of  this  Branch  during  the  remainder  of  the  sea- 
son have  taken  place  as  follows  :  — 

Wednesday,  February  13.  By  invitation  of  the  Misses  Pope,  the 
meeting  was  held  at  163  Newbury  St.  Mrs.  A.  M.  Mosher  spoke  on 
"The  Folk-Lore  of  Brittany,"  giving  the  results  of  studies  made 
during  a  long  residence  among  the  Bretons.  Mr.  Anatole  Le  Braz, 
of  the  University  of  Rennes,  and  in  the  present  year  Hyde  Lecturer 
before  the  Cercle  Frangais,  was  a  guest  of  the  evening.  M.  Le  Braz 
spoke  appreciatively  of  American  interest  in  the  literature  of  his 
province,  and  made  an  appeal  for  subscriptions  toward  a  memorial 


Branches  of  the  American  Folk- Lore  Society.         167 

statue  to  F.  M.  Luzel,  the  recorder  of  Breton  folk-lore,  an  object 
which  Bretons  have  very  much  at  heart.  The  remarks  of  the 
speaker  were  received  with  warm  interest,  and  many  present  sub- 
scribed toward  this  monument. 

Friday,  March  22.  By  invitation  of  Mrs.  John  Wales,  the  meet- 
ing was  held  at  589  Beacon  St.  The  speaker  was  Dr.  Percy  A. 
Hutchison,  who  gave  an  interesting  paper  on  "  Sailors'  Chanties." 
Musical  illustrations  were  rendered  by  Mr.  Karl  Tinsley  Waugh, 
who  afterwards  presented  some  Hindu  folk-songs.  The  secretary 
reported  that  the  sum  of  $110  had  been  received  toward  the  pro- 
posed Luzel  memorial.  The  meeting  adopted  a  resolution  of  sym- 
pathy with  M.  Le  Braz,  whose  stay  in  America  has  been  cut  short 
by  family  affliction.  A  letter  was  addressed  to  Professor  Putnam, 
president  of  the  Branch,  in  recognition  of  the  fiftieth  anniversary 
of  his  connection  with  Harvard  University. 

Tuesday,  April  26.  The  Annual  Meeting  was  held  at  870  Beacon 
St.,  by  invitation  of  Mrs.  Alexander  Martin.  The  report  of  the 
treasurer  showed  a  balance  of  $46.39.  The  secretary  reported  a 
prosperous  year,  with  a  slight  gain  in  membership.  Election  of 
officers  resulted  as  follows  :  — 

President,  Professor  F.  W.  Putnam.  Vice-Presidents,  Professor 
William  C.  Farabee,  Mr.  William  Wells  Newell.  Treasurer,  Mr. 
Eliot  W.  Remick.  Secretary,  Helen  Leah  Reed.  Council,  Mrs. 
Otto  B.  Cole,  Miss  L.  Marie  Everett,  Mrs.  Alexander  Martin,  Mr, 
Alfred  N.  Tozzer. 

The  speaker  of  the  evening,  Dr.  Albert  Ernest  Jenks,  lately  head 
of  the  Department  of  Ethnology  of  the  Philippine  Islands,  treated 
of  the  "  Peopling  of  the  Philippines,"  describing  the  manner  of  life, 
customs,  and  characteristics  of  the  various  peoples  inhabiting  the 
islands. 

Helen  Leah  Reed,  Secretary. 

Cambridge.  The  meetings  of  this  Branch  during  the  season  have 
been  as  follows  :  — 

November  15,  1905.  The  meeting  was  held  at  the  house  of  Miss 
Hopkinson,  22  Craigie  Street.  Professor  C.  H.  Toy  of  Harvard  Uni- 
versity spoke  on  "  Solomon  and  the  Queen  of  Sheba." 

December  20,  1905.  The  meeting  took  place  at  the  house  of  Pro- 
fessor and  Mrs.  A.  E.  Kennelly,  Kennedy  Ave.  Mr.  Vilhjalmur  Ste- 
fansson,  formerly  of  Iceland,  spoke  on  "  Icelandic  Beast-Tales." 

yanuary  24,  1906.  The  meeting  was  held  at  the  house  of  Profes- 
sor and  Mrs.  B.  L.  Robinson,  3  Clement  Circle.  The  evening  was 
devoted  to  the  "Folk-Lore  and  Folk-Songs  of  Brittany."  A  number 
of  the  songs  were  sung. 


1 68  yournal  of  A  merican  Folk-Lore. 

February  21,  1906.  The  meeting  was  held  at  the  house  of  Profes- 
sor and  Mrs,  W.  R.  Spalding,  5  Berkeley  Place.  Dr.  P.  A.  Hutchi- 
son spoke  on  "Sailors'  Chanties  in  Relation  to  the  Popular  Ballad." 
(The  paper  has  been  printed  in  the  January-March  number  of  this 
Journal.) 

March  29,  1906.  The  Branch  met  at  the  house  of  Mr,  and  Mrs. 
Winthrop  S.  Scudder,  4  Willard  St.  Dr.  W.  C.  Farabee  spoke  on 
"The  Snake  Ceremony  of  the  Hopi  Indians,"  illustrating  his  re- 
marks by  a  large  series  of  lantern  slides. 

April  26,  1906.  The  Branch  met  at  the  house  of  Professor  and 
Mrs.  W.  F.  Harris,  8  Mercer  Circle.  Professor  Harris  spoke  on 
"  Some  Ancient  Rip  Van  Winkles,"  with  especial  reference  to  ancient 
Greek  legends. 

Rola7id  B.  Dixon,  Secretary. 

MISSOURI. 

Professor  H.  M.  Belden  of  the  State  University,  Columbia,  Sec- 
retary for  Missouri,  has  received  decided  encouragement  in  his  pro- 
ject for  the  formation  of  a  State  Branch,  and  it  is  probable  that  steps 
in  that  direction  will  be  taken  in  the  fall. 

NEW    YORK. 

Biijfalo.  In  connection  with  steps  toward  the  formation  of  a  local 
Branch  in  this  city.  Professor  T.  F.  Crane  of  Cornell  University 
dehvered  on  May  18  an  address  concerning  "The  Methods  and 
Fields  of  Folk-Lore  Study."  The  speaker  noticed  the  different 
theories  entertained  concerning  the  origin  and  development  of  folk- 
tales, alluded  to  the  material  existing  in  America  especially  among 
Indians  and  Negroes,  and  urged  his  audience  to  assist  in  the  preser- 
vation of  a  proper  record.  After  the  address,  many  of  the  audience 
signified  their  intention  of  uniting  with  the  proposed  Branch.  The 
initiation  of  this  movement  is  especially  due  to  Miss  Josephine 
Lewis  and  Mr.  Henry  Howland.  Organization  may  be  effected  in 
the  fall. 

OHIO. 

Cincinnati.  The  proceedings  of  this  organization  during  the  year 
1905-06  have  been  as  follows  :  — 

October  10,  1905.  "The  Man  in  the  Moon,"  Dr.  C.  D.  Crank; 
"  Navajo  Indian  Folk-Lore,"  Mr,  Harry  Ellard. 

November  14.  "The  Medicine  Man,"  Dr.  A.  G.  Drury ;  "The 
Mongangas  in  America,"  Mrs.  Mary  Patton  Hudson. 

December  12.    "The  Separable  Soul,"  Dr.  J.  D.  Buck. 

yamiary  9,  1906.  Open  Meeting.  "  Some  Superstitions  of  the 
Law,"  Hon.  Gustav  R.  Werner. 


Branches  of  the  American  Folk- Lore  Society.         169 

February  13.    "The  Sun  Myth,"  Mrs.  Anne  K.  Benedict. 

March  13.    "Lullaby  Folk-Lore,"  Mrs.  William  Holden. 

April  10.  "  Myths,  Legends,  and  Folk-Lore  of  the  Northeastern 
American  Indians,"  Mr.  E.  R.  Pierce. 

May  8.    "  Folk-Lore  of  the  Moon,"  Mrs.  Eugene  Swope. 

Officers  for  the  year  1905-06  are  as  follows  :  — 

President,  Mr.  Robert  Ralston  Jones.  First  Vice-President,  Dr. 
A.  G.  Drury.  Second  Vice-President,  Mrs.  Emma  Smith  Miller. 
Secretary,  Mr.  Harry  Ellard.  Treasurer,  Mr.  Charles  C.  Cooper. 
Advisory  Committee,  Professor  F.  M.  Youmans,  Mr.  Albert  D.  Mc- 
Leod,  Miss  Alice  A.  Folger,  Mrs.  J.  T.  Cleveland. 

Harry  Ellard,  Secretary. 


1 70  yournal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 


NOTES   AND   QUERIES. 

"  PiTONS  "  AND  Canadian  Substitutes  for  Money.  The  investiga- 
tion of  the  origin  and  use  of  the  substitute  for  coin  or  money  of  the  state 
is  always  full  of  interest.  In  his  work  on  the  Saguenay,  M.  A.  Buies  has 
given  us  an  account  of  the  *'  pitons  "  issued  by  Messrs.  Price  Brothers,  the 
lumberers,  and  named  after  Peter  McLeod,  a  Scotch  metis,  who  for  many 
years  was  a  prominent  figure  in  the  Saguenay  district.  Buies's  account  is 
as  follows  :  ^  — 

"  From  him  come  the  pitotis,  a  sort  of  bond  that  the  Price  firm  still  con- 
tinue to  issue  for  sums  varying  from  five  cents  to  several  dollars,  and  that 
take  the  place  of  money.  These  notes  represent  what  the  Price  firm  owe  to 
its  men,  but  they  are  not  negotiable  in  money  ;  they  are  valid  for  goods  {mar. 
chandises)  only,  and  that  too  in  the  Saguenay  district.  Thus,  if  any  employee 
has  done  a  day's  labor  worth  60  cents,  he  is  given  a  ptto?i  for  60  cents,  by 
means  of  which  he  can  obtain  provisions  or  merchandise  in  the  stores  at 
Chicoutimi,  but  especially  at  those  of  the  Messrs.  Price.  These  notes  are 
printed,  and  they  are  called  pitons  from  the  baptismal  name  of  McLeod 
which  was  Peter.  From  Peter  to  Piton  is  but  a  step ;  the  transition  is  easy. 
It  is  not  giving  names  that  embarrasses  the  French-Canadian."  Accompa- 
nying the  account  just  given  is  a  facsimile  of  one  of  these  pitons  for  ten 
cents,  bearing  the  date  of  May  i,  1878 ;  and  on  it  are  printed  several  times 
the  words  "not  for  circulation,"  the  language  used  being  French. 

It  would  be  interesting  could  we  trace  the  use  of  these  "  pitons  "  since 
their  first  appearance,  and  study  the  effect  which  they  have  had  upon  the 
relations  of  employer  and  employee  as  well  as  the  influence  they  may  have 
exerted  upon  trade.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  some  one  whose  leisure  moments 
are  spent  in  the  region  of  the  Saguenay  will  devote  time  to  the  considera- 
tion of  this  not  unimportant  question. 

While  on  the  subject  of  substitutes  for  money,  it  might  be  well  to  refer  to 
the  remarks  of  Talbot  upon  the  system  of  barter  which  existed  in  Upper 
Canada  during  the  early  years  of  the  present  century.  He  says  :  ^  "  For 
want  of  current  coin  in  Canada,  a  system  of  barter  exists;  and,  from  the 
manner  in  which  this  is  conducted,  it  is  evidently  destructive  of  those 
honourable  feelings  which  should  govern  the  intercourse  of  mankind.  The 
merchant  who  exchanges  his  goods  for  produce  has  no  fixed  price  for  them, 
but  regulates  it  by  the  estimation  in  which  he  holds  the  goods  offered  in 
exchange.  If  wheat  or  any  other  grain  that  is  then  in  defnand  at  Mon- 
treal, be  offered  to  him,  his  goods  will  probably  be  obtained  on  tolerably 
fair  terms ;  we  will  say,  for  example,  coarse  linen  at  3J.  gd.  a  yard.  The 
farmer  who  deals  in  this  manner  goes  home  satisfied,  not  knowing  any- 
thing about  Montreal,  or  the  value  of  grain  in  that  market.  The  next  week, 
perhaps,  a  neighbour  of  this  very  farmer  offers  to  the  same  merchant  wheat 

^  Le  Saguenay  et  la  Valine  du  Lac  St. -yean.   Quebec,  1S80,  pp.  no,  in. 
^  C.  A.  Talbot,  Five  Years^  Residence  in  the  Canadas,  etc.     London,    1824, 
vol.  ii,  pp.  72,  73. 


Notes  and  Queries.  1 7 1 

of  equal  quality  in  exchange  for  linen  of  similar  fabric  to  that  obtained  by 
his  neighbour.  In  the  interim,  the  merchant  has  probably  received  advices 
from  his  commercial  correspondents,  that  wheat  is  not  likely  to  be  a  good 
article  of  exportation  that  year.  The  price  of  linen  is  therefore  imme- 
diately raised  to  ^s.  per  yard,  while  the  wheat  has  on  this  account  fallen 
at  least  a  shilling  per  bushel.  In  vain  does  the  farmer  remonstrate  and 
refer  to  the  better  fortune  of  his  neighbour :  some  plausible  excuse  is 
always  at  hand ;  and  the  man  who  has  not,  perhaps,  a  shirt  to  his  back,  is 
compelled  to  buy  the  linen  at  a  price  75  per  cent  above  that  given  by  his 
neighbour."  Talbot  goes  on  to  say  that  the  feeling  of  distrust  caused  by 
this  method  of  business  is  general,  and  "  every  inhabitant  —  from  a  child  of 
seven  or  eight  years  old,  who  exchanges  fish-hooks  and  whip-tops  with  his 
playfellows,  to  the  most  hoary-headed  veteran  in  speculation  and  decep- 
tion —  is  alike  under  its  influence. 

The  same  author  remarks  that  it  was  impossible  to  "  borrow  "  anything, 
for  everything  was  "  hired."  To  quote  his  words  :  "  A  plough,  a  wagon, 
and  a  sleigh,  are  each  hired  at  two  shillings  sixpence  per  diem ;  and  every 
other  article  from  a  harrow's  tooth  down  to  a  cambric  needle,  at  a  propor- 
tionate price."  ^  Howison,^  in  his  "Sketches  of  Canada"  (182 1),  also 
reports  adversely  upon  the  system  of  barter  in  Upper  Canada. 

French  University  Theses  ON  FoLK-LoRE  Subjects.  From  A.  Maire's 
Repertoire  alphabetique  des  Theses  de  dodorat  es  lettres  des  Universites  fran- 
faises,  1810-1900  (Paris,  1900)  are  extracted  the  following  titles  relating  to 
folk-lore,  etc. :  — 

1.  Albert,  A.  M. :  Le  culte  de  Castor  et  Pollux  en  Italic.  (Paris,  1883. 
Pp.  vii,  172.) 

2.  Allbgre,  G.  F. :  Etude  sur  la  deesse  grecque  Tyche.    (Paris,  1890.     Pp. 

243-) 

3.  Andler,  C  P.  T. :  Quid  ad  fabulas  heroicas  germanorum  Hiberni  con- 
tulerint.   (Tours,  1887.     Pp.  120.) 

4.  Barry,  C.  E.  A.  E. :  Sur  les  vicisitudes  et  les  transformations  du  cycle 

populaire  de  Robin  Hood.     (Paris,  1832.     Pp.  102.) 

5.  Beder,  C.  M.  J.  :    Les  fabliaux,  etudes  de  litte'rature  populaire  et  d'his- 
toire  du  moyen  age.    (Paris,  1893.     Pp.  xxvii,  485.) 

6.  Beurlier,  L.   E. :    Essai   sur  le  culte  rendu  aux   empereurs  romains. 

(Paris,  1890.     Pp.  357.) 

7.  — .  De  divinis  honoribus  quos  acceperunt  Alexander  et  successore 

ejus,    (Paris,  1890.     Pp.  146.) 

8.  CoUignon,  L.  M.  :  Essai  sur  les  monuments  grecs  et  romains  relatifs  au 

mythe  de  Psyche.     (Paris,  1877.     Pp.  82.) 

9.  Constans,  L.  E.  :  La  le'gende  d'OEdipe.  (Paris,  18S1.    Pp.  x,  340,  xci.) 

10.  Cratiunesco,  J. :  Le  peuple  Roumain  d'apres  ses  chants  nationaux.  Essai 
de  litte'rature  et  de  morale.    (Paris,  1874.    Pp.  viii,  328.) 

1 1.  Darmesteter,  J.:  Ormazd  et  Ahriman,  leur  origine  et  leur  histoire.  (Paris, 

1876.     Pp.  360.) 
^  Cited  in  Talbot,  op.  at.,  p.  70.  '  q^^  ^//_^  p  y^^ 


1 72  jfournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

12.  Decharme,  G.  P. :  Les  muses.     Etude  de  mythologie  grecque.     (Paris, 

1869.     Pp.  vii,  108.) 

13.  Delaporte,  P.  V. :  Du  merveilleux  dans  la  litterature  frangaise  sous  la 
regne  de  Louis  XIV.    (Paris,  1891.     Pp.  424.) 

14.  Falignan,  E. :  Histoire  de  la  legende  de  Faust.      (Paris,  1887.     Pp.  x, 
xxxii,  474.) 

15.  Fecamp,  A.  J.  E. :  La  pobme  de  Gudrun,  ses  origines,  sa  formation  et 
son  histoire.     (Paris,  1892.     Pp.  xxxvii,  288.) 

16.  Font,  A. :  Essai  sur  Favart  et  les  origines  de  la  come'die  melee  de  chant. 

(Toulouse,  1894.    Pp.  355.) 

17.  Foucart,  G. :  Histoire  de  I'ordre  lotiforme.     Etude  d'arche'ologie  egyp- 
tienne.     (Paris,  1897.     Pp.  viii,  291.) 

18.  Foucart,  P.  F. :  Des  associations  religieuses  chez  les  Grecs.     (Paris, 

1873.     Pp-  XV,  243.) 

19.  Gamber,    S. :  Le  livre  de  la  "  Genese  "  dans  la  poe'sie  latine  au  V* 
siecle.     (Paris,  1899.     Pp.  xvi,  263.) 

20.  Gue'rinot,  A.  A, :  Recherches  sur  I'origine  del'idee  de  Dieu,  d'apres  le 

Rig-Ve'da.     (Paris,  1900.     Pp.  356.) 

21.  Langlois,  E.  M.  L.  :  Origines  et  sources  du  Roman  de  la  Rose.  (Paris, 

1890.  Pp.  viii,  203.) 

22.  Le  Breton,   A.  V.  :    De  animalibus  apud    Vergilium.    (Paris,   1895. 

Pp.  112.) 

23.  Lichtenberger,  H. :  Le  poeme  et  la  le'gende  des  Nibelungen.     (Paris, 

1891.  Pp.  442.) 

24.  Martha,  J.  J. :  Les  sacerdoces  Atheniens.     (Paris,  1881.     Pp.  vii,  184.) 

25.  Martin,  A.  A. :  Les  caveliers  Atheniens.     (Paris,  1886.     Pp.  xii,  588.) 

26.  Paris,  P.  M.  J.  :  Quatenus  femin®  res  publicas  in  Asia  Minore,  Ro- 
manis  imperantibus,  attigerint.     (Paris,  1891.    Pp.  142.) 

27.  Payot,  J.  A. :  De  la  croyance.     (Paris,  1895.     Pp-  250.) 

28.  Recejac,  E.  J. :  Essai  sur  les  fondements  de  la  connaissance  mystique. 

(Paris,  1896.     Pp.  306.) 

29.  Renel,  C.  U. :  L'evolution  d'un  mythe.  —  Agvins  et  Dioscures.  (Paris, 

1896.     Pp.  300.) 

30.  Revvon,  M. :  Dearteflorale  apud  Japonenses.    (Paris,  1896.    Pp.  148.) 

31.  Richard,  G.M.  A.  F.  :  Essai  sur  I'origine  de  I'idee  de  droit.     (Paris, 

1892.  Pp.  xxiii,  263.) 

32.  Ridder,  A.  H.  P.  de :  De  I'idee  de  la  mort  en  Grece  ^  I'epoque  clas- 

sique.    (Paris,  1896.    Pp.  viii,  204.) 
■^2)-  Soruiau,  M.  A. :  De  la  convention  dans  la  trage'die  classique  et  dans  le 
drame  romantique.     (Paris,  1885.     Pp.  xi,  294.) 

34.  Sudre,  L.  M.  P.  T. :  Les  sources  du  roman  de  Renart.     (Paris,  1892. 

Pp.  viii,  356.) 

35,  Toutain,  J.  F, :  De  Saturni  dei  in  Africa  romana  cultu.     (Paris,  1894- 

Pp.  142.) 
The  following  index  of  subjects  will  make  the  above  list  more  useful :  — 
A^vins,  29  ;  Africa,  35  ;  Ahriman,  11  ;   Alexander,  7  ;  Animals,  22  ;  Asia 
Minor,  26  ;  Belief,  28 ;  Castor  and  Pollux,  i  ;  Cavaliers,  25  ;  Comedy,  16 ; 


Notes  and  Queries.  173 

Convention,  t^Z  \  Death,  32  ;  Dioscuri,  29;  Egypt,  17  ;  England,  4  ;  Fabliaux, 
5  ;  Faust,  14  ;  Floral  art,  30  ;  Folk-songs,  10  ;  France,  13  ;  Genesis,  19  ;  Ger- 
many, 3,  23  ;  God,  20 ;  Greece,  2,  7,  8,  9,  12,  18,  24,  32  ;  Gudrun,  15  ;  India, 
20,  28;  Ireland,  3;  Italy,  i,  6;  Japan,  30;  Law,  31;  Lotus,  19;  Marvel- 
lous, 13;  Middle  Ages,  5;  Muses,  12;  Mysticism,  28;  Nibelungen,  23; 
CEdipus,  9  ;  Ormuzd,  11  ;  Persia,  11  ;  Priests,  24  ;  Psyche,  8  ;  Religion,  18  ; 
Rig- Veda,  20  ;  Robin  Hood,  4  ;  Roman,  6,  8  ;  Roman  emperors,  6  ;  Roman 
de  la  Rose,  21 ;  Roman  de  Renart,  34  ;  Roumania,  10;  Sagas,  3  ;  Saturn, 
35  ;  Societies,  18  ;  Tyche,  2  ;  Vergil,  22  ;  Women,  26. 

A.  F.  a 

"  Indian  Proverbs." —  Under  the  title  of  "  The  Vanishing  Frontier  "  the 
following  editorial  appeared  in  the  Evening  Edition  of  the  "  Boston  Her- 
ald "  for  March  12,  1906  :  — 

Just  as  the  Senate  was  amending  the  joint  statehood  bill  so  as  to  admit 
Oklahoma  and  the  Indian  Territory  under  the  first  name  and  to  cut  out  the 
Arizona-New  Mexico  section  altogether,  there  came  to  hand  a  handsomely 
printed  and  illustrated  monthly  of  100  pages.  Strum's  Statehood  Magazine, 
published  at  Tulsa,  Indian  Territory.  It  is  devoted  to  the  two  territories  now 
on  the  way  to  admission  to  the  Union,  and  has  many  interesting  articles  and 
pictures  describing  and  illustrating  the  life  and  the  industries  of  that  region. 
In  looking  through  so  creditable  a  publication  one  can  well  believe  that 
"the  frontier  is  vanishing." 

Among  the  contents  there  is  a  collection  of  Indian  proverbs,  which  show 
that  the  definition  of  those  pregnant  sayings  as  being  "  the  wisdom  of  many 
and  the  wit  of  one  "  applies  to  the  apotheosis  of  the  "  untutored  Indian  "  as 
well  as  to  the  proverbs  of  the  cultivated  whites.    Some  of  them  are : 

The  coward  shoots  with  shut  eyes. 

No  Indian  ever  sold  his  daughter  for  a  name. 

Before  the  paleface  came  there  was  no  poison  in  the  Indian's  corn. 

There  is  no  cure  for  the  firewater's  burn. 

Small  things  talk  loud  to  the  Indian's  eye. 

When  a  fox  walks  lame,  old  rabbit  jumps. 

The  paleface's  arm  is  no  longer  than  his  word. 

A  squaw's  tongue  runs  faster  than  the  wind's  legs. 

There  is  nothing  so  eloquent  as  a  rattlesnake's  tail. 

If  the  Indian  would  lie  like  the  paleface,  he  would  rule  the  earth. 

The  Indian  scalps  his  enemy  ;  the  paleface  skins  his  friends. 

The  Indian  takes  his  dog  to  heaven  ;  the  paleface  sends  his  brother  to 
hell. 

There  will  be  hungry  palefaces  so  long  as  there  is  any  Indian  land  to 
swallow. 

When  a  man  prays  one  day  and  steals  six,  the  Great  Spirit  thunders  and 
the  evil  one  laughs. 

A  starving  man  will  eat  with  the  wolf. 

There  are  three  things  it  takes  a  strong  man  to  hold  —  a  young  warrior,  a 
wild  horse,  and  a  handsome  squaw. 


1 74  Jou rnal  of  A  merican  Folk-L ore. 

If  some  of  these  hit  the  "  paleface  "  rather  hard,  remember  our  "  century 
of  injustice  "  to  the  red  man.  A  people  that  can  coin  such  proverbs  may 
surely  aspire  to  citizenship  in  the  land  that  was  once  theirs.  Since  President 
Roosevelt  has  appointed  an  Indian  youth  to  West  Point,  perhaps  we  may 
yet  see  a  descendant  of  the  aborigines  in  Congress. 

Love  Powders  and  Breastplates.  —  The  following,  extracted  from  the 
newspapers  of  June  4,  1906,  deserves  record  here:  — 

Baltimore,  June  4.  —  Nearly  two  hundred  witnesses,  representing  thirty- 
seven  States,  appeared  in  the  United  States  District  Court  last  week  to 
testify  for  the  government  at  the  trial  of  "  Dr.  "  Theodore  White,  charged 
with  using  the  mails  to  defraud.  There  were  present  also  seventeen  pretty 
typewriters,  who  were  kept  busy  by  "  Dr. "  White  in  conducting  the  cor- 
respondence incident  to  the  immense  business  he  had  established  concoct- 
ing love  powders,  manufacturing  magic  breastplates,  and  dispensing  diplomas 
conferring  the  degree  of  Ph.  D.  on  the  graduates,  who  had  established  their 
title  to  that  degree  by  paying  for  "  Dr.  "  White's  book,  "Blessing  for  All 
Mankind." 

The  tables  in  the  court-room  were  covered  with  exhibits,  a  panful  of  the 
love  powder  and  some  specimens  of  the  breastplates  being  displayed  there. 

Assistant  District  Attorney  Soper  made  the  opening  statement  to  the 
jury.  He  said  that  "  Dr. "  White's  spiritualistic  and  hypnotic  mail  order 
business  had  attained  such  proportions  that  his  postage  bill  amounted  to 
$1000  a  month,  and  that  he  had  been  obliged  to  purchase  a  horse  and 
wagon  to  take  his  mail  from  the  post-office. 

Mr.  Soper  said  that  ''Dr.  "  White  had  made  a  fortune  during  the  three 
years  he  spent  in  the  business.  "You  may  get  some  idea  of  the  magnitude 
of  it,"  said  Mr.  Soper,  "  when  I  tell  you  that  in  one  month  twenty-four 
hundred  people,  from  Maine  to  California,  each  sent  this  man  a  dollar  and 
a  lock  of  hair  in  order  to  obtain  a  'life  reading.'  And  every  reading  was 
identical.  The  same  reading  was  sent  to  every  person  who  sent  a  dollar, 
and  a  husband  and  his  wife,  both  of  whom  sent  to  '  Dr. '  White  for  read- 
ings, were  very  much  disgusted  when  they  each  received  the  same  reading." 

Among  the  spiritualistic  "stunts"  described  in  one  of  the  pamphlets 
read  by  Mr.  Soper  was  the  following  :  — 

"  Place  an  egg  before  the  fire  and  watch  it  without  moving  or  uttering  a 
sound  until  nightfall.  Then  the  egg  will  sweat  blood,  and  when  the  spooky 
words  '  abra  cadabra  '  are  uttered,  a  tempest  will  rise,  and  all  the  evil  spirits 
which  were  ever  heard  of  since  the  world  began  will  appear." 

The  "  Adam  and  Eve  "  charm  was  the  one  used  to  create  love.  Adam 
and  Eve  were  represented  by  roots  —  Adam  was  one  root,  and  Eve  was  the 
other.  Mr.  Soper  read  the  directions  for  their  use  to  the  jury.  The  roots 
should  be  placed  in  running  water,  he  said,  and  the  words  "  Whom  God 
hath  joined  together  let  no  man  put  asunder"  should  be  recited  over  them. 

Mr.  Soper  also  described  the  "  ancient  Egyptian  breastplate,"  containing 
the  powders  and  prayers,  and  charged  with  "magic  solar  fluid." 

Post-office  inspectors  and  deputy  marshals  described   the  raid  on   the 


I 


Bibliographical  Notes.  175 

establishment,  and  then  Miss  Rose  Harnan,  who  testified  that  she  was  the 
head  of  the  corps  of  typewriters,  after  the  "  doctor's  "  wife  had  separated 
from  him,  told  how  the  establishment  was  conducted.  Incidentally,  she 
said,  she  signed  the  diplomas  conferring  the  Ph.  D.  degree  as  vice-president 
of  the  college,  although  she  admitted  that  she  had  not  the  slightest  idea 
what  Ph.  D.  meant,  and  did  not  know  what  the  graduates  had  done  to 
become  entitled  to  it. 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTES. 

BOOKS. 

The  Songs  of  an  Egyptian  Peasant  collected  and  translated  into  German 
by  Heinrich  Schaefer.  English  edition  by  Frances  Hart  Breasted. 
Leipsig :  J.  C  Hinrichs,  1904.     Pp.  xxiv,  148. 

This  little  book  contains  Arabic  texts  (in  Roman  transcription)  with  Eng- 
lish translations  (and  explanatory  notes)  of  134  brief  songs  of  the  peasants 
of  Upper  Egypt-  They  were  written  down  by  the  author  in  the  winter  of 
1 900-190 1  during  the  excavation  of  the  Berlin  Museum  at  the  sun-temple 
of  the  old  king  Ne-user-Re  at  Abusir,  but  do  not  hail  from  the  natives  of 
that  place  but  from  inhabitants  of  Saqqara,  the  chief  contributor  being  one 
Mahmud  Mohammed  el-'Itr,  an  old  watchman  or  rafir,  who  proved  to  be  a 
very  good  subject.  The  songs,  which  strike  very  diverse  notes,  are  such  as 
x\\Q  people  really  sing.  The  melodies  are  limited  to  a  few  tones.  In  the  love- 
songs  occurs  "a  certain  freshness  and  vividness,"  and  we  learn  that  "the 
most  outspoken  of  these  are  sung  by  old  women,  who  are  paid  to  entertain 
the  guests  at  family  celebrations,"  —  in  a  village  there  are  three  or  four  of 
these  women.  The  vogue  of  some  of  the  songs  in  this  collection  extended  to 
Cairo,  and  "even  to  the  sea  between  Egypt  and  Palestine."  As  the  trans- 
lator notes,  in  various  places,  our  own  folk-songs  and  child-lyrics  are  re- 
called.    Thus,  <?.  ^.  (p.  16)  the  Egyptian  rhyme, — 

The  baby  gazelle,  my  children, 
Goes  behind  its  mother  to  the  pasture ; 
It  goes  to  the  pasture  without  any  shoes, 
With  little  feet  bare. 


reminds  us  of 


Shoe  the  old  horse  and  shoe  the  old  mare, 
But  let  the  little  filly  go  bare,  go  bare  ! 


Quite  characteristic  is  the  following  :  — 

O  Lord,  let  it  rain, 

Wet  my  little  dress  ! 

So  that  corn  will  be  cheaper, 

And  I  can  fill  my  belly  ! 

In  these  songs  and  in  popular  speech  Joseph  is  frequently  mentioned  as  an 
ideal  of  beauty,  and  a  certain  red  cosmetic  is  known  as  "Joseph's  beauty." 
A  favorite  "  round  number  "  is  three.  As  an  equivalent  for  "good,  excellent," 
hindi,  i.  e.  "  (East)  Indian  "  often  occurs;  also  "  Chinese."    The  escutcheon 


1 76  Journal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 

on  the  back  of  European  coins  is  called  by  the  peasants  a  "  window  "  — 
an  English  sovereign  is  "  father  of  the  window."  A  curious  Egyptian  idea 
(p.  106)  is  the  comparison  of  the  sweetheart's  heels  with  the  tenderness  of 
a  cucumber. 

A.  F.  C. 

Das  Kind  auf  der  antiken  Buhne  von  Hans  Devrient.  Abhandlung 
zu  dem  Jahresberichte  des  Wilhelm-Ernst-Gymnasiums.  Weimar  :  Druck 
der  Hof-Buchdruckerei,  1904.     Pp.  20. 

Discusses  the  question  of  the  child-role  in  ancient  Greek  drama,  —  Rome 
and  India  are  to  be  considered  later  elsewhere,  —  a  topic  already  treated 
by  Haym  in  his  De puerorum  in  re  sccenica  Grcecoriim partibus  (Halle,  1897. 
Inaug.  Diss.).  In  so  far  as  Greek  tragedy  is  concerned,  child-parts,  played 
and  spoken  by  boys,  did  not  exist,  nor  in  the  comedies  of  Aristophanes  does 
any  real  child  actor  appear.  The  Attic  stage  had  in  fact  no  child-roles  as 
such,  —  all  the  appearances  of  children  are  less  than  this.  But  in  the  folk- 
mimus,  which  was  not  so  artificial  as  the  literary  drama,  child-parts  may 
have  existed,  and  here  lie  the  beginnings  of  the  modern  "  child  on  the 
stage." 


THE   JOURNAL   OF 

AMERICAN  FOLK-LORE. 

Vol.  XIX.  — JULY-SEPTEMBER,  1906.— No.  LXXIV. 


VARIATION   IN   EARLY   HUMAN    CULTURE. 

Anthropological  investigations  of  the  last  thirty  years  have  demon- 
strated the  psychic  unity  of  the  human  race  irrespective  of  chme,  race, 
or  historical  experience.  But  within  this  essential  unity  lie  certain 
normal  variations.  The  study  of  these  constitutes  one  of  the  most 
interesting  branches  of  the  science  of  man.  Such  variations  often 
meet  us  in  the  most  unexpected  places,  and  suggest  both  the  power 
of  environment  and  the  strength  of  race-prejudice,  as  well  as  the 
might  of  fashion  and  the  effectiveness  of  the  individual.  The  topics 
briefly  discussed  in  these  pages  :  "  Ride-a-cock-horse,"  father  and 
mother,  kissing,  meal-time,  use  of  tobacco,  sea-sense,  are  of  present 
general  interest,  and  some  of  them  are  fundamental  phenomena  about 
whose  varietal  aspect  very  little  is  known  outside  the  ranks  of  spe- 
cialists. The  variety  of  topics  itself  illustrates  the  general  subject. 
From  the  Breton  nursery  to  the  scene  of  the  late  war  in  the  East 
may  seem  a  "  far  cry,"  but  the  newest  of  the  nations  exhibits,  no  less 
than  the  latest  infant,  the  unities  and  the  diversities  of  the  race  of 
man,  which  both  virtually  represent. 

I.  "Ride-a-cock-horse."  So  familiar  to  us  is  "  ride-a-cock-horse  "  that 
we  are  tempted  to  regard  it  as  a  universal  primitive  parental  expedi- 
ent, known  to  and  practised  by  all  the  race.  Yet  the  very  name  sug- 
gests its  origin  among  a  people  having  close  acquaintance  with  the 
horse,  although  tradition  and  social  instinct  now  transfer  it  from  gen- 
eration to  generation,  with  no  particular  sense  of  its  caballine  history. 
With  a  people  entirely  ignorant  of  this  animal,  dandling  a  baby  on 
the  knee,  or  swinging  it  on  the  foot,  could  never  be  "horse-play  "  or 
"trotting."  Even  the  simplest  processes,  apparently,  have  their 
forms  cast  by  environmental  conditions.  Although  Europe  named 
her  age  of  knighthood  from  the  horse  {chivalry  goes  back  to  the  rustic 
Latin  cabalhis,  "horse"),  there  are  still  parts  of  that  continent  where 
this  creature  enters  little,  if  any,  into  the  life  of  the  inhabitants. 

The  little  island  of  Sein,  off  the  coast  of  Finist^re  (France),  is  just 
such  a  place.     Here,  as  Sebillot  informs  us,  the  infant  is  potentially 


I  yS  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

not  the  cavalier,  but  the  oarsman.  His  sire  was  not  a  knight  but  a 
fisher.  The  parent,  or  the  nurse,  holds  the  little  child  so  as  to 
make  believe  that  he  is  in  a  boat,  and  his  arms  are  extended  and 
withdrawn  in  imitation  of  the  movements  of  a  rower,  while  the  dit- 
ties sung  to  him  are  born  of  the  sea  and  not  of  the  land.     It  is 


that  he  hears,  instead  of 
and 


Row,  row,  row. 
Let 's  go  fishing 

Ride-a-cock-horse 
To  Banbury  Cross ! 

Trot,  trot,  to  Boston, 
Trot,  trot,  to  Lynn  ! 


With  us,  children  push  chairs  across  the  floor,  and  the  play  varies 
from  "driving  horse  "  to  "  tchu-tchucars."  Not  so  with  the  children  of 
the  "  Newfoundlanders,''  as  the  codfishers  of  Brittany  are  called.  In 
this  case,  the  pushing  about  the  chair  is  "  picking  up  codfish,"  — in 
imitation  of  a  part  of  the  occupation  of  the  adults.  Other  activities  of 
the  nursery  and  of  later  childhood  are,  doubtless,  different  from  those 
in  favor  with  us.  Very  strikingly,  at  times,  nursery  devices  and  the 
plays  of  infancy  reveal  the  dependence  of  man  upon  his  environment, 
the  inseparability  of  nature  and  nurture.  The  possession  of  the  horse 
involves  one  set  of  child-activities  and  the  fisherman's  life  another, 
and  the  body  of  social  tradition  moulds  the  infant  altogether  differ- 
ently, according  as  the  inspiration  comes  from  the  land  or  from  the 
sea.     But  this  always  within  limits. 

II.  FatJier  and  ]\[otJicr.  The  preponderance  of  the  male  element 
in  the  activities  and  the  directive  functions  of  our  race  for  so  many 
centuries  has  had  its  effect  in  the  language  used  when  our  ancestors 
("the  fathers,"  "forefathers,"  "Pilgrim  fathers")  and  native  country 
(fatherland,"  patria,  whence  "  patriotism  ")  are  spoken  of.  We  inherit 
our  religion  from  the  Hebrews,  a  people  in  whose  culture  the  male 
child  and  the  father  were  at  a  decided  advantage.  Naturally  enough, 
then,  the  fifth  commandment  in  our  Bible  reads  :  "Thou  shalt  honor 
thy  y}?///^;' and  thy  motJicr,  that  thy  days  may  be  long  in  the  land  which 
the  Lord  thy  God  hath  given  thee."  In  matter  of  honor,  the  father 
here  precedes  the  mother,  and  it  would  not  occur  to  any  one  of  us,  on 
the  spur  of  the  moment,  that  a  modification  of  this  statement  might 
be  more  in  harmony  with  the  psychological  constitution  of  another 
people. 

But  from  Rev.  W.  M.  Beauchamp  we  learn  that  a  teacher,  who  was 
giving  religious  instruction  in  English  to  some  of  the  Iroquois  Indians 
of  New  York  State,  found  that  the  pupils  persisted  in  saying :  "  Honor 
thy  mother  and  thy  father,  that  thy  days  may  be  long  in  the  land 


Variation  in  Early  Hicman  Culture.  1 79 

which  the  Lord  thy  God  hath  given  thee."  This  was  because  of  the 
dignity  attaching  to  women  in  the  mind  of  this  great  American  peo- 
ple, and  the  power  and  influence  exerted  by  them  in  social  and  politi- 
cal affairs,  —  they  were,  in  fact,  with  some  tribes,  the  real  leaders 
in  all  peaceful  activities,  and  had  a  veto  against  war.  The  Iroquois 
children  simply  thought  of  the  mother  first,  as  the  Hebrew  children 
did  of  the  father.  Dr.  Beauchamp  tells  us  also  that  the  uneducated 
Iroquois,  in  trying  to  speak  English,  calls  a  man  she  and  a  woman  he, 
doubtless  from  the  same  prevalent  woman-psychosis.  We  have  a 
custom  of  using  the  masculine  lie  in  proverbs  and  trite  sayings  to  the 
general  exclusion  of  the  feminine  pronoun.  Some  of  our  legislatures 
are  annually  asked  to  declare  that  the  "he"  of  their  constitutions 
includes  both  sexes.  It  is  not  utterly  impossible  that  with  some  peo- 
ples a  condition  of  affairs  may  have  existed  in  which  an  appeal  of  an 
opposite  character  may  have  been  suggested  for  men.  The  action  of 
the  Iroquois  children  should  teach  us  to  be  careful  not  to  attribute 
to  all  other  peoples  exactly  the  same  lines  of  thought,  even  regarding 
what  we  ourselves  consider  the  simplest  fundamental  conceptions. 
The  basal  culture  of  the  Hebrews,  and  that  of  the  Iroquois,  led  to  dif- 
fering ideas  as  to  the  honoring  of  one's  parents,  ideas,  in  both  cases 
thoroughly  expressive  of  national  sentiment. 

The  relation  of  the  child  to  the  parent  in  adult  years  differs  widely 
in  various  parts  of  the  globe.  In  the  Gospel  according  to  Matthew  it 
is  written  of  marriage  :  "  For  this  cause  shall  a  man  leave  his  father 
and  mother,  and  shall  cleave  to  his  wife."  And  concerning  the  ad- 
vent of  Jesus  :  "  For  I  am  come  to  set  a  man  at  variance  against  his 
father,  and  the  daughter  against  her  mother,  and  the  daughter-in-law 
against  her  mother-in-law."  Such  language  may  not  be  inconsistent 
with  our  civilization  in  its  historical  development,  or  may  be  explicable 
by  the  system  of  ethics  we  possess,  but  when  Bible  translations  con- 
taining such  sentiments  reach  a  people  like  the  Chinese  or  the  Japan- 
ese, they  immediately  arouse  the  antipathy  of  a  race  whose  ideal  is 
filial  devotion  carried  to  the  extreme.  To  them  the  idea  that  a  man 
should  "leave  his  father  and  his  mother  and  cleave  to  his  wife" 
seems  actually  immoral.  Professor  B.  H.  Chamberlain,  the  eminent 
Orientalist,  has  said  :  "  No  text  in  the  Bible  raises  so  much  prejudice 
here  against  Christianity,  or  has  been  so  powerful  a  weapon  in  the 
hands  of  the  anti-Christian  Japanese."  In  a  land  where  the  already 
existing  religious  precepts  shower  present  and  eternal  blessings  on 
those  who  cleave  to  their  parents,  a  new  religion  is  certainly  at  a  dis- 
advantage, whose  sacred  writings  contain  passages  commanding  them 
to  leave  these  and  cling  to  the  new-found  wife.  It  is  unfortunate  for 
any  idea  seeking  entrance  into  another  land  that  it  should  appear  to 
be,  in  whole  or  in  part,  contra  bonos  mores. 


1 80  jfournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

Instances  like  this  exemplify  the  great  difficulty  of  approaching' 
other  peoples,  especially  those  uncivilized  or  semi-civilized,  by  means 
of  the  literary  side  of  our  religion,  as  expressed  in  Bible-translations, 
which  are  the  chief  source  of  influence.  If  we  need  a  revised  version 
to  meet  the  changes  of  thought  incident  to  the  progress  of  our  own 
culture,  no  less  necessary  also  are  versions  suited  to  the  idiosyncracies 
of  the  minds  of  other  races.  Mere  literal  versions  are  a  two-edged 
sword. 

The  "  Our  Father  "  of  the  Lord's  Prayer  carries  with  it  to  us  no  token 
of  authorship  in  the  mere  words  themselves,  but  the  moment  we  come 
to  look  at  some  of  the  translations  of  the  Pater  Noster  into  the  lan- 
guages of  primitive  peoples,  we  discover  that  that  single  expression 
suffices  to  enlighten  us  concerning  the  native  coadjutor  of  the  mis- 
sionary or  other  person  responsible  for  a  particular  version.  In  the 
language  of  the  Kootenay  Indians  of  northern  Idaho  and  southern 
British  Columbia  the  Lord's  Prayer,  as  given  by  Father  De  Smet  in 
the  middle  of  the  last  century,  begins  Katitoenaitle  {iox  Katiionatla). 
Now,  any  one  at  all  acquainted  with  the  Kootenay  tongue  knows 
immediately,  on  seeing  or  hearing  this  word,  that  the  good  priest  ob- 
tained his  translation  from  a  man  and  not  from  a  woman.  Had  the 
latter  been  the  case,  we  should  have  had,  instead  of  Katiionatla,  the 
term  Kasonatla,  for  these  Indians  have  different  words  for  "  father," 
according  as  the  speaker  is  a  man  or  a  woman,  the  former  using  tito, 
the  latter  so.  The  "  Our  Father  "  of  the  Lord's  Prayer  in  Kootenay, 
as  given  by  De  Smet,  means  properly  "  Father  of  us  men  (excluding 
the  women),"  and  every  Kootenay  squaw,  who  wished  to  speak  gram- 
matically and  in  accord  with  the  genius  of  the  language,  must  say 
Kasonatla,  i.  c.  "  Father  of  us  women  (excluding  the  men)."  For 
"Father  of  us  all  (men  and  women)  "  no  equivalent  exists  in  Koote- 
nay. 

The  word  N'otazucnan  which  begins  the  Lord's  Prayer  in  the  lan- 
guage of  the  Algonkian  Indians  of  the  Nelson  River,  in  northern  Can- 
ada, is,  happily,  inclusive,  and  means  "  Our  Father  "  in  the  broadest 
sense,  thus  giving  the  missionaries  a  distinct  advantage  in  the  way 
of  literary  approach.  A  study  of  the  words  for  Onr  Father  alone,  in 
the  versions  of  the  Lord's  Prayer  in  the  numerous  languages  of  the 
uncivilized  world,  would  reveal  many  interesting  sociological  and  theo- 
logical facts. 

III.  Kissing.  Most  of  our  race  would  probably  say  off-hand  that 
kissing  was  a  universal  human  accomplishment.  Nevertheless,  as 
Mantegazza  has  said,  if  we  take  into  consideration  all  peoples  of  the 
globe,  the  hand  is  a  greater  exprcsser  of  love  and  affection  than  the 
mouth.  The  absence  of  the  kiss  proper  among  many  savage  and 
barbarous  tribes,  some  of  whom,  however,  use  "licking"  or  "  nose- 


Variation  in  Early  Human  Culture.  i8i 

sniffing  "  for  the  same  purposes,  is  a  notable  ethnological  fact.  In- 
cluded in  this  list  are  some  of  the  Polynesian,  American  Indian,  and 
Finnish  peoples,  while  so  civilized  a  nation  as  the  Japanese  are  said 
to  have  acquired  only  in  recent  times  the  beginnings  of  the  art  of 
kissing  as  we  know  it, — it  is  still  practically  a  new  thing  in  the 
Island  Empire. 

Paul  d'Enjoy,  who  has  studied  the  ethnology  of  kissing,  distin- 
guishes the  "  kiss  proper,"  or  "  white  kiss  "  of  the  European,  and  the 
"yellow  kiss"  of  the  Mongolian.  The  former  is  a  "suction"  or  a 
"bite;"  the  latter  a  "  smell  "  or  a  "  sniff,"  —  the  "  Malay  kiss  "  is 
really  "nose-rubbing"  and  sniffing.  Within  the  white  race  also  occur 
traces  of  the  "  smell-kiss,"  for  in  some  dialects  of  Arabic  the  words 
for  "  kiss  "  and  "  smell  "  are  said  to  be  cognate,  and  "  smelling  "  as  a 
term  of  endearment  is  mentioned  in  our  Bible.  Both  the  European 
and  the  Mongolian  kiss  have  been  explained  evolutionally  as  "  re- 
ductions "  of  the  carnivorous  and  perhaps  cannibalistic  acts  of  our 
early  human  and  pre-human  ancestors.  In  the  survival,  the  scent  of 
the  prey  has  dominated  with  the  Malay  ;  with  the  European  the  actual 
seizing,  as  our  not  yet  obsolete  "love-bite"  further  demonstrates. 

The  kiss  proper  has  received  its  maximum  of  development  among 
the  members  of  the  white  race,  both  Semite  and  Aryan,  although 
Schrader,  in  his  "Dictionary  of  Indo-Germanic  Antiquities,"  is  able 
to  devote  but  a  brief  space  to  its  consideration.  The  varieties  of  the 
kiss  and  the  uses  to  which  it  has  been  put  are  of  great  interest.  There 
are  the  parents'  kiss,  the  kiss  of  the  lover,  relative,  or  friend  ;  the 
kiss  of  peace,  reconciliation,  etc.  ;  the  kiss  of  reverence,  condescen- 
sion, etc.  ;  the  ceremonial  and  religious  kiss  ;  the  symbolic  kiss  ;  the 
"  magic "  and  occult  kiss,  etc.  Dr.  Siebs,  in  his  recent  essay  on 
"  The  Kiss  in  Folk-Thought,"  has  discussed  the  words  for  "  kiss  " 
and  "kissing,"  in  various  European  tongues,  the  Teutonic  languages 
especially. 

Some  kiss-words  are  onomatopoeic,  like  English  smack  and  West- 
phalian  piipcii,  and  their  cognates.  In  Dutch,  zoene,  originally  the 
word  for  the  "  kiss  of  reconcilation  "  (cf.  German  Su/uic),  has  become 
a  general  term  for  "kiss,"  while  such  words  as  the  Frisian /rf/^y^  have 
originated  from  the  Latin  paccvi  ("  peace  ").  Besides  these,  there  exist 
at  least  four  large  groups  of  kiss-words  : 

1.  Mouth  or  lip  words.  Latin  osculum,  basuivi ;  English  (^//j-j-,  and 
perhaps  also  English  kiss ;  German  Kiiss,  etc.  In  the  Dalecarlian  dia- 
lect of  Swedish  we  find  lihlmunn,  and  in  Bohemian,  Jmbicka,  both  of 
which  signify  "  little  mouth,"  a  naive  term  for  kiss. 

2.  "  Sweet  "  words.  \^z.\\xi  suaviinn  i^xova  S2iavis,  ^^  ^^^^oX'').  In  the 
Low  German  dialect  of  the  Lower  Weser,  Gif  niin  soten  means  "  Give 
me  a  kiss  "  (literally,  a  szveet). 


1 8  2  jfournal  of  A  merican  Folk-L  ore. 

3.  Words  of  love,  greeting,  well  wishing.  Later  Greek  ^lAeiv,  ori- 
ginally "to  love";  SQwi-axv  poljubac,  from  Ijiibati,  "to  love";  Old 
Slovenian  celovati,  "  to  kiss,"  from  ce/u,  "  hale." 

4.  "  Embrace  "  words.  French  emdrasser ;  English  c/ij>  a.nd  cog- 
nates. 

Both  the  sociological  and  the  philological  study  of  kissing  brings  to 
light  numerous  ethnic  and  psychic  peculiarities.  Kissing  the  hand  is 
still  a  courtly  custom  in  Europe,  as  "throwing  kisses"  is  an  accom- 
plishment of  childhood  and  adolescence.  The  southern  Latin  peo- 
ples still  employ  "  I  kiss  your  hands  "  as  the  final  salutation  in  a 
letter.  Kissing  on  the  brow  has  both  its  formal  and  affectionate  use. 
Neither  the  "new  woman"  nor  the  "new  hygiene"  has  made  the 
Anglo-Saxon  abandon  the  kiss  on  the  lips  for  the  "  cheek-kiss." 

The  exploits  ascribed  to  certain  "  heroes  "  of  the  Spanish  war  serve 
to  recall  the  fact  that  in  the  England  of  Shakespeare  the  kissing  of 
women  by  men  was  a  very  widespread  custom,  prevalent  not  merely 
at  dances,  weddings,  etc.,  but  also  on  many  other  quite  ordinary 
occasions.  Relics  of  these  "general  osculations"  survive  in  our 
"  kissing  the  bride  "  and  the  like.  Some  of  the  American  Indians 
have  now  a  "  kissing  day,"  ignorance  of  which  has  embarrassed  more 
than  one  good  missionary.  The  Crees  of  the  region  northeast  of 
Lake  Winnipeg  call  New  Year's  Day  Otjimimikisiga  or  "kissing 
day."  On  that  day  it  is  the  custom  for  the  men  to  kiss  every  woman 
they  meet,  a  practice  as  surprising  to  the  newcomer  as  that  of  "  lift- 
ing" was  or  is  to  the  visitor  in  certain  sections  of  Lancashire  in  old 
England.  With  respect  to  the  persons  to  be  kissed,  usage  differs 
much  all  over  the  earth.  The  Andaman  Islanders,  a  very  primitive 
people,  kissed  their  children  only,  while  some  of  the  newer  religious 
sects  of  to-day  among  the  civilized  races  indulge  in  very  promiscuous 
kissing.  Kissing  between  males  is  rare  in  England  and  America, 
but  usual  in  France,  where  father  and  son  greet  each  other  com- 
monly in  this  manner,  —  it  is  also  used  by  persons  not  at  all  related. 
Traces  of  Oriental  influence  in  the  matter  of  kissing  are  to  be  found 
all  over  the  Mediterranean  region,  both  in  the  ceremonies  of  reli- 
gion (kissing  of  holy  relics  and  sacred  objects,  the  toe  of  St.  Peter, 
etc.)  and  in  the  occurrences  of  secular  society.  The  narrowing  of  the 
circle  of  those  to  be  kissed  is  one  of  the  evidences  of  the  growth  of 
the  individualism  accompanying  the  evolution  of  modern  civilization. 
The  conceit  that  he  who  has  stolen  a  kiss  must  restore  it  is  on  record 
as  far  back  as  Walther  von  der  Vogelweide.  In  connection  with 
recent  outbreaks  of  kissing  by  force,  it  is  interesting  to  know  that  a 
jurist  of  the  eighteenth  century  wrote  a  long  treatise  on  "the  rights 
of  a  woman  against  a  man  kissing  her  against  her  will."  Much  curious 
information  is  contained  in  Nyrop's    "The  Kiss  and  its  History," 


Variation  in  Early  Human  Culture.  183 

published  in  Danish  in  1897  and  since  translated  into  English.  Some 
of  the  facetious  definitions  of  the  kiss  found  in  our  funny  papers 
to-day  may  be  matched  by  mediaeval  examples. 

The  folk-lore  of  the  kiss  would  lead  us  far  afield.  Tennyson  in  his 
"Fatima"  has  the  lines,  — 

O  love  !  O  fire  !  once  he  drew 

With  one  long  kiss  my  whole  soul  through 

My  lips,  as  sunlight  drinketh  dew. 

And  Marlowe,  before  him,  had  written 

Sweet  Helen,  make  me  immortal  with  a  kiss  ! 
Her  lips  suck  forth  my  soul :  see,  where  it  flies  ! 

This  takes  us  to  the  beliefs  of  primitive  peoples  and  of  early  man, 
with  whom  the  child  was  often  held  over  the  face  of  the  mother 
dying  in  childbirth  that  it  might  receive  by  way  of  mouth  the  soul 
of  its  departing  parent.  So,  too,  with  a  dying  father  of  repute,  —  the 
son  was  urged  to  catch  the  brave  or  mighty  spirit  by  breathing  it  in 
from  the  lips  of  his  ancestor.  This  practice  is  remembered  in  the 
language  of  the  Tupi  Indians  of  Brazil,  one  of  whose  names  for  a 
little  child  is  pitanga,  "suck-soul." 

IV.  Mealtime.  In  the  hurry  and  bustle  of  modern  American  civ- 
ilization the  mealtime  often  tends  to\vard  a  vanishing-point.  We  hear 
of  pupils  going  breakfastless  to  school,  of  men  and  women  who  omit 
the  noonday  repast,  of  people  whose  third  meal  is  confined  to  a  "  bite  " 
before  bedtime.  To  a  considerable  extent  the  meal  a"s  a  family  fes- 
tival has  fallen  into  desuetude  that  is  far  from  innocuous.  The  din- 
ner-pail and  the  "  quick-lunch  "  usurp  the  place  of  what  was  once  the 
event  of  the  day  in  social  life.  Table-talk  survives  only  at  clubs  and 
other  unisexual  institutions,  where  women  and  men  continue  to  eat 
and  to  drink  apart,  at  anniversary  and  other  banquets,  political  "love- 
feasts,"  at  the  dining  and  wining  connected  with  boards  of  arbitration 
and  conciliation,  etc,  "  Table-talk,"  as  the  late  Dr.  D.  G.  Brinton 
once  said,  "  is,  or  ought  to  be,  the  best  of  talk."  The  development 
of  the  dinner  Colonel  Mallery  rightly  considered  one  of  the  great  tri- 
umphs of  the  race.  The  transaction  of  business  before  or  after  the 
meal  itself  might  be  looked  upon  as  a  sort  of  atavism,  or  reversion  to 
savagery  and  barbarism,  where  the  dinner  is  so  often  a  great  feast, 
preceded  or  followed  by  deliberations  of  one  kind  or  another,  the  con- 
versation during  the  actual  eating  being  a  later  cultural  addition. 
The  retirement  of  the  ladies,  so  that  the  gentlemen  may  smoke  or 
"  swap  stories,"  discuss  forbidden  topics,  etc.,  also  harks  back  to  the 
practice  of  many  uncivilized  tribes,  in  accordance  with  which  the  women 
eat  their  meals  separately.  This  segregation  of  the  sexes,  as  Colonel 
Mallery  points  out,  is  more  English  than  French,  the  less  intoxication 


184  journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

in  the  latter  country  and  the  greater  court  paid  the  other  sex  account- 
ing; for  some  of  the  difference. 

The  position  of  the  host  at  dinner  has  not  always  been  the  same 
in  all  ages  or  among  all  peoples.  It  has  varied  from  that  of  enter- 
tainer to  absentee.  In  some  parts  of  China,  the  host  is  not  called  upon 
to  be  present  with  his  guests,  but  allows  them  the  full  freedom  sug- 
gested by  his  departure  to  another  room.  A  modified  form  of  this 
procedure  is  implied  in  the  story  of  David  Crockett,  related  by  Colo- 
nel Mallery,  in  which  he  said  that  the  politest  man  he  ever  knew  was 
the  Philadelphian  who  handed  him  the  decanter  of  whiskey  and  then 
looked  out  of  the  window.  With  some  more  or  less  primitive  peoples, 
such  as  certain  Algonkian  and  Iroquoian  tribes  of  eastern  North 
America,  the  host,  who  was  not  allowed  to  eat,  had  to  undertake  the 
function  of  entertainer  and  sing  to  his  guests,  who  did  not  talk  dur- 
ing the  repast.  Elsewhere  in  the  world  the  host  has  been  expected 
to  be  entertainer,  musician,  poet,  orator,  story-teller,  etc.,  while  among 
civilized  peoples  generally  the  guests  take  up  these  tasks,  and  the 
recitations,  monologues,  songs,  "  readings,"  dramatic  representations, 
"lectures,"  discourses,  etc.,  which  have  so  largely  left  the  table  alto- 
gether, or  survive  merely  in  connection  with  "afternoon  teas"  and 
the  like,  have  their  primitive  predecessors  showing  how  diversified  is 
the  expression  of  the  human  mind  in  relation  to  the  activities  of 
mealtime.  The  exclusion  of  children  from  the  feasts  of  their  elders, 
not  yet  extinct  with  the  cultured  nations  of  mankind,  had  its  proto- 
type among  savages  and  barbarians.  The  dinner  has  often  been  a 
sort  of  primitive  school,  with  a  touch  of  the  real  university  of  life 
about  it,  and  sometimes  it  has  been  merely  the  "eat  all "  of  the  sav- 
age. 

V.  Use  of  Tobacco.  To-day  efforts  are  being  strenuously  made 
throughout  the  country  to  prevent  the  use  of  tobacco  in  any  form 
by  pupils  in  the  public  schools,  and  innumerable  restrictive  regula- 
tions have  been  passed  by  municipal  and  legislative  authorities  with 
this  end  in  view, —  the  State  of  Indiana  has  recently  outdone  itself 
in  this  direction.  This  is  because  certain  noxious  effects  of  the  weed 
upon  children  and  youth  have  been  generally  recognized,  and  public 
opinion  is  ready  to  add  penal  enactment  to  scientific  advice.  But  it 
was  not  always  so. 

When  tobacco  was  first  introduced  into  Europe  from  America,  the 
fame  of  its  medicinal  virtues  was  very  great,  and  this  fact,  more  than 
any  other  perhaps,  secured  for  it  vogue  among  all  classes  of  the  popu- 
lation. Scores  of  diseases  and  affections  of  the  body  (and  some  of 
the  soul)  were  believed  to  be  curable  by  means  of  tobacco. 

So  strongly  did  the  fashion  impose  itself  upon  the  inhabitants  of 
western  England  that  people  even  went  to  bed  with  their  pipes  in 


Variation  in  Early  Human  Ciilhire.  185 

their  mouths,  and  got  up  in  the  night  to  Hght  them.  Fosbroke,  the 
historian  of  Gloucester,  tells  us  :  — 

"  After  tobacco  came  into  use,  the  children  carried  pipes  in  the 
satchels  with  their  books,  which  their  mothers  took  care  to  fill,  that 
it  might  serve  instead  of  breakfast.  At  the  accustomed  hour  every  one 
laid  aside  his  book  and  took  his  pipe,  the  master  smoking  with  them, 
and  teaching  them  how  to  hold  their  pipes  and  draw  in  the  tobacco." 

The  spectacle  of  a  schoolmaster  suspending  the  intellectual  activ- 
ities of  his  house  of  learning  in  order  to  teach  his  pupils  how  to 
smoke  properly  is  something  hardly  conceivable  nowadays,  yet 
many  of  our  good  old  English  forefathers  seem  to  have  regarded 
such  a  proceeding  as  a  necessary  and  useful  part  of  the  curriculum. 

Tobacco  is  of  American  Indian  origin,  but  not  all  the  aborigines 
were  of  one  mind  as  to  the  method  of  its  employment.  The  ancient 
Peruvians  are  said  to  have  used  it  for  medicinal  purposes  only  in  the 
form  of  snuff,  and  a  y-shaped  tube  for  application  to  both  nostrils  was 
found  in  the  ruins  of  Tiahuanaco,  —  similar  objects  are  reported  from 
other  regions  of  South  America.  The  single  tube,  the  pipe  (in  vari- 
ous forms),  and  the  cigar,  etc.,  were,  however,  well  known  in  divers 
parts  of  the  continent,  although  the  natives  of  South  America  seem 
to  have  been  more  given  to  the  use  of  tobacco  as  snuff  than  those  of 
North  America,  where  the  pipe  flourished.  Some  of  the  Venezuelan 
tribes  even  drank  tobacco  juice  as  a  purgative.  A  familiar  method  of 
using  the  "weed  "  was  swallowing  the  smoke,  or  "drinking  tobacco," 
as  the  old  phrase  has  it.  Colonel  Mallery  and  Mr.  McGuire  have  shown 
that  in  England,  in  the  first  part  of  the  seventeenth  century,  the 
actual  swallowing  of  the  smoke  was  the  mode  of  use  chiefly  in  vogue. 
In  this  way  only  would  tobacco  "  make  a  chimney  of  the  nose,"  as  the 
later  anti-smoking  rhyme  says.  In  New  England,  too,  tobacco  was 
"  drunk."  Indeed,  the  word  for  pipe  in  the  language  of  the  Narragan- 
sett  Indians,  as  given  by  Roger  Williams,  —  zvuttaviinagon,  —  signifies 
literally  a  "drinking  instrument,"  tobacco  being  looked  upon  as  "some- 
thing drunk."  In  Chinese,  "  smoking  "  is  said  to  be  rendered  by  the 
expression  employed  for  "  swallowing  their  soft-boiled  rice,  which 
they  do  not  chew."  Immoderate  "  drinking  tobacco  "  and  inhalation 
were  known  to  the  American  Indians,  some  of  whom  indulged  in 
nicotine  intoxication,  but  in  many  parts  of  the  continent  smoking  was 
more  of  a  religious  or  ceremonial  performance,  as  the  development 
of  the  "  peace  pipe  "  would  suggest,  or  a  sort  of  medical  rite. 

The  spread  of  the  diverse  uses  of  tobacco  over  a  considerable  por- 
tion of  North  America,  Mr.  McGuire  maintains,  was  due  to  the 
attention  paid  to  the  cultivation  of  this  plant  by  the  white  settlers  of 
Virginia,  etc.,  and  the  commercial  exploitation  of  its  products.  Some 
of  the  aborigines  of  the  northwest  Pacific  coast  region  were  very  late  in 


1 86  y ournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

becoming  acquainted  with  tobacco.  Mr,  Murdoch  has  shown  that  the 
Eskimo  of  Alaska  obtained  their  knowledge  of  it,  through  the  natives 
of  northeastern  Siberia,  from  the  Russians  following  in  the  wake  of 
the  colonizations  of  Peter  the  Great.  This  is  proved  by  the  Alaskan 
Eskimo  word  for  "pipe,"  kiiinya,  which  is  a  loan-word  from  the  lan- 
guage of  the  Asiatic  Chukchee,  and  also  by  the  mode  of  smoking  in 
use.  This  is  an  important  fact,  for  it  proves  that  "  tobacco  did  not 
reach  the  northwest  coast  of  America  until  it  had  crossed  the  Atlan- 
tic and  travelled  the  entire  breadth  of  the  Old  World,"  a  remarkable 
migration,  surely,  for  a  product  indigenous  to  North  America  itself. 
The  Greenland  Eskimo,  on  the  other  hand,  obtained  their  tobacco 
from  the  Danes  by  way  of  Europe. 

Immoderate  smoking,  chewing,  etc.,  seem  to  be  European  and 
white  American  developments  upon  a  New  World  basis,  smaller  than 
is  generally  supposed  to  have  existed.  The  rapid  conquest  by  to- 
bacco of  the  civilized  world  is  one  of  the  most  noteworthy  events  con- 
nected with  the  discovery  and  settlement  of  America.  Few  races,  in 
the  history  of  mankind,  have  peacefully  modified  the  social  customs 
of  others  to  such  an  extent  as  have  the  American  Indians  through  their 
tobacco.  The  reinfluence  of  the  white  men  upon  them  is,  however, 
not  yet  finished.  Mr.  Murdoch,  who  visited  the  Eskimo  of  Point 
Barrow,  in  Alaska,  in  1 881-1883,  informs  us  that  "chewing  tobacco 
is  an  almost  universal  habit,  among  men,  women  and  children,  — 
even  nursing  children  being  seen  to  chew."  The  recent  outbreak  of 
the  smoking  habit  among  certain  classes  of  English  and  American 
women  and  the  widespread  cigarette-smoking  of  the  youth  of  the 
land  also  remind  us  of  the  great  hold  of  this  narcotic  upon  both  sexes 
and  all  ages,  and  suggest  how  easy  it  would  be,  with  the  seal  of  soci- 
ety, so  to  turn  the  whole  nation  into  tobacco-users  or  repeat  the 
school-experiment  of  the  seventeenth  century. 

VI.  Sca-scnse.  The  naval  incidents  of  the  late  Japanese-Russian 
war  aroused  interest  in  the  question  of  the  "  sea-sense,"  or  "  maritime 
adaptation  "  of  the  various  races  of  man,  valuable  studies  of  which 
subject  have  been  recently  published  by  von  Schwerin,  Kirchhoff,  and 
Weule. 

Remarkable  differences  in  the  "  sea-sense  "  exist  within  the  limits 
of  one  and  the  same  people,  or  race.  Among  the  ancient  Hellenes, 
the  Cohans  of  Cumae  were  noted  land-lubbers,  while  the  lonians  of 
Miletus  were  famous  seamen.  The  Anglo-Saxon  has  long  "  ruled 
the  waves,"  but  the  Slav  has  not  yet  fitted  himself  for  nautical  sur- 
vival. Some  of  the  Mongolians  proper  havehttle  or  no  "  sea-sense," 
but  the  Malays  and  the  Polynesians  are  seafarers  par  excellence,  as 
the  wide  distribution  of  the  brown  race  from  Hawaii  to  New  Zealand 
and  from  Easter    Island  to  Madagascar   abundantly  demonstrates. 


Variation  in  Early  Human  Culture.  187 

The  Japanese  too,  who  were  originally  not  a  sea-people,  have,  in 
connection  with  their  island  environment,  acquired  remarkable  nau- 
tical skill,  and  bid  fair  to  outgrow  altogether  the  typical  Mongolian 
distaste  for  the  sea.  They  are  now,  indeed,  a  first-class  naval  power. 
In  a  less  admirable  and  ruder  way  the  famous  Chinese  pirates  did  this 
long  before  them. 

Although  they  have  lived  close  to  the  sea  for  ages,  the  negroes  of 
Africa,  in  general,  have  never  become  great  sea-farers  or  developed 
maritime  enterprise  to  any  considerable  extent.  But  under  the  in- 
fluence of  the  whites,  the  "  Kru  boys  "  of  the  Bissagos  Islands  and 
the  adjacent  coast  of  Western  Africa  are  acquiring  a  distinct  skill  in 
maritime  life  and  action.  The  "sea-sense"  of  the  American  Indian 
varies  from  the  naive  anti-pelagism  of  some  of  the  tribes  of  the  un- 
islanded  coasts  of  parts  of  South  America  to  the  marvellous  ingenu- 
ity of  the  Eskimo,  where  man  and  kayak  seem  to  be  one,  a  sort  of 
sea  centaur,  as  it  were.  Here,  not  a  fleet  of  war  vessels,  nor  one  of 
merchantmen  or  of  pirate  ships,  has  given  man  the  feeling  of  victory 
over  the  sea,  but  each  individual  Eskimo  is  lord  of  the  water  in  the 
little  boat  so  absolutely  under  his  personal  control.  The  kayak 
stands  out  in  remarkable  contrast  with  the  immense  canoes  of  the 
Caribs,  Polynesians,  etc.,  where  a  mass-effort  is  as  clearly  present, 
and  combined  strength  achieves  a  result  attained  among  the  Eskimo 
through  individual  sagacity  of  mind  and  body. 

Another  example  of  primitive  "  sea-sense  "  is  found  in  the  Seri  of 
the  island  of  Tiburon  in  the  Gulf  of  California.  These  people  of  ex- 
tremely low  culture  have  conquered  with  \.\\q\x  balsa  the  tempestuous 
waters  of  their  stern  environment.  At  the  opposite  extreme  from  the 
Eskimo  and  the  Seri  are  some  of  the  Alfuros  of  the  island  of  Buru 
in  the  East  Indies,  cited  by  von  Schwerin  as  the  most  unpelagic  or 
anti-pelagic  people  in  the  world,  —  they  are  said  to  be  forbidden,  on 
pain  of  death,  to  approach  so  near  to  the  sea  as  to  be  able  to  hear  the' 
roar  of  the  waves.  Many  of  the  Papuans,  although  good  builders  of 
vessels  and  expert  with  the  sail,  are  disinclined  to  risk  themselves  in 
the  open  sea,  in  marked  contrast  with  the  Polynesians  who  intrepidly 
voyage  hundreds  of  miles  beyond  the  land.  Kirchhoff  has  called 
attention  to  the  influence  of  fjorded  countries  and  islanded  regions 
adjacent  to  continental  areas  in  developing  the  maritime  instinct. 
In  Europe  may  be  cited  Scandinavia,  particularly  those  parts  of  Den- 
mark, etc.,  where  the  ancestors  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  received  their 
early  training  in  love  of  the  sea  ;  the  British  Isles  ;  the  coast  of  Dal- 
matia,  where  even  the  Slavs  took  to  the  sea ;  the  isles  of  Greece,  etc. 
In  Asia  the  islands  about  Hindustan  ;  the  Indo-Pacific  region  ;  the 
Japanese  Archipelago,  etc.  In  America  this  same  influence  appears 
among  more  primitive  peoples.   A  marked  development  of  sea-activity 


1 88  journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

is  found  among  the  Fuegians  at  the  extreme  south  of  the  continent, 
and  the  Arawaks  and  the  Caribs  in  the  region  named  after  them  ; 
among  the  Algonkians  of  the  country  between  New  Jersey  and 
Labrador ;  among  the  Eskimo  of  the  Arctic  north  and  Alaska,  who 
even  reached  Asia  ;  among  the  Tlinkits,  Haida,  and  a  few  other  tribes 
of  the  Alaska-Columbian  littoral  and  adjacent  islands.  The  Santa 
Barbara  Islands,  off  the  southern  coast  of  California,  are  a  minor  illus- 
tration of  the  same  fact  ;  so  likewise  the  islands  of  the  Californian 
Gulf  possessed  by  the  Seri  Indians.  That  the  "  sea-sense  "  of  the 
negroes  should  break  out  in  an  islanded  part  of  Africa  (the  region 
of  the  Bissagos  group  off  the  Senegambian  coast  and  about  the 
Gulf  of  Guinea)  is  a  striking  confirmation  of  the  theory  advanced. 

Of  course  the  same  conditions  that  produced  honest  seafarers  could 
and  did  give  rise  to  very  skilful  and  unscrupulous  pirates,  such  e.  g. 
as  the  Vikings  and  some  of  their  descendants,  the  Normans,  the 
pirates  of  the  Adriatic  and  the  islands  of  the  eastern  Mediterranean, 
those  of  the  Barbary  coasts,  of  the  East  Indies,  Formosa,  the  China 
seas,  etc.  Ratzel  draws  an  interesting  parallel  between  piracy  in  the 
Middle  Ages  off  the  coast  of  China  and  similar  phenomena  in  west- 
tern  Europe  due  to  the  activity  of  the  Normans,  and  Frobenius 
compares  the  "  pirate-culture  "  of  ancient  Greece  and  the  yEgean 
Islands  with  that  of  the  Malay  peninsula  and  the  adjacent  archipel- 
ago. 

That  the  "  sea-sense "  may  become  dormant,  or  be  lost  to  all 
practical  purposes,  is  shown  by  the  fact  cited  by  Kirchhoff,  that  many 
of  the  islanders  of  the  Cyclades  to-day  are  peaceful  agriculturalists  and 
goat-herds  and  no  longer  scour  the  sea,  as  did  once  their  forefathers. 
The  Dutch,  too,  who  conquered  the  sea  once  with  dikes,  and  again 
with  ships,  have  largely  ceased  to  be  typical  seafarers  ;  and  when 
their  descendants  in  South  Africa  entered  upon  a  deadly  conflict 
with  the  British  it  was  an  inland  nation  of  the  pastoral  sort,  without 
a  navy,  warlike  or  mercantile, — the  deeds  of  the  famous  Dutch 
admirals  of  the  seventeenth  century  and  the  memorable  achievements 
of  the  great  Dutch  sailors  and  sea-rovers  were  alike  forgotten.  The 
great  King  Alfred  found  by  the  time  he  desired  a  fleet  to  keep  off 
the  Danes,  that  he  had  to  have  vessels  built  on  the  continent,  so  easily 
and  readily  had  the  Saxon  sea-rover  turned  landsman  in  England, 
The  nautical  ability  of  the  Eskimo,  Nansen  tells  us,  began  to  de- 
crease with  the  introduction  of  European  firearms,  which  lessened  the 
need  for  individual  skill  in  the  management  of  the  kayak. 

Worth  mentioning,  in  the  way  of  increased  adaptation  to  maritime 
life,  are  the  Shinnecock  Indians  of  Long  Island  and  the  Gay  Head 
Indians  of  Massachusetts  (in  both  cases  there  has  been  admixture  of 
negro  blood),  who  have   furnished  many  able-bodied    seamen   and 


Variation  in  Early  Human  Culttire.  1S9 

expert  whalers  to  the  fishing  fleets  sailing  from  Sag  Harbor,  New 
Bedford,  etc.  Some  of  these  Indians  have  also  won  admiration  as 
life-savers  on  the  dangerous  New  England  coasts.  On  the  other 
side  of  the  continent,  also,  some  of  the  tribes  of  the  North  Pacific  re- 
gion have  been  drawn  upon  by  the  whalers  and  sealers  for  crews,  etc. 

The  jest  at  the  expense  of  the  sailor  who  cannot  swim  might  have 
been  prehistoric.  For  swimming  and  nautical  skill  are  by  no  means 
necessarily  connected,  either  in  primitive  or  in  civilized  life.  The 
best  navigators  are  sometimes  far  from  being  the  best  swimmers. 
The  Siouan  Indians,  according  to  McGee,  are  fine  swimmers  (men, 
women,  and  children),  but  not  nearly  such  good  boatmen  and  naviga- 
tors as  the  Ojibwa  and  others  of  their  neighbors.  Dr.  Hyades  states 
that  the  men  among  the  Fuegians,  although  on  the  sea  in  their  boats 
for  a  great  part  of  the  day,  can  hardly  swim  at  all,  drowning  accidents 
being  quite  common.  The  women,  however,  are  quite  expert  swim- 
mers, and  to  them  would  go  whatever  primitive  Carnegie  hero-medals 
might  be  in  existence,  as  they  have  to  rescue  their  struggling  spouses 
and  male  companions.  Since  the  introduction  of  writing,  the  Eskimo 
are  said  to  have  become  less  expert  in  the  use  of  their  hands  in  con- 
trolling their  kayaks  and  saving  themselves  from  drowning  when 
thrown  into  the  water. 

Some  of  the  Tapuyas,  one  of  the  primitive  races  of  Brazil,  are 
credited  neither  with  ability  to  swim,  nor  with  the  art  of  navigation. 
Certain  Choctaws  on  the  Mississippi  were  also  reproached  with  not 
knowing  how  to  swim.  On  the  other  hand,  notable  instance  of 
pelagism  and  skill  in  swimming  occurring  together  are  to  be  found 
in  the  Tahitians,  the  Samoans  (their  archipelago  was  earlier  called 
"Navigators  Islands"),  the  Caribs,  the  Seri,  etc. 

If  we  look  upon  the  ancestor  of  man  as  an  arboreal,  somewhat  fru- 
givorous  anthropoid,  whose  line  of  descent  must  have  lost  touch  with 
the  sea  altogether,  the  Unncnsc/i,  as  Kirchhoff  says,  could  hardly 
have  had  any  "sea-sense"  at  all.  Millenniums  were  required  to  de- 
velop the  first  human  sea-lovers.  The  earliest  men,  if  the  race,  as  some 
suppose,  was  cradled  by  the  sea,  had  little  more  than  a  shore-psy- 
chosis. Weule  expresses  the  opinion  that  the  great  sea-activities  of 
mankind  took  place  not  in  the  childhood  of  the  race,  but  in  the  riper 
age  of  races  and  peoples,  when  there  developed  the  tendency  to  sac- 
rifice to  the  open  sea  the  earlier-acquired  land-sense  and  continen- 
talism.  In  the  history  of  the  negro,  the  Mongolian  (in  part),  and  the 
Slav  we  can  view  the  efforts  of  human  races  to  possess  themselves 
of  "sea-sense"  as  an  acquired  character. 

Alexander  F.  Chatnberlain. 
Clark  University,  Worcester,  Mass. 


190  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

BOOKS  AND  ARTICLES  REFERRED  TO. 

1.  Beauchamp,  W.  M.  "  Iroquois  Women,"  youni.  A7ner.  Folk-Lore^  vol.  xiii 
(1900),  pp.  S1-91. 

2.  Chamberlain,  B.  H.  In  Mae  St.  John  Bramhall's  The  Wee  Ones  of  Japan 
(N.  Y.  1894),  p.  32. 

2a.  Ellis,  H.  "  The  Origins  of  the  Kiss."  In  Studies  in  the  Psychology  of 
Sex,  1905,  pp.  215-222. 

3.  d'Enjoy,  P.  "  Le  baiser  en  Europe  et  en  Chine,"  Bull.  Soc.  cfAnthr.  de 
Paris,  1897,  pp.  1S1-185. 

4.  Fosbroke,  T.  D.  History  of  the  City  of  Gloucester,  London,  18 19.  Cited  in 
ycnirn.  Amer.  Folk-Lore,  vol.  v  (1892),  p.  147. 

5.  Frobenius,  L.  The  "  Origin  of  African  Civilizations,"  Ann.  Rep.  Smithson. 
Inst.  1898  (Washington,  1899),  pp.  637-650.     See  p.  649. 

5a.  Hyades,  P.  et  J.  Deniker.  Miss.  Scient.  du  Cap  Horn  1882-1883,  tome  vii 
(Paris,  1891).     See  pp.  213,  214. 

6.  Kirchhoff,  A.  Mensch  und  Erde.  Skizzen  von  den  Wechselbeziehiingen 
zwischeti  beiden,  Leipzig,  1901,  pp.  127.  Section  iv  deals  with:  "Das  Meer  im 
Leben  der  Volker."  See  also  the  same  translated  in  Ann.  Rep.  Smithson.  Itist. 
1901,  pp.  389-399. 

7.  Mallery,  G.     "  Drinking  Tobacco,"  A7ner.  Anthrop.  vol.  ii  (18S9),  pp.  141,  142. 

8.  Mallery,  G.     "Manners  and  Meals,"  Ibid.  vol.  i  (1888),  pp.  193-207. 

9.  McGee,  W.  J.  "  The  Seri  Indians,"  Seventeenth  Attn.  Rep.  Bur.  Amer.  Eth- 
nol.  1895-1896  (Washington,  1898),  pp.  1-344. 

10.  McGuire,  J.  D.  "  Pipes  and  Smoking  Customs  of  the  American  Aborigines," 
Rep.  U.  S.  Nat.  Mus.  1897,  pp.  351-645. 

11.  Murdoch,  J.  "On  the  Siberian  Origin  of  some  Customs  of  the  Western 
Eskimos,"  Amer.  Anthrop.  vol.  i  (1888),  pp.  325-336. 

12.  Nyrop,  C.     "  The  Kiss  and  its  History"  (transl.  Harvey),  N.  Y.  1902. 

13.  Ratzel,  F.  "  The  History  pf  Mankind  "  (transl.  Butler),  3  vols.,  London,  1896- 
1898. 

14.  Schrader,  O.  Reallexikon  der  Indogermanischen  Altertumskunde.  Grutid- 
ziige  einer  Kultur  und  Volkergeschichte  Altetiropas,  Strassburg.  1901,  pp.  1048. 
See  Ktiss,  Meer,  Schiff. 

15.  von  Schwerin,  H.  H.  Om  Kustvolks  olika  sfoduglighet,  Lund,  1900.  Re- 
view and  r^sum^  by  R.  Kjdllen  in  Ytner,  vol.  xxi  (1901),  pp.  417-426. 

16.  S^billot,  P.  Le  folk-lore  des  pecheurs,  Paris,  1901,  pp.  xii,  389.  Chapter  i 
(  PP-  3""47 )  •  "  L'enfance  du  pecheur." 

17.  Siebs,  Th.  "Zur  vergleichenden  Betrachtung  volkstiimlichen  Brauches  : 
Der  Kuss,"  Mitteil.  d.  Schles.  Ges.f.  Volkskunde,  1903,  pp.  1-19. 

18.  Weule,  K.  "  Das  Meer  und  die  Naturvolker.  Ein  Beitragzur  Verbreitungs- 
geschichte  der  Menschheit."  In  Zu  Friedrich  Ratsels  Geddchtnis  {Festschrift), 
Leipzig,  1904,  pp.  411-462. 

19.  Young,  E.  R.  "  By  Canoe  and  Dog  Train,  among  the  Cree  and  Saulteaux 
Indians,"  Toronto,  1890,  p.  267.    See  p.  66.   (On  "kissing  day.") 


Philippine  {Tagalog)  Superstitions.  191 

PHILIPPINE  (TAGALOG)  SUPERSTITIONS. 

I.    ANCIENT    SUPERSTITIONS. 

(The  following  account  is  from  "  La  Practica  del  Ministerio,"  by- 
Padre  Tomas  Ortiz,  Order  of  Augustinians,  Manila,  171 3.  Literal 
quotation  by  W.  E.  Retana,  in  appendix  to  "  Estadismo  de  las  Islas 
Filipinas."  The  original  work  is  very  rare,  only  one  copy  known  to 
be  in  existence.) 

Op.  cit.  chap.  I,  sec.  iv,  pp.  11-15,  No.  31.  "Because  many  natives, 
and  especially  those  of  the  provinces  distant  from  Manila,  are  much 
inclined  to  the  nonos  (literally,  grandparents  or  ancestors,  F.  G.),  or 
genii,  maganitos  (literally,  idols,  F.  G. ),  superstitions,  spells,  incan- 
tations, and  witchcraft,  which  have,  as  also  the  witches,  much  diver- 
sity ;  and  on  that  account  they  are  called  by  diverse  names,  which 
are  according  to  the  diverse  offices  attributed  to  them. 

"  It  is  necessary  that  the  Fathers  should  not  only  preach,  argue, 
reprove,  and  make  hideous  such  pestilential  abuses,  but  that  they 
should  be  very  assiduous,  solicitous,  and  careful  to  discover  the  per- 
sons infected  with  this  mortal  venom,  and  use  against  them  the  neces- 
sary remedy." 

No.  32.  "There  are  many  abuses,  or,  as  they  call  them,  'ugales,'  to 
which  the  natives  are  habituated,  contrary  to  our  Holy  Faith  and  to 
good  order,  and  among  others  the  following.  The  first  is  the  worship 
of  nonos,  concerning  which  it  should  be  stated  that  the  term  'nono' 
means  not  only  'grandparent '  but  also  serves  as  a  term  of  respect  to 
old  people  and  genii.  These  the  Indians  have  under  the  name  of 
nono  as  the  Chinese  have  the  same  under  the  name  of  'spirits,' 
and  as  the  Romans  had  them  under  the  name  of  gods,  which  others 
call  Lares  and  Penates.  In  honor  of  the  said  genii,  or  nonos, 
the  Indians  execute  many  and  frequent  idolatries,  as  for  instance 
to  beg  for  license,  mercy,  aid,  that  they  should  do  no  harm  to  them 
nor  be  their  enemies,  etc.  They  do  this  on  many  occasions  and 
among  others  the  following.  When  they  wish  to  take  a  flower, 
or  fruit  of  a  tree,  they  ask  permission  of  the  nono  or  genius  to  be 
allowed  to  take  it.  When  they  pass  by  any  field,  stream,  slough  or 
creek,  great  trees,  thickets,  or  other  parts,  they  ask  passage  and 
license  from  the  nonos.  When  they  are  obliged  to  cut  a  tree,  or  to 
disregard  the  things  or  ceremonies  which  they  imagine  are  agreeable 
to  the  nonos,  they  beg  pardon  of  them,  and  excuse  themselves  by 
saying  the  priest  ordered  it,  and  that  it  is  not  voluntary  with  them  to 
want  in  respect,  or  to  go  against  the  wishes  of  the  nonos.  When 
they  fall  sick  with  the  disease  which  they  call  'pamawe,'  which 
they  attribute  to  the  genii  or  nonos,  they  petition   for  health  and 


192  yournal  of  A merican  Folk-L ore. 

offer  food,  which  on  this  occasion,  as  well  as  many  others,  they  place 
in  the  fields,  thickets,  creeks,  at  the  foot  of  a  large  tree,  etc.,  though 
they  endeavor  to  hide  their  actions  by  saying  that  they  are  trying  the 
land.  This  species  of  idolatry  is  very  fixed,  extended,  and  ancient 
with  the  Indians,  and  for  this  reason  it  is  very  necessary  that  the 
ministering  priests  should  give  much  care  and  force  to  extirpate  it, 
neither  lacking  diligence  nor  labor  till  it  is  annihilated." 

No.  33.  "The  second  is  very  ordinarily  believed  by  the  Indians, 
that  the  souls  of  the  dead  return  to  the  house  the  third  day  to  visit 
the  family  or  to  assist  at  the  feast,  and  by  consequence  to  assist  at 
the  ceremony  of  '  tibao,'  which  they  hide  and  cover  by  saying  that  they 
are  gathered  in  the  house  of  the  dead  to  recite  the  Rosary ;  and  if 
they  are  told  that  they  can  recite  it  in  the  church,  they  do  not  wish 
to  do  it,  because  what  they  do  is  not  what  they  pretend  to  do.  Be- 
cause of  this,  the  funeral  being  finished,  the  minister  should  prevent 
their  gathering  in  the  house  of  the  dead,  and  least  of  all  on  the  third 
day  on  any  pretext. 

"  On  the  fourth  day,  in  consequence  of  the  said  ceremony  of  tibao  or 
of  their  own  evil  inclinations,  they  light  candles,  awaiting  the  appear- 
ance of  the  soul  of  the  dead ;  they  spread  a  mat  and  scatter  ashes 
upon  it,  that  upon  it  may  be  printed  the  footsteps  or  marks  of  the  soul, 
that  by  them  they  may  know  whether  or  not  the  soul  came.  They  place 
also  a  basin  of  water  at  the  door,  where  at  the  coming  of  the  soul,  it 
may  wash  its  feet.  It  does  not  appear,  though  the  knowledge  is  much 
to  be  desired,  whether  these  things  of  the  genii,  or  nonos,  and  the 
dead,  are  taken  from  the  Chinese  or  not,  or  they  are  made  up  of  this 
thing  and  that  thing,  but  it  requires  an  efficacious  remedy."  ^ 

No.  34.  "  The  Tig  balang,  which  some  call  phantasm  and  others 
goblin,  seems  to  be  a  genius  or  devil,  which  appears  to  them  in  the 
form  of  a  negro,  or  of  an  old  man,  or  as  they  say  in  the  form  of  a 
very  little  old  man,  or  in  the  form  of  a  horse,  a  monster,  etc.  And 
they  hold  him  in  so  much  fear  that  they  come  to  form  friendships 
with  him,  and  they  give  the  rosary  to  him  and  receive  of  him  super- 
stitious things,  such  as  hair,  herbs,  stones,  and  other  things  for  the 
accomplishment  of  prodigious  things,  and  they  are  guided  by  him  in 
certain  of  their  operations." 

No.  35.  "The  patianak,  which  some  call  goblin  (if  it  be  not  fiction, 
dream,  or  their  imagination),  is  the  genius  or  devil  who  is  accus- 
tomed to  annoy  them  and  also  with  many  others,  who,  losing  the  faith, 
are  approached  by  him,  and  either  troubled  or  put  into  subjection. 

^  The  custom  of  placing  a  clean  vessel  of  water  for  the  use  of  the  soul  on  the 
third  clay  after  death  is  not  yet  entirely  obsolete  in  Mindoro.  Votive  offerings  of 
food,  such  as  boiled  rice,  are  made  on  All  Souls'  Day  in  at  least  one  church  in 
that  province,  in  the  absence  of  the  curate. 


Philippine  {Tagalog)  Superstitions.  193 

"To  him  they  attribute  the  ill  result  of  childbirth,  and  say  that  to 
do  them  damage,  or  to  cause  them  to  go  astray,  he  places  himself  in 
a  tree,  or  hides  in  any  place  near  the  house  of  the  woman  who  is  in 
childbirth,  and  there  sings  after  the  manner  of  those  who  go  wander- 
ing, etc.  To  hinder  the  evil  work  of  the  patianak,  they  make  them- 
selves naked,  and  arm  themselves  with  cuirass,  bolo,  lance,  and 
other  arms,  and  in  this  manner  place  themselves  on  the  ridgepole  of 
the  roof,  and  also  under  the  house,  where  they  give  many  blows  and 
thrusts  with  the  bolo,  and  make  many  gestures  and  motions  ordered  to 
the  same  intent.  Others  are  accustomed  to  change  the  woman  who 
is  in  labor  to  another  house,  in  order  to  impede  the  said  damage, 
because  they  say  her  house  has  a  patianak." 

No.  36.  "  They  attribute  among  other  things  the  deaths  of  children 
to  the  patianak,  as  also  to  the  usanga  (asuang).  They  say  that  the 
bird  called  tictic  is  the  procuress  of  the  witch  called  asuang,  which, 
flying,  passes  by  the  houses  of  those  who  are  in  childbirth,  and  that 
it  places  itself  on  the  roof  of  a  neighboring  house,  and  from  thence 
extends  its  tongue  in  the  form  of  a  thread  that  passes  into  the  body 
of  the  child,  and  that  with  it  he  draws  out  the  bowels  of  the  child 
and  kills  it.  At  other  times  they  say  that  it  assumes  the  form  of  a 
dog  or  cat  or  of  a  cockroach,  which  places  itself  under  the  sleeping 
mat  and  executes  the  said  manoeuvre. 

"They  also  attribute  losing  their  way  to  the  patianak,  and  to  find  it 
they  strip  off  their  clothes,  and  with  this  incantation  they  say  that  the 
road  may  be  found  because  the  patianak  is  afraid  and  can  no  longer 
lead  them  astray." 

11.     THE    ASUANG. 

The  asuang  is  often  confounded  by  Europeans  with  ghosts  and 
devils.  It  is  neither  devil  nor  ghost,  but  human,  and  is  possessed  of 
certain  miraculous  powers  acquired  by  eating  human  liver.  In  certain 
ways  it  is  a  compound  of  both  vampire  and  ghoul,  for  it  may  fly  like 
the  vampire  and  live  on  human  flesh  drawn  from  the  living,  and  on 
the  other  hand  it  may  feast  on  the  flesh  of  those  who  have  died 
natural  deaths,  like  the  ghoul.  It  has  the  power  to  change  its  cor- 
poral form  from  human  to  bat-like  by  a  process  of  division  at  the 
waist  line,  the  lower  limbs  and  lower  part  of  the  trunk  remaining 
behind  while  the  upper  part  grows  wings  and  flies  away. 

It  may  also  take  the  form  of  a  dog,  cat,  cayman,  or  other  animal, 
and  in  any  form  possesses  the  power  of  causing  sickness  or  death  by 
its  spells.  In  one  of  the  stories  of  the  asuang  of  Baco,  the  asuang 
compels  the  change  of  his  food  into  a  shape  less  abhorrent  to  others. 

The  defences  against  asuangs  are  several.  Garlic  held  in  the 
hand  is  an  effectual  shield  against  their  malign  power.    Ashes  placed 

VOL.  XIX.  —  NO.  74.       13 


194  yournal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 

on  the  divided  body  prevent  the  reunion  of  the  upper  and  lower  por- 
tions, and  condemn  the  asuang  to  some  dreadful  fate  which  is  never 
more  than  hinted  at  in  the  stories.  The  most  effectual  weapon  is 
the  tail  of  the  sting-ray,  of  which  the  asuang  is  mortally  afraid.  At  the 
birth  of  a  child,  or  in  sickness,  it  is  customary  in  some  parts  of 
the  Philippines  to  beat  the  air  and  the  ground  with  these  formidable 
whips  to  drive  away  the  asuangs.  La  Gironiere,  writing  of  a  period 
between  1819  and  1839,  says  of  the  Tagalogs  of  Luzon,  that  a  sabre 
is  often  used  in  this  way,  but  the  natives  at  the  present  time  usually 
regard  the  bolo  as  useless  against  the  asuang.  La  Gironiere  also 
defines  the  asuang  as  a  malignant  divinity,  whereas  the  following 
detailed  stories  of  asuangs  are  sufficient  to  show  that  the  idea  is  a 
very  different  one. 

The  asuang  may  be  cured  by  binding  him  hand  and  foot  and  placing 
by  him  a  vessel  of  water,  which  must  be  perfectly  clean  and  clear. 
Worms,  beetles,  lizards,  and  the  like,  issue  from  the  mouth  and  nose, 
and  the  patient  is  cured. 

The  origin  of  this  class  of  superstitions  has  been  supposed  to  lie 
in  a  former  state  of  cannibalism,  which,  surviving  in  a  certain  cult 
for  a  long  time,  has  shocked  the  more  advanced  portion  of  the  com- 
munity by  its  revolting  practices.  Gradually  even  this  died  out,  and 
only  traditions  survive,  which  have  been  kept  alive  by  the  attacks  of 
animals  on  bodies  buried  in  shallow  graves.  It  is  possible  that  the 
last-named  factor  alone  is  responsible,  but  among  a  people,  or  rather 
peoples  so  diverse  in  origin  as  those  of  the  Philippines,  it  is  far  from 
improbable  that  some  at  least  of  the  tribes  at  a  remote  period  may 
have  been  anthropophagi,  especially  as  there  is  much  evidence  that 
it  has  survived  in  the  form  of  ceremonial  cannibalism,  almost  if  not 
quite  to  the  present  time,  among  the  wild  tribes  of  northern  Luzon. 
It  is  possible,  too,  that  the  superstition  itself  has  given  rise  to  cases 
of  obsession  in  which  some  of  these  acts  have  been  performed.  One 
thing  is  certain,  it  is  the  most  universal  of  all  beliefs  in  the  islands. 
It  is  believed  alike  by  Christian  and  non-Christian,  by  educated  and 
ignorant,  almost  without  exception. 

The  asuang  is  often  called  wakwak  by  Bisayans,  and  the  term  is 
understood  by  Tagalogs ;  the  converse  being  also  true,  that  the 
Bisayans  understand  the  word  "asuang."  In  Pampangan,  the  word 
"asuang"  and  a  variant  "ustuang"  are  used.  Padre  Bergano,  in  his 
Pampangan  Dictionary,  says  :  "  It  is  said  to  be  a  man,  who,  anointing 
his  body  with  oil,  flies  to  a  pregnant  woman,  and  draws  her  unborn 
child  from  the  womb."  Padre  Ortiz,  elsewhere  quoted,  speaks  of 
this  as  being  the  particular  sphere  of  action  of  the  patianak.  Padre 
Lisboa's  Bicol  Dictionary  defines  the  asuang  simply  as  a  "wizard 
that  eats  human  flesh." 


Philippine  {Tagalog)  Superstitions.  195 

The  tianak  or  patianak  is  another  dreaded  and  malevolent  being 
cognate  to  the  asuang,  which  is  said  to  be  the  soul  of  an  unbaptized 
child,  living  again  in  a  new  body  in  the  forest,  sucking  the  blood  of 
any  unfortunate  woman  whom  it  may  find  asleep,  or  who,  in  compas- 
sion, may  give  it  suck.  By  Padre  Ortiz,  the  Spanish  word  "duende," 
or  goblin,  is  used  as  a  synonym  for  patianak.  The  whole  subject 
is  confused  and  needs  further  elucidation.  It  is  likely  that  a  more 
detailed  study  would  find  the  fundamental  idea  overlaid  with  a  mass 
of  local  tradition. 

I.     THE    CAYMAN    ASUANG. 

A  boat  loaded  with  rattan  was  once  passing  down  the  Malaylay 
River  going  to  Baco,  on  the  island  of  Mindoro.  The  crew  was  com- 
posed of  a  father  and  three  sons.  As  they  proceeded  on  their  way 
they  were  hailed  by  a  stranger  on  the  bank,  who  desired  to  go  into 
Baco  with  them,  but  they  told  him,  "  No,  it  cannot  be,  because  the 
boat  is  so  full  already  that  it  is  almost  sinking."  After  some  little 
talk  the  stranger  and  the  boat  passed  on  in  the  direction  of  Baco. 

But  just  beyond  the  next  bend  a  cayman  swam  out  to  the  boat 
and  with  a  blow  of  his  tail  knocked  the  father  out  into  the  water, 
where  he  disappeared.  The  stranger  was  also  seen  no  more.  One 
of  the  sons  wished  to  go  in  pursuit  of  his  father,  but  was  restrained 
by  the  others,  who  said  that  their  father's  life  was  lost  and  that  it 
would  do  no  good  to  risk  or  lose  others  in  finding  his  body. 

After  a  while  they  went  into  Baco  and  entered  a  house,  which 
turned  out  to  be  the  house  of  the  stranger  who  had  preceded  them 
into  the  village.  There  they  saw  their  father's  bolo  which  had 
been  tied  to  his  waist  when  the  cayman  knocked  him  overboard. 
Seeing  this,  they  glanced  quietly  at  each  other,  and  as  soon  as  pos- 
sible left  Baco,  for  certainly  this  stranger  was  asuang,  and  Baco  is  a 
village  of  asuangs. 

2.     THE    BABY   TORMENTED    BY    ASUANG.^ 

"  My  baby  was  about  eighteen  months  old,  and  we  lived  up  in  the 
other  end  of  town  in  a  house  close  to  the  woods.  The  poor  little 
thing  was  taken  sick  and  we  suspected  it  was  the  work  of  an  asuang, 
so  we  set  a  watch  outside.  My  brother-in-law  went  out  into  the 
yard,  armed  with  the  tail  of  a  sting-ray  and  a  heavy  rattan  cane. 

"  He  watched  for  some  time  until  it  became  quite  dark,  although 
he  could  see.  Suddenly  an  old  woman  with  a  shawl  over  her  head 
flew  over  the  fence,  and  while  he  looked  at  her  she  changed  into  a 
large  cat,  a  pig,  and  finally  a  turkey.  The  turkey  reached  its  head 
up  between  the  bamboo  slats  and  began  to  eat. 

^  This  story  was  related  by  a  young  Tagalog  woman  of  her  living  child. 


1 96  journal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 

"  The  guard  called  to  us,  but  we  could  not  hear,  and  the  asuang 
finding  herself  discovered,  flew  away,  but  to  this  day  the  child  bears 
the  scar  of  the  asuang's  bite." 

(As  it  is  almost  impossible  under  severe  penalties  to  keep  Tagalog 
soldiers  on  post  awake  at  night,  a  natural  explanation  of  the  story 
readily  presents  itself.) 

3.     CAPTURE    OF    ASUANGS. 

There  was  once  a  very  brave  man  who  was  not  afraid  of  asuangs,  and 
as  there  were  many  bewitched  by  them  in  the  pueblo,  he  determined 
to  save  them.  So  he  went  into  a  house  alone,  and  taking  a  bolo  and 
the  whip-like  tail  of  the  sting-ray  and  some  garlic  and  ashes,  he 
wrapped  himself  up  in  a  sleeping  mat  as  though  dead,  and  lay  very 
still.  The  virtue  of  these  weapons  is  this,  that  with  the  bolo  one 
may  slay,  with  the  sting-ray's  tail  one  may  whip  most  terribly,  and 
with  the  ashes  one  may  do  mischief  to  the  asuang,  while  it  is  power- 
less to  harm  one  who  carries  garlic  or  has  ashes  in  his  hand. 

Soon  the  asuangs  came  to  the  house,  and  after  a  discussion  two  of 
them  carried  the  man  wrapped  in  the  mat  through  the  air  to  the 
beach,  and  there  laid  him  down.  Then  the  man  came  out  of  his 
wrappings  and  stood  up.  He  took  his  whip  and  began  to  beat  them, 
driving  them  into  the  water.  He  caught  one  of  them,  and  taking 
her  forefinger  in  his  mouth,  bit  it  through  the  nail.  Now  this  is  a 
very  terrible  thing  to  do  to  an  asuang,  and  she  surrendered.  He 
likewise  caught  the  other  and  took  them  before  the  alcalde.  The 
alcalde  examined  them,  and  they  confessed  that  they  were  asuangs, 
and  told  the  names  of  those  whom  they  had  bewitched. 

The  alcalde  then  compelled  them  to  cure  all  those  whom  they  had 
bewitched,  and  told  them  that  if  they  ever  did  ill  to  any  one  again, 
they  would  be  put  to  death. 

Ever  afterward  they  led  most  exemplary  lives  and  became  famous 
for  their  skilful  care  of  the  sick. 

4.     ASUANGS    AS    FISHERMEN. 

A  poor  married  couple  were  bewailing  the  fact  that  they  had  no 
meat  to  eat  with  their  boiled  rice,  and  could  neither  buy  nor  find 
any. 

As  they  talked  a  fine  piece  of  meat  came  flying  through  the  air 
and  stopped  just  between  them.  "Ah,  thanks  be  to  God,"  said  the 
woman,  "we  shall  have  meat  for  our  suppers."  So  they  ate  freely 
of  it,  and  only  when  they  finished  did  they  see  that  with  the  meat 
they  had  also  swallowed  strong  cords,  like  fishing  lines.  Then  they 
felt  themselves  caught  up  and  flying  through  the  air.  Whither  they 
were  being  carried  they  had  no  idea,  but  at  last  they  passed  under  a 


Philippine  {Tagalog)  Superstitions.  197 

bridge,  and  the  man,  by  catching  hold  of  the  woman  and  of  the 
bridge,  managed  to  resist  the  asuang  till  the  lines  pulled  loose  and 
they  were  saved,  but  the  woman  lost  an  arm,  eaten  off  by  the  asuang 
while  they  were  being  carried  through  the  air. 

5.     THE    ASUANG    WHO    DIED    OF    SHAME. 

There  was  once  a  poor  widow  who  had  two  children.  She  used 
always  to  tell  them  never  to  forget  to  pray  for  the  repose  of  her  soul 
when  she  should  die.  At  last  she  died,  and  the  oldest  girl,  then 
verging  on  womanhood,  tried  to  get  the  money  to  bury  her,  but  no 
one  helped  her,  till  a  young  man  came  and  said  that  if  she  would 
marry  him  he  would  bury  her  mother.  She  consented  to  this  and 
the  woman  was  buried,  and  although  she  did  not  know  it,  the  young 
man  wished  the  body  for  himself,  for  he  was  asuang. 

After  a  suitable  time  they  were  married,  but  the  young  wife  was 
not  happy,  however,  for  her  husband  was  never  at  home  at  night. 
One  night  she  watched  him  and  he  flew  away.  She  was  greatly 
frightened  and  resolved  to  eat  nothing  more  in  the  house.  When 
the  morning  came  the  young  man  returned  carrying  much  meat, 
which  he  said  came  from  a  wild  boar  he  had  killed  in  the  woods. 
This  he  prepared  and  told  her  to  eat,  but  she  begged  not  to  be  com- 
pelled to  eat,  because  she  was  sick.  "  You  must  eat,"  said  the  young 
man,  "or  I  will  eat  you."  So  she  pretended  to  eat,  but  dropped  the 
bits  of  meat  through  the  floor.  This  the  asuang  saw,  and  threatened 
again  with  being  eaten  herself,  through  fear  she  ate  the  meat.  She 
did  not  become  asuang,  however,  as  she  did  not  eat  any  of  the  liver. 

The  next  night  when  the  asuang  went  away,  she  went  to  a  chief 
of  the  village  and  begged  to  be  protected  from  her  husband.  The 
chief  promised  to  keep  her  from  harm,  and  she  remained  in  his 
house.  The  next  morning  her  husband  came  in  search  of  her  and 
found  her  in  the  house  of  the  chief,  who  said  to  him,  "  Your  wife  has 
left  you  because  of  your  wickedness,  and  will  never  live  with  you  as 
long  as  you  continue  your  evil  ways." 

The  asuang  raised  his  downcast  eyes  for  a  moment,  looked  at  his 
wife,  and  fell  down  dead. 

6.  THE  FOUR  ASUANGS  OF  CAPIZ. 

There  was  once  a  commandant  who  made  a  voyage  to  Capiz  in  a 
little  boat  having  six  sailors  and  a  captain.  When  they  arrived  at 
Capiz  the  commandant  was  put  to  lodge  in  one  house,  and  the  boat- 
men in  another.  Now  the  house  where  the  sailors  were  lodged  was 
a  very  grand  one,  beautifully  furnished,  and  large.  The  commandant 
was  invited  there  for  the  evening  meal,  by  the  owner  of  the  house, 
who  was  a  widow  with  three  lovely  daughters.     The  commandant, 


1 98  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

the  captain,  the  sailors,  and  the  women  all  sat  down  to  the  table 
together. 

The  viands  were  delicious,  the  wines  were  of  rare  vintage,  the 
tablecloth  and  the  dishes  were  of  the  finest,  and  the  servants  were 
very  attentive ;  everything  being  in  conformity.  There  was  much 
laughter  and  gay  conversation  until  one  of  the  sailors  noticed  that 
his  fork  was  in  the  shape  of  a  human  hand.  Without  speaking, 
he  called  the  attention  of  the  others  to  it,  and  as  quickly  as  pos- 
sible J;hey  all  concluded  their  meal.  That  night  the  commandant 
went  to  his  own  house,  the  captain  had  a  room  by  himself  in  the 
house  where  they  were,  and  the  six  sailors  had  a  room  together. 

The  boatmen  were  resolved  not  to  sleep,  but  to  watch  for  strange 
things  that  might  befall.  After  they  had  gone  to  their  rooms  there 
was  much  passing  to  and  fro,  but  all  this  ceased  about  midnight. 
So  three  of  the  sailors  stole  quietly  downstairs,  and  there  in  the 
lower  rooms  they  saw  the  bodies  of  three  women,  perfect  below  the 
waist,  but  all  above  missing,  standing  against  the  wall.  Then  a 
temptation  entered  their  hearts  and  they  smeared  the  upper  parts  of 
the  bodies  with  ashes,  so  that  they  could  not  be  joined  to  the  other 
halves,  and  changed  the  positions  of  all  of  them.  Then  they  ran  to 
the  commandant  and  the  others,  to  tell  them  that  the  women  were 
asuangs. 

While  they  were  gone  the  women  returned,  flying  in  and  endeavor- 
ing to  join  themselves  to  their  lower  limbs,  but  they  could  not 
because  of  the  evil  done  them  by  the  sailors.  So  they  began  to 
cry  for  help,  saying  that  they  had  done  no  harm,  and  a  terrible 
fate  would  befall  them  if  the  dawn  saw  them  in  their  present  con- 
dition. 

The  captain  heard  their  cries  and  weeping,  and  went  down.  They 
told  him  of  the  cruel  trick  which  had  been  done  them  by  the  sailors, 
and  procuring  a  cloth  and  water,  he  carefully  washed  off  the  ashes 
and  placed  them  in  their  proper  places,  and  just  as  dawn  was  appear- 
ing in  the  east,  the  asuangs  became  women  again.  They  promised 
the  captain  every  good  fortune  for  his  kindness,  but  were  very  angry 
against  the  sailors  who  had  done  the  wickedness. 

The  other  three  sailors  married  women  of  Capiz,  and  the  captain 
and  commandant  lived  long  there,  but  the  three  mischievous  ones 
fled.  Wherever  they  went  the  asuangs  always  followed,  threatening 
them  with  death  unless  by  marriage  they  repaired  the  wrong  they 
had  done. 

At  last  they  agreed,  being  worn  out  by  continual  persuasion  of 
the  asuangs,  and  married  them.  And  the  asuangs  made  them  good 
wives,  and  the  sailors  were  never,  so  long  as  they  lived,  heard  to 
complain  of  their  lot. 


Philippine  [Tagalog)  Superstitions.  199 

7.  THE  WOMAN  WHO  BECAME  AN  ASUANG. 

There  was  once  a  man  who  was  an  asuang,  who  married  a  woman 
who  was  not.  The  two  lived  in  a  house  with  the  woman's  mother* 
and  their  own  child,  a  baby  girl.  The  man  was  absent  from  home  a 
great  deal,  and  the  woman  grew  jealous  lest  she  had  a  rival.  So  one 
day,  leaving  the  baby  with  her  mother,  she  went  out  to  the  farm  in 
the  country  to  look  for  the  man. 

When  she  came  to  the  house  she  could  not  find  the  man,  but 
within,  swung  from  the  rafters,  was  a  great  deal  of  meat.  Being 
hungry,  she  was  tempted  to  try  the  meat,  and  finding  it  savory,  ate 
on.  After  a  while  she  ate  a  piece  of  the  liver,  and  her  nature  changed 
at  once  and  she  became  an  asuang.  After  waiting  a  while  she  re- 
turned home,  and  finding  her  mother  gone  about  her  work,  she  took 
her  own  child  and  began  to  eat  the  flesh  of  its  arm.  The  grand- 
mother heard  the  child's  cries,  and  for  a  while  paid  no  attention  to 
it,  but  finally  returned  just  in  time  to  see  its  mother  running  away, 
and  the  child  with  its  arm  eaten  off. 

The  poor  old  woman  could  think  of  nothing  else  than  that  her 
daughter  had  gone  mad,  but  she  buried  the  child  and  went  to  the 
chiefs  of  the  village  for  protection.  The  asuang  went  to  the  forest 
and  joined  her  husband,  and  together  they  went  to  another  village. 

In  this  village  they  did  very  well  for  a  while,  till  the  neighbors 
began  to  notice  that  they  never  slept,  but  in  and  out,  up  and  down, 
night  and  day,  they  were  always  stirring.  So  one  of  the  neighbors 
learned  in  the  ways  of  the  asuangs  went  to  the  house  one  night  and 
there  found  the  bodies  perfect  below  the  waist,  but  with  all  above 
missing,  a  condition  which  betokens  the  asuang.  So  he  changed  the 
one  for  the  other,  and  placed  ashes  on  the  surface  where  the  missing 
parts  should  join,  and  set  himself  to  watch.  Soon  they  returned,  but 
because  of  what  had  been  done,  were  not  able  to  resume  their  normal 
state.  They  flew  about  within  and  without  the  house  crying,  "Woe 
is  me,  woe  is  thee,  if  the  dawn  find  us  thus."  Then  they  flew  away 
again,  and  as  soon  as  they  were  gone  the  man  undid  his  work.  Just 
as  dawn  was  breaking,  they  came  again,  and  finding  all  straight  and 
ready,  they  became  human  again  ;  but  they  were  so  ashamed  at 
being  found  out  that  they  went  away  and  never  again  troubled  that 
village. 

8.     THE    ASUANG    OF    BACO. 

I  once  knew  a  woman  of  Calapan  who  was  married  to  a  man  of 
Baco.  They  had  one  child,  but  when  it  reached  the  age  of  two  or 
three  years  it  died.  The  grandmother  of  the  child  went  to  the 
funeral  and  remained  afterwards. 

That  night  the  father  said  he  would  go  fishing,  and  took  his  line  as 


200  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore, 

if  he  were  going  fishing,  but  instead  he  went  to  the  cemetery,  and 
dug  up  the  body  of  the  child,  which  he  carried  down  to  the  seashore. 
There  in  the  dark  he  began  to  wash  it  with  sea  water,  saying  as  he 
washed  "fish."  Washing  and  repeating  the  word  over  and  over, 
at  last  it  became  a  great  fish  which  he  carried  home.  But  his  mo- 
ther-in-law had  been  a  spectator  of  all  his  movements,  and  when  he 
laid  the  fish  on  the  table  she  took  up  a  sharp  knife  and  threatened 
him  with  death  unless  he  buried  it  again,  telling  him  that  she  knew 
he  was  an  asuang.  After  he  had  placed  the  child  again  in  its  dese- 
crated grave,  he  was  driven  from  the  village,  and  his  wife  returned  to 
her  father,  and  the  asuang  was  heard  of  no  more. 

9.     THE    TIANAK. 

There  lived  once  upon  a  time  a  young  couple  who  had  been  mar- 
ried only  a  month.  Said  the  husband,  "  Let  us  go  and  plant  palay  ' 
in  the  country  so  that  we  shall  have  plenty  to  eat."  So  they  started 
for  the  palay  field  and  the  road  ran  through  the  forest. 

There  they  saw  a  baby  sitting  on  the  root  of  a  tree  and  crying 
piteously.  The  soft-hearted  woman  said  to  her  husband,  "Can't  we 
take  the  poor  little  thing.?  Perhaps  it  will  live,  and  it  is  so  pretty." 
So  the  husband  agreed  and  they  went  on.  They  stopped  to  rest,  and 
the  woman  said  to  her  husband,  "  There  is  no  milk  in  my  breast,  but 
perhaps  it  will  quiet  the  child  if  I  give  it  suck." 

She  nestled  the  little  thing  close  up  to  her  bosom  and  gave  it  the 
breast,  but  as  soon  as  the  baby's  lips  touched  her,  she  cried  out, 
'^  Aroy  cong  Dios,"^  it  is  biting  me,"  but  her  husband  thought  it  only 
a  jest,  for  how  could  such  a  thing  bite.-'  After  a  few  minutes  she 
lay  very  still,  and  her  husband  thought  her  asleep,  and  went  away  for 
a  short  time.  When  he  returned  he  saw  that  she  was  dead,  and 
flying  through  the  forest,  he  could  see  the  baby  !  Then  he  was 
sorry  that  he  had  not  killed  the  baby  instead  of  showing  it  kindness, 
for  surely  it  was  a  tianak. 

III.    THE    TIK-BALAN.^ 

The  belief  in  a  monster  called  the  tik-balan  is  quite  widely  dis- 
seminated in  the  Philippines,  notably  among  Tagalogs  and  Bisayans. 
It  is  not  found  among  the  primitive  Mangyans  of  Mindoro,  prob- 
ably because  living  in  the  dense  forests  said  to  be  his  haunts,  they 
know  that  no  such  thing  is  to  be  found  there. 

La  Gironiere  speaks  of  one  of  his  Tagalog  companions  on  a  hunt- 
ing expedition  having  been  afraid  both  to  enter  a  cave,  and  to  sleep 
under  a  balete  tree.     He  defines  the  tik-balan  as  an  evil  spirit,  and 

1  Palay,  rice.  2  "  O  my  God  !  " 

8  Also  written  tic-balan,  tik-balang,  tig-balang. 


Philippine  {Taga log)  Superstitions.  201 

mentions  the  fact  that  in  passing  a  balete  tree,  a  Tagalog  always 
says,  "  Tabi,  po,  Nono,"  as  though  requesting  permission  of  a  supe- 
rior to  pass.  This  custom  is  still  kept  up,  though  it  is  probable  that 
the  address  is  now  directed  to  an  anito  rather  than  to  the  tik-balan. 

The  tik-balan  is  variously  described,  usually  as  being  of  super- 
human stature,  at  least  twelve  feet,  and  that  it  has  horse's  hoofs  on 
a  manlike  body.  It  is  said  by  some  to  have  great  saucer-like  eyes, 
and  by  others  to  have  a  long  face  like  a  horse.  It  has  long  stream- 
ing hair,  and  the  best  way  to  catch  it  is  to  drive  heavy  nails  into  a 
tree  which  it  visits,  and  thus  entangle  its  hair.  The  tik-balan  lives 
in  caves  in  the  densest  forest,  whence  it  makes  forays  for  the  pro- 
curing of  human  flesh.  It  is  malevolent,  and  is  often  said  to  be 
possessed  of  magical  powers,  but  is  apparently  very  stupid  and 
easily  outwitted.  If  captured  it  becomes  a  faithful  and  tractable  ser- 
vant for  farm  work,  and  never  permits  stray  animals  nor  wild  beasts 
to  molest  the  crops. 

The  tik-balan  has  often  been  seen,  according  to  their  own  ac- 
counts, by  those  who  have  related  these  stories. 

Akin  to  the  tik-balan  is  the  oko.  It  is  manlike  in  shape,  but  has 
an  immensely  long  upper  lip  that  may  be  made  to  cover  the  entire 
face.  It  associates  with  the  tik-balan,  but  has  no  such  supernatural 
powers.  It  is,  however,  fond  of  human  flesh.  The  oko  is  called 
Maomao  by  Tagalogs,  but  as  the  only  tale  in  the  collection  which 
refers  to  them  is  of  Bisayan  origin,  the  Bisayan  name  oko  has  been 
preferred. 

Cognate  to  the  oko  superstition  is  the  idea  entertained  by  the 
Tagalog  and  Bisayan  Christians  of  southern  Mindoro,  that  their 
Mangyan  neighbors  rise  the  third  day  after  death,  and  in  a  form  like 
that  of  the  oko  haunt  the  scenes  they  have  known  in  life.  It  is  a 
revived  body  and  not  a  spirit  which  walks,  and  if  it  can  be  led  to  the 
sea,  it  dies  forever  when  it  touches  the  water. 

Another  monster,  but  a  benign  one,  is  the  kapre.  It  is  gigantic 
in  size,  being  even  larger  than  the  tik-balan,  and  is  perfectly  black. 
The  name  and  description  suggest  an  Arabic  source  (from  Kafir), 
and  it  is  possible  that  further  investigation  will  show  that  this 
superstition  is  derived  from  the  Moros,  with  whom  the  writer  has  no 
acquaintance.  While  several  natives  with  whom  the  writer  talked 
claimed  to  have  seen  the  kapre,  they  were  unable  to  give  any  details 
that  would  have  thrown  light  on  the  subject  of  the  origin  of  the 
myth,  or  accounts  of  things  done  by  it,  beyond  the  mere  fact  of  its 
appearance. 

I.    THE    TIK-BALAN. 

A  man  and  his  wife  wished  to  go  to  visit  the  parents  of  the  wife, 
who  lived  in  the  country  on  the  other  side  of  the  forest.     They  did 


202  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

not  know  the  road  very  well  and  were  soon  lost.  Then  the  woods 
on  each  side  began  to  crash  and  the  tree-tops  to  move,  although 
there  was  no  wind.  "What  is  that  .-* "  asked  the  woman,  trembling. 
"Surely  it  is  the  tik-balan,"  answered  the  man.  Drawing  his  bolo, 
he  struck  upon  the  ground,  and  bade  all  evil  spirits  begone  in  the 
name  of  God. 

A  great  voice  sounded  from  one  side  of  the  road,  "  You  will  never 
reach  your  destination,"  and  from  the  other  side  responded  another 
great  voice,  "You  will  die  here  in  the  woods."  At  last  night  came 
on  and  they  were  more  afraid  than  ever,  but  whenever  the  voice 
came  too  close  they  recited  the  prayer  against  devils  and  three 
"  Our  Fathers,"  and  the  man  struck  upon  the  ground  with  his  bolo 
and  bade  the  devils  begone  again. 

On  the  evening  of  the  second  day,  having  wandered  for  two  days 
and  a  night  on  a  journey  that  should  have  taken  only  a  few  hours, 
they  arrived  at  the  farm  whither  they  were  bound.  They  were  so 
fatigued  that  they  were  only  able  to  say  that  they  had  been  followed 
by  tik-balans,  when  they  fell  as  dead. 

The  father  of  the  woman  knew  what  to  do,  however,  and  quickly 
placed  crosses  at  the  corners  of  the  yard  and  in  the  centre,  and 
sprinkled  salt  on  the  roof  of  the  house. 

Seeing  themselves  baffled,  the  tik-balans  crashed  off  through  the 
woods  and  troubled  them  no  more,  but  it  was  a  long  time  before  the 
man  and  woman  recovered  from  the  fright  and  fatigue  of  their  ter- 
rible journey  in  the  forest. 

2.    THE    TIK-BALAN. 

"When  I  was  a  young  woman  I  went  with  the  family  to  the  coun- 
try to  plant  crops.  My  father  went  to  town  to  get  some  provisions 
and  my  mother,  myself,  and  the  little  children  were  left  in  the  house. 
We  lay  down  to  sleep  in  the  night  without  much  fear,  but  my  mo- 
ther heard  a  noise  of  scraping  on  the  walls  of  the  nipa  house.  Ris- 
ing quickly  she  looked  out  and  there  saw  a  gigantic  shape.  Hastily 
she  woke  the  children,  and  calling  me  and  seizing  her  crucifix,  she 
went  to  the  window  and  waved  it.  I  also  looked  out  and  saw  a 
hideous  shape,  as  of  the  body  of  a  man  with  the  legs  and  feet  of  a 
horse  and  with  a  horrible  horse-like  face.  She  waved  her  cross,  and 
the  tik-balan  ran  off  in  the  moonlight,  taller  than  the  house.  The 
next  day  we  found  its  tracks,  close  to  the  house,  like  horse's  tracks, 
and  the  woods  were  broken  down  where  it  had  passed  through,  run- 
ning away  from  the  blessed  crucifix  which  deprived  it  of  all  its  power 
to  do  harm.  Surely  if  she  had  not  waved  the  cross  one  of  the  chil- 
dren would  have  been  stolen." 


Philippine  {Tagalog)  Superstitions.  203 

3.    THE    RESCUED    WOMAN. 
(Tik-balan  and  okos.     A  Bisayan  tale.) 

A  man  once  lived  with  his  wife  in  a  little  house  in  the  woods.  Their 
principal  crop  was  maize,  and  for  a  long  time  they  prospered.  But 
something  began  to  take  the  maize.  One  morning  the  farmer  found 
that  five  stalks  were  gone,  and  to  a  Bisayan  farmer  it  is  a  serious 
matter  to  lose  a  few  stalks  of  maize.  Then  the  next  night  he  lost  ten 
and  another  night  fifty.  So  he  set  a  watch  but  saw  nothing.  He 
was  greatly  worried  by  this,  but  as  he  had  business  in  town  he  went 
away. 

While  he  was  away  a  tik-balan  came  to  the  house  and  took  the 
woman  who  was  left  behind,  and  tying  her 'into  a  bundle,  threw  her 
up  on  his  shoulder  and  carried  her  away  to  a  cave  in  the  mountains. 
There  he  went  down  a  steep  ladder  into  a  large  room  full  of  okos, 
which,  as  soon  as  they  smelled  a  human  being,  cried  aloud  in  joy, 
"  Here  is  live  human  flesh."  They  put  the  woman  into  a  cage  to 
fatten  her  till  she  should  be  ready  to  eat. 

The  husband  returned,  found  his  wife  gone,  and  being  a  brave  man 
followed  the  trail  of  the  tik-balan  to  his  cave.  Knowing  that  he 
could  do  nothing  without  help,  he  returned  to  his  house  and  there 
found  two  nephews,  both  brave  men,  who  had  just  returned  from  a  voy- 
age. These  three  procured  all  the  alak  ^  they  could,  and  fastening  the 
bottles  around  their  waists  and  tying  on  their  bolos,  they  went  to 
the  cave. 

Down  the  ladder  they  climbed,  into  the  dark.  When  they  reached 
the  bottom,  all  the  okos  set  up  the  shout,  "  Here  is  live  human  flesh," 
but  these  brave  men  were  not  at  all  discomposed  and  only  said,  "Very 
well,  but  you  won't  eat  us  until  you  have  tasted  our  alak."  So  the 
tik-balan  and  the  okos  tasted  the  alak  and  smacked  their  lips,  declaring 
it  was  the  finest  water  they  ever  drank.  But  soon  the  alak  began  to 
make  them  drunk,  and  they  sang  and  talked  and  finally  fell  over  and 
went  to  sleep. 

Then  the  men  went  to  the  cage  and  let  the  woman  out  and  started 
up  the  long  ladders.  The  okos  and  the  tik-balan  by  this  time  were 
recovering  from  their  drunkenness  and  started  to  follow.  But  the  men 
and  the  woman  reached  the  top  first,  and  the  men  cut  the  ladders 
loose  and  threw  them  with  the  okos  and  the  tik-balan  to  the  bottom 
where  they  were  all  killed.  Then  they  returned  to  their  homes  and 
were  never  troubled  again. 

1  Alak= native  rice  or  palm  brandy. 


204  yournal  of  Ainerican  Folk- Lore. 


4.  THE  YOUNG  MAN  WHO  WAS  NOT  AFRAID. 

A  young  man  who  lived  in  the  country  once  wished  to  go  to  town. 
He  was  a  brave  fellow  and  started  off  clapping  his  hands  and  shout- 
ing to  the  tik-balan  and  the  evil  spirits  that  he  was  not  afraid  of  them. 
As  he  went  on  he  felt  the  touch  of  invisible  hands  grasping  his  cloth- 
ing. Drawing  his  bolo  he  struck  out  to  the  sides  and  behind  him, 
and  although  he  could  see  nothing  the  steel  rang  as  though  striking 
on  a  rock.  At  last  he  came  to  a  brook,  and  the  invisible  hands  gripped 
him  closer,  tearing  his  clothes  from  his  back.  Looking  up  he  saw 
also  a  gigantic  tik-balan  towering  above  and  ready  to  grasp  him. 
He  attempted  to  cross  the  brook,  but  could  not. 

Then  he  drew  his  bolo  again  and  struck  it  on  the  ground  three 
times,  at  the  same  time  saying  a  prayer  against  the  evil  spirits,  three 
"Hail  Marys"  and  three  "Our  Fathers."  With  that  the  evil  spirits 
and  the  tik-balan  gave  back  a  little,  but  the  young  man,  whether 
by  fear  or  the  power  of  the  evil  spirits,  was  nearly  crazed.  He  went 
on,  but  his  path  instead  of  taking  him  to  the  village  lead  into  the 
mountains  until  he  had  crossed  seven.  On  and  on  he  went  never 
daring  to  stop  till  midnight,  when  the  tik-balan  drew  near  to  destroy 
him. 

Without  knowing  what  he  did  he  cut  a  bamboo  and  made  of  it  a 
cross  and  carrying  it  he  went  on.  The  tik-balan,  frightened  by  the 
cross,  kept  at  a  greater  distance  but  still  followed. 

After  much  fatigue  and  suffering  he  came  to  his  mother's  house  in 
the  country,  and  she,  being  skilled  in  such  matters,  put  crosses  about, 
and  put  salt  on  the  roof  and  on  her  son's  body.  But  though  she  was 
a  wise  woman  and  knew  much  of  herbs,  it  was  three  days  before  the 
young  man  could  remember  anything  or  speak. 

Fletcher  Gardner. 


Philippine  (  Visayan)  Superstitions.  205 

PHILIPPINE    (VISAYAN)    SUPERSTITIONS. 

I.   GOOD  AND  EVIL  SPIRITS. 

The  Visayans  in  general  believe  in  three  kinds  of  spirits  :  the 
tamawos,  dvvendes,  and  asuangs.  The  first  are  not  especially  bad, 
although  sometimes  mischievous,  and  accustomed  to  kidnap  children, 
in  order  to  make  them  like  themselves.  They  live  in  mounds  or 
elevated  places  in  the  fields.  Their  houses,  which  are  generally  on 
the  inside  of  the  mound,  although  sometimes  built  outside,  are  of 
metal  or  glass,  and  ordinarily  invisible  to  mortals.  Those  who  have 
seen  them,  and  in  each  town  there  is  usually  at  least  one  person  who 
claims  to  have  done  so,  say  that  the  houses  have  the  appearance  of 
those  inhabited  by  men,  contain  handsome  furniture,  and  usually 
have  in  them  beautiful  young  ladies  who  do  their  utmost  to  induce 
the  child  whom  the  tamawo  has  captured  to  partake  of  their  food, 
since  if  a  mortal  once  eats  of  their  food  he  becomes  for  all  time  a 
tamawo  like  themselves.  If,  however,  he  successfully  resists  them, 
the  child  is,  at  the  end  of  three  or  four  days,  taken  back  to  the  spot 
where  he  was  captured,  and  released. 

The  tamawo  can  take  on  any  shape  he  pleases,  generally  appear- 
ing as  a  man,  but  sometimes  as  a  dog,  carabao,  or  other  animal. 
The  tamawo,  however,  can  be  distinguished  from  the  true  animal, 
because  the  former  has  a  huge  body,  big  staring  eyes,  and  the  toes 
much  prolonged  and  ending  in  big  claws. 

The  dwende  is  a  little  sprite  which  lives  in  men's  houses,  and 
amuses  himself  by  making  noises,  throwing  sand  and  stones,  and 
singing.  In  general,  he  is  good  natured,  although  if  provoked  he 
may  take  his  revenge  by  making  one  of  the  children  fall  sick  and  die. 
At  times  one  can  be  heard  to  drop  from  the  ceiling  to  the  floor,  and 
at  other  times  he  knocks  over  kitchen  utensils,  etc. 

Filipino  houses  swarm  with  lizards,  rats,  and  bats.  One  kind  of 
lizard,  about  three  or  four  inches  long,  runs  over  the  ceilings  and 
walls,  especially  at  night,  and  often  slips  and  falls  to  the  floor  with  a 
thud.  Rats  frequently  alarmed  us  by  lifting  the  lids  of  kettles,  to 
get  what  might  be  within,  and  letting  them  down  with  a  bang. 
They  and  the  bats  make  noise  enough  at  night  to  account  for  almost 
anything,  and  it  is  probable  that  with  the  lizards,  assisted  by  the 
vivid  imagination  of  the  people,  they  are  entirely  responsible  for  the 
belief  in  the  existence  of  these  noisy  little  imps. 

The  belief  in  asuangs  is  too  firmly  established  in  the  minds  of 
most  of  the  people  to  be  easily  shaken,  and  is  sometimes  the  cause 
of  great  mischief,  as  the  asuang  is  a  mortal,  in  many  respects  like 
themselves,  —  indeed,  may  be  one  of  their  neighbors.     The  chief 


2o6  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

characteristic  of  the  asuang  is  his  liking  for  human  flesh,  especially 
the  livers  of  young  children.  It  is  with  the  greatest  difificulty  that 
a  teacher  can  convince  his  scholars  that  the  cannibals  mentioned  in 
the  story  of  Robinson  Crusoe  were  not  asuangs,  but  simply  men  and 
women  like  their  own  parents.  The  children  believe  that  the 
asuang  can  catch  them  and  carry  them  to  the  tops  of  high  trees,  in 
order  to  eat  them.  This  is  one  of  the  reasons  why  they  dislike  to 
be  out  after  dark,  and  why  they  will  not  travel  alone  at  night,  or 
even  in  the  daytime  in  lonely  places,  if  it  can  possibly  be  avoided. 

The  asuang  is  a  man  or  woman  who  has  made  a  compact  with  the 
evil  one.  Such  a  one  does  not  attend  the  church  nor  enter  any 
other  sacred  place.  He  has  a  hole  in  the  arm-pit  which  contains  an 
oil  that  gives  him  the  power  of  becoming  invisible  and  flying  where 
he  pleases.  His  nails  are  very  long  and  his  tongue  horribly 
expanded,  black,  and  pliant  as  silk. 

The  asuang,  like  the  tamawo,  can  assume  the  form  of  an  animal 
at  will.  The  early  evening  is  the  time  most  suitable  for  him  to 
make  a  visit  of  inspection  to  the  houses  where,  later,  when  the 
people  are  all  asleep,  he  performs  his  horrible  deeds.  At  midnight 
he  leaves  the  lower  part  of  his  body,  from  the  waist  down,  and  the 
other  half  flies  off  to  look  for  food,  especially  lonely  trav^ellers  and 
babies  whose  attendants  have  neglected  them.  If  any  one  can 
manage,  during  the  absence  of  the  asuang,  to  cast  salt  upon  the  part 
of  his  body  which  he  has  left  behind,  it  will  be  impossible  for  him 
upon  his  return  to  reunite  his  body. 

When  a  child  is  sick,  the  parents  go  to  the  house  of  one  who  is 
known  to  be  an  asuang,  and  beg  him  to  come  and  cure  the  sick  one. 
If  the  asuang  can  be  induced  to  come  and  touch  the  child's  hand, 
immediate  recovery  is  assured  and  the  parents  return  thanks  to  the 
asuang. 

It  is  a  serious  matter  to  be  suspected  of  being  an  asuang.  Young 
ladies  who  belong  to  the  family  of  an  asuang  are  not  sought  in  mar- 
riage, but  are  condemned  to  pass  their  lives  in  lonely  spinsterhood, 
—  a  fate  even  more  to  be  deplored  in  that  country  than  in  more  civ- 
ilized regions.  Many  masters  will  not  engage  a  servant  until  after 
assuring  themselves  that  there  is  no  danger  of  his  being  related  to 
an  asuang. 

In  order  to  discover  whether  a  person  is  an  asuang  or  not,  a  curious 
custom  is  in  vogue.  The  parings  of  the  finger-nails  are  cast  into 
the  fire  in  the  presence  of  the  suspect.  If  the  suspicion  is  correct, 
the  asuang  betrays  himself  by  becoming  extremely  nervous  and  rest- 
less. 

The  probable  origin  of  the  belief  in  asuangs  is  thus  given  by  a 
well-educated  Visayan  :  — 


Philippine  (  Visayan)  Superstitions.  207 

*•  Before  the  Spaniards  came  to  these  Islands  each  datto  or  rich 
man  had  an  asuang,  or  ofificial  who  served  as  counsellor  in  religious 
and  political  matters.  The  asuangs  were  the  most  learned  people 
among  them.  The  Spaniards  came  and  began  to  preach  Christian- 
ity, and,  of  course,  they  had  to  show  the  falsehood  of  the  asuang's 
doctrine,  as  contrary  to  morality.  Then  the  neophytes  and  new 
Christians  looked  upon  the  asuang  as  a  false  teacher,  and  their  ha- 
tred of  him  became  so  great  that  they  forged  and  invented  many 
attributes  of  him." 

In  addition  to  these,  there  are  the  cama-cama,  or  little  spirits  of 
the  well,  whose  operations  are  limited  to  making  black  and  blue 
spots  on  the  bodies  of  those  who  come  to  bathe,  by  pinching  them, 
and  ghosts,  which  appear  as  flaming  figures  in  the  graveyards.  As 
the  graves  are  very  shallow,  and  bones,  coffin-boards,  etc.,  are  strewn 
around,  it  is  not  improbable  that  phosphorescent  lights  may  some- 
times be  seen.  A  parish  priest,  in  reply  to  a  question  once  put  to 
him  by  the  writer  as  to  the  belief  in  these  ghosts,  said  :  "  We  do  not 
know.  It  may  be  that  God  permits  the  souls  of  men  to  return  to 
earth  as  a  warning  to  others,  but  whether  this  is  so  or  not  I  cannot 
say." 

II.    TWO    TAMAWO    STORIES. 

I.  There  is  a  kind  of  tree  called  lonoc  which  the  people  think  to 
be  inhabited  by  tamawos,  and  they  are  afraid  to  touch  it. 

In  1876  a  gentleman  owned  an  estate  in  Igpandan,  between  Miagao 
and  Igbaras,  in  the  province  of  Iloilo. 

Near  the  house  stood  a  lonoc  tree.  The  gentleman  wanted  to 
clear  all  the  estate  from  trees  and  bushes,  so  gave  orders  to  cut  the 
tree  down.  The  workmen,  who  all  belonged  to  the  ignorant  class, 
protested,  and  besought  their  master  not  for  his  life  to  go  on  with  the 
task  ;  but  he  refused  to  listen,  and  the  tree  was  chopped  down. 

The  men,  as  they  were  cutting  the  tree,  cried  :  "  We  are  not  respon- 
sible for  this  cutting ! "  By  this  means  they  hoped  to  escape  the 
tamawos'  anger. 

Some  time  afterwards,  the  gentleman's  house  in  town  was  troubled 
by  stoning.  No  one  could  discover  the  author  of  the  disturbance, 
although  many  suspected  ones  were  arrested  without  causing  the 
cessation  of  the  trouble. 

A  Spanish  priest,  who,  of  course,  did  not  believe  that  spirits  could 
have  anything  to  do  with  such  matters,  went  to  the  house  ;  but  no 
sooner  had  he  stepped  inside  the  door  than  he  was  hit  with  a  stone. 
Curiosity  brought  many  people  to  the  house  to  see  the  stones,  flowers, 
dirt,  etc.,  which  continued  to  fall  for  about  a  month. 

Who  caused  the  trouble }  The  rabble  solved  the  problem  by 
imputing  it   to  the  tamawos,  who  in  this  way  were  avenging  the 


2o8  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

injury  done  them  by  cutting  down  the  lonoc  tree.  The  learned  men 
attributed  it  to  some  evilly  disposed  persons  who  wished  to  annoy  the 
owner  of  the  house.  But  in  spite  of  all  the  investigations  made,  the 
true  cause  was  never  fully  established. 

2.  Once  a  fish  seller  went  on  horseback  to  sell  his  fish.  He  saw- 
many  houses  along  the  road,  and  many  people  looking  out  of  the 
windows,  but  he  was  surprised  that  no  one  wished  to  buy  his  fish. 

At  last  there  was  no  longer  any  road  to  walk  upon.  He  turned 
back,  but  found  himself  in  the  midst  of  a  thick  forest. 

Road,  houses,  and  people  had  all  disappeared.  His  fish,  of  course, 
were  spoiled,  as  it  took  him  till  far  into  the  night  to  get  home.  He 
thought  that  all  was  the  result  of  a  trick  played  him  by  the  tamawos. 

III.    THE    STORY    OF    AN    ASUANG. 

One  day  an  asuang  fell  sick.  His  daughter,  who  did  not  know 
that  her  father  was  an  asuang,  went  to  look  for  a  physician.  When 
she  had  walked  about  a  mile,  she  met  a  friend  and  asked  her  to  tell 
her  where  she  might  find  a  doctor.     Her  friend  replied  :  — 

"I  know  where  an  excellent  physician  lives.  He  cured  my  father, 
who  had  been  sick  for  many  years  with  several  diseases.  Every 
year,  at  the  time  of  the  Christmas  holidays,  this  physician  goes  to 
live  in  a  cave  in  the  mountains,  and  there  for  a  week  he  gathers  roots 
and  the  bark  of  trees  and  makes  his  medicine.  Come,  and  I  will 
show  you  where  he  lives." 

When  they  had  arrived  at  the  physician's  house,  the  girl  said  : 
"  We  have  come  to  see  you  because  my  father  is  sick,  and  my  brother 
and  I  are  afraid  to  stay  in  the  house  any  longer  with  him  ;  for  this 
morning,  when  he  saw  us,  he  got  up  and  tried  to  run  and  kill  us,  but 
could  not,  because  he  was  so  weak.  His  eyes  are  so  big  and  his 
arms  so  long  that  I  am  afraid  of  him,  and  no  one  dares  to  go  into  the 
room  where  he  is  for  fear  he  will  try  to  kill  them." 

Then  the  physician  said  :  "  I  will  come  to  see  him  to-morrow 
morning  at  eight  o'clock.  You  must  prepare  some  corn  for  me  to 
eat."  But  the  daughter  did  not  prepare  anything,  because  she  was 
afraid  and  ran  away. 

The  next  morning  at  eight  o'clock  the  doctor  went  to  the  house  and 
called  for  the  woman,  but  no  one  answered  him.  Then  he  entered 
the  house  and  asked,  "  Where  is  that  woman  who  called  on  me  yes- 
terday .'' " 

The  asuang  answered,  "  Where  is  that  woman  who  called  on  me 
yesterday  ? "  Then  he  woke  up  and  ran  to  catch  the  doctor.  The 
latter  cried,  "  Help  !  help  !  "  and  the  asuang  replied,  "  Help  !  help  !  " 

When  the  neighbors  heard  the  physician  call  for  help  they  came 
running  in,  to  see  what  was  the  matter.     One  man,  who  was  coming 


Philippine  ( Visayan)  Superstitions.  209 

from  the  well,  had  a  glass  of  water  in  his  hand.  When  he  came  to 
where  the  doctor  and  the  asuang  were  fighting,  the  glass  of  water 
was  spilled,  and  some  of  it  fell  upon  the  asuang.  Immediately  the 
asuang  was  changed  into  a  heap  of  little  worms.  The  neighbors  ran 
away,  and  never  saw  the  asuang  any  more. 

IV.    ITEMS    OF    SUPERSTITION. 

The  Visayans  have  many  superstitions,  which  are  implicitly  be- 
lieved by  the  lower  classes,  "and  even,"  as  one  of  their  own  people, 
a  very  intelligent  teacher,  wrote  me,  "among  the  half-educated  peo- 
ple." In  addition  to  their  belief  in  spirits,  witches,  etc.,  called  by 
the  various  names  of  asuang,  tamawo,  and  duende,  the  following  are 
the  most  commonly  held  :  — 

When  a  black  butterfly  comes  into  the  room  it  denotes  that  some 
member  of  the  family  will  soon  die. 

A  certain  white  moth  with  red  spots  causes  inflammation  of  the 
eyes. 

Fishing  nets  and  the  fighting  cocks  are  taken  out  of  a  house  where 
some  one  is  dying,  or  at  the  birth  of  a  child,  as  otherwise  they  would 
be  unlucky. 

When  the  rice  is  threshed  it  is  put  into  the  granary  with  as  little 
noise  as  possible,  as  otherwise  it  would  be  frightened  and  would  not 
yield  abundantly  in  the  following  year. 

The  first  netful  of  fish  caught  during  the  season  is  thrown  back 
into  the  water,  to  bring  luck  for  the  next  year. 

If  one  involuntarily  bites  his  lip,  it  is  a  sign  that  some  one  is  talk- 
ing against  him. 

On  the  third  day  after  a  death,  the  remaining  members  of  the 
family  take  a  bath  in  the  sea,  dropping  into  the  water  something 
belonging  to  the  deceased. 

One  must  not  point  a  finger  at  the  rainbow,  for  if  this  is  done  the 
finger  will  become  crooked. 

The  eclipse  of  the  moon  is  thought  to  be  caused  by  a  huge  an- 
imal, called  bacunarra,  which  holds  the  moon  in  its  mouth. 

To  play  with  a  cat  will  cause  a  storm. 

The  Negritos  sell  a  drug  called  lumay,  which  has  the  power  of 
attracting  the  love  of  the  ladies.  It  is  burned  and  the  smoke  allowed 
to  cling  to  the  garments  of  the  one  whose  love  is  desired. 

A  little  tar  is  mixed  with  ground  horn  and  put  upon  the  baby's 
head  so  that  the  spirits  which  live  in  the  forest  shall  not  harm  it. 

Lalanhan  is  a  kind  of  oil,  which  is  kept  in  a  bottle.  Many  slaves 
will  be  the  property  of  one  who  owns  lalanhan.  When  the  oil  rises 
in  the  bottle  and  gives  off  froth,  the  owner  has  the  power  of  turning 
into  an  asuang. 

VOL.  XIX. — NO.  74.  14 


2IO  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

If  the  owner  of  the  lalanhan  dies,  and  no  one  inherits  it,  the  dead 
man  will  turn  into  an  amamanhig,  or  ghost,  which  will  be  heard  con- 
tinually chattering.  But  if  some  one  inherits  it,  the  ghost  remains 
quiet. 

Falling  stars  are  the  souls  of  drunkards.  At  night  they  return  to 
earth,  singing  :  "  Do  not  drink  !  Do  not  drink  ! "  Each  day  they 
try  to  climb  back  into  heaven,  but  each  night  fall  back  again. 

If  any  one  approaches  a  house  where  the  people  are  eating  a  meal, 
it  is  unlucky  for  any  of  the  family  to  go  out  to  meet  him.  If  it  is 
absolutely  necessary  for  some  one  to  go  out  before  they  have  finished 
eating,  the  dishes  are  moved  around  so  that  there  will  be  no  vacant 
place. 

To  eat  supper  or  to  start  on  a  journey  just  as  the  moon  is  rising 
will  cause  sudden  death  or  severe  sickness.  To  bathe  on  the  first  day 
of  the  month  will  also  cause  sickness,  and  if  the  first  day  of  the 
month  falls  on  Monday  the  people  prepare  medicines  for  the  sickness 
which  will  surely  come  to  the  town. 

If  a  cock  crows  early  in  the  night  and  no  others  answer  it,  it  is  a 
sign  that  thieves  are  around.  If  he  changes  his  position  towards  the 
wall  at  midnight  and  looks  up  at  the  rope  that  is  tied  to  its  foot,  he 
will  win  the  next  day's  fight. 

Sweet  potatoes  are  planted  at  low  tide,  in  order  that  the  crop 
may  be  large.  In  former  times  the  farmer  used  to  remove  his 
clothes. 

One  must  not  look  up  at  the  leaves  of  the  banana  tree  when  plant- 
ing it,  or  the  fruit  will  be  small. 

Thunder  is  the  growling  of  a  large  cat. 

A  man  who  goes  courting  must  carry  with  him  four  leaves  of  the 
buyo  plant.  It  will  never  fail.  The  leaf  of  the  buyo  tree  is  used 
to  wrap  the  betel-nut  in  when  it  is  chewed,  and  all  the  lower  classes 
chew  it. 

If  a  dog  howls  at  night,  evil  spirits  are  abroad,  or  some  one  is 
dying. 

If  a  man  has  a  cocoanut  with  only  one  eye,  he  is  invited  to  watch 
the  dying.  At  night  he  puts  the  cocoanut  on  the  ground  under  the 
house  in  which  the  man  is  dying,  and  while  he  does  so,  the  asuang 
is  obliged  to  visit  the  dying  man  and  give  him  his  hand,  when  the 
sick  one  will  instantly  begin  to  mend. 

On  the  second  of  November  (All  Souls'  Day),  most  of  the  lowest 
class  prepare  a  rich  supper,  which  is  laid  on  the  ground  at  night,  and 
the  souls  of  those  relatives  who  have  died  during  the  year  are  sup- 
posed to  come  and  partake  of  it. 

The  Negritos  either  abandon  the  house  in  which  any  one  has  died, 
or  else  wall  up  the  door  through  which  the  dead  was  carried  and 


Philippine  ( Visayan)  Superstitions. 


211 


make  another,  in  order  that,  if  the  spirit  revisits  the  dwelling,  it  may 
not  be  able  to  find  its  way  in. 

To  step  over  a  sleeping  person,  or  to  awaken  him  suddenly,  is  a 
deadly  insult,  as  during  sleep  the  soul  is  supposed  to  be  absent  from 
the  body,  and  any  such  action  is  liable  to  interfere  with  its  safe 
return. 

Some  of  the  people  in  the  interior,  before  they  begin  to  clear  the 
fields  to  start  farming,  kill  a  pig  or  a  chicken,  and  make  a  feast  to 
the  spirits  which  live  there.  They  believe  that  if  they  were  to  cut 
down  the  trees  before  they  had  induced  the  spirits  to  move  away, 
the  whole  family  would  die.  After  the  ground  is  cleared  and  before 
it  is  planted,  betel-nut,  a  comb,  and  a  short  stick  with  thread  rolled 
upon  it  are  placed  with  the  seed.  When  the  heads  of  rice  begin  to 
form,  a  stick  of  baguay,  a  small  kind  of  bamboo,  is  put  in  each  cor- 
ner of  the  field.  When  the  rice  is  ripe,  the  first  of  the  crop  is 
toasted  with  sugar  and  cocoanut,  and  offered  to  the  spirits.  It  is 
unlucky  to  go  to  the  left  of  the  basket  in  which  the  rice  is  put. 
When  the  rice  is  thrashed  and  winnowed,  which  is  usually  a  consid- 
erable time  after  harvesting,  the  rice  is  gathered  with  great  care  into 
a  basket,  in  order  not  to  scare  away  the  good  spirit  which  is  asleep 
in  it,  and  a  bolo  or  axe  is  placed  with  it.  Then  a  feast  is  held,  after 
which  the  owner  gives  the  low  call  used  in  calling  the  chickens,  in 
order  that  the  spirit  of  the  rice  may  go  home  with  him. 

Those  who  live  in  the  towns  laugh  at  these  superstitions,  yet  it 
would  be  difficult  to  find  any  one  who  does  not  believe  at  least  some 
of  them. 

W.  H.  Millington. 
Berton  L.  Maxfield. 


212  journal  of  A  merica  n  Folk-L  ore. 


NOTES    ON   THE   GYPSIES. 

About  twenty-five  years  ago  I  learned  to  speak  Gypsy  here  in 
America  of  American  Gypsies.  Since  I  have  seen  them  in  nearly 
every  country  in  Europe,  and  found  I  could  make  myself  understood 
everywhere.  In  Hungary  I  learned  to  talk  the  Hungarian  Gypsy 
dialect  easily  and  well.  This  is  a  perfect  language,  with  a  compli- 
cated grammar,  and  full  vocabulary.  The  English  dialect  has  about 
one  half  English  words  as  spoken,  and  its  grammar  is  almost  entirely 
English.  The  investigation  of  their  habits,  customs,  occupations, 
history,  and  language  in  the  different  parts  of  the  world  where  they 
are  found  has  interested  me  exceedingly.  Naturally  I  have  read  every- 
thing I  could  find  on  the  subject.  For  many  years  I  have  devoted 
myself  specially  to  the  study  of  Oriental  Gypsies,  about  whom  very 
little  has  been  known. 

The  Gypsies  are  averse  to  teaching  non-Gypsies  their  language. 

Pere  Anastase  states  (in  his  splendid  articles  on  the  Navvar  Ujj)  of 
Mesopotamia,  October  and  November,  1902,  "AlMachrig,"  the  Arabic 
journal  of  St.  Joseph's  University,  Beirut)  that  he  could  not  get  one 
word  for  "two  yellow  pieces."  Deception  is  one  of  their  trades,  and 
it  is  difficult  for  strangers  to  get  the  truth  from  them.  When  I  talk 
Gypsy  with  them,  however,  they  always  say  nobody  but  a  Rom 
can  speak  R5mani,  and  insist  I  am  a  Gypsy.  So  I  have  let  it  go  so 
and  have  been  received  and  treated  as  an  American  Gypsy  brother 
(Americans  Romlnd  pral),  a  gentleman  (Baro  Rai)  from  across  the 
sea.  They  have  been  frank  with  me,  and  everywhere  we  have  talked 
over  all  about  our  Gypsy  race,  numbers,  trades,  traditions,  prosperity, 
poverty,  language,  and  history.  They  are  all  proud  of  their  (Kalo  rat) 
black  blood,  and  always  were  as  earnest  and  interested  in  our  talks  as 
I  was.  Perhaps  the  most  valuable  part  of  my  investigations  have 
been  what  I  have  learned  from  the  Gypsies  themselves.  They  travel 
a  great  deal,  much  more  than  is  realized  by  others.  They  are  very 
observing,  see  and  hear  everything,  and  they  have  good  heads  and  ex- 
cellent memories.  They  live  by  their  wits,  and  are  sharp  and  shrewd, 
whether  it  be  in  trading  horses  or  telling  fortunes.  As  one  colored 
man  in  the  South  expressed  it  to  me,  when  I  asked  him  if  the  Gyp- 
sies are  smart,  "  Smart,  I  reckon  they  are  awful  smart.  Why,  one 
of  them  swapped  an  old  watch  not  worth  fifty  cents  for  my  father's 
gold  watch  which  cost  him  twenty  dollars." 

I.  As  to  their  reputation  for  stealing  children.  It  is  undoubtedly 
the  common  belief  all  over  the  United  States  that  Gypsies  steal 
children.  So  it  is  in  England,  and  has  been  for  several  centuries. 
All  the  Gypsies  in  the  vicinity  of  Boston  know  me  as  Lazvyer  Sinclair, 


Notes  on  the  Gypsies.  2 1 3 

and  for  many  years  I  have  been  consulted  by  them  when  in  trouble. 
There  have  been  a  good  many  cases  when  children  were  lost  and  the 
Gypsies  were  suspected  of  kidnapping  them.  Often  their  camps 
have  been  searched,  and  they  have  been  subjected  to  much  annoyance 
and  trouble.  In  no  case,  however,  has  it  been  found  to  be  true  that 
they  had  taken  any  children. 

One  case,  I  remember,  excited  great  interest  in  the  newspapers  at 
the  time  it  occurred.  A  Willie  McCormick  disappeared  in  Boston, 
and  his  loss  was  heralded  all  over  the  country  in  large  headlines  by 
the  newspapers.  Finally  two  Russian  Gypsy  girls  were  arrested  in 
Washington,  D.  C,  for  stealing  him.  A  piece  of  paper  was  found  in 
the  possession  of  one  with  the  name  of  Gertrude,  his  sister,  written  on 
it.  This  was  photographed  and  sent  to  her,  and  she  asserted  most 
positively  it  was  her  handwriting  which  she  had  written  the  evening 
he  disappeared.  A  Boston  detective  was  sent  to  Washington.  The 
two  girls  were  kept  under  arrest  for  many  days  and  subjected  to  a 
rigid  cross-examination,  as  was  the  whole  Gypsy  camp.  Finally  it 
was  discovered  that  these  Gypsies  never  had  or  saw  the  boy.  The 
popular  superstition  that  Gypsies  steal  children  had  excited  so  much 
the  imaginations  of  the  boy's  relatives  and  the  public,  that  they  all 
were  deluded  by  foolish  suspicions.  The  "New  York  Herald"  of 
April  27,  1901,  has  quite  a  long  account  of  part  of  this. 

The  question  has  been  one  I  have  considered  carefully  for  over 
twenty-five  years,  and  I  have  made  very  many  inquiries,  but  I  have 
never  even  heard  of  a  case  where  Gypsies  have  ever  stolen  a  single 
child.  One  good  reason  for  discrediting  any  such  belief  was  once 
expressed  to  me  by  a  shrewd  old  Gypsy  woman  (purl  romni).  "We 
have  children  enough  of  our  own,  more  than  we  can  take  care  of! " 

Again,  they  know  there  is  the  popular  belief,  and  that  they  and 
their  camps  will  be  at  once  searched  if  a  child  is  lost.  They  have 
often  told  me  so,  and  say  they  are  not  such  fools  as  to  steal  anything 
when  "the  stolen  property  could  be  found  on  them." 

2.  Honesty.  They  have  often  used  this  same  argument  to  me  as 
to  the  common  reputation  attributed  to  them  of  being  inveterate 
thieves  :  "  We  do  not  dare  to  steal.  If  anything  is  missing,  the  police 
always  immediately  search  our  camps,"  Here  in  America  the  Gyp- 
sies also  claim  and  boast  that  no  one  Gypsy  has  ever  been  sent  to 
jail.  I  have  made  careful  inquiries  of  district  attorneys,  the  police, 
and  others,  and  never  have  been  able  to  Jiear  of  any  such  case. 

The  moral  standard  of  the  Gypsies  I  fancy  must  have  vastly 
improved,  if  one  half  what  is  written  about  them  in  books  is  true. 

Even  the  horse  dealers  have  learned  that  honesty  is  the  best  pol- 
icy. A  large  number  of  these  are  prosperous.  Many  own  free  and 
clear  considerable  real  estate.     They  find,  if  they  cheat  a  purchaser 


214  yournal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 

once,  they  never  sell  him  another  horse,  and  that  it  is  for  their  inter- 
est to  treat  him  fairly. 

A  good  many  of  them  are  members  of  the  Baptist  Church  and 
speak  at  the  prayer-meetings  with  all  the  fervor  of  the  other  members. 

Oftentimes  I  have  heard  them  exhort  visitors  to  their  camps  about 
the  blessings  and  necessity  of  a  Christian  life.  Once  I  asked  a  pious 
old  Gypsy  how  he  managed  to  get  rid  of  his  bad  horses.  His  repar- 
tee was  shrewd  and  Gypsy-like.  "  Mande  muks  mro  chavo  biken  the 
pagger  bavold  grais,  I  let  my  boy  sell  the  broken-winded  horses." 
"Mande  bikens  the  kushto,  I  sell  the  good  ones." 

To  state  the  matter  moderately  and  justly,  as  far  as  my  own  expe- 
rience and  information  goes,  the  Gypsies  are  not  given  to  thieving 
more  than  other  poor  ignorant  people  in  the  community  where  they 
are  found,  certainly  in  America.  When  we  come  to  sharp  tricks  and 
petty  deceits  which  are  not  a  breach  of  the  criminal  law,  most  of  the 
Gypsies  are  without  rivals. 

As  to  other  countries,  I  will  now  simply  quote  a  sentence  from  an 
official  report  sent  me  in  Russian  by  General  Ivanov,  governor-gen- 
eral of  Russian  Central  Asia.  I  had  written  him  for  information 
about  them  in  that  territory.  The  report  was  quite  full  and  gave 
many  important  facts  entirely  new,  and  must  have  required  much  study 
and  time  by  scholarly  men.  One  phrase  is  as  follows  :  "According 
to  the  reports  of  the  administrative  officials  they  behave  themselves 
well,  although  among  the  people  everywhere  they  have  the  reputation 
of  being  thieves  and  cheats." 

3.  Chastity.  There  is  one  striking  feature  found  among  the  Gyp- 
sies of  America  and  Europe.  Their  women  are  always  chaste.  The 
case  of  a  Gypsy  girl  straying  from  the  path  of  virtue  is  very  rare. 
In  the  most  dissolute  capitals  in  Europe,  perhaps  Buda  Pest  and 
Bucharest,  everybody,  Gypsies  as  well  as  all  the  rest  of  the  people,  says 
a  single  case  cannot  be  found.  So  it  is  in  Spain.  It  is  the  same  in 
Russia.  The  Gypsy  beauties  of  St.  Petersburg,  Moscow,  Nijni  Nov- 
gorod, and  other  Russian  cities  delight  and  bewitch  the  gilded  Rus- 
sian youth  by  their  fascinating  songs  and  dances  kept  up  until  the 
wee  small  hours  of  the  morning.  Champagne  flows  like  water,  but 
there  is  always  an  old  Gypsy  ddl  (mother)  with  them  to  watch  over 
them.  In  olden  times,  at  least,  any  lapse  on  the  part  of  a  Gypsy 
woman  was  visited  with  a  most  terrible  punishment.  The  case  is 
different  with  one  class  of  Gypsies  in  the  Orient.  The  rest  are  like 
the  European  Gypsies.  But  this  dancing  girl  class  plays  an  impor- 
tant role  in  the  western  part  of  the  East,  and  they  number  many 
thousands  and  are  everywhere.  Why  there  should  be  this  great  and 
important  difference  is  an  interesting  question  which  would  require 
too  much  space  to  discuss  here.  A.  T.  Sinclair. 

Allston,  Mass. 


So7ne  Ojibwa  Myths  and  Traditions,  215 

SOME  OJIBWA  MYTHS  AND  TRADITIONS. 

INTRODUCTORY    NOTE. 

Some  of  the  following  myths  and  legends  were  told  in  Ojibwa  and 
interpreted  in  broken  English  ;  others  were  given  directly  in  similar 
English.  They  have  been  only  slightly  edited,  in  order  to  preserve 
as  far  as  possible  the  interesting  style  of  expression  used  by  the 
story-tellers  and  interpreters.  The  author  has  collected  and  published 
similar  matter  in  the  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore  for  1897,  the 
"  Proceedings  of  the  American  Association  for  the  Advancement  of 
Science,"  1895  and  1896,  the  "American  Antiquarian,"  1891,  1896, 
the  "Archeologist,"  1894  ;  also  in  the  "  Saginaw  Evening  News,"  the 
"  Christian  Herald  "  (Detroit),  the  "  Detroit  Free  Press,"  the  "  Sagi- 
naw Courier-Herald,"  etc.,  1 892-1 898.  He  is  indebted  to  Dr.  Wil- 
liam Jones  for  aid  in  the  interpretation  of  Ojibwa  words,  etc.  The 
stories  are  as  follows  :  — 

1.  The  Invasion  of  the  Valley. 

2.  The  War  Party  that  saw  the  Thunder-Bird. 

3.  Mejewedah. 

4.  The  White  Deer. 

5.  The  Girl  with  the  Long  Hair. 

6.  The  Rape  of  the  Ojibwa  Maiden. 

7.  The  Peculiar  Notmitchene. 

STORY-TELLERS    AND    INTERPRETERS. 

1.  Asheton  qua  be,  or  Ashed2ihneqtiabey,  as  he  writes  it,  says  his 
Ojibwa  name  means  :  His  head  reaches  to  the  sky.  Ashetonquabe 
probably  is  the  same  as  acitonagaba,  a  man  given  to  much  talking. 
Acitona  or  acitonaga  means  that  he  is  garrulous  (he  is  a  gossip)  ;  and 
aba  is  perso7i.  He  is  known  to  the  white  men  of  the  neighborhood 
as  Dan  Wheaton.  In  1894,  he  said  he  was  sixty-five  years  old.  He  is 
an  exhorter  in  the  Indian  Methodist  Church  at  Peonagowink.  He 
lives  at  Peonagowink,  which  is  situated  on  the  west  bank  of  the 
Flint  River  in  Taymouth  Township,  Saginaw  County,  Michigan. 

Peonagowink,  or  peonagowick,  is  like  piwanagowik,  which  means 
come  and  put,  sew,  or  nail  it  in  place. 

2.  Kinneoba  or  Kinmeoba,  whose  name  is  spelled  Kanoba  by 
Ouewis,  is  known  to  the  white  men  of  the  neighborhood  as  Warren 
Chatfield.  He  lives  at  Angwassag,  the  Ojibwa  village  near  the  Shi- 
awassee River  in  St.  Charles  Township,  Saginaw  County,  Michigan. 
The  word  Kinneoba  is  like  kino  wa  i  ba,  long  period  of  calm;  kino- 
is  long,  and  awiba  very  calm. 

Shiawassee  is -probably  for  ke'tci  a'  wa  si  si  si  bi,  and  means  big 


2 1 6  journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

bull-head  river;  ke'tci  is  for  big ;  awa  si  si  is  for  bull-head  fish  ;  and 
sibi  is  for  river.  The  ke  of  ke'tci  is  often  not  heard,  and  'tci  becomes 
almost  like  stci  or  ci,  which  last  is  the  same  as  sJii. 

3.  Mrs.  Chatfield  is  an  old  Indian  woman,  probably  Kinneoba's 
mother.    She  lives  at  the  same  place. 

4.  Qiiewis  is  known  to  the  white  men  of  the  neighborhood  as 
Peter  Henry.  He  is  a  manufacturer  of  hand-shaved  axe  handles  and 
lives  at  Angwassag,  the  Ojibwa  village,  near  the  Shiawassee  River  in 
St.  Charles  Township,  Saginaw  County,  Michigan.  The  word  Quewis 
is  probably  for  kvvlvvis,  which  in  turn  is  a  shortened  form  of  kwlwisans ; 
it  means  little  boy,  and  is  a  common  name.  It  does  not  necessarily 
mean  that  it  is  a  man's  only  name  ;  it  often  becomes  attached  to  a  boy 
who  carries  the  name  throughout  life,  while  his  real  name  may  never 
be  used  except  perhaps  on  rare  occasions. 

5.  Frank  David  was  a  lad  about  twenty  years  old  in  1894.  He 
lives  at  Angwassag,  the  Ojibwa  village,  near  the  Shiawassee  River  in 
St.  Charles  Township,  Saginaw  County,  Michigan,  and  was  one  of  my 
boyhood  friends. 

MYTHS   AND    LEGENDS. 
I.    THE    INVASION    OF    THE    VALLEY. 

Introduction.  The  story  of  the  invasion  of  the  Saginaw  Valley, 
Michigan,  by  allied  Ojibwa,  Potawatomi,  and  Ottawa  forces,  and  the 
driving  out  of  the  Sauks,  is  commonly  heard  in  that  region.  These 
Sauks  were  the  Sac  of  the  Sac  and  Fox,  Algonkian  tribes,  now  living 
in  Iowa  and  Oklahoma. 

I .  Sauk  is  from  osagTway,  he  comes  out  into  view,  and  refers  to  the 
mythical  origin  of  the  people  ;  it  is  said  that  they  were  once  creatures 
of  the  sea  dwelling  under  an  island,  and  on  their  coming  out  of  this 
abode  they  assumed  human  form.  The  Ojibwa  name  for  one  Sauk 
is  Osagi  and  the  plural  Osagig. 

In  a  personal  letter,  dated  Frederick,  Md.,  December  26,  1896,  Prof. 
Cyrus  Thomas  writes :  "The  people  of  this  tribe  have  been  designated 
by  such  terms  as  Asaukees,  Jakis  (misprint  for  Sakis),  Osagi,  Osak, 
Osankies,  Osaugeeg,  Osaukies,  Osaukee,  Ousaki,  Ousakiouek,  Ozau- 
kie,  Sagaeeys,  etc.  Tradition  points  to  the  east  or  north  of  Lake 
Huron  as  their  former  home.  They  stopped  for  a  time,  on  their  west- 
ward journey,  near  Saginaw  bay,  which  received  its  name  (Saukee- 
nong,  '  Sac-place ')  from  this  circumstance.  According  to  Bela 
Hubbard  ('Memorials  of  a  Half-Century,'  p.  159)  Champlain  [1611-12] 
'  visited  the  country  of  the  Sacs  near  Saginaw  bay.'  See  also  School- 
craft, '  Ind.  Nats.,'  v,  p.  145."  I  have  heard  the  same  people  desig- 
nated by  the  word  Sagie  ;  see  first  part  of  this  legend. 


Some  Ojibwa  Myths  and  Traditions.  217 

Hubbard  (Bela),  "  Memorials  of  a  Half-Century,"  New  York,  c. 
1887  J  Schoolcraft  (Henry  R.),  "  Historical  and  Statistical  Informa- 
tion respecting  the  History,  Conditions,  and  Prospects  of  the  Indian 
Tribes  of  the  United  States,"  Phila.,  1851-57,  pts.  i-vi,  4°.  Copies  : 
University  of  Mich.  ;  Hoyt,  Saginaw. 

2.  Ojibzva  is  spelled  in  various  ways.  Preference  is  here  given  to 
this  spelling  because  it  comes  nearest  to  the  word  the  Indians  call 
themselves.  The  Ojibwa  themselves  do  not  seem  to  know  the 
meaning  of  the  word. 

3.  Potazvatomi  is  probably  related  to  potawatam,  lie  makes  a  fire, 
that  is,  he  makes  it  by  blowing  ;  the  people  call  themselves  p5tawa- 
tomig ;  it  is  also  the  Ojibwa  name  for  them.  There  are  various 
spellings  of  the  word,  Potawatomi  being  preferred  because  it  is  near- 
est to  and  almost  the  same  as  the  Indian  word. 

4.  Ottazva  is,  according  to  Bishop  Baraga,  from  the  name  of  a  reed 
growing  along  the  shores  of  the  Ottawa  River.  The  people  got  the 
name  by  living  there.  It  seems  the  most  plausible  explanation. 
The  word  is  pronounced  Otawa. 

The  usual  version  of  the  tradition  varies  slightly  in  details  and  has 
been  published  in  several  places.^  The  following  account,  although 
showing  important  discrepancies  with  the  usual  version,  apparently 
refers  to  the  same  invasion  and  was  told  me  by  Ouewis  in  1894. 

The  Sauks  or  Sagie  were  very  savage  and  the  worst  kind  of  Indian 
that  ever  existed.  Their  language  was  almost  like  ours.  A  young 
Ojibwa  married  a  young  Sauk.  After  they  were  married  the  two 
tribes  were  brothers  and  never  fought. 

This  young  Ojibwa  went  down  to  the  Sauk  tribe  and  they  killed 
him  and  cooked  him.  Then  they  sent  an  invitation  to  the  Ojibwas 
to  come  and  eat  dinner  down  there.  But  the  Ojibwa  did  not 
know  they  were  not  to  have  a  regular  dinner  and  so  they  went.  The 
father  of  this  young  Ojibwa  looked  around  to  see  where  his  son  was. 
He  did  not  know  that  his  son  was  killed  and  cooked.  The  Sauk  told 
the  father,  you  must  eat  this  your  son,  or  we  will  kill  you  and  this 
will  be  your  last  day.     Thus  they  made  them  eat  that  young  Ojibwa. 

After  they  ate  they  went  home,  and  three  days  later  they  sent  a 
young  Ojibwa  girl  to  get  the  son's  wife  and  bring  her  over  to  the 

1  The  tradition  is  recorded,  as  related  by  William  McCormick  on  pp.  11 7-1 20, 
History  of  Saginaw  Counfy,  Michigan,  Chicago,  Chas.  C.  Chapman  &  Co.,  1881. 
See  also  Smith  (Harlan  I.),  "  Legendary  Invasion  of  the  Saginaw  Valley,"  Ai)teri- 
can  Aniiquariati,  Chicago,  vol.  xiii,  No.  6,  November,  1891,  pp.  339,  340  ;  reprinted 
under  title  "The  Invasion  of  Saginaw  Valley :  A  Legend  of  Northern  Michigan  as 
Told  by  an  Indi-a.n,'"  Detroit  Free  Press,  Sunday,  January  3,  1892,  p.  11  ;  also  in 
Saginaw  Courier-Herald,  daily  issue,  January  7,  and  weekly  issue,  January  14, 
1892. 


2 1 8  journal  of  A merican  Folk-L 07r. 

Ojibvva  tribe.  So  this  young  girl  went  and  got  the  young  Sauk 
widow  to  come.  Then  the  old  father  of  her  dead  husband  killed  her. 
and  they  cooked  her,  and  in  like  manner  invited  the  Sauk  tribe  to 
come  over  there  to  eat  dinner  with  them. 

The  Sauks  came  over.  I  suppose  there  were  two  or  three  hundred 
of  them.  The  Ojibwa  made  them  eat  that  venison,  that  you  call 
"ens."  ^  They  made  the  meat  her  up  by  threatening  that  if  they  did 
not  they  would  kill  every  one  of  the  Sauks,  and  they  had  weapons 
with  which  to  do  it.     The  Sauks  had  come  in  bark  canoes. 

Those  Sauks  went  back  home  and  the  next  day  a  young  Sauk  came 
with  a  stick  about  as  long  as  a  finger.^  It  was  a  battle  stick,  which, 
if  accepted,  meant  war.  The  young  Sauk  dropped  the  stick.  Then 
the  Ojibwa  knew  how  the  Sauks  felt. 

This  was  the  first  war  the  Ojibwa  ever  had.  The  first  people  put 
here  were  the  Indians.  There  were  four  different  tribes.  There 
were  many  of  those  Sauks  here  then.  Michigan  was  full  of  them. 
The  Ojibwa,  Ottawa,  and  Potawatomi  were  together  in  fighting 
these  Sauks. 

The  fighting  began  this  side  of  Detroit.^  That  was  when  it  was 
all  forest.  Bows  and  arrows  were  used.  The  Sauks  were  driven  up 
through  the  Saginaw  Valley  and  up  to  Mackinaw ;  the  allies  killing 
many  of  them  most  every  night.  They  never  fought  in  the  daytime. 
All  were  killed  but  six  girls  and  six  boys.  These  were  taken  beyond 
the  Mississippi  and  told  if  they  ever  came  back  across  the  river  again, 
they  would  be  killed,  and  that  they  had  better  stay  where  they  were 
put  and  consider  it  their  country. 

Comments.  It  seems  noteworthy  that  the  Ojibwa  refer  to  their 
enemies,  the  Sauks,  a  tribe  in  practically  the  same  stage  of  culture, 
as  being  very  savage  and  bad,  since  this  is  often  the  attitude  of  mind 
found  under  similar  conditions,  not  only  among  primitive  peoples  but 
even  among  us,  who  are  supposed  by  many  to  have  reached  a  stage  in 
culture  where  we  should  be  able  to  give  an  unprejudiced  description 
of  our  enemies. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  both  the  Sauk  and  Ojibwa  languages 
belong  to  the  Algonkian  stock.  In  this  light  Quewis'  statement  that 
the  languages  were  almost  the  same  shows  his  ability  to  recognize 
such  linguistic  similarities,  and  suggests  that  other  Ojibwa  at  least,  if 
not  even  such  peoples  in  general,  have  the  same  ability.     It  is  also 

'       1  Ens  is  probably  for  wTyas,  the  Ojibwa  word  for  meat. 

2  With  tlie  forefinger  of  one  hand  he  indicated  the  length  of  the  forefinger  of 
the  other  hand. 

^  That  is  between  Detroit  and  the  Saginaw  Valley,  where  Quewis,  the  story- 
teller, lived. 


Some  Ojibwa  Myths  and  Traditions.  219 

noteworthy  that  these  people  made  friendly  alliances  between  tribes 
by  marriage  as  is  also  frequently  done  nowadays  in  Europe.  The 
story  shows  that,  at  least  in  some  cases,  the  Ojibwa  man  went  to  live 
in  the  tribe  of  his  wife. 

At  the  time  this  story  was  told  there  was  still  some  forest  in  the 
Saginaw  Valley,  but  to  the  Ojibwa,  who  remembered  the  days  before 
the  sawmills,  the  forest  then  seemed  gone  as  practically  was  the  case, 
so  far  as  pine  trees  were  concerned. 

Dr.  William  Jones  has  informed  me  that  the  Sac  and  Fox  Indians 
of  Oklahoma  and  Iowa  have  traditions  regarding  this  invasion,  and 
that  they  claim  the  Sauks  resisted  stubbornly,  killing  great  numbers 
of  the  allied  Indian  forces,  and  finally  retreating  in  good  order  with 
many  of  their  people. 

2.    THE    WAR    PARTY    THAT    SAW    THE    THUNDER-BIRD. 

Introduction.  On  showing  Ashetonquabe  a  copy  of  the  "  American 
Antiquarian,"  he  saw  the  words  "thunder-bird,"  whereupon  he  was 
reminded  of  a  story  of  the  war  party  that  saw  the  thnnder-bird,  which 
he  then  began  to  relate  to  the  author.  This  was  Monday  morning  Oc- 
tober 22,  1894.  Tuesday  morning  he  gave  the  same  story  in  slightly 
different  words.  The  following  is  made  up  from  these  two  accounts :  — 

The  Ojibwa,  my  old  folks  and  my  father  told  me  that  they  wanted 
to  go  to  war  beyond  the  Rocky  Mountains  and  sent  a  war  party  of 
ten  braves.  The  tribe  they  were  going  to  fight,  I  do  not  know  its 
name. 

The  war  chief  had  a  dream  when  he  was  a  young  man.  He  had 
been  painted  black  with  charcoal.  Such  young  men  fasted  ten  or 
twenty  days,  never  eating  anything,  so  after  twenty  days  this  young 
man,  who  had  never  dreamed  much  before,  dreamed  of  how  to  do 
when  he  wished  to  go  to  war.  Among  other  things  he  dreamed  of 
how  many  braves  he  should  take.  If  all  the  braves  were  to  return 
they  should  take  no  more  nor  less  than  this  number.  That  is  why  he 
took  ten  men. 

When  the  war  party  reached  the  summit  of  the  mountains  they 
saw  a  nest  on  the  mountain  down  beyond.  The  nest  was  on  a  kind 
of  little  island  there  surrounded  by  a  pond.  They  saw  two  birds  as 
white  as  snow  on  the  nest.  The  war  chief  told  his  men  not  to  touch 
the  birds,  as  he  had  dreamed  not  to  touch  them,  and  they  went  on  ; 
but  one  of  them,  a  foolish  boy,  who  was  behind  with  his  bow  and 
arrow,  where  the  others  did  not  see  him,  pulled  out  one  of  his  arrows. 
He  was  going  to  shoot  the  birds,  but  every  time  he  aimed,  one  of 
the  birds  winked  his  eyes  and  the  arrow  split  right  in  two  as  if  struck 
by  lightning.    This  happened  every  time  he  took  a  new  arrow.     The 


2 20  yournal  of  Ainerican  Folk- Lore. 

bird  thought  little  thunder  and  lightning.  That  is  what  split  the 
arrow.  The  war  party  went  on.  They  saw  black  clouds  coming 
from  the  west.  They  heard  the  rumble  of  thunder  coming  and  the 
war  chief  called  his  men  together  and  told  them  to  scatter,  each  one 
to  stand  by  a  tree,  because  the  thunder  was  coming  fast.  Then 
each  one  went  and  stood  by  a  tree.  The  thunder  came  and  the 
lightning  struck  the  foolish  boy  who  was  going  to  shoot  the  birds 
and  it  killed  him.  He  was  cut  all  to  pieces  so  that  only  his  skin 
was  left,  no  flesh.  That  is  the  reason  the  leader  told  his  men  not  to 
shoot  the  birds. 

The  war  party  went  on  and  found  the  people  at  the  place  where 
they  were  going  to  war ;  but  when  they  fought  they  lost  every  brave 
they  had,  because  the  foolish  boy  broke  the  laws  on  the  way,  by  try- 
ing to  kill  that  bird. 

But  the  war  chief  was  saved  and  brought  home  a  few  scalps.  So 
they  had  a  dance  when  he  came. 

That  is  the  end  of  the  way  it  was  told  to  me. 

Comments.  The  dream  was  possibly  the  one  had  while  being  initi- 
ated into  the  Medi  secret  society  of  the  Ojibwa;  the  painting  with 
black  charcoal  and  the  fasting  possibly  being  those  accompanying 
such  an  initiation.  Such  fasting,  the  other  preparations,  and,  per- 
haps, most  of  all,  the  state  of  mind  broken  by  these  ceremonies, 
expectant  and  receptive,  certainly  facilitate  such  dreaming. 

Mr.  Frank  David  said  that  Me  kat  a  ka  was  the  first  degree 
reached  in  the  Medi  secret  society  after  the  leader  blacked  his  face, 
and  that  he  was  allowed  to  eat  or  drink  nothing  except  snow. 
Although  for  one  to  fast  does  not  necessarily  mean  that  one  is  a  can- 
didate for  the  viidezviwin,  it  is  an  office  preceding  most  important 
enterprises.  Its  chief  function  is  to  gain  insight  into  the  future  to 
find  out  the  chances  of  success. 

Mekatdka  is  for  ma'kada'ka,  he  goes  in  black ;  it  refers  to  the 
blacking  of  certain  portions  of  the  face  with  charcoal  during  periods 
of  fasting. 

The  thunder-bird  is  represented  in  black  in  the  design  of  an  open 
twined  bag*  called  Na  moot,  which  I  have  and  that  I  collected  at 
Angwassag,  the  Ojibwa  village,  near  the  Shiawassee  River  in  St. 
Charles  Township,  Saginaw  County,  Michigan. 

3.    MEJEWEDAH  :    A    HERO    MYTH. 

Introduction.  Monday  evening,  October  22,  1894,  Kinneoba  told 
me  a  story,  which  was  interpreted  by  Ouewis. 

There  was  once  a  time  when  in  our  tribe  a  great  Ojibwa   man 
1  See  U.  S.  N.  M.  Rep.,  1902,  pp.  385-386,  plate  131. 


I 


Some  Ojibwa  Myths  and  Traditions.  221 

lived  who  was  called  "  Me-je-wc-dah."  ^  He  had  many  members  in 
his  tribe  and  frequently  went  to  some  other  place  when  he  was  ready 
to  fight.  He  went  south  once  to  fight  the  Flatheads,  the  Nebagin- 
dibe.2 

One  time  this  man  told  his  braves  that  on  the  way  to  fight  the 
Flatheads  they  would  see  an  animal  they  had  known,  but  not  to  say 
anything  to  it,  because  it  could  understand  everything  they  would 
say.  If  they  had  any  evil  thoughts  toward  this  animal  it  would  know. 
There  is  always  one  foolish  person  in  a  company  and  there  was  one 
among  Mejewedah's  braves. 

They  were  near  where  Chicago  now  is,  but  this  side  of  it,  near 
Battle  Creek,  and  it  was  before  the  white  people  came  here. 

When  noon  came  they  saw  this  animal,  and  the  foolish  fellow  said 
it  was  nothing  to  fear.  He  really  was  not  afraid  of  the  animal.  It  was 
a  buffalo,  and  the  buffalo  knew  in  himself  that  this  foolish  fellow  was 
not  afraid  of  him.  So  after  the  braves  knew  this  buffalo  was  angry 
they  all  stood  in  one  row.  The  buffalo  came  up  to  the  foolish  brave, 
who  then  turned  and  fled,  but  the  buffalo  ran  him  down. 

Then  the  foolish  brave  turned  into  a  partridge,  which  flew  and  had 
every  appearance  of  that  bird.  The  buffalo  also  turned  into  a  bird  and 
continued  the  pursuit. 

Then  the  foolish  brave  turned  back  into  a  man.^  The  buffalo  in 
the  form  of  a  bird  immediately  turned  into  a  man  too,  and  ran  him 
down  again. 

After  this  brave  was  tired  he  jumped  into  a  little  lake  and  turned 
into  a  fish.  Then  the  buffalo  man  took  a  spear  and  soon  speared  the 
fish  and  threw  it  to  the  party  of  great  men.  When  the  fish  dropped, 
it  was  a  man  just  the  same  as  when  he  started  out,  only  he  was  dead. 
The  buffalo  man  then  assumed  his  original  animal  form. 

Then  the  leader,  Mejewedah,  became  angry  with  the  buffalo  and 
the  buffalo  also  was  angry.  When  Mejewedah  and  the  buffalo  came 
together,  Mejewedah  took  hold  of  the  buffalo's  horns  and  killed  him 
by  splitting  his  head  open. 

After  this  they  went  on  to  kill  the  Flatheads,  just  as  they  do  in  war. 
When  they  reached  the  enemies'  country  they  saw  a  woman  and  a 
man  walking  in  the  woods.  They  caught  the  man,  but  they  could  not 
catch  the  woman,  who  went  back  to  her  village  and  called  the  people 
together. 

Then  her  tribesmen  went  on  horseback  to  where  her  husband  had 
been  killed  by  Mejewedah  and  his  band.    Mejewedah  and  his  great 

^  As  spelled  by  Quewis;  "  Me-we-jah,"  as  spelled  by  Mr.  Frank  David;  Mid- 
ge-wi-da,  as  spelled  by  H.  I.  S. 
^  Nebagindeback. 
8  At  this  point  Mr.  Frank  David  took  up  the  Virork  of  interpreting. 


2  22  yournal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 

men  ran  away.  But  they  were  finally  surrounded  and  fought  the 
Flatheads.  One  Flathead  was  as  great  as  Mejewedah.  In  the  fight 
the  Flathead  would  hit  Mejewedah  with  his  war  club,  but  Mejewedah 
was  tough  and  could  not  be  killed.  Mejewedah  killed  the  Flathead. 
After  Mejewedah  and  his  braves  had  killed  all  the  Flatheads  they 
turned  and  went  home  to  their  village. 

Every  time  a  young  man  married,  Mejewedah  would  take  the  wo- 
man away  for  his  own  wife,  and  everyone  was  afraid  of  him.  But  one 
time  he  went  to  do  this  and  the  young  man  was  greater  than  he.  So 
the  young  man  killed  Mejewedah. 

Mejewedah  was  a  sort  of  medicine  man.  He  defeated  a  million 
people  and  killed  many,  but  at  last  he  met  the  young  man  that  killed 
him.  Mejewedah  was  more  (Mide-wa-dis)  gifted  in  magic  than  any 
of  the  others  until  he  met  this  one.  When  this  young  man  was  finally 
killed  Tecumseh  became  chief.    Tecumseh  was  an  Ojibwa. 

Comments.  Mejewedah  is  probably  for  matciwata,  a  term  applied 
to  a  warrior  who  has  taken  scalps  or  has  counted  coup  or  who  has 
done  both.  Matci-  is  an  initial  stem  and  denotes  big,  large,  great ; 
-ta  is  a  secondary  stem  and  refers  to  a  person.  The  more  usual  word  is 
Ke'tcida.  Ke'tci-  has  the  same  meaning  as  matci-  above ;  da-  is 
the  same  as  -ta. 

Me-we-jaJi  is  for  mawiga,  which  means  long  ago. 

Nebagindibe  is  for  nebagindibe,  07ie  zvith  a  flat  head ;  ne  bagi- 
is  for  flat,  and  -ndibe  or  -dibe  is  for  head.  The  plural  is  nebagindi- 
beg.  The  term  refers  to  Indians  living  somewhere  at  the  south.  It 
does  not  necessarily  refer  to  the  Flatheads  known  to  us.  The  Ojibwa 
have  walked  as  far  ast  he  Rockies,  but  I  have  never  been  told  of 
any  who  have  gone  as  far  as  the  Pacific  coast.  The  use  of  the  name 
"Flatheads"  suggests  that  the  Ojibwa,  at  the  time  to  which  this 
story  refers,  which  seems  to  have  been  since  the  horse  was  used, 
kne.w  of  a  tribe  with  flattened  heads.  Skulls  with  flat  occiputs,  prob- 
ably caused  by  cradling  the  child  on  a  cradle  board,  as  is  still  done 
among  the  Ojibwa,  have  been  found  in  the  Saginaw  Valley. 

However,  they  may  have  known  tribes  as  far  west  as  the  Flathead 
country  in  Montana.  The  Blackfeet,  like  the  Ojibwa,  belong  to  the 
Algonkian  linguistic  stock,  but  there  are  wide  differences  between 
them  and  the  Ojibwa,  particularly  of  dialect  and  of  culture.  The 
Ojibwa  are  a  forest  people,  and  the  Blackfeet  a  plains  and  buffalo 
people,  now  located  in  Montana  not  far  from  the  Flathead  country. 

I  have  other  material  collected  from  Lapeer,  Michigan,  which  refers 
to  the  Massagas  as  living  there.  These  two  cases  suggest,  on  the 
part  of  the  Ojibwa,  a  wide  knowledge  of  tribes  from  the  Massagas 
in  the  east  to  the  Flatheads  in  the  west. 


Some  Ojibwa  Myths  and  Traditions.  223 

The  transformation  of  a  man  into  an  animal  and  vice  versa,  or 
of  one  animal  into  another,  is  of  frequent  occurrence  in  the  tales  of 
the  Ojibwa.  It  seems  to  suggest  that  in  their  minds  the  animals, 
all  life-forms,  and  many  if  not  all  objects,  were  considered  to  have 
souls,  an  idea  which  is  in  contrast  to  the  Christian  belief  that  man 
only  has  a  soul. 

The  word  "million"  was  apparently  used  simply  to  express  a 
large  number. 

Mideivadis  may  be  for  midewadis,  which  probably  means  he  is 
strong  in  magic  by  reason  of  being  in  the  midewiwin  —  mide-  refers 
to  the  midewiwin,  and  there  is  a  word  wadis  meaning  navel. 

Tecuraseh^  was  a  Shawnee.  The  Ojibwa  fought  under  him, 
among  representatives  of  practically  all  the  northwestern  tribes,  of 
whom  he  was  the  recognized  leader,  and  now  regard  him  as  a  Sauk. 
The  word  refers  to  the  passing  of  an  animate  object  from  one  place 
to  another,  as  the  flight  of  a  bird  over  an  intervening  space. 

4.    THE    WHITE    DEER, 

Introduction.  Tuesday  evening,  October  23,  1894,  after  collecting 
the  legend,  the  Rape  of  the  Ojibwa  Maiden,  as  told  by  Mrs.  Chat- 
field  and  interpreted  by  Quewis,  I  walked  home  with  him  in  the 
rain.  As  we  plodded  along  he  told  me  part  of  a  story,  unfinished  on 
account  of  the  weather.  Four  days  later,  I  wrote  from  memory  what 
he  said,  as  follows  :  — 

Did  you  ever  hear  the  story  about  the  young  man  who  went  out 
into  the  woods  hunting  and  was  lost  .-* 

After  about  a  week  he  heard  a  voice,  but  could  not  see  any  one. 
This  voice  told  him  he  should  make  a  wooden  image  of  a  man,  and 
set  it  up  by  his  side  when  he  went  to  sleep.  So  he  did  this.  In  the 
morning,  when  he  awoke  he  found  the  image  was  a  living  man  sleep- 
ing beside  him.  He  awoke  the  man,  and  asked  him  why  he  was 
there.  The  man  answered,  "I  am  here  to  show  you  the  way  home." 
So  they  started  out  together  in  the  morning,  and  at  last  they  came 
to  a  porcupine.  They  were  going  to  kill  the  porcupine  to  eat,  but  the 
porcupine  said  to  them,  "  If  you  will  let  me  live  and  go  on,  you  will 
find  a  much  better  meat  to  eat."  So  they  went  on.  By  and  by  they 
came  to  a  turtle,  and  they  said  to  him,  "  You  are  no  better,"  —  but 
they  were  going  to  kill  the  turtle  to  eat.  The  turtle  said,  "No,  I  am 
not  the  one.  Go  on  ;  you  will  find  something  much  better."  So 
they  went  on.  At  last  they  came  to  a  white  deer,  and  were  about  to 
kill  it,  when  the  deer  said,  "  No,  do  not  kill  me,  for  I  will  show  you 

1  See  Mooney's  "  Ghost  Dance  Religion,"  Fourteetith  Aim.  Rep.  Bicr.  Eth., 
and  consult  Drake's  Life  of  Tecumseh. 


2  24  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

the  way  home."  They  said  "  All  right,"  and  started  to  follow  the  deer. 
These  three  went  on  through  the  woods,  and  the  deer  led  them  to 
another  tribe  of  Indians,  who  killed  the  two  men  and  kept  the  deer. 

We  had  now  arrived  at  Quewis'  house,  and  he  had  been  relating 
part  of  the  story  while  standing  there.  At  this  point  he  stopped  and 
said,  "  So,  you  never  heard  that  story .''  Well,  that  is  only  part  of  it. 
It 's  a  long,  long  story.  I  will  tell  it  to  you  when  you  come  to  write 
it  all  down." 

Introduction.  On  April  20,  1896,  Quewis  wrote  me  a  letter 
about  the  white  deer,  headed  Fergus,  St.  Charles  Township,  Saginaw 
County,  Michigan.    Slightly  edited,  it  is  as  follows:  — 

One  time  there  was  an  old  Ojibvva  who  had  a  wife  and  two  chil- 
dren. He  had  his  own  hunting-ground  where  he  alone  went  every 
fall  to  hunt.  Once  when  he  had  been  hunting  at  this  place  about  two 
weeks  and  had  killed  many  deer,  he  was  taken  very  sick.  It  will  be 
remembered  that  there  was  no  one  living  near  where  he  was 
with  his  family,  but  he  had  a  dream  one  night  that  some  one  came 
and  took  him  away.  He  told  his  wife  about  his  dream,  then  he  started 
for  the  place  where  he  dreamed  he  had  been.  He  travelled  two  days 
and  came  to  the  place  the  second  night.  He  made  a  fire  by  a  log,  and 
taking  out  his  tobacco,  filled  his  pipe  and  smoked.  While  he  was 
smoking  he  saw  some  one  sitting  on  the  log.  It  was  a  wild  Indian  who 
had  come  to  him. 

This  wild  Indian  said  to  him,  "  You  came  all  right.  I  made  you 
dream  because  I  knew  you  were  sick.  I  see  you  every  fall  when  you 
come  to  hunt,  but  you  can  only  see  me  when  I  allow  you  to  do  so, 
even  when  I  am  at  your  side  or  in  front  of  you.  Now  you  can  see  me, 
but  you  need  not  fear,  for  I  will  not  touch  you.  I  shall  doctor  you 
and  you  will  get  vn^cII." 

The  old  Ojibwa  then  took  the  medicine  given  him  by  the  wild  In- 
dian and  became  well.  He  was  so  very  grateful  that  he  told  the  wild 
Indian  that  he  had  nothing  with  which  to  pay  him  but  a  good  gun, 
and  if  he  wanted  the  gun  in  payment  he  would  give  it  to  him.  The 
wild  Indian  told  him  he  would  be  there  in  a  week  to  receive  the  gun. 

The  old  lame  Ojibwa  then  started  home  and  found  his  way  to  his 
family.  About  a  week  later  he  went  to  meet  the  wild  Indian,  who 
never  came  to  the  meeting-place.    But  the  Ojibwa  lost  his  gun. 

/  Comments.  It  may  be  noted  that  the  Ojibwa  were  familiar  with 
'the  making  of  wooden  images.    I  am  told  that  some  of  these  are  to 

be  found  in  European  museums  but  have  never  seen  one  among  the 

Ojibwa  or  from  them. 
I    •  I   am   told    by  Dr.   William   Jones  that  the  making    of   wooden 


Some  Ojibwa  Myths  and  Traditions.  225 

images  is  still  done  by  the  Ojibwa  and  other  Algonkians.  Also 
that  the  image  in  this  story  is  in  keeping  with  the  primitive  Ojibwa 
philosophy.  Apparently  they  gave  up  this  work  years  ago  and  prob- 
ably because  of  the  teachings  of  the  priests  among  the  Canadian 
voyageurs  and  fur-traders. 

The  power  of  speech,  as  well  as  a  spirit,  is  given  to  animals  in  the 
Ojibwa  myths. 

The  white  deer  seems  to  be  a  sort  of  trickster,  who  promises  assist- 
ance but  misleads  those  who  trust  him. 

The  letter  may  refer  to  the  white  deer,  that  is  if  that  character  ever 
takes  the  form  of  a  man,  but  it  seems  probable  that  Ouewis  intended 
to  write  about  the  white  deer,  and  after  introducing  the  man  who 
may  have  had  an  exploit  with  the  white  deer,  forgot  to  tell  of  that  ad- 
venture but  told  another. 

It  suggests  that  there  was  individual  ownership  of  land,  or  at  least 
that  the  hunting-ground  of  each  man  was  respected  by  the  tribe. 

Their  faith  in  dreams  is  also  pointed  out  by  this  tale. 

The  wild  Indian  referred  to  may  have  been  one  of  the  Sauks 
whom  some  of  the  Ojibwa  believed  were  not  exterminated  or  driven 
out  during  the  invasion  of  the  valley,  but  remained  there  in  hiding. 
Ouewis  possibly  places  the  time  of  this  story  since  the  Ojibwa  were 
able  to  secure  guns  easily,  otherwise  the  Indian  might  have  been 
reluctant  to  part  with  his  gun.  However,  Ouewis  may  have  used 
the  term  "gun"  for  some  object  such  as  a  bow  in  the  original  tale, 
and  if  not  he  would  not  be  apt  to  express  great  reluctance  on  the 
part  of  any  one  giving  away  a  gun,  since  at  the  time  this  story  was 
told  there  was  little  hunting  and  few  valued  guns  in  the  neighbor- 
hood, an  axe  or  agricultural  implement  being  of  greater  use.  How- 
ever, Quewis  may  have  wanted  to  show  that  the  Ojibwa  was  not 
ungrateful,  and  that  therefore  he  was  willing  to  give  up  his  gun. 

5.    THE    GIRL   WITH    THE    LONG    HAIR. 

Introduction.  Told  Wednesday  morning,  October  24,  1894,  by 
Ashetonquabe. 

My  grandfather  heard  this  story.  Ojibwa  Indians  lived  near  where 
you  live  now,  between  Bay  City  and  Saginaw,  on  the  Saginaw  River. 
There  was  another  tribe  living  west  that  frequently  came  up  here 
and  killed  some  of  the  Ojibwa.  One  young  man  and  his  sister 
lived  together  with  their  parents.  It  was  a  good  family  and  there 
were  only  these  two  children.  The  girl  had  long  hair  which  reached 
almost  to  her  knees. 

One  morning  they  were  going  to  pick  some  te-ta-tam-me-nun  ber- 
ries that  get  ripe  about  this  time  of  the  year,  grow  in  the  swamps  on 

VOL.  XIX.  —  NO.  74.        15 


2  26  Jou rnal  of  A  merica n  Folk-L ore. 

high  bushes,  like  grapes,  and  have  fiat  seeds.  These  are  not  huckle- 
berries.    I  think  there  were  five  or  six  women  who  went  together. 

The  girl  with  the  long  hair  told  her  brother  she  would  not  comb 
her  hair  but  just  a  little  and  would  tie  it  up  in  the  back.  She  prob- 
ably knew  she  was  going  to  be  killed  by  the  other  tribe  that  would 
take  her  hair  and  so  did  not  comb  it  much  or  tie  it  up  well. 

The  women  went  on  into  the  woods  alone.  One  of  these  Ojibwa 
girls,  who  had  lost  her  parents  and  who  had  no  friends,  was  taking 
care  of  some  houses  like  a  sort  of  servant.  She  followed  far  behind 
the  others,  oh !  maybe  ten  rods  behind  them.  They  were  ahead 
and  picked  all  the  best  berries.  These  other  girls  shouted  with  joy 
and  played  by  the  way.  This  girl  who  was  behind  listened  to  the 
fun  and  picked  the  last  and  poorest  berries  while  the  others  were 
picking  the  best. 

Suddenly  she  heard  the  war-whoop  of  braves  who  were  trying  to 
kill  this  joyful  berrying  party.  She  heard  the  girl  with  the  long 
hair  cry  until  at  last  her  voice  died  away. 

Then  she  went  home  and  told  the  people  all  about  it  and  that  all 
the  girls  had  been  killed  except  her.  But  they  blamed  her  for  it, 
saying,  "  Perhaps  you  sold  them  to  the  other  tribe.  Why  were  you 
not  killed  .''  "  She  said,  "  I  was  not  with  them.  I  was  about  ten  rods 
behind."  So  they  went  with  her  to  see  where  the  others  were  killed 
and  found  all  except  the  girl  with  the  long  hair.  The  warriors  had 
'  taken  her  home  to  their  own  country. 

Her  brother  was  furious,  as  she  was  his  own  sister  whom  he 
greatly  loved.  So  he  said  to  his  father  and  mother,  "  I  am  going  after 
my  sister,  because  I  love  her  so  much."  He  followed  the  war  party 
and  at  last  caught  up  with  them  away  off  to  the  west  where  it  was 
a;ll  woods  at  the  time.  It  seems  that  when  he  found  out  that  they 
stopped  to  camp  every  night,  he  overtook  them  when  they  were 
about  to  camp  the  next  night. 

He  saw  the  camp-fire  while  they  were  cutting  wood  and  knew  by 
this  sign  that  they  would  stop  there  over  night.  He  saw  his  sister 
among  those  picking  up  wood.  They  came  some  distance  toward 
him  to  pick  up  dry  wood,  so  she  walked  toward  him  and  by  and  by 
he  showed  himself  to  her  and  she  knew  him. 

He  told  her  not  to  stop  but  to  keep  on  picking  up  wood  so  they 
would  not  know  he  was  talking  to  her.  He  asked  her  what  work 
she  did  for  the  warriors  at  night.  She  said,  "  I  make  a  long  fire  and 
put  up  crotches,  one  pair  at  each  end,  then  I  put  a  stick  across  on 
each  side  of  the  fire.  I  have  bark  cord  to  tie  the  feet  up  toward 
the  fire  so  they  can  walk  better  next  day." 

He  told  her  to  make  the  cord  strong  and  to  tie  their  legs  well  to 
the  pole  and  to  put  away  the  bows  and  arrows,  everything  far  back 


Some  Ojibwa  Myths  and  Traditions.  227 

so  they  could  not  touch  them.  He  said,  "After  you  get  through 
that,  by  and  by,  in  the  morning,  I  will  come  right  here,  and  when 
you  see  me,  take  your  axe  and  pound  every  one  of  them,  so  he  will 
die  and  we  will  kill  every  one  of  them." 

So  he  came  at  the  appointed  time,  and  while  she  killed  those  on 
one  side,  he  killed  the  others  while  they  lay  sleeping  with  their  feet 
so  securely  tied  up  to  the  fire  that  they  were  not  able  to  get  up.  In 
spite  of  their  best  efforts  to  get  their  arrows  they  failed  because  she 
had  put  them  some  distance  away. 

So  all  were  killed,  every  one  of  them,  and  she  came  back  with  her 
brother  to  the  Saginaw  River  where  they  lived. 

Comments.  Tetatammenun  is  probably  for  tetd'tdminan,  the  plu- 
ral of  the  word  for  a  small  sand  berry.  It  is  like  a  blueberry  but 
smaller  and  grows  low  on  the  ground. 

6.    THE    RAPE    OF    THE   OJIBWA    MAIDEN. 

Introduction.  Tuesday  evening,  October  23,  1894,  Mrs.  Chat- 
field,  while  smoking  her  pipe,  told  me  a  story  which  was  interpreted 
by  Quewis. 

This  was  done.  An  Ojibwa  girl,  about  twenty  years  old,  and  her 
brother,  about  thirteen,  were  peeling  basswood  bark,  at  this  place 
where  they  lived,  to  make  mat  strings,  when  the  Sioux  Indians  * 
came  to  kill  the  Ojibwa  tribe.  These  Sioux  were  not  the  Sagies  who 
lived  at  Saginaw.  They  were  like  the  Sioux  who  now  live  in  Dakota. 
They  took  the  girl  and  boy  with  them.  On  the  way  home  they 
made  the  girl  cook  for  them  every  time  they  camped  out  and  abused 
both  of  them. 

There  is  always  one  foolish  man  in  any  party,  and  in  this  one  the 
foolish  Sioux  did  not  do  right.  He  did  what  he  ought  not  to  do  to 
the  girl.  The  big  medicine  man  told  him  not  to  do  that  to  the  girl, 
for  they  did  not  know  what  would  happen  before  they  got  home, 
but  the  foolish  man  did  not  mind  at  all. 

At  last  they  arrived  home  with  these  two  young  Ojibwa.  They 
kept  the  girl  in  one  place  and  the  boy  in  another.  They  treated 
them  quite  well  for  three  or  four  months  and  the  prisoners  were  not 
afraid  after  they  were  acquainted  with  the  new  conditions.  The 
girl  wanted  to  see  her  brother  and  so  she  did.  She  told  the  boy  to 
get  away  slyly  before  the  Sioux  knew  it.  He  wanted  to  go,  too.  So 
she  told  him  to  come  on  a  certain  day,  also  to  take  as  much  venison 
as  he  could  and  hide  it  away  in  the  woods  so  they  could  take  it  when 
they  started.     So  he  did  and  she  did  the  same. 

*  I  asked  if  he  meant  Sauks  by  Sioux,  which  accounts  for  the  next  sentence. 


2  28  yournal  of  America^i  Folk-Lore. 

On  the  appointed  day  the  girl  started  out  to  the  venison  and  met 
her  brother  there,  and  they  fled  for  home.  On  their  way  some  one 
spoke  to  the  girl  and  she  became  a  Medawadis  herself.  It  was  a  bear 
that  spoke  to  her  and  told  her  to  go  to  a  certain  tree.  This  she  did 
and  found  that  the  tree  had  fallen  and  lodged  in  the  crotch  of  an- 
other. They  both  climbed  that  tree  and  hung  there  three  days,  at 
the  end  of  which  time  they  looked  like  bears. 

The  Sioux  searched  for  these  children  three  days  and  then  gave 
up.  Then  the  boy  and  girl  resumed  their  journey  home,  but  they 
knew  they  would  reach  a  river  before  they  came  to  their  home  and 
some  one  told  the  girl  to  make  a  bow  and  arrow,  for  her  brother, 
with  a  stone  celt  like  the  one  I  showed  you  to-day,  as  there  would  be 
something  at  the  river.  This  she  did,  and  they  saw  a  deer  when 
they  came  to  the  stream,  and  the  boy  killed  it.  They  camped  there 
by  the  river,  and  the  girl  made  a  bark  canoe.  After  she  finished  it, 
she  put  it  in  the  water  and  went  down  the  river  toward  their  home. 
She  cooked  the  deer  before  they  started  and  they  had  it  for  food 
while  they  were  on  their  way  home. 

Some  one  had  told  her  that,  after  she  reached  home  all  right,  she 
should  devote  a  whole  year  to  making  a  great  quantity  of  all  kinds 
of  medicine  of  every  flower  that  there  was.  She  did  this  and  then 
she  planted  tobacco,  and  assembled  the  young  men.  Then  she 
went  to  work  on  a  dress  of  buckskin,  made  fancy  with  quills  of  the 
porcupine.     She  made  a  big  picture  of  a  raven  on  her  dress. 

Then  she  went  back  to  the  assembled  young  braves  and  led  them 
south  against  the  Sioux  near  Detroit.  She  was  then  herself  a  great 
medicine  woman. 

She  heard  a  voice,  but  did  not  know  who  it  was,  telling  her  to 
make  a  nice  bag  in  which  to  keep  her  medicine,  that  if  she  did  this 
she  and  her  braves  could  not  be  seen.     So  she  did  this  and  went  on. 

After  they  had  walked  many  days  she  told  the  braves  to  wait  and 
hunt  deer  for  two  days,  which  they  did,  and  she  cooked  the  venison 
and  dried  it,  ready  to  eat,  so  they  need  not  have  any  more  fires  at 
night  until  they  reached  the  land  of  the  Sioux. 

The  Ojibwa  again  started  out.  She  knew  where  the  Sioux  were 
who  were  coming  back  again  to  get  them.  So  the  boy  and  girl 
waited  on  the  bank  of  the  river  for  the  Sioux  who  were  coming  in 
canoes.  When  it  was  night,  the  Sioux  came  and  camped  at  one  side 
of  them,  built  a  great  fire,  and  had  a  dance  in  order  to  learn  where 
the  Ojibwa  were.  The  girl  told  her  braves  to  use  the  medicine 
from  her  bag.  They  did  this,  and  then  they  could  not  be  seen,  so 
the  Sioux  did  not  know  the  Ojibwa  were  at  one  side  of  their  camp. 

While  the  Sioux  were  dancing,  she  went  over  to  them  and  used 
her  medicine  so  they  could  not  see  her,  and  went  among  them  and 


Some  Ojibwa  Myths  and  Traditions.  229 

took  all  their  arrows  away.  After  she  stole  the  arrows  she  took 
them  to  her  camp  and  burned  them.  Then  she  went  to  the  river 
and  tore  up  all  the  Sioux  canoes  but  one. 

In  the  morning  the  battle  began.  She  led  the  Ojibwa,  who  killed 
all  the  Sioux  but  the  one  who  had  done  her  violence  when  she  was 
a  prisoner.  She  tied  him  up  and  brought  him  home  with  her. 
When  she  reached  home  she  killed  him  by  cutting  off  his  ears,  his 
toes,  and  so  on,  until  all  parts  were  cut  off  and  only  the  body  was 
left.     In  this  way  she  killed  him. 

Comments.  It  will  be  noted  that,  according  to  this  story,  a  woman 
could  become  a  Medawadis.  The  translator  probably  meant  that  the 
boy  and  girl  were  transformed  into  bears,  and  by  flower  he  no  doubt 
meant  plant.  The  statement  that  the  Sioux  were  located  near 
Detroit  was  probably  due  to  a  lack  of  knowledge  on  Quewis'  part  as 
to  where  the  Sioux  really  were.  The  word  Detroit  was  possibly  used 
by  him  to  denote  a  long  distance  away.  The  charm  to  make  persons 
and  things  invisible  reminds  one  of  some  European  myths. 

7.    THE    PECULIAR    NOT-MIT-CHE-NE. 

Introduction.  Tuesday  evening,  October  23,  1894,  told  by  Kin- 
neoba,  interpreted  by  Quewis. 

The  Not-mit-che-ne,  or  Not-mit-she-ne,  tribe  that  lived  towards 
Mackinaw  were  peculiar.  The  people  did  not  know  much  but  at 
the  same  time  they  knew  a  little  when  they  wanted  to. 

If  a  man  came  to  the  wigwam  to  make  a  visit,  when  night  came 
the  visitor  was  allowed  to  sleep  with  the  host's  wife,^  These  people 
believed  that  this  was  right.  Otherwise  they  treated  a  guest  as 
we  do. 

If  they  had  any  children,  a  boy  and  a  girl,  this  boy  and  girl  were 
not  allowed  to  go  anywhere  to  get  married,  but  they  were  made  to 
marry  each  other  right  there,  brother  and  sister. 

Whenever  these  people  went  anywhere  in  their  bark  canoes,  if 
they  met  another  canoe  coming  and  they  fell  into  conversation  with 
the  people  in  it  as  they  were  naturally  foolish,  if  the  stranger  asked 
the  man  if  he  had  a  pretty  nice  wife,  he  would  say,  "  If  you  want  her, 
you  can  have  her.  I  give  her  to  you."  Then  this  squaw  would 
step  into  the  other  canoe  and  take  her  things  with  her. 

Whenever  they  travelled  along  the  river  with  a  canoe,  as  to  hunt, 

and  had  a  little  child  with  them,  if  the  baby  in  looking  over  the  side 

of  the  canoe  fell  into  the  water,  they  would  not  try  to  get  him  out, 

but  would  laugh  to  see  him  kick  and  leave  him  and  go  on,  and  the 

*  Compare  with  the  Eskimo. 


230  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

woman  would  be  sorry  and  want  to  get  the  baby  out,  but  the  man 
would  say,  "Let  the  baby  go,  we  will  have  another  one." 

One  day  when  they  first  found  religion  and  heard  preaching,  one 
Sunday  morning  they  were  told  how  good  church  was  and  they 
were  contented  all  right  and  were  going  to  have  another  meeting 
after  dinner  in  the  afternoon  at  two  o'clock.  This  preacher  told  the 
people,  we  will  go  up  by  and  by  when  we  finish  our  work,  where  we 
will  not  have  to  suffer  any  more. 

After  dinner  they  went  to  the  ground  where  they  had  the  meet- 
ing. When  the  minister  came,  he  saw  only  one  person  walking 
there  and  he  asked  where  all  the  others  were.  The  Indian  said 
"  Come,"  and  he  looked  up  and  they  were  all  up  in  the  trees.  All 
of  them  could  climb,  even  the  women,  and  they  all  thought  they 
were  in  heaven. 

Comments.  —  Notmitchene.  Dr.  Jones  finds  no  Indian  who  can  ex- 
plain this  word.  It  is  possible  that  I  may  have  taken  it  down  incor- 
rectly. He  says  it  seems  much  like  no  'pimitacinini,  people  of  the 
bush,  men  of  the  forest.  No  'pimi  is  for  bush  or  forest  country; 
-tac  is  for  place  where;  and  -inini  is  for  man,  but  in  this  connection 
refers  to  person. 

Harlmi  I.  Smith. 

American  Museum  of  Natural  History, 

New  York,  N.  Y. 


Old-Country  Ballads  in  Missouri.  231 


OLD-COUNTRY   BALLADS   IN   MISSOURI  — L 

The  following  ballads  are  part  of  a  collection  made  during  the 
last  three  years  by  students  or  former  students  of  the  University 
of  Missouri.  I  have  selected  for  a  first  instalment  those  that  are 
found  in  Child's  "  English  and  Scottish  Popular  Ballads ;  "  not  because 
they  offer  anything  of  special  value  to  the  student  of  balladry,  for 
nearly  all  of  them  have  been  reported  as  existing  in  America  before  ; 
nor  because  they  are  the  most  interesting  part  of  our  collection  to 
folk-lorists,  for  some  pieces  not  found  in  Child  will  I  think  prove  of 
greater  interest  to  them  ;  but  because,  in  the  absence  of  any  satisfac- 
tory scientific  classification  of  ballads.  Child's  great  collection  forms 
a  convenient  starting-ground,  and  further  because  this  instalment  will 
thus  constitute  a  sort  of  supplement  to  Mr.  Barry's  findings  in  New 
England  published  in  recent  numbers  of  the  Journal. 

I  shall  perhaps  take  occasion  later  to  discuss  the  bearing  of  cus- 
toms and  conditions  found  here  upon  the  theory  of  ballad  origin  and 
upon  the  relation  existing  between  oral  tradition,  MS.  records,  and 
print  in  their  transmission.  For  the  present  it  is  only  necessary 
to  explain  that  the  following  ballads  are  derived  from  one  or  the  other 
of  two  sources  :  oral  performance,  or  manuscript  copies.  It  is  a  cus- 
tom among  the  country  folk  in  this  part  of  the  country,  when  they 
hear  a  song  that  pleases  them,  to  make  a  MS.  copy  of  the  words  — 
the  tune  being  more  easily  and  surely  remembered  —  and  even  to 
lend  and  borrow  such  copies  for  transcription.  Whether  copies  are 
also  made  from  printed  song-books  I  cannot  say,  but  probably  they 
are.  At  any  rate,  MS.  books  of  "  song-ballads  "  are  formed  and  kept. 
I  have  two  now  in  my  possession,  from  one  of  which,  compiled  by 
James  Ashby  of  Holt  County  from  1872  to  1880,  two  of  the  ballads  in 
this  instalment  are  taken. 

The  tune  is  the  life  of  a  ballad,  and  I  regret  that  I  am  unable  to 

give  the  tunes  with  this  instalment.    I  have  the  music  for  one  or  two 

of  them  only.    Later  the  Missouri  Folk-Lore  Society  hopes  to  make 

records  of  the  tunes  of  all  the  ballads  found. 

H.  M.  Belden. 
Columbia,  Missouri. 


232  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

Child  4.  —  Lady  Isabel  and  the  Elf-Knight. 

THE  PRETTY  GOLDEN  QUEEN. 

Collected  by  Miss  Maude  Williams,  as  "  sung  by  an  old  lady  near  Kansas  City.  She 
learned  it  of  a  cousin  when  she  was  a  girl,  then  living  in  South  Missouri.  She  never  saw 
it  m  print." 

He  followed  her  up  and  he  followed  her  down, 
Till  he  came  to  the  place  where  she  be ; 
"  Oh  rise  you  up,  my  pretty  golden  queen, 
And  go  along  with  me, 
And  go  along  with  me." 

(Last  line  repeated  in  each  stanza.) 

She  got  on  the  pony  young  brown 

And  he  got  on  the  dapple  gray, 
And  they  rode  and  they  rode 

Till  they  came  to  the  side  of  the  sea. 

And  they  rode  and  they  rode 

Till  they  came  to  the  side  of  the  sea ; 
"It's  six  king's  daughters  I  have  drowned  here, 
And  the  seventh  you  shall  be. 

"  Take  off,  take  off  those  fine  silk  robes 
And  lay  them  on  this  land, 
For  they  are  too  fine  and  costly  here  K 

To  rot  in  the  salt  sea-sand."  ™ 

"  Just  turn  your  eyes  to  the  leaves  on  the  trees, 
And  your  back  to  the  sea  "  — 
And  she  picked  him  up 

And  plunged  him  into  the  sea. 

"  It's  take  hold,  take  hold  of  the  skirts  of  my  coat 

And  pull  me  out  again." 
"  Lie  there,  lie  there,  you  false-hearted  wretch. 

Lie  there  instead  of  me. 

"  You  said  you  drowned  six  king's  daughters  here 
And  the  seventh  you  shall  be  " 


"  It 's  take  hold,  take  hold  of  the  skirts  of  my  coat 
And  pull  me  out  again. 
And  I  '11  take  you  down  to  old  Scotland 
And  there  we  '11  be  maintained." 


Old-Country  Ballads  m  Missouri.  233 

"  Lie  there,  lie  there,  you  false-hearted  wretch, 
Lie  there  instead  of  me  " 


So  she  got  on  the  pony  young  brown 

And  led  the  dappled  gray, 
And  she  rode  and  she  rode  through  the  merry  green  woods 

Till  she  came  to  her  father's  hall. 

"  Hush  up,  hush  up,  my  pretty  parrot  dear, 
And  tell  no  tales  on  me  : 
Your  cage  shall  be  of  the  finest  gold 
And  swung  on  a  willow  tree." 

Her  father  was  wakened  by  the  noise 

"  I  woke,  I  woke,  my  pretty  golden  queen, 
For  to  drive  the  cat  away." 

Child  10.  —  The  Two  Sisters. 

(a)  THE  OLD  MAN   IN   THE   NORTH    COUNTREE. 

Collected  by  Miss  Williams  from  a  woman  in  Clinton  County,  who  "  learned  it  in  her 
girlhood  from  a  hired  man  in  Kentucky." 

There  was  an  old  man  in  the  North  Countree, 

Boiv  down 
There  was  an  old  man  in  the  North  Countree, 

And  a  bow  V  was  unto  me 
There  was  an  old  man  in  the  North  Countree,        ' 
He  had  daughters  one,  two,  three. 

/  7/  be  true  to  my  love  if  my  love  be  true  to  me, 
(Refrain  so  in  each  stanza.) 

There  was  a  young  man  came  a-courting 
And  he  made  choice  of  the  youngest  one. 

He  gave  his  love  a  beaver  cape  : 
The  second  she  thought  much  of  that. 

"  Sister,  O  sister,  let  us  go  down 
And  see  the  ships  go  sailing  by." 

As  they  was  a-walking  by  the  saucy  brimside 
The  oldest  pushed  the  youngest  in. 
"Sister,  O  sister,  lend  me  your  hand,  a 
And  I  '11  give  you  my  house  and  land." 


f 


I 

I 


234  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

"  What  care  I  for  house  and  lands  ? 
All  that  I  want  is  your  true  love's  hand." 

Down  she  sunk,  and  away  she  swam 
Till  she  came  to  the  miller's  mill-dam. 

The  miller  ran  out  with  his  fish-hook 
And  fished  this  maiden  out  of  the  brook. 

"The  miller  shall  be  hung  on  his  own  mill-gate 
For  drownding  my  poor  sister  Kate." 

(b)  A  version  of  this  ballad  taken  down  by  Mr.  W.  S.  Johnson  of  Tuscumbia,  Miller 
County,  from  the  singing  of  a  local  fiddler  and  ballad-singer  named  Waters,  differs  but 
slightly  from  the  Clinton  County  version  ;  instead  of  the  archaic,  "  saucy  brimside  "  of  the 
fifth  stanza  it  has  "  As  they  went  round  the  river  bend,"  and  it  preserves  a  stanza  that  has 
dropped  out  of  the  Clinton  County  version,  closing  thus :  — 

He  robbed  her  of  her  golden  ring 
And  plunged  her  in  the  brook  again. 

They  hung  him  on  his  own  mill-gate 
For  drownding  of  poor  sister  Kate. 

(c)  From  James  Ashby's  MS.  ballad-book.  No  title  is  given.  It  was  copied  into  the 
book,  February  22, 1874.  There  seems  to  be  no  point  here  in  preserving  the  peculiar  ortho- 
graphy and  verse-lining  of  Ashby's  MS.,  except  where  the  former  throws  light  on  the  rime, 
and  I  have  accordingly  standardized  the  spelling,  punctuation,  and  use  of  capitals. 

There  was  an  old  woman  lived  on  the  sea-shore, 

Bow  down 
There  was  an  old  woman  lived  on  the  sea-shore, 

Bow  was  bent  to  me 
There  was  an  old  woman  lived  on  the  sea-shore, 
And  daughters  she  had  three  or  four. 

/ '//  be  true  to  my  love  if  my  love  will  be  true  to  me. 

The  youngest  one  she  caught  her  bow  (r^a^beau), 
Her  bow  he  bought  her  a  new  beaver  hat. 

*'  O  sister,  O  sister,  come  walk  to  the  sea-shore 
And  see  the  ships  as  they  sail  o'er." 

As  they  were  walking  all  on  the  sea-brim 
The  oldest  shoved  the  youngest  [in]. 

First  she  sunk  and  then  she  swum. 
She  swam  into  the  miller's  mill-pond. 
"O  miller,  O  miller,  yonder  swims  some  swan, 
Or  else  some  true  and  loving  one." 

The  miller  threw  out  his  great  grab-hook 
And  brought  this  lady  from  the  brook. 


Old-Country  Ballads  in  Missouri.  235 

"  O  miller,  O  miller,  I  've  gold  rings  ten, 
If  you  '11  take  me  to  my  mother  again." 

The  miller  he  took  the  gold  rings  ten 
And  shoved  her  back  in  the  brook  again. 

First  she  swam  and  then  she  sank 
Into  her  eternal  home. 

The  miller  was  hanged  all  on  his  mill-gate 
For  drowndins:  of  our  sister  Kate. 


Child  18.  —  Sir  Lionel. 

OLD   BANGUM   AND   THE   BOAR. 

Fragments  recalled  by  Prof.  H.  A.  Smith  of  a  song  that  was  sung  in  his  home  (in  Mis- 
souri) when  he  was  a  child. 

Old  Bangum  drew  his  wooden  knife 
To  rob  this  wild  boar  of  his  life. 
Co7)ie  I  cuttle  down  kill  hint  carry  corn. 

They  fought  four  hours  in  the  day 
And  then  this  wild  boar  stole  away. 

Old  Bangum  followed  him  to  his  den 

And  there  found  the  bones  of  a  thousand  men. 

Child  73.  —  Lord  Thomas  and  Fair  Annet. 
(a)  LORD   THOMAS. 

Collected  by  Miss  Williams.  "  The  man  who  sang  it  learned  it  from  a  hired  man  years 
ago.  He  does  not  know  of  a  printed  copy.  .  .  .  He  has  forgotten  the  last  verse,  but  says 
it  contained  something  about  roses  and  briars  growing  out  of  their  breasts." 

"  O  mother,  O  mother,  come  riddle  my  discourse, 
Come  riddle  it  o'er  and  o'er  : 
Whether  I  shall  marry  fair  Eleander 
Or  bring  the  brown  girl  home." 
(Repeat  last  line.) 

His  mother  came  and  riddled  his  discourse, 
She  riddled  it  o'er  and  o'er : 
"  I  beseech  you  with  my  own  blessing 
To  bring  the  brown  girl  home." 

"  Go  bring  to  me  my  milk-white  steed, 
Go  bring  him  quick  to  me, 
That  I  may  go  and  invite 

Fair  Eleander  to  my  wedding." 


236  journal  of  A  merican  Folk-L ore. 

He  rode  and  he  rode  till  he  came  to  the  hall ; 

And  lingered  so  long  at  the  ring, 
And  none  was  so  ready  as  fair  Eleander  herself 

To  rise  and  let  him  come  in. 

"Bad  news,  bad  news  I  bring  unto  you, 
Bad  news  I  bring  unto  you  ; 
I  came  to  invite  you  to  my  own  wedding  — 
Bad  news,  bad  news  to  thee." 

"  Such  news,  such  news,  such  wonderful  news, 
Such  news,  you  bring  unto  me, 
When  I  thought  I  was  to  have  been  the  bride 
And  you  to  have  been  the  groom. 

"  Come  mother,  O  mother,  come  riddle  my  discourse, 
Come  riddle  it  o'er  and  o'er: 
Whether  I  shall  go  to  Lord  Thomas's  wedding 
Or  shall  I  stay  at  home  ?  " 

Her  mother  came  and  riddled  her  discourse, 
She  riddled  it  o'er  and  o'er  : 
"  I  beseech  you,  with  my  own  blessing. 
My  daughter,  you  stay  at  home." 

"  I  '11  venture  life,  I  '11  venture  death, 
I'll  venture  what 's  to  come  ; 
I  '11  go  to  Lord  Thomas's  wedding 
Before  I  '11  stay  at  home." 

She  dressed  herself  in  scarlet  red. 

Her  waiting  maid  in  green, 
And  every  city  that  they  passed  through 

She  was  taken  to  be  the  queen. 

She  rode  and  she  rode  till  she  came  to  the  hall, 
And  lingered  so  long  at  the  ring, 

And  none  was  so  ready  as  Lord  Thomas  himself 
To  rise  and  let  her  come  in. 

"  Lord  Thomas,  Lord  Thomas,  is  this  your  bride  ? 
I  think  she  looks  wonderful  brown. 
When  you  might  have  had  as  fair  a  bride 
As  ever  the  sun  shone  on." 

The  brown  girl  had  a  little  penknife ; 

It  being  so  very  keen, 
She  pierced  into  fair  Eleander, 

She  pierced  into  her  heart. 


Old-Country  Ballads  in  Missouri.  237 

He  took  her  by  the  lily-white  hand 

And  led  her  through  the  hall,  • 

And  with  his  sword  cut  off  her  head 

And  shoved  it  against  the  wall. 

"  O  mother,  O  mother,  come  dig  me  a  grave, 
Come  dig  it  wide  and  deep ; 
And  lay  fair  Eleander  in  my  arms 
And  the  brown  girl  at  my  feet." 

(b)  Taken  down  by  Mr.  Vaughan,  principal  of  the  Tuscumbia  school,  from  the  singing 
of  a  servant  girl.     No  title  given. 

"  Come  mother,  come  mother,  come  riddle  your  sword, 
Come  riddle  to  me  as  one. 
Whether  to  marry  fair  Ellender 
Or  bring  the  brown  girl  home." 

"  The  brown  girl  has  a  house  and  land, 
Fair  Ellender  has  none  ; 
So  this  is  the  blessing  I  give  unto  you, 
Go  bring  the  brown  girl  home." 

"  Come  mother,  come  mother,  come  riddle  your  sword, 
Come  tell  to  me  as  one. 
Whether  to  go  to  Lord  Thomas's  wedding 
Or  whether  to  stay  at  home." 

*'  There  may  be  many  there  your  friends 
And  as  many  be  your  foes  ; 
So  this  is  the  blessing  I  give  unto  you, 
Dear  daughter,  to  tarry  at  home." 

"  There  may  be  many  there  my  friends 
And  as  many  be  my  foes, 
But  life  betide  or  death  betide 

To  Lord  Thomas's  wedding  I  '11  go." 

She  dressed  herself  in  scarlet  red, 

Her  waiting  maid  in  green. 
And  every  town  that  they  passed  through 

They  took  her  to  be  some  queen. 

She  rode,  she  rode  till  she  came  to  the  gate, 

To  the  gate  with  a  mighty  din  ; 
And  who  was  so  ready  as  Lord  Thomas  himself 

To  arise  and  bid  her  come  in  ? 

He  took  her  by  the  lily-white  hand 
And  led  her  to  the  hall, 


238  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

And  seated  her  there  at  the  table 
«  Among  the  ladies  all. 

"  Lord  Thomas,  Lord  Thomas,  is  this  your  bride  ? 
I  think  she  is  very  brown. 
When  you  could  have  married  as  fine  a  lady 
As  ever  the  sun  shone  on." 

The  brown  girl  having  a  knife  in  her  hand, 

It  being  keen  and  sharp, 
She  pierced  it  into  fair  Ellender's  breast 

So  deep  it  entered  her  heart. 

Lord  Thomas  took  her  by  the  hand 

And  led  her  to  the  hall  ; 
He  took  his  sword  and  cut  off  her  head 

And  kicked  it  against  the  wall. 

Then  placing  the  handle  against  the  wall, 

The  point  against  his  breast, 
Saying  "  This  is  the  ending  of  three  true  lovers, 

God  send  their  souls  to  rest ! 

(Some  lines  are  evidently  lost  here.) 

"  Go  dig  my  grave  both  wide  and  long, 
Go  dig  it  wide  and  deep. 
And  bury  fair  EUender  in  my  arms 
And  the  brown  girl  at  my  feet." 

(c)  Collected  by  Miss  Emma  Gertrude  Simmons  of  Berryville,  Arkansas.     No  title 
given. 

"  O  mother,  come  riddle  to  me. 
Come  riddle  both  one  or  two  ; 
Must  I  go  marry  fair  Ellender 
Or  bring  the  brown  girl  home  ?  " 

"  I  '11  say  with  all  my  blessing 

Go  bring  the  brown  girl  home  ; 
The  brown  girl  she  has  house  and  lands 
And  fair  Ellender  she  has  none." 

He  mounted  on  his  milk-white  steed 

So  plainly  to  be  seen. 
And  every  city  that  he  passed  through 

They  took  him  to  be  some  king. 

He  rode  up  to  fair  Ellender's  gate 

And  jingled  at  the  ring; 
There  was  no  other  but  fair  Ellender  herself 

To  rise  and  let  him  in. 


Old-Country  Ballads  in  Missouri.  239 

"  What  news,  what  news,  Lord  Thomas  ?  "  she  said, 

"  What 's  the  news  for  me  ?  " 
"  I  've  come  to  invite  you  to  my  wedding, 

And  that 's  the  news  for  thee." 

"  O  mother,  come  riddle  to  me, 
Come  riddle  both  one  or  two  : 
Must  I  go  to  Lord  Thomas's  wedding 
Or  stay  at  home  with  you  ?  " 


**  I  '11  riddle  both  two  as  one  : 
If  you  go  to  Lord  Thomas's  wedding 
There  '11  be  some  murderin'  done." 

She  dressed  herself  in  lily-white, 

Her  cumbrance  all  in  green, 
And  every  city  that  she  passed  through 

They  took  her  to  be  a  queen. 

She  rode  up  to  Lord  Thomas's  gate 

And  jingled  at  the  ring; 
There  was  no  other  as  willing  as  he 

For  to  rise  and  let  her  in. 

He  took  her  by  her  lily-white  hand 

And  led  her  through  the  hall ; 
He  set  her  down  at  the  head  of  the  table 

Amongst  those  ladies  all. 

"  Is  this  your  bride.  Lord  Thomas  ?  "  she  said  ; 
"  I  think  she  's  most  wonderful  brown, 
When  you  could  have  got  as  fair  a  lady 
As  ever  the  sun  shined  on." 

The  brown  girl  having  a  knife  in  her  hand, 

It  a-being  most  wonderful  sharp, 
She  put  it  to  fair  Ellender's  breast 

And  pierced  her  to  the  heart. 

"  Oh,  what 's  the  matter  ?  "  Lord  Thomas  he  said, 
"  Oh,  what 's  the  matter  ?  "  said  he. 

"  Oh,  don't  you  see  my  own  heart's  blood 
Come  twinkling  down  by  me  ?  " 

He  took  the  brown  girl  by  the  hand 

And  led  her  across  the  hall : 
Drew  out  his  sabre,  cut  ofif  her  head. 

And  kicked  it  against  the  wall. 


240  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore, 

The  point  against  his  breast : 
"  Here  's  the  end  to  three  true  lovers  — 
God  take  their  souls  to  rest! 

"  O  father,  O  father,  go  dig  my  grave, 
Go  dig  it  wide  and  deep, 
And  bury  fair  EUender  in  my  arms 
And  the  brown  girl  at  my  feet. 

*'  And  on  my  breast  a  turtle  dove 
To  show  the  world  we  died  for  love." 

THE   BROWN   GIRL. 

(d)  From  a  MS.  collection  of  "  song-ballads  "  compiled  by  a  school-teacher  in  Gentry- 
County  in  the  '70's  and  contributed  to  this  collection  by  Mr.  Harry  Fore. 

"  Come  mother,  come  mother,  come  riddle  your  sport, 
Come  riddle  [your  sport]  as  one. 
Whether  I  shall  marry  fair  Ellender 
Or  bring  the  brown  girl  home." 

"The  brown  girl  she  has  house  and  land, 
Fair  Ellender  she  has  none  ; 
Therefore  I  charge  you  with  my  blessing 
Go  bring  the  brown  girl  home." 

"  Go  saddle  up  my  milk-white  steed, 
My  clothing  bring  to  me. 
That  I  may  go  and  invite  fair  Ellender 
To  come  to  my  wedding  day." 

"  He  rode  up  to  fair  Ellender's  door 
And  rattled  at  the  ring ; 
There  could  be  none  so  ready  as  she 
To  rise  and  let  him  in. 

"Oh,  what  is  the  matter  my  own  true  love, 

What  can  the  matter  be  ?  " 
"  Oh,  I  've  come  to  invite  you  to  my  wedding  : 

Aint  that  sad  news  to  thee  ? " 

'"  Come  mother,  come  mother,  come  riddle  your  sport, 
•  Come  riddle  your  sport  as  one  ; 

Whether  I  shall  go  to  Sir  Thomas's 
(MS.  incomplete.) 


German  Folk-Tales  collected  in  Canada.  241 

GERMAN   FOLK-TALES   COLLECTED   IN  CANADA. 

I.  THE  BLACKSMITH  AND  BEELZEBUB's  IMPS. 

Once  upon  a  time  there  lived  in  a  certain  town  in  Alsace  a  black- 
smith who  had  sold  himself  to  the  devil.  This  devil  gave  him  the  power 
to  hold  the  person  who  picked  nails  out  of  his  shoeing-box,  sat  in  a 
certain  chair  in  his  house,  or  ascended  a  high  pear-tree  in  his  garden. 
Wishing  to  obtain  some  more  money,  the  blacksmith  again  sold  him- 
self, but  this  time  to  Beelzebub,  the  Prince  of  Devils,  who  was  sup- 
posed to  be  fabulously  rich.  The  blacksmith  was  to  get  several 
thousands  of  dollars,  Beelzebub  having  the  right  to  claim  him,  body 
and  soul,  at  the  end  of  twenty  years.  When  this  time  had  expired, 
Beelzebub  sent  one  of  his  imps  to  claim  the  blacksmith.  The  latter 
asked  the  imp  if  he  would  help  him  for  he  was  very  busy.  The  imp 
was  willing,  so  the  blacksmith  told  him  to  pick  the  bent  horsenails 
out  of  his  shoeing-box,  but  as  soon  as  he  put  his  hand  into  the  box, 
he  became  powerless  and  could  not  move.  Then  the  blacksmith,  in 
great  glee,  heated  a  pair  of  tongs  and  began  to  pinch  the  imp.  After 
torturing  him  to  his  heart's  content,  he  released  him  from  the  spell, 
and  the  imp  returned  to  Beelzebub.  Beelzebub  then  sent  another 
imp,  and  the  other  one  having  related  his  experience,  this  one  was  a 
little  more  cautious.  When  the  imp  arrived,  the  blacksmith  was  just 
going  into  the  house  to  eat  his  dinner,  so  he  invited  him  to  come  in 
also,  and  told  him  to  sit  down  while  he  washed  and  got  ready  for 
dinner.  The  unsuspecting  imp,  seeing  no  other  chair  in  the  room, 
sat  down  in  the  magic  chair,  and  thereupon  came  under  the  influence 
of  the  blacksmith's  spell.  The  blacksmith  returned  to  his  shop  and 
heated  some  irons  with  which  he  tormented  the  unlucky  imp  more 
than  he  did  the  other;  then  releasing  him  from  the  spell,  he  sat  down 
and  ate  his  food,  confident  that  Beelzebub  would  now  be  willins:  to 
let  him  live  in  peace.  But  the  fiend,  undaunted,  sent  another  imp. 
The  blacksmith  had  still  another  method  of  escape  —  the  high  pear- 
tree.  At  this  particular  time  the  topmost  branches  bore  some  large 
juicy  pears.  When  the  imp  appeared  the  blacksmith  told  him  about 
his  pear-tree  and  the  pears  that  were  ripe  and  which,  owing  to  the 
fact  that  he  and  his  apprentice  were  busy,  and  also  because  his  wife 
and  daughter  were  unable  to  climb  to  such  a  height,  would  spoil  if 
they  were  not  soon  picked  off  the  tree.  So  he  asked  the  imp  if  he 
would  kindly  undertake  to  pick  them  for  him.  The  imp,  eager  to 
claim  this  troublesome  soul  for  his  master,  climbed  the  tree,  but  as 
soon  as  he  was  up  amidst  the  branches  he  became  powerless.  The 
blacksmith  then  called  his  apprentice  and  they  heated  some  long 
iron  rods  with  which  they  tormented  him  until  they  thought  he  had 

VOL.  XIX.  —  NO.  74.       16 


242  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

enough.     Beelzebub  could  not  get  another  imp  to  go  for  the  black- 
smith, and  so  he  was  left  in  peace. 

II.     AN    ALSATIAN    WITCH    STORY. 

The  witches  held  monthly  orgies  or  festivals.  In  Alsace  the  chim- 
neys of  houses  are  very  wide,  and  it  was  through  these  they  left  the 
house  without  being  seen.  At  a  certain  farmhouse  there  were  two 
women  —  mother  and  daughter  —  who  were  witches.  With  them  lived 
an  inquisitive  young  farm-hand.  He  had  noticed  that  something 
unusual  was  taking  place  in  the  house  every  month,  so  one  night  he 
hid  in  the  kitchen  and  watched.  About  midnight  the  women  came 
and  stood  naked  before  the  fireplace,  beneath  the  chimney,  and  after 
anointing  themselves  with  an  oil  which  the  Germans  call  Hexenfctt 
{i.  e.  witch's  fat),  uttered  some  magic  words,  and  up  they  went 
through  the  chimney.  The  young  man  then  emerged  from  his  hiding- 
place,  and  seeing  the  vessel  containing  the  oil,  he  anointed  himself 
to  see  what  effect  it  would  have  on  him.  He  had  scarcely  pro- 
nounced the  mystic  words  when  he  went  up  the  chimney  with  a  sud- 
denness that  was  surprising,  and  when  he  reached  the  ground  he 
found  himself  astride  a  large  black  sow  which  carried  him  with  great 
speed  across  the  country.  They  soon  arrived  at  a  broad  and  swift- 
flowing  river,  but  this  did  not  hinder  the  onward  advance  of  the  sow, 
for  it  cleared  the  broad  expanse  of  water  at  a  single  bound.  The 
young  man  looked  back,  and,  admiring  its  leaping  powers,  he  said  to 
the  sow,  "  That  was  a  long  leap  you  made,"  but  as  he  spoke  the  spell 
was  broken,  the  sow  disappeared,  and  he  found  himself  in  a  strange 
country  many  miles  from  home. 

III.     THE    devil's    BRIDGE. 

There  is  a  curious  legend  connected  with  a  bridge  which  spans 
some  tributary  of  the  Rhine  forming  the  boundary  between  Alsace 
and  Switzerland.  When  this  bridge  was  being  built,  an  almost  insur- 
mountable difficulty  arose.  Beelzebub,  always  willing  to  win  a  human 
soul,  offered  to  aid  the  builders  on  condition  that  the  first  living 
being  that  crossed  the  bridge  should  be  his,  and  he  sent  one  of  his 
imps  to  help.  The  bridge  builder,  being  aware  of  the  extreme  gul- 
libility of  the  fiend,  consented,  but  outwitted  him,  for  as  soon  as  the 
bridge  was  completed,  he  brought  a  black  goat,  and  placing  it  before 
him,  pushed  it  across  the  bridge.  Beelzebub's  imp,  in  his  rage  at 
being  outwitted,  grasped  the  goat  by  the  horns,  and  hurled  it  through 
the  floor  of  the  bridge.  Every  old  Alsatian  who  comes  from  this 
part  of  Alsace  will  solemnly  aver  that  the  hole  is  still  there,  because 
all  efforts  at  repairing  the  breach  are  frustrated  by  Beelzebub's 
imps. 


German  Folk-  Tales  collected  in  Canada.  243 

IV.     STORY    OF    THE    SNAKE    KING    AS    TOLD    BY    A    WOMAN    FROM 
GERMAN-POLAND. 

Snakes  are  governed,  like  human  beings,  by  kings.  A  snake  king 
sways  his  sceptre  over  an  area  of  about  one  hundred  square  miles. 
He  has  a  head  of  pure  gold,  and  his  body  is  steel-blue.  Snakes  are 
very  loyal  to  their  king,  and  woe  to  any  one  or  any  thing  that  should 
harm  him.  Once  upon  a  time,  a  prince  of  Poland,  who  had  a  great 
greed  for  gold,  found  himself  in  close  proximity  to  the  snake  king, 
and  in  spite  of  his  knowledge  of  what  would  happen  should  he  harm 
the  king,  he  could  not  resist  the  temptation  to  cut  off  his  head,  think- 
ing that  his  swift  horse  could  carry  him  out  of  harm's  way.  But  the 
snakes,  by  some  unknown  means,  became  aware  of  his  act  and 
crowded  upon  him  from  all  directions  and  entangled  his  horse's  feet 
in  such  a  way  that  it  was  thrown  down,  and  he  would  certainly  have 
lost  his  life,  had  it  not  been  for  his  presence  of  mind  in  taking  the 
golden  head  from  his  pocket  and  throwing  it  far  from  him,  when  the 
snakes  immediately  left  him. 

I  am  able  to  give  this  tale  through  the  courtesy  of  Mr.  Thomas 
Ware,  of  Plattsville,  Ont. 

v.     A    FAIRY    WIFE    OR    NIGHTMARE. 
(ALSATIAN.) 

The  gable  ends  of  the  Alsatian  peasant's  log  house  were  covered 
with  boards,  and  between  these  were  cracks  which  were  sometimes 
not  closed  even  in  the  depth  of  winter,  although  this  part  of  the  hut 
often  was  the  sleeping  apartment  of  some  member  of  the  peasant's 
family.  It  was  in  a  room  of  this  sort  that  a  young  Alsatian  slept. 
He  was  visited  every  night  by  a  beautiful  woman  —  a  sort  of  fairy  — 
who  always  entered  and  disappeared  through  one  of  the  crevices  be- 
tween the  boards.  As  is  usual  in  such  cases,  the  young  man  fell  in 
love  with  the  beautiful  visitant  and  resolved  to  secure  her  for  his 
wife,  so  he  told  his  father  of  his  determination.  His  father  advised 
him  to  have  all  the  cracks  between  the  boards,  excepting  one,  closed, 
and  when  the  maiden  was  in  the  room,  he  was  to  take  a  knife  and 
insert  it  in  the  aperture  through  which  she  entered.  This  was  done, 
and  one  morning  the  young  man  was  overjoyed  to  find  his  beautiful 
visitor  still  in  his  room.  They  were  married  and  lived  together  nearly 
eleven  years,  and  had  five  children.  The  man  felt  confident  that  his 
wife  would  now  stay  with  him,  and  one  day  while  making  some  im- 
provements in  the  house,  he  removed  the  knife,  and  at  the  same 
moment  his  wife  vanished  and  never  returned. 


244  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

Several  similar  stories  are  cited  by  Hartland  in  his  "Science  of 
Fairy  Tales."  (Pp.  279-282.)  He  makes  the  following  comment  on 
one  particular  feature  of  these  stories :  "  In  the  Nightmare  type,  of 
the  Swan  Maiden  group  of  stories,  the  wife  cannot  herself  take  the 
wooden  stopper  out  of  the  hole  through  which  she  entered;  but, 
directly  it  is  removed  by  another,  she  vanishes." 

W.  J.  Wintemberg. 

Toronto,  Can. 


Record  of  American  Folk- Lore.  245 

RECORD   OF   AMERICAN    FOLK-LORE. 

NORTH    AMERICA. 

Algonkian.  Ojiomatology.  L.  N.  Kinnicutt's  well-printed  "  In- 
dian Names  of  Places  in  Worcester  County,  Massachusetts,  with 
Interpretations  of  some  of  them"  (Worcester,  1905,  pp.  59)  lists 
some  140  names  from  AJia7npatmisJiaugc  to  Wiisqiiowhanawits,  with 
historical  and  etymological  notes  (Trumbull's  "  Natick  Dictionary  " 
has  been  often  used).  Some  of  these  Indian  names  {e.g.  Mohawk, 
Mocassin,  Wigwam)  have  evidently  been  given  by  white  men  them- 
selves. Sacarappa,  as  the  author  points  out,  is  exotic  (Maine)  Indian, 
while  Tahanto  was  applied  by  a  white  man  to  commemorate  an 
Indian.  But  most  are  Nipmuck  terms  more  or  less  "grievously  dis- 
torted" by  the  mouths  and  pens  of  the  English  colonists  and  their 
successors.  Has  nebitmskeat  is  now  popularly  reduced  to  ' Biimskit 
and  Miscoe  is  a  corruption  of  Hassanamisco,  itself  missaid  and  mis- 
written ;  Qicaddick  is  iox  Pottaquattic ;  Ponikhi  for  Qicassapo7iikin. 
Names  familiar  outside  of  Worcester  County  are  :  Cohasset,  Mayan- 
exit,  Naumkeag,  Penacook,  Penkese,  Podunk,  Tatnuck,  etc.  The  exact 
etymology  of  a  goodly  number  of  Worcester  County  Indian  names 
is  still  uncertain,  and  the  author  has  done  well  to  give  suggestions 
(of  various  writers  and  his  own)  rather  than  to  attempt  too  much 
original  explanation  (reliance  on  Trumbull  and  Tooker  was  better). 
In  a  new  edition  it  may  be  possible  to  give  more  definite  solutions 
of  many  of  these  etymologies.  Meanwhile  a  good  piece  of  work 
has  been  accomplished.  Another  useful  little  book  is  Dr.  George 
McAleer's  "A  Study  in  the  Etymology  of  the  Indian  Place-name  Mis- 
sisquoi "  (Worcester,  Mass.,  1906,  pp.  104),  in  which  is  to  be  found 
everything  known  concerning  the  history  and  etymology  of  this  Ver- 
mont-Quebec topographical  term.  Nothing,  apparently,  has  escaped 
the  author ;  every  guess  and  suggestion  are  chronicled.  While  abso- 
lute certainty  is  not  reached  in  the  conclusion,  the  next  student  of 
"Missisquoi"  will  have  little  to  add.  Dr.  McAleer  is  of  opinion 
(p.  100)  that  "  the  evidence  submitted  warrants  the  conclusion  that  the 
word  Missisquoi  is  of  Abenaki  origin  :  it  was  bestowed  in  accordance 
with  Indian  custom,  and  signifies  'a  great  grassy  place,'  'a  sticky 
place,'  —  a  great  marshy  place."  This  etymology,  suggested  also  by 
Mr.  W.  W.  Tooker,  is  in  all  probability  correct.  Among  the  other 
suggestions  (mostly  far  away  from  the  truth)  are  "  big  woman," 
"much  water-fowl,"  "place  of  great  stones,"  "big  snake,"  "stop," 
etc. — Cheyenne.  In  the  "American  Anthropologist"  (vol.  viii, 
n.  s.  pp.  15-22),  Dr.  George  Bird  Grinnell  writes  of  "Cheyenne 
Stream  Names."     Some  70  names  of  rivers,  creeks,  etc.,  are  enu- 


246  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

merated  and  their  etymologies  given.  The  Missouri  is  called  fiomi- 
tai,  "it  gives  (us,  or  the  people)  fat,"  usually  translated  "greasy,"  — 
the  name  is  said  to  have  been  given  from  the  resemblance  of  masses 
of  froth  on  the  water  to  the  greasy  froth  forming  on  kettles  in  which 
pounded  bones  were  being  boiled  ;  the  Yellowstone  is  Moeheyoe', 
"elk  river;"  the  Canadian,  Mah'om,  "red  water;"  the  Niobrara, 
Hisse'y5vi'yoe,  "  sudden  (unexpected)  river  ;  "  Green  River  is  Tassoi- 
yohe,  "scalp  river."  Some  of  the  English  names  of  these  streams 
are  merely  translations,  or  attempted  renderings  of  the  Indian  appel- 
lations. Folk-etymologies  of  some  are  evidently  current  among  the 
Cheyennes  themselves.  A  few  names  have  changed  during  the  last 
half-century. — Powhatan.  In  the  same  periodical  (pp.  23-27),  Mr. 
W.  W.  Tooker  discusses  "The  Powhatan  Name  for  Virginia."  Accord- 
ing to  the  author,  Strachey's  TsenahcommacaJi  and  the  Attanongh- 
komonck  of  Simon  de  Passe's  engraving  of  Pocahontas  correspond 
respectively  to  Narragansett  sanaiikainuck,  "  land  inclosed  for  pro- 
ducing or  growing,"  —  freely  rendered,  "plantation;"  and  Natick 
adtanohkonmk,  "an  inclosed  place"  (land  inclosed  for  producing  or 
growing).  In  these  we  have  the  earliest  form  of  the  Powhatan  name 
for  Virginia.  On  p.  24  Mr.  Tooker  gives  the  etymology  of  Poca- 
hontas {=^ P oacJia-nntas)  as  "the  little  merry-minded,"  —  "the  little 
wanton,"  as  Strachey  phrased  it.  The  author  rightly  rejects  Hecker- 
welder's  absurd  derivation  of  this  important  name.  Her  other  name, 
Matoaks,  signifies  "a  cloud,"  referring,  as  the  author  notes,  to  the 
incident  related  by  Captain  John  Smith,  "that  when  her  father  in- 
tended to  have  surprised  him,  she  by  stealth  in  the  dark  night  came 
through  the  wild  woods  and  told  him  of  it."  The  name  Amonote,  by 
which,  according  to  Strachey,  she  was  "  rightly  called  ...  at  more 
ripe  years,"  signifies,  literally,  "she  gives  warning"  in  reference  to 
this  same  event.  —  Neiv  England.  In  the  same  periodical  (pp.  115- 
132)  Dr.  C.  C.  Willoughby  has  a  valuable  article  on  "Houses  and 
Gardens  of  the  New  England  Indians."  The  round  house,  the  long 
house,  and  the  conical  house  (the  last  more  common  in  Maine,  the 
other  two  general  throughout  the  region)  are  briefly  described,  be- 
sides others  of  more  or  less  usual  occurrence.  Catamenia-wigwams 
for  women,  sweat-lodges,  powwow-lodges,  etc.,  were  in  use.  Lodge- 
coverings,  house-furnishings,  etc.,  are  also  considered.  The  winter 
villages  were  in  a  measure  permanent,  but  the  Indians  were  "very 
expeditious  at  their  removals."  The  "forts"  were  not  always  cir- 
cular. Agriculture  was  universal  among  the  New  England  tribes, 
and  the  Indians  took  good  care  of  their  fields,  and  obtained  good 
yields  of  corn,  beans,  pumpkins,  squash,  artichoke,  etc.  From  the 
Indians  the  colonists  took  up  the  cultivation  of  these  plants.  Some 
of  the  New  England  Indians  are  said  to  have  kept  tame  hawks  to 


Record  of  American  Folk-Lore,  247 

drive  birds  from  their  fields ;  and  although  they  suffered  from  the 
depredations  of  the  crows,  "  not  one  native  in  a  hundred  would  kill 
one,  because  of  the  tradition  that  a  crow  brought  them  their  first 
grain  of  corn  in  one  of  its  ears  and  a  bean  in  the  other,  from  the 
field  of  the  great  god  Kautanatouwit,  in  the  southwest." 

Athapaskan.  In  "Anthropos"  (vol.  i,  1906,  pp.  224-227,8  figs.) 
Rev.  A.  G.  Morice  writes  of  "The  Great  D^ne  Race."  Chapter  I 
treats  of  the  Name  of  the  Denes  and  their  Habitat  in  the  North 
(improper  names  of  the  stock,  real  name,  habitat  as  represented  on  va- 
rious maps,  Powell's  map,  discoverers  and  authors  on  the  question  of 
real  boundaries,  geographical  features,  climate).  Chapter  II.  discusses 
Distribution  and  Population  of  the  Northern  Denes  (population  in 
general,  the  Loucheux  and  their  name,  habitat  of  the  Loucheux,  dis- 
tribution of  the  Loucheux  tribes,  the  subarctic  Denes,  Athabas- 
kans  or  Eastern  Denes,  the  intermediate  Denes,  the  Western  Denes). 
According  to  Morice,  the  Athapaskan  area  touched  Hudson's  Bay 
for  some  distance  about  the  mouths  of  the  Churchill  and  Nelson 
Rivers,  —  a  fact  not  recognized  by  the  linguistic  maps.  Morice  also 
criticises  the  Powellian  map  for  attributing  sea  littoral  to  the  Alas- 
kan Denes.  Attention  is  called  to  Arrowsmith's  map  of  Indian  tribes 
of  North  America,  published  in  1857.  He  repeats  his  objections  to 
"the  now  antiquated  name  Tinne  ox  Tinneh,"  Petitot's  "DeJie-DindJQ 
(never  adopted  outside  of  its  originator's  writings),"  and  *^the  nick- 
name Athapaskan  (rests  solely  on  the  authority  of  the  Smithsonian 
Institution),"  preferring  Dene,  "the  name  the  great  majority  of  them 
assume."  On  p.  251  we  learn  that  the  Dene  name  of  the  Fraser, 
Ltha-khoh,  means  "one  river  within  another,  perhaps  owing  to  the 
importance  of  its  main  tributary,  the  Nechaco,  which  at  its  conflu- 
ence appears  to  be  quite  as  large  as  the  Fraser  itself."  The  "  North- 
ern Denes  "  are  divided  into  five  groups  (Alaskans  or  Loucheux,  sub- 
arctic Denes,  Eastern  Denes,  Intermediate  Denes,  Western  Denes), 
consisting  in  all  of  some  31  tribes,  the  names  and  extension  of  all 
being  considered  (with  etymologies  where  known).  The  "  Yellow 
Knives  "  or  "  Copper  Indians  "  (p.  265)  are  said  to  derive  their  name 
"  from  the  native  copper  out  of  which  they  formerly  manufactured, 
and  sold  at  fabulous  prices,  knives,  axes,  and  other  cutting  tools,  — 
Coppermine  River  commemorates  this  (the  diffusion  of  iron  and  steel 
weapons  obtained  from  the  whites  depreciated  the  value  of  these 
aboriginal  wares,  and  caused  the  Indians  to  remove  further  south). 
The  Northern  or  Canadian  Denes  number  to-day  some  21,000  souls. 
This  valuable  paper  contains  much  new  information  regarding  the 
history,  nomenclature,  etc.,  of  the  Canadian  members  of  the  Atha- 
paskan stock. 

KiTUNAHAN.     In  the  "  Popular  Science  Monthly  "  (vol.  Ixviii,  pp. 


248  jfournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

503-514)  for  June,  1906,  Dr.  Alexander  F.  Chamberlain  writes  of 
"  The  Human  Side  of  the  Indian,"  giving  personal  experiences  during 
a  visit  to  the  Kootenay  Indians  of  Southeastern  British  Columbia 
and  Northern  Idaho.  The  topics  touched  on  are  :  Treatment  of  chil- 
dren, child  life,  schooling,  treatment  of  animals,  names  of  strange 
animals  and  plants,  attitude  of  Indians  toward  scientific  investigators 
and  toward  white  men  in  general,  peculiarities  and  blunders  of  whites, 
chatter  and  nonsense,  humor  and  sarcasm,  playing  tricks,  attitude  of 
Indians  toward  Chinese,  adventure  of  Indian  with  skunk,  attitude 
of  Indians  toward  train  and  steamboat,  love,  etc.  The  conclusion 
reached  is  that  the  Indian  is,  indeed,  very  human. 

Mound-Builders.  In  the  "American  Anthropologist"  (vol.  viii, 
n.  s.  pp.  1 01-108)  for  January-March,  1906,  Professor  W.  H.  Holmes 
discusses  "Certain  Notched  or  Scalloped  Stone  Tablets  of  the  Mound- 
Builders."  The  objects  considered  are  the  type  of  discoidal  and  rec- 
tangular stone  plates  from  mounds  in  the  Ohio  valley  and  the  South- 
ern States,  identified  by  Mr.  Clarence  B.  Moore  as  mortar  plates  or 
palettes,  intended  for  the  grinding  of  pigments.  Professor  Holmes 
considers  that  these  tablets  were  used  for  no  ordinary  purposes, 
but  "filled  some  important  sacred  or  ceremonial  ofiice,  as  in  pre- 
paring colors  for  shamanistic  use  or  religious  ceremony,"  also,  pos- 
sibly, "drawings  of  sacred  subjects  were  executed  on  the  plates,  and, 
being  ground  off,  entered  also  [like  the  symbolic  pestles]  into  the 
composition  of  the  mixtures,  imparting  added  potency."  The  author 
considers  that  "  the  original  concept  in  the  mind  of  the  makers  of 
these  plates  was,  at  least  in  some  cases,  the  feathered  serpent,  a 
northern  form  of  Ouetzalcoatl,  a  chief  deity  of  the  middle  American 
peoples."  Also  :  "These  plates  may  be  regarded  as  furnishing  addi- 
tional proof  that  the  influence  of  the  culture  of  middle  America  has 
been  felt  all  along  the  northern  shores  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  and 
has  passed,  with  diminished  force,  still  farther  to  the  north." 

PiMAN.  Dr.  A.  HrdliCka's  "Notes  on  the  Pima  of  Arizona,"  in 
the  "American  Anthropologist"  (vol.  viii,  n.  s.  pp.  39-46)  for  Jan- 
uary-March, 1906,  treats  of  present  condition,  dwellings  (three  kinds), 
manufactures  (basketry  and  pottery  made  by  women,  wooden  uten- 
sils, cradles  of  two  forms,  sort  of  flute),  customs  (tattooing,  hair- 
dyeing  as  protection  from  sun-exposure,  death  and  burial,  ball-kicking 
game,  now  abandoned  by  Pima  and  Maricopa,  who  thought  it  was 
not  viewed  with  favor  by  the  Indian  Department,  but  still  in  use  by 
the  Papago).  In  the  spring  of  1905  the  ceremony  of  "rain-calling" 
was  resorted  to.  The  numerous  petroglyphs  in  their  country  are 
not  understood  by  these  Indians,  but  "they  sometimes  copy  in  their 
basketry  designs  the  decoration  of  the  ancient  pottery  found  in 
their  neighborhood."    Of  the  swastika  the  author  says  (p.  41) :  "The 


Record  of  American  Folk-Lore.  249 

svvastica,  which  has  been  adopted  by  one  of  the  Pima  of  Sacaton  as 
a  brand,  represents,  according  to  Antonio  Azul,  the  talons  of  a  hawk. 
This  figure  was  formerly  one  of  the  tribal  totems  and  was  painted 
on  war-shields."  Traces  of  the  old  native  religion  still  exist.  Sha- 
mans are  not  yet  extinct  and,  prayers  and  offerings  in  a  cave  are  yet 
carried  on.  The  ceremonial  observations,  songs,  games,  etc.,  have 
been  largely  abandoned :  "The  younger  element  in  the  tribe  has 
enthusiastically  adopted  the  outdoor  games  of  the  whites,  particularly 
football  ;  baseball  was  also  in  favor  until  one  of  the  players  was 
killed  by  a  batted  ball."  A  description  of  the  Pima  wi-ce-ta,  or 
great  ball-kicking  game,  until  recently  played  each  fall,  is  given 
(pp.  45-46). 

Shoshonean.  Lniseno.  In  the  "American  Anthropologist"  (vol. 
viii,  n.  s.  p.  32)  Dr.  A.  L.  Kroeber  publishes  a  brief  account  of  the 
girls'  puberty  ceremony  among  the  Luiseno  Indians  of  Pauma  and 
Rincon  in  northern  San  Diego,  California,  from  information  obtained 
in  1903.  The  ceremony,  called  weghenish,  was  performed  to  make 
good  women  of  them,  and  resembled  the  "  roasting  "  in  vogue  among 
the  southern  California  tribes.  At  the  conclusion  of  their  taboo- 
period  the  girls  made  paintings  on  the  smooth  surfaces  of  large  gran- 
ite boulders.  These  paintings,  known  diS yimish,  "consist  of  geomet- 
rical arrangements  of  red  lines,  usually  in  patterns  forming  vertical 
stripes  several  feet  high."  Some  are  still  to  be  seen,  especially  near 
the  old  village  sites.  —  Hopi  {Moki).  In  the  "  American  Anthropolo- 
gist "  (vol.  iii,  n.  s.  pp.  88-100)  Dr.  J.  Walter  Fewkes  has  an  article  on 
"The  Sun's  Influence  on  Hopi  Pueblos,"  treating  of  the  growth  of 
Hano,  Sichomovi,  and  Walpi.  It  appears  that  "the  rows  of  rooms 
forming  the  ground-plan  of  a  typical  Hopi  pueblo  are  oriented  in  the 
same  direction,  and  that  this  is  due  to  a  desire  to  obtain  a  maximum 
amount  of  heat  through  heliotropic  exposure."  This  same  law  applies 
to  the  whole  Pueblo  area.  The  grouping  of  clans  into  composite  vil- 
lages with  united  rooms  is  protective  and  evolved  from  preexisting 
conditions.  The  peculiar  architectural  features  of  this  region  are  thus 
due  to  "  the  pressure  of  predatory  tribes  and  the  desire  for  sunny 
exposure." 

Tanoan.  In  the  "American  Anthropologist"  (vol.  viii,  n.  s. 
p.  193)  for  January-March,  1906,  Professor  E.  L.  Hewitt  discusses 
the  "Origin  of  the  Name  Navaho,"  producing  evidence  to  prove 
that  the  true  etymology  is  to  be  gained  from  the  term  "Apaches  de 
Navajo,"  used  by  Benavides  ca.  1630,  —  these  Indians  are  described 
as  "very  great  farmers,  for  that  is  what  Navajo  signifies,  'great 
planted  fields '  (sementeras  grandes)."  The  Tewa  Indians  interpret 
Navahii  (the  name  of  a  small  pueblo  ruin)  in  reference  to  "  the 
large  area  of  cultivated  lands."     Identifying  Navaliu  and  Navajo, 


I 


250  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lorc. 

the  author  finds  the  origin  of  this  important  ethnic  name  in  the 
Tewa  Navahu,  "the  place  of  great  planted  fields." 

YuMAN.  In  his  paper  on  "  A  Puberty  Ceremony  of  the  Mission 
Indians,"  published  in  the  "American  Anthropologist"  (vol.  viii, 
n.  s.  pp.  28-32)  for  January-March,  1906,  Mr.  H.  N.  Rust  describes 
a  ceremony  observed  by  the  different  tribes  of  Mission  Indians  of 
southern  California  from  time  immemorial,  known  as  the  "roasting 
of  girls,"  "sweating  in  the  pit,"  etc.  The  Indians  believe  that  such 
ceremonies  "banish  bad  spirits  from  the  girls,"  also  that  "the  sacred 
stone  [shown  to  them]  entertains  and  controls  these  spirits,  and  they 
will  not  return  to  the  girls  as  long  as  these  do  right."  This  sacred 
stone  is  of  the  neck-yoke  type.  These  ceremonies  were  observed  by 
Mr.  Rust  at  Campo,  near  the  Mexican  line,  in  southern  California, 
in  1889. 

MEXICO    AND    CENTRAL    AMERICA. 

AzTECAN  (Nahuatl).  In  "Anthropos"  (vol.  i,  1906,  pp.  302- 
317)  Fr.  W.  Schmidt  has  an  article  on  "  Fray  Bernardino  de  Saha- 
gun,  O.  Fr.  M.,  Un  breve  conpendio  de  los  ritos  ydolatricos  que  los 
yndios  desta  Nueva  Espana  usavan  '  su  el  tiempo  de  su  infidelidad.'  " 
The  work  discussed  is  a  new  MS.  of  Sahagun  recently  discovered  in 
the  Archives  of  the  Vatican,  not  a  new  original  work,  however,  but, 
as  the  title  indicates,  a  summary  of  data  in  the  Historia  General  de 
las  cosas  de  Nneva  Espana.  At  pp.  304-317  some  of  the  original 
Spanish  is  given,  and  at  p.  307  a  facsimile  of  the  end  of  the  MS. — 
Archcsological  Problems.  In  the  "American  Anthropologist"  (vol. 
viii,  n.  s.  pp.  133-149)  for  January-March,  1906,  Mrs.  Zelia  Nuttall 
writes  of  "  Some  Unsolved  Problems  in  Mexican  Archaeology,"  treat- 
ing of  "Montezuma's  evidence  as  to  his  ancestry  and  origin,"  "the 
origin  of  the  artificial  theory  of  the  four  elements,"  etc.  The  author 
believes  that  Montezuma's  account  of  his  ancestry  (given  in  1520) 
is  not  to  be  interpreted  as  a  solar  myth,  but  as  "  a  plain  historical 
tradition  handed  down  from  his  forefathers,"  and  also  that  "  Monte- 
zuma, who,  of  all  Mexicans,  best  knew  the  traditions  of  his  race, 
believed  that  these  furnished  an  overwhelming  proof  that  his  line 
had  originated  in  a  land  over  the  sea,  as  remote  as  Spain  was  said 
to  be."  Mrs.  Nuttall  also  believes  that  "the  calendar  system  of 
ancient  Mexico,  which  incorporates  what  Lewes  designates  as  '  the 
Empedoclean  elements,'  is  a  masterpiece  of  the  Science  of  Num- 
bers, the  equal  of  which  does  not  seem  to  have  been  produced  by 
any  known  disciple  of  Pythagoras,  who,  however,  idealized  Number 
as  the  principle  of  order  and  the  guide  of  human  life."  The  author 
seeks  to  find  in  "foreign  colonists"  the  origin  of  what  are  termed 
"  incongruous  "  elements  in  ancient  Mexican  civilization. 


Record  of  A  merica  7i  Folk-L  ore.  251 

Mayan.  Comalapa.  Dr.  Jakob  Schoembs's  "  Material  zur  Sprache 
von  Comalapa  in  Guatemala"  (Dortmund,  1905,  pp.  xi,  227)  is  a  val- 
uable little  book,  both  for  the  linguistic  student  and  the  folk-lorist. 
Pages  1-201  contain  3407  items  (phonetic  transcription  of  native 
text,  German  and  Spanish  versions),  —  simple  sentences  chiefly;  pp. 
202-215,  lists  of  pronouns,  substantives,  adjectives,  adverbs,  names 
of  parts  of  the  day,  numerals,  prepositions ;  pp.  1 16-227,  twelve  pieces 
of  connected  prose,  stories  and  legends.  The  material  was  collected 
by  Dr.  Schoembs  in  1901-1903  from  natives  who  were  pure  Indians 
and  spoke  the  dialect  of  Comalapa  as  their  mother-tongue.  Coma- 
lapa is  a  village  of  some  4000  inhabitants  (all  Indians  except  a  few 
state  officials)  in  the  department  of  Chimaltenango.  It  lies  in  the 
Cakchiquel  territory  (close  to  the  Quiche  border),  according  to  the 
map  of  Stoll.  The  language  of  Comalapa  may  be  a  dialect  of  Cak- 
chiquel, but  the  various  branches  of  the  Maya  stock  have  not  yet 
been  so  clearly  distinguished  as  to  make  clear  its  exact  position 
among  them.  One  of  the  brief  legends  tells  of  the  origin  of  monkeys 
from  the  urine  of  a  woman,  —  she  left  her  husband  to  cohabit  with  a 
monkey  (hence  the  kinship  of  man  and  the  anthropoids).  The  longest 
tale  is  concerned  with  the  rabbit  and  the  coyote,  —  the  former  tricks 
the  latter  again  and  again.  The  publication  of  this  monograph  was 
made  possible  by  the  beneficence  of  the  Royal  Academy  of  Sciences 
at  Berlin  and  the  Due  de  Loubat.  —  In  his  "  Supersticiones  y  Leyen- 
das  Mayas  "  (Merida,  1905,  pp.  144),  M.  J.  Garcia  publishes  a  col- 
lection of  superstitions  and  legends,  and  in  another  recent  book, 
"Los  Mayas  Primitivos  "  (Merida,  1905,  pp.  124),  discusses  the  ety- 
mology of  Maya  place-names,  and  also  seeks  from  linguistic,  religious, 
and  archaeological  grounds  to  prove  that  the  Mayas  are  descended 
from  the  ancient  Egyptians,  a  pure  waste  of  literary  energy. 

SOUTH    AMERICA. 

Araucanian.  In  the  "  Zeitschrift  ftir  Volkskunde"  (1906,  pp. 
156-164)  Dr.  R.  Lehmann-Nitsche  has  an  article  on  "  Marchen  der 
argentinischen  Indianer,"  in  which  are  given  the  German  texts  of 
six  Araucanian  tales,  with  references  to  their  correspondents  in 
European  folk-lore.  These  are :  Story  of  a  tiger  and  a  man  (cf. 
Androclus  in  the  Gesta  Romanorum),  Story  of  the  old  witch  (resem- 
bles an  Arabian-European  tale).  Story  of  the  fox  and  the  frog  (cf. 
hare  and  hedgehog  in  Grimm,  —  the  fox  and  the  frog  are  favorites 
in  Araucanian  mythology).  Story  of  the  dog  and  the  rat  (cf.  Jockel 
sent  out  by  his  master).  Story  of  the  old  woman  and  her  husband 
(cf.  Hansel  u.  Gretel  in  Grimm),  Story  of  the  donkey,  the  pig,  the 
cat,  and  the  old  (cock  cf.  Die  Bremer  Stadtmusikanten  in  Grimm). 
In  these  tales  each  animal  has  its  characteristic  voice  :  fox,  tmr  uar ; 


252  journal  of  A  merican  Folk-L  ore. 

partridge,  tiiyo  ulyo  ;  gull,  kaUu  keleu  ;  pig,  or  or  or ;  snake,  kai  kai, 
etc.  The  author's  collection  of  Araucanian  texts  numbers  some  70 
pieces,  chiefly  in  prose.  Of  these  most  are  genuinely  Araucanian  ; 
some  have  other  Indian  elements,  while  some  others  have  European 
borrowings  or  possess  curious  adaptations 'from  the  whites.  How 
much  is  really  of  European  origin  in  these  tales  remains  to  be  deter- 
mined. This  Argentinian  material  is  valuable  for  comparison  with 
the  Chilean  (Araucanian  tales)  and  legends  published  by  Lenz  in  his 
Estudios  Amticanos  (i 895-1 897).  The  latter  writer's  "  Dictionary  of 
the  Indian  Elements  of  Chilean  Spanish,"  noticed  elsewhere,  should 
also  be  referred  to  here. 

Aymaran.  In  "Globus"  (vol.  Ixxxix,  1906,  pp.  341-347,  7  figs.) 
E.  Nordenskiold  writes  of  "  Der  Doppeladler  als  Ornament  auf  Ayma- 
rageweben,"  based  upon  material  collected  in  1904  during  a  trip  from 
La  Paz  to  Ulloma  on  the  Rio  Desaguadero  in  Bolivia.  Symmetrized  fig- 
ures of  the  double-eagle  type  occur  also  in  the  rock-pictures  of  Quilima, 
near  Carabuco  on  the  shore  of  Lake  Titicaca.  The  author  considers 
that  the  double-eagle  motif  is  due  to  imitation  of  the  "double  eagle" 
on  European  coins  or  fabrics,  —  it  has  not  been  in  use  for  a  very  long 
time.  This  motif  \\\i\\  its  conventionalizings  does  not  seem  to  occur 
in  Quechua  fabrics.  The  Aymara  double-eagle  motif  sho^ws  no  local 
differences  of  ornamentation,  although  it  plays  so  prominent  a  role 
over  so  large  a  territory.  The  double-eagle  has  also  been  copied  by 
the  Huichols  and  Quiches. 

Brazil.  In  "Globus"  (vol.  Ixxxix,  pp.  165-169,  309-316,  373- 
380,  20  figs.)  Dr.  Theodor  Koch  describes  his  recent  travels  "  Kreuz 
und  quer  durch  Nordwest-Brasilien."  Among  the  topics  considered 
are  the  anthropomorphic  urns  of  Maraca  and  Cunany  and  other 
ceramic  objects,  representing  perhaps  "the  highest  fictile  art  of  east- 
ern South  America  ;  "  the  Ipurina  Indians  of  the  Ituxy  and  Cuchoewa 
(with  brief  word-Hsts) ;  the  Yauapery  (a  much-feared  Carib  tribe) ; 
the  Bare  Indians  and  their  drawings,  of  which  a  number  are  repro- 
duced ;  the  Maku  (their  language  forms  a  new  linguistic  stock) ;  the 
"  Festa  da  Trinidade." 

Chaco.  In  "Globus"  (vol.  Ixxxix,  pp.  213-220,  229-234,  15  figs.) 
V.  Eric  describes  "  Eine  Pilcomayo-Reise  in  den  Chaco  Central,"  in 
1903-1904.  The  Indian  tribes  treated  of  are  the  Toba-michi,  Toba- 
guazu,  Pilaga,  the  last  especially, — dress  and  ornament  (ear-rolls, 
tattooing,  the  former  among  the  Pilaga,  the  latter  among  the  Toba) ; 
food  and  drink;  character;  sex  and  marriage  (monogamous,  jealous, 
kill  half-breeds) ;  war  (chiefly  ambushes)  ;  the  Pilaga  and  the  Toba 
are  at  enmity  with  the  so-called  "  Sotegraik,"  who  formerly  inhab- 
ited the  Paraguayan  Chaco.  These  Indians  are  reputed  great  liars, 
on  account  of  the  incredible  tales  they  told  of  as  having  been  expe- 


Record  of  American  Folk-Lore.  253 

rienced  by  them,  "but  these  are  really  their  dreams,  which  they 
think  real."  Their  indulgence  in  intoxicants  is  such  (yearly  de- 
bauches) that,  since  the  women  do  not  drink  till  after  marriage,  one 
can  ascertain  the  age  of  the  first  child  by  asking  the  mother  how 
often  she  has  been  drunk. 

Chorotes.  "The  Chorotes  Indians  in  the  Bolivian  Chaco.  A 
Preliminary  Report  dedicated  to  the  XlVth  International  Congress 
of  Americanists  at  Stuttgart,  1904"  (Stockholm,  1904,  pp.  14,  17  pi.), 
by  Eric  von  Rosen,  is  a  well-illustrated  general  account  of  physical 
characters,  dress  and  ornament,  houses  and  social  life,  implements 
and  utensils,  hunting  and  fishing,  war  and  weapons,  work  and  play, 
music,  spirit-lore,  dances,  death  and  burial,  language.  The  author 
observes  :  "  In  contrast  to  the  Matacos,  the  Chorotes  did  not  appear 
to  be  any  lethargic,  or  degenerated  race.  .  .  .  They  always  seemed 
wide-awake  and  interested."  Ear-pegs  are  worn  by  the  Chorote 
young  men  as  a  sign  of  puberty,  —  for  women  as  well  as  men,  tat- 
tooing also  serves  the  same  purpose.  Chieftainship  is  hereditary, 
with  extensive  authority  and  respect.  The  Chorotes  use  a  sort  of 
shirt  of  mail  of  chaguar- fibre.  All  heavy  work  is  done  by  the  women. 
A  species  of  dice-game  is  in  vogue.  Their  magic  drums  are  made 
of  earthen  pots  covered  with  skin.  The  author  visited  the  Chorotes 
with  Baron  Erland  Nordenskiold  in  1 901- 1902. 

CoROADOS.  In  "Anthropos"  (vol.  i,  1906,  pp.  35-48)  Fr.  B.  S. 
da  Prade  reports  on  "  Una  spedizione  ai  '  Coroados '  nello  Stato  di 
S.  Paolo  nel  Brasile,"  giving  a  brief  account  of  the  expedition  of 
December,  1904,  in  search  of  the  so-called  "Coroados"  or  "  Indios 
braves,"  who  inhabit  the  forestal  region  of  S.  Paolo  between  the 
Frete  and  Para  and  the  Agudos  mountains,  long.  50-52.2  W.,  lat. 
20.15-22.20  S.  Objects  belonging  to  the  Indians  were  found  here 
and  there  along  the  path.  On  December  20  a  deserted  Indian  set- 
tlement with  its  clearing  in  the  forest  was  discovered.  In  one  of 
the  huts  was  found  a  woman  (20-25  years  old), — all  others  had 
fled.  Although  she  called  out  for  her  husband,  Kengii  by  name,  no 
one  appeared.  Bows  and  arrows,  domestic  and  other  implements 
and  utensils,  objects  stolen  from  the  Brazilians,  etc.  The  entire  ab- 
sence of  human  bones  suggests  that  these  Indians  are  not  cannibals. 

Panoan.  Sipibo.  As  "Diccionario  Sipibo.  Castellano-Deutsch- 
Sipibo.  Apuntes  de  Gramatica.  Sipibo"  (Berlin,  1904,  pp.  i*-40*, 
1-128),  Dr.  Karl  von  den  Steinen's  "Abdruck  der  Handschrift  eines 
Franziskaners  mit  Beitragen  zur  Kenntnis  der  Pano-Stamme  am 
Ucayali"  is  dedicated  to  the  Fourteenth  International  Congress  of 
Americanists.  The  MS.  here  printed  belonged  to  an  unknown  Peru- 
vian monk,  and  was  found  in  1884  among  a  lot  of  old  papers,  which 
had  been  the  prey  of  ants,  in  a  road-hut  between  Chanchamaya  and 


254  yournal  of  America7i  Folk-Lore. 

the  Ucayali,  by  Rich.  Payer,  the  Austrian  naturalist  and  traveller. 
It  is  the  work  of  two  hands.  This  is  the  first  dictionary  of  the 
Panoan  tongue,  —  "  Setibo,  Pano,  Sipibo,  and  Cunibo  are  only  clan- 
names  of  one  and  the  same  stock  (linguistically  and  physically)." 
Dr.  von  den  Steinen's  introduction  treats  of  "  The  Hieroglyphic 
Traditions  of  the  Pano"  (pp.  9*- 12*),  "The  Earlier  History  of  the 
Missions  on  the  Ucayali"  (pp.  i2*-2i*),  "The  Pano  Tribes  of  Peru, 
Bolivia,  and  Brazil"  (pp.  2i*-26*),  He  points  out  that  Humboldt 
(from  Girbal)  is,  apparently,  the  sole  authority  for  attributing  to  the 
Panos  the  possession  of  "  hieroglyphic  books,"  such  things  being  men- 
tioned in  none  of  the  writings  of  the  missionaries,  and  in  no  other 
original  writings  concerning  these  Indians.  The  "books"  said  to 
be  still  in  their  possession  have  never  turned  up.  Humboldt's  state- 
ment that  the  Manoa  people  were  the  only  ones  who  understood  the 
language  of  the  Pano  cannot  be  correct,  since  "  the  Pano  of  Saracayu 
are  identical  with  the  Manoa  people  or  Setebo."  What  has  been 
taken  for  "  hieroglyphic  books  "  was  probably  either  school  or  church 
books  used  by  them  and  the  missionaries,  or  cotton  fabrics  on  which 
were  painted  with  itriiai  and  genipapo  various  objects,  and  perhaps 
war-scenes,  etc.,  —  these,  made  up  in  form  like  the  books  of  the  mis- 
sionaries, may  have  misled  the  original  observer.  The  earliest  Jesuit 
mission  among  the  Panos,  that  of  San  Ignacio,  for  the  Mayoruna,  or 
Barbudos,  dates  from  1653,  the  Franciscan  somewhat  later. 

The  Sipibo-Spanish  part  of  the  Dictionary  (2720  words)  is  older 
than  the  Spanish-Sipibo,  which  may  date  from  1877  (from  internal 
evidence).  In  the  Library  of  the  British  Museum  is  a  MS.  vocab- 
ulary, Spanish-Cunibo,  by  Fr.  Buenaventura  Marques,  dated  1800,  an 
examination  of  which  shows  the  identity  of  Pano  and  Cunibo.  This 
MS.  contains  some  3285  words  and  phrases. 

■^t  pp.  33*-36,  the  names  for  parts  of  the  body  in  Sipibo  are 
listed  and  discussed,  —  they  are  mostly  composites.  The  terms  of 
relationship  are  given  on  pp.  38*-40*.  In  the  Spanish-Sipibo  part 
the  word  for  "God"  is  given  as  "  Rios "  (Spanish,  Dios),  —  this 
appears  also  in  several  phrases  in  the  Sipibo-Spanish  section.  "  To 
read,"  quircabiie  yjiiytii  (p.  44),  signifies  literally  "  book  {guirca)  — 
with  {abtie)  —  speak  {yiiijmi).''  The  term  for  "eclipse  of  the  moon  " 
{use  mauata)  means  "moon  dead"  (p.  45).  Among  the  names  of 
birds  reduplicative  words  are  common  :  Duck,  naimaua ;  turkey, 
cnnicurii,  etc.  The  word  for  "powder"  {purjipurii)  may  be  based 
on  Spanish /^7z;(?m.  Another  adopted  Spanish  word  is  sapato  (shoe). 
The  Spanish  of  the  Dictionary  contains  a  few  Ouechuaisms. 

TupiAN.  In  "Anthropos"  (vol.  i,  1906,  pp.  24-34,  185-193)  the 
Jesuit  missionary  Carl  Teschauer,  of  Porto  Alegre  (Rio  Grande  do 
Sul),  publishes  the  first  two  sections  of  an  article  on  "Mythen  und 


Record  of  A  merican  Folk- Lore.  255 

alte  Volkssagen  aus  Brasilicn,"  in  which  are  given  the  German  texts 
of  six  tales  about  spirits  and  demons  (the  korupira,  or  wood-demon  ; 
the  AnJiangd  or  Yiirnpira,  or  "devil "),  and  of  nine  animal  tales  con- 
cerning the  maguary  {Ardea  viagiiary)  and  the  humming-bird,  the 
humming-bird  and  sleep,  the  tamurupara  {Monossa  nigrifrons)  and 
the  japins  {Cassiats  Jiemorrhoiis),  the  yurupichuna  (a  species  of 
monkey),  the  tortoise  and  deer,  the  tortoise  and  jaguar,  the  tortoise 
and  the  man,  the  tortoise  and  the  giant  {kahapora-tissi'i).  The  tor- 
toise myths  are  reproduced  from  Magalhaes'  O  Selvdgem,  published 
in  1876  (Hartt  utilized  this  same  material  in  his  "Amazonian  Tor- 
toise Myths  "),  and  the  other  animal  tales  from  Barbosa's  Poranduba 
Amazonejtse.  Father  Teschauer  opposes  the  theory  of  Magalhaes 
that  the  Indians  regard  these  beings  as  deities  ;  also  the  view  of 
Magalhaes  and  Barbosa  as  to  the  conception  by  the  Indians  of  these 
beings  as  evil  spirits,  —  he  thinks  the  whole  weight  of  evidence  is  in 
favor  of  the  opinion  that  they  are  really  looked  upon  by  the  Indians  as 
evil  beings.  In  Rio  Grande  do  Sul  offerings  of  tobacco  are  made  to 
the  koritpira  by  hunters,  and  the  "cowboys"  call  him  NcgrinJio  do 
pastoreio,  also  burning  candles  to  him  to  bring  back  lost  cattle.  To 
the  korupira  are  attributed  sudden  noises  in  the  forest.  In  the 
Amazonas  region  he  appears  "as  a  little  Indian  about  3  ft.  high, 
bald-headed,  hairy-bodied,  one-eyed,  etc.,  with  blue  or  green  teeth, 
big  ears,  with  or  without  legs  (his  feet  are  always  bent  backward)," 
—  he  is  always  of  extraordinary  strength.  In  Bahia  he  is  utterly 
metamorphosed  into  "a  small,  almost  black  Indian  woman,  who  rides 
on  a  pig,"  —  she  protects  hunters  who  offer  her  tobacco.  There  is 
evidently  room  for  a  thorough-going  study  of  the  relations  of  native 
and  European  folk-lore  elements  in  Brazil  and  elsewhere  in  South 
America.  —  In  "Globus"  (vol.  Ixxxiv,  1906,  pp.  59-63),  G.  Friederici 
writes  "  Ueber  eine  als  Couvade  gedeutete  Wiedergeburtszeremonie 
bei  den  Tupi."  The  ceremony  in  question  was  first  described  by 
Hans  Stade  (long  a  captive  among  the  Brazilian  Indians  in  the  six- 
teenth century)  in  connection  with  a  cannibal  feast :  "  He  who  has 
killed  the  man  takes  on  a  new  name.  And  the  king  of  the  cabins 
scratches  their  arms  with  the  tooth  of  a  wild  beast.  When  it  is 
properly  healed,  it  is  an  honor  to  have  the  scars  seen.  Then,  the 
same  day,  he  has  to  lie  still  in  a  net  (hammock),  and  is  given  a  little 
toy  bow  and  arrow,  to  pass  away  the  time,  and  with  this  he  shoots 
at  wax  {i.  e.  a  wax-covered  disk)."  Tupi  name-giving  and  birth  cere- 
monies and  kindred  rites  are  briefly  discussed,  including  Aztec, 
Pueblo,  and  Natchez  analogues.  Friederici  finds  the  motif  for  all  in 
fear  of  the  spirit  of  the  slain. 

Western  South  America.    In  his  "Traditions  of  Precolumbian 
Earthquakes  and  Volcanic  Eruptions  in  Western  South  America," 


256  yoitrnal  of  American  Folk-Lorc. 

published  in  the  "American  Anthropologist"  (vol.  viii,  n.  s.  pp.  47- 
81)  for  January-March,  1906,  Dr.  A.  F.  Bandelier  adds  another  to 
the  increasing  list  of  his  valuable  ethnologic-historical  monographs. 
Among  the  traditions  discussed  are  those  from  Columbia  relating  to 
Bochica  (Nemquetheba,  Zuhe),  tales  of  the  arrival  of  giants  on  the 
coast  of  Ecuador  and  their  connection  with  volcanic  phenomena, 
Peruvian,  Bolivian,  and  Chilean  legends  and  stories  as  to  earthquakes, 
eruptions,  etc.  According  to  the  author  (p.  66) :  "  Should  the  folk- 
lore herein  contained  be  authentic  and  precolumbian,  as  some  parts 
of  it  undoubtedly  are,  we  might  infer  that  volcanic  activity  in  west- 
ern South  America  was  greater  at  certain  times  previous  to  the  Span- 
ish conquest  than  it  is  now." 

GENERAL, 

Ceremonies.  In  the  "American  Anthropologist"  (vol.  viii,  n.  s. 
p.  192)  for  January-March,  1906,  Mr.  Frank  G.  Speck,  under  the 
title  "Indian  Ceremonies  in  Oklahoma  and  Indian  Territory,"  gives 
a  list  of  "  Indian  tribes  and  localities  where  ceremonies  and  dances 
take  place  and  may  be  witnessed."  Included  are:  Creek  and  Yuchi 
annual  green-corn  and  new-fire  ceremony  ;  Choctaw  cry  of  lamen- 
tation ;  Shawnee  war-dance ;  Wyandot,  Seneca,  Peoria,  and  INIiami 
war-dance,  barbecue,  and  games  ;  Pawnee  and  Cheyenne  medicine- 
arrow  ceremony;  Cheyenne  sun-dance.  It  is  stated  that  "the  Yuchi 
chiefs  have  decided  to  discontinue  their  rites  owing  to  intoxication 
and  disorder  among  the  young  men  at  the  ceremonies." 

Greeting.  In  "Globus  "  (vol.  Ixxxix,  1906,  pp.  30-34)  G.  Friederici 
writes,  with  numerous  references  to  the  literature  of  the  subject, 
on  "  Der  Tranengruss  der  Indianer."  Although  not  particularly 
noticed  by  many  travellers  and  investigators,  prolonged  weeping 
and  sobbing  as  an  etiquette-greeting  of  guests  and  strangers  is 
a  custom  more  widely  distributed  than  is  generally  believed  to  be 
the  case.  This  curious  form  of  greeting  occurred  among  the  Char- 
ruas  (de  Souza),  some  Tupi  tribes  (Cardim),  the  Lenguas  of  the 
Chaco  (Azara),  etc.,  in  South  America.  In  North  America  it  has 
been  met  with  among  the  Karankawa  (Cabeza  de  Vaca),  certain 
Indians  of  "Florida,"  some  of  the  Caddoan  peoples,  certain  Siouan 
tribes  {e.g.  "  Les  Pleureurs").  Friederici  regards  the  custom  as 
"a  mere  exaggeration  or  degeneration  of  courtesy,"  like  the  exces- 
sively polite  language  of  the  Oriental. 

Indian  Loan-Words.  Dr.  Rodolfo  Lenz,  the  distinguished  Chi- 
lean philologist,  has  just  published  "  Los  Elementos  Indios  del  Cas- 
tellano  de  Chile,  Estudio  Linguistico  i  Etnologico,  Primera  Parte. 
Diccionario  Etimologico  de  la  Voces  Chilenas  derivadas  de  Lenguas 
Indijenas  Americanas,  Primera  Entrega"  (Santiago,  1904-1905,  pp. 


Record  of  A merica n  Folk- Lore.  257 

448),  which  appears  as  an  appendix  to  the  "  Anales  de  la  Univer- 
sidad  de  Chile."  The  first  part  of  the  Dictionary  occupies  pp.  122- 
448  and  lists  750  words, — from  acJian,  "hen,"  to  llanqiie,  "a  small 
present."  The  synonymy,  etymology,  history,  etc.,  of  each  word  are 
discussed.  The  following  words  of  interest  to  students  of  the  Eng- 
lish language  are  to  be  found  in  the  list :  Aji,  alpaca,  araucaria,  bar- 
bacoa,  bejiico,  cacao  (cocoa),  cacique,  camote,  canoa,  caribe,  coca, 
condor,  charpui,  chicha,  chile,  china,  chirimoya,  chocolate,  cholo, 
gaucho  (.?),  guyave,  hamaca,  huracan,  huanaca,  huano,  Inca,  llama. 
The  derivatives  of  the  various  Indian  words,  adjectives,  verbs,  nouns, 
etc.,  are  also  given,  — this  makes  the  debt  of  the  European  language 
to  the  speech  of  the  American  aborigines  much  greater  than  a  sim- 
ple list  of  the  750  words  from  A  to  LI  would  make  it  appear.  Pages 
56-98  are  taken  up  with  a  "Critical  Bibliography  of  Works  on  Ameri- 
canisms," dealing  with  Chile,  Argentine,  and  Uruguay,  Peru,  Ecua- 
dor, Colombia,  Venezuela,  Costa  Rica,  San  Salvador,  Honduras,  Gua- 
temala, Mexico,  Cuba;  and  pp.  1 02-1 15  contain  an  alphabetical  list 
of  authors  cited.  The  introduction  treats  also  of  the  classification 
of  the  words  in  the  dictionary,  orthography,  phonetics,  etc.  The 
geographical  provinces  for  Araucanian  words,  etc.,  are  North,  Centre, 
South,  Chiloe.  A  number  of  these  loan-words  are  of  interest  to  the 
folk-lorist,  e. g. :  Admapu  ("custom  "),  aillasehue  (social  unit  of  nine 
family  groups),  ambi  (remedy  of  Ouechua  shamans),  apacheta  (cairn), 
caleuche  (a  mythic  boat),  camahueto  (mythic  water  animal),  catimbao 
(masked  dancer),  cututun  (a  children's  game),  challa  (carnival),  cher- 
ruve  (mythological  being),  choclon  (a  children's  game),  chueiquehueco 
(mythic  water  animal),  huecuvu  (mythic  being),  imbunche  (witch- 
craft), linao  (ball-game),  etc. 

Medical.  Dr.  A.  HrdliCka's  paper  on  "Diseases  of  the  Indians, 
more  especially  of  the  Southwest  United  States  and  Northern  Mex- 
ico," which  appears  in  the  "Washington  Medical  Annals,"  vol.  iv,  pp. 
373-394,  is  an  abstract  of  a  monograph  to  be  published  later  as  a 
Bulletin  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology.  The  data,  part  of 
which  comes  from  the  author's  own  observations  "  on  six  expeditions 
( 1 898-1 905)  among  38  groups  or  tribes  of  Indians,  in  the  Southwest 
United  States  and  Northern  Mexico,"  and  part  from  the  reports  of 
physicians  on  the  Indian  reservations,  will  be  a  most  welcome  and 
valuable  addition  to  the  rather  scanty  literature  of  Amerind  patho- 
logy of  a  truly  scientific  sort.  Dr.  H.  seems  to  think  that  syphilis 
did  not  exist  in  the  parts  of  America  here  treated  in  pre-Columbian 
times.  In  the  discussions  on  this  paper,  Dr.  E.  L.  Morgan  described 
(pp.  389-394)  briefly  Indian  medical  procedures,  —  bleeding  and  scar- 
ifying, treatment  of  wounds,  headache  cure,  "sweat-house,"  treat- 
ment of  frost-bite,   use  of  hot  stones,  balsams,  infusions  of  bark, 

VOL.  XIX.  — NO.  74.        17 


258  yournal  of  A  merican  Folk-Lore. 

medicinal  waters,  etc.  One  old  "  medicine  man  "  adopted  tincture 
of  iodine  as  a  cure-all.  Another  tried  red  oxide  of  mercury  with 
rather  fatal  results.  In  both  cases  the  color  seems  to  have  loomed 
large  in  the  aboriginal  mind.  One  Indian  "doctor  "  attributed  scrofula 
to  "the  white  man's  food,"  especially  the  "bread  soda." 

Mythology.  Leo  Frobenius'  "Das  Zeitalter  des  Sonnengottes " 
(vol.  i,  Berlin,  1904,  pp.  xii,  421)  contains  some  matter  relating  to  the 
aborigines  of  America.  The  author  considers  in  chapter  v  (pp.  80-103) 
the  walrus  and  dragon  myths  of  North,  South,  and  Central  America, 
—  Coast  Salish,  Nutka,  Newettee,  Tlingit,  Bering  Sea  Eskimo,  Dog 
Rib  and  Hareskin  Indians,  Heiltsuk,  Chinook,  Shushwap,  Minnetaree, 
Algonkins,  Cherokee,  Comox,  Thompson  River  Indians,  Seneca, 
Navaho,  Indians  of  British  Guiana,  Bakairi;  on  pp.  226-236  the  virgin- 
mother  myth  in  America  (Kolosch,  Awikyenoq,  Bering  Sea  Eskimo, 
Mandans,  Hurons,  Pima,  Mexicans,  Peruvians,  Warraus,  Bakairi, 
etc.) ;  on  pp.  295-300  the  maiden-hook  myth  in  America  (Nutka, 
Nimkish,  Heiltsuk,  Micmac) ;  on  pp.  311  ff.  the  swan-maiden  myth 
in  America  (Central  Eskimo,  Greenlanders,  Micmacs,  Antillian  In- 
dians). Other  myths  (sea,  heaven  and  earth,  sun  and  moon,  Pleiades, 
giants  and  ogres)  passim.  The  book  is  an  effort  to  demonstrate  the 
existence  of  "an  age  of  the  sun-god"  in  the  history  of  mankind. 
In  an  earlier  volume,  "  Die  Weltanschauung  der  Naturvolker " 
(Weimar,  1898),  Frobenius  treated,  among  other  things,  "Bird- 
myths  in  N.  W.  America,  etc.  (pp.  23-41),  sun-myths  in  N.  W. 
America,  etc.  (pp.  149-168),  arrow-myths  in  N.  W.  America  (pp. 
168-172),  etc." 

Old  and  New  World.  Under  the  title  "  Mythologischer  Zusam- 
menhang  zwischen  der  Alten  und  Neuen  Welt,"  Richard  Andrea 
publishes  in  "  Globus"  (vol.  Ixxxix,  1906,  pp.  89-99)  ^  review  of  Ehren- 
reich's  "  Die  Mythen  und  Legenden  der  Siidemerikanischen  Urvolker 
und  ihre  Beziehungen  zu  denen  Nordamerikas  und  der  Alten  Welt " 
(Berlin,  1900),  noticed  elsewhere  in  this  Journal. 

Phallic  Worship.  The  Societe  du  Mercure  de  France  have  re- 
printed (Paris,  1905,  pp.  338),  with  a  supplementary  chapter  by  A.  van 
Gennep  (pp.  319-335),  the  noted  work  of  J.  A.  Dulaure,  "  Des  Divi- 
nites  Generatrices  chez  les  Anciens  et  les  Modernes,"  originally  pub- 
lished in  1805.  The  author  seeks  to  attach  phallicism  to  a  primitive 
sun-cult.  Chapter  vi  (pp.  74-92)  is  devoted  to  "The  Phallic  Cult 
among  the  Indians  and  the  Mexicans,"  —  i.  e.  the  Indians  of  India, 
Mexico  being  dismissed  with  about  a  page  based  on  data  in  de  la 
Vega.  In  his  supplementary  chapter  Dr.  van  Gennep  adds  later  data 
relating  to  America  and  Australia  in  particular  (Preuss  and  P'ewkes 
being  drawn  upon  for  the  former),  with  some  critical  remarks  indi- 
cating a  wise  conservatism  in  matter  of  theories  and  explanations. 


Record  of  American  Folk-Lore  259 

This  reprint  gives  scholars  an  opportunity  to  obtain  one  of  the  classic 
(if  now  outgrown)  treatises  on  this  never-exhausted  subject. 

String    Figures  ("Cat's    Cradle").     Mrs.   Caroline   Furness 
Jayne's  well-printed  and  profusely  illustrated  monograph   "  String 
Figures:  A  Study  of  Cat's  Cradle  in  many  Lands"  (N.  Y.,  1906, 
pp.  xxiii,  407,  17  pL,  ^^y  figs.)  is  a  classic  treatment  of  a  subject 
the  importance  of  which  among  primitive  peoples  was  first  indicated 
by  Dr.  Franz  Boas  in  1888.     The  American  Indian  peoples  from 
whom  examples  of  the  game  are  cited,  or  among  whom  its  existence 
has  been  verified,  are :  Apaches,  Cherokees,  Chippewas,  Clayoquahts, 
Eskimo  (Alaska,  Baffin  Land),  Klamaths,  Kvvakiutl,  Navahos,  Oma- 
has,  Onondagas,  Osages,  Pawnees,  Salish  (Thompson  River,  B.  C), 
Tananas  (Alaska),  Tewas  (Isleta,  N.  M.),  Zunis.    Among  character- 
istic figures  are  "Eskimo  rabbit,"  "Apache  tepee,"  "  Navaho  breast- 
bone and  ribs,"  "Osage  Diamonds,"  etc.    Animals  and  birds  appear- 
ing are  :  Mouse,  caribou,  porcupine,  wolf,  wolverine,  sea-gull,  whale, 
rabbit,  ptarmigan,  hare,  elk,  rattlesnake,  skunk,  squirrel,  coyote,  but- 
terfly, worm,  lizard,  etc.    Of  natural  and  topographical  phenomena  the 
following  are  imitated  :  A  hill  with  two  ponds,  sun,  stars,  lightning, 
storm-clouds,  etc.    Other  objects  :  Mouth,  ship,  arms-and-legs,  house, 
boat,  tent,  spear,  stairs,  clothes-line,  trap,  bag,  circle,  owl's  net,  arrow, 
bird's  nest,  bow-string,  mittens,  top  cross-beam  of  (Zuni)  ladder,  etc. 
Still  others  are  :  House  and  two  men,  rattlesnake  and  boy,  two  little 
boys  running  away,  a  little  boy  carrying  wood,  two  boys  fighting  for 
an  arrow,  etc.     These  are  all  from  North  America,  records  of  its 
occurrence  in  Central  America  not  having  been  met  with  (p.  xx), 
while  for  South  America  its  existence  is  reported  from  the  Karayas 
of  the  Rio  Araguaya  and  some  Indians  of  the  Paraguayan  Chaco. 
The  brief  ethnological  introduction  by  Professor  A.  C.  Haddon  (pp. 
xii-xxiii)  is  an  interesting  critical  summary  of  the  subject.     The 
games  of  cat's  cradle  fall  into  two  main  groups,  the  Asiatic-European 
(so  far  of  much  less  interest)  and  the  Oceanic  (to  which  belongs 
also  the  American  type).     Says  Professor  Haddon  (p.  xxi)  :  "  It  is  a 
highly  significant  fact  that  the  American  cat's  cradles  belong  to  the 
Oceanic  type,  and  that  nowhere  in  this  whole  region,  so  far  as  is  yet 
known,  does  the  Asiatic  type  occur.    This  type  must  be  extremely 
ancient,  otherwise  it  would  not  occur  among  such  widely  different 
races  as  the  Australians,  Melanesians,  Polynesians,  Eskimo,  and  North 
American  Indians."     In  the  Asiatic-European  type,  which  invariably 
requires  two  players,  "  two  strings  pass  around  the  back  of  each 
hand,  and  the  crossing  loops  are  taken  up  by  the  middle  fingers," 
while  in  the  Oceanic-American,  for  the  usual  figures  of  which  one 
player  suffices,  "  there  are  no  strings  at  the  back  of  the  hand,  and 
the  crossing  loops  are  taken  up  by  the  indices."    The  game  does  not 


26o  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

seem  to  oe  ancient  in  Europe,  having  been  introduced  into  that  conti- 
nent directly  from  Asia.  Among  the  Filipinos  a  game  of  the  Oceanic 
type  is  reported  (p.  43).  Games  of  cat's  cradle  of  the  Oceanic  types 
seem  to  be  characterized  by  "  a  widespread  accompaniment  of  words 
or  charts,"  and  also  by  "the  frequent  representation  of  persons,  inci- 
dents, or  objects  connected  with  religion  or  mythology."  There  may 
be  "obscured  symbolism  here."  Professor  Haddon  thinks  (p.  xxiii) : 
"  The  Eskimo  evidence  proves  that  cat's  cradle  may,  in  part,  have  a 
magical  significance,  and  suggests  a  line  for  future  inquiry,  for  we 
know  that  all  over  the  world  strings,  cords,  and  knots  enter  largely 
into  magical  practices." 

The  detailed  descriptions  and  illustrations  accompanying  each  item 
make  clear  the  development  of  even  the  most  complicated  figures  of 
all  types.  A  few  invented  games  are  inserted  at  the  end  of  the  book, 
but  the  author  observes  (p.  4) :  "  One  pretty  figure  I  invented,  as  I 
flattered  myself,  only  to  find  out  later  that  it  is  common  among  the 
natives  of  the  Caroline  Islands." 

"The  Lost  Prince."  Under  the  head  of  folk-lore  may  be  classed, 
perhaps,  the  books  dealing  with  the  story  of  the  "  lost  prince,"  — 
the  tale  that  the  "lost  Dauphin,"  son  of  Louis  XVI  of  France,  when 
taken  from  his  mother,  did  not  die,  as  is  supposed,  in  Europe,  but 
was  brought  to  America,  where,  as  Rev.  Eleazer  Williams,  he  labored 
as  a  missionary  among  the  Oneida  Indians.  The  latest  to  refurbish 
the  story  is  Mr.  Publius  Lawson,  in  his  "  Prince  or  Creole  :  The  Mys- 
tery of  Louis  XVII  "  (Menasha,  Wis.,  1905). 

A.F.C.  and  I.  C.  C. 


Notes  and  Queries.  261 


NOTES   AND   QUERIES. 

Gypsies.  —  The  following  questions  concerning  the  Gypsies  will  doubt- 
less be  of  interest  to  readers  of  the  Journal.  Those  who  may  be  in  a  posi- 
tion to  give  information  are  requested  to  send  such  either  to  the  editor  or 
direct  to  A.  T,  Sinclair,  37  North  Beacon  Street,  Allston  (Boston),  Mass. 

1.  Are  there  any  Gypsies  in  your  vicinity ?  Do  they  belong  there?  If 
not,  where  do  they  come  from  ? 

2.  What  are  their  nationalities }  American,  English,  Hungarian,  Ruma- 
nian, Russian,  Greek,  or  Arab  Gypsies? 

3.  What  language  do  they  speak  ? 

4.  Do  they  talk  Gypsy  ? 

5.  What  are  their  occupations?  Are  they  horse  dealers,  horse  doctors, 
tinsmiths,  coppersmiths,  jugglers,  gymnasts,  showmen,  musicians,  singers, 
dancers  ?  Do  the  women  tell  fortunes,  and  how,  —  by  the  hand,  and 
otherwise  ? 

6.  What  is  their  dress  and  personal  appearance  ? 

7.  Describe  their  camps  and  wagons. 

8.  What  musical  instruments  do  they  have,  if  any? 

9.  Procure  some  words  of  their  language,  as  the  numerals,  horse,  cow, 
camp,  nose,  mouth,  hand,  ear,  foot,  black,  father,  mother,  hot,  cold,  etc. 

10.  Secure  as  many  folk-tales,  songs,  traditions,  superstitions,  etc.,  as 

possible. 

A.  T.  Sinclair. 

Fifteenth  International  Congress  of  Americanists. — The  Fifteenth 
International  Congress  of  Americanists  will  be  held  in  the  city  of  Quebec, 
Canada,  September  10-15,  1906.  The  fee  for  members  is  three  dollars, 
associate  members  one  dollar.  The  treasurer,  to  whom  fees  may  be  paid 
by  post-oflfice  order  and  checks  negotiable  in  Quebec,  is  M.  Alphonse 
Gagnon,  Parliament  Buildings,  Quebec.  The  Patron  of  the  Congress  is 
His  Excellency  the  Governor-General  of  Canada ;  the  Honorary  President, 
the  Honorable  Sir  Louis  A.  Jette',  Lieutenant-Governor  of  the  Province  of 
Quebec. 

The  Organizing  Committee  is  as  follows :  President,  Dr.  R.  Bell,  Official 
Geologist,  Dominion  of  Canada.  Vice-Presidents,  Mgr.  J.  C  K.  Laflamme, 
Dean  of  the  Faculty  of  Arts,  Laval  University;  Dr.  David  Boyle,  Director 
of  the  Provincial  Museum,  Toronto  ;  Honorable  R.  A.  Pyne,  Toronto.  Gcfi- 
eral  Secretary,  Dr.  N.  E.  Dionne,  Librarian  of  the  Provincial  Parliament, 
Quebec.  Treasurer,  M.  Alphonse  Gagnon,  Department  of  Public  Works, 
Quebec. 

Members  :  Judge  Baby,  Montreal;  F.  W.  Beeman,  Perth,  Ont. ;  Charles 
N.  Bell,  Winnipeg,  Man. ;  Rev.  G.  Bryce,  Winnipeg,  Man. ;  Dr.  Franz 
Boas,  New  York  ;  P.  B.  Casgrain,  President  of  the  Literary  and  Historical 
Society,  Quebec ;  Professor  A.  P\  Chamberlain,  Clark  University,  Worces- 
ter, Mass.;  Dr.  A.  D.  Decelles,  Librarian  of  Parliament,  Ottawa;  Dr.  A. 


262  journal  of  American  JF oik- Lore. 

Doughty,  Dominion  Archivist,  Ottawa;  Rev.  P.  Drummond,  S.  J.,  St.  Boni- 
face, Man. ;  A.  Gagnon,  Department  of  Public  Works,  Quebec  ;  P.  Gagnon, 
Archivist,  Quebec  ;  L'Abbe  A.  Gosselin,  Professor  in  Laval  University, 
Quebec ;  Hon.  L.  Gouin,  Prime  Minister  of  Quebec,  Quebec ;  L'Abbe  V. 
Huart,  Director  of  the  Provincial  Museum,  Quebec ;  A.  F.  Hunter,  Barrie, 
Ont. ;  C.  C.  James,  Deputy-Minister  of  Agriculture,  Toronto,  Ont. ;  P.  B. 
Dumoulin,  President  of  L'Institut  Canadien,  Quebec;  Sir  Henry  Joly  de 
Lotbiniere,  Lieutenant-Governor  of  British  Columbia ;  S.  W.  Kane,  Director 
of  the  Provincial  Museum,  St.  John,  N.  B. ;  Rev.  P.  Lacombe,  O.  M.  I., 
Calgary  ;  Sir  James  Lemoine,  Quebec  ;  Rev.  P.  Lemoyne,  O.  M.  I. ;  N.  Le- 
vasseur.  President  of  the  Geographical  Society,  Quebec ;  Professor  A.  B. 
McCallum,  University  of  Toronto  ;  Rev.  P.  Morice,  O.  M.  L,  Vancouver, 
B.  C. ;  H.  Pears,  Director  of  the  Provincial  Museum,  Halifax,  N.  S. ;  the 
Rector  of  Laval  University;  the  Rector  of  McGill  University;  the  Rector 
of  Bishop's  College  ;  E.  Rouillard,  Department  of  Lands,  Quebec ;  J.-E. 
Roy,  Docteur-es-Lettres,  Levis  ;  Hon.  R.  Roy,  Provincial  Secretary,  Que- 
bec ;  Judge  Sicotte,  Montreal;  Dr.  B.  Suite,  Ottawa;  C.  Tessier,  member 
of  the  Historical  Society,  Quebec  ;  Hon.  A.  Turgeon,  Minister  of  Lands, 
Quebec  ;  W.  J.  Wintemberg,  Provincial  Museum,  Toronto  ;  Lawrence  Wat- 
son, Charlottetovvn,  P.  E.  I. ;  Major  Wood,  member  of  the  Literary  and 
Historical  Society,  Quebec. 

The  papers  to  be  read,  so  far  as  announced,  are  as  follows  :  — 

1.  R.  P.  Jones,  Archiviste  du  College  Ste.  Marie,  Montreal:  "Topo- 
graphic Huronne." 

2.  M.  I'Abbe  J.  Guil.  Forbes,  ancien  missionnaire  chez  les  Iroquois  : 
"Iroquois  de  Caughnawaga." 

3.  R.  P.  Pacifique,  missionnaire  ^  Ristigouche  :  "Les  Micmacs  de  la 
Bale  des  Chaleurs." 

4.  R.  P.  Lemoyne,  O.  M.  I.  missionnaire  chez  les  Algonquins  :  "  Le 
Genie  de  la  Langue  Algonquine." 

5.  M.  J.-E.  Roy,  docteur-es-lettres,  Le'vis  :  "  Principes  de  Gouvernement 
chez  les  Indiens  du  Canada." 

6.  M.  Adj.  Rivard,  professeur  a  I'Universite  Laval  :  '"  Les  Dialectes 
Frangais  au  Canada." 

7.  M.  I'Abbe  Am.  Gosselin,  maitre-es-Arts,  professeur  ^  I'Universite 
Laval :  "  Quelques  Notions  sur  les  Sauvages  du  Mississippi  au  commence- 
ment du  XVIIP  Siecle,  d'apres  les  lettres  des  Missionnaires  du  temps, 
conservees  dans  les  archives  du  Se'minaire  de  Que'bec.'' 

8.  M.  le  Dr.  .Dionne,  docteur-^s-lettres,  bibliothe'caire  de  I'Assemblce 
Legislative  de  Que'bec.    Sujet  indique  plus  tard. 

9.  M.  E.  Gagnon,  docteur-es-lettres  :  "La  musique  chez  les  Indiens  du 
Canada." 

10.  M.  Alphonse  Gagnon  :  "  L'Origine  de  la  Civilisation  chez  les  Indiens 
de  I'Amerique  Centrale." 

11.  R.  P.  E.  David:  "Les  Montagnais  du  Labrador  et  du  Lac  Saint- 
Jean." 

12.  Dr.  F.  Boas  :  "  Ethnological  Problems  in  Canada." 


Notes  and  Queries.  263 

13.  Alfred  M.  Tozzer  :  "  Some  Survivals  of  Ancient  Forms  of  Culture 
among  the  Mayas  of  Yucatan  and  the  Lacandones  of  Chiapas." 

14.  Alfred  M.  Tozzer:  "Notes  on  the  Maya  Language  spoken  in  Yu- 
catan." 

15.  Cyrus  Thomas:  "Some  Suggestions  in  regard  to  Primary  Indian 
Migrations  in  North  America." 

16.  Walter  Hough  :  "  Distribution  of  the  Ancient  Population  on  the  Gila- 
Salt  River,  New  Mexico  and  Arizona,"  and  "Two  Great  Culture  Plants." 

17.  Ales  Hrdlicka  :  "Resume',  from  the  Standpoint  of  Physical  Anthro- 
pology, of  the  Various  Skeletal  Remains  that  suggest,  or  are  claimed  to 
represent,  an  Early  Man  on  this  Continent." 

i8.  Dr.  C.  F.  Newcombe  :  "The  Haida  Indians  of  Queen  Charlotte 
Islands." 

19.  Alfredo  Chavero  :  "  El  Bisieste  en  el  Calendario  de  los  Antiguos 
Mexicanos." 

20.  Dr.  Clark  Wissler :  "Diffusion  of  Culture  in  the  Plains  of  North 
America." 

21.  Dr.  R.  B.  Dixon  :  "Linguistic  Relationships  within  the  Shasta-Acho- 
mavi  Stock." 

22.  Dr.  Berthold  Laufer :  "  The  Introduction  of  Maize  into  Eastern  Asia." 

23.  R.  P.  Morice,  O.  M.  I.:  "La  Femme  chez  les  De'ne's." 

24.  M.  I'Abbe  A.  Nantel :  "  fitude  de  philologie  compare  sur  Tafifinite'  des 
langues  algiques  avec  les  langues  indo-europe'ennes." 

25.  Dr.  A.  F.  Chamberlain  :  "The  Vocabulary  of  Canadian  French." 

26.  Dr.  A.  F.  Chamberlain:  "South  American  Linguistic  Stocks." 

27.  M.  le  Dr.  J.  S.  Schmidt,  docteur-es-sciences  :  "Les  Chasses  des 
Indiens  k  Anticosti." 

28.  Miss  Constance  Goddard  Du  Bois  :  "  Diegueno  Myths  and  their  Con- 
nection with  the  Mohaves." 

29.  George  G.  Heye,  New  York :  "  Exhibition  of  Archaeological  Speci- 
mens from  the  Northwest  Coast  of  Labrador." 

30.  M.  George  H.  Pepper,  New  York  :  "  Navaho  Blankets.'' 

31.  Dr.  George  A.  Dorsey,  Chicago:  "Presentation  of  a  Pawnee  Star 
Chart." 

32.  Dr.  George  A.  Dorsey,  Chicago:  "A  Preliminary  Account  of  the 
Morning  Star  Sacrifices  among  the  Pawnees." 

■^■^.  Dr.  George  A.  Dorsey,  Chicago  :  "  The  Social  Organization  of  the 
Skidi  Pawnee." 

34.  Dr.  A.  L,  Kroeber :  "The  Ceremonial  Organization  of  the  Plains 
Indians  of  North  America." 

35.  Miss  Natalie  Curtis  :  "Indian  Song,  and  its  Place  in  the  Life  of  the 
Indian." 

36.  Dr.  George  Grant  McCurdy  :  "  The  Armadillo  in  the  Art  of  Chiriqui." 

37.  Professor  J.  Dyneley  Prince  :   "A  Micmac  Manuscript." 

38.  Professor  E.  L.  Stevenson,  New  Brunswick,  N.  J.  :  "  Some  Notes  on 
the  Earliest  Cartography  of  the  New  World." 

39.  Dr.  C.  V.  Hartman,  Pittsburg,  Pa.  :  "  Negative  Painting  in  Ancient 
American  Art." 


264  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 


LOCAL   MEETINGS   AND   OTHER   NOTICES. 

Annual  Meeting  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society,  igo6.  —  It  is  intended 
to  hold  this  meeting  in  affiliation  with  the  American  Anthropological  Asso- 
ciation, during  Convocation  Week  (after  Christmas),  in  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Definite  notice  of  day  and  place  will  hereafter  be  given. 

Memoirs  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society.  —  The  Ninth  Volume,  now  in 
process  of  printing,  will  be  ready  for  issue  before  the  Annual  Meeting,  and 
will  present  the  hitherto  imperfectly  edited  Mexican  Miracle  Play,  "  Los 
Pastores,"  in  Spanish  text  and  English  translation.  The  basis  of  the 
edition  will  be  a  text  obtained  from  the  Rio  Grande,  while  another  from 
New  Mexico  will  be  used  for  comparative  purposes.  The  volume  will 
include  an  Introduction,  music  noted,  and  photographic  illustrations.  The 
task  of  editing  has  been  intrusted  to  the  translator,  Mrs.  Otto  B.  Cole,  of 
Boston,  Mass. 

Statement  of  the  proceedings  of  Branches,  and  of  the  progress  of  local 
organization,  will  be  continued  in  the  following  number  of  this  Journal. 


THE  JOURNAL  OF 

AMERICAN  FOLK-LORE. 

Vol.  XIX.  — OCTOBER-DECEMBER,  1906.  — No.  LXXV. 


FILIPINO   (TAGALOG)   VERSIONS   OF    CINDERELLA. 

Once  there  were  a  man  and  his  wife  who  had  a  daughter  named 
Maria.  Maria  was  a  very  pretty  child  and  very  happy,  but  unfortu- 
nately her  father  fell  in  love  with  a  woman  who  was  not  his  wife,  and 
one  day  taking  his  wife  out  to  fish  with  him  he  murdered  her  and  threw 
her  body  into  the  water.  Poor  little  Maria  cried  a  great  deal  after 
her  mother's  death,  but  her  lot  was  worse  after  her  father  married 
the  other  woman,  for  the  stepmother  set  her  all  kinds  of  cruel  tasks 
and  threatened  her  with  awful  penalties  if  she  failed. 

Maria  had  a  pet  pig,  with  which  she  played  a  great  deal,  and  her 
stepmother  ordered  her  to  kill  and  clean  it.  Poor  little  Maria  cried 
and  begged,  but  the  woman  forced  her  to  kill  the  pig.  When  the 
pig  was  cleaned,  the  stepmother  gave  Maria  ten  of  the  refuse  pieces 
and  told  her  to  clean  them  in  the  river,  and  if  one  piece  was  missing 
when  she  returned,  she  would  be  beaten  to  death.  Maria  cleaned 
the  pieces  in  the  river,  but  one  slipped  away  and  went  down  stream. 
The  child  cried  and  lamented  over  her  fate  so  that  an  old  crocodile 
going  by  asked  her  what  was  amiss.  "That  is  nothing,"  said  the 
crocodile,  and  he  straightway  swam  after  the  piece  and  brought  it 
back.  As  he  turned  to  swim  away,  he  splashed  with  his  tail  and  a 
drop  of  water  fell  on  her  forehead  where  it  became  a  most  beautiful 

^  This  first  version  of  the  Cinderella  story  was  communicated  to  me  in  Decem- 
ber, 1903,  at  Mangarin,  Mindoro,  by  a  young  man  known  to  me  only  by  the  name 
of  Corneh'o,  who  said  that  he  had  heard  it  told  by  a  man  from  Marinduque  Island. 
It  was  said  never  to  have  been  printed,  and  in  my  list  of  fifty  or  so  printed  tales 
of  this  kind  it  is  not  to  be  found.  I  searched  the  Manila  native  bookstores  very 
carefully  for  it,  but  could  get  no  trace.  The  story  was  taken  down  by  my  usual 
method  of  listening  attentively  to  the  tale  in  Tagalog,  and  then  at  once  writing  it 
out  in  English,  from  memory,  and  having  this  story  retold,  with  the  translation  at 
hand,  to  detect  inaccuracies.  In  this  way  I  felt  more  sure  of  having  the  story  pro- 
perly told  than  if  the  teller  were  constantly  interrupted  for  me  to  copy  the  trans- 
lation, as  at  the  time  the  stories  were  written  I  was  almost  as  familiar  with  spoken 
Tagalog  as  with  English.  —  F.  G. 


266  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore^ 

jewel,  flashing  like  the  sun  and  fastened  so  tightly  that  it  could  not 
be  removed.  The  little  girl  went  home  with  the  jewel  on  her  fore- 
head shining  so  brightly  that  it  made  every  one  cross-eyed  to  look  at 
it,  so  that  it  had  to  be  covered  with  a  handkerchief. 

The  cruel  stepmother  asked  many  questions  about  Maria's  good 
fortune,  and  when  she  found  out  all  about  it  she  sent  her  own  daugh- 
ter to  kill  a  pig  and  do  in  all  respects  as  the  stepsister  had  done. 

She  did  so  and  threw  a  piece  of  the  refuse  meat  into  the  river  and 
cried  as  it  floated  off. 

The  crocodile  inquired  of  this  girl  also  the  cause  of  the  trouble, 
and  again  brought  the  meat,  but  this  time  when  he  splashed  with  his 
tail,  instead  of  a  jewel  on  the  girl's  forehead,  there  was  a  little  bell 
that  tinkled  incessantly.  All  the  people  knelt  and  crossed  them- 
selves because  they  thought  the  "Viaticum"  passed,  but  when  they 
saw  the  bell  on  the  girl's  forehead  they  laughed  and  pointed  at  her. 
So  the  daughter  had  to  tie  up  her  forehead  for  shame,  for  the  bell 
could  not  be  gotten  off. 

The  stepmother  was  more  cruel  than  ever  to  Maria  now  that  she 
had  met  with  good  fortune  and  her  daughter  with  ill.  She  set  the 
girl  to  every  kind  of  dirty  work  till  her  whole  body  was  filthy  and 
then  sent  her  to  the  river  to  bathe,  telling  her  that  if  she  did  not 
wash  her  back  clean  she  would  beat  her  to  death. 

Maria  struggled  and  scrubbed,  but  she  could  not  reach  her  back 
either  to  see  whether  it  was  clean  or  to  wash  it,  and  she  began  to  cry. 
Out  of  the  river  came  a  great  she-crab,  that  asked  the  girl  her  trouble. 
"Oh,"  said  Maria,  "if  I  do  not  wash  my  back  clean  my  stepmother 
will  beat  me  to  death."  "Very  well,"  said  the  crab,  "  that  is  easily 
remedied,"  and  jumping  on  to  Maria's  back  scrubbed  and  scrubbed 
till  her  back  was  perfectly  clean.  "Now,"  said  the  crab,  "you  must 
eat  me  and  take  my  shell  home  and  bury  it  in  the  yard.  Something 
will  grow  up  that  will  be  valuable  to  you,"  Maria  did  as  she  was  told, 
and  from  the  place  grew  a  fine  lukban  (grape  fruit)  tree  which  in  time 
bore  fruit. 

One  day  the  stepmother  and  her  daughter  wished  to  go  to  church 
and  left  Maria  to  get  the  dinner.  The  stepmother  told  her  that  din- 
ner must  be  ready  when  she  returned  and  must  be  neither  cold  nor 
hot,  Maria  wept  again  over  the  impossibility  of  the  task  and  was 
about  to  despair  when  an  old  woman  came  in,  to  whom  she  told  her 
troubles.  The  old  woman  was  a  stranger  but  was  apparently  very 
wise,  for  she  told  Maria  to  go  to  church  and  that  she  would  prepare 
the  dinner.  The  girl  said  she  had  no  clothes,  but  the  old  woman  told 
her  to  look  in  the  fruit  of  the  lukban  tree,  and  from  the  fruit  Maria 
took  out  all  the  garments  of  a  princess,  a  beautiful  chariot  and  eight 
horses.     Quickly  she  bathed  and  arrayed  herself  and  drove  by  the 


Filipino  {Tagalog)  Versions  of  Cinderella.  267 

king's  palace  to  the  church,  the  jewel  on  her  forehead  shining  so 
that  it  nearly  blinded  all  who  looked.  The  king,  seeing  such  a  mag- 
nificently dressed  princess,  sent  his  soldiers  to  find  out  about  her,  but 
they  could  learn  nothing  and  had  nothing  to  show  when  they  returned 
but  one  of  her  little  slippers  which  fell  off  as  she  left  the  church. 

Maria  went  home  and  hastily  put  the    dress  and  equipage  back 

into  the  lukban  fruit,  and  the  old  woman  was  there  waiting  with  the 

dinner,  which  was  neither  cold  nor  hot.    When  the  stepmother  came 

from  church,  she  saw  only  her  stepdaughter  there  in  rags,  and  every- 

'  thing  ready  according  to  her  order. 

Now  the  king  wished  to  know  who  this  princess  was  and  ordered  a 
"  bando  "  sent  around  to  every  woman  and  girl  in  the  kingdom,  say- 
ing he  would  marry  whomever  the  shoe  would  fit.  The  stepmother 
and  her  daughter  went  to  the  palace,  but  tied  Maria  in  a  sack  and 
set  her  in  the  fireplace,  telling  her  that  she  would  be  beaten  to  death 
if  she  stirred.  The  shoe  fitted  nobody  at  the  palace  ;  whether  their 
feet  were  long,  short,  broad,  narrow,  big,  little,  or  otherwise,  it  fitted 
no  one.  So  the  soldiers  were  sent  out  again  to  bring  in  every  one 
who  had  not  obeyed  the  "bando"  and  they  looked  into  the  house 
where  Maria  lived,  but  they  did  not  see  her.  Just  then  a  cock 
crowed  and  said,  "  Kikiriki,  that's  the  girl.  Kikiriki,  there  in  the 
fireplace  ;  the  shoe  fits  her  foot."  So  the  soldiers  made  Maria  dress  in 
her  finery  with  the  mate  to  her  little  slipper  on  her  foot,  and  with 
her  little  chariot  and  the  eight  ponies  she  went  to  the  king's  palace, 
and  the  other  little  slipper  fitted  exactly. 

The  stepmother  and  her  daughter  were  envious,  but  could  do  no- 
thing against  the  king's  wishes,  and  the  king  married  Maria  with 
great  pomp,  but  none  of  the  jewels  were  so  beautiful  as  the  one  that 
blazed  on  Maria's  forehead. 

In  due  time  it  came  to  be  known  that  an  heir  would  be  born,  but 
the  king  was  called  away  to  war.  He  arranged  that  a  signal  should 
be  set,  however,  —  a  white  flag  if  all  went  well  and  a  black  flag  if 
anything  went  wrong. 

He  left  the  princess  in  the  care  of  her  stepmother  and  two  wise 
women,  and  warned  them  not  to  let  anything  bad  happen  to  the 
queen.  The  stepmother  had  not  forgotten  her  hate  for  Maria,  and 
when  the  little  princes  were  born,  for  there  were  seven,  she  and  the 
other  women  took  them  away  and  substituted  seven  little  blind  pup- 
pies. 

When  the  king  returned  he  saw  the  black  flag  flying  over  the  tower 
and  hurried  to  the  queen's  rooms  to  find  her  in  tears  over  the  pup- 
pies. He  ordered  the  puppies  drowned  and  his  wife  put  into  a  corner 
under  the  staircase,  until  a  place  could  be  built  for  her.  Then  he  had 
a  hut  built  outside  the  palace  and  placed  the  queen  there  in  chains. 


268  yournal  of  Americait  Folk-Lore. 

The  seven  little  princes,  stolen  from  their  mother,  were  put  into 
a  box  which  was  cast  into  the  sea  and  which  drifted  far  away  to  a 
shore  near  an  enchanter's  cave.  This  enchanter  had  an  oracle  which 
spoke  to  him  and  said,  "Go  by  the  mountains  and  you  will  be  sad, 
go  by  the  shore  and  you  will  be  glad,"  as  he  was  setting  out  for  his 
daily  walk.  Obedient  to  the  oracle,  he  went  to  the  shore  and  there 
heard  the  crying  of  the  babies.  He  secured  the  box  and  carried  it 
and  the  babies  to  his  cave,  and  there  they  lived  for  several  years 
untroubled. 

One  day  a  hunter,  chasing  deer  with  dogs,  went  by  that  way  and 
saw  the  children.  He  returned  to  town  and  told  what  he  had  seen, 
and  it  came  to  the  ears  of  the  old  women.  They,  being  afraid  that 
the  king  would  learn  of  the  children's  being  there,  made  "  maruya," 
which  is  a  kind  of  sweetmeat,  and  mixed  poison  with  it.  Then  they 
went  out  to  where  the  children  were  and  gave  them  the  poisoned 
sweets,  so  that  they  all  died.  When  night  came  the  enchanter  was 
greatly  troubled  because  the  children  did  not  come,  and  taking  a 
torch  he  set  out  to  look  for  them.  He  found  the  little  bodies  lying 
at  the  foot  of  a  tree,  and  wept  long  and  bitterly.  At  last  he  took 
them  to  his  cave  and  laid  them  in  a  row  on  the  floor  and  wept  again. 

As  he  lamented  he  heard  the  voice  of  the  oracle,  which  was  like 
a  beautiful  woman's  voice,  accompanied  by  a  harp,  singing  most 
sweetly,  and  bidding  him  beg  a  medicine  of  the  mother  of  the  Sun, 
who  lives  in  the  house  of  the  Sun  across  seven  mountains  to  the 
west.     This,  she  promised,  would  restore  them  to  life. 

So  he  set  out  on  his  long  journey,  and  when  he  had  crossed  three 
mountains  he  came  to  a  tree  on  which  the  birds  never  lit,  and  the  tree 
was  lamenting  the  fact.  The  enchanter  inquired  the  way  to  the  Sun's 
house,  and  the  tree  told  him  thus  and  so,  but  begged  him  to  ask  the 
mother  of  the  Sun  why  the  birds  never  lit  on  it.  The  enchanter 
went  on,  and  on  the  next  mountain  he  saw  two  men  sitting  in  a  pair 
of  balances,  which  pitched  up  and  down  like  a  banca  in  a  storm. 
From  them  he  asked  again  the  way  to  the  Sun's  house,  and  they  told 
him  and  asked  him  to  speak  to  the  mother  of  the  Sun  as  to  why 
they  were  condemned  to  ride  the  limb  of  a  treelike  a  boat  in  a  storm. 

He  went  on  to  the  next  mountain  and  there  he  saw  two  poor,  lean 
cattle  feeding  on  rich  grass.  From  them  also  he  inquired  the  direc- 
tion of  the  Sun's  house,  and  they  told  him  and  requested  that  he 
ask  the  mother  of  the  Sun  why  they  were  always  lean  and  fed  on 
rich  herbage.  He  promised  and  passed  on  to  the  next  mountain, 
and  there  he  saw  a  black  ox  eating  nothing  but  earth  and  still 
fat  and  sleek.  This  animal  told  him  how  to  find  the  Sun's  house 
and  wished  to  know  of  the  mother  of  the  Sun  why  he  was  always 
fat  though  he  ate  only  dust. 


Filipino  {^Tagalog)  Versions  of  Cinderella.  269 

The  enchanter  gave  his  word  and  went  on.  At  last,  late  in  the 
afternoon,  he  arrived  at  the  Sun's  house  and  went  boldly  upstairs. 
The  mother  of  the  Sun  met  him  and  inquired  his  business,  which  he 
told  her,  and  then  she  told  him  that  he  was  in  great  danger,  for  if 
her  son,  the  Sun,  came  home  and  found  him  there  he  would  eat  him. 
The  enchanter  told  her  that  he  would  not  go  away  without  the  medi- 
cine, and  at  last  the  mother  of  the  Sun  agreed  to  hide  him  ;  so  she 
wrapped  him  up  so  that  the  Sun  could  not  smell  him  when  he  came 
in  and  carried  him  up  to  the  seventh  story  of  the  house.  There  he 
was  to  remain  until  the  next  morning  after  the  Sun  had  started  off 
on  his  journey  across  the  Heavens. 

Soon  the  Sun  came  in  and  asked  his  mother  where  the  man  was, 
but  his  mother  told  him  there  was  none  and  gave  him  such  a' fine 
supper  that  he  forgot  about  the  man,  though  he  remarked  once  or 
twice  that  he  certainly  thought  he  smelled  man.  At  last  morning 
came,  and  when  the  Sun  was  far  enough  away  to  leave  no  danger, 
the  mother  of  the  Sun  gave  the  enchanter  the  medicine  that  he 
wanted  and  started  him  off  on  his  long  journey.  She  told  him, 
too,  the  answer  to  the  questions  asked  by  the  cattle,  the  men,  and 
the  tree. 

When  he  came  to  the  black  ox  which  lived  on  the  dust,  he  told  it 
that  it  was  always  fat  because  it  was  going  to  Heaven,  and  it  was 
glad. 

To  the  two  oxen  which  fed  on  rich  pasture  and  yet  were  poor,  he 
said  that  they  were  so  because  they  were  condemned  to  Hell,  and 
they  were  sorrowful. 

To  the  men  sitting  in  the  pair  of  balances,  he  said  that  they  were 
there  because  of  their  sins,  and  they  became  sad. 

To  the  tree  on  which  the  birds  never  lit,  he  said  that  it  was  because 
it  was  made  out  of  silver  and  gold,  and  the  tree  rustled  its  leaves  in 
pride. 

Finally  he  came  to  his  cave,  and  there  instead  of  the  bodies  of 
seven  young  children  he  saw  the  bodies  of  seven  handsome  young 
men,  for  they  had  grown  greatly  while  he  was  away.  He  gave  them 
the  medicine,  and  they  at  once  stood  up.  Then  he  told  them  all  of 
his  adventures. 

When  the  boys  heard  the  story,  the  youngest,  who  was  a  dare-devil, 
set  out  to  find  the  gold  and  silver  tree  and  from  its  branches  he  shook 
down  a  great  quantity  of  gold  and  silver  leaves,  which  he  carried 
back  to  the  enchanter.  The  enchanter  was  proud  of  the  boy  and 
yet  angry  with  him  for  his  rashness,  but  no  one  could  be  angry  with 
him  for  long,  for  he  was  a  gentle  lad. 

The  enchanter  then  took  the  gold  and  silver  and  made  clothes  for 
them  of  cloth  of  gold,  silver  sabres,  golden  belts,  and  a  golden  trumpet 


270  jfoMrnal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

for  the  youngest,  and  sent  them  away  on  a  Sunday  morning  to  church 
in  the  city  where  the  king  lived.  As  they  came  up  close  to  the  city 
wall,  the  trumpeter  lad  blew  a  merry  blast  on  his  horn,  and  the  king 
sent  out  to  inquire  who  they  might  be  and  to  invite  them  to  dinner 
after  church.  So  they  went  to  the  palace  after  church  and  sat  down 
to  the  king's  table,  and  the  dishes  were  brought  on.  The  enchanter 
had  warned  them  to  eat  nothing  until  they  had  fed  a  little  to  a  dog, 
and  one  of  the  boys  gave  some  meat  to  a  dog  that  was  with  them. 
The  dog  was  dead  in  a  moment. 

The  king,  ashamed,  ordered  everything  to  be  changed  and  new 
cooks  put  into  the  kitchen,  for  of  course  he  knew  nothing  of  the 
wickedness  against  his  sons,  whom  he  did  not  recognize  as  yet.  The 
boys  now  very  respectfully  requested  that  the  woman  chained  in  the 
hut  be  brought  to  the  table  with  them,  though  they  did  not  know 
why  they  should  ask  such  a  thing.  So  the  king  took  his  sword  and 
with  his  own  hands,  from  shame,  set  his  wife  free,  and  had  her 
dressed  as  a  queen  and  brought  to  the  table.  The  jewel  still  glowed 
on  her  forehead.  As  they  sat  at  the  table,  a  stream  of  milk  miracu- 
lously coming  from  the  breast  of  the  mother  passed  to  the  mouth  of 
the  youngest  son.  Then  the  king  understood,  and  when  he  had  heard 
the  story  of  the  sons  he  put  the  queen  again  into  her  rightful  place 
and  caused  the  wicked  stepmother  and  her  two  accomplices  to  be 
pulled  to  pieces  by  wild  horses. 

The  king,  the  queen,  and  the  sev^en  princes,  having  made  an  end  of 
their  rivals,  lived  long  and  happily  together. 

There  were  once  a  man  and  his  wife  who  had  one  daughter  who 
was  very  beautiful,  named  Maria.  The  man  fell  in  love  with  a  widow 
who  had  three  children.  One  day  while  he  and  his  wife  were  on  the 
river  in  a  boat,  he  pushed  her  out  and  she  was  drowned.  Then  he 
married  the  other  woman,  who  was  as  wicked  as  he.  Poor  Maria, 
with  all  her  beauty,  became  the  household  drudge,  condemned  to  do 
all  the  dirty  work,  and  forever  black  with  soot.  One  day  while  she 
was  washing  by  the  river-bank  there  came  from  the  river  a  large 
female  crab,  which  said  to  her,  "  Take  me  home,  cook  me,  but  though 
the  others  may  eat  me  you  must  not.  Save  only  my  shell  and  bury 
that  in  the  garden."  All  this  Maria  did.  Although  the  others  asked 
her  why  she  would  not  eat  the  crab,  she  would  not  taste  it,  and  she 
buried  the  shell  in  the  garden.  From  the  shell  there  grew  a  beauti- 
ful lukban  ^  tree,  which  had  three  great  fruits.     One  Sunday  she 

'  Related  by  a  woman  of  about  sixty  years  of  age,  at  Pola,  Mindoro,  October, 
1903. 
^  The  grape  fruit  of  the  United  States, 


Filipino  {Tagaiog)  Versions  of  Cinderella.  271 

bathed  herself,  washed  the  soot  from  her  face  and  went  to  the  lukban 
tree.  Opening  one  of  the  fruits,  she  took  out  a  magnificent  dress  with 
jewels  and  a  beautiful  horse.  Arraying  herself,  she  placed  herself 
on  the  horse's  back  and  was  carried  to  the  church. 

The  king  was  there  and  wished  to  speak  with  the  beautiful  prin- 
cess, for  by  her  dress  she  must  be  such  ;  but  as  soon  as  the  priest 
had  pronounced  the  benediction  she  slipped  out  the  door. 

The  king  ordered  all  his  soldiers  to  follow,  but  so  swift  was  her 
horse  that  all  they  could  bring  him  was  one  of  the  little  slippers 
that  fell  from  the  foot  of  the  girl  as  she  rode.  With  this  the  king 
could  not  be  content,  and  so  he  ordered  that  all  women  with  little 
feet  be  brought  to  him  to  try  on  the  shoe. 

The  soldiers  went  here,  there,  and  everywhere  looking  for  little  feet, 
but  the  shoe  would  fit  none.  At  last  they  came  to  the  house  of 
Maria's  father.  Now  Maria  had  a  very  small  foot  while  those  of  her 
stepsisters  were  large,  so  the  stepmother  wrapped  Maria  in  an  old 
mat  and  put  her  above  on  the  rafters,  telling  her  that  she  must  not 
move.  The  soldiers  searched  the  house.  Said  one  of  them,  "  Surely 
that  is  some  one  wrapped  in  that  mat."  "Oh,  no,"  said  the  step- 
mother, "  that  is  only  a  bundle  of  old  rags."  But  the  soldier  pricked  it 
with  his  sword,  which  forced  poor  Maria  to  cry  out.  The  soldiers  then 
had  her  wash  her  face  and  were  astonished  at  her  beauty.  So  they 
took  her  to  the  king  and  the  shoe  fitted  exactly.  The  king  married 
her  with  great  feasting  and  pomp,  and  they  lived  very  happily  for 
a  while.  But  the  duties  of  state  carried  the  king  to  a  distant  city, 
and  as  he  was  expecting  the  birth  of  an  heir,  he  gave  orders  that  she 
should  be  carefully  watched  that  no  enemy  should  reach  her. 

Finally  the  heir  was  born,  but  instead  of  one,  there  were  seven 
handsome  little  princes.  But  the  wicked  stepmother,  by  some  artifice, 
gained  access  to  the  chamber  and  there  substituted  seven  new-born 
little  puppies,  with  their  eyes  yet  closed.  The  news  that  the  queen 
had  brought  forth  puppies  was  carried  to  the  king,  and  he  gave  orders 
that  they  and  their  mother  should  be  well  treated  but  that  they 
should  be  placed  in  a  room  outside  of  the  palace  walls,  and  that  none 
should  be  allowed  to  see  them. 

The  real  princes,  so  wickedly  stolen,  were  carried  by  the  stepmother 
in  a  basket  to  the  mountains  and  there  exposed.  But  by  a  miracle 
they  survived,^  and  when  they  had  grown  into  handsome  boys  their 
nurse  sent  them  to  town  to  church.  As  they  went  by  the  room  where 
their  mother  was  imprisoned  they  all  turned  and  bowed  most  cour- 
teously to  the  occupant.  At  the  church  they  attracted  much  atten- 
tion, and  by  the  king's  order  they  were  bidden  to  dinner  at  the  royal 

1  They  are  said  to  have  been  cared  for  by  some  one  called  "  mother  of  the  sun  " 
or  "  mother  of  the  day."     The  phrase  "  ina  nang  arao  "  may  take  either  meaning. 


272  your7ial  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

table.  But  by  their  nurse's  directions  they  were  not  to  eat  unless 
their  mother  sat  at  the  table  too.  The  king,  willing  to  oblige  such 
handsome  boys,  all  dressed  exactly  alike,  and  alike  in  face  and  man- 
ner, ordered  that  his  wife  be  released  and  given  a  place  at  the  table. 

So  the  boys  seated  themselves,  three  on  one  side  of  the  queen  and 
four  on  the  other,  and  behold  a  miracle,  for  the  queen's  breasts  filled 
with  milk,  which  streamed  to  the  mouths  of  the  seven  boys.  Then 
the  king  learned  of  the  deception  that  had  been  put  upon  him,  and 
he  ordered  that  the  wicked  stepmother  be  taken  out  and  dragged  to 
pieces  by  horses,  and  it  was  done. 

As  for  the  king,  Queen  Maria,  and  the  seven  princes,  long  and 
happily  they  lived  and  blessed  they  died. 

Fletcher  Gardner. 

Bloomington,  Ind. 


COMPARATIVE   NOTE. 

The  character  of  the  story  above  presented,  being  a  version  of  the  most  popular 
of  all  folk-tales,  can  be  exhibited  by  brief  comparisons.  Such  method  of  treatment 
has  been  made  easy  by  the  very  valuable  and  praiseworthy  collection  of  Marian 
RoEife  Cox  {Cinderella,  Publications  of  the  Folk-Lore  Society,  xxxi,  D.  Nutt, 
London,  1893).  Miss  Cox  brought  together  abstracts  of  more  than  three  hundred 
printed  variants,  being  as  many  as  at  the  time  were  accessible,  arranged  in  such 
manner  as  to  be  easily  consulted.  Among  versions  since  published,  so  far  as  the 
knowledge  of  the  present  writer  extends,  this  Tagalog  tale  is  the  most  sugges- 
tive. 

To  English  readers  the  tale  is  known  in  two  forms,  both  obtained  from  foreign 
printed  sources,  namely,  the  Cendrillon  of  Charles  Perrault  (1697)  and  the  Asch- 
ettptittel  of  the  brothers  Grimm  (1812;  some  confusion  arises  from  the  use  by 
translators  of  the  name  Cinderella,  adapted  from  the  French  of  Perrault).  These 
histories,  circulated  in  England  through  translations,  extinguished  the  native  oral 
versions  of  the  international  novelette,  which  long  before  Perrault  had  become 
favorite  in  a  hundred  lands ;  printed  examples  include,  beside  all  European  coun- 
tries, Asia  Minor,  India,  Syria,  and  Japan,  Arabs  and  Kaffirs,  Brazil,  Chili,  and  the 
West  Indies;  Asiatic,  African,  and  American  variants,  however,  seem  to  present 
the  character  of  relatively  recent  importations  from  Europe. 

In  its  numerous  varieties,  the  tale  exhibits  a  simple  outline,  which  may  be  indi- 
cated in  a  few  words.  An  orphan  girl  is  maltreated  by  a  cruel  stepmother,  but 
(according  to  the  rule  in  such  cases)  supcrnaturally  assisted.  She  is  subjected  to 
menial  services  which  associate  her  with  ashes  of  the  hearth,  whence  she  derives 
a  foul  exterior  of  a  nature  to  disguise  her  beauty  and  intelligence.  At  her  request 
her  guardian  genius  bestows  the  apparel  necessary  to  permit  attendance  on  a  fes- 
tival to  which  her  sisters  are  invited  ;  in  this  new  costume  she  shines  with  .such 
brilliancy  as  to  become  the  belle  of  the  assembly,  and  to  win  the  heart  of  the 
king's  son  ;  the  necessities  of  her  life  compel  her  to  retire  from  the  gay  scene  in 
time  sufficient  to  reassume  her  ordinary  appearance  and  habits;  she  is  pursued 
by  her  lover,  but  the  suddeness  of  transformation  protects  her,  and  she  resumes  her 
domestic  servitude.  This  happens  three  times,  and  on  the  last  occasion  she  drops 
a  slipper  of  which  the  elegance  indicates  the  shape  of  the  wearer.  In  order  to 
discover  the  unknown  beauty  all  maidens  of  the  land  arc  required  to  try  on  the 


Filipino  {Tagalog)  Versions  of  Cinderella.  273 

shoe,  but  without  success,  until  at  last  the  messengers  charged  with  the  duty  think 
of  experimenting  on  the  ash-girl.     Recognition  and  a  happy  marriage  ensue. 

As  usual  and  necessary,  the  theme,  in  spite  of  a  general  concordance,  exhibits 
many  variations.  Perrault's  version  makes  the  protecting  influence  that  of  a 
fairy  "godmother,"  Grimm's  of  a  helpful  animal  (at  bottom  representing  a 
"familiar  spirit"  of  the  family,  in  animal  shape,  inhabiting  the  house).  The 
German  form,  like  many  other  variants,  introduces  also  the  tree  growing  on  the 
grave  of  the  mother  (and  supposed  to  be  tenanted  by  her  soul).  It  would  be  idle 
to  inquire  which  idea  is  the  more  original ;  these  are  only  different  ways  of  ap- 
plying the  divine  protection.  When  the  father  of  the  children  bids  them  ask 
for  gifts  to  be  brought  from  the  city,  and  her  stepsisters  elect  splendid  presents, 
the  ash-girl,  according  to  Grimm,  asks  him  to  bring  her  the  branch  of  a  tree. 
This  request  is  explained  by  the  oldest  extant  version,  that  of  the  Italian  Basile, 
who  in  his  Pe7itamerone  (1636)  introduced  as  the  sixth  tale  of  the  first  day  La 
gatta  cerene7itola  (Ash-cat).  The  girl  has  received  promise  of  aid  from  a  fairy 
in  the  form  of  a  dove,  whose  home  is  in  Sardinia ;  she  therefore  asks  her  father 
to  greet  the  fairy  dove,  and  bring  back  what  the  latter  chooses  to  send.  The 
father's  ship  is  detained  at  sea,  by  invisible  hands,  and  not  released  until  he 
visits  the  neighboring  fairy  grotto,  where  he  receives  a  palm  branch  ;  this  the  hero- 
ine plants,  and  it  grows  into  a  tree  from  which  she  obtains  her  dresses.  With  Per- 
rault  we  hear  only  that  the  sisters  were  unsuccessful;  but  in  the  German  tale  and 
other  forms,  by  a  natural  but  not  original  addition,  they  endeavor  to  iit  the  shoe 
by  mutilating  their  feet,  and  are  only  detected  by  the  song  of  doves  (originally 
the  fairy  protectress),  who  denounce  the  imposture,  but  approve  the  true  bride. 
In  Grimm  the  false  sisters  suffer  blinding  from  the  doves,  while  Perrault  has 
chosen  to  civilize  the  story  by  making  Cendrillon  act  a  generous  and  forgiving 
part.  With  him,  also,  the  slipper  is  of  glass  (as  a  fairy  material) ;  and  where  these 
two  traits  appear,  it  is  tolerably  safe  to  assume  the  influence  of  the  French  printed 
form,  which  has  itself  redescended  into  folk-lore  and  had  a  wide  diffusion. 

The  Tagalog  tale  is  divisible  into  two  parts  ;  the  first  portion  only  corresponds 
to  Cendrillon.  The  story  has  evidently  come  through  the  medium  of  Spanish 
occupation  ;  by  good  fortune  the  Spanish  tale  has  been  preserved  in  a  variant  from 
Chili,  which  for  the  sake  of  comparison  may  be  literally  rendered.  ("  Maria  la 
Cenicienta,"  in  Biblioteca  de  las  tradiciones  populares  Espaholas,  i,  114.) 

MARIA   THE   ASH-GIRL. 

To  tell,  one  must  know,  and  to  know,  one  must  listen. 

Once  on  a  time  was  an  old  woman,  who  had  a  daughter  named  Maria.  Not  far 
away  was  a  neighbor,  to  whose  house  Maria  went  daily  after  embers  to  light  the 
fire,  and  who  used  to  give  her  sops  soaked  in  honey.  One  day  she  said:  "  Tell 
your  father  to  marry  me,  and  I  will  always  give  you  sops  in  honey."  Maria  went 
to  her  father  and  said :  "  Father,  marry  our  neighbor,  for  she  is  good  to  me,  and 
gives  me  honeyed  sops."  But  her  father  said  :  "  No,  Maria;  now  she  gives  you 
sops,  but  by  and  by  she  will  give  you  gall."  However,  at  last  her  father  said  that 
he  would  marry  the  neighbor,  but  she  was  not  to  complain  if  she  found  herself 
ill-treated. 

The  neighbor  had  a  daughter,  also  named  Maria,  who  was  of  the  same  age. 
The  father  married  the  neighbor,  who  directly  began  to  abuse  Maria,  because  she 
was  prettier  than  her  own  girl.  She  slapped  her  face,  thrust  her  into  the  kitchen 
with  soiled  clothing,  and  called  her  Ash-girl.  Now,  Maria  had  a  heifer,  with  which 
she  amused  herself  all  day  long ;  and  the  crone,  who  was  jealous,  besought  her 
husband  to  give  her  own  child  a  heifer  too.  As  if  that  was  not  enough,  she  told 
Maria  to  kill  it,  because  she  did  no  work,  but  played  with  it  all  day.    The  father 


2  74  Jonrjial  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

thought  it  hard,  but  was  obliged  to  consent,  for  fear  that  his  wife  would  make  it 
worse  for  Maria.  So  the  crone  called  her,  and  said  :  "  To-morrow  you  must  have 
the  heifer  killed,  for  you  are  a  lazy-bones,  and  do  nothing  but  amuse  yourself." 

Then  the  girl  took  to  kissing  the  heifer,  who  said :  "  Maria,  don't  cry ;  when 
they  kill  me,  beg  leave  to  let  you  wash  my  heart  and  liver,  where  you  will  find  a 
wand  of  virtue,  which  will  give  you  all  you  desire.  Take  care  of  it,  and  conceal 
it  in  your  belt,  so  that  it  may  not  be  seen." 

The  next  day  they  killed  the  heifer,  and  Maria  went  to  the  river  to  wash  the 
heart,  where  she  found  a  wand.  When  she  had  done,  and  put  the  parts  in  a  jar, 
it  floated  down  stream.  She  burst  out  crying,  for  she  was  sure  that  her  step- 
mother would  beat  her;  and  while  she  was  weeping,  up  came  an  old  woman  with 
a  blue  dress,  who  said :  "Maria,  why  do  you  cry.'"'  "How  can  I  help  crying? 
My  jar  has  floated  away  with  the  pieces  I  washed,  and  when  my  stepmother 
knows,  she  will  beat  me  to  death."  "  Do  not  cry,"  said  the  woman  ;  "  go  to  yon- 
der hut  at  the  water's  edge  and  sleep,  while  I  get  the  pieces."  Maria  went  to  the 
hut,  but  instead  of  resting  she  swept  the  room,  made  a  fire,  and  got  supper;  after 
that,  she  went  to  sleep.  Soon  there  was  a  knock,  and  when  she  opened  the  door, 
there  stood  the  jar ;  she  took  it,  and  went  home. 

"  Why  so  late  ? "  asked  her  stepmother.  Maria  said  that  the  jar  had  floated 
off,  and  that  an  old  woman  had  gone  to  look  for  it  while  she  slept  in  a  hut ;  when 
she  awoke,  it  was  at  the  door.  "  What  is  that  on  your  forehead  ?  "  said  the  crone. 
"  I  do  not  know,"  answered  the  girl.  They  brought  a  mirror,  and  when  she 
looked,  she  saw  that  she  had  a  star  on  her  forehead.  Her  stepmother  tried  to  rub 
it  away,  but  the  more  she  scoured,  the  sweeter  and  brighter  grew  the  star.  So 
they  made  her  wear  a  bandage,  that  none  might  perceive  how  superior  she  was. 
The  other  Maria  said  to  the  crone  :  "  Mother,  bid  them  kill  my  heifer,  and  I  will 
go  wash  the  pieces,  so  that  I  may  get  a  star  on  my  forehead,  like  the  ash-girl." 

Her  mother  bade  it  be  killed,  and  the  girl  went  to  the  river  to  wash ;  when  she 
was  done,  the  jar  floated  away,  and  she  pretended  to  be  grieved.  The  old  woman 
in  blue  came  and  asked  :  "  Why  do  you  cry,  my  child  ?  "  "  How  can  I  help  cry- 
ing? My  jar  has  floated  down  the  stream."  The  stranger  answered:  "  Sleep  in 
yonder  hut,  and  when  you  wake,  you  will  find  the  jar."  The  girl  went  in  a  rage, 
and  said  :  "  How,  sleep  in  this  dirty  cabin,  I  ?  "  She  waited  in  disdain,  and  after  a 
while  rose,  opened  the  door,  and  found  her  jar  ;  she  took  it  and  went  home.  When 
her  mother  saw  her,  she  said:  "Maria,  what  is  that  on  your  forehead?"  They 
brought  a  mirror,  and  when  she  looked  she  saw  that  it  was  the  wattles  of  a  turkey 
gobbler.  Her  mother  tried  to  take  it  away,  but  the  more  she  pulled  the  larger  and 
uglier  it  became,  so  that  at  last,  not  knowing  what  else  to  do,  she  covered  it  up 
with  a  piece  of  silk. 

One  day  there  was  a  dance  at  court,  which  Maria  desired  to  attend  ;  she  drew 
out  her  wand,  and  asked  for  clothes,  a  coach  and  servants,  and  all  that  was  need- 
ful to  go  as  a  fine  lady.  Presently  she  found  before  her  beautiful  clothes,  with 
whatever  else  she  wanted  ;  and  when  she  put  them  on,  if  she  was  pretty  before, 
she  was  prettier  now.  While  the  rest  were  asleep,  she  went  to  the  dance,  and  as 
she  arrived,  there  was  such  applause  that  the  king's  son  came  forth  to  see.  The 
hall  was  illumined  with  the  star  she  had  on  her  brow,  and  when  the  prince  saw, 
he  was  so  charmed  that  all  night  long  he  would  dance  with  no  one  else.  When  it 
was  time  to  go,  she  jumped  into  her  coach  in  such  haste  that  she  dropped  one  of 
her  glass  slippers;  the  prince  could  not  overtake  her,  but  only  kept  the  shoe. 
The  next  day,  he  bade  his  servants  search  the  town  and  bring  the  lady,  so  that  he 
might  marry  her.  They  went  from  house  to  house,  but  could  find  no  one  whom 
the  slipper  fitted.  When  they  came  to  the  house  her  stepmother  bade  her  daughter 
bind  up  her  feet,  so  that  she  might  make  them  small  enough  to  put  on  the  slipper 


Filipino  {Tagalog)  Versions  of  Cinderella.  275 

and  marry  the  prince  ;  lest  Maria  should  be  seen,  they  hid  her  behind  a  tub.  Now 
the  crone's  daughter  had  a  parrot,  and  when  the  men  came  to  try  on  the  shoe,  it 
cried  out:  "Ha,  ha!  It's  Turkey-crest  who 's  standing  there  ;  for  Star-on-brow 
look  behind  the  tub  !  "  After  it  had  shrieked  this  many  times,  they  said  :  "  Let 
us  see  what  the  parrot  is  talking  about;  "  and  when  they  looked  behind  the  tub, 
there  was  Maria.  They  made  her  come  out  and  try  the  slipper,  which  fitted  per- 
fectly, while  every  one  perceived  here  was  the  lady  who  had  been  at  the  ball. 
They  conducted  her  to  the  prince,  in  spite  of  all  the  crone's  fuss  ;  the  prince  mar- 
ried her,  and  there  was  a  royal  wedding  which  lasted  a  long  time;  so  ends  the 
story. 

A  comparison  of  the  Spanish  and  Tagalog  versions  with  that  of  Perrault  gives 
a  lesson  in  respect  to  the  diffusion  of  marchen.  In  the  glass  slipper  and  other 
traits,  the  Spanish  shows  the  influence  of  the  printed  form,  from  which,  however, 
it  is  not  exclusively  derived  ;  according  to  the  usual  rule,  we  have  the  "  contami- 
nation "  of  one  form  of  the  tale  by  others.  In  the  Spanish  the  elegance  of  the 
French  author  has  become  homely  and  idiomatic  ;  while  in  the  Tagalog  a  croco- 
dile replaces  the  fairy,  and  by  a  rude  duplication  a  crab  assists  in  scouring  the 
part  of  the  heroine's  body  inaccessible  to  the  fingers.  Otherwise,  the  story  has 
undergone  no  essential  alteration. 

It  is,  however,  the  sequel  of  the  Tagalog  narrative  that  makes  its  most  interest- 
ing part ;  to  explain  its  significance  it  is  necessary  to  notice  another  form  of  the 
Cinderella  story,  namely,  the  tale  which  in  Perrault  goes  by  the  name  of  Peau 
^'.^M^  (Ass-skin),  which  Grimm  calls  Allerleirauh,  and  in  English  has  formerly 
been  popular  as  a  nursery  rhyme  under  the  title  of  Catskin. 

According  to  this  story,  a  king  has  made  his  dying  wife  a  promise  that  he  will 
take  for  his  second  wife  no  lady  who  does  not  resemble  herself.  The  only  woman 
who  meets  this  condition  is  his  own  daughter,  whom  he  therefore  proposes  to 
marry.  In  order  to  put  him  off,  the  maiden  requires  the  king  to  procure  for  her 
wonderful  dresses,  of  which  the  last  is  the  skin  of  an  animal ;  this  she  dons,  and 
so  disguised  flies  to  the  wilderness,  taking  with  her  a  receptacle  containing  the 
gowns.  She  is  found  by  a  prince  hunting  in  the  wood  (from  Perrault's  version 
this  trait  has  dropped  out),  who  conveys  her  to  his  palace,  where,  as  savage  and 
foul  of  aspect,  she  is  assigned  menial  tasks.  From  time  to  time  she  amuses  her- 
self in  secret  by  donning  her  gay  attire,  and  on  one  of  these  occasions  is  seen  by 
the  prince,  who  falls  in  love  with  the  unknown  beauty.  Unable  to  trace  her,  the 
youth  falls  sick,  and  is  tended  by  the  servant,  whence  discovery  and  marriage. 
Instead  of  a  slipper,  a  ring  bestowed  by  the  lover  serves  as  means  of  recognition. 
The  resemblance  with  the  tale  of  Cinderella,  which  is  at  bottom  only  another  ver- 
sion, has  often  occasioned  admixture. 

As  there  was  a  very  good  reason  for  the  modification  of  Peati  d'Atie,  namely, 
the  odiousness  of  the  initial  trait,  and  as  otherwise  the  Cinderella  version  presents 
a  more  modern  and  sophisticated  type,  there  can  hardly  be  much  doubt  that  the 
latter  tale  is  merely  a  modification  of  the  former.  According  to  traditional  ideas, 
the  assumption  of  the  animal  skin  would  be  equivalent  to  transformation  into  the 
beast;  this  situation  occurs  in  the  version  earliest  in  order  of  time,  that  of 
Basile,  in  which  the  princess  really  becomes  a  bear.  According  to  the  usual 
manner  of  conception  of  inquirers,  who,  like  Mr.  Andrew  Lang,  designate  their 
method  as  "  anthropological,"  the  presence  of  such  primitive  traits  would  be 
enough  to  establish  that  the  stor}',  in  origin  if  not  in  entirety,  remounted  to  a 
"  primitive  "  state  of  society  in  which  such  alteration  of  shape  was  supposed  to 
be  common,  and  quite  within  the  power  of  distinguished  or  specially  endowed  per- 
sons ;  however,  in  the  present  instance,  this  view  would  be  incorrect,  seeing  that 


276  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

the  barbaric  or  mythological  elements,  far  from  being  original,  have  been  super- 
induced, and  imposed  on  a  narrative  in  the  first  instance  of  a  literary  character. 

In  order  to  comprehend  the  nature  and  evolution  of  this  folk-tale,  it  is  neces- 
sary to  take  into  account  a  series  of  compositions  which  in  the  Middle  Age  and 
even  in  modern  times  have  enjoyed  great  popularity,  those  namely  which  deal 
with  the  adventures  of  a  daughter  sought  in  marriage  by  her  father.  The  oldest 
version  places  the  scene  in  England,  and  brings  the  tale  of  the  persecuted 
beauty  into  connection  with  the  monastery  of  St.  Albans,  founded  in  793  by  Offa 
of  Mercia.  The  latter,  at  the  time  when  the  ancient  tomb  of  Albanus  is  discov- 
ered, remembers  an  unfulfilled  vow  made  by  an  earlier  Offa,  a  son  of  Warmund, 
who  had  bound  himself  to  establish  a  foundation  out  of  gratitude  for  the  recov- 
ery of  his  lost  wife  and  children,  under  the  following  circumstances. 

In  the  course  of  a  hunt,  Offa  is  separated  by  a  storm  from  his  companions,  and 
wanders  devious  in  a  pathless  wood.  He  hears  the  cry  of  a  woman,  proceeds  in 
that  direction,  and  in  the  depths  of  the  forest  finds  a  beautiful  and  magnificently 
attired  maiden.  In  answer  to  questions  she  reveals  herself  as  the  daughter  of  a 
king  of  Northumberland,  who  has  fallen  in  love  with  her,  and  has  used  all  possible 
inducements  and  threats  to  induce  her  to  marry  him  ;  in  consequence  of  her  obsti- 
nacy, he  had  commanded  that,  her  hands  and  feet  having  been  cut  off,  she  should 
be  taken  to  the  wilderness  and  left  to  the  mercy  of  wild  beasts.  The  squires 
charged  with  the  execution  of  the  order  had  taken  pity  on  her  so  far  as  to  forbear 
mutilation ;  abandoned  in  the  desert,  she  had  supported  herself  on  the  fruits  of 
the  wild.  The  king,  who  is  a  widower,  takes  her  to  the  cell  of  a  neighboring 
hermit,  and  on  the  morrow  conducts  her  to  his  country,  where  she  lives,  in  what 
manner  we  do  not  learn.  Some  years  after,  nobles  of  the  realm  insist  on  Offa's 
marriage;  after  many  evasions,  he  bethinks  himself  of  the  unfortunate  beauty, 
whom  he  prefers  to  the  many  candidates  for  his  hand.  When  he  is  absent  in 
Northumbria,  engaged  in  war  against  the  Scots,  his  wife  bears  twins,  a  boy  and  a 
girl;  letters  are  sent  announcing  the  happy  deliverance  ;  these,  however,  fall  into 
the  hands  of  the  king  of  Northumberland,  who  has  married  a  daughter  of  Offa 
by  a  first  marriage  ;  the  son-in-law  (presumably  desiring  to  succeed  by  right  of  his 
wife)  substitutes  a  forgery  announcing  that  the  queen  has  given  birth  to  monsters 
(in  the  Middle  Age  a  criminal  charge).  Offa,who  has  come  off  victorious  in  war, 
replies  with  an  order  that  his  wife  be  tenderly  cared  for ;  but  the  traitorous  North- 
umbrian again  substitutes  a  missive,  in  which  the  husband  is  made  to  declare  that 
he  has  suffered  a  defeat,  attributable  to  his  having  wedded  a  witch,  whom  there- 
fore he  directs  to  be  deprived  of  feet  and  hands,  and  cast  out  into  the  forest.  The 
executors  of  the  mandate  once  more  are  affected  by  the  queen's  beauty,  and  con- 
tent themselves  with  massacring  the  children,  and  leaving  her  to  her  fate.  This 
fortunately  takes  place  near  the  cell  of  the  hermit  aforementioned,  who  hearing 
voices  of  woe,  goes  to  the  scene,  consoles  the  lady,  and  by  his  prayers  reanimates 
the  children,  giving  the  three  shelter  in  his  cell,  where  they  remain  for  an  indefinite 
period.  On  Offa's  return  to  his  country,  he  discovers  wliat  has  happened,  and  is 
inconsolable.  In  the  course  of  a  hunt,  he  accidentally  comes  to  the  cell,  remembers 
the  locality,  and  bursts  into  tears.  The  hermit,  recognizing  the  king,  calls  the 
mother,  who  at  the  moment  is  engaged  in  bathing  her  children ;  a  joyous  recogni- 
tion ensues,  and,  as  already  noted,  Offa  vows  to  found  a  monastery. 

The  tale,  it  will  be  observed,  is  not  properly  to  be  called  a  legend,  seeing  that 
the  son  of  Offa  does  not  become  a  saint,  and  has  nothing  to  do  with  Albanus  ; 
the  association  with  St.  Albans  must  therefore  be  artificial  and  literary.  As 
pointed  out  by  Hermann  Suchier  (Paul  and  Braune,  Bcitriige,  etc.,  iv,  1877,  500) 
the  Warmund  of  the  Life  is  mentioned  in  Beowulf  as  Garmund  ;  but  the  story  now 
under  consideration  bears  marks  of  later  taste,  and  has  probably  been  referred  to  a 
hero  with  whom  it  had  no  original  connection. 


Filipino  {Tagalog)  Versions  of  Cinderella.  277 

The  next  appearance  of  the  tale  is  in  a  French  romance  (still  unedited,  which,  by 
laying  the  scene  in  England,  indicates  probable  derivation  from  that  country  (and 
the  existence  of  lost  Anglo-Norman  sources);  this  anonymous  composition,  of 
the  thirteenth  century,  which  has  enjoyed  immense  popularity,  recites,  in  more 
than  twelve  thousand  Alexandrines,  the  fortunes  of  La  Belle  Helaine,  princess  of 
Constantinople  (the  verse,  together  with  prose  versions,  has  been  abstracted  by  R. 
Ruths,  Greifswald,  1897).  Anthoine,  emperor  of  Constantinople,  having  lost  by 
death  his  wife,  a  niece  of  Pope  Clement,  desires  to  marry  his  daughter,  and  for 
that  purpose  procures  a  papal  dispensation.  Helaine  flies  in  a  boat,  and  after 
many  adventures  is  cast  ashore  in  England,  near  Newcastle-on-Tyne.  While 
engaged  in  hunting  King  Henry  finds  her,  and  dazzled  by  her  beauty  marries  her. 
He  quits  England  to  aid  the  Pope  against  infidels,  leaving  his  wife  in  charge  of 
the  Duke  of  Gloucester.  When  visiting  the  Pope,  he  recognizes  the  portrait  of 
his  wife,  and  through  Clement  becomes  cognizant  of  the  lineage  and  history 
which  she  has  scrupulously  concealed.  Helaine  has  two  boys;  by  substitution  of 
letters  his  stepmother  makes  the  king  believe  that  the  queen  has  been  delivered 
of  two  monsters  (puppies,  according  to  the  prose).  He  bids  his  wife  be  well  treated, 
but  a  letter  is  substituted  ordering  her  to  be  burned.  The  seneschal,  whose  duty 
it  is  to  perform  this  mandate  in  the  first  place,  cuts  off  her  hand  with  the  marriage 
ring  as  a  token  of  faithful  performance,  but  afterwards  repents,  and  burns  his 
own  niece  instead ;  the  severed  hand  is  hung  about  the  neck  of  one  of  the 
children,  and  the  three  set  adrift  in  an  oarless  boat ;  this  comes  to  land,  but 
while  the  heroine  is  asleep,  wild  beasts  carry  off  her  children,  who  are  rescued  by 
the  hermit.  Helaine,  thinking  her  sons  destroyed,  reembarks,  and  after  many 
happenings  at  last  reaches  Tours.  The  boys  grow  up  in  the  cell,  and  when  they 
have  arrived  at  the  age  of  sixteen  years,  set  out  to  seek  their  parents ;  they 
arrive  at  Tours,  where  they  are  christened,  and  one  takes  the  name  of  Martin,  the 
other  of  Brice;  their  own  mother  approaches -them  as  a  beggar,  and  receives 
abundant  alms,  but  there  is  no  recognition.  Meanwhile  the  repentant  Anthoine 
wanders  the  world  in  quest  of  his  daughter,  taking  occasion  the  while  to  instruct 
the  heathen ;  he  reaches  England,  and  visits  Henry ;  the  sorrowful  princes  ex- 
change stories,  and  Henry  joins  the  Emperor  in  his  search  ;  the  two  come  to 
Tours,  where  Helaine,  aware  of  their  presence,  and  in  terror  of  their  anger,  avoids 
them,  and  uses  the  disguise  of  blackening  her  face.  At  table.  King  Henry  is 
served  by  his  own  sons,  and  remarks  the  box  containing  the  hand,  which  con- 
tinues to  be  suspended  about  the  neck  of  Brice  ;  this  is  opened,  and  the  wedding 
ring  tells  the  tale,  the  princes  are  owned,  and  the  innocence  of  the  queen  made 
plain.  Helaine  flies  to  Rome,  where  she  sees  her  uncle  the  Pope,  but  instead  of 
revealing  herself,  asks  permission  to  sleep  as  a  mendicant  under  the  stair.  Henry 
and  Anthoine  engage  in  a  crusade,  but  at  Acre  hear  the  story  of  the  Pope's  hand- 
less  beggar,  and  suspect  that  this  is  the  long-sought  lady  ;  Henry  repairs  to  Rome, 
but  Helaine  has  disappeared.  Finally  the  heroine  returns  to  Tours,  where  she  is 
arrested,  and  the  kings  find  her ;  she  is  assured  of  affection;  Martin  places  his 
mother's  hand,  which  has  remained  supernaturally  fresh,  on  the  stump  of  her  arm, 
and  by  a  miracle  effects  its  restoration.  In  later  days  he  becomes  Saint  Martin 
of  Tours. 

Belle  Helaine  was  followed,  during  the  remainder  of  the  Middle  Age  and  into 
modern  time,  by  a  long  series  of  counterparts,  imitations,  reconstructions,  reduc- 
tions in  prose,  popularizations,  and  dramatizations  (enumerated  by  Suchier  in  his 
edition  of  the  Afanekine  of  Philip  of  Beaumanoir,  1884  ;  see  Cox,  xlvi-lxvi).  To 
discuss  the  relations  of  these  versions  to  the  Helame,  and  of  the  latter  to  the  Life 
of  Offa,  would  be  quite  beyond  the  scope  of  this  note  ;  it  is  enough  to  say  that 
these  works  are,  in  the  main,  to  be  looked  on  as  literary  fiction,  varied  and  rear- 


2  78  yonrnal  of  A  merican  Folk-Lore. 

ranged  according  to  the  pleasure  of  the  novelists  who  composed  them,  and  that 
the  earliest  example,  the  Life  of  Offa,  is  to  be  taken  as  presumably  representing, 
in  outline,  the  initial  member  of  the  series. 

A  pleasing  example  of  the  manner  in  which  the  romance  was  reduced  into  a 
folk-book  is  supplied  by  a  Catalan  tale  contained  in  a  manuscript  of  the  fifteenth 
century  (edited  by  Suchier,  Rojnania  30  (1901),  519  £f.).  In  outline,  the  narrative 
proceeds  as  follows.  The  wife  of  Constantine,  emperor  of  Rome,  the  most  beauti- 
ful lady  of  her  time,  on  her  deathbed  asks  and  obtains  from  her  husband  a  boon  ; 
this  she  defines  to  be,  that  the  emperor  shall  marry  no  successor  who  cannot  wear 
her  glove;  she  dies  leaving  a  daughter.  In  course  of  time  the  lords  of  the  realm 
insist  on  the  marriage  of  their  sovereign,  who  becomes  enamoured  of  the  princess, 
the  only  person  able  to  fulfil  the  condition.  The  girl  refuses,  and  her  father  orders 
her  to  be  slain  in  the  forest;  the  squires  charged  with  execution  of  the  sen- 
tence, moved  by  the  entreaties  of  the  maiden,  put  her  on  board  a  vessel  bound  for 
Spain.  There  she  is  sheltered  and  finally  adopted  by  a  rich  couple  living  a  retired 
life  in  the  country.  The  young  king  of  Spain,  while  hawking,  is  led  to  take  a 
lonely  path,  and  obtains  lodging  at  the  house  of  the  rich  man.  Here  he  is  waited 
on  by  the  girl,  and  is  so  much  struck  by  her  beauty  and  grace,  that  he  asks  leave 
to  take  her  to  court  at  Seville,  where  he  puts  her  in  charge  of  his  mother.  At  a 
later  time,  the  barons  require  him  to  take  a  wife,  and  he  chooses  the  stranger, 
greatly  to  the  indignation  of  his  mother.  The  queen  is  with  child,  but  the  king  of 
Granada  invades  the  realm,  and  he  is  forced  to  take  the  field,  leaving  his  queen 
in  charge  of  his  seneschal,  with  directions  that  news  be  sent  of  her  safe  delivery. 
This  takes  place, and  the  child  is  a  beautiful  boy;  but  the  messenger  has  occasion 
to  pass  the  convent  in  which  lives  the  queen  mother,  who  changes  the  letters  in 
such  manner  as  to  convey  intelligence  that  the  infant  is  female,  and  as  black  as  a 
Saracen.  Nevertheless,  the  king  bids  his  wife  be  tenderly  cared  for ;  but  again 
the  exchange  is  effected,  and  the  seneschal  commanded  to  burn  both  mother  and 
child.  Once  more  the  queen  is  spared,  but  put  on  board  a  ship  bound  for  the 
Levant,  which  touches  at  Rome ;  here  she  supports  herself  by  asking  alms  for  the 
love  of  God,  and  daily  comes  to  the  distribution  of  bread  made  by  the  emperor, 
who  notices  her  resemblance  to  his  lost  daughter.  The  king,  her  husband,  returns 
victorious  to  Seville,  discovers  the  fraud,  and  wreaks  vengeance  by  burning  the 
convent  in  which  his  mother  abides.  He  falls  sick,  and  makes  a  vow  in  case  of 
recovery  to  make  a  pilgrimage  to  Rome;  here  he  is  received  by  the  emperor,  and 
at  table  relates  his  history.  The  queen,  meantime,  with  her  six-year-old  son,  is 
waiting  in  the  court,  from  which  she  can  see  the  feasters  ;  the  sequel  is  too  pretty 
to  be  condensed.  "  '  My  son,  do  you  see  the  lord  who  is  placed  next  the  emperor.? ' 
'My  mother,  I  see  him  well.'  'My  son,  know,  'tis  your  father.  See  this  ring; 
go  to  him,  kneel  at  his  feet  and  kiss  his  hand,  and  say  :  '  My  father,  take  this  ring, 
which  my  mother  sends  you  ! '  And  directly  the  infant  did  what  his  mother  bade, 
and  went  as  fast  as  he  could  till  he  came  before  the  king  of  Spain ;  and  when  the 
king  saw  how  lovely  was  the  creature,  he  was  pleased,  and  marvelled  at  the  words, 
and  more  at  the  ring;  directly,  he  looked  at  the  ring  which  he  had  on  his  own 
hand,  and  saw  that  the  two  were  alike.  He  knew  that  it  was  the  ring  with 
which  he  had  wedded  his  wife,  and  he  said  to  the  emperor :  '  O  Lord,  prithee 
fetch  hither  the  lady  who  hath  sent  me  this  ring.'  .  .  .  And  when  the  lady  entered, 
the  king  knew  her,  and  rose,  and  went  to  meet  her,  embracing  her,  and  kissing  her 
hands  ;  and  for  the  joy  they  felt,  both  fell  in  a  faint,  one  this  way  and  the  other 
that.  And  when  he  saw,  the  emperor  was  distressed,  and  bade  water  be  brought, 
and  poured  on  their  hands  and  faces,  so  that  they  came  to  their  senses,  and  stood 
on  their  feet.  And  directly  the  queen  knelt  at  the  emperor's  feet,  and  cried  :  '  Sire, 
know  that  you  are  my  father,  and  I  your  daughter,  and  the  king  of  Spain,  here 


Filipino  ( Tagalog)  Versions  of  Cinderella.  2  79 

present,  is  my  husband  and  your  son  by  marriage.'  '  Ah,  God  ! '  cried  the  emperor, 
'  how  may  this  be  ?  If  it  were  true,  happy  were  I  !  I  pray  you  tell,  for  if  't  is  true. 
never  was  man  so  fortunate  as  myself  ! ' " 

The  theme  is  also  treated  in  numerous  marchen,  which  for  the  most  part  are  to 
be  regarded  as  merely  echoes  of  Belle  Helaine.  Suchier,  using  the  assistance  of 
Reinhold  Kohler,  was  able  to  enumerate  tales  in  sixteen  languages,  including 
Greek,  Tartar,  Arab,  and  Swahili ;  at  the  present  day,  no  doubt,  research  might 
greatly  add  to  the  number.  The  theme  is  varied  in  every  possible  manner  and 
combined  with  other  tale-elements;  an  example  being  the  stor\-  of  Grimm,  No.  31, 
"  The  Maid  without  Hands."  It  is  here  that  belongs  the  Tagalog  narration, 
which,  however,  for  the  first  part  of  a  two-act  story  has  substituted  a  modern  ver- 
sion of  Cinderella,  and  also  intercalated  a  history  in  origin  also  European,  but 
originally  independent. 

The  enchanter,  in  the  version  here  printed,  restores  the  slaughtered  children 
through  the  virtue  of  a  medicine  obtained  from  the  Sun.  A  sun-journey  essen- 
tially identical  is  recounted  in  a  French-Breton  tale  (F.  M.  Luzel,  Contes  popu- 
laires  de  Basse-Bretagne,  Paris,  1S87,  i,  41).  The  sister  of  Yvon,  a  simple  youth, 
has  been  married  by  a  handsome  stranger,  who  (although  not  expressly  so  stated) 
turns  out  to  be  the  Sun  in  person,  and  is  conveyed  to  his  house,  called  the  Cr}-stal 
Castle;  Yvon  resolves  to  visit  his  sister,  and  after  infinite  hardships  arrives  at  her 
abode,  where  he  finds  the  husband,  who  comes  only  by  night.  From  motives  of 
curiosity,  Yvon  wishes  to  accompany  him  in  his  daily  wanderings,  and  obtains  per- 
mission, on  the  terms  that  he  is  not  to  speak  or  touch  anything.  The  husband 
rises  as  a  ball  of  fire,  taking  with  him  the  guest  ;  an  extract  will  show  the  corre- 
spondence, as  well  as  the  confusion  introduced  in  the  Filipino  form.  The  Breton 
tale  makes  the  visitor  inquire:  "What  means  this,  brother  .f"  Never  have  I  seen 
the  like  ;  cows  and  oxen  sleek  and  fat,  in  a  land  of  sand  and  stone,  while  yonder, 
in  that  rich  meadow,  standing  in  grass  to  the  belly,  are  cattle  so  pitiably  lean,  that 
they  seem  like  to  die  of  hunger."  "  Brother,  this  is  the  significance.  The  cows 
and  oxen,  sleek  and  fat,  in  a  drj'  and  sandy  plain,  these  are  the  poor,  who,  content 
with  the  state  to  which  God  has  assigned  them,  envy  not  the  goods  of  another  ; 
while  the  lean  cattle,  in  the  mead  where  they  stand  in  grass  to  the  belh',  who  con- 
tinually quarrel  and  seem  likely  to  starve,  are  the  rich,  who,  never  satisfied  with 
their  possessions,  always  endeavor  to  amass  wealth  at  the  expense  of  others,  for- 
ever quarrelling  and  striving." 

Yvon  sees  also  two  trees  which  constantly  clash  with  such  force  as  to  scatter 
fragments.  By  interposing  his  staff  he  puts  an  end  to  the  disturbance,  and  is 
blest  by  the  trees,  who  once  had  been  husband  and  wife,  but  as  penalty  for  inces- 
sant wrangling  have  been  condemned  to  remain  in  this  purgatorial  condition  until 
pitied  by  a  charitable  person,  and  who,  thanks  to  his  intervention,  w^ill  now  be  able 
to  enter  paradise. 

The  hero  gets  little  profit  either  from  his  passion  for  knowledge  or  his  benevo- 
lence ;  seeing  that  he  has  contravened  the  injunction  against  asking  and  touching, 
he  is  denied  leave  to  proceed,  but  set  down  on  the  spot.  After  long  wanderings, 
he  arrives  at  home,  finds  that  two  generations  have  elapsed,  and  meets  the  usual 
fate  of  Rip  Van  Winkles,  being  rewarded  only  with  a  pious  death,  and  the  hope 
of  hereafter  rejoining  his  sister  in  the  Cr}-stal  Castle. 

If  this  appendage  be  eliminated,  the  Tagalog  variant  offers  an  excellent  example 
of  the  second  part  of  the  tale,  being  indeed  the  most  interesting  which  I  have 
noticed.  Closely  akin  is  the  Italian  novelette  which  Straparola,  in  his  Piacevoli 
notte  (1550),  introduced  as  the  Fourth  Fable  of  his  First  Book.  Tebaldo,  prince 
of  Salerno,  has  promised  his  dying  wife  to  marr}-  no  one  whom  her  ring  will  not 
fit;  the  only  person  who  fulfils  this  requirement  is  the  princess  Doralice,  who  is 


28o  yournal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 

accordingly  persecuted  by  her  father,  but  hidden  by  her  nurse;  she  escapes,  and 
is  married  to  a  king  of  Britain.  Tebaldo  visits  Britain,  murders  the  children,  and 
contrives  that  the  bloody  knife  shall  be  found  in  the  possession  of  the  queen,  who 
accordingly  is  buried  alive  as  far  as  the  waist,  but  carefully  nourished.  Subse- 
quently the  queen's  innocence  is  attested  by  the  nurse  ;  she  is  released,  and  the 
guilty  father  punished.  Straparola  keeps  to  his  source  in  leaving  the  children  to 
perish  ;  following  the  impulse  of  a  popular  narrator,  the  Tagalog  version  resusci- 
tates them.  The  foundation  of  the  incident  is  to  be  found  in  the  literature  of  the 
cycle.  The  history  of  Merelaus  the  Emperor  (F.  J.  Furnivall,  Originals  and  Ana- 
logites  of  Chaucer's  Canterbury  Tales,  London,  1872-,  p.  '^'j)  describes  the  manner 
in  which  the  empress  is  found  hanging  on  an  oak  and  taken  to  the  castle  of  an 
earl.  The  earl's  steward  tempts  the  lady,  and  when  repulsed  murders  the  child 
of  the  countess,  and  contrives  to  put  the  bloody  knife  into  the  hand  of  the 
empress.  Nicholas  Trivet  (early  fourteenth  century)  makes  Lady  Hermengild, 
entertainer  of  the  heroine  Constance,  herself  become  the  victim  of  the  treacherous 
lover;  the  bloody  knife  is  produced,  and  Constance  accused.  From  Trivet  the 
tale  passed  to  Gower  and  Chaucer.  The  folk-tales  proceed  in  the  usual  manner 
of  simplification,  by  substituting  leading  actors  for  secondary  ones ;  Straparola 
assigns  the  murder  to  the  father  of  the  queen,  the  Filipino  variant  to  the  step- 
mother. The  Tagalog  narrative  is  thus  affiliated  with  Chaucer's  Man  of  Laiv's 
Tale. 

The  trait  of  the  imprisonment  of  the  heroine  is  common  to  Straparola  and  the 
Filipino  version.  A  Spanish  ballad  preserved  in  families  of  Jews  exiled  from 
Spain  before  1492  {Revue  des  Etudes  Juives,  xxxW,  1896,  266)  makes  Delgadilla 
refuse  to  marry  her  father;  as  a  penalty,  she  is  immured  in  a  tower,  where  she 
is  fed  only  on  salt  meat.  These  ballads  are  brief  lyric  reductions  of  complicated 
dramatic  narrations  ;  it  seems  very  likely  that  the  song  is  based  on  the  folk-tale 
now  in  question. 

In  addition  to  works  noted  in  this  brief  and  hasty  account  should  here  be  named, 
"The  Constance  Saga,"  A.  B.  Gough,  Palcestra,  xxiii,  Berlin,  1902,  and  "The 
Old  English  Offa  Saga,"  Edith  Rickert,  Modern  Philology,  ii,  Chicago,  1904-05, 
pp.  29,  321. 

W.   W.  Newell. 


Old-Country  Ballads  in  Missouri.  281 

OLD-COUNTRY   BALLADS   IN   MISSOURI.  —  IL 

Child  74.  —  Fair  Margaret  and  Sweet  William. 

SWEET   WILLIAM   AND   LADY   MARGARET. 

Taken  down  by  Miss  Williams,  from  a  woman  who  "says  she  learned  it  years  ago,  but 
saw  it  in  print  about  five  years  ago."  Some  words  and  parts  of  lines  Miss  W.  failed  to  get 
or  could  make  no  sense  of. 

Sweet  William  he  rose  one  morning  in  June, 
And  dressed  himself  in  blue  ; 
**  Come  tell  me  of  that  long  love  lay 
Between  Lady  Margaret  and  you." 

"  I  know  nothing  of  that  long  love  lay 
Between  Lady  Margaret  and  me, 
But  to-morrow  morning  before  eight  o'clock 
Lady  Margaret  my  new  bride  shall  see." 

Sweet  William  he  rode  to  Lady  Margaret's  hall 

With  his  new  bride  all  so  gay, 
And  he  saw  Lady  Margaret  in  the  midst  of  her  hall 

A-combing  of  her  hair. 

She  laid  down  her  .  .  .  comb, 

And  she  wrapped  her  hair  in  silk  ; 
And  out  of  her  door  went  this  lady  gay, 

Never  to  return  again. 

When  day  was  past  and  night  came  on 

And  all  mankind  was  asleep, 
Lady  Margaret  went  to  sweet  William's  hall 

And  stood  at  his  bed's  feet. 

"  Oh,  how  do  you  like  your  bed  ?  "  said  she, 
"  And  how  do  you  like  your  sheet? 
And  how  do  you  like  that  lady  gay 
That  lies  by  your  side  asleep  !  " 

"  Very  well  I  like  my  bed,"  said  he, 
"  And  well  I  like  my  sheet. 
But  better  of  all  I  like  that  lady  gay 
That  stands  at  my  bed's  feet." 

When  night  was  passed  and  day  came  on 

And  all  mankind  was  awake, 
Sweet  William  said  he  was  troubled  in  his  head 
Of  the  dreams  he  dreamt  last  night. 
VOL.  XIX.  — NO.  75.         19 


282  Journal  of  A  merican  Folk-L  ore. 

'*  Such  dreams,  such  dreams  I  do  not  like, 
Such  dreams  they  are  not  good. 
I  dreamt  my  hall  was  full  of  white  swine, 
My  bed  was  swimming  in  blood." 

Oh,  then  he  called  his  merry  maids  all. 

By  one,  by  two,  by  three ; 
And  the  last  of  them  all  he  called  his  new  bride  ; 

*'  Lady  Margaret  may  I  go  and  see  ? " 

"  Oh,  if  Lady  Margaret  you  go  and  see, 

Pray  what  will  become  of  me  ?  " 
"  It 's  first  Lady  Margaret  I  'II  go  and  see. 

And  then  I  '11  return  to  thee." 

Sweet  William  he  rode  to  Lady  Margaret, 

Tingling  full  out  to  tell  (?) 
There  was  none  so  ready  as  her  seven  brothers 

To  rise  and  let  him  in. 

"  Oh,  is  Lady  Margaret  in  her  kitchen, 
Or  is  she  in  her  hall  ? 
Or  is  she  in  her  upper  chamber 
Among  her  merry  maids  all  ?  " 

"  Lady  Margaret  is  not  in  her  kitchen. 
Nor  is  she  in  her  hall, 
But  yonder  she  lies  in  her  cold  coffin 
Behind  yonder  wall." 

"  Fold  back,  fold  back  those  flowing  white  sheets, 

me  now  decline  ; 
For  to-day  they  hang  round  Lady  Margaret's  corpse 
And  to-morrow  they  shall  hang  around  mine." 

Lady  Margaret  was  buried  in  the  new  churchyard, 
Sweet  William  was  buried  by  her ; 

And  out  of  her  heart  there  sprang  a  red  rose. 
And  out  of  his  a  briar. 

They  grew  and  they  grew  by  the  old  church  wall 

Till  they  could  not  grow  any  higher ; 
^They  lapped  and  they  tied  in  a  true-lovers'  knot, 
The  red  rose  and  the  briar. 


Old-Cou7ttry  Ballads  in  Missouri.  283 

Child  75.  —  Lord  LoveL 

(a)  LORD  LOVEL  AND  LADY  NANCY. 

Collected  by  Miss  Williams,  from  a  woman  in  Clinton  County  who  learned  it  from  a 
hired  man  in  Kentucky. 

Lord  Lovel  stood  at  his  castle  gate 

A-combing  down  his  milk-white  steed : 
Lady  Nancy  Bell  came  riding  by 

To  wish  her  lover  good  speed,  speed,  speed. 
To  wish  her  lover  good  speed. 
(Repeat  so  in  each  stanza.) 

**  Where  are  you  going,  Lord  Lovel  ? "  she  said, 

"  Where  are  you  going  ? "  said  she. 
"  I  'm  going  to  travel  this  wide  world  round, 

Strange  countries  for  to  see." 

"  When  will  you  be  back,  Lord  Lovel  ?  "  she  said, 

"  When  will  you  be  back  ?  "  said  she. 
**  In  a  year  or  two,  or  three  at  the  most, 

I  '11  return  to  my  Lady  Nancy." 

He  had  been  gone  but  a  year  and  a  day, 

Strange  countries  for  to  see, 
When  languishing  thoughts  came  into  his  mind 

All  about  his  Lady  Nancy. 

He  rode  and  he  rode  on  his  milk-white  steed 

Till  he  came  to  London  town  ; 
But  when  he  came  to  his  native  city 

He  found  the  people  mourning  round. 

"  What  is  the  matter  ? "  Lord  Lovel  he  said, 

"  What  is  the  matter  ?  "  said  he. 
"  A  loved  lady  is  dead,"  the  people  all  said, 

"  Some  called  her  the  Lady  Nancy." 

He  ordered  her  grave  to  be  opened  wide, 

Her  shroud  to  be  turned  down, 
And  then  he  kissed  her  clay-cold  cheeks 

Till  the  tears  came  trickling  down. 

Lady  Nancy  she  died  as  it  were  to-day. 

Lord  Lovel  he  died  to-morrow ; 
Lady  Nancy  was  laid  in  St.  Peter's  churchyard, 

Lord  Lovel  was  laid  in  the  choir. 


284  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

And  there  they  laid  for  many  a  year, 
And  there  they  laid,  these  two  ; 

And  out  of  her  breast  there  grew  a  red  rose, 
And  out  of  his  a  briar. 


They  grew  and  they  grew  to  the  church  steeple  top. 

Till  they  could  grow  no  higher, 
And  there  they  twined  in  a  true-love  knot 

For  all  true  lovers  to  admire,  mire,  mire. 
For  all  true  lovers  to  admire. 


(b)  LADY  NANCY  BELL. 

From  James  Ashby's  MS.  ballad-book,  where  it  is  dated  January  26,  i8''2.   Spelling,  etc., 
standardized  as  in  10  (c). 

Lord  Lovel  he  stood  at  his  castle  gate 

A-combing  his  milk-white  steed, 
When  up  came  Lady  Nancy  Bell 

To  wish  her  lover  good  speed.     (Repeat  as  in  (a).) 

"  Oh,  where  are  you  going,  Lord  Lovel  ?  "  she  said, 

"  Oh,  where  are  you  going  ? "  said  she. 
"  I  'm  going,  my  Lady  Nancy  Bell, 

Strange  countries  for  to  see." 

*'  Oh,  when  will  you  be  back.  Lord  Lovel  ? "  said  she, 
"  Oh,  when  will  you  be  back? "  said  she. 

"  In  a  year  or  two,  or  three  at  the  most, 
I  'II  return  to  my  fair  Nancy." 

He  had  n't  been  gone  but  a  year  and  a  day, 

Strange  countries  for  to  see. 
Till  a  laughing  thought  came  into  his  head. 

Lady  Nancy  he  'd  go  see. 

He  rode  and  he  rode  on  his  milk-white  steed 

Till  he  came  to  London  town. 
And  there  he  heard  St.  Patrick's  bells 

And  the  people  all  mourning  around. 

"Oh,  what  is  the  matter?  "  Lord  Lovel  said  he, 

"  Oh,  what  is  the  matter  ?  "  said  he. 
"The  lady  is  dead,"  the  woman  replied, 

"  Some  called  her  Lady  Nancy." 

He  ordered  the  coffin  to  be  opened  wide 
And  the  shroud  to  be  turned  down. 


Old-Country  Ballads  in  Missouri.  285 

And  there  he  kissed  her  clay-cold  lips 
Till  the  tears  came  trickling  down. 

Lady  Nancy  she  died  as  it  might  be  to-day, 

Lord  Lovel  he  died  to-morrow  j 
Lady  Nancy  she  died  of  pure,  pure  grief, 

Lord  Lovel  he  died  from  sorrow. 

Lady  Nancy  was  buried  in  St.  Patrick's  church. 

Lord  Lovel  was  buried  in  the  choir ; 
And  out  of  her  bosom  there  grew  a  red  rose, 

And  out  of  her  lover's  a  briar. 

It  grew  and  it  grew  to  the  church  steeple  top. 

And  then  it  could  grow  no  higher ; 
And  there  it  entwined  in  a  true-lovers'  knot 

For  all  true  lovers  to  admire. 


Child  84.  —  Barbara  Allen. 

(a)    BARBARA   ALLEN. 
Taken  down  by  Mr.  Johnson  in  Tuscumbia  from  the  singing  of  the  fiddler  Waters. 

In  Scotland  I  was  born  and  raised, 

And  Scotland  is  my  dwelling; 
I  fell  in  love  with  a  pretty  little  maid, 

And  her  name  was  Barbara  Allen. 

I  sent  my  servant  to  my  father's  house. 
So  if  there  should  be  Barbara  Allen. 


So  slowly,  slowly  she  rose  up, 
So  slowly,  slowly  she  started  ; 

And  the  only  word  that  she  could  say  was 
"  Young  man,  I  believe  you  are  dying." 

"  Yes,  I  am  sick,  and  very  sick. 
And  death  is  on  me  dwelling  j 
And  no  better  will  I  ever  be 
If  I  don't  get  Barbara  Allen." 

"  Yes,  you  are  sick,  and  very  sick. 
And  death  is  on  you  dwelling  ; 
And  no  better  will  you  ever  be. 
For  you  won't  get  Barbara  Allen, 


286  Journal  of  America7t  Folk- Lore, 

*'  Do  you  remember  the  other  day 
Down  yonder  at  the  tavern, 
You  drunk  your  wine  with  the  ladies  round 
And  slighted  Barbara  Allen  ? "  ^ 

"  Yes,  I  remember  the  other  day, 
Down  yonder  at  the  tavern, 
I  drunk  my  wine  with  the  ladies  round ; 
But  I  love  my  Barbara  Allen." 

He  turned  his  pale  face  to  the  wall, 

He  bursted  out  to  crying ; 
He  bid  the  ladies  all  adieu, 

Farewell  to  Barbara  Allen. 

She  had  not  gone  but  a  few  miles  away 

Till  she  heard  his  death-bell  ringing ; 
It  rang  so  loud,  it  toned  so  plain  : 

"  Hard-hearted  Barbara  Allen." 

She  looked  to  the  east,  she  looked  to  the  west. 

She  saw  his  cold  corpse  coming ; 
Saying,  "  I  might  have  saved  the  life  of  one 

If  I  had  a  done  my  duty. 

"  O  mother,  O  mother,  oh  make  my  bed, 
Oh  make  it  long  and  narrow ; 
For  Sweet  William  died  for  the  love  of  me, 
And  I  will  die  for  sorrow." 

Sweet  William  died  on  Saturday, 

Barbara  died  on  Sunday  ; 
The  good  old  mother,  for  the  love  of  both, 

She  died  on  the  next  Monday. 

From  sweet  William's  grave  a  blood-red  rose, 

From  Barbara's  grave  a  briar  — 
They  grew  till  they  grew  fully  four  feet  high, 

They  could  not  grow  no  longer. 

They  linked,  they  tied  in  a  true-lover  knot, 
For  all  true  lovers  to  admire. 

1  When  Waters  sang  this  a  bystander  named  Crismon  gave  another  version  :  — 

"  O  Willie,  O  Willie,  don't  you  know, 

When  we  's  down  at  the  grocery  drinkin', 
You  drank  the  health  to  the  ladies  all 
And  slighted  Barbara  Allen  ?  " 


Old-Country  Ballads  in  Missouri.  287 

(b)  BARBERY   ALLEN. 
Sung  and  written  dovm  by  Stella  Cotton,  Miller  County,  and  sent  in  by  Mr.  Johnson. 

It  was  early  in  the  month  of  May, 

The  rosebuds  they  were  swelUng  ; 
Little  Jimmy  Grooves  on  his  deathbed  lay 

For  the  love  of  Barbery  Allen. 

He  sent  his  servant  into  the  town 

Where  she  'd  been  lately  dwelling, 
Saying,  "  Bring  to  me  those  beautiful  cheeks, 

If  her  name  be  Barbery  Allen." 

So  he  arose  and  he  left  the  room 

Where  she  'd  been  lately  dwelling, 
Saying,  "  You  've  been  called  upon  this  eve, 

If  your  name  be  Barbery  Allen." 

Then  she  arose  and  went  to  the  room 

Where  Jimmy  was  a-lying, 
And  these  were  the  words  she  seemed  to  say : 

"  Young  man,  I  think  you  're  dying." 

**  That 's  so,  that 's  so,  my  love,"  said  he, 
"  I  'm  in  a  low  condition  ; 
One  kiss  from  you  would  comfort  me 
If  your  name  be  Barbery  Allen." 

"  One  kiss  from  me  you  '11  never  receive 
Although  you  are  a-dying  :  " 
And  every  tongue  did  seem  to  say 
"  Hard-hearted  Barbery  Allen." 

*'  Oh,  don't  you  remember  a  long  time  ago, 
Way  down  in  yonder  tavern, 
Where  you  drank  your  health  to  the  ladies  all, 
But  you  slighted  Barbery  Allen  ? " 

"  Yes,  I  remember  a  long  time  ago, 
Way  down  in  yonder  tavern. 
Where  I  drank  my  health  to  the  ladies  all ; 
But  my  love  was  to  Barbery  Allen." 

She  had  not  gone  more  than  half  a  mile 

Till  she  saw  the  corpse  a-coming ; 
Saying,  "  Lay  those  corpse  before  my  eyes 

That  I  may  look  upon  them." 


288  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

The  more  she  looked  the  more  she  wept, 

Till  she  burst  out  a-crying  ; 
And  then  she  kissed  those  tear  cold  cheeks 

That  she  refused  when  dying. 

"O  mamma,  mamma,  go  make  my  bed, 
Go  make  it  long  and  narrow  ; 
Little  Jimmy  Grooves  has  died  of  love, 
And  I  will  die  of  sorrow. 

*'  O  mamma,  mamma,  go  make  my  bed. 
Go  make  it  long  and  narrow ; 
Little  Jimmy  Grooves  has  died  to-day, 
And  I  will  die  to-morrow." 

Little  Jimmy  was  buried  in  the  new  churchyard 
And  Barbery  close  beside  him. 

And  out  of  his  grave  grew  a  red  rose 
And  out  of  hers  a  briar. 

They  grew  and  grew  to  the  old  church  top 
Till  they  could  grow  no  higher, 

And  they  both  were  tied  in  a  true-lovers'  knot. 
The  red  rose  and  the  briar. 


(c)  BARBARA  ALLEN. 

A  fragment  contributed  by  Miss  Ethel  Lowry,  whose  aunt  used  to  sing  it.     The  aunt 
lived  in  Indiana. 

"  O  mother,  mother,  make  my  bed. 
For  I  shall  die  to-morrow. 
Young  James  he  died  for  love,  true  love, 
And  I  shall  die  for  sorrow." 

Young  James  was  buried  in  the  old  churchyard 

But  Barbara  in  the  mire. 
And  from  his  breast  there  sprang  a  rose, 

From  hers  there  sprang  a  briar. 

They  ran  up  to  the  old  church  steeple  top. 

And  they  could  not  run  any  higher, 
And  there  they  tied  in  a  true-lover's  knot, 

But  the  rose  outran  the  briar. 

(d)    No  title.  Collected  by  Miss  Williams.  "  Sung  by  an  old  lady  in  Clinton  County  who 
learned  it  when  a  girl.     It  was  then  a  common  neighborhood  song." 

It  fell  about  on  Martinmas  day. 

When  the  green  leaves  were  a-falling. 


Old'Cou7itry  Ballads  in  Missouri.  289 

Sir  James  Graham  of  a  west  country  town 
Fell  in  love  with  Barbara  Allen. 

Oh  she  was  a  fair  and  comely  maid, 

A  maid  nigh  to  his  dwelling, 
Which  made  him  to  admire  the  more 

The  beauty  of  Barbara  Allen. 

Oh  it  fell  out  upon  a  day 

When  at  wine  they  were  a-drinking, 
They  tossed  their  glasses  round  and  round 

And  slighted  Barbara  Allen. 

Oh  she  was  taken  so  ill  out 

That  she  'd  no  more  look  on  him ; 
Of  all  the  letters  he  could  send 

She  declared  she  'd  never  have  him. 

Oh  he  was  taken  very  sick. 

Was  ill  unto  the  dying ; 
He  tossed  about  upon  his  bed 

For  Barbara  Allen  crying. 

Then  slowly,  slowly,  rose  she  up 

And  slowly,  gaed  she  to  him, 
And  slowly  drew  the  curtain  by  : 

"  Young  man,  I  think  you  're  dying." 

"  Oh  yes,  I  'm  sick,  I  'm  very  sick, 
My  heart  is  at  the  breaking; 
One  kiss  or  two  from  thy  sweet  lips 
Would  save  me  from  the  dying." 

"  Oh  mind  you  not,  young  man,"  she  said, 
"  When  you  sat  in  the  tavern. 
You  made  the  healths  go  round  and  round 
And  slighted  Barbara  Allen  ?  " 

Then  slowly,  slowly  she  rose  up, 

And  slowly,  slowly  left  him. 
And  sighing  said  she  could  not  stay 

Since  death  of  life  had  reft  him. 

She  had  not  gone  a  mile  from  town 

When  she  heard  the  death-bell  ringing; 
And  every  knell  that  death-bell  gave 

Was  woe  to  Barbara  Allen. 


290  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

"  O  mother,  mother,  make  my  bed, 
And  make  it  soft  and  narrow ; 
Since  my  true  love  died  for  me  to-day, 
I  '11  die  for  him  to-morrow." 


(e)  BARBARA   ALLEN'S   CRUELTY. 
Collected  by  Miss  Williams,  who,  however,  failed  to  give  her  source  for  it. 

In         .         .         .       town  where  I  was  born 

There  was  a  fair  maid  dwelling 
Made  every  youth  cry,  Welaway : 

Her  name  was  Barbara  Allen. 

All  in  the  merry  month  of  May, 
When  the  green  buds  were  a-swelling, 

Young  Jemmy  Groves  on  his  deathbed  lay, 
For  love  of  Barbara  Allen. 

He  sent  this  man  unto  her  then 

To  the  town  where  she  was  dwelling : 
"  You  must  come  to  my  master  dear. 
If  your  name  be  Barbara  Allen. 

"  For  death  is  printed  on  his  face, 
And  o'er  his  heart  is  stealing; 
Then  haste  away  to  comfort  him, 
O  lovely  Barbara  Allen." 

"  Though  death  is  printed  on  his  face, 
And  o'er  his  heart  is  stealing. 
Yet  little  better  shall  he  be 
For  bonnie  Barbara  Allen," 

Then  slowly,  slowly  rose  she  up 

And  slowly  came  she  to  him. 
And  all  she  said  when  she  came  there 

Was,  "  Young  man,  I  think  you  're  dying. 

He  turned  his  face  unto  her  straight, 
With  deadly  sorrow  sighing ; 
"  O  lovely  maid,  come  pity  me, 
I  'm  on  my  deathbed  lying." 

"  If  on  your  deathbed  you  do  lie. 

What  needs  the  tale  you  're  telling  ? 
I  cannot  keep  you  from  your  death  ; 
Farewell,"  said  Barbara  Allen. 


Old-Country  Ballads  in  Missouri.  291 

He  turned  his  face  unto  the  wall 
As  deathly  pangs  he  fell  in. 
"  Adieu,  adieu  unto  you  all ; 
Adieu  to  Barbara  Allen  !  " 

As  she  was  walking  o'er  the  fields 

She  heard  the  bell  a-tolling, 
And  every  stroke  did  seem  to  say 

"  Unworthy  Barbara  Allen." 

She  turned  her  body  round  about 
And  spied  the  corpse  a-coming. 
"  Lay  down,  lay  down  the  corpse,"  she  said, 
"That  I  may  look  upon  him." 

With  scornful  eyes  she  looked  down, 

Her  cheeks  with  laughter  swelling, 
While  all  her  friends  cried  out  amain, 

"  Unworthy  Barbara  Allen  !  " 

When  he  was  dead  and  in  his  grave 
Her  heart  was  struck  with  sorrow. 
*'  O  mother,  mother,  make  my  bed, 
For  I  shall  die  to-morrow. 

"  Hard-hearted  creature  him  to  slight 
Who  loved  me  so  dearly ; 
Oh,  that  I  had  been  more  kind  to  him 
When  he  was  alive  and  near  me." 

She  as  she  on  her  deathbed  lay 

Begged  to  be  buried  by  him. 
And  sore  repented  of  the  day 

That  she  did  e'er  deny  him. 

"  Farewell,"  she  cried,  "ye  virgins  all, 
And  shun  the  fault  I  fell  in  ; 
Henceforth  take  warning  from  the  falls 
Of  cruel  Barbara  Allen. 


(f)   BARBARA  ALLEN. 
Sent  in  by  C.  H.  Williams  of  Bollinger  County.     From  his  mother's  singing. 

'T  was  in  the  merry  month  of  May, 

When  all  green  buds  were  swelling. 
Sweet  William  on  his  deathbed  lay 

For  the  love  of  Barbara  Allen. 


292  yournal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 

He  sent  his  servant  down  to  town, 
The  town  where  she  was  dwelling, 

Saying  "  Master  's  sick  and  sends  for  you, 
If  your  name  be  Barbara  Allen." 

Slowly,  slowly  she  rose  up 
And  slowly  she  walked  over ; 

And  as  she  drew  the  curtain  by, 

"Young man,  I  think  you're  a-dying. 

"  Yes,  I  am  sick,  and  very  sick, 
And  this  will  be  my  calling, 
For  none  the  better  I  '11  ever  be 
If  I  don't  get  Barbara  Allen." 

"  Yes,  you  are  sick,  and  very  sick, 
And  this  will  be  your  calling ; 
For  none  the  better  you  '11  ever  be, 
For  you  won't  get  Barbara  Allen." 

He  turned  his  pale  face  to  the  wall 
And  bursted  out  a-crying 


She  was  not  more  than  a  mile  from  town 
When  she  heard  the  death-bell  tolling ; 

And  every  time  it  seemed  to  say, 
"  Hard-hearted  Barbara  Allen." 

Sweet  William  died  on  Saturday  night 

And  Barbara  died  on  Monday  ; 
And  her  mother  for  the  love  of  them  both 

Died  on  Easter  Sunday. 

They  buried  sweet  William  in  one  churchyard 

And  Barbara  in  another, 
And  out  of  his  grave  there  grew  a  rose 

And  out  of  hers  a  briar. 

They  grew  and  they  grew  to  the  church  steeple  top, 

Where  they  could  grow  no  higher, 
And  there  they  tied  a  true-love  knot. 

And  the  rose  twined  round  the  briar. 


Old-Country  Ballads  in  Missouri.  293 

Child  155.  —  Sir  Hugh,  or  the  Jews  Daughter. 

(a)    THE   JEW'S   GARDEN. 

(a)    Collected  by  Miss  Williams  in  Clinton  County. 

It  rained  all  night  and  it  rained  all  day, 

It  rained  all  over  the  land  ; 
The  boys  in  our  town  went  out  to  play, 
To  toss  their  ball  around,  round,  round, 
To  toss  their  ball  around. 

(Repeat  thus  the  last  line  of  each  stanza.) 

Sometimes  they  tossed  their  ball  too  high, 

And  then  again  too  low ; 
They  tossed  it  into  a  Jew's  garden. 

Where  no  one  would  dare  to  go. 

Out  came  the  Jew's  daughter,  out  came  the  Jew's  daughter, 

Out  came  the  Jew's  daughter  all  dressed, 
And  said  to  the  boy,  "  Little  boy,  come  in  ; 

And  get  your  ball  again." 

*'  I  won't  come  in,  I  shan't  come  in  ; 
I  've  often  heard  it  said. 
Whoever  goes  into  a  Jew's  garden 
Will  never  come  out  again." 

The  first  she  offered  was  a  yellow  apple, 

The  next  was  a  bright  gold  ring. 
The  third  was  something  so  cherry  red 

Which  enticed  the  little  boy  in. 

She  took  him  by  the  lily-white  hand 

And  led  him  through  a  hall 
Into  a  cellar  so  dark  and  dim. 

Where  no  one  could  hear  him  call. 

She  pinned  a  napkin  round  his  neck, 

She  pinned  it  with  a  pin. 
And  then  she  called  for  a  tin  basin 

To  catch  his  life-blood  in. 

'*  Go  place  my  prayer-book  at  my  head. 
My  bible  at  my  feet. 
And  if  any  of  my  playmates  ask  for  me, 
Just  tell  them  that  I  am  asleep. 


2 94  journal  of  A  merican  Folk-L ore. 

"  Go  place  my  bible  at  my  feet, 
My  prayer-book  at  my  head, 
And  if  any  of  my  playmates  ask  for  me 
Just  tell  them  that  I  am  dead." 

(b)   THE   JEW'S   GARDEN. 

Another  form  found  by  Miss  Williams  in  Clinton  County.     The  "  contributor  learned  it 
years  ago  in  Kentucky.   Does  not  know  of  it  in  print." 

It  rained  all  night  and  it  rained  all  day, 
It  rained  all  over  the  land ; 

Some  boys  and  girls  went  out  to  play 

And  tossed  their  ball  around,  round,  round, 
And  tossed  their  ball  around.  (Repeat  as  in  (a).) 

They  tossed  it  high,  they  tossed  it  low, 

They  tossed  it  to  and  fro ; 
They  tossed  it  into  a  Jew's  garden. 

Where  no  one  would  dare  to  go. 

But  one  more  braver  than  the  rest 

Said,  "I  will  climb  the  wall; 
I  '11  go  into  the  Jew's  garden 

And  bring  you  back  the  ball." 

He  climbed  it  up,  he  climbed  it  down. 

He  climbed  it  and  got  in  ; 
But  alas,  alas  for  the  brave  little  boy, 

He  never  came  back  again  ! 

They  pinned  a  napkin  round  his  neck, 

They  pinned  it  with  a  pin, 
They  called  for  a  tin  b-a-a-sin 

To  catch  his  life-blood  in. 

They  dug  his  grave  by  a  juniper  tree, 

They  dug  it  wide  and  deep : 
A  marble  slab  at  his  head. 

And  his  ball  at  his  feet. 

Child  200.  —  The  Gypsy  Laddie. 

BLACK   JACK  DALEY. 

Contributed  by  Finis  Dean  of  Cedar  County,  whose  mother  used  to  sing  it.     Some  of 
the  stanzas  having  slipped  his  memory,  he  has  supplied  connections  in  parentheses. 

Black  Jack  Daley  a-crossing  the  sea, 

He  sang  and  he  sang  most  beautifully; 
He  sang  and  he  made  the  green  woods  ring, 

And  he  charmed  the  heart  of  a  lady, 

And  he  charmed  the  heart  of  a  lady. 


Old-Country  Ballads  in  Missouri.  295 

"  Oh,  will  you  leave  your  house  and  lands, 
Oh,  will  you  leave  your  baby. 
Oh,  will  you  leave  your  own  true  lover 
And  go  with  Black  Jack  Daley  ?  " 

"  Oh  yes,  I  '11  leave  my  house  and  lands, 
Oh  yes,  I  '11  leave  my  baby. 
Oh  yes,  I  '11  leave  my  own  true  lover 
And  go  with  Black  Jack  Daley. 

(Own  true  lover  finds  it  out.) 

"Go  saddle  up  my  coal  black  pony 
And  saddle  her  up  in  a  hurry, 
I  '11  ride  all  night  and  I  '11  ride  all  day 
And  I  '11  overtake  my  lady." 

(He  overtakes  her.) 

"  You' take  off  those  high-heeled  shoes 
Made  of  Spanish  leather. 
You  put  on  these  low-heeled  shoes 
And  we  '11  walk  the  road  together. 

"  Last  night  you  lay  on  a  warm  feather  bed 
By  the  side  of  me  and  the  baby  ; 
To-night  you  '11  lie  on  the  cold  damp  ground 
By  the  side  of  Black  Jack  Daley, 
By  the  side  of  Black  Jack  Daley." 


Child  243.  —  yames  Harris  {The  Demojt  Lover). 

(a)  THE   HOUSE  CARPENTER. 

Collected  by  Miss  Williams.     She  has  failed  to  record  the  source  of  this  item. 

"  Well  met,  well  met,  my  own  true  love, 
Well  met,  my  own  true  love; 
I  have  come  across  the  salt  sea  brine, 
And  it 's  all  for  the  love  of  thee, 
It 's  all  for  the  love  of  thee. 
(Repeat  so  at  the  end  of  each  stanza.) 

"  If  you  will  leave  your  house  carpenter 
And  go  along  w'ith  me, 
I  '11  take  you  where  the  grass  grows  green 
On  the  banks  of  the  sweet  Willee. 

"  I  have  six  ships  all  sailing  on  the  sea. 
All  sailing  for  dry  land, 
And  if  you  come  and  go  with  me 

You  may  have  them  at  your  command." 


296  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

She  dressed  her  babe  all  neat  and  clean 
And  kissed  it  one,  two  three  : 
*'  Lie  there,  lie  there,  my  sweet  pretty  babe, 
Be  your  father's  company." 

She  dressed  herself  all  neat  and  clean. 

All  dressed  in  living  green, 
And  all  the  cities  that  they  went  through 

They  took  her  to  be  the  queen. 

They  had  not  been  on  board  more  than  two  weeks,  - 

I  'm  sure  it  was  not  three,  — 
Till  this  fair  one  began  to  weep. 

And  she  wept  most  bitterly. 

"  Are  you  weeping  for  my  house  and  land, 
Or  weeping  for  my  store  ? 
Or  weeping  for  that  house  carpenter 
That  you  never  shall  see  any  more  ?  " 

"  I  am  neither  weeping  for  your  house  nor  land, 
Nor  weeping  for  your  store. 
But  I  am  weeping  for  that  house  carpenter 
That  I  never  shall  see  any  more. 

"  I  am  neither  weeping  for  your  house  nor  land. 
Nor  weeping  for  your  store, 
But  I  am  weeping  for  that  dear  little  babe 
That  I  shall  never  see  any  more." 

She  had  not  been  on  board  more  than  three  weeks, 

I  'm  sure  it  was  not  four,  — 
Until  the  deck  of  the  ship  sprung  a  leak 

And  her  weeping  was  heard  no  more. 


(b)  THE   HOUSE   CARPENTER. 
Sent  in  by  Mr.  Johnson  of  Tuscumbia,  who  got  it  from Stepp. 

"  Well  met,  well  met,  my  own  true  love, 

Well  met,  well  met,"  said  he ; 
"  I  've  just  returned  from  the  salt  briny  sea. 

And  that 's  for  the  love  of  thee." 

"  If  you  have  returned  from  the  salt  briny  sea, 
I  'm  sure  you  are  to  blame, 
For  I  have  married  a  house  carpenter. 
And  I  'm  sure  he 's  a  nice  young  man." 


Old-Country  Ballads  in  Missouri.  297 

"  Would  you  leave  your  house  carpenter 
And  go  along  with  me  ? 
I'  11  take  you  down  yonder  where  the  grass  grows  green 
On  the  banks  of  the  sweet  Wilee." 

"  If  I  was  to  leave  my  house  carpenter 
And  go  along  with  thee, 
What  have  you  got  to  maintain  me  upon, 
Or  to  keep  me  from  slavery  ?  " 

"  I  've  seven  fine  ships  all  on  the  sea, 
And  seven  on  dry  land, 
And  a  hundred  and  ten  of  the  finest  young  men, 
And  they  are  for  to  wait  on  thee." 

She  dressed  her  babe  so  neat  and  clean 
And  kisses  gave  it  three  : 
"  Lie  there,  lie  there,  you  sweet  little  babe, 
And  keep  your  father's  company." 

She  dressed  herself  in  scarlet  red, 

Her  waist  with  maiden  green. 
And  every  city  that  she  rode  through 

They  took  her  to  be  some  queen. 

The  lady  had  n't  been  on  board  more  than  two  weeks,  — 

I  'm  sure  it  was  not  three, — 
Till  she  set  down  all  for  to  weep  : 

She  wept  most  bitterly. 

"  What  are  you  weeping  about,  my  love  ? 
Are  you  weeping  about  your  fee  ? 
Are  you  weeping  about  your  house  carpenter, 
That  you  left  when  we  came  upon  the  sea  ? " 

"  I  'm  not  weeping  about  my  house  carpenter, 
Neither  about  your  fee, 
But  I  'm  weeping  about  my  sweet  little  babe 
That  we  left  when  we  came  upon  the  sea." 

This  lady  had  n't  been  on  board  more  than  three  weeks,  — 

I  'm  sure  it  was  not  four,  — 
Till  in  the  bottom  of  the  boat  sprung  a  leak, 

And  her  weeping  was  heard  no  more. 

"  A  curse,  a  curse  to  all  sea-boatsmen, 

A  curse,  a  curse  !  "  said  she  ; 
"  You  have  taken  me  away  from  my  sweet  babe, 

And  stole  my  life  away." 
VOL.  XIX.  —  NO.  75.  20 


298  yournal  of  Americaji  Folk-Lore. 

Child  277.  —  The  Wife  wrapt  m  Wether  s  Skin. 

DANDOO. 

Sent  in  by  Mr.  Johnson,  who  secured  it  from Cotton,  Miller  County. 

There  's  a  little  old  man  lives  in  the  west, 

Dandoo,  dandoo. 
There  's  a  little  old  man  lives  in  the  west, 

Toivn  a  town  dingo. 
There  's  a  little  old  man  lives  in  the  west, 
He  's  got  an  old  woman  that 's  not  for  the  best. 

Town  boy  di  wigel  di  digel  di  di  do 
Town  clash  town  dingo. 

This  little  old  man  came  with  his  plow : 
"  See,  old  woman,  have  you  got  dinner  ready  now?  " 

"  See  there  's  a  piece  of  cold  corn-bread  hanging  on  the  shelf; 
If  you  want  any  better  go  bake  it  yourself." 

This  little  old  man  went  out  into  his  sheepfold, 
Downed  an  old  sheep  with  a  big  long  pole. 

He  hung  his  old  sheep  on  two  little  pins 
And  out  of  his  skin  he  soon  jerked  him. 

He  hung  his  sheepskin  on  his  old  wife's  back, 
And  two  little  hickories  went  whick-it-a-whack. 

Says  she,  "  I  '11  tell  my  father  and  all  his  kin 
You  's  whippin'  your  wife  with  an  old  sheepskin." 

Says  he,  "  Tell  your  father  and  all  of  his  kin 
I 's  only  a-dressin'  the  old  sheepskin." 


Child  278.  —  TJie  Fanner  s  Curst  Wife. 

A  WOMAN  AND  THE  DEVIL. 

Contributed  by  C.  H.  Williams  of  Bollinger  County,  in  whose  home  it  was  sung  ;  but  he 
cannot  recall  the  opening  stanza. 


"  It 's  neither  you  nor  your  oldest  son," 

Sing  foil  de  roll  de  a. 
"It's  neither  you  nor  your  oldest  son," 
But  your  scolding  old  wife,  she  is  the  one," 

Singfol  de  rol,  singfol  de  rol,  singfol  de  roll  de  a. 


Old-Country  Ballads  in  Missouri.  299 

"  Oh  take  her  in  welcome  with  all  your  heart; 
I  hope  you  '11  live  happy  and  never  part." 

He  set  her  down  all  for  to  rest ; 

She  up  with  a  stick  and  she  hit  him  her  best. 

He  went  on  till  he  came  to  the  gate, 

He  gave  her  a  kick  and  said,  "  There  's  your  place." 

Ten  little  devils  come  all  on  a  wire. 

She  up  with  her  foot  and  kicked  nine  in  the  fire. 

Four  little  devils  come  rolling  a  ball : 
"  Father,  take  us  back  or  she  'II  kill  us  all !  " 

The  old  man  in  the  kitchen,  peeping  out  the  cracks : 
"  Yonder  comes  the  old  devil  a-wagging  her  back ! " 

And  now  you  see  what  a  woman  can  do, 

She  can  out  the  old  devil  and  her  husband  too ! 

H.  M.  Belden. 


300  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

ICELANDIC  BEAST  AND  BIRD  LORE. 

Although  Iceland  has  always  been  a  country  where  the  average  of 
popular  education  has  been  high,  various  "superstitions"  still  prevail 
there  to  an  astonishing  degree.  Illiteracy,  except  among  defectives,  is 
unknown,  and  has  been  for  a  long  time.  The  late  Professor  F"iske 
of  Cornell  University,  in  an  article  published  shortly  before  his  death, 
concludes  that  there  is  twenty-seven  times  as  much  "  literature " 
published  in  Iceland  as  in  the  United  States  per  capitum. 

In  the  long  winter  evenings  in  Iceland  it  is  rare  that  several  hours 
each  night  are  not  devoted  to  reading  aloud  for  the  family  circle;  the 
book  selected  may  be  a  history,  romance,  or  poem,  but  frequently 
also  it  is  a  compilation  of  popular  tales.  The  records  of  various 
public  libraries  in  the  country  show  that  no  books  are  more  fre- 
quently drawn  than  the  Thjothsogur — a  series  of  books  containing 
tales  that  have  been  taken  from  popular  traditions  in  various  parts  of 
the  country,  and  transcribed,  often  in  the  very  words  of  the  original 
narrator,  by  collectors  of  folk-lore. 

The  people  are  highly  imaginative.  The  writer  has  frequently 
been  a  member  of  midnight  gatherings  of  young  people  —  many  of 
them  students  who  had  spent  several  years  in  continental  universities 
—  who  have  sat  together  telling  ghost  stories  until  the  summer 
dawn  became  obtrusive  at  two  o'clock  in  the  morning  and  who  have 
then  been  so  deeply  under  the  influence  of  the  stories  they  have  told 
each  other  that  they  were  reluctant  to  trust  themselves  in  the  streets 
until  the  daylight  got  complete  mastery.  It  is  even  more  frequent 
in  Iceland  than  in  most  other  countries  that  people  will  declare  at 
noon  that  they  believe  in  no  supernatural  beings  and  then  shiver  at 
midnight  under  the  stories  that  are  told  around  the  fire. 

There  are  in  Icelandic  folk-lore  several  varieties  of  imaginary 
beings  that  are  peculiar  to  the  country,  or  have  at  least  some  elements 
peculiar  to  it.  The  ghost  there,  for  instance,  is  only  a  distant  rela- 
tive of  the  English  representative  of  the  class — it  is  a  good  deal 
more  substantial  and  in  many  ways  more  disagreeable  ;  it  is  not  an 
airy  phantom  or  an  ethereal  nothing,  but  is  ordinarily  thought  of  as  the 
reanimated  body  of  the  dead  man  which  gets  out  of  the  grave  with 
the  mould  in  its  eyes  and  the  appearance,  if  not  the  odor,  of  decay. 
He  walks  with  as  heavy  a  tread  as  when  alive  and  can  often  be  heard 
riding  the  house-roofs  at  night.  At  such  a  time  no  one  ventures  out, 
and  not  infrequently  a  man  who  has  been  coming  home  late  at  night 
is  found  in  the  morning  lying  in  front  of  the  threshold  with  every 
bone  in  his  body  broken,  for  the  ghost  or  "draugur"  has  been  there 
to  receive  him.^ 

^  This   is  the  kind  of  ghost  —  the  reanimated,   half-decayed  actual  body  of  a 


Icelandic  Beast  and  Bird  Lore.  301 

It  is  not  the  purpose  of  this  paper,  however,  to  deal  with  Icelandic 
folk-lore  in  general,  but  merely  to  indicate  briefly  the  character  of 
beliefs  connected  with  animals,  either  real  or  imagined. 

On  account  of  its  climatic  conditions  and  geographic  situation  the 
country  has  few  land  animals  other  than  domestic.  As  a  matter  of 
fact,  it  is  said  by  scientists  that  the  only  mammal  truly  native  is  one 
of  the  two  varieties  of  mice  found  there  —  rats  have  come  in  since 
the  settlement  and  so  have  the  foxes,  in  all  probability,  though  some 
think  the  popular  story  of  their  intentional  importation  unreliable, 
and  that  they  may  have  come  down  from  Greenland  on  the  polar  ice 
that  sometimes  fills  the  firths  of  the  northwest  coast.  Reindeer 
were  imported  in  the  eighteenth  century  and  intended  for  domesti- 
cation, but  were  found  unsuited  to  the  country  and  unprofitable  and 
therefore  turned  loose.  A  few  of  them  still  survive  in  the  mountains 
of  the  interior. 

Much  of  the  animal  lore  of  the  country  is  therefore  connected 
with  sea  animals,  both  real  and  mythical,  and  this  is  perhaps  the 
more  interesting  division  of  the  subject;  but  there  has  been  published 
recently  in  English  so  full  and  authoritative  a  summary  of  Icelandic 
fish  lore  ^  that  little  remains  to  be  desired  in  that  direction.  It  will 
therefore  be  more  profitable  to  confine  the  discussion  to  such  stories 
of  mammals  and  birds  as  are  typical  and  generally  well  known. 

A  curious  animal  is  the  nykur  or  fresh-water  horse.  When  you 
see  him  he  looks  like  an  ordinary  gray  horse,  excepting  that  his 
hoofs  turn  the  wrong  way,  and  that  there  is  always  a  wind  swelling 
behind  his  left  fore  leg.  If  this  is  punctured — for  the  animal  is 
tame  and  approachable  —  he  loses  his  former  nature  completely  and 
becomes  safe  for  use  as  a  saddle  beast. 

In  the  east  of  Iceland  there  is  a  broad  heath  known  as  Butter-lake 
Heath,  and  from  the  following  circumstance  :  A  servant  girl  had 
been  sent  from  a  farm  to  go  across  the  heath  to  the  little  trading 
village  of  Vopnafjorthur  to  sell  some  butter.  Crossing  the  heath  she 
became  footsore  and  tired  and  was  glad  to  find  near  the  road  a  tame 
gray  horse  which  she  mounted.  Everything  went  well  for  some 
time,  but  near  the  road  there  happened  to  be  a  little  lake  —  the 
present  Butter  Lake.  When  the  horse  saw  the  water  he  bolted 
straight  into  it,  and  carried  the  girl  to  her  death.  In  this  way  the 
heath  and  the  lake  got  their  names. 

Although  the  nykiir  is  not  dangerous  if  not  tampered  with,  it  is 
unsafe  to  have  them  around,  for  children  and  careless  persons  are  apt 

dead  man  —  that  Ibsen  has  in  mind  in  the  play  the  title  of  which  has  been  trans- 
lated into  English  as  "ghosts."     The  Icelandic  "draugur"   or  Norwegian  "gen- 
gangere  "  are  words  for  which  there  are  no  equivalents  in  English, 
^  Scottish  Magazine,  1900. 


302  yotirnal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

to  mount  them,  not  realizing  their  danger.  It  is  therefore  advisable, 
when  their  presence  in  a  lake  or  river  is  discovered,  to  scare  them 
away.  An  account  of  how  this  may  be  done  comes  from  Svarfathar- 
dale  near  Akureyri  on  the  north  coast.  The  nyknr  had  been  known, 
for  a  long  time,  to  inhabit  certain  deep  pools  in  the  river  that  runs 
down  the  valley.  One  day  the  people  of  the  neighborhood  built  a 
great  many  fires  and  threw  burning  coals  into  the  river  all  day.  This 
drove  the  nykur  away  effectually,  as  may  be  seen  from  the  fact  that 
there  are  none  in  the  river  now. 

The  most  powerful  animal  with  which  the  Icelander  is  directly 
acquainted  is  the  polar  bear.  The  great  ice-floes  that  sometimes 
drift  down  upon  the  country  bring  numbers  of  these  animals  within 
swimming  distance  of  the  shore.  Various  beliefs  have  grown  up 
about  the  bear  and  his  habits  and  the  peculiar  virtues  of  things 
connected  with  him. 

The  bear  is  said  to  have  exceedingly  warm  blood  and  never  to  feel 
the  effects  of  cold.  This  quality  is  known  as  "bear-warm"  and  is 
possessed  by  some  men,  but  only  by  those  who  have,  immediately 
upon  birth,  been  wrapped  in  a  bearskin  rug.  This  belief  is  a  very 
ancient  one  in  the  north,  and  is  found  in  the  old  sagas. 

The  bear  is  not  really  an  animal,  but  a  man  under  the  spell  of 
sorcery.  This  may  be  known  from  the  fact  that  the  young  of  the 
bear,  when  born,  are  not  cubs  but  human  children.  The  mother, 
however,  immediately  touches  them  with  her  paw,  whereupon  they 
turn  into  cubs  and  remain  bears  ever  after.  In  one  case,  how- 
ever, a  man  secured  a  bear  child  before  the  mother  could  touch  it, 
and  carried  it  home.  The  child  grew  into  a  beautiful  woman,  with 
no  peculiarities  but  a  fondness  for  the  sea.  This  taste  led  her  often 
to  the  seashore,  and  at  one  time  she  was  approached  by  an  old  bear. 
The  girl  showed  no  signs  of  timidity  and  allowed  the  bear  to  come 
near  her  and  touch  her,  whereupon  she  was  turned  into  a  bear  and 
followed  the  other  one  to  an  ice-floe  and  disappeared.  The  old  bear 
had  evidently  been  her  mother. 

Polar  bears  are  very  compassionate  and  intelligent  animals,  as  may 
be  seen  from  the  following  story.  Just  to  the  north  of  Iceland  lies 
the  little  isle  of  Grimsey,  separated  from  the  larger  island  by  a 
narrow  sound.  It  happened  there  at  one  time  that  all  fire  on  the 
island  had  been  allowed  to  go  out,  and  this  was  at  a  time  when  no 
one  there  knew  how  to  kindle  fire.  It  was  during  midwinter,  and 
the  sound  was  supposed  to  be  completely  frozen  over.  Three  of  the 
ablest  men  of  the  island  were  chosen  to  go  and  seek  for  fire,  and 
these  attempted  to  walk  across  on  the  ice.  When  half  way  across 
they  came  to  a  crack  in  the  ice,  and,  so  far  as  they  could  see,  this 
crack  extended  indefinitely  to  either  side.     Two  of  the  men  jumped 


Icelandic  Beast  and  Bird  Lore.  303 

across  the  crack,  but  the  third  did  not  dare  try  the  experiment  and 
was  advised  by  his  companions  to  return  home.  This  he  was  loath  to 
do,  however,  and  when  they  were  gone  he  commenced  walking  along 
the  crack  in  the  ice,  to  see  if  he  could  not  find  a  narrower  place 
where  he  might  jump  over.  When  he  had  walked  a  considerable 
distance  and  was  almost  out  of  sight  of  the  island,  there  suddenly 
came  up  a  warm  southerly  wind,  as  there  often  does  when  the  air 
currents  drift  across  the  Gulf  Stream,  and  the  ice-field  was  speedily 
broken  into  small  bergs,  upon  one  of  which  the  man  found  himself 
adrift. 

Towards  evening  the  berg  drifted  up  to  a  larger  float  of  ice  and  the 
man  climbed  on  this  and  commenced  walking  about.  All  at  once 
he  came  upon  a  bear  and  her  young  lying  there  in  the  snow.  The 
bear  looked  at  the  man  and  saw  that  he  was  tired  and  cold ;  she  stood 
up,  walked  toward  him  in  a  friendly  way,  and  endeavored  to  make 
plain  to  him  that  she  wanted  him  to  lie  down  with  her  cubs.  This 
the  man  did  with  a  good  deal  of  trepidation  ;  the  bear  then  lay  down 
beside  him  and  curled  up  around  him  so  as  to  keep  him  quite  warm 
all  night. 

In  the  morning  the  bear  stood  up  and  motioned  the  man,  as  well, 
as  she  could,  to  mount  on  her  back.  This  he  did,  but  the  bear  shook, 
herself  so  violently  that  the  man  was  unable  to  hold  himself  on. 
After  a  number  of  rests  and  trials,  alternating,  the  man,  however, 
finally  became  able  to  stay  on,  and  then  the  bear  took  to  the  sea  and 
carried  him  safely  to  the  island.  When  they  got  there  the  man  had 
two  of  his  finest  sheep  butchered,  tied  together  by  the  horns,  and 
placed  upon  the  bear's  back.  This  gift  was  but  a  faint  expression  of 
the  gratitude  which  the  rescued  man  felt  towards  his  protector^  but  it 
appeared  to  please  the  bear  very  much,  and  she  and  her  cubs  un- 
doubtedly had  a  very  pleasant  supper  together  that  evening  upon  the 
ice-floe,  when  the  mother  brought  home  the  gift  to  her  young  ones. 

A  variant  of  this  story  tells  that  the  man  lived  with  the  bear  five 
weeks,  his  food  being  seal  flesh  and  bear's  milk.  At  the  end  of  this 
period  the  ice  was  for  the  first  time  near  enough  to  shore  for  the  bear 
to  swim  across. 

A  story  less  creditable  to  the  bear,  but  reflecting  a  high  degree  of 
intelligence,  is  told  in  connection  with  a  knoll  known  as  Dyrholl 
(Wild-beast  Hill).  This  hill  is  close  by  a  road  leading  over  the  moun- 
tains. A  man,  in  crossing  these  mountains  once,  noticed  upon  the 
knoll  a  great  bear  lying.  He  was  armed  with  a  long  staff  with  a  sort 
of  spear  point,  and  when  the  brute  saw  this  weapon  it  allowed  the 
traveller  to  pass  unchallenged.  A  mile  or  two  farther  on,  the  man 
met  another  travelling  in  the  opposite  direction,  and  unarmed.  He 
warned  the  stranger  against  the  bear,  and  lent  him  his  staff  as  a 


304  y ournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

defence.  When  this  man  came  to  where  the  bear  was,  it  recognized 
the  staff,  turned  about  and  followed  the  first  man,  overtook  him 
finally,  killed  and  devoured  him. 

A  bear  is  fair  game  to  any  one  who  meets  it,  but  it  is  a  dastardly 
thing,  and  one  sure  to  bring  ill  fortune,  to  wound  it  in  any  way  after 
it  has  received  a  wound  which  will  prove  fatal.  Men  have  been 
known  to  do  this  and  have  never  prospered  after.  Sometimes  the 
dying  bear  will  utter  piercing  cries.  These  should  be  noted,  for  as 
many  as  there  are  cries  so  many  of  the  bear's  relatives  will  appear 
the  next  year  to  seek  revenge  upon  the  slayers. 

New  Year's  night  (though  some  say  that  this  happens  on  Twelfth 
Night)  has  a  wonderful  influence  upon  cattle,  and  on  all  animals  for 
that  matter,  for  upon  this  night  they  are  permitted  to  talk  for  an 
hour  following  midnight.  Some  people  do  not  believe  in  this,  but 
men  have  repeatedly  hidden  themselves  in  barns  on  New  Year's  eve 
and  heard  cows  talk  about  the  strangest  things,  sometimes  even  in 
rhymed  couplets. 

Ordinary /(^-tTJ-  are  not  known  to  have  any  very  wonderful  qualities, 
but  certain  mythical  varieties  of  them  are  very  dangerous  to  sheep 
and  even  to  men.  These  are  extremely  difficult  to  deal  with  and  can 
be  killed  only  with  bullets  or  shot  made  of  pure  silver  —  preferably 
sanctified  in  some  manner,  for  the  nature  of  these  monsters  is  essen- 
tially that  of  evil  spirits. 

When  a  rooster  is  allowed  to  get  very  old  he  often  lays  an  tg%y  but 
one  which  may  always  be  told  from  hens'  eggs  by  being  smaller. 
This  Qg%  should  be  destroyed.  If  it  is  allowed  to  hatch,  there  is  born 
from  it  a  monster  known  as  Skoffin,  a  thing  with  such  baleful  eyes 
that  whatever  it  looks  at  immediately  drops  down  dead.  A  story  is 
told  of  a  Skoffin  which  took  its  position  near  the  doors  of  a  church 
during  service.  When  people  began  to  leave  the  church  they  dropped 
dead  one  after  the  other.  Those  behind  kept  crowding  out  and  no 
one  noticed  the  state  of  affairs  until  there  was  quite  a  pile  of  dead 
bodies  in  front  of  the  church  door.  Then  the  deacon,  who  was  a 
shrewd  man,  noticed  what  was  happening,  and  called  to  the  people  to 
remain  in  the  church.  He  then  took  a  small  mirror,  bound  this  on 
the  end  of  a  long  stick  and  thrust  it  out  through  the  door.  After 
holding  it  here  a  moment  he  told  the  people  that  they  might  now 
safely  go  out,  and  they  did  so.  When  they  came  out  they  found  the 
Skoffin  dead.  The  wily  deacon  had  induced  it  to  look  at  its  own 
reflection  in  the  mirror  and  thus  to  kill  itself. 

Fewer  stories  are  known  of  the  birds  than  of  quadrupeds.  Many 
men  have  been  anxious  to  learn  the  language  of  birds,  for  they  are 
wise  and  can  tell  many  things,  both  of  the  past  and  future.  There 
is  but  one  way  to  learn  the  bird  language  and  that  is  a  dangerous  one, 


Icelandic  Beast  and  Bird  Lore.  305 

for  it  is  by  keeping  the  tongue  of  a  kite  in  the  mouth,  and  this  bird 
is  of  a  poisonous  nature.  The  tongue  is  to  be  cut  out  and  kept  in 
honey  two  days  and  three  nights.  It  is  then  to  be  kept  under  the 
tongue,  but  nowhere  else  in  the  mouth,  for  it  will  cause  sudden 
death  if  allowed  to  slip  from  under  the  tongue. 

The  eagle  has,  for  some  reason  or  other,  acquired  the  nickname  of 
"assa,"  and  it  is  under  this  name  that  most  of  the  stories  about  her 
are  told.  For  the  reason  that  this  bird  often  sits  for  a  long  time 
together  in  one  place,  it  is  said  of  a  man  who  tarries  too  long  when 
making  calls,  that  he  "  sits  as  long  as  an  assa." 

The  eagle  is  often  seen  sitting  on  the  bank  of  a  stream  and  will 
remain  there  sometimes  for  hours  together.  It  is  known  that  at 
these  times  she  is  watching  for  a  salmon  to  swim  so  close  to  the  bank 
that  she  can  seize  him  with  the  talons  of  one  foot  while  retaining  hold 
of  the  bank  with  the  other.  She  estimates  the  strength  of  the  ap- 
proaching salmon  carefully,  and  if  she  considers  that  he  is  probably 
too  strong  for  her  to  lift  from  the  river  she  will  allow  him  to  pass. 
Occasionally  she  misjudges  a  fish,  however,  and  is  unable  to  pull  him 
out  of  the  river,  but  her  claws  are  so  shaped  that  she  can  let  go  of 
neither  the  salmon  nor  the  bank  (the  latter  of  which  would  be  fatal, 
anyway)  while  the  strain  lasts,  and  thus  assa  often  gets  into  a  piti- 
able plight.  Nothing  can  augur  better  for  a  man's  future  prosperity 
and  good  fortune  than  to  rescue  assa  from  her  predicament,  while  one 
who  sees  the  struggle  and  does  not  help  the  bird  will  be  unfortunate 
in  whatever  he  undertakes. 

The  eagle  is  dependent  upon  human  good  will  in  many  ways,  and 
especially  in  this,  that  her  hooked  beak  often  grows  so  long  and 
becomes  so  curved  that  she  is  unable  to  eat  or  even  to  open  her 
mouth.  A  man  who  finds  an  eagle  whose  beak  is  curved  below  her 
lower  jaw,  so  she  cannot  open  her  mouth,  should  take  assa  and 
whittle  off  the  beak  down  to  normal  size.  To  do  this  is  as  sure  a 
precursor  of  good  fortune  as  to  rescue  her  from  a  too  powerful 
salmon. 

Ordinarily  nothing  but  eagles  are  hatched  from  eagles'  eggs,  but 
if  a  little  gold  is  placed  in  the  nest  there  comes  from  one  of  the 
eggs  a  stone  of  wonderful  virtue,  and  from  the  other  a  fearful  dragon. 
The  stone  has  the  power  to  deliver  any  woman  easily  of  child,  or,  as 
some  say,  to  make  the  possessor  of  it  invisible.  Many  people  have 
been  skeptical  of  these  stories  about  assa,  and  once  a  man  named 
John  determined  to  place  a  bit  of  gold  in  the  nest  to  test  the  stories. 
Many  warned  him  against  this,  but  without  effect,  and  the  gold  piece 
was  placed  with  the  two  eggs.  The  people  of  the  neighborhood  were 
fearful  of  the  consequences,  but  John  boastfully  declared  that  he 
would  take  care  of  the  dragon  if  it  appeared,  for  he  was  a  great 


3o6  yoiirnal  of  American  Folk-Lo7'e. 

hunter  and  an  excellent  shot.  After  some  weeks  the  people  were 
one  day  horrified  to  see  a  great  dragon  come  flying  from  the  moun- 
tains, seize  a  two-year-old  colt  in  its  claws,  and  fly  back  again  in 
among  the  crags.  John  was  told  about  this,  and  he  at  once  set  out 
to  destroy  the  monster.  Some  days  afterwards  he  returned  and 
reported  the  dragon  slain,  but  only  after  difficult  and  persistent  pur- 
suit. Ordinary  missiles  had  been  unable  to  wound  the  monster; 
finally  he  had  cut  the  silver  buttons  off  his  jacket  and  loaded  the  gun 
with  them,  made  the  sign  of  the  cross  over  the  muzzle,  and  with  this 
charge  the  beast  had  been  killed. 

Virtues  connected  with  the  eagle  are  sometimes  misused  by  de- 
signing persons.  It  is  well  known  that  if  a  man  sleeps  upon  a  pillow 
containing  an  eagle  feather  he  can  be  easily  deceived  in  any  manner 
the  next  day  and  may  thus  be  taken  advantage  of.  This  feather 
should  be  cut,  preferably,  from  the  left  wing.  The  feather  is  put  to 
a  more  useful  purpose  when  one  of  the  large  wing  feather  stems  is 
taken  and  a  child  made  to  drink  milk  through  it.  This  strengthens 
the  child's  memory  greatly.  The  claw  of  assa  is  also  valuable  to 
place  in  the  bellows-handle  in  a  smithy  to  prevent  any  danger  of  the 
place  burning  down. 

A  more  complicated  process  than  any  of  the  others  is  that  needed 
to  insure  articles  against  theft.  A  living  bird  is  secured  and  one  of 
its  spurs  broken  near  the  leg  and  the  blood  allowed  to  drip  into 
a  glass  vessel.  A  peculiar  kind  of  pebble  is  then  taken  and  smeared 
with  the  blood  and  dropped  into  a  wide-mouthed  bottle  containing 
some  consecrated  wine.  This  preparation  is  to  stand  unmoved  for 
seven  weeks ;  at  the  end  of  that  period  the  bottle  is  uncovered  on  the 
same  hour  of  the  day  as  it  was  put  away  and  the  blood  and  wine 
smeared,  by  means  of  a  feather,  on  the  under  side  of  any  article  of 
great  value  that  it  is  desired  shall  not  be  stolen. 

The  raven  is  a  wiser  bird  than  most  men  know,  but  a  very  greedy 
one  and  at  times  unfilial.  So  greedy  is  he  that  when  there  is  a 
scarcity  of  other  food  he  will  even  peck  the  eyes  from  members  of 
his  own  family ;  and  eyes  are  his  favorite  food  anyway,  as  may  be 
seen  by  the  fact  that  whenever  he  finds  a  carcass  of  any  sort  he 
begins  by  eating  the  eyes.  From  the  above-mentioned  peculiarity  of 
ravens  arises  the  saying  that  "  then  have  things  come  to  a  hard  pass 
when  ravens  peck  out  each  other's  eyes."  Another  proof  of  his 
greed  is  the  fact  that  he  will  often,  in  a  hard  year,  devour  his  own 
eggs.  He  is  also  very  revengeful,  and  if  his  eggs  are  broken  he  will 
retaliate  by  killing  young  lambs. 

One  of  the  strangest  things  about  ravens  is  the  fact  that  they 
have  great  semiannual  assemblies  at  which  they  determine  the 
general  policy  to  be  followed  during  the  next  summer  or  winter.     In 


Icelandic  Beast  and  Bird  Lore.  307 

the  fall  their  meeting  is  conducted  in  a  manner  very  similar  to  the 
town  meeting,  and  a  pair  of  crows  is  assigned  to  each  farm  in  the 
district  for  the  winter.  Sometimes  to  the  very  wealthiest  farms  four 
are  assigned,  and  three  are  occasionally  found  quartered  at  a  farm, 
but  only  if  there  is  a  widow  or  widower  in  the  household.  If  there 
are  more  of  one  sex  than  the  other,  so  there  are  some  left  over  when 
all  are  paired,  the  crowd  turns  on  these  and  worries  them  to  death. 
Some  say  the  crows  pair  in  the  last  resort  irrespective  of  sex,  and  it 
is  merely  the  odd  one  of  the  whole  flock,  if  that  happens,  who 
is  killed.  These  have  often  seemed  to  men  very  peculiar  customs, 
but  the  ravens  undoubtedly  have  some  good  reason  for  their  policy. 

The  pairs,  when  once  assigned  to  their  proper  farm,  are  very 
methodical  in  their  habits.  They  retire  to  their  dens  early  in  the 
evening,  but  are  astir  bright  and  early  in  the  morning  to  seek  their 
food.  If  a  raven  is  seen  or  heard  at  night,  people  know  it  is  not  a  real 
raven,  but  an  evil  spirit.  Travellers  who  come  to  a  farmstead  late 
at  night  and  wake  people  up  to  secure  lodging  are  often  referred  to 
as  "night  ravens." 

"  House  ravens,"  or  those  that  have  been  assigned  by  the  assembly 
to  a  farm,  are  usually  grateful  for  whatever  good  treatment  they 
receive,  and  often  take  an  opportunity  of  showing  their  gratitude  in 
a  substantial  way.  In  Vatnsdal  in  the  north  of  Iceland  there  is 
a  farm  by  the  name  of  Gullberustadir,  situated  in  the  side  of  a  steep 
mountain.  The  farmer's  only  daughter  had  been  in  the  habit  of  feed- 
ing the  house  ravens  every  day  and  they  became  so  tame  as  to  eat 
from  her  hand.  One  day  when  she  went  out  to  feed  them  they  pre- 
tended to  be  very  hungry,  but  whenever  the  girl  came  close  to  them 
they  fluttered  back  a  few  feet,  as  if  timid.  The  girl  thought  this 
strange,  but  followed  them  and  did  not  notice  until  she  was  a  good  way 
from  the  house.  All  at  once  she  heard  a  rumbling  up  in  the  moun- 
tain-side, and  a  great  landslide  came  thundering  down.  It  split  on 
either  side  of  the  spot  where  the  girl  was  standing,  but  destroyed  the 
house  completely.  The  reason  the  landslide  split  where  it  did  was 
that  long  before  Gudmundur,  the  sainted  bishop,  had  tented  there 
on  one  of  his  journeys,  and  had  said  mass  and  consecrated  the 
ground.  This  the  ravens  knew,  and  were  thus  able  to  save  their 
friend's  life. 

Many  cases  might  be  cited  to  show  the  gratitude  of  ravens.  A 
well-known  instance  is  that  of  the  farmer  at  Thrush  Hill  who  was 
habitually  kind  to  all  birds  and  had  once  bandaged  the  broken  leg  of 
one  of  his  house  ravens.  The  spring  following  he  had,  one  day, 
mounted  his  horse,  intending  to  ford  the  river  on  his  way  to  the 
nearest  village,  instead  of  paying  the  toll  at  the  ferry,  for  he  was  a 
very  saving  man  withal.     As  he  was  about  to  ride  into  the  water  the 


3o8  Journal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 

raven  flew  in  his  face  and  beat  him  back  from  the  river.  At  first  he 
thought  of  striking  at  the  bird,  who,  he  thought,  was  becoming  un- 
necessarily saucy,  but  considered  it  better  and  finally  decided  to  cross 
on  the  ferry.  Another  man  who  attempted  to  ride  the  river  soon  after 
was  drowned,  for  the  spring  freshets  had  made  it  dangerous,  and  the 
farmer  never  doubted,  nor  did  his  neighbors,  that  his  life  had  been 
saved  by  the  grateful  house  raven. 

It  is  very  desirable,  on  account  of  their  many-sided  wisdom,  that 
men  should  be  able  to  understand  the  language  of  the  raven,  and  this 
wise  men  have  discovered  a  method  of  accomplishing.  The  heart  of 
a  raven  is  to  be  taken  out  of  the  bird  while  it  is  yet  alive,  and  if  it 
flies  two  or  more  paces  after  the  operation,  the  heart  will  prove  a  key 
to  all  the  secrets  of  ravens.  It  is  to  be  put  in  the  mouth  whenever 
one  desires  to  understand  their  language,  and  to  be  held  under  the 
tongue.  After  each  period  of  use  it  is  to  be  placed  in  a  vessel  in 
which  nothing  has  previously  been  kept.  But  because  this  method 
has  been  known  to  but  few,  men  have  sought  to  interpret  the 
meaning  of  the  birds  by  various  signs,  such  as  their  flight  or  the 
tone  of  their  croak  and  the  number  uttered  in  succession.  If  a 
raven  flies  in  the  same  direction  as  a  man  starting  out  on  a  journey, 
and  flies  low  and  on  his  right-hand  side,  it  bodes  good  luck  ;  but  if 
the  raven  flies  in  the  opposite  direction,  or  high  in  the  air,  one 
should  go  no  farther,  but  return  home,  say  good  prayers  and  many, 
and  then  start  out  again,  in  the  Lord's  name. 

If  a  raven  sits  on  a  church  roof,  shakes  himself,  and  stretches  out 
his  wings  and  beak,  some  well-known  man  will  die  in  the  direction  in 
which  his  beak  is  turned.  If  no  death  takes  place  near  by,  it  Avill 
undoubtedly  take  place  in  some  remote  district  in  the  direction  indi- 
cated. When  ravens  are  cawing  together  they  are  usually  talking 
about  the  death  of  some  man  or  other,  and  whom  they  are  discus- 
sing may  be  told  from  various  signs,  too  numerous  and  complicated 
to  mention. 

Another  indication  of  the  raven's  sagacity  has  been  found  in  the 
fact  that  when  mischievous  boys  have  taken  his  eggs,  boiled  them, 
and  put  them  back  in  the  nest,  intending  that  the  bird  shall  sit  on 
them  indefinitely,  one  of  the  pair  has  been  known  to  make  a  journey 
to  the  shores  of  the  Red  Sea,  where  there  is  found  a  peculiar  kind  of 
pebble  that  restores  eggs  from  any  condition  to  that  of  freshness. 
Some  Icelandic  housewives  have  been  very  anxious  to  secure  one  of 
these  pebbles,  but  are  never  known  to  have  succeeded. 

Vilhjdlmur  Stefdnsson. 


Two  Myths  of  the  Mission  Indians  of  California.     309 


TWO    MYTHS    OF   THE    MISSION   INDIANS   OF   CALI- 
FORNIA.^ 

What  are  to-day  known  as  the  Mission  Indians  are  those  Sho- 
shonean  and  Yuman  peoples  who  occupy  the  portion  of  southern 
California  which  lies  between  the  principal  mountain  ranges  and 
the  sea.  Our  knowledge  of  the  mythology  of  these  people  is  derived 
from  two  very  different  sources.  The  first  goes  back  a  century,  and 
consists  of  the  brief  but  invaluable  account  left  by  the  missionary 
Boscana  of  the  beliefs  of  two  groups  of  Indians  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
Mission  San  Juan  Capistrano.  The  second  source  is  a  series  of 
articles  by  several  authors  published  in  the  most  recent  years  in  this 
Journal. 

The  mythology  of  the  Mission  Indians  is  ethnographically  of 
interest  because  it  is  of  an  entirely  different  type  from  that  of  the 
Indians  of  the  remainder  of  California.  It  bears  certain  resemblances 
to  the  traditions  of  the  Indians  of  Arizona  and  New  Mexico,  but  has 
also  much  of  a  distinctive  character.  This  is  the  more  remarkable 
because  while  the  culture  of  the  Indians  of  certain  parts  of  southern 
California,  such  as  those  of  the  Santa  Barbara  islands  on  the  one 
hand  and  those  of  the  Colorado  valley  on  the  other,  was  very  different 
from  the  culture  characteristic  of  California  as  a  whole,  that  of  the 
Mission  Indians  was  much  less  specialized.  In  general  status  of 
civilization  and  social  conditions  the  Mission  Indians  were  certainly 
not  markedly  different  from  the  Indians  who  inhabited  the  central 
and  northern  parts  of  the  State.  Ethnographically  they  stood  much 
nearer  these  people  than  they  did  to  the  Pueblos  and  the  less  settled 
tribes  of  the  Southwest. 

Over  the  greater  part  of  California  the  most  important  myth  is  a 
more  or  less  full  account  of  the  creation.  The  creators  may  be  one 
or  many,  human  or  animal.  They  make  the  world,  its  mountains 
and  waters,  make  or  acquire  the  sun  and  moon,  create  plants  and 
animals,  mankind,  and  often  give  to  men  their  principal  religious 
institutions.  The  culture-hero,  who  brings  culture  to  men  but  is  not 
responsible  for  the  existence  or  workings  of  nature,  scarcely  appears. 
Beyond  the  account  of  the  creation,  the  myths  of  California  consist 
of  stories  of  the  adventures  and  experiences  of  individuals,  sometimes 
human  and  sometimes  animal.  A  favorite  story  is  that  of  the  deer 
children  whose  mother  was  killed  by  the  bear,  and  who  in  revenge 
killed  the  children  of  the  bear  and  then  after  a  hazardous  flight  and 
pursuit  were  finally  saved.     It  is  stories  of  this  type  that  make  up 

>  Contributed  as  part  of  the  Proceedings  of  the  California  Branch  of  the  Ameri- 
can Folk-Lore  Society. 


3 1  o  yotcrnal  of  A  merican  Folk-L ore. 

the  bulk  of  Californian  mythology  outside  of  the  creation.  Migra- 
tion legends  are  entirely  lacking. 

In  southern  California  there  is  no  creator.  Generally  heaven  and 
earth  are  regarded  as  the  first  beings,  or  at  least  the  first  concrete 
existences,  and  they  produce  the  principal  objects  of  nature,  plants, 
animals,  and  mankind,  by  a  simple  process  of  generation.  The 
people  move  in  a  body  under  the  leadership  of  a  great  hero  among 
them  who  is  not  more  than  semi-divine.  Only  after  a  time  do  they 
break  up,  or  are  separated  by  him,  into  tribes.  This  hero  becomes 
sick  through  the  shamanistic  operations  of  his  enemies,  especially 
the  frog,  and,  after  for  some  time  expecting  his  death,  he  dies.  The 
customs  and  especially  the  religious  practices  of  the  tribe  recounting 
the  tradition  are  instituted  either  by  him  or  by  a  second  leader. 
Most  of  the  fuller  accounts  give  two  such  leaders,  Ouiot  and  Chinig- 
chinich  among  the  Shoshoneans  of  San  Juan  Capistrano,  Matevilye 
and  Mastamho  among  the  Yuman  Mohave. 

Besides  this  account  of  origins,  there  seems  usually  to  have  been 
also  some  form  of  migration  tradition  in  which  the  movements  and 
experiences  of  the  people,  or  of  several  bodies  of  people,  are  recounted. 
Such  a  tradition  is  very  fully  developed  among  the  Mohave.  It  has 
never  been  obtained  among  the  Mission  Indians,  but  parts  of  the 
relation  of  Boscana  make  it  clear  that  something  similar,  though 
possibly  in  briefer  form,  must  also  have  existed  among  these  tribes. 

The  non-creation  myths  of  the  southern  California  Indians  are 
also  different  from  those  in  the  north.  While  often  quite  simple  in 
plan  and  not  essentially  different  from  the  northern  tales  recounting 
the  adventures  of  a  hero  or  a  pair  of  heroes,  they  are  enormously 
elaborated,  so  as  to  be  of  great  length,  and  almost  invariably  take 
on  a  ceremonial  or  ritualistic  character  which  is  not  found  in  con- 
nection with  the  much  shorter  and  purely  traditionary  stories  of  the 
north.  A  great  number  of  songs  form  an  integral  portion  of  such 
traditions  in  the  south,  and,  in  the  form  in  which  these  myths  exist 
and  maintain  themselves  among  the  people  from  generation  to  gen- 
eration, they  consist  essentially  of  such  a  series  of  songs.  Such  a  body 
of  songs,  accompanied  by  a  greater  or  less  amount  of  ritualism,  of 
course  constitute  a  ceremony  ;  and  it  is  precisely  of  such  singings 
that  nearly  all  the  ceremonies  of  southern  California  consist.  There 
is  thus  a  very  much  closer  association  of  myth  and  ceremony  than  in 
the  north.  It  is  not  only  that  the  myth  underlies  or  explains  the 
performance  of  the  ceremony  :  the  ceremony  itself  is  only  a  myth 
told  in  song.  The  two  are  identified,  and  the  composite  or  interme- 
diate product  can  with  equal  justification  be  called  at  one  time  a 
myth,  at  another  a  ceremony.  The  words  of  the  song  alone  may 
often  not  be  sufficient  to  give  the  thread  of  the  story  to  those  not 


Two  Myths  of  the  Mission  Indians  of  California.     3 1 1 

acquainted  with  it  ;  but  the  thread  is  always  there,  and  a  person 
acquainted  with  the  series  of  songs  is  always  able  to  relate  the  myth 
in  full.  The  best  published  examples  of  this  form  of  myth-cere- 
monies are  the  Chaup  traditions  of  the  Diegueno  collected  by  Miss 
Du  Bois. 

The  southwestern  affinities  of  this  mythology,  that  is  to  say,  its 
relations  to  tribes  directly  east,  are  evident.  Both  in  Navaho  and 
the  Pueblo  traditions  there  is  no  real  creation.  Mankind  emerges 
from  the  earth  as  a  wandering  body  or  tribe.  Sometimes  a  genera- 
tion by  heaven  and  earth  is  related.  The  entire  account  of  origins, 
which  is  always  very  lengthy,  is  essentially  nothing  else  than  a 
mythical  history  of  the  people.  The  migration  legend  is  in  part 
contained  in  this  pseudo-history,  in  which  mankind  and  the  tribe  are 
virtually  identified,  and  in  part  appears  in  the  form  of  traditions  of 
clan  wanderings.  There  is  no  important  leader  of  the  people  in  the 
southwestern  myths,  but  the  hero  who  appears  later  and  gives  to 
the  people  at  least  part  of  their  ceremonies  until  finally  he  leaves 
them,  has  some  aspects  in  common  with  Chinigchinich  and  Mas- 
tamho.  The  elaborate  rituals  of  the  Southwest  differ  much  from 
the  simple  singing  ceremonies  of  southern  California,  but  both,  in 
action,  in  songs,  and  in  symbolic  paraphernalia,  always  refer  to  a 
myth.  They  are  probably  much  more  than  mere  dramatic  repre- 
sentations of  myths  ;  but  that  they  should  have  been  characterized 
as  such  makes  clear  their  deep-lying  similarity  to  the  myth-cere- 
monies of  southern  California.  In  northern  and  central  California, 
as  well  as  in  the  Plains,  conditions  are  radically  different.  There 
are  ceremonial  origin  myths,  but  these  are  almost  always  only  ac- 
counts of  the  reason  for  the  existence  of  a  ceremony  which  in  its 
essence  and  in  the  majority  of  its  details  is  an  independent  growth 
not  associated  with  any  mythical  tradition.  Among  these  peoples 
mythology  and  ceremony  at  times  come  in  contact,  but  in  the  main 
each  goes  its  own  way ;  while  in  southern  California,  as  well  as  in 
the  Southwest,  each  contains  the  essential  elements  of  the  other. 

PICTORIAL    REPRESENTATIONS. 

The  following  creation  story  of  the  Luiseiio  of  Pauma  is  only  a 
fragment,  sufficient,  however,  to  add  a  new  version  to  those  already 
known,  and  sufficient  to  bring  out  the  most  important  qualities  of  the 
origin  traditions  of  this  region.  It  is  accompanied  also  by  a  feature 
of  special  ethnographic  interest  :  a  pictorial  representation  of  the 
personified  world.  Crude  as  this  is,  it  is  enough  to  suggest  the  ritu- 
alistic and  symbolic  painting  of  the  Southwest,  and  it  is  of  particular 
importance  on  account  of  the  absence  of  anything  corresponding 
among  the  Indians  of  central  and  northern  California.     Not  only  do 


312  yournal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 

these  latter  Indians  not  make  use  of  such  ceremonial  representa- 
tions, but  their  whole  life  is  remarkably  deficient  in  all  forms  of 
graphic  or  pictorial  art  and  imitation.  The  idea  of  representing  any- 
thing by  a  drawing  is  foreign  to  the  make-up  of  their  minds.  Even 
to-day,  after  living  in  the  midst  of  civilization  for  over  half  a  century, 
the  older  people  are  utterly  at  a  loss  if  called  upon  to  execute  a 
picture  of  any  sort.  In  many  cases  this  extends  even  to  map-like 
representations  of  the  country  with  which  they  are  familiar.  A  Cali- 
fornian  Indian  asked  to  sketch  upon  the  ground  a  representation  of 
the  river  system  with  which  he  is  acquainted,  either  professes  himself 
unable  to  do  so,  or,  as  has  been  the  experience  of  the  author,  in  some 
cases  draws  a  number  of  marks  or  scratches  which  upon  inquiry  turn 
out  to  be  nothing  but  a  sort  of  score  or  tally  of  the  names  given, 
without  any  idea  of  an  indication  of  spatial  relations.  Simple  and 
awkward  as  is  the  figure  drawn  by  old  Pachito  of  Pauma  and  here 
reproduced,  it  nevertheless  reveals  a  trend  of  ideas  and  practices 
entirely  foreign  to  the  Indians  of  northern  California.  A  step  farther 
in  the  direction  of  resemblances  to  the  Southwest  is  found  in  the  col- 
ored earth  paintings  of  ceremonial  import,  the  occurrence  of  which 
among  the  Mission  Indians  has  been  noticed,  and  to  which,  fortu- 
nately. Miss  Du  Bois  has  recently  been  able  to  give  special  study.  It 
is  clear  that  the  difference  in  this  respect  between  the  Indians  of 
southern  California  and  those  of  the  larger  northern  part  of  the  State 
is  culturally,  that  is  to  say  historically,  very  deep-going,  for  southern 
California,  like  the  Southwest  and  the  Great  Basin,  abounds  in  carved 
and  painted  rocks,  whereas  the  whole  northern  part  of  the  State  from 
Shasta  to  Tehachapi,  with  scattering  exceptions  along  the  borders,  is 
one  of  the  few  areas  in  North  America  which  are  free  from  any  trace 
of  petrographs.  It  is  therefore  clear  that  the  bulk  of  the  California 
Indians  not  only  do  not  execute  pictorial  representations  for  religious 
purposes  at  the  present  time,  but  that  their  ancestors  or  predecessors 
in  their  present  sites  did  not  do  so,  whereas  the  Indians  of  southern 
California  both  make  such  representations  now  and  have  done  so  in 
the  past. 

THE    ORIGIN    OF    THE    WORLD. 

When  asked  to  tell  what  he  knew  of  the  origin  of  the  world,  the 
informant  first  drew  on  the  ground  with  a  stick  a  rude  outline  of  a 
person.  The  legs  were  somewhat  spread,  the  foot  a  line  coming  out 
at  an  angle  from  the  end  of  the  leg.  The  arms  were  straight  lines 
extending  at  right  angles  from  the  middle  of  the  body  and  ending 
each  in  three  fingers.  The  head  was  circularly  outlined,  but  not 
further  indicated.  This  figure,  the  narrator  said,  represented  Tamaia- 
wot,  the  Earth.     Then  only  he  began. 

Tamaiawot,  the  Earth,  was  a  woman,  the  mother  of  all  people.    She 


FIGURE  REPRESENTING  TAMAIAWOT,  THE  EARTH,  THE 
MOTHER   OF  ALL 

Drawn  by  Pachito,  Luisefio  of  Pauma 


Two  Myths  of  the  Mission  Indians  of  California.     3 1 3 

was  a  person  (atakh).  Her  feet  were  to  the  north,  her  head  to  the 
south.  Dupash,  the  Sky,  was  a  man.  He  was  the  younger  brother 
of  the  Earth.  All  the  people  were  born  from  the  Earth.  Some  went 
this  way,  some  that.  At  first  they  travelled  together.  They  went 
from  where  they  emerged  to  the  end  of  the  world  and  from  there 
westward.  (Their  course  is  represented  by  the  dotted  line  in  the 
figure.)  The  eagle  (aswut)  went  in  advance  and  they  all  followed. 
While  they  were  all  together  they  had  one  language.  Then  they 
began  to  separate.  The  whites  went  away.  The  people  (Indians) 
were  left.  They  still  went  on  following  the  eagle  as  he  flew.  Where 
he  stopped  they  slept.  So  the  eagle  went  on  and  they  followed  him 
until  they  came  to  Nachivomisavo,  "north  of  the  San  Bernardino 
Needles."  As  they  went  the  people  had  been  going  singly,  in  a 
long  row.  When  they  slept  at  this  place  they  all  crowded  together 
in  a  great  pile.  There  was  no  room  for  them.  Now  they  smelt 
each  other  there.  They  found  that  they  did  not  smell  good.  Some 
of  them  did  not  like  others.  So  they  went  in  different  ways  and 
some  of  them  came  here.  Before  that  they  all  had  the  same  lan- 
guage. This  original  language  was  that  of  San  Gabriel.  Those  who 
continued  to  speak  this  stayed  at  the  place  of  separation. 

Wiyot  was  the  chief  of  the  people.  It  was  he  who  separated  them 
at  Nachivomisavo  when  they  did  not  like  each  other.  Wiyot  was 
killed  by  the  people.  They  quarrelled  about  life.  Some  of  them 
said  people  should  die,  others  said  they  should  live  and  change. 
Wiyot  tried  to  stop  the  quarrel  but  became  tired  of  it.  Then  he 
said  he  would  go  away.  He  went  to  the  sky.  He  is  there  now. 
Those  who  wanted  people  to  die  were  Awaavit,  fog,  Tumihat,  thun- 
der (.''),  and  Chebepe,  wind  (.'').  These  three  were  wise  and  were 
doctors.  Wiyot,  however,  knew  most  of  all,  and  therefore  some  of 
the  people  did  not  like  him.  Many  doctors  wanted  him  killed. 
Those  who  made  him  die  were  Wakhaut,  the  frog,  and  Karaut,  a  red 
worm  that  lives  in  the  mud.  While  Wiyot  was  alive  all  called  him 
Wiyot.  Now  he  has  two  names,  Moila,  the  moon,  and  Wiyot.  When 
Wiyot  was  dying  he  said  :  "  I  will  teach  no  one.  I  will  leave  you 
all  without  telling  you."  Only  to  Chekhemal,  a  bird  (probably  the 
meadow-lark),  he  said:  "When  I  die  watch  for  me.  I  will  come  in 
the  morning.  Watch  and  tell  all  the  people  that  I  have  not  died." 
Then  after  Wiyot  had  died,  in  the  morning  Chekhemal  chirped  : 
"  Moila  Wiyot  is  coming."  Then  the  people  knew.  Wiyot  died  at 
Tova  near  Maronge,  north  of  the  San  Jacinto  Mountains  where  the 
Serrano  (Maringayam)  live. 

While  Wiyot  was  sick  Coyote  was  waiting  to  eat  him.  He 
watched.  Wiyot  said  :  "  You  see  that  Coyote  constantly  wants  to 
eat  me.     When  I  die  there  will  be  a  great  fire  far  off  in  the  east. 

VOL.  XIX.  —  NO.  75.        21 


314  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

Let  Coyote  be  sent  to  bring  that  fire.  All  of  you  say  that  you  have 
no  fire.  Then  he  will  go.  As  soon  as  he  goes,  make  a  fire  and 
burn  me.  If  you  do  not  do  that  he  will  eat  me."  Now  when  Wiyot 
died  the  people  told  Coyote  :  **  You  are  the  best  runner.  You  can 
get  it  quickly.  Go  and  bring  the  fire  to  burn  Wiyot.  Then  when 
he  is  roasted  you  can  eat  a  little."  Coyote  went  running.  He  saw 
the  fire  ahead  and  kept  on  running  but  never  reached  it.  Meanwhile 
they  burned  Wiyot.  Coyote  turned  around,  and  saw  the  fire,  and 
ran  back.  As  he  came  he  said  :  "  Give  me  room.  I  want  to  see  my 
father  Wiyot."  The  people  knew  him  and  stood  about  the  fire  in  a 
thick  crowd.  They  would  not  let  him  inside.  Then  Coyote  went 
back  a  distance,  ran,  jumped  over  them,  and  just  as  the  heart  of 
Wiyot  was  burning  he  seized  it  and  ate  it. 

Not  only  people  but  all  things  were  born  from  Tamaiawot.  They 
all  came  from  her  belly :  the  sun,  the  stars,  the  rocks,  the  trees,  and 
everything.     The  ocean  is  her  urine.     That  is  why  it  is  salty. 

THE    MOHAVE    ACCOUNT    OF    ORIGINS. 

It  is  interesting  to  compare  with  this  story  the  corresponding 
myth  of  the  Mohave.  The  Mohave  live  on  the  Colorado  River  in 
both  California  and  Arizona.  They  are  a  primarily  agricultural  peo- 
ple with  a  more  developed  tribal  sense  and  warlike  spirit  than  the 
Mission  Indians.  Located  as  they  are  on  the  borders  of  the  South- 
west, in  fact  in  part  within  it,  they  present  many  cultural  features 
that  are  not  found  among  the  Mission  Indians.  In  fact,  as  compared 
with  the  Mohave,  the  Mission  Indians  and  the  Indians  of  northern 
California  form  a  unit  as  regards  their  general  culture. 

The  Mohave  origin  myth  has  been  obtained  much  more  fully  than 
the  Luiseiio,  in  fact  at  such  length  that  it  is  possible  to  give  only  an 
outline  in  the  present  connection. 

According  to  the  Mohave,  the  first  were  the  sky,  a  man,  and  the 
earth,  a  woman.  These  met  far  in  the  west,  and  from  them  were 
born,  first  Matevilye,  and  after  him  his  daughter  the  frog,  Mastamho 
who  is  usually  called  his  younger  brother,  all  the  people,  the  animals, 
and  plants.  All  these  went  upward  toward  the  east,  under  the  leader- 
ship of  Matevilye.  Matevilye  himself  did  not  walk.  He  merely 
moved  four  times,  twice  to  the  left  and  twice  to  the  right.  Thereby 
he  arrived  at  Ahavulypo,  a  narrow  defile  on  the  Colorado  River  above 
Cottonwood  Island,  probably  near  the  lower  end  of  Eldorado  Canyon. 
He  stretched  out  his  arms  to  the  ends  of  the  world  and  thereby 
found  this  spot  to  be  the  centre  of  the  earth.  Here  he  built  a  house. 
He  became  sick  because  the  frog  his  daughter,  whom  he  had  offended 
by  an  indecency,  ate  his  excrement ;  and  it  was  known  that  he  would 
die.     When  he  died.  Coyote,  whose  intentions  were  suspected,  was 


Two  Myths  of  the  Mission  Indians  of  California.     3 1 5 

sent  far  away  to  bring  fire  for  the  funeral  pyre.  During  Coyote's 
absence  fire  was  produced  among  the  people  by  the  fly,  a  woman, 
who  rubbed  her  thigh.  Matevilye  was  then  burned.  According  to 
the  usual  account,  although  this  episode  does  not  form  part  of  the 
version  on  which  the  present  relation  is  based,  Coyote  returned  as 
the  pyre  was  in  flames.  The  people  surrounded  this  in  a  close  ring. 
Coyote  succeeded  in  leaping  over  the  head  of  the  badger,  who  was 
short,  seized  Matevilye's  heart,  and  escaped  with  it.  Under  the 
direction  of  Mastamho  the  people  then  made  for  Matevilye  the  first 
mourning  ceremony  in  the  world. 

The  remaining  bones  and  ashes  were  offensive  to  the  people. 
Mastamho  therefore  successively  made  wind,  hail,  and  rain  to  oblit- 
erate them,  but  failed.  As  a  fourth  resource  he  then  went  far  north- 
ward in  four  steps,  taking  the  people  with  him.  Plunging  his  stick 
into  the  ground,  he  made  water  come  forth.  Three  times  he  stopped 
this  with  his  foot,  until  the  fourth  time  it  flowed  southward  to  form 
the  Colorado  River.  As  the  water  flowed,  a  boat  emerged  from  the 
ground.  He  entered  this  and  put  the  people  into  it  with  himself. 
They  constituted  six  tribes  not  yet  separated.  As  the  boat  floated 
down  the  river,  he  tilted  it  to  one  side  and  the  other,  making  the  river 
valley  flat  and  wide  in  the  places  where  he  did  so. 

When  the  boat  arrived  at  the  ocean,  the  head  of  the  Gulf  of  Cali- 
fornia, Mastamho  left  it  and  went  northward,  carrying  the  people  on 
his  arms.  The  water  was  deep  and  he  ascended  a  mountain.  Every- 
thing was  covered  with  water  except  the  top  of  this  peak.  By  taking 
a  step  in  each  of  the  four  cardinal  directions,  he  made  the  water  re- 
cede. He  then  planted  seeds  of  the  vegetation  which  was  to  furnish 
subsistence  to  the  desert  tribes.  Then,  still  accompanied  by  all  the 
people,  he  went  on  northward  to  Avikwame,  the  sacred  mountain  of 
the  Mohave,  not  far  north  from  their  villages,  and  called  Dead  or 
Newberry  Mountain  by  the  whites.  There  he  too  built  a  house  for 
himself  and  the  people. 

He  made  the  people  shout  four  times  and  thus  produced  daylight, 
the  sun,  and  the  moon.  Then  he  tried  the  medicine-men,  making 
those  sit  down  who  did  not  talk  properly,  and  designating  those  who 
spoke  right.  These  men  upon  being  born  on  earth  would  be  suc- 
cessful shamans. 

Far  in  the  south  in  the  ocean,  in  a  house  of  hair,  lived  Humasereha, 
an  immense  snake.  One  of  the  people  on  Avikwame  pretended  to 
be  sick,  and  Humasereha,  the  great  medicine-man,  was  sent  for.  He 
came  northward,  rattling  with  his  tail  and  making  rain  and  thunder. 
When  he  arrived  he  inserted  his  head  into  the  door.  It  was  so  large 
that  the  house  was  almost  tilted  over.  As  soon  as  his  head  had 
entered  the  house  it  was  cut  off  and  he  died.     Therefore  it  is  that 


3i6  yournal  of  Americmi  Folk-Lore. 

medicine-men,  who  are  thought  to  be  the  cause  of  almost  all  disease 
and  death,  are  killed  by  the  Mohave. 

Then  Mastamho  sent  off  five  of  the  tribes,  telling  them  what  coun- 
try to  inhabit  and  how  to  live.  The  sixth,  the  Mohave,  he  ordered 
to  stay  in  the  adjacent  country  and  there  to  live  and  build  their 
houses.  Then  he  was  alone.  He  questioned  himself  what  to  do  and 
how  to  "die,"  that  is  to  say,  what  shape  to  assume  to  terminate  his 
existence  in  human  form.  He  tried  departing  in  various  directions 
and  sinking  into  the  ground,  but  was  dissatisfied.  Then  he  stretched 
out  his  arms.  Feathers  grew  over  him  until  he  had  wings.  On  the 
fourth  trial  he  was  able  to  fly.     Then  he  went  off  as  the  fish  eagle. 

It  is  obvious  that  the  general  course  and  tenor  of  the  Mohave  crea- 
tion is  similar  to  that  of  the  Mission  Indians.  All  beings  are  gener- 
ated by  the  primeval  heaven  and  earth.  The  people  move  in  a  body, 
following  a  leader,  whose  death  is  later  caused  by  the  frog.  At  his 
death  Coyote  succeeds,  in  spite  of  the  precautions  taken,  in  seizing  a 
part  of  his  body.  The  second  great  leader,  Mastamho,  is  relatively 
more  important  among  the  Mohave  than  his  counterpart  is  among  the 
Mission  Indians,  as  Matevilye,  the  first,  does  little  but  lead  the  people 
from  their  place  of  origin  to  the  centre  of  the  world,  build  a  house, 
and  die.  Mastamho  makes  the  all-important  river  and  the  sun  and 
moon.  His  other  achievements  all  relate  not  to  nature  but  to  man. 
He  journeys  with  the  still  united  people,  saves  them  from  the  flood, 
instructs  them  how  to  build  houses,  ordains  and  instructs  medicine- 
men, provides  food,  and  separates  the  various  tribes,  giving  to  each 
its  distinctive  customs.  Other  accounts,  not  here  considered,  deal 
more  fully  with  his  instructions  to  mankind  regarding  the  arts  of  life 
and  ceremonial  institutions.  The  similarity  of  this  tradition  to  the 
corresponding  accounts  among  the  Mission  Indians,  even  in  many 
points  of  detail,  could  not  well  be  closer,  and  is  the  more  important 
on  account  of  the  considerable  cultural  differences  between  the  tribes. 
It  is  therefore  evident  that  mythologically  all  the  tribes  of  southern 
California,  from  the  Colorado  River  to  the  sea,  with  the  possible 
exception  of  the  Santa  Barbara  islanders,  of  whose  beliefs  nothing  is 
known,  form  a  close  unit  as  compared  with  the  remainder  of  Cali- 
fornia. 

METEOR    MYTHS. 

In  the  myths  not  dealing  with  the  origin  of  things  the  same 
degree  of  resemblance  is  found  between  the  Mission  Indians  and 
the  Mohave.  The  elaborate  Diegueno  Chaup  stories  published  by 
Miss  Du  Bois  have  a  close  parallel  among  the  Mohave.  This  equiva- 
lent Mohave  tradition  has  not  been  obtained  in  full,  but  an  outline 
has  been  heard  related  which  leaves  no  doubt  of  the  correspondence 


Two  Myths  of  the  Mission  Indians  of  California.     317 

of  the  versions  of  the  two  tribes.  It  is  interesting  that  Miss  Du  Bois 
states  that  her  Diegueno  informants  believe  their  Chaup  story  to 
have  been  borrowed  from  the  Mohave.  Similarly  the  Luiseno  in- 
formant from  whom  the  Dakwish  or  Meteor  myth  given  below  was 
secured  stated  to  the  author  that  what  he  knew  was  only  part  of  the 
entire  Dakwish  myth,  that  part,  namely,  which  relates  to  Luiseno 
territory :  and  that  another  portion  of  the  story,  which  tells  of  the 
doings  of  Dakwish  in  the  country  of  the  Diegueno,  with  an  accom- 
paniment of  songs,  was  known  to  these  people.  Certain  episodes 
and  elements  of  the  Diegueno  Chaup  stories  have  also  been  found 
in  other  Mohave  myths,  notably  the  one  of  the  two  Cane  brothers, 
which  may  be  regarded  as  a  somewhat  differentiated  version  of  the 
same  story.  In  this  Cane  story  occurs  Kwayu,  the  meteor,  who  is 
mentioned  also  in  other  Mohave  legends  as  a  destructive  cannibal- 
istic being.  Chaup  himself  is  the  meteor,  and  while  the  greater 
part  of  the  Chaup  story  has  no  direct  reference  to  the  meteor,  the 
identification  is  present  in  the  minds  of  the  Indians.  That  the 
meteor  was  important  in  the  beliefs  of  the  Indians  of  southern  Cal- 
ifornia is  further  shown  by  the  Luiseno  Dakwish  myth  given  below, 
and  by  a  somewhat  similar  story  from  the  Saboba,  a  more  northern- 
division  of  the  Luiseno,  printed  in  this  Journal  some  years  ago.  li 
must  therefore  be  concluded  that  the  meteor  is  one  of  the  most  im- 
portant special  conceptions  in  the  mythology  of  all  southern  Cali- 
fornia, not  of  innate  or  inherent  importance,  but  through  a  selection 
which  for  some  reason  or  other  has  taken  place.  To  this  personifi- 
cation have  been  attached  whole  mythological  episodes  that  have  no 
real  connection  with  it.  These  enlarged  meteor  myths  have  in  many 
cases  been  made  into  myth-ceremonies  of  the  kind  characteristic 
of  the  region.  We  have  therefore  to  see  in  the  meteor  myths  of 
southern  California  a  special,  and  as  it  were  accidental,  but  striking 
development  characteristic  of  the  culture  area,  very  much  as  the 
story  of  the  deer  and  bear  children  is  of  northern  California,  and 
the  story  of  the  visit  to  the  dead  in  pursuit  of  a  wife  is  of  the  San 
Joaquin  Valley. 

The  dakwish,  it  is  said  by  the  Luiseno,  is  not  infrequently  seen. 
Often  it  causes  death,  though  some  men  can  see  it  and  not  die.  It 
is  described  as  being  like  a  bird,  having  soft  white  feathers  all  over 
its  body.  Around  its  head  are  tied  feather  ropes,  and  these  hold  in 
place  the  elat,  the  board  ceremonially  swallowed  by  medicine-men 
and  also  worn  as  a  headdress.  As  the  dakwish  moves,  its  feathers 
fall  and  it  leaves  them  behind.  It  can  be  seen  every  night  at  San 
Jacinto  Mountain,  turning  like  a  ball  of  light. 

When  a  woman,  who  now  is  old,  was  young,  she  was  camped  on 
the  top  of  Palomar  Mountain  with  her  family.    They  had  gone  there 


o 


1 8  jfou  rna  I  of  A  merica  ii  Folk-L  ore. 


to  gather  acorns.  At  night  they  slept  by  a  large  fire.  She  awoke 
and  heard  a  noise  as  of  a  dog  chewing.  Near  them  was  a  large  pine- 
tree.  On  this  she  saw  the  dakwish  sitting  with  its  head  bent,  hold- 
ing a  person  that  it  was  eating.  The  young  woman  woke  the  others 
of  her  family.  Then,  after  they  all  had  seen  it,  the  dakwish  went 
away.     Not  long  afterward  one  of  the  family,  a  young  woman,  died. 

THE    PAUMA    LUISENO    STORY    OF    DAKWISH. 

Dakwish  was  born  at  Pawai,  a  place  south  from  Escondido  in  the 
Diegueno  country.  His  grandparents  were  born  from  Tamaiawot. 
The  following  is  only  part  of  the  story  concerning  him,  the  part 
which  relates  to  Temecula,  not  the  part  which  has  to  do  with  the 
Diegueno  country. 

In  Temecula  there  was  a  chief  called  Tukupar,  which  in  Gabrielino 
means  dupash,  sky.  He  had  a  son  who  was  named  Naukit.  Naukit 
went  rabbit  hunting  to  Toatwi,  Santa  Gertrudes,  near  Temecula. 
There  Dakwish  met  him  and  killed  him.  Tukupar  looked  for  his 
son  but  could  not  find  him.  He  came  back  and  told  his  people  that 
his  son  was  lost.  He  started  out  again.  At  a  large  hill  he  saw  his 
dead  son.  He  knew  that  Dakwish  had  killed  him.  But  Tukupar 
also  was  a  medicine-man,  very  much  of  a  medicine-man.  Going 
back  he  called  all  his  people.  He  told  them  that  Dakwish  had  killed 
his  son  and  that  he  was  going  to  see  Dakwish, 

Now  there  was  no  ordinary  way  to  enter  the  house  of  Dakwish, 
for  the  door  was  a  large  rock  ;  but  Tukupar,  being  a  doctor,  made 
himself  into  a  raven.  He  was  carrying  two  rabbits  with  him.  He 
found  the  mother  of  Dakwish  sitting.  She  was  frightened.  "  What 
are  you  doing  here  }  No  one  comes  here,"  she  said.  "  I  came  to 
see  Dakwish,"  he  told  her.  She  said:  "Why  do  you  want  to  see 
him  .''  He  is  destructive.  He  will  kill  you.  Go  into  the  house  and 
I  will  let  you  know  when  he  comes."  Tukupar  went  in  and  sat 
down. 

In  the  evening  Dakwish  came.  It  thundered  and  the  wind  roared 
and  rocks  rolled  down  the  hills.  Dakwish  greeted  his  mother.  The 
old  woman  told  him  that  Tukupar  had  come.  "  Yes .''  "  he  said.  "  If 
my  cousin  is  here  I  will  roast  him  and  eat  him  because  I  have  caught 
no  one  to-day.  I  have  had  bad  luck,"  His  mother  said :  "  No,  do 
not  do  that.  He  is  your  cousin."  "Be  quiet,"  he  told  her.  Dakwish 
went  in  to  catch  him.  He  took  hold  of  him.  Tukupar  disappeared. 
He  was  behind  Dakwish.  He  said  :  "Behave  yourself,  my  cousin." 
Then  the  old  woman  said,  "  Leave  your  cousin  alone."  Dakwish  an- 
swered :  "  Why  did  you  not  say  that  he  was  my  cousin  } "  Then  he 
asked  Tukupar:  "How  did  you  come  in,?"  He  gave  his  pipe  to 
Tukupar  to  smoke.   Tukupar  had  his  own  and  smoked  that.    He  did 


Two  Myths  of  the  Mission  hidians  of  California.     319 

not  smoke  Dakwish's  pipe.  Dakwish  said,  "  I  did  not  think  you  were 
a  man.     No  one  can  come  into  this  house." 

Then  Dakwish  went  out  and  brought  in  food  for  Tukupar.  He 
brought  him  human  flesh.  "Eat  this,"  he  said.  "Very  well,"  said 
Tukupar.  But  he  did  not  eat  it.  He  ate  the  two  rabbits  he  had 
brought.  Dakwish  was  behind  him.  He  asked  him  :  "  Did  you  eat 
the  meat  I  gave  you.-'"  "Yes,"  said  Tukupar.  "Do  you  ever  eat 
that  kind  .-'"  Dakwish  asked  him,  and  again  Tukupar  said,  "  Yes."  It 
was  dark  where  he  ate.  Now  Dakwish  made  a  light  to  see  if  the 
meat  was  gone.  He  said  :  "  I  did  not  think  you  would  eat  it.  It 
is  human  meat."  But  Tukupar  told  him:  "Yes,  I  was  hungry  and 
ate  it." 

Dakwish  said,  "I  am  surprised  you  have  come.  No  one  has  ever 
done  so.  Now  dance."  Tukupar  said  :  "  No,  you  dance.  I  want  to 
see  you,  my  cousin.  I  do  not  know  how  to  dance."  Dakwish  laughed. 
Then  Tukupar  stood  up.  He  danced  while  Dakwish  sang  for  him. 
As  Tukupar  danced  he  broke  his  own  arms  and  legs.  Dakwish  said  : 
"  I  did  not  think  you  were  a  man.  Now  I  see  you  are  a  man.  Now  I 
see  how  you  were  able  to  come  here."  Then  Tukupar  rubbed  his 
arms,  his  legs,  and  his  body,  and  was  well  again. 

Then  he  said  :  "  Now,  my  cousin,  you  dance."  Dakwish  said  :  "  No, 
I  do  not  know  how.  You  are  a  good  dancer.  I  cannot  do  as  well  as 
you."  "Come,  do  as  I  did,"  said  Tukupar.  Dakwish  sat  hanging  his 
head.  Then  Tukupar  told  him  :  "  My  cousin,  you  say  you  are  a  man. 
I  am  a  man  too."  Then  Dakwish  stood  up.  Tukupar  sang  the  same 
song  for  him.  He  said  :  "  I  will  sing  the  song  I  learned  from  you." 
Then  Dakwish  danced  and  the  wind  blew  hard.  Tukupar  said  :  "  Do 
not  do  that  to  me."  He  was  thinking  how  to  catch  him.  Dakwish 
did  as  Tukupar  had  done  before.  He  broke  his  bones,  cut  off  his 
hair,  threw  it  away,  broke  off  his  legs,  and  threw  them  away.  Then 
he  flew  about  with  only  body  and  head,  and  broke  his  head  apart  with 
his  hands.  From  the  middle  of  his  body  feather  ropes  (pewish)  grew 
out  and  spread  around  the  entire  head  and  body.  Then  he  put  him- 
self together  again. 

Now  Tukupar  threw  gnats  (sengmalum)  into  the  eyes  of  Dakwish 
so  that  he  could  not  see.  He  rubbed  his  eyes  and  said  :  "  My  cousin, 
cure  me.  I  know  you  did  this  to  me."  Tukupar  said  :  "  You  are  a 
man.  You  broke  your  body.  Why  do  you  not  cure  yourself .''  "  Then 
he  cured  Dakwish. 

Now  Dakwish  said  :  "  My  cousin,  you  have  bad  thoughts  against 
me."  "  No,  I  have  merely  come  to  see  you,"  said  Tukupar.  "  Why 
have  you  come,  my  cousin  .-• "  Tukupar  said  :  "  I  have  come  to  see 
you  because  I  had  a  son.  He  is  dead."  Dakwish  was  quiet.  "  I  came 
to  ask  you  if  you  had  seen  him  anywhere."     Dakwish  said  :  "  What 


320  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

will  you  do  ?  I  killed  him."  Tukupar  said  :  "  I  want  only  my  son's 
hair."  Dakwish  told  him  :  "  It  is  well.  It  is  night  now.  In  the 
morning  we  will  see.  Stay  here,  my  cousin.  I  am  going  now.  I  am 
going  to  travel.  There  is  war  and  I  want  to  go  to  it.  I  will  see  you 
in  the  morning."     Then  he  left  Tukupar. 

The  mother  of  Dakwish  came  in.  "What  did  he  do  with  you.-*" 
she  asked.  "  My  consin  danced,"  said  Tukupar.  The  old  woman 
said  :  "  He  is  bad.  If  he  comes  in  the  morning  and  tells  you  to  stay, 
do  not  do  it.  He  will  kill  you."  "Very  well,  my  father's  sister," 
said  Tukupar. 

In  the  morning  Dakwish  came  back.  There  was  wind  and  thun- 
der and  it  roared  and  shook.  "  How  are  you,  my  cousin  }  "  he  said. 
Tukupar  stood  up.  Dakwish  was  afraid  of  him.  He  asked:  "Tell 
me  what  you  said  last  night."  Tukupar  said :  "  I  want  my  son's 
hair."  Dakwish  said  :  "  Very  well.  Look  there  where  the  masawat 
is  "  (an  ornament  made  of  or  containing  hair).  Tukupar  could  not  find 
his  son's  hair.  He  said  so.  Dakwish  said  :  "  I  cannot  help  it.  There 
is  another  masawat.  Perhaps  it  is  in  that."  Tukupar  could  not  find 
it  there.  Dakwish  said:  "That  is  all.  I  have  no  more/'  Tukupar 
said:  "Yes,  you  have  another."  He  went  to  another  one,  a  new 
one.  Dakwish  was  ashamed.  He  went  away  with  it  for  a  little 
while.  Then  he  came  back.  He  had  hidden  Tukupar's  son's  hair, 
and  said:  "There  is  nothing  there.  Don't  you  see.''"  Tukupar 
said  :  "  My  cousin,  you  have  it  under  your  arm."  Then  Dakwish  hit 
him  in  the  face  with  the  hair.  He  said  :  "  You  came  here  to  cry." 
Tukupar  said:  "That  is  what  I  want,  my  cousin,"  and  he  put  the 
hair  around  him.  Then  he  cried.  After  he  had  cried,  he  started  to 
go.  Dakwish  said  :  "  Are  you  saying  good-by  ? "  and  tried  to  take 
hold  of  him.  The  old  woman  signed  Tukupar  to  go  off  quickly. 
She  wanted  him  to  go  at  once.  Then  Tukupar  flew  away,  down  from 
the  mountain  to  the  ground. 

He  lit,  stood  up,  and  went  home.  Then  he  cried  and  called  all 
his  people.  When  they  were  all  together  he  took  out  the  hair  for 
all  of  them  to  see,  and  they  all  cried.  After  they  had  cried  he  told 
them  to  go  home  and  sleep  and  come  in  the  morning.  In  the  morn- 
ing he  said  :  "  I  will  do  to  him  what  he  did  to  my  son  when  he  killed 
him." 

Then  he  went  to  invite  Dakwish  to  visit  him.  When  he  came  to 
where  Dakwish  had  killed  his  son,  a  figure  in  the  stone  spoke  to  him. 
It  was  where  his  son  had  lain  when  Dakwish  had  killed  him.  The 
stone  can  still  be  seen.  It  said  :  "  Father,  go  back.  Do  not  go  to 
Dakwish.  I  will  do  it  myself.  I  told  him  not  to  kill  me.  I  will  do 
the  same  to  him  that  he  did  to  me."  But  Tukupar  went  to  Dakwish. 
When  he  reached  him  he  said:  "I  want  you  to  come  to  my  house  in 


Two  Myths  of  the  Mission  Indians  of  California,     321 

three  days."  He  moved  his  arm  over  his  breast  and  Dakwish  could 
not  see  him  any  more.  Dakwish  asked  him  :  "  Will  there  be  many  .-* " 
He  said  :  "  Yes.  Some  are  coming  to-day,  some  to-morrow,  some 
the  day  after."  Dakwish  asked  :  "  Will  there  be  a  chance  to  kill 
people  }  "     "  Of  course,"  said  Tukupar.     "  Very  well,"  said  Dakwish. 

Tukupar  went  back  and  invited  many  people  from  everywhere. 
In  three  days  they  were  all  there.  Dakwish  came.  People  came 
from  Paiacha,  Elsinore.  Among  them  was  a  large  woman.  Dakwish 
said  :  "  I  will  eat  that  woman.  She  is  nice  and  fat."  But  Tukupar 
said  :  "  Do  not,  my  cousin.  There  are  more  coming."  Dakwish 
said  :  "There  is  a  boy.  I  want  to  eat  him  to-night."  Tukupar  said  : 
"  No,  there  are  more  coming."  Dakwish  was  angry.  He  went  and 
killed  one  of  the  people  and  pounded  him  up  with  a  pestle. 

Then  one  of  the  chiefs  said  :  "  I  have  lost  a  boy."  Tukupar  said: 
"  That  is  not  my  fault.  I  told  you  to  kill  Dakwish  to-night.  It 
surely  was  Dakwish  who  did  that."  Tukupar  had  told  them  all  to 
kill  Dakwish  the  first  night  that  he  was  there.  Now  all  the  chiefs 
told  their  people  to  kill  Dakwish.  They  talked  how  they  were  to 
kill  him.  Then  Tukupar  stood  behind  Dakwish,  who  was  sitting 
with  his  head  bowed.  He  signed  to  a  man  with  a  heavy  war-club  of 
oak  (dadabish),  and  the  man  hit  him  on  the  back  of  the  neck  and 
knocked  him  down.     Then  they  killed  him. 

They  threw  him  outside  and  he  turned  to  rock.  He  is  there  still 
(sic).  Two  men  carried  him  (sic)  to  Pakhavkhau,  north  of  Elsinore. 
There  they  laid  him  down,  covered  him  with  wood,  and  burned  him. 
Then  one  said  :  "  Light  the  fire  while  I  go  to  drink."  Then  the 
other  lit  the  wood  and  then  he  too  went  to  drink.  When  Dakwish 
began  to  burn  it  thundered.  There  was  a  great  noise  and  an  explo- 
sion. Fire  flew  about  and  Dakwish  flew  home  like  a  star.  The 
men  said:  "There  he  is  flying!  He  has  gone  away!"  They  were 
sitting  at  the  spring.  Dakwish's  liver  is  now  a  rock  at  that  place. 
In  this  way  Dakwish  went  home. 

A.  L.  Kroeber. 


32  2  yournal  of  Americaji  Folk-Lore. 

NOTES   ON   CALIFORNIA   FOLK-LORE.  ^ 

A    YOKUTS    CREATION    MYTH. 

The  following  tradition  was  obtained  in  1903  from  Jim  Herring- 
ton,  an  Indian,  then  ill  and  now  dead,  of  the  Wiikchamni  or  Wik- 
tsumne  tribe  of  the  Yokuts.  This  tribe  lived  on  the  Kaweah  River, 
in  the  vicinity  of  the  present  town  of  Lemon  Cove. 

Lons:  ago  the  whole  world  was  rock  and  there  was  neither  fire  nor 
light  The  coyote  (kaiyu)  sent  his  brother,  the  wolf  (ewayet,  iweyit), 
into  the  mountains,  telling  him:  "Go  upward  until  you  come  to  a 
large  lake,  where  you  will  see  fire.  Then  take  some  of  it."  The 
wolf  did  as  ordered  by  Coyote,  and  after  some  fighting  obtained  part 
of  the  fire.  From  this  he  made  the  moon  and  then  the  sun,  and  put 
them  in  the  sky.     Then  it  was  light,  and  has  been  so  ever  since. 

The  eagle  (tsohit,  djokhid)  kept  Coyote  at  work,  and  the  latter 
made  the  panther  (wuhushet,  wohoshit)  and  the  wolf  help  him. 
Coyote  made  the  springs  and  streams.  He  worked  very  hard  to 
do  this.  Then  he  and  the  eagle  made  people.  They  also  made  deer 
and  elk  and  antelope  and  all  game  animals,  and  put  fish  into  the 
water.  They  gave  these  animals  to  the  people,  w'ho  went  every- 
where and  killed  the  game  for  their  subsistence. 

Then  Coyote,  the  wolf,  and  the  panther  said  :  "  In  time  there  will 

be  too  many  people  and  they  will  kill  us."     Now  Coyote  was  sorry 

that  he  had  helped  the  eagle  make  the  people.     The  panther  said  : 

"They  will  kill  us  if  we  do  not  go  away."     "Then  go  up,"  the  eagle 

told  him.    The  panther  answered  :  "  I  have  no  feathers,  I  cannot  fly.    I 

cannot  go  up."    "  Then  go  to  the  mountains,"  said  the  eagle.   To  the 

wolf  he  said  :  "  Go  to  the  hills  ;  "  and  to  Coyote  :  "  Go  to  the  plains." 

The  three  went  where  they  were  told,  and  have  lived  there  ever 

since. 

George  IV.  Stewart. 

ViSALIA. 

EARTHQUAKES. 

All  the  Indians  of  California  have  a  name  for  the  earthquake, 
and  most  of  them  personify  it.  The  belief  that  earthquakes  are 
caused  by  the  movements  of  a  giant  who  supports  the  earth,  an  idea 
that  crops  out  in  many  parts  of  the  world,  does  not  seem  to  be  pre- 
valent among  them.  Earthquake  is  a  man  of  supernatural  power, 
usually  either  allied  or  contrasted  to  Thunder.  Sometimes  there  are 
several  earthquake  brothers.  In  northwestern  California,  among  the 
Yurok,  Earthquake  shakes  the  earth  by  his  running,  just  as  Thunder, 

^  Communicated  as  part  of  the  Proceedings  of  the  CaHfornia  Branch  of  the 
American  Folk-Lore  Society. 


Notes  on  California  Folk- Lore,  323 

also  imagined  to  be  a  man,  produces  thunder  and  lightning  by  run- 
ning in  the  sky  and  opening  and  shutting  his  eyes.  Earthquake  is 
said  by  these  Indians  to  have  originally  lived  at  the  village  of  Kenek, 
on  the  south  side  of  Klamath  River,  some  thirty-five  miles  from  its 
mouth.  He  was  a  most  successful  shinny  player,  defeating  all 
comers  by  causing  the  ground  to  rise  in  waves  under  their  feet,  so 
that  they  stumbled  and  fell  as  they  ran.  He  was  finally  defeated  by 
a  visitor  who  observed  that  wherever  Earthquake  himself  ran  the 
ground  was  level  and  undisturbed,  and  who,  therefore,  kept  close  to 
him  until  he  succeeded  in  winning  the  game.  At  the  present  time 
earthquakes  are  caused  by  the  tilting  of  the  world.  This  tilting  is 
produced  when  the  deerskin  and  jumping  dances  are  not  held. 
When  two  earthquakes  occur  in  the  same  year  it  is  a  very  bad  sign, 
for  then  the  world  is  far  off  its  level.  If  the  earth  should  tilt  far 
enough  it  would  slide  off  altogether.  The  earthquakes  are  therefore 
a  warning,  which  has  in  the  past  always  been  obeyed. 

One  tradition  represents  Earthquake  as  a  man  travelling  northward 
along  the  coast  to  the  end  of  the  world.  He  is  followed  by  Thunder, 
who  wishes  to  be  accepted  as  his  companion.  Earthquake  at  first  is 
doubtful  as  to  Thunder's  power,  but  after  the  latter  has  given  sev- 
eral exhibitions  of  rumbling  and  shaking  that  almost  equal  those  of 
Earthquake  himself,  the  two  continue  the  journey  together. 

A  somewhat  similar  relation  between  the  two  powers  is  found  in 

a  Yokuts  myth  from  Tule  River,  in  the  south  central  part  of  the 

State.     Earthquake   and  Thunder   contend   for  superiority.     Each 

hides  the  children  of  the  other,  but  both  find  their  own  and  liberate 

them  with  a  display  of  power. 

A.  L.  Kroeber. 
San  Francisco. 

water  monsters  in  northern  california. 

The  Indians  of  Trinity  River,  belonging  to  the  Wintun  and  Chi- 
mariko  stock,  have  a  belief  in  a  mythical  animal  known  as  a  "  water 
panther."  The  animal  is  said  to  be  two  or  three  times  as  large 
as  an  ordinary  panther,  and  has  enormous  eyes.  These  animals  are 
supposed  to  occur  in  several  places,  but  never  are  seen  except  at 
times  of  flood.  At  the  present  day  they  do  not  attack  people,  but 
formerly  were  said  to  have  done  so. 

On  the  Klamath  River  the  Shasta  Indians  have  a  related  belief  in 
a  "water-dog."  These  live  in  dangerous  whirlpools  in  the  river,  and 
appear  like  huge  spotted  dogs.  They  cause  the  death  of  persons  by 
drowning.  The  bodies  of  those  drowned  thus  are,  it  is  thought,  always 
found  covered  with  spots  similar  to  those  of  the  "water-dog"  itself. 

Roland  B.  Dixon. 


324  you  rnal  of  A  merican  Folk-L  ore. 

INDIAN  OPINIONS  OF  THE  EARTHQUAKE  OF  APRIL,   I906. 

It  is  the  custom  of  the  few  Indians  of  Wintun  stock,  who  now  live 
in  Cortina  valley,  in  the  western  foothills  of  the  Sacramento  valley 
at  a  point  about  eighty-five  miles  nearly  due  north  of  San  Francisco, 
to  hold  each  spring  a  ceremony  called  Hesi.  During  an  attendance 
at  this  ceremony  in  May,  1906,  the  following  theories  concerning  the 
recent  great  earthquake  which  affected  San  Francisco  and  other 
parts  of  the  Coast  Range  region  in  California  were  gained  from  a 
speech  made  by  the  shaman  who  conducted  the  ceremony  and  from 
discussion  by  the  other  Indians  assembled. 

The  world  was  originally  much  smaller  than  at  present.  As  the 
Indian  population  in  times  past  increased,  the  earth  was  rent  and 
stretched  by  Coyote  Old  Man,  the  southern  Wintun  culture-hero*  in 
order  to  make  room  for  the  newcomers.  In  the  beginning  the  surface 
of  the  earth  was  a  plain,  but  with  the  rendings,  of  which  there  have 
already  been  four,  the  present  mountains,  valleys,  and  other  physio- 
graphical  features  were  formed.  There  is  to  be  another  great  rend- 
ing of  the  earth,  in  which  the  mountains  are  to  be  razed  and  the 
whole  surface  of  the  earth  is  to  be  made  level,  like  the  Wintun 
abode  of  the  dead.  Quite  naturally,  the  great  earthquake  which  had 
occurred  less  than  a  month  previously  was  connected  in  the  Indian 
mind  with  this  expected  catastrophe,  particularly  by  virtue  of  the  fact 
that  at  the  time  of  the  ceremony  referred  to  there  were  small  earth 
tremors  felt  almost  every  day,  and  also  owing  to  the  fact  that  at  that 
particular  time  there  was  on  Cache  Creek,  at  a  point  not  more  than 
fifteen  miles  distant,  a  great  landslide  which  dammed  the  stream  for 
several  days,  finally  breaking  with  the  weight  of  accumulated  water 
and  doing  considerable  damage  at  Rumsey,  the  nearest  town  down 
stream. 

There  were,  however,  differences  of  opinion  concerning  these  seis- 
mic disturbances.  One  of  the  shamans  held  that,  as  the  Indians  are 
so  nearly  extinct,  these  disturbances  were  the  forerunners  of  the 
great  levelling  which  is  to  transform  the  world.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  old  shaman  above  referred  to,  who  conducted  the  ceremony  on 
this  occasion,  held  that  the  Indians  are  not  entirely  gone  and  that 
the  disturbances  were  the  forerunners  of  another  stretching  of  the 
earth,  this  time  in  order  to  make  room  for  the  ever-increasing  white 
population.  He  was  of  the  opinion,  however,  that  immediately  all 
the  Indians  are  dead,  which  will  be  very  soon,  according  to  him,  this 
great  catastrophe  will  totally  destroy  all  things  on  the  earth  and 
render  it  like  the  Wintun  abode  of  the  dead. 

This  same  difference  in  opinion  was  found  to  exist  among  many 
of  the  Indians  assembled  at  this  ceremony,  some  expressing  the  belief 


Notes  on  California  Folk-Lore.  325 

that  the  great  levelling  or  end  of  the  world  was  at  hand,  others  accept- 
ing the  explanation  given  by  the  old  shaman  that  this  was  merely 
another  stretching  of  the  earth  to  make  more  room.  But  all  seemed 
to  be  confident  that  ultimately  there  would  be  a  great  upheaval 
and  levelling  which  would  obliterate  all  things  at  present  upon  the 
earth. 

5.  A.  Barrett. 
Berkeley. 


326  y our nal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 


LEGEND  OF  THE  TETON  SIOUX  MEDICINE  PIPE. 

The  following  account  of  what  seems  to  have  been  an  important 
tribal  ceremony  was  obtained  from  Percy  Phillips,  a  young  full- 
blood  educated  Sioux,  living  on  the  Cheyenne  reservation,  South 
Dakota.  The  pipe  referred  to  in  the  account  is  said  to  belong  to  the 
Sans  Arcs  division  of  the  Teton  Sioux,  and  is  in  the  possession  of 
Red-Hair,  the  keeper.  The  ceremony  lasts  about  half  a  day  and  the 
sincrino:  of  the  ritual  is  of  about  one  hour's  duration.  The  ritual  is 
preceded  by  songs  from  the  medicine-men.  The  pipe  when  not  in 
use  is  kept  in  a  bundle  which  is  about  three  feet  long;  the  pipe 
itself  being  protected  by  gifts  or  offerings  which  have  been  made 
to  it,  then  wrapped  with  buckskin  and  placed  in  a  bag  of  woven 
buffalo  hair.  The  outer  wrapper  of  buffalo  hide  has  been  replaced 
by  one  of  canvas.  The  ceremony  is  said  to  be  performed  in  influen- 
tial families  when  a  girl  first  attains  the  age  of  womanhood  and 
also  when  a  period  of  mourning  is  stopped  by  a  formal  feast.  This 
account  is  merely  a  fragment,  but  may  lead,  it  is  hoped,  to  further 
investigation. 

When  the  Indians  were  all  living  together  in  the  east,  near  a  great 
lake,  they  were  encamped  in  a  large  circle.  At  that  time  there  was 
supposed  to  be  but  one  language  spoken  ;  and  there  were  chiefs  for 
every  tribe,  one  chief  to  every  band. 

One  day  two  young  men  went  out  hunting  in  a  mountainous  coun- 
try. At  the  top  of  a  high  table-land  they  found  game.  On  their 
way  down  the  hill  they  saw  a  woman  coming  towards  them.  As 
they  came  near  to  the  woman  they  noticed  that  she  had  something 
in  her  arms.  On  approaching  still  nearer  they  discovered  that  she 
was  a  fine-looking  young  woman,  carrying  a  pipe  on  her  left  arm. 
Suddenly  one  of  the  young  men  said  :  "  Let  us  outrage  her."  He 
tempted  the  other  man,  who  said  :  "  No,  it  is  not  well  that  you 
should  do  anything  of  the  sort,  for  she  is  of  mysterious  appearance." 
When  they  came  closer,  both  men  stopped  and  obstructed  her  way. 
The  woman  stopped  and  said  :  "  I  heard  what  you  were  saying." 
The  tempter  urged  his  fellow,  and  said  :  "  Let  us  leap  upon  her." 
The  other  man  answered:  "No,  you  must  not  harm  her."  The 
tempter  said  :  "  Yes,  I  will  attack  her,  for  there  is  no  one  around." 
The  other  man  said  :  "  You  may,  but  I  will  stand  aside."  The  woman 
said  :  "I  do  not  wish  to  stir  up  any  strife,  since  I  am  on  a  special 
errand  from  the  Great  Medicine."  With  this  she  stepped  aside,  took 
the  pipe,  which  was  seen  to  be  filled,  from  her  left  arm  and  laid  it  down 
upon  a  buffalo  chip,  with  the  stem  directly  toward  the  east.    Then 


Legend  of  the  Teton  Sioux  Medicine  Pipe.  327 

she  laughed  and  sat  down.  The  tempter  approached  her  abruptly, 
threw  her  prostrate,  and  as  he  was  on  the  verge  of  outraging  her  there 
seemed  to  be  a  very  great  rumbling  in  the  heavens,  and  there  came 
forth  from  the  heavens,  as  it  were,  mist  which  enveloped  the  place 
where  they  lay  so  that  they  could  not  be  seen.  There  they  remained 
for  a  time,  and  when  the  mist  lifted  there  was  to  be  seen  only  the 
skeleton  of  the  man,  but  the  woman  came  away  unchanged.  The 
young  man  who  had  stood  at  one  side  watching  was  frightened  and 
started  to  run  away,  but  the  woman  called  him  back.  As  he  looked 
back  the  woman  told  him  to  go  to  the  camp  where  all  the  people 
were  and  say  :  "  A  sacred  pipe  is  coming  to  you,  which  will  furnish 
you  abundance  in  the  Spirit  Land." 

The  young  man  went  away  as  fast  as  he  could,  and  when  he  came 
to  the  place  of  the  chief  he  delivered  his  message.  Immediately  all 
the  chiefs  were  gathered  together,  and  they  erected  a  tipi  large 
enough  to  contain  a  great  many  people,  and  they  made  ready  for  the 
coming  of  the  woman  with  the  pipe.  As  she  appeared  on  the  hill- 
top on  her  way  to  the  camp,  the  lightning  flashed  in  every  directioa> 
about  her.  So  mysterious  was  her  coming  that  even  the  dogs  were 
afraid  to  bark.  As  the  woman  drew  near,  the  chiefs  gathered  in  a 
circle,  holding  in  their  midst  a  red  blanket,  with  a  white  border ;  and 
thus  they  went  forth  to  meet  her.  A  little  distance  from  the  camp 
the  woman  stopped,  and  when  the  priests  came  to  her  they  threw 
down  the  blanket  for  her  to  stand  upon.  All  of  the  chiefs  took  hold 
of  the  blanket  and  carried  her  to  the  centre  of  the  large  tipi  espe- 
cially prepared  for  her  coming. 

The  woman  had  with  her  the  large  pipe,  and  when  she  was  set 
down,  she  spoke  as  follows:  "This  pipe  is  to  be  transmitted  from 
generation  to  generation,  and  thus  it  shall  be  handed  down  to  the  end 
of  time."  The  woman  laid  the  pipe  on  a  buffalo  chip.  Again  she 
spoke,  and  said  :  "  There  shall  be  but  one  nation,  and  by  that  nation 
this  pipe  must  be  kept  sacred  ;  it  must  be  used  in  time  of  war,  in  time 
of  famine,  in  time  of  sickness,  in  time  of  need  of  any  sort,  as  an 
instrument  for  preservation.  This  pipe  will  be  your  chief  deity.  It 
must  be  kept  by  the  best  chief  of  the  tribe,  and  must  be  attended  to 
once  a  year,  by  the  assemblage  of  the  most  upright  chiefs.  Whenever 
they  open  the  pipe  there  must  be  made  tools  expressly  for  handling 
the  fire,  a  certain  stick  must  be  trimmed  and  handled  by  virgins  or 
by  young  men  of  chastity,  expressly  for  the  pipe,  a  tamper,  and  a 
little  spoon  must  be  made  to  take  up  the  fire.  The  pipe  must  have 
a  wrapping  of  wool  of  the  buffalo  only.  From  the  first  enemy  that 
shall  be  killed  through  the  power  of  the  pipe  an  ear  shall  be  cut  off 
and  tied  to  the  pipe-stem.  The  first  scalp  to  be  taken  shall  be 
treated  in  the  same  way.    Whenever  you  are  hungry  my  instructions 


328  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

must  be  followed.  Ten  men  shall  open  the  pipe,  to  plead  to  the  Great 
Owner  of  the  pipe.  Should  the  man  holding  the  pipe  do  any  wrong 
there  would  be  a  demolition  of  his  whole  family.  Through  the  advice 
of  your  ten  best  chiefs  the  pipe  shall  be  kept  by  the  very  best  chief 
of  all.  As  long  as  the  holder  shall  walk  reverently  and  keep  himself 
in  order,  the  keeping  of  the  pipe  shall  be  hereditary." 

As  the  woman  was  leaving  the  tipi  she  said  that  she  was  going  to 
stop  four  times  on  the  way  to  the  hill,  and  the  priests  should  smoke 
the  pipe  as  she  was  leaving ;  that  the  fourth  time  she  should  stop 
she  would  transform  herself.  The  ten  chiefs  lighted  the  pipe,  and  as 
they  were  smoking  the  woman  went  away,  then  stopped  and  looked 
back.  Again  she  went  on,  and  looked  back.  Again  she  stopped  and 
looked  back,  and  the  fourth  time  she  stopped  and  looked  back  she 
turned  toward  the  hill  and  ran,  and  she  transformed  herself  into  a 
splendid  five-year-old  buffalo,  then  disappeared  in  the  hills. 

Now  the  chiefs  assembled  and  held  a  council,  so  as  to  establish 
rules  regulating  the  keeping  of  the  pipe.  They  selected  the  best 
chief  to  hold  the  pipe.  During  the  ceremony  of  the  pipe  he  was  to 
relate  exactly  the  story  that  the  woman  had  told  when  she  brought 
the  pipe  to  the  camp  ;  nor  might  he  deviate  from  or  leave  out  any  of 
her  words.  While  the  chiefs  were  still  in  council  they  secured  a 
wrapper  for  the  pipe,  also  all  the  sticks  that  were  necessary  for  use 
with  the  pipe,  all  made  by  maidens.  The  pipe  was  then  raised  high 
aloft  in  the  midst  of  the  council  lodge.  The  pipe  was  cared  for  with 
great  reverence.     No  unclean  woman  might  approach  it. 

A  few  days  after  the  pipe  had  been  brought,  there  was  a  quarrel 
within  the  camp  in  which  two  people  were  killed.  In  accordance 
with  the  woman's  command,  they  cut  the  ear  from  one  and  tied  it  on 
the  pipe-stem,  together  with  the  scalp,  and  that  ear  and  that  scalp 
are  on  the  pipe  to  this  day.  The  same  sticks  that  were  made  by  the 
ancient  people,  as  also  the  covering  of  buffalo  hair,  are  still  with  the 
ancient  pipe,  which  is  said  to  be  nine  hundred  years  old. 

This  pipe  is  now  kept  by  an  old  Sioux  chief  who  lives  at  the  Chey- 
enne Agency,  South  Dakota,  and  who  is  about  ninety-three  years 
old.  They  say  that  when  he  dies  he  will  have  been  the  last  man  to 
hold  the  pipe ;  that  he  is  to  go  to  the  grave  with  the  pipe. 

There  have  been  offerings  made  to  this  pipe  by  different  tribes, 
such  as  bracelets,  earrings,  rings,  arrows,  brushes,  stones,  and  vari- 
ous other  trinkets  being  given  to  the  pipe  alone,  all  of  which  are  kept 
with  the  pipe.  They  say  that  whenever  in  need  or  hungry,  the  buffalo 
gone,  they  go  to  work  and  call  the  ten  best  men  in,  who  go  and  plead 
to  the  pipe,  having  unwrapped  it,  and  that  within  from  one  to  three 
days  thereafter  they  receive  all  that  they  pray  for.  Since  the  scatter- 
ing of  the  tribe,  in  times  of  peace  the  pipe  is  held  as  peacemaker. 


Legend  of  the  Teton  Sioux  Medicme  Pipe.  329 

and  hence  is  sometimes  called  the  "  pipe  of  peace  ; "  but  the  people 
call  it  the  "calf  pipe,"  for  the  woman  who  brought  it  transformed 
herself  into  a  buffalo,  and  the  pipe  coming  from  her  must  therefore 
be  a  calf. 

General  Custer  swore  by  this  pipe  that  he  was  not  going  to  fight 
the  Indians  any  more.  But  the  very  next  summer  he  met  death, 
for  he  disregarded  the  oath  he  had  made  to  the  pipe.  He  who 
swears  by  the  pipe  and  breaks  oath,  comes  to  destruction,  and  his 
whole  family  dies,  or  sickness  comes  upon  them, 

George  A.  Dorsey. 

Chicago,  III. 

vol.  xix.  —  no.  75.        22 


330  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore, 


THE   METAWIN    SOCIETY   OF   THE   BUNGEES   OR 
SWAMPY   INDIANS    OF   LAKE   WINNIPEG. 

The  Indians  found  in  the  Dominion  of  Canada,  between  Norway 
House  and  York  Factory,  as  well  as  those  about  the  shores  of  Lake 
Winnipeg,  are  locally  known  as  Bungees,  or  Swampy  Indians,  and 
are  thought  to  be  composed  of  Saulteaux  and  Cree,  as  their  speech 
seems  to  be  a  mixture  of  the  dialects  of  both  of  these  tribes. 

The  most  important  of  all  the  religious  ceremonies  conducted  by 
these  Indians  many  years  ago  was  that  of  the  Metawin,  which  was 
usually  held  in  the  spring.  It  belonged  to  a  sort  of  secret  society 
which  had  branches  or  "lodges,"  from  Lake  Superior  to  the  far 
north,  the  head  or  original  Metawin  having  been  established  in  very 
ancient  times.  The  sole  aim  of  its  ceremonial  rites  was  to  insure 
long  life  and  success  to  all  who  obeyed  its  behests. 

The  chief  Metawin  Society  still  remains,  and  although  its  exact 
locality  is  not  now  known,  certain  individuals  have  power  to  estab- 
lish subordinate  lodges.  The  first  subordinate  lodge  was  established, 
it  is  claimed,  somewhere  in  the  vicinity  of  Lake  Winnipeg  many 
years  ago,  and  its  mysteries  were  ordained  to  be  performed  every 
alternate  year  forever.  Subsequently  this  lodge  was  removed  to 
some  place  near  Lake  Superior,  and  by  it  power  was  given  to  several 
tribes  of  Indians  to  establish  branch  lodges. 

Each  lodge  had  its  Master  of  Ceremonies,  a  Grand  Master  of 
Medicine,  as  well  as  minor  officers.  Each  member  of  the  lodge  had 
in  his  possession  a  ''bag  of  life  ^^  made  of  the  skin  of  any  bird  or 
small  animal,  such  as  the  owl,  mink,  beaver,  muskrat,  and  sometimes 
the  snake,  but  whatever  the  .skin  from  which  it  was  made,  the  bag 
was  always  highly  ornamented  with  beads  or  porcupine  quills,  and 
contained  medicine  considered  conducive  to  long  life,  which  was  pro- 
vided by  the  Grand  Master  of  Medicine. 

The  structure  in  which  the  Metawin  was  held  was  built  long  and 
narrow,  of  upright  saplings,  carefully  covered  with  brush  and  leaves 
so  that  no  outsider  could  peep  in  and  scan  its  mysteries.  The  door 
in  all  cases  faced  the  rising  sun.  Down  the  middle  of  this  structure 
several  poles  were  planted  upright  in  the  ground,  to  support  a  cord 
or  rope  stretched  from  one  end  of  the  inclosure  to  the  other.  On 
this  cord  were  suspended  the  offerings  of  those  who  had  had  a  suc- 
cessful hunt  during  the  past  winter,  and  of  those  who  had  recovered 
from  a  dangerous  sickness.  There  were  there  also  the  offerings  of 
penitents,  with  which  they  hoped  to  atone  for  their  misdeeds  and 
transgressions  during  the  year.  These  offerings  consisted  of  various 
articles,  such  as  pieces  of  printed  calico,  clothing,  knives,  guns,  and 
ammunition. 


The  Metawin  Society  of  the  Bungees.  331 

In  the  centre  of  the  structure,  placed  upon  the  ground,  were 
wooden  carvings  of  the  goose,  the  fox,  the  duck,  and  other  animals. 
At  the  foot  of  each  upright  central  pole  were  images  of  various  birds 
and  animals  ;  while  at  one  end  of  the  structure,  where  the  chief  men 
sat,  stood  an  image,  made  partly  of  wood  and  partly  of  clothing, 
which  represented  the  god  of  medicine  in  human  form. 

The  spectators  of  the  proceedings  in  the  lodge  were  seated  close 
around  the  sides  of  the  structure,  sufficient  space  being  left  between 
the  line  of  offerings  and  the  assembly  for  the  performance  of  the 
religious  rites. 

When  a  lodge  was  to  be  held,  the  Grand  Master,  in  giving  notice  of 
the  meeting,  sent  by  the  hands  of  a  trusted  messenger  a  piece  of 
tobacco  to  each  member  of  the  lodge,  with  the  request  to  meet  at  a 
certain  time  and  place  to  celebrate  the  Metawin.  After  the  meeting 
of  the  members  the  structure  for  the  ceremonies  was  erected  as 
above  described.  This  being  done,  the  members  formed  in  line  and, 
with  the  Grand  Master  and  the  Master  of  Ceremonies  at  their  head, 
approached  the  structure  on  the  east  side,  and  then  marched  around 
it  three  times,  following  the  course  of  the  sun.  At  the  end  of  the 
third  time,  the  Grand  Master  halted  opposite  the  entrance  and 
advanced  three  times,  essaying  to  enter,  and  three  times  retreated, 
singing  as  follows  :  — 

I  approach  but  fear 

To  be  near  thy  presence. 

Oh  !  ah  !  oh  !  oh  ! 

As  he  finished  this  chant,  the  Master  of  Ceremonies  with  a  wand 
lifted  up  the  covering  of  the  door  and  the  Grand  Master  entered, 
followed  by  all  the  members.    He  then  chanted  the  following  :  — 

I  have  entered.    I  have  entered 
Long  life  to  gain,  long  life  to  gain. 
Oh  !  oh  !  oh  !  ah  ! 

The  members  then  marched  around  the  inside  of  the  structure  three 
times,  each  in  the  costume  of  his  society  and  each  having  in  his 
hand  his  bag  of  skin  containing  a  magic  bead.  They  then  took  the 
seats  allotted  to  them  by  the  Master  of  Ceremonies,  while  the  Grand 
Master  took  a  position  near  the  image  of  the  god  of  medicine,  with 
a  drum  in  his  hand.  He  tapped  the  drum  three  times,  at  each  inter- 
val repeating  the  words,  "  Ne  kan,  ne  kan,  kannana,  kenana."  He 
then  proceeded  to  address  the  gathering  in  somewhat  the  following 
strain  : — 

"  The  Great  Spirit  who  dwelleth  in  the  heaven  of  heavens  bless  you 
all  and  send  you  long  life. 

"  The  white-haired  man  brings  with  him  life,  and  has  given  me 
life,  which  I  give  to  all  my  brothers  and  sisters.     Our  forefathers 


332  Jotcrnal  of  A merican  Folk-L ore. 

left  us  this  structure  to  teach  our  children,  and  your  life  depends 
upon  the  secrets  of  your  own  breasts.  Prepare  your  magic  beads 
and  skins  of  the  house  of  life  in  order  to  cast  your  beads  on  the  sick 
and  dying  who  may  be  placed  before  you  to  restore  to  life.  Your 
magic  beads  shall  pierce  rocks,  the  spirits  who  preside  over  our 
secret  councils  shall  bless  your  efforts  to  restore  health  and  long 
life.  The  path  of  our  ancestors  teaching  us  the  use  of  the  countless 
herbs  and  roots  growing  in  this,  our  world,  will  sing  the  song  of 
enchantment,  when  each  member  will  offer  with  gratitude  to  his 
teacher  the  offerings  he  may  have  brought  with  him  to  seek  and 
receive  long  life." 

The  Grand  Master  having  finished  his  speech,  several  others  of 
the  leading  men  addressed  the  meeting.  The  tenor  of  the  speeches 
was  about  the  same  as  that  of  the  Grand  Master,  namely,  to  obey 
their  superiors  and  use  the  medicines  to  be  found  in  the  world. 
The  candidates  for  admission  into  the  secrets  of  the  lodge  were 
seated  with  the  women  and  children  along  the  sides. 

The  speeches  being  ended,  the  members  of  the  lodge  marched 
around  in  a  sort  of  jog  trot  several  times,  swinging  their  medicine 
bags  and  uttering  a  monotonous  chant ;  while  the  drummers  stationed 
at  one  end  of  the  structure  constantly  kept  up  their  playing.  Sud- 
denly the  procession  would  come  to  a  halt  opposite  one  of  the  can- 
didates :  the  Grand  Master  would  whisper  something  in  his  ear  and 
then  throw  his  medicine  bag  at  him,  whereupon  the  candidate  would 
drop  down  as  if  he  had  been  shot.  The  members  of  the  lodge  would 
then  gather  around  him  in  a  kneeling  posture  and  blow  into  his  ears 
and  mouth  and  shake  their  medicine  bags  over  him,  making  at  the 
same  time  a  sort  of  queer  rumbling  noise.  In  a  short  time  the  can- 
didate would  open  his  eyes  and  gradually  come  to  life,  and  in  a  few 
minutes  was  fully  recovered.  The  march  was  then  resumed,  and 
the  candidate  would  take  up  his  medicine  bag  and  follow  the  pro- 
cession. 

This  was  repeated  over  each  candidate  until  all  had  been  initiated. 

After  this  ceremony  was  over,  each  member  took  the  magic  bead 
out  of  his  bag  of  life,  and,  holding  it  in  the  palm  of  his  hand,  went 
around  showing  it  to  all  the  company,  after  which  he  fell  upon  his 
knees  and  appeared  to  swallow  it.  It  is  claimed  that  this  bead  was 
then  drawn  in  a  supernatural  manner  from  the  body  of  the  per- 
former and  replaced  in  the  bag  unknown  to  him.  After  the  rite  had 
been  gone  through,  the  various  offerings  contributed  were  handed  to 
the  newly  initiated  candidates,  who,  in  their  turn,  distributed  them 
among  the  other  members  of  the  society.  This  being  done,  the  mem- 
bers again  marched  around  in  a  half  trot,  and  pointed  their  medicine 
bags  occasionally  at  each  other.    The  person  pointed  at  immediately 


The  Metawin  Society  of  the  Bungees.  333 

fell  down  as  if  struck  by  lightning,  but  soon  recovered  and  got  up 
and  followed  the  others.  On  some  occasions  one  seemed  as  if  badly- 
wounded  and  unable  to  get  up.  In  such  a  case  the  others  gathered 
around  him  and,  with  much  ceremony,  made  a  show  of  extracting  a 
bead  from  his  body.  Sometimes  a  bag  would  be  pointed  at  some 
one's  knee,  when  he  would  instantly  become  lame,  and  with  great 
difficulty  hobble  after  the  procession,  but  would  gradually  get  better 
and  finally  resume  his  natural  jog  trot. 

Many  women  were  employed  cooking  outside,  while  others  were 
engaged  in  looking  after  the  nets,  which  were  set  in  the  river  for 
sturgeon.  Several  dishes  of  dog-broth  and  dog-meat,  as  well  as 
sturgeon,  were  set  before  the  wooden  images  in  the  lodge  house. 
These  edibles  were  devoured  by  the  society  members  when  the  rites 

were  concluded. 

5.  C.  Simins. 


334  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 


MYTHS  OF  THE  BUNGEES  OR  SWAMPY  INDIANS  OF 
LAKE  WINNIPEG. 

The  chief  divinities  of  the  Indians  are  two — -Gitchi  Manitou,  the 
good  spirit,  and  Matche  Manitou,  the  evil  spirit.  It  was  Gitchi  Man- 
itou who  revealed  the  mysterious  secrets  of  the  Metawin  to  man 
shortly  after  his  creation,  about  the  time  that  the  first  pair  had 
grand-children  born  to  them,  and  before  death  entered  into  the  world. 

At  that  time  there  lived  two  powerful  snakes,  the  rattlesnake  and 
the  natawa,  which  had  existed  from  the  beginning  of  the  world.  They 
lived  together  in  harmony  for  many  years,  but  at  length  the  rattle- 
snake grew  jealous  of  the  powerful  and  deadly  natawa,  which  jealousy 
so  increased  that  the  rattlesnake  finally  challenged  the  natawa  to  see, 
by  inflicting  a  bite  on  mankind,  which  of  them  possessed  the  most 
deadly  poison.  The  natawa  demurred  at  first  to  this  proposal,  being 
unwilling  to  disturb  the  peace  and  harmony  that  existed  in  the  world, 
but  from  day  to  day  the  rattlesnake  so  taunted  the  natawa  with  cow- 
ardice, that  at  last  the  latter  consented  to  accept  the  challenge. 

At  that  period  there  lived  two  powerful  chiefs  near  to  each  other, 
who  were  on  terms  of  great  intimacy.  They  had  each  a  grown-up 
son,  and  the  two  young  men  often  hunted  in  the  forest  together. 
During  one  of  their  excursions,  the  rattlesnake  and  the  natawa  way- 
laid them  for  the  purpose  of  inflicting  wounds  on  them  to  see  which 
of  their  poisons  was  the  most  deadly.  The  young  men,  unconscious 
of  danger,  passed  the  thicket  where  the  two  snakes  were  in  ambush, 
when  suddenly  the  reptiles  sprang  upon  them  and  bit  them.  The 
young  man  who  was  bitten  by  the  natawa  instantly  dropped  dead 
from  the  effect  of  the  poison,  but  the  other  one  was  able  to  reach 
his  father's  tent.  Here  a  noted  medicine-man  applied  a  powerful 
antidote  to  the  wound  and  the  youth  recovered  in  a  few  days. 

After  the  deed  was  done  the  natawa,  who  was  grieved  and  enraged 
at  the  rattlesnake  by  whose  guile  and  temptation  he  had  been  instru- 
mental in  bringing  death  and  sorrow  to  mankind,  said  :  "  Brother,  you 
have  been  the  cause  of  bringing  death  and  misery  to  mankind  by 
your  envious  and  evil  designs,  therefore  you  shall  never  after  this 
have  the  power  to  approach  man  without  a  warning.  From  this 
time  you  shall  ever  have  a  rattle  in  your  tail  to  warn  every  one  who 
approaches  you  of  your  presence,  and  the  people  of  the  earth  shall 
pursue  you  to  death." 

The  old  chief,  whose  son  had  died  of  the  poisonous  bite,  brought 
the  body  home,  and  with  his  tribe  performed  the  burial  ceremony ; 
and  every  day  afterwards  repaired  to  the  grave  of  his  beloved  son 
and  bitterly  mourned  his  loss. 


Myths  of  the  Bungees.  335 

The  friends  of  the  old  man  endeavored  to  console  him  in  his  grief, 
but  without  effect ;  he  would  not  even  speak  to  them.  One  day, 
while  visiting  the  grave,  he  saw  an  enormous  snake,  striped  with  va- 
rious colors  like  a  rainbow,  arising  out  of  the  earth,  who  thus  addressed 
him  :  "Old  man  of  the  plain,  I  command  you  to  appear  at  this  spot  on 
the  third  day  following  this,  and  you  must  implicitly  follow  my  direc- 
tions and  obey  my  commands.  There  shall  appear  to  you  a  snake  on 
this  very  same  spot  ;  he  will  be  sent  by  the  gods.  You  will  elevate 
the  serpent  three  times  by  the  horns,  and  at  each  time  you  elevate 
him,  you  will  repeat  these  words  of  adoration,  '  Ne  kan,  ne  kan,  kan 
na  ka,  ka  na,  oh  !  oh  !  oh  ! '  Immediately  after  you  have  performed 
this,  there  shall  appear  a  Manitou  of  your  race,  who  will  teach  you 
the  ceremony  of  the  Metawin  or  tent  of  life,  and  reveal  to  you 
the  mysterious  rites  which  come  from  the  happy  hunting-ground, 
and  from  the  centre  of  the  earth,  and  from  the  depths  of  the 
waters.  The  spirits  take  pity  on  your  sorrow  and  will  help  you  if 
you  obey  them.  Adieu,  my  son  ;  you  will  point  to  the  centre  of  the 
heavens,  the  centre  of  the  earth,  and  to  the  four  abodes  of  the  spir- 
its with  your  pipestem,  whilst  I  glide  down  the  perpendicular  rock 
of  our  abode."  At  that  instant  the  snake  disappeared  downwards 
with  a  tremendous  hissing  sound,  caused  by  the  rapidity  of  his  de- 
scent. 

According  to  the  instructions  of  the  great  snake,  the  old  man  re- 
paired to  the  grave  of  his  son  on  the  third  day,  and  after  presenting 
his  pipestem  to  the  centre  of  the  sky,  the  earth,  and  the  four  winds, 
made  the  offering  of  the  dead,  then  sat  down  facing  the  body  of 
his  son,  who  was  placed  on  the  grave  in  a  sitting  posture  with  his 
face  toward  the  east.  While  sitting  there,  the  old  chief  heard  a 
rumbling  noise  and  an  enormous  serpent  appeared  before  him  having 
two  horns,  and  two  rows  of  large  teeth  within  his  jaws.  The  serpent 
twisted  itself  into  a  coil  around  the  grave.  The  old  chief  arose  from 
his  seat  and  took  the  serpent  by  the  horns  and  elevated  it  three  times, 
and  at  each  time  repeating  these  words  :  "  Ne  kan,  kan  na  ka,  ka 
na."  At  the  third  time  the  serpent  changed  its  shape  into  that  of  a 
venerable  old  man  having  long  white  hair  and  holding  a  rod  in  his 
hand,  together  with  the  bag  of  life,  made  of  the  skin  of  the  deadly 
natawa  and  containing  the  magic  bead,  who  thus  addressed  the  old 
chief :  "  I  have  come  to  comfort  and  console  you  for  the  death  of  your 
son.  The  spirits  of  the  earth,  wind,  and  waters  have  seen  your  sor- 
row, and  I  am  sent  to  your  race  to  show  you  the  way  of  life,  which 
you  will  teach  to  your  children,  and  which  shall  continue  to  the  end 
of  time.  Now,  therefore,  light  your  pipe,  and  with  its  stem  point  to 
the  sky,  the  abode  of  the  Great  Spirit,  who  shall  give  you  life ;  then 
point  to  the  abode  of  the  spirits  of  the  centre  of  the  earth,  who  will 


336  journal  of  A  merica n  Folk-L ore. 

teach  you  the  virtues  of  all  herbs,  then  to  the  four  winds,  which  will 
protect  you  and  give  you  power  and  success." 

After  the  old  chief  had  completed  these  ceremonies  with  his  pipe- 
stem,  he  offered  his  visitor  the  pipe,  but  the  old  man  raised  his  rod 
and  touched  the  mouthpiece,  when  immediately  was  heard  the  tap- 
ping  of  a  drum.  After  the  mysterious  sound  had  been  repeated 
three  times  the  old  man  said  :  "  Ne  kanis,  ne  kanis,  kan  nah,  nah  kan 
nah."     He  then  chanted  the  following  :  — 

I  come  from  the  East 
Where  the  long  tent  does  rest. 
The  Great  Spirit  does  say- 
Perform  these  rites  always. 

After  chanting  this  song  for  some  time  the  old  man  sat  down  near 
the  old  chief  and  taught  him  the  ceremonies  and  rites  of  the  long 
tent  of  life,  which  occupied  some  days.  It  is  said  by  the  Indians 
that  the  moon  changed  once  during  the  time  that  the  old  chief  was 
being  told  all  the  secrets  of  the  tent  of  life. 

After  the  old  chief  had  been  fully  instructed,  his  preceptor  said : 
"  I  will  bless  you  with  long  life  and  you  shall  have  more  sons,  but 
forget  not  my  instructions.  I  leave  you  this  bag  of  natawa  skin 
with  the  magic  bead  and  this  rod.  Beware,  pollute  not  my  tent  of 
life.  Adieu,  my  son,  I  go  home,  but  I  shall  hear  you  when  you 
chant  the  mysteries  I  have  taught  you."  Saying  this,  the  white- 
haired  spirit  visitor  vanished  from  the  gaze  of  the  old  chief,  who 
saw  him  no  more. 

After  some  months,  when  the  mourning  for  his  son  was  over,  and 
after  celebrating  a  feast  with  his  tribe,  the  old  chief  commanded 
that  all  the  males  should  purify  themselves  and  assist  in  building 
the  long  tent  of  life.  During  the  evenings  he  employed  himself  in 
teaching  the  males  of  his  tribe  to  sing  the  mysteries  imparted  to 
him  by  his  spiritual  teacher ;  and  after  having  succeeded  in  giving 
them  sufficient  knowledge  in  all  the  rites  and  ceremonies  pertaining 
to  the  tent  of  life,  he  appointed  the  various  officers  of  the  tent,  but 
reserved  to  himself  the  position  of  "  Grand  Master."  During  this 
work,  which  took  several  years  to  accomplish,  the  old  chief  was  glad- 
dened by  having  a  son  born  to  him,  the  very  image  of  the  one  who 
had  died  from  the  sting  of  the  natawa. 

The  religion  of  these  Indians  is  not  monotheistic  by  any  means. 
They  have,  as  already  stated,  two  chief  spirits  to  worship,  and  they 
have  many  lesser  ones  ;  for  almost  everything  in  nature,  both  ani- 
mate and  inanimate  is,  according  to  their  belief,  endowed  with  a 
spirit,  which  has  influence  over  the  life  of  the  Indians.  According 
to  their  beliefs,  the  Great  or  Good  Spirit,  Gitchi  Manitou,  is  the 
supreme  ruler  of  all  things,  even  over  the  Evil  Spirit,  but  is  more 


Myths  of  iht  Bungees.  'iZl 

particularly  the  tutelar  deity  of  the  white  man.  Besides  this,  he  is 
the  personification  of  goodness  itself,  and  is  incapable  of  doing  harm 
to  any  one,  except  in  the  way  of  punishing  offenders.  Therefore 
the  Indians  think  that  there  is  really  no  necessity  to  propitiate  the 
favor  of  such  a  being,  as  he  is  one  from  whom  they  have  nothing  to 
fear.  But  Matche  Manitou,  the  Evil  Spirit,  is  the  object  to  be 
dreaded,  and  the  one  whose  favors  they  should  endeavor  to  obtain. 
But  he  is  not  so  malignant  as  he  is  often  represented  ;  for  by  re- 
peated supplications  and  worthy  offerings  he  can  be  induced  to  do  a 
kindly  act. 

The  next  deity  of  importance  in  the  belief  of  this  people  is  Weese- 
ke-jak,  a  sort  of  foreman  god,  whose  duty  appears  to  have  been  to 
superintend  and  direct  the  work  of  creation  and  oversee  things  in 
general  afterwards.  Before  the  creation,  the  world  was  a  wide 
waste  of  water,  without  any  inhabitants,  except  a  few  geese,  which 
from  some  unknown  parts  paid  occasional  visits. 

Weese-ke-jak  found  upon  questioning  them  that  they  came  from 
a  country  far  away  in  the  distant  south,  where  there  was  plenty  of 
land.  Weese-ke-jak  lost  no  time  in  making  a  bargain  with  the  geese, 
that  they  would  bring  him  a  sample  of  earth  on  their  next  visit, 
which  they  did. 

With  the  earth  thus  brought  to  him,  Weese-ke-jak  made  the 
world,  which  he  adorned  with  grass,  trees,  and  herbs.  This  was  fol- 
lowed by  the  creation  of  all  the  animals,  reptiles,  fowls,  and  fish. 
At  that  time  there  was  a  great  scarcity  of  light  upon  the  earth,  the 
sun  being  only  an  occasional  visitor  to  this  world.  Anxious  to 
keep  the  sun  from  wandering  away  very  far,  Weese-ke-jak  con- 
structed an  enormous  trap  to  catch  the  sun.  This  accomplished  the 
desired  end,  for  the  very  next  time  the  sun  came  near  the  earth  he 
was  caught  in  the  trap.  In  vain  the  sun  struggled  to  get  free,  for 
the  cords  by  which  he  was  held  were  too  strong  for  him.  The  near 
proximity  of  the  sun  to  the  earth  caused  such  a  heat  that  everything 
was  in  danger  of  being  burned.  Therefore  Weese-ke-jak  concluded 
to  make  some  sort  of  a  compromise  with  the  sun,  before  he  would 
consent  to  give  him  his  liberty. 

After  a  long  interview  between  Weese-ke-jak  and  the  spirit  of  the 
sun,  whose  name  was  Ane-ne-ke,  it  was  stipulated  that  the  sun  was 
only  to  come  near  the  outer  edges  of  the  earth  in  the  mornings  and 
evenings,  and  during  the  day  to  keep  farther  away,  just  near  enough 
to  warm  the  earth  without  scorching  it.  On  the  other  hand,  Kee- 
wa-tin,  the  spirit  of  the  north  wind,  was  ordered  by  Weese-ke-jak  to 
keep  at  a  respectful  distance  from  the  earth  when  the  days  were  long, 
so  as  not  to  counteract  the  effects  of  the  beneficial  warmth  of  the 
sun ;  but  during  the  short  days  of  the  year  Kee-wa-tin  was  per- 


338  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

mitted  to  blow  upon  the  earth  and  bring  snow  and  ice  in  its  train,  so 
that  the  bears,  frogs,  and  reptiles  might  enjoy  their  winter  sleep 
without  molestation. 

On  these  conditions,  mutually  agreed  upon,  the  sun  was  to  get  his 
liberty. 

But  now  another  difficulty  presented  itself.  The  sun  had  not  the 
power  to  unloose  the  band  by  which  he  was  held,  and  the  heat 
emanating  from  it  prevented  either  Weese-ke-jak  or  any  of  his  crea- 
tions from  approaching  the  sun  to  cut  the  band  and  set  him  free. 
Weese-ke-jak  issued  a  proclamation  that  any  one  that  would  set  the 
sun  free  would  receive  particular  favor  from  him.  The  beaver  at 
that  time  was  rather  an  insignificant  creature,  having  only  a  few 
small  teeth  in  his  head,  and  being  covered  with  bristly  hair  like  a 
hog,  his  tail  being  only  a  small  stump  about  two  or  three  inches 
long.  He  was  not  much  thought  of  by  the  rest  of  the  animal  world, 
nevertheless  he  had  a  great  deal  of  courage,  for  he  offered  his 
services  to  release  the  sun.  At  first  Weese-ke-jak  looked  upon  the 
beaver  with  misgivings,  but  being  assured  by  the  beaver  that  he 
would  perform  the  task,  he  was  permitted  to  try.  He  succeeded  in 
gnawing  through  the  cords  that  held  the  sun  before  being  quite 
roasted  alive.  The  cords  being  severed,  the  sun  rose  from  the  earth 
like  a  vast  balloon. 

When  the  beaver  presented  himself  to  Weese-ke-jak  on  his  return, 
he  was  a  pitiful  sight,  his  teeth  were  burned  away  so  that  only  two 
or  three  blackened  stumps  remained,  his  hair  was  burned  off,  leaving 
only  his  blackened  skin.  Weese-ke-jak,  in  gratitude  for  his  deliver- 
ance from  the  burning  rays  of  the  sun,  rewarded  the  beaver  in  a 
handsome  manner.  He  clothed  him  with  a  beautiful  soft  coat  of 
fur,  which  was  the  envy  of  all  the  other  animals,  and  to  compensate 
him  for  the  loss  of  his  teeth  he  furnished  him  with  a  new  set,  long 
and  sharp,  admirably  fitted  to  cut  down  trees  for  building  purposes. 
In  order,  however,  that  it  should  be  kept  in  remembrance  whence 
he  derived  these  favors,  his  teeth  were  made  of  a  brown  color,  as  if 
they  had  been  scorched  by  the  fire.  This  is  how  the  beaver  came 
by  his  hatchet -like  teeth  and  furry  coat. 

Weese-ke-jak,  having  thus  settled  with  the  sun  regarding  the 
general  temperature  of  the  earth,  now  proceeded  to  make  man,  and 
in  order  that  man  might  be  strong  he  concluded  to  make  him  of 
stone.  Having  selected  a  rock  that  suited  his  purpose,  he  spent 
many  days  in  hewing  out  the  figure  he  wished  to  make,  the  stone 
being  very  hard  and  his  tools  none  of  the  best.  After  working  a 
a  long  time,  however,  he  managed  to  get  the  figure  of  a  man  that 
suited  his  taste.  Weese-ke-jak  was  so  proud  of  his  workmanship 
that,  after  setting  his  man  of  stone  upon  his  feet  and  before  putting 


Myths  of  the  Bungees.  339 

life  into  him,  he  walked  back  a  considerable  distance  to  see  how  his 
man  would  look  from  a  remote  point  of  view.  When  he  had  thus 
reached  a  goodly  distance  from  the  object  of  his  admiration,  he  stood 
gazing  for  a  long  time  in  silent  contemplation  and  satisfaction  with 
the  complete  job  he  had  accomplished.  But  while  thus  employed  a 
malicious  bear  happened  to  peep  out  of  his  hole  and  espied  the  fig- 
ure. Filled  with  envy  he  rushed  up  to  the  figure,  and  began  to  rub 
viciously  against  it.  The  consequence  was  that  before  Weese-ke-jak 
could  interfere  the  bear  had  knocked  his  man  over,  and  the  figure, 
falling  upon  the  hard  rock,  broke  in  many  fragments. 

Weese-ke-jak  was  terribly  enraged  at  this  deplorable  accident  by 
which  his  great  work  was  destroyed.  For  a  time  he  could  neither 
eat  nor  sleep,  being  so  much  grieved  at  the  disaster  to  the  object  of 
his  many  months  of  hard  labor. 

However,  he  determined  to  make  another  attempt  to  form  a  man, 
but  concluded  not  to  spend  so  much  time  over  the  work  again.  He 
set  to  work  to  make  one  of  clay,  and  in  a  little  time  had  one  nicely 
made,  having  it  in  a  secluded  place  to  dry  in  the  sun.  This  being 
done  satisfactorily,  he  forthwith  endowed  the  figure  with  life.  But 
the  Indians  still  lament  the  accident  by  which  the  man  of  stone  was 
destroyed ;  as  had  Weese-ke-jak  succeeded  in  putting  life  in  the  man 
of  stone,  human  beings  would  have  been  far  stronger  than  they  are 
now. 

In  process  of  time  Weese-ke-jak  found  that  he  had  an  unruly 
family  to  deal  with.  All  the  creatures  of  his  creation  began  to  com- 
mit depredations  upon  each  other.  Loud  complaints  were  made 
against  the  fox  because  he  attacked  the  birds  and  killed  them,  the 
fish  complained  against  the  otter  for  the  same  reason,  while  the  bear 
set  up  a  dismal  groaning  because  the  winter  was  so  long  that  he 
could  get  no  berries  to  eat.  But  the  greatest  complaints  were  made 
against  man,  because  he  ate  everything  that  came  his  way :  animals, 
fowl,  fish,  and  berries  were  all  devoured  by  this  monster  of  creation. 
The  clamor  became  so  great  that  Weese-ke-jak  determined  to  call  a 
general  council,  to  see  whether  he  could  not  in  some  manner  come 
to  an  agreement  by  which  all  these  grievances  would  be  remedied. 
Accordingly  a  general  proclamation  was  made  summoning  all  the 
spirits  of  the  various  living  creatures  before  him  at  a  certain  date. 
When  the  time  arrived  there  was  a  great  mixed  multitude  assembled, 
which  proved  to  be  very  unruly  and  unmanageable.  The  noise  and 
confusion  was  something  terrible,  and  Weese-ke-jak  with  all  his 
skill  could  not  control  it.  In  vain  he  tried  to  get  the  crowd  to  keep 
still  and  listen  to  him  ;  there  was  no  end  to  the  continual  noise  they 
were  making.  The  noisest  one  in  the  crowd  was  the  frog,  who  in 
spite  of  all  that  could  be  done,  kept  up  an  incessant  chattering  and 


340  Jouriial  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

croaking.  Weese-ke-jak  finally  lost  his  temper,  and,  becoming  en- 
raged at  the  rudeness  of  the  frog,  he  seized  a  lot  of  glue-like  sub- 
stance and  dashed  it  over  the  frog's  mouth,  in  the  hope  of  stopping 
his  croaking  forever.  But  this  was  of  no  avail  ;  the  frog  blew  the 
sticky  subtance  out  of  his  mouth,  but  a  part  of  it  remained  about  the 
corner  of  his  mouth,  which  accounts  for  the  white  streak  around  a 
frog's  mouth  to  the  present  day.  Weese-ke-jak  could  do  nothing  to 
allay  the  tumult  of  this  convention,  and  therefore  dismissed  the 
creatures  assembled,  vowing  vengeance  on  them  all. 

The  next  exploit  of  Weese-ke-jak  was  to  build  an  immense  canoe, 
into  which  he  took  a  pair  of  every  kind  of  living  creature,  intending 
to  drown  all  the  rest.  Accordingly  when  he  had  taken  on  board 
those  that  were  to  escape  destruction,  forthwith  the  whole  earth 
sunk  beneath  the  water,  causing  the  death  of  all  living  creatures  with 
the  exception  of  those  who  were  with  Weese-ke-jak  in  the  canoe. 

Weese-ke-jak  with  his  living  freight  went  cruising  about  on  the 
waste  of  waters  for  a  long  period,  until  at  last  he  began  to  get  tired 
of  that  kind  of  life,  and  determined  to  make  a  new  earth.  He  there- 
upon commissioned  the  otter  to  go  down  into  the  waters  and  bring  up 
some  mud  from  the  bottom,  wherewith  to  make  a  new  earth.  But 
when  the  otter  got  back  into  his  native  element,  he  never  returned. 
After  waiting  a  considerable  time,  Weese-ke-jak  sent  the  muskrat 
down  for  the  mud.  At  that  time  the  tail  of  the  muskrat  was  very 
short  and  insignificant,  being  only  a  round  knot.  The  muskrat 
went  down  as  directed  and  gathered  a  goodly  amount  of  mud,  and 
straightway  came  to  the  surface  again  ;  but  when  Weese-ke-jak  put 
forth  his  hand  to  take  the  mud,  the  muskrat  made  a  swift  turn  and 
dived  under  the  water.  Weese-ke-jak  tried  to  seize  hold  of  the 
muskrat,  but  only  succeeded  in  catching  his  stump  of  a  tail,  which 
stretched  through  his  hand,  and  the  muskrat  succeeded  in  getting 
away.  Since  that  time  the  muskrat  has  had  a  long,  thin  tail,  which 
is  neither  useful  nor  ornamental.  Weese-ke-jak,  being  thwarted 
twice,  was  highly  indignant  and  threatened  vengeance  against  the 
otter  and  muskrat. 

The  beaver  was  next  asked  to  go  and  get  some  mud.  Accordingly 
the  beaver  went  down  and  brought  up  a  quantity  of  mud  which  he 
tendered  Weese-ke-jak,  who  was  quite  delighted  with  the  good  man- 
ners of  the  beaver.  With  the  mud  he  straightway  made  a  new 
earth,  nor  did  he  forget  the  beaver  for  his  services  ;  for  instead  of 
the  stump  of  a  tail  he  formerly  had,  he  received  a  broad,  flat  tail  like 
a  trowel,  with  which  he  would  be  able  to  plaster  his  house.  Thus 
the  beaver,  for  his  accommodating  nature,  received  teeth  sharp  as 
an  axe  for  cutting  down  trees  wherewith  to  build  his  house,  and  a 
tail  with  which  he  could  plaster  it. 

S.  C.  Simms. 


The  Three  Wishes.  341 


THE   THREE  WISHES:    A   QUAINT   LEGEND   OF   THE 
CANADIAN   HABITANTS. 

There  are  in  some  of  the  Canadian-French  folk  tales  a  simplicity 
and  unconsciousness  of  daring  the  beliefs  and  conventions  that  take 
one's  breath  away.  We  see  no  impropriety  in  records  of  the  visits 
of  Greek  and  Roman  gods  to  the  people  of  our  planet,  as  in  the 
myth  of  Philemon  and  Baucis,  but  when  the  heavens  of  our  own 
faith  draw  into  close  relation  with  the  earth,  the  effect  is  a  trifle 
startling.  Yet  the  habitant  sees  nothing  strange  or  irreverent  in 
his  folk-lore,  and,  after  all,  the  impression  produced  by  it  depends 
on  mental  habit  and  the  point  of  view.  The  familiar  introduction  of 
the  Deity  as  a  character  in  stories  of  French  Canada  implies  no 
irreverence.  It  is  common  to  all  unschooled  people,  especially  to 
those  who  worship  the  Virgin  as  the  highest  of  the  heavenly  powers, 
Christ  as  the  next  important,  and  the  Creator  as  even  less  of  conse- 
quence than  the  interceding  saints.  Hence,  one  must  read  this  story 
with  a  mind  as  free  as  possible  from  local  or  creed  bias.  It  is  a  tale 
of  a  shepherd's  wishes,  told  by  rustics  of  the  old  dominion  that 
borders  the  St.  Lawrence  below  Quebec  ;  and  here  it  is  :  — 

On  one  of  their  visits  to  the  world,  to  see  how  mankind  was  faring, 
God  and  St.  Peter  reached  Canada.  They  were  in  disguise,  and  as 
they  walked  together  beside  the  St.  Lawrence  they  came  upon  a 
shepherd,  tending  a  flock  on  one  of  the  rocky  hillsides.  He  seemed 
an  honest,  faithful  lad,  and  they  questioned  him  curiously  as  to  his 
way  of  life,  and  his  hopes  and  aims.  He  confessed,  in  answer  to  their 
inquiries,  that  he  wished  but  three  things. 

Pleased  to  find  a  man  who  was  so  near  content  in  the  earth  he 
had  so  filled  with  good  and  beauty,  the  Deity  exclaimed,  "  Name 
them.     They  shall  be  yours." 

"  I  hardly  think  so,"  replied  the  shepherd,  "  for  no  man  could  give 
me  what  I  want." 

"Yet,  name  them,"  insisted  God. 

"  Well,  then  :  a  pipe  that  shall  always  be  full  when  I  want  a 
smoke  ;  a  set  of  dice  that  shall  always  win  for  me  when  I  gamble ; 
and  a  bag  that  anything  I  want  will  jump  into,  and  stay  as  long  as 
I  please." 

"  Your  wishes  are  granted,"  said  God. 

"No,  no  !  "  cried  St.  Peter.  "The  fellow  should  wish  for  heaven, 
and  more  faith." 

"  His  wish  is  granted,"  repeated  God  decisively,  and  St.  Peter 
walked  on,  grumbling. 

The  perplexity  in  which  the  shepherd  looked  after  the  retreating 


342  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

figures  was  increased  tenfold  when,  on  glancing  down,  he  found,  on 
the  earth  at  his  feet,  a  large  pipe  filled  with  tobacco,  a  box  of  dice, 
and  a  leather  bag  like  a  small  valise.  He  had  seen  no  such  things 
in  the  hands  of  the  visitors,  and  they  certainly  had  not  been  there 
before.  Cautiously,  for  these  might  be  witch  gifts,  he  examined  the 
objects.  They  did  not  burn  his  fingers.  He  pulled  out  his  flint 
and  steel,  and  struck  a  light  for  the  pipe.  Ha  !  Never  in  his  life 
had  he  smoked  such  tobacco.  It  was  a  divine  weed,  indeed  !  And 
the  miracle  of  it !  The  tobacco  burned,  yet  it  did  not  waste ;  the 
pipe  remained  full ! 

That  evening  the  shepherd  went  to  the  nearest  village  and  tried 
his  new  dice.  They  won  for  him  at  every  throw,  so  that  he  left  for 
home  with  his  fingers  playing  pleasantly  about  a  pocketful  of  small 
coin,  —  enough  to  buy  several  glasses  of  spirits.  His  successes  on 
that  night  started  him  on  a  career  of  such  moderate  dissipation  as  a 
little  French  village  could  afford ;  he  smoked  all  day,  and  he  was  at 
the  gaming-table  every  evening.  Many  heads  were  shaken,  for  it  was 
feared  that  Pierre  was  coming  to  an  evil  end.  There  was  one,  how- 
ever, who  watched  his  lapse  into  ways  of  sin  with  delight.  It  was 
the  Devil.  When  the  shepherd's  conduct  had  become  almost  a 
scandal  to  the  neighborhood,  Satan  made  bold  to  present  himself, 
and  ask  that  their  relations  might  be  more  intimate  and  mutually 
profitable.  Though  startled  by  this  proposition,  the  rustic  did  not 
lose  his  head.  After  a  long  stare  at  the  stranger,  which  comprised 
his  spiked  tail  and  his  cloven  hoof,  Pierre  raised  a  whoop  of  exulta- 
tion, and  shouted,  "  I  wish  the  Devil  into  the  bag ! " 

There  was  no  help  for  it.  In  went  his  wicked  majesty,  horns, 
hoof,  and  tail,  bellowing  vainly  his  protest  and  astonishment.  Clos- 
ing the  bag  with  a  snap,  the  countryman  caught  it  up,  ran  to  the 
blacksmith  shop,  rousing  his  friends  along  the  way  with  joyful  cries 
of,  "  I  've  caught  the  Devil !  I  've  caught  the  Devil  !  "  and,  placing 
the  bag  on  the  anvil,  he  and  the  smith  pounded  it  with  hammers  till 
the  Evil  One  was  beaten  out  as  flat  as  a  pancake.  This  proceeding 
was  to  the  joy  of  the  whole  public,  and  it  was  admitted  that  the 
shepherd's  wrong-doing  had  produced  only  the  best  results. 

Charles  M.  Skitmer. 
Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 


Record  of  European  Folk-Lo7'-e  in  America.  343 


RECORD   OF  EUROPEAN    FOLK-LORE   IN  AMERICA. 

Araucanian  Lndians.     See  Mdrchen. 

Argentine.     See  Mdrchen. 

Bibliography.  In  the  excellent  "  Catalogue  of  English  and 
American  Chap-Books  and  Broadside  Ballads  in  Harvard  College 
Library"  (Cambridge,  1905,  pp.  171),  forming  No.  56  of  the  Biblio- 
graphical Contributions  edited  by  William  Coolidge  Lane,  appear 
many  titles  of  interest  to  the  student  of  European  folk-lore  in 
America.  Section  IX  (pp.  26-36)  is  concerned  with  "Legendary 
Romances,  Fairy  Stories,  and  Folk-Tales  in  Prose,"  and  Section  XI 
(pp.  37-66)  with  "  Metrical  Tales  and  other  Verse."  Sections  XII- 
XVII  treat,  respectively,  of  Song  Books;  Jest  Books,  Humorous 
Fiction,  Riddles,  etc.  ;  Humorous  Metrical  Tales,  etc. ;  Dream  Books, 
Fortune-Telling,  and  Legerdemain  ;  Deraonology  and  Witchcraft ; 
Prophecies.  Sections  XVIII-XXII  are  devoted  to  Crime  and 
Criminals,  and  the  Miscellaneous  Section,  XXIII,  deals  with  Social 
Satire,  Chap-Books  on  Matrimony,  Manners  and  Customs,  Proverbs, 
etc.  There  is  an  index  of  subjects  and  titles  ;  also  one  of  publishers. 
The  titles  recorded  number  2461.  The  only  American  places  of 
publication  appear  to  be  Boston,  Mass.  (with  44  titles),  Dedham, 
Mass.  (one  title),  Philadelphia,  Pa.  ($  titles),  Salem,  Mass.  (one  title), 
Worcester,  Mass.  (one  title).  Among  the  titles  of  songs  cited  in  this 
bibliography  are :  Barbadoes  Bells,  General  How's  Victory  over  the 
Rebels  at  Boston,  Canadian  Boat  Song,  General  W^olfe's  Dying 
Words,  or  The  Conquest  of  Quebeck,  A  New  Song  on  the  Battle 
of  Crown-Point,  A  New  Song  on  the  Taking  of  the  Havanna,  The 
British  Heroe's  Valour  Display'd  in  Taking  the  Town  of  Montreal, 
etc.  An  interesting  character  is  Jack  Mansong,  "Three-Fingered 
Jack,"  "  the  famous  negro  robber  and  terror  of  Jamaica."  This  Bibli- 
ography will  be  of  great  value  to  all  folk-lorists.  —  In  the  "Bulletin 
of  the  New  York  Public  Library"  for  July,  1906  (vol.  x,  pp.  358- 
367)  appears  a  "  List  of  Works  relating  to  Gipsies."  Apparently 
there  are  but  two  titles  which  specifically  concern  the  Gypsies  of 
America  :  i.  Groome,  F.  H.  Brazilian  and  Shetland  Gypsies. 
Journ.  Gypsy-Lore  Soc.  vol.  i  (1889),  pp.  232-235.  2.  Metz,  Julius. 
I  am  a  Gypsy  pretty  maid.  The  words  by  a  lady  of  New  York. 
The  music  composed  by  Julius  Metz,  N.  Y.,  1839,  PP-  ^-  — -^^i  im- 
portant bibliographical  item  for  French  Canada  may  also  be  chron- 
icled here.  As  a  supplementary  volume  (Ottawa,  1905,  pp.  175)  to 
the  "  Proc.  and  Trans,  of  the  Royal  Society  of  Canada"  for  1904 
(vol.  X,  sec.  sen),  N.  E.  Dionne  publishes  an  "  Inventaire  chrono- 
logique  des  livres,  brochures,  journaux  et  revues  publics  dans  la 


344  Jour^ial  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

Province  de  Quebec  de  1764  a  1904,"  embracing  3092  titles  besides 
a  supplementary  list  (800  titles), — "Inventaire  chronologique  des 
journaux  et  revues  publics  en  langue  fran^aise  dans  la  Province  de 
Quebec  de  1764  a  1905."  Among  the  titles  are  many  of  interest  to 
the  folk-lorist. 

English.  Professor  Karl  Knortz's  "  Zur  Amerikanischen  Volks- 
kunde  "  (Tubingen,  1905,  pp.  73)  contains  many  items  of  current 
American  folk-lore :  Superstitions  of  Vassar  College  girls  (pp.  4-5), 
dream-lore  (pp.  8-10),  superstitions  of  actors  (pp.  11-13  —  "the  13 
superstition  in  particular"),  astrology  (pp.  15-20),  fortune-telling, 
"divine  healing,"  prophesying  (pp.  20-24),  rattlesnake  oil  (pp.  25- 
2^),  madstones  (pp.  32-34),  witches  and  spirits  (pp.  35-47),  the  pro- 
phetess of  Jonesboro',  Me.,  Nell  Hilton  (pp.  47-54)  and  her  sayings 
and  doings,  "chestnut"  (p.  66),  thieves'  jargon  (pp.  66,  67),  soldier's 
slang  (p.  70),  proverbial  and  colloquial  sayings  (pp.  72,  73).  The  deri- 
vation (p.  64)  of  cocktail  ("according  to  an  old  Mexican  legend") 
from  the  Aztec  xochitl  can  have  no  standing.  Some  other  interpre- 
tations are  likewise  very  doubtful.  The  same  author's  "Was  ist 
Volkskunde  und  wie  studiert  man  dieselbe.-*"  (Jena,  1906,  pp.  211) 
appears  in  its  third  edition.  It  has  not  a  little  relating  to  the  folk-lore 
of  the  English  stock  in  America;  "Uncle  Sam  "  (pp.  36-39),  "lynch 
law"  (pp.  42-44),  tar-and-feathering,  "white-caps,"  etc.  (pp.  44-48), 
berry-picking  and  lumbering  (pp.  60-65),  "moonshiners"  (pp- 65-67), 
"mascot"  (pp.  71-75),  Congo-dances  in  New  Orleans  (pp.  82-85), 
picnics  and  barbecues  (pp.  101-105),  cake-walk  (pp.  106-107),  the 
Tunkers  of  North  Dakota  (pp.  129-136),  "  Holy  Ghosters  "  (pp.  137- 
142),  Los  Hermanos  Penitentes  of  New  Mexico  (pp.  145-150).  At 
pages  158-164  is  given  a  list  of  omens  and  proverbial  ideas  of  all 
sorts  "widespread  in  America,"  and  on  page  164  a  few  superstitions 
of  American  bicyclists.  On  pages  189-192  is  given  a  fable  in  the 
Jamaica  negro  dialect.  Pages  202,  203  contain  a  list  of  American 
slang  terms  and  their  equivalents  in  the  German  of  Berlin.  From 
this  we  learn  that  "Great  Scott !  "  =  "Heirjer  Bimbam  !  "  "What 
are  you  giving  us.?"  "So  blau!"  "He's  all  right  !"  =  "Er  is  uff'n 
Damm  !  "  "  Come  off ! "  "  Nu  aber  'raus  !  "  —  To  the  Report  of  the 
"  Internationales  Amerikanisten-Kongress,  Vierzehnte  Tagung  1904  " 
(Stuttgart,  1906),  Jonckheer  L.  C.  van  Pauhuys  contributes  (pp. 
695-699)  a  brief  paper  entitled  "A  European  Custom  of  Pagan 
Times  brought  over  to  America  (Halloween  at  Chicago),"  embody- 
ing the  author's  view  of  the  festivity  in  1902,  with  references  to  the 
literature  of  the  subject,  comparative  notes,  etc. 

German.  Professor  Julius  Goebel's  "  Das  Deutschtum  in  den 
Vereinigten  Staaten  von  Nord- Amerika  "  (Miinchen,  1904,  pp.  90)  has 
some  notes  on  the  folk-life  of  the  early  "Pennsylvania  Germans," 


Record  of  European  Folk-Lore  in  America.         345 

their  dialect,  etc.  —  Professor  Karl  Knortz's  "  Zur  Amerikanischen 
Volkskunde"  (Tubingen,  1905,  pp.  73)  contains  some  items  relating 
to  the  "  Pennsylvania  Germans."  At  pages  17-20  is  cited,  from  Wol- 
lemweber's  "Gemalde  aus  dem  pennsylvanischen  Volksleben"  (Phila., 
1869),  the  dialect  expression  of  folk-lore  concerning  the  months  of 
birth.  On  pages  64-65  are  given  mottoes  from  beer  steins  among  the 
Germans  of  New  York. 

Marchen,  To  the  Report  of  the  Fourteenth  International  Con- 
gress of  Americanists  at  Stuttgart  1904  (just  published,  Stuttgart, 
1906),  Dr.  Robert  Lehmann-Nitsche  contributes  (pp.  681-694)  an 
article  on  "  Europaische  Marchen  unter  den  argentinischen  Arau- 
kanern."  The  texts  are  given  of  6  tales  of  the  Araucanian  Indians 
of  the  Argentine,  which  indicate  partly,  or  wholly,  European  origins. 

Spanish  (Mexican).  In  "Harper's  Magazine"  for  November, 
1906  (vol.  cxiii,  pp  876-884),  Mr.  Thomas  A.  Janvier  continues  his 
"  Legends  of  the  City  of  Mexico,"  giving  English  renderings  of 
"  The  Legend  of  the  Mulata  de  Cordoba "  (story  of  a  beautiful 
woman  in  league  with  the  devil,  who  escaped  the  Inquisition),  "  The 
Legend  of  the  Calle  de  la  Joya"  (story  of  a  faithless  wife),  "The 
Legend  of  the  Calle  de  los  Parados  "  (tale  of  two  dead  lovers  who 
stand  on  parade),  "The  Legend  of  the  Mujer  Herrada"  (tale  of  the 
woman  who  was  shod  like  a  mule),  "  The  Legend  of  the  Calle  de  la 
Cruz  Verde  "  (tale  of  the  green-cross  love-token),  "  The  Legend  of 
La  Llorona"  (tale  of  the  wailing  woman). 

A.F.  C. 

VOL.  XIX.  —  NO.  75        23 


346  yournal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 

NOTES   AND    QUERIES 

Cree  and  Ojibwa  Literary  Terms.  —  The  following  list  contains  a 
number  of  words  in  the  Cree  and  Ojibwa  (also  Nipissing)  languages  of  the 
Algonquian  stock  relating  to  literary  composition,  etc.  Some  of  these  are 
old  native  terms,  others  have  grown  up  more  or  less  under  the  influence  of 
missionaries  and  other  white  men  :  — 

Awanokijewewin  (Cree).  Parable.  Literally,  "covered  word," — from 
akwa?wkiJowew,  "he  speaks  with  covered  words  (in  parables)."  The  chief 
components  are  ak^aan,  "  covered,  hidden,"  and  kijowew,  "  he  speaks."  See 
Awetshigan. 

Atayokkati  (Cree).  Tale,  fable.  Lacombe  says  that  the  Indians  call 
by  the  same  name  "  les  genies  fabuleux,  ce  qu'on  pourrait  appeler  les  dieux 
des  Indiens."  The  word  for  tale-telling  is  dtayokkewin,  the  verb  corre- 
sponding, dtayokkew,  "  to  tell  tales,  fables."  The  ultimate  radical,  accord- 
ing to  Lacombe,  is  dti,  "  mettre  dans  une  autre  position,  charger  de  place, 
refaire  de  nouveau." 

Atayokkew  (Cree).     To  tell  a  story,  a  fable. 

Atayokkewin  (Cree).    The  action  of  telling  tales  ;  story-telling. 

Atisbkan  (Ojibwa,  Nipissing).  Tale,  legend,  fable.  Name  applied  to  the 
legends,  stories,  etc.,  of  Indian  mythology.  The  word  for  "tale-telling"  is 
atisbkewin  ;  for  "  story-teller,"  atisbkewmini.  Cree  dtayokkan  is  the  same 
word.    See  Atayokkan. 

Atisbke  (Ojibwa,  Nipissing).    To  recite,  tell  a  story,  etc. 

Atisbkewin  (Ojibwa,  Nipissing).     Story-telling,  recital. 
\      Atisbkewitiini  (Ojibwa,  Nipissing).    Story-teller,  narrator,  reciter,  racon- 
\  teur.     From  atisbke,  "  to  tell  a  story,"  and  itwii,  "  man." 

Atshimowin  (Cree).  Story,  tale.  Formed  with  abstract  suffix  -win  from 
atshitnow,  "  to  tell,  relate."  The  ultimate  radical,  according  to  Lacombe, 
is  dtt,  from  which  comes  also  dtayokkan  (q.  v.). 

Awetshigan  (Cree,  Ojibwa,  Nipissing).  Parable,  comparison.  This  is 
the  word  used  by  Protestant  missionaries  to  translate  "parable"  in  the 
New  Testament.  The  "  Ojebway  Gospel  of  St.  Matthew,"  published  at 
Toronto  in  1897,  has  (xiii,  3),  "  Pakahnuk  dush  menahwah  ahwachegun,  oge 
pahgedenahmahwaun,"  —  "an other /<zra^/^ spake  he  unto  them."  Lacombe 
defines  awetchigan  as  "  chose,  ^  I'aide  de  laquelle  on  de'couvre  une  autre 
chose."  The  corresponding  verb  in  Ojibwa  is  nind  awatshige,  "I  make  it 
resemble  something."  The  radical  is  dwe,  "  to  begin  to  recognize  or  under- 
stand." Lacombe  himself  prefers  as  a  rendering  of  "parable"  in  the  Cree 
language  awetchikewanokijwewin  (q.  v.),  or  awettdwin  (q.  v.). 

Awettdwin  (Cree).  Parable.  Formed  from  the  same  radical  as  awet- 
shigan (q.  v.)  with  suffix  -7vin. 

Awetshikewakwanokijwewin  (Cree).  Parable.  Contains  the  radicals  of 
hoih.  akwanokijewezain  (q.  v.)  and  awetshigan  (q.  v.).  This  word  is  preferred 
by  Lacombe  to  awetshigan,  which  seems  to  be  the  term  employed  by  the 
Protestant  missionaries. 


Notes  and  Queries.  347 

Aweyittamowin  (Cree).  Parable,  comparison.  From  aweyiitam,  "to  half- 
recognize  a  thing,"  and  the  suffix  -win.  The  ultime  radical  is  dwe.  See 
Awetskigan. 

Esa  (Cree).    Once  upon  a  time. 

Inatshimowin  (Ojibwa).  Story,  narration.  The  verb  corresponding  is 
indtshimo,  "  to  tell  something  in  a  certain  manner  (so,  thus)."  The  first 
component  is  in,  "so,  in  a  certain  manner,  thus."  A  story  is  something 
told  "so."     See  Ats/iimcmnn. 

Mewisha  (Ojibwa,  Nipissing).  Once  upon  a  time,  formerly,  long  ago. 
Also  mewinsha,  me'nwisha,  etc. 

Findishimowin  (Ojibwa).  Defined  by  Baraga  as  "modest,  decent  narra- 
tion or  tale."  The  first  component  is  pin,  "clean,  pure."  The  verb  corre- 
sponding \s pindtshimo,  "to  tell  something  decently."  Pin  signifies  "pure, 
clean,"  in  both  the  physical  and  the  moral  sense.  The  word  for  a  dirty, 
smutty  tale  is  tvindtshimowiti  (q.  v.).    See  Atshiniowin. 

Tibadjifn07C'in  (Ojibwa).  Tale,  narrative.  With  suffix  -win,  from  tibadjitno, 
"  to  tell,  narrate."    Identical  with  word  next  following. 

TipdtcJmnowin  (Cree).  Tale,  narration.  The  verb  corresponding  is 
tipdtchiniow,  "  to  tell,  tell  the  news,  tell  a  story,"  etc.  The  ultimate  rad- 
ical, according  to  Lacombe,  is  tip,  "mesurer,  regler  sur,  payer." 

Windtshiinowin  (Ojibwa).  Defined  by  Baraga  as  "filthy  story,  indecent 
narration  or  discourse."  The  verb  corresponding  is  windtshimo,  "  to  tell  a 
dirty  story,"  etc.  The  first  component  is  win,  "  dirty,  filthy,"  in  both  the 
physical  and  the  moral  sense.  The  word  for  a  decent  tale  \s  pindtshimowin 
(q.  v.).     See  Atshimowin. 

Ydkki  (Cree).  Once  upon  a  time.  Used  in  telling  a  story,  or  narrating 
things  not  seen  by  the  speaker.  For  example  :  "  Ydkki  ot  ayattay  peyak 
ayisiyiniw,"  i.  e.  ^'Once  upon  a  time  there  was  a  man." 

The  authorities  for  these  terms  are  :  Lacombe,  Dictionnaire  de  la  langue 
des  Cris  (Montreal,  1874)  ;  Baraga,  Dictionary  of  the  Otchipwe  Language 
(Alontreal,  1878);  Cuoq,  Lexique  de  la  langue  Algonqiiine  {M.or\tx&^\,  1886). 

Alexander  F.  Chamberlain. 

Blood-root  "Chocolate."— The  following  item  from  the  "Bangor 
News"  appeared  in  the  "Boston  Globe,"  Sunday,  October  28,  1906  :  — 

"  Unless  one  has  lived  long  and  travelled  far  in  Maine  he  is  not  able  to 
speak  with  any  show  of  authority  as  to  how  widespread  any  custom  is 
among  the  American  people.  Though  special  students  and  antiquarians 
have  devoted  their  lives  to  the  unearthing  of  ancient  Maine  customs  and 
more  ancient  New  England  customs,  the  total  amount  of  fact  collected,  as 
compared  with  the  amount  of  fact  that  is  still  unpublished,  is  very  small. 

"  Reading  Thoreau's  delightful  '  Maine  Woods  '  for  the  dozenth  time,  the 
writer  lingered  long  over  the  account  of  the  different  kinds  of  '  tea  '  which 
were  prepared  and  taken  in  the  woods  camps,  and  the  reading  naturally 
suggested  the  old  and  restricted  habit  which  Maine  residents  had  of  dig- 
ging up  and  cleansing  and  drying  the  pulpy  rootstalks  of  the  common 
bloodroot,  and  then  macerating  them  in  hot  water  and  adding  sugar  and 


348  Journal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 

milk  in  proper  proportions,  and  drinking  the  puckery  and  highly  colored 
compound  under  the  belief  that  it  was  a  substitute  for  cocoa  or  '  chocolate/ 
as  the  users  of  the  beverage  called  it. 

"  As  memory  runs  back  to  those  old  days,  not  a  few  Maine  families  had 
a  regular  day  for  digging  this  '  chocolate  '  every  autumn,  a  day  when  nearly 
the  entire  family  went  forth  to  the  mucky  and  moist  lands  adjacent  to 
sluggish  streams  and  pulled  up  and  cleansed  the  bloodroot  rootstalks  and 
carried  the  vegetable  trophies  home  to  be  used  as  wanted. 

"  As  for  the  drink  itself,  the  taste  was  not  unpleasant.  It  was  made  as 
thick  as  porridge  with  the  starch  taken  from  the  ruddy  roots,  and  the  color 
of  the  compound  was  a  decided  pink,  in  spite  of  the  addition  of  milk. 
The  taste  was  decidedly  astringent,  not  so  pronounced  as  a  strong  decoc- 
tion of  hemlock  bark,  of  course,  though  the  general  effect  was  obviously 
hemlocky. 

*'  One  wonders  if  anybody  drinks  bloodroot  '  chocolate  '  in  these  days, 
and  if  so,  whether  or  not  the  habit  is  gaining.  So  far  as  known,  no  ill 
effects  followed  overdoses  of  the  drink,  and  the  chances  are  that  the  pre- 
paration was  nourishing  to  a  certain  extent,  on  account  of  the  starch  held 
in  the  dry  roots.  There  is  plenty  of  bloodroot  growing  in  all  parts  of 
Maine  to-day.  At  the  season  when  the  plants  are  in  blossom  they  present 
a  very  pretty  picture  with  the  dainty  and  cleanly  stars  gemming  the  dull 
expanse  of  meadowland.  In  fact,  the  newer  generation  of  florists  are 
advertising  bloodroot  as  a  plant  to  be  used  in  the  flower-garden.  Peter 
Henderson  and  one  or  two  other  reliable  florists  enlarge  upon  the  merits 
of  bloodroot  for  fall  planting  and  make  it  a  feature. 

"  But  how  about  bloodroot  '  chocolate  ? '  Who  is  there  that  has  tasted 
the  drink  ?  In  what  parts  of  Maine  is  the  custom  most  widely  in  vogue  ? 
Is  the  habit  gaining  or  otherwise  ?  Who  among  the  curious  readers  of 
this  paper  can  give  the  desired  information  ?  " 

Variety  in  Spelling.  —  The  "Boston  Globe"  of  July  29,  1906,  i\as 
the  following  item,  which  is  of  interest  as  showing  the  great  variety  in  the 
spelling  of  some  of  our  place-names,  especially  by  foreigners  :  — 

'■'■  Cochitiiate  spelled  i6j  Different  Ways.  Exactly  163  different  spellings 
of  Cochituate  have  come  into  the  post-ofiice  of  that  name,  and  have  been 
collected  by  the  regular  carrier,  Warren  Valentine,  within  the  past  three 
years.  Most  of  them  are  phonetic,  and  were  written  by  foreigners.  One, 
however,  '  Cotitchuate  or  Wailing,'  was  sent  from  South  Framingham, 
which  is  only  five  miles  away.  The  list  follows  :  Cughituate,  Cohhituate, 
Cochitouet,  Coututuate  stashon,  Cochihishe,  Chachituate,  Cocutucuate  sta- 
shion,  Cocht,  Cochutuate,  Co-Chiuhituate,  Cocuicuite,  Chokituate,  Coche- 
touate,  Cachuaiscite,  Cochetouate,  Chuotuate,  Chuotuatic,  Costituate,  Cot- 
chituat,  Cochiculuate,  Couhateuate,  Coghituate,  Cochetercere,  Koutsitouate, 
Cohucate,  Cochaituate,  Cochitucate,  Choituate,  Co  Sciaute,  Co  Chicuate,  Co- 
caochea,  Cotichuato,  Cochetuate,  Cachicuate,  Cachicuate,  Cochilucite,  Cou- 
tiatou,  Cocicuate,  Cocheiaute,  Coctuata,  Chochuitate,  Codtuate,  Cochiceate, 
Cochithate,  Cocictuate,  Sochituate,  Cocitchate,  Couihiate,  Cochiatuate,  Co- 


Notes  and  Queries.  349 

citute,  Cochitueets,  Cuochituate,  Cochietuate,  Cochitwater,  Cochute,  Cochi- 
tuah,  Colicherate,  Chochitute,  Chochituate,  Chocluate,  Chochicuate,  Cho- 
chictuate,  Choticuate,  Choucituate,  Cochusade,  Cochuterat,  Cochituats, 
Cochicuate,  Cochituale,  Cockiuate,  Cockuate,  Cochitsh,  Cochitute,  Cochu- 
nate,  Cochituch,  Cochietuate,  Cochitehuate,  Coehittuate,  Cochutiate, 
Cochichutie,  Cochowate,  Coeheseate,  Coekituati,  Coehiuate,  Cocituate,  Co- 
ehituate,  Cochitawitt,  Coashtuate,  Cocuatuate,  Cochiyuate,  Cochhituate, 
Crochituate,  Codrituate,  Cosituate,  Cohituate,  Chatiate,  Coblituate,  Cot- 
cituet,  Cochiheorte,  Cotichuhwait,  Cochhittiak,  Goehituate,  Cohatuate, 
Chitchwate,  Cochiatute,  Kerehiweight,  Cartrituate,  Cotchiehuate,  Seiotchi- 
tuate,  Cochotaute,  Katichuate,  Cocketriute,  Cochicutate,  Coucichuate, 
Coehiuehate,  Whituate,  Colchister,  Kocituate,  Cochetube,  Cochtioute,  Col- 
chitwate,  Chuchetts,  Cauehauate,  Cachituate,  Cachitua,  Cachitwate,  Car- 
lituate,  Cashituate,  Chohictate,  Cotchiett,  Cotichoate,  Cotitchuate  or  Wailing, 
Cotrito,  Cotieuate,  Cotichawait,  Cotiehuate,  Corehituate,  Corchuote,  Cotit- 
cuate,  Cochatiuate,  Ccituate,  Coachituete,  Coahicuate,  Cochicuarte,  Coehi- 
watefi,  Cocohitcuate,  Cochicuarte,  Cochiwate,  Cocohituate,  Cochityate, 
Cochittiap,  Cuohituate,  Coutitute,  Couchituate,  Cochatuate,  Cochuetts,  Co- 
chitciate,  Ketchewit,  Chosituate,  Ctchituate,  Cutichie,  Cochituatiu,  Coctu- 
tuate." 

Some  of  our  other  names  of  Indian  origin  are  also  spelled  in  a  great 
variety  of  ways. 

Barge.  —  The  following  letter  appeared  in  the  "  Boston  Herald,"  Octo- 
ber 29,  1906  :  — 

"  Barge  —  A  Boston  Word.  —  To  the  Editor  of  the  Herald :  Two  or  three 
requests  have  been  made  for  the  origin  of  the  common  word  'barge.'  I 
feel  confident  I  can  give  the  correct  explanation.  I  believe  it  is  a  Boston 
word. 

"When  I  was  a  boy,  1850  on,  or  perhaps  a  little  before,  there  appeared 
in  Boston  a  gay  wonder.  The  old  stagers,  like  Dr.  Green  and  Edward 
Everett  Hale,  will  recall  it,  and  the  elder  '  Bostonians.'  It  was  called 
'  Cleopatra's  Barge,'  a  long  boat-like  vehicle,  I  think  on  wheels  in  the  sum- 
mer and  runners  in  the  winter,  for  excursions  and  for  sleighrides.  It  was 
painted  to  suit  the  name,  and  when  full  of  gay  youth,  it  presented  a  bril- 
liant appearance.  My  impression  is  that  it  was  owned  by  the  Omnibus 
Company. 

"  I  do  not  suppose  there  was  any  one  —  certainly  not  many  —  in  Boston 
at  that  time  who  did  not  know  of  '  the  Barge  '  —  *  Cleopatra's  Barge.' 

"  My  impression  is  that  the  summer  hotels,  the  seaside,  and  the  country 

hotels,  caught  up  the  name,  and  gave  it  at  first  to  their  vehicles  which  had 

rows  of  side  seats,  and  in  other  ways  emulated  the  brilliant  original.    From 

those  'barges,'  I  suppose  the  name  came  to  be  applied  to  anything  in  the 

shape  of  an  excursion  or  picnic  wagon,  or  any  old  beach  wagon. 

"  Will  C.  Wood. 
"  6  PiNCKNEY  Street,  Boston,  Oct.  24,  1906." 


350  yournal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 

"  PoGONiP."  —  The  following  item  from  a  newspaper  of  the  last  year 
(name  and  date  not  known)  contains  a  notice  of  another  addition  to  the 
vocabulary  of  our  American  English  :  "  A  dispatch  in  a  California  paper 
says  that  'one  of  the  heaviest  pogonips  that  has  prevailed  in  Western 
Nevada  for  )'ears '  has  been  hanging  over  Carson.  '  Pogonip  '  is  the 
Indian  name  for  a  peculiar  fog  that  occasionally  visits  the  Nevada  moun- 
tain country  in  the  winter  months.  The  sun  is  obscured,  usually  during 
the  entire  day,  and  sometimes  for  days,  while  the  air  is  charged  with  a 
heavy  fog  in  which  fine  particles  of  snow  seem  to  be  flying.  Although  the 
temperature  may  not  be  low,  intense  cold  is  felt  on  account  of  the  unusual 
humidity  that  prevails.     The  Indians  greatly  fear  '  pogonips.'  " 

"LizzARD."  —  Another  unidentified  newspaper  clipping,  reproduced  in 
the  "  Worcester  Evening  Post,"  July  i6,  1906,  reads  as  follows  :  "  Down  in 
Texas  a  sledge  or  jumper  is  evidently  called  a  '  lizzard.'  An  effort  is  now 
being  made  to  locate  a  lizzard  made  by  Davy  Crockett  out  of  the  fork  of  a 
bois  d'arc  tree  in  1835,  ^"^  upon  which  he  hunted  and  hauled  deer.  If  the 
lizzard  is  found  it  will  be  placed  in  the  Alamo  as  a  historical  relic." 

Ball-Lore.  —  Professor  L.  T.  Weeks,  of  McKendice  College,  Lebanon, 
Illinois,  writes  (August  10,  1906)  the  Journal  of  American  Eolk-Lore :  "I 
wonder  whether  notice  has  been  taken  of  a  saying  of  daily  use  in  the  coun- 
try school  in  Iowa,  where  I  attended  school  in  my  childhood.  In  playing 
if  the  one  who  was  catching  behind  the  batter  held  what  would  now  be 
'town-ball,'  called  a  'tip-foul,'  the  latter  was  out ;  —  and  invariably  some 
one  would  call  out :  — 

'"A  tick  and  ketch 
Will  always  fetch.' " 

Calls  to  Domestic  Animals.  —  Mrs.  C.  K.  Bayliss,  of  Springfield,  Illi- 
nois, sends  the  following  note  :  "  In  the  December  issue  of  the  Journal, 
under  Notes  and  Queries,  mention  is  made  of  the  custom  among  the  people 
of  Buenos  Ayres  of  uttering  a  sharp  hiss,  '  pst,  pst,'  when  they  wish  to 
stop  a  horse,  a  car,  or  a  cab.  The  Indians  of  Laguna,  New  Mexico,  use 
the  same  sound  to  quiet  a  dog.  In  this  case,  as  in  the  other,  it  means 
'  stop.'  I  was  one  day  walking  alone  in  the  outskirts  of  the  Pueblo,  when 
a  dog  ran  after  me,  barking  savagely.  The  women  and  children  began  to 
say  *  pst,  pst,'  and  I  thought  they  were  setting  him  on,  but  the  animal 
understood  the  contrary,  and  a  white  resident  assured  me  that  that  was 
their  way  of  calling  him  off." 


Members  of  the  American  Folk- Lore  Society.         351 

OFFICERS   OF  THE  AMERICAN  FOLK-LORE  SOCIETY  (1906). 

President:  Alfred  L.  Kroeber,  San  Francisco,  Cal. 

First  Vice-President :  William  Curtis  Farabee,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Second  Vice-President :  Mrs.  Zelia  Nuttall,  City  of  Mexico,  Mex. 

Coimcil:  Franz  Boas,  New  York,  N.  Y. ;  tGeorge  H.  Chase,  Cambridge,  Mass.; 
Thomas  Frederick  Crane,  Ithaca,  N.  Y. ;  jGeorge  A.  Dorsey,  Chicago,  111.;  JLivingston 
Farrand,  New  York,  N.  Y. ;  J.  Walter  Fewkes,  Washington,  D.  C. ;  JAlice  C.  Fletcher, 
Washington,  D.  C. ;  {George  Lyman  Kittredge,  Cambridge,  Mass.  ;  James  Mooney, 
Washington,  D.  C. ;  Zelia  Nuttall,  City  of  Mexico,  Mex.;  tFrederic  W.  Putnam,  Cam- 
bridge, Mass. ;  J.  Dyneley  Prince,  New  York,  N.  Y. ;  Alfred  M.  Tozzer,  Cambridge,  Mass.; 
Anne  Weston  Whitney,  Baltimore,  Md. ;  t  Henry  Wood,  Baltimore,  Md. 

Permanent  Secretary:  William  Wells  Newell,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Treasurer :  Eliot  W.  Remick,  300  Marlborough  St.,  Boston,  Mass. 
t  As  Presidents  of  Local  Branches.     %  As  Past  Presidents  of  the  Society  (within  five  years). 

MEMBERS   OF   THE   AMERICAN    FOLK-LORE   SOCIETY. 
(for  the  year  1906.) 
HONORARY   MEMBERS. 

Juan  G.  Ambrosetti,  Buenos  Ayres,  Argen-  Angelo  de  Gubernatis,  Rome,  Italy. 

tine  Republic.  Edwin  Sidney  Hartland,  Gloucester,  England. 

John  Batchelor,  Sapporo,  Japan.  Friedrich  S.  Krauss,  Vienna,  Austria. 

Francisco  Adolpho  Coelho,  Lisbon,  Portu-  Kaarle  Krohn,  Helsingfors,  Finland. 

gal.  Giuseppe  Pitre,  Palermo,  Sicily. 

James  George  Frazer,  Cambridge,  England.  Paul  Sebillot,  Paris,  France. 

Henri  Gaidoz,  Paris,  France.  Edward  Burnett  Tylor,  Oxford,  England, 
George  Laurence  Gomme,  London,  England. 

LIFE   MEMBERS. 

Eugene  F.  Bliss,  Cincinnati,  Ohio.  Frederick  W.  Lehmann,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Hiram  Edmund  Deats,  Flemington,  N.  J.  J.  F.  Loubat,  Paris,  France. 

Mrs.  Henry  Draper,  New  York,  N.  Y.  William  Wells  Newell,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Joseph  E.  Gillingham,  Philadelphia,  Pa.  Miss  Mary  A.  Owen,  St.  Joseph,  Mo. 
Henry  Charles  Lea,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

ANNUAL   MEMBERS. 

John  Abercromby,  Edinburgh,  Scotland.  Miss  Mary  E.  Batchelder,  Cambridge,  Ma.ss. 

I.  Adler,  New  York,  N.  Y.  Mrs.  Clara  Kern  Baylies,  Springfield,  111. 

Miss   Constance  G.  Alexander,  Cambridge,  Miss  Bessie  Bedford,  Cape  Girardeau,  Mo. 

Mass.  Miss  Elizabeth  Bedford,  Cape  Girardeau, 
A.  H.  Allen,  Berkeley,  Cal.  Mo. 

Mrs.  Francis  W.  Anderson,  Phoenix,  Ariz.  William  Beer,  New  Orleans,  La. 

Mrs.  Monroe  Ayer,  Boston,  Mass.  Mrs.  Wm.  G.  Bek,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

H.  M.  Belden,  Columbia,  Mo. 

Irving  Babbitt,  Cambridge,  Mass.  Miss   Cora   Agnes    Benneson,  Cambridge, 
Kendrick  C.  Babcock,  Tucson,  Ariz.  Mass. 

Mrs.  Samuel  W.   Backus,   San   Francisco,  Mrs.  Fanny  D.  Bergen,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Cal.  Charles  J.  Billson,  Leicester,  England. 

Wm.  F.  Bade,  Berkeley,  Cal.  Mrs.  T.  B.  Bishop,  San  Francisco,  Cal. 

Francis  Noyes  Balch,  Boston,  Mass.  Alexander  Black,  Fort  Defiance,  Ariz. 

H.  H.  Bancroft,  San  Francisco,  Cal.  Francis  Blake,  Auburndale,  Mass. 

Miss  G.  E.  Barnard,  Oakland,  Cal.  Mr.  Eugene  F.  Bliss,  Cincinnati,  Ohio. 

S.  A.  Barrett,  Berkeley,  Cal.  Mrs.  Phila  Bliven,  Bingham  Canon,  Utah. 

Phillips  Barry,  Boston,  Mass.  George  Blount,  Phoenix,  Ariz. 

Miss  Harriett  Bartnett,  New  York.  Mrs.  George  Blount,  Phoenix,  Ariz. 


352 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 


Mrs.  \V.  D.  Boardman,  Boston,  Mass. 
Franz  Boas,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Miss  Madeline  Bocher,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Andrew  G.  Bodwell,  Jr.,  Kansas  City,  Mo. 
Reginald  P.  Bolton,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Mrs.  John  G.  Bourke,  Omaha,  Neb. 
Charles  P.  Bowditch,  Boston,  Mass. 
George  P.  Bradley,  Washington,  D.  C. 
H.  C.  G.  Brandt,  Clinton,  N.  Y. 
\V.  A.  Brewer,  San  Mateo,  Cal. 
Louis  Hotchkiss  Brittin,  Englewood,  N.  J. 
Miss  Abbie  Farwell  Brown,  Boston,  Mass. 
Mrs.  Elizabeth  G.  Brown,  Tempe,  Ariz. 
Philip  Greely  Brown,  Portland,  Me. 
Mrs.  W.  Wallace  Brown,  Calais,  Me. 
Mrs.  Willietta  Brown,  San  Francisco,  Cal. 
Mrs.  Waller  R.  Bullock,  Baltimore,  Md. 
Miss  Ethel  Q.  Bumstead,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Lewis  D.  Burdick,  Oxford,  N.  Y. 
Miss  Mary  Arthur  Burnham,  Philadelphia, 

Pa. 
Miss  Honora  de  Busk,  Trinidad,  Colo. 

John  Caldwell,  Edgewood  Park,  Pa. 
Alexander  Francis  Chamberlain,  Worcester, 

Mass. 
Mrs.  W.  E.  Chamberlain,  Brookline,  Mass. 
Miss  Mary  Chapman,  Springfield,  Mass. 
Miss  Ellen  Chase,  Brookline,  Mass. 
George  H.  Chase,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Mrs.  Shirley  Christy,  Phoenix,  Ariz. 
Clarence  H.  Clark,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 
C.  W.  Clarke,  Kansas  City,  Mo. 
Prof.  Clarke,  Phcenix,  Ariz. 
Mrs.  Otto  B.  Cole,  Boston,  Mass. 
Mrs.  Gertrude  A.  Collier,  Boston,  Mass. 
Mrs.  Arthur  M.  Comey,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Daniel  T.  Comstock,  Boston,  Mass. 
Harrison  Conrad,  Flagstaff,  Ariz. 
Thomas  F.  Crane,  Ithaca,  N.  Y. 
Miss  Sarah  H.  Crocker,  Boston,  Mass. 
C.  W.  Crouse,  White  River,  Ariz. 
Stewart  Culin,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 
Roland  G.  Curtin,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

William  G.  Davies,  New  York,  N,  Y. 
Charles  F.  Daymond,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Mrs.  John  Deane,  Boston,  Mass. 
James  Deans,  Victoria,  B.  C. 
Robert  W.  De  Forest,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
W.  G.  De  Vore,  Tempe,  Ariz. 
E.  W.  Deming,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Mrs.  Mary  Dickson,  Alameda,  Cal. 
H.  A.  Diehl,  Phoenix,  Ariz. 
George  E.  Dimock,  Elizabeth,  N.  J. 
Roland  B.  Dixon,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
George  A.  Dorsey,  Chicago,  111. 
A.  E.  Douglas,  Tucson,  Ariz. 


F.  B.  Dresslar,  Berkeley,  Cal. 

Mrs.  Carl  Dreyfus,  Boston,  Mass. 

Miss   Constance   G.   Du  Bois,   Waterbury, 

Conn. 
Charles  B.  Dudley,  Altoona,  Pa. 

Charles  L.  Edwards,  Hartford,  Conn. 
Gustav  Eisen,  San  Francisco,  Cal. 
Carl  Eickemeyer,  Yonkers,  N.  Y. 
L.  H.  Elwell,  Amherst,  Mass. 
Dana  Estes,  Boston,  Mass. 
Miss  Marie  L.  Everett,  Boston,  Mass. 

William  Curtis  Farabee,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Livingston  Farrand,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
H.  H.  Feilberg,  Veyen,  Denmark. 
Merritt  Lyndon  Fernald,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
J.  Walter  Fewkes,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Miss  Emma  J.  Fitz,  Boston,  Mass. 
Miss  Alice  C.  Fletcher,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Mrs.  John  W.  Floss,  Phoenix,  Ariz. 
Mrs.  John  Flournoy,  San  Francisco,  Cal. 
Alcee  Fortier,  New  Orleans,  La. 
Mrs.  A.  B.  Fowler,  Phoenix,  Ariz. 
Kuno  Francke,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
John  Fryer,  Berkeley,  Cal. 

Fletcher  Gardner,  Bloomington,  Ind. 
Alfred  C.  Garrett,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 
Mrs.  F.  W.  Gaskill,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Frank  Butler  Gay,  Hartford,  Conn. 
Arpad  G.  Gerster,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
P.  E,  Goddard,  Berkeley,  Cal. 
F.  A.  Golder,  Tempe,  Ariz. 
C.  W.  Goodman,  Phoenix,  Ariz, 
Miss  Bessie  C.  Gray,  Boston,  Mass. 
Mrs.  John  C.  Gray,  Boston,  Mass. 
George  Bird  Grinnell,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Eulalie  Osgood  Grover,  Highland  Park,  III. 

Stansbury  Hagar,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Mrs.  H.  A.  Hall,  Boston,  Mass. 
William  Fenwick  Harris,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Charles  C.  Harrison,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 
Mrs.   Ralph  C.  Harrison,  San   Francisco, 

Cal. 
John  Goddard  Hart,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Mrs.  R.  L.  Hartt,  Boston,  Mass. 
Mrs.  J.  F.  Harvey,  Bodie,  Cal. 

C.  W.  Haskins,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
J.  W.  Hastings,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Mrs.  J.  B.  Havre,  Berkeley,  Cal. 
H.  W.  Haynes,  Boston,  Mass. 

Mrs.  Dwight  B.  Heard,  Phoenix,  Cal. 

D.  C.  Henning,  Pottsville,  Pa. 

Edward  W.  Heusinger,  San  Antonio,  Tex. 
Mrs.  R.  F.  Herrick,  San  Francisco,  Cal. 
Mrs.  Esther  Herrman,  New  York,  N.  Y. 


Members  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society.        353 


George  Hipkins,  Boston,  Mass. 

Henry  L.  Hobart,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Frederick  Webb  Hodge,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Robert  Hoe,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Mrs.  Lee  Hoffman,  Portland,  Or. 

J.  T.  Holbert,  Fort  Defiance,  Ariz. 

Miss    Amelia    B.    Hollenback,    Brooklyn, 

N.  Y. 
William  H.  Holmes,  Washington,  D.  C. 
S.  J.  Holsinger,  Canon  Diablo,  Ariz. 
Miss    Leslie    W,    Hopkinson,   Cambridge, 

Mass. 
Walter  Hough,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Prentiss  C.  Hoyt,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
J.  F.  Huckel,  Kansas  City,  Mo. 
Henry  M.  Hurd,  Baltimore,  Md. 
Percy  A.  Hutchison,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Clarence  M.  Hyde,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

A.  Jacobi,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
John  A.  J.  James,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 
Miss  Isabel  L.  Johnson,  Boston,  Mass. 
G.    M.    Johnson,    Leland    Stanford    Uni- 
versity, Cal. 
George  J.  Jones,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 
Miss  R.  R.  Joslin,  Boston,  Mass. 
Miss  Marion  Hall  Judd,  Boston,  Mass. 
Robert  L.  Junghanns,  Bayamon,  Porto  Rico. 

Charles  Keeler,  Berkeley,  Cal. 

Mrs.  Josephine  INL  Kendig,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Mrs.  A.  L.  Kennedy,  Boston,  Mass. 

F.  L.  Kennedy,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

George  G.  Kennedy,  Roxbury,  Mass. 

Miss  Louise  Kennedy,  Concord,  Mass. 

Mrs.  A.  E.  Kennelly,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Francis  S.  Kershaw,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Homer  H.  Kidder,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Miss  Martha  King,  Phoenix,  Ariz. 

George  Lyman  Kittredge,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Henry  E.  Krehbiel,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Alfred  L.  Kroeber,  Berkeley,  Cal. 

L.  Kryzinske,  Warsaw,  Russian  Poland. 

Adele  Lathrop,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Gardner  Lathrop,  Kansas  City,  Mo. 
Walter  Learned,  New  London,  Conn. 
Miss     Margaret    A.    Leavitt,    Cambridge, 

Mass. 
Mrs.  William  M.  LeBrun,  Boston,  Mass. 
C.  Letts,  London,  Eng. 
F.  W.  Lehmann,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 
Edward  Lindsey,  Warren,  Pa. 
Burtis  M.  Little,  Alboy,  P.  L 
Mrs.  M.  V.  Little,  Boston,  Mass. 
P.  V.  Long,  San  Francisco,  Cal. 
Mrs.  M.  W.  Lorraine,  Phoenix,  Ariz. 
Charles  A.  Loveland,  Milwaukee,  Wis. 


Charles  F.  Lummis,  Los  Angeles,  Cal. 
Benj.  Smith  Lyman,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Edmund  R.  O.  von  Mach,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Miss  Emily  Raymond  McBride,  Duluth, 
Minn. 

James  H.  McClinfock,  Phoenix,  Ariz. 

Mrs.  James  H.  McClintock,  Phoenix,  Ariz. 

Mrs.  P'rancis  J.  McCormack,  Phoenix,  Ariz. 

W  J  McGee,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Kenneth  McKenzie,  New  Haven,  Conn. 

Mrs.  John  L.  McNeil,  Denver,  Colo. 

L.  S.  Marks,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Arthur  R.  Marsh,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Mrs.  Alexander  B.  Martin,  Boston,  Mass. 

Albert  Matthews,  Boston,  Mass. 

A.  J.  Matthews,  Tempe,  Ariz. 

John  E.  Matzke,  Leland  Stanford  Uni- 
versity, Cal. 

Miss  Frances  H.  Mead,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

J.  C.  Merriam,  Berkeley,  Cal. 

Mrs.  Holland  Merryman,  Phoenix,  Ariz. 

J.  Meyer,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Mrs.  Garret  Smith  Miller,  Peterboro,  N.  Y. 

Mrs.  Katherine  B.  Miller,  So,  Berkeley,  Cal. 

John  M.  Mills,  Salt  Lake  City,  Utah. 

W.  C.  Mitchell,  Berkeley,  Cal. 

E.  J.  Molera,  San  Francisco,  Cal. 

Mrs.  William  J.  Monro,  Berkeley,  Cal. 

Lewis  F.  Mott,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Mrs.  James  F.  Muirhead,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Mrs.  Hugo  MUnsterberg,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Miss  Mary  Neff,  Phoenix,  Ariz. 

W.  A.  Neilson,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

William  Nelson,  Paterson,  N.  J. 

Miss  Grace  Nicholson,  Pasadena,  Cal. 

Mrs.  W.  F.  Nichols,  Phoenix,  Ariz. 

G.  R.  Noyes,  Berkeley,  Cal. 

Mrs.  Zelia  Nuttall,  City  of  Mexico,  Mex. 

D.  J,  O'Connell,  Washington,  D.  C. 
H.  A.  Overstreet,  Berkeley,  Cal. 
Miss  Mary  Owen,  St.  Joseph,  Mo. 

Dr.  Sarah  E.  Palmer,  Boston,  Mass. 

Charles  Peabody,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Miss  Josephine  Preston  Peabody,  Cam- 
bridge, Mass. 

Plarold  Peirce,  Haverford,  Pa. 

George  H.  Pepper,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Mrs.  Edward  M.  Plummer,  Charlestown, 
Mass. 

Dr.  C.  Augusta  Pope,  Boston,  Mass. 

Dr.  Emily  F.  Pope,  Boston,  Mass. 

Murry  A.  Potter,  Boston,  Mass. 

Mrs.  W.  G.  Preston,  Boston,  Mass. 

J.  Dyneley  Prince,  New  York,  N.  Y. 


354 


yournal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 


T.  Mitchell  Prudden,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Miss  Ethel  D.  Puffer,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
E.  K.  Putnam,  Leland  Stanford  University, 

Cal. 
Frederic  Ward  Putnam,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Mrs.  F.  W.  Putnam,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Benjamin  L.  Rand,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Miss  Flora  Randolph,  Berkeley.  Cal. 
W.  H.  Ratcliff,  Berkeley,  Cal. 
Mrs.  H.  E.  Raymond,  Boston,  Mass. 
John  Reade.  Montreal,  P,  Q. 
Miss  Helen  Leah  Reed,  Boston,  Mass. 
Eliot  W.  Remick   Boston,  Mass. 
R.  Hudson  Riley,  Brooklyn,  N,  Y. 

D.  M.  Riordan,  Tucson,  Ariz. 

Mrs  Ernest  Roberts,  Baltimore,  Md. 
William  E.  Ritter^  Berkeley,  Cal. 
Benjamin  L.  Robinson,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Frederick  N.  Robinson,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Miss  A.  A.  Rogers,  Boston,  Mass. 
C.  E.  Rumsey,  Riverside,  Cal. 
Miss  Fannie  Russell,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Dr.  A.  W.  Ryder,  Berkeley,  Cal. 

Miss  Mary  L.  Sanborn,  Phoenix,  Ariz. 
Mrs.  Mary  R.  Sanderson,  Phcenix,  Ariz. 
Marshall  H.  Saville,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Otto  B.  Schliitter,  Hartford,  Conn. 
Mrs.  Mollie  O.  Schueler,  Berkeley,  Cal. 
James  P.  Scott,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 
Mrs.  W.  S.  Scudder,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Mrs.  J.  P.  Sellinger,  Boston,  Mass. 
William  A.  Setchell,  Berkeley,  Cal. 
*J.  K.  Shaw,  Baltimore,  Md. 
J.  B.  Shea,  Pittsburgh,  Pa. 
Mrs.  H.  N.  Sheldon,  Boston,  Mass. 
Mrs.  W.  P.  Shreve,  Boston,  Mass. 
Albert  T.  Sinclair,  Boston,  Mass. 

E.  Reuel  Smith,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Harlan  I.  Smith,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Miss  Lauren  P.  Smith,  Warren,  Ohio. 
Walter  Spalding,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Miss  Katherine  Spiers,  Phoenix,  Ariz. 
Frederick  Starr,  Chicago,  111. 
Vilhjalmur  Stefasson,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Simon  Gerberich  Stein,  Muscatine,  la. 
Mrs.  Oliver  C.  Stevens,  Boston,  Mass. 
Prof.  Stilhvell,  Phoenix,  Ariz. 

Mrs.  B.  Wilder  Stone,  San  Francisco,  Cal. 


J.  R.  Swanton,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Harold  S.  Symmes,  Redlands,  Cal. 
Brandreth  Symonds,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Benjamin  Thaw,  Pittsburgh,  Pa. 
A.  H.  Thompson,  Topeka,  Kans. 
Mrs.  J.  G.  Thorp,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Miss  Maud  Tilton,  Cambridge  Mass. 
Crawford  Howell  Toy,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
A.  M.  Tozzer,  Lynn,  Mass. 

Henry  H.  Vail,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Miss  Calla  Varner,  Maryville,  Mo. 

F.  H.  Verhoef,  Boston,  Mass. 

Mrs.  John  W.  Wales,  Boston,  Mass. 

G.  L  Walnisley,  Liverpool,  Eng. 
J.  A.  Walz,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Miss  Sarah  Wambaugh,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

H.  Newell  Wardle,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Langdon  Warner,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Samuel  D.  Warren,  Boston,  Mass. 

W.  Seward  Webb,  Lake  Champlain,  Vt. 

Frederick  Webber,  Washington,  D.  C. 

David  Webster,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Mrs.  Hollis  Webster,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

K.  G.  T.  Webster,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Raymond  Weeks,  Columbia,  Mo. 

Miss  Lois  Welty,  Oregon,  Mo. 

Mrs.     Walter     Wesselhoeft,      Cambridge, 

Mass. 
Mrs.  William  Young   Westervelt,   Kelvin, 

Ariz. 
George  N.  Whipple,  Boston,  Mass. 
Mrs.  Alice  G.  Whitbeck,  Berkeley,  Cal. 
Miss  Elsa  White,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Miss   Anne    Weston    Whitney,    Baltimore, 

Md. 
F.  P.  Wilcox,  Grand  Rapids,  Mich. 
Mrs.  Ashton  R.  Willard,  Boston,  Mass. 
Miss  Constance  B.   Williston,  Cambridge, 

Mass. 
Prof.  Wilson;  Phoenix,  Ariz. 
Henry  Wood,  Baltimore,  Md. 
Horatio  C.  Wood,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 
J.  H.  Woods,  Boston,  Mass. 
A.  R.  Wright,  London,  Eng. 
C.  H.  C.  Wright,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Miss  Sarah  D.  Yerxa,  Cambridge,  Mass. 


Members  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society.         355 

LIST  OF  LIBRARIES  OR  SOCIETIES,  BEING  MEMBERS  OF  THE 
AMERICAN  FOLK-LORE  SOCIETY,  OR  SUBSCRIBERS  TO  THE 
JOURNAL  OF  AMERICAN  FOLK-LORE,  IN  THE  YEAR  1906. 

American  Geographical  Society,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Amherst  College  Library,  Amherst,  Mass. 

Andrew  Carnegie  Library,  Carnegie,  Pa. 

Athenaeum  Library,  Minneapolis,  Minn. 

Boston  Athenaeum,  Boston,  Mass. 

Buffalo  Library,  Buffalo,  N.  Y. 

Carnegie  Free  Library,  Allegheny,  Pa. 

Carnegie  Free  Library,  Nashville,  Tenn. 

Carnegie  Library,  Pittsburgh,  Pa. 

City  Library  Association,  Springfield,  Mass. 

City  Library,  Manchester,  N.  H. 

College  Library,  Marietta,  Ohio. 

College  Library,  Wellesley,  Mass. 

Columbia  College  Library,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Forbes  Library,  Northampton,  Mass. 

Free  Library,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

Free  Library  of  Philadelphia,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Free  Public  Library,  Jersey  City,  N.  J. 

Free  Public  Library,  Evanston,  111. 

Free  Public  Library,  New  Bedford,  Mass. 

Free  Public  Library,  Sacramento,  Cal. 

Free  Public  Library,  San  Francisco,  Cal. 

Free  Public  Library,  San  Jose,  Cal. 

Free  Public  Library,  Louisville,  Ky. 

Free  Public  Library,  Worcester,  Mass. 

Hackley  Public  Library,  Muskegon,  Mich. 

Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Howard  Memorial  Library,  New  Orleans,  La. 

Hoyt  Library,  Saginaw,  Mich. 

Iowa  State  Library,  Des  Moines,  Iowa. 

John  Crerar  Librar}',  Chicago,  111. 

Johns  Hopkms  University  Library,  Baltimore,  Md. 

Kansas  State  Historical  Society,  Topeka,  Kans. 

Leland  Stanford,  Jr.,  University  Library,  Stanford  University,  Cal. 

Library  of  Chicago  University,  Chicago,  111. 

Library  of  Congress,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Library  of  Cornell  University,  Ithaca,  N.  Y. 

Library  of  Harvard  University,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Library,  Baltimore,  Md. 

Library  of  Parliament,  Ottawa,  Ont. 

Library  Peabody  College  for  Teachers,  Nashville,  Tenn. 

Library  of  Pratt  Institute,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

Library  of  Trinity  College,  Hartford,  Conn. 

Library  of  University  of  California,  Berkeley,  Cal. 

Library  of  University  of  Illinois,  University  Station,  Urbana,  111. 

Library  of  University  of  Kansas,  Lawrence,  Kans. 

Library  of  University  of  Missouri,  Columbia,  Mo. 

Massachusetts  State  Library,  Boston,  Mass. 

Mercantile  Library,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Newberry  Library,  Chicago,  111. 

Newton  Free  Library,  Newton,  Mass. 

New  York  State  Library,  Albany,  N.  Y. 

Normal  School,  Tempe,  Ariz. 


356  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

Peabody  Institute,  Baltimore,  Md. 

Philadelphia  Library,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Public  Library,  Boston,  Mass. 

Public  Library,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

Public  Library,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Public  Library,  Chicago,  111. 

Public  Library,  Cincinnati,  O. 

Public  Library,  Cleveland,  O. 

Public  Library,  Decatur,  111. 

Public  Library,  Denver,  Colo. 

Public  Library,  Detroit,  Mich. 

Public  Library,  Edinburgh,  Scotland. 

Public  Library,  Indianapolis,  Ind. 

Public  Library,  Lexington,  Ky. 

Public  Library,  New  Rochelle,  N.  Y. 

Public  Library,  Syracuse,  N.  Y. 

Public  Library,  Kansas  City,  Mo. 

Public  Library,  Liverpool,  England. 

Public  Library,  Los  Angeles,  Cal. 

Public  Library,  Maiden,  Mass. 

Public  Library,  Milwaukee,  Wis. 

Public  Library,  New  London,  Conn. 

Public  Library,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Public  Library,  Omaha,  Neb. 

Public  Library,  Peoria,  111. 

Public  Library,  Portland,  Me. 

Public  Library,  Providence,  R.  I. 

Public  Library,  Rockford,  111. 

Public  Library,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Public  Library,  St.  Paul,  Minn. 

Public  Library,  Seattle,  Wash. 

Public  Library,  Toronto,  Ont. 

Public  Library,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Reynolds  Library,  Rochester,  N.  Y. 

Ryerson  Public  Library,  Grand  Rapids,  Mich. 

State  Historical  Library,  Madison,  Wis. 

State  Historical  Society  Library,  St.  Paul,  Minn. 

State  Library,  Augusta,  Me. 

State  Library,  Harrisburg,  Pa. 

State  Library,  Lansing,  Mich. 

State  Library,  Sacramento,  Cal. 

Steele  Memorial  Library,  Elmira,  N.  Y. 

Trinity  College  Library,  Durham,  N.  C. 

University  of  Nebraska  Library,  Lincoln,  Neb. 

University  of  Pennsylvania,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

University  Club  Library,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

University  of  Washington,  Seattle,  Wash. 

Watkinson  Library,  Hartford,  Conn. 

Yale  University  Library,  New  Haven,  Conn. 


Subscribers  to  the  Publication  Fu7id.  357 


SUBSCRIBERS  TO  THE  PUBLICATION  FUND  (1906). 

I.  Adler,  New  York,  N.  Y.  Clarence  M.  Hyde,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Charles  P.  Bowditch,  Boston,  Mass.  Walter  Learned,  New  London,  Conn. 

John  Caldwell,  Edgewood  Park,  Pa.  Edward  Lindsey,  Warren,  Pa. 

William  G.  Davies,  New  York,  N.  Y.  William  W.  Newell,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

George  E.  Dimock,  Elizabeth,  N.  J.  Harold  Peirce,  Haverford,  Pa. 

Mrs.  Anna  Palmer  Draper,  New  York,  N.  Y.  J.  B.  Shea,  Pittsburgh,  Pa. 

Edwin  Sidney  Hartland,  Gloucester,  Eng-  E.  Reuel  Smith,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

land.  S.  G.  Stein,  Muscatine,  Iowa. 

Miss  Amelia  B.  Hollenback,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.  Brandreth  Symonds,  Goshen,  N.  Y. 


IN  MEMORIAM 

BORN  JANUARY  24,  1 8 39 
DIED  JANUARY  21,  I907 

Inspirer  and  Promoter  of  Folk-Lore  Research 
IN  America 

Founder  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society 
AND  ITS  Efficient  Secretary  since  its  Beginning 
IN  1888 

Editor  of  the  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 
from  1888  to  1900 

Editor  of  the  Memoirs  of  the  American  Folk- 
Lore  Society,  1894-1906 


INDEX   TO   VOLUME   XIX. 


American  Folk-Lore  Society  : 

Seventeenth  Annual  Meeting,  79-81;  Re- 
port of  Treasurer,  8 1 ;  Nomination  and 
Election  of  Officers,  82  ;  Papers  read,  82  ; 
Resolutions,  83 ;  other  functions,  83 ; 
branches  of  American  Folk-Lore  So- 
ciety, 84-87  ;  local  organization,  84  ;  pro- 
ceedings of  branches :  Arizona,  British 
Columbia,  California,  Colorado,  Massa- 
chusetts, 85,  86;  Missouri,  Nevada,  Ohio, 
Pennsylvania,  86 ;  Addresses  at  Meetings 
of  Local  Branches  (Boston,  1889-1906), 
87  ;  branches  of  the  American  Folk-Lore 
Society  reports,  etc.,  165-169:  Arizona, 
California,  165,166;  Massachusetts,  166- 
168;  Missouri,New  York,  168;  Ohio,  168, 
169  ;  Officers  1906,  honorary,  life,  and  an- 
nual members,  351-354  ;  libraries  and  so- 
cieties, members  or  subscribers,  351-356; 
subscribers  to  publication  fund,  357. 

Animals  in  folk-lore  and  myth  : 

Antelope,  322  ;  ape,  73,  109-112  ;  badger, 
57,  315;  bat,  205,  309;  bear,  47,  54,  142, 
161,  309;  beaver,  338,  340 ;  birds,  47,  73, 
219,  268;  blue-fly,  56,  60;  blue-jay,  42; 
boar,  235;  buffalo,  221,  328;    butterfly, 

209,  257  ;  buzzard,  56, 136,  142  ;  carabao, 
208;  caribou,  259;  cat,  90,  iii,  193,209, 

210,  251,  259;  cattle,  354;  cayman,  193, 
195  ;  chameleon,  76;  chicken,  211;  chick- 
enhawk,  135,  136,  152;  chipmunk,  151; 
c/iucao-hird,  69 ;  cock,  209,  210 ;  cod,  178 ; 
condor,  44;  coot,  47;  cow,  31,  76,  119, 
178;  coyote,  31-51,  56,  59,  60,  67,  134, 
136-139,  158,  251,  259,  313,  322;  crab, 
165,  270 ;  crane,  136  ;  cricket,  147  ;  croco- 
dile, 73,  165,  225;  crow,  42,  46,  47,  247; 
deer,  47,  57,  60,  134,  152,  223,  255,  267, 
309,322;  doe,  135;  dog,  75,  90,  122,  140, 
142,  193,  205,  210,  267,  271,  318;  donkey, 
251;  duck,  47,  58;  eagle,  43,  46,  57,  61, 
69,  76,  136,  148,  155,  252,  305,  313,  316, 
322;  earthworm,  55;  elephant,  76,  125; 
elk,  139,  259,  322;  fish,  100,  103,  178, 
197,  200,  209;  fly,  136,  315;  fox,  61,  75, 
117, 134, 136,  251,  339;  fox-bird,  69;  frog, 
55,  59,  66,  158,  251,  313,  314,  316,  339; 


gnats,  319;  goat,  24 1 ;  goose,  337 ;  gopher 
55,  150,  158;  grizzly  bear,  135,  137 ;  gull 
252  ;  hare,  76,  259 ;  hawk,  42,  44,  46,  48 
hedgehog,  75;  heifer,  273;  hippotamus, 
76;  horse,  94,  122,  178,  201,  233,  235 
265,  284;  humming-bird,  42,  46,  255 
hyaena,  75;  jackal,  75;  jack-rabbit,  136 
160  ;  jaguar,  255 ;  kangaroo -rat,  56  ;  king 
bird,  42,  48,  56,  60, 160;  lamb,  122;  lion 
58,  75,  125;  lizard,  69,  156,  205,  259 
loon,  44,  46,  47  ;  maguary,  255 ;  meadow 
lark,  313;  mockingbird,  42;  monkey 
251 ;  moth,  209;  mouse,  138,  259;  mud 
hen,  161;  mule,  345;  muskrat,  340,  na 
tawa,  334  ;  nighthawk,  48 ;  nykur,  300 
otter,  136, 138,  143;  owl,  48,  69,  75,  136 
ox,  268;  panther,  43,  47,  134,  322;  par 
rot,  274;  partridge,  252;  pea-fowl,  131 
pig,  76,  118,  122,  195,  211,  242,  251,  265 
polar  bear,  302  ;  porcupine,  233 ;  ptarmi 
gan,  259;  quail,  142,  152;  rabbit,  151 
257,  259,  318;  rat,  205,  251 ;  rattlesnake, 
54,  259;  raven,  75,  306-308,318;  road 
runner,  55;  rooster,  67,  305;  sapsucker 
48 ;  screech-owl,  137;  sea-gull,  259  ;  sheep, 
69,  298;  skunk,  259;  snake,  39,  69,  75 
127-129,  151,  243,  248,  315,  334;  spider 
39,  60;  squirrel,  42,  47,  57,  138,  259 
tamitrupard,  255  ;  tictic,  193;  tiger,  125 
toad  (horned),  55;  tortoise,  255;  turkey, 
195 ;  turtle,  60,  223 ;  turtle-dove,  76 
vulture,  75;  "water-dog,"  323;  "water- 
panther,"  323  ;  whale,  289 ;  wild-cat,  109, 
134,  151;  wolf,  43,  47,  75,  289,  322 
wolverine,  259  ;  wood-duck,  37, 43 ;  wood 
pecker,  42,  46,  47  ;  worm,  133,  259,  313 
wren,  137;  yurupichuna,  255. 

Barrett,  S.  A.,  A  Composite  Myth  of  the 
Porno  Indians,  37-51  : 
Two  wood-duck  sisters  admired  by  coy- 
ote, 37 ;  licentiousness  of  coyote  and 
miraculous  birth  of  his  children,  38 ; 
children  ill-treated  by  villagers  in  his 
absence ;  in  revenge  coyote  sets  fire  to 
the  world,  38 ;  coyote  and  two  children 
escape  to  sky  by  aid  of  spider,  39  ;  coyote 


36o 


Index. 


returns  to  earth,  and  Clear  Lake  is  cre- 
ated together  with  water  creatures,  39- 
41;  coyote  has  bird-people  erect  dance 
house,  creates  human  beings,  establishes 
dance  and  feast,  41-44;  coyote,  by  aid 
of  mice,  captures  the  sun  and  has  the 
bird  people  hang  it  up  in  the  middle  of 
the  sky,  41-47  ;  coyote,  angry  at  his  peo- 
ple, changes  them  to  animals  and  birds, 
assigning  to  each  its  attributes,  habitat, 
etc.,  47,  48 ;  summary  and  comments,  49- 
51 ;  comparison  with  myths  of  other  peo- 
ples, 50,  51. 

Barrett,  S.  A.,  Indian  Opinions  of  the 
Earthquake  of  April,  1906,  324,  325. 

Belden,  H.  M.,  Old-Country  Ballads  in  Mis- 
souri, I.,  231-240  : 

Introductory,  231  :  "The  Pretty  Golden 
Queen,"  232 ;  "  The  Old  Man  in  the 
North  Countree,"  233-235;  "Old  Ban- 
gum  and  the  Boar,"  235 ;  "Lord Thomas," 
235-240;  "The  Brown  Girl,"  240. 

Belden,  H.  M.,  Old-Country  Ballads  in  Mis- 
souri, II.,  281-299  : 

"  Sweet  William  and  Lady  Margaret," 
281,  282 ;  "  Lord  Lovel  and  Lady  Nancy," 
283 ;  "  Lady  Nancy  Bell,"  284,  285 ; 
"  Barbara  Allen,"  285-292  ;  "  The  Jew's 
Garden,"  293,  294 ;  "  Black  Jack  Daley," 
294,  295  ;  "  The  House  Carpenter,"  295- 
297  ;  "  Dandoo,"  298 ;  "  A  Woman  and 
the  Devil,"  298,  299. 

Bibliographical.  See  :  Books  Reviewed, 
Records  of  American  Folk-Lore,  Euro- 
pean Folk-Lore  in  America,  Negro  Folk- 
Lore,  Philippine  Folk-Lore. 

Books  Reviewed,  92-96,  175,  176: 

Behlen,  H. :  Der  Pflug  und  das  Pfliigen  bei 
den  Romem,  etc.,  94, 95 ;  Coupin,  H. ;  Les 
Bizarreries  des  Races  Humanes,  92 ; 
Devrient,  H. :  Das  Kind  auf  der  antiken 
Biihne,  176;  Fliigel,  O. :  Das  Ich  und  die 
sittlichen  Ideen  im  Leben  der  Volker,  93  ; 
Hopf ,  L. :  Die  Heilgotter  und  Heilan- 
statten  des  Altertums,  93 ;  Hopf,  L. : 
Die  Anfange  der  Anatomic  bei  den  alten 
Kulturvolkem,  95  ;  von  Negelein,  J. :  Das 
Pferd  im  arischen  Altertum,  94  ;  Schaefer, 
H. :  The  Songs  of  an  Egj'ptian  Peasant, 
175;  Stroebe,  L.  L.,  Die  altenglischen 
Kleidemamen,  96.  See  also :  Record  of 
American  Folk-Lore,  etc. 

California  Branch  of  the  American  Folk- 
Lore   Society,   Contributions   from    the 


Proceedings    of,   37-63,    130-164,   309- 

329- 

Chamberlain,  Alexander  F.,  Variations  in 
Early  Human  Culture,  177-190: 
"  Ride-a-Cock-Horse,"  177,  178;  father 
and  mother,  178-180;  kissing,  180-183; 
meal-time,  183,  184;  use  of  tobacco, 
184-186;  sea-sense,  186-189;  bibliogra- 
phy, 190.  See  also  :  Record  of  American 
Folk-Lore,  etc. 

Chamberlain,   I.  C.  C.      See:   Record   of 
American  Folk-Lore. 

Chambers,  G.  A.  Notes  on  California  Folk- 
Lore,  141,  142  : 

Chico  tradition,  141 ;  a  ghost  dance 
on  the  Klamath  River,  141. 

Dixon,    Roland,    B.,     Water-monsters    in 
Northern  California,  323. 

Dorsey,  George  A.,  Legend  of  the  Teton 
Sioux  Medicine  Pipe,  326-329  : 
Young  men  attempt  to  outrage  beautiful 
maiden  carrying  pipe,  326,  327 ;  she  gives 
sacred  pipe  to  Indians  and  ceremonial  is 
established,  327-329 ;  offerings  made  to 
pipe,  329. 

Du  Bois,  Constance  Goddard,  Mythology 
of  the  Mission  Indians,  52-60  : 
San  Luiseno  creation  myth,  52-54;  the 
north  star  and  the  rattlesnake,  54;  the 
story  of  Ouiot,  55-58  ;  the  story  of  Ouoit 
(another  version  by  an  older  man),  59, 
60. 

Du  Bois,  Constance  Goddard,  Mythology 
of  the  Mission  Indians,  145-164: 
Introductory,  method  of  collection,  145, 
146 ;  Manzanita  version  (Diegueno)  of  the 
story  of  Cuy-a-ho-marr  (the  Chaup),  146- 
162 ;  third  version  (fragmentary)  of  the 
story  of  Cuy-a-ho-marr,  162-164;  com- 
ment by  Sant  on  the  story,  164. 

Fortier,  Alicee,  Four  Louisiana  Folk -Tales, 
123-126: 

The  little  boy  of  the  government,  123; 
the  king  and  the  three  women,  123-125; 
the  ferocious  beasts,  125,  126;  how  the 
ash-tree  grew,  126. 

Gardner,  Fletcher,  Philippine  (Tagalog) 
Superstitions,  191-204: 
Ancient  superstitions,  191-193;  the  ajm- 
ang.,  193-200  (cayman  asuang,  baby  tor- 
mented by  asuang,  capture  of  asuangs, 
asuangs  as  fishermen,  the  asuang  who 


Index. 


361 


died  of  shame,  the  four  asuangs  of  Capiz, 
the  woman  who  became  an  asuang,  the 
asuang  of  Baco,  the  tianak) ;  the  Hk-balan 
(the  tik-balan,  the  rescued  woman,  the 
young  man  who  was  not  afraid),  200- 
204. 

Gardner,  Fletcher,  Filipino  (Tagalog)  Ver- 
sions of  Cinderella,  265-272 : 
Version  A,  obtained  at  Mangarin,  Min- 
doro,  from  young  man,  who  had  heard 
it  told  by  a  man  from  Marinduque  island, 
265-270;  version  B,  related  by  an  aged 
woman  at  Pola,  Mindoro,  270-272  ;  com- 
parative note  by  W.  W.  Newell,  272- 
280. 

Goddard,  Pliny  Earle,  Lassik  Tales,  133- 
140: 

Introductory,  133;  the  deer  corral,  134; 
the  joint  wives,  grizzly  and  doe,  135, 
136;  Coyote  obtains  daylight,  136,  137; 
wren's  pet,  137;  the  avenging  of  the  mice 
women,  the  boy  and  his  grandmother, 
138;  white  thunder  and  coyote  gamble, 
the  pursuit  of  the  elk,  139;  when  dog 
talked,  140. 

Harrington,  M.  R.,  Da-ra-sa-kwa — aCaugh- 
nawaga  Legend,  127-129: 
Young  man  swims  in  haunted  pool,  127; 
follows  beautiful  stranger  (man)  beneath 
water,  and  becomes  one  of  the  under- 
water serpent  people,  128;  appears  to  his 
own  people  and  then  returns  beneath  the 
waters,  name-taboo,  129. 

Herrick,  Mrs.  R.  F.,  Two  Traditional  Songs, 
130-132: 

Songs  traditional  in  writer's  family,  130; 
"  Love's  Impossibility,"  130,  131 ;  "  Betsy 
was  a  Lady  Fair,"  131,  132. 

Hutchison,  Percy  Adams,  Sailors' Chanties, 
16-28 ;  communal  composition,  16;  songs 
composed  for  and  by  sailors,  differences, 
17  ;  capstan  chantie  compared  with  Kip- 
ling's "Anchor  Song,"  17,  18;  improvi- 
sation and  refrain,  masthead  chanties,  19, 
20;  chanties  preserving  names  of  ships, 
etc.,  21 ;  chanties  compared  with  primi- 
tive ballads,  22-24;  1^0  text,  but  texts,  24, 
25 ;  "  communal  composition  "  and  chan- 
tie structure,  26,  27;  rhythm  and  work, 
28. 

Indian  tribes  : 
Abenaki,  245 ;  Achomawi,  66 ;  Apache, 
64,  259;    Araucanians,    69,    251,    256; 


Arawaks,  69 ;  Atsugewi,  67 ;  Aymaras, 
252;  Aztec,  67,  250;  Bare,  252;  Bilqula, 
66;  Blackfeet,  222;  Brazilian,  69,  252; 
Bungees,  330-340;  Californian,  65;  Ca- 
rib,  187;  Charruas,  256;  Cherokee,  259; 
Cheyenne,  245,  256;  Chimariko,  323; 
Choctaws,  189,  256;  Chorotes,  253; 
Clayoquahts,  259;  Coroados,  253;  Crees, 
182,  346;  Creeks,  256;  Cunibo,  254; 
Denes,  247;  Diegueno,  311;  Eskimo, 
187,  256;  Flatheads,  221,  222  ;  Fuegians, 
188;  Hopi  (Moki),  249;  Huichols,  252  ; 
Hupa,  133;  Ipurina,  252;  Iroquois,  179; 
Kalispelm,  66;  Karankawas,  256;  Kekchi, 
68;  Klamath,  65,  259;  Kootenay,  180, 
247;  Lassik,  133-140;  Luiseno,  52-60, 
66,  145-164,  249,  311-321;  Maidu,  40, 
49 ;  Makii,  252  ;  Maricopas,  164,  248  ;  Mas- 
sachusetts, 245  ;  Matacos,  253;  Mayas,  68, 
251  ;  Miami,  250;  Mission,  66,  309-321  ; 
Mixtecs,  68;  Mohaves,  146,  310,  314-316; 
Mohawks,  127-129;  Narragansett,  185; 
Navahos,  259;  New  England,  64,  246; 
Nipissing,  346;  Nomlaki,  144;  Ojibwa, 
215-230,  259,346;  Omahas,  259;  Onei- 
das,  200;  Onondagas,  259;  Osage,  259; 
Ottawas,  217;  Papagos,  248;  Pawnees, 
65,  259 ;  Peorias,  259;  Pilaga,  252  ;  Pimas, , 
248;  Pomo,  37-51;  Potawatomi,  217; 
Powhatans,  246;  Pueblos,  66;  Quechuas, 
252;  Quiches,  252;  Salish,  259;  Sauk, 
216;  Senecas,  256;  Serf,  189;  Shasta,  66, 
323;  Shawnees,  256;  Shinnecocks,  188; 
Shoshonees,  310;  Shushwap,  66;  Sioux, 
27-36,  189,  227,  256,  326-329;  Sipibo, 
253;  Skqomic,  66;  Sotegraik,  252; 
Statl'Emch,  66;  Swampy,  330-340 ;  Ta- 
nana,  259;  Tapuya,  189;  Tewa,  249, 
259;  Tobas,  231,  232;  Tolowa,  133; 
Tupi,  254;  Virginian,  64;  Wintun,  50, 
144,  323,324;  Wyandot,  256;  Yauapery, 
252 ;  Yokuts,  142,  323  ;  Yuchi,  256 ;  Yuki, 
50;  Yuma,  250;  Yurok,  322,  333  ;  Zapo- 
tecs,  68;  Zunis,  259. 

Kroeber,  A.  L.,  Yokuts  Names,  142,  143: 
Naming  of  children,  142  ;  names  of  men, 
142,  143;  names  of  women,  143;  taboo 
of  names  of  dead,  143. 

Kroeber,  A.  L.,  Two  Myths  of  the  Mission 
Indians  of  California,  309-321  : 
Character  of  myths  of  California  Indians, 
creation  myths,  etc.,  309-311;  pictorial 
representations,  311,  312;  origin  of  the 
world,  312-314 ;  the  Mohave  account  of 


362 


Index. 


origins,  314-316;  meteor  myths,  316- 
318;  the  Pauma  Luiseno  story  of  Dak- 
wish,  318-321. 
Kroeber,  A.  L.,  Earthquakes,  322,  323: 
Earthquake  man  of  supernatural  power, 
according  to  Indians  of  California,  322; 
Earthquake  defeated  at  shinny  playing, 
323;  contention  of  Earthquake  and  Thun- 
der, 323. 

Local  Meetings  and  other  Notices,  88,  89, 
264: 

Congratulations  to  Professor  Putnam, 
88,  89  ;  Dr.  John  H.  Hinton,  89  ;  Annual 
Meeting  of  the  American  Folk- Lore  So- 
ciety, 1906,  264 ;  Memoirs  of  the  Ameri- 
can Folk-Lore  Society,  vol.  ix,  264. 

Maxfield,  Berton  L.,  ayid  Millington,  W.  H., 
Visayan  Folk-Tales,  i,  97-1 12  : 
Introduction,  method  of  collection,  97, 
98  ;  how  Jackyo  became  rich,  98-100 ; 
Truth  and  Falsehood,  100-102  ;  Camanla 
and  Parotpot  (tale  of  envy),  102-104; 
Juan,  the  student  (poor  young  man),  104, 
105;  the  two  wives  and  the  witch,  105, 
106;  the  living  head  (origin  of  orange- 
tree),  106 ;  Juan  Pusong  ("Tricky  John  "), 
107-112. 

Millington,  W.  H.,  and  Maxfield,  Berton,  L., 
Philippine  (Visayan)  Superstitions,  205- 
211  : 

Good  and  evil  spirits,  205-207 ;  two 
tamawo  stories,  207,  208 ;  the  story  of  an 
asuang,  208,  209 ;  miscellaneous  items  of 
superstition,  209-211. 

Natural  Phenomena,  etc.,  in  Mythology  and 
Folk-Lore : 

Bog,  1 56 ;  breeze,  53  ;  cardinal  points, 
40,  54,  55,  159;  clouds,  259;  darkness, 
53;  earth,  39,  53,  214;  earthquake,  322, 
324;  falling  star,  210;  fire,  38,43,  45,  50, 
57,  73,116,159,  163,313,  322;  flood,  133, 
340;  fog,  138,  313;  hail,  315;  lightning, 
129,  219,  259,  307;  meteors,  163,  316; 
mist,  327;  mountain,  39,  315;  mud,  340; 
north  star,  55;  rain,  57,  131,  148,  315; 
rainbow,  335 ;  river,  103 ;  rocks,  39,  52  ; 
sea,  16,  53,  108,  131,  186-189,  232;  stars, 
59,  259,  274,  321 ;  streams,  40,  50;  sun, 
44-46,  53,  114,  259,  268,  278,  330,  337; 
thunder,  69,94, 139,  219,  313,  318  ;  water, 
39,  41,  55,  129,  131,  141,  229,  265,  323, 
340;  wind,  163,  313,  315,  318,  337. 


Newell,  "William  Wells,  Individual  and  Col- 
lective Characteristics  in  Folk-Lore,  i- 

15: 

Contrasted  ideas  of  folk-song  and  written 
poem,  I ;  theory  of  Grimm,  Miiller,  Ben 
fey,  2,  3 ;  Aryan  theory,  3 ;  diffusion  of 
folk -tales  and  question  of  single  author- 
ship, 5-8 ;  no  salient  differences  between 
folk-lore  and  literature  as  to  methods  of 
authorship,  8;  theories  of  origin,  9-14; 
ballads  and  dance,  9;  lyric  song,  11 ; 
quatrain,  1 1 ;  extemporaneous  composi- 
tion, social  uses  of  verse,  11,  12;  chil- 
dren's games,  13;  folk-song  is  not  more 
collective  than  are  modern  newspapers 
edited  by  their  readers,  14. 

Newell,  William  Wells,  Comparative  Note, 
272-280 : 

The  tale  of  Cinderella,  272 ;  Tagalog 
versions  of  Gardner,  273-279;  Chilian 
variant,  "Maria,  the  ash-girl,"  273-275; 
comparison  of  Spanish  and  Tagalog  ver- 
sions with  Perrault  {Peau  d'Ane),  Life 
of  Offa,  Belle  Helaine,  275-278;  Catalan 
tale,  278;  French-Breton  tale  of  Yvon, 
279 ;  Itahan  tale,  279 ;  Spanish  ballad, 
280. 

Notes  and  Queries,  90-92,   170-175,  261- 
263: 

"Blue-eyed  hag,"  90;  folk-lore  in  "The 
Je\s'ish  Encyclopedia,"  90;  folk-lore  of 
crime,  91,  92;  "  Pitons  "  and  Canadian 
substitutes  for  money,  170,  171 ;  French 
university  theses  on  folk-lore  subjects, 
171-173;  Indian  proverbs,  173;  love 
powders  and  breast-plates,  174,  17S ; 
gypsies,  261  ;  Fifteenth  International 
Congress  of  Americanists,  261-264  ;  Cree 
and  Ojibwa  literary  terms  (A.  F.  C),  346, 
347  ;  blood-root  chocolate,  347,  348;  va- 
riety in  spelling  (Cochituate),  34S,  349; 
barge,  349;  pogonip,  350;  lizzard,  ball- 
lore,  calls  to  domestic  animals,  350. 

Notes  on  California  Folk-Lore,  41-44,  322- 
325- 

Philippine  Peoples  and  Tribes  : 

Bicols,  194  ;    Chamorro,  72  ;  Guam,  72  ; 

Mangyans,    200,    201  ;    Moros,  72,  201 ; 

Negritos,  73,  210;  Pampangas,  194;  Ta- 

gals,    191-204,    265-279;    Visayans,  97- 

112,  205-211  :■ 
Plants,  etc.,  in  Mythology  and  Folk-Lore: 

Apple,    293;    ash,   126;  balete-ixee,  200; 

btiyo-\t2d,  ^o;  cabbage,  117;  carrot,  116; 


Index. 


363 


cedar,  56,  65  ;  cherry,  1 13,  293  ;  chestnut, 
116;  com,  163;  flowers,  39;  grape-fruit, 
270;  grape-vine,  44;  hemlock,  56;  juni- 
per, 293 ;  louoc-tree,  207 ;  lukban-txee,  267, 
270;  manzanita,  43;  may-apple,  117; 
mock-orange,  54,  162 ;  oak,  S6,  59 ; 
orange,  108;  orange-tree,  107;  pear-tree, 
241;  pine,  59;  pine-nuts,  144;  pumpkin, 
155;  rice,  209;  rose,  282;  rosemary, 
131 ;  sand-berry,  227  ;  savory,  131  ;  sweet- 
potato,  40 ;  sycamore,  56. 

Record  of  American  Folk-Lore,  64-71,  245- 
260: 

Algonkian,  64,  245-247  ;  Araucanian,  69, 
250 ;  Arawakan,  69 ;  Athapascan,  64,  65, 
247;  Aymaran,  252;  Brazilian,  69,  252; 
Caddoan,  65;  Californian,  65:  Chaco, 
252 ;  Chorotes,  253 ;  Coroados,  253 ; 
Kitunahan,  247;  Lutuamian  (Klamath), 
65 ;  Mayan,  68,  69,  250;  Mission  Indians, 
66;  Mixteco-Zapotec,  67,  68;  Mound- 
Builders,  248;  Nahuatlan  (Aztecan),  67, 
250;  Panoan,  253,  254;  Piman,  248,  249; 
Pueblos,  66;  Salishan,  66;  Shasta-Acho- 
mawi,  66,  67  ;  Shoshonean,  249 ;  Ta- 
fioan,  249;  Tupian,  254,  255;  Western 
South  America.  255,  256 ;  Yuman,  250. 
General:  Ceremonies,  256;  greeting, 
256;  historical-ethnographical,  70;  In- 
dian loan-words,  256;  medical,  257; 
mutilations  and  deformations,  70,  71  ; 
mythology,  258;  nomenclature,  71;  old 
and  new  worlds,  258;  Phallic  worship, 
258;  pre-Columbian  landings,  70;  soci- 
ology, 71 ;  string-figures,  259,  260  ;  "  The 
Lost  Prince,"  260. 

Record  of  European  Folk-Lore  in  America, 

78,  343-345  : 

Argentine,    343 ;    bibliographical,    343 ; 

counting-out-rhymes,  78 ;    English,  344 ; 

German,  344,  345 ;  Marchen,  345  ;  Span- 
ish (Mexican),  78,  345. 
Record  of  Negro  Folk-Lore,  75-77 : 

African,  75  ;    African  and  American,  76  ; 

Jamaica,    76 ;    melodies,     76 ;     Georgia 

(Gechee),  76,  77. 
Record  of  Philippine  Folk-Lore,  72-74  : 

Guam,   72;    Moros,    72;    Negritos,    73, 

74- 

Seventeenth  Annual  Meeting  of  American 
Folk-Lore  Society.  See  ■  American  Folk- 
Lore  Society. 

Simms,  S.  C,  The  Metawin  Society  of  the 


Bungees,  or  Swampy  Indians,  of  Lake 
Winnipeg,  330-333 : 

Origin,    330;    Metawin-house,    330,331; 
ceremonies,  331 ;  speeches,  331,  332;  in- 
itiations, 332 ;  feast,  333. 
Simms,  S.  C,   Myths  of  the  Bungees,  or 
Swampy    Indians,   of    Lake    Winnipeg, 

334-340  •• 

Rattlesnake  induces  natawa  to  bite  man 
and  so  introduce  death  and  sorrow,  334 ; 
great  snake  teaches  old  chief  the  cere- 
mony of  the  Metawin,  or  "  tent  of  life," 
335'  336;  Gitchi  Manitou  and  Matche 
Manitou,  336,  337  ;  Weese-ke-jak  and  his 
achievements  (freeing  of  sun,  making  of 
man,  deluge,  creation  of  new  earth,  etc.), 
337-340. 

Sinclair,  A.  T.,  Notes  on  the  Gypsies,  212- 
214: 

Author's  experience,  212:  stealing  chil- 
dren, 212,  213;  honesty,  213,  214;  chas- 
tity, 214. 

Skinner,  Charles  M.,  The  Three  Wishes : 
A  Quaint  Legend  of  the  Canadian  Habi- 
tants, 341-342. 

Smith,  Harlan  I.,  Some  Ojibwa  Myths  and 
Traditions,  215-230: 
Introductory  note,  215  ;  story-tellers  and 
interpreters,  215,  216;  the  invasion  of 
the  valley,  216-219;  the  war-party  that 
saw  the  thunder-bird,  219,  220;  Mejewe- 
dah,  a  hero-myth,  220-223;  the  white 
deer,  223-225 ;  the  girl  with  the  long 
hair,  225-227 ;  the  rape  of  the  Ojibwa 
maiden,  227-229;  the  peculiar  Not-mit- 
che-ne,  229,  230. 

Stefansson,  Vilhjalmur,  Icelandic  Beast  and 
Bird  Lore,  300-308 : 

Tales  and  narrators,  300,  301 ;  mykur  or 
fresh-water  horse,  301,  302;  polar  bear, 
302-304 ;  cattle,  304 ;  fox,  304  ;  "  rooster's 
egg,"  304;  eagle,  305,  306;  raven  306- 
308. 

Stewart,  George  W.,  A  Yokuts  Creation 
Myth,  322. 

Stoudt,  John  Baer,  Pennsylvania  Riddles 
and  Nursery  Rhymes,  113-121 : 
Riddles  1-37,  German  and  English  texts, 
113-118;  counting-out  rhymes  1-5,  119; 
cradle-songs,  119,  120;  on  father's  knee, 
paddy-cake,  120;  evening  prayer,  mock 
sermons,  121. 

Thurston,  Helen  M.,  Sayings  and  Proverbs 
from  Massachusetts,  122. 


364 


Index. 


Walker,  J.  R.,  Sioux  Games,  II,  29-36: 
Bowls,  29;  webbed  hoop,  29-31 ;  winged 
bones,  game  of  the  young  cow,  31 ;  throw- 
ing sticks,  coat  shooting,  32 ;  javelins, 
tops,  2>Z ;  boys'  bows,  bone  whirler,  34 ; 
wind  whirler,  pop-gun,  35  ;  horned  jave- 
lins, dolls,  toy  tipis,  3c. 


Wintemberg,  W.  J.,  German  Tales  col- 
lected in  Canada,  241-244 : 
The  blacksmith  and  Beezlebub's  imps 
241  ;  an  Alsatian  witch  story,  the  Devil': 
bridge,  242 ;  story  of  the  snake-king,  a 
fairy  wife  or  nightmare  (Alsatian),  243. 


^ 


I 


i 


BIWOING  SECT.  AUG  2  -  m 


GR     The  Journal  of  American 
1  folks-lore 

J6 

V. 18-19 
cop. 2 


PLEASE  DO  NOT  REMOVE 
CARDS  OR  SLIPS  FROM  THIS  POCKET 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TORONTO  LIBRARY