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THE  JOURNAL  OF 


AMERICAN  FOLK-LORE 

VOLUME  XXIII 


O  -^ 


^ 


V. 


BOSTON  AND  NEW  YORK 

5^utili^ljcb  for  €f)c  American  Jolfe^Hore  ^ocictp  Bp 

HOUGHTON   MIFFLIN   COMPANY 

LONDON:  DAVID  NUTT,  57,  59  LONG  ACRE 

LEIPZIG:  OTTO  HARRASSOWITZ,  QUERSTRASSE,  14 


Copyright,  1910  and  1911, 
By  the  AMERICAN  FOLK-LORE   SOCIETY. 

All  rights  reserved. 


v,23 


CONTENTS  OF  VOLUME  XXIII 


ARTICLES 

Some  Practical  Aspects  of  the  Study  of  Myths.    John  R.  Swanton i 

Shasta  Myths.     Roland  B.  Dixon 8 

Twenty-First  Annual  Meeting  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society 38 

Periodical  Literature.     Alexander  F.  Chamberlain 41 

Folk-Songs  and  Music  of  Cataluna.    A.  T.  Siticlair 171 

Totemism,  an  Anal>lical  Study.    A .  A .  Goldenweiser 179 

Mjrths  of  the  Uintah  Utes.    J.  Alden  Mason 299 

Shasta  Myths,  continued.    Roland  B.  Dixon 364 

Three  Ballads  from  Nova  Scotia.     W.  Roy  Mackenzie 371 

A  Traditional  Ballad  from  the  Kentucky  Mountains.    JosiahH.  Combs 381 

The  Chilian  Folk-Lore  Society  and  Recent  PubUcations  on  ChiUan  Folk-Lore,  etc. 

Alexander  F.  Chamberlain 383 

New-Mexican  Spanish  Folk-Lore.    Aurelio  M.  Espinosa 395 

An  Irish  Folk-Tale.     Tom  Peete  Cross 419 

An  Irish  Folk-Tale.     Kate  Woodbridge  Michaelis 425 

Three  Old  Ballads  from  Missouri.    H.  M.  Belden 429 

Robin  Hood  and  Little  John.    E.  L.  Wilson  and  H.  S.  V.  Jones 432 

Negro  Songs  and  Folk-Lore.    Mary  Walker  Finley  Speers 435 

The  Origin  of  Folk-Melodies.    Phillips  Barry 44° 

A  Garland  of  Ballads.    Phillips  Barry 446 

Song  Recitative  in  Paiute  Mythology.    Edward  Sapir 455 

Iroquois  Sun  Myths.    Arthur  C.  Parker 473 

NOTES  AND  QUERIES 

The  Word  "Gypsy,"  A.  T.  Sinclair,  294.     The  Origin  of  Totemism,  Franz  Boas,  392. 
Captiuing  the  Soul,  /.  S.,  393. 


New  York  Branch,  394. 


LOCAL  MEETINGS 


BOOK  REVIEWS 


Major  A.  Playfaie,  The  Garos,  Roland  B.  Dixon,  294.  Edwin  Sidney  Hartland, 
Primitive  Paternity,  Charles  Peabody,  295.  C.  Hart  Merriam,  The  Dawn  of  the 
World,  R.  B.  Dixon,  296.     C.  Strehlow,  AJlgemeine  Einleitung  und  die  totemistischen 

!    Kulte  des  Aranda-Stammes,  A.  A.  Goldenweiser,  479. 

Officers  and  Members  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society,  481. 
Index  to  Volume  XXIII,  491. 


THE   JOURNAL   OF 

AMERICAN    FOLK-LORE 

Vol.  XXIII.  — JANUARY-MARCH,  1910.  — No.  LXXXVII 


SOME  PRACTICAL  ASPECTS  OF  THE  STUDY  OF  MYTHS  ' 

BY   JOHN   R.   SWANTON 

In  the  title  which  I  have  chosen  for  this  address  I  do  not,  of  course, 
refer  to  a  commercial  value  of  myths  in  dollars  and  cents,  but  to  their 
practical  bearing  on  certain  questions  which  have  already  excited  human 
interest.  Folk-lore  is  peculiarly  fortunate  in  appealing  both  to  lovers  of 
literature  and  to  lovers  of  science.  On  the  literary  side  it  may,  indeed, 
be  claimed  that  some  of  the  world's  great  masterpieces,  notably  the  epics, 
come  within  its  province,  and  literary  men  are  not  wanting  who  find  in- 
spiration and  occasion  for  admiration  in  the  folk-tales  of  our  living  lower 
races.  One  cardinal  distinction  exists,  however,  between  the  most  at- 
tractive of  such  tales,  even  including  the  Homeric  epics,  and  other  liter- 
ary masterpieces ;  namely,  in  the  ideals  to  which  the  two  series  of  works 
respectively  appeal.  An  ordinary  literary  work  interests  because  it  calls 
forth  certain  emotions,  —  for  which  it  was,  indeed,  intended,  —  and  pre- 
supposes practically  the  same  type  of  society  and  the  same  ethical  ideals 
as  those  entertained  by  the  reader.  To  a  person  outside  of  that  society 
and  with  different  ethical  standards  it  might  be  meaningless  and  conse- 
quently uninteresting.  Now,  the  judgment  which  the  average  reader 
passes  upon  a  folk-tale  is  apt  to  depend  entirely  upon  his  ability  to  in- 
terpret it  in  terms  of  the  ethical  ideals  to  which  he  is  accustomed.  The 
stories  which  interest  him  will  therefore  naturally  be  those  which  he  can 
interpret  in  those  terms ;  and  those  myths  or  legends  which  have  been 
dressed  up  to  agree  with  this  mental  attitude  are  those  which  he  con- 
siders interesting,  while  such  as  are  recorded  with  more  fidelity  are 
not  appreciated  or  even  understood.  A  considerable  number  of  persons 
who  profess  an  interest  in  folk-lore  and  are  wont  to  remark  upon  the 
"romantic  character"  of  the  myths  of  the  lower  races  are  interested 
only  in  this  way, — not  in  real  folk-lore,  but  in  adapted  folk-lore.  A  new 
school  of  literature,  music,  or  dramatic  representation  founded  upon 
primitive  motives,  such  as  is  sometimes  proposed,  must  first  answer  this 
question:  Is  it  possible  to  use   stories  constructed  for  the  purpose  of 

'  Address  of  the  retiring  president,  delivered  at  the  Annual  Meeting  of  the  American 
Folk-Lore  Society  in  Boston,  December  30,  1909. 


2  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

appealing  to  one  set  of  emotions  or  ideals  in  appealing  to  a  different  set 
or  to  the  same  set  differently  developed?  The  answer  to  this  will  be 
found,  I  believe,  in  the  answer  to  another  question :  Is  it  possible  to  con- 
struct a  work  of  art  which  shall  interest  readers  or  beholders,  though  at 
the  same  time  the  readers  or  beholders  realize  they  are  looking  into 
the  life-histories  of  persons  whose  ideals  and  social  condition  are  dis- 
tinct from  their  own  ?  Any  attempt  to  appeal  to  white  standards  through 
Indian  myth  means  that  the  creation,  however  great  in  itself,  is  Indian 
or  primitive  in  nothing  but  the  name.  It  belongs  in  the  same  class  with 
Chateaubriand's  "Atala"  and  "Natchez."  The  success  of  a  legitimate 
Indian  drama,  opera,  or  work  of  fiction,  by  the  terms  laid  down,  W'Ould 
thus  depend  upon  a  proper  understanding  of  the  ideals  underlying 
primitive  myths,  and  hence  should  follow  upon,  not  precede,  a  scien- 
tific study  of  folk-lore. 

On  the  scientific  side,  folk-lore  has  usually  been  treated  as  one  of  the 
group  of  anthropological  sciences,  because  folk-lore  material,  particu- 
larly the  myths,  contains  information  regarding  all  departments  of  primi- 
tive life.  To  the  technologist,  myths  yield  information  as  to  the  existence 
of  certain  implements  or  certain  methods  of  manufacture;  to  the  student 
of  primitive  economics  they  furnish  valuable  data  regarding  food-sup- 
plies ;  to  the  sociologist  they  explain  the  origin,  real  or  imaginary,  of  tribes, 
tribal  subdivisions,  clans,  and  gentes,  while  on  every  page  they  indicate 
the  significance  of  the  terms  of  relationship  employed  by  that  particu- 
lar people ;  and  to  the  student  of  religions  they  give  the  mental  attitude 
of  the  tribe  towards  nature  and  the  beings  believed  to  reside  in  nature, 
and  furnish  the  explanation  for  nearly  all  tribal,  society,  and  personal 
rituals.   When  obtained  in  the  original  language  wdth  accurate  trans- 
lations, they  also  furnish  the  best  basis  for  studying  the  speech  of  the 
people,  since  it  is  there  embodied  in  a  form  familiar  to  the  users  of  it. 
These  contributions  to  knowledge  are,  however,  in  the  nature  of 
by-products,  the  science  proper  to  folk-lore  being  the  comparative  study 
of  myths,  or  comparative  mythology.    Now,  taking  the  myths  from  any 
one  wide  area,  such  as  the  North  American  Continent,  we  find  that  a 
myth  is  rarely  or  never  confined  to  a  single  tribe,  but  spreads  over  sev- 
eral, while  certain  myths  may  be  traced  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific. 
On  the  average,  it  may  be  said  that  these  myths  vary  in  proportion  to 
the  distance,  the  forms  of  any  myth  possessed  by  contiguous  tribes  being 
most  alike,  and  those  in  tribes  farthest  away  from  each  other  being  most 
unlike.    At  the  same  time,  so  many  other  factors  have  to  be  reckoned 
with,  that  the  distribution  is  never  a  perfectly  mathematical  one.    One 
such  factor  is  environment,  since  it  is  plain  that  a  myth  will  spread  most 
readily  along  trade-routes,  or  through  areas  in  which  the  environment 
is  similar  to  that  in  which  the  story  started,  —  marine  tales  spreading 
along  the  coasts,  plains  tales  over  the  plains,  forest  tales  through  the  forest, 


So77te  Practical  Aspects  of  the  Study  of  Myths  3 

etc.  A  second  factor  is  linguistic  or  racial  difference,  especially  where 
recent  movements  of  population  have  taken  place.  As  in  the  case  of  the 
Tsimshian,  demonstrated  by  Professor  Boas  by  the  application  of  this 
method  to  stand  apart  from  all  of  their  neighbors,  comparative  myth- 
ology here  becomes  a  valuable  assistant  to  anthropology  and  the  his- 
tory of  primitive  races.  It  is  just  such  facts  that  the  "Concordance  of 
American  Myths"  proposed  by  this  Society  will  bring  out,  and  the  dis- 
covery of  them  will  constitute  a  large  part  of  its  value.  In  passing  I  will 
merely  suggest  that  between  tribe  and  tribe  greater  difference  will  prob- 
ably be  found  in  what  I  have  in  a  previous  paper  designated  "the  mythic 
f  ormulc-e  "  —  i.e.  the  more  or  less  conventional  racial  forms  in  which  myths 
are  cast  —  than  in  the  themes  of  the  myths  themselves.  Among  such 
conventional  expressions  may  be  cited  the  "once  upon  a  time"  with 
which  our  own  fairy  stories  are  wont  to  begin,  and  the  "they  lived  hap- 
pily ever  afterward"  of  the  close;  or  "there  was  a  five-row  town"  of  the 
Haida,  and  "there  was  a  long  town"  of  the  Tlingit  —  with  which  myths 
from  those  people  open.  Related  to  these  are  the  atrophied  expressions 
encountered  in  certain  myths  the  original  meaning  of  which  has  almost 
been  forgotten. 

The  most  important  use  of  comparative  mythology,  however,  and  that 
to  which  I  wish  to  call  your  attention  particularly,  is  the  establishment 
of  criteria  by  which  the  changes  which  a  myth  undergoes  in  transmis- 
sion may  be  understood,  and  a  distinction  drawn  —  not  merely  among 
stories  of  primitive  people  —  between  what  is  mythical,  what  is  histori- 
cal, and  what  is  purely  fictional. 

It  is  safe  to  say  that  most  of  the  myths  found  spread  over  considerable 
areas  were  regarded  by  the  tribes  among  which  they  were  collected  as 
narratives  of  real  occurrences.  Nevertheless  I  have  had  the  experience 
of  being  told  that  such  and  such  a  tale  is  "a  fairy  story"  or  is  "merely 
told,"  while  others  "really  happened."  This  scepticism  even  seems  to 
have  applied  to  the  trickster  stories  of  the  Dakota.  Now,  it  is  evident 
that  as  soon  as  a  story  ceases  to  retain  credence  as  a  recital  of  real  events, 
religious  reverence  for  a  set  form  for  the  tale,  and  regard  for  it  as  a  sup- 
posed record  of  actual  events,  tend  to  disappear.  The  only  factor  left 
then  is  the  desire  to  please,  or  possibly  the  purpose  of  pointing  a  moral, 
as  in  fables ;  and  scepticism  thus  appears  as  the  mother  of  fiction  in  such 
cases,  though  I  am  very  far  from  taking  the  ground  that  it  is  the  mother 
of  all  fiction.  Pursuing  this  line  of  thought  for  a  moment,  however, 
it  also  seems  clear  that  along  with  an  increase  in  the  diversional  character 
of  the  story,  the  importance  of  the  story-teller  is  at  the  same  time  en- 
hanced, and  a  new  personage,  the  story-maker,  becomes  prominent.  The 
sacred  or  semi-sacred  myth  might  be  and  certainly  was  amplified  and 
altered  slowly  as  time  went  on ;  but  the  opportunity  for  originality  which 
it  left  to  the  stor}^- teller  was  very  slight,  and  he  was  little  more  than  a 


4  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

repeater  of  words,  whose  memory  was  of  more  consequence  than  his 
artistic  instincts.  In  considering  a  case  Hke  that  of  the  Homeric  poems, 
may  it  not  be  of  some  value  to  suggest  that  we  have  here  individual  gen- 
ius beginning  to  cast  off  its  trammels,  but  still  close  to  the  time  when 
stories  were  largely  myths,  and  therefore  working  upon  mythic  material  ? 
In  other  epics  or  literary  remains  of  remote  antiquity  the  same  consid- 
erations might  equally  well  apply. 

The  great  bulk  of  our  recorded  myths,  however,  were  evidently  taken 
in  good  faith  by  those  who  repeated  them,  and  constitute  myths  in  the 
proper  sense  of  that  term.  Nevertheless,  from  our  present-day,  more 
comprehensive,  scientific  standpoint,  we  know  that  the  major  part  of 
these  tales  records,  not  objective  fact,  but  subjective  belief,  the  popu- 
lar conception  of  what  ought  to  have  happened,  the  sense  of  "  poetic  jus- 
tice" as  it  existed  in  the  tribe  from  which  it  was  obtained.  It  is  true  that 
many  such  myths,  particularly  those  relating  the  origin  of  tribes  or 
families,  contain  references  to  real  historic  events,  and  hints  from  which 
still  others  may  be  inferred.  Among  such  references  I  may  cite  the  north- 
ward migration  of  part  of  the  Tlingit  Indians  of  Alaska,  the  movement 
of  the  Tsimshian  to  the  coast,  of  most  of  the  trans-Mississippi  Siouan 
tribes  from  the  east,  and  of  the  Muskhogean  tribes  —  the  Choctaw, 
Chickasaw,  Creeks,  and  their  allies  —  from  the  west.  Such,  however, 
are  very  meagre,  and  appear  only  as  occasional  flashes  of  objective 
reality  through  a  subjective  haze. 

Now,  this  very  condition  of  affairs  is  encountered  in  the  field  of  his- 
tory when  we  carry  our  investigations  back  to  earliest  times,  and  great 
divergence  exists  among  historians  regarding  the  historical  or  mythic 
character  of  this  or  that  personage  or  event.  In  comparatively  recent 
times,  on  the  heels  of  philological  and  mythological  studies  of  the  early 
Aryans,  a  school  of  mythologists  has  arisen  which  tends  to  reduce  every 
ancient  narrative  to  a  solar,  or  at  least  a  celestial,  myth,  and  has  made 
bold  to  explain  supposedly  well-established  historical  events  in  that 
manner.  Although  some  of  the  extreme  positions  taken  by  members  of 
this  school  have  been  abandoned,  it  still  flourishes,  making  itself  felt  not 
only  in  the  historical  field,  but  in  that  of  literature  as  well:  as,  for  in- 
stance, in  that  now  old  discussion  regarding  the  folk  or  Homeric  origin 
of  the  Iliad  and  Odyssey;  and  most  conspicuously,  perhaps,  in  the  realm 
of  religion,  where  it  has  been  a  favorite  aid  of  many  "higher  critics"  of 
the  Hebrew  and  Christian  scriptures.  That  myths  played  an  important 
part  in  all  of  these  fields,  —  the  historical,  the  literary,  and  the  reli- 
gious, —  there  can  be  no  doubt,  and  the  future  value  of  mythology  to 
them  is  assured;  but  folk-lorists  familiar  with  the  myths  of  primitive 
peoples  must  protest  that  up  to  the  present  time  they  have  been  employed 
with  little  intelligence,  because  no  proper  effort  has  yet  been  made  to 
estabhsh  criteria  by  which  what  are  truly  myths  may  be  distinguished 


Some  Practical  Aspects  o'j  the  Study  of  Myths  5 

from  the  historical  or  fictional.  Like  Robertson  Smith,  who  assumed 
totemism  as  a  fundamental  postulate  in  attempting  to  account  for  the 
origin  of  sacrifice  among  the  Semites  before  totemism  itself  was  properly 
understood,  classical  and  Oriental  students  assume  mythology  without 
any  attempt  to  know  what.it  really  is,  or  whether  it  is  an  element  which 
may  be  reduced  to  laws.  One  of  the  most  widespread  errors,  and  one  of 
those  most  unfortunate  for  folk-lore  and  comparative  mythology,  is  the 
off-hand  classification  of  myths  with  fiction ;  and  this  is  no  doubt  re- 
sponsible for  the  scant  courtesy  which  has  been  accorded  it.  At  any  rate, 
as  in  the  case  of  totemism  above  cited,  Oriental  and  classical  students 
who  have  sought  to  make  use  of  myths  in  their  investigations  have  time 
and  again  seen  too  much,  and  have  drawn  the  most  unwarrantable  con- 
clusions from  the  most  superficial  resemblances.  The  discovery  of  a 
Babylonian  Deluge  story  similar  to  the  Mosaic  narrative  is  not  surpris- 
ing, and  proves  to  the  comparative  mythologist  that  a  legend  of  this  type 
was  widespread  among  Semitic  peoples,  though,  for  one,  I  am  sceptical 
of  the  ability  of  any  student  to  determine  which  of  the  two  is  the  older. 
When,  however,  Jensen,  a  German  writer,  attempts  to  draw  a  parallel 
between  the  story  of  Moses  and  that  of  Gilgamesh,  as  obtained  from 
Babylonian  archives,  I  think  that  those  familiar  with  myths  will  consider 
his  comparison  very  far-fetched;  and  he  is  but  one  of  many.  I  believe 
much  loose  comparing  of  this  kind  has  been  due  to  the  fact  that  the 
mythic  material  with  which  these  writers  have  had  to  deal  has  been  very 
limited,  being  confined  to  what  is  found  in  classical  writings  or  what 
has  been  recorded  from  the  lower  classes  among  civilized  peoples  long 
after  it  had  ceased  to  constitute  the  beliefs  of  the  great  body  of  the 
people;  and  I  am  convinced  that  no  very  illuminating  results  can  be 
obtained  from  this  until  it  is  supplemented  by  careful  comparative 
studies  of  the  myths  collected  among  those  races  whose  myths  are,  or 
until  recently  have  been,  living  things ;  notably  in  Africa,  Oceanica,  and 
America. 

A  most  important  aid  and  stimulant  to  the  establishment  of  this  sci- 
ence of  comparative  mythology  will  be  the  "Concordance  of  American 
Myths."  Here  it  is  proposed  to  classify  all  myths  under  types,  each  type 
to  have  some  suitable  catch- word ;  i.  e.  its  technical  term  in  the  science, 
such  as  "magic  flight,"  "Potiphar,"  "rolling-stone,"  etc.  Going  a  step 
further,  however,  I  will  suggest  that  besides  classifying  the  myths  under 
types,  a  rigorous  comparison  of  the  myths  under  each  type  be  made  to 
determine  the  factors,  psychological  and  otherwise,  which  determine  the 
extent  and  method  of  their  transmission.  This  study  will  perhaps  in 
time  lead  to  still  another  set  of  technical  terms,  and  I  will  now  indicate 
some  of  these  processes  as  they  have  been  brought  to  my  attention  in 
the  course  of  a  study  of  the  Haida  and  Tlingit  Indians  of  the  North 
Pacific  coast.   Broadly  we  may  distinguish  between  those  myths  which 


6  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

appear  to  be  the  special  property  of  the  people  among  whom  they  are 
found,  and  those  which  may  be  shown  to  be  exotic.  When  a  myth  is 
learned  by  an  individual  belonging  to  another  tribe  but  still  located  in  the 
country  from  which  it  was  obtained,  we  have  simple  "repetition"  of  that 
myth.  When,  however,  it  is  applied  to  some  place  or  people  within  the 
limits  of  the  tribe  borrowing,  it  may  be  said  to  be  "adopted;"  and,  if 
the  scene  of  it  is  laid  at  some  particular  place,  it  may  be  said  to  be  "re- 
localized."  When  it  is  taken  into  an  older  story  of  the  tribe  borrowing, 
we  have  "incorporation."  This  incorporation  may  be  due  to  one  of 
several  causes.  Stories  referring  to  the  origin  of  any  natural  feature  or 
custom  would  by  a  Haida  or  Tlingit  naturally  be  incorporated  into  the 
Raven  story,  because  the  larger  number  of  such  stories  are  gathered  there. 
In  other  cases  two  stories  are  combined  merely  because  they  present 
certain  superficial  similarities,  and  we  then  have  "combination  on  ac- 
count of  similars."  Two  stories  resembling  each  other  closely  in  certain 
details  may  become  fused  and  reduced  to  one,  or  there  may  be  "trans- 
fusion of  elements"  between  them.  In  still  another  case  we  have  a  kind 
of  "myth  metathesis,"  the  hero  of  the  one  narrative  having  become  a 
monster  overcome  by  the  hero  in  the  other.  "Alteration  of  motive"  oc- 
curs where  a  myth  told  for  one  purpose  at  one  place  is  given  a  different 
explanation  in  another,  here  accounting  for  a  certain  crest,  there  for  a 
place  name,  a  custom,  or  the  origin  of  a  secret  society.  "  Mythification  " 
might  be  applied  to  a  process  similar  to  that  presented  by  an  historical 
Haida  war-story  into  which  has  been  implanted  the  common  mythic 
story  of  a  man  ascending  to  the  sky- world  and  throwing  down  timbers 
or  coals  thence.  ]More  important  is  the  process  by  which  a  tale  is  ren- 
dered more  and  more  consistent  either  (i)  to  agree  with  altered  tribal 
circumstances,  or  (2)  to  keep  pace  with  a  rising  level  of  intelligence  and 
a  consequently  greater  demand  for  consistency.  The  first  of  these  is  that 
process  which  gives  rise  to  many  folk-etymologies,  explanations  of  names 
and  things  which  have  nothing  to  do  with  their  real  origin;  while  the 
second  results  in  those  elaborate  attempts  to  explain  myths  as  allegorical 
representations  of  real  events.  "  Ritualization  of  myths  "  takes  place  when 
an  attempt  is  made  to  weave  together  the  sacred  legends  into  a  consistent 
tribal,  clan,  or  society  story,  the  telling  of  which  is  frequently  accom- 
panied by  external  ceremonies.  These,  furthermore,  generally  show 
an  endeavor  to  arrange  supposed  events  in  chronological  sequence,  and 
thus  indicate  the  presence  of  an  historical  instinct.  It  is  into  just  such 
tales,  evidently,  that  many  of  our  early  histories  run  back,  and  it  would 
no  doubt  surprise  historians  to  be  shown  these  very  things,  in  the  mak- 
ng,  —  historical  record  in  its  beginnings.  Especially  this  casts  a  new  light 
upon  the  sacred  writings  of  Jews  and  Christians,  since  they  present  a 
typical  blend  of  historical,  mythic,  and  religious  elements,  —  myths  at 
the  beginning,  then  history  or  mixed  history  and  myth,  and  finally  the 


Some  Practical  Aspects  of  the  Study  oj  Myths  7 

ritualistic  and  other  works  which  grew  up  about  the  Israelitish  tribal 
cult.  The  true  value  of  these  various  elements  will  never  be  adequately 
understood,  however,  until  such  thorough  studies  of  myths  have  been 
undertaken  as  I  have  suggested. 

I  am  aware  that  back  of  these  questions  of  transmission,  accretion, 
and  ritualization,  looms  the  problem  of  ultimate  origin.  It  is  clear  that 
many  m}i;hs  have  been  transmitted,  but  it  is  not  clear  that  all  have  been, 
and  as  a  body  they  appear  to  be  conterminous  historically  with  the  hu- 
man race.  What  is  the  basis  for  their  existence  ?  Why  have  they  played 
such  an  important  part  in  the  life  of  primitive  man  ?  Why  is  their  in- 
fluence still  so  powerful?  This  problem  science  can  clearly  perceive, 
but  cannot  answer  until  the  investigations  which  I  have  outlined  have 
been  carried  through,  and  both  mythology  and  psychology  have  ad- 
vanced much  further  than  the  positions  they  occupy  to-day. 

Bureau  of  American  Ethnology, 
Washington,  D.  C. 


8  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

SHASTA  MYTHS' 

BY   ROLAND   B.   DIXON 
I.    THE   LOST  BROTHER   {First  Version) 

Erikaner  lived  with  his  brother  Adihotiki.  He  drove  deer  into  the 
traps.  "  Get  ready,  brother,"  said  Erikaner,  "go  and  drive  them  toward 
me."  —  "  Very  well,"  said  Adihotiki,  and  he  went  and  stood  where  his 
brother  usually  stood.  Adihotiki  drove  the  deer ;  they  were  close  to  where 
Erikaner  stood.  "Hi-hi-hiaa!  Erikaner,  you  always  shoot  does!"  said 
Adihotiki.  Now  Erikaner  shot,  and  hit  the  deer  in  the  rear,  and  the  arrow 
came  out  through  the  deer's  mouth.  He  laid  down  his  quiver,  and  broke 
off  the  antlers  of  the  buck.  "  Wheu!"  said  Adihotiki,  as  he  ran  to  where 
Erikaner  stood.  "Why  is  it  that  a  doe  lies  here  ?  I  thought  what  I  drove 
to  you  had  antlers."  Then  Erikaner  said,  "I  did  n't  do  anything." 

So  they  cut  it  up,  and  carried  it  back  to  the  house.  The  next  day  they 
did  the  same  way.  Adihotiki  drove.  "  You  always  shoot  does.  I  wonder 
what  I  can  do !"  he  thought.  When  Adihotiki  arrived  at  the  place  where 
Erikaner  had  stood,  there  were  no  antlers  on  the  animal.  They  cut  up 
the  meat,  and  carried  it  home.  Adihotiki  thought  all  night,  "I  wonder 
what  I  can  do!"  Then  he  said,  "Fire-Spindle,  you  can  go! — Base- 
Block  of  fire-spindle,  you  can  go !  —  Arrow-Flaker,  you  can  go ! "  And 
they  said,  "Yes."  He  named  the  three  of  them,  and  made  them  his 
friends. 

"  Let  us  go  and  drive  again ! "  said  Adihotiki,  so  they  went.  "Let  us  see 
what  you  can  say!"  —  "Ho'dau-ho'dau-ho'dau,"  said  the  Fire-Spindle, 
naming  himself.  "Let  us  see  what  the  Base-Block  can  say!"  -—  "Ho- 
dawe'ha-hodawe'ha,"  it  said.  "My  Arrow-Flaker,  what  can  you  say?  " 
And  the  Arrow-Flaker  said,  "Hiu'-hia-hiu'-hia."  —  "That  is  good," 
said  Adihotiki.  "You  can  say  that,  '  Erikaner  always  kills  does.  You 
go  and  shoot.'  You  say  that  to  him;  then,  after  driving  the  deer  toward 
him,  you  run  back  here  to  me." 

So  he  said  that ;  and  Adihotiki  hid,  and  watched  what  Erikaner  did. 
And  when  the  Arrow-Flaker  had  driven  the  deer,  he  came  back  to  Adi- 
hotiki, who  put  him  in  his  quiver.  The  deer  passed  by  Erikaner,  and  he 
shot.    He  laid  down  his  quiver,  then  broke  off  the  antlers,  and  broke 

*  The  following  myths  were  collected  at  the  Grand  Ronde  and  Siletz  reservations  in  Ore- 
gon, and  at  Oak  Bar,  Siskiyou  County,  California,  during  the  course  of  investigations 
in  behalf  of  the  Huntington  Expedition  of  the  American  Museum  of  Natural  History. 
The  only  previous  myths  from  this  tribe  known  to  me  were  published  by  L.  M.  Burns, 
in  the  Land  of  Sunshine,  vol.  xiv,  pp.  130-134,  223-226,  310-314,  397-402.  The  char- 
acteristics and  relationships  of  the  Shasta  myths  have  been  elsewhere  discussed,  —  "The 
Mythology  of  the  Shasta-Achomawi,"  American  Anthropologist  (n.  s.),  vii,  pp.  607-612; 
"The  Shasta."  Bulletin  American  Museum  oj  Natural  History,  xvii,  pp.  491-493. 


Shasta  Myths  9 

them  up.  "That  is  what  you  have  been  doing,  Erikaner,"  said  Adi- 
hotiki. 

Erikaner  went  home,  picked  up  his  quiver,  and  put  his  arrows  into  it. 
"Let  us  eat,"  said  Adihotiki.  "That  is  what  you  did"  (telling  what  he 
had  seen).  Erikaner  did  not  answer.  "Let  us  eat,"  said  Adihotiki  again, 
but  all  night  Erikaner  did  not  answer.  In  the  morning  he  went  to  his 
house,  and  covered  it  over  with  a  layer  of  earth.  Adihotiki  cut  up  the 
buck,  and  carried  it  to  his  house.  Erikaner  slept  in  the  covered  house. 
He  heard  something  in  the  other  house.  "  E !  A  Screech-Owl  is  outside." 
—  "Erikaner,  you  will  get  a  big  one  to-morrow^,"  thought  Adihotiki. 

Now,  the  Screech-Owl  was  very  hungry  for  meat.  Now  "I  smell 
grease,"  said  he,  and  came  running  to  the  door,  in  the  form  of  a  little 
striped  dog.  Adihotiki  jumped  at  it,  and  caught  it.  The  dog  came  into  the 
house.  "I 'II  make  it  trail  deer  forme,"  thought  Adihotiki.  So  he  fed  it. 
The  dog  grew  large,  it  grew  fast.  Adihotiki  called  over  to  the  other 
house,  "The  dog  is  biting  me,  Erikaner!"  The  dogate  up  all  the  food, 
all  that  he  had  cached.  Now  Adihotiki  seized  his  arrows  and  shot  the 
dog.  Then  he  ran  over  to  his  brother's  house;  but  the  house  was 
covered  over  every^vhere,  and  there  was  nowhere  to  get  in.  Adihotiki 
cried.  Then  the  dog  seized  him,  and  put  him  betw^een  its  two  horns.  "  O 
Erikaner!  An  e\A\  being  is  carrying  me  off!"  he  cried. 

Erikaner  opened  the  door,  and  saw  the  dog  going  off  in  that  direction. 
Then  Erikaner  went  back  to  the  house,  and  cried.  Now  it  was  spring- 
time, and  Erikaner  followed  after  his  brother.  He  had  put  pitch  on  his 
face  in  mourning.  "  Tete'-tsiakwilar,  ^  Erikaner  is  following  his  brother," 
Meadow- Lark  said.  He  spoke  the  name  of  the  dead  intentionally  as  an 
insult.  Erikaner  removed  the  pitch  from  his  face,  smeared  it  on  a  stick, 
and  caught  the  bird  with  it.  He  tore  it  to  pieces.  "You  wall  be  only  a 
bird.    You  talk  badly,"  said  he.    Then  he  went  on. 

He  came  to  Spider's.  Then  he  said  to  her,  "Aunt,  you  know  every- 
thing. You  go  everywhere,  you  make  webs  everywhere.  Which  way  did 
they  take  my  brother?"  —  "Yes,  I  can  tell  you,"  said  she.  "He  is  over 
there,  on  the  other  side  of  the  river.  Badger  watches  him.  He  splits  wood 
on  this  side  of  the  stream.  You  must  kill  him,  but  ask  him  questions 
first.  Take  with  you  this  little  mouse,  this  little  snake,  these  cat-tails. 
When  you  sprinkle  this  last  on  people,  they  will  sleep.  You  must  kill 
that  Badger  while  he  sleeps."  —  "All  right!"  said  Erikaner,  and  went 
on. 

He  reached  this  side  of  the  river  at  dusk.  He  heard  something  ahead 
of  him,  "Tul-tul-tul,"  Badger  was  splitting  pitch-wood.  "WTiere  have 
you  come  from?"  said  Badger.  "I  am  going  this  way,  downstream," 
said  Erikaner.  "What  are  you  splitting?"  —  "I  put  pitch-wood  in  the 
fire.   I  do  not  think  Erikaner's  brother  will  die.   He  is  all  dried  up,  but 

'  A  very-  close  imitation  of  the  note  of  the  meadow-lark. 


lo  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

he  still  cries.  If  you  will  help  me  up  with  my  pack,  I  will  call  for  the 
boat,"  said  Badger,  "  What  do  you  do  when  you  get  to  the  house  ?  "  said 
Erikaner.  "I  drink  hot  water.  If  I  should  shut  my  eyes,  they  would 
know  I  was  a  stranger.  '  My  heart  is  burned,'  I  say  to  them  then.  Now 
help  me  up !  I  will  call  for  the  boat.  It  comes  to  the  middle  of  the  river, 
and  there  stops.  I  jump  in,  and  if  the  boat  should  tip,  they  would  know 
it  was  a  stranger.  Now  help  me  up!"  said  Badger.  "Wait  just  a  mo- 
ment," said  Erikaner.  Then  he  seized  a  large  stone,  raised  it  up,  and 
killed  Badger. 

Then  he  skinned  Badger,  and  put  on  the  skin,  so  that  he  looked  just 
like  him.  He  called  for  the  boat,  and  it  came.  He  jumped  in,  crossed 
over,  jumped  out,  and  ran  up  to  the  house.  They  gave  him  hot  water  to 
drink,  and  he  shut  his  eyes.  He  could  not  help  it.  "He  is  a  stranger," 
they  said.  "My  heart  is  burned,"  said  he.  "All  right!"  they  answered. 
Just  then  he  touched  Adihotiki  where  they  had  hung  him  up  to  dry. 
"Erikaner!  Is  that  you?"  said  Adihotiki.  "Keep  quiet!"  said  Eri- 
kaner, and  walked  away. 

A^^en  it  came  night,  he  took  out  the  little  snake  and  the  little  mouse. 
Erikaner  sat  by  the  door.  The  snake  put  out  its  tongue.  "Ha!  It  is 
lightning.  There  are  strangers  coming  to  fight  us,"  said  the  people. 
Then  they  went  to  sleep.  Each  of  the  ten  had  his  stone  knife  tied  to  his 
wrist.  Now  the  mouse  sprinkled  cat-tail  down  and  pitch  all  about, 
sprinkled  it  over  the  people  as  they  slept.  The  people  slept  soundly, 
they  snored. 

Then  Erikaner  went  to  where  his  brother  hung,  and  took  him  down. 
"O  Erikaner!  Is  that  you?"  —  "Oh,  be  still!"  said  he,  and  took  his 
brother  outside.  It  was  nearly  dawn.  Erikaner  then  set  fire  to  the  house, 
and  it  burned.  "Ha,  ha!  The  strangers  are  coming!"  he  cried.  Then 
those  inside  woke  up,  but  Erikaner  had  tied  their  hair  together ;  so  they 
fought  each  other,  and  were  all  killed  and  burned. 

Erikaner  got  back  to  where  his  aunt  lived.  "I  am  going  home,"  said 
he.  "  Give  me  some  lunch."  So  she  cooked  him  some  food.  He  went  on, 
and  killed  deer  on  the  way,  for  he  always  carried  a  deer-head  decoy  with 
him.  He  stopped  for  the  night.  He  ate  his  supper,  the  food  his  aunt  had 
prepared,  and  some  deer.  "O  Erikaner!  There  is  a  big  buck,"  said 
Adihotiki.  "We  are  not  hunting  that,"  said  he.  Then  he  found  the  en- 
trance to  the  Bear's  house.  He  set  fire  to  it,  and  smoke  came  out  of  the 
top  of  the  mountain.  Then  Adihotiki  went  up  to  close  the  hole.  He  ran 
quickly,  and  came  back.  While  he  was  gone,  Erikaner  shoved  a  stick  into 
the  entrace  of  Bear's  house,  twisted  it  around,  and  dragged  out  the 
Bear.  He  skinned  it  quickly,  and  hid  the  sldn  in  his  quiver.  Adihotiki 
got  back.  "Let's  stop!  I'm  tired,"  said  he.  "All  right!"  said  Eri- 
kaner. 

They  went  on.   Erikaner  was  behind,  and  took  out  the  bear-skin  and 


Shasta  Myths  1 1 

put  it  on.  Then  he  went  towards  Adihotiki,  growling.  "O  Erikaner! 
There  is  a  bear  who  is  going  to  bite  me ! "  said  Adihotiki.  "  Where  is  it  ?  " 
called  Erikaner.  Then  he  took  off  the  hide  quickly,  and  hid  it  in  his 
quiver.  "Let  us  rest,  Erikaner!"  said  Adihotiki.  He  thought,  "I think 
he  fooled  me.  I  guess  he  did  that  to  me.  —  Let  us  eat,"  said  he,  and  sat 
down  near  the  quiver.  When  Erikaner  was  not  looking,  he  took  out 
the  bear-hide,  and  hid  it  in  his  quiver.  By  and  by  he  said,  "Let  us  go 
on!"  So  they  went.  Adihotiki  went  ahead.  He  put  on  the  bear-hide. 
Erikaner  followed.  Adihotiki  growled,  "O-o-o!"  — "  WTiere  is  he?" 
said  Erikaner.  Then  Adihotiki  took  off  the  hide  quickly,  and  hid  it. 
Erikaner  looked  in  his  quiver.  "He  was  the  one  who  did  this  to  me," 
he  said.  Then  Adihotiki  gave  him  back  the  bear-hide.  "Here  is  your 
bear-skin,"  he  said. 

There  were  deer-tracks  about,  but  yet  they  were  not  like  deer-tracks. 
"  There  it  is  I "  said  Adihotiki.  Erikaner  said,  "  You  must  not  untie  your 
lunch."  —  "Where  is  that  deer?  I  don't  see  it,"  said  Adihotiki.  He 
sharpened  his  knife.  Erikaner  had  fooled  him  with  the  deer's  head. 
Then  Adihotiki  saw  it;  the  deer's  head  touched  the  sky.  "Why  did  he 
say  to  me  not  to  untie  the  lunch  ?  "  Quickly  he  seized  it,  he  untied  it,  he 
opened  it,  and  at  once  the  deer  ran  away.  "Ha!"  said  Erikaner,  and 
turned  back  home.  "O  Erikaner!  I'm  going  to  follow  it."  Erikaner 
was  not  ready.  " Give  me  an  arrow-flaker,  and  I'll  follow^  it,"  said  Adi- 
hotiki. "  Give  me  a  fire-stick,  give  me  a  stone  knife."  Then  he  followed 
the  deer.    "Hi  pau,  hi  pau,"  he  said. 

So  he  followed.  All  summer  he  chased  it.  "  Ha ! "  he  said  as  he  looked 
far  away.  There  were  many  people  gambling ;  at  Itsurikwai  they  gambled. 
Lizard  looked  far  off,  and  said,  "  Erikaner's  brother  is  coming,  following 
a  deer."  Then  all  the  people  looked,  but  they  did  not  see  him.  By  and 
by  he  came  nearer,  and  they  saw  him.  They  stood  in  a  line.  Stone  stood 
last  in  the  line,  and  shot  at  the  deer.  The  deer  rolled  over.  It  was  almost 
autumn  when  he  killed  it.  "Let's  take  the  deer  away  from  Adiho- 
tiki!" said  one  of  the  people.  "No!"  said  the  others.  "That  is  not  a 
person,  he  has  become  an  evil  being." 

"  Whee ! "  said  Adihotiki  as  he  arrived.  He  began  to  cut  it  up.  "  I  come 
from  far  away,"  he  said.  Yellow- Jacket  and  Snake  sat  on  top  of  the  deer, 
sat  on  that  elk.  Adihotiki  made  a  fire  with  the  fire-stick.  "Let  us  take 
all  this  away  from  him,"  said  the  tw^o.  "  Be  still ! "  said  Adihotiki.  "  Cut 
it  up  quickly ! "  But  they  did  not  answer.  So  he  pulled  out  his  arrow- 
flaker,  and  w^alked  toward  them  as  they  sat  on  the  elk.  He  struck  them 
both.  Snake  and  Yellow- Jacket.  Now  he  made  a  fire,  he  cut  up  the 
meat.  He  took  out  the  ribs,  and  gave  them  to  the  people.  The  entrails 
rolled  out,  and  he  threw  them  all  about.  The  people  ate  them.  He  tied 
up  the  meat.  " Can  you  carry  that  much? "  said  they.  He  carried  it,  and 
went  off  to  his  home. 


12  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

He  camped  every  night.  Snow  fell  when  he  had  nearly  reached  home. 
He  heated  a  stone  in  the  fire,  and  rolled  it  ahead  of  him,  to  melt  the  snow. 
It  stopped  close  to  the  house.  He  came  up,  and  peeped  in.  "Oh,  my 
brother!"  he  said.  Then  they  cried.  "Oh,  my  poor  brother!"  said  he. 
Each  pitied  the  other.  Adihotiki  washed  his  brother.  Then  he  dragged  in 
the  elk.  He  cut  it  up,  and  they  ate.  They  ate  that  elk,  that  one  elk,  for 
a  whole  year.  "My  brother!  they  shall  tell  stories  of  us.  You  will  be 
Erikaner,  I  shall  be  Adihotiki.  People  shall  follow  deer  as  we  have. 
They  shall  run  far  around,  they  shall  not  get  out  of  breath,  they  shall 
have  long  wind."    That  is  all. 

2.    THE   LOST  BROTHER  (.Second  Version) 

Adihotiki  and  Erikaner  lived  close  together.  Adihotiki  always  was 
killing  deer.  Erikaner  always  went  to  brmg  in  the  deer,  and  always 
they  were  thin.  "Adihotiki,  why  don't  you  kill  fat  deer?"  said  he. 
Then  Adihotiki  replied,  "All  right!  I  will  kill  a  fat  one  by  and  by." 
Soon  he  killed  a  fat  one,  and  Erikaner  went  to  get  it.  He  carried  it 
home  on  his  back,  he  cooked  it,  roasted  it. 

Now  the  wind  carried  the  smell,  so  that  a  little  dog  smelled  it.  He 
ran  into  Erikaner's  house.  "Adihotiki,  there  is  a  Httle  dog  coming  into 
the  house.  I  claim  him  as  mine,  I  will  feed  him."  He  did  not  answer. 
Next  morning  Erikaner  spoke  again,  saying,  "Adihotiki,  he  is  growing 
fast !  I  think  he  is  going  to  bite  me.  O  Adihotiki !  he  is  big  now.  He  is 
carrying  me  off."  So  he  carried  him  ofT,  ran  away  with  him.  Adihotiki 
did  not  know  whither  he  had  carried  him. 

It  was  getting  to  be  winter  again,  and  Adihotiki  did  not  know  where 
his  brother  was.  So  he  started  off,  he  listened  all  about;  then  he  heard 
his  brother,  Adihotiki's  brother.  "Somewhere  over  there,"  said  he,  and 
he  went  off.  He  got  there.  There  was  a  man  there  working,  getting 
wood.  He  was  burning  down  a  tree  with  fire.  Adihotiki  looked  on.  "I 
think  I'll  ask  him,"  he  said.  So  he  asked  him,  "What  are  you  going  to 
do  with  the  wood  you  are  getting?"  —  "I'm  going  to  dry  Adihotiki's 
brother,"  said  the  man.  "  How  do  you  break  off  that  wood  ?  "  said  Adi- 
hotiki. "Not  that  way,"  said  the  man.  "Stand  it  up  on  the  middle  of 
your  hand."  Adihotiki  jumped  into  the  canoe,  went  across,  landed  on 
the  other  shore.  "I  throw  the  wood  down  that  way,  by  the  door,  and 
it  all  breaks  up,"  said  the  man.  "I  run  into  the  house,  and  I  drink  boil- 
ing water,  without  winking." 

"I  am  going  where  Erikaner  is,  I  am  about  to  find  him,"  said  Adiho- 
tiki. He  got  there.  He  took  Erikaner  down  out  of  the  smoke  over  the  fire. 
He  was  almost  dead.  Adihotiki  put  him  inside  his  shirt.  Then  he  hired 
Mouse  to  gnaw  holes  in  all  canoes,  except  one.  "You  make  holes  in  all 
but  mine,"  said  Adihotiki.  Now  he  ran  off  with  his  brother,  he  stole  him. 
He  jumped  in  his  canoe,  and  all  the  other  people  ran  after,  jumped  in 


Shasta  Myths  ^  13 

their  canoes,  and  all  sank  in  the  river.  All  of  them  died  in  the  water  in 
that  way,  when  he  found  his  brother. 

Now,  Adihotiki  went  with  his  brother.  "I  think  I'll  start,"  he  said. 
As  they  went,  he  thought,  "I  want  to  do  something."  So  Adihotiki  left 
(went  on  ahead),  and  lay  down  in  a  bear-skin.  "I  wonder  what  he'll 
do !"  he  thought.  He  watched;  and  when  his  brother  got  there,  he  cried 
out,  "Wu-wu-wui!"  and  ran  after  Erikaner.  "O  Adihotiki!  the  hide  is 
running  after  me, "  said  Erikaner.  Then  he  dropped  the  hide.  Now, 
that  is  the  way  they  got  back  to  the  house.  That  was  the  way  he  found 
his  brother  in  the  olden  time. 

3.    THE   THEFT   OF   FIRE  ^ 

Long  ago,  in  the  beginning,  people  had  only  stones  for  fire.  In  the 
beginning  every  one  had  only  that  sort  of  fire-stone.  "  Do  you  hear? 
There  is  fire  over  there.  Where  Pain  lives  there  is  fire."  So  Coyote 
went,  and  came  to  the  house  where  Pain  lived.  The  children  were  at 
hom^e ;  but  all  the  old  people  were  away,  driving  game  with  fire.  They 
told  their  children,  "  If  any  one  comes,  it  will  be  Coyote."  So  they  w^ent 
to  drive  game  by  setting  fires. 

Coyote  went  into  the  house.  "  Oh,  you  poor  children !  Are  you  all 
alone  here?"  said  he.  "Yes,  we  are  all  alone.  They  told  us  they  were 
all  going  hunting.  If  any  one  comes,  it  will  be  Coyote.  I  think  you  are 
Coyote,"  said  they.  "I  am  not  Coyote,"  said  he.  "Look!  Way  back 
there,  far  o£f  in  the  mountains,  is  Coyote's  country.  There  are  none 
near  here."  Coyote  stretched  his  feet  out  toward  the  fire,  with  his  long 
blanket  in  which  he  had  run  away.  "No,  you  smell  like  Coyote,"  said 
the  children.     "No,  there  are  none  about  here,"  said  he. 

Now,  his  blanket  began  to  bum,  he  was  ready  to  run.  He  called  to 
Chicken-Hawk,  "  You  stand  there !  I  will  run  there  with  the  fire.  I  will 
give  it  to  you,  and  then  do  you  run  on.  —  Eagle,  do  you  stand  there ! 

—  Grouse,  do  you  stand  there!  —  Quail,  do  you  stand  there!"  Turtle 
alone  did  not  know  about  it.     He  was  walking  along  by  the  river. 

Now,  Coyote  ran  out  of  the  house;  he  stole  Pain's  fire.  He  seized  it, 
and  ran  with  it.  Pain's  children  ran  after  him.  Coyote  gave  the  fire  to 
Chicken- Hawk,  and  he  ran  on.  Now  Chicken- Hawk  gave  it  to  Eagle, 
and  he  ran  on.  Eagle  gave  it  to  Grouse,  and  he  ran.  He  gave  it  to 
Quail,  and  he  ran  far  away  with  it.  Turtle  was  there  walking  about. 
The  Pains  were  following,  crying,  "Coyote  has  stolen  fire!"  Now, 
Turtle  was  walking  about ;  he  knew  nothing,  he  sang,  "  Oxiwicnikwiki," 

—  "I '11  give  you  the  fire,"  said  Quail (?).  " Here !  Take  it ! "  Just  then 
the  Pains  got  there.  Turtle  put  the  fire  under  his  armpit,  and  jumped 
into  the  water.  Pain  shot  at  him,  shot  him  in  the  rear.  "  Oh,  oh,  oh ! 
That  is  going  to  be  a  tail,"  said  Turtle,  and  dove  deep  down  into  the  river. 

'  Cf.  Burns,  Land  of  Sunshine,  xiv,  pp.  132-134. 


14  *     Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

All  the  Pains  stood  together.  By  and  by  they  gave  it  up,  and  went 
away.  Coyote  came  up,  and  asked,  "Where  is  the  fire?"  —  "TurUe 
dove  with  it,"  they  said.  "  Curse  it !  \\Tiy  did  you  dive  with  it  ?  "  Coyote 
said.  He  was  very  angry.  After  a  while  Turtle  crawled  out  of  the  water 
on  the  other  side.  Coyote  saw  him.  "  Where  is  the  fire  ?  "  he  called  out. 
Turtle  did  not  answer.  "  I  say  to  you,  where  did  you  put  the  fire  ?  "  said 
Coyote.  "Curse  it!  \Miy  did  you  jump  into  the  water?"  After  a  while 
Turtle  threw  the  fire  all  about.  "You  keep  quiet!  I  will  throw  the  fire 
about,"  said  Turtle.  "  O  children,  poor  children !"  said  Coyote;  he  said 
all  kinds  of  things,  he  was  glad.  Now,  everybody  came  and  got  fire. 
Now  we  have  got  fire.  Coyote  was  the  first  to  get  it,  at  Pain's  that  way. 
That  is  all.   That  is  one  stor}\ 

4.    THE  GIRL  WHO   MARRIED   HER  BROTHER 

Ommanutc  and  Aniduidui  were  living  somewhere.  There  were  ten 
brothers  and  Aniduidui.  Their  mother  Uved  there  too.  Aniduidui  was  a 
woman.  Aniduidui  said,  "I  wish  some  one  would  go  with  me!"  Then 
Ommanutc  hid  himself,  and  Aniduidui  did  not  know  where  he  was. 
One  of  her  brothers  went  with  her,  —  one  of  her  ten  brothers. 

Ommanutc  bathed  early  in  the  morning.  When  he  was  swimming,  he 
lost  one  hair.  By  and  by  Aniduidui  came  to  that  place.  She  saw  the  hair, 
and  picked  it  up.  She  measured  it  with  her  own  hair.  It  was  longer. 
Now  she  looked  for  lice  on  one  of  her  brothers'  heads.  She  carried  the 
hair  she  had  found  secretly,  and  measured  it  with  the  brother's  hair. 
It  was  longer.  So  for  another  brother  she  hunted  lice,  but  did  not  find 
a  hair  of  the  same  length.  So  she  measured  all,  but  none  were  the  same. 

She  thought,  "I  wonder  whose  hair  it  is ! "  Ommanutc  heard  what  she 
said.  Then  one  of  the  brothers  said  to  Aniduidui,  "  I  myself  will  go  with 
you;"  but  she  did  not  answer.  Then  another  brother  spoke,  and  said, 
"I'll  go  with  you,  sister;"  but  she  said,  "No!"  She  would  have  no  one 
in  the  house.  She  hunted  ever}nvhere.  At  last  she  found  Ommanutc. 
Then  she  said  again,  "  Come  with  me !  You  are  the  one ! "  So  he  came. 
"Why  did  you  hide  him?"  said  she. 

Ommanutc' s  brothers  felt  sad,  their  hearts  felt  badly.  Then  he  said  he 
would  go  with  her.  He  got  up.  He  was  fine-looking.  He  put  beads  about 
his  neck,  and  tied  up  his  hair  on  top  of  his  head,  and  put  feathers  in  it. 
Aniduidui  loved  him,  loved  her  brother.  Then  he  said,  "I'll  go  wdth 
you."  —  "  Good !"  said  she,  and  so  they  went  off.  It  was  evening  when 
they  arrived  where  they  were  going.  They  slept  together,  x\niduidui  slept 
with  Ommanutc.  In  the  morning  they  went  on  again,  and  again  that 
night  they  slept  together. 

As  they  were  going  to  sleep,  Ommanutc  said  to  himself,  "I  wonder 
what  I  can  do !"  Then  he  said,  "I  wish  that  she  should  sleep  soundly." 
She  was  sound  asleep.  Then  he  got  up;  he  picked  up  a  log,  laid  it  beside 


Shasta  Myths  15 

her,  and  went  away.  He  returned  to  the  house  where  he  and  his  brothers 
lived.  "Everybody  must  get  ready  to  go,"  said  he.  He  spoke  to  all  of 
them.  He  spoke  to  all  things,  and  told  them  that  they  must  not  tell  where 
they  had  gone.  Then  all  the  brothers  went  above.  Ommanutc  went 
ahead.    Far  away  they  went,  cHmbing  up  the  rope  to  the  upper  world. 

Now  Aniduidui  came.  She  asked  everything  where  her  brothers  had 
gone,  but  none  wished  to  answer.  She  poked  the  fire,  and  sparks  flew  up. 
She  looked  after  them,  and  saw  the  people  going  up.  She  cried  out.  She 
said,  "I  want  to  come  also,  brother! "  At  this,  one  of  them  looked  back, 
and  the  rope  broke.  She  set  fire  to  the  house,  and  all  of  them  tumbled 
down  into  the  middle  of  the  fire. 

Aniduidui's  heart  was  glad.  Ommanutc  burst  in  the  fire.  His  heart 
flew  up,  and  fell  down  close  by  the  river.  Aniduidui  was  glad.  By  and 
by  the  house  had  all  burned  down.  She  picked  up  the  bones.  Om- 
manutc was  gone.  Some  one  found  him.  Ducks  found  him.  The  Ducks 
were  women.  He  married  them,  and  had  two  children,  two  boys.  They 
grew  larger,  and  walked  about.  There  was  a  house.  By  and  by  they 
came  to  it  as  they  walked  about.  There  was  some  one  pounding  meal 
inside.  The  two  children  got  there,  and  saw  Aniduidui  with  bones  tied 
up  in  her  hair.  One  of  the  children  said,  "Whose  quiver  is  that  ?  There 
are  many  arrows  in  it.  Give  it  to  me ! "  —  "All  right,"  said  she,  and  gave 
it  to  him.  The  other  said,  "  Give  me  one  also,"  and  she  gave  it. 

Then  the  two  boys  went  back  to  their  father.  "We  wall  kill  that  old 
woman,"  said  they.  They  made  flint  arrow-points,  and  tied  them  on. 
Their  father  said  nothing.  Next  day  they  went  off.  They  saw  Aniduidui 
sitting  there,  and  shot  at  once,  then  ran  away.  She  got  ready  at  once, 
took  a  quiver,  and  went  out.  She  shot  back  at  them.  All  day  they  shot 
at  each  other,  and  the  old  woman  did  not  die.  Toward  evening  the  boys 
grew  tired.  Then  Lark  called  to  them.  "  See !  there  is  her  heel,"  said  he. 
"  There  lies  her  heart.  Her  heart  is  like  fire."  So  they  shot  at  her  heel, 
and  she  fell,  and  was  dead.  Everywhere,  all  over  the  world,  they  heard 
her  fall. 

The  Duck  women  were  glad.  The  children  went  back  to  their  house. 
Ommanutc  was  sitting  there.  "We  have  killed  Aniduidui,  we  have 
burned  up  her  house  also."  Then  they  said  to  their  father,  "Let  us  go 
and  bury  her."  —  "Very  well ! "  he  said.  So  they  went  back,  and  buried 
her.    She  was  their  aunt. 

5.    THE   MAGIC  BALL  * 

There  was  a  house,  and  many  people  lived  in  the  house.  Coyote  lived 
there,  and  Wolf  and  Panther  and  Wild-Cat  and  Bob-Cat.  Bob-Cat  was 
sick,  he  suffered  greatly.  Coyote  said,  "We  shall  be  hungry!  You  fel- 
lows better  go  and  hunt  deer."  Bob-Cat  was  suffering,  and  he  dreamed 

'  Cf.  Burns,  op.  cit.  pp.  223-226. 


1 6  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

and  saw  deer  in  his  dream.  At  some  place  there  were  deer,  and  it  snowed. 
Then  Bob- Cat  got  ready,  and  next  day  he  went  off.  Fc  went  to  the  place 
he  saw  in  his  dream,  and  saw  deer  there  in  the  mountains.  He  looked 
over  the  ridge,  and  heard  far  away  the  noise  of  antlers  striking  together. 
The  deer  were  playing,  and  their  antlers  made  a  noise. 

Bob-Cat  thought,  "I  wish  to  become  something,  I  wish  to  become  the 
Sun."  Now  he  became  the  Sun.  He  was  just  peeping  over  the  ridge  to 
spy  out  the  Deer,  when  they  said,  "That  Sun  that  is  rising  is  scowling 
and  has  a  wrinkled  nose."  The  Deer  there  recognized  him.  He  wished 
to  become  a  fog,  and  he  became  a  fog.  The  fog  rose.  "Halloo  !  That 
fog  is  scowling,"  they  said.  They  knew  it  was  not  what  it  seemed.  They 
were  playing  ball.  Bob-Cat  wished  to  become  a  piece  of  moss.  He 
became  a  piece  of  moss.  He  came  rolling  and  blowing  along.  "That 
moss  comes  scowling,"  said  they.  Now,  three  times  the  Deer  had  recog- 
nized him,  although  disguised.  He  wished  to  be  wind.  He  became  wind. 
"Halloo!  That  wind  is  scowling,"  said  they.  He  wished  to  become  a 
snow-bird.  He  became  a  snow-bird.  The  Deer  almost  recognized  him, 
but  they  did  not  say,  "He  is  scowling."  The  bird  hopped  about,  it 
came  close.  "  Let  us  throw  it  to  him ! "  said  the  Deer.  Snow-bird  made 
ready  to  jump,  when  the  ball  should  come  close  to  him.  Then  they 
threw  the  ball  close  to  him;  and  he  jumped  and  seized  it,  and  ran 
away. 

He  ran  fast.  The  Deer  had  almost  caught  him,  when  right  there  he 
jumped  up  into  a  tree.  The  Deer  struck  it  with  their  feet,  and  it  fell. 
Bob-Cat  jumped  up  into  a  pine-tree.  For  a  while  they  could  not  break 
it,  but  at  last  they  struck  it  and  it  fell.  He  had  no  time  to  run,  so  jumped 
into  another  tree,  into  a  buckeye.  Again  the  Deer  broke  it  down.  Bob- 
Cat  was  tired.  He  saw  a  manzanita,  and  jumped  into  it.  The  Deer  hit 
it  and  split  their  feet,  and  for  that  reason  they  have  double  feet  to-day 
(i.e.  split  hoofs).  There  were  many  Deer,  and  Bob-Cat  gave  up.  They 
broke  the  tree  towards  evening ;  all  put  their  heads  against  it,  and  their 
antlers.  Toward  evening  a  fawn  stunned  itself,  butting  the  tree.  So  the 
Deer  took  it  and  laid  it  down  at  a  distance,  and  then  it  died.  Bob-Cat 
was  watching.  When  it  was  near  daylight,  he  came  down,  he  walked 
along  the  backs  of  the  Deer,  and  got  to  the  place  where  the  fawn  lay. 
Then  he  took  it  on  his  back,  and  went  off,  and  came  to  his  house.  In 
the  morning  the  Deer  all  waked  up.  They  had  lost  their  ball.  They 
went  back  to  where  they  had  played  with  it. 

"My  moccasins  are  hanging  up  out  there,"  said  Bob-Cat.  Coyote 
went  out  to  look,  but  came  back  without  the  moccasins.  Another  went 
to  hunt  for  the  moccasins  hanging  up,  for  Bob-Cat's  moccasins.  His 
brother's  wife  was  sitting  there.  She  went  to  look  for  them,  and  found 
the  fawn  hanging  there.  She  carried  it  to  the  house.  Every  one  looked  at 
it.    There  were  many  people,  Wolves  and  Panthers.    Panther  thought, 


J  Shasta  Myths  17 

"I  wish  I  could  see  one  like  that!  I  wish  I  could  catch  one !  What  are 
you  going  to  do  with  it?"  No  one  touched  it,  only  Bob-Cat  sat  looking 
at  it.  "  Whatever  you  say,  shall  be  done,"  said  they.  "Put  it  in  hot  water," 
he  said.  "Take  off  the  hair."  So  they  put  it  in  hot  water.  The  women 
did  it,  and  they  pulled  the  hair  all  off.  "I'd  like  to  eat  that  meat," 
thought  Coyote.  Everybody  thought  that.  Wolf  and  Panther  thought  it. 
Then  they  cut  the  meat  all  up,  they  boiled  it.  Then  Bob- Cat  thought, 
"I  wonder  how  many  there  are!"  and  he  cut  it  up,  and  gave  some  to 
each.    He  gave  to  Coyote  first,  then  to  all  the  rest. 

Panther  had  eaten  all  his.  Wolf  cried  because  he  did  not  have  enough. 
All  the  meat  was  eaten.  "Let  us  see  who  is  the  strongest."  No  one  was 
strong.  Panther  was  not  strong.  Bob-Cat  took  the  ball  out  of  the  house. 
"Lift  that,"  said  he.  He  gave  it  to  Panther,  to  the  smallest  Panther,  to 
carry.  "  That  is  the  one,"  said  Bob-Cat, "  he  can  carry  it."  — "  All  right ! " 
said  Coyote.  Every  one  said,  "All  right !  That  is  the  one  who  can  carry 
it."  Then  Bob- Cat  said,  "To-morrow  I  will  send  some  one  to  the  place 
where  I  seized  the  ball.  —  Do  you  go  right  there.  Raven,"  he  said.  "I 
wish  you  to  go.  You  can  say,  *  Come !  Come  and  get  your  ball ! '  That 
you  can  call  out."  So  Raven  went.  He  called  out,  "Now!  Come!"  — 
"All  right!"  the  Deer  said,  and  everywhere  the  brush  rustled.  Then  he 
ran  back  to  Bob-Cat's  house,  and  told  him,  "They  answered.  They  are 
coming."    So  all  the  people  ran  and  hid.    All  hid  in  the  house. 

Now,  there  was  a  noise,  there  was  a  sound  of  trampling,  and  of  feet, 
and  the  house  cracked  and  shook,  as  the  Deer  walked  on  the  roof.  Then 
they  put  poison-roots  in  the  fire.  Coyote  snapped  his  finger  against  the 
belly  of  the  fawn.  "  Some  one  snapped  my  belly,"  said  the  Fawn.  "  That 
is  not  a  mole.  Coyote  only  eats  moles,"  said  they.  Now  the  poison  began 
to  smoke.  The  Deer  smelled  it,  and  all  dropped  dead.  Not  one  was  left 
to  go  back,  all  were  dead.  Then  the  people  began  to  eat,  and  after  a 
long  time  had  eaten  the  game  all  up. 

"You  must  go  again.  Raven,"  said" Bob-Cat.  "You  can  say  the  same 
thing,  you  can  call  out  the  same  way."  So  he  went,  and  called  out. 
The  Deer  all  said,  "  Yes ! "  and  he  ran  away.  "  Are  they  coming  ?  "  asked 
Bob-Cat  when  Raven  returned.  "Yes,  they  are  coming,"  said  he.  So 
all  went  into  the  house,  until  the  house  was  full.  Then,  just  the  same 
as  before,  the  Deer  came,  the  people  put  poison  into  the  fire,  the  Deer 
smelled  it,  and  all  died.  Then  Coyote  ate.  A  little  longer  the  food  lasted 
this  time. 

"  Only  this  one  time  more  we  can  go,"  said  Bob-Cat.  So  Raven  went 
again.  He  called  out  in  the  same  place.  There  was  a  noise,  and  he  ran. 
Again  the  Deer  came,  and  all  were  killed  by  the  poison.  Then  a  person 
came  along.  He  said,  "  Over  there  there  is  fighting."  He  carried  the  news. 
"To-morrow  we  will  go,"  said  one.  So  they  went.  Each  one  carried  his 
food  with  him.  On  the  road,  when  they  were  half-way  there.  Coyote  was 


1 8  Journal  oj  American  Folk-Lore 

sick.  He  was  not  really  sick,  however,  "Let  us  go  back,"  they  said. 
"That  man  is  sick."  —  "No !  I  alone  will  go  back,"  said  Coyote.  "All 
right!"  said  they.  So  Coyote  went  back,  he  returned  to  the  house.  He 
was  perfectly  well,  he  who  had  been  sick. 

"  They  said  to  me, '  You  come  back,  so  that  you  can  hold  out  the  ball ! 
There  will  be  fresh  meat  when  you  get  back.'  That  is  why  I  have  come 
back,"  said  Coyote.  Then  he  said  to  Raven,  "Go!  I  will  hold  out  the 
ball.  Call  to  the  Grizzly- Bears,  'Wherever  you  are,  there  stay!'  That 
you  can  say.  You  can  also  call  the  Elk  and  Buck-Deer :  'Let  there  come 
many ! '  These  things  you  must  say."  —  "All  right ! "  said  Raven.  Then 
he  called  out,  "  Grizzly-Bear,  come !  —  Elk,  come !  —  Buck-Deer,  come ! " 
he  said.  And  at  his  calling  they  came.  But  before  they  had  all  gotten 
into  the  house.  Coyote  dropped  the  ball,  and  they  seized  it  and  ran 
away.  And  then  at  once  all  the  deer-hides,  all  the  fur  blankets,  jumped 
up,  and  ran  away,  alive  again.  Bow-strings  broke  of  themselves,  bows 
broke  in  pieces.  "Let  his  belly  burst,"  said  they  to  Coyote;  and  it  burst, 
and  his  excrement  ran  out.  Everything  that  was  made  of  deer-bone  ran 
away,  even  some  powdered  deer-bones. 

The  others  came  back  from  the  fighting,  all  came  back.  Coyote  sat 
in  the  house.  Everybody  cried.  Wolf  felt  very  bad,  for  there  was  no  deer 
to  eat.  Bob- Cat  ran  after  them,  but  could  not  catch  them.  He  saw  them 
going.  Ten  days  after  that,  he  saw  something  dart  by  in  the  brush. 
He  followed,  and  saw  it.  It  was  a  fawn,  that  was  walking  along  far  away. 
Now  the  fawn  got  tired,  and  looked  back  and  saw  Bob-Cat,  Bob- Cat 
followed,  and  nearly  caught  it,  finally  did  catch  it,  killed  it,  and  carried 
it  back  to  his  house.  He  carried  it  in.  "Let  us  burn  off  the  hair!"  said 
Coyote,  "  No ! "  said  Bob-Cat,  "  we  must  not  burn  off  the  hair.  We  must 
boil  it,  must  put  it  in  lots  of  water,"  Now,  they  took  it  off  the  fire ;  and, 
as  before,  all  cried  because  there  was  not  enough.  Then  Bob-Cat  took 
some  of  the  cold  soup  and  sprinkled  it  all  over  the  world ;  the  hair  also 
they  snapped  about  into  all  countries,  "You  shall  be  deer,"  he  said, 
he  wished,  "All  kinds  of  people  can  eat  you,"  he  said.  Then  after  a 
little  while  he  said,  "Let  us  go  and  hunt  deer!" 

He  went  along,  and  saw  a  deer-track.  The  trail  led  on.  Then  "St!" 
said  the  leader,  and  pointed.  Everybody  looked,  and  there  were  two 
deer.  The  Wolf  followed  them,  he  ran  after  them  and  killed  them.  Then 
they  almost  ate  the  whole  deer  up  in  the  mountains.  There  were  ten 
brothers.  Panthers,  who  hunted  much.  They  killed  ten  deer  each. 
Bob- Cat  remained  at  home.  He  was  the  chief.  That  is  all.  That  is  one 
story. 

6.    ORIGIN   OF  PEOPLE  AND   OF  DEATH 

The  Eagle  made  people.  .  .  .  There  began  to  be  many.  .  .  .  When 
all  the  water  was  gone,  he  sent  down  his  two  children,  a  boy  and  a  girl. 
That  was  the  beginning.    The  man  said  to  the  woman,  "Let  us  sleep 


Shasta  Myths  19 

together!"  but  the  woman  did  not  answer.  Five  times  he  spoke  thus 
to  her,  and  at  the  fifth  time  she  replied,  "  WTiy  do  you  say  that?  I  want 
you  to  tell  me.  There  are  no  other  persons  here  but  ourselves.  You  are 
my  brother."  Then  he  answered,  "  I  will  tell  you.  Our  father  sent  us  to 
this  place.  If  we  sleep  here,  there  will  be  children  bom."  Then  she 
answered,  ''Very  well." 

So  they  created  children,  and  there  came  to  be  many  people.  No  one 
ever  died,  until,  when  time  was  half  over,  a  boy  died.  All  the  people 
gathered  together.  "Let  us  not  die!"  said  they.  Coyote  was  not  there; 
but  he  said,  "No!  It  shall  not  be  so."  Then  he  came.  "It  is  well," 
said  he.  "People  shall  be  sad :  if  a  man's  wife  dies,  he  shall  be  sad  and 
cry." 

They  buried  the  boy  therefore,  but  were  angry  in  their  hearts  towards 
Coyote.  "I  wish  that  his  child  might  die!"  said  they.  Then  Coyote's 
child  died.  Coyote  wished  greatly  to  follow  his  child.  So  he  went.  He 
arrived  at  that  place,  and  there  the  dead  were  dancing  about  a  fire. 
He  stayed  over  night.  "I  wish  I  could  do  something  to  get  my  child 
back ! "  said  he.  Then  he  built  a  fire  of  wild-parsnip ;  and  when  the  dead 
people  smelled  it,  they  gave  him  back  his  son.  He  put  him  on  his  back 
and  carried  him  off.  They  said  to  him,  "You  must  not  drink  water  in 
the  usual  way.  You  must  not  take  off  your  pack  when  you  sleep.  You 
must  not  He  on  your  back." 

He  came  back  to  the  house.  The  boy  said,  "For  ten  years  you  must 
not  beat  me,  must  not  scold  me."  After  five  years  some  one  scolded 
him,  and  he  died  again.  Coyote  went  back  again  to  the  same  place. 
He  followed  his  child  again,  taking  some  wild- parsnip  root  with  him. 
He  got  there  while  they  were  dancing  the  round-dance.  "I  will  sing 
first,"  said  he  to  the  ghosts.  "All  right!"  said  they.  So  Coyote  sang, 
"An'ni  saVi  na."  Then  they  said  to  him,  "Go  back  to  your  home, 
and  day  after  to-morrow  come  back  again  for  your  son."  —  "All 
right!"  said  Coyote,  and  went  back,  went  back  alone.  He  went  to  sleep, 
and  died.  Then,  not  like  a  person,  but  only  as  a  ghost,  he  came.  He  was 
dead.  After  that  time,  no  one  could  follow  after  the  dead  to  their  coun- 
try. It  was  as  it  is  now.   That  is  all  this  story. 

7.    ORIGIN   OF   DEATH 

People  grew  in  this  world  in  the  beginning.  There  were  many  people 
here  and  there.  They  became  numerous.  Then  one  died.  Cricket's  child 
died.  The  people  were  talking  about  it.  "  WTiat  shall  we  do  ?  "  said  they. 
All  the  people  gathered  together.  They  did  not  know  what  to  do.  Some 
said,  "Let  us  have  people  come  to  life  again.  Let  us  not  bury  them!" 
—  "  Stop !"  said  others.  "  Go  and  tell  Coyote.  He  does  not  know  what 
has  happened."  So  some  one  went  to  tell  him.  Coyote  came.  "What 
do  you  think!"  said  they,  "  we  were  saying  that  the  dead  should  come 


20  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

back  again."  —  "  WTiy  are  you  saying  that? "  said  Coyote.  " Bury  him. 
He  is  dead.  If  people  come  back,  then  they  will  fill  up  everything. 
Around  this  world  there  is  water.  They  will  fill  the  world  up,  and  push 
us  into  the  water."    So  they  buried  Cricket's  child,  and  cried. 

Now,  five  days  after  this  they  finished  the  sweating.  They  felt  sad. 
They  thought,  "Would  that  Coyote's  child  might  die!"  So  it  died,  and 
Coyote  cried.  He  said,  "  My  child  is  dead.  Let  us  have  people  come  back 
to  life."  —  "No!"  they  said.  "If  he  should  come  back  to  life,  my  child 
that  died  before  would  not  smell  good.  He  has  decayed.  You  said  we 
must  bury  people.  You  said  that  the  dead  would  otherwise  fill  up  the 
world."  So  he  buried  him,  and  cried.  That  is  the  way  the  first  people 
died.    That  was  the  first  death. 

8.    ORIGIN   OF   CREMATION 

Grizzly-Bear  married  Coyote's  daughter.  Lizard  lived  with  Coyote, 
for  Grizzly-Bear  and  his  brothers  had  killed  Lizard's  father.  The 
Grizzly-Bears  were  sweating,  wxre  dancing  the  war-dance.  They  sang 
all  night.  The  oldest  Grizzly-Bear  said,  "That  is  not  the  way  to  sing: 
this  is  the  proper  w^ay,  '  Ansto'weyu,' "  he  said.  Then  another  said 
"  No !  This  is  the  way  to  sing,  '  Hennuhi'yo.'  This  is  the  way  to  sing  the 
war-cry."  Then  another  said,  "No!  This  is  the  way.  Listen  to  me,  to  the 
way  I  sing, '  Kitihuku'nnawi.' "  Then  another  said,  "  Listen  to  me !  You 
fellows  sing  this  way.  Listen!  I'll  sing, 'Kun'nuhunu.'  This  is  a  man's 
song."    Then  they  slept. 

The  biggest  Grizzly-Bear  slept  with  one  foot  up,  resting  on  the  post  of 
the  house.  Lizard  cut  off  the  foot  with  his  little  flint  knife,  and  carried  it 
off  to  Coyote's  house.  "Good!"  said  Coyote;  and  he  cooked  the  foot, 
and  they  ate  it.  He  put  the  bones  in  the  fire ;  and  when  they  were  burned, 
he  poked  them  out  with  a  stick,  and  put  them  in  a  basket.  Lizard  took 
this,  and  poured  the  burned  bones  on  the  place  where  the  Grizzly-Bears 
always  built  their  fire,  "Burn  the  pine-needles  on  the  floor,  all  about 
where  you  cut  off  his  foot.  The  Bears  will  blame  you,"  said  Coyote. 
"You  go  and  hide  in  some  safe,  strong  place.  I  shall  go  to  sleep."  So 
he  went  to  sleep. 

By  and  by  the  Grizzly-Bears  woke  up.  They  hunted  for  Lizard. 
"Old  man!  Where  is  Lizard ?"  they  said  to  Coyote.  "I  don't  know," 
said  Coyote.  "Where  is  Lizard?"  they  repeated.  "He  is  asleep  up 
there,"  said  Coyote,  pointing.  "There  is  no  one  there,  at  all,"  said 
Grizzly-Bear.  "Well,  what  is  the  trouble?"  said  Coyote.  "Your  son- 
in-law  has  had  his  foot  cut  off,"  they  said.  "  O  my  son-in-law ! "  he  said, 
and  went  to  see  him.  "What  is  the  trouble  with  you?"  Coyote  said. 
"Why,  it  is  burned.  Here  is  the  bone  in  the  fire.  Did  not  you  fellows 
see  it  ?  Come  here,  my  sons-in-law ! "  said  he.  They  gathered  together. 
"Now,  do  ye  go  to  Qusak'^    Go  to  the  Table- Rock."   He  sent  them 


Shasta  Myths  21 

away  in  every  direction.  "  I  alone  will  put  the  body  in  the  fire.  In  the 
evening  do  ye  come  back  again,"  said  he.  Then  he  cut  it  up;  he  built  a 
fire  and  threw  it  in.  The  others  looked  back.  "Now  he  is  putting  the 
bones  in  the  fire,"  said  they.  Much  smoke  came  out  of  the  fire.  Now 
they  came  back.  "Hn-hn-hn!"  they  cried.  "See!  Here  are  only  the 
bones,"  said  they.  "It  shall  be  done  this  way."  So  bodies  are  put  in 
the  fire  and  burned. 

9.  THE  DEAD  BROUGHT  BACK  FROM  THE  OTHER  WORLD  ^ 

A  man  had  a  wife  called  Woodpecker.  She  fell  into  the  fire  and  was 
burned,  so  that  she  died.  He  thought  he  saw  her  ghost  go  up  toward 
the  sky,  and  went  out  back  of  the  house,  where  he  found  her  trail.  He 
followed  this,  and  reached  the  sky.  She  went  along  the  Milky  Way; 
and  her  husband,  following  on,  was  only  able  to  catch  up  with  her  at 
night,  as  she  camped  along  this  trail.  In  this  way  —  catching  up  with  her 
at  night,  and  losing  her  in  the  day  —  he  finally  came  to  the  other  world. 
Here  all  the  dead  were  dancing,  and  having  a  fine  time.  For  a  long  time 
he  v/atched  them,  and  then  asked  the  fire-tender  if  he  might  get  his  wife 
back.  He  was  told  he  could  not.  After  a  while  he  fell  asleep ;  and  when 
he  woke,  it  was  daytime,  and  the  dead  were  all  asleep.  They  lay  like 
patches  of  soft  white  ashes  on  the  ground.  The  fire- tender  gave  the  hus- 
band a  poker,  and  told  him  to  poke  the  various  sleeping  ghosts,  saying 
that  the  one  that  got  up,  and  sneezed  when  he  did  so,  would  be  his  wife. 
Following  this  advice,  he  found  his  wife,  and  picked  her  up  and  started 
home  with  her.  At  first  she  weighed  nothing,  but  grew  heavier  as  they  ap- 
proached the  earth  and  his  house.  Before  he  got  back,  he  dropped  his 
burden,  and  the  ghost  ran  back  to  the  other  world.  He  followed  her  again, 
and  the  next  time  got  within  a  very  short  distance  of  his  door,  when  he 
dropped  her,  and  again  she  ran  back.  For  the  third  time  he  returned 
to  the  land  of  the  dead,  but  was  told  that  he  might  not  try  again.  He  was 
told  to  return  home,  and  that  in  a  short  time  he  would  be  allowed  to 
come  and  live  with  his  wife.  He  followed  these  instructions,  returned 
home,  and  went  to  sleep.  He  died,  and  as  a  ghost  then  returned  to  the 
other  world  for  good. 

10.   THE   CANNIBAL-HEAD 

Twelve  children  went  out  to  dig  camas.  They  found  a  human  head 
in  the  ground.  One  of  the  children,  a  girl,  snapped  it  with  her  digging- 
stick,  as  if  she  were  playing  a  game.  "Why  do  you  do  that?  It  is  Hke 
us,"  said  another  of  the  girls.  She  cried,  and  then,  with  one  of  the  boys, 
she  buried  the  head,  and  covered  it  over  with  earth.  Then  they  went 
home,  and  at  night  they  danced  the  round-dance. 

Then  the  head  got  up.   It  cried,  "I  shall  go  where  they  are  dancing." 

'  Obtained  only  in  English. 


22  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

It  rolled  along  like  fire.  The  two  children  who  had  buried  it  saw  it,  the 
others  did  not.  "  An  evil  being  is  coming ! "  they  said.  "  Let  us  run  away ! " 
So  they  got  ready  and  all  ran  away.  The  head  rolled  after  them.  "Let 
us  sleep  here !"  said  they.  Now  it  was  midnight.  The  evil  being  wished 
them  to  sleep  soundly.  They  slept  on  the  very  top  of  a  hill,  their  baskets 
scattered  all  about. 

The  two  children  saw  the  evil  being  coming.  "Get  up,"  they  said; 
but  the  other  ten  did  not  hear  them.  They  slept  soundly,  with  their 
arms  about  each  other.  The  evil  being  was  close  now,  and  the  two  were 
afraid  and  ran.  The  head  arrived  at  the  place  where  the  ten  were  sleep- 
ing. "Ts-ts-ts!"  said  he.  Then  it  ate  their  eyes.  Then  he  followed  the 
other  two.  They  came  to  Coyote's  house.  "  Old  man,  there  is  an  evil 
being  coming!"  said  they.  He  understood,  he  knew  what  they  said. 
Quickly  he  put  stones  in  the  fire,  and  got  some  water.  He  spread  out  his 
bed,  and  cleaned  up  the  house.  Then  he  looked  out  along  the  trail. 
Pretty  soon  he  saw  the  head. 

The  head  came  to  the  door.  "Halloo,  my  son-in-law!"  said  he, 
"  where  are  my  daughters  ?  "  —  "  They  are  there  on  the  bed,"  said  Coyote. 
Now,  he  had  put  hot  rocks  there  under  the  bed,  in  a  pit.  The  head  was 
ashamed.  He  came  in,  and  sat  down  on  the  bed.  There  was  some  water 
standing  near.  Now  Coyote  kicked  over  the  water,  and  the  head  fell 
through  the  bed  onto  the  hot  rocks.  "If  this  is  a  supernatural  being,  I 
also  am  one,"  said  Coyote.  "People  shall  not  do  this  when  they  are 
dead.  When  they  are  dead,  they  shall  be  dead  forever.  People  shall 
change  by  and  by,  and  heads  shall  not  follow  people."    That  is  all. 

II.   EAGLE   AND  WESTD'S  DAUGHTERS 

Great- Wind  lived  on  the  top  of  Mount  Shasta.  She  had  two  daughters, 
and  many  people  went  to  buy  them.  But  they  could  not  reach  the  place 
where  the  girls  lived,  for  the  wind  blew  them  back.  The  people  were  scat- 
tered about  everywhere,  who  had  been  thus  blown  away.  The  old  woman 
did  not  want  her  daughters  to  marry.  At  this  time  Eagle  thought,  "  I 
must  try!  I  wonder  if  I  cannot  get  there !"  so  he  went. 

Eagle  sang  as  he  went  along.  Now,  Coyote  was  setting  snares  for 
gophers.  He  said  to  himself,  "  Where  is  it  that  some  one  is  talking  ?  "  He 
listened,  and  thought,  "It  sounds  like  a  song.  It  is  a  song."  He  kept 
listening.  "It sounds  hke  a  song,"  he  said;  "some  one  must  be  sing- 
ing." It  came  nearer.  Coyote  looked  all  about.  "Where  is  it  that  some 
one  is  singing?"  he  said.  Then  Eagle  came,  flying.  "Eagle!  Where 
are  you  going?"  but  Eagle  went  on,  singing  all  the  time.  "I  want  to 
go  too !"  said  Coyote.  "Wait  for  me,  cousin !"  —  "Well,  you  can  come 
too,"  said  Eagle.    So  they  went  on  together. 

Eagle  put  Coyote  inside  his  shirt ;  and  they  went  thus  together,  went 
to  buy  wives,  singing  as  they  went.  Now,  soon  the  wind  roared  near 


Shasta  Myths  23 

by.  Now  it  blew ;  and  as  they  got  to  the  bottom  of  the  hill,  just  there  it 
blew  Coyote  out.  The  wind  tore  open  Eagle's  shirt,  and  blew  out  what 
he  carried  there.  But  Eagle  kept  on.  The  wind  blew  very  hard.  The 
skirt  of  hail,  that  the  old  Great- Wind  woman  wore,  rattled  as  she  turned 
round.  Eagle  was  blown  quite  a  way  back.  Again  he  came  on,  and  got 
nearer.  Then  he  got  pretty  close,  got  over  the  smoke-hole,  and  then 
went  in  through  it.  Again  he  was  blown  back,  many  times.  Finally  he 
darted  in  suddenly  in  a  lull  in  the  wind,  and  sat  down.  The  wind  lifted 
him  off  the  ground  where  he  sat,  but  the  old  woman  could  do  nothing 
with  him.  The  wind  blew  the  great  logs  in  the  fire  about,  but  he  still  sat 
there.  Finally  she  gave  up.  He  was  the  only  one  who  ever  got  there,  to 
buy  wives. 

12.    THE   WRESTLING-MATCH 

Kale'tsa  (a  bird,  as  yet  unidentified)  lived  with  his  nine  brothers,  so 
there  were  ten  all  together.  Now,  one  went  off  to  hunt  for  deer,  and  did 
not  return.  Again  another  went,  and  did  not  return.  Another  went,  and 
another  and  another,  until  all  had  gone  except  Kale'tsa,  the  tenth,  and 
the  youngest.  The  youngest  went.  He  saw  a  big  man,  and  thought, 
"That  one  has  all  the  time  been  killing  my  brothers." 

"Let  us  wrestle !"  said  the  big  man.  "I  am  so  small !"  said  Kale'tsa. 
The  big  man  was  called  Giant.  "  Let  us  wrestle ! "  said  he.  "  No !  I  will 
not  VvTestle,  you  are  too  big,"  said  Kale'tsa.  Then  he  said,  "Well!  I'll 
wrestle,  after  all."  So  they  wrestled.  Now  Kale'tsa  saw  some  water.  He 
thought,  "He  threw  my  brothers  in  the  water."  So  he  lifted  Giant,  that 
youngest  of  the  brothers,  he  lifted  him ;  and  then  he  threw  him  into  the 
river,  and  so  he  killed  him.  Then  he  went  to  the  river.  He  picked  up  the 
bones  of  his  brothers,  and  went  home.  He  took  them  inside  the  house,  — 
took  them  into  the  sweat-house,  made  a  fire,  and,  placing  the  bones 
inside  the  house,  he  himself  went  and  lay  outside.  Then  he  heard  some- 
thing inside  the  sweat-house,  —  heard  lots  of  people  talking  inside  the 
sweat-house.  By  and  by  they  said,  "  Open  the  door ! "  So  he  opened  it. 
Then  they  came  out,  nine  of  them  came  out  alive  again. 

13.    LIZARD   AND   THE   GRIZZLY-BEARS 

Coyote  went  on  a  visit  to  Grizzly-Bear.  After  he  got  there,  a  child 
called  Little-Lizard  came  to  the  door  of  the  house  and  looked  in.  The 
oldest  of  the  Grizzly-Bears  then  spoke  to  the  child,  calling  him  by  name 
and  saying,  "Your  father  used  to  work  and  make  all  sorts  of  food." 
This  ^  hurt  the  child's  feelings,  and  he  went  back  to  his  house,  crying 
as  he  went. 

When  he  reached  the  house,  he  said,  " Old  woman,  give  me  a  knife!" 
She  sharpened  it.    "Well,  what  are  you  going  to  do  with  a  knife?"  — 

^  It  was  regarded  as  a  deadly  insult  to  speak  the  name  of  a  dead  relative. 


24  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

"Give  it  to  me!"  said  he.  So  she  gave  it,  and  he  sharpened  it  all  the 
evening.  Then  he  went  to  Grizzly-Bear's  house.  He  got  there  after  dark, 
when  all  were  asleep.  He  went  in,  and  with  his  knife  cut  off  the  foot  of 
the  oldest  Grizzly- Bear.    Then  he  carried  it  off  to  his  own  house. 

For  some  time  the  bear  did  not  know  that  any  one  had  cut  off  his 
foot.  Then  he  remembered,  he  suffered.  "A-a!  Some  one  cut  off  my 
foot!"  Now,  Coyote  lay  by  the  door.  He  slept  there,  and  was  the  first 
to  wake.  He  spoke  at  once.  "You  people  there,  did  you  hear?  Some 
one  is  suffering."  Everybody  then  woke  up ;  all  the  Grizzly-Bears  awoke. 
'I  am  going  over  there  to  see  where  that  child  is,"  said  Coyote,  and 
he  went. 

He  got  there,  and  said,  "He  suffers  terribly.  You  are  eating  his  foot, 
and  he  is  talking  about  you  who  cut  off  the  foot.  I  am  going  back.  I 
think  he  will  come  after  you,  and  ask  you."  Coyote  then  returned  to 
Grizzly-Bear.  "  Oh,  the  poor  child !  I  do  not  think  he  did  that.  He  lies 
warming  his  back  at  the  fire."  Grizzly-Bear  sent  Coyote  again.  "  Go 
after  him!  I  am  going  to  ask  him  questions,"  said  he.  Coyote  knew 
that  already,  knew  he  would  ask,  "  Shall  I  mash  you  with  my  foot  ?  Shall 
I  swallow  you  alive?" 

Now  he  arrived.  He  asked  the  boy,  asked  Little-Lizard,  "  WTiat  shall 
I  do  to  you?  Shall  I  mash  you  with  my  foot?"  —  "No,"  he  said,  and 
shook  his  head.  "  Shall  I  swallow  you  ?  "  —  "  Yes ! "  he  said,  and  nodded 
his  head.  So  Grizzly-Bear  opened  his  mouth,  and  Lizard  jumped  in. 
Grizzly-Bear  shut  his  mouth  quickly,  but  Lizard  was  not  there.  "  A-a-a ! 
It  hurts ! "  said  Grizzly-Bear.  Inside  him  Lizard  was  cutting  his  stomach. 
He  cut  it  off,  he  dragged  out  the  bear's  entrails,  and  then  the  Grizzly- 
Bear  died.  The  boy  carried  him  home,  and  he  was  called  "Ta'matsi" 
because  he  did  this. 

14.   WINNENG  GAMBLENG-LUCK 

Long  ago  people  were  living  at  Seiad.  They  were  gambling.  There 
were  many  people  there.  They  won  from  one  person  all  that  he  had. 
After  a  while  he  bet  his  wife,  and  even  her  they  won  from  him.  So  he 
had  nothing  at  all.  He  did  not  know  what  to  do.  He  went  off.  "  I  won- 
der what  to  do!"  he  thought.  He  went  up  into  the  mountains.  He 
thought,  "  I  wish  to  go  to  that  place."  He  went  there.  There  was  a  lake 
at  that  place,  and  he  jumped  into  it.  In  the  lake  there  was  a  great  rattle- 
snake; and  when  he  jumped  in,  the  snake  swallowed  him;  like  that. 

Now,  at  his  home  they  missed  him,  they  worried  about  him.  They 
did  not  know  where  he  had  gone.  All  hunted  for  him.  His  brother 
hunted  for  him.  After  five  days  the  snake  spit  out  the  man  he  had  swal- 
lowed. On  the  sixth  day  his  brother  found  him.  He  came  upon  him  as 
he  lay.  "Perhaps  he  is  dead,"  thought  the  brother.  He  touched  him, 
and  found  that  he  breathed.  So  he  raised  him  up,  he  dragged  him  higher 


Shasta  Myths  25 

up  on  the  shore  and  washed  him.  Then  he  took  him  home.  That  was 
the  way  he  came  back.  He  arrived  at  his  house.  Now  he  gambled  again. 
He  won  back  as  much  as  he  had  lost.  That  was  the  way  he  got  his 
gambling-luck. 

15.    THE   CAPTIVE   OF   THE   "  LITTLE- MEN  " 

There  were  many  Indians  living  at  Seiad  long  ago.  A  man  went  out  to 
hunt,  and  the  "little-men"  took  him  prisoner  while  he  was  hunting  in 
the  mountains.  They  took  him  to  their  house.  The  house  seemed  to  be 
full  of  dried  deer-meat,  of  service-berries  and  other  things,  packed  in 
baskets  along  the  wall.  They  gave  him  meat  to  eat,  they  gave  him  ber- 
ries. 

Now,  at  home  they  worried  about  him.  They  said,  "  This  man  is  lost," 
and  many  went  to  hunt  for  him.  But  they  could  not  find  him  anywhere. 
"Where  is  he  now?"  said  his  wife,  crying.  She  was  crying  herself  to 
death.  The  children  cried  also.  Yet  all  the  time  he  was  only  a  prisoner, 
and  he  stayed  there  with  those  "little-men."  The  people  gave  up  trying 
to  find  him.  "  Where  can  any  one  find  him  ?  "  they  said.  So  they  gave  up. 

Now,  it  came  on  winter.  He  had  been  lost  in  summer.  It  came  on 
spring,  the  early  spring.  Then  the  "little-men"  said  to  him,  "Now  go 
back  to  your  home."  So  he  went.  They  loaded  him  down  with  deer- 
meat  and  berries.  Now,  another  man  was  going  along  in  that  same 
direction.  The  man  who  had  been  lost  was  dressed  in  feathers,  and 
carried  a  huge  load.  The  other  man  spoke  to  him.  So  he  was  found,  the 
man  who  had  been  lost  the  year  before.  That  is  the  way  the  man  was 
captured  by  the  "little-men"  long  ago. 

16.    COYOTE   AND   THE   ROGUE-RIVER  PEOPLE 

People  were  gambling,  and  the  Rogue- River  people  won  everything. 
An  old  woman  lived  in  a  house  with  many  children.  Below,  farther 
down  the  river,  were  two  women.  Coyote  arrived  where  the  old  woman 
lived.  She  was  his  aunt;  and  he  came  without  any  bed,  carrying  his 
gambling-sticks.  She  gave  him  some  supper;  then  she  said,  "Where  are 
you  going?"  —  "I  am  going  to  gamble,"  said  he.  "You  are  always 
clever.  Where  is  your  wager?"  said  the  old  woman.  Then  he  took  out 
of  his  sack  some  beads.  "You  are  always  wishing  to  do  something," 
said  she,  and  broke  up  his  gambling-sticks,  and  threw  them  into  the 
fire.    He  saved  one,  however.    Then  she  made  his  bed  for  him. 

"You  can't  strike  me  with  anything,"  said  the  old  woman.  Then  she 
put  her  rattles  on  her  wrists,  and  rattled  them.  She  placed  a  basket  of 
water  near.  "Sprinkle  me  with  that,"  she  said,  "and  I  shall  come  to 
life  again."  Then  she  gave  him  some  "poison,"  and  told  him  to  sit  on 
the  opposite  side.  Then  she  sang,  "  I  am  going  to  dance  in  this  direction. 
You  thought  I  was  going  that  way."    So  he  threw  at  her,  and  "pak!" 


26  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

e  hi  her.  He  forgot  what  to  do.  Then  he  remembered,  and  sprinkled 
her  with  the  water,  and  she  breathed  and  sat  up. 

"Now  do  you  do  the  same,"  said  the  old  woman  to  Coyote.  So  he  got 
ready,  and  did  just  as  the  old  woman  had  done,  he  sang  her  song.  He 
made  a  feint  to  go  in  one  direction.  He  was  afraid.  "Dodge  about  in 
every  direction,"  said  she  to  Coyote.  "Look  out!"  Then  she  threw  in 
this  direction,  and  he  jumped  up  straight,  and  escaped.  "You  take 
this,"  said  she.  "Down  river  are  two  fine  women.  You  can  wager 
them."  —  "Very  well,"  said  he,  and  went  on.  He  went  in  a  canoe,  and 
had  all  kinds  of  blankets  and  shell  beads.  "See!  a  chief  is  coming," 
the  people  said.  He  married  the  two  women,  and  went  on  down  the 
river. 

He  came  now  to  where  the  people  were  gambling.  He  said  to  his 
wives,  "You  must  not  tell  who  I  am.  I  will  talk  the  Klamath  language." 
—  "What  did  you  come  for?"  the  people  said.  "I  came  to  gamble," 
said  Coyote.  "What  is  your  wager?"  they  asked.  "Here  is  some  bead- 
money,"  said  Coyote.  "No,  that  will  not  do.  We  do  differently.  We 
wager  people."  Then  Coyote  said,  "We  do  not  wager  people.  By  and 
by  it  will  be  different,  there  will  be  another  people.  I  will  wager  bead- 
money."  —  "  No,"  said  they.  "  I  will  measure  so  much :  three  fathoms  of 
beads  you  shall  have  if  you  win,  four  fathoms."  —  "No!"  said  the  peo- 
ple, "we  bet  persons."  —  "Well,  all  right!  I  will  wager  my  body  and 
my  two  wives.  Where  are  your  gambling-sticks  ?  "  said  Coyote.  "  Where 
are  yours?"  said  they. 

Now  they  were  ready.  A  little  bird  was  concealed  in  Coyote's  hair, 
just  back  of  his  ear.  "  We  will  throw  at  you  first,"  said  they.  "  Very  well," 
said  Coyote,  so  he  sang.  "They  are  going  to  make  a  feint,"  said  the 
little  bird.  They  threw  to  knock  Coyote  over;  but  he  jumped  straight 
upwards,  and  they  missed.  "  Now  it  is  your  turn,"  said  Coyote  to  them. 
Then  the  bird  said  to  him,  "  Throw  on  that  side !  They  will  dodge  in  that 
direction."  He  threw,  and  knocked  them  down.  "Pa-a-a,"  said  Coyote. 
So  he  won.  He  kept  on  knocking  them  down.  For  five  days  he  won,  and 
won  back  all  his  people. 

Then  the  Rogue-River  people  said,  "Let  us  climb  for  eagles.  There 
are  some  a  Uttle  ways  over  there."  —  "  Very  well,"  said  Coyote.  So  they 
ran,  and  came  to  a  tree.  Coyote  climbed  up;  and  as  he  climbed,  the  tree 
stretched  up  to  the  sky,  and  became  ice,  —  became  so  slippery.  Coyote 
could  not  climb  down.  He  threw  down  the  young  eagles.  "  I  don't  know 
how  I  shall  get  back,"  he  said.  Then  he  took  some  moss  and  floated 
down  on  that.  He  ran  back,  and  came  to  the  place  where  he  had  gambled. 
So  again  he  won. 

"My  friend,  let  us  go  and  fish  at  that  weir!"  said  they.  "Very  well," 
said  Coyote.  So  they  ran  thither.  There  was  a  rattlesnake  in  the  weir. 
He  took  it  out  with  his  spear.   Every  one  ran  away.   Then  he  killed  it. 


Shasta  Myths  27 

It  was  a  Rogue- River  person.  Coyote  then  ran  back  to  his  gambhng- 
place,  and  again  he  had  won. 

"My  friend,  let  us  dive  for  dead  salmon!"  said  they.  "All  right!" 
said  Coyote.  "Take  your  arrow-flaker  with  you,"  said  the  Httle  bird  to 
Coyote.  They  went  to  the  river  and  dove.  Coyote  was  almost  out  of 
wind,  he  could  not  hold  his  breath  any  longer;  but  he  got  the  salmon, 
and  rose  with  it.  Then  he  hit  his  head  against  the  ice,  for  the  people  had 
caused  the  river  to  freeze.  So  with  his  arrow-flaker  he  made  a  hole 
through  the  ice,  and  came  out.  "An-an-an,"  said  he.  "Here  is  your 
dead  salmon  to  cook."  So  he  won  again. 

"My  friend,  let  us  stop!"  said  they.  "Let  us  sweat!"  —  "Take  a 
flute  with  you,"  said  the  bird  to  Coyote.  Inside  the  stones  cracked  with 
the  heat;  but  Coyote  made  a  hole  with  his  flute,  and  ran  through  it 
and  got  out.    So  he  w^on  again. 

Now,  Coyote  went  off.  "Let  us  stop  here ! "  said  he.  " I '11  sleep  here. 
I  want  to  rest."  So  he  slept.  By  and  by  it  got  dark.  "  Ye  must  go  back 
to  my  house,"  said  he  to  his  wives,  and  they  went.  Then  he  took  three 
rotten  logs,  and  laid  them  side  by  side,  and  covered  them  wath  a  blan- 
ket. He  then  went  off,  and  leaned  against  a  tree  near  by.  Pretty  soon 
the  Rogue- River  people  came.  They  had  big  stone  knives.  They  mashed 
and  struck  the  rotten  logs.  "What  can  this  be?  "  said  they.  "Long  ago 
I  said  we  ought  to  kill  him,  ought  to  catch  him  and  kill  him,"  said  they. 
"You  cannot  catch  or  kill  me,  An-an-an!"  said  Coyote,  and  ran  away. 

They  followed  him,  and  were  close  behind.  Coyote  jumped  into  a 
clump  of  bushes.  "Let  me  become  an  old  woman!  I  must  be  an  old 
woman!"  said  he;  and  he  became  one.  "Hit  him!  That  is  the  one!" 
said  the  pursuers.  "M-m-m!"  the  old  woman  sobbed.  "The  one  you 
follow  passed  by  here  running.  I  bought  your  mother  long  ago,  I  am 
your  grandmother.  He  passed  by  here  running  and  panting  hard." 
[So  they  went  on.] 

Coyote  came  to  a  small  creek.  He  jumped  in,  and  said,  "Let  me  be- 
come a  salmon."  —  "That  is  the  one !  Spear  it ! "  said  the  ones  who  fol- 
lowed. "No!  We  must  follow  him,"  said  one.  "We  can  spear  it  com- 
ing back."  —  "An-an-an !  You  will  spear  it  coming  back,"  said  Coyote, 
and  jumped  out.  Again  they  ran  after  him.  "  Let  me  become  a  sedge ! " 
said  he.  "  Pull  that  up,  cut  it !"  said  they.  [But  they  went  on.]  Then 
Coyote  said,  "An-an-an !  You  people  are  going  to  gather  basket-mate- 
rials." So  he  jumped  up  again,  and  again  they  followed  him.  "Let  me 
become  a  fog!"  said  he.    Then  it  rained  and  hailed.    That  is  all. 

17.   COYOTE  AND   THE   YELLOW- JACKETS 

People  were  living  at  Ihiwe'yax.  There  was  a  fish- weir  there  on  the 
river,  and  people  were  drying  lots  of  salmon.  Coyote  was  living  at 
Utd'yagig;  and  he  thought,  "  I  had  better  go  and  get  some  salmon."  So 


28  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

he  went  to  get  salmon.  He  came  to  the  fish-weir,  and  the  people  gave 
him  a  great  pile  of  salmon.  So  he  went  back;  he  lifted  the  load  with 
difficulty  and  put  it  on  his  back,  then  he  went  off. 

By  and  by  he  thought,  "  I  guess  I  will  rest.  There  is  all  day  in  which  to 
rest.  I  will  take  a  nap."  So  he  went  to  sleep.  By  and  by  he  awoke, 
and  it  was  still  only  midday.  Without  looking,  he  took  his  pack  of  salmon, 
which  he  had  used  as  a  pillow  while  he  slept,  and  took  a  bite.  But  while 
he  was  asleep  the  Yellow- Jackets  had  thought  of  him.  "May  he  sleep 
soundly!"  they  said,  and  he  did.  Then  they  blew  smoke  towards  him 
to  work  him  harm,  and  took  away  his  pack  of  salmon  that  he  had  car- 
ried. In  its  place  they  put  a  bundle  of  pine-bark,  tied  up.  They  put  this 
under  his  head.  So  when  he  seized  what  he  thought  was  salmon  in  his 
mouth,  his  face  came  against  the  bark. 

He  jumped  up.  "  Who  is  it  that  has  done  this  ?"  he  said.  He  looked 
for  tracks,  but  could  not  find  them.  "I'll  fix  that  man,  whoever  he  may 
be,"  said  Coyote.  Then  he  ran  back  to  the  fish-weir.  "Coyote  is  nm- 
ning  hither,"  the  people  said.  "What  can  be  the  trouble  with  him?" 
He  got  there,  and  said,  "  I  rested  there  at  Utcl'yagig.  I  was  tired  and  went 
to  sleep  there.  When  I  woke  up,  I  missed  something,  —  missed  that 
that  I  had  carried.  Some  one  took  every  bit  of  it  away."  So  he  stayed 
over  night ;  and  in  the  morning  they  gave  him  much  salmon,  as  before, 
and  he  went  away,  loaded  down. 

Again,  in  the  same  place,  he  laid  down  his  pack  and  rested.  "I  won- 
der what  will  happen ! "  he  thought.  "  I  wonder  who  will  come ! "  Then 
he  slept,  he  feigned  sleep.  Now  the  Yellow- Jackets  came.  He  did  n't 
think  they  were  the  ones.  "They  always  light  on  salmon  that  way,"  he 
thought.  So  they  lighted  on  the  salmon,  on  the  pack  he  was  leaning 
on.  They  almost  lifted  it.  Coyote  was  looking  at  them  as  they  moved 
it.  Then  they  lifted  it  up  from  the  ground,  and  dropped  it  again.  "  I 
wish  you  would  help  me!"  they  said  to  each  other.  They  lifted  it,  they 
flew  away  with  it.  "  Not  too  fast ! "  said  they.  They  flew  away,  and  took 
his  salmon  from  him,  the  salmon  he  was  carrying  home.  Coyote  watched 
them  as  they  flew,  he  followed  them;  but  just  there  he  grew  tired,  and 
gave  out. 

Then  he  went  back  to  tell  to  the  people  at  the  fish- weir  all  that  had 
happened  "Oh!  here  comes  Coyote  again,"  said  they.  He  got  there. 
"It  was  an  evil  being  who  took  it  from  me,  who  took  the  salmon  I  car- 
ried away  from  here.  He  went  in  that  direction."  Everywhere  this  was 
reported  among  the  people.  They  all  gathered  together,  and  heard 
about  it.  Then  they  got  ready.  Now,  again  Coyote  went  off  carrying 
salmon.  He  rested  in  the  same  place;  the  other  people  sat  about  here 
and  there,  waiting  to  see  the  Yellow- Jackets  take  the  salmon  away. 
While  they  waited.  Turtle  came  up.  Coyote  laughed,  "He-he-hg!  Who 
ever  told  you  to  come?"  Turtle  said  nothing,  but  sat  apart  by  himself. 


Shasta  Myths  29 

"Why  did  you  come?"  said  Coyote.  "You  ought  not  to  have  come," 
and  he  laughed  at  him.  But  Turtle  sat  there,  and  paid  no  attention  to 
Coyote,  who  laughed  at  him. 

Now  the  Yellow- Jackets  came.  As  before,  they  lifted  the  load  up  a 
little  ways  and  down  again;  then  they  just  lifted  it,  it  was  so  heavy, 
and  flew  away  with  it.  The  people  followed  them  when  they  flew.  They 
flew  in  that  direction,  to  where  Mount  Shasta  stands.  Thither  they  went 
in  a  straight  line.  The  people  followed  them  up  the  valley  and  the 
river,  straight  to  Mount  Shasta.  Coyote  got  tired  not  far  from  where  he 
started.  Here  and  there  the  others  dropped  out,  tired,  and  formed  a 
line  of  those  unable  to  go  on.  Turtle,  of  whom  Coyote  had  made  fun, 
was  still  running.  "I'm  not  really  running  yet,"  said  Turtle,  as  he 
passed  them.  By  and  by  all  had  given  out  but  Turtle.  They  were  scat- 
tered all  along,  but  Turtle  still  kept  on.  The  Yellow- Jackets  still  flew 
with  the  salmon.  They  went  up  the  mountain,  and  Turtle  followed. 
Then  at  the  very  top  of  Mount  Shasta  they  took  it  in  through  a  hole. 
Coyote  was  the  first  to  get  tired ;  but  Turtle,  at  whom  he  had  laughed, 
was  the  only  one  who  went  on  up  the  mountain. 

Coyote  saw  him.  "He-he-he!"  said  he.  "Who  thought  he  could  do 
anything,  and  there  he  is,  the  one  who  has  overtaken  all  the  rest."  Now 
all  the  people  came  up,  and  arrived  at  the  place.  They  tried  to  smoke 
the  Yellow- Jackets  out,  and  the  smoke  came  up  far  away  there  in  the 
valley.  Coyote  ran  fast,  so  as  to  stop  up  the  hole ;  but  the  smoke  came 
out  again  in  another  place.  So  Coyote  ran  fast,  and  stopped  it  up.  The 
people  fanned  the  smoke  into  the  house  of  the  Yellow- Jackets ;  but  the 
smoke  rose  here  and  there,  coming  out  at  many  places  all  over  the  valley.^ 
So  they  gave  it  up.  They  could  not  smoke  the  Yellow- Jackets  out. 
Then  the  people  scattered  about  everywhere  from  there.  That  is  what 
the  story  says  happened  long  ago. 

18.   COYOTE   AND   EAGLE 

Coyote  was  going  along,  carrying  salmon.  He  sat  down  to  rest.  An 
Eagle  was  perched  on  the  other  side  of  the  river.  "  I  wish  he  would  sleep 
soundly!"  said  Eagle,  and  Coyote  slept  soundly.  Eagle  came  down 
then  to  where  Coyote  was,  and  took  away  from  him  all  his  food.  Then 
Eagle  said  to  himself,  "Wake  up!  Get  up!"  Coyote  woke  up.  He 
turned  over  to  eat,  and  bit  a  stone.  He  looked  for  his  bundle  of  salmon, 
but  only  the  stick  (with  which  he  carried  it)  lay  there.  Then  he  looked 
to  where  Eagle  was  sitting,  and  saw  him  eating  from  his  bundle.  "  Come ! 
Divide  it  with  me!"  he  said  to  Eagle;  but  Eagle  ate  it  all.  So  Coyote 
shot  at  him ;  but  Eagle  was  too  far  o£f,  he  did  not  hit  him. 

^  Shasta  Valley,  at  the  foot  of  Mount  Shasta,  is  full  of  small,  recent,  extinct,  volcanic 
vents.    It  is  possible  this  myth  embodies  a  recollection  of  their  activity. 


3©  Journal  oj  American  Folk-Lore 

19.   COYOTE  AND   THE   MOONS 

Long  ago,  when  the  first  people  grew,  there  were  ten  Moons.  The 
people  gathered  together  and  talked.  "Shall  we  kill  the  Moons?"  said 
they.  "The  winters  are  too  long."  Coyote  was  there  with  them. 
"Yes!"  said  he.  " I  am  the  one  who  can  kill  them.  I  will  do  it."  The 
Moons  lived  far  to  the  eastwards.  A  great  bird  called  Toruk  lived  there 
too.  The  Moons  had  taken  out  his  leg-bones,  so  he  could  not  go  away. 
Every  day  they  went  to  gather  roots,  and  left  Toruk  in  the  house  to 
guard  it.  He  cried  all  day.  WTien  he  was  hungry,  one  of  the  Moons  went 
and  fed  him.  Every  night  they  brought  back  roots.  One  came  bringing 
big  snowflakes  with  him  as  he  came ;  one  came  with  a  shower  of  rain ; 
one  brought  great  hail;  one  brought  strong  winds,  so  that  great  trees 
were  blown  over.  .  .  .  The  other  five  were  not  as  strong. 

The  people  said  to  Coyote,  "Well,  you  go."  So  he  went.  "I  will 
fool  them  well,"  said  Coyote.  The  people  told  him  what  to  do.  He  went 
to  where  the  Moons  were.  He  went  to  kill  them.  WTien  he  got  close,  he 
found  they  were  gone  gathering  roots.  Toruk  was  there  alone.  He  was 
frightened.  He  almost  called  out  in  warning.  "Be  still,  Uncle!  It  is  a 
friend,"  said  Coyote.  "Here  is  food  for  you.  Eat  it.  I  will  fix  your  legs 
for  you."  Toruk  had  no  legs,  for  the  Moons  had  taken  out  his  leg- bones. 
Coyote  fixed  Toruk's  legs.  He  cut  up  some  young  black-oak,  and  made 
legs  out  of  that. 

"What  do  they  do  for  you?"  said  Coyote.  "\Vhen  I  am  hungry,  I 
cry,  and  one  of  them  brings  me  food.  That  is  what  I  do,"  said  Toruk. 
" Good!"  said  Coyote.  "Do  you  cry  out  now,  and  a  Moon  will  come." 
So  he  cried  out,  "To-0-0!"  Then  the  Moons  said  faraway,  "Ha!  He 
is  hungry.  Do  you  go  and  take  him  some  food."  —  "Very  well,"  said  one, 
and  he  went.  "He  is  coming!"  Toruk  said.  Then  the  storm  came,  it 
poured  down.  Coyote  slipped  behind  the  door,  and  watched  for  Moon 
when  he  should  come  in.  Soon  Moon  came;  and  when  he  put  his  head 
in  the  door,  Coyote  cut  it  off.  He  seized  him  by  the  hair,  and  cut  off 
his  head.  Then  he  threw  the  head  behind  the  door,  and  the  body  to  the 
other  side  of  the  house.  Then  he  warmed  his  hands  by  the  fire,  and  got 
warm  again.  "Now  cry  again ! "  he  said  to  Toruk.  "  All  right ! "  said  he, 
and  cried,  "  To-o-o ! "  —  "  Oh !  the  slave  is  not  satisfied,"  said  the  Moons; 
"I  guess  you  had  better  go."  —  "All  right!"  said  one  of  them.  "He  is 
coming ! "  said  Toruk  to  Coyote.  So  the  second  Moon  came  to  the  house; 
and  as  he  came  in,  Coyote  seized  him  by  the  hair  as  he  stooped,  and  cut 
off  his  head.  He  did  then  as  before,  threw  the  head  back  of  the  fireplace; 
and  tossed  the  body  to  one  side. 

He  was  nearly  frozen,  he  warmed  his  hands.  When  he  was  again 
warm,  he  said,  "Cry  again!"  The  Toruk  called,  "To-6-5!"  —  "Ah! 
what  is  the  matter  with  that  slave  ?  "  said  the  Moons.    "He  is  calling 


Shasta  Myths  31 

again.  You  had  better  go."  So  they  said  to  the  biggest  Moon.  "  All 
right!"  said  he,  "I  don't  know  what  is  the  matter  with  him,"  and  he 
went.  Then  Toruk  said,  "Here  comes  the  biggest  Moon!"  Coyote  was 
nearly  frozen  stiff,  it  was  so  cold ;  everything  froze,  everything  cracked. 
WTien  the  ISIoon  put  his  head  in  the  door,  however,  Coyote  did  the  same 
as  before,  seizing  him  by  the  hair,  and  cutting  off  his  head.  Coyote  was 
almost  frozen  to  death,  he  was  numb.  .  .  . 

Now  he  had  killed  five  Moons.  Then  they  found  out  what  was  the 
trouble.  Now,  Toruk  said,  "They  have  found  out  what  has  happened. 
The  last  one  that  was  killed  got  his  hair  in  the  edge  of  the  fire.  They 
have  smelled  the  hair  burning,  out  there  where  they  are  picking.  Let  us 
run  away!"  So  Coyote  and  Toruk  ran,  and  got  away.  If  Coyote  had 
not  done  this,  there  would  have  been  ten  Moons.  Coyote  killed  five  of 
them. 

20.    COYOTE   AND   THE   GRIZZLY-BEARS 

There  were  many  people,  and  Coyote  lived  with  them.  Grizzly- 
Bear  was  staying  at  his  wife's  house.  Coyote  said,  "Let  us  go  and  drive 
game  with  fire ! "  They  said,  "  Very  well ! "  So  they  went.  Coyote  went 
on  ahead,  and  fixed  an  arrow-point  firmly  by  wrapping  it  to  the  shaft. 
Grizzly-Bear  came  along,  and  picked  up  Coyote's  arrow.  Coyote  took 
it,  and  struck  his  hand  with  it.  "That  is  not  an  arrow- point,"  said  he, 
"you  cannot  shoot  with  that.  That  will  not  accomplish  anything." 
On  account  of  this,  many  people  looked  at  him. 

They  sat  down.  Lizard  pulled  one  of  his  arrows  out  of  his  quiver. 
His  arrow-point  was  stuck  on  with  pitch.  Coyote  took  it  from  him,  he 
struck  his  hand  with  it.  "Give  it  to  me!"  said  Grizzly-Bear.  All  the 
people  looked  at  him.  He  struck  his  hand  with  the  arrow-point,  and 
threw  away  the  arrow.  They  all  looked  at  him.  He  sat  there,  he  waved 
his  hand;  then  he  said,  "I  guess  that  is  blood.  Oh!"  —  "Now  let  us 
all  go  and  hunt!"  said  Lizard.  " Grizzly- Bear,  you  go  in  the  middle 
of  the  line."  Coyote  meanwhile  hid  and  peeped.  Grizzly-Bear  grew 
very  sick ;  and  the  other  people  went  on,  leaving  him  all  alone.  He  dug 
up  the  ground,  he  grew  angry,  he  ran  at  trees  and  bit  them,  then  he  sat 
down.  Meanwhile  Coyote  peeped  and  watched.  Then  Grizzly-Bear 
waved  his  hands  about,  he  lay  on  his  back.  Then  something  said, "  Mm  I " 
and  he  died. 

Coyote  ran  up  quickly.  He  found  Grizzly-Bear  dead ;  so  he  called  out, 
"  Grizzly- Bear  is  dead!"  Then  immediately  all  the  people  out  driving 
deer  with  fire  came  together,  and  gathered  where  he  lay.  All  were  there 
except  Lizard.  "Let  us  burn  the  fur  off,"  they  said.  "Not  now.  Lizard 
is  not  here.  He  can  do  it  when  he  comes,"  they  said.  Now  Lizard  came, 
and  arrived  there.  "Tell  us  quickly  what  to  do,"  said  Coyote.  "Skin 
him  without  cutting  the  skin.  Do  it  that  way,"  said  he.  So  Lizard 
butchered  it  that  way,  he  left  the  claws  on  the  hide,  he  left  the  teeth. 


32  Journal  oj  American  Folk-Lore 

"Which  of  you  will  taste  it  first?"  said  he.  Then  the  Jay  said,  "I 
want  to  taste  first."  He  did  so,  fell  over  dead,  and  lay  there  lifeless. 
Then  Coyote  divided  it  equally  all  around,  and  they  went  away.  In  the 
evening  Coyote  dressed  the  hide.  Next  day  he  danced.  "Who  will  be 
the  first  to  run  up  and  down  the  line?"  said  he.  Tsi'di  (a  small  yellow 
bird)  put  on  the  hide,  and  said,  "  I  will  be  the  first."  Many  people  were 
dancing;  and  Tsi'di  was  afraid,  and  hid.  After  a  while  Lizard  put  on 
the  hide.  He  jumped  in  front  of  the  dancers,  wearing  the  hide.  They 
looked  at  him,  and  by  and  by  he  took  it  off.  Then  Tsi'di  said,  "  I  '11  try 
it  on." 

Now  "The  Grizzly-Bears  are  coming  near,"  they  said.  Tsi'di  ran 
in  front  of  the  dancers,  and  went  up  into  the  air.  "That  is  good,"  said 
they.  Next  day  the  Grizzly-Bears  came.  "  Your  brother  has  gone  back," 
said  Coyote.  "There  are  the  tracks,"  said  he.  But  the  eleven  Grizzly- 
Bears  could  not  find  them.  In  the  evening  the  people  said,  "Let  us 
dance!"  So  they  danced.  Grizzly-Bears  sat  there  watching.  Now,  "Let 
us  jump  in  front  of  the  dancers!"  said  they.  Then  Lizard  jumped  out 
in  front  of  them  with  the  hide  on.  The  Grizzly-Bears  cried.  All  stopped 
dancing.    They  went  to  sleep. 

The  Grizzly-Bears  were  angry.  Next  day  they  came  again;  they  ran 
about  outside  the  house,  dodging  from  side  to  side.  The  people  had 
few  weapons  to  kill  them  with.  Only  Lizard  had  anything.  The  Grizzly- 
Bears  were  angry,  and  the  people  dodged  about.  Then  they  stopped. 
"To-morrow  I  think  we  will  fight  with  arrows,"  said  the  Grizzly-Bears. 
Next  day  they  fought.  Coyote  was  killed  first.  The  Grizzly-Bears  bit 
him  all  to  pieces.  The  Grizzly-Bears  dodged,  and  Lizard  dodged  and 
jumped  about  also.  Axtirunaka'kir  also  jumped  about.  It  was  then 
he  was  smeared  over  with  blood.  Many  people  were  killed  among  the 
Grizzly-Bears.  In  the  evening  all  stopped  fighting.  Only  five  of  the 
Grizzly-Bears  were  left;  six  were  killed.  Then  the  Grizzly-Bears  went 
away,  scattered  in  different  directions.  Coyote  was  killed  for  good. 
He  was  no  longer  alive.  Then  Lizard  went  to  his  home,  and  all  the  others 
went  home  to  their  own  countries.    That  is  one  story. 

21.    COYOTE   AND   HIS   GRANDMOTHER 

Coyote  and  his  grandmother  lived  together.  It  was  winter,  and  the 
snow  was  deep;  in  the  night  it  covered  over  the  house.  Coyote  said, 
"  Old  woman,  I  think  I  '11  go  hunting  for  deer."  —  "  Very  well !  Go  and 
hunt,"  said  she.  So  he  went.  He  looked  for  tracks,  for  fawn's  tracks, 
but  in  winter  there  were  no  fawn- tracks  about.  He  was  unable  to  follow 
a  track,  so  he  returned  to  the  house.  The  old  woman  said,  "  Well,  are  there 
tracks  everywhere?"  —  "Old  woman,  I  think  there  are  no  fawns."  — 
"It  is  bad  that  there  are  none,"  she  said.  "I  do  not  beheve  what  you 
tell  me.   It  is  a  bad  thing  at  this  time  of  year  to  say  there  are  no  fawns. 


Shasta  Myths  ^t, 

You  must  not  say  that  you  do  not  see  fawn- tracks."  —  "Mm-mm!" 
said  Coyote,  "there  are  no  fawn-tracks  about." 

''  Old  woman,  I  am  going  to  carry  all  the  dog-salmon  and  throw  it  in 
the  river,"  said  Coyote.  "Why  do  you  do  that?"  said  she.  "It  is  not 
good  to  keep  it  at  this  time  of  year,"  said  he.  "You  must  not  say  that," 
said  she,  "we  shall  be  hungry  this  winter."  —  "Why!"  said  he,  "I  say 
we  must  throw  it  in  the  river."    So  he  went,  and  threw  it  into  the  river. 

Now,  those  two  became  hungry.  His  grandmother  was  afraid.  She 
cried ;  she  moaned ;  she  snuffled  "  Snf,  snf ! "  She  hid  some  salmon-meat 
under  her  pillow.  Now  they  were  hungry.  The  snow  came  deep  in  the 
night,  and  in  the  morning  Coyote  wanted  to  go  out.  He  pushed  the 
door,  but  it  would  not  open.  "  WTiat  makes  it  move  so  hard  ?"  he  said. 
It  was  the  snow  that  held  the  door  shut. 

So  they  stayed  there  in  the  house.  Both  were  hungry.  The  old  woman 
lay  on  the  side  next  the  wall.  Coyote  lay  back  of  the  fire,  and  was  starv- 
ing. He  looked  up.  "It  looks  to  me  as  if  she  was  eating,"  he  said.  "I 
think  I  will  get  up."  He  did;  he  looked,  and  it  seemed  that  she  was  eat- 
ing, under  her  deer-skin  blanket.  Long  ago  she  had  hidden  some  salmon- 
meat  under  her  pillow,  and  he  suspected  that  she  was  eating  there.  He 
looked  again,  and  saw  that  she  was  eating.  He  went  to  her,  he  lifted 
the  blanket  slowly,  then  jerked  it  off  quickly.  "Why  do  you  hide  and 
eat  secretly?"  said  he.  He  choked  her.  "K-k-k,"  she  was  choking. 
"You  alone  are  eating,"  said  he.    The  old  woman  cried. 

Next  day  his  grandmother  was  hungry,  both  of  them  were  hungry. 
"WTiat  can  we  get  to  eat?"  said  he.  "I  am  going  to  eat  myself."  So 
he  ate  himself  all  up,  all  except  his  tail.  He  even  ate  up  his  blanket.  He 
kept  on  that  way,  he  and  his  grandmother,  until  it  was  spring. 

22.    COYOTE   AS   A   DOCTOR 

Coyote  was  going  upstream.  From  across  the  river  they  called  to 
him,  "Doctor,  are  you  going  upstream?  A  girl  is  sick  here."  — "Very 
well,"  said  Coyote.  He  went  across,  and  doctored  her.  He  covered  the 
house  up  tight,  and  said,  "I  must  dance  alone."  —  "Very  well,"  said 
they.  "I  will  sing,  while  ye  stay  outside  and  help  me  by  singing  too," 
said  he.  So  they  went,  and  he  closed  the  door.  "Tow'ille-tow'ille,"  he 
said,  and  ravished  the  girl.  A  snake  peeped  in  through  a  hole  in  the 
wall,  and  saw  him.  "Quick!  Open  the  door !"  said  the  snake.  "He  is 
doing  evil."  So  they  opened  the  door  quickly,  and  Coyote  ran  out. 
They  took  nettles,  and  beat  him  with  them,  and  he  ran.  They  followed 
after  him.  He  ran  into  a  hollow  oak-tree.  "Let  it  close  together,"  said 
Coyote,  and  it  did  so. 

For  a  year  Coyote  remained  there.  Then  a  Woodpecker  came  and 
pecked  at  the  tree.  "  Who  is  making  that  noise ?"  said  Coyote.  W'ood- 
pecker  was  afraid,  and  stopped.  By  and  by  he  again  began.  "Listen!" 


34  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

said  Coyote.  "  Go  and  tell  the  news.  Tell  the  Great- Woodpecker,  tell 
the  Yellow-Hammer,  tell  all  kinds  of  birds,  to  come."  So  Woodpecker 
went.  All  the  birds  came,  they  made  a  hole  in  the  tree.  Coyote  peeped 
out  through  the  hole.  "  Do  ye  all  go  far  away,  ^\^len  it  splits,  go  towards 
the  wind."  Then  Coyote  burst  the  tree,  he  split  it.  "A-a-a,"  he  said. 
Then  he  pulled  out  his  entrails  and  painted  the  birds  with  the  blood  from 
them. .  He  painted  them  red,  and  made  them  look  pretty.  Then  they 
scattered  everywhere. 

23.    COYOTE   AND   THE   TWO   WOMEN 

Coyote  was  going  up  river,  not  thinking  of  anything.  Then  he  heard 
something  somewhere.  He  laughed.  Two  women  were  coming  down 
close  by  the  water.  "What  shall  I  do?"  he  thought.  "I  wish  to  be  a 
steel-head  salmon."  He  was  a  steel-head  salmon.  Now  the  women 
came  near;  and  he  made  a  pile  of  gravel,  as  fish  do.  The  women  ar- 
rived there,  they  saw  him.  "  Oh,  a  steel-head !  Let 's  catch  it ! "  —  "  You 
watch  downstream,  I  will  go  upstream  and  drive  it  down."  She  did  so, 
and  the  salmon  ran  betu-een  her  legs.  Then  he  ran  upstream  again, 
and  turned  and  came  down  once  more.  "  Oh,  I  feel  a  pain,"  said  the 
woman.  "Do  you  not  feel  a  pain?"  Now  Coyote  had  almost  lost  his 
breath.  "  I  want  to  jump  out,"  he  said.  So  he  jumped  out.  "Ou-ou-ou!" 
he  said;  he  was  happy.  "You  shall  be  steel-head  salmon,"  said  he. 
Then  they  called  Coyote  evil  names. 

24.    COYOTE   AND   THE  PITCH- STUMP 

"Luni,  luni,  luni,"  said  Pitch.  "Where  are  you  going?"  said  Coyote. 
Pitch  did  not  answer.  Coyote  walked  up  to  him.  "  What  is  the  matter 
with  you  ?  Did  n't  you  hear  me  ?  "  Then  Coyote  seized  him,  and  Pitch 
held  him.  He  was  stuck.  Coyote  said,  "Let  me  go,  or  I'll  kick  you." 
So  he  kicked,  and  his  foot  stuck.  He  stood  only  on  one  foot.  "Let  me 
go,  or  I'll  hit  you  with  my  hand,  evil  being!"  said  he.  So  he  hit  him, 
and  was  stuck  for  the  third  time.  "I'll  kill  you  with  my  other  foot," 
said  Coyote.  He  kicked  him,  and  this  also  stuck.  "I  can  kill  anything, 
you  evil  being,  with  my  tail."  So  he  struck  him,  and  his  tail  was  caught. 
He  had  used  all  his  members  up.  "I  can  eat  anything  with  my  mouth, 
I  will  eat  you,"  Coyote  said;  but  Pitch  did  not  answer.  "I'll  bite  you," 
said  Coyote,  and  he  bit  him.  His  mouth  was  caught,  and  he  could  not 
breathe.  "Oh,  my  aunt !  Set  fire  to  him,  you  are  the  only  one  who  knows 
everything,"  said  Coyote.  Then  he  was  set  free,  when  the  fire  was  set 
"You  will  be  nothing  but  pitch,"  said  Coyote.  "People  will  call  you 
Pitch,"  said  he.  "  Now  go  and  eat  roots  at  Kwihin'i."  (This  latter  phrase 
is  one  frequently  used  in  narration,  being  addressed  by  the  story-teller 
to  the  hearers,  at  the  end  of  a  tale.  It  is  a  traditional  way  of  closing  a  tale.) 


Shasta  Myths  35 

25.    COYOTE  AISTD   ANTELOPE 

Antelope  stole  money  while  people  were  sweating.  Coyote  had  five 
children,  and  in  the  evening  Antelope  and  these  five  children  went  to 
steal  money  from  Pain.  "Cousin !  Where  did  you  get  your  money  ?  "  said 
the  Coyotes.  "My  children  stole  it,"  said  he.  "They  stole  it  far  away. 
They  can  run  fast."  —  "That  is  good,"  said  they,  and  they  went  on. 

They  reached  the  place  where  Pain  lived.  They  picked  up  money  while 
the  people  were  sweating  inside  the  sweat-house.  "You  must  not  cry 
the  war-whoop.  You  must  not  shout  until  we  are  far  away,"  said  Ante- 
lope. They  ran  away ;  and  when  they  were  still  near,  the  Coyotes  cried 
out,  "An-a-a-a!"  The  Pains  ran  out,  and  chased  them.  Antelope  was 
far  in  the  lead,  and  the  Coyotes  were  killed.  Antelope  was  caught,  and 
cried,  "  Wa-a-a ! "  —  "  Don't  kill  it !  Let  us  make  a  slave  of  it ! "  said  the 
Pains.  So  they  led  him  back  to  where  the  Coyotes  had  been  killed.  They 
put  money  on  his  neck,  all  the  money  that  was  about  the  necks  of  the 
five  who  were  killed.  Antelope  staggered  about  under  the  load.  He 
picked  up  the  droppings  of  the  five  Coyote  children.  "Let  him  go  a 
little  ways  ahead,"  said  the  Pains.   Then  Antelope  ran  away. 

They  could  not  catch  him.  He  ran  away  from  them  altogether.  Just 
about  dawn  he  got  back.  "  Old  man,  get  up !  Listen !  You  will  not  be- 
lieve this,  but  Coyote's  children  will  not  come  back."  —  "You  are  ly- 
ing," said  Coyote.  "Let  us  each  throw  fire  in  the  other's  face."  Coyote 
picked  up  the  shovel.  "You  first,"  said  Coyote.  "All  right!"  said  he. 
He  picked  up  a  shovelful  from  the  middle  of  the  fire,  and  threw  it  at  him. 
He  did  nothing,  did  not  move.  "Now  it  is  your  turn,"  he  said  to  Coyote, 
and  he  did  the  same  thing  to  Antelope.  "  Atu'-tu-tu',"  said  Coyote.  An- 
telope got  back  to  the  house.  He  gave  to  Coyote  what  he  had  stolen. 
"Here  are  their  droppings,"  he  said.  Coyote  cried,  then  he  sweated; 
and  the  droppings  all  came  back  to  life,  the  five  of  them. 

26.   COYOTE  AND   RACCOON 

Coyote  was  going  somewhere  with  some  one.  He  was  going  to  a  dance 
with  Coon.  They  returned  to  their  houses.  On  the  way  a  squirrel  ran 
into  a  hole  on  the  road.  "You  scare  him  out  the  other  side,"  said  Coyote. 
"All  right ! "  said  the  other.  So  he  scared  him,  put  his  hand  into  the  other 
opening  of  the  hole.  Coyote  at  his  end  put  his  hand  in,  and  seized  some- 
thing. "Lookout!  You  have  hold  of  me,"  said  the  Coon.  "No!"  said 
Coyote,  "that  is  the  squirrel."  —  "No!  That  is  me,"  said  Coon.  "I 
tell  you  that  it  is  me,"  said  he.  "  No ! "  said  Coyote,  "'  that  is  the  squirrel." 
So  he  kept  on  pulling:  he  pulled  off  Coon's  arm,  and  killed  him. 

Then  Coyote  went  on  to  his  house.  WTien  he  arrived,  his  children 
went  after  what  he  had  killed,  to  bring  it  home.  They  brought  it  all 
into  the  house,  and  began  to  eat  it.  The  youngest  child  was  left  out,  and 


36  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

he  grew  angry.  So  he  went  across  to  the  other  house,  to  the  Coon's  chil- 
dren, and  told  them,  "  Coyote  has  killed  your  father."  After  this  Coyote 
went  off  somewhere.  When  he  was  gone,  Coon's  children  came  across, 
and  killed  all  Coyote's  children  but  one.  Then  they  went  back  to  their 
own  house,  got  ready,  and  ran  away.  They  carried  off  the  one  child 
with  them,  and  went  up  above. 

Coyote  came  back,  and  saw  that  there  were  no  children  there.  All 
were  dead.  "I  don't  know  where  they  are,"  he  said.  He  ran  into  the 
house,  ran  into  the  other  house,  but  there  were  none  there.  He  hunted 
everywhere,  he  asked  all  things.  Now  the  dust  began  to  rise  in  eddies. 
He  looked  up,  and  saw  them  rising  there.  He  ran  after  them,  but  could 
not  catch  them.  These  stars  there  (Pleiades)  are  Coon's  children.  Coy- 
ote's child  is  the  smallest  one.  (In  winter,  when  coons  are  in  their  holes, 
the  Pleiades  are  most  brilliant,  and  continually  visible.  In  summer,  when 
coons  are  out  and  about,  the  Pleiades  are  not  seen.) 

27.  COYOTE   AND   THE   FLOOD 

Coyote  was  travelling  about.  There  was  an  evil  being  in  the  water. 
Coyote  carried  his  arrows.  Now,  the  evil  being  rose  up  out  of  the  water, 
and  said,  "There  is  no  wood."  Then  the  water  rose  up  toward  Coyote, 
it  covered  him  up.  Coyote  was  covered  by  the  water.  Then  the  water 
went  down,  dried  off,  and  Coyote  shot  the  evil  being. 

Now,  Coyote  ran  away,  and  the  water  followed  after  him.  He  ran  up 
on  Mount  Shasta,  ran  up  to  the  top  of  the  mountain.  The  water  was  very 
deep.  Coyote  made  a  fire,  for  there  only  was  any  ground  left  above  the 
water.  Grizzly-Bear  swam  thither,  Deer  swam  thither,  Black-Bear  swam 
thither,  Elk  swam  thither,  and  Gray- Squirrel,  and  Jack- Rabbit,  and 
Ground- Squirrel,  and  Badger,  and  Porcupine,  and  Coon,  and  Wild- 
Cat,  and  Fisher,  and  Wolf,  and  Mountain-Lion.  .  .  .  Then  there  was 
no  more  water.  It  was  swampy  all  about.  People  scattered  every- 
where. 

28.  COYOTE   AND   THE   BEAVER 

Coyote  was  travelling  along,  going  along  the  trail.  He  saw  some  one 
coming  to  meet  him.  By  and  by  they  met.  "Where  are  you  going  ?  "  said 
Coyote;  but  the  other,  who  was  Beaver,  did  not  answer.  "Did  n't  you 
hear  me  ?  "  said  Coyote,  but  the  other  said  nothing.  Coyote  went  on.  "  I 
did  not  kill  any  one,"  said  he;  "your  child  died  because  he  ate  wood." 
Then  he  went  on.  By  and  by  he  sat  down,  and  Beaver  came  up  behind 
him.  He  wanted  to  catch  Coyote  and  kill  him.  Coyote  began  to  run,  he 
was  afraid  of  Beaver.  Far  away  he  stopped;  Beaver  still  came  on. 
"Wliere  are  you  going?"  said  Coyote,  who  was  tired.  Now,  Beaver 
came  up  quietly,  he  caught  Coyote,  he  seized  him.  There  was  no  water 
there;  so  Beaver  said,  "Let  a  lake  come  to  me !"  Coyote  said,  "Let  the 
lake  not  come!  Let  go  of  me!"  Beaver  did  not  answer.    Then  water 


Shasta  Myths  37 

came,  it  grew  deeper,  now  it  covered  over  Coyote,  and  he  died.    Then 
the  water  dried  up. 

29.    COYOTE  GAMBLES 

Coyote  lived  over  there  by  the  river.  He  gambled.  He  had  ten  children, 
—  five  boys  and  five  girls.  He  lost  all  his  beads  in  gambling,  and  had 
nothing  to  bet !  So  he  bet  a  child,  and  then  another,  and  another,  until 
he  had  lost  them  all.  His  wife  sat  there  still ;  and  so  he  said  to  her,  "  I 
bet  you  now."  Then  he  lost,  he  had  lost  ten  children  and  his  wife,  so  he 
stopped  playing. 

He  went  off  far  away.  He  reached  a  valley.  He  was  thin,  he  had 
nothing  to  eat.  The  valley  was  his  home.  He  ate  food  spilled  all  around 
on  the  ground.  He  ate  grasshoppers,  that  were  sweet.  Then  he  was  very 
thin,  there  was  no  meat  on  him,  he  was  only  bones,  he  could  not  get 
enough  to  eat.  He  looked  round  and  saw  a  fire  burning.  His  hair  caught 
fire,  and  he  ran  toward  the  water.  WTien  he  reached  it,  it  was  dried  up. 
Far  away  was  a  big  river :  he  ran  thither,  but  he  was  burned  all  up  except 
his  head.  He  got  to  the  water,  jumped  in,  and  then  got  back  to  the  place 
he  had  lived  in  before,  he  got  back  to  the  place  where  he  had  gambled. 

30- 
People  were  out  hunting  deer.  Every  day  they  did  the  same.  One  day 
they  were  hunting.  Coyote  stood  far  away  on  a  mountain.  The  people 
had  their  arrows  on  the  bow-string,  ready  to  shoot.  Then  Coyote  called 
out,  "Pa-a-a-a-a!  Where  are  you  going?"  They  turned  and  looked  at 
him.  They  are  still  standing  there,  where  they  stood.  They  are  stone. 
They  are  at  the  same  place  still.   That  is  all. 

31- 
A  messenger  told  the  Sun,  "  Some  one  is  coming  to  kill  you."  By  and 
by  a  person  came.  He  seized  the  Sun.  He  threw  him  toward  the  south, 
but  the  Sun  came  back.  He  threw  him  toward  the  east.  The  murderer 
came  close  to  him  again.  Then  the  Sun  began  to  roll  along.  When  the 
murderer  got  there,  the  Sun  was  gone.  The  Sun  kept  running,  and  roll- 
ing along.    He  does  so  always. 

Harvard  University, 
Cambridge,  Mass. 


38  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


TWENTY-FIRST  ANNUAL  MEETING  OF  THE  AMERICAN 
FOLK-LORE   SOCIETY 

The  Society  met  at  Boston,  in  affiliation  with  the  American  Anthro- 
pological Society  and  Section  H  of  the  American  Association  for  the 
Advancement  of  Science,  December  30,  1909.  The  meeting  was  held  in 
the  Engineering  Building  of  the  Massachusetts  Institute  of  Technology. 

The  Council  of  the  Society  met  at  9.30,  President  Swan  ton  in  the  chair. 

The  Treasurer's  report  for  1909  was  presented  as  follows :  — 

RECEIPTS 

Balance  from  last  statement $1,600.73 

Receipts  from  annual  dues 925.30 

Subscriptions  to  Publication  Fund 270.00 

Sales  through  Houghton  MifSin  Co.  (net  of  mailing  and  other 
expenses) : 

Memoirs 46.55 

Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore,  December  i,  1908,  to  Novem- 
ber I,  1909,  less  10  per  cent,  commission,  and  charges  for  ex- 

pressage,  mailing,  printing,  etc 521.64 

Dr.  Felix  Grendon,  for  printing  his  long  article  in  Journal  of  Amer- 
ican Folk-Lore,  No.  84,  first  instalment  toward  $200  to  be 

paid  in  monthly  payments  of  $25 25.00 

Interest  account  on  balance,  Old  Colony  Trust  Co.,  Boston,  Mass.  32.10 

$3,421.32 

DISBURSEMENTS 

Houghton  Mifflin  Co.,  for  manufacture  of  Journal  of  American 

Folk-Lore,  Nos.  82, ^  83,  84,  85       $1,712.64 

Houghton  Mifflin  Co.,  for  printing  reprints  for  authors      .     .     .  81.02 

Houghton  Mifflin  Co.,  for  printing  list  of  libraries 3.15 

Houghton  Mifflin  Co.,  for  changing  die .15 

Houghton  Mifflin  Co.,  for  printing  notice  of  Annual  Meeting    .     .  5.43 

Houghton  Mifflin  Co.,  for  printing  notice  of  change  of  meeting- 

place 5.33 

M.  L.  Taylor,  for  work  on  indexing  Journal  of  American  Folk- 
Lore,  to  be  published  by  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society  as  the 

Tenth  Memoir 396.55 

H.  M.  Hight,  Boston,  Mass.,  for  printing  bills 3.25 

Edward  W.  Wheeler,  Cambridge,  Mass.,  for  printing  cards  .     .  4.25 

Edward  W.  Wheeler,  Cambridge,  Mass.,  for  cards  for  Publication 

Fund 3.25 

Edward  W.  Wheeler,  Cambridge,  Mass,,  for  printing  membership 

applications 3.50 

Amount  carried  forward $2,218.52 

*  Journals  Nos.  81  and  82  were  combined  in  1908,  but  owing  to  Post  Office  require- 
ments, the  next  number  of  the  Journal  had  to  be  numbered  82. 


Twenty-First  Annual  Meeting  39 

Amount  brought  forward $2,218.52 

For  expenses  of  meeting  of  the  California  Branch  of  the  American 
FoLk-Lore  Society,  held  February  25,  1909,  to  determine  the  re- 
lation of  the  California  Branch  of  the  Society        13-25 

Secretar)''s  postage 9.26 

Dr.  Alfred  M.  Tozzer,  Cambridge,  Mass,  for  stenographer    .     .  15-87 

Treasurer's  postage 8.88 

Rebate  to  the  Cambridge  Branch,  M.  L.  Femald,  Treasurer     .  17.00 

Rebate  to  the  Boston  Branch,  Fitz-Henry  Smith,  Jr.,  Treasurer  .  50-50 

Rebate  to  the  Missouri  Branch,  Mrs.  L.  D.  Ames,  Treasurer  .     .  6.00 

Rebate  to  the  Iowa  Branch,  E.  K.  Putnam,  Treasurer      .     .     .  3.50 

Rebate  to  the  Illinois  Branch,  S.  V.  R.  Jones,  Treasurer  .     .     .  7.00 

Rebate  to  the  New  York  Branch,  Stansbury  Hagar,  Treasurer  .  9.50 

Old  Colony  Trust  Co.,  Boston,  Mass.,  collecting  checks    ...  2.90 

$2,362.18 
Balance  to  new  account 1,059.14 

^3,421.32 
Eliot  W.  Remice,  Treasurer. 

The  report  being  accepted,  an  auditing  committee,  consisting  of 
Messrs.  Charles  Peabody,  L.  W.  Jenkins,  and  R.  B.  Dixon,  was  appointed 
to  audit  the  same. 

The  Acting  Secretary  presented  a  brief  report  to  the  Council.  In  this 
attention  was  called  to  the  low  balance  to  the  Society's  credit,  and  the 
hope  expressed  that,  in  consequence  of  the  increased  amount  of  material 
in  the  Journal  relating  to  European  folk-lore,  new  members  might  be 
secured  in  sufficient  numbers  to  place  the  Journal  on  a  stronger  finan- 
cial footing.  The  membership,  in  comparison  with  the  previous  year, 
showed  a  gain  of  nineteen. 

The  Editor  reported  that  the  Index  to  the  first  twenty  volumes  of  the 
Journal,  which  is  to  constitute  the  Tenth  Memoir,  was  nearly  complete. 
The  task  had  proved  longer  than  at  first  anticipated,  but  the  volume 
would  now  be  carried  to  press  at  an  early  date. 

The  following  recommendations  were  adopted  by  the  Council :  — 

That  the  Constitution  of  the  Society  be  reprinted  in  leaflet  form,  for 
distribution  to  the  various  Branches. 

That  the  Secretary  be  empowered  to  arrange  for  the  incorporation  of 
the  Society  either  in  Massachusetts  or  elsewhere,  if  this  seems  desirable. 

That  the  Questionnaires  prepared  some  years  ago  by  Mr.  W.  W.  Newell 
and  Mrs.  Fanny  D.  Bergen  be  reprinted,  if  possible,  for  the  use  of  the 
various  Branches. 

That  the  collection  of  Pennsylvania  German  folk-lore  made  by  Mr. 
Fogel  be  accepted  by  the  Society  for  publication  as  the  Eleventh  Me- 
moir, the  details  of  the  arrangement  to  be  left  to  the  Editor  of  the 
Journal. 


40  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

On  nomination  by  the  Council,  officers  were  elected  for  1910  as  fol- 
lows:— 

President,  Professor  H.  M.  Belden,  University  of  Missouri,  Co- 
lumbia, Mo. 

First  Vice-President,  Professor  G.  L.  Kittredge,  Harvard  Uni- 
versity, Cambridge,  Mass. 

Second  Vice-President,  Dr.  J.  Walter  Fewkes,  Bureau  of  Ameri- 
can Ethnology,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Editor  of  Journal,  Professor  Franz  Boas,  Columbia  University, 
New  York  City. 

Permanent  Secretary,  Dr.  Charles  Peabody,  Peabody  Museum, 
Cambridge,  Mass. 

Treasurer,  Mr.  Eliot  W.  Remick,  300  Marlborough  St.,  Boston, 
Mass. 

Councillors.  (For  three  years) :  Professor  J.  A.  Lomax,  College  Sta- 
tion, Texas;  Professor  J.  B.  Fletcher,  Columbia  University,  New  York 
City;  Professor  A.  F.  Chamberlain,  Clark  University,  Worcester,  Mass. 
(For  two  years) :  Dr.  E.  K.  Putnam,^  Davenport,  Iowa;  Dr.  G.  A.  Dor- 
sey,^  Field  Museum,  Chicago,  Illinois;  Mr.  Albert  Matthews,  Boston, 
Mass.  (For  one  year) :  Dr.  P.  E.  Goddard,^  American  Museum  of 
Natural  History,  New  York  City;  Mrs.  Zelia  NuttalV  Mexico  City; 
Dr.  S.  A.  Barrett,  Public  Museum,  Milwaukee,  Wisconsin. 

The  following  are  also  members  of  the  Council,  either  as  past  Presi- 
dents of  the  Society  within  five  years,  or  as  Presidents  of  local  branches : 
Miss  Ahce  Fletcher,  Professor  A.  L.  Kroeber,  Professor  R.  B.  Dixon, 
Dr.  J.  R.  Swanton,  Professor  F.  W.  Putnam,  Dr.  K.  G.  T.  Webster, 
Miss  Mary  A.  Owen,  Professor  Charles  B.  Wilson,  Professor  A.  C.  L. 
Brown,  Dr.  R.  H.  Lowie. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  business  meeting,  the  President,  Dr.  J.  R. 
Swanton,  read  his  Presidential  Address  on  "Some  Practical  Aspects 
of  the  Study  of  Myths."   The  following  papers  were  then  presented :  — 

Professor  Franz  Boas,   "Literary  Form  in  Oral  Tradition." 

Dr.  R.  H.  Lowie,  "Assiniboine  Folk-Lore." 

Mr.  a.  T.  Sinclair,  "Folk  Songs  and  Music  of  Cataluna." 

Mr.  Phillips  Barry,  "Native  American  Ballads." 

Professor  A.  F.  Chamberlain,  "The  Myth  of  the  Seven  Heads." 

Roland  B.  Dixon,  Acting  Secretary. 

*  Councillors  holding  over. 


Periodical  Literature 


41 


PERIODICAL  LITERATURE 
Conducted  by  Dr  Alexander  F.  Chamberlain 


[Note. — Authors,  especially  those  whose  articles  appear  in  journals  and  other 
serials  not  entirely  devoted  to  anthropology,  will  greatly  aid  this  department  of  the 
American  Anthropologist  and  the  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore  by  sending 
directly  to  Dr  A.  F.  Chamberlain,  Clark  University,  Worcester,  Massachusetts, 
U.  S.  A.,  reprints  or  copies  of  such  studies  as  they  may  desire  to  have  noticed 
in  these  pages. — Editor.] 


GENERAL 

Aarne  (A.)  Zum  Marchen  von  der 
Tiersprache.  (Z.  d.  V.  f.  Volksk., 
Berlin,  1909,  xix,  298-303.)  Cites 
and  discusses  Finnish  (A.  notes  11 
variants).  Little  Russian,  Servian, 
Tatar  (Caucasian),  and  Georgian 
versions  of  the  tale  of  the  language 
of  animals  and  the  learning  of  it  by 
a  man  whose  wife  teases  him  to 
teach  her,  which  he  will  not  do. 

Andree  (R.)  Johanna  Mestorf  zum  80 
Geburtstage.  (Globus,  Brnschwg., 
1909,  xcv,  213-215,  portr.)  Account 
of  life,  scientific  activities,  publica- 
tions, etc.,  of  Miss  Johanna  Mestorf, 
curator  of  the  National  Museum  of 
Antiquities  in  Kiel,  the  only  woman 
to  hold  the  title  of  Professor,  con- 
ferred on  her  on  her  70th  birthday 
by  the  Prussian  Government.  She 
has  also  a  gold  medal  for  art  and 
science  from  the  Raiser.  She  has 
been  a  frequent  contributor  to  Globus, 

Ueber  den  Wert  der  Ethnologic 

fiir  die  anderen  Wissenschaften. 
(Korr.-Bl.  d.  D.  Ges.  f.  Anthrop., 
Brnschwg.,  1908,  xxxix,  66-71.) 
Discusses  the  value  of  ethnology  for 
prehistory,  archeology,  philology,  sci- 
ence of  religion,  psychology,  history, 
jurisprudence,  political  economy, 
medicine,  geography,  art,  music,  prac- 
tical politics,  etc.,  pointing  out  in- 
teresting problems,  contributions,  etc. 

Den    Tod    betrugen.      (Z.    d.    V. 

f.  Volksk.,  Berlin,  1909,  xix,  203- 
204.)  Notes  on  "  deceiving  Death  " 
(empty  miniature  coffins  offered  by 
Neapolitan  mothers  when  children 
are  sick ;  change  of  name,  etc.,  as 
among  orthodox  Jews). 

Anthropology  and  the  Empire:  Depu- 
tation to  Mr  Asquith.  (Man,  Lond., 
1909,  IX,  85-87.)  Report  of  presenta- 
tion of  memorial  for  establishment 
of    an    Imperial    Bureau    of    Anthro- 


pology,— argument  by  Prof.  W. 
Ridgeway,  etc. 

Audenio  (E.)  II  mancinismo.  (R. 
Sper.  di  Freniatr.,  Reggio-Emilia, 
1909,  XXXV,  287.)  According  to  A., 
true  lefthandedness  and  true  right- 
handedness  are  not  so  common  as 
hitherto  thought, — the  righthanded 
and  lefthanded  in  muscular  strength, 
e.  g.,  are  not  so  for  agility  or  dura- 
tion of  static  contraction.  Right- 
handedness  for  one  thing,  lefthanded- 
ness for  another,  occurs,  within  the 
group  of  righthanded  and  lefthanded, 
and  even  ambidextry  also.  Ambi- 
dextry  (not  lefthandedness)  is  ata- 
vistic  in  character. 

Avebury  (Lord)  Sir  John  Evans, 
K.C.B.,  D.C.L.,  F.R.S.  Born  No- 
vember 17th,  1823;  died  May  31st, 
1908.  (Man,  Lond.,  1908,  viii,  97- 
98,  I  pi.)  Brief  account  of  life, 
scientific  activities  and  publications. 
His  most  notable  work  was  the 
Ancient  Stone  Implements,  Weapons, 
and  Ornaments  of  Great  Britain 
(1S72). 

B.  (E.)  Frederick  Thomas  Elworthy. 
(Folk-Lore,  Lond.,  1908,  xix,  109- 
iio.)  Brief  account  of  scientific  ac- 
tivities and  publications  of  F.  T.  El- 
worthy (d.  Dec.  13,  1907),  author  of 
The  Evil  Eye  (1895),  Horns  of 
Honor  (1900),  etc. 

Backman  (G.)  Om  manniskans  ut- 
veckling  efter  manniskoblifvandet. 
(Ymer,  Stckhlm.,  1909,  xxix,  218- 
251,  272-308,  56  fgs.)  First  two 
sections  of  a  discussion  of  the  de- 
velopment of  man  since  the  fixation 
of  the  human  species.  Treats  par- 
ticularly of  the  "  fossil  races "  of 
Europe. 

Baelz  (E.)  Ueber  plotzliches  Ergrauen 
der  Haare  nach  Schreck.  (Korr.-Bl. 
d.  D.  Ges.  f.  Anthrop.,  Brnschwg., 
1908,  XXXIX,  98-99.)  Note  on  a  case 
(woman  30  years  old)   of  hair  turn- 


42 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


ing  gray  from  fright  (as  result  of 
steamer  collision,  fall  into  water, 
death  of  child),  and  another  case  of 
part-gray  hair ;  "  three-colored  "  hair 
is  also  noted. 

Ueber  das  Lockig^verden  schlich- 

ter     Haare     nach     Abdominaltyphus. 
(Ibid.,    99-100.)       Dr.    B.    cites    five 
cases    (of    his    personal    knowledge) 
where,    after    attacks    of    abdominal 
typhus   the    straight   hair   of   patients 
has  grown   curly   after  being  lost. 
Baudouin    (M.)      Un   cas   de   manages 
precoces   se   succedant,   pendant   cinq 
generations,    dans    la    meme    famille. 
Influence  possible  d'une  coutume  an- 
alogue     a      celle      du     maraichinage. 
(Bull.  Soc.  d'Anthrop.  de  Paris,  1908, 
v^  s.,  IX,  716-723,  I  fg.)     Treats  of  a 
family    in    Poitou    counting    5    living 
generations    (4  mothers   of  4  genera- 
tions,  84,   66,   46,   27  years   old, — the 
last   has   3    children,   of   7,   5,   and    i 
year).     The  5  mothers  were  all  mar- 
ried early   (the  ages  at  marriage  be- 
ing  respectively    14,    16,    17,    17,    19) 
and  the  husbands  also  were  young — 
the  majority  of  girls  in  this  part  of 
France    entering    marriage    after    20. 
In    the    first    4    generations    the    first 
child   has   been    a   girl.      Very   preco- 
cious   marriages    may    serve    a    social 
purpose.     Monogamy  after  pregnancy 
(fidelity  during  marriage)   is,  accord- 
ing to  Dr.  B.,  "  not  merely  a  social 
convention,  but  an  instinctive  opinion 
of   the   normal   woman,   resting   on    a 
solid  physiological   basis." 
Bello  y  Rodriguez   (S.)      Le  femur  et 
le  tibia  chez  I'homme  et  les   anthro- 
poides.       (Bull.    Soc.    d'Anthrop.    de 
Paris,  1909,  v''  s.,  x,  37-40.)     Resume 
of  the   author's  monograph  with   this 
title.     See  review  in  Amer.  Anthrop., 
1909,  N.  s.,  XI,  503. 
Bellucci    (J.)       Quelques    observations 
sur  les  pointes  de  foudre.    (L'Anthro- 
pologie,     Paris,     1909,     xx,     31-34.) 
Compares  the  report  of  Zeltner  as  to 
the    Soudanese    belief    in    "  thunder- 
stones  "     (stone    axes)     with    similar 
ideas    of    the    ignorant    Italian    peas- 
antry ;    also    the    resemblance    of   the 
haruspex    and    the     African     "  rain- 
maker." 
Berknan    (O.)      Zwei    Falle   von    Tri- 
gonokephalie.         (A.      f.      Anthrop., 
Brnschwg.,   1909,   n.   f.,  vii,   349-35Ii 
6   fgs.)      Treats  of  a  Jewish  skull   in 
the  collection  of  the  Brunswick  Nat- 
ural  History  Museum,  where  the  tri- 
gonocephaly    is     due     to     premature 
synostosis  of  the  frontal  bones,  etc., 
induced  by  meningitis  acuta  simplex ; 


and  a  case  of  trigonocephaly  in  an 
8  year  old  boy  in  the  Institution  for 
the  Blind  in  Brunswick, — here  the 
anomaly  is  due  to  meningitis  on  a 
rachitic  basis. 
Bloch  (A.)  Sur  le  mongoHsme  infan- 
tile dans  la  race  blanche  et  sur 
d'autres  anomalies  qui  sont  des  car- 
acteres  normaux  dans  diverses  races. 
(Bull.  Soc.  d'Anthrop.  de  Paris,  v*  S., 
IX,  1908,  561-570.)  Treats  of  "in- 
fantile Mongolism "  (Mongolian 
idiocy,  Mongolian  ear,  hand,  and,  in 
particular,  "Mongolian  eye").  Ac- 
cording to  B.,  "  Mongolian  idiots  " 
die  young  or  disappear  without  de- 
scendants ;  such  anomalies  are  not 
hereditary,  and  no  new  race-variety 
is  formed.  Other  correspondences  to 
other  races  also  exist  in  idiots.  In 
1904  Barr  made  out  a  negroid  and  an 
American  Indian  type. 
Boas  (F.)  William  Jones.  So.  Wkmn. 
Hampton,  Va.,  1909,  xxxviii,  337- 
339.  portr.)  Brief  account  of  life 
and  works  of  the  anthropologist  and 
Algonl  ian  specialist,  William  Jones 
(d.  March  28,  1909). 

William  Jones,    (Amer.  Anthrop., 

Lancaster,  Pa.,  1909,  n.  s.,  xi,  137- 
139,  portr.) 
Bolte  (J.)  Neuere  Marchenliteratur. 
Z.  d.  V.  f.  Volksk.,  Berlin,  1908, 
XVIII,  450-461.)  Brief  resumes  and 
critiques  of  recent  literature  (books, 
periodical  articles,  etc.)  on  Mdrchen 
and  allied  topics :  General  (Wundt's 
essay  on  development  of  the  my  thus ; 
Olrik's  "  epic  laws  " ;  Dahnhardt's 
Natiirsagen ;  Aarne's  comparative 
studies  of  "  the  magic  ring,"  the 
"  three  wish-things  "  and  "  the  magic 
bird " ;  Dahnhardt's  Schzv'dnke  aus 
aller  Welt),  Switzerland  (Jeger- 
lehner's  Mdrchen  u.  Sagen  aus  IVal- 
lis),  Denmark  (Kristensen's  great 
collection  of  tales,  2,827  in  number), 
England,  France,  Italy,  Hungary, 
Gipsy  (Krauss's  Zigeunerhumor)  ; 
Arabia  and  Farther  India  (Hertel's 
tales  from  Hemacandra ;  O'Connor's 
Folk-Tales  from  Tibet),  Africa, 
America,  Philippine  Is.,  etc.  The 
second  section  treats  of  later  litera- 
ture. Among  other  works,  Thimme's 
Das  Mdrchen  (Lpzg.,  1909)  ;  Rik- 
lin's  Wunscherfiillung  und  Symbolik 
im  Mdrchen  (Lpzg.,  1908)  ;  Fried- 
rich's  Grundlage,  Entstehung  und 
genaue  Einseldeutung  der  bekanntes- 
ten  germanischen  Mdrchen,  Mythen 
und  Sagen  (Lpzg.,  1909)  ;  Dahn- 
hardt's   Natursagcn     (2.    Bd.,    Lpzg., 


Periodical  Literature 


43 


1909)  ;  Hertel's  TantrakySyika  (Lpzg., 
1909),  etc.,  are  discussed. 

Brown  (R.)  The  constellation  of  the 
Great  Bear.  (Amer.  Antiq.,  Salem, 
Mass.,  1909,  XXXI,  27-28.)  Notes  on 
the  "  Great  Bear "  in  Assyrian  and 
Aryan  mythology. 

Buch  (M.)  Ueber  den  Kitzel.  (A,  f. 
Physiol.,  Leipzig,  1909,  1-26.)  Dis- 
cusses the  biology,  psychology,  etc., 
of  tickling  (skin-tickle,  tickle  of 
mucous  membrane,  muscle  or  deep 
tickle,  "psychic  tickle"),  in  the  indi- 
vidual and  the  race.  B.  favors  the 
theory  that  tickling  and  the  laughter- 
reaction  have  developed  by  natural 
selection  out  of  play.  Good  bibli- 
ography. 

Die  Beziehungen  des  Kitzels  zur 

Erotik.  (Ibid.,  27-33.)  Treats  of 
ticklishness  in  relation  to  sexuality. 
According  to  B.,  ticklishness  is  in 
woman  much  more  intimately  con- 
nected with  the  erotic  element  than 
is  the  case  in  man,  and  in  woman 
sexual  satisfaction  dulls  ticklishness 
more  than  in  man. 

Buschan  (G.)  Der  Rechenkunstler 
Heinhaus.  (Arch.  f.  Anthrop.,  Brn- 
schwg.,  1908,  N.  F.,  VIII,  148-154,  2 
fgs.,  2  portr.)  Notes  on  F.  A.  Hein- 
haus (b.  1848),  the  mathematical 
calculator  (height  1770  mm.,  normal 
and  of  normal  ancestry;  Mobius's 
"  Stirnecke  "  is  prominent ;  cephalic 
index  80.5  ;  dimensions  of  skull  far 
above  average ;  estimated  skull-ca- 
pacity 1552  ccm.,  and  brain-capacity 
1424  gr.).  Heinhaus  is  of  both 
the  visual  and  auditive  types.  His 
memory  is  phenomenal,  but  he  seems 
to  rely  on  his  "  gift  for  calculation." 

Camus  (P.)  £tude  sur  la  puissance  de 
la  hache  prehistorique  et  sur  revolu- 
tion de  son  tranchant.  (Bull.  Soc. 
d'Anthrop.  de  Paris,  1908,  v®  s.,  ix, 
667-671,  s  fgs.)  Points  out  the 
weakness  of  paleolithic  axes,  the 
really  powerful  implement  of  this 
sort  appearing  only  with  the  neolithic 
age,  which,  indeed,  might  be  termed 
"  the  age  of  the  axe."  The  rounded 
edge  of  the  neolithic  axe  made  its  use 
as  a  cutting  instrument  more  easy 
(perfection  came  with  copper,  bronze 
and  iron).  Oblique  cutting  edges 
were  employed  only  for  certain 
special  purposes. 

Capitan  (L.)  Le  professeur  Hamy. 
(R.  de  r£c.  d'Anthrop.  de  Paris,  1908, 
xviii,  423-425.)  Sketch  of  scientific 
activities  of  the  late  E.  T.  Hamy 
(d.  1908).    Ofvalue  to  Americanists  are 


the  three  volumes  of  Hamy's  Decades 
americaines,  his  Galerie  americaine 
du  musee  d'ethnographie  dii  Troca- 
dero,  Codex  Borbonicus  and  Codex 
Telleriaiio-Remensis.  His  ethno- 
graphic studies  covered  a  wide  field. 

Armand  Lombard-Dumas.   Ulysse 

Dumas.  (Ibid.,  1909,  xix,  109-111.) 
Brief  sketches  of  life  and  scientific 
activities  of  A.  Lombard-Dumas 
(1836-1909),  geologist  and  archeolo- 
gist,  author  of  a  descriptive  catalogue 
of  megalithic  monuments  of  the  de- 
partment of  Gard,  and  an  account  of 
the  neolithic  "  station "  of  Font- 
bouisse ;  and  of  U.  Dumas  (1873- 
1909)  archeologist  and  student  of 
prehistoric  industries. 

Cartailhac  (E.)  Notice  sur  M.  Felix 
Regnault,  de  Toulouse ;  ses  travaux. 
(Bull.  Soc.  Archeol.  du  Midi,  Tou- 
louse, 1908,  N.  s.  NO.  38,  312-318, 
portr.)  Brief  account  of  scientific 
activities  of  F.  Regnault  (1847-1908) 
with  list  of  publications.  R.'s  in- 
vestigations related  chiefly  to  cave 
man  in  France. 

Carus  (P.)  Hazing  and  fagging. 
(Open  Court,  Chicago,  1909,  xxiii, 
430-437,  4  fgs.)  Historical  and  ety- 
mological notes  on  hazing,  beanism, 
pennalism,  etc. 

Foundations  laid  in  human  sac- 
rifice. (Ibid.,  494-501,  5  fgs.) 
Cites  examples  from  Palestine 
(Gezer,  Megiddo,  etc.),  various  coun- 
tries of  Europe,  etc. 

Sacramental  cannibalism.     (Ibid., 

564-567.)  Cites  Prof.  Petrie  as  to 
cannibalism  in  ancient  Egypt  and 
argues  that  "  the  Christian  sacrament 
contains  reminiscences  of  the  old 
cannibalistic  custom,  and  yet  it  has 
done  away  with  it  forever." 

Chamberlain  (A.  F.)  Note  on  some 
differences  between  "  savages  "  and 
children.  (Psychol.  Bull.,  Baltimore, 
Md.,  1909,  VI,  212-214.)  Treats 
briefly  of  the  sign-language  for  the 
numbers  7,  8,  9  in  the  speech  of  the 
Moanus  of  the  Admiralty  Is.,  near 
New  Guinea  (Meier),  the  signs  for 
5  and  10  among  the  Zuni  Indians 
(Gushing),  the  counting  up  to  20  of 
the  Calif  ornian  Yuki  (Dixon  and 
Kroeber),  in  relation  to  the  counting 
of  children. 

Notes  on  certain  philosophies  of 

the  day.  (Pop.  Sci.  Mo.,  N.  Y., 
X909,  Lxxiv,  575-578.)  Brief  anthro- 
pological discussions  of  the  rule  of 
the  dead,  mutability,  imitation,  miso- 
neism   (neophobia),  struggle. 


44 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


Chervin  (A.)  Etudes  des  asymetries  et 
des  deformations  craniennes  a  I'aide 
des  photographies  metriques  par  une 
methode  dite  "  de  retournement." 
(Bull.  See.  d'Anthrop.  de  Paris,  1908, 
V®  s.,  IX,  693-699,  3  fgs.)  Describes 
a  method  proposed  by  Dr  C.  for 
studying  cranial  asymmetries  and  de- 
formations by  means  of  metric  pho- 
tographs on  a  reticulated  ground, — 
one  contour  being  obtained  from  di- 
rect tracing  of  the  photograph  and 
compared  with  the  same  contour 
turned  round.  Dr  M.  Baudouin,  in 
the  discussion,  pointed  out  the  ad- 
vantages of  this  method  for  ana- 
tomical, clinical,  biological,  archeo- 
logical  purposes, 

Combarieu  (J.)  La  musique  et  la 
magie.  (Idees  Modernes,  Paris,  1909, 
I,  291-297.)  C.  argues  that  music, 
the  oldest  of  arts  (its  origin,  evolu- 
tion, esthetics,  etc.,  are  resumed  in 
the  word  charm),  owes  its  first  form 
and  first  use  to  magic.  In  the  be- 
ginning song  (the  voice)  was  a 
"charm," — Latin  carmen,  Greek  aoide, 
Assyrian  siptu,  Egyptian  hosiu,  etc. ; 
song  was  "  a  higher  form  of  action," 
that  could  even  bend  the  gods  to  its 
will.  The  magical  origin  of  music 
the  author  develops  in  detail  in  his 
book  La  musique  et  la  magie  (Paris, 
1909). 

da  Costa  Ferreira  (A.)  Idiotic  et 
taches  pigmentaires  chez  un  enfant 
de  17  mois,  (Bull.  Soc.  d'Anthrop.  de 
Paris,  v*^  S.,  ix,  1908,646-649.)  Brief 
account  of  large  diffuse  "  blue  spot " 
(Mongoloid)  prominent  particularly 
in  the  lumbar  region  in  a  boy  of 
three  months  (up  to  that  time  sane 
and  healthy)  afflicted  with  idiocy, — 
now  17  months  old.  The  spots  were 
doubtless  congenital. 

Couturat  (L.)  D'une  application  de  la 
logique  au  probleme  de  la  langue  In- 
ternationale.    (R.  de  Metaph.,  Paris, 

1908,  XVI,  761-769.)  Criticises  Es- 
peranto from  the  point  of  view  of 
logic  in  regard  to  derivation  of  other 
parts  of  speech  from  nouns,  from 
verbs,  etc. 

Crofton  (H.  T.)  Dukeripen  ta  Chori- 
ben.     (J.  Gypsy  Lore  Soc,  Liverpool, 

1909,  N.  S.,  I,  227-22?,,  I  pi.)  Treats 
of  a  drawing  (illustrative  of  Gypsy 
life)  made  about  1875,  "  from  a  piece 
of  tapestry  believed  to  be  Flemish 
of  about   1650  to   1700." 

Crzellitzer  (A.)  Methoden  der  Fami- 
lienforschung.  (Z.  f.  Ethnol.,  Ber- 
lin, 1909,  XLi,  181-198,  10  fgs.) 
After    discussing    previous    investiga- 


tions of  the  family  (C.  judges  Stroh- 
mayer's  study  in  the  Arch.  f.  Rassen- 
biologie  for  1908  to  be  the  best),  the 
author  treats  briefly  of  genealogical 
trees  (Stammbaume)  and  ancestral 
tables  (Ahnentafeln).  The  Stamm- 
bauin  (giving  merely  the  male  line) 
is  of  much  less  use  than  the  Ahnen- 
tafel  (giving  the  ancestors  male  and 
female  of  a  given  individual).  But 
C.  proposes  to  use  the  terms  De- 
szendenztafeln  and  Assendenstafeln 
(or  Ahnentafeln)  and,  for  a  scheme 
representing  everything,  Sippschafts- 
tafeln.  By  a  system  of  squares 
(males),  circles  (females),  inserted 
numbers  (for  generations),  use  of 
black  color,  cross-hatching,  etc.,  in 
various  degrees  (to  indicate  physical 
characters,  defects,  etc.,  ability,  intel- 
lectual, esthetic  qualities,  etc.),  C. 
is  able. to  give  a  comprehensive  pic- 
ture of  the  family  history  of  any 
individual.  The  Sippschaftstafel  of 
the  author's  children  has  60  persons, 
his  own  120,  the  Kaiser's  75, — the 
general  formula  is  X  =  8  -|-  6C^, 
where  C  is  the  average  number  of 
children  (the  table  goes  back  to  the 
4  Urgrosselternpaare).  For  the  ex- 
pression Ahnenverlust  is  to  be  sub- 
stituted Ahnenidentitat. 
Cunningham  (D.  J.)  Anthropology  in 
the  eighteenth  century.  (J.  R.  An- 
throp.  Inst.,  Lond.,  1908,  xxxviii, 
10-35,  5  pi.)  Treats  of  the  lives  and 
activities  of  Peter  Camper  (1721- 
1789),  Charles  White  (1728-1813),  J. 
F.  Blumenbach  (1752-1840),  J.  C. 
Prichard  (i 786-1848),  Sir  William 
Lawrence  (i  783-1867),  of  all  of  whom 
portraits  are  given.  Camper  is 
known  by  his  work  on  the  negro  and 
the  ape  and  by  his  celebrated  "  facial 
angle."  White,  who  possessed  a 
museum,  published  in  1799  An  Ac- 
count of  the  Regular  Gradation  in 
Man,  and  in  different  Animals  and 
Vegetables  from  the  Former  to  the 
Latter.  He  was  one  of  the  founders 
of  anthropometry  and  discovered 
the  index  of  fore-arm  to  upper  arm, 
comparing  it  in  Europeans  and  Ne- 
groes (of  these  he  measured  50). 
Blumenbach  began  with  his  famous 
thesis  On  the  Natural  Variety  of 
Mankind.  He  it  was  who  in  his 
account  of  "  Wild  Peter "  disposed 
for  good  of  the  belief  in  so-called 
"  Natural  man,"  the  Homo  sapiens 
ferns  of  Linnseus.  Prichard  held 
that  the  ancestral  human  pair  were 
black.  He  too  began  with  a  thesis, 
De      Humani       Generis       Varietate^ 


Periodical  Literature 


45 


Lawrence,  known  for  his  Lectures  on 
Comparative     Anatomy,     Physiology, 
Zoology  and  the  Natural  History  of 
Man,     anticipated     "  Weismannism " 
in  some  points. 
Cunningham  (J.  T.)     The  evolution  of 
man.      (Science    Progress,    1908,   iii, 
192-201.)      Outlines   modern  theories 
as    to    adaptational    characters    (here 
man   differs   chiefly   from   the   apes), 
race-types      (not     Mendelian     muta- 
tions),    sexual     selection,     etc.       C. 
thinks  that  "  man  affords  an  example 
of  a  single  species  which  has  started 
-a  new  group,  which  might  become  a 
genus  or  family."     Adaptive  charac- 
ters "  are  due  not  to  selection,  but  to 
the  effects  of  functional  and  physical 
stimulation,  and  diagnostic  characters 
are   not  adaptive,   and  therefore   not 
due   to    selection,    but   to   blastogenic 
variation." 
Densmore    (F.)      Scale    formation    in 
primitive    music.       (Amer.    Anthrop., 
Lancaster,  Pa.,   1909,  n.  s.,  xi,  1-2.) 
Des  differents  genres  d'ecritures.     (R. 
de   r£c.    d'Anthrop.    de    Paris,    1909, 
XIX,    241-244.)      Notes    on   primitive 
"  writing,"  particularly  the  beads  and 
wampum,    feathered    pipes,    etc.,    of 
North    America    and    the    quipus   of 
Peru. 
Dozy  (G.  J.)     In  Memoriam:  Johannes 
Diedrich     Eduard     Schmeltz,     1839- 
1909.        (Int.      Arch.      f.      Ethnogr., 
Leiden,      1909,      xix,      i-vi,      portr.) 
Sketch  of  life,  appreciation  of  scien- 
tific   activities,    chronological     1864- 
1904  list  of  publications. 
Dubois  (E.)     On  the  correlation  of  the 
black    and    the    orange-colored    pig- 
ments, and  its  bearing  upon  the  in- 
terpretation of  red-hairedness.     (Man, 
Lond.,      1908,     VIII,     87-89.)      Gives 
chief    facts    regarding    "  pyrrhotism  " 
(red-hairedness)  from  author's  paper 
in  Nederl.  Tijdschr.  v.  Geneesk.,  Feb. 
8,  1908.     In  man,  as  in  animals  in  a 
state  of  domestication,  "  pyrrhotism  " 
is  a  common  phenomenon.     Accord- 
ing  to    Dr    D.,    it    "  depends    on    an 
easily    occurring    (chemical)    modifi- 
cation    of     the     melanochrome     into 
pyrrhochrome  pigment." 
DubreuU-Chambardel  (L.)    A  propos  de 
la  camptodactylie.     (Bull.  Soc.  d'An- 
throp.   de    Paris,     1908,    v®     s.,    ix, 
167-170.)      Dr  D.  considers  campto- 
dactyly    (occurring  in   16%    of  males, 
1 2.5  %  females  ;  more  common  in  child  ; 
essentially    hereditary)    due    to    ana- 
tomic  variations   and   not  pathogenic 
or  a  mark  of  degeneracy.     It  occurs 
most   frequently   in   the    little  finger. 


Bloch     compares     camptodactyly     to 
genu  valgum. 
Elderton  (E.  M.)     On  the  association  of 
drawing     with     other     capacities     in 
school-children.      (Biometrika,    Cam- 
bridge,   Engld.,    1909,    VII,    222-226.) 
Based    on    the    data    in    E.    Ivanoff's 
paper  on  "  Recherches  experimentales 
sur  le  dessin  des  ecoliers  de  la  Suisse 
romande,"   in    the  Archives   de  Psy- 
chologie  for   1908.     Ability  in  draw- 
ing   seems    more    closely    associated 
with    other   characters    in   girls    than 
in    boys    (except    perhaps    pedagogic 
character).     Slight  sexual  differences 
appear. 
Elwang  (W.  W.)     The  social  function 
of   religious   belief.      (Univ.   of   Mis- 
souri Studies,  1908,  Soc.  Sci.  Ser.,  11, 
1-103.)    According    to    E.    "religion 
functions  among  a  culture  people  like 
ourselves  just  as  it  does  among  the 
nature  peoples ;  it  shifts  the  individu- 
al's attention  from  self  to  society  and 
in  so  doing  makes  him  a  better  citi- 
jzen."      The    author    cites    material 
from  the  Australians  and  other  prim- 
itive peoples. 
Evans    (H.    R.)      The    necromancy    of 
numbers   and  letters.      (Open   Court, 
Chicago,  1909,  XXIII,  85-95.)     Treats 
of     3.     9,     the     date-lore     of     Louis 
Philippe     and     Napoleon      III,     the 
"  number  of  the  beast  "  (Apocalypse), 
"  magic        opera       glass,"       "  magic 
squares,"  abracadabra,  etc. 
Ferguson  (J.)     Bibliographical  notes  on 
histories  of  inventions  and  books  of 
secrets.     Fifth   supplement.      (Trans. 
Glasgow  Archeol.  Soc,  1908,  n.  s.,  v, 
125-185.)      Treats   of  books   of   nat- 
ural    history,     receipts     in     medicine 
and     surgery,     pharmacy,     husbandry 
and     housewifery,     pyrotechny,     and 
practical  arts  of  various  kinds,  pub- 
lished between  1550  and  1650. 
Frassetto    (F.)      Sull'    origine    e   sull' 
evoluzione    delle    forme    del    cranio 
umano,  forme  eurasiche.     (A.  d.  Soc. 
Rom.    di    Antrop.,    Roma,    1908,   xiv, 
163-196,  18  fgs.)     Based  on  the  study 
of  156  skulls  of  fetuses  and  new-born 
children  in  the  Female  Clinic  of  the 
University  of  Munich.     For  the  fetal 
period    from    the    4th    to    the    loth 
month  8,  and  for  that  from  the   ist 
to  the  2d  month  of  extra-uterine  life 
3  crania  are  specially  described,  and 
the   growth   of  the   various   bones   is 
considered.     According  to  Dr,  F.  the 
succession   of   intra-uterine   forms   is 
Spheroides  (common  and  evident,  4th 
month),   Ovoides  latus   (6th  month), 
Sphenoides  (by  7th  month),  Pentag- 


46 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


onoides   latus   obtiisus    (7th    and    8th 
months),   Pentagonoides  latus  acutiis 
and    P.    latus    complanatus    (9th    and 
loth    months, — also    Rhomboides    la- 
tus).    After   birth   the   succession   is 
Pentagonoides       latus,       Sphenoides, 
Spheroides.     Thus   the   typical   adult 
Eurasiatic    form    of   the    skuJl   is   the 
spheroid. 
Frazer    (J.    G.)      Howitt    and    Fison. 
(Folk-Lore,    Lond.,     1909,    xx,     144- 
180.)       Sketches    life    and    scientific 
activities  of  Rev.  L.  Fison   (d.  Dec, 
1907)    and    Dr    A.    W.    Howitt    (d. 
March,    1908),    pioneers    in    modern 
ethnologic   investigation  of  the  Aus- 
tralian aborigines. 
Froriep   (A.)      Ueber  den  Schadel  und 
andere  Knochenreste  des   Botanikers 
Hugo  V.   Mohl.      (Arch.   f.  Anthrop., 
Brnschwg.,  1908,  n.  f.,  viii,  124-145, 
5   fgs.,   4  pi.,  portr.)      Treats   of  the 
skull   (in  particular)  and  brain-model 
irom   cast   of   skull,   long  bones,   etc., 
of  H.  von   Mohl    (1805-1872),   a  dis- 
tinguished   botanist ;    sketch    of    life 
and    character    is    given.      The    leg 
bones  show  as  compared  with  those  of 
the    arms   a    disproportionate    length, 
strength,  development  of  tuberosities, 
etc.        The      estimated     brain-weight 
from  skull  capacity  is,  by  the  Welcker 
method     1402.5    gr.,    by    the    Rieger 
method  1350  gr.,  and  by  that  of  Man- 
ouvrier    1305    gr. ;    the   skull   capacity 
in   proportion    to    body-mass    is    rela- 
tively   small — his    brain-weight    could 
not  have  exceeded  the  European  aver- 
age for  males.     Skull  and  brain  are 
very   asymmetrical ;   the   general   type 
of     brain      is     markedly     frontipetal 
(cephalic  index  82.48).     The  relation 
of  the  peculiarities  of  brain-develop- 
ment    (relatively    small    development 
of  frontal   brain   and   relatively  large 
extent     of    coronal-temporal-occipital 
region)    to   v.  Mohl's  psychic  charac- 
ter, etc..  is  discussed,  his  lack  of  the 
gift  of  cooperative  creativeness  being 
noted. 
Fiir  die  Zigeuner.    (Globus,  Brnschwg., 
1908,  xciv,  49-50.)     Notes  the  efforts 
made  in  European  countries  formerly 
and  at  the  present  time  to  repress  or 
exterminate    the   Gypsies,   after   Win- 
sted,   in  his  "  Gypsy   Civilization,"  in 
the  Journal  of  the  Gypsy  Lore  Society 
for  1900.  the  attempts  to  "civilize" 
them,  etc. ;  the  case  of  the  Gypsy  boy 
educated   by   Liszt,   who   returned   to 
his  people,  is  of  interest. 
G.    (J.)      F.    G.    Hilton    Price.      (Ann. 
Arch.    &    Anthrop,,    Liverpool,    1909, 


II,  94-9S-)  Sketch  of  life  and  work;j 
of  the  late  vice-president  of  the 
Liverpool  University  Institute  of 
Archeology  (1842-1909),  archeolo- 
gist  (Roman  remains,  Egypt). 
Caster  (M.)  Presidential  address. 
(Folk-Lore,  Lond.,  1908,  xix,  12- 
30.)  Treats  of  the  fairy-tale,  its 
nature,  elements  (democracy  of  ani- 
matism,  metempsychosis  and  meta- 
morphosis natural,  absence  of  divin- 
ity in  the  religious  realm,  nether 
world  a  sort  of  negative  Elysium  and 
not  hell  or  Gehenna,  belief  in  an  im- 
mortality sui  generis,  men  and 
•women  few  in  type  but  of  mani- 
fold combinations,  etc.,  transforma- 
tion of  the  lazy,  dull,  small,  ugly, 
ignorant,  silly,  etc.,  things  and  crea- 
tures not  to  be  judged  by  outward 
appearances,  absence  of  normal  ani- 
mals as  antagonists  of  hero,  superior 
knowledge  as  weapon  that  decides 
contest,  size  of  no  moment).  The 
fairy-tale  was  "  the  first  attempt  of 
man  to  solve  the  riddle  of  life  and 
world."  The  poetic  imagination  of 
mankind  "  has  created  this  imagin- 
ary world  of  unity,  beauty  and  jus- 
tice, and  has  transported  all  the 
ideal  hopes  and  aspirations  of  man." 

• Presidential  address.    (Ibid.,  1909, 

XX,  12-31.)  Treats  of  the  origin 
and  diffusion  of  fairy-tales,  legends, 
folk-lore,  etc.,  the  field  and  the  value 
of  the  study  of  folk-lore,  The  most 
advanced  types  have  retained  rudi- 
mentary elements  of  their  primitive 
condition.  The  folk-lore  of  one  na- 
tion, in  spite  of  all  divergence  in 
detail,  is  essentially  that  of  almost 
every  other  nation.  This  disposes  of 
the  narrower  mythological  theory. 
The  discarded  literature  of  the 
classes  filters  slowly  down  to  the 
masses.  There  is  a  mutual  play  of 
popular  and  classical  literature,  the 
written  and  the  spoken. 
van  Gennep  (A.)  Linguistique  et 
sociologie.  II.  Essai  d'une  theorie 
des  langues  speciales.  (R.  d.  £t. 
Ethnogr.  et  Sociol.,  Paris,  1908,  11, 
327-3Z7-)  Treats  of  special  lan- 
guages sacred  and  profane,  with  par- 
ticular reference  to  R.  Lasch's  Uber 
Sondersprachen  und  Hire  Entstehung 
(1907),  the  theories  of  J.  G.  Frazer, 
etc.  Special  languages  are  not  mere 
"  sports  "  or  "  abnormal  phenomena," 
but  they  sustain  in  the  midst  of  the 
general  society  the  role  played  by 
each  general  language  in  respect  to 
other    general    languages.      They   are 


Periodical  Literature 


47 


one  of  the  forms  of  variation,  de- 
sired and  necessary  for  the  life  of 
society. 

Giannelli  (A.)  Un  caso  di  milza  rudi- 
mentaria.  (A.  d,  Soc.  Rom.  di  An- 
trop.,  Roma,  1908,  xiv,  209-212,  i 
fg.)  Treats  of  a  case  of  rudimen- 
tary spleen  in  a  patient  (d.  at  28 
years)  suffering  from  dementia  prae- 
cox  in  the  Lunatic  Asylum  in  Rome. 
The  arrested  development  here  noted 
corresponds  to  the  condition  of  the 
spleen  at  a  period  anterior  to  the 
eighth   month. 

^ Anormale    suddivisione    dei    pol- 

moni.  (Ibid.,  213-217,  i  fg.)  Notes 
on  two  cases  of  abnormal  subdivi- 
sion of  the  lungs, — left  divided  into 
3,  and  5  lobes, — the  latter  a  very 
rare  anomaly. 

Graebner  (F.)  Der  Neubau  des  Ber- 
liner Museums  fiir  Volkerkunde  und 
andere  praktische  Zeitfragen  der 
Ethnologic.  (Globus,  Brnschwg., 
1908,  xciv,  213-216.)  Discusses  the 
new  building  for  the  Berlin  Ethno- 
logical Museum  in  relation  to  prac- 
tical ethnological  questions.  The 
Berlin  Museum,  as  the  center  of  the 
ethnological  world  in  Germany, 
ought  to  develop  its  publications  ac- 
cordingly, and  the  colonial  authori- 
ties ought  to  help  much  in  the  labor 
necessary  to  collect  aboriginal  ma- 
terial and  anthropological  data  be- 
fore the  opportunity  to  do  so  has 
vanished. 

Gray  (J.)  A  new  instrument  for  de- 
termining the  color  of  the  hair,  eyes 
and  skin.  (Man,  Lond.,  1908,  viii, 
54-58,  6  fgs.)  Discusses  the  meas- 
urement of  pigmentation  by  means 
of  an  instrument  on  the  principle 
of  the  Lovibond  tintometer,  called 
"  the  pigmentation  meter." 

Apparat     zur     Bestimmung     der 

Haut-  und  Haarfarben.  (Korr.-Bl.  d. 
D.  Ges.  f.  Anthrop.,  Brnschwg.,  1908, 
XXXIX,  115.)  Note  on  colored-glass 
apparatus  for  testing  color  of  skin 
and  hair  (observation  as  with  pho- 
tometer). Same  as  instrument  de- 
scribed in  previous  article. 

Haddon  (A.  C.)  The  regulations  for 
obtaining  a  diploma  of  anthropology 
in  the  University  of  Cambridge. 
(Man,  Lond.,  1908,  viii,  42.)  Gives 
the  terms  stated  in  the  "  grace " 
passed  by  the  senate  in  January, 
1908,  and  the  powers  of  the  "Board 
of  Anthropological  Studies." 

and   Bushnell    (D.    L,    Jr.)    Otis 

Tufton  Mason.     (Ibid.,  1909,  ix,  17- 


18.)  Brief  notes  on  life  and  works 
of   Prof.   O.   T.   Mason    (1838-1908). 

Hahn  (E.)  Das  Gestirn  des  Wagens. 
(Z.  f.  Ethnol.,  Berlin,  1909,  xli, 
272.)  Appeals  for  the  designation 
of  the  constellation  sometimes  called 
in  German  (as  elsewhere  in  W. 
Europe),  "  der  Grosse  Bar,"  as  "  der 
Wagen,"  corresponding  to  the 
"  Wain  "  of  older  English,  etc.  The 
Latin  term  Ursa  major  signifies 
really  "  Great  She-bear." 

Halbfass  (W.)  Industrie,  Verkehr 
und  Natur.  (Globus,  Brnschwg., 
1908,  XCIV,  270-273.)  Treats  of  the 
dangers,  etc.,  of  the  excessive  utiliza- 
tion of  natural  flowing  and  subter- 
ranean water  for  purposes  of  in- 
dustry and  commerce.  Some  joy  in 
unchanged  nature  is  needed  for 
man's    best    development. 

Hallock  (C.)  Loyalty  of  tradition. 
(Amer.  Antiq.,  Salem,  Mass.,  1909, 
XXXI,  159-163.)  Argues  that  "tra- 
dition, as  transmitted  orally  from 
father  to  son  through  all  the  gen- 
erations from  the  beginning  until 
now,  is  the  most  reliable  resource 
we  have  to  base  current  or  ancient 
history  upon,"  and  that  "  transmis- 
sion goes  on  infallibly." 

Hambruch  (P.)  Ein  neuer  "  Ohrho- 
henmesser "  nach  Professor  Kramer. 
(Korr.-Bl.  d.  D.  Ges.  f.  Anthrop., 
Brnschwg.,  1909,  xl,  39-40,  2  fgs.) 
Describes  a  new  apparatus  for  meas- 
uring the  ear-height  of  the  living 
subject  by  a  single  individual,  in- 
vented by  Prof.  A.  Kramer  of  Kiel. 

Hamy  (E.  T.)  Charles  Arthaud  de 
Pont-a-Mousson,  1748-1791.  (Bull. 
Soc.  d' Anthrop.  de  Paris,  1908,  w"  s., 
IX,  293-314.)  Brief  account  of  life 
and  activities  and  publications  of 
Dr  C.  Arthaud,  resident  in  Santo 
Domingo  1 772-1 791.  At  pages  303- 
310  and  310-314,  respectively,  con- 
tains the  reprint  of  an  article  (pub- 
lished in  1786)  by  Arthaud  on  the 
"  Constitution  of  the  aborigines, 
their  arts,  their  industry  and  their 
means  of  subsistence,"  and  of  an 
unpublished  Ms.  (1790)  on  "The 
phallus  among  the  aborigines."  In 
the  first  the  author  treats  of  agri- 
cultural implements  and  processes, 
stone  axes,  fetishes  and  zemis, 
houses,  songs,  character  and  tem- 
perament of  Indians,  and  notes  the 
occurrence  of  simple  and  ornamental 
pottery,  a  stone  mortar  carved  in  re- 
lief, etc.  The  second  was  occa- 
sioned by  the  discovery  in  a  great 
cavern  on  the  island  of  several  phalli 


48 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


of    natural    size    in    connection    with 
human  remains. 
von  Hansemann  (D.)  Ueber  die  Asym- 
metric   der    Gelenkflachen    des    Hin- 
terhauptes.      (Z.    f.    Ethnol.,    Berlin, 

1908,  XL,  994-997.)  From  the  ex- 
amination of  some  400  skulls  (of 
these  about  200  from  Africa,  Aus- 
tralia, Polynesia,  etc.)  H.  comes  to 
the  conclusion  that  the  well-known 
asymmetry  of  the  articular  surfaces 
(condyles)  of  the  occiput  is  a  char- 
acter acquired  in  early  childhood, 
due  to  some  factor  of  civilized  life, 
probably  the  attitude  assumed  in 
reading  and  writing.  These  surfaces 
continue  symmetric  in  the  child  up 
to  the  seventh  or  the  eighth  year ; 
of  the  200  skulls  of  non-European 
races  156  showed  this  symmetry,  of 
the  200  European  skulls  only  17. 

Die      Bedeutung      der      Ossicula 

mentalia  fur  die  Kinnbildung.    (Ibid., 

1909,  XLi,  714-721.)  Discusses  the 
significances  of  the  ossicula  mentalia 
in  the  formation  of  the  chin, — views 
of  Toldt,  Walkh  ff,  etc.  v.  H.  holds 
that  the  ossicula  mentalia  existed  in 
the  Neanderthal  man  and  probably 
also  in  the  Heidelberg  man,  and, 
while  they  may  serve  to  mark  man 
off  from  the  lower  animals,  they 
can  be  held  to  distinguish  the  Nean- 
derthal race  from  modern  man. 

Hellmilch  (M.)  Aufmessung  und  Kar- 
tendarstellung  vorgeschichtlicher  Be- 
festigungswerke.  (Korr.-Bl.  d.  D. 
Ges.  f.  Anthrop.,  Brnschwg.,  1909, 
XL,  6-1 1,  I  fg.)  Discusses  the  prob- 
lems concerned  in  the  measurement 
and  cartographical  representation  of 
prehistoric  fortification-works,  etc. 

Hellwig  (A.)  Das  Eid  im  Volksglau- 
ben.  (Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1908, 
xciv,  125-126.)  Notes  on  folk-lore 
concerning  the  oath  (pregnant  women 
may  not  make  oath  lest  child  be 
harmed  in  some  way, — widespread 
superstition ;  dangers  of  oathmaking, 
etc.). 

Prozesstalismane.      (Ibid.,    1909, 

xcv,  21-24.)  Treats  of  talismans  for 
protection  in  trials,  lawsuits,  etc., 
devices  for  luck  in  court,  etc.,  in 
various  parts  of  Germany  in  particu- 
lar: Objects  carried  on  the  person 
(powdered  snake-skin,  heart  of  a 
raven,  baptismal  water,  caul,  roots 
and  vegetables,  rabbit's  foot  in 
America,  etc.),  performance  of  cer- 
tain action  on  the  way  to  court  or 
during  the  trial  (putting  stocking 
on  inside  out),  use  of  certain 
"  magic "     formulas     (specimens     of 


verse  to  be  recited  are  given),  etc 
See  also  H.'s  Verbrechen  und  Aber- 
glaube  (Leipzig,  1908). 

Zufall   und    Aberglaube.      (Ibid., 

293-297.)  Discusses  the  role  of 
chance  in  superstition  (misses  in  the 
case  of  amulets  are  forgotten  and 
the  "  hits "  only  remembered)  ; 
harmless  unintentional  prophecies 
turn  out  true  and  the  authors  be- 
come witches  or  medicine-men  ;  dead 
bodies  happen  to  be  found  only  after 
folk-procedure  has  been  resorted  to ; 
thieves  and  other  offenders  are  found 
in  like  manner ;  charlatans  often  be- 
gin their  careers  after  a  lucky  chance. 
H.  cites  many  instances  of  the  effect 
of  chance  in  strengthening  old  super- 
stitions or  even  setting  up  new  ones 
in  quite  modern  days. 

• Mystische      Meineidszeremonien. 

(A.  f.  Religsw.,  Lpzg.,  1909,  xii,  46- 
66.)  Treats  of  mystic  ceremonies 
and  devices  in  use  to  avoid  the  re- 
sult of  perjury,  punishment,  etc.,  in 
various  parts  of  Europe,  Germany  in 
particular :  Swearing  into  the  ground 
or  into  the  air  (so  as  to  prevent  be- 
ing struck  by  lightning  ;  "  swearing 
off "  by  holding  the  palm  of  the 
raised  hand  toward  the  judge ;  hold- 
ing something  in  the  hand  as  a  sort 
of  "  scape-goat "  (in  use  among  Ger- 
mans, Poles,  Rumanians,  Ruthenians, 
Huzuls,  Servians,  etc.)  ;  leaving  out 
words,  mumbling,  speaking  indis- 
tinctly ;  crooking  the  finger  where 
touching  the  Holy  Scriptures  (Jews), 
avoiding  touchinr;  the  Bible,  the  Ko- 
ran, etc. ;  "Jesuitical  "  doctrine  of  per- 
jury ;  devices  to  cheat  the  devil,  etc. 
A  knowledge  of  some  of  the  data  in 
this  field  is  of  practical  use  to  the 
lawyer  and  the  judicial  authorities. 

Helmolt  (H.  F.)  A  friend  of  the  Gyp- 
sies. (J.  Gypsy  Lore  Soc,  Liverpool, 
1908,  N.  S.,  I,  193-197,  portr.)  Sketch 
of  life  and  works  of  Dr  H.  von 
Wlislocki  (d.  Feb.,  1907),  an  au- 
thority on  the  ethnology  and  folk- 
lore of  the  Gypsies.  Translated 
from  Das  literarische  Echo  for  Aug. 
1907. 

Hertel  (J.)  Zu  den  Erzahlungen  von 
der  Muttermilch  und  der  schwimmen- 
den  Lade.  (Z.  d.  V.  f.  Volksk.,  Ber- 
lin, 1909,  XIX,  83-92,  128.)  Dis- 
cusses, with  additional  data  (the  tale 
of  Kuberadatta,  etc.,  published  by  H. 
in  his  Ausgeiv.  Erzdhlg.  aus  Hema- 
candras  Parisistaparvan,  Leipzig, 
1908),  especially  from  Hindu  sources, 
the  tale  of  the  mother's  milk  and 
the    floating    chest,    treated    by     E. 


Periodical  Literature 


49 


Cosquin  in  the  Revue  des  questions 
historiques  for  1908.  In  the  various 
versions  the  chest  serves  8  different 
purposes.  This  cycle  includes  the 
story  of  the  finding  of  Moses. 

Zur   Fabel    von    den    Hasen    und 

den  Froschen.  (Ibid.,  426-429.) 
Discusses  the  fable  of  the  hare  and 
the  frogs,  and  refers  the  Esthonian, 
Russian  and  Finnish  versions  cited 
by  Dahnhardt  to  an  Asiatic  source 
(cf.  Pali-Jataka,  322).  An  African 
tale  of  the  hare  as  moon-messenger 
may  hail  from  India  also. 

Herve  (G.)  Les  trois  glorieuses  de 
1859  et  leur  cinquantenaire.  (R.  de 
rfic.  d'Anthrop.  de  Paris,  1909,  xix, 
1-4,  3  fgs.)  The  year  1859  is  cele- 
brated for  having  been  the  time  of 
the  publication  of  the  Origin  of  Spe- 
cies by  Charles  Darwin,  the  founda- 
tion of  the  Societe  d'Anthropologie 
de  Paris  by  Paul  Broca,  and  the 
acceptance  by  Sir  Charles  Lyell, 
President  of  the  British  Association 
for  the  Advancement  of  Science,  of 
the  evidence  demonstrating  the  ex- 
istence of  post-pliocene  man,  theo- 
retically argued  by  Boucher  de  Perthes 
as  early  as  1838  and  for  twenty  years 
subsequently  on  the  basis  of  flints 
from  the  diluvium  of  the  Somme, 
etc.  The  relations  of  these  three 
things  are  discussed  by  H.  It  is  to 
be  noted  that  the  Paris  Anthropo- 
logical Society  decided  in  1883  to 
hold  an  annual  Conference  trans- 
formiste  (not  darwinienne). 

Des    pierres-figures    au   point   de 

vue  ethnographique.  (Ibid.,  77-9'i, 
6  fgs.)  Treats  of  pierres-figures  (i. 
e.,  zoomorphic  stones  (imitations  of 
animals,  etc.),  retouched  "sports" 
of  nature,  among  the  Lapps,  Si- 
berian tribes,  Zuiii  and  other  In- 
dians, Eskimo  of  Alaska,  Webias  of 
New  Caledonia,  Australian  churin-. 
gas,  etc.  According  to  H.  these  ob- 
jects are  intimately  connected  with 
"  magic "  and  "  religion."  The 
forms  seen  in  them  by  prehistoric  and 
savage  man  are  largely  what  we  see 
in  them  now.  Some  peoples  have  a 
keen  faculty  for  "  seeing "  such 
things.     See  Archambault    (M.). 

Hoffman-Krayer  (E.)  Volkskundliche 
Umfragen  X.  Gebrauche  zu  bestimm- 
ten  Jahreszeiten  und  Tagen.  I. 
(Schw.  Arch.  f.  Volksk.,  Basel,  1909, 
XIII,  212.)  Questionnaire  of  26 
items  relating  to  special  days  and 
festivals  of  winter. 

Hospital  (P.)  L'interversion  des  habil- 
lements    sexuels.       (Ann.    Med.-psy- 

VOL.  XXIII. — xo.  87.  4 


chol.,  Paris,  1909,  g"  s.,  ix,  29-36.) 
Treats  of  men  dressing  as  women 
and  vice  versa,  from  Tiresias  down 
to  Mme.  Dieulafoy  and  the  univer- 
sity gown  of  to-day. 
How  the  world  is  shod.  (Nat.  Geogr. 
Mag.,  Wash.,  1908,  xix,  649-660,  11 
pi.)  These  illustrations  treat  of 
Russian  high  leather  boots,  Breton 
out-door  shoe  factory,  foot-gear  of 
Tower  of  London  guards,  shoes  of 
Queen's  guard  at  Athens,  Chinese 
shoe-stall,  fine  shoes  of  Canton 
ladies,  wooden  shoes  of  low  >.lasses 
in  India,  Japanese  clogs  and  sandals, 
cliff-dwellers'   sandals. 

Hultkrantz  (J.  W.)  Uber  Dysostosis 
cleido-cranialis.  Kongenitale,  Kom- 
binierte  Schadel-  und  Schliissel- 
beinanomalien.  (Z.  f.  Morphol.  u. 
Anthropol.,  Stuttgart,  1908,  xi,  385- 
524,  9  fgs.,  3  pi.)  Detailed  discus- 
sion of  dysostosis  and  its  anatomical 
peculiarities,  origin,  etc.  Besides 
considering  53  cases  listed  in  the 
literature  of  the  subject,  Dr  H.  gives 
the  results  of  observations  on  9 
living  dysostotic  individuals,  investi- 
gations of  5  dysostotic  skulls  in  the 
Pathological  Museum  in  Vienna  and 
one  in  the  Anatomical  Museum  of 
Helsingfors.  Dysostosis  cleido-crani- 
alis is  a  congenital  malformation  of 
the  bony  system  chiefly  concerning 
the  skull  and  the  clavicle,  which  ap- 
pears sometimes  in  quite  normal  fam- 
ilies, has  no  sex-preference,  and  is 
often  inherited. 

Isaac  Heron.  (J.  Gypsy  Lore  Soc, 
Liverpool,  1908,  n.  s.,  i,  251-258, 
portr.)  Notes  on  "  one  of  the  finest 
living  specimens  of  a  Gypsy  of  the 
old  school." 

Kainzbauer  (L.)  Bedingungen  zur  Be- 
uerteilungen  prahistorischer  Zeich- 
nungen.  (Mitt.  d.  Anthrop.  Ges.  in 
Wien,  1908,  XXXVIII,  92-95.)  Dis- 
cusses the  character  of  prehistoric 
drawings.  Distinguishes  decorative 
prehistoric  drawings  from  "  free  rep- 
resentation." Some  are  not  draw- 
ings but  merely  expressions  of 
thought  with  most  primitive  means, 
as  is  nowadays  even  the  case  with 
normal  man.  Childhood  and  primi- 
tive man  present  identical  phenom- 
ena. Further  study  of  prehistoric 
drawings  is  needed  to  determine 
their  real  nature. 

Klaatsch  (H.)  Kraniomorphologie  und 
Kraniotrigonometrie.  (Arch.  f.  An- 
throp., Brnschwg.,  1909,  N.  F.,  viii, 
101-123,  30   fgs.)     Treats  of  cranial 


50 


Journal  oj  American  Folk-Lore 


morphology  and  trigonometry  (the 
lower  jaw-bone  in  particular),  with 
special  reference  to  Europeans,  Aus- 
tralians and  the  anthropoids.  The 
exactness  of  the  old  craniometry  (e.  g. 
6000  measurements  of  the  lower  jaw) 
is  but  a  pseudo-exactness, — and  even 
now  race-morphology  of  the  man- 
dibula  is  almost  a  new  field).  Most 
Europeans  have  a  "  positive "  chin, 
ancient  diluvial  man  and  the  lower 
races  a  "  negative "  chin  (and  the 
anthropoids  also).  In  the  human 
race  the  formation  of  the  chin  has 
taken  place  polyphyletically.  The 
"  cranial  square "  with  its  4  right- 
angled  triangles  is  important  for 
craniotrigonometry. 

Koch  (M.)  Demonstration  eines 
Schadels  mit  Leontiasis  ossea.  (Z. 
f.  Ethnol.,  Berlin,  1909,  xli,  703- 
714,  5  fgs.)  Treats  of  the  monstrous 
skull  of  a  6s  year  old  woman  (d. 
1909,  in  the  hospital  on  the  Urban), 
and  compares  it  with  the  skulls  of 
Sacy  (1799),  San  Cassiano  (1863), 
Liverpool  (1866),  Haarlem  (1883), 
all  of  which,  however,  hardly  belong 
together.  Some  cases  of  Leontiasis 
ossea  may  not  be  diseases  sui  generis, 
but  consequences  of  rachitis.  In  the 
discussion  other  examples,  etc.,  were 
cited. 

Kohlbrugge  (J.  H.  F.)  Rote  Haare 
und  deren  Bedeutung.  (Globus, 
Brnschwg.,  1908,  xciii,  309-312,  333- 
335.)  Discusses  red  hair,  its  origin, 
significance,  etc.,  in  the  anthropoids 
(and  other  animals)  and  man.  K. 
compared  redhairedness  or  erythrism 
in  the  anthropoids  with  albinism  in 
man  finding  many  points  of  coinci- 
dence, but  reached  the  conclusion 
from  further  observations  that  white 
and  red  color  are  to  be  regarded  as 
arrests  of  development,  that  can  be 
restored  if  not  excessively  advanced, 
— they  may  be  compared  with  hypo- 
trichosis or  hairlessness.  Albinism 
and  erythrism  are  sports  (not  va- 
rieties) and  have  something  patho- 
logical and  degenerative  about  them 
(this  is  often  very  marked  in  the 
former).  Erythrism  is  a  sort  of 
albinism ;  red  is  no  hair-color,  but 
due  to  lack  of  color,  or  of  color- 
substance. 

• Untersuchungen  iiber  Groszhirn- 

furchen  der  Menschenrassen.  (Z.  f. 
Morphol.  u.  Anthrop.  Lpzg.,  1908,  xi, 
596-609.)  Resumes  the  author's  own 
investigations  on  the  sulci  of  the 
cerebrum  in  72  hemispheres  of  Jav- 
anese,   46    of    other    Malay    peoples 


(Batak,  Bugi,  Timorese,  etc.),  12 
Australians  and  New  Zealanders,  20 
Dutchmen.  No  constant  race  differ- 
ences in  the  cerebral  sulci  exist,  and 
"  it  is  as  little  possible  to  distinguish 
the  brain  of  an  Australian  from  that 
of  a  European,  as  to  distinguish  that 
of  a  man  of  genius  from  that  of  a 
simpleton."  This  does  not  however 
signify  psychological  indifference  as 
well  as  convolutional. 

Kohnstamm  (O.)  Ausdruckstatigkeit 
als  Forschungsprinzip?  (Korr.-Bl. 
d.  D.  Ges.  f.  Anthrop.,  Brnschwg., 
1909,  XL,  17-18.)  Raises  the  question 
in  how  far  the  works  and  activities, 
etc.,  of  primitive  man  (cf.  the  child) 
are  teleological  (or  purposive)  and  in 
how  far  expressive. 

Kroeber  (A.  L.)  Classificatory  systems 
of  relationship.  (J.  R.  Anthrop. 
Inst.,  Lond.,  1909,  xxxix,  77-84.) 
Argues  (chiefly  from  American  In- 
dian data)  that :  The  generally  ac- 
cepted distinction  between  descrip- 
tive and  classificatory  systems  of  re- 
lationships cannot  be  supported. 
Systems  of  terms  of  relationship  can 
be  properly  compared  through  an  ex- 
amination of  the  categories  of  rela- 
tion (8  are  enumerated  and  briefly 
discussed)  which  they  involve  and 
of  the  degree  to  which  they  give  ex- 
pression to  these  categories.  The 
fundamental  difference  between  sys- 
tems of  terms  of  relationship  of  Eu- 
ropeans and  of  American  Indians  is 
that  the  former  express  a  smaller 
number  of  categories  of  relationship 
than  the  latter,  and  express  them 
more  completely.  Terms  of  rela- 
tionship reflect  psychology,  not  soci- 
ology. They  are  determined  pri- 
marily by  language  and  can  be  util- 
ized for  sociological  inferences  only 
with   extreme   caution. 

Lang  (A.)  The  origin  of  terms  of  hu- 
man relationship.  (Proc.  Brit.  Acad., 
Lond.,  1908,  III,  Repr.,  pp.  1-20.) 
L.  discusses  relationship-names  in 
Greek,  French,  English,  and  particu- 
larly aboriginal  Australian,  and  their 
wide  extension,  arguing  that  "  as 
tribal  laws  developed,  regulating  all 
things  by  grade  of  age,  the  old  names 
for  the  dearest  relationships  were 
simply  extended  (sometimes  with 
qualifications,  such  as  '  elder,' 
'younger,'  'little')  to  all  persons  of 
the  same  age-grade,  in  the  same 
phratry,  with  the  same  duties,  privi- 
leges and  restrictions.  This  kind  of 
extension  is  familiar  in  modern  cus- 


Periodical  Literature 


51 


torn."  It  indicates  no  primal  promis- 
cuity. 

— —  Alfred  William  Howitt,  C.M.G., 
ScD. ;  born  1830,  died  March  7th, 
1908.  (Man,  Lond.,  1908,  viii,  85- 
86.)  Brief  account  of  life,  scientific 
activities  and  publications.  His  great 
work  is  the  Native  Tribes  of  South- 
East   Australia    (1904). 

Lasch  (R.)  Das  Fortleben  geschicht- 
licher  Ereignisse  in  der  Tradition 
der  Naturvolker.  (Globus,  Brn- 
schwg.,  1908,  xciii,  287-289.)  Cites 
from    various    legends    of    primitive 

'  peoples  evidence  of  the  handing  down 
of  a  knowledge  of  historical  events 
in  legends,  traditions,  etc.  Tlingit 
Indians  of  Alaska  (visit  of  Cook  in 
1778  and  Baranoff  in  1793)  ;  Eskimo 
(conflicts  with  Norsemen  1379- 
1456)  ;  Makah  Indians  of  Cape  Flat- 
tery (coming  of  Quimper  at  Neah 
bay  in  1792)  ;  Indonesia  (earth- 
quakes, volcanic  eruptions,  etc.)  ; 
Australians  (epidemics,  coming  of 
Europeans,  etc.)  ;  St.  Cruz  Is. 
(shipwreck  of  European  expedition 
in  1788)  ;  Maoris  (coming  of  Eu- 
ropeans) ;  Tongans  (coming  of 
Tasman  in  1643),  etc.  L.  considers 
it  proved  that  highly-gifted  people 
like  the  Polynesians,  e.  g.,  in  no  wise 
lack  the  historical  sense,  and  that 
their  traditions  have  often  no  little 
historical  value. 

Le  Damany  (P.)  Le  mecanisme  de  la 
torsion  et  de  la  detorsion  du  femur. 
Le  mecanisme  de  la  luxation  congeni- 
tale  de  la  hanche.  (Bull.  Soc.  d'An- 
throp.  de  Paris,  1909,  v^  S.,  ix,  7Z2- 
736.)  Congenital  dislocation  of  the 
hip  is  something  "  anthropological." 
Marking  the  rise  from  the  anthro- 
poid (rare  in  negroes,  it  occurs  in 
male  whites  in  the  proportion  of 
I  :  1000,  females  i  :  200).  It  is  due 
to  a  malformation  of  the  pelvis 
which  increases  the  normal  anterior 
obliquity  of  the  cotyloid  cavity  and 
to  the  increase  of  the  normal  torsion 
of  the  femur.  The  femur  is  subject 
to  torsion  in  intra-uterine  life  and 
to  detorsion  after  birth.  Dr  Le  D. 
has  constructed  a  wooden  apparatus 
for  exhibiting  torsion  and  detorsion, 
the  mechanism  of  luxation,  etc. 

Lehmann  (J.)  Einiges  iiber  Orna- 
mentik,  (Korr.-Bl.  d.  D.  Ges.  f. 
Anthrop.,  Brnschwg.,  1908,  xxxix, 
134-136.)  Discusses  the  develop- 
ment of  ornament,  relations  to  tech- 
nique, material,  etc.  Ornament  is 
sui  generis  with  peoples.  Many  or- 
nament-motives   of    different    peoples 


are  essentially  identical  in  form,  but 
iiave  arisen  through  a  like  model  to 
begin  with.  The  transference  of 
such  patterns  from  one  field  of  orna- 
mentation to  another  has  been  noted 
by  Schmidt  in  the  textile  art  of 
Brazilian  Indians.  The  wire-art  of 
Indonesia  is  also  interesting  here, 
and  likewise  the  Haussa  imitation  of 
hair-braids,  etc.  (also  ornaments  on 
Somali  shields). 

Lejeune  (C.)  De  I'anthropoide  a 
I'homme.  (Bull.  Soc.  d'Anthrop.  de 
Paris,  1908,  V*  s.,  ix,  450-454.)  Dis- 
cusses the  views  of  S.  Reinach  put 
forth  in  an  article  "  From  the  An- 
thropoid to  Man,"  published  in  the 
Universite  de  Paris  for  November, 
1906.  R.  believes  that  "man  came 
into  being  the  day  when  the  human 
tabu  of  sex  was  added  to  the  animal 
tabu  of  blood."  But  new  needs, 
rather  than  tabu,  have  been  the  mak- 
ing of  man,  according  to  L. 

Leuba  (J.  H.)  The  psychological  ori- 
gin of  religion.  (Monist,  Chicago, 
1909,  XIX,  27-35.)  Discusses  origin 
of  ideas  of  ghosts,  nature-beings  and 
creators,  the  origin  emotion  of  prim- 
itive religious  life.  According  to  Dr 
L.  "  all  living  savages  known  to  us 
believe  in  ghosts,  in  spirits,  and  per- 
haps also  in  particular  beings  risen 
to  the  dignity  of  gods  "  (p.  28) — a 
rather  broad  statement.  The  order 
of  origin  of  these  beings  is  not  set- 
tled. Fear,  the  first  of  the  well- 
organized  emotional  reactions,  was 
largely  the  origin  of  religion,  its  his- 
tory being  the  gradual  substitution  of 
love  for  fear.  See  also  the  author's 
book  (London,  1909)  with  the  same 
title. 

Lewis  (T.)  and  Embleton  (D.)  Split- 
hand  and  split-foot  deformities,  their 
types,  origin  and  transmission.  (Bio- 
metrika,  Cambridge,  Engld.,  1908,  vi, 
26-58,  7  pi.,  2  fgs.)  Based  on  the 
detailed  study  of  17  members  of  the 
"  G  "  family  of  44  deformed  persons, 
— in  allmorethan  180  individual  cases 
have  been  collected.  Types  of  split 
hand  and  foot,  their  terminology  and 
the  nature  of  cross-bones,  origin  arid 
transmission  of  the  deformities  (ma- 
ternal impressions,  extra-uterine 
lesion,  arrests  of  development, 
atavism,  intra-uterine  conditions, 
"  sports,"  Mendelism,  etc.)  are  dis- 
cussed. This  deformity  has  its  ori- 
gin in  a  "  sport,"  tending  to  be  trans- 
mitted along  definite  lines. 

von  Luschan  (F.)  Akromegalie  und 
Caput   progenaeum.      (Z.    f.    Ethnol., 


52 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


Berlin,  1909,  xli,  698-703.)  Notes 
resemblance  of  lower  jaw,  e.  g.,  in 
acromegaly  and  progenia.  The  lat- 
ter in  high  degree  can  occur  without 
serious  nervous  symptoms  and  may  be 
inherited  for  many  generations  (cf. 
Alfonso  of  Spain  and  his  ancestor 
Charles  V.)-  It  is  difficult  to  distin- 
guish a  high  degree  of  progenia  from 
a  low  degree  of  acromegaly, 
MacCurdy  (G.  G.)  Eolithic  and  pale- 
olithic man.  (Amer.  Anthrop.,  Lan- 
caster,  Pa.,    1909,   N.   s.,   XI,   92-100, 

4  fgs-) 

Anthropology    at    the    Baltimore 

meeting  with  Proceedings  of  the 
American  Anthropological  Associa- 
tion for  1908.     (Ibid.,  101-119.) 

Theodore  -  Jules  -  Ernest     Hamy. 

(Ibid.,   145-147,  portr.) 

Mahe  (G.)  Terminologie  rationelle 
dans  la  description  anatomique  des 
dents  humaines.  (Bull.  Soc.  d' An- 
throp. de  Paris,  '908,  v''  s.,  ix,  170- 
178.)  Sets  forth  a  "  rational  termi- 
nology for  anatomic  description  of  the 
human  teeth,"  based  on  these  four 
terms  of  precise  and  general  appli- 
cation :  anterior,  posterior,  external, 
internal. 

Mahoudeau  (P.  G.)  La  question  de 
I'origine  de  I'homme  et  la  faillite  de 
la  science  d'apres  Brunetiere.  (R. 
de   r£c.    d' Anthrop.    de    Paris,    1908, 

XVIII,  361-379.)  Critique  of  Bru- 
netiere's  article  in  the  Revue  des 
Deux  Mondcs  (1895)  in  relation  to 
the  "  bankruptcy  of  science  "  and  the 
question  of  the  origin  of  man.  An- 
thropology, according  to  M.,  de- 
mands facts,  not  legends,  and  proves 
the  natural  origin  of  man,  which  is 
not  unknown  to  the  Bible,  as  several 
texts   show. 

L'origine    de    I'homme    au    point 

de    vue    experimental.      (Ibid.,    1909, 

XIX,  145-155.)  Discusses  the  pro- 
posals of  Prof.  Bernelot-Moens  in  his 
pamphlet  Verite:  Recherches  expcri- 
mentales  sur  I'origine  de  I'homme 
(Paris,  1908),  to  investigate  the  ori- 
gin of  man  by  means  of  experiments 
in  artificial  fecundation  of  female  an- 
thropoids with  human  sperma,  the 
crossing  of  anthropoids  one  with  an- 
other, the  infection  of  anthropoids 
with  human  diseases  (particularly 
syphilis),  etc.  M.  is  of  opinion  that 
the  "  crossing  of  anthropoids  with 
man  can  never  resurrect  a  being  that 
has  disappeared ;  nor  will  any  new 
beings  he  may  be  able  to  produce 
reveal  the  secret  of  man's  origin." 


Manacorda  (G.)  Zu  dem  volkstiim- 
lichen  Motive  von  den  weiblichen 
Schonheiten.  (Z.  d.  V.  f.  Volksk., 
Berlin,  1908,  xviii,  436-441.)  Treats 
of  folk-motive  of  "  the  beauties  of 
woman":  The  18  beauties  (Italian 
sonnet  from  a  Perugian  Ms.  of  the 
15th  century)  ;  the  21  beauties  (Celtis 
and  Bebel, — ante  1508)  ;  the  30  beau- 
ties (Ms.  of  i6th  century)  ;  the  33 
beauties  (Italian  poem  of  i6th  cen- 
tury) ;  the  Z7  beauties  (Italian  poem 
of  i6th  century)  ;  60  and  72  beauties 
also  are  mentioned.  Comparisons  of 
woman  with  the  horse  likewise  oc- 
cur. 

Manouvrier  (L.)  Memoire  visuelle, 
visualisation  coloree,  calcul  mental. 
Notes  et  etude  sur  Mile.  U.  Dia- 
mandi.  (Bull.  Soc.  d'Anthrop.  de 
Paris,  1908,  V*  s.,  ix,  584-642,  1 
fg.)  Details  of  study  and  experiments 
with  Miss  U.  Diamandi,  the  mental 
prodigy. 

■     L'inauguration    de    la    statue    de 

Boucher  de  Perthes  a  Abbeville. 
(Ibid.,  539-542.)  Report  of  pro- 
ceedings and  brief  address  of  M. 
Manouvrier  at  the  dedication  of  the 
statue  of  Boucher  de  Perthes  at  Ab- 
beville, June  7,  1908. 

Conclusions    generales    sur    I'an- 

thropologie  des  sexes  et  applications 
sociales.  (R.  de  I'fic.  d'Anthrop.  de 
Paris,  1909,  xix,  41-61.)  Pt.  iii  of 
general  discussion  of  the  anthropol- 
ogy of  sex,  resumeing  the  views  and 
personal  opinions  of  the  author  on 
primary  and  secondary  sexual  diiTer- 
ences,  etc.  The  social  separation  of 
the  sexes  by  means  of  their  union 
in  the  family  is  a  natural  law  graven 
upon  the  entire  physiology  and  con- 
stitution of  man  and  woman.  There 
is  a  reciprocal  attraction  correlative 
with  differentiation.  Biologically, 
physiologically,  sociologically  man  is 
man,   and  woman  is  woman. 

Marcuse  (M.)  Geschlechtstrieb  und 
"  Liebe  "  des  Urmenschen.  (Sexual- 
Probl.,  Frankfurt,  1909,  v,  721-740.) 
Discusses  the  question  of  the  strength 
of  the  sexual  impulse  in  primitive 
man,  etc.,  with  numerous  bibliograph- 
ical references.  Dr  M.  holds  to  the 
theory  of  a  strong  development  of 
the  sex-impulse  in  primitive  times, 
rejecting  H.  Ellis's  view  of  its  in- 
crease as  a  result  of  civilization. 

Marett  (R.  R.)  The  tabu-mana  for- 
mula as  a  minimum  definition  of  re- 
ligion. (A.  f.  Religsws.,  Lpzg.,  xii, 
186-194.)  M.  argues  that  tabu  and 
mana  are  "  severally  the  negative  and 


Periodical  Literature 


53 


the  positive  modes  of  the  supernat- 
ural," and  discusses  this  formula  in 
its  relation  to  Tylor's  theory  of 
animism, — animism  is  too  wide  and 
not  so  homogeneous  as  tabu-inana. 
M.  applies  tabu  and  viana  as  cate- 
gories to  the  phenomena  of  the  stage 
of  "  savage,"  "  primitive,"  or  better, 
"  rudimentary  "  religion.  He  holds 
that  "  the  key  to  religious  evolution 
is  doubtless  to  be  found  in  social 
evolution."  The  illustrative  matter  is 
taken  from  Codrington's  The  Melan- 
esians  (Oxford,   1891)   and  Tregear's 

-  The  Maori-Polynesian  Comparative 
Dictionary  (Wellington,  N.  Z.,  1891). 

Mendoza  (M.  P.),  Ramirez  (M.),  and 
Enriquez  (P.  V.).  An  improved 
modelling  especially  adapted  for  the 
central  nervous  system.  Preparation 
of  brain  models.  (Philip.  J.  Sci., 
Manila,  1908,  iii,  293-297,  3  pi.) 
Describes  method  of  making  brain- 
models  of  paper  pulp. 

Mielke  (R.)  Ein  merkwiirdiger  Toten- 
brauch.  (Z.  f.  Ethnol.,  Berlin,  190S, 
XL,  623-634.)  Discusses  the  custom 
of  burying  the  dead  in  a  sitting  pos- 
ture, its  geographical  distribution, 
origin,  etc.  Sitting  is  symbolic  of 
power,  personal  power  especially ;  it 
has  been  developed  out  of  the  squat- 
ting (hocken)  position,  the  most  nat- 
ural form  of  temporary  rest ;  lying 
down  suited  only  the  sleeping 
and  the  sick  with  many  peoples ;  in 
the  sitting  posture,  too,  the  dead  can 
easily  look  over  all  things,  see  far, 
etc.  In  the  discussion  Hr.  Kossinna 
cited  from  Mecklenburg  and  Lubeck 
(megalithic  graves)  25  cases  of  pre- 
historic sitting-burial. 

Mollison  (T.)  Rechts  und  links  in  der 
Primatenreihe.  (Korr.-Bl.  d.  Ges.  f. 
Anthrop.,  Brnschwg.,  1908,  xxxix, 
112-115,  IS  fgs.)  Gives  results  of 
measurements  of  length  of  right  and 
left  humerus,  radius,  ulna,  femur, 
tibia  and  fibula  of  Prosimia,  Platyr- 
rhine  apes,  Cercopithecus,  chimpan- 
zee, gorilla,  gibbon,  orang  and  man, 
and  their  graphic  expression.  As  to 
the  arm,  man  (the  most  marked), 
orang  and  gibbon  are  decidedly  right- 
handed,  the  chimpanzee  and  gorilla 
left-handed,  but  not  so  markedly  so  as 
these  are  right-handed.  In  the  Cer- 
copithecidse  and  the  monkeys  of  the 
New  World  equality  of  sides  pre- 
dominates, with  the  left  side  longer 
if  either.  The  Prosimia  represent 
all  three  possibilities,  with  a  ten- 
dency to  equality  of  the  sides.  With 
regard  to  the  legs,  asymmetry  is  like- 


wise commoner  in  the  higher  than  in 
the  lower  forms.  In  the  orang  and 
chimpanzee  the  right  femur  is  long- 
er, in  man  the  left ;  in  the  New 
World  apes  alone  the  left  tibia  is 
longer  ;  the  right  fibula  is  longer  in 
man  and  the  Cercopithecidae,  else- 
where equal,  or  the  right  longer.  In 
the  orang  and  chimpanzee  all  three 
bones  of  the  right  leg  are  longer ;  in 
man  the  left  femur  and  fibula  and 
right  tibia.  If  these  facts  are  con- 
firmed by  more  numerous  investi- 
gations, it  would  appear  that  the 
origin  of  righthandedness  must  be 
due  to  something  common  to  man 
and  the  orang  and  gibbon  (not  e.  g. 
the  ramification  type  of  the  aorta). 

Mountains  (The)  and  Migrations  of 
Man.  (Am.  Antiq.,  Salem,  Mass,, 
1909,  XXXI,  127-144,  9  fgs.)  General 
discussion  of  the  "  tracing  of  migra- 
tions of  races  by  mountain  ranges," 
and  the  beginning  of  the  history  of 
great  nations  "  between  ranges  of 
mountains  and  in  valleys  through 
which  great  streams  were  continually 
flowing." 

Miihsam  (H.)  Die  Bedeutung  der 
neueren  Methoden  der  Blutditferen- 
zierung  fiir  die  Anthropologic.  (Z. 
f.  Ethnol.,  Berlin,  1908,  xl,  573-582, 
4  fgs.)  Discusses  the  recent  methods 
of  blood-differentiation  (precipita- 
tion, absorption,  complementary 
union,  etc.)  and  their  anthropological 
significance, — experiments  of  Nattlall, 
Uhlenhuth,  Friedenthal,  Weichardt, 
Friedberger,  Bruck,  etc.  Bruck's  re- 
searches indicate  the  following  bio- 
logical series:  i,  Man.  2,  Orang- 
utan. 3,  Gibbon.  4,  Macacus  rhesus 
and  nemestrinus.  5,  Macacus  cyno- 
molgus.  The  human  species  has  a 
"  dominant  receptor,"  and  each  race, 
besides,  a  "  partial  receptor."  If 
these  experiments  hold  good,  a  useful 
biological  race-distinguisher  will  have 
been   found.     See  Neisser   (M.). 

Myers  (C.  S.)  Some  observations  on 
the  development  of  the  color  sense. 
(J.  Psychol.,  Cambr.,  Eng.,  1908,  it, 
353-362.)  Gives  results  of  experi- 
ments with  painted  "  bricks  "  on  the 
author's  daughter  during  the  period 
from  the  24th  to  the  s8th  month  of 
life.  M.  concludes  that  "  it  is  ex- 
tremely dangerous  to  formulate  any 
opinion  on  the  actual  color  experi- 
ences of  an  infant  as  the  result  of 
observing  what  colored  objects  it  pre- 
fers or  rejects,  when  these  objects 
are  presented  with  other  colored  or 
colorless  objects,"     Also  that  we  do 


54 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


not  have  sufficient  evidence  to  show 
that  the  color  sense  materially  dif- 
fers in  different  peoples,  or  that  the 
various  color  sensations  of  an  infant 
develop  at  different  periods  in  his 
life.  The  superior  attractiveness  of 
red  is  probably  pre-human. 

Neisser  (M.)  und  Sachs  (H.)  Dem- 
onstration serodiagnostischen  Meth- 
oden  zur  Feststellung  von  Artver- 
schiedenheiten.  (Korr.-Bl.  d.  D. 
Ges.  f.  Anthrop.,  Brnschwg.,  1908, 
XXXIX,  97.)  Describes  the  "  Kom- 
plementablenkung  "  method  of  serum 
diagnosis,  by  which,  e.  g.,  Bruck  dis- 
tinguishes the  White  from  the  Mon- 
golian and  Malayan  races.  The 
Uhlenhuth  method  is  criticized. 

Nestle  (E.)  Zum  Tod  des  grossen 
Pan.  (A.  f.  Religsw.,  Lpzg.,  1909, 
XII,  156-158.)  Notes  on  the  legend 
of  the  death  of  the  god  Pan  in  con- 
nection with  the  death  of  Jesus,  etc. 
The  basis  is  found  in  Plutarch. 

Neuberger  (O.)  Das  Jubilaum  des 
Darwinismus  und  Lazarus  Geiger, 
(Korr.-Bl.  d.  D.  Ges.  f.  Anthrop., 
Brnschwg.,  1908,  xxxix,  83.)  Calls 
attention  to  the  fact  that  the  idea 
of  the  evolution  of  man  (bodily  and 
mentally)  from  lower  organisms  was 
set  forth  by  Geiger  In  his  Ursprung 
und  Entzi'ickehmg  der  menschlichen 
Sprache  und  Verniinft  sent  to  the 
publishers  in  part  in  1859,  though  the 
printing  did  not  begin  till   1866. 

Neumayer  (V.  L.)  Ein  Beitrag  zur 
Lehre  vom  Langenwachstume  des 
Hirnschadels.  (Mitt.  d.  Anthrop.  Ges. 
in  Wien,  1908,  xxxviii,  1-16,  i  fg.) 
Treats  of  the  growth  in  length  of  the 
skull  of  the  adult  and  the  human, 
based  on  measurements,  etc.,  of  78 
skulls  of  individuals  from  19  to  60 
years  of  age,  and  50  of  infants  from 
birth  to  6  mos.  According  to  N.  the 
skull  of  the  child  "  shows  an  infan- 
tile dolichocephaly,  mesocephaly,  and 
brachycephaly  altogether  different 
from  the  dolichocephaly,  meso- 
cephaly and  brachycephaly  of  adult 
skulls."  With  the  child  "  post- 
auricular,"  and  with  the  adult  "  pre- 
auricular "  dolichocephaly  predomi- 
nates, the  former  being  lost  in  the 
course  of  development.  The  adult 
skull  is  produced  from  that  of  the 
child  not  only  through  growth  but 
also  by  means  of  transformation. 

Os  (Les)  mentonniers.  (Bull.  Soc. 
d'Anthrop.  de  Paris,  1908,  v°  S.,  ix, 
645-646.)  Resumes  Dr  Bourgerette's 
Os  mentonniers  (These  de  Paris, 
1908),  a  study  of  the  little  bony  for- 


mations appearing  toward  the  close 
of  intrauterine  life  between  the  two 
lateral  parts  of  the  lower  maxillary, 
at  the  lower  part  of  the  symphysis, 
based  on  the  mandibles  of  234  sub- 
jects. Their  vestiges  are  represented 
in  the  adult  by  canalicular  forma- 
tions. These  bones  are  peculiar  to 
man  alone. 

Papillault  (G.)  Le  VI*  Congres 
d' Anthropologic  Criminelle.  L'etat  ac- 
tuelle  de  cette  science  et  les  con- 
ditions de  ses  futurs  progres.  (R. 
de  r£c.  d'Anthrop.  de  Paris,  1909, 
XIX,  28-38.)  Resumes  the  proceedings 
(published  in  1908)  of  the  Sixth 
International  Congress  of  Criminal 
Anthropology  held  at  Turin  in  1906. 
The  practical  side  of  the  science  is 
being  more  and  more  emphasized,  the 
elimination  and  cure  of  the  anti- 
socials,  or  better  the  formulation  of 
an  effective  "  preventive  social  hy- 
giene." 

Le  Darwinisme  et  les  fetes  com- 

memoratives  de  Cambridge.  (Ibid., 
296-302.)  Account  of  Darwin 
celebration  at  Cambridge,  England, 
June  22-24,  1909,  with  text  of  ad- 
dress of  P.  as  representative  of  the 
£cole  d' Anthropologic   de   Paris. 

et  Herve  (G.)    Le  cerveau  de  I'as- 

sassin  Gagny.  fitude  morphologique 
(Ibid.,  245-262,  3  fgs.)  Morphologi- 
cal study  of  the  brain  of  the  assas- 
sin Gagny.  The  frontal,  parietal  and 
occipital  lobes  present  numerous  an- 
omalies and  peculiarities,  the  tem- 
poral lobe  being  the  only  one  at  all 
normal, — the  external  face  of  the 
left  hemisphere  seems  hardly  human 
in  type.  Cerebrally  Gagny  was  abnor- 
mal, a  fact  confirmed  by  his  indi- 
vidual history.  A  note  (p.  260)  by 
Dr   Siffre   shows   dental   anomalies. 

Pearson  (K.)  On  a  new  method  of 
determining  correlation  between  a 
measured  character  A,  and  a  charac- 
ter B,  of  which  only  the  percentage 
of  cases  wherein  B  exceeds  (or  falls 
short  of)  a  given  intensity  is  re- 
corded for  each  grade  of  A.  (Bio- 
metrika,  Cambridge,  Engld.,  1909, 
VII,  96-105.)  Treats  of  relation  of 
age  to  anemia  (not  very  marked  in 
children  7-13  years ;  increases  with 
age  in  girls,  decreases  with  boys), 
age  and  capacity  to  pass  examina- 
tions (statistics  of  London  Univer- 
sity Matriculation  show  "  a  small 
but  sensible  correlation  between 
youth  and  ability  to  pass"),  consci- 
entiousness and  cephalic  index  (cor- 
relation    zero),     effect     of     enlarged 


Periodical  Literature 


55 


glands  and  tonsils  on  the  weight  of 
children  (association  "  slight  but  sig- 
nificant "),  effect  of  employment  of 
mothers  on  the  height  of  their  sons 
(quite  sensible  correlation  for  a 
given  age  of  child  between  its  stat- 
ure and  the  increasing  stress  due  to 
employment  of  mother). 

On  the  inheritance  of  the  de- 
formity known  as  split-foot  or  lob- 
ster-claw. (Ibid.,  1908,  VI,  69-79, 
8  pi.)  Based  on  radiographic  study 
of  three  individuals'  and  other  in- 
vestigations of  a  family  scattered 
through  the  agricultural  district  some 
distance  from  London.  The  abnor- 
mal seem  to  be  twice  as  numerous 
as  the  normal.  No  reduced  fertility 
or  decrease  of  intelligence  can  be 
noted,  and  no  general  appearance  of 
weak  constitutions ;  no  cousin  mar- 
riages. Eugenically  the  case  is 
serious. 

Peet  (S.  D.)  Arrow  heads  and  spear 
heads.     (Amer.  Antiq.,  Salem,  Mass., 

1908,  XXX,  259-266,  4  fgs.)  Treats 
briefly  of  material,  quarries,  size  and 
shape  of  bow,  use,  method  of  making, 
types  of  bow  and  their  distribution, 
shapes   of   arrow,   etc. 

The  natural  and  the  supernat- 
ural. (Ibid.,  289-306,  5  fgs.)  Gen- 
eral discussion  of  the  garden,  the 
serpent  and  the  tree,  the  world  tree, 
personification  of  nature-powers,  etc. 
The  author  believes  that  "  the  myth- 
ology of  the  Old  Testament  was  the 
beginning  of  the  world's  story,"  and 
that  "  the  idea  of  sacrifice  is  at  the 
basis  of  all  human  worship,  whether 
among    the     Pagans     or    Christians." 

The     patriarchal     age.        (Ibid., 

1909,  XXXI,  80-91.)  General  account 
of  the  life,  times  and  character  of 
Abraham. 

PeixotO  (R.)  Jose  Vicente  Barbosa 
du  Bocage.  (Portugalia,  Porto,  1908, 
II,  681,  portr.)  Sketch  of  scientific 
activities  and  publications  of  Bar- 
bosa du  Bocage  (1823-1907),  "the 
founder  of  zoology  in   Portugal." 

Joaquim  Filippe  Nery  da  Encar- 

nagao  Delgado.  (Ibid.,  682,  portr.) 
Sketch  of  scientific  activities  and 
publications  of  Gen.  Nery  Delgado 
(1835-1908),  geologist  and  archeolo- 
gist  of  note. 

Pieron  (H.)  L'anthropologie  psycho- 
logique,  son  objet  et  sa  methode. 
(R.  de  r£c.  d'Anthrop.  de  Paris,  1909, 
XIX,  1 1 3-1 27.)  Outlines  the  field  and 
method  of  psychological  anthropology. 
It  includes  ethnic  and  social  psy- 
chology,    criminal     and    pathological 


psychology,  sexual  psychology,  onto- 
genetic and  phylogenetic  psychology 
and  psychological  heredity  in  man 
(biometry,  etc.), — psychology  of  indi- 
viduals,  groups,  peoples,   races. 

Les    probleraes    actuels    de    I'in- 

stinct.    (Bull.  Soc.  d'Anthrop.  de  Paris, 

1908,  V®  s.,  IX,  503-538.)  Treats  in- 
stinct and  its  problems  (the  term 
"  instinct  "  and  its  definitions  ;  cri- 
teria, delimitation  ;  end  of  the  dogma 
of  immutability  of  instincts ;  origin, 
disappearance  of  instincts,  variation 
and  atavism,  etc.).  Instincts  may 
have  had  a  double  origin, — selection 
of  fortuitous  variations  and  trans- 
mission of  individual  adaptations. 

Ploetz  (A.)  Lebensdauer  der  Eltern 
und  Kindersterblichkeit.  Ein  Beitrag 
zum  Studium  der  Konstitutionsverer- 
bung  und  der  natiirlichen  Auslese 
unter  den  Menschen.  (A,  f.  Rassen- 
u.  Ges.-Biol.,  Lpzg.,  1909,  vi,  33-43.) 
Based  on  various  monographs  of 
Karl  Pearson,  etc.,  and  on  the 
author's  material  (5500  thildren 
from  various  German  genealogical 
sources).  Pearson's  statistics  indi- 
cate that  "  great  child-mortality  of  a 
posterity  corresponds  generally  to  its 
higher  mortality  and  vice  versa." 
The  other  statistics  show  that  "  child- 
mortality  in  the  first  five  years  of 
life  decreases  regularly  with  the  in- 
creasing longevity   of  the   parents." 

Polak  (C.)  Die  Anatomic  des  Genus 
Colobus.  (Verh.  d.  K.  Akad.  v.  Wet. 
te  Amsterdam,  11  Sect.,  Dl.  xiv,  N°, 
2,  1908,  X  -\-  247,  63  fgs.)  Detailed 
study  (bibliogr.  61  titles)  of  the  an- 
atomy of  the  Colobus  gnereza,  a  rare 
monkey  from  the  forest  region  of 
S.  W.  Abyssinia,  compared  with  the 
Semnopitheciis  and  Hylobates.  The 
Colobns  proves  that  not  every  seem- 
ingly "  progressive "  character  is 
really  such. 

Preuss  (K.  T.)  Die  Vorbedeutung  des 
Zuckens  der  Gliedmassen  in  dfer 
Volkerkunde.       (Globus,     Brnschwg., 

1909,  xcv,  245-247.)  Treats  of  the 
folk-lore  of  twitching  of  the  body 
and  its  members.  Shivering  of  the 
body  (death  is  near  according  to 
Cora  Indians ;  in  Bengal,  only  he 
who  does  not  shiver  at  a  blast  of 
wind  is  near  death),  "letting  go  the 
bones  "  (Moa  of  Torres  Sts.),  "  hand- 
feeling  "  (Australian  blacks),  twitch- 
ing of  eyelids  (unlucky  with  ancient 
Aztec,  lucky  with  Eskimo ;  Peru- 
vian Indian's  right  eyelid  twitching  is 
good  omen,  left  bad ;  Canarese  of  S. 
India  say  that  right  is  good  for  men. 


56 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


but  bad  for  women ;  similar  differ- 
ences as  to  upper  and  lower  eye- 
lids in  various  parts  of  the  globe), 
ringing  in  ears,  trembling  of  lips, 
twitching  of  arm,  hand,  foot,  etc. 
(right  and  left  ideas  here  also),  bit- 
ing tongue  in  eating,  striking  teeth 
together  in  bathing  (Bengal),  twitch- 
ing of  breast  (in  mother  indicates 
sickness  of  child).  These  "  premo- 
nitions "  from  twitching,  etc.,  are 
probably  some  of  the  earliest  ideas 
to  be  afterwards  "  worked  up "  by 
magic  and  religion. 

Proctor  (H.)  The  origin  of  the  art 
of  writing.  (Amer.  Antiq.,  Salem, 
Mass.,  1909,  XXXI,  168-169.)  Notes 
on  ideographic  and  phonetic  bases  of 
representation, — ideas,  sounds, — out 
of  which  developed  word,  syllable 
and   letter   stages. 

Questionnaire  sur  les  metis.  (Bull. 
Soc.  d'  Anthrop.  de  Paris,  1908,  v"  s., 
IX,  688-693.)  Text  of  questionnaire 
of  27  items  on  metis  prepared  by  a 
standing  committee  of  the  Society, 
consisting  of  MM,  Herve,  Lapicque, 
Rivet.  Papillault,  Baudouin,  Rabaud, 
Schmidt,    Zaborowski. 

Railliet  (G.)  Sur  une  anomalie  du 
parietal.  (Ibid.,  289-292.)  De- 
scribes in  a  girl  of  32  months,  suffer- 
ing from  impetigo  of  the  scalp,  "  a 
partial  segmentation  of  the  parietal 
into  two  pieces,  with  an  intra-parietal 
fontanelle,"  an  anomaly  running 
counter  to  the  common  conception  of 
the   ossification  of   the  parietal   bone. 

Ranke  (J.)  Jahresbericht  des  General- 
sekretiirs  pro  1907/08.  (Korr.-Bl.  d. 
D.  Ges.  f.  Anthrop.,  Brnschwg.,  1908, 
XXXIX,  83-92.)  Contains  resumes 
and  critiques  of  numerous  publica- 
tions in  archeology  and  prehistory 
(Forrer,  Michaelis,  Meyer,  Schlemm, 
Obermaier),  ethnology  (Hagen,  Koch, 
Friederici,  Kohlbrugge,  Hovarka  and 
Kronfeld,  Bronner,  Breitenstein,  Pen- 
ka,  Bartels,  Nagel,  Hopf,  Guenther, 
Klotz,   Rasmussen),  etc. 

Regnault  (F.)  Le  pied  prehensile  chez 
I'homme.  Presentation  de  deux  pho- 
tographies. (Bull,  Soc.  d,  Anthrop.  de 
Paris,  1909,  V®  s.,  x,  41,  42,)  Notes 
on  the  skill  of  ectromelians  and  the 
prehensile  nature  of  the  feet,  the 
"  pied  pince,"  etc.  in  two  cases  (one 
living,    one    skeletal). 

Os    parietaux    bipartites    sur    un 

crane  atteint  de  dysplasie.  (Ibid., 
42-43.)  Treats  of  a  case  of  bipar- 
tite parietal  bones  in  a  skull  affected 
by  fetal  dysplasia.  Synostosis  of 
sutures   is  also  noted. 


von  Reitzenstein  (F,)  Der  Kausalzu- 
sammenhang  zwischen  Geschlechts- 
verkehr  und  Empfangnis  in  Glaube 
und  Branch  der  Natur-  und  Kultur- 
volker.  (Z,  f.  Ethnol.,  Berlin,  1909, 
XLi,  644-683,  6  fgs.)  Treats  of  the 
ideas  of  primitive  and  civilized 
peoples  (beliefs,  customs,  etc.)  as  to 
the  causal  relations  between  coitus 
and  pregnancy :  Australians  {chur- 
inga-ihtory,  coitus  pleasure  only, 
jntfea-operation  a  sort  of  homosexu- 
ality) ;  ancient  Mexicans  (plant-soul, 
supernatural  impregnation,  etc.)  ; 
India  (tree-soul,  symbolic  marriage, 
fixation  of  father)  ;  development  of 
belief  in  impregnation  ("  home  of 
children,"  relation  of  soul  and  body, 
plants  and  parts  of  plants  as  car- 
riers of  impregnation,  animals  as 
carriers  and  media ;  the  magic  of 
fertility, — demons,  sun,  moon  and 
wind,  deities,  "  chastity-nights,"  fer- 
tility-festivals and  puberty-cere- 
monies, shamans  and  magicians), 
etc. ;  the  mythopoeic  effects  of  the 
old  ideas  as  to  coitus,  impregnation, 
fertility,  etc.  According  to  v.  R.,  the 
beliefs,  legends  and  customs  of  all 
peoples  indicate  for  the  earliest  men 
a  period  when  the  relation  of  coitus 
to  conception  was  utterly  unknown 
(cf.  certain  Australian  tribes)  ;  then 
came  a  second  period  in  which  co- 
habitation was  regarded  as  a  part 
(but  not  the  chief)  of  the  prerequi- 
sites for  conception,  and  as  before 
the  supernatural  was  the  most  im- 
portant factor. 

Report  of  Committee  [of  Amer.  An- 
throp. Assoc]  on  archeological  no- 
menclature. (Amer.  Anthrop.,  Lan- 
caster, Pa.,  1909,  N.  s.,  XI,  114-119.) 

Rivet  (P.)  Recherches  sur  le  prog- 
nathisme.  I.  fitude  theorique  et  cri- 
tique. Expose  d'une  technique  nou- 
velle  pour  les  mesures  d'angles. 
(L' Anthropologic,  Paris,  1909,  xx, 
35-49,  175-187,  10  fgs.)  Treats  of 
the  different  conceptions  of  progna- 
thism, multiplicity  of  points  de  re- 
pdre,  criticisms  of  methods  (linear, 
angular,  radial  relations,  naso-basal 
angle, — the  ideal  method  must  have 
the  advantages  of  the  angvtlar  meth- 
ods and  radial  relations  without  their 
defects)  and  explains  the  technique 
of  a  new  method, — the  nasion-alveo- 
lar-basilar. 

Rock  (F.)  Das  Vorkommen  des  Pen- 
tagramms  in  der  Alten  und  Neuen 
Welt.  (Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1909,  xcv, 
8-9.)  Treats  of  the  pentagram  (pen- 
talpha,     "  Drudenfuss,"     witch-cross, 


Periodical  Literature 


57 


etc.)  in  ancient  Babylonia  (goes 
back  at  least  to  8th  century,  b.  c), 
among  the  Pythagoreans  (signuni 
Pythagoricum),  Cabalists  ;  in  the  cult 
of  the  Virgin,  folk-lore,  etc.  R.  sees 
the  pentagrammic  succession  in  the 
hieroglyphs  of  the  day-signs  on  the 
"  Mexican  calendar-stone  "  ;  the  pen- 
tagram occurs  also  on  an  old  Indian 
tent  in  the  Berlin  ethnological  Mu- 
seum. 

Romagna-Manoia  (A.)  Contributo 
alio  studio  della  sindattilia.  (R.  di 
Patol.  nerv.,  Firenze,  1909,  xiv,  252- 
259,  4  fgs.)  Describes  case  of  syn- 
dactyly in  man  of  54  years  from 
Reggio  Calabria, — ectrodactyly,  mega- 
lodactyly,  microdactyly  of  hands,  syn- 
dactyly and  brachydactyly  of  feet. 
Heredity  and  degeneracy  are  noted. 

Sartori  (P.)  Das  Wasser  im  Toten- 
gebrauche.  (Z.  d.  V.  f.  Volksk.,  Ber- 
lin, 1908,  XVIII,  353-378.)  A  well- 
documented  account  of  the  use  of 
water  in  connection  with  the  dead 
in  all  ages  and  among  all  peoples. 
Use  of  water  before  death  (pail 
placed  near ;  water  poured  on  dying 
or  in  face,  etc.)  ;  washing  the  body 
after  death  (with  warm  water ;  by 
special  persons ;  washing  of  certain 
portions  only  of  body ;  vessels,  cloths, 
etc.,  used  in  washing  corpse ;  disposal 
of  water  with  which  corpse  has  been 
washed ;  its  medicinal  and  other  vir- 
tues, its  use  in  magic  and  folk-medi- 
cine ;  washing  of  bones  of  dead  and 
reburial,  as  among  certain  American 
Indian  tribes ;  throwing  away  of 
water  in  the  house  when  death  oc- 
curs, or  a  funeral  passes ;  avoidance 
of  passing  over  water  in  a  funeral 
or  when  carrying  a  corpse ;  sprink- 
ling the  new-made  grave  with  water ; 
washing,  sprinkling,  etc.,  the  surviv- 
ors or  relatives,  and,  especially  those 
concerned  in  the  burial ;  washing, 
etc.,  at  a  shorter  or  longer  time 
after  the  burial ;  special  washing,  etc., 
of  women,  or  of  widows  and  widow- 
ers ;  washing  of  the  clothes  and  other 
objects  belonging  to  the  dead ;  wash- 
ing the  house  of  the  dead,  especially 
the  death-room,  the  place  where  the 
corpse  rested,  etc. ;  provision  of  water 
for  the  dead  in  his  journey  to  the 
Other  world,  etc.  Many  are  the  de- 
vices for  defending  the  dead  and  de- 
fending the  survivors  from  him  con- 
nected with'  the  use  of  water.  To 
the  feeding  of  the  dead  corresponds 
the  "bath  of  the  soul  "  and  the  thirst 
of  the  spirits. 


Schmidt  (W.)  Uber  die  entwickelungs- 
geschichtliche  Stellung  der  Pygma- 
enstamme.  (Korr.-Bl.  d.  D.  Ges.  f. 
Anthrop.,  Brnschwg.,  1908,  xxxix, 
107-108.)  Rejects  Schwalbe's  theory 
of  the  pigmies  as  "  Kiimmerformen," 
and  although  limiting  the  pigmies  to 
the  curly-haired  races  (Veddas,  Senoi, 
Toala  are  only  "  secondary "  pig- 
mies), he  agrees  with  Kollmann  in 
interpreting  the  most  of  their  bodily 
peculiarities  as  "  infantile  characters." 

L'origine     de     I'idee     de     Dieu. 

(Anthropos,  Wien,  1908,  iii,  801- 
836,  1081-1120 ;  1909,  IV,  207-250, 
505-524.)  These  sections  of  Father 
Schmidt's  monograph  on  "  the  origin 
of  the  idea  of  God "  are  de- 
voted to  the  consideration  of  criti- 
cisms of  Lang's  theory  by  Howitt, 
Tylor,  Hartland,  Foy,  Marett,  Van 
Gennep,  etc.,  and  to  the  author's 
ideas  on  the  subject  of  "  the  supreme 
beings  of  the  native  Australians  and 
questions  connected  therewith."  Pre- 
animistic  theories  of  magic  (Guyau, 
J.  H.  King,  Marett,  Hubert,  Mauss) 
are  also  considered. 

Neuentdeckte   Papuasprachen  von 

den  Salomoninseln,  Bougainville. 
(Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1909,  xcv,  266- 
267,  map.)  Gives,  after  the  mission- 
ary P.  Rausch,  a  brief  outline  of  the 
speech  of  the  Narioi,  an  inland  lan- 
guage of  Bougainville  Id.,  which 
seems  to  belong  to  the  Papuan  stock. 
Other  languages  of  the  interior 
(Telei,  Motuna,  Kongara,  etc.,  are 
probably  also  Papuan.)  The  Narioi 
is  also  erroneously  called  Kieta. 

Schwalbe  (G.)  Kohlbrugge,  Die  mor- 
phologische  Abstammung  des  Men- 
schen.  (Ibid.,  1908,  xciii,  341-346.) 
Critical  review  of  Dr  J.  H.  F.  Kohl- 
brugge's  recent  book,  Die  morpholo- 
gische  Abstammung  des  Menschen 
(Stuttgart,  1908).  Kohlbrugge  holds 
that  the  descent  of  the  body  has 
nothing  to  do  with  the  psychical  de- 
velopment of  man.  He  favors  de 
Vries's  mutation-theory  to  a  consider- 
able extent,  and  is  unsympathetic 
toward  the  theory  of  descent.  K. 
holds  that  "  the  races  are  psycho- 
logically different  but  yet  equivalent." 
Many  alleged  physical  differences 
he  discounts.  Schwalbe  disagrees 
with  K.  on  many  points. 

Seconda  Reunione  (La)  della  Societa 
Italiana  per  il  Progresso  delle  Sci- 
enze.  (A.  p.  I'Antrop.,  Firenze, 
1908,  xxxviii,  335-337.)  Resumes 
papers    read   before    Anthropological- 


58 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


Ethnological  Section  by  Livi,  Giuf- 
frida-Ruggeri,  G.  Sergi,  Loria,  etc. ; 
and  before  Archeological-Paleoethno- 
logical  Section  by  Milani,  Regalia, 
etc. 

Sigiiorelli  (A.)  II  diametro  vertebrale 
o  altezza  dei  polmoni.  (A.  d.  Soc. 
Rom.  di  Antrop.,  Roma,  1908,  xiv, 
219-238.)  Based  on  investigation 
(detailed  measurements  are  given)  of 
the  "  height  of  the  lungs,"  or  "  verte- 
bral diameter,"  tested  in  the  living 
(200  individuals,  all  males  2-79 
years)  by  percussion  of  the  vertebral 
column.  The  lung-height  varies  with 
age,  stature,  height  of  vertebral  col- 
umn, transverse  and  antero-posterior 
diameters  of  thorax,  Broca's  thoracic 
index,  abdominal  height,  bi-iliac  di- 
ameter. In  infants  the  lungs  are 
relatively  longer,  in  adolescents  rela- 
tively shorter  than  at  other  ages.  In 
youth  they  lengthen  and  so  also  in 
the  adult,  then  decrease  somewhat, 
to  increase  again  in  old  age.  In 
adults  the  average  lung-height  is  30 
cm.,  i.  e.,  about  16.4%  of  the  stat- 
ure. In  children  it  is  18.94%.  In 
woman  it  is  about  i  cm.  shorter  than 
in  man. 

Smiley  (J.  B.)  The  communion  cere- 
mony. (Open  Court,  Chicago,  1909, 
XXIII,  513-525.)  Compares  the  cere- 
mony of  the  Christian  church  with 
practices  among  the  ancient  Mexi- 
cans, Australian  blacks,  Chinese, 
Egyptians,  Tibetans,  Samoans,  etc. 
According  to  S..  the  ceremony  goes 
back  to  the  killing  and  eating  of  a 
"  man-god "  to  acquire  his  powers. 
See   Carus    (P.). 

Smith  (W.  B.)  The  mystic  number 
nine.  (Open  Court,  Chicago,  1909, 
XXIII,  380-382.)     General  ideas. 

Snouck  Hurgronje  (C.)  In  Memori- 
am:  Michael  Jan  de  Goeje.  (Int. 
Arch.  f.  Ethnogr.,  Leiden,  1909,  xix, 
49-54,  portr.)  Sketch  of  life,  sci- 
entific activities,  publications,  etc., 
of  M.  J.  de  Goeje  (1836-1909),  eth- 
nologist and  orientalist. 

Spencer  (C.  L.)  Notes  on  the  cross- 
bow. (Trans.  Glasgow  Archeol.  Soc, 
1908,  N.  s.  V,  186-197,  5  ph)  Treats 
of  the  cross-bow,  its  use  in  Europe, 
China,  method  of  manipulation,  mis- 
siles, comparison  with  long-bow, 
types,  survival,  etc.  The  Roman  bal- 
ista  (and  possibly  also  the  manii- 
balista)  was  a  sort  of  cross-bow.  Ac- 
cording to  S.,  the  only  work  on  the 
cross-bow,  ancient  or  modern,  is  Sir 
Ralph     Payne-Galwey's     The     Cross- 


bow: Medieval  and  Modern,  etc. 
(London,  1903). 

Stern  (C.  u.  W.)  Die  zeichnerische 
Entwicklung  eines  Knaben  vom  4. 
bis  zum  7.  Jahre.  (Ztschr.  f.  angew. 
Psychol.,  Lpzg.,  1909,  III,  1-31,  4 
fgs.,  12  pi.)  Detailed  account  of  the 
development  of  drawing  in  the  son 
of  Professor  and  Mrs  Stern  during 
the  period  from  the  4th  to  the  7th 
year. 

Stewart  (C.  T.)  Die  Entstehung  des 
Werwolf glaubens.  (Z.  d.  V.  f.  Volksk., 
Berlin,  1909,  xix,  30-51.)  In  this 
brief  but  well-documented  study,  the 
author  seeks  a  general  world-wide 
explanation  for  the  belief  in  the 
werwolf  (lycanthropy),  which  is 
"  most  ancient  and  belongs  to  primi- 
tive man."  The  starting-point  is 
found  in  the  primitive  custom  of 
putting  on  the  skin  (clothing)  of  an 
animal  (e.  g.,  a  wolf).  This  was  first 
done  as  a  protection  against  cold, 
and  as  a  means  of  obtaining  food  by 
enticing  animals ;  then  personal  uses, 
— robbers,  spies,  individuals  seeking 
vengeance  or  power  over  others, — 
came  into  play ;  after  this  profes- 
sional shamans  and  superstitious  per- 
sons invented  fabulous  stories,  etc., 
which  were  transmitted  as  tradition 
or  sage.  The  idea  of  the  injurious 
nature  of  the  werwolf  S.  explains 
from  the  fact  that  to  the  spies  or 
food-seekers,  who  put  on  animal- 
skins  to  avoid  discovery  by  enemies, 
later  fabulous  accounts  attributed  the 
qualities  of  the  animal  they  repre- 
sented, and  finally  asserted  that  they 
actually  assumed  for  a  longer  or  a 
shorter  time  the  form  of  the  ani- 
mal itself.  Many  proper  names  are 
of  interest  here  as  indicating  the  cor- 
relation of  skill,  boldness,  etc.,  in 
man  and  animal  (Rudolf,  Adolf, 
Wulfila, — and  among  primitive  peo- 
ples the  bear,  wolf,  etc.,  have  given 
rise  to  very  many  such).  The  ori- 
gin and  development  of  the  use  of 
masks,  etc.,  are  much  the  same  as 
in   the   case   of  the   animal's   skin. 

The  origin  of  the  werwolf  su- 
perstition. (Univ.  of  Missouri 
Studies,  1909,  Soc.  Sci.  Ser.,  11,  253- 
289.)  English  version  of  previous 
article   by    Miss    S. 

Stolyhwo  (K.)  Zur  Frage  der  Exis- 
tenz  von  Uebergangsform  zwischen 
H.  primigenius  und  H.  sapiens.  (Glo- 
bus, Brnschwg.,  1908,  xciv,  363-365.) 
S.  replies  to  criticisms  of  G. 
Schwalbe,    and    maintains    his    belief 


Periodical  Literature 


59 


in  the  existence  of  transitional  forms 
(occurring  even  in  historical  times) 
between  H.  primigenius  and  H. 
sapiens. 

Stratz  (C.  H.)  Atavismus  des  men- 
schlichen  Ohres.  (Arch.  f.  An- 
throp.,  Brnschwg.,  1908,  N.  f.  viii, 
146-147,  5  fgs.)  Brief  account  of 
two  cases,  both  normal  children  of 
normal  parents,  presenting  ear-ata- 
visms. The  first,  at  birth,  showed 
the  human-form  of  the  Cercopithecus 
ear  with  Spina  Darwini,  and  hair- 
clumps  on  outer  edge ;  the  second, 
observed  during  the  7th  week  of  life, 
presented  the  Cercopithecus  type 
with  more  marked  Spina  Darwini, 
and  hair-clumps.  The  only  other  case 
of  externally  pilose  outer  ear  was 
noted  by  Schwalbe.  Careful  observa- 
tion will  probably  show  such  pilose 
ears  to  be  much  more  common  than 
is   now  thought. 

Tandler  (J.)  u.  Grosz  (S.)  IJber  den 
Einfluss  der  Kastration  auf  den  Or- 
ganismus.  I.  Beschreibung  eines 
Eunuchenskelets.  (Archiv.  f.  Ent- 
wcklgsmech.  d.  Organ.,  Leipzig,  1909, 
Lxxii,  35-61,  16  fgs.)  Describes  the 
skeleton  of  a  28-year-old  Zanzibar 
negro  (eunuch)  who  died  of  tuber- 
culosis of  the  lungs,  etc.,  in  Vienna 
in  February,  1907,  with  anthropo- 
metric measurements  (skull  and  pel- 
vis in  particular),  and  comparisons 
with  other  eunuch-skeletons.  The  re- 
sults confirm  generally  previous  ob- 
servations. Some  of  the  organs  and 
parts  are  childlike  or  magnified 
childlike  rather  than  female  in  type. 

Thibon  (F.)  Les  hominides  et  an- 
thropomorphides  comme  constituant 
un  seul  ordre.  (An.  Soc.  Cient. 
Argent.,  Buenos  Aires,  1908,  lxvi, 
148-155.)  Discusses  the  classifica- 
tion of  the  primates,  according  to 
Linnaeus,  Broca,  Railliet,  Perrier, 
Ameghino,  etc.,  and  proposes  a  new 
classification  by  the  thoracic  index 
(man  and  the  anthropoids  are  all 
brachio-thoracic,  all  the  other  mam- 
mals including  the  lower  monkeys, 
dolichothoracic).  This  makes  one 
class  of  the  Hominidae  and  Anthro- 
pomorphidae,  and  another  of  the 
Simioidae  and  Prosimians,  etc. 

Thomson  (A.)  Daniel  John  Cunning- 
ham. (Man,  Lond.,  1909,  ix,  97-99, 
portr.)  Sketch  of  life  and  scientific 
activities  of  Prof.  D.  J.  Cunningham 
(1850-1909),  anatomist  and  anthro- 
pologist, author  of  studies  on  the 
lumbar  curve  in  man  and  apes ;  Cor- 
nelius Magrath,  the  Irish  giant ;  brain 


and  head  of  the  microcephalic  idiot ; 
righthandedness  and  leftbrainedness ; 
evolution  of  the  graduation  cere- 
mony ;  the  stomach  in  man  and  the 
anthropoid  apes ;  the  Australian 
forehead,   etc. 

Thulie  (H.)  Phenomenes  mystiques 
dans  I'ordre  affectif  des  theologiens. 
(R.  de  r£c.  d'Anthrop.  de  Paris,  1908, 
XVIII,  329-348.)  Treats  of  precocity 
of  emotion,  love,  etc.,  in  saints  and 
religious  persons  of  note,  marriage 
to  the  church,  to  Jesus,  God,  etc., — 
particularly  Catherine  of  Siena,  St. 
Theresa,  St.  Francis  of  Sales,  etc. 
The  subject  is  treated  in  detail  in 
T.'s  book  La  Mystique  (Paris,  1909). 

Tozzer  (A.  M.)  The  Putnam  anniver- 
sary. (Amer.  Anthrop.,  Lancaster, 
Pa.,   1909,  N.  s.,  XI,  285-288,  portr.) 

Variot  (G.)  L'accroissement  statural 
et  l'accroissement  ponderal  chez  le 
nouveau-ne.  (Bull.  Soc.  d'Anthrop. 
de  Paris,  1908,  v''  s.,  ix,  283-289.) 
Based  on  measurements  of  the  height 
and  weight  of  440  (boys  220,  girls 
220)  infants,  from  birth  to  10  days 
old,  in  the  Maternite  de  I'Hotel-Dieu, 
the  Clinique  Tainier,  the  Hospice 
depositaire  des  enfants-Assistes,  and 
the  Hotel-Dieu  annexe,  in  Paris. 
According  to  the  results  the  growth 
of  stature  and  the  growth  of  weight 
have  their  own  independent  individu- 
alities even  in  pathological  condi- 
tions. The  osseous  system  ap- 
proaches the  nervous  system  which  is 
normally  anticipatory  as  to  growth 
over  almost  all  the  other  organs. 

von  den  Velden  (F.)  Aussterbende 
Familien.  (A.  f.  Rassen-  u.  Ges.- 
BioL,  Lpzg.,  1909,  VI,  340-350.) 
Based  on  study  of  some  1400  mar- 
riages (3%  childless;  2.3%  no  chil- 
dren attain  marriage).  Extinction 
once  begun  seems  to  be  progressive. 

Verworn  (M.)  Ein  objektives  Kri- 
terium  fiir  die  Beurteilung  der  Manu- 
faktnatur  geschlagener  Feuersteine. 
(Z.  f.  Ethnol.,  Berlin,  1908,  xl,  548- 
558,  2  fgs.)  Gives  result  of  exami- 
nation of  flints  from  La  Micoque,  Le 
Moustier,  Abri  Audi  (Les  Eyzies), 
Abri  de  Laussel,  Gorge  d'Enfer,  Cro- 
Magnon,  Laugerie  Haute,  Laugerie 
intermediare,  grotto  of  Les  Eyzies, 
Tasmania,  Puy  de  Boudieu  (899  in 
all)  with  respect  to  the  rule  of  one- 
sided edge-working.  Paleolithic 
worked  flints  show  generally  a  per- 
centage of  95  following  the  rule,  ex- 
ceptions 5%. 

Vierkandt  (A.)  Zur  Reform  der 
volkerkundlichen  Aussenarbeit.    (Glo- 


6o 


Journal  oj  American  Folk-Lore 


bus,    Brnschwg.,    1908,    xciv,    79-82.) 
Discusses  the  reform  of  ethnological 
field-work,  need  of  closer  touch  with 
theory  and  museum  and  home  work, 
etc.     What  is  needed  is  fixed  organi- 
zation,   lengthy    sojourn    of    travelers 
and  investigators  in  the  regions  to  be 
studied,  increase  in   the  numbers   of 
students,  kefeping  of  diaries  and  other 
detailed  records  (so  that  variation  in 
phenomena  may  be  noted),  more  sys- 
tem and   accuracy  in   the  publication 
and  use  of  observations,  material,  etc. 
Folk-lore,    too,    needs    similar    atten- 
tion.     V.    illustrates    the    needs    dis- 
cussed   from    researches    relating    to 
the    origin    of    the    domestication    of 
animals,    agriculture,    work    (properly 
so  called),  drawing  and  primitive  art, 
myths,   family  life,   secret  languages, 
etc. 
Virchow   (H.)     Stand  der  Rudolf  Vir- 
chow-Stiftung  fiir  das  Jahr  1908.     (Z. 
f.    EthnoL,    Berlin,     1908,    xl,    972- 
978.)      Account    of    the    activities   of 
the    Virchow    Foundation    for    190S: 
Reproduction    of    Mansfeld's    photo- 
graphs   of    scenes     (illustrating    cus- 
toms,   etc.)    of    life    among    the    Ca- 
meroon   tribes ;    excavations    in    the 
Einhorn    cave    (analysis    of    earths)  ; 
copies    of   Bushman   paintings ;    exca- 
vations on  Monsheim  Frobenius's  ex- 
pedition   to    W.    Africa    (large    num- 
bers   of    photographs,    drawings,    eth- 
nological   specimens,    etc.)  ;    excava- 
tions  at   Ehringsdorf ;    Weissenberg's 
investigations  of  the  physical  charac- 
ters  (dolichocephaly  thought  to  mark 
the  old  Hebrews ;  lost  on  the  way  to 
Europe)  ;  list  of  grants. 
Vogt     (H.)       Neuere    Ergebnisse    der 
Hirnanatomie  und  deren  Beziehung  zu 
allgemeinen  Fragen.     (Korr.-BI.  d.  D. 
Ges.    f,    Anthrop.,    Brnschwg.,     1908, 
XXXIX,    132-134.)      Discusses    recent 
studies    in    brain-anatomy,    those    of 
Brodmann    in    particular,    whose    in- 
vestigations of  anthropoids  and  man 
showed,  e.  g.,  that  with  respect  to  the 
Area    striata,    racial    differences    ex- 
isted, "  the  Javanese  being  here  mid- 
way   between    the    higher    apes    and 
man."     Not  all  portions  of  the  cortex 
have  the  same  structure. 
Ward  (D.  J.  H.)     The  classification  of 
religions.       (Monist,    Chicago,     1909, 
XIX,     95-135.)     Concluding     section. 
Treats    of    classifications   based   upon 
geographical     distribution     and     sta- 
tistics    (recent    estimates),     on    phi- 
losophies of  religion   (Pfleiderer),  on 
racial  relationship    (according  to  lin- 


guistic affinity,  etc.).  Dr  W.  himself 
gives  (pp.  131-133)  "a  tentative  eth- 
nographico-historical  classification  of 
the  human  races  to  facilitate  the 
study  of  religions  (in  5  divisions)," 
which  can  hardly  be  approved. 
Weinberg  (W.)  Zur  Bedeutung  der 
Mehrlingsgeburten  fiir  die  Frage  der 
Bestimmung  des  Geschlechts.  (A.  f. 
Rassen-  u.  Ges. -Biol.,  Lpzg.,  1909,  vi, 
28-32.)  Discusses  the  statistics  of 
plural  births  in  Saxony  in  relation  to 
sex  of  children  in  order  of  birth  and 
calls  attention  to  certain  contradic- 
tory phenomena. 

Die     Anlage     zur     Mehrlingsge- 

burt  beim  Menschen  und  ihre  Verer- 
bung.  (Ibid.,  322-339.)  First  sec- 
tion of  discussion  of  the  tendency 
toward  plural  births  in  man  and  its 
inheritance.  Individual  differences 
are  specially  considered. 
Weiss  (L.)  und  v.  Schwarz  (M.) 
Strichprobe  zur  Erkennung  vorge- 
schichtlicher  Bronzen  und  Kupfer- 
gegenstande.  (Korr.-Bl.  d.  D.  Ges.  f. 
Anthrop.,  Brnschwg.,  1909,  xl,  ii- 
12.)  Note  on  a  test  for  prehistoric 
bronze  and  copper  objects, — by 
scratching  and  comparing  with  ob- 
jects known  to  contain  a  certain  per- 
cent, of  tin.  The  comparison  of  the 
colors  will  then  disclose  real  prehis- 
toric bronze  and  copper. 
Weissenberg  (S.)  Das  Wachstum  des 
Menschen  nach  Alter,  Geschlecht  und 
Rasse.  (Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1908, 
XCIV,  101-109,  4  fgs.)  Discusses  the 
growth  of  the  human  body  according 
to  age,  sex  and  race  (with  curves  and 
tables),  with  reference  to  the  many 
investigations  of  the  last  30  years. 
Dr  W.  concludes  that  the  6  following 
general  periods  of  development  in 
stature  may  be  recognized:  i.  Period 
of  excessive  growth  up  to  5th  or  6th 
year,  the  years  from  3  to  5  being 
characterized  by  slower  growth.  2, 
Slow  increase  in  height  until  by  the 
io-i2th  year,  three-fourths  of  the 
definite  height  is  reached.  3,  In- 
creased rate  of  growth  lasting  till  17- 
i8th  year.  4,  Only  moderate  growth, 
lasting  to  the  2Sth  year.  5,  Period 
of  adult  manhood  lasting  to  about  the 
50th  year  with  stature  constant.  6, 
Old  age  with  diminished  stature.  The 
increased  growth  is  a  direct  conse- 
quence of  the  maturing-process, 
which  occurs  with  males  a  few  years 
later  than  with  females.  The  period 
of  increased  growth  (or  puberty- 
period)  is  of  great  importance  be- 
cause   before    it    comes    neither    the 


Periodical  Literature 


6i 


peculiarities  and  qualities  of  race, 
nor  those  of  sex  or  of  the  individual 
clearly  appear,  such  differentiation 
becoming  complete  only  after  it.  En- 
vironmental influences  also  are  most 
powerful  during  this  period. 

Westermarck  (E.)  Reinlichkeit, 
Unreinlichkeit  und  Askese.  (Ibid., 
1908,  xciii,  109-113.)  Reprinted 
from  the  German  translation  of  Vol. 
II  of  Westermarck's  Origin  and  De- 
velopment of  the  Moral  Ideas  (Lon- 
don, 1908). 

Wetzel  (G.)  Eine  einfache  Messvor- 
richtung  zur  Winkelmessung  an  Wir- 
beln.  (Korr.-Bl.  d.  D.  Ges.  f.  An- 
throp.,  Brnschwg.,  1909,  XL,  34-37,  S 
fgs.)  Describes  a  simple  apparatus, 
constructed  by  the  author,  for  meas- 
uring angles  of  the  human  vertebrae. 

Weule  (K.)  Griindung  des  Vereins 
fur  Volkerkunde  in  Leipzig.  (Z.  f. 
Ethnol.,  Berlin,  1908,  xl,  6i6-6ig.) 
Brief  account  of  the  founding  of  the 
Leipzig  Ethnological  Society,  really 
a  revivefying,  and  extension  of  the 
"  Museum  fiir  Volkerkunde  zu  Leip- 
zig." The  first  general  session  was 
held  on  April  14,  1908. 

Whitley  (D.  G.)  The  high  intellectual 
character  of  primeval  man.  (Rec.  of 
Past,  Wash.,  D.  C,  1909,  viii,  39-56. 
2  fgs.)  W.  cites  the  improvability  of 
such  peoples  as  the  Australians,  Fue- 
gians,  Minkopis,  etc.,  language  (uses 
Hale's  article  to  prove  that  "  many  of 
the  American  aborigines  .  .  .  are  the 
savage  descendants  of  cultured  an- 
cestors"), certain  arguments  of  Wal- 
lace, Hugh  Miller,  the  character  of 
glacial  man  in  Europe  (clothing, 
weapons,  defense  against  the  animal 
world)  and  of  savage  man  elsewhere, 
to  support  the  view  that  the  ancestors 
of  modern  savages  were  once  in  a  far 
higher  state  of  culture. 

Woods  (F.  A.)  Recent  studies  in  hu- 
man heredity.  (Amer.  Naturalist, 
1908,  685-693.)  Critical  resumes  of 
Dr  V,  Galippe's  L'heredite  des  stig- 
mates  de  degenerescence  et  les  famil- 
ies souveraines  (Paris,  1905),  the  re- 
cent Eugenics  Laboratory  Memoirs 
by  Schuster  and  Elderton,  Heron, 
the  Drapers'  Company  Research 
Studies  in  National  Degeneration,  by 
Pearson,  etc.  W.  regards  Galippe's 
work  as  unsound,  and  hopes  that  "  in 
the  end  there  may  be  harmony  be- 
tween the  two  unfriendly  schools,  the 
Mendelian  and  the  Biometrical." 
Zachariae  (T.)  Das  Vogelnest  im 
Aberglauben.  (Z.  d.  V.  f.  Volksk., 
Berlin,    1909,    xix,    142-149.)      Notes 


on  superstitions  concerning  birds' 
nests, — particularly  the  origin  of  the 
belief  that  "  if  in  finding  a  bird's 
nest,  the  young  are  kept  and  the 
mother  let  go,  this  will  ensure  to  the 
finder  luck  and  long  life."  Z.  thinks 
the  correct  version  of  the  saying  is, 
"  If  anyone  finds  a  bird's  nest,  with 
the  mother  and  eggs  or  young  in  it, 
and  the  mother  does  not  fly  away, 
etc."  That  the  belief  goes  back  to 
Deut.  22,  6  may  be  doubted. 

Das  Dach  iiber  einem  Sterbenden 

abdecken.  (Ibid.,  1908,  xviii,  442- 
446.)  Treats  of  the  rather  wide- 
spread superstitious  procedure  of  un- 
covering the  roof  over  a  sick  man, 
who  can  not  die,  or  whose  death  it 
is  desired  to  hasten. 

EUROPE 

Abt  (A.)  Von  den  Himmelsbriefen. 
(Hess.  Bl.  f.  Volksk.,  Lpzg.,  1909, 
VIII,  81-100.)  Treats  of  "  letters 
from  heaven."  Refers  to  29  ex- 
amples, divided  into  6  groups  accord- 
ing to  the  nature  and  number  of  the 
component  parts.  The  Holstein  type 
of  "  letter  from  heaven  "  goes  back 
to  about  1724  A.  D. ;  the  Gredoria 
type  is  much  older. 

Alsberg  (M.)  Neu  aufgefundene  fossile 
Menschenreste  und  ihre  Beziehungen 
zur  Stammesgeschichte  des  Men- 
schen.  (Globus,  Brnschwg.,  igog, 
xcv,  261-267,  9  fgs.)  Discusses  re- 
cent finds  of  fossil  human  remains 
and  their  relations  to  the  evolution 
of  the  race :  The  Homo  mousterien- 
sis  of  the  Dordogne,  thought  by 
Klaatsch  to  be  ancient  diluvial  and 
related  closely  to  the  Neanderthal 
type ;  the  skeleton  of  La  Chapelle- 
aux-Saints  found  in  cave  in  the  de- 
partment of  Correze, — in  a  side  val- 
ley of  the  Dordogne,  also  Neander- 
thaloid,  perhaps  later  than  the  AIou- 
sterian  man ;  the  Homo  heidelber- 
gensis, — the  associated  remains  seem 
to  indicate  a  much  earlier  date  than 
that  of  the  Neanderthal  race.  The 
Heidelberg  jaw  favors  the  opinion  of 
those  who,  like  Klaatsch,  and,  most 
recently  Bonarelli,  recognize  several 
groups  of  primates  (gorilla,  chim- 
panzee, Hominidae,  gibbon,  orang), 
whose  common  ancestor  lived  in  the 
Miocene).  The  Pithecanthropus,  the 
man  of  Heidelberg,  and  the  Neander- 
thal man  are  all  in  the  human  line, 
which  has  been  unconnected  with 
the  others  since  the  Miocene. 


62 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


Andree  (R.)  St.  Georg  und  die  Pari- 
lien.  (Ibid.,  1908,  xciii,  251.)  Note 
on  article  by  J.  G.  Frazer  in  the 
Rev.  d.  Etudes  Ethnogr.  et  Social. 
(Paris)  for  1908.  A.  points  out,  in 
addition  to  F.,  tliat  St.  George  is 
honored  in  Germany  (here  too  in 
connection  with  cattle  ;  at  Ertingen  in 
Swabia  on  April  21  occurs  the 
"  Jorgenritt,"  when  often  1000  horses 
are  blessed).  In  S.  Germany  St. 
Leonhard  is  cattle-patron. 

Atgier  (M.)  Les  megalithes  de  la 
Vienne.  (Bull.  Soc.  d'Anthrop.  de 
Paris,  1909,  V®  s.,  x,  45-48,  5  fgs.) 
Treats  (with  maps)  of  the  distribu- 
tion of  megaliths  in  the  arrondisse- 
ments  of  Civray,  Loudun,  Mont- 
morillon,   Poitiers,   Chatellerault,   etc. 

Auriol  (M.)  Un  mortier  roman  ser- 
vant de  benitier  dans  I'eglise  de  Vil- 
lardonnel.  (Bull.  Soc.  Archeol.  du 
Midi,  Toulouse,  1908,  N.  s.,  no.  38, 
234-236,  2  fgs.)  Describes,  in  com- 
parison with  a  similar  object  from 
Toulouse,  a  Roman  mortar  serving  as 
a  holy-water  vessel  in  the  church  of 
-  Villardonnel    (Aude). 

Baldacci  (A.)  Die  Slawen  von  Molise. 
(Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1908,  xciii,  44- 
49,  53-58,  6  fgs.,  map.)  Treats  of 
the  Slav  colonists  of  the  communes 
of  Acquaviva  Collecroce,  S.  Felice 
Slavo,  and  Montemitro  in  the  Molise 
district  of  S.  E,  Italy,  between  the 
rivers  Trigno  and  Biferno,  their  his- 
tory, etc.  These  Slavs  speak  a  Ser- 
vian-Croatian dialect,  in  which  there 
are  many  deformed  Slavonic  words 
and  a  considerable  Italian  element 
(the  women  speak  Slav  only,  as  a 
rule,  and  up  to  15  years  ago  the  men 
knew  little  or  no  Italian).  Customs, 
dress,  songs,  etc.,  are  gradually 
changing.  The  Slavic  national  dance, 
or  kolo,  has  been  replaced  by  the 
spallata  or  tarantella.  Blood-re- 
venge is  unknown  or  forgotten. 
Several  festivals  (e.  g.,  the  national 
feast  of  S.  Blasius)  are  still  kept  up. 
The  region  has  many  place-names 
of  Slavonic  origin.  The  Slavs  of 
Acquaviva  CoUacroce,  etc.,  go  back  to 
the  beginning  of  the  i6th  century. 
Nicola  Neri,  one  of  the  martyrs 
for  Italian  liberty  in  1799,  was  a 
Slav  from  Acquaviva. 

Bartolomaus  (R.)  Das  polnische  Orig- 
inal des  Volksliedes  An  der  Weichsel 
gegen  Osten.  (Z.  d.  V.  f.  Volksk., 
Berlin,  1909,  xix,  1909,  314-316.) 
Cites,  with  literal  German  version, 
the  Polish  text  of  "  The  Uhlan  and 
the  Maiden,"  a  folk-song  relating  to 


the  war  of  1831.  Also  the  text  of 
"  An  der  Weichsel  gegen  Osten,"  a 
popular  soldier's  song  in  Germany 
and  Bohemia,  to  which  B.  assigns  a 
Polish  origin  (viz.  the  song  here 
cited),  in  opposition  to  Bruinier 
{Das  deiitsche  Volkslied,  1908),  who 
traces  it  back  to  the  German  "  Elisa- 
bethsage." 
Baudouin  (M.)  £tude  d'un  crane  pre- 
historique  a  triple  trepanation, 
executee  sur  le  vivant.  (Bull.  Soc. 
d'Anthrop.  de  Paris,  v®  s.,  ix,  1908, 
436-450,  2  fgs.)  Detailed  descrip- 
tion with  measurements  of  a  young 
adult  female  dolichocephalic  and 
platycephalic  skull,  probably  neo- 
lithic from  Limoges,  exhibiting  three 
small  ante  mortem  trepanations  (an- 
terior left  parietal,  anterior  right 
parietal,  posterior  right  parietal), 
possibly  for  ritual-therapeutic  pur- 
poses. 

La  grotte  de  Jammes  a  Martiel 

(Aveyron).  £tude  anthropologique 
et  anatomo-pathologique  des  osse- 
ments  trouves.  (Ibid.,  746-784,  3 
fgs.)  Treats  of  topography,  nature 
of  grotto,  finds  of  human  bones 
(portions  of  7  individuals,  including 
one  complete  skull).  The  human  re- 
mains were  probably  carried  into  the 
cave  by  flood.  The  pathological  le- 
sions suggest  the  Middle  Ages  as  the 
period  to  which  they  belong.  The 
"  Toulousan  deformation  "  seems  to 
occur  in  some  of  the  skulls. 

Bechtel  (F.)  Ueber  einige  thessalische 
Namen.  (Nachr.  v.  d.  Kgl.  Ges.  d. 
Wiss.  zu  Gottingen,  Phil. -hist.  Kl. 
1908,  571-580.)  Brief  etymological 
and  historical  notes  on  some  40 
names   from   Thessalian   inscriptions. 

Beck  (P.)  Volksgericht  im  Montavon. 
(Z.  d.  V.  f.  Volksk.,  Berlin,  1909. 
XIX,  95.)  Note  on  the  folk-justice  of 
the  exclusive  people  of  Montavon. 
Foreigners  who  courted  native  maid- 
ens were  tied  to  a  small  cart  and 
placed  in  the  Alfenz,  a  mountain- 
stream  running  into  the  111,  and  left 
there.  If  the  Alfenz  rose  high  over 
night  the  victim  was  drowned ;  if 
no  one  passed  by  soon,  he  starved  to 
death.  A  law-case  involving  this  cus- 
tom is  on  record  soon  after  1805 
when  the  Vorarlberg,  previously  Aus- 
trian, became  Bavarian. 

Zwei   Satiren  in  Gebetsform  auf 

Tokoly  und  Ludwig  XIV.  (Ibid., 
186-187.)  German  texts  of  Das 
Vater  Unser  vor  den  Erz-Rebell 
Teckely    and    Bin    offen    Schuld    des 


Periodical  Literature 


63 


Konigs  in  Frankreich.     See  Mehring 
(G.) 

Beddoe  (J.)  A  last  contribution  to 
Scottish  ethnology.  (J.  R.  Anthrop. 
Inst.,  Lond.,  1908,  xxxviii,  212-20, 
I  pi.)  Critique  of  the  paper  of  Mr 
John  Gray  on  the  pigmentation  sur- 
vey of  Scotland  and  "  map  to  illus- 
trate the  tables  into  which  I  have 
boiled  down  those  of  Messrs.  Gray 
and  Tocher."  Dr  B.  thinks  that, 
with  respect  to  the  index  of  nigres- 
cence, "  racial  and  historical  causes 
will    account    for    most    of    the    phe- 

-  nomena  (among  which  is  the  fact 
that  most  of  the  fairest  districts  lie 
well  towards  the  south),  while  urban 
selection  may  be  appealed  to  for  an 
explanation  of  the  rest."  Climatic 
influences  are  "  indistinct." 

Bellucci  (G.)  Accette  di  selce  levigate 
in  Italia  e  questioni  relative.  (A.  p. 
I'Antrop.,  Firenze,  1908,  xxxviii, 
259-273,  I  pi.)  Describes  and  fig- 
ures 7  polished  axes  of  stone  (in 
the  author's  private  collection)  from 
various  parts  of  Italy,  proving  (con- 
trary to  the  view  of  Chierici  (in 
1882)  and  some  later  authorities) 
that  in  Italy,  as  elsewhere,  polished 
stone  axes  are  not  a  mere  importa- 
tion, but  represent  a  progressive 
transformation  of  arms  and  instru- 
ments of  stone,  from  the  paleolithic 
to  the   neolithic  period. 

Beltz  (R.)  Das  neolithische  Grabfeld 
von  Ostdorf  bei  Schwerin.  (A.  f. 
Anthrop.,  Brnschwg.,  1909,  n.  f.,  vii, 
268-295,  2  pi.,  15  fgs.)  Treats 
briefly  of  24  graves  in  neolithic  cem- 
etery at  Ostdorf  and  the  objects 
found  therein, — human  skeletons, 
flint  and  other  stone  implements, 
awls  and  other  objects  of  bone  and 
horn,  ornaments  of  horn,  pierced 
teeth  of  animals,  pearl  bead  (in  form 
of  a  double  axe),  bones  of  animals, 
pottery,  etc.  These  finds  belong  to  the 
West  Baltic  late  neolithic  (stage  of  the 
great  megalithic  graves  of  Montelius's 
third  stone-age  period).     See   Schliz. 

Berkusky  (H.)  Die  Lage  der  rus- 
sischen  "  Fremdvolker."  (Globus, 
Brnschwg.,  1909,  xcv,  165-171,  186- 
191.)  Treats  of  the  vital  statistics, 
material  conditions,  morals,  intel- 
lectual culture,  etc.,  of  the  "  foreign 
peoples,"  who  number  22,149,722,  or 
17.58%  of  the  population  of  the  Rus- 
sian Empire  outside  of  Finland, 
Bokhara  and  Khiva.  The  Turko- 
Tatars  (13,601,251)  are  the  most  nu- 
merous ;  next  come  the  Ugrians  and 
Finns   (3,502,147),  the  Asiatic  Indo- 


Europeans  (2,002,736)  and  the  Cart- 
velians  of  the  Caucasus  (1,352,535). 
There  are  still  3,978  Kamchadales ; 
and  the  Eskimo  and  Aleuts  of  the 
N.  E.  Siberian  coast  number  respec- 
tively 1,099  3nd  584.  The  economic 
condition  of  the  northern  group  of 
tribes  is  by  no  means  satisfactory,  a 
fact  due  partly  to  contact  with  the 
whites ;  but  in  S.  E.  Russia  the  con- 
dition of  the  Tatars  is  better  than 
that  of  the  surrounding  population. 
The  Bashkirs  seem  to  be  deterio- 
rating, owing  to  intoxicating  liquors  in 
part.  The  Turkomans  have  made 
surprising  progress.  The  sanitary 
conditions  of  the  non-Russian  peo- 
ples are  in  general  very  unfavorable 
(great  child-mortality,  infections  and 
contagious  diseases,  dirt,  alcoholism, 
etc.).  The  position  of  woman  usu- 
ally low  and  moral  conditions  bad 
(Turkoman  women  better  off). 
Schools  have  hardly  begun  their 
work  among  many  of  these  peoples, 
and  their  Christianity  is  often  a  mere 
skin  over  old  heathenism,  to  which 
not  a  few  still  cling  altogether.  But 
the  Kasan-Tatars  count  fewer  illiter- 
ates than  their  Russian  neighbors, 
Russian  culture  is  still  young  and  the 
Russian  himself  half-Asiatic,  so 
progress  is  necessarily  slow. 

Bezzenberger  (A.)  Vorgeschichtliche 
Analekten.  (Z.  f.  Ethnol.,  Berlin, 
1908,  XL,  760-771,  21  fgs.)  Notes  on 
ancient  Carthaginian  clay  vessels 
with  eye-ornaments ;  flint  sword- 
blades  or  daggers  nicked  at  the  haft, 
from  various  parts  of  prehistoric 
Europe ;  bronze-objects  from  Spain 
resembling^  the  stone  idols  and  fe- 
male terra-cotta  figurines  from 
Mycenae,  etc. ;  copper  axes,  etc., 
from  Spain  (chemical  analyses) ; 
Iberian  slate  (ornamented)  amulets, 
etc. 

Billson  (C.  J.)  The  "  Jass  "  at  Thun. 
(Folk-Lore,  Lond.,  1909,  xix,  438- 
440,  I  pi.)  Treats  of  the  "Jass"  or 
"  Jester,"  a  sort  of  "  Whipping 
Tom,"  in  connection  with  the  an- 
nual shooting  feast  in  October  at 
Thun,   Switzerland. 

Bliimml  (E.  K.)  Zur  Ballade  vom 
Ritter  Ewald.  (Z.  d.  V.  f.  Volksk., 
Berlin,  1908,  xviii,  431-433.)  Cites 
3  versions  (a  Transylvanian  of  1862 
from  Kronstadt ;  a  Moravian  from 
Neustift ;  an  Upper  Austrian  of  1870 
from  Leonfelder)  of  the  ballad  of 
"  Ritter  Ewald." 

Body  (A.)  L'art  de  I'incrustation  i 
Spa.      (B.    de   I'lnst.   Arch.    Liegeois, 


64 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


1907,  XXXVII,  287-294,  2  pi.)  De- 
scribes a  bellows,  powder-box,  clothes- 
brush,  exemplifying  the  art  of  in- 
crustation, formerly  practised  at  Spa. 
It  came  to  Europe,  apparently  in  the 
wake  of  the  returning  Crusaders, 
with    other   Oriental    influences. 

Boiling  (G.  M.)  A  visit  to  the  Forum 
Romanum.  (Cath.  Univ.  Bull., 
Wash.,  1909,  XV,  211-232.)  Treats 
of  discoveries  since  1898  chiefly: 
House  of  vestal  virgins,  Heroon  of 
Maxentius,  Templum  Pacis,  Church 
of  SS.  Cosmas  and  Damian,  Lacus 
luternae.  Oratory  of  the  Forty  Mar- 
tyrs, etc. 

Bolte  (J.)  Bilderbogen  des  16.  und  17. 
Jahrhunderts.  (Z.  d.  V.  f.  Volksk., 
Berlin,  1909,  xix,  51-82,  6  fgs.) 
Continuation  of  study  of  picture  fly- 
leaves, etc.,  of  the  i6th  and  17th 
centuries,  the  verses  and  songs  ac- 
companying the  engravings,  etc. : 
"  The  Wooer's  basket  "  ("  New  bas- 
ket full  of  Venus-children"),  "The 
lover  on  the  fool's  rope,"  Bigorne 
and  Chicheface  in  Holland  and  Ger- 
many, the  Hahnrei  (horn-bearer, 
cuckoo,  etc.),  and  Hahnreiter  and 
Hennereiterin,  etc.  These  deal  with 
bachelors,    cuckolds,    etc. 

Neuere  Arbeiten  iiber  das  deut- 

sche  Volkslied.  (Ibid.,  219-234). 
Brief  reviews  and  critiques  of  re- 
cent literature  (chiefly  1907-1908) 
on  the  German  folksong.  Among 
the  most  important  works  are  Bock- 
el's  Das  dent  soke  Volkslied  (Mar- 
burg, 1908),  Wehrhan's  Kinderlied 
und  Kinderspiel  (Leipzig,  1908), 
Schell's  Das  detitsche  Volkslied 
(Leipzig,  1908),  Uhl's  Winiliod 
(Leipzig,  1908),  Rieser's  Des  Knaben 
Wunderhorn  und  seine  Qiiellen  (Dort- 
mund, 1907),  Hartmann's  Historische 
Volkslieder  (Miinchen,  1907),  Bliim- 
ml's  Schamperlieder  (Wien,  1908), 
Wossidlo's  Mecklenburgische  Kinder- 
wartung  und  Kinderzncht  (Wismar, 
1906),  Thuren's  Folkesangen  paa 
Faeroenie  (Kobenhavn,  1908),  etc. 
The  periodical  literature  is  also  dis- 
cussed. 

Weitere  Predigtparodien.     (Ibid., 

182—185.)  Contains,  from  various 
sources  six  sermon-parodies  in  Ger- 
man and  notes  on  their  relations 
to  Mdrchen  and  folklore.  In  this 
connection  Lehr's  Studien  fiber  den 
komischen  Eincelvortrag  (Diss.  Mar- 
burg, 1907)  is  of  interest.  See 
Miiller   (C). 

Fin  Reimsesprach  zwischen  Prinz 

Eugen  und  Villeroi,  1702  (Ibid.,  190- 


194).  Text  partly  in  "broken  Ger- 
man," of  a  dialogue  between  Prince 
Eugene  and  the  Duke  of  Villeroi. 
See  also  pp.  188-190. 

-  Ztim  Marchen  von  den  Tochtern 
des  Petrus.  (Ibid.,  314.)  Resumes 
from  Brenner's  Besuch  bei  den  Kan- 
nibalen  Sumatra's  (1894),  a-  Batak 
parallel  for  the  Danish  tale  of  the 
origin   of   bad  women. 

Der     Nussbaum     zu     Benevent. 

(Ibid.,  312-314.)  Bibliographical 
notes  on  the  famous  "  Nut-tree  of 
Beneventum  "  and  the  legend  con- 
nected with  it,  known  to  the  Grim.ms. 
This  tree  is  mentioned  as  early  as 
1521  as  a  seat  of  the  witches'  dances 
and  meetings.  In  1635  Piperno,  a 
Beneventan  physician,  published  a 
monograph,  De  nuce  maga  Beneven- 
tana. 

Zur      Sage     vom     Traum     vom 

Schatze  auf  der  Briicke.  (Ibid.,  289— 
298.)  B.  points  out  that  "  the  tale 
of  the  dream  of  treasure  on  the 
bridge,"  as  Grimm  showed  in  i860, 
is  widespread  in  Germany  and  else- 
where, the  oldest  German  version 
dating  from  the  14th  century,  its 
origin,  however,  to  the  12th,  a  Lower 
Rhenish  version  of  Mainet  (soon 
after  1300),  beginning  with  a  cog- 
nate tale.  Other  celebrated  bridges 
are  the  Regensburg,  Kampen,  Liibeck, 
Bremen  and  more  than  a  score  of 
others  from  Amsterdam  to  Palermo. 
According  to  B.,  the  tale  in  the 
Mainet  (French-Lower  Rhenish)  is 
based  on  an  Oriental  story  brought 
to  Europe  in  the  time  of  the  Cru- 
sades.     See   Lohmeyer    (K.) 

Ein  Lobspruch  auf  die  deutschen 

Stadte  aus  dem  15.  Jahrhundert. 
(Ibid.,  300-304.)  Cites  from  Mss. 
in  the  Hamburg  Public  Library  and 
Niirnberg  National  Museum  the  text 
of  a  15th  century  panegyric  of  Ger- 
man cities.  Munich  is  praised  for 
zvine  not  beer.  The  old  German 
drink  met    (mead)    is   highly   praised. 

Zeugnisse     zur     Geschichte     un- 

serer  Kinderspiele.  (Ibid.,  381-414, 
I  fg.)  Cites  mention  of  children's 
games,  etc.,  by  46  authorities,  from 
Meister  Ingold  in  1432  A.  D.  to  Goe- 
the's mother  in  1786, — also  10  cita- 
tions for  card-games  of  adults.  At 
pp.  412-414  is  an  alphabetical  list 
(ABC-Zwolfte)  of  the  plays  and 
games  referred  to, — some  440  alto- 
gether. 

Die     Herkunft    einer    deutschen 

Volksweise.  (Ibid.,  418-421.)  Treats 
of   a   French   dance-tune  of  the   17th 


Periodical  Literature 


65 


century  which  has  given  rise  to  sev- 
eral German  folk-songs. 

Heinrich    Runges    schweizerische 

Sagensammlung.  (Schw.  Arch.  f. 
Volksk.,  Basel,  1909,  xiii,  161-176.) 
Brief  account  of  the  Swiss  folk-tale 
collections  of  H.  Runge  (d.  1886) 
and  the  German  texts  of  18  tales 
from  his  Mss.  now  in  the  Markisches 
Museum,  Berlin.  They  represent  the 
beginning  of  a  work  on  the  Sagen 
der  Schweis,  entered  upon  in  1850- 
1855.  The  tales  relate  to  dragons, 
snakes,  witches,  dream  of  treasure 
on  the  bridge,  "  white  woman," 
silly    Peter,    etc. 

Bonnier  (C.)  Les  romanichels  a  la 
chambre.  (J.  Gypsy  Lore  Soc, 
Liverpool,  1908,  N.  s.,  i,  270-272.) 
Notes  on  the  debate  on  the  Gypsies 
in  the  French  Chamber  of  Deputies, 
Oct.  29,  1907,  on  the  interpellation 
of  M.  F.  David. 

Bosson  {Mrs  J.  C.)  Sicily,  the  battle- 
field of  nations  and  of  nature.  (Nat. 
Geogr.  Mag.,  Wash.,  1909,  xx,  97- 
118,  17  pi.,  I  fg.)  Treats  of  ancient 
temples  at  Girgenti,  the  prison- 
quarries  of  Syracuse,  the  temples  of 
Selinus  (Selinunto),  Palermo  (Pan- 
ormus),  where  Chaldeans,  Greeks, 
Romans,  Goths,  Saracens  and  Nor- 
mans have  left  their  marks.  Most 
of  the  illustrations  are  of  ethnic 
types,    etc. 

Boule  (M.)  Skelett-fund  von  Chapelle- 
aux-Saints,  Correze.  (Z.  f.  Ethnol., 
Berlin,  1908,  xl,  981.)  Brief  note. 
See    Capitan    (L.). 

Brandsch  (G.)  Die  siebenbiirgischen 
Melodien  zur  Ballade  von  der  Nonne. 
(Z.  d.  V.  f.  Volksk.,  Berlin,  1909, 
XIX,  194-197.)  Cites  from  various 
parts  of  Transylvania  the  music  of 
the  "  Ballad  of  the  Nun."  See  also 
XVIII,  1908,  394. 

Breuil  (H.)  Le  gisement  quaternaire 
d'Ofnet  (Baviere)  et  sa  sepulture 
mesolithique.  (L'  Anthropologic, 
Paris,  1909,  XX,  207-214,  i  fg.) 
Treats  of  the  interesting  mesolithic 
burial  place  in  the  Ofnet  grotto  (Ba- 
varia), investigated  in  the  fall  of 
1908  by  Dr  R.  R.  Schmidt,  who  has 
summarized  the  results  in  the  Ber.  d. 
Natiirzv.  Ver.  f.  Schzvaben  n.  Men- 
burg,  for  1908.  The  Abbe  B.  thinks 
the  discoveries  at  Ofnet  go  further 
to  prove  "  the  Mediterranean  origin 
of  the   Azil-Tardenoisians." 

•     et  Cabre  Aguila  (J.)     Les  pein- 

tures  rupestres  du  bassin  inferieure 
de  I'fibre.  (Ibid.,  1-21,  9  fgs.) 
Treats  of  the  painted  rocks  of  Cala- 
VOL.    XXIII.—  NO.    87.  5 


pata  at  Gretas  (Bas  Aragon), — deer, 
cattle,  goats,  etc.,  in  red  and  black ; 
the  frescos  in  open  air  of  Cogul, 
province  of  Lerida,  Catalonia  (hunt- 
ing scenes, — men,  deer,  bison,  half- 
clad  women  dancing  around  naked 
man,  etc.).  The  style  of  the  animal 
frescos  of  Cogul  and  Calapata  is  that 
of  the  French  quaternary  drawing 
and  not  more  recent.  The  hunting- 
scenes  of  Cogul  are  the  first  of  their 
kind.  The  dress  of  the  women  in  the 
dance-scene  suggests  rapprochement 
with  Crete.  These  rock-pictures  dif- 
fer altogether  from  the  ceramic  art 
of  the  ancient  Iberians. 
Brewer  (W.)  Etymology  of  Greek 
mythological  terms.  (Open  Court, 
Chicago,  1908,  XXII,  480-484.)  The 
Egyptian  etymologies  of  Psyche 
(Saach),  Heracles  (Heru-Akel),  Pro- 
metheus (Pt-Rom-Theos),  Phoebus, 
Neptune,  Hades,  Demeter,  Aphro- 
dite, etc.,  represent  a  point  of  view 
in  which  the  author  should  be  alone. 
This  sort  of  etymologizing  belongs 
to  a  fossil  period,  unless  a  joke. 

Names    of    deity.      (Ibid.,    1909, 

XXIII,  1 19-123.)  Reply  to  article  of 
C.  A.  Browne  in  a  previous  issue. 
The  author  maintains,  with  Herodo- 
tus, that  "  the  divine  names  used  by 
the  Greeks  were  nearly  all  derived 
from   those   of   the    Egyptians." 

Broomall  (H.  L.)  Phonetic  character- 
istics of  the  English  verb.  (Proc. 
Delaware  Co.  Inst.  Sci.,  Media,  Pa., 
1908-9,  IV,  23-39.)  Argues  that 
"  there  must  be  something  about  final 
accent  and  sonancy  that  says  '  verb ' 
to  the  English  linguistic  sense,"  and 
that  "  there  must  be  some  analogy 
between  the  action  of  a  verb  in  the 
sentence,  as  apprehended  mentally, 
and  these  phonetic  peculiarities." 

Vocal    imitation    of    motion    and 

mass.  (Ibid.,  89-102.)  Cites  nu- 
merous English  words  to  show  that 
"  at  least  part  of  their  significance  is 
due  to  association  of  their  vocal 
sounds  with  motion  or  mass,  as  well 
as  the  sounds  of  the  actions  and 
objects  named."  These  things  are 
all  forms  of  gesture. 

Bruckner  (A.)  Neuere  Arbeiten  zur 
slawischen  Volkskunde.  I.  Polnisch 
und  Bohmisch.  (Z.  d.  V.  f.  Volksk., 
Berlin,  1909,  xix.  208-219.)  Brief 
reviews  and  critiques  of  recent 
(chiefly  1907-1908)  literature  on 
Polish  and  Bohemian  folk-lore,  books, 
periodical  articles,   etc. 

Bruhns  (B.)  Geographische  Studien 
iiber    die     Waldhufensiedelungen     in 


66 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


Sachsen.  (Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1909, 
xcv,  197-220,  220-225,  rnap.)  Treats 
of  the  distribution,  history,  etc.,  of 
the  colonies  settled  after  the  Wald- 
hiife  scheme  in  Saxony, — the  immi- 
gration occurred  notably  in  the  12- 
13th    centuries. 

Brunner  (K.)  Die  Konigliche  Samm- 
lung  fiir  deutsche  Volkskunde  auf 
der  Internationalen  Ausstellung  fiir 
Volkskunst,  Berlin  1909.  (Z.  d.  V.  f. 
Volksk.,  Berlin,  1909,  xix,  281-286, 
I  fg.)  Describes  the  collection  in 
the  "  Kammerwagen  "  at  the  Inter- 
national Folk-Art  Exhibition,  held 
in  Berlin  in  January  and  February, 
1909.  This  "  folk-carriage,"  artis- 
tically decorated  household  furni- 
ture, articles  of  domestic  manufac- 
ture, implements  and  instruments, 
ornaments,  etc.,  are  all  illustrative  of 
German   folk-art. 

Ein   Holzkalender  aus   Pfranten. 

(Ibid.,  249-261,  7  fgs.)  Treats  in 
detail  of  a  wooden  calendar  (now  in 
the  Royal  Collection  for  German 
Folk-Lore,  Berlin),  with  the  name 
of  its  first  possessor,  Georg  Reychart 
von  Pfranten,  cut  upon  it, — probably 
from  Pfronten  in  Bavaria.  It  con- 
sists of  7  narrow  wooden  tablets, 
constituting  "  a  continuous  Julian 
calendar,"  with  indication  of  the 
fixed  Christian  festivals,  etc.,  by 
means  of  German  words,  figures, 
symbols,  and  the  like.  This  calendar 
cannot  be  earlier  than  1690  (from 
internal  evidence)  and  is  probably 
not  more  than  a  century  old. 

Bericht  iiber  die   Neuaufstellung 

der  Koniglichen  Sammlung  fiir  deut- 
sche Volkskunde  in  Berlin,  Kloster- 
strasse  36,  im  Jahre  1907.  (Ibid.,  241- 
263.)  Describes  the  new  installation 
of  Royal  Folk-lore  Collection  in 
Berlin, — the  N.  E.  German  section 
in  the  Virchow  room,  the  Spreewald 
room,  Alsatian  peasant  room  (with 
rich  wood-carvings),  Swiss  room, 
Bavarian  folk-costumes,  old  lower 
Bavarian  and  Austrian  furniture, 
old  Gothic  furniture  from  Tirol,  col- 
lections illustrating  comparative  art, 
folk-architecture,  folk-costume  and 
ornaments,  pottery,  Christmas  crib, 
votive  offerings  (including  a  boat- 
model),  the  Liineburg  room,  etc. 

Buchner  (M.)  Das  Bogenschiessen 
der  Aegineten.  (Z.  f.  Ethnol.,  Berlin, 
1908,  XL,  845-856,  14  fgs.)  Dis- 
cusses the  archers  (and  the  attitude, 
etc.,  in  bow-shooting)  in  the  Eginese 
group  of  the  Salamis  age,  now  in  the 
Munich    Glyptothek,      The    arrow-re- 


lease seems  halfway  between  the 
primary  and  the  Mongolian  of  Morse. 
The  stretching  of  the  bow  is  com- 
pared with  Turkish,  Chinese,  etc. 
The  Chinese  bow  by  way  of  the  Scy- 
thian explains  the  Greek.  The  Scy- 
thians and  the  Tatars  connect  the 
West  and  the   East. 

Bulgaria,  the  peasant  state.  (Nat. 
Geogr,  Mag.,  Wash.,  1908,  xix,  760- 
773,  5  fgs.,  8  pi.)  Based  chiefly  on 
Bourchier,  F.  Moore  and  H.  De 
Windt.  The  illustrations  treat  of 
peasant  types,  village  scenes,  funeral, 
kolo    (national    dance),    etc. 

Bullen  (R.  A.)  Polished  stone  im- 
plements from  Harlyn  Bay.  (Man, 
Lond.,  1908,  viii,  74-79,  2  fgs.)  De- 
scribes a  stone  amulet  and  a  slate 
needle  from  a  prehistoric  (late  Cel- 
tic) burial-ground.  The  material  of 
the  needle  is  foreign  to  the  Trevose 
district. 

Bunker  (J.  R.)  Dorffluren  und  Bauern- 
hauser  im  Lungau  (Herzogtum  Salz- 
burg). I.  Teil,  (Mitt:  d.  Anthrop. 
Ges.  in  Wien,  1909,  xxxix,  66-86, 
4  fgs.,  4  maps.)  First  section  treat- 
ing of  village  sites  and  peasant 
houses  in  Fanningberg,  Hof,  Stra- 
nach  bei  Pichl,  Steindorf,  etc., — 
places  partly  of  Slavonic,  partly  of 
German    origin. 

Westungarische  Vorhallenhauser. 

(Stzgb.  d.  Anthrop.  Ges.  in  Wien, 
1907-1908,  3-8,  5  fgs.)  Treats  of  the 
West-Hungarian  "  Vorhallenhaus," 
particularly  in  Morbisch,  Odenburg, 
etc.,  out  of  which  have  arisen  houses 
of  the  character  of  Meringer's  "  Mit- 
telkuchenflurhaus." 

Busse  (H.)  Ein  Hiigelgrab  bei  Diens- 
dorf  am  Scharmiitzelsee,  Kreis  Bees- 
kow-Storkow.  (Z.  f.  Ethnol.,  Berlin, 
1909,  XLi,  690-697,  7  fgs.,  map.) 
Treats  of  a  mound  grave  on  the 
shore  of  L.  Scharmutzel,  in  the  Bees- 
kow-Storkow  district  and  contents 
(remains  of  17  clay  vessels,  spar- 
ingly ornamented,  evidences  of  non- 
burial,  etc.).  These  mound-graves  are 
assigned  to  the  period  i4-i2th  cen- 
tury B.  C,  with  indication  of  "  Thra- 
cian "    (Kossinna)    influence. 

Das    Graberfeld    auf    dem    Kes- 

selberg  bei  Biesenthal,  Kreis  Ober- 
Barnim.  (Ibid.,  1908,  xl,  826-830, 
II  fgs.)  Brief  account  of  the  finds 
in  II  graves  in  a  newly  discovered 
burial-place, — investigations  of  1907- 
1908.  Although  no  metal  grave- 
gifts  were  found,  the  cemetery  seems 
to  belong  to  the  bronze  age,  with 
cremation-urns. 


Periodical  Literature 


67 


Cantacuzene  (G.)  '  Contribution  a  la 
craniologie  des  £trusques.  (L' An- 
thropologic, Paris,  1909,  XX,  329- 
352,  12  fgs.)  Gives  results  of  study 
of  16  crania  (10  male,  6  female) 
from  the  necropolis  of  Corneto-Tar- 
quinia,  on  the  border  of  ancient 
Etruria,  near  Civita-Vecchia,  now  in 
the  Paris  Museum  of  Natural  His- 
tory. The  average  cranial  capacity 
is  for  males  1635,  females  1470; 
cephalic  index  78.69  and  76.40.  The 
Etruscans  do  not  seem  to  have  pos- 
sessed an  ethnic  unity,  but  present  a 
decided  Roman  element. 

Capitan  (L.),  Breuil  (H.),  Bourrinet 
(P.)  et  Peyrony  (D.)  Observations 
sur  un  baton  de  commandement  orne 
de  figures  animales  et  de  personnages 
semi-humains.  (R.  de  I'fic.  d'An- 
throp.  de  Paris,  1909,  xix,  62-76,  i 
pi.,  12  fgs.)  Treats  of  the  remarkable 
baton  de  commandement  discovered 
by  M.  Bourrinet  at  the  Mege  "  shel- 
ter"  at  Teyjat  (Dordogne)  in  Au- 
gust, 1908.  This  piece  of  deer-horn 
contains  sculptures  of  a  deer-head, 
three  serpents,  a  large  horse  and 
part  of  small  one,  three  swans  more 
or  less  complete,  three  small  semi- 
human  figures  (horned,  long-eared, 
hairy -bodied,  two-legged),  which  C. 
terms  diablotins  provisionally.  They 
are  possibly  "  imaginary  objects,  e.  g., 
Loups-garoiis,  or  the  like " ;  or  pos- 
sibly "  masks "  (the  horn  seems  to 
be  that  of  the  chamois), — the  author 
cites  in  comparison  Bushman  paint- 
ings, Melanesian  masks,  Eskimo 
shamanic  carvings,  etc. 

Le  squelette   humain   mousterien 

de  la  Chapelle-aux-Saints  Correze. 
L'homo  heidelbergensis.  (Ibid.,  103- 
108,  S  fgs.)  Resumes  briefly  the  ar- 
ticles of  Boule.  Bouyssonie  and  Bar- 
don  in  L'Anthropologie  (1908)  on 
the  human  skeleton  of  the  Mousterian 
age  discovered  in  August,  1908,  at 
the  little  cavern  of  La  Chapelle-aux- 
Saints, — of  Neanderthal-Spy  type, 
normal  during  this  period  over  a 
considerable  part  of  Europe.  Also 
resumes  the  data  in  O.  Schoeten- 
sack's  Der  Unterkiefer  des  Homo 
Heidelbergensis  (Leipzig,  1908)  con- 
cerning the  human  jaw  from  the 
Mauer  quarry,  which  is  thought  to 
represent  "  man  at  a  point  close  to 
the  separation  of  the  Hominidse  and 
the  anthropoids."  The  name  "  Heidel- 
berg man  "  has  been  assigned  to  this 
man  belonging  to  the  close  of  the 
Pliocene  or  to  the  beginning  of  the 
Quaternary. 


Cardoso  (F.)  O  Poveiro:  estudio  an- 
thropologic© dos  Pescadores  do 
Povoa  de  Varzim.  (Portugalia, 
Porto,  1908,  II,  517-539,  27  fgs.) 
Anthropological  study,  giving  aver- 
age measurements  (head,  stature)  of 
150  males  and  65  females,  of  the 
Poveiros  or  fishermen  of  the  region 
of  Povoa  de  Varzim,  Portugal.  The 
cephalic  index  varies  in  men  from 
70  to  83.4,  with  an  average  of  77.5 ; 
in  women  from  72  to  83.9,  average 
77.5.  The  average  stature" for  men 
is  1,648  mm.,  women  1,547  mm. 
This  people  represents  the  fusion  of 
two  neolithic  types  (dolichocephalic 
and  brachycephalic)  with  later  ad- 
mixture of  Semitic  and  Nordic. 

Carey  (E.  H.)  The  fifth  of  November 
and  Guy  Fawkes.     (Folk-Lore,  Lond., 

1908,  XIX,  104-10S,  I  pi.)  Notes  on 
celebration  in  Guernsey  in  1903, — 
the  ceremony  has  recently  been  abol- 
ished by  the  Royal  Court. 

Carter  (J.)  Kutchuk  Ayiah  Sofia  and 
San   Vitale.      (Rec.   of    Past,   Wash., 

1909,  VIII,  179-183,  3  fgs.)  Com- 
pares the  "  Little  Sophia  "  (Church 
of  SS.  Sergius  and  Bacchus)  in  Con- 
stantinople with  the  Church  of  San 
Vitale  in  Ravenna,  and  concludes 
that  the  latter  is  "  an  improved  edi- 
tion "  of  the  former. 

Claassen  (W.)  Die  abnehmende 
Kriegstiichtigkeit  im  Deutschen  Reich 
in  Stadt  und  Land  von  1902  bis 
1907.  (A.  f.  Rassen.-  u.  Ges.-Biol., 
Lpzg.,  1909,  VI,  73-77.)  Cites  statis- 
tics to  show  the  continued  regression 
of  the  population  of  Germany  in 
military  effectiveness  as  judged  from 
physique,  both  urban  and  rural. 

Classen  (K.)  Uber  den  Zusammen- 
hang  der  vorgeschichtlichen  Be- 
volkerung  Griechenland  und  Italians. 
(Korr.-Bl.  d.  D.  Ges.  f.  Anthrop., 
Brnschwg.,  1909,  xl,  37-38.)  Com- 
pares the  Rhaetian  place-names  with 
the  Etruscan,  and  the  pre-Grecian 
with  those  of  Asia  Minor,  and  these 
with  each  other.  According  to  C. 
relations  between  prehistoric  Italy, 
Greece  and  Asia  are  indicated,  with 
probably  linguistic  connections  of  an- 
cient tongues  of  the  Rhaetian  coun- 
try (also  Etruscan,  Ligurian,  etc.) 
and  the  speech  of  the  Caucasian  peo- 
ples, especially  Georgian,  as  Dirr  and 
Wirth  have  maintained.  But  much 
of  this  is  too  speculative. 

Clinch  (G.)  Suggestions  for  a  scheme 
of  classification  of  the  megalithic  and 
analogous  prehistoric  remains  of 
Great    Britain    and    Ireland.      (Ann. 


68 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


Arch,  and  Anthrop.,  Liverpool,  1909, 

II,  46-48,  2  pi.)  Classifies  thus: 
Dwellings  (caves,  rock-shelters,  stone 
and  earth  hut-circles,  bee-hive  dwell- 
ings, crannoges,  lake  and  marsh 
dwellings,  souterrains)  ;  monoliths 
(rude  and  worked)  ;  groups  of  mono- 
liths ;  trilithons ;  alignments ;  ave- 
nues (open  and  covered)  ;  enclosures 
(circular  and  rectangular)  ;  sepul- 
chral structures  (cromlechs,  cists  in 
barrows,  cists  not  in  barrows,  cairns, 
long,  chambered  and  round  barrows)  ; 
earthworks  connected  with  mega- 
lithic  remains  (such  as  Stonehenge, 
Avebury,  etc.)  ;  sculpturings  (cup 
and  ring  markings  on  natural  stones 
and  rocks  and  on  sepulchral  struc- 
tures, holed  stones)  ;  hill-side  struc- 
tures (such  as  the  White  Horses)  ; 
stones  or  rocks  of  natural  origin  and 
forms  associated  with  folk-lore ;  re- 
markable natural  features  attributed 
to  supernatural  origin  (such  as  the 
Devil's  Punch  Bowl,  etc.). 

Corso  (R.)  GH  sponsali  popolari. 
Studio  d'etnologia  popolare.  (R.  d. 
£t.  Ethnogr.  et  Socio!.,  Paris,  1908, 
I,  487-499.)  Well-documented  study 
of  betrothals,  etc.,  in  folk-custom 
in  various  parts  of  Europe,  par- 
ticularly in  Italy,  their  status  in  legis- 
lation, etc.  The  chief  ceremonies 
(libellum  dotis,  per  solidum  et  den- 
arium,  "  scapellata,"  fustis,  "  seg- 
nata,"  dextrarura  junctio,  anulus 
fidei,  calciamenta,  donaritium,  oscu- 
lum,  potus  et  biberagium,  conscensio 
thalami)  are  discussed. 

Cox  (E.  G.)  King  Lear  in  Celtic  tra- 
dition. (Mod.  Lang.  Notes,  Balti- 
more, 1909,  XXIV,  1-6.)  Treats  of 
the  Ossianic  ballad  Dan  Liuir  (Eng- 
lish version)  (pp.  1-2)  and  other 
Celtic  lore  concerning  Lir,  a  '"  sea- 
god  reduced  to  a  petty  kinglet,"  of 
the  Tuatha  de  Danann, — Shakes- 
peare's  Lear. 

Crooke  (W.)  Some  notes  on  Homeric 
folk-lore.  (Folk-Lore,  Lond.,  1908, 
XIX,  52-77,  153-189.)  Treats  of 
origin  of  Homeric  poems  (Iliad,  with 
certain  later  additions,  is  probably 
work  of  a  single  hand,  Odyssey  by 
different  and  later  writer),  and  the 
evidence  as  to  unity,  etc.,  of  the 
epics  "  dependent  on  the  provenience 
of  the  sagas,  Mdrchen  and  folk-lore 
incidents  which  appear  in  the  poems." 
Reticence  of  the  poet  in  dealing  with 
folk-tradition,  careful  selection  of 
certain  legends  for  treatment  and 
discarding  of  others,  animism  (hard 
to  distinguish  between  metaphor  and 


real  belief),  no  stratification  of  the 
more  primitive  beliefs  in  the  Iliad 
(also  magic,  etc.), — this  may  point  to 
the  poems  being  the  work  of  a  single 
age,  if  not  of  a  single  author ;  theory 
not  correct  that  Iliad  consists  of 
Sagas  and  Odyssey  of  Mdrchen. 
The  analogies  and  sources  of  the 
legends  and  tales,  motifs,  etc.,  of  the 
poems,  are  discussed  in  detail.  C. 
considers  Homer  "  the  first  of  Euro- 
pean folklorists,"  and  "  the  first  and 
noblest  writer  who  has  devoted  his 
genius  to  the  record  of  beliefs  and 
traditions  which  it  is  the  task  of  this 
Society  to  collect  and  interpret," 
Cunnington  {Mrs  M.  E.)  Notes  on  ex- 
cavations at  Oliver's  Camp  near 
Devizes,  Wilts.  (Man,  Lond.,  1908, 
VIII,  7-13,  3  fgs.)  Gives  results  of 
excavations  in  summer  of  1907.  The 
few  remains  discovered  (fragments 
of  iron  and  one  of  bronze,  broken 
pot  and  100  potsherds,  etc.)  fix  the 
camp  as  late-Celtic,  later  than  the 
bronze  age  but  pre-Roman.  Hearth- 
site  beneath  the  center  of  the  camp 
seems  earlier  than  the  camp  itself. 

Notes  on  a  late  Celtic  rubbish- 
heap  near  Oare,  Wiltshire.  (Ibid., 
1909,  IX,  18-21,  6  fgs.)  Treats  of 
the  pottery  found  (most  of  it  is  of 
the  bowl  with  bead  rim  type,  purely 
British  and  characteristic  of  late 
Celtic ;  the  round-bottomed  bowls  are 
suggestive  of  metal  protypes ;  frag- 
ments of  various  foreign  makes :  Bel- 
gic  black,  green  glazed  Roman,  thin 
white  cream-colored  possibly  from 
Rheims,  "  roulette "  ornamented, 
painted  red,  fine  red  Arretine,  etc.) 
in  this  rubbish  heap  of  the  first  cen- 
tury A.  D.  A  fibula  of  bronze  and 
another  of  iron,  besides  other  bronze 
and  iron  objects,  pottery  discs,  etc., 
were  likewise  found. 

On  a  remarkable  feature  in  the 

entrenchments  of  Knap  Hill  Camp, 
Wilts.  (Ibid.,  49-52,  I  fg.)  Treats 
of  the  6  openings  or  gaps  through  the 
ramparts,  which  actually  form  part  of 
the  original  structure  of  the  camp. 
These   may  have  been  "  sally-ports." 

Czirbusz  (G.)  Die  geographische 
Physiognomik  in  der  Namenkunde. 
(Mitt.  d.  K.-K.  Geogr.  Ges.  in  Wien, 
1908,  LI,  463-470.)  Treats  of  the 
place-names  of  the  Hungarian  Car- 
pathian region.  A  number  of  the 
mountain,  lake  and  river  names  of 
Transylvania  are  of  Gothic  and  Celtic 
origin,  others  Slavonic.  These  names 
are  often  in  close  relation  with  the 
physical  character  of  the  country. 


Periodical  Literature 


69 


Dalzell  (J.  B.)  Dalzell :  an  ancient 
Scottish  surname.  (Scott.  Hist.  Rev., 
Glasgow,  1909,  VII,  69-72.)  Gives 
origin  of  Dahell  (Gaelic  Dal  geal, 
"  white  holm,"  or  "  beautiful  mead- 
ow") and  cites  220  different  ways  in 
which  it  is  spelt,  from  Dalcall  to 
Thial. 

Davies  (J.  C.)  Ghost-raising  in  Wales. 
(Folk-Lore,  Lond.,  1908,  xix,  327- 
331.)  Gives  English  text  of  "  How 
to  obtain  the  familiar  of  the  genius 
or  good  spirit  and  cause  him  to  ap- 
pear," from  the  library  of  "  Harries 
Cwrt-y-Cadno,"  a  most  popular 
Welsh  conjuror  who  lived  in  Car- 
marthenshire about  two  generations 
ago  ;  and  also  of  "  The  farmer  who 
consulted  the  conjuror,  or  the  fami- 
liar spirits  and  the  lost  cows,"  a  story 
of  this  Welsh  wizard's  spirit-sum- 
moning. 

Delisle  (F.)  Sur  un  crane  negroide 
trouve  au  carrefour  de  Revelon  pres 
d'fipehy,  Somme,  (Bull.  Soc.  d'An- 
throp.  de  Paris,  1909,  v""  S.,  x,  13-18.) 
Describes,  with  measurements,  a  fe- 
male dolichocephalic  (index  73.33, 
cranial  capacity  1,370  c.c.)  of  ne- 
groid aspect  (prognathism  especi- 
ally), found  ante  1865  in  the  Gallo- 
Roman  ruins   of  Revelon. 

Deniker  (J.)  La  taille  en  Europe. 
(Ibid.,  1908,  v"  s.,  IX,  456-462.) 
Resumes  facts  in  author's  Les  races 
de  I'Europe.  II.  La  taille  en  Europe 
(Paris,    1908,   pp.    144). 

A    propos    d'un    squelette    nean- 

derthaloide  du  quaternaire.  (Ibid., 
736-738.)  Discusses  the  skeleton 
found  by  Hauser  of  Bale  in  the  cave 
of  Moustier  in  the  Vezere  valley, — 
the  Homo  Mousteriensis  Hauseri  of 
Klaatsch,  a  Neanderthaloid  skeleton 
found  in  1905  in  a  Moustier  rock- 
shelter,  and  the  Bouyssonie-Bardou 
discovery  in  the  Dordogne  valley  of 
a  Neanderthaloid  skull  and  other 
bones.  This  makes  3  such  skeletons 
discovered  in   France. 

Deperet  (C.)  et  Jarricot  (J.)  Le 
crane  prehistorique  de  Saint-Paul  de 
Fenouillet.  (Ibid.,  543-561,  i  fg.) 
Describes,  with  meastirements,  the 
fragmentary  skull  of  an  adult  male 
found  in  1851  in  a  bone-cave  of 
prehistoric  age  at  Saint-Paul  de 
Fenouillet,  in  the  department  of  the 
Eastern-Pyrenees. 

Dettling  (A.)  Die  Festfeier  der  Trans- 
lation des  hi.  Justus  in  Ingebohl 
1697.  (Arch,  suisses  d.  Trad.  Pop., 
Bale,  1909,  III,  127-136.)  Reprints 
from  a  Ms.  copy  the  play  enacted  on 


the  occasion  of  the  translation  of 
St.   Justus  to   Ingebohl. 

Dewert  (J.)  La  fete  des  rois  (Bull, 
de  Folk-lore,  Bruxelles,  1909,  iii, 
129-172,  I  pi.).  Detailed  account  of 
Holy  Night,  or  the  festival  of  the 
three  Kings,  as  celebrated  in  Belgium 
(name  of  festival,  names  of  Kings, 
date,  participants,  candles,  bonfires, 
discharge  of  fire-arms,  processions, 
songs,  feast,  bean-cake,  letters,  amuse- 
ments, "  lost  Monday,"  superstitions, 
etc.).  The  texts  of  many  songs,  coup- 
lets, etc.,  are  given.  In  Hainaut  the 
celebration  is  a  family  affair  par 
excellence.  A  sort  of  mystery  play 
survives  in  places. 

Dickson  (J.  A.)  The  burry-man. 
(Folk-Lore,  Lond.,  1908,  xix,  379- 
387,  2  pi.)  Treats  of  the  ceremony 
of  the  hurry-man  (a  boy  dressed  in  a 
tight-fitting  suit  of  white  flannel 
covered  entirely  with  burrs  stuck  on, 
and  adorned  with  flowers,  ribbons, 
etc.)  in  connection  with  the  annual 
fair  held  at  South  Queensberry  (be- 
low the  Forth  bridge)  on  the  second 
Friday  of  August.  Miss  D.  suggests 
that  this  ceremony  is  "  a  relic  of  an 
early  propitiatory  harvest  rite." 

Diehl  (D.)  Amtliche  Berichte  iiber  die 
Kirchweihfeiern  in  der  Obergraf- 
schaft  aus  den  Jahren  i 737-1 740. 
(Hess.  Bl.  f.  Volksk.,  Lpzg.,  1909,  viii, 
loo-iii.)  Cites  from  official  records 
during  the  years  1737-1740  13  ac- 
counts and  descriptions  of  church- 
festivals  in  various  parts  (Lichten- 
berg,  Darmstadt,  Arheilgen,  Pfung- 
stadt,  Braubach,  Jagersburg,  Riissels- 
heim,  Seeheim,  Langen,  Zwingen- 
berg,  Auerbach,  Hahnsein,  Alsbach) 
of  the  Obergrafschaft.  These  records 
speak  of  the  evil  and  scandalous 
concomitants  and  consequences  of 
some  of  these   festivals. 

von  Diest  (H.)  Ausflug  in  das  Hoh- 
lengebiet  von  Ojcow,  Siidpolen.  (Z. 
f.  EthnoL,  Berlin,  1909,  xli,  745- 
75 1)  3  fgs.,  map.)  Account  of  ex- 
cursion in  August,  1909  to  the  cave 
region  of  Ojcow  in  southern  Po- 
land,— some  80  caves  have  already 
been  found,  and  more  are  being  dis- 
covered. The  finds  in  these  caves 
include  animal  bones,  teeth  of  cave- 
bears,  etc.,  flints  of  Moustier  and 
Magdalenian  types,  pottery  fragments, 
ivory  objects,  human  skulls,  etc.  In 
the  Maszycka  cave  were  found  ivory 
sticks  with  ornamentation.  R.  Vir- 
chow  thought  the  two  skulls  from 
this   cave    Slavonic. 


70 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


Dirr  (A.)  Uber  die  Klassen  (Ge- 
schlechter)  in  den  kaukasischen 
Sprachen,  (Int.  Arch.  f.  Ethnogr., 
Leiden,  1908,  xviii,  125-131.)  Treats 
of  "  classes  "  or  "  genders  "  in  the 
languages  of  the  Caucasus, — they 
number  from  6  (male  rational  beings, 
female  rational  beings ;  many  ani- 
mals without  distinction  of  natural 
sex,  certain  other  substantives ;  cer- 
tain animals  without  distinction  of 
sex;  all  not  belonging  to  the  other 
classes)  in  Chechen  to  2  in  Tabas- 
saran  (rational  beings;  all  others). 
A  progressive  simplification  has  taken 
place.  Several  tongues  (Ude,  Aghu- 
lian,  Kurinian)  have  lost  their  gen- 
ders by  reason  of  the  influence  of  the 
genderless  Turko-Tatar  language. 
According  to  D.  the  oldest  classifica- 
tion of  living  beings  is  seen  in  Art- 
chinian.  Social  organizations  like 
those  of  the  native  Australians  may 
have  existed  in  remote  times  among 
the  peoples  of  the  Caucasus  and 
influenced  the  classification  in  lan- 
guages. The  oldest  classification  in 
the  languages  of  the  Caucasus  ranked 
highest  the  sexually  mature  being 
that  has  reproduced  itself ;  next  to 
this  came  the  sexually  mature  not 
yet  reproduced. 

Die    alte    Religion    der    Tschet- 

schenen.  (Anthropos,  Wien,  1908, 
III,  729-740,  1050-1076.)  Trans- 
lated from  an  article  by  Baschir 
Dalgat,  a  Chechen,  in  the  Terskij 
Sbornik  for  1893.  Treats  of  the 
other  world  (2  brief  legends ;  ideas 
as  to  its  situation,  above  or  beneath 
the  earth)  ;  burial  and  funeral  rites  ; 
soul-lore  (legends)  ;  witch  craft ; 
demon-lore  (jinns,  etc.)  ;  the  hearth 
(sacred,  hearth-fire  at  weddings, 
fire  in  blood-revenge)  ;  oaths  ;  protec- 
tive deities  (their  shrines,  cult,  etc.)  ; 
priests  and  fortune-tellers,  "  wise 
women  " ;  nature-gods  ("  water- 
mother,"  v/ood-aliiias,  "  mother  of 
storms  ")  ;  star-cult  (sun-worship  ; 
seli,  the  thunderer)  ;  the  supreme  be- 
ing Dele,  the  creator,  etc.  The 
Chechens,  now  Mohammedans,  were 
formerly  Christians  and  much  influ- 
enced by  the  Georgians.  Christianity 
was  retained  longest  by  the  Ingu- 
shes. 

von  Domaszewski  (A.)  Die  Triumph- 
strasse  auf  dem  Marsfelde.  (A.  f. 
Religsw.,  Lpzg.,  1909,  xii,  67-82, 
I  pi.).  Treats  of  the  course,  etc.,  of 
the  via  triumphalis  across  the  Cam- 
pus Martins  from  the  Porta  Trium- 
phalis to  the  Porta  Carmentalis. 


Dubreuil-Chambardel  (L.)  A  propos 
des  croix  blanches  des  fermes.  (Bull. 
Soc.  d'Anthrop.  de  Paris,  iqog,  v"'  s., 
IX,  678-680.)  Treats  of  the  "white 
cross  "  on  walls  of  farms,  stables,  etc., 
in  Touraine,  and  cites  from  an  abbey 
(Villeloin)  record  of  the  end  of  the 
i8th  century  the  text  of  a  conjur- 
ing formula,  explaining  such  use  of 
the  Latin  cross  against  cattle-witch- 
ing, etc.  M.  Huguet  suggests  that  the 
round  elements  at  the  extremities  of 
the  crosses  may  be  the  epiphyses  of 
bones, — bones  being  used  primitively 
in   such  cases. 

Duckworth  (\V.  L.  H.)  Report  on  a 
human  cranium  from  a  stone  cist  in 
the  Isle  of  Man.  (Man,  Lond.,  1908, 
VIII,  5-7,  6  fgs.)  Describes  brachy- 
cephalic  (81. i)  skull  with  persistent 
frontal  suture,  and  compares  it  with 
one  from  a  dolmen  at  Blankensee 
near  Liibeck  and  with  another  from 
a  stone-lined  grave  at  Cronk-y-Kecil- 
lane.  Isle  of  Man,  The  skull  is 
probably  Celtic. 

Note   on   Mr  Klintberg's   studies 

upon  the  folk-lore  and  dialects  of 
Gothland.  (Ibid.,  43-44.)  Mr  Klint- 
berg's Ms.  consists  of  "  some  25,000 
neatly  written  sheets,  carefully  sched- 
uled and  pigeon-holed."  He  has  be- 
sides some  200  photographs  and  sev- 
eral thousand  pencil  drawings  (of 
tools,  implements,  etc.)  intended  as 
illustrations  to  the  dictionary.  Dr 
D.  visited  Mr  K.  in  September,  1906. 

von  Duhn  (F.)  Der  Sarkophag  aus 
Hagia  Triada.  (A.  f.  Religsw.,  Lpzg., 
1909,  XII,  161-185,  3  pi.)  Discusses 
the  Hagia  Triada  sarcophagus,  a 
very  important  monument  of  the  an- 
cient Cretan  cult  of  the  dead  (the 
sacrificial-scenes,  libations,  offerings, 
etc.,  painted  upon  it),  belonging  to 
the  later  Mycenean  period,  perhaps 
the  second  half  of  the  isth  century 
B.  C.  V.  D.  compares  the  recent 
description  of  Paribeni  with  the  re- 
sults of  his  own  observations  of  the 
sarcophagus. 

Dumas  (U.)  La  Grotte  des  Fees  i. 
Tharaux,  Card.  (R.  de  l'£c.  d'An- 
throp. de  Paris,  1908,  xviii,  308-326, 
9  fgs.)  Treats  of  the  Grotte  des 
Fees  (a  cave  inhabited  probably  dur- 
ing most  of  the  neolithic  period,  but 
representing  in  the  objects  discovered 
chiefly  the  transitional  period  from 
stone  to  metal  and  also  the  first  metal 
age  in  part),  the  finds  of  stone  (nu- 
merous retouched  flints,  polished 
axes,  disks,  pounders,  etc.),  bone 
(many  punchers,  etc. ;  some  used  per- 


Periodical  Literature 


71 


haps  to  ornament  pottery),  horn,  shell, 
metal  (a  needle,  a  piercer,  and  a 
dagger  blade  of  bronze  or  copper), 
pottery  (fragments  of  250  vessels, 
many  ornamented  and  often  of  fine 
type),  etc.  Three  graves  and  traces 
of  another  were  also  found,  with  nu- 
merous grave-gifts.  The  nature  of 
some  of  the  objects  found  indicates 
prehistoric  commerce  and  relations 
between  this  part  of  France  and 
Hungary  (e.  g.,  the  vase-supports). 
In  one  of  the  graves  was  discovered 
a  flint  dagger-blade  that  must  have 
come     from     Grand-Pressigny. 

Fouilles    d'un    nouveau    tumulus 

au  quartier  de  Tarde,  commune  de 
Baron,  Garde,  £poque  hallstattien 
(Ibid.,  1909,  XIX,  101-102).  Describes 
briefly  finds  (funeral  urn,  pierced  at 
bottom  like  a  modern  flower-pot, 
with  fragments  of  skull  and  hu- 
merus ;  a  fire-reddened  pebble,  2  iron 
nails ;  a  smaller  urn,  etc.)  of  tumu- 
lus  of    Hallstatt   epoch. 

Durham  (M.  E.)  Some  Montenegrin 
manners  and  customs.  (J.  R.  An- 
throp.  Inst.,  1909,  xxxix,  85-96,  i 
pi.)  Gives  the  plot  of  the  ballad  of 
"  The  Avenging  of  Batrich  Perovich, 
notes  on  vilas,  the  pleme  and  bratstvo 
(family-group),  marriage  taboos,  re- 
lationships, relationship  terms  (list 
of  43  at  p.  90),  funeral,  head  hunting, 
etc.  Childbirth,  medicine  and  "  wise 
women,"  native  surgeons,  etc.,  are 
touched  upon. 

Dutt  (\V.  A.)  New  paleolithic  site 
in  the  Waveney  valley.  (Man,  Lond., 
1908,  VIII,  41-42,  I  fg.)  Describes 
"  a  small  and  well-worked  pointed 
paleolith,"  found  in  a  gravel  pit  on 
the  common  at  Bungay,  a  town  al- 
most encircled  by  the  river  Waveney, 
in  1907. 

Ebert  (M.)  Die  friihmittelalterlichen 
Spangenhelme  vom  Baldenheimer 
Typus.  (Z.  f.  Ethnol.,  Berlin,  1909, 
XLi,  506-507,  I  fg.)  Notes  on  the 
early  medieval  buckle  helmets  of  the 
Baldenheim  type.  These  Germanic 
buckle  helmets  of  the  migration  pe- 
riod were  made  in  Greek  workshops 
on  the  Pontus.  This  type  of  helmet 
has  been  found  in  Dalmatia,  Italy, 
Upper  Germany,  Eastern  France,  etc., 
in  the  southern  folk-migration  region. 

Eichhorn  (G.)  Der  Grabfund  zu 
Dienstedt  bei  Remda,  Grossh.  Sach- 
sen-Weimar.  (Ibid.,  1908,  xl,  902- 
914,  22  fgs.)  Gives  account  of  finds 
made  in  1837  in  a  skeleton-grave  at 
Dienstedt, — they  are  now  in  the  Mu- 
seum   of    the    University    of    Jena : 


Silver-wire  necklace,  silver  fibulae, 
chain  of  amber  (and  a  few  glass) 
beads,  two  silver-wire  bracelets,  a 
bronze  pail,  a  bronze  dish  with  three 
ring-handles,  a  broken  bone  needle, 
a  silver  needle,  an  iron  knife,  an 
S-formed  ornament  of  silver-wire 
with  spiral  coils,  several  other  ob- 
jects and  ornaments  of  silver  wire, 
etc.  The  age  of  the  grave  is  the 
late  Roman  provincial  period  about 
200-300  A.  D. 

Emerson  (A.)  A  Wedgewood  vase. 
(Rec.  of  Past,  Wash.,  D.  C.,  1909, 
VIII,  207-210,  I  fg.)  Describes  a 
vase  of  the  Campagna  or  Borghese 
form,  now  in  possession  of  the  Art 
Institute  of  Chicago,  as  gift  from 
James  Viles,  Esq. 

F.  (H.  O.)  A  human  fossil  from  the 
Dordogne  valley.  (Nature,  Lond., 
1909,  Lxxix,  312-313.  2  fgs.)  Re- 
sumes the  accounts  by  M.  Marcellin 
Boule  and  MM.  A.  and  J.  Bouyssonie 
and  L.  Bardon,  in  the  Coinptes  Ren- 
dus  de  I'Academie  des  Sciences 
(cxLvii,  1908)  of  the  "fossil  man," 
a  Mousterian  skeleton,  found  on 
August  3,  1908,  in  a  cave  on  a  small 
tributary  of  the  Dordogne,  in  the 
Correze.  The  dolichocephalous  (75) 
skull  resembles  (with  certain  exag- 
gerations) the  Neanderthal-Spy  type, 
normal  probably  in  certain  parts  of 
Europe  in  the  Middle  Pleistocene. 
The  man  of  Chapelle-aux-Saints  may 
be  compared  with  the  "  humans  "  in 
the  carvings  of  Mas  d'Azil,  etc. 

F.  (W.)  Boris-Gleb.  (Globus,  Brn- 
schwg.,  1908,  xciii,  257.)  Resumes 
from  the  Christiana  Morgenbladet  an 
account  of  the  northernmost  settle- 
ment in  Norway  and  the  adjoining 
Russian  church  of  Boris-Gleb  on  the 
west  bank  of  the  Pasvik  river.  The 
inhabitants  are  a  few  Russian  Lapps. 

Favraud  (A.)  La  Grotte  du  Roc, 
Commune  de  Seres,  Charente,  avec 
superposition  du  Solutreen  sur 
I'Aurignacien.  (R.  de  I'fic.  d'An- 
throp.  de  Paris,  1908,  xviii,  407-423,  7 
fgs.)  Treats  of  the  Grotte  du  Roc 
and  the  human  and  other  remains 
there  discovered :  Situation  and  stra- 
tigraphy, fauna  (rather  varied,  all  in 
Aurignacian  stratum)  ;  stone  imple- 
ments (retouched  flints,  borers, 
scrapers,  microlithic  implements, 
flints  of  divers  sorts)  ;  fragments 
of  iron  and  lead  ore;  implements  of 
bone,  horn,  ivory,  etc.,  from  the 
Aurignacian  stratum  (daggers,  ar- 
row and  spear  points,  piercing  im- 
plements,    bone-cases,     fragment     of 


72 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


baton).  From  the  Solutrean  stratum 
lying  immediately  over  the  Aurig- 
nacian,  few  objects  were  taken.  The 
pre-Solutrean  age  of  the  Aurignacian 
seems  demonstrated  here. 

Fawcett  (E.)  Patrick  Cotter— the 
Bristol  giant.  (J.  R.  Anthrop.  Inst., 
Lond.,  1909,  XXXIX,  196-268,  i  pi.) 
Treats  of  the  professional  career, 
relics,  osseous  remains,  etc.,  of 
Patrick  Cotter  (d.  1806).  The  meas- 
urements of  the  bones  indicate  that 
the  giant  could  not  have  been  more 
than  7  ft.  10  in.  in  height.  The 
cephalic  index  of  the  skull  is  76.2. 
Cotter  probably  suffered  from  acro- 
megaly. 

Feast  (The)  of  St.  WHfrid.  (Folk- 
Lore,  Lond.,  1908,  XIX,  464-466,  I 
pi.)  Describes  procession  and  races 
of   60   years   ago   at   Ripon. 

Fischer  (E.)  Die  Herkunft  der  Ru- 
manen  nach  ihrer  Sprache  beurteilt. 
(Korr.-Bl.  d.  D.  Ges.  f.  Anthrop., 
Brnschwg.,  1909,  xl,  1-6).  Accord- 
ing to  Dr  F.  there  are  two  Rumanian 
languages,  "  the  old  Wallachian  folk- 
speech  used  by  ca.  5^2  million 
peasants,  villagers,  etc.,"  and  "  the 
new  Rumanian  '  boulevard  language,' 
used  by  about  a  million  dwellers  in 
cities  and  towns."  Of  these  the  for- 
mer is  the  one  of  value  for  tracing 
the  ancestry  of  the  people.  The 
Slavonic  influence  (morphology  and 
grammar,  vocabulary,  etc.)  is  dis- 
cussed, and  the  important  contribu- 
tion (near  4,000  words  in  the  folk- 
speech)  of  Latin  noted.  Certain 
differences  (parts  of  body,  most  do- 
mestic animals,  male  sexual  organs 
Latin  ;  diseases,  fishes,  female  sexual 
organs  Slavonic)  are  pointed  out. 
The  conclusion  reached  is  that  the 
ancestors  of  the  Rumanians  were 
Thraco-romanic  pastoral  people  of  the 
mountains  who  migrated  into  the 
plains  of  the  lower  Danube  already 
occupied  by  the  Slavs, — the  men  took 
Slav  wives,  and  this  influence  is  very 
noticeable  in   modern  speech. 

Paparuda  und  Scaloian.  (Glo- 
bus, Brnschwg.,  1908,  xciii,  13- 
16,  I  fg.)  Treats  of  the  Rumanian 
folk-custom  of  the  procession  of  the 
rain-making  Paparuda  (=  Servian 
Dodola),  in  which  figure  naked 
gypsy  girls  with  elder  branches  about 
neck  and  middle, — rain-songs  are 
sung,  etc.  Also  of  the  Scaloian  or 
personification  of  drought  (clay  fig- 
ure adorned  with  leaves  and  laid  in 
a  wooden  coffin), — here  there  is  a 
funeral    procession.      These    customs 


betray  the  child-like  religious  soul 
of  the  folk  and  likewise  indicate 
South  Slavonic  influence. 

Mir   und    Zadruga   bei    den    Rii- 

manen.  (Ibid.,  252-256.)  Discusses 
the  origin  of  the  Rumanians  or 
Vlachs, — Dr  F.  considers  them  to 
have  sprung  from  a  mixture  of 
ihraco-Romans  and  Slavs, — particu- 
larly with  reference  to  social  organi- 
zation and  possession  of  the  mir  and 
the  zadruga  (familia), — common 
"  Indogerman "  institutions.  The 
views  of  B.  N.  Jorga  and  R.  Rosetti 
are  treated  with  some  detail.  Many 
things  attributed  to  the  "  Romans " 
are  to  be  derived  rather  directly 
from  the  Thracians  and  the  South 
Slavs.  See  also  F.'s  book  on  Die 
Herkunft  der  Rumanen  (Bamberg, 
1904). 

torrer  (R.)  Analysen  keltischer  Miin- 
zen.  (Z.  f.  EthnoL,  Berlin,  1909,  xli, 
458-462.)  Gives  results  of  chemical 
analyses  of  16  Celtic  coins  (from 
France,  Switzerland,  Hungary,  etc.) 
made  by  Dr  C.  Virchow  and  col- 
leagues at  Charlottenburg.  The 
amount  of  copper  varies  from  34.20 
to  83.30;  tin  hardly  a  trace  to  18.7::; 
antimony  none  to  9.88 ;  lead  none  to 
24.88 ;  silver  none  to  96.64 ;  zinc 
none  to  16.46;  nickel  none  to  0.41; 
iron  0.03  to  1.72.  The  north  Gaulish 
potins  show  a  high  quantity  of  anti- 
mony, the  Hungarian  (Szegszard) 
silver  potin  a  strong  admixture  of 
lead,  the  Treves  bronze  coin  a  strong 
amount  of  zinc  (due  to  Roman  in- 
fluence). 

Fortes  (J.)  Vasos  em  forma  de  cha- 
peu  invertido.  (Portugalia,  Porto, 
1908,  II,  662-665,  6  fgs.)  Brief  ac- 
count of  vases  in  the  form  of  an 
inverted  hat  found  at  Villa  do  Conde 
some  five  years  ago.  Similar  vessels 
have  been  found  at  Terroso,  Gul- 
pilhares  (Gaya),  etc., — the  necropo- 
lis of  Gulpilhares  dates  from  the 
fourth  century  A.  D. 

Machados    avulsos    da    idade    do 

bronze.  (Ibid.,  662,  2  fgs.)  Note  on 
two  bronze  axes  now  in  the  Porto 
City  Museum,  from  Familicao  and 
Barcellos,  both  double-furrowed  with 
a  single  lateral  ring. 

Esconderijo  Morgeano  de  Ganfei. 

Clbid.,  661.)  Note  on  15  (24  were 
found  together)  bronze  axes  from 
Ganfei,  in  the  district  of  Valenga,  all 
double-handled   and   double-grooved. 

Ouros  protohistoricos  da  Estella, 

Povoa  de  Varzim.  (Ibid.,  605-618, 
I   pi.,   16  fgs.)     Treats  of  objects  of 


Periodical  Literature 


n 


gold  (necklaces,  earrings,  beads),  or- 
namented pottery,  etc.,  belonging  to 
the  second  period  of  the  iron  age. 

Frangois  (A.)  Les  caracteres  dis- 
tinctifs  du  frangais  moderne.  (Univ. 
de  Geneve,  Rapp.  du  Recteur,  1908, 
3-23.)  Sketches  briefly  the  chief 
distinctive  characteristics  of  modern 
French  as  compared  with  Latin,  etc., 
and  its  history  of  individuality,  lit- 
erary and  social  expansion,  etc. 

Freire-Marreco  (B.)  Notes  on  the  hair 
and  eye  color  of  591  children  of 
school  age  in  Surrey.  (Man,  Lond., 
1909,  IX,  99-108,  3  fgs.)  Gives  de- 
tails of  statistics  in  7  parishes,  con- 
cerning 351  boys  and  240  girls  from 
3  to  14  years  ot  age.  Beddoe's  ni- 
grescence-index and  index  for  eye- 
color,  and  CoUignon's  index  of  ex- 
cess of  dark  over  light  are  consid- 
ered. Comparison  of  surnames  is 
also  made.  Medium  eyes  (65%)  and 
fair  hair  (47.9%)  predominate;  dark 
eyes  with  21%,  and  brown  hair,  with 
36.9%,  come  next;  the  lowest  per- 
centages are  dark  hair  (12.85%), 
light  eyes  (15.7%),  and  red  hair 
2.4%).  Girls  seem  to  be  slightly 
darker  than  boys. 

de  Freitas  (E.)  Subsidios  para  o  in- 
ventario  archeologico  do  concelho  de 
Feigueiras.  (Portugalia,  Porto,  1908, 
II,  665-666,  I  fg.)  Notes  on  rock 
inscriptions  in  Roman  letters  in  the 
valley  of  the  Ave,  and  some  clay 
tubes  from  Penacova,  probably 
water-pipes. 

Frey  (S.)  Deities  and  their  names. 
(Open  Court,  Chicago,  1909,  xxiii, 
314-316.)  Treats  of  some  very 
doubtful  analogies  and  identities  in 
Greek,  Hebrew,  Egyptian,  etc.  See 
Brewer    (W.),   Kampmeier    (A.). 

Frizzi  (E.)  Ein  Beitrag  zur  Anthro- 
pologie  des  "  Homo  alpinus  Tirolen- 
sis."  (Mitt.  d.  Anthrop.  Ges.  in  Wien, 
1909,  XXXIX,  1-65,  3  pL,  22  fgs.) 
After  historical  introduction,  gives 
details  of  measurements  and  observa- 
tions of  1 1 22  crania  from  various 
parts  of  the  Tirol,  in  comparison 
with  the  results  of  other  investigat- 
ors (Tappeiner,  Strauch,  Wettstein, 
Pitard,  Ranke)  for  the  Tirol,  Val- 
lais,  Disentis-type,  etc.  Also  meas- 
urements and  observations  of  80  Ti- 
rolese  men  averaging  35  years  of 
age,  and  of  the  long  bones  of  some 
45  skeletons  from  the  St.  Sisinius 
cemetery  in  Laas.  The  average 
cephalic  index  of  the  1122  skulls  is 
84.2,  of  the  80  living  individuals  85.5. 
According    to    F.,    if    there    exists    a 


Homo  alpinus  there  must  exist  also 
a  Homo  alpinus  Tirolensis.  The  area 
of  Homo  a.  is  very  extensive  and 
many  very  different  peoples  have 
contributed  to  its  formation. 

Gabbud.  (M.)  La  vie  alpicole  des  Bag- 
nards.  (Arch,  suisses  d.  Trad.  Pop., 
Bale,  1909,  XIII,  46-63,  105-126.) 
Treats  in  detail  of  the  Alp  life  of 
the  people  of  the  Bagnes  valley : 
sheep  and  goats,  cattle  in  the  Mayens 
set  out  thither  in  May-June),  sum- 
mer in  the  mountains  (pasturing, 
food,  work,  division  of  labor,  wages, 
etc.),  milk  industry,  etc.  See 
Zahler  (H.) 

Meteorologie    populaire.      (Ibid., 

199-203.)  Cites  41  weather  prog- 
nostics and  agricultural  sayings. 

Geiser  (K.  G.)  Peasant  life  in  the 
Black  Forest.  (Nat.  Geogr.  Mag., 
Wash.,  1908,  XIX,  635-649,  9  fgs.,  2 
pi.)  The  illustrations  treat  of 
houses,  family  and  domestic  life,  the 
celebration  at  Mitteltal,  etc. 

Gengler  (J.)  Frankische  Vogelgeschich- 
ten.  (Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1908,  xciii, 
69-71.)  Cites  Franconian  folk-tales 
concerning  the  shrike  and  its  spit- 
ting its  prey  on  thorns ;  the  cuckoo 
and  its  eating  the  eggs  of  other  birds 
to  get  its  throat  ready  for  singing,  its 
metamorphosis  into  a  sparrow-hawk, 
etc. ;  the  bittern  and  its  eating  hairs 
from  the  heads  of  sleeping  men ;  the 
blackbird  and  the  cause  of  its  color ; 
the  thistle-finch  (its  variegated  colors 
come  from  the  fact  that  it  was  the 
last  to  be  painted  by  God,  when  only 
remnants  of  all  colors  were  left)  ; 
the  "  silk-tail,"  a  bird  of  ill-omen ; 
the  q".ail  (a  prophet  of  good  or  bad 
har^'est)  ;  the  owl,  etc. 

von  Geramb  (V.  R.)  Der  gegenwar- 
tige  Stand  der  Hausforschung  in  den 
Ostalpen ;  mit  besonderer  Beriick- 
sichtigung  der  Grundrissformen. 
(Mitt.  d.  Anthrop.  Ges.  in  Wien, 
1908,  xxxviii^  98-135,  fgs.)  Resumes 
the  results  of  investigations  (Ban- 
calari,  Liitsch,  Haberlandt,  Murko, 
Meringer,  Bunker,  Henning,  Meitzen, 
Reishauer,  Hohenbruck,  Eigl,  Dach- 
ler,  etc.)  of  the  house  of  the  eastern 
Alps,  with  special  reference  to  basal 
forms.  Of  the  "  Kiichenstubenhaus  " 
four  forms  are  recognized.  Other 
types  are  the  one-roomed  herds- 
man's house,  the  "  Rauchstubenhaus," 
and  the  atypical  Italian  house  of  the 
southern  Tirol. 

Gerbing  (L.)  Fine  Volkskunstausstel- 
lung  im  Dermbach,  Feldabahn.  (Z. 
d.  Ver.  f.  Volksk.,  Berlin,  1909,  xix, 


74 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


436-438.)  Notes  on  the  exhibition 
of  hand-embroidery  (illustrating  the 
local  development  of  this  art  in  the 
last  250  years)  held  at  Dermbach  in 
jf^pril,  1909. 

' Die      Thiiringer      Volkstrachten. 

(Ibid.,    1908,    XVIII,    412-425,   4   fgs.) 
Treats   of   folk-costume   of  men   and 
women   in   Thuringia   past   and  pres- 
ent.    The  most  interesting  are :   the 
carrier's    frock    (going    back    to    the 
"  shirt-coat "   of   the   4th   century  A. 
D.),    the    "  dance-shirt,"    mantles    of 
three     sorts     (one     "  Spanish," — the 
"  Brettchenmantel,"    is    a    real    folk- 
garment),    the    "  church    cap."      The 
dress  of  the  North  Thuringian  peas- 
ants   has    been    long    influenced    by 
city      fashions.        In      Eichsfeld     the 
"  Schniirmiitze  "  is   still   to  be  seen ; 
throughout  central  Thuringia  the  or- 
namental   "  Weimar    cap  "    prevailed. 
The  costumes  of  the  Thuringian  for- 
est   are    simpler    but    more    tasteful 
than  those  of  the  rich  "  Land."     On 
the    north    side    of   the    Rennsteig   is 
found     black-white     supper-dress     of 
women  ;  the  beautiful  girls  of  Ruhla 
have  their   special  bridal   dress.      In- 
teresting also  are  the  "  Kirmseheid  " 
(not    forgotten),    the    "  Stirnkappe," 
the  "  Brautheid,"  etc.     On  the  south 
side    of    the    Rennsteig    many    varia- 
tions are  met  with.     The  Brotterode 
costume    was    peculiar, — the    fire    of 
1894   destroyed   all   that   remained   of 
it  (there  is,  however,  a  doll  dressed 
in    the    old    way   in    the    museum    at 
Erfurt).       The       Hessen-Henneberg 
country    has    its    own    costume.      In 
Altenburg  are  found  the  least  beauti- 
ful   of   Thuringian    folk-costumes. 
Gessmann  (G.  W.)     Ein  Ausflug  nach 
den     Plitvicer     Seen     in     Kroatien. 
(Mitt.  d.  K.-K.  Geogr.  Ges.  in  Wien, 
1908,  LI,  471-488,  4  pi.)     Account  of 
visit  to  the  Plitvic  lakes  in  Croatia. 
References     to     Roman     remains     in 
Ober-Primisjle,  the  Frankopan  ruins 
at    Slunj,   the    "  dug-out "    canoes    of 
Lake  Kozjak,  etc. 
Giuffrida-Ruggeri    (V.)      Nuovo    ma- 
teriale   paleolitico  dell'isola   di    Capri 
a  facies  neolitica.     (A.  d.  Soc.  Rom. 
di    Antrop.,    1908.   xiv,    Repr.,   2   pi.) 
Treats  of  paleolithic  specimens  found 
by   Dr  I.   Cerio   during  the  new   ex- 
cavations  for   the  Quisisan   inn,   and 
dating  from  a  period  anterior  to  the 
Phlegrean    eruptions.      These    paleo- 
lithic implements  with  neolithic  facies 
are    probably     not     contemporaneous 
with  the  fossil  animal  remains  found 
with  them.     Some  of  them  resemble 


closely  the  Vedda  flints  recently  de- 
scribed by  the  Sarasins. 
Gjorgjevic  (T.  R.)      Von  den  Zigeunern 
in    Serbien.       (J.    Gypsy    Lore    Soc, 
Liverpool,    1908,    n.    s.,    i,    219-227.) 
Notes   on   the   number,   language,   be- 
liefs, mode  of  life,  occupations,  social 
divisions,  name,  etc.,  of  the  Gypsies 
in    Servia.      German    translation    by 
jJr  F.   S.   Krauss,   from   the   Servian 
MSS.  of  the  author.     In   1900  there 
were  46,148  Gypsies   (1.85%    of  total 
population),    of    whom    27,846    spoke 
as      their      mother-tongue      Servian, 
13,412    Gypsy,   4,709    Rumanian,    and 
181     Turkish.       Officially     there     are 
34,459  Gypsies  belonging  to  the  Greek 
(orthodox)    Church    and    11,689    Mo- 
hammedans.    Their  common  name  is 
Cigani. 
Goessler    (Dr)      Neues   von    der   Ring- 
wallforschung         in         Wiirttemberg. 
(Korr.-Bl.    d.    D.    Ges.    f.    Anthrop., 
Brnschwg.,     1908,     xxxix,     130-132.) 
Notes  on  recent  investigations  of  the 
Heidengraben       "  Ringwall "        (evi- 
dences of  fortification,  Gallic  "  town  " 
and  settlement  of  later  La  Tene  pe- 
riod) ;  Ipf  and  Buigen  near  Boffingen 
and     Heidenheim     (Hallstatt     finds), 
Henneburg     (bronze    age),    Lemberg 
(Hallstatt  and  La  Tene),  etc.     That 
all  the  fortifications  of  the  region  are 
not   Celtic  is  evident. 
Gomme  (A.  B.)     Folk-lore  scraps  from 
several  localities.     (Folk-Lore,  Lond., 
1909,  XX,  72-83.)      Items  from  Dur- 
ham   county     (bells,    medicine,    good 
and  bad  luck,  sayings,  times  of  year, 
folk-tales,   rhymes),   Yorkshire,   Cam- 
bridge, Marborough  district  of  Wilts., 
etc. 
Gore  (J.  H.)     Holland  as  seen  from  a 
Dutch  window.      (Nat.   Geogr.   Mag., 
Wash.,    1908,   XIX,   619-634,    I    fgv  2 
pi.)        Contains     notes     on     tobacco- 
smoking,    national   character,   fishing, 
cities  on  piles,  houses,  family  and  do- 
mestic life,  children,  etc. 
Gore     (L.)       In    beautiful    Dalecarlia. 
(Ibid.,    1909,    XX,    464-477,    3    fgs-,    7 
pi.)     Notes  on  Sunday  services,  dress 
and  ornament,   farm  industries    (flax, 
lace),  houses,  drinks,  lumbering,  etc., 
among  Swedes  of  Dalarne. 
Gorjanovic-Kramberger    (K.)      Anom- 
alien     und     pathologische     Erschein- 
ungen    am    Skelett    des    Urmenschen 
aus   Krapina.      (Korr.-Bl.   d.   D.   Ges. 
f.  Anthrop.,  Brnschwg.,  1908,  xxxix, 
1 08-11 2,  8  fgs.)     Treats  of  anomalies 
(molars    with    prismatic    root,    espe- 
cially    those     with     root-cover ;     the 


Periodical  Literature 


75 


number  of  the  Foramina  mentalia ; 
the  abnormal  position  of  a  tooth  in 
the  Krapina-H  lower  jaw)  and  path- 
ological phenomena  (small  hole 
caused  by  blow  or  stab,  wound  of 
supraorbital  ridge,  deformation  of 
ulna,  broken  clavicle,  defects  of  teeth, 
some  disease-effects  of  Arthritis  de- 
formans, etc.),  in  the  bones  of  the 
prehistoric  man  of  Krapina.  Resi- 
dence in  caves,  the  struggle  for  ex- 
istence against  men  and  animals, 
character,  etc.,  of  food  have  had 
their   influence. 

Neolithische      Hiigelgraber      bei 

Poserna,  Kreis  Weissenfels.  (Ibid., 
120-124,  2  fgs.)  Describes  two  hill- 
graves  excavated  in  1900  and  1904, 
containing  skeletons  with  grave-gifts 
(amphora,  flint  knife  and  scraper ; 
small  vessel,  bronze  or  copper  spi- 
rals). Both  graves  are  neolithic.  A 
detailed  account  will  appear  in  the 
Prdhistorische  Zeifschrift. 
Gotze  (A.)  Brettchenweberei  im  Al- 
tertum.  (Z.  f.  Ethnol.,  Berlin,  1908, 
XL,  481-500,  14  fgs.)  Resumes  data 
concerning  "  board-weaving  "  in  the 
later  stone  age  (Swiss  lake-dwell- 
ings), bronze  age  (woman's  belt  from 
Borum  Eshoi,  in  Copenhagen  Mu- 
seum), Roman  imperial  age  (several 
objects).  Viking  period  (weaving  ap- 
paratus from  Tonsberg  ship).  East 
Baltic  region  (cemetery  of  Anduln 
3d-6th  cent.  A.  D.).  The  finds  of 
Anduln  (implements,  types  of  appa- 
ratus ;  their  use  as  grave-gifts,  their 
geographical  distribution,  etc.)  are 
treated  with  some  detail.  The  data 
push  back  the  age  of  "  board-weav- 
ing "  in  northern  Europe  to  a  period 
corresponding  to  the  neolithic  lake- 
dwellings  and  suggest  an  indepen- 
dent, autochthonous  development. 
Grendron  (F.)  The  Anglo-Saxon 
charms.  (J.  Amer.  Folk-Lore,  Bos- 
ton, 1909,  XXII,  105-237.) 
Grosse  (H.)  Brandgruben  bei  Dabern 
und  Gross-Bahren  im  Kreise  Luckau. 
(Z.  f.  Ethnol.,  Berlin,  1909,  xli,  72- 
86,  7  fgs.)  Treats  of  the  sand-pits 
of  Dabern  and  the  gravel-pits  of 
Gross-Bahren.  The  flat-pits  in  this 
region  seem  to  have  been  used  in 
prehistoric  times  for  reducing  iron- 
ore  to  iron  capable  of  being  forged. 
Resemblances  to  African  iron,  etc., 
are  noted.  See  v.  Luschan  (F.)  and 
Olshausen  (O.) 
V.  Guttenberg  {Frhr.)  Germanische 
Grenzfluren.  (Arch.  f.  Anthrop., 
Brnschwg.,  1908,  n.  f.,  viii,  208-229.) 
Treats  chiefly  of  the  origin  and  his- 


tory (signification,  variations  in  form 
and  meaning,  etc.)  of  the  word  Peunt 
(i.  e.,  pi-uiita,  bi-iianta),  which  origi- 
nally meant  an  enclosed  pasture, 
meadow,  or  clearing  at  the  edge 
(uand)  of  the  forest.  Some  of  the 
author's  etymologies  will  hardly  hold, 
especially  certain  attempts  to  find 
peunt  in  personal  names. 
Haberlin  (K.)  Trauertrachten  und 
Trauerbrauche  auf  der  Insel  Fohr. 
(Z.  d.  V.  f.  Volksk.,  Berlin,  1909, 
XXI,  261-281,  17  fgs.)  Treats  of 
mourning  dress  and  mourning  cus- 
toms on  the  island  of  Fohr,  ancient 
and  modern.  The  old  national  cos- 
tume was  suppressed  largely  about 
the  beginning  of  the  19th  century  by 
foreign  (Dutch)  influences  and  city 
fashions, — that  of  the  men  especial- 
ly. Among  the  mourning-customs 
noted  are :  Death-messengers,  wash- 
ing and  clothing  the  dead  (by  neigh- 
bors), burial-feast,  bell-tolling,  burial- 
procession,  vociferation  at  grave,  etc. 
The  oldest  grave-stones  date  from 
the  beginning  of  the  17th  century; 
the  older  ones  often  have  house- 
marks  upon  them.  The  epitaphs  are 
chiefly  High  German,  rarely  Platt- 
deutsch. 

Hackl  (R.)  Mumienverehrung  auf 
einer  schwarzfigurigen  attischen  Leky- 
thos.  (A.  f.  Religsw.,  Lpzg.,  1900,  xii, 
195-203,  3  fgs.)  Describes  the 
adoration  of  a  mummy  on  a  black- 
figured  Attic  lekythos,  imitative  of 
the  Egyptian  and  dating  from  ca. 
500  B.  C.  This  hitherto  unknown 
art-representation  is  probably  due  to 
the  fact  that  Greeks  settled  in  Lower 
Egypt  adopted  the  burial  customs  of 
the  country. 

Eine  neue  Seelenvogeldarstellung 

auf  korinthischen  Aryballos.  (Ibid., 
204-206,  I  fg.)  Describes  the  first 
real  representation  known  from 
Corinthian  vases  of  the  soul-bird 
with  a  man  completely  in  its  power. 
The  specimen  is  now  in  the  posses- 
sion  of  a  citizen   of   Munich. 

Haddon  (A.  C.)  Paleolithic  man. 
(Nature,  Lond.,  1909,  lxxxi,  131- 
132.)  Based  on  article  in  Globus  by 
P.  AdlofE  (q.  v.). 

Hahne  (H.)  Neue  Funde  aus  den  di- 
luvialen  Kalktuffen  von  Weimar, 
Ehringsdorf  und  Taubach.  (Z.  f. 
Ethnol.,  Berlin,  1908,  xl,  831-833.) 
Gives  results  of  investigations  in  1907 
as  to  the  existence  of  several  culture- 
strata  in  the  Ilm  valley.  Details  are 
given  in  Hahne  and  Wiist's  article 
on  paleolithic  strata  and  finds  in  Wei- 


76 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


mar  and  its  neighborhood,  in  the 
Zbl.  f.  Mineral.,  GeoL,  u.  Pal'dontoL, 

1908,  197-210. 

Hamy  (E.  T.)  Un  crane  du  Camp  de 
Chasset.  (Bull.  See.  d'Anthrop.  de 
Paris,  1908,  V*  s.,  ix,  433-436.)  De- 
scribes with  measurements  a  neo- 
lithic dolichocephalic  adult  male  skull 
from  the  famous  "  station "  of  the 
Camp  de  Chasset  near  Chagny  (Saone- 
et-Loire).  In  the  discussion  M.  Bau- 
douin  thought  the  skull  might  be 
Gallo-Roman,  on  account  of  the  later 
archeological  evidence  in  this  region. 

Cranes    des    tourbieres    de    I'Es- 

sonne.  (Ibid.,  723-725.)  Notes  on 
two  skulls  (cephalic  indexes  75.1  and 
76.1)  from  Ballancourt  and  Fon- 
tenay-le-Vicomte,  both  found  in  turf- 
pits.  According  to  Dr  H.  ''  these  two 
skulls  strengthen  the  theory  which 
makes  most  of  the  tribes  of  northern 
France  closely  akin  to  the  builders  of 
the  great  megalithic  tombs  of  the  re- 
gion,"— Priiner  Bey's  "  Celt "  and 
Hamy's    "  neolithic    dolichocephalic." 

Harrison  (M.  C.)  A  survival  of  incu- 
bation? (Folk-Lore,  Lond.,  1908, 
XIX,  313-31S,  I  pi.)  Treats  of  the 
festival  and  procession  of  the  Ma- 
donna della  Libera  on  the  first  Sun- 
day of  May  at  Pratola  Peligna,  near 
Salmona  in  the  Abruzzi. 

Hayes  (J.  W.)  Deneholes  and  other 
chalk  excavations :  their  origin  and 
use.      (J.    R.    Anthrop.    Inst.,    Lond., 

1909,  XXXIX,  44-76,  I  pi.)  Cites  at 
pp.  64-76  evidence  from  numerous 
sources  as  to  the  probable  nature  and 
use  of  these  "  pits."  According  to 
the  author  "  the  evidence  now  avail- 
able points  ...  in  one  direction  ex- 
clusively, namely,  that  they  never  had 
a  higher  claim  than  that  of  '  chalk 
pits,'  '  chalk  wells  '  or  '  chalk  quar- 
ries,' the  name  '  denehole '  being  a 
comparatively  modern  and  mislead- 
ing title."  British  chalk  seems  to 
have  been  exported  even  in  pre- 
Roman  days. 

Helm  (K.)  Tumbo  saz  in  berge. 
(Hess.  BI.  f.  Volksk.,  Lpzg.,  igoo, 
VIII,  131-135.)  Discusses  the  old 
German  incantation  for  stopping  the 
flow  of  blood,  beginning  as  above, 
and  the  Latin  variants.  The  verses 
are  ultimately  non-German  and  de- 
rived from  Latin.  H.  thinks  the 
oldest  German  literature  has  been 
more  influenced  by  Latin  than  is 
generally  believed. 

Hemmendorff  (E.)  Runo.  (Ymer, 
Stckhlm.,  1909,  XXIX,  197-217,  20  fgs.) 
Gives  results  of  a  summer's  visit  to 


the  island  of  Runo  in  the  Gulf  of 
Riga.  Notes  on  people,  dress,  houses, 
etc. 

Henaux  (F.)  La  tombe  belgo-romaine 
de  Borsu.  (B.  de  I'lnst.  Arch.  Liege- 
ois,  1907,  xxxvii,  321-336,  4  pi.) 
Treats  of  the  Belgo-Roman  grave 
discovered  in  1902  in  the  center  of 
the  village  of  Borsu  and  the  objects 
there  found  of  lead  (funerary  urn 
with  human  bones),  gold  (neck-pen- 
dant in  form  of  urn),  bronze  (cup, 
candelabra,  tripod,  patera  finely 
worked  and  richly  ornamented, 
pitcher  of  artistic  type  and  work- 
manship), glass  (lachrimatory,  cup), 
iron  (lamp,  dish,  vase,  strigils  or 
curry-combs),  clay  (urns,  dishes, 
plates,  etc.)  The  finds  are  com- 
pared with  those  of  Vervoz.  The 
Borsu  grave  was  perhaps  that  of  a 
child  of  the  rich  owner  of  an  ad- 
joining villa. 

Herlig  (O.)  Zum  Spiel  von  der  gold- 
enen  Briicke.  (Z.  d.  Ver.  f.  Volksk., 
Berlin,  1909,  xix,  414-416.)  Gives 
texts  of  several  versions  (from  lo- 
calities in  Baden)  of  the  game  of 
"  the  golden  bridge." 

Hermann  (E.)  Bedeutungsvolle  Zah- 
len  im  litauischen  Volksliede.  (Ibid., 
107-110.)  Notes  on  significant  num- 
bers in  Lithuanian  folk-songs :  Three 
(three  youths  and  three  maidens,  the 
third  sister,  etc. ;  three  years,  three 
weeks,  third  night),  nine  (nine 
brooks  to  wash  clothes  in,  nine  suns 
shining  in  one  day,  nine  branches 
of  trees,  nine  corners,  nine  clover- 
blossoms  ;  three  and  nine  are  ap- 
plied to  all  sorts  of  things),  two 
(two  weeks  of  wind-blowing,  two 
sisters,  etc.),  five  (five  years  for  vari- 
ous purposes,  fifth  day,  etc.).  The 
number  seven  is  hardly  mentioned. 
For  a  large  number  one  hundred  is 
usually  employed.  Indefinite  expres- 
sions are  tTvo  to  three  and  five  to  six. 

Hermann  (O.)  Das  Palaolithikum  des 
Biikkgebirges  in  Ungarn :  Miskolcz. 
Das  Szinvatal.  Die  Hohlen.  (Mitt, 
d.  Anthrop.  Ges.  in  Wien,  1908, 
xxxviii,  232-263,  8  pi.,  19  fgs.) 
Discusses  in  detail  the  paleolithic 
remains  of  the  Biikkgebirg  region  in 
Hungary, — previous  researches  and 
H.'s  own  investigations.  At  Miskolcz 
the  diluvial  age  of  the  flints,  etc., 
found  on  Mt.  Avas  in  1891,  is  con- 
firmed, and  the  cave-finds  also  place 
the  presence  of  man  in  this  part  of 
Hungary  in  diluvial  times  beyond 
doubt. 


Periodical  Literature 


77 


Herve  (G.)  Geant  finlandais  mesure 
a  Paris,  en  1735.  (R.  de  l'£c.  d'An- 
throp.  de  Paris,  1908,  xviii,  360.) 
Brief  note  calling  attention  to  the 
record  in  the  proceedings  for  1735 
of  the  Academie  Royale  des  Sciences, 
of  the  measurement  of  "  a  Finnish 
giant"    (2184  mm.  without  shoes). 

Heuft  (H.)  Westfalische  Hausin- 
schriften.  (Z.  d.  V.  f.  Volksk.,  Ber- 
lin, 1909,  XIX,  101-107.)  Nos.  1-54 
of  house-inscriptions  in  German  and 
Latin,  from  various  parts  of  West- 
phalia    (Beckum,     Bielefeld,     Bigge, 

-  Clarholz,  Giitersloh,  Herzebrock, 
Kirchhelden,  Lette.  Lippstadt,  Marien- 
feld,  Meschede),  dating  from  1649  to 
1906. 

Hildburgh  (W.  L.)  Notes  on  some 
amulets  of  the  three  magi  kings. 
(Folk-Lore,  Lond.,  1908,  xix,  83- 
87.)  Treats  of  the  medals  and 
printed  slips  issued  at  the  cathedral 
of  Cologne  as  protective  amulets,  dat- 
ing back  to  medieval  times,  in  con- 
nection with  the  relics  of  the  "  three 
holy  kings." 

Notes  on  some  Flemish  amulets 

and  beliefs.  (Ibid.,  200-213.)  Treats 
of  religious  medals,  protection  against 
storms  ("  blessed  palm,"  candles, 
wax  nails,  candle-cakes,  medals, 
statuettes  of  saints),  protection  of 
houses  (medals,  stattiettes,  horse- 
shoes), protection  of  person  and  cura- 
tive amulets  ("  charms,"  medals,  stat- 
uettes, "  Holy  Blood "  relics,  rings, 
etc.),  amulets  for  infants  (necklaces, 
teething-rings,  statuettes),  miscel- 
laneous personal  beliefs,  protection 
for  and  against  animals,  etc. 

Notes     on     some     contemporary 

Portuguese  amulets.  (Ibid.,  213- 
224,  2  pi.)  Treats  of  amulets 
against  the  evil  eye  (horns,  hand  or 
figa,  claws,  human-faced  lunar 
crescents,  pieces  of  red  coral,  keys, 
hearts,  cross  and  crucifix,  eyes,  com- 
pound amulets,  etc.) 

Hilzheimer  (M.)  Uber  italienische 
Haustiere.  (Korr.-Bl.  d.  D.  Ges.  f. 
Anthrop.,  Brnschwg.,  1908,  xxxix, 
136-141,  2  fgs.)  Treats  of  modern 
Italian  domestic  animals  and  their 
ancestry.  Alp  cattle,  Campagna  cat- 
tle, horses  (the  large  varieties  have 
been  imported ;  the  horse  of  S. 
Italy  is  related  to  the  N.  African 
and  is  larger  than  the  small  Cam- 
pagna type  and  the  small  horses  of 
Naples),  goats,  pigs,  dogs  (Naples 
small  type  same  as  in  Pompeiian 
pictures  and  possibly  neolithic ; 
"  Calabrian      mastiff "      of     medieval 


importation  from  beyond  the  Alps, 
where  it  is  prehistoric ;  larger,  long- 
haired shepherd  dog  of  the  south 
related  to  the  "  Pyrenean  dog.")  The 
Campagna  type  of  cattle  (resembling 
the  Hungarian  ox)  H.  considers 
autocthonous  in  Italy.  The  "  Al- 
pine cattle  "  type  is  probably  a  moun- 
tain-form or  a  "  Kiimmerungs  form  " 
in  that  region,  of  the  European  cattle, 
— it  preserves  the  original  color,  and 
from  it  the  spotted  cattle  may  be 
derived.  The  Franqiieiro  cattle  of 
S.  America  may  represent  a  rever- 
sion to  primitive  type  {Bos  primi- 
genius)   in  the  matter  of  horns,  etc. 

Hindenburg  (W.)  Ueber  einen  Fund 
von  Maanderurnen  bei  Konigsberg  in 
der  Neumark.  (Z.  f.  Ethnol.,  Ber- 
lin, 1908,  XL,  722-y7S-)  Brief  ac- 
count of  two  urns  with  meander- 
ornament,  found,  together  with  a 
number  of  iron  objects  (buckle, 
point,  fibulae,  etc.),  in  1893,  in  a 
field  on  the  RoUberg  south  of  Konigs- 
berg in  Neumark.^  The  form  of  the 
meander  on  the  second  urn  is  East- 
Teutonic.  The  find  dates  probably 
from  the  first  century  A.  D.  (older 
Roman  period). 

Hobson  (M.)  Some  Ulster  souter- 
rains.     (J.  R.  Anthrop.   Inst.,  Lond., 

1909,        XXXIX,        220-227,        II        fgs.) 

Treats  of  artificial  underground  caves 
in  the  counties  of  Antrim  and  Down, 
— at  Knockdhu,  Crebilly,  Shank- 
bridge,  Lisnataylor  Fort,  Connor 
(very  many).  Bog  Head  (two- 
storied),  Donegore,  Ballymartin,  Lim- 
inary,  Glenmun,  Tornamona  Cashel, 
Tavenahoney,  Bushmillis,  Grant's 
Causeway,  Ballygrainey,  Cove  Hill, 
Clanmagery,  Slanes,  Ardtole,  Slieve 
Croob  (one  of  the  finest  cromleacs  in 
the  country),  Loughcrew  Hills,  etc. 
They  are  attributed  by  the  folk  to 
"  fairies,"  "  Danes,"  "  the  good 
people,"  etc.  Seventeen  ogham  in- 
scriptions have  been  found  in  these 
caves.     Few  are  of  great  antiquity. 

Hofler  (M.)  Unterhaltung  mit  Toten. 
(Z.  d.  V.  f.  Volksk.,  Berlin,  1909, 
XIX,  202,  I  fg.)  Reproduces  an  en- 
graving representing  an  old  Breton 
woman  placed  by  her  family  at  a 
grave-stone  in  the  cemetery  so  that 
she  might  converse  with  the  dead. 

Hughes  (I.  C.)  The  legend  of  Savad- 
dan  lake.  (Folk-Lore,  Lond.,  1908, 
XIX,  459-463.)  A  folk-tale  of  Bre- 
con, concerning  a  princess  and  her 
lover,  a  murderer. 

Ilg  (Bertha).  Maltesische  Legenden 
und  Schwiinke.     (Z.  d.  V.  f.  Volksk., 


78 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


Berlin,  1909,  xix,  308-312.)  German 
texts  of  Maltese  legends  and  humor- 
ous tales  relating  to  :  The  wandering 
Jew,  Jesus  and  the  offensive  dancer, 
Antichrist,  the  sirens,  the  scratching 
wager,  the  pious  man  and  the  leper, 
the  sick  man  and  the  pills,  Dshahan 
and  the  little  kettle.  Bibliographical 
notes  are  appended. 

Jacob  (K.)  Die  La  Tene-Funde  der 
Leipziger  Gegend.  Ein  Beitrag  zur 
vorgeschichtlichen  Eisenzeit  der  Leip- 
ziger Tieflandsbucht.  (Jhrb.  d. 
Stadt.  Mus.  f.  Volkerk.  zu  Leipzig, 
1907,  II  [1908],  56-97,  29  pi.,  7  fgs.) 
Treats  of  the  finds  of  the  La  Tene 
period  in  Leipzig  itself  and  the  sur- 
rounding region,  —  burial-grounds, 
dwelling-places,  etc.  The  Celtic 
"  iron-culture  "  is  richly  represented 
by  the  La  Tene  culture  in  general, 
but  here  the  burning  of  the  dead  in- 
dicates a  Teutonic  people  of  the 
last  four  or  three  centuries  B.  C,  in 
large  numbers  especially  at  the  be- 
ginning of  the  period.  Bronze  was 
in  use  chiefly  for  ornaments.  The 
objects  buried  with  the  dead  are  pre- 
dominantly of  iron.  Pottery  of  fine 
and  rude  types  occurs  together. 

von  Jaden  (H.)  Tirol  und  Island. 
Eine  Parallele.  (Stzgb.  d.  Anthrop. 
Ges.  in  Wien,  1 907-1 908,  39—40,  i 
fg.)  Points  out  similarities  in  cus- 
toms, usages,  etc.,  between  the  Tirol- 
ese  and  the  Icelanders, — conserva- 
tism, use  of  ponies,  treatment  of 
horses,    saddles,    lamps. 

Jaeger  (J.)  Bruck  an  der  Amper. 
(Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1908,  xciii,  261- 
26s,  map.)  Treats  of  the  village  of 
Bruck  on  the  Amper  in  the  Bavarian 
highlands  not  far  from  Munich,  and 
its  surroundings, — chiefly  from  a 
geological  point  of  view.  Contains 
also  (pp.  263-265)  sketch  of  the  his- 
tory of  man  in  this  region  (clear  evi- 
dence of  early  paleolithic  man  not 
found  ;  neolithic  "  stations  "  oldest  ; 
relics  of  bronze  and  Hallstatt  epoch ; 
Roman  remains ;  Teutonic  settle- 
ments, Alemanni  and  Franks,  etc.). 

Jarricot  (J.)  Un  crane  humain  repute 
paleolithique  le  crane  de  Bethenas. 
(Bull.  Soc.  d' Anthrop.  de  Paris,  1908, 
V*  s.,  IX,  2  fgs.,  139-152.)  Detailed 
discussion,  with  description,  measure- 
ments, etc.,  of  an  adult  male  dolicho- 
cephalic skull,  showing  certain  re- 
semblances to  crania  of  the  ancient 
races  of  Central  Europe. 

Jefferson  (M.)  Man  in  west  Norway. 
(J.  of  Geogr.,  N.  Y.,  1908,  vii,  86-96, 
I  fg.)     Treats  of  environment  in  re- 


lation to  man,  ice  age,  etc.  Only  the 
edges  of  the  land  are  usable,  together 
with  a  few  bits  on  the  old  sea-beach. 
Here  man  has  long  dwelt  ready  to 
fare  forth  on  the  ocean.  This  region 
is  very  thinly  inhabited. 

Jentsch  (H.)  Lineares  Menschenbild 
auf  einem  Tongefass  der  jiingeren 
Hallstattzeit  aus  dem  Graberfelde 
bei  Kerkwitz,  Kr.  Guben.  (Z.  f. 
Ethnol.,  Berlin,  1909,  xli,  726-730, 
2  fgs.)  Treats  of  two  lineal  human 
figures  on  an  earthen  vessel  of  the 
later  Hallstatt  period  found  in  the 
necropolis  of  Kerkwitz  in  the  dis- 
trict of  Guben,  Lower  Lusatia,  com- 
pared with  similar  objects  from  other 
parts  of  Germany. 

Jones  (B.  H.)  Irish  folk-lore  from 
Cavan,  Meath,  Kerry  and  Limerick. 
(Folk-Lore,  Lond.,  1908,  xix,  315- 
320.)  Notes  on  folk-medicine,  death- 
warnings,  a  rat  charm,  beliefs  about 
hair,  seafolks  and  seals,  the  dead 
coach  and  ghost  funerals,  sleeping 
armies,  why  the  pigeon  cannot  build 
a  proper  nest,  various  beliefs. 

Jones  (W.  H.  S.)  Disease  and  his- 
tory. (Ann.  Arch,  and  Anthrop., 
Liverpool,  1909,  11,  33-45.)  Dis- 
cusses the  influence  of  malaria  on 
Greek  and  Roman  history,  in  the 
Sth  century  B.  C.  and  ist  century 
A.  D., — "  malaria  killed  off  the  fair- 
haired  element  in  the  Greek  people, 
and  it  is  to  this  fair  Northern  strain 
that  the  Greeks  owed  their  best  and 
noblest  qualities."  Malaria  was  "  the 
factor  which  gave  to  these  other  dis- 
integrating forces  full  scope  to  work 
out  their  natural  consequences." 

Dea   febris :   a  study  of  malaria 

in  ancient  Italy.  (Ibid.,  97-124.) 
Treats  of  the  Dea  febris  (to  whom, 
according  to  Cicero,  a  shrine  and 
altar  were  dedicated  on  the  Palatine 
hill),  and  the  important  part  played 
by  fever  in  the  life  of  the  Romans 
(pestilences,  epidemics,  etc. ;  Rome 
was  malarious  by  400  B.  C.)  ;  ma- 
laria in  Latin  literature ;  effects  of 
malaria  (gravely  influenced  the 
course  of  events  leading  to  the  down- 
fall of  the  Roman  Empire ;  large 
death-rate  among  children). 

JuUian  (C.)  L'heritage  des  temps 
primitifs.  (Revue  Bleue,  Paris,  1909, 
XLVii,  74-77.)  First  part  of  article 
on  heritage  from  primitive  times. 
Treats  of  man  of  the  reindeer  period 
in  France ;  according  to  J.  he  was 
"  neither  Negro  nor  Mongol,  nor  ape, 
but  white."  He  was  also  intelligent 
and    an    artist.      The    hunt    and    war 


Periodical  Literature 


79 


are  some  of  our  inheritances  from 
these  robust  men  of  prehistoric  times. 

Kaindl  (R.  F.)  Bericht  iiber  neue  Ar- 
beiten  zur  Volkerwissenschaft  von 
Galizien,  Russisch-Polen  und  die 
Ukraine.  (Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1909, 
xcv,  341-345,  365-368.)  Brief 
resumes  and  critiques  of  recent  liter- 
ature relating  to  the  ethnology  of 
Galicia,  Russian  Poland  and  the  Uk- 
rain  region :  Rutkowski's  anthropo- 
logical studies  of  the  peasants  of 
Plonsk  (R.  does  not  believe  that  the 
Teutons  were  long-headed,  the  Slavs 
short-headed),  and  Bochenek's  on 
those  of  the  district  of  Mlawa ; 
Talko-Hryncewicz's  account  of  the 
natives  of  Wilna  in  the  1 6-1 7th  cen- 
tury, and  historical  sketch  of  the 
Tatars  in  Russia ;  Tymienecki's  de- 
scription of  the  La  Tene  finds  at 
Kwiatkow  and  the  archeological  re- 
searches of  Wawrzeniecki,  Hadaczek, 
Szukiewicz,  etc. ;  Kantor's  study  of 
the  people  of  Czarny  Dunajec  (Ger- 
man influence  noted)  ;  Potkanski's 
investigations  of  place-names ;  Szu- 
chiewicz's  study  of  the  festival-cal- 
endar of  the  Huzuls ;  Hniatiuk's 
collection  of  kolomejki  or  short 
Ruthenian  folk-songs  and  Franko's 
collection  of  Galician-Ruthenian 
proverbs ;  Kulessas's  study  of  rhythm 
in  folk-songs  of  the  Ukrain.  Many 
periodical  articles  in  Lud,  Wisla, 
Swiatowitj   etc.,   are   noticed. 

Kampmeier  (A.)  A  word  for  Aryan 
originality.  (Open  Court,  Chicago, 
1909,  XXIII,  302-304.)  Protests 
against  the  attempt  to  derive  so 
many  Greek  names  of  deities  from 
Egyptian,  See  Brewer  (W.),  Frey 
(S.). 

Karo  (G.)  Archaologische  Mitteil- 
ungen  aus  Griechenland.  (A.  f.  Re- 
ligsw.,  Lpzg.,  1909,  XII,  359-381.) 
Treats  of  recent  prehistoric  discov- 
eries :  The  excavations  of  Tsuntas 
and  Staes  in  the  neolithic  settle- 
ments of  Thessaly  at  Sesklo  and 
Dimini  and  many  other  places ;  the 
investigations  of  Sotiriadis  in  Bootia 
and  Phocis  revealing  a  culture  cor- 
responding to  the  Thessalian  neo- 
lithic;  Papavasiliu's  investigations  of 
Euboean  graves,  etc.  (culture  unlike 
the  North  Grecian  but  resembling  the 
Cycladean)  ;  excavations  of  K.  Ste- 
phanos on  Naxos ;  Seager's  investi- 
gations on  the  small  islands  of  Pseira 
and  Mochlos  off  eastern  Crete  (here 
evidences  of  Cycladean  influence  oc- 
cur), and  the  numerous  excavations 
at  Knosos,  Phaistos,  etc. ;  Kavvadias's 


investigations  of  the  necropolis  of 
late  Mycenean  stone-graves  on  Cepb- 
alonia;  Dorpfeld's  investigations  in 
Leukas,  Olympia,  etc.  Also  recent 
investigations  of  the  archaic  and  the 
later  Greek  periods  (Bosanquet  and 
Dawkins  at  Sparta ;  Hogarth  at 
Ephesus ;  Pernier  at  Prinia,  in  Crete; 
Staes  at  Sunium ;  Holleaux  on  De- 
los ;  Hill  at  Corinth ;  Kavvadias  in 
Epidauros ;  Kuruniotis  and  Dickins 
in  Lykosura ;  Arvanitopullos  at 
Pagasai,  etc.).  The  last  few  years 
have  revealed  nothing  of  importance 
for  religion,  etc.,  from  the  Roman 
period  in  Greece. 

Kassner  (C.)  Klapperbretter  und  an- 
deres  Volkskundliches  aus  Bulgarien. 
(Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1908,  xciv,  7-1 1, 
30  fgs.)  Brief  account  of  buzzers 
("bull-roarers"),  gutter-pipe,  booths 
for  religious  services,  chimney- 
covers,  bridges,  fountains  and  wells, 
shelter-huts,  pig-hobble,  butter- 
stamper,  spinning-winch,  salt-mill, 
yarn-winder,  device  for  making  easier 
wood-sawing,  taper-extinguisher, 

grave-stone,  signal-horn,  etc.,  from 
various  parts   of  Bulgaria. 

Kelemina  (J.)  Handwerksburschen- 
geographie,  ein  niederosterreichisches 
Lied  des  18.  Jahrhunderts.  (Z.  d.  V. 
f.  Volksk.,  Berlin,  1908,  xviii,  296- 
300.)  Cites,  with  explanatory  notes, 
a  Graz  MS.  of  the  i8th  century, 
an  apprentice's  song  in  the  dialect  of 
Vienna,  describing  his  travels  in 
Styria,  Carinthia,  Italy,  France, 
Paris,  Tirol,  Swabia,  Bavaria,  Hol- 
land,  Croatia,   Hungary,   etc. 

Kendall  (H.  G.  O.)  Paleolithic  micro- 
liths.  (Man,  Lond.,  1908,  viii,  103- 
104,  7  fgs.)  Treats  of  tiny  flakes 
and  trimmed  pieces  of  flint  from  the 
gravel  at  Knowle  Farm  Pit,  Sav- 
ernake,  Essex. 

Remarkable       arrowheads       and 

diminutive  bronze  implement.  (Ibid., 
1909,  IX,  39-40,  3  fgs.)  Describes  a 
delicate  little  arrow-head  found  on  a 
farm  in  Dorset,  also  another  "  of  a 
most  unusual  type"  ;  likewise  a  diminu- 
tive bronze  dagger  or  knife  from 
near  Marlborough. 

Kinnaman  (J.  O.)  Prehistoric  Rome. 
(Amer.  Antiq.,  Salem,  Mass.,  1909, 
XXXI,  30-40.)  Resumes  state  of 
present  knowledge :  Alba  Longa 
really  existed  (its  site  has  been  lo- 
cated) and  was  the  mother-city  of 
Rome.  Rome  was  founded  by  shep- 
herds during  the  bronze  age,  8- 
12  centuries  B.  C.  Religious  cere- 
monies had  become  crystallized  long 


8o 


Jotirnal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


before  the  founding  of  Rome  and  in 
•them  iron  was  proscribed.  Romulus 
is  a  real  name,  that  of  the  founder 
of  Rome.  Rome  is  probably  much 
older  than  we  now  suspect.  K.  also 
thinks  that  "  the  civilization  may  be 
of   Mycenaean  origin." 

Some  curiosities  in  Roman  arch- 
eology. (Ibid.,  65-77.)  Treats  of 
the  transfer  of  the  temple  of  Isis  and 
the  Egyptian  cult  of  that  deity  from 
Sais  to  Rome,  the  bridge  of  Caligula, 
Maecaenas's  reforms  in  the  burial  of 
the  dead,  St  Paul  and  St  Peter  in 
Rome,  the  tomb  of  St  Paul,  etc. 

Klaatsch  (H.)  Die  neuesten  Ergeb- 
nisse  der  Palaontologie  des  Menschen 
und  ihre  Bedeutung  fiir  das  Abstam- 
mungsproblem.  (Z.  f.  Ethnol.,  Ber- 
lin, 1909,  XLi,  537-584,  4  pl-,  30  fgs.) 
Discusses  in  detail  the  Homo 
Mousteriensis  (particularly  jawbone 
and  skull)  found  in  March,  1908,  by 
O.  Hauser  of  Basel  in  the  lower  Le 
Moustier  in  the  Vezere  valley,  and  of 
the  jawbone  of  the  Homo  Heidel- 
bergensis,  compared  with  the  crania 
and  mandible  of  prehistoric  and  prim.- 
itive  races,  the  anthropoids,  etc.  At 
p.  572  is  a  comparison  of  a  Javanese 
and  a  European  embryo,  the  former 
being  much  more  anthropoidal  than 
the  latter.  The  Moustier  man  is 
assigned  to  the  Neanderthal  type.  K. 
suggests  that  the  Neanderthal  man  by 
reason  of  his  relatively  short  ex- 
tremities is  allied  rather  to  the  mod- 
ern Arctic  than  the  southern  races 
(e.  g.,  Australian),  but  other  charac- 
ters point  in  other  directions  (e.  g., 
African  negroes,  etc.).  Ennegroid 
is  better  than  negroid  as  a  term  to 
apply  to  some  of  these  characters, 
which  suggest  types  such  as  the  Zulu. 

Die    steinzeitlichen    Schadel    des 

Grossherzoglichen  Museums  in 
Schwerin.  (A.  f.  Anthrop.,  Brn- 
schwg.,  1909,  N.  F.,  VII,  276-286,  6 
fgs.)  Treats  of  the  skulls  of  the 
stone  age  in  the  Grandducal  Museum 
of  Schwerin:  i.  The  sitting  "Hook- 
er "  (without  stone  graves)  burials 
(skull  of  Plau)  ;  2.  Stone  chamber 
and  cist  graves  (skulls  of  Burow, 
Blengow,  Basedow)  ;  3.  Flat  graves 
(skulls  of  Ostorf,  Roggow ;  4.  Earth 
burials  in  mound-graves  (skull  of 
Willigrad).  According  to  Dr  S.  the 
skulls  of  Ostorf  represent  a  new 
cranial  type, — dolichocephalic  with 
high  forehead,  prognathic,  etc.  See 
Beltz  (R.). 

nnd  0.  Hauser.  Homo  mouster- 
iensis     Hauseri.        Ein     altdiluvialer 


Skelettfund  im  Departement  Dor- 
dogne  und  seine  Zugehorigkeit  zum 
Neandertaltypus.  (Ibid.,  287-297,  i 
pi.,  10  fgs.)  Treats  of  the  finding 
in  April- August,  1908,  in  a  cave  at 
Le  Moustier  of  a  human  skeleton  ac- 
companied by  numerous  flint  frag- 
ments and  implements  01  the  Achu- 
lean  type,  with  description  of  the 
skull,  femur,  etc.  The  Homo  mous- 
teriensis clearly  belongs  with  the 
men  of  Spy,  Krapina  and  Neander- 
thal, now  shown  to  have  existed  in 
prehistoric  France. 
Kobligk  (Anna)  Traumdeutungen  aus 
Hessen.     (Z.  d.  V.  f.  Volksk.,  Berlin, 

1908,  xviii,  312.)  Cites  numerous 
items  of  dream-interpretation,  obser- 
vations from  flights  of  birds,  etc., 
taken  down  from  a  Hessian  shepherd. 

Koch  (F.  J.)  In  quaint,  curious  Croatia. 
(Nat.  Geogr.  Mag.,  Wash.,  1908^, 
XIX,  809-832,  6  fgs.,  17  pi.)  Contains 
some  notes  on  the  people,  dress, 
markets,  etc.  The  illustrations  treat 
of  market  scenes,  peasant  types,  etc., 
in  Agram,  houses,  gypsy's  hut, 
hazel-gatherers,  washing,  salt-making, 
etc. 

Kossinna  (G.)  Grossgartacher  imd 
Rossener  Stih  (Z.  f.  Ethnol.,  Ber- 
lin, 1908,  XL,  569-573,  I  fg-)  Dis- 
cusses the  Grossgartach  and  Rossen 
ceramic  types.  Koehl  and  Schliz  dif- 
fer radically  as  to  the  relations  of 
these  types,  the  former  holding  that 
the  "  Hinkelstein  type,"  preceded  the 
Rossen,  out  of  which  was  developed 
the  Grossgartach  ;  the  latter  that  the 
Grossgartach  is  the  older. 

Krause  (E.)  Ausflug  der  Gesellschaft 
iiber  Stendal  nach  Salzwedel  und 
Umgebung  am  27.  und  28.  Juni  1908. 
(Ibid.,  821-826.)  Account  of  visit 
of  members  of  the  Berlin  Anthro- 
pological Society  to  the  old  city  of 
Stendal,  and  the  stone-graves  at  Salz- 
wedel and  in  the  region  thereabout. 

Kuratle  (G.)  Der  Toggenburger  Senn. 
Seine  Tracht  und  deren  Herstellung. 
(Arch,    suisses   d.   Trad.    Pop.,    Bale, 

1909,  XIII,  95-105,  7  pl-,  5  fgs.)  Treats 
of  the  "  Senn,"  or  cattle-herd  of  the 
Toggenburg  region  of  Switzerland 
and  his  dress,  ornament,  etc.,  their 
preparation  and  manufacture. 

Kurth  (G.)  La  Lcgia.  Etude  topony- 
mique.  (B.  de  I'lnst.  Arch.  Liegois, 
1907,  XXXVII,  123-149.)  History  and 
etymology  of  the  name  Liege  and  its 
application.  The  name  of  the  city  is 
derived  from  Leudicitm,  designating 
a  locality  and  not  a  stream  as  some 


Periodical  Literature 


8i 


have  argued, — Legia  is  a  learned,  not 
a  folk,  derivation  from  Leodium, 
Leudicuni. 

Lang  (A.)  "The  Bitter  Withy  Bal- 
lad." (Folk-Lore,  Lond.,  1909,  xx, 
86-88.)  Cites  versions  of  "  Johny 
Johnston  "  from  Edinburgh,  West  of 
Scotland,    Northumberland,   etc. 

Laville  (A.)  Instrument  en  silex  du 
type  dit :  Chelleen  de  I'Ergeron  de 
Villejuif.  (Bull.  Soc.  d'Anthrop.  de 
Paris,  1908,  v^  s.,  ix,  742-743,  2 
fgs.)  Brief  account  of  a  flint  of 
Chellean  type  found  at  Ergeron,  be- 
longing to  the  end  of  the  quaternary 
epoch. 

Layard  (N.  F.)  The  older  series  of 
Irish  flint  implements.  (Man,  Lond., 
1909,  IX,  81-85,  2  fgs,  I  pi.)  Treats 
of  worked  flints  from  raised  beach 
at  Lough  Larne,  in  county  Antrim. 
These  flints,  taken  as  a  whole,  "  cer- 
tainly do  not  correspond  at  all  closely 
either  to  the  paleoliths  or  neoliths  so 
far  found  in  England."  In  16  hours, 
at  various  times,  nearly  1,200  worked 
flints  were  collected  here. 

Lazar  (V.)  Die  Hochzeit  bei  den 
Siidriimanen  (Kutzo-Wlachen,  Zinz- 
aren)  in  der  Turkei.  (Globus,  Brn- 
schwg.,  1908,  xciv,  316-319.)  De- 
scribes in  detail  the  wedding-customs 
(betrothal,  pre-marriage  ceremonies 
and  festivals,  wedding-procession  and 
songs,  church-ceremony,  dance  and 
feast,  etc.)  of  the  South  Rumanians 
of  the  region  about  Koritza.  Among 
the  Megleno  Rumanians  bride-steal- 
ing is  still  practised.  The  wedding 
customs  of  the  few  South  Rumanians 
in  Bosnia  are  quite  different  by  rea- 
son  of   Slavonic  influences. 

Lefevre  (A.)  Le  feodalite  et  les  dia- 
lectes.  (R.  de  I'fic.  d'Anthrop.  de 
Paris,  1909,  XIX,  177-178.)  According 
to  L.,  "  the  diversity  of  our  dialects 
and  patois  goes  back  to  the  transforma- 
tion of  popular  Latin  dialects,  al- 
ready localized  before  the  loth  cen- 
tury ;  maintained  and  accentuated  by 
feudal  parcelling,  it  gave  way  before 
the  preponderance  of  a  conquering 
dialect  imposed  on  France  enlarged 
by  Capetian  royalty  and  by  the  as- 
cendancy of  the  capital." 

Lehmann-Filhes  (Margarete).  Ein 
islandisches  Pfarrhaus  vor  hundert 
Jahren.  (Z.  d.  V.  f.  Volksk.,  Berlin, 
1908,  XVIII,  429-431.)  Translates 
into  German  the  account  of  an  Ice- 
landic parsonage  a  century  ago  given 
in  J.  Thoroddsen's  novel  Mathur  og 
Kona. 

VOL.   XXIII. — NO.    87.  6 


Islandische     Bezeichnungen     fiir 

die  Himmelsgegenden.  (Ibid.,  207.) 
Note  on  the  folk-terms  for  the  car- 
dinal points  in  Icelandic.  They  are 
etymologically  intelligible  not  in  sea- 
surrounded  Iceland,  but  in  Norway 
with  the  open  sea  to  the  West  and 
land  to  the  East.  Thus  N.  W.  is 
"  out  north  "  ;  S.  W.,  "  out  south  "  ; 
N.  E.,  "  land  north  " ;  S.  E.,  "  land 
south,"  From  these  are  derived  the 
names  of  winds.  These  terms  must 
have  come  over  with  the  language 
from  Norway. 

Vielseitige       Verwendung       der 

Schafknochen  in  Island.  (Ibid., 
1909,  XIX,  433-434,  4  fgs.)  Notes 
on  various  uses  of  sheep-bones  in 
Iceland  (astragalus-dice  for  fortune- 
telling  ;  yarn-winder  often  pyrograph- 
icaily  ornamented ;  valnastakkar  or 
sheep-bone  coat-of-mail,  etc.).  Into 
the  hole  at  end  of  sheep-bones  the 
devil  was  induced  to  go  by  making 
himself  small  and  then  shut  up  there 
for  good.  Children  also  play  mak- 
ing houses  with  sheep-bones,  repre- 
sent them  to  be  animals,  etc.  The 
bones  of  sheep  (so  important  to  the 
Islander)    have   multiform   uses. 

Livi  (R.)  La  schiavitu  domestica  in 
Italia  nel  medio  evo  e  dopo.  (A. 
p.  I'Antrop.,  Firenze,  1908,  xxxviii, 
275-286.)  Treats  of  domestic  slavery 
in  Italy  in  the  Middle  Ages  and 
later.  From  the  middle  of  the  13th 
to  the  middle  of  the  14th  century 
the  importation  of  male  and  female 
slaves,  who  were  rather  humanely 
treated  and  married  or  mixed  with 
the  population  of  the  country,  was 
very  common.  Venice  was  quite 
prominent  in  the  slave-trade,  which 
ended  with  the  Middle  Ages,  except 
in  the  coast  cities  where  it  lingered 
till  almost  the  beginning  of  the  17th 
century  ;  in  Sicily  it  continued  down 
to  quite  modern  times.  In  one  year 
(1298)  the  records  of  a  notary  of 
Palermo  contained  40  items  relating 
to  slaves  out  of  a  total  of  477.  Of 
these  40,  27  are  "  Saracens "  (col- 
ored as  follows:  white  13,  olive  9, 
black  2,  when  color  is  indicated), 
evidently  a  term  not  at  all  desig- 
nating race.  A  census  (for  military 
purposes)  of  male  slaves  in  Palermo 
in  1565  lists  645,  of  whom  117  were 
white,  115  olive,  224  black.  Of  the 
blacks  112  are  styled  nigri  di  Burno 
(i.  e.,  Burnu,  in  the  region  of  L. 
Chad).  Of  the  645  male  slaves 
225  (including  23  blacks)  were 
casanatizzi.       Cases     of     slavery     in 


82 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


Sicily  are  noted  from  the  begin- 
ning of  the  1 8th  century.  Partly  at 
least  the  variety  of  anthropological 
(particularly  cranial)  types  met  with 
to-day  in  Sicily,  etc.,  may  be  ex- 
plained by  reason  of  infiltration  of 
these  slaves,  e.  g.,  the  existence  of 
skulls  with  negroid  characters.  In 
Sicily  there  are  to  be  found  also  a 
number  of  surnames  suggestive  of 
servile  origin  (Schiavo,  Salvo,  Libero, 
Di    Liberto,    etc.). 

L'esclavage  au  moyen-age  et  son 

influence  sur  les  caracteres  anthro- 
pologiques  des  Italiens.  (Bull.  Soc. 
d'Anthrop.  de  Paris,  1908,  v''  S.,  ix, 
201-209.)  Resume  by  G.  de  Gio- 
vanetti  of  article  by  Dr  Livi  on 
"  Medieval  slavery  and  its  influence 
on  the  anthropological  characters  of 
the  Italians,"  in  the  Rivista  italiana 
di  Sociologia  for  July-October,  1907. 

Lohmeyer  (K.)  Der  Traum  vom  Schatz 
auf  der  Coblenzer  Briicke  (Z.  d.  V. 
f.  Volksk.,  Berlin,  1909,  xix,  286- 
289.)  Discusses  the  legend  of  the 
dream  of  treasure  on  the  Coblenz 
bridge,  and  variants  (Mannheim 
bridge,  Binger  bridge,  Mayence 
bridge,  etc.).  The  oldest  form  (later 
than  1600)  of  the  story,  L.  thinks,  is 
the  Rinzenberg  one  (Coblenz).  See 
Bolte   (J.). 

Lovett  (E.)  Superstitions  and  sur- 
vivals amongst  shepherds.  (Folk- 
Lore,  Lond.,  1909,  XX,  64-70,  2  pi.) 
Treats  of  "  thistle-nut  "  for  rheuma- 
tism, "  cramp-nuts  "  and  "  cramp- 
stones,"  "  overlooking "  pigs,  lamb- 
tallies,  turf  sun-dial,  etc.,  among  the 
shepherds  of  the  South  Downs. 

Amulets    from    costers'    barrows 

in  London,  Rome  and  Naples,  (Ibid., 
70-71,  I  pi.)  Treats  of  metal  horns, 
pendants,  phalli,  symbols,  teeth,  evil- 
eye  charms. 

Lowenhbfer  (J.)  i.  Der  Depotfund  in 
Diirnfellern.  2.  Der  Depotfund  in 
Hochwald.  (Stzgb.  d.  Anthrop.  Ges. 
in  Wien,  190S-1909,  3-4,  2  fgs.) 
Notes  find  of  some  50  bronze  neck- 
rings  at  Diirnfellern  and  165  bronze 
buckles  at  Hochwald,  belonging  to 
the  early  bronze  age. 

Luquet  (G.  H.)  Sur  la  signification 
des  petroglyphes  des  megalithes  bre- 
tons.  (R.  de  I'fic.  d'Anthrop.  de 
Paris,  1909,  XIX,  224-233,  36  fgs.) 
First  part  of  article  on  the  significa- 
tion of  the  petroglyphs  (scutiform, 
jugiform,  etc.)  of  the  megaliths  in 
Brittany.  Of  the  scutiform  signs 
many  are  doubtless  simplifications 
or  conventionalizations  of  the  human 


figure,  entire  or  in  part.  The  jugi- 
form signs,  according  to  L.,  are  de- 
rived from  the  "  frontal  line "  (su- 
perciliary ridges  with  sometimes 
nose),  a  schematization  of  the  hu- 
man face. 

McCormick  (A.)  Nan  Gordon.  (J. 
Gypsy  Lore  Soc,  Liverpool,  1908,  n. 
s.,  I.,  211-218.)  English  text  of  "a 
folk-tale  dictated  by  a  Galloway 
tinkler-Gypsy  woman  .  .  .  which 
hints  how  the  Gypsies  come  to  have 
been  connected  with  some  of  the 
nobility   of    Scotland." 

MacCurdy  (G.  G.)  Penck  on  the  an- 
tiquity of  man.  (Rec.  of  Past, 
Wash.,  D.  C.,  1909,  VIII,  32-38,  3 
fgs.)  Treats  of  Prof.  A.  Penck's 
views  as  to  the  antiquity  of  man 
based  on  the  cave  of  the  Prince ; 
the  human  remains  and  implements 
from  the  cave  at  Wildikirchli  (Ap- 
penzell)  in  Switzerland,  the  Homo 
Mousteriensis,  etc.  Dr.  MacC.  thinks 
that  "  there  is  no  longer  any  doubt 
as  to  the  physical  characters  of  man 
of  the  Mousterian  epoch, — man  that 
lived  in  Europe  100,000  years  ago. 
But  the  Chellean  industry  is  older 
than  the  Mousterian,  and  up  to  the 
present  time  no  human  remains 
have  been  found  that  can  with  cer- 
tainty be  dated  back  to  the  oldest 
epoch  of  the  paleolithic  period." 

Magof&n  (R.  v.  D.)  The  via  Praenes- 
tina.  (Rec.  of  Past,  Wash.,  1909, 
VIII,  67-74,  8  fgs.)  Describes  the 
road  from  Praeneste  to  Rome,  which 
"  shows  better  preservation,  crosses 
finer  bridges,  and  finally  enters  Rome 
at  a  more  interesting  gate  than  any 
other  one  of  the  Roman  roads." 

Mahoudeau  (P.  G.)  Sur  un  tres  an- 
cien  procede  de  capture  du  bison. 
(R.  de  r£c,  d'Anthrop.  de  Paris, 
1909,  XIX,  282-291,  4  fgs.)  Accord- 
ing to  M.,  the  triangular  figures,  etc., 
on  the  representations  of  bisons, 
horses,  mammoths,  etc.,  in  the  cave- 
paintings  of  Font-de-Gaume,  Com- 
barelles,  etc.,  are  wasms,  or  prop- 
erty-marks, denoting  animals  cap- 
tured in  pit-traps  after  the  manner  of 
the  ancient  Peonians  as  described  by 
Pausanias. 

Maia  (A.  S.)  A  necropole  de  Cani- 
dello,  Terra  da  Maia.  (Portugalia, 
Porto,  1908,  II,  619-625,  4  fgs.) 
Gives  results  of  explorations  in  1905- 
1906  of  the  necropolis  of  Canidello 
in  northern  Portugal,  with  descrip- 
tions of  finds, — flint  and  polished 
stone  implements,  pottery,  etc. 


Periodical  Literature 


83 


Major  (A.  F.)  Rune-stones  in  the 
Brodgar  circle,  Stenness.  (Orkn. 
and  Shetld.,  MiscelL,  Lond.,  1909, 
II,  46-50,  3  pi.)  Treats  of  two  stones 
with  Runic  inscriptions  found  dur- 
ing the  work  of  restoring  the  stone 
circles  of  Stenness.  For  full  ac- 
count see  Prof.  M.  Olsen's  article  in 
Saga  Book  of  Viking  Club,  1908,  v, 
Ft.  II. 

Malten  (L.)  Des  Raub  der  Kore.  (A. 
f.  Religsw.,  Lpzg.,  1909,  xii,  285- 
312.)  Discusses  the  carrying  off  of 
the  child  of  Demeter  from  the 
flowery  mead  by  the  king  of  the 
lower  world,  as  related  in  the 
Homeric  Demeter  hymn,  the  localiza- 
tion of  the  legend  (Mysion,  the  old- 
est locality),   etc. 

Mankowski  (H.)  Das  polnische  He- 
rodesspiel  in  Westpreussen.  (Z.  d. 
V.  f.  Volksk.,  Berlin,  1909,  xix,  204— 
206.)  Brief  account  of  the  Christ- 
mas play  "  Going  with  Herod,"  still 
acted  in  parts  of  West  Prussia  by 
Polish  workmen,  etc. 

Mattula  (L.)  Bericht  aus  Unter-Retz- 
bach.  (Stzgb.  b.  Anthrop.  Ges.  in 
Wien,  1907-1908,  21-26,  I  fg.) 
Resumes  finds  of  1907, — bronze 
bracelet,  pierced  copper  axes,  pot- 
tery fragments,  bronze  needle,  stone 
axes,  grave  with  skeleton  and  earthen 
vessel   (neolithic  age),  etc. 

Mauz  (W.)  Volksglauben  aus  dem 
Sarganserlande.  (Schw.  Arch.  f. 
Volksk.,  Basel,  1909,  xiii,  206-208.) 
Cites  folk-lore  relating  to  the  num- 
ber 12,  onion  oracle,  influence  of 
moon,  witchcraft  and  magic,  etc. 

Mayr  (A.)  Fine  vorgeschichtliche  Be- 
grabnisstatte  auf  Malta.  (Z.  f.  Eth- 
nol.,  Berlin,  1908,  xl,  536-542.) 
Gives  results  of  visit  in  1907  to  the 
subterranean  burial-place  of  Hal- 
Saflieni,  south  of  Valetta  in  Malta, 
with  account  of  objects  (steatopygic 
clay  figures  all  female,  stone  amu- 
lets, fragments  of  pottery,  skeletons, 
etc.)  there  found,  now  in  the  Valetta 
Museum.  This  important  discovery, 
the  details  of  which  are  being  pre- 
pared for  publication  by  Dr  T.  Zam- 
mit,  the  curator  of  the  Valetta  Mu- 
seum, will  do  much  toward  solving 
the  problem  of  the  so-called  "  sanc- 
tuaries "  of  Malta.  The  finds  indi- 
cate marked  influence  of  Egean  cul- 
ture, particularly  in  the  figurines  and 
the  architecture  of  the  prehistoric 
"  sanctuaries."  On  the  island  Gozo 
pottery,  etc.,  like  that  of  Hal-Saflieni 
have  been  found. 


Mehlis  (C.)  Der  "  Hexenhammer " 
von  Dorrenbach  i.  d.  Pfalz  und  Ver- 
wandtes.  (Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1908, 
xciii,  174-176,  4  fgs.)  Treats  in 
particular  of  the  so-called  "  witch 
hammer,"  a  stone  axe  used  by  a 
"  wizard "  of  Dorrenbach  to  affect 
cures.  These  axes  are  known  in 
various  parts  of  Europe  as  "  thunder- 
axes,"  "  thunder-stones,"  etc., — the 
ceraunia  of  Pliny  and  other  classical 
writers. 

Mehring  (G.)  Das  Vaterunser  als 
politisches  Kampfmittel.  (Z.  d.  V.  f. 
Volksk.,  Berlin,  1909,  xix,  129-142.) 
Cites  various  examples  of  political 
parodies  of  and  poems  based  on  the 
Lord's  Prayer,  in  addition  to  the  ma- 
terial in  the  article  of  Werner  in  the 
Vrtljhrsschr.  f.  Literaturgeschichte, 
1892,  V,  1—49.  There  are  two  sorts 
of  these  political  "  Lord's  Prayers," — 
the  oldest  begins  in  the  15th  century, 
lasting  to  the  early  years  of  the  17th 
(Ulm  Vaterunser  of  i486,  Reutling 
Vaterunser  of  15 19,  the  former  the 
oldest,  the  latter  the  best  known). 
Of  the  "  peasants'  Lord's  Prayer " 
Werner  cites  15  different  versions. 
The  text  consists  of  a  series  of 
couplets,  the  last  line  of  each  of 
which  ends  with  a  word  of  the 
"  Lord's   Prayer." 

Meisner  (H.)  Rekrutierungstatistik. 
(A.  f.  Rassen-  u.  Ges. -Biol.,  Lpzg., 
1909,  vi,  59-72,  map.)  Treats  of  re- 
cent statistics  of  recruits  in  Germany, 
1894-1903,  comparing  the  percent- 
ages of  acceptability  with  those  of 
density  of  population,  birth,  marriage, 
mortality,  children  of  school  age,  mi- 
gration, morbidity,  increase  and  de- 
crease of  population,  occupations,  in- 
dustries, race,  etc.  No  clear  corre- 
spondence of  acceptability  of  re- 
cruits with  lung  diseases,  fertility 
(legitimate  and  illegitimate  children), 
migration,  fertility  of  soil,  well-to-do 
life   conditions,    etc. 

Menzel  (H.)  Neue  Funde  diluvialer 
Artefakte  aus  dem  nordlichen 
Deutschland,  ihre  Kulturstufe  und 
ihr  geologisches  Alter.  (Z.  f.  Eth- 
nol.,  Berlin,  1909,  xli,  503-506.) 
Treats  of  discoveries  of  diluvial  arte- 
facts in  1908  at  Eitzum  in  the  val- 
ley of  the  Despe  in  Hannover,  also 
at  Elze,  Hameln,  etc. ;  near  Wege- 
leben  in  Saxony ;  at  Westend,  Britz 
and  Siidende  near  Berlin ;  in  the 
region  about  Werder  near  Potsdam 
and  near  Phoben,  Prellwitz,  etc.  All 
the  objects  (except  a  few  bone  frag- 
ments and  some  pieces  of  quartzite. 


84 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


etc.)  are  flints.  They  are  the  same 
in  culture  type  although  of  different 
geological  age  (later  and  older  in- 
terglacial).  They  may  represent  a 
transition  from  the  archeolithic  to 
the  paleolithic  (Verworn). 

Ueber   die   geologischen   Verhalt- 

nisse  des  Spreewaldes,  (Ibid.,  687- 
689.)  The  oldest  settlement  of  the 
Spree  forest  is  doubtless  due  to  need 
for  protected  dwellings  and  places 
of  refuge  as  well  as  for  fishing  and 
hunting,  and  the  "  islands  "  about  the 
Kirchplatz  and  particularly  the 
Schlossberg  von  Burg. 

Michael  (H.)  Zur  Leukas-Ithaca- 
Frage,  (Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1909, 
xcv,  191-193.)  Discusses  the  ques- 
tion whether  the  island  of  Leukas, 
off  the  coast  of  Acarnania,  is  the 
Ithaca  of  the  Odyssey,  the  home  of 
Ulysses,  and  the  efforts  of  Dorpfeld 
to  show  that  it  was  actually  an 
island  in  ancient  times.  Capt.  W. 
V.  Maree's  topographical  studies  are 
embodied  in  his  Karten  von  Leukas. 
Beitrdge  zur  Frage  Leukas-Ithaca 
(Berlin,  1908).  The  identification, 
as  M.  points  out,  is  not  at  all  success- 
ful. 

Mielert  (F.)  Das  heutige  Serbien. 
(Ibid.,  9-15,  7  fgs.)  Notes  on  in- 
dustries, art,  agriculture,  cities,  vil- 
lages, ruins,  etc. 

Moesch  (H.)  Das  Fasnachtsrossli  im 
Kt.  Appenzell.  (Arch,  suisses  d. 
Trad.  Pop.,  Bale,  1909,  xiii,  I37-I39-) 
Texts  of  speech  made  by  the  "  Fas- 
nechbutz,"  from  Tobler  and  a  later 
one  in  use  in  Urnasch  in  1906. 

Mohl  (J.)  Mitteilungen  iiber  Tato- 
wierungen,  angenommen  an  Soldaten 
der  Garniston  Temesvar.  (Mitt.  d. 
Anthrop.  Ges.  in  Wien,  1908,  xxxviii, 
312-320,  14  fgs.)  Treats  of  tattoo- 
ing as  observed  among  the  soldiers 
of  the  garrison  at  Temesvar,  Hun- 
gary, and  its  significance,  etc.  The 
commonest  places  for  tattooing  were  : 
anterior  surface  of  forearm ;  breast ; 
back  of  hand ;  upper  arm,  finger  (ex- 
cept thumb).  Rarely  tattooed  were: 
penis,  buttocks,  thighs,  face,  nose. 
Forehead,  back,  neck  vi'ere  not  found 
tattooed.  The  tattooings  contain 
statements  of  or  indications  of  mili- 
tary science,  civil  occupation,  etc.,  in 
letters  or  symbols,  etc.  Tattooing  is 
very  common  among  these  soldiers, — 
in  a  troop  of  Servians  quartered  at 
Nevesinje  in  1907  nearly  every  man 
was  tattooed, — not  such  a  proportion 
in  Temesvar.  The  garrison  prisons 
are    "  high-schools     of     tattooing," — 


then  come  barracks,  hospitals,  etc. 
Tattooing  takes  place  oftener  during 
active  service  than  before.  Home- 
association,  ennui,  imitation,  vanity 
are  some  of  the  reasons  given  for 
tattooing.  Tattooing  is  per  se  no 
indication  of  criminality  or  defective 
intellect. 
Monseur  (E.)  Le  nom  des  Lombards. 
(Bull,  de  Folk-Lore,  Bruxelles,  1909, 
III,  182-188.)  Discusses  the  origin 
of  the  legend  concerning  the  name 
Lombard  (Langobardi,  Longbeards), 
which  M.  regards  as  "  the  remnant  of 
a  legend  of  the  fraudulent  entry  of 
women  into  the  other-world  reserved 
for  warriors." 

Tom  Tit  Tot.     (Ibid.,   188-192.) 

Cites  variants  of  this  theme  from 
Liege,  Audenarde,  French  Flanders, 
Antwerp,  etc.,  known  as  Verkou, 
Pier-Wier-Wetz,  Mynhaentje,  Kwis- 
peltotje. 

de  Morgan  (J.)  Note  sur  le  developpe- 
ment  de  la  civilisation  dans  la  Sicile 
prehistorique.  (R.  de  I'fic.  d'Anthrop. 
de  Paris,  1909,  xix,  92-100.)  Sketches 
the  development  of  civilization  in 
prehistoric  Sicily  (few  traces  of  man 
in  pleistocene  times,  only  caverns  of 
Termini,  etc.,  represent  quaternary 
industries ;  neolithic  culture  from 
continental  Europe  seen  in  the  re- 
mains at  Pantellaria,  and  at  Palaz- 
zolo  Acreide,  Stentinello,  etc.,  an- 
other later  culture,  with  incised  pot- 
tery, representing  a  second  distinct 
neolithic  civilization).  After  these 
come  the  4  Sicilian  periods,  which  de 
Morgan  dates  earlier  than  do  the 
Italian  archeologists  (first,  3d  and 
2d  millenniums  B.  C. ;  second,  20- 
2ist  centuries  B.  C. ;  third,  i2-9th 
centuries  B.  C. ;  fourth,  9th  century 
B.  C.,  historic).  The  remains  of 
Palazzolo  Acreide  date  from  the  third 
millennium  B.  C.  Almost  uninhab- 
ited in  the  quaternary  period,  Sicily 
was  peopled  only  on  the  coasts  in 
neolithic  times  (from  continental 
Europe)  ;  then  came  Cretan,  Myce- 
nean  and  Phenician,  and  finally  Hel- 
lenic elements. 

Morrison  (S.)  The  lazy  wife :  a  Manx 
folk-tale.  (Folk-Lore,  Lond.,  1908, 
XIX,  78-83.)  Story  told  from  mem- 
ory by  a  Peel  woman  who  heard  it 
some  60  years  ago  from  her  mother. 
English  text  with  Manx  words 
passim. 

Billy    Beg,    Tom    Beg,    and    the 

Fairies.  (Ibid.,  324-327.)  English 
text  of  a  Manx  fairy-tale  from  Peel. 


Periodical  Literature 


85 


de  Mortillet  (A.)  Souterrains  et  grot- 
tes  artificielles  de  France.  (R,  de 
I'Ec.  d'Anthrop.  de  Paris,  1908,  xviii, 
285-307.)  Lists  by  localities  (alpha- 
betically) under  departments  the 
known  souterrains  and  artificial 
caves, — boves,  creuttes,  caves,  erases, 
calcs,  earrieres,  marquois,  forts,   etc. 

Mortimer  (J.  R.)  The  stature  and 
cephalic  index  of  the  prehistoric  men 
whose  remains  are  preserved  in  the 
Mortimer  Museum,  Duffield.  (Man, 
Lond.,  1909,  IX,  35-36.)  Notes  on 
skeletons  of  the  late  neolithic  or  early 
-  bronze  age  (of  loi  skulls,  34  are 
dolichocephalic,  28  brachycephalic,  39 
mesaticephalic ;  average  computed 
statures  respectively  5  ft.  7  in.,  5  ft. 
6  in.,  5  ft.  6  in.)  ;  early  iron  age, 
chiefly  from  the  Danes'  graves  (53 
skulls,  37  dolichocephalic,  2  brachy- 
cephalic, II  mesaticephalic;  average 
computed  statures  respectively  5  ft. 
4.6  in.,  5  ft.  4  in.,  5  ft.  5  in.)  ;  Anglo- 
Saxon  remains  (61  crania,  dolicho- 
cephalic 31,  brachycephalic  7,  mesati- 
cephalic 2;^  ;  computed  average  stat- 
ure respectively  5  ft.  57/11  in.,  5  ft. 
4  i/ii  in.,  5ft.  3  6/1 1  in.)  The  long- 
headed individuals  seem  to  have  been 
somewhat  the  taller. 

Moser  (L.  K.)  Die  Romerstadt  Agunt. 
(Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1908,  xciv,  226- 
227.)  Resumes  the  data  in  A.  B. 
Meyer  and  A.  Unterforcher's  Die 
Romerstadt  Agunt  bei  Liens  in  Tirol, 
published  preparatory  to  further  in- 
vestigations on  the  site  of  Aguntum. 

Bericht    iiber    Ausgrabungen    in 

einigen  Felsenhohlen  von  Nabresina, 
sowie  uber  einige  besondere  Fund- 
objekte  aus  Karsthohlen.  (Stzgb.  d. 
Anthrop.  Ges.  in  Wien,  1907-1908, 
29-33,  3  fgs.)  Notes  on  pottery- 
fragments,  flints,  bone  implements, 
etc.,  animal  bones  (also  a  bronze 
knife  and  an  iron  object)  from  Na- 
bresina and  the  caves  of  the  "  Karst." 

Much  (M.)  Vorgeschichtliche  Nahr- 
und  Nutzpflanzen  Europas.  (^itt.  d. 
Anthrop.  Ges.  in  Wien,  1908,  xxxviii, 
195-227,  2  fgs.)  Discusses  the  pre- 
historic food  and  economic  plants  of 
Europe,  their  culture-historic  age,  ori- 
gin, etc.  Wheat  (in  Solutree  period 
wild  wheat  used  as  food  ;  in  neolithic 
period  cultivation  of  wheat  already 
common, — 4  varieties,  of  which  none 
can  be  shown  to  be  of  Asiatic  ori- 
gin), barley  (Oriental  4-lined  variety 
not  found  in  neolithic  Europe  ;  wild 
form  used  in  Solutree  period  ;  6-lined 
variety  is  African  or  probably  Medi- 
terranean), weeds  in  cultivated  land 


(those  of  neolithic  period, — corn- 
flower, Silene,  corn-rose,  etc., — point 
to  the  coast-regions  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean), millet  (origin  of  Panicum 
miliaceiim  not  known;  P.  italicum 
first  used  wild  by  prehistoric  Euro- 
peans), buckwheat  (used  in  neolithic 
times  as  food ;  developed  from  Euro- 
pean wild  form),  lentil  and  pea 
(neolithic ;  both  developed  from  Eu- 
ropean wild  plants),  hog-bean  (not 
known  in  neolithic  times  north  of  the 
Alps;  came  from  South),  "water- 
nut"  (much  used  in  neolithic  times), 
poppy  (derived  from  the  wild  poppy 
of  southern  Europe ;  neolithic  in 
Switzerland,  Upper  Italy,  etc.),  apple 
and  pear  (derived  from  wild  varieties 
in  prehistoric  Europe),  walnut 
(known  in  France  in  paleolithic 
times,  whence  it  spread  over  central 
Europe),  flax  (several  varieties  in  use 
in  prehistoric  Europe  derived  from 
wild  native  plants).  Dr  M.  holds 
that  the  domestic  cattle  of  prehistoric 
Europe  were  of  different  race  from 
those  of  the  Orient ;  their  use  also 
(yoke ;  use  of  cattle  for  threshing 
grain  not  known  in  prehistoric  central 
and  northern  Europe)  was  different. 
Prehistoric  cattle-culture  and  agri- 
culture in  Europe  had  their  own  in- 
digenous beginnings  and  develop- 
ments. 

Miiller  (C.)  Predigtparodien  und  an- 
dere  Scherzreden  aus  der  Oberlausitz. 
(Z.  d.  V.  f.  Volksk.,  Berlin,  1909, 
xix,  1 75-181.)  Cites  from  various 
parts  of  Upper  Lusatia  5  parody- 
sermons  and  jest-speeches  :  Wedding- 
sermon  and  jest-sermon  from  Ditters- 
bach  dating  1830-1850,  etc.;  cobblers' 
sermon  from  Lugau ;  sale  on  the 
island  of  good  nothing  (from  Ditters- 
bach ;  the  huge  bass  fiddle  (from 
Dittersbach).     See  Bolte   (J.). 

Murke  (M.)  Die  Volksepik  der  bos- 
nischen  Mohammedaner.  (Ibid.,  13- 
30.)  After  ethnographical-historical 
introduction  (the  first  large  folk-epic 
of  the  Bosnian  Mohammedans,  con- 
taining 2,160  verses,  was  published 
by  Krauss  in  1886;  the  first  collec- 
tion of  epic  folk-songs  by  Hermann 
in  1888-1889),  the  author  gives  an 
account  of  the  singers  and  their 
songs  based  chiefly  on  Marjanovic's 
Junacke  pjesme  muhamedooske  (2 
vols.,  1898-1899).  Marjanovic  and 
his  collaborators  collected  in  1886- 
1888  as  many  as  320  Mohammedan 
songs,  of  which  290  are  epic  and  30 
women's    lyrical,    containing    in    all 


86 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


some  255,000  verses.  Of  these  songs 
30  contain  less  than  100  verses  and 
4  more  than  3,000,  the  average  being 
873.  Most  of  the  songs  belong  to 
the  17th  century,  few  are  more  than 
200  years  old.  The  favorite  hero  is 
Mujstaj-beg  of  Licki  (Lika).  M. 
criticizes  some  of  the  views  of 
Krauss  as  to  the  guslars,  their 
social  position,  etc.  The  term 
guslar  songs,  e.  g.,  is  objectionable, 
since  at  least  in  N.  W.  Bosnia  they 
are  sung  only  to  the  tambura.  Some 
poems  and  passages  in  others  belong 
to  the  most  poetic  of  the  folk-epic 
material  of  the  Serbo-Croats.  The 
songs  seem  to  have  a  historical  basis, 
with  frequent  exaggerations,  etc. 

Nabe  (F.  M.)  Die  steinzeitliche  Be- 
siedelung  der  Leipziger  Gegend  unter 
besonderer  Beriicksichtigung  der 
Wohnplatzfunde.  (Veroff.  d.  stadt. 
Mus.  f.  Volkerk.  zu  Leipzig,  1908, 
H.  3,  viii  +  58,  6  pi.,  2  maps,  121 
fgs.)  Detailed  account  of  remains  of 
the  stone  age  (finds  at  dwelling 
places  especially)  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Leipzig, — at  Bienitz,  Giin- 
thersdorf,  Moritzsch,  Eutritzsch,  etc. 
No  paleolithic  remains  have  yet  been 
discovered,  but  the  neolithic  are  very 
rich  (stone  implements  in  depots  and 
isolated,  pottery,  ornamented  objects, 
etc.).  Interesting  are  fragments  of 
a  clay  drum  (p.  35)  from  Eutritzsch. 
The  Leipzig  neolithic  people  were 
quite  numerous,  and,  at  the  height  of 
the  period,  sedentary  agriculturalists 
and  cattle-breeders,  living  in  large 
village-like  communities.  The  absence 
of  "  Schnurkeramik "  settlements  is 
probably  due  to  the  nomadic  charac- 
ter of  the  people.  The  Leipzig  stone- 
age  settlements  seem  not  to  have  con- 
tinued beyond  the  time  when  the 
spiral-meander  pottery  became  com- 
mon. 

Natividade  (M.  V.)  Alcobaga  ethno- 
graphica.  L  As  rocas  da  minha  terra. 
(Portugalia,  1908,  11,  638-646,  42 
fgs.)  A  study  in  Alcobaga  local 
ethnography.  Treats  of  distaffs,  need- 
les, corn-pickers  and  their  ornamen- 
tation,   etc. 

Neilson  (G.)  Brunanburh  and  Burns- 
work.  (Scott.  Hist.  Rev.,  Glasgow, 
1909,  VII,  37-55,  2  fgs.,  I  pi.)  Dis- 
cusses the  evidence  in  the  Egla  or 
Egil's  Saga  as  to  the  site  of  the 
famous  battle  of  Brunanburh,  which 
the  author  would  identify  with  Burns- 
work  in  Dumfriesshire, — the  plans, 
etc.,  of  the  military  works  are  given. 


Nelles  (W.  R.)  The  ballad  of  Hind 
Horn.  (J.  Amer.  Folk-Lore,  Boston, 
1909,  XXII,  42-62.) 

Newstead  (R.)  On  a  recently  dis- 
covered section  of  the  Roman  wall 
at  Chester.  (Ann.  Arch,  and  An- 
throp.,  Liverpool,  1909,  11,  52-71,  7 
pi.)  Detailed  account  of  recently  dis- 
covered remains  forming  part  of  the 
original  fortifications  of  Deva  and 
objects  found  in  connection  there- 
with. Also  notes  on  a  Roman  con- 
crete foundation  in  Bridge  street  un- 
earthed in  June,  1905  ;  and  on  a 
paleolithic  implement,  found  in  build- 
ing debris  in  Chester. 

Noll  (K.)  Fragstiicke  beim  Rugerricht 
in  Rappenau  vor  300  Jahren.  (Z.  d. 
V.  f.  Volksk.,  Berlin,  1909,  xix,  304- 
308.)  Prints  a  questionnaire  (48 
items  concerning  cultural,  legal, 
moral)  social,  religious  and  political 
matters)  dating  from  the  beginning 
of  the  17th  century,  and  forming  part 
of  the  official  documents  of  the  vil- 
age   of    Rappenau    in    Baden. 

Notes  on  Macedonia.  (Nat.  Geogr. 
Mag.,  Wash.,  1908,  xix,  790-802,  5 
fgs-,  7  pl->  rnap).  The  illustrations 
treat  of  market  and  street  scenes, 
Greek,  Macedonian,  Albanian,  Turk- 
ish types,  etc. 

Nunes  (J.  J.)  Costumes  algarvios. 
O  vestuario.  (Portugalia,  Porto, 
1908,  II,  654-655.)  Notes  on  Al- 
garve   folk-dress. 

Obermaier  (H.)  und  Breuil  (H.)  Die 
Gudenushohle  in  Niederosterreich. 
(Mitt.  d.  Anthrop.  Ges.  in  Wien,  1908, 
XXXVIII,  277-294,  II  pi.,  9  fgs.) 
After  briefly  noting  the  finds  at  the 
Vierzchov  cave  (in  Russian  Poland 
near  Cracow,  Galicia),  etc.,  the 
authors  treat  of  the  Gudenus  cave 
and  its  remains  (west  of  the  village 
of  Krems  on  the  Danube  in  Lower 
Austria)  investigated  and  described 
in  1 883-1 884  by  F.  Brun  and  L. 
Hacker,  and  discussed  in  detail  by 
Woldrich  (1893)  and  Hoernes  (1903). 
The  finds  consist  of  animals,  stone 
implements  (coups  de  poing,  scrapers, 
borers,  fragments,  etc.),  bone  and 
horn  implements  (also  a  "  needle- 
case  "  made  of  the  radius  of  a  bird, 
having  the  head  of  a  reindeer 
drawn  upon  it),  some  bone  and  ivory 
ornaments,  etc.  In  the  main  cave 
and  in  the  small  cave  7  strata  were 
found.  The  lower  paleolithic  strata 
may  be  termed  Achuleo-Mousterian. 
The  Gudenus  cave  is  one  of  the 
richest  localities  in  Central  Europe 
for   coups   de   poing.     Later    on,   the 


Periodical  Literature 


87 


cave  was  again  sought  by  quaternary 
man,  who  left  there  the  Magdalenian 
remains.  Until  the  present  investiga- 
tion in  1907  the  cave  was  altogether 
assigned  to  the  Magdalenian  epoch. 
It  ranks  now  as  a  most  important 
prehistoric  "  station "  of  an  earlier 
epoch  as  well. 

Oesten  (G.)  Bericht  iiber  den  Fort- 
gang  der  Rethraforschung.  (Z.  f. 
Ethnol.,  Berlin,  1908,  XL,  559-564, 
915-919,  8  fgs.)  Gives  the  results  of 
the  Rethra  investigations  in  1907. 
The  discovery  of  a  polished  stone 
axe  is  of  interest.  Other  finds  were 
pottery  fragments,  bones,  pieces  of 
decayed  wood,  boards,  etc.  O.  con- 
siders it  probable  that  a  pile-dwell- 
ing once  existed  here.  In  the  last 
excavations,  an  iron  buckle,  several 
objects  of  bronze,  etc.,  were  found. 
The  alleged  foundation  of  horns 
(text  of  Thietmar)  has  not  yet  been 
discovered. 

de  Oliveira  (M.)  Thesouros  encon- 
trados  em  algunos  castros  do  Norte 
de  Portugal.  (Portugalia,  Porto, 
1908,  II,  666-668.)  Treats  of  finds 
of  coins  of  Roman  emperors,  etc., 
at  Monte  de  Santo  Ovidio,  Castro  de 
Eiras,  Monte  de  Castello,  etc.,  in 
Northern   Portugal. 

Olshausen  (O.)  Eisengewinnung  in 
vorgeschichtlicher  Zeit.  (Z.  f.  Eth- 
nol., Berlin,  1909,  xli,  60-72,  86-107, 
8  fgs.)  Treats  of  the  prehistoric 
"  iron  works  "  at  Tarxdorf  in  Silesia 
(here  iron  was  obtained  in  the  form 
of  soft  not-smelted  material  ;  the 
large  number  of  "  furnaces "  is  ac- 
counted for  by  each  having  been  used 
but  once),  the  so-called  "  iron-fur- 
naces "  in  the  Neckar  district  of 
Wiirttemberg,  etc.  Also  the  obtain- 
ing of  fusible  iron  in  crucibles  and 
its  geographical  distribution.  In  the 
discussion  Hr.  Busse  spoke  of  iron 
in  prehistoric  times  in  Brandenburg, 
Hr.  Krause  exhibited  photographs  of 
the  Tarxdorf  furnaces  and  replied  to 
O.'s  claim  that  actual  smelting  had  not 
occurred  there,  Hr.  Giebeler  treated 
the  question  of  hard  and  soft  iron, 
the  amount  of  iron  used  in  Solomon's 
Temple,  etc.,  Hr.  P.  Staudinger 
called  attention  to  Lemaire's  account 
of  iron-furnaces  in  the  Katanga  re- 
gion of  the  Congo  State,  Hr.  v. 
Luschan  reiterated  his  conclusions, 
and  A.  Schliz  spoke  of  the  "  smelt- 
ing pits  "  (not  "  iron  furnaces  ")  of 
the  Neckar  country.  See  v.  Lus- 
chan   (F.)    and  Grosse    (H,). 


P.  Zur  Anthropologic  der  Georgier  in 
Kartalinien  und  Kachetien.  (Globus, 
Brnschwg.,  1908,  xciv,  33S-337-) 
Resumes  the  anthropological  data  in 
A.  N.  Dzavachoo's  Antropologogija 
Gruzii  (Moscow,  1908),  giving  the 
results  of  investigations  of  400  indi- 
viduals in  Kartalinia  and  Kachetia 
in  1903-1905.  The  Georgian  is  of 
prevailing  (54%)  dark  type,  brachy- 
cephalic  (only  2%  dolichocephalic), 
medium  stature. 

P.  Slawisches.  (Ibid.,  208.)  Resumes 
some  of  the  data  in  Prof  T.  J.  Flor- 
inskii's  Slavianskoie  plemia  (The  Sla- 
vonic People),  a  statistical-ethno- 
graphical apergti  of  the  Slavs  of  to- 
day (Kiev,  1907).  The  total  num- 
ber of  Slavs  is  148,521,000,  of  which 
107,496,000  are  in  the  Russian  Em- 
pire, 45,000  in  Italy,  and  3,104,000  in 
the  United  States  (2%  of  all).  The 
Greek  church  counts  103,740,000,  the 
Roman  Catholic  34,298,000,  the  Prot- 
estant churches  1,570,000  and  the 
Mohammedans  1,175,000  Slavs.  Out- 
side the  Russian  Empire  there  are 
37.8%  of  the  Slavs.  The  movement 
of  the  Slav  is  now  eastward.  Since 
the  9th  century  the  German,  Hun- 
garian and  Rumanian  "  islands " 
have  kept  the  Slavs  divided  into  two 
sections,  a  northwest  and  a  south- 
west. 

Pale  (J.)  Sur  les  deux  petites  iles  de 
Houat  et  Hoedic.  (Bull.  Soc.  d'An- 
throp.  de  Paris,  1909,  v"^  S.,  x,  5-9.) 
Resumed  from  L'Agriculture  Nou- 
velle.  Notes  on  population,  houses, 
animals,  vegetation,  graves,  indus- 
tries, etc.  There  are  a  number  of 
interesting  megaliths  on  the  islands 
off  the  coast  of  Morbihan.  In  the 
discussion,  MM.  Anthony  and  Bau- 
douin  added  other  data  and  M. 
Sebillot  called  attention  to  Delalande's 
Houat  et  Hoedic,  published  in   1850. 

Pappusch  (O.)  Inschriften  an  Kruzi- 
fixen  und  Bildstocken  in  Westfalen. 
(Z.  d.  V.  f.  Volksk.,  Berlin,  1908, 
xviii,  433-436.)  Gives  texts  of  24 
inscriptions  (one  Latin,  the  rest  Ger- 
man) from  crucifixes,  etc.,  in  shrines 
or  on  the  roads  near  the  villages  of 
the  Westphalia-Miinster  country. 

Patrick  (Mary  M.)  The  emancipation 
of  Mohammedan  women.  (Nat. 
Geogr.  Mag.,  Wash.,  1909,  xx,  42- 
66,  18  pi.,  I  fg.)  Treats  of  the  prog- 
ress in  freedom  of  Turkish  women, 
particularly  as  a  result  of  the 
"  Young  Turkey  "  revolution  of  July 
24,  1908.  They  have  been  for  cen- 
turies    property-holders,     have     fur- 


88 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


nished  many  writers,  developed  mid- 
wives,  acted  as  financiers  of  the 
palace,  shown  ability  along  com- 
mercial lines,  become  their  own 
lawyers,  practised  teaching  with  suc- 
cess, and  are  now  entering  politics, 
having  abandoned  their  veils. 

Peet  (T.  E.)  Prehistoric  finds  at 
Matera  and  in  South  Italy  generally. 
(Ann.  Arch,  and  Anthrop.,  Liverpool, 
1909,  II,  72-90,  2  fgs.,  4  pi.)  Gives 
an  account  (after  Ridola,  Patroni, 
Mayer,  etc.)  of  the  cave-dwellings 
and  burials  of  the  neolithic  period 
in  the  Grotta  dei  Pipistrelli,  the 
Murgia  Timone  and  other  intrenched 
sites,  the  hut-foundations  of  Serro 
d'Alto  (neolithic),  the  graves  of  the 
bronze  age  at  the  Murgia  Timone, 
cist-graves  of  Murgia  Timone,  cre- 
mation necropolis  of  Monte  Timmari, 
etc.  The  pottery  of  Matara  (7  types) 
is  especially  considered.  The  antiqui- 
ties of  Matara  extend  almost  un- 
broken from  the  neolithic  age  to  the 
Greek  period. 

Peixoto  (R.)  As  filigranas.  (Portu- 
galia,  Porto,  1908,  11,  540-579,  S3 
fgs.)  Treats  in  detail  of  filagree 
work  (rings,  pendants  and  ear-rings, 
beads  and  necklaces,  crosses,  collars, 
stars,  crucifixes,  reliquaries,  hearts, 
enamels,  bracelets,  etc.),  its  history, 
technique,  objects  and  ornaments 
manufactured,  accessories  (stone,  en- 
amels, etc.),  uses  and  customs  con- 
nected with  ornaments,  etc.,  in  Por- 
tugal. 

Os  pucareiros  de  Ossella.    (Ibid., 

653.)  Note  on  the  makers  of  the 
black  pucaros  and  their  ceramic  art 
now  in  process  of  disappearing. 

Contos     populares     de     animals. 

(Ibid.,  660.)  Three  brief  animal 
tales  (wolf  and  she-fox,  she-fox  and 
cat,  nightingale). 

As    exploragoes    da    cividade    de 

Terroso  e  do  Castro  de  Laundos,  no 
Concelho  da  Povoa  de  Varzim. 
(Ibid.,  677-680,  4  portr.,  3  fgs.) 
Notes  on  the  extensive  explorations 
in  1906-1907  of  Terroso  patronized 
by  Sr  A.  F.  dos  Santos  Graga,  and 
of  Laundos  under  the  auspices  of 
Sr  Dr  D.  Alves,  the  results  of  which 
are  soon  to  be  published. 

O  homem  da  maga.     (Ibid.,  676- 

677,  I  fg.)  Treats  of  "  the  man  with 
the  club,"  a  stone  statue  from  Santa 
Cruz  do  Bispo, — probably  a  figure  of 
a  warrior. 

Pessler  (W.)  Die  Abarten  des  altsach- 
sischen    Bauernhauses.      Ein    Beitrag 


zur  deutschen  Ethno-Geographie. 
(Arch.  f.  Anthrop.,  Brnschwg.,  1908, 
N.  F.,  vni,  157-182,  23  fgs.)  De- 
tailed account  of  the  varieties  of  the 
Old  Saxon  peasant-houses  (peculiari- 
ties of  construction,  with  distribution- 
map  of  6  varieties ;  9  varieties  of 
plan,  with  map  of  distribution).  The 
transitional  and  mixed  forms  are  in- 
dications of  the  degree  of  ethnic  mix- 
ture, etc.  The  Saxon  house  is  co- 
extensive with  Saxon  art,— the  do- 
main of  purest  Saxondom  includes 
the  region  of  the  unraised  "  Kiib- 
bunghaus "  and  the  uninfluenced 
"  Flettdielenhaus." 

Peyrony  (D.)  Station  prehistorique 
du  Ruth,  pres  Le  Moustiers,  Dor- 
dogne.  Aurignacien,  solutreen  et  mag- 
dalenien.  (R.  de  I'fic.  d'Anthrop.  de 
Paris,  1909,  XIX,  156-176,  8  fgs.) 
The  "station "  of  Ruth  represents 
six  well-defined  strata,  each  with 
characteristic  implements,  etc. :  Old 
Magdalenian,  upper,  middle  and  lower 
Solutrean,  upper  and  middle  Aurigna- 
cian.  Stone,  bone  and  horn  imple- 
ments, etc.,  are  described, — interest- 
ing is  a  color  grinder  from  the  upper 
Aurignacian.  This  important  "  sta- 
tion "  again  proves  the  pre-Solutrean 
character  of  the  Aurignacian. 

A    propos    des    fouilles    de    La 

Micoque  et  des  travaux  recents  parus 
sur  ce  gisement.  (Ibid.,  380-382.) 
Resumes  recent  monographs  on  the 
finds  in  the  quaternary  strata  of  La 
Micoque  in  the  valley  of  the  Vezere, 
by  Peyrony,  Hauser,  Obermaier,  etc. 
P.  considers  the  facts  support  his 
views  against  Hauser. 

Pinho  (J.)  Castros  do  concelho  de 
Amarante.  (Portugalia,  Porto,  1908, 
II,  673-675,  27  fgs.)  Fourth  sec- 
tion treating  of  the  ceramic  remains, 
pits,  excavations,  etc.,  at  Castello 
Velho. 

Pires  (A.  T.)  Os  pregoes  d'Elvas. 
(Ibid.,  654-660.)  Texts  and  music 
of  25  cries  of  street-venders  in  Elvas, 
6  from  Lisbon  and  2  from  Porta- 
legre ;  18  other  Lisbon  street-cries 
are  given  by  A.  Merea  in  the  Se- 
roes  for  April,  1906. 

Ploy  (H.)  Zur  Anthropologie  des 
oberen  Salzachgebietes.  (Mitt.  d. 
Anthrop.  Ges.  in  Wien,  1908,  xxxviii, 
324-367,  2  fgs.,  12  tables).  Gives 
details  of  measurements,  color  of 
body,  eyes,  hair,  etc.,  of  423  men 
(48  Tirolese,  59  half-Tirolese,  and 
316  from  Pinzgau)  from  the  Ober- 
pinzgau  region  of  western  Austria. 
Some    300    women    and    few    cretins 


Periodical  Literature 


89 


were  also  measured  (they  are  not 
considered  in  this  article),  making 
750  or  14%  observed  out  of  an  adult 
population  of  5,500.  In  stature  the 
Tirolese  are  rather  taller  than  the 
people  of  Pinzgau,  the  latter  more 
dolichocephalic, — Pinzgau  is  one  of 
the  most  dolichocephalic  regions  in 
the  Austrian  Alps.  The  inhabitants  of 
Pinzgau  go  back  chiefly  to  already 
mixed  Bajuvarian  immigrants,  but 
the  original  types  have  passed  over 
almost  completely  into  mixed  types 
(head  and  skull,  face), — the  com- 
plexion, however,  still  recalls  more 
the  Nordic  than  the  dark,  round- 
headed  type  {Homo  alpinus). 

Pokomy  (J.)  Der  Ursprung  des  Drui- 
dentums.  (Ibid.,  34-50.)  Discusses 
the  origin  of  druidism  (priesthood, 
magic,  cult  of  the  oak,  etc.)  Accord- 
ing to  P.,  "  druidism  originated 
among  a  people,  inhabiting  the  Brit- 
ish Isles  before  the  Celts,  a  people 
belonging  probably  to  those  great 
stocks  that  occupied  Western  and 
Southern  Europe  long  before  the 
coming  of  the  Indo-Germans."  In 
the  discussion  Much  and  Goldmann 
treated  the  etymology  of  the  word 
druid. 

Polain  (E.)  Architecture  liegoise. 
Les  maisons  en  bois  a  pignon  a 
Liege  (B.  de  I'lnst.  Arch.  Liegeois, 
1907,  xxxvii,  99-121,  4  pl.,  5  fgs.) 
Treats  of  wooden  houses  of  the 
pignon  type  in  Liege.  Blue  and 
green  seem  to  have  been  used  as 
colors  for  painting. 

Polivka  (G.)  Neuere  Arbeiten  zur 
slawischen  Volkskunde.  2.  Sudslaw- 
isch.  3.  Russisch.  (Z.  d.  V.  f. 
Volksk.,  Berlin,  1908,  xviii,  313- 
331.)  Brief  resumes  and  critiques  of 
recent  South  Slavonian  and  Russian 
literature  relating  to  folk-lore :  Bos- 
nian, Servian  (the  Mijatovic'-Debel- 
kovic-Petrovic  Customs  of  the  Ser- 
vian Folk  is  important),  Bulgarian, 
Russian  (Malevic's  collection  of 
White  Russian  songs  ;  Markov,  Mas- 
lov  and  Bogoslavskii's  collection  of 
songs  from  the  shores  of  the  White 
Sea ;  Charuzin's  study  of  fire-wor- 
ship ;  Charuzin's  monograph  on  the 
Slavonic  house,  1907;  V.  Hnatiuk 
and  A.  Zacenjajer's  study  of  2830 
love-songs  ;  M.  Dragomanov's  studies 
of  Little  Russian  folk-lore  and  litera- 
ture ;  I.  Franko's  collection  of  Little 
Russian  proverbs  from  Galicia ;  Z. 
Kuzelja's  work  on  the  child  in  cus- 
tom and  belief  of  the  people  of  the 
Ukrain),  etc. 


Neuere   Arbeiten   zur  slawischen 

Volkskunde.  2.  Siidslawisch.  (Ibid., 
317-328.)  Brief  reviews  and  cri- 
tiques of  recent  literature  (books, 
articles  in  periodicals,  etc.,  relating 
to  South  Slavonic  folk-lore :  Slove- 
nian (notable  is  the  third  volume  of 
Strekelj's  Slovenian  Folk-Songs  deal- 
ing with  religious  songs,  etc.),  Serbo- 
Croatian  (Rozic's  work  on  the  Pri- 
gorje  country  in  western  Croatia; 
Krauss's  work  on  the  folk-lore  of 
the  South  Slavs,  etc.),  Bulgarian 
(Derzavin's  work  on  the  Bulgarian 
colonies  in  Cherson  and  Tauris ; 
Jankor's  collection  of  epic  and  lyric 
folk-songs,    1908),  etc. 

Neuere  Arbeiten  zur  slaw- 
ischen Volkskunde.  3.  Russisch. 
(Ibid.,  441-457.)  Brief  critiques  and 
resumes  of  recent  Russian  folk-lore 
literature :  The  History  of  Russian 
Literature  (Moscow,  1908)  by  many 
competent  hands,  treating  of  folk- 
literature,  folk-poetry,  etc. ;  V.  T. 
Miller's  Modern  Russian  Epic  Songs 
(Moscow,  1908);  N.Y.Gogol's  Little 
Russian  Folk-Songs  (St.  Petersburg, 
1908)  ;  Oncukov's  North-Russian 
Marchen  (St.  Petersburg,  1908)  ;  the 
third  volume  of  Jakuskin's  Custom- 
ary Laiv  (Moscow,  1908)  ;  V.  Ander- 
son's History  of  Sects,  etc.  (St.  Pe- 
tersburg, 1908)  ;  Zelenin's  The  Rus- 
sian Plough  (1908),  etc.,  are  among 
the  chief  works  noted. 

von  Preen  (H.)  Kopfziegel,  ein  Giebel- 
schmuck  aus  Oberbaden.  (Ibid., 
1908,  XVIII,  277-279,  5  fgs.)  Brief 
account  of  hollow  tiles  with  the  rep- 
resentation of  a  human  head  at  one 
end,  used  as  gable-ornaments  in  the 
region  between  Freiburg  in  Baden 
and  Basel, — at  Miillheim,  Eschbach, 
Oberweiler,    Niederweiler,   etc. 

Spatzenhafen    aus    Mullheim    in 

Baden.  (Ibid.,  280.)  Note  on  glazed 
pots  ("spatzenhafen"),  used  as 
gable-ornaments  on  houses  in  Miill- 
heim, Baden. 

Primrose  (J.)  Jocelyn  of  Furness 
and  the  place-name  Glasgow.  (Trans. 
Glasgow  Archeol.  Soc,  1908,  n.  s.,  v, 
220-228).  Discusses  the  interpre- 
tation of  the  name  Glasgow  given  by 
Jocelyn,  a  monk  of  the  Cistercian 
Abbey  of  Furness,  ca.  1190  A.  D. 
P.  favors  Jocelyn's  etymology  = 
"  dear    church,"    hybrid    Latin-Celtic. 

Raymond  (P.)  Ceramique  de  I'epoque 
eneolithique  en  Gaule.  (Bull.  Soc. 
d'Anthrop.  de  Paris,  1908,  v®  s.,  ix, 
789.)  Notes  on  fragments  of  pottery 
from   a    cave    in    the    department    of 


90 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


Gard  belonging  to  the  period  of 
transition  from  the  neolithic  to  the 
metal  age, — the  first  discovery  of  the 
kind  in   southern   Gaul. 

Regalia  (E.)  Ancora  sul  Cammello 
della  Grotta  di  Zachito,  Salerno.  (A. 
p.  I'Antrop.,  Firenze,  1908,  xxxviii, 
287-298.)  Reply  to  criticisms,  etc., 
of  L.  Pigorini  in  a  recent  article  in 
the  Bollettino  di  Paletnologia  Italtana 
for  1908,  concerning  R.'s  views  as  to 
the  camel  of  the  Zachito  cave  and  its 
origin. 

Rehsener  (M.)  Tiroler  Volksmein- 
ungen  iiber  Erdbeben.  (Z.  d.  V.  f. 
Volksk.,  Berlin,  1909,  xix,  198-199.) 
Cites  folk-ideas  from  Tirol  concern- 
ing earthquakes :  Caused  by  wind, 
rain  flowing  into  oil  underground, 
cold,  sun,  great  sea-animal,  fire- 
mountain,  cracks  in  rocks,  etc. 

Reinach  (A.  J.)  La  fleche  en  Gaule, 
ses  poisons  et  ses  contre-poisons. 
(L' Anthropologic,  Paris,  1909,  xx, 
51-80,  189-206,  10  fgs.)  Well-docu- 
mented study  of  the  arrow  in  ancient 
Gaul  (historic,  numismatic,  ceramic, 
monumental,  sculptural,  etc.,  evi- 
dence), of  the  use  of  bow  and  arrow 
in  Gaul,  and  the  employment  of  ar- 
rows tipped  with  poison. 

Reinhard  (W.)  Eine  Manuskriptkarte 
der  Britischen  Inseln  aus  dem  16. 
Jahrhundert.  (Globus,  Brnschwg., 
1909,  xcvi,  1-2,  I  pi.)  Reproduces 
and  briefly  describes  a  MS.  map  of 
the  British  Isles  (now  in  the  British 
Museum),  dating  from  the  middle  of 
the  i6th  century  (later  than  1534, 
earlier  than  1546).  The  map  is 
notable  as  representing  the  whole 
island  group. 

Renard  (L.)  Rapport  sur  les  re- 
cherches  et  les  fouilles  executees  en 
1907  par  rinstitut  Archeologique 
Liegeois.  (B.  de  I'lnst.  Arch.  Liege- 
ois,  1907,  XXXVII,  361-370,  I  fg.) 
Notes  on  a  tumulus(?)  at  Om- 
bret-Rausa,  finds  of  pottery,  tiles, 
etc.,  at  Jupille,  Belgo-Roman  tomb 
at  Borsu  (see  Henaux,  P.)  and 
burial-place  at  Tourinne-la-Chaussee 
(also  other  remains  at  Chardeneux), 
Belgo-Roman  tumulus  at  Sohert- 
Tinlot,  etc. 

Reymond  (M.)  Cas  de  sorcellerie  en 
pays  fribourgeois  au  quinzieme 
siecle.  (Arch,  suisses  d.  Trad.  Pop., 
Bale,  1909,  XIII,  81-94.)  Gives  details 
of  five  trials  for  witchcraft  in  1458, 
1461,  1464,  1477,  1498,  in  the  Frei- 
burg district.  In  two  cases,  at  least, 
the  accused  were  burned  at  the  stake. 


The  sentences  in  the  others  are  not 
known. 

Ridgeway  (W.)  The  relation  of  an- 
thropology to  classical  studies.  (J. 
R.  Anthrop.  Inst.,  Lond.,  1909,  xxxix, 
10-25.)  Points  out  the  valuable  re- 
sults of  the  comparison  of  the  ma- 
terial remains  of  Greece  and  Rome 
and  those  of  savage  peoples.  Origin 
of  Greek  and  Roman  coin  weights 
(barley-corn  as  unit),  effects  of 
Mycenean  discoveries,  Greek  tragedy 
(riddle  of  lock  of  hair  and  foot- 
prints in  clay  found  by  Electra), 
elucidation  of  Homer,  Herodotus  and 
other  ancient  writers  of  Greece  and 
Rome,  are  discussed.  Aid  given  by 
anthropology  and  language  to  litera- 
ture  emphasized. 

Robertson  (D.  J.)  Orkney  folk-lore 
notes.  (Ork.  and  Shetld.  Old-Lore 
Miscell.,  Lond.,  1909,  11,  105,  109.) 
Notes  on  "  Finn  men,"  fishermen's 
superstitions,  butter-charm,  fairies, 
etc. 

Roediger  (E.)  Allerlei  aus  Rollsdorf 
bei  Hohnstedt,  Mansfelder  Seekreis. 
(Z,  d.  Ver.  f.  Volksk.,  Berlin,  1909, 
XIX,  439-440.)  Notes  on  folk-festi- 
vals, wedding  and  house-lore  (luck 
and  ill-luck),  plant  and  animal  super- 
stitions, etc. 

Rona-Sklarek  (Elisabet).  Ungarische 
Marchen.  (Ibid.,  92-95.)  Continued 
from  Bd.  xii  and  xvii,  Nos.  5-6  of 
Hungarian  tales  (German  text  only)  : 
How  long  lasts  the  widow's  vow? 
The  purse  found  on  the  %vay  to 
school. 

Rossat  (A.)  Proverbes  patois.  Re- 
cueillis  dans  le  Jura  bernois  cath- 
olique.  (Arch,  suisses  d.  Trad.  Pop., 
Bale,  1909,  III,  31-48.)  Last  section, 
Nos.  226-423  of  proverbs  from  the 
Catholic  region  of  the  Bernese  Jura, 
phonetic  patois  text,  with  versions  in 
literary  French.  The  localities  rep- 
resented are  Mettemberg,  Develier, 
Porrentruy  and  Ajoie,  Delemont, 
Soyhieres,  Franches-Montagnes,  etc. 

Sampaio  (A.)  Os  povoas  maritimas 
do  norte  de  Portugal.  Capitulo  III. 
O  mar  livre.  (Portugalia,  Porto, 
1908,  II,  580-604.)  Historico-eth- 
nographical  notes  on  the  peoples  of 
the  northern  coast  of  Portugal, — 
Atrio,  Varzim,  Porto,  etc. 

Sampson  (J.)  Welsh  Gypsy  folk-tales. 
(T.  Gypsy  Lore  Soc,  Liverpool,  1908, 
N.  s.,  I,  258-270.)  Gypsy  text  and 
English  versions  of  "  The  Green 
Man,"  belonging  in  the  cycle  of 
Campbell    of    Islay's   "  Battle    of    the 


Periodical  Literature 


91 


Birds,"  and  Conor  Maguire's  "  The 
Man  with  the  Bags,"  etc. 

A      hundred      Shelta      sayings. 

(Ibid.,  272-277.)  Collected  in  Liver- 
pool about  17  years  ago,  chiefly  from 
two  old  Irish  tinkers.  Nos.  1-78 
"  little  sayings,"  79-89  proverbs,  90- 
100  wishes,  good  and  evil. 

dos  Santos  Rocha  (A.)  Estagoes  pre- 
romanas  da  idade  do  ferro  nas  visen- 
hancas  da  Figueira.  Parte  2".  O 
Crasto.  Parte  3".  Choes  e  Pardinhei- 
ros.  (Portugalia,  Porto,  1908,  11,  493- 
516,  2  fgs.,  6  pi.)  Second  and  third 
parts  of  monograph  treating  of  the 
pre-Roman  "  stations "  of  the  iron 
age  in  the  neighborhood  of  Figueira, 
Crasto  in  particular :  Topography  and 
archeological  stratigraphy,  fortifica- 
tions and  dwellings,  metal  objects 
found  (evidence  of  iron  forging, 
lance-base,  hook  or  clasp,  etc. ; 
bronze  weapons,  including  a  dagger, 
the  only  one  reported  so  far  from 
Lusitania,  fibulae  and  other  imple- 
ments and  ornaments,  a  fine  small 
sheet  of  copper,  a  small  ring  of  tin, 
and  a  piece  of  lead  left  over  from 
casting),  pottery  (less  common  at 
Crasto  than  at  Santa  Olaya ;  indigen- 
ous pottery  of  primitive  type  and 
exotic  wheel-made  ;  hand-made  exotic 
vases,  pottery  of  local  manufacture 
modified  under  influence  of  exotic 
models),  objects  of  glass  (beads, 
fragment  of  small  vase  of  the  sort 
generally  held  to  be  of  Egypto-Phe- 
nician  origin),  stone  (portions  of 
mill-stones,  spheroidal  piece  of 
quartz  with  pits,  stone  pestles,  etc.), 
horn  and  bone  (holders  for  small 
objects,  made  of  stag-horn  or  long 
bones  of  animals),  kitchen-refuse, 
etc.  The  author  concludes  that  the 
"  stations "  of  Santa  Olaya,  Crasto, 
and  Choes  belong  to  the  Marnean  or 
La  Tene  I  period  of  the  iron  age, 
with  considerable  evidence  of  Ibero- 
Punic  influences  coming  from  the 
southern  part  of  peninsula  by  sea, 
and  with  the  Punic  element  some 
traces  of  Etruria  and  the  eastern 
Mediterranean. 

Savoy  (H.)  La  flore  fribourgeoise  et 
les  traditions  populaires.  (Schw. 
Arch.  f.  Volksk.,  Basel,  1909,  xiii, 
176-190.)  Treats  of  the  folk-lore 
of  the  flora  of  Friburg,  Christmas 
and  New  Year  (the  year  begins  Dec. 
25),  activities  of  winter-time,  spring, 
etc.  The  folk-names  of  plants,  their 
uses,  etc.,  are  given, — also  rites  and 
ceremonies  connected  therewith,  cus- 


toms and  plays  of  children,  etc. ;  the 
festival   of   St  John  ;  poisons,   etc. 

Saxby  (J.  M.  E.)  Shetland  names  for 
animals,  etc.  I.  Animals.  (Ork.  and 
Shetld.  Old  Lore  Ser.,  Lond.,  1909, 
Miscell.,  II,  168-170.)  List  of  some 
80  names  of  beasts  and  birds,  with 
notes.  The  diver  is  called  hedder- 
con-dunk  from  the  children's  game  of 
see-saw.  The  name  brodda,  implying 
perfect  motherhood,  is  taken  from 
bod,  a  mother-goose. 

ScheU  (O.)  Der  Donnerbesen  in 
Natur,  Kunst  und  Volksglauben.  (Z. 
d.  Ver.  f.  Volksk.,  Berlin,  1909,  xix, 
429-432.)  Treats  of  certain  parasitic 
growths  on  tree-branches,  known  in 
Germany  as  Donnerbesen,  being  pop- 
ularly ascribed  to  lightning  strokes ; 
also  to  the  elves,  etc.  In  house-archi- 
tecture they  are  imitated  as  a  pro- 
tection against  lightning,  etc. 

Die  Entwicklung  des  bergischen 

Hauses.  (Ibid.,  1-12,  4  fgs.) 
Sketches  the  Berg  house  in  its  de- 
velopment from  the  year  1500  down 
to  the  present.  It  is  a  Low  German 
house  in  origin, — a  form  of  house 
with  a  hearth-fire,  contrasted  with 
the  High  German  two-fire  house 
{Herd,  Ofen).  The  best  type  of  the 
L.  G.  peasant  house,  out  of  which 
by  organic  transformation  the  Berg 
house  has  arisen,  is  the  Low  Saxon 
house  of  the  heath-country.  Local 
coloring  has  also  occurred.  In  the 
middle  of  the  i8th  century  a  great 
change,  due  to  industrial  develop- 
ment, took  place,  and  imitation  of 
French  style.  The  Berg  house  is 
interesting  as  having  been  the  basis 
of  the  so-called  "  colonial  style "  in 
America. 

Bergische  Trachten.  (Glo- 
bus, Brnschwg.,  1909,  xcv,  231-235, 
248-252,  II  fgs.)  Treats  of  folk 
dress  and  ornament  in  the  former 
duchy  of  Berg,  past  and  present. 
The  blue  frock,  the  woman's  cap,  the 
"  bride-crown "  (to  be  worn  by  the 
chaste  only),  the  Boschtlappen  (vest), 
wooden  shoes,  etc.,  are  noted.  The 
iron-ware  workmen,  the  knife-grind- 
ers, blacksmiths,  carters,  weavers, 
milk-men,  young  recruits,  etc.,  had 
all  their  characteristic  dress  and  or- 
naments. The  Berg  folk-costume  has 
been  influenced  essentially  on  the  one 
side  from  the  Rhine  region  (form- 
erly Franconian)  and  on  the  other 
from  Saxon  Westphalia. 

Schenck  (A.)  £tude  sur  I'anthropolo- 
gie    de    la    Suisse.      II.      (Bull.    Soc. 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


Neuchat.  de  Geogr.,   1908,  xix,  5-57, 
4  pi.)     Treats,  with  details  of  meas- 
urements,   of    human    remains    from 
neolithic      caves      and      burial-places 
(Schweizersbild,  Dachsenbiiel,  Cham- 
blandes)   and  of  the  human  races  of 
Swiss    neolithic    period     (lake-dwell- 
ings, burial-places), — pigmies,  race  of 
Baumes-Chaudes-Cro-Magnon,       n  e  - 
groid    races     of    Grimaldi,    neolithic 
brachycephals,        neolithic        dolicho- 
cephals   of   northern    origin,    most   of 
which    are    represented    even   now    in 
Switzerland.     The  short  skeletons  of 
Chamblandes   are   not   pigmies.      The 
negroid    type    of    Grimaldi    does    not 
represent     mere     erratic     individuals. 
The  brachycephals  are  of  Asiatic  {via 
the    Danube)    origin.      A    third    part, 
dealing   with   man   in    Switzerland   in 
the    bronze    and    iron    ages    and    in 
historic  times,  is  to  follow. 
Schliz    (A.)      Die  Frage  der  Zuteilung 
der    spitznackigen    dreieckigen    Stein- 
beile     zu     bestimmten     neolithischen 
Kulturkreisen     in     Siidwest-Deutsch- 
land.      (Korr.-Bl.   d.    D.   Ges.   f.   An- 
throp.,   Brnschwg.,    1908,   xxxix,   92- 
96,  I   fg.)     Discusses  the  relation  of 
the  triangular  top-pointed  stone-axes 
to  the  neolithic  culture-areas  of  S.  W. 
Germany,   Grosgartach,  Rossen,  lake- 
dwelling. 
Schmidt    (H.)      Der    Bronzefund    von 
Canena,    Saalkreis.      (Z.    f.    Ethnol., 
Berlin,     1909,     xli,     125-127,     i     fg.) 
Brief  account  of  a  dagger  and  a  so- 
called  "  Schwertstab  "  of  bronze,  fine 
specimens  of  the  oldest  Norse  bronze 
age  of  Montelius,  part  of  a  depot  find 
made  years  ago  at  Canena  near  Halle 
on  the  Saal.     A  detailed  account  will 
appear    in    the    Pr'dhistorische    Zeit- 
schrift. 
Schmidt   (R.  R.)     Die  spateiszeitlichen 
Kulturepochen    in    Deutschland    und 
die     neuen     palaolithischen     Funde. 
(Korr.-Bl.  d.  D.  Ges.  f.  Anthrop.,  Brn- 
schwg.,  1908,  XXXIX,  7S-S2,  15  fgs.) 
Treats    specially    of    the    late    glacial 
culture-epochs    in    Germany    in    con- 
nection with  recent  paleolithic  finds : 
Beuron    in    the    valley    of    the    upper 
Danube    (late   diluvial;   weapons,   im- 
plements,    etc.,     of     last     paleolithic 
epoch)  ;    Wildscheuer    near    Steeden 
a.  d.  Lahn  (important  for  the  Aurig- 
nacian    age    in    Germany),    etc.      Ac- 
cording to   S.,   the   late   Magdalenian 
is  represented  by  the  finds  at  Hohle- 
fels,      Schmiechenfels,      Propstfelsen, 
Ofnet,   Andernach ;   the  middle  Mag- 
dalenian   at    Schussenried,    Hohlefels, 
Andernach ;  the  early  Magdalenian  at 


Bockstein,      Sirgenstein,      Niedernau, 
Hohlefels    near    Schelklingen,    Wild- 
scheuer ;  the  later   Solutrean  at  Sir- 
genstein ;     the     older     Solutrean     at 
Ofnet,     Sirgenstein,     Bockstein ;     the 
late   Aurignacian   at   Sirgenstein,   Of- 
net, Wildscheuer ;   the  middle  Aurig- 
nacian  at    Sirgenstein,    Ofnet,    Bock- 
stein, Wildscheuer ;   the   early  Aurig- 
nacian at  Sirgenstein  ;   the  late  Mou- 
sterian     at     Sirgenstein,     Irpfelhohle. 
The  first  evidences  of  ornamentation 
appear  in  the   middle  Aurignacian, — 
of  the  rich  glyptic  period   (beginning 
in  the  West  in  the  early  Aurignacian) 
there  is  no  trace.     Worthy  of  note  is 
the  Magdalenian  bird's  head  on  stag- 
antler  from  Andernach.     In  none  of 
the  many  caves  in  the   Swiss,   Fran- 
conian    and    Swabian    Jura,    on    the 
Rhine    and   in    central    Germany,    did 
the   author  find   any   evidence   of  the 
"  cave   art "    (wall-drawings,  etc.)    of 
the  West. 
Schneider   (L.)      Steinzeitliche  Gefass- 
malerei  in   Bdhmen.      (Z.   f.  Ethnol., 
Berlin,     1908,    xl,    S13-SIS,    2    fgs.) 
Treats  of  early  neolithic  painting  on 
pottery  from  Bohemia  (Sarka  valley, 
Podbaba,   Vinor,    etc.).     The   painted 
pottery  of  the  stone  age  is  not  only 
a  pre-Mycenean  culture-item,  but,  ac- 
cording   to    H.    Schmidt,    perhaps    a 
contributing    factor    to    the    develop- 
ment of  Mycenean  vase-painting.     Its 
appearance  in  neolithic  Bohemia  is  of 
great    interest.      The    characteristic 
ornaments    are    volutes.      Except    on 
the  large  vessels  from  the  Sarka  val- 
ley (where  white  and  red  were  used) 
the    painting    was    done    with    black 
pitch,    applied   while   the   vessel    was 
still  hot. 
Schnippel    (E.)      Volkskundliches    aus 
dem  Danziger  W^erder.     (Z.  d.  V.  f. 
Volksk.,  Berlin,   1909,  xix,  158-170.) 
Cites  from  Frau  J.  Wust's  Erinner- 
ungen      einer     alten      Werderanerin, 
which  appeared  during  1907-1909   in 
the  Wednesday  supplement  ("  Heimat 
u.    Welt ")    of    the    "  Danziger    Zeit- 
ung,"  items  of  folk-lore :  House  (the 
"  older  Werderhouse  "  is  West  Prus- 
sian)     and     Vorlanbenhans,     seasons 
(harvest-festival,  "  Bullpulsted  "), 

wedding-feasts,  titles  (of  a  peculiar 
sort  due,  possibly,  to  Polish  influ- 
ence), etc. 
Schonbach  (A.  E.)  Die  Bereitung  der 
Osterkerzen  im  Mittelalter.  (Ibid., 
1908,  XVIII.  426-428.)  Cites  from  a 
German  MS.  of  the  15th  century  in 
Basel  an  account  of  the  preparation 


Periodical  Literature 


93 


of  Easter  tapers.  Four  ways  of 
making  new  light  are  mentioned. 
Schuchardt  (C.)  Die  Bauart  unserer 
germanischen  Graber  der  Stein-  und 
Bronzezeit.  (Z.  f.  Ethnol.,  Berlin, 
1908,  XL,  813-819.)  Based  on  in- 
vestigation in  1905  of  the  4  mega- 
lithic  graves  at  Grundoldendorf  in 
the  district  of  Stade,  Dr  Gotze's  finds 
at  Langenstein,  etc.  S.  thinks  that 
the  wooden  "  round  graves  "  of  the 
bronze  period  continue  the  archi- 
tectonic tradition  of  the  stone 
"  round  graves "  of  the  stone  age. 
The  "  round  grave  "  itself  is  only  an 
imitation  of  the  old  European  round 
huts  (cf.  those  still  in  use  among 
the  Kabyles,  Wassukuma,  etc.,  in 
Africa).  The  stone  pillar  on  these 
graves  is  no  phallus,  but  the  top  of 
the  old  center-post  of  the  hut,  still 
easily  recognizable.  The  stone-cham- 
ber graves  are  clan  or  family  graves. 
In  the  discussion  Hr.  Kossinna  dif- 
fered from  S. 

Grabungen      auf      der      Romer- 

schanze.  (Ibid.,  830.)  Note  on  the 
excavations  at  the  so-called  "  Romer- 
schanze  "  (corrupted  from  "  Rauber- 
schanze"). — the  old  name  is  "  K6- 
nigschanze,"  near  Potsdam,  a  forti- 
fication of  old  German  origin. 

— —  Ausgrabungen  auf  der  Romer- 
schanze  bei  Potsdam  1908.  (Ibid., 
127-133,  4  fgs.)  Resumes  excava- 
tions of  1908.  The  fortification  was 
built  and  inhabited  in  the  last  cen- 
turies B.  C.,  and  from  the  old  Teu- 
tons it  passed  over,  probably  by  con- 
quest, to  the  Slavs. 

Neues     von     Befestigungen     der 

Oberlausitz.  (Ibid.,  1909,  xli,  508- 
510.)  Notes  on  recent  investigations 
of  ancient  fortifications  in  Upper  Lu- 
satia, — on  the  Protschenberg  (re- 
mains of  stone  wall,  with  pre-Slav- 
onic  pottery  fragments),  on  Mt 
Lobau  (pre-Slavonic  remains  only), 
on  the  Stromberg  near  Weissenberg, 
etc. 

Schulze  (F.)  Die  geographische  und 
ethnographische  Bedeutung  von 
Springer's  "  Meerfahrt  "  vom  Jahre 
1509.  (Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1909, 
xcvi,  28-32.)  Cites  from  the  ac- 
count of  Balthasar  Springer's  voyage 
with  the  Portuguese  fleet  to  India 
(round  Africa)  and  back  in  1505- 
1506,  published  in  1509  ;  items  of  eth- 
nographic and  ethnologic  interest  and 
value.  References  to  Guanches  of 
the  Canaries ;  Bissagos  Is.  (trade  of 
Negroes ;  probably  the  first  reference 
to    Aggri    beads,    the    Cristallein    of 


Springer,    said   to    be    introduced   by 
the  Portuguese)  ;  Guinea  (Springer's 
reference   to    the   gold    bracelets    and 
anklets  of  the  Negroes  indicates  the 
antiquity  of  the  gold-work  of   Upper 
Guinea),  Algoa's   (Springer's  descrip- 
tion of  the  natives  here  includes  the 
notes    on    the    Hottentots    and    Kaf- 
firs ;    the  people   seen   were   probably 
Hottentots, — this  is  the  first  account 
of  the  Hottentots  in  German)  ;  Mom- 
basa (traces  of  African  elephant  tam- 
ing), India,  etc.     This  valuable  little 
pamphlet    has    been    reprinted     with 
introduction,  etc.,  by  Schulze,  as  Bal- 
thasar Springer's  Indienfahrt  1505/06 
(Strassburg,   1902). 
Schiitte   (O.)     Vier  Liebesbriefe  einer 
Braunschweigerin    vom     Jahre     1642 
and    1643.      (Z.    d.    Ver.    f.    Volksk., 
Berlin,    1909,    xix,    423-426.)      Text 
of  2  love-letters  in  prose  and  2  others 
in  verse,  of  Anna  Rodewolts  of  the 
city  of  Brunswick  in   1642-1643. 
Schwalbe    (G.)      Entgegnung    auf    den 
Artikel  von  Stolyhwo  :  Zur  Frage  der 
Existenz       von        Ubergangsformen 
zwischen     H.     primigenius     und     H. 
sapiens.       (Globus,    Brnschwg.,    1909, 
xcv,  29-30.)     Schwalbe  holds  against 
S.,    that   the    Nowosiolka    skull    does 
not  represent  a  transitional  form  be- 
tween H.  primigenius  and  H.  sapiens, 
but  clearly  belongs  to  the  latter. 
Schweisthal      (M.)        Das      belgische 
Bauernhaus  in  alter  und  neuer  Zeit. 
(Mitt.    d.    Anthrop.    Ges.    in    Wien, 
1908,    xxxviii,    295-311.)      Resumes 
the  chief  data  in  the  author's  recent 
monograph    on    the    Belgian    peasant 
house  past  and  present,  Histoire  de 
la  maison  rurale  en  Belgique  et  dans 
les      contrees     voisines      (Bruxelles, 
1907).      The    Belgian    peasant    house 
belongs    generally     with    the     Fran- 
conian   type,    one   of   the   three  basal 
forms   developing    from    the    common 
Teutonic    one-room    house.      Only    in 
Liege   and   Luxemburg  does  Aleman- 
nic  influence   make   itself   felt.     The 
oldest  pictures  of  Belgian  houses  are 
in    the    Veil   rentier    d'Audenarde,    a 
MS.   of   the   latter   part   of   the    13th 
century  now  in  the  Brussels  Library. 
The    glass    window    appears    towards 
the  end  of  the  i6th  century  as  a  new 
factor    and    on    the    manufacture    of 
glass    have    depended    many    of    the 
subsequent    advances    and    alterations 
in    the    Belgian    house.      In    western 
Belgium     occurs     the     characteristic 
cheminee  flamande.     Archaic  houses 
may    be    found    especially    in    Sluys, 
near    Moll   in   the   province    of   Ant- 


94 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


werp.  The  influence  of  city  style 
(Brussels)   is  easily  seen  in  Brabant, 

Servia  and  Montenegro.  (Nat.  Geogr. 
Mag.,  Wash.,  1908,  xix,  774-789,  3 
fgs.,  12  pi.)  The  illustrations  treat 
of  Servian,  Bosnian,  Montenegrin, 
and  Gypsy  types,  street-scenes,  etc. 

Sharp  (C.  J.)  Some  characteristics  of 
English       folk-music.  (Folk-Lore, 

Lond.,  1908,  XIX,  132-152.)  English 
folk-music  is  characterized  by  being 
in  large  part  cast  in  modes  (a  prima 
facie  evidence  of  its  folk-origin),  or 
natural  scales;  by  having  irregular 
time  and  rhythm  ;  by  possessing  the 
non-harmonic  passing  note;  and  by 
having  one  note  only  to  each  syllable 
of  the  words.  Many  examples  are 
given. 

Sidgwick  (F.)  "The  Bitter  Withy" 
ballad.  (Ibid.,  190-200.)  Gives  sev- 
eral new  texts  with  comparative 
notes. 

Simon  (A.)  Nochmals  das  polnische 
Original  des  Volksliedes  '  An  der 
Weichsel  gegen  Osten.'  (Z.  d.  Ver. 
f.  Volksk.,  Berlin,  1909,  xix,  421- 
423.)  Cites  4  versions  of  the  Polish 
song,  '  Tarn  na  blonin '  by  F.  Ko- 
walski  ( 1 799-1 862),  which  has  be- 
come a  folk-song.     See  Bartolomaus 

(R.). 

Siret  (L.)  Les  Cassiterides  et  I'em- 
pire  colonial  des  Pheniciens.  (L'An- 
thropologie,  Paris,  1909,  xx,  129-166, 
283-328,  69  fgs.)  Second  and  third 
parts  of  discussion  of  the  Cassiterides 
in  relation  to  the  Phenician  empire. 
S.  seeks  to  identify  the  Cassiterides 
with  the  Morbraz  Is.,  and  to  find 
traces  in  Armorica  of  the  Phenician 
commerce  in  tin,  by  the  medium  of 
Iberia.  The  palm  and  teal  symbols, 
cuttlefish,  double-axe,  etc.,  are  treated. 

Smith  (G.  C.  M.)  "  Straw-bear  Tues- 
day." (Folk-Lore,  Lond.,  1909,  xix, 
202-203,  2  pi.)  Note  on  the  leading 
of  "  straw-bears "  (men  or  boys) 
still  surviving  at  Whittlesey,  Cam- 
bridgeshire (Jan.  12,  1909). 

Smith  (H.  M.)  Brittany,  the  land  of 
the  sardine.  (Nat.  Geogr.  Mag., 
Wash.,  1909,  XX,  541-573.  II  fgs-. 
12  pi.)  Contains  notes  on  Bretons 
(temperament,  family  life  and  cus- 
toms, houses,  position  of  women,  in- 
dustries of  farms,  fishing,  churches, 
markets,  menhirs  of  Concanean  and 
Carnac,  pardons,  etc.).  The  illustra- 
tions (house  and  interior,  women 
grain-threshers,  sea-weed  gatherers, 
country-carts,  sardine-sorting,  mar- 
keting, menhir,  pardons,  peasant 
types)  are  of  ethnologic  value. 


Smith  (W.  G.)  Paleolithic  implement 
found  near  the  British  Museum. 
(Man,  Lond.,  1909,  ix,  88,  i  fg.) 
Describes  and  figures  a  fine  flint  tool 
discovered  in  1902  while  a  drain  was 
being  repaired  in  Woburn  place.  It 
"  agrees  well  with  the  famous  Gray's 
Inn  implement  found  in  the  17th 
century." 

Dewlish  "  eoliths  "  and  the  Ele- 

plias  meridionalis.  (Ibid.,  113-114, 
I  pi.)  Argues  against  the  acceptance 
of  the  view  that  the  "  eoliths  "  found 
at  Dewlish  in  Dorset  are  of  pliocene 
date  and  contemporary  with  the  E. 
meridionalis. 

"  Eoliths."       (Ibid.,     1908,     viii, 

49-53.  I  pl.,  4  fgs.)  Treats  of  early 
searches  on  the  plateaux  of  the  East 
of  England  (Prigg),  the  Dunstable 
plateau,  the  contorted  drift,  "  eo- 
liths," "  eoliths "  on  the  Dunstable 
plateau.  According  to  S.,  nine  out  of 
ten  "  eoliths "  are  "  natural  stones 
not  intentionally  touched  by  man," 
while  "  the  minority  are  of  human 
origin,  but  of  well-known  paleolithic 
or  neolithic  forms."  Also,  "  there  is 
no  evidence  that  any  of  the  minor 
paleolithic  forms,  often  termed  '  eo- 
liths,' are  as  old  as  the  boulder  clay." 

Sokeland  (H.)  Dunkelfarbige  Marien- 
bilder.  (Z.  d.  V.  f.  Volksk.,  Berlin, 
1908,  XVIII,  281-295,  9  fgs.)  Treats 
of  figures,  etc.,  of  the  Virgin  Mary, 
in  which  she  is  represented  with  a 
black  or  dark-brown  skin.  These  oc- 
cur in  various  parts  of  Catholic  Eu- 
rope (in  Russia :  Chenstochov,  Mos- 
cow, Kasan  ;  France  :  Puy-de-D6me, 
Rodez,  Toulouse,  etc. ;  Germany  and 
Switzerland :  Einsiedeln,  Alt-Ottin- 
gen,  Breslau,  Cologne,  Wiirzburg. 
This  "  black  Madonna  and  Child  "  is 
thus  not  rare.  The  oldest  figures  of 
the  Madonna  in  the  catacombs  of 
Rome  show  no  traces  of  black.  Con- 
trary to  Pommerol  (Bull.  Soc.  d'An- 
throp.  de  Paris,  igoi),  who  attributes 
the  "  black  Madonnas  "  to  heathen  in- 
fluences upon  early  Christianity,  S. 
holds  that  their  origin  is  "  due  to  the 
influence  of  the  peculiar  painting  of 
the  monks  of  Mt  Athos."  The  char- 
acter of  the  painting  was  such  as 
readily  to  turn  black  or  nearly  so  from 
the  smoke  of  long  years  of  altar- 
tapers.  Such  pictures  were  then 
copied  in  black.  Citations  of  the 
methods  of  the  monks  are  given  from 
G.  Schafer's  Handbnch  der  Malerei 
vom  Berge  Athos  (Trier,  1855),  a 
German  version  of  Didron's  Manuel 
d'iconographie  chretienne   (1845). 


Periodical  Literature 


95 


Soltau  (W.)  Die  Entstehung  der 
Romuluslegende.  (A.  f.  Religsw. 
Lpzg.,  1909,  XII,  101-125.)  Author 
seeks  to  prove  that  the  legend  of 
the  founding  of  Rome  by  Romulus  is 
not  a  Roman  folk-story,  but  was  de- 
rived from  the  Tyro  of  Sophocles 
through  the  Alimonia  of  Naevius,  and 
the  later  efforts  of  Fabius,  the  Roman, 
and  Diokles,  the  Greek.  The  name 
Rome  itself  is  of  Tuscan  origin 
{Ramos).  The  she-wolf  with  the 
children  is  of  Campanian,  or  Hel- 
lenistic provenance, — the  idea  was 
copied  by  the  Romans  from  Cam- 
panian coins.  The  she-wolf  in  the 
Lupercal  is  older  than  the  twins.  The 
Romulus  story  has  been  fancifully  de- 
veloped on  the  basis  of  simple  Greek 
mythological  elements  and  a  local 
Roman  Sage. 

Sonne,  Mond  und  Sterne  im  Volks- 
glauben  der  Kaschuben  am  Weitsee, 
Kaschubei.  (Globus,  Brnschwg., 
1908,  xciii,  145-146.)  Resumes  ar- 
ticle in  the  Mitt.  d.  V.  f.  Kaschiib. 
Volksk.  (1908)  by  J.  Gulgowski  on 
the  sun,  moon  and  stars  in  Cashubian 
folk-lore.  The  moon  is  the  dwelling- 
place  of  Adam  and  Eve ;  the  sun  is 
the  seat  of  the  throne  of  Jesus 
Christ ;  the  Milky  Way  is  the  guide 
of  the  birds  to  foreign  lands. 

de  Sousa  (T.  M.)  Costumes  e  tra- 
digoes  agricolas  do  Minho.  II.  Regi- 
men pastoral  dos  povos  da  Serra  do 
Gerez.  (Portugalia,  Porto,  1908,  11, 
646-652.)  Notes  on  pastoral  life 
and  activities  in  the  Gerez  moun- 
tains,— history,  special  words  in  use 
(p.  650),  contracts,  common  oil- 
presses,   water-rights,   plowing,   etc. 

Spiegelhalder  (O.)  Die  Glasindustrie 
auf  dem  Schwarzwald.  (Z.  d.  V.  f, 
Volksk.,  Berlin,  1908,  xviii,  267-277, 
7  fgs.)  Treats  of  the  glass-making 
industry  in  the  Black  Forest,  past 
and  present, — "  factories,"  varieties 
of  glass  bottles  and  vessels  made, 
inscriptions,  "  moon-glasses,"  work- 
men, salesmen,  etc. 

Sprecher  (F.)  und  Stoecklin  (Adele), 
Hausinschriften  aus  dem  Schanfigg, 
Graubiinden.  (Arch,  suisses  d.  Trad. 
Pop.,  Bale,  1909,  III,  140-145.)  Gives 
28  house-inscriptions,  dating  from  the 
beginning  of  the  18th  century  to  the 
last  quarter  of  the   igtii. 

Stiefel  (A.  L.)  Sprichworteranek- 
doten  aus  Franken.  (Z.  d.  V.  f, 
Volksk.,  Berlin,  1908,  xviii,  446- 
449-)  Gives  7  anecdotes  from  the 
valley  of  the  Saale  in  Franconia,  told 


to  illustrate  the  meaning  of  certain 
proverbial  expressions. 
Stiickelberg  (E.  A.)  Bekleidung  der 
Andachtsbilder.  (Schw.  Arch.  f. 
Volksk.,  Basel,  1909,  xiii,  191-195, 
2  fgs.,  2  pi.)  Notes  on  the  clothing 
of  images  for  worship  (ancient 
Egypt,  Middle  Ages,  etc.),  particu- 
larly in  modern  Switzerland,  the 
Virgins  of  Einsiedein,  Marienstein, 
etc. 

S.    Expedit.      (Ibid.,    195-199,    i 

fg.)  Treats  of  the  name,  attributes, 
worship,  etc.,  of  St  Expeditus  ("  pre- 
pared," i.  e.,  for  martyrdom),  whose 
adoration  (he  is  not  the  subject  of 
an  early  Christian  or  even  medieval 
cult)  in  Italy  and  France  (Lourdes, 
Marseilles,  Pornichet)  does  not  go 
back  beyond  the   18th  century. 

Teixeira  (T.)  Ethnographia  Trans- 
montana.  Agriculture,  Concelho  de 
Moncorvo.  (Portugalia,  Porto,  1908, 
II,  627-638.)  Treats  of  agriculture 
in  the  district  of  Moncorvo :  Plow- 
ing and  cultivation,  agricultural  im- 
plements (trado,  jugo,  carro,  grade, 
trilho),  harvesting,  weather  lore  (20 
proverbs  and  sayings,  p.  632)  ;  ar- 
boriculture (vine  and  olive)  ;  apicul- 
ture,  sericulture,    cattle,   etc. 

Tetzner  (F.)  Zur  litauischen  Sprich- 
worterpoesie.  (Globus  Brnschwg., 
1908,  xciii,  63-65.)  Gives  the  Ger- 
man text  of  some  200  old  and  new 
Lithuanian  proverbs,  with  interpre- 
tations when  the  sense  is  not  clear). 
These  proverbs  exhibit  the  poetry 
and  folk-sense  of  the  Lithuanians 
(they  were  first  called  to  the  atten- 
tion of  the  literary  and  scientific 
world  by  Schleicher  in  1857,  in  his 
Litaiiische  Aldrchen^  Sprichwdrter, 
R'dtsel  und  Lieder). 

Philipponische  Legenden.    (Ibid., 

1908,  xciv,  117-119,  240-243.)  Ger- 
man text  of  10  legends  of  the  Philip- 
pones,  a  Slavonic  people  of  East 
Prussia:  Creation  of  the  world,  The 
war  of  the  angels,  The  fall  of  man. 
How  the  sin  of  cutting  of  the  beard 
came  into  the  world,  The  picture 
made  by  no  hand.  Origin  of  the 
Hospodi  pomilu  (prayer).  Erection 
of  the  holy  cross,  Mary  Magdalene 
and  St.  Nicholas,  The  archangel 
Michael  and  his  conflict  with  Satan, 
St.  George.  The  source  is  the  Mss. 
of  Martin  Gerss  (d.  1895),  teacher 
and  clergyman,  who  collected  much 
folk-lore  material  concerning  his 
people. 

Biirgerliche  Verhaltnisse  der  ost- 

preussischen     Philipponen     zur     Zeit 


96 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


ihrer  Einwanderung.  (Ibid.,  325- 
329,  351-354-)  Cites  from  the  Mss. 
of  Gerss  details  concerning  the  so- 
cial and  religious  life  of  the  Philip- 
pones  at  the  time  of  their  immigra- 
tion:  Objection  to  military  service 
and  cutting  the  beard;  objection  to 
certain  forms  of  oath ;  wills  and 
inheritance,  police,  family-names ; 
prohibition  of  tobacco,  drugs,  physi- 
cians ;  foods  and  drinks ;  clothing ; 
dwellings  and  furniture,  etc. 

Erzgebergische  Hiitereime.   (Ibid., 

1909,  xcv,  30-31.)  Cites  from  E. 
John's  Aberglauhe.  Sitte  und  Branch 
im  s'dchsischen  Erzgebirge  (Anna- 
berg,  1909)  and  from  his  own  ex- 
perience specimens  of  rhymes  of  the 
herdsmen  and  shepherds  of  the  Erz- 
gebirge,   used   in    driving   cattle,   etc. 

Wurzeltalismane.       (Ibid.,     126- 

127.)  Notes  on  root-talismans 
(snake-root  among  Sioux  Indians, 
Japanese,  etc.;  Europe  in  i6th  cen- 
tury). Ciites  letter  of  1550  A.  D.  re- 
lating to  a  root-talisman  for  stop- 
ping the  flow  of  blood,  used  by  prin- 
ces of  that  day. 

Teutsch  (J.)  Neue  Funde  aus  Sieben- 
biirgen.  (Stzbg.  d.  Anthrop.  Ges.  in 
Wien,  1907-1908,  34-36,  2  fgs.) 
Notes  on  finds  from  Miihbach,  Deut- 
sch-Pian  (pottery,  neolithic  axes), 
Kapolna  (Roman  coins,  beads), 
Hatzeg  (bronze  figure  of  Dacian 
origin,  a  copy  of  Greek),  Schass- 
burg  (pottery),  Sachsisch-Nadesch 
(bronze  needle  and  spear-point), 
Erosd  (a  pottery-factory  of  prehis- 
toric  times),    etc. 

Thielemann  (R.)  Ein  Barmutter-Se- 
gen.  (Hess  Bl.  f.  Volksk.,  Lpzg., 
1908,  VIII,  135-137.)  Discusses  an 
incantation  for  pregnancy  (from  a 
Hamburg  newspaper  of  1908),  part 
of  which  goes  back  to  the  nth 
century. 

Thilenius  (G.)  Tatigkeit  der  anthro- 
pologischen  Kommission.  (Korr.-Bl. 
d.  D.  Ges.  f.  Anthrop,,  Brnschwg., 
1908,  XXXIX,  92.)  Notes  that  150 
hospitals  in  the  German  Empire  have 
declared  their  readiness  to  furnish 
material  for  anthropological  investi- 
gation. The  authorities  in  Prussia, 
Bavaria,  Wiirttemberg  and  Saxony, 
agree  to  permit  such  investigations 
among  soldiers,  if  no  expense  be  in- 
curred. 

Thompson  (M.  S.)  Notes  from  Greece 
and  the  Egean.  (Folk-Lore,  Lond., 
1908,  XIX,  469-70,  I  pi.)  Evil-eye 
charms   of  various   sorts,   etc. 


Tocher  (J.  F.)  Pigmentation  survey 
of  school  children  in  Scotland.  (Bio- 
metrika,  Cambridge,  Engld.,  1908, 
VI,  130-235,  y2  tables,  19  diagrams, 
78  maps ;  also  Appendix,  1-67,  16 
tables,  etc.)  Gives  results  of  study 
of  502,155  children  (boys  251,766, 
girls  244,389)  from  2288  schools  in 
various  parts  of  Scotland, — records 
of  name,  age,  sex,  fraternal  and 
cousin  relationships,  color  characters, 
were  taken. 

Trojanovic  (S.)  Eine  Ahnung  von 
dem  Befruchtungsvorgange  bei  den 
Pflanzen  im  serbischen  Volke.  (Glo- 
bus, Brnschwg.,  1908,  xciii,  382.) 
Note  on  the  Zenite  krastavce,  bun- 
deve  Hi  lubenice,  or  "marriage  of  the 
cucumbers,  pumpkins  or  melons,"  as 
the  Servian  folk  term  the  process 
of  scattering  over  these  plants,  when 
they  begin  to  blossom,  the  meadow- 
clover  then  also  in  bloom. 

de  V.  (J.)  Materiaes  para  o  inventario 
archeologico  do  concelho  de  Baiao. 
(Portugalia,  Porto,  1908,  11,  669- 
672.)  Notes  on  the  archeological 
remains  (with  traces  of  Roman  in- 
fluence) at  Castro  de  Porto  Manso, 
Castro  do  Crinto,  Castro  de  Pousada, 
O  Castello,  Castro  de  Mantel,  O 
Castro,  in  the  district  of  Baiao  ;  also 
on  the  dolmen  of  Monte  da  Abo- 
boreira,    etc. 

Vauville  (O.)  Sepulture  neolithique 
de  Braine,  Aisne.  (Bull,  Soc.  d'An- 
throp.  de  Paris,  1908,  v"^  s.,  ix,  158- 
162,  I  fg.)  Brief  account  of  neo- 
lithic burial  place  discovered  in  1907 
at  Braine  in  the  department  of  Aisne 
and  the  remains  there  found  (4  skele- 
tons, polished  stone  axe,  several 
earthen  vessels,  etc.).  The  grave 
seems  to  have  been  neolithic.  See 
also  p.  275. 

Verworn  (M.)  Keltische  Kunst. 
(Korr.-Bl.  d.  D.  Ges.  f.  Anthrop., 
Brnschwg.,  1909,  xl,  21,  12  fgs.) 
Treats  of  the  main  characteristics 
of  Celtic  figurative  and  ornamental 
art  (triquetrum  and  sun-symbol, 
bow-spiral,  etc.) 

Virchow  (H.)  NeoHthische  Wohn- 
platze  bei  Monsheim  in  der  Pfalz. 
(Z.  f.  Ethnol.,  Berlin,  1908,  xl,  568.) 
Notes  that  the  Rossen  epoch  pre- 
ceded that  of  the  spiral  pottery. 

Vire  (A.)  Recherches  de  prehistoire 
dans  le  Lot.  III.  Abri  sous  roche  de 
la  "  Riviere  de  Tulle  "  pres  de  La- 
cave,  Canton  de  Souillac.  (L'An- 
thropologie,  Paris,  1909,  xx,  273- 
282.)  Treats  of  a  Magdalenian  rock- 
shelter  near  Lacave   (Souillac), — sit- 


Periodical  Literature 


97 


uation  and  character,  implements, 
etc.,  of  flint  and  stone  (scrapers, 
borers,  nuclei,  pounders,  polishers, 
pebbles,  coloring  matters,  etc.),  bone 
and  horn  (arrow  and  spear  heads, 
harpoons,  etc.)  ornaments  and  works 
of  art  (necklaces  of  shells  and  beads, 
carved  batons — human  or  simian  fig- 
ures), fauna,  etc. 

Wagner  (M.  L.)  Das  Gennargentu- 
Gebiet.  Ein  Reisebild  aus  Sardinien. 
(Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1908,  xciii, 
105-108,  7  fgs.)  Account  of  visit 
in  190S  to  the  Gennargentu  region 
of  Sardinia,  with  notes  on  people, 
etc.  Houses,  chests  and  other  arti- 
cles of  nut-wood,  women's  costume 
of  Aritzo,  Busachi,  etc.,  wagons  with 
one-piece  wheels  and  ancient  methods 
of  yoking  oxen,  plows  of  the  style  of 
the  time  of  Virgil,  threshing,  etc., 
equally  antique. 

Das    Nuorese.      (Ibid.,    245-249, 

266-26g,  9  fgs.)  Brief  description 
of  the  interesting  and  picturesque 
region  of  Nuoro  in  the  heart  of 
Sardinia.  People  (the  Nuores  moun- 
taineer despises  the  plainsman), 
dress,  songs  (thousands  of  little  love- 
songs  exist;  singers  are  often  young 
girls  ;  old  "  death  lament," — blood 
revenge  not  yet  extinct ;  local  song- 
contests),  houses  and  domestic  life ; 
"  houses  of  the  fairies " — caves  of 
which  some  contain  relics  of  pre- 
historic man  ;  the  "  dancing  stone  " 
of  Nuoro ;  language  (the  speech  of 
Bitti  is  the  oldest  and  phonetically 
the  most  conservative  of  all  Sardinian 
dialects,  and  it  has  preserved  the  old 
Vulgar  Latin  pronunciation  of  many 
words  unchanged).  The  viticulture 
of  OHena,  the  nuraghe  and  domos  de 
janas  at  Onniferi,  etc.,  are  also  de- 
scribed. 

Wasylewski  (S.)  Wsprawie  wam- 
piryzmu.  (Lud,  Lwow,  1907,  xiii, 
291-298.)  Discusses  three  Polish 
demons,  upior,  ztnora,  strzyga,  none 
of  which  is  properly  a  vampire, — 
belief  in  the  vampire  having  been 
introduced  into  folk-lore  through 
literary  sources. 

Webinger  (A.)  Tracht  und  Speise  in 
oberosterreichischen  Volksliedern. 
(Z.  d.  Ver,  f.  Volksk.,  Berlin, 
1909,  XIX,  96-101.)  Treats  (with 
dialect  texts  of  4  songs  and 
numerous  explanatory  notes)  of  dress 
and  food  in  upper  Austrian  folk- 
songs. One  ridicules  the  dress  of 
a  vain  young  woman,  another  treats 
of  the  dress  of  young  men  and 
women  and  town-ladies,  yet  another 
VOL.  xxiii. — NO.  87.  7 


compares  the  food  of  peasants  and 
lords. 

Wehrhan  (K.)  Wachsmotive  aus  Kied- 
rich  im  Rheingau.  (Ibid.,  199-201.) 
Lists  18  votive  offerings  of  wax 
(human  beings  4 — heart,  eye,  ear, 
teeth,  arm,  hand,  leg,  i  each  ;  horse, 
cow,  goat,  sheep,  pig,  i  each)  from 
Kiedrich,  whose  church  is  dedicated 
to  St.  Valentine  and  visited  by  pil- 
grims from  both  banks  of  the  Rhine. 
These  offerings  are  cast  in  models 
and  not  made  by  hand. 

Rheinische      Wachsmotive      und 

Weihegaben.  (Korr.-Bl.  d.  D.  Ges. 
f.  Anthrop.,  Brnschwg.,  1908,  xxxix, 
141-143,  2  pi.)  Treats  of  votive 
objects  in  wax  and  other  material 
(human  body,  male  and  female  faces, 
breasts,  eye,  ear,  heart,  arm,  hand, 
leg,  foot,  tooth  "  wax-beast,"  etc.) 
from  the  shrine  of  Sayn  across  the 
Rhine  from  Coblenz,  dating  back  to 
1201  A.  D.  In  1509  Sayn  had  22,- 
000  pilgrims,  and  has  still  many. 
Their  use  is  not  entirely  confined 
to  Catholics.  They  are  sold  quite 
cheap  in   Coblenz. 

Weinitz  (F.)  Die  Schwarzwalder 
Sammlung  des  Herrn  Oskar  Spiegel- 
halder  auf  der  Villinger  Ausstellung 

1907.  (Z.   d.   V.    f.   Volksk.,   Berlin, 

1908,  XVIII,  262-267,  2  fgs.)  Brief 
account  of  the  Spiegelhalder  Black- 
fuest  collection  at  the  Villing  ex- 
hibition of  1907,  particularly  the 
"  clock-maker's  room "  and  the 
"  peasant's  room,"  with  their  con- 
tent. 

Weissenberg  (S.)  Das  neugeborene 
Kind  bei  den  siidrussischen  Juden. 
(Globus,  Brnschwg,  1908,  xciii,  85- 
88.)  Describes  the  treatment  of  the 
new-born  child  among  the  South- 
Russian  Jews.  Defense  against 
spirits,  bathing,  weaning,  birth-fes- 
tival (boy  8-days  feast ;  girl  no  spe- 
cial festivities),  circumcision  (on  8th 
day,  even  if  Sabbath  ;  operation  con- 
sists of  3  acts ;  still-born  children 
and  those  dying  during  first  week  of 
life  are  circumcised),  name-giving, 
redemption  ceremony. 

Westermarck  (E.)  The  killing  of  the 
divine  king.  (Man,  1908,  viii,  22- 
24.)  Argues  that  "  the  new  king  is 
supposed  to  inherit,  not  the  prede- 
cessor's soul,  but  his  divinity  or  holi- 
ness, which  is  looked  upon  in  the 
light  of  a  mysterious  entity,  tempo- 
rarily seated  in  the  ruling  sovereign, 
but  separable  from  him  and  trans- 
ferable      to       another       individual." 


98 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


Cites  certain  beliefs  prevalent  among 
the  Moors,  etc. 
Whistler  (C.  W.)  Sundry  notes  from 
West  Somerset  and  Devon.  (Folk- 
Lore,  Lond.,  1908,  XIX,  88-91.) 
Treats  of  "  hammer  and  nail  "  charm, 
split  ash-tree,  imprisonment  of  shrew- 
mouse  in  hole  in  tree  (cure  for  in- 
fant paralysis),  slow-worm,  potato- 
cure  for  rheumatism,  hemorrhage 
charm,  ''  Skimmington  riding,"  treat- 
ment of  wife-beaters,  etc. 

Local    traditions    of    the    Quan- 

tocks.  (Ibid.,  31-51,  map.)  Treats 
of  effect  of  Saxon  conquest,  tradi- 
tions as  to  Roman  camp,  dragons, 
conflicts  with  Danes,  ghosts,  "  hunt- 
ing Judas,"  the  "  wild  hunt,"  the 
Devil  and  the  smith,  appearances  of 
the  Devil,  pixy  legends,  etc.,  in  this 
district   of   West  Somerset. 

Wiazemsky  (S.)  La  coloration  des 
cheveux,  des  yeux,  et  de  la  peau 
chez  les  Serbes  de  la  Serbie.  (L' An- 
thropologic, Paris,  1909,  XX,  353- 
372,  2  maps.)  Treats  of  color  of 
hair,  eyes  and  skin  in  Servians  of 
Servia  from  loyi  to  18 H  years  (and 
over).  The  dark,  light  and  mixed 
types  form,  respectively,  56%,  17% 
and  25%  of  the  whole,  while  with 
the  Russians  the  light  type  is  42%, 
and  with  the  Bulgarians  the  dark 
type  63%.  The  Servians  present  the 
"  purest "  of  the  Slavonic  types  (the 
basal  type  is  one  with  dark  chest- 
nut hair  and  brown  eyes  ;  with  this 
has  mingled  another  type  with  blond 
hair  and  blue  eyes,  less  well  de- 
veloped physically  and  less  adapted 
to  environment). 

Wide  (S.)  Grabesspende  und  Toten- 
schlange.  (A.  f.  Religsw.,  Lpzg., 
1909,  XII,  221-223,  1  pi.,  I  fg.)  De- 
scribes a  small  marble  altar  from 
Knosos  in  Crete  (now  in  the  Mu- 
seum of  Herakleion)  on  which  is  de- 
picted the  dead  man  climbing  up  the 
altar  in  the  form  of  a  serpent  and 
feeding  from  the  vessel  upon  the  of- 
ferings left  there.  Other  plastic  rep- 
resentations of  the  serpent  on  ancient 
Greek  vessels  are  figured.  The  plas- 
tic and  also  the  painted  serpents  on 
Dipylon  vases  may  have  had  a  like 
signification. 

AnPOIBIAIGANATOI.       (Ibid., 

224-233.)  Discusses,  in  connection 
with  the  recent  essay  of  S.  Reinach 
on  this  topic,  an  inscription  from  a 
church  at  Lindos  (Rhodes)  and  an- 
other from  Sunion  in  Attica.  W. 
sees   Jewish    rather   than    Orphic    in- 


fluence in  the  reprobation  of  abor- 
tion in  Greco-Roman  culture.  The 
Xanthian  incription,  e.  g.,  contains 
sacral  and  ethical  words  and  expres- 
sions that  recur  again  and  again  in 
the  Septuagint. 

Wiegers  (F.)  Neue  Funde  palaolithi- 
scher  Artefakte.  2.  Aus  dem  Dilu- 
vium am  Grossen  Fallstein.  (Z.  f. 
Ethnol.,  Berlin,  1908,  xl,  543-547, 
3  fgs.)  Treats  of  the  geological  re- 
lations of  the  calcareous  tufa  of  Gr. 
Fallstein  (animal  remains,  etc.)  and 
describes  two  artificially  shaped  flints 
therefrom,  indicating  the  presence  of 
man  at  the  northern  edge  of  the 
Harz  at  the  period  of  the  loss. 

Wilke  (Dr)  Vorgeschichtliche  Bezie- 
hungen  zwischen  Kaukasus  und  dem 
unteren  Donaugebiete ;  ein  Beitrag 
zum  Arierproblem.  (Mitt.  d.  An- 
throp.  Ges.  in  Wien,  1908,  xxxviii, 
136-171,  120  fgs.)  From  considera- 
tion of  prehistoric  pottery  (forms, 
ornamentation),  needles,  bracelets, 
spirals,  sickles,  bronze  hands,  "  hand 
figures,"  skull  deformation,  pile-dwel- 
lings, etc.,  Dr  W.  concludes  that 
"  soon  after  the  middle  of  the  second 
millennium  B.  C.  Aryan  peoples 
from  the  region  of  the  lower  Dan- 
ube north  of  the  Black  Sea,  ad- 
vanced to  the  Caucasus,  crossing  it 
somewhat  later,  and  during  the  last 
quarter  of  the  millennium  spread  out 
over  all  Transcaucasia  as  far  as  the 
Araxes.  The  art  of  the  Caucasus 
that  resembles  the  art  of  the  Dan- 
ube region  is  thus  of  European 
origin. 

Neolithische  Keramik  und  Arier- 

pioblem.        (A.     f.     Anthrop.,     Brn- 

Schwg.,    1909,    N.    F.,    Vll,    298-344,    106 

fgs.)  Detailed  discussion  of  the  pot- 
tery of  the  neolithic  age  in  relation 
to  the  Aryan  problem.  The  old 
"  Winkelband "  pottery  (8  chief  va- 
rieties of  the  Hinkelstein  type),  the 
later  "  Winkelband "  pottery  of  the 
Rossen,  Albsheim  and  Nierstein 
types,  and  the  "  spiral-meander " 
pottery,  the  bone-amphora,  the  Bern- 
burg  type,  the"string"  pottery,  the  bell- 
goblets,  etc.,  their  form,  ornamenta- 
tion, etc.,  are  considered.  Dr  Wilke 
favors  the  "  wave  theory "  of  Aryan 
(linguistic)  relationship  set  up  by  J. 
Schmidt, — with  this,  according  to 
him,  the  culture-areas  of  the  age  of 
the  "  spiral-meander  "  pottery  corre- 
spond pretty  well.  A  similar  "  wave- 
theory  "  for  the  culture  areas  of  the 
older  neolithic  is  given.  Dr  W's 
theory   that   "  the   formation   of   defi- 


Periodical  Literature 


99 


nite  culture-centers  during  the  neo- 
lithic period  of  Central  Europe  goes 
hand  in  hand  with  the  first  situation 
of  the  Indo-Germanic  languages 
(Schmidt's  '  wave  theory  '),"  would 
give  a  time-measure  for  the  begin- 
ning of  these  diflferentiations  in 
speech,  their  order,  etc. 

Wolff  (G.)  Neolithische  Brandgraber 
aus  der  siidlichen  Wetterau.  (Korr.- 
Bl.  d,  D.  Ges.  f.  Anthrop.,  Brnschwg., 
1908,  XXXIX,  72-74.)  Gives  brief 
account  of  the  investigations  of  1907- 
1908,    in    which    36    neolithic    crema- 

'  tion  graves,  with  finds  of  flints, 
bones,  pottery  fragments,  ornamented 
stones  (also  chains  of  such),  etc., 
were  discovered,  in  the  south  Wet- 
terau region, — Butterstadt,  Markobel, 
Kilianstadt,  etc. 

Wolkenhauer  (A.)  Seb.  Munster's 
verschollene  Karte  von  Deutschland 
von      1525.         (Globus,      Brnschwg., 

1908,  xciv,  1-6,  I  pi.)  Reproduces 
and  describes  a  copy  of  the  long- 
disappeared  map  of  Germany  by 
Sebastian  Miinster  in  1525,  now  in 
the  National  Museum  at  Niirnberg. 
This  is  the  first  map  of  Germany  in 
which  the  course  of  the  Rhine  is 
indicated  with  any  sort  of  accuracy. 
The  map  appeared  in  his  Instru- 
ment der  Sonnen   (1525). 

Woodward  (A.  M.)  A  prehistoric 
vase  in  the  Museum  of  Spalato. 
(Ann,  Arch  and  Anthrop.,  Liverpool, 

1909,  II,  27~2^,  I  pl-)  Treats  of  a 
neolithic  vase  of  a  kind  closely  re- 
sembling those  of  the  early  settle- 
ments in  Bosnia  (Ripac,  Jezerine, 
etc.)  found  in  1906  at  Gardun,  in- 
land from  Spalato  close  to  the  foot 
of  the  main  ridge  of  the  Dinaric 
Alps.  Comparison  is  made  with  the 
Jezerine  finds. 

Wright  (A.  R.)  and  Lovett  (£.;» 
Specimens  of  modern  mascots  and 
ancient  amulets  of  the  British  Isles. 
(Folk-Lore,  Lond.,  1908,  xix,  288- 
303,  2  pl.)  Treats  of  origin  of  term 
mascot,  books  on  mascots  and  amu- 
lets, motor  mascots  (policemen,  gen- 
darmes, representations  of  St.  Chris- 
topher, horse-shoes,  etc.),  commercial 
(modern  made-up)  amulets  ("  lucky 
jade "  and  other  luck  ornaments), 
imported  "  lucky  charms  "  ("  Kaffir 
bangles,"  "Japanese  mascots"),  im- 
ported foreign  amulets  and  imita- 
tions of  foreign  amulets,  amulets  of 
British  origin  (bone  amulets,  rabbit's 
foot,  horseshoe  charms,  ring  charms, 
shell  and  stone  charms,  fossils,  neo- 
lithic   celts,    "  thunderbolts,"    arrow- 


heads, string  charms,  vegetable 
charms,  etc.),  ornaments  which  once 
were  amulets  (brass  horse  charms, 
shell  necklaces),  amulets  in  disguise, 
etc. 

Wiinsch  (R.)  Die  Zauberinnen  des 
Theokrit.  (Hess.  Bl.  f.  Volksk., 
Lpzg.,  1909,  VIII,  111-131.)  Treats 
of  the  enchantresses  of  Theocritus. 
The  earliest  poet  to  represent  magic 
for  its  own  sake  was  Sophron  of 
Syracuse  in  the  time  of  the  Pelop- 
ponnesian  war, — by  him  the  niimus 
was  introduced  into  literature.  The 
Mimus  of  Sophron  was  the  stimu- 
lus for  Theocritus's  Pharniakeiitrai, 
together  with  the  Attic  comedy. 

■ Deisidaimoniaka.        (A.     f.     Re- 

ligsw.,  Lpzg.,  1909,  XII,  I-4S,  7  fgs.) 
Discusses  the  incantation  in  the 
Nekyia  of  Homer  (the  interpola- 
tions reflect  the  older  national  Greek 
magic  and  the  later  international)  ; 
an  ancient  bronze  ring  (now  in  the 
Royal  Museum  at  Berlin)  with  figure 
of  Anubis  and  magic  inscription ; 
Ephydrias  (an  amulet-gem  with  long- 
eared  animal-headed  god,  Seth-Ephy- 
drias)  ;  silver-tablets  from  Amisos, 
with  incantation  inscription ;  Aion 
(carved  stone  with  figure  of  Aion  or 
Kronos)  ;  some  unpublished  impre- 
catory tablets,  etc. 

Zaborowski  (S.)  Les  roux  en  Hol- 
lande.  (R.  de  I'fic.  d'Anthrop.  de 
Paris,  1908,  XVIII,  358-360.)  Re- 
view and  critique  of  article  on  the 
distribution  of  red-haired  people  in 
Holland,  by  Prof  L.  Bolk  in  the 
Zeitschrift  fiir  Morphologie  tind  An- 
thropologie  for  1907. 

La  Sicile.     L'ltalie  prehistorique 

jusqu'  a  la  penetration  aryenne.  Le 
peuple  de  Remedello-Sotto.  (Ibid., 
393-406.)  Sketches  the  pre-Aryan 
history  of  Sicily,  southern  Italy,  etc. 
Outside  of  little  "  centers  of  popula- 
tion," there  was,  neither  in  Sicily  nor 
in  Italy,  "  civilization "  before  the 
eneolithic  period,  when  direct  rela- 
tions with  the  eastern  Mediterranean 
occur.  Relations  with  central  Europe 
came  later.  The  Aryanization  of  the 
Italian  islands  is  comparatively  re- 
cent. In  Sicily  it  was  not  complete 
before  the  Christian  era ;  in  Sar- 
dinia it  occurred  afterward ;  the 
Greeks  were  perhaps  the  first  Aryan 
people  of  S.  Italy.  The  terramare 
people  were  followed  by  the  Um- 
brians  and  preceded  by  another 
Aryan  people,  represented  by  the 
finds  of  Remedello-Sotto  in  Brescia, 
and  of  Gallic  race,  having  come  down 


lOO 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


from  the  primitive  home  of  that 
stock  in  the  upper  Rhine-Danube  val- 
leys. They  were  the  introducers  of 
copper    into    Italy. 

La    moisson    en    Sicile.       (Ibid., 

1909,  XIX,  38-40.)  Notes  on  harvest- 
customs  (reaping,  threshing,  etc.) 
Every  two  hours  there  is  a  period  of 
resting  and  eating  (the  names  of  all 
are  given).  Improvised  farces  and 
verse-making  come  at  the  end. 

Derniere  phase  de  la  nationalite 

italienne.  (Ibid.,  213-223.)  Points 
out  the  roles  of  Christianity,  the  bar- 
barians of  the  north,  and  the  north- 
ern Italian  and  Tuscan  cities,  in  the 
development  and  achievement  of 
Italian  nationality.  Modern  Italy 
was  constituted  by  reason  of  the  ex- 
ample of  Florence  in  making  citizens 
of  her  bourgeoisie.  With  Dante  an 
Italian  language  arose  that  was  des- 
tined to  become  national.  Like  an- 
cient Rome,  modern  Italy  originated 
in   Etruria. 

Les  gaulois  de  Munsingen,  Pre- 
sentation d'un  travail  de  M.  Victor 
Gross.  (Bull.  Soc.  d'Anthrop.  de  Paris, 
1908,  v^  s.,  IX,  743-745.)  Resumes 
V.  Gross's  monograph  on  the  human 
crania  from  the  necropolis  of  Mun- 
singen in  the  Canton  of  Berne,  in- 
vestigated in  1906. 

Zahler  (H.)  Milch,  Kase  und  Ziger  im 
Ober  Simmental,  Kt.  Bern.  (Arch, 
suisses  d.  Trad.  Pop.,  Bale,  1909, 
XIII,  1-31,  I  pi.,  20  fgs.)  Treats  of 
milk  (milking  and  apparatus  for 
holding,  carrying,  etc.),  butter 
(churning,  apparatus,  receptacles, 
etc.),  cheese  (three  varieties,  besides 
cheese  from  goat's  milk ;  apparatus 
and  processes  of  manufacture),  in 
the  Upper  Simmental  in  the  Can- 
ton of  Bern.  Also  (pp.  25-30)  the 
method  of  keeping  tally  by  means  of 
the  so-called  "  Beilen," — pieces  of  fir- 
wood.     See  Gabbud  (M.). 

ZanoUi  (V.)  Studi  di  antropologia 
Bolognese.  (A.  d.  Accad.  Scient. 
Ven. -Trent. -Istr.,  Padova,  1908,  n, 
s.,  v,  44-89.)  Pt.  I.  of  detailed  study 
with  measurements  of  25  male  and 
25  female  modern  Bolognese  skele- 
tons (skull,  long  bones,  pelvis,  etc.) 
belonging  to  the  Anthropological  Mu- 
seum of  the  University  of  Padua. 
The  cranial  capacity  of  males  ranges 
1360-1735  cc,  females  1100-1590  cc. ; 
cephalic  index  of  males  73.8-93.9,  fe- 
males 76.1-88.9.  The  Bolognese 
skull  is  "  decidedly  brachycephalic, 
presenting  in  both  sexes  few  charac- 
teristic   varieties    (Torok)    of    type." 


In  Sergian  terms  there  are  21  sphen- 
oid, 3  spheroid,  10  platycephalic,  8 
ellipsoid,  i  pentagonoid,  6  ovoid  and 
I   beloid  crania. 

Zindel-Kressig  (A.)  Schwanke  und 
Schildbiirgergeschichten  aus  dem 
Sarganserland.  Zweite  R  e  i  h  e  . 
(Schw.  Arch.  f.  Volksk.,  Basel,  1909, 
203-206.)  Cites  16  items  of  jests 
and  folk-wit. 

Zoder  (R.)  Eine  Methode  zur  lexi- 
kalischen  Anordnung  von  Landlern. 
(Z.  d.  V.  f.  Volksk.,  Berlin,  1908, 
xviii,  307-311.)  Advocates  the  mel- 
ody method  of  lexical  arrangement 
of  LSndler  and  perhaps  other  folk- 
melodies  (dances),  as  applied  to  Z.'s 
collection  of  3,600  numbers. 

Die    Melodien    zu    der    Ballade 

von  der  Nonne.  (Ibid.,  394-411.) 
Detailed  discussion  of  the  melodies 
of  the  German  folk-song,  "  Ich  stand 
auf  einem  Berge  "  (45  German  and  10 
foreign  melodies  are  listed ;  also  3 
new  versions  of  the  song). 

Zur  Anthropologic  Schottlands.  (Glo- 
bus, Brnschwg.,  1908,  xciii,  352.) 
Resumes  briefly  data  in  article  by  J. 
Gray  in  the  Journ.  R.  Anthrop.  Inst., 
xxxvii,  on  '.he  color  of  hair  and 
eyes  of  Scottish  children. 

AFRICA 

Antze  (G.)  Fetische  und  Zaubermittel 
aus  Togo.  I.  (Jhrb.  d.  Stadt.  Mus.  f. 
Volkerk.  zu  Leipzig,  1907,  11  [1908], 
36-56,  83  fgs.)  First  part  of  de- 
scription and  discussion  of  fetishes 
and  "  magic  "  objects  from  Togo,  in 
the  Leipzig  Ethnological  Museum : 
Fofie  (8  persons),  Nayo  (wooden 
stool  fetish).  The  first  originally  be- 
longed to  Djaki,  near  Kumassi,  on 
the  Gold  Coast ;  the  second  is  from 
Pereu,  west  of  Bismarckburg.  The 
numerous  amulets  and  ornaments, 
swords,  etc.,  of  the  fetish-priests  are 
figured  and  described.  Connected 
with  Nayo  is  a  poison-ordeal. 

Archibald  (J.  F.  J.)  In  civilized 
French  Africa.  (Nat.  Geogr.  Mag., 
Wash.,  1909,  XX,  303-311,  I  fg.,  6  pi.) 
Illustrations  (house-interior,  horse- 
men. Bedouin  girl,  etc.)  are  of  eth- 
nological interest. 

Bargy  (M.)  Notes  etnographiques  sur 
1  e  s  Birifons.  (L'Anthropologie, 
Paris,  1909,  XX,  167-173.)  Treats  of 
habitat,  tribal  groups,  physique,  food, 
dress  and  ornament,  dancing  and 
music,  religion  ("  a  mass  of  gross 
superstitions,"  according  to  Dr  B.), 
shamans    and    fetishism    (representa- 


Periodical  Literature 


lOI 


tion  of  fetish  by  statuette  rare),  mar- 
riage, birth,  death  (no  ceremonies  for 
two  former ;  but  death  and  burial 
rites),  social  life,  houses,  language 
(comparative  vocabulary  of  Birifon 
and  Lobi).  The  Birifons  differ  from 
the  Lobi  more  in  language  than  in 
anything  else. 

Bel  (A.)  La  population  musulmane  de 
Tlemcen.  (R.  d.  £t.  Ethnogr.  et  So- 
ciol.,  Paris,  1908,  11,  417-447,  9  pi.) 
Treats  of  material  life, — food,  cloth- 
ing and  ornament,  houses  and  furni- 
ture, sports,  games  and  dances  (nu- 
merous children's  games  cited),  hy- 
giene (Moorish  baths  common),  in- 
tellectual life, — language  (spoken  and 
literary  Arabic)  and  schools  (none 
for  girls),  plastic  and  industrial  arts 
(low  state),  expressive  arts  (song 
and  music  esteemed;  folk-literature), 
family  and  society  (monogamy  with 
few  exceptions),  etc. 

Bieber  (F.  J.)  Die  Geistige  Kultur  der 
Kaffitscho.  (Ibid.,  1909,  in,  37-63-) 
Treats  of  religion  (native  hekketino 
or  folk-belief,  ideas  of  God ;  no  cre- 
ation legend ;  priests,  formalities  of 
religion,  temples,  sacrifices,  prayers, 
dancing,  festivals,  other-world  ideas, 
worship  of  spirits ;  Christianity ;  la- 
bors of  Roman  Catholic  Church ; 
Ethiopian  church  (Islam),  mythology 
and  superstition  ("  evil  eye,"  were- 
wolf, hero-tales,  local  legends  and 
animal  fables),  knowledge  (foreign 
languages,  no  writing  or  books,  geog- 
raphy, no  schools,  proverbs  numer- 
ous), medicine  ("  medicine  men " 
now  few,  materia  medica,  diseases 
and  treatment,  list  of  disease-names), 
art  (musical  instruments,  songs  nu- 
merous), play  and  amusement  (toys, 
dances,  etc.),  festivals  (New  Year's 
family  feasts),  calendar  (divisions  of 
day,  month  and  day  names),   etc. 

• Das  staatliche  Leben  der  Kaf- 
fitscho. (Globus,  Brnschwg.,  igo8, 
xciii,  165-169,  186-189,  3  fgs.) 
Treats  of  former  government  and  po- 
litical-social life  during  the  Kaf- 
fitcho,  from  material  gathered  by  the 
author  in  1905, — Kaffa  ceased  to  be 
independent  after  the  Abyssinian 
conquest  in  1897.  Form  of  govern- 
ment and  officials  (King  and  council, 
subordinate  kings)  ;  title,  dress,  resi- 
dence, court,  family  and  servants  of 
monarchs ;  death,  succession,  burial, 
royal  graves ;  coronation ;  officials 
and  their  duties  ;  the  Abyssinian  rule, 
etc. 

Das    Heerwesen    der    Kaffitscho. 

(Ibid.,    1909,   xcv,   215-220,    10   fgs.) 


Treats  of  warfare,  weapons,  etc., 
among  the  Kaffitcho :  army,  declara- 
tion of  war,  soldiers  (men  upwards  of 
80  and  boys  under  8  left  at  home), 
spear-men  and  bow-men,  shield,  dag- 
ger, arrows,  war-cloak,  war-feather, 
order  of  march  and  battle,  etc., — 
native  terms   are   all  cited. 

Blackman  (A.  M.)  The  fox  as  a 
birth-amulet.  (Man,  Lond.,  1909,  ix, 
9-10,  4  fgs.)  Cites  from  Nubia  two 
instances  (suspension  of  entire  dead 
fox  over  door  of  forecourt  of  house; 
3  dead  foxes  at  full  length  on  flat 
roof  above  door)  of  use  of  fox  as 
amulet.  The  modern  Nubians  seem 
to  use  the  fox  as  an  amulet  for  pro- 
tecting women  in  pregnancy  and 
child-birth.  The  ancient  Egyptian 
determinative  of  msy  ("  to  bear," 
"  women  "),  contains  ms,  a  sign  made 
up  of  three  foxskins. 

Bloch  (A.)  A  propos  de  la  communi- 
cation de  M.  Manouvrier  sur  les 
cranes  egyptiens  de  M.  de  Morgan. 
(Bull.  Soc.  d'Anthrop.  de  Paris,  v^  s., 
IX,  1908,  655-657.)  Argues  for  the 
negroid  (African)  origin  of  the  an- 
cient Egyptians. 

Quelques      remarques      d'anthro- 

pologie  et  d'ethnogenie  sur  les 
Gallas  du  Jardin  d'Acclimatation. 
(Ibid.,  IX,  681-687,  3  fgs.)  Notes  on 
the  physical  characters  of  the  Gallas 
(there  are  some  40,  of  which  6  are 
women  and  7  children)  now  at  the 
Jardin  d'Acclimatation  in  Paris. 
The  men  are  tall  and  the  women 
above  the  average ;  skin  dark,  but  not 
"  negro-black," — sometimes  with  a 
deep  brown  tint,  chocolate  or  bronzed 
color ;  the  dark  color  is  already  ap- 
parent in  child  of  5  to  12  years; 
black  hair ;  forehead  high  and 
straight,  or  "  bombe "  ;  nose  some- 
what Caucasian ;  mouth  longer  and 
lips  thicker  than  those  of  whites ; 
teeth  very  white  and  large,  seldom 
carious ;  calf  of  leg  little  developed. 
Dr  B.  concludes  that  the  Gallas  are 
a  people  of  unmixed  negro  race,  with 
the  negroid  characters  attenuated  by 
evolution  and  not  by  metissage. 

Boas  (F.)  Industries  of  the  African 
Negroes.  (So.  Wkmn.,  Hampton, 
Va.,  1909,  xxxviii,  217-229,  10  fgs.) 
Treats  of  native  African  products 
such  as  basketry  from  the  region 
north  of  L.  Tanganyika,  decorated 
mats  from  the  country  about  the 
mouth  of  the  Congo,  pottery  of  the 
Bali  near  the  mouth  of  the  Niger, 
wood-carving  of  the  Congo  country, 
etc.,  metal-work  (art  of  making  iron 


I02 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


may  have  been  a  Negro  invention), 
etc.  Dr  B.  thinks  "  the  impression 
which  we  gain  from  the  failure  of 
the  American  Negro  to  manifest  him- 
self in  any  of  these  directions  is  due 
not  to  native  inability  but  to  the  de- 
grading conditions  under  which  he 
has  been  placed  for  generations." 

Boehmer  (J.)  Zum  Problem  der  neu- 
arabischen  Sprache.  (Anthropos, 
Wien,  1909,  IV,  170-177.)  Accord- 
ing to  Dr  B.  there  are  dozens  or 
hundreds  of  Arabic  dialects  spoken 
from  Mesopotamia  to  Morocco,  from 
the  Mediterranean  to  the  Equator, 
but  "  no  common-Arabic  language." 
There  is  only  one  Arabic  language 
for  writing  and  literature,  that  of 
the  Koran.  This  question  of  a  com- 
mon Arabic  tongue  cannot  be  de- 
cided by  politics.  A  speech-hero 
(like  Luther,  e.  g.)  must  arise ;  a 
man  of  genius,  a  religious  genius, 
and  the  language  he  chooses,  literary 
Arabic,  or  some  dialect,  will  become 
the  common  Arabic  speech. 

Bosson  {Mrs.  G.  C,  Jr.)  Biskra,  the 
Ziban  Queen.  (Nat.  G$ogr.  Mag., 
Wash.,  1908,  XIX,  563-593,  I  fg.,  22 
pi.,  map.)  Gives  account  of  the 
oasis  of  Biskra  and  its  villages,  peo- 
ple, the  shrine-town  of  Sidi-Okba, 
etc.  The  illustrations  treat  of  cara- 
vans, village  scenes,  ploughing,  street 
barber-shop,  bread-seller,  dance  girls 
and  oueled-nails,  market-place,  play- 
ing marbles,  teacher,  date-gathering. 
Bedouin  encampment,  Mussulman  de- 
votions, etc. 

Bradley  (C.  B.)  The  oldest  known 
writing  in  Siamese.  The  inscription 
of  Phra  Ram  Khamhaeng  of  Sukho- 
thai,  1293  A.  D.  (J.  Siam  Soc, 
Bangkok,  1909,  vi,  Pt.  I,  64,  i  pi.) 
Facsimile,  transliteration  into  mod- 
ern Siamese  characters,  translation 
into  English,  word-list,  historical  and 
explanatory  notes,  with  discussion  of 
form,  style,  etc.  The  inscription 
contains  1500  words  of  which  404  are 
different;  and  of  these  317  are 
"  Thai,  native  or  effectively  natural- 
ized, 6^  of  Indian  origin,  13  of 
Khamen  origin,  and  11  proper  names 
not  Thai."  The  Thai  element  is  thus 
83%  of  the  different  words,  but 
larger  if  all  words  are  counted. 

Brisley  (T.)  Notes  on  the  Baoule 
tribe.  (J.  Afric.  Soc,  Lond.,  1909, 
viii,  296-302.)  Treats  of  history 
(on  Ivory  Coast,  part  of  great  Agni- 
Ashanti  family),  customs  (order  of 
succession  same  as  with  Fanti,  order 
of     precedence,     marriage,     adultery, 


death  and  burial,  new-moon  dances 
and  songs),  industries,  religion  (each 
village  has  fetish-temple ;  supreme 
spiritual  being  called  Alnrzva),  lan- 
guage (known  as  Agni ;  brief  com- 
parative vocabularies  of  Fanti, 
Ashanti   and  Agni,    from    Delafosse). 

Buchner  (M.)  Benin  und  die  Portu- 
giesen.  (Z,  f.  Ethnol.,  Berlin,  1908, 
XL,  981-992,  4  fgs.)  Discusses  the 
role  of  the  Portuguese  in  Benin  with 
special  reference  to  famous  "  Benin 
brasses,"  discovered  in  1897.  Por- 
tuguese influence  in  W.  Africa  in- 
cludes not  merely  items  of  European 
origin,  but  also  factors  from  India 
and  Brazil,  as  well  as  from  other 
parts  of  Africa  transmitted  by  them. 
The  bronze  fowl  of  Benin  are  un- 
doubtedly Indian,  as  may  be  also  the 
gold  weights  of  Ashanti.  The 
archer  on  one  bronze  plate  is  Asiatic, 
likewise  the  ornaments,  etc.,  of  the 
warriors.  The  stuffed  coats  of 
mail  of  some  of  the  soldiers  on  these 
plates  may  hail  from  Brazil.  Through 
the  Portuguese  came  manioc,  the 
sand-flea,  etc.,  to  W.  Africa.  The 
language  of  the  Angola  Negroes  has 
even   a   few   American    Indian  words. 

Bushmen  (The)  as  existing  representa- 
tives of  the  paleolithic  races.  (Rec. 
of  Past.,  Wash.,  1909,  viii,  137-138.) 
Brief  resume  of  Prof.  W.  J.  Sollas's 
article  in  Science  Progress  for  April, 
1909. 

Buxton  (T.  F.  V.)  Missions  and  in- 
dustries in  East  Africa.  (J.  Afric. 
Soc,  Lond.,  1909,  279-287.)  Shows 
"  how  it  is  that  those  interested  in 
missions  are  driven  to  the  consid- 
eration of  industrial  questions,"  and 
"  describes  briefly  what  is  being  at- 
tempted for  their  solution."  Manual 
training  and  industrial  work,  cotton- 
cultivation,  coco-nut  planting,  laun- 
drying,  etc.,  are  considered. 

Camboue  (P.)  Les  premiers  ans  de 
I'enfance  chez  les  Malgaches.  (An- 
thropos, Modling-Wien,  1909,  iv,  375- 
386.  4  pi.)  Treats  in  detail  of  cir- 
cimicision  and  name-giving  among 
the  Hova  of  Madagascar.  At  pp. 
385-3S6  are  given  the  native  texts 
and  translations  of  16  fady  or  taboos 
for  children. 

de  Clercq  (A.)  Quelques  legendes  des 
Bena  Kanioka.  (Ibid.,  71-86,  442- 
456.)  First  part  gives  native  text 
with  interlinear  translation  of  7 
legends  (serpent,  toad  and  lizard,  old 
woman,  Kadiampenga  and  the  ogre, 
Malovu  and  the  crocodile.  Kahafua- 
banza,  the  hunter  and  the  ogre)  from 


Periodical  Literature 


103 


the  Bena  Kanioka,  of  the  Mbujimai 
— Lubilashi  region  in  the  Congo  Free 
State.  The  second  part  gives  text 
and  translations  of  Nos.  8-14  of 
legends  (leopard  and  antelope, 
Kamundi  and  the  partridge,  the  ani- 
mals that  kill  their  mothers,  the  tree 
of  God,  the  girl  and  her  calabash, 
the  woman  and  the  bird),  Nos.  15- 
18  of  songs,  and  No.  19  a  recitative. 

Crahmer  (W.)  Uber  den  Ursprung 
der  "  Beninkultur."  (Globus,  Brn- 
schwg.,  1908,  xciv,  301-303.)  Argues 
for  the  Indian  origin  directly  or  in- 
directly of  the  art  of  the  famous 
"  Benin  bronzes,"  etc.  They  may 
have  been  due  to  intermediary  Por- 
tuguese influence,  or  some  stray  In- 
dian bronze-casters  may  have  made 
their  way  to  W.  Africa.  The  art  of 
the  Malabar  coast  of  India  resembles 
much  this  W.  African.  C.  points  out 
that  "in  the  year  1554  there  came  to 
Portugal  the  King  of  Benin,  a  Caffre 
by  nation,  and  he  became  a  Chris- 
tian." 

Uber      den      indoportugiesischen 

Ursprung  der  "  Beninkunst."  (Ibid., 
1909,  xcv,  345-349,  360-365,  12  fgs.) 
C.  holds  that  the  "  Benin  art "  rep- 
resents a  mixed  style  grown  up  in 
colonial  time  as  result  of  the  Por- 
tuguese-African-Indian intercourse, 
and  containing  Portuguese,  pure  Af- 
rican and  Indian  elements,  and  per- 
haps others.  The  Hindu  figures  of 
gods,  C.  thinks,  have  been  utilized 
for  the  Benin  bronzes ;  also  the 
bronze,  brass  and  clay  animal  and 
votive  figures  of  S.  India ;  Indian 
bronze  casters  may  actually  have 
been  in  W.  Africa.  The  utensils  of 
the  Christian  church,  brought  early 
to  Africa,  had  also  their  influence. 
A  native  legend  attributes  brass- 
work,  etc.,  to  a  white  man.  These 
first  modelers  may  have  been  Hindus, 
Portuguese  or  even  Germans  (for 
German  bronze-casters  were  in  the 
service  of  Portuguese  kings). 

Crawford  (J.  W.  W.)  The  Kikuyu 
medicine  man.  (Man,  Lond.,  1909, 
IX,  53-56.)  The  medicine-man 
known  as  nmrgttri  (fortune-teller, 
prophet)  and  miindn  mugo  (priest- 
physician)  is  much  in  evidence  in 
social  life.  His  methods  as  fortune- 
teller and  "  physician,"  the  ordeal, 
etc.,  are  described. 

Czekanowski  (J.)  Die  anthropolo- 
gisch-ethnographischen  Arbeiten  der 
Expedition  S.  H.  des  Herzogs  Adolf 
Friedrich  zu  Mecklenburg  fiir  den 
Zeitraum    vom    i.    Juni,    1907    bis    i. 


August,  1908.  (Z.  f.  Ethnol.,  Berlin, 
1909,  XLi,  591-615,  colored  map.) 
Resumes  activities  and  results  of  the 
Duke  of  Mecklenburg's  expedition  to 
East  Africa,  1907-1908,  during  which 
3350  men  and  women  were  measured 
and  1013  skulls  collected  from  the 
Nile  valley  (chief)  and  the  Congo ; 
casts  of  35  faces  and  i  thorax.  Of 
ethnographic  specimens  1700  were 
obtained  from  Ruanda,  Toro-Unyoro, 
Logo  and  Manbetu-Momvu.  Studies 
were  made  of  social-organization  and 
vocabularies  of  21  languages  (also 
phonographic  records,  songs,  etc.). 
The  distribution  of  languages  is  in- 
dicated and  tribal  names  are  explained, 
— there  are  also  some  notes  on  the 
pigmies  (they  speak  the  Balese 
tongue).  In  this  region  rivers  and 
lakes,  not  mountains,  form  anthropo- 
logical boundaries.  The  primitive 
people  of  the  forests  are  shorter  than 
the  inhabitants  of  the  open  plains. 
The  Batwa  of  Ruwenzori  are  iden- 
tical with  the  forest  pigmies. 

Das  Land  der  Iforass-Tuareg.  (Glo- 
bus, Brnschwg.,  1908,  382-383.) 
Resumes  from  article  in  La  Geog- 
raphic for  April,  1908,  Capt.  Arnaud 
and  Lieut.  Cortier's  account  of  the 
country  of  the  Iforass  Tuaregs,  N.  E. 
of  Gao  in  the  Sahara.  The  Adrar 
Tuaregs  are  not  really  "  noble." 

Delafosse  (M.)  Le  peuple  Siena  ou 
Senoufou.  (R.  d.  fit.  Ethnogr.  et 
Sociol.,  Paris,  1908,  i,  448-457,  483- 
486;  1908,  II,  1-21,  2  pi.)  Treats  of 
social  classes,  castes,  families  (clans), 
politics,  birth  and  child-life,  mar- 
riage, family-life  and  life  of  men  and 
women,  funerals  and  cult  of  the  dead, 
property,  succession  and  inheritance, 
civil  justice,  crime  and  punishment, 
religion  (God,  spirits,  cult  and  ini- 
tiation, taboos,  sacrifice,  sacred  for- 
ests;  I  in  1,000  is  Mahometan), 
intellectual  and  moral  characters,  etc. 

Delisle  (F.)  Sur  un  crane  Maure. 
(Bull.  Soc.  d'Anthrop.  de  Paris,  1909, 
V*  s.,  X,  10-13.)  Describes,  with 
measurements,  a  dolichocephalic  (in- 
dex 69.47,  approximate  capacity 
1,350  cc.)  skull  of  a  male  member  of 
the  Moorish  tribe  of  the  Ulad-bu- 
Laya,  of  Selibaby,  N.  of  the  Senegal, 
The  skull  "  reproduces  certain  marks 
of  the  ancient  quaternary  race  of 
Cro-Magnon,"  and  exhibits  at  the 
same  time  certain  negroid  elements, 
suggesting  metissage. 

Dennett  (R.  E.)  At  the  back  of  the 
black  man's  mind.  A  reply  to  E.  T. 
(Man,  Lond.,  1908,  viii,  89-91.)     Re- 


lO^ 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


ply  to  reviewer's  critique  of  D.'s  use 
of  linguistic  evidence  in  his  recent 
book. 

Yoruba    salutations.      (J.    Afric. 

Soc,  Lond.,  1909,  VIII,  187-189.) 
Gives  native  texts  (obtained  from 
Mr  Beecroft,  son  of  a  Yoruba  who 
accompanied  the  late  consul  Beecroft 
on  many  of  his  journeys  and  there- 
fore adopted  his  name)  and  English 
translations  of  numerous  words  used 
on  meeting,  entering  and  leaving  a 
house,  on  the  birth  of  a  child,  at  a 
marriage,  at  a  death. 

Desparmet  (J.)  La  mauresque  et  les 
maladies  de  I'enfance.  (R.  d.  fit. 
Ethnogr.  et  Sociol.,  Paris,  1908,  i, 
500-514.)  Treats  of  the  influence 
upon  the  hygiene  and  education  of 
childhood  of  the  theory  attributing 
diseases,  etc.,  to  the  "  evil  eye," 
spirits,  witches,  etc.  Child-birth  and 
amulets,  sleep,  walking,  weaning, 
speech,  teething,  intestinal  troubles, 
hernia,  scrofula,  goitre,  fever,  whoop- 
ing-cough, cholera  infantum,  jaun- 
dice, "  tizguert "  (sore  neck),  etc., 
and  their  treatment  are  considered. 

Diesing  (E.)  Eine  Reise  in  Ukonongo, 
Deutsch-Ostafrika.  (Globus,  Brn- 
schwg.,  1909,  xcv,  309-312.)  Con- 
tains some  notes  on  the  natives 
(Manika,  Nondo,  Mpete,  Mfipa,  etc.), 
their  villages,   festivals,   etc. 

Dokumente  fiir  die  Umschiffung  Af- 
rikas  zur  Zeit  Nechos.  (Ibid.,  1908, 
xciv,  176.)  Treats,  after  A.  Moret 
and  J.  Capart  (Mouvement  Geogr., 
July  26,  '08)  of  the  two  scarabei  in 
the  Musees  Royaux  du  Cinquanten- 
aire  in  Brussels,  containing  descrip- 
tions relating  to  the  voyage  of  Pha- 
raoh Necho  around  Africa.  These 
inscriptions  were  later  shown  by  A. 
Erman  and  H.  Schaefer,  the  Egyp- 
tologists, to  be  modern  forgeries, 
made  up  of  known  Egyptian  texts. 

Duckworth  (W.  H.  L.)  Report  on 
three  skulls  of  A-Kamba  natives, 
British  East  Africa.  (Man,  Lond., 
1909,  IX,  114-116.)  Describes  with 
measurements  an  adult  male,  an 
adult  female  and  a  young  female 
skull  (cephalic  indexes,  75.7,  74-3> 
7S.i). 

Dundas  (K.  R.)  Kikuyu  calendar. 
(Ibid.,  37-38.)  Gives  native  names 
of  the  12  months,  of  the  two  seasons 
(July-January  and  February-June), 
and  activities  of  people  during  each. 
There  is  no  word  for  our  year  of  12 
mos.,  nor  for  the  days  of  the  week 
(market-days  serve).  Circumci'sion- 
months  are  carnival  months. 


Notes  on  the  origin  and  history 

of  the  Kikuyu  and  Dorobo  tribes. 
(Ibid.,  1908,  VIII,  136-139.)  The 
Kikuyu  are  a  mixed  race  (partly 
Masai)  whose  invasion  dates  back 
a  century  or  so  ;  the  earliest  inhabi- 
tants of  the  Kikuyu  country  were  the 
Dorobo,  who  are  not  beneath  the 
other  natives  in  intelligence.  Ac- 
cording to  D.,  "  languages  go  for 
nothing  in  this  country  where  a 
whole  tribe  will  with  the  greatest 
facility  in  the  course  of  a  single  gen- 
eration change  its  language." 

Eyles  (F.)  Fire-making  apparatus  of 
the  Makorikori.  (Ibid.,  106.)  Note 
on  flint-steel  charred  vegetable  fiber 
method  of  fire-making  used  by  the 
Makorikori  near  Mt  Darwin,  Mazoe, 
S.  Rhodesia. 

Fassmann  ( — )  Die  Gottesverehrung 
bei  den  Bantu-Negern.  (Anthropos, 
Modling-Wien,  1909,  iv,  574-581.) 
Treats  of  names  for  "  God "  among 
the  Bantu  tribes  (two  varieties,  one 
connected  with  the  sun  or  sky,  the 
other  with  the  ancestor  cult  or 
spirits),  and  of  their  religion — two 
disparate  parts,  fear  of  spirits,  and 
service  of  spirits ;  right-hand  spirits 
and  left-hand  spirits).  At  p.  578  is 
given  the  brief  story  of  "  The  man 
who  wanted  to  shoot  Rnva  (sun, 
God)  with  an  arrow."  The  moon  is 
the  wife  of  the  sun,  and  with  the 
Wadjagga,  the  former  is  neutral,  the 
latter  good. 

Ferrand  (G.)  Note  sur  I'alphabet 
arabico-malgache.  (Ibid.,  190-206.) 
Treats  of  the  30  consonants,  23  pure 
vowels,  13  nasal  vowels,  27  pure 
diphthongs,  4  nasal  diphthongs  and  2 
triphthongs,  composing  the  Malagasy 
alphabet  ancient  and  modern.  In 
the  S.  E,  Islamization  and  the  Arab 
alphabet  have  attained  their  maxi- 
mum of  development, — here  the  27 
Arab  characters  have  to  transcribe  83 
phonemes. 

L'origine      africaine      des      Mal- 

gaches.  (Bull.  Soc.  d'Anthrop.  de 
Paris,  1909,  V*  s.,  x,  22-35.)  Dis- 
cusses and  criticizes  Grandidier's 
theory  (L'origine  des  Malgaches, 
Paris,  1 901)  of  the  peopling  of  Mad- 
agascar by  successive  migrations  of 
"  Indo-Melanesian  negroes  "  (Melan- 
esians),  with  its  contention  as  to  the 
absence  of  Sanskrit  words  from  Ma- 
lagasy, and  sets  forth  the  view  that 
the  Malagasy  are  of  Bantu  origin. 
The  ethnic  history  of  Madagascar, 
according  to  F.,  has  been  as  follows : 
I.    L^nknown    pre-Bantu    period.      2. 


Periodical  Literature 


\o- 


Bantu  period  with  important  immi- 
gration of  Bantus  anterior  to  our 
era.  3.  Indonesian,  pre-Merina,  pre- 
Hova  period,  with  important  immi- 
gration in  2d-4th  centuries  A.  D.  of 
Hinduized  Indonesians  from  Su- 
matra, who  dominated  and  absorbed 
the  Bantus.  4.  Arab  immigration 
from  end  of  7th-9th  century,  and 
Islamizing  of  Malagasy.  5.  Second 
Sumatran  immigration  about  the  loth 
century.  6.  Persian  migration.  7. 
Arab  migration  ca.  1500  A.  D.  Some 
of  the  arguments  of  F.,  and  certain 
'    etymologies,  that  of  Hova,  e.  g.,  are 

farfetched  and  hazardous. 
Ffoulkes  (A.)  Funeral  customs  of  the 
Gold  Coast  colony.  (J.  Afric.  Soc, 
Lond.,  1909,  VIII,  154-164.)  Treats 
of  forms  of  notification  (donations, 
notifications  of  debts  due  by  de- 
ceased), hut-burial  (fast  dying  out), 
provision  of  coffin,  action  of  widow 
(divorced  wife  takes  no  part  in 
funeral),  funeral  of  an  omanhin  or 
chief  (secrecy,  private  burial,  mock 
funeral ;  detailed  account,  pp.  160- 
164),  etc. 
Forster  (B.)  Aus  dem  Konigreich 
Kongo,  (Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1908, 
xciv,  93-94.)  Resumes  article  by 
Rev  T.  Lewis  in  the  Geographical 
Journal  for  June,  1908,  on  geograph- 
ical relations,  people,  intellectual 
life  of  negroes,  slavery,  colonizing, 
etc. 
Frazer  (J.  G.)  Statues  of  three 
kings  of  Dahomey.  (Man,  Lond., 
1908,  VIII,  130-132,  2  fgs.)  Based  on 
article  by  M.  Delafosse  in  La  Nature 
(Paris),  for  March,  1894,  pp.  262- 
266,  describing  three  life-size  wooden 
statues  in  the  Trocadero  Museum, 
Paris,  which  "  seem  to  prove  that 
kings  of  Dahomey  habitually  posed  as 
certain  fierce  animals  or  birds,"  a 
fact  which  "  may  perhaps  throw  light 
on  such  legends  as  the  Minotaur,  the 
serpent  of  Erectheus,  and  so  forth." 
Freise  (F.)  Bergbauliche  Unternehm- 
ungen  in  Afrika  wahrend  des  Alter- 
tums.  (Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1908, 
xciii,  28-30.)  Resumes  data  as  to 
mining  in  ancient  times  in  Africa : 
Ancient  Egypt  (gold  in  Upper 
Egypt  and  Punt, — Somali,  probably 
the  Ophir  of  Solomon, — and  perhaps 
farther  south ;  emeralds  in  the  moun- 
tains of  Sikkit  and  Djebel  Zabara : 
iron  and  copper  from  Sinai  penin- 
sula, etc.;  turquoise  from  Djebel 
Serbal ;  stone  for  building,  etc.,  from 
Upper  and  Lower  Egypt)  ;  Carthage 
(lead-glance   from   Tunis,   etc.),   iron 


industry  of  N.  Africa  (flourishing  in 
antiquity  about  Bona)  ;  Roman  cop- 
per-mines in  the  Djebel  Sidi  Rgheis 
(Tunis),  antimony  at  Ain-el-Bebbuch, 
south  of  Constantine ;  rock-salt  at 
Taodeni  in  the  desert  region  of  the 
western   Sudan. 

Frcy  (F.)  Beschreibung  der  Mumie  des 
Amonpriesters  Paneschi  im  Museum 
zu  Colmar  "  Unterlinden  "  (Mitt.  d. 
naturh.  Ges.  in  Colmar,  1907-1908, 
N.  F.,  IX,  53-66,  3  pi.)  Describes  the 
mummy  of  Paneshi,  priest  of  Amon, 
dating  from  663-332  B.  C,  now  in 
the  Colmar  Museum, — coffin,  grave- 
gifts,  inscription,  etc.  The  golden 
statuettes  of  gods  (Amon,  Nefertem, 
Isis  with  Horus,  etc.),  and  other 
ancient  Egyptian  works  of  art  in  the 
Museum  are   of  interest. 

Frobenius  (L.)  Reisebericht.  (Z.  f. 
Ethnol.,  Berlin,  1908,  XL,  799-803.) 
Notes  on  the  peoples,  etc.,  met  with 
in  a  journey  from  the  eastern  edge 
of  the  Senegal  region  into  the  south- 
ern country  about  the  source  of  the 
Niger,  as  far  as  the  primitive  W. 
African  forest  in  the  interior  of 
Liberia,— the  Mandingo  ("  sons  of 
the  Ma," — Manatus  Vogelii)  and 
their  neighbor-tribes  E.  and  W.  F. 
has  obtained  much  information, 
through  personal  investigation  and 
experience,  concerning  numerous  se- 
cret societies,  etc.  The  fables  of 
this  region  seem  to  belong  more  with 
those  of  the  Sahara  tribes  than 
with  those  of  the  Negroes  proper. 
Indigenous  art  has  been  largely  de- 
stroyed. F.  has  studied  especially  the 
old  state  of  Mali  (the  Serrakolle  and 
Bammana  or  Bambara  are  also  old 
state-forming  peoples).  F.'s  assistant, 
Nansen,  made  1000  sketches  and 
drawings,  besides  many  portraits. 

Brief     aus     Timbuktu.        (Ibid., 

929-930.)  Notes  success  in  obtain- 
ing historical  and  religious  data  of 
importance.  F.  "  overcame  the  ter- 
ribly obstinate  resistance  of  the  Fula 
and  Mandingo  mind." 

Reisebericht.      (Ibid.,    1909,   XLi, 

262-266.)  Resumes  ethnological  ac- 
tivities in  the  triangular  region  of 
which  the  angles  are  Bamako  on  the 
upper  Niger,  Mangu  in  Togt),  and 
Timbuktu,  north  of  the  Niger,  a 
region  of  many  varied  types  (e.  g., 
in  houses,  villages,  etc.,  W.  African, 
S.  African  forms,  etc. ;  bows,  musical 
instruments)  :  Mythology  and  re- 
ligion (Mossi  religion  based  on  man- 
ism  ;  in  N.  W.  tradition  limits  and 
hinders  history),  songs  (Mande  types. 


io6 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


Sorokol  or  Sonrhai  songs  like  central 
Asiatic  hero  songs ;  Fula  songs  re- 
calling old  French  epics  ;  animal  tales 
of  an  /Esopic  sort,  religious  and  se- 
cret societies. 

Garstang  (J.)  Excavations  at  Abydos, 
1909.  (Ann.  Arch,  and  Anthrop., 
Liverpool,  1909,  11,  125-129,  3  pi.) 
Gives  brief  account  of  objects  found 
belonging  to  various  periods  from  the 
second  dynasty  {ante  3000  B,  C.)  to 
the  latest  dynasties  and  Ptolemaic 
period  {ca.  300  B.  C.)  :  flint  imple- 
ments, royal  seal  impressions  in 
clay,  alabaster  vases,  bronze  objects, 
cylinder  seal,  amulets,  pottery  vases, 
beads,  small  stelae,  stone  objects, 
metal  and  clay  objects,  daggers, 
scarabs,  ornaments,  alabaster  and 
pottery  figures,  vases  of  stone  and 
faience,  bronze  vessels,  jewels  of 
gold,  personal  ornaments,  painted 
cartonnage,  silver  figures,  etc.  The 
button-seals  have  seeming  relations 
with  Cretan  seals.  Interesting  also 
is  the  collection  of  coppersmith's 
tools  from  a  tomb  of  the  sixth  dy- 
nasty. 

Gaud  (F.)  Organisation  politique  des 
Mandja,  Congo.  (R.  d.  fit.  Ethnogr. 
et  Sociol.,  Paris,  1908,  i,  321-326,  2 
pi.)  Treats  of  clan  (composed  of 
family  groups),  clan-names  (list  of 
77),  clan-chief  (formerly  had  a  sort 
of  moral  authority  making  him  the 
first  of  the  clan  ;  since  the  European 
occupation  the  role  and  authority  of 
the  chief  have  developed  much),  sub- 
chiefs  (since  the  French  occupation 
these  have  become  capolars,  a  corrup- 
tion of  caporals),  meetings  (for  war- 
like purposes  ;  the  only  expression  of 
Mandja  collective  organization),  etc. 

Gautier  (E.  F.)  Les  mpakafo,  cher- 
cheurs  de  coeur.  (Bull.  Soc.  d'An- 
throp.  de  Paris,  1908,  v**  S.,  ix,  487- 
491.)  Note  on  the  "heart-hunters," 
— certain  Hovas  of  Madagascar  are 
said  to  seek  to  sell  (for  purposes  of 
sorcery)  to  the  Europeans  the  hearts 
of  newly  killed  infants.  The  mpaka- 
fo appeared  in  Tananarive  as  late  as 
1907.  In  the  discussion  M.  Baudouin 
compared  the  "  Bluebeard "  lore  of 
western   Europe. 

Gayet  (A.)  Les  dernieres  decouvertes 
archeologiques  faites  en  Egypte. 
(Mercure  de  France,  Paris,  1909, 
Lxxix,  456-466.)  Notes  on  investi- 
gations of  E.  Naville  (temple  of 
Thothmes  III),  Davis  (20th  dynasty 
mummy  of  prince),  Schiaparelli 
(princesses  of  Rameses  family  in  the 
Valley  of  the  Queens),  Zucker   (pa- 


pyri at  Fayiim,  mummy  cartons, 
etc.),  Lythgoe  (in  the  Libyan  oasis 
of  Kirgheh,  temples,  etc.,  city 
founded   by   Hadrian,    etc.). 

van  Gennep  (A.)  L'expedition  eth- 
nographique  du  Prof.  Dr  K.  Weule 
dans  I'Afrique  Orientale  Allemande  en 
1906.  (R.  d'fit.  Ethnogr.  et  Sociol., 
Paris,  1908,  I,  517-520,  5  fgs.)  Based 
on  Dr  K.  Weule's  recent  works. 
Notes  on  a  native  map  of  caravan- 
roads,  lock  and  keys,  masks  and  or- 
namental scarifications  of  the  Ma- 
konde. 

Goldstein  (F.)  Viehthesaurierung  in 
Haussafulbien  und  Adamaua.  (Glo- 
bus, Brnschwg.,  1908,  xciii,  373-3/6.) 
Treats  of  the  possession  of  cattle  in 
the  Hausa-Fulbe  country  and  Ada- 
maua and  of  the  development  of 
cattle  raising  as  a  source  of 
-wealth.  The  proper  recognition  and 
exploitation  of  this  economic  fact  by 
the  European  colonial  authorities 
would  be  of  great  benefit  to  the  na- 
tive races  and  to  the  whites  as  well. 

Die     Frauen     in     Haussafulbien 

und  in  Adamaua.  (Ibid.,  1908,  xciv, 
61-65.)  Treats  of  social  position  (vei'y 
good  among  the  Hausa  and  Fulbe ; 
among  the  Fulbe  nobles  or  Torobe 
full-fledged  harem  system  and  polyg- 
amy ;  children  much  desired),  legal 
status,  etc.,  of  woman  in  the  Hausa 
country,   etc. 

Die     Lukokescha     des     Lunda- 

reiches.  (Ibid.,  1909,  xcv,  331-334-) 
Gives  an  account,  after  various  au- 
thorities (especially  Pogge's  Im 
Reiche  des  Muata  Jamwo)  of  the 
lukokesha,  the  co-regent  of  the  muata 
jamii'o,  or  king  of  the  Lunda  realm 
(now  gone  to  pieces},  her  power, 
prerogatives,  etc.,  with  references  to 
similar  "  queens "  elsewhere  in 
Africa.  The  lukokesha  could  never 
be  married,  or  have  children.  Other- 
wise, her  power  was  as  great  as  that 
of  the  muata  jamtvo ;  any  prepon- 
derance was  due  to  personality,  etc. 

Green  (F.  K.)  Folk-Lore  from  Tan- 
gier. (Folk-Lore,  Lond.,  1908,  xix, 
440-458.)  English  texts  of :  The 
reason  for  abstaining  from  wine  and 
pork,  tale  of  a  lantern  (pp.  443- 
453),  the  weight  before  the  door,  bay 
and  myrtle,  the  jinns,  the  tortoise, 
the  spring. 

Guebhard  (P.)  Les  Peulh  du  Fouta 
Dialon.  (R.  d.  fit.  Ethnogr.  et  So- 
ciol., Paris,  1909,  II,  85-109,  2  pL) 
Resumes  the  origin-myths  and  tra- 
ditions of  the  natives ;  treats  of  the 
distinction    between    the    Fulbe    and 


Periodical  Literature 


107 


the  Fulah, — the  latter  in  the  ma- 
jority in  Futa,  the  family  divisions, 
— at  pp.  95-99  is  given  a  table  of 
Ourourbe,  Dial-Diallo,  Daedio,  Pe- 
redio  families  with  notes  on  the  vari- 
ous groups  and  families.  Also  two 
extracts  from  written  documents. 
The  Fulah  are  not  a  "  red  people," 
but  a  mixed  race. 
Gutmann  (B.)  Fluchen  und  Segnen 
im  Munde  der  Wadschagga.  (Glo- 
bus, Brnschwg.,  1908,  xciii,  298- 
302.)  Treats  of  cursing  and  blessing 
among    the    Wadjagga.      Words    for 

-  "  thank  you "  and  like  greetings ; 
greetings  in  the  name  of  God  or  of 
the  sun ;  wishes  and  desires  for  chil- 
dren, food,  rich  harvests,  etc. ; 
wishes  for  ill-luck,  misfortune  to 
others,  etc. ;  conjurative  sayings 
against  evil  eye,  disease  ; '  flattering 
words,  of  a  "  beautiful  tongue " ; 
insulting  words  and  expressions ; 
cursing  formulae  (in  the  name  of 
God),  the  magic  power  of  the  chief, 
the  spirits  of  the  dead,  disease,  the 
terrors  of  the  steppes ;  secret  cursing, 
indirect  malediction;  interjections 
with  force  of  a  curse ;  relief  from 
cursing  by  ceremonial. 

Zeitrechnung  bei  den  Wadjagga. 

(Ibid.,  1908,  xciv,  238-241.)  Treats 
of  time-reckoning  among  the  Wa- 
djagga: moon  and  month  =:  wzc/iVj; 
"  new  moon  day  "  ;  day-names  and 
their  meanings,  lucky  and  unlucky 
days  (first  count  of  days  to  5,  then 
new  count  from  one  to  10)  ;  months 
(begin  with  Kusanu,  corresponding 
about  to  German  March)  and  their 
names ;  season  (great  rain  period, 
dew  period,  first  warm  period,  little 
rain  period,  great  heat  period)  ;  dif- 
ferent sorts  of  rain ;  adverbs  of  past, 
present,  future  (a  term  exists  for 
"  day  after  the  day  after  the  day 
after  to-morrow  ")  ;  divisions  of  day 
and  night  and  their  names  (night- 
divisions  named  after  "  wakings- 
up"). 

Kinderspiele  bei   den  Wadjagga. 

(Ibid.,  1909,  xcv,  286-289,  300-304.) 
Treats  of  children's  plays  and  games 
among  the  Wadjagga  negroes:  ring- 
game  with  song  ;  "  who  is  your  bus- 
hand?"  (played  by  girls;  boys  have 
a  game  somewhat  similar)  ;  monkey- 
game  ;  imitating  the  kingfisher ;  play- 
ing war ;  shooting  with  bow  and 
arrow ;  looking  each  other  in  the 
eye ;  jumping  over  a  stick ;  teasing 
and  jesting ;  playing-  owl  (in  dark 
wood)  ;  hiding  (no  counting-out 
rhymes,  etc.)  ;  tests  of  strength  and 


skill ;  imitating  elders  and  parents ; 
"  grasshopper  dance  "  ;  playthings 
(no  special  toy,  but  new  things  made 
again  and  again  out  of  banana 
leaves,  etc. ;  wagons  in  imitation  of 
Italian  transport-vehicles,  stilts ; 
noise-making  implements)  ;  keeping 
children  in  order  ("  the  ear-cutter," 
— a  green  locust, — "  will  get  you  ")  ; 
guessing  games  and  riddles  (numer- 
ous examples)  ;  teasing-game  ;  dance 
and  work-songs  (song  of  girls  after 
grass  for  cows,  p.  303),  fables  and 
parables  (example),  catching  and  eat- 
ing locusts  (roasting  feast  for  boys) 
and  termites  (by  girls),  etc. 
■  Die  Opferstatten  der  Wad- 
schagga. (A.  f.  Religsw.,  Lpzg., 
1909,  XII,  83-100).  Gives  details 
concerning  the  "  holy  places,"  or 
sacrificial  spots  of  the  Wadjagga  of 
E.  Africa.  The  foot  of  the  center- 
post  of  the  hut  (where  drink  for  the 
spirits  is  poured),  the  fire-place,  a 
large  flat  stone  outside  near  the  door 
of  the  hut  (offerings  by  males  here), 
the  gravestones  of  ancestors  among 
the  banana-trees  about  the  house  (of- 
ferings made  only  by  the  individual 
families  to  whom  these  places  are 
sacred),  the  graves  of  the  "district 
ancestors "  (jiikiiu  wo  mtingo),  cer- 
tain pools  in  the  river-bed  (these  have 
special  charms  for  the  Wadjagga, 
on  account  of  the  many  spirits  in 
the  water  (a  legend  relates  the  com- 
bat of  a  white  man  with  a  "pool"), 
the  spot  where  a  canal  begins  to  flow 
from  the  river,  the  passes  and  paths 
leading  out  the  Wadjagga  country  (at 
the  border  bloody  sacrifices  are  made 
when  war  threatens),  etc.  These 
cult-places  do  not,  however,  exhaust 
the  sacrificial  spots  of  the  Wadjagga, 
who  can  "  approach  his  anywhere 
whenever  he  has  need." 

Haarpaintner  (M.)  Grammatik  der 
Yaundesprache.  (Anthropos,  Mod- 
ling-Wien,  1909,  iv,  684-701).  First 
part  (nouns,  adjective,  verbs  to  be 
and  to  have,  pronouns,  numerals) 
of  a  grammatical  sketch  of  the  lan- 
guage of  the  Yaunde,  a  people  of  the 
interior  of   the    Cameroons. 

Haberer  (Dr)  Beobachtungen  in  Siid- 
kamerun.  (Korr.-Bl.  d.  D.  Ges.  f. 
Anthrop.,  Brnschwg.,  1908,  xxxix, 
115-1x6.)  Brief  resume  of  experi- 
ences in  the  South  Cameroon  country. 
H.  observed  the  chimpanzee  and 
gorilla  in  captivity  and  in  free  forest 
life,  where  their  high  intelligence  is 
noticeable. 


io8 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


Haddon  (A.  C.)  A  copper  rod  from 
the  Transvaal.  (Man,  Lond.,  1908, 
VIII,  121-122,  2  fgs.)  Describes  the 
marali  or  copper  rod  currency  (em- 
ployed principally  for  the  purchase 
of  brides  by  chiefs)  of  the  natives 
of  the  Zoutpans  district, — this  speci- 
men came  from  Pallaboroa  in  the 
northern  Transvaal.  One  end  has  a 
cone  with  root-like  projections. 
See  Hemsworth  (H.  D.) 

Hamberger  (A.)  Religiose  Uberlie- 
ferungen  und  Gebrauche  der  Land- 
schaf t  Mkulwe.  (Anthropos,  Modling- 
Wien,  1909,  IV,  295-317.)  Treats  of 
history  of  Mulkwe  since  1750,  cos- 
mological  and  other  traditions  (na- 
tive texts  and  interlinear  transla- 
tions of  10  brief  legends — the  first 
two  men,  original  innocence,  sin  and 
punishment,  disease  and  death,  res- 
urrection, the  other  world,  Kenge- 
masala,  "  the  child  of  wisdom,"  the 
deluge,  the  building  of  the  tower), 
the  spirit-world  (Ngulihvi,  creator 
and  good  God ;  Mzi'awa,  a  subordi- 
nate evil  deity),  influence  of  spirit 
world  on  the  fate  of  man,  relation 
of  man  to  the  spirit  world,  prayers 
and  penances  (several  native  texts), 
the  shaman  and  "  medicine  man." 
The  Mkulwe  are  a  tribe  of  German 
East  Africa  on  the  lower  Saisi 
(Momba). 

Hemsworth  (H.  D.)  Note  on  marali 
currency.  (Man,  Lend.,  1908,  viii, 
122.)  According  to  H.,  marali  or 
copper-rods  are  no  longer  used  as  a 
means  of  exchange,  but  "  seem  to  be 
regarded  more  in  the  light  of  heir- 
looms,— of  value  only  to  the  families 
who  possess  them."  They  may  also 
have  some  magic  of  "medicine  "  as- 
sociations. The  copper  ore  used  was 
obtained  from  the  old  workings  at 
Pallaboroa.     See  Haddon    (A.   C.). 

Henry  (J.  M.)  Le  culte  des  esprits 
chez  les  Bambara.  (Anthropos, 
Wien,  1908,  III,  702-717,  3  pi.,  I  fg.) 
Treats  of  the  spirit-cult  of  the  Bam- 
bara of  the  French  Sudan :  Ideas 
about  spirits  and  their  classification ; 
the  fetish  Dasiri,  protector  of  the 
village  (election  of  dasiri-priest, 
choice  of  sacred  tree,  animal,  etc., 
sacrifices  and  formula  of  sacrifice)  ; 
the  secret  society  of  Kore,  protective 
fetish  of  harvests  (power  of  spirits, 
priest,  sacrifices,  sacred  Kore  dance, 
funeral  honors  of  "  sons  of  Kore, 
the  7  Kore  groups). 

V.  Hornbostel  (M.)  Wanyamwezi- 
Gesange.  (Ibid.,  1909,  iv,  781-800.) 
Treats,  with  12  pages  of  native  text 


and  music  (from  phonographic  rec- 
ords) of  the  songs  (war,  wedding, 
travel,  marching,  dance,  women's- 
dance,  work,  etc.),  of  the  Wanyam- 
wezi,  a  typical  Bantu  people  of  the 
East  African  Protectorate. 
Huguet  (J.)  Sur  la  recherche  du  man- 
uscrit  du  Kitab  En-Nasab  et  la  tra- 
duction Giacobetti.  (Bull.  Soc.  d'An- 
throp.  de  Paris,  v"  s.,  ix,  1908,  660- 
666.)  Notes  and  additions  to  Father 
Giacobetti's  translation  of  the  Kitab 
En-Nasab,  the  history  of  the  Ms., 
some  citations,  etc.  This  book  is  of 
importance  to  orientalists,  and  belongs 
with  the  reports  of  Ibn  Khaldun, 
Edrisi,  Djenawi,  etc.  Genealogy  and 
legend  are  intermingled.  The  legend 
of  the  origin  of  Fez  is  cited  by  Hu- 
guet (p.  663). 

Dans   les  zaouias.      (R.   de  I'fic. 

d'Anthrop.  de  Paris,  1908,  xviii,  349- 
357,  6  fgs.)  Describes  visits  to  El 
Hamel,  the  seat  of  the  celebrated 
raotiia  of  the  venerable  marabout 
Si  Mohammed,  and  the  oasis  of  Ain 
Madhi,  the  center  of  influence  of  the 
Tedjinia  marabouts  with  their 
caotiia. 

Remarques     sur    la    region     des 

Dayas.  (Ibid.,  327-328.)  Notes  the 
region  of  dayas  (principally  in  the 
valley  of  the  Oued  Nili),  fertile  de- 
pressions with  plethora  of  vegetation, 
but  inundated  at  times  so  as  to  for- 
bid   permanent    occupation    by    man. 

Johnston  (H.)  Where  Roosevelt  will 
hunt.  (Nat.  Geogr.  Mag.,  Wash.,  1909, 
XX,  207-256,  5  fgs.,  29  pi.)  Con- 
tains notes  on  the  Masai  (disposal 
of  dead;  poisoned  arrows;  hunting), 
natives  of  Uganda,  etc.  Many  of 
the  illustrations  (ethnic  types,  vil- 
lage-building by  women,  villages, 
houses,  family  scenes,  feasts,  hunt- 
ing, cane-carriers,  fisherwomen,  initi- 
ation-cermony,  and  dance,  gala  at- 
tire) are  of  ethnological  value.  Based 
partly  on  the  author's  The  Uganda 
Protectorate. 

Joyce  (T.  A.)  On  a  carved  wooden 
cup  from  the  Bakuba,  Kasai  district, 
Congo  Free  State.  (Man,  Lond., 
1909,  IX,  1-3,  1  fg.,  I  pi.)  Describes 
vase-shaped  elaborately  ornamented 
(lizards,  weevils,  loop,  lozenge,  diaper 
patterns,  etc.)  cup  now  in  the  Brit- 
ish Museum,  obtained  from  an  old 
fetish-man  of  Misumba,  a  village  of 
the  Bangongo  sub-tribe  of  Bakuba. 
The  shape  suggests  European  influ- 
ence, and  the  ornament  the  art  of 
Benin,  but  no  proof  of  direct  Euro- 
pean    contact     earlier     than     Wise- 


Periodical  Literature 


109 


mann's  comparatively  recent  visit 
exists. 

Steatite      figures      from      Sierra 

Leone.  (Ibid.,  65-68,  i  pi.)  Brief 
account  of  7  specimens  in  the  col- 
lections of  the  British  Museum, — 
one  of  these  figures,  a  man  seated  on 
a  stool  and  carrying  a  bowl,  is  rather 
unique.  Additional  information  con- 
cerning these  figures,  from  Rev,  A. 
E.  Greensmith  of  Bo,  and  Maj.  G. 
d'A.  Anderson  of  Makondo,  is  given, 
J.  does  not  consider  that  the  facts 
warrant  attributing  any  great  age  to 
these  works  of  primitive  art.  See 
Riitimeyer   (L.). 

Note     on    the    relation    of    the 

bronze  heads  to  the  carved  tusks, 
Benin  City.  (Ibid.,  190S,  viii,  2-4, 
I  fg.)  Argues  (on  evidence  furnished 
by  Mr  R.  E.  Dennett)  that  these 
bronze  heads  were  used  as  pedestals 
for  elephants'  tusks, — they  are  known 
as  hiimzvela  and  were  set  up  in  the 
king's   palace. 

Jumelle  (H)  et  Perrier  de  la  Bathie 
(H.)  Quelques  ignames  sauvages  de 
Madagascar.  (C.  R.  Acad.  d.  Sci., 
Paris,  1909,  cxLix,  484-486.) 
Treats  of  several  species  of  wild 
yams  used  as  food  by  the  Sakalavas, 
— the  hemandry,  soso,  macabiha  (or 
fanganga),  antaly,  maciba  (or  mal- 
ita).  angaroka,  etc. 

Junod  (H.  A.)  The  Balemba  of  the 
Zoutpansberg,  Transvaal.  (Folk- 
Lore,  Lond.,  1908,  xix,  277-287.) 
Treats  of  origin-myth,  language 
(Bantu,  but  not  of  the  S.  E.  group), 
industry  (pottery,  metallurgy),  spe- 
cial medicines,  domestic  fowl,  treat- 
ment of  slaughtered  animals,  meat- 
taboos,  head-shaving,  circumcision, 
relations  with  other  peoples,  mar- 
riage-custom, effect  of  European  civ- 
ilization (rather  disastrous).  J.  ar- 
gues that  the  superior  knowledge  that 
the  Balemba  brought  with  them  is 
due  to  their  having  been  "  submitted 
to  Semitic  influences,"  etc. 

Karasek  (A.)  Tabakspfeifen  und  Rau- 
chen  bei  den  Waschambaa,  Usam- 
bara.  (Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1908,  xciii, 
285-287,  5  fgs.)  Treats  of  tobacco- 
pipes,  smoking,  etc,  among  the  Wash- 
amba.  The  pipes  consist  of  clay 
bowl  (made  by  men  or  women,  but 
not  from  the  same  clay-pit)  and  the 
stem  (of  plant  or  bush  stalks).  To- 
bacco is  carried  in  a  skin-purse. 
Snuff-taking  is  rarer  than  chewing 
and  smoking.  Cigarette  holders  of 
wood  are  very  rare. 


King  (P.  V.)  Some  Hausa  idioms. 
(J.  Afric.  Soc,  Lond.,  1909,  viii, 
193-201.)  Treats  of  translation  of 
"  never  "  and  "  ever  "  in  "  Have  you 
ever  done  so  before  ?  I  will  never 
do  it  again  " ;  the  verb  suffixes ;  the 
rendering  of  "  in  vain,"  "  useless," 
"  before,"  "  how  "  and  "  what,"  "  if  I 
had  ...  I  would  have,"  "  business," 
"affair."  (Hausa  =  "  water  "),  rend- 
ering of  comparative  (comparative  ab- 
sent from  Hausa),  possessive  particle 
mai  or  ma  (=^  owner  of),  preposition 
de  (makes  intransitive  verb  active), 
enclitic  redundant  particles  ai  and 
dci,  the  unique  particle  tukitna 
(used  positively  and  negatively),  the 
rolling  of  the  r,  etc. 

Krauss  (H.)  Hausgerate  der  deutsch- 
ost-afrikanischen  Kiistenneger.  (Glo- 
bus, Brnschwg.,  1908,  xciii,  357- 
363,  28  fgs.)  Treats  of  the  house- 
hold implements,  utensils,  etc.,  of  the 
coast  Negroes  of  German  East 
Africa:  Pottery  (every  hut  has  10 
or  12  of  different  sizes)  ;  prepara- 
tion of  meal  (maize,  rice,  millet,  with 
mill-stones,  with  wooden  mortar  and 
pestle  ;  basketry  and  allied  arts  (mats, 
fans,  covers  for  food,  filters,  plates, 
cups,  purses,  fish  traps  and  weirs)  ; 
rope  and  string  (used  instead  of  nails 
in  house-building)  ;  wood-work  (beds, 
seats,  drums,  bee-hives,  drinking- 
vessels,  ebony  sticks,  combs  of  a 
tasteful  sort,  knife-sheaths,  shoes  of 
a  primitive  kind,  foot-block  for 
chaining  slaves ;  plank-boats)  ;  iron 
implements  (hoe,  axe,  knife,  etc.)  ; 
leather  articles  (bellows,  of  two  sorts, 
purses,  sandals)  ;  clothing,  tobacco- 
pipes  (smoking  most  common,  chew- 
ing rare  and  snuff-taking  least  com- 
mon). 

Die    Wohnung    des    ostafrikani- 

schen  Kiistennegers.  (Ibid.,  1908 
xciv,  380-382,  10  fgs.)  Describes 
the  house  (building,  rooms,  etc.)  of 
the  E.  African  coast  Negroes  of  Dar 
es  Salem,  Duadi,  Mpera,  Kitchwele, 
Maundi,   etc. 

Landor  (A.  H.  S.)  Across  widest 
Africa.  An  account  of  the  country 
and  peoples  seen  during  a  journey 
across  Africa  from  D Jibuti  to  Cape 
Verde.  (Nat.  Geogr.  Mag.,  Wash., 
1908,  XIX,  694-737,  7  fgs.,  30  pi., 
map.)  Brief  summary  of  author's 
Across  Widest  Africa  (2  vols.,  Lon- 
don, 1908).  The  illustrations  treat 
of  Abyssinian  officials,  Galla  butter- 
seller,  Yambo  women's  market,  stam- 
peding Yuer  women,  long-legged 
Yuers,     leper,     Yacoma     canoe-crew. 


I  lO 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


Tongu  hair-ornament,  Sultan  of  Bon- 
gasso  and  wives,  Ubangi  dancer, 
Congo  cannibals,  long  canoe,  children 
banana-carriers,  women  dancers  of 
Congo,  cannibal  dances,  Ubangi  fish- 
erwomen,  Sango  cannibals,  beauty 
competition,  Mandja  women  and 
babies,  Shari  women  with  pelele, 
mud-barns  of  upper  Niger,  Timbuktu 
type. 

Lissauer  (A.)  Archaologische  und 
anthropologische  Studien  liber  die 
Kabylen.  (Z.  f,  Ethnol.,  Berlin, 
1908,  XL,  501-529,  4  pi.,  19  fgs.) 
Gives  results  of  visit  in  1907.  Treats 
of  megalithic  monuments  (dolmens, 
menhirs  and  cromlechs  like  those  of 
Europe,  hundreds  in  number  in  Mo- 
rocco, Algeria,  Tunis  (e.  g.  at  Hen- 
chir  al  Hadjar  some  400  dolmens  still 
existed)  ;  stone-grave,  circles,  etc., 
peculiar  to  Kabylia, — the  predeces- 
sors of  the  fine  Moorish  royal  tombs 
of  Medracen  near  Batna,  etc.  and  the 
so-called  "  tombeau  de  la  Chre- 
tienne "  near  Algiers),  the  Kabyles 
and  their  habitat,  physical  charac- 
ters (in  general  the  middle-sized, 
dark-haired,  brown-eyed  Kabyles  re- 
semble markedly  the  South  Euro- 
peans, and  the  color  of  their  skin 
on  all  unexposed  parts  of  the  body, 
etc.,  is  white ;  the  blonde  Kabyles 
strongly  resemble  North  Europeans, 
particularly  Scotchmen  ;  real  negroes 
are  rare,  mulattos  rather  common ; 
women  often  beautiful),  clothing,  oc- 
cupation, food  (flesh  diet  rare),  chil- 
dren (good  influence  of  French  rule 
seen  in  schools  and  civilizing  in- 
fluence). L.  attributes  the  blond 
Kabyles  to  a  prehistoric  migration 
of  blond  North  Europeans ;  the 
white  Kabyles  with  dark  hair  and 
brown  eyes  belong  to  the  Mediter- 
ranean race,  and  have  adopted  the 
Hamitic  speech  of  the  people  they 
found  before  them  in  N.  Africa,  the 
autochthones  of  the  country ;  the  dol- 
men-graves came  with  the  blond 
North  Europeans.  The  succession  of 
peoples  in  Kabylia  has  been :  Ha- 
mitic autochthones  (related  to  the 
Somali),  Kabyles  from  Iberian  pen- 
insula, blond  North  Europeans, — then 
historic  invasions  of  Phenicians, 
Greeks,  Romans,  Jews,  Vandals,  By- 
zantines, Arabs,  Turks,  Spaniards  and 
French.  Through  all  this  the  Kaby- 
les of  Rif,  Djurdjura,  the  Aures, 
Enfida,  etc.,  have  preserved  their 
race-purity. 

Lissauer  (Anna)  Vier  kabylische  Fa- 
beln  und  Mjirchen.     (Ibid.,  529-535.) 


German  texts  of  4  Kabyle  fables  and 
vidrchen  (ass  and  lion,  the  good  son, 
the  friends,  the  three  heirs)  from 
Taouirt-Amokran    in    Great    Kabylia. 

V.  Luschan  (F.)  Ueber  Buschmann- 
Malereien  in  den  Drakensbergen. 
(Ibid.,  665-685,  4  pi.,  10  fgs.)  De- 
scribes visit  in  1905  to  the  Bushman 
paintings  in  the  caves  of  the  Draken- 
berg, — Esikolweni,  Bushman's  Klip, 
Hoffenthal,  valley  of  the  Ulusingati, 
Harrismith,  Herschel,  etc.  Of  these 
27  were  copied  in  water  colors  by 
Hr.  Terno,  and  26  photographed. 
Of  these  18  are  reproduced  in  this 
article.  Som.e  of  these  paintings 
must  be  several  centuries  old  and 
in  some  cases  they  are  several  layers 
of  paintings  on  the  same  spot.  v.  L. 
attributes  them  all  "  exclusively  to 
the  Bushmen."  The  reproductions  in 
color  of  some  of  these  paintings  are 
the  best  yet  published.  The  copies 
are  now  in  the  Berlin  Ethnological 
Museum.  The  black  neighbors  of 
the  Bushmen  call  the  latter  Abatwa, 
— a  name  by  which  the  Congo  pig- 
mies   are    known. 

Eisentechnik   in    Afrika,      (Ibid., 

1909,  XLi,  22-59,  24  fgs.)  Treats 
of  bellows  and  furnaces  for  smelting 
iron  in  primitive  Africa :  Bellows 
of  covered  wooden  or  clay  bowls, 
etc.,  with  variations  in  number  of 
vessels  nozzles,  attachments,  covers, 
etc.  (found  all  over  Africa  where 
iron  smelting  is  practised ;  known 
also  from  ancient  Egypt  at  a  period 
corresponding  to  the  Mycenean  epoch, 
and  probably  indigenous  in  Africa)  ; 
skin-bag  bellows  (known  to  Wangoni, 
Konde,  Wamangandja,  Masai,  etc., 
more  widespread  than  is  generally 
thought ;  its  Indian  origin  is  not  yet 
proved — if  Indian  it  is  probably  a  com- 
paratively recent  importation)  ;  pump- 
bellows  (in  Madagascar;  indigeneous 
in  India  or  Indonesia  possibly)  ; 
leather  bellows  (Basari  region  in 
Togo,  showing  recent  European  in- 
fluence, but  possibly  indigenous  at 
bottom).  Smelting  furnaces  for  re- 
ducing the  ore  ("  high  ovens ")  are 
described  from  the  Bongo  and  Dyur, 
Wangoni,  the  Togo  country  (Banyeri, 
Basari,  Odomi,  Lolobi,  Misahohe), 
the  Yoruba,  Wapororo,  etc. ;  the 
question  of  iron  in  ancient  Egypt, 
Babylon,  India  and  prehistoric 
Europe  is  discussed.  Neither  India 
nor  Asia  Minor,  v.  L.  thinks,  can  be 
the  original  home  of  the  iron  in- 
dustry. He  concludes  that  the  an- 
cient  Egyptians   learned   of   iron   and 


Periodical  Literature 


1 1 1 


its  production  from  their  southern 
neighbors  and  that  its  manufacture 
originated  in  Central  Africa,  pas- 
sing by  way  of  Egypt  and  Asia 
Minor  to  the  western  Mediterranean 
countries,  thence  to  Northern  Europe. 
In  the  discussion  Hr  C.  Giebeler  op- 
posed and  Hr  C.  F.  Lehmann-Haupt 
supported  v.  L.'s  views.  See  01s- 
hausen   (O.)    and  Grosse   (H.) 

Macgregor  (J.  K.)  Some  notes  on 
nsibidi.  (J.  R.  Anthrop.  Inst.,  Lond., 
1909,  XXXIX,  209-219,  98  fgs.) 
Treats  of  a  system  of  writing, 
"  used  a  little  here  in  the  Calabar 
district  of  the  eastern  province  of 
Southern  Nigeria,  but  much  more 
largely  up  the  Cross  River  and  in- 
land from  it  on  both  banks."  This 
nsibidi  writing  "is  really  the  prop- 
erty of  a  secret  society,  the  nsibidi 
society,"  and  some  few  of  its  signs 
are  known  to  the  uninitiated.  Rev. 
M.  reproduces  98  nsibidi  signs  of 
which  1-29  relate  to  marriage  and 
home  life,  30-44  to  common  articles 
of  the  house,  45-74  to  public  life 
in  town,  75-86  to  sickness,  87-97 
miscellaneous,  98  record  of  an  ikpe 
or  judgment  case.  There  seems  to  be 
no  order  of  writing  and  the  same 
sign  stands  for  different  things  and 
the  same  thing  is  represented  by  differ- 
ent signs.  The  conventionality  about 
some  of  the  signs  may  indicate  con- 
siderable age  for  this  "  picture-writ- 
ing." Native  tradition  attributes  it 
to  the  Uguakima  section  of  the  Ibo 
tribe,  who  learned  it  from  the  play- 
ing of  the  large  baboons  at  making 
signs  on  the  ground  and  acting  them 
out  in  pantomime.  It  is  now  used 
like  ordinary  writing.  The  effect  of 
European  influence  is  already  ap- 
parent. 

Maes  (J.)  Essai  sur  les  coutumes 
juridiques  des  peuplades  du  Bas- 
Congo  Beige.  (R.  d,  £t.  Ethnogr. 
et  Sociol.,  Paris,  1909,  11,  11 7-122.) 
Notes  on  the  legal  customs  of  the 
natives  of  the  Belgian  lower  Congo, 
— Muserongo,  Bakongo,  Babuende, 
Basundi,  Mayombe,  Kakongo. 

Les  Warumbi.    (Anthropos,  Mod- 

ling-Wien,  1909,  iv,  607-629.)  Treats 
of  food  and  drink  (fond  of  meat  and 
spices,  also  famous  for  wabondo  or 
palm  wine),  dwellings  and  their  con- 
struction and  furnishing,  toilet,  dress 
and  ornament,  trades  and  occupa- 
tions (tailoring,  basket-making,  hunt- 
ing, pottery-making),  family-life,  re- 
ligion (bolosi,  or  "  fetish  "  ;  the  nkisi, 
or  objects  and  personages  of  varied 


and  extensive  powers),  art  (sculpture 
and  painting  little  esteemed  ;  "  tally- 
sticks"),  language  (numerals  in 
Warega  and  Wasongola,  p.  626), 
dance,  song  and  music,  other  knowl- 
edge. 

Marquordt  (F.)  Bericht  iiber  die 
Kavirondo.  (Z,  f.  Ethnol.,  Berlin, 
1909,  XLi,  753-757,  2  fgs.)  Notes 
of  visit  in  June- August,  1909  to  the 
country  of  the  Kavirondo  on  the 
northeastern  shore  of  the  Victoria 
Nyanza, — clothing  and  ornament,  use 
of  tobacco  by  both  sexes,  tattooing 
(women  chiefly),  body-painting 
(men),  fishing  and  hunting,  weapons, 
food,  diseases,  etc. 

Merrick  (G.)  Notes  on  Hausa  and 
Pidgin  English.  (J.  Afric.  Soc, 
Lond.,  1909,  VIII,  303-307.)  Dis- 
cusses how  the  native  expresses  in 
"  pidgin  English,"  intention,  action, 
possession,  with  some  criticisms  of 
the  article  of  P.  V.  King  (q.  v.). 
Hausa  "  is  an  essentially  simple  lan- 
guage, entirely  innocent  of  the  some- 
what complicated  grammar  which  is 
gradually  being  built  up  for  it,"  and 
"  to  compile  a  Hausa  grammar  on 
English  lines  is  to  ignore  the  funda- 
mental differences  of  the  two  lan- 
guages, the  inevitable  result  being 
'  pidgin  '    or   '  whiteman  '    Hausa." 

Messimy  (A.)  Les  effectifs  de  I'armee 
et  le  service  militaire  des  indigenes 
algeriens.  (R.  Bleue,  Paris,  1908, 
V*  S.  X,  774-776.)  First  part,  chiefly 
historical,  of  article  treating  of  the 
use  of  the  Algerian  natives  in  the 
French  army. 

Millward  (R.  H.)  Natal,  the  garden 
colony.  (Nat.  Geogr.  Mag.,  Wash., 
1909,  XX,  278-291,  5  fgs.,  8  pi.)  Con- 
tains some  notes  on  Zulus  (marriage, 
etc.).  Some  of  the  illustrations 
(Zulu  runners,  warrior,  wrestling 
match,  native  trial,  native  preaching, 
native  industries,  chief  and  wives) 
are  of  ethnologic  value. 

Moisel  (M.)  Zur  Geschichte  von  Bali 
und  Bami'im.  (Globus,  Brnschwg., 
1908,  xciii,  117-120,  map.)  Notes  on 
the  history  of  Bali  and  Bamiim,  two 
Negro  kingdoms  of  the  N.  W.  Cam- 
eroon country,  as  derived  from  data 
furnished  to  the  author  by  chiefs, 
missionaries,  etc.  The  original  home 
of  the  Bali  is  unknown,  but  their 
story  begins  with  their  expulsion 
from  Kontcha  by  the  Fulbe.  The 
history  of  Bamum  begins  with  Pari- 
fom  and  runs  down  to  Joja,  the 
present  king,  a  sort  of  man  of  genius. 


I  12 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


de  Morgan  (H.)  fitude  sur  I'figypte 
primitive  (R.  de  I'fic.  d'Anthrop.  de 
Paris,  1909,  XIX,  128-140,  12  fgs.) 
Treats  of  the  archeolithic  period  of 
primitive  Egypt  and  the  author's  re- 
searches at  the  Ouadi-el-Guerroud, 
Mt.  Thebes  near  Gurnah,  Esneh, 
Adimieh,  Gebel-Silsileh,  Mohamid, 
etc.,  where  paleolithic  implements 
were  found.  These  are  the  work  of 
the  first  human  inhabitants  of  Egypt. 

Myers  (C.  S.)  Contributions  to  Egyp- 
tian anthropology.  V.  General  con- 
clusions. (J.  R.  Anthrop.  Inst.  Lond., 
1908,  XXXVIII,  99-147.)  According 
to  M.,  "in  spite  of  the  various  in- 
filtrations of  foreign  blood  in  the 
past,  modern  Egypt  contains  a  homo- 
geneous population,  which  gradually 
shifts  its  average  character  as  we 
proceed  southwards  from  the  shores 
of  the  Mediterranean  to  Nubia  be- 
yond the  First  Cataract."  There  is 
no  anthropometric  evidence  of  dual- 
ity of  race.  The  modern  Egyptians 
have  never  been  appreciably  affected 
by  other  than  sporadic  Sudanese  ad- 
mixture. The  aboriginal  people  of 
Egypt  are  "  a  homogeneous  folk 
showing  an  inclination  to  vary  in 
two  or  three  distinct  directions,  to- 
wards the  Caucasian,  the  negroid,  or 
even  the  mongoloid."  Pages  104- 
146  are  occupied  by  tables  of  meas- 
urements. 

Neveux  (M.)  Sur  les  Bassaris.  (Bull. 
Soc.  d'Anthrop.  de  Paris,  1909,  v^  s., 
X,  35-36.)  Treats  of  the  "  penis- 
cover,"  and  other  clothing  of  the 
Bassaris  of  the  village  of  Segueko, 
in  Upper  Gambia  (Senegal).  The 
men  wear  no  other  clothing  than  the 
sibo  and  a  very  primitive  breech- 
clout, — the  women  wear  more,  often 
the  Malinke  apron. 

Newberry  (P.  E.)  Impressions  of 
seals  from  Abydos.  (Ann.  Arch,  and 
Anthrop.,  Liverpool,  1909,  11,  130,  4 
pi.)  Figures  and  describes  sealings 
of  Kha-Sekhemui,  Neter-Khet,  of  the 
II-III  dynasties,  and  private  sealings 
from  the  second  dynasty. 

■ A  bird  cult  of  the  Old  Kingdom. 

(Ibid.,  49-51.)  Treats  of  the  Wr- 
bird  (swallow?)  in  connection  with 
the  description  (on  the  fagade  of  a 
fifth  dynasty  tomb  at  Sakkara)  of  a 
"  Khet  priest  of  the  double  axe."  N. 
points  out  the  association  of  the 
bird  and  double  axe  cults  in  ancient 
Crete,  suggesting  a  Nilotic  coloniza- 
tion of  that  island.  Many  bird-cults 
(falcon,    vulture,    ibis,    pin-tail    duck, 


goose,   crane,    egret,    etc.)    existed   in 
ancient  Egypt. 

Oetteking  (B.)  Kraniologische  Stu- 
dien  an  Altagyptern.  (Arch.  f.  An- 
throp., Brnschwg.,  1909,  N.  F.,  viii, 
1-90,  14  fgs.,  4  pi.)  Also  reprint. 
See  review  of  this  thesis  in  American 
Anthropologist,   1909,   n.  S.,  xi,   122. 

Offord  (J.)  Book  of  the  Dead  com- 
pared with  the  Bible.  (Amer.  Antiq., 
Salem,  Mass.,  1908,  xxx,  276-278.) 
Cites  resemblances  and  analogies 
(other-world  ideas,  thought  of  fu- 
ture, idea  of  soul,  etc.). 

Orr  (C.  W.)  The  Hausa  race.  (J. 
Afric.  Soc,  Lond.,  1909,  viii,  274- 
278.)  Resumes  and  discusses  the 
data  in  the  article  of  Palmer  on  the 
Kano  chronicle  in  the  /.  R.  Anthrop. 
Inst,  for  1908.     See  Palmer  (H.  R.). 

Otto  (Br.)  Buschmannmalereien  aus 
Natal.  (Anthropos,  Wien,  1908,  iii, 
1047-1049,  5  pi.)  Describes  and  re- 
produces Bushman  paintings  in  the 
caves  of  the  Drakensberg,  near  the 
mission-station  of  Reichenau,  visited 
and  photographed  in  1893-4.  They 
contain  figures  of  horses,  cattle,  hu- 
man beings,  hunting  and  battle 
scenes,  etc.  The  enemies  of  the 
Bushmen  represented  in  these  paint- 
ings are  not  Zulus,  as  shown  by  the 
absence  of  the  characteristic  Zulu 
shield  (O.  treats  this  in  detail),  etc. 
The  comparatively  recent  entrance 
of  the  Zulus  into  this  region  is  thus 
indicated. 

iind    Stratmann     (Th.)       Fund 

einer  althebraischen  Miinze  in  Natal, 
Siidafrika.  (Ibid.,  1909,  iv,  168-169, 
I  pi.)  Account  of  the  finding  of  an 
old  Hebrew  coin  of  the  age  of  Simon 
Maccabaeus  (143-146  B.  C),  2  feet 
underground  in  the  yard  of  the 
Trappist  cloister  at  Marianhill. 

Palmer  (H.  R.)  The  Kano  chronicle. 
(J.  R.  Anthrop.  Inst.,  Lond.,  1908, 
xxxviii,  58-98,  2  pi.)  Translation, 
with  historical-ethnological  introduc- 
tion, of  the  Kano  chronicle  (MS.  of 
1883-1893,  based  on  earlier  record 
now  destroyed),  A.  D.  389-1892, 
"  the  history  of  the  lords  of  this 
country  called  Kano."  Except  for  the 
very  early  kings,  this  chronicle  is 
"  roughly  accurate."  The  mixture  of 
races  and  ideas  in  Hausa-land  are 
the  result  of  the  action  of  "  Hamitic  " 
invaders  upon  two  negro  types 
(short-legged  and  very  prognathous ; 
tall  and  slightly  prognathous). 
Papillault  (G.)  La  pudeur  chez  les 
peuples  nus.  (R.  de  I'fic.  d'Anthrop. 
de      Paris,      1909,      xix,      234-237.) 


Periodical  Literature 


113 


Treats  briefly  of  modesty  among 
peoples  who  go  naked,  citing  a  com- 
munication from  Dr  Decasse  con- 
cerning the  Lakkas,  a  negro  tribe  of 
the  middle  Logone,  who  suffer  from 
an  affection  of  the  scrotum  due  to 
their  fashion  of  keeping  (even  when 
walking)  testicles  and  penis  back  of 
their  thighs, — a  "  gesture  of  mod- 
esty "  met  with  elsewhere,  originat- 
ing psycho-socially  in  sexual  taboo. 
Parkinson  (J.)  Yoruba  folk-lore.  (J. 
Afric.  Soc,  Lond.,  1909,  viii,  165- 
186.)  Gives  English  texts  of  tales 
-  told  chiefly  by  natives  of  Oyo :  The 
story  of  a  certain  hunter  and  an  ape 
with  16  tails,  showing  how  wrong  it 
is  to  make  heavy  bets ;  how  the  thun- 
der came  for  the  first  time  (a  light- 
ning bird  myth)  ;  why  the  cat  stays 
at  home  and  does  not  go  into  the 
bush ;  story  of  a  certain  woman 
named  Awelli,  telling  why  a  bride  is 
brought  to  her  husband  by  day  and 
not  by  night ;  story  of  the  two  wives, 
pointing  out  how  one  should  always 
be  content  with  the  things  that  are 
given  one  (Grimm's  Fi-au  Holle 
type)  ;  the  worship  of  the  thunder- 
bolt ;  how  Shango  hanged  himself, 
and  what  resulted  (origin  of  the 
catching  fire  of  houses)  ;  how  the 
tortoise  helped  the  animals  ;  story  of 
a  tortoise  and  a  man  named  Tela  ;  story 
of  a  dog  and  a  tortoise  (nos.  8-10  tell 
how  the  tortoise  got  the  marks  on 
his  back)  ;  story  of  the  pig  and  the 
tortoise ;  Ifa ;  how  the  parrot's  beak 
became  bent. 
Partridge  (C.)  The  killing  of  the  di- 
vine king,  (Man,  Lond.,  1908,  viii, 
59-61.)  Cites  evidence  from  the 
customs  of  the  Cross  River  natives 
of  eastern  southern  Nigeria  in  sup- 
port of  the  views  of  Westermarck. 
See  Westermarck  (E.). 
Petrie  (W.  M.  F.)  Memphis  and  its 
foreigners.  (Rec.  of  Past,  Wash., 
D.  C,  1909,  VIII,  131-136,  3  pi.,  2 
fgs.)  Notes  on  pottery  heads  of 
foreign  types, — Persian,  Scythian, 
Semite,  Syrian,  Sumerian,  Baby- 
lonian, Aryan  and  "  Tibetan," — the 
making  of  which  began  during  the 
Persian  occupation,  ca.  500  B.  C. 
Also  some  inscriptions  and  prayers 
of  the  iSth  dynasty  showing  ears  for 
receiving  and  holding  the  petitions. 
Pittard  (E.)  Note  sur  deux  cranes 
Fang.  (Bull.  Soc.  Neuchat.  de 
Geogr..  1908,  XIX,  58-68,  4  fgs.) 
Describes,  with  measurments,  two 
skulls  (f.,  m.)  of  the  Fang  of  W. 
Africa, — the  female  is  dolichoceph- 
VOL.  XX!II. — NO.  87.  8 


alic  and  the  male  nearly  so.  Cranial 
capacities  (direct  cub.)  1340  and 
1380  cc. 
Pooh  (R.)  Zweiter  Bericht  uber  eine 
Reise  in  Britisch-Siid-Afrika.  (Mitt, 
d.  K.-K.  Geogr.  Ges.  in  Wien,  1909, 
Lii,  195-197.)  A  few  notes  on  tribes 
of   Kalahari. 

Bericht     iiber     eine      Reise     in 

Britisch-Betschuana.  (Ibid.,  1908, 
LI,  389-391.)  Brief  account  of  an- 
thropological investigations  among 
Kalahari  Bushmen. 

Proctor  (H.)  Ancient  Egypt.  (Amer. 
Antiq.,  Salem,  Mass.,  1909,  xxxi, 
163-166,  I  fg.)  Brief  sketch  from 
the  neolithic  age  to  the  close  of  the 
sixth  dynasty,  which  the  author 
imagines  ended  by  the  Noachic 
deluge. 

Punch  (C.)  Further  note  on  the  rela- 
tion of  the  bronze  heads  to  the 
carved  tusks,  Benin  City.  (Man, 
Lond.,  1908,  VIII,  84,  I  fg.)  Adds 
own  evidence  (and  photographs)  as 
eye-witness  that  tusks  were  standing 
on  top  of  the  heads. 

Rathjens  (C.)  Ein  Kirchgang  mit  dem 
Abuna  Petros  von  Abessinien.  (Glo- 
bus, Brnschwg.,  1908,  xciv,  154-158, 
6  fgs.)  Describes  (R.  was  guest  of 
the  Abuna)  the  church-going  of  the 
Abuna  Petros,  head  of  the  Abys- 
sinian church  (a  Copt  nominated  by 
the  Metropolitan  of  the  Coptic  church 
in  Egypt,  the  mother  of  the  Abys- 
sinian), on  April  5,  1908,  to  St. 
Matthews  in  Adua. 

Roscoe  (J.)  Python  worship  in 
Uganda.  (Man,  Lond.,  1909,  ix,  88- 
90.)  Treats  of  the  worship,  with 
offerings  (beer,  cowries,  goats, 
fowls),  at  the  time  of  the  new  moon, 
of  a  python  ("  the  giver  of  chil- 
dren ")  in  Budu  on  the  w.  shore  of 
Victoria  Nyanza.  The  "  temple " 
and  ceremonies  were  attended  to  by 
the  mandvja  or  "  medium,"  who  lived 
there.  This  worship  was  "  confined 
almost  entirely  to  one  clan  in 
Uganda,  and  had  a  limited  sphere  of 
influence." 

Brief     notes     on     the     Bakene. 

(Ibid.,  116-121.)  Treats  of  habitat, 
houses,  canoes,  clans  and  totems, 
marriage  (polygamy,  exogamy ;  woo- 
ing, wedding),  child-birth  (twins 
welcomed),  inheritance,  beliefs,  fish- 
ing, government,  building  houses, 
water-ways,  dress  and  ornament. 
The  Bakene  are  a  Bantu  tribe  dwell- 
ing chiefly  on  the  Mpologoma  river, 
"  where  the  tall  papyrus  forms  a 
perfect     shelter     for     their     floating 


114 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


homes  and  the  fish  provides  them 
with  ample  food." 

'     Nantaba,    the    female    fetich    of 

the  king  of  Uganda.  (Ibid.,  viii, 
132-133.)  Brief  account  of  a  gourd- 
fetish,  "  said  to  have  power  to  assist 
the  king's  wives  to  have  children  and 
become  mothers."  At  the  death  of 
the  king  Nantaba  is  thrown  away, 
and  a  new  gourd  made  for  the  next 
king.  In  the  procession  one  of  the 
men,  who  carries  the  gourd,  "  walks 
like  a  woman  near  her  confinement." 
Certain   food-taboos   are   imposed. 

— —  Notes  on  the  Bageshu.  (J.  R. 
Anthrop.  Inst.,  Lond.,  1909,  xxxix, 
181-195.)  Treats  of  habitat  (caves 
as  temporary  refuges),  clans  (29 
names),  marriage-customs  (polygamy, 
exogamy,  bride-price),  adultery 
(heavy  fine),  birth,  twins,  puberty 
and  circumcision,  puberty  ceremony 
for  girls,  sickness  and  death,  ghosts, 
religious  beliefs,  rock-spirits,  spirit  of 
waterfalls,  rain-making,  warfare, 
dances  and  music,  dress  and  orna- 
ment, cow-keeping,  cultivation  (plan- 
tain, millet,  semsen ;  harvest  offer- 
ing), new  moon,  buildings  and  vil- 
lages, government  (village  elder ; 
clan  chief),  murder,  games,  hunting, 
etc. 

Rosenberg  ( — .)  Die  Geschichte  de 
Mumifizierung  bei  den  alten  Agyptern. 
(Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1908,  xciv,  272,- 
274.)  Resumes  paper  of  Prof.  El- 
liott Smith  at  meeting  of  British  As- 
sociation for  the  Advancement  of 
Science,  Sept.,  1908.  The  process  of 
embalming  seems  to  have  been  of  in- 
digenous origin  in  Egypt. 

Souire  (M.)  Les  indigenes  algeriens.  I. 
La  suppression  des  anciennes  institu- 
tions et  la  desagregation  de  la  so- 
ciete  arabe.  (R.  d.  Deux  Mondes, 
Paris,  1909,  XLix,  410-441.)  Sketches 
the  history  of  the  protectorate  in 
Algeria  and  its  effect  upon  the  native 
races,  questions  of  ownership,  prop- 
erty, the  dispossession  of  the  natives 
from  the  land,  transformation  of  ad- 
ministrative, civil  and  judicial  in- 
stitutions of  these  peoples ;  results, 
precarious  condition  of  the  mass  of 
the  natives. 

Riitimeyer  (L.)  Weitere  Mitteilungen 
iiber  westafrikanische  Steinidole, 
(Int.  Arch.  f.  Ethnogr.,  Leiden,  1908, 
xviii,  164-178,  2  fgs.,  2  pi.)  Gives 
more  data  concerning  the  stone-idols 
of  the  Mendi  region  between  Boom 
and  Kittam, — according  to  the  na- 
tives the  original  source  is  a  sort 
of    tumulus,    but    the    later    finds    in 


other  places  seem  to  make  this 
theory  doubtful.  The  figures  are 
mostly  human  and  of  steatite ;  they 
are  "  prehistoric "  for  this  part  of 
Africa, — interesting  for  comparison 
are  th;  sculptured  stones  of  Agba 
(S.  Nigeria),  and  perhaps  the  stone 
columns  of  Tondidaru,  etc.,  discov- 
ered by  Desplagnes.  Comparison 
with  wooden  idols  is  also  made.  R. 
cites  18  new  specimens  (9  stone  and 
2  wooden  are  figured).  As  to  the 
makers  of  these  stone  idols  nothing 
certain  is  known. 

Sarbah  (J.  M.)  The  oil-palm  and  its 
uses.  (J.  Afric.  Soc,  Lond.,  1909, 
VIII,  232-250,  4  pi.)  Treats  of  va- 
rieties (4  chief  ones,  5  others)  ;  cul- 
tivation (not  yet  systematical  by 
land  owners  or  farmers)  ;  productive- 
ness ;  use  of  nuts  as  food ;  prepara- 
tion of  palm-oil  in  Abura,  Krobu, 
Aberle,  Pekki,  Liberia,  Kru  coast, 
Lagos  and  southern  Nigeria,  Came- 
roons,  etc. ;  composition  and  uses  of 
palm-oil,  palm-kernels,  kernel-oil 
preparations,  palm-wine,  "  palm  cab- 
bage," etc.  At  pp.  248-249  are 
given  some  Tshi  and  Fanti  proverbs 
relating  to   the  palm   tree. 

Scenes  in  Africa.  (Nat.  Geogr.  Mag., 
Wash.,  1909,  293-301,  9  pi.)  These 
illustrations  (bark-carriers  of  Ger- 
man S.  \V.  Africa,  Angola  family, 
marimba  or  native  piano,  Congo 
mission  children,  native  drums,  King 
Boassine  at  Kumassi,  Kroo  warrior 
dressed  for  religious  performance, 
Kroo  children,  "  devil  play "  in  Li- 
beria) are  of  ethnologic  interest. 

Schlangenkult  in  Uganda.  (Globus, 
Brnschwg.,  1909,  xcvi,  33.)  Resumes 
Rev.  J.  Roscoe's  account,  in  Alan  for 
June,  1909,  of  the  python  cult  for- 
merly in  vogue  in  a  temple  on  the 
west  shore  of  Victoria  Nyanza,  dis- 
trict of  Budu.     See  Roscoe  (J.) 

Schrader  (F.)  Les  origines  planetaires 
de  I'Egypte.  (R.  de  I'fic.  d'Anthrop. 
de  Paris,  1909,  xix,  15-27.)  S. 
argues  that  "  Egypt,  with  all  that 
humanity  owes  to  Egypt,  is  from  the 
time  of  the  first  wonder  of  the  savage 
at  the  yearly  overflowing,  a  gift  of 
the  planetary  or  cosmic  forces  that 
produced  the  Nile  " — a  proof  of  how 
rudimentary  the  individual  and  so- 
ciety would  remain  without  the  stim- 
ulus of  nature. 

Schweinfurth  (G.)  Ueber  altpalaolith- 
ische  Manufakte  aus  dem  Sandstein- 
gebiet  von  Oberagypten.  (Z.  f.  Eth- 
nol.,  Berlin,  1909,  xli,  735-744-) 
Notes     on     old-paleolithic     artefacts 


Periodical  Literature 


115 


from  the  sandstone  region  of  Assuan 
found  in  1908-1909.  These  numer- 
ous finds  suggest  the  future  discovery 
in  Etbai  and  southern  Nubia  of  simi- 
lar "  stations."  A  pathway  for  pre- 
historic peoples  antedating  the  civil- 
ization of  Egypt  lies  hereabouts. 
Sergi  (G.)  Sulla  craniologia  degli 
Herero.  (Boll.  R.  Ace.  Med.  di 
Roma,  1908,  XXIV,  Estr.  19  pp.,  2 
fgs.)  Gives  details  of  measurements, 
descriptions,  etc.,  of  6  male  crania 
of  the  Herero  (a  Bantu  people  of 
Damaraland,  German  W.  Africa) 
now  in  the  museum  of  the  Anatom- 
ical Institute  of  Berlin, — only  two 
Herero  skulls  have  been  previously 
studied  by  Fritsch  and  Virchow.  The 
cephalic  indexes  range  from  67.5  to 
72.9;  cubic  capacity  from  131 5  to 
1590  ccm.,  the  largest  occurring  in  a 
boy  of  12.  All  the  crania  are  doli- 
chocephalic, orthocephalic,  and  pre- 
sent all  the  varieties  of  long  forms 
(2  beloid,  2  ovoid,  i  ellipsoid,  i 
pentagonoid).  They  are  heavy,  and 
in  capacity  are  closer  to  the  Kafirs 
of  the  S.  E.  coast,  in  cephalic  index 
to  the  Bantu  of  Loanda  and  Ben- 
guela. 

Osservazioni    su    due    cervelli    di 

Ovambo  ed  uno  di  Ottentotta.  (A. 
d.  Soc.  Rom.  di  Antrop.,  Roma,  1908, 
XIV,  139-147,  3  fgs.)  Describes  with 
measurements  two  male  Ovambo  and 
one  female  Hottentot  brains  (all  sub- 
jects about  20  years  of  age), — 
weights  respectively  1335,  1132,  1201 
gr.  The  data  suggest  that  cerebrally, 
as  well  as  craniologically,  the  Ovam- 
bo belong  close  to  the  Herero,  while 
the  Hottentot  are  in  divers  ways  dis- 
tinguished from  both.  Phylogeneti- 
cally  the  Hottentot  brain  is  not  lower 
than   the    Ovambo. 

Su   una    deforraazione    dei    denti 

in  Abissinia.  Introduzione  alio 
studio  dei  crani  di  Kohaito.  (Ibid., 
197-208,  4  fgs.)  Treats  of  6  male 
Kohaite  skulls  from  a  cemetery 
dating  ca.  400-600  A.  D.,  three  days 
march  from  Zula,  the  ancient  Adulis, 
all  deformed  by  the  removal  of  all 
the  upper  incisors.  The  distribution 
of  this  custom  in  Africa  is  noted 
(probably  a  puberty  rite).  The 
Kohaite  skulls  are  Abyssinian  in 
type. 

Shrubsall  (F.  C.)  A  brief  note  on  two 
crania  and  some  long  bones  from  an- 
cient ruins  in  Rhodesia.  (Man, 
Lond.,  1909,  IX,  68-70,  2  fgs.)  De- 
scribes with  measurements  a  skull 
from      the      Chum      ruins      in      the 


Gwanda  district  and  another  from  an 
old  mine-shaft  nearer  Buluwayo, — 
also  left  femur,  radius  and  ulna  and 
a  right  tibia  from  the  Chum  ruins. 
The  conclusion  reached  is  that 
"  these  remains  are  those  of  negroes 
of  a  similar  type  to  those  now  found 
in   Rhodesia." 

Sibree  (J.)  General  Gallieni's  "  Neuf 
ans  a  Madagascar  " :  An  example  of 
French  Colonization.  (J.  Afric.  Soc, 
Lond.,  1909,  VIII,  259-273.)  Resume 
and  critique  of  Gen.  G.'s  Neuf  ans  d 
Madagascar  (Paris,  1908).  Accord- 
ing to  Rev.  J.  S.,  "  the  book  has  a 
great  defect  in  that  it  almost  entirely 
ignores  what  had  been  accomplished 
by  Christian  missionaries  during  the 
33  years  previous  to  French  occupa- 
tion in  civilizing  and  enlightening  the 
people  of  Madagascar,  to  say  nothing 
of  the  foundation  work  done  from 
1820  to  183s  by  the  first  L.  M.  S. 
missionaries." 

Singer  (H.)  Das  neue  deutsche  Ko- 
lonialprogramm  und  die  Einge- 
borenenfrage.       (Globus,     Brnschwg., 

1908,  xciii,  203-205.)  Discusses  the 
new  German  colonial  policy  of  Sec- 
retary of  State  Dernburg  in  regard 
to  the  aborigines  of  German  Africa, 
which  seems  to  indicate  a  higher 
official  estimate  of  the  Negroes  and 
their  economic  value,  as  well  as  a 
more  human  handling  of  the  whole 
question. 

Smend  (Obletit.)  Negermusik  und 
Musikinstrumente    in    Togo.       (Ibid., 

1909,  xciii,  71-75,  89-94,  39  fgs.) 
Treats  of  music  and  musical  instru- 
ments among  the  Negroes  of  Togo, 
German  W.  Africa.  Drums  (several 
varieties,  of  wood)  ;  string  instru- 
ments (a  very  primitive  one  of  palm- 
leaf  stem  and  bast  strings ;  similar 
instruments  in  Agu,  Basari,  etc.,  with 
gourd  for  resonance ;  the  Ewe  tre- 
sangu,  the  Hausa  niolo ;  the  Tshan- 
dyo  gonye,  a  sort  of  fiddle)  ;  wind 
instruments  (simple  horns,  flutes  and 
whistles  of  bamboo,  plant-stems, 
wood  ;  Hausa  flutes  of  brass,  etc.)  ; 
rattles  of  various  sorts.  The  "  drum 
language "  (invented  in  Ashanti  and 
introduced  by  Ewe  who  had  been 
prisoners  of  war)  is  in  use,  and  all 
drums  serve  for  dance-music ;  spe- 
cial drums  ("  fetish  drums ")  for 
religious  and  allied  uses.  No  string 
instrument  seems  to  be  used  in  the 
dance ;  some  are  used  by  the  cattle 
and  horse  herdsmen.  The  molos  are 
used  for  song  accompaniment.     The 


ii6 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


long  trumpet  called  kakatche  (from 
Sokoto)  and  others  are  used  in 
marches,  for  signalling,  etc.  Rattles 
and  bells  are  used  to  heighten  the 
dance.  Dances  are  of  considerable 
variety.  The  underlying  motives  of 
song  and  dance  are  sex,  war,  hunting, 
family  life,  wickedness  of  man,  wis- 
dom of  life,  etc.  German  texts  of 
24  brief  songs  (10  Hausa)  are  given. 

Spiess  (C.)  Yevhe  und  Se'.  (Ibid., 
190S,  xciv,  6-7,  2  fgs.)  Brief  ac- 
count of  the  fetish  yevhe  whose  cult 
has  recently  made  its  way  (probably 
from  the  Agotime,  who  are  Adanme 
from  the  Gold  Coast)  among  the  Ewe 
of  Togo, — the  Yevhe-stick,  Yevhe- 
pots,  etc. ;  and  Se  (not  to  be  con- 
fused with  the  Ewe  god  Sc),  an 
iron  rod  with  bells  at  the  top,  in  use 
by  the  medicine-men. 

Zubereitung  und  Anwendung  ein- 

heimischer  Arzneien  bei  den  Evhe- 
negern  Togos.  (Ibid.,  1909,  xcv, 
281-286.)  Brief  description  of  76 
native  medicines  (all  from  plants) 
and  their  uses  among  the  Ewe  ne- 
groes of  Togo.  Also  the  native 
names  of  some  60  diseases,  and  15 
names  for  medicines  of  Europeans. 
The  Togo  natives  distinguish  3 
kinds  of  fever.  The  general  term 
for  "  medicine "  is  atike  (from  ati, 
"tree,'  and  ke,  "root")  or  amatsi 
(from  ama,  "  plant,"  and  tsi, 
"  water  "). 

Starr  (F.)  Ethnographic  notes  from 
the  Congo  Free  State :  An  African 
Miscellany.  (Proc.  Davenp.  Acad. 
Sci.,  Davenport,  la.,  1909,  xii,  96- 
222,  13  pi.,  72  fgs.)  Treats  of  the 
Batua  (physical  measurements  of  25 
men  and  5  women ;  av.  stature  of 
Ndombe  males  1511  mm.,  of  those  of 
L.  Mantumba,  etc.,  1542;  av.  ceph. 
index  75.7  and  77.2)  ;  comparison  be- 
tween a  pigmy,  a  dwarf  and  a  Baluba 
boy;  albinism  (15  subjects,  4  ex- 
amined ;  males  more  common  than 
females  ;  actual  number  large)  ;  tooth- 
chipping  (teeth  of  900  soldiers  ex- 
amined, various  types  and  combina- 
tions noted)  ;  games  of  Congo  peo- 
ples (70  games  described  and  many 
illustrated ;  imitative  games  4,  plays 
with  simple  toys,  6,  athletic  sports  or 
exercises  9,  athletic  games  with  im- 
plements 13,  round  games  6,  guess- 
ing games,  etc.,  13,  games  of  chance 
and  gambling  games  10)  ;  string- 
figures  and  cat's  cradle  (^72  described 
and  figured, — all  made  by  single 
players)  ;  proverbs  of  Upper  Congo 
tribes    (164    from    Nkundu    and    16 


from  Bopoto,  native  text,  translation 
and  application ;  English  text  of  44 
Ntumba  proverbs)  ;  stories  (English 
texts  of  7  Bobangi  and  i  Foto :  Two 
brothers;  wife,  husband  and  child; 
Mompana  and  his  four  wives ;  Pele- 
pele  and  the  tortoise ;  the  tortoise 
and  the  eagle ;  the  tortoise  and  the 
wild-cat ;  the  dog  and  the  ncinga 
fish;  the  jackal  and  the  goat).  In 
an  appendix  are  given  a  Batua  vocab- 
ulary of  83  words  from  Ndumbe  (pp. 
220-221)  and  a  non-Bantu  vocabu- 
lary of  so  words  from  Ndungale.  S. 
classes  the  Batua  "  with  the  true  pig- 
mies of  the  Ituri  forest," — though 
scattered,  "  they  everywhere  appear 
to  have  been  the  original  inhabitants 
of  the  country." 
Staudinger  (P.)  Ein  grosses  afrikan- 
isches  Steinbeil.  (Z.  f.  Ethnol.,  Ber- 
lin, 1908,  XL,  809-813,  I  fg.)  Treats 
of  stone  implements  in  W.  Africa, 
particularly  a  large  amphibolite 
(slate)  axe  from  Akem.  None  so  large 
have  hitherto  been  reported  from 
this  region.  It  is  probably  of  a  cere- 
monial nature,  not  an  actual  imple- 
ment or  a  weapon. 

Steinerne    Pfeilspitzen    aus    Sud- 

westafrika.  (Ibid.,  1909,  xli,  270- 
272.)  Note  on  some  stone  arrow- 
heads from  a  cacao-field  near  Wal- 
fisch  bay  in  the  Hottentot  country. 

Buschmannphotographien.    (Ibid., 

272-273.)  Notes  on  a  number  of 
photographs  of  Bushmen  taken  by 
Hr.  F.  Seiner,  author  of  a  work  on 
the  region  between  the  Okawango 
and  Zambezi,  in  the  Mitteilungen  aus 
den  Schuizgebieten  for  1905-1906. 
Some  of  the  Bushmen  represented 
seem  to  have   Bantu  blood. 

Stigand  (C.  H.)  Notes  on  the  native 
tribes  in  the  neighborhood  of  Fort 
Manning,  Nyassaland.  (J.  R.  An- 
throp.  Inst.,  Lond.  1909,  xxxix,  35- 
43.)  Treats  of  the  Angoni,  Achipeta, 
Achewa,  Achikunda,  and  other  minor 
tribes, — general  characteristics,  chiefs, 
tribal  marks,  value  as  soldiers,  war- 
customs,  arrow-poison,  currency,  etc. 
Tribal  marks  "  are  made  when  a  man 
wishes,  generally  after  puberty  has 
been  attained,  but  no  compulsion  is 
used."  The  Ayao  "  are  essentially  the 
best  fighting  men  to  be  had  in  Cen- 
tral Africa,  and  perhaps  the  best  to 
be  had  in  the  whole  continent."  The 
Achipeta  largely  use  poisoned  arrows, 
the  Angoni  spears.  Axes  and  hoes 
are  sometimes  used  as  money. 

Struck  (B.)  Fine  vergleichende  Gram- 
matik   der   Bantusprachen.      (Globus, 


Periodical  Literature 


117 


Brnschwg.,  1908,  xciii,  271-273.) 
Resume  and  critique  of  C.  Mein- 
hof's  Grundziige  einer  vergleichenden 
Grammatik  der  Bantusprachen  (Ber- 
lin, 1906),  which  S.  considers  "  the 
most  important  scientific  contribution 
so  far  in  the  Bantu  field." 

Zur    Kenntnis    des     Gastammes, 

Goldkustel.  (Ibid.,  31-32.)  Notes  on 
cities  of  refuge  (fleeing  to  a  fetish) 
and  servants  of  fetishes ;  account  of 
a  "  palaver "  or  law-suit ;  a  fable 
(how  the  deer  became  king)  ;  12 
proverbs  (native  text  and  transla- 
tion). The  Ga  are  a  negro  people 
of  the  Gold  Coast. 

Ein       Marchen       der       Wapare, 

Deutsch-Ostafrika.  (Ibici,       1908, 

xciv.  III.)  German  text  of  a  tale 
of  a  widow  and  her  two  sons,  the 
first-fruits  of  investigation  into  the 
folk-lore  of  the  Wapare,  who  speak 
the  language  called  Tsasu,  closely  re- 
lated to  that  of  Taveta. 

Konig     Ndschoya     von     Bamum 

also  Topograph.  (Ibid.,  206-209,  5 
fgs.)  Reproduces  and  discusses  the 
plans  of  his  farm  and  the  way  from 
it  to  the  town,  made  by  King  Ndjoya 
of  Bamum  (already  noted  for  his 
other  inventions),  the  inscriptions  on 
them,  etc.  As  a  first  attempt  the 
effort  is  remarkable,  with  regard  to 
both    drawing    talent    and    technique. 

Struyf  (P.  I.)  Aus  dem  Marchen- 
schatz  der  Bakongo,  Niederkongo. 
(Anthropos,  Wien,  1908,  iii,  741-760.) 
Gives  native  text  and  interlinear 
translation  of  8  tales  (Mother  toad, 
Mother  crab  with  her  flat  back, 
Young  Mr  Pungwa,  Story  of  two 
brothers.  The  song  of  the  old  people, 
The  tortured  mouse,  the  gazelle  and 
the  leopard.  The  leopard  and  the 
greedy  mouse)  from  the  Bakongo  of 
the  lower  Congo,  2  from  Kimpako,  3 
from   Kisantu,   3   from  Kianika. 

Taylor  (J.  D.)  Native  progress  in 
Natal.  (So.  Wkmn.,  Hampton,  Va., 
1909,  XXXVIII,  27-36,  5  fgs.)  Notes 
on  contrast  between  heathen  kraal 
and  houses  of  Christian  natives,  gar- 
dens, adoption  of  European  dress, 
effect  of  school-house  and  of  writing 
and  printing,  churches  (native  initia- 
tive marked),  industrial  progress,  new 
individual  instead  of  tribal  unit,  etc. 
From  the  blanketed  feraa/-man  to  the 
vision   of  the   educated  voter. 

Thompson  (R.  C.)  The  ancient  gold- 
mines at  Gebet  in  the  Eastern  Su- 
dan. (Man,  Lond.,  1908,  viii,  70- 
72,  3  fgs.)  Account  of  visit  made 
in    1906.      The    finds    in    the    mines 


indicate  that  they  are  "  not  much 
more  than  2,000  years  old."  Gold- 
mining  is  still  carried  on  there.  The 
ancient  miners  ground  the  quartz  in 
stone    hand-mills. 

Tor-Akobian  (S.)  Das  armenische 
Marchen  vom  "  Stirnauge."  (Globus, 
Brnschwg.,  1908,  xciv,  205-206.) 
Gives  German  text  of  the  "  tale  of 
the  man  with  an  eye  in  his  fore- 
head," told  in  Tiflis  by  an  old  work- 
man from  Achalzich.  This  Arme- 
nian folk-tale  belongs  in  the  cycle  of 
Polyphemus    and   Ulysses. 

Tuareg  (Die)  des  Siidens.  (Ibid.,  183- 
188,  5  fgs.)  Based  on  Capt.  A.  Ay- 
mard's  article  on  the  southern  Tua- 
reg in  the  Tour  du  Monde  for 
1908.  Notes  on  social  divisions,  the 
family  (the  first  unity,  like  the  Ro- 
man gens),  slavery  (production  of 
mixed  race  of  Tuaregs  with  female 
slaves  and  Sonrhai  women),  religion 
(Tuaregs  are  Mohammedans  but 
neither  very  zealous  nor  fanatic ; 
no  mosques,  no  pilgrimages  to 
Mecca ;  marabouts  belong  to  certain 
tribes),  akiriko  or  medicine-men, 
spirits  and  ginns  (everywhere),  char- 
acter (not  so  flattering  a  picture 
drawn  now  as  earlier  by  Duveyrier), 
woman  and  her  position  (mon- 
ogamy ;  status  high ;  woman  can 
divorce),  children,  inheritance,  work, 
industry  (chiefly  in  the  hands  of 
slaves  and  blacksmiths, — the  latter 
Sudanese  negroes,  a  caste  by  them- 
selves). 

Virchow  (H.)  Ueber  die  Zahnent- 
stiimmelung  der  Hereros.  (Z.  f.  Eth- 
nol.,  Berlin,  1908,  xl,  930-932.) 
Describes  the  mutilation  of  the 
teeth,  nahina  omajo  (teeth  consecra- 
tion) among  the  Hereros  and  the  re- 
ligious ceremonies  and  festivals  con- 
nected therewith.  The  Hereros  are 
exceedingly  proud  of  their  artificially 
modified  teeth,  which  are  now  a 
national  or  tribal  sign.  At  the 
"  teeth  festival "  some  20  to  40  chil- 
dren (10-15  years)  are  operated 
upon  at  once.  The  Hereros  can  give 
no  satisfactory  explanation  of  the 
custom. 

Weeks  (J.  H.)  Anthropological  notes 
on  the  Bangala  of  the  Upper  Congo 
river.  (J.  R.  Anthrop.  Inst.,  Lond., 
1909,  xxxix,  97-136,  9  fgs.)  Treats 
of  clothing  (some  bark  cloth ;  no 
special  covering  for  genitals ;  plan- 
tain leaf  as  umbrella),  personal 
ornaments  (hair-dress ;  brass  collars, 
armlets,  anklets,  etc.,  ivory  anklets, 
armlets,  etc. ;  belts ;  pregnant  women 


ii8 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


painted  by  medicine  man ;  incisor 
teeth  cut  to  V-shaped  points),  paint- 
ing and  tattooing  (3  varieties),  orna- 
mentation (herring-bone  pattern  on 
saucepans,  incised  lines,  lozenge  pat- 
tern ;  drawings  on  houses  and  letters  ; 
first  experiences  with  pictures  in  vol- 
ume of  Graphic),  leather-work,  string 
(made  of  bark  of  a  water-plant), 
weaving,  basket-work,  pottery  (3 
kinds  made  by  women),  dyeing  and 
painting,  metallurgy  (iron  ore  im- 
ported from  the  Lulanga  river  and 
smelted  in  native  crucibles ;  black- 
smiths honored  as  skilful  men,  but 
not  treated  with  any  superstitious 
fear),  conservatism  (natives  are 
"  quick  to  imitate  where  imitation  is 
possible " ;  hindrance  due  to  witch- 
craft, etc.),  habitations  (one  house 
for  each  wife  ;  processes  of  construc- 
tion), fire  (stick-rubbing,  flint  and 
steel ;  legends  of  origin  of  fire  ;  puri- 
fication by  fire)  ;  food  (eat  all  fish 
except  the  nina  or  electric  fish ; 
nearly  all  fish  taboo  to  some  one 
person  or  another ;  cassava  chief 
vegetable  food,  evening  meal  only 
real  meal ;  palm  maggots,  bats,  cater- 
pillars delicacies ;  milk  tabooed  and 
abhorred,  drinkers  unclean  ;  sweet  po- 
tatoes never  eaten  by  men ;  salt  ob- 
tained from  vegetable  ashes ;  folk- 
lore about  greediness ;  chief  drink 
besides  water  is  manga  or  sugar-cane 
wine ;  drinking-bouts  common  during 
sugar-cane  season),  cannibalism  (very 
general  in  1890),  narcotics  (tobacco 
not  smoked  by  women),  hunting  and 
fishing  ("  making  medicine,"  traps, 
pits ;  torching,  "  fences,"  basket- 
traps,  angling,  spearing,  poisoning, 
nets,  etc.),  agriculture  and  farming 
(chief  article  cultivated  is  cassava ; 
every  woman  has  "  her  own  farm  "), 
education  ("  doctors  "  ;  imputated 
teachers  of  dance  and  song ;  games 
few),  mental  powers,  etc.  (very  re- 
ceptive and  easily  taught  up  to  14- 
15,  especially  boys,  but  after  that 
"  they  have  to  make  a  continuous 
effort  to  retain  any  book-knowledge 
they  may  have  received  ") — the  psy- 
chical qualities  and  character  of  the 
natives  are  sketched. 

Notes    on    some    customs    of    the 

Bangala  tribe,  Upper  Congo.  (Folk- 
Lore,  Lond.,  1908,  XIX,  92-97.)  Cites 
items  relating  to  death  and  burial, 
"  witch-dolls,"  ordeal  by  drinking 
nka  (pp.  94-97)- 

Notes   on   some   customs    of   the 

Lower  Congo  people.  (Ibid.,  xix, 
409-437;    1909,    XX,    32-63,    181-201, 


2  pi.)  Treats  of  courtship  and  mar- 
riage, illness  of  children  (witch- 
craft and  poison-ordeal),  pregnancy, 
child-birth  (treatment,  burial ;  twins  ; 
albinos),  education  of  children,  fam- 
ily and  clan,  chiefship,  succession, 
death  and  funeral  customs,  spirits, 
hunting  charms  and  fetishes  (treat- 
ment and  disposal  of  animals  killed), 
dogs,  "  eating  the  goat,"  making  war, 
treatment  of  mad  people,  markets  and 
trade,  barter,  evil  spirits,  fetishes, 
God  and  Devil,  cosmological  ideas, 
totemism  (few  indications),  hunting 
fetishes  and  "  medicine,"  ngangas, 
or  "medicine  men"  (182-188),  se- 
cret societies  and  men's  houses  (189- 
201),  etc.  Eight  sorts  of  divination 
are  used  by  the  ngangas. 

Weiss  ( — )  Die  von  der  Expedition 
des  Herzogs  Adolf  Friedrich  zu 
Mecklenburg  beriihrten  Volkerstamme 
zwischen  Victoria-Nyanza  und  Kon- 
gostaat.  (Z.  f.  Ethnol.,  Berlin,  1909, 
XLi,  1 09-1 13.)  Notes  the  intelligent 
Waheiha  or  Wassiba  of  the  Kissiba 
hill-country,  the  Wanjamba  of  the 
mountainous  country  of  Karagwe  and 
Mporo,  the  industrious  Wahutu  of 
Ruanda,  all  aborigines  of  the  region 
and  all  Bantu ;  also  the  Batwa  pig- 
mies, and  the  Watussi  or  Wahima  of 
Hamitic  stock.  The  iron,  wire  and 
wood-work  of  the  country  is  briefly 
described. 

Werner  (A.)  A  native  painting  from 
Nyasaland.  (J.  Afric.  Soc,  Lond., 
1909,  VIII,  190-192.)  Treats  of  a 
colored  painting  of  a  man  and  a 
monkey  on  a  wall  of  a  hut  in  Mpon- 
da's  village  (his  people  are  Machinga 
Yaos)  on  the  Shire,  near  the  lower 
end  of  L.  Nyasa.  These  "  hut-fres- 
coes "  may  be  due  to  an  art  handed 
down  from  Bushmen  ancestors,  e.  g., 
among  the  Mljange,  Angoni,  etc., 
who  have  a  Bushmen  element.  These 
paintings  are  said  to  occur  only 
where  Bushman  influence  is  trace- 
able among  the  Bantu. 

Bushman  art.     (Anthropos,  Mod- 

ling-Wien,  1909,  iv,  500-504,  i  fg.) 
Treats  particularly  of  a  painting  of  a 
man  and  a  monkey  on  a  hut-wall 
at  Mponda's  village  on  the  upper 
Shire.  Evidently  same  as  noted  in 
previous    article. 

Wiedemann  (A.)  Totenbarken  im 
alten  Agypten.  (Globus,  Brnschwg., 
1908,  xciv,  119-123,  2  fgs.)  Treats 
of  the  "  boats  of  the  dead "  (row- 
boats  and  sail-boats)  in  ancient  Eg>-p- 
tian.  their  structure,  equipment,  etc., 
models    of    such    vessels    for   placing 


Periodical  Literature 


119 


in  graves,  etc.  Plastic  and  relief  or 
painted  models  are  found  together  as 
early  as  the  Nagada  period  ante  3000 
B.  C.  Based  partly  on  J.  G.  Gars- 
tang's  The  Burial  Customs  of  An- 
cient Egypt  (London,  1907). 
Willans  (R.  H.  K.)  The  Konnoh  peo- 
ple. (J.  Afric.  Soc,  Lond..  1909.  viii, 
130-144,  288-295).  Treats  of  habi- 
tat, religion  ("  while  acknowledging 
one  supreme  deity  in  heaven  es- 
sentially stone  and  ancestor  wor- 
shipers "  ;  "  happy  belief  "  regarding 
death," — a  clean  slate  to  start  with 
again),  customs  (practically  identi- 
cal with  those  of  Mendi  and  Ko- 
ranko),  folk-lore  (English  texts  of 
6  tales  :  Three  kinds  of  women,  first 
war,  Tambafassa,  How  jealousy 
spoiled  the  rice,  division,  Jumba  and 
Bay  Marringa, — Jacob  and  Esau), 
history  as  nearly  as  possible  in  words 
of  native  informants  (romantic 
period,  traditional  period  founded  on 
fact),  creation-myth,  hunting-cus- 
toms, etc. 
Wolf  (F.)  Grammatik  der  Kposo- 
Sprache,  Nord-Togo,  West-Afrika. 
(Anthropos,  Wien,  1909,  iv,  142-167, 
630-659.)  Outline  of  grammar  of 
Kposo  (2  dialects),  a  negro  language 
spoken  by  17,000-20,000  people  in 
northern  Togo  Land,  West  Africa. 
Phonetics,  noun  (prefixes,  sufiixes, 
place-names,  composition,  number, 
gender,  case,  article),  adjective,  nu- 
merals, pronouns,  verb,  adverb,  etc. 
At  pp.  648-659  are  given  native  texts 
with  interlinear  translations. 
Wollaston  (A.  F.  R.)  Amid  the  snow- 
peaks  of  the  Equator :  a  naturalist's 
explorations  around  Ruwenzori,  with 
an  account  of  the  terrible  scourge  of 
sleeping  sickness.  (Nat.  Geogr.  Mag., 
Wash.,  1909,  XX,  256-277,  I  fg.,  8 
pi.)  Abstracted  from  author's  From 
Ruivensori  to  the  Congo  (London, 
1909).  Contains  a  few  notes  on  pig- 
mies, people  of  Kivu  (fire-making, 
beads).  Some  of  the  illustrations 
(pigmy  lady,  tattooed  beauty,  ivory 
carriers,  tattooed  girls,  fire-making, 
village  scenes)  are  of  ethnologic 
value. 
Work  (M.  N.)  The  African  family 
as  an  institution.  (So.  Wkmn., 
Hampton,  Va.,  1909,  xxxviii,  343- 
353,  433-440,  fgs.)  Treats  of  the 
social  importance,  composition,  and 
inner  life  of  the  African  family. 
Based  upon  Cunningham,  Johnston, 
Leonard,  Kidd,  Stow,  Ellis,  Schwein- 
furth,  Cruikshank,  Mockler-Ferry- 
man,  Dennett,  Hayford,  etc.    Accord- 


ing to  Prof.  W.  "  among  no  other 
people  is  the  family  relatively  more 
important  than  among  the  Africans, 
who  are  very  human,"  and  "  in  their 
love  affairs,  divorces,  and  social  life 
they  are  very  much  like  other 
people." 

An    African    system    of    writing. 

(Ibid.,  1908,  xxxvii,  518-526.) 
Brief  account  of  the  writing  of  the 
Vai  or  Vei  negroes,  with  reproduc- 
tion (pp.  522-526)  of  the  original 
and  modern  symbols  from  Sir  H. 
Johnston's  Liberia  (London,  1906). 

Zur  Frage  nach  dem  Alter  der  Ruinen 
Rhodesias.  (Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1908, 
xciii,  16.)  Resumes  two  articles  by 
R.  N.  Hall  in  The  African  Monthly 
for  1907  on  The  prehistoric  gold 
mines  of  Rhodesia  and  Notes  on  the 
Traditions  of  South  African  Races, 
especially  of  the  Makalanga  of 
Mashonaland. 

ASIA 

Ancient  (The)  Symbol  of  the  double 
eagle.  (Open  Ct.,  Chicago,  1909, 
xxiii,  51-58,  2  fgs.)  Brief  account 
of  a  gariida  or  double-eagle  from  the 
ceiling  of  one  of  the  very  oldest 
caves  near  Oyzl  in  the  mountain 
range  near  the  city  of  Kutcha,  found 
by  Prof.  Grunwedel.  Another  double- 
eagle  occurs  in  the  rock-sculptures  at 
Boghaz  Koi,  Phrygia. 

Aston  (W.  G.)  A  Japanese  book  of 
divination.  (Man,  Lond.,  1908,  viii, 
1 16-120,  I  fg.)  Resumes  and  dis- 
cusses Kzvannon  Hiakusen,  or 
"  Kwannon's  Hundred  Divining- 
Sticks,"  in  the  preface  of  which  is 
related  a  legend  of  its  "  introduction 
from  China  in  the  tenth  century  by 
a  Buddhist  dignitary."  The  authori- 
tative part  of  the  book  is  the  Chinese 
poetry  (4  lines  for  each  stick).  The 
drawing  of  the  sticks  and  numbers 
is  fully  treated  by  the  Japanese  au- 
thor. There  is  plenty  of  good  advice 
and  the  moral  tone  is  high. 

Aurel  Steins  zentralasiatische  For- 
schungsreise.  (Globus,  Brnschwg., 
1908.  XCIII,  337-338.)  Resumes  data 
in  article  in  The  Geographical  Jour- 
nal (London)  for  May,  1908. 

Bacot  (J.)  Anthropologic  du  Tibet. 
Les  populations  du  Tibet  sud-oriental. 
(Bull.  Soc.  d'Anthrop.  de  Paris,  1908, 
V*  s.,  IX,  462-473,  9  pi.)  Treats 
briefly  of  the  Mossos  (Sinicized  in 
dress,  manners,  and  largely  also  in 
speech),  Lissus  (conservative  and  re- 
sisting Tibetan  absorption),  Lutzes 
(of    same    stock    as    Kiutzes ;    quite 


I20 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


primitive,  peaceful,  little  agriculture), 
and  Tibetans  in  general  (population  ; 
family,  birth,  death,  houses,  food, 
clothing,  hygiene,  religion,  etc.)  The 
Tibetans  are  in  general  young  and 
healthy  in  spite  of  centuries  of  the 
burden  of  superstition ;  they  are  gay, 
sober,  hospitable,  happy  (having  few 
needs),  credulous  (because  they  are 
children),  etc.     See  Delisle   (F.). 

Belck  (W.)  Die  Erfinder  der  Eisen- 
technik.  (Korr.-Bl.  d.  D.  Ges.  f. 
Anthrop.,  Brnschwg.,  1908,  xxxix, 
100-107.)  Argues  that  the  Philis- 
tines were  the  originators  of  the 
iron  industry. 

Besse  (L.)  Another  word  about  the 
Todas.  (Anthropos,  Wien,  1908,  iii, 
799-800.)  Notes  that  several  copies 
of  letters  and  other  missionary  MSS. 
were  often  made  and  distributed  in 
Europe.  See  American  Anthropolo- 
gist, 1908,  N.  s.,  X,  321. 

Bittner  (M.)  Ein  armenischer  Zauber- 
streifen.  (Ibid.,  1909,  iv,  182-189.) 
Detailed  account  of  an  Armenian 
paper-strip  of  magic  texts,  drawings, 
etc.,  representing  Mahometan-Chris- 
tian superstition.  Noteworthy  are 
the  magic  squares,  "  charmed  circles," 
lists  of  demons,  etc.  In  it  is  men- 
tioned "  God  with  looi  names," 
"  God  22223  times  beloved,"  "  to  be 
obeyed  66666  times." 

Boehmer  (J.)  Jericho.  (A.  f.  Religsw., 
Lpzg.,  1909,  XII,  322-334.)  Treats  of 
pre-Israelitish  and  later  Jericho,  or 
rather  the  successive  Jerichos  (dif- 
ferent in  extent)  that  have  existed. 
A  complete  destruction  by  the  Israel- 
ites did  not  occur.  The  Herodian 
Jericho  is  represented  by  the  modern 
Riha.  The  fertility  of  Jericho  in 
ancient  times  leads  us  to  believe  that 
the  rose  found  there  still  may  be  the 
"  rose  of  Jericho."  The  name 
Jericho  does  not  mean  "  city  of  per- 
fume," but  "  the  lunar  one." 

Tabor,      Hermon      und      andere 

Hauptberge.  Zu  Ps.  89,  13.  (Ibid., 
313-321.)  Argues  that  in  this  pas- 
sage the  Psalmist  has  preferred  Ta- 
bor over  Carmel  by  reason  of  its  an- 
cient use  as  a  sacred  place,  where  a 
sanctuary  existed  from  time  imme- 
morial. 

Bonifacy  ( — )  Les  Kiao  Tche,  etude 
etymologique  et  anthropologique. 
(Bull.  Soc,  d' Anthrop.  de  Paris,  1908, 
v"  s.,  IX,  699-706.)  Discusses  the 
etymology  of  the  name  Kiao  Tche 
(signifies  not  "  crossed  toes,"  but 
"feet  that  turn  in  somewhat"),  now 
applied   by   the    Chinese    to    the   An- 


namites,  but  formerly  signifying  more 
broadly  "  Barbarians  of  the  South," — 
a  case  of  generalization  on  the  basis  of 
a  rare  physical  peculiarity,  with  notes 
on  several  cases  of  the  separation  of 
the  big  toe,  with  anthropometric  data 
(height,  cephalic  index,  size  of  ear, 
mouth,  nasal  index). 

Brown  (R.  G.)  Rain-making  in  Bur- 
ma. (Man,  Lond.,  1908,  viii,  145- 
146,  I  pi.,  3  fgs.)  Notes  on  the 
water-festival  (annually  in  April) 
at  Dedaye,  a  pageant  representing 
legendary  persons ;  the  rain-making 
tug-of-war  (young  people  of  the  vil- 
lage pull  against  each  other)  ;  setting 
the  image  of  Shin  Upagok  (a  rain- 
god),  one  of  Buddha's  disciples,  out 
in  the  broiling  sun ;  washing  the 
cat, — all  Burmese  rain-making  meth- 
ods. 

• Cheating  death.     (Ibid.,  1909,  ix, 

26.)  Note  on  a  peculiar  mock- 
funeral  for  a  boy  at  Dabein,  Pegu. 

Caius  (T.)  Au  pays  des  castes.  (An- 
thropos, Wien,  1908,  III,  637-650,  3 
pi,.  I  fg.)  Continuation.  Treats  of 
Karmmas  or  religious  observances  (5 
are  briefly  described ;  at  pp.  642-647 
the  28  constellations  and  their 
omens  are  listed).  At  pages  648- 
650  long  lists  of  names  of  men  and 
women  are  given. 

Cartij  (P.)  Moralite,  sanction,  vie 
future  dans  le  Vedanta.  (Ibid., 
1030-1046.)  After  brief  historical 
apergu,  Father  C.  discusses  the  il- 
lusion and  its  consequences  (atman 
or  soul  absolute  and  individual ;  all 
is  illusion  save  the  absolute  atman, 
the  true  Brahma),  retribution  and 
its  mechanism  (the  Hindu  funda- 
mental moral  principle  is  the  law  of 
karma),   etc. 

Cams  (P.)  Healing  by  conjuration  in 
ancient  Babylon.  (Open  Court,  Chi- 
cago, 1909,  xxiii,  67-74,  6  fgs.)  Based 
on  Dr  K.  Frank's  article  in  the 
Leipziger  Semitische  Studien.  iii.  No. 
3,  dealing  with  a  bronze  tablet  with 
a   conjuration    scene. 

The  Venus  of  Milo.     (Ibid.,  257- 

262,  4  fgs.)  Gives  history  of  famous 
statue  in  the  Louvre.  C.  thinks  that 
"  there  is  no  question  that  the  statue 
represents  Aphrodite,  the  goddess  of 
love  and  beauty,"  and  that  it  is  "  one 
of  the   greatest   masterpieces." 

The      Buddha      of      Kamakura. 

(Ibid.,  307-313,  6  fgs.)  Brief  ac- 
count of  the  colossal  statue  of  Ami- 
tabha,  the  Buddha  of  everlasting 
light,  erected  in  1252  A.  D,  at 
Kamakura,  Japan, 


Periodical  Literature 


121 


The    mosque    of    Omar.      (Ibid., 

572-575,  2  fgs.)  The  mosque  of 
Omar  in  Jerusalem  covers  the  holy 
spot  of  the  temple,  the  holy  of  holies, 
once  the  threshing-floor  of  Arauna, 
the  place  of  the  vision  or  theophany 
of  David. 

Japan's  seven  jolly  gods.     (Ibid., 

49-56,  6  fgs.)  Treats  briefly  of 
Bisharaon  (god  of  strength  and  vic- 
tory), Benzaiten  (goddess  of  love 
and  beauty),  Daikoku  (god  of  the 
well-to-do  farmer),  Ebisu  (wor- 
shiped by  traders),  Fukurokuju  and 
Jurojin  (gods  of  longevity),  Hotei 
(god  of  mirth).  These  symbolize 
"  the  ancient  Japanese  contentedness 
and  merry  humor  of  its  simple  life," 
now  perhaps  being  swept  away. 

The     Samaritans.      (Ibid.,    1908, 

XXII,  488-491.)  Brief  resume  of 
Dr  J.  A.  Montgomery's  The  Samari- 
tans;  the  Earliest  Jeivish  Sect 
(Phila.,  1907).  The  Samaritans  are 
dwindling  rapidly,  "  and  it  is  the  last 
moment  that  we  can  still  study  their 
religion  and  traditions  in  living 
examples." 

Casartelli  (L.  C.)  Hindu  mythology 
and  literature  as  recorded  by  Portu- 
guese missionaries  of  the  early  17th 
century.  (Anthropos,  Wien,  1908, 
III,  771-772,  1077-1080.)  Treats  of 
death  and  resurrection  of  Rama ; 
death  of  Cushna  (Krishna)  ;  story 
of  the  faithful  maid  Mellipray ;  sects, 
castes,  etc.  See  American  Anthro- 
pologist, 1907,  N,  s.,  IX,  418. 
Chalatianz  (B.)  Die  iranische  Helden- 
sage  bei  den  Armeniern.  Nachtrag. 
(Z.  d.  V.  f.  Volksk.,  Berlin,  1909, 
XIX,  149-157.)  Gives  German  texts 
of  3  Iranian-Armenian  hero-tales, 
originally  appearing  in  the  Ethno- 
graphic Review  of  Tiflis  for  1906 : 
"  Rustam-Zal,"  "  Gahraman  Gathl," 
and  "  King  Xosrov." 

Armenische        Heiligenlegenden. 

(Ibid.,  361-369.)  Gives  German  ver- 
sion only  of  3  American  legends  of 
saints :  Elexanos,  Alexan,  Kaguan 
Asian. 
Chemali  (B.)  Moeurs  et  usages  au 
Liban.  (Anthropos,  Wien,  1909,  iv, 
37-53-)  First  part  of  account  of 
manners  and  customs  in  the  Lebanon 
country  of  Syria  (death  and  funeral, 
etc.).  Death-announcement  and 
songs  connected  therewith,  condo- 
lences, etc. ;  burial  and  funeral  songs, 
— very  numerous,  but  of  three  chief 
sorts  (antari  or  warrior,  elegiac, 
women's).      Specimens    of   these   are 


given,  with  music  and  some  of  the 
native  words. 
Climate  (The)  of  ancient  Palestine. 
(Rec.  of  Past,  Wash.,  D.  C.,  1909, 
VIII,  140-144,  3  maps.)  Based  on 
article  by  E.  Huntington  in  Bull. 
Amer.  Geogr.  Soc,  Sept.-Nov.,  1908, 
showing  the  "great  change  (less 
rainfall,  more  desert)  in  the  climate 
of  Palestine  and  the  regions  ad- 
joining, since  Bible  times." 
Crooke  (W.)  Some  notes  on  Indian 
folk-lore.  (Folk-Lore,  Lond.,  1909, 
XX,  211-213.)  Items  concerning 
buried  treasure  and  snakes,  sex- 
metamorphosis,  disposal  of  the  teeth, 
scape-goat,  annual  mock-hunt  and 
ceremonial  bathing  of  the  gods,  from 
Anglo-Indian  newspapers. 

Death ;  death  rites ;   methods  of 

disposal     of     the     dead     among    the 
Dravidian      and      other      non-Aryan 
tribes    of    India.      (Anthropos,    Mod- 
ling-Wien,  1909,  iv,  457-476.)    Treats 
of   the    conception    of    death    as    not 
due    to    natural    causes    (but    to    evil 
spirits,    witches,    "  evil    eye,"    etc.), 
identifying  the  disease  spirit  by  divi- 
nation,   conception    of   the    soul,    the 
separable    soul,    plurality    of    souls, 
the     soul     mortal,     the     disembodied 
soul   and   its   refuge,    entrapping   the 
soul,  the  soul  abiding  near  the  scene 
of    death    and    near    the    grave,    im- 
portance   of    funeral    rites,    the    soul 
friendly  or  malignant  in  relation  to 
the  survivors,  relations  of  the  living 
to    the    friendly    souls,    provision    of 
fire  and  light  for  the  spirit,  removal 
of  friendly  spirits,  giving  free  egress 
to  the  departing  soul,  the  death  wail, 
articles    placed    with    the    dead,    pre- 
tence   in    providing    these    offerings, 
arms,    implements,    etc.,    placed    with 
the  dead,  clothing  and  ornaments  for 
the  dead,  victims  slain  as  attendants 
on    the   dead,    blood   sacrifice    to    the 
dead,   drink  and   food   for  the   dead, 
etc. 
Delisle      (F.)         Sur      les      caracteres 
physiques    des    populations    du    Tibet 
sud-oriental.      (Bull.   Soc.   d'Anthrop. 
de   Paris,    1908,   v*   s.,   ix,   473-486.) 
Treats,    with    average    measurements, 
of  physical  characters  (color  of  skin, 
eyes,    hair ;    stature,    height    sitting, 
form  of  head,  face,  nose,  finger-reach) 
of   62   individuals, — male   43,    female 
19, — from  S.  E.  Tibet  (Minkia,  Lolos, 
Lutzes,    Lissus,    Mossos,    Tibetans)  ; 
also  describes,  with  measurements,  an 
adult     male     skull     (dolichocephalic, 
hypsicephalic)  from  the  same  region. 


122 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


— all  data  due  to  J.  Bacot   (q.  v.). 
Of  the  men  measured  7  and  of  the 
women   12  were  below    1500   mm.   in 
height;     8    men    were     above     1700. 
The    order    in    stature    of    men    is 
Mossos,       Lutzes,       Lissus,       Lolos, 
Tibetans ;     women     Lolos,    Tibetans, 
Lutzes,    Mossos.      The    cephalic    in- 
dexes  of  the  men   range   from   70.82 
to    83.71,    the    general    averages    for 
the    various    tribes    being    all    sub- 
dolichocephalic    and    mesaticephalic ; 
women  71.71  to  84.06,  with  a  greater 
tendency    toward    brachycephaly. 
Der  chinesische  Kiichengott.     (Globus, 
Brnschwg.,    1908,   xciii,   305.)      Brief 
resumes    of    article    on    the    Chinese 
"  kitchen-god "     by     Nagel     in     the 
Archiv  f.  Religionszvissenschaft. 
Deyrolle     ( — )       Un     secateur     indo- 
chinois.      (Bull.    Soc.    d'Anthrop.    de 
Paris,  1908,  V'  s.,  ix,  381-383,  i  fg.) 
Describes  a  rice-cutter  in  use  among 
the  Mans  of  the  valley  of  the  Song- 
Chay,    between   Luc-an-chau   and   the 
old   post    of    Pho-rang.      The    use    of 
this  instrument  is  difficult  for  Euro- 
peans,   on    account    of    the    different 
manipulation  of  the  fingers. 
Dols   (J.)      L'enfance  chez  les   Chinois 
de  la  Province  de  Kan-sou.    (Anthro- 
pos,  Wien,   1908,  m,  761-770,  5  P'-) 
Treats  of  childhood  among   the   Chi- 
nese    of     Kansu.       Birth     (abortion, 
sterility    and    the    divinities    invoked, 
child-bearing,      name-giving,      infant 
life),   instruction    (numerous   schools, 
also   mandarin   schools   and  "  univer- 
sity").    The  "university"   at  King- 
yang  has  a  primary  section  for  chil- 
dren   and    one    for    boys    of    15-20. 
Astronomy,    mathematics    and    gym- 
nastics are  taught. 
V.   Domaszewski    (A.)      Der   Kalender 
von  Cypern.     (A.  f.  Religsw.,  Lpzg., 
1909,    XII,    335-337.)      Discusses    the 
Roman  provincial  calendar  of  Cyprus, 
dating  from    12   B.   C,  and  an   older 
form  discovered  by  Usener  and  Boll. 
The  origin  from  Paphos  is  shown  in 
the    derivation    of    the    Julii     from 
Aphrodite.       The     changes     in     the 
month  names  in  the  second  list  were 
occasioned    by    the    catastrophe    that 
overtook    the    Julian    house    through 
Julia  in  2   B.  C,   and  the  deaths  of 
Agrippa.   Octavia  and   Drusus. 
Ein  Hindu  iiber  das  indische  Kasten- 
wesen.       (Globus,    Brnschwg.,     1908, 
XCIII,     383.)        Briefly     resumes     an 
article  on  the  caste-system   of   India 
by  K.   B.   Kanjilal,   a   Hindu,   in  the 
Calcutta  Review.  Reform  and  liberal- 
izing of  the  system,  not  abolition,  are 


the   steps   to   be  taken,    according  to 
K.'s  view. 
Fischer    (A.)      Erfahrungen    auf    dem 
Gebiete  der  Kunst  und  sonstige  Beo- 
bachtungen  in  Ostasien.     (Z.  f.  Eth- 
nol.,  Berlin,   1909,  xli,  1-21,  18  fgs.) 
Based    on    art-objects,    etc.,    collected 
in    1907-1908   for  the   Berlin   Ethno- 
logical    Museum :     Three     Japanese 
statues  of  the  6th  and  7th  centuries 
showing    Hindu-Greek    style ;    an    ar- 
tistically   finished    wooden    statue    of 
the   goddess   of   mercy   from   the   Ko- 
rean-Japanese period   (also  from  this 
epoch  a  statue  of  Kanshitsii  or  dried 
lacquer    of    interest    for    the    Greco- 
Hindu   and   pure    Hindu   style)  ;    pre- 
Buddhistic  sacrificial  stone  (man  and 
woman)      sculpture      from      Yamato 
(now    in    the    garden    of    the   Uyeno 
Museum  in  Tokyo)  :  life-size  wooden 
statue   of  the  god   Enno   Gyoja    (old 
Buddhistic,     7th    century)  ;    kneeling 
statue   of   the   demon   Alyodoki  ;    life- 
size    statue    of    Jizo    by    the    founder 
of   the  Jocho   school    (ii-i2th   cent.) 
of   sculptors ;    the   great    Shakj'amuni 
statue    of    bronze    in    the    temple    of 
Ta-fo-sse     in     the     ruined     city     of 
Cheng-ting- fu     (Chili),    dating    from 
the     Sung     dynasty,     960-1127;     the 
Korean   hat,    vehicles,    etc. ;    the   sub- 
terranean    stone     chamber     (of     the 
Silla    period,    57-928    A.    D.)     near 
Taikyu ;    mile-stones    of    wood    with 
human    faces,    etc. ;    Buddhistic    in- 
fluences  on   art,   etc.,  in   Korea ;   old 
Chinese  paintings  (the  Japanese  have 
collected    them    as    connoisseurs    for 
1,200      years)  ;      stone-sculpture      in 
China  (at  Confucian  temple  at  Ki-fu, 
highest  limit  of  Chinese  stone  sculp- 
ture,— Chinese  are  not  at  all  so  suc- 
cessful   in    stone    as    in    clay)  ;    pre- 
Buddhistic   stone  reliefs  from   grave- 
chambers    (3    from    the    Han   period, 
206-221     A.     D.)     and     grave-stones 
(here  F.  seeks  to  detect  Assyro-Baby- 
lonian  influences)  ;   sculptured  stones 
and    columns    from    temples,    altars, 
etc. 
Franke     (O.)       Die    Ausbreitung    des 
Buddhismus    von    Indien    nach    Tur- 
kistan   und   China.      (A.   f.   Religsw., 
Lpzg.,  1909,  XII,  207-220.)     Treats  of 
the  spread  of  Buddhism  from  India 
to   Turkestan   and   China,   one  of  the 
most    remarkable    phenomena    in    the 
history    of    the    intellectual    life    of 
mankind.     The  variety   of  Buddhism 
which  made  its  way  thus  into  China 
was  the  form  dominant  in  N.  India, 
the  Hinayana  system  of  the  Mulasar- 


Periodical  Literature 


123 


vastivada  school,  at  the  close  of  the 
first  century  B.   C. 

Gaupp  (H.)  Vorliiufiger  Bericht  uber 
anthropologische  Untersuchungen  an 
Chinesen  und  Mandschuren  in  Pek- 
ing. (Z.  f.  EthnoL,  Berlin,  1909,  xli, 
730-734.)  Preliminary  notes  on 
measurements,  etc.,  of  38  Chinese 
and  5  Manchus,  and  3  Mongols  in 
Peking.  The  stature  of  the  first 
averaged  1,674  mm.,  of  the  second 
1,710,  of  the  third  1,650;  the  average 
cephalic  indexes  were  80.4,  83.3,  81.5. 
North  Chinese  and  South  Chinese 
differ  in  face-type.  Manchurian 
women  are  less  Mongolian  than  the 
Chinese.  The  Chinese  have  long  arms 
and  short  legs,  the  Manchus  longer 
legs.  Certain  differences  exist  in 
symphysis-height.  The  measurements 
of  220  Chinese  boys  and  girls  indi- 
cate a  noticeable  cessation  of  growth 
in  the  period  from  the  14th  to  the 
1 6th  year.  Chinese  new-born  chil- 
dren are  smaller  than  those  of  the 
white  race,  although  the  pelvis  is  about 
the  same  in  women  of  both  races. 
Secondary  sexual  characters  are  less 
marked  in  Chinese  women  than  in 
European.  The  "  blue  Mongolian 
spots  "  are  common  in  Chinese,  Mon- 
gol and  Manchu  children.  A  high 
fertility  for  mothers  and  a  high  mor- 
tality for  infants  are  noted. 

Gilhodes  (C.)  Mythologie  et  Religion 
des  Katchins,  Birmanie.  (Anthropos, 
Wien,  1908,  III,  672-679;  1909,  IV, 
113-138.)  Gives  the  mythological 
and  religious  ideas  of  the  Kachins 
or  Chimpans  of  N.  and  N.  E.  Burma: 
The  origin  of  things  (4  generations 
from  the  male  element  of  fog  or 
vapor  and  a  female  element)  ;  origin 
of  the  great  nats  or  spirits  (9  born 
of  Janun)  ;  origin  of  fathers,  moth- 
ers of  many  things ;  Ningkong  wa 
makes  the  earth,  a  palace,  names  ani- 
mals, opens  paths,  makes  waves, 
makes  princes  and  kings  ;  the  deluge 
and  the  adventures  of  the  two  or- 
phans, repeopling  of  the  earth ;  ori- 
gin of  knowledge,  riches,  wind,  spi- 
rits, sacrifices,  use  of  meat,  death, 
rice  and  cotton,  fire,  water,  loss 
of  speech  by  animals ;  origin 
of  sun,  moon,  stars,  eclipses,  thun- 
der and  lightning,  knives,  lords 
and  kings  of  Europe ;  Ningkong 
wa  marries  Madam  Crocodile, — ori- 
gin of  the  small  feet  of  the  Chinese, 
of  thread,  straw,  hair,  beauty,  flutes, 
salt,  heart-fat,  liver,  lungs ;  nat- 
feast  of  Ningkong  wa ;  story  of 
Ningkong  wa's  first  children,  legend  of 


Jathoi ;  origin  of  the  manau  vow,  of 
the  jathnns  (evil  spirits)  ;  genii  of 
hunting  and  fishing;  origin  of  mad- 
ness, of  sarons,  lasas  and  'ndangs, 
marawngs;  of  sorcerers,  sun-sacri- 
fices, sacrifices  to  the  "  son  of 
thunder  "  ;  origin  of  officers  and  cult- 
objects,  rice-beer;  origin  of  mar- 
riage (for  people  and  princes)  ; 
marriage  of  the  grandson  of  Ning- 
kong wa ;  manau  of  Ka-ang  du-wa ; 
the  genealogy  of  the  Kachin  chiefs. 
At  pages  134-136  are  given  3  fables 
(crow  and  heron,  two  children,  two 
orphans),  p.  137  some  auguries  and 
pp.  137-138  five  proverbs  with  native 
text. 

La  religion  des  Katchins,  Bir- 
manie. (Ibid.,  1909,  IV,  702-725). 
Treats  of  the  nature  (according  to 
bards  and  priests),  cult  (invocations, 
offerings),  etc.,  of  the  Karai  Kas- 
ang  or  supreme  being),  nats  and  an- 
cestors (nature,  residence,  good  and 
bad  nats),  cult  of  nats  and  ancestors 
(officials  and  cult  objects,  ways  of 
honoring  the  nats,  offerings  and  sacri- 
fices), life  and  death,  other-world 
ideas,  spirit-world,  paradise  and  hell, 
etc. 

Giuffrida-Ruggeri  (V.)  Les  cranes  de 
Myrina  du  Musee  imperial  de  Vienne. 
(Bull.  Soc.  d'Anthrop.  de  Paris,  1908. 
v®  IX,  162-167.)  Gives  chief  meas- 
urements, etc.,  of  16  crania  (now  in 
the  Imperial  Museum  in  Vienna) 
from  the  necropolis  of  Myrina  in 
Asia  Minor, — the  Greek  population 
was  "  dolicho-mesocephalic  with  a 
slight  tendency  toward  brachy- 
cephaly."  The  face  measurements 
are  less  homogeneous.  The  capaci- 
ties of  10  male  crania  ranges  from 
1359  to  1867;  the  3  female  from 
1286,    1369,    1396    ccm. 

Goldziher  (I.)  Alois  Musil's  ethno- 
logische  Studien  in  Arabia  Petraea. 
(Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1908,  xciii,  280- 
285,  5  fgs.)  Resumes  some  of  the 
data  in  A.  Musil's  Arabia  Petraea. 
III.  Bd.  Ethnographischer  Reise- 
bericht  (Wien,  1908).  Musil's  ac- 
count of  the  life  of  the  modern  Be- 
duins  has  been  styled  "  a  living  com- 
mentary on  ancient  Arabian  poetry." 
Much  information  about  religion  and 
superstition  is  given  by  Musil,  whose 
book  is  a  rich  mine  for  the  ethnol- 
ogist and  folklorist.  Interesting  is 
the  Ummal-gheith,  or  "  rain-mother," 
ceremony  in  case  of  drought.  Some 
curious  cases  of  contact  and  mixture 
of  Islam  and  Christianity  occur. 


124 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


Gottheil  (R.)  The  cadi:  the  history 
of  this  institution.  (R.  d.  £t.  Eth- 
nogr.  et  Sociol.,  Paris,  1908,  i,  385- 
393.)  According  to  Rabbi  G.  while, 
"  in  the  elaboration  of  the  manner 
in  which  the  cadi  held  court,  Roman 
and  Persian  examples  exercised  an 
influence,"  the  origin  of  the  whole 
system  is  not,  as  Tarrago  holds,  to 
be  seen  in  those  directions.  The 
cadis  were  in  many  ways  important 
personages  in  Mohammedan  civiliza- 
tion. 

Grignard  (F.  A.)  The  Oraons  and 
Mundas  from  the  time  of  their  set- 
tlement in  India.  An  essay  of  con- 
structive history.  (Anthropos,  Wien, 
1909,  IV,  1-19,  2  pi.,  map.)  Dis- 
cusses the  data  in  the  Mahabharata 
and  the  Ramayana  and  their  reli- 
ability ;  identity  of  the  Karusha  tribe 
of  heroic  times  with  the  modern 
Oraons  and  of  the  Rakshasas  with 
the  Karushas  (Oraons), — according 
to  Father  G.  "  Rakshasas,  as  ap- 
plied to  aborigines,  is  nothing  else 
than  a  wilful  mispronunciation  of  the 
word  Karusha."  The  history  and 
migrations  of  the  Oraon,  Male  and 
Munda  tribes,  from  about  1000  B. 
C,  are  sketched,  down  to  submis- 
sion of  the  Mundas  in  1832.  The 
illustrations    figure    Oraon    types. 

Harris  (E.  L.)  The  ruined  cities  of 
Asia  Minor.  Some  ruined  cities  ot 
Asia  Minor.  The  buried  cities  of 
Asia  Minor.  (Nat.  Geogr.  Mag.,Wash., 
1908,  XIX,  741-760,  II  pi.;  Ibid., 
834-858,  2  fgs,  17  pi.;  Ibid.,  1909, 
XX,  1-8.  10  pi.)  Treats  of  the  ruins 
of  Tralles  (buried  under  olive  orch- 
ards), wealthy  Laodicea  (once  the 
chief  emporium  of  Asia  Minor), 
Hierapolis  (with  its  Plutonium, 
theaters,  mausoleums,  four  necropo- 
lises, etc.  Leseos  or  Mitylene  (traces 
of  walls  of  ancient  Lesbos  ;  medieval 
castle),  Ephesus  (theater,  temples). 
Magnesia  (only  the  Gypsy  seems  now 
to  thrive  near  it),  Miletus  (seat  of  the 
Ionian  school  of  philosophy;  theater), 
Priene  (temples  and  private  houses  ; 
once  a  great  religious  center)  ;  Colo- 
phon (great  wall,  necropolis ;  one 
of  the  claimants  as  the  birth-place 
of  Homer)  ;  Magnesia  (vi'ith  the  fig- 
ure of  Niobe  on  Mt.  Sipylus),  Sar- 
des  (city  of  Croesus),  Philadelphia 
(historic  for  Christianity),  Aphro- 
disias  (very  imposing  ruins ;  named 
for  Aphrodite),  Pergamus  (famous 
for  its  library  and  for  parchment), 
etc.  Besides  the  archeological  re- 
mains, the  illustrations  treat  of  such 


modern    topics    as    ploughing,    gold- 
washing,        shepherds,        goat-herds, 
school-children,   street   scenes,     types 
of  natives,  etc. 
Hartmann  (R.)     Wadi  Fara.     (Globus, 
Brnschwg.,     1908,    xciii,    205-208,    5 
fgs.)      Brief    account    of    the    Wadi 
Fara,    a   rocky   valley   north    of  Jeru- 
salem,  the  resort  of  early   Christian 
hermits,  and  before  that  known  as  a 
secret     place     for     the     hiding     of 
treasure. 
Headland   (I.  T.)      Chinese  children  at 
play.      (Everyb.    Mag.,    N.    Y.,    1909, 
XXI,  201-211.  8  fgs.)      Brief  descrip- 
tions of  "  blind  man's  buff,"   "  hawk 
and  chickens,"  "  riding  the  elephant " 
(a  distinctively  Chinese  game),  "the 
way  to  the  village  of  the  Liu  family," 
"  host  and  guest,"  shows  for  children 
(Dr.  H.  says  "  Punch  and  Judy  "  ori- 
ginated in   China),   "selecting   fruit" 
(sHi  generis,  according  to  H.),  "  skin- 
ning   the    snake,"    "  forcing    the    city 
gates,"  etc.     As  a  rule  boys  and  girls 
do  not  play  together,  but  some  of  the 
games  of  both  sexes  are  quite  alike. 
A     counting-out     rhyme     (with     the 
foot)   is  cited  on  p.  210. 
Hedin    (S.)      En    resa    i    Tibet    1906- 
1908     (Ymer,    Stckhlm,    1909,    xxix, 
161-196,     14    fgs.)       Contains    some 
notes  on  peoples,  ruins,  etc.,  met  with 
in  travels  in  Tibet  in  1906-1908. 
Henderson  (A.  E.)    The  Croesus  (Vlth 
century    B.    C.)    temple    of    Artemis 
(Diana)   at  Ephesus.     (Rec.  of  Past, 
Wash.,    1909,    VIII,    195-206,    6    fgs.) 
Gives  results  of  excavations  of  1904 
and  1905,  with  plan  of  proposed  res- 
toration.    Remains  of  three  primitive 
structures  were   discovered. 
Hertel    (J.)       Der    Kluge    Vezier,    ein 
xaschmirischer    Volksroman.      (Z.    d. 
V.    f.    Volksk.,    Berlin,    1908,    xviii, 
379-393.)        Concluding     section     of 
German  version  of  Cashmir  folk-tale 
of  the   wise  vizir. 
Hildburgh    (W.    L.)      Notes    on    Sin- 
halese magic.      (J.  R.  Anthrop.  Inst., 
Lond.,  1908,  xxxviii,  148-206,  6  pi.) 
Treats   of  magic  in   general   and  as- 
trology, miscellaneous  magic  (charm- 
ers,   love-charms,    charms    to    secure 
favor,  injury  and  killing  of  enemies, 
change  of  appearance  and  invisibility, 
charms    used   by   or   against   thieves, 
gambling,  amusing  and  trick  charms, 
divination),    curative    magic     (devil- 
dancing,    punishing    devils,     curation 
practices   of   many   sorts),   protective 
magic    (perils,  infants,  houses,  crops, 
cattle)  and  amulets.     The  information 


Periodical  Literature 


125 


has  been  obtained  in  nearly  all  cases 
"  direct  from  believers  in,  or  prac- 
tioners  of,  the  matters  discussed," 
and  "  principally  from  Sinhalese,  but 
partly  from  Tamils,  and,  in  a  very 
small  measure,  from  Indian  Moham- 
medans." The  material  here  given  is 
supplementary  to  that  already  pub- 
lished by  J.  Callaway,  E.  Upham,  D. 
De  Silva  Gooneratne  and  A.  Grune- 
wedel.  "  Devil-dancing  "  is  considered 
with  some  detail  (169-174),  also 
votive  offerings,  etc.  Many  data,  for 
comparison  with  European  folk-lore 
occur  in  these  pages. 

Hinke  (W.  J.)  Legal  and  commercial 
transactions  chiefly  from  Nippur. 
(Rec.  01  Fast,  Wash.,  D.  C.  1909.  vni, 
11-19,  4  fgs.)  Based  on  A.  T.  Clay's 
Legal  and  Commercial  Transactions 
dated  in  the  Assyrian,  Babylonian 
and  Persian  Periods,  chiefly  from 
Nippur  (Univ.  of  Penn,  1908).  Cites 
examples  of  seals,  sales,  leases,  eject- 
ment, records  of  debts,  memorandum 
of  payments,  receipt  of  taxes,  promis- 
sory note,  transfer  of  office,  etc. 

Hodson  (T.  C.)  Head-hunting  among 
the  hill-tribes  of  Assam.  (Folk- 
Lore,  Lond.,  1909,  xx,  132-145,  5  pi.) 
Treats  of  head-hunting  in  connection 
with  foundation-sacrifice,  tree-burial, 
sacred  stones,  funeral  ritual,  ai  cere- 
mony (fascination),  oneiromancy, 
marriage,  religion,  etc.  Head-hunt- 
ing cannot  be  reduced  to  a  single 
formula.  In  some  cases  it  may  be 
no  more  than  a  social   duty, 

Hoffmann-Kutschke  (A.)  Indoger- 
manisches.  (Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1909, 
xcv.  .J04.)  Calls  attention  to  the 
Iranized  old  Caucasian  element  in 
Tocharian,  the  newly  discovered  In- 
do-European langua.ge  of  ancient 
Central  Asia,  and  points  out  that  its 
character  is  not  at  all  inconsistent 
with  the  theory  of  the  European 
origin  of  the  Aryans. 

Holbe  (T.  V.)  A  propos  des  dents 
noires  des  Annamites  et  de  la  chique 
de  betel.  (Bull.  Soc.  d'Anthrop.  de 
Paris,  1908,  v^,  ix,  671-678).  Dis- 
cusses betel-chewing  and  the  black 
teeth  of  the  Annamese,  and  gives 
(p.  675)  the  legend  concerning  the 
origin  of  this  ancient  custom.  Dis- 
cusses also  the  lackering  of  the 
teeth  by  professionals  from  Tonkin. 
Both  these  processes  blacken  the 
teeth.  In  the  discussion  Dr  Atgier 
added  some   facts. 

Holm  (F.  V.)  The  Holm-Nestorian 
expedition  to  Sian,  1907.  (Open  Ct., 
Chicago,   1909,   XXIII,    18-28,   6   fgs.) 


Account  of  author's  visit  to  Sianfu 
in  1907  and  how  he  obtained  a  replica 
of  the  famous  Nestorian  Stone  or 
Chingchiaopei,  a  Christian  monu- 
ment dating  from  781  A.  D.  The 
replica  is  now  in  the  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art,  New  York. 

Hosten  (H.)  Paharia  burial  customs, 
British  Sikkim.  (Anthropos,  Mod- 
ling-Wien,  1909,  iv,  669-683,  2  pi., 
I  fg.)  Details  chiefly  from  the  dic- 
tation of  an  intelligent  native  Chris- 
tian 18  years  old,  concerning  the 
burial  customs,  ceremonies,  beliefs, 
etc.,  of  the  zamindar  or  land-owner 
castes  of  the  Paharias  near  Kurse- 
ong,  who  "  in  language,  features, 
customs  and  religion  .  .  .  are  near- 
est of  kin  to  the  Nepalese,  their 
neighbors."  Treatment  of  dying  man, 
preparation  of  body,  funeral  cortege, 
jadugar,  or  "  medicine-man,"  and  his 
performances,  burial,  mourning,  treat- 
ment of  living,  day  of  purification, 
work  of  brahman,  phalaincha  or  road- 
seat  in  memory  of  dead,  banquet, 
dancing  and  other  elaborate  cere- 
monies, etc. 

Hughes  (T.  P.)  The  modern  Gand- 
hara.  (Open  Court,  Chicago,  1909, 
XXIII,  75-78,  3  fgs.)  Notes  on  the 
city  and  people  of  Peshawur,  which 
occupies  the  site  of  the  ancient  Bud- 
dhist city   of  Gandhara. 

Huntington  (E.)  Life  in  the  great 
desert  of  Central  Asia.  (Nat.  Geogr. 
Mag.,  Wash.,  1909,  xx,  749-760,  12 
fgs.)  Based  on  author's  travels  in 
1903.  Contains  notes  on  Kurds  and 
Turkomans. 

The  mountaineers  of  the  Euphra- 
tes. (Ibid.,  142-156,  8  fgs.,  3  pi.) 
Treats  of  the  Kurds,  Armenians, 
Turks.  Religion  (in  many  places  all 
reverence  the  same  shrines,  probably 
old  pagan  holy-places,  etc.  ;  shrines 
of  Mushar  Dagh)  ;  inflated  rafts  of 
sheepskin  and  inflated  goatskins  for 
swimming  across  rivers,  as  in  ancient 
days  ;  ancient  castle  of  Gerger, — Hit- 
tite,  Roman  Saracen ;  old  Syrian 
monastery,  etc. 

Jacobi  (H.)  Ueber  Begriflf  und  Wesen 
der  poetischen  Figuren  in  der  in- 
dischen  Poetik.  (Nachr.  v.  d.  Kgl. 
Ges.  d.  Wiss.  zu  Gottingen,  Phil.- 
hist.  Kl.,  Berlin,  1908,  1-14.)  Treats 
of  the  alarnkaras,  from  which  Hindu 
poetry  receives  its  name  of  alam- 
karasastra ;  they  are  very  highly  de- 
veloped and  have  been  keenly 
studied. 

Jaekel  (O.)  Herkunft  chinesischer 
Stilfiguren     von     primitiven     Vasen- 


126 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


reliefs.  (Z.  f.  EtlinoL,  Berlin,  1908, 
XL,  932-942,  5  fgs.)  J.  argues  that 
the  conventional  figures  (lion,  dragon, 
mountains,  waves,  etc.)  of  old  Chi- 
nese clay  vases  are  imitated  from 
those  on  older  bronze  vases  of  west- 
ern Asiatic,  perhaps  Babylonian  ori- 
gin. In  the  discussion  Hr  Messing 
points  out  that  J.  overlooks  the  great 
antiquity  of  bronze  in  China.  Some 
of  the  art-objects  in  question  are 
undoubtedly  Chinese  in  origin. 

Janke  (A.)  Die  Bagdadbahn  und  der 
Giilek  Boghas  (Cilicische  Tore)  im 
Taurus.  (Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1909, 
xcv,  201-206,  8  fgs.)  Contains  a 
few  notes  on  the  ruins  in  the  Cili- 
cian  Pass  in  the  Taurus.  See  also 
the  author's  book  Aiif  Alexanders 
dcs  Grossen  Pfaden. 

Jochelson  (W.)  Die  Riabouschinsky- 
Expedition  nach  Kamtschatka.  (Ibid., 
1908,  xciv,  224-225.)  The  ethno- 
logical section  of  the  Riabushinsky 
expedition  to  Kamtschatka  was 
headed  by  W.  Jochelson,  assisted  by 
his  wife  (Dr  Jochelson),  and  A. 
Koschewoi.  The  stay  in  Kamtschatka 
will  be  one  year, — the  first  year  to  be 
devoted  to  a  study  of  the  Aleuts, 
language,  archeology,  etc.  Excava- 
tions will  also  be  made  on  the  Kurile 
Is. 

■ Some  notes  on  the  traditions  of 

the  natives  of  northeastern  Siberia 
about  the  mammoth.  (Amer.  Nat., 
N.  Y.,  1909,  XLiii,  48-50.)  Accord- 
ing to  the  Yukaghir  the  mammoth, 
whose  spirit  is  the  guardian  spirit  of 
certain  shamans,  was  created  through 
a  blunder  of  the  Superior  Being. 
One  legend  connects  the  disappear- 
ance of  the  mammoth  with  Noah's 
flood.  The  Chukchee  look  upon  the 
the  mammoth  as  "  the  reindeer  of 
evil  spirits."  The  export  of  mam- 
moth ivory  from  Siberia  is  still  con- 
siderable,—in  200  years  the  tusks  of 
24,500  mammoth  have  been  sent  out 
of  the  province  of  Yakutsk. 

ten  Kate  (H.)  Notes  detachees  sur 
les  Japonais.  (Bull.  Soc.  d'Anthrop. 
de  Paris,  1908,  v^  S.,  ix,  17S-195.) 
Treats  of  prostitution  (Japanese 
prostitute  is  known  outside  of  her 
own  country  in  China,  Manchuria, 
part  of  Siberia,  Saghalin,  Korea, 
Pacific  N.  America,  E.  Indies,  E. 
Africa,  Brazil,  Argentina,  etc.)  ; 
character  and  physique  of  woman 
(not  really  beautiful,  contra  Stratz, 
first  impression  only  is  favorable  ;  but 
fewer  ugly  women  than  men)  ; 
Aino   mixture    (more   important   than 


commonly  thought ;  has  produced  cer- 
tain physical  improvements)  ;  ques- 
tion of  Malay  element  (undoubtedly 
present)  and  of  Negritos  (author 
thinks  this  element  negroid  rather 
than  negritoid  and  due  to  a  somewhat 
recent  metissage  with  slaves  from 
the  Philippines,  Macao,  etc.)  ;  re- 
ligiosity (deeply  religious  but  not 
generally  fanatic ;  mikadoism  and 
patriotic  cult,  however,  are  fanatic)  ; 
formalism  and  politeness  (exces- 
sive), attitude  toward  other  Asiatic 
peoples  (arrogant ;  e.  g.,  even  "  pros- 
titutes despise  the  Annamese ")  ; 
lack  of  originality  and  physiological 
pseudo-stupor ;  esthetic  sense 
(marked  by  impersonality,  suggesti- 
bility, and  certain  degeneracy  due  to 
contact  with  or  imitation  of  Occi- 
dentals) ;  moral  (official  changes 
without  influence  on  the  "  soul  of 
the  people ").  Dr  t.  K.  does  not 
consider  the  Japanese  intellectual 
elite  the  equals  of  those  of  the  white 
race. 

Zur    Erwiderung    an    Herrn    E. 

Prost  in  Stettin.  (Int.  Arch.  f. 
Ethnogr.,  Leiden,  1909,  xix,  35-36.) 
Replies  to  P.'s  criticism  of  ten  K.'s 
"  unfavorable  opinion  "  of  the  Japan- 
ese. 

• ■      Weiteres    aus    dem    japanischen 

Volksglauben.  (Globus,  Brnschwg., 
1908,  XCIV,  373-378.)  Gives  numer- 
ous items  of  Japanese  folk-lore  and 
folk-thought  concerning  magic,  for- 
tune-telling, dreams ;  medicine  and 
disease ;  astrology,  mythology,  re- 
ligion, etc.  The  time  is  not  long 
past  when  many  of  these  supersti- 
tions and  primitive  ideals  were  to  be 
found  in  even  the  official  and  edu- 
cated classes.  No  psychic  "  muta- 
tion "  involving  the  whole  people  has 
taken  place  in  Japan. 

Kern  (R.  A.)  A  Malay  cipher  alphabet. 
(J.  R.  Anthrop.  Inst.,  Lond.,  1908, 
XXXVIII,  207-211,  I  pi.)  Gives  brief 
letter  in  Gangga  Malayu  with  trans- 
literation, translation,  etc.,  from  the 
western  coast  of  the  Malay  peninsula 
in  the  native  state  of  Perak.  Ac- 
cording to  K.,  "  The  Gangga  Malayu 
has  been  invented  by  Javanese  living 
in  a  Malay  country  and  well  ac- 
quainted with  the  Malay  way  of 
writing,  so  as  to  feel  no  inconven- 
ience in  expressing  the  vowels  in  the 
less  accurate  Malay  manner."  This 
alphabet  contains  32  letters  and  its 
use  seems  quite  limited. 

Ketzereien  iiber  die  Japaner.  (Globus, 
Brnschwg.,     1908,    xciv,    322.)       Re- 


Periodical  Literature 


127 


sumes  article  of  Dr  H.  ten  Kate  on 
the  Japanese,  in  the  Btdl.  Soc.  d'An- 
throp.  de  Paris  for  1908. 

Khungian  (T.  B.)  Glimpses  from  an- 
cient Armenia.  (Amer.  Antiq.,  Sa- 
lem, Mass.,  1908,  XXX,  270-275.) 
Notes  on  the  ancient  history  of 
Urarta,  Manna  (or  Minni),  Musasir, 
Nairi,  Millit  and  Miltis,  which  made 
up  the  Armenian  confederacy,  and 
their  relations  with  Assyria,  etc. 

Knocher  (F,  W.)  Notes  on  the  wild 
tribes  of  the  Ulu  Plus,  Perak.  (J. 
R.  Anthrop.  Inst.,  Lond.,  1909, 
XXXIX,  142-155,  2  pi.,  map.)  Notes 
on  habitat,  weapons  (blow-pipe), 
spirit-lore,  houses,  domesticated  ani- 
mals (baby  gibbon  suckled  by  wo- 
man), clothing  and  ornament  (face- 
painting,  nose-quill,  tattooing),  food, 
etc.;  a  vocabulary  (pp.  148-151)  ; 
anthropological  descriptions  and 
measurements  of  4  female  and  11 
male  individuals  (all  but  2,  adults). 
Average  heights  of  4  adult  females 
1,407  mm.  or  4  ft.  7j^  in.;  and  of  9 
adult  males  1,538  mm.,  or  just  over 
5  ft.  These  people  are  probably 
Sakais  somewhat  mixed  with  Se- 
mangs. 

Kugler  (F.  X.)  Auf  den  Triimmern 
des  Panbabylonismus.  (Anthropos, 
Modling-Wien,  1909,  iv,  477-499.) 
Critique  of  the  "  pan-Babylonian " 
theory  of  mythology  set  up  by  Hom- 
me! and  Winckler.  The  astronomic 
and  other  data  in  Dr  A.  Jeremias's 
Das  Alter  der  babylonischen  Astrono- 
mie  (Leipzig,  1908)  are  severely 
handled.  The  character  of  the  older 
Babylonian  astronomy,  the  assumed 
Babylonian  knowledge  of  the  pre- 
cession, the  Babylonian  order  of  the 
planets,  etc.,  are  discussed.  See 
Schmidt  (W.). 

Latham  (H.  L.)  Ascending  to  the 
gods.  (Open  Court,  Chicago,  1909, 
XXIII,  161-170,  9  fgs.)  Describes  as- 
cent of  Fuji,  the  sacred  mountain  of 
Japan. 

Laufer  (B.)  Kunst  und  Kultur  Chinas 
im  Zeitalter  der  Han.  (Globus,  Brn- 
schwg.,  1909,  xcvi,  7-9,  21-24.)  Dis- 
cusses the  art  of  culture  of  China  in 
the  epoch  of  the  Han,  on  the  basis 
of  the  author's  own  researches,  etc. 
The  Han  Chinese  art  shows  My- 
cenean  (not  Greco-Hellenic)  influ- 
ences, which  came  by  way  of  the 
great  migration-road  into  Central 
Asia,  the  Scythians  and  ancient 
Turkic  peoples  having  doubtless  been 
intermediary, — the  Persian  Sassanide 
art    likewise    has    similar    Mycenean 


motives.  L.  denies  the  existence  of 
Assyrian  elements  in  ancient  Chinese 
art.  In  its  general  character  the  Han 
art  is  an  art  of  the  dead,  developed 
in  connection  with  ancestor  cult  and 
worship  ("  the  grave  of  the  Han 
period  is  a  microcosm  of  the  cultus 
of  the  time").  The  great  clay  vases 
are  imitations  of  old  bronze  vases. 
In  the  Han  period  the  slow  begin- 
nings of  the  use  of  iron  (gained  from 
the  Turks)  mark  the  end  of  the 
bronze  age  proper  (bronze  imple- 
ments and  weapons  often  agree  with 
old  Siberian  types).  The  stone  art 
of  the  Han  period  is  marked  by  little 
animal  figures,  etc.,  of  nephrite,  usu- 
ally votive  offerings  to  the  dead,  and 
the  predecessors  of  the  massive  stone 
figures  of  the  graves  of  the  T'ang 
epoch.  This  diminutive  art  repre- 
sents, perhaps,  the  best  China  has 
done ;  in  the  large  she  has  been 
quite  backward  in  form,  technique, 
etc. 

Lehmann-Haupt  (C.  F.)  Alt-kultur- 
elles  erlautert  durch  Neu-Chines- 
isches.  (Z.  f.  Ethnol.,  Berlin,  1909, 
XLi,  635-643,  I  fg.)  Treats  in  de- 
tail of  a  modern  Chinese  scale  (for 
weighing  precious  metals,  money, 
etc.),  from  the  old  city  of  Shanghai, 
as  serving  to  explain  ancient  Chinese 
culture-phenomena.  The  scale  seems 
made  to  weigh  after  several  different 
systems. 

Lyon  (D.  G.)  The  Harvard  expedition 
to  Samaria.  (Harv.  Theol.  Rev., 
Cambridge,  1909,  11,  102-113,  12  pi.) 
Gives  account  of  excavations,  etc.,  in 
April-August.  1908, — stone  altar, 
vaulted  chamber  and  stairway,  foun- 
dation of  wall,  platform,  inscribed 
stele  (Latin,  by  Pannonian  soldiers), 
statue,  etc. ;  Roman,  Greek,  Hebrew, 
Arabic    remains. 

M.  (B.  F.)  Possible  traces  of  exoga- 
mous  divisions  in  the  Nicobar  Is- 
lands. (Man,  Lond.,  1909,  ix,  71- 
72.)  Cites  passage  from  Nicolas 
Fontana  (who  visited  these  islands 
in  1778),  with  remarks  by  E.  H. 
Man. 

Maclean  (J.  P.)  Asherah.  (Amer. 
Antiq.,  Salem,  Mass.,  1909,  xxxi,  i- 
6.)  Treats  of  term  asherah,  citing 
the  40  places  in  which  it  occurs  in 
the  Bible,  where  it  has  been  variously 
translated, — "  all  interpreters  are 
now  agreed  that  the  term  implies  an 
idol  or  image  of  some  kind."  Con- 
tact with  the  Canaanites  gave  Ash- 
erah some  of  the  attributes  of 
Astarte. 


128 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


Maunsell  (F.  R.)  One  thousand  miles 
of  railway  built  for  pilgrims  and  not 
dividends.  (Nat.  Geogr.  Mag.,  Wash., 
1909,  XX,  156-172,  I  fg.,  12  pi.) 
Treats  of  Damascus  to  Mecca  rail- 
road. Abstracted  from  Geographical 
Journal  (London).  The  illustrations 
(pilgrims,  sheiks,  inaugural  sheep- 
sacrifice,  rock-tombs,  priests,  etc.) 
are  of  ethnologic  interest. 

Maurer  (F.)  Assyrische  und  babyloni- 
sche  Kopfbedeckungen  und  Wiirden- 
abzeichen.  (Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1908, 
xciv,  iio-iii,  10  fgs.)  Based  on 
article  by  S.  Langdon  in  Etudes  de 
Philologie    Assyro-Babyloniemie     for 

1908.  Brief  account  of  Assyrian  and 
Babylonian  head-coverings  and  hono- 
rary insignia.  Plant  motifs  and 
horns  are  prominent. 

Eine  babylonische  Damonen  be- 

schworung.  (Ibid.,  143-145.)  Cites 
text  (in  German)  of  and  discusses 
a  Babylonian  conjuration  of  demons, 
from  a  series  connected  with  the 
"  house  of  ablution."  In  the  Old 
Testament  occur  passages  recalling 
portions  of  such  conjurations. 

. Die      sumerischen      Familienge- 

setze.  (Ibid.,  1909,  xcv,  373-375-) 
Cites  and  discusses  in  comparison 
with  the  laws  of  the  Hebrew  Bible 
and  other  Semitic  documents,  the  7 
paragraphs  relating  to  family  law 
preserved  in  the  code  of  Hammurabi. 
The  harshness  of  some  of  these  laws 
is  notable. 

Mead  (C.  W.)  A  collection  from  the 
Andaman  Islands.  (Amer.  Mus.  J., 
N.  Y.,  1909,  IX,  80-91,  7  pi.)  Treats 
briefly  recently  acquired  ethnological 
collection  (weapons,  implements, 
ornaments,  basketry,  household  uten- 
sils, prepared  skulls  and  bones  worn 
in  mourning).  The  illustrations  de- 
pict fish-shooting,  greeting  (meeting 
and  parting),  marriage  ceremony, 
turtle-spearing,   dance. 

The    Andamans    and    the    Anda- 

manese.     (So.  Wkmn.,  Hampton,  Va., 

1909,  XXXVIII,  273-278,  6  fgs.) 
Treats  of  ornament,  customs  of  greet- 
ing, etc.,  wedding-ceremony,  hunt- 
ing and  fishing,  social  relations,  food, 
tattooing,  body-painting,  pottery,  con- 
tact with  Europeans,  etc.  Same  data 
as  previous  article. 

Mills  (T.  H.)  Our  own  religion  in 
ancient  Persia.  (Open  Court,  Chi- 
cago, 1909,  XXIII,  385-404.)  Article 
on  Zoroastrianism  reprinted  from  the 
Contemporary  Reviezv  for  January, 
1894. 


Mochi  (A.)  Crani  cinesi  e  giapponesi. 
A  proposito  delle  forme  craniensi  di 
Homo  sinicus,  Sergi.  (A.  p.  I'An- 
trop.,  Firenze,  1908,  xxxviii,  299- 
328,  12  fgs.)  Detailed  descriptions 
with  measurements  of  5  Chinese 
(also  2  casts)  and  2  Japanese  skulls 
in  the  Florence  Anthropological  Mu- 
sevim,  with  reference  to  the  cranial 
forms  of  Sergi's  Homo  sinicus.  The 
9  skulls  form  4  distinct  groups.  M. 
holds  that  the  broad  low  skulls  are 
typically  distinct  from  the  high,  and 
that  high  and  low  brachycephals  are 
not  to  be  confounded  in  E.  Asia. 

Molz  (M.)  Ein  Besuch  bei  den  Ao- 
Nagas  in  Assam,  Indien.  (Anthro- 
pos,  Wien,  1909,  iv,  54-70,  5  pi.) 
Account  of  visit  to  the  Aos  or  Hat- 
tigoria  (some  30,000),  largest  tribe 
of  the  Assamese  Nagas.  Habitat, 
physical  characters  (av.  stat.,  men  5 
ft.  6  in.,  women  5  ft.  3  in.),  diseases, 
villages  and  houses,  burial  (plat- 
form), bachelor's  and  assembly 
houses,  food  (almost  anything),  cloth- 
ing and  ornament,  head-hunting, 
family  life,  marriage  (simple,  polyg- 
amy rare,  divorce  common ;  no  pu- 
berty ceremonies  for  women  ;  death  in 
child-birth  ill-omened),  political  orga- 
nization (every  village  a  republic), 
religion  and  mythology  (Sibrai  chief 
deity ;  myths  of  thunder  and  light- 
ning, earthquake,  sun,  etc.) 

de  Morgan  (J.)  Les  stations  prehis- 
toriques  de  I'Alagheuz,  Armenia 
russe.  (R.  de  I'fic.  I'Anthrop.  de 
Paris,  1909,  IX,  189-203.  39  fgs., 
map.)  Treats  of  the  surface  "  sta- 
tions "  of  Alagheuz  (Bughuti-Daghi, 
Hadghi-Bagher,  Tcham-Meuri,  Kip- 
tchakh,  etc.)  in  Russian  Armenia, 
where  are  found  together  obsidian 
implements  (scrapers,  arrow-points, 
discs,  borers,  nuclei,  etc.)  of  archeo- 
lithic  and  of  neolithic  forms.  It  is 
from  the  obsidian  deposits  of  Armenia 
that  came  the  obsidian  found  in  Susa, 
Chaldea.  Luristan,  Kurdistan,  etc. 

Moskowski  (M.)  Bei  den  letzten  Wed- 
das.  (Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1908,  xciv, 
133-136,  7  fgs.)  Account  of  author's 
visit  to  the  Vedda  country  and  ob- 
servation of  Danigala  and  Henne- 
bedda  Veddas,  photographing,  etc. 
The  arrow-dance  was  performed  for 
him. 

Mueller  (H.)  Nahrvater  in  der  chine- 
sischen  Literatur.  (Z.  f.  Ethnol., 
Berlin,  1909,  xli,  266-270,  2  fgs.) 
Cites  from  Chinese  literature  3  cases 
(2  from  the  Sheng-yi  of  the  Em- 
peror K'ang-hi,  d.  1723,  the  last  edi- 


Periodical  Literature 


129 


tion  of  which  appeared  in  1856,  es- 
sentially the  issue  of  1728)  of  chil- 
dren represented  as  being  suckled  by 
men.  The  first  two  cases  are  attrib- 
uted to  the  time  of  Li-shan  (221- 
206  B.  C.)  and  that  of  the  T'ang 
dynasty  (618-907).  The  act  is 
characterized  by  the  Chinese  as  praise- 
worthy. 

Miiller  (W.  M.)  The  Semitic  god  of 
Tahpanhes.  (Open  Ct.,  Chicago, 
1909,  XXIII,  i-s,  I  pi.)  Treats  of  the 
limestone  stele  found  at  Tell  Defen- 
neh  (Biblical  Tahpanhes)  in  the  ex- 
treme N.  E.  of  the  Delta.  The  wor- 
shiping scene  (late  Babylonian  style, 
6th  century  B.  C.)  depicted  is 
thought  by  Prof.  M.  to  contain  "  an 
ancient  relief  of  Jahveh."  Its  exis- 
tence would  illustrate  "  the  great 
freedom  of  earlier  Egyptian  Judaism." 

Miinsterberg  (O.)  Influences  occiden- 
tales  dans  I'art  de  I'Extreme-Orient. 
(R.  d.  fit.  Ethnogr.  et  Sociol..  Paris, 
1909,  II,  27-36.  iog-ii6,  21  pi.)  Con- 
tains practically  the  same  facts  as 
the  article  Uber  den  Einfluss  West- 
asieris  auf  ostasiatischen  Knnst  vor 
christlicher  Zeit  (1908),  noticed  in 
the  American  Anthropologist,  1908, 
N.   s.,  x,   691. 

Myres  (J.  L.)  Excavations  at  Tell 
Halaf,  in  northern  Mesopotamia. 
(Ann,  Arch,  and  Anthrop.,  Liverpool, 
1909,  II,  139-144,  I  fg.)  Resumes 
the  data  in  M.  von  Oppenheira's  Der 
Tell  Halaf,  und  die  verschleierte  G'ot- 
tin   (Leipzig.   1908). 

Naganuma  (K.)  Philology  of  shell- 
names  from  ancient  manuscripts. 
(Conchol.  Mag.,  Kyoto,  Japan,  1909, 
III,  Jap.  Ed.,  23-25,  58-62.)  List 
of  names  with  etymologies,  etc. 

Nestle  (E.)  Das  Vlies  des  Gideon. 
(A.  f.  Religsw.,  Lpzg.,  1909,  xii,  154- 
156.)  Discusses  the  test  of  the 
"  fleece  of  Gideon  "  and  its  interpre- 
tation. The  Hebrew  word  rendered 
"  fleece  "  signifies  "  cut,  shorn,"  used 
of  wool  and  also  of  grass  ("  fleece," 
"mown  grass  "),  and  the  verbal  iden- 
tity may  have  affected  the  associa- 
tion of  ideas. 

Notes  and  scenes  from  Korea.  (Nat. 
jGeogr.  Mag.,  Wash.,  1908,  xix,  498- 
508,  2  fgs.,  9  pi.)  The  illustrations 
treat  of  carriers,  shrines,  fish-image 
in  Buddhist  monastery,  wishing- 
stone  in  temple,  symbolic  stone  carv- 
ing, school-boys,  "  devil  house," 
"  gallery  of  names,"  Korean  types. 

O'Brien  (A.  J.)  Female  infanticide  in 
the  Punjab.  (Folk-Lore,  Lond.,  1908, 
VOL.  XXIII. — NO.  87.  9 


XIX,  261-275.)  Discusses  causes 
(necessity  for  marriage  and  its  im- 
possibility owing  to  social  conditions, 
etc.,  castes,  royal  relationship,  imita- 
tion of  higher  by  lower  classes,  etc.), 
recent  improvements,  irregularity  of 
hypergamy  and  re-marriage  of  wid- 
ows   forbidden,    as    a    by-product. 

Old  mines  and  mills  in  India.  (Nat. 
Geogr.  Mag.,  Wash.,  1909,  xx,  489- 
490,  2  fgs.)  Notes  on  old  gold  work- 
ings near  Gadug,  300  miles  S.  E.  of 
Bombay,  said  by  some  to  date  back 
2,000  years,  and  to  have  been  idle 
for  at  least  400  years.  The  ore  was 
ground  by  hand  in  "  cups "  in  bed 
rock. 

D'OUone's  weitere  Mitteilungen  iiber 
die  Lolo  und  Miautse.  (Globus, 
Brnschwg.,  1908,  xciii,  319-321.) 
Resumes  account  of  visit  of  d'Ollone 
to  Lolo  and  Miautse  from  article  in 
La  Geographie  (Paris)  for  March, 
1908.  D'Ollone  obtained  several  Lolo 
"  books,"  and  other  material  of  a 
linguistic  and  historical  nature.  The 
Lolo  movement  has  been  from  E.  to 
W.,  not  from  W.  to  E.  The  written 
characters  of  the  Miautse  are  said 
to  be  related  to  the  old  Chinese  char- 
acters, used  since  300  B.  C,  for  her- 
aldic   inscriptions    only. 

Osgood  (P.  E.)  The  temple  of  Solo- 
mon. (Open  Court,  Chicago,  1909, 
xxiii,  449-468,  526-549,  15  fgs.) 
Two  first  sections  of  "  a  deductive 
study  of  Semitic  culture."  Based  on 
pictured  relics  and  "  the  few  actual 
ruin-fragments." 

P.  Die  Jenessei-Ostjaken.  (Globus, 
Brnschwg.,  1908,  xciii,  94.)  Resumes 
briefly  report  of  W.  J.  Anutchin,  head 
of  the  expedition  1905-1907  to  the 
Turuchan  region  of  Siberia,  on  the 
Ostiaks  of  the  Yenessei,  who  are 
more  and  more  taking  on  Russian 
language,  customs,  religion.  In  a 
number  of  respects  (dwellings,  art, 
etc.)  their  conditions  are  still  primi- 
tive. The  "  chiefs  "  are  chosen  for 
3  years,  and  important  questions  are 
decided  in  meetings  in  which  women 
take  part. 

Pantoussoff  (N.)  Le  temple  chinois 
"  Bei-iun-djuan  "  dans  la  passe  d'Ak- 
Su,  province  d'lli.  (R.  d.  fit  Eth- 
nogr. et  Sociol.,  Paris,  1908,  i,  398- 
403,  2  pi.)  Describes  a  Chinese 
temple  in  a  cavern  in  the  pass  of 
Ak-Su,  its  chapels,  idols,  etc.  It  is  a 
place   of  pilgrimage. 

Paterson  (A.  M.)  and  Broad  (W.  H.) 
Human     skulls     from     Asia     Minor. 


I30 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


(Ann.  Arch,  and  Anthrop.,  Liver- 
pool, 1909,  II,  91-95.)  Describes 
briefly  with  chief  measurements  four 
more  or  less  imperfect  skulls  (3  adult 
male,  one  child  14-15  years)  found 
in  the  ancient  mercury  mines  at 
Sisma,  in  Asia  Minor,  together  with 
stone  hammers  of  diabase  and  flint 
arrow  and  spear  heads, — in  one  an- 
cient cutting  the  skeletons  of  nearly 
50  entombed  miners  were  found. 
Date  and  race  are  quite  uncertain. 

Patkanoff  (K.  P.)  Some  words  on  the 
Trans-Caucasian  Gypsies. — Bosa  and 
Karaci.  (J.  Gypsy  Lore  Soc,  Liver- 
pool, 1908,  N.  s.,  I,  229-257.)  First 
section  of  article  treating  of  the 
Bosa  and  Karaci  Gypsies  of  Tiflis 
(Bakin,  Erivan,  etc.,  a  total  of  some 
3,000),  their  appellation,  character 
and  mode  of  life,  language  (pp.  245- 
257, — 46  phrases  of  Bosa,  numerals, 
grammatical  notes,  vocabulary  of  238 
words).  Translated  by  D.  F,  de  L. 
Ranking  from  P.'s  monograph  on  the 
Gypsies,  published  at  St  Petersburg, 
1887. 

Petrie  (W,  M.  F.)  The  peoples  of  the 
Persian  empire.  (Man,  Lond.,  1908, 
VIII,  129-130,  I  pi.)  Notes  on  the 
pottery-heads  representative  of  the 
foreign  settlement  in  ancient  Mem- 
phis (under  Persian  rule)  ;  "  Tu- 
ranian "  corresponding  to  similar 
stone  heads  {ca.  3000  B.  C.)  found 
in  Mesopotamia  ;  Persian  ;  Scythian  ; 
Tibetan  Mongolian ;  Aryan  Indian, 
etc., — the  first  remains  of  Indians 
known  on  the  Mediterranean.  The  ex- 
cavations about  the  temple  of  Me- 
renptah  (the  Proteus  of  Herodotus) 
were  begun  in  the  spring  of  1908. 

Proctor  (H.)  Symbolism  of  the  He- 
brew alphabet.  (Amer.  Antiq.,  Sa- 
lem, Mass.,  1909,  XXXI,  i6-i8.> 
Treats  of  meanings  of  letters,  after 
the  curious  ideas  of  Rev.  R.  Wil- 
liams, of  Jamaica,  who  published,  a 
century  ago,  a  book  entitled  A  Sys- 
tematic View  of  the  Revealed  Wis- 
dom of  the  Word  of  God,  deducir.g 
the  Gospel  from  the  arrangement  of 
the   Hebrew  alphabet. 

R.  Die  Steinzeit  auf  Ceylon.  (Globus, 
Brnschwg.,  1908,  xciv,  304.)  Re- 
sumes briefly  Dr  P.  and  Dr  F. 
Sarasin's  Die  Steinzeit  auf  Ceylon 
(1908).  The  Nilgala  cave  remains 
indicate  prehistoric  stone-age  Veddas, 
ancestors  of  those  of  to-day,  but  of  a 
more  primitive  type. 

Rao  (H.)  The  Kasubas,  a  forest  tribe 
of   the    Nilgiris.      (Anthropos,    Wien, 


1909,  IV,  178-181.)  Treats  of  name, 
septs  and  totems  (cobra,  silver,  earth, 
etc.),  marriage  and  wedding,  divorce, 
cremation  of  dead.  The  Kasubas 
here  studied  live  in  the  forests  and 
coffee-clearings  at  the  northern  foot 
of  the  Nilgiris.  They  are  found 
also  in  the  contiguous  parts  of  My- 
sore. 

Reinach  (A.  J.)  La  lutte  de  Jahve 
avec  Jacob  et  avec  Moise  et  I'origine 
de  la  circoncision.  (R.  d.  fit.  Eth- 
nogr.  et  SocioL,  Paris,  1908,  i,  338- 
362.)  Discusses  the  wrestling  of 
Jacob  and  the  angel  (Jahveh)  and 
the  contest  of  Moses  and  Jahveh. 
Seized  in  the  genital  region,  the  god 
lets  the  human  being  go,  blesses  him 
and  declares  him  his  son.  By  this 
act  of  craft  an  alliance  is  effected. 
According  to  R.,  the  ritual  and  social 
explanation  of  circumcision,  as  of 
prostitution  of  the  religious  sort,  is 
found  in  its  character  as  a  sign, 
mark,  or  bond  of  alliance. 

Rock  (F.)  Ethnographische  Parallelen 
zum  malaiischen  Geisterschiffchen, 
der  "  Antuprau."  (Globus,  Brn- 
schwg., 1909,  xcv,  239-240.)  Cites 
parallels  for  the  Malay  symbolic  use 
of  the  "  spirit-canoe "  (antu  prau) 
from  Japan  (straw-boat  set  adrift  on 
water).  Babylonia  (conjuration-text 
against  demon  Labartu  mentions 
preparation  of  votive  boat),  India 
(conjuration-song  in  7th  book  of  Rig- 
Veda),  etc. 

Rose  (H.  A.)  On  caste  in  India. 
(Man,  Lond.,  1908,  viii,  98-103.) 
Criticises  the  statements  in  the  chap- 
ters on  "  Ethnology  and  Caste."  and 
"  Religions "  by  Risley  and  Crooke 
in  the  first  volume  of  the  new  edition 
of  the  Imperial  Gazetteer  of  India. 
According  to  Rose  "  a  caste  is  essen- 
tially a  sociological  group  (but  not 
a  unit),  while  a  tribe  is  a  natural 
growth  from  a  definite  ethnical  seed 
Cwith,  it  may  be,  affiliated  elements 
from  other  sources)."  All  the  main 
castes  in  India  are  "  social  groups, 
often  very  highly  organized,  but  of 
heterogeneous  origin  and  not  eth- 
nically homogeneous." 

vS.  (C.  G.)  The  Sinhalese  people  and 
their  art.  (Nature,  Lond.,  i909i 
Lxxxi,  39-40,  2  fgs.)  Resumes 
briefly  Dr  Ananda  K.  Coomara- 
swamy's  Medieval  Sinhalese  Art 
(Lond.,  1908,  pp.  xvi,  340,  53  pi.). 
Sinhalese  art  "  is  largely  the  result 
of  the  evolution  of  an  early  Indian 
art,    in    part    sheltered    by    the    geo- 


Periodical  Literature 


131 


graphical  position  of  Ceylon  from 
that  Hinduism  which  overwhelmed  it 
upon  the  mainland,"  but  the  Hindu 
influence  continually  made  itself  felt 
in  post-Asokan  and  medieval  times. 
That  a  chapter  on  the  moribund  art  of 
Sinhalese  embroidery  could  be  writ- 
ten is  due  to  the  efforts  of  Mrs  C. 
herself. 
Saad  (L.)  Nach  den  Ruinen  von 
Arsuf  und  dem  muslimischen  VVall- 
fahrtsorte  Sidna  '  AH  bei  Jaffa.  (Glo- 
bus, Brnschwg.,  1908,  xciv,  89-91,  3 
fgs.)  Brief  account  of  visit  to  the 
ruins  of  Arsuf  and  the  Mohammedan 
shrine  of  Sidna  '  Ali  near  Joppa,  in 
June,  1907.  Arsuf  is  the  ancient 
Apollonia,  which  name  was  lost  be- 
fore the  Crusades.  The  ruins  are 
now  little  visible.  The  shrine  of 
Sidna  '  Ali  was  built  of  stones  from 
the    ruins    of   Arsuf. 

Die     neueren     Ausgrabungen     in 

Gezer.  (Ibid.,  1909,  xcv,  1 71-174,  3 
fgs.)  Brief  account  of  the  recent  ex- 
cavations (1907-1909)  carried  on  at 
Gezer  by  Macalister  for  the  Pales- 
tine Exploration  Fund,  as  seen  dur- 
ing a  visit  in  November,  1908.  Ge- 
zer was  apparently  international 
rather  than  specifically  Hebrew.  The 
cave-dweller  period  long  antedates 
the  Semitic  and  is  at  least  as  early 
as  3000  B.  C.  To  the  period  of 
about  2000  B.  C.  belong  some  of  the 
most  interesting  finds:  Water-tunnel, 
altar,  etc.  Canaanite,  Israelite,  and 
early  Christian  times  are  represented 
in  the  graves.  Evidences  of  subjec- 
tion to  Egypt  for  a  long  time  occur. 

Jericho    und    die    dortigen    Gra- 

bungen  der  Deutschen  Orientgesell- 
schaft.  (Ibid.,  1909,  xcvi,  9-13,  6 
fgs.)  Account  of  visit  in  1909  and 
of  the  excavations  made  by  the  Ger- 
man Oriental  Society.  Three  Jeri- 
chos  at  least  have  existed  (Canaan- 
ite, Hebrew,  Herodian).  Among  the 
recent  discoveries  are  part  of  the 
outer  Canaanite  city  wall,  remains  of 
Canaanite    and    Israelite    houses,    etc. 

Scenes  from  the  land  where  every- 
body dresses  in  white.  (Nat,  Geogr. 
Mag.,  Wash.,  1908,  xix,  871-877,  6 
pi.)  These  illustrations  of  Korea 
from  photographs  taken  by  Rev.  J.  Z. 
Moore  treat  of  churches,  nurse- 
girls,  hay-carriers,  ploughing  with 
bulls,  weaving,  unwinding  thread, 
starching  thread,  types  of  natives, 
etc. 

Scenes  in  Asia  Minor.  (Ibid.,  1909, 
XX,  172-193,  map,  17  pi.)  These  il- 
lustrations, from  photographs  by  Mr 


H.  W.  Hicks  (transportation  meth- 
ods, school-children,  sick  persons, 
carpenter-shop,  grain-sorting,  spin- 
ning, Arabian  children,  tombstone- 
making,  saddlery-making,  making 
shoes  and  slippers,  preparing  cotton, 
tanning,  etc.)  are  of  ethnologic  in- 
terest. 

Schmidt    (W.)      Panbabylonismus   und 
ethnologischer  Elementargedanke. 

(Mitt.  d.  Anthrop.  Ges.  in  Wien, 
1908,  xxxviii,  73-91.)  Critique  of 
the  "  Panbabylonism  "  (the  mythol- 
ogy of  the  whole  world  is  born  of 
the  system  of  sun,  moon,  star  and 
sky-lore  wrought  out  by  the  Baby- 
lonians 3000  B.  C.)  theory,  begun 
by  Winckler  and  Jeremias,  and  rep- 
resented more  or  less  by  Frobenius 
in  his  Ini  Zeitalter  des  Sonnengottes 
(Berlin,  1904),  a  sun-myth  advocate, 
and  by  Sieche  in  the  "  panlunarism  " 
of  his  Drachenkampfe  (Berlin,  1907). 
Father  S.  holds  that  "  Panbaby- 
lonismus "  only  makes  clearer  the 
truth  of  the  theory  of  "  elementary 
ideas,"  the  development  of  similar 
effects  from  similar  conditions.  At 
p.  87  are  given  some  Pleiad  myths 
of  the  Karesau  islanders  of  German 
New  Guinea. 

Schotter  (A.)  Notes  ethnographiques 
sur  les  tribus  du  Kouy-tcheou,  Chine. 
II.  (Anthropos,  Modling-Wien,  1909, 
IV,  318-353,  2  pi.)  Treats  of  the 
different  Miao  tribes.  The  Yao  or 
Yao-jen, — history  and  habitat,  laws, 
writing  (doubtful  if  anything  more 
than  shamanistic  hieroglyphs  and 
imitations  of  Chinese  symbols),  lan- 
guage (brief  vocabulary),  character 
("  prudent  and  timid "  according  to 
Chinese  chronicles),  dress,  houses, 
marriage,  funerals,  economic  condi- 
tion, feudal  regime  (monthly  taxes), 
religion,  ancient  cult  of  the  cross  and 
its  origin  (possibly  exotic)  ;  the  Pe- 
miao  or  "  White  Miao," — name,  ori- 
gin, clothing,  hunting,  dancing,  mar- 
riage, funeral,  religious  traditions, 
language  (brief  vocabulary),  tribal 
divisions,  sub-divisions  and  related 
tribes  (at  p.  349  some  words  of  the 
language  of  the  Hoa-miao)  ;  the 
Hong-miao, — habitat,  name,  customs, 
marriage,  moral  qualities,  language 
(brief  vocabulary),  etc. 
Schuchardt  (C.)  Ein  Stuck  trojan- 
ischer  Forschung,  in  Erinnerung  an 
Abraham  Lissauer.  (Z.  f.  Ethnol., 
Berlin,  1908,  xl,  943-950,  map.)  Dis- 
cusses the  question  of  the  location 
of  the  various  peoples  who  came  to 
the  help  of  the  Trojans  by  land, — the 


132 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


tribes  on  the  rivers  Ketios,  Mysios, 
Phrygios,  Lykos,  etc.  This  limitation 
of  the  area  covered  is  more  likely  to 
be  near  the  truth.  This  area  corre- 
sponds to  the  old  kingdom  of  Tan- 
talos. 

Scrivenor  (J.  B.)  Malay  beliefs  con- 
cerning prehistoric  stone  implements. 
(Man,  Lond.,  1908,  viii,  104-106.) 
Gives  views  of  a  Perak  Malay  con- 
cerning certain  stone  implements 
known  as  batu  lintar  or  "  thunder 
stones."  They  are  weapons  of  the 
jins ;  lightning  is  caused  by  the  jins 
throwing  them ;  they  burst  into 
flames  and  explode.  R.  thinks  that 
the  idea  of  "  thunderbolts  "  has  been 
attached  to  them  by  Europeans. 

Seligmann  (C.  G.)  Quartz  imple- 
ments from  Ceylon.  (Ibid.,  viii, 
1 1 3-1 1 6,  I  pi.,  6  fgs.)  Treats  of 
quartz  implements  from  various 
parts  of  Ceylon,  particularly  from  be- 
neath the  floor  of  a  cave  in  the  Hene- 
bedda  region  of  the  Uva  jungle,  still 
used  by  Veddas,  and  used  some  2000 
years  ago  by  the  Sinhalese,  who 
probably  drove  the  ancestors  of  the 
modern  Veddas  out  of  many  of  the 
caves  in  this  part  of  Ceylon.  The 
evidence  "  indicates  a  much  older 
and  more  intimate  association  be- 
tween cave-dwelling  Veddas  and  Sin- 
halese than  is  usually  realized." 
The  quartz-workers  were  probably 
Veddas. 

Seligmann's  Forschungen  iiber  die 
Weddas.  (Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1908, 
xciv,  158-159.)  Resumes  Haddon's 
account  in  Nature  of  July  2,  1909,  of 
the  investigations  of  Dr  C.  G.  Selig- 
mann among  the  Veddas  of  Ceylon. 

Sinclair  (A.  T.)  The  Oriental  Gypsies. 
(J.  Gypsy  Lore  Soc,  Liverpool,  1908, 
N.  s.,  I,  197-21 1.)  Treats  of  dis- 
tribution, wanderings  (world-wide), 
jargons  (Gypsy  speech  not  born  of 
secret  languages  of  "  Gypsy-like  no- 
mad-castes or  tribes  of  India  "),  occu- 
pations (fortune-tellers,  story-tellers 
and  disseminators  of  folk-lore,  "  go- 
betweens  "  for  lovers,  messengers 
and  spies,  makers  of  domestic  uten- 
sils, tattooers,  horse  and  cattle  deal- 
ers, public  musicians,  singers  and 
dancers,  showmen,  etc.).  Also  notes 
on  Gypsies  of  Turkestan  and  Afghan- 
istan (Gypsy  tongue  almost  lost), 
Persia  (more  real  Gypsy  words 
found),  Kurds  (the  Luris  are  Kurds; 
the  Gypsy  tongue  is  not  derived  from 
Kurdish),  Caucasus  (language  of 
Gypsies  here  purer  than  in  Armenia, 
but     still     much     corrupted),      Syria 


(Armenian  dialect;  also  a  jargon), 
Egypt  (corrupt  dialect  with  fewer 
real  Gypsy  words),  etc. 

Singh  (S.  N.)  The  Americanization  of 
Oriental  women.  (So.  Wkmn., 
Hampton,  Va.,  1909,  xxxviii,  91- 
100,  6  fgs.)  Notes  on  modernizing 
movements  in  China  (participation  of 
women  in  Japanese  boycott,  journal- 
ism, etc.),  Japan,  Siam,  Burma,  In- 
dia, Persia,  etc. 

■ To-day  in   Burma.      (Ibid.,   283- 

293,  353-359,  5  fgs.)  Treats  of  the 
city  of  Rangoon,  use  of  elephants, 
position  of  woman,  relation  and 
status  of  sexes,  social  life,  religion 
and  festivals,  village  life,  Buddhistic 
temples  and  monasteries,  jmf-worship^ 
court-life,  rice-cultivation,  industries, 
etc.  According  to  S.,  "  in  Burma  a 
hybrid  civilization  is  rapidly  devel- 
oping which  has  weeded  out  non- 
essentials from  the  Oriental  and  Oc- 
cidental civilizations  and  welded  to- 
gether their  beneficent  essentials." 

The    white    man's    repression    of 

India.  (Ibid.,  1908,  xxxvii,  539-547, 
6  fgs.)  General  argument  that  In- 
dia has  been  drained  and  impover- 
ished. Bodies  and  minds  have  both 
been  emasculated. 

India  at  the  parting  of  the  ways. 

(Ibid.,  593-600,  7  fgs,)  Treats  of 
the  "  awakening  of  India,"  the  foun- 
dation-laying for  India's  evolution, 
the  spirit  of  discontent  preceding  the 
desire  for  progress,  the  educational 
propaganda,  etc. 

Stein  (A.  M.)  Geographische  und 
archaologische  Forschungsreisen  in 
Zentralasien.  (Mitt.  d.  K.-k.  Geogr. 
Ges.  in  Wien,  1909,  lii,  289-324,  4 
pi.,  8  fgs.)  Account  of  expedition  of 
1906-1908  in  Central  Asia.  Notes  on 
ruins  of  Khadalik  (finds  of  MSS.  in 
Sanskrit,  Chinese  and  Khotanese), 
in  desert  N.  W.  of  Niya  (MSS.  tab- 
lets, wood-carvings  in  Greco-Bud- 
dhistic style,  etc.),  temple-ruins  of 
Miran,  ruins  of  Tun-huang  (MSS., 
silk  and  linen  paintings,  votive  gifts, 
etc.),  ruins  near  Chiao-tzu  (Buddhist 
cave-temples),  etc. 

de  St.  Elie  (A.  M.)  Aventures  d'un 
voyage  en  1861  dans  le  Yemen. 
(Anthropos,  Modling-Wien,  1909,  iv, 
416-441.)  Account  of  voyage  in 
1861  from  Aden  to  Sanaa  (sheik, 
people,  etc.),  Mareb  (city  of  the 
Queen  of  Sheba),  etc.,  by  a  mer- 
chant  of   Bagdad. 

Tafel  (A.)  Meine  mehrjahrige  Reise 
im  chinesischen  Reiche.  (Korr.-Bl. 
d.    D.    Ges,    f.    Anthrop.,    Brnschwg,, 


Periodical  Literature 


133 


1908,  XXXIX,  1 18-122,  2  fgs.)  Notes 
on  the  physical  characters  of  the  east- 
ern Tibetans  (no  division  into  Tan- 
guts  and  Tibetans  is  justifiable,  the 
people  from  Kukunor  to  the  Hima- 
layas being  one ;  the  type  is  cruder 
than  the  Chinese,  owing  to  the 
harsher  climate  perhaps ;  differences 
between  the  Chinese  and  Tibetans 
somatically  are  noted),  religion,  burial 
customs  (pp.  118-121),  etc.  Con- 
trasts in  ideas,  customs,  etc.,  to  the 
Chinese  are  noted. 

VoUand  ( — )  Beitrage  zur  Ethnogra- 
phic der  Bewohner  von  Armenien  und 
Kurdistan.  (Arch.  f.  Anthrop., 
Brnschwg.,  1908,  n.  f.  viii,  183-196.) 
Gives  original  texts,  German  trans- 
lations, and  music  of  Kurdish,  Turk- 
ish and  Armenian  dance-songs,  love- 
songs,  war-songs,  religious  songs, 
patriotic  songs,  etc.,  with  some  dis- 
cussion   of    Oriental    folk-music. 

VoUers  (K.)  Chidher.  (A.  f.  Religsw., 
Lpzg.,  1909,  XII,  234-284.)  Treats 
of  the  literature  and  folk-lore  con- 
cerning Chider  or  Chiser,  a  compli- 
cated figure,  a  product  of  Islamic 
syncretism,  and  one  of  the  most  re- 
markable phenomena  in  all  the  his- 
tory of  religion, — based  on  the  account 
in  the  Koran  (18,  59-81).  In  the 
Koran  tale  Jewish  and  Babylonian 
elements  were  already  present.  The 
mingling  with  heathen.  Christian  and 
Hellenic  ideas  took  place  in  Syria 
and  Palestine.  Buddhistic  influences 
came  later.  Chidher  (Chadir)  may 
be  nothing  more  than  the  Arabic 
transference  of  the  Sumerian  Tam- 
uzu,  which  explains  its  interpretation 
as   "  green,"    "  fresh,"   "  fertile." 

Von  der  Expedition  des  Oberstleut- 
nants  Koslow  in  die  Mongolei.  (Glo- 
bus, Brnschwg.,  1909,  xcv,  319-321.) 
Based  on  letters  of  Ivanoff,  a  mem- 
ber of  the  KoslofI  expedition  to 
Mongolia  (1907-1909).  The  island 
of  Koissu  in  L.  Kukunor  was  first 
visited  by  Europeans  in  connection 
with  this  expedition  in  Sept.,  1908, 
— it  is  inhabited  only  by  a  few 
monks.  At  Luza  a  Tangut  prince 
was  met.  The  monastery  of  Labrang 
is  much  visited  by  pilgrims. 

Weissenberg  (S.)  Die  jemenitischen 
Juden.  (Z.  f.  Ethnol.,  Berlin,  1909, 
XLi,  309-327,  4  fgs.)  Gives  results 
of  measurements  (height,  finger- 
reach,  head,  face,  nose,  color)  of  50 
men  and  14  women  from  the  Jemen 
Jews  of  Jaffa  and  Jerusalem,  also 
partial  measurements  (stature,  head 
length  and  breadth)  of  28  other  men 


of  the  same  stock.  The  Jemen  Jews 
differ  from  the  usual  Jewish  type 
of  Europe  (S.  Russian)  in  having 
small  head-circumference  and  nar- 
rower head  (index  men  74.3,  women 
76.7  as  compared  with  82.5  and  82.4 
respectively  for  the  S.  Russian),  sta- 
ture (Jemen  males  1594,  S.  Russian 
1651  mm.),  etc.  Noteworthy  is  the 
complete  absence  of  light  hair  and 
blue  eyes  among  the  Jemen  Jews 
(10%  blondes  among  European). 
W.  asks  if  the  Jemen  Jews,  possess- 
ing so  many  genuine  Semitic  traits, 
are  not  true  descendants  of  the  old 
Hebrews, — against  Luschan's  view 
that  the  latter  were  a  mixture  of 
Semites,  Hittites  and  Amorites.  In 
the  beginning  of  the  6th  century  A.  D. 
there  was  an  independent  Jewish- 
Himyaritic  kingdom  in  Jemen.  The 
language  of  the  Jemen  Jews  is  more 
Ashkenasic  than  Sephardic. 

White  (G.  E.)  Turks  praying  for  rain. 
(Folk-Lore,  Lond.,  1908,  xix,  308- 
312.  Gives  account  of  sacrificial 
rain-ceremony  in  a  Shia  village. 
Sometimes  there  is  a  combination  of 
horseplay  with  a  pathetic  appeal  to 
the  mercy  of  God. 

Wintemitz  (M.)  D.  H.  Miiller's  Bei- 
trage zur  siidarabischen  Volkskunde. 
(Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1908,  xciii,  78- 
80.)  Notes  on  the  folk-lore  material 
in  D.  H.  Miiller's  Die ^Mehri-  und 
Soqotrisprache.  III.  Shauri-Texte 
(Wien,  1907).  Among  these  tales 
are  two  new  versions  of  the  "  Portia 
legend,"  which  belong  with  the  Peco- 
rone  form  of  the  story.  They  con- 
tain many  data  as  to  folk  thought, 
life,  customs,  etc.  (demons ;  witch- 
craft ;  stone-boiling  ;  love  of  animals  ; 
family  and  sexual  life). 

Wright  (A.  R.)  South  Indian  folk- 
lore. (Folk-Lore,  Lond.,  1908,  xix, 
474-475.)  Cites  items  concerning 
pilgrims,  offerings,  silver  charms, 
harvest  festival  with  buffalo-races, 
sympathetic  magic,  bamboo  tassels, 
etc.,  from  Madras  Government  Re-, 
ports. 

Wylie  (A.)  Inscription  of  the  Nestor- 
ian  monument.  (Open  Ct.,  Chicago, 
1909,  xxiii,  35-44.)  English  transla- 
tion with  a  few  explanatory  notes. 
The  original  Chinese  text  is  given  on 
pages  28-38.  The  English  version  is 
reproduced  from  Dr  S.  W.  Williams's 
The  Middle  Kingdom.  See  also  pp. 
45-48. 

Zaborowski  (G.)  Decouverte  d'une 
langue  aryenne  pretendue  primitive 
dans    le    Turkestan    oriental.      (Bull. 


134 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


Soc.  d'Anthrop.  de  Paris,  1908,  v*  s., 
IX,  709-712.)  Treats  of  Tokarian,  an 
extinct  Aryan  tongue,  more  nearly  re- 
lated to  the  kentiim  languages  of  W. 
Europe  than  to  the  satem  group  by 
which  it  was  surrounded.  It  belonged 
in  the  Tokar  region  of  southern  East 
Turkestan,  and  was  discovered  from 
Mss.,  etc.,  by  Drs  Sieg  and  Siegling, 
— an  account  is  given  by  Dr  Pischel 
in  the  Proceedings  of  the  Berlin 
Academy  of  Sciences  and  by  Dr  F. 
Kluge,  on  which  Z.'s  article  is  based. 
It  is  not  the  mother-Aryan  speech,  as 
Kluge  seems  inclined  to  hold. 


INDONESIA,    AUSTRALASIA, 
POLYNESIA 

Archambault  (M.)  Note  sur  la  faculte 
de  saisir  les  ressemblances  fortuites, 
montree  par  les  indigenes  neo-cale- 
doniens.  (R.  de  I'fic.  d'Anthrop.  de 
Paris,  1909,  XIX,  91-92.)  Calls  at- 
tention to  the  marked  faculty  of  the 
natives  of  New  Caledonia  for  seizing 
resemblances  between  rocks  or  pieces 
of  rocks,  stones,  etc.,  and  birds,  rep- 
tiles, fish,  insects,  moUusks,  crus- 
taceae,  fruits,  vegetables,  etc.  Such 
stones  are  used  as  fetishes,  and  the 
shamans  often  retouch  them  to  make 
the  likeness  more  striking.  See 
Herve  (G.). 

Sur   les   chances   de   duree   de   la 

race  canaque.  (Bull.  Soc.  d'Anthrop. 
de  Paris,  v^  S.,  ix,  1908,  492-502.) 
Discusses  the  survival-possibilities  of 
the  Kanakas  of  New  Caledonia :  Past 
history  (first  inhabitants  of  the  archi- 
pelago, bad  hygienic  conditions,  sort 
of  Malthusianism ;  physical  effect  of 
race-mixture,  metissage ;  action  of 
officials  and  settlers,  effect  of  Euro- 
pean culture,  effect  of  missions, 
schools,  etc.).  The  metis  seem  gen- 
erally well-built  and  intelligent,  and 
marriages  are  fertile.  Change  from 
native  to  European  food  tends  toward 
refinement  of  the  race.  Hygiene  and 
the  school  are  the  two  chief  factors 
that  can  prolong  the  existence  of  the 
Kanakas.  A  certain  amount  of  self- 
government  is  also  necessary. 

Barbour  (T.)  Notes  on  a  zoological 
collecting  trip  to  Dutch  New  Guinea. 
(Nat.  Geogr.  Mag.,  Wash.,  1908,  xix, 
469-484,  3  fgs.,  10  pi.,  map.)  Con- 
tains notes  on  natives  (use  of  to- 
bacco, houses,  weapons,  canoes,  etc.). 
The  illustrations  treat  of  Papuan 
types  of  Dorey,  etc.,  children,  canoes, 
Jobi  women,  Wiak  men,  etc. 


Further    notes    on    Dutch    New 

Guinea.  (Ibid.,  527-545.  4  fgs.,  13 
pi.)  Treats  of  the  houses  of  Djarana 
and  the  villages  in  Humboldt  bay, 
the  karrhvarri  ("  temples,"  "  bachelor 
houses"),  disposal  of  dead,  agricul- 
ture, food,  etc.  The  illustrations 
treat  of  Papuan  types,  "  temples," 
trading,  ferrying,  village  street, 
archer,   etc. 

Barton  (F.  R.)  Note  on  stone  pestles 
from  British  New  Guinea.  (Man, 
Lond.,  1908,  VIII,  1-2,  I  pi.,  I  fg.) 
Brief  description  of  three  stone 
pestles  (one  from  the  Yodda  valley 
and  two  from  Cape  Nelson).  The 
handle  of  one  is  carved  in  the  form 
of  a  bird.  The  other  two  were  re- 
garded by  the  natives  who  found 
them  as  charms  and  they  had  "  cov- 
ered them  with  the  customary  net- 
work." The  three  pestles  are  now 
in    the    British    Museum. 

Bean  (R.  B.)  Filipino  ears.  A  classi- 
fication of  ear-types.  (Philip.  J.  of 
Sci.,  Manila,  1909,  iv,  27-53,  19  fgs., 
10  pi.)  Gives  results  of  observation 
of  ears  of  942  adult  male  Filipinos; 
another  group  of  891  ;  a  third  group 
of  578  pedestrians  and  415  riders  in 
street  cars  and  carriages,  993  in  all ; 
also  6^  prisoners  at  Bilibilid  and  547 
Chinese.  Four  types  are  established 
as  characterizing  the  Filipino,  and 
four  others  are  not  uncommon.  Of 
these  "  6  are  European  and  2  are 
not  (Negroid  and  Malay),"  It 
would  appear  that  aurally  "  the 
Filipinos  of  Manila  and  vicinity  are 
more  European  than  otherwise." 
This,  Dr  B.  says,  "  is  due  to  the  im- 
pregnation of  the  primary  inhabi- 
tants of  the  Philippines  by  Mon- 
golian and  early  European,  as  well  as 
later  European  (Spanish)  peoples." 
Among  the  pedestrians  the  Negroid 
and  Malay  ears  predominated.  The 
ears  of  the  Bilibilid  prisoners  are 
not  so  "  European  "  as  those  of  other 
Filipinos,  except  in  the  case  of  the 
Moros.  Chinese  and  prehistoric  Eu- 
ropeans have  influenced  Filipino  ear- 
forms.  Ear-type  is  to  some  extent 
independent  of  pigmentation.  The 
Negroid,  Malay,  "  B.  B.  B.,"  Igorot, 
Alpine,  "  Cro-Magnon,"  Iberian  (a 
and  b),  Northern  ears  are  discussed  as 
found  among  Filipinos.  An  odd,  per- 
haps pathological,  type  is  noted  on 
p.  41.  The  Filipinos  have  a  greater 
percentage  than  the  Chinese  of  "  B. 
B.  B.,"  Igorot,  Malay  and  Cro- 
Magnon  ears,  and  less  of  Negroid. 
Alpine,     Iberian     b,     Northern.       Of 


Periodical  Literature 


135 


Iberian  a  each  has  about  an  equal 
number. 

The  Benguet   Igorots.     A   soma- 

tologic  study  of  the  live  folk  of  Ben- 
guet and  Lepanto-Bontoc.  (Ibid., 
Manila,  1908,  in,  413-472,  13  fgs., 
8  pi.)  Gives  results  of  measure- 
ments (stature,  heights  of  ear,  chin, 
sternum,  umbilicus,  pubis,  acromion, 
elbow,  wrist,  tip  of  middle  finger, 
trochanter,  knee ;  breadth  of  shoul- 
der, hip,  thigh,  pelvis)  of  104  adult 
(16  +  years  male,  10  adult  female  and 
30  boy  (5-15  years)  Igorots  from  Le- 
panto-Bontoc, mountains  of  western 
Benguet,  Agno  River  valley,  Baguio, 
etc.  The  average  height,  for  males, 
is  1540  mm.,  for  females  1467;  the 
cephalic  indexes  of  the  104  males 
varied  from  63  to  75  and  41  were 
dolichocephalic  43  mesocephalic  and 
18  brachycephalic,  the  average  index 
being  78.  According  to  Dr  B.,  "  the 
ear  of  the  Igorot  is  a  most  typical 
feature  and  a  true  racial  character  "  ; 
and  it  is  not  like  the  ear  of  the  an- 
thropoid apes  nor  like  that  of  any 
other  primitive  people, — it  is  rather 
"  a  European  one,  and  characteristic 
of  the  finer  types  of  Europeans."  In 
general  physical  characters  the  tall 
Igorot  is  most  like,  the  small  Igorot 
least  like,  a  white  man, — "  an  average 
individual  Igorot  resembles  in  form 
the  woman  of  Europe,  and  represents 
a  protomorph  [Stratz]  of  the  nature 
folk."  These  types,  at  least,  exist 
among  the  Igorots  (Europe,  Negrito, 
intermediate). 

Berkusky  (H.)  Zur  Anthropogeo- 
graphie  und  Wirtschaftsgeographie 
der  Philippinen.  (Mitt.  d.  K.-K.  Geogr, 
Ges.  in  Wien,  1909,  lii,  325-394,  3 
maps.)  Treats  of  the  number  and 
distribution  of  the  native  peoples, 
material  culture  (agriculture,  fishing, 
mining,  trade  and  commerce,  indus- 
tries, houses  and  villages),  intellec- 
tual, social  and  political  culture,  etc. 
B.  recognizes  the  Negrito,  "  Indo- 
nesian," and  "  Mongoloid-Malay  " 
types.  He  takes  an  optimistic  view 
of  the  future  of  Filipinos  as  a  race. 

Best  (E.)  Personification  of  the  na- 
ture powers  as  observed  in  the 
myths  and  folk-lore  of  the  natives 
of  New  Zealand.  (Amer.  Antiq., 
Salem,  Mass.,  1909,  xxx,  267-270.) 
Treats  of  the  mythology  and  folk- 
lore of  earth  and  sky  {papa  and 
rangi)  and  their  offspring ;  the  sun 
and  his  son  ;  the  personifications  of 
the  rainbow,  water,  the  sun,  stars, 
spirits,  etc. 


Blackman  (L.  G.)  The  Pacific:  the 
most  explored  and  least  known  re- 
gion of  the  globe.  (Nat,  Geogr. 
Mag,,  Wash.,  1908,  xix,  546-563,  2 
fgs,,  9  pi.,  map.)  Contains  a  few 
notes  on  Papuans,  Micronesians, 
Malayo-Polynesians,  The  illustra- 
tions treat  of  village  scenes,  types  of 
men  and  women  from  Fiji,  Caroline 
Is.,  Gilbert  Is,,  Ellice  group,  Tonga, 
native  child.  Low  Archipelago,  chief's 
house,  Tonga. 

Bley  ( — )  Prahistorische  Steingerate 
aus  Baining,  Neupommern,  (An- 
thropos,  Modling-Wien,  1909,  iv, 
525,  I  fg.)  Notes  on  prehistoric 
stone  mortars  and  pestles  from  the 
Baining  mountains  in  New  Pomer- 
ania.    The  Baining  speech  is  Papuan. 

Bobbitt  (J.  F.)  The  growth  of  Philip- 
pine children.  (Pedag.  Sem.,  Wor- 
cester, Mass,  1909,  XVI,  3-34.) 
Thesis  for  Ph.D.  at  Clark  University. 
Author,  formerly  instructor  in  Phil- 
ippine Normal  School,  gives  with  nu- 
merous curves  and  tables  results  of 
measurements  (height,  finger-reach, 
sitting  height,  weight,  vital  capacity, 
strength  of  grip)  of  1,180  boys  and 
438  girls  between  5  and  21  years  of 
age,  in  the  various  Manila  schools 
(chiefly  Tagalog,  Pampango,  Panga- 
sinan  Ilocano,  but  "  representing 
about  all  the  Christian  provinces  ")• 
According  to  B.,  "  Philippine  chil- 
dren show  the  three  marked  stages  of 
development  (steady  growth  of  child- 
hood, accelerated  growth  of  puberty, 
diminishing  post-pubertal  growth) 
between  the  ages  of  6  and  20  as  do 
children  of  European  descent ;  and 
the  periods  appear  to  be  synchronous 
for  the  two  races  "  ;  Philippine  girls 
on  an  average  appear  to  be  about 
equal  to  Philippine  boys  at  all  ages 
before  14,  and  anatomically  they  are 
superior  between  11  or  12  and  14  or 
IS,  but  functionally  weaker, — at  13 
most  girls  are  post-pubescent,  most 
boys  pre-pubescent,  Philippine  chil- 
dren show  parallel  growth  with 
American  up  to    15. 

von  Billow  (W.)  Beobachtungen  aus 
Samoa  zur  Frage  des  Einflusses  des 
Mondes  auf  terrestrische  Verhalt- 
nisse.  (Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1908, 
xciii,  249-254,  I  fg.)  Contains  some 
items  of  Samoan  folk-lore  relating  to 
the  moon,  some  names  of  fishes, 
plants,   etc. 

Naturgeschichtliche  Notizen  und 

Beobachtungen  aus  Samoa.  (Ibid., 
277-280.)  Natural  history  notes  on 
the  laumei  or  Samoan  tortoises,  and 


136 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


ideas  of  the  natives  concerning  this 
creature. 

Notizen    zur   Ethnographic,    An- 

thropologie  und  Urgeschichte  der 
Malayo-Polynesier.  (Int.  Arch.  f. 
Ethnogr.,  Leiden,  1908,  xviii,  152- 
166.)  Notes  on  Polynesian  pre- 
history (Polynesian  is  a  composite 
stock ;  the  Malayo-Polynesians  mi- 
grated from  India  over  the  great 
islands  of  Indonesia  to  Viti  and 
Samoa,  whence  they  spread  over  the 
Pacific, — Viti  was  already  inhabited 
by  Melanesians, — some  of  the  N.  and 
W.  islands  were  however  peopled  by 
back-migration ;  linguistic  unity  of 
the  stock)  ;  Samoan  anthropology 
(physical  characteristics ;  skull  form 
uncertain,  doubtless  mixture)  ;  burial 
customs  of  Samoans  (mourning, 
cantations,  scarification,  hair-cutting, 
graves,  death-feast,  preparation  of 
corpse,  death-feast  of  individual 
while  living,  ancestor-worship,  etc.). 
Von  B.  sees  in  former  astronomical 
knowledge  and  in  the  lost  art  of  stone 
carving  "  a  further  proof  of  the  in- 
fluence of  Babylonian-Assyrian  cul- 
ture." 

Carus  (P.)  Indonesian  legend  of  Nabi 
Isa.  (Open  Court,  Chicago,  1908, 
XXII,  499-502.)  As  "  a  stray  Chris- 
tian echo  among  non-Christian  peo- 
ple, C.  gives  an  English  translation 
of  "  A  legend  of  Nabi  Isa "  from 
Bezemer's  Volksdichtung  aus  Indo- 
nesien  (Hague,  1904).  It  is  "  a  story 
of  the  prophet  Jesus  retold  in  the 
style  of  the  Buddhist  Jatakas,  which 
has  reached  the  island  of  Java  not 
through  Europeans  but  through  na- 
tives." 

Chamberlain  (A.  F.)  Activities  of 
children  among  primitive  peoples.  I. 
(Pedag.  Sem.,  Worcester,  Mass., 
1909,  XVI,  252-255.)  Cites  IS  items 
relating  to  the  activities  of  children 
(betel-chewing,  carrying,  dancing, 
driving  boars  in  hunt,  education  of 
youths  in  "  temple,"  fishing,  garden- 
ing, grinding  and  polishing  stone  im- 
plements, lime-making,  navigation, 
plays  and  games,  preparing  twine  for 
nets,  scarring  by  fire,  shooting,  to- 
bacco using)  among  certain  Papuan 
tribes  of  Dutch  New  Guinea,  as  de- 
scribed in  Dr  G.  A.  J.  van  der 
Sande's  Nova  Guinea  (1907).  See 
Amer.  Anthrop.,  1908,  n.  s.,  x,  298. 

and  Hartland  (E.  S.)  A  Macas- 
sar version  of  Cinderella.  (Folk- 
Lore,  Lond.,  1908,  XIX,  230-234.) 
Gives  English  translation  with  com- 
parative notes  of  a  version  from  the 


Macassars  of  southern  Celebes,  pub- 
lished in  T.  J.  Bezemer's  Volksdich- 
tung aus  Indonesian   (Haag,  1904). 

Cole  (F.  C.)  The  Tinggian.  (Philip. 
J.  Sci.,  Manila,  1908,  iii,  197-213,  9 
pi.)  Treats  of  habitat,  physique 
("almost  perfect"),  dress,  houses 
(also  "spirit  houses"),  rice-culture, 
government  (old  men  ruling  class  of 
village),  religion  (Kadaklan  and  his 
wife  Agemem,  powerful  spirits ;  spi- 
rits not  feared  much  in  waking 
hours;  spirit-lore,  "magic"),  birth 
and  marriage  customs  (pp.  206-209), 
funerals  (elaborate  ceremonies  for 
adults).  The  Tinggian  are  "  primi- 
tive Ilokanos."  The  illustrations 
treat  of  native  types,  industries, 
houses,  family  and  village  scene, 
mediums  and  spirits. 

Die  Selenka-Expedition  nach  Trinil. 
(Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1908,  xciii,  58- 
60.)  Resumes,  from  Javanese  and 
Dutch  papers,  the  results  of  the 
Selenka  expedition  in  1907  to  Trinil, 
the  locality  of  the  famous  Pithecan- 
thropus of  Dubois.  Among  the 
numerous  animal  remains  found  are 
many  marrow-bones  showing  marks 
of  having  been  artificially  broken ; 
also  fragments  of  bone  and  ivory  pos- 
sibly used  as  tools.  According  to  Dr 
Carthaus  the  Pithecanthropus  is  no 
older  than  man  and  cannot  be  "  the 
missing  link." 

Edge-Partington  (J.)  Maori  burial 
chests,  atamira  or  tupa-pakau. 
(Man,  Lond.,  1909,  ix,  36-37,  5  fgs.) 
Notes  on  specimens  in  the  collection 
of  Mr  A.  TurnbuU  of  Wellington, 
N.  Z., — no  specimens  are  in  Gt. 
Britain,  but  the  Dominion  Museum, 
Wellington,  the  Auckland  and  Mel- 
bourne Museums  possess  some  of  the 
rare  carved  wooden  chests, — tlie 
bird-like   carvings  are  peculiar. 

Maori     forgeries.       (Ibid.,     31.) 

Brief  note  calling  attention  to  the 
"  great  number  of  extremely  well- 
made  forged  greenstone  Maori  '  an- 
tiquities '  in  circulation  in  New 
Zealand."  Some  years  ago  there  was 
a  clever  German  forger  of  tikis  and 
maris. 

Egidi  (V.  M.)  Casa  e  villagio,  sotto- 
tribu  e  tribu  dei  Kuni,  Nuova  Guinea 
inglese.  (Anthropos,  Modling-Wien, 
1909,  IV,  387-404,  2  pi.,  3  fgs.) 
Treats  of  the  form  and  construction 
of  the  hut  or  tsimia  of  the  Kuni  of 
British  New  Guinea,  the  different 
sorts  of  huts  (7  kinds),  the  village 
and  its  social  organization  (family- 
lists),   the  foundation   of  a  new  vil- 


Periodical  Literature 


137 


lage,  list  of  subtribes,  statistics  of 
the  Kuni.  During  the  first  years  of 
marriage  children  are  not  permitted ; 
the  dwelling-house,  or  h'una  is  the 
woman's  realm. 

Elbert  (J.)  Uber  prahistorische  Funde 
aus  den  Kendengschichten  Ostjavas. 
(Korr.-Bl.  d.  D.  Ges.  f.  Anthrop., 
Brnschwg.,  1908,  xxxix,  126-130.) 
Gives  results  of  author's  investiga- 
tions in  1908  in  the  Kendeng  strata 
(Pithecanthropus  area)  of  eastern 
Java  and  the  finds  there  made  :  Ani- 
mal bones  at  Tegoean,  undoubtedly 
the  remains  of  "  meals "  of  primi- 
tive man,  fire-places  (hearth),  frag- 
ments of  pottery,  flint  arrow  point 
or  borer,  etc.  The  geological  condi- 
tions are  discussed.  The  "  stations  " 
of  Matar  (in  Padangan)  and  Pandea 
are  also  described,  likewise  the  finds 
of  pottery,  bronze  objects,  etc.,  at 
Kalangan,  Ngrepet,  etc.  The  "  sta- 
tion "  of  Tegoean  E.  regards  as 
middle-diluvial. 

Prahistorische    Funde    aus    den 

Kendengschichten  Ostjavas.  (Ibid., 
1909,  XL,  33-34.)  Gives  some  addi- 
tional data.  Author  abandons  theory 
of  hearth  at  Tegoean,  but  maintains 
evidence  of  pottery,  etc. 

Erdland  (A.)  Die  Stellung  der  Frauen 
in  den  Hauptlingsfamilien  der  Mar- 
shallinseln.  (Anthropos,  Wien,  1909, 
IV,  106-112.)  Treats  of  the  position 
of  women  in  the  chiefs'  families  of 
the  Marshall  Is.  (principal  and  sub- 
ordinate wives,  etc.),  with  notes  on 
ceremonies  connected  with  child- 
birth, menstruation,  puberty,  etc. 
The  genealogical  tree  of  the  chiefs' 
families  of  the  Ralik  group  is  given. 

Finsch  (O.)  Ein  Plankenboot  von 
Buka  (Deutsche  Salamoninseln)  im 
stadtischen  Museum  in  Braunschweig. 
(Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1909,  xcv,  375- 
380,  no  fgs.)  Describes  a  mon  or 
plank-boat  (with  measurements,  etc.) 
from  Buka  in  the  Solomon  Is.,  its 
construction,  decoration,  etc.,  the  im- 
plements used  in  making  it. 

Fischer  (H.  W.)  lets  over  de  wapens 
uit  de  Mentawei-Verzameling.  (Int. 
Arch.  f.  Ethnogr.,  Leiden,  1908, 
xviii,  132-136,  8  fgs.)  Treats  of 
daggers,  shields,  arrows,  ornamenta- 
tion of  weapons,  etc.,  of  the  Men- 
tawei  islanders,  from  specimens  in 
the  Rijks  Ethnographisch  Museum. 

■ Een   "  rammelaar  "   als   hulpmid- 

del  bij  de  vischvangst.  (Ibid.,  178.) 
Note  on  the  use  of  a  peculiar  means 
of  attracting  fish  to  be  caught,  in  va- 


rious    regions     of     Indonesia,     New 
Guinea,  etc.  , 

Frazer  (J.  G.)  The  Australian  mar- 
riage law.  (Man,  Lond.,  1908,  viii, 
21-22.)  Points  out  that  as  early  as 
1882  Dr  A.  W.  Howitt  had  suggested 
that  the  primary  division  into  two 
classes  "  was  intended  to  prevent 
brother  and  sister  marriage  in  the 
commune,"  while  the  secondary  di- 
visions into  subclasses  were  intended 
"  to  prevent  the  possibility  of  inter- 
marriage between  parents  (own  and 
tribal)  and  children."  This  accord- 
ing to  F.  is  "  the  truth  about  the 
origin  of  exogamy  in  Australia." 

Geisler  (B.)  Die  Kampfschilde  der 
Jabim  auf  Deutsch  Neu-Guinea. 
(Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1908,  xciv,  126- 
128,  3  fgs.)  Describes  the  making 
and  ornamentation  of  the  war-shields 
of  wood,  of  the  Jabim,  a  Papuan  peo- 
ple of  German  New  Guinea.  The 
ornamentation  is  done  later  at  leis- 
ure. The  old  shields  were  carved 
and  ornamented  with  stone  imple- 
ments alone, — iron  is  now  in  use, 
making  the  process  of  manufacture 
briefer. 

van  Gennep  (A.)  Questions  austra- 
liennes.  II.  (Man,  Lond.,  1908, 
VIII,  37-41.)  M.  van  G.  points  out 
how  his  theories  are  confirmed  in  the 
recent  monograph  of  Strehlow  and 
Leonhardi,  Die  Aratida-  und  Loritja- 
St'dmme  in  Zentral-Australien  (Frank- 
fort, 1907). 

Goodman  (M.)  A  reconnaissance  from 
Davao,  Mindanao,  over  the  divide  of 
the  Sahug  river  to  Butuan,  etc.  Nar- 
rative of  the  expedition.  (Philip.  J. 
Sci.,  Manila,  1908,  iii,  501-511,  2  pi.) 
Contains  a  few  notes  on  the  Manobos, 
Mandayas,  Manguanas,  Ibabaos, 
Agunitanos,  etc. 

Grabowsky  (F.)  Der  Reisbau  bei  den 
Dajaken  Siidost-Borneos.  (Globus, 
Brnschwg.,  1908,  xciii,  101-105,  i 
fg.)  Describes  rice-culture  among 
the  Dayaks  of  S.  E.  Borneo  :  Prepa- 
ration of  ground,  interrogations  of 
air-spirits  and  water-god,  dreams 
and  other  om.ens,  obtaining  rice-seed, 
bad-omens  that  cause  abandonment 
of  rice-field,  planting  of  field,  offer- 
ings to  spirits,  observation-hut  and 
scare-crows,  gathering  of  first  "  ears," 
rice-harvest,  varieties  of  rice 
(Dayaks  know  more  than  40),  stor- 
ing rice  and  magic  ceremonies  con- 
nected therewith,  hulling  and  cook- 
ing,  etc. 

Graebner  (F.)  Die  melanesische  Bo- 
genkultur      und      ihre      Verwandten. 


133 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


(Anthropos,  Modling-Wien,  1909,  iv, 
,  726-780,  2  maps.)  First  part  of  a 
detailed  consideration  of  the  Mela- 
nesian  bow-culture  and  its  connec- 
tions with  other  cultures  of  the 
South  Pacific,  etc.  The  chrono- 
logical order  of  these  cultures  is :  Old 
Australian  (few  remains  in  Poly- 
nesia and  Melanesia),  totem-culture, 
matriarchal  two-class  system  culture, 
Melanesian  bow-culture,  Polynesian 
culture. 

Hagen  (K.)  Sammlung  von  Zauber- 
geraten  und  Amuletten  der  Batak. 
(Korr.-Bl,  d.  D.  Ges.  f.  Anthrop., 
Brnschwg.,  1908,  xxxix,  134.)  To 
appear  later  in  the  Archiv  fiir  An- 
thropologic. 

Hazen  (G.  A,  J.)  Eine  Metalltrom- 
mel  aus  Java.  (Int.  Arch.  f.  Eth- 
nogr,,  Leiden,  1909,  xix,  82-85,  3 
fgs.,  4  pi.)  Describes  a  metal  drum 
found  in  1905,  while  working  a  huma 
or  dry  rice-field  in  the  region  of  the 
kampung  Babakan,  district  of  Tji- 
putri,  Tjandur,  Java,  now  in  the 
Museum  of  the  Batavia  Society  of 
Arts  and  Sciences, 

Howitt  (A.  W.)  A  message  to  anthro- 
pologists. (R.  d.  fit.  Ethnogr.  et 
Sociol.,  Paris,  1908,  i,  481-482.) 
Calls  attention  to  the  need  of  "  using 
the  utmost  caution  in  accepting  as 
primitive  rules  the  present  marriage 
customs  of  the  majority  of  Austra- 
lian tribes," — in  many  cases  no  com- 
petent natives  now  survive.  Some 
statements  of  R.  H.  Mathews  are  also 
called  into  question. 

von  Hiigel  (A.)  Decorated  maces 
from  the  Solomon  islands.  (Man, 
Lond..  1908,  VIII,  33-34,  I  pi.,  2  fgs.) 
Describes  and  figures  two  maces  with 
stone  heads  (human)  and  with  the 
shafts  encrusted  with  pearl  shell,  now 
in  the  Cambridge  University  Mu- 
seum. One  other  is  in  the  British 
Museum,  two  are  in  the  Godeffroy 
Museum,  Dresden,  and  two  in  the 
University  Museum,  Sydney,  Aus- 
tralia. 

V.  Huth  (G.)  und  Girschner  (M.) 
Sagen,  Gesange  und  Marchen  aus 
Ponape.  (Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1909, 
xcv,  235-239.)  Gives  German  text, 
with  some  explanatory  notes,  of  10 
tales  and  legends  (the  conch,  and 
fear  of  thunder ;  how  Liomejilan 
was  bewitched  by  a  female  demon  or 
list ;  how  the  wave-goddess,  Limo- 
konkon  sought  to  seize  a  woman  ;  the 
swimming-race  between  the  ;afe-fish 
and  the  crab ;  the  spirit-canoe ;  the 
discovery  of  Ponape  ;  the  woman  who 


was  brought  by  doves  and  taken 
away  again  ;  infidelity  punished  ;  song 
of  two  boys  whom  a  ghost  meets), 
etc. 

Joyce  (T.  A.)  Note  on  a  native  chart 
from  the  Marshall  islands  in  the 
British  Museum.  (Man,  Lond.,  1908, 
VIII,  146-149,  3  fgs.)  Describes 
chart  (framework  of  sticks,  to  which 
are  fastened  small  shells,  which  rep- 
resent definite  islands),  known  as 
rebbelib,  showing  both  of  the  two 
chains  of  islands  (Ralik  and  Ratak) 
of  which  the  Marshall  group  is  com- 
posed,— 30  islands  have  been  identi- 
fied as  marked  by  the  shells. 

JuynboU  (H.  H.)  Indonesien.  (A.  f. 
Religsw.,  Lpzg.,  1909,  xii,  126-144^) 
Critical  reviews  and  resumes  of  lit- 
erature of  1906-1907  relating  to  In- 
donesian religions,  mythologies,  etc. 
The  most  important  book  of  the 
year  is  A.  C.  Kruyt's  Het  Animisme 
in  den  Indischen  Archipel  (the  au- 
thor of  which  spent  12  years  as  a 
missionary  in  Central  Celebes,  be- 
sides having  an  acquaintance  with 
South  Borneo,  part  of  Sumatra,  the 
Nias  Is.,  etc.  Kruyt  diflFers  in  sev- 
eral points  from  Wilken,  e.  g.,  origin 
of  fasting,  widow-sacrifice.)  Scha- 
dee's  monograph  on  the  religion  of 
the  Dayaks  of  Landak  and  Taj  an,  in 
the  Bijdr.  v.  h.  Kon.  Inst,  z:  T.,  L.  en 
Volkenk.  (1906-1907)  is  important; 
also  Nyuak's  study  of  the  religious 
rites  and  customs  of  the  Sarawak 
Dayaks,  in  Anthropos   (1906). 

Kleiweg  de  Zwaan  (J,  P.)  Die  an- 
thropologischen  Ergebnisse  der  Su- 
matra-Reise  des  Herrn  A.  Maass. 
(Z.  f.  Ethnol.,  Berlin,  1909,  xli,  167- 
180,  14  fgs.)  After  briefly  discussing 
the  numeral  theories  as  to  the  racial 
origin  of  the  Malays,  etc.  (from 
Marsden  to  Fritsch  and  Hagen),  Dr 
K.  gives  a  general  description  of 
the  physical  characters  of  the  na- 
tives of  Central  Sumatra,  based  on 
the  measurements  and  observations 
of  570  men  and  57  plaster  casts  of 
heads, — no  women  could  be  meas- 
ured. Color  of  skin  (mostly  between  18 
and  25  of  Luschan's  scale),  color  of 
eyes  (no  absolutely  black  eyes ;  iris 
between  2  and  3  of  Martin's  table  in 
439  cases),  color  of  hair  (brown 
shade,  never  really  the  "  raven 
black"  of  so  many  investigators), 
hairiness  (slight  on  body  except  in 
genital  region,  probably  racial  char- 
acter), fine  and  gross  types  of  face, 
etc.  (the  former  in  higher-class  Ma- 
lays,   the    Pengulu,    officials    in    the 


Periodical  Literature 


139 


Dutch  service,  etc.)  "  Mongolian 
fold"  (in  about  J4  oi  the  cases), 
prognathism  (generally  present ;  ab- 
sent from  77  men),  feet  (large  in 
proportion  to  hands ;  space  between 
!arge  and  second  toes  great ;  inward 
inclination  of  three  outer  toes), 
stature  (average  of  men  over  20 
years  1755  mm.,  finger-reach  1.835 
mm.,  trunk  45.2),  cephalic  index 
(average  82),  etc.  In  general  the 
natives  of  the  coast  highland  show  a 
taller  (also  longer-faced)  and  slen- 
derer type  than  those  of  the  interior, 
the  result,  perhaps,  of  better  nutri- 
tion, higher  culture,  etc. 
Kraemer  (A.)  Ornamentik  und  Myth- 
ologie  von  Pelau.  (Korr.-Bl.  d.  D. 
Ges.  f.  Anthrop.,  Brnschwg.,  1908, 
XXXIX,  116-118.)  Based  on  visit  of 
several   months   to   the   Pelau   Is.   in 

1907.  Treats  of  ornamental  art 
("  picture-stories  "  or  "  gramma- 
tologies," — ornamentation  of  bai  or 
men's  house ;  fish-bladder  motif,  tri- 
dacna  shell-fish  ornament,  figures  of 
man,  the  delarok  bird),  the  peculiar 
money  of  Pelau,  hetairism  of  the 
bai,  creation-legend,  etc.  K.  and 
Mrs  K.  studied  more  than  100  of  the 
150  bai  in  Pelau,  more  or  less  in 
detail. 

Vuvulu     und     Aua,     Maty-     und 

Durour-Insel.       (Globus,     Brnschwg., 

1908,  xciii,  254-257,  I  fg.)  Resume 
and  critique  of  Dr  P.  Hambruch's 
Wuvulu  und  Aua  (Hamburg,  1908). 
At  p.  25s  are  given  a  number  of  na- 
tive plant-names  (Vuvulu,  Luf,  Sa- 
moa) and  some  notes  on  the  lan- 
guage ;  p.  256,  names  of  boat  and  parts. 
The  people  of  Vuvulu  and  Aua  show 
two  types,  a  fine  (Malayo-Micro- 
nesian)  and  a  grosser  (Melanesian), 
the  Micronesian  predominating. 

Lang  (A.)  Linked  totems.  (Man, 
Lond.,  1909,  IX,  3-4.)  Treats  of 
S.  E.  British  New  Guinea  totemism 
as  reported  by  Seligmann, — here 
"  society  is  organized  on  a  hitherto 
unheard  of  basis."  This  is  compared 
with  Fiji.  In  this  part  of  New 
Guinea,  "  '  every  individual  of  a  par- 
ticular clan  has  the  same  linked 
totems,'  4  in  all,  if  the  clan  has  4." 
Female  descent  prevails  and  the  clan 
is  exogamous.  See  Seligmann  (C. 
G.). 

Mr   Gason   and   Dieri   totemism. 

(Ibid.,  52-53.)  Points  out  an  error 
of  Mr  S.  Gason  regarding  the  taking 
of  totems  by  sons  from  fathers  and 
by  daughters  from  mothers.  The 
statement  was   adopted  by   Frazer. 


Lawrence  (A.  E.)  A  Milano  tale, 
Sarawak.  (Folk-Lore,  Lond.,  1909, 
XX,  83-85.)     English  text  only. 

Leenhardt  (M.)  Note  sur  quelques 
pierres-figures  rapportees  de  Nouvelle- 
Caledonie.  (R.  de  r£c.  d'Anthrop. 
de  Paris,  1909,  xix,  292-295,  7  fgs.) 
Treats  of  "  yam  stones,"  "  taro 
stones,"  "  rain-stones,"  "  spear- 
stones,"  phallic  stones,  and  other 
natural  stones  in  which  the  Kanakas 
of  New  Caledonia  see  the  forms  of 
various  things  and  attach  to  them 
significance  as  amulets,  talismans, 
etc.     See  Archambault   (M.). 

V.  Leonhardi  (M.)  Ueber  einige  Hun- 
defiguren  des  Dieristammes  in  Zen- 
tralaustralien.  (Globus,  Brnschwg., 
1908,  xciv,  378-380,  I  fg.)  Treats 
of  painted  (white,  red  and  black) 
figures  of  dogs  made  of  tree-resin, 
now  in  the  collection  from  the  Dieri 
tribe  of  Central  Australia  in  the 
Adelaide  Museum.  These  are,  ac- 
cording to  V.  L.  "  the  only  original 
evidences  of  plastic  activity  of  the 
aborigines  of  C.  Australia " ;  they 
are  probably  the  work  of  an  indi- 
vidual  "  touched  by   higher  culture." 

Linke  (F.)  Samoanische  Bezeichnung 
fiir  Wind  und  Wetter.  (Ibid.,  229- 
232,  map.)  Treats  of  wind  and 
storm  names  among  the  Samoans : 
to'elau  (trade-wind)  and  its  opposite 
lai  (generally  WNW.)  ;  tuaoloa  (a 
stormy  S.  wind),  paolo  (gentle  W, 
wind  in  pleasant  weather),  afa  (hur- 
ricane from  any  direction),  matalua 
(a  stormy  wind)  ;  fa'atiu,  lafalafa 
(N.  winds).  General  terms  for 
wind :  Matangi,  sawili  (cool  night 
breeze),  laufola  (gentle  winds), 
pi'ipapa,  taumulid,  etc.  L.  makes  no 
reference  to  Churchill's  "  Weather 
Words  of  Polynesia "  in  Mem. 
Amer.    Anthrop.    Assoc.    11,    1-98. 

Lowie  (R.  H.)  The  Fijian  collection 
(Amer.  Mus.  J.,  N.  Y.,  1909,  ix,  116- 
122,  4  pi.,  8  fgs.)  Brief  account  of 
recently  acquired  ethnological  collec- 
tion of  more  than  2000  specimens, 
largely  from  the  Fiji  Is.  (clubs  and 
spears,  pottery  and  household  uten- 
sils, bark  cloth,  kava-bowls,  pattern- 
board  and  stencils  for  cloth-marking, 
tattooing  implements,  adzes,  fly 
switches,  oil  and  food  dishes,  neck- 
rests,  combs,  decorated  shell  breast- 
plates, etc.).  Of  special  interest  is  a 
model  of  a  bure  or  "  temple." 

Maass  (A.)  57  Gypsmasken  aus  Mit- 
tel-Sumatra.  (Z.  f.  Ethnol.,  Berlin, 
1908,  XL,  620-623.)  Notes  on  plas- 
ter-casts   of    the    heads    of    Minang- 


I40 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


kabau  Malays  made  by  Dr  Kleiweg 
de  Zwaan.  The  broad  face  and  flat 
stub  nose  mark  the  primitive  Malay. 

Durch    Zentral-Sumatra.      (Ibid., 

1909,  XLi,  143-166,  3  pi.,  29  fgs., 
map.)  Account  of  journey  across 
Central  Sumatra  from  Padang  to 
Siak  in  1907  with  notes  on  native 
tribes,  etc.  Houses  (4  types  in  Pa- 
dang highlands),  bird-cages  (typical 
of  Malay),  Malay  villages  (Salajo, 
etc.),  Malay  grave  at  Salajo,  balai 
or  town-house,  new  mosque,  old 
wood-carvings  at  Alahan,  Pandjang, 
Malay  family  and  matriarchate,  fine 
old  Chinese  porcelain  (found  even 
in  forest-villages),  cock-fighting,  re- 
mains of  temple  with  Mahakala  sta- 
tue at  Sungai  Lansat  (Hindu  in- 
fluence), dress  and  ornament  of  peo- 
ple of  Kwantan  district  (turban, 
etc.),  art  (yarn-winder,  powder- 
horn,  carved  paddles,  canes,  rice- 
knives  given  as  presents  by  youths 
to  maidens,  old  brass-work  (sirih 
set),  pottery  of  Tjerenti,  Hari  (also 
wooden  stampers),  marriage-cus- 
toms, position  of  women  and  chil- 
dren, children's  masks  of  palm- 
leaves  (cat,  tiger,  monkey,  etc.), 
katika  or  little  calendars.  Alto- 
gether 573  anthropological  measure- 
ments were  made,  and  57  casts,  363 
color-observations,  1000  ethnographic 
specimens,  beside  100  old  Chinese 
plates  of  the  i7-i8th  century  ob- 
tained ;  also  350  photographs  and 
60  phonographic  records.  See  Klei- 
weg de   Zwaan    (J.   P.). 

de  Marzan  (J.)  Sur  quelques  Societes 
Secretes  aux  lies  Fiji.  (Anthropos, 
Wien,  1908,  III,  718-728.)  Treats 
of  Kalu-vatu  (whose  members  are 
proof  against  spears,  bullets,  etc.,  in- 
sensible as  stone,  hence  the  name 
"stone-gods"),  Kai  buca  (coco- 
wood),  Kai  nakauvadra  (the  most 
celebrated  of  all,  named  after  the 
mountain  of  Na  Kau  vadra,  where 
dwelt  the  father  of  the  Fijians), 
Lnve  ni  wai  (sons  of  the  water), 
secret  societies  of  the  Fijians,  their 
constitution,  rites  and  ceremonies, 
songs,  etc.  The  object  of  the  first, 
now  represented  by  the  Kai  Knbii- 
lau,  was  to  make  warriors  invulner- 
able ;  of  the  second  to  demonstrate 
the  power  of  the  genie  or  demon ;  of 
the  third  (of  recent  origin)  to  put 
the  Fijians  into  rapport  with  the 
spirits  of  their  ancestors  on  Nakau- 
vadra ;  of  the  fourth,  whose  cere- 
monies are  held  at  the  water's  edge, 
to  learn  new  mekes  or  dances. 


Le    culte    des    Morts    aux    Fiji, 

Grande  ile-interieure.  (Ibid.,  87-98.) 
Ideas  concerning  death  and  treat- 
ment of  corpse ;  burial  and  grave- 
cairn  ;  announcement  of  death  by 
messenger ;  appeal  to  spirit  of  dead 
to  find  out  cause  of  decease ;  signs 
of  mourning ;  ceremonies  in  honor 
of  dead  (for  adults,  children)  ;  cere- 
monies to  appease  spirit  of  dead ; 
feast  of  the  dead ;  the  abode  of 
spirits  (vilavila  or  cibaciba)  ;  burial- 
places  ;  feasts  for  paying  old  debts ; 
guard  of  dead  man's  house. 

Mathews  (R.  H.)  The  Dhudhuroa 
language  of  Victoria.  (Amer.  An- 
throp.,  Lancaster,  Pa.,  1909,  n.  s., 
XI,  278-284.) 

Matrilineale      Deszendenz     beim 

Wombaia-Stamme,  Zentralaustralien. 
(Mitt.  d.  Anthrop.  Ges.  in  Wien, 
1908,  xxxviii,  321-323.)  Treats  of 
the  author's  views  as  to  the  descen- 
dence-organization  of  the  Wombaia 
tribe  of  Central  Australia  and  those 
of  Spencer  and  Gillen.  M.  Con- 
siders descent  in  the  maternal  line 
proved. 

Zur     australischen     Deszendenz- 

lehre.  (Ibid.,  182-187.)  Treats  of 
descent  among  the  Australian  abo- 
rigines, with  criticisms  of  Spencer 
and  Gillen,  and  other  writers,  who, 
according  to  M.,  have  erroneously 
attributed  to  certain  tribes  a  patri- 
lineal   descent. 

Initiationszeremonie     des     Bird- 

hawal-Stammes.  (Ibid.,  1909, 

xxxviii,  17-24.)  Gives  details  of 
the  dyerrayal,  or  initiation  ceremony 
for  boys  among  the  Birdhawal  tribe 
in  northeastern  Victoria,  Australia, 
based  on  personal  observation,  etc. 

The    sociology    of    the    Arranda 

and  Chingalee  tribes.  Northern  Ter- 
ritory, Australia.  (Folk-Lore,  Lond., 
1908,  xix,  99-103.)  Cites  evidence 
for  matrilineal  descent  of  children, 
and  arrangement  in  cycles  ("  phra- 
tries ")  of  the  sections  (or 
"  classes  ")  of  these  two  tribes.  Ac- 
cording to  M.,  "  it  is,  in  fact,  a 
question  whether  there  is  any  well- 
defined  law  of  exogamy  in  the  social 
structure  of  the  Australian  abo- 
rigines." 

Folk-tales    of   the    aborigines   of 

New  South  Wales.  (Ibid.,  224-227, 
303-308.)  English  texts  only  of  9 
tales  (why  fishes  inhabit  the  water, 
why  the  owl  has  large  eyes,  how  the 
nankeen-crane  makes  the  reeds 
grow,  origin  of  the  bar  in  the  Mur- 
rumbidgee     river     at     Balranald,     a 


Periodical  Literature 


141 


woman's  waist-belt  a  cure  for  head- 
ache, how  the  Kamilaroi  acquired 
fire,  the  emu  and  the  crow,  how 
Boolaboolka  lake  was  formed,  the 
native  cat  and  the  fishermen)  from 
the  Kamilaroi,  Wirraidyuri,  Yitha- 
yitha,  Wathi-wathi,  Burrabinga,  Mail- 
purlgu  tribes. 

Descendance   par   la    lignee   ma- 

ternelle  dans  la  tribu  des  Binbingha 
du  territoire  septentrional.  (Bull. 
See.  d'Anthrop.  de  Paris,  1908,  v*'  s., 
IX,  786-789.)  Notes  on  matrilineal 
descent  among  the  Binbingha  of 
northern  Australia.  Among  these 
people  no  phratry  or  "  half "  names 
and  no  indications  of  male  descent 
exist. 

Aboriginal  navigation  in  Aus- 
tralia. (Amer.  Antiq.,  Salem,  Mass., 
1901,  XXXI,  23-27.)  Notes  on  use  of 
rafts  and  canoes,  one  or  other  or 
both  used  in  every  part  of  Australia 
and  Tasmania  except  a  portion  of 
the  coast  of  W.  Australia  from  Euela 
to  Albany  and  thence  northward 
about  as  far  as  Gladstone  (canoes 
were  never  seen  in  Tasmania,  rafts 
only)  ;  making  of  rafts,  bark-canoes, 
etc.  According  to  M.,  the  "  dug- 
out "  and  "  catamarans "  of  Cape 
York  peninsula.  Port  Darwin,  etc., 
are  "  introductions  by  the  Malays 
and   Papuans." 

Mayer  (O.)  Ein  Sonnenfest  bei  den 
Eingeborenen  von  Vuatom,  Neu- 
Pommern,  Siidsee.  (Anthropos, 
Wien,  igo8,  iii,  700-701.)  Brief  ac- 
count of  a  sun-festival,  with  offer- 
ings of  harvest-fruits,  etc.,  celebrated 
in  the  beginning  of  the  year,  at  the 
time  of  the  wild  sugar-cane  by  the 
natives  of  Vuatom,  New  Pomerania. 

Meier  (J.)  Mythen  und  Sagen  der 
Admiralitatsinsulaner.  (Ibid.,  651- 
671,  1909,  IV,  352-374.)  Pt.  I.  na- 
tive texts  and  interlinear  transla- 
tions of  9  legends  and  myths  (the 
pongopong-fruits  that  became  women  ; 
why  the  leaves  of  the  ndrilis-tree, 
Terminalia  litoralis,  no  longer  change 
into  women  ;  why  the  people  of  Yap 
are  light  and  the  Moanus  dark ;  why 
in  the  Yap  country  there  is  so  much 
and  in  that  of  the  Moanus  so  little 
food ;  why  the  sea  separates  the  Yap 
and  Moanus  country ;  a  Moanus 
woman  who  married  a  Yap  man ;  a 
tale  of  brother  and  sister ;  the  voy- 
age of  Paluar  to  Yap ;  the  revenge 
of  two  Yap  women  on  a  Moanus 
man)  from  the  Admiralty  Is.  The 
second  part  gives  texts  and  transla- 
tions of  18  tales  of  devils  and  spirits 


and  3  other  stories  (the  man  who 
wanted  to  drink  up  the  sea,  a  family 
drama,  the  man  who  ate  all  the 
children). 

A     Kaja     oder     der     Schlangen- 

aberglaube  bei  den  Eingeborenen  des 
Blanchebucht,  Neupommern.  (Ibid., 
1908,  III,  1005-1029.)  Treats  in  de- 
tail of  the  Kaja  or  serpent-cult  of 
the  natives  of  Blanche  bay.  New 
Pomerania.  The  Kaja,  a  python 
snake,  the  most  feared  of  all  spirits 
(nature,  forms,  companions  and  fol- 
lowers, dwelling-place  chiefly  in  caves, 
etc.,  activity  as  creator,  /Caya-taboos, 
A'aya-diseases,  ancestor-worship  of 
Kajas,  defence  against  the  Kajas, 
disease-conjurations  (native  texts 
with  translations),  etc.). 

Meyer  (A.  B.)  Die  Papuasprache  in 
Niederlandisch-Neuguinea.  (Globus, 
Brnschwg.,  1908,  xciv,  189-197.) 
Gives  vocabulary  of  46  words  in  5 
languages  (Arfak,  Hattam,  Kapaur, 
S.  coast  between  138°  and  140°  E. 
long.,  Sentani).  from  various  authori- 
ties (the  Arfak  vocabulary  being  one 
published  by  M.  in  1874)  and  dis- 
cusses the  question  of  significance 
of  the  presence  of  Papuan  and  Mel- 
anesian  languages  in  British  New 
Guinea.  According  to  M.  the  Pa- 
puas  are  a  race  originating  from  a 
mixture  of  "  Negritos "  and  "  Ma- 
lays." 

MoUison  (T.)  Beitrag  zur  Kraniologie 
und  Osteologie  der  Maori.  (Z.  f. 
Morphol.  u.  Anthrop.,  Lpzg.,  1908, 
in,  529-595,  5  fgs-,  7  pl-)  Treats  in 
detail  of  15  Maori  skulls  in  the  Zii- 
rich  Anthropological  Institute,  in 
comparison  with  other  published  ma- 
terial of  Maoris,  Australians,  Pap- 
uans, Polynesians, — also  13  lower 
jaws,  two  imperfect  skeletons  and 
some  long  bones.  According  to  Dr 
M.,  "  Polynesians,  Melanesians  and 
Australians  form  a  mixture-series,  of 
which  relatively  pure  terminal  mem- 
bers appear  in  Australia  on  the  one 
hand  and  in  the  N.  E.  Polynesian 
Is.  on  the  other.  Between  these  lie 
mixed  forms  of  different  composition. 
In  the  natives  of  New  Zealand  the 
Polynesian  element  is  markedly  pre- 
dominant. But  the  Australian  (Mela- 
nesian  element)  is  also  clearly  pres- 
ent." 

Monckton's  Durchkreuzung  von  Brit- 
isch-Neuguinea.  (G'.obus,  Brnschwg., 
1908,  xciv,  355.)  Brief  resume  of 
C.  A.  W.  Monckton's  account,  in 
the  Geographical  Journal  for  Novem- 
ber,    1908,    of    his    journey     across 


142 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


British  New  Guinea,  with  notes  on 
the  aborigines. 
Moszkowski  (M.)  Die  Inlandstamme 
Ostsumatras.  (Ibid.,  293-297,  309- 
316,  34  fgs.)  Treats  of  the  Sakais 
(a  Vedda-like  primitive  people), 
Semangs  (Orang  Akit,  of  Nigritic 
stock),  etc.,  of  the  interior  of  E. 
Sumatra,  their  activities,  industries, 
religion,  shamanism,  etc.  Weapons 
(art  of  forging  unknown,  iron  imple- 
ments obtained  by  exchange  from 
Chinese  or  Malays ;  wooden  blow- 
pipe chief  weapon  of  Akit),  fishing 
and  hunting  and  the  implements  and 
devices  used  therein,  fire-making, 
gourds,  mats,  basketry,  agriculture 
(Akits  very  primitive),  song  and  mu- 
sic, belief  in  evil  spirits  (the  chief 
antu  is  a  hunter  with  dogs),  con- 
juration of  anius  among  the  Akits, 
offerings  to  spirits  (among  them  the 
model  of  a  boat  with  2  masts  and 
three  pairs  of  oars, — the  names  of 
the  various  parts  are  given  on  p. 
31 1 ),  shaman's  dance,  and  song  (with 
text),  economic  condition  (Akits  de- 
generating, Sakais  better  off  and 
learning  from  Malays),  agricultural 
operations,  sugar-making,  oil-manu- 
facture, cattle-rearing  (not  extensive 
among  Sakais  and  Malays,  not 
known  to  Akits),  character  (Sakais 
very  good  natured  and  peaceful,  but 
learning  now  lying,  etc.,  from 
Chinese   and   Malays). 

Die       Urstamme       Ostsumatras. 

(Korr.-Bl,  d.  D.  Ges.  f.  Anthrop., 
Brnschwg.,  igo8,  xxxix,  122-124,  i 
pi.)  Notes  on  the  physical  charac- 
ters of  the  Sakais,  their  activities, 
culture,  etc.  In  contrast  with  the 
patriarchal  system  of  the  Veddas, 
the  Sakais  show  the  beginnings  of 
the   mother-right   status. 

Die     Volkerschaften     von      Ost- 

und  Zentralsumatra.  (Z.  f.  Ethnol., 
Berlin,  1908,  xi,  634-655,  12  fgs.) 
Gives  results  of  visit  in  1907.  The 
natives  of  eastern  and  central  Suma- 
tra may  be  thus  grouped:  i.  the 
dolichocephalic  Sakais  and  Orang- 
Talang, — identical  with  the  Senois  of 
Malacca  ;  2.  the  brachycephalic  Aket 
or  Akik,  Orang  Akik,  partially 
negritic,  possibly  a  mixture  of 
Semangs  and  Jakuns.  3.  Malays 
(smooth-haired  brachycephalic ;  sel- 
dom racially  pure,  the  people  of  the 
coast,  etc.,  being  much  mixed)  ;  4. 
Mandelings  (dolichocephalic).  Phys- 
ical characters,  family  and  social 
life  (M.  considers  that  the  Sakais 
and  Akiks  "  show  still  pretty  clearly 


the  first  beginnings  of  matri- 
archy, the  natural  initiation  of 
all  social  living  together"),  food 
(tapioca  chiefly,  with  transition  to 
maize  and  rice),  beginnings  of  ma- 
triarchal feudal-state  (difficulties 
caused  by  Islam),  customs  of  greet- 
ing, birth,  circumcision,  burial 
(blood-letting,  grave-offer,  etc.),  im- 
plements, instruments,  etc.  (wood 
now  largely  displaced  by  iron),  agri- 
culture (rice,  sugar-cane,  etc.),  hunt, 
art  (beginnings  of  music,  wood-carv- 
ing, etc.,  exclusively  in  the  hands  of 
men),  weaving  of  mats  (work  of 
women),  pottery  (not  known  to 
Sakais,  but  both  men  and  women  of 
Tapung  and  Rokan  make  it),  houses 
of  several  types,  transportation  (boat, 
horse  of  recent  introduction,  wagon 
unknown),  psychical  character  (very 
fond  of  talking),  religion  ("fear  of 
evil  spirits,  the  very  lowest  form," 
antxi  responsible  for  everything 
among  Sakais  ;  unlucky  numbers), 
etc.  At  pp.  654-655  are  given  the 
German   translations   of   3    songs. 

Entstehungsgeschichte     des     ma- 

layischen  Reismessers,  penwai. 
(Ibid.,  961-963,  I  fg.)  Discusses 
the  origin  of  the  pentvai  or  Malay 
knife  for  rice-cutting.  Among  the 
objects  put  into  the  bag  with  the 
"  rice-child,"  or  scmcngat  padi  (soul 
of  the  rice)  at  the  ceremony  of  the 
first  rice-cutting  is  a  mussel-shell, — 
this,  considering  the  form  of  the 
penivai,  suggests  the  development  of 
the  latter  from  the  older  shell-knife. 
The  hymn  sung  against  the  evil 
spirit  of  the  fields  contains  the  ex- 
pression kerang  tumbago,  "  mussel- 
shells   (i.  e.,  knives)   of  copper." 

Ost-     und     zentralsumatranische 

Gebrauche  bei  der  Ackerbestellung 
und  der  Ernte.  (Ibid.,  1909,  XLi, 
469-493.)  Treats,  with  native  texts 
and  interlinear  German  versions  of 
numerous  prayers,  songs  and 
speeches,  of  the  rites  and  ceremo- 
nies, etc.,  in  connection  with  the 
cultivation  of  rice  among  the  abo- 
rigines of  E.  and  central  Sumatra, 
— tribes  on  the  Mandau  and  the  Ta- 
pungs  ;  the  Mandelings,  a  Battak  tribe 
of  central  Sumatra,  etc.  Interest- 
ing is  the  "  hymn  of  thanksgiving." 
on  page  489,  identical  with  similar 
songs,  etc.,  recorded  by  Skeat  from 
Malacca.  These  ceremonies  are  pre-Is- 
lamic  and  very  old  and  have  had 
probably  a  common  origin  in  the 
interior  of  the  Malay  peninsula. 
When     the     Sumatrans    migrated    to 


Periodical  Literature 


1 4: 


the  island  they  brought  with  them 
the  rice-culture  and  the  rice-cult. 
Certain  evidence  shows  that  the  dry 
Srice-culture  is  the  older.  Among 
the  Mandelings  almost  all  of  the 
deities  invoked  are  of  Hindu  origin. 
The  people  of  the  Mandau  and  the 
Tapungs  have  learned  these  customs 
comparatively  late  (but  in  pre-Is- 
lamic  times)  from  their  neighbors. 
Islamic  influences  are  present  in 
names  and  phrases  of  religious  im- 
port in  various  parts  of  primitive 
Sumatra.  At  pp.  492-493  are  given 
the  native  text  and  translation  of  an 
agreement  between  two  Malay  not- 
ables of  Tapung  kiri. 

Neuhauss  (R.)  Bericht  aus  Neu- 
Guinea.  (Ibid.,  75I-7S3-)  Notes  on 
expedition  of  December,  1908,  to 
May,  1909,  among  the  Kai  people  of 
Finschhafen  and  those  of  the  Mark- 
ham  river.  Traces  of  a  prehistoric 
population  were  found  in  the  Kai 
country. 

Nieuwenhuis  (A.  W.)  Der  Gebrauch 
von  Pfeil  und  Bogen  auf  den  grossen 
Sunda-Inseln.  (Int.  Arch.  f.  Eth- 
nogr.,  Leiden,  1909,  xix,  55-81,  2  fgs.) 
Treats  of  the  use  of  the  bow  and 
arrow  among  the  peoples  of  Java  (in 
gener:.!  use  in  the  Hindu  period  as 
indicated  on  monuments,  etc. ;  also 
previously  among  the  Javanese), 
Celebes  (known  only  by  tradition, 
linguistic  terms,  etc.,  previously  in 
use  as  weapon  by  the  Toradja),  Su- 
matra (earlier  in  use  on  the  coast,  as 
now  on  the  Poggi  and  Mentawei  Is.), 
Nias  (child's  toy),  Borneo  (earlier  in 
use  among  many  tribes),  Palawan  (as 
weapon  among  Bataks),  Malacca 
(suppressed  during  the  last  centuries 
by  European  fire-arms),  Farther  In- 
dia (used  by  many  tribes),  Madagas- 
car (used  by  Malay  tribes),  Philip- 
pines (Malays  possessed  bow  and  ar- 
row before  they  met  the  Negritos), 
Formosa  (used  by  Malay  tribes).  Dr 
N.  concludes  that  "  the  bow-and-ar- 
row  belongs  to  the  cultvire-stock  of 
the  Malayan  peoples  and  has  not  been 
borrowed  from  their  neighbors." 
Appended  are  notes  by  Groneman  on 
prize-shooting  with  bow-and-arrow 
in  Jogjakarta,  by  Brata  di  Widjaja 
in  Soemedang,  and  by  Schroeder  in 
Nias. 

Noetling  (F.)  Studien  iiber  die  Tech- 
nik  der  tasmanischen  Tronatta. 
(Arch.  f.  Anthrop.,  Brnschwg.,  1908, 
N.  F.,  VIII,  197-207,  7  fgs.)  Studies 
of  the  technique  of  the  tronatta  or 
stone  implements,  made  by  knocking 


off  flakes  therefrom, — the  author 
possesses  the  best  collection  of 
tronatta  (from  the  Tasmanian  word 
trona,  name  of  the  stone  employed 
for  the  purpose)  existing.  After  care- 
ful study  of  the  European  "  eoliths," 
N.  concludes,  that,  unless  one  is  pre- 
pared to  prove  that  the  Tasmanian 
tronatta  have  not  arisen  through  the 
hand  of  man,  he  must  admit  the 
human  origin  of  the  European  "  eo- 
liths." 

Kannte  die  tasmanische  Sprache 

spezielli  Worte  zur  Bezeichnung  der 
verschiedenen  Gebrauchsart  der 
archaolithischen  Werkzeuge?  (Z.  f. 
Ethnol.,  Berlin,  1909,  xli,  199-208.) 
Discusses  the  words  for  knife,  axe, 
saw  in  the  language  of  the  Tas- 
manian aborigines  (vocabularies  of 
Calder,  Scott,  Milligan,  etc.).  The 
Tasmanians  had  probably  but  a  single 
word  for  stone  implements.  This 
has  its  application  to  European 
archeoliths,  and  eolithic-archeolithic 
man  there  also  may  have  used  but 
one  word  for  his  implements.  In- 
deed the  Tasmanian  tronatta  covers 
a  greater  variety  of  used  material 
than  in  Europe. 

Nuoffer  (O.)  Ahnenfiguren  von  der 
Geelvinkbai,  Hollandisch-Neuguinea. 
(Abh.  u.  Ber.  d.  Kgl.  Zool.  u.  An- 
throp.-Ethnogr.  Mus.  zu  Dresden, 
Lpzg.,  1908,  XII,  Nr.  2,  1-30,  32  fgs., 
I  pi.)  Treats  of  15  korzvare  or  an- 
cestral figures  (5  are  skwW-korware) 
of  the  Papua  of  Geelvink  Bay 
(Dutch  New  Guinea)  now  in  the 
Dresden  Ethnographic  Museum.  Of 
the  usual  korzvare  6  are  of  the  Wan- 
demen,  2  of  the  Dore,  and  2  of  the 
Ansus  type.  The  balustrade  and  or- 
namentation of  the  korzvare  are  also 
discussed  (pp.  17-26).  The  Dore 
type,  with  legs  apart  and  the  snake- 
balustrade,  seems  to  be  native  to 
Geelvink  Bay.  The  Wandemen  type 
has  been  influenced  by  the  Dore. 
The  motif  of  these  figures  seems  to 
have  come  to  Wandemen  Bay  (by 
way  of  McCluer  Gulf)  from  Indo- 
nesia. The  style  has  been  influenced 
by  the  native  skull-cult  and  its  tra- 
ditions, which  have  modified  the  In- 
donesian figures. 

Planert  (W.)  Australische  For- 
schungen.  II.  Dieri-Grammatik.  (Z. 
f.  Ethnol.,  Berlin,  1908,  XL,  686-697.) 
Outlines  of  grammar,  with  texts 
(pp.  693-697)  and  interlinear  trans- 
lations,— 3  legends. 

Pooh  (R.)  Besteigung  des  Mount  Al- 
bert   Edward    und    Besuch    des    Chi- 


144 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


rima-Stammes  durch  C.  A.  W. 
Monckton.  (Stzgb.  d.  Anthrop.  Ges. 
in  Wien,  1907-1908,  9-1 1.)  Con- 
tains notes  on  the  Chirima  tribe  of 
British  New  Guinea  from  Govern- 
ment reports  for  1906, — dwellings, 
clothing,  fire-making,  tree-felling, 
utensils,  weapons,  etc, 

Ethnographische         Mitteilungen 

iiber  die  Kworafi.  (Mitt.  d.  An- 
throp. Ges.  in  Wien,  1909,  xxxviii, 
25-33,  4  fgs.)  Discusses  totemisra 
among  the  Kworafi  of  the  north- 
eastern coast  of  British  New  Guinea 
(villages  of  Jagirua,  Gabarussa,  Fe- 
rari,  Deriowa,  Foduma,  Barabara, 
etc.),  with  lists  of  relationship- 
names,  totem  animals,  etc.  Every 
Kworafi  has  a  totem  animal  (and 
probably  but  one)  ;  women  may  not 
eat  the  husband's  totem-animal. 
Boys  and  girls  alike  receive  the 
totem-animal  of  their  father,  but  may 
not  eat  that  of  their  mother ;  mar- 
riage of  those  having  the  same 
totem-animal  is  forbidden ;  in  some 
villages  a  single  totem-animal  pre- 
dominates ;  the  members  of  a  totem- 
group  live  in  a  connected  group  of 
houses  under  one  roof.  At  pp.  32- 
33  the  pile-dwellings  of  the  Kworafi 
are  described. 

Wanderungen  im  nordlichen  Teile 

von  Siid-Neumecklenburg.  (Globus, 
Brnschwg.,  1908,  xciii,  7-12,  5  fgs.) 
Account  of  visit  in  March-May, 
1905,  in  northern  New  Mecklenburg, 
notes  on  the  natives,  etc.  The  Luluai 
of  Ulapatur,  dances  of  the  natives  of 
Lemessi,  language  (brief  vocabularies 
of  Kokola  and  Laur),  totems  of 
Kokola  and  Laur,  houses,  boats,  etc. 

Reisen    an    der    Nordkiiste    von 

Kaiser  Wilhelmsland.  (Ibid.,  139- 
143,  149-1SS,  169-173.  15  fgs.,  map.) 
Gives  account  of  travels  in  1004,  etc., 
on  the  north  coast  of  Kaiser  Wil- 
helmsland, German  New  Guinea,  eth- 
nological notes  on  the  various  peo- 
ples, etc.  The  Monumbo  of  Potsdam- 
hafen  region  (measurements  of  30 
individuals  taken ;  mission  school 
has  80  children;  blood-revenge), 
their  weapons  (spear  and  throwing- 
stick ;  bow  and  arrow  in  use  only 
ceremonially, — made  of  palm-leaf 
and  leaf-stem),  trade  with  other 
tribes,  etc.  Nubia  (formerly  head- 
hunters  terrorizing  the  region)  west 
of  the  Moniimbo-Manam  of  the  vol- 
cano-island. Alepapun  (an  inland 
tribi  long  at  enmity  with  the  Mon- 
umbo), villages  of  Zepa,  Anjam  in 
particular.     Iku   (inland  tribe  of  Iku 


mountains).  Watam  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Kaiserin  Augusta  River  (warlike, 
head-hunting  people ;  sleeping-bags 
for  protection  against  mosquitos ; 
carved  figures  and  masks).  The 
Watan  are  taller  and  incline  more 
to  dolichocephaly  than  the  Monumbo 
(indexes  of  14  Monumbo  and  10 
Watam  given,  p.  172),  At  pp.  172- 
173  are  given  a  grammatical  sketch, 
vocabulary  and  sentences  of  the 
Watam  language;  at  p.  150  vocabu- 
lary and  a  few  proper  names  of  men 
and  women  in  Manara ;  at  p.  153  a 
few  words  of  Alepapun.  The  Watam 
and  Monumbo  are  culturally  and  eth- 
nologically  much  alike,  but  phj-sically 
and  linguistically  far  apart,  the 
Monumbo  speaking  a  Melanesian, 
the  Watam  a  Papuan  tongue. 

Ray  (S.  H.)  The  Ngolok-Wanggar 
language,  Daly  river.  North  Australia. 
(J.  R.  Anthrop.  Inst.,  Lond.,  1909, 
XXXIX,  137-141.)  Based  on  informa- 
tion from  Father  Conrath  of  Daly 
river.  Grammatical  notes,  text  of 
Pater  Nosier,  and  vocabulary  (with 
corresponding  terms  from  Rev. 
Mathew's  Daktyerat  (in  his  Eagle- 
hazvk  and  Crozv,  Lond.,  1899),  which 
seems  to  be  the  same  language. 

Reid  (R.  W.)  Decorated  maces  from 
the  Solomon  Islands.  (Man,  Lond., 
1908,  VIII,  59.)  Calls  attention  to 
fine  specimen  in  the  Anthropological 
Museum  of  Aberdeen  University,  fig- 
ured and  described  by  Giglioli  in 
Arch.   p.    I'Antrop.    for    1898. 

Rivers  (W.  H.  R.)  Totemism  in 
Polynesia       and       Melanesia.  (J. 

R.  Anthrop.  Inst.,  Lond.,  1909, 
XXXIX,  156-180.)  R.  considers  that 
in  the  case  of  the  mountain  tribes  of 
the  interior  of  Viti  Levu  described 
by  Father  de  Marzan  (Anthropos, 
1907),  we  have  to  do  with  "true 
totemism,"  but  there  may  be  differ- 
ent species  of  totemism  in  different 
parts  of  Fiji ;  also  in  Samoa.  But 
in  the  little  island  of  Tikopia  (120 
miles  S.  E.  of  the  Santa  Cruz  group), 
inhabited  by  almost  physically  pure 
Polynesians,  we  have  "  the  clearest 
evidence  for  the  existence  of  totem- 
ism in  Polynesia."  Here  the  evo- 
lution has  been,  however,  from  hero 
and  totem  together  to  god.  In 
Melanesia  the  presence  of  totemism 
cannot  be  said  to  have  been  defi- 
nitely demonstrated,  but  R.  thinks 
that  in  the  Reef  Islands,  Santa 
Cruz  and  Vanikola,  "  genuine  totem- 
ism "  exists.  In  some  regions  of  the 
Solomon   Is.   there  is   "  no   totemism 


Periodical  Literature 


145 


or  only  its  faint  relics,"  while  in 
others  (e.  g.,  Ysabel)  it  exists.  In 
Melanesia  south  of  the  Santa  Cruz 
group  "  the  evidence  for  or  against 
the  existence  of  totemism  is  very 
slight."  In  most  of  the  Polynesian 
and  Melanesian  examples  cited,  the 
clan,  or  other  social  division,  has 
more  than  one  totem, — association 
and  linkage. 

Roth  (W.  E.)  Australian  huts  and 
shelters.  (Man,  Lond.,  1909,  ix,  49, 
I  pi.)  Treats  of  primitive  structures 
to  withstand  rain,  etc.,  rude  hut 
thatched  with  cabbage-palm  leaves 
(hinterland  of  Princess  Charlotte 
bay),  frameworks  of  saplings  roofed 
with  brush, — crudest  of  all,  "  a  long 
sheet  of  bark  bent  mid-way  and  fixed 
at  both  ends  into  the  sand."  To  this 
are  sometimes  added  upright  canes 
along  one  of  the  open  sides,  up 
against  which  may  be  placed  foliage 
or  bark.  A  simple  wind-break  con- 
sists of  "  a  sheet  of  bark  fixed 
lengthways  in  the  ground  and 
propped  up  with  two  or  more  sticks." 

Sarfert  (E.)  Zwei  Bainingsmasken. 
Jhrb.  d.  stadt.  Mus  f.  Volkerk.  zu 
Leipzig,  1907,  II  [1908],  29-32,  I 
pi.)  Brief  account  of  two  hareigia 
dance-masks  from  the  Baining  Pap- 
uans of  the  western  part  of  the 
Gazelle  peninsula  (New  Pomerania). 
The  bamboo  framework  interwoven 
with  banana  leaves  has  a  tapa-cov- 
ering. 

Seltene     Waffen     von     Vuvulu. 

(Ibid.,  33-35,  I  pi.)  Describes  a 
dagger  of  dark  palm-wood,  a  spear 
and  three  other  weapons  of  red  horn- 
beam,   from  Vuvulu    (Matty   Is.). 

Scherer  (O.)  Linguistic  travelling 
notes  from  Cayagan,  Luzon.  (An- 
thropos,  Modling-Wien,  1909,  iv, 
801-804.)  Gives  vocabularies  of 
Gobgob  (so-called  "  Kalinga  ")  from 
near  Tuao,  N.  W.  of  Tuguegarao  on 
the  Rio  Chico  de  Cayagan,  and  Agta 
(Negrito)  of  Pasigi  in  the  interior 
of  the  N.  E.  part  of  Luzon, — these 
languages  are  said  to  be  hitherto 
unrepresented  in  the  linguistic  ma- 
terial   from    the    island. 

ScWaginhaufen  (O.)  Reisebericht  aus 
Siid-Neu-Mecklenburg.  (Z.  f.  Eth- 
nol.,  Berlin,  1908,  xl,  566-567.) 
Notes  of  travel  in  December,  1907. 
The  language  of  the  Muliama  coun- 
try is  distinct  from  languages  S.  and 
W.,  particularly  from  that  of  the 
mountaineers  of  Butam, — the  villages 
of  Maletambit  and  Kau  had  never 
before  been  visited  by  Europeans. 
VOL.  XXIII — MO.  87.  10 


Die    Rand-Butam    des    ostlichen 

Siid-Neu-Mecklenburg.  (Ibid.,  803- 
809,  3  fgs.)  Notes  on  the  moun- 
tain tribes  of  the  Rand-Butam,  their 
settlements  (3  or  4  huts  with 
"  men's  house ")  and  plantations, 
weapons  (good  spears),  stone  imple- 
ments (replaced  by  European  knives 
and  axes),  baskets,  the  papaii  secret 
society  for  men  only  and  its  cere- 
monies (pp.  605-608),  physical  char- 
acters (p.  809,  measurements  of  a 
Butam  man  from  Laget ;  interesting 
foot-formation ;  Rand-Butam  have 
characteristically  broad   noses), 

Streifziige    in    Neu-./Iecklenburg 

und  Fahrten  nach  benachbarten  In- 
selgruppen.  (Ibid.,  952-957,  3  fgs., 
map.)  Notes  on  travels  in  May- 
August,  1908  in  the  east  coast  region 
of  S.  New  Mecklenburg, — Muliama, 
etc.,  with  visits  to  the  Greenwich, 
Fisher  and  Gardner  Is.  The  Green- 
wich islanders  physically  and  cul- 
turally belong  with  the  Micronesians. 

Ein    Besuch    auf    den    Tanga-In- 

seln.  (Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1908, 
xciv,  165-169,  6  fgs.,  2  maps.)  Ac- 
count of  visit  made  in  March,  1908 
to  the  Tanga  Is.,  N.  E.  of  New  Meck- 
lenburg,— the  largest  4  are  inhabited. 
Men's  house,  a  new-made  grave, 
drum,  canoes,  etc.,  briefly  described. 
Average  measurements  (stature, 
head-length  and  breadth,  height  and 
width  of  nose,  cephalic  and  nasal 
indexes)  of  31  men  and  5  women 
given  (stature  1647.4  for  men; 
1540.0,  women;  cephalic  index  85.72 
and  85.69).  Ethnological  collection 
shows  influence  of  Muliama  in  New 
Mecklenburg. 

Schmidt  (W.)  Die  soziologische  und 
religios-ethische  Gruppierung  der 
Australier,  (Z.  f.  Ethnol.,  Berlin, 
1909,  xLi,  328-377.)  Treats  of 
tribes  with  sex-totemism,  tribes  with 
classless  local  totemism  and  paternal 
succession,  tribes  with  totemless  two- 
class  system  and  maternal  succes- 
sion, tribes  with  circumcision  and 
subincision,  etc.  The  succession  of 
races  in  Australia,  according  to 
Father  S.,  has  been:  1.  Negritic  (the 
lowest).  Represented  in  Tasmania 
and  part  of  S.  E.  Australia,  in  the 
latter  with  sex-totemism  and  pater- 
nal succession,  local  exogamy  with- 
out hereditary  marriage  totemism. 
The  oldest  stratum  (Tasmanians, 
Kurnai,  Chepara  had  not  the  initia- 
tion-rite of  knocking  out  teeth.  The 
younger  stratum  had  sex-totemism, 
the  initiatory  rite,  and  in  great  part 


146 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


took  over  the  two-class  system.  2. 
Primary  "  west  Papuan "  local-to- 
temic  culture  with  male  succession 
S.  Australian  Narrinyeri,  Narangga, 
Yerkla-Mining  typical  representa- 
tives). The  initiation  rite  was  cir- 
cumcision. 3.  "  East  Papuan  "  cul- 
ture of  the  two-class  system  with 
maternal  succession,  intruding  from 
the  east.  Characteristic  is  the  my- 
thology of  the  opposed  sun  and 
moon ;  initiation  of  youths  not  so 
important  as  in  other  culture-areas. 
In  this  area  there  are  a  southern 
(hawk-crow)  group,  a  northern  (kan- 
garoo-emu theme),  and  a  later  mixed 
group.  4.  In  all  the  Central  and 
South  and  a  large  part  of  W.  Aus- 
tralia a  "  secondary  '  west  Papuan  '  " 
stage  has  arisen,  characterized  by 
cult  of  male  ancestors,  with  concep- 
tionism  as  its  extreme  expression. 
Its  initiatory  rite  is  subincision  after 
circumcision.  The  views  of  Grabner, 
Foy,  Howitt,  Spencer  and  Gillen,  etc., 
are  discussed,  those  of  the  first  in 
particular. 

Die    Stellung    der   Aranda   unter 

den  australischen  Stammen.  (Ibid., 
1908,  XL,  866-901.)  Discusses  the 
question  of  the  position  of  the  Arunta 
(Aranda)  ;  Language  (S.  thinks  the 
multiplicity  of  languages  arose  in 
New  Guinea,  not  in  Australia  itself)  ; 
plant-totemism  (parallel  between  Cen- 
tral and  Northern  Australia  and  New 
Guinea)  ;  intichiiima  growth-cere- 
monies' and  food-taboo  (comparison 
with  Mabuiag  of  Torres  Sts.,  etc.)  ; 
marriage-taboo  (in  many  points 
Aranda  agree  with  New  Guinea 
peoples  as  against  Australian  tribes 
of  E.,  W.  and  S.)  ;  ideas  about  con- 
ception (according  to  S.,  the  Aranda 
belief  is  secondary  and  the  coitus 
really  has  some  special  significance)  ; 
the  churinga  and  the  "  bull-roarer  "  ; 
fundamental  social  elements  (sex-to- 
temism,  clan-totemism, — predomin- 
ance of  latter  due  to  New  Guinea), 
etc.  S.  concludes  that  the  "  Aranda- 
culture  "  is  not  simple  and  primitive, 
but  is  really  late  and  complicated, 
the  remains  of  forms  of  several  early 
stages  of  development  grown  into 
one,  whose  latest  stage,  regarded  by 
many  as  primitive  Australian,  has 
originated  outside  that  continent 
(i.  e.,  in  New  Guinea),  and,  if  Aus- 
tralia is  to  be  considered  to  possess 
the  beginnings  of  human  evolution, 
must  be  separated  altogether  from 
what  is  really  primitive  there. 


Schultz  (E.)  Ein  samoanischer  Archi- 
tektenscherz.  (Globus,  Brnschwg., 
1909,  xcv,  289.)  Note  on  carvings 
of  vulva,  penis  and  female  breast  on 
posts  of  a  fale  tele  or  guest-house 
in  the  village  of  Samatau,  Upolu, 
South  Aana, — an  architectural  joke, 
rather  than  a  cultural  atavism. 

■ Drei    Sagen    aus    Ostpolynesien. 

(Ibid.,  1908,  xciii,  143-145.)  Ger- 
man texts  of  three  legends  (The 
Huahine  people  steal  a  mountain, 
The  revenge  of  the  Moorea  people 
and  the  recovery  of  the  mountain. 
The  sick  man  of  Huahine  and  how 
he  was  roasted  to  death)  told  by  a 
man  of  the  little  island  of  Moorea 
or  Eimeo,  west  of  Tahiti. 

Scale  (A.)  The  fishery  resources  of 
the  Philippine  Islands.  Part  I.  Com- 
mercial fishes.  (Philip.  J.  Sci., 
Manila,  1908,  iii,  513-531,  3  fgs., 
12  pi.)  Treats  of  anchovies,  her- 
rings, silversides,  mackerels,  mud- 
fishes, snappers,  pompanos,  sea-basses, 
mullets,  milk-fishes,  etc., — their  na- 
tive names  and  uses  are  indicated. 
The  native  fish-ponds  are  also  de- 
scribed and  figured.  One  of  the  illus- 
trations represents  "  the  guardian  of 
a  fish-pond   with   his   family,    etc." 

Seligmann  (C.  G.)  Linked  totems  in 
British  New  Guinea.  (Man,  Lond., 
1909,  IX,  4-9.)  Treats  of  the  chief 
peculiarities  of  the  totemism  of  S.  E. 
British  New  Guinea  as  represented 
by  the  conditions  at  Wagawaga,  a 
Milne  Bay  community  (3  clans ;  dual 
grouping,  of  late  largely  ignored, 
although  totem,  exogamy  is  still  quite 
generally  observed  ;  no  totem  shrines  ; 
men  showed  more  regard  for  father's 
totem  than  for  their  own ;  relation  of 
man  to  father's  totem  plant  less  clear 
than  to  totem  bird ;  cannibalism 
"  ceremonial  and  solemn  act  of  re- 
venge "  (detail  of  instance  at  Mai- 
war  a,   a   few  years   ago).     See  Lang 

.     (A.). 

A  type  of  canoe  ornament  with 

magical  significance,  from  south-east- 
em  British  New  Guinea.  (Ibid.,  33- 
35,  I  pi.)  Treats  of  10  munknris  or 
wooden  carvings  with  typical  bird 
designs  (reef-heron,  weku-hird,  tern, 
cockatoo,  etc.)  and  other  minor  mo- 
tifs from  canoes  of  the  natives  of 
Murua.  They  are  of  magical  effi- 
cacy and  highly  prized. 

Senfft  (A.)  Die  Ngulu-  oder  Mate- 
lotainseln.  (Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1908, 
xciv,  303-304.)  Contains  a  few  notes 
on  natives  of  Ngulu  (50  in  number), 
the     only     inhabited    island     of    the 


Periodical  Literature 


147 


group.  The  language  has  a  rich  vo- 
cabulary (30  terms  are  given)  for 
the  cardinal  points,  etc. 

Sluyk  (C.  I.  J.)  en  Adrian!  (N.)  Tee- 
keningen  op  grafsteden  uit  de  Min- 
ahassa.  (Int.  Arch.  f.  Ethnogr.,  Lei- 
den, igo8,  XVIII,  144-152,  4  fgs.) 
Treats  of  figures  on  the  grave-stones 
in  the  cemetery  on  the  spot  where 
formerly  was  the  Tomboeloe  village 
of  Lola, — snake  on  roof,  headsmen 
with  sword,  etc.  The  Dutch  texts 
of  several  Tomboeloe  tales  are 
given, — The  snake  Wulawau,  the  or- 
phan child  and  the  snake,  Woeisan 
and  Kawoeloesan. 

Smith  (W.  D.)  A  geologic  reconnais- 
sance of  the  island  of  Mindanao  and 
the  Sulu  Archipelago.  L  Narrative 
of  the  expedition.  (Philip.  J.  Sci., 
Manila,  1908,  iii,  473-499,  4  fgs., 
21  pi.,  2  maps.)  Some  of  the  illus- 
trations (Subanuns,  Moro  village, 
houses,  etc.,  native  salt-making)  are 
of  ethnologic  interest. 

Strehlow  (C.)  Einige  Bemerkungen 
uber  die  von  Dr.  Planert  auf  Grund 
der  Forschungen  des  Missionars  Wet- 
tengel  veroffentlichte  Aranda-Gram- 
matik.  (Z.  f.  Ethnol.,  Berlin,  1908, 
XL,  698-703.)  Criticises  the  Aranda 
grammar  and  texts  published  by  Dr 
Planert  in  the  Z.  f.  Ethnol.,  1907 
(on  the  basis  of  material  furnished 
by  the  missionary  Wettengel).  S. 
is  a  missionary  at  Hermannsburg,  S. 
Australia.  A  note  in  reply  by  Dr 
Planert   is    appended. 

Siidsee-Expedition  (Die)  der  Ham- 
burgischen  Wissenschaftlichen  Stif- 
tung.  (Z.  f.  Ethnol.,  Berlin,  1909, 
XLi,  689.)  Note  on  progress  of  ex- 
pedition in  New  Pomerania  from  No- 
vember, 1908,  to  March,  1909.  Much 
anthropological  and  ethnological  ma- 
terial was  obtained. 

Thomas  (N.  W.)  The  disposal  of  the 
dead  in  Australia.  (Folk-Lore, 
Lond.,  1908,  xix,  388-408,  map.) 
Examines  "  the  light  thrown  on 
racial  problems  by  the  funeral  cus- 
toms of  the  Australians,"  the  rela- 
tion between  linguistic  areas  and 
burial  customs,  etc.  The  character- 
istic attitude  of  the  natives  of  West 
Australia  seems  to  be  fear  of  the 
dead  (and  burial  devices  correspond, 
also  divinatory  ceremonies,  etc.)  ;  in 
the  greater  part  of  New  South 
Wales  simple  burial  prevailed ;  in 
Queensland  exhumation  and  reburial 
of  the  bones  is  common ;  funeral  can- 
nibalism occurred  with  many  tribes, 
especially  as  to  children ;  the  fire  at 


the  grave  is  with  some  tribes  for  the 
protection  of  the  living,  with  others 
for  the  benefit  of  the  dead ;  hut- 
building  on  the  grave  is  sometimes 
connected  with  "  magic,"  and  some- 
times has  to  do  merely  with  mourn- 
ing. Influence  of  Southeast  New 
Guinea  can  be  traced  in  some  cus- 
toms. 

Thurnwald  (R.)  Reisebericht  aus 
Buin  und  Kieta.  (Z.  f.  Ethnol.,  Ber- 
lin, 1909,  XLi,  512-532.)  Notes  on 
the  country  and  peoples  of  the  Buin 
region  of  Bougainville  Island  (Koro- 
muda,  Mare,  O'kara,  Barere,  Roro- 
wan,  Derebere)  visited  in  April- 
September,  1908,  and  of  the  English 
portion  of  the  Solomon  Is., — Short- 
land  group,  Choiseul,  Ysabel,  etc., 
from  September  to  December.  The 
Buin  culture  is  probably  character- 
istic for  the  whole  island.  The 
"  noble "  families  of  Buin  came 
probably  from  Alu  and  Mono. 

Venturillo  (M.  H.)  The  "Batacs"  of 
the  Island  of  Palawan,  Phil.  Tslds. 
(Int.  Arch.  f.  Ethnogr.,  Leiden,  1908, 
xviii,  137-144.)  Notes  on  physical 
character,  habitat,  food,  snake-hunt- 
ing, child-birth,  naming,  courting  and 
marrying,  dancing,  diseases  (fear  of 
measles  and  small-pox),  feasts,  re- 
ligion and  mythology  (gods  Diwata 
and  Angogro,  other  "saints"),  fiesta 
of  Sangbay,  cures  by  the  babailan, 
death  and  burial  customs,  govern- 
ment (patriarchal),  crimes  and  pun- 
ishments, agriculture,  hunting  (wild 
boar),  basketry,  trade,  weapons 
(bow  and  arrow,  blow-gun,  lance), 
musical  instruments  {codiape-gmi&r ; 
budlong;  lantoy-Q.ute). 

Volz  (W.)  Die  Bevolkerung  Sumatras. 
(Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1909,  xcv,  1-7, 
24-29,  15  fgs.)  Treats  of  the  vari- 
ous elements  in  the  native  popula- 
tion of  Sumatra :  Kubus  (heathen 
and  very  primitive,  numbering  now 
but  a  few  thousand),  Bataks  (650,000 
at  least ;  heathen ;  4  tribes,  Karo, 
Timor,  Toba,  Pakpak;  culture  in- 
fluenced by  Hinduism ;  cannibalism 
persists),  Mandhelings  (Mohamme- 
danized  Bataks),  Alasses  and  Gajos 
(inland  Mohammedan  peoples,  the 
first  counting  some  8,000,  the  last 
60,000  to  70,000  souls),  coast-Malays 
(Menangkabau,  Acheen ;  the  latter 
fanatic  Mohammedans,  the  former  an 
older  people),  the  "bush-Malays"  of 
the  east  coast,  the  island  peoples 
(the  primitive  Mentawei,  Nias  and 
Engano).      Houses,    general    culture. 


148 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


race-characters  are  briefly  consid- 
ered. Besides  remains  of  a  very 
primitive  ancient  population  (Kubus, 
etc.),  Dr  V.  recognizes  at  least  4 
Malay  strata :  Primitive  Malay  (pure 
in  the  Mentawei,  mixed  all  over  the 
island)  ;  Middle  Javanese  stratum 
(chief  part  of  Bataks,  etc.)  ;  Menang- 
kabau  Malays ;  "  bush-Malays," 
closely  related  to  the  third.  The 
Simbirriugs  are  "  of  Melanesian  ori- 
gin, bringing  with  them  cannibalism." 
Javanese  and  Hindu  elements  are 
also  noticeable  and  "  the  essential 
part  of  the  culture  of  the  inland  peo- 
ples is  due  to  India." 

Von  der  Hamburger  Siidsee-Expedi- 
tioD.  (Ibid.,  193-225.)  Notes  on  prog- 
ress of  the  explorations  of  the  Ham- 
burg Scientific  Foundation  in  the  Ad- 
miralty Is.  and  New  Pomerania  in 
Oct.-Nov.,  1908.  Bow-and-arrows, 
now  used  only  for  shooting  fish,  were 
once  used  in  war.  Wood-carvings  of 
strange  and  extravagant  forms  are 
invented  and  executed  for  sale  to 
Europeans.  In  Talasea  and  Barriai 
in  New  Pomerania  New  Guinea  in- 
fluence is  seen  in  houses,  pile-dwell- 
ings, etc.  In  the  region  from  Move 
Bay  to  Cape  Quoy  pile-dwellings  do 
not  occur.  The  natives  of  the  west- 
ern section  of  the  north  coast  of 
New  Pomerania  resemble  very 
closely  those  of  the  Admiralty  Is. 

Erste    Durchquerung    von    Neu- 

Pommern.  (Ibid.,  1909,  xcvi,  64-67, 
2  maps.)  Brief  account  of  the  first 
crossing  of  New  Pomerania  from  S. 
to  N.,  from  near  Cape  Merkus  to 
Rein  gulf,  with  notes  on  natives 
(houses,  weapons),  etc.  New  Guinea 
influence  (pile-dwellings,  mask- 
dances,  bull-roarer)  appears  on  the 
S.  coast  up  to  Movehafen.  On  the 
islands  near  Cape  Markus  was  found 
a  language  with  hitherto  unknown 
variations  from  the  Melanesian  type. 
The  languages  of  the  region  tra- 
versed are  related  to  those  of  the 
southern  coast  and  are  of  Melanesian 
stock. 

Vormann  (F.)  Dorf-  und  Hausanlage 
bei  den  Monumbo,  Deutsch-Neu- 
guinea.  (Anthropos,  Modling-Wien, 
1909,  IV,  660-668,  3  fgs.)  Treats  of 
the  situation  and  tribal  relations,  vil- 
lage organization,  etc.,  of  the  Mo- 
numbo, with  details  of  house-con- 
struction and  arrangement.  Also  sta- 
tistics of  the  villages  of  the 
Kozakoza  group. 

Waterston  (D.)  Skulls  from  New 
Caledonia.        (J.     R.     Anthr.     Inst., 


Lond.,  1908,  xxxviii,  36-46,  2  pi.,  i 
fg.)  Gives  results  of  cranioscopic 
examination,  craniometric  observa- 
tions (measurements,  etc.)  of  3 
adult  and  i  young  male,  3  adult  and 
I  young  female  skull  from  various 
parts  of  New  Caledonia.  The  ceph- 
alic indices  run  from  67  to  77  (6  be- 
ing 73  or  below)  ;  the  cubic  capacity 
of  males  1180  to  1500,  of  females 
1185  to  1425  ccm.  W.  recognizes  "a 
distinct  N.  C.  type  of  skull."  Evi- 
dences of  "  Polynesian,  and  possibly 
Mongolian  intermixture  "  occur. 
The  high  degree  of  prognathism  in  2 
crania  suggests   a   foreign   element. 

Winthuis  (J.)  Die  Bildersprache  des 
Nordoststammes  der  Gazelle-Halbin- 
sel,  Neupommern,  SiJdsee.  (Anthro- 
pos, Wien,  1909,  IV,  20-36.)  Treats 
of  the  richness  in  figurative  language 
of  the  northeastern  tribe  of  the 
Gazelle  Peninsula  (New  Pomerania). 
Examples  relating  to  incest,  betel- 
chewing,  corporal  punishment,  parts 
of  the  human  body,  illegitimate  chil- 
dren, beautiful  children,  eating  and 
feasting,  evil  manners,  dancing,  sex- 
ual immorality,  etc.,  are  given.  Also 
the  native  text,  with  interlinear 
translation,  of  the  speech  of  a  judge 
to  a  man  (himself  formerly  also  a 
native  judge)  who  had  committed  in- 
cest with  his  step-mother  (here  the 
equal  of  the  mother),— a  speech  that 
is  a  continuous  run  of  figures. 

Woodford  (C.  M.)  Notes  on  the  man- 
ufactures of  the  Malaita  shell  bead 
money  of  the  Solomon  Group. 
(Man,  Lond.,  1908,  viii,  81-84,  i  pi., 
I  fg.)  Describes  making  of  white, 
red  and  black  shell  bead  money. 
Also  a  more  precious  sort  of  red 
money  made  from  fragments  se- 
lected from  the  most  highly  colored 
part  of  the  romu  shell,  and  from  se- 
lected shells  only, — it  is  said  that 
two  years  are  required  to  make  a 
piece  measuring  in  length  from  the 
hollow  of  the  elbow-joint  to  the  end 
of  the  middle  finger.  Black  money 
is  also  made  from  a  vegetable  seed 
called  fulu.  A  scarce  kind  of  bead- 
money  comes  from  Guadalcanar. 

Zaborowski  (S.)  Les  derniers  anthro- 
pophages  de  Formose.  (Bull.  Soc. 
d'Anthrop.  de  Paris,  1908,  v^  s.,  ix, 
486-487.)  Note  on  the  portrait  of  a 
cannibal  chief  of  the  Taku-kan  tribe 
of  Formosa  published  in  a  Canton 
journal.  These  "savages"  are  being 
exterminated  by  the  Japanese  au- 
thorities. 


Periodical  Literature 


149 


AMERICA 

A.  Die  altesten  Spuren  des  Menschen 
in  Nordamerika.  (Globus,  Brn- 
schwg.,  1908,  xciii,  270.)  Brief  re- 
sume of  facts  in  Hrdlicka's  Skeletal 
Remains  Suggesting  or  Attributed  to 
Early  Man  in  North  America  (Wash- 
ington, 1907). 

Abeita  (A.)  The  Pueblo  Indians.  (So. 
Wkmn..  Hampton,  Va.,  1909,  xxxviii, 
477-478.)  Notes  on  religion,  wo- 
men's rights,  irrigation,  agriculture, 
election. 

Adams  (H.  C.)  Kaleidoscopic  La 
Paz :  the  city  of  the  clouds.  (Nat. 
Geogr.  Mag.,  Wash.,  1909,  xx,  119- 
141,  II  fgs.,  II  pi.)  Contains  notes 
on  Quichua  and  Aymara  Indians 
(water-carriers,  pongos  or  house- 
servants,  cholos  or  mixed  bloods, 
dress  and  ornament,  markets,  music, 
children's   mock  bull-fight,   etc.). 

Some    wonderful    sights    in    the 

Andean  highlands.  The  oldest  city 
in  America.  Sailing  on  the  lake  of 
the  clouds.  The  Yosemite  of  Peru. 
(Ibid.,  1908,  xix,  597-618,  3  fgs.,  14 
pi.)  Contains  notes  on  ruins  of 
Tiahuanuco,  dress  and  ornament  of 
natives,  Inca  fortifications  of  Ollan- 
taytambo,  etc.  The  illustrations 
treat  of  Indian  types,  ruins  of  Tia- 
huanuco, village  band,  festival  hats, 
balsas  of  L.  Titicaca,  ruins  of  forti- 
fications of  Ollantaytambo,  Pisac,  etc. 

Cuzco,  America's  ancient  Mecca. 

(Ibid.,  669-689,  10  fgs.,  8  pi.)  Con- 
tains notes  on  the  Quichua  Indians 
(costume,  shrines,  relics  in  museum, 
spinning  and  weaving,  coca-chewing) 
and  the  Inca  ruins,  etc.  The  illus- 
trations treat  of  street  scenes.  Vir- 
gin of  Cuzco,  street-shrine,  religious 
processions,  old  Inca  wall,  ruins  of 
fortress  of  Sacsahuaman,  the  "  seats 
of  the  Incas " ;  gathering  fuel,  In- 
dian  types,   poncho-weaveT,   etc. 

Alphabet  (The)  in  America.  (Amer. 
Antiq.,  Salem,  Mass.,  1909,  xxxi, 
149-151.)  Based  on  Brinton.  Treats 
of  the  phonetics  of  the  Cakchiquel 
language. 

Alvarez  (V.  S.)  Breve  noticia  de  al- 
gunos  manuscritos  de  interes  his- 
torico  para  Mexico,  que  se  encuen- 
tran  en  los  archivos  y  bibliotecas  de 
Washington,  D.  C.  (An.  Mus.  Nac. 
de  Arqueol.,  Mexico,  1909,  i,  1-24.) 
Notes  on  MSS.  of  historic  interest 
relating  to  Mexico  in  the  archives 
and  libraries  of  Washington,  D.  C. 
A  number  are  of  ethnological  value. 


Ambrosetti  (J.  B.)  La  Faculdad  de 
Filosofia  y  Letras  de  la  Universidad 
Nacional  de  Buenos  Aires  y  los  Es- 
tudios  de  Arqueologia  Americana. 
(Anthropos,  Wien,  1908,  iii,  983-987. 
4  pi.)  Indicates  scope  of  activities 
of  the  archeological  section  of  the 
Faculty  of  Philosophy  and  Letters  in 
the  National  University  of  Buenos 
Aires  and  resumes  the  results  of  re- 
searches since  1905  in  the  N.  E.  of 
Argentina,  future  plans  of  work,  etc. 

Ammon  (W.)  Von  Sao  Bento  nach 
Hansa,  Siid-Brasilien.  (Globus,  Brn- 
schwg.,  1909,  xcvi,  2-6,  5  fgs.)  Ac- 
count of  visit  to  German  colonies  of 
Sao  Bento,  Hansa,  etc.,  in  southern 
Brazil.  The  existence  of  a  jargon, 
or  mixed  language,  is  noted  on  p.  6. 

Antbony  (R.)  et  Rivet  (P.)  fitude 
anthropologique  des  races  precolom- 
biennes  de  la  republique  de  I'fiqua- 
teur.  Recherches  anatomiques  sur 
les  ossements  (os  des  membres)  des 
abris  sous  roches  de  Paltacalo. 
(Bull.  Soc.  d'Anthrop.  de  Paris,  1908, 
v^  s.,  IX,  314-430,  3  pi.,  17  fgs.) 
Treats  with  details  of  measurements, 
indices,  etc.,  of  the  human  remains 
(long  bones,  etc.),  other  than  crania 
from  the  pre-Columbian  rock-shel- 
ters of  Paltacalo,  Ecuador :  Shoulder- 
blade,  humerus,  radius,  cubitus, -pel- 
vis, femur,  tibia,  peroneum,  bones  of 
foot,  proportions  of  body  and  stature 
(reconstituted  from  long  bones,  etc.), 
are  considered  from  all  points  of 
view.  The  material  studied  con- 
sists of  142  male  and  92  female 
bones,  ranging  from  4  female  and 
10  male  radii  to  28  female  and  48 
male  femurs.  The  conclusion 
reached  is  that  "  the  Indians  of 
Paltacalo  constitute  a  people  of 
small  stature,  with  robust  and  vigor- 
ous forms,"  averaging  for  men  1,573 
and  for  women  1,453  mm.  In  these 
rock  shelters  occur  specimens  of 
pottery  in  a  good  state  of  preserva- 
tion.     See   Rivet    (P.). 

Anthropology  (The)  of  the  Greenland 
Eskimo.  (Nature,  Lond.,  1909, 
Lxxix,  310-312,  2  fgs.)  Resumes 
data  in  K.  Rasmussen's  The  People 
of  the  North  (London,   1908), 

Araujo  (O.)  Significado  de  la  voz 
"  Uruguay."  (An,       de       Instruc. 

Prim.,  Montevideo,  1908,  v,  762- 
767.)  Discusses  briefly  the  half- 
dozen  or  more  etymologies  offered 
and  decides  in  favor  of  "  river  of 
birds."  This  derivation  is  set  forth 
in    Juan    Zorrilla    de    San    Martin's 


ISO 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


Tabare:  Indice  alfabetico  de  algunas 
voces  indigenas   (Montevideo,    1888). 

Arikara  Creation  myth.  (J.  Amer. 
Folk-Lore,  Boston,  1909,  xxii,  90- 
92.) 

Arnold  {Mary  E.)  and  Reed  {Mabel). 
An  Indian  new  year.  (So.  Wkmn., 
Hampton,  Va.,  1909,  xxxviii,  24-27, 
2  fgs.)  Brief  account  of  the  pic- 
cioivish,  or  night  dances,  and 
"  shoot-mark,"  of  the  "  New  Year  " 
ceremonies  in  the  first  dark  of  the 
moon  in  September  among  the  Karok 
Indians  on  the  Klamath  river,  Cali- 
fornia. The  dances  last  3  days  and 
it  is  the  only  time  when  Indian  dress 
is  worn.  A  curious  figure  is  the 
"  Santa  Claus,"  or  medicine-man. 
The  old  regime  is  fast  disappearing 
and  few  Indians  know  much  about 
many  of  these  rites. 

Azul  (J.)  How  the  earth  was  made. 
An  Indian  legend.  (Assembly  Her- 
ald, Phila.,  1909,  XV,  70-71,  I  fg.) 
Creation  legend  (first  man  out  of 
darkness  ;  dust-ball  cast  into  air,  flat- 
tened and  enlarged ;  sun  and  moon 
made,  also  stars,  trees  and  plants, 
animals,  birds,  lastly  humans ;  flood 
caused  by  tears  of  baby ;  people 
turned  to  stone  on  mountain ;  new 
people  made).  A.  is  grandson  of 
the  Christian  chief  of  the  Arizona 
Pima,    Antonio   Azul. 

B.  Cerro  de  Pasco.  (Globus,  Brn- 
schwg.,  1908,  xciii,  335-336.)  Con- 
tains some  notes  on  the  houses, 
church,  market,  costume  of  people, 
etc.,  of  this  mining  town  in  the  heart 
of  the  Peruvian  Cordilleras. 

Barrett  (S.  A.)  Pomo  basketry. 
(Univ.  Calif.  Publ.  Amer.  Arch,  and 
Ethnol.,  1908,  VII,  133-278,  17  pL, 
231  fgs.)  Treats  of  materials  (fibers 
and  rods ;  feather  and  shell  decora- 
tion a  characteristic  feature),  tech- 
nique (great  variety ;  twining,  wick- 
erwork,  coiling),  forms  (great  va- 
riety), ornamentation  (design  ar- 
rangement ;  elemental  designs ;  tri- 
angular, rectangular,  rhomboidal, 
linear,  zigzag,  diamond,  quail-plume, 
etc.),  patterns  (diagonal  or  spiral 
patterns ;  triangles  with  zigzags,  rec- 
tangles, rhomboids,  triangles,  lines, 
etc. ;  crossing  patterns  bordering  tri- 
angles ;  horizontal  or  banded  pat- 
terns ;  patterns  covering  the  entire 
surface),  elemental  and  pattern 
names  (qualifying  terms),  etc.,  glos- 
sary (pp.  266-276).  The  pattern  ar- 
rangements show  striking  variety  and 
the  ornamentation  "  consists  of  a 
great  number  of  complex  and  varied 


patterns  each  composed  of  simple  de- 
sign elements,  such  as  lines,  triangles, 
rectangles,  rhomboids,  etc."  Wick- 
erwork  is  used  little,  both  twining 
and  coiling  extensively.  A  valuable 
feature  of  this  monograph  is  the 
wealth  of  aboriginal  terms  recorded. 
The  Pomo  "  from  birth  until  death 
used  basketry  for  every  possible  pur- 
pose,"— secular  and  ceremonial. 

Barry  (P.)  Folk-music  in  America. 
(J.  Amer.  Folk-Lore,  Boston,  1909, 
XXII,  72-81.) 

Bartels  (P.)  Kasuistische  Mitteilung 
fiber  den  Mongolenfleck  bei  Eskimo. 
(Z.  f.  Ethnol.,  Berlin,  1909,  xli, 
721-725,  2  fgs.)  Cites  data  from  F. 
Stecker,  a  missionary  at  Bethel,  Kus- 
kokwim  river,  Alaska,  as  to  "  Mon- 
golian spots"  in  Eskimo, — some  15 
cases  in  children  from  2  weeks  to  3 
years  were  met  with.  Spots  were 
also  noted  in  adults,  on  the  face, 
nose,  etc.  The  Eskimo  believe  that 
children  born  with  '"  blue  spots  "  will 
have  brothers  and  sisters.  The  na- 
tive  name    is   keumerit,   "  blue   spot." 

Bascom  (L.  R.)  Ballads  and  songs  of 
western  North  Carolina.  (J.  Amer. 
Folk-Lore,  Boston,  1909,  xxii,  238- 
250.) 

Bauer  (F.  M.)  Feste  der  Indianer  in 
Peru.  (Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1908, 
xciv,  109-110.)  Brief  account  of  the 
festivities  (processions,  masquerades, 
bull-fights)  of  the  modern  Peruvian 
Indians  under  Christian  influence. 
The  chief  village  dignitaries  are  the 
Majordomo  and  the  Capitan. 

Bauer  (W.)  Heidentum  und  Aber- 
glaube  unter  den  Magateca-Indianern. 
(Z.  f.  Ethnol.,  Berlin,  1908,  xl,  857- 
865.)  Treats  of  life  after  death  (wan- 
dering of  dead, — no  word  for  "  soul," 
— through  the  "  realm  of  animals  "  ; 
partial  metempsychosis  and  meta- 
morphosis of  men  into  animals  as 
reward  and  gift  of  the  gods ;  no 
real  cult  of  the  dead ;  mixture  of 
heathen  and  Catholic  doctrines  (in- 
vocation of  the  "  lords  of  the  moun- 
tains"), the  magic  bundle  and  cere- 
monies connected  with  it  (differing 
somewhat  on  the  Rio  Tonto  and  in 
the  mountains  near  Huautla), 
"  magic  "  and  "  medicine  "  (as  much 
esteemed  now  as  under  caciques ; 
shamans  approved  by  tests ;  offering 
of  first-gathered  ear  of  maize)  ;  cur- 
ing the  sick  (very  little  knowledge  of 
herbs  ;  sweat  house  ;  "  sucking  out  " 
of  disease  by  ciirandero ;  "invoking 
the  spirit  "  ;  conjurations)  ;  washing 
hands    of    god-parents    (mixture    of 


Periodical  Literature 


151 


heathenism  and  Christianity).  The 
influence  of  Aztec  culture  is  unmis- 
takable (the  shamans'  calendar  is 
perhaps  borrowed).  The  Mazatec, 
some  18,000  or  20,000  in  number,  are 
scattered  over  the  N.  E.  part  of  the 
State  of  Oaxaca,  and  their  last 
cacique  died  about  1880.  Their 
own  name  is  a  a  (nasal). 
Baulig  (H.)  Sur  la  distribution  des 
moyens  de  transport  et  de  circula- 
tion chez  les  indigenes  de  I'Amerique 
du    Nord.      (Ann.    de    Geogr.,    Paris, 

1908,  XVII,  433-456,  map.)  Well- 
documented  study  of  means  of  travel 
and  transportation  among  N.  Ameri- 
can Indians  in  Arctic  region  (dog- 
sled,  kayak,  umiak),  northern  forest 
(sled,  toboggan,  snow-shoe,  bark 
canoe,  etc.),  Atlantic  region  (travel 
on  foot,  dug-out).  Great  Plains 
'(bull-boat,  travois,  sled).  Plateaus 
and  interior  basins  ("packing"), 
Paciiic  coast  (great  dug-outs  and 
pirogues  in  north,  smaller  in  south ; 
farther  south,  rude  balsas,  etc.). 
The  adaptation  to  natural  conditions 
is  noteworthy  everywhere.  The  In- 
dian trails  (following  "  buffalo 
tracks  ")  have  become  the  highways 
and    railroads    of   to-day. 

Bean  (R.  B.)  A  theory  of  heredity  to 
explain  the  types  of  the  white  race. 
(Philip.  J.  Sci.,  Manila,  1908,  in, 
215-225,  5  fgs.,  7  pi.)  Based  on 
measurements  of  923  male  and  116 
female  students  at  the  University  of 
Michigan  1905-1907,  among  whom 
"  4  primary,  4  secondary  and  5 
blended  types"  were  noted.  Feminine 
types  are  nearer  in  form  to  the  primi- 
tive, not  having  become  so  differenti- 
ated. The  prehistoric  types  of  man  in 
Europe  have  persisted  to  the  present 
time,  and  are  found  in  America 
somewhat  modified ;  other  types  are 
found  representing  later  intrusions 
into  Europe, — a  complete  fusion  of 
all  types  is  in  view.  The  trend  of 
the  "  American  type  "  is  "  in  the  di- 
rection of  increasing  height,  blended 
coloring  and  mesocephaly."  Blend 
no.  I  of  the  white  race  in  Europe 
was  the  Celt-Iberian. 

Beatty  (A.)  Some  ballad  variants  and 
songs.     (J.  Amer.  Folk-Lore,  Boston, 

1909,  XXII,  63-71.) 

Bergen  (J.  T.)  Our  Sisseton  pastors. 
(Assembly  Herald,  Phila.,  1909,  xv, 
64-68.)  Notes  on  Rev.  J.  Rogers 
(full-blood  Santee),  Rev.  J.  Eastman 
(Sisseton  with  French  strain).  Rev. 
I.  Renville  (Sisseton  and  French), 
Rev.   M.   Makey   (full-blood  Dakota) 


and  other  preachers.  At  the  church 
of  White  River  one  of  the  elders  is 
a  son  of  Sitting  Bull. 

Beuchat  (H.)  et  Rivet  (P.)  La 
langue  Jibaro  ou  Siwora.  (Anthro- 
pos,  Modling-Wien,  1909,  iv,  805- 
822.)  History  of  study,  list  of 
sources,  grammatical  sketch  (pp. 
810-822)  with  lexicographical  and 
morphological  notes,  based  on  ma- 
terial in  the  Macas,  Gualaquiza, 
Aguaruna  and  Zamora  dialects.  The 
authors  show  that  the  Xebera  (on 
which  Brinton  based  his  Jivaro 
stock)  is  a  stock  by  itself  and  not 
related  to  Jibaro,  which,  however, 
according  to  Drs  B.  and  R.,  is  not 
an  independent  linguistic  stock. 

La   famille   linguistique    Ca- 

huapana.  (Z.  f.  Ethnol.,  Berlin, 
1909,  XLi,  616-634.)  Proposes  to 
style  Cahuapana  (from  one  of  the 
tribes  concerned)  a  linguistic  stock, 
combining  the  Maina  of  Brinton  and 
Xebero  or  Jebero,  and  occupying  (or 
having  occupied)  the  territory  east  of 
the  Jibaros,  south  of  the  Zaparos, 
west  of  the  Panos,  Yameos,  etc.,  and 
northeast  of  the  Quichuas  in  the 
Ecuador-Peruvian  region.  The  list 
of  tribes  given  includes  the  Ata- 
guates,  Cahuapanas,  Chayavitas, 
Chonchos,  Jeberos,  Lamas,  Mainas, 
Roamainas,  etc.  A  comparative 
Jebero-Maina-Cahuapana  vocabulary 
is  given  (pp.  622-623),  some  gram- 
matical notes  (623-625),  a  French 
Cahuapana  vocabulary  (625-630)  and 
texts  (with  interlinear  French  ver- 
sions) of  the  Pater  Noster  in  Jebero, 
Maina  and  Cahuapana ;  also  Ca- 
huapana texts  of  the  Ave  Maria,  the 
Credo,  the  Salve  Regina,  the  Act  of 
Contrition. 

Beyer  (H.)  Der  Siiden  in  der  Gedank- 
enwelt  Alt-Mexikos.  (Mitt.  d.  An- 
throp.  Ges.  in  Wien,  1908,  xxxviii. 
228-231.)  Discusses  the  idea  of  the 
"  south "  among  the  ancient  Mexi- 
cans (Codex  Borgia,  etc.),  names  for 
"  south,"  etc.  The  "  south "  was 
correlated  with  noon,  the  heat  of  the 
sun,  day  (as  opposed  to  night), 
summer,  sun  (eagle),  fire  (stag), 
drought  (stag),  rainy  season,  rain, 
vegetation  {Xipe  Totec),  rain-god 
(Tlaloc),  water  (atl),  flame  (butter- 
fly), burnt  earth  (tlachinolli),  de- 
scending red  sun-god,  red  quadruped 
(stag),  red  bird  (Arara),  red  bird- 
head  (vulture-head),  red  maize  god 
(Tlatlauhqiii  cinteotl),  red  Tescatli- 
poca,  etc. 


152 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


Uber    den     mexicanischen     Gott 

Quetzalcoatl.  (Ibid.,  1909,  xxxix, 
87-89,  4  fgs.)  Treats  of  the  repre- 
sentations, etc.,  of  Quetzalcoatl  in 
the  art  of  the  ancient  Mexicans. 
According  to  B.,  Quetzalcoatl  is  the 
god  of  the  Mexican  zodiac,  and  to  its 
last  constellation,  the  termination  of 
the  zodiacal  serpent,  attached  natur- 
ally such  ideas  as  "  end,"  "  death," 
"  under  world,"  etc.  It  was  sepa- 
rated from  Quetzalcoatl  as  a  special 
mythological  figure  and  the  latter  in- 
corporated particularly  the  ideas  be- 
longing to  the  first  constellation. 

Die  Naturgrundlage  des  mexi- 
canischen Gottes  Xiuhtecutli.  (R.  d. 
£t.  Ethnogr.  et  SocioL,  Paris,  1908, 
I.  394-397-)  B.  seeks  to  identify 
Xiuhtecutli,  the  patron  of  the  red 
arara,  as  a  sun-god,  or  day-god. 
His  festival  is  also  discussed. 

Tamoanchan,      das      altmexikan- 

ische  Paradies.  (Anthropos,  Wien, 
1908,  III,  870-874.)  B.  seeks  to 
identify  Tamoanchan,  the  ancient 
Mexican  Paradise,  with  the  Milky 
Way,  and  to  interpret  its  other 
names  and  relations  in  that  light 
(Aztec  and  Maya  mythology  coin- 
cides on  this  point). 

Der    "  Drache "    der   Mexikaner. 

(Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1908,  xciii, 
157-158,  II  fgs.)  Treats  of  the 
"  dragon  "  in  ancient  Mexican  myth- 
ology,— the  "  feathered  serpent," 
Quetzalcoatl,  identified  by  B.  with 
Xhihcoatl.  B.  holds  that  the  au- 
thors of  the  ancient  Mexican  calen- 
dar-system had  a  zodiacal  circle  of 
13  parts,  of  which  Quetzalcoatl-Xiuh- 
coatl  was  the  first  and  the  last  mem- 
ber, 

Die     Polarkonstellation    in    den 

Mexikanisch  -  Zentralamerikanischen 
Bilderhandschriften.  (A.  f.  An- 
throp.,  Brnschwg.,  1909,  n.  f.,  vii, 
345-348,  12  fgs.)  Treats  of  the 
polar  constellation  in  the  ancient 
Mexican  and  Maya  MSS.,  the  signs 
and  names  for  "  north,"  etc.,  the 
monkey-head  sign  for  the  constella- 
tion "  monkey,"  representing  the  cir- 
cumpolar  region  of  the  sky,  etc. 

The  natural  basis  of  some  Mexi- 
can gods.  (Amer.  Antiq.,  Salem, 
Mass.,  1909,  XXXI,  19-22.)  Treats 
of  the  goddess  Chantico,  a  solar 
deitj',  Itzpapalotl  ("  obsidian  butter- 
fly," a  personification  of  the  southern 
hemisphere  of  the  nocturnal  sky), 
Tezcatlipoca  ("  black  "  and  "  red  " 
forms,  identified  with  the  starry 
vault),   Hitzilipochtli    (identical  with 


the    "  red "    form    of    Tezcatlipoca), 
etc, 

Biasutti  ( — )  Presentazione  di  tre 
crani  Haida.  (A.  p,  I'Antrop,,  Fi- 
renze,  1908,  xxxviii,  355.)  Note  on 
3  notably  large  Haida  skulls  from 
Skidegate  presented  to  the  Italian 
Anthropological  Society  by  Rev.  Dr 
Llwyd  of  Seattle,  and  now  in  the 
Florence  Anthropological  Museum. 

Blackiston  (A.  H.)  Recently  discov- 
ered cliff-dwellings  of  the  Sierras 
Madres.  (Rec.  of  Past,  Wash.,  1909, 
VIII,  20-32,  14  fgs.)  Gives  results 
of  author's  explorations  of  cliff- 
dwellings  in  a  large  cave  on  La 
Madre  Bonita  mountain.  No  human 
bones  were  found,  and  everything 
indicated    peaceful    occupation. 

Blanchard  (R.)  Les  tableaux  de  metis- 
sage  au  Mexique.  (J.  Soc.  d.  Amer. 
de  Paris,  1908,  N.  s.,  viii,  59-66,  2 
fgs.)  Treats  of  the  paintings  repre- 
senting mixed  bloods  (various  de- 
grees of  metissage  of  whites  with  In- 
dians and  negroes  in  Mexico)  in  the 
Paris  Museum  of  Natural  History 
and  the  National  Museum  of  Mexico. 
The  10  paintings  (each  representing 
father,  mother  and  child,  at  their  or- 
dinary occupations,  etc.)  in  the  Paris 
Museum  were  the  work  of  Ignacio 
de  Castro  some  time  in  the  18th 
century,  and  the  other  16  in  Mexico 
were  possibly  his,  or  came  from  his 
studio.  The  large  canvas  in  Mexico 
is  from  the  brush  of  another  artist. 
Certain  differences  in  the  categories 
in  the  three  works  are  pointed  out. 
The  numerical  and  graphic  expres- 
sions of  the  16  degrees  of  metissage 
and  the  Spanish  names  are  given. 
The  Castro  paintings  have  been 
studied  in  detail  by  the  late  E.  T. 
Hamy  in  his  Decades  AmericaiiCE. 
See   Zaborowski    (S.). 

Boas  (F.)  Eine  Sonnensage  der  Tsim- 
schian.  (Z.  f.  Ethnol.,  Berlin,  1908, 
XL,  776-797.)  Gives,  with  glossary 
and  interpretative  grammatical  notes, 
the  phonetic  text  in  native  language 
(and  German  translation)  of  the 
Tsimshian  legend  of  the  day-star 
and  the  night-star.  The  story  is  a 
variant  of  the  myth  of  the  origin  of 
the  sun,  characteristic  of  the  Sho- 
shonean  area  farther  south.  The 
tale  of  the  "  test-sun,"  known  also  to 
the  Kutenai,  does  not  occur  among 
the  Salishan  tribe  lying  between  the 
Tsimshian    and   the    Shoshoni. 

Needle-case  from  Grinnell  Land. 

(Amer.     Anthrop.,     Lancaster,     Pa., 
1909,  N.  s.,  XI,  135-136,  I  fg.) 


Periodical  Literature 


153 


Brannon  (P.  A.)  Aboriginal  remains 
in  the  middle  Chattahoochee  valley 
of  Alabama  and  Georgia.  (Ibid., 
186-198,  9  fgs.) 

Breton  (A.)  Archeology  in  Mexico. 
(Man,  Lond.,  1908,  viii,  34-37,  3 
fgs.)  Briefly  resumes  the  investiga- 
tions of  Batres  at  Teotihuacan  and 
of  Maler  at  Acanceh  in  Yucatan. 

von  Buchwald  (O.)  Die  Kara.  (Glo- 
bus, Brnschwg.,  1908,  xciv,  123-125.) 
Argues  on  historical  and  linguistic 
grounds  (place-names,  etc.)  extinct 
Caras  of  Quito  region  of  Ecuador 
were  one  with  the  modern  Colorados, 
or  rather  the  Cayapa  correspond  to 
Caras  and  the  Colorados  to  the  con- 
federate Puruha.  According  to  von 
Buchwald,  the  Colorado  language 
contains  (outside  of  certain  numer- 
als) a  large  number  of  words  re- 
lated to  Quichua  and  Aymara  ;  some 
also   like   Chimu. 

Altes    und    Neues    vom    Guayas. 

(Ibid.,  181-183.)  Notes  on  the 
Guayas  region  of  Ecuador,  ancient 
and  modern :  Balsas,  canoes,  fishing 
(use  of  barbasco  for  benumbing  fish, 
ancient  house  and  furniture  (In- 
dians have  but  one  word  for  mosquito 
net  and  bed,  i.  e.,  cama,  "bed"), 
agriculture  and  labor  smack  of  the 
ancient  conditions,  place-names.  Ac- 
cording to  V.  B.  "  the  Canelos  now 
speak  Quichua,  while  in  Andoas  a 
degenerate  dialect  of  the  same  lan- 
guage is  found." 

Zur      Wandersage      der      Kara. 

(Ibid.,  1909,  xcv,  316-319,  map.) 
Cites  from  the  Historia  of  the  Jesuit 
Father  Anello  Oliva,  written  in  1598 
and  published  at  Lima  in  1895,  the 
migration  legend  of  the  Kara  as  told 
by  Katari,  cacique  of  Cochabamba 
and  hereditary  chronicler  of  the 
Incas.  Father  Oliva  regarded  the 
tale  as  fabulous,  v.  B.  seeks  to  show 
at  least  a  kernel  of  historical  truth 
in  it,  as  the  local  coloring  indicates 
(the  delta  of  the  Guayas,  etc.). 
This  legend  gives  the  real  genealogy 
of  the  Incas  from  Tumbe ;  the  table, 
according  to  v.  B.,  was  afterwards 
falsified  at  Quito. 

Bushnell  (D.  I.,  Jr.)  Shell  em- 
broidery from  Florida.  (Amer.  An- 
throp.,  Lancaster,  Pa.,  1909,  n.  s., 
XI,  320-321,  I  fg.) 

Primitive      salt-making     in      the 

Mississippi  valley.  (Man,  Lond., 
1908,  VIII,  65-70,  I  pi.,  4  fgs.) 
Treats  of  the  stone-lined  and  pottery- 
lined  graves  near  Kiswick,  Jefferson 
Co.,    Missouri,    discovered    in    1902, 


and  the  difference  between  the  pot- 
tery from  near  the  spring  in  the 
lowland  and  that  found  on  the 
higher.  The  contents  of  22  graves 
are  indicated.  According  to  B., 
"the  graves  and  all  objects  found  in 
the  upper  area, — including  the  salt- 
pans,— were  unquestionably  made  by 
the  Shawnees,  or  rather  a  branch  of 
that  tribe."  To  them  may  belong 
also  the  cloth-marked  pottery  from 
near  the  spring. 
Chamberlain  (A.  F.)  Some  Kutenai 
linguistic  material.  (Amer.  Anthrop., 
Lancaster,  Pa.,  1909,  n.  s.,  xi,  13- 
26.) 

Kutenai    basketry.      (Ibid.,    318- 

319-).. 

Uber  Personennamen  der  Kiton- 

aqa-Indianer  von  Britisch-Kolumbien. 
(Z.  f.  Ethnol.,  Berlin,  1909,  XLi,  378- 
380.)  Cites  53  names  of  men  and 
women  of  the  Kutenai  tribes  of  S. 
E.  British  Columbia  and  N.  Idaho, 
with    etymologies    where    known. 

Der  "  Kartensinn  "  der  Kitonaqa- 

Indianer.  (Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1909, 
xcv,  270-271,  4  fgs.)  Notes  the  pos- 
session by  the  Kutenai  Indians  of  a 
"map-sense  "  and  reproduces  3  river- 
maps   made  by  them. 

(A.  F.)   and   (I.  C.)      Studies  of 

a  child.  IV.  Meanings  and  "  Defi- 
nitions "  in  the  4th  and  48th  months. 
(Pedag.  Sem.,  Worcester,  1909,  xvi, 
64-103.)  Give  some  1000  ''  defini- 
tions "  in  form  given  by  authors' 
little   daughter. 

Chamberlin  (R.  V.)  Some  plant- 
names  of  the  Ute  Indians.  (Amer. 
Anthrop.,  Lancaster,  Pa.,  1909,  n.  s., 
XI,  27-40.) 

Channing  (W.)  and  Wissler  (C.)  The 
hard  palate  in  normal  and  feeble- 
minded individuals.  (Anthrop.  Pap. 
Amer.  Mus.  Nat.  Hist.,  N.  Y.,  1908, 
I,  283-349,  8  fgs.,  9  pi.)  Detailed 
discussion  with  numerous  tables,  of 
measurements  with  Boas  apparatus 
of  casts  of  hard  palate  of  some  1000 
feeble-minded  individuals  and  500 
school-children  with  certain  other 
control-measurements  (the  tabulated 
data,  including  age,  stature,  weight, 
and,  for  the  feeble-minded  also  head- 
measurements,  are  on  file  at  the  Mu- 
seum). There  seems  to  be  "a  slight 
difference  in'  the  degree,  but  not  in 
the  kind  of  variability  between  the 
normal  and  feeble-minded."  Such 
differences  are  due  to  "  a  general  re- 
tardation effect  during  the  first  few 
years    of    life." 


154 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


Cobb  (C.)  Some  human  habitations. 
(Nat.  Geogr.  Mag.,  Wash.,  1908, 
XIX,  509-S15,  3  fgs-,  2  pi.)  Treats 
of  fishermen's  camps,  Shackelford 
Bank,  North  Carolina ;  Seminole  In- 
dian hut  at  Miami,  Fla. ;  goat-herd- 
er's house  in  Texas ;  harvest  huts 
(annually  built)  on  the  now  drained 
lake  of  Sabii  (Italy),  prehistoric  in 
type. 

Cross  (J.  F.)  Eskimo  children.  (So. 
Wkmn.,  Hampton,  Va.,  1908,  xxxvii, 
433-437,  6  fgs.)  Reprinted  from  the 
American  Missionary  Magazine, — 
author  is  missionary  at  Cape  Prince 
of  Wales,  Alaska.  Treats  of  affec- 
tion for  children,  early  child-life, 
plays  and  games,  occupations  of 
children,   etc. 

Cross  (T.  P.)  Folk-lore  from  the 
Southern  States.  (J.  Amer.  Folk- 
Lore,    Boston,    igoq,    xxii,    251-255.) 

Cubas  (A.  G.)  and  Maudslay  (A.  P.) 
Piano  hecho  en  papel  de  maguey, 
que  se  conserva  en  el  Museo  Nacio- 
nal  de  Mexico.  (An.  d.  Mus.  Nac. 
de  Arqueol.,  Mexico,  1909,  i,  49-54. 
I  pi.)  Treats  of  a  plan  on  maguey- 
paper  in  the  Mexican  National  Mu- 
seum, evidently  a  plan  of  the  west- 
ern portion  of  the  barrios  of  Tlalte- 
lolco,  Cuepopan  and  Moyotla  of  the 
old  city  of  Tenochtitlan    (Mexico). 

Davis  (J.  B.)  Two  Cherokee  charms. 
(Ann.  Arch,  and  Anthrop.,  Liverpool, 
1909,  II,  131-133.)  Gives  English  texts 
of  an  ancient  Cherokee  (Oklahoma) 
"  charm  to  destroy  an  enemy,"  done 
in  the  dark  of  the  moon  to  cause  the 
soul  of  the  other  to  fade  away,  and 
of  a  charm  for  snake-bite.  Also  a 
few  items  of  white  folk-lore  from 
Oklahoma  (charm  for  burned  child, 
charm  to  hive  swarming  bees). 

The     liver-eater :      a      Cherokee 

story.  (Ibid.,  134-138.)  English 
text  only  a  tale  of  "  Liver-Eater " 
or  "  Spear-Finger,"  a  witch-story. 
The  author  is  of  Cherokee  descent. 

Debenedetti  (S.)  Excursion  arque- 
ologica  a  las  nunas  de  Kipon,  Valle 
Calchaqui,  Provincia  de  Salta. 
(Univ.  Nac.  de  Buenos  Aires.,  Publ. 
Secc.  Antrop.,  1908,  No.  4,  1-55.  35 
fgs.,  map.)  Gives  results  of  arche- 
ological  expedition  in  January,  1906, 
to  the  ruins  of  Kipon,  8  kilom.  S. 
of  Payogasta  in  the  Calchaqui  val- 
ley, and  describes  objects  found.  Cir- 
cular, ellipsoid  and  amorphous 
graves,  the  first  two  categories  be- 
ing pircadas. 

Dixon  (R.  B.)  The  mythology  of  the 
Central  and  Eastern  Algonkins.     (J. 


Amer.  Folk-Lore,  Boston,  1909,  xxii, 
1-9.) 
Dr  Walter  Lehmann's  Forschungen  in 
Costa     Rica.        (Globus     Brnschwg., 

1908,  xciv,  367-368.)  From  letter 
of  Oct.  27,  1908,  giving  brief  account 
of  results  of  investigations  in  Costa 
Rica,  —  archeological  (Guanacaste, 
El  Viejo,  Sta.  Barbara,  etc.),  ethno- 
logical (Chiripo  and  Bribri  vocabu- 
laries obtained).  Extensive  archeo- 
logical and  ethnological  collections 
were  made. 

Fischer  (E.)  Patagonische  Musik. 
(Anthropos,  Wien,  1908,  iii,  941- 
951.)  Discusses  the  music  of  the  50 
Patagonian  songs  recorded  on  the 
phonograph  by  R.  Lehmann-Nitsche 
(q.  V.)  :  Tone,  melody,  rhythm,  time, 
etc.  The  general  range  is  tenor- 
baritone;  scales  mostly  series  of 
tones  and  half-tones ;  the  melody  de- 
clines ;  the  composition  is  very 
simple ;  the  value  of  the  rhythm  is 
imcertain. 

Fletcher  (A.  C.)  Standing  Bear.  (So. 
Wkmn.,  Hampton,  Va.,  1909, 
xxxviii,  75-78.)  Treats  of  Monchu- 
non-zhi,  or  "  Standing  Bear "  (d. 
Sept.,  1908),  the  Ponca  chief,  who 
sued  out  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus, 
leading  to  the  famous  decision  of 
Judge  Dundy  in  1879  that  "an  In- 
dian is  a  person  within  the  meaning 
of   the   law,   etc." 

Flores  (C.)  Modo  de  elegir  esposa 
entre  los  indios  naturales  del  pueblo 
de  San  Caspar,  Est.  de  Mexico.  (An. 
d.    Mus.    Nac    de    Arqueol.,    Mexico, 

1909,  I,  59-66.)  Brief  account  of 
the  method  of  choosing  a  wife 
among  the  Aztecan  Indians  of  San 
Caspar,  south  of  Tzompahuacan,  in 
the    State   of   Mexico. 

Forsyth  (L.  M.  N.)  Aztec  ruins  in 
southern  Mexico.  (Rec.  of  Past, 
Wash.,  D.  C,  1909,  VIII.  145-154, 
185-191,  5  fgs.)  Treats  of  the  ruins 
of  Teotitlan  del  Camino  and  vicinity 
(El  Fuerte,  La  Eglesia,  mounds  of 
Petlanco.  Pueblo  Viejo,  Meija,  etc.), 
San  Martin  (ruins,  petroglyphs, 
caves,  etc.)  and  objects  found, — 
stone  implements,  gold  and  silver 
figures,  ornaments,  etc.,  pottery,  clay 
figurines,    etc. 

Fric  (A.  V.)  Die  unbekannten 
Stamme  des  Chaco  Boreal.  (Globus, 
Brnschwg.,  1909,  xcvi,  24-28,  3  fgs.) 
Notes  on  the  Karraim,  Sotegraik, 
Angaite,  Sanapana,  Moro  (or  Moro- 
toko),  Kurumro,  Camakoko,  etc., 
visited   by    the   author.      Account    of 


Periodical  Literature 


155 


Basebigi,  "  the  Alexander  the  Great  " 
of  the  Camakoko.  From  the  Moro 
F.  obtained  wooden  axes,  articles  of 
clothing  and  ornament  (including 
wooden  moccasins),  war-flutes,  etc.; 
and  from  the  Kurumro  a  signal  horn 
and  a  bone  flute. 

Friederici  (G.)  Die  Squaw  als  Ver- 
raterin.  Ein  Beitrag  zur  Psycholo- 
gic des  Weibes.  (Int.  Arch.  f.  Eth- 
nogr.,  Leiden,  1908,  xviii,  121-124.) 
Treats  of  the  role  of  the  squaw  or 
Indian  woman  as  traitor  in  the  re- 
lations of  her  people  with  the  whites. 
Dutch  in  1633;  French  (La  Salle 
and  Tonty)  in  1679;  English  in  1763 
(Pontiac  at  Detroit)  ;  Spanish  (De 
Soto)  ;  English  in  1776  (Cherokee 
at  Watauga)  ;  in  Mexico  (Marina, 
the  mistress  of  Cortez)  ;  in  Darien 
(Fulvia  the  mistress  of  Balboa)  ;  in 
the  Antilles  and  in  S.  America,  sev- 
eral instances  in  early  Spanish  days. 
According  to  Dr  F.,  the  greater  sen- 
suality of  the  Indian  women,  who 
found  the  Europeans  sexually  more 
satisfying,  was  what  often  made  trait- 
ors of  them.  Women's  predilection 
for  the  new,  strange,  foreign,  and 
the  contrast  between  the  life  of  the 
Indian  squaw  and  that  of  the  Euro- 
pean  female,   also   played  a  part. 

Furlong  (C.  W.)  Amid  the  islands  of 
the  Land  of  Fire.  (Harper's  Mo. 
Mag.,  N.  Y.,  1909,  cxviii,  335-347, 
10  fgs.)  Contains  some  notes  on  the 
Yahgan  Indians  of  Ushuaia,  Tierra 
del  Fuego,  and  on  Wagein,  a  Tehuel- 
che  prisoner, — physical  characteris- 
tics, etc.  Ushuaia  is  said  to  mean 
"  mouth  of  the  bay "  in  Yahgan  (p. 
338).  The  number  of  aborigines  in 
the  Territorio  del  Magelhanes  to-day 
is  estimated  at  "  not  over  600 "  as 
compared  with  10,000  fifty  years 
ago. 

Gardner  (W.)  Old  races  unearthed. 
(Amer.  Antiq.,  Salem,  Mass.,  1909, 
XXXI,  77-79.)  Gives  results  of  in- 
vestigations in  September-November, 
1906  of  a  mound  in  Douglas  county, 
Nebraska, — portions  of  9  crania  and 
bones  indicating  as  many  skeletons 
were  found.  The  lower  level  im- 
plements were  crude,  those  of  the 
upper  level,  with  the  crania  indicat- 
ing a  higher  type. 

Gates  (H.)  Traces  of  a  vanished  race 
1.1  Kandiyohi  county,  Minnesota.  (Rec. 
of  Past,  Wash.,  D.  C,  1909,  vi,  155- 
162,  9  fgs.)  Gives  results  of  exca- 
vation in  August,  1907,  of  m.ounds 
on  east  shore  of  Green  Lake  and  ac- 
count  of   objects    found    (skulls    and 


other  human  bones,  fragments  of 
pottery,   flints,   etc.). 

Traces    of    a    vanished    race    in 

Kandiyohi  county,  Minnesota.  (Ibid., 
102-108,  7  fgs.)  Treats  of  the 
"  summit  mounds "  on  the  shore  of 
Green  Lake,  three  of  which  have 
been  opened,  but  one  only  adequately 
excavated,  in  1907.  "Fire  altars" 
or  hearths,  calcined  bones  (none 
human),  etc.,  were  discovered.  They 
may  have  been  "  signal-fire "  or 
"  torture  mounds." 

Gates  (P.  G.)  Indian  stone  struc- 
tures near  Salton  Sea,  California. 
(Amer.  Anthrop.,  Lancaster,  Pa., 
1909,  N.  s.,  XI,  322-325.) 

van  Gennep  (A.)  Netting  without  a 
knot.  (Man,  Lond.,  1909,  lx,  38- 
39,  I  fg.)  Points  out  a  parallel  for 
the  knotless  netting  of  the  Angoni 
(described  by  Miss  Werne-)  in  fish- 
ing-nets of  certain  Indians  of  N.  W. 
Brazil  described  and  figi.ired  Ly  Dr. 
Koch-Griinberg. 

Gensch  (H.)  Worterverzeichnis  der 
Bugres  von  Santa  Catharina.  (Z.  f. 
EthnoL,  Berlin,  1908,  xl,  744-759, 
2  fgs.)  Classified  vocabulary  taken 
down  from  Korikra,  daughter  of  the 
chief  Kanyahama,  killed  by  the 
Bugre-hunters  :  also  texts  of  several 
brief  songs.  Dr  E.  Seler,  who  edited 
the  vocabulary,  furnishes  (pp.  744- 
749)  a  brief  ethnographical,  intro- 
duction. 

Giglioli  (E.)  II  XVI  Congresso  In- 
ternazionale  degli  Americanisti  a 
Vienna  8-14  settembre  1908.  (A.  p. 
I'Antrop.,  Firenze,  1908,  xxxviii, 
329-333).  Resume  of  proceedings, 
list  of  chief  papers,  etc. 

Gilder  (R.  F.)  The  "  Spanish  Dig- 
gings," Wyoming.  (Rec.  of  Past., 
Wash.,  D.  C,  1909,  viii,  3-10,  6  fgs.) 
According  to  Mr  G.,  "  There  is  con- 
clusive evidence  that  there  was  a 
vast  population  here  at  the  time 
these  quarries  were  worked,"  and 
there  is  no  section  of  the  entire 
world  which  can  show  any  quarries 
of  such  magnitude  as  the  '  Spanish 
Diggings.'  Immense  numbers  of 
stone  implements  of  jasper,  flint, 
quartzite,  etc.,  must  have  been  be- 
gun or  finished  here.  The  author 
thinks  the  so-called  "  mound-build- 
ers "  took  most  of  the  product  of 
these   quarries. 

Excavation   of  earth-lodge  ruins 

in  eastern  Nebraska.  (Amer.  An- 
throp., Lancaster,  Pa.,  1909,  n.  s.,  xi, 
56-79,  7  fgs.,  6  pi.).  See  Hrdlicka 
(A.). 


156 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


Giuffrida-Ruggeri  (V.)  Die  Entdec- 
kungen  Florentino  Ameghino's  und 
der  Ursprung  des  Menschen.  (Glo- 
bus, Brnschwg.,  1908,  xciv,  21-26, 
2  fgs.)  Resumes  and  discusses  Ame- 
ghino's discoveries  of  fossil  men  and 
apes  in  the  Argentine,  Patagonia, 
etc.,  as  set  forth  in  his  Les  forma- 
tions sedimentaires  du  cretace  supe- 
rieiir  et  du  tertiaire  de  Patagonie, 
published  in  the  Anales  del  Mitseo 
Nacional  de  Buenos  Aires  for  1906. 
Also  treats  of  the  various  theories 
of  the  characters  of  the  most  primi- 
tive type  of  man  (Ranke,  Hagen, 
Kollmann,  Schvifalbe,  etc.).  The 
great  antiquity  of  the  skulls  of  Mira- 
mar  {Homo  pampaeus,  A.)  etc.,  is 
doubted  by  G.-R.,  who  differs  also 
from  Ameghino  in  other  respects 
(the  S.  American  origin  of  man,  the 
recapitulation  theory  in  extreme, 
etc.)-  Ameghino's  views  find  sup- 
port in  Ranke  and  Kollmann.  His 
view  that  the  Saimiri  is  the  direct 
descendant  of  the  tertiary  Homuncu- 
lidae  is  more  favorably  viewed  by 
G.-R.,  who  holds  a  theory  of  the 
precocious  and  independent  origin  of 
man.  According  to  G.-R.,  the  Aus- 
tralian, in  his  bodily  proportions, 
corresponds  to  the  stage  of  the  Euro- 
pean youth. 

Un  nuovo  precursore  dell'  uomo. 

II  "  Tetraprothomo  argentinus." 
(Riv.  d'ltalia,  Roma,  1909,  xii,  137- 
147,  3  fgs.)  Describes  after  Ame- 
ghino the  Tetraprothomo  argentinus, 
determined  from  a  femur  and  atlas 
discovered  in  the  fossiliferous  stra- 
tum of  Monte  Hermoso,  about  60 
km.  N.  E.  of  Bahia  Blanca,  and  dis- 
cusses its  position  in  the  evolutional 
series.  As  the  name  indicates,  Ame- 
ghino places  3  successive  genera  be- 
tween it  and  man, — Triprothoino. 
Diprothomo  and  Prothomo.  Ame- 
ghino sees  the  evolution  of  man  in 
S.  America.  The  origin  of  such  pre- 
cursors of  man  G.-R.  would  attribute 
to  "mutation"    (De  Vries). 

de  Goeje  (C.  H.)  Beitrage  zur  Volk- 
erkunde  von  Surinam.  (Int.  Arch, 
f.  Ethnogr.,  Leiden,  1909,  xix,  1-34, 
20  pi.,  30  fgs.)  Gives  results  of 
expedition  to  Surinam  (Kalinas, 
Arawaks,  Ojanas  and  Trios  Indians)  : 
Physical  character  (old  men  of  50- 
60  years  not  rare  among  Trios), 
clothing  and  ornament  (particularly 
in  dances),  villages,  houses  and  fur- 
niture, canoes,  food,  weapons  and 
implements,  weaving,  ornamentation 
and   drawing    (explanation   of  figures 


and  designs,  pp.  6-10;  numerous 
face-paintings  and  original  draw- 
ings), music  (flute  and  dance  melo- 
dies), mythology  and  folk-lore, 
shamanism,  customs  and  usages 
(evil  spirits,  flood-legend,  "cure"  of 
medicine-men,  death-festival, — text 
of  song  sung  by  women,  other  dances 
and  festivals,  wasp-test  of  youths), 
character  of  Indians,  names  (per- 
sonal and  tribal,  geographical),  etc. 
The  illustrations  are  excellent.  This 
article  is  a  supplement  to  the  author's 
previous  monograph  in  Vol.  xvii  of 
the  same  journal.  The  description 
of  the  expedition  has  appeared  in 
Vol.  XXV,  2d  s.  of  the  Tijdschr.  v.  h. 
Konink.  Nederl.  Aardrijksk.  Gen. 
(1908). 
Colder  (F.  A.)  Eskimo  and  Aleut 
stories  from  Alaska.  (J.  Amer. 
Folk-Lcre,  Boston,  1909,  xxii,  10- 
24.) 
Hamy  (E.  T.)  Les  voyages  de  Rich- 
ard Grandsire  de  Calais  dans 
I'Amerique  du  Sud,  1817-1827.  (J. 
Soc.  d.  Amer.  de  Paris,  1908,  n.  s., 
V,  1-20.)  Grandsire  saw  gauchos  at 
Montevideo,  traveled  in  Brazil,  Uru- 
guay, Paraguy,  etc.,  and  died  on  the 
banks  of  the  Jary,  among  the  Ca- 
joeira  Indians. 

Les    Indiens    de    Raselly    peints 

par  Du  Viert  et  graves  par  Firens 
et  Gaultier  (161 3).  fitude  icono- 
graphique  et  ethnographique.  (Ibid., 
21-52,  6  fgs.,  I  pi.)  Treats  of  three 
interesting  documents  dating  from 
1 61 3, — engravings  by  Firens  and 
Gaultier  after  paintings  by  Du  Viert 
of  the  "  Topinambou "  Indians  from 
the  island  of  Maragnon,  brought  to 
France  by  the  Sieur  de  Razilly.  At 
pp.  28-40  is  reprinted  the  account 
of  the  return  of  de  Razilly  with 
these  Indians,  from  the  Mercure 
frangois  of  161 7,  with  additions 
from  Father  C.  d'Abbeville's  Hist. 
de  la  Miss,  des  Peres  Capucins  en 
I'Isle  Maragnon  (Paris,  1614).  The 
Indians  in  question  (the  portraits 
are  here  reproduced)  numbered  6, — 
an  old  chief ;  a  youth,  the  son  of 
one  of  the  principal  men  of  the  is- 
land ;  a  youth  of  20-22  years ;  two 
other  youths  of  about  this  age;  and 
another  warrior  of  38  years.  The 
first  three  died  sometime  after  their 
portraits  had  been  made.  Two  types 
at  least  are  represented  among  them. 
The  three  surviving  were  baptized  at 
Paris  in  1613. 
Harrington  (M.  R.)  Some  unusual 
Iroquois     specimens.        (Amer.     An- 


Periodical  Literature 


157 


throp.,  Lancaster,  Pa.,  1909,  N.  s., 
XI,  85-91,  3  fgs.,  I  pi.) 

Archeology  of  Everglades  re- 
gion, Florida.  (Ibid.,  139-142,  2 
fgs.) 

Among  Louisiana  Indians.     (So. 

Wkmn.,  Hampton,  Va.,  1908,  xxxvii, 
656-661,  5  fgs.)  Notes  of  visit  in 
spring  of  1908  to  Chitimacha  of 
Bayou  Teche  (the  makers  of  the  best 
cane  baskets  in  the  United  States ; 
"  rain  making ")  ;  the  Houma  of 
Terrebonne  parish  (only  2  or  3 
pure  bloods  left ;  language  of  Mus- 
khogean  stock  spoken  by  just  2  old 
women)  ;  Koasati  of  Calcasieu  par- 
ish (some  100  in  number,  still  using 
their  mother-tongue ;  blow-gun ; 
weaving  Spanish  moss  into  saddle 
blankets)  ;  and  Alibamu  (a  few  live 
with  the  Koasati). 

Harsha  (W.  J.)  Social  conditions  on 
Indian  reservations.  (Ibid.,  1909, 
XXXVIII,  441-44S,  4  fgs.)  Notes  on 
the  results  of  the  old  wild  life  and 
the  tribal  usages  surviving  from  the 
social  organization  born  of  it  (e.  g., 
"  Indian  giving,"  absence  of  orphans, 
intense  tribal  pride  coming  from 
crude  socialism),  effects  of  education, 
religion,  etc.,  mescal  eating,  gam- 
bling, granting  of  land  in  severalty, 
marriage  and  divorce,  etc.  Gradual 
absorption  of  the  red  race  by  the 
white  is  predicted. 

■     Industrial    conditions    on    Indian 

reservations.  (Ibid.,  1908,  xxxvii, 
557-566.)  Notes  on  Indians  of 
Warm  Springs,  Oregon,  Apache  pris- 
oners at  Fort  Sill,  Oklahoma,  Sad- 
dle Mountain  Kiowa,  Arapaho  of 
Washita  River.  Uinta  Ute,  effect 
of  irrigation,  Indians  as  laborers, 
etc.  According  to  Supt.  H.,  "  alto- 
gether the  industrial  situation  on  the 
reservations  is  full  of  hope  and 
promise." 

Hartwig  (A.)  Ueber  die  Schadel- 
funde  von  Gentilar  (Z.  f,  Ethnol., 
Berlin,  1908,  xl,  957-960.)  Brief 
account  of  discovery  of  mummied 
skeletons  with  grave-gifts  of  feath- 
ers, weapons,  ornaments,  baskets, 
pottery,  etc.  (no  metal  objects),  at 
Gentilar  (now  but  an  insignificant 
settlement  of  fishing  Indians)  in  the 
pampa  tamiiragal  of  northern  Ata- 
cama  (Chile).  Four  skulls  were 
presented  by  the  author  to  the  An- 
thropological Society.  These  re- 
mains indicate  the  presence  of  man 
in  this  region  at  a  period  when  the 
land  was  fruitful  and  the  environ- 
ment  not   so    harsh.      The   mummies 


were  wrapped  up  in  the  skins  of 
birds  or  in  fabrics  of  vicuiia  wool, 
— the  bird-skins  and  absence  of 
metal  distinguish  the  Gentilar  finds 
from  those  of  Quillagua. 

Heape  (W.)  The  proportion  of  the 
sexes  produced  by  whites  and  colored 
people  in  Cuba.  Abstract.  (Proc. 
R.  Soc,  Ser.  B,  Vol.  81,  London. 
1909,  32-37.)  Based  on  data  of 
chief  sanitary  officer  of  Cuba  for 
1904-5-6.  Treats  of  racial  propor- 
tion of  the  sexes  (white  108.44  m. 
to  100  f . ;  colored  101.12  m.  to  100 
f.),  sexual  ratio  in  legitimate  and 
illegitimate  births  (whites  illegiti- 
mate 104.4  m.  to  100  f.,  legitimate 
107.78  m.  to  100  f. ;  colored  illegiti- 
mate 96.76  m,  to  100  f.,  legitimate 
106.76  m.  to  100  f.),  breeding  sea- 
sons (two  sharply  defined  each  year, 
simultaneous  in  both  races),  effect 
of  breeding  seasons  on  proportion  of 
sexes  (greatest  excess  of  f.  in  both 
races  at  times  of  greatest  fertility), 
limitation  of  effect  of  extraneous 
forces  (heredity  limits  influence), 
effect  of  town  and  country  life  on 
sex  ratio  (higher  proportion  of  f. 
born  in  towns). 

Henning  (P.)  Estudio  sobre  la  fecha 
"  4  Ahau  "  y  la  cronologia  basada  en 
ella.  Escrito  con  motivo  de  la  des- 
obstruccion  de  la  antigua  Teotihuacan. 
(An.  d.  Mus.  Nac.  de  Arqueol.,  Mexi- 
co, 1909,  I,  25-48,  I  pi.)  Argues 
that  "  the  glyph  Ahati  "  represents 
decidedly  the  face  of  Quetzalcoatl- 
Huracan,  as,  according  to  the  abo- 
rigines, he  appeared  at  the  time  of 
the  Ehecato  iiatiith. 

Herrerra  (J.  E.)  El  verdadero  reino 
de  "  El  Dorado."  (Rev.  Histor., 
Lima,  1908,  iii,  124-128.)  Notes  on 
the  gold-mines  of  the  regions  of 
Loreto  and  San  Martin,  the  reality 
upon  which  grew  up  the  legends  of 
El  Dorado,  El  Gran  Paytite,  La 
Casa  del  Sol,  El  Reyno  de  los  Oma- 
guas,  El  Imperio  de  Enin,  Ambaya, 
Rupac-Rupac,  etc. 

Herrick  (E.  P.)  Holy  week  and  Easter 
in  Cuba.  (So.  Wkmn.,  Hampton, 
Va.,  1909,  xxxviii,  212-217,  4  fgs.) 
Written  from  Protestant  point  of 
view. 

Herve  (G.)  Les  observations  de  J. 
Narborough  sur  I'anthropologie  des 
sauvages  de  la  Magellanique.  (R.  de 
I'fic.  d'Anthrop.  de  Paris,  1908,  xviii, 
390-392.)  Reproduces,  from  the 
third  book  of  de  Brosse's  Histoire 
des  navigations  anx  Terres  australes, 
the    notes    of    Narborough    (who    in 


158 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


1669-1671  visited  the  Straits  of 
Magellan  by  command  of  King 
Charles  II)  on  the  savages  of  Eliza- 
beth Is.  and  elsewhere  in  Fuegia. 
They  are  of  considerable  anthropo- 
logical value.  The  English  account 
of  the  voyage  was  published  in  1694. 

Hrdlidka  (A.)  Contribution  to  the 
knowledge  of  tuberculosis  in  the  In- 
dian. (So.  Wkmn.,  Hampton,  Va., 
1908,  XXXVII,  626-634.)  Resumes 
recent  investigations  by  the  author 
among  the  Menominee,  Oglala  Sioux, 
Quinaelt,  Hupa,  Mohave,  and  at  the 
school  at  Phoenix,  Arizona.  The  chief 
causes  are  hereditary  taint  in  the 
young,  development  of  pulmonary 
form  from  tuberculous  glands  or  other 
tuberculous  processes,  facility  of  in- 
fection, exposure  to  wet  and  cold, 
influence  of  other  than  diseases  of 
the  respiratory  tract  (doubtful),  dis- 
sipation, indolence,  etc.,  want  and 
consequent  debilitation,  depressing 
effect  in  non-reservation  schools  on 
the  newly-arrived  child  of  the  nu- 
merous regulations  in  vogue,  contact 
with  white  consumptives,  etc.  See 
for  details  the  author's  volume  on 
this    topic. 

Report   on    the    skeletal    remains 

[found  in  earth-lodges  in  Eastern 
Nebraska].  (Amer.  Anthrop.,  Lan- 
caster, Pa.,  1909,  N.  s.,  XI,  79-84,  I 
fg.)      See   Gilder    (R.   F.) 

Humbert  (J.)  Les  documents  manu- 
scrits  du  British  Museum  relatifs  a 
la  colonization  espagnole  en  Ameri- 
que  et  particulierement  au  Venezuela. 
(J.  Soc.  d.  Amer.  de  Paris,  1908, 
N.  s.,  V,  53-57.)  Notes  on  the  fam- 
ous Welser  (i 528-1 566)  Ms.,  letter 
of  Juan  de  Urpin  (1638),  reports  of 
governors,  etc.,  Mss.  relating  to  the 
"  Guipuzcoan  Company  of  Caracas," 
etc. 

Ignace  (£.)  La  secte  musulmane  des 
Males  du  Bresil  et  leur  revoke  en 
1835.  (Anthropos,  Wien,  1909,  iv, 
99-105,  405-415,  3  fgs.)  First  part 
treats  of  the  theology,  liturgical  rites 
(prayer,  musical  instruments,  year) 
of  the  Males  or  Musulmis  (their  own 
name),  Mahometan  negro  slaves 
from  West  Africa  in  Bahia,  Rio  de 
Janeiro  and  Pernambuco,  concerned 
in  a  revolt  in  1835.  Pt.  II.  gives  the 
historical  data  of  the  revolt. 

Janvier  (T.  A.)  Legends  of  the  City 
of  Mexico.  (Harper's  Mo.  Mag.,  N. 
Y.,  1909,  cxviii,  434-440,  I  fg.) 
English  texts  only  of  Legend  of  the 
Callejon  del  Muerto  (unfulfilled  vow 
and    results),    Legend    of    the    Altar 


del    Perdon    (tale    of    a    miracle-pic- 
ture).    Legend    of    the    Aduana    de 
Santo   Domingo   (love  story). 
Jette  (J.)  On  the  language  of  the  Ten'a. 

II.  (Man,  Lond.,  1908,  viii,  72-74.) 
Treats  of  the  "  emphasizers  "  (agglu- 
tinant  roots,  or  suffixes,  which  are 
added  to  words  in  order  to  make 
them  an  object  of  special  attention) 
a,   yii,   ril. 

On   the   language    of   the   Ten'a. 

III.  (Ibid.,  1909,  IX,  21-25.)  Treats 
of  "  root-nouns,"  number-differentia- 
tion, construction  of  nouns,  compound 
nouns,  etc.,  in  the  Ten'a,  an  Alaskan 
Athapascan  tongue.  "  Root-nouns  " 
are  "  short,  monosyllabic  or  dissyl- 
labic, exceptionally  trisyllabic."  The 
substitution  of  "  equivalent  phrases  " 
for  simple  nouns  is  common.  "  Suf- 
fix nouns "  are  capable  of  all  the 
constructions  of  "  root-nouns."  Apart 
from  exceptional  cases  "  the  number 
of  a  noun  is  not  expressed  by  a 
modification  of  the  noun  itself,  but 
by  a  modification  of  the  verb," — this 
occurs   in    two   ways. 

Kessler  (D.  E.)  The  Indian  influence 
in  Music.  (So.  Wkmn.,  Hampton, 
Va.,  1909,  xxxviii,  168-170.)  The 
author  seems  to  believe  that  the  Ghost 
Dance  music,  the  chant  of  the  thun- 
der-god, the  swan  ceremonial,  the 
Omaha  love-song,  the  lesser  songs 
of  the  Plains  Indians,  the  eagle  cere- 
monials of  the  California  tribes,  etc., 
prove  the  origin  of  the  American 
aborigines  from  "  the  sunken  Atlan- 
tean  continent,"  and  that  "  the  In- 
dian holds  within  himself  the  records 
of  a  soul  civilization  which  it  is  for 
us  to  carry  over  and  restore,  thus 
perpetuating  the  records  of  past  in- 
tellectual   achievement." 

The  passing  of  the  old  cere- 
monial dances  of  the  Southern  Cali- 
fornia Indians.  (Ibid.,  1908,  527- 
538,  6  fgs.)  Treats  in  detail  of  the 
seven  days  Eagle  fiesta  for  the  dead 
in  honor  of  Cinon  Duro,  the  last 
hereditary  chief  (d.  1907)  of  the 
Mesa  Grande  Indians  of  San  Diego 
county. 

Kissenberth  (W.)  Reisebericht  vom 
Araguay,  (Z.  f.  Ethnol.,  Berlin, 
1909,  XLi,  532-533.)  Notes  on  visit 
to  Cayapos  and  Carajas.  K.  ob- 
tained a  fine  ethnological  collection 
of  450  objects,  including  Caraja 
masks,  stone  axes,  lip-stones,  wooden 
vessels,    etc. 

Reisebericht.        (Ibid.,     261-262.) 

Notes  on  travel  in  Maranhao,  1908. 
K.  secured  a  vocabulary  of  ca.  1000 


Periodical  Literature 


159 


words  of  the  Guajajaras,  a  Tupi 
tribe,  now  almost  completely  civil- 
ized, also  a  few  phonographic  records 
of  songs,  etc.  From  a  village  of 
Canella  Indians  150  km.  from  Barra 
do  Corda,  some  ethnographic  notes, 
ethnological  specimens,  photographs, 
a  small  vocabulary,  etc.,  were  ob- 
tained. 

Koch-Griinberg  (T.)  Indianische 
Frauen.  (Arch.  f.  Anthrop.,  Brn- 
schwg.,  1909,  N.  F.,  VIII,  91-100,  3 
fgs.,  I  pi.)  Treats  of  women  and 
their  life  among  the  Kobeua,  Desana, 
_  etc.,  of  the  region  of  the  Icana  and 
Caiary-Uaupes  region  of  N.  W.  Bra- 
zil. Initiation  of  girls,  marriage- 
ceremonies  (exogamy ;  polygamy 
comparatively  rare ;  adultery  very 
rare ;  divorce  easy,  where  no  chil- 
dren), position  of  women  (rather 
high,  and  influence  on  husband,  etc., 
considerable ;  their  opinion  esteemed, 
even  in  intercourse  with  foreigners, 
in  trade,  etc.,  sometimes  practise 
"medicine"),  Indian  woman  as  mother 
(child-birth,  ceremonial  rites  of 
parents,  mother-love,  death  and 
burial),  childhood  (companionship  of 
parent,  imitation  of  elders,  weaning, 
apparatus  for  teaching  to  walk,  pets, 
toys,  ornaments,  behavior),  woman 
as  house-keeper,  etc.  A  very  sym- 
pathetic picture  is  drawn  of  Indian 
home-life  and  of  the  role  of  woman 
in  it. 

Die      Hianakato-Umaua.        (An- 

thropos,  Wien,  1908,  iii,  952-982.) 
Concluding  part  of  monograph  on  the 
Hianakato-Umaua  Indians.  Treats 
of  relation  of  language  to  other 
tongues  (brief  comparative  vocabu- 
lary, p.  953)  ;  grammatical  sketch 
(noun,  post-positions,  suffixes,  ono- 
matopoeia, foreign  loan-words ;  pro- 
nouns, verb,  suffixes,  negation,  etc.) 
This  language  belongs  to  the  Carib- 
bean  stock. 

Frauenarbeit   bei   den    Indianern 

Nordwestbrasiliens.  (Mitt.  d.  An- 
throp. Ges.  in  Wien,  1908,  xxxviii, 
172-181,  2  pi.,  13  fgs.)  Treats  of 
preparation  of  manioc  (rasping, 
pressing  out,  etc.)  and  pottery  mak- 
ing (forming,  burning,  varnishing), 
among  the  women  of  the  Kobeua, 
Arawak,  Tucano  and  other  Indians 
of  the  Rio  Cuduiary,  Igana,  Tiquie, 
etc. 

Der  Fischfang  bei  den  Indianern 

Nordwestbrasiliens.  (Globus,  Brn- 
schwg.,  1908,  xciii,  1-6,  21-28,  20 
fgs.)     Treats  of  fish-catching  among 


the  Indians  of  N.  W.  Brazil,  par- 
ticularly the  region  of  the  upper 
Negro  and  its  great  tributaries,  the 
Caiary-Uaupes,  etc.  Fishing  with 
bow-and-arrow  (methods  of  arrow- 
release,  form,  etc.,  of  bow  and  ar- 
rows ;  children  begin  early  with  small 
bows),  nets  (of  great  variety  large 
and  small  for  fish,  crabs,  etc.),  traps 
and  weirs  (for  large  and  for  small 
fish),  the  large  traps,  etc.,  are  com- 
munal property ;   fish-poisons,   etc. 

Jagd  und  Waffen  bei  den  In- 
dianern Nordwestbrasiliens.  (Ibid., 
197-203,  215-221,  21  fgs.)  Treats 
of  hunting  and  weapons  among  the 
Indian  (Caiary  Uaupes  and  Igana 
tribes,  Kobeua,  Buhagana,  Macuna, 
Yahiina,  Yabahana,  Siusi,  Umaua, 
Guariua,  Desana,  etc.).  Bird  snares 
and  traps  (used  also  for  certain 
animals),  war-clubs,  shields,  poison- 
tipped  spears  are  described.  De- 
tailed account  is  given  of  the  blow- 
pipe with  its  poisoned  arrows,  quiver, 
etc., — the  weapon  par  excellence  of 
these  Indians.  The  Alaku  are  also 
particularly  skilful  in  the  use  of 
European  firearms.  The  dance- 
shields  of  the  Caiary-Uaupes  region 
are  artistically  made. 

Einige  Bemerkungen  zur  Forsch- 

ungsreise  des  Dr  H.  Rice  in  den 
Gebieten  zwischen  Guaviare  und 
Caqueta-Yapura.  (Ibid.,  302-305,  2 
maps.)  Notes  and  criticisms  on  the 
account  in  The  Geographical  Journal 
(London),  for  1908,  of  the  travels  of 
Dr  Rice  in  the  region  between  the 
rivers  Guaviare  and  Caqueta-Yapura, 
a  country  visited  by  K.  in  1904. 
Rice's  Carigona  is  a  misprint  for 
Carijona, — these  Indians  are  the  Cari- 
jona  of  Crevaux,  the  Umaua  of  Koch  ; 
his  Huilote,  another  misprint  for 
Uitoto;  his  Anagua  may  be  for 
O  magna. 

von  Koenigswald  (G.)  Die  Botokuden 
in  Siidbrasilien.  (Ibid.,  37-43,  2  fgs.) 
Treats  (largely  from  personal  obser- 
vation and  the  author's  ethnological 
collection)  of  the  Botocudos  of  the 
region  between  the  Iguassu  and  Rio 
Negro  on  the  north  and  the  plateaus 
of  Sta.  Catharina  on  the  south,  east- 
ward to  the  Serra  do  Mar  and  west- 
ward to  the  Rio  Timbo.  Relations 
with  the  whites  (bngreiros  or  "  In- 
dian killers"),  warfare  (pitfalls, 
etc.),  life  and  activities,  dwellings, 
hunting  (bow  and  arrow,  pitfalls, 
snares,  slings,  spears,  etc.),  weapons 
(powerful  bows  and  arrows,  wooden 
spears  and  clubs,  bolas,  etc.),  pottery. 


i6o 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


weaving  and  basketry  (in  low  state), 
navigation  (canoes  not  known  ;  rafts 
of  taquaia-skins ;  Botocudos  good 
swimmers),  etc.  Von  K.  considers 
the  Botocudos  to  be  the  remains  of 
the  Carijos  of  the  writers  of  the  i6th 
century  and  after.  They  number 
still   several   hundred. 

Die    landesiiblichen    Bezeichnun- 

gen  der  Rassen  und  Volkstypen  in 
Brasilien.  (Ibid.,  194-195.)  Treats 
of  the  designations  of  races  and  peo- 
ples in  the  Brazilian  vernacular, — 
list  of  terms,  with  explanations,  ap- 
plied to  whites,  Indians,  Negroes, 
Asiatics  and  the  various  mixtures  of 
all  or  any  of  these.  To  the  people 
of  the  colonies  in  S.  Brazil  a  Euro- 
pean German  is  a  Deutschl'dnder.  In 
the  ignorant  interior  all  non-Latin 
white  foreigners  are  Ingles  or  Ameri- 
cano. As  designating  descendants  of 
camp  Indians  vaqueiro  in  the  north 
corresponds  to  gaucho  in  the  south. 
Creoulos  (creoles)  are  the  descend- 
ants of  the  African  slaves.  Persons 
of  mixed  race  possessing  approxi- 
mately three-fourths  white  blood  are 
counted  white.  The  terms  applied 
to  mixed  bloods  of  various  degrees 
of  race  and  of  intermixture  are 
numerous.  Of  these  Mameluco,  Cari- 
boca,  Cabra,  Cafitzo,  Tapanhuna,  are 
of  Tupi  origin.  To  children  of  the 
variously  mixed  parents  the  term 
pardo  is  generally  applied. 

Die   Cayuas.      (Ibid.,   376-381,  6 

fgs.)  Treats  of  the  Cayuas  ("  wood 
men  "),  a  Guarani  people  of  N.  Para- 
guay and  southern  Matto  Grosso. 
Name,  language,  physical  characters, 
senses  and  disposition,  food  (chiefly 
game  and  fish ;  maize,  wild-honey ; 
ahiva,  maize-drink ;  food  boiled  or 
roasted  except  fruits  and  honey), 
meal-times  and  festivals  (songs  and 
dances  with  ahiva  or  chiclia),  dwell- 
ings and  furniture,  plantations, 
weapons  (bow  and  arrow,  throwing- 
stick,  spears,  clubs,  etc.),  dug-out 
canoes,  ornaments  (necklaces,  brace- 
lets, lip-plug  or  tembetd,  etc.),  do- 
mestic and  family  relations  (polyg- 
amy common,  number  of  children 
per  mother  small),  diseases  (few) 
and  death,  religion  (dim  ideas  of 
good  and  bad  beings ;  fear  of  de- 
mons, etc.).  Some  outwardly  Chris- 
tian but  inwardly  heathen.  The 
Cayuas  have  got  along  peaceably 
with  the  whites. 

Die  Coroados  im  siidlichen  Bra- 
silien. (Ibid.,  xciv,  27-32,  45-49,  26 
fgs.)      Account    of    the    Coroados   of 


S.  Brazil  (now  numbering  several 
thousand  on  the  central  Rio  Parana), 
based  on  personal  observations  in 
1903-1904.  Situation  and  relations 
with  whites,  name,  physical  charac- 
ters, dress  and  ornament,  family  life, 
position  of  women  and  children 
(much  affection  for  young ;  marriages 
between  Indians  and  whites  com- 
mon, with  Negroes  rare),  division 
of  labor  (men  build  huts  and  pre- 
pare plantation),  dwellings  and  furni- 
ture (earthen  vessels,  pots,  baskets, 
nets,  wooden  mortars  and  pestles), 
fire-making,  daily  life,  meals,  food 
(chiefly  meat,  fish,  maize),  drink  (in- 
toxicating liquor  from  maize,  dances 
and  festivals  (kaingire  or  combats ; 
men's  dances  in  festival  huts),  do- 
mestic animals  (monkeys,  parrots 
especially),  hospitality,  sickness  (aid 
of  kafange  or  medicine-man  sought), 
death  and  funeral,  religion  (traces  of 
early  Catholic  influence ;  belief  in 
higher  being  called  Tapen),  myth- 
ology ("  most  Coroado  myths  are  of 
modern  origin,"  according  to  K. ;  the 
settled  Coroados  are  nominally 
Catholics),  chief  ship,  weapons  (spears, 
clubs,  bow  and  arrow  skilfully  used), 
ambushing,  music  (signal-horns,  flute, 
rattle,  drum,  weaving,  basketry  and 
pottery  (work  of  women).  Canoes 
are   unknown. 

Die      Caraja-Indianer,         (Ibid., 

217-223,  232-238,  44  fgs.)  Treats  of 
the  Caraja  Indians  (with  one  excep- 
tion the  illustrations  refer  to  the 
Carajahis)  of  the  central  Rio  Ara- 
guaya region  of  Brazil.  History  and 
contact  with  whites,  language  (women 
are  said  by  Ehrenreich  to  use  many 
expressions  peculiar  to  them),  count- 
ing (up  to  20  on  fingers  and  toes), 
tribal  systems  (numerous  hordes: 
Carajahis,  Javahes,  Chambioas,  etc.), 
physical  characters  (face  "  Mon- 
golian "  in  aspect  with  advancing 
age),  hair  dressing  (great  hand- 
combs;  bodily  hairs  extracted),  tribal 
signs  (blue-black  circular  scar  on  each 
cheek),  lip-ornament  (tembetd  of 
mussel  shell,  wood  or,  rarely,  pol- 
ished stone),  ear-rosette,  senses  well 
developed  and  early  trained),  in- 
dustries and  occupations  (hunting, 
fishing,  agriculture),  plantations,  tur- 
tle-hunting, hunting  and  fishing 
methods  and  "  laws,"  prairie-firing, 
bee-hunting,  tree-climbing,  food  (great 
eaters ;  dislike  milk,  cheese,  butter, 
beef  and  flesh  of  all  their  own  do- 
mestic animals ;  fond  of  fruits, — 
cultivate     melons,     pine-apples     and 


Periodical  Literature 


191 


bananas),  drink  (liquor  made  from 
manioc  roots;  cultivate  tobacco), 
clothing  and  ornament  (necklaces, 
armlets,  anklets,  feather-crowns, 
body-painting,  etc.),  festivals  (very 
numerous),  animal  dances,  mask- 
dances  (in  secret  places  forbidden  to 
women),  houses  and  furniture,  do- 
mestic animals  {araras,  parrots ;  dog 
and  cat  from  Europeans ;  all  sorts 
of  wild  animals  kept),  inland  jour- 
neys for  weapon-wood,  etc.,  weapons 
(bow, — festive  bow  used  in  ceremo- 
nies; characteristic  arrows;  fish  and 
turtle  arrows;  spears  and  clubs), 
musical  instruments  (few ;  horn  as 
trumpet,  gourd  rattles,  ankle-rattles 
in  dances,  etc.),  canoes  (made  by 
men;  broad  paddle,  ornamented), 
division  of  labor  (pottery,  weaving, 
basketry  by  women),  social  relations, 
chiefs  (elected  by  all  males  of  vil- 
lage;  often  shamans  as  well),  crime 
and  punishment  (chief  is  judge), 
youth  and  marriage,  position  of 
woman  (not  servile),  pregnancy  and 
child-birth,  childhood,  disease  and 
death,  burial  and  mourning,  religion 
(ideas  of  good  and  bad  spirits  ;  con- 
verted Carajas  heathen  at  heart). 

Krause  (F.)  Bericht  iiber  meine 
ethnographische  Forschungsreise  in 
Zentralbrasilien.  (Z.  f.  Ethnol.,  Ber- 
lin, 1909,  XLi,  494-502,  map.)  Re- 
sumes results  of  investigations  in  the 
central  Araguaya  region  in  1908. 
Notes  on  the  Caraja  Indians  (habi- 
tat, houses,  food,  agriculture,  phys- 
ical characters,  dress  and  ornament, 
weapons,  pottery,  art,  song  and  music, 
woman's  language  with  an  inter- 
calated k  between  two  vowels,  posi- 
tion of  woman,  couvade  no  longer  in 
vogue,  disease  and  "medicine,"  dance 
and  other  masks,  songs  taken  on 
phonograph),  Cayapos,  etc.  At  the 
mouth  of  the  Tapirape  is  a  Tupi 
tribe,  the  Tapirape,  and  inland  to- 
ward Sta.  Maria,  the  Tapuyan  Ca- 
yapo. 

Kroeber  (A.  L.)  Notes  on  Shoshonean 
dialects  of  southern  California. 
(Univ.  Calif.  Publ.  in  Amer.  Arch,  and 
Ethnol.,  Berkeley,  igog,  viii,  235- 
269.)  Grammatical  and  morpho- 
logical notes  on  Cahuilla,  Agua  Cali- 
ente,  San  Juan  Capistrano,  Gabriel- 
eiio,  Serrano,  Chemehuevi,  Kawaiisu, 
Kern  River,  Giamina,  with  vocabu- 
laries of  all  except  Kawaiisu,  Kern 
River.  The  Giamina  may  have  been 
a  link  between  the  Kern  River  and 
S.  California  Shoshonean.  The  Ser- 
rano dialects  differ  from  one  another 
VOL.  XXIII. — NO.  87.  II 


more  than  was  formerly  believed. 
San  Juan  Capistrano  is  rather  a  sub- 
division or  dialect  of  Luiseno. 

California      basketry      and      the 

Porno.  (Amer.  Anthrop.,  Lancaster, 
Pa.,   1909,  N.  s.,  XI,  233-249.) 

The      Bannock      and      Shoshoni 

Languages.       (Ibid.,    266-277.) 

Laval  (R.  A.)  El  cuento  del  medio 
polio.  Versiones  chilenas  del  cuento 
del  gallo  pelado.  (R.  de  Der.,  Hist, 
y  Letras,  Buenos  Aires,  1909,  xxxii, 
526-538.)  Gives  3  Chilian  versions 
(from  Concepcion,  Colchagua,  Quil- 
lota)  of  the  tale  of  the  bald  chicken, 
and  compares  them  with  the  Arau- 
canian  and  Argentinian  stories  re- 
ported by  Lenz  and  Lehmann-Nitsche. 
In  Chile  are  current  the  phrases  :  Ser 
6  paracer  una  cosa  el  cuento  del 
gallo  pelado  and  ser  6  paracer  el 
cuento  del  gayo  pelao,  used  to  indi- 
cate that  a  subject  is  never-ending, 
a  tale  too  long,  etc.  See  Lehmann- 
Nitsche   (R.). 

Lee  (F.  L.)  Harvest  time  in  Old 
Virginia.  (So.  Wkmn.,  Hampton, 
Va.,  1908,  XXXVII,  566-567.)  Recol- 
lections of  so  years  ago. 

Christmas  in  Virginia  before  the 

war.  (Ibid.,  686-689.)  Notes  on 
Christmas  doings  (present-giving 
dinner,  toys,  Noah's  ark,  song,  etc.) 
on  an  old-fashioned  plantation. 

Lehmann  (W.)  Reisebericht  aus  S. 
Jose  de  Costa  Rica.  (Z.  f.  Ethnol.. 
Berlin,  1908,  xl,  925-929.)  Notes 
on  travels  early  in  1908,  particularly 
in  Guanacaste,  etc. :  Excavations  at 
Sta.  Barbara  (Mexican  style  recog- 
nizable in  pottery),  El  Viejo  (pottery 
different  from  that  of  Sta.  Barbara)  ; 
stone-sculptures  of  Buenavista,  El 
Panama.  During  his  three  months 
stay  in  Guanacaste  L.  collected  some 
2,000  specimens,  including  gold  ob- 
jects from  Sta.  Barbara  and  La  Vir- 
gen  and  several  wooden  masks  from 
Nicoya.  A  Bribri  vocabulary  and 
mythological  texts  (Pittier's  published 
material  was  tested)  were  obtained : 
also  much  Chiripo  linguistic  ma- 
terial. 

— — ■  Reisebericht  aus  Managua.  (Ibid., 
992-993.)  Notes  of  travel  in  Nica- 
ragua and  Costa  Rica :  Mexican  in- 
fluence marked  in  Ometepe  ;  the  Co- 
robici  (wrongly  termed  Carib)  prob- 
ably had  a  culture  of  their  own 
(afterwards  degenerating)  ;  Mosqui- 
tos  and  Sumos  (vocabularies  ob- 
tained) ;  "  foot-prints "  on  shore  of 
L.  Managua  (these  L.  attributes  to  a 


162 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


quite  recent  formation,  possibly  a  vol- 
canic outbreak   in  prehistoric   times). 

Reisebericht        aus         Managua. 

(Ibid.,  1909,  XLi,  533-S37-)  Notes 
on  expedition  of  1908-1909  in  the 
Managua  region.  L.  obtained  a  few 
words  of  the  now  extinct  Chorotega 
or  Mangua,  data  concerning  the 
mask-dances  of  the  Indians  of  Mon- 
imbo  near  Masaya  with  specimens 
of  masks  and  musical  instruments, 
vocabularies  of  the  Sumo  Indians  of 
the  Rio  Bocay,  and  of  the  Ramas  of 
Rama  Key  and  Monkey  Pt.,  some 
Mosquito  and  Carib  mythological 
material,  etc.  According  to  L.  the 
extinct  Matagalpa  is  a  dialect  of 
Sumo. 

■     Der   sogenannte    Kalender   Ixtil- 

xochitls.  (Anthropos,  Wien,  1908, 
III,  988-1004.)  Gives  Spanish  text 
from  Ms.  in  Paris  National  Museum 
(belonging  to  the  Goupil  collection) 
treating  of  the  18  monthly  festivals 
of  the  Aztec  year.  Part  of  the  Ms. 
may  have  been  written  by  Ixtilxo- 
chitl,  a  descendant  of  the  kings  of 
Tezcuco.  Some  of  the  glosses  ap- 
pear to  be  in  a  language  unknown  to 
Dr  L., — possibly  a  tongue  of  the 
province  of   Oaxaca. 

Lehmann-Filhes  (Margarete).  Die  letz- 
ten  Islander  in  Gronland.  Eine  is- 
landische  Sage.  (Z.  d.  V.  f.  Volksk., 
Berlin,  1909,  xix,  170-171.)  Cites 
in  German  version,  from  Dr  Jon 
Thorkelsson's  Thjodsogur  og  munn- 
moeli  (Reykjavik,  1899),  an  Icelandic 
legend  concerning  the  last  Icelanders 
in  Greenland, — the  massacre  of  the 
people  of  Veithif  jorthur  by  the  Eskimo 
of  W,  Greenland  during  church- 
service.  The  basis  of  the  tale  is  a 
Ms.  of  1830-1840  in  the  public 
library  of  Reykjavik  discovered  by 
Dr  T.  This  legend,  which  doubt- 
less is  not  all  invention,  informs  us 
that  the  Eskimo  settled  on  the  W. 
Greenland  coast  in  the  region  in  ques- 
tion after  the  Icelanders. 

Lehmann-Nitsche  (R.)  Patagonische 
Gesange  und  Musikbogen.  (An- 
thropos, Wien,  1908,  III,  916-940,  10 
pi.,  music,  8  fgs.)  After  resumeing 
previous  literature  of  subject,  gives 
accounts  of  author's  phonographic 
records  of  songs  and  of  the  musical 
bow  among  the  Patagonians  (also 
its  occurrence  elsewhere  in  the 
world).  Some  50  songs  were  re- 
"lorded  from  Tehuelches  in  La  Plata, 
the  same  who  had  been  at  the  St. 
Louis  exposition  (see  Amer.  An- 
throp.,    1905,    157).      The    music-bow 


and  its  parts  are  described  and  fig- 
ured (specimens  are  in  the  museums 
of  La  Plata,  Berlin,  etc.).  The 
Tehuelches  have  probably  borrowed 
their  peculiar  musical  bow  from  the 
Araucanians,  with  whom  it  has  pos- 
sibly been  the  result  of  the  combi- 
nation of  old  European  instruments, 
bow  and  flute. 

Quiere   que    le    cuente    el    cuento 

del  gallo  pelado  ?  Estudio  folklor- 
istico.  (R.  de  Der.,  Hist,  y  Letras, 
Buenos  Aires,  1908,  xxx,  297-306.) 
Gives  text  in  Spanish  of  "  the  tale 
of  the  bald  cock,"  as  related  by  a 
countrywoman  of  the  province  of 
San  Luis,  Argentina.  Also  the 
Spanish  translation  of  an  Araucanian 
(from  Lenzj  "tale  of  a  pullet."  L. 
thinks  the  "  bald  cock "  of  this 
legend  was  some  sort  of  pelican  or 
cormorant.  All  that  is  now  current 
of  the  tale  is  the  inquiry  of  the 
children  of  Buenos  Aires  and  Mon- 
tevideo, "  Would  you  like  to  hear 
the  tale  of  the  bald  cock?"  If  the 
person  questioned  answers  Si  quiero 
(yes,  I  do),  the  interrogator  replies, 
"  I  didn't  tell  you  to  answer  si  quiero, 
but  si  quiere  le  cuente,  etc.,  and  so 
on  ad  infinitum.  The  tale  belongs 
with  No.  80  of  Grimm  (and  "  Henny 
Penny,"  etc.)  The  refrain  in  ques- 
tion seems  to  be  known  also  in  Co- 
lombia and  Venezuela  and  in  Cura- 
gao.  In  the  Dutch  island  the  formula 
is :  Bo  ke  mi  contaboe  un  cuentu  di 
gaij  piloiif     See  also   Laval   (R.  A.). 

Leupp  (F.  E.)  Fighting  tuberculosis 
among  the  Indians.  (So.  Wkmn., 
Hampton,  Va.,  1908,  xxxvii,  586- 
592.)  Resumes  efforts  of  Govern- 
ment,  etc.      See   Hrdlicka    (A.). 

Lindsay  (E.  J.)  Indians  helping  them- 
selves. (Assembly  Herald,  Phila., 
1909,  XV,  68-70.)  Notes  on  Indians 
of  Ft.  Peck  reservation,  Montana, — 
out  of  1,710  only  480  are  getting 
rations. 

Ling  Roth  (H.)  Moccassins  and  their 
quill-work.  (J.  R.  Anthrop.  Inst., 
Lond.,  1908,  xxxviii,  47-57,  i  pi., 
19  fgs.)  Treats  of  the  moccasins 
(Kickapoo,  Shoshoni,  Apache,  Hud- 
sons  Bay,  etc.)  and  their  ornamenta- 
tion, in  the  collection  of  the  Bank- 
field  Museum,  Halifax.  The  various 
methods  of  quill-work  are  discussed 
and  the  development  of  such  decora- 
tion indicated.  The  decorative  use 
of  quills  on  leather  may  have  origi- 
nated from  basket  work  by  fixation 
of  the  sharp  ends.  Direct  sewing  on 
is   "  a   later   development   which    may 


Periodical  Literature 


163 


have    originated    with    seed    or    bead 
work." 
Lowie    (R.    H.)      The    Chipewyans    of 
Canada.     (So.  Wkmn.,  Hampton,  Va., 
1909,      XXXVIII,      278-283,      3      fgs.) 
Notes  (based  on  visit  in  1908  to  the 
L.  Athabasca  region)   on  habitat,  oc- 
cupation,   dwellings     (chiefly    conical 
lodges   "  similar  to    the   tipis   of   the 
Plains    tribes,    but    smaller    and    of 
cruder      construction"),      birch-bark 
vessels,   skin-dressing,   transportation, 
hunting  and  fishing,   social   organiza- 
tion,   religion    (nominally    Christian), 
amusements  (favorite  "  hand-game  "). 
etc. 
: An  ethnological  trip  to  Lake  Ath- 
abasca,    (Amer.  Mus.  J.,  N.  Y.,  1909, 
IX,   10-15,  4  fgs.)     Notes  on  visit  in 
summer    of    1908    among    Chipewyan 
Indians.      These    aborigines,    not    yet 
on    reservations,    still    hunt    and   fish 
in  primitive  fashion   about  L.   Atha- 
basca, L,  Claire  and  the  Slave  river. 
>Culture   much    modified   by    influence 
of    Catholic    mission    and    Hudson's 
Bay  Co.    Have  adopted  a  whole  cycle 
of   Cree  myths,   also    Cree  tea-dance. 
They    exhibit    the    Athabascan    traits 
of    great    simplicity    of    organization 
and    extraordinary    susceptibility    to 
extraneous   influences. 
Lumholtz     (C.)       A    remarkable    cere- 
monial vessel  from  Cholula,  Mexico. 
(Amer.     Anthrop.,     Lancaster,      Pa., 
1909,  N.  s.,  XI,   199-201,  3  fgs.) 
McAfee  (C.  B,)     Studies  in  the  Ameri- 
can   race   problem.      (J.    Afric.    Soc, 
Lond,,     1909,     VIII,     145-153.)      Re- 
view and   critique   of  A.   H.    Stone's 
Studies  ill  the  American  Race  Prob- 
lem (N.  Y.,  1908),  rather  too  favor- 
able to  the  book. 
McClintOck    (W.)      Brauche   und   Leg- 
enden  der   Schwarzfussindianer.      (Z. 
f.    Ethnol.,    Berlin,    1908,    xl,    606- 
614.)     Gives  German  texts  of  legends 
of     the     Beaver-bundle      (adoption), 
Seven    Brothers    (Great   Bear),    Lost 
Children    (Pleiades),    Scar-face    (ori- 
gin   of    sun-dance ;    Venus,    Jupiter, 
Polar-star). 

Medizinal-  und  Nutzpflanzen  der 

Schwarzfuss-Indianer,  (Ibid.,  1909, 
XLi,  273-279.)  Lists,  with  native, 
scientific  and  common  names,  uses 
by  Indians,  etc.,  a  collection  of  herbs 
and  plants  now  in  the  Carnegie  In- 
stitute at  Pittsburg :  Materia  medica 
(38  titles),  plants  for  ceremonials 
(3),  berries  and  wild  vegetables  used 
for  eating  (14),  perfumes  (4),  Black- 
foot  names  for  flowers   (7). 


Malin    (W.    G.)      The    Sac    and    Fox 
Indians  of  Iowa.    (So.  Wkmn.,  Hamp- 
ton,   Va,,    1908,    xxxvii,    481-485,    4 
fgs,)     Notes  on  domestic  life,  burial 
ceremonies,  religious  ideas,  etc.     The 
"  340  pure-blood  Indians  live  on  3,000 
acres  of  land,"  and  many  of  them  in 
very  primitive  style  in  typical  wick- 
iups,   but   more    progressive    ones    in 
frame     houses.       Of     their     creation 
legend  the  author  says,  " they  appear 
to  believe  and  accept  it  as  honestly 
and  adhere  to  its  teachings  as  faith- 
fully as  do  their  white  brethren  the 
Bible  story  of  the  Garden  of  Eden." 
Martinez    (J.)      The    Pueblo    of   Taos. 
(Ibid.,  1909,  xxxvii,  500-503.)    Brief 
notes  on  houses,  dress,  conservatisrn, 
agriculture     and    stock-raising,    reli- 
gion,  etc.     There  is  still  a  tendency 
to  distrust  the  white  men. 
Mena    (R.)      Caballos  que  trajeron  los 
conquistadores.      (An.    d,    Mus.    Nac. 
de  Arqueol.  Mexico,  1909,  i.  ii3-ii7. 
7  pi.)     Treats  of  the  horses  used  by 
the  Spanish  Conquistadores  of  Mex- 
ico,   their    trappings,    markings,    etc. 
The  representations  of  the  horses  of 
the    Europeans    in    the    Mexican    na- 
tive Ms,  of  the  period  enable  one  to 
identify   the   breed   and  this   may  be 
of    value    to    horse-raisers    to-day    in 
selecting   European   animals   to   cross 
with   the  Mexican   stock.     The   Con- 
quistadores       used        "  Andalusian  " 
horses, 
Merriam   (C.  H.)     Human  remains  in 
California     caves,        (Amer.     Antiq., 
Salem,   Mass.,   1909,   xxxi,   152-153-) 
Note  on  cave-remains  in  the  Miwok 
country, — the     human     bones     found 
must   be    ancient    and   belong   to    "  a 
people  who   inhabited  the  region  be- 
fore  the   Mewuk    came." 
Meyer     (J.)    und    Seler     (E.)       Sechs 
mexikanische    Wachspuppen.      (Z.    f. 
Ethnol.,    Berlin,    1908,    xl,    960-961.) 
These  wax-dolls  probably  belonged  in 
some    crib,    as    is    the    custom.      The 
South  European  cribs  and  the  Mex- 
ican   wax-dolls    seem    to    belong    to- 
gether. 
Mills    (W,    C.)      Explorations    of    the 
Seip   mound.      (Ohio    State    Archeol. 
and    Hist,     Soc,    Publ.    in    Archeol., 
Columbus,    1909,    II.    1-57,    4o    fgs.) 
Describes  mound  and  its  exploration, 

site,   charnel-houses,   cremated  and 

uncremated  burials,  graves — gifts,  ar- 
tefacts (ornaments,  ear-rings,  plates, 
axes,  awls,  etc.,  of  copper ;  bone  awls, 
needles,  bear-teeth,  bone  gorgets, 
effigy  eagle  claws  of  bone;  cut  and 
polished    human    jaws;    shell    beads. 


164 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


ornaments,  gorgets,  drinking  cup ; 
flint  knives  and  spears ;  bast  fiber 
cloth,  tanned  skins ;  fragments  of 
pottery ;  mica  in  blocks  and  also  cut 
into  geometric  forms,  etc.)-  From 
the  48  burials  were  secured  "  upwards 
of  2,000  specimens  representing  the 
highest  art  of  prehistoric  man  in 
Ohio."  The  Seip  mound  is  pre-Co- 
lumbian, and  belongs  with  the  Har- 
ness mound. 

Moeller  (J.)  Religiose  Vorstellungen 
und  Zauber  bei  den  Gronlandern. 
(A.  f.  Religsw.,  Lpzg.,  1909,  xii,  409- 
411.)  Cites  from  Mrs  Rink's  Kajak- 
vi'dnner,  Erzdhhmgen  gronlandischer 
Seehundsfdnger  (Hamburg,  1906") 
items  concerning  taboos,  spirits  of 
dead  men  (lost  by  accident  and  not 
found),  ceremonies  in  connection 
with  the  killing  of  a  bear  and  the 
disposition  of  the  flesh. 

Moffett  (T.  C.)  Christian  Indians  in 
the  making.  (Assembly  Herald, 
Phila.,  1909,  XV,  58-64,  6  fgs.)  Notes 
on  Digger  Indians  of  California, 
Makah,  Nez  Perces,  Dakota,  Five 
Civilized  Tribes,  Pima  and  Papago, 
Mohave  and  Walapai,  Navaho,  Pue- 
blo. Iroquois,  Stockbridge  (Mohican) 
Indians  of  Wisconsin,  etc.,  indicating 
work  accomplished  and  in  progress. 

Moreira  (A.  P.)  Zur  Kennzeichnung 
der  Farbigen  Brasiliens.  (Globus, 
Brnschwg..  1909,  xciii,  75-78.) 
Treats  of  the  colored  population  (ne- 
groes in  particular)  of  Brazil,  their 
condition,  character,  etc.  This  con- 
sists of  products  of  the  mixture  of 
I.  Brazilian  Indians.  2.  Negroes  from 
various  parts  of  Africa  (already 
crossed  sometimes  with  Arabs,  etc.). 
3.  Asiatics  (natives  of  Portuguese 
India,  etc.)  and  Chinese.  4.  Crosses 
of  these  3  with  white  Brazilians  and 
Europeans.  The  descendants  of  the 
Indian  aborigines  show  the  effect  of 
the  education  of  their  ancestors  by 
Europeans,  as  well  as  the  result  of 
alcohol,  syphilis,  tuberculosis,  and 
other  things  due  to  white  contact.  No 
special  type  seems  to  have  been  devel- 
oped in  this  mctissage,  and  the  same 
may  be  said  of  the  Asiatic  melange. 
M.  believes  that  lack  of  a  sense  of 
acquisition  (laziness),  immorality, 
and  dishonesty  (the  three  failings 
certain  Negrophobes  always  empha- 
size) cannot  be  attributed  to  the  Ne- 
groes of  Brazil  as  a  race, — these  fail- 
ings being  not  greater  than  those  of 
the  whites.  Nor  do  they  characterize 
the  Mulattos.  In  Brazil  both  Negroes 
and    Mulattos    serve    in    all    sorts    of 


stations  from  those  of  manual  labor 
to  the  professions  (physicians,  drug- 
gists, clergy,  teachers,  lawyers,  mer- 
chants, engineers,  etc.).  One  of  the 
most  noted  teachers  of  Bahia,  Flor- 
encio,  is  a  Negro.  Among  those 
having  more  or  less  Negro  blood  are : 
G.  Diaz,  one  of  the  most  famous  of 
Brazilian  poets ;  Rebougas,  noted 
lawyer,  and  his  son,  a  professor  in 
the  Polytechnic  at  Rio ;  Jekitinouha, 
great  statesman ;  T.  Baroretto,  fam- 
ous jurist,  philosopher,  poet  and 
writer  ;  Tavares,  court-physician  ;  Pa- 
tricinio,  one  of  the  best  of  S.  Ameri- 
can writers ;  G.  Crespo,  Portuguese 
poet  and  deputy. 

Morice  (A.  G.)  The  great  Dene  race. 
(Anthropos,  M6dling-^^^ien,  1909,  iv, 
582-606,  4  pi.,  14  fgs.)  Treats  in 
detail  of  habitations  (summer  dwell- 
ings of  northern  and  western  Dene, 
Apache  lodges  and  Navaho  summer 
houses  ;  winter  habitations  ;  circular 
huts  or  tents),  house-furnishings  and 
etiquette,  outbuildings ;  cooking  and 
eating  (unspeakable  and  queer  dishes  ; 
methods  of  cooking ;  gourmandizing, 
food-preserving,  drinking),  smoking 
and  snuffing,  etc. 

Mythology  of  the  Menominees. 
(Amer.  Antiq.,  Salem,  Mass.,  1909, 
XXXI,  10-14.)  Creation  and  deluge 
legend,    probably    from    Hoffman. 

von  Nordenskioid  (E.)  Siidameri- 
kanische  Rauchspfeifen.  (Globus, 
Brnschwg.,  1908,  xciii,  293-298,  16 
fgs.)  Treats  of  the  occurrence  of 
tobacco-smoking  in  S.  America  at 
the  time  of  the  discovery  and  con- 
quest ;  archeological  evidence  of  the 
tobacco-pipe  in  S.  America  in  pre- 
Columbian  times  (more  evidence 
than  is  commonly  thought,  in  the 
Argentine,  Chile,  Brazil,  Colombia, 
Venezuela)  ;  distribution  of  the  reed- 
form  pipe  (widely  scattered  in  N., 
S.  and  Central  America,  and  evi- 
dently a  primitive  form,  ancient  and 
pre-Columbian)  ;  distribution  and 
development  of  the  reed-pipe  of 
reed  and  wood  in  the  Chaco  ;  develop- 
ment of  reed-pipes  of  burnt  clay  in 
Rio  Grande  do  Sul ;  the  different 
types  of  angular  pipes  (the  "  moni- 
tor "  pipe  is  common  in  Patagonia 
and  Chile,  but  nowhere  else  in  S. 
America),  etc.  The  variety  of  pipes 
is  much  greater  in  N.  than  in  S. 
America.  Pipes  are  undoubtedly 
pre-Columbian  in  S.  America,  but 
tobacco-smoking  was  not  so  general 
until  (as  in  N.  America)  the  whites 
began   to  cultivate  the  narcotic.     By 


Periodical  Literature 


165 


the  time  of  the  Conquest  tobacco- 
smoking  in  the  Calchaqui  region 
seems  to  have  been  suppressed  by 
the  use  of  coca.  In  Peru  the  use 
of  coca  seems  to  have  prevented 
altogether  the  development  of  to- 
bacco-smoking. 
Ostermann  (L.)  The  Navajo  Indians 
of  New  Mexico  and  Arizona.  (An- 
thropos,  Wien,  1908,  iii,  857-869,  6 
pi.)  Present  condition,  organization 
(neither  chiefs  nor  lawmakers),  do- 
mestic life  (simple  and  primitive, 
women  largely  independent,  mother- 
in-law  taboo),  dwellings  (winter  and 
summer  houses),  character  (re- 
sourceful beggars,  hospitable,  adepts 
in  lying  for  personal  advantage,  skil- 
ful thieves  in  small  things,  honest 
upon  honor,  gamblers,  fond  of  whis- 
key, curious,  dignified,  affectionate, 
patient),  dress  and  ornament,  sheep, 
stock-raising  and  farming,  silver- 
work. 
Outes  (F.  F.)  Sobre  el  hallazgo  de 
alfarerias  Mexicanas  en  la  Provincia 
de  Buenos  Aires.  (Rev.  d.  Mus.  de 
La  Plata,  Buenos  Aires,  1908,  xv, 
284-293,  12  fgs.)  Treats  of  three 
small  terra  cotta  figures  (human  faces, 
part  of  head  of  coyote?)  found 
recently  at  the  Laguna  de  Lobos, 
Province  of  Buenos  Aires.  These 
objects  resemble  so  strikingly  cer- 
tain figurines  from  San  Juan  de 
Teotihuacan  in  Mexico,  that  O.  does 
not  hesitate  to  assign  to  them  a 
Mexican  origin,  but  offers  no  ex- 
planation for  their  presence  (acci- 
dent, doubtless,  if  really  exotic)  in 
Buenos   Aires. 

,   Ducloux    (E.    H.)    and   Biicking 

(H.).  Estudio  de  las  supuestas 
■escorias  y  tierras  cocidas  de  la  serie 
pampeana  de  la  Republica  Argentina. 
(Ibid.,  138-197,  6  fgs.,  4  pi.)  After 
careful  consideration  and  examination 
(chemical,  microscopical,  etc.)  of  the 
alleged  finds  of  fire-refuse  and 
"  terra  cotta "  at  Monte  Hermoso, 
the  Barranca  de  los  Lobos,  etc.,  at 
various  periods  since  1865,  and 
thought  by  some  authorities  to  be 
human  in  origin  (ashes  of  fire,  bits 
of  pottery),  the  authors  conclude  that 
the  scoria-substance  in  question  comes 
from  andesite  lavas,  while  the  "  terra 
cotta  "  is  eruptive  matter.  There  is 
no  reason  whatever  to  attribute  them 
to  man. 
Owen  (L.  A.)  Another  paleolithic  im- 
plement and  possibly  an  eolithic 
from  northwestern   Missouri.      (Rec. 


of  Past,  Wash.,  1909,  viii,  108-111, 
2  fgs.)  Describes  a  paleolith  and  a 
yellow  jasper  eolith  from  "  the 
glacial  drift  antedating  the  loess  of 
a  bluff  on  the  Missouri  river  near 
Amizonia,  about  8  miles  from  St. 
Joseph." 

Parker  (A.  C.)  Secret  medicine  so- 
cieties of  the  Seneca.  (Amer.  An- 
throp.,  Lancaster,  Pa.,  1909,  n.  s.,  xi, 
161-185,  14  fgs.,  2  pi.) 

Snow-snake     as     played     by     the 

Seneca-Iroquois.  (Ibid.,  250-256,  2 
fgs.,  I   pi.) 

Payne  (L.  J.)  A  word-list  from  East 
Alabama.  (Bull.  Univ.  of  Texas, 
Austin,  1909,  Repr.  Ser.  No.  8,  1-3, 
279-391.)  Author  says  "I  am  con- 
vinced that  the  speech  of  the  white 
people,  the  dialect  I  have  spoken  all 
my  life,  and  the  one  I  have  tried  to 
record  here,  is  more  largely  colored 
by  the  language  of  negroes  than  by 
any  other  single  influence.  In  fact, 
the  coalescing  of  the  negro  dialect 
with  that  of  the  illiterate  white  peo- 
ple has  so  far  progressed  that,  for 
all  practical  purposes,  we  may  con- 
sider the  two  dialects  as  one "  (p. 
279).  This  article  is  reprinted  from 
Dialect  Notes  (Cambr.),  1908-9,  V, 
279-288,  343-391- 

Peabody  (C.)  A  reconnaissance  trip 
in  Western  Texas.  (Amer.  Anthrop., 
Lancaster,  Pa.,  1909,  n.  s.,  xi,  202- 
216,  8  fgs.,  I  pi.) 

Pearson  (K.)  Note  on  the  skin-color 
of  the  crosses  between  negro  and 
white.  (Biometrika,       Cambridge, 

Engld.,  1908,  VI,  348-353,  I  pi.) 
Based  on  inquiries  among  medical 
men  in  the  West  Indies  and  photo- 
graphs of  mixed  types.  P.  believes 
that  "  the  suggestion  that  skin  color 
'  Mendelizes '  should  not  be  vaguely 
made  until  some  very  definite  evi- 
dence in  its  favor  is  forthcoming." 
Other  characters  (lip,  hair,  alae  nasi, 
etc.)  may  fit  the  Mendelian  theory 
closer  than  skin  color. 

de  Perigny  (M.)  Les  demieres  de- 
couvertes  de  M.  Maler  dans  le  Yuca- 
tan. (J.  Soc.  Amer.  de  Paris,  1908, 
N.  s.,  V,  95-98.)  Resumes  the  ac- 
count by  T.  Maler  of  the  four  groups 
of  ruins  discovered  by  him  in  the 
Usumasintla  region  in  1891  and  re- 
visited in  1905. 

Yucatan  inconnu.     (Ibid.,  67-84, 

I  fg.,  2  pi.,  map.)  Gives  results  of 
author's  explorations  in  the  unknown 
region  west  of  the  Rio  Hondo,  etc. 
The  ruins  of  Chocoha,  Rio  Beque 
(large  edifice  differing  in  architecture 


1 66 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


from  those  of  N.  Yucatan),  No- 
hochna  (named  by  author ;  different 
from  those  of  N.  Yucatan,  resembling 
somewhat  those  of  Rio  Beque),  Uol- 
tunch',  Yaabichna  (with  hieroglyphs), 
Nohcacab  (formerly  an  important 
place) ,  etc.  The  names  Chocoha  (warm 
water),  Nohochna  (large  house), 
Uoltunchi  (rounded  stone),  Yaabi- 
chni  (many  rooms),  Nohcacab,  were 
given  by  M.  de  Perigny,  the  dis- 
coverer of  these  important  ruins. 

Pierini  (F.)  Los  Guarayos  de  Bo- 
livia. (Anthropos,  Wien,  1908,  iii, 
875-880,  2  pi.)  First  part  of  ac- 
count of  the  Guarayo  Indians  of  Bo- 
livia, whose  language  serves  to  carry 
one  over  a  large  portion  of  that  re- 
public (according  to  Father  P.  the 
Guarayo  "  understand  the  tongue  of 
the  Sirionos").  A  brief  comparative 
vocabulary  in  Paraguayo  (Guarani), 
Guarayo  and  Spanish  is  given  (p. 
876).  The  subjection  of  these  In- 
dians dates  from  1793. 

Powhatans  (The).  (Amer.  Antiq., 
Salem,  Mass.,  1909,  xxxi,  147-149.) 
Based  on  J.  Mooney's  article  in  the 
Amcr.  Anthrop. 

Preuss  (K.  T.)  Reise  zu  den  Stiim- 
men  der  westlichen  Sierra  Madre  in 
Mexiko.  (Z.  d.  Ges.  f,  Erdk.  zu 
Berlin,  1908,  147-167,  6  fgs.)  Gives 
account  of  author's  visits  of  7,  9  and 
3  months  respectively  to  the  Cora, 
Huichol  and  "  Mexicano "  (Aztec) 
Indians  of  the  western  Mexican 
Sierra  Madre,  with  brief  descrip- 
tions of  their  villages  and  social  life, 
ceremonials,  dances,  etc.  {mitote, 
calabash-festival,  peyote-dance,  fes- 
tival of  field-cleansing),  songs, 
myths  and  ideas  about  nature.  Dr 
P.  collected  some  300  myths  and 
legends  (Cora  49,  Huichol  69, 
"Mexicano"  175),  besides  many  re- 
ligious songs  and  some  2300  ethno- 
logical and  ethnographic  specimens 
(of  which  nearly  2/2  are  of  a  re- 
ligious  nature). 

Ethnographische  Ergebnisse 

einer  Reise  in  die  mexikanische 
Sierra  Madre.  (Z.  f.  Ethnol.,  Ber- 
lin, 1908,  XL,  582-604,  9  fgs.)  Treats 
of  Huichol,  Cora  and  Mexicano, 
chiefly  religion,  mythology,  folk-lore 
(German  text  of  "  Christ  and  the 
negroes,"  pp.  584-585  ;  rain-song,  p- 
588 ;  masks,  ceremonial  songs  and 
paraphernalia,  altars,  soul-lore,  songs 
for  the  dead,  maize-roasting  festival, 
representations  of  deities,  cave  of 
rain-goddess,  arrow-offerings  for 
sun,       morning-star,       earth-goddess. 


etc. ;  creation  myth  and  song,  pp. 
601-603 ;  feast  of  young  gourds), 
etc.  In  the  19  months  of  his  travels 
Dr  P.  collected  5000  pages  of  texts 
with  interlinear  translation. 

Ein    Besuch    bei    den    Mexicano 

(Aztelen)  in  der  Sierra  Madre  Oc- 
cidental. (Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1908, 
xciii,  189-194,  I  fg.)  Dr  P.  stayed 
3  months  of  1907  in  the  "  Mexicano  " 
(Aztec)  town  of  S.  Pedro  in  the 
western  Sierra  Madre.  Notes  on 
dance  of  new  maize-ears  and  winter- 
festival  (compared  with  those  of  the 
Cora  and  Huichol),  folk-medicine, 
etc.  German  text  (p.  192)  of  myth 
of  ascension  of  evening  star,  with 
comments. 

Reid  (M.  W.)  Calumet.  (Rec.  of  Past, 
Wash.,  1909,  VIII,  97-101,  2  fgs.) 
Notes  on  cultivation  of  tobacco  and 
use  of  calumet  by  Iroquois,  etc.  De- 
scribes granite  calumet  found  on  the 
bank  of  the  Savannah  river  (in  the 
Cherokee  country)  in  August,  1908, 
^yh^ch  the  author  is  inclined  to  claim 
as  "  the  largest  Indian  stone  pipe  in 
America,"  and  probably  "  the  John- 
son-Iroquois calumet,"  given  in  1758 
to  the  Cherokees  at  the  council  at 
Ft.  Johnson,  N.  Y. 

Rivet  (P.)  La  race  de  Lagoa-Santa 
chez  les  populations  precolombiennes 
de  I'fiquateur.  (Bull.  Soc.  d' Anthrop. 
de  Paris,  1908,  v^  s.,  ix,  209-274,  3 
pi.,  II  fgs.)  Detailed  study  of  17 
(out  of  a  total  of  loi  normal  skulls, 
or  16.83%)  skulls  from  Paltacalo  in 
Equador,  of  the  Lagoa-Santa  type 
with  discussion  of  the  past  and  pres- 
ent distribution  of  that  type  in  S. 
America.  The  burial  place  is  pre- 
Columbian  and  very  old.  Dr  R. 
holds  that  the  "  fossil  type "  of 
Lagoa  Santa  is  represented  strongly 
on  the  Pacific  coast,  and  its  influence 
is  discernible  over  almost  all  parts 
of  S.  America,  and  even  in  S.  Cali- 
fornia, etc.  (various  authorities  find 
the  Lagoa  Santa  type  in  the  man  of 
the  Sambaqnis,  Botocudos,  various 
peoples  of  the  Argentine,  Tierra  del 
Fuego,  etc.).  Dr  R.  attaches  to  it 
also  the  skulls  of  Arrecifes  and  Fon- 
tezuelas.  This  typical  paleo-Ameri- 
can  race  is  hypsidolichocephalic  with 
small  cranial  capacity,  non-retreating 
forehead,  prominent  supraciliary 
arches,  broad  and  low  face,  leptor- 
rhine  nose,  mesome  orbits,  strong 
bony  structure,  low  stature,  etc. 
From  the  north  came  a  mesaticepha- 
lic  or  sub-brachycephalic  race  (rep- 
resented   now    by    Carib    and    Ara- 


Periodical  Literature 


167 


wak)  which  mixed  with  the  Lagoa- 
Santa.  Another  brachycephalic  race 
occurs  in  the  Argentine,  etc.  In  the 
discussion  M.  Bloch  set  forth  the 
view  that  these  paleo-Americans  had 
Papuan  affinities. 

Robelo  (C.  A.)  Diccionario  de  Mi- 
tologia  Nahoa.  (An.  d,  Mus.  Nac. 
de  Mexico,  Seg.  Ep.,  1908,  v,  337- 
557.)  Concluding  sections,  Tona- 
catecuhtli-Zacatonfli,  of  dictionary  of 
Nahua  mythology.  The  longest  ar- 
ticles are:  Tonalamatl,  Tonatiiih, 
Totec,  Toxcatl,  Trecena  (Trecenario) , 
Tula  (pp.  386—396),  Veintena  (408- 
445)1  Victinias  (446-461),  Xiuhte- 
cutli  (475-482),  Xocohuetzi,  Xochi- 
calli,  Xochiquetzalli,  Yoalteuctin 
(S35-S4S)- 

de  la  Rosa  (M.  G.)  Estudio  de  las 
antigiiedades  peruanas  halladas  bajo 
el  huano.  (Rev.  Histor.,  Lima,  1908, 
III,  39-45.)  Treats  of  prehistoric 
objects  found  beneath  the  guano  of 
the  Peruvian  islands  (Chincha  and 
Guaiiape,  Macabi,  Lobos)  in  1869- 
1872,  some  of  them  at  a  depth  of  30 
meters.  Among  these  remains  are 
idols  and  utensils  of  wood  and  clay, 
paddles,  mummies,  masks  of  gold, 
gold  and  silver  objects,  etc.  It 
might  be  argued  that  the  civilization 
represented  here  was  "  as  old  as  the 
Egyptian." 

■     Les   Caras    de   I'Equateur   et   les 

premiers  resultats  de  I'expedition  G. 
Heye  sous  la  direction  de  M.  Saville. 
(J.  Soc.  Amer.  de  Paris,  1908,  n.  s., 
V,  85-93.)  Resume  and  critique  of 
M.  H.  Saville's  The  Antiquities  of 
Manabi  (N.  Y.,  1907).  M.  de  la 
Rosa  prefers  "  Antiquities  of  the 
Caras."  The  "  stone  seats  "  he  con- 
siders to  have  been  "  sacrificial  al- 
tars "  used  in  the  Cara  "  open-air 
temples."  The  Caras  played  an  im- 
portant role  in  the  S.  American 
culture  of  this  region. 

Ross  (D.  E.)  A  season  with  the  In- 
dian in  the  hop-fields.  (So.  Wkmn., 
Hampton,  Va.,  1909,  xxxviii.  481- 
485,  S  fgs.)  Notes  hop-picking  by 
the  Indians  of  northwestern  Wash- 
ington. The  author  is  a  member  of 
the  Clallam  tribe. 

Roth  (W.  E.)  Some  technological 
notes  from  the  Pomeroon  district, 
British  Guiana.  (J.  R.  Anthrop. 
Inst.,  Lond.,  1909,  xxxix,  26-34,  10 
pi.)  Treats  of  the  splitting  of  the 
strand  and  preparation  for  plaiting 
the  cassava-squeezer  and  "  Arawak 
fan,"  with  explanation  of  technical 
terms,     processes,     account     of     ma- 


terials employed,  etc.  In  the  Ara- 
wak fan,  the  "  saw-fish,"  "  wish- 
bone "  and  "  sting-ray-gill "  pat- 
terns are  described.  'The  excellent 
plates  make  clear  the  process  of  con- 
struction. 

Sapper  (K.)  Die  Aussichten  der  In- 
dianerbevolkerung  Guatemalas.  (A. 
f.  Rassen-  u.  Ges.-Biol.,  Lpzg.,  1909, 
VI,  44-58.)  Treats  of  the  ethno- 
logical-sociological and  economic  con- 
dition (work  and  wages ;  family  and 
economic  situation;  events  of  1903- 
1906, — military  service  and  results, — 
and  their  influence  on  the  Indians, 
especially  in  Vera  Paz,  in  Alta  Vera 
Paz  in  1905  10%  of  the  Indian  pop- 
ulation are  said  to  have  died),  etc. 
Dr  S.  asks  for  more  attention  to 
economic  conditions  in  ethnologic  in- 
vestigations. 

Schell  (O.)  Die  Ostgronlander. 
(Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1908,  xciv,  85- 
88.)  Gives  data  concerning  the  Es- 
kimo of  Angmagssalik  from  a  diary 
kept  by  the  missionary  Riittel  dur- 
ing August,  1903-Sept.,  1904.  Habi- 
tat and  climate  (thunder  and  light- 
ning are  thought  to  come  from  the 
moon),  dependence  on  environment, 
hunting  on  land  and  sea,  family  life 
(divorces  frequent,  polygamy  com- 
mon ;  sometimes  2  rightful  wives 
with  concubines  and  even  "  exchange 
wives  "  ;  several  families  often  live  in 
one  house)  ;  blood-revenge ;  birth 
and  death ;  fear  of  spirits  of  the 
dead ;  disease  and  death  (many  su- 
perstitions ;  cure  of  man  torn  by 
bear)  ;  angakok  still  in  repute, 
masks,  amulets,  etc.  At  the  Danish 
Colonial  Exposition  at  Copenhagen  in 
1905  many  art  and  industrial  produc- 
tions of  the  East  Greenlanders 
(wood-carvings,  wooden-maps,  bone 
knives,  etc.)  were  exhibited.  Euro- 
pean influence  is  very  noticeable. 

Seler  (C.)  Mexikanische  Kuche.  (Z. 
d.  Ver.  f.  Volksk.,  Berlin,  1909,  xix, 
369-381,  3  fgs.)  Treats  of  Mexican 
(white  and  Indian)  foods  and  drinks, 
their  preparation,  etc. :  Maize  (tor- 
tilla and  varieties,  atole,  tamales,  po- 
zol,  etc.),  frijoles,  chile  in  great  va- 
riety, mole,  olla  (puchero  or  co- 
cido),  tasajo,  fruits  of  many  sorts, 
cacao,  chocolate,  etc.),  pulque,  etc. 
Also  kitchen-utensils.  The  author 
might  have  referred  to  the  paper  of 
Bourke  on  "  Folk-Foods  of  the  Rio 
Grande  "  in  the  /.  Amer.  Folk-Lore. 

Seler  (E.)  Vorlage  einer  neu  einge- 
gangenen  Sammlung  von  Goldalter- 
tiimern  aus  Costa  Rica.     (Z.  f.  Eth- 


i68 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


noL,  Berlin,  1909,  xli,  463-467,  2 
pi.)  Treats  of  prehistoric  gold  ob- 
jects from  El  General  and  jadeite 
objects  from  Matina  and  Lagartero, 
Costa  Rica,  now  in  the  Royal  Ber- 
lin Museum  (Lehmann  collection, 
etc.).  The  gold  objects  are  figures  of 
"  eagles,"  bats,  human-headed  figures, 
spiders  (sometimes  double-headed), 
fish,  salamander,  monkey,  etc.  The 
Museum  has  also  2  gold  masks  from 
Vijes  in  Colombia. 

•     Die     Tierbilder     der     mexikan- 

ischen  und  der  Mayahandschriften. 
(Ibid.,  209-257,  381-457,  414  fgs.) 
Treats  of  all  figures  of  animals  in 
the  Mexican  and  Maya  Mss.,  on 
monuments,  etc.,  and  their  relation 
to  religion,  mythology,  etc.  The 
third  part  of  this  detailed  mono- 
graph is  to  follow.  See  Stempell 
(W.). 

Skinner  (A.)  The  Cree  Indians  of 
Northern  Canada.  (So.  Wkmn., 
Hampton,  Va.,  1909,  xxxviii,  78-83, 
4  fgs.)  Notes  based  on  visit  in  sum- 
mer of  1908.  Treats  of  life  and 
trade  at  posts  and  forts.  Here  "  one 
may  see  every  degree  of  intermix- 
ture of  white  and  Indian  blood,"  and 
"  after  the  second  generation  in  this 
land  the  white  blood  tends  to  disap- 
pear in  the  Indian." 

The  Iroquois  Indians  of  Western 

New  York.  (Ibid.,  206-211,  5  fgs.) 
Notes  on  history,  false-face  dance  of 
the  false-face  society  of  the  Sen- 
ecas,  "  Long  House,"  etc. 

Smith  (H.  I.)  Modoc  veterans  to  re- 
turn home.  (Ibid.,  450-452.)  Brief 
account  of  Modoc  war  and  removal 
of  prisoners  to  Oklahoma.  Of  the 
152  banished  in  1873,  but  49  survive 
to  take  advantage  of  the  recent  act 
of  Congress  permitting  their  return 
to    their    former    home    in    Oregon. 

Speck  (F.  G.)  The  Montagnais  In- 
dians. (Ibid.,  148-154.  6  fgs.)  Notes 
on  Indians  of  Pointe  Bleue,  Lake  St. 
John,  Que. :  Dwellings  (mostly 
tents ;  also  some  log  and  frame 
houses),  card-playing,  clothing  (wo- 
men more  conservative  ;  dress  of  men 
"  very  little  different  from  that  of 
the  ordinary  French  Canadian  habi- 
tant "),  Catholic  mission,  trade  (keeps 
the  Indian  in  debt),  etc. 

Notes      on      Creek      mythology. 

(Ibid.,  9-1 1.)  According  to  S.  the 
chief  features  are  culture-hero  and 
animal  trickster  myths,  genesis  myth, 
fire-stealing,  magic  flight,  race  of 
slow  and  swift  "  tar-baby,"  aban- 
doned    child,     "  imitation     of     host," 


monster  invulnerable  save  in  one 
spot,  migration  legend.  Creek  myth- 
ology conforms  largely  to  the  gen- 
eral American  type  and  to  that  of 
the  Southeast. 

Notes    on   the   ethnology    of   the 

Osage  Indians.  (Trans.  Dept.  Arch., 
Univ.  of  Penn.,  Phila.,  1907,  11, 
159-171,  I  fg.)  Gives  results  of 
visit  to  Osages  of  Oklahoma  in  the 
winter  of  1908:  Houses  and  fur- 
nishings, cradle-board,  clothing  and 
ornament,  hair-dressing  and  head- 
gear (elaborate),  tattooing  (both 
sexes),  secret  religious  society  (7 
grades  of  membership,  feasting,  face- 
painting  and  tattooing),  social 
groups  (gentes  with  tattoos,  rules  and 
ceremonies  of  their  own ;  war  and 
peace  sides ;  paternal  descent ; 
named  after  animals,  supernatural 
objects,  etc.;  groups  possibly  endog- 
amous),  marriage  (both  purchase  and 
capture),  mourning  and  offerings 
(war-dance,  "  ceremonial  of  securing 
an  offering  to  pay  for  the  entrance 
of  a  human  soul  into  the  future 
life"),  visiting  ceremony  (giving 
away  ponies  and  other  property)  ; 
green  corn  dance  ;  "  mescal  religion  " 
(introduced  about  5  years  ago  from 
the  S.  W.  by  an  Indian  named  Wil- 
son,— has  induced  Indians  to  give 
up  whisky-drinking).  The  Osage 
number  now  some  1,700  (about  800 
half-bloods). 

Starr  (F.)  Indian  music  and  records 
of  Iroquois  songs.  (Amer.  Antiq., 
Salem,  Mass,  1909,  xxxi,  29.) 
Notes  need  of  making  hard  records 
from  soft  records  now  in  existence, 
for  individual  students. 

St.  Clair,  2d  (H.  H.)  attd  Frachten- 
berg  (L.  J.)  Traditions  of  the  Coos 
Indians  of  Oregon.  (J.  Amer.  Folk- 
Lore,    Boston,    1909,    XXII,   25-41.) 

Steele  (J.  N.)  Navajo  notes.  (As- 
sembly Herald,  Phila.,  1909,  xv,  71- 
75,  2  fgs.)  Brief  description  of 
houses,  graves,  etc.,  interviews  of 
missionaries  with  chief  Johnnie,  a 
noted  medicine-man  ;  also  with  chiefs 
Tyona  and  Many  Horses. 

Stefansson  (V.)  The  Eskimo  trade 
jargon  of  Herschel  Island.  (Amer. 
Anthrop.,  Lancaster,  Pa.,  1909,  n.  s., 
XI,  217-232.) 

Stempell  (W.)  Die  Tierbilder  der 
Mayahandschriften.  (Z.  f.  Ethnol., 
Berlin,  1908,  xl,  704-743,  30  fgs.) 
Treats  of  figures  of  animals  (monkey, 
jaguar,  puma,  dog,  bear,  hare,  agouti, 
peccary,  deer,  mam.moth(?),  arma- 
dillo,   opossum,    parrot,    eagle,    owl, 


Periodical  Literature 


169 


vulture,  turkey-buzzard,  raven,  quet- 
zal-bird, turkey,  sea-swallow(  ?), 
pelican,  alligator,  tortoise,  lizard, 
rattlesnake,  boa,  frog,  fish,  bee,  scor- 
pion, snail,  etc.  At  pp.  739-742  is  a 
list  of  figures  of  animals  and  parts 
of  animals  occurring  in  the  Dresden 
Ms.,  Codex  Troano,  Codex  Cortesi- 
anus,  Codex  Peresianus.  S.  thinks 
possibly  the  member  of  the  Cervidse 
represented  may  be  an  extinct  spe- 
cies, and  rejects  Brinton's  explana- 
tion of  the  "  elephant-trunks "  as 
"  tapir  snouts."     See   Seler   (E.) 

Strasny  (G.)  Volkslieder  und  Sagen 
der  westgronlandischen  Eskimo. 
(Mitt.  d.  K.-K.  Geogr.  Ges.  in  Wien, 
1909,  LI,  327-335.)  Gives  German 
versions  only  of  some  16  songs 
(spring,  evening,  mountain,  hunt, 
love,  cradle,  drinking,  etc.)  and  a  few 
brief  legends,  obtained  in  1906  from 
men  and  women  of  the  settlements 
on  the  West  Greenland  coast  (Uper- 
nivik,  Umanak,  Jakobshavn,  Igdlor- 
suit,  Nugsuak,  Egedesminde,  Pro- 
ven). These  songs  and  many  more 
were  originally  recorded  in  Eskimo 
by  the  phonograph  and  then  ren- 
dered into  Danish  from  which  the 
German  version  was  made.  The 
12,000  Greenland  Eskimo  are  com- 
ing more  and  more  under  white  in- 
fluences. To  their  own  primitive 
drum  have  been  added  the  har- 
monica and  fiddle  introduced  by  the 
Danes.  Fear  of  being  laughed  at  is 
a  hindrance  to  record  of  tales  and 
songs.  The  Greenlanders  are  fond 
of  alcoholic  drinks ;  even  the  formol 
in  the  alcohol  for  preserving  speci- 
mens did  not  make  it  proof  against 
their  attacks.  The  drinking-song 
cited  shows,  of  course,  Danish  influ- 
ence. 

Stutzer  (O.)  Sommertage  in  Alaska 
und  Yukon.  (Globus,  Brnschwg., 
1909,  277-281,  297-300,  10  fgs.)  Ac- 
count of  visit  to  Yukon  and  Alaska 
in  summer  of  1908.  No  anthropo- 
logical data. 

Survivals  of  pagan  beliefs  among  the 
Indians  of  South  California.  (Na- 
ture, Lond.,  1909,  Lxxix,  295-296.) 
Resume  of  Miss  C.  G.  DuBois's 
paper  on  the  Luiseilo   Indians. 

Tatevin  (C.)  De  la  formule  de  salu- 
tation chez  les  indigenes  du  Bresil. 
(Anthropos,  Wien,  1909,  iv,  139- 
141.)  Gives  native  terms  for  such 
greetings  as  "  Good  day  1 "  etc.,  in 
the  speech  of  certain  Indians  of 
Amazonas,  Brazil. 


Preface  a  un  dictionnaire  de  la 

langue  Tapihiya,  dite  Tupi  ou  heen- 
gatii.  (Ibid.,  1908,  905-915.)  Father 
T.  is  composing  a  grammar  and  dic- 
tionary of  "  the  Tupi,  he'engatii 
(good  language),  ne'e  (language)  azva 
wee' (language  of  men),  or  universal 
language  of  Brazil  (Portuguese 
'lingua  geral  Brasilica '),  and  this 
preface  discusses  in  general  the  lan- 
guage and  its  nomenclature.  Some 
of  the  derivations  offered  are  hardly 
acceptable.  He  thinks  the  Tupi  and 
Tapuya  have  one  origin  and  derives 
Tupi  from  "  Tapih'iya  or   Tapuya." 

Thwaites  (R.  G.)  Local  public  mu- 
seums in  Wisconsin.  (Bull.  Inf.  No. 
43,  State  Hist.  Soc.  Wise,  1908,  i- 
24,  20  fgs.)  Of  anthropological  in- 
terest are  the  ethnological  collections 
of  the  State  Historical  Society  at 
Madison,  the  collections  of  Indian 
knives  and  arrow-heads  at  Appleton 
(Public  Library),  Oshkosh,  etc.,  of 
Indian  bead-work  at  Superior  (P.  L.). 
Also  the  Green  Bay  Historical  So- 
ciety's Schumacher  archeological  col- 
lection. The  local  museums  con- 
tain likewise  numerous  relics  of  the 
French  regime  and  early  pioneer 
days. 

Uhlenbeck  (C.  C.)  Die  einheimischen 
Sprachen  Nord-Amerikas  bis  zuni 
Rio  Grande.  (Anthropos,  Wien, 
1908,  III,  773-799.)  Lists  with  de- 
scriptive notes  and  bibliographical 
references  the  linguistic  stocks  of 
the  American  Indians  north  of  Mex- 
ico. Dr  C.  follows  the  Powellian 
nomenclature,  except  that  he  makes 
an  "  Aztecoid "  to  include  Sho- 
shonean  and  Piman  with  the  Sonoran 
tongues,  thus  dropping  Shoshonean 
as  a  family-name,  and  the  Waiilat- 
puan  is  classed  with  the  Shahaptian. 
In  many  cases  the  literature  is 
brought  fairly  down  to  date  (under 
Athapascan,  e.  g.,  there  is  a  refer- 
ence to  the  American  Anthropologist 
for  1907),  but  if  this  monograph  is 
intended  to  supplant  or  be  substituted 
for  Powell's,  the  bibliography  needs  to 
be  extended  in  various  places,  e.  g., 
Moquelumnan,  Pujunan,  Kulanapan, 
Shastan,  Wakashan.  For  the  Ki- 
tunahan  Powell  alone  is  cited. 

Wadsworth  (The)  paleolith.  (Rec. 
of  Past,  Wash.,  1909,  viii,  111-113, 
I  fg.)  Brief  account  of  flint  imple- 
ment from  gravel  pit  on  west  side 
of  the  river  Styx  in  Wadsworth 
township,  Medina  co.,  Ohio, — ^pos- 
sibly   from    the    undisturbed    gravel 


70 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


contemporaneous  with  that  of  New- 
comerstown,  O. 

Washington  (F.  B.)  Notes  on  the 
Northern  Wintun  Indians.  (J.  Amer. 
Folk-Lore,  Boston,  1909,  xxii,  92- 
95.) 

Waterman  (T.)  Analysis  of  the  Mis- 
sion Indian  creation  story.  (Amer. 
Anthrop.,  Lancaster,  Pa.,  1909,  n.  s., 
XI,  4I-SS-) 

White  (R.)  Making  an  individual  of 
the  Indian.  (So.  Wkmn.,  Hampton, 
Va.,  1909,  XXXVIII,  314-316.)  Shows 
how  "  this  new  individual,  Indian 
only  in  blood  and  tradition,  has 
come  to  supplant  the  stall-fed,  reser- 
vation Indian."  The  modern  Indian 
was  made  possible  through  the  Acts 
of  1887  and  1901. 

The  great  mystery.     (Ibid.,  1908, 

XXXVII,  679-681.)  Notes  on  the  re- 
ligious ideas  of  the  Indian,  who,  ac- 
cording to  the  author,  "  has  always 
believed  in  one  Supreme  Being, 
whom  he  calls  the  Great  Mystery, 
because   he   cannot  understand   him." 

Will  (G.  F.)  Songs  of  western  cow- 
boys. (J.  Amer.  Folk-Lore,  Boston, 
1909,  XXII,  256-263.) 

Some      observations      made      in 

Northwestern  South  Dakota.  (Amer. 
Anthrop.,  Lancaster,  Pa.,  1909,  n.  s., 
XI,  257-265,  8  fgs.) 

Wilser  (L.)  Spuren  des  Vormen- 
schen  aus  Siidamerika.  (Korr.-Bl. 
d.  D.  Ges.  f.  Anthr..  Brnschwg.,  1908, 
XXXIX,  124-125.)  Treats  of  the  cer- 
vical vertebrae  (atlas)  of  the  Homo- 
simius  (Ameghino)  of  Monte  Her- 
moso  and  other  evidence  of  the 
"  precursor  of  man  "  in  S.  America. 
W.  regards  Ameghino's  theory  of 
the  S.  American  origin  of  man  as 
quite  untenable,  and  seeks  the  place 
of  origin  in  the  Arctic  region 
(America-Asia). 

Das  Alter  des  Menschen  in  Siid- 
amerika. (Globus,  Brnschwg.,  igo8, 
xciv,  333-335.)  Discusses  the  age  of 
man  in  S.  America  as  set  forth  in 
the  theories  of  Ameghino  and 
Arldt  (in  his  Tieru.'elt  iind  Erdalter, 
1908),  etc.  W.  holds  that  both  in 
N.  and  S.  America  man  is  a  com- 
paratively recent  comer,  and  Ame- 
ghino's theory  of  the  origin  of  apes 


and  man  in  Patagonia  contradicts  the 
facts  of  geological  and  biological 
evolution. 

Wilson  (R.)  Is  the  prevalence  of 
tuberculosis  among  Negroes  due  to 
race  tendency?  (So.  Wkmn.,  Hamp- 
ton, Va.,  1908,  XXXVII,  648-655.) 
Statistical  study  with  conclusion  that 
"  environment  and  ignorance,  and 
not  innate  tendency,  are  the  chief 
factors  in  the  production  of  tubercu- 
losis among  these  people." 

Wintemberg  (W.  J.)  Discovery  of  a 
stone  cist  in  Ontario.  (Rec.  of  Past, 
Wash.,  1909,  VIII,  75-76,  I  fg.) 
Brief  account  of  the  only  stone  cist 
(near  Streetsville)  in  Ontario,  dis- 
covered in  the  fall  of  1906.  It  seems 
to  be  the  work  of  man,  but  no  hu- 
man remains  of  any  sort  were  found. 

Wright  (G.  F.)  The  new  Serpent 
Mound  in  Ohio.  (Amer.  Anthrop., 
Lancaster,  Pa.,  1909,  n.  s.,  xi,  147- 
149,   I    fg.) 

Zaborowski  (S.)  Les  metissages  au 
Mexique  d'apres  M.  Engerrand. 
(Bull.  Soc.  d'Anthr.  de  Paris,  1908, 
v^  s.,  IX,  712-716,  3  fgs.)  Gives  ex- 
tracts from  letters  from  M.  Enger- 
rand, a  Belgian  savant  in  Mexico, 
concerning  the  mixture  of  races  in 
Yucatan  (the  illustrations  represent 
men  and  women  at  the  hacienda  in 
Ticul).  In  the  country  between 
Chanchucmil  and  Celestum,  on  the 
borders  of  the  State  of  Campeche, 
E.  has  seen  "  working  together 
in  the  forests,  and  all  dressed  alike, 
Maya,  Chinese,  and  Corean  children." 
Yaqui  Indians  from  Sonora  and  Ne- 
groes mingle  with  the  Maya,  with 
whom  Spanish  mixture  is  of  old 
date.  German  immigrants  of  years 
past  have  added  to  the  possibilities 
of  mctissage.  particularly  in  Guate- 
mala.     See    Blanchard    (R.) 

"  Zwei  Jahre  unter  den  Indianern." 
(Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1909,  xcv,  182- 
185,  4  fgs.)  Notes  on  the  first  vol- 
ume of  Dr  Theodor  Koch's  Zwei 
Jahre  unter  den  Indianern ;  Reisen 
in  Nordwestbrasilien  1903  bis  1905 
(Berlin,  1909),  the  record  of  a 
"  born  ethnological  explorer,"  who 
..as  been  "  an  Indian  among  the  In- 
dians." 


THE   JOURNAL    OF 

AMERICAN    FOLK-LORE 

Vol.  XXIII. —  APRIL-JUNE,   1910.  — No.  LXXXVIII 


FOLK-SONGS  AND   MUSIC  OF  CATALUNA 

BY  A.  T.   SINCLAIR 

The  folk-songs,  music,  dances,  musical  instruments,  floral  and 
other  festivals,  the  customs,  the  Catalan  dialect,  —  all  confirm  what 
history  records,  that  Cataluna,  Provence,  Languedoc,  and  other  dis- 
tricts, at  one  time  formed  one  people. 

It  may  be  interesting  to  the  members  of  the  American  Folk-Lore 
Society  to  learn  something  of  the  splendid  work  a  sister  folk-lore 
society  is  doing  in  Spain. 

The  "Centre  Excursionista  de  Catalunya"  has  for  its  object  col- 
lecting and  preserving  everything  connected  with  the  history,  art, 
language,  traditions,  customs,  folk-songs,  music,  dancing,  and  people 
of  Cataluna,  and  also  making  mountain  excursions  in  the  Pyrenees. 
It  is  a  most  flourishing  society,  which  publishes  a  monthly  journal, 
handsome  in  appearance,  and  with  fine  photographs  of  church  porches, 
costumes,  dances,  etc.  One  branch  of  this  club  is  called  "The  Folk- 
Lore  Section,"  the  work  of  which  is  illustrated  by  the  fact  that  it  has 
already  collected  five  thousand  folk-songs  with  variants,  and  three 
hundred  folk-dances.  Many  of  these  have  already  been  pubhshed 
with  the  music,  and  the  remainder  will  soon  appear  in  print. 

The  Smithsonian  Institution  has  recently  arranged  for  an  exchange 
of  publications  with  this  society.  Two  articles  by  myself  in  this  Jour- 
nal—  "Gypsy  and  Oriental  Music"  (January-March,  1907,  p.  16) 
and  "Gypsy  and  Oriental  Musical  Instruments  (April-September, 
igoS,  p.  205)  —  led  the  Secretary  of  the  Cataluna  Society,  Mr.  M.  S. 
Gatuellas,  to  correspond  with  me  on  these  subjects.  The  result  has 
been  the  acquisition  of  many  facts  which  are  new  and  interesting, 
especially  about  musical  instruments. 

During  the  winter  and  spring  of  1909,  Senor  Gatuellas  delivered  a 
course  of  lectures  before  their  Folk-Lore  Society  on  "  Gypsy  Music," 
in  which  he  also  treated  somewhat  all  Spanish  music.  The  lectures 
were  illustrated  by  songs  interpreted  by  the  best  artists  of  the  Orphed 
Catala  and  Barcelona.    This  musical  society  (Orpheo  Catala)  has  a 


172  Journal  of  American  Folk-Loie 

handsome  building  of  its  own,  containing  a  large  exhibition-hall,  club- 
room,  musical  library,  etc.,  and  has  done  much  to  encourage  and 
foster  the  study  of  folk-songs  and  music. 

Mr.  Gatuellas  has  made  a  special  study  of  Spanish  music  and  mu- 
sical instruments,  in  which  he  has  received  the  assistance  and  cooper- 
ation of  the  musical  people  in  Cataluna. 

He  expressed  the  following  conclusions.  The  popular  music  of 
southern  Spain  differs  notably  from  that  of  Catalonia.  The  Andalusian 
music  has  its  principal  source  in  G}'psy  music,  and  also  is  largely 
influenced  by  the  Arabic,  and  both  are  Oriental.  The  Arabs  were 
established  there  for  eight  hundred  years,  much  longer  than  in  the 
rest  of  Spain.  In  the  north  are  found  the  gaitas,  tenoras,  grallas,  tam- 
borilos,  smdjloviols  of  different  forms;  while  in  Andalusia,  the  country 
of  G}T)sies  and  toreros  (bull-fighters),  we  see  guitars  and  castanets. 
In  the  north  the  type  of  music  is  Gallic;  in  the  northeast,  Provencal; 
and  in  the  south  it  is  Oriental. 

The  Provencal  influence  is  more  pronounced  in  the  northeastern 
and  central  parts  of  Catalonia  and  on  the  slopes  of  the  Pyrenees; 
while  in  the  music  of  the  "Campo  de  Tarragona,"  we  hear  the  echoes 
of  the  Roman  and  Arabic  ci\dlization. 

Musical  Instruments. —  The  bagpipe  is  called  by  many  different 
names  in  Spain.  Indeed,  nearly  every  district  has  a  special  nickname; 
but  the  name  gaita  is  the  general,  common  word  everywhere.  Corna- 
musa  is  sometimes  used. 

The  favorite  term  for  it  in  Cataluna  is  Sack  de  gemachs  (saco  de 
lamentaciones),  a  literary  as  well  as  a  colloquial  word. 

In  the  Balearic  Isles,  the  nickname  Xirimies  is  common.  The  origin 
of  the  word  is  due,  it  is  said,  either  to  the  resemblance  of  the  droning 
pipes  to  the  lamentations  of  Jeremiah,  or  to  the  similarity  of  these 
tones  to  the  word  Xirimies. 

The  bagpipe  is  found  in  ver}'  many  districts,  but  especially  in 
Galicia,  where  every  holiday,  every  festival  is  enlivened  by  its  strains, 
and  all  the  dances  are  danced  to  its  music. 

Formerly,  even  in  Cataluna,  it  was  heard  everywhere,  indeed  at 
the  very  gates  of  Barcelona  (Llano  de  Llobreget),  and  was  "the  king 
of  instruments"  in  all  the  cohlas.  This  name  cohla  is  applied  to  the 
rural  orchestras,  which  consisted  of  a  bagpipe,  a  tenora  (a  kind  of 
oboe),  a  tamhoril  (small  drum),  and  a  floviol  (a  flageolet).  In  the 
*'Campo  de  Tarragona"  a  gralla  was  also  used.  At  every  festival 
and  on  every  holiday  could  have  been  seen  in  bygone  days  these 
cohlas  entertaining  the  peasantry,  and  furnishing  their  dance  music. 

To-day,  unfortunately,  the  "  march  of  progress,"  the  ease  of  com- 
munication, the  modern  pianinos  (hand-organs),  have  driven  into 
oblivion  their  old-fashioned  orchestras,  the  pride  of  the  mountain 


Folk -Songs  and  Music  of  Cataluna  173 

villages.  It  is  only  rarely  that  some  old  gaitero  (bagpiper),  driven 
from  his  mountain  home  by  a  poor  harvest,  appears  in  the  capital 
city,  and  that  the  "moaning"  of  his  gaita  is  heard. 

Not  so  in  GaHcia,  Asturias,  and  the  Baleares,  especially  the  island 
of  Mallorca,  whose  inhabitants  play  it  with  religious  zeal;  and  it  is 
to  the  measures  of  the  bagpipe  that  are  danced  the  Muneiras  in 
Galicia,  the  Purisalla  or  Purrisalta  in  Asturias,  etc. 

One  photograph  from  Palma,  the  capital  of  Mallorca,  represents  a 
peasant's  dance.  The  music  is  a  guitar  and  a  bagpipe,  the  upper  part 
of  the  bag  of  which  ends  in  an  animal's  head.  The  handsome  country 
lassies  are  dressed  in  their  beautiful  and  picturesque  costumes,  with 
lace  headdresses  falling  to  the  shoulders,  and  brought  round  the  neck 
in  front. 

Another  shows  a  group  of  five  musicians.  Three  are  playing  their 
bagpipes,  which  have  two  or  three  drones  hanging  down  on  the  right 
side,  and  a  chanter  and  blow-pipe.  The  other  two  are  playing  a 
Uoviol  held  in  the  left  hand;  while  the  right  beats  the  tamhoril  sus- 
pended by  a  cord  round  the  neck,  and  twisted  about  the  left  forearm, 
so  that  it  hangs  just  below  the  arm  in  a  convenient  position  for  the 
single  drumstick  to  reach  it. 

Still  another  photo  portrays  the  "  Cosies  de  Montuiri."  The  dan- 
cers are  attired  in  curious  fantastic  costumes  of  olden  times,  some 
wearing  masks,  and  the  music  is  furnished  by  two  musicians  Hke 
those  last  described. 

In  Mallorca  also  is  still  performed,  in  the  church  at  AUora,  a  reli- 
gious dance  every  year  at  the  festival  of  St.  John.  The  dancers  are  six 
boys  in  tall  hats,  with  one  high-pointed  peak  standing  up  from  each 
side,  and  otherwise  in  a  peculiar  costume.  Another  boy,  called  the 
dama,  is  dressed  as  a  girl.  The  music  is  two  guitars,  and  one  small 
guitar  (called  guitarina)  about  eighteen  inches  long,  and  having  a 
round  body  like  a  banjo  some  ten  inches  in  diameter.  It  is  new  to 
most  people  that  such  a  dance  is  now  to  be  seen  in  a  church  in  Spain, 
except  in  Seville. 

A  similar  dance  is  also  performed  yearly  just  outside  the  church- 
door,  in  honor  of  San  Juan  Palos,  at  Felenitz,  Mallorca.  One  of  the 
boys  is  dressed  as  St.  John,  and  bears  a  cross.  The  musical  instru- 
ments used  there  are  a  drum,  guitar,  and  a  violin. 

An  ancient  dance  of  Ampurdan  is  the  Sardana,  which  within  four 
years  has  become  the  "  rage  "  in  Barcelona.  Everybody  is  dancing  it, 
for  everybody  dances  in  Spain ;  and  all  composers  feel  it  a  duty  to  write 
a  new  Sardana;  that  is,  new  music  for  this  dance,  but  all  made  and 
elaborated  from  folk-melodies.  Already  more  than  a  hundred  new 
Sardanas  have  been  published.  The  Sardana  is  now  proclaimed  the 
national  dance  of  Cataluna.    The  tradition,  or  perhaps  part  of  it  at 


174  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

least,  which  might  be  called  the  old  myth  current  among  the  Ampur- 
danese,  is  this.  The  Sartos  were  a  great  and  powerful  nomadic  race, 
who  assisted  in  the  building  of  many  of  the  enormous  monuments  and 
edifices  now  seen  as  ruins  in  Egypt.  They  belonged  in  Asia,  and  carried 
with  them  to  Greece  a  dance  like  the  Sardana.  In  antiquity  the 
Greeks  founded  a  large  colony,  Emporyon,  the  modern  Ampurdan, 
which  extended  from  the  Gulf  de  Rosas  (Rhodyon)  to  Guesaria  (now 
Sant  Feliu  de  Guixols).  Extensive  excavations  have  been  made  in 
this  district,  and  many  ancient  Greek  vases  discovered  upon  which 
are  displayed  figures  engaged  in  a  dance  similar  to  the  Sardana,  and 
which  is  claimed  to  be  its  origin.  These  Sartos  were  half-giants,  and 
lived  all  along  the  Spanish  and  French  shores  of  the  Mediterranean, 
and  are  supposed  to  have  given  their  name  to  Sardinia;  but  they  al- 
ways continued  to  be  nomads.  The  Ampurdanese  are  large  in  size, 
and  furnish  all  the  mountain-artillery  soldiers  for  the  Spanish  army. 

Such  is  the  folk-belief  held  in  Ampurdan.  The  dance  reminds  one 
strongly  of  the  kolo,  —  a  popular  dance  to-day  in  Greece,  Kroatia, 
Servia,  Bulgaria,  and  the  whole  Balkan  Peninsula.  Both  sexes  join 
hands  and  form  a  circle,  sometimes  containing  three  hundred  persons, 
while  inside  the  ring  numerous  smaller  circles  are  formed.  The 
dance  is  complicated  and  elaborate  in  its  measures  and  figures,  and 
requires  skill  and  practice  for  all  to  exactly  fit  the  peculiar  music  and 
make  the  Spanish  stop  on  the  right  note. 

It  is  supposed  to  represent  the  twenty-four  hours  of  the  day,  — 
eight  for  sleep,  and  sixteen  for  the  waking  hours.  The  measures  for 
sleep  are  sorrowful;  but  suddenly  the  crowing  of  the  cock  is  imitated 
by  the  shrill  tones  of  the  floviol,  and  every  dancer  must  be  precisely 
in  time  and  place,  ready  for  the  joyful  measures  of  day.  The  dance 
occupies  eight  or  ten  minutes,  and  the  music  is  exceedingly  peculiar, 
but  greatly  admired  by  the  Catalans. 

The  musicians  of  the  cohlas  are  country-people.  Some  are  peasants 
who  earn  a  few  pesetas  by  playing  a  tenora  or  other  instrument  at 
festivals.  Others  have  some  musical  education,  and  form  the  cohlas 
which  travel  over  Cataluna.  Those  of  the  htst- cohlas  are  professional 
musicians.  The  most  famous  is  "La  Ampurdanesa  Cobla,"  led  by 
Senor  Sureda,  who  has  verified  the  details  of  instruments  here  given. 
Another  celebrated  cohla  is  "La  Principal"  of  the  town  of  Perelada. 

Every  town  of  much  size  in  Ampurdan  has  its  cohla,vfhich.  plays  Sun- 
day afternoons  in  La  Plaza  Mayor,  and  sometimes  visits  other  towns. 

The  amusement  advertisements  in  the  Barcelona  newspapers  al- 
ways contain  notices  of  where  several  cohlas  can  be  heard  afternoons 
and  evenings. 

With  the  Sardana  these  cohlas  have  become  the  fashion.  A  cobla 
de  Sardanas  has  one  floviol;  la  primera  and  segunda  tiple;  one  tarn- 


Folks ongs  and  Music  oj  Cataluna  175 

horil;  two  tenor  as,  primer  a  and  segunda ;  primer  a  and  segundo  cornetin 
de  piston ;  two  Jiscornes  d  cilindro,  primer  and  segundo;  one  contrabajo ; 
and  sometimes  two  trombones  are  added. 

(a)  The  Jloviols  are  pastoral  instruments,  typical  of  the  Pyrenees, 
with  very  sKght  variations  in  construction  in  different  districts.  The 
Rousillon  instrument  said  to  be  caMed  fluviol  is  the  same  as  the  Cata- 
lan, which  is  written /ouzo/  but  pronounced  flil' viol.  The  "Essayos 
de  Critica  Musical,"  par  Antonio  Noguera,  Preface  by  Juan  Alcover 
y  Maspone  (Palma,  1903),  an  exhaustive  work  on  the  music,  etc., 
of  Mallorca,  gives  fabiol. 

The  shepherds  make  them  of  reeds  (cana)  just  like  those  repre- 
sented in  old  pictures,  etc.  These  are  roughly  made,  but  have  a  power- 
ful tone.  Those  used  by  the  Barcelona  coblas  are  turned  out  of  ebony, 
or  granadillo  (wood),  and  are  very  nicely  made.  They  have  five  fin- 
ger-holes and  four  keys.  There  is  neither  mouthpiece  nor  reed,  only 
what  is  vulgarly  called  llengueta  de  floviol.  In  short,  it  is  a  sort  of 
flageolet  about  twenty  centimetres  long. 

{h)  The  iiple  is  a  wind-instrument.  In  Altd  Arragon  a  kind  of 
guitar  (small)  is  called  tiple.  The  tiple  of  the  cohlas  is  a  little  larger 
than  an  oboe,  and  thicker,  and  is  sixty  centimetres  long.  It  is  made 
oijinjoli  or  cerezo  (cherry)  wood,  and  has  six  finger-holes,  twelve  keys, 
and  a  double  reed  mouthpiece  larger  than  that  of  the  oboe. 

(c)  The  tamboril  is  a  very  small  drum.  Those  still  used  by  the 
coblas^i  Ampurdan  itself  are  of  antique  type.  One  of  these  measured 
by  the  writer  was  a  handsome  instrument  very  well  made,  four  inches 
high,  and  three  inches  and  a  half  in  diameter.  The  body  was  of  a 
black  wood,  and  both  ends  were  covered  with  skin,  held  in  place  by 
two  yellowish  wood  rims.  Cross-strings  run  down  the  sides,  which 
could  be  tightened  by  a  key.  There  was  a  round  hole  in  the  side  of  the 
body.  The  single  drumstick  was  neatly  turned  from  ebony,  and  one 
foot  long. 

The  tamboril-plsiyer  also  plays  the  floviol.  The  Mallorca  tamboril 
is  somewhat  larger. 

In  Catalan,  tamboril  is  written  tambori  (but  pronounced  tambwri) 
and  also  tamborino. 

One  verse  of  the  dance-song  "  Ball  de  Sant  Farriol"  ("BuUetidel 
Centre  Excursionista  de  Catalunya,"  Num.  171,  April,  1909,  p.  114) 
runs  thus:  — 

"Jo  y  lo  pastor  —  viviriem  d'  amoretes. 
Jo  y  lo  pastor  —  viviriem  d'  1'  amor, 
GIori6s  Sant  Farriol  —  ballarem,  si  Deu  ho  val. 
Lo  qui  toca  '1  tamborino  —  n'  ha  perdut  el  floviol." 

"He  who  plays  the  tamborino,  has  not  lost  the  floviol,"  aUudes  to 
the  fact  that  one  musician  plays  both. 


176  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

The  miraculous  ^vine-skin  of  Saint  Farriol  always  kept  itself  full  I 

(d)  La  tenora  is  made  of  granadillo  or  jinjoli  wood,  has  six  finger- 
holes,  thirteen  keys,  and  the  mouthpiece  is  double  reed  similar  to 
that  of  the  Jogote.  It  has  a  bell  mouth  of  white  metal  thirty  centi- 
metres long  and  twenty  centimetres  wide  at  the  mouth;  whole  length, 
ninety  centimetres.  Its  tone  is  strident,  sounding  as  much  like  wood 
as  metal,  peculiar,  yet  agreeable,  and  very  melodious.  It  is  the  classi- 
cal instrument  of  Ampurdan  on  which  Sardanas  are  played,  and  it  is 
also  used  in  Rousillon. 

{e)  The  cornetin  de  piston  is  the  same  as  the  French  cornette  d  piston. 

(/)  The  fiscorne  d  cilindro  is  a  brass  instrument  with  valves  made 
in  Cataluna,  but  the  cilindros  are  bought  in  Germany.  The  instru- 
ment called  in  music-stores  thtr&fiscorne,  and  used  in  theatre  orches- 
tras, is  different  from  that  of  the  cohlas. 

Mr.  Victor  Alahillon  writes  me  that  from  m.y  description  it  is  simi- 
lar to  the  Flugelhorn. 

(g)  The  contrahajo  is  our  double-bass  viol. 

The  tiples,  tenoras,  floviols,  and  tamborils  are  made  by  country 
people.  At  Sant  Fehu  de  Pallarols  (bajos  Pirineos)  is  one  shepherd 
instrument-maker,  and  in  Figueras  another,  who  has  inherited  his 
profession. 

The  contrahajo  a.nd  Jiscorne  are  in  the  key  of  C  natural;  the  cornetines 
and  tcnoras,  in  B  fiat;  the  tiples  a.ndfioviols,  in  F  natural. 

(h)  Of  grallas  there  are  many  kinds.  Those  in  the  north  Asturias 
Castillas  are  well  known,  but  these  differ  much  from  those  of  the 
Xiquets  of  Vails  (Campo  de  Tarragona).  These  are  made  of  wood, 
forty  centimetres  in  length,  have  sLx  finger-holes  and  four  keys,  and  a 
double  reed  mouthpiece  smaller  than  that  of  the  oboe. 

The  Xiquets  de  Vails  are  a  class  of  showmen  g}Tnnasts  peculiar  to 
the  city  of  Vails.  They  appear  in  the  cities  of  Cataluna  on  the  days 
of  festivals,  and  build  their  human  castillos  (castles)  eight  or  nine 
stories  high,  to  the  shrill,  ringing  tones  of  their  grallas,  and  to  the 
rattle  of  their  tanihores  (drums). 

The  name  ''Xiquet"  is  applied  in  Vails  to  the  smallest  member 
of  a  family,  whether  child,  man,  young  or  old.  A  special  melody  is 
played  while  these  castillos  are  building.  These  in  Catalan  called 
castells  or  espedats  are  raised  in  this  manner.  Four,  six,  or  eight  men 
who  resemble  toros  (bulls)  form  the  base,  according  to  the  number  of 
stories  to  be  built.  On  to  this  base  climb  the  same  number  of  men  less 
one,  making  the  second  piso  (story) ;  and  so  one  story  is  raised  abo\-e 
another,  each  one  less  man  than  the  one  below  it,  until  only  one  story 
remains,  which  is  formed  by  a  chiquiUo  (small  boy)  ciflled  usually 
bayiet.  The  espedats  {ahismo  in  Catalan)  are  made  with  only  one  man 
for  a  story.  Both  castellos  and  espedats  are  sometimes  even  ten  stories 


Folk-Songs  and  Music  oj  Catahma  177 

high,  which  occasionally  break  down  and  fall.  When  they  come  to 
Barcelona  and  salute  the  Consejo  Municipal,  they  form  an  espedat 
and  scale  the  balcony,  and  the  baylet  presents  his  greetings  to  the 
Alcalde  of  the  city. 

The  Pan's  pipe  called  zampona  is  used  in  the  centre  of  Spain,  and 
the  adjacent  districts  north  and  south  of  it;  but  it  is  now  largely  rel- 
egated to  the  remote  parts  of  the  mountains.  It  is  not  infrequently 
seen,  however,  even  in  Barcelona,  played  by  wandering  esmolets 
(scissors-grinders).  These  generally  belong  in  Central  Spain,  but  some 
of  them  are  Gallegos  (from  Galicia,  etc.),  and  some  come  from  the 
French  Pyrenees.  Occasionally  also  a  Castillian  beggar  is  seen  so- 
hciting  alms  to  the  sound  of  his  zampona. 

Some  of  these  travelling  cutlers  have  zamponas  made  in  the  old 
style  of  reeds;  but  generally,  thanks  to  their  cheapness,  metal  ones 
are  used. 

The  one  I  have,  obtained  in  Barcelona,  is  of  white  metal,  has  twelve 
tubes  or  pipes  from  1%  inches  to  3%6  inches  long.  The  holes  vary  in 
diameter  from  %  inch  to  %6  inch,  and  are  stopped  about  one  inch 
from  the  bottom  with  wood  or  cork.  They  are  held  together  by  a 
metal  band  %  inch  wide,  and  beginning  V2  inch  from  the  top;  and 
this  and  the  pipes  are  also  soldered  together.  It  is  neatly  made,  and 
has  a  scale  of  an  octave  and  a  half. 

These  are  musical  instruments  in  the  proper  sense  of  the  word ;  but 
zamponas  of  oat-straws,  etc.,  are  made  by  the  boys  in  many  districts, 
especially  some  parts  of  Andalusia  and  the  centre  of  Castille.  In  brief, 
in  Spain  just  as  in  Italy,  although  the  Pan's  pipe  has  almost  disap- 
peared as  a  musical  instrument,  as  a  boy's  toy  it  is  common  in  large 
districts.  Some  infer  from  this  fact  that  it  was  in  common  use,  and 
references  in  literature  tend  to  confirm  this  view. 

The  Spanish  folk-music,  sometimes  low,  sweet,  touching,  and  again 
gay,  joyous,  so  full  of  life  and  vigor  as  to  set  the  feet  and  fingers  in 
motion,  has  a  peculiar  fascination,  and  it  is  always  melodious.  The 
rich  store  and  variety  of  this  music,  and  also  of  folk-songs,  are  very 
great,  and  cannot  fail  to  interest  all  lovers  of  folk-lore.  The  Centre 
Excursionista  is  cultivating  this  field  with  all  the  ardor  and  enthusi- 
asm of  their  Southern  blood. 

There  is  a  story  among  the  people  of  Spain  —  indeed,  the  scene 
has  been  depicted  in  a  noted  painting  —  of  the  church  prelates  who 
assembled  to  pass  judgment  on  the  propriety  of  the  Saraband  dance. 
They  Ustened  to  the  arguments  of  the  accusers  with  stern  brows  and 
forbidding  aspect.  The  case  seemed  hopeless;  but  somebody  sug- 
gested that  the  prelates  should  view  the  dance  itself  to  confirm  what 
was  plainly  their  coming  decision.  Some  graceful  bailarinas  were 
brought  in,  who  commenced  the  dance  to  the  catching  melody.   The 


lyS  Journal  oj  American  Folk-Lore 

faces  of  the  judges  soon  began  to  relax,  and  a  look  of  pleasure  strolled 
over  their  features,  until  at  last,  carried  away  by  the  fascinating 
strains,  the  prelates  themselves  joined  with  gusto  in  the  dance. 

Perhaps  this  is  merely  a  story,  but  it  well  illustrates  the  peculiar, 
bewitching  charm  of  Spanish  music. 

Allston  (Boston),  Massachusetts. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study 


179 


TOTEMISM,  AN   ANALYTICAL    STUDY  ^ 
BY  A.  A.   GOLDENWEISER 


CONTENTS 


Page 

Introduction 179 

I.  Australia  and  British  Columbia    .  183 

Exogamy 184 

Totemic  Names       189 

Descent  from  the  Totem       .     .  191 

Taboo 196 

Magical  Ceremonies     ....  201 
Reincarnation      of       Ancestral 

Spirits 207 

Guardian    Spirits    and    Secret 

Societies 213 

Art 220 

Summary 225 

II.  The  Totemic  Complex     .     .     .     .231 
Exogamy  and  Endogamy      .     .231 
Clan  Exogamy  and  the  other 

"Symptoms" 231 

Local  Exogamy 233 

Clanship  and  Kinship   .     .     .  234 
The  AustraUan  Totem  Clan 

and  Exogamy 237 

The    Tendency    to    regulate 

Marriage 243 

Some  Origins 245 


Page 
The  Regulation  of  Marriage 
and  of  Psychic  Intercourse    247 

Totemic  Names 251 

Descent  from  the  Totem       .     .253 

Taboo 254 

Taboo  and  the  other  "Symp- 
toms"       254 

Historical  and  Psychological 
Complexity  of  Taboo     .     .257 
The  Religious  Aspect  of  Totem- 
ism      258 

The  Worship  of  Plants  and 

Animals 258 

Totem  Worship  and  the  To- 
temic Stage 260 

The  Complex  in  the  Making  .  .264 
Summary  of  Evidence  .  .  .264 
Theories  of  Totemism   .    .     .268 

Another  Theory 270 

Totemism  defined     .     .     .     .274 
Origins,    in    Theory    and    His- 
tory     276 

Bibliography 288 

List  of  Abbreviations 292 


INTRODUCTION 

"A  TOTEM  is  a  class  of  material  objects  which  a  savage  regards  with 
superstitious  respect,  beHeving  that  there  exists  between  him  and 
every  member  of  the  class  an  intimate  and  altogether  special  relation,"  ^ 
—  such  are  the  opening  words  of  a  Httle  classic  on  totemism,  a  work  in 
which  the  leading  principles  of  that  ethnic  phenomenon  received  their 
first  systematic  elaboration.  In  the  light  of  what  subsequent  years 
brought  us  of  good  and  evil  in  totemistic  research  and  theory,  the  out- 
Hne  of  the  subject  given  by  Frazer  a  quarter  of  a  century  ago  must  be 
regarded  as  httle  short  of  prophetic.  Hence  it  behooves  us  briefly  to 
summarize  the  doctrines  there  enunciated. 

Frazer  opens  his  discussion  by  separating  totems  "considered  in 
relation  to  men"  into  three  categories,  —  the  clan  totem,  common  to 

'  Dissertation  submitted  in  partial  fulfilment  of  the  requirements  for  the  degree  of 
Doctor  of  Philosophy  in  the  Faculty  of  Philosophy,  Colimibia  University. 
*  Frazer,  T.,  p.  i.    For  abbreviations,  see  p.  292. 


i8o  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

the  whole  clan,  and  hereditary;  the  sex  totem,  one  common  to  all  the 
males,  another  to  all  the  females,  of  a  tribe;  and  the  individual  totem, 
belonging  to  a  single  individual,  and  not  hereditary.^  Under  the  head- 
ing "Individual  Totems,"  Frazer  discusses  mainly  the  various  behefs 
and  practices  associated  with  the  manitou  of  the  North  American  In- 
dian. In  justification  of  a  discussion  of  "individual  totems"  on  a  par 
with  clan  totemism,  he  advances  the  fact  that  "individuals  also  have 
their  own  special  totems,  i.  e.  classes  of  objects  (generally  species  of 
animals),  which  they  regard  as  related  to  themselves  by  those  ties  of 
mutual  respect  and  protection  which  are  characteristic  of  totemism."  ^ 
A  distinction  is  made,  by  the  way,  between  fetishism  and  totemism, 
in  the  statement  that  "  sometimes  the  okkis  or  manitoos  acquired  by 
dreams  are  not  totems  but  fetiches,  being  not  classes  of  objects  but 
indi\adual  objects."  ^ 

As  " sex  totems,"  Frazer  discusses  the  "sacred  animals  whose  name 
each  individual  of  the  sex  bears,"  found  among  the  tribes  of  New  South 
Wales  and  Victoria,  and  described  by  Fison  and  Howitt  ■*  and  later  by 
Howitt.^  Each  individual  of  the  sex  bears  the  name  of  his  sacred  ani- 
mal, regarding  it  "  as  his  or  her  brother  or  sister  respectively,  not  kill- 
ing it  nor  suffering  the  opposite  sex  to  kill  it.  These  sacred  animals, 
therefore,"  concludes  Frazer,  "answer  strictly  to  the  definition  of  to- 
tems."^ He  admits,  however,  that  "  the  clan  totem  is  by  far  the  most 
important  of  all."  ^ 

In  analyzing  clan  totemism,  Frazer  points  out  that  it  "is  both  a 
rehgious  and  a  social  system;"  the  religious  side  consisting  in  a  special 
attitude  of  the  clansmen  towards  their  totem;  the  social  side,  in  their 
special  attitude  towards  each  other.  Frazer  proceeds  to  specify  a  num- 
ber of  phenomena  belonging  to  the  religious  side  of  totemism.  The 
clansmen  bear  the  name  of  the  totem,  and  "commonly"  trace  their 
descent  from  it.^  Some  cases  are  mentioned  where  there  is  no  belief  in 
descent  from  the  totem.  He  adds,  however,  that  "in  some  myths  the 
actual  descent  from  the  totem  seems  to  have  been  rationahzed  away."  ^ 
The  totemic  taboos  are  introduced  as  a  psychological  consequence  of 
the  beUef  in  descent:  "BeHeving  himself  to  be  descended  from,  and 
therefore  akin  to,  his  totem,  the  savage  naturally  treats  it  with  respect. 
If  it  is  an  animal  he  will  not,  as  a  rule,  kill  nor  eat  it."  *"  Similar  prohi- 
bitions apply  to  plant  totems;  moreover,  "  the  clansmen  are  often  for- 
bidden to  touch  the  totem  or  any  part  of  it  and  sometimes  they  may 
not  even  look  at  it."  ^^    Some  examples  of  cross-totems  are  given,  the 

1  Fmzer,  T.,  p.  2.  2  Ibid.,  p.  53. 

^  Ibid.,  p.  52;  also  pp.  2,  15,  and  56.  *  See  Frazer's  note,  Ibid.,  p.  51. 

*  Howitt,  iV.  T.,  pp.  148-151.  «  Frazer,  T.,  p.  51. 
'  Ibid.,  p.  2.  *  Tbid.,  p.  3. 

*  Ibid.,  p.  6.  '0  Ibid.,  p.  7.  "  Ibid.,  p.  11. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  i8i 

term  being  defined  as  "  a  totem  which  is  neither  a  whole  animal  or 
plant,  nor  a  part  of  one  particular  species  of  animal  or  plant,  but  is  a 
particular  part  of  all  (or  of  a  number  of  species  of)  animals  or  plants."  ^ 

A  man  respects  and  cares  for  the  totem,  but  expects  help  and  pro- 
tection inreturn.2  Sometimes  the  totem  gives  the  clansmen  informa- 
tion by  means  of  omens.^  "  In  order,  apparently,  to  put  oneself  more 
fully  under  the  protection  of  the  totem,  the  clansman  is  in  the  habit  of 
assimilating  himself  to  the  totem  by  dressing  in  the  skin  or  other  part 
of  the  totem  animal,  arranging  his  hair  and  mutilating  his  body,  so  as 
to  resemble  the  totem,  and  representing  the  totem  on  his  body  by 
cicatrices,  tattooing,  or  paint."  ■*  The  knocking-out  of  teeth  is  also 
interpreted  as  an  attempt  to  imitate  the  totem.^  A  series  of  ceremo- 
nies at  birth,  puberty,  marriage,  and  death  are  described,  all  performed 
with  the  object  of  achieving  an  "  identification  of  a  man  with  his 
totem."  ^ 

Passing  now  to  the  social  aspect  of  totemism,  Frazer  notes  that  "  all 
the  members  of  a  totem  clan  regard  each  other  as  kinsmen  or  brothers 
and  sisters,  and  are  bound  to  help  and  protect  each  other."  ^  Finally, 
persons  of  the  same  totem  may  not  marry  or  have  sexual  intercourse 
with  each  other.^ 

Haddon's  conception  of  totemism  is,  as  he  himself  points  out,  in 
substantial  agreement  with  that  of  Frazer.  "Totemism,"  he  says, 
"  as  Dr.  Frazer  and  I  understand  it  in  its  fully  developed  condition, 
implies  the  di\dsion  of  a  people  into  several  totem  kins  (or,  as  they  are 
usually  termed,  totem  clans),  each  of  which  has  one  or  sometimes  more 
than  one  totem.  The  totem  is  usually  a  species  of  animal,  sometimes 
a  species  of  plant,  occasionally  a  natural  object  or  phenomenon,  very 
rarely  a  manufactured  object.  Totemism  also  involves  the  rules  of 
exogamy,  forbidding  marriage  within  the  kin,  and  necessitating  inter- 
marriage between  the  kins.  It  is  essentially  connected  with  the  matri- 
archal stage  of  culture  (mother-right),  though  it  passes  over  into  the 
patriarchal  stage  (father-right).  The  totems  are  regarded  as  kinsfolk 
and  protectors  of  the  kinsmen,  who  respect  them  and  abstain  from 
kilHng  and  eating  them.  There  is  thus  a  recognition  of  mutual  rights 
and  obligations  between  the  members  of  the  kin  and  their  totem.  The 
totem  is  the  crest  and  symbol  of  the  kin."  ^ 

Rivers  recently  defined  totemism  in  a  somewhat  more  guarded  but 
essentially  similar  way.    He  gives  three  essential  characteristics  of 

^  Frazer,  T.,  p.  13.  On  pp.  18  and  19  mention  is  made  of  Australian  food  prohibitions 
which  do  not  refer  to  totems,  but  seem  to  vary  with  age. 

^  Ibid.,  p.  20.  ^  Ibid.,  p.  23.  ''  Ibid.,  p.  26. 

*  Ibid.,  pp.  27-28.  *  Ibid.,  p.  32.  '  Ibid.,  p.  57. 

*  Ibid.,  p.  58. 

*  Haddon,  Presidential  Address  before  Section  H,  Anthropology,  of  the  B.  .\.  A.  S., 
1902. 


1 82  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

totemism:  "The  first  and  most  important  feature  is  that  the  class  of 
animals  or  other  objects  are  definitely  connected  with  a  social  divi- 
sion, and  in  the  typical  form  of  the  institution  this  social  division  is 
exogamous.  Often  the  division  takes  its  name  from  the  totem,  or  this 
may  be  used  as  its  badge  or  crest,  but  these  points  are  less  constant 
or  essential.  The  second  feature  is  the  presence  of  a  behef  in  kinship 
between  the  members  of  the  social  division  and  the  totem,  and  in  the 
most  typical  form  there  is  behef  in  descent  from  the  totem.  The  third 
feature  is  of  a  rehgious  nature;  in  true  totemism  the  members  of  the 
social  division  show  respect  to  their  totem,  and  by  far  the  most  usual 
method  of  showing  this  respect  is  the  prohibition  of  the  totem  as  an 
article  of  food.  When  these  three  features  are  present  we  can  be  con- 
fident that  we  have  to  do  with  totemism."  ^ 

Frazer,  Haddon,  and  Rivers  have  time  and  again  dealt  with  the 
subject  of  totemism  in  articles  and  reviews,  and  in  the  course  of  these 
writings  they  have  repeatedly  rejected  one  or  another  of  the  above 
features  or  "symptoms"  of  totemism  as  not  constituting  an  indis- 
pensable phase  of  that  complex  phenomenon.  Frazer,  especially,  has 
in  his  later  writings  repudiated  the  original  character  of  the  connec- 
tion between  totemism  and  exogamy,"  —  an  attitude  shared  by  Spen- 
cer and  Gillen  ^  and  Howitt.^  As  a  whole,  however,  the  above  writers 
joined  hands  with  Lang,  Thomas,^  and  Hartland  in  regarding  to- 
temism, with  its  several  features,  as  an  integral  phenomenon,  both 
historically  and  psychologically.  This  attitude  is  reflected  in  the  way 
various  authors  deal  with  the  so-called  "survivals"  of  totemism,® 
where  from  the  presence  in  some  region  of  one  or  two  of  the  "symp- 
toms" of  totemism,  or  of  the  fragments  of  such  symptoms,  they  infer 
the  existence  in  the  past  of  totemism  in  its  "  typical  form;"  that  is, 
with  all  its  essential  characteristics. 

The  main  features  thus  beheved  to  be  s>Tiiptomatic  of  totemism 
may  be  summarized  as  follows :  — 

1.  An  exogamous  clan. 

2.  A  clan  name  derived  from  the  totem. 

'  Rivers,  /.  A.  I.,  vol.  xxxix  (1909),  pp.  156-157. 

2  Frazer,  1905,  p.  459. 

^  Spencer  and  Gillen,  /.  A.  I.,  vol.  xxviii  (1899),  pp.  276-277. 

*  Howitt,  N.  T.,  p.  151. 

^  Thomas,  however,  in  a  review  of  Weule,  says,  "Dr.  Weule  has  assumed  that  descent 
from  the  totem  is  a  characteristic  and  necessary  element  in  totemism,  whereas  it  is  in 
reality  frequently  absent  and  is  in  no  sense  a  criterion  "  {Folk-Lore,  vol.  xx,  No.  2  (1909) , 
p.  245).  See  also  his  book,  Kinship  Organizations  and  Group  Marriage  in  Australia, 
where  "totemism  is  .  .  .  treated  only  incidentally"  (Preface). 

"  See  Jevons,  7.  H.  R.,  pp.  113-129;  Frazer,  T.,  pp.  92  et  seq.;  Rivers,  J.  A.  I.,  1909, 
pp.  156-157;  as  well  as  older  writers,  such  as  Robertson  Smith,  K.  M.  A.,  pp.  186  et  seq., 
and  L.  R.  S.,  pp.  83-131;  McLennsLn,  Forinightly  Reviav,  1869,  pp.  562-582,  and  1870, 
pp.  194-216;  and  others. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  183 

3.  A  religious  attitude  towards  the  totem;  as  a  "  friend,"  "  brother," 
"  protector,"  etc. 

4.  Taboos,  or  restrictions  against  the  killing,  eating  (sometimes 
touching  and  seeing),  of  the  totem. 

5.  A  behef  in  descent  from  the  totem.  ^ 

The  justification  of  regarding  the  various  features  of  totemism  as 
organically  interrelated  is  not  a  priori  obvious.  An  analysis  of  such 
features,  as  found  among  various  primitive  tribes,  may  demonstrate 
their  essential  independence  of  one  another,  historically  or  psycholo- 
gically, or  both.  We  should  then  have  to  realize  that  any  attempt  at 
deahng  with  totemism  without  due  reahzation  of  the  essential  in- 
dependence of  its  constituent  parts  must  result  in  grave  misconcep- 
tions. In  the  following  pages  I  shall  attempt  to  analyze  the  "symp- 
toms" of  totemism  on  the  basis  first  or  a  detailed  comparison  of  two 
areas  in  which  totemism  is  a  conspicuous  and  recognized  feature,  — ■ 
Australia  and  British  Columbia.  This  will  be  followed  by  a  somewhat 
difi'erent  analysis  of  the  same  "symptoms"  on  the  basis  of  wider  and 
more  heterogeneous  material. 

The  conclusions  thus  reached  will  lead  us  to  reconsider  the  current 
conceptions  of  totemism,  and  to  apply  the  resulting  methodological 
point  of  view  to  a  critique  of  the  theories  advanced  to  account  for  the 
origin  of  totemism,  and  of  the  attempts  to  represent  totemism  as  a 
universal  stage  in  the  evolution  of  religion. 

I.    AUSTIL4LIA   AND    BRITISH   COLUilBIA 

The  selection  of  these  two  areas  for  the  purpose  of  a  discussion  of 
totemism  may  be  objected  to  as  arbitrary,  and  to  a  certain  extent  it 
is.   I  beheve,  nevertheless,  that  our  choice  can  be  amply  justified. 

A  number  of  descriptive  works  of  a  high  order  make  our  knowl- 
edge of  both  areas  comparatively  complete. 

The  writings  of  Spencer  and  Gillen,  Howitt,  Roth,  Strehlow,  and 
others,  —  not  to  mention  the  earher  writers,  —  have  given  us  much 
detailed  information  on  a  large  number  of  AustraUan  tribes.  Part 
of  the  material  is  perhaps  somewhat  chaotic,  and  at  times  contradic- 
tory; it  cannot  be  denied,  however,  that  many  important  data  on  the 
social  organization  and  culture  of  many  tribes  have  been  brought  to 
Hght  with  sufficient  clearness  and  in  great  detail.  The  more  specula- 
tive works  of  another  set  of  British  authors  have  in  the  main  depended 
for  their  facts  and  inspiration  on  these  descriptive  studies. 

The  tribes  of  British  Columbia,  on  the  other  hand,  which  had  at- 
tracted the  attention  of  Krause  and  a  number  of  Russian  travellers, 

^  The  attitude  towards  totemism  taken  by  Tylor  (/.^.7.,  vol.  xxviii,pp.  138  et  seq.)  a.nd 
some  American  students  ditlers  fundamentally  from  that  expounded  in  the  foregoing 
pages.  We  shall  have  occasion  farther  on  to  return  to  the  views  of  these  authors. 


184  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

and,  much  later,  of  writers  like  Dawson,  Swan,  Niblack,  and  others, 
became  the  object  of  more  systematic  study,  first  under  the  auspices 
of  the  British  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Science,  and  later, 
on  a  much  more  extensive  as  well  as  intensive  scale,  under  the  auspices 
of  the  Jesup  North  Pacific  Expedition.  Whatever  theoretical  discus- 
sion of  totemism  can  be  found  in  America  —  excluding,  perhaps,  the 
Iroquois  —  is  contained  in  the  writings  of  those  men,  often  between 
the  lines,  as  America  cannot  boast  of  any  theoretical  or  speculative 
work  on  totemism  which  could  at  all  be  compared  to  the  far-reaching 
and  thoroughgoing  discussions  of  the  Britishers. 

If  a  further  justification  of  our  selection  be  needed,  it  may  perhaps 
be  recognized  in  the  fact  that  the  point  of  ^dew  taken  is  a  methodo- 
logical one:  hence,  if,  as  the  result  of  a  detailed  comparison  of  the  two 
areas,  a  flaw  can  be  discovered  in  the  current  attitude  towards  totem- 
ism, our  course  will  be  amply  justified.^ 

Exogamy 

Australia.  —  The  most  constant  feature  in  the  social  organiza- 
tion of  Austrahan  tribes  is  a  division  of  the  community  into  two  ex- 
ogamous  groups,  —  the  phratries.^  The  character  of  totemic  clans  and 
of  the  class  organization  varies  with  the  groups  of  tribes;  but  the 
phra tries  remain,  as  a  rule,  well  defined.^  In  some  tribes  the  phratries 
assume  some  of  the  characteristics  so  marked  in  the  phratries  of  the 
Siouan  tribes  of  North  America.  Among  the  Aranda,^  for  instance, 
the  dichotomous  division  is  well  marked  in  camping,  some  natural 
feature  being  generally  selected  as  a  boundary.^  We  shall  see  later 
what  prominent  part  the  phratry  plays  in  the  exogamic  regula- 
tions, and  how  closely  the  ceremonial  Hfe  of  the  tribes  is  associated 
with  it. 

Let  us  now  cover  in  a  rapid  review  the  various  types  of  social 
organization  found  in  AustraHa,  taking  as  examples  a  few  represent- 
ative tribes. 

'  See  also  p.  287. 

^  Howitt,  as  well  as  Spencer  and  Gillen,  discard  the  term  "phratry."  Howitt 
uses  "class"  {N.  T.,  p.  88)  instead;  Spencer  and  Gillen,  "moiety"  (ii,  p.  71);  the  latter, 
however,  also  use  "phratry"  (see,  for  instance,  ii,  pp.  121-122).  As  the  majority  of  the 
writers  on  Australia  use  this  term  when  speaking  of  the  two  exogamous  groups  of  a  tribe, 
I  shall  also  adopt  it  with  that  meaning.  "Class  "  and  "  sub-class  "  will  be  used  with  the 
meaning  given  to  those  terms  by  Spencer  and  Gillen  (ii,  p.  71,  note).  The  terms  "clan" 
and  "totem  clan"  will  be  used  to  designate  the  Australian  totem  group. 

^  Howitt,  N.  T.,  p.  88;  Spencer  and  Gillen,  i,  p.  55.  The  statement  does  not  apply  to 
the  tribes  "with  anomalous  class  systems  and  male  descent"  (Howitt,  N.  T.,  p.  129), 
nor  to  the  tribes  "without  class  systems"  {Ibid.,  p.  134).  In  the  above  presentation 
those  tribes  are  omitted. 

*  For  orthography  see  Strehlow,  i,  von  Leonhardi's  "Vorwort." 

*  Spencer  and  Gillen,  ii,  p.  g6. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  185 

The  Dieri  are  divided  into  two  exogamous  phratries,  Kararu  and 
Matteri,  each  of  which  comprises  a  number  of  totemic  clans,  no  totem 
occurring  in  both  phratries.  The  mother's  phratry  and  totem  are 
inherited,  although,  in  case  of  marriage  into  another  tribe,  the  child 
belongs  to  the  tribe  of  its  father.^ 

Among  the  Arabana^  the  two  phratries  are  called  Kirarawa  and 
Matthurie.  Here  the  members  of  a  Kirarawa  totem  group  are  re- 
stricted in  their  marital  possibilities  to  one  particular  Matthurie  totem, 
and  vice  versa.   The  mother's  phratry  and  totem  are  inherited.^ 

In  the  group  of  tribes  of  which  the  Kamilaroi  may  be  taken  as 
representative,  another  feature  supervenes.  We  again  find  the  two 
exogamous  phratries  —  Kupathin  and  Dilbi — each  containing  a 
number  of  totem  clans.  In  addition,  however,  each  phratry  comprises 
two  classes,  while  each  class  contains  parts  of  all  the  clans  of  one 
phratry.  The  Kupathin  classes  are  Ipai  (female  Ipata)  and  Kumbo 
(female  Buta);  the  Dilbi  classes,  Murri  (female  Mota)  and  Kubbi 
(female  Kubbota). 

The  class  system  introduces  further  marriage  restrictions.  A  class 
of  phratry  Kupathin  is  not  only  debarred  from  marrying  into  the 
other  class  of  the  same  phratry,  but  also  from  marr^dng  into  one  of  the 
classes  of  phratry  Dilbi;  and  so  on.  Thus  a  Murri  can  only  marry  a 
Kubbota,  a  Kubbi  only  an  Ipata,  etc.  The  child  follows  the  mother's 
phratry  and  totem,  but  belongs  to  that  class  which,  together  with  the 
mother's  class,  forms  her  phratry.^ 

Essentially  similar  to  the  Kamilaroi  in  class  system  and  concomi- 
tant marriage  rules  are  the  Kaiabara,  with  their  phratries  Kubatine 
and  Dilebi,  containing  two  classes  each;^  but  the  rule  of  descent  is 
different.  The  child  belongs  to  the  father's  phratry  and  to  that  class 
which,  together  with  the  father's  class,  constitutes  his  phratry.  The 
totem,  however,  follows  the  mother,  with  the  additional  pecuharity 
that  while  the  child  takes  the  same  beast  or  bird  as  its  mother,  it  is 
of  a  different  color  or  gender.® 

In  the  tribes  represented  by  the  Warramunga,  conditions  are  still 
more  complex.  Here  each  of  the  four  classes  contains  in  its  turn  two 
sub-classes  (with  separate  names  for  males  and  females)  which  af- 
fect marriage  in  the  same  way  as  do  the  four  classes  in  the  tribes 
represented  by  the  Kamilaroi,  Kaiabara,  etc.  Thus  each  phratry  is 
divided  into  four  sub-classes,  each  one  of  which  can  only  marry  into 

'  Howitt,  N.  T.,  pp.  158  et  seq.  and  175  et  seq. ;  Spencer  and  Gillen,  ii,  pp.  70  et  seq. 
"  For  orthography  see  Strehlow,  ii,  p.  56,  note  i. 

'  Howitt,  N.  T.,  pp.  176  and  188-189;  Spencer  and  Gillen,  ii,  pp.  70  et  seq. 
^  Howitt,  N.  T.,  pp.  103  et  seq.  and  199  et  seq. 
'  Ibid.,  p.  116. 

'  Ibid.,  pp.  228  et  seq.;  cf.,  however,  Lang  on  "The  Puzzle  of  Kaiabara  Sub-class 
Names"  {Man,  vol.  x  [1910],  pp.  130-133). 


1 86  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

one  sub-class  of  the  other  phratry.  Descent  of  the  totem,  phratry, 
and  class  is  through  the  father;  but  the  child  belongs  to  that  sub- 
class which,  with  the  father's  sub-class,  constitutes  his  class. ^  Simi- 
lar conditions  prevail  among  the  northern  Aranda.  In  the  southern 
section  of  that  tribe,  on  the  other  hand,  the  system  is,  or  seems  to  be, 
still  more  intricate.  Here  the  four  classes  are  not  definitely  subdi- 
vided into  sub-classes;  but  to  each  man  of  the  Panunga  class,  for  in- 
stance, the  women  of  the  Purula  class  are  either  Urawa  whom  he  may, 
or  Unkulla  whom  he  may  not,  marry. ^  Among  the  Aranda  the  totem 
clans  are  not  strictly  confined  to  either  the  one  or  the  other  phratry; 
and  whenever  a  particular  totem  clan  is  found  in  both  phratries,  the 
clan  tie  is  no  longer  a  bar  to  marriage.^ 

It  must  be  noted  here  that  the  phratry,  class,  and  sub-class  orga- 
nizations in  the  various  tribes  must  be  regarded  as  equivalent.  When 
a  man  finds  himself  in  another  tribe,  he  at  once  occupies  a  place  in  the 
social  organization  strictly  analogous  to  his  place  in  his  own  tribe,  and 
the  concomitant  marriage  restrictions  follow  as  a  matter  of  course.* 

British  Columbia.  - —  Let  us  now  glance  at  the  conditions  in  our 
American  area. 

Geographically  the  Tlingit  comprise  fourteen  di\asions,  each  con- 
sisting of  several  towns. °  The  present  social  division  is  into  two 
strictly  exogamous  phratries,  with  descent  through  the  mother.  There 
is  also  a  third  division  which  is  permitted  to  marry  into  both  other 
divisions.  The  phratries  are  subdivided  into  clans,  the  members  of 
which  regard  themselves  as  more  intimately  related  to  each  other 
than  to  members  of  other  clans.  Every  geographical  division  contains 
members  of  both  phratries,  and  usually  of  several  clans  of  each  phra- 
try; while  every  clan  is  distributed  between  two  or  more  geographi- 
cal divisions.® 

Among  the  Haida  we  again  find  two  exogamous  "clans,"  ^  descent 
being  in  the  female  line.  The  members  of  one  "  clan"  were  regarded 
as  closely  related,  and  marriage  between  persons  of  the  same  "  clan" 
"was  viewed  by  them  almost  as  incest  by  us."  Members  of  opposite 
"  clans,"  on  the  contrary,  were  almost  Kke  enemies  to  each  other.  In 
case  of  internal  strife,  "clan  "  ties  were  considered  rather  than  individual 
"family"  ties.  As  concerns  relations  to  other  tribes,  a  Raven  man  is 

'  Spencer  and  Gillen,  ii,  pp.  loo  et  seq.  ^  Ibid.,  ii,  pp.  97  et  seq. 

'  Ibid.,  i,  pp.  73  and  120  et  seq. 

*  Howitt,  N.  T.,  pp.  137  et  seq.;  Spencer  and  Gillen,  ii,  pp.  100  et  seq. 

*  Swanton,  26th  B.  E.  R.,  1904-05,  pp.  396-397. 
°  Ibid.,  1904-05,  p.  398. 

'  The  "clans"  of  the  Haida  are  strictly  analogous  to  the  Tlingit  "phratries,"  while 
the  Haida  "families"  correspond  as  closely  to  the  "clans"  of  the  Tlingit.  It  is  very  un- 
fortunate that  Swanton  should  have  adopted  diilerent  terms  for  the  social  divisions  of 
the  two  tribes;  to  avoid  confusion,  however,  I  shall  use  his  terms,  in  quotation-marks. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  187 

theoretically  always  affiliated  with  the  Raven  clan  of  any  particular 
tribe;  here,  however,  a  curious  phenomenon  supervenes,  which  leads  to 
instructive  situations.  The  Haida  "  clans,"  namely,  are  transposed  as 
compared  with  those  of  theTsimshian.  The  crests  of  the  Haida  Raven 
"clan"  are  found  among  the  Bear  and  Wolf  clans  of  the  Tsimshian, 
while  the  crests  of  the  Tsimshian  Raven  and  Eagle  clans  are  those  of 
the  Haida  Eagles.^  The  same  relation  obtains  between  the  Haida 
"clans"  and  the  Thngit  "phratries:"  the  killer- whale,  grizzly-bear, 
wolf,  and  hahbut  crests,  which  are  on  the  Wolf  side  among  the  Thngit, 
are  Raven  crests  among  the  Haida;  while  the  raven,  frog,  hawk,  and 
black- whale  crests  of  the  Haida  Eagle  "clan"  belong  to  the  Raven  side 
among  the  Thngit.^ 

On  this  occasion  the  relative  importance  of  the  "clan  "  eponym  on  the 
one  hand,  and  of  the  "family  "  crests  on  the  other,  reveals  itself.  Crests 
are  considered  much  more  important  than  is  the  mere  name  of  the 
"  clan."  A  Haida,  accordingly,  considers  that  his  affiHations  are  with 
that "  clan"  or  "  clans  "  which  contain  the  crests  of  his  own  "clan,"  and 
calls  such  "clan"  or  "clans"  his  "friends." 

The  Haida  may  be  divided  into  six  geographical  and  historical 
groups,  members  of  both  "clans"  being  represented  in  each  group; 
and  again,  as  among  the  Thngit,  the  "  clans"  comprise  several  "  fami- 
nes" which  are  similarly  geographically  distributed.^ 

Among  the  Tsimshian  the  famihes  are  differently  distributed.  Here 
they  form  local  units;  so  that  in  each  locahty  we  find  several  famihes, 
all  of  the  members  of  which  belong  to  that  particular  local  group.  All 
the  famihes  are  again  classified  according  to  the  four  clans  which 
claim  their  family  or  families  in  each  locahty.  The  clans  are  exoga- 
mous,  and  descent  is  through  the  mother.* 

The  northern  Kwakiutl  are  organized  hke  the  Tsimshian,  with  the 
exception  of  descent,  which  is  no  longer  strictly  maternal,  although 
that  form  predominates.  "Parents  are  at  liberty  to  place  their  chil- 
dren in  either  the  paternal  or  the  maternal  clan."  * 

When  we  proceed  still  farther  south,  we  no  longer  find  a  number 
of  clans  represented  in  all  the  local  groups  of  a  tribe.  The  southern 
Kwakiutl  are  divided  into  clans  and  famihes,  grouped  in  viUage  com- 
munities, but  each  clan  is  restricted  to  one  village.*  The  clans  are 
not  exogamous;  here,  in  fact,  a  woman  is  advised  to  marry  into  her 
own  clan,  for  among  her  own  people  she  is  likely  to  receive  better 
treatment.^  Paternal  descent  prevails  among  these  people,  although 
certain  curious  traces  of  maternal  descent  have  also  been  observed, 
of  which  more  is  said  farther  on.® 

'  Swanton,  Jesup  Exped.,  vol.  v,  p.  66.  ^  Swanton,  sdth  B.  E.  R.,  IQ04-05,  p.  423. 

^  Swanton,  Jesup  Exped.,  vol.  v,  p.  68.  ■•  Boas,  Jesup  Exped.,  vol.  i,  p.  121. 

^  Personal  communication  by  Boas.  "  Boas,  Kwakiutl,  p.  t,t,a. 
VOL.  xxni.  —  NO.  88.              13 


1 88  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

The  Salish  of  the  southern  coast  are  divided  into  village  com- 
munities. Some  of  these  have  amalgamated,  for  instance,  among  the 
southern  tribes  of  Vancouver  Island,  where  we  find  a  number  of  septs, 
each  occupying  a  separate  village.^  The  village  communities  are  not 
exogamous.^ 

Thus  we  find  exogamy  in  both  totemic  areas.  Any  attempt,  how- 
ever, to  elaborate  that  most  general  analogy  reveals  fundamental  dif- 
ferences in  the  development  and  present  significance  of  the  social 
groups,  in  the  two  regions. 

In  a  large  number  of  Australian  tribes  we  noted  the  segmentation 
of  the  community  into  four  or  eight  matrimonial  classes.  The  classes 
are  always  exogamous;  the  regulation  of  marriage,  in  fact,  being 
apparently  their  only  function.  In  British  Columbia  there  are  no 
such  social  divisions. 

The  clan  of  the  Pacific  coast  is  in  its  history,  as  well  as  in  its  present 
functions,  a  very  different  unit  from  the  Austrahan  totem  clan.  Tra- 
ditions, partly  supported  by  history,  refer  to  a  time  when  the  Tlin- 
git  "clans"  and  the  Haida  "families"  were  local  groups,  each  "fam- 
ily" or  "  clan"  occupying  one  town  or  village.  Subsequent  migrations, 
separation  of  some  groups,  amalgamation  of  others,  led  to  the  present 
organization,  where  either  several  famihes  occupy  each  village,  being 
classified  according  to  the^clans,  as  among  the  Tsimshian  and  north- 
ern Kwakiutl,  or  the  "  families"  and  "  clans"  are  dispersed  throughout 
the  geographical  areas  and  towns,  as  among  the  Haida  and  THngit. 
The  local  sections  of  the  Haida  "families"  and  Thngit  "clans"  gen- 
erally derive  their  names  from  the  locahty  they  originally  occupied, — 
"people  of  Ganax,"  "of  the  island  Teqo,"  "of  the  house  in  the 
middle  of  the  valley,"  etc.  Thus  the  consciousness  of  the  common 
local  descent  is  kept  aHve  in  the  now  dispersed  groups.'' 

Among  the  coast  tribes  of  British  Columbia,  the  village  community 
once  constituted  the  unit  of  political  and  social  organization,  a  con- 
dition still  found  among  the  tribes  of  Washington  and  Oregon  *  as 
well  as  among  the  Salish  of  the  interior. 

In  the  present  state  of  our  knowledge,  it  would  clearly  be  absurd 
to  regard,  as  Frazer  once  did,^  the  "  clans"  of  the  Tlingit,  for  instance, 
as  having  originated  from  the  Thngit  "  phratries  "  through  a  process  of 

'  Boas,  Jesiip  Expcd.,  vol.  i,  p.  122. 

^  The  Lillooet,  Shuswap,  and  Bella  Coola,  the  social  organizations  of  which  tribes  pre- 
sent highly  interesting  peculiarities,  will  be  discussed  farther  on  (see  pp.  246,  281  el  scq.). 

^  S\va.nton, 26th  B.  E.  R.,  igo4-os,pp.3g8-3gg;  Jcsup  Expcd.,  vol.  v,  p.  68;  Boa.s,K'wa- 
kiutl,  p.  334. 

*  Lewis,  Tribes  of  the  Columbia  Valley  and  the  Coast  of  Washington  and  Oregon, 
p.  156. 

^  Frazer,  T.,  p.  62. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  189 

segmentation;  although  we  may  not  be  in  a  position  to  fix  chrono- 
logically the  origin  of  the  two  institutions. 

We  are  still  sadly  in  the  dark  as  to  the  history  of  the  Austrahan 
totem  clans.  Cunow's  argument  notwithstanding/  they  may  well 
have  originated  as  subdivisions  of  the  phratry;  positive  evidence  of 
the  process,  however,  is  not,  so  far,  forthcoming.  In  regard  to  two 
points,  though,  we  may  be  tolerably  certain.  The  totem  clans  have 
not  originated  from  village  communities  through  a  process  of  fusion 
and  sphtting;  for  it  is  more  than  improbable  that  a  development  of 
the  required  complexity  and  duration  should  have  left  no  traces.  The 
second  point  refers  to  the  greater  antiquity  of  the  phratries  as  com- 
pared to  the  totem  clans.  The  occurrence  of  the  phratry  over  almost 
the  whole  of  the  Australian  continent;  the  fact  that  many  phratric 
names  and  the  meaning  of  many  more  have  been  forgotten;  the 
importance  of  the  phratry  in  connection  with  exogamy  and  the  cere- 
monies, —  all  these  facts  point  toward  a  great  antiquity  of  that 
institution.  If  there  is  a  point  of  similarity  between  the  Austrahan 
phratries  and  those  of  the  Thngit,  or  the  Haida  "  clans,"  it  hes  in  the 
exogamic  character  of  these  social  divisions. 

As  a  social  unit,  the  Austrahan  totem  clan  is  conspicuously  weak. 
Being  in  most  cases  exogamous  only  as  part  of  the  phratry,^  it  is  im- 
portant only  in  the  ceremonies;  but  even  here  the  functions  of  the 
phratry  are  of  equal,  often  of  greater  prominence.  In  British  Colum- 
bia, on  the  other  hand,  the  local  clan  or  family  is  the  social  unit.  Be- 
ing important  in  all  the  tribes,  the  clan  reaches  its  maximum  develop- 
ment among  the  Kwakiutl.  Besides  having  its  own  territory,  the  clan 
is  most  intimately  associated  with  particular  traditions,  songs,  dances, 
ceremonies,  potlatches,  names  of  persons  and  objects,  carvings;  fish- 
ing and  burying  places,  and  clover-gardens,  are  also  owned  by  the  clan. 
The  clan  organization,  moreover,  has  affected  the  character  of  the 
secret  societies,  and  even  that  of  the  two  shamanistic  brotherhoods.^ 

If  we  add  that  the  clans  are  all  graded  as  to  rank,  and  that  within 
each  clan  the  individuals  are  similarly  graded,  —  a  feature  totally 
foreign  to  Austraha,  —  the  fundamental  dissimilarity  of  these  social 
units  in  the  two  areas  becomes  only  too  apparent.  The  only  common 
feature,  in  fact,  is  the  negative  one  of  what  one  might  call  "indirect 
exogamy." 

Totemic  Names 

British  Columbia. — The  two  "phratries"  of  the  Thngit  have 
animal  names,  —  Raven  and  Wolf  (in  the  north  also  Eagle).'*  The 
''clans"  of  the  Haida  are  Raven  and  Eagle;  the  latter,  however,  bears 

'  Cunow,  pp.  132-133.  ^  See  p.  238. 

^  Boas,  /.  A.  K.  vol.  xiv  (1904),  pp.  141-148. 
*  Swanton,  26th  B.  E.  R.,  1904-05,  p,  396. 


I  go  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

also  the  name  of  Gitins  (perhaps  derived  from  the  Tsimshian  gU), 
which  is  not  the  name  of  an  animal.^  The  Wolf  and  the  Eagle  are  two 
of  the  four  Tsimshian  clans;  the  other  two  bear  names  not  derived 
from  animals. 2  Among  the  northern  Kwakiutl  the  clans  have  animal 
names, ^  while  the  clans  and  famihes  of  the  Kwakiutl  proper  have  no 
such  names.*  The  "  clans"  of  the  Thngit,  finally,  and  the  ''  famihes" 
of  theHaida,  bear,  with  a  few  exceptions,  names  derived  from  locahties.^ 
Australia.  —  In  Australia  all  the  clans  derive  their  names  from 
their  animal,  plant,  or  inanimate  totems.  The  matrimonial  classes  do 
not,  with  possibly  a  few  exceptions,  bear  animal  or  plant  names. 
The  names  of  phratries  are  in  part  forgotten,  while  the  meaning 
of  the  majority  of  the  names  that  survive  is  no  longer  remembered 
by  the  natives.  A  few  of  the  names,  however,  seem  to  be  derived  from 
animals.® 

Notwithstanding  the  occurrence  of  animal  names  for  social  groups 
in  both  areas,  the  analogy  must  be  considered  a  very  superficial  one. 
The  "phratries"  of  the  Tlingit,  and  the  "clans"  of  the  Haida, — 
social  groups  which  roughly  correspond  to  the  Austrahan  phratries,  — 
bear  animal  names ;  while  the  evidence  for  the  existence  of  such  names 
among  the  Austrahan  phratries  is  far  from  convincing. 

The  Austrahan  clans,  with  their  totemic  names,  find  an  analogy 
in  the  clans  of  the  northern  Kwakiutl  and  in  two  of  the  Tsimshian 
clans;  the  remaining  two  Tsimshian  clans,  on  the  other  hand,  and  the 
clans  and  famihes  of  the  Kwakiutl  proper,  the  "  clans"  of  the  Tlingit 
and  the  Haida  "famihes,"  bear  no  animal  names.  In  British  Co- 
lumbia, finally,  the  groups  with  animal  names  are  also  the  exogamous 
groups  —  excepting  the  two  Tsimshian  clans,  which  are  exogamous, 
but  have  no  animal  names.  In  Austraha,  on  the  other  hand,  the  social 
divisions  which  are  the  exogamous  groups  par  excellence,  —  the  mat- 

'■  Swanton,  Jesup  Exped.,  vol.  v,  p.  62. 

*  Boas,  A.  A.  R.  (Toronto,  1906),  p.  239. 

^  Boas,  Kwakiutl,  p.  328.  *  Ibid.,  pp.  329-332. 

^  Swanton,  26th  B.  E.  R.,  1904-05,  p.  398;  Jesiip  Exped.,  vol.  v,  p.  62. 

'  I  shall  not  here  attempt  to  discuss  the  problem  of  phratry  and  class  names,  to  which 
Lang  and  Thomas  have  given  considerable  attention  (Lang,  S.  T.,  pp.  154-170,  and  178- 
187;  Thomas,  Kinship  Organizations  and  Group  Marriage  in  Australia,  pp.  42-92). 
Two  points  are  worth  mentioning,  however:  The  similarity  of  phratry  and  class  names 
over  wide  areas  embracing  many  tribes  makes  it  highly  probable  that  extensive  borrow- 
ing of  such  names  has  occurred  in  the  past;  and,  in  the  second  place,  in  considering  the 
names  of  phratry  and  class  as  found  to-day,  we  must  always  keep  in  mind  the  possi- 
bility that  many  of  the  ancient  names  belonging  to  languages  no  longer  understood 
may  have  been  re-interpreted  as  animal  names  by  the  natives,  whose  daily  experience 
tends  to  suggest  such  appellations  for  social  groups.  In  view  of  the  above  consideration, 
extreme  care  must  be  exercised  in  drawing  inferences  from  present  conditions  as  to  the 
past  history  of  the  names,  or  of  the  social  groups  that  bear  them.  Cf.  Lang  {Man, 
vol.  x[i9io],  pp.  133-134). 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  191 

rimonial  classes,  —  do  not,  with  a  few  doubtful  exceptions,  bear  any- 
animal  names. 

If  analyzed  still  further,  the  dissimilarity  of  conditions  in  the  two 
areas  becomes  striking.  In  Austraha,  the  social  groups  that  have 
totems  invariably  derive  their  names  from  them.  If  we  take  the  crests 
of  British  Columbia  to  correspond  roughly  to  the  Austrahan  totems, 
the  eponymous  functions  of  the  former  appear  to  be  more  restricted 
and  much  less  uniform.  In  that  area  the  principal  crest  animal  of  the 
group  is  not  always  also  the  eponymous  animal.  The  principal  crest 
of  the  Haida  Ravens  is  the  killer- whale;  while  among  the  Eagles,  the 
beaver  crest  rivals  the  eagle  in  importance.^  All  the  smaller  subdi- 
visions of  the  two  northern  tribes,  as  well  as  the  families  and  clans  of 
the  southern  Kwakiutl,  have  their  crest  animals,  but  do  not  derive  their 
names  from  them;  and  the  raven  and  bear  crests  of  two  of  the  Tsim- 
shian  clans  are  also  non-eponymous. ^ 

,  Descent  from  the  Totem 

Australia.  —  The  Arabana  legends  tell  us  of  small  companies 
of  half-human,  half-animal  individuals  of  unknown  origin,  who  wan- 
dered about  in  the  mythical  period  {alcheringa) .  They  were  possessed 
of  superhuman  power,  and  became  the  ancestors  of  the  totemic  groups. 
A  great  carpet-snake  individual  gave  rise  to  the  carpet-snake  group, 
two  Jew  lizards  gave  rise  to  the  Jew  Hzard  group,  etc.^  These  in- 
dividuals wandered  about  the  country  performing  sacred  ceremonies. 
At  certain  places  they  stopped  and  went  into  the  ground,  and  a  rock 
or  water-pool  arose  to  mark  the  spot;  there  also  a  number  of  spirit 
individuals  came  into  being  (the  mai-aurli),  who  became  transformed 
into  men  and  women,  — the  first  totemites. 

In  the  Aranda  alcheringa  there  were  no  men  and  women,  but  only 
incomplete  creatures  of  various  shapes  (inapertwa).  "They  had  no 
distinct  hmbs  or  organs  of  sight,  hearing,  or  smell,  did  not  eat  food, 
and  presented  the  appearance  of  human  beings  all  doubled  up  into 
a  rounded  mass,  in  which  just  the  outline  of  the  different  parts  of  the 
body  could  be  vaguely  seen."  ^  The  Ungambikula  (''Out-of-Nothing," 
"  Self-Existing")  took  hold  of  these  creatures,  and  by  means  of  a  com- 
plicated surgical  operation  shaped  them  into  men  and  women.  The 
inapertwa  were  really  animals  and  plants  in  the  process  of  transforma- 
tion into  men.  They  belonged  to  the  totems  derived  from  such  ani- 
mals and  plants;  and  when  they  became  human  individuals,  each  one 

1  Boas,  A.  A.  R.  (Toronto,  1906),  p.  239. 

^  For  a  further  elaboration  of  this  tOf,ic,  see  p.  226. 

'  Spencer  and  Gillen,  ii,  pp.  145-14O. 

*  Ibid.,  i,  p.  388. 


192  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

of  these  was  intimately  associated  with  some  particular  animal  or 
plant.   They  were  the  totemic  ancestors.^ 

Among  the  Unmatjera  and  Kaitish,  some  totemic  ancestors  origi- 
nated from  indefinitely  shaped  creatures,  who  were  changed  into 
human  beings  by  two  little-hawk  boys.^  Other  ancestors  were 
human  beings  from  the  start.  They  were  also  intimately  associated 
with  the  animals  whose  names  they  bore,  and  were  at  first  semi-hu- 
man. They  were  men,  however,  and  not  incomplete  human  beings. 
Each  ancestor  had  his  class  as  well  as  his  totem. 

In  the  Warramunga  tribes  there  was,  in  the  case  of  most  totems, 
only  one  mythical  ancestor,  half  human  and  half  beast  or  plant,  who 
wandered  about  the  country  performing  ceremonies  at  various  spots, 
and  leaving  behind  him  spirit  children  who  emanated  from  his  body.^ 

Of  particular  interest  is  the  Warramunga  tradition  about  a  snake 
ancestor  (later  changed  into  a  man),  who,  in  the  company  of  a  boy, 
travelled  about  the  country,  continually  changing  his  totem  to  an- 
other snake  variety.  "  Spirit  children  of  the  various  totems  came  out 
of  his  muscles  when  he  shook  himself,"  "*  performing  sacred  cere- 
monies at  the  mungai  spots.  Thus  he  became  the  ancestor  of  a  num- 
ber of  different  snake  totem  groups. 

Among  all  the  tribes  farther  north,  — -  the  Umbaia,  Gnanji,  Bin- 
binga,  Anula,  and  Mara,  —  we  find  the  behef  practically  identical 
with  that  of  the  Warramunga,  in  one  eponymous  ancestor  who  walked 
about  the  country  making  natural  features,  and  performing  sacred 
ceremonies.  At  each  spot  where  a  ceremony  was  performed,  spirit 
children  emanated  from  his  body. 

British  Columbia.  —  In  a  type  of  tradition  common  among  the 
Tlingit,  Haida,  and  Tsimshian,  the  ancestors  of  a  clan  or  family  come 
into  more  or  less  intimate  contact  with  some  animal,  which  henceforth 
becomes  the  hereditary  crest  of  the  group.  The  Thngit  tradition  about 
"  The  Beaver  of  Killisinoo  "  '"  may  serve  as  an  example. 

"  Some  people  belonging  to  the  De'citan  family  captured  a  small  Beaver, 
and,  as  it  was  cunning  and  very  clean,  they  kept  it  as  a  pet.  By  and  by, 
however,  although  it  was  well  cared  for,  it  took  offence  at  something,  and 
began  to  compose  songs.  Afterward  one  of  the  Beaver's  masters  went 
through  the  woods  to  a  certain  salmon  creek,  and  found  two  salmon-spear 
handles,  beautifully  worked,  standing  at  the  foot  of  a  big  tree.  He  carried 
these  home;  and,  as  soon  as  they  were  brought  into  the  house,  the  Beaver 
said,  'That  is  my  make.'  Then  something  was  said  that  offended  it  again. 
Upon  this  the  Beaver  began  to  sing  just  like  a  human  being,  and  surprised 
the  people  very  much.    While  it  was  doing  this,  it  seized  a  spear  and  threw 

'  Spencer  and  Gillen,  ii,  p.  389.  ^  Ibid.,  ii,  p.  153. 

'  Ibid.,  ii,  p.  161.  *  Ibid.,  ii,  p.  163. 

*  Swanton,  Tlingit  Myths,  p   227. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  193 

it  straight  through  its  master's  chest,  kilUng  him  instantly.  Then  it  threw 
its  tail  down  upon  the  ground,  and  the  earth  on  which  that  house  stood 
dropped  in.  They  found  afterward  that  the  Beaver  had  been  digging  out 
the  earth  under  the  camp,  so  as  to  make  a  great  hollow.  It  is  from  this  story 
that  the  De'citan  claim  the  Beaver  and  have  the  Beaver  hat;  they  also 
have  songs  composed  by  the  Beaver." 

In  traditions  like  the  above,  the  concept  of  descent  from  the  crest 
animal  is  obviously  lacking.  The  ancestors  simply  come  into  rather 
intimate  contact  with  the  animal,  without,  however,  being  in  any 
way  identified  with  it. 

In  another  set  of  stories  the  identification  of  the  ancestors  with  the 
crest  animal  becomes  a  more  prominent  feature.  A  Haida  story  nar- 
rates how  the  killer-whale  first  came  to  be  used  as  a  crest. 

"Two  brothers  went  hunting  buffle-heads,  and  wounded  one.  Then  they 
were  invited  under  the  sea,  and  entered  the  house  of  a  killer-whale.  There 
the  oldest  was  transformed  into  a  whale,  like  the  others;  but  the  youngest 
escaped.  After  he  reached  home  again,  his  spirit  was  in  the  habit  of  going 
hunting  with  his  elder  brother,  while  his  body  remained  in  the  house.  In 
the  morning  his  parents  always  found  a  black  whale  on  the  beach.  One 
morning,  however,  the  younger  brother  wept,  declaring  that  his  elder 
brother  had  been  killed  at  Cape  St.  James,  and  he  had  brought  his  body 
home.  Going  outside,  they  found  the  body  of  a  killer-whale,  and  they 
built  a  grave-house  for  it."  ^ 

A  slightly  different  psychological  attitude  is  revealed  in  the  Tlingit 
"Story  of  the  Frog  Crest  of  the  KiksA'di  of  Wrangell." 

''A  man  belonging  to  the  Stikine  KiksA'di  kicked  a  frog  over  on  its  back; 
but  as  soon  as  he  had  done  so,  he  lay  motionless,  unable  to  talk,  and  they 
carried  his  body  into  the  house.  Meanwhile  his  soul  was  taken  by  the 
frogs  to  their  own  town  [arranged,  by  the  way,  exactly  after  the  mode  of 
human  towns],  where  it  was  brought  into  the  presence  of  chief  Frightful- 
Face.  The  chief  said  to  the  man, '  We  belong  to  your  clan,  and  it  is  a  shame 
that  you  should  treat  your  own  people  as  you  have  done.  We  are  KiksA'di, 
and  it  is  a  KiksA'di  youth  who  has  done  this.  You  better  go  to  your  own 
village.  You  have  disgraced  yourself  as  well  as  us,  for  this  woman  be- 
longs to  your  own  clan.'  After  this  the  man  left  Frog-Town,  and  at  the 
same  time  his  body  at  home  came  to.  He  told  the  people  of  his  adventure. 
All  the  KiksA'di  were  listening  to  what  this  man  said,  and  it  is  because 
the  frog  himself  said  he  was  a  KiksA'di  that  they  claim  the  frog."^ 

No  more  than  the  Tlingit  beaver  tradition  do  the  last  two  stories 
contain  any  elements  which  could  be  interpreted  as  a  form  of  descent 
from  the  totem  animal.  The  identification,  however,  of  the  ancestral 
individuals  with  the  crest  animals  becomes  in  the  two  stories  a  rather 
marked  feature;  the  frog  tradition,  in  fact,  comes  very  near  the  idea 

'  Swanton,  Jesup  Exped.,  vol.  v,  p.  231.  '  Swanton,  Tlingit  Myths,  p.  232. 


194  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

of  an  association  of  a  species  of  animals  with  a  clan  of  men,  thought 
by  many  to  He  at  the  root  of  totemism.^ 

A  favorite  motive  in  many  traditions  where  the  ancestor  acquires 
the  crest  is  the  former's  marriage  to  the  crest  animal.  In  the  TUngit 
''Story  of  the  Grizzly-Bear  Crest  of  the  Te'qoedi,"  a  hunter  is  caught 
in  a  bear's  den.  He  finds  favor  with  the  bear's  wife,  whereupon  the 
male  bear  leaves,  and  the  man  marries  the  she-bear,  and  has  children 
by  her.  He  is  finally  discovered  by  his  younger  brother,  whom,  how- 
ever, he  persuades  to  withdraw.  ''Stand  right  there!  Don't  do  any 
harm.  I  am  here.  Although  I  am  with  this  wild  animal,  I  am  living 
well.  Don't  worry  about  me  any  more."  When  he  was  first  taken 
into  this  den,  it  looked  like  a  den,  and  nothing  more;  but  that  night 
he  thought  that  he  was  in  a  fine  house,  with  people  all  about  eating 
supper,  and  his  wife  looked  to  him  like  a  human  being.  Later  he  rcr 
turns  to  his  village;  has,  however,  nothing  to  do  with  his  human  wife; 
and  spends  his  time  hunting,  at  which  he  is  very  successful.  During 
one  of  the  hunts,  he  meets  his  bear  children,  to  whom  he  gives  the 
seals  he  has  killed.  Henceforth  he  feeds  them  regularly.  His  human 
wife  overtakes  him,  and  protests  against  his  feeding  cubs  instead  of 
her  little  ones.  He  submits,  and  begins  to  feed  her  children.  "Pres- 
ently he  went  hunting  again,  and  again  took  some  seals  to  his  cubs. 
As  he  was  going  toward  them,  he  noticed  that  they  did  not  act  the 
same  as  usual.  They  lay  flat  on  the  ground  with  their  ears  erect. 
Then  he  landed;  but  when  he  got  near  them,  they  killed  him.  It  is 
on  account  of  this  story  that  Te'qoedi  claim  the  grizzly  bear."  -  Here, 
then,  a  human  ancestor  has  children  from  a  woman,  but  has  also  cubs 
from  his  bear- wife.  Although  the  bear  nature  of  one  of  their  ancestors 
is  very  pronounced,  the  Te'qoedi  do  not,  of  course,  believe  themselves 
to  be  the  descendants  of  the  cubs.  This  t>'pe  of  legend  is  very  prev- 
alent. The  people  of  the  Kwakiutl  clan  G'e'xsEm,  who  claim  the 
Q'o'moqoa  as  their  crest,  beheve  themselves  to  be  the  actual  descend- 
ants of  Aik'a'a'yolisana,  Q'o'moqoa's  son,  and  Ha'taqa,  the  daughter 
of  Raven.  Q'o'moqoa,  however,  is  not  an  animal,  but  a  supernatural 
being,  the  spirit  of  the  sea,  and  protector  of  seals,  who  kills  hunters.' 

Still  another  type  of  clan  tradition  is  found  among  the  Kwakiutl. 
Here  the  crest  animal  comes  to  earth,  and  becomes  a  man,  the  an- 
cestor of  the  clan.  "A  bird  was  sitting  on  the  beach  of  TE'ng'is," 
says  the  O'maxt'a'laLe  tradition  of  one  of  the  Kwakiutl  clans.  "He  took 
off  his  mask,  and  then  his  name  was  NEm5'gwis.  He  became  a  man. 
Then  he  moved  to  K''a'qa.  He  had  a  son,  whom  he  named  O'maxt'a'- 
laLe.   The  child  grew  up  fast;  he  became  a  real  man."  *   In  another 

*  See  Tylor,  /.  A.  I.,  vol.  xxviii,  p.  144. 
^  Swanton,  TUngit  Myths,  pp.  228-229. 
^  Boas,  Kwakiutl,  p.  374.  *  Ibid.,  p.  382 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  195 

Kwakiutl  tradition,  "Ss'iitlae,  the  Sun,  came  down  to  earth  in  the 
shape  of  a  bird,  became  a  man,  and  built  a  house  in  Yiq'amen.  From 
there  he  went  to  Qo'moks,  visited  the  Tlau'itsis,  the  NE'mkic,  the 
Na'q'oartok,  and  finally  reached  THksi'uae  in  the  land  of  the  Kwakiutl, 
where  he  settled  down  in  Q''ai'oq.  He  took  a  wife  from  each  tribe,  and 
his  clan  bears  the  name  Sfsintle.  He  decided  to  remain  in  Tliksi'uae, 
and  married  a  woman  belonging  to  the  Kwakiutl  tribe.  He  had  a  son 
by  her,  whose  name  was  Tsqtsqa'lis."  ^  .  .  . 

"The  Thunder-Bird  was  living  in  the  upper  world  with  his  wife; 
and  the  name  of  the  Thunder-Bird  was  Too-Large,"  relates  the  Head- 
Winter-Dancer  legend  of  a  Kwakiutl  clan.  Too-Large  and  his  wife 
decided  to  go  to  the  lower  world.  "Then  he  put  on  his  thunder- 
bird  mask,  and  his  wife  also  put  on  her  thunder-bird  mask.  They 
came  flying  through  the  door  of  the  upper  world."  Here  they  saw  a 
man  at  work  upon  his  (future)  house,  who  said,  "O  friends!  I  wish 
you  would  become  men,  that  you  may  come  and  help  me  make  this 
house."  Too-Large  lifted  at  once  the  jaw  of  his  thunder-bird  mask, 
and  said,  "0  brother!  we  are  people,"  etc.^  In  all  these  legends  the 
central  feature  is  human  descent;  but  the  ancestor  is  at  first  an  ani- 
mal, and  becomes  a  man  by  taking  off  his  animal  mask.  Now,  this 
last  feature  must  clearly  be  attributed  to  the  suggestion  of  the  dances 
of  the  secret  societies  (note  particularly  the  mode  of  becoming  a 
man:  "Too-Largeliftedatoncethe  jaw  of  his  thunder-bird  mask"  .  .  .).' 

The  last  three  legends  could,  of  course,  be  formally  interpreted  as 
containing  the  concept  of  descent  from  the  crest  animal.*  Such  an 
interpretation,  however,  would  but  imperfectly  represent  the  actual 
conditions.  Traditional  as  well  as  historical  evidence  leaves  scarcely 
any  room  for  doubt  that  human  descent  is  an  ancient  feature  through- 
out the  entire  area  under  consideration.  We  still  find  it  clearly  ex- 
pressed in  all  the  clan  and  family  legends;  but  here  it  has  undergone 
various  transformations  under  the  influence  of  the  guardian-spirit  idea 
in  its  many  forms  and  embodiments,  including  the  secret  societies 
and  the  family  and  clan  crests. 

In  the  Tlingit  beaver  tradition  the  association  of  the  ancestors 
with  the  crest  animal  is  a  very  superficial  one.  In  the  Haida  killer- 
whale  and  the  Tlingit  frog  traditions  the  intimacy  of  the  association 
becomes  very  considerable.  In  the  Tlingit  grizzly-bear  story,  and  the 

•    '  Boas,  7.  S.,  p.  166. 

*  Boas  and  Hunt,  Jcsup  Exped.,  vol.  iii,  pp.  165-166. 

'  A  derivation  in  the  opposite  direction  would  obviously  be  out  of  court,  as  animal 
guardians  and  secret  societies  are  of  much  older  standing  in  this  area  than  the  clan 
organization  with  its  concomitant  traditions  (see  Boas,  Kwakiutl,  pp.  661-663,  where 
attention  is  also  drawn  to  the  great  variability  of  traditions  accounting  for  the  origin 
of  the  same  ceremonial,  as  indicative  of  the  more  recent  character  of  the  former). 

*  See  Hartland,  Folk- Lore,  xi  (1900),  p.  61;  and  Lang,  5.  T.,  p.  211. 


196  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

many  similar  traditions  of  the  Haida,  Tsimshian,  and  Kwakiutl,  the 
association  becomes  to  a  degree  an  identification  through  the  marriage 
of  the  ancestor  to  the  crest  animal.  In  all  these  legends,  however,  the 
acquisition  of  the  crest  does  not  mark  the  origin  of  the  exogamic  group , 
the  ancestral  individuals  are  in  existence  before  the  acquisition  of 
the  crest.  In  the  last-quoted  Kwakiutl  legends,  finally,  the  ancestor 
actually  becomes  the  crest  animal  transformed;  the  concept  thus 
originated  bearing  all  prima  facie  evidence  of  being  a  variant  of  the 
descent  from  the  totem  motive.^ 

Summarizing  briefly,  we  may  say  that  the  concept  of  descent  from 
the  totem  as  an  integral  part  of  the  totemic  system  is  absent  in  British 
Columbia;  but  here  the  interaction  of  two  distinct  concepts  —  human 
descent  and  guardian  spirit  —  resulted  in  curious  modifications  of  the 
human-descent  idea,  some  of  which  approximate  rather  closely  to  the 
concept  which  is  universal  in  Australia. 

Taboo 

Australia.  —  In  AustraHa  taboo  plays  a  prominent  part  in  con- 
nection with  the  totemic  system,  and  appears  in  many  different  as- 
pects. Among  the  Arabana  the  totem  animal  must  not  be  eaten; 
it  may  be  killed,  however,  and  handed  over  to  members  of  other 
totems  to  be  eaten  by  them.^  Among  the  Aranda,  the  totemites  are 
not  absolutely  debarred  from  eating  their  totem  animal,  but  they  eat 
of  it  sparingly.  At  the  performance  of  the  intichinma^  ceremony, 
however,  the  alatunja  must  eat  of  the  totem  animal.'*  Among  the 
Unmatjera  and  Kaitish  the  totemites  may  not  eat  their  totem,  while 
members  of  other  totems  may  eat  it,  but  not  without  permission  of 
a  member  of  the  particular  totem. ^ 

A  man  may  himself  shrink  from  kilHng  his  totem  animal;  he  will, 
however,  assist  others  to  do  so,  as  in  the  case  of  the  euro  man  who 
gave  a  euro  churinga  **  to  a  plum-tree  man  to  assist  the  latter  in  his 
chase  for  euro.^  There  is  considerable  variabihty  between  the  totems 
in  regard  to  this  point.  Sometimes  a  man  may  kill  his  totem,  but  in 
doing  so  he  must  proceed  humanely :  a  kangaroo  man  must  not  bru- 

'  A  striking  development  of  a  similar  character  has  occurred  among  the  Lillooet. 
Here  the  entire  clan  and  totemic  organization  is  clearly  borrowed  from  the  coast  tribes, 
the  original  social  and  political  unit  having  been  the  village  community,  in  which  all 
the  members  traced  their  descent  from  a  common  human  ancestor.  During  the  process 
of  the  adoption  of  the  totemic  clan  system,  the  crest  of  the  clan  became  identified  with 
the  human  ancestor,  whereupon  the  clansmen  proceeded  to  trace  their  descent  from  the 
cfest  animal  (see  pp.  283-284). 

2  Spencer  and  Gillen,  ii,  p.  149.  ^  See  p.  288,  note  3. 

*  Spencer  and  Gillen,  i,  pp.  167-168.  ^  Ibid.,  ii,  pp.  159-160. 

'  Strehlow  writes  tjurunga.  '  Spencer  and  Gillen,  i,  p.  202. 


Totemisiit,  an  Analytical  Study  197 

tally  attack  the  kangaroo  "so  that  the  blood  gushes  out,"  but  is  only 
permitted  to  hit  it  on  the  neck.  Having  thus  killed  the  animal,  he  may 
eat  its  head,  feet,  and  liver;  the  rest  he  must  leave  to  his  friends. 
The  emu  man  must  exercise  similar  caution.  A  man  belonging  to  a 
specific  fish  totem  can  eat  only  a  few  fishes  of  that  species;  but  if  the 
fish  stink,  he  may  eat  of  them  to  his  heart's  content.  The  wild-turkey 
man,  on  the  other  hand,  may  kill  his  totem,  but  the  eating  of  any  part 
of  it  is  forbidden  to  him.  The  same  appKes  to  the  eagle  man.  The 
mosquito  man,  finally,  may  neither  kill  nor  eat  the  insects.  A  kwatja 
(water  or  rain)  man  must  be  moderate  in  his  use  of  water;  but  when 
it  rains,  he  is  not  permitted  to  hide  himself  in  his  hut,  but  must  stand 
in  the  open,  with  no  other  protection  over  his  head  than  his  shield.^ 

In  the  Warramunga  group  a  man  may  neither  kill  nor  eat  his  totem 
animal;  the  same  prohibition,  however,  applies  also  to  the  totems  of 
his  father  and  father's  father,  whether  the  latter,  as  is  usually  the  case, 
be  identical  with  his  own,  or  different.  As  to  the  mother's  totem,  it 
is  also  subject  to  restrictions  which  vary  in  the  different  tribes. ^J 

A  variety  of  other  regulations,  only  partly  or  not  at  all  associated 
with  totemism,  are  plentiful.  Some  food  prohibitions  embrace  much 
wider  groups  than  a  single  totemic  community.  Thus  the  wildcat 
(achilpa)  is  taboo  to  all  Aranda,^  while  the  prohibition  against  the 
eating  of  the  brown-hawk  applies  to  a  still  larger  number  of  tribes.* 
Or  the  prohibition  apphes  only  to  the  most  valued  parts  of  an  animal : 
An  emu  man  will  eat  his  totem,  but  he  is  careful  not  to  eat  the  best 
part  of  it,  such  as  the  fat;  ^  among  the  Anula  and  ]\Iara  tribes  the  full- 
grown  totem  animal  is  (usually)  taboo,  but  they  will  eat  a  half-grown 
one  or  just  a  Httle  of  a  full-grown  one."  Other  prohibitions  are  as- 
sociated with  particular  periods  in  life.  A  youth,  after  having  been 
circumcised  and  until  he  has  recovered  from  the  ceremony  of  sub- 
incision  {ariltha),  is  forbidden  to  eat  the  flesh  of  snakes,  opossums, 
echidna,  and  other  animals.^  The  Hst  of  foods  prohibited  to  the 
boy  before  circumcision  is  very  long,  and  the  consequences  sup- 
posed to  ensue  when  such  prohibitions  are  \4olated  are  as  varied 
as  they  are  fanciful.  He  may  not  eat  a  kangaroo-tail  (penalty,  pre- 
mature age  and  decay),  a  female  bandicoot  (penalty,  probably  bleed 
to  death  at  circumcision),  all  kinds  of  parrots  and  cockatoos  (penalty, 
development  of  a  hollow  on  the  top  of  the  head),  etc.^ 

A  pregnant  woman,  and  in  some  tribes  her  husband,  are  forbidden 
to  eat  certain  animals.^    Some  animals  seem  to  be  restricted  to  the 

'  Strehlow,  ii,  p.  59.  2  Spencer  and  Gillen,  ii,  p.  166. 

^  Ibid.,  i,  pp.  167-168.  *  Ibid.,  ii,  p.  612. 

^  Ibid.,  i,  p.  202.  *  Ibid.,  ii,  p.  173. 

'  Ibid.,  i,  p.  470.  *  Ibid.,  i,  p.  471. 
'  Ibid.,  ii,  p.  614. 


igS  Journal  oj  American  Folk-Lore 

use  of  those  above  a  certain  age:  "  A  man  is  usually  well  on  in  middle 
age  before  he  is  allowed  to  eat  such  things  as  wild-turkey,  rabbit- 
bandicoot,  and  emu."  ^  The  old  men,  on  the  other  hand,  are  generally 
exempt  from  all  taboos,  even  (among  the  Aranda)  from  that  of  the 
achilpa,  but  that  only  when  they  are  very  old  and  "their  hair  is  turn- 
ing white."  2 

Thus  it  appears  that  in  AustraHa  the  phenomenon  of  taboo,  although 
by  no  means  coextensive  with  totemism,  is  yet  intimately  associated 
with  it.  A  great  many  food  restrictions  have  nothing  whatever  to"  do 
with  the  totemic  animals,  but  as  great  a  variety  of  prohibitions  have 
become  part  of  the  totemic  system.  The  striking  feature  is  the  great 
variability  of  the  restrictions,  which  ought  to  discourage  any  attempt 
to  directly  correlate  the  taboo  with  any  attitude  towards  the  totem, 
as  towards  a  "brother"  or  friend,  or  protector,  who  must  be  treated 
with  respect,  and  must  not  be  killed  or  eaten.  The  fact  remains,  how- 
ever, that  taboos  of  one  form  or  another  are  found  in  conjunction  with 
practically  all  totems. 

British  Columbia.  —  Among  the  Thompson  River  Indians  a 
pregnant  woman  was  not  allowed  to  eat  or  even  touch  porcupine- 
flesh,  or  to  eat  anything  killed  by  a  hawk  or  an  eagle.  "  If  she  ate  flesh 
of  the  bear,  the  child  would  have  a  hare  hp."  The  lynx  and  dog  were 
interdicted  on  account  of  the  part  played  by  those  animals  in  mytho- 
logical traditions.  Anything  her  husband  was  forbidden  to  eat,  she 
also  had  to  abstain  from.  The  flesh  of  the  black  bear  was  also  forbidden 
to  her.  "  She  must  not  eat  food  of  which  a  mouse,  a  rat,  or  a  dog  had 
eaten  part;  for  if  she  did,  she  would  have  a  premature  birth."  If 
pregnant  for  the  first  time,  she  must  not  eat  salmon-heads  or  touch 
salmon.^  The  husband  of  a  pregnant  woman  is  also  limited  in  his 
choice  of  food.  He  must  not  eat  or  hunt  the  black  or  grizzly  bear, 
"  else  the  child  would  dissolve  or  cease  to  exist  in  the  mother's  womb,  or 
would  be  still-born,"  etc.  Among  the  Lillooet  Indians,  on  the  other 
hand,  the  pregnant  woman  and  her  husband  could  eat  anything,  "  even 
the  hare  and  porcupine."^  Only  the  mysterious  parts  of  animals  were 
forbidden  to  them.^ 

After  the  birth  of  a  child,  the  husband  must  not  eat  or  touch  the 
flesh  of  any  animal  for  at  least  a  day  after  it  had  been  killed;  while 

1  Spencer  and  Gillen,  ii,  p.  612.  ^  Ibid.,  ii,  pp.  167-168. 

5  Teit,  Jesiip  Exped.,  vol.  i,  p.  303.  *  Ibid.,  vol.  ii,  p.  260. 

*  "Certain  parts  of  animals  were  called  'mysterious,'  and  were  only  eaten  by  old  men- 
Others,  when  eating  them,  would  become  sick.  Hunters  cut  them  out,  pierced  them  with 
a  stick,  and  placed  them  on  the  branch  of  a  tree.  The  parts  of  greatest  mysterious 
power  were  the  'paint'  or  'paint-bag'  piece  of  the  ham  near  the  thigh;  the  ski'kiks,  a 
piece  of  the  flesh  of  the  front  leg;  and  the  'apron,'  the  fleshy  part  of  the  belly,  extending 
down  to  between  the  hind-legs.  The  head,  feet,  heart,  kidneys,  and  other  portions  of 
the  inside,  were  mysterious  in  a  less  degree."  —  Ibid.,  vol.  ii,  p.  280. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  199 

his  wife  must  not  eat  any  fresh  meat  for  from  six  months  to  one  year 
after  the  birth  of  her  child.  ^ 

Among  the  Shuswap,  a  pregnant  woman  must  not  touch  or  look  at 
a  black  bear,  nor  may  she  pass  near  a  black  bear  that  has  been  killed. 
She  must  not  partake  of  any  bird,  manamal,  or  fish  (except  salmon) 
unless  at  least  a  day  old.^ 

Among  the  Haida,  a  pregnant  woman  was  not  permitted  to  eat 
cormorant,  abalone,  and  other  animals.  "If  she  ate  the  former,  the 
child  would  defecate  all  the  time;  if  the  latter,  it  would  have  its  neck 
turned  aroimd."  ^ 

Other  restrictions  refer  to  the  menstruating  period  of  a  woman. 
Among  the  Lillooet,  a  woman  in  that  condition  was  not  allowed  to  eat 
the  head,  feet,  or  any  part  of  the  inside,  of  a  deer  or  other  large  game.* 
A  Shuswap  woman  was,  under  the  same  circumstances,  prohibited 
from  eating  any  fresh  meat  but  that  of  the  female  mountain-sheep. 
"Women  at  no  time  ate  the  head-parts  of  any  animals;  and  but  few 
men  ate  them,  except  they  were  shamans."  ^  A  Shuswap  lad,  when 
traim'ng,  did  not  eat  any  fat,  "  for  it  would  make  him  heavy,  make  it 
difficult  to  vomit,  and  stop  him  from  dreaming; "  nor  could  he  eat  any 
fresh  fish,  except  the  tail-parts.® 

Among  the  Kwakiutl  as  well  as  among  the  Tsimshian,  twins  stand 
in  special  relations  to  the  salmon.  "  They  consider  twins  transformed 
salmon;  and,  as  children  of  salmon,  they  are  guarded  against  going 
near  the  water,  as  it  is  believed  they  will  be  retransformed  into  salmon. 
.  .  .  Their  mother's  marks  are  considered  scars  of  wounds  which  they 
received  when  they  were  struck  by  a  harpoon  while  still  having  the 
shape  of  salmon."  ^  On  the  coast  there  is  a  belief  that  hunters  will 
become  killer- whales;  accordingly,  they  do  not  hunt  these  animals. 
The  wolf,  dog,  and  panther  must  not  be  killed  among  the  Kwakiutl, 
else  the  other  animals  will  be  afraid,  and  will  evade  the  hunters.  If 
a  man  has  killed  a  wolf,  he  must  go  to  the  body  and  nod  his  head 
several  times,  apologizing  that  he  did  not  know  it  was  a  wolf's  path 
when  laying  the  trap.  He  must  cry,  and  express  his  regret  at  having 
killed  a  wolf.  He  asks  the  wolf  to  tell  his  relatives  that  he  has  been 
killed  by  mistake.  Then  the  wolf's  heart,  fat,  and  intestines  are 
buried  in  a  hole.^ 

The  Kwakiutl  do  not  eat  deer,  because  that  would  make  them  for- 
getful. A  man  must  purify  himself  and  abstain  from  food  when  he 
chops  a  tree  for  his  house,  else  the  latter  will  turn  out  rotten.^  Among 
the  Nootka,  "  chiefs  alone  are  allowed  to  hunt  whales  and  to  act  as 

*  Teit,  Jesup  Exped.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  260-261.        ^  Ibid.,  vol.  ii,  p.  584. 

'  Swanton,  Jesup  Exped.,  vol.  v,  p.  47.  *  Teit,  Jesup  Exped.,  vol.  ii,  p.  269. 

*  Ibid.,  vol.  ii,  p.  592.  '  Ibid.,  vol.  ii,  p.  559. 

'  Boas,  B.A.A.S.,  vol.  59,  5th  Rept.,  p.  51.     ^  Boas,  unpublished  material 


200  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

harpooners."  ^  Among  the  Kwakiutl,  men  who  catch  geese  are  not 
allowed  to  eat  herring-eggs,  because  this  will  cause  the  geese  to  scatter; 
nor  may  they  eat  rock-cod,  which  causes  the  fire  to  be  red  and  smoky, 
so  that  they  cannot  see  what  they  are  looking  for.  Sea-eggs  and  tal- 
low are  also  forbidden  to  them,  for  these  will  cause  their  faces  to  become 
white  and  easily  visible  to  the  birds.  Every  Kwakiutl  has  an  owl 
which  is  his  soul;  so  owls  must  not  be  killed,  for  when  an  owl  is  killed, 
a  person  is  killed.  2        ,'.,'.■ 

We  see  that  food  and  killing  restrictions  are  many  and  manifold  in 
British  Columbia,  and,  as  a  whole,  are  strictly  comparable  to  the 
analogous  phenomenon  in  Australia.  In  the  latter  area,  however, 
taboos  are  also  found  in  intimate  and  inextricable  association  with 
totemic  phenomena;  so  much  so,  that,  as  indicated  above,  the  taboo 
on  the  totemic  animal  came  to  be  recognized  as  one  of  the  traits  that 
are  of  the  essence  of  totemism.  Accordingly,  when  the  curious  con- 
ditions among  the  tribes  of  Central  Australia  came  to  Hght,  where 
the  totem  animal  may  in  some  tribes  be  eaten  of  sparingly,  and  on 
certain  occasions  must  be  eaten,  the  case  was  pronounced  highly 
anomalous,  and  proved  a  strong  stimulus  to  speculations  as  to  the 
causes  of  so  strange  a  phenomenon. 

In  British  Columbia  we  fail  to  find  any  taboos  in  association  with 
totemism.  The  living  representatives  of  eponymous  species,  which 
figure  so  prominently  in  myths  and  traditions,  are  in  no  way  differ- 
entiated by  the  natives  from  other  animals:  they  may  be  seen,  touched, 
killed,  and  eaten  without  the  least  danger  of  resentment  on  the  part 
of  natural  or  supernatural  agencies;  and  if  a  killing  or  eating  prohi- 
bition happens  to  attach  itself  to  such  an  animal,  it  is  taboo  on  a  par 
with  other  interdicted  animals,  not  as  a  living  representative  of  the 
totem. 

A  possible  criticism  must  be  met  here.  True  enough,  taboo  does  not 
figure  in  the  totemism  of  British  Columbia.  But  are  we  here  deahng 
with  a  primitive  condition?  Is  not  rather  the  totemism  of  British 
Columbia  caught  at  a  very  late  stage  of  development  ?  The  totem  has 
become  attenuated  to  a  crest,  to  a  symbol;  the  hving,  flesh  and  blood 
relationship  with  the  totem  animal  has  been  transferred  into  the  realm 
of  mythology;  and,  naturally  enough,  the  taboo  on  the  totem  animal 
has  dwindled  away  and  finally  disappeared.  To  a  retort  of  that  char- 
acter, I  would  answer  that  we  may  safely  assert  that  there  is  not  one 
phase  of  human  culture,  so  far  represented  in  an  evolutionary  series 
of  successive  stages  of  development,  where  the  succession  given  has 
been  so  amply  justified  by  observation  of  historic  fact  as  to  be  safely 
adopted  as  a  principle  of  interpretation.  Totemism  is  not  an  excep- 

*  Boas,  B. /I. /I.  5.,  vol.  60,  6th  Rept.,  p.  33.  ^  Boas,  unpublished  material. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  201 

tion.  If  any  traces  of  totemic  taboos  were  discovered  in  British  Co- 
lumbia, we  should  hesitate  and  perhaps  suspend  judgment;  but  no 
such  traces  are  extant.  Hence  the  onus  probandi  rests  with  those  who 
may  choose  to  postulate  transformations  like  the  above. 

If  we  were  guided  by  the  traditional  "symptoms"  of  totemism, 
our  comparison  ought  to  end  here.  We  have  passed  in  review  the  phe- 
nomena of  exogamy,  totemic  names,  and  religious  attitude  towards  the 
totem  as  reflected  in  behefs  of  descent  from  the  totem  and  in  taboos. 
To  any  one,  however,  at  all  acquainted  with  totemistic  discussion  in  the 
past,  the  presentation  given  of  the  totemic  phenomena  in  AustraHa 
and  British  Columbia  will  appear  sorely  incomplete.  What  of  the 
intichiuma  ceremonies  and  of  the  belief  in  reincarnation,  about  which 
so  much  has  been  written  ?  What  of  the  totemic  art  of  British  Colum- 
bia and  of  the  guardian-spirit  idea,  which  in  the  mind  of  many  a 
student  are  inextricably  associated  with  that  area  ?  Obviously,  we 
must  now  turn  to  these  phenomena,  and  try  to  ascertain  their  posi- 
tion with  reference  to  totemism,  as  represented  by  its  classic  ''symp- 
toms." 

Magical  Ceremonies 

Australia.  —  Among  the  Aranda,  the  main  part  of  the  intichiuma 
ceremonies  consists  of  a  series  of  magical  rites  supposed  to  further  the 
increase  of  the  totem  animal.  The  chief  elements  of  the  kangaroo 
totem  intichiuma,  for  instance,  are  a  stone  rubbing  ceremony,  the 
decoration  of  the  rock-ledge,  and  a  blood-letting  ceremony.  In  that 
instance,  one  of  the  two  stones  is  supposed  to  represent  an  "old-man" 
kangaroo,  and  the  other  a  female.  The  former  is  rubbed  with  a  stone 
by  the  Purula  man,  and  the  latter  by  the  Bukhara  man. 

In  the  decoration  of  the  rock-ledge, ' '  red  ochre  and  powdered  gyp- 
sum are  used;  and  with  these,  alternate  vertical  Hnes  are  painted  on 
the  face  of  the  rock,  each  about  a  foot  in  width,  the  painting  of  the 
left  side  being  done  by  the  Panunga  and  Bukhara  men,  and  that  of 
the  right  by  the  Purula  and  Kumara."  ^  The  red  stripes  are  the  red 
fur,  the  white  ones  the  bones,  of  the  kangaroo.  In  the  blood-letting 
ceremony  which  follows,  the  Panunga  and  Bukhara  men  sit  down  at 
the  left  side,  while  the  Purula  and  Kumara  sit  at  the  right.  "They 
open  veins  in  their  arms,  and  allow  the  blood  to  spur  tie  out  over  the 
edge  of  the  ceremonial  stone  on  the  top  of  which  they  are  seated. 
While  this  is  taking  place,  the  men  below  sit  still,  watching  the  per- 
formers, and  singing  chants  referring  to  the  increase  of  the  numbers 
of  the  kangaroos  which  the  ceremony  is  supposed  to  insure."  ^  The 
ceremony  is  performed  at  a  spot  where  in  the  alcheringa  many  kan- 

^  Spencer  and  Gillen,  i,  p.  201. 
.    ^  Strehlow  indorses  Spencer  and  Gillen 's  views  as  to  the  general  purpose  of  the 


202  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

garoo  animals  have  gone  into  the  ground,  and  the  end  of  increasing 
the  supply  of  kangaroos  is  achieved  "by  means  of  pouring  out  the 
blood  of  kangaroo  men  upon  the  rock,  to  drive  out  in  all  directions  the 
spirits  of  the  kangaroo  animals."  ^ 

Every  totem  group  has  its  own  totemic  ceremony,  which  is  per- 
formed at  a  time  specified  by  the  alalunja,  the  head  man  of  the  group, 
who  is  in  charge  of  the  ceremony.  All  men  belonging  to  the  particu- 
lar totem  are  allowed  to  be  present;  sometimes  men  of  other  totems 
but  of  the  same  moiety,  who  happen  to  be  in  camp,  are  invited  to 
witness  the  ceremony;  men  who  belong  neither  to  the  right  totem  nor 
to  the  right  moiety  are  stringently  excluded. 

During  most  of  the  intichiuma,  the  performers  follow  at  least  part 
of  the  path  over  which  the  ancestral  animals  in  the  alcheringa  have 
travelled.^ 

The  cJmringa  play  an  important  part  in  the  Aranda  ceremonies. 
At  one  stage,  for  instance,  of  the  witchetty  grub  totem  intichiiima,  the 
alatunja  and  his  associates  arrive  at  a  spot  where  Intwuihuka,  the 
great  leader  of  the  witchetty  grubs  in  the  alcheringa,  used  to  stand 
while  he  threw  up  the  face  of  the  rock  a  number  of  churinga  unchima, 
which  rolled  down  again  to  his  feet;  accordingly  the  alatunja  does 
the  same  with  some  of  the  churinga  which  have  been  brought  from 
the  storehouse  close  by.  While  he  is  doing  this,  the  other  members 
of  the  party  run  up  and  down  the  face  of  the  rocky  ledge,  singing  all 
the  time.  The  stones  roll  down  into  the  bed  of  the  creek,  and  are  care- 
fully gathered  together  and  replaced  in  the  store.  ^ 

Later  in  the  performance  these  stones  appear  on  the  stage.  The 
larger  one  is  called  churinga  uchaqua,  and  represents  the  chrysahs 
stage  from  which  emerges  the  adult  animal;  the  smaller  is  one  of 
the  churinga  unchima,  or  eggs,^  etc. 

When  deahng  with  taboo,  we  have  seen  that  among  the  Aranda  the 
interdict  against  the  eating  and  kilKng  of  the  totem  is  rather  mild, 
but  that  during  the  performance  of  the  intichiuma  ceremony  the 
alatunja  must  eat  a  little  of  the  totem  animal,  or  else  the  ceremony 
would  not  succeed.  Among  the  Kaitish,  Unmatjera,  and  Worgaia,  a 
ceremony  having  reference  to  some  incident  in  the  alcheringa  history 
of  the  totemic  group  ^  is  performed  by  the  head  man  of  the  totem 
(ulqua)  as  part  of  the  intichiuma  ceremony.  Here  the  preparations 
for  the  ceremony,  including  the  decoration  of  the  performers,  are  not 

intichiuma  ceremonies,  although  he  believes  that  the  natives  do  not  have  that  purpose 
in  mind  when  performing  the  ceremony,  but  simply  follow  the  precedent  of  their  fathers 
and  fathers'  fathers.  They  are,  however,  well  aware  of  the  fact  that  an  increased  food- 
supply  will  be  the  inevitable  outcome  of  the  ceremony  (Strehlow,  ii,  p.  59,  note). 
'  Spencer  and  Gillen,  i,  p.  206. 

*  Ibid.,  i,  p.  172.  3  Ibid.,  i,  pp.  172-173. 

*  Ibid.,  i,  p.  173.  *  Ibid.,  ii,  p.  292. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  203 

made  by  the  totemites  themselves,  but  by  individuals  belonging  to  the 
other  moiety  of  the  tribe.  Among  these  tribes,  the  churinga  continue 
to  be  an  important  factor  in  the  ceremonies.^  The  totemites  have  the 
power  to  increase  the  supply  of  the  totem,  but  they  make  use  of  it 
for  the  benefit  of  the  members  of  other  totem  groups.  They  eat  very 
little  of  their  totem  except  during  the  intichiuma  ceremony,  when  — 
as  among  the  Aranda  —  the  head  man  must  eat  a  little  of  the  totem 
animal.  Having  completed  the  ceremony,  he  gives  permission  to  the 
members  of  the  other  moiety  to  eat  freely  of  his  totem,  while  he  and 
his  fellow-totemites  will  henceforth  eat  of  it  only  very  sparingly.  If 
a  man  of  any  totemic  group  eats  too  much  of  his  own  totem,  he 
will  be,  as  the  natives  say,  "boned"  (that  is,  killed  by  a  charmed 
bone)  by  men  who  belong  to  the  other  moiety  of  the  tribe,  for  the 
simple  reason  that  if  he  eats  too  freely  of  his  totem,  then  he  will 
lose  the  power  of  performing  the  intichiuma,  and  so  of  increasing  his 
totem. 

Among  the  Warramunga  as  well  as  the  Walpari,  Wulmala,  Tjingilli, 
and  Umbaia,  although  the  members  of  a  totem  group  perform  their 
intichiuma  ceremony,  they  can  do  so  only  on  invitation  from  the  other 
moiety  of  the  tribe.  All  the  preparations  for  the  ceremony  are  made 
by  that  other  moiety,  and  during  the  performance  no  other  members 
but  the  performers  themselves  of  the  moiety  to  which  the  particular 
totem  belongs  are  permitted  to  be  present.^ 

In  all  these  tribes  the  churinga  are  practically  absent  from  the  inti- 
chiuma.  The  sacred  ceremonies  which  constitute  the  essence  of  the 
intichiuma  among  the  Aranda  and  Ilpirra,  and  predominate  in  those 
of  the  Kaitish,  Unmatjera,  and  Worgaia,  completely  disappear  among 
the  Warramunga.  Here  their  place  is  taken  by  the  performance  of  a 
complete  series  of  ceremonies  representing  the  alcheringa  history  of 
the  totemic  ancestor.' 

Spencer  and  Gillen  have  witnessed  almost  a  complete  cycle  of  these 
ceremonies,  which  started  on  July  26.  When,  on  September  18,  our  in- 
vestigators left  the  tribe,  the  cycle  was  not  yet  completed,  although 
more  than  eighty  totemic  ceremonies  had  been  performed.^  During 
these  ceremonies  the  performers  follow,  so  to  say,  the  footsteps  of  their 
alcheringa  ancestor;  they  move  from  rock-ledge  to  rock-ledge,  and 
from  water-hole  to  water-hole,  performing  at  these  spots  the  same 
ceremonies  he  had  performed,  and  enacting  all  the  while  the  incidents 
which  enlivened  his  varied  career.  The  characteristic  single  feature 
of  all  such  ceremonies  is  the  shaking  of  the  body  "done  in  imitation 
of  the  old  ancestor  who  is  reported  to  have  always  shaken  himself 
when  he  performed  sacred  ceremonies.   The  spirit  individuals  used  to 

'  Spencer  and  Gillen,  ii,  p.  293.  2  /^/^^.^  \\^  p.  298. 

^  Ibid.,  ii,  p.  297.  ■*  Ibid.,  ii,  pp.  298-299. 

VOL.  XXIII.  — vo.  88.  14 


204  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

emanate  from  him  just  as  the  white  down  flies  off  from  the  bodies  of 
the  performers  at  the  present  day  when  they  shake  themselves."  ^ 

The  men  of  the  totem,  as  well  as  those  of  the  entire  moiety  to  which 
the  totem  belongs,  are  strictly  forbidden  to  eat  the  totem.  They  may 
kill  it,  however,  and  hand  it  over  to  men  of  the  other  moiety.  "  If  the 
men  of  the  totem  should  eat  it,  the  behef  is  that  it  would  cause  their 
death,  and  at  the  same  time  prevent  the  animal  from  multiplying."  ^ 

When,  after  the  performance  of  the  intichiuma  of,  for  instance,  the 
carpet-snake  totem,  the  snake  appears,  the  men  of  the  other  moiety 
go  out  and  bring  one  in  to  the  head  man,  and  say  to  him,  "Do  you 
want  to  eat  this?"  He  replies,  "No,  I  have  made  it  for  you;  suppose 
I  were  to  eat  it,  then  it  might  go  away,  all  of  you  go  and  eat  it."  ^  This, 
with  considerable  variations,  is  the  typical  procedure  at  the  end  of  the 
intichiuma. 

Our  rapid  survey  has,  I  think,  made  it  clear  that  the  intichiuma 
ceremonies  have  become  an  inextricable  part  of  the  totemic  Hfe  of  the 
tribes  of  Central  Australia,  nay,  that  they  have  become  the  ceremonial 
expression  of  that  life.  In  the  performance  of  the  ceremonies,  the 
functions  of  the  phratries  rival  in  importance  those  of  the  totem 
groups;  while  the  peculiar  variability  of  the  totemic  taboo  among 
these  tribes  is  obviously  conditioned  by  its  relation  to  the  intichiuma. 

British  Columbia.  —  Ceremonies  intended  to  insure  the  supply 
of  food  are  by  no  means  foreign  to  the  culture  of  British  Columbia. 
Here  we  usually  find  the  element  of  propitiation  rather  strongly  em- 
phasized. When  Lillooet  hunters  killed  a  bear,  they  sang  a  mourning 
song  to  the  dead  animal  about  as  follows:  "You  died  first,  greatest  of 
animals.  We  respect  you,  and  will  treat  you  accordingly.  No  woman 
shall  eat  your  flesh;  no  dogs  shall  insult  you.  May  the  lesser  animals  all 
follow  you,  and  die  by  our  traps,  snares,  and  arrows!  May  we  now 
kill  much  game,  and  may  the  goods  of  those  we  gamble  with  follow  us, 
and  come  into  our  possession !  May  the  goods  of  those  we  play  lehal 
with  become  completely  ours,  even  as  an  animal  slain  by  us!"  ^  The 
head  of  the  slain  animal  was  raised  on  the  top  of  a  pole,  hung  to  the 
branch  of  a  tree,  or  thrown  into  the  water.  Thus  the  bears  would  be 
satisfied,  would  not  take  revenge  on  the  hunters,  or  send  them  ill 
luck. 

The  Lower  Lillooet  believed  that  the  first  salmon  of  the  season  had  to 
be  treated  properly  if  the  runs  were  to  be  good.  Ceremonies  with  that 
end  in  view  were  performed  at  all  fishing-stations,  under  the  super- 
vision of  the  clan  chief.  When  the  first  salmon  was  sighted,  the  chief 
summoned  a  boy,  and  sent  him  to  all  the  fishing-places,  and  to  all  the 
streams  the  salmon  were  known  to  ascend,  bidding  him  to  pray  for  a 

^  Spencer  and  Gillen,  ii,  p.  301.  ^  Ibid.,  ii,  p.  308. 

'  Ibid.,  ii,  p.  309.  *  Teit,  Jesup  Exped.,  vol.  ii,  p.  279. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  205 

heavy  run.  The  boy  prayed  to  the  salmon,  and  he  also  prayed  to  the 
streams  and  fishing-places.  Just  before  the  people  were  ready  to  catch 
the  first  salmon,  the  tops  of  the  poles  of  weirs  were  decorated  with 
feathers  of  the  owl,  hawk,  red-winged  flicker,  and  eagle.    After  the 
salmon  was  caught,  but  before  it  was  taken  from  the  water,  it  was 
rolled  up  in  a  bag  or  mat;  "for,  if  it  should  see  the  ground,  no  more  sal- 
mon would  come."  ^  All  the  objects  used  in  the  cooking  and  prepara- 
tion of  the  salmon  were  new,  never  used  before,  and  carefully  guarded 
from  contact  with   possible   polluting  influences.     "No  unmarried 
adult  woman,  menstruating  woman,  orphan,  widow,  or  widower  was 
allowed  to  eat  of  the  first  salmon.   If  they  did,  there  would  be  a  poor 
run.  All  the  other  people  must  eat  of  the  salmon-mush,  —  the  males 
out  of  one  dish,  the  females  out  of  another.  The  brew  was  drunk.  .  .  . 
It  is  believed  that  if  the  first  salmon  were  cut  with  a  knife,  there  would 
be  no  run."  ^    Other  ceremonies  must  be  associated  with  mysteri- 
ous powers  ascribed  to  animals.   Certain  animals  could  control  the 
weather, —  the  coyote  and  hare,  the  cold;  the  mountain-goat,  snow; 
the  beaver,  rain.  "If  for  any  reason  the  people  desired  cold  weather, 
snow,  or  rain,  they  burnt  the  skin  of  the  animal  having  control  of  the 
desired  weather,  and  prayed  to  it."^    When,  on  the  contrary,  they 
were  anxious  to  avoid  certain  kinds  of  weather,  they  took  good  care 
that  no  part  of  the  skin  of  the  corresponding  animal  should  come 
near  a  fire.^    In   the  last-mentioned  ceremonies  the  magical  element 
predominates,  thus  strengthening  the  analogy  with  the  Austrahan 
intichiuma.  Other  ceremonies  referred  to  the  first  berries  of  the  season. 
When  the  berries  were  ripe,  the  chiefs  summoned  all  the  people,  and 
announced  that  the  time  for  picking  berries  had  arrived.  When  the 
men,  women,  and  children,  who  had  meanwhile  painted  their  faces  and 
other  exposed  parts  of  their  bodies  red,  were  seated,  "the  chief  took 
a  birch-bark  tray  containing  some  of  the  various  kinds  of  ripe  berries. 
Walking  forward,  he  held  the  tray  up  towards  the  highest  mountain  in 
sight,  saying,  'Qai'lus,  we  tell  you  we  are  going  to  eat  fruit.  Moun- 
tains, we  tell  you  we  are  going  to  eat  fruit.'  After  addressing  each  of 
the  mountain-tops  in  this  manner,  he  went  around  the  people,  follow- 
ing the  sun's  course,  and  gave  each  of  them  a  berry  to  eat.    After  this 
the  people  dispersed,  and  the  women  proceeded  to  pick  berries.  That 
day  they  gathered  not  more  than  could  be  eaten  the  same  night.  If 
they  gathered  more  than  this,  they  would  afterwards  be  unlucky  in 
procuring  roots  or  berries."  ^ 

Among  the  Sahsh  of  the  interior,  when  the  run  of  salmon  began,  the 
first  caught  was  brought  to  the  chief,  who  gathered  the  people  for 
prayer  and  dancing.    Only  the  chief  prayed,  never  uttering  any  words 

'  Teit,  Jesup  Exped.,  vol.  ii,  p.  280.  ^  Ibid.,  vol.  ii,  p.  281. 

'  Ibid.,  vol.  ii,  p.  290.  *  Ibid.,  vol.  ii,  p.  282. 


2o6  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

aloud,  the  others  meanwhile  keeping  their  eyes  closed.  This  last  detail 
"was  among  the  Salish  an  essential  feature  of  the  act,  the  non-observ- 
ance of  which  always  caused  failure."  Towards  the  end  of  the  cere- 
mony the  salmon  was  cooked,  and  "a  small  piece  of  it  given  to  each 
person  present."  ^  Similar  ceremonies  were  performed  with  the  young 
succulent  suckers  of  the  wild  raspberry,  and  later  in  summer  with  the 
ripe  berries  of  the  plant. 

Many  similar  ceremonies  were  performed  by  the  Thompson  River 
Indians  in  connection  with  berries  and  tobacco-gathering,  as  well  as 
with  hunting, 2  while  first-salmon  ceremonies  are  a  familiar  feature 
among  the  tribes  of  the  coast.  Among  the  Haida,  "hunters  had  their 
own  rules.  Before  going  out,  they  ate  certain  plants,  and  it  was  very 
important  to  'count  the  nights.'  After  a  certain  number  of  these  had 
passed,  they  bathed  early  in  the  morning,  and  started  out  the  next  fine 
weather.  Sometimes  they  put  black  marks  on  their  faces,  sometimes 
they  chewed  tobacco,  and  sometimes  they  put  feathers  upon  their 
heads.  These  hunting-rules  descended  from  uncle  to  nephew,  and  as 
well  from  father  to  son."  ^ 

In  connection  with  fishing,  the  Haida  had  evidently  reached  the 
prosaic  insight  into  the  magical  power  of  well-directed  effort,  for 
"there  were  some  secret  regulations  used  by  the  old  men  to  bring  suc- 
cess in  fishing;  but  it  was  feared  that,  if  young  men  began  to  use  them, 
they  would  make  poor  fishermen  all  their  fives."  ^ 

The  Tsimshian  perform  ceremonies  when  the  first  olachen  are 
caught.  "  They  are  roasted  on  an  instrument  of  elderberry-wood.  .  .  . 
The  man  who  roasts  the  fish  on  this  instrument  must  wear  his  travel- 
ling-attire, —  mittens,  cape,  etc.  While  it  is  roasted,  they  pray  for 
plenty  of  fish,  and  ask  that  they  might  come  to  their  fishing-ground. 
.  .  .  The  fire  must  not  be  blown  up.  In  eating  the  fish,  they  must  not 
cool  it  by  blowing,  nor  break  a  single  bone.  Everything  must  be  kept 
neat  and  clean.  .  .  .  The  first  fish  that  they  give  as  a  present  to  their 
neighbors  must  be  covered  with  a  new  mat.  When  the  fish  become 
more  plentiful,  they  are  doubled  up,  and  roasted  on  the  point  of  a 
stick.  After  that  they  are  treated  without  any  further  ceremonies. "  * 

Among  the  Kwakiutl,  the  first  female  land-otter  of  the  season  is 

1  Hill-Tout,  /.  A.  I.,  1904,  p.  330. 

^  Teit,  Jesup  Exped.,  vol.  i,  pp.  346,  350  et  seq. 

'  Swanton,  Jesup  Exped.,  vol.  v,  p.  57.  These  hunting-rules  of  the  Haida  are  interest- 
ing as  perhaps  illustrating  one  way  in  which  magical  practices  to  promote  the  chase  or 
increase  the  food-supply  may  have  developed.  As  such  rules  are  transmitted  from 
generation  to  generation,  they  tend  to  become  stable,  and  in  due  time  categorical. 
A  breach  of  the  rules  may  thus  come  to  carry  with  it  the  danger  of  failure  (as  is 
indeed  often  the  case);  and  the  strict  observance  of  the  rules,  which  have  meanwhile 
become  stereot>-ped  into  a  ritual,  may  acquire  a  direct  magical  significance. 

*  Boas,  B.  A.  A.  S.,  vol.  59,  5th  Rept.,  p.  51. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  207 

treated  ceremoniously.  They  place  it  on  a  skinning-mat,  and  move 
the  knife  from  the  mouth  down  along  the  lower  side  of  the  animal, 
without  cutting,  however.  In  doing  so,  they  draw  in  their  breath. 
This  is  repeated  three  times;  the  fourth  time  they  cut.  Then  the  skin 
is  cut  off,  and  the  body  is  put  down  on  its  stomach.  Then  the  skin  is 
thrown  on  it  with  the  words,  "  Now  call  your  husband!"  The  skin  is 
lifted,  turned  around,  and  thrown  on  again,  with  the  words,  "  Now  call 
your  brother!"  A  third  time  the  skin  is  Kfted,  turned  around,  and 
thrown  on  again:  '*  Now  call  your  uncles!"  The  process  is  repeated 
again  and  again,  the  land-otter  being  asked  to  call  its  fathers,  children, 
and  tribe.  Then  the  body  is  hung  up  in  a  corner  of  the  house.  Similar 
ceremonies  are  performed  with  beavers,  raccoons,  and  martens.  When 
a  bear  is  killed,  it  is  treated  in  much  the  same  way,  and  then  eaten; 
or  a  loop  is  put  through  its  nose,  and  the  body  is  then  hung  up  in  a 
corner  of  the  house. ^ 

Magical  ceremonies  intended  to  preserve  or  increase  the  food-supply 
are  thus  seen  to  be  a  by  no  means  unfamiliar  or  unimportant  feature 
in  the  daily  Hfe  of  the  tribes  of  British  Columbia.  Here,  however, 
these  ceremonies  have  no  reference  whatever  to  totemic  animals,  and 
stand  quite  apart  from  all  totemistic  beliefs  and  practices. 

Reincarnation  of  Ancestral  Spirits 

Australia.  —  Each  of  the  alcheringa  ancestors  (Aranda)  is  repre- 
sented as  carr}dng  with  him  one  or  more  sacred  stones  or  churinga,  each 
one  of  which  was  associated  v/ith  the  spirit  part  of  some  indi\ddual.  At 
the  spots  where  the  ancestors  originated  and  stayed,  or  at  the  camping- 
places  where  they  stopped  during  their  wanderings,  local  totem  centres 
(oknanikilla)  arose;  for  at  such  spots  a  number  of  the  ancestors  went 
into  the  ground  with  their  churinga.  Their  bodies  died,^  but  some  nat- 
ural feature  arose  to  mark  the  spot,  while  the  spirit  remained  in  the 
churinga.  Other  churinga  were  placed  in  the  ground,  a  tree  or  rock 
again  arising  at  the  spot.  Thus  the  entire  country  through  which  the 
alcheringa  ancestors  travelled  is  dotted  with  totem  centres  at  which 
a  number  of  churinga  associated  with  spirit  individuals  are  deposited. 

The  Aranda  believe  that  another  spirit  being  issues  from  the 
nanja  (the  sacred  tree,  rock,  or  what  not,  at  the  oknanikilla).  This 
spirit  watches  over  the  ancestral  spirit  which  abides  in  the  churinga.^ 
Among  the  Unmatjera  and  Kaitish  there  were  comparatively  few 
groups  of  individuals  who  left  spirit  individuals  behind  them  associ- 
ated with  churinga;  but  here  the  ancestors,  often  two  in  number,  had 

^  Boas,  unpublished  material. 

''  According  to  Strehlow  (ii,  p.  52),  the  rocks,  trees,  water-holes,  found  at  such  places, 
are  the  transformed  bodies  of  the  ancestors. 
*  Spencer  and  Gillen,  i  p.  513. 


2o8  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

with  them  stores  of  churinga,  which  they  deposited  in  the  ground,  thus 
giving  rise  to  totem  centres.^  Similar  cases  occur  among  the  Worgaia. 
Among  the  tribes  farther  north,  however,  beginning  with  the  Warra- 
munga,  an  association  of  ancestors  with  the  churinga  occurs  in  but  very 
few  cases.  The  chameleonic  ancestor  of  several  of  the  Warramunga 
snake  totems  -  had  no  churinga  of  his  own,  "  but  he  stole  a  small  one 
which  belonged  to  the  ancestor  of  the  Wollunqua  snake  totem."  ^  In 
these  tribes  the  ancestor  —  for,  almost  without  exception,  there  is 
only  one  —  performs  sacred  ceremonies  at  certain  spots,  leaving  be- 
hind spirit  children  who  emanate  from  his  bod}^'*  These  spirit  children 
are  completely  developed  bo3^s  and  girls,  of  reddish  color,  with  body 
and  soul.  They  can  only  be  seen  by  medicine-men.^  From  the  above 
facts,  Spencer  and  Gillen  arrived  at  the  conclusion  that  ''  in  every 
tribe  without  exception  there  is  a  behef  in  the  reincarnation  of  ances- 
tors." In  connection  with  the  mai-aurli  ancestors  of  the  Arabana, 
we  read,  "  Since  that  early  time  when  the  various  totem  groups  were 
thus  instituted,  the  mai-aurli  have  been  constantly  undergoing  rein- 
carnation." ^  And  when  speaking  of  the  Aranda  churinga,  they  insist 
that  "  in  the  native  mind  the  value  of  the  churinga  at  the  present  day, 
whatever  may  have  been  the  case  in  past  times,  lies  in  the  fact  that 
each  one  is  intimately  associated  with,  and  is  indeed  the  representa- 
tion of,  the  alcheringa  ancestors  with  the  attributes  of  whom  it  is  en- 
dowed. When  the  spirit  part  has  gone  into  a  woman,  and  a  child  has, 
as  a  result,  been  born,  then  that  living  child  is  the  reincarnation  of 
that  particular  spirit  individual.^  When  an  Aranda  dies,  relate  Spencer 
and  Gillen,  and  the  mourning  ceremonies  connected  with  the  burial 
are  carried  out,  the  soul  of  the  deceased  returns  to  its  nanja,  and  sta3^s 
there  in  the  company  of  its  spirit  guardian.  In  due  time  it  becomes 
associated  with  another  churinga  ;  and  eventually,  "  but  not  until  even 
the  bones  have  crumbled  awa}^,"  it  may  be  reborn  in  human  form.* 
Again  and  again  do  Spencer  and  Gillen  return  to  this  point,  their  state- 
ments always  being  absolutely  categorical.^ 

Strangely  enough,  Spencer  and  Gillen's  conclusions  do  not  seem  in 
this  instance  to  be  borne  out  by  their  own  facts.  ^"^  When  they  tell  us  that 
at  the  time  of  their  visit  to  the  Warramunga  country  "  there  was  an  old 
Worgaia  man  visiting  the  Warramunga  tribe,  who,  together  with  his 
brother,  was  the  reincarnation  of  one  of  their  alcheringa  yams,^^  it  is 
not  easy  to  see  how  the  ancestor's  spirit  could  be  reincarnated  in  both 

^  Spencer  and  Gillen,  ii,  p.  273.  "  See  p.  192. 

'  Spencer  and  Gillen,  ii,  p.  163.  *  Ibid.,  ii,  p.  161. 

*  Strehlow,  ii,  p.  52. 

'  Spencer  and  Gillen,  ii,  p.  146;  cf.  also  pp.  148-149. 

^  Ibid.,  i,  p.  138.  ^  Ibid.,  i,  p.  515. 

*  Ibid.,  i,  pp.  124,  125  et  seq. ;  ii,  150,  156,  174,  273,  274,  606  et  seq. 

'"  See  Leonhardi,  ii,  p.  56,  note.  "  Spencer  and  Gillen,  ii,  p.  274. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  209 

brothers  at  the  same  time.  The  erroneousness  of  the  concept  (or  ter- 
minology ?) ,  moreover,  can  be  seen  throughout.  When  the  mai-aiirli  of 
the  Arabana  are  supposed  to  undergo  constant  reincarnation,  or  when 
the  ancestral  group  of  Aranda  totemites  —  incomplete  creatures  orig- 
inally, but  shaped  into  complete  men  and  women  by  the  knife  of  the 
transformer  —  are  beheved  to  lead  an  eternal  existence  in  the  bodily 
frames  of  uncounted  generations  of  totemites,  there  is  a  certain  plausi- 
bihty  in  the  conception;  but  when  we  come  to  the  Kaitish,  we  generally 
find  a  small  number  of  ancestors  (often  two)  going  about  with  great 
quantities  of  chiiringa  associated  with  spirit  individuals,  which  they 
deposit  in  the  ground.  Among  the  Warramunga,  as  a  rule,  only  one  an- 
cestor appears  on  the  scene,  and  this  condition  becomes  characteristic 
among  the  northern  tribes.  These  ancestors  leave  behind  spirit  chil- 
dren who  emanate  from  their  bodies  during  the  performance  of  sacred 
ceremonies.  The  spirits  associated  with  the  churinga  (Kaitish),  or  the 
spirit  children  issued  from  the  bodies  of  ancestors  (Warramunga  and 
northern  tribes),  are  reborn  by  entering  the  bodies  of  women  who  pass 
near  the  spots  haunted  by  such  spirits.  To  speak  here  of  a  reincarna- 
tion of  ancestors  would  obviously  be  either  a  misstatement  or  a  misap- 
phcation  of  the  term.  As  far  as  the  Aranda  and  Loritja  are  concerned, 
among  whom  the  belief  would,  logically  at  least,  be  plausible,  we  can 
fortunately  make  use  of  Strehlow's  data.  At  the  instance  of  von  Leon- 
hardi,  the  missionary  made  repeated  inquiries  among  the  natives  with 
reference  to  that  special  point.  He  speaks  in  particular  of  three  medi- 
cine-men, one  of  whom  used  to  have  great  influence  in  his  tribe.  These 
medicine-men,  as  well  as  the  other  natives,  pronounced  Spencer  and 
Gillen's  account  wrong.  In  a  letter  to  Leonhardi  dated  February  9, 
1905,^  Strehlow  writes  the  following: 

The  male  spirit  children  {ratapa)  dwell  in  rocks,  trees,  or  mistle- 
branches;  the  female  ancestors,  in  rock  crevices.  Wlien  a  woman 
passes  one  of  these  spots,  a  ratapa  enters  her  in  the  shape  of  an  adult 
youth  or  girl  with  body  and  soul.  Pains  and  nausea  ensue.  The  ratapa 
in  the  woman's  womb  decreases  in  size,  and  is  born  as  a  child,  which 
belongs  to  the  corresponding  totem. 2  —  When  a  man  dies,  his  soul 
does  not  go  to  the  totem  centre,  but  to  the  north,  to  the  Island  of  the 
Dead  (Laia),  where  it  remains  until  there  is  rain  on  earth  and  green 
grass  grows.  It  wanders  about  until  it  sees  a  tree  with  white  bark, 
from  which  it  shrinks  in  terror.  Then  it  goes  back  to  its  former  habitat 

'  Globus  vol.  xci,  No.  i8  (1907),  p.  285. 

'  Von  Leonhardi,  in  his  introduction  to  the  iirst  volume  of  Strehlow's  work,  summarizes 
the  different  ways  in  which  a  woman  may  become  pregnant  thus:  (i)  A  ratapa  enters  the 
woman;  such  children  are  born  with  narrow  faces.  (2)  The  totem  ancestor  emerges  from 
the  earth,  and  throws  a  small  whirling-stick  at  the  woman;  the  child  thus  conceived  is 
bom  with  a  broad  face.  (3)  The  ancestor  himself  enters  the  woman,  and  is  reborn;  such 
children  have  light  hair. 


2IO  Journal  0}  American  Folk-Lore 

on  earth,  and  warns  its  friends  against  the  dangers  that  are  awaiting 
them.  If  the  deceased  left  a  small  child,  the  father's  soul  enters  it  and 
stays  until  he  grows  a  beard.  Then  it  departs.  If  the  son  is  an  adult, 
the  soul  does  not  enter  him,  but  waits  behind  his  back  until  he  marries 
and  has  a  son,  whom  it  enters  and  stays  until  the  child  has  grown  up, 
when  it  leaves  him.  It  wanders  about  until  finally  killed  by  a  stroke 
of  hghtning.  "  Dieses  Aufhoren  des  Seelenlebens,"  concludes  Streh- 
low,  "  wird  von  den  Schwarzen  auf  das  bestimmteste  behauptet.  Man 
kann  also  nicht  von  einer  Reincarnation  sprechen,  sondern  nur  von 
einer  zeitweiligen  Einwohnung  der  Seele  des  Vaters  oder  Grossvaters  in 
seinem  Sohn  oder  Enkel." 

In  regard  to  the  other  tribes  discussed  by  Spencer  and  Gillen,  we 
have  no  such  supplementary  information ;  so  their  data  must  provi- 
sionally stand,  subject,  of  course,  to  the  doubt  which  the  logical  incon- 
sistencies of  their  presentation  arouse.  Whatever  the  facts  as  to  the 
reincarnation  of  ancestral  spirits  may  turn  out  to  be,  the  data  collected 
by  Spencer  and  Gillen  and  Strehlow  show  conclusively,  that,  in  all  the 
tribes  in  question,  pregnancy  is  believed  to  be  caused  by  a  spirit  enter- 
ing a  woman's  body,  and  that  the  child  is  the  embodiment,  the  incar- 
nation, of  that  spirit. 

These  spiritual  ideas,  as  well  as  the  material  objects  representing 
them,  the  chnringa,  have  taken  deep  root  in  the  totemic  life  of  the  Cen- 
tral AustraHan  tribes.  The  churinga  is  the  common  body  of  an  indi- 
vidual and  of  his  ancestor,  and  a  guaranty  of  the  latter's  protection; 
while  the  loss  of  a  chiirmga  may  arouse  his  revenge.^  Damage  done  to 
the  churinga,  however,  does  not  of  necessity  mean  destruction  to  its 
owner,  but  it  fills  him  with  a  vague  sense  of  danger.  The  churinga  is 
not  the  abode  of  the  spirit  or  hfe  of  any  particular  individual.  Spencer 
and  Gillen, 2  as  well  as  Strehlow,^  are  quite  expHcit  and  positive  as  to 
this  point.  The  churinga  belonging  to  a  totemic  group  are  kept  at 
special  storage-places,  the  access  to  which  is  interdicted  to  women  and 
uninitiated  young  men.^  When  dealing  with  the  intichiuma,^  we  saw 
what  an  important  part  the  churinga  play  in  those  ceremonies  among 
the  Aranda,  Ilpirra,  Unmatjera,  and  Kaitish.  At  the  engwura  ceremo- 
nies, special  storage-places  are  provided  for  the  churinga  belonging  to 
the  two  moieties  of  the  tribe,  and  they  are  constantly  being  used  in 
connection  with  the  rites  of  initiation.  The  churinga,  as  a  bull-roarer, 
resounds  at  the  initiation  of  boys,  and  it  is  believed  by  the  women  that 
"  the  roaring  is  the  voice  of  the  great  spirit,  Timnyirlka,  who  has 
come  to  take  the  boy  away."^ 

1  Strehlow,  ii,  p.  77.  2  Spencer  and  Gillen,  i,  p.  138.  ^  Strehlow,  ii,  p.  76. 

*  Ihid.,  ii,  p.  78;  Spencer  and  Gillen,  i,  p.  138.  *  See  pp.  202-203. 

*  Spencer  and  Gillen,  i,  p.  246;  see  also  Ibid.,  ii,  pp.  497  et  seq.,  and  Hewitt,  -Y.  T., 
pp.  565  el  seq. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  211 

The  most  significant  function  of  the  spirit  indi\dduals  is  to  enter  the 
body  of  a  woman,  thus  causing  her  to  become  pregnant,  determining 
ipso  facto  the  totem  of  the  child.  Women  will  avoid  certain  localities 
or  abstain  from  touching  certain  trees,  for,  if  they  did  not  do  so,  the 
spirits  associated  with  the  spot  or  tree  would  be  sure  to  enter  them. 
The  greatest  freedom  is  left  to  the  spirit  among  theAranda  andLoritja, 
where  the  spirit  of  any  totem  may  enter  a  woman,  and  the  child  has  to 
follow  suit.  Of  course,  it  is  supposed  to  enter  a  woman  of  the  proper 
phratry  and  class,  but  it  may  not  do  so.  In  connection  with  the  class, 
such  blunders  do  sometimes  occur,  and  the  child  then  follows  the  class 
of  the  spirit  begetter.  The  corresponding  behefs  of  the  Kaitish  are 
quite  similar  to  those  of  the  Aranda.  Among  the  northern  tribes,  be- 
ginning with  the  Warramunga,  where  the  paternal  law  of  totemic  de- 
scent becomes  stringent,  the  spirits  are  not  supposed  to  make  any  mis- 
takes as  to  class  and  totem.  Among  the  Gnanji  we  find,  in  addition, 
the  behef  that  the  proper  spirits  are  following  a  woman  about,  and, 
whenever  she  feels  the  first  pangs  of  pregnancy,  it  is  one  of  these  spirits 
that  has  entered  her.  A  most  curious  adjustment  has  occurred  among 
the  Arabana,  where,  to  meet  their  peculiar  rule  of  descent,  the  spirit 
child  is  supposed  to  change  its  totem,  clan,  and  moiety  at  each  succes- 
sive reincarnation,  with  the  desired  result  of  the  child  always  belong- 
ing to  the  same  moiety.^ 

*  Spencer  and  Gillen,  ii,  pp.  148-149.  In  view  of  Strehlow's  revelations  about  the 
reincarnation  beliefs  of  the  Aranda,  statements  like  the  above  should  be  accepted  with 
a  grain  of  salt. 

A  large  body  of  latter-day  speculation  clusters  about  those  beliefs  of  the  natives.  Say 
Spencer  and  Gillen,  "We  have  amongst  the  Arunta,  Luritcha,  and  Ilpirra  tribes,  and 
probably  also  amongst  others,  such  as  the  Warramunga,  the  idea  firmly  held  that  the 
child  is  not  the  direct  result  of  intercourse;  that  it  may  come  without  this,  which  merely, 
as  it  were,  prepares  the  mother  for  the  reception  and  birth  also  of  an  already  formed  spirit 
child  who  inhabits  one  of  the  local  totem  centres"  (i,  p.  265).  Strehlow  did  not  find  among 
the  Aranda  the  conception  of  the  sexual  act  as  a  "preparation."  He  asserts  that  the 
cohahitatio  is  regarded  merely  as  a  pleasure,  although  in  connection  with  animals  the 
physical  nexus  of  things  is  well  understood  (ii,  p.  52,  note  7).  Roth  furnishes  identical 
information  as  to  "the  TuUy  River  Blacks"  (Bulletin  No.  5,  pp.  22,  2.1).  In  Frazer's 
fertile  mind,  the  above  facts  become  the  corner-stone  of  an  hypothetical  structure,  the 
theory  of  conceptional  totemism  (1905,  p.  458).  Granted  the  authenticity  of  the  facts, 
Frazer's  interpretation  of  them  impresses  one  as  strangely  naive.  "So  astounding  an 
ignorance  of  natural  causation,"  he  exclaims,  "  cannot  but  date  from  a  past  immeasur- 
ably remote"  {Ibid.,  p.  455).  Not  merely  "the  intercourse  of  the  sexes  as  the  cause  of 
offspring,"  namely,  is  ignored,  but  also  "  the  tie  of  blood  on  the  maternal  as  well  as  the  pa- 
ternal side."  As  to  the  ignorance  of  the  maternal  tie,  Lang  has  said  his  word  (5.  T.,  p.  190). 
Apart  from  that,  however,  the  deplorable  ignorance  of  the  natives  could,  if  at  all,  be  a  test 
of  primitiveness  only  if  they  proved  to  be  too  primitive  to  know  better.  They  do  know 
better,  however,  in  the  case  of  animals.  This  fact,  together  with  some  further  evidence 
adduced  by  Lang  (/.  c.,pp.  190-193)  and  Schmidt  {Z.f.  £.,  1908,  pp.  883  et  seq.),o\i%ht  at 
least  to  check  any  direct  psychological  interpretation  of  the  native's  ignorance.  We  need 
not  with  Lang  regard  the  Aranda  theory  as  a  "philosophic  inference  from  philosophic 


212  Journal  of  American  Folk -Lore 

British  Columbia.  —  The  Thompson  River  Indians  believe  that 
in  some  few  cases  souls  return  in  new-born  infants.  If  a  male  child  dies, 
and  the  mother  gives  birth  to  another  male  child,  the  latter  is  believed 
to  be  "his  dead  brother  come  to  life  again."  If  the  second  child  also 
dies,  the  same  belief  is  held  in  regard  to  the  third  child,  if  a  male.  One 
of  the  reasons  for  this  belief  given  by  the  Indians  is  that  when  a  child 
dies,  the  next  one  born  is  almost  always  of  the  same  sex  as  the  deceased 
one.  The  soul  of  an  elderly  person  cannot  be  reborn;  nor  can  the  soul 
of  a  male  infant  be  reborn  in  a  female  infant;  nor  can  the  soul  of  an 
infant  come  to  life  again  in  an  infant  of  another  mother.  "  Formerly, ' ' 
adds  Teit,  "this  behef  was  more  general  than  it  is  now."^  Among 
the  Shuswap,  souls  of  dead  children  are  sometimes  reborn  b}^  the 
same  mother  or  a  near  relative;  a  male  is  always  reborn  a  male,  and 
vice  versa.  In  some  rare  cases  adults  were  believed  to  be  reborn  by 
a  loved  relative.  Human  souls  could  never  be  reborn  in  animals. ^ 
Among  the  Lillooet  the  belief  in  reincarnation  is  well  developed.  The 
souls  "of  almost  all,  if  not  all"  children  are  reborn  by  the  same  mother 
or  by  a  relative.  The  sex  does  not  change.  There  is  a  belief  that 
adults  may  also  be  reborn,  "if  they  so  desire,"  but  that  actual  cases 
are  of  rare  occurrence.^  Among  the  Tlingit,  Swanton  obtained  the  fol- 
lowing tale:  "In  a  certain  town  a  man  was  killed  and  went  up  to  Ki'- 
waA,  and  by  and  by  a  woman  of  his  clan  gave  birth  to  a  child."  In 
the  course  of  the  story  the  child  turns  out  to  be  the  same  man  who 
had  been  killed.  He  told  his  people  about  Ki  waA,  where  all  people 
killed  by  violence  must  go,  etc.  This  story,  or  one  like  it,  is  repeated 
ever^-^vhere  in  the  Tlingit  country.  If  a  person  with  a  cut  or  scar  on  his 
body  died  and  was  reborn,  the  same  marks  reappeared  on  the  infant.* 

premises"  (Tylor  Essays,  1907,  p.  212);  but  in  conjecturing  that  "their  psychology  has 
clouded  their  physiology,"  he  probably  comes  little  short  of  the  mark. 

Passing  over  Reitzenstein's  pretentious  but  uncritical  article  {Z.  f.  E.,  1909,  pp.  644 
et  seq.),  note  Hartland's  latest  contribution  to  the  subject.  In  the  last  chapter,  on 
"  Physiological  Ignorance  on  the  Subject  of  Conception,"  he  says,  "What  I  do  mean  is, 
that  for  generations  and  generations  the  truth  that  the  child  is  only  born  in  consequence 
of  an  act  of  sexual  union,  that  the  birth  of  a  child  is  the  natural  consequence  of  such 
an  act  performed  in  favoring  circumstances,  and  that  every  child  must  be  the  result  of 
such  an  act  and  of  no  other  cause,  was  not  realized  by  mankind,  that  down  to  the  present 
day  it  is  imperfectly  realized  by  some  peoples,  and  that  there  are  still  others  among  whom 
it  is  unknown"  {Primitive  Pater)iity,  hondon,  1910,  ii,  p.  250).  The  question  seems  worth 
asking,  whether  this  conclusion  would  not  be  as  convincing  without  as  it  is  with  the  copi- 
ous evidence  from  mj^thology,  folk-lore,  and  custom  gathered  in  the  author's  two  volumes  ? 
That  mankind  did  pass,  and  in  part  still  remains  in,  a  period  of  ignorance  as  to  the  true 
relation  between  the  sexual  act,  conception,  and  birth,  is  scarcely  a  debatable  subject. 
Evidence  of  the  kind  adduced  does  not  help  us  to  fix  that  ignorance  chronologically. 
The  real  problem,  therefore,  consists  in  ascertaining,  in  each  indi\'idual  case  that  comes 
under  investigation,  just  how  much  ignorance  or  knowledge  there  is  as  to  the  matter. 

'  Teit,  Jesup  Exped.,  vol.  i,  p.  259.  ^  Ibid.,  vol.  ii,  p.  611. 

^  Ibid.,  vol.  ii,  p.  287.  *  Swanton,  26th  B.  E.  R.,  1904-05,  p.  463. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  213 

The  Kwakiutl  believe  that  "the  soul  of  a  deceased  person  returns 
again  in  the  first  child  born  after  his  death."  ^  The  beliefs  about  killer- 
whales,  salmon,  wolves,  etc.,  into  wliich  human  beings  become  trans- 
formed after  death,  or  to  which  they  belonged  before  becoming  men, 
also  belong  to  the  same  category  of  ideas.  ^ 

The  belief  in  reincarnation  may  thus  be  said  to  be  entertained  to  a 
greater  or  less  extent  by  the  tribes  of  British  Columbia.  In  Australia, 
however,  this  belief  has  become  an  integral  part  of  a  complex  system 
of  behefs  and  ceremonies,  and  in  a  great  many  tribes  the  central  fact 
of  their  totemic  organization.  In  British  Columbia,  on  the  other  hand, 
no  such  process  has  taken  place.  The  belief  in  reincarnation  exists  as 
a  psychological  detail  in  the  lives  of  these  Indians;  but  it  has  not  af- 
fected their  other  beliefs  and  practices.  We  find  no  trace  of  it  in  the 
ancestral  traditions  of  their  clans  andfamihes;  nor  did  it  become  asso- 
ciated with  the  many  rites  and  ceremonies  which  form  part  of  their 
totemic  clan  organization  and  of  their  secret  societies. 

Guardian  Spirits  and  Secret  Societies 

British  Columbia.  —  The  southern  Kwakiutl,  as  we  saw,  are  di- 
vided into  non-exogamous  clans,  which,  through  many  transforma- 
tions, arose  out  of  original  village  communities.^  Each  clan  derives  its 
origin  from  a  mythical  ancestor,  on  whose  adventures  the  crests  and 
privileges  of  the  clan  depend.^  As  described  in  the  section  on  "De- 
scent," the  ancestor,  in  the  course  of  his  adventures,  meets  the  epony- 
mous animal  of  the  clan,  and  in  a  variety  of  ways  obtains  from  him 
supernatural  powers  or  magical  objects:  such  as  the  magic  harpoon, 
which  insures  success  in  sea-otter  hunting;  the  water  of  life,  which  re- 
suscitates the  dead,  etc.  He  also  obtains  a  dance,  a  song,  and  cries 
which  are  peculiar  to  each  spirit,  as  well  as  the  right  to  use  certain 
carvings.^  The  dance  always  consists  in  a  dramatic  presentation  of  the 
myth  in  which  the  ancestor  acquires  the  gifts  of  the  spirit.  These 
spirits  are  certain  animals  —  the  bear,  wolf,  sea-lion,  killer-whale  — 
and  fabulous  monsters,  who  become  protectors  of  men.^ 

Such  a  monster  is  the  Si'siuL,  a  fabulous  double-headed  snake  that 
assumes  the  shape  of  a  fish.  To  eat  or  see  it  is  sure  death.  All  joints  of 
the  culprit  become  dislocated,  and  his  head  is  turned  backwards.  It  is, 
however,  very  useful  when  friendly,  and  is  claimed  by  warriors  as  their 
protector.  Another  monster  is  the  cannibal  woman  Dzo'noqwa,  who 
resides  in  the  woods,  etc.^ 

The  more  general  the  use  of  a  crest  in  a  clan,  the  older  is  the  tradition 

^  Boas,  B.  A.  A.  S.,  vol.  60,  6th  Rept.,  p.  59.  ^  See  p.  199, 

*  Boas,  Kwakiutl,  p.  334.  ■*  Ibid.,  p.  333. 

*  Ibid.,  p.  396.  "  Ibid.,  p.  371. 
.    '  Ibid.,  pp.  370-372  et  seq. 


214  Journal  0}  American  Folk-Lore 

of  its  acquisition.  When  the  tradition  is  more  recent,  the  use  of  the 
crest  is  restricted  to  the  descendants  of  the  person  to  whom  the  tra- 
dition refers.  An  extreme  case  is  when  one  of  the  clansmen  tells  of 
his  own  acquisition  of  one  of  the  crests  of  the  clan.  In  all  cases  the 
spirits  and  their  gifts  are  hereditary.^ 

The  spirits  so  far  dealt  with  appear  only  in  the  ancestral  traditions, 
in  which  no  reference  is  made  to  any  special  relation  between  such 
spirits  and  the  ancestor's  descendants.  But  we  also  find  other  spirits 
acquired  individually  by  the  young  men :  they  are  the  personal  guard- 
ian spirits  or  protectors,  thus  corresponding  strictly  to  the  manitou  of 
so  many  of  the  Indian  tribes  of  North  America.  The  youth  expects  to 
meet  only  spirits  belonging  to  his  clan.^  Such  a  spirit  is  Making- War- 
All-Over-the-Earth.  Under  his  protection,  the  youth  may  obtain 
three  different  powers :  he  may  become  invulnera?3le  and  acquire  power 
over  the  Si'siuL;  he  may  acquire  the  capacity  of  catching  the  invisible 
dream-spirit  (which  is  a  worm),  and  of  using  it  against  his  enemies; 
and  he  may  become  insensible  to  the  pain  of  wounds,  and  proof  against 
death  itself.  With  the  assistance  of  The-First-One-to-eat-Man-at- 
the-Mouth-of-the-River,  another  spirit,  nine  powers  may  be  obtained.'^ 
The  spirit  MadEm  is  a  bird,  and  gives  the  faculty  of  flying.  Various 
ghost  spirits  give  the  power  to  return  to  life  after  having  been  killed. 
These  spirits  are  also  hereditary,  and  their  number  is  limited.  Accord- 
ingly, each  spirit  belongs  to  various  clans  in  different  tribes,  but  the 
powers  bestowed  by  it  in  each  case  are  shghtly  different.  The  spirits 
appear  only  in  the  winter,  and,  as  a  consequence,  the  social  organiza- 
tion of  the  Kwakiutl  tribes  undergoes  during  that  season  a  complete 
transformation.* 

In  conformity  with  a  general  characteristic  of  the  Indians  of  British 
Columbia  and  of  a  number  of  other  Indian  tribes  of  the  Pacific  coast 
as  well  as  of  the  interior,  the  Kwakiutl  tribes  distinguish  three  social 
classes,  —  nobility,  common  people,  and  slaves.  The  last-named  are 
rated  on  a  par  with  personal  property,  and  thus  do  not  really  form 
part  of  the  social  structure  of  these  peoples.  In  the  summer,  during 
the  "profane"  season  (ba'xus),  the  two  classes  comprise  clans  and 
famihes.  The  ancestor  of  each  family  has  a  tradition  of  his  own,  apart 
from  the  clan  tradition;  and  with  it  go  the  usual  crests  and  privileges. 
In  each  family  only  one  man  at  a  time  personates  the  ancestor  and  en- 
joys his  rank  and  privileges.  These  men  constitute  the  nobility,  and 
range  in  importance  according  to  the  rank  of  their  ancestors.  At  festi- 
vals they  sit  in  order  of  their  rank,  called  "seat."  The  noblest  clan 
and  the  noblest  name  in  that  clan  are  called  " Eagle. "^ 

'  Boas,  Kwakiutl,  p.  324.  '  Ibid.,  p.  393. 

'  Ibid.,  pp.  396  et  seq.  *  Ibid.,  p.  418. 

5  Ibid.,  p.  339. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  215 

In  the  winter,  the  season  of  "the  secrets"  (ts^e'ls'aeqa),  when  the 
spirits  appear,  a  thorough  rearrangement  of  the  above  social  order 
takes  place.  Individuals  are  no  longer  grouped  according  to  clans  and 
families,  but  according  to  the  spirits  that  have  initiated  them;  while 
the  minor  subdivisions  within  these  groups  are  determined  by  the  cere- 
monies and  dances  bestowed  upon  individuals.  "In  summer  ba'xus 
is  on  the  top,  the  ts'e'tsaeqa  below,  and  vice  versa  in  winter,"  says  the 
Indian.^ 

During  the  winter  ceremonial,  which  is  performed  in  that  season, 
the  people  are  divided  into  two  main  bodies,  —  the  initiated  ("seals") 
and  the  unim'tiated  {que'qutsa,  a  kind  of  sparrow).^  The  latter  are  di- 
vided into  groups  consisting  of  individuals  who  will  become  initiated 
at  approximately  the  same  time,  "For  this  reason,  perhaps,  natural 
age  groups  have  arisen,  which,  from  the  religious  point  of  view,  form 
rank-groups  within  the  tribe."  ^  There  are  ten  such  groups  or  societies, 
—  seven  male  and  three  female,  —  and  most  of  them  bear  animal 
names. 

Throughout  the  ceremonies  the  two  groups  are  hostile  to  each  other. 
The  "seals  "  attack  and  torment  the  que'qiUsa,  who  try  to  reciprocate 
to  the  best  of  their  ability.^  The  object  of  part  of  the  ceremonies  per- 
formed by  each  society  is  to  secure  the  return  of  the  youth  who  has 
been  taken  away  by  the  supernatural  being,  the  spirit  protector  of 
the  society.  When  the  novice  finally  returns,  he  is  in  a  state  of  ecstasy; 
and  ceremonies  are  performed  to  restore  him  to  his  senses.^  Boas  gives 
a  list  of  fifty-three  dances,  arranged  according  to  rank,  which  belong  to 
the  Kwakiutl,  Ma'maleleqala,  Nimkish,  and  Lau'itsis,  and  are  per- 
formed during  the  winter  ceremonial.^ 

The  idea  of  guardian  spirits  among  the  Kwakiutl,  which  has  given 
rise  to  a  unique  phenomenon  of  social  transfiguration,  has  also  taken 
firm  root  in  the  other  tribes  of  British  Columbia.  Among  the  Thomp- 
son River  Indians  every  person  had  a  guardian  spirit  which  he  acquired 
at  the  puberty  ceremonies.  Here  these  spirits  were  not  as  a  rule  inher- 
ited, except  in  the  case  of  a  few  exceptionally  powerful  shamans.  All 
animals  and  objects  possessed  of  magic  quahties  could  become  guard- 
ian spirits;  but  the  powers  of  such  spirits  had  become  differentiated, 
so  that  certain  groups  of  supernatural  helpers  were  associated  with  defi- 
nite social  or  professional  classes.^  The  shamans  had  their  favorite 
spirits,  some  of  which  were  natural  phenomena  (night,  fog,  east,  west) ; 
man  or  parts  of  human  body  (woman,  young  girl,  hands  or  feet  of  man, 
etc.);  animals  (bat);  objects  referring  to  death  (land  of  souls;  ghosts; 

'  Boas,  Kwakiutl,  p.  418.  ^  Ibid.,  p.  419. 

^  Boas,  /.  A.  K.,  vol.  xiv  (1904),  p.  146.  *  Boas,  Kwakiutl,  p.  420. 

^  Ibid.,  p.  431.  ^  Ibid.,  pp.  498-499. 
'  Teit,  Jesup  Exped.,  vol.  i,  p.  354. 


2i6  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

dead  man's  hair,  bones,  and  teeth,  etc.).  The  warriors  had  their  set  of 
spirits;  so  did  the  hunters,  fishermen,  gamblers,  runners,  women.  Each 
person  partook  of  the  quahties  of  liis  or  her  guardian  spirit.* 

Among  the  spirits  pecuKar  to  shamans,  parts  of  animals  or  objects 
were  not  uncommon.  The  tail  of  a  snake,  the  nipple  of  a  gun,  the 
left  or  right  side  of  anything,  etc.,  occurred  as  supernatural  helpers. ^ 

Another  point  of  theoretical  interest  comes  up  in  this  connection.  A 
sharp  line  cannot  always  be  drawn  between  a  guardian  spirit  and  an 
amulet.  A  snake's  tail,  for  instance,  figures  as  a  guardian  spirit;  but 
the  tail  of  a  snake  called  "double-headed"  snake  by  some  Indians,  on 
account  of  two  small  eye-like  protuberances  on  the  end  of  its  tail,  was 
also  worn  by  hunters  as  a  charm,  to  protect  them  during  the  grizzly- 
bear  hunt.^ 

Although  the  range  of  animals,  plants,  natural  phenomena,  inani- 
mate objects,  which  could  become  guardian  spirits,  embraced  practi- 
cally the  whole  of  nature,  certain  animals  that  had  no  mysterious  power 
did  not  figure  as  spirits.  Such  were  the  mouse,  chipmunk,  squirrel,  rat, 
butterfly,  etc.  There  were  but  few  birds,  and  scarcely  any  trees  or 
herbs,  among  the  spirits. 

The  young  men  of  the  Lillooet  acquired  guardian  spirits,  and,  at  the 
instigation  of  their  elders,  performed  a  "guardian-spirit  dance,"  dur- 
ing which  they  imitated  their  supernatural  protectors  in  motion,  ges- 
ture, and  cry.^  In  some  of  their  clan  dances,  masks  were  used,  which 
sometimes  referred  to  an  incident  in  the  clan  myth.  The  dancers  per- 
sonified either  the  ancestor  himself  or  his  guardian  spirit.^  Powerful 
guardian  spirits  enabled  the  shamans  to  perform  wonderful  feats. ^  A 
number  of  animal  personal  names  taken  from  guardian  spirits  occur 
among  the  Lower  Thompson  and  the  Lower  Lillooet.'^  The  weapons, 
implements,  and  other  objects  of  the  Lillooet  were  often  decorated 
with  designs  representing  guardian  spirits,  and  similar  figures  were 
painted  and  tattooed  on  face  and  body.^  When  the  Shuswap  lad  began 

1  Teit,  Jesup  Exped.,  vol,  i,  p.  354. 

^  This  feature  becomes  of  especial  interest  in  its  bearing  on  the  so-called  "split  totems." 
That  name  was  given  by  Frazer  to  totems  which,  he  thinks,  always  originated  on  the  occa- 
sion of  a  spHtting-up  of  a  large  totemic  group  into  smaller  groups,  or  of  a  separation  of  a 
smaller  group  from  the  body  of  the  larger  one.  In  such  cases  the  new  groups  would  have 
as  their  totem  either  another  variety  or  species  of  the  original  totem,  or  some  part  of  it 
(Frazer,  T.,  p.  62).  Among  the  Thompson  River  Indians  no  such  process  could  be  hypothe- 
sized as  accounting  for  the  origin  of  "split"  guardian  spirits;  for  these  were  individual 
helpers,  and  were  not  as  a  rule  inherited.  This  does  not  invalidate  Frazer's  hj^jothesis; 
but,  the  two  phenomena  being  analogous,  the  existence  of  "split"  guardian  spirits  makes 
it  at  least  probable  that  psychological  motives  or  objective  processes  other  than  those 
represented  by  Frazer  may  also  have  been  responsible  for  the  origin  of  split  totems. 

^  Teit,  Jesiip  Exped.,  vol.  i,  p.  371.  *  Ibid.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  285-286. 

^  Ibid.,  vol.  ii,  p.  286.  *  Ibid.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  288-289. 

'  Ibid.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  294-295,  note  3. 

*  Ibid.,  vol.  ii,  p.  298,  note  11. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  217 

to  dream  of  women,  arrows,  and  canoes,  or  when  his  voice  began  to 
change,  his  time  had  arrived  for  desiring  and  obtaining  a  guardian 
spirit.  Among  these  tribes  we  also  find  that  the  common  people  were 
divided  into  groups,  membership  in  most  of  which  was  not  strictly- 
hereditary,  while  in  others,  like  the  Black  Bear  Group,  the  hereditary 
character  was  more  pronounced.  Teit  enumerates  twenty-nine  protect- 
ors of  such  groups,  of  which  twenty  are  animals,  while  the  rest  include 
plants,  natural  phenomena,  inanimate  objects,  as  well  as  hunger  and 
famine.  Some  of  these  groups  were  more  closely  related  to  one  another 
than  others ;  and  they  then  could  perform  one  another's  dances,  and  sing 
one  another's  songs.  These  groups  intercrossed  the  hereditary  families 
of  the  people:  hence  they  were  probably  analogous  to  the  secret  danc- 
ing societies  of  the  Kwakiutl.'  The  groups  had  distinct  dresses,  orna- 
ments, songs,  and  dances,  some  of  which  could  be  performed  at  any 
time.  Most  dances,  however,  were  performed  in  the  winter.  During  the 
dances,  protective  animal  spirits,  Hke  the  moose,  caribou,  elk,  and  deer, 
were  impersonated.  The  persons  acting  dressed  in  the  skins  of  these 
animals,  with  the  scalp  part  hanging  over  their  heads  and  faces.  Some 
had  antlers  attached  to  the  head  and  neck.  The  dancers  went  through 
all  the  actions  of  the  animal  impersonated,  imitating  its  finding  and 
fishing,  hunting  and  snaring,  chasing  over  lakes  in  canoes,  and  final 
capture  or  death.  ^ 

Among  the  Haida,  the  guardian-spirit  idea  finds  its  clearest  expres- 
sion in  the  beliefs  about  shamans.  When  a  man  was  '"possessed"  by  a 
supernatural  being,  who  spoke  through  him,  or  used  him  as  a  medium 
for  manifesting  himself,  the  man  was  a  shaman.  When  the  spirit  was 
present,  the  shaman  lost  his  personal  identity  and  became  the  spirit. 
He  dressed  as  directed  by  the  spirit,  and  used  the  latter's  language.  If 
a  supernatural  being  from  the  Tlingit  country  took  possession  of  the 
shaman,  he  spoke  Tlingit,  although  he  might  otherwise  have  been  totally 
ignorant  of  that  language.  His  name  also  was  discarded,  and  the  spirit's 
name  substituted  in  its  stead.  And  if  the  spirit  changed,  the  name  was 
also  changed.  "When  the  Above  people  spoke  through  a  man,  the  man 
used  the  Tlingit  language;  when  his  spirit  was  the  moon,  he  spoke 
Tsimshian;  when  he  was  inspired  by  Wi'git,  he  spoke  Bella  Bella."  ^ 

Not  only  a  shaman,  but  any  man,  could  secure  physical  power,  in- 
crease in  property,  success  in  war,  hunting,  fishing,  etc.,  by  observing 
strict  dietary  rules,  sta\dng  away  from  his  wife,  bathing  in  the  sea, 
taking  sweat-baths,  etc.  Supernatural  experiences  may  have  followed 
these  practices;  but  the  Haida  beheved,  curiously  enough,  that  satis- 
factory results  could  be  secured  without  such  experiences.  *  The  dances 
of  the  secret  societies  among  these  people  were  closely  associated  with 

^  Teit,  Jesup  Exped.,  vol.  ii,  p.  577.  ^  Ibid.,  vol.  ii,  p.  580. 

'  Swanton,  Jesup  Exped.,  vol.  v,  p.  38.  *  Ibid.,  vol.  v,  p.  41. 


2i8  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore  I 

the  potlatch,  and  were  performed  at  no  other  time.  The  names  of  the 
principal  dances  roughly  corresponded  to  the  dance  names  of  the  Kwa- 
kiutl  societies.  The  character  of  the  performances  of  the  secret  society 
was  inspired  by  shamanistic  ideas.  As  the  supernatural  being  "spoke " 
or  "came  through"  the  shaman,  so  the  U'lala  spirit,  the  dog-eating 
spirit,  the  grizzly-bear  spirit,  "came  through"  the  novice.  Outside  of 
the  society,  however,  these  spirits  —  with  the  exception  of  the  grizzly 
bear  and  the  wolf  —  were  not  even  mentioned.  The  ties  of  member- 
ship in  the  societies  were  very  loose.  "I  do  this,"  says  Swanton,  refer- 
ing  to  his  use  of  "society"  instead  of  "societies,"  "because  I  cannot 
make  out  that  there  was  any  association  between  those  who  had  been 
possessed  by  the  dance  spirit,  other  than  that  fact. "  ^ 

The  Tlingit  shamans  were  even  more  powerful  than  those  of  the 
Haida.  Whereas  the  Haida  shaman  usually  had  only  one  spirit  and  no 
masks,  his  Tlingit  colleague  could  boast  of  several  spirits  and  masks.  ^ 
The  representations  of  subsidiary  spirits  or  masks  were  all  designed  to 
strengthen  certain  faculties  of  the  shaman.  The  shaman,  as  well  as  an 
ordinary  individual,  could  increase  his  powers  by  obtaining  many  spKt 
animal  tongues,  especially  those  of  land-otters,  which  were  com.bined 
with  eagle-claws  and  other  articles,  and  carefully  stored  away.  Sha- 
mans often  performed  merely  for  display,  or  they  engaged  in  battles 
with  other  shamans  who  may  have  been  far  away,  trying  to  show  their 
superior  powers.  Different  spirits  appeared  to  Wolf  and  Raven  sha- 
mans. 

We  see  how  deeply  the  beUef  in  guardian  spirits  has  entered  into  the 
hfe  and  thought  of  the  people  of  British  Columbia;  and  the  particular 
forms  and  apphcations  of  that  belief  are  as  varied  as  they  are  numer- 
ous. Reared  on  the  fertile  ground  of  a  general  animism,  guardian 
spirits,  among  the  Thompson  River  Indians,  embrace  the  greater  part 
of  animate  and  inanimate  nature.  Through  the  medium  of  art  the 
realm  of  magical  potentialities  becomes  still  wider:  for  when  the  repre- 
sentation of  a  spirit  protector  is  carved  on  an  implement  or  weapon,  the 
object  becomes  the  carrier  of  supernatural  powers.^  Among  the  Kwa- 
kiutl,  the  guardian-spirit  idea  stands  in  the  centre  of  a  complex  system 
of  secret  societies  and  initiation  ceremonies.  With  the  approach  of  win- 
ter, the  guardian  spirit,  like  a  ghost  of  the  past,  emerges  from  its  sum- 
mer retirement,  and.  through  the  medium  of  names,  transforms  the 
social  organization  of  the  people.  Among  the  Haida  and  Tlingit,  the 
belief  in  the  magical  powers  of  supernatural  helpers  has  engendered  a 
prolific  growth  of  shamanistic  practices.  The  type  of  clan  and  family 
legend  prevalent  on  the  entire  coast,  particularly  among  the  Tsim- 

^  Swanton,  Jcsup  Exped.,  vol.  v,  p.  i6i. 
^  Swanton,  26th  B.  E.  R.,  1904-05,  p.  463. 
'  Teit,  Jesup  Exped.,  vol.  i,  p.  379. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  219 

shian,  Haida,  and  Tlingit,  consists  of  the  account  of  how  the  ancestor 
of  the  clan  or  family  met  his  guardian  spirit  and  obtained  from  it  its 
supernatural  powers;  and  in  the  dances  of  the  secret  societies  that 
mythological  motive  finds  its  dramatic  embodiment.  The  guardian- 
spirit  idea  also  becomes  one  of  the  standards  of  rank  found  among 
these  people.  The  greater  the  powers  of  an  individual's  supernatural 
guardian,  the  more  respect  he  commands;  while  secret  societies  rank 
according  to  the  powers  of  their  members.  In  the  present  state  of  our 
knowledge,  it  is  impossible  to  determine  whether  the  different  rank 
of  clans  does,  or  does  not,  genetically  belong  to  the  same  category  of 
phenomena.^ 

AusTRALL\.  —  The  guardian  spirit  is  not  a  familiar  feature  in  Aus- 
traha.  Thomas  finds  no  difficulty  in  enumerating  the  few  tribes  in 
which  the  belief  has  so  far  been  ascertained.  ^  Mrs.  Parker's  y«»6eaf  ^ 
bear  unmistakably  the  character  of  guardian  spirits.   In  Strehlow's 

^  Some  of  the  differences  between  European  and  American  students  of  totemism  have 
been  brought  to  a  point  in  Lang's  and  Hill-Tout's  discussion  of  the  individual  guardian 
spirit  of  British  Columbia  in  its  relation  to  the  clan  totem.  We  shall  return  to  this  prob- 
lem farther  on,  when  dealing  with  the  phenomena  of  descent  and  the  general  concept  of 
totemism  (see  pp.  269,  271,  and  272).  Hill-Tout  certainly  overstates  his  case  in  asserting 
that  clan  totemism  in  British  Columbia  —  indeed,  he  asserts  much  more  than  that  —  has 
developed  out  of  individual  guardian  spirits.  That  it  may  have  so  developed,  is,  I  think,  be- 
yond doubt  (Hill-Tout,  Totemism :  Us  Origin  and  Import,  R.  S.  C,  sec.  ser.,  vol.  ix,  pp.  71  et 
seq.;  see  also  his  paperon  "The  Origin  of  the  Totemism  of  the  Aboriginesof  British  Colum- 
bia," Ibid. ,vo\.vu, pp.  6  et  seq.,  where  his  attitude  is  somewhat  more  guarded).  But  what 
is  significant  for  us  at  the  present  moment  is  the  fact  that  the  crests  of  clans  and  families  of 
British  Columbia  partake  strongly  of  the  nature  of  guardian  spirits;  and  if  in  many  cases 
that  character  of  the  crest  has  become  attenuated,  so  that  "the  tutelary  genius  of  the  clan 
has  degenerated  into  a  crest"  (Boas,  Kwakiutl,  p.  336),  the  fact  remains  that  the  crest  fig- 
ures as  a  guardian  spirit  in  the  family  and  clan  traditions.  The  Tsimshian  Bear  myth  does 
not  prove  "that  the  natives  themselves  turn  into  bears,"  —  so  much  may  be  granted  to 
Lang:  nothing  is  proved  except  that  in  myth-making  the  natives  think  that  this  meta- 
morphosis may  have  occurred  in  the  past  (Lang,  S.  T.,p.  212).  But  this  thinking  in  myth- 
making  is  in  itself  an  important  psychological  fact.  To  speak  with  Hill-Tout,  "The  main 
fact  for  us  is  that  between  a  certain  object  or  being  and  a  body  of  people,  certain  mysteri- 
ous relations  have  been  established,  identical  with  those  existing  between  the  individual 
and  his  personal  totem  "  (Hill-Tout,  i?.  5.  C,  1903,  sec.  ser.,  vol.  ix,  p.  72).  We  do  not  know 
whether  these  people  "are  the  lineal  descendants  of  the  man  or  woman  who  first  acquired 
the  totem;"  but  that  they  "trace  their  descent  from"  that  man  or  woman  is  for  us  all- 
important.  We  need  not  share  Hill-Tout's  opinion  that  "in  the  concept  of  a  protective 
ghostly  genius"  lies  the  "true"  significance  of  totemism  in  general;  but  that  such  is  its 
significance  "as  held  by  the  Indians  themselves"  (Hill-Tout,  /.  A.  I.,  1904,  p.  328)  is 
the  important  fact  with  which  we  are  now  primarily  concerned.  Granting  that  the  totem- 
istic  beliefs  and  practices  of  British  Columbia  have  become  saturated  with  the  guardian- 
spirit  idea,  we  must  also  remember  that  the  religious  character  of  crests  is  by  no  means  as 
strong  or  as  constant  as  is  that  of  individual  guardian  spirits  (see  also  Boas,  in  ^.  ^.  2?., 
1906,  pp.  240-241,  who,  in  speaking  of  the  northern  tribes,  reaches  the  conclusion  that 
"the  reUgious  importance  of  the  crest  is  in  most  cases  very  slight"). 

2  Man,  1904,  p.  85. 

^  L.  Parker,  The  Euahlayi,  pp.  23,  29  et  seq, 
VOL.  xxm.  —  NO.  88.  15 


220  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

description,  the  totem  inherited  by  an  Aranda  from  his  mother  pos- 
sesses to  a  certain  extent  the  features  of  a  protective  spirit.  ^  All  these 
beliefs  are,  however,  clearly  of  secondary  importance  in  the  lives  of  the 
natives.  The  guardian  spirit,  moreover,  is  either,  as  among  the  Euah- 
layi,  quite  distinct  from  the  totem;  or  where  the  two  concepts  tend  to 
combine,  as  in  the  Aranda  mother  totem,  the  guardian-spirit  element 
fails  to  assert  itself  to  any  marked  degree. 

Art 

British  Columbia.  —  One  of  the  striking  features  of  all  British 
Columbian  villages  are  the  so-called  totem-poles  erected  in  front  of  the 
houses,  and  decorated  with  carvings,  which  generally  represent  the 
legendary  history  of  the  clan  or  family, ^  but  may  also  represent  some 
other  story,  or  the  crests  of  the  husband,  the  wife,  or  of  both.^  In  an- 
cient times  slaves  were  sometimes  killed,  and  their  remains  buried  un- 
der the  totem  or  house  poles.  Later  on,  they  were  no  longer  killed,  but 
given  away  as  presents.  In  all  such  cases  the  inverted  figure  of  a  man, 
or  an  inverted  human  head,  was  carved  on  the  pole.  In  other  cases, 
coppers  were  either  buried  under  the  poles  or  given  away.  Whenever 
that  was  done,  coppers  were  shown  on  the  poles,  sometimes  in  the  posi- 
tion of  being  held  or  bitten  by  totem  animals.*  During  the  dances  of 
the  secret  societies,  at  initiation  ceremonies,  and  other  festivals  of  the 
coast  tribes,  masks  were  used  which  were  decorated  with  carved  and 
painted  designs  of  animals.^  Some  of  these  masks  were  very  complex; 
many  masks  were  so  made  as  to  open  in  two  or  more  sections.  The 
inner  surfaces  of  the  sections  were  also  carved;  and  when  opened,  they 
revealed  another  carved  surface,  —  the  inner  body  of  the  mask.^  These 
masks  were  the  property  of  clans,  of  famihes,  or  of  dancing  societies. 
They  could  be  obtained  by  inheritance  or  at  initiation.  In  the  clan 
and  family  traditions,  the  ancestor  obtained,  together  with  certain 
powers,  a  dance  and  a  song,  also  the  right  to  use  certain  masks  and 
carvings.^  When,  during  dances,  the  members  of  the  societies  wore  the 
masks,  they  were  supposed  to  impersonate  the  animals  represented  on 
the  masks.  The  batons  and  rattles  used  at  ceremonies  were  similarly 
decorated.^  The  use  of  animal  designs  and  carvings  was  not  restricted 
to  totem-poles  and  ceremonial  objects,  but  embraced  practically  the 
entire  material  culture  of  the  people.  We  find  the  characteristic  paint- 

1  Strehlow,  ii,  p.  58. 

^  Boas,  Kwakiiitl,  p.  324;  Swanton,  Jesup  Exped.,  vol.  v,  plates  i,  ii,  iii,  and  ix. 

^  Swanton,  Jesup  Exped.,  vol.  v,  p.  122. 

*  Boas,  Kwakiutl,  p.  357. 

^  Ibid.,  plates  xxx  and  xxxi,  pp.  447-449,  451  et  seq. 

8  Ibid.,  pp.  357,  464,  465,  467,  470  et  seq. 

''  Ibid.,  p.  396. 

'  Ibid.,  pp.  432-434,  and  pp.  435-440,  462  et  seq. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  221 

ings  or  carvings  on  rocks,  ^  coppers,  ^  houses  ^  and  canoes,  on  paddles,  me- 
morial columns,'*  dishes,  ^  spoons,®  gambling-sticks,^  and  an  innumerable 
variety  of  other  objects.  The  designs  of  woven  blankets  and  of  tattoo- 
ing are  similarly  inspired.*  The  decorations  are  generally  adjusted  to 
the  form  of  the  object;  the  latter,  in  its  turn,  being  sometimes  affected 
by  the  character  of  the  carving.  The  consciousness  of  the  close  rela- 
tion between  the  decoration  and  the  object  decorated  is  expressed  in 
the  behef  held  by  the  Indians  that  certain  animals  assume  the  shape 
of  certain  objects.  "The  whale  becomes  a  canoe,  the  seal  a  dish,  the 
crane  a  spoon."  ^ 

Apart  from  the  realistic  representations  of  human  figures  and  heads 
which  abound,  the  latter  being  particularly  excellent,  ^°  the  art  of  this 
area  is  characterized  by  the  use  of  conventional  animal  forms.  The 
two  dominant  tendencies  of  that  art  seem  to  be,  on  the  one  hand,  to 
represent  the  entire  animal;  on  the  other,  to  single  out  some  character- 
istic feature  of  each  animal,  the  representation  of  which  feature  would 
furnish  an  unmistakable  means  of  identifying  the  animal  represented.^^ 
The  two  tendencies  are  to  a  certain  extent  antagonistic;  and  the  first 
tends,  as  a  whole,  to  give  way  to  the  second:  the  distinctive  feature 
becomes  so  prominent  in  the  painting  or  carving  as  to  crowd  the  rest  of 
the  animal  into  comparatively  narrow  quarters,  furthering  so  high  a 
degree  of  conventionalization  as  to  make  identification  impossible  but 
for  the  guidance  of  the  distinctive  feature.  In  extreme  cases  the  sym- 
bol is  deemed  sufficient  to  identify  the  animal,  the  other  parts  of  its 
body  not  being  represented.^'  The  important  point  for  us  is  that  the 
individuality  of  the  animal  has  not  become  effaced :  the  precise  mean- 
ing of  the  design  remains  in  most  cases  perfectly  distinct.^' 

Stories  and  traditions  are  full  of  interesting  episodes  reveahng  the 
remarkable  power  of  realistic  suggestion  wielded  by  the  carved  repre- 
sentations. In  the  Tlingit  story  of  the  "  Killer- Whale  Crest  of  the 
DAqLlawe'di,"  NatsilAne'  is  taken  by  his  brothers-in-law  to  Katsle'- 

^  Boas,  Kwakiutl,  plates  xxiii-xxvi. 

^  Ibid.,  pp.  342-343  and  plate  iv. 

^  Ihid.,  pp.  376-378;  Swanton,  Jesup  Exped.,  vol.  v,  plates  iv,  xi,  and  xii. 

*  Swanton,  Jesup  Exped.,  vol.  v,  plates  v-viii. 

^  Boas,  Kwakiutl,  pp.  392-394;  Thompson  Art,  p.  376;  Art  of  the  Pacific  Coast,  pp.  123, 
160,  and  170. 
°  Swanton,  Jesup  Exped.,  vol.  v,  plates  xiii-xix. 
'  Ibid.,  vol.  V,  pp.  149-154. 

*  Boas,  in  Emmons,  The  Chilkat  Blanket,  pp.  351  et  seq.;  Art  of  the  Pacific  Coast, 
pp.  151  and  159. 

"  Boas,  Thompson  Art,  p.  377,  note  2. 

"  Boas,  Kwakiutl,  plate  xlix,  and  pp.  372,  503,  504,  and  652;  Art  of  the  Pacific  Coast, 
p.  125. 

*'  Boas,  Art  of  the  Pacific  Coast,  pp.  124-126. 
"  Ibid.,  pp.  139-140. 
"  Ibid.,  p.  123. 


222  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

uxti  Island,  far  out  at  sea,  where  they  desert  him.  "Then  he  began 
thinking,  '  What  can  I  do  for  myself  ? '  As  he  sat  there,  he  absent- 
mindedly  whittled  killer-whales  out  of  cottonwood-bark,  which  works 
easily.  The  two  he  had  made  he  put  into  the  water;  and,  as  he  did  so, 
he  shouted  aloud,  as  shamans  used  to  do  on  such  occasions.  Then  he 
thought  they  looked  as  if  they  were  swimming;  but  when  they  came 
up  again,  they  were  nothing  but  bark.  After  a  while  he  made  two  more 
whales  out  of  alder.  He  tried  to  put  his  clan's  spirit  into  them,  as  was 
often  done  by  shamans;  and,  as  he  put  them  in,  he  whistled  four  times 
Hke  the  spirit,  'Whu,  whu,  whu,  whu! '  But  they,  too,  floated  up.  Now 
he  tried  all  kinds  of  wood,  —  hemlock,  red  cedar,  etc.  Finally  he  tried 
pieces  of  yellow  cedar,  which  swam  right  away  in  the  form  of  large 
killer- whales.  They  swam  out  for  a  long  distance,  and,  when  they 
came  back,  again  turned  into  wood.  Then  he  made  holes  in  their  dor- 
sal fins,  seized  one  of  them  with  each  hand,  and  had  the  killer-whales 
take  him  out  to  sea."  ^ 

In  the  Kwakiutl  legend  of  O'maxt'a'laLe,  Qa'watilioala,  when  about 
to  take  his  prospective  son-in-law  to  his  house,  warns  him.  "  '  Take  care, 
brother,  when  we  enter  my  house!  Follow  close  on  my  heels,'  said 
Qa'watihqala.  He  told  his  brother  that  the  door  of  his  house  was  dan- 
gerous. They  walked  up  to  the  door  together.  The  door  had  the  shape 
of  a  raven.  It  opened  and  they  jumped  in,  and  the  raven  snapped  at 
him.  All  the  images  in  Qa'watiliqala's  house  were  ahve,  the  posts  were 
ahve,  and  the  Si'siuL  beams."  ' 

The  tendency  of  representing  the  entire  animal,  coupled  with  still 
another  principle  of  utilizing  for  the  decoration  the  entire  space  avail- 
able, led  to  the  curious  interaction  between  the  form  of  the  object  and 
the  decoration  referred  to  above,  as  well  as  to  a  unique  process  of  dis- 
section and  rearrangement  of  the  design.^ 

The  art  and  the  crest  system  of  this  area  have  excited  a  mutually 
stimulating  influence.  An  art  using  the  crest  as  its  dominant  motive 
furthered  the  application  of  animal  designs  for  decorative  purposes. 
Later,  designs  purely  decorative  in  origin  came  to  be  interpreted  totem- 
istically.  Neither  the  seal  nor  the  sea-lion  occur  as  totem  animals,  but 
the  designs  of  these  animals  are  among  the  most  widely  used;  while  the 
many  varieties  of  the  canoe-dish  owe  their  origin  mainly  to  animal  de- 
signs used  for  decorating  canoes.  Some  historical  and  semi-historical 
traditions,  on  the  other  hand,  state  that  when  a  design  or  a  decorated 
object  was  given  a  person  by  a  friend  or  a  supernatural  being,  the  ob- 
ject became  his  crest.  ^  Boas  beheves  that  many  of  the  crest  myths  of 
the  Kwakiutl  are  quite  recent,  and  have  developed  parallel  to  the  rep- 

*  Swanton,  Tlingit  Myths,  p.  23.  ^  Boas,  Kwakiutl,  p.  384. 
^  Boas,  Art  of  the  Pacific  Coast,  pp.  144  ei  seq. 

*  Boas,  Kwakiutl,  pp.  392,  393;  and  A.  A.  R.,  1906,  p.  241. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  223 

resentations  of  these  crests  in  art.  ^  The  importance  ascribed  to  semi- 
reaHstic,  or  at  least  to  intelhgible  conventionahzed  designs,  is  well 
brought  out  in  the  case  of  facial  paintings.  Here  the  pecuharities  of  the 
decorative  field  fostered  the  development  in  many  cases  of  extreme 
conventionaHzation.  "The  full  and  rather  reaHstic  representations  of 
animals,  however,  are  considered  of  greater  value,  and  as  indicating 
higher  rank,  than  conventional  representations  which  consist  of  sym- 
bols of  the  animals."  ^ 

AuSTRALLA..  —  Representations  of  animals  or  plants  are  of  rare  oc- 
currence in  the  art  of  Central  Australia.  Crude  outlines  of  animals  or 
plants  are  met  with  among  the  rock  drawings;  but  neither  objects  used 
in  sacred  ceremonies,  nor  weapons  or  household  articles,  are  ever  deco- 
rated with  realistic  designs.^  The  great  majority  of  all  designs  found 
in  this  region,  and  with  but  few  exceptions  all  of  the  designs  used  in 
sacred  ceremonies,  are  geometric  in  character,  the  most  common  mo- 
tives being  the  circle,  the  spiral,  and  symmetrical  curved  lines.  ^  A 
characteristic  feature  of  the  ceremonies  is  the  use,  for  decorating  ob- 
jects, of  "  down  derived  from  birds,  or  from  birds  and  plants  combined, 
and  either  whitened  by  mixture  with  pipe-clay  or  coloured  various 
shades  of  red  by  means  of  ochre." ^ 

During  the  ceremonies  of  a  few  of  the  totems,  drawings  are  made 
on  the  ground.  Spencer  and  Gillen  speak  of  one  emu  ground  drawing 
among  the  Aranda^  and  of  eight  such  drawings  of  the  Wollunqua  to- 
tem of  the  Warramunga.^ 

With  the  exception  of  one  curious  drawing  of  the  Wollunqua  totem 
which  contains  an  imitative  feature,^  the  designs  are  purely  symbolic, 
circle  and  bands  being  the  decorative  elements  used.  The  meaning  of 
these  elements  is  not  fixed,  however,  the  identical  figure  ha\'ing  differ- 
ent significance  in  various  designs.  Thus  the  bands  in  fig.  309,  Spen- 
cer and  Gillen,  ii,  p.  737,  are  interpreted  as  the  neck  and  the  shed  skins 
of  snakes,  while  exactly  similar  bands  in  fig.  310,  Ibid.,  p.  738,  mean 
fire  spreading  in  various  directions.  In  the  same  figure,  the  middle 
circle  signifies  fire;  the  next  two,  springs  of  water;  and  another,  a  tree. 
In  fig.  315,  Ibid.,  p.  743,  the  circles  stand  for  the  bodies  of  six  women, 
while  the  double  bands  are  their  legs  "drawn  up  when  they  sat  down, 
tired  out  with  walking."  Designs  which,  when  drawn  on  some  spots, 
have  no  meaning  whatsoever,  acquire  a  very  definite  meaning  when 
drawn  on  a  sacred  object  or  spot.  The  designs  on  the  churinga  are  also 
quite  arbitrarily  interpreted.  A  circle  may  represent  a  tree,  a  frog,  a 
kangaroo,  or  what  not,  according  to  the  totem  with  which  the  churinga 

^  Boas,  A.  A.  R.,  1906,  p.  241.  ^  Boas,  Jesup  Exped.,  vol.  i,  p.  14. 

'  Spencer  and  Gillen,  i,  pp.  614-618.  *  Ibid.,  ii,  p.  697. 

^  Ibid.,  ii,  p.  722.  '  Ibid.,  i,  pp.  179-180. 

'  Ibid.,  ii,  pp.  737-740.  *  Ibid.,  ii,  p.  740. 


224  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

is  associated.^  The  same  applies  to  the  nurhmja  of  the  northern,  and 
the  waninga  of  the  southern,  Aranda.  Say  Spencer  and  Gillen,  "All 
that  can  be  said  in  regard  to  these  two  characteristic  objects  is  that  in 
whatever  ceremony  either  of  them  be  used,  then,  for  the  time  being,  it 
represents  the  animal  or  plant  which  gives  its  name  to  the  totem  with 
which  the  ceremony  is  concerned.  In  a  kangaroo  ceremony,  a  waninga 
or  nurtunja  means  a  kangaroo;  in  an  emu  ceremony,  an  emu.  The  dec- 
oration is,  so  far  as  can  be  seen,  perfectly  arbitrary,  and  has  at  the 
present  day  no  significance  in  the  sense  of  its  being  intended  to  have 
any  special  resemblance  to  the  object  which  the  nurtunja  or  waninga 
is  supposed  to  represent."  ^ 

Towards  the  end  of  the  engwura  ceremony  a  pole  is  erected  around 
which  the  men  gather,  whereupon  totemic  designs  are  painted  by  the 
old  men  on  the  backs  of  the  younger  men.  Although  each  of  these 
designs  is  distinctive  of  some  totem,  there  is  no  necessary  relation  be- 
tween the  design  used  and  either  the  totem  of  the  man  decorated  or 
that  of  the  decorator.  ''A  Panunga  man  of  the  snake  totem  decorated 
an  Umbitchana  man  of  the  plum-tree  totem  with  a  brand  of  the  frog 
totem.  A  Kumara  man  of  the  wild-cat  totem  painted  a  Bukhara  man 
of  the  emu  totem  with  a  brand  of  the  kangaroo  totem,"  etc.^ 

The  contrast  between  the  art  of  Australia  and  British  Columbia,  in 
its  relation  to  totemic  phenomena,  is  a  very  striking  one.  In  British 
Columbia  we  find  the  semi-reaHstic  motives  pervading,  to  the  exclusion 
of  all  other  designs,  the  decoration  of  ceremonial  objects,  of  weapons, 
implements,  household  objects.  Designs  and  carvings  figure  prom- 
inently in  the  myths  of  these  peoples,  and  through  the  medium  of  to- 
tem-poles become  the  material  depositories  of  their  mythologic  con- 
cepts. Here  masks  and  carvings,  together  with  songs  and  dances,  are 
the  property  of  clans,  families,  and  individuals;  and  their  possession 
leads  to  that  most  cherished  goal,  social  rank.  The  relation,  finally,  of 
this  art  to  the  crests,  being  in  part  passive,  is  also  active:  it  does  not 
merely  reflect  the  totemic  ideas  of  the  people,  but  creates  them. 

Not  so  in  Central  AustraHa.  A  total  absence  of  suggestive  reaHstic 
motives  prevents  the  art  of  this  region  from  placing  an  active  part  in 
the  inner  or  outer  life  of  the  totemite.  Not  that  the  decorative  element 
is  absent  from  the  ceremonies,  for  much  time  and  care  are  bestowed 
upon  the  decoration  of  the  dancers;  and  such  features  as  the  use  of 
bird's  down  and  ochre  become  strongly  distinctive  of  all  sacred  dances. 
Being  thus  utilized  for  totemic  functions,  the  art,  however,  fails  to  re- 
spond in  its  content  to  the  ideas  it  is  made  to  carry.  The  same  circles, 
dots,  spirals,  and  bands  pervade  the  ceremonies  of  the  many  totem 

^  Spencer  and  Gillen,  i,  p.  145.  ^  Ibid.,  i,  p.  629. 

'  Ibid.,  i,  p.  376. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  225 

groups;  but  in  each  particular  performance  the  totemic  atmosphere  of 
the  moment  transforms  the  geometrical  designs  into  the  animals, 
plants,  or  natural  objects  to  which  the  given  ceremony  refers.  The 
designs  of  the  various  totems  differ  to  some  extent,  and  are  inherited 
with  the  totems ;  but  in  the  engwura  ceremony  referred  to  above,  nei- 
ther the  decorator  nor  the  man  decorated  need  stand  in  any  special 
relation  to  the  particular  decoration  used,  —  a  condition  that  would 
certainly  be  considered  monstrous  by  a  member  of  a  British  Columbia 
clan  or  secret  society. 

It  is  quite  possible  that,  as  suggested  by  Spencer  and  Gillen,  the  cere- 
monial art  may  impress  the  natives  to  the  extent  of  prompting  them 
to  make,  in  their  leisure  hours,  similar  designs  on  the  ground  or  on 
rocks;  but  when  severed  from  the  ceremonial  context,  these  designs 
fail  to  carry  the  associations  with  which  they  were  momentarily  en- 
dowed. The  geometrical  pattern  on  the  rock  or  the  ground  tells  no 
story  to  the  mind  of  the  native. 

Summary 

To  summarize  the  results  of  our  comparison.  In  two  of  the  "symp- 
toms"—  exogamy  and  totemic  names  —  there  is  apparently  agree- 
ment between  the  two  areas.  Even  here,  however,  a  deeper  analysis 
brings  out  fundamental  differences.  In  Australia  the  exogamic  func- 
tions are  assumed  by  the  phratries,  the  totemic  character  of  which 
divisions,  even  in  the  past,  seems  problematic ;  and  by  the  classes, 
social  divisions  of  a  totally  different  order,  to  which  there  is  no  analo- 
gon  among  the  tribes  of  the  Pacilic  coast.  The  totemic  groups,  on  the 
other  hand,  are  but  weakly  correlated  with  exogamy,  excepting  tribes 
like  the  Arabana. 

In  British  Columbia  the  rule  of  exogamy  refers  to  the  primary 
divisions  of  the  Tlingit,  Haida,  Tsimshian,  and  northern  Kwakiutl 
(Xaisla  and  He'iltsuq).  The  smaller  subdi\dsions  —  here  mostly  with 
names  referring  to  locaHties,  hke  the  "clans"  of  the  Tlingit,  and  the 
"famines"  of  the  Haida,  Tsimshian,  and  northern  Kwakiutl  —  are  no 
more  independent  exogamous  units  than  the  Australian  totemic  clans.  ^ 

However,  the  differences  between  the  two  areas  are  even  more 
fundamental  than  when  thus  represented.  In  juxtaposing  the  Austra- 
lian and  Indian  social  divisions,  we  are  not  comparing  units  which  are 
in  any  strict  sense  analogous.  In  British  Columbia  the  fundamental 
units  are  the  groups  with  local  names,  those  bearing  a  common  name 
having  originally  occupied  common  territory.  The  chronological  rela- 
tionship of  the  ancient  local  groups  to  the  larger  exogamous  groupings 
remains  an  unsolved  problem.  It  is  certain,  however,  that  the  former 
did  not  originate  from  the  latter  through  any  process  of  "sphtting-up," 

1  See  p.  239. 


226  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

although  later  processes  which  led  to  the  subdivision  and  dispersion 
of  the  local  groups  may  perhaps  be  characterized  by  that  term. 

Intricate  and  in  part  puzzling  as  are  the  relations  of  the  Australian 
totemic  clans  to  the  phratries,  we  must  regard  the  latter  as  the  older 
institution.  The  loss  of  names  by  many  phratries  (for  we  cannot  doubt 
that  they  originally  had  them) ;  the  fact  that  the  meaning  of  the  exist- 
ing names  has  in  the  majority  of  cases  been  forgotten  by  the  natives; 
the  dominance  of  the  phratry  over  the  clan  in  almost  all  ceremonies, — 
all  these  considerations  force  upon  us  the  assumption  of  greater  anti- 
quity for  the  phratry.  Now,  the  matrimonial  classes  could  hardly  have 
developed  from  the  phratries  by  a  process  of  subdivision,  but  there 
seems  little  doubt  that  the  totemic  clans  have  so  developed. 

In  Australia  all  clans  bear  the  names  of  their  totems;  as  to  the  phra- 
tries, we  must  leave  it  to  Lang  to  make  his  case  complete.  In  British 
Columbia  the  large  exogamous  groups  of  the  Thngit  and  Haida,  and 
the  clans  of  the  Xaisla  and  He'iltsuq,  have  totemic  names.  Of  the  four 
Tsimshian  clans,  however,  only  two  have  such  names. 

Here,  again,  the  resemblance  is  more  superficial  than  fundamental. 
In  Australia  the  totemic  name  carries  with  it  the  suggestion  of  an  in- 
timate relation  with  the  living  representatives  of  the  species,  —  a  re- 
lation which  may  in  a  broad  sense  be  called  religious.  In  British  Colum- 
bia there  is  no  such  direct  relation  to  the  individuals  of  the  eponymous 
species.  We  do,  however,  find  a  rehgious  element  in  the  myths  deal- 
ing with  the  animals  of  ancestral  times;  as  well  as  in  the  ceremonial 
dances,  where  the  crest  animal,  as  symbolized  by  the  masks  and  carv- 
ings, becomes  the  indirect  object  of  a  rehgious  attitude.  Now,  if  the 
eponymous  function  were  as  characteristic  of  the  crest  as  it  is  of  the 
Austrahan  clan  totem,  the  analogy  of  the  two  conditions  would  be 
fairly  satisfactory.  This,  unfortunately,  is  far  from  being  the  case.  We 
have  seen  that  the  group  name,  when  derived  from  a  crest,  may,  how- 
ever, not  be  that  of  the  principal  crest  of  the  group.  The  smaller  sub- 
divisions of  the  tribes  —  the  famiHes  and  the  THngit '' clans"  —  have, 
in  addition  to  the  eponymous  crest  of  the  large  groups  of  which  they 
form  part,  also  crests  of  their  own,  from  which  no  group  names  are 
derived.  Two  clans  of  the  Tsimsliian,  finally,  have  names  not  derived 
from  crests.  Thus  it  appears  that  among  these  tribes  we  cannot,  as  in 
Australia,  identify  the  animal  name  with  the  totem.  Either  the  crest 
is  the  totem  to  the  exclusion  of  the  name,  or  the  name  is  the  totem  to 
the  exclusion  of  the  crest,  or  the  term  "totem"  must  be  expanded  so 
as  to  embrace  the  functions  of  both  crest  and  name.^ 

In  Australia  we  find  a  great  many  taboos  which  have  nothing  to  do 
with  the  totemic  system;  but  there  is  also  a  rich  variety  of  restrictions 
applying  to  totem  animals  and  plants.  The  character  of  many  of  these 

*  See  p.  276. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  227 

taboos  shows  clearly  that  they  are  in  the  majority  of  cases  not  the 
expression  of  an  attitude  of  regard  or  respect  for  the  totem,  but  are 
determined  by  conditions  lying  in  an  entirely  different  plane.  The 
taboos  found  in  connection  with  the  intichiuma  ceremonies,  for  in- 
stance, seem  to  be  entirely  determined  by  the  latter. 

In  British  Columbia  many  familiar  and  some  fanciful  taboos  are 
common,  but  none  of  them  bear  any  relation  to  crest  animals  or  epony- 
mous animals.  If  an  animal  like  the  killer-whale,  which  is  a  favorite 
crest,  is  taboo  to  sea-hunters,  it  is  so  not  in  its  capacity  of  a  crest, 
but  as  the  animal  into  which  the  hunters  expect  to  be  transformed 
after  death.  ^ 

The  Australian  totem  clans  invariably  trace  their  descent  from 
mythological  beings  which  are  represented  in  the  myths  as  embodi- 
ments of  the  totem  animal,  plant,  or  inanimate  object.  Among  the 
northern  tribes  of  British  Columbia  (Thngit,  Haida,  Tsimshian)  there 
is  no  such  behef  in  descent;  among  the  southern  tribes,  however,  be- 
ginning with  the  Kwakiutl,  we  must  recognize  the  presence,  in  many 
cases,  of  a  belief  in  descent  from  the  crest  animal. ^ 

Among  the  tribes  of  Central  Australia,  magical  ceremonies,  —  the 
intichiuma,  —  which  are  supposed  to  regulate  the  food-supply,  give 
the  dominant  note  to  the  totemism  of  the  region.  These  ceremonies, 
in  fact,  together  with  the  ceremonies  of  initiation,  represent  the  cere- 
monial side  of  the  totemic  Hfe  of  the  people.  In  British  Columbia, 
magical  ceremonies  are  performed  in  connection  with  fishing,  hunting, 
gathering  berries,  etc.,  but  here  these  ceremonies  bear  no  relation  to 
the  totemic  system. 

Another  characteristic  feature  of  the  AustraUan  tribes  is  a  behef  in 
the  transmigration  of  souls,  which  pervades  their  mythology,  affects 
their  ideas  as  to  birth  and  descent,  figures  in  a  number  of  tribes  as  an 
important  element  of  the  totemic  ceremonies,  and,  in  some  cases,  de- 
termines the  totemic  membership  of  individuals.  In  British  Colum- 
bia, the  behef  in  reincarnation  is  found  in  most  of  the  tribes  as  an  iso- 
lated phenomenon,  which  figures  but  httle  outside  of  its  special  sphere, 
and  is  in  no  way  correlated  with  totemism.  The  behef  in  guardian 
spirits,  on  the  other  hand,  has  among  these  tribes  attained  a  high  de- 
gree of  development.  The  secret  societies  are  based  upon  it.  It  gives 
the  key-note  to  the  ceremonies  of  initiation.  It  has  deeply  affected 
the  totemic  art  of  the  region,  and  finds  characteristic  expression  in 
mythology.  It  has  also  fostered  the  ideas  as  to  the  rank  of  individuals 

^  I  do  not  mean  to  say  that  this  behef  must  necessarily  have  been  the  cause  of  the 
taboo,  for  it  is  just  as  plausible  to  regard  it  as  a  secondary  interpretation  of  a  taboo 
that  may  have  originated  in  a  quite  different  way. 

^  The  complex  nature  of  the  concept  among  these  tribes  was  indicated  before  (see 
pp.  195-196). 


228  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

as  well  as  of  groups.  In  AustraKa,  guardian  spirits,  although  not  found 
in  all  the  tribe.-,  are  by  no  means  an  unusual  phenomenon.  Here, 
however,  they  are  sterile  of  associations;  and  the  totemic  system  is,  if 
at  all,  but  Httle  affected  by  them. 

In  a  prolific  development  of  art  —  reahstic  in  part  and  in  part 
highly  conventionaHzed  —  we  must  see  the  second  dynamic  element 
of  the  totemism  of  British  Columbia.  Deeply  saturated  with  totemic 
associations,  that  art  has  flooded  the  entire  material  culture  of  the 
area,  and  has  thus  become  the  most  conspicuous  factor  in  the  cere- 
monial as  well  as  the  daily  life  of  the  people.  Nay,  the  art  of  British 
Columbia  is  more  than  merely  an  important  factor  of  totemism,  for 
it  has  become  a  self-perpetuating  source  of  totemistic  suggestion. — 
Paintings  (on  rocks,  and  seldom  on  the  ground)  and  decorations  of  va- 
rious kinds  are  extensively  used  in  AustraHan  ceremonies.  The  func- 
tion of  art  here  is,  however,  a  perfectly  passive  one.  The  designs  and 
decorations  scarcely  ever  directly  suggest  concrete  objects.  Identical 
designs  and  decorations  figure  in  different  ceremonies,  and  acquire 
their  specific  meaning  merely  through  the  temporary  association  with 
a  given  ceremony. 

The  ideas  of  rank  so  prominent  in  the  social  Hfe  of  the  Indians 
of  British  Columbia  have  also  affected  the  character  of  totemism. 
Eponymous  animals,  crests,  spirit-protectors  of  secret  societies,  are  all 
graded  as  to  rank;  and  in  all  cases  that  grading  reflects  on  the  social 
standing  of  the  individuals  constituting  the  given  group.  —  This 
feature  is  conspicuously  absent  in  Australia.  Even  if  one  or  another 
totem  attains,  perchance,  especial  prominence,  as  seems  to  be  the  case 
with,  for  instance,  the  Wollunqua  totem  of  the  Warramunga,  the 
individuals  of  the  clan  in  no  way  partake  of  the  eminence  of  their 
totem. 

The  number  of  totems,  finally,  is  very  large  in  Austraha,  in  some 
tribes  embracing  practically  the  whole  of  the  native's  surroundings, 
animate  and  ina.nimate.  In  British  Columbia,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
number  of  eponymous  animals  —  for  here  only  the  animals  appear  as 
group  names  —  is  very  small,  while  that  of  the  crests  is  also  ver}^  hm- 
ited.i 

These  conclusions  may  now  be  represented  in  tabular  form  (p.  229) : 

*  The  theoretical  significance  of  this  phenomenon  may  perhaps  be  more  fitly  discussed 
at  another  place. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  229 

ToTEMiSM  IN  British  Columbia  and  Central  Australla. 


BRITISH    COLUMBIA 


Exogamy 


Totemic  names 


Totemic  phratries  (Tlingit) 
Totemic  clans  (Haida,  Tsim- 
shian,  Northern  Kwakiutl) 


Phratries  (Tlingit) 
Clans  (Haida) 
2  of  4  clans  (Tsimshian) 
Clans  (Northern  Kwakiutl) 


CENTRAL   AUSTRALIA 


Phratries 

Classes 

Totem    clans    (generally   not 

independent         exogamous 

units) 


All  totem  clans 


Taboo 


Non-totemic  taboo,  common  ; 
totemic,  absent 


Numerous   totemic   and  non- 
totemic  taboos 


Descent  from  the  totem 


Magical  ceremonies      .  3 


Reincarnation 


Guardian  spirits 


Art 


Absent  (Tlingit,  Haida,  Tsim- 
shian) 

Occurs  (Kwakiutl  and  farther 
South) 


Universal 


Not  associated  with  totemism 


Not  associated  with  totemism 


Intimately  associated  with  to- 


Intimately  associated  with  to- 


Intimately  associated  with  to- 
temism 


Actively    associated  with   to- 
temism 


Rank 


Conspicuous   (in    individuals 
and  groups) 


Number  of  totems 


Small 


Not  associated  with  totemism 


Passively  associated  with  to- 
temism 


Absent 


Large 


The  above  comparison  of  the  totemism  of  British  Columbia  and  of 
Australia  brings  out  a  rather  striking  contrast.  Only  in  two  points  — 
exogamy  and  totemic  names  —  does  there  seem  to  be  agreement,  but 
even  here  the  conditions  are  not  really  analogous.  A  certain  rehgious 


230  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

attitude,  in  the  broadest  sense,  is  found  in  both  areas;  but  in  Australia 
it  is  outside  of  mythology  also  dimly  perceptible  in  the  attitude  of  the 
natives  towards  the  hving  animals,  plants,  etc.;  while  in  British  Co- 
lumbia the  rehgious  element  must  be  sought  in  the  ceremonies  and 
myths.  As  to  the  two  remaining  "symptoms,"  —  taboo,  and  descent 
from  the  totem,  —  we  find  them  in  Austraha;  while  in  British  Colum- 
bia the  former  is  absent,  and  the  latter  occurs  in  a  somewhat  veiled 
form  in  only  a  part  of  the  tribes.  In  addition  to  these  supposedly  symp- 
tomatic traits,  we  find  that  two  other  factors  —  magical  ceremonies 
and  a  beHef  in  reincarnation  —  have  risen  to  such  prominence  in 
AustraHan  totemism  as  to  become  more  characteristic  of  it,  in  a  large 
number  of  tribes,  than  are  any  of  the  former  traits;  while  in  British 
Columbia,  where  the  above  factors,  although  present,  have  no  totemic 
significance,  two  other  factors  —  guardian  spirits  and  art  —  have 
attained  such  conspicuous  development  as  to  again  become  more 
characteristic  of  the  totemism  of  British  Columbia  than  are  any  of 
the  other  traits. 

Our  results  may  conveniently  be  separated  into  three  groups.  The 
first  two  phenomena,  —  exogamy  and  totemic  names,  —  when  sub- 
jected to  analysis,  sound  a  note  of  warning  against  the  seductiveness 
of  superficial  resemblances  in  ethnic  data.  Back  of  the  objective  anal- 
ogy may  lie  a  different  historical  process  and  a  different  psychological 
setting.  Not  that  the  analogy  need,  therefore,  lose  all  its  significance; 
but,  unless  those  other  factors  be  taken  into  consideration,  we  may 
come  to  view  the  facts  in  a  totally  wrong  perspective.  In  the  following 
discussion  we  shall  have  occasion  to  apply  this  point  of  view. 

The  second  group  comprises  the  two  "symptoms"  —  taboo,  and 
descent  from  the  totem  —  which  we  found  lacking  in  one  of  the  areas. 
This  result  suggests  an  analysis  of  a  culturally  and  geographically 
more  extended  material,  with  the  view  of  ascertaining  whether  the 
variability  of  our  two  factors  could  not  be  supported  by  further  evi- 
dence, and  whether  the  other  "symptoms"  may  not  prove  as  little 
reliable.  If  that  be  so,  we  should  no  longer  be  justified  in  regarding  the 
supposedly  permanent  factors  of  the  totemic  complex  as  necessary 
elements  of  the  latter,  but  should  have  to  recognize  them  as  inde- 
pendent ethnic  units  which  may  enter  into  combinations  with  each 
other. 

Our  last  group,  finally,  —  magic  ceremonies  and  reincarnation,  on 
the  Australian  side;  guardian  spirits  and  art,  on  the  American,  —  goes 
far  to  show  that  the  possible  content  of  totemism  is  by  no  means 
exhausted  by  the  odd  five  or  six  elements  generally  given  in  that  con- 
nection, but  that  other  factors  may  enter  into  the  composition  of  the 
totemic  complex,  and  may  even  rise  to  a  commanding  position  within 
the  latter. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  231 

II.    THE    TOXEMIC    COMPLEX 

Exogamy  and  Endogamy 

Clan  Exogamy  and  the  other  "  Symptoms." —  Clan  exogamy, 
which  so  often  occurs  in  conjunction  with  totems,  taboos,  etc.,  is, 
however,  by  no  means  always  so  associated. 

The  Khasis  of  Assam  are  divided  into  a  great  number  of  exogamous 
clans  with  maternal  descent.  These  clans  do  not  (with  a  few  excep- 
tions) bear  animal  or  plant  names,  nor  do  the  Khasis  know  of  any 
totems.^  The  same  is  true  of  the  Meitheis  (Assam),  who  comprise 
seven  divisions  called  salais  or  yeks.  Each  yek  contains  a  great  number 
of  sageis  or  yumnaks,  which  bear  the  names  of  their  founders.  The 
yeks  are  non-totemic,  exogamous  groups,  with  paternal  descent;  but 
marriage  into  the  maternal  yek  is  also  prohibited  for  three  (formerly 
five)  generations. 2  The  Mikirs  comprise  three  sections,  with  names 
probably  designating  localities.  Through  these  sections  run  four 
principal  kurs,  —  non-totemic,  exogamous  divisions,  which  are  in 
turn  subdivided  into  smaller  groups.  Descent  is  paternal.^  The  Garos 
comprise  several  geographical  divisions,  through  which  run  two 
katchis;  another  katchi  is  restricted  to  a  rather  narrow  locaHty.  These 
social  groups  are  non-totemic  and  exogamous;  they  contain  minor 
subdivisions,  —  the  machongs,  —  which  are  totemic.''  The  universally 
exogamous  gotras,  which  generally  constitute  the  minor  subdivisions 
of  the  Indian  castes,  are  sometimes  totemic,  but  non-totemic  gotras 
are  also  very  common.^  The  Nandi,  who  live  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Lake  Victoria  Nyanza,  are  divided  into  a  number  of  totemic  clans. 
Each  clan  contains  several  families,  with  names  derived  from  ances- 
tors who  first  came  to  settle  in  Nandi.  Here  ''  a  man  may  not  marry  a 
woman  of  the  same  family  as  himself,  though  there  is  no  objection  to 
his  marr>dng  into  his  own  clan."  ^  The  Gros  Ventres  were  divided 
into  bands,  which,  although  not  totemic,  were  exogamous.  Descent 
was  paternal,  but  the  prohibition  of  marriage  extended  also  to  the 
mother's  band.''  Mr.  Lowie  tells  me  that  the  Crow  are  dixided  into 
six  phratries,  which  contain  from  two  to  four  exogamous  clans.  The 
clans  do  not  bear  animal  or  plant  names,  nor  is  there  evidence  of  to- 
temistic  ideas  of  any  kind.  Among  the  Omaha,  many  of  the  totemic 
gentes  were  exogamous,  as  well  as  most  of  the  sub-gentes;  in  addition, 
however,  there  were  certain  other  divisions,  which,  although  in  no 
way  totemic,  served  the  purpose  of  regulating  marriage.    Unfortu- 

'  Gurdon,  The  Khasis,  1907,  p.  66. 

2  Hodson,  The  Meitheis,  1908,  p.  73;  Shakespear,  jWom,  vol.  x,  No.  4  (1910),  pp.  S9-6i. 

'  Stack,  The  Mikirs,  1908,  pp.  15-17.  *  Plaj-fair,  The  Garos,  1909,  pp.  64-66. 

*  Risley,  1903,  pp.  loo-iioand  120-124.      *  Hollis,  The  Nandi,  1909,  pp.  5-6. 

'  Kroeber,  Anthrop.  Papers,  A.  M.  N.  H..  vol.  i,  p.  i47- 


232  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

nately,  Dorsey's  account  is  here  very  general,  and  we  learn  nothing  of 
the  precise  nature  of  these  subdivisions.  The  Ictasanda  gens  was, 
"'  for  marriage  purposes,"  divided  into  three  parts;  ^  so  was  the  "Deer- 
Head"  gens.^  The  gens  of  "The  Earth-Lodge  Makers"  contained 
"  three  sub-gentes  and  two  for  marriage  purposes; "  ^  etc.  In  Australia 
the  two  types  of  social  divisions  which  are  the  carriers  of  exogamous 
functions  —  the  phratry  and  the  class  —  cannot,  as  a  whole,  be 
classed  as  totemic.  At  the  present  time  they  certainly  are  not;  as  to 
the  past,  the  occasional  animal  names  for  phratry  and  class  must,  of 
course,  be  taken  into  consideration;  and  in  the  present  state  of  our 
knowledge  final  judgment  must  be  suspended.  Still  it  remains  at 
least  probable  that  the  phratry  never  possessed  any  totemic  character, 
while,  in  the  case  of  the  class,  this  probabiUty  is  very  high. 

Polynesia  furnishes  some  examples  where  the  presence  of  some  or 
all  of  the  other  "symptoms"  is  not  accompanied  by  exogamy.  The 
people  of  the  mountainous  district  in  the  interior  of  Viti  Levu  (Fiji) 
live  in  independent  communities,  each  of  which  has  its  sacred  animal 
that  cannot  be  eaten.  These  communities  comprise  smaller  divisions, 
which  often  have  their  own  tabooed  animals  and  plants.  Neither  the 
large  nor  the  small  divisions  are  exogamous.  The  belief  in  descent 
from  the  totem  is,  on  the  contrary,  very  strongly  developed.  "Here 
in  collecting  a  genealogy,  an  informant  went  back  from  human  to 
human  ancestor  till  as  a  perfectly  natural  transition  he  would  state 
that  the  father  of  the  last  mentioned  was  an  eel  or  other  animal." 
The  eel  was  the  ancestor  of  an  entire  community.  The  smaller  groups 
also  often  traced  descent  from  their  sacred  animals.^  In  Samoa  we 
find  a  number  of  districts  with  their  atuas,  —  the  octopus,  owl,  shell, 
etc.  Food  prohibitions  referring  to  these  sacred  animals  seem  to  have 
existed  in  ancient  times;  but  no  traces  of  a  behef  in  descent  from  the 
totem  can  be  found,  nor  are  the  divisions  of  the  people  exogamous.^ 
In  Tonga  each  family  had  its  otua,  which  could  be  an  animal,  a  stone, 
or  a  man.  The  otua  was  never  eaten  by  the  family  which  traced  its 
descent  from  it.  The  famihes  were  not  exogamous.*  The  people  of 
Tikopia  Island  have  their  atua  animals  (the  same  word  is  used  for 
"ancestor").  Some  of  the  atuas  are  taboo  to  the  whole  community, 
others  are  merely  recognized  by  one  of  the  four  main  sections.  Descent 
is  traced  from  a  man  who  became  the  animal  sacred  to  the  particular 
group  or  section.  These  sections  are  not  exogamous.^  Among  the 
Nandi  referred  to  above,  where  the  non- totemic  families  are  exoga- 
mous, the  clans  which  are  totemic  are  not  exogamous.    Similar  condi- 

^  Dorsey,  3d  B.  E.  R.,  p.  249.  ^  Ihid.,  p.  245. 

*  Ibid.,  p.  242.  ■•  Rivers,  J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xxxix  (1909),  p.  158. 

*  Ibid.,  pp.  159-160.  *  Ibid.,  p.  160. 
'  Ibid.,  p.  161. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  233 

tions  probably  prevail  in  other  African  tribes.^  We  shall  see  below 
that  in  many  instances  where  totemic  clans  appear  to  be  exogamous, 
the  association  with  exogamy  is  by  no  means  as  fundamental  as  it  at 
first  sight  appears. 

So  much  to  indicate  that  clan  exogamy,  although  a  usual  concom- 
itant of  the  other  totemic  features,  is  not  a  constant,  hence  not  a 
necessary,  concomitant  of  the  latter;  and  again,  where  the  other  fea- 
tures are  absent,  exogamy  may  nevertheless  occur. 

Local  Exogamy.  —  When  we  investigate  clan  organization  and  the 
distribution  of  clans,  we  generally  find  that  each  clan  is  spread  over  a 
wide  area,  its  members  residing  in  several  local  groups;  thus  in  each 
local  division  several  clans  are  represented.  In  exogamous  com- 
munities with  maternal  descent,  clans  are  almost  always  so  distrib- 
uted. In  other  cases,  however,  the  locahty  rises  into  prominence, 
and  itself  assumes  certain  social  functions.  If  there  is  exogamy,  the 
local  group  as  such  may  become  the  exogamous  unit.  The  organiza- 
tion found  by  Rivers  among  the  Miriam  of  the  Murray  Islands  is  a  case 
in  point.  "In  defining  their  marriage  regulations,"  writes  Rivers, 
"the  social  unit  of  which  the  islanders  usually  speak  is  the  village. 
They  say  that  a  man  must  not  marry  his  father's  village  or  his  mother's 
\illage  or  that  of  his  father's  mother,  and  if  one  of  his  ancestors  had 
been  adopted  he  is  also  debarred  from  marrying  into  the  village  to 
which  he  would  have  belonged  by  actual  descent."  ^  Howitt  described 
local  exogamy  in  the  Wotjobaluk  tribe,  where  it  is  found  in  conjunc- 
tion with  the  other  more  common  matrimonial  restrictions.  Class 
(phratry),  totem,  relationship,  are  all  an  individual's  "  flesh  "  (yauerin), 
and  must  be  considered  when  a  wife  is  being  selected.  "  Another  re- 
striction depends  on  locahty,  for  a  man  cannot  marry  a  woman  from 
the  same  place  as  his  mother,  as  it  is  said  that  his  Yauerin  is  too  near 
to  that  of  those  there.  Hence  it  is  necessary  that  a  wife  shall  be 
sought  from  some  place  in  which  there  is  no  Yauerin  near  to  his.  The 
same  is  the  case  as  to  the  woman."  ^  The  local  feature  is  still  more 
prominent  among  the  Gournditch-mara  of  western  Victoria.  Here  a 
man,  "in  addition  to  the  law  of  the  classes  [phratries],"  was  prohibited 
from  marrying  "into  his  mother's  tribe,  or  into  an  adjoining  one,  or 
one  that  spoke  his  own  dialect."  *  Where  some  definite  social  division, 
say,  a  totem  clan,  is  coextensive  with  a  local  group,  difficulties  of 
interpretation  may  arise  which  must  be  kept  in  mind  by  investigators. 
Note  the  case  of  the  Kurnai.   Here,  through  the  working  of  paternal 

^  Ethnographic  literature  on  Africa,  which  during  the  last  few  years  has  swelled  to 
considerable  proportions,  is  characterized  by  a  deplorable,  although  perhaps  Justifiable 
vagueness,  in  the  treatment  of  social  organization.  Hence  I  have  almost  throughout 
refrained  from  referring  to  that  material. 

^  Rivers,  T.  S.  Exped.,  vol.  v,  p.  121.  ^  Howitt,  N.  T.,  p.  241. 

*  Dawson,  cited  by  Howitt,  N.  T.,  p.  250. 


234  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

descent,  the  totems  {thundungs)  "became  fixed  in  definite  localities." 
Now  "  as  ...  a  man  could  not  marry  a  woman  belonging  to  his  own 
district,  he  necessarily  married  some  woman  whose  thundung  name 
differed  from  his,  thus  still  following  unconsciously  the  exogamous 
rule."  ^  Howitt  is  no  doubt  right  in  his  interpretation;  but  granted 
the  absence  of  an  acquaintance  with  the  general  characteristics  of  an 
area  to  which  a  given  tribe  belongs,  or  of  an  intensive  knowledge  of 
the  particular  tribe  concerned,  and  we  could  not  safely  answer  the 
question,  Are  we  deaUng  with  an  exogamous  group  which  is  localized, 
or  with  a  local  group  which  is  exogamous?  ^ 

Clanship  and  Kinship.  —  Similar  difficulties  arise  whenever  we 
have  to  deal  with  communities  where  clans  or  some  other  definite 
social  groups,  on  the  one  hand,  and  individuals  standing  to  each  other 
in  certain  degrees  of  relationship,  on  the  other  hand,  appear  as  impor- 
tant social  factors.  Spencer  and  Gillen,  Howitt,  and  others,  in  their 
accounts  of  the  social  organization  of  Austrahan  tribes,  have  much  to 
say  about  prohibited  degrees  of  relationship,  which  appear  on  a  par 
with  the  many  other  matrimonial  regulations  referring  to  phratry, 
class,  or  clan  membership.  The  above  authors  do  not,  however, 
correlate  the  various  sets  of  prohibitions;  they  leave  us  quite  in 
the  dark,  for  instance,  as  to  the  connection  between  relationship  pro- 
hibitions, on  the  one  hand,  and  those  prohibitions  which  refer  to 
definite  social  groups,  on  the  other.  What  Rivers  relates  about  the 
Todas  is  of  interest  in  this  connection.  He  found  among  these  people 
a  number  of  exogamous  clans,  as  well  as  a  set  of  strict  matrimonial 
regulations  based  on  degrees  of  relationship.  Further  inquiry,  how- 
ever, revealed  the  fact  that  clan  exogamy  among  the  Todas  was  not  a 
primary,  but  a  secondary  phenomenon;  and  that  in  the  mind  of  the 
Toda  there  really  existed  only  one  kind  of  exogamous  rule,  —  that, 
namely,  based  on  relationship.  Says  Rivers,  "  He  [the  Toda]  has  no 
two  kinds  of  prohibited  affinity,  one  depending  on  clan  relations,  and 
another  on  relations  of  blood  kinship,  but  he  has  only  one  kind  of  pro- 
hibited affinity,  to  which  he  gives  the  general  term  piiliol,  including 
certain  kin  through  the  father  and  certain  kin  through  the  mother, 
and  there  is  no  evidence  that  he  considers  the  bond  of  kinship  in  one 
case  as  different  from  the  other  as  regards  restriction  on  marriage." 
And  again:  "  It  seemed  to  me  in  several  cases  as  if  it  came  almost  as  a 
new  idea  to  some  of  the  Todas  that  his  piiliol  included  all  the  people 
of  his  own  clan."   Hence  Rivers  draws  the  obvious  inference:   "The 

1  Howitt,  N.  T.,  p.  269. 

2  It  seems  highly  probable  that  most,  if  not  all,  of  the  coast  tribes  of  British  Columbia, 
passed  through  a  stage  in  which  clans  occupied  separate  villages.  Now,  without  much 
fuller  information  about  these  remote  conditions  than  is  now  available,  we  could  not 
possibly  decide  whether  it  was  the  village  as  such,  or  the  social  group  occupying  a  village 
that  constituted  at  that  time  the  important  social  unit. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  235 

fact  that  the  Toda  includes  all  those  kin  whom  he  may  not  marry 
under  one  general  term,  and  that  the  kin  in  question  include  members 
both  of  his  own  and  other  clans,  goes  to  show  that  the  Todas  recognize 
the  blood-kinship  as  the  restrictive  agency  rather  than  the  bond  pro- 
duced by  membership  of  the  same  clan."  ^  Wissler  records  a  similar 
phenomenon  among  the  Blackfeet,  who  are  at  the  present  time  divided 
into  bands  the  members  of  which  "look  upon  themselves  as  blood- 
relatives."  Here  "marriage  is  forbidden  between  members  of  the 
band  as  blood  relatives,  but  not  between  the  members  as  such."^ 

The  Gilyak,  to  whom  we  shall  return  below,  furnish  another  instruc- 
tive example.  These  people  are  organized  in  gentes,  with  paternal 
descent.  Sternberg  describes  the  gentes  as  exogamous,  and  proceeds 
with  a  detailed  exposition  of  the  classificatory  system  of  relationship 
among  the  Gilyak,  the  presence  of  which  other  authors  failed  to  detect, 
and  of  the  concomitant  marriage  regulations.^ 

Sternberg's  own  account  makes  it  clear  that  here,  more  obviously 
than  among  the  Todas,  the  gens  as  such  is  not  the  exogamous  unit,  but 
that  marriage  is  regulated  exclusively  by  degrees  of  relationship.  The 
men  of  gens  A  take  wives  from  gens  B.  This  fact  constitutes  gens  B  as 
the  gens  of  "  fathers-in-law"  (axmalk),  while  gens  A  with  reference  to 
B  is  the  gens  of  "  sons-in-law"  {ymgi).  These  appellations  in  them- 
selves indicate  that  it  is  not  gens  B  as  such  that  a  man  is  concerned 
about  matrimonially,  but  gens  B  as  containing  the  class  of  his  "fa- 
thers-in-law," and  vice  versa.  Further  details  corroborate  this  impres- 
sion. The  matrimonial  relation  A/B,  once  estabHshed,  cannot  be 
reversed;  the  men  of  B  can  never  take  their  wives  in  A.  A  finds  in  B  a 
class  of  wives,  which  makes  B  axmalk  with  reference  to  A;  B,  on  the 
other  hand,  finds  in  A,  classes  of  sisters,  daughters,  nieces,  but  not  of 
wives;  hence  A  is  ymgi  to  B,  and  can  never  be  anything  else.  It  suf- 
fices for  one  man  of  A  to  marry  a  woman  of  B,  and  the  above  relation 
is  established;  the  rest  follows  as  a  matter  of  course.  Further  comph- 
cations  presently  develop.  The  young  men  of  B  must  have  wives, 
and  find  them  in  C;  the  fathers  of  A  must  have  husbands  for  their 
daughters,  and  find  them  in  D ;  and  so  on.  Thus  all  the  gentes  become 
entangled  in  the  matrimonial  network.  A  gens  may  have  several 
axmalk  and  several  ymgi  gentes.  Each  gens  appears  here  as  an  ax- 
malk, there  as  an  ymgi  gens;  but  no  gens  can  be  both  axmalk  and 
ymgi  to  another  gens.  Now  the  latter  condition,  which  is  impossible 
among  the  Gilyak,  is  precisely  what  we  find  wherever  a  typical  exoga- 
mous relation  exists  between  two  groups  as  such.  Clan,  or  phratry,  or 
class  A  marries  B;  clan,  or  phratry,  or  class  B  marries  A.  The  two 
groups,  moreover,  are  matrimonially  self-sufficient:  both  are  provided 

>  Rivers,  The  Todas,  p.  510.  2  Wissler,  A.  A.  R.,  1906,  p.  173. 

*  Sternberg,  The  Gilyak  (MS.). 

VOL.  XXIII.  —  NO.  88.  16 


236  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

with  husbands  and  \\^ves.  Among  the  Gilyak,  on  the  other  hand,  not 
only  does  the  fact  of  A  marrying  into  B  make  it  impossible  for  B  to 
marry  into  A;  but  A+B  no  longer  constitute  a  complete  matrimonial 
whole,  for  A  lacks  husbands,  while  B  lacks  wives:  C  at  least  is  required 
in  addition.    To  contrast  the  two  conditions  diagrammatically,  — 


marries 

B 


In  Diagram  I,  what  we  may  call  the  minimum  exogamous  integer 
consists  of  two  units;  in  Diagram  II,  of  three.  That  the  social  corol- 
laries of  the  two  systems  are  thoroughly  different,  is  obvious. 

It  appears  from  the  above  remarks  that  extreme  care  must  be  exer- 
cised when  one  tries  to  determine  the  precise  nature  of  the  exogamous 
code  at  any  given  place  and  time.  We  may  discover  local  exogamy  or 
kinship  exogamy  where  prima  facie  evidence  disclosed  nothing  but 
clan  exogamy,  and  vice  versa. 

What  is  true  of  exogamy  is  true  of  endogamy.  Again  the  Todas 
furnish  an  illustration. 

The  exogamous  clans  of  the  Todas  are  segregated  into  two  main 
di\'isions,  —  Tartharol  and  Teivaliol.  These  di\dsions  are  endoga- 
mous.  "  Although  a  Teivaliol  man  is  strictly  prohibited  from  marrying 
a  Tartharol  woman,  he  may  take  a  wife  of  this  division  to  live  with 
him  at  his  village.."  Such  unions  are  recognized  as  a  form  of  marriage, 
but  they  "differ  from  the  orthodox  form  in  that  the  children  of  the 
union  belong  to  the  division  of  the  mother."  Similarly  a  Tartharol 
man  may  enter  into  a  union  with  a  Teivahol  woman,  but  then  he  must 
"  either  visit  her  occasionally  or  go  to  live  at  her  village. "^  The  two 
incidents  recounted  by  Rivers  are  particularly  illuminating.  On  one 
occasion  a  Tamil  smith,  on  another  a  Mohammedan  merchant,  fell  in 
love  with  Toda  women  and  lived  with  them.  In  neither  case  did  the 
Todas  resent  the  woman's  action,  "so  long  as  she  remained  in  the 
community."  ^  Clearly,  the  sentiment  at  the  bottom  of  Toda  endog- 
amy, as  we  now  find  it.  is  not  the  pride  of  superior  blood  which  shrinks 
from  pollution,  but  the  fear  of  depletion  of  numbers.  As  long  as  the 
community  is  not  deprived  of  one  of  its  members,  or  if  it  can  at  least 
claim  as  its  own  the  offspring  of  a  union,  the  parties  to  the  latter  may 
belong  to  different  endogamous  divisions,  or  one  of  the  individuals 
may  even  be  an  outsider.^ 

1  Rivers,  The  Todas,  p.  505.  *  Ibid-,  p.  509. 

*  When  we  consider  that  in  primitive  conditions  the  success  of  a  group,  in  the  struggle 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  237 

The  Australian  Totem  Clan  and  Exogamy,  —  With  the  fore- 
going discussion  well  in  mind,  let  us  now  attempt  a  more  careful 
analysis  of  marriage  relations  in  AustraHa. 

With  reference  to  the  correlation  of  the  totem  clan  with  exogamy, 
in  origin  and  development,  opinions  differ;  but  authorities  agree  as  to 
the  fixity  of  the  present  association  between  the  two  factors,  in  almost 
all  Austrahan  tribes.  No  marriage  within  the  totem,  is  the  rule;  hence 
the  totemic  clan  is  exogamous.  When  Spencer  and  Gillen's  book  on 
the  Aranda  first  saw  light,  great  commotion  resulted  in  the  camp  of 
anthropologists.  Here,  for  once,  the  universal  law  (for  Australia,  at 
least)  seemed  to  break  down:  the  totem  clan  was  not  exogamous;  a 
man  could  marry  a  woman  of  his  own  totem. ^ 

It  was  an  "  unheard  of  kind  of  totemism,"  a  heresy  which  went  con- 
trary to  all  established  opinions.  The  non-exogamous  character  of  the 
Aranda  totem  clan,  together  with  the  absence  of  totemic  descent, 
became  the  Aranda  anomaly."  Attempts  were  made  to  account  for 
it;^  and  presently  the  questions  arose,  Are  the  Aranda  primitive  or 
advanced  ?  Are  they  on  their  way  out  of  or  into  totemism  ? 

Now  exogamy,  of  course,  literally,  means  "  marriage  without  or  out- 
side of"  (a  certain  group),  —  an  imperative  which  has  its  negative 
correlate  in  the  prohibition  of  marriage  within  the  group.  The  term 
obviously  expresses  a  relation  between  at  least  two  groups.  The  same 
applies  to  endogamy.  An  isolated  group  could  not  logically  be  called 
either  exogamous  or  endogamous,  whether  its  members  married  with 
each  other  or  refused  to  do  so.  Apart  from  this  consideration  of  exog- 
amy (or  endogamy)  as  an  objective  fact,  a  psychological  factor  must 
also  be  taken  into  account.  Our  discussion  of  clan  exogamy  in  its  rela- 
tion to  kinship  exogamy  brought  out  the  variability  of  the  psychologi- 
cal factor.  When  the  fact  of  a  given  social  group  not  marrying  within 
itself  is  ascertained,  the  information  acquired  is  but  partially  complete. 
The  exogamous  character  of  the  group  may  be  due  to  its  consisting  — 
as  in  the  case,  for  instance,  of  the  Toda  clans  —  of  individuals  who 
stand  to  each  other  in  certain  degrees  of  relationship,  excluding  the 
possibiHty  of  intermarriage ;  or  the  group  may  be  exogamous  as  oc- 
cupying a  definite  locahty ;  or  the  exogamy  of  the  group  may  follow  as 
an  indirect  result  of  its  constituting  a  part  of  a  larger  social  division 
which  is  exogamous;  the  group  as  such,  finally,  may  be  the  source  of 
its  own  exogamous  functions.  Only  in  the  last  instance  would  we  be 
justified  in  regarding  the  group  as  an  exogamous  unit.  The  failure  to 

for  existence,  depends  largely  on  its  numerical  superiority,  it  seems  probable  that  a  senti- 
ment like  that  of  the  Todas  should  many  and  many  a  time,  in  the  history  of  human  socie- 
ties, have  produced  endogamous  tendencies. 

^  See  Spencer  and  Gillen,  i,  p.  73.  2  Lang,  S.  0.,  p.  85. 

'  See  Durkheim,  A.  S.,  vol.  v  (1900-01),  pp.  88  et  seq.;  vol.  viii  (1903-04),  pp.  132 
et  seq.;  and  Lang,  S.  T.,  pp.  59-82. 


238  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

differentiate  the  above  concepts  may  obviously  lead  to  grave  miscon- 
ceptions as  to  the  underlying  principles  of  a  given  social  organization. 
With  these  distinctions  well  in  mind,  we  may  now  return  to  the 
Australian  totem  clan,  in  order  to  define  with  greater  precision  its 
position  in  the  social  structures  of  the  several  groups  of  tribes,  as  found 
in  that  continent. 

Take  a  typical  case  of  exogamy  exemplified  by  the  dichotomous 
division  into  moieties  of  a  very  large  number  of  primitive  tribes  (not 
only  in  Australia) .  A  man  of  group  A  cannot  marry  a  woman  of  group 
A,  and  must  marry  a  woman  of  group  B.  There  is  complete  recipro- 
city :  the  marriage  rights  and  restrictions  of  the  members  of  group  A 
and  of  those  of  group  B  are  strictly  parallel,  and  compensate  each 
other.  Do  the  same  relations  obtain  in  case  of  the  Dieri,  who  may  in 
our  discussion  represent  the  tribes  with  phratries  and  totem  clans,  but 
without  classes  ? 

Here  clan  x  cannot  marry  with  itself,  and  must  marry  into  phratry 
B ;  phratry  B  cannot  marry  with  itself,  and  must  marry  phratry  A. 
There  is  no  complete  reciprocity,  for  the  reason  that  clan  x,  which 
cannot  marry  with  itself,  is  also  debarred  from  marrying  into  any  of 
the  other  clans  of  phratry  A.    To  put  it  differently:  clan  x  cannot 
marry  into  phratry  A,  and  must  marry  into  phratry  B.   Thus  it  be- 
haves exactly  as  would  an  individual  of  phratry  A  if  there  were  no 
clans.  And  just  as  the  individual  would  merely  figure  as  a  member  of 
an  exogamous  group,  the  phratry,  so  does  clan  x.  And  psychologically, 
of  course,  there  is  all  the  difference  in  the  world  between  a  clan  x  that 
is  itself  an  exogamous  unit  —  standing  to  another  exogamous  unit 
(clan  y)  in  the  same  relation  as  the  latter  stands  to  clan  x  —  and  a 
clan  X  which,  as  part  of  a  large  exogamous  group  A,  stands  in  the  same 
relation  to  another  large  exogamous  group  B  as  the  latter  stands,  not 
to  clan  X,  but  to  the  larger  exogamous  group  A  of  which  clan  a:  is  a  part. 
Further  inquiry  may  well  bring  out  the  fact  that  some  special  senti- 
ment attaches  to  the  prohibition  of  marriage  within  the  clan,  and  that 
any  infringement  of  that  prohibition  is  especially  resented.  Even  then, 
however,  the  clan,  in  an  organization  Kke  that  of  the  Dieri,  could  not 
be  considered  an  exogamous  unit.    An  exogamous  relation  is  fully 
represented  only  when  both  the  group  within  which  marriage  is  pro- 
hibited, and  the  one  into  which  it  is  permitted  or  prescribed,  are 
given.   Keeping  that  in  mind,  we  find  that  any  attempt  to  represent 
the  Dieri  clan  as  an  exogamous  unit  inevitably  leads  to  contradictions. 
Let  phratry  A  contain  the  clans  a,  b,  and  c;  phratry  B,  the  clans  d,  e, 
and/.  Assuming  clan  a  to  constitute  an  exogamous  unit,  the  comple- 
mentary unit  would  be  B  +  &  +  C.  This  unit  would  itself  be  matrimo- 
nially heterogeneous,  consisting  of  i  +  c,  into  which  clan  a  could  not 
marry,  and  of  B,  into  which  it  could  marry.    If  clan  b  were  isolated  in- 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  239 

stead  of  clan  a,  the  complementary  unit  would  heB  +  a+c.  We  see  that 
clan  a  appears  as  an  exogamous  unit  in  the  first,  but  as  part  of  a  larger 
group  in  the  second  case.  The  reverse  is  true  of  clan  c.  The  same  holds 
of  the  other  clans :  so  that  a  complete  representation  of  the  exogamous 
relations  involved  would  require  six  separate  diagrams;  each  clan 
appearing  as  an  independent  unit  only  once,  and  as  part  of  a  larger 
group  in  all  other  cases,  the  composition  of  the  group  being  in  each 
case  difi'erent.  In  the  majority  of  tribes,  the  actual  number  of  clans 
is  liable  to  be  larger  than  six,  and  the  complexity  of  the  conditions 
would  be  proportionately  greater. 

But  it  is  quite  inconceivable  that  arrangements  like  the  above 
should  correspond  to  any  actual  elements  in  the  attitude  of  the  na- 
tives. The  complexity  is  an  artificial  one,  being  due  to  the  attempt  to 
represent  the  clan  as  an  exogamous  unit.  The  fact  of  the  matter,  of 
course,  is  that  clan  a,  as  well  as  clans  b  and  c,  may  not  marry  into 
a+6+c  =  A,  and  must  marry  into  B.  Q.E.D.  We  thus  may  be  quite 
confident  that  in  organizations  like  that  of  the  Dieri,  the  clan  could 
not  be  regarded  as  an  exogamous  unit,  even  if  the  prohibition  of 
marriage  within  the  clan  were  shown  to  be  particularly  stringent.^ 

The  plausibihty  of  our  interpretation  is  brought  out  by  a  com- 
parison with  the  Aranda.  Here  we  have  the  same  division  into  two 
phra tries,  and  of  each  phratry  into  clans  (we  may  disregard  the 
classes  for  the  present) ;  but,  for  reasons  into  which  we  need  not  now 
enter,  some  of  the  clans  occur  in  both  phratries.  What  is  the  result? 
A  man  of  clan  x,  phratry  A,  may  now  marry  a  woman  of  clan  x, 
phratry  B,  for  she  belongs  to  the  phratry  into  which  clan  x  may  marry, 
and  the  fact  that  she  also  belongs  to  clan  x  does  not  seem  to  alter 
matters  in  the  least. ^ 

^  The  attitude  towards  Australian  clan  exogamy,  assumed  by  the  various  authors,  is, 
I  believe,  in  the  main  due  to  a  preconception.  Exogamy  is  supposed  to  be  the  natural 
condition  for  a  totemic  clan  to  be  in:  hence,  if  totem  clans  and  exogamy  are  found  side  by 
side  in  a  given  group,  the  clans  are  pronounced  to  be  exogamous;  unless,  indeed,  there  be 
special  reasons  to  abandon  that  interpretation  (as  in  the  case  of  the  Aranda).  The 
"clans"  of  the  Tlingit,  or  the  "famihes"  of  the  Haida,  have  never,  to  my  knowledge, 
been  considered  exogamous;  although  we  find  in  these  tribes,  as  among  the  Dieri,  two 
large  exogamous  sections  comprising  a  number  of  smaller  groups.  The  members  of  a 
Haida  "family"  or  a  Tlingit  "clan"  cannot  marry  into  any  of  the  other  groups  of  their 
"clan"  or  "phratry,"  and  must  marry  into  the  other  "clan"  or  "phratry."  The  "fami- 
lies" and  the  "clans"  thus  behave  exactly  as  the  Dieri  totemic  clans;  but  no  one  thinks 
of  them  as  exogamous,  for  exogamy  is  not  the  kind  of  thing  generally  found  in  connection 
with  families  or  clans,  with  names  derived  from  localities. 

-  That  Spencer  and  Gillen  should  have  so  persistently  represented  the  Australian 
totem  clan  as  an  exogamous  unit  is  very  curious,  for  many  of  their  statements  are  so 
framed  as  to  make  one  expect  an  interpretation  like  the  above  to  follow  in  the  next 
paragraph.  Among  the  Kaitish  "we  find  the  totems  divided  to  a  large  extent  between 
the  two  moieties  of  the  tribe,  so  that  it  is  a  very  rare  thing  for  a  man  to  marry  a  woman 
of  the  same  totem  as  himself"  (Spencer  and  Gillen,  vol.  ii,  p.  175).  Among  the  Warra- 
munga  and  the  tribes  farther  north,  the  clans  are  strictly  distributed  between  the  phra- 


240 


Journal  0}  American  Folk-Lore 


Let  the  Kamilaroi  represent  the  group  of  tribes  with  phratnes, 
totem  dans,  and  four  matrimonial  classes.  The  two  phratries,  Dilbi 
(I)  and  Kupathin  (II),  comprise  a  number  of  totem  clans  (each  clan 
is  represented  by  two  symbols,  thus :  a  +  ai,c  +  c  ,  etc. ;  and  d  +  di, e+ei, 
etc.).  Phratry  I  also  contains  the  classes  Murri  (A)  and  Kubbi  (B); 
phratry  II,  the  classes  Ipai  (C)  and  Kumbo  (D). 


Phratries 
Classes 


Totem  clans 


II 


A 

B 

C 

D 

a 

a 

d 

di 

b 

ht 

e 

ei 

c 

Ci 

I 

fi 

B  can  only  marry  C,  A  can  only  marry  D,  and  vice  versa.  Here  the 
clans  (a+ffj,  d+di,  etc.),  far  from  constituting  exogamous  units,  are 
not  even  homogeneous  in  composition  with  reference  to  exogamy,  for 
each  clan  contains  two  sets  of  members  {a  and  a,  c  and  Cj,  etc.),  the 
matrimonial  obligations  of  each  set  being  different.  Nor  do  members 
of  each  clan  who  belong  to  one  class  (Aa,  or  Be,  or  Dfi,  etc.)  constitute 
an  exogamous  group,  for  here  the  Dieri  argument  applies:  each  such 
group  stands  in  the  same  relation  to  the  class  as  a  whole  as  the 
Dieri  clan  stands  to  its  phratry;  and  as  with  the  Dieri  the  phratry,  so 
here  the  class  (A,  B,  etc.),  is  the  exogamous  group.  As  to  the  Kamil- 
aroi phratry,  we  are  no  longer  justified  in  asserting  a  priori  that  it  is, 
as  a  phratry,  exogamous.  All  we  know  is,  that  each  phratry  consists 
of  two  sections  —  the  classes  —  which  are  exogamous.  This,  how- 
ever, does  not  exclude  the  possibihty  that  the  Kamilaroi  phratries, 
and  the  phratries  of  the  other  tribes  similarly  organized,  continue  in 
the  minds  of  the  natives  to  constitute  distinct  exogamic  groups.  A 
cannot  marry  B,  but  neither  can  A  marry  C;  B  cannot  marry  A,  but 
neither  can  B  marry  D;  and  so  on.  The  question  arises,  Is  the  matri- 
monial prohibition  A/B  identical  in  character  with  the  prohibition 
A/C,  etc.?  Do  they  merge  into  one  prohibition?^    If  that  is  not  the 

tries.  "It  follows"  that  "a  man  must  marry  a  woman  of  a  different  totem  to  his  own" 
and  "that  a  man  nev^er  marries  a  woman  of  his  own  totem"  (Ibid.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  164  and 
166).  Among  the  Aranda,  on  the  other  hand,  "no  totem  is  at  the  present  day  confined  to 
either  moiety  of  the  tribe,"  and  "  the  totems  in  no  way  regulate  marriage"  (Ibid.,  vol.  i, 
pp.  120-121;  cf.  also  Lang,  5.  0.,  p.  80).  Obviously,  the  "exogamy"  of  the  clan  is  deter- 
mined by  its  relation  to  the  phratry;  it  is  not  exogamous  as  a  clan,  but  as  part  of  a  much 
wider  group  to  which  marriage  within  its  own  limits  is  forbidden.  But  Spencer  and  Gillen 
do  not  draw  this  inference. 

'  One  way  of  ascertaining  this  would  be  to  determine  the  relative  frequency  with 
which  the  prohibitions  are  violated,  as  well  as  the  relative  severity  of  the  punishments 
imposed. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study 


241 


case,  the  phratries  must  continue  to  be  regarded  as  distinct  exoga- 
mous  groups.  If,  however,  the  identity  of  the  above  prohibitions  can 
be  estabhshed  by  a  careful  investigation  with  that  particular  point 
in  view,  the  phratries  as  such  will  have  to  be  pronounced  as  no 
longer  exogamous,  having  bequeathed  to  the  classes  the  function 
of  regulating  matrimony.^ 

A  similar  argument  appHes  to  the  tribes  with  eight  matrimonial 
sub-classes.  Here  the  totemic  clans  form  an  aggregate  of  four  matri- 
monially heterogeneous  units.  The  sub-class  is  the  exogamous  unit; 
while  the  function  of  the  phratry,  and  here  also  that  of  the  class, 
ought  to  be  investigated  with  the  purpose  of  ascertaining  their  exact 
character  in  reference  to  exogamy. 

It  appears  from  the  above  discussion  that  the  Australian  totemic 
clan  is  not  as  such  exogamous.  The  tribes  represented  by  the  Arabana 
must  be  excepted,  however;  for  in  those  tribes  each  totem  clan  of 
one  phratry  can  only  marry  one  particular  totem  clan  of  the  other, 
which  is  an  approach  to  pure  totemic  exogamy. 

The  necessity  of  ascertaining  the  exact  attitude  of  the  natives 
towards  all  matrimonial  regulations,  negative  as  well  as  positive, 
may  perhaps  be  emphasized  by  the  following  juxtaposition.  Take 
again  the  Kamilaroi.  We  represent  their  organization  thus:  — 


Phratries 
Classes 


Totem  clans 


II 


A 

B 

C 

D 

a 

ai 

d 

dt 

b 

h 

e 

ei 

c 

Ci 

f 

fi 

A  marries  D,  the  children  are  C;  B  marries  C,  the  children  are  D; 
and  so  on.  But  now  suppose  that  the  Kamilaroi  organization  is  being 
described  by  an  investigator  who  is  particularly  interested  in  the 
phenomenon  of  endogamy.  Suppose,  also,  that  he  came  to  the  Kami- 
laroi without  previous  acquaintance  with  other  Austrahan  tribes. 
He  might  represent  the  Kamilaroi  organization  as  follows :  — 

^  Theoretically,  the  exogamous  relation  I/II  may  be,  both  in  its  positive  and  in  its 
negative  aspect,  as  strong  as  the  relation  A/D  or  B  /C;  or  either  of  the  two  relations  may 
tend  to  supersede  the  other.  The  second  inference  drawn  in  the  text  is,  however,  more 
likely  to  correspond  to  the  actual  conditions;  for  in  the  tribes  organized  like  the  Kamil- 
aroi we  no  longer  find  any  solidarity  in  the  phratries,  with  reference  to  exogamy;  each 
phratry  comprises  two  sets  of  individuals,  whose  matrimonial  rights  and  obligations  are 
different.  In  either  case,  moreover,  the  class  remains  the  exogamous  unit,  for  in  the  case 
of  the  class  alone  does  the  true  exogamous  relation  obtain  :  a  man  of  class  A  cannot 
marry  a  woman  of  class  A,  and  must  marry  a  woman  of  class  D,  and  vice  versa. 


242  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

Endogamous  groups  I  II 

A 


Classes  < 


D 


a      b      c 

ai     bi     Ci 

di     ei     Ji 

d      e     f 

Fig.  ] 

A^ 
i 

-> 

B 
C 

B 


Fig.  2 

Two  endogamous  groups,  I  and  II:  Endogamous  group  I  contains 
the  two  exogamous  classes  A  and  D ;  endogamous  group  II,  the  two 
exogamous  classes  B  and  C  (Fig.  i).  A  marries  D,  the  children  are 
C;  C  marries  B,  the  children  are  A;  D  marries  A,  the  children  are  B; 
B  marries  C,  the  children  are  D  (Fig.  2). 

The  second  mode  of  representation  fits  the  objective  facts  as 
accurately  as  does  the  first.  ^  The  phratry  names  Dilbi  and  Kupathin 
would  rather  suggest  the  first  representation  as  the  true  one,  among 
the  Kamilaroi;  but  in  those  tribes  of  the  same  type  of  organization 
that  have  no  phratric  names,  even  that  clew  would  be  missing.  If, 
then,  a  choice  were  to  be  made  between  the  exogamic  and  the  endo- 
gamic  interpretations,  a  psychological  analysis  of  the  native  attitude 
would  prove  the  only  trustworthy  method  of  ascertaining  the  truth. 
A  number  of  weeks  after  the  above  lines  were  written,  I  ran  across 
Klaatsch's  exposition  of  the  social  organization  of  the  Niol-Niol, 
N.  W.  Australia.^  On  my  previous  reading  of  his  account,  I  failed  to 
observe  that  he  had  unwittingly  impersonated  our  hypothetical 
investigator.  Professor  Klaatsch,  who,  like  our  investigator,  is  homo 
novus  in  Australian  ethnology,  found  among  the  Niol-Niol  two  groups, 
each  containing  two  sub-groups.  Group  A,  the  name  of  which  he 
heard  as  Paddjabor,  contains  the  sub-groups  Pardiara  and  Karimb ; 
group  B,  for  which  he  heard  the  name  Waddibol,  contains  the  sub- 
groups Borong  and  Panak.  Pardiara  marries  Karimb,  and  vice  versa; 
Borong  marries  Panak,  and  vice  versa.  Klaatsch  does  not  use  the 
terms  "endogamy"  and  "exogamy;"  as  a  matter  of  fact,  however, 

^  It  is  not  improbable,  moreover,  that,  on  a  par  with  the  dominant  phratric  organiza- 
tion, there  may  also  exist  in  these  Australian  tribes  a  consciousness  of  the  objectively 
endogamous  groups  constituted  bj'  the  pairs  of  intermarrying  classes. 

2  Klaatsch,  "Schlussbericht  iiber  meine  Reise  nach  Australien  in  den  Jahren  1904- 
1907"  (Z.  /.  £.,  1907,  pp.  656-657). 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study 


243 


he  gives  us  —  just  like  his  hypothetical  predecessor!  —  two  endog- 
amous  groups,  each  containing  two  exogamous  ones. 

Klaatsch  proceeds  to  compare  the  class-names  of  the  Niol-Niol  with 
those  of  the  Aranda:  — 

Niol-  Niol  A  randa 

Karimb  (Kymera)  Kumara 

Panak  (Banake)  Panunga 

Pardiara  (Palljarru)  Bulthara 

Borong  (Burong)  Purula 

The  analogies  are  phonetically  doubtful  ("  allerdings  bestehen  ja  im 
Klang  einige  Unterschiede");  very  probably,  however,  the  classes 
do  correspond. 

Let    Panunga  =  Panak       =  I 
Bulthara  =  Pardiara  =  II 
Purula       =  Borong     =  III 
Kumara    =  Karimb    =  IV 

The  organizations  of  the  two  tribes  can  then  be  represented  as 
follows :  — 

Aranda  Niol-Niol 

Phratries  Endogamous  groups 


I 
II 

B 

III 
IV 

Paddjabor 
Waddibol 

I     III 

II      IV 

Among  the  Aranda  the  intermarrying  classes  —  i  and  iii,  11  and 
IV  —  belong  to  opposite  phratries;  among  the  Niol-Niol,  they  consti- 
tute endogamous  groups.  But  organizations  like  that  represented 
in  the  diagram  to  the  right,  with  a  dichotomous  endogamous  division 
as  a  central  feature,  have  not  hitherto  been  found  in  AustraHa.  The 
correspondence  of  the  class  names,  moreover,  suggests  an  organization 
essentially  similar  to  that  of  the  Aranda.  Hence  there  can  be  Kttle 
doubt  that  no  such  endogamous  social  units  as  Paddjabor  and  Wad- 
dibol really  exist  among  the  Niol-Niol;  instead,  i-ii  andiii-iv  probably 
constitute  exogamous  phratries.  But  what  of  the  names  "  Paddjabor" 
and  "Waddibol"?  Perhaps  the  explanation  would  come  with  their 
meaning. 

The  Tendency  to  regulate  Marrla.ge.  —  Much  evidence  can 
be  adduced  to  show  that  even  in  those  communities  where  marriage 
regulations  of  some  kind  or  other  have  assumed  a  relatively  fixed 
form,  forces  remain  at  work  which  tend  to  further  modify  or  extend 
the  regulation  of  marriages.   Thus  among  the  Meitheis,  for  instance, 


244  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

Hodson  records  that  certain  salais  do  not  intermarry  with  certain 
other  salais.  The  Kumul  do  not  intermarry  with  the  Luang;  the 
Moirang,  with  the  Khabananba  and  the  Ckenglei;  while  no  Ang5m 
may  take  a  wife  among  either  the  Luang,  Moirang,  or  Khabananba, 
and  vice  versa,^  etc.  Similarly  among  the  Khasis,  the  Diengdoh  may 
not  intermarry  with  the  Maser;  the  Kharbangar,  with  the  Nonglwai; 
the  Khongdup,  with  the  Rongsai  and  Khongru,^  etc.  Rivers  notes 
that  among  the  Todas  certain  clans  in  both  divisions  tend  to  inter- 
marry with  some  special  clans,  and  avoid  others.  Thus,  in  the  Tar- 
tharol  division,  the  Panol  are  not  allowed  to  marry  the  Kanodrsol; 
the  prohibition  is  stringent,  as  not  a  single  case  of  intermarriage 
between  the  two  clans  could  be  found  in  the  genealogical  records. 
The  Piedr  of  the  TeivaHol  division  do  not  intermarry  with  the  Kusharf 
and  the  Pedrkarsol.  The  Nodrs,  Kars,  and  Taradr,  on  the  other  hand, 
who  are  neighbors  in  a  hilly  district,  show  a  tendency  to  intermarry; 
and  the  same  is  true  of  the  Kanodrs,  Kwodrdoni,  and  Pam.^  Hollis 
records  a  large  number  of  similar  regulations  among  the  Nandi  clans. 
Here  the  Kimpamwi  and  Kipkokos  cannot  intermarry  with  the 
Tungo;  the  Kipaa,  with  the  Kamwaika;  while  the  Tungo  are  debarred 
from  intermarriage  with  no  less  than  six  clans.*  In  a  recent  book  on 
"The  Akikuyu  of  British  East  Africa,"  Routledge  speaks  of  thirteen 
exogamous  clans.  Descent  is  paternal,  but  marriage  into  the  mother's 
clan  is  also  prohibited.  In  addition,  however,  "there  are  said  to  be 
certain  other  restrictions  as  to  marriage  between  particular  clans 
which  cannot  be  broken  without  penalty  of  barrenness."^  Among  the 
Haida,  "certain  special  families  and  towns  were  in  the  habit  of  inter- 
marrying. This  fact  was  expressed  in  saying  that  such  and  such  a 
family  were  the  'fathers'  of  such  and  such  another  one."®  Mr.  P. 
Radin  tells  me  that  among  the  Winnebago  one  of  the  clans  of  the 
Upper  phratry  tends  to  intermarry  with  one  of  the  Lower  clans.  In 
Austraha,  as  shown  above,  marriage  is  as  a  rule  regulated  by  phra- 
tries,  classes,  sub-classes,  but  not  by  individual  totem  clans.  Excep- 
tions are  not  lacking,  however.  Among  the  Arabana,  for  instance, 
there  seems  to  be  one  totem  to  one  totem  marriage:  a  Matthurie- 
dingo  man  marries  a  Kirarawa-water-hen  woman,  a  Kirarawa-pelican 
man  marries  a  Matthurie-swan  woman,^  etc.  In  the  Wiradjuri  tribe, 
similar  conditions  prevail,  except  that  in  the  case  of  some  totems  the 
marriage  restriction  is  somewhat  wider:  a  Yibatha-opossum,  for  in- 
stance, may  marry  either  a  Kubbi-bush-rat  or  a  Kubbi-bandicoot; 

1  Hodson,  The  Meitheis,  1908,  p.  73. 

2  Gordon,  The  Khasis,  1907,  p.  76;  and  Appendixes  A  and  B,  pp.  216-220. 

'  Rivers,  The  Todas,  pp.  506-507.  ■•  Hollis,  The  Natidi,  1909,  pp.  8-11. 

5  Routledge,  The  Akikuyu,  1910,  p.  20.  °  Swanton,  Jesup  Exped.,  vol.  v,  p.  67. 

Howitt,  N.  T.,  pp.  188-189. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  245 

an  Yibai-opossum  may  marry  either  a  Kubbitha-bush-rat  or  a  Kub- 
bitha  flying-squirrel,  ^  etc.  Other  deviations  from  the  common  phratry 
(class,  sub-class)  to  phratry  (class,  sub-class)  law  are  recorded 
among  the  Wonghibon,^  Kuinmurbura,^  Wakelbura;  ^  also  among 
the  Karamundi  and  Itchimundi.^ 

Further  research  is  needed  to  determine  conclusively  whether  How- 
itt  was  right  in  asserting  that  "the  restriction  in  marriage  to  one  or 
more  totems  is  certainly  later  in  origin  than  the  Dieri  rule."  ^  It  is  at 
least  probable  that  such  is  the  fact,  in  which  case  we  should  have  to 
class  these  AustraKan  tribes  with  the  other  tribes  of  other  continents, 
referred  to  before,  only  that  in  Austraha  the  restrictions  on  marriage, 
which  developed  in  addition  to  the  other  restrictions  more  charac- 
teristic of  that  continent,  had  also  time  to  become  relatively  fixed 
and  categorical. 

The  above  illustrations  come  from  regions  selected  at  random. 
Hence  we  may  safely  assume  that  a  more  extensive  application  of 
the  genealogical  method  than  has  hitherto  been  attempted  will  reveal 
the  fact  that  the  tendency  to  regulate  marriage  is  a  constant  and 
important  dynamic  factor  in  the  development  of  human  societies.' 

Some  Origins.  —  Thus  wherever  we  turn  we  find  tendencies  at 
work  which  regulate  marriage.  Nothing  short  of  an  historical  record 
can  enable  us  to  put  our  finger  on  the  cause  of  such  a  tendency  in  any 
particular  case,  but  the  variety  of  possible  causes  must  be  admitted 
to  be  well-nigh  infinite.  Here  and  there  a  tradition  furnishes  a  sug- 
gestion. The  Meitheis  saleis  Kumul  and  Luang  do  not  intermarry, 
because  "once  upon  a  time  a  Kumul  Wazir  saved  the  life  of  a  Luang 
who  had  been  sentenced  to  death."  ^  In  examining  the  genealogical 

^  Howitt,  N.  T.,  p.  209.  Howitt's  remark  with  reference  to  these  regulations  evinces 
considerable  naivete.  "A  statement  made  by  one  of  my  Wiradjuri  informants,"  he  writes, 
"is  worth  recording,  as  showing  that  all  the  restrictions  or  enlargements  of  privileges 
are  the  result  of  thought.  He  said  '  Kubbi-guro  (bush-rat)  and  Kubbi-butherung  (flying- 
squirrel)  can  each  marry  Yibatha-gurimul  (opossum),  because  they  are  very  near  to 
each  other  in  the  Kubbi-budjan'  (that  is,  sub-class)." 

^  Cameron,  quoted  by  Howitt,  N.  T.,  pp.  214-215. 

'  Flowers,  Ibid.,  p.  218.  *  Muirhead,  Ibid.,  p.  221. 

*  Howitt,  N.  T.,  pp.  189  and  194.  *  Ibid.,  p.  189. 

'  We  may  add  that  throughout  historic  times  and  up  to  the  present  day,  the  regulation 
of  marriage  has  been  the  reflection  as  well  as  the  instrument  of  group-formation.  The 
prerogatives  of  descent,  of  social  position,  of  faith,  of  occupation,  forever  tend  to  check 
intermarriage  beyond  the  limits  of  certain  racial,  religious,  social,  professional  groups. 
Opposite  tendencies  are  not  lacking :  witness  the  predilection  of  European  noblemen  for 
daughters  of  American  millionaires,  —  a  predilection  which  is  reciprocated.  Amidst  the 
complexities  of  our  civilization  these  tendencies  are  checked  by  innumerable  disturbing 
currents  and  counter-currents;  but  in  the  proper  time  and  place,  many  of  these  ten- 
dencies may,  and  as  a  matter  of  history  did,  produce  rigid  forms  of  social  organization 
backed  by  categorical  imperatives  against  the  marriage  within  or  without  certain  definite 
groups. 

'  Hodson,  The  Meitheis,  1908,  p.  73. 


246  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

records  of  the  Todas,  Rivers  did  not  find  a  single  case  of  marriage 
between  the  Panol  and  the  Kanodrsol  clans;  the  "  prohibition  is  said 
to  be  due  to  the  murder  of  Parden  by  Kwoten."  ^ 

Similarly,  the  clans  Piedr  and  Pedrkarsol  ceased  intermarrying  on 
account  of  a  quarrel  between  the  members  of  the  two  clans.  These 
accounts  are  traditional,  and  the  incidents  thus  hjpothesized  may 
in  the  particular  cases  be  pure  fiction;  there  is,  however,  nothing  in- 
herently impossible,  or  even  improbable,  in  these  native  theories. 
Two  historical  cases  are  worth  mentioning.  One  refers  to  the  develop- 
ment of  endogamy  in  a  tribe  of  British  Columbia,  —  the  Bella  Coola. 
Historical,  archaeological,  and  linguistic  evidence  leave  no  room  for 
doubt  that  these  people  originally  lived  among  the  Salish  of  the  coast, 
to  the  south  of  their  present  habitat  around  Dean  Inlet.  When 
they  migrated  northward,  they  came  under  the  influence  of  the  north- 
ern coast  tribes.  Thus  they  came  to  ascribe  vast  importance  to  their 
clan  traditions.  Something  had  to  be  done  to  prevent  other  villages 
from  acquiring  the  tradition,  which  would  then  lose  much  of  its 
value.  The  prohibition  of  marriage  outside  the  village  was  an  efficient 
means:  hence  endogamy  developed.  ''It  seems,  however,"  adds 
Boas,  "  that,  owing  to  the  influence  of  the  coast  tribes,  the  endogamic 
system  has  begun  to  give  way  to  an  exogamic  system.  Powerful  and 
wealthy  chiefs  marry  outside  of  their  own  village  community,  in  order 
to  secure  an  additional  clan  legend  through  marriage." "  The  other 
case  takes  us  once  more  back  to  the  Todas.  One  of  the  most  widely 
spread  forms  of  social  organization  in  primitive  communities  is  the 
division  of  a  tribe  into  two  exogamous  groups.  The  theories  most 
commonly  advanced  to  account  for  this  condition  h}'pothesize  either 
the  splitting  in  two  of  an  originally  "Undivided  Commune,"  or  the 
fusion  of  two  originally  independent  groups.  Now,  this  is  what  actu- 
ally occurred  in  the  Teivaliol  section  of  the  Todas :  the  people  of  the 
Kundr  clan,  owing  to  their  numerical  superiority,  could  follow  the 
exogamous  law  only  by  marrying  most  of  the  members  of  the  other 
clans,  "  leaving  very  few  to  intermarry  with  one  another."  During 
the  period  investigated  by  Rivers,  only  16  out  of  177  marriages 
belonged  to  the  latter  t}^e.  Thus  "  the  Teivahol  division  has  almost 
come  to  be  in  the  position  of  a  community  with  a  dual  marrying 
organization,  in  which  every  member  of  one  group  must  marry  a 
member  of  the  other  group."  ^ 

In  addition  to  the  causes  referred  to,  another  important  factor 
must  be  mentioned,  —  a  factor  which  is  ever  furthering  the  spread 
of  specific  types  of  organizations  which  regulate  marriage.    I  mean 

1  Rivers,  The  Todas,  p.  506.  ^  Boas,  Jesiip  Exped.,  vol.  i,  p.  116. 

^  Rivers,  The  Todas,  p.  507. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  •      247 

borrowing,  the  influence  exerted  by  one  tribe  on  another.  In  Aus- 
traha  the  vast  amount  of  borrowing  which  must  have  taken  place 
is  attested  to  by  the  spread  of  identical  class  and  phratry  organiza- 
tions over  tremendous  areas,  as  well  as  by  the  occurrence  of  similar 
or  identical  class  and  phratry  names  in  many  groups  of  tribes.  In 
North  America,  the  maternal  clan  organization,  with  its  exogamy, 
was  carried  by  the  coast  tribes  of  British  Columbia  to  the  tribes  of 
the  interior.^  In  India  the  exogamous  gotras  of  the  Brahman  castes 
become  adopted  by  tribes  originally  organized  on  a  different  basis, 
etc.^ 

The  Regulation  of  Marriage  and  of  Psychic  Intercourse. — 
Among  the  Gilyak,  grandfathers  and  grandmothers,^  fathers  and 
mothers,  agnatic  and  cognatic  uncles  and  aunts,  cannot  intermarry 
with  their  grandchildren,  children,  nephews,  and  nieces.  Brother  and 
sister  marriage  —  own  and  collateral  —  is  similarly  prohibited.  Of 
cousins,  sisters'  daughters  and  brothers'  sons  cannot  intermarry,  etc. 
Sisters'  sons  and  brothers'  daughters,  on  the  other  hand,  constitute 
the  class  of  rightful  "  husbands"  and  "  wives"  {pu  and  ahgej). 

In  the  class  of  people  who  do  not  stand  to  each  other  in  any  degree 
of  relationship,  any  man  may  have  sexual  intercourse  with,  or  marry, 
any  woman;  but  neither  course  of  action  involves  any  right.  The 
community  neither  opposes  nor  sanctions  such  intercourse  or  mar- 
riages, but  lets  the  man  and  the  woman  take  care  of  themselves  and 
of  their  possible  rivals.  Not  so  with  the  classes  of  pu  and  angej:  here 
the  right  to  sexual  intercourse  and  marriage  often  involves  positive 

*  See  p.  285. 

'^  Risley,  1903,  p.  177,  and  elsewhere. 

It  is  perhaps  worth  our  while  to  give  a  generalized  account  of  the  origin  of  exogamy  and 
endogamy.  Take  a  tribe,  or,  for  convenience,  two  tribes,  in  contact.  The  only  three  pos- 
sibilities in  the  line  of  marriage  relations  are  indifference  (the  two  tribes  marry  indiscrim- 
inately), exogamous  tendency  (each  tribe  tends  to  marry  into  the  other  rather  than  within 
itself) ,  or  endogamous  tendency  (each  tribe  tends  to  marry  within  its  own  limi  ts) .  Of  these 
alternatives,  the  first  need  not  be  seriously  considered.  It  cannot  last.  Sooner  or  later, 
some  one  of  the  innumerable  possible  causes  or  accidents  will  break  the  equilibrium,  and 
tip  the  scale  one  or  the  other  way.  The  institution  of  marriage  is  of  such  vast  economic 
and  social  importance,  that  any  tendency  —  exogamous  or  endogamous  —  thus  origi- 
nated is  bound  to  be  seized  upon.  The  tendency  grows  into  a  habit,  while  the  opposite 
course  becomes  exceptional.  Public  opinion  comes  into  play;  religious  sanction  super- 
venes. Thus  the  habit  becomes  an  imperative;  the  infringement,  a  prohibition.  Specific 
historical  conditions  may  at  any  given  place  and  time  foster,  retard,  or  check  processes 
like  the  one  suggested;  but  the  point  remains,  that  marital  tendencies  of  one  or  another 
sort  will  develop,  —  history  alone  can  answer  the  why  in  each  particular  instance,  —  and, 
once  there,  will  tend  to  assert  themselves.  It  is  easy  to  speculate  about  the  origin  of  ex- 
ogamy (or  endogamy)  on  general  sociological,  psychological,  or  physiological  grounds. 
Any  number  of  possible  developments  may  be  guessed  at,  and  in  a  given  case  several 
may  seem  plausible  or  even  probable;  but  in  the  absence  of  an  historic  backbone, 
the  interpretative  value  of  such  speculations  is  nil. 

'  These  terms  of  relationship  apply,  not  to  individuals,  but  to  groups. 


248  Joutnal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

obligations.  In  some  localities  no  man  or  woman  may  refuse  sexual 
intercourse  to  a  person  who  rightfully  demands  it.  More  commonly, 
the  widows  of  deceased  brothers  become  the  wives  of  surviving 
brothers  "  quite  independently  of  the  latter' s  sentiments  in  the  mat- 
ter." That  marriage  between  the  groups  pu  and  angej  is  not  merely 
appropriate,  but  imperative,  is  well  illustrated  in  a  tradition  recorded 
by  Sternberg.  A  young  Gilyak  is  mortally  wounded  in  a  fight  with  a 
mysterious  shaman,  and  retires  to  his  yurta.  While  on  his  death-bed 
he  realizes  that  he  belongs  to  a  gens  into  which  the  murderer  may 
marry,  and  that  his  daughter  is  the  murderer's  rightful  wife  (angej). 
Notwithstanding  the  curse  which  attaches  to  his  person,  the  murderer 
is  summoned;  and  in  his  presence  the  dying  Gilyak  declares,  "Al- 
though this  man  killed  me,  give  him  my  daughter!  Remember  my 
word!"  As  a  man  must  marry  one  of  his  ahgej,  care  is  taken  not  to 
leave  the  matter  to  chance,  and  marriages  are  often  agreed  upon  by 
the  parents  soon  after  the  births  of  the  future  couple.  At  the  age  of 
four  or  five,  the  bride  joins  the  family  of  her  bridegroom..  The  children 
grow  up  together,  calling  each  other  "  my  husband"  and  "  my  wife." 
When  sexual  maturity  is  reached,  they  become  de  facto  husband  and 
wife,  no  special  ceremony  being  required  to  sanction  this  last  act 
which  fixes  their  marital  union.  The  insignificant  part  played  by  the 
purchase-money  {kalym)  in  marriages  of  the  above  type  is  particu- 
larly interesting.  The  purchase-money  received  by  the  bride's  father 
or  brother  is,  as  a  rule,  a  very  important  factor  in  the  marriage  trans- 
action; but  in  marriages  of  the  above  t}^e,  the  purchase-money 
recedes  to  the  background.  If  not  quite  eliminated,  it  is  either  paid 
in  small  yearly  instalments,  or  is  put  off  for  decades  until  the  couple 
are  in  a  position  to  reimburse  themselves  by  means  of  the  purchase- 
money  received  for  their  own  female  progeny.  In  view  of  the  great 
economic  importance  of  the  purchase-money  in  the  Gilyak  house- 
hold, its  reduction  or  elimination,  in  case  of  child  marriages  of  pu  and 
angej,  becomes  particularly  significant.  Such  marriages  seem  to  con- 
stitute, in  the  eyes  of  the  Gilyak,  part  of  the  natural  order  of  things. 
There  is  among  the  Gilyak  of  to-day  no  prohibition  against  sexual 
intercourse  with  strangers,  although  a  number  of  customs  make  it 
probable  that  such  prohibitions  existed  in  the  past.  Sexual  intimacy 
between  persons  of  prohibited  degrees,  however,  continues  to  elicit 
public  condemnation,  and  rebukes  by  relatives,  accompanied  by 
expulsion  from  the  community.  Suicide  of  the  culprit,  rather  enhanced 
than  discouraged  by  relatives,  is  of  common  occurrence.^ 

*  Among  most  Australian  tribes,  group  resentment  against  incestuous  marriages, 
whether  determined  by  phratry  and  class  or  relationship,  manifests  itself  in  much  more 
extreme  and  violent  forms.  Some  examples  may  not  be  amiss.  "If  a  man  among  the 
Kamilaroi  took  a  woman  to  wife  contrary  to  tribal  laws,  her  kindred  would  complain 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  249 

Now,  on  a  par  with  these  positive  and  negative  regulations  of  mar- 
riage, there  exist,  among  the  Gilyak,  certain  other  regulations  of  what 
Sternberg  calls  "psychic  intercourse."  Interdicts  of  psychic  inter- 
course refer,  on  the  one  hand,  to  those  individuals  between  whom 
outbursts  of  jealousy  are  most  likely  to  occur,  and,  on  the  other  hand, 
to  the  groups  of  persons  who  may  not  intermarry.  To  the  former 
category  belong  all  the  wives  of  an  individual  husband,  the  wives 
of  "brothers"  (whether  they  are  real  "sisters"  or  not),  and  the  men 
married  to  "sisters"  (whether  they  are  real  "brothers"  or  not).  Be- 
tween all  these  persons,  occasions  for  jealousy  constantly  arise;  hence 

to  the  local  division  to  which  he  belonged,  and  they  were  bound  to  take  the  matter  up. 
If  they  did  not  do  this,  a  fight  would  be  sure  to  ensue  between  members  of  the  two  sub- 
classes concerned.  In  some  cases,  however,  if  a  man  persisted  in  keeping  a  woman  as  his 
wife  who  was  of  one  of  the  sub-classes  with  which  his  sub-class  could  not  marry,  he  was 
driven  out  of  the  company  of  his  friends.  If  that  did  not  induce  him  to  leave  the  woman, 
his  male  kindred  followed  him  and  killed  him.  The  female  kindred  of  the  woman  also 
killed  her"  (Doyle,  cited  by  Howitt,  N.  T.,  p.  208).  In  the  Wakelbura  tribe,  if  a  man 
ran  away  with  a  woman  who  ought  properly  to  have  married  a  man  of  another  totem, 
"his  own  and  tribal  brothers  would  be  against  him,  as  well  as  the  brothers,  own  and 
tribal,  of  the  woman,  and  those  also  of  the  promised  husband."  He  would  have  to  fight 
all  of  them,  as  well  as  the  promised  husband.  If  the  latter  was  a  strong  fighting  man, 
he  would  follow  the  offender  to  his  camp.  "The  mother  of  the  woman  would  cut  and 
perhaps  kill  her;  and  the  man's  own  brothers  would  challenge  him  to  fight  them  by 
throwing  boomerangs  and  other  weapons  about  him."  If  he  refused  to  fight,  they  turned 
on  the  woman,  who  would  then  be  crippled  or  killed.  Then  the  promised  husband  would 
fight  the  offender,  who,  "in  such  a  fight,  would  be  sure  to  come  off  worst;  for,  even  if  he 
proved  to  be  a  better  man  than  his  antagonist,  the  brothers  of  the  latter,  or  even  his 
own  brothers,  would  attack  him,  and  he  would  be  probably  gashed  with  their  knives, 
since  his  own  brothers  would  not  mind  if  they  killed  him,  for  under  such  circumstances 
his  death  would  not  be  avenged"  (Howitt,  N.  T.,  pp.  222-223). 

In  one  case  related  by  Howitt,  an  old  man  of  the  Kulin  tribe  "had  a  grown-up  son, 
and  a  girl  lived  with  them  who  was  in  the  relation  of  daughter  to  the  old  man,  and 
therefore  in  the  relation  of  sister  to  his  son.  The  man's  friends  told  him  to  get  the  girl 
married,  because  it  was  not  right  to  have  her  living  single  in  the  camp  with  his  son.  He 
did  not  do  this,  and  his  son  took  the  girl.  Then  the  old  man  was  very  angry,  and  said, 
"'I  am  ashamed;  everyone  will  hear  of  this;  why  have  you  done  this  thing  ?  I  have  done 
with  you  altogether!'  Then  he  speared  his  son,  who  died  soon  after"  (Howitt,  iV.  T., 
pp.  255-256).  The  resentment  and  the  punishment  inflicted  are  milder  when  the  cul- 
prits do  not  belong  to  prohibited  groups.  If  a  Wot  jo  man  ran  away  with  a  girl  who  was 
promised  to  another  man,  "all  the  girl's  male  kindred,  both  paternal  and  maternal, 
followed  the  couple  and  if  they  found  them  brought  them  back  with  them.  The  man 
had  then  to  stand  out  and  fight  her  male  kindred.  If  skilful,  he  probably  remained 
uninjured.  The  girl,  when  brought  back,  was  beaten  by  her  father  and  brothers,  as  also 
by  her  mother  and  sisters,  against  all  of  whom  she  defended  herself  as  best  she  could 
with  a  digging-stick.  After  that  ordeal,  the  man  was  permitted  to  keep  her,  but  he  had 
to  find  a  sister  to  give  in  exchange  for  her."  If,  on  the  other  hand,  a  man  ran  away  with 
a  girl  whom  he  could  not  rightfully  marry,  relates  Howitt,  "all  the  men  of  both  of  the 
class  names  would  pursue  him,  and  if  he  were  caught  they  would  kill  and  bury  him. 
My  Wotjobaluk  informants  said  that  this  was  always  done  in  the  old  times  before  white 
men  came,  but  that  they  did  not  do  as  their  western  neighbors  did,  namely,  eat  him. 
It  was  the  duty  of  the  woman's  father  and  brothers,  in  such  a  case,  to  kill  her"  (Howitt 
N.  T.,  pp.  246-247). 


2^0  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

the  interdict  of  psychic  intercourse  applies  to  them  in  all  its  strin- 
gency; no  familiarity  is  tolerated,  nor  are  they  permitted  to  speak  to 
each  other.  Only  in  case  of  necessity  may  an  address  in  the  third 
person  or  a  brief  business  talk  be  permitted.  To  the  second  category 
belong,  in  the  first  place,  all  tuvn,  brothers  and  sisters,  own  and  col- 
lateral. "Brothers"  and  "sisters"  may  not  even  look  at  each  other.^ 
The  interdict  is  as  strict  with  reference  to  all  the  women  of  one's  own 
gens,  while  the  interdict  between  tuvn  extends  even  beyond  the  limits 
of  the  gens,  for  instance,  to  children  of  sisters  who  married  men  belong- 
ing to  different  gentes.  Curiously  enough,  there  is  no  interdict  be- 
tween "mothers"  and  "sons."  Sternberg  suggests  that  the  terms  of 
relationship  acquired  in  childhood  are  a  sufficient  guaranty  of  sexual 
indifference  between  these  persons.  There  is  somewhat  less  freedom 
between  "fathers"  and  "daughters;"  conversation  and  quarrelUng 
is  permitted,  but  no  famiharity.  There  is  no  interdict  between  a  man 
and  his  mother-in-law,  while  the  relations  of  a  woman  with  her  father- 
in-law  are  restricted  to  a  greater  or  less  extent  in  the  various  locali- 
ties.^  The  positive  regulations  of  marriage  are  similarly  reflected  in  the 
rules  of  psychic  intercourse.  While  the  "husbands"  {pu)  and  the 
"wives"  iangej),  among  themselves,  stand  under  the  ban  of  strict 
interdicts,  the  relations  between  the  pu  and  the  ahgej  are  of  the  freest: 
they  are  natural  playmates  and  companions.  Young  men  unite  in 
groups,  and  spend  entire  months  in  the  gentes  of  their  "fathers-in- 
law"  (axmalk),  in  the  company  of  their  ahgej.  The  relations  between 
brothers-in-law  are  characterized  by  the  same  freedom  and  cordial- 
ity. None  of  these  groups,  however,  are  as  striking  for  the  friendli- 
ness and  famiharity  of  their  relations  as  are  the  groups  of  "fathers-in- 
law"  {axmalk)  and  "sons-in-law"  (ymgi).  The  "son-in-law"  is  an 
ever- welcome  guest;  the  best  in  the  house  is  put  before  him;  he  partici- 
pates in  his  host's  hunting,  and  carries  away  with  him  a  large  share 
of  the  booty;  at  ceremonies  one  of  the  honorable  functions  is  assigned 

1  The  prohibition  of  sexual  intercourse  between  brothers  and  sisters  —  a  prohibition 
of  which  the  above  psychic  interdict  is  a  reflection  —  is  extended  by  the  Gilyak  beyond 
the  human  species:  if  a  dog  is  caught  in  the  incestuous  act,  an  expiatory  sacrifice  of  the 
culprit  is  required  by  custom. 

A  custom  recorded  among  the  natives  of  New  Britain  may  serve  as  an  extreme  illustra- 
tion of  the  "horror  of  incest."  Among  these  people,  "if  twins  are  born,  and  they  are  boy 
and  girl,  they  are  put  to  death,  because,  being  of  the  same  class,  and  being  of  opposite  sexes, 
they  were  supposed  to  have  had  in  the  womb  a  closeness  of  connection  which  amounted 
to  a  violation  of  their  marital  class  law"  (Danks,  /.  A.  I.,  vol.  xviii  [1889],  p.  292).  This 
instinct  is  one  of  the  puzzles  of  ethnology.  Its  origin  we  know  not.  As  we  find  it  to-day, 
it  is  completely  divorced  from  any  direct  relation  to  actual  nearness  of  blood,  but  attaches 
itself  to  groups  of  most  varying  composition.  In  any  individual  case,  marriage  regula- 
tions, of  whatever  specific  origin,  cannot  be  properly  understood  without  due  regard  to 
this  powerful  sentiment  which  constitutes  their  emotional  backing. 

"^  In  Sternberg's  opinion,  this  may  be  due  to  the  fact  that  a  woman,  among  the  Gilyak, 
lives  with  her  husband's  parents,  while  a  man  sees  but  little  of  his  mother-in-law. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  251 

to  him;  in  times  of  need  he  may  join  his  father-in-law,  accompanied 
by  his  entire  family,  and  for  months  live  at  the  former's  house  and  at 
his  expense. 

The  above  conditions,  as  found  among  the  Gilyak,  illustrate  with 
great  clearness  the  close  correlation  between  the  positive  and  negative 
regulations  of  marriage  to  which  we  have  repeatedly  referred;  they 
also  illustrate  the  unmistakable  correspondence  between  the  regula- 
tions of  marriage,  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  rules  of  psychic  inter- 
course, on  the  other.  ^ 

Totemic  Names 

The  totemic  group  does  not  always  bear  the  name  of  its  totem. 
British  Columbia  furnished  some  instances.  Further  examples  from 
North  America  may  now  be  adduced. 

Among  the  Omaha,  the  name  of  the  Elk  gensis  Weji°cte.  The  mean- 
ing of  this  word  is  forgotten,  but  it  does  not  seem  to  have  any  relation 
to  the  elk. 2  The  Black-Shoulder  gens  (the  Inke-sabe)  has  the  buffalo 
as  its  totem,  but  its  name  is  not  derived  from  that  animal.'  Nor  are 
the  names  of  the  three  sub-gentes  of  this  gens  derived  from  their 
totem;  the  name  WaSigije,  for  instance,  is  derived  from  the  "  hooped 
rope"  with  which  one  of  the  native  games  is  played.^  Another  of  the 
Omaha  Buffalo  gentes  bears  the  name  Hanga  ("foremost,"  "ances- 
tral"). Among  the  Kansas  and  Osages  the  same  name  applies  to 
gentes  with  other  totems.  The  two  sub-gentes  of  the  Omaha  Hanga 
bear  two  names  each,  —  one  referring  to  their  taboos,  the  other  to 
their  ceremonial  functions.^  One  of  the  sub-gentes  of  the  Catada 
gens  bears  the  name  "Those-who-do-not- touch- the-Skin-of-a-Black- 
Bear;"  another  sub-gens  is  called  "  Those-who-do-not-eat-(Small)- 
Birds;"^  etc.  The  Ma"Sinka-gaxe  is  a  wolf  gens.  "The  members  of 
this  gens  call  themselves  the  Wolf  (and  Prairie  wolf)  People,"  but 
their  name  means  "the  earth-lodge  makers."  ^  The  Ictasanda  are  the 
reptile  people.  The  meaning  of  the  nam_e  is  uncertain,  but  it  may  be 
"gray  eyes."^ 

1  The  facts  with  reference  to  the  Gilyak  are  derived  from  Sternberg  (MS.)-  In  works 
dealing  with  marriage  regulations  we  generally  find  much  care  bestowed  on  the  elucida- 
tion of  restrictions  and  interdicts,  while  positive  regulations  are  comparatively  neglected. 
The  latter,  however,  are  no  less  important  than  the  former;  and  a  survey  of  the  two  sets 
of  regulations  is  indispensable  for  a  clear  understanding  of  the  marital  situation  in  any 
given  community.  The  regulations  of  psychic  intercourse,  which  only  too  often  have 
prompted  speculations  along  mystic  lines,  are  most  intimately  correlated  with  the  two 
sets  of  matrimonial  regulations:  so  the  latter  must  ever  be  kept  in  mind,  if  we  want  to 
grasp  the  full  bearing  of  the  former.  It  is  safe  to  predict  that  a  study  of  these  phenomena 
in  their  natural  relation,  as  revealed  by  the  facts,  will  prove  fruitful  of  results. 

^  Dorsey,  3d  B.  E.  R.,  p.  225.  ^  Ibid.,  pp.  228,  229. 

*  Ibid.,  pp.  230,  231.  ^  Ibid.,  p.  235. 
"  Ibid.,  pp.  236-238.  '  Ibid.,  p.  242. 

*  Ibid.,  p.  248. 

VOL.  xxni.  —  NO.  88.  1 7 


252  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

The  Bahima,  a  Bantu  tribe  of  the  Uganda  Protectorate,  comprise 
fourteen  totemic  clans.  One  of  the  totems  is  a  monkey  (it  is  monopo- 
lized by  the  princes);  eleven  are  different  varieties  of  cows;  one  is 
"  twins;"  and  one,  the  human  breast.  Descent  is  paternal.  The  names 
of  these  exogamous  clans  are  not  derived  from  their  totems.^  The 
Nandi  clans  do  not  (with  some  exceptions)  derive  their  names  from 
their  totems.^  The  Kiziba,  on  the  western  shore  of  Lake  Victoria 
Nyanza,  comprise,  besides  the  King's  family,  twenty-seven  famihes 
or  clans,  with  paternal  descent.  The  clans  are  exogamous,  and  each 
has  its  totem  (muziro).  "Cross"  totems  are  conspicuous,  such  as 
"the  heart  of  all  animals,"  "the  intestines  of  all  animals,"  etc.  The 
clans  do  not  bear  the  names  of  their  totems.^  The  tribes  occupying 
the  region  between  the  Upper  Congo  and  the  Upper  Nile,  such  as  the 
Bangba,  Azande,  Abarambo,  etc.,  are  divided  into  exogamous  clans 
with  paternal  descent.  The  clans  have  their  totem  animals  or  plants, 
the  killing  and  eating  of  which  is  generally  prohibited.  The  names  of 
the  clans  are  not  those  of  their  totems.^ 

The  Bhils  of  Barwani  are  divided  into  forty-one  exogamous  septs, 
with  their  totems  and  taboos.  Not  all  of  the  totems  are  eponymous. 
Here  "  septs  with  different  names,  but  whose  object  of  special  worship 
is  the  same,  cannot  intermarry."^ 

On  Kiriwina  Island  (Trobriand  group)  each  of  the  four  exogamous 
divisions  has  four  totems  differing  in  rank.  The  divisions  trace  their 
descent  from  the  bird-totem,  which  ranks  highest,  but  they  do  not 
take  the  name  of  any  of  the  totems.^  The  two  classes  of  the  New 
Britain  group  claim  two  insects  as  their  totems,  but  bear  the  names  of 
two  mythological  ancestors  who  are  believed  to  have  descended  from 
the  totems.^ 

The  above  instances  notwithstanding,  eponymous  totems  must  be 
considered  one  of  the  most  constant  features  of  totemic  groups, 
particularly  of  those  with  maternal  descent.  One  factor,  however, 
tends  undoubtedly  to  exaggerate,  in  the  eyes  of  investigators,  the 
importance  of  totemic  names.  I  mean  the  great  vitality  of  names. 
Special  attitudes  and  beliefs  will  disappear  or  become  modified  beyond 
recognition;  even  taboos,  which  furnish  plentiful  "survivals,"  are 
very  unrehable  for  purposes  of  reconstruction.  Names,  on  the  other 
hand,  whether  of  families,  of  clans,  or  of  wider  groups,  cling  to  these 
units  with  remarkable  tenacity.    We  admit  the  common  prevalence 

'  Roscoe,  /.  A.  I.,  vol.  xxxvii  (1907),  p.  99. 

2  Hollis,  The  Nandi,  1909,  p.  5;  and  Appendix  II,  p.  317. 

^  Rehse,  Kiziba,  1910,  pp.  4-7. 

*  Czekanowski,  Z.f.  E.,  1909,  p.  598. 
^  Risley,  1903,  p.  162. 

*  Rivers,  /.  A.  I.,  vol.  xxxix  (1909),  P-  i79- 
'  Danks,  /.  A.  I.,  vol.  xviii  (1889),  p.  281. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  253 

of  totemic  names  wherever  totemic  phenomena  exist,  as  well  as  the 
numerous  cases  where,  in  the  absence  of  other  features,  only  the  names 
are  extant;  while  the  reverse  is  of  rare  occurrence.  But  we  must  also 
remember  that  these  facts  may,  at  least  in  part,  be  due  to  the  greater 
tenacity  of  names.  Who  knows  how  many  totemic  communities 
without  totemic  names  may  have  existed  and  vanished,  leaving  noth- 
ing for  the  ethnologist  to  build  upon  ? 

Descent  from  the  Totem 

We  found  that  among  the  tribes  of  British  Columbia  the  concept 
of  descent  from  the  totem  did  not  develop.  Among  American  tribes, 
the  Iroquois  also  did  not  trace  their  descent  from  the  eponymous 
animals. 

The  totems  {muziro)  of  the  Kiziba  stood  in  intimate  relation  to  the 
system  of  taboos,  but  they  were  not  the  ancestors  of  the  clansmen. 
The  reason  given  by  the  natives  for  having  a  particular  animal  or 
plant  for  their  totem  was  that  the  latter  had  either  benefited  them  in 
the  past  or  had  done  them  some  harm.  ^  The  Baganda  are  divided  into 
clans  with  totems  and  animal  names.  The  natives  do  not  trace  their 
descent  from  those  totems.  ''  The  only  origin  they  have  of  the  totems," 
says  Roscoe,  "is  that  one  of  their  forefathers  partook  of  that  animal 
or  bird,  etc.,  and  fell  ill;  and  from  that  time  it  was  looked  upon  as 
injurious  to  them,  and  they  took  it  as  their  totem."^  The  same  is 
true  of  the  Bahima.^ 

The  Bamangwato  tribe  of  the  Becwana  account  for  having  the 
duyker  as  their  totem  by  the  following  tradition :  — 

"The  original  ancestor  of  the  Bamangwato  tribe,  Nwato  by  name 
(Nwato  means  the  undercut  of  a  sirloin  of  beef),  was  once  hard-pressed 
by  his  foes.  In  his  extremity  he  hid  in  a  thicket.  His  pursuers  had  seen 
him  but  a  little  while  before,  and  as  he  was  now  nowhere  to  be  seen,  they 
surmised  that  he  must  be  in  hiding;  and  they  approached  the  very  thicket, 
intending  to  examine  it.  lust  as  they  approached,  however,  a  duyker 
sprang  out  and  bounded  away.  Upon  this,  one  of  them  remarked  that  a 
man  and  a  duyker  could  not  hide  in  the  same  thicket,  and  the  party  went 
on.   Henceforth,  says  the  story,  the  chief  took  the  duyker  for  his  totem." 

A  section  of  the  Bahurutshe,  whose  totems  are  the  eland  and  the 
hartebeest,  claim  the  baboon  as  their  totem.  They  have  this  tradition: 

"A  certain  chief  of  the  Bahurutshe  tribe  captured  a  young  baboon  and 
tamed  it.  One  day  his  son  loosed  the  baboon  to  play  with  it,  and  allowed 
it  to  escape.  There  had  already  been  much  friction  between  the  son  and  the 
father,  and  this  was  the  climax.  The  father  gave  the  son  a  sound  thrashing. 

1  Rehse,  Kiziba,  1910,  p.  7.  ^  Roscoe,  J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xxxi  (1901),  pp.  118-119. 

^  Ibid.,  vol.  xxxvii  (1907),  p.  99. 


254  Journal  oj  American  Folk-Lore 

The  son  promptly  retaliated  by  seceding,  and  calling  upon  his  followers  to 
follow  him.  They  formed  a  township  of  their  own  and  adopted  the  baboon 
as  their  totem." 

Another  section  of  the  Bahurutshe  have,  besides  the  tribal  totem, 
the  wild  boar  as  their  subsidiary  totem,  for  the  following  reason:  — 

"The  chief,  Makgane,  was  childless;  and  almost  despairing  of  a  son,  he 
called  in  a  celebrated  doctor  from  a  neighboring  tribe  and  asked  him  to 
cure  his  wife  of  her  childlessness.  The  doctor  venerated  the  wild  boar. 
And  having  administered  his  medicines,  he  assured  the  chief  that  a  son 
would  be  born,  and  ordered  that  the  son  and  all  his  descendants  should 
venerate  the  wild  boar.  The  son  was  born,  and  the  subsidiary  totem  was 
taken." ' 

Some  of  the  minor  subdivisions  (machongs)  of  the  Garos  had  their 
animal  totems,  to  which,  however,  they  showed  no  respect  whatever. 
A  number  of  their  family  traditions  are  recorded  by  Playfair.  Thus 
the  Rangsam  family  of  the  Marak  clan  recount  that  a  bear  once  sold 
a  basket  of  food  to  a  Marak  girl,  who  married  him.  The  girl's  family 
killed  the  bear.  Her  issue  have  the  bear  for  their  totem,  and  are  called 
"  children  of  the  bear."  According  to  the  tradition  of  a  family  of  the 
Momin  clan,  "  a  little  girl  was  shut  up  naked  in  a  shed  by  her  mother 
because  she  was  naughty.  Being  ashamed  of  her  nakedness,  she  asked 
some  children  who  were  playing  near  by  to  give  her  some  feathers, 
fire,  and  wax.  By  means  of  hot  wax,  she  stuck  the  feathers  all  over 
her  body,  and,  turning  into  a  dove,  was  able  to  fly  out.  This  girl 
became  the  founder  of  the  dove  family,"  ^  The  people  of  Buin 
(Bougainville  Island,  Salomon  group)  are  divided  into  exogamous 
classes,  which  have  birds  as  their  totems.  These  totems  are  not 
the  ancestors  of  the  totemites,  although  the  latter  believe  them- 
selves to  be  in  some  way  related  to  the  former.  Thus  the  fish- 
hawk  totemites  say  that  the  child  of  a  woman  became  transformed 
into  a  fish-hawk.  The  parrot  people  claim  that  a  parrot-child  was 
born  from  a  human  mother  and  a  parrot  father,  etc.^ 

These  few  examples  will  sufiice  to  show  that  the  totem  is  not 
always  conceived  as  the  ancestor. 

Taboo 

Taboo  and  the  other  "  Symptoms."  —  A  most  superficial  survey 
of  prohibitions  against  the  killing  and  eating  of  animals  would  sufiice  to 
reveal  the  fact  that  these  prohibitions  embrace  a  much  wider  range  of 
phenomena  than  those  included  in  totemism.  Wherever  we  turn,  we 
find  prohibitions  of  killing  and  eating,  referring  to  pregnant  women, 

^  Willoughby,  /.  A.  I.,  vol.  xxxv  (1905),  pp.  3cx3-30i. 

*  Playfair,  The  Garos,  1909,  p.  65.  *  Thurnwald,  Z.f.  E.,  1910,  p.  124. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  255 

to  their  husbands,  to  menstruating  girls,  to  widows  and  widowers,  to 
youths  before  initiation,  etc.  The  distribution  of  these  customs  is  so 
general,  that  we  may  dispense  with  concrete  illustrations. 

The  prohibition  to  kill  and  eat  the  personal  guardian  animal  is  of 
common  occurrence.  It  apphes  to  the  manitou  of  the  North  Ameri- 
can Indian,  to  the  spirit-protector  of  the  Banks  Islands  native,  to  the 
Euahlayi  yunheai.^ 

In  other  cases  there  is  no  such  prohibition  attached  to  the  personal 
guardian.  The  supernatural  protector  {sulia)  of  the  Salish  tribes  fur- 
nishes one  instance.  Among  these  people,  those  who  had  as  their  pro- 
tectors one  or  more  of  the  animals  hunted  for  food  were  always 
successful  hunters  of  those  animals.  The  man,  for  instance,  who  had 
a  deer  as  protector  could  always  find  and  kill  plenty  of  deer;  and  it 
was  the  same  with  respect  to  the  other  animals,  birds,  and  fish.^  The 
cause  of  this  phenomenon  probably  lies  in  the  spiritual  character  of 
this  belief.  The^w/^'aisa  "  mystery  being  "or  a  "  spirit."  It  may  take 
the  form  of  a  deer,  a  bear,  or  any  other  animal;  but  it  could  not  be 
hurt  or  killed,  even  if  the  animal  were  slain.' 

In  many  instances  the  taboo  in  totemic  communities  reaches  beyond 
the  limits  of  a  single  totemic  group.  We  had  occasion  to  refer  to  the 
wild-cat  {achilpa)  taboo,  which  extends  to  all  the  members  of  the 
Aranda  tribe, ^  as  well  as  to  that  of  the  brown  hawk,  which  cannot,  in 
addition,  be  eaten  by  a  number  of  other  tribes.^  On  Tikopia  Island  the 
octopus,  particularly  sacred  to  the  Kavika  division,  is  also  taboo  to 
the  entire  island.  Of  the  four  totems  of  the  Tafua  division,  two  — 
the  fl3dng-fox  and  the  turtle  —  cannot  be  eaten  by  either  the  Tafua 
or  any  of  the  other  divisions.  The  same  is  true  of  the  stingray.®  On 
the  Reif  Islands  several  animals  are  taboo  to  the  whole  people.^  Elab- 
orate food  taboos  may  be  associated  with  definite  social  units,  which, 
however,  need  not  be  totemic  communities.  The  Indian  castes  are  a 
case  in  point:  the  multitudinous  food-regulations  intimately  associ- 
ated with  the  legion  castes  and  sub-castes  of  India  are  as  strict  as  they 
are  extravagant.^ 

We  must  also  note  that  hand  in  hand  with  restrictive  taboos  there 
exist  in  many  tribes  numerous  positive  regulations  referring  to  the 
killing  and  eating  of  animals.  Howitt  ascertained  among  the  Kurnai 
that  when  a  wombat  is  killed,  it  is  first  cooked,  then  cut  open  and 
skinned.  "  The  skin  is  cut  into  strips  and  divided  with  parts  of  the  ani- 
mal thus :  —  The  head  to  the  person  who  killed  the  animal.  His  father 

^  Parker,  The  Euahlayi,  p.  21.  ^  Hill-Tout,  /.  A.  I.,  vol.  xxxiv  (1904),  p.  324. 

'  Ibid.,  p.  325.  ■*  Spencer  and  Gillen,  i,  pp.  167-168. 

^  Ibid.,  ii,  p.  612.  "  Rivers,  /.  A.  I.,  vol.  xxxix  (1909),  p.  i6i. 

'  Ibid.,  p.  164. 

'  See  Risley,  1903,  pp.  84,  125,  186-187  «^  ^^2- 


256  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

the  right  rib;  mother  the  left  ribs  and  the  backbone,  which,  with  some 
of  the  skin,  she  gives  to  her  parents.  Her  husband's  parents  receive 
some  of  the  skin.  The  elder  brother  gets  the  right  shoulder,  the 
younger  the  left.  The  elder  sister  the  right  hind  leg,  the  younger  the  left 
hind  leg,  and  the  rump  and  liver  are  sent  to  the  young  men's  camp."^ 
A  similar  set  of  regulations  apply  to  the  preparation  and  apportion- 
ment of  a  native  bear,  the  euro,  the  lace-lizard,  etc.  The  various  hunt- 
ing-regulations which  belong  to  the  most  widely  spread  ethnic  features 
must  be  classed  with  this  category  of  phenomena;  and,  as  in  the  case 
of  marriage  regulations,  the  conduct  which  is  forbidden  must  be  stud- 
ied in  conjunction  with  the  conduct  which  is  prescribed,  if  we  want  to 
see  the  facts  in  their  proper  perspective. 

When  viewed  from  a  still  broader  standpoint,  the  natural  affiliations 
of  the  prohibitions  against  the  killing  and  eating  of  animals  are  seen  to 
lie  with  the  other  prohibitions  restricting  conduct.  Van  Gennep  thus 
summarizes  the  function  of  taboo  (fady)  in  Madagascar:  "Le  tabou 
est  un  des  elements  fondamentaux  de  la  vie  sociale  et  individuelle  des 
habitants  de  Madagascar;  il  regie  I'existence  quotidienne  du  roturier, 
du  noble,  du  chef,  de  la  famille,  de  la  tribue  meme;  il  decide  souvent 
de  la  parente  et  du  genre  de  vie  de  I'enfant  qui  vient  de  naitre;  il 
eleve  des  barrieres  entre  les  jeunes  gens  et  limite  ou  necessite  I'exten- 
sion  territoriale  de  la  famille;  il  regie  la  maniere  de  travailler  et  repartit 
strictement  I'ouvrage,  il  dicte  meme  le  menu;  il  isole  le  malade, 
ecarte  les  vivants  du  mort;  il  conserve  au  chef  sa  puissance  et  au  pro- 
prietaire  son  bien;  il  assure  le  culte  des  grands  fetiches,  la  perpetuite 
de  forme  des  actes  rituels,  I'efficacite  du  remede  et  de  I'amulette."^ 
The  eating  and  killing  restrictions,  which  are  numerous,  simply  fall  in 
with  the  rest  of  that  elaborate  system  of  reglamentations  sanctioned  by 
the  community.  But  what  is  true  of  taboo  in  Madagascar  or  in  Poly- 
nesia, where  this  institution  actually  holds  the  community  in  its 
clutches,  applies  in  a  vague  form  to  taboo  in  general.  Being  on  its  emo- 
tional side  allied  to  the  concepts  of  holy,  sacred,  powerful,  for  good  or 
evil,  hence  beneficent  or  dangerous,^  it  is  on  its  social  side  a  system  of 
regulation  of  conduct,  with  human  or  supernatural  sanction. 

While  taboo  extends  far  beyond  its  functions  in  totemic  communi- 
ties, the  totem  is  by  no  means  always  an  object  to  be  abstained  from. 
In  tribes  like  the  Iroquois,  where  the  totem  is  nothing  but  a  name,  no 
prohibitions  are  attached  to  the  living  representatives  of  the  epon}TTi. 
We  hear  little  of  totemic  taboos  in  India.    Howitt  found  no  totemic 

1  Howitt,  N.  T.,  p.  759.  2  Van  Gennep,  T.  T.  M.,  p.  12. 

^  Compare  Marillier,  "Tabou  "  (in  La  Grande  Encydopcdie,  vol.  xxx,  p.  848) :  "II  [the 
Polynesian  taboo]  designe  les  etres,  les  objets,  les  mots  et  les  actes  sacres  et  s'oppose  au 
mot  de  noa,  qui  s'applique  a  tout  ce  qui  peut  servir  aux  usages  ordinaires  ou  communs, 
a  tout  ce  qui  peut  etre  touche,  regarde,  fait  ou  dit  librement."  Hence  he  allies  taboo  with 
wakan. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  257 

taboos  in  Victoria.^   Among  the  Euahlayi,  who  will  not  harm  or  eat 
their  yunheai,  the  totem  animal  can  be  freely  killed  and  eaten. ^ 

Historical  and  Psychological  Complexity  of  Taboo.  —  Among 
the  Omaha  we  find  a  set  of  curiously  artificial  taboos.  The  Eagle  peo- 
ple are  not  allowed  to  touch  a  buffalo-head.^  A  sub-gens  with  a  name 
meaning  "to  carry  a  turtle  on  one's  back"  are  allowed  to  touch  or 
carry  a  turtle,  but  not  to  eat  it.  In  the  Buffalo-Tail  gens,  "the  keepers 
of  the  pipe  "do  not  eat  the  lowest  buffalo-rib,  while  "  the  keepers  of  the 
sweet  medicine  "  may  not  touch  any  calves.^  The  Wind  people  cannot 
touch  verdigris,  etc.^  These  taboos  of  the  Omaha  cannot  be  directly 
deduced  from  the  attitude  of  the  Indians  toward  their  totems,  nor 
would  it  be  plausible  to  suppose  that  all  of  these  fanciful  prohibitions 
had  a  uniform  origin.  If  the  history  of  these  and  similar  taboos  were 
revealed,  we  should  probably  find  a  variety  of  incidents  leading  to 
specific  prohibitions  that  became  stereotyped. 

Of  the  many  taboos  of  the  Eskimo,  one  set  is  of  especial  interest. 
Among  the  Ponds  Bay  people,  "at  the  place  where  her  [Sedna's]  tent 
stood,  no  one  is  allowed  to  burn  heather,  and  no  caribou-skin  must  be 
worked  on  this  place  during  the  winter;  otherwise  her  husband,  the 
dog,  would  be  heard  howling,  and  she  would  punish  the  offenders." 
At  Itidlig  "the  people  are  allowed  to  work  on  caribou-skins  until  a 
whale,  a  narwhal,  a  white  whale,  or  a  ground-seal  has  been  killed. 
After  one  of  these  animals  has  been  killed,  they  must  stop  work  on 
caribou-skins  for  three  nights."  ^  After  a  successful  whaling  season,  all 
clothing  is  discarded  near  the  shore,  so  that  in  the  deer-hunting  season 
the  deer  may  not  be  offended.^  After  the  new  caribou-skin  clothing 
has  been  made  for  the  winter,  and  when  the  men  are  ready  to  go  seal- 
ing for  the  first  time,  the  whole  of  their  clothing  and  hunting-imple- 
ments are  hung  over  a  smudge  made  of  dry  seaweed.  It  is  supposed 
that  the  smoke  takes  away  the  smell  of  the  caribou,  which  would  of- 
fend the  sea-mammals.'*  It  is  believed  that  caribou  are  not  as  plentiful 
as  formerly,  because  the  Eskimo,  during  the  caribou-hunting  season, 
work  on  wood  brought  into  the  country  by  the  whalers. **  Throughout 
these  customs  we  observe  the  antagonism  between  the  deer  on  the  one 
hand  and  the  sea-mammals  on  the  other.  A  plausible  origin  of  these 
practices  may  be  guessed  at.  The  sea-mammals  and  the  deer  are  hunted 
at  different  seasons:  hence  it  became  habitual  to  dissociate  the  two  sets 
of  pursuits.  The  mental  attitude  thus  established  gave  rise  to  the  be- 
lief that  any  association  between  the  sea-mammals  and  the  deer,  or 

1  Howitt,  N.  T.,  p.  145.  ^  Parker,  The  Euahlayi,  p.  21. 

'  Dorsey,  ^d  B.  E.  R.,  p.  240.  *  Ibid.,  p.  244. 

*  Ibid.,  p.  241. 

'  Boas,  Bull.  A.  M.  N.  H.,  vol.  xv,  Part  II  (1907),  P-  493- 
'  Ibid.,  p.  500.  *  Ibid.,  p.  502. 

*  Ibid.,  p.  503. 


258  Journal  0}  American  Folk-Lore 

between  acts  referring  to  them,  such  as  eating,  sewing,  etc.,  was  objec- 
tionable or  harmful.^ 

The  above  instances  bring  home  the  fact  that  taboos,  whether 
totemic  or  not,  permit  of  a  great  variety  of  origins.  In  the  course  of 
time  these  origins  become  obscured;  and  then  one  is  easily  tempted 
to  interpret  the  prohibition  through  some  simple  psychological  pro- 
cess, such  as  the  totemite's  respect  for  his  totem.  While  in  some 
totemic  communities  this  may  be  the  true  derivation,  the  origin  of  the 
taboo  may  in  as  many  cases  have  been  a  totally  different  one. 

The  Religious  Aspect  of  Totemism 

The  Worship  of  Plants  and  Animals.  — That  animal  and  plant 
worship  is  not  coextensive  with  totemism  is  a  proposition  which  hardly 
requires  detailed  demonstration.  If  one  glances  over  the  vast  mass  of 
material  on  the  animal  in  religion,  folk-lore,  cult,  accumulated  in  an 
article  by  a  recent  writer, ^  the  comparatively  modest  place  occupied 
by  totemic  beliefs  in  the  immense  variety  of  animal  cults  becomes 
apparent  even  to  the  most  prejudiced. 

The  rather  detailed  information  obtainable  on  the  worship  of  trees 
and  snakes  in  India^  discloses  no  connection  between  these  cults  and 
any  totemic  features.  The  worship  accorded  to  various  animals  in 
ancient  Egypt  is  similarly  devoid  of  any  totemic  coloring,  We  find 
there  veneration  of  individual  animals  as  well  as  of  entire  species,  but 
in  either  case  the  animal  seems  to  commend  religious  regard  as  either 
the  actual  or  the  potential  dwelUng-place  of  the  god.^ 

It  will  not  be  amiss  here  to  give  one  or  two  illustrations  of  curious 
animal  cults  from  a  different  region.  The  Gilyak  never  kills  the 
killer- whale.  If  the  body  of  that  animal  is  washed  ashore,  it  is  deco- 
rated with  inau  and  buried  in  a  house  of  wooden  boards  erected  for 
that  special  purpose.^  The  bear,  as  we  shall  see  presently,  although 
hunted,  is  treated  with  similar  consideration.  Great  respect  is  also 
shown  to  other  animals.  When  a  seal  is  killed,  its  head,  decorated 
with  inau,  is  ceremoniously  sunk  into  the  ocean.  The  heads  of  white- 
whales  are  stuck  on  poles  erected  on  the  shore;  the  heads  of  other  ani- 
mals are  similarly  treated. 

The  Gilyak  have  the  interesting  institution  of  gentile  gods.  When 
a  clansman  is  killed  by  a  bear  or  other  animal,  is  drowned  or  burned, 
he  becomes  a  little  "  master; "  but  he  is  believed  to  return  to  earth  in 
the  shape  of  some  animal,  which  thus  becomes  related  to  the  gens.^ 

1  Boas,  Reprint  from  the  A.  J.  Ps.,  vol.  xxxi  (1910),  pp.  11-12. 

2  See  Thomas,  "Animals,"  in  E.  R.  E.,  vol.  i,  pp.  483-53S. 
'  Crooke,  1896,  pp.  94-97,  100,  106,  121  et  seq. 

*  Cf.  Wiedemann,  Religion  of  the  Ancient  Egyptians  (London,  1897),  pp.  182  and  185. 

*  Sternberg,  A.f.  R.,vo\.  viii  (1905),  p.  252. 

"  Sternberg  {Ibid.,  pp.  256-259)  sees  in  these  gentile  animals  a  potential  totemism.  He 
believes  that  a  typical  form  of  totemism,  with  special  animals  for  each  gens,  could  not  de- 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  259 

Sternberg  gives  a  detailed  account  of  a  Gilyak  bear  festival.*  These 
festivals  are  on  each  occasion  given  by  some  one  gens  which  acts  as 
the  host,  while  several  other  gentes  are  the  guests.  The  bear  is  killed 
as  part  of  the  ceremony;  but  Sternberg  believes  that  the  procedure 
is  not  really  a  bear  sacrifice,  the  things  sacrificed  being  dogs,  fish,  to- 
bacco, sugar,  straps,  arrows,  etc.,  while  the  bear  figures  as  a  messenger 
to  the  great  "Master."  The  guests  of  honor  at  these  festivals  are  men 
from  the  gentes  which  take  wives  from  the  ofiiciating  gens.  These  men 
are,  of  course,  the  ymgi  referred  to  before.  They  play  a  prominent  part 
in  the  performance,  for  they  alone  are  permitted  to  put  the  bear  to 
death.  They  also  receive  the  lion's  share  of  the  meat,  while  the  host 
and  his  clansmen  "  diirfen  bloss  eine  dicke  Suppe  aus  Reiss  oder  Buda 
mit  Briihe  vom  Barenfleisch  geniessen."  In  addition,  however,  the 
bear's  head  is  also  divided  between  them  ("  obligatorisch  ehrfurchts- 
voll").  Here,  then,  among  the  Gilyak,  who  have  no  totemism,  we  find 
a  bear  festival  given  by  one  gens,  with  others  participating;  and  during 
the  feast  the  meat  of  the  animal  is  eaten  mostly  by  members  of  the 
other  gentes,  while  the  host  and  his  associates  may  only  eat  a  Uttle,  — 
the  head,  namely,  —  but  that  they  must  eat,  while  the  ghost  of  the 
Aranda  alatunja  looks  on  in  sympathetic  appreciation. ^ 

An  elaborate  whale  festival  is  recorded  among  the  Koryak.  As  one 
of  the  regular  features  of  the  festival,  "  women  suffering  from  nervous 
fits  confessed  transgressions  of  various  taboos  committed  by  them,  and 
were  then  comforted  by  one  of  the  old  men."^  The  Koryak  believe  that 
the  killed  whale  has  come  on  a  visit  to  the  village,  to  stay  for  some  time. 
It  is  treated  with  great  respect,  for  soon  it  will  go  back  to  the  sea,  only 
to  return  next  season.  If  a  hospitable  reception  has  been  accorded  it,  the 
whale  may  tell  its  relatives  about  it,  inducing  them  to  come  along;  for 
according  to  the  Koryak,  the  whales,  like  all  other  animals,  constitute 
a  family  of  relatives,  who  live  in  villages  like  the  Koryak  themselves.^ 

The  whale  festival  is  a  communal  affair,  all  inhabitants  of  the  village 
velop  among  the  Gilyak,  for  the  reason  that  there  are  but  few  gentes  in  which  a  kinsman, 
either  a  contemporary  or  an  ancestor,  did  not  succumb  in  a  combat  with  the  bear.  He 
adds,  however, "  Daher  sage  ichnur,  dass  die  Genesis  der  Gentilgotter  bei  den  Gilyaken 
deutlich  zeigt,  dass  nicht  der  Totemismus,  das  heisst  der  Glaube  an  die  Abstam- 
mung  von  dieser  oder  jener  Art  von  Tier,  wie  gewohnlich  angenommen  wird,  die 
Gentilgotter  geschaffen  hat,  sondern  umgekehrt  die  Gentilgotter  den  Totemismus 
schufen."  Thus  Sternberg  believes  that  the  origin  of  Totemism  advocated  by  him  is 
"clearly  demonstrated"  by  this  one  instance,  in  which,  as  he  admits,  totemism  did 
not  so  originate.  This  is  a  good  illustration  of  the  origin  of  some  "  theories  of  origin," 
—  theories  which  diis  juvandis  may  nevertheless  become  prominent  in  scientific  dis- 
cussion. 

^  Sternberg,  A.f.  R.,  vol.  viii  (1905),  pp.  260-274. 

2  Sternberg  (Ibid.,  p.  258)  notes  this  rather  striking  analogy. 

»  Krasheninnikoff,  cited  by  Jochelson  {Jesup  Exped.,  vol.  vi  [1908],  p.  65).  The  same 
custom  was  found  by  Boas  among  the  Eskimo  of  Baffin  Land. 

*  Jochelson,  Jesup  Exped.,  vol.  vi  (1908),  p.  66. 


26o  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

participating.  The  owner  of  the  skin  boat  by  whose  crew  the  whale 
has  been  killed  acts  as  the  host,  and  officiates  at  the  festival.  The  fol- 
lowing passage  from  Jochelson's  vivid  description  of  the  ceremonies 
performed  at  the  host's  house  is  particularly  suggestive:  "The  space 
to  the  left  of  the  entrance  .  .  .  was  unoccupied.  In  this  section,  near 
the  wall,  was  the  shrine  (op-yan)  in  which  were  placed  the  charms,  at- 
tired in  grass  neckties,  —  the  sacred  fire-board,  the  master  of  the  nets, 
the  honor-guardian  {yayd  kamaklo) ,  the  spear  consecrated  to  the  spirit 
of  the  wolf,  and  a  few  other  minor  guardians.  Among  them  was  a 
woodenimageof  a  white  whale,  .  .  .  in  front  of  which  was  a  small  cup 
filled  with  water,  which  was  changed  every  day  during  the  festival; 
and  on  a  grass  bag  were  small  boiled  pieces  of  the  nostrils,  lips,  flippers, 
and  tail  of  the  white  whale.  .  .  .  It  is  interesting  to  note,"  adds  Joch- 
elson,  "  that  the  sacrifice  to  the  spirit  of  the  animal  consists  of  parts  of 
its  own  body,  while,  on  the  other  hand,  these  parts  represent  the  white 
whale  itself."^ 

The  equipment  for  the  journey  and  the  sending-off  of  the  white 
whale  embrace  another  set  of  ceremonies. 

Similar  festivals  are  held  by  the  Reindeer  Koryak  at  the  end  of  the 
fawning  period,  on  the  return  of  the  herds  in  the  fall,  and  at  the  rein- 
deer races.  ^  There  is  also  a  wolf  festival,  but  the  wolf  is  not  sent  home. 
The  Koryak  believe  that  "the  wolf  is  a  rich  reindeer-owner  and  the 
powerful  master  of  the  tundra."  The  Reindeer  Koryak  hold  the  wolf 
in  particular  awe;  for  them  "the  wolf  is  a  powerful  shaman, and  he  is 
regarded  as  an  evil  spirit  hostile  to  the  reindeer,  and  roaming  all  over 
the  earth."  ^ 

Totem  Worship  and  the  Totemic  Stage.  —  When  we  look  about 
for  illustrations  of  the  totem  as  an  object  of  reUgious  regard,  we  dis- 
cover with  some  surprise  that  the  material  to  draw  upon  is  very 
scanty.  We  know  of  tribes  like  the  Iroquois,  or  like  any  number  of 
East  Indian  tribes,*  where  the  totem  is  the  epon\Tn,  nothing  but  the 
name  of  a  group  of  individuals  who  regard  themselves  as  more  or  less 
vaguely  related.  Such  are  a  great  many  of  the  Indian  gotras.  Of  course, 
we  are  told  that  among  these  peoples  the  totemic  name  is  the  only  f  ea- 

^  Jochehon,  Jesup Expcd.,  vol.  vi  (1908), pp.  71-72.  Cf.Marillier's  statement  (i?..ff.i?., 
vol.  xxxvii  [1898],  p.  218)  that  "le  sacrifice  en  effet  se  trouve  frequemment  la  ou  le  totem- 
isme  n'existe  point;  la  oii  le  totemisnne  existe,  il  arrive  bien  souvent  qu'on  n'immole  pas 
de  victimes  au  totem  et  surtout  qu'on  ne  I'immole  pas  a  lui-meme." 

^  Jochelson,  Jesup  Exped.,  vol.  vi  (1908),  pp.  86-87. 

3  Ibid.,  pp.  88-90. 

*  See  Gurdon,  The  Khasis,  p.  66,  and  the  accounts  of  the  religion  of  the  various  castes, 
given  in  Risley,  1903.  Campbell,  in  his  chapter  on  the  Marathas  {loc.  cit.,  p.  99),  refers  to 
*'  devaks  or  sacred  symbols,  which  appear  to  have  been  originally  totems,  and  affect  mar- 
riage to  the  extent  that  a  man  cannot  marry  a  woman  whose  devak  reckoned  on  the  male 
side  is  the  same  as  his  own.  They  are  totems  worshipped  during  marriage  and  other  im- 
portant ceremonies."  But  while  some  space  is  devoted  to  Marathra  religion,  nothing  is  said 
of  this  totem  worship. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  261 

ture  that  survived  of  a  one-time  totemism,  with  all  its  accessories;  but 
of  this  there  is  no  evidence.  American  examples  of  an  indirect  religious 
attitude  towards  the  totems,  as  expressed  in  ceremonies,  are  familiar. 
We  dwelt  at  some  length  on  this  feature  among  the  tribes  of  British 
Columbia.  Similar  conditions  have  been  described  among  the  Siouan 
tribes.^  African  tribes  furnish  little  evidence  of  a  totem  worship  of  any 
kind,  while  cases  like  that  of  the  Bahima  are  instructive.  As  noted 
above,  we  find  among  these  people  fourteen  totemic  clans,  the  majority 
(eleven)  of  the  totems  being  varieties  of  cows.  But  no  veneration  is  paid 
to  these  animals.  The  religious  side  of  Bahima  life  lies  in  a  totally  dif- 
ferent direction.  "  Their  rehgion  consists  chiefly  in  dealing  with  ghosts 
of  departed  relatives,  and  in  standing  well  with  them;  from  the  king  to 
the  humble  peasant  the  ghosts  call  for  daily  consideration  and  constant 
offerings,  while  the  deities  [not  the  totems,  but  still  another  set  of  su- 
pernatural beings  are  m.eant]  are  only  sought  in  great  trials  or  national 
calamities."  These  deities  seem  to  be  gentile  protectors;  for  "each 
clan  has  its  own  special  deity,  who  alone  takes  an  interest  in  that  par- 
ticular clan;  to  this  deity  the  clan  resorts  for  help  and  advice, "^  Writ- 
ing of  the  East  Torres  Straits  islanders,  Haddon  thus  summarizes  the 
totemic  situation  on  its  religious  side:  "The  totem  animals  of  a  clan 
are  sacred  only  to  the  members  of  that  clan;  but  the  idea  of  sacredness 
is  very  weak,  merely  implying  a  family  connection,  a  certain  amount 
of  magical  affinity,  and  immunity  from  being  killed  by  a  member  of 
that  clan.  No  worship  or  reverence,  so  far  as  I  know,  was  ever  paid  to 
a  totem. "3  How  little  piety  the  Austrahan  shows,  if  not  in  all  cases, 
in  his  dealings  with  the  totem,  we  saw  in  preceding  pages.  There 
is  one  exception,  however,  —  that  of  the  Wollunqua  totem  of  the 
Warramunga.  The  ceremonies  performed  in  connection  with  that 
totem  extend  over  several  days,  during  which  period  no  less  than  eight 
designs  are  drawn  upon  the  ground,^  —  a  very  rare  feature  among 
these  tribes,  —  the  only  two  other  totems  in  connection  with  which 
such  designs  are  recorded  being  the  emu  ^  and  the  black  snake.^  One 
of  the  Wollunqua  designs  is  drawn  upon  a  mound  erected  for  that 
special  occasion.  The  ceremony  "is  supposed  in  some  way  to  be  asso- 
ciated with  the  idea  of  persuading,  or  almost  forcing,  the  Wollunqua 
to  remain  quietly  in  his  home  under  the  water-hole  at  Thapaeurlu,  and 
do  no  harm  to  any  of  the  natives.  They  say  that  when  he  sees  the 
mound  with  his  representation  drawn  upon  it,  he  is  gratified,  and  wrig- 
gles about  underneath  with  pleasure.  The  savage  attack  upon  the 
mound  is  associated  with  the  idea  of  dri\dng  him  down,  and,  taken 

^  See  Dorsey,  3d  B.  E.  R.,  pp.  361-544. 

^  Roscoe,  /.  A.  I.,  vol.  xxxvii  (1907),  pp.  108-110. 

'  Haddon,  T.  S.  Exped.,  pp.  363-364.  ■•  Spencer  and  Gillen,  ii,  p.  247. 

^  Ibid.,  i,  p.  181.  °  Ibid.,  ii,  pp.  741-743. 


262  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

altogether,  the  ceremony  indicates  their  belief  that  at  one  and  the  same 
time  they  can  both  please  and  coerce  the  mythic  beast."  ^  A  visit  to  the 
water-pool  in  which  the  mythical  beast  resides  is  described  by  Spencer 
and  Gillen.  During  the  journey  the  natives  had  been  talking  and  laugh- 
ing freely,  but,  as  the  party  approached  Thapaeurlu  itself, "  they  be- 
came very  quiet  and  solemn;  and,  as  we  silently  stood  on  the  margin  of 
the  pool,  the  two  old  Tjapeltjeri  men  —  the  chief  men  of  the  totemic 
group  —  went  down  to  the  edge  of  the  water,  and,  with  bowed  heads, 
addressed  the  Wollunqua  in  whispers,  asking  him  to  remain  quiet  and 
do  them  no  harm,  for  they  were  mates  of  his,  and  had  brought  up  two 
great  white  men  to  see  where  he  lived,  and  to  tell  them  all  about  him. 
We  could  plainly  see  that  it  was  all  very  real  to  them,  and  that  they 
implicitly  believed  that  the  Wollunqua  was  indeed  ahve  beneath  the 
water,  watching  them,  though  they  could  not  see  him."  ^  Thus  the  re- 
ligious sentiment  inspired  by  the  Wollunqua  must  be  described  as  in- 
tense. But  then,  this  my thical  snake  is  quite  an  exceptional  individual. 
He  is  an  individual,  and  not  the  representative  of  a  species,  for  there  is 
really  no  such  animal;  but  the  Wollunqua  ancestor  himself,  like  Tha- 
balla,  the  Laughing  Boy,  but  like  no  other  totem,  never  died,  but  per- 
sisted from  the  mythical  period  up  to  the  present  day.  The  Wollunqua 
is  believed  by  the  natives  to  be  "  a  huge  beast,  so  large  that  if  it  were  to 
stand  up  on  its  tail,  its  head  would  reach  far  away  into  the  heavens." 
When  speaking  of  the  snake  among  themselves,  the  natives  do  not  call 
it  by  its  real  name,  Wollunqua,  but  use  a  circumlocution  meaning 
"snake  living  in  water."  ^  Here,  then,  we  have  a  totem  which  is  actually 
worshipped ;  but  it  is  an  exceptional  totem,  and  the  worship  accorded 
it  only  tends  to  emphasize  the  comparative  religious  indifference  of  the 
other  totems.  In  the  intichiuma  and  other  totemic  ceremonies  there  is, 
however,  an  undeniable  reUgious  element.  It  may  be  doubted  whether 
the  religious  atmosphere  during  these  AustraUan  performances  ever 
reaches  that  frenzied  intensity  observable  in  the  dancing  societies  of 
British  Columbia,  but  the  impression  conveyed  by  Spencer  and  Gil- 
len's  descriptions  is  that  at  some  of  these  quabara  nanja  religious  emo- 
tion runs  high.  But  even  then,  the  bull-roarer  is,  at  least  for  the  women, 
a  more  prominent  religious  factor  than  the  totem  itself.^ 

If  the  evidence  is  taken  in  its  entirety,  the  religious  element  does  not 
seem  to  be  prominent  in  the  life  of  totemic  communities.  This  is  espe- 
cially true  as  to  any  direct  veneration  of  the  totem. 

This  view  is  shared  by  a  number  of  authoritative  writers  on  totemic 
phenomena.  "The  importance  belonging  to  totem  animals  as  friends 
or  enemies  of  man,"  says  Tylor  in  his  "  Remarks,"  "  is  insignificant  in 
comparison  with  that  of  ghosts  or  demons,  to  say  nothing  of  higher 

^  Spencer  and  Gillen,  ii,  p.  238.  ^  /j;^.^  [\^  pp.  252-253.        ^  Ibid.,  ii,  p.  227. 

*  See  Ibid.,  i,  p.  246;  and  Howitt,  N.  T.,  pp.  596,  606,  etc. 


Totemisni,  an  Analytical  Study  263 

deities."  ^  And  again:  ''Totemism  claims  a  far  greater  importance  in 
society  than  in  religion."  ^  In  his  article  on  "Animals,"  in  Hastings's 
"  Encyclopjedia,"  Thomas  writes, "  One  of  the  most  widely  distributed 
animal  cults  is  that  known  as  totemism ;  it  is,  however,  rather  negative, 
consisting  in  abstinence  from  injuring  the  totem  animal,  than  positive, 
showing  itself  in  acts  of  wprship."  ^  And  more  emphatically  than  any 
other  author,  although  no  longer  correct  in  detail,  Marillier  declares,  "  II 
s'en  faut  de  beaucoup,  en  outre,  que  le  'totem'  soit  d'une  maniere 
generale  I'objet  d'un  culte  veritable  de  la  part  des  membres  du  clan 
auquel  il  a  donne  son  nom :  il  est  respecte  et  venere,  on  evite  de  le  tuer, 
on  evite  plus  scrupuleusement  encore  d'ordinaire  de  manger  sa  chair  ou 
de  se  couvrir  de  sa  fourrure,  on  le  choie,  on  le  caresse,  on  cherche  a  lui 
plaire,  mais  on  ne  celebre  que  tres  exceptionnellement  en  son  honneur 
des  rites  pareils  a  ceux  qui  s'addressent  aux  dieux  naturistes  et  aux 
ames  des  morts ;  les  institutions  totemiques  sont  repandues  dans  I'uni- 
vers  presque  entier,  bien  qu'elles  fassent  defaut  en  certains  groupes 
ethniques,  les  cultes  totemiques  sont  relativement  rare."  * 

Attempts  were  made  from  time  to  time  to  represent  totemism  as  a 
distinct  form  of  religion,  and  assign  it  a  permanent  place  in  the  evolu- 
tion of  religious  beliefs.^  As  the  case  now  stands,  the  theoretical  objec- 

1  Tylor,  /.  A.  I.,  vol.  xxviii  (1899),  p.  144.  ^  Ibid.,  p.  148. 

^  Thomas,  E.  R.  E.,  vol.  i,  p.  489. 

*  Marillier,  R.  H.  R.,  vol.  xxxvi  (1897),  p.  303. 

^  These  attempts  were  all  characterized  by  an  almost  complete  identification  of  totem- 
ism with  animal  worship,  and  by  an  abuse  of  the  method  of  survivals.  The  former  is  par- 
ticularly true  of  Spencer  {Principles  of  Sociology,  vol.  i);  the  latter,  of  McLennan  {Fort- 
nightly Review,  vol.  vi,  i86g,  pp.  407-427  and  562-584),  and  of  R.  Smith  {K.  M.  A.  and 
R.  S.).  In  recent  years  the  same  method  of  reasoning  was  applied  with  superficial 
success  in  an  ambitious  Introduction  to  the  History  of  Religion  (London,  fourth  edition, 
no  date).  Jevons's  contentions  were  dealt  with  in  a  brilliant  and  authoritative  critique 
by  the  late  Leon  Marillier  (see  his  articles  on  "La  place  du  Totemisme  dans  I'Evolu- 
tion  Religieuse,"  R.  H.  R.,  vols.  36  and  37),  a  scholar  whose  contribution  to  totemic 
thought  has  not  been  duly  appreciated.  Wundt,  in  his  Volkerpsychologie  {My thus  and 
Religion,  Zweiter  Teil,  1906), has  not  risen  above  the  standpoint  of  the  authors  referred  to. 
He  directly  allies  totemism  with  "animalism:"  "Der  urspriinghche  Tierkult  ist  getragen 
von  dem  Glauben,  dass  der  Mensch  vom  den  Tieren  abstamme,  und  wo  immer  der  Tier- 
kult zum  herrschenden  Bestandteil  der  primitiven  Mythologie  geworden  ist,  da  nimmt 
dieser  Glaube  in  der  Kegel  die  Form  an,  dass  ein  Stammesverband  seinen  eigenen  Ur- 
sprung  auf  ein  bestimmtes  Tier  zuriickfiihrt.  Das  sind  die  Erscheinungen  die  man  unter 
dem  Namen  Totemismus  zusammenfasst"  .  .  .  {loc.  cit.,  p.  236).  Taking  the  totem- 
ancestor  as  his  point  of  departure,  —  "diese  Eigenschaft  ist  vor  allem  fiir  den  Totemis- 
mus kennzeichnend"  {loc.  cit.,  p.  241),  —  Wundt  leads  us  over  animal  gods  and  sacred 
animals  to  human  ancestor  worship  —  "Manismus."  This  rectilinear  deduction  is,  of 
course,  theoretically  untenable;  while  Wundt's  position  is,  in  addition,  vitiated  by  his 
quite  groundless  assertion  that  animal  worship  must  have  preceded  the  worship  of  man: 
"So  wird  der  Tierahne  zu  einem  besonders  wirksamen  Schutzgeist,  und  das  Vertrauen 
auf  seine  Hilfe  wird  um  so  fester,  weil  dieser  Ahne  gleichzeitig  der  Feme  vergangener 
Zeiten  und  doch  auch  in  seinen  eigenen  tierischen  Abkommlingen  der  unmittelbaren 
Gegenwartangehort.  Sokommt  es,  dass  bei  dem  Primitiven  das  Gedachtnis  an  die  mensch- 
lichen  Vorfahren  nach  einer  kurzen,  kaum  iiber  die  nachste  Generation  hinausreichen- 


264  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

tions  to  this  mode  of  procedure  need  not  be  raised :  for,  if  the  religious 
aspect  of  totemism  is  insignificant  when  compared  to  either  the  other 
forms  of  rehgion  or  the  other  features  of  totemism  itself;  if  the  totem, 
as  an  object  of  worship,  proves  to  be  perhaps  the  least  permanent  and 
the  most  variable,  qualitatively,  of  totemic  features,  —  totemism  as  a 
necessary  stage  in  the  development  of  religion  becomes  an  absurdity, 
and  the  concept  itself,  of  totemism  as  a  specific  form  of  reUgion,  ought 
to  be  abandoned.^  Moreover,  the  particular  rehgious  coloring  assumed 
by  totemism  in  any  given  cultural  area  may  be  due  to  the  presence  in 
that  area  of  beliefs  which  are  in  no  way  totemic  in  their  origin,  nor  in 
their  other  manifestations,  outside  the  totemic  complex. ^ 

The  Complex  in  the  Making 

Summary  of  Evidence.  —  The  foregoing  review  of  the  nature  and 
behavior  of  the  "symptoms"  of  totemism  was  a  superficial  one,  and 
could  be  vastly  extended;  it  suffices,  however,  to  substantiate  the 
tentative  conclusions  drawn  on  the  basis  of  a  more  thoroughgoing 
comparison  of  AustraHa  and  British  Columbia. 

We  find  that  clan  exogamy,  far  from  being  a  necessary  concomitant 
of  other  totemic  phenomena,  possesses  a  good  deal  of  independence 

den  Zeit  erlischt,  wahrend  der  Tierahne  immer  von  neuem  wieder  aus  der  unmittelbaren 
Gegenwart  in  eine  unbestimmte  Vergangenheit  projiziert  wird.  Darum  ist  nun  aber  auch 
der  Tierahne  nicht  etwa  eine  merkwiirdige,  paradoxe  Abart  des  Ahnenkultus,  sondem  er 
erscheint  als  die  allein  mogliche  primitive  Form  desselben.  Dem  menschlichen  Ahnen 
bereitet  er  den  Weg"  .  .  .  {loc.  cil.,  p.  271).  The  weakness  of  Spencer's  ill-famed  theory 
of  the  human  ghost  as  the  prime  source  of  all  religion  could  hardly  be  better  emphasized 
than  by  this  far  less  plausible  inversion  of  it. 

^  I  here  defend  a  position  which  is  diametrically  opposed  to  that  of  an  author  who  pro- 
fesses to  represent  totemism  "in  the  American  sense  of  the  term."  "Totemism  to  me  is 
primarily  and  essentially  a  religious  phenomenon,  the  direct  result  and  outcome  of  the 
savage's  mental  attitude  towards  nature,"  writes  Hill- Tout  (7.  A.  I.,  vol.  xxxv  [1905], 
p.  141).  Referring  to  the  emphasis  laid  by  some  on  the  social  aspect  of  totemism,  he  pro- 
ceeds :  "  It  does  not  seem  to  me  scientific  to  regard  what  is  demonstrably  an  unstable,  and 
therefore  a  secondary  phase  of  totemism,  as  its  essential  and  primary  characteristic,  and 
overlook  another  coexisting  with  it,  which  is  clearly  more  constant,  and  therefore  a  more 
essential  feature  "  {Ibid.,  p.  142).  The  validity  of  this  opinion  may  be  judged  in  the 
light  of  the  preceding  pages.  It  may  be  well  to  add  here  that  Hill-Tout's  "American" 
view  of  totemism  is  not  shared  by  two  in\-estigators  who,  like  himself,  are  familiar  figures 
in  British  Columbia.  Professor  Boas  and  Dr.  Swanton  rather  incline  to  the  view  that 
totemism  is  essentially  a  form  of  association  between  a  religious  and  a  social  phenomenon; 
nor  are  they  at  all  dogmatic  on  the  subject  of  the  genetic  relationship  between  the  tute- 
lary spirit  and  the  group  totem,  although  Professor  Boas  admits  the  plausibility  of 
such  a  development  among  the  Kwakiutl.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  Hill-Tout's  views  as 
representative  of  American  totemism  are  not  taken  any  more  seriously  by  European 
anthropologists  than  was  that  other  "American  View  of  Totemism"  which  treated  of 
the  naming  system  of  the  Amerinds  (see  Man,  vol.  2,  No.  75  [1902]). 

^  A  survey  of  the  manitou  beliefs  of  the  American  Indian,  in  their  varying  manifesta- 
tions as  guardian  spirits,  fetishes,  amulets,  spirit-protectors  of  religious  societies,  and  per- 
haps totems,  may  furnish  valuable  data  in  support  of  the  above  proposition.  I  hope  at 
another  place  to  attempt  such  a  survey. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  265 

in  character  and  distribution.  In  some  regions  exogamy  is  absent, 
while  some  or  all  of  the  other  "  symptoms"  are  pronounced.  In  other 
localities  a  number  or  all  of  the  other  totemic  features  are  lacking, 
but  there  is  clan  exogamy.  Here  the  exogamous  tendency  is  found 
in  a  group  scattered  over  a  wide  area,  and  having  no  territorial  unity; 
there,  exogamy  is  a  purely  local  phenomenon.  It  may  be  associated 
with  a  clan  the  members  of  which  are  held  together  by  a  vague  sense 
of  kinship,  or,  again,  it  may  refer  to  groups  of  men  and  women  stand- 
ing to  each  other  in  certain  definite  degrees  of  relationship.  The  psy- 
chological nature  of  exogamy  is  complex;  and  in  many  cases  it  is  diffi- 
cult to  decide  whether  we  have  to  do  with  clan,  or  phratry,  or  relation- 
ship exogamy.  The  conditions  under  which  exogamy  may  develop 
are  practically  innumerable;  and  in  the  course  of  its  development  it 
may  undergo  manifold  transformations  in  extent  and  underlying  psy- 
chology, the  character  of  its  growth  and  origin  thus  becoming  obscured. 
What  is  true  of  exogamy  is  in  no  less  degree  true  of  its  close  cor- 
relate, endogamy.  Both  tendencies,  ha\dng  assumed  manifold  forms 
in  various  times  and  places,  continue  to  be  operative  in  our  own 
civilization. 

Totemic  names,  and  the  concept  of  descent  from  the  totem,  prove 
to  be  equally  variable  features.  The  families  and  clans  of  British 
Columbia  lack  both;  a  number  of  the  Omaha  clans  do  not  have  animal 
names;  some  of  the  Melanesian  groups  lack  one  or  both  of  these  traits; 
etc. 

The  evidence  as  to  the  phenomenon  of  taboo  points  essentially  in 
the  same  direction.  The  prohibition  to  eat  or  kill  the  totem  is  by  no 
means  a  universal  one.  Such  prohibitions,  on  the  other  hand,  are 
often  associated  with  animals  that  are  not  totems;  such  as  sacred 
animals  of  various  kinds,  individual  guardian  animals,  etc.  In  many 
ways  the  prohibitions  to  eat  and  kill  partake  more  intimately  of  the 
nature  of  the  prohibitions  referring  to  behavior,  speech,  etc.,  than 
of  the  nature  of  other  totemic  features  with  which  they  are  often 
associated.  History  discloses  a  multitude  of  origins  and  developments 
of  taboos;  without,  however,  exhausting  all  the  possible  ways  in 
which  taboos  may  have  originated,  or  all  the  actual  ways  in  which 
they  did  originate.  And  again  we  must  emphasize  that  a  taboo  at 
any  given  place  at  the  time  of  investigation  is  but  a  poor  and  often 
misleading  cue  to  its  past  history.  We  find  in  our  own  customs 
numerous  survivals  and  traces  of  ancient  taboos;  and  the  psychological 
tendencies  which  were  responsible  for  the  rise  of  taboos  in  the  past 
still  continue  to  be  operative  in  the  introduction  of  various  prohibi- 
tions, among  them  prohibitions  of  killing  and  eating. 

A  religious  attitude  towards  animals,  plants,  and  natural  objects 
is  obviously  an  ethnic  phenomenon  of  much  wider  scope  than  totem- 


266  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

ism.  The  totem,  on  the  other  hand,  by  no  means  always  becomes  the 
object  of  religious  regard.  The  variability  of  this  feature,  whenever 
it  is  at  all  associated  with  the  totem,  is  striking.  We  find  all  degrees 
of  emotional  attitude  towards  the  totem,  from  devout  and  direct 
veneration  to  mild  regard,  from  a  strong  but  indirect  religious  atti- 
tude to  complete  indifference.  In  the  spread  of  the  manitou  idea 
among  the  North  American  Indians,  and  in  the  deep  influence  of  that 
idea  on  totemistic  beliefs  (at  least  in  British  Columbia),  we  recognize 
one  type  of  process  to  which  the  attitude  towards  the  totem  in  any 
given  locality  may  owe  its  specific  coloring. 

It  may  be  well  to  repeat  here  that  pronounced  and  direct  religious 
regard  for  the  totem  is  not  one  of  the  frequent  concomitants  of 
totemism;  indirect  veneration  through  the  medium  of  ceremonies  or 
art,  alone  or  combined  with  a  weak  direct  attitude,  or  the  latter  with- 
out the  former,  seem  to  be  much  more  prevalent  in  all  those  cases 
where  the  totem  calls  forth  emotional  response. 

So  much  for  the  traits  which  are  widely  accepted  as  "  symptoms" 
of  totemism.  The  evidence  is  convincing,  and,  as  I  said  before,  it 
could  be  materially  increased.  Exogamy,  taboo,  religious  regard, 
totemic  names,  descent  from  the  totem,  —  all  fail  as  invariable  char- 
acteristics of  totemism.  Each  of  these  traits,  moreover,  displays  more 
or  less  striking  independence  in  its  distribution;  and  most  of  them  can 
be  shown  to  be  widely-spread  ethnic  phenomena,  diverse  in  origin, 
not  necessarily  coordinated  in  development,  and  displaying  a  rich 
variability  of  psychological  make-up. 

If  we  must  regard  the  groups  of  phenomena  which  in  various  areas 
have  been  termed  "  totemic"  as  conglomerates  of  essentially  inde- 
pendent features,  the  fundamental  error  in  two  lines  of  totemistic 
inquiry  and  speculation  becomes  at  once  apparent.  I  mean  the 
attempts  to  assign  to  the  various  factors  in  totemism  a  correlated 
historical  development,  and  the  tendency  to  either  combine  these 
factors  or  derive  them  from  each  other,  psychologically.  An  integral 
development  of  totemism  loses  its  plausibility,  in  view  of  the  demon- 
strated historical  independence  of  its  factors ;  while  the  psychological 
complexity  and  variabiHty  of  the  latter  discourages  any  attempt  at 
direct  psychological  derivations.  Either  one  of  the  factors  could  with 
equal  plausibility  be  taken  as  a  starting-point,  and  the  others  could 
be  derived  from  it  without  transgressing  the  bounds  of  either  his- 
torical or  psychological  possibilities.  The  interpretative  value,  how- 
ever, of  such  derivations,  as  well  as  of  similar  ones  actually  attempted, 
is  nil. 

In  each  individual  case  the  actual  historical  process  has  doubtless 
been  more  complex,  both  objectively  and  psychologically,  than  these 
direct   derivations  would   make   it;    and    it  is   to  such   historical 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  267 

processes,  or  to  whatever  of  them  we  may  safely  reconstruct,  that  we 
must  turn  in  our  interpretations.^ 

It  was  shown  before  that  the  composition  of  the  totemic  complex 
is  not  limited  to  the  features  enumerated.  In  Central  AustraHa 
magical  ceremonies,  and  a  belief  in  soul-incarnation,  rise  to  great 
prominence  in  all  matters  totemic.  In  British  Columbia  a  similar 
role  is  assumed  by  decorative  art  and  the  guardian-spirit  idea.  A  more 
intensive  study  of  totemic  areas  may  well  reveal  still  other  features 
associated  with  the  rest,  and  possibly  dominating  over  them.  The 
ceremony  of  knocking  out  the  teeth,  which  in  South  Africa  and  Central 
Austraha  has  nothing  to  do  with  totemism,  forms  in  Southeast  Aus- 
tralia part  of  the  totemic  initiation  rites.  Among  the  Omaha,  par- 
ticular ways  of  fixing  the  hair  have  become  firmly  associated  with  the 
totems.  Thus  to  the  original  set  of  social  and  rehgious  features,  a 
number  of  others  are  added,  —  aesthetic,  ceremonial,  spiritual,  and, 
if  the  regulation  of  food-supply  in  the  intichiuma  be  emphasized, 
economic.  Most  of  the  important  forms  of  human  activity,  belief, 
and  self-expression  reveal  the  tendency  of  entering  into  the  composi- 
tion of  the  totemic  complex. 

If  totemism  includes,  roughly  speaking,  everything,  is  totemism 
itself  anything  in  particular  ?  Is  there  anything  specific  in  this  phe- 
nomenon, or  has  the  name  "totemism"  simply  been  applied  to  one 
set  of  features  here,  to  another  set  there,  and  still  elsewhere  perhaps 
to  both  sets  combined  ? 

One  point,  at  least,  is  quite  clear:  if  we  continue  to  use  the  term 
"  totemism,"  we  may  no  longer  apply  it  to  any  concrete  ethnic  con- 
tent; for,  while  almost  anything  may  be  included,  no  feature  is  neces- 
sary or  characteristic.  On  the  basis  of  material  furnished  by  some  one 
area  or  a  number  of  areas,  a  definite  group  of  features  is  called  "  to- 
temism." Another  totemic  area  is  discovered  where  an  additional 
feature  is  found,  or  where  one  of  the  old  ones  is  missing.  Immediately 
the  questions  arise  (and  here  we  are  on  historical  ground).  Is  this 
totemism?  or  Was  that  totemism?  or  Is  this  true  totemism,  and  that 

^  At  this  point  we  may  ask  the  question,  Granted  that  the  alleged  "symptoms"  of 
totemism  are  independent  units,  why  do  we  so  often  find  just  these  traits  combined  in 
totemism  ?  Without  here  trying  to  answer  this  justifiable  question  with  any  degree  of 
thoroughness,  a  plausible  general  explanation  of  the  fact  which,  of  course,  is  undeniable, 
may, I  think,  be  given.  All  of  the  "symptoms"  are  widely-distributed  ethnic  features. 
Marriage  regulations;  prohibitions  against  killing  and  eating;  religious  regard  paid  to 
animals,  plants,  and  inanimate  objects;  the  tendency  of  social  groups  to  assume  (or 
receive  ?)  animal  names;  the  belief  of  a  group  of  kindred,  or  locally  associated  individuals, 
in  a  common  descent,  - —  all  these  are  phenomena  found  in  all  continents  and  in  most 
cultural  areas.  Granted,  now,  that  there  is  a  tendency  for  ethnic  features  like  the  above 
to  combine,  to  put  the  matter  vaguely,  it  is  but  a  question  of  mathematical  probability 
that  we  should  find  those  features  most  frequently  combined  which  have  the  widest 
distribution. 

VOL.  XXIII.  —  NO.  88.  18 


268  Joiirnal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

was  incompletely  developed,  totemism  im  Werden  ?  or  Was  that  true 
totemism,  and  this  is  a  later  development?  In  the  light  of  the  fore- 
going discussion,  any  definite  answer  to  these  questions  must  needs 
be  arbitrary. 

Theories  of  Totemism.  —  In  their  attempts  to  divorce  totemism 
from  that  illusive  variability  of  its  *'  symptoms,"  various  authors 
tried  to  emphasize  some  one  of  its  features  which  was  proclaimed  as 
the  essential  one,  while  the  others  were  derived,  and  hence  of  necessity 
less  important  and  less  constant. 

Major  Powell  thus  came  to  see  in  totemism  the  doctrine  of  naming. 
His  article  consists  in  an  enumeration  of  the  various  uses  of  the  term 
"  totem."  ^  Hill-Tout  conveniently  summarizes  the  main  points  of 
Powell's  exposition  under  the  three  heads  of  "  individual  guardian 
spirit,"  the  "animal  protector  of  a  secret  society,"  and  the  "epony- 
mous object  of  a  consanguineous  group."  In  all  three  cases  the  term 
"totem"  is  applied  to  the  eponymous  object,  to  the  name  itself,  and 
to  the  symbolic  representation  of  the  object.  ^  This  doctrine  of 
naming  calls  for  little  comment.  We  cheerfully  indorse  Thomas's 
statement  that  "it  is  difficult  to  see  the  advantage  of  a  system  of 
nomenclature  where  everything  is  called  by  the  same  name."  ^  We 
have  seen,  moreover,  that  social  groups  do  not  always  derive  their 
names  from  their  totems.  Accordingly  a  doctrine  of  naming,  even  if 
restricted  to  naming  after  animals  (plants,  objects),  falls  short  of  the 
mark  as  a  definition  of  totemism;  and  why,  finally,  should  just  this 
feature,  even  if  it  were  constant,  be  considered  the  original  or  the 
essential  one  ?  ^ 

For  Hill-Tout,  the  essential  element  in  totemism  is  its  religious  side. 
He  regards  the  individual  guardian  spirit,  the  tutelary  animal  of  a 
secret  society,  and  the  clan  totem,  as  essentially  alike.  He  also 
believes  that  the  latter  developed  out  of  the  individual  guardian  spirit. 
We  have  seen  above  that  this  theory,  although  plausible  for  certain 
sections  of  British  Columbia  and  perhaps  for  the  Omaha,  is  quite 
arbitrary  when  applied  to  other  groups  of  North  America,  and  becomes 
more  than  improbable  when  extended  to  the  clan  totemism  of  Aus- 
tralia. Nor  is  he  more  fortunate  in  his  specific  characterizations.  Says 
Hill-Tout,  "It  is  important,  in  the  first  place,  to  bear  in  mind  that 
it  is  always  the  essence  or  the  'mystery'  .  .  .  which  respectively 

1  Powell,  Man,  1902,  No.  75. 

^  Hill-Tout,  B.  A.A.S.  Proceedings  and  Transactions,  Second  Series,  vol.  ix,  pp.  63,  64. 

*  Thomas,  Man,  1902,  p.  116. 

*  It  will  be  remembered  that  Spencer  and  Lubbock  accounted  for  the  origin  of  totem- 
ism by  a  process  of  misinterpretation  of  nicknames,  the  former  adding  the  factor  of 
ancestor  worship,  omitted  by  the  latter.  Lang  also  tends  to  identify  the  origin  of  totem- 
ism with  animal  names  received  by  social  groups /row  without  (Lang,  S.  0.,  p.  161), 
and  lays  corresponding  stress  on  the  presence  of  totemic  names  in  full-grown  totemism. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  269 

becomes  the  totem,  not  the  bodily  form  of  the  animal  or  object."  ^ 
Now  this  may  be  true  of  the  Salish  sulia  (here  Hill-Tout  is  our  first- 
hand authority),  but  it  certainly  does  not  hold  even  for  the  rest  of 
British  Columbia.  As  to  AustraHa,  especially  the  central  tribes,  it  is 
clearly  not  any  essence  or  "mystery"  which  is  the  totem,  but  the  flesh 
and  blood  animal,  for  the  multiphcation  of  which  ceremonies  are  per- 
formed. We  also  know  that  among  the  Iroquois,  in  many  cases  in 
British  Columbia  and  elsewhere,  the  rehgious  element  in  totemism 
is  reduced  to  nought,  the  totem  is  nothing  but  a  badge  or  name.  The 
-  "concept  of  a  ghostly  helper  or  tutelary  spirit,"  concludes  Hill-Tout, 
"is  the  essential  element  in  totemism.  This  is  totemism,  in  its  pure 
and  naked  state;  i.  e.,  shorn  of  its  social  accessories."  ^  Now,  even  if 
Hill-Tout's  historical  and  psychological  contentions  were  true,  — 
which  they  manifestly  are  not,  —  what  but  confusion  could  result 
if  we  appKed  the  term  "totemism"  to  that  religious  element  which, 
although  always  "the  same  thing,"  appears  in  so  many  different 
settings  ?  Or,  granting  the  term,  would  that  solution  of  the  question 
throw  any  light  on  our  crucial  problem,  —  whether,  namely,  there  is 
anything  distinctive  about  the  many  totemic  complexes  of  varying 
content  found  in  different  areas,  or  whether  we  simply  have  to  do 
with  loose  conglomerations  of  heterogeneous  units. ^ 

Schmidt,  finally,  regards  the  element  of  descent  as  the  most  im- 
portant one.  "Celui  ci  [totemism,  namely]  consiste  done  essentielle- 
ment  en  ce  que  ceux  qui  appartiennent  au  meme  totem  ce  considerent 
comme  les  descendants  de  ce  totem,  par  consequent  comme  parents 
et  par  suite  comme  inhabiles  a  se  marier  ensemble."  ^  This,  of  course, 
is  no  less  arbitrary  than  the  other  contentions;  for  the  factor  of  descent 
is  by  no  means  a  constant  one  in  the  totemic  complex,  nor  is  there  any 
reason  to  consider  just  that  factor  as  the  original  or  essential  one. 

The  above  analysis  of  the  various  attempts  to  interpret  totemism 
leads  to  the  conclusion  that  no  particular  set  of  features  can  be  taken 
as  characteristic  of  totemism,  for  the  composition  of  the  totemic 
complex  is  variable;  nor  can  any  single  feature  be  regarded  as  funda- 

'  Hill-Tout,  B.  A.  A.  S.  Proceedings  and  Transactions,  Second  Series,  vol.  ix,  p.  9. 

-  Ibid.,  ix,  p.  64. 

^  Hill-Tout  notes  his  partial  agreement  with  Frazer,  who,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  com- 
mitted the  same  error  by  over-emphasizing  the  religious  element.  He  admits,  it  is  true, 
that  there  are  two  sides  to  totemism,  —  a  social  and  a  religious  side,  —  but  he  promptly 
abandons  this  position  in  classifying  totems  as  individual,  sex,  and  clan  totems.  In 
Frazer's  later  writings  this  religious  factor  reappeared  in  the  guise  of  a  magical  and  of 
a  conceptional  totemism.  These  two  theories  followed  closely  upon  the  appearance  of 
Spencer  and  Gillen's  first  and  second  treatises  on  the  Aranda  respectively.  The  data 
thus  brought  to  light  led  Frazer  to  assume,  first,  magical  practices,  and  then  beliefs  as  to 
the  conception  of  children,  to  lie  at  the  root  of  Aranda  totemism.  And  if  among  the 
Aranda,  why  not  everywhere  ? 

*  Schmidt,  Anthropos,  1908,  p.  805. 


270  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lot e 

mental,  for  not  one  of  the  features  does  invariably  occur  in  conjunc- 
tion with  others;  nor  is  there  any  evidence  to  regard  any  one  feature 
as  primary  in  order  of  development,  or  as  of  necessity  original, 
psychologically. 

Another  Theory.  —  One  or  two  American  investigators.  Boas  ^  in 
particular,  hold  the  opinion  that  the  peculiarity  of  totemic  phenomena 
is  not  to  be  found  in  the  sum  of  totemic  elements  in  any  given  tribe, 
nor  in  any  individual  element,  but  in  the  relation  obtaining  between 
the  elements.  Tylor  suggested  a  similar  interpretation. ^  In  the  light 
of  the  foregoing  discussion,  it  becomes  obvious  that  if  there  is  any- 
thing specific  in  totemic  phenomena,  it  can  only  lie  in  some  such 
relation.  That  the  relation  involved  is  a  type  of  association,  will, 
I  think,  be  readily  admitted.  The  five  "symptoms."  or  two  or  three 
of  them,  or  all  and  a  few  others  in  addition,  become  associated,  and 
thus  constitute  a  totemic  whole.  That  the  process  is  an  association, 
and  not  a  mere  juxtaposition,  is  indeed  apparent.  True,  each  of  the 
elements  in  question  is  complex  historically  and  psychologically,  and 
variable;  but  in  each  totemic  combination  forces  are  at  work  which 
tend  to  correlate  the  several  heterogeneous  elements.  Thus  it  happens 
that  the  totemic  phenomena  assume  the  character  of  an  organic 
whole,  prompting  the  illusion  that  the  units  thus  found  associated 
necessarily  belong  together;  that  they  either  are  always  associated 
with  each  other,  or  are  not  units  at  all,  but  merely  different  aspects 
of  one  fundamental  phenomenon. 

That  the  association  is  an  intimate  one,  is,  however,  true  and 
significant.  In  studying  the  organization  of  the  tribes  of  Central 
Australia,  for  instance,  we  can  no  longer  separate  the  taboos  from 
the  intichiuma  ceremonies;  the  belief  in  soul-incarnation  from  certain 
material  objects  {the  churinga),  from  descent,  as  well  as  from  the 
sacred  ceremonies.  All  of  these  phenomena,  finally,  are  inextricably 
connected  with  the  social  organization,  at  least  with  the  phratries  and 
clans,  and  can  no  longer  be  analyzed  or  understood  if  abstracted  from 
that  context.  The  same  is  true  of  the  clans  of  the  Omaha,  with  their 
specific  religious  practices,  modes  of  wearing  the  hair,  ideas  as  to 
descent;  or  of  the  tribes  of  British  Columbia,  with  their  clan  tradi- 
tions, dancing  societies,  masks,  carvings,  potlatches,  etc.  Moreover, 
in  some  areas  we  perceive  the  tendency  of  some  one  or  few  elements 
to  dominate,  to  exert  more  than  an  even  share  of  influence  on  the 
other  elements,  to  become  what  might  be  called  the  Leitmotiv  of  a 
particular  totemic  combination.  We  saw  that  among  the  tribes  of 
Central  Australia,  spiritual  beliefs  and  the  intichiuma  ceremonies, 
in  British  Columbia,  beliefs  in  supernatural  power-yielding  guardians, 

1  Boas,  reprint  from  A.  J.  Ps.,  vol.  xxi  (1910),  p.  10. 
-  Tylor,  J.  A.  I.,  vol.  xxviii  (1899),  p.  144. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  271 

and  representations  of  crests  and  traditions  in  plastic  and  dramatic 
art,  became  such  dominant  elements. 

The  intimacy  of  the  above  associations  could  never  become  so 
absolute  if  not  for  the  fact  that  the  various  elements  —  religious, 
aesthetic,  ceremonial,  and  what  not  —  become  linked  with  definite 
social  units  (say,  the  clans),  of  which  they  henceforth  become  the 
prerogatives  and  the  symbols.  This  association  with  social  units  is 
what  constitutes  the  peculiarity  of  totemic  combinations.  Elements 
which  are  per  se  indifferent  or  vague  in  their  social  bearings  —  such 
as  dances,  songs,  carvings,  rituals,  names,  etc.  —  become  associated 
with  clearly  defined  social  groups,  and,  by  virtue  of  such  association, 
themselves  become  transformed  into  social  values,  not  merely  inten- 
sified in  degree,  but  definite  and  specific  in  character.  The  one  obvious 
and  important  means  by  which  the  association  with  definite  social 
groups  is  accomplished  is  descent. 

Through  descent  the  heterogeneous  elements  which  enter  into  the 
composition  of  the  totemic  complex  become  part  of  the  life  and  soul 
of  the  group.  Whatever  the  nucleus  of  the  composite  institution  may 
have  been  among  any  given  people,  —  and  we  may  postulate  a  great 
variety  of  such  nuclei  as  possible  starting-points  of  totemism,  —  the 
many  beliefs,  ceremonies,  traditions,  customs,  generally  found  asso- 
ciated with  the  totems,  did  not  arise,  nor  become  part  of  the  totemic 
process,  all  at  once.  As  the  totems  and  the  social  organization  they 
represented  would  rise  into  prominence,  various  beliefs  and  rituals 
would  tend  to  cluster  about  them.  No  sooner  would  a  rehgious, 
ritualistic,  assthetic  element  thus  come  into  contact  w^ith  the  totem, 
become  emotionally  significant,  than  it  would  tend  to  be  handed  on 
through  inheritance;  and,  once  hereditary,  it  would  soon  become  an 
integral  part  of  the  complex.  As  we  shall  see  below,  the  various  beliefs 
and  practices  which  thus  become  fused  in  totemism  need  not  be 
psychological  derivatives  of  the  original  totemic  nucleus,  nor  need 
they  even  be  of  local  origin. 

In  this  connection,  a  word  at  least  is  due  to  the  rehgious  societies. 
By  this  I  mean  those  ceremonial  organizations  in  which  the  members 
of  each  group  are  affiliated,  emotionally  and  ceremonially,  through  the 
possession  of  the  same  guardian  spirit. 

There  is  a  prima  facie  resemblance  between  these  societies  and  the 
totemic  associations  of  clansmen.  In  both  institutions  we  find  an  asso- 
ciation of  a  religious  with  a  social  element.  The  attitude  of  the  mem- 
bers of  a  ceremonial  group  towards  their  supernatural  protector  is 
often  not  unlike  that  of  the  totemites  towards  their  totem.  The  totem 
is  hereditary;  the  guardian,  while  by  no  means  always  or  even  gener- 
ally hereditary,  tends  strongly  to  become  so.  But  the  analogy  is  not  a 
safe  one,  and  may  prove  misleading.  The  groups  of  the  society  are  not 


272  Journal  oj  American  Folk-Lore 

like  the  totem  clan,  complete  social  units,  for  the  women  are  not  in- 
cluded in  them;  nor  are  the  members  of  the  ceremonial  groups  tied  by 
that  sense  of  kinship  which  consolidates  the  groups  of  totemic  clans- 
men. While  a  certain  psychological  afhnity  between  the  two  institu- 
tions is  not  improbable,  their  genetic  relationship,  claimed  hy  some, 
calls  for  demonstration.  However  that  may  be,  the  different  function 
of  descent  in  the  two  sets  of  phenomena  deserve  notice.  In  clan  totem- 
ism  we  start  with  a  social  group  which  in  some  way  has  acquired  a 
totem,  whether  it  be  a  worshipped  or  tabooed  animal  or  plant,  or 
merely  a  name.  Descent  becomes  henceforth  a  factor  which  tends 
to  perpetuate  the  totemic  clan  as  a  social  unit,  as  well  as  to  consoH- 
date  it  with  those  other  elements  which  may  from  time  to  time 
become  associated  with  it.  In  the  religious  society  the  function  of 
descent  is  a  formative  one:  the  given  element  is  a  religious  unit,  —  the 
individual  with  his  guardian  animal.  Through  the  medium  of  descent, 
individuals  with  the  same  guardian  animal  become  consolidated  into 
a  self-perpetuating  social  group.  In  clan  totemism,  then,  the  social 
group  is,  for  totemic  purposes,  the  starting-point;  in  a  religious  soci- 
ety, the  social  group  is  itself  the  product  of  descent  working  upon 
individual  religious  units.  ^ 

^  The  Aranda  deserve  a  special  word  in  this  connection.  Among  them  an  individual's 
totem  is  not  determined  by  either  that  of  his  father  or  that  of  his  mother.  Thus  the 
element  which  was  represented  above  as  a  potent  factor  in  producing  permanent  associa- 
tions between  religious  beliefs  and  practices  and  definite  social  groups  seems  to  be  absent 
here.  In  accordance  with  this  fact,  we  found  the  Aranda  totem  clans  to  be  very  weak 
as  social  units.  When  the  parents  do  not  know  to  what  particular  totem  their  children 
will  belong,  the  social  sohdarity  of  the  totem  group  must  needs  be  impaired.  Two  other 
facts  must  be  considered  in  this  connection,  —  facts  which  tend  to  ally  the  Aranda  with 
those  communities  where  the  totem  is  inherited.  Strehlow  asserts,  that,  in  addition  to 
}iis  own  totem  acquired  in  the  unique  way  peculiar  to  that  group,  each  individual  has 
also  another  totem,  —  that,  namely,  of  his  mother.  Unfortunately,  Strehlow  does  not 
give  us  sufficient  data  on  the  relative  importance  of  the  two  totems.  Do  those  individu- 
als who  possess  the  same  maternal  totems  regard  that  fact  as  a  social  bond  ?  If  that  were 
so,  we  might  have  to  recognize  among  the  Aranda  two  intercrossing  totemic  groupings. 

In  order  duly  to  appreciate  the  second  point,  we  must  return  to  the  concept  of  descent. 
When  viewed  in  connection  with  objects  of  religious  concern,  —  as  in  religious  societies 
or  in  communities  like  the  Thompson  River  Indians,  where  random  individual  acquisi- 
tion of  guardian  spirits  prevails,  —  descent  involves  two  prominent  and  correlated 
factors.  The  particular  religious  object  is  assigned  to  the  individual  at  birth,  and  the 
necessity  of  personally  acquiring  it  is  eliminated,  although  individual  acquisition  of  the 
same  object  may  also  persist,  or  another  or  other  objects  may  be  acquired  in  addition. 
The  first  factor  —  the  fixation  of  the  religious  object  at  birth,  through  inheritance 
—  tends  to  check  the  multiphcation  of  such  religious  objects  in  the  group.  In  fact, 
if  descent  becomes  imperative,  and  individual  acquisition  is  eliminated,  the  number 
of  rehgious  objects  must  decrease  through  the  dying-out  of  groups  sharing  the  same 
religious  object  and  united  by  paternal  or  maternal  descent.  If  a  process  of  that  char- 
acter began  to  be  operati\-e  in  a  group  like  the  Aranda  or  the  Thompson  River  Indians,  — 
where  the  number  of  religious  objects  is  very  large,  and  the  number  of  individuals  in 
each  group  sharing  the  same  object  of  necessity  very  small,  —  the  elimination  of  groups 
would  at  first  be  very  rapid,  with  the  result  that  in  the  course  of  a  few  centuries  the  com- 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  273 

But  let  us  return  to  the  component  elements  of  the  totemic  com- 
plex. It  will  be  admitted  that  these  elements  are  highly  heterogeneous 
in  character.  Their  psychological  complexity  and  variabihty,  as  well 
as  the  many  possibilities  of  origins  and  historic  developments,  have 
been  at  least  indicated  above.  The  various  totemic  complexes  as 
we  now  find  them,  in  Australia,  America,  Africa,  reveal,  in  comparison, 
a  considerable  degree  of  similarity.  Totemic  phenomena  may  thus 
be  regarded  as  the  product  of  convergent  evolution. 

It  must  not  be  supposed,  that,  by  trying  to  reconstruct  in  broad 
outline  the  process  of  association  as  it  must  have  occurred  in  the 
formative  period  of  totemic  complexes,  we  have  exhausted  the  possi- 
bilities of  interpretation.  The  general  character  of  the  process  may 
not  be  beyond  our  comprehension;  as  to  the  specific  causes  of  these 
associations,  we  must  plead  ignorance.  ^ 

munity  would  be  reduced  to  a  comparatively  small  number  of  groups  with  their  respec- 
tive religious  objects,  the  groups  being  large  enough  to  insure  their  permanence.  Some 
processes  like  the  one  suggested  are  probably  in  the  main  responsible  for  the  fact  that, 
wherever  descent  of  the  totem  is  a  permanent  characteristic,  the  number  of  totemic 
groups  is  comparatively  small. 

I  have  repeatedly  drawn  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  elimination  of  the  individual 
acquisition  element  tends  to  decrease  the  religious  value  of  the  object.  The  process  of 
socialization  of  religious  elements  tends,  in  so  far  as  it  is  operative,  to  transform  them 
into  social  elements  with  a  consequent  depreciation  or  loss  of  their  religious  character. 
(Cf.  Hill-Tout's  statement  in  the/.  ^4.  7. ,  vol.  35,  p.  143,  note  i:  " The  farther  we  get  away 
from  the  personal  character  of  the  totem,  the  less  religiously  significant  it  becomes."  But 
Hill-Tout  therefore  contends  "that  a  study  of  totemism  from  the  social  point  of  view  will 
never  reveal  to  us  its  origin  and  true  import.") 

An  instructive  illustration  to  the  above  analysis  of  the  phenomenon  of  descent  is 
furnished  by  a  comparison  of  three  groups,  —  the  Thompson  Indians,  the  Kwakiutl, 
and  the  Aranda.  Among  the  Thompson  there  is,  with  some  few  exceptions,  no  descent 
of  the  guardian  spirits,  and  individual  acquisition  prevails;  in  accordance  with  this  fact» 
the  multiplication  of  guardian  spirits  is  not  checked,  their  number  being  legion,  while 
their  religious  character  is  very  strong.  Among  the  Kwakiutl,  although  there  is  no 
descent  of  the  guardian  spirits,  the  individual's  choice  is  hmited  to  the  spirits  belonging 
to  his  clan,  —  not  a  definite  spirit,  but  a  limited  number  of  possibilities  of  acquisition 
is  inherited,  and  any  further  multiplication  of  guardian  spirits  is  therefore  checked. 
Individual  acquisition,  however,  prevails,  and  the  religious  value  of  the  spirit  protectors 
remains  strong.  Among  the  Aranda  an  individual's  totem  is  determined  at  birth,  there 
is  no  individual  acquisition,  and  the  religious  character  of  the  totem  is  weak.  Here,  how- 
ever, the  fixation  of  the  totem  at  birth,  and  the  absence  of  individual  acquisition,  do 
not,  as  in  other  cases,  check  the  multiplication  of  totems.  The  reason  for  this  is  that 
among  the  Aranda  the  element  of  individual  acquisition  is  really  present  —  with  the 
mothers,  namely,  who  individually  acquire  the  totems  for  their  children.  If  some 
similar  process  of  acquiring  the  totem  were  gone  through  by  the  individuals  themselves, 
the  religious  factor  would  probably  be  more  prominent  than  we  now  find  it  to  be. 

^  From  this  point  of  view,  totemic  phenomena  stand  in  line  with  other  problems  in 
ethnic  associations  which  confront  us.  Why  should  certain  things  become  firmly  asso- 
ciated in  primitive  communities,  which  among  ourselves  tend  to  remain  comparatively 
independent,  and  vice  versa?  What  are  the  laws,  if  any,  of  such  associations?  Can  we 
speak  of  certain  types  towards  which  the  associations  tend  ?  We  do  not  know.  It  remains 
for  the  ethnologists  who  are  also  psychologists  to  throw  light  on  these  problems,  which 
at  present  are  as  dark  as  they  are  theoretically  interesting. 


274  Journal  0}  American  Folk-Lore 

ToTEMiSM  DEFINED.  — Bcforc  attempting  to  define  "totemism," 
let  us  be  sure  as  to  what  elements  that  definition  ought  to  include, 
in  order  to  be  serviceable. 

If  we  want  the  term  ''totemism"  to  designate  something  definite, 
the  concrete  content  of  the  phenomenon  must  not  be  expressed  in 
the  definition;  for,  as  shown  above,  that  concrete  content  varies  with 
places  and  peoples.  The  content,  then,  must  be  expressed  in  the  most 
general  terms. 

We  saw  that  the  one  common  factor  in  the  various  ethnic  complexes 
generally  termed  "totemism"  is  an  association  which  occurs  between 
certain  religious  phenomena,  on  the  one  hand,  and  certain  social 
phenomena,  on  the  other.  If,  in  defining  "totemism,"  we  agree  to 
restrict  the  meaning  of  the  term  to  that  association,  —  in  other  words, 
if  "  totemism  "  is  to  mean  a  relation  of  a  certain  kind,  and  not  the  sum 
of  certain  concrete  factors,  —  we  may  expect  to  reach  a  concept  of 
sufficient  definiteness  to  be  serviceable,  and  yet  general  enough  to 
embrace  a  vast  number  of  variations  in  concrete  content.  Totemism, 
then,  must  express  a  relation. 

Totemism,  in  the  current  sense,  is  understood  to  have  a  social  and 
a  religious  side.  These  are  the  two  factors  which  become  associated. 
But  in  many  instances,  it  appears,  the  rehgious  side  of  totemism  is 
very  weak.  When  the  totem  is  a  crest,  it  often  possesses  but  little 
religious  value;  while  the  totem  as  a  mere  name  can  in  no  sense  be 
said  to  possess  any  religious  significance  whatever.  Yet  in  the  general 
character  of  the  association,  the  groups  of  tribes  to  which  these 
remarks  apply  are  so  much  like  those  groups  where  the  religious  side 
is  present  that  we  do  not  feel  justified  in  separating  the  two  sets  in 
our  definition.  Thus,  if  the  term  "totemism"  comes  to  designate  a 
relation  between  a  religious  and  a  social  set  of  phenomena,  our  defi- 
nition will  not  be  wide  enough:  it  could  not  be  made  to  cover  those 
cases  where  the  religious  side  is  nil.  The  term  "religiotis"  must  thus 
be  eliminated. 

But  if  not  religious,  what?  If  we  survey  the  various  objects  and 
symbols  which  in  totemic  areas  sometimes  assume  religious  signifi- 
cance, and  then  again  do  not,  I  think  we  shall  find  that,  whether 
religious  or  not,  these  objects  and  symbols  represent  certain  emotional 
values  for  the  people  to  whom  they  pertain.^    Eliminating,  then, 

1  It  may  be  objected  that  wherever  the  totem  is  merely  a  name,  as  among  the  Iroquois , 
no  emotional  value  is  attached  to  it.  This  is  true.  But  we  must  remember  that  at  the 
time  when  these  names  were  assumed  (or  accepted  from  without),  —  granted  that  such 
was  one  of  the  beginnings  of  totemism,  —  they  must  have  been  of  some  emotional  con- 
cern to  the  people,  else  why  should  they  have  become  hereditary  and  firmly  fixed  in 
definite  social  groups  ?  Now,  it  is  to  this  process  of  association  of  objects  of  emotional 
value  with  social  units  that  we  apply  the  term  "totemism"  (see  farther  on):  hence  the 
proposed  substitution  of  "objects  and  symbols  of  emotional  value"  for  "religious 
objects  and  symbols"  does  not  seem  to  be  invalidated  by  the  objection. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  275 

the  term  "religious,"  we  find  that  what  becomes  associated  with  social 
units  in  totemic  communities  are  objects  and  symbols  of  emotional 
value. 

Finally,  we  must  remember  that  the  concrete  content  of  totemic 
phenomena  changes  not  merely  with  place,  but  with  time.  The  pro- 
duct of  totemic  associations  changes  all  the  while;  the  stages  of 
development  become  effaced;  new  features  are  superadded.  If  we 
want  to  evade  this  variability  in  time  as  we  have  evaded  the  local 
variability,  we  must  apply  the  term  "totemism,"  not  to  a  condition, 
to  a  static  phenomenon,  but  to  a  dynamic  phenomenon,  to  a  tendency, 
or  a  process. 

We  are  now  prepared  to  venture  a  definition : 

Totemism  is  the  tendency  of  definite  social  units  ^  to  become  associated 
with  objects  and  symbols  of  emotional  value. 

To  look  at  the  phenomenon  from  a  somewhat  different  standpoint, 
objects  and  symbols  which  are  originally  of  emotional  value  for  indi- 
viduals become  through  their  totemic  association  transformed  into 
social  factors,  referring  to  social  units  which  are  clearly  defined.  This 
process  of  transformation  from  individual  into  social  values  may  fitly 
be  designated  by  the  term  "  socialization."  We  must  remember,  how- 
ever, that  the  groups  within  which  the  sociahzation  occurs  are  firmly 
fixed  social  units  perpetuated  through  descent.  The  process  of  social- 
ization is  thus  not  general  or  vague,  but  specific.  Hence  our  definition 
may  also  be  expressed  thus :  Totemism  is  the  process  of  specific  socializa- 
tion of  objects  and  symbols  of  emotional  value.  But  the  term  "  socializa- 
tion" may  in  itself  be  taken  to  imply  a  process;  while  "objects  and 
symbols  of  emotional  value"  may,  for  psychological  purposes,  be 
simply  designated  as  "emotional  values."  Thus,  quite  briefly  and  in 
most  general  and  purely  psychological  terms,  Totemism  is  the  specific 
socialization  of  emotional  values. 

Either  definition  indicates  the  process  with  sufficient  clearness;  the 
difference  in  form  being  due  to  the  fact  that  in  the  first  definition  the 
social  units  within  which  the  socialization  occurs  are  made  the  starting- 
point,  while  in  the  second  definition  the  process  is  described  from  the 
point  of  view  of  the  objects  and  symbols  of  emotional  value  which  be- 
come socialized. 

If  we  adopt  this  dynamic  and  general  definition  of  "totemism,"  a 
term  becomes  necessary  to  cover  the  concrete  content  of  totemic 
phenomena  in  any  given  tribe  or  tribes.  I  propose  to  use  the  term 
"totemic  complex"  in  that  connection.  The  sum  of  totemic  phe- 
nomena, which  vary  from  place  to  place  and  from  time  to  time,  may 

1  The  means  by  which  the  association  occurs  is,  as  indicated  before,  descent ;  and 
through  descent  the  social  groups  which  become  associated  with  objects,  etc.,  are  con- 
stituted as  definite  social  units. 


276  Journal  0}  American  Folk-Lore 

fitly  be  designated  "a  complex;"  while  the  common  factor  in  these 
complexes,  the  unifying  factor,  is  totemism,  —  the  process  by  which 
the  component  elements  of  the  totemic  complexes  become  trans- 
formed into  social  values  firmly  associated  with  definite  social  units.  ^ 

Origins,  in  Theory  and  History 

We  may  now  glance  at  some  few  of  the  theories  advanced  by  various 
authors  to  account  for  the  origin  of  totemism. 

Schmidt  finds  the  totemism  of  North  Australia  to  be  best  repre- 
sented by  the  tribes  of  the  Warramunga  group.  He  analyzes  that  to- 
temism from  the  points  of  view  of  (i)  food,  (2)  marriage,  (3)  concep- 
tion and  descent.  The  argument  is  prefaced  by  the  words, "  Ich  glaube 
darlegen  zu  konnen,  dass  dieser  so  geheimnisvoll  scheinende  und  jetzt 
auch  wohl  in  Wirklichkeit  so  seiende  Totemismus  auf  eine  verhdltnis- 
mdssig  niichterne  und  einfache  Ursache  zuriickzufiihren  sei."  ^  Schmidt 
notes  with  regret  that  Spencer  and  Gillen  are  silent  on  the  subject  of 
trade,  "  der  doch  gewiss  ein  wichtiges  Stiick  des  intertribalen  Verkehrs 
bildet."  Hence  he  turns  to  the  tribes  of  the  Torres  Straits,  where,  in 
Mabuiag,  for  instance,  the  two  totems  which  figure  in  the  magical 
ceremonies  for  the  multiplication  of  the  food-supply  are  also  the  main, 
or  even  only,  two  articles  of  food  which  are  used  in  trade. 

Now,  what  is  the  relation  between  the  eating-interdict  and  the 
trade  with  these  articles  of  food  ?  The  answer  is  found  at  home.  Who 
does  not  know  the  famihar  fact  that  our  peasants  often  abstain  from 
using  in  their  own  households  the  food-products  they  cultivate,  but 
export  them  mostly  to  the  neighboring  town  ?  What  we  find  here  in 
rudimentary  form  may  develop  everywhere  under  analogous  condi- 
tions. Such  conditions  we  find  wherever  the  production  and  consump- 
tion of  food-articles  are  locally  distinct,  so  that  a  tribe  must  import 
from  its  neighbors  the  articles  which  are  lacking  in  its  own  district. 

^  A  word  may  be  said  here  about  the  "  individual  totem  "  and  the  "  sex  totem."  If  it  is 
found  advisable  to  apply  the  term  "  totemism"  to  the  social  process  indicated  above,  the 
social  aspect  ought  to  be  made  equally  prominent  in  the  use  of  the  word  "totem."  The 
totem  may  thus  be  defined  as  being  an  object  or  symbol  of  emotional  value  referring  to  a  defi- 
nite social  unit.  "Individual  totem"  and  "sex  totem"  then  become  contradictions  in 
terms;  for  the  sex  totem  cannot  be  perpetuated  by  descent,  and  hence  the  group  to  which 
it  refers  is  not,  strictly  speaking,  a  social  unit.  It  must  be  admitted,  however,  that  this 
restriction  of  the  term  "  totem"  may  lead  to  some  diflaculties.  It  can  always  happen  that 
in  a  totemic  community  the  animal  or  plant  totem  of  the  clan  becomes  the  guardian  of  an 
individual,  or  is  adopted  as  an  emblem  by  a  group  of  either  sex.  The  ruling-out  of  the  term 
"totem"  in  such  cases  would  doubtless  be  somewhat  artificial;  but  this,  after  all,  is  but  a 
matter  of  definition,  and  the  difficulty  is  due  mainly  to  the  habit  of  associating  the  totem 
primarily  with  its  religious  characteristics.  A  distinction  seems  desirable,  and  would  be 
useful.  If  an  animal,  or  plant,  or  object,  or  name,  is  a  totem  on  account  of  its  definite 
social  relations,  it  must,  in  the  absence  of  such  relations,  cease  to  be  a  totem. 

"  Schmidt,  Z.  f.  E.,  vol.  xli  (1909),  p.  346.  Unless  expressly  stated,  the  Italics  in  the 
following  pages  are  mine. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  277 

German  New  Guinea,  the  Aranda,  the  Admiralty  Islands,  are  cited  as 
examples.  An  institution  which  in  our  own  complex  culture  does  not 
advance  beyond  a  rudimentary  stage  easily  becomes  fixed  and  stereo- 
typed in  the  monotonous  flow  of  aboriginal  life.  The  food  interdict  on 
articles  of  trade,  an  economic  custom  in  origin,  becomes  in  time  a 
moral  law.  In  the  course  of  ages  the  original  motive  of  the  interdict  is 
forgotten.  "  Es  folgte  eine  Zeit  des  Schwankens  und  der  Unsicherheit, 
Zustande,  die  besonders  fruchtbar  sind  zur  Erzeugung  von  allerlei 
metaphysischen  Associationen."^  Schmidt  proceeds  to  make  ample 
use  of  such  metaphysical  associations.  The  animal  or  plant,  in  recogni- 
tion of  its  importance  in  the  life  and  progress  of  the  tribe,  becomes  the 
mythical  source  of  the  life  of  the  tribe,  its  ancestor. ^  And  what  could 
be  more  natural  than  that  the  group  should  assume  or  be  called  by  the 
name  of  the  animal  or  plant  so  plentiful  in  its  district.  New  light  is 
also  thrown  on  the  beliefs  about  conception  held  by  the  tribes  of  North 
Australia.  Conception  can  occur  only  when  the  woman  visits  the  to- 
temi  centre  of  her  husband,  for  there  the  totemic  ancestor  continues  to 
live  in  the  shapes  of  the  totemic  animals  and  plants,  his  descendants. 
As  the  direct  intercourse  with  the  totemic  ancestor  comes  to  the  fore, 
the  function  of  the  individual  human  father  is  relegated  to  the  back- 
ground, and  with  it  the  sexual  act  as  a  cause  of  conception. 

The  first  stage  in  the  development  of  this  "  Trade  Totemism"^  must 
besought  in  the  period  of  garden-culture.  The  ceremonies  for  the  mul- 
tiplication of  the  totem  animal  or  plant,  argues  Schmidt,  are  magical 
ceremonies.  Magic  by  contact  preceded  magic  at  a  distance;  and  as  the 
non-domesticated  animal  had  to  be  acted  upon  at  a  distance,  while 
the  plant  could  be  handled  by  direct  contact,  the  first  ceremonies  must 
have  been  conducted  on  plants.  Garden-culture  was  the  cradle  of  the 
magical  rites  for  the  multiplication  of  the  totem."  Space  forbids  us  to 
follow  the  details  of  Schmidt's  picturesque  presentation  of  the  taboo 
situation.  He  goes  on,  "So  denke  ich  also,  dass  die  Dinge,  die  be- 
sonders aus  Pflanzenbau  dann  aber  aus  Handelsverhaltnissen  ganz 
natiirlich  hervorgehen,  durchaus  die  Basis  bilden,  aus  der,  wenn  die 
Entwicklung  in  die  Sphare  des  Mythos  gelangt,  ebenso  natiirlich  all 
die  Einzelheiten  sich  entwickeln,  die  wir  bei  den  Wachstumszeremo- 
nien  und  der  mit  ihnen  verbundenen  Art  des  Totemismus  der  nord- 
lichen  Stamme  Australiens  kennen  gelernt  haben."  ^ 

On  the  basis  of  the  facts  brought  together  in  "  The  Native  Tribes  of 
Central  Australia,"  Frazer  arrived  at  the  conclusion  that  the  intichi- 

^  Schmidt,  Z.  f.  E.,  vol.  xli  (iqoq),  p.  348. 

^  As  if  to  shiric  full  responsibility  for  this  argument,  Schmidt  adds  that  the  relation  to 
the  totem  is  "iibrigens,"  not  always  interpreted  as  one  of  descent  {Ibid.,  p.  348)- 
^  Schmidt,  "Handels-Totemismus"  {Ibid.,  p.  350). 
*  Ibid.,  pp.  349-350. 
^  Ibid.,  p.  350. 


278  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

uma  ceremonies,  conducted  to  further  the  supply  of  the  totem,  lay  at 
the  root  of  Central  Australian  totemism.  Spencer  had  independently 
come  to  the  same  conclusion.^  "  Have  we  not  in  these  intichiuma  cere- 
monies the  key  to  the  original  meaning  of  totemism  among  the  Central 
Australian  tribes,  perhaps  even  of  totemism  in  general  ?  "  In  favor  of 
his  hypothesis,  Frazer  urges  that  "it  is  simple  and  natural  and  in  en- 
tire conformity  with  both  the  practical  needs  and  the  modes  of  thought  of 
savage  man.  Nothiyig  could  he  more  natural  than  that  man  should  wish 
to  eat  when  he  is  hungry,  to  drink  when  he  is  thirsty,  to  have  fire  to 
warm  him  when  he  is  cold,  and  fresh  breezes  to  cool  him  when  he  is  hot ; 
and  to  the  savage  nothing  seems  simpler  than  to  procure  for  himself  these 
and  all  other  necessaries  and  comforts  by  magic  art."  ^  Frazer  is  much 
impressed  by  this  totemism,  which,  as  "  a  thoroughly  practical  system," 
accomplishes  its  end  in  a  "clear  and  straightforward  way,"  being  all 
the  while  "  the  creation  of  a  crude  and  barbarous  philosophy.  All  na- 
ture has  been  mapped  out  into  departments;  all  men  have  been  dis- 
tributed into  corresponding  groups,  and  to  each  group  of  men  has  been 
assigned,  with  astounding  audacity,  the  duty  of  controlling  some  one 
department  of  nature  for  the  common  good."  ^ 

According  to  Aranda  traditions,  the  totemites  of  the  mythical  period 
fed  on  the  animal  which  was  their  totem.  This  agrees  with  the  hypoth- 
esis, for  "why  should  not  a  man  partake  of  the  food  which  he  is  at 
so  much  pains  to  provide  ?  "  But  whence  the  subsequent  prohibition  ? 
"  Men  may  have  remarked  that  animals  as  a  rule,  and  plants  univer- 
sally [sic],  do  not  feed  upon  their  own  kind;  and  hence  a  certain  incon- 
sistency may  have  been  perceived  in  the  conduct  of  Grub  men  who 
Kved  on  grubs,  of  Grass-seed  men  who  ate  grass-seed,  and  so  with  the 
other  animal  and  vegetable  totems."  *  Similarly  the  Aranda  traditions 
speak  of  marriages  between  totemites;  and,  once  more,  this  is  just 
what  we  should  expect :  "What  can  be  more  natural  than  that  an  Emu 
man  should  wed  an  Emu  woman  and  an  Opossum  man  should  marry 
an  Opossum  woman,  just  as  an  emu  cock  mates  with  an  emu  hen  and 
a  male  opossum  pairs  with  a  female  opossum?"^  The  puzzle  of  the 
multiplex  totems  is  also  easily  accounted  for.  If  the  totem  clan  is  a 
band  of  magicians,  we  "can  easily  see  that,  where  the  totem  clans  were 
not  numerous,  it  might  be  found  necessary  to  intrust  several  depart- 
ments of  nature  to  each  clan."  Among  the  Wotjoballuk,  for  instance, 
"  if  each  of  the  six  clans  were  to  give  its  attention  exclusively  to  its 
particular  totem,  whole  departments  of  nature,  including  multitudi- 
nous species  of  animals  and  plants,  would  be  uncared  for,  and  the  con- 
sequences to  the  tribe  might  be  disastrous.   What  would  become  of 

^  Frazer,  1899,  pp.  664-665.  2  jUd.,  p.  835. 

^  Ibid.,  p.  836.  4  Ibid.,  p.  838. 

^  Ibid.,  p.  840. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  279 

kangaroos,  opossums,  and  wallabies,  if  it  were  nobody's  business  to 
multiply  them  ?  "  ^ 

These  two  examples  may  suffice  to  illustrate  the  origin-hunting  ten- 
dency at  its  worst.  I  shall  not  here  attempt  to  criticise  in  any  detail 
the  views  above  presented.  What  now  concerns  us  is  the  curious  simi- 
larity in  method  of  reasoning  in  these  two,  as  in  many  other,  instances 
of  hypothetical  origins.  Some  feature  is  selected  as  a  starting-point,  — 
magical  ceremonies,  or  beliefs  about  conception,  or  the  use  of  totems  as 
articles  of  trade.  The  processes  involved  are  shown  to  be  simple,  natural ; 
and  if  necessary,  the  tribe  in  question,  say  the  Aranda,  is  "proven" 
to  be  primitive.  What  is  more  natural  for  a  savage  than  to  eat  when 
he  is  hungry,  and  to  secure  his  food  by  magical  means;  or  to  abstain 
from  using  certain  food-products  in  order  to  exchange  them  for  others 
cultivated  by  neighboring  tribes;  or,  ignoring  the  physical  cause  of 
conception,  to  believe  that  impregnation  is  due  to  a  spirit  entering  the 
body  of  a  woman  ?  If  local  evidence  is  insufficient,  analogous  phenom- 
ena are  drawn  upon.  European  peasants  abstain  from  the  products  of 
their  land,  in  order  to  sell  them  in  the  neighboring  town;  animal  and 
other  sobriquets  were  given  in  western  England  and  elsewhere, ^  etc. 
Given  the  foundation,  the  other  features  of  totemism  are  derived  from 
it.  The  theory  is  made  a  general  principle  of  interpretation.  Given 
conception  totemism,  and  "the  whole  history  of  totemism  becomes 
intelligible;"^  for  hereditary  totemism,  maternal  as  well  as  paternal, 
can  be  derived  from  it.^  Moreover,  it  accounts  for  the  intermingling 
of  stocks  in  the  various  localities.^  Not  only  does  the  intichiuma- 
totemism  flow  naturally  from  the  savage  conception  of  things,  but  it  ac- 
counts for  multiplex  totems ;  ^  while  the  totem  as  an  article  of  trade 
becomes  the  eponymous  ancestor  of  the  group,  and  so  overshadows, 
in  the  mind  of  the  native,  the  facts  of  his  daily  experience,  as  to  make 
him  forget  the  procreative  functions  of  his  father,  and  substitute  a 
mystic  theory  of  conception.^ 

Within  the  capacity  of  the  author  the  theory  is  made  consistent  and 
plausible.  "My  hypothesis,"  says  Lang,  "does  not,  I  think,  involve 
anything  impossible  or  far-fetched,  or  incapable  of  proof  in  a  general 
way.  It  is  human,  it  is  inevitable,  that  plant  and  animal  names  should 
be  given,  especially  among  groups  more  or  less  hostile.  We  call  the 
French  'frogs.'  It  is  also  a  fact  that  names  given  from  without  come 
to  be  accepted.  It  is  a  fact  that  names,  once  accepted,  are  ex- 
plained by  myths;  it  is  a  fact  that  myths  come  to  be  believed,  and  that 
belief  influences  behavior."  ^  Lured  by  the  simplicity  and  naturalness 

1  Frazer,  1899,  pp.  849-850.  ^  Lang,  S.  0.,  p.  173. 

^  Frazer,  1905,  p.  457.  ■•  Ibid.,  p.  454. 

^  Frazer,  1899,  p.  849.  "  Schmidt,  Z.  f.  E.,  vol.  xli  (1909),  pp.  348-349. 

'  Lang,  5.  0.,  p.  188. 


28o  Journal  of  American  Folk -Lore 

of  their  theory,  some  authors  are  not  satisfied  with  the  local  interpre- 
tation it  yields,  but  extend  its  application  to  other  times  and  places. 
To  speak  once  more  with  Frazer,  "  this  theory  of  conception  is,  on  the 
principles  of  savage  thought,  so  simple  and  obvious,  that  it  may  well 
have  occurred  to  men  independently  in  many  parts  of  the  world.  Thus 
we  could  understand  the  wide  prevalence  of  totemism  among  the  dis- 
tant races  without  being  forced  to  suppose  that  they  had  borrowed  it 
from  each  other.'"  ^  Anything  but  that;  while  the  possibility  of  multi- 
plex origins  is  not  even  hinted  at. 

Long  before  the  secret  of  the  totem  was  revealed,  Lang  felt  that  "  a 
clear  and  consistent  working  h^^othesis  of  totemism  was  indispen- 
sable." 2  No  doubt,  an  even  partial  reconstruction  of  the  development 
of  totemism  in  any  one  community  would  be  an  invaluable  asset  to  our 
comprehension  of  that  phenomenon.  Evidence  Uke  that  now  accumu- 
lating about  the  totemism  of  British  Columbia  may  supply  this  need; 
but  is  it  exddence  of  that  character  that  the  above  theories  of  the  origin 
of  totemism  lay  before  us  ?  Not  at  all.  The  partly  reconstructed  past 
is  not  used  to  throw  light  on  the  present.  The  procedure  adopted  is 
rather  the  reverse.  A  feature  salient  in  the  totemic  life  of  some  com- 
munity is  seized  upon,  only  to  be  projected  into  the  remote  past,  and 
to  be  made  the  starting-point  of  the  totemic  process.  The  intermediary 
stages  and  ''secondary"  features  are  supplied  from  local  evidence,  by 
analogy  with  other  communities,  or  in  accordance  "with  recognized 
rules  of  evolution  [what  are  they  ?]  and  of  logic. "^  The  origin  and  de- 
velopment, thus  arrived  at,  are  then  used  as  principles  of  interpreta- 
tion of  the  present  conditions. 

Not  one  step  in  the  above  mode  of  attacking  the  problem  of  totem- 
ism is  methodologically  justifiable.  There  is  no  warrant  for  assuming 
a  feature  now  prominent  to  be  the  original  feature  of  the  system.  We 
have  no  more  right  to  assume  that  the  inlichinma  ceremonies  or  the 
conception  beliefs  of  the  Aranda  were  the  source  of  even  Aranda  totem- 
ism, than  we  should  have  to  regard  the  decorative  art  of  the  Indians 
of  British  Columbia  as  the  primary  element  of  the  totemism  of  those 
Indians.  True,  animal  names  are  common  in  totemic  groups;  but  why 
is  the  question,"  How  did  the  early  groups  come  to  be  named  after  the 
plants  and  animals  ?  "  the  real  problem  ?  "*  Would  not  Lang  admit  that 
other  features  may  also  have  been  the  starting-point ;  such  as  animal 
taboos,  or  a  belief  in  descent  from  an  animal,  or  primitive  hunting-reg- 
ulations, or  what  not  ?  I  am  sure  that  Lang,  who  is  such  an  adept  in 
following  the  logos, ^  could  without  much  effort  construct  a  theory  of 
totemism  with  any  one  of  these  elements  to  start  with,  —  a  theory  as 

1  Frazer,  1905,  p.  457.  2  Lang,  S.  0.,  Introduction,  p.  viii. 

^  Lang,  S.  T.,  p.  28.  *  Lang,  S.  0.,  p.  161. 

'  Lang,  5.  T.,  Introduction,  p.  x. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study 


2»I 


consistent  with  fact,  logic,  and  the  mind  of  primitive  man,  as  is  the 
theory  of  names  "  accepted  from  without." 

The  next  step  in  the  reasoning  —  that,  namely,  of  a  rigid  deduction  of 
the  other  features  from  the  original  one  —  is  not  anymore  justifiable; 
for  it  involves  the  assumption  of  an  organic  unity  of  the  features  of 
totemism,  an  assumption  which  I  hope  I  have  shown  to  be  untenable. 
It  also  involves  the  assumption  of  a  uniform  law  of  development.  We 
may  not  dwell  here  on  this  important  issue;  it  sufiices  to  note  that 
evidence  from  various  lines  of  ethnological  research  tends  to  accentu- 
ate the  danger  of  assuming  such  uniformities.  The  same  warning  ap- 
plies with  yet  greater  emphasis  to  the  habit  of  making  general  issues 
of  special  issues  locally  elaborated. 

There  remains  another  fundamental  objection.  Most  of  the  authors, 
in  their  introductions  and  casual  statements,  admit  the  frequency  of 
borrowing  and  diffusion,  of  assimilation  and  secondary  associations  of 
cultural  elements,  in  primitive  societies.  The  facts  thus  recognized  are, 
however,  promptly  laid  aside  when  theories  of  origin  and  development 
are  being  attempted.  The  state  of  conceptual  isolation  thus  provided 
for  one  or  another  group  is,  however,  never  dupHcated  in  the  life  of 
communities.  The  historical  process  is  ever  at  work,  and  will  be  taken 
account  of.  What  underlying  laws  and  similarities  future  research 
may  disclose  on  the  basis  of  a  vast  material  of  concrete  processes  is 
not  for  us  to  say,  for  we  are  just  beginning  to  sift  our  data. 

Of  the  two  areas  I  have  selected  for  detailed  analysis,  one,  British 
Columbia,  has  yielded  tolerably  reliable  information  on  a  number  of 
curious  historical  processes.  To  these  we  may  now  turn. 

The  case  of  the  Shuswap  is  of  special  interest.  The  southern  Shu- 
swap  were  divided  into  bands,  at  the  head  of  which  stood  chiefs 
whose  ofl&ce  was  hereditary.^  There  was  no  nobility,  no  privileged 
classes,  no  clans,  and  no  societies.  Neither  were  there  any  crests, 
totems,  or  origin  traditions.  As  many  as  about  seven-eighths  of  all 
the  individuals  of  the  tribe  bore  hereditary  personal  names,  "many 
of  them  of  long  standing."  Persons  of  one  band,  or  even  of  one  divi- 
sion, seldom  bore  the  same  name;  in  different  divisions,  however, 
and  in  neighboring  tribes,  many  persons  with  the  same  name  could 
be  found,  and  these  (as  among  the  Thompson  River  Indians)  were 
considered  in  all  cases  to  have  inherited  the  name  from  a  common 
ancestor.  Now,  when  we  come  to  the  western  Shuswap,  a  totally 
different  social  organization  reveals  itself. 

The  people  were  divided  as  to  rank  into  the  classes  of  nobihty,  com- 
mon people,  and  slaves.^  The  nobility  had  special  privileges,  and 
generally  married  within  their  class.   Social  position  was  hereditary 

*  Teit,  Jesup  Exped.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  570  et  seq. 
2  Ibid.,  p.  576. 


282  Journal  oj  American  Folk-Lore 

in  the  male  and  female  lines.  The  hereditary  chiefs  of  bands  always 
belonged  to  the  nobility,  they  also  tended  to  become  chiefs  of  clans 
rather  than  bands.  The  nobility  were  divided  into  strictly  hereditary 
crest  groups.  There  were  no  origin  traditions;  but  the  originators 
of  the  groups  obtained  the  crests  through  initiation,  like  the  novices 
of  the  secret  societies.  Crests  could  not  be  acquired  through  marriage. 
Children,  both  male  and  female,  inherited  the  crest  which  was  carved 
or  printed  on  the  house.  "The  people  dweUing  in  the  house  were  sup- 
posed to  stand  in  some  kind  of  relation  to  the  crest,  perhaps  to  be 
simply  under  its  protection."  The  groups  were  probably  exogamous. 

The  common  people  were  divided  into  groups,  most  of  which  were 
not  strictly  hereditary,  although  the  father's  group  was  preferred. 
The  Black  Bear  group,  and  some  others  which  contained  only  com- 
mon people,  were  more  strictly  hereditary.  Teit  enumerates  twenty- 
nine  protectors  of  these  groups,  of  which  number  twenty  were  animals. 
Some  groups  were  more  closely  associated  than  others,  and  had  then 
the  right  to  perform  the  dances  and  sing  the  songs  of  one  another. 

The  crest  groups  seem  to  have  intercrossed  the  hereditary  groups 
of  the  nobility;^  so  that  any  individual  of  the  common  people,  and 
probably  of  the  nobility,  could  belong  to  any  of  the  crest  groups. 
They  thus  seem  to  have  been  analogous  to  the  dancing  societies  of  the 
east  and  west. 

The  groups  had  their  distinct  dresses,  ornaments,  songs,  and  dances. 
Some  of  these  could  take  place  at  any  time,  but  most  were  performed 
in  the  winter.  In  character,  these  dances  were  quite  similar  to  those 
of  the  coast  tribes.  In  some  of  them  the  performers  "impersonated 
the  moose,  caribou,  elk,  and  deer;  the  persons  acting  dressed  in  the 
skins  of  these  animals,  with  the  scalp  part  hanging  over  their  head 
and  face.  Some  had  antlers  attached  to  the  head  and  neck.  Others 
assisted  in  the  acting.  The  dancers  went  through  all  the  actions  of 
the  animal  impersonated,  imitating  its  feeding,  and  fishing,  hunting 
and  snaring,  chasing  over  lakes  in  canoes,  and  final  capture  or  death." 
At  dances  the  performers  bore  the  name  of  their  crest  or  of  the  animal 
they  represented;  and  at  potlatches  the  givers  and  receivers  were, 
individually  and  collectively,  called  by  their  crests.  ^ 

We  recognize  the  social  transformation  of  the  Kwakiutl,  on  a  small 
scale. 

The  social  organization  of  the  western  Shuswap  as  here  outlined 
is  easily  perceived  to  be  closely  similar  to  that  of  the  coast  tribes  in 
all  main  features  and  in  many  details.  Now,  the  fact  that  this  organi- 
zation is  found  only  among  the  western  Shuswap,  while  the  southern 
branch  of  the  tribe  preserves  the  loose  village  organization  of  the 
interior  Sahsh,  and  much  other  convergent  evidence,  leave  no  room 

1  Teit,  Jesup  Exped.,  vol.  ii,  p.  577.  ^  Ibid.,  p.  582. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  283 

for  doubt  that  the  present  social  organization  of  the  western  Shuswap 
is  not  indigenous  with  them,  but  was  borrowed  from  the  Carrier, 
Chilcotin,  and  Lillooet,  who  in  turn  had  adopted  it  from  the  tribes 
of  the  Pacific  coast.  ^ 

The  case  of  the  Lillooet  themselves  is  highly  suggestive.  The  Lil- 
looet bands  were  divided  into  clans.  It  seems  that  originally  all  the 
people  of  one  village  regarded  themselves  as  descended  from  one 
ancestor,  as  indicated  by  a  single  origin  tradition.  There  can  be  little 
doubt,  therefore,  that  in  the  remote  past  each  village  community 
consisted  of  a  single  clan.^  What  we  know  about  the  classtof  chiefs 
among  this  people  supports  that  conclusion.  Each  clan  had  an 
hereditary  chief.  His  children  and  grandchildren  were  called  "chief's 
children,"  thus  constituting  an  aristocracy  of  descent,  but  no  priv- 
ileges were  attached  to  their  social  position.  The  hereditary  chief 
stood  at  the  head  of  the  families  comprising  a  village.  If  the  members 
of  a  clan  were  spread  over  several  villages,  they  still  had  one  common 
chief,  who  resided  at  the  original  home  of  the  clan.  In  a  village  with 
several  clans,  the  chief  of  the  original  clan  was  the  head  chief. ^ 

The  clans  of  the  Lillooet  were  not  exogamous.  "There  were  no 
restrictions  regarding  marriages  between  members  of  different  classes, 
clans,  and  villages,  except  near  relationship."  The  clans  bore  animal 
names,  and  traced  their  descent  from  the  eponymous  animals.^  A 
man  could  not  become  a  member  of  his  wife's  clan;"  but  children 
belonged  to  the  clans  of  both  father  and  mother,  for  "by  blood  they 
were  members  of  both  clans."  ^  At  the  dances,  masks  were  used,  which 
represented  the  ancestor  of  the  clan  or  referred  to  some  important 
incident  in  his  life. 

The  language  of  the  Lillooet  is  closely  allied  to  that  of  the  Thomp- 
son; in  their  culture  and  daily  life  there  is  the  closest  resemblance 
between  the  two  groups  of  tribes;  in  such  characteristics  as  children's 
names  derived  from  ancestors,  as  well  as  names  of  men  and  women, 
there  is  practical  identity;  but  among  the  Thompson  we  also  find 
loose  bands  instead  of  clans,  no  totems,  nor  any  belief  in  descent  from 
animals,  no  hereditary  nobility,  etc.,  while  all  those  traits  in  which 

*  Teit,  Jesup  Exped.,  vol.  ii,  p.  581.  ^  Ibid.,  p.  252. 
'  Ibid.,  p.  254. 

*  Cf.  Teit's  statement  that  "none  of  the  Salish  tribes  of  the  interior  that  have  re- 
mained uninfluenced  by  the  coast  tribes  consider  any  of  their  families  descended  from 
animals  or  mythic  beings"  (Ibid.,  p.  295,  note  3). 

*  The  statement  that  a  man  could  not  become  a  member  of  his  wife's  clan  suggests 
that  she  did  not  —  at  least  not  as  a  rule  —  belong  to  his  clan.  This  implies  clan  exogamy, 
which,  although  perhaps  not  in  the  form  of  an  imperative,  would  be  the  natural  condition 
in  the  presence  of  an  extended  system  of  marriage  restrictions  on  the  basis  of  relationship. 

"  This  truly  "unheard-of"  condition,  for  a  totemic  community,  would,  in  the  absence 
of  other  evidence,  alone  be  sufl&cient  proof  that  the  dan  system  of  the  Lillooet  is  an 
importation. 

VOL.  xxni.  —  NO.  88.  19 


284  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

the  Lillooet  differ  from  the  Thompson  —  descent  from  the  totem 
animal  excepted  —  are  characteristic  of  the  coast  tribes.  There  can 
thus  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  foreign  character  of  the  social  organization 
of  the  Lillooet,  nor  as  to  the  source  of  its  development.  The  influence 
of  the  coast  can,  moreover,  be  traced  step  by  step  as  we  proceed  from 
the  Lower  Lillooet  westward  towards  the  tribes  of  the  Pacific  border.^ 

The  curious  transformations  in  the  organization  of  the  Bella  Coola 
were  referred  to  before.^  The  social  organization  of  the  coast  tribes 
has  also  affected  the  neighboring  groups  of  the  Athapascan  stock. 
The  Chilcotin,  whose  neighbors  are  the  Bella  Coola,  Kwakiutl,  and 
southern  Salish,  have  in  common  with  these  tribes  paternal  descent, 
which  is  also  characteristic  of  the  Athapascan  peoples ;  but  the  Carrier, 
who  are  in  contact  with  the  Tsimshian,  share  with  them  the  institu- 
tion of  maternal  descent.^  But  the  process  of  diffusion  was  much 
more  fundamental,  for  it  transformed  the  entire  social  organization 
of  the  western  Athapascan.  An  hereditary  nobility,  the  potlatch, 
a  totemic  clan  system,  clan  exogamy,  —  are  all  traits  foreign  to  the 
eastern  Athapascan,  but  found  among  their  western  congeners  in 
common  with  the  peoples  of  the  coast  ;^  and  suggestively  enough,  the 
Carrier  have  four  clans  like  the  Tsimshian,  while  the  Tahltan,  like 
the  Tlingit,  have  two.^ 

An  interesting  case  of  influence  through  contact  has  occurred  among 

1  Cf.  Hill-Tout,  A.  A.  R.,  1906,  p.  226. 

It  certainly  is  a  curious  play  of  circumstances  that  just  among  the  Lillooet  a  full- 
fledged  belief  in  descent  from  the  totem  should  be  found.  We  can  only  guess  at  the  origin 
of  this  feature,  but  the  process  suggested  before  seems  at  least  plausible:  as  the  clan 
of  the  coast  fused  with  the  village  community  of  the  interior,  the  crest  of  the  clan  became 
identified  with  the  human  ancestor  of  the  villagers;  thus  the  clansmen  came  to  believe 
in  their  descent  from  the  eponymous  animal. 

A  stray  traveller,  ignorant  of  local  conditions,  would  probably  describe  the  Lillooet 
as  a  community  organized  along  the  lines  of  classical  totemism :  he  would  mention  totemic 
clans  with  animal  names,  and  descent  from  the  totem;  clan  exogamy,  possibly  in  a  state 
of  decay,  for  which  relationship  exogamy  would  easily  be  mistaken;  while  traces  of 
totemic  taboos  could  be  found  in  the  many  prohibitions  against  the  killing  and  eating  of 
certain  animals  prevalent  in  that  area.  If  not  for  such  facts  as  the  paternal  and  maternal 
inheritance  of  clan  membership,  which  might  set  our  traveller  on  the  right  track,  he 
could  hardly  suspect  that  what  he  stamped  as  classical  totemism  was  really  due  to  the 
engrafting  of  an  heretical  totemism  upon  a  non-totemic  community. 

^  See  p.  246. 

'  Morice,  R.  S.  C.  Proc.  and  Trans.,  vol.  x,  sec.  II  (1892),  p.  121. 

^  Ibid.,  pp.  II 2-1 13;  and  A.  A.  R.,  1906,  p.  203. 

'"  Swanton,  ^.  A.,  n.  s.,  vol.  vi,  p.  478  (the  statement  as  to  the  Tahltan  is  quoted  from 
Callbreath).  Until  further  evidence  is  forthcoming,  we  need  not  follow  Swanton  in  his 
attempt  to  trace  the  origin  of  the  clan  organization  of  the  tribes  of  British  Columbia 
to  a  "small  section  of  coast  on  Hecate  Strait"  {Ibid.,  p.  481).  If  his  conjecture  should 
stand  the  test  of  more  thorough  inquiry,  it  would  certainly  be  most  interesting  to  find 
a  clan  system  originating  from  intermarriages  between  three,  or  possibly  even  between 
two  tribes,  —  the  Tlingit  and  the  Haida  {Ibid.,  p.  483). 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  285 

the  Kwakiutl,  who  have  a  law  of  female  descent  combined  with  un- 
mistakable indications  of  a  former  descent  through  the  father.  All 
evidence  speaks  against  the  former  condition  as  the  original  one  among 
the  Kwakiutl.  In  the  village  communities  in  which  the  present  organ- 
ization of  the  Kwakiutl  found  its  source,  the  people  are  always  desig- 
nated as  direct  descendants  of  a  mythical  ancestor;  while  under  a 
system  of  maternal  descent  they  would,  of  course,  be  designated  as 
the  descendants  of  the  ancestor's  sister,  as  is  the  case  among  the  north- 
ern tribes.  Another  fact  pointing  in  the  same  direction  is  the  paternal 
inheritance  of  certain  offices  connected  with  the  winter  ceremonies. 
Each  dance  can  be  obtained  only  through  marriage  or  by  killing  the 
owner;  but  the  offices  of  master  of  ceremonies,  of  care-taker  of  the 
drum,  the  batons,  the  eagle-down,  etc.,  are  hereditary  in  the  male  line, 
which  fact,  in  view  of  the  great  antiquity  of  the  ceremonies  among 
the  Kwakiutl,  is  strong  evidence  of  the  former  prevalence  of  paternal 
descent.  The  way  itself  in  which  maternal  inheritance  of  social  posi- 
tion and  privileges  is  now  secured  corroborates  the  above  conclusion. 
Through  marriage  a  man  acquires  the  position  and  privileges  of  his 
father-in-law;  but  he  cannot  use  them  himself,  but  must  keep  them 
for  his  son.  The  father-in-law  acquired  them  in  a  similar  way  from 
his  mother,  through  the  medium  of  his  father,  etc.  The  law  of  descent 
is  maternal,  but  with  the  husband  as  intermediary.  Thus  the  form 
of  paternal  inheritance  is  preserved,  while  what  is  inherited  really 
comes  from  the  mother,  —  a  condition  likely  to  occur  in  a  people 
who  pass  from  paternal  to  maternal  descent.  The  cause  of  this  change 
in  descent  among  the  Kwakiutl  we  must  see  in  the  maternal  organ- 
ization of  the  northern  tribes,  and  in  the  development  in  the  Kwakiutl 
clans  of  origin  traditions  analogous  to  those  of  the  north.  "• 

The  diffusion  of  the  social  organization  of  the  Tlingit,  Haida,  and 
Tsimshian,  to  the  east  and  south,  is  paralleled  by  the  northward 
spread  of  the  secret  societies,  which  find  their  highest  development 
among  the  Kwakiutl.  The  similarity  of  the  performances,  in  general 
character  as  well  as  in  detail,  among  all  these  tribes,  leaves  no  room 
for  doubt  that  they  are  derived  from  one  source.  Not  only  are  the 
dances  and  decorations  similar  or  identical,  but  the  names  of  the 
ceremonials  or  of  parts  of  them  are  practically  the  same.  The  only 
tribe  of  this  area  where  the  names  of  the  ceremonials  cannot  be  de- 
rived from  the  same  words  are  the  Bella  Coola,  but  among  them  the 
ceremonial  itself  is  almost  exactly  like  that  of  the  Kwakiutl.  Now, 
all  these  names  are  Kwakiutl  words;  while  among  the  Bella  Coola, 
where  the  names  of  the  ceremonials  are  different,  the  names  of  the 
dancers  are  often  borrowed  from  the  Kwakiutl.  We  need  not,  of 
course,  conclude  that  no  secret  societies  existed  among  the  northern 

^  Boas,  Kwakiutl,  pp.  Z2>A-2i2>S  and  431. 


286  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

tribes  prior  to  the  developments  which  led  to  the  modern  conditions, 
—  the  opposite  is,  in  fact,  probable,  —  but  the  present  character  of 
these  societies  must  have  been  determined  by  Kwakiutl  influences/ 

The  historic  processes  which  determined  the  present  character  of 
the  mythology  of  British  Columbia  were  no  less  complex.  The  myth 
of  the  Raven  as  transformer,  which  was  indigenous  with  the  Tlingit, 
Haida,  and  Tsimshian,  spread  southward  along  the  coast,  and  is  told 
among  the  Newettee  in  a  practically  complete  form.  The  myth  trav- 
elled still  farther,  but  not  without  undergoing  modification  and  losing 
many  of  the  incidents  which  belong  to  it  in  the  north.  We  still  find 
it  among  the  Bella  Coola  with  the  number  of  its  original  incidents 
greatly  reduced.  Some  elements  of  the  Raven  myth  seem,  on  the 
other  hand,  to  be  of  southern  origin,  and  to  have  spread  northward. 
Such  is,  for  instance,  the  incident  of  the  Raven  unable  to  reciprocate 
the  hospitality  of  his  guests.  The  myth  has  a  wide  distribution  in 
North  America:  it  occurs  among  the  Chinook,  among  the  Omaha  and 
Ponca,  the  Ojibwa  and  the  Micmac.  In  British  Columbia  it  is  told 
in  its  most  complete  form  by  the  Comox;  but  fragments  of  it  occur 
among  the  Newettee  and  farther  north. ^  Fragments  of  the  Deluge 
myth,  which  is  at  home  on  the  Mississippi,  and  common  throughout 
the  East,  are  found  among  the  Newettee,  where  separate  elements 
of  that  myth  were  incorporated  in  the  Raven  myth.^  And  again,  the 
myths  and  legends  of  the  coast  tribes  have  affected  those  of  the  neigh- 
boring Athapascan  peoples.* 

The  potlatch,  which  has  travelled  from  the  coast  to  the  Athapascan 
tribes,  also  spread  northward  to  the  Alaskan  Eskimo,  and  southward 
to  Columbia  River. ^ 

The  high  development  of  the  semi-realistic  art  of  the  coast  was  dis- 
cussed before.  On  the  outskirts  of  that  area  traces  of  foreign  influence 
occur.  The  spruce-root  basketry  decorations  of  the  Alaskan  Tlingit 
resemble  the  porcupine-quill  designs  of  the  Athapascan  tribes,  while 

1  Boas,  Kwakiutl,  pp.  660-664.  —  It  is  curious  to  see  how  evidence  of  borrowing 
or  dififusion  —  which,  were  the  people  in  question  "civiHzed,"  would  be  accepted  with- 
out hesitation  —  fails  to  carry  conviction  when  "primitive"  conditions  are  concerned. 
Processes  of  borrowing,  imitation,  diffusion  are  with  us  facts  of  daily  experience,  and 
cannot  be  denied;  while  laws  of  development  must  take  care  of  themselves.  In  condi- 
tions, on  the  other  hand,  where  historic  reconstruction  is  but  seldom  possible,  and  must 
at  best  be  assisted  by  minute  analysis  and  comparison  of  data,  there  is  always  room  for 
rejecting  the  evidence,  however  strong.  Here  the  frenzied  evolutionist  likes  to  fall  back 
on  a  theory  in  support  of  which,  in  its  completeness,  not  a  single  concrete  process  of 
development  has  ever  been  adduced,  but  which  persists  in  disposing  of  the  legion  of 
unruly  facts  by  classing  them  with  exceptions,  anomalies,  disturbing  influences,  etc. 
(c/.  K.  Breysig,  Die  Geschichle  der  Menschheit,  vol.  i,  pp.  142-143  el  seq.). 

2  Boas,  /.  S.,  pp.  333-334. 

*  Ibid.,  pp.  336-337. 

''  Morice,  R.  S.  C.  Proc.  and  Trans.,  vol.  x,  sec.  II  (1892),  p.  113. 

*  Boas,  A.  A.  R.,  1906,  p.  243. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  287 

the  geometrical  basketry  designs  of  the  southern  Nootka  are  related 
to  the  geometrical  designs  of  the  basketry  of  the  Washington  coast.  ^ 

Methods  of  burial  furnish  some  interesting  examples.  The  Atha- 
pascan peoples  dispose  of  their  dead  by  placing  the  corpse  on  poles 
several  feet  above  the  ground.  The  Carrier,  however,  and  the  Ba- 
bine,  cremate  their  dead,  like  their  neighbors  the  Tsimshian;  while 
the  Chilcotin  inter  them  like  the  Shuswap.^ 

Numerous  illustrations  in  the  line  of  material  culture  could  be 
adduced,  but  let  one  suffice.  The  northern  Carrier  and  Nahane  build 
large  wooden  lodges,  with  gable  roofs  and  log  or  pole  walls,  in  com- 
mon with  the  THngit  and  Tsimshian;  while  the  southern  Carrier  and 
the  Chilcotin  Hve,  like  the  Shuswap,  in  semi-subterranean  houses.^ 

The  objection  is  sometimes  made  that  the  tribes  of  British  Columbia 
are  "advanced,"  that  we  are  not  here  dealing  with  primitive  condi- 
tions, that  what  occurs  among  these  tribes  is  not  what  we  could  expect 
among  really  primitive  savages,  etc.*  To  a  certain  extent  the  objec- 
tion is  valid,  and  may  well  be  kept  in  mind  as  a  note  of  warning 
against  hasty  analogies.  Our  main  point  at  issue,  however,  can  in  no 
way  be  affected  by  such  considerations.  We  have  indicated  rather  than 
represented  the  great  complexity  of  the  processes  by  means  of  which 
the  tribes  of  British  Columbia  came  to  be  what  they  now  are,  in  social 
organization,  religion,  material  culture.  The  intensive  and  prolonged 
researches  conducted  by  a  number  of  trained  observers  among  these 
tribes  of  the  North  Pacific  border  have  shown  with  great  clearness 
that  only  by  taking  into  account  historical  development,  as  well  as 
the  exact  social  influences  to  which  each  tribe  is  subjected,  can  we 
hope  to  interpret  the  present  conditions  with  any  degree  of  exactness. 
No  amount  of  insight  into  psychological  probabilities,  into  the  con- 
stitution of  the  human  mind  in  general  and  that  of  the  primitive  man 
in  particular,  would  in  the  least  assist  us  to  reconstruct  the  develop- 
ment of  these  tribes,  unless  we  also  possessed  the  knowledge  above 
indicated.  That  these  conditions  should  be  due  to  the  fact  that  the 
tribes  of  British  Columbia  are  "  advanced  "  cannot  be  admitted.  The 
distinction  between  the  situation  in  British  Columbia  and  that,  for 
instance,  in  Australia,  consists  essentially  in  the  fact  that,  whereas 
American  students  were  fortunate  enough  to  get  hold  of  the  concrete 
past  before  all  traces  of  it  had  disappeared,  the  work  along  the  same 
lines  in  Australia  has  so  far  made  but  little  headway.  But  even  apart 
from  general  analogies  with  other  areas,  specific  indications  are  not 
lacking  in  Australia,  both  of  the  influence  of  tribe  on  tribe  and  culture 

^  Boas,  A.  A.  R.,  1906,  p.  238. 
^  Morice,  A.  A.  R.,  1906,  pp.  199-200. 

^  Morice,  R.  S.  C.  Proc.  and  Trans.,  vol.  x,  sec.  II  (1892),  p.  120;  and  A.  A.  R.,  1906, 
p.  197. 
*  See,  for  instance,  Lang,  5.  T.,  Appendix,  p.  213. 


288  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

on  culture,  and  of  the  means  by  which  the  influence  was  effected.  The 
great  similarity,  often  identity,  of  social  organization  over  immense 
areas  points  unmistakably  towards  a  spread  of  types  of  organization 
from  a  few  centres.  The  similarity  or  identity  of  names  for  social 
divisions  suggests  a  similar,  although  not  necessarily  contemporane- 
ous, process  of  diffusion.  Spencer  and  Gillen,  also  Howitt,^  speak 
of  tribal  gatherings  at  which  customs,  traditions,  ceremonies,  become 
popularized  among  the  members  of  otherwise  widely  separated  tribes. 
They  speak  of  conscious  borrowing  and  lending;  but  the  unconscious 
influences  must  have  been  far  more  numerous  and  far-reaching. 
Roth  describes  the  process  of  diffusion  of  corrobories.  "It  may  thus 
come  to  pass,"  he  writes,  "and  almost  invariably  does,  that  a  tribe 
will  learn  and  sing  by  rote  whole  corrobories  in  a  language  absolutely 
remote  from  its  own,  and  not  one  word  of  which  the  audience  or  per- 
formers can  understand  the  meaning  of."^  Roth  proceeds  to  recount 
some  cases  that  came  under  his  observation.  He  outhnes  in  some 
detail  the  trade-routes  along  which  beliefs  and  material  objects  have 
travelled  from  tribe  to  tribe. 

I  do  not  hesitate  to  predict  that  further  research  in  Australia  will 
prove  the  interactions  of  ethnic  elements  within  each  group  to  be  as 
intricate  as  the  relations  of  tribe  to  tribe  seem  to  be.  The  conditions 
then  would  be  comparable  to  those  in  British  Columbia.^ 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

This  list  contains  only  the  titles  of  works  referred  to  in  the  preceding  essay. 

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Expedition,  vol.  i,  Part  II  [1900],  pp.  25-127). 

Art,  in  Teit,  J.,  The  Thompson  Indians  of  British  Columbia  (Ibid.,  Part  IV, 

pp.  376-386).    Cited  Thompson  Art. 

Conclu.sion,  in  Teit,  J.,  The  Thompson  Indians  of  British  Columbia  (Ibid., 

Part  IV,  pp.  387-390)- 

Facial  Paintings  of  the  Indians  of  Northern  British  Columbia  {Ibid.,  Part  I, 

pp.  13-24). 

1  See,  for  instance,  Spencer  and  Gillen,  vol.  i,  p.  281;  and  Howitt,  N.  T.,  pp.  511-512. 

^  Roth,  N.  Q.  E.,  pp.  107-108;  cf.  Lang,  S.  T.,  p.  3. 

'  Frazer's  magnum  opus  on  Totemism  and  Exogamy  appears  too  late  to  be  referred  to 
in  these  pages.  The  criticisms  made  of  that  author's  views  are  based  on  his  previous 
contributions  to  the  subject  of  totemism. 

Another  important  book  comes  too  late  for  perusal,  —  the  third  part  of  Strehlow's 
work  on  Die  Aranda  und  Loritja-Slamme  in  Zentral-Australien.  There,  on  p.  2,  we  read 
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[1905]). 

Social  Conditions,  Beliefs,  and  Linguistic  Relationship  of  the  Tlingit  Indians 

{26th  Report  oj  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology,  IQ04-05,  pp.  391-485). 
• T\in^\tl^lyi\\5 andTexts  {Bureau oj  American  Ethnology,  Bulletin  39).  Wash- 
ington, 1909.    Cited  Tlingit  Myths. 

The  Social  Organization  of  .\merican  Tribes  {American  Afithropologist,  New 

Series,  vol.  vii  [1905],  pp.  663-673). 

The  Development  of  the  Clan  System  and  of  Secret  Societies  among  the  North- 

western Tribes  {Ibid.,  vol.  vi  [1904,]  pp.  477-485). 

Teit,  J-    The  Shusvvap  {Jesup  Exped.,  vol.  ii,  Part  VII). 

The  Lillooet  {Ibid.,  vol.  ii.  Part  V). 

The  Thompson  Indians  of  British  Columbia  {Ibid.,  vol.  i  [1900],  pp.  163-392). 

Thomas,  N.  W.    Animals  (EncyclopcBdia  oj  Religion  and  Ethics,  edited  by  J.  Hastings, 

vol.  i,  pp.  483-535)- 

An  American  View  of  Totemism:  A  Note  on  Major  Powell's  Article  {Man, 

vol.  ii,  No.  85  [1902],  pp.  115-118). 

Kinship  Orgam/.ations  and  Group  Marriage  in  Australia.  Cambridge,  1906. 

Thurn\\^ald,  R.    Im  Bismarckarchipel  und  auf  den  Salomoinseln,  1906-1909  {Zeit- 

schrijt  jur  Ethiologie,  vol.  xlii  [1910],  pp.  98-147). 
Tylor,  E.  B.    Remarks  on  Totemism  {Journal  oj  the  Anthropological  Institute  oj 
Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  vol.  xx\'iii  [1899],  pp.  138  et  seq.). 

WiLLOUGHBY,  Rev.  W.  C.     Notes  on  the  Totemism  of  the  Becwana  {Ibid.,  vol. 

XXXV  [1905],  pp.  295-3x4). 
WissLER,  C.    The  Blackfoot  Indians  (Annual  Archaological  Report,  1905  [Toronto, 

1906],  pp.  162-178). 
WuNDT,  W.    Volkerpsychologie,   vol.  ii,  Mythus  und  Religion,  Part  II.   Leipzig, 

1906. 

LIST   OF   ABBREVIATIONS 

The  following  abbreviations  were  used : 
A.  A.    American  Anthropologist. 

A.  A.  R.    Annual  Archaeological  Report,  Toronto,  1906. 
A.  J.  Ps.   American  Journal  of  Psychology,  Worcester,  Mass. 


Totemism,  an  Analytical  Study  293 

A.  M.  N.  H.    American  Museum  of  Natural  History,  New  York. 

A.  S.  L'Annee  Sociologique. 

B.  A.  A.  S.    British  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Science. 
B.  E.  R.    Reports  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology. 

E.  R.  E.    EncyclopcTdia  of  Religion  and  Ethics,  edited  by  J.  Hastings. 
I.  H.  R.    Jevons,  F.  B.,  An  Introduction  to  the  History  of  Religion. 
I.  A.  K.    Internationaler  Amerikanisten  Kongress,  Stuttgart,  1904. 
I.  S.    Boas,  F.,  Indianische  Sagen  von  der  Nord-Pacifischen  Kiiste  Amerika's. 
J.  A.  I.    Journal  of  the  Anthropological  Institute  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland. 
Jesup  Exj)ed.    The  Jesup  North  Pacific  Expedition. 
K.  M.  A.    Smith,  R.,  Kinship  and  Marriage  in  Early  Arabia. 
N.  Q.  E.    Roth,  W.  E.,  "North  Queensland  Ethnography,"  Bulletin  No.  5. 
N.  T.    Howitt,  A.  W.,  The  Native  Tribes  of  South-East  Australia. 
R.  H.  R.    Revue  de  I'Histoire  des  Religions. 
R.  S.    Smith,  R.,  The  Religion  of  the  Semites. 
R.  S.  C.    Royal  Society  of  Canada. 
S.  O.    Lang,  A.,  Social  Origins. 
S.  T.    Lang,  A.  The  Secret  of  the  Totem. 
T.    Frazer,  J.  G.,  Totemism. 
Tylor  Essays.    E.  B.  Tylor  Memorial  Essays. 

T.  S.  Ex})ed.    Reports  of   the  Cambridge  Anthropological  Expedition  to  Torres 
Straits. 

New  York, 
Columbia  University. 


294  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


NOTES    AND    QUERIES 

The  Word  "Gypsy."  —  The  word  "Gypsies"  was  printed  "gipsies" 
in  a  paper  by  myself,  "The  Secret  Languages  of  Masons  and  Tinkers," 
p.  353  of  the  October-December,  1909,  number  of  this  Journal.  On  the 
same  page  is  foimd  quoted  "Journal  of  the  Gypsy  Lore  Society."  My 
manuscript  read  "Gypsies,"  not  "gipsies,"  and  I  so  corrected  the  proofs. 
A  capital  G  and  a  y  are  now  recognized  by  all  G>psiologists  as  the  only 
correct  spelling.  The  form  "gipsies"  misrepresents  me  and  my  views.  I 
feel  it  a  duty  to  myself  and  the  subject  to  take  some  notice  of  the  matter, 
since  I  have  been  criticised  for  this  form  "gipsies."  Everything  I  have 
published  has  always  had  the  spelling  "Gypsy,"  and  I  am  unwilling  that 
any  one  should  suppose  I  have  changed  my  views. 

A.  T.  Sinclair. 

BOOK    REVIEWS 

The  Garos.  By  Major  A.  Playfair,  I.  A.  With  an  Introduction  by  Sir 
J.  Bampfylde  Fuller,  K.  C.  S.  L,  C.  I.  E.  Published  under  the  orders 
of  the  Government  of  Eastern  Bengal  and  Assam.  With  illustrations 
and  maps.  London,  David  Nutt,  1909.  xvi  +  172  pp.     [7s.  6d.] 

This  volume  appears  as  one  of  a  series  planned  by  the  Government  of 
Eastern  Bengal  and  Assam  to  include  monographs  on  the  various  tribes 
within  its  borders.  This  determination  cannot  be  too  much  commended, 
and  the  service  so  rendered  to  students  of  the  complex  of  southeastern 
Asiatic  peoples  will  be  great. 

The  Garos,  of  which  the  present  volume  treats,  occupy  a  hill  district  on 
the  northern  edge  of  India,  some  two  hundred  miles  or  more  north  of  Cal- 
cutta. By  tradition  emigrants  from  Butan  and  the  Himalaya  within  com- 
paratively recent  times,  they  show  many  points  of  agreement  with  Tibet. 
In  language  they  are  affiliated  with  numerous  other  tribes  of  Assam  and 
Upper  Burma,  which  together  form  the  so-called  Tibeto-Burman  group. 
Owing  to  their  seclusion  in  the  hills,  they  have,  however,  been  left  almost 
untouched  by  the  current  of  Hindu  and  Mohammedan  culture,  which  has 
swept  by  them,  and  overwhelmed  the  majority  of  these  other  tribes.  For 
this  reason  they  are  particularly  worthy  of  study. 

In  their  material  culture  the  Garos  are  not  very  highly  developed. 
Clothing  and  ornament  are  extremely  simple.  The  houses  are  built  on  piles, 
generally  on  steep  hill-slopes,  with  occasionally  a  tree-house  in  the  fields, 
out  of  reach  of  elephants.  They  are  an  agricultural  people,  depending 
mainly  on  rice  for  food,  and  pay  little  attention  to  hunting.  Their  main 
weapons  are  the  spear  and  sword,  of  a  peculiar  type;  and  for  defence  they 
make  use  of  shields  of  hide  and  wood.  Their  social  organization  presents 
numerous  features  of  interest.  The  institution  of  the  men's  house  is  every- 
where prominent.  The  people  as  a  whole  are  divided  into  three  exogamic 
groups,  with  others  apparently  in  course  of  formation.  Each  of  these  groups 
is  further  subdivided  into  a  series  of  machongs,  all  members  of  which  are 


Book  Reviews  "  295 

supposed  to  be  descended  from  a  common  mother.  There  are  a  very  large 
number  of  these  machongs,  and  they  show  in  some  particulars  traces  of  a 
totemic  character.  The  women  play  a  very  important  part  in  the  life  of  the 
people,  and  are  the  actual  or  nominal  owners  of  all  property.  The  religious 
life  of  the  Garos  is  described  in  considerable  detail,  including  their  mimetic 
dances,  sacrifices  for  the  growth  of  crops,  and  burial  ceremonies.  The  latter 
are  in  connection  with  the  cremation  rites,  all  bodies  except  those  of  lepers 
being  burned.  Some  few  myths  are  given,  but  on  this  side  the  material  is 
disappointingly  brief,  and  we  may  hope  that  the  author  may  be  able  to  sup- 
plement this  at  some  future  time. 

The  volume  forms  a  distinct  addition  to  our  knowledge  of  this  region,  and 
is  by  far  the  fullest  and  most  complete  account  of  the  Garos  as  yet  in  print. 
It  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  Government  will  continue  to  publish  other  mono- 
graphs of  this  same  excellence,  and  that  we  may  by  this  means  secure 
information  in  regard  to  these  peoples  of  Upper  Burma  and  the  Shan  States 
which  will  contribute  largely  to  the  solution  of  the  ethnographic  problems 
of  southeastern  Asia. 

Roland  B.  Dixon. 

Harvard  University, 
Cambridge,  Mass. 

Primitive  Paternity.  The  Myth  of  Supernatural  Birth  in  Relation 
TO  THE  History  of  the  Family.  By  Edwin  Sidney  Hartland,  F.  S.  A. 
London,  David  Nutt,  1909.  2  vols,  viii-l-325-1-328  pp. 

The  seven  chapters  of  this  comprehensive  work  embrace  most  that  can  be 
compiled  from  the  "lower  cultures"  in  customs  and  traditions,  tending  to 
obscure  the  causal  association  between  sexual  intercourse  and  reproduction, 
and  to  minimize  the  importance  of  paternity. 

Traditional  parthenogenesis,  magical  assistances  to  conception,  reincar- 
nation, and  transformation,  not  only  from  the  human  into  other  more  or 
less  animated  forms,  but  from  non-human  into  human  bodies;  an  original 
state  of  mother-right  and  various  stages  in  the  growth  of  father-right  (a 
growth  apparently  independent  of  an  accurate  knowledge  of  paternity); 
the  small  importance  of  jealousy  as  a  male  passion,  and  the  consequent 
inferred  absence  of  responsible  paternal  feeling;  last,  the  widespread  igno- 
rance of  physiology-  that  it  has  taken  ages  to  drive  out,  —  all  these  are 
treated  in  great  detail,  and  supported  by  a  mass  of  instances,  not  always 
too  carefully  arranged  and  collated. 

North  America,  equatorial  Africa,  southern  Asia,  and  the  Archipelagos 
and  Pacific  Islands  are  exhaustively  drawn  upon. 

It  would  have  perhaps  been  well  to  compare  some  of  the  South  American 
tribes  recently  visited  by  Roch-Gruenberg;  they  (bordering  the  northern 
head-waters  of  the  Amazon)  are  as  little  affected  by  white  contact  as  any 
that  can  be  found. 

The  striking  proofs  and  presumptions  in  favor  of  a  preexisting  mother- 
right,  practically  universal,  are  a  feature  of  great  strength;  and  the  divorce 
of  the  origin  of  mother-right  from  the  commonly  stated  haziness  of  paternity 
should,  at  any  rate,  arouse  discussion. 


296  Journal  of  American  Folk -Lore 

Mr.  Hartland  is  not  the  only  one  recently  to  emphasize  the  fact  that 
primitive  peoples  had  little  reason  to  connect  sexual  union  with  consequent 
conception.  A  priori,  it  would  have  been  a  wonder  had  they  so  connected 
them. 

With  a  delightful  make-up,  and  few  t}q30graphical  errors,  the  book  is  a 
pleasure  to  read,  —  a  pleasure  mitigated  by  a  fad  of  the  omission  of  com- 
mas, and  enhanced  by  the  author's  style  not  without  variety  and  salt. 

Charles  Peahody. 

Cambridge,  Mass. 

The  Dawn  of  the  World.  Myths  and  Weird  Tales  told  by  the  Mewan 
Indians  of  California.  Collected  and  edited  by  C.  Hart  Merriam. 
Cleveland,  The  Arthur  H.  Clark  Company.   1910.   273  p. 

In  the  course  of  his  many  years'  work  in  the  West  as  Director  of  the 
Biological  Survey,  Dr.  Merriam  has  had  unusual  opportunities  for  gather- 
ing information  relative  to  the  Indians.  He  has  taken  advantage  of  these 
chances,  and  in  the  present  volume  has  gathered  together  the  myths  and 
folk-lore  which  he  secured  from  the  Miwok  of  California.  Although  there 
has  been  considerable  activity  during  the  last  ten  or  twelve  years  in  the 
study  of  the  Californian  Indians,  very  little  myth  material  has  as  yet  been 
published  from  this  stock.  From  the  Yokuts  on  the  south,  and  the  Maidu 
and  Wintun  on  the  north,  material  is  available,  so  that  the  present  volume 
serves  to  form  a  welcome  link. 

After  an  introduction  in  which  the  main  features  of  the  mythology  of  the 
people  are  outlined,  the  myths  themselves  are  given  in  a  simple,  narrative 
form.  They  are  classified  into  those  deahng  with  the  First  People,  and  those 
relating  to  later  times,  and  each  is  generally  supplied  with  a  list  of  dramatis 
personae,  and  a  statement  of  the  locality  or  group  from  which  the  tale  was 
secured.  Native  names  are  italicized  throughout  and  accented,  and  it  is 
evident  that  much  pains  has  been  taken  with  the  make-up  of  the  book.  A 
bibliography  of  the  material  on  Californian  mythology  is  added,  together 
with  a  full  and  carefully  made  index.  Numerous  illustrations  in  black- 
and-white  and  color  add  to  the  attractiveness  of  the  volume. 

The  myths  given  offer  to  the  student  of  California  mythology  much  of 
interest.  The  characteristic  duahsm  of  the  Maidu,  which  prevails  even 
among  their  more  southern  members,  is  here  largely  absent,  and  Coyote 
plays  the  part  less  of  Trickster  than  of  Creator.  Many  incidents  and  tales 
widely  distributed  to  the  north,  such  as  the  Theft  of  Fire,  the  Bear  and 
Deer,  the  origin  of  mankind  from  feathers  or  sticks  set  in  the  ground  or 
buried  by  the  Creator,  —  all  these  appear  here  in  more  or  less  modified 
form.  Many  tales  typical  of  the  Maidu  and  Wintun  are,  however,  absent. 
Relationship  with  the  Yokuts  and  even  perhaps  with  the  Mission  Indian 
myths  also  appears.  The  few  tales  given  from  the  Marin  County  Miwok, 
and  those  living  to  the  south  of  Clear  Lake,  are  of  particular  interest,  as 
almost  the  only  material  from  these  regions  yet  available.  It  is  interesting 
to  note  that  a  considerable  number  of  the  animal  and  bird  names  used  in 
these  Miwok  tales  appear  to  have  a  wide  distribution  northwards,  particu- 
larly among  the  valley  Maidu.   Examples  are  Moloko  (Condor),  Wekwek 


Book  Reviews  297 

(Falcon),  Awanda  (Awani,  Turtle),  Ole,  Ahale  (Olali,  Coyote).  In  the  frag- 
ment given  from  the  southern  Maidu  (pp.  55,  56)  we  have  the  characteris- 
tic Maidu  opposition  of  the  Creator  and  Coyote,  and  the  familiar  incident 
of  the  rattlesnake  (Koimo)  and  the  first  death.  The  name  Yawm  (Yam, 
Yom)  is,  however,  not  the  word  for  "Coyote,"  but  for  "shaman." 

In  the  introduction  Dr.  Merriam  makes  a  brief  statement  in  regard  to 
the  area  occupied  by  the  Miwok,  and  reprints  the  map  previously  pub- 
lished by  him  ("American  Anthropologist,"  n.  s.  ix,  p.  338).  The  distribu- 
tion there  indicated  has  been  seriously  questioned  by  Dr.  A.  L.  Kroeber  and 
Dr.  S.  A.  Barrett;  and  considerable  areas  represented  by  Dr.  Merriam  as 
Miwok  were  shown  to  have  belonged  almost  certainly  to  the  Yokuts.  It  is 
unfortunate  that  in  this  connection  Dr.  Merriam  did  not  at  least  refer  to 
this  evidence  when  mentioning  in  a  footnote  his  own  earlier  paper.  The 
question  of  the  spelling  of  Indian  names  in  a  volume  of  this  sort  is  perhaps 
debatable;  but  it  seems  unfortunate  that  in  a  book  which  must  have  its 
greatest  use  among  students,  and  those  more  or  less  professionally  engaged 
in  the  study  of  anthropology,  a  system  of  spelling  was  not  used  which 
would  be  more  in  keeping  with  that  currently  employed  by  workers  in  these 
fields.  It  is  also  to  be  regretted  that  where  terms  have  a  recognized  form 
and  spelling  existing,  they  should  not  be  used.  "Miwok"  and  "Maidu" 
as  names  for  two  of  the  CaHf ornian  stocks  have  been  in  use  for  thirty  years ; 
and  it  is  a  wholly  unnecessary  complication  for  librarians,  students,  and 
others  to  use  such  forms  as  "Mewuk"  and  "Midoo." 

With  the  mass  of  material  relating  to  the  mythology  of  the  Californian 
Indians  collected,  and  in  part  already  published,  we  are  rapidly  getting  into 
the  position  where  we  may  make  a  fairly  satisfactory  study  of  the  details  of 
its  subdivisions  and  of  its  growth.  The  present  volume  is  a  welcome  addi- 
tion to  the  store  of  material  already  secured,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  Dr. 
Merriam  vdW,  in  other  subsequent  volumes,  make  available  for  students 
the  great  number  of  mythological  tales  he  has  secured  from  other  stocks. 

R.  B.  Dixon. 

Harvard  University, 
Cambridge,  Mass. 


THE   JOURNAL   OF 

AMERICAN  FOLK-LORE 

Vol.  XXIIL  — JULY-SEPTEMBER,  1910.  — No.  LXXXIX 


MYTHS   OF  THE  UINTAH  UTES 

BY  J.   ALDEN  MASON 

The  following  collection  of  myths  was  obtained  during  the  summer 
of  1909  from  the  Uintah  Utes  at  White  Rocks,  Utah.  They  were  col- 
lected by  an  expedition  of  the  University  Museum  of  the  University 
of  Pennsylvania,  and  are  here  published  by  the  permission  of  Dr.  G. 
B.  Gordon. 

All  were  taken  down  in  the  broken  English  used  by  the  informants, 
and  are  given  here  with  the  fewest  possible  changes.  Four  are  from 
translations  by  native  interpreters,  the  text  not  being  recorded. 

The  mythology  of  the  Shoshonean  tribes  of  the  Great  Basin  area 
is  as  yet  little  known,  except  for  the  contributions  by  Kroeber  ^  on 
the  Utes,  and  by  Lowie  ^  and  St.  Clair  ^  on  the  Shoshone.  Yet  it 
would  seem  that  Plateau  mythology  has  certain  definite  character- 
istics evidenced  by  all  the  collections  from  the  region.  Animal  stories 
are  conspicuous  by  their  frequency,'*  and  cosmogonical  myths  by 
their  practical  absence,  despite  the  fact  that  in  this  collection  at  least 
effort  was  made  to  secure  some.  Coyote  is  the  principal  character,^ 
generally  as  trickster,  transformer,  or  dupe,  but  occasionally  as  cul- 
ture-hero. 

The  "Theft  of  Fire,"  Kroeber's  longest  myth,  is  mentioned,  but 
could  not  be  obtained  from  the  informants  used,  but  much  of  Kroeber's 
other  material  was  secured  in  different  form. 

Two  very  long  myths  ^  are  interesting  for  their  quasi-epic  char- 
acter.   In  general  concept  they  seem  to  be  uncharacteristic  of  the 

*  A.  L.  Kroeber,  "Ute  Tales,"  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore,  vol.  xiv. 

^  R.  H.  Lowie,  "The  Northern  Shoshone,"  Anthropological  Papers  of  the  American 
Museum  of  Natural  History,  vol.  ii,  part  ii. 

^  H.  H.  St.  Clair  and  R.H.  Lowie,  "  Shoshone  and  CoTna.ncheTa.les,"  Journal  of  Amer- 
ican Folk-Lore,  vol.  xxii.  No.  85. 

*  Animal  stories  comprise  77  per  cent,  of  Kroeber's  collection,  66  per  cent,  of  Lowie's, 
SO  per  cent,  of  St.  Clair's,  and  77  per  cent,  of  the  present  collection. 

*  Coyote  is  the  principal  character  in  46  per  cent,  of  Kroeber's  collection,  45  per 
cent,  of  Lowie's,  25  per  cent,  of  St.  Clair's,  and  50  per  cent,  of  the  present  collection. 

'  "Nowintc's  Adventures  with  the  Bird  Girls  and  their  People,"  and  "Coyote  and  his 
Son  —  A  Myth  of  Culture  Origins." 


300  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

region;  but  in  length,  general  tone,  and  in  some  incidents,  they  are 
quite  suggestive  of  Navaho  influence;  and  as  there  has  always  been 
considerable  intercourse  between  the  Navaho  and  the  Utes,  this  in- 
fluence would  seem  to  be  both  possible  and  natural.  One  of  the  myths, 
moreover,  seems  to  display  much  European  influence;^  yet  the  great 
majority  have  not  been  duplicated  in  any  other  pubhshed  material, 
and  are  evidently  aboriginal  and  indigenous. 

An  effort  has  been  made  to  make  the  titles  as  suggestive  as  possible, 
in  view  of  the  absence  of  abstracts.  The  most  noticeable  similarities 
in  other  published  mythologies,  as  well  as  other  facts  of  importance, 
have  been  recorded  in  the  notes. 

The  writer  is  much  indebted  to  Dr,  Edward  Sapir  for  invaluable 
assistance  in  obtaining  and  preparing  the  present  paper. 

1.  COYOTE    KILLS   THE   BEARS 

Coyote-  did  all  kinds  of  things  long  ago.  Once  Bear  had  two  boys. 
He  was  an  Indian  then,  and  worked  hard.  He  had  a  wickiup  opposite 
to  Coyote's  house,  and  about  noon  Coyote  went  over  to  Bear's  house. 
Bear  had  gone  to  work,  but  the  boys  were  at  home.  Coyote  killed  the 
boys  and  put  a  blanket  over  them. 

When  Bear  came  home  in  the  afternoon,  he  asked,  "What's  the 
matter?"  —  "The  boys  are  asleep,"  said  Coyote.  Then  he  put  some 
poison  in  some  food  and  gave  it  to  Bear.  So  Coyote  killed  all  the 
Bears. ^ 

2.  COYOTE   LEARNS   TO   SWIM 

Coyote  stood  by  the  Big  Water.'*  Many  men  were  swimming  in 
the  river  on  logs,  and  some  of  them  swam  across.  Coyote  wanted  to 
swim  too;  but  some  one  said,  "O  Coyote!  you  can't  swim."  —  "Oh, 
I  'm  a  pretty  good  swimmer,"  answered  Coyote.  Then  he  got  on  a 
log  and  started  to  swim  across.  All  the  way  across  he  kept  cr}dng, 
"Maybe  we  will  all  be  drowned,  killed!  "  At  last  he  got  across. 
Then  he  jumped  out  and  yelled  and  pulled  out  his  pistol  and  fired 
it  in  the  air,  while  all  the  other  men  laughed. 

Then  one  of  them  said,  "  Well,  we'd  better  go  back  again."  They 
started  across  again,  and  again  Coyote  cried  all  the  way  back. 
"Maybe  we'll  all  be  drowned  this  time,"  he  cried.  But  an  Indian 
said,  "Oh,  we  are  all  right!  We  won't  be  drowned."  At  last  they 
reached  the  shore  again.  Then  Coyote  leaped  ashore.  He  laughed 
and  yelled  and  fired  off  his  pistol,  for  he  was  very  glad.^ 

^  "The  Abandoned  Boy  and  Tawicutc."  '  Yo7owitc. 

3  Told  by  "Snake  John,"  an  old  White  River  Ute,  reputed  to  have  been  the  leader  of 
the  Meeker  Massacre,  1S79.   His  mother  was  a  Shoshone. 

*  Probably  the  Missouri  River.  '  Told  by  Snake  John. 


Myths  of  the  Uintah  Utes  301 

3.    COYOTE   AND   WILDCAT 

Long  ago  Wildcat  had  a  long  nose  and  tail.  One  day  he  was  sleep- 
ing on  a  rock  when  Coyote  came  along.  He  pushed  Wildcat's  nose  and 
tail  in,  and  then  went  home.^  At  noon  Wildcat  woke  up,  and  noticed 
his  short  nose  and  tail.  "  What's  the  matter  with  me?"  he  asked. 
Then  he  guessed  the  cause.  "Oh!  Coyote  did  that,"  he  said,  and  he 
hunted  for  him. 

Now,  Coyote  was  sleepy  and  had  lain  down.  Wildcat  came  and 
sat  down  beside  him.  He  pulled  out  Coyote's  nose  and  tail  and  made 
them  long.  They  were  short  before.  Then  he  ran  off.  After  a  while 
Coyote  woke  up  and  saw  his  long  nose  and  tail.^ 

4.    BLIND   COYOTE   AND  HIS   WIFE 

Co}'ote  would  never  believe  what  people  told  him.  He  said,  "No, 
no,"  to  everything.  But  anything  that  he  said  was  all  right.  Coyote 
had  only  one  eye,  but  his  wife  had  two  eyes.  He  went  out  with  his 
bow  and  arrows  one  day  to  hunt  buffalo,  and  sat  down  in  a  little 
hollow  by  a  spring.  Then  his  wife  said,  "There  are  plenty  of  buffalo 
there.  Shoot  them!"  Coyote  shot  many  times  and  killed  one,  but 
his  wife  hid  it  so  that  he  could  not  see  it.^  Then  he  said,  "I  killed 
one;"  but  his  wife  answered,  "No,  you  missed  it." 

The  rest  of  the  buffalo  ran  off.  His  wife  went  far  off  and  left  Coyote 
to  starve  while  she  dried  the  meat.  He'  lay  down  and  slept  in  his 
wickiup  all  the  time.  Then  he  made  some  medicine  from  something 
he  picked  up  on  the  rocks.  He  rubbed  this  in  his  eye  and  lay  down 
again;  and  when  he  awoke,  his  eyes  were  all  right.  He  looked  around 
and  saw  smoke  and  fire  far  off.  When  he  went  over  there  and  saw  all 
the  meat,  he  was  very  angry,  and  got  his  bow  and  arrows.  Soon  his 
wife  came  up,  but  she  did  not  see  him.  Coyote  shot  her  and  ate  all 
the  meat.^ 

5.    COYOTE   LEARNS   TO   RIDE 

Coyote  wanted  to  ride  a  horse;  but  some  one  said  to  him,  "O  Coy- 
ote! you  can't  ride  a  horse.  You  will  fall  off."  —  "No,"  said  Coyote, 
"I  won't  fall  off,"  and  he  got  on  a  good,  white  horse.  "Make  him 
run,"  said  one  of  his  friends.  "I  want  to  see  you."  Coyote  made  the 
horse  trot  and  run.  Then  he  fell  off  and  yelled  loudly.  "I  want  to 
get  on  again,"  he  said,  and  he  got  on  and  fell  off  again.  All  his  friends 
laughed,  but  he  tried  it  again. 

"Pretty  soon  I '11  know  how  to  ride,"  he  said.  Then  his  friends  said, 

1  Kroeber,  I.  c,  p.  268.  Also  cf.  Wissler  and  Diivall  (Blackfoot),  pp.  27,  39;  Spinden 
(Nez  Perce),  p.  19;  Boas  (Tillamook),  p.  142;  Dorsey  (Wichita),  p.  282;  Lowie,  /.  c, 
p.  276. 

'  Told  by  Snake  John.  '  Dorsey  and  Kroeber  (Arapaho),  p.  282. 


302  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

" Coyote,  we  will  tie  you  on.  Then  maybe  you  won't  fall  off."  —  "Tie 
me  on  well,"  said  Coyote.  The  horse  ran  again,  but  Coyote  did  not 
fall  off;  he  held  the  bit  tight,  and  all  his  friends  yelled.  Then  he  said, 
"  I  '11  go  back  again,"  and  he  ran  back.  His  friends  cried,  "  Come  back 
again!"  Coyote  started  back, but  the  rope  across  his  legs  broke,  and 
he  fell  off.  All  his  friends  laughed,  but  he  walked  back  to  tr>'  it  again. 
Now  they  tied  him  on  a  wild  horse;  but  the  Indian  gave  him  a  bad 
rope,  and  he  fell  off  again.  Coyote  beheved  he  was  now  a  good  rider, 
and  would  not  fall  off  again.  ^ 

6.    COYOTE   AND   HIS   REFLECTION   IN   THE   WATER 

Coyote  went  up  on  a  hill.  He  walked  around,  and  looked  around, 
and  then  sat  down  on  a  rock.  Far  away  he  saw  a  lake.  "Maybe  there 
are  fish  in  the  lake,"  thought  he;  "I  will  go  and  see."  Coyote  liked 
fish,  so  he  went  down  to  the  lake,  but  found  the  sand  hard.  In  the 
lake  there  were  many  Kttle  fishes  swimming  around  and  jumping 
after  flies,  and  Coyote  looked  over  the  lake  at  them.  Then  he  saw  his 
reflection.  He  was  so  frightened  that  he  ran  a  long  ways  off,  but 
soon  he  returned.  He  thought  possibly  it  was  a  fish  that  had  scared 
him.  Again  he  looked  in  the  water,  and  again  ran  away  frightened. 

Then  he  saw  Antelope  come  down  to  drink,  and  he  watched  him. 
Antelope  drank  quietly,  then  turned  and  walked  away.  Coyote  won- 
dered why.  He  went  down  to  where  Antelope  had  drank,  and  looked 
closely  in  the  water.  At  the  bottom  he  saw  Frog,  and  he  thought  it 
was  Frog  that  had  frightened  him.  "Why  did  you  frighten  me,  my 
friend?"  said  Coyote.  Then  he  closed  his  eyes  tight  and  leaned  over 
and  drank  the  water.  Then  he  looked  around  again.  He  was  not 
frightened  any  longer,  but  got  up  and  went  home.  Some  Utes  came 
by,  hunting  deer.  Coyote  was  afraid  of  them,  and  hid  himself  in  a 
hole  in  a  rock.^ 

7.    COYOTE  HUNTS   BEAR 

Coyote  feared  the  Utes,  for  he  was  afraid  they  would  shoot  him. 
He  went  up  to  a  hill  and  saw  some  tracks,  and,  thinking  they  were 
bear-tracks,  he  followed  them.  They  led  around  the  hills  to  a  big 
cherry-tree,  for  bears  like  berries  and  cherries.  Coyote  walked  around 
the  tree,  but  he  did  not  see  the  Bear  who  was  asleep  inside  the  hollow 
cherry-tree.  But  the  Bear  smelled  Coyote,  woke  up  and  chased  him. 
They  ran  a  long  ways,  and  at  last  Coyote  ran  up  a  hill  and  jumped 
up  on  a  high  rock.  The  Bear  ran  around  the  rock  and  tried  to  climb 
up  on  it,  but  could  not,  so  he  went  away.  Coyote  sat  down  on  the 
rock.  He  was  angry,  and  he  wondered  why  the  Bear  had  chased  him. 
Then  he  jumped  down  and  ran  after  the  Bear.   The  Bear  was  tired 

'  Told  by  Snake  John. 

'  Told  by  John  Duncan,  the  so-called  chief  of  the  \^Tiite  Rocks  Utes. 


Myths  oj  the  Uintah  Utes  303 

after  the  hard  run,  and  his  breath  came  hard,  "wuf,  wuf!"  but  he 
was  walking  slowly  away  and  not  looking  behind.  Coyote  came  up 
and  bit  him  in  the  leg.  "Wow,  wow!"  cried  the  Bear,  and  he  was  so 
frightened  that  he  defecated.  Thenhesawthat  it  was  Coyote,  and  was 
very  angry.  Again  he  ran  after  him,  but  Coyote  ran  and  jumped  on 
another  big  rock.  The  Bear  could  not  chmb  up,  but  he  ran  around  the 
rock  and  scratched  it  with  his  claws,  for  he  was  very  angry.  He  stayed 
there  a  day  and  a  night,  but  the  sun  was  hot  and  he  got  thirsty.  He 
began  digging  a  hole  with  his  claws  on  the  shady  side  of  the  rock, 
and  lay  down  there.  Then  Coyote  jumped  off  the  rock  in  the  opposite 
direction.  He  jumped  from  rock  to  rock  so  as  to  leave  no  track.  Soon 
the  Bear  looked  up  on  the  rock  and  found  Coyote  gone.  He  looked 
and  smelled  around,  but  could  not  find  the  trail.  Coyote  ran  a  long 
ways  till  he  came  to  a  stream.  Then  he  walked  in  the  stream  to  a  lake, 
but  he  did  not  know  how  to  swim.  He  walked  along  the  bottom  of 
the  lake  till  the  water  covered  his  head.  Then  he  drew  back.  He 
tried  to  swim  in  several  ways,  and  at  last  he  found  the  right  way. 
Then  he  swam  across.^ 

8.  coyote's  horses 

Coyote  made  fine  horses  out  of  trees. ^  He  rode  one  to  town  and 
met  a  White  Man,  who  said,  "Let's  have  a  horse-race!"  —  "My 
horse  can't  run,"  said  Coyote,  "  but  all  right !  How  far  shall  we  run  ?  " 
—  "Oh,  way  down  there;  I  can't  tell  how  far,"  repHed  the  White 
Man.  Then  Coyote  made  greenbacks  from  the  long  leaves  of  rabbit- 
plantain.  He  put  up  a  big  pile  of  the  money,  and  they  started  to  race. 
Coyote's  horse  was  behind  at  first.  Then  he  came  close  and  passed 
the  other  horse  and  beat  him.  Coyote  put  the  good  money  in  his 
pocket,  but  the  leaf  greenbacks  he  threw  away.  Then  the  White  Man 
went  around  the  horse  and  looked  at  him.  "What  do  you  want  for 
your  race-horse?"  Coyote  said,  "I  don't  want  to  sell  liim."  —  "But 
I'll  give  you  so  much  money,"  said  the  WTiite  Man.  "All  right," 
said  Coyote,  and  he  took  the  money.  The  man  took  the  horse  home 
and  put  him  in  the  stable,  and  in  the  morning  he  went  to  see  him. 
He  saw  something  hke  a  twig;  it  was  only  a  tree  standing  in  the  stable, 
with  a  halter  hanging  on  one  end.  He  said,  "That  man  fooled  me! 
I  will  hunt  for  him." 

Coyote  had  changed  his  face.  He  changed  himself  all  over,  so  that 
the  man  could  not  find  him.  The  White  Man  met  him,  and  said, 
"Have  you  seen  that  Coyote  ? "  —  "I  have  n't  seen  him.  I  just  came 
from  way  back  there."  —  "All  right." 

Coyote  changed  himself  again  and  went  to  town.  He  met  a  rabbit 

^  Told  by  John  Duncan. 

*  Coyote  as  transformer,  Lowie,  /.  c,  p.  279,  0  and  p. 


304  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

and  made  a  race-horse  out  of  him  and  led  him  to  town.  He  made 
twelve  sacks  full  of  greenbacks  out  of  plantain-leaves,  and  packed 
these  behind  his  saddle.  A  White  Man  came  along  on  a  horse  and 
looked  at  Coyote's  horse.  "How  much  do  you  want  for  that  horse?" 
asked  he.  "Oh,  this  horse  can't  run,"  repHed  Coyote.  "Let's  have 
a  race!"  said  the  White  Man.  "All  right,"  said  Coyote.  "How  far 
shall  we  run  ?"  —  "Way  off  here."  —  "All  right,"  said  Coyote.  "Let 
us  put  up  our  money!"  They  put  up  their  money  and  started  to  race. 
Coyote's  horse  started  to  run  behind,  but  soon  caught  up  and  won. 
Then  the  White  Man  said,  "How much  do  you  want  for  your  horse  ? 
I'll  give  you  money."  —  "All  right,"  said  Coyote.  The  White  Man 
took  the  horse  and  put  him  in  the  stable,  and  visited  him  every  hour  to 
brush  him  and  care  for  him.  He  could  not  sleep  that  night,  but  thought 
of  the  horse  all  the  time.  He  got  up  early  in  the  morning  and  went 
to  the  stable.  Then  he  saw  that  the  horse  was  gone.  But  the  door 
was  locked.  "Which  way  did  he  go?"  he  thought.  Then  he  saw' a 
little  hole  down  in  the  corner.  There  were  rabbit-tracks  into  the 
hole.i 

9.    COYOTE   HUNTS   WITH   BOW  AND   ARROW 

Coyote  stood  on  the  shore  of  a  lake.  He  wanted  to  cross,  but  was 
afraid  of  a  beaver-dam  at  the  outlet.  Many  beaver  were  in  the  lake, 
but  he  did  not  see  them.  He  wondered  what  kind  of  animals  built 
the  dam  and  became  frightened.  He  was  so  frightened  that  he  ran 
away,  but  at  night  he  returned  and  lay  down  by  the  lake.  He  tried 
to  sleep,  but  the  beaver  kept  him  awake  all  night  by  slapping  the  water 
with  their  tails.  Coyote  wondered  what  it  was.  Early  the  next  morn- 
ing he  saw  the  beaver  swimming  around.  He  had  never  seen  such 
animals  before,  so  he  named  them  beaver. 

Then  he  went  back  home,  and  met  an  Indian  friend,  and  told  him 
about  the  big,  fat  beaver.  He  thought  they  would  be  good  eating;  so 
he  said  to  his  friend  who  made  arrows,  "  You  are  a  good  shot,  come 
with  me  !  "  So  they  went  to  the  lake,  and  the  Indian  shot  a  beaver. 
But  it  sank.  Then  he  shot  two  or  three  swimming  close  to  shore.  Coy- 
ote asked  him  what  he  called  them,  and  the  Indian  answered,  "  Pau- 
wmtc."  —  "Is  that  so?"  remarked  Coyote.  Then  the  Indian  told 
him  to  bring  in  the  beaver,  and  skin  and  tan  them.  "  Tan  them  well." 
said  the  Indian,   "they  make  blankets  as  good  as  buckskin." 

Then  Coyote  went  away  to  hunt.  He  looked  for  horns  in  the  hills 
and  on  the  flats,  and  at  last  he  saw  some.  He  looked  close,  and  saw 
they  were  fine,  big  black  horns.  He  ran  towards  them  and  the  buffalo 
fled.  Coyote  caught  up  to  them  and  bit  one  in  the  leg.  Then  the 
buffalo  turned  and  chased  him.  Coyote  ran  till  he  was  tired  out.  and 
then  jumped  on  a  rock.   The  buffalo  ran  around  the  rock  and  hit  it 

'  Told  by  Andrew  Frank,  a  White  River  Ute. 


Myths  of  the  Uintah  Utes  305 

with  his  horns,  but  could  not  get  at  him.  "  You  can't  get  on  this  rock," 
said  Coyote,  but  the  buffalo  did  not  answer.  For  a  day  and  a  night 
he  kept  him  on  the  rock,  and  then  Coyote  became  thirsty  and  began 
to  cry.  So  while  the  buffalo  was  beating  the  rock  with  his  horns, 
Coyote  jumped  off  of  the  rock  and  ran.  The  buffalo  looked  up,  saw 
he  was  gone,  and  started  to  chase  him.  After  a  long  chase  they  came 
to  a  big  lake.  Coyote  swam  straight  across;  but  when  he  looked 
around,  he  saw  the  bufi'alo  right  behind  him.  He  wondered  how  the 
buffalo  learned  to  swim  so  well.  He  ran  around  to  the  other  side  of 
the  lake,  swam  across  again,  and  then  ran  up  a  rocky  mountain  and 
jumped  on  a  big  rock.  The  buffalo  was  tired  and  went  back.  Then 
Coyote  went  to  his  Indian  friend  and  asked  him  for  an  arrow.  He 
wanted  to  kill  the  buffalo  for  a  blanket;  so  he  said  to  the  Indian, 
"I  saw  a  big  black  horn,  called  buffalo."  The  Indian  said,  "We  will 
go  and  kill  him."  So  they  hunted  for  the  buffalo,  and  at  last  they 
found  him  lying  down.  He  was  tired.  The  Indian  crawled  up  close 
along  the  big  rocks  and  shot  him,  but  the  buffalo  jumped  up  angrily 
and  chased  him.  The  Indian  jumped  on  a  big  rock  and  shot  all  his  ar- 
rows into  the  buffalo,  who  was  hurt  and  lay  down.  Then  the  Indian 
called  to  Coyote  to  bring  more  arrows  from  his  house.  He  was  afraid 
to  jump  down  because  of  the  buffalo.  So  Coyote  brought  a  bundle 
of  arrows  and  threw  them  up  to  the  Indian.  He  shot  some  more  ar- 
rows into  the  buffalo,  who  walked  away,  badly  wounded.  Then  the 
Indian  came  down  and  they  went  after  him.  Coyote  asked  the  Indian 
how  to  shoot,  and  learned  how  to  use  the  bow  and  arrow.  So  he  kiUed 
the  buffalo,  skinned  him,  tanned  the  hide,  and  dried  and  packed  the 
meat,  and  took  it  all  home.  He  let*  nothing  spoil. 

Now  Coyote  took  a  bow  and  arrow  and  went  hunting  Bear.  He 
found  some  tracks  under  a  cherry-tree,  and  followed  them  until  he 
found  the  Bear  asleep  in  the  hollow  tree.  "Why  do  you  sleep  in  that 
tree?"  said  Coyote,  "you  defecate  too  much  in  there."  Then  the 
Bear  got  up  and  chased  him,  but  Coyote  jumped  up  on  a  rock.  He 
was  not  afraid,  because  he  had  his  bow  and  arrows.  He  decided  to 
kill  the  Bear;  so  he  said,  "  I  think  I  '11  kill  you.  I  thought  you  were  my 
friend."  So  he  shot  the  Bear,  who  ran  away.  Coyote  ran  after  him  and 
shot  him  many  times.  The  Bear  ran  in  the  willows,  and  thought, 
"Coyote  never  had  arrows!  Who  gave  them  to  him?  Why  did  he 
shoot  me  ?"  He  felt  very  angry,  and  he  was  nearly  dead.  Coyote  ran 
back  and  met  his  Indian  friend.  He  told  him,  "I  shot  a  Bear;"  but 
the  Indian  said,  "Maybe  he  isn't  dead,  and  will  come  after  you." 
But  when  they  came  to  the  Bear  he  was  dead. 

One  day  Coyote  said  to  himself,  "I '11  go  hunt  something."  Hewalked 
among  the  rocks  and  met  a  Wildcat.  "Let's  do  something!"  said  he 
to  the  Wildcat. —  "All  right,"  said  the  Wildcat,  "let's  scratch  each 


3o6  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

other's  backs."  ^  —  "Let  me  do  it  first,"  said  Coyote.  Then  they 
showed  each  other  their  claws.  Coyote's  claws  were  big  and  long, 
while  the  Wildcat's  were  short  and  small.  Coyote  scratched  the  Wild- 
cat's back  and  tore  off  all  the  flesh  down  to  the  sinew.  The  blood 
spurted  out,  and  the  Wildcat  was  badly  hurt.  "Now  it  is  my  turn," 
said  the  Wildcat.  He  scratched  and  tore  all  the  sinew  off  of  Coyote's 
back,  so  that  the  flesh  dragged  on  the  ground.  "Oh!  you  hurt  me!" 
cried  Coyote.  "No,"  said  the  Wildcat,  "look  at  my  Kttle  claws!"  — 
"You  fool  me,"  said  Coyote.  "Let's  go  home." — "No,  not  now," 
said  the  Wildcat,  and  then  he  ran  away.  Coyote  tried  to  follow,  but 
soon  lost  the  tracks,  and  felt  very  angry.  Then  he  looked  behind  him 
and  saw  all  of  his  sinew  dragging  on  the  ground.  He  ran  home  and 
met  his  Indian  friend.  "Look  at  my  back,"  he  said,  "the  Wildcat 
did  that.  He  hurt  me."  —  "That's  a  bad  hurt,"  said  the  Indian, 
"  the  sinew  is  all  gone."  Then  he  put  the  flesh  back  in  place  again 
and  fi-xed  it,  and  said,  "In  a  short  while  it  will  be  all  right."  Then  he 
said  to  Coyote,  "  Wildcat  fooled  you.  He  has  long,  sharp  claws.  He 
showed  you  only  the  ends  of  them."  " 

ID.    COYOTE   STEALS   THE   ROLLING  ROCK's   BLANKET 

As  Coyote  was  walking  around  one  day,  he  saw  a  Rock  with  a 
blanket  on  it.^  He  liked  the  blanket,  so  he  carried  it  off  with  him. 
After  going  a  short  distance,  he  looked  behind  him,  for  he  feared  the 
owner  of  the  blanket  would  come  after  him.  And  he  did  see  something 
coming  along.  It  was  coming  fast  and  leaving  a  cloud  of  dust  be- 
hind it.  Then  Coyote  ran  up  on  a  high  hill.  He  thought  the  blanket's 
owner  was  coming  after  him,  for  he  thought  it  belonged  to  a  Ute. 
Down  the  other  side  of  the  hill  he  ran,  where  he  saw  a  man  standing 
in  the  road.  He  told  the  man  that  an  Indian  was  coming  after  him. 
Then  he  ran  on  till  he  met  a  Bear.  Coyote  said  to  the  Bear,  "Some 
one  is  coming  after  me,  because  I  took  a  blanket."  Then  he  ran  off, 
and  the  Bear  said,  "I'll  catch  him."  Then  the  Bear  stood  out  in  the 
middle  of  the  road.  He  was  angry.  The  Indian  came  along  fast;  but 
when  he  got  close,  the  Bear  saw  that  it  was  the  Rock.  It  knocked  the 
Bear  down  and  went  on  after  Coyote. 

Coyote  ran  on  up  a  high  hill,  the  Rock  coming  easily  after  him. 
Here  he  met  another  Indian,  who  asked  him,  "Why  are  3'ou  running. 
Coyote?"  Coyote  answered,  "Because  I  took  this  blanket."  The 
Indian  said,    "That  blanket  belongs  to  some  one."    But  Coyote 

^  Compare  Lowie,  /.  c,  p.  258.  -  Told  by  John  Duncan. 

^  One  of  the  most  widespread  myths  of  North  American  folk-lore.  Cf.  Kroeber,  I.  c, 
p.  261;  St.  Clair,  /.  c,  p.  266;  Lowie,  /.  c,  p.  262,  a,  b,  andc;  Dorsey  and  Kroeber,  /.  c, 
pp.  65,68;  Wisslerand  Duvall  (Blackfoot),  pp.  24,37;  Dorsey  (Arikara),  p.  144;  Lowie 
(Assiniboine),  p.  120,  etc.;  cf.  also  the  following  myth. 


Myths  of  the  Uintah  Utes  307 

kept  on  running  and  did  not  stop.  He  ran  over  a  mountain  and  down 
to  the  bottom,  but  the  Rock  came  swiftly  after  him.  At  the  bottom 
he  met  a  number  of  Utes,  and  he  said  to  them,  "Some  one  is  coming 
after  me.  I  don't  know  what  tribe  he  belongs  to.  I  took  a  blanket, 
and  he  keeps  coming  after  me,  keeps  coming,  keeps  coming."  The 
Indians  laughed  and  said,  "All  right.  We  don't  care  who  it  is.  We'll 
hold  him."  But  when  the  Rock  came,  it  crashed  through  the  Indians 
and  killed  two  of  them. 

Now,  Coyote  saw  it  was  a  Rock,  and  no  Indian,  and  he  ran  away 
fast.  Soon  he  came  to  a  river  where  Uved  some  Water  Indians,  little 
men  with  long  hair.  He  said  to  one,  "A  Rock  is  coming  after  me." 
The  Water  Indian  said,  "You  stole  that  blanket!  That's  not  right. 
That  blanket  belongs  to  the  Rock,  and  that's  the  reason  becomes  after 
3^ou.  You  stole  it.  That 's  not  right,  and  you  did  wrong  to  steal  it." 
But  Coyote  only  ran  away.  Then  the  Water  Indian  stood  still ;  and 
when  the  Rock  came  along,  he  caught  it.  He  held  it  firmly,  threw  it 
back,  and  made  it  stop.  Then  he  laughed. 

But  Coyote  turned  into  a  Ute.  He  became  a  good  Indian  and 
never  stole  any  more.^ 

II.  coyote's  adventures  with  a  rolling  rock  and  with 

LIZARD 

One  day  Coyote  started  out  to  see  some  friends,  and  soon  he  came 
to  a  big  Rock.2  It  was  round  and  flat,  and  painted  all  colors,  —  red, 
green,  yellow,  and  blue,  —  and  was  covered  with  paintings  of  animals. 
Coyote  wondered  what  was  the  reason  for  it.  Then  he  looked  around 
and  found  the  ground  covered  with  all  kinds  of  rings,  —  earrings, 
finger-rings,  bead  and  shell  rings.  He  wondered  why. 

Then  he  put  on  all  the  rings.  He  urinated  and  defecated  on  the 
Rock,  and  scratched  in  the  dirt  till  he  covered  it  with  mud.  Then  he 
ran  off,  but  he  kept  wondering  about  it  until  he  was  a  long  ways  off. 
Then  he  heard  a  noise,  "thump,  thump!"  "What  is  that?"  said  he. 
Then  he  looked  around,  and  saw  the  Rock  coming  after  him.  He  ran 
up  a  steep  hill,  thinking  the  Rock  could  not  roll  up  hill,  but  he  saw 
it  come  rolling  up  easily  along  his  trail.  Then  he  ran  up  a  rocky 
hill,  for  he  thought  the  Rock  could  not  run  over  all  the  stones.  But 
when  he  sat  down  at  the  top,  the  Rock  came  jumping  over  all  the 
stones. 

Now  he  felt  very  tired,  but  he  ran  on  until  he  came  to  a  big  pine- 
tree.  He  thought  the  Rock  could  not  fell  the  tree,  so  he  hid  behind 
it.    But  when  he  saw  the  Rock  coming  so  hard,  he  jumped  out  and 

1  Told  by  John  Duncan's  father  Jim.   Translated  by  John. 

2  Compare  Dorsey  and  Kroeber,  /.  c,  p.  68,  for  closest  similarity  to  this  version;  com- 
pare also  preceding  myth  and  notes. 


3o8  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

ran  away.  The  Rock  hit  the  tree,  splintered  it,  and  kept  on  after 
Coyote. 

Now  he  was  very  much  frightened.  He  ran  on  until  he  came  to  a 
big  river,  and,  feeling  quite  thirsty,  he  jumped  in.  Then  he  thought, 
"The  Rock  can't  swim,"  so  he  swam  across  and  drank  the  water  at 
the  same  time.  But  when  he  reached  the  opposite  shore  and  looked 
around,  he  saw  the  Rock  rolling  across  the  river  after  him.  So  he  ran 
on  until  he  came  to  a  Buffalo  in  a  fiat.  Said  he,  "A  Rock  is  coming 
after  me.  You'd  better  hold  it."  — ''All  right,"  said  the  Buffalo, 
"I'll  hold  it."  So  Coyote  stood  aside.  The  Buffalo  pawed  the  ground 
and  bellowed;  but  the  Rock  crashed  full  into  him,  and  killed  him. 
Then  Coyote  ran  away,  crying,  "Wu-u-u-u!"  He  thought,  "What's 
the  reason  the  Rock  comes  after  me  ?  I  must  find  somebody  to  hold 
it." 

Soon  he  met  a  Mountain-Lion,  and  said  to  him,  "A  Rock  is 
coming  after  me.  You'd  better  hold  it."  But  the  Mountain-Lion 
repHed,  "No!  I  can't  hold  it.  That  Rock  is  very  heavy,  and  nobody 
can  hold  it.  It  will  knock  anything  down.  I  'm  afraid  of  it.  You  'd 
better  see  some  one  else,  for  I  can't  hold  it."  Then  Coyote  ran  on  till 
he  met  a  Sparrow-Hawk,  and  said  to  him,  "A  Rock  is  coming  after 
me."  The  Sparrow-Hawk  said,  "That  Rock  is  very  strong  when  it 
is  angry.  It  can  kill  any  one  easily.  IMaybe  you  took  some  of  the 
Rock's  things.  It  watches  everybody."  Yet  the  Sparrow-Hawk  said 
he  would  try  to  hold  it.  He  swooped  down  fast  at  the  Rock,  crying, 
"  Wik,  wik!"  But  the  Rock  came  too  fast,  and  he  could  not  stop  it. 
He  tried  several  times,  but  the  Rock  kept  on  coming. 

Still  Coyote  ran  on.  Soon  he  came  to  a  big  white-headed  Eagle, 
and  said  to  him,  "What's  the  reason  the  Rock  comes  after  me?  I 
can't  stop  it.  No  one  can  hold  it.  It  killed  the  Buffalo  and  splintered 
the  pine-tree.  It  can  break  through  anything,  and  always  rolls  along 
so  easily."  Then  the  Eagle  said,  "I  believe  you  took  all  his  rings;  you 
take  everything  you  can  find.  That's  the  reason  he  comes  after  you." 
—  "Yes,"  replied  Coyote,  "I  thought  somebody  had  lost  the  rings, 
and  I  took  them."  Then  the  Eagle  said,  "Well,  you  did  wrong  be- 
sides. You  urinated  and  defecated  on  the  Rock,  and  scratched  mud 
all  over  it.  You  'd  better  throw  the  rings  away.  Throw  them  far  be- 
hind you.  If  you  don't,  he  will  keep  coming  after  you  and  kill  some 
more  of  your  friends." 

Then  Coyote  threw  the  rings  far  behind  him  as  he  ran.  He  kept 
on  running  till  he  reached  the  bottom  of  the  hill,  and  then  he  looked 
around.  He  saw  the  Rock  come  on  until  it  came  to  the  rings.  Then 
it  stopped.  It  rolled  over  the  rings,  and  they  stuck  to  it.  Then  it 
turned  around  and  rolled  back. 

Coyote  was  now  very  tired  and  thirsty,  and  wanted  some  water 


Myths  of  the  Uintah  Utes  309 

to  drink.  Soon  he  found  a  spring,  and  after  he  had  drunk  plenty,  he 
lay  down  on  a  rock  to  sleep.  Then  a  Lizard  came  up  to  see  him.  He 
said  to  Coyote,  "What's  the  reason  you  are  so  tired?"  —  "Oh,"  said 
Coyote,  "a  Rock  came  after  me.  I'm  very  tired.  Let's  lie  down  and 
sleep  together.  Lie  close  to  me."   So  they  lay  down  together.^ 

Tum  Canis  "Quid,"  inquit,  " dicis ?  Nobiscum  in  anum  copulemus." 
Sed  Lacerta:  "Quare  in  anum  copulemus?  Viri  cum  feminis  copulare 
debent.  Non  a^quum  est  viros  cum  viris  copulare."  —  "O,"  inquit 
Canis,  "ipsius  ludi  causa.  Ludo  simile  est,  non  nos  vulnerabimus. 
Conemur."  Tum  Lacerta:  "Magnum  autem  penem  habes.  Forsitan 
me  interficias."  — "Minime  vero,"  inquit  Canis,  ''parvum  penem 
habeo,  frustulum.  Tu  fortasse  magnum  penem  habes."  Deinde  dixit 
Canis,  "Ego  primus  conabor."  Quo  facto,  Lacerta  clamavit:  "0! 
Tuus  penis  magnus  est!  Me  vulneras!  Desiste!"  Sed  Canis:  "0.  certe 
jocaris.  Non  vulnero.  Parvus  est  meus  penis.  Sed  nunc  ad  te  res 
redit.  Desinam."  Itaque  Lacerta  copulare  coepit.  Magnum  penem 
habuit,  Canemque  vulneravit.  Clamavit  ille:  "Me  vulneras!"  — 
"At  parvum  penem  habeo."  —  "  In  intestina  eum  infiges.  Me  vulneras 
per  to  tum  corpus  usque  ad  cor  ipsum!" — "Tu,"  inquit  Lacerta. 
"Me  similiter  vulnerabas."  Deinde  cessavit,  "Desistamus."  Tum 
Canis:  "Quare  praecipitemus ?  Plus  ludamus."  Lacerta  autem, 
^'Non,"  inquit,  "Abeo."   Et  quidem  abiit. 

Deinde  Canis  quoque  abiit.  Longe  iit.  Anus  intestinaque  vulnerata 
erant.  Vadere  non  poterat  et  constitit.  Voluit  defa^care  et  multum 
defaecavit.  Deinde  cum  circumspiceret,  fseces  sanguinem  intestinaque 
esse  vidit.  Prope  mortuus  fuit  et  iratus  secum,  "Quare  meus  amicus 
tarn  prope  me  interfecit?"  Deinde  diu  aeger  incubuit.  Tandem 
surrexit  et  medicinam  quaesivit.  Cum  lente  vaderet,  nigras  forte  faeces  in 
saxo  conspexit.  Medicinas  simihs  erat.  Deinde  Vespertilionem  in  eo 
saxo  vidit,  eumque  rogavit,  "Habesne  medicinam  ?  ^Egerrimus  sum." 
Vespertilio  "Tibi"  inquit,  "meas  faeces,  nigras  dabo.  Experire. 
Forsitan  salubres  sint."  Edit  ille,  "Tuje  faeces  non  salubres  sunt. 
Mihi  morbum  afferunt."  Deinde  abiit,  aegrior. 

Coyote  went  to  his  home,  still  hunting  for  medicine.  He  lay  down 
and  went  to  sleep,  and  when  he  awoke  he  was  much  better.  Then  he 
thought,  " I  will  go  and  hunt  my  friend.  He  is  a  bad  man;  he  nearly 
killed  me,"  He  carried  a  stick  with  him,  for  he  thought  possibly  the 
Lizard  had  fooled  him,  and  used  a  stick  on  him. 

Soon  he  saw  the  Lizard's  track,  and  followed  it  along.  Then  he 
called,  '-'My  friend!  Come  on!"  But  the  Lizard  was  hiding  among 
;Som>e  cedar-trees  on  the  hill.  He  was  lying  flat  on  one  of  the  trunks, 
and  Coyote  did  not  see  him.  "  Come  on,  my  friend ! "  he  called  all  the 
time.   Then  the  Lizard  whistled.    Coyote  thought,  "Where  did  that 

■^  Lowie  (Assiniboine),  p.  123;  J.  O.  Dorsey  (Omaha),  p.  41. 


3IO  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

whistle  come  from  ?  "  Then  he  called,  "Where  are  you  ?  "  But  Lizard 
only  whistled  several  times  more.  Coyote  hunted  until  sundown,  and 
then  lay  down  to  sleep  on  a  rock. 

During  the  night,  the  Lizard  came  down  from  the  tree.  He  walked 
around  Coyote,  leaving  a  track,  and  then  hid  among  the  rocks  at  a 
distance.  In  the  morning  Coyote  got  up  and  looked  around.  He  saw 
the  Lizard's  trail  and  began  to  follow  it,  for  he  knew  it  was  a  new 
trail,  made  while  he  was  asleep.  As  he  went  along,  he  cried,  "My 
friend,  I  see  you.  Come  on!  I'll  give  you  something  nice  to  eat." 
Then  the  Lizard  whistled  again,  and  cried,  "Yoyowitcl" 

Now,  there  was  a  big  rock  which  echoed  the  sound,  and  Coyote 
thought,  "There's  my  friend  right  close."  So  he  cried,  "What's  the 
matter,  my  friend ?  Come  on!  I'll  show  you  something."  He  ran  to 
the  rock  where  he  heard  the  echo,  and  searched  for  the  Lizard,  but 
could  not  find  him.   Then  he  felt  tired,  so  he  went  home.^ 

12.  COYOTE  AND  DOCTOR  DUCK 

Coyote  came  one  day  to  a  big  river.  He  wanted  to  be  clean,  and 
not  dirty  any  more,  so  he  jumped  in  and  took  a  swim,  and  washed 
himself.  Then  he  ate  some  Indian  kamieris,  and  went  to  sleep  in 
the  brush  and  willows.  He  dreamt  of  birds,  —  eagles,  hawks,  geese, 
and  ducks,  —  and  when  he  awoke,  he  saw  a  number  of  Geese  on  the 
lake.  He  went  down  to  the  shore  of  the  lake,  and  asked  the  Geese 
how  they  flew,  how  their  feathers  moved,  and  how  they  flew  so 
easily  without  falling  down.  "Yes,"  said  the  Geese,  "it  is  just  as 
easy  as  walking."  Then  said  Coyote,  "Give  me  some  feathers,  so 
I  too  can  fly."  —  "No,"  said  the  Geese,  "maybe  you  will  fall  in,  and 
maybe  you  will  make  a  noise  all  the  time.  You  wall  go  off  somewhere 
and  get  lost.  Geese  keep  together  all  the  time,  and  never  stray  away." 
—  "But  I  will  go  along  with  you,"  said  Coyote;  "  then  the  Indians  will 
say,  'How  nice  that  looks!'  I  will  go  ahead;  I  know  the  way  best." 

Then  the  Geese  said,  "All  right,"  and  each  Goose  gave  him  some 
of  its  feathers. 2  They  stuck  the  feathers  over  him,  until  he  was  com- 
pletely covered;  and  then  they  said,  "Now  try  them!"  Coyote  tried, 
and  flew  easily  over  the  lake  without  falling  in.  He  flew  easily  and 
lightly.   "That  is  all  right,"  said  the  Geese;  "now  we  will  go." 

They  all  started  up,  crying  as  they  went.  The  Geese  cried  only 
as  they  rose  and  descended,  but  Coyote  cried  all  the  time.  He  imi- 
tated the  cry  of  the  Geese,  "Ai-i,  ai-i,  ai-i!"  They  flew  high  in  the 
air,  and  then  descended  on  the  banks  of  a  big  river.  When  they  had 
all  alighted,  the  Geese  said,  "Why  do  you  cry  all  the  time?"  And 
Coyote  answered,  "I  am  practising  the  cry.  Otherwise  I  might  forget 

^  Told  by  John  Duncan.  This  version  was  related  to  him  by  his  uncle. 
*  Voth,  Hopi  Traditions,  pp.  197,  202. 


Myths  of  the  Uintah  Utes  311 

it,  so  I  keep  trying  it."  But  the  Geese  only  answered,  "Well,  we  want 
no  more  crying.  Now  we  are  going  again;  and  if  you  continue  crying, 
we  will  pull  all  your  feathers  out  again."  —  "All  right,"  said  Coyote; 
so  they  started  again.  They  all  cried  as  they  rose,  but  Coyote  kept 
on  crying.  Then  they  gathered  around  him  and  pulled  all  his  feathers 
out.  Down  he  fell,  a  great  distance  to  the  ground,  and  was  badly 
hurt.^  But  he  got  up  and  said,  "Well,  my  friends,  I'll  go  along  on 
the  ground.  I  see  something  away  over  there."  The  Geese  said,  "We 
are  going  to  see  the  Utes."  Then  they  left  Coyote  behind.  When  they 
arrived,  the  Utes  were  engaged  in  a  great  fight  with  the  Sioux.  Coyote 
said,  "I'll  go  on  the  ground;  I  like  it  better."  He  slept  and  dreamt  a 
little  while,  and  when  he  came  up,  the  fight  was  over.  The  Geese  had 
stayed  until  the  end,  and  gave  Coyote,  when  he  came  up,  an  Indian 
girl  they  had  rescued.  Coyote  said,  "What's  the  reason  they  stopped 
so  soon?  Why  don't  they  come  back?" 

Coyote  took  the  girl  to  his  home.  Now  a  snowstorm  began,  and 
she  made  him  a  brush  house.  Coyote  carelessly  left  a  pointed  stick 
upright  in  the  ground.  The  girl  came  in  and  sat  down  on  the  stick, 
which  penetrated  her  anus.  Then  she  began  to  cry,  and  Coyote  said, 
"Something  has  hurt  my  girl.  I  will  hunt  for  a  doctor."  He  soon 
found  the  Duck  doctor,  and  said  to  him,  "My  girl  is  hurt,  and  I  am 
looking  for  a  doctor."  The  Duck  said,  "Go  look  for  another  doctor 
also."  So  Coyote  went.  Meanwhile  the  Duck  went  to  Coyote's 
home,  and  said  to  the  girl,  "Where  are  you  sick?"  She  answered, 
"A  stick  has  entered  my  anus."  Then  the  Duck  pulled  the  stick  out, 
and  poked  it  into  the  bottom  of  the  fire. 

Soon  Coyote  returned  alone.  The  Duck  did  not  tell  him  what  the 
trouble  was,  but  said,  "  You  must  go  and  get  water.  Get  it  from  the 
bottom  of  the  lake  at  the  middle."  But  Coyote  thought,  "What's 
the  reason  he  wants  me  to  get  water  way  out  there?  There  is  too 
much  water  there.  I  '11  get  it  closer  to  shore."  ^  So  he  got  a  jar,  and 
waded  into  the  water  up  to  his  knees.  Then  he  reached  out  and  filled 
the  jar  with  water,  and  took  it  to  the  Duck,  who  asked,  "Where  did 
you  get  this  water?" — "Oh,"  said  Coyote,  "I  stood  so  deep  in  the 
water.  I  got  it  right  there,"  —  "I  told  you  in  the  middle,"  said  the 
Duck,  and  he  threw  the  water  away.  "All  right,"  said  Coyote,  and  he 
went  again.  This  time  he  waded  in  up  to  his  hips  and  got  water;  but 
when  he  brought  it  home,  the  Duck  looked  at  it  and  said,  "  This  water 
was  too  near  shore.  I  told  you  way  out  in  the  middle,  in  deep  water." 
So  Coyote  went  again.  He  walked  till  the  water  reached  his  breast, 
and  brought  water  from  there.  But  the  Duck  only  said,  "No.  That 
is  not  deep  water.  I  told  you  way  down  in  the  middle."  Coyote  an- 
swered, "All  right,  I'll  do  it,"  and  he  went  again.   He  went  in  up  to 

'  Spinden  (Nez  Perce),  p.  150.  ^  Lowie  (Northern  Shoshone),  p.  238. 


312  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

his  nose,  and  got  the  jug  full  of  water.  But  the  Duck  looked  at  it,  and 
said  to  him,  "  No,  go  far  down  in  deep  water.  This  water  was  too  close 
to  shore.  It  is  not  good."  —  "All  right,"  said  Coyote,  "I'll  do  it." 
This  time  he  walked  till  the  water  covered  his  head,  and  then  kept 
on  much  farther.  He  filled  his  jar  with  water,  and  waded  out  again. 
But  he  slipped  in  the  mud  on  his  way  out  and  spilled  all  the  water. 
Then  he  went  in  again,  a  long  distance  after  the  water  had  covered  his 
head.  He  got  a  fresh  jar  of  water  and  carried  it  safely  home.  He  en- 
tered the  house  and  said,  "I  got  you  water  now  way  down  deep  in 
the  middle."  Then  he  looked  around.   Both  Duck  and  girl  were  gone. 

Then  Coyote  knew  that  the  Duck  had  stolen  his  girl.  "What's  the 
reason,"  he  thought,  "  that  he  stole  my  girl  ?  "  He  sat  down  and  thought 
about  it.  "Which  way  did  he  go  ?  "  he  thought.  Then  far  down  in  the 
fire  he  heard  a  noise,  —  "psst!"  It  was  the  stick.  He  thought,  "What's 
the  cause  of  that  noise  in  there?"  Then  he  poked  the  fire  and  pulled 
the  stick  out.  "What  kind  of  stuff  is  that?"  he  thought.  "Maybe 
it  is  good  to  eat."  So  he  cooled  it  in  the  water.  "That's  my  dinner," 
said  Coyote.  Then  he  began  to  eat  it;  but  at  the  first  bite  he  began  to 
cry,  "  Wu,  wu,  wu! "  But  he  kept  on  till  he  had  eaten  it  all.  Then  he 
knew  all  the  trouble,  and  the  cause  of  his  girl's  sickness.^ 

Coyote  lay  down  and  slept  one  night.  Next  morning  he  arose  and 
started  out  to  hunt  his  girl.  He  found  her  track  and  followed  it,  and 
soon  he  saw  a  camp.  He  saw  a  little  child's  bow  and  arrow  on  the 
ground,  and  he  thought  possibly  it  belonged  to  his  girl's  and  the 
Duck's  child.  So  he  guessed  on  his  fingers,  and  decided  it  did  belong 
to  his  step-child.  So  he  took  the  bow  and  arrow  along.  Then  he  saw 
the  smoke  of  the  camp-hre,  and  by  it  a  little  boy.  Then  he  saw  his 
girl  too.  He  went  up  to  the  child,  handed  him  the  bow,  and  said,  "My 
step-child,  here  is  your  bow  and  arrow."  He  stayed  at  the  camp 
several  days,  and  then  said  to  the  Duck,  "I  saw  two  little  eagles  on 
a  rock.  Let  us  go  and  get  them."  So  they  went  after  the  eagles.  The 
Duck  climbed  up  on  the  rock  and  tied  the  legs  of  the  little  eagles  to- 
gether. Then  he  looked  around  and  found  that  he  was  on  the  top  of  a 
high  rock  and  could  not  go  anywhere. ^  Coyote  had  taken  away  all 
the  earth  from  around  the  rock.  So  the  Duck  sat  down.  Soon  the 
eagle  came  and  fed  the  eaglets  with  rabbits.  After  she  had  gone,  the 
Duck  stole  some  bits  and  ate  them,  but  after  a  little  while  the  eaglets 
became  grown  and  flew  away.  Then  the  Duck  had  no  more  to  eat, 
and  he  became  thin  through  hunger  and  thirst. 

Coyote  went  back  to  the  camp  and  took  his  girl  again.  Soon  there 
were  many  little  Coyotes  there.  Then  the}^  moved  away.  Coyote 
thought  he  had  killed  the  Duck  by  hunger  and  thirst;  so  he  said  to 

^  Compare  Lowie,  I.  c,  p.  250. 

'  Kroeber,  I.  c,  p.  272;  Dixon,  "Maidu  Myths,"  p.  79. 


Myths  of  the  Uintah  Utes  313 

his  wife,  "Take  good  care  of  my  boys,  but  don't  care  for  that  Duck 
child.  Poor  boy!  He  has  no  father."  The  girl  thought,  "What  did 
Coyote  do  with  that  Duck ?  Kill  him?  What?" 

Meanwhile  the  Duck  sat  down  on  the  rock  and  cried.  Now  he  was 
all  bones.  But  there  was  a  camp  of  Utes  a  little  distance  away.  They 
had  seen  the  eaglets,  and  wondered,  "Where  did  they  come  from?" 
One  of  the  Indians  came  and  heard  the  cries  of  the  Duck;  so  he  went 
home  and  told  his  boy,  "  I  saw  an  Indian  on  the  rock,  who  cries  all  the 
time."  So  they  went  to  the  rock,  killing  jack-rabbits  on  the  way. 
They  stood  at  the  bottom  of  the  rock,  and  cried,  "What  kind  of  a 
man  are  you  ? "  The  Duck  answered,  " I  am  a  Duck.  Coyote  did  this; 
he  treated  me  very  badly.  I  have  nothing  to  eat."  Then  the  Utes 
said,  "Jump  over,  and  we'll  catch  you."  But  the  Duck  was  afraid. 
"Maybe  I'll  get  hurt,  my  bones  broken,"  he  said.  "Then,"  said  the 
Indian,  "throw  down  a  rock,  and  I'll  try  to  catch  that."  The  Duck 
did  so,  and  the  Indian  caught  the  rock.  "Now  do  the  same  way,"  he 
said.  So  the  Duck  fearfully  closed  his  eyes  and  rolled  off  of  the  rock. 
The  Indian  caught  him  easily,  took  him  home,  and  fed  him  on  jack- 
rabbits,  fat  ones.  Then  they  greased  him  all  over.  Soon  he  was  fat 
and  all  right  again,  and  ready  to  start  out  anew. 

Then  the  Indian  said,  "Now  go  and  hunt  your  boy.  Kill  Coyote. 
He  is  bad;  he  will  steal  anything.  Kill  him  as  he  tried  to  kill  you. 
Make  a  great  storm,  a  great  cold.  Blow  on  him;  make  him  freeze." 
So  the  Duck  set  out.  He  followed  Coyote's  track,  and  finally  saw  a 
camp-fire.  Soon  he  met  the  girl  with  all  the  httle  boys.  Then  he  took 
a  pack-basket  and  put  all  the  little  Coyote  boys  in  it,  where  the  twigs 
pricked  and  hurt  them.  But  his  own  Duck  boy  he  left  outside.  Then 
he  spoke  to  the  girl.  "W^here  is  Coyote?"  he  asked.  "He  is  hunting 
rabbits,"  she  replied.  "Where  have  you  moved  to?"  the  Duck  then 
said.  "Just  over  to  the  spring,  a  little  ways,"  she  answered.  "When 
will  Coyote  return?"  was  the  next  question.  "He  will  come  at  sun- 
down," she  said.  Then  the  Duck  went  over  to  the  wickiup  at  the 
camp.  He  changed  all  the  brush  and  cedar-sticks  in  the  wickiup,  and 
made  the  walls  thick  on  one  side  and  thin  on  the  other.  Then  he  said 
to  the  girl,  "Don't  tell  Coyote  what  I  say.  Make  a  httle  fire.  Take 
good  care  of  my  boy,  but  never  mind  those  Coyote  boys."  Then  he 
lay  down  outside  of  the  thin  side  of  the  wickiup,  and  covered  himself 
up  well.  He  had  a  big  stick  beside  him. 

At  sundown  Coyote  came  home  and  brought  some  rabbits  to  cook. 
Now  it  was  rather  cool;  so  Coyote  said,  "Why  have  n't  you  got  plenty 
of  wood  and  made  a  big  fire  ?  Who  told  you  not  to  make  a  big  fire  ? 
Duck  ?  Has  he  come  back  ?  And  why  don't  you  take  care  of  my  boys  ? 
You  care  for  that  Duck  boy.  What's  the  reason  for  that?  Did  Duck 
tell  you  to  ?  I  beheve  he  did.  What  makes  it  so  cool  ?  I  believe  Duck 


314  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

has  come  back,  and  that's  the  reason."  Then  he  sat  down  by  the 
fire.  At  midnight  the  Duck  got  up  and  began  to  blow.  Coyote  got 
very  cold,  and  the  Coyote  boys  were  frozen  to  death.  The  fire  went 
out,  so  Coyote  went  and  lay  down  in  the  embers.  When  daylight  came, 
the  Duck  got  up  and  hit  Coyote  with  the  club.  "What's  the  reason," 
said  he, "  that  you  nearly  killed  me  on  the  rock  hill  ?  "  Then  he  knocked 
Coyote  down  and  went  back  to  the  camp.  The  Duck  boy  was  alive, 
as  he  had  been  covered  up  well.  Then  the  Duck  took  him  and  the 
girl  away.  She  was  pregnant  with  Coyote  boys,  so  he  forced  them  all 
out.  Then  he  took  her  and  the  Duck  boy  to  his  home.^ 

13.    COYOTE   JUGGLES   HIS   EYES   AND   BECOMES   BLIND 

One  day  while  out  walking.  Coyote  came  to  a  lake  where  there  were 
many  ducks  and  geese  swimming  around.  He  went  close  to  the  water 
and  sat  down.  "They  look  good  to  eat,"  thought  he;  "I  wonder  how 
I  can  catch  them!"  At  last  he  decided  to  try  walking  on  the  bottom 
of  the  lake.  He  walked  a  long  way  out  until  he  saw  the  birds'  feet, 
and  then  he  seized  them  and  walked  ashore.  He  did  this  until  he  had 
three  or  four  big  ones.  Then  he  packed  them  home,  and  met  his 
Indian  friend.  "  What  do  you  call  them  ?  "  he  asked  him.  The  Indian 
called  the  ducks  "tciqutc,"  and  the  geese  "uwenunq."  "What  are 
they  good  for?"  asked  Coyote.  "They  are  good  to  eat,"  replied  the 
Indian;  "we  use  the  small  feathers  for  pillows  to  rest  our  heads, 
and  the  long  feathers  to  feather  our  arrows."  So  Coyote  cooked  the 
birds  and  ate  them,  and  made  arrows  with  the  long  feathers. 

Then  they  went  hunting  fish.  The  Indian  shot  one  and  took  it 
home.  He  showed  Coyote  how  to  use  the  bow  and  arrow,  and  Coyote 
went  hunting  alone.  He  stood  on  the  bank  of  a  creek,  and  a  big  fish 
came  swimming  along.  Coyote  shot  at  him,  but  the  big  fish  broke 
the  arrow.  Coyote  was  so  frightened  that  he  ran  home  and  told  the 
Indian.  "  Go  again,"  said  the  Indian,  "and  kill  the  fish;  he  is  good  to 
eat,  and  you  can  dry  and  keep  his  flesh  also." 

Then  Coyote  walked  till  he  came  to  a  big  white-pine  tree.  He  heard 
some  laughing  and  talking,  and  saw  some  Bears  there,  so  he  ran  home 
and  asked  his  Indian  friend  for  some  arrows.  Then  he  returned  and 
crawled  up  close  to  the  Bears,  who  were  copulating.  He  heard  the 
Bear's  wife  say,  "Hold  on!  Coyote  may  come  and  see  what  you  are 
doing."  But  the  Bear  laughed  and  said,  "  Oh,  no!  Coyote  is  a  coward. 
He  is  afraid  of  everything.  If  he  saw  me  a  long  ways  off  he  would 
run."  Then  Coyote  came  up  close,  shot  him  many  times,  and  then 
chased  him.  The  Bear  wondered,  "How  did  Coyote  learn  to  shoot 
and  hurt  me  ?  I'll  kill  him  some  time."  He  was  very  angry,  but  Coy- 
ote only  laughed. 

^  Told  by  Jim  Duncan;  translated  by  John. 


Myths  oj  the  Uintah  Lies  315 

Another  time  Coyote  was  wandering  around  to  see  what  he  could 
find.  He  heard  birds  laughing  and  talking.  So  he  crawled  up  close 
in  the  willows  and  brush  by  the  lake,  and  saw  many  little  birds  in  a 
tall  tree.  The  little  birds  pulled  their  eyes  out  and  threw  them  up 
in  the  willow-branches.^  Then  they  shook  the  branches,  and  the  eyes 
fell  down  in  their  places  again.  Then  they  laughed.  Coyote  asked 
them  what  they  were  doing  with  their  eyes,  and  they  said  they  were 
just  having  some  fun.  Then  Coyote  said,  "Let  me  try  it!"  —  "No," 
said  they,  "you  will  lose  your  eyes;  you  can't  do  it."  But  Coyote 
went  and  sat  down  by  the  lake.  He  felt  crazy.  He  pulled  his  eyes  out 
and  threw  them  up  in  the  willows.  Then  he  shook  the  willows,  but  the 
eyes  only  fell  on  the  ground.  Now  he  was  blind.  He  thought  now  he 
was  certainly  crazy.  He  heard  water  rushing  far  away,  and  followed 
it  and  sat  down  by  the  brook. 

Soon  two  little  girls  came  along.  They  did  not  see  him;  but  he  called 
to  them,  "Halloo!  Where  do  you  come  from?  What  tribe  do  you 
belong  to  ?  "  —  "  Shoshone, "  they  replied.  "  What  tribe  are  you  ?  "  — 
"Just  the  same  as  you,  Shoshone,"  he  said.  "I'll  go  along  with  you." 
—  "All  right,"  said  they,  so  he  covered  his  eyes  and  went  along.  Soon 
they  came  to  a  buffalo,  and  the  girls  told  him  to  kill  it.^  "Yes,"  said 
Coyote,  "but  I  left  my  arrows  at  home."  —  "Never  mind,"  said 
the  girls,  "we'll  make  one  quickly;"  so  they  made  one  out  of  bone. 
"You'd  better  kill  one,"  they  said,  and  so  Coyote  walked  till  he  got 
the  wind  from  the  buffalo.  Then  he  crawled  up  along  the  wind  and 
shot  several  times.  He  hit  and  killed  it,  but  he  did  not  know  it.  He 
thought  he  had  missed.  Soon  the  girls  came  up.  "Why  don't  you 
skin  it?"  they  asked.  "Well,"  he  replied,  "I  was  waiting  for  you." 
Then  he  followed  them  up  to  the  buffalo.  "Why  don't  3'ou  begin?" 
asked  the  girls.  "I  haven't  any  knife,"  he  said.  Then  one  of  the 
girls  handed  him  hers.  He  grasped  blindly  at  it.  "What's  the  matter?" 
she  said.  "Haven't  you  any  eyes?"  Then  Coyote  took  the  knife 
and  tried  to  skin  the  buffalo,  but  he  cut  it  all  to  pieces.  "What's  the 
matter?"  they  said.  "You've  cut  the  skin  all  to  pieces."  —  "Oh!" 
he  said.  "I  tried  to  skin  it  quickly.  We'll  throw  it  away  and  kill 
some  more  buffalo." 

Then  the  girls  cooked  the  beef,  and  told  him  to  come  and  eat.  He 
walked  past  far  below  the  fire.    "Where  are  you  going?"  they  cried. 

1  The  "eye- juggler  myth"  seems  to  be  one  of  the  most  popular  stories  in  Western 
mythology.  Kroeber  (Gros  Ventres),  p.  70;  Dorsey  (Caddo),  p.  103;  Teit  (Shuswap), 
p.  632;  Russel  (Cree),  p.  215;  Kroeber  (Cheyenne),  p.  168;  St.  Clair  (Shoshone), 
p.  26g  (Comanche),  p.  278;  Wissler  and  Duvall  (Blackfoot),  p.  29;  Voth  (Hopi),  p.  194; 
Spinden  (Nez  Perec),  p.  19;  Matthews,  Navaho  Legends,  p.  90;  Lowie  (Assiniboine) 
p.  117;  Dorsey  and  Kroeber  (Arapaho),  p.  50,  etr. 

^  Lowie  (Shoshone)  p.  272,  c. 
VOL.  XXIII.  — NO.  89.  21 


31 6  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

*'0h,"  he  said,  "I  was  just  doing  that  for  fun."  Then  he  came  up 
and  sat  down  in  the  meat.  "Why  do  you  sit  down  in  the  meat?" 
they  said.  Then  the  girls  made  a  wickiup,  and  Coyote  went  to  sleep 
while  they  stayed  up  and  packed  the  meat. 

Then  they  thought,  "What's  the  reason  he  can't  see?  INIaybe  he 
has  no  eyes!"  So  they  crept  up  to  him,  lifted  the  covering,  and  saw 
that  his  eyes  were  gone.  So  they  ran  away  and  left  him  still  sleeping. 
They  found  some  old  timber  full  of  red  ants,  and  brought  it  back  to 
the  cam^p.  They  put  it  under  his  head  and  then  ran  away.  The  ants 
ran  all  over  his  head  and  into  the  eye-sockets  and  bit  him.  Then  he 
woke  up  and  cried,  "  Come  here !  The  ants  are  biting  me  all  over."  But 
there  w^as  no  answer.  Then  he  jumped  up  and  smelled  around  till  he 
found  the  girls'  trail,  and  ran  after  them.  The  girls  were  now  on  a 
high  hill,  and  saw  him  coming.  "W^hat's  the  matter?"  they  cried. 
"All  right,"  said  he,  "I'll  catch  you."— "All  right,"  they  replied. 

One  of  the  girls  had  a  purse  with  jingles  on  it.  These  made  a  great 
noise,  and  Coyote  followed  the  sound.  Now  he  was  catching  up  to 
them.  On  the  other  side  of  the  hill  was  a  high  chff .  The  girls  shook 
the  purse,  threw  it  over  the  cliff,  and  then  ran  to  either  side.  Coyote 
ran  right  over  the  cliff  and  broke  his  leg.  The  girls  came  to  the  cliff 
and  looked  over.  Coyote  was  far  below  on  the  rocks,  eating  the  mar- 
row out  of  the  broken  bone.  The  girls  cried,  "Coyote,  what  are  you 
doing?  Eating  your  own  leg-grease?  Shame!"  But  Coyote  said, 
"No!  I  killed  a  mountain-sheep,  and  I  am  eating  his  bones.  Better 
come  down."  —  "No,"  said  they,  "you  are  eating  your  own  leg-grease. 
Shame!  "1 

14.   PORCUPINE    CROSSES   THE   BIG   WATER 

Porcupine  stood  by  the  Big  Water.^  There  were  many  Buffalo  on  the 
shore,  and  he  said  to  one,  "I  want  you  to  take  me  down  across  the 
river."  —  "All  right,"  said  the  Buffalo,  "I'll  take  you  across.  How 
are  you  going  to  ride?  Between  my  horns?" — "No,"  said  Porcu- 
pine, "I'll  ride  on  your  back." 

The  Buffalo  swam  many  nights.  Porcupine  stayed  on  his  back  and 
held  on  to  the  hair,  and  at  last  they  reached  the  shore.  So  Porcupine 
got  across.^ 

15.   PORCUPINE   RIDES   ON  A   BUFFALO 

Porcupine  once  wanted  to  ride  on  a  buft"alo.  "You  can't  ride," 
Coyote  said  to  him.  "I'm  a  pretty  good  rider,"  replied  Porcupine, 
and  he  climbed  up  on  a  buffalo.  Then  the  buffalo  began  to  trot,  and 
Porcupine  fell  off. 

Again  he  tried  it  and  fell  off.  Then  he  got  on  the  buffalo's  head  and 

'  Told  by  John  Duncan.  ^  Identified  as  the  Missouri  River. 

'  Told  by  Snake  John. 


Myths  of  the  Umtah  Vies  317 

grabbed  his  horns.  Now  he  would  not  fall  off.  He  raced  with  Coyote 
on  his  horse  and  beat  him.  He  was  not  tied  on.^ 

16.   PORCUPINE  KILLS   THE   COYOTES 

Once  Porcupine  went  out  hunting  buffalo  and  killed  a  fine  one. 
Then  he  hunted  among  the  rocks  for  a  stone  knife  to  skin  it.  Coyote 
came  along  and  saw  Porcupine,"  "I  have  a  knife,"  he  said.  Porcupine 
said,  "I  killed  the  buffalo,  but  now  there  are  two  of  us  here."  Coyote 
skinned  the  buffalo  and  took  out  plenty  of  fat.  Then  he  killed  Porcu- 
pine. He  took  some  of  the  meat  far  off  to  his  wickiup,  and  told  his 
family,  "I  have  killed  a  buffalo  and  I  killed  Porcupine.  In  the  morn- 
ing we  will  go  over  there." 

Now,  Porcupine  was  a  good  man,  a  very  good  man.  He  was  dead, 
but  now  he  woke  up  and  became  alive.  He  said  to  the  timber  on  the 
mountain,  "Timber,  grow  up!"  Then  he  stood  on  the  buffalo,  and 
a  big  tree  grew  up  under  them  and  lifted  them  into  the  air.  Coyote 
came  and  stood  under  the  tree,  but  did  not  see  Porcupine  till  he 
spoke.  Then  Coyote  said,  "O  Porcupine  dear!  my  dear  uncle!  give 
me  some  meat.  I  am  hungry." 

Now,  Coyote  had  his  little  boy  with  him.  Porcupine  said,  "Take 
that  little  boy  off  a  little  ways,  and  then  I  '11  give  you  the  head  and 
neck."  Coyote  did  so,  and  then  stood  close  to  catch  the  big  bone. 
Porcupine  threw  it  so  that  it  killed  them.  Then  he  came  down.  He 
took  the  little  Coyote  boy  up  in  the  tree  and  gave  him  plenty  to  eat. 
When  he  was  full,  the  Coyote  boy  said,  "I  must  defecate."  —  "Go 
over  there  on  the  limb,"  said  Porcupine,  and  the  Coyote  boy  crawled 
out  on  the  limb.  Then  Porcupine  stamped  on  it,  and  he  tumbled 
off  and  was  broken  open.  So  Porcupine  killed  all  of  them.  Now  he  had 
all  the  meat,  so  he  went  home  to  his  wickiup.  He  was  a  very  good 
man  and  could  not  die.^ 

17.    THE   bear-ears'  COUNTRY 

A  Bear  met  some  Indians.  They  asked,  "Where  are  you  going?" 
He  said,  "  I  'm  tired.  I  'm  going  to  the  Bear-Ears'  country.  I  am  look- 
ing for  the  country.  Back  here,  over  there,  is  the  best  country,  with 
bull-grass,  strawberries,  and  good  eating.  That's  what  I  am  looking 
for."  * 

18.   MOUNTAIN-LION   WRESTLES   WITH   BEAR 

Mountain-Lion  went  out  to  hunt,  and  left  his  wife  at  home.  Soon 
Bear  came  along  to  the  camp,  and  said  to  ISIountain-Lion's  wife,  "Let's 

^  Told  by  Snake  John.   Cf.  ?,,  "  Coyote  learns  to  Ride." 

^  Lowie  (Shoshone),  p.  267;  St.  Clair, /.  c.,p.  266;  Kroeber  (Ute),  p.  271;  Spinden,  I.e., 
p.  21;  cf.  also  Dixon,  /.  c,  p.  83. 

*  Told  by  Snake  John.  *  Told  by  Andrew  Frank. 


3i8  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

go!"  1  — ''No,"  said  she,  "he  may  kill  you."  But  Bear  said,  "No, 
I  will  beat  him."  Then  he  tore  up  trees  and  threw  them  down.  They 
were  old  trees.  "Look  here!"  he  said,  "I  am  strong."  So  he  took  her 
away,  and  they  camped  out. 

Mountain-Lion  came  back  home  and  found  his  wife  gone.  He 
looked  around  and  found  their  tracks,  and  then  he  followed  them  and 
soon  reached  the  camp.  He  hid  himself;  and  when  his  wife  and  Bear 
sat  down,  he  began  to  crawl  closer.  His  wife  looked.  "Now,"  she 
said,  "he's  coming.  Throw  him  down."  Then  Mountain-Lion  and 
Bear  began  to  wrestle.  Bear  threw  him  once,  but  i\Iountain-Lion  was 
only  fooling  him.  After  a  while  he  threw  Bear  down  on  a  big  rock  and 
broke  his  back.  Then  he  took  liis  wife  home. 

Bear  was  dead.^ 

19.    THE   COUNCIL   OF   THE   BEARS 

A  man  went  hunting  in  the  timber.  He  saw  something  and  heard 
some  one  singing,  so  he  went  towards  it.  He  saw  some  Bears  sitting 
in  a  circle,  singing  and  smoking;  and  he  said  to  himself,  "What  are 
they  smoking  ?  Where  did  they  get  the  pipes  and  tobacco  ?  Let 's 
have  some!" 

He  crawled  up  close  to  them.  One  Bear  stood  up  and  asked,  "What 
do  you  do  when  you  kill  people?"  The  Bear  sitting  in  front  of  the 
Indian  said,  "I  killed  a  man,  an  Indian,  and  then  I  covered  him  over 
with  dirt  and  buried  him;  but  when  I  went  away,  he  got  up  again 
and  walked  off."  When  the  Indian  heard  this,  he  crept  away.  The 
Bears  did  not  see  him.  Then  the  head  Bear  said,  "You  fellows,  when 
you  kill  Indians  or  horses,  tear  them  all  to  pieces."  Then  they  sang 
and  danced  again. 

The  Indian  crept  up  again  with  some  long  willow- twigs.  He  crawled 
up  close,  and  began  to  poke  the  twigs  in  the  Bear's  anus.  The  Bear 
broke  the  sticks  several  times,  but  he  did  not  notice  the  Indian.  The 
man  crept  back  again,  got  on  his  horse,  and  rode  into  camp.  He  said 
to  the  other  Indians,  "The  Bears  are  holding  a  council  over  there. 
They  are  going  to  tear  us  all  to  pieces."  The  Indians  said,  "Let's  go 
and  kill  them  all !  They  talk  evil."  So  they  got  horses  and  went  after 
them.  The  Bears  were  dancing  again.  The  Indians  surrounded  them 
and  shot  them  all.^ 

20.    THE   GREAT  EAGLE 

A  long  time  ago  there  was  a  big  eagle  who  carried  off  Indians  and 
ate  them.^   Its  nest  was  on  some  great  flat  rocks  in  the  sea.*   A  man 

^  Kroeber,  /.  c,  p.  274.  ^  Xold  by  Andrew  Frank. 

'  St.  Clair,  I.  c,  p.  272;  Lowie,  I.  c,  p.  283. 
*  Great  Salt  Lake? 


Myths  of  the  Uintah  Utes  319 

went  to  the  mountains,  and  the  eagle  carried  him  away  to  its  nest. 
He  had  been  held  only  by  the  skin,  and  was  not  hurt.  He  saw  Indian 
bones  all  around,  and  an  old  woman  who  was  still  alive. 

The  eagle  flew  off  again,  and  they  talked.  ''The  eagle  will  kill  us 
both,"  they  cried.  But  the  man  found  a  big  club  on  the  nest;  and 
when  the  eagle  came  with  a  dead  Indian,  the  man  took  the  club, 
knocked  the  eagle  twice  on  the  head,  and  killed  it.  He  killed  the  young 
eaglets  too.  Then  he  cut  their  wings  off  and  fitted  them  together  to 
make  a  boat.  In  the  morning  they  got  into  the  boat  and  sailed  all 
day  across  the  water.  Then  they  went  home. 

This  was  a  long  time  ago.^ 

21.    ORIGIN   OF   THE   WATER  INDIAN 

Panapiitc  was  a  very  heavy,  stout  man  and  a  great  wrestler.  He 
had  thrown  all  the  other  Indians,  and  had  never  been  thrown  himself. 
One  day  he  said  to  Wildcat,  "  Come  here,  now! "  Then  Wildcat  came, 
and  they  wrestled  beside  the  Big  Water. 

Wildcat  lifted  Panapiitc  up  and  threw  him  into  the  middle  of  the 
water.  Then  he  said,  "You  will  stay  in  the  water  all  the  time  now, 
and  people  will  call  you  'Water  Indian.' "  So  Panapiitc  lost,  and  stays 
in  the  water  all  the  time.^ 

22.    THE   SIX-HEADED   MONSTER 

A  long  time  ago  there  was  a  big  wickiup  where  a  man  lived  alone. 
One  day  a  bad  Indian  came  along  and  cut  his  throat  and  ate  him.  He 
had  six  heads  ;  ^  and  he  killed  and  ate  so  many  Indians,  that  the  skulls 
covered  the  ground  hke  rocks. 

One  day  he  came  to  a  big  wickiup.  A  little  Indian  with  a  httle  dog 
lived  here.  He  had  a  very  sharp  sword,  and  cut  off  the  six  heads  of 
the  big  Indian.^  Then  he  laughed. ^ 

23.   THE  ABANDONED   BOY  AND   TAWICUTC 

A  man  had  many  children.  One  boy  was  a  great  eater,  and  at 
meals  he  would  eat  everything  there  was.  His  parents  said,  "Let's 
go  and  leave  him  over  in  the  brush!"  ^  The  boy  heard  this,  and  went 
to  an  old  woman  who  had  a  camp  close  to  his.  "My  parents  say  they 
will  leave  me  out  in  the  brush,"  he  said  to  her.  She  told  him  to  put 
some  ashes  in  a  sack,  and  to  drop  little  pieces  every  thirty  steps,  so 
that  he  would  not  get  lost  when  his  father  left  him  in  the  brush. 

Soon  his  father  took  him  out.  There  was  much  brush,  and  he  could 

^  Told  by  Andrew  Frank.  ^  Told  by  Snake  John. 

*  Na  iSaintutcitc. 

*  Kroeber,  /.  c,  p.  283;  Wisslerand  Duvall,  I.  c,  p.  163. 
'  Compare  Grimm,  "Hansel  und  Grethel." 


320  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

not  see  anything.  His  father  left  him  far  off  in  the  brush.  ''Stay 
here,"  he  said,  "while  I  urinate."  Then  he  ran  away,  and  the  boy 
could  not  see  him  any  more.  Now  he  was  lost.  Then  he  followed  the 
ashes,  and  kept  on  till  he  got  back  to  camp  again.  His  mother  said, 
*'How  did  he  get  back  ?  We  will  take  him  out  again." 

The  boy  went  to  the  old  woman's  camp  again.  He  said,  "My 
father  and  mother  say  they  are  going  to  take  me  out  in  the  brush 
again."  The  old  woman  said,  "  Get  some  corn  and  drop  it  on  the  way." 

His  father  left  him  again,  saying,  ''I  must  go  and  urinate."  The 
boy  started  back  again  by  the  trail  of  the  corn,  but  the  birds  had 
eaten  the  corn  up.  Now  he  was  lost.  He  wandered  around  until  he 
heard  something,  and  when  he  went  towards  it,  he  heard  some  chickens 
cackKng.  It  was  noon,  and  he  had  been  in  the  brush  two  nights.  It 
was  a  white  man's  house;  and  the  white  man  asked  him,  "Where  did 
you  come  from?  Do  you  want  to  w^ork  for  me?"  —  "Yes,"  said  the 
boy,  and  he  stayed  there  all  the  time. 

Now,  the  boy  had  become  a  man.  He  said,  "  I  will  go  and  visit  my 
home."  One  day  he  found  the  key  to  the  man's  money-trunk  in  the 
barn,  where  the  man  had  lost  it.  He  tried  the  key  in  the  trunk,  and 
opened  it.  There  was  plenty  of  money  there;  and  he  took  the  money, 
some  good  clothes,  and  a  horse,  and  rode  off.  He  ran  away.  Soon  he 
met  two  boys  who  had  something  called  "Tawicutc."  They  could 
get  on  it,  and  say  "Tawicutc!  Go! "  and  it  would  fly  off  like  an  eagle. 
Then  the  man  said,  "Let  me  hold  that!  You  boys  have  a  foot-race 
and  see  who  runs  the  fastest.  I  will  give  you  money."  Then  the 
boys  took  off  their  clothes.  "How  far  shall  we  run?"  they  asked. 
"Oh,  a  long  ways,"  said  the  man.  Then  he  took  Tawicutc  a  little 
ways  off.  He  got  on  it  and  said,  "Tawicutc!  Go! "  He  flew  up  a  high 
mountain  and  stopped,  leaving  the  boys  far  behind.  Then  he  flew  on 
again.  ^ 

24.  A  "devil"  steals  pigeon-boy 

An  Indian  Pigeon  -  Girl  was  playing  with  her  baby  brother  when  a 
Devil  ^  came  by.  He  wanted  to  steal  the  boy.  "Who  is  this?"  he 
asked  her.  "  That  is  my  brother,"  she  rephed.  Then  the  Devil  carried 
him  away.^  Soon  Pigeon-Woman  came  and  asked  for  her  baby,  for 
she  wanted  to  nurse  him.  Pigeon-Girl  said,  "He  is  gone.  A  Devil 
carried  him  away."  Then  Pigeon- Woman  killed  her  daughter  for 
letting  the  baby  go.  She  cried  all  day,  "Wuu,  w^uu,  wuu!"  like  a 
pigeon,  and  she  searched  for  the  Devil  all  the  time. 

The  Devil  took  Pigeon-Boy  to  his  home,  for  he  Uved  near  Pigeon- 
Woman's  house.    Soon  Pigeon-Boy  grew  up.    One  day  he  went  out 

'  Told  by  Andrew  Frank.  ^  Mourning  Dove  ? 

*  N6sa7atc.  *  St.  Clair,  /.  c,  p.  270, 


Myths  of  the  Uintah  Utes  321 

hunting,  and  heard  some  one  crying.  He  did  not  know  it  was  his 
mother,  but  wondered  who  it  was;  and  when  he  went  back,  he  told 
the  Devil  about  the  noise.  He  told  the  boy  he  must  not  go  near  the 
place  or  some  one  would  kill  him.  "It  was  no  relation  of  yours,"  he 
said. 

But  the  boy  wanted  to  find  out  what  the  noise  was.  He  went  hunt- 
ing a  long  ways  off,  and  killed  some  deer.  Then  he  skinned  them  and 
packed  the  meat  on  a  tree-branch;  and  when  he  came  home,  he  told 
the  Devil  to  go  after  the  meat.  The  Devil  went,  but  could  not  reach 
the  meat,  because  it  was  too  high  up.  When  he  had  gone,  the  boy 
went  to  find  the  noise.  The  Devil  pushed  the  meat  off  the  branch 
with  a  pole.  Then  he  wrapped  it  up  and  started  home,  but  the  pack- 
cord  broke.  He  tied  the  meat  on  his  back  and  began  to  run.  Again 
the  cord  broke,  but  he  fixed  it  and  at  last  reached  home. 

Pigeon-Boy  searched  for  the  noise  he  had  heard,  and  at  last  he 
came  upon  his  mother,  who  was  lying  upon  the  ground  and  crying. 
"Why  are  you  lying  here? "he  asked  her.  "What  are  you  crying 
f or  ? "  —  "Halloo,  my  son ! "  she  cried  when  she  saw  him.  Then  she 
hugged  him.  "Let's  run  away!"  she  said.  "All  right,"  answered  the 
boy,  and  they  ran  away. 

Soon  Pigeon-Boy  saw  an  Antelope.  His  mother  cried,  "  O  Antelope ! 
help  us!  A  Devil  is  coming  after  us."  —  "All  right,"  said  Antelope, 
and  he  picked  them  up  and  held  them  in  liis  cleft  hoofs.  Soon  the 
Devil  came  up  to  them.  "Have  you  seen  the  Pigeons?"  he  asked. 
"  No,"  said  Antelope.  Then  the  Devil  went  away.  But  he  came  and 
asked  again,  and  then  went  back  to  look  at  the  tracks.  Then  Antelope 
threw  the  Pigeons  as  far  as  he  could,  and  they  ran  north  till  they  came 
to  Mountain-Sheep.  "Hurry  up!"  said  Pigeon- Woman.  "There's 
your  grandfather  there."  Now  the  Devil  was  very  close  behind  them. 
"Mountain-Sheep,  help  us!"  they  cried.  "All  right,"  he  answered, 
and  put  them  in  his  nose.  The  Devil  came  up  and  asked,  "Have  you 
seen  the  Pigeons?"  —  "No,"  answered  Mountain-Sheep.  His  nose 
was  very  sore,  but  the  Devil  did  not  notice  it.  The  Pigeons  ran  on 
again  till  they  met  Wild-Snake.  "Help  us  I"  they  cried.  "A  Devil  is 
trying  to  kill  us."  Wild-Snake  put  them  in  a  smoke-sack.  Then  the 
Devil  came  up  and  hunted  around  for  them.  Wild-Snake  had  a  rock- 
house  with  much  grease  in  it;  and  when  the  Devil  went  in  to  hunt  for 
the  Pigeons,  he  threw  some  fire  inside  and  closed  the  door.  Then  he 
opened  the  sack  and  let  the  Pigeons  out.  "  I  have  killed  him,"  he 
said.  Then  he  told  them  they  might  go  home  and  not  be  afraid  of 
anything  else. 

So  they  both  went  home.  They  stroked  the  dead  Pigeon-Girl  there, 
and  she  woke  up.  She  got  better,  but  cried  all  the  time.* 

^  Told  by  Jim  Duncan,  translated  by  his  grandsons. 


322  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

25.  nOwintc's  adventures  with  the  bird-girls  and  their 

PEOPLE 

Nowintc  '  was  wandering  alone  about  the  country.-  He  thought 
how  he  would  like  to  have  a  home,  a  tepee,  and  many  babies.  Then 
he  came  to  a  hill  where  there  were  plenty  of  service-berries,  and  he 
ate  some.  He  spied  a  Deer,  and  crouched  down  behind  the  bushes. 
He  was  just  going  to  shoot,  when  the  Deer  saw  him  and  cried,  "Hold 
on!  Don't  shoot  me,  and  I'll  tell  you  something.'  I  saw  two  girls 
over  there  swimming  in  the  lake.  It  is  a  fine  lake,  and  many  people 
swim  there.  The  water  is  neither  cold  nor  hot,  but  just  right.  All 
the  girls  swim  there.  It  is  just  over  the  hill,  with  a  fringe  of  willows 
all  around  it.  Go  and  look  through  the  brush,  and  maybe  you  will 
see  something." 

So  Nowintc  went  on  till  he  came  to  the  lake.  He  went  close  and 
peeped  through  the  willows,  and  saw  two  girls  in  swimming.  They 
looked  something  like  birds,  —  one  yellow,  the  other  green.  He 
looked  around  till  he  found  their  dresses,  and  took  them  a  httle  dis- 
tance off.  Then  the  girls  noticed  him,  and  said  to  each  other,  "Why 
has  he  taken  our  dresses  ? ' '  And  they  cried,  ' '  Bring  our  dresses  here ! ' ' 

Nowintc  then  came  up  to  them,  and  said,  "Well,  if  you  like  me, 
then  I'll  give  them  to  you."  One  of  the  girls  said,  "Why  should  we 
like  you  ?  Give  me  my  dress."  — "  We  '11  talk  about  that  pretty  soon," 
said  N6wintc.  Then  she  said,  "Well,  I  like  you,"  and  Nowintc  gave  her 
her  dress.  The  other  girl  said  nothing.  Then  the  girls  talked  together 
so  that  Nowintc  did  not  hear.  They  talked  about  some  fine  ear- 
ornaments  they  had  left  under  their  dresses  when  they  undressed. 
They  prized  the  ornaments  very  much.  Nowintc  had  not  seen  the 
ear-ornaments;  but  if  he  had  taken  them,  the  girls  would  have  said 
they  liked  him  very  quickly.  Then  one  girl  got  dressed  and  put  on 
her  ear-ornament  without  Nowintc's  knowledge.  The  other  girl  then 
said,  "All  right,  I  like  you,"  and  Nowintc  gave  her  her  dress.  When 
she  had  put  on  her  ear-ornaments,  she  told  him  that  if  he  had  taken 
the  ornaments,  they  would  have  married  him,  but  since  he  had  over- 
looked them,  they  would  not. 

Then  Nowintc  told  them  about  the  service-berry  bushes,  and  they 
all  went  and  ate  some,  and  also  some  choke-cherries.  The  girls  had 
brought  some  bread  and  meat  along  to  eat.  Now  it  was  night,  and 
Nowintc  was  sleepy.  He  said,  "Let  us  sleep  here  to-night  and  go 
home  to-morrow!"  —  "Our  home  is  a  long  ways  off,"  said  the  girls. 
They  thought,  "  He  would  Hke  to  sleep  with  us."  So  they  all  lay  down 

'  Nowintc'"  —  the  tribal  name  of  the  Utes. 

*  In  general  concept  cf.  "Na/in^s</iani,"  Washington  Matthews,  Navaho  Legends. 

^  Kroeber,  I.  c,  p.  277. 


Myths  of  the  Uintah  Utes  323 

to  sleep.  The  two  girls  tickled  and  played  with  Nowintc,  and  he  liked 
it.  Now  it  was  midnight.  Nowintc  was  sound  asleep,  but  the  girls 
only  pretended  to  sleep.  Then  they  got  up  and  ran  away. 

At  daylight  he  woke  up  and  looked  around.  "  Where  are  my  girls  ?  " 
he  cried,  for  he  Uked  them  very  much.  He  resolved  not  to  go  back, 
but  to  hunt  for  them,  so  he  followed  their  tracks.  They  led  up  to  the 
top  of  a  hill  and  then  disappeared,  just  as  if  the  girls  had  flown  away. 
Then  Nowintc  walked  back  to  the  lake  again.  It  was  now  noon, 
and  there  were  three  boys  swmming  in  the  lake. 

He  lay  down  in  the  willows  for  a  while.  Now  it  was  afternoon,  and 
he  went  down  to  the  lake-shore.  "Halloo,  Nowintc!"  cried  the  boys. 
"  What  are  you  doing  here ? "  —  " Oh ! "  said  he,  "I  came  over  to  take 
a  swim."  —  "Do  you  swim  here?"  they  said.  "We  never  saw  you 
here  before."  —  "  What  people  have  you  seen  here  ?  "  asked  Nowintc. 
"Oh!  We  see  everybody  here;  we've  seen  many  girls  swim  here, 
three  or  four  kinds."  — "  What  color  girls ? "  asked  Nowintc.  "Oh!  all 
colors,"  they  rephed.  "We've  seen  black  ones,  white  ones,  sometimes 
one  a  Kttle  red,  sometimes  a  little  white,  sometimes  red,  sometimes 
yellow  and  green  ones."  —  "  They  are  the  ones,"  said  Nowintc.  "  Where 
are  they  from?  What  tepee?"  —  "Oh!  their  tepee  is  very  far  off," 
said  the  boys.  Then  they  told  him  all  about  the  girls.  "They  have 
nice  ear-ornaments,  —  green  ones  for  the  green  girl,  and  yellow  ones 
for  the  yellow  girl.  When  they  come  to  swim,  they  put  the  ear-or- 
naments under  their  dresses.  Maybe  Nowintc  will  come  along,  and 
like  the  girls.  If  he  takes  the  dress  and  ornaments,  —  that's  the  best 
way  to  catch  the  girls.  If  he  keeps  the  ornaments,  but  gives  them  the 
dresses,  then  the  girls  will  say,  'Let's  go  home  to  mother  and  make 
everyt^  :ng  right!'  Then  he  will  be  married."  Then  the  boys  said 
to  him,  "'You  don't  know  much!  If  you  do  that,  then  you'll  be  mar- 
ried." Then  they  said,  "Maybe  you  are  Nowintc.  We  think  so.  You 
took  only  their  dresses.  You  don't  know  much."  —  "Yes,"  said 
Nowintc,  "but  where  do  the  girls  live?"  —  "Far  to  the  east,"  an- 
swered the  boys.  "  You  go  about  a  hundred  miles,  and  then  you  come 
to  a  big  mountain.  From  there  you  can  see  another  big  mountain 
about  a  hundred  miles  farther  on.  You  go  straight  to  this  mountain, 
and  from  its  top  you  can  see  a  little  house,  about  fifty  miles  away. 
Here  one  of  the  girls  lives." 

Nowintc  thanked  the  boys  and  started  off.  He  travelled  very  fast ; 
and  when  he  had  gone  halfway  to  the  mountain,  he  rested  awhile  on 
a  high  hill.  Then  he  continued  on  to  the  mountain,  where  he  slept 
for  a  night.  In  the  morning  he  started  off  for  the  next  mountain;  but 
he  felt  rather  tired,  and  soon  sat  down  for  a  rest.  Then  he  went  on 
a  long  distance  through  a  river-bottom,  and  soon  he  saw  two  boys 
playing  on  a  little  hill.  He  went  up  to  them.  "  Halloo,  boys! "  he  said. 


324  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

''Halloo,  man!"  they  answered.  "Where  have  you  come  from?"  — 
*'  Oh,  I  came  along  the  trail,"  he  answered.  "  I  don't  know  the  trails 
about  here.  Where  does  this  one  lead  to?"  —  "It  goes  to  the  big 
mountain  a  long  ways  off,"  they  replied.  "But  why  are  you  coming 
this  way  ?  " — "I  am  hunting  for  my  girls,"  he  rephed.  "  What  girls  ?  " 
they  asked.  "Two  of  them,  —  one  green  and  one  yellow."  —  "What 
kind  of  ear-ornaments  had  they  ? ' '  asked  the  boys.  ' '  Green  and  y eUow 
ornaments  and  dresses,"  he  said.  "Yes,"  answered  the  boys,  "we 
saw  them.  They  are  very  far  off  yet,  a  long  distance  past  the  big 
mountain.  Maybe  you  won't  be  able  to  walk  there.   It  is  very  far." 

Now  the  boys  had  some  fine  large  eagle-feathers  with  them.  "What 
do  you  do  with  those  feathers  ?  "  asked  Nowintc.  "  Oh,  we  just  use  them 
to  fan  ourselves  when  we  are  tired,"  replied  the  boys.  "No,"  said 
Nowintc,  "now  tell  me  the  truth."  —  "Well,"  they  answered,  "we 
use  the  feathers  to  fly."  — "How  do  you  use  them?"  asked  Nowintc. 
"We  hold  some  feathers  in  each  hand  and  cry,  '  Fly,  fly ! '  and  then  we 
go."  —  "Let  me  see  them!"  said  Nowintc,  and  he  took  the  feathers 
in  his  hands.  Then  he  noticed  a  veil  on  each  boy's  arm.  "How  do 
you  use  the  veils?"  asked  he.  "We  spread  them  over  ourselves,  and 
then  no  one  can  see  us,'"  they  answered.  "Let  me  see  them  also! "  said 
he,  and  they  gave  them  to  him.  Then  he  spread  out  liis  arms  vdth 
the  eagle-feathers  in  his  hands,  and  cried,  "Fly,  fly!"  He  rose  into 
the  air  and  flew  rapidly  over  the  big  mountain.  He  looked  behind, 
but  the  boys  could  not  come  after  him.  Soon  he  stopped  safely  in 
front  of  the  house  he  sought. 

Nowintc  then  spread  the  veil  over  himself  and  walked  around  the 
house.  In  the  door  sat  an  old  woman,  and  inside  the  room  an  old  man. 
In  the  other  room  he  heard  a  girl  singing.  Then  he  walked  slowly  in 
the  door.  He  looked  at  the  old  couple,  but  neither  of  them  saw  him. 
Then  he  looked  into  the  other  room  and  saw  the  green  girl  cooking 
meat.  She  put  the  meat  down;  and  Nowintc  ate  it  all  up.  for  he  was 
hungry.  Then  the  girl  turned  around  and  saw  that  the  meat  was 
gone.  She  cried,  "Where 's  my  meat  ?  Who  took  it  ?  "  Then  she  went 
out  to  the  old  woman  and  said,  "Mother,  did  you  eat  my  meat?"  — 
"No,"  her  mother  answered,  "  I  guess  you  ate  it  yourself.  Maybe  you 
are  joking."  Then  the  girl  came  back  into  the  room.  Nowintc  took 
off  his  veil,  and  the  girl  saw  him.  He  put  his  hand  over  his  mouth  as 
a  signal  to  be  quiet.  Then  she  shut  the  door  and  greeted  him,  saying, 
"How  did  you  come  here?"  —  "Right  through  the  door,"  he  an- 
swered. "Did  n't  my  father  and  mother  see  you?"  — "No."  — "Are 
you  hungry?"  —  "Yes,  very."  —  "Well,  come  here  to-night.  My 
father  is  harsh,  and  maybe  he  will  bother  and  scold  you,  but  after 
supper  he  will  go  to  sleep."  Nowintc  said,  "All  right!"  Then  he 
put  on  the  veil  and  went  noiselessly  out  of  the  door.  He  went  out  a 


Myths  of  the  Uintah  Utes  325 

little  ways  to  a  hill,  where  he  lay  down  and  slept,  for  he  was  very 
tired. 

When  he  awoke,  it  was  nearly  nightfall.  Near  him  he  saw  some 
people  who  had  not  observed  him.  He  crawled  up  close,  and  saw  a 
man  with  two  girls.  The  girls,  who  were  all  black,  said,  "We  saw  a 
man  called  Nowintc  over  at  the  lake  far  back  there."  —  "Well,"  said 
the  man  with  a  conceited  air,  "is  he  a  much  better-looking  man  than 
I  ?  "  Then  he  stood  up  and  posed.  "Do  you  Hke  that  man  Nowintc  ?  " 
he  asked.  "No,"  they  replied,  "that  Nowintc  is  a  nice  man,  but  do 
you  see  that  green  girl  over  there  ?  She  Hkes  him.  He  caught  her  and 
the  yellow  girl  at  the  lake,  and  now  they  want  him  all  the  time." 
Then  the  man  said,  "What's  the  reason  they  don't  hke  me  ?  Why  do 
they  like  him?  What  tribe  does  he  belong  to?  I'm  a  good  man." 
Then  he  posed  again.  But  the  black  girls  smiled,  and  said,  "No, 
the  girls  hke  Nowintc."  The  man  said,  "Why  don't  they  like  me? 
I'm  a  good  man.  I'm  going  down  to  see  them  to-night." 

Now  it  was  nightfall.  The  old  father  ate  his  supper;  and  then  his 
daughter  said  to  him,  "You'd  better  go  to  sleep,  old  man;  you're 
pretty  old."  So  he  went  to  bed.  Now  Nowintc  came  in  and  sat  down, 
and  she  gave  him  plenty  to  eat.  Then  Nowintc  said,  "Another  fellow 
is  coming  to  sleep  with  you  to-night."  —  "What  kind  of  a  fellow  is  he  ?  " 
asked  the  girl.  "He  was  with  some  black  girls,"  explained  Nowintc. 
"Oh,"  said  the  girl,  "I  don't  like  him,  and  my  father  and  mother 
don't  like  him,  either."  Nowintc  said,  "Then  let  him  come  in."  Soon 
there  was  a  knock  at  the  door.  Nowintc  put  on  his  veil,  and  the  green 
girl  opened  the  door.  "Why  do  you  come  here?"  she  asked.  "You 
had  better  go  home."  —  "Oh,  I  have  come  to  sleep  with  you,"  said 
the  man.  "No,"  repHed  she,  "I'll  tell  my  mother."  —  "What's  the 
reason  you  don't  Hke  me?"  he  asked.  "You'd  better  go  home,"  she 
repHed.  "Do  you  Hke  somebody  else?"  —  "No."  — "What's  the 
matter  with  me?"  he  asked,  as  he  strutted  with  pride.  "I'm  a  good 
man.  Look  me  over."  —  "No,"  she  said,  "you  are  not.  You  have  n't 
any  nice  ring.  I'll  teh  my  mother  if  you  don't  go  home."  —  "All 
right,"  said  he,  "I'll  go."  and  he  went.  Then  the  girl  made  the  bed, 
and  they  spent  the  night  together.  She  said  to  him,  "Maybe  my 
father  won't  like  you,  and  will  tell  all  the  people  around  here.  They 
are  bad  people  and  may  kill  you." 

In  the  morning  the  green  girl  got  up  and  got  the  breakfast  for  the 
old  couple.  Then  she  said  to  Nowintc,  "Come  and  get  your  break- 
fast." The  old  man  looked  at  him  and  said,  "What  is  this  man  doing 
here?" —  "I  met  him  a  long  ways  off  at  the  swimming-lake,"  repHed 
the  girl.  "He  took  our  dresses  and  gave  them  back  again.  That 's  the 
reason  he  comes  here  to  see  me."  —  "WeH,"  said  the  man,  "I'll 
go  out  and  see  my  friends  about  it."  So  he  went  out  and  told  every 


326  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

one  he  met,  "A  man  came  and  slept  with  my  girl.  What  shall  I  do  ?" 
—  "Let's  kill  him!"  said  all  the  people,  so  they  told  a  number  of 
boys  to  go  and  get  him.  Then  they  made  a  great  fire,  and  put  a  big 
pot  full  of  water  over  it.  Soon  it  was  boiling.  Then  they  brought  up 
Nowintc  and  held  him  firmly.  They  said,  "Now  we  are  going  to  put 
you  in.  If  you  don't  cook,  if  you  live,  then  you  can  have  the  girl."  ^ 
Then  they  all  laughed,  for  they  thought  he  would  certainly  be  boiled. 
But  Nowintc  thought,  "Maybe  I  won't  cook;  maybe  I  will  cool  the 
water  like  ice."  So  he  said,  "All  right,  but  put  my  legs  in  first.  I'll 
boil  upwards!"  Then  several  strong  men  seized  him  and  put  him  in 
the  pot,  standing,  while  all  the  people  laughed.  But  as  soon  as  his 
feet  touched  the  water,  "pssst!"  It  sounded  as  if  a  cold  object  had 
been  thrown  in.  Nowintc  walked  around  in  the  pot  and  then  jumped 
out.  He  was  not  hurt.  All  the  other  people  were  much  frightened, 
and  started  to  run,  but  Nowintc  caught  one  young  man.  He  was 
quite  angry.  "Now  it  is  your  turn,"  said  he,  and  he  threw  him  in 
the  pot  and  held  him  in.  In  a  few  minutes  he  was  entirely  cooked. 
Then  Nowintc  walked  back  to  the  green  girl. 

Now  all  the  people  were  greatly  afraid  of  him.  They  talked  to 
each  other,  saying,  "What  tribe  can  he  belong  to?" — "And  how 
can  we  kill  him?" — "Let  us  make  an  iron  fork  with  many  sharp 
points.  Then  we  will  tell  him,  '  If  you  can  run  into  this  fork,  and  not 
be  hurt,  then  you  can  have  the  girl.'"  This  they  did,  and  told  No- 
wintc. "All  right,"  said  he,  "I'll  do  it  first,  but  one  of  you  must  do 
it  after  me."  They  agreed.  Now  Nowintc  thought,  "Maybe  I  will 
break  the  iron;  maybe  it  won't  hurt  me."  So  they  made  a  great  iron 
fork.  Nowintc  ran  full  into  it,  but  the  points  all  broke.  They  would 
not  hurt  him.  "Now  fix  it  up  the  same  way,"  he  said,  and  they  did 
so.  "Now  you  run,"  said  Nowintc  to  a  young  man.  He  did  so,  and 
the  iron  points  ran  clear  through  him. 

Now  the  people  were  greatly  afraid  of  him,  and  wondered,  "How 
can  we  get  rid  of  him  ?  "  So  they  took  him  to  a  great  forest  of  timber. 
"Can  you  chop  all  this  timber?"  they  said.  "Yes,"  he  answered. 
Then  they  gave  him  an  axe  and  put  him  to  work.  "When  you  chop 
it  all,"  said  they,  "  you  can  have  the  girl."  He  worked  hard  all  day,  but 
cleared  only  a  httle  ground.  At  nightfall  they  said,  "Well,  Nowintc, 
go  home  now,  and  chop  some  more  to-morrow."  So  Nowintc  went 
homiC  and  had  supper  with  the  green  girl.  Then  he  sharpened  his  axe 
and  went  to  bed.  But  soon  he  got  up,  took  his  axe,  and  went  to  the 
forest.  He  felled  each  tree  at  one  stroke,  and  by  morning  all  the 
timber  v/as  down.  Then  he  came  back  home.  Next  morning  the 
people  saw  what  had  happened,  and  then  they  were  even  more  afraid 
of  him.    "We  can't  beat  this  fellow  Nowintc,"  they  said.    "What 

1  The  suitor  test  (Lowie  [Assiniboine],  p.  211). 


Myths  of  the  Uintah  Utes  327 

tribe  can  he  belong  to?"  And  the  green  girl  said,  "No!  You  can't 
beat  anything  he  does.  If  you  try  to,  many  of  you  may  be  killed." 
So  Nowintc  lived  with  the  green  girl  many  days.  Soon  there  was  a 
girl  born  to  them. 

Now  Nowintc  wanted  to  go  and  see  the  yellow  girl.  He  put  on  his 
veil  and  took  the  eagle-feathers  in  his  hands,  and  soon  he  was  at  her 
home,  many  miles  away.  She  also  had  a  father  and  mother.  Nowintc 
slipped  past  them  into  the  house  where  the  yellow  girl  was.  Then 
he  took  off  the  veil.  The  yellow  girl  laughed,  and  said,  "Where  did 
you  come  from?  Did  you  come  to  see  your  girl?"  —  "Yes,"  he  re- 
plied. "Then  you  like  me?"  — "Yes."  Then  she  said,  "But  maybe 
my  father  and  mother  will  not  like  you.  Maybe  they  will  tell  all  the 
people  around  here,  and  they  will  kill  you.  They  will  kill  anvbcdy 
here." 

In  the  morning  the  yellow  girl  got  breakfast  for  the  family.  Then 
her  father  said  to  Nowintc,  "Well,  Nowintc,  do  you  want  my  girl? 
We  will  go  out  and  see  all  the  people,  and  fix  it  up."  So  they  went 
out  together.  The  people  thought,  "How  can  we  get  rid  of  him?" 
Then  they  decided  to  heat  a  pot  of  water  and  put  him  in.  "If  you 
are  not  hurt,"  said  they,  "  then  you  can  have  the  girl."  They  thought 
it  would  certainly  kill  him,  but  Nowintc  was  not  afraid.  He  knew 
now  that  the  hot  water  would  not  hurt  him;  so  he  said,  "If  I  am  not 
hurt,  one  of  you  must  jump  in  after  me."  —  "All  right,"  said  they, 
and  they  laughed.  Then  they  put  him  in,  feet  first,  but  he  jumped 
out  unharmed.  "Now  you  try  that,"  said  he,  as  he  threw  another 
man  in.  Then  he  came  back  to  the  yellow  girl.  "Were  n't  you  afraid 
you  would  be  cooked?"  she  asked.  "They  are  pretty  bad  people." 
Then  they  spent  the  night  together. 

Now  the  people  were  very  much  afraid  of  him,  but  they  disliked 
to  give  him  the  girl.  So  they  led  him  to  a  tall  pole,  and  said,  "Now, 
Nowintc,  if  you  can  climb  to  the  top  of  this  pole,  you  can  have  the 
girl."  —  "Very  well,"  said  Nowintc,  and  he  climbed  it.  "Now  you 
do  it,"  said  he.  "Who  can  beat  me?"  But  all  who  tried  it  fell  off. 
They  could  not  beat  Nowintc.  But  they  thought  they  must  somehow 
get  rid  of  him.  "Let  us  make  him  walk  a  rope,"  said  they.  So  they 
stretched  a  long  rope  between  two  rocks.  "You  must  walk  that  rope," 
they  said.  "If  you  fall  off,  you  cannot  have  the  girl. "  But  Nowintc 
walked  easily  over  the  rope.  He  could  not  fall  off.  Then  he  said  to 
the  others,  "Now  you  walk  that."  Two  other  men  then  tried  it, 
but  they  fell  off  and  broke  their  backs.  "What  can  we  do  now  ?  "  they 
said.  "He  is  a  very  clever  man."  Then  they  all  went  to  the  girl's 
father.  "Let  him  have  the  girl,"  he  said,  and  so  Nowintc  married 
the  yellow  girl. 

Soon  his  father-in-law  said,  "Well,  Nowintc,  go  hunt  deer  and 


328  Journal  oj  American  Folk-Lore 

buffalo.  You'd  better  ride  the  mule."  But  the  yellow  giri  heard  what 
her  father  said,  and  she  went  to  Nowintc.  "That's  a  pretty  bad 
mule,"  she  said;  "but  just  say  to  him,  'Don't  hurt  me;  I'll  give  you 
something  good  to  eat.  But  kill  that  old  man.'  Then  let  him  feed  on 
good  grass  while  you  hunt." 

So  Nowintc  rode  the  mule  off.  When  they  came  to  a  good  pasturage, 
he  got  off  and  said  to  the  mule,  "Mule,  look  here  I  Don't  kill  me;  I 
give  you  good  feed.  But  kill  that  old  man  who  starves  and  beats  you." 
Then  he  went  out  and  killed  a  deer.  He  packed  it  on  the  mule's  back 
and  came  home.  When  he  got  home,  all  the  people  were  standing 
around.  They  were  surprised  to  see  him,  and  said,  "  What 's  the  reason 
the  mule  didn't  kill  him?"  Nowintc  unpacked  the  meat  and  took 
it  into  the  house,  and  the  yellow  girl  cooked  it. 

Then  the  father  said  to  one  of  the  men,  "Put  the  mule  in  the  corral 
and  whip  him."  So  one  of  the  men  took  him.  in.  He  hit  him  on  the 
head,  and  said,  "Why  did  n't  you  kill  him  ?  "  but  the  mule  only  shook 
his  head.  Then  the  man  beat  him.  This  maddened  the  mule  so  that 
he  bit  the  man  in  the  neck  and  carried  him  to  the  river.  Then  he 
dropped  him  in  and  came  back.  Now  the  yellow  girl  said  to  Nowintc, 
"That's  a  bad  mule.  You'd  better  go  out  and  feed  him."  So  No- 
wintc went  and  inquired  about  the  mule.  Another  man  came  into 
the  corral,  asked  the  mule  about  the  first  man,  and  began  to  beat 
him.  Then  the  mule  grabbed  him  by  the  neck,  and  dropped  him  in 
the  river. 

Then  the  people  said,  "We'd  better  kill  that  mule.  He  has  killed 
two  men."  The  yellow  girl  heard  this,  and  said  to  Nowintc,  "They 
are  going  to  kill  the  mule  to-morrow.  Let 's  run  away  on  him !  "  So  at 
night  Nowintc  went  to  the  mule  and  said,  "The  people  are  going  to 
kill  you.  We  two  will  ride  you  away,  and  you  must  go  fast."  Then 
Nowintc  packed  up  some  food,  paints,  and  all  the  girl's  things.  They 
got  on  the  mule  and  started  off,  and  loped  all  night  at  a  good  pace. 

When  the  yellow  girl's  father  arose,  the  sun  was  up  high.  "Why 
don't  you  get  up  and  get  breakfast?"  he  called.  But  the  yellow  girl 
was  gone.  Then  he  woke  his  wife,  and  told  all  the  people.  He  went 
over  to  the  corral,  and  found  the  mule  gone  also.  He  told  all  the 
people,  "My  girl  has  run  away  with  Nowintc.  Let's  kill  them  both!" 

Now,  the  mule  kept  on  going,  and  at  last  they  came  to  a  very  wide 
river  and  swam  across.  They  saw  the  people  close  behind  them;  so 
Nowintc  said  to  the  mule,  "We'll  stop  here  and  fight.  We'll  kill 
them  all."  So  they  jumped  off.  Five  of  the  people  swam  across  after 
them,  and  found  the  trail  and  followed  it.  Then  the  mule  rushed  at 
them.  He  was  very  angry.  He  bit  and  kicked  them  until  all 
were  dead,  and  Nowintc  captured  all  the  horses.  They  were  of  all 
colors,  —  bay,  yellow,  black,  white,  and  roan.    Now  he  had  five 


Myths  of  the  Uintah  Utes  329 

horses  and  one  mule.  The  yellow  girl  said  to  him,  "These  horses  can 
ride  a  long  ways."  He  asked,  "They  won't  balk,  fight,  bite,  or  kick  ? " 

—  "No,"  said  the  girl,  "  they  are  all  right."  Then  Nowintc  said  to  the 
mule,  "Well,  you  are  all  right,  too."  Then  they  set  out  again  with 
the  mule  and  horses.  After  many  camps,  twenty  days,  they  came  to 
Nowintc's  house,  and  settled  there.  Soon  they  had  children,  —  two 
boys  and  a  girl.   Soon  the  boys  were  grown  and  able  to  ride  horses. 

The  green  girl's  daughter  was  grown  also.  She  asked  her  mother 
one  day,  "Who  is  my  father ?  I  don't  know  him.  How  was  I  born  ? " 

—  "Your  father  is  far  away  at  the  other  side  of  the  swimming-lake. 
His  name  is  Nowintc,"  the  mother  rephed.  "Let  us  go  to  see  him  I" 
said  the  daughter;  so  they  set  out.  Now,  Nowintc  told  his  boys, 
"Over  there  is  a  nice  lake  v/here  we  used  to  swim.  It  is  a  little  hot 
and  a  httle  cold."  —  "Let's  go  to  see  it!"  said  the  boys;  so  they  went. 
They  undressed  and  went  in  to  swim.  Now,  the  green  girl  and  her 
daughter  came  up  to  the  lake.  The  boys  saw  them,  and  said,  "Let's 
go  and  speak  to  them  I"  so  they  dressed  and  went  up  to  them.  The 
green  girl  saw  that  the  boys  were  all  yellow.  One  of  the  boys  had  his 
sister's  ear-ornament  which  belonged  to  the  yellow  girl.  The  green 
girl  recognized  it,  and  she  said,  "Who  are  your  father  and  mxother?" 

—  "Our  mother  is  Yellow-Girl,  and  our  father's  name  is  Nowintc," 
answered  one  of  the  boys.  "Now  I  know  you,"  said  the  green  girl. 
"  Girl,  these  are  your  brothers.  These  are  Nowintc's  boys.  How  many 
of  you  are  there  ?  "  —  "  Three , "  the  boys  answered .  "One  girl  a  t  home . " 

—  "I  will  go  and  see  my  father,"  said  the  green  girl's  daughter.  Then 
she  and  the  boys  went  to  Nowintc's  house,  but  the  green  girl  went 
back  to  her  home.  They  came  up  to  the  house,  and  the  yellow  girl's 
daughter  saw  them  coming.  "My  brothers  are  coming,"  she  said, 
"and  one  green  girl  with  them."  Her  mother  said,  "That  must  be 
my  friend's  girl."  When  they  came  up,  she  said.  "Why  didn't  your 
mother  come  too?"  —  "She  went  back  to  her  father  and  mother,'' 
repHed  the  girl,  "for  they  are  old."  Then  they  welcomed  her  into 
the  home.  Soon  Nowintc  returned  from  the  hunt  and  greeted  his 
daughter. 

The  green  girl's  daughter  staj-ed  with  No'VNdntc  for  a  year.  Then 
another  Ute  came  to  woo  her.  She  asked  Nowintc  how  he  liked  him, 
so  Nowintc  talked  to  him.  "Have  you  a  father  and  mother?"  he 
asked.  "Have  you  many  relations?" — "Yes,"  answered  the  boy. 
"Many  over  there."  Then  Nowintc  questioned  him  further.  "You 
are  a  good  fellow  ?  Never  get  angry  ?  Know  ever>'thing  ?  Got  a  father 
and  mother,  uncles,  aunts,  brothers,  sisters,  cousins,  grandfathers, 
grandmothers,  all  relatives  ?  Are  you  a  good  worker  and  good  hunter, 

—  deer,  buffalo,  everything?  You  are  an  honest  man?"  —  "Yes," 
rephed  the  boy.  Then  Nowintc  asked  all  his  family  what  they  thought 


330  Journal  oj  American  Folk-Lore 

of  him.  ''Yes,  he 'sail  right,  "they  all  said.  Then  he  told  the  boy,  "All 
right.  You  are  married  now.  Don't  whip  your  wife,  and  don't  hurt 
her.  Hunt  all  the  time  and  be  honest." 

One  day  he  said  to  Nowintc,  "We  will  go  to  see  my  mother-in-law." 
Nowintc  said,  "Take  along  the  mule  to  pack,  but  leave  him  outside 
the  village,  where  there  is  good  grass."  So  they  packed  the  mule  and 
set  out  on  horseback.  "Go  along  fast,"  they  said  to  the  mule.  For 
fifty  days  they  travelled,  and  at  last  they  came  to  the  town.  Then 
young  Nowintc  said  to  the  mule,  "Stay  here  and  watch  the  horses, 
for  maybe  the  men  here  would  kill  you.  Listen  to  me ! "  Then  he  hung 
the  saddles  on  a  tree,  and  said  to  the  mule,  "Watch  these  saddles." 
Then  they  walked  over  to  the  house.  "This  is  my  mother's  house," 
said  the  girl.  Her  mother  saw  her,  and  cried,  "Halloo,  my  girl!  have 
you  come  home?"  And  her  grandfather  said,  "What  man  is  this?" 
— -"Oh,  he's  my  husband;  he's  a  good  man.  Where's  my  grand- 
mother?—  Halloo,  grandmother!  This  is  my  husband.  He's  a  nice 
man."  —  "What  kind  of  a  man  have  you  for  a  husband?"  said  her 
grandfather.   "Oh,  he's  a  Ute,  Nowintc,  just  the  same  as  my  father." 

—  "Where  has  your  father  gone?  Where's  his  home?  Did  you  see 
a  mule  over  there?  Where  is  he?"  asked  her  grandfather,  who  had 
heard  of  the  mule  from  the  yellow  girl's  people.  "No,  I  never  saw  any 
mule,"  she  answered. 

Then  the  young  man  went  to  work.  "You  know  how  to  work 
corn?"  asked  the  grandfather.  "Yes."  The  old  man  watched  how 
he  worked.  He  worked  well,  making  straight  rows,  and  letting  the 
water  flow  in  between.   "My  father  does  this  way,"  he  said. 

Now  all  the  people  were  evil.  They  said,  "What  kind  of  a  fellow 
is  this?  What  tribe?  Let'skilihim!"  —  "  No,  "said  the  old  man,  "he's 
a  good  worker."  —  "This  old  man  says  'no,'"  said  the  people.  "Let's 
take  him  to  some  other  town ! "  So  they  took  him  to  Yellow-Girl's  town. 
"Let's  go  see  Yellow-Girl's  father!"  they  said,  and  so  they  went  to  see 
him.  "What  tribe  do  you  belong  to?"  asked  the  old  man.  "Are  you 
a  Nowintc?  Where  did  you  come  from  ? "  —  "Oh,  far  back  this  way." 

—  "Do  you  mean  north,  west?  Did  you  see  Nowintc  and  Yellow- 
Girl?  Another  Nowintc  stole  my  girl,  and  we  don't  know  where  he 
went.  She  took  along  all  her  things,  and  a  mule  ran  away  with  them. 
I  think  my  girl  talked  to  that  mule.  She  told  him  something,  and  that 's 
the  reason  he  went.  We  were  angry,  and  some  people  went  after  him. 
But  he  crossed  the  river  and  killed  five  men.  Do  you  know  where  he 
lives ?  "  the  old  man  asked.  "Has  he  got  many  people  over  there ?  "  — 
"Yes,"  said  the  young  man.  "He  lives  far  off  this  way.  You  can't 
kill  all  his  people."  —  "Well,  I'll  go  after  him,"  said  the  man.  "I 
will  hunt  my  girl.  All  the  tribe  will  go  next  month,  and  we  will  kill 
him  and  the  mule.   You  'd  better  come  along  with  us  and  show  the 


Myths  of  the  Uintah  Utes  331 

way."  —  "No,"  said  Nowintc.  "I'll  stay  and  work."  —  "I  want  an- 
other man  to  go  with  me,"  said  the  yellow  man.  "We  will  kill  him 
with  guns  and  arrows.  We  will  fight  all  the  Nowintc  people  over  there." 

—  "All  right,"  said  the  young  man,  and  he  went  back  to  the  green 
girl's  town.  The  yellow  man  said,  "How  shall  we  try  to  kill  him?" 
but  the  other  people  said,  "No,  this  Nowintc  is  Green-Girl's  hus- 
band." And  his  grandfather  said,  "No,  I  like  him.  He's  a  good 
worker.  I'll  go  and  see  Green-Girl's  father."  They  talked  a  long 
time.  "How  do  you  Hke  this  man?"  asked  Green-Man.  "What  kind 
of  a  man  is  he ? "  —  "Oh,  we  want  to  try  to  kill  him,  for  we  are  angry 
with  him.  Old  Nowintc  stole  my  girl  and  mule.  We  went  after  him, 
and  he  killed  five  men  at  the  crossing,  so  we  are  going  to  hunt  him." 

—  "Well,  this  boy  is  all  right,"  said  Green-Man.  "He's  a  good  worker, 
a  good  young  fellow.  I  think  you  can't  kill  a  good  man.  If  you  do 
kill  a  good  man,  then  his  friends  will  be  angry  and  kill  all  your  people. 
Then  you  lose  everything.  That's  very  foohsh."  But  Yellow-Man 
only  said,  "All  right.  I'll  go  after  my  girl  and  my  mule.  We  start  in 
about  a  month." 

Young  Nowintc  heard  all  they  said.  After  a  few  days  he  went  out 
to  see  the  mule  and  horses.  He  hid  some  good  dry  buft'alo-meat  there 
and  talked  to  the  mule.  "That  Yellow-Man  is  angry.  Next  month 
he  is  going  to  kill  you  and  Nowintc.  Pretty  soon  I  '11  come  here  again, 
and  then  we'll  go  and  tell  Nowintc  that  another  tribe  is  coming  to 
fight.  You  had  better  wait  here  and  watch  the  horses,  for  there  is 
nice  grass  and  feed  here."  Then  he  went  back.  He  took  some  of  the 
dry  buffalo-meat  with  him,  and  gave  it  to  the  women.  His  wife  gave 
some  to  the  old  couple.  The  old  man  tasted  it,  and  said  it  was  good. 
"I  brought  it  all  the  way  from  my  father's,"  said  the  girl.  "We  call  it 
buffalo-meat."  —  "  Is  that  so  ?  "  —  "Yes,  all  people  eat  it  over  there." 

Very  soon  Yellow-Man  started  with  all  his  tribe.  Then  young  No- 
wintc said  to  his  wife,  "We '11  go  and  see  your  father,  for  he  must  fight 
pretty  soon.  We  will  tell  your  grandfather."  But  the  girl  said,  "  No, 
we  won't  tell  the  old  man.  We  '11  run  away."  So  NOwintc  went  to  the 
mule  and  put  his  saddle  on.  "Well,  mule,"  said  he,  "let's  go  home 
fast!"  The  old  mule  was  now  quite  fat,  but  he  jumped  and  kicked. 
Nowintc  packed  the  mule  and  saddled  the  horses,  and  they  went  home 
fast. 

Young  Nowintc  said  to  old  N6wintc,  "Well,  Nowintc,  this  Yellow- 
Man  is  coming  very  soon.  He  will  fight  and  kill  everybody,  —  the 
mule  and  all  the  people,  —  for  he  has  guns,  arrows,  tomahawks,  and 
other  weapons."  But  old  Nowintc  said,  "Oh,  we  don't  care!  We've 
got  plenty  of  men.  You  'd  better  take  another  horse  and  ride  around 
and  tell  all  the  Nowintc  people.  Get  arrows,  guns,  and  all  weapons." 

VOL.  xxiii.  —  NO.  89.  22 


332  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

So  young  N6wintc  took  a  horse  and  rode  all  around.  He  saw  all  the 
Nowintc  people,  all  the  Ute  chiefs,  and  told  everybody  the  bad  news. 
All  the  Utes  gathered  around.  "Yellow-Man  is  angry,"  he  told  them. 
"NOwintc  stole  his  girl  and  his  mule.  You  must  all  fight.  Fix  your 
guns,  arrows,  and  everything."  —  "Let's  fight!"  they  said,  and  they 
all  came  over.  They  all  got  arrows,  service-berry  sticks,  stone  clubs, 
and  all  their  weapons,  and  fixed  them  up. 

They  watched  for  Yellow-Man's  band  every  day,  and  at  last  they 
saw  them  coming.  The  next  day  they  arrived,  and  they  came  close 
to  the  house  where  all  the  Nowintc  people  were  ready.  The  war  chief 
had  a  white  horse,  and  he  rode  out  in  front  and  talked  to  Yellow-Man. 
"What  are  you  going  to  do?  Fight?"  —  "Yes,"  said  Yellow-Man. 
"All  right,"  said  the  war  chief.  "Fight!  We  like  it!"  Then  all  the 
Nowintc  people  began  to  fight.  The  war  chief  hit  the  yellow  people 
with  his  tomahawk.  Young  Nowintc  rode  a  horse,  while  old  Nowintc 
had  the  mule.  He  said  to  him,  "Let's  kill  all  those  people!  Ride  into 
them  and  knock  them  down.  Arrows  and  spears  won't  hurt  you." 
Then  he  rode  the  mule  fast  and  whipped  him  hard.  All  the  yellow 
people  shot  at  them;  but  the  mule  knocked  them  down,  and  Nowintc 
hit  them  with  his  tomahawk.  Then  all  the  Nowintc  men  went  home 
to  dinner. 

After  dinner  they  fought  again  till  sundown.  The  mule  kept  going, 
and  arrows  and  weapons  could  not  hurt  him.  Many  of  Yellow-Man's 
people  were  dead,  and  they  were  forced  back  to  stay  for  the  night. 
Then  the  war  chief  said,  "Come  on!  Let's  fight  some  more!  Would 
you  like  some  more  fighting ?  All  right!  W^e '11  fight  some  more  in  the 


mornms 


They  began  to  fight  again  in  the  morning.  Almost  all  the  3'ellow 
men  were  killed,  and  the  NOwintc  people  surrounded  them  and  closed 
in.  They  stopped  shooting  when  Nowintc  came  close  on  the  mule. 
He  talked  to  Yellow-Man.  "  Well,  do  you  want  to  fight  some  more  ?  " 
—  "No,"  said  Yellow-Man,  "  we  want  no  more  fighting.  You  are 
my  girl's  husband ;  you  are  my  son-in-law.  All  right.  I  'm  not  angry." 
Then  he  saw  the  mule.  "Nice  mule,"  he  said.  "You  're  all  right.  We 
won't  be  angry  any  more.  We  will  fight  no  more.  I  will  go  and  see 
my  girl,  and  then  I  '11  go  home." 

Nowintc  said,  "Well,  your  people  must  not  fight  us  any  more.  We 
must  be  friends  with  everybody."  Then  he  said,  "I  went  to  see 
Green-Girl's  people,  to  see  her  father.  I  saw  bad  men  there.  They 
tried  to  kill  me,  but  they  don't  know  how  to  kill  any  one.  They  can't 
hurt  anybody,  but  they  are  very  bad  men.  Maybe  he  would  like  to 
fight!  We  could  whip  him  surely.  I  am  angry  at  him.  because  he  tried 
to  cook  and  stick  me.  I  made  him  stop,  and  he  will  never  do  that  again. 
After  that  I  went  to  see  your  people,  and  you  tried  to  kill  me  in  the 


Myths  of  the  Uintah  Utes  333 

same  way.  You  tried  to  cook  me!  You  tried  to  make  the  mule  kill 
me;  but  he  ran  away,  for  he  does  not  like  you.  You  told  the  mule  to 
kill  people,  and  that's  the  reason  he  is  bad.  He  would  n't  do  it  him- 
self; this  mule  would  not  hurt  anybody.  If  you  stop  doing  everything 
that's  bad,  there  will  be  no  more  trouble.  Next  time  the  mule  may 
kill  all  your  people."  The  Yellow-Man  said,  "Yes,  I  hear.  I  will  go 
and  see  my  girl.  I  will  tell  all  my  people  to  go  home,  and  I  will  go 
after  I  see  my  girl." 

Then  Yellow-Man  went  to  see  his  daughter.  The  mule  watched 
him  closely,  and  went  behind  him  and  laid  his  ears  back.  Yellow-Man 
was  frightened ;  but  Nowintc  told  the  mule,  "You  must  not  hurt  him." 
—  "Halloo,  girl!"  said  Yellow-Man.  "Halloo,  father!  These  are 
your  grandchildren,  —  one  girl  and  two  boys."  They  all  shook  hands 
and  kissed  each  other.  Then  she  cooked  some  buffalo-beef,  and  gave 
her  father  some  to  eat.  "That  is  nice  eating,"  said  he,  "but  I  must 
go  home  pretty  soon." 

The  next  day  the  two  boys  went  out  hunting.  They  shot  buffalo, 
deer,  elk,  and  mountain-sheep,  and  brought  the  meat  home.  Then 
they  dried  and  pounded  it,  and  packed  it  in  parfleches.  They  made 
blankets  out  of  the  buffalo-hides  and  packed  all  on  a  horse.  Yellow- 
Man  took  it  along.  "Well,  you  must  come  and  see  me  some  time," 
he  said.  "All  right,"  said  they,  and  he  went  home.  He  left  the  mule 
behind.  "All  right,"  he  said,  "you  can  have  this  mule;"  for  he  was 
afraid  of  it. 

It  was  a  long  ways  to  Yellow-Man's  home.  He  found  only  the  women 
and  children  left,  and  they  were  all  crying,  for  nearly  all  the  men  had 
been  killed. 

Soon  afterward  young  Nowintc  went  hunting.  He  shot  many  ani- 
mals, and  dried  and  pounded  the  meat  to  make  tc'^*  qu'qqwant'i. 
Then  he  packed  the  meat  and  went  with  his  wife  to  see  the  green 
people.  He  left  the  mule  at  home.  It  was  a  long  journey.  The  green 
men  asked  him  what  the  yellow  men  did.  "We  talked  to  the  yellow 
men,"  they  said.  "We  said,  'You  can't  kill  good  men.  Maybe  they 
will  kill  all  your  people.'"  Nowintc  told  them,  "We  saw  the  yellow 
men  back  there.  They  fought  with  the  Nowintc  people.  They  had  ar- 
rows, bows,  and  tomahawks;  but  Nowintc  beat  the  yellow  men  and 
killed  over  half  of  them.  Then  they  surrounded  them,  and  Nowintc 
said,  'We  will  fight  each  other  no  more.'  That  is  all.  Maybe  Yellow- 
Man  will  come  over  here  to  see  you,  and  tell  you  all  about  it."  Green- 
Man  said,  "All  right.  Go  and  work  now.  Your  crops  are  all  right." 
Then  the  girl  brought  out  the  sacks  of  meat,  and  gave  her  grand- 
father some.  "This  is  buffalo-meat,"  she  said.  "This  is  deer-meat, 
this  elk-meat,  this  antelope-meat."  He  tasted  all.  "That's  all  right," 
he  said.    "It  is  nice  meat.  I  am  not  hungry  any  more." 


334  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

Then  Yellow-Man  came  over.  The  girl  saw  him  coming,  and  said, 
*'It  looks  as  if  Yellow-Man  is  coming."  He  came  into  the  house  and 
saw  Green-Man.  "Halloo,  my  friend  I"  said  he.  "All  right,  sit  down, 
and  tell  me  everything  you  have  been  doing."  —  "All  right.  I'm 
tired.  I've  been  a  long  ways  about  two  moons  ago.  We  are  tired  of 
war,  tired  of  fighting.  We  had  a  big  fight,  and  we  are  very  tired.  No- 
body hurt  me.  All  the  others  are  dead  or  hurt,  and  I  alone  am  not 
injured.  One  man  fought  us  all.  We  thought  we  killed  most  of  them, 
for  we  shot  many  times  and  saw  many  fall.  After  that  I  quit.  A  war 
chief  told  me  to  stop.  'You  must  fight  no  more,' he  said.  'We  will  not 
fight  you  any  more;  let's  all  make  friends  and  have  no  more  fighting; 
then  any  one  can  visit  any  one  else  anywhere  I '  —  'All  right,'  I  said, 
and  so  I  came  to  tell  you.  I  went  to  see  my  girl  over  there.  I  have 
three  grandchildren,  —  two  boys  and  a  girl.  I  got  everything  I 
wanted  there,  good  meat,  — buffalo,  deer,  elk,  and  antelope.  I  began 
to  fight  with  many  of  my  people,  my  friends.  We  thought  we  would 
beat  them  the  next  day,  but  many  ran  away  and  only  a  few  were 
left.  I  gave  Nowintc  my  mule.  He  has  it  now,  and  he  has  my  girl 
too.  He  said,  'Let's  have  no  more  fighting.  Let's  have  everything 
quiet  and  every  one  friends.'  —  'All  right,'  and  I  came  home 
alone." 

Soon  Green-Man  went  over  to  see  Yellow-lNIan's  people.  "Well, 
how  many  came  back?"  he  asked  Yellow-Man.  "Oh,  most  of  them 
ran  away  from  the  fight.  They  were  afraid.  I  thought  they  were 
all  lost,  for  the  women  told  me  they  were  all  killed,  a  thousand 
dead." 

Yellow-Girl's  boys  went  hunting  one  day.  They  packed  the  mule 
with  the  meat,  and  started  with  Yellow-Girl  to  see  her  father.  No- 
wintc stayed  at  home.  "You'd  better  take  that  mule,"  he  said  to  the 
boys.  "Leave  him  outside  of  the  town,  for  there  is  good  feed  there. 
Maybe  the  yellow  men  won't  like  him."  They  journeyed  along  slowly, 
and  left  the  mule  in  some  good  grass  outside  the  town.  Then  they 
saw  Yellow-:\ran.  "Halloo,  father!"  —  "Halloo,  girl!"  They  shook 
hands.  "  Halloo,  my  grandchildren  I "  and  he  kissed  them.  "Did  you 
bring  some  buffalo-meat?"  —  "Yes."  —  "That's  what  I  like,  —  all 
kinds  of  meat.  It  tastes  nice;  I  like  it.  Isn't  Nowintc  coming?"  — 
"No,  he  is  staying  home  to  work."  —  "Why  does  n't  he  come  over? 
We  will  counsel  what  he  said.  You  'd  better  come  over." 

The  yellow  man  told  all  the  people  to  come  over  to  a  big  talk,  and 
they  all  came  to  the  council-house.  Yellow-Girl  and  the  boys  came 
in  afterward  and  sat  down  in  the  middle.  Then  Yellow-Man  spoke. 
"All  my  people!  These  are  my  grandchildren,  —  Nowintc's  chJldren. 
He  is  everybody's  friend."  Then  all  shook  hands.  "We  must  all  be 
friends  now.    We  must  not  kill  each  other,  and  everything  must  be 


Myths  of  the  Uintah  Vies  335 

quiet.   Hereafter  any  one  may  visit  any  one  else  in  safety,  and  any 
tribe  may  marry  with  any  other  tribe."  ^ 

26.    COYOTE   AND   HIS   SON 
A  Myth  of  Culture  Origins 

Coyote  came  to  a  circular  lake.^  It  was  very  deep,  and  many  men 
were  diving  and  swimming  there.  He  walked  around  the  lake  and 
watched  them,  and  presently  he  met  a  friend  who  was  very  poor.  His 
clothes  were  ragged.  "What  do  you  call  that  thing?"  asked  Coyote^ 
pointing  to  his  hat.  "That  is  my  qatcayup'i,"  answered  his  friend. 
"Let  us  look  around  the  lake  a  little  bit ! "  suggested  Coyote.  "You 'd 
better  use  my  hat,"  said  his  friend,  "and  go  and  see  Yellow-Hat  * 
swim." — "All  right,"  said  Coyote.  "Let  me  use  your  hat  and  leg- 
gings; I'll  go  and  see  the  Indian  boys  swim."  —  "All  right,"  said 
his  friend,  "I'll  give  them  to  you."  Coyote  put  on  the  worn-out  hat 
and  leggings,  and  went  close  to  the  lake. 

Many  men  were  swimming  in  the  lake,  —  Indians,  Mexicans,  and 
white  men.  Oaqatcayup'i  was  there  with  his  yellow  hat  and  white 
whiskers.  They  had  taken  off  all  their  clothes  and  were  diving.  Coyote 
looked  very  poor.  Yellow-Hat  said  to  him,  "Poor  fellow,  why  don't 
you  swim?"  and  then  he  swam  and  dove.  Coyote  said  nothing,  but 
whistled.  He  thought,  "Why  does  he  talk  to  me  like  that?"  All  the 
men  dove  to  the  bottom,  and  Yellow-Hat  said,  "I'll  try  that  too." 
He  seized  a  rock  and  sank  to  the  bottom  with  it.  They  all  watched 
him,  but  he  did  not  come  up.  "What's  the  matter?"  they  thought, 
and  they  dove  down  after  him,  but  could  not  find  him.  Coyote  sat 
on  the  bank  and  whistled.  Soon  all  the  men  came  up  to  him.  "We 
will  give  you  a  girl,"  the}^  said,  "or  anything  you  want,  if  you  will 
bring  him  up." 

So  Coyote  took  off  his  old  clothes,  dove  down  to  the  bottom,  and 
found  the  man.  Then  he  came  up,  and  said  he  had  found  the  man, 
but  could  not  Hft  him.  "  We  will  get  a  rope,  a  long  rope,  a  lariat,"  they 
said.  "We'll  give  you  a  nice  girl  and  good  clothes  if  you  will  tie  this 
rope  on  him."  Coyote  went  down  and  tied  the  rope  to  the  man.  Then 
all  the  men  pulled  so  hard  that  the  rope  broke.  Then  they  brought 
four  or  five  ropes.  "You  had  better  tie  all  of  them  on,"  they  said. 
"We'll  surely  give  you  the  girl  and  things."  Coyote  went  down  and 
tied  the  ropes  all  over  the  man.  All  the  men  pulled  again,  but  could 
not  hft  him.  "  Go  get  a  mule,"  they  said,  but  the  mule  did  not  help. 
They  all  wondered  why  they  could  not  pull  Yellow-Hat  out.  Then 
they  thought  they  might  be  able  to  pull  him  out  with  Coyote's  help. 

1  Told  by  John  Duncan. 

2  In  general  concept  cf.  Matthews,  /.  c,  "Na/inesifeani." 
^  OaqatcaTup'i. 


336  Journal  0}  American  Folk-Lot e 

"Come  on,  help  us  lift!"  they  said.  "We'll  give  you  a  nice  girl  or 
anything  you  want."  So  Coyote  took  hold  of  the  rope.  They  all 
pulled  together,  and  at  last  pulled  Yellow-Hat  out.  "What  shall  we 
do  now?"  they  said;  and  a  white  man  said,  "Maybe  he  is  not  dead. 
Maybe  we  can  wake  him  up." — "Are  you  a  good  doctor?"  they 
asked  Coyote.  "  If  you  make  him  well,  we  will  give  you  all  you  want." 

Coyote  thought  Yellow-Hat  would  certainly  get  up;  so  he  went 
to  him,  kicked  him,  and  said,  "My  friend,  get  up!"  —  "I'm  very 
sleepy,"  said  Yellow-Hat.  "I'm  tired  of  swimming,  and  sleepy."  — 
"But  you  must  wake  up  now."  —  "Why  do  you  wake  me?  I'm 
sleepy."  —  "We  thought  you  were  dead,"  said  Coyote.  "No,  I'm 
only  sleepy,"  answered  Yellow-Hat.  "All  right.  We  woke  you  up," 
said  Coyote.  Then  another  man  said,  "Yes,  he's  a  good  doctor;  he 
woke  you  up;"  and  all  the  people  said  to  Yellow-Hat,  "That  good 
man  pulled  you  up.  We  couldn't,  but  he  woke  you  up."  —  "I'm 
sleepy,"  repUed  Yellow-Hat.  "We  thought  you  were  drowned  and 
dead,"  they  said.  "What  shall  we  do  for  this  poor  man?  Let's  give 
him  a  girl!" 

Coyote  swam  around  the  lake.  Some  of  the  people  went  home;  but 
the  rest  said  to  Yellow-Hat,  "  This  poor  man  pulled  you  out  and  woke 
you  up.  Give  him  your  girl."  —  "No,  I  got  up  myself,"  said  Yellow- 
Hat;  "I'm  sleepy."  At  last  he  agreed  to  take  Coyote  to  see  the  girl. 
*' All  right,"  said  Coyote,  "but  wait  till  I  go  to  my  house  to  see  my 
folks."  —  "All  right,  poor  man!"  they  said. 

Coyote  went  home.  He  took  off  his  old  clothes  and  put  good  ones 
on,  and  then  he  returned  to  Yellow-Hat.  "Let's  see  my  girl! "  he  said. 
"Is  that  you?"  Yellow-Hat  asked.  "Yes."  The  people  looked  him 
over.  "Where  did  he  get  these  nice  clothes?  What  tribe  does  he 
belong  to?"  they  asked.  Then  he  went  with  Yellow-Hat  to  see  his 
daughter.  She  looked  him  over,  for  he  was  a  nice-looking  fellow. 
"I  '11  give  you  this  man,"  said  Yellow-Hat.  "He  rescued  me.  Do  you 
like  him  ?"  —  "Yes,  I  like  him  very  much,"  answered  the  girl.  Yellow- 
Hat  then  asked  him,  "What  tribe  do  you  belong  to  ?  Are  you  a  Ute  ?  " 
—  "Yes,  I'm  a  Nowintc,"  replied  Coyote.  "I'll  give  you  a  nice  shirt 
and  good  clothes,"  said  Yellow-Hat.  Then  he  looked  at  Coyote's 
clothes,  and  saw  that  they  were  very  good.  "Where  did  you  get  those 
clothes  ?  "  he  asked.  "They  are  my  own,"  said  Coyote.  "  I  don't  Hke 
your  dress,  but  I  do  like  the  girl."  Then  he  went  up  to  her  and  asked 
her,  "Do  you  like  me?"  — "Yes,"  said  she.  "Well,  I'll  take  you 
home,  then."  —  "All  right,"  said  Yellow-Hat,  for  he  did  not  know 
it  was  Coyote.  So  they  were  married.  The  people  said,  "Why  did 
that  nice  girl  marry  that  poor  man  ?  "  Now  Coyote  went  to  his  home 
again,  and  put  on  his  best  blue  clothes.  The  girl  saw  him  coming  back 
a  long  ways  off,  and  she  thought  he  was  some  other  man;  but  when 


Myths  oj  the  Uintah  Utes  337 

he  came  close,  she  recognized  him.  "Where  did  he  get  that  nice  new 
suit?"  she  thought. 

The  other  men  thought  to  themselves,  "What's  the  reason  that 
girl  doesn't  like  me?  I've  got  a  nice  race-horse!"  One  of  them  had 
a  sorrel-horse  which  had  beaten  all  the  others  often.  He  met  Coyote, 
and  said,  "Nowintc!  You  can't  beat  my  horse,  poor  man!"  —  "Yes, 
I'll  beat  you  surely,"  said  Coyote.  "I  can  beat  you  badly."  —  " Go 
get  your  horse,"  said  the  man.   "We'll  race  to-morrow." 

Coyote  went  home,  and  met  an  Antelope.  "I  am  going  to  race 
somebody,"  he  said.  Then  he  changed  the  Antelope  into  a  Httle  horse, 
and  next  day  he  led  him  to  town.  He  went  to  Yellow-Hat,  and  said, 
"Yellow-Hat,  lend  me  some  gold  money."  Then  Yellow-Hat  gave 
him  a  hatful  of  gold,  and  soon  he  met  the  white  man.  "Have  you  got 
money,  poor  man?"  he  asked  Coyote.  "All  kinds,"  he  replied,  and 
put  the  hat  down.  Now  the  man  was  afraid, and  thought,  "He  is  rich. 
What  tribe  does  he  belong  to?" — "Now,  all  you  good  men,"  said 
Coyote,  "  bet  your  money.  You  can  beat  me."  All  the  white  men  bet. 
"Shall  we  run  a  mile?"  asked  the  white  man.  "No,  my  horse  can't 
run  that  far;  make  it  five  hundred  yards."  They  raced,  and  Coyote 
won  by  a  short  distance.  Then  the  man  said,  "Nowintc,  your  horse 
can't  run  a  mile.  He  will  surely  give  out."  —  "All  right,"  said  Coyote, 
and  they  raced  again.  The  Antelope  horse  beat  the  other  twice  as 
far.  Coyote  laughed,  and  said,  "I  beat  you."  He  took  the  money,  and 
the  white  man  was  much  ashamed. 

One  day  Coyote's  brother-in-law  said  to  him,  "There  wull  be  a  big 
fight  soon.  Many  Sioux  are  coming."  —  "All  right,"  said  Coyote.  " I 
will  see  the  fight."  All  the  Utes  rode  out  to  fight  on  fine  horses;  but 
Coyote  put  on  his  old  clothes  and  walked  out  to  watch  the  fight.  He 
carried  only  a  stick.  The  Utes  said  to  him,  "You'd  better  go  home. 
The  Sioux  will  kill  you."  — "Oh,  I'll  go  and  see  you  fight,"  he  re- 
plied, and  he  lay  down  on  a  hill  till  sundown  and  watched  the  fight. 
Then  he  walked  home  in  the  mud.  The  warriors  said  to  hJm,  "What 
are  you  doing  here  ?  Why  don't  you  stay  at  home,  poor  man  ?  "  Co- 
yote went  home,  changed  his  clothes,  and  slept  with  his  wife.  His 
brother-in-law  said  to  her,  "We  saw  a  poor  man  over  there  at  the 
fight,  who  walked  in  the  mud.  We  don't  know  what  tribe  he  belongs 
to.  In  the  morning  we  will  fight  again."  In  the  morning  Coyote  put 
on  his  old  clothes  and  started  out  again.  The  warriors  met  him  in  the 
road.  "What  are  you  doing  here?"  they  asked.  "You  have  n't  any 
horse."  Coyote  lay  down  on  the  hill  all  day,  and  when  he  came  home 
at  night  the  warriors  jeered  him  again.  "W^hat  tribe  do  you  belong 
to,  poor  man?  Are  you  Yellow-Hat's  girl's  husband  ?" 

Now  Coyote  was  rather  angry.  Early  in  the  morning  he  got  his 
white  Antelope  horse,  and  said  to  him,  "  I  want  to  fight  with  that  man. 


338  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

because  he  talked  sarcastically  to  me."  Then  he  rode  over  to  the 
Sioux  camp.  "  My  friends,"  he  said,  "we  will  fight  with  my  brothers- 
in-law,  you  and  I."  — "All  right,"  said  they,  so  Coyote  fought  with 
the  Sioux.  The  Antelope  horse  was  so  fast  that  no  one  could  hit  him. 
He  ran  into  the  Utes  and  knocked  them  down.  Coyote  fought  all  day 
and  killed  many,  and  the  Sioux  told  him  to  come  back  the  next  day. 

Then  he  went  home,  put  on  his  good  clothes,  and  sat  down.  Soon 
his  wife  and  her  brothers  came  in,  and  Yellow-Hat  came  over  to  talk 
about  the  fight.  Coyote  listened,  but  said  little.  His  brothers-in-law 
said,  "We  saw  a  big  man  with  a  tomahawk  on  a  fine  wiiite  horse.  His 
horse  was  so  fast  that  we  could  n't  hit  him,  but  he  rode  easily  and 
knocked  everyone  down."  Coyote  said,  "Is  that  so?"  —  "You 
could  n't  catch  him,  Nowintc,"  his  brother-in-law  said.  "  Yes,  I  could," 
answered  Coyote,  and  the  next  morning  he  went  back  again.  He 
painted  the  horse  to  disguise  himself,  and  joined  the  Sioux.  "Let  him 
fight  some  more,"  said  the  chief,  and  they  rode  up  to  the  Utes. 
Coyote  rode  second,  behind  the  war  chief.  He  had  a  tomahawk,  and 
arrows  of  eagle-feathers,  and  he  shot  many  Utes.  They  fought  till 
sundown,  and  were  not  hurt.  "  What  kind  of  a  man  is  that  ?  "  said  the 
Utes.  "He's  a  good  medicine-man,  with  a  good  horse.  What's  the 
reason  we  can't  hit  that  spotted  horse?" 

At  night  Coyote  rode  back.  He  turned  loose  the  Antelope  horse, 
went  home,  and  changed  his  clothes.  His  brothers-in-law  came  over 
again.  Both  of  them  were  hurt.  "We  saw  another  fine  man  on  a 
spotted  horse,"  they  said.  "He  was  a  big  war  chief  and  hit  every- 
body." —  "Let  me  see  the  arrows  that  hit  you,"  said  Coyote.  Thej^ 
were  his  arrows.  "They  are  all  one  kind  of  arrow,"  he  said;  and  all 
the  Utes  wondered,  "Why  are  all  the  arrows  of  one  kind?  He  is  no 
Sioux!  We  never  saw  that  horse  before."  — "Oh,  maybe  he  camie  after 
the  others.  Maybe  he's  a  war  chief  from  another  tribe,"  said  Coyote. 
Many  of  the  Utes  were  hurt.  "Pull  these  arrows  out!"  they  said  to 
Coyote;  "maybe  you  can  fix  them." — "I  may  kill  you  in  pulHng  them 
out,"  he  said.  "Oh,  you  can  get  them  out  all  right,"  they  said.  So 
Coyote  pulled  his  arrows  out.  Some  came  out  all  right,  but  some  did 
not;  some  were  in  tight,  and  some  broken  off  inside.  Many  men  were 
dead.  He  pulled  out  about  a  hundred  arrows.  The  Utes  were  very 
angry  at  the  Sioux,  and  wondered,  "What's  the  reason  we  could  n't 
kill  that  war  chief  ?  "  —  "  Do  you  know  him  ?  "  they  asked  Coyote. — 
"No."  — "Well,  we '11  kill  him  the  next  time  we  fight." 

"Let's  hunt  buffalo!"  all  the  men  said  one  day,  and  started  off. 
Coyote  put  on  his  old  clothes  and  started  with  them.  But  they  laughed 
at  him,  and  said,  "What  are  you  doing,  poor  man?  You  have  no 
horse.  You'd  better  go  home." 

Then  they  rode  off  and  killed  two  buffalo;  and  when  Coyote  came 


Myths  of  the  Uintah  Utes  339 

up,  they  threw  the  entrails  and  excrement  at  him.  He  hurried  home 
and  changed  his  clothes,  saw  his  wife,  and  sat  down.  Soon  his  brothers- 
in-law  came  in.  "We  shot  two  buffalo,"  they  said,  "and  threw  the 
entrails  and  excrement  to  a  poor  man  there."  — "Is  that  so?"  said 
his  sister,  and  Coyote  laughed.  "We  go  again  to-morrow,"  the 
brothers  said.  Coyote  said,  "Why  don't  you  kill  many  buffalo?  All 
you  people  killed  onl}-  two!"  In  the  morning  they  started  out  again. 
The  other  men  rode  horses,  while  Coyote  walked  in  his  rags.  "Why 
are  you  coming?  You'd  better  lie  down;  the  buffalo  will  kill  you," 
they  jeered.  Then  they  rode  oft'  and  killed  three  buffalo,  and  threw 
the  entrails  and  excrement  to  Coyote.  "Why  don't  all  you  people  kill 
more  than  three?"  he  said.  "Maybe  I  could  kill  ten!"  — "You 
can't  kill  anything!"  —  "You'll  see  soon;  I'll  laugh  at  you  soon. 
I  can  surely  beat  you;  I  can  kill  more  than  that."  —  "No,  you 
poor  man!  You  have  no  horse.  You  have  to  walk."  —  "Yes,  I  can, 
surely."  Then  he  ran  home,  changed  his  clothes,  and  saw  his  wife. 
Soon  his  brothers  came  over  with  a  big  piece  of  buft"alo-meat.  "Why 
don't  you  kill  more  beef?"  the  girl  asked.  "Oh,  the  buffalo  ran  too 
fast.  We  saw  a  poor  man  over  there,  and  we  threw  him  the  entrails 
and  excrement.  He  said  he  could  kill  more  than  we,  and  we  laughed." 
—  "Is  that  so?"  said  Coyote.  "Maybe  if  I  had  a  horse,  I  could  kill 
more  than  that.  —  Get  a  pack-horse,"  he  told  his  wife,  "and  I  will 
go  and  hunt." 

Next  day  he  started  out  with  two  pack-horses.  "What  are  you  go- 
ing to  do  with  these  pack-horses  ? "  laughed  his  brothers.  "They  can't 
run,  and  you  won't  kill  anything." — "Yes,  I'll  surely  kill  them," 
replied  Coyote,  and  he  rode  quickly  to  his  old  home  and  got  the  Ante- 
lope. He  changed  it  into  a  bay-horse,  and  made  some  good  arrows. 
Then  he  set  out  with  the  two  pack-horses,  and  found  plenty  of  buf- 
falo. He  chased  them  on  his  Antelope  horse,  and  killed  five  — four 
bulls  and  a  cow  - —  with  five  arrows.  Then  he  changed  the  Antelope 
back,  and  turned  him  loose.  He  skinned  the  buff'alo,  and  packed  the 
meat  on  the  horses,  and  soon  the  rest  of  the  men  came  up.  They  had 
all  killed  only  two.  Coyote  laughed.  "What's  the  reason  you  can't 
kill  the  buffalo?"  he  said.  "You  don't  know  how.  Look  here!  only 
one  shot  each."  Then  he  led  the  pack-horses  home,  while  the  others 
wondered,  "What  tribe  does  he  belong  to  ?  He's  a  good  shot,  and  must 
have  a  good  horse."  His  wife  asked  him,  "How  did  you  kill  these, 
on  horseback?"  -  "Yes."  —  "Did  you  kill  them  easily?"  — "Yes." 
"Why  can't  the  others  kill  more  than  two  ?" —  "Oh,  they  don't  know 
how.  They  are  too  lazy."  Now  they  had  plenty  of  beef,  and  they 
dried  it.  Many  people  came  to  them,  and  said,  "  W^e  are  hungry,"  and 
they  gave  them  plenty  to  eat.  Yellow-Hat  asked  the  others,  "Why 
don't  you  kill  more  ?  You  have  good  horses.  —  What  are  you  going  to 


340  Journal  oj  American  Folk-Lore 

do  with  the  hides  ?  "  he  asked  Coyote.  "  Oh,  I  '11  tan  them,"  he  replied. 
"My  wife  will  do  it."  Then  he  showed  her  how  to  tan  the  hide,  and 
thus  all  the  women  learned  how  to  tan.  They  watched  him,  for  they 
never  knew  how  before. 

Soon  Coyote  went  out  hunting  again,  and  took  his  brothers-in-law 
along.  They  rode  saddle-horses;  but  Coyote  rode  a  pack-horse  and 
carried  his  bow  and  arrows.  They  went  on  a  hill  where  there  were 
big  white-pine  trees,  and  looked  around  and  saw  some  deer  near  by. 
Coyote  crawled  up  close  and  shot  two  of  them.  Then  he  skinned  them 
while  his  brothers  watched  him.  They  packed  the  meat  on  the  horses, 
and  arrived  home  at  sundown.  His  wife  cooked  the  meat,  and  said, 
"Yellow-Hat!  Supper!"  — ''That's  a  good  supper,"  he  said.  "It 
tastes  good.  What  kind  of  meat  is  this  ?  Deer-meat  ?  Elk-meat  ?  "  — 
"It  is  deer-meat,"  she  rephed. 

Another  time  Coyote  went  hunting  with  his  brothers.  On  a  moun- 
tain he  saw  many  elk  among  the  quaking  asps.  He  crawled  up  close 
and  killed  a  buck  and  a  doe.  Soon  his  brothers  came  up  and  looked 
at  them.  "What  kind  of  a  buckskin  is  that?"  they  asked.  "This 
is  n't  a  buckskin;  this  is  an  elk." — "We  never  saw  antlers  like  those 
before.  What  do  you  call  them  ?  They  look  hke  sticks  on  his  head ! 
Why  has  he  got  those  antlers?"  —  "Oh,  he  fights  with  them.  He 
hooks  the  other  elk."  —  "Why  has  not  that  doe  any  antlers  ?  "  —  "  She 
does  n't  fight  much,  but  she  kicks  and  knocks  with  her  head."  Then 
Coyote  skinned  the  elk.  He  packed  all  the  meat,  but  left  the  heads 
behind.  His  wife  cooked  the  meat,  and  cried,  "Yellow-Hat!  Come  to 
supper!"  Yellow-Hat  came,  and  said.  "What  kind  of  deer  is  that? 
It  does  n't  taste  the  same  as  the  other.  I  don't  know  what  kind  of 
meat  that  is;  I  never  tasted  it  before."  The  girl  repHed,  "This  is 
elk-meat."  — "Is  that  so?"  Yellow-Hat  said.  The  boys  said,  "He 
has  antlers  like  timber-sticks  and  a  big  head.  We  will  go  and  get  it 
some  time."  Yellow-Hat  said,  "Yes.  Get  it  some  day.  I  want  to 
look  at  it." 

Again  Coyote  said  to  the  boys,  "We  will  go  and  hunt."  They  went 
up  on  a  rocky  mountain;  but  the  boys  were  afraid  to  walk  among  the 
rocks,  because  they  feared  the  rocks  would  fall  on  them.  Coyote  spied 
some  mountain-sheep,  and  he  crawled  slowly  around  the  rocks  and 
shot  a  big  sheep  and  a  ewe.  Then  he  skinned  them  and  carried  the 
meat  to  the  horses  far  below.  "Where  did  you  get  this  meat?"  the 
boys  asked.  "Oh,  I  got  it  way  up  on  the  mountain."  —  "We  were 
afraid  of  the  rocks.  They  might  kill  us.  It  is  too  bad,"  said  the  boys. 
"Oh,  they  are  all  right,"  said  Coyote.  "They  won't  hurt  any  one." 
Then  they  packed  the  meat  on  the  horses  and  went  home. 

Coyote  did  not  show  them  the  heads.  His  wife  cooked  the  meat, 
and  told  Yellow-Hat  to  come  to  supper.  "What  kind  of  meat  is  this  ?  " 


Myths  oj  the  Uintah  Utes  341 

he  asked.  "I  never  tasted  this  kind  before."  —  "It  is  mountain-sheep," 
the  girl  replied.  '"Why  is  he  called  that?  Does  he  stay  in  the  moun- 
tains?"—  "Yes, "said  the  boys.  "  This  man  went  far  up  in  the  high 
mountain,  where  we  thought  he  would  certainly  be  killed.  We  don't 
see  how  he  could  go  so  easily  over  the  high  cliffs.  Then  he  came  back 
with  the  meat." — "Is  that  so?"  said  Yellow-Hat.  They  all  ate  to- 
gether; and  afterwards  Yellow-Hat  said  to  his  daughter,  "He  knows 
everything!  He  knows  everything  we  do!  He  knows  about  all  kinds 
of  meat.  What's  the  reason?"  —  "I  don't  know,"  said  the  girl. 

Yellow-Hat  said  to  Coyote  one  day,  "I  hear  there  is  an  eagle  up  on 
that  rock  liill.  Get  the  little  eagle  for  me."  Coyote  went  and  found 
the  little  eagle  in  its  nest.  Soon  the  father  eagle  came  along  and  saw 
him,  and  said,  "  What  are  you  doing  here,  Coyote  ?  What 's  the  mat- 
ter ?  "  Coyote  said,  "  Yellow-Hat  wants  your  little  eagle."  —  "Why 
does  he  want  it?  "  —  "I  don't  know."  —  "Well,  go  and  ask  Yellow- 
Hat  why  he  wants  my  little  eagle,  and  then  come  back  and  tell  me," 
said  the  Eagle.  "But  don't  tell  him  I  said  so." 

Coyote  went  home,  sat  down,  and  told  Yellow-Hat,  "I  hunted  all 
over  the  mountain  and  found  it.  Why  do  you  want  that  little  eagle  ?  " 
—  "  I  just  want  to  see  it,"  said  Yellow-Hat.  "I  never  saw  one  before, 
but  I  hear  they  have  fine  feathers  and  feet  and  tail.  I  saw  a  tribe 
who  had  eagle-feathers  on  their  arrows,  and  sometimes  they  have 
them  on  their  war  headdresses,  too.  I  just  want  to  see  it,  and  then 
I'll  turn  it  loose."  —  "Well,  all  right,"  said  Coyote;  "buthe  won't  stay 
in  a  house,  he  won't  stay  in  an  Indian  tepee.  He  stays  only  on  the 
rocks,  because  he  likes  it  better." 

Then  he  went  to  the  mountain  again,  and  saw  the  big  Eagle,  and 
said  to  him,  "Yellow-Hat  wants  to  see  an  eagle.  He  saw  a  man  with 
eagle-feathers,  how  fine  he  looked.  He  has  heard  about  er gles,  but 
never  has  seen  one." 

Then  Coyote  and  the  Eagle  went  to  see  Yellow-Hat.  He  saw  them 
coming.  They  came  close  and  sat  down,  and  Yellow-Hat  looked  at 
the  Eagle's  beak  and  eyes.  He  noticed  his  claws,  feathers,  and  tail, 
and  was  afraid,  for  it  was  a  big  eagle.  "Is  his  name  Eagle  ? "  Yellow- 
Hat  asked.  "No,  this  is  his  father."  —  "Well,  why  did  n't  you  bring 
little  Eagle?"— "I  couldn't,"  replied  Coyote.  "Well,  he  will  go 
now."  The  Eagle  walked  a  little  ways,  flapped  his  wings,  and  flew 
high.  He  kept  going,  and  Yellow-Hat  asked  Coyote,  "What's  the 
reason  he  has  claws  on  his  feet  ?"  —  "Oh,  he  can  kill  anything,  a  deer 
or  a  man.  He  feeds  them  to  the  little  Eagle."  —  "How  does  he  fly  so 
easily?"  — "The  feathers  make  him  fly."  — "Why  doesn't  he  fall 
down?  What  kind  of  a  man  is  he?"  —  "Oh,  he's  the  big  chief  of  all 
the  birds."  —  ''What  kind  of  a  chief?"  —  "  He  is  chief  of  everything, 
talking  and  fighting."  —  ''Just  the  same  as  I,  —  a  big  man,"  said 


342  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

Yellow-Hat.  "No,"  said  Coyote,  "he  is  a  very  big  man.  He  is  a  good 
flyer,  and  has  good  feathers  for  war-bonnets.  He  is  a  big  chief,  and  all 
tribes  are  afraid  of  him." 

Then  Yellow-Hat  got  up.  He  went  around  and  told  all  the  people, 
"  Come  over!  We  will  have  a  council."  Then  all  the  people  came  over 
to  see  him;  and  he  said,  "  I  saw  a  big  Eagle  man  here,  a  big  war  chief." 
A  man  asked,  "Why  did  he  come  over  here  ?  He  never  visits,  but  sits 
down  at  home  all  the  time.  We  never  saw  him  near  beiore,  but  only 
flying  high  in  the  air." 

Coyote  said,  "I  will  go  and  hunt  again."  He  walked  around  in  the 
sage-brush  and  killed  two  rabbits.  These  he  brought  home  and  gave 
to  his  wife,  who  cooked  them  and  gave  them  to  Yellow-Hat  for  supper. 
"What  kind  of  meat  is  this?"  he  asked.  "It  has  a  nice  taste."  She 
replied,  "  Rabbit;  there  are  many  of  them  in  the  sage-brush."  He  told 
his  boys,  "You  had  better  go  hunt  rabbits  with  your  brother-in-law." 
The  next  time  Coyote  went  hunting,  they  went  along.  He  killed  two 
jack-rabbits,  but  the  boys  killed  none.  The  rabbits  ran  so  fast  they 
did  not  see  them.  "\\'Tiat's  the  reason  they  never  stop  running?" 
they  asked.  The}'  took  the  rabbits  home,  and  Coyote's  wife  cooked 
them.  Yellow-Hat  came  in  and  tasted  it.  "That's  a  good  taste,"  he 
said.  "What  kind  of  meat  is  that?"  —  "Oh,  that's  jack-rabbit."  — 
"Why  don't  you  kill  some  ?  "  he  asked  the  boys.  "Oh,  they  never  stop 
running.  That's  the  reason  we  didn't  kill  any,"  said  the  boys. 
"But  this  man  knows  how.  He  kills  them  easily." 

Yellow-Hat  told  his  daughter,  "Tell  your  husband  to  go  and  kill 
some  buffalo.  Kill  five,  for  we  want  some  blankets."  —  "All  right," 
said  Coyote,  and  he  went  after  his  Antelope,  about  fifty  miles  away. 
The  Antelope  saw  him  coming,  and  came  up  to  him.  Coyote  changed 
him  into  a  bay-horse  and  led  him  home.  "W^here  did  you  get  this  fine 
horse?"  they  asked  him.  "Oh,  he's  my  horse.  He  stays  at  my  old 
home."  The  brothers  looked  all  over  him,  for  he  was  a  good  horse. 
They  rode  out  a  little  ways,  and  found  plenty  of  buffalo.  Coyote 
chased  them,  and  killed  five,  —  three  cows  and  two  bulls,  —  and  then 
he  packed  the  beef  and  returned  to  the  hunting-camp  at  the  spring. 

The  boys  had  chased  other  buffalo  on  their  horses.  ' '  Let 's  kill  one ! ' ' 
said  one  of  the  boys.  "All  right."  Then  they  chased  a  buffalo,  but 
it  turned  around  and  charged  them.  The  boys  were  afraid,  and  ran 
back  and  held  their  horses.  It  did  not  look  like  a  buffalo;  it  looked  like 
a  bear.  It  pulled  one  of  them  from  his  horse,  and  scratched  and  bit 
him.  The  other  boy  ran  back  to  Coyote  and  said,  "An  animal  caught 
my  brother.  I  think  it's  a  bear.  It  will  kill  any  one."  Coyote  went 
to  the  other  boy,  who  was  bitten  all  over  and  nearly  killed.  "That's 
a  pretty  bad  bear,"  said  Coyote,  but  he  did  not  go  after  it.  "Let's 
take  him  home!"  said  his  brother;  so  they  put  him  on  a  horse  and 


Myths  of  the  Uintah  Utes  343 

went  home.  He  told  Yellow-Hat,  "An  animal  nearly  killed  my 
brother."  —  "What  kind  of  an  animal?"  he  asked.  "A  bear,"  said 
Coyote.  "He's  a  bad  bear;  he  is  killing  somebody  all  the  time.  You 
can't  kill  him." 

Yellow-Hat  was  very  angry,  and  told  all  the  people  they  would 
go  after  the  bear  the  next  day.  They  asked  Coyote,  "What  kind  of  an 
animal  bit  him?"  —  "His  name  is  Bear,  Big-Claws,"  repHed  Coyote. 
"He  will  kill  anything  and  eat  it."  The  next  day  all  took  their  packs 
and  went  to  the  hunting-spring.  Coyote  thought,  "Well,  they  can 
kill  him.  I  won't  do  it."  The  brother  went  on  ahead.  "Show  us  the 
place,"  they  said.  " Right  here,"  he  said.  "We  sat  down  over  there." 
They  saw  some  big  tracks.  "What  are  those  long  tracks  with  paws 
and  claws?"  they  asked,  and  followed  the  tracks  into  a  clump  of  wil- 
low-trees. 

Coyote  thought,  "Bears  like  service-berries,"  and  he  looked  in  the 
bushes.  He  saw  where  the  bears  had  killed  buffalo  and  eaten  them. 
Then  they  had  lain  down  to  sleep,  but  they  woke  up  when  they  heard 
the  noise  of  the  people  following  their  tracks.  "Now  the  people  are 
coming  to  kill  us,"  said  the  Bear  to  his  mate.  "Let's  go  after  them!" 
—  "All  right." 

The  people  were  saying,  "  We  will  surely  kill  them,"  but  Coyote  care- 
fully kept  behind.  He  knew  all  about  the  Bears,  but  said  nothing,  for 
he  wanted  to  see  what  would  happen.  Suddenly  the  Bears  jumped 
out  and  chased  all  the  people.  The  horses  bolted;  some  of  the  men 
fell  off,  and  some  were  dragged  by  the  stirrups.  The  rest  ran.  The 
Bears  bit  the  horses  in  the  rumps,  and  then  they  came  back  and  killed 
those  lying  on  the  ground.  Coyote  watched  the  fight  and  laughed. 
His  brother  rode  home,  and  told  Yellow-Hat,  "That  Bear  is  very 
fierce.  I  saw  the  tracks  of  his  long  feet."  Then  he  told  all  about  the 
fight.  "Why  did  you  run?"  asked  Yellow-Hat.  "Why  didn't  you 
kill  him?"  —  "We  couldn't  hold  our  horses.  He  killed  many  men, 
and  every  one  was  afraid  of  him,"  said  the  boy.  "Well,  what  did 
Nowintc  do?"  —  "Oh,  he  stayed  behind  and  merely  watched." 

Now  Yellow-Hat  was  more  angry.  "Well,  I  will  go  and  kill  it,"  he 
said,  and  the  next  day  he  went  with  more  people.  The  brother  went 
on  ahead  to  show  the  way.  He  showed  them  the  tracks,  and  said, 
"Look!  they  lay  down  here."  The  Bears  had  gone  on  to  a  new  place 
to  kill  buft'alo,  and  they  were  lying  down  in  a  cottonwood-tree.  The 
people  followed  their  tracks  from  the  old  camp.  Yellow-Hat  carried 
a  gun,  and  he  thought  he  could  see  a  long  v/ays.  Coyote  came  up  to 
him,  and  said,  "That  Bear  is  pretty  fierce.  You  can't  hold  your 
horse."  —  "  Oh,  I  don't  care,"  said  Yellow-Hat.  "We  will  kill  them  all 
right."  The  Bears  heard  the  noise.  "Now  people  are  coming  to  kill 
us,"  one  said.    "All  right.   Let's  go  after  them  and  kill  some  more!" 


344  Journal  oj  American  Folk-Lore 

said  the  other.  Yellow-Hat  came  up  close  with  his  gun,  but  the  Bears 
growled  and  chased  him.  All  the  horses  bolted,  so  that  the  men  could 
not  shoot.  One  of  the  Bears  bit  Yellow-Hat's  horse,  wliich  bucked  and 
broke  the  bridle.  The  horses  ran  all  the  way  home,  while  Coyote 
laughed  again.  Yellow-Hat  said,  "He  scared  my  horse.  What  kind 
of  a  man  can  he  be,  that  I  can't  hold  my  horse  ?  "  He  was  frightened 
but  angry,  and  he  told  all  the  people  to  come  the  next  day  with  spears. 
''Let's  go  out!"  he  said.    "We  will  kill  them  surely." 

Next  day  they  started  out  again,  and  asked  Coyote  to  go  along. 
"No,  I'm  afraid,"  he  answered.  "I  don't  know  how  to  kill  them.  I 
won't  go."  —  "Oh,  we  will  surely  kill  them  this  time."  —  "No,  you 
can't  kill  them.  You  had  better  scatter  and  surround  them,  and  then 
advance,"  he  said  to  Yellow-Hat.  The  Bears  had  moved  again,  and 
were  sleeping  after  eating  buffalo.  The  men  surrounded  them,  but 
the  Bears  heard  the  noise  and  woke  up.  "People  are  coming,"  they 
said.  "Let's  chase  them!  They  run  away  easily."  They  chased  some 
of  the  men,  but  others  came  up  behind  and  speared  and  shot  them. 
Coyote  watched  the  big  fight.  At  last  the  Bears  turned  and  ran  into 
the  willows,  and  then  all  the  men  went  home.  They  thought  they  had 
killed  the  Bears;  but  Coyote  said,  "No,  they  are  not  dead."  —  "Why 
did  n't  you  help  to  kill  them?"  Yellow-Hat  asked  him.  "Were  you 
afraid?"  —  "Why  do  you  talk  about  fighting  all  the  time,  and  then 
never  kill  anything?"  rephed  Coyote.  "Well,"  said  Yellow-Hat, 
"let's  fight  again  to-morrow!  I'll  surely  kill  them.  You  don't  know 
how  to  fight!"  And  all  the  people  cried,  "O  Nowintc!  He  does  n't 
know  anything  about  fighting!  The  Bears  will  certainly  kill  him!" 

Then  Coyote  went  after  his  Antelope.  He  caught  him,  and  changed 
him  into  a  black  horse.  Then  he  blackened  his  own  face  also,  and  rode 
to  the  camp.  "Let's  go  now!"  he  said.  The  Bears  had  moved  again. 
"See!  Here  are  their  tracks,"  said  Coyote.  "They  went  this  way; 
you  did  n't  kill  them."  The  path  was  strewn  with  arrows  which  the 
Bears  had  pulled  out.  "Look  at  your  httle  arrows,"  he  said;  and  the 
people  looked  at  them,  and  said,  "This  is  my  point;  this  is  mine.  How 
is  that  ?  I  thought  I  hit  him  hard,  clear  through.  Oh,  I  can't  hurt  him ! 
I'm  a  poor  shot.  What's  the  reason  I  didn't  hurt  him  much?" 
Coyote  had  long  spears  and  arrows,  and  he  followed  the  track  and 
told  the  people  to  follow  a  quarter-mile  behind. 

The  Bears  were  sleeping  after  eating  buffalo;  but  they  heard  the 
noise,  and  said,  "People  are  coming.  Let's  kill  them!"  But  they  saw 
only  Coyote.  He  said  to  his  horse,  "Run  about  quickly,  this  way  and 
that! "  Then  the  Bears  chased  him,  but  the  Antelope  horse  ran  around 
behind  them.  They  ran  on  towards  the  others,  while  Coyote  speared 
them  from  behind.  "Wauw,  wauw!"  they  cried.  One  Bear  turned 
and  got  behind  them,  but  the  Antelope  horse  ran  behind  him;  and 


Myths  of  the  Uintah  Utes  345 

Coyote  speared  both,  and  killed  one.  The  other  one  chased  him,  but 
the  horse  evaded  him,  and  Coyote  killed  both.  Then  the  rest  of  the 
hunters  came  up.  They  looked  at  the  claws,  the  teeth,  tail,  hams, 
legs,  and  shoulders,  for  the  Bears  were  very  big.  Coyote  skinned  them, 
and  took  the  meat  and  hide  to  Yellow-Hat.  "I  will  keep  it,"  said  he. 
Then  he  showed  it  to  the  people,  and  said,  "You  were  all  afraid  of 
him."  He  thought,  "That  man  is  a  good  hunter.  How  is  it  he  can 
kill  anything  ?  What  kind  of  a  man  is  he  ?  " 

Coyote  sat  down  by  his  wife.  "I  think  we  will  have  a  baby  soon," 
she  said.  "How  do  you  know?"  he  asked.  "What  kind  of  a  baby 
have  you  inside,  boy  or  girl  ?  "  —  "I  don't  know. ' '  She  said  she  thought 
it  was  a  girl,  but  Coyote  guessed  a  boy.  Soon  a  boy  was  born  and 
grew  up.  Then  a  girl  came;  and  a  child  was  born  every  year  until 
they  had  five. 

The  oldest  boy  went  hunting.  Coyote  said  to  him,  "You  had  better 
go  and  hunt  deer.  Nobody  has  told  you  how  to  hunt,  but  maybe  you 
know  yourself.  Go  over  there."  The  boy  went,  and  saw  a  deer.  He 
knew  it  was  a  deer,  so  he  crept  up  and  shot  it.  Then  he  packed  the 
meat  home,  and  gave  it  to  his  parents.  "How  did  you  know  how  to 
hunt  ?  "  his  mother  asked  him.  "You  are  young.  Who  told  you  how  ?  " 
—  "Oh,  nobody  told  me.   I  just  knew." 

He  went  hunting  again  among  the  quaking  asps,  and  saw  an  elk. 
He  crept  up  and  killed  it,  and  then  he  skinned  it  and  packed  the  meat 
home  on  his  back.  He  left  the  antlers  behind.  "Well,  my  son,"  said 
Coyote,  "why  didn't  you  ride  a  horse?  You  will  break  your  back. 
What  did  you  kill?"  —  "Elk."  —  "How  do  you  know?"  — "Oh, 
I  know;  I  killed  it."  His  mother  said,  "You  must  hunt  next  time  on 
horseback."  Again  he  went  out  to  hunt,  and  killed  a  mountain-sheep. 
He  packed  the  meat  on  his  horse  and  brought  it  home.  His  mother 
said  to  Yellow-Hat,  "Your  grandchild  can  kill  all  kinds  of  animals,  — 
deer,  elk,  and  mountain-sheep."  —  "How  does  he  know?"  said 
Yellow-Hat;  "maybe  somebody  told  him,  and  showed  him  how."  — 
"No,  he  just  does  it  himself." 

"Can  you  shoot  buffalo  ?"  she  asked  him  one  day.  "Yes,  I  can  do 
it."  — "Do  you  know  how  to  kill  them?"  —  "Yes."  —  "The  buf- 
falo may  horn  you."  —  "Oh,  I  know  how."  So  he  went  hunting  buf- 
falo. Now  he  needed  a  horse,  and  thought  he  could  get  one  at  his 
father's  old  home.  So  he  went  there,  but  found  nothing  but  a  Crow. 
"  What  kind  of  a  horse  does  my  father  use  when  he  goes  after  buffalo  ? ' ' 
he  asked  the  Crow.  "Are  you  his  son?"  —  "Yes."  —  "How  old 
are  you?"  —  "About  twenty-two."  —  "Sure?"  —  "Yes."  Then  the 
Crow  looked  in  his  mouth.  "Yes,  you  are  his  boy,"  he  said;  "you 
have  teeth  like  Coyote.  Did  you  see  that  Antelope  ?  That's  the  horse; 
he  is  Coyote's  friend.   Coyote  changes  him  into  a  horse  and  puts  on 


346  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

a  bridle  and  saddle.  You  had  better  change  him."  Then  the  boy  said 
to  the  Antelope,  "I  think  I  will  make  you  a  brown  horse."  So  he 
changed  him  into  a  horse,  and  rode  after  buffalo.  He  killed  a  cow 
and  a  small  bull,  and  skinned  them.  He  packed  the  meat  and  hide 
on  his  horse,  and  threw  the  rest  away.  Then  his  friend  the  Crow  came, 
"Kak,  kak!"  to  get  the  fat,  blood,  and  grease.  When  the  boy  came 
home,  his  mother  said,  "How  is  it  my  boy  kills  all  these  buffalo,  while 
many  people  here  never  kill  any?  He  beats  them  all."  —  "Oh,  I  just 
know  how,"  said  the  boy.  ''My  father  used  to  do  it.  I  think  that's 
the  reason."  —  "Yes,"  answered  his  mother.  Then  Yellow-Hat  came 
and  saw  the  meat.  "How  is  this?  He  kills  buffalo  ?  He  can  do  any- 
thing! Who  showed  him  how  ?  " 

"  I  will  go  and  hunt  again,"  said  the  boy,  and  he  went  to  his  father's 
old  home  and  met  the  Crow.  "I  am  going  hunting,"  he  told  him. 
"You  had  better  not  go  this  way,"  the  Crow  said.  "There  is  a  strong 
Bear  there.  If  you  see  him,  climb  quickly  up  a  tree.  Come  and  see 
me  when  you  come  back  again;  and  if  you  don't  come  back  soon,  I 
will  go  and  hunt  you."  —  "All  right,"  said  the  boy,  and  he  went  into 
the  service-berry  bushes.  There  he  saw  some  long  tracks.  "What 
tracks  are  they?"  said  he;  "Bear  ?"  He  thought  they  were.  "What 
kind  of  a  Bear  is  it?  I  want  to  see."  Then  he  noticed  the  track  of  a 
little  Bear.  Suddenly  the  Bear  appeared  with  a  snarl,  "Yiau,"  and 
the  boy  climbed  into  a  tree.  The  Bear  sat  under  the  tree  and  waited 
until  sundown. 

All  day  the  Crow  waited  for  the  boy,  and  at  sundown  he  said,  "He 
has  not  come.  Maybe  he  is  hurt."  Then  he  flew  to  find  the  boy, 
crying,  "Kak,  kak!"  —  "He!"  called  the  boy,  and  the  Crow  came 
up  to  the  tree.  "The  Bear  came  after  me,"  said  the  boy.  "I  will  go 
and  see  Coyote,"  said  the  Crow,  and  he  flew  av/ay.  The  Bear  heard 
what  he  said.  "What  tribe  does  he  belong  to  ?  "  he  thought.  "Maybe 
he  is  Coyote's  boy,  and  I  had  better  let  him  go,  or  Coyote  will  be 
angry.  Well,  I  don't  care." 

The  Crow  found  Coyote,  and  told  him,  "The  Bear  is  sitting  under 
a  tree  with  the  boy  in  it.  I  saw  them."  —  "All  right,"  said  Coyote, 
and  in  the  morning  he  got  his  Antelope  horse  and  his  arrows,  and  set 
out  with  the  Crow.  The  boy  saw  his  father  coming.  The  Bear  looked 
around,  but  thought  it  was  not  Coyote,  and  stood  up  on  his  hind 
legs.  Now  he  saw  it  was  Coyote,  and  ran  at  him.  He  tried  to  throw 
the  horse  down,  but  could  not  hurt  him,  and  Coyote  shot  him  in 
the  neck.  "Wau!"  he  cried,  and  ran.  Then  Coyote  shot  clear  through 
him  and  kflled  him.  He  skinned  him,  and  gave  the  Crow  plenty  of 
meat.  The  boy  jumped  out  of  the  tree,  crying,  "I'H  go  and  get  the 
little  Bear."  —  "No,  she  will  scratch  you,"  said  Coyote.  But  the 
boy  caught  the  little  Bear,  although  she  scratched  him.  and  tied  her 


Myths  0}  the  Uintah  Utes  347 

legs  together.  Then  they  carried  her  home  to  Yellow-Hat,  and 
fastened  her  to  a  log  by  a  chain.  The  boy  fed  her  and  talked  to 
her  all  the  time.  "All  right,"  said  the  Bear,  and  soon  she  was  like 
a  dog. 

Coyote  now  had  three  boys  and  two  girls,  all  grown  up.  Some  boys 
came  to  see  the  girls,  but  the  Bear  ran  after  them,  and  they  never 
came  back,  for  they  were  afraid  of  the  Bear.  The  eldest  boys  went  out 
to  the  timber-line  to  hunt  elk  and  deer.  They  killed  a  deer;  but  a 
Mountain-Lion  scared  them,  and  they  cHmbed  a  tree.  Another  time, 
the  eldest  boy  took  the  Bear  out  hunting,  and  they  saw  the  round 
track  of  a  Mountain-Lion.  The  Lion  had  just  killed  a  deer,  but  ran 
after  the  boy.  He  told  the  Bear,  "Something  scared  me;  you  had 
better  kill  it."  So  the  Bear  and  the  Mountain-Lion  fought.  Three 
times  the  Lion  threw  the  Bear  down,  and  her  back  was  nearly  broken. 
Then  she  and  the  boy  ran  away.  "  Did  he  hurt  you  ?  "  the  boy  asked. 
"Yes,"  replied  the  Bear  in  a  deep  tone.  They  killed  a  deer  and  took 
it  home,  and  the  boy  told  Coyote.  "A  big,  yellow,  long-tailed  animal 
with  round  feet  scared  me  once,  so  I  took  the  Bear  along.  He  nearly 
killed  us.  What  do  you  call  him?"  —  "That  is  Ttiq'u,  the  Mountain- 
Lion.  He  is  a  very  strong  fellow,  and  nobody  can  hold  him.  He  can 
lift  anything,  or  break  anything."  —  "Well,  father,"  said  the  boy, 
"I  want  to  get  the  Kttle  Mountain-Lion."  —  "Maybe  he  will  kill  you. 
He  is  angry,  and  he  can  jump  a  long  ways.  No,  don't  do  it!"  said 
Coyote,  and  then  he  went  to  see  the  Bear.  "Are  you  hurt  ?  "  he  asked. 
"Yes."  —  "Well,  you  will  be  all  right  soon.  You  are  not  much  hurt." 
And  he  put  some  medicine  on  her. 

Again  they  went  hunting,  and  killed  two  good  deer.  ' '  You  had  better 
stay  here  and  guard  the  meat.  Somebody  might  come  here  and  steal 
it,"  he  told  the  Bear,  and  went  away.  A  Nowintc  who  was  hunting 
near  by  saw  the  meat  and  came  up  to  it,  but  he  did  not  see  the  Bear 
until  she  chased  him.  She  bit  the  man  in  the  neck  and  killed  him,  and 
then  covered  liim  over  with  mud.  Soon  the  boy  returned  after  killing 
another  deer.  He  came  over  and  saw  the  covered  man.  "W^hat'sthe 
matter  with  him  ?  What  is  he  doing  there  ?  Who  bit  him?  You?"  — 
"I  don't  know."  —  "This  is  pretty  bad.  I  guess  you  killed  him."  — 
"  I  guess  so."  Now  the  boy  was  very  much  afraid.  He  went  home  with 
the  Bear  and  the  meat,  and  told  Coyote,  "  We  went  out  to  hunt  and 
killed  two  deer.  I  gave  the  Bear  one  to  eat,  and  told  her,  'You  had 
better  stay  here  and  watch  this  other  one  while  I  go  and  hunt  more.' 
Then  I  killed  another,  and  packed  it  back,  and  asked  the  Bear, 
'What's  the  matter  with  this  man  here  ?  '  I  think  she  killed  him,  but 
she  says  she  does  n't  know.  I  told  her  that  some  one  might  come  to 
steal  the  meat,  and  I  think  that's  the  reason  she  killed  him.   I  was 

VOL.  XXIII.  —  NO.  89.  23 


348  Journal  0}  American  Folk-Lore 

afraid  to  come  back  because  she  had  killed  a  Nowintc,  a  Ute."  —  "  That 
is  very  bad,"  said  Coyote. 

Another  time  they  went  hunting,  and  killed  two  deer.  The  boy  gave 
the  Bear  one  to  eat,  and  told  her  to  stay  there  while  he  killed  another 
one.  Then  the  Bear  walked  behind  him  home.  They  came  home  tired. 
"Halloo,  Bear!"  said  one  of  the  girls.  She  hked  the  girls;  but  the 
Ute  boys  said,  "What's  the  reason  that  Coyote  keeps  that  Bear? 
We  like  his  girls."  They  came  to  see  the  girls  when  the  Bear  was  out 
hunting. 

They  went  out  hunting  again,  and  killed  two  deer.  The  Bear  was 
left  to  watch  one,  but  fell  asleep;  and  a  Yellow-Bear  came  and  began 
to  eat  the  meat.  Then  the  other  Bear  woke  up  and  chased  him. 
They  fought,  and  the  Yellow-Bear  threw  the  other  into  the  meat 
and  ran  away.  Soon  the  boy  returned  with  another  deer,  and  found 
the  meat  all  in  bits  in  a  mess,  and  the  Bear  gone.  He  was  surprised, 
and  wondered  what  had  happened;  so  he  waited  a  long  while,  and 
then  heard  a  puffing  noise.  He  jumped  into  a  tree,  but  it  was  only 
his  Bear.  She  was  all  torn.  "What  have  you  been  doing?"  the  boy 
asked.  "I  don't  know."  —  "You  have  been  fighting?"  —  "Yes."  — 
"Whom  did  you  fight?  Mountain-Lion?"  —  "No."  —  "Yellow- 
Bear?" —  "Yes."  —  "Well,  this  meat  is  in  a  pretty  bad  condition. 
You  had  better  eat  it."  Then  he  took  the  other  meat  home,  and  told 
Coyote,  "  I  told  the  Bear  to  watch  the  meat;  but  when  I  came  back, 
it  was  all  in  the  dirt.  I  thought  the  Bear  had  been  fighting,  so  I  waited 
a  couple  of  hours.  'Have  you  been  fighting  ? '  I  asked  her.  'Yes.'  — 
'Whom  have  you  been  fighting  with?  Yellow-Bear?'  —  'Yes.' — 
Then  I  said  to  her,  'Eat  this  meat.'  "  The  boy  took  the  Bear  along 
every  time,  for  he  was  afraid  to  go  alone. 

Now  the  boy  wanted  to  get  married,  so  he  went  to  visit  the  Utes 
at  Nowintc's  town.  He  told  Coyote  that  he  wanted  a  ring,  and  Coyote 
told  him  to  go  and  see  Yellow-Hat.  He  told  Yellow-Hat  that  he 
wanted  some  gold  earrings,  arm-bands,  blankets,  and  other  things. 
"  Why  don't  you  ride  a  horse  ?  "  Yellow-Hat  asked  him.  "  I  will  give 
you  a  saddle  and  blanket,  and  if  you  don't  find  anything,  come  back." 
—  "  All  right,"  said  the  boy.  and  he  took  a  bay-horse,  with  saddle  and 
blanket.  One  of  his  sisters  said,  "Why  don't  you  take  a  pack-horse 
with  food?"  — "Oh,  I  don't  care  to,"  rephed  the  boy;  "I  will  kill 
something  and  cook  the  meat."  But  he  got  a  pack-horse  and  tried 
it.  "All  right,"  he  said.  "Maybe  it  is  the  best  way."  Then  he  told 
his  parents,  "Don't  let  the  Bear  loose,  and  don't  hurt  her."  The 
Bear  stood  up  on  her  hind-legs  when  the  boy  approached.  "  Stay  here 
with  my  father,  and  don't  fight.  I  am  going  after  a  girl,  but  I  will 
come  back  soon,  and  bring  you  something."  —  "Yes,"  said  the  Bear. 
Then  the  boy  shook  hands  with  all  the  family.   "Which  way  shall  I 


Myths  of  the  Uintah  Uies  349 

go? "he asked  his  father.  "East?  South?  North?  West?"  — ''Go  this 
way,  west,"  said  Coyote.  "There  are  many  Nowintc  there,  many 
deer  and  other  things." 

So  the  boy  started  and  travelled  along,  and  at  sundown  he  tied 
his  horses  and  camped.  In  the  morning  he  cooked  breakfast,  and 
went  after  his  horses,  travelled  until  sundown,  and  camped  again. 
At  night  he  heard  a  cry,  "  Wuuuuuuu!"  —  "What  kind  of  an  animal 
is  that  ?  "  he  thought.  In  the  morning  he  went  on  again,  and  at  noon 
he  killed  and  skinned  a  buffalo,  and  ate  it.  Soon  he  saw  the  Crow 
coming,  "Kak,  kak!"  —  "Halloo,  Crow!  Are  you  hungry?  Help 
yourself,  and  take  anything  you  want."  Then  the  Crow  ate  an  eye. 
"Why  do  you  eat  the  eye?"  —  "I  hke  the  eyes,  entrails,  tongue, 
brain,  hver,  and  kidneys."  — "Well,  Crow,  I  am  visiting  over  this 
way.  Do  you  know  many  people  over  here?"  —  "Yes,  I  saw  many 
people  about  five  hundred  miles  over  here,  many  of  them  Utes."  — 
"Have  they  nice  girls?"  —  "Yes,  plenty  of  them.  There  are  three 
or  four  different  kinds  of  people  there.  To-night,  about  sundown,  you 
will  reach  a  nice  spring.  Sleep  and  hobble  your  horses  there;  and  when 
you  get  up  to-morrow,  you  will  see  another  horse  there,  with  big  ears. 
That  is  a  mule."  —  "  Big  ears?"  asked  the  boy.  "What  kind  of  an 
animal  was  that  which  cried  'WuuuuQuuua!'  last  night?  Was  that 
a  mule  ?  "  —  "Yes,  he  smelled  your  horses  a  long  ways  off.  He  smelled 
your  track  and  followed  it,  and  he  will  follow  your  pack-horse  and  stay 
with  you  all  the  time.  Catch  him  and  try  a  saddle  on  him.  Break 
him,  and  he  will  be  gentle  and  go  well.  Then  pack  him  the  next  time, 
for  he  will  make  a  good  pack-animal.  Five  sleeps  farther  you  will 
probably  find  a  house.  You  will  get  married  and  stay  one  moon. 
Then  come  back  and  see  me,  for  I  will  look  for  you.  If  you  do  not 
come,  I  will  go  after  you  to  see  why  you  are  lost."  —  "All  right," 
said  the  boy.  and  he  went  on. 

That  night  he  slept  at  the  spring.  He  hobbled  his  horses  and  built 
a  fire,  and  at  breakfast  he  saw  a  big  brown  horse  with  big  ears.  He 
looked  around,  and  thought,  "That's  a  mule,  a  fine  mule."  Then  he 
packed  his  pack-horse.  The  first  time  the  mule  saw  the  man,  he  was 
very  much  afraid;  but  he  watched  the  packing,  and  followed  behind 
all  day.  Now  he  was  no  longer  afraid,  and  came  up  close.  Next 
morning  after  camping,  the  boy  got  breakfast  and  caught  his  horses. 
The  mule  smelled  the  saddle  and  blew  "Pf^,  w!"  He  was  not  afraid 
now.  The  boy  saddled  his  horse  and  made  a  little  corral.  He  led  the 
horses  into  the  corral,  and  the  mule  followed.  Then  he  caught  the 
mule,  patted  and  stroked  him,  and  put  a  saddle  on  him.  The  mule 
bucked  at  first,  but  soon  quieted.  They  travelled  thus  all  day,  and  the 
next  day  he  packed  the  mule.  He  killed  a  buffalo  and  packed  it  on 
the  mule.  It  was  a  big  pack;  and  he  said,  "  Possibly  some  Utes  will 


350  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

see  me  a  long  ways  off  with  two  horses  and  a  pack-mule,  and  they  will 
think  well  of  me." 

In  five  days  more  he  saw  many  tepees  and  houses,  and  many  people. 
He  went  up  to  the  houses,  and  met  the  people,  and  all  the  Utes  came 
around.  "He  has  two  pack-horses,"  they  said.  "Why  is  that?  That 
one  is  a  wild  mule.  Nobody  could  catch  him,  he  was  so  wild."  Some 
of  the  young  men  asked  him,  "Why  have  you  come  here?"  — "Oh, 
I  came  to  see  some  girls,"  he  said,  and  he  went  to  the  head  chief's 
house  and  stayed  with  the  chief.  One  of  the  young  men  told  him, 
"That  house  has  three  nice  girls;  that  one,  two;  that  one,  one, — 
all  nice  girls  and  not  married." 

The  boy  stood  in  the  doorway  with  Yellow-Hat's  yellow  blankets 
around  him.  Two  of  the  girls  said,  "He  is  not  like  our  men.  What 
tribe  does  he  belong  to  ?  He  is  not  married,  and  he  must  be  rich,  for 
he  has  a  pack-mule,  pack-horse,  and  saddle-horse,  and  nice  blankets. 
We  will  ask  our  brothers  to  go  to  see  him  to-morrow." 

The  brothers  came  to  see  the  boy  the  next  day.  They  came  in  and 
shook  hands  with  him,  and  looked  him  over.  He  had  a  nice  gold  ring, 
arm-bands,  and  other  ornaments,  and  a  fine  blanket.  He  was  a  good- 
looking  man.  They  returned  and  told  their  sisters  that  he  was  a  good 
man,  with  a  gold  ring,  arm-bands,  and  other  ornaments.  "  Is  that  so  ?  " 
said  the  girls;  and  they  said  to  their  brothers,  "Ask  him  to  come  here. 
We  want  to  see  him."  The  brothers  went  to  the  boy,  and  said,  "Our 
sisters  want  to  see  you."  —  "All  right,"  said  he,  "I'll  have  supper 
pretty  soon,  and  then  I'll  come  to  see  them." 

After  supper  he  asked  the  other  Indians,  "What  kind  of  girls  are 
they  ? "  —  "They  are  nice  girls,"  they  said.  " They  do  not  like  men." 
—  "All  right,"  said  he,  "I'll  go  over."  The  girls  combed  their  hair 
and  got  well  dressed.  They  shook  hands  with  him,  and  said,  "You 
had  better  sit  down  here."  Then  they  looked  him  over,  and  thought 
he  was  a  fine  man,  with  nice  earrings,  rings,  arm-bands,  and  yellow 
blanket.  They  liked  him,  and  said,  "Which  one  of  us  do  you  like 
best?"  —  "I  don't  know."  — "Do  you  like  both  of  us?"  He  thought 
he  did,  so  the  girls  told  all  their  relatives  to  come  and  look  him  over. 
"How  do  you  like  him?  "they  asked.  "Very  well,"  they  all  said.  "He 
is  a  good  man,  and  has  got  good  horses,  mules,  and  other  things.  He 
is  rich." 

The  girls  said  to  him,  "You  had  better  stay  here  to-night."  They 
quickly  fixed  up  a  bed,  and  he  slept  with  them.  When  he  woke  up, 
he  went  over  to  the  chief's  house  for  breakfast.  "Why  doesn't 
he  eat  breakfast  here?"  said  the  girls,  and  they  sent  their  brothers 
to  tell  him  to  come  back  to  breakfast.  So  he  came  back  and  had  some 
more  to  eat.  He  married  both  of  the  girls,  and  stayed  there  a  long 
time.   He  hunted  buffalo  with  the  pack-mule  —  hunted  all  the  time, 


Myths  of  the  Uintah  Utes  351 

and  gave  his  wives  and  brothers  plenty  to  eat,  —  antelope,  deer,  moun- 
tain-sheep, buffalo,  and  other  animals. 

More  than  a  month  passed,  and  he  went  out  on  the  hills  to  kill 
buft'alo.  He  tied  his  horse,  fired  a  log,  and  skinned  and  cooked  the 
buffalo.  The  Crow  came  flying  along,  crying,  "Ka,  ka!  What's  the 
reason  he  does  not  come  ?  "  he  thought.  Then  he  saw  a  fire  far  off,  and 
flew  towards  it.  "Maybe  it  is  he!"  he  thought,  and  flew  fast.  The 
boy  saw  him,  and  said,  "That  looks  like  the  Crow."  —  "Ka,  ka!"  — 
"Well,  Crow,"  he  said,  "help  yourself.  Are  you  tired ?"  —  " Yes,  I 
am  tired,  for  I  have  come  a  long  ways.  I've  been  hunting  for  you,  for 
you  did  not  come  back  as  I  told  you  to  do.  Are  you  married?  "  —  "Yes. 
I  married  two  girls  long  ago.  My  wife  will  have  a  child  soon.  Pretty 
soon  it  will  be  born.  I  am  hunting  buffalo  now. "  —  "All  right,"  said 
the  Crow.  "I  will  go  home  now.  When  are  you  going  home?"  — 
"Pretty  soon."  Then  the  Crow  cried,  "Ka,  ka!"  and  flew  back  home. 
Coyote  came  to  see  him,  and  asked  him,  "How  's  my  boy?  Have  you 
seen  him  ?  "  —  "Yes,  I  saw  him  a  short  while  ago  when  he  went  travel- 
ling. I  told  him  all  about  the  mule,  and  he  packed  him.  Now  he  has 
a  good  mule." 

Soon  the  two  wives  had  children,  —  a  boy  and  a  girl.  The  father 
took  the  boy  and  his  mother  to  see  Coyote.  "We  will  go  and  see  our 
Bear,"  he  told  the  baby.  "  I  have  a  Bear  at  home."  —  "Why  has  he  a 
Bear?"  all  the  people  asked.  "That  is  rather  strange!  Howcouldhe 
catch  him  ?  We  are  all  afraid  of  Bears,  because  they  scratch,  bite, 
and  kill  everything.  What  kind  of  a  man  is  he  ?"  One  chief  said,  "I 
think  he  is  called  Coyote;  I  know  all  about  his  father,  and  I  think 
this  is  his  boy." 

The  boy  started  out,  but  was  soon  met  by  the  Crow,  who  had  looked 
around  on  the  road  and  seen  many  Sioux  coming  for  a  fight.  He  knew 
all  about  the  Sioux,  and  they  saw  him,  so  he  returned  to  tell  the  boy. 
"You  had  better  not  go  that  way.  The  Sioux  are  there,"  he  told  him. 
The  boy  came  up,  and  saw  the  Sioux  in  the  road;  so  he  went  back 
quickly  and  told  the  Utes,  "The  Sioux  are  coming!"  All  the  Utes 
quickly  got  their  horses.  "Go  and  watch  them,"  he  told  the  Crow, 
"and  I  will  tell  the  people."  So  the  Crow  went  back  to  watch. 

Next  morning  the  boy  killed  three  buffalo  about  fifteen  miles  away 
from  the  town,  and  packed  the  meat  home.  The  Crow  watched  the 
Sioux  coming;  they  came  up  to  where  the  buffalo  had  been  killed. 
"  They  are  well  skinned,"  they  said.  "What  kind  of  a  man  killed  them  ? 
Ute?  Coyote?  Let's  follow  the  tracks  back!  He  has  a  mule  and  a 
horse.  What  tribe  can  he  belong  to  ?  Ute  ?  White  Man  ?  Crow  ? 
Snake?  Bannock?  What  tribe?"  Then  they  followed  the  mule's 
tracks  and  came  within  ten  miles  of  the  town,  the  Crow  watching  them 
closely.  The  Utes  fixed  their  bows  and  arrows,  and  went  out  to  fight, 


352  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

and  there  was  a  big  fight.  Coyote's  boy  fought  too,  and  was  not 
afraid.  He  was  a  good  shot,  and  killed  many  Sioux;  and  they  said, 
"What  tribe  is  he  from  ?  Ute  ?  He  is  a  good  shot,  and  has  a  fine  bay- 
horse.   We  can't  hit  him." 

Next  morning  they  fought  again,  and  many  Sioux  were  killed. 
"What  kind  of  a  man  is  he?"  they  exclaimed.  "He  comes  close  and 
beats  all  the  Sioux."  Now  more  Sioux  came  up.  "One  man  is  very 
fast,"  the  old  chief  told  them.  "Hekilledmany  of  my  people."  — "Oh, 
I'll  kill  him  surely!"  said  the  new  chief. 

The  boy  rode  the  mule  in  battle  next  time,  and  he  had  a  spear. 
"What  tribe  can  he  belong  to?"  said  the  Sioux.  "He  has  a  mule! 
We  never  saw  that  before.  He  is  the  same  man,  and  a  good  fighter." 
Three  times  the  Sioux  came,  and  they  were  nearly  all  killed.  They  and 
the  Utes  each  held  a  council.  The  boy  told  the  Utes,  "Let 's  surround 
them! "  and  they  did  it.  Few  Sioux  were  left,  and  they  dug  holes  with 
their  knives,  and  hid  in  them,  and  cried. 

Two  days  and  two  nights  they  stayed  there,  and  they  were  hungry 
and  thirsty.  At  last  the  Sioux  chief  said,  "I'm  thirsty;  let's  quit 
fighting  and  be  friends!"  Then  he  came  up  and  talked  to  the  Ute 
chiefs,  and  they  shook  hands  and  embraced.  "There  must  be  no 
more  fighting,"  they  said.  "All  people  must  be  friends,  every  tribe,  — 
Crow,  Arapaho,  Comanche,  Snake,  all  of  them."  —  "All  right,"  said 
the  Sioux  chief,  and  he  went  back  and  talked  to  his  people.  "Let's 
quit  fighting,"  he  said.  Then  they  shook  hands  with  all  the  Utes. 
"Well,  we  will  let  you  go  home,"  said  the  Utes,  "and  we  will  give 
you  something  to  eat."  So  they  went  up  to  the  town.  The  Sioux 
were  very  hungry,  so  the  Utes  gave  them  plenty  of  water,  good  fat 
meat,  and  blankets  to  keep  them  warm  on  the  way  home.  They  gave 
them  leggings,  moccasins,  and  dresses.  Nearly  all  of  them  were  killed. 
"There  must  be  no  more  fighting,"  they  said.  The  Utes  gave  them 
arrows  and  other  things.  "We  are  nearly  all  killed,"  said  the  chief. 
"That  is  pretty  bad.  We  want  some  of  you  to  come  and  visit  the 
Sioux." 

About  twenty  of  the  Utes  went  home  with  the  Sioux,  and  Coyote's 
boy  went  along.  They  killed  plenty  of  deer  and  buffalo  on  the  way. 
They  went  to  the  Sioux  tepees,  and  the  Sioux  looked  around  and  sang. 
Then  the  Crow  came  flying  up.  "We  killed  the  Sioux  and  became 
friends,"  the  boy  told  him,  "and  we  went  home  with  them.  Maybe 
they  will  kill  us  over  here.  I  will  be  back  in  one  moon;  but  if  I  don't 
come,  come  here  after  me.   Go  and  tell  Coyote." 

The  Crow  flew  back  and  told  Coyote,  "Your  boy  fought  with  the 
Sioux.  I  told  him  about  them.  It  was  a  big  fight,  and  they  killed 
nearly  all.  The  Sioux  dug  holes;  and  the  rest  said,  'Let 's  be  friends! ' " 
He  told  Coyote  all  about  it,  and  Coyote  said,  "All  right.   You  had 


Myths  oj  the  Uintah  Utes  353 

better  look  after  him,  and  let  me  know  what  you  find  out."  So  the 
Crow  flew  back  to  the  Sioux  country.  The  boy  went  around  and  shook 
hands  with  all  the  Sioux.  There  was  much  crying,  and  many  of  the 
Sioux  were  saying,  "They  killed  my  brother,  my  father;  he  says  he 
killed  my  relatives,  and  I  want  to  kill  him."  But  the  rest  said,  "No, 
we  made  friends.  We  said,  'We  must  have  no  more  fighting,'  and 
shook  hands.  Now  all  tribes  can  marry  into  other  tribes,  and  there  is 
no  more  trouble,  no  more  fighting."  —  "All  right,"  said  the  others, 
and  they  passed  around  and  smoked  the  long  pipes  in  council.  "All 
right,  we  will  be  friends,"  said  the  Sioux.  "We  will  give  you  horses  and 
other  things;"  and  they  gave  the  Utes  bead-work,  porcupine-quill- 
work,  moccasins,  leggings,  and  many  other  objects,  which  the  Utes 
took  home  to  their  friends. 

The  boy  now  took  his  wife  and  child  to  see  his  Bear.  "Halloo,  my 
Bear!"  he  said.  Now  the  Bear  was  well  and  quite  large.  "Maybe 
you  could  throw  down  Mountain-Lion  now.  Do  you  think  so  ?"  — 
"Yes."  Then  the  boy  took  the  child  to  his  grandmother.  "I  want  to 
take  the  Bear  along  and  hunt  a  mate,"  he  said.  "Maybe  we  will  get 
some  little  Bears  soon."  So  they  went  out  hunting,  and  killed  some 
deer.  "You  had  better  stay  here  while  I  kill  some  more,"  he  said. 
Another  day  he  did  the  same  thing.  The  Bear  fell  asleep;  but  when 
another  Bear  came  up,  they  played  together,  and  ran  off.  When  the 
boy  came  back,  he  said,  "Where  is  my  Bear?  She  is  gone."  Then  he 
went  home,  thinking  he  would  get  some  little  Bears  soon.  Soon  he 
went  hunting  again,  and  killed  a  couple  of  deer.  While  he  left  them 
and  went  after  others,  the  Bears  came  up,  ate  some  of  the  deer,  and 
lay  down.  When  the  boy  returned,  he  found  the  Bears  there.  The 
other  Bear  ran  away,  but  his  Bear  stayed.  "Halloo,  Bear!  are  you 
staying  here  ?"  —  "Yes."  So  he  took  her  home,  and  in  the  spring  he 
had  two  little  Bears.  Soon  they  grew  up.  One  of  them  went  out  to 
seek  a  male  Bear,  and  presently  they  had  many  Bears.  All  the  people 
came  to  see  them.  They  hurt  nobody,  but  ate  service-berries.  When 
the  httle  Bears  came  back,  the  boy  put  them  all  in  a  corral.  Then  he 
spoke  to  the  Bears,  "You  had  better  hunt  for  things  to  eat,  but  don't 
hurt  anybody.  When  people  kill  deer,  you  can  eat  the  bones  and  parts 
they  leave." 

One  day  the  boy  went  hunting  with  the  pack-mule,  and  killed  a 
buffalo.  ThentheCrowcameflyingup,"Ka,ka!"  —  " Halloo, Crow!" 
said  he.  "Halloo!"  said  the  Crow.  "I  think  you  will  kill  two  big 
buffalo  now.  Then  look  around,  and  you  will  see  something  that 
looks  like  a  mule's  track.  Then  go  home.  Four  or  five  days  after  that, 
come  back  and  bring  a  mare  along.  Camp  over  there  by  the  spring, 
and  tie  the  mare.  When  you  get  up  in  the  morning,  look  around,  and 
you  will  see  an  animal  with  big  ears  like  a  mule,  big  head,  roan  back, 


354  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

black  hair,  and  white  breast.  Maybe  he  will  cry.  He  will  like  your 
mare,  so  don't  drive  him  off,  but  let  him  alone.  Hunt  buffalo  and 
pack  it,  and  let  him  follow  behind  you  home.  He  is  Jackass,  and  he 
raises  mules.  I  have  known  all  about  that  for  a  long  time.  Next 
spring  a  little  mule  will  come,  and  then  many  Httle  mules.  Jackasses 
make  mules;  horses  make  only  horses,  no  mules.  You  will  get  plenty 
of  pack-mules,  and  people  will  buy  them."  —  "All  right,"  said  the 
boy,  and  he  did  so,  and  bred  a  mule.  Then  he  got  plenty  of  mares 
and  raised  many  mules.  He  drove  them  over  to  the  spring  and 
branded  and  corralled  them.  Then  the  other  people  came  around. 
"How  does  he  get  so  many  mules  and  horses  ?"  they  asked.  Some  of 
them  wanted  to  buy,  and  offered  him  buffalo  blankets  and  other 
things.  He  had  plenty  of  money,  so  he  sold  them  for  bead-work,  por- 
cupine-quill-work, leggings,  moccasins,  dresses,  and  such  things.  Soon 
he  had  plenty  of  them. 

Again  the  boy  went  hunting,  and  met  the  Crow.  "Pretty  soon 
you  will  go  hunting  again,"  he  told  him.  "Take  your  wife  and  child 
along,  and  make  a  camp;  and  when  you  wake  up,  you  will  find  some- 
thing." The  boy  went  home,  and  said  to  his  wife,  "Let  us  go  hunting! " 
When  they  camped,  the  Crow  came  flying  up.  "Well,  are  you  going 
to  camp  here  ? " —  "Yes,  I  will  kill  deer,  and  give  you  all  you  want  to 
eat."  —  "Well,"  said  the  Crow,  "plant  two  stakes  in  the  ground,  and 
put  two  across  them,  and  you  will  see  something  in  the  morning." 
The  boy  did  so;  and  his  wife  said,  "Why  are  you  doing  that?"  —  "I 
don't  know,  but  Crow  knows,  and  we  will  soon."  Then  they  went 
to  sleep.  Early  in  the  morning  he  looked  out,  but  saw  nothing, 
and  went  to  sleep  again;  but  at  daybreak  he  heard  "A^  uauu!"  and 
"Kwa,  kwa!"  and  when  he  looked  out,  he  saw  some  birds  with  fine 
feathers  and  tails,  and  long  necks.  "What  kind  of  birds  are  they?"  he 
cried.  Then  he  went  out  hunting,  and  left  his  wife  at  home.  He  killed 
and  skinned  a  deer,  and  then  the  Crow  came  up.  The  boy  said,  "We 
heard  some  fine  birds  cr}ing,  which  had  red  heads  and  long  legs.  One 
large  one  cried, '  A^  uuuu! '  The  smaller  ones  cried,  '  Kwa,  kwa ! ' "  — 
"They  are  chickens,"  said  the  Crow.  "The  other  is  a  rooster.  Feed 
them  something,  wheat  possibly.  Have  you  any  wheat  ?  No  ?  Well, 
give  them  corn  or  bread.  Look  around  in  the  excrement,  and  you  wdll 
find  some  seeds.  Put  them  in  the  ground,  and  put  some  water  on 
them,  and  wheat  will  grow.  Get  the  seeds  in  the  chicken  excrement. 
You  may  get  corn  and  wheat  there.  Next  time  plant  in  more,  and 
next  spring  you  will  get  much.  You  will  get  more  each  year.  Feed 
the  chickens  well,  and  make  a  Httle  house  for  them  to  sleep  in  at 
night.  Don't  bother  them;  but  when  you  hear  a  chicken  cry,  go 
down  and  look,  for  there  is  an  egg  there."  The  boy  fed  them  well, 
and  found  eggs  every  day;  and  after  a  while  little  chickens  came. 


Myths  of  the  Uintah  Utes  355 

These  grew,  and  soon  they  had  plenty  of  chickens,  roosters,  and  eggs. 
The  boy's  wife  cooked  the  eggs,  and  they  ate  them.  They  raised  corn, 
wheat,  melons,  squashes,  carrots,  turnips,  and  other  vegetables. 
One  day  the  girls'  two  brothers  said,  "Let 's  go  and  see  our  sister." 

—  "All  right,"  said  their  parents;  so  they  killed  a  buffalo,  and  dried 
the  meat  and  packed  it.  Then  they  travelled  along  till  they  found 
the  mule's  track;  and  one  said,  "Here  is  his  track;  he  hunted  buffalo 
and  killed  one  here;  he  camped  over  there.  This  is  my  sister's  track; 
I  know  it.  We  will  go  on.  Here  are  two  children's  tracks,  —  one 
little,  one  big.  Well,  I  guess  I  am  an  uncle  now!  I  think  this  oldest  one 
is  a  boy,  the  little  one  a  girl.  All  right,  we  are  uncles  now!  That  is 
nice.  1  would  like  to  see  those  children  and  kiss  them."  Then  they 
followed  the  track  until  they  came  to  the  camp,  and  hurried  to  the 
house  to  see  their  sister.  One  looked  behind  the  house,  and  he  was  very 
much  scared  by  the  Bear  there.  He  stopped.  Then  they  heard  many 
noises, "  A*  uuuu ! ' '  and ' '  Kwa,  kwa ! "  —  "  What  kind  of  a  noise  is  that  ? 
What  kind  of  birds  are  they?  Crows?  We  never  heard  that  noise 
before!"  They  saw  many  birds  with  long  necks  and  tails  and  red 
heads,  black,  white,  roan,  and  all  colors.  "What  kind  of  birds  are 
they  ?"  they  asked.  The  two  children  then  ran  in  the  door  and  told 
their  mother,  "Two  men  are  coming."  She  saw  them,  and  said, 
"  These  are  your  uncles.  —  Come  on,  brothers!  Hurry!"  They  came 
in  and  sat  down.  "Halloo,  uncles ! "  cried  the  children.  "  We  are  glad 
to  see  you."  —  "It  feels  good  to  see  you,"  said  the  boys,  and  they 
kissed  the  children. 

"We  want  to  go  and  hunt,"  said  the  boys.  "All  right,"  said  Coy- 
ote's boy,  and  they  took  a  pack-horse  and  went  out  and  killed  some 
deer.  The  boys  saw  all  the  mules,  and  said,  "What  is  the  reason  he 
has  so  many  mules?"  They  saw  the  jackass,  and  said,  "What  kind  of 
a  horse  is  that?"  —  "Oh,  that  is  a  jackass."  They  liked  to  stay  with 
their  sister.  They  saw  the  chickens,  and  asked,  "What  are  these?" 

—  "  They  are  chickens.  They  make  eggs,  and  are  good  eating."  The 
boys  ate  some,  and  thought  them  good.  They  stayed  there  a  year 
and  hunted  often.  "Well, we  must  go  home  and  see  our  father," they 
said  at  last.  "All  right,"  said  Coyote's  boy,  "I  will  see  you  again. 
Come  again ! "  —  "  Oh,  it  is  too  far ! "  said  they.  "You  had  better  each 
ride  a  horse  and  take  a  pack-mule,"  he  told  them.  "Take  some  food, 
so  you  will  not  be  hungry.  Then  you  can  kill  buffalo  easily.  Take 
horses;  that  is  the  best  way.  Walking  is  not  good;  it  hurts  your  legs." 
He  gave  them  horses,  mules,  pack-saddles,  and  blankets,  and  they 
started  off.  They  hunted  buffalo  with  their  horses  on  the  way  home, 
and  packed  the  meat  and  hide.  They  had  many  sleeps  on  the  way,  but 
at  last  got  home.  All  the  people  looked  them  over  and  said,  "They  are 
good  fellows.  They  have  two  fine  horses,  a  pack-mule,  and  blankets." 


356  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

The  boys  hunted  often,  and  with  their  horses  they  killed  buffalo  easily, 
and  packed  the  meat.  The  Utes  thought  that  way  best. 

Coyote's  boy  went  hunting  again.  He  had  killed  a  buffalo  when  the 
Crow  came  up.  "Crow,  my  friend,"  he  said,  "take  all  you  want  and 
eat  it.  Tell  me,  what  shall  I  do  ?"  —  "  Go  and  hunt,"  said  the  Crow, 
"and  kill  some  buffalo.  Then  go  home  and  stay  three  or  five  days,  and 
come  to  hunt  again.  I  will  see  you  then  and  talk  to  you."  The  boy 
did  so.  He  came  hunting  again,  and  met  the  Crow.  "Are  you  hungry, 
my  friend  Crow  ?  "  —  "  Ye,  ye,  ye ! "  Then  he  flew  up  and  said,  "  Well, 
I  just  saw  another  kind  of  a  buffalo.  Go  and  get  all  your  horses,  and 
I  will  show  you  another  kind,  called  cow.  They  are  of  all  colors,  — 
red,  yellow,  and  black.  You  can  chase  them  and  drive  them,  but  first 
fix  a  corral."  —  "All  right,"  said  the  boy,  "let's  fix  a  corral!"  and 
they  made  one.  Then  the  Crow  showed  him  the  cows.  "Do  you  see 
them?  Do  you  think  they  are  buffalo?"  —  "No."  —  "You  had 
better  drive  them  in.  Drive  them  hard,  for  they  are  wild."  Then  the 
boy  drove  them  all  in,  —  calves,  yearHngs,  and  all.  "Mu,  mu! "  they 
cried.  "The  Indians  call  them  q'u'tcumpunq'^,  white  people  call 
them  cow,"  said  the  Crow.  "All  right."  —  "Coyote  knows  all  about 
them,"  said  the  Crow.  The  boy  drove  themall  home.  "Youhad  better 
make  some  steers,"  the  Crow  told  him.  "Cut  their  testes  off,  and 
they  will  grow  fat.  Leave  three  or  four  bulls,  and  tie  up  the  calves  and 
milk  them."  The  boy  did  so.  He  did  not  do  it  well  the  first  time,  but 
the  second  time  he  learned  how.  He  gelded  some  to  make  them  fat 
steers;  and  he  milked  the  cows,  and  killed  the  steers  and  skinned  them. 
They  ate  the  meat  and  thought  it  nice.  Coyote  came  to  him  and  said, 
"You  had  better  make  some  dry  meat.  Hammer  it  and  make  it  good. 
Then  it  won't  spoil."  Soon  he  had  plenty  of  cows  and  herds.  Coyote 
came  to  visit  his  grandchildren  and  his  boy.  "How  did  you  know  how 
to  get  the  bear,  horse,  mule,  cows,  jackass,  and  chickens?"  —  "Oh, 
the  Crow  told  me,  and  now  I  know  how."  —  "Is  that  so!" 

Again  the  boy  went  out  to  hunt  deer  and  mountain-sheep;  and 
when  he  camped,  the  Crow  came  up.  "You  had  better  go  into  the 
canyon,"  he  said.  "You  will  see  something  over  there."  They  went 
to  the  canyon,  and  saw  two  animals  rooting  in  the  ground.  "What 
kind  of  animals  are  they  ? "  the  boy  asked.  "They  are  pigs,  and  good 
to  eat.  Feed  them,  and  make  them  fat."  —  "  But  they  are  too  wild," 
said  the  boy;  "  I  could  n't  hold  them."  Then  he  built  a  corral  and  drove 
them  in,  and  then  drove  them  home  before  him.  "Ump,  ump,ump!" 
they  cried.  He  made  a  pen  out  of  logs,  and  put  them  in  and  fed  them 
anything,  and  soon  he  had  many  little  pigs.  He  killed  and  ate  them, 
for  they  were  fat  and  good  to  eat.  He  tried  out  the  fat  and  made  lard. 

The  boy  went  out  to  hunt  long-tailed  deer.  In  the  willows  he  killed 
two;  and  then  the  Crow  came  up,  crying.    "Are  you  hungry?"  — 


Myths  of  the  Uintah  Utes  357 

"Yes."  — "Very  hungry  ?"  —  " Yes."  —  "Well,  help  yourself."  The 
Crow  jumped  on  the  deer's  head  and  looked  at  the  eye.  "I  will  give 
you  the  ribs,"  said  the  boy.  "  There  is  no  meat  on  the  head."  —  "No, 
I  like  the  eye  best,"  said  the  Crow,  and  he  ate  it.  "I  will  tell  you  some- 
thing another  time,"  he  said  to  him. 

The  Crow  flew  all  around,  and  found  a  fine  lake.  When  he  went 
there,  he  saw  plenty  of  fish,  big  ones,  some  long,  some  round,  some 
small.  The  next  time  the  boy  came  hunting,  he  told  him,  "I  saw  fish 
over  at  a  lake.  You  had  better  go  over  there,  and  maybe  you  can 
kill  them  and  eat  them.  Take  arrows  and  put  long  points  on  them. 
Shoot  the  fish  and  eat  them."  So  the  boy  went  to  the  lake  and  the 
big  springs.  He  twisted  horse-hair  and  fixed  an  iron  hook  on  the  end. 
Then  he  tied  it  to  a  stick  and  put  a  fly  on  the  hook;  and  when  the 
fish  bit,  he  pulled  them  out  and  killed  them.  That  is  the  best  way. 
Many  times  he  tried  this,  and  caught  and  killed  plenty.  He  carried 
the  fish  home  with  him,  and  told  his  wife  and  child,  "I  will  go  and 
see  Yellow-Hat  and  take  him  some  fish."  He  knocked  on  the  door. 
"Halloo,  my  grandchild!"  —  "Halloo,  Yellow-Hat!  You  must  taste 
this  fish."— "What  is  its  name?"— "Payo."—"  All  right,  I  will  taste 
it.  It  is  good.  Where  did  you  get  it?"  —  "In  a  lake."  —  "I  never 
saw  that  before.  I  will  go  along  with  you  and  see  it;"  and  Yellow- 
Hat  went  to  the  boy's  home.  He  looked  all  around.  "Where  did  you 
get  this  chicken,  this  buffalo,  this  calf  ?  What  kind  of  an  animal  is 
that?"  —  "That  is  a  pig."  He  saw  the  Jackass  too.  "Where  did  you 
get  all  these  animals?"  he  asked.   "Oh,  I  got  them." 

One  night  he  stayed  at  the  house,  and  then  went  to  see  the  fish. 
They  camped  at  the  lake,  twisted  horse-hair  and  went  fishing.  "Now, 
watch  me!"  the  boy  said,  and  Yellow-Hat  watched  the  boy  pull  out 
a  fish.  "Let  me  try  it!"  said  Yellow-Hat.  He  threw  in,  and  a  fish  bit; 
but  he  pulled  so  hard  that  the  hook  broke.  "That  is  not  right,"  said 
the  boy.  "You  pulled  too  hard.  Pull  slowly."  The  next  time  Yellow- 
Hat  pulled  slowly.  Then  the  hook  pulled  out,  and  the  fish  escaped. 
"You  pulled  too  slowly.  Pull  faster.  Watch  me!"  —  "All  right,  I'll 
do  it."  This  time  he  pulled  the  fish  up  into  the  air  and  tried  to  seize 
it.  "Why  did  you  do  that?"  the  boy  asked.  "Let  him  fall  on  the 
ground."  —  "I  was  afraid  he  would  run  into  the  lake  again."  They 
caught  some  more,  and  cooked  and  ate  them. 

"Well,  I  think  I  will  get  a  big  grasshopper  and  catch  a  big  fish," 
said  Yellow-Hat;  and  he  tied  several  lines  together  to  catch  a  fish  in 
deep  water.  Then  he  threw  it  far  out,  and  a  big  fish  caught  it.  Yellow- 
Hat  pulled  hard;  but  the  fish  would  not  budge,  and  the  line  broke. 
"That  must  be  a  big  fish,"  he  said.  "I  cannot  lift  him.  I  thought 
there  might  be  a  big  one  over  there."  Then  they  went  home  again, 
and  Yellow-Hat  said,  "Let  us  twist  a  big  horse-tail,  and  get  a  strong 


358  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

line  and  a  big  hook! "  So  they  went  again.  At  first  they  caught  Httle 
fish.  Then  they  tied  the  strong  Hne  on  a  big  pole,  and  put  the  big  hook 
on  it  with  some  meat.  They  threw  it  into  deep  water,  and  the  big 
fish  bit  it.  Yellow-Hat  pulled.  Then  the  fish  pulled,  and  he  pulled 
Yellow-Hat  into  the  water.  He  blew,  and  let  go  of  the  pole.  "What's 
the  matter  ?  "  said  the  boy.  "  Your  hne  is  gone  way  down  in  the  lake." 
They  made  another  strong  line  like  that,  and  hammered  sticks  into 
the  ground.  They  fastened  the  line  to  the  sticks  and  threw  it  out  into 
the  water.  The  big  fish  seized  it  and  ran,  but  could  not  get  away;  so 
they  brought  a  mule,  and  tied  the  line  to  his  saddle  and  led  him.  But 
the  fish  pulled  the  mule  into  the  lake.  The  saddle  pulled  off,  and  the 
mule  swam  back.  ''Well,  let  him  go!"  they  said,  and  went  back 
home.  "  That  fish  nearly  drowned  me,"  said  Yellow-Hat.  "What  shall 
Ido?" 

"What  is  the  reason  we  are  all  afraid  of  water  now?"  said  Yellow- 
Hat  one  day.  "We  used  to  swim  in  the  lake,  but  now  we  are  afraid! 
Go  down  and  look  around;  and  if  you  see  the  fish,  swim  out  to  him." 
Coyote's  boy  swam  out  with  his  rock  knife  in  his  hand,  and  the  big 
fish  jumped  at  him  and  swallowed  him.^  He  took  him  down  into  his 
stomach.  It  was  very  hot  in  there.  Then  the  boy  cut  his  stomach 
open  with  the  stone  knife.  ^  He  cut  a  hole  in  its  side  and  escaped.  The 
fish  thrashed  the  water  and  died.  It  floated  on  the  top  of  the  water, 
for  Coyote's  boy  had  killed  it.  "You  had  better  swim  out  and  put  a 
rope  in  its  mouth,"  he  said  to  a  young  Nowintc.  He  swam  out  with  a 
long  rope  and  tied  it  in  the  fish's  mouth.  All  the  people  pulled  it 
ashore,  for  it  was  a  very  big  fish.  They  skinned  it,  and  packed  the  meat 
on  mules,  brought  it  home,  and  ate  it.  The  bones  they  left  behind.^ 

27.    TWO   BROTHERS   AND  A   " DEVIL " 

Two  brothers  said,  "Let  us  go  and  visit!"  ^  One  of  them  said, 
"Well,  I  think  I  will  go  and  kill  something."  ^  —  "What  kind  of  an 
animal  will  you  kill?"  asked  his  brother.  "Oh,  you  will  see  about 
it  soon."  Then  they  went  up  to  a  big  lake,  and  looked  closely  around 
the  trees.  The  older  brother  said,  "Walk  over  there  and  cry  "Hu,ha!" 
over  the  lake.  An  animal  is  over  the  lake,  and  he  will  swim  across. 
Sit  down  in  a  little  hole,  so  that  he  will  not  see  you,  and  I  will  kill 
him  from  near  by."  —  "  No,"  said  his  younger  brother.  "  My  brother, 
do  you  go  up  in  the  hole.  I  will  sit  here  and  surely  kill  him."  —  "No, 
you  might  be  afraid."  —  "No,  I  will  not  be  afraid.   I  will  surely  kill 

*  Dorsey  and  Kroeber,  /.  c,  p.  iii;  Wissler  and  Duvall,  /.  c,  p.  56. 

2  Cf.  Spinden,  /.  c,  p.  14.  '  Told  by  John  Duncan. 

■•  This  and  the  following  myth  were  incorporated  by  the  informant  at  the  end  of  the 
preceding  story,  and  evidently  understood  by  him  as  a  part  of  it.  They  have  bee"  ^'•'^^t'-a- 
rily  separated,  as  the  connection  is  not  evident. 

*  Kroeber,  /.  c,  p.  278;  Boas,  Kaihlamet  Texts,  pp.  103-113,  129-141. 


Myths  of  the  Uintah  Utes  359 

him."  —  "Well,  all  right,  but  be  sure  to  kill  him,  and  do  not  run 
away."  —  "All  right,  I  am  not  afraid."  The  younger  one  made  a 
little  hole  and  a  brush  shelter,  and  hid.  Then  the  older  brother  went 
out  to  cry.  "Hu,  hu!"  he  cried,  and  soon  he  saw  some  antlers  like 
elk-antlers  in  the  lake.  It  was  a  moose.  He  swam  ashore  and  came 
close  to  the  younger  boy,  who  became  frightened  and  ran.  Then  his 
brother  came  up  and  asked,  "What  is  the  matter?"  —  "I  was  afraid. 
He  had  very  big  antlers  like  timber  on  his  head.  I  was  very  much 
frightened,  and  I  ran." 

"Now  I  will  sit  down,"  said  the  older  boy.  "Do  you  go  and  cry." 
—  "No,  I  will  sit  here.  I  am  not  afraid  any  more."  —  "No,  you  are 
afraid.  Go  and  cry!  Why  do  you  keep  talking  when  you  are  afraid  ?" 
They  argued  a  long  time.  "Well,  brother,"  said  the  younger,  "do 
you  go  and  cry.  I  will  not  run  away  any  more,  but  will  kill  him."  — 
"All  right,"  said  the  older  boy,  and  he  went  and  cried  again,  while 
the  younger  boy  hid.  Soon  the  water  moved  again,  and  a  moose  came 
swimming  along.  He  followed  the  same  path,  and  the  boy  was  fright- 
ened again.  "What  kind  of  an  animal  is  that?"  bethought.  "He 
has  a  big  head,  big  antlers,  and  a  big  nose."  Then  he  jumped  up  and 
ran  to  his  brother.    "My  brother,  I  am  very  much  frightened." 

Now  his  brother  was  quite  angry.  "Why  do  you  do  like  this  all 
the  time  ?  "  he  asked.  "Are  you  afraid  ?  Are  you  crazy  ?  You  bad  boy, 
you  are  afraid  of  everything.  You  won't  stay  there  again.  You  must 
go  and  call  now."  So  the  younger  brother  cried,  "Hu,  ha!"  No  moose 
came  for  a  long  time;  but  at  last  the  water  splashed,  and  a  moose  swam 
across.  Each  moose  was  smaller  than  the  one  before.  When  it  came 
close,  the  older  brother  shot  it.  It  ran  a  little  ways,  and  then  fell 
dead. 

Now  it  was  about  sundown.  The  older  boy  skinned  the  moose, 
while  the  younger  one  looked  on.  He  was  still  frightened.  "What 
kind  of  an  animal  is  that  ?  He  has  timber  on  his  head !  W^hat  do  you 
call  that?"  —  "They  are  his  antlers;  he  fights  with  them.  There  are 
many  points  on  them,  and  they  run  close  and  lock  antlers." — "Brother,, 
what  are  these  holes  in  his  nose?"  —  "Oh,  he  smells  with  them."  — 
"What  are  these  ?  "  —  "They  are  his  eyes.  He  has  good  eyes,  and  can 
see  a  long  ways." — "Is  that  so?  Brother,  what  is  this  hole?"  —  "Oh„ 
that  is  his  anus;  he  defecates  there.  When  he  eats  anything,  he  defe- 
cates it  out  from  his  anus."  The  boys  skinned  the  moose,  and  cooked 
and  ate  some  of  the  meat.  "  You  had  better  cook  some  more,"  said  the 
younger  boy.  "No,  you  might  eat  too  much;  you  would  eat  all  night.. 
This  elk  ^  is  not  good;  and  if  you  eat  too  much  elk,  a  devil  will  come 
to-night.-  I  will  sleep  in  a  tree,  for  the  devil  cannot  come  through 
cedars;  heonly  walks  around  on  the  ground.  This  elk  is  not  good,  and 

^  Water  elk?  (moose).  ^  St.  Clair,  I.  c,  p.  272. 


360  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

many  devils  will  come  after  us.  They  catch  men  at  night  and  kill 
them,"  said  the  older  boy,  and  he  climbed  up  in  the  tree  to  sleep. 

But  the  younger  brother  stayed  on  the  ground  and  cooked  and  ate 
elk  all  night.  He  made  a  fire  on  the  ground,  and  said,  "I  will  cook 
and  eat  all  night."  —  ''No,  you  had  better  sleep."  —  "No,  why 
should  I  not  eat?  I  am  hungry."  —  "No,  no!"  said  the  older  boy 
from  the  tree.  "The  Devil  may  catch  you."  —  "What  kind  of  animals 
have  devils?  I  am  hungry."  They  ceased  talking;  and  the  younger 
boy  made  a  fire,  put  a  hind  quarter  in  the  fire,  and  ate  it.  The  bone 
he  put  beside  him,  and  looked  into  the  fire. 

Suddenly  he  heard  somebody  crying  down  at  the  lake.  He  lay 
down  and  thought,  "How long  before  he  will  come  here? "  Then  a  man 
came  and  sat  down  by  the  fire  and  began  to  eat.  The  boy  took  the 
hind-quarter  bone  and  hit  him,  and  knocked  him  down.  "What  are 
you  doing  here  ?  What  kind  of  a  man  are  you  ?  Are  you  hungry?" 
Then  he  gave  him  some  meat,  but  the  man  sat  down  and  did  not 
take  it.  "What  is  the  reason  you  don't  get  it  ?"  said  the  boy.  Then 
the  Devil  knocked  him  down.  The  boy  jumped  up,  but  the  Devil 
seized  him  by  the  scrotum.  "What  are  you  doing?"  cried  the  boy. 
"Me  in  scroto  arripies!  Esne  mulier?  Mulieres  sic  agunt,  non  viri!" 
But  the  Devil  held  on.  "Uuu!"  cried  the  boy.  "Brother!  Hie  Dia- 
bolus  me  in  scroto  tenit  similis  muliere!  Come  on!  Help  me!"  Then 
the  Devil  got  up  and  flew  up  into  the  air  with  him,  holding  him  by 
the  scrotum.     "Brother,  this  bad  man  holds  me  by  the  scrotum! 

0  brother!  Come  on!  He  hurts  me! "  Now  he  was  far  up  in  the  air, 
and  his  brother  could  no  longer  hear  him. 

In  the  morning  the  brother  came  down,  made  a  fire,  and  cooked 
some  meat.    He  thought,  "What  was  the  matter  with  my  brother? 

1  told  him  all  about  this.  He  cooked  and  ate  all  night.  I  told  him 
that  the  Devil  would  eat  him.  That  is  too  bad  to  have  my  brother 
gone.  Wliy  did  he  go  ?  Now  I  am  all  alone.  What  shall  I  do  to  find 
my  brother?" 

Then  he  went  to  the  Mink,  the  Beaver,  and  the  Muskrat.  "You 
had  better  cut  rushes,"  and  they  all  piled  rushes  every  day.  When 
there  was  a  big  pile,  he  burnt  it.  There  was  a  high  fire  and  a  great 
noise,  for  the  boy  thought  he  would  burn  the  Devil  up  in  the  air. 
When  he  went  out  to  walk  and  looked  around,  he  saw  the  Devil- 
ashes  falHng  down.  Then  he  saw  the  Devil's  bones,  and  he  gathered 
them  together.  They  were  big  bones.  At  last  he  saw  some  little  leg- 
bones.  "Maybe  these  are  my  brother's  bones,"  he  thought.  Then 
he  gathered  them  carefully  and  cleaned  them.  He  got  all  his  brother's 
bones,  burnt  them,  and  placed  them  in  order  on  the  shore  of  the  lake. 
"I  will  try  it,"  he  said. 

He  went  home  to  his  mother,  and  said,  "My  brother  is  gone.   A 


Myths  of  the  Uintah  Utes  361 

Devil  got  him,  but  I  burnt  him.  I  saw  all  the  bones,  and  some  looked 
like  my  brother's  bones,  so  I  piled  them  close  to  the  lake."  Then  he 
went  back  and  looked  at  the  bones,  but  they  were  still  there  in  the 
same  place.  He  came  home  and  slept,  waited  a  couple  of  days,  and 
then  went  to  the  lake  again  to  see  how  the  bones  were.  When  he  looked 
around,  he  found  the  bones  gone,  and,  coming  back,  he  said  to  his 
mother,  "I  went  to  look  for  my  brother's  bones,  but  they  were  gone. 
I  could  not  find  them,  and  I  think  he  has  gone  somewhere.  Maybe 
I  will  find  my  brother.  I  will  go  again  soon,  for  I  think  he  has  got  up 
and  gone  away.  I  will  go  up  to  see,  for  I  want  to  see  my  brother.  I 
have  nobody  to  talk  to  now,  and  that  is  quite  sad." 

So  the  boy  went  to  the  lake  and  looked  carefully  around,  and  at  last 
he  saw  a  little  white  Weasel.  "Are  you  my  brother  ?  "  he  asked  him; 
but  the  Weasel  did  not  answer,  but  just  looked  around.  "  Come  back! " 
he  cried.  "Don't  you  want  to  come  over?  Come  on,  brother!"  But  the 
Weasel  only  ran  around;  he  came  up  behind  the  boy,  and  then  ran 
back  again.  "Well,"  said  the  boy,  "I  guess  my  brother  does  not 
like  me."  Then  the  Weasel  ran  back  towards  him.  "Well,  I  will  come 
to  see  my  brother  to-morrow,"  he  said.  "I  will  bring  along  my  arrows, 
and  I  may  kill  some  rabbits." 

The  next  day  he  came  again,  and  killed  a  couple  of  rabbits.  He 
looked  around  where  the  Weasel  stayed;  and  when  it  came  up,  he 
gave  it  a  rabbit.  "Do  you  like  the  rabbit?"  he  asked.  The  Weasel 
came  up  and  ran  around.  It  seized  the  rabbit,  ran  back,  and  ate  it. 
"Let's  go  home!"  said  the  boy,  and  he  walked  along  with  the  other 
rabbit.  W^hen  he  looked  behind,  he  saw  the  Weasel  following  him. 
WTien  they  reached  home,  the  Weasel  ran  into  the  house,  around,  and 
out  again.  He  never  ran  straight,  but  ran  up  to  the  iire  and  out  again. 
Several  times  he  did  that.  "Look,  this  is  my  brother! "  said  the  boy. 
Then  the  Weasel  ran  straight  into  the  tent,  but  did  not  stay.  He  never 
stopped  or  stood,  or  sat  down,  but  just  ran  all  the  time.  He  did  not 
know  where  he  Hved.  "Maybe  this  Weasel  is  my  brother,"  said  the 
boy.  But  the  Weasel  would  not  stay  in  there,  and  soon  ran  out  again. 
*'  What  is  the  reason  my  boy  will  not  stop  and  stay,  but  just  runs 
around  ?"  said  his  mother.  "When  he  kills  rabbits,  he  does  not  pack 
them,  but  just  eats."  ^ 

28.    THE   TWO  HAWK   BROTHERS 

The  older  brother  went  out  again.-  He  walked  around  and  saw 
Little-Hawk  and  Big-Hawk,  who  are  brothers.  The  big  one  said, 
■*' There  are  deer  over  there.    You  had  better  stay  here  while  I  kill 

^  Told  by  Jobn  Duncan. 

■2  Incorporated  by  the  informant  at  the  end  of  the  preceding  myth,  but  evidently  a 
distinct  story. 


362  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

them."  But  the  Little-Hawk  made  a  noise,  and  the  deer  ran  away. 
"What  is  the  matter?"  said  the  Big-Hawk,  and  he  was  angry.  A 
second  time  the  Little-Hawk  sang  and  scared  the  deer.  He  cried,  "I 
see  deer  over  there!"  —  "What  is  the  reason  you  frighten  them?" 
the  older  Hawk  cried.  He  was  very  angry.  "The  next  time  I  will 
whip  you."  Soon  they  saw  deer  again.  "  Sit  here  and  make  no  noise," 
said  the  Big-Hawk.  "All  right,  I  will  stay  here,"  drawled  the  Httle 
one.  But  when  the  Big-Hawk  came  close,  the  boy  came  up  behind 
him,  singing.  The  older  one  shot,  but  missed.  "Why  does  my  brother 
scare  them  all  the  time?"  he  said;  and  when  he  came  back,  he  hit 
his  brother  on  the  head  and  knocked  him  down.  The  boy  did  not  get 
up,  and  his  brother  went  away.  Then  he  thought  about  it.  "  I  knocked 
my  brother  down.  That  was  very  wrong.  Now  I  have  nobody  to 
talk  to."  He  walked  alone  and  felt  sorry.  Now  no  one  scared  the 
deer  when  he  went  to  kill  them. 

Three  or  four  days  later,  he  went  to  look  at  his  brother.  He  was 
dead.  Then  the  Big-Hawk  began  to  cry.  "This  is  too  bad!  What 
shall  I  do  to  make  him  get  up  ?  "  Then  he  poked  his  brother  with  his 
bow  and  arrows.  "Brother,  get  up!  What  are  you  doing ?  I  am  sorry 
I  knocked  you  down."  Then  his  brother  said  "A! "  and  he  got  up  and 
began  to  sing.  "What  are  you  doing  ?  "  he  asked.  "Your  noise  scared 
the  deer,  and  I  knocked  you  down,"  said  the  older  brother.  "You 
were  dead,  and  did  not  get  up  for  about  three  or  four  days."  —  "Did 
you  knock  me  down?  What  were  you  thinking  of?"  —  "I  thought 
it  was  very  bad.  I  had  nobody  to  talk  to.  That  is  the  reason  I  made 
you  get  up."  —  "Well,  brother,  3-ou  will  not  hit  me  any  more?"  — 
"No.  I  knocked  you  down  and  I  felt  bad.  I  thought,  'What  is  the 
reason  I  knocked  my  brother  down  ?'"  ^ 

29.    THE   INDIANS   OF   LONG   AGO 

A  long  time  ago  the  Nowintc  had  nothing  to  eat.  They  did  nothing, 
and  had  never  seen  any  white  men.  All  the  time  they  drank  water. 
If  anything  grew  on  the  ground,  they  would  eat  it,  and  they  ate  roots 
also.  They  had  no  woollen  blankets,  but  made  blankets  of  cedar-bark 
from  the  cedars  on  the  mountains.  They  used  sage-brush  for  blankets 
also,  and  somehow  slipped  them  on  themselves.  Sometimes  they  used 
deer-hide  with  the  hair  on,  and  sometimes  made  deer-hide  leggings 
and  moccasins.  They  were  very  poor,  and  they  had  no  guns  - —  only 
bows  and  arrows  —  with  which  to  kill  deer.  They  had  little  to  eat, 
and  only  water  to  drink.  They  took  mud  and  made  cups  of  it  to 
drink  water;  they  made  kettles  too,  and  cooked  in  them. 

Coyote  caught  fire  and  gave  it  to  the  Indians.  The  Indians  kept 
the  fire,  and  never  lost  it  again.  It  made  light  and  heat.  It  was  cold; 

'  Told  by  John  Duncan. 


Myths  of  the  Uintah  Utes  363 

and  if  there  had  been  no  fire  the  Indians  would  all  have  died.  The 
fire  kept  them  alive.  Coyote  said,  "It  is  very  good  to  do  that."  He 
gave  life  to  the  Indians.  Perhaps  Coyote  got  the  fire  from  the  White 
Men  in  the  east. 

Those  old  Indians  nearly  died.^ 

30.    ORIGIN   OF   THE   BEAR  DANCE 

In  the  fall  the  snow  comes,  and  the  bear  has  a  wickiup  in  a  hole. 
He  stays  there  all  winter,  perhaps  six  moons.  In  the  spring  the  snow 
goes,  and  he  comes  out.  The  bear  dances  up  to  a  big  tree  on  his  hind- 
feet.  He  dances  up  and  back,  back  and  forth,  and  sings,  "Um,  um, 
um,  um! "  He  makes  a  path  up  to  the  tree,  embraces  it,  and  goes  back 
again,  singing  '*Um,  um,  um!"  He  dances  very  much,  all  the  time. 

Now  Indians  do  it,  and  call  it  the  ''Bear  Dance."  It  happens  in  the 
spring,  and  they  do  not  dance  in  the  winter.  The  bear  understands  the 
Bear  Dance.  ^ 

^  Told  by  Snake  John. 

University  of  Pennsylvania, 
February,  19 lo. 

VOL.  XXIII.  —  NO.  89.  24 


364  Journal  oj  American  Folk-Lore 


SHASTA  MYTHS  ^ 

BY  ROLAND   B.  DIXON 
32.   URUTSMAXIG 

There  was  a  trail  which  went  up  the  river  on  the  other  side.  There 
was  a  ford ;  and  a  house  stood  on  this  side,  just  below  the  ford.  People 
coming  up  river  had  to  wade  across  to  this  side  at  the  ford.  Just  as 
they  were  in  the  middle,  the  man  who  lived  in  the  house  would  jump 
out,  go  down  towards  the  bank,  take  a  hooked  pole,  and  catch  the 
traveller.  Then  he  would  drown  him.  That  was  the  way  it  was  for- 
merly, and  the  people  who  had  been  thus  drowned  were  piled  up  in 
heaps  along  the  bank. 

A  traveller  came  along  the  trail.  He  said,  "I  will  go  and  buy  a 
wife."  He  came  to  the  place  where  the  evil  being  Hved,  and  saw  the 
piles  of  drowned  persons  scattered  along  the  shore.  He  had  heard 
people  say  that  if  one  waded  across,  he  was  tripped  up  and  drowned; 
that  all  were  so  drowned  that  the  evil  being  saw.  The  man  wondered 
where  the  crossing  was,  as  he  went  on.  Then  he  saw  the  house  oppo- 
site ;  the  door  was  open.  Then  the  trail  led  down  into  the  river.  "This 
is  the  place,"  he  thought.  "This  is  the  place  they  speak  of.  Here  is 
where  every  one  is  drowned  who  crosses."  He  went  on,  and  thought 
what  he  should  do.  He  started  to  wade  over;  he  got  half-way  across. 
Then  the  evil  being  in  the  house  looked  out.  "  Who  is  that?  "  he  said, 
and  jumped  out  through  the  door.  He  ran  down  to  the  river-bank 
and  picked  up  the  hooked  pole.  He  reached  out  and  caught  the  trav- 
eller by  the  leg;  but  he  kept  on  wading  over.  The  one  with  the  hook 
pulled  hard  to  trip  him  up,  but  not  at  all  could  he  trip  him.  So  the 
traveller  came  across.  "  What  are  you  trying  to  do  to  me  ?  "  he  said. 
Then  he  reached  out,  and  seized  the  evil  being  who  tripped  people  up, 
and  took  away  from  him  the  hooked  pole.  He  broke  it  to  pieces,  and 
threw  them  into  the  river.  The  evil  being  who  tripped  people  up  stood 
very  still.  He  was  surprised  that  the  other  should  take  the  pole  and 
break  it  up.  Then  the  traveller  seized  the  evil  being,  lifted  him  up, 
and  threw  him  into  the  river.  "  I  am  a  supernatural  being,  but  you 
are  not.  You  will  be  a  newt,  not  a  supernatural  person."  So  he  killed 
him  at  last,  and  he  was  drowned. 

The  name  of  the  traveller  was  Urutsmaxig.  He  went  on  up  the 
river.  He  had  concealed  with  him  Maiyaho  (one  name  for  the  Cotton- 
tail Rabbit),  who  gave  him  advice.  He  saw  a  house  on  the  opposite 
side  of  the  river.  "  I  wonder  who  lives  there !"  he  said.  When  he  came 
opposite  the  house,  he  saw  piles  of  dead  persons  lying  by  the  trail. 
*  Continued  from  page  37. 


Shasta  Myths  365 

"What  is  the  trouble  with  them,  I  wonder!"  he  said.  "  What  could 
have  killed  them  all!"  He  noticed  that  the  door  of  the  house  on  the 
other  side  was  open.  Now,  while  he  thought  this,  the  people  in  the 
house  said  to  the  person  living  there,  "  There  is  a  chief  passing  along 
over  there.  Do  not  look  across  at  him."  But  the  person  got  up  any- 
how to  look  across,  and  the  people  seized  him  to  prevent  his  looking. 
"It  is  a  chief  who  is  passing,"  they  said.  The  evil  person  tried  to 
pull  loose  from  them,  and  said,  "  What  is  a  chief  ?  I  am  a  supernatural 
person  myself."  Then  he  got  loose,  and  went  to  the  door,  and  looked 
across.  He  winked,  opening  and  shutting  his  eyes,  for  in  this  way  he 
killed  people.  But  Urutsmaxig  still  went  on.  Again  the  evil  being 
winked,  opening  and  shutting  his  eyes,  andstillUrutsmaxigwenton. 
Then  Urutsmaxig  put  his  hand  into  his  sack,  and  took  out  a  bundle 
of  flints.  The  evil  being  kept  winking,  winked  repeatedly  and  long, 
but  Urutsmaxig  went  on  just  the  same.  Then  he  tossed  a  handful  of 
flints  across,  threw  them  into  the  evil  being's  eyes,  and  at  once  he  fell 
over  backward  into  the  house.  His  head  fell  into  the  fire.  The  people 
seized  him .  "  I  told  you  not  to  look , ' '  they  said .  Then  they  pulled  him 
out  of  the  fire,  and  rubbed  the  fire  out,  rubbing  off  his  hair  and  much 
of  his  skin  too.  When  Urutsmaxig  threw  the  flints  across,  he  said, 
"  You  will  be  Buzzard,  not  a  supernatural  person."  The  people  said, 
"  We  told  you  not  to  look  across.  We  said  it  was  a  chief  who  was 
passing."  Then  the  person  sat  still  there,  with  his  back  to  the  fire. 

Now,  Urutsmaxig  went  on,  to  buy  his  wife.  He  arrived  at  the  place. 
He  came  to  where  an  old  woman  lived  who  had  two  daughters.  He 
stayed  there  for  a  few  days;  and  then  the  old  woman  said,  "  M-m-m-m  I 
My  son-in-law,  I  wish  you  would  go  and  stand  there,  where  the  deer 
run.  I  will  go  and  rattle  deer-bones,  and  drive  them  toward  you."  — 
''All  right!  "  he  said,  and  got  ready  and  went.  The  old  woman  went 
with  him,  and  showed  him  where  to  stand.  "  Stand  there,"  she  said, 
"  and  I  will  drive  the  deer  to  you.  Don't  miss  them,  for  I  am  hungry 
for  meat."  So  he  went  there,  and  stood.  When  he  was  out  of  sight, 
the  old  woman  went  back  to  the  house.  She  went  to  the  place  where 
she  kept  things  hidden,  and  took  out  her  gambling-sticks.  She  gam- 
bled, and  thought  she  had  killed  her  son-in-law.  Urutsmaxig  stood 
where  she  had  told  him.  Below  was  a  great  rattlesnake.  The  old  wo- 
man had  told  him  to  stand  there  for  that  reason.  It  was  so  that  the 
rattlesnake  might  swallow  him.  That  was  why  she  gambled,  she  was 
happy,  and  she  thought,  "  Now  by  this  time  the  rattlesnake  has  swal- 
lowed him."  Urutsmaxig  stood  there,  and  thought, ''  Where  is  the  old 
woman  going  to  drive  ?  "  and  while  he  thought  this,  while  he  wondered 
where  she  was  driving,  the  rattlesnake  breathed  in.  Now,  where 
Urutsmaxig  stood  there  were  many  trees;  and  when  the  rattlesnake 
opened  its  mouth,  they  all  leaned  toward  it,  drawn  by  the  wind. 


366  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

Urutsmaxig  was  drawn  along.  He  seized  the  trees,  but  they  were 
pulled  up  by  the  roots.  He  was  drawn  down  towards  the  rattlesnake's 
mouth.  He  thought,  "I  am  going  to  die."  Then  he  braced  himself, 
but  his  feet  shpped;  he  was  sunk  into  the  ground  up  to  his  knees,  but 
could  not  hold.  Then  he  thought  of  the  spare  flint-flakes  he  had  tied 
up  in  his  quiver.  He  reached  in,  took  them  out,  and  just  as  the  rattle- 
snake was  swallowing  him,  he  threw  the  flints  into  the  open  mouth. 
So  he  killed  the  rattlesnake,  and  cut  off  the  head,  and  took  it  away. 

He  returned  to  the  house,  and  put  dowm  his  game  at  the  door.  This 
made  a  noise.  The  old  woman  was  gambhng  as  he  walked  in,  and  she 
quickly  threw  her  gambling-sticks  over  her  back  toward  the  wall.  "  It 
is  outside,"  he  said.  ''Yes,"  said  she,  "I'U  eat  outside."  Then  she 
went  out.  Urutsmaxig  had  killed  one  of  the  old  woman's  relatives. 
She  had  said  she  would  eat  outside,  but  she  wailed  and  cried.  Then 
she  buried  it,  and  came  back  again  after  a  time. 

By  and  by  she  said,  "Son-in-law,  go  down  to  the  river!  There  is  a 
salmon-trap  there,  inherited  from  one  who  is  dead.  I  want  some  fish, 
any  kind  of  fish."  So  he  went  down.  There  were  many  fish  in  the  trap, 
and  he  reached  down  to  take  some  out.  Then  rattlesnakes  stuck  their 
heads  out  of  the  water,  and  he  nearly  was  bitten.  Then  he  kiUed  them 
with  his  arrow-flaker,  and  tied  them  up  in  bunches,  and  took  them 
off.  As  soon  as  he  had  left,  the  old  woman  had  begun  to  gamble. 
When  she  heard  Urutsmaxig  at  the  door,  she  threw  her  gambling- 
sticks  away.  "I  have  brought  them,  old  woman!"  said  Urutsmaxig. 
Then  she  said,  "Yes,  I'll  eat  outside."  So  she  went  out  and  cried. 

By  and  by  she  said,  "Son-in-law,  I  wish  you  would  go  there  and 
climb  up  to  that  eagle's  nest.  It  is  on  a  tree.  Take  the  young  birds. 
They  will  soon  be  flying."  —  "All  right!"  said  he.  So  he  went. 
"  Where  is  this  man  ?  "  he  thought.  After  a  while  he  saw  a  juniper.  It 
was  bushy,  and  there  was  an  eagle's  nest  in  it.  He  chmbed  up  after  the 
nest,  and  kept  on  climbing.  As  he  climbed,  the  tree  grevv^  up  with 
him,  until  it  reached  the  sky.  Finally  he  reached  the  nest,  and  looked 
over  the  edge  into  it.  And  there  were  rattlesnakes  in  it.  They  coiled 
and  struck  at  him,  and  almost  bit  him.  He  took  out  his  arrow-flaker, 
and  struck  them  on  the  head,  and  killed  them.  He  tied  them  in  a 
bunch,  and  stood  on  the  top  of  the  tree.  He  pressed  it  down  with 
his  foot,  then  he  climbed  down  again,  and  went  back  to  the  house, 
carrying  the  game.  The  old  woman  had  been  gambhng  ever  since 
Urutsmaxig  had  gone.  She  thought,  "  By  now  he  is  killed,  in  spite  of 
his  coming  back  before."  Then,  just  as  she  was  thinking  this,  he  came 
in.  "I  left  it  outside,  old  woman!"  he  said.  "Yes,"  said  she,  "I'll 
pluck  them  outside."  So  she  went  out.  She  wailed  and  cried,  and  then 
buried  them.  He  was  killing  those  who  had  been  her  relatives. 

After  a  time  she  said,  "Son-in-law,  I  want  to  eat  spawning  salmon." 


Shasta  Myths  367 

—  "All  right!  "  said  he.  She  told  him  which  one  she  wanted.  "Spear 
the  one  that  floats  down  blue  in  color.  Do  not  take  the  one  that  is 
red,  but  the  one  that  floats  down  blue."  So  he  went,  and  took  with 
him  Maiyaho,  the  little  one.  He  arrived  at  the  place  where  the  old 
woman  had  told  him  to  go.  He  undressed.  He  had  a  skin  about  his 
waist  only.  He  tied  his  hair  up  in  a  bunch  on  top  of  his  head,  and  put 
eagle-down  on  it.  He  took  out  his  spear,  tipped  with  black  obsidian 
and  with  red  and  black  obsidian,  a  two-pronged  spear.  He  put  on 
the  points.  Then  he  told  Maiyaho  what  to  do.  "Do  not  cry,"  he  said, 
"if  I  am  pulled  into  the  water.  I  will  stick  this  arrow-flaker  in  the 
bank.  Do  not  touch  it.  If  it  falls,  you  may  cry;  and  then  after  ten 
days  you  come  here."  So  he  stood  watching.  Now,  the  red  salmon 
floated  down,  but  he  did  not  spear  it.  Then  a  blue  one  floated  down, 
and  he  speared  it  under  the  arm.  It  jumped  and  roared  in  the  water. 
When  it  jumped  and  flopped  about,  it  nearly  pulled  Urutsmaxig  into 
the  stream.  He  pulled  the  salmon  out,  and  then  it  pulled  him  into  the 
stream,  pulled  him  wholly  in,  until  he  was  out  of  sight;  even  the  eagle- 
down  did  not  come  up.  Then  Maiyaho  cried,  he  whom  Urutsmaxig 
had  told  not  to  cry.  He  did  not  return  until  after  dark  to  the  house. 
Next  morning  he  went  away  right  after  breakfast,  and  did  not  come 
back  until  night.  For  all  the  ten  da3's  he  did  this.  He  watched  the 
arrow-flaker;  but  still  it  stood  up,  and  did  not  fall.  Urutsmaxig  had 
said  that  unless  it  fell,  he  was  not  to  cry;  yet  he  cried  every  day.  The 
tenth  day  came,  and  Maiyaho  watched.  It  was  the  same  time  that 
Urutsmaxig  had  been  pulled  in.  The  water  rippled  from  an  unseen 
cause.  Maiyaho  wiped  the  tears  from  his  eyes,  and  thought,  "I  won- 
der if  I  did  not  see  something  !  "  Again  he  saw  it.  Then  the  eagle- 
down  appeared  above  the  water;  then  Urutsmaxig  came  up  out  of  the 
water  as  far  as  his  shoulders;  then  he  came  fufly  out.  He  pulled  out 
the  thing  he  had  speared.  It  was  worth  looking  at,  for  it  had  a  per- 
son's body  and  a  fish's  tail.  Urutsmaxig  carried  it  off.  He  said  to 
Maiyaho,  "  I  told  you  not  to  cry  until  the  arrow-flaker  should  fall." 
Then  they  went  back  with  the  head.  Maiyaho  told  him,  "The  old 
woman  has  been  gambling  all  the  time.  She  did  not  even  eat."  When 
they  got  back,  they  made  a  noise  at  the  door,  and  the  old  woman 
threw  her  gambling-sticks  over  her  back  to  the  wall.  They  came  in. 
"I  have  come  back  with  the  fish,"  said  Urutsmaxig.  "Yes,  I'll  cut  it 
up  outside,"  said  she.  Instead  of  this  she  buried  it;  for  it  was  the  head 
of  the  old  woman's  daughter  he  had  brought.  It  was  that  she  buried. 

Now  she  could  do  nothing  to  him.  She  thought,  "What  way  can  I 
kill  him?  "  Then  she  said,  "  Son-in-law,  don't  you  feel  like  playing  ?  " 

—  "Yes,"  said  he,  "I  don't  care  what  the  game  is.  Let  us  go!"  So 
they  went.  So  they  got  to  the  place  where  people  swing  and  sway 
on  a  tree.   The  tree  stuck  out  far  over  the  water  of  a  lake.   It  was 


368  Journal  oj  American  Folk- Lore 

a  fearful  sight.  Now  they  walked  out  on  the  tree  to  play.  They 
bent  it  down  by  standing  on  the  end  of  it.  Then  the  old  woman 
jumped  off.  It  sprang  up  until  it  struck  the  sky,  then  bent  back  and 
sunk  deep  under  the  water.  By  and  by  it  came  up,  and  Urutsmaxig 
was  still  standing  there  on  the  end.  "Now,  old  woman,  it  is  your  turn," 
he  said.  So  he  bent  it  down  for  her,  and  jumped  off.  Just  as  before, 
the  pole  sprang  up  to  the  sky,  then  sprang  back  under  the  water;  and 
when  it  came  up  again,  the  old  woman  was  gone.  "  Where  is  she  ?  " 
thought  Urutsmaxig.  Then  far  up  in  the  sky  she  laughed, ' '  He,  he,  he ! 
You  did  good  to  me,  my  son-in-law.  I  shall  see  what  people  do  at 
night.  If  they  steal  anything,  I  shall  be  the  one  who  sees."  So  she 
became  the  moon.  And  Urutsmaxig  went  on  to  his  home.  It  was  that 
way  that  he  did  in  the  olden  time,  they  say. 

33.    THE   RACE   WITH   THUNDER 

Thunder  and  Silver-Fox  lived  side  by  side.  They  bet  with  each  other, 
saying,  "Let's  run  a  race!  "  So  they  ran,  and  Silver-Fox  was  beaten. 
Then  Thunder  bet  again,  with  another,  with  Red-Fox,  and  won. 
There  were  ten  brothers  of  them;  and  next  Black-Fox  ran,  and  was 
beaten.  Then  they  talked  together,  and  said,  '*  Whom  can  we  hire  ?  " 
— "  Whom  else  than  W^olf  ?  "  said  one.  "Yes,"  said  they.  So  one  went 
at  night  to  tell  Wolf  to  come  that  night. 

He  arrived.  "Ha!  "  said  he,  "what  is  the  trouble  ?  "  Then  Silver- 
Fox  said  to  him,  "Take  pity  on  me!  Thunder  has  won  all  I  have. 
They  are  racing  now,  and  three  have  been  beaten."  — "Well,"  said 
Wolf,  "what  can  I  do  to  win?  I  think  I  will  go  and  look  on,  at  any 
rate."  So  they  went  at  dawn.  They  hid  W^olf,  and  as  it  grew  hght 
they  told  him  about  things.  "This  is  what  he  does  to  us,  this  is  how 
he  beats  us.  He  almost  kills  us.  He  runs  in  front  of  us,  and  tears  up 
the  ground.  That  is  the  reason  he  wins."  So  they  told  him  about  it. 
"Ah!  "  said  Wolf,  "what  can  I  do  ?  I  will  try,  anyway." 

Now,  the  sun  was  just  rising.-  It  rose,  it  rose  higher,  and  now  they 
began  to  race.  Wolf  prayed  for  luck  while  he  was  running.  They 
started;  and  soon  Thunder  tore  up  the  ground,  he  tore  open  trees,  he 
ploughed  up  the  earth  ahead  of  Wolf.  W'olf  kept  praying  silently.  He 
was  running  behind  Thunder,  and  he  turned  in  and  ran  directly  in 
line  behind  him.  He  pulled  a  Pain  from  his  tongue,  and  threw  it 
ahead,  so  as  to  strike  the  ground  where  Thunder  was  to  run.  When 
Thunder  came  to  the  spot,  it  seemed  as  if  he  stood  still,  so  fast  did  Wolf 
pass  him,  and  win.  So  they  won  back  all  that  Thunder  had  won  away 
from  them.  That  was  the  way  they  raced.  That  Wolf  was  the  only 
one  who  could  beat  him.  No  others  could  do  it.  That  is  how  they  did 
when  Thunder  bet  and  won. 


Shasta  Myths  369 

34.    COYOTE  AND  THE   CANNIBAL 

Long  ago  an  evil  being  was  travelling  about,  travelling  around  in  the 
world  to  eat  people.  After  a  while,  he  came  into  this  country;  he  came 
up  river.  The  people  heard  of  him,  heard  that  a  "devil"  was  coming 
who  ate  people,  and  they  fled  to  the  mountains.  By  and  by  Coyote 
said,  "What  is  this  'devil'  you  are  talking  about?  I  myself  am  a 
'devil.'  By  and  by  we  two  will  eat  of  each  other.  Now  do  ye  all  run 
away.  I  will  sit  here,  and  by  and  by  we  two  will  taste  of  each  other." 
So  they  did.  Coyote  got  pitch,  he  pounded  up  a  plant  and  mixed  it 
with  the  pitch.  He  plastered  it  then  on  his  breast  and  belly,  that  it 
might  be  what  the  "devil  "  should  taste  of.  Then  he  sat  down.  Far 
away  from  the  fire,  in  the  corner.  Badger  was  hidden. 

Now  the  one  who  came  approached,  saying,  "Tatcldidi  kup  kiip 
kup." — "Now  he  is  coming,"  said  Coyote  to  Badger.  "Don't  get 
excited.  When  I  taste,  I  will  quickly  cut  out  his  heart.  Then  I  will 
jump  out  of  the  house.  Do  you  then  quickly  run  out  from  where  you 
are  hidden,  and  open  out  the  coals  in  the  fire.  I  will  run  around  the 
house,  then  I  will  jump  up  on  the  roof,  and  will  throw  the  heart  into 
the  fire.  Then  do  you  quickly  cover  it  up  with  the  coals."  — "All 
right! "  said  Badger. 

Now  the  cannibal  came  close.  "Tatcididi  kup  kiip  kiip  "  is  what 
he  said.  Now  Coyote  answered,  "Tatcldidi  kup  kup  kup."  Then  the 
"devil"  thought  as  he  went,  "They  never  said  that  to  me  before.  No- 
where did  they  say  that."  Then  he  arrived.  "He! "  said  Coyote.  "  I 
am  hungry.  There  was  no  one  here  to  eat  when  I  came."  — "Ho! " 
said  the  "devil."  "I  came  this  way  also.  I  too  am  hungry."  Then 
Coyote  said, "Let  us  eat  each  other!  "—"All  right!"  said  the"devil." 
"Yes,"  said  Coyote,  "do  you  eat  me  first.  Let  us  begin."  So  Coy- 
ote started  up  the  fire.  Then  he  pulled  open  his  shirt.  "Cut  with 
this  knife  right  here,  on  the  breast,"  said  he.  "All  right!"  said  the 
cannibal.  So  he  cut  a  slice  off  of  Coyote's  breast.  He  roasted  it. 
Then  the  "devil"  took  off  the  fire  what  he  had  cut  from  Coyote's 
breast,  and  ate  it.  "Ah!"  said  he,  "your  flesh  is  bitter." — "Yes," 
said  Coyote, "  it  is  because  people  have  been  talking  about  me."  The 
other  could  hardly  eat  it,  but  he  finished  it  at  last.  Then  Coyote  said 
to  the  "devil,"  "I'll  taste  you  now."— "All  right!"  said  he.  So  he 
uncovered  himself.  Then  Coyote  took  the  knife  to  slice  the  "devil's  " 
breast;  but  instead  of  that,  he  cut  inwards  deeply,  he  cut  in  towards 
the  heart  and  lungs,  he  cut  down  to  the  bone.  "Ahaha!"  said  the 
"devil,"  "a  little  higher.  Don't  cut  so  deep ! "  Coyote  kept  on  cutting 
close  to  the  bone;  and  when  he  got  to  the  end  of  the  breast-bone,  he 
cut  in  deep.  He  cut  quickly,  and  cut  out  the  heart  and  lungs.  Then, 
taking  them,  he  jumped  out  of  the  house  through  the  door,  and  ran 


370  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

around  the  house.  He  ran  round  and  round.  The  "devil "  ran  after 
him,  he  chased  him.  Then  the  Badger  jumped  out  quickly,  he  opened 
out  the  coals  of  the  fire.  Coyote  ran  around  the  house  several  times, 
carrying  the  heart  and  lungs.  Then  he  jumped  on  the  roof,  and  threw 
the  heart  and  all  through  the  smoke-hole  into  the  fire.  Badger  cov- 
ered them  up  quickly  with  the  coals.  Then  the  heart  popped  and 
burst,  and  the  "devil"  fell  dead.  That  is  what  it  did  when  Badger 
covered  it  with  coals.  That  is  how  Coyote  killed  that  "devil." 
When  the  heart  popped,  people  heard  it  all  over  the  world.  Then  they 
said,  "Coyote  has  killed  that  'devil.' " 

Harvard  University, 
Cambridge,  Mass. 


Three  Ballads  from  Nova  Scotia  371 

THREE  BALLADS   FROM  NOVA   SCOTIA 

BY  W.    ROY  MACKENZIE 
LITTLE  HATHA   GROVE 

The  following  version  of  "Little  Musgrave  and  Lady  Barnard" 
(Child,  No.  81)  was  derived  from  the  recitations  of  four  different  per- 
sons. The  basis  of  the  text  is  a  recitation  by  Mrs.  Levi  Langille  of 
Marshville,  Nova  Scotia  (A) ;  and  her  part  of  the  text  includes  stanzas 
1-7,  10-17,  ^iid  21-22,  Mrs.  Langille's  version  was  the  first  one  pro- 
cured, and  the  only  one  that  was  at  all  complete.  The  other  three 
were  obtained  by  reading  her  version  to  persons  who  had  formerly 
sung  the  ballad,  but  no  longer  remembered  it  well,  and  could  only 
change  and  supplement  in  places  while  having  the  first  version  read 
to  them.  The  parts  of  the  text  denoted  by  B  were  supplied  by  Mrs. 
James  Gammon  of  River  John,  Nova  Scotia,  and  include  stanzas 
8-9,  18-20,  and  23-24.  The  text,  therefore,  is  made  up  as  follows: 
1-7,  from  A;  8-9,  from  B;  10-17,  from  A;  18-20,  from  B;  21-22,  from 
A;  23-24,  from  B.  The  fragments  furnished  by  John  Langille  of  River 
John  (C)  and  by  Mrs.  Jacob  Langille  of  Marshville  (D)  are  given 
only  in  the  footnotes.  Every  word  obtained  from  any  of  the  reciters 
may  thus  be  found  either  in  the  text  or  in  the  notes.  A,  B,  C,  and  D 
were  all  collected  by  me  during  August  and  September,  1909. 

A,  I.  'T  was  on  a  day,  a  high  holiday, 
The  best  day  of  the  old  year. 
When  Uttle  Matha  Grove  he  went  to  church 
The  holy  word  to  hear. 

2.  Some  came  in  in  diamonds  of  gold, 

And  some  came  in  in  pearls. 
And  among  them  all  was  little  Matha  Grove 
The  handsomest  of  them  all. 

3.  Lord  Daniel's  wife  was  standing  by. 

On  him  she  cast  an  eye. 
Saying,  "You  little  Matha  Grove,  this  very  night 
I  invite  you  to  he  with  me." 

4.  Lord  Daniel  is  away  to  the  New  Castle 

King  Henry  for  to  see.^ 

^  C  remembered  the  fiill  stanza:  — 

"  Lord  Daniel  is  away  to  the  New  Castle 

King  Henry  for  to  see, 
And  this  very  night  little  Matha  Grove 
Shall  lie  with  his  wedded  lady." 


372  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


5.  So  the  little  foot-page  was  standing  by, 

And  he  heard  all  that  was  said, 
And  he  took  to  his  heels  to  the  river-side, 
And  he  bended  his  breast  and  he  swum.^ 

6.  And  when  he  came  to  Lord  Daniel's  bower, 

He  knocked  so  hard  at  the  ring. 
There  was  none  so  ready  as  Lord  Daniel 
For  to  rise  and  let  him  in. 

7.  "What  news,  what  news,  my  little  foot-page, 

Do  you  bring  unto  me? " 
"This  very  night  little  Matha  Grove 
Is  in  bed  with  your  wedded  lady." 

B.  8.  "If  this  be  true,  be  true  unto  me, 
Be  true  you  bring  unto  me, 
I  have  an  only  daughter  dear. 

And  your  wedded  lady  she  shall  be. 

9.  "If  this  be  a  lie,  a  lie  unto  me, 
A  lie  you  bring  unto  me, 
I  '11  cause  a  gallows  to  be  rigged. 
And  hanged  you  shall  be."  ^ 

\.  10.    So  he  put  the  bugle  to  his  mouth. 
And  he  sounded  loud  and  shrill : 
"If  there  's  any  man  in  bed  with  another  man's  wife, 
It  is  time  to  be  hastening  away." 

II.  So  Lord  Daniel  he  ordered  up  all  his  men. 
And  he  placed  them  in  a  row. 


12.  "What  's  that,  what 's  that?"  said  little  Matha  Grove, 
"  For  I  know  the  sound  so  well. 
It  must  be  the  sound  of  Lord  Daniel's  bugle," 

^  D  recognized  this  stanza  as  being  made  up  of  parts  of  two  stanzas,  as  formerly  sung. 
The  first  of  the  two  stanzas  she  could  not  complete,  but  the  second  she  completed  as  fol- 
lows: — 

So  he  took  to  his  heels  to  the  river-side. 

And  he  bended  his  breast  and  he  swum, 
And  when  he  came  to  the  dry  land 
He  took  to  his  heels  and  he  run. 
*  A  omitted  stanzas  8-9. 


Three  Ballads  from  Nova  Scotia  373 

13.  "  Lie  still,  lie  still,  you  little  Matha  Grove, 

And  keep  me  from  the  cold. 
Its  's  only  my  father's  shepherd  boy 
That's  driving  sheep  down  in  the  fold." 

14.  So  they  hustled  and  they  tumbled  till  they  both  fell  asleep, 

And  nothing  more  did  they  hear. 
Till  Lord  Daniel  stood  by  their  bedside.^ 


15.  "How  do  you  like  my  bed  ?  "  said  he, 

"  And  how  do  you  like  my  sheet  ? 
And  how  do  you  like  my  wedded  lady 
That  lies  in  your  arms  and  sleeps  ?  " 

16.  "  Well  do  I  like  your  bed,"  said  he, 

"Well  do  I  like  your  sheet. 
Better  do  I  like  your  wedded  lady, 
That  lies  in  my  arms  and  sleeps." 

17.  "  Get  up,  get  up,  you  little  Matha  Grove, 

And  some  of  your  clothes  put  on. 
That  it  can't  be  said  after  your  death 
That  I  slew  a  naked  man."^ 

B.  1S.3  "How  can  I  get  up,"  little  Matha  repHed, 
"And  fight  you  for  my  life, 
When  you  have  two  bright  swords  by  your  side. 
And  I  have  ne'er  a  knife  ?  " 

iQ.  "  If  I  have  two  bright  swords  by  my  side. 
They  cost  me  deep  in  purse. 
And  you  shall  have  the  best  of  them. 
And  I  shall  have  the  worst. 

^  B  rendered  the  stanza  thus:  — 

So  they  tossed  and  tumbled  all  that  night. 

Till  they  both  fell  fast  asleep. 
And  they  never  knew  another  word 

Till  Lord  Arnold  stood  at  their  bed's  feet. 

2  B:  — 

"  That  it  can't  be  said  when  you  are  dead 
That  I  slew  a  naked  man." 

'  The  following  three  stanzas  are  represented  in  A  thus:  — 

"How  can  I  go  and  fight  you 


When  you  have  two  bright  swords  lying  down  by  your  side. 
And  I  've  got  scarcely  a  knife  ?  " 

"  You  shaU  have  the  ver>'  best  one. 

And  I  shall  have  the  worst, 
And  you  shall  have  the  very  first  blow, 

And  I  shall  have  the  next." 


374  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

20.  "  And  you  shall  have  the  very  first  blow, 
And  I  shall  have  the  other. 
What  more,  then,  could  I  do  for  you 
If  you  were  my  own  born  brother?" 

A.  21.  The  very  first  blow  that  Matha  Grove  struck 

He  wounded  Lord  Daniel  sore. 
The  very  first  blow  Lord  Daniel  struck, 
Little  Matha  could  strike  no  more. 

22.  "  So  cursed  be  my  hand!  "  said  he, 
"  And  cursed  be  my  bride  ! 
They  have  caused  me  to  kill  the  handsomest  man 
That  ever  trod  England's  ground."^ 

B.  23.  He  took  his  lady  by  the  hand. 

He  led  her  through  the  plain. 

And  he  never  spoke  another  word 

Till  he  split  her  head  in  twain. 

24.  He  put  his  sword  against  the  ground, 
The  point  against  his  heart. 
There  never  was  three  lovers 
That  sooner  did  depart.^ 

PRETTY  POLLY 

The  following  version  of  ''Lady  Isabel  and  the  Elf -Knight"  (Child, 
No.  4,  H)  is  made  up  chiefly  of  the  versions  of  two  reciters,  though  a 
third  one  comes  in  with  variants  on  two  of  the  stanzas.  The  basis  of 
this  version,  as  of  "Little  Matha  Grove,"  is  a  recitation  by  Mrs.  Levi 
Langille  (A).  The  ballad,  as  given  by  Mrs.  Langille,  was  very  defec- 
tive in  parts;  but  when  it  was  read  to  John  Langille  (B),  who  could 
not  sing  or  repeat  it  on  his  own  initiative,  it  stimulated  his  memory 
to  the  production  of  a  large  part  of  the  ballad  as  he  had  formerly  sung 
it.  Ten  out  of  the  seventeen  stanzas  in  the  main  text  which  follows 
were  contributed  by  him,  while  the  corresponding  parts  by  Mrs. 
Langille,  being  less  complete,  are  relegated  to  the  footnotes.  Finally, 
variants  on  two  of  the  stanzas  were  given  by  David  Rogers  of  River 
John  (C).  The  text  is  made  up  as  follows:  1-4,  from  B;  5-8,  from  A; 
9,  from  B;  10-12,  from  A;  13-17,  from  B.  The  variants  of  C  are  given 
in  the  footnotes.  Every  word  obtained  from  any  of  the  reciters  may 

^  C  rendered  the  stanza  thus:  — 

"  Cursed  be  my  wife  !  "  said  he, 

"  And  cursed  be  my  hands  ! 
For  I  have  slain  the  best-looking  man 

That  ever  trod  England's  lands." 

^  A  omitted  stanzas  23-24. 


Three  Ballads  from  Nova  Scotia  2>7$ 

be  found  in  the  text  or  notes.  These  collections  were  also  made  during 
August  and  September,  1909. 

B.    I.  There  was  a  lord  in  Ambertown, 
He  courted  a  lady  gay, 
And  all  he  wanted  of  this  pretty  maid 
Was  to  take  her  life  away.^ 

2.  "Go  get  me  some  of  your  father's  gold, 

And  some  of  your  mother's  fee, 
And  two  of  the  best  nags  out  of  the  stable, 
Where  there  stands  thirty  and  three." 

3.  She  went  and  got  some  of  her  father's  gold, 

And  some  of  her  mother's  fee. 
And  two  of  the  best  nags  out  of  the  stable, 
Where  there  stood  thirty  and  three. 

4.  She  mounted  on  the  milk-white  steed. 

And  he  on  the  rambling  gray. 
And  they  rode  till  they  came  to  the  salt  sea-side, 
Three  hours  before  it  was  day. 

A.    5.  " Light  off ,  light  off ,  thy  steed  white  milk, 
And  deHver  it  unto  me. 
For  six  pretty  maids  I  have  drownded  here. 
And  the  seventh  one  thou  shalt  be. 

6.  "Take  off,  take  off,  thy  bonny  silk  plaid. 
And  deHver  it  unto  me, 
Methinks  they  are  too  rich  and  too  gay 
To  rot  in  the  salt,  salt  sea."  ^ 

^  The  first  four  stanzas,  in  which  I  follow  B,  are  thus  represented  in  A  (which  has  no 
equivalent  of  stanza  3) :  — 

There  was  a  lord  in  Ambertown 

Courted  a  lady  fair, 
And  all  he  wanted  of  this  pretty  fair  maid 

Was  to  take  her  life  away. 

"  Go  get  me  some  of  your  father's  gold, 

And  some  of  your  mother's  fees, 
And  two  of  the  best  horses  in  your  father's  stall, 

Where  there  stands  thirty  and  three." 

So  she  mounted  on  her  steed  white  milk, 

And  he  on  his  dappling  gray, 
And  they  rode  forward  to  the  sea 

Two  hours  before  it  was  day. 

^  B  rendered  this  stanza  thus :  — 

"  Take  off,  take  off,  thy  silken  dress. 
Likewise  thy  golden  stays. 
Methinks  they  are  too  rich  and  too  8*y 
To  rot  in  the  salt,  salt  seas." 


376  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

7.  "  If  I  must  take  off  my  bonny  silk  plaid, 

Likewise  my  golden  stays, 
You  must  turn  your  back  around  to  me. 
And  face  yon  willow-tree." 

8.  He  turned  himself  around  about 

To  face  yon  willow-tree. 
She  grasped  him  by  the  middle  so  tight, 
And  she  tumbled  him  in  the  sea. 

B.  9.   "Lie  there,  lie  there,  you  false-hearted  man! 
Lie  there  instead  of  me! 
For  six  pretty  maids  thou  hast  drownded  here. 
Go  keep  them  company." 

A.  10.   So  he  rolled  high  and  he  rolled  low, 

Till  he  rolled  to  the  sea-side. 
"  Stretch  forth  your  hand,  my  pretty  Polly, 
And  I  '11  make  you  my  bride." 

11.  "Lie  there,  lie  there,  you  false-hearted  man! 

Lie  there  instead  of  me! 
For  six  pretty  maids  thou  hast  drownded  here. 
But  the  seventh  hath  drownded  thee." 

12.  She  mounted  on  her  steed  white  milk. 

And  she  led  her  dappling  gray, 
And  she  rode  forward  to  her  father's  door 
An  hour  before  it  was  day. 

B.  13.  The  parrot  being  up  so  early  in  the  morn. 

It  unto  Polly  did  say, 
"I  was  afraid  that  some  ruffian 
Had  led  you  astray." 

14.  The  old  man  on  his  pillow  did  He, 
He  unto  the  parrot  did  say, 
"  What  ails  you,  what  ails  you,  you  pretty  Poll  parrot, 
You  prattle  so  long  before  day  ?  "  ^ 

*  C  rendered  the  stanza  thus:  — 

The  parrot  was  up  in  the  window  high, 

And  heard  what  she  did  say. 
"  Where  have  you  been,  my  pretty  Polly, 

That  you  're  out  so  long  before  day  ?  " 

*  A  rendered  the  stanza  thus:  — 

The  old  man  he,  its  being  awoke. 

And  he  heard  all  that  was  said. 
"  What  were  you  prittling  and  prattling,  my  pretty  Polly, 
And  keeping  me  awake  all  night  long  ?  " 


Three  Ballads  from  Nova  Scotia  2>77 

15.  "The  old  cat  was  at  my  cage  door, 

And  I  was  afraid  he  was  going  to  eat  me, 
And  I  was  calling  for  pretty  Polly 
To  go  drive  the  old  cat  away."  ^ 

16.  "Well  turned,  well  turned,  my  pretty  Poll  parrot! 

Well  turned,  well  turned  !  "  said  she. 
"  Your  cage  it  shall  be  of  the  ghttering  gold. 
And  the  doors  of  ivory. 

17.  "  No  tales,  no  tales,  my  pretty  Poll  parrot, 

No  tales  you  will  tell  on  me. 
Your  cage  it  shall  be  of  the  glittering  gold, 
And  hung  on  yon  willow-tree."  ^ 

SIX   QUESTIONS 

The  following  version  of  "Captain  Wedderburn's  Courtship" 
(Child,  No.  46)  was  obtained  from  the  singing  and  recitation  of  John 
Adamson,  Millsville,  Nova  Scotia. 

1.  The  Duke  of  Merchant's  daughter  walked  out  one  summer's  day. 
She  met  a  bold  sea-captain  by  chance  upon  the  way. 

He  says,  "  My  pretty  fair  maid,  if  it  was  n't  for  the  law, 

I  would  have  you  in  my  bed  this  night  by  either  stock  or  wa'." 

2.  She  sighed  and  said,  "  Young  man,  oh,  do  not  me  perplex. 

You  must  answer  me  in  questions  six  before  that  I  gang  awa', 
Or  before  that  I  lie  in  your  bed  by  either  stock  or  wa'  — 

3.  "  Oh,  what  is  rounder  than  your  ring  ?  What 's  higher  than  the  trees  ? 
Or  what  is  worse  than  women's  tongue  ?  What 's   deeper  than  the 

seas  ? 

1  A  and  C  each  had  a  separate  version  of  this  stanza.  A's  version  is:  — 

"  The  old  cat  had  got  up  to  my  littock  so  high, 

And  I  was  afraid  she  was  going  to  eat  me, 
And  I  was  calling  for  pretty  Polly 
To  go  drive  the  old  cat  away." 

C's  version  runs  thus: — 

"The  old  cat  was  at  my  cage  door, 
And  swore  she  would  devour  me, 
And  I  was  calling  for  fair  MacConnel 
To  hiss  the  cat  away." 

C  supposed  that  the  "fair  MacConnel"  was  a  servant. 

^  These  two  concluding  stanzas  are  represented,  in  A's  version,  by  the  one  stanza:  — 

"Don't  prittle,  don't  prattle,  my  pretty  Polly, 
Nor  tell  any  tales  on  me. 
Your  cage  shall  be  made  of  the  glittering  gold 
Instead  of  the  greenwood  tree." 


378  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

What  bird  sings  first,  what  bird  sings  last  ?  Or  where  does  the  dew 

first  fall  ?  — 
Before  that  I  lie  in  your  bed  by  either  stock  or  wall." 

4.  "  The  globe  is  rounder  than  your  ring.   Sky 's  higher  than  the  trees. 
The  devil 's  worse  than  women's  tongue.   Hell 's  deeper  than  the  seas. 
The  roe  sings  first,  the  thirst  sings  last.  On  the  earth  the  dew  first  falls, 
Before  that  I  lie  m  your  bed  by  either  stock  or  wall."  ^ 

5.  "  You  must  get  for  me  some  winter  fruit  which  in  December  grew. 
You  must  get  for  me  a  silken  cloak  that  ne'er  a  waft  went  through, 
A  sparrow's  thorn,  a  priest  new-born,  before  that  I  gang  awa'. 
Before  that  I  lie  in  your  bed  by  either  stock  or  wa'." 

6.  "  My  father  's  got  some  winter  fruit  which  in  December  grew. 
My  mother 's  got  a  silken  cloak  that  ne'er  a  waft  went  through. 
Sparrows'  thorns  they  're  easy  found.   There  's  one  on  every  claw. 
So  you  and  I  lie  in  one  bed,  and  you  lie  next  the  wa'." 

7.  "You  must  get  for  my  wedding  supper  a  chicken  without  a  bone. 
You  must  get  for  my  wedding  supper  a  cherry  without  a  stone. 
You  must  get  for  me  a  gentle  bird,  a  bird  without  a  gall, 
Before  that  I  lie  in  your  bed  by  either  stock  or  wall." 

8.  "  Oh,  when  the  chicken 's  in  the  egg,  I  'm  sure  it  has  no  bone. 
And  when  the  cherry  's  in  full  bloom,  I  'm  sure  it  has  no  stone. 
The  dove  it  is  a  gentle  bird.    It  flies  without  a  gall, 

Before  that  I  lie  in  your  bed,  by  either  stock  or  wall." 

9.  He  took  her  by  the  lily-white  hand  and  led  her  through  the  hall. 
He  held  her  by  the  slender  waist  for  fear  that  she  would  fall. 
He  led  her  on  his  bed  of  down  without  a  doubt  at  aU, 

So  he  and  she  lies  in  one  bed,  and  he  Hes  next  the  wall. 

The  Mrs.  Levi  Langille,  who  appears  as  the  most  important  reciter 
of  "Little  Matha  Grove"  and  of  "'  Pretty  Polly,"  is  a  first-cousin  of 
the  unhappily  defunct  "Ned"  Langille,  whom  I  mentioned  in  my 
short  article  on  "Ballad-Singing  in  Nova  Scotia"  (Journal  of  Ameri- 
can Folk-Lore,  July-Sept.,  1909).  She  belongs,  therefore,  to  the  family 
that  (in  the  district  under  discussion)  has  been  chiefly  instrimiental 
in  carrying  down  such  relics  of  the  old  ballads  as  sur\dved  the  general 
wave  of  neglect  and  disapproval.  The  king  of  ballad-singers  in  that 
region  was  the  father  of  "Ned,"  above  mentioned;  and  his  brother 

1  This  line  of  course  should  be  — 

"  So  you  and  I  lie  in  one  bed,  and  you  lie  next  the  wall." 
The  singer  here,  as  in  many  other  cases,  uses  the  regular  refrain  without   being 
troubled  by  its  lack  of  appropriateness. 


Three  Ballads  from  Nova  Scotia  379 

George,  only  a  less  gifted  singer  than  himself,  was  the  father  of  Mrs. 
Levi  Langille,  who  is  now  about  seventy  years  of  age.  Old  George 
himself  died  as  recently  as  the  summer  of  1908,  at  the  ripe  age  of 
ninety-three,  and  his  daughter  assured  me  that  he  could  have  sung 
many  of  "the  old  songs"  to  me  within  a  month  of  his  death;  but  he, 
like  many  other  old-time  singers  whom  I  have  lately  heard  about, 
died  too  soon. 

Mrs,  Langille  herself  did  not  have  any  particular  regard  for  the  two 
old  ballads  presented  above.  Like  all  her  family,  she  has  a  strong 
taste  for  music,  and  of  late  years  her  musical  interests  have  turned 
to  the  songs  that  her  children  have  brought  home  from  country  sing- 
ing-schools, where,  of  course,  the  ancient  ballad  is  no  longer  regarded. 
When  she  was  younger,  her  ideals  of  secular  music  did  not  extend  far 
beyond  the  ballads  which  formed  the  stock-in-trade  of  her  father's 
repertory.  But  old  George  did  not  sing  his  ballads  every  day  in  the 
week,  nor  to  every  chance  comer.  He  was,  according  to  his  daughter's 
account,  "a  proud  man,"  who  sang  only  upon  special  occasions  or  as 
a  special  reward  for  favors  received.  One  of  the  forms  that  his 
''pride"  assumed  was  an  eager  desire  that  his  hair  should  retain  its 
pristine  black,  and  on  regular  occasions  he  instructed  his  daughter  to 
take  her  station  beside  his  chair  and  pluck  out  the  ever-recurring 
white  threads.  In  payment  for  this  service,  and  while  the  gleaning 
operation  was  in  progress,  he  sang  her  favorite  songs  by  way  of  rec- 
ompense. It  was  in  this  way  that  she  learned  "Little  Matha  Grove" 
and  "Pretty  Polly." 

Before  going  on  to  the  other  persons  who  had  knowledge  of  these 
songs,  I  must  mention  that  the  title  "Pretty  Polly"  is  of  very  doubt- 
ful authenticity  in  connection  with  the  ballad  to  which  it  refers  above. 
Mrs.  Langille  mentioned  this  as  the  name  before  she  sang  the  ballad; 
but  when  I  questioned  her  afterwards,  she  asserted  that  there  was  no 
special  name  for  the  song,  and  concluded  with  the  famihar  suggestion, 
"Make  up  a  name  for  it  yourself.  You  have  more  larnin'  than  we 
have."  The  two  persons  whom  I  discovered  afterwards  who  had 
some  knowledge  of  the  ballad  could  not  remember  any  particular  title 
as  applied  to  it,  and  they  took  refuge,  also,  in  an  appeal  to  my 
superior  scholarship. 

I  shall  now  indicate,  as  briefly  as  possible,  the  further  information 
that  I  obtained  about  "Little  Matha  Grove."  A  couple  of  weeks  after 
Mrs.  Langille's  recitation,  I  discovered  that  another  woman,  Mrs. 
James  Gammon,  living  five  or  six  miles  from  Mrs.  Langille,  had  been 
known  to  sing  the  ballad  years  ago.  On  questioning  her,  I  found  that 
she  could  repeat  only  a  stray  stanza  or  two.  She  explained  that  she 
had  learned  this,  among  other  ballads,  when  a  girl,  from  her  aunt,  but 
that  after  her  marriage  her  husband  had  implored  her  to  give  up  sing- 

VOL.  XXIII.  —  NO.  8q.  24 


380  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

ing  these  "rowdy  songs."  She  had  complied,  in  the  interests  of  re- 
spectability, and  consequently  retained  only  dim  recollections  of  the 
old  ballads.  However,  when  I  read  Mrs.  Langille's  version  to  her, 
she  recalled  a  good  many  stanzas,  some  of  which  had  not  appeared  in 
the  first  version.  Finally,  I  made  a  canvass  of  Mrs.  Langille's  rela- 
tives, and  found  two  persons  who  were  able  to  make  slight  contribu- 
tions, though  they  had  not  heard  the  ballad  sung  for  years.  John 
Langille,  a  grandson  of  "Old  Ned's,"  remembered  a  few  lines  from 
having  heard  his  grandfather  sing  the  ballad;  and  Mrs.  Jacob  Langille, 
a  cousin  of  Mrs.  Le\d's,  having  been  brought  up  by  "Old  Ned's" 
father,  completed  one  defective  verse  from  her  recollections  of  the 
old  man's  singing. 

The  so-called  "  Pretty  Polly  "  was  not  quite  so  widely  known.  After 
having  procured  Mrs.  Langille's  version,  I  found  only  one  person  who 
had  any  distinct  recollections  of  the  song.  This  was  the  John  Langille 
referred  to  above.  He  had  learned  it,  years  before,  from  his  grand- 
father, "Old  Ned,"  and.  happily,  he  "used  to  roar  this  one  a  Httle 
himself; "  so,  when  I  stimulated  his  memory  by  reading  Mrs.  Langille's 
version  to  him,  he  repeated  the  greater  part  of  the  ballad,  adding  a 
good  deal  to  the  first  version.  In  my  footnotes  to  the  above  text  I 
include  also  variants  on  two  of  the  stanzas,  which  were  suppHed  by 
David  Rogers,  an  old  resident  of  River  John,  who  is  now  H\dng  in 
Pictou,  about  twenty  miles  away.  David  made  up  for  his  slim  knowl- 
edge of  the  ballad  by  an  earnest  assurance  that  whatever  he  supplied 
was  sure  to  be  right. 

The  story  of  the  third  ballad,  "Six  Questions,"  is  much  less  in- 
volved. John  Adamson,  an  old  lumberman  of  ]\Iills\alle,  recited  it  to 
me  after  he  had  first  sung  it  through  in  compliance  with  the  demands 
of  convention  and  of  necessity.  He  had  got  the  ballad,  years  ago, 
from  his  wife,  and  his  wife  had  got  it  "from  a  friend."  Beyond 
this  —  and  even  here  —  the  "Six  Questions,"  as  a  matter  of  Nova 
Scotia  tradition,  fades  into  the  mist. 

Washington  Untversity, 
St.  Louis,  Mo. 


Ballad  from  the  Kentucky  Mountains  381 


A  TR^VDITIONAL  BALLAD    FROM    THE   KENTUCKY 
MOUNTAINS  1 

BY  JOSIAH   H.   COMBS 
SWEET  WILLIAM 

1.  Sweet  William  he  arose  on  last  May  morning, 

He  dressed  himself  in  blue; 
"  Come  and  tell  unto  me  that  long,  long  love 
Between  Lydia  Margaret  and  you." 

2.  "I  know  no  harm  of  Lydia  Margaret,  my  love, 

And  I  hope  she  knows  none  of  me. 
By  eight  o'clock  to-morrow  morning 
Lydia  Margaret  my  new  bride  shall  see." 

3.  Lydia  Margaret  was  standing  in  her  boughing-door, 

A-combing  back  her  hair. 
Who  you  reckon  she  spy  but  Sweet  William  and  his  bride  ? 
To  the  stone  wall  she  drew  nigh. 

4.  Lydia  Margaret  threw  down  her  ivory  comb. 

And  quickly  she  wrapped  up  her  hair; 
She  went  away  to  her  own  bedroom, 
And  there  she  sang  so  clear. 

5.  The  day  being  past  and  the  night  a-coming  on, 

When  they  all  were  lying  asleep, 
Lydia  Margaret  she  arose  with  her  tears  in  her  eyes 
And  stood  at  Sweet  WilUam's  bed-feet. 

6.  "How  do  you  Uke  your  blanket,  sir? 

'T  is  how  do  you  like  your  sheet  ? 
How  do  you  like  that  fair  lady 
Lies  in  your  arms  asleep  ?  " 

7.  "Very  well  I  like  my  blanket; 

Very  well  I  like  my  sheet: 

Much  better  I  Hke  the  fair  lady 

A-talking  at  my  bed-feet." 

8.  The  night  a-bein'  past  and  the  day  a-comin'  on, 

When  they  all  were  lying  awake, 

*  [This  is  a  good  version  of  "  Fair  Margaret  and  Sweet  William"  (Child,  No.  74).  It  is 
similar  to  Child's  version  B,  which  was  communicated  to  Percy  by  the  Dean  of  Derry, 
but  first  printed  by  Child,  II,  201 .  The  ghost  is  replaced  by  Lady  Margaret  in  person.  — 
G.  L.  K.l 


382  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

Sweet  William  arose  with  trouble  in  his  breast 
With  the  dreams  that  he  dreamt  last  night. 

9.  "  Such  dreams,  such  dreams,  such  dreams,"  said  he, 
"Such  dreams,  I  fear,  ain't  good: 
I  dreamed  last  night  of  yoimg  science^  in  my  room; 
My  new  bride's  bed  was  blood." 

10.  Sweet  WiUiam  he  called  on  his  merry  maids  all. 
By  one,  by  two,  by  three; 
Among  them  all  he  asked  his  bride 
Lydia  Margaret  he  might  go  see. 

11.  "Is  Margaret  in  her  boughing-door. 

Or  is  she  in  her  hall, 
Or  is  she  in  the  kitchen-room 
Among  the  merry  maids  all?" 

12.  "She's  neither  in  her  boughing-door; 

She's  neither  in  her  hall; 
Tho'  she  is  dead,  in  her  own  bed  's  made, 
Made  up  'gainst  yonders  wall."  ^ 

13.  First  he  kissed  her  red  rosy  cheeks, 

And  then  he  kissed  her  chin. 
And  then  he  kissed  her  snowy-white  breast, 
But  the  breath  always  stayed  in. 

14.  Lydia  Margaret  she  died  like  it  might  a-been  to-day; 

Sweet  William  he  dies  to-morrow: 
Lydia  Margaret  she  died  for  pure  love's  sake; 
Sweet  William  he  died  for  sorrow. 

15.  Lydia  Margaret  was  buried  in  the  east  of  the  church,' 

Sweet  William  was  buried  in  the  west; 
And  out  of  Lydia  Margaret's  grave  grows  a  red,  red  rose, 
Spread  over  Sweet  WilUam's  breast. 

HiNDMAN,  Knott  County, 
Kektucky. 

1  [Child's  A  has  "red  swine;"  B,  "white  swine;"  C,  "wild  men's  wine."  —  G.  L.  K.] 

2  Another  version  has  "Laid  out  against  the  wall." 
*  Another  version  has  "the  east  churchyard." 


Chilian  Folk-Lore  Society  383 


THE  CHILMN  FOLK-LORE  SOCIETY  AND  RECENT  PUB- 
LICATIONS  ON   CHLLIAN  FOLK-LORE,  ETC. 

BY  ALEXANDER  F.  CHAMBERLAIN 

As  far  back  as  1905,  Dr.  Rodolfo  Lenz,  of  Santiago,  the  well-known 
philologist  and  ethnologist,  sought  to  organize  the  study  of  ChiHan 
folk-lore  by  the  formation  of  a  "  Comision  de  Folklore  Chileno  "  and 
the  pubhcation  (first  as  an  Appendix  to  the  "  Anales  de  la  Universidad 
de  Chile,"  and  then  reprinted  as  separates)  of  a^Revista  de  Folklore 
Chileno."  The  idea  was  set  forth,  with  a  syllabus  of  subjects  to  be  in- 
vestigated, in  Dr.  Lenz's  "Ensayo  de  Programa  para  Estudios  de 
Folklore  Chileno"  (Santiago,  1905,  12  p.).  In  this  "Programa,"  the 
rubrics  of  which  were  confined  technically  to  the  Spanish  Chilians,  — 
although,  as  the  author  remarked  (p.  5),  the  study  of  that  folk-lore  is 
largely  impossible  without  a  knowledge  of  the  folk-lore  of  the  Indian 
population,  —  the  following  topics  for  investigation  were  enumer- 
ated: folk-literature  in  poetry  and  prose,  music  and  dancing,  plastic 
and  ornamental  arts,  customs  and  beKefs,  folk-speech,  etc.  Under 
these  larger  headings  were  listed  numerous  subdivisions,  among  the 
more  interesting  of  which  were  myths  and  legends,  tales  of  monsters 
(such  as  the  huallipenes ,  the  nirivilo,  the  chueiquehuecu,  the  calchona, 
the  camahueto,  the  imbunches,  the  caleuche,  the  cueros  or  manias,  etc.) 
and  humorous  tales  (e.  g.,  Pedro  Urdemales);  rehgious  feasts  and  fes- 
tivals (such  as  the  various  festivals  of  the  Nativity,  Easter,  Holy 
Week,  etc. ;  the  festival  of  the  Virgin  of  Andacolla;  the  festival  of  San 
Pedro  in  Talcahuano,  and  others  relating  to  sailors  and  fishermen) ; 
children's  plays  and  games  (like  the  chapitas  or  pallalla,  rayuela,  luche, 
chincol,  cututun-peuco,  etc.,  with  their  accompanying  songs,  etc.); 
games  of  adults  (such  as  the  chueca,  cancha  de  bolas,  naipes,  cacho, 
maraca,  etc.) ;  folk-food  and  cookery,  lore  relating  to  Chilian  plants 
{maiz,  papa,  porotos,  zapallo,  cochayuyo,  luche,  etc. ;  preparations  of 
charqui,  chuchoca,  chuho,  etc.;  national  drinks  and  beverages,  par- 
ticularly the  various  chichas;  stimulants,  such  as  tahaco,  coca,  the  lat- 
ter in  the  northern  provinces);  folk-medicine;  etc. 

Of  special  interest  to  the  folk-lorist  is  the  study  of  the  process  of  the 
ChiKanizing  of  the  Indians,  which  has  now  been  going  on  for  so  long 
a  time;  also  the  effect  of  the  contact  of  races  upon  the  language,  hab- 
its, etc.,  of  the  population  of  European  descent. 

This  proposal  of  1905  really  belongs  in  1894,  when  Dr.  Lenz,  in  an 
article  contributed  to  the  "  Anales  de  la  Universidad  de  Chile,"  with 
the  title  of  "Ensayos  filolojicos  americanos  II,"  suggested  something 
quite  similar.  On  the  i8th  of  July,  1909,  when  was  founded  the"Chil- 


384  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

ianFolk-Lore  Society,"  "La  Sociedad  de  Folklore  Chileno,"  the  efforts 
of  Dr.  Lenz  bore  rich  fruit.  The  objects  of  the  Society,  and  the  scope 
of  their  investigations  as  outlined  in  the"Programa  de  la  Sociedad  de 
Folklore  Chileno"  (Santiago,  1909,  24  p.),  drawn  up  by  Dr.  Lenz,  and 
the  "  Comunicacion  a  los  Miembros  de  Ja  Sociedad  de  Folklore  Chil- 
eno" (5  p.),  follow  closely  the  path  laid  out  in  1905  (see  the  new 
"  Programa,"  pp.  13-17,  where  the  rubrics  of  1905  are  reproduced). 
At  pp.  5-1 1  of  the  new  "  Programa"  is  given  a  resume  in  Spanish, 
under  the  title  ''Etnolojia  i  Folklore,"  of  Dr.  R.  F.  Kaindl's  "Die 
Volkskunde,  ihre  Bedeutung,  ihre  Ziele  und  ihre  Methode  "  (Leipzig, 
1903),  followed  by  some  words  of  Dr.  Lenz.  The  " Programa "  closes 
with  a  useful  bibliography  of  Chilian  folk-lore. 

The  new  Society  counts  already  fifty-seven  members  (active,  ordi- 
nary, corresponding),  and  is  governed  by  a  board  of  five  members, 
including  the  President,  Secretary,  and  Treasurer.  The  officers  elected 
in  1909  are  as  follows:  President,  Dr.  Rodolfo  Lenz;  Treasurer, 
Agustin  Cannobbio;  Secretary,  EHodoro  Flores. 

The  first  regular  session  of  the  Society  was  held  on  August  i,  1910. 
At  the  various  sessions  the  following  papers  were  given:  — 

August  I,  1909.  Dr.  R.  Lenz,  Folk-Lore  and  its  Relation  to  Eth- 
nology, etc. ;  The  Development  of  Spanish  in  America,  and  the  Pho- 
nology of  the  Popular  Speech  of  Chili. 

August  29,  1909.    Dr.  Lenz,  The  Phonetic  Transcription  of  Docu- 
ments in  the  Popular  Language. 
Sr.  Ramon  A.  Laval,  Latin  in  Chilian  Folk-Lore. 

October  3,  1909.  Sr.  C.  B.  Vega,  On  the  Origin  of  the  Proverb,  "Esti 
Como  las  recetas  del  doctor  La  Ronda." 

October  24,  1909.   Sr.  Agustin  Cannobbio,  Folk-Medicine. 
Sr.  R.  E.  Latcham,  The  Festival  of  Andacollo. 

November  9,  1909.  Sr.  I.  Parraguez,  Popular  Songs  and  Melodies 
(some  of  them  were  sung  by  Sr.  Ugarte) . 
Sr.  E.  Blanchard-Chessi,  Easter  and  the  Countess  of  Cerro  Blanco. 

December  5,  1909.  Sr.  Flores,  Collection  of  Chilian  Riddles. 
Dr.  R.  Lenz,  ChiHan  Folk-Poetry  (Santiago  in  particular). 

December  19,  1909.  Sr.  Laval,  Popular  Behefs  concerning  the 
Devil. 

Sr.  Flores,  Riddle-Tales. 
Dr.  Lenz:  Folk-Poetry  of  Santiago  (concluded). 

March  20,  1910.  Sr.  Laval,  Chilian  Prayers,  Charms,  Incantations, 
etc. 

This  programme  is  evidence  of  good  work  done  and  being  done. 
As  a  further  indication  of  labors  already  accomplished,  it  may  be  well 


Chilian  Folk-Lore  Society  385 

to  reproduce  here  in  somewhat  different  form  the  "Bibliography  of 
Works  containing  Material  for  Chilian  Folk-Lore,  Chilian  Words, 
etc."  already  referred  to. 

A.  Works  of  a  General  Character. 

Vicuna  Cituentes,  J.  Instrucciones  para  recojer  de  la  tradicion  oral  romances 

populares.   Santiago,  1905. 
Lenz,  R.  Ensayos  filolojicos  Americanos.  I:  Introduccion  al  Estudio  del  len- 

guaje  vulgar  de  Chile.  Anales  de  la  Universidad  de  Chile,  1894,  vol.  Ixxxviii, 

pp.  113-133- 
Id.  II :  Observaciones  jenerales  sobre  el  estudio  de  dialectos  i  literaturas 

populares.  Ibid.,  1894,  vol.  Ixxxviii,  pp.  353—368. 

B.  Works  relating  to  the  Folk-Lore  of  the  Aborigines  {Araucanian  Indians). 

Canas  Pinochet,  A.  La  papa,  su  orijen,  su  cultivo,  etc.  Santiago,  1901. 

Estudio  arqueolojico  sobre  las  Piedras  Horadadas.   Santiago,  1904. 

El  Culto  de  la  Piedra.    Santiago,  1904. 

Guevara,  T.  Psicolojia  del  Pueblo  Araucano.  Santiago,  1908.   412  p. 

Historia  de  la  Civilizacion  de  Araucania.   3  vols.  Santiago,  1898— 1905. 

Lenz,  R.  De  la  Literatura  araucana.   Chilian,  1897.  44  p.  Also  in  the  Revista 

del  Sur,  vol.  i,  No.  7. 

Estudios  Araucanos.   Materiales  para  el  estudio  de  la  lengua,  la  literatura 

i  costumbres  de  los  Indios  Mapuche  o  Araucanos.   Santiago,  1895-97.   PP-  4i» 

485. 
Medina,  J.  T.  Los  aborijenes  de  Chile.  Santiago,  1882.  424  p. 
RoBLES,  R.  E.   Costumbres  i  creencias  araucanas.  In  Anales  de  la  Universidad 

de  Chile,  igo6-o8. 

Un  Macitun.  Ibid.,  1909. 

C.  Folk-Lore  and  Language  of  the  Chilian  Spanish. 

Amunategui  Reyes,  M.  L.  Acentuaciones  viciosas.  Santiago,  1887.  479  p. 

Borrones  gramaticales.   Santiago,  1894.   311  p. 

Al  traves  del  Diccionario  i  la  Gramatica.   Santiago,  1895.  331  p. 

Canas  Pinochet,  A.  Estudios  Etimolojicos  de  las  palabras  de  orijen  indijena 

usadas  en  el  lenguaje  vulgar  que  se  habla  en  Chile.   Santiago,  1902.  77  p. 
Cannobbio,  a.   Refranes  chilenos.   Barcelona,  1901.    118  p. 

Sobre  la  convenience  de  impulsar  los  estudios   folkloricos  en    Chile.    In 

the  Revista  Nacional,  vol.  i,  1906. 

El  galan  i  la  calavera,  romance  pubhcado  por  el  academico  espanol  senor 

Ramon  Menendez  Pidal  en  el  tomo  i,  de  la  revista  Cultura  Espafiola,  p.  95. 

Chiappa,  V.   Chilenismos.   Notas  Manuscritas.    1898. 

Concha  Castillo,  F.  Chilenismos.  Articles  in  the  Revista  de  Artes  i  Letras, 

vol.  vii. 
Echeverria  I  Reyes,  A.  Voces  usadas  en  Chile.  Santiago,  1900.   246  p. 

Sobre  lenguaje.   Santiago,  1897.    17  p. 

Espech,  R.   Elegancia  del  lenguaje.   Santiago,  1896.    180  p. 

GoRMAZ,  V.  Correcciones  lexicograficas  sobre  la  lengua  castellana  en  Chile.  Val- 
paraiso, i860.   Pp.  vii,  64. 

Guzman,  A.  Lexicolojia  Castellana.   Santiago,  1897.   260  p. 

Laval,  R.  A.  El  cuento  del  medio  polio.  Revista  de  Derecho,  Historia  i  Letras 
(Buenos  Aires),  Abril,  1909. 


386  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

Lenz,  R.   Die  indianischen  Elemente  im  Chilenischen  Spanisch  inhaltlich  geord- 
net.  Halle,  1902.   48  p. 

Los  elementos  indios  del  Castellano  de  Chile.   Estudio  lingiiistico  i  etno- 

lojico.   I.   Diccionario  etimolojico  de  las  voces  chilenas  derivadas  de  lenguas 
indijenas  americanas.   Primera  entrega.   Santiago,  1904-05.   448  p. 

Uber  die  gedruckte  Volkspoesie  von  Santiago  de  Chile.   Ein  Beitrag  zur 

chilenischen  \'olkskunde.   Halle,  1895.    22  p. 

MuNOZ  Gamero,  B.   Diccionario  naval.   Santiago,  1849.    181  p. 

Ortuzar,  C.    Diccionario  Manual  de  Locuciones  viciosas.    San  Benigno  Cana- 

vese,  1893.  320  p. 
PiZARRO,  B.   Informe  sobre  la  obra  "Lexicologia  Castellana"  al  Decano  de  Hu- 

manidades.    Santiago,  1898.   3  p. 
RoDRiGUES,  Z.   Diccionario  de  Chilenismos.   Santiago,  1875.   487  p. 
Roman,  M.  A.   Diccionario  de  Chilenismos.   Tomo  I,  ABC.   Santiago,  1901-0S. 

53  P- 
Vicuna  Cifuentes,  J.  "  Las  seiias  del  marido,"  "  La  Adultera,"  "  Blanca  Flor  i 
Filomena,"  "  Lucas  Barroso,"  "  Muerte  del  senor  don  Gato,"  '"'El  Conde Alar- 
con,"  "  La  Magdalena,"  "Los  celos,"  "La  dama  i  el  pastor"  i  otros  romances 
recojidos  por  el  seiior  Vicuiia  e  insertos  en  el  citado  estudio  de  Menendez 
Pidal.    See  Cannobbio,  A. 

The  Society  has  begun  the  pubhcation  of  a  journal  entitled  "Re- 
vista  de  la  Sociedad  de  Folk-Lore  Chileno,"  of  which  the  first  four 
numbers  contain  the  following  studies :  — 

Laval,  Ramon  A.  Del  Latin  en  el  Folk-Lore  Chileno  (pp.  1-2). 

Cuentos  Chilenos  de  Nunca  Acabar  (pp.  30-70). 

Oraciones,  Ensalmos  i  Conjuros  del  Pueblo  Chileno  comparados  con  los 

que  se  dicen  en  Espana  (pp.  71-132). 

The  next  three  numbers  will  contain  these  other  studies: 

Latcham,  R.  E.  La  fiesta  de  Andacolla. 

TouRNiER,  L.   Les  drogas  antiguas  en  la  medicina  popular. 

Robles,  R.  E.   Costumbres  i  creencias  araucanas  Guillatunes. 

These  all  constitute  contributions  of  value  to  the  subjects  of  which 
they  treat. 

Sr.  Laval,  in  his  study  of  "Latin  in  Chilian  Folk-Lore,"  cites  nu- 
merous phrases,  expressions,  refrains,  verses,  anecdotes,  etc.,  of  folk- 
provenance  in  which  Latin  words  and  sentences  are  found.  Maca- 
ronic Latin  verses  in  imitation  of  liturgical  texts  also  occur;  likewise 
joco-serious  "poems"  in  which  are  scattered  Latin  words,  etc.  Cu- 
rious is  the  proverb,  Beati  Indiani  qui  mandiicant  charquicanem.  In 
"Chilian  Endless  Stories,"  the  author  cites  twenty-six  examples  of 
such:  I.  Cuento  del  Gatito  montes;  2.  El  Gato  con  los  pies  de  trapo; 
3.  El  Gato  sarapo;  4.  Los  italianos  i  el  ingles;  5.  El  Gallo  pelado; 
6,  El  candadito;  7.  La  mula  baya  de  don  Pedro  Arcaya;  8.  El  Rei 
que  tenia  dos  hi jos;  9.  La  Vaca  del  Rei;  10.  ElHumito;  ii.LaHor- 
miguita;  12.  Los  Gansos;  13.  El  Zorzal  {Turdus  falklandicus);  14. 
El  Fililo;  15.  Sah  de  Cordoba;  16.  Bartolo;  17.  El  Porotal;  18.  El 


Chilian  Folk-Lore  Society  387 

Perro  leon  amarillo;  19.  El  Pato;  20.  El  polaco  i  el  ingles;  21.  El 
miedoso;  22.  La  Tenquita  {Mimus  ihenac);  23.  La  Cuja;  24.  El  real 
i  medio;  25.  La  Mata  de  Coguiles;  26.  La  Pava. 

Of  these  tales,  Nos.  2  and  3  are  simply  variants  of  the  "Esta  era 
un  gate"  type  cited  by  Rodriguez  Marin,  in  his  "Cantos  Populares 
Espanoles"  (1882-83);  the  "Mula  baya,"  as  Sr.  Laval  points  out, 
belongs  to  the  same  class  as  the  Argentine  "Gallo  Pelado"  re- 
ported by  Lehmann-Nitsche  and  the"Buena  Pipa"  (or"Pipita")  of 
Rodriguez  Marin;  No.  12  resembles  the  "Pavos"  in  Rodriguez 
Marin;  No.  24  the  author  compares  with  the  Pehuenche  (Arauca- 
nian)  tale, "Plata,  hongos  i  talere,"  which  seems  to  be  of  European 
origin.  Many  of  these  "tales  that  never  end"  are  in  verse,  and  often 
in  rhyme;  most  also  are  very  brief.  The  "King  who  had  Two  Sons" 
runs  thus:  "  There  was  a  king  who  had  two  sons,  one  was  larger 
and  the  other  smaller,  one  was  called  Pancho  and  the  other  Francisco. 
When  the  king  rose,  he  rose  with  his  two  sons,  one  was  larger  and 
the  other  smaller,  one  was  called  Pancho  and  the  other  Francisco. 
When  the  king  breakfasted,  he  breakfasted  with  his  two  sons,  one  was 
larger  and  the  other  smaller,  one  was  named  Pancho  and  the  other 
Francisco.  When  the  king  went  out  into  the  street,  he  went  out  with 
his  two  sons,"  etc.  Nos.  9-25  the  author  considers  "  verdaderos  cuen- 
tos  de  nunca  acabar;"  Nos.  1-7  are  perhaps  better  styled  "Cuentos 
de  paga." 

Sr.  Laval's  monograph  on  "Prayers,  Charms,  Incantations,  etc.,  of 
the  ChiHan  People,  compared  with  those  said  in  Spain,"  gives  the 
Spanish  texts  of  116  prayers  (3  for  daybreak,  etc.;  7  for  making  the 
sign  of  the  cross  and  getting  up;  8  acts  of  contrition;  16  other  prayers 
to  Jesus  Christ ;  1 2  prayers  to  the  Virgin  Mary ;  9  prayers  to  the  guard- 
ian angel;  27  prayers  when  going  to  sleep;  22  miscellaneous  prayers; 
II  prayers  against  natural  phenomena;  i  prayer  of  offering);  24 
charms,  etc.,  and  formulae  used  for  children;  21  incantations,  etc. 
In  a  supplement  10  prayers  are  added.  These  prayers,  etc.,  obtained 
from  oral  tradition,  have  been  handed  down  "from  father  to  son  from 
time  immemorial,"  and,  in  the  course  of  transmission,  have  under- 
gone not  a  few  curious  changes  in  words,  etc.  This  the  author  illus- 
trates by  printing  side  by  side  on  page  77  a  version  of  the  "Hymn  of 
San  Buenaventura  to  the  Holy  Spirit,"  obtained  in  Cauquenes  (Prov. 
of  Maule),  and  the  translation  of  the  same  hymn  as  it  appears  in  the 
"Catechismo  de  la  Doctrina  Cristiana"  by  Father  Jose  Benitez, 
which  has  popularized  it;  and  also  in  notes  passim.  Frequent  refer- 
ences by  way  of  comparison  are  made  to  Fernan  Caballero's  "  Cuen- 
tos, Oraciones,  Adivinas  i  Refranes  infantiles"  (Madrid,  1880),  Fran- 
cisco Rodriguez  Marin's  "Cantos  Populares  Espaiioles"  (Sevilla, 
1882-83),  Munoz  Saenz's  "Horas  de  Vacaciones,"  etc.    No.  36,  curi- 


388  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

ously  enough,  with  its  "Te  adoro,  Jesus  divino,  Que  vives  entre  la 
nieve,"  refers  to  the  now  famous  statue  of  the  "  Christ  of  the  Andes," 
erected  in  1904  as  a  symbol  of  peace  on  the  high  mountains  where 
Chili  and  Argentina  meet.  The  most  powerful  of  all  charms  and  in- 
cantations against  all  forms  of  peril  and  danger,  disease,  machina- 
tions of  the  evil-minded,  and  even  Satan  himself,  is  the  "Doce  pala- 
bras  redobladas,"  of  which  several  versions  are  given.  The  twelve 
things  mentioned  are  the  one  pure  Virgin,  the  two  tables  of  the  law, 
the  three  Marys,  the  four  elements,  the  five  gospels,  the  six  candle- 
sticks, the  seven  planets,  the  eight  heavens,  the  nine  months  before 
birth,  the  Ten  Commandments,  the  eleven  thousand  virgins,  the 
twelve  apostles.  There  is,  however,  some  variation  in  certain  ones 
of  the  twelve. 

Other  works  on  folk-lore  which  have  just  appeared  are  Sr.  Julio 
Vicuna  Cifuentes'  "Estudios  de  Folk-Lore  Chileno.  Mitos  y  Super- 
sticiones  recogidos  de  la  Tradicion  Oral,  Primera  Serie.  Mitos" 
(Santiago,  1910.  46  p.) ;  and" Coa.  Gerga delos  Dehncuentes  Chilenos. 
Estudio  y  Vocabulario"  (Santiago,  1910.  146  p.),  both  laid  by  the 
author  before  the  International  Congress  of  Americanists  at  Buenos 
Aires,  July,  1910.  The  first  part  of  Sr.  Vicuna  Cifuentes'  work  on 
"Myths  and  Superstitions"  (the  second,  third,  and  fourth  parts  are 
soon  also  to  appear),  catalogues  with  notes,  etc.,  the  chief  figures  of 
ChiHan  folk-mythology,  which  are  as  follows :  — 

Caballo  marino.  Sea-monster,  confined  perhaps  to  Chiloe. 

Calchona.  A  somewhat  inoffensive  sheep,  haunting  by  night  the 
houses  of  the  country-folk,  who  leave  it  the  remains  of  their  meals 
in  a  pot  or  a  pan.   It  appears  also  as  a  hen,  a  woman,  etc. 

Caleuche.  A  submarine  boat,  manned  by  sorcerers,  cruising  about 
Chiloe  in  the  night-time, — "an  infernal  pirate,"  causing  great 
terror. 

Camahueto  (or  Camahuete) .  A  fantastic  animal  of  great  strength  and 
extraordinary  beauty,  born  and  growing  up  in  the  rivers,  then  tak- 
ing to  the  sea,  dragging  off  all  who  seek  to  pass  it.  In  Chiloe  it  is 
said  to  be  a  colossal  caballo  marino. 

Colocolo.  A  hzard  that  sucks  the  blood  of  sleeping  persons.  It  also 
has  the  forms  of  several  other  animals.  Sometimes  it  is  said  to  be 
a  monster  born  of  a  bad  or  very  small  hen's  egg. 

Cuero.  A  water-monster  of  the  size  and  appearance  of  a  fully  dis- 
tended cow-skin.   It  has  many  eyes  and  is  of  vast  strength. 

Chonchon.  An  animal  with  a  human  head,  fl}dng  about  at  night  by 
means  of  its  vast  ears,  which  are  used  as  wings.  The  Chonchons 
are  sorcerers,  etc. 

Guirivilu  (or  Nirivilu)  is  a  zorra  del  agua  with  a  very  big  tail. 


Chilian  Folk-Lore  Society  389 

Euallepen  {or  Euallip in).  An  amphibious  creature,  with  the  head 

of  a  heifer  and  the  body  of  a  sheep. 
Imbunche  (or  Biita).  The  sorcerer  that  presides  over  the  meetings  of 

the  brujos.  He  has  his  face  turned  backward,  with  one  leg  adhering 

to  his  shoulders.    Human  children  are  stolen  to  be  made  into 

imbunches. 
Lampalagua.  A  formidable  reptile  pro\dded  with  strong  claws. 
Piguchen  (or  Piuchen) .  A  serpent,  transforming  itself,  after  a  certain 

time,  into  a  huge  frog.  It  is  a  vampire,  but  prefers  the  blood  of 

animals  to  that  of  man. 
Sapo  arriero.  A  terrible  monster,  killing  people  who  disturb  it  when 

asleep. 
Trauco.  An  ugly  and  repulsive  monster  living  in  trees. 

As  many  of  these  names  would  suggest,  a  number  of  these  mythic 
figures  belong  to  the  folk-lore  of  the  Indians,  from  whom  the  whites 
have  taken  them  in  more  or  less  modified  forms.  Other  figures  in 
ChiHan  mythology  and  folk-lore  are :  — 

La  Viuda.  A  woman  clothed  in  black,  who  creeps  up  to  horsemen  at 
night  and  kills  them. 

El  Diablo.  In  ChiHan  folk-lore  the  De\dl  is  only  of  secondary  impor- 
tance, being  echpsed  by  the  local  mythical  personages.  The  Devil 
of  the  folk  is  far  from  being  the  terrible  creature  of  theology. 

Duendes.  Elves  and  fairies,  little  infant-faced  angels,  who  cannot 
reach  either  heaven  or  hell,  but  must  inhabit  the  air.  They  are 
said  to  be  male  or  female,  some  black,  etc.  Again,  they  are  said  to 
be  just  like  gnomes. 

Brujos.  Sorcerers,  maleficent  beings,  who  are  never  born  so,  but  be- 
come so  voluntarily.  They  have  their  meetings  in  the  Salamanca 
of  the  region  or  town  to  which  they  belong  (the  brujos  are  treated 
with  some  detail,  pp.  41-50).  They  are  essentially  the  same  as  the 
European  witches  and  wizards. 

Familiares.  These  are  little  "demonlets"  that  make  prosper  those  to 
whom  they  are  attached.  They  are  sometimes  said  to  have  the 
form  of  snakes,  cats,  etc. 

Encantos.  Enchanted  persons  who  play  an  important  role  in  Chilian 
popular  legends.^-  The  scene  of  incantation  is  very  often  a  lake,  etc. 

Basilisco.  The  basilisk  is  born  of  an  egg  laid  by  an  old  cock. 

Of  Sr.  Vicuna  Cifuentes'  second  work,  "Coa.  The  Jargon  of  Chil- 
ian Criminals,"  the  first  41  pages  are  taken  up  with  an  introduction 
on  the  criminal  and  his  language  (with  frequent  citation  of  Lombroso) . 
A  bibliography  occupies  pages  45-48.   The  vocabulary  itself  is  given 


390  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

on  pages  51-145,  and  contains  over  500  words.  The  work  was  really 
written  seven  years  ago,  when  the  author  was  under-secretary  to  the 
Minister  of  Justice.  Other  publications  relating  to  the  jargons  of 
criminals  in  Spanish  America  are:  A.  Dellepiane's  ''El  idioma  del  de- 
lito"  (Buenos  Aires,  1894) ;  the  vocabulary  of  128  jargon-words  in  the 
second  edition  of  G.  A\dla  Money's  "El  guardian  de  policia"  (San- 
tiago, 1908);  and  Sr.  Vicuna  Cifuentes'  work,  still  in  manuscript,  on 
"La  Poesia  de  los  deHncuentes."  In  the  vocabulary,  the  et>Tnology 
of  the  word  is  given  when  known,  and  the  region  of  its  use  in  Chili 
(North,  Central,  South)  indicated.  About  five  per  cent  of  the  words 
seem  to  be  of  American  Indian  origin  (but  only  indirectly  through 
colloquial  ChiHan  Spanish);  and  included  in  these  are  Coipo  ("hun- 
ger"), from  Araucanian  coypu,  the  name  of  a  certain  rodent;  Guata 
(" woman") ,  from  Araucanian  huata  ("abdomen").  The  name  of  the 
jargon  itself,  Coa,  the  author  informs  us  (p.  72),  is  an  apocope  of  Coha, 
which,  in  turn,  is  a  metathesis  of  hoca  ("mouth").  The  great  mass  of 
the  vocabulary  is  upon  a  Chilian-Spanish  basis,  with  such  modifica- 
tions, metamorphoses,  etc.,  of  sound  and  signification,  as  are  common 
to  such  jargons.  Of  the  few  borrowings  from  other  languages,  may  be 
noted  rin  ("finger-ring"),  from  English  ring;  manyar  ("eat"),  from 
Itahan  mangiare.  Archaisms  with  respect  to  the  European-Spanish 
tongue  are  very  rare,  if,  indeed,  they  occur  at  all  in  Coa;  but  archaic 
words  from  ChiHan  Spanish  are  found.  Neologisms,  however,  are 
quite  numerous,  and  often  very  characteristic.  An  interesting  term 
is  Americano  ("a  bank-bill  of  the  value  of  two  pesos").  Other 
words  of  an  interesting  sort  are  Academia  (" lock  picking ") ,  Archivo 
("prison"),  Boca  negra  (" revolver  "),  Cawano  (" gold  watch "), /^mi/e 
("mule"),  Poeta  ("cock"),  Rosario  ("lasso"),  etc. 

The  second  part  of  Dr.  Rodolfo  Lenz's  "  Et>Tiiological  Dictionary 
of  Indian  Loan- Words  in  ChiHan  Spanish"  {Los  Elementos  Indios  del 
Castellano  de  Chile.  Estudio  Lingiiistico  i  Etnolojico.  Primera  Parte. 
Diccionario  EtimoUjico  de  las  Voces  Chilenas  derivadas  de  Lengiias 
Indijenas  Americanas.  Secunda  Entrega)  (Santiago,  1910,  pp.  xv,  449- 
938,  with  App.  8  pp.)  contains  a  good  deal  of  matter  of  interest  to  the 
student  of  folk-lore,  —  names  of  children's  games  (e.  g.,  lligues,  p.  451) 
that  have  passed  over  to  the  whites  from  the  Araucanian  Indians; 
names  of  folk-foods,  dishes,  implements,  etc.;  terms  and  practices  of 
folk-medicine,  etc.;  names  of  trees,  plants,  etc.,  native  to  Chili  or  to 
America,  e.  g.,  the  articles  on  Papa  ("potato"),  pp.  557-562;  of  this 
plant  more  than  one  hundred  diflerent  varieties  have  been  cultivated 
in  Chiloe  alone,  of  which  more  than  half  (see  the  long  list  on  page  560) 
have  native  names,  and  Poroto  (pp.  627-634)  or  frejol,  as  the  edu- 
cated classes  now  tend  to  cah  it  (there  are  more  than  one  hundred 
varieties  in  ChiH  with  special  names,  some  of  which  are  Indian).  Eth- 


Chilian  Folk-Lore  Society  391 

nological  and  geographical  terms,  and  names  of  Indian  origin,  also 
come  in  for  consideration.  Altogether,  there  are  1657  entries  of  main 
words;  but  many  of  these  have  a  number  of  derivatives,  e.  g.,  under 
Poroto  a.re  registered  porotd,  or  porotdda,  porotero,  porotdl,  porotUo,  poro- 
tillo,  a.nd  aporotarse.  This  makes  the  number  of  words  ultimately,  in 
whole  or  in  part,  of  Indian  origin,  in  Chilian  Spanish,  much  larger. 
Of  words  relating  to  plays  and  games  the  following  may  be  cited  here: 

Lligues  (p.  451).  An  old  Indian  game,  preserved  with  the  same 
name  among  Chilian  children.  In  Chiloe  it  resembles  chapitas. 
It  is  played  with  beans  (black  and  white),  etc. 

Mamhullita  (p.  471).  Sort  of  hide-and-seek  in  the  woods.  The  Arau- 
canian  name  of  the  game  is  manmillan. 

Miche  (p.  497).  A  children's  game  with  bolitas. 

Quechucdhue  (p.  651).  A  sort  of  dice-game  of  the  Indians. 

Raumevoe  (p.  679).  The  ''judge"  in  the  game  of  linao,  a  sort  of  ball- 
play. 

Tectito  (p.  715).  The  "  portero  "  in  the  game  of  linao. 

Tincdr  (p.  719).  A  term  used  in  the  game  of  bolitas. 

Trinca  (p.  740).  The  "hole"  in  the  game  of  bolitas. 

Tugdr  (p.  748).  A  sort  of  blind-man's  buff  or  hide-and-seek. 

Achita  (p.  791).  A  children's  game  of  bolitas. 

Cdine  (p.  794).  One's  adversary  in  play. 

Colo  (p.  797).  The  colored  earth  of  which  children  make  their  bolitas 
or  little  balls. 

Pilma  (p.  879).  A  sort  of  football  game. 

Dr.  Lenz's  Dictionary  is  a  worthy  contribution  to  the  literature  of 
race-contact  in  the  New  World,  and  will  easily  outlive  such  petty 
criticisms,  as,  e.  g.,  that  of  Sr.  Roman  in  the  Revista  Catolica. 

The  scientific  students  of  man  (aboriginal  and  European)  in  Chili 
are  to  be  congratulated  upon  the  showing  made  by  the  members  of 
the  newly-instituted  Chilian  Folk-Lore  Society  and  others,  who,  as 
indicated  by  the  publications  reviewed  in  this  article,  have,  indeed, 
shown  remarkable  activities  in  diverse  fields  of  research. 

Clark  University, 
Worcester,  Mass. 


392  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


NOTES    AND    QUERIES 

The  Oeigin  of  Totemism.  —  In  his  new  book,  "Totemism  and  Exog- 
amy," Mr.  J.  G.  Frazer  describes  what  he  calls,  "the  American  theory  of 
totemism;"  i.  e.,  the  theory  that  the  institution  of  totemism  grew  out  of 
the  personal  guardian  spirits  of  individuals  (\-olume  \\,  page  48),  and  he 
cites  me  as  one  of  the  defenders  of  this  theory.  Mr.  J.  Jacobs,  in  a  review  of 
this  book  in  the  "New  York  Times"  of  October  15,  accepts  his  state- 
ment, and  seems  to  consider  me  as  the  originator  of  this  theory.  It  is  true 
that  I  first  expressed  this  opinion  as  a  result  of  my  study  of  the  Indians 
of  the  North  Pacific  coast.  ^ 

Later  on,  Mr.  Hill-Tout  ^  confirmed  my  conclusions,  and  generalized  the 
results  obtained  by  me  and  by  him  in  the  form  of  a  general  theory  of  to- 
temism. In  1897  Miss  Alice  C.  Fletcher  ^  developed  a  similar  theory,  based 
on  her  observations  of  some  of  the  Siouan  tribes. 

In  writing  on  this  subject,  and  in  a  number  of  general  discussions  of 
anthropological  problems,^  I  have  carefully  refrained  from  interpreting  the 
observations  made  on  the  North  Pacific  coast  as  a  general  theory  solving 
the  whole  problem  of  totemism.  In  fact,  such  would  be  opposed  to  the 
methodological  views  which  I  hold.  I  have  emphasized,  whenever  oppor- 
tunity has  offered,  the  necessity  of  studying  the  development  of  each  eth- 
nological question  upon  an  historical  basis,  so  far  as  this  is  possible,  in 
order  to  gather  material  by  means  of  which  we  can  ascertain  whether  the 
course  of  development  among  various  peoples  has  followed  the  same  line, 
either  approximately  or  in  detail.  It  has  always  seemed  to  me  that  customs 
which  to  the  observer  may  seem  very  much  alike,  may  develop  from  en- 
tirely different  sources;  in  other  words,  that  in  the  course  of  the  history  of 
culture  we  have  to  reckon  not  simply  with  a  parallel  development,  which 
starts  from  similar  psychological  conditions,  and  follows  the  same  course, 
but  rather  with  divergent  developments,  in  which  from  the  same  sources 
distinct  types  may  evolve,  as  well  as  with  convergent  developments,  in 
which  very  similar  phenomena  may  develop,  starting  from  entirely  distinct 
sources.  For  this  reason  I  have  never  held  the  opinion  that  any  single 
formula  can  be  found  by  which  it  would  be  possible  to  explain  the  phe- 
nomena of  all  that  we  are  accustomed  to  call  totemism,  because  I  do  not 
beheve  for  a  moment  that  all  the  phenomena  of  totemism  have  had  the 
same  or  even  a  similar  origin. 

^  Bastian- Festschrift,  Berlin,  1896,  p.  439.  Report  on  the  North-Westem  Tribes  of 
Canada,  British  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Science,  1898,  Reprint  p.  48;  see 
also  Report  on  the  North-Westem  Tribes  of  Canada,  1889,  Reprint  pp.  24  et  seq.;  "The 
Social  Organization  and  the  Secret  Societies  of  the  Kwakiutl  Indians,"  Report  U.  S. 
National  Museum  for  1S95,  Washington,  1897,  p.  336. 

^  Transactions  of  the  Royal  Society  of  Canada,  1901-02,  vol.  vii,  sec.  II,  pp.  6  et  seq. 

'  The  Import  of  the  Totem,  a  Study  from  the  Omaha  Tribe,  Salem,  Mass.,  1897. 

*  "  Some  Traits  of  Primitive  Culture,  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore,  vol.  xvii,  1904, 
p.  251;  Psychological  Problems  in  Anthropology,  Lectures  and  Addresses  delivered  be- 
fore the  Departments  of  Psychology  and  Pedagogy  in  celebration  of  the  Twentieth  Anni- 
versary of  Clark  University,  Worcester,  1910,  pp.  125  et  seq. 


Notes  and  Queries  393 

The  conclusions  which  Dr.  Goldenweiser  has  reached  in  his  discussion  of 
totemism  support  strongly  the  views  towards  which  I  incline,  not  only  in 
regard  to  totemism,  but  in  regard  to  practically  all  ethnological  phenomena. 

It  may  not  be  amiss  to  emphasize  another  point.  I  am  inclined  to  lay 
very  little  stress  upon  the  explanations  of  ideas  and  explanatory  tales 
which  we  constantly  obtain  from  primitive  tribes  and  from  others,  as  fur- 
nishing information  of  the  true  origin  of  the  forms  or  customs  in  question. 
If  an  individual  says  that  a  certain  design  represents  a  bird,  this  does  not 
mean  that  it  originally  meant  a  bird.  If  he  says  that  a  taboo  must  not  be 
broken  because  it  would  offend  the  deity,  this  is  not  proof  that  the  belief  in 
the  deity  is  older  than  the  taboo.  We  are  dealing  in  ethnology  with  re- 
interpretations  without  end,  the  psychological  value  of  which  is  very  great, 
but  which  throw  no  light  upon  the  history  of  development.  This  is  true 
also  in  regard  to  totemism;  and  the  fact  that  the  Australians  explain  their 
totem  in  one  way,  and  the  American  Indians  in  another  way,  proves,  I 
believe,  very  little  in  regard  to  the  origin  of  the  type  of  social  organization 
in  question,  unless  it  can  be  proved,  by  considerations  quite  apart  from  the 
explanations  given  by  the  people  themselves,  that  the  explanations  given 
by  the  people  have  an  historical  value. 

I  am  thoroughly  convinced  that  all  problems  in  anthropology  require, 
first  of  all,  a  thorough  analytical  study  of  the  objective  appearances  of 
phenomena  on  the  one  hand,  and  of  their  explanations  on  the  other,  and 
that  only  by  the  whole  synthesis  of  results  thus  obtained  can  results  of 
permanent  value  be  secured. 

Franz  Boas. 

Capturing  the  Soul.  —  The  following  incident,  as  told  by  Miss  Belle 
Greene,  daughter  of  Mrs.  Mary  Greene,  the  missionary  referred  to  below, 
took  place  at  the  Indian  Manual  Labor  School,  at  the  Shawnee  Mission 
near  where  Kansas  City,  Missouri,  now  is.  Miss  Greene  was  a  teacher  in 
the  Shawnee  Mission  School  for  a  number  of  years.  One  of  the  pupils,  a  lit- 
tle girl  about  ten  or  eleven  years  of  age,  was  taken  sick  and  attended  by 
a  physician.  After  a  short  illness  it  was  evident  that  she  must  die,  and  her 
parents  were  immediately  summoned;  and  with  them  came  the  aged  grand- 
mother, with  whom  the  child  was  an  especial  favorite.  They  were  with  the 
little  one  for  several  days  before  her  death,  and  manifested  deep  solicitude 
and  affection  for  her.  When  it  was  seen  that  she  was  dying,  the  parents  took 
their  place  beside  the  bed;  while  the  grandmother,  on  the  other  side  and 
nearer  the  foot,  stood  motionless.  With  intense  eagerness  she  kept  her  eyes 
upon  the  face  of  her  dying  grandchild  as  her  breath  became  shorter.  Sud- 
denly, with  a  movement  as  quick  as  it  was  unex-pected,  the  old  woman  arose, 
seized  a  pillow,  and  threw  it  with  force  directly  into  the  face  of  the  child, 
and,  springing  forward,  pressed  it  down,  and,  grasping  the  two  ends  in  her 
hands,  folded  them,  as  it  were,  together,  before  any  one  could  prevent. 
The  parents  silently  looked  on  unmoved.  The  missionary,  grieved  and 
shocked  at  what  seemed  such  cruel  heartlessness,  cried,  "What  do  you 
mean  ?  You  must  not  do  so !  "  and  attempted  to  take  the  pillow.  The  grand- 
mother herself  gently  removed  it,  held  it  an  instant  still  folded,  and,  as  she 


394  Journal  oj  American  Folk-Lore 

laid  it  safely  upon  the  bed,  replied,  "Me  catch  her  spirit,  it  stay  awhile,  it 
not  go  away  yet."  Then  with  tenderness  she  bent  over  the  dead  child,  gave 
way  to  her  grief  in  moans  and  in  words,  which,  though  not  understood  by 
the  missionary,  were  uttered  in  a  voice  expressive  of  the  deepest  love  and 

sorrow. 

J.S. 


LOCAL  MEETINGS 


NEW  YORK   BRANCH 


The  meetings  of  the  New  York  Branch  during  1909-10  took  place  at 
Columbia  University  on  the  following  dates,  and  papers  were  read  and 
discussed  as  given  below.  October  21,  Mr.  P.  Radin,  on  "Winnebago  Folk- 
Lore;"  discussion  by  Messrs.  Lowie,  Goldenweiser,  Hagar,  Waterman, 
Frachtenberg.  November  18,  Mr.  S.  Hagar,  on  "Indian  Astronomy;" 
discussion  by  Dr.  Boas.  December  16,  Dr.  F.  Boas,  on  "  Oral  Tradition  and 
Literary  Form;"  discussion  by  Messrs.  Jacobs,  Riess,  Lowie,  Deming. 
February  17,  1910,  Dr.  I.  Friedlaender,  on  "The  Wandering  of  a  Myth;" 
discussion  by  Messrs.  Waterman  and  Ogburn.  March  17,  Mr.  A.  Skinner, 
on  "Some  Cree  Myths,"  and  discussion.  April  21,  Dr.  R.  H.  Lowie,  on 
Van  Gennep's  "La  Formation  des  Legendes;"  discussion  by  Dr.  Boas. 
May  19  (at  Whittier  Hall,  by  invitation  of  Miss  Louise  Haessler),  Mr. 
P.  Radin,  on  "The  Two  Brothers  Myth  of  the  Winnebago,"  social  gathering, 
and  adjournment  until  the  fall. 

The  first  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Branch  took  place  on  Dec.  16,  1909,  at 
Columbia  University.  The  Branch  has  over  70  members.  The  report  of 
the  Treasurer  showed  a  clear  balance  of  $9.43,  not  including  the  outstand- 
ing dues  of  a  number  of  members.  The  Chairman  appointed  Messrs. 
Goldenweiser,  Waterman,  and  Frachtenberg  auditing  committee,  and 
instructed  them  to  examine  the  books  of  the  Treasurer.  Professor  Boas 
reported  on  behalf  of  the  Executive  Committee  the  recommendation  of 
that  body  that  the  present  oflficers  be  reelected  for  another  year.  The 
Secretary  w^as  instructed  to  cast  a  ballot  for  reelection.  The  following 
officers  were  elected  for  the  ensuing  year:  President,  Robert  H.  Lo-^de; 
Vice-President,  Joseph  Jacobs;  Secretary,  Leo  J.  Frachtenberg;  Treasurer, 
Stansbury  Hagar;  Executive  Committee,  Franz  Boas,  Marshall  H.  Saville, 
E.  W.  Deming. 


THE   JOURNAL   OF 

AMERICAN  FOLK-LORE 

Vol.  XXIII.  —  OCTOBER-DECEMBER,  1910.  — No.  XC. 


NEW-MEXICAN  SPANISH  FOLK-LORE 

BY  AURELIO   M.   ESPINOSA 

The  author  of  the  present  article  has  for  several  years  been  gather- 
ing material  for  the  dialectology  and  folk-lore  of  New  Mexico.  An 
attempt  is  being  made  to  carry  on  this  work  in  a  systematic  and 
scientific  manner,  so  that  some  of  the  material  must  remain  unpub- 
lished for  a  long  time.  The  comparative  method  of  studying  folk-lore, 
which  is  at  the  same  time  historical,  seems  to  be  the  only  method  by 
which  to  obtain  good  results.  To  pursue  this  method  to  advantage 
in  all  branches  of  the  study  is  a  long,  laborious  task.  In  the  present 
article,  which  is  Part  XX  of  my  New-Mexican  Spanish  folk-lore 
material,^  I  have  been  compelled  to  publish  bare  facts,  with  little 
comparative  method.  This  has  been  due  to  various  reasons,  which  I 
need  not  mention  here.  I  may  say,  however,  that  I  am  at  present 
especially  interested  in  the  Hterary  and  purely  Hnguistic  side  of  Span- 
ish folk-lore,  and  that  I  have  had  no  time  to  make  a  special  study  of 
the  subject-matter  of  this  article.  The  material  contained  in  these 
pages,  however,  is  all  original,  and  I  hope  it  may  be  useful  to  students 
of  general  comparative  folk-lore. 

Folk-lore  studies  in  Spanish  North  America  have  been  entirely 
neglected.  With  the  single  exception  of  a  short  article  by  John  G. 
Bourke,  pubHshed  in  this  Journal  in  1S96, 1  do  not  know  of  any  Amer- 
ican publication  on  Spanish- American  folk-lore.  ^  The  field  is  very 
rich,  and  will  repay  the  labors  of  any  one.  The  abundant  material 
which  has  already  been  found  in  New  Mexico  and  Colorado  would 
seem  to  furnish  ample  proof  that  vast  treasures  of  folk-lore  are  to  be 
found  in  Texas,  CaHfornia,  and  Arizona,  not  to  speak  of  Mexican 
folk-lore  studies,  which,  to  my  knowledge,  no  one  has  ever  touched 
upon.^ 

1  See  the  author's  work,  "The  Spanish  Language  in  New  Mexico  and  Southern  Colo- 
rado" {.Bulletin  of  the  New  Mexico  Historical  Society,  No.  16),  chapter  iv. 

2  "Notes  on  the  Language  and  Folk-Usage  of  the  Rio  Grande  Valley,"  Journal  of 
American  Folk-Lore,  vol.  ix,  pp.  81-1 16.  In  the  works  of  C.  F.  Lummis  (A  New  Mexico 
David  [New  York,  1891]  and  The  Land  of  Poco  Tiempo  [Ibid.,  1893]),  some  interesting 
New  Mexican  folk-lore  material  is  found. 

'  In  South  America  more  has  been  done,  especially  in  Chili,  where,  under  the  able 
VOL.  XXIII.  —  NO.  90.  25 


396  Journal  oj  American  Folk-Lore 

I.   MYTHS 
I,    WITCHES    (lOS   BRUJOs) 

Los  hrujos  6  hriijas  are  mischievous  individuals  who  practise  evil 
on  their  neighbors,  often  for  little  or  no  cause.  Generally,  however, 
it  is  on  their  enemies  that  witches  practise  the  e\il  doings  which  they 
are  able  to  perform.  No  one  is  born  a  witch.  Witchcraft  is  a  science, 
a  kind  of  learning  which  may  be  learned  from  other  witches.^  Any 
one  who  is  a  witch  can  give  his  or  her  powers  to  another  one; 
though  an  individual,  by  practising  evil,  may,  on  agreement  with 
the  Devil,  become  a  witch.  New  Mexicans  speak  of  a  witch  as  being 
in  agreement  with  the  Devil  (pactado  con  el  diablo  or  pautaii  con  el 
diahlo). 

Belief  in  witchcraft  of  one  sort  or  another  is  found  practically 
among  all  primitive  peoples,  and  has  survived  in  all  countries  until 
comparatively  recent  times. ^  In  New  Mexico  this  belief  is  still 
widespread.  People,  young  and  old,  have  a  terrible  superstitious 
fear  of  witches  and  their  evil  doings.  Numerous  stories  cling  around 
their  beliefs,  and  these  are  often  confused  and  sometimes  even  con- 
tradictory. The  means  of  doing  harm  which  the  witches  have  at  their 
disposal  are  various,  but  in  practically  all  their  methods  they  bring 
into  play  their  power  of  being  transformed  into  any  animal  whatso- 
ever. A  lady  once  visited  with  a  lady  friend  whom  she  did  not  know 
to  be  a  witch.  Both  retired  in  the  evening  and  went  to  sleep  in  the 
same  bed.  About  midnight  (the  hour  when  witches  go  forth  from 
their  homes  to  practise  mischief  and  take  revenge  on  their  enemies) 
the  visitor  saw  her  friend  get  up  from  the  bed  and  Ught  a  candle. 
Presently  she  produced  a  large  dish,  placed  it  on  a  table,  pulled  out 
both  of  her  eyes,  and,  putting  them  in  the  dish,  flew  out  through  the 
chimney,  riding  on  a  broomstick.  The  visitor  could  no  longer  stay 
in  the  house  of  the  witch,  but  dressed  in  haste  and  ran  to  her  home. 

The  owl,  called  in  New  Mexico  tecolote  (<^Nahuatl  tecolotl) ,  is  very 
much  feared,  and  is  supposed  to  be  the  animal  whose  form  the  witches 
prefer  to  take.  The  hoot  of  the  owl  is  an  evil  omen;  and  the  continu- 
ous presence  of  an  owl  at  nightfall  near  any  house  is  a  sure  sign 

leadership  of  Professor  Rudolph  Lenz  of  the  University  of  Santiago  de  Chile,  a  Chili 
Folk-Lore  Society  has  begun  the  study  of  Chihan  folk-lore  on  a  large  scale.  The  society 
publishes  a  Rcvista  de  Folklore  Chilcno,  and  three  excellent  numbers  have  already  ap- 
peared. The  author  of  the  present  article  has  recently  organized  a  Spanish  Folk-Lore 
Society  among  the  advanced  students  of  Stanford  University. 

^  Near  Pena  Blanca,  in  central  New  Mexico,  there  is  said  to  be  a  school  of  witches. 
The  apprentice  first  enters  their  cave,  where  the  Devil  and  old  witches  preside.  At  first 
the  beginner  is  taught  to  transform  herself  into  a  dove,  then  into  an  owl,  and  finally  into 
a  dog. 

2  See  Gomme,  Folklore  as  an  Historical  Science  (London,  1908),  pp.  194,  201-206. 


New- Mexican  Spanish  Folk-Lore  397 

that  witches  are  approaching  with  evil  intentions,  or  that  some  evil 
is  about  to  visit  the  house. 

In  a  certain  village  in  northern  New  Mexico,  which  was  consmered 
a  favorite  rendezvous  for  witches,  a  certain  house  had  been  sur- 
rounded for  various  nights  by  owls  and  foxes  (the  fox  is  another 
animal  whose  form  watches  like  to  take).  Fearing  harm  from 
witches,  since  the  hooting  of  the  owls  and  the  howling  of  the  foxes 
had  become  almost  insufferable,  men  went  out  to  meet  them  with 
bows  and  arrows.  The  owls  and  foxes  disappeared  in  all  directions, 
with  the  exception  of  one  old  fox,  which  had  been  wounded  near  the 
heart  by  an  arrow.  No  one  dared  to  approach  the  wounded  fox, 
however;  and  the  next  morning  it  was  discovered  that  an  old  lady, 
a  witch,  living  near  by,  was  in  her  death-bed,  with  an  arrow-wound 
near  the  heart. 

I  have  never  heard  of  the  soul  of  the  person  leaving  the  body  and 
entering  into  the  animal  in  question,  the  body  remaining  lifeless 
until  the  re  transformation  takes  place,  as  is  the  behef  in  Chili.  ^  In 
New  Mexico  the  general  behef  is,  that  complete  transformation  of 
body  and  soul  takes  place  at  will;  and  in  case  of  no  transformation, 
the  witch  usually  leaves  the  eyes  behind. 

On  another  occasion  a  man  was  riding  on  a  fast  horse  and  saw  a 
fox.  He  started  in  pursuit;  and  after  a  long  chase,  when  the  fox  was 
very  tired  and  was  already  dragging  its  tongue  along  the  ground,  a 
sudden  transformation  took  place.  At  a  sharp  turn  of  the  road  the 
fox  stopped,  and  the  rider  did  the  same.  To  his  amazement,  he  at 
once  perceived  a  gray-haired  woman  sitting  on  a  stone  and  panting 
in  a  terrible  manner.  Recognizing  in  her  an  old  woman  who  was  his 
neighbor,  and  whom  he  had  suspected  of  being  a  witch,  he  went  his 
way  and  troubled  her  no  more. 

A  witch  may  have  a  person  under  the  influence  of  some  evil,  illness, 
or  even  \'ice,  at  will.  The  unfortunate  individual  who  is  beset  by 
witches  is  also  pursued  and  molested  by  devils  and  other  evil  spirits 
who  help  the  witches.  The  general  name  for  any  evil  or  harm  caused 
by  a  witch  is,  in  New  Mexico,  maleficio  ("spell,  enchantment, 
harm"),  and  the  verb  is  maleficiar  ("to  do  harm,  to  bewitch"). 
Estar  maleficiau  ("  to  be  under  the  spell  or  influence  of  a  witch")  is 
the  greatest  of  evils,  and  hard  to  overcome,  A  witch,  however,  may 
be  compelled  by  physical  torture  to  raise  the  spell  or  cease  doing 
harm;  but  this  method  is  not  advisable,  since  sooner  or  later  the 
witch  will  again  take  revenge.  In  some  instances,  it  is  said,  innocent 
old  women  have  been  cruelly  tortured  in  attempting  to  force  them  to 
cure  imaginary  or  other  wrongs  of  which  they  were  accused.  On  one 

^  See  Mitos  y  Supersticiones,  by  J.  Vicuna  Cifuentes  (Santiago  de  Chile,  1910), 
pp.  44-45- 


398  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

occasion  a  witch  was  roped  and  dragged  until  she  restored  health  to 
one  she  had  maleficiau.  One  of  the  more  common  evils  which  witches 
cause  is  madness  or  insanity;  and  the  person  may  be  restored,  as 
a  rule,  by  causing  the  witch  to  endure  great  physical  pain.  All 
kinds  of  physical  ills  are  said  to  be  caused  by  witches.  A  certain 
woman  suffered  great  pain  in  the  stomach,  and  it  was  feared  that  she 
was  makficiada.  Some  living  creature  was  felt  to  move  about  within 
her  stomach;  and  her  relatives  became  alarmed,  and  attributed  the 
trouble  to  an  old  woman  who  was  suspected  of  being  a  witch.  She 
was  purposely  called  in  to  visit  the  sick  one  as  a  curandera  {" '  popu- 
lar doctor");  and,  fearing  violence,  she  approached  the  makficiada 
and  instantly  caused  a  large  owl  —  the  cause  of  her  illness  —  to 
come  out  of  her  stomach. 

The  ideas  and  beliefs  of  the  New  Mexican  lower  classes  about 
witchcraft  are  not  always  clear.  Conflicting  stories  are  frequently 
told;  and  when  questioned  in  detail  about  this  or  that  particular 
belief,  their  answers  are  confused  and  uncertain.  The  hrujas  (gene- 
rally women)  are  women  who  are  wicked  {pautadas  con  el  diahk)  and 
non-Christian.  By  confessing  their  sins  to  a  priest,  repenting,  and 
abandoning  their  devilish  ways,  they  may  become  good  Christian 
women.  A  certain  witch  desired  to  forsake  her  evil  ways  and  save  her 
soul,  since  those  who  die  witches  cannot  expect  salvation.  She  con- 
fessed to  a  priest,  and  gave  him  a  large  bundle  in  the  shape  of  a  ball, 
which  consisted  largely  of  old  rags,  and  pins  stuck  into  it,  —  the 
source  and  cause  of  her  evil  powers.  The  priest  took  the  diabolical 
bundle  and  threw  it  into  a  fire,  where,  after  bounding  and  rebounding 
for  several  minutes  in  an  infernal  manner,  it  was  consumed,  and  the 
compact  with  the  Devil  ceased  {ya  no  estaba  pautada  con  el  diahlo). 

It  is  not  always  easy  to  determine  who  is,  and  who  is  not,  a  witch. 
In  case  any  woman  is  suspected  of  being  a  witch,  there  are  ways  of 
ascertaining  the  truth.  If  the  witch  is  visiting  in  any  house,  a  broom 
with  a  small  cross  (made  from  straws  of  the  same  broom)  stuck  to  it 
is  placed  at  the  door.  If  the  woman  is  a  witch,  she  will  never  leave 
the  room  until  the  broom  and  cross  are  removed.  Another  way,  which 
is  very  similar  to  this  one,  is  to  place  the  broom  behind  the  door,  with 
a  cross  made  from  two  needles.  It  is  a  significant  fact  that  the  broom 
and  cross  play  an  important  part  in  witchcraft  in  New  Mexico.  A 
comparative  study  of  this  problem  may  reveal  some  very  interesting 
facts.  The  broom  plays  an  important  role  in  the  witchcraft  of  all 
countries.  So  far  as  the  cross  is  concerned,  it  is  in  every  respect  a 
most  important  element  in  the  folk-lore  of  New  Mexico.  A  third  way 
of  determining  if  a  woman  is  a  witch  or  not  is  to  spy  her  while  sleeping, 
for  all  witches  sleep  with  their  eyes  open.  Of  a  vigilant  and  careful 
person,  it  is  said,    "  Es  coma  las  hrujos  duerme  con  los  ojos  abiertos." 


New-Mexican  Spanish  Folk-Lore  399 

Furthermore,  any  man  or  boy  named  John  or  John  the  Baptist  may 
catch  a  witch  by  putting  on  his  clothes  wrongside  out,  or  by  making 
with  his  foot  a  circle  around  the  witch.  Other  strange  beliefs  similar 
to  these  are  current  in  various  localities,  and  nearly  all  start  with  the 
idea  that  the  one  who  can  catch  a  witch  is  one  named  John  or  John 
the  Eaptist  (Juan  Bautista).  There  are  some  charms  used  against 
witches.  The  cores  of  red  peppers  burned  on  Fridays  will  keep  away 
the  witches  and  their  evil  doings.  Another  preventive  is  to  urinate  in 
the  direction  of  their  homes. 

To  some  persons,  to  relatives  and  particular  friends,  the  witches  do 
no  harm,  though  they  are  absolutely  incapable  of  doing  any  good. 
From  such  people,  witches  do  not  conceal  the  fact  that  they  are 
witches,  though  as  a  rule  great  secrecy  prevails.  To  these  confiden- 
tial friends  they  often  tell  their  evil  intentions  or  threats  of  vengeance. 
A  certain  woman  in  New  Mexico  who  was  suspected  of  being  a  witch 
always  carried  with  her,  concealed  under  her  clothes,  a  bundle  of 
rags  with  pins,  and  a  small  toad  wrapped  up  in  rags,  which  she  would 
often  show  to  her  friends,  caressing  it  with  her  hand. 

New  ]\Iexicans  also  beheve  that  a  witch  may  take  the  form  of  a 
black  dog.  A  black  dog,  however,  may  represent  the  Devil  or  some 
other  evil  spirit.  A  certain  woman  in  Santa  Fe  was  often  beaten  in 
her  bed  by  a  black  dog  that  no  one  but  herself  could  see.  This  was 
supposed  to  be  a  witch;  and  her  neighbors  say  that  it  was  a  witch, 
the  wife  of  a  man  with  whom  the  woman  who  was  beaten  had  had 
illicit  relations.^ 

2.    DWARFS 

Dwarfs  (los  duendes)  are  individuals  of  small  stature,  who  frighten 
the  lazy,  the  wicked,  and  in  particular  the  filthy.  The  New  Mexican 
idea  about  dwarfs  is  embraced  in  the  above  statement.  The  people 
express  much  uncertainty  about  the  origin,  whereabouts,  and  doings 
of  dwarfs.  A  young  lady  from  Santa  Fe,  however,  seemed  to  have 
some  definite  ideas  about  their  life.  She  pictured  them  as  Hving 
together  in  a  certain  lonely  place,  where  they  inhabited  underground 
houses,  went  out  secretly  to  steal  provisions  and  clothing,  especially 
at  night,  and  often  even  went  to  the  cities  to  buy  provisions.  In  the 
caves  they  prospered  and  lived  with  their  families.  Most  of  the 
people,  however,  profess  ignorance  about  dwarfs.  They  have  only 
the  general  idea  of  their  being  evil  spirits  that  terrorize  the  wicked, 
lazy,  or  filthy,  as  I  have  already  stated.^  The  following  story  is  one 

1  In  some  parts  of  France  it  is  believed  that  witches  may  transform  themselves  into 
white  dogs,  and  not  black  (see  L.  Laineau,  Memoires  de  la  Societe  de  lingtiistique  de  Paris, 
vol.  xiv,  p.  270).  In  Lorraine,  witches  usually  take  the  form  of  wolves  or  hares  (Paul 
Sebillot,  Folk-Lore  de  France,  vol.  iii  [1906],  p.  57). 

2  In  Chili  the  origin  of  the  dwarfs  constitutes  a  definite  popular  idea.  Ct.  V.  Cifuentes, 
op.  ciL,  pp.  37-38:  "Cuando  Luzbel  fu6  arrojado  del  cielo,  le  siguieron  innumerables 


400  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

well  known:  A  family  once  moved  from  one  place  to  another,  and,  on 
arriving  at  the  new  house,  the  mother  was  looking  for  the  broom  to 
sweep.  Her  daughter,  a  lazy  and  careless  girl,  had  forgotten  it  in 
the  old  home.  Presently  a  dwarf  appeared,  descending  slowly  from 
the  roof  with  the  broom  in  his  hand,  and,  presenting  it  to  the  lady, 
he  said,  "  Here  it  is!"  A  confused  idea  also  exists  in  some  locaUties 
with  respect  to  the  dwarf  as  a  wandering  soul.  I  have  not  been  able 
to  obtain  any  definite  information  on  this  point,  but  the  idea  of  a 
dwarf  being  a  suffering  soul  from  purgatory  is  found  in  modern 
Spanish  literature.^  To  daughters  who  are  lazy  and  dirty  about  the 
house,  mothers  say,  "iVo  seas  puerca  y  se  te  vayan  a  {d)parecer  los 
duendes." 

In  Chretien  de  Troyes,  the  dwarf  (nains)  appears  frequently,  but 
often  as  a  very  small  person,  an  actual  human  being.  He  is  always 
vile  and  treacherous  (cf.  the  dwarf  who  appears  in  Erec  and  Enide). 
In  Celtic  myths,  however,  the  dwarf  is  a  spirit  who  inhabits  the 
underground  caves  and  forges  marvellous  weapons.  He  is  an  ugly 
creature,  with  claws  like  those  of  a  cat,  and  a  wrinkled  face  (Larousse). 
In  Scandinavian  mythology,  the  dwarfs  (Dvergen)  are  inhabitants 
of  the  interior  of  the  earth,  and  they  also  were  said  to  forge  marvel- 
lous weapons.  The  Spanish  word  duende,  <ddmitus  (Korting,  3088), 
is  also  suggestive  of  Hausgespenst. 

3.    THE   EVIL   ONE 

The  myth  about  the  evil  one,  la  malora  {<mala  hora),  also  pro- 
nounced malogra  (literally, "  the  evil  hour"),  is  indeed  interesting, 
both  from  the  purely  folk-lore  side  as  well  as  from  the  philological 
side.  How  mala  hora,  the  evil  hour,  ill  fate,  bad  luck,  came  to  be 
thought  of  as  a  definite  concrete  idea  of  an  individual  wicked  spirit, 
is  interesting  from  more  than  one  point  of  view.  This  myth  is  a 
well-known  one.  La  malora  is  an  evil  spirit  which  wanders  about  in 
the  darkness  of  the  night  at  the  cross-roads  and  other  places.  It 
terrorizes  the  unfortunate  ones  who  wander  alone  at  night,  and 
has  usually  the  form  of  a  large  lock  of  wool  or  the  whole  fleece  of  wool 
of  a  sheep  {un  vellon  de  lana).  Sometimes  it  takes  a  human  form,  but 
this  is  rare;  and  the  New  Mexicans  say  that  when  it  has  been  seen  in 
human  form,  it  presages  ill  fate,  death,  or  the  like.  When  it  appears 
on  dark  nights  in  the  shape  of  a  fleece  of  wool,  it  diminishes  and  in- 

angeles,  y  temiendo  Dios  que  se  fueran  todos,  dijo  'jBasta!'  y  el  cielo  y  el  infierno  se 
cerraron.  Multitud  de  dngeles  quedaron  en  el  aire,  sin  poder  volver  al  cielo  ni  penetrar 
en  el  infierno,  y  estos  son  los  duendes." 

^  Cf.  El  Duque  de  Rivas,  Tanto  vales  cuanto  tienes,  Act  I,  Scene  XIII. 

"A  la  puerta  estl 
Un  hombre  del  otro  siglo 
Un  duende  del  Purgatorio." 


New- Mexican  Spanish  Folk-Lore  401 

creases  in  size  in  the  very  presence  of  the  unfortunate  one  who  sees 
it.  It  is  also  generally  beheved  that  a  person  who  sees  la  malora,  like 
one  who  sees  a  ghost  {un  difunto),  forever  remains  senseless.  When 
asked  for  detailed  information  about  this  myth,  the  New  Mexicans 
give  the  general  reply,  ''  It  is  an  evil  thing"  {es  cosa  mala). 

4.   THE   WEEPING  WOMAN 

The  myth  of  The  Weeping  Woman  {La  Llorofia)  is  peculiar  to 
Santa  Fe.  A  strange  woman  dressed  in  black,  dragging  heavy  chains 
-  and  weeping  bitterly,  is  often  seen  after  midnight  walking  about  the 
dark  streets  or  standing  at  the  windows  and  doors  of  private  houses.-^ 
Vague  ideas  are  expressed  about  her,  but  many  state  that  she  is  a 
soul  from  purgatory,  desiring  to  communicate  with  some  one,  or 
obliged  to  atone  for  her  sins  by  dragging  chains  and  weeping.  That 
any  soul  from  purgatory  or  heaven  can  come  down  to  earth  to 
communicate  with  relatives  and  friends,  is  a  widespread  behef  in 
New  Mexico;  and  it  is  not  strange  that  any  apparition,  real  or  imagin- 
ary, is  looked  upon  as  a  wandering  soul.  When  The  Weeping  Woman 
is  heard  weeping  at  the  door,  no  one  leaves  the  house;  and  finally  she 
departs,  continuing  her  sad  lamentations  and  dragging  heavy  chains. 
There  are  also  some  who  state  that  the  llorona  is  an  infernal  spirit 
wandering  through  the  world,  and  entering  the  houses  of  those  who 
are  to  be  visited  by  great  misfortunes,  especially  death  in  the  fam- 
ily; and  a  few  say  that  she  is  nothing  more  than  an  old  witch  {una 
vieja  bruja). 

5.    THE   BUGABOO   OR  BUGBEAR 

There  is  no  definite  idea  in  the  minds  of  the  people  of  New  Mexico 
about  the  bugaboo  or  bugbear  {el  coco) .  It  is  considered  as  a  wild, 
ugly-looking  man  or  animal  that  frightens  bad  boys.  The  children 
are  frightened  at  the  very  name  of  el  coco,  and  all  fear  it.  Such 
expressions  as  te  come  el  coco;  ahl  viene  el  coco;  si  no  callas,  llamo  al  coco 
pa  que  te  coma;  etc.,  —  are  very  common.^  By  extension  of  meaning, 
any  terrible-looking  person  who  frightens  others  is  called  el  coco,  and 
hence  the  expression  meterle  el  coco  a  una  persona  (' '  to  scare  a  per- 
son"). 

El  coco  is  also  often  called  el  agiielo  {<abuelo),  a  myth  which  must 
not  be  confused  with,  though  it  is  apparently  the  source  of,  the  custom 
which  exists  in  New  Mexico  about  another  agiielo.  During  Christmas 
week  an  old  man  called  el  agiielo  visits  houses  and  makes  the  children 

^  Only  in  the  black  mantle  does  the  llorona  resemble  the  calchona  of  Chilian  folk-lore 
(see  J.  V.  Cifuentes,  op.  cit.,  p.  9). 

2  In  the  sense  of  "bugaboo  to  scare  children,"  the  word  is  in  general  use  in  Spanish 
literature.  Korting  gives  the  etymology  as  coco,  which,  if  popularly  developed,  should  be 
cuego.  For  the  meaning  "bugaboo,"  derived  from  the  ugly  appearance  of  the  coco,  see 
Comu,  Romania,  xi,  119.  All  this  is,  in  my  opinion,  very  doubtful. 


402  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

play  and  pray.  Those  who  cannot  say  their  prayers  he  whips  and 
advises  them  to  learn  them  quickly.  The  origin  of  the  name  agiielo 
in  this  interesting  custom  is  undoubtedly  taken  from  el  coco,  "  buga- 
boo." 

The  children,  of  course,  who  are  frightened  at  all  times  of  the  year 
with  the  mythical  coco  or  agiielo,  do  not  differentiate  between  the 
mythical  one  and  the  real  agiielo  of  Christmas  time,  who  makes  them 
dance,  say  their  prayers,  and  give  him  cakes  and  sweets.^ 

6.    THE    DEVIL 

In  New  Mexican  Spanish  the  De\dl  is  known  by  various  names, 
el  mashishi,^  el  diablo,  el  malo.  There  is  Uttle  difference  in  the  mean- 
ing of  these  names.  All  three  are  epithets  of  the  Devil.  The  Devil 
does  not  play  such  an  important  part  in  popular  superstition  any- 
where. He  is  rather  a  literary  personage,  one  more  frequently  en- 
countered in  genuine  literature  than  in  popular  tradition.  The  \\dtches 
and  all  other  e\al  spirits  are  in  agreement  \\'ith  the  Devil,  —  pautaus 
(<pactados)  con  el  diablo,  —  but  other  than  this  general  behef  and 
the  frequency  of  the  word  diablo  in  oaths  and  exclamations,  the 
Devil  is  not  an  important  factor  in  New  Mexican  Spanish  folk-lore, 
and  he  is  not  even  feared.^  The  simple  sign  of  the  cross  will  scare 
away  any  devil  or  other  e\al  spirit  which  may  dare  to  appear,  so  the 
New  ^Mexicans  do  not  worry  about  the  De\al.  He  once  caused  human- 
ity to  fall,  but  now  his  power  has  become  much  weakened :  no  le  vale 
con  San  Miguel  ("  he  has  been  conquered  by  St.  ]\Iichael").  Another 
very  common  epithet  for  the  Devil,  in  addition  to  the  three  already 
given,  is  aqiiel  gallo  ("that  old  rooster");  and  in  a  certain  riddle  he 
is  called  pata  galdn  ("  pretty  legs").^ 

^  The  agiielo  rushes  into  a  house  dressed  as  a  hermit,  and  asks  for  the  children.  After 

making  then  pray,  he  makes  them  form  a  circle,  and,  taking  each  other's  hands,  they 

dance  around  the  room  with  him,  singing, 

"Baila  piloma  de  Juan  turuntua  (or  durundiin), 
i  Turun  tun  tun 

Turun  tun  tun!" 

2  As  I  have  said  on  another  occasion,  the  New  Mexican  word  mashishi  (pronoimced 
masheeshee)  may  be  connected  \\'ith  the  Chihan  mdchi  (a  popular  doctor  or  soothsayer  of 
the  Indians  of  Chili;  also  a  witch).  See  Lenz,  Los  Elementos  itidios  del  Castellano  de  Chile, 
etc.  (Santiago,  1904-10),  p.  460. 

^  An  interesting  study,  "The  Devil  as  a  Dramatic  Figure  in  the  Spanish  Rehgious 
Drama  before  Lope  de  ^'ega,"  by  J.  P.  W.  Crawford,  is  just  appearing  in  the  Romanic 
Review.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  author  will  continue  this  study,  through  the  classic 
dramatists,  where  the  figure  of  the  Devil  is  also  common. 

*  The  riddle  is  a  dialogue  in  this  manner:  — 

1.  <i  A  quien  quieres  mis, 
Ji  Din  o  (a)  Addn, 

O  d  pata  galan? 

2.  A  pata  galin. 

X.  i  Que  barbaro!   £se  es  el  diablo. 


New-Mexican  Spanish  Folk-Lore  403 

7.    THE   MONSTER  VIPER 

This  is  a  Spanish-Indian  myth.  The  behef  is  that  the  Pueblo 
Indians  of  New  Mexico  have  in  each  pueblo  a  monster  viper  {el 
viboron)  in  a  large  subterranean  cave,  which  is  nourished  with  seven 
Hving  children  every  year.  I  know  absolutely  nothing  about  the 
origin  of  this  myth,  and  have  had  no  time  to  study  it;  but  I  am  in- 
ch'ned  to  believe  that  this  is  a  pure  Indian  myth,  probably  of  Aztec 
origin.  The  interesting  thing  about  it  is,  that  the  Indians  themselves 
have  very  vague  ideas  concerning  it,  some  even  denying  it.  The 
belief  among  the  New  Mexicans  of  this  Indian  myth  is  widespread, 
and  the  gradual  disappearance  of  the  New  Mexico  Pueblo  Indians 
is  explained  by  the  myth  in  question.  In  the  pueblo  of  Taos  it  is 
said_that  an  Indian  woman,  when  her  turn  came  to  deliver  her  child 
to  the  monster  viper,  fled  to  her  Mexican  neighbors,  and  thus  saved 
her  child.  ^ 

8.    THE   BASILISK 

The  well-known  myth  of  the  basilisk  (el  hasilisco)  —  a  myth  which 
is  found  in  nearly  all  countries  —  is  widely  extended  in  New  Mexico. 
It  does  not  differ  entirely  from  that  of  Spain  or  Chili,  but  there  is 
one  element  which  distinguishes  it  from  the  basihsk  myths  of  other 
countries.  In  all  countries  where  the  myth  appears,  it  is  beheved  that 
the  basilisk  is  born  from  an  egg  laid  by  a  cock.  According  to  the  New 
Mexican  behef,  the  basilisk  is  said  to  be  born  from  an  old  hen.  There 
is  no  egg  connected  with  the  myth  at  all.  After  a  hen  is  seven  years 
old,  she  no  longer  lays  eggs,  and  she  may  give  birth  to  a  basilisk, 
A  hen  which  is  known  to  be  more  than  seven  years  of  age  should  be 
killed,  lest  she  give  birth  to  a  basihsk.  Not  only  in  this  respect  is 
the  New  Mexican  myth  different  from  that  of  Spain  and  Chili;  the 
basilisk  in  New  Mexico  is  not  Hke  a  snake;  it  is  not  a  serpent  or  rep- 
tile; it  has  a  shapeless,  ugly  form,  resembling  a  deformed  chick,  and 
is  of  black  color.  So  it  is  described  by  a  New  Mexican,  who,  after 
going  to  a  chicken-house,  whither  he  was  attracted  by  the  cackHng 
of  a  hen,  found  a  basihsk,  fortunately  dead. 

Any  female  bird  or  fowl  may  give  birth  to  a  basihsk.  Everywhere 
in  New  Mexico  the  myth  is  the  same.  As  to  the  deadly  effect  of  the 
eye  of  the  basihsk,  the  New  Mexico  myth  is  the  same  as  in  other 
countries.  If  the  basilisk  sees  a  person  first,  the  person  dies;  if  the 
person  sees  the  basihsk  first,  the  basilisk  dies.  The  story  is  told  that 
in  a  certain  place  there  was  a  basihsk  in  a  magpie's  nest  on  top  of  a 
tree,  and  the  people  who  passed  by  were  seen  by  it  and  died.  Finally 
it  was  suspected  that  there  was  a  basilisk  up  in  the  tree,  and,  a  mirror 

1  This  myth  may  have  something  to  do  with  some  old  sacrificial  rites  of  the  Pueblo 
Indians. 


404  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

being  placed  near  the  nest,  the  basiUsk  saw  itself  there  and  died.  The 
belief  that  the  basihsk  dies  when  beholding  its  own  image  is  also  a 
prevalent  one  in  all  countries  where  the  myth  is  found.  Even  the 
mirror  story,  with  slight  variations,  is  one  that  is  found  in  Chili, 
France,  and  Spain.  ^ 

In  France  the  basihsk  is  also  found  in  wells,  and  may  be  killed  by 
placing  a  mirror  over  the  well  and  allowing  the  basilisk  to  see  its 
own  image. 

The  myth  of  the  basilisk  is  an  old  one.  In  Spanish  Uterature,  refer- 
ences to  the  deadly  eye  of  the  basihsk  are  quite  common,^  and  the 
same  is  true  in  French  literature.^ 

It  is  indeed  strange  that  the  New  Mexican  myth,  while  in  many 
respects  the  same  as  the  Spanish  and  general  European  myth,  should 
present  such  a  striking  difference  in  respect  to  the  manner  of  the 
birth  of  the  basilisk.  In  Chili  the  myth  is  in  all  respects  the  Euro- 
pean myth.^  * 

II.  SUPERSTITIONS  AND   BELIEFS 
I.  GHOSTS 

The  New  Mexicans,  in  spite  of  their  gaiety  and  lack  of  seriousness 
in  most  of  the  problems  confronting  them,  look  upon  death  as  a  very 
serious  matter.  Not  only  does  the  individual  dread  death  and  the 
consequences  which  may  follow  it,  but  the  family  dreads  to  face  the 
death  of  one  of  its  members.  There  are  all  kinds  of  superstitions 
in  regard  to  the  meaning  of  death  and  its  consequences.  Unfortun- 
ate is  the  family  wliich  is  once  visited  by  death,  for  other  deaths  will 
soon  follow.  In  the  midst  of  all  this  fear  of  death,  and  certainty  that 
some  day  it  is  to  come,  as  may  be  seen  from  the  popular  proverb 
"  de  la  muerte  y  de  la  suerte  nadie  se  escape/'  there  are  not  lacking 

^  See  J.  V.  Cifuentes,  op.  cit.,  p.  54;  Paul  Sebillot,  op.  cit.,  ii,  309-310;  A.  Guichot 
y  Sierra,  BiUioteca  de  las  tradiciones  populates,  vol.  Ill,  pp.  19-20. 

^  BiUioteca  de  las  tradiciones  populares,  op.  cit.,  pp.  55-62.  Reference  is  also  com- 
monly made  to  the  ugly  figure  of  the  basihsk  (cf.  El  Duque  de  Rivas,  Tanlo  vales  cuanto 

tienes,  i,  11):  — 

"  Ya  venia  d  toda  prisa 
El  cara  de  basilisco, 
Y  al  pasar  por  San  Francbco, 
Oyendo  tocar  d  misa."  .  .  . 

'  Eustache  Deschamps  (fourteenth  century) ,  in  comparing  women  to  basilisks,  says,  — 

"  Basiliques  les  puis  bien  appeller, 
Qui  de  son  vir  tue  I'omme  en  present." 

See  Sebillot,  op.  cit.,  iii,  268-269.   Cf .  also  the  sixteenth  century  proverb,  — 

"Le  basilic  tue, 
Seulement  avec  sa  vue."  —  Ibid, 

*  J.  V.  Cifuentes,  op.  cit.,  p.  55. 


New-Mexican  Spanish  Folk-Lore  405 

those  who  make  sport  of  the  idea,  as  is  evident  from  the  following 
popular  copla:  ^ 

"Per  aqui  paso  la  muerte 

Con  un  manojo  de  velas, 

Preguntando  a  los  enfermos, 

iComo  les  va  de  virgiielas?" 

The  lover,  however,  at  least  theoretically,  does  not  fear  death. 
On  all  occasions  death  is  preferable  to  losing  a  lover.  This  may  be 
seen  from  the  following  coplas: 

"  Si  quieres  que  yo  te  olvide, 
Pidele  a  Dies  que  me  muera, 
Porque  vivo  as  imposible 
Olvidar  a  quien  yo  quiera." 

"Dicen  que  me  han  de  matar 
Per  un  amor  verdadero. 
Por  mi  pecho  han  de  cruzar 
Cuatro  punales  de  acero; 
En  agonia  he  de  estar 
Y  he  de  decir  que  te  quiero." 

"  De  que  $e  Uega  la  noche 
Se  me  IJega  a  mi  la  muerte, 
Tan  solo  en  considerar 
Que  me  he  de  acostar  sin  verte." 

"Por  la  luna  doy  un  peso, 
Por  el  lucero  un  toston; 
Por  los  ojos  d'esta  joven 
La  vida  v  el  corazon." 

It  is  in  connection  with  the  bodies  of  the  dead,  however,  that  there 
is  no  end  of  New  Mexican  superstitions.  There  is  an  instinctive 
horror,  so  to  speak,  towards  the  dead.  People  are  afraid  to  go  out 
alone  in  the  dark,  young  and  old,  through  fear  of  ghosts  (los  difuntos 
or  dijuntos,  also  the  word  for  "dead  people,"  "the  body  of  a  dead 
person").  When  a  person  dies,  every  one  fears  his  return.  The  little 
children  who  knew  him,  and  were  at  some  time  disrespectful  to  him 
in  life,  are  afraid  that  he  will  pull  them  by  the  toes  at  night;  and  the 
grown-up  people  have  greater  fears.  People  conjecture  as  to  whether 
his  soul  has  gone  to  heaven,  hell,  or  purgatory;  and  long  arguments 
and  explanations  follow,  usually  by  the  most  ignorant.  A  child  under 

1  The  copla,  more  commonly  called  verso,  is  a  short  octosj'IIabic  verse,  usually  of  four 
or  six  lines,  sometimes  more,  with  alternate  assonances.  These  are  sung  at  home  or  social 
gatherings  or  at  dances,  with  guitar  accompaniment.  The  author  has  gathered  looo  of 
these  in  Xew  Mexico. 


4o6  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

seven  does  not  sin,  and,  if  baptized,  goes  to  heaven;  but  if  it  has 
already  nursed,  it  must  pass  by  the  flames  of  purgatory  to  atone  for 
having  nursed.  If  older  than  seven,  the  dead  person  commits  sin,  is 
responsible  for  it,  and  God  will  judge  him.  When  a  person  goes  to 
heaven  (cuando  estd  glorioso),  he  usually  appears  to  one  of  his  rela- 
tives, in  a  dream  or  otherwise,  and  gives  him  the  information,  so  that 
no  prayers  need  to  be  offered  to  him.  If  he  is  in  hell,  he  may  likewise 
be  given  by  God  the  permission  to  come  to  the  world  to  inform  his 
relatives  not  to  pray  for  him,  for  he  is  damned.  Those  who  go  to 
purgatory  are  also  allowed  to  come  to  earth  on  various  errands,  the 
same  as  those  who  go  to  heaven.  They  may  come  to  tell  their  rela- 
tives to  pray  for  them,  to  pay  certain  debts  which  they  failed  to  pay, 
to  reveal  certain  truths  which  ihey  had  kept  secret,  to  tell  their  rela- 
tives to  fulfil  certain  vows,  such  as  series  of  prayers  and  almsgiving. 
The  information  is  usually  through  certain  signs,  which  are  easily 
understood.  But  besides  these  apparitions,  which  the  New  Mexicans 
say  have  a  purpose,  there  are  a  series  of  superstitions  which  have  no 
explanation  whatever.  The  dead  simply  frighten  people,  especially 
relatives  and  friends,  with  no  reason  and  with  no  purpose.  The 
popular  imagination  classifies  ghosts  (los  dijuntos)  as  wandering 
spirits,  both  good  and  evil,  which  are  to  be  feared  and  avoided.  A 
distant  friend  or  relative  receives  warning  of  the  death  of  some  one 
by  a  rap  on  the  bed,  the  falHng  of  a  chair,  a  sudden  noise  of  any  kind, 
the  presence  of  a  small  bird  (preferably  a  white  bird),  a  small  flame 
rising  in  the  air,  a  distant  light,  a  passing  shadow,  or,  finally,  the  real 
presence  of  the  ghost  of  the  person,  usually  dressed  in  black,  standing 
or  walking  along.  It  is  also  beHeved  that  the  souls  from  purgatory 
may  themselves  come  to  pray,  and  thus  say  the  prayers  they  prom- 
ised in  life.  In  a  certain  house  in  Santa  Fe,  N.  Mex.,  it  is  said  that 
several  souls  from  purgatory  assemble  every  Good  Friday  to  pray 
the  rosary.  Their  prayers  are  distinctly  heard,  they  ring  a  little  bell, 
and  then  disappear. 

Of  New  Mexican  ghost-stories  there  is  no  end.  Every  New  Mexi- 
can lady  over  forty  years  of  age  can  tell  them  by  the  dozen,  and, 
what  is  more,  she  firmly  believes  every  word  she  says.  In  El  Rito,  an 
old  Spanish  settlement  in  northern  New  Mexico,  there  is  a  house 
which  has  been  abandoned  for  over  a  hundred  years  through  fear  of 
ghosts.  At  about  midnight  every  night,  ghosts  are  said  to  come  into 
the  rooms,  and,  though  not  seen,  they  are  heard  moaning  and  walk- 
ing about,  dragging  chains,  and  hitting  the  walls  with  them  in  a  ter- 
rible manner.  Nearly  every  abandoned  adobe  house  is  said  to  be 
haunted  by  ghosts,  and  at  one  time  or  another  some  one  has  seen  a 
ghost  there.  The  majority  of  the  New  Mexicans,  men  and  women, 
would  not  enter  such  a  house  alone  at  night  for  any  consideration 


New-Mexican  Spanish  Folk-Lore  407 

whatsoever.  It  is  feared  as  much  as  a  graveyard.  Some  New  Mexi- 
cans are  afraid  to  enter  a  graveyard  alone,  even  in  the  day-time,  not 
to  speak  of  the  night.  One  of  the  most  interesting  ghost-stories  that 
I  have  ever  heard  in  New  Mexico  is  the  following,  which  I  give  in 
detail. 

A  certain  evening  during  holy  week  the  Penitentes  ^  entered  the 
church  in  Taos  for  the  purpose  of  flogging  themselves.  After  flogging 
themselves  in  the  usual  manner,  they  left  the  church.  As  they  de- 
parted, however,  they  heard  the  floggings  of  a  Penitente  who  seemed 
to  have  remained  in  the  church.  The  elder  brother  {hermano  mayor) 
counted  his  Penitentes,  and  no  one  was  missing.  To  the  astonishment 
of  the  other  Penitentes.  the  one  in  the  church  continued  his  flagella- 
tion, and  they  decided  to  return.  No  one  dared  to  reenter  the  church, 
however;  and  while  they  disputed  in  silence  and  made  various  con- 
jectures as  to  what  the  presence  of  an  unknown  Penitente  might 
mean,  the  floggings  became  harder  and  harder.  At  last  one  of  the 
Penitentes  volunteered  to  enter  alone;  but,  as  he  opened  the  door, 
he  discovered  that  the  one  who  was  scourging  himself  mercilessly 
was  high  above  in  the  choir,  and  it  was  necessary  to  obtain  a  lighted 
candle  before  venturing  to  ascend  to  the  choir  in  the  darkness.  He 
procured  a  lighted  candle  and  attempted  to  ascend.  But,  lo!  he  could 
not,  for  every  time  he  reached  the  top  of  the  stairs,  the  Penitente 
whom  he  plainly  saw  there,  flogging  himself,  would  approach  and 
put  out  his  candle.  After  tr}dng  for  several  times,  the  brave  Penitente 
gave  up  the  attempt,  and  all  decided  to  leave  the  unknown  and  mys- 
terious stranger  alone  in  the  church.  As  they  departed,  they  saw  the 
mysterious  Penitente  leave  the  church  and  turn  in  an  opposite  direc- 
tion. They  again  consulted  one  another,  and  decided  to  follow  him. 
They  did  so;  and,  since  the  stranger  walked  slowly,  scourging  himself 
continuously  and  brutally,  they  were  soon  at  a  short  distance  from 
him.  The  majority  of  the  flagellants  followed  si  wly  behind;  while 
the  brave  one,  who  had  previously  attempted  to  ascend  to  the  choir, 
advanced  to  the  side  of  the  mysterious  stranger  and  walked  slowly 
by  him.  He  did  not  cease  scourging  himself,  though  his  body  was 
visibly  becoming  very  weak,  and  blood  was  flowing  freely  from  his 
mutilated  back.  Thus  the  whole  procession  continued  in  the  silence 
of  the  night,  the  stranger  leading  the  Pem'tentes  through  abrupt 
paths  and  up  a  steep  and  high  mountain.  At  last,  "^hen  all  were 
nearly  dead  with  fatigue,  the  mysterious  Pem'tente  suddenly  disap- 
peared, leaving  his  good  companion  and  the  other  Penitentes  in  the 

^  A  society  of  flagellants  who  scourge  themselves  to  atone  for  their  sins.  I  ha\-e  just 
prepared  for  the  Catholic  Encyclopedia  an  article  on  the  subject.  For  the  details  of  the 
above  ghost-story  of  the  Penitentes,  I  am  indebted  to  my  father,  who  lived  in  Taos  when 
the  tale  was  current. 


4o8  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

greatest  consternation.  The  Penitentes  later  explained  that  this  was 
doubtless  the  soul  of  a  dead  Penitente  who  had  not  done  his  duty 
in  life,  —  a  false  Penitente,  —  and  God  had  sent  him  back  to  earth 
to  scourge  himself  properly,  before  allowing  him  to  enter  heaven. 

I  shall  now  give  a  brief  Hst  of  a  few  popular  superstitions  about 
the  dead,  not  already  mentioned. 

1.  They  appear  (i.  e.,  ghosts)  to  good  people  only,  never  to  the 

wicked. 

2.  If  a  person  dies  on  a  beautiful  day,  he  has  gone  to  heaven;  if  on  a 

stormy  day,  he  goes  to  hell. 

3.  A  person  who  crosses  a  funeral  procession  will  die  within  the  year 

following. 

4.  If  one  is  in  continual  dread  of  some  one  who  has  died,  or  one  whose 

ghost  has  been  seen,  it  is  sufficient  to  say  to  him,  "  Go  to  h — ," 
and  one  is  troubled  no  more. 

5.  If  two  persons  call  for  God's  judgment  on  any  dispute  or  quarrel, 

they  die  at  the  same  time. 

6.  If  one  does  not  desire  to  be  molested  by  the  ghost  of  a  dead  person , 

it  is  sufficient  to  visit  the  dead  body  and  touch  its  toes.  There 
will  be  no  apparitions  and  no  fear  whatever, 

7.  If  the  vice  or  custom  of  some  dead  person  is  commented  upon,  or 

even  barely  mentioned,  it  is  necessary  to  offer  up  a  prayer  for 
him ;  otherwise  he  will  come  at  night  and  pull  the  toes  of  those 
who  ridicule  him. 

8.  Ghosts  speak  to  those  to  whom  they  appear. 

9.  Persons  who  see  a  ghost  or  spirit,  forever  lose  their  senses. 

10.  If  a  person  dies  and  leaves  money  hidden,  he  returns  to  disclose 

the  secret  to  one  of  his  family. 

11.  If  anyone  chews  gum  in  bed,  he  is  masticating  the  bones  of  the 

dead. 

12.  If  a  person  spills  salt,  any  quantity  whatsoever,  he  has  to  come 

back  after  death  to  pick  it  all  up  with  his  eyelids. 

13.  To  be  strong  and  have  no  fear  of  the  dead,  it  is  necessary  to  pray 

to  St. -Gertrude. 

14.  God  is  not  pleased  to  hear  people  speak  of  the  dead.  If  the  dead 

are  laughed  at,  evil  may  follow. 

15.  When  a  candle  is  burning  to  the  end,  some  one  is  d>dng. 

2.  SLEEP  AND  DREAMS  {el  sueno  y  los  suenos) 
Most  of  the  superstitions  concerning  sleep  are  about  children. 

I.  When  children  smile  or  laugh  in  their  sleep,  they  see  angels  or  are 
conversing  with  their  guardian  angel. 


I 


New- Mexican  Spanish  Folk-Lore  409 

2.  A  sleeping  child  must  not  be  caressed,  because  it  causes  him  to  die 

(his  bile  bursts). 

3.  If  children  fall  asleep  immediately  after  a  violent  fall  or  accident 

of  any  kind,  they  die. 

4.  If  little  girls  play  with  their  dolls  in  bed,  or  sleep  with  them,  the 

Devil  {el  mashishi)  appears  to  them  in  their  sleep. 

5.  If  children  play  with  fire,  they  urinate  while  sleeping. 

6.  If  one  places  the  right  hand  over  the  heart  of  a  person  who  is  sleep- 

ing, the  latter  talks  in  his  or  her  sleep  and  reveals  all  his  or  her 
secrets. 

The  superstitions  and  beliefs  concerning  dreams  are  many  and 
various.  Some  dreams  are  interpreted  Hterally,  others  not.  Deaths, 
illness,  or  other  misfortunes,  are  announced  by  dreams. 

1.  When  one  is  desirous  of  having  a  dream,  it  is  sufficient  to  place 

one's  shoes  or  stockings  near  the  pillow,  and  a  dream  is  sure  to 
come. 

2.  If  a  person  dreams  that  a  certain  one  has  died,  it  means  that  a 

friend  or  relative  is  dying  or  will  die,  but  not  the  one  dreamed 
about. 

3.  If  one  dreams  of  blood,  a  terrible  misfortune  is  about  to  happen. 

4.  If  one  dreams  that  one's  teeth  are  falHng,  a  relative  has  died. 

5.  If  one  dreams  of  lean  meat,  a  child  will  soon  die. 

6.  If  one  dreams  of  fat  meat,  an  old  person  will  soon  die. 

7.  If  one  dreams  of  a  funeral,  a  wedding  will  soon  follow. 

8.  If  one  dreams  of  a  wedding,  death  is  announced. 

9.  If  one  dreams  of  wealth,  poverty  will  come. 

10.  If  one  dreams  of  a  black  cat  or  black  dog,  an  enemy  is  approach- 

ing. 

3.  EL  ojo 

El  ojo  is  an  illness,  a  serious  fever,  which  people  say  is  caused  by 
excessive  affection  towards  children.  If  a  woman  sees  a  child  and 
caresses  it  much,  she  may,  after  looking  at  it,  if  the  child  also  sees 
her,  make  it  seriously  ill,  a  violent  fever  following.  This  superstition 
is  called  hacer  ojo  ^  (to  have  a  secret  and  mysterious  influence  by  wink- 
ing, illness  following  on  the  part  of  the  child).  No  one  is  to  blame  for 
this  mysterious  influence,  since  it  happens  without  the  knowledge 
of  any  one.  Death  is  sure  to  follow,  if  a  remedy  is  not  appHed.  The 
remedies  are  the  following.  The  woman  who  has  caused  the  harm 
{la  que  le  hizo  ojo  al  nino)  takes  the  child  in  her  arms;  then,  taking 
water  in  her  mouth,  she  gives  the  child  to  drink  with  her  mouth. 
The  child  is  then  put  to  sweat  either  in  bed  or  under  the  woman's 

^  Hacer  ojo  may  stand  for  hacer  mal  de  ojo.  The  belief  in  the  baneful  influence  of  the 
evil  glance  is  general  among  all  peoples. 


410  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

arm,  and  it  soon  recovers.  A  second  remedy  is  to  take  the  sweepings 
from  the  four  corners  of  a  room,  boil  them  in  water,  and  then  take 
a  Httle  of  this  water  in  the  mouth  and  spit  it  upon  the  child's  face. 
There  is  a  third  remedy;  but  this  is  one  that  should  be  applied  only 
in  case  the  child  has  a  violent  fever,  and  when  it  is  not  certain  whether 
or  not  it  is  el  ojo.  The  child  is  well  wrapped  up  and  put  to  bed.  An 
egg  is  emptied  out  on  a  plate  and  placed  on  a  chair  near  the  head  of 
the  bed  where  the  child  is  sleeping.  If  the  child  has  el  ojo,  an  eye  will 
soon  appear  formed  on  the  egg,  and  the  child  will  quickly  recover. 
When  a  friend  visits,  and  a  little  child  is  present  who  is  very  pretty 
and  attractive,  the  visitor,  through  fear  of  causing  el  ojo,  pays  no 
attention  to  the  child,  acd  says  to  it,  "Quiiate  de  aqui,  Dios  te  guarded' 
("  Go  away,  and  may  God  help  you ! ")  Strings  of  coral  are  also  placed 
about  children's  necks,  so  that  they  may  be  safe  from  el  ojo. 

4.    SUPERSTITIOUS   REMEDIES 

These  are  called  by  the  less  superstitious  super sticios  or  remedios 
supersticiosos.  I  shall  not  treat  here  of  the  curandera  ("popular  doc- 
tor"), or  of  the  popular  remedies  of  the  New  Mexicans  which  seem 
to  be  efficacious.  I  have  much  material  on  that  field  of  New  Mexican 
Spanish  folk-lore,  but  that  has  little  or  nothing  to  do  with  supersti- 
tion. Here  we  are  concerned  with  the  popular  superstitious  remedies, 
which  are  evidently  based  on  mere  ignorant  superstition.  The  follow- 
ing is  a  brief  list  of  some  of  them :  — 

1.  For  tuberculosis.  —  The  milk  of  the  she-ass  or  the  flesh  of  the  bitch. 

2.  For  constipation  in  children.  —  An  egg  is  broken  against  their 

stomach. 

3.  For  the  toothache.  —  Human  excretion,  or  that  of  a  hen. 

4.  For  any  female  disease.  —  Ashes  and  urine  are  mixed  together  with 

garhc,  and  this  is  applied  to  all  parts  of  the  body  by  making 
crosses  with  it. 

5.  For  violent  fever.  —  The  windows  and  doors  are  closed,  and  the 

patient  is  well  wrapped. 

6.  For  chapped  hands.  —  They  are  washed  with  the  urine  of  a  male 

child. 

7.  For  wounds  or  cuts.  —  They  are  carefully  bandaged  with  rags  of 

men's  clothing. 

8.  To  stop  bleeding  of  the  nose.  —  A  wet  key  or  coin  is  pressed  to  the 

forehead. 

9.  For  warts.  —  One  takes  a  small  rag  and  makes  a  knot  in  it.  Then 

one  goes  to  a  road-crossing  and  throws  it  away.  The  first  per- 
son who  happens  to  pass  by  will  grow  a  wart,  and  the  other  one 
loses  it. 


1 


New -Mexican  Spanish  Folk-Lore  411 

10.  For  sunstroke.  —  A  glass  of  water  is  placed  on  the  patient's  head. 

When  the  water  boils,  the  ailment  is  gone. 

11.  For  hordeolum.  —  The  penis  of  a  baby  is  rubbed  against  the  eye. 

12.  To  make  hair  grow.  —  It  is  cut  during  full  moon. 

13.  For  dog-bites.  —  Burn  the  bite  with  hair  taken  from  the  dog's 

snout. 

14.  To  cut  the  umbilical  cord.  —  An  egg  is  buried  in  the  wall  on  the 

2d  of  February  (the  day  of  Our  Lady  of  Candelaria). 

15.  For  stench  in  the  mouth.  —  The  patient  must  cross  the  river  thrice 

before  sunrise,  and  the  gums  are  burned  with  three  blue  stones. 

16.  For  hectic  children.  —  The  children  are  wrapped  up  for  a  while 

with  a  cow's  stomach. 

17.  For  any  pain  in  the  eye.  —  A  warm  raisin  is  put  in  the  ear. 

18.  For  pain  in  the  bile.  — The  patient  should  be  dressed  in  a  red 

calico  garb. 

1 9 .  For  heart-trouble.  —  The  drinking  of  water  mixed  with  ants  or  lice. 

20.  To  facilitate  the  after-birth.  —  The  patient  drinks  water  boiled 

with  a  man's  old  hat,  or  blows  thrice  into  the  hollow  of  her 
hand. 

21.  For  colds.  Water  is  warmed  with  three  large  blue  stones,  and  the 

patient  is  bathed  with  it. 

22.  When  horses  have  the  colic,  they  are  wrapped  with  the  skirts  of  a 

woman  who  has  just  given  birth  to  a  male  child. 

23.  For  cramps.  —  Human  excretion. 

24.  For  insanity.  —  The  insane  are  cured  by  swallowing  the  heart  of 

a  crow  that  has  just  been  killed.  The  heart  of  the  crow  must 
be  still  warm. 

25.  For  hiccough.  — The  person  affected  should  drink  nine  draughts 

of  water  without  breathing. 

26.  For  tonsilitis.  —  The  patient's  fingers  are  pulled  until    they 

crack. 

When  children  are  sick,  and  a  remedy  is  applied,  whatever  it  may 
be,  it  is  customary  in  some  places  to  accompany  the  application  of 
the  remedy  with  the  following  rhymes:^ 

(a)  "Sana,  sana, 

CuHto  de  rana. 
Si  no  sanas  hoy, 
Sanaras  manana." 

1  Rhyming  charms  such  as  these,  though  slightly  different,  are  given  also  by  Ram6n 
A.  Laval,  Revisla  de  Folklore  Chileno,  i,  i6o.  No.  15  is  only  slightly  different:  — 


"Sana,  sana, 
potito  e  rana, 
si  no  sanais  hoi, 
sanaris  manana." 


VOL.  xxin.  —  NO.  90.  26 


412  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

(J))  "Sana,  sana, 

Colita  de  rana. 
Si  no  sanas  hoy, 
Sanaras  manana." 

A  more  general  formula  used  by  all  when  any  remedy  is  applied, 
whether  a  real  remedy  or  otherwise,  is  the  following :  — 

"Jesus  y  cruz 

Y  su  santisima  cruz." 

To  the  one  who  coughs  people  say,  — 

"Dios  te  ampare 
Y  un  perro  te  agarre." 

5.    CELESTIAL  BODIES,    THUNDERBOLTS,   ETC. 

The  Moon.  —  A  large  number  of  New  Mexico  superstitions  centre 
around  the  m.oon.  The  moon  plays  a  very  important  role  in  the  folk- 
lore of  all  countries,  especially  with  respect  to  superstitions  and 
beliefs  about  birth,  and  the  like.  The  author  of  this  article  has  been 
surprised,  however,  to  find  that  very  few  of  the  numerous  supersti- 
tions about  the  moon,  as  found  in  France,  exist  in  New  Mexican  folk- 
lore. Among  so  many,  one  would  expect  to  find  more  similarities.^ 
In  New  Mexico  it  is  a  widespread  belief  that  the  moon  exercises  a 
great  influence  on  a  child  even  before  birth.  A  woman  who  is  preg- 
nant must  never  go  out  to  see  an  eclipse  of  the  moon,  for  the  moon 
will  eat  up  the  nose  or  Hps  of  her  offspring.  Whenever  a  child  is  born 
with  such  deformities,  it  is  currently  said,  "5e  lo  comio  la  luna"  ("the 
moon  has  eaten  part  of  him").  A  woman  who  is  pregnant  may  avoid 
such  a  misfortune  by  going  out  to  see  an  eclipse  of  the  moon  with  a 
bunch  of  keys  tied  to  her  waist.  In  this  way  her  offspring  is  perfectly 
safe  from  any  of  the  evil  influences  of  the  moon;  Other  superstitions 
about  the  moon  are  the  following:  — 

1.  During  crescent  moon,  child-birth  is  easy  and  painless;  but  during 

waning  moon,  the  contrary  is  the  case. 

2.  If  women  or  girls  cut  their  hair  during  crescent,  it  grows. ^ 

3.  The  finger-nails  should  not  be  cut  during  crescent,  because  they, 

also,  grow  more. 

4.  If  hens  are  set  during  crescent,  they  hatch  better. 

5.  If  a  ring  appears  around  the  moon,  the  next  day  will  be  a  tempestu- 

ous, ill-fated  day. 

I  have  not  found  in  New  Mexico  any  superstitions  or  beliefs  about 
the  man  in  the  moon.   In  fact,  the  moon  is  referred  to  as  a  woman 

^  Paul  Sebillot,  Folk-Lore  de  France,  vol.  i  (1904),  pp.  37-60. 
^  This  is  also  a  French  superstition  (Paul  Sebillot,  op.  cit.,  p.  44). 


New- Mexican  Spanish  Folk-Lore  413 

with  only  one  eye  {una  vieja  tuerta).  When  a  person  rises  in  bad  humor, 
people  say,  "  Se  levanto  con  su  luna;  "  and  of  one  who  is  continually  in 
bad  humor  they  say,  "  Tiene  su  luna.''  ^  On  the  other  hand,  the  moon 
is  a  frequent  topic  in  popular  poetry,  and  its  beauty  and  its  high 
horns  are  often  mentioned. 

(a)  "Mano  blanca  de  mi  amada, 

Mas  hermosa  que  la  luna, 
Quien  de  ti  Hague  a  gozar 
Tentra  placer  y  fortuna." 

(b)  "Ya  la  luna  tiene  cuernos 

Y  el  lucero  la  acompana. 

iAy,  que  triste  queda  un  hombre. 

Cuando  una  huera  lo  engana!" 

The  Sun.  —  The  sun  is  also  an  important  factor  in  New  Mexican 
superstition.  The  sun  has  also  its  mysterious  influences  on  indivddu- 
als.  The  head  of  the  bed  must  never  be  placed  towards  the  rising 
sun,  since  it  will  cause  the  sleeper  to  rise  with  a  bad  headache,  and 
even  insanity  may  result.  The  sun  is  also  the  tooth-giver.  When  a 
tooth  falls  or  is  extracted,  the  child  takes  the  tooth,  throws  it  at  the 
sun  with  all  possible  force,  and  recites  in  sing-song  fashion,  — 

"Sol,  sol, 
Toma  este  diente 
Y  dame  otro  mejor."  ^ 

Other  superstitions  about  the  sun  are  the  following:  — 

1.  When  it  rains  and  the  sun  is  shining,  a  she-wolf  is  bringing  forth 

her  offspring;  or  a  Har  is  paying  his  debts. 

2.  When  the  sun  sets  on  a  cloudy  day,  the  following  day  will  be  a 

tempestuous  one. 

3.  It  is  believed  that  blondes  cannot  see  the  sun;  and  of  one  who  is 

very  fair,  people  say,  "Es  tan  huero  que  no  puede  ver  al  sol.'' 

The  Stars.  —  The  stars  figure  much  in  comparisons  in  popular 
poetry.  "As  beautiful  as  a  star,"  is  the  phrase  most  commonly  used 
as  a  compliment  to  a  beautiful  girl.  In  current  superstitions  they  do 

^  Compare  the  words  limdlico,  lunatic,  etc. 

*  In  Chili  the  children  do  not  throw  the  tooth  at  the  sun,  but  to  the  rats  (Laval, 
op.  cit.,  p.  161):  — 

"  Ratoncito 
toma  este  dientecito 
i  dame  otro  mas  bonito." 

In  Spain  the  tooth  is  thrown  towards  the  roof,  and  the  roof  is  asked  to  return  a  better 

one  (Ibid.) :  — 

"Tejadito  nuevo 

toma  este  diente  viejo 
i  trdeme  otro  nuevo." 


414  Journal  oj  American  Folk-Lore 

not  play  an  important  role,  but  a  few  superstitions  are  found  which 
are  exceedingly  interesting:  — 

1.  If  one  counts  the  stars,  as  many  as  one  counts,  so  many  wrinkles 

will  appear  on  one's  face. 

2.  When  one  sees  a  falling  star,  one  must  say,  ''Dios  la  guie  /"  ("May 

God  guide  it!")  for  it  may  fall  to  earth  and  cause  ruin  and  de- 
struction. 

Falling  stars  and  comets  are  much  feared  by  the  people,  though 
they  do  not  have  very  definite  ideas  as  to  the  consequences  of  the 
appearances  of  these  celestial  bodies,  other  than  the  belief  that  wars 
and  famine  will  come.  This  is  expressed  in  a  proverb,  which  seems  to 
be  very  old:  ^^  Senas  en  el  cielo  —  giierras  en  el  suelo"  ("signs  in  the 
heavens,  wars  on  earth"). 

Thunderbolts  and  Lightning,  Clouds,  etc.  —  The  New  Mexi- 
cans have  no  definite  ideas  about  these  phenomena.  Their  fear  of 
thunderbolts  and  lightning  is  based  on  experience,  and  this  cannot  be 
classed  as  superstition.  To  protect  themselves  against  thunderbolts 
and  lightning,  the  people  usually  resort  to  prayer;  and  invocations  to 
Sta.  Barbara  are  the  rule,  as  in  Chih,  France,  Spain. ^  The  more  com- 
mon New  Mexican  invocations  which  are  recited  on  the  approach 
of  a  storm,  for  protection  against  thunderbolts  and  Hghtning,  are: 

(a)  ''Santa  Barbara  doncea,^ 
Libranos  de  la  can  tea."  ^ 

{b)  "Santa  Barbara  doncea, 

Libranos  del  rayo  y  de  la  centea." 

No  doubt,  the  people  recite  other  more  complete  formulas  similar 
to  those  found  by  Laval  in  Chih,  but  I  have  only  the  above  in  my 
collectanea.  Evidently  all  these  invocations  to  Santa  Barbara  are 
traditional  and  very  old. 

In  New  Mexico  there  is  also  a  superstition  that  thunderbolts  and 
lightning  never  harm  an  innocent  child;  and  in  times  of  storm  some 
people  take  a  child  in  their  arms  for  protection. 

To  ask  for  rain  and  to  appease  the  storm  or  the  rain,  the  two  follow- 
ing invocations  are  used :  — 

(a)  "San  Lorenzo,  barbas  di  ore 

Ruega  a  Dies  que  llueva  (a)  chorros" 

{b)  "San  Isidro  labrador, 

Ruega  a  Dies  que  salg'el  sol." 

^  Sebillot,  op.  cit.,  pp.  105-108;  Laval,  op.  ciL,  pp.  154,  155. 

*  Doncea<doncdla,  centea<centella  .see  the  author's  Studies  in  New  Mexican  Spanish, 
i.  §  158  (2). 


New- Mexican  Spanish  Folk-Lore  415 

These  are  exactly  the  same  as  those  given  by  Laval  for  Chili.  ^ 

To  dissipate  the  clouds,  people  throw  salt  at  them  and  make  crosses 
with  the  hand.  A  less  common  superstition  is  to  take  the  Hd  or  cover 
of  some  pot,  cover  it  with  ashes,  draw  a  cross  on  the  ashes  with  one's 
fingers,  and  then  place  it  outside  of  the  house. 

It  is  a  common  belief  among  the  ignorant  classes  that  the  clouds 
descend  to  the  ocean  or  to  large  lakes  for  rain.  Water-Hzards  and  the 
like,  which  appear  after  heavy  rains,  are  said  'to  come  from  the  clouds, 
having  been  picked  up  by  them  from  the  sea  or  lakes. 

The  waters  of  lakes  and  rivers  are  said  to  sting  (pican)  during  the 
month  of  May;  and  those  who  bathe  therein  always  say  before 
entering  into  the  water,  to  cure  it,  "  Jesus  y  cruz,"  —  a  formula  sim- 
ilar to  the  one  used  in  applying  any  remedy,  as  already  stated. 

The  sun,  the  stars,  the  moon,  the  winds,  are  personified  in  many 
popular  folk-tales,  with  which  we  are  not  concerned  here.  The  lan- 
guage and  style  of  these  show  that  these  stories  are  very  old,  and  prob- 
ably brought  from  Spain  in  the  early  days  of  American  colonization. 
In  most  of  them  the  sun  and  moon  are  represented  as  terrible  and 
all-powerful  beings,  which  cause  destruction  and  often  feed  on  human 
flesh.2 

6.   MISCELLANEOUS   SUPERSTITIONS   AND   BELIEFS 

Under  this  heading  I  shall  include  a  Hst  of  various  superstitions 
and  behefs  not  included  in  the  above  divisions,  and  which  are  not  of 
sufficient  importance,  or  numerous  enough,  to  give  in  their  several 
classifications.  It  is  interesting  to  note  here,  as  in  our  other  classi- 
fications, how  numerous  are  the  superstitions  and  popular  beliefs 
which  are  concerned  with  children. 

1.  The  child  who  is  born  after  twins  will  be  a  fortune-teller. 

2.  Children  who  smoke  grow  beards. 

3.  To  make  babies  talk,  let  them  smoke  cigarettes. 

4.  To  make  babies  talk,  hck  their  mouth  after  having  received  holy 

communion. 

5.  If  babies  have  their  finger-nails  cut,  it  shortens  their  lives,  or  their 

eyesight  is  impaired. 

6.  If  a  new-born  child  sees  itself  in  a  mirror,  death  will  come. 

7.  If  children  are  tickled  on  the  feet,  they  become  mute. 

8.  If  a  child  weeps  or  laughs  too  much,  his  bile  bursts  and  he  dies. 

1  Op.  cit.,  p.  155. 

2  In  one  of  these  a  traveller  is  taken  by  the  winds  to  the  home  of  the  Moon.  The 

daughters  of  the  Moon  {las  lunitas)  conceal  him  while  la  luna  vieja  (the  Mother-Moon)  is 

away.  When  the  Mother-Moon  arrives,  she  smells  human  flesh,  and  threatens  to  devour 

one  of  her  daughters  unless  the  traveller  be  deUvered  to  her.  The  Moon's  words  are  in 

rhyme : — 

"A  carne  humana  me  huele  aquf, 
Si  no  me  la  das,  comerte  (he)  i  U." 


41 6  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

g.  If  any  one  is  eating  and  a  child  appears,  it  must  be  given  to  eat, 
lest  its  bile  burst. 

10.  When  children  stumble  or  fall,  it  means  that  they  were  not 

blessed  on  rising. 

11.  On  the  eve  of  St.  John's  Day  the  white  of  an  egg  is  placed  in  a 

glass  of  water,  and  the  next  morning  what  is  to  happen  in  the 
future  appears  written  on  the  egg. 

12.  On  St.  John's  Day  women  cut  the  tip  of  their  hair  with  an  axe, 

or  simply  wash  it,  so  that  it  may  grow. 

13.  To  find  out  if  any  given  person  is  thinking  of  one,  an  egg-shell  is 

placed  over  the  fire.  If  the  skin  of  the  inside  of  the  shell  rises, 
the  person  is  thinking  of  the  one  who  performs  the  experiment 
(Colorado). 

14.  The  same  experiment  proves  whether  the  husband  or  lover  is 

faithful  (Santa  Fe). 

15.  If  the  cat  washes  its  face,  some  one  will  soon  arrive  from  the 

direction  towards  which  the  cat  is  looking. 

16.  If  a  needle  is  lost,  people  say,  "The  Devil  has  pricked  himself 

with  it,"  or  "May  the  Devil  prick  himself  with  it!"  and  the 
needle  will  then  be  found. 

17.  If  one  drops  the  salt  at  the  table,  a  dispute  will  soon  occur  in  the 

family. 

18.  If  a  fork  is  dropped  at  the  table,  a  violent  dispute  will  soon  occur 

between  husband  and  wife. 

19.  If  the  sugar  is  spilled,  a  surprise  will  happen. 

20.  If  four  persons  meet  and  cross  hands,  one  of  them  will  be  married 

within  a  year. 

21.  If  two  persons  clean  their  hands  at  the  same  time  with  the  same 

towel,  they  will  soon  quarrel. 

22.  If  the  bread-crumbs  are  burned  up,  the  house  will  never  catch  fire. 

23.  If  one  eats  beans  on  New  Year's  Day,  prosperity  will  follow. 

24.  If  a  mirror  is  broken  or  a  cat  is  killed,  there  will  follow  seven  years 

of  bad  luck. 

25.  If  a  girl's  skirts  fall,  her  lover  has  repented. 

26.  If  a  pin  sticks  straight  out  on  a  woman's  clothing,  her  husband 

will  leave  her  or  she  will  soon  receive  a  letter. 

27.  When  a  spider  appears,  it  brings  good  luck. 

28.  So  that  St.  Anthony  will  perform  miracles,  his  image  is  hung  head 

down. 

29.  When  the  image  of  a  saint  falls  to  the  ground,  it  means  that  he 

has  performed  a  miracle. 

30.  When  there  is  a  ringing  in  the  ears,  a  letter  will  soon  be  received, 

or  on  the  20th  of  the  month. 
30*.  When  there  is  a  ringing  in  the  ears,  people  fear  death,  and  cross 
themselves,  saying,  "  Anda  la  muerte  cerca." 


New- Mexican  Spanish  Folk-Lore  417 

31.  On  leaving  the  house  on  New  Year's  Day,  a  young  person  ob- 

serves the  person  first  encountered,  for  of  a  similar  character 
the  young  person  will  be. 

32.  In  the  spinach  a  hair  is  always  found,  because  two  godfathers 

once  had  a  fight  in  a  spinach-patch, 

33.  If  a  young  woman  cuts  her  finger-nails  on  Saturday,  she  will  see 

her  lover  on  Sunday. 

34.  It  is  bad  luck,  and  decidedly  improper,  to  wash  one's  face  or  cut 

one's  finger-nails  on  Fridays. 

35.  Young  girls  must  not  eat  sardines,  for  they  cause  fickleness  or 

even  Hbidinousness  (Santa  Fe). 

36.  It  is  beheved  that  niggardly  women  have  very  painful  parturi- 

tion; and  at  such  times,  children  are  given  candy  and  cake  in 
abundance. 

37.  To  protect  a  setting  hen  from  lightning,  nails  are  placed  under 

the  nest  in  the  straw. 

38.  A  cat  is  said  to  have  seven  lives. 

39.  The  swallow  must  not  be  killed  or  even  molested,  since  it  was  a 

swallow  that  pulled  off  the  thorns  from  the  crown  of  Christ. 

40.  When  one  yawns,  the  Devil  will  enter  into  the  mouth  if  one  does 

not  make  the  sign  of  the  cross. 

41.  If  a  person  looks  at  himself  in  a  mirror  at  night,  he  sees  the 

Devil. 

42.  Girls  who  do  not  sweep  well  have  not  made  a  good  confession. 

43.  A  black  cat  means  bad  luck  if  seen  at  night. 

44.  It  is  not  well  for  children  to  play  with  fire-arms,  for  the  Devil 

gets  inside  of  them. 

45.  After  midnight  the  Devil  is  going  around  loose. 

46.  It  is  not  well  for  people  to  be  alone  at  night. 

The  story  is  told,  that  there  was  once  a  woman  who  loved  to 
remain  alone  in  her  house.  One  evening,  to  her  great  aston- 
ishment, a  small  hand  appeared  in  her  room,  and,  approaching 
her,  struck  her  on  the  back  several  times,  telling  her,  "I  do 
this,  because  you  are  always  alone"  (^^ por  solita,  por  solita"). 

47.  If  a  young  man  or  young  woman  is  hit  with  the  broom  on  the 

feet  by  one  who  is  sweeping,  he  or  she  will  never  be  married. 

48.  If  one  has  an  itching  in  the  right  hand,  a  stranger  is  about  to 

be  introduced. 

49.  If  two  persons  drink  water  from  the  same  glass,  the  last  will  know 

the  first  one's  secrets. 

50.  The  white  spots  in  the  finger-nails  indicate  the  number  of  lies 

the  person  has  told. 

51.  In  order  to  find  anything  which  is  lost,  it  is  only  necessary  to 

offer  a  burning  candle  and  three  ''Our  Fathers"  to  St.  Acacio. 


41 8  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

52.  To  make  St.  Cayetano  perform  a  miracle,  people  make  a  wager 

with  him  that  he  can't  do  the  thing  desired.  The  saint  always 
wins. 

53.  The  Virgin  of  el  Carmen  comes  down  to  purgatory  every  Satur- 

day for  the  souls  of  the  blessed  ones  who  pray  to  her. 

54.  Women  who  are  devout  servants  of  Santa  Rita  will  become 

widows. 

55.  If  a  hair  is  thrown  into  a  bottle  filled  with  water,  it  grows  and 

becomes  a  snake. 

56.  If  gray  hair  is  pulled  out,  more  comes  out. 

57.  If  any  one  eats  in  the  presence  of  a  woman  who  is  pregnant,  the 

latter  must  be  given  to  eat,  lest  she  miscarry. 

58.  If  the  bastings  are  seen  on  a  person's  clothing,  it  means  that  the 

clothing  has  not  been  paid  for. 

59.  When  a  person  forgets  what  he  is  going  to  say,  it  means  that  it 

was  a  He. 

60.  If  a  pregnant  woman  does  not  obtain  all  she  desires,  her  offspring 

may  have  a  picture  of  the  desired  thing  on  some  part  of  its 
body. 

61.  If  children  play  with  a  rosary,  the  rosary  is  changed  into  a  snake. 

62.  A  wounded  man  must  never  go  near  a  woman  who  is  menstru- 

ating, for  his  wounds  will  never  heal. 

63.  When  a  person  has  sore  eyes,  a  scapular  is  put  on  him  having  two 

eyes  drawn  on  it,  which  are  said  to  be  the  eyes  of  St.  Lucia. 

64.  When  people  bathe,  they  first  wet  the  top  of  the  head,  to  avoid 

a  violent  fever. 

65.  During  holy  week  some  of  the  ignorant  women  of  New  Mexico 

do  not  wash  their  faces  or  cut  their  finger-nails;  for,  if  they  do, 
they  wash  Christ's  face  and  cut  his  finger-nails. 

66.  When  a  saint  who  is  invoked  will  not  perform  a  miracle,  his 

image  is  put  away  (imprisoned)  until  he  performs  the  miracle. 

67.  On  St.  Anthony's  Day  and  also  on  St.  Joseph's  Day,  one  must 

always  give  strangers  to  eat,  since  such  strangers  may  be  the 
saints  themselves. 

68.  Those  who  have  the  toothache  pray  to  St.  Polonia.^ 
Leland  Stanford  Junior  University. 

1  In  Chili  the  same  superstition  is  found  (Laval,  op.  cit.,  p.  149). 


An  Irish  Folk-Tale 


419 


AN  IRISH   FOLK-TALE 


BY  TOM  PEETE  CROSS 


The  following  story  was  taken  down  in  1898  from  the  lips  of  an  old 
man  in  County  Mayo,  Connacht,  by  Mr.  Stephen  Barrett  of  Dublin, 
to  whose  kindness  I  am  indebted  for  the  text  and  a  large  part  of  the 
translation.^ 

The  tale  is  of  peculiar  interest,  as  it  furnishes  an  excellent  example 
of  the  preservation  in  Modern  Irish  folk-lore  of  a  feature  found  in 
one  of  our  earliest  Celtic  documents.  In  the  Tochmarc  Emir e,^yN'\iich. 
probably  dates  in  its  earliest  form  from  the  eighth  century,  Cuchu- 
lainn  is  carried  on  the  back  of  a  friendly  Lion  to  the  border  of  the 
other  world  in  much  the  same  way  as  the  hero  of  our  folk-tale  is  car- 
ried to  the  house  of  the  shoemaker.  It  may  be  added  that  in  the  same 
document  Cuchulainn  rescues  a  princess  in  somewhat  the  same  way 
as  does  the  fisherman's  son  here.^ 


lASGAIRE  A  RABH  MOR-SEISEAR 
MAC  AIGE 

Ni  rabh  aon  talamh  aige.  'Se 
an  [t]-slighe  beathadh  a  bhi  aige 
an  meid  a  thiocfadh  leis  a  bhaint 
de'n  fairrge.  Bhi  ceithre  sgearean- 
gach  aige.  Bhi  se  fein  agus  a 
thriur  mac  agus  triur  eile  fear  d'en 
chomhairsin,  bhi  siad  amuigh  ag 
iasgaireacht.  Ni  rabh  siad  ag 
faghail  aon  iasg.  Thuit  siad  na 
gcodladh  acht  an  sean-fear.  Ni 
rabh  se  i  bhfad  go  bhfaca  se  an 
mhaighdean  mhara  ag  tiacht  air 
ins  a'bhfairrge.  Airs  ise  leis,  "Ni'l 
tu  ag  togail  eisg  anocht."  — 
"Ni'l,"  airs  eisean.  ''Well;'  airs 


THE  FISHERMAN  WHO  HAD  SEVEN 
SONS 


He  [the  fisherman]  had  no  land. 
His  means  of  living  was  by  fishing. 
He  had  four  sets  of  nets.  He  him- 
self, his  three  sons,  and  three 
other  men  of  the  neighbors,  were 
out  fishing.  They  were  not  catch- 
ing any  fish.  They  fell  asleep, 
except  the  old  man.  It  was  not 
long  until  he  saw  a  mermaid  ap- 
proaching him  in  the  sea.  She 
says  to  him,  ''You  are  not  taking 
any  fish  to-night."  — ''  I  am  not," 
says  he.  ''Well,"  says  she,  "if  you 


^  My  thanks  are  also  due  to  Dr.  O.  J.  Bergin,  of  Dublin,  for  assistance  in  preparing  the 
text  for  press. 

^  See  ArchcBological  Review,  I  (1888). 

'  Professor  Kuno  Meyer  dates  the  later  version,  in  which  the  episode  of  the  rescued 
princess  occurs,  at  the  eleventh  century  {Revue  Celtiqtie,  XT,  pp.  435  ff.).  On  this  saga  see, 
further.  Miss  Hull,  Cuchullin  Saga,  pp.  57  ff.;  On  the  Manners  and  Customs  of  the  Ancient 
Irish,  III,  p.  315;  Zeitschrift  fiir  Celtische  Philologie,  III,  pp.  229ff;Haupt's  Zeitschrift, 
XXXII,  pp.  239  ff ;  Rhys,  Hibbert  Lectures,  pp.  448  ff ;  Philol.  Soc.  Trans.  (1891-94),  pp. 
514,556;  A.  C.L.Brown,  Publications  of  the  Modern  Language  Association  of  America, 
XX  (1905),  pp.  688  ff. 


420 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


ise,  "'a  dtiubhra  dhamh-sa  a'  rud 
a  d'iarrfainn  ort  thogfa  iasg  agus 
dhionfainn  fear  saidhbhir  dhiot." 

—  ^'Well,''  airs  eisean,  "ni'l  fios 
a'm  go  dteidhidh  me  a  bhaile  no 
ceard  ta  tii  iarraidh  orm."  — 
"Ta,"  airs  ise,  "do  mhac  nuair 
bheas  se  bliadhain  is  fiche,  —  an 
mac,"  airs  ise,  "nar  rugadh  go 
foill.  Seacht  n-oidhche  6'n'nocht 
beidh  mac  ag  do  bhean,  agus  sin  e 
an  mac  chaithfeas  mise  'faghail. 
Beannacht  leat,"  airs  ise,  "bi 
a'dul  a  bhaile." 

Nuair  chuaidh  an  t-iasgaire  a 
bhaile  agus  a  phairte  d'innis  se 
dha  bhean  a'rud  adubhairt  a' 
mhaighdean  mhara  leis;  "agus 
dubhairt  si  Horn,"  airs  eisean,  "go 
ndionfad  si  fear  saidhbhir  dhiom." 

—  "  Maith  go  leor,"  airs  an  bhean, 
"bhiodh  se  'na  mhargadh." 

An  oidche  la  ar  na  bharach  chu- 
aidh se  fein  agus  a  phairte  amach 
san  ait  cheadna.  Chaith  siad  a 
gcuid  eangach  agus  bhord.^  Ni 
rabh  aon  iasg  ionta.  Thuit  siad 
anonn  's  anall  'na  gcodladh  acht 
a'  sean-fear.  Ni  rabh  se  i  bhfad  go 
bhfaca  se  an  mhaighdean  mhara 
a'  tiacht  air  ins  a'bhfairrge.  "Is 
maith  liom,"  airs  ise,  "go  bhfuil 
tu  suas  le  do  gheallmhaint.  Pill 
isteach,"  airs  ise, "  'un  a'chladaigh 
agus  a'  mead  feicfeas  tu  ann  beidh 
se  'na  or  romhat.  Tabhair  leat  do 
saith  dhe;  acht  ni  chreidfidh  na 
fir  thti  ata  leat,  agus  ma  (muna) 
gcomhnaidhe  siad  agat,  abair 
leobhthaamhanc  (amharc)  faoido 
laimh  dheis,  agus  creidfidh  siad 
fein  ann  sin  thti." 

Thainig  siad  isteach  'un  a'  chla- 


will  give  me  what  I  should  ask  of 
you,  you  would  catch  fish,  and  I 
would  make  you  a  rich  man."  — 
"Well,"  says  he,  "I  do  not  know 
until  I  go  home,  or  [until  I  learn] 
what  you  are  asking  of  me."  — 
"Your  son,"  says  she,  "who  is  yet 
unborn,  when  he  shall  be  twenty- 
one  years  [old],"  says  she.  "Seven 
nights  from  to-night  your  wife 
shall  have  a  son,  and  that  is  the 
son  which  I  must  get.  Good-by!" 
says  she,  "be  going  home." 

When  the  fisherman  and  his 
party  went  home,  he  told  his  wife 
the  thing  which  the  mermaid  said 
to  him;  "and  she  said  to  me," 
says  he,  "that  she  would  make  a 
rich  ■  man  of  me."  —  "Good 
enough!"  says  the  woman,  "let 
it  be  a  bargain." 

The  following  night  he  and  his 
party  went  out  to  the  same  place. 
They  cast  their  nets.  There  were 
no  fish  in  them.  They  fell  back- 
wards and  forwards  asleep,  except 
the  old  man.  It  was  not  long  un- 
til he  saw  the  mermaid  coming  to 
him  in  the  sea.  "I  am  glad,"  says 
she,  "that  you  are  up  to  your 
promise.  Return,"  says  she,  "to 
the  shore,  and  all  you  see  there 
will  be  gold  before  you.  Take 
with  you  enough  of  it;  but  the 
men  who  are  with  you  will  not 
believe  you,  and  if  they  do  not  re- 
main with  you,  tell  them  to  look 
under  your  right  arm,  and  then 
they  will  believe  you." 


They   came  in   to   the   shore. 


^  The  text  at  this  point  is  corrupt. 


An  Irish  Folk-Tale 


421 


daigh.  'Ach  uile  seort  'a  rabhl 
rompa  bhi  se  'na  or  bhuidhe.  Airs 
an  sean-fear,  "Na  himthigidh 
uaim  go  dtugaidh  me  ualach  mo 
dhroma  liom."  — "Ceard  a  bhea- 
ras  tu  leat,"  airs  an  mhuintir  eile, 
"mur  dtugaidh  tu  clocha  agus 
uisge  leat?  "  — "Amharcuigidh 
isteach  faoi  mo  laimh  dheis." 
D'amharc.  "M'anam  o'n  dia- 
bhal,"  airs  iad-san,  "bhfuil  an  ta- 
lamh  'na  or  bhuidhe?"  Amach 
leobhtha  a'  cruinniughadh  agus 
dionadh  cruipean  (cnaipean) . 
Nuair  chruinnigh  an  sean-fear 
oiread  agus  mheas  se  d'iomcha 
ro'dh  se  a  bhaile  d'imthigh  se  agus 
a  ualach  leis.  D'fan  a'mhuintir 
eile  'na  dhiaidh  ag  cruinniughadh 
agus  ag  dionamh  cruipean  go  dtai- 
nic  tri  tonn  o'n  bhfairrge  agus  go 
dtug  uabhtha  na  cruipeain.  "Ta- 
muid  chomh  dona  agus  bhimuid 
[sinn]  riamh,"  airse  fear  aca. 
''Leanfamuid  a'  sean-diabhal  go 
bhfeiceamuid  bhfuil  aon  phighinn 
leis."  Lean  agus  bhi  se  ins  a'teach 
rompa.  "A  Seaghain,  bhfuil  aon 
phighinn  leat? "  airs  iad-san. 
"Ta,"  airse  Seaghan. 

As  sin  suas  thoisigh  se  ag  cean- 
nacht  talta  agus  stuic.  Ni  rabh 
aon  fear  ins  an  ait  sin  leat  chomh 
saidhbhir  leis.  Bhi  se  mar  sin  ar 
feadh  i  bhfad.  Bhi  se  fein  agus  a 
mhor-seisear  mac  la  ag  dul  'un 
aifrinn.  '*Badh  bhreagh  a'  chlann 
mhac-se,"  airs  an  t-athair,  "acht 
a  beag  aon  rud  amhain."  — 
"Ceard  e  sin,  a  athair?"  airs  an 
mac  a  b'oige.  "Ni  innseo'aidh  me 
dhuit  e, "  airs  an  t-athair.  "  Caith- 
fidh  tu  a  innsint  dam,"  airs  an 
mac.  "0  chuir  tu  an  cheist  orm, 


Everything  which  was  before 
them  was  yellow  gold.  Says  the 
old  man,  "Do  not  go  [away]  from 
me  until  I  take  the  load  of  my 
back  with  me."— "What  will 
you  take  with  you,"  say  the  other 
people,  "if  you  do  not  take  stones 
and  water  with  you?" — "Look 
in  under  my  right  arm."  They 
looked.  "My  soul  from  the 
devil!"  say  they.  "Is  the  land 
yellow  gold  ?"  They  went  off  col- 
lecting and  making  little  heaps. 
When  the  old  man  had  collected 
as  much  as  he  thought  he  would 
carry  home,  he  went, and  his  load 
with  him.  The  others  remained 
after  him,  collecting  and  making 
little  heaps,  until  three  waves 
came  from  the  sea  and  took  from 
them  the  little  heaps.  "We  are 
now  as  badly  off  as  ever , ' '  said  one 
of  the  men.  "We  will  follow  the 
old  devil  until  we  see  whether  he 
has  any  penny  [i.e.,  money]  with 
him."  They  followed,  and  he  was 
in  the  house  before  them.  "John, 
have  you  any  penny?"  say  they. 
"I  have,"  says  John. 


From  that  [time]  he  com- 
menced buying  lands  and  stock. 
There  was  not  a  man  in  that  place 
half  as  rich  as  he.  He  was  so  for 
a  long  time.  He  and  his  seven 
sons  were  one  day  going  to  mass. 
"You  would  be  a  fine  lot  of  sons," 
says  the  father, "  but  for  one  thing 
only."  —"What is  that,  father?  " 
says  the  youngest  son.  "I  will 
not  tell  you,"  says  the  father. 
"You  must  tell  me,"  says  the  son. 
"Since  you  put  the  question  to 


422 


Journal  oj  American  Folk-Lore 


caithfidh  me  a  fuasgailt.  Dhiol  me 
thu  leis  an  mhaighdean  mhara  ta 
bliadhain  agus  iiche  6  soin.  Ta 
an  t-am  anois  i  ngar  a  bheith 
thuas." — '^Well"  airs  an  mac, 
"ta  se  i  n-am  agam-sa  bheith  ag 
imtheacht." — ''Well,''  airs  an 
t-athair,  "ta  buaidhreadh  mor 
orm  thu  bheith  ag  imtheacht." 
Phill  se  ar  a'teach  ar  ais.  "  A  mha- 
thair,"  airs  an  mac,  "eirigh,  gleas 
biadh  agus  deoch  dham  agus 
ta'r'am  costas  le  haghaidh  an  bho- 
thair  fhada  bhfuil  me  le  dul  air." 
Reidhtigh  agus  thug  dho  'chuile 
sort  a  theastuigh  uaidh. 

Bhuail  a'  bothar,  bhi  ag  im- 
theacht agus  ag  sior-imtheacht 
gur  casadh  isteach  i  gleann  coille 
e.  Suidh  se  sios  agus  bhi  se  tuir- 
seach.  Chonnaic  se  leomhan  na 
coille  ag  tarraingt  air.  "Chom_h 
fada  a  ndeachaidh  me  ta  me! 
marbh  ar  deireadh."  Thainic  an 
leomhan  chomh  fada  leis  ag  am- 
harc  air.  Thoisig  se  da  lighe.  "Tai 
tu  tuirseach,"  airs  se,  "suidh  suas 
ar  mo  dhruirn  agus  bhearaidh  me 
amach  as  a'  gcoill  thu." — "Is 
maith  thu,"  airs  eisean.  Suidh 
suas  ar  a  dhruim,  bhog  leobhtha. 
Nior  stad  agus  nior  mhor-chomh- 
nuigh  go  dtug  se  chomh  fada  le 
teach  greasaidhe  e  a  bhi  dionta  ar 
bhruach  locha.  "Gabh  isteach 
annsin,"  airs  an  leomhan,  "agus 
gheabhthaidh  tu  loisdin  go  maidin 
ann." 

Chuaidh  se  isteach  ins  a'teach 
bheag.  "Go  mbeannuighidh  Dia 
ann  seo,"  airs  eisean.  "  Go  mbean- 
nuighidh Dia  agus  Muire  dhuit," 
airse  fear  a'tighe.  "An  bhfui- 
ghinn  loisdin  ann  seo  go  maidin?" 


me,  I  must  answer  it.  I  sold  you 
to  the  mermaid  twenty-one  years 
ago.  The  time  is  now  nearly  up." 
—  "Well,"  says  the  son,  "it  is 
time  for  me  to  be  going." 
"Well,"  says  the  father,  "I  am 
greatly  troubled  that  you  are 
going."  He  returned  to  the  house. 
"Mother,"  says  the  son,  "arise, 
prepare  food  and  drink  for  me, 
and  give  me  expenses  for  the  long 
road  which  there  is  for  me  to  go." 
She  prepared  and  gave  him  every- 
thing which  he  required. 


He  struck  the  road.  He  was 
proceeding  and  continuously  go- 
ing until  he  turned  into  a  wooded 
glen.  He  sat  down  and  was  tired. 
He  saw  a  lion  of  the  wood  coming 
toward  him.  "As  long  as  I  have 
gone,  I  am  dead  at  last."  The 
lion  came  up  to  him  [and]  looked 
at  him.  He  commenced  licking 
him.  "You  are  tired,"  says  he; 
' '  sit  upon  my  back,  and  I  will  carry 
you  out  of  the  wood." — "You 
are  good,"  says  he.  He  sat  up  on 
his  back,  [and]  they  moved  off. 
He  did  not  stop  or  make  any 
great  delay  until  he  brought  him 
as  far  as  the  house  of  a  shoe- 
maker, which  was  built  on  the 
brink  of  a  lake.  "Go  in  yonder," 
says  the  Lion,  "and  you  will  get 
lodging  until  morning  there." 


He  went  into  the  little  house. 
"God  bless  all  here  !"  says  he. 
"God  and  Mary  bless  you!"  says 
the  man  of  the  house.  "Would  I 
get  lodging  here  until  morning?" 


An  Irish  Folk-Tale 


423 


airs  eisean.  "Gheabhaidh  agus 
failte,"  airse  fear  a'tighe,  "agus  is 
olc  linn  duit  e."  Suidh  sios  agus 
chaith  suipear  i  gcuideachta. 
"Anois,"  airs  an  greasaidhe, 
"beidh  cruinniughadh  mor  thall 
ann  seo  i  mbarach.  Ta  uU-pheistna 
fairrge  le  bheith  ann  agus  beidh 
inghean  righ  ceangailte  ann,  agus 
caithfidh  si  a  faghail  le  slogadh 
ma  (muna)  mbi  aon  duine  le  fa- 
ghail le  n-a  cosaint;  na  (no)  an 
ngabhfaidh  tusa?  Ma  theidheann 
tu  ann  bhearamuid  linn  a'  bad." 
— ^"  Badh  mhaith  liom  a  dhul  ann," 
airs  eisean,  "acht  nior  mhaith 
liom  dul  ar  fairrge,  acht  cebi 
sin  dhe  gabhfaidh  me  ann;  acht 
nior  mhor  dhiiinn  arm  cosanta 
bheith  linn . "  —  "  Ta  sean-chlai- 
dheamh  beag  meirgeach  ann  sin 
amuigh  a  bhionns  ag  gearradh 
turnapai  agus  gabaisde,"  airse  an 
greasaidhe.  "Dionfaidh  se  sathach 
maith,"  airs  an  strainsearaidhe, 
"bhearaidh  mise  liom  e." 

Nuair  a  chuaidh  siad  anonn 
ann  sin  ins  a'mbad  agus  chon- 
naic  siad  a'  cruinniughadh  mor  a 
bhi  rompa,  bhi  inghean  righ  an 
oileana  ceangailte  ar  chathaoir 
oir  agus  ull-pheist  na  fairrge  le 
tiacht  da  hithe  ar  uair  a  do-dheag 
an  la  sin.  Bhi  righte,  prionnsaidhe 
agus  iarlaidhe  cruinnighthe  ann 
le  dul  ag  troid  leis  an  ull-pheist. 
Ar  uair  a'  do-dheag  chonnaic  siad 
an  fairrge  a'  crothadh  agus  a'  dul 
le  mire  agus  an  ull-pheist  a  tiacht 
ag  cur  fairrge  go  barra'  na  gcnoc 
ar  gach  taobh  dhi  go  dtainic  si 
isteach  i  n-ait  a  rabh  an  bhainrio- 
ghan  6g  in  a  suidhe.  Ni  rabh  einne 
i  n-ann  a  dhul  roimpi  acht  a'  fear 


says  he.  "You  will,  and  welcome," 
says  the  man  of  the  house,  "and 
we  consider  the  accommodation 
poor  for  you."  They  sat  down 
and  ate  supper  in  company. 
"Now,"  says  the  shoemaker, 
"there  will  be  a  great  meeting 
over  yonder  to-morrow.  The 
great  sea-monster  is  to  be  there, 
and  the  King's  daughter  will  be 
tied  there,  and  it  must  get  her  to 
swallow  unless  there  shall  be 
somebody  to  defend  her;  or  would 
you  go?  If  you  do  go  there,  we 
shall  take  the  boat  with  us."  — 
"I  should  like  to  go,"  says  he, 
"but  I  should  not  like  to  go  on  the 
sea;  but  however  that  may  be,  I 
will  go.  But  we  should  have  arms 
of  defence  with  us."  — "There  is 
a  little  old  rusty  sword  outside 
there,  which  is  for  cutting  turnips 
and  cabbage,"  says  the  shoe- 
maker. "It  will  do  well  enough," 
says  the  stranger.  "I  will  take  it 
with  me." 

When  they  went  over  there  in 
the  boat  and  saw  the  great  crowd 
which  was  before  them,  the  King's 
daughter  of  the  island  was  tied 
in  a  golden  chair,  and  [the]  sea- 
monster  coming  to  eat  her  at  the 
hour  of  twelve  that  day.  There 
were  kings,  princes,  and  earls  col- 
lected there  to  go  to  fight  with 
the  monster.  At  the  hour  of 
twelve  they  saw  the  sea  moving 
and  going  mad,  and  the  monster 
coming,  putting  the  sea  to  the 
tops  of  the  hills  on  each  side  of  it, 
till  it  came  to  the  place  in  which 
the  young  princess  was  sitting. 
There  was  no  one  there  to  go  be- 


424 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


seo.  D'eirigh  se  do  leim  agus 
chuaidh  i  mullach  na  hull-pheiste 
le  n-a  chlaidhimhm  meirgeach. 
Bhi  se  a'  dul  di  gur  mharbh  se  i. 
"Ni  phosfaidh  mise,"  fairs  an 
bhainrioghan  6g,  "aon  fear  acht  a' 
fear  sin."  Posadh  le  cheile  an 
bheirt. 

Mi  i  n-eis  an  ama  sin  bhi  se  'na 
seasamh  ar  bruach  fairrge  agus 
chonnaic  se  an  mhaighdean 
mhara  a'  tiacht  air  ins  a'bhfairrge. 
Airs  ise  leis, ''  Bliadhain  agus  fiche 
ins  a'  la  indiu  a  cheannuigh  me 
thu  6  d'athair  agus  6  do  mha- 
thair.  Ni  rabh  me  le  do  mhar- 
bhadh  na  le  do  bhaitheadh  agus 
is  me  thug  a'  bealach  seo  thu  le 
bheith  in  do  chliamhain  ag  righ 
an  oileana.  Dion  go  maith  dhuit 
fein  feasta,"  airs  ise.  "Ta  tu  ar 
bhealach  maith  anois.  Ni  feicfidh 
tu  misenios  mo,"  airs  an  mhaigh- 
dean mhara. 

Oxford,  Eng. 


fore  it  but  this  man.  He  arose 
with  a  leap  and  went  on  the  back 
of  the  monster  with  his  little  rusty 
sword.  He  went  for  it  until  he 
killed  it.  "I  will  not  marry  any- 
one/' says  the  young  princess, 
"but  that  man."  The  two  were 
married. 

A  month  from  that  time  he  was 
standing  on  the  shore  of  the  sea, 
and  he  saw  the  mermaid  ap- 
proaching him  in  the  sea.  Says  she 
to  him,  "Twenty-one  years  ago 
to-day  I  bought  you  from  your 
father  and  mother.  It  was  not  to 
kill  you  or  drown  you,  and  it  is 
I  who  took  you  this  way  to  be 
son-in-law  to  the  King  of  the 
island.  May  you  prosper  hence- 
forth," says  she.  "You  are  in  a 
good  way  now.  You  will  not  see 
me  again,"  says  the  mermaid. 


I 


An  Irish  Folk-Tale  425 


AN  IRISH  FOLK-TALE 

CONTRIBUTED   BY  KATE  WOODBRIDGE   MICIL\ELIS 

The  following  variant  of  a  well-known  popular  tale  was  taken 
down  from  the  lips  of  a  recently  arrived  Irish  maid  in  Cambridge, 
Massachusetts. 

THREE   MEN   OF   GALWAY 

Over  beyant,  on  the  road  to  Galway,  there  were  three  cabins  that 
stood  side  by  side,  each  the  same  as  all  the  rest;  and  in  them  lived 
three  cousins,  with  their  three  mothers  and  their  three  cows.  Times 
was  hard  then  in  Ireland,  —  and  has  been  since,  —  and  the  cousins 
had  to  work  hard  to  put  bread  in  their  stomachs  and  breath  in  their 
bodies;  so  one  day  the  eldest  cousin  says  to  the  others,  "Let  us  drive 
our  cows  to  market  and  sell  them  for  a  good  price,  and  be  rich  then! " 
and  the  others  agreed. 

Now,  it  chanced  that  the  youngest  cousin's  cow  was  very  lean 
entirely,  the  smallest  and  poorest  of  all  the  cows  in  the  land;  and  as 
the  three  walked  together,  the  other  two  said  teasing  words  to  him, 
because  it  was  little  his  cow  would  bring  in  the  market. 

At  last  the  youngest  cousin  got  vexed  indeed,  and  says  he  to  his 
cousins,  "  Go  you  to  the  market  with  your  large  and  fine  cows,  me  and 
my  cow  will  bide  here.  I  will  kill  her  and  sell  the  hide  and  tallow." 
So  he  bided,  and  the  others  went  on.  Well,  after  he  was  tired  of  being 
vexed,  he  up  and  killed  his  httle  cow,  and  began  to  strip  the  hide  off 
her  carcass.  While  he  worked,  —  and  mind  you,  it  was  not  the  nicest 
of  work,  —  who  should  come  hopping  along  but  a  big  magpie,  head 
on  one  side,  looking  wise  indeed. 

"Peck-peck! "  says  he,  like  any  human,  for  he  caught  a  smell  of  the 
blood;  so  up  he  hopped  on  the  hide  to  see  what  it  was  all  about;  and 
immediate  the  youngest  cousin  whipped  over  the  hide,  master  Mag- 
pie inside,  and  started  for  the  nearest  tavern,  hide  and  bird  under  his 
arm. 

When  he  got  to  the  tavern,  in  he  marched,  bold  as  you  please,  call- 
ing out  for  a  nip  of  whiskey  to  stay  his  stomach,  for  it  was  near  to 
starving  the  poor  boy  was.  So  the  barmaid  —  she  was  the  daughter 
of  the  host  —  she  looked  him  over,  and,  seeing  that  he  was  dressed 
the  poorest  and  had  nought  with  him  but  a  bundle  of  bloody  hide, 
just  served  him  with  the  worst  but  one  of  the  whiskeys  of  the  world. 
As  soon  as  the  cousin  got  the  taste  of  it  on  his  tongue,  he  put  his  foot 
on  the  bundle  of  hide,  and  the  magpie  within  screeched  out  loud. 

"And  what's  that  ?"  says  the  girl. 

"  '  Tis  my  magpie,  warning  me,"  says  the  cousin. 


426  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

"And  what  is  he  after  warning  you  ?"  says  the  girl. 

"He's  warning  me  of  the  poorness  of  the  whiskey,"  says  he.  So  the 
girl,  not  believing  him  at  all,  nodded  her  head  to  herself,  and  put  be- 
fore him  the  one  other  whiskey  that  could  be  worse. 

Now,  the  minute  he  smelled  of  it,  down  came  the  cousin's  foot  as 
hard  as  might  be,  and  loud  screeched  out  the  poor  craythur  below. 

"And  this  is  poorer  still,  he  tells  me,"  says  the  youngest  cousin. 

"  Faix,  and  it 's  right  he  is,"  says  the  girl.  So  she  ran  and  called  her 
father,  who  came,  all  in  a  hurry,  to  see  the  bird  that  was  telling  tales 
on  his  whiskeys.  When  he  had  talked  with  the  cousin,  and  the  bird 
had  cocked  the  bright  eye  at  it,  nothing  would  suit  him  but  he  must 
own  it;  so  he  offered  money  for  it,  till  at  last  the  youngest  cousin 
went  off  with  his  pockets  full  of  gold,  and  the  bird  biding  behind  at 
the  tavern. 

When  the  two  older  cousins  came  back  from  the  market,  it  was  long 
faces  they  had,  for  never  a  one  had  asked  to  buy  their  cows,  and  they 
were  foot-sore  and  weary.  When  they  saw  the  youngest  cousin  sitting 
by  his  door  and  counting  over  his  gold,  they  were  dumb-struck.  When 
they  could  get  breath  to  question  him,  he  boasted  that  he  had  killed 
and  stripped  his  cow,  rolled  a  magpie  in  its  hide,  and  taken  it  to  the 
public-house,  where  he  had  sold  it  to  the  landlord  for  all  that  gold. 

"And  is  it  buying  bloody  magpies  he  is  ?"  asked  the  cousins. 

"Faix,  and  it  is,"  says  he. 

As  soon  as  morning  comes,  up  gets  the  two  cousins,  kills  their  fine 
fat  cows,  strips  them,  catches  two  magpies,  wraps  them  in  the  skins, 
and  hurries  off  with  them  to  the  nearest  inn.  Then,  of  course,  the 
landlord  just  laughs  in  their  faces,  and  when  they  talk  back,  drives 
them  out  with  hard  words.  Home  they  came,  pocket-empty,  and 
vexed  indeed  with  the  youngest  cousin.  Now,  it  chanced  that  he, 
hiding  safe  from  them,  heard  the  threats  they  made.  So  when  the 
night  came,  he  coaxed  his  old  mother  to  sleep  in  his  bed,  and  himself 
got  well  into  the  chimney.  In  came  the  two  cousins,  creeping  easy, 
fell  upon  the  poor  mother,  —  who  was  the  aunt  of  the  two  of  them, 
heaven  rest  her  soul!  —  and  left  her  cold  and  dead.  Up  came  the 
youngest  cousin  out  of  the  chimney,  fixed  up  his  mother  in  her  best 
clothes  all  fine,  and  carried  her  on  his  back  to  the  house  of  a  farmer 
who  had  the  best  well  in  all  the  country  round.  As  it  was  early,  he 
propped  his  old  mother  against  the  well,  her  back  to  the  house,  and 
when  it  was  fight,  went  to  the  door  and  asked  to  buy  wine  for  himself 
and  for  her. 

"It's  bashful  she  is,"  says  he  to  the  daughter  of  the  farmer,  "and 
never  a  step  will  she  come  into  the  house.  Go  you  out  with  the  wine 
and  give  it  to  her.  It's  hard  of  hearing  she  is,"  says  he,  " so  you  must 
pinch  her  and  shake  her  well  if  she  does  not  turn  round." 


An  Irish  Folk-Tale  427 

Out  went  the  girl  with  the  wine,  called  loud,  bellowed,  then,  at  the 
last,  up  and  shook  her  good,  when  into  the  well,  head  and  heels,  went 
she.  At  that  the  girl  she  ran  away  screaming  out ;  and  when  she  did  not 
come  back,  the  youngest  cousin  went  out  and  found  his  mother  deep 
in  the  well.  And  the  storming  of  the  man!  crying  out  and  stomping 
his  feet,  and  sa}dng  that  it  was  all  the  mother  he  had  in  the  world! 
At  this  came  out  the  farmer  and  gave  him  all  the  gold  he  had  in  the 
house  to  stop  his  noise,  lest  the  people  going  by  should  hear  it.  And 
the  farmer  took  the  old  woman  out  of  the  well  that  very  day,  for  fear 
she  should  spoil  the  water;  for  it  was  a  very  good  well,  that  was. 

When  the  two  cousins  got  up  next  morning,  who  should  they  see 
but  the  youngest  cousin  with  a  great  bag  of  gold. 

"And  how  come  you  alive  ?"  said  they,  well  vexed. 

"Faix,"  says  he,  "  it  was  my  mother  you  killed,  and  I've  been  to 
the  village  beyant  and  sold  her  for  all  this  gold.  It's  a  great  price 
they  are  pacing  for  old  hags  for  gunpowder,"  says  he. 

So  the  two  of  them  lost  no  time  in  killing  their  mothers,  put  them 
in  bags,  and  hurried  off  to  the  village,  caUing  out,  loud,  "  Old  hags  for 
gunpowder!  Old  hags  for  gunpowder!"  and  then  the  people  were 
quite  mad  with  them.  They  fell  upon  them  and  beat  them,  and  shut 
them  up  in  the  jail,  for  killing  of  their  mothers,  nice  tidy  old  dames 
that  they  were ! 

Well,  after  they  got  out  again,  they  came  home;  and  there  they 
found  the  youngest  cousin  living  on  the  best  to  be  had,  and  they 
did  n't  like  it  at  all,  at  all.  It  was  a  great  deal  they  said  to  him  about 
the  lot  of  trouble  he  had  given  them;  and  they  were  so  vexed  at  him, 
that  he  saw  he  had  best  beware.  So  he  kept  far  away  from  them.  But 
one  day  he  was  searching  after  rabbits,  which  he  well  liked  for  his 
supper,  and  had  just  caught  two,  when  he  saw  the  two  cousins  after 
him;  and  before  he  could  hide  from  them,  they  were  upon  him,  had 
him  tied,  and  in  a  bag,  ready  to  put  an  end  to  him.  But  just  as  they 
were  tying  the  bag,  he  managed  slyly  to  break  the  foot  of  each  rabbit 
he  had  caught,  one  the  left,  and  the  other  the  right,  and  let  them  go 
free;  and  off  they  scutted,  one  to  the  right  and  the  other  to  the  left. 
Now,  the  two  cousins  also  liked  well,  rabbits  for  supper;  and,  having 
the  youngest  cousin  fast  tied,  they  left  him  there  in  the  bag,  and  off 
they  ran,  chasing  the  rabbits. 

Now,  it  chanced  well  for  the  youngest  cousin  that  while  they  were 
pursuing  of  the  woods  in  search  of  the  rabbits,  along  came  a  jobber, 
driving  a  herd  of  cattle  to  the  fair;  and  he  heard  the  youngest  cousin 
in  the  bag  singing  out  gay  that  he  was  going  to  heaven,  for  he  had 
heard  the  jobber  going  by.  The  jobber,  he  was  having  a  hard  time, 
poor  man!  and  he  had  heard  that  heaven  was  a  fine  place. 

"And  how  do  you  get  there  ? "  says  he  to  the  cousin  in  the  bag. 

VOL.  XXIII,  —  NO.  90.  27 


428  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

"  Get  you  into  this  bag,  and  I  will  show  you,"  says  the  youngest 
cousin.  So  the  jobber  cut  the  strings  of  the  bag,  and  out  leapt  the 
cousin  and  put  the  jobber  in  the  bag  in  his  place,  tied  fast  the  strings, 
and  bid  him  wait  for  the  angels  to  carry  him  straight  to  heaven.  Then 
home  went  the  youngest  cousin  by  the  shortest  road,  driving  of  the 
herd  of  cattle  before  him. 

After  a  bit,  came  back  the  two  cousins,  with  no  rabbits  and  bad  in 
their  tempers,  picked  up  the  bag,  and  threw  it,  man  and  all,  into  a 
hole  without  a  bottom,  and  went  home.  And,  behold!  when  they 
turned  the  corner,  there  was  the  youngest  cousin,  large  as  life,  and  a 
great  deal  more  natural,  smoking  his  pipe  after  the  milking  of  his  new 
cows.  And  beside  his  stool  was  the  bag  of  gold  the  jobber  had  left  be- 
hind him  on  the  ground. 

"And  is  it  out  of  the  hole  you  are  ?"  says  they,  hardly  trusting  to 
their  eyesight. 

"It  is,  indeed,"  says  he,  "and  it's  much  obliged  to  you  I  am  for 
putting  me  in.  Mind  that  gold  now!" 

"And  where  did  you  get  it  ?"  said  they. 

"In  the  bottom  of  the  hole,"  says  he,  "  and  it's  many  a  bag  I  had 
to  leave  behind  me  when  I  climbed  out.  There  was  but  two  I  had 
time  for;  and  one  I  gave  to  a  jobber  passing  by,  for  a  fine  herd  of 
cattle  that  was  just  after  eating  its  supper  in  the  field  beyant." 

Then  the  two  cousins,  they  just  fell  on  his  neck,  and  they  said  they 
would  forgive  him  everything,  and  never  kill  him  again,  if  he  would 
but  tell  them  how  to  get  to  that  hole,  for  the  way  had  gone  clean  out 
of  their  minds. 

So  off  the  three  went,  side  by  side,  as  pleasant  as  you  please;  and 
when  they  came  to  the  hole,  "One  at  a  time!"  says  the  youngest 
cousin ;  so  he  tied  the  eldest  cousin  well  into  a  bag,  and  pitched  him 
into  the  hole.  But  when  he  could  find  no  bottom  to  it,  he  began  to 
cry  out  and  to  curse. 

"Faix,  and  what  may  that  noise  be  ?"  says  the  middle  cousin. 

"It 's  our  cousin  crying  out  for  joy  at  the  bags  of  gold,"  says  the 
youngest  cousin;  then  the  middle  cousin  ran  quick  to  the  bag  and  got 
in  without  help,  he  was  so  feared  that  the  eldest  cousin  would  get  the 
biggest  share  of  the  gold.  Then  the  youngest  cousin  tied  him  up  well 
and  pitched  him  down  into  the  well.  And  there  the  two  of  them  are  to 
this  very  day. 

But  the  youngest  cousin  took  his  pick  of  the  three  cabins,  and  he 
married  a  fine  wife  and  had  plenty  of  children,  and  money  to  spare 
for  every  one  of  them;  and  when  he  died,  he  left  a  cabin  apiece  to 
three  of  them,  but  the  rest  of  his  family  went  over  to  America,  and 
very  likely  they  are  dead  by  now. 

Cambridge,  Mass. 


Three  Old  Ballads  from  Missouri  429 

THREE  OLD  BALLADS  FROM  MISSOURI 

BY  H.  M.  BELDEN 
I.   THE   LONE  WIDOW 

This  version  of  "  The  Wife  of  Usher's  Well"  {Child,  No.  79)  was 
sung  by  a  woman  who  lived  near  West  Plains,  Missouri.  It  resembles 
the  North  Carolina  version  in  Child,  V,  294. 

1.  There  was  a  lady  neat, 

And  children  she  had  three; 
She  sent  them  away  to  a  far  countrye 
To  learn  their  grammare, 

2.  They  had  n't  been  gone  but  a  little  while,  — 

About  three  months,  we  '11  say,  — 
Till  death  was  abroad  all  over  the  land 
And  swept  her  babes  away. 

3.  One  winter  night  about  Christmas  time, 

The  night  was  dark  and  cold. 
Her  three  Uttle  babes  came  running  home 
Into  their  mother's  room. 

4.  It  was  over  the  table  she  spread  a  cloth 

And  on  it  bread  and  wine, 
Saying,  "Rise  ye  up,  you  three  Httle  ones, 
And  eat  and  drink  of  mine." 

5.  "I'll  eat  none  of  your  bread,  mother, 

I  '11  drink  none  of  your  wine. 
For  yonder  is  our  Sa\aour  dear. 
And  with  him  we  will  join. 

6.  "Cold  clods  lay  over  our  heads,  mother. 

Green  grass  grows  over  our  feet; 
The  tears  you  have  shed,  my  mother  dear. 
Would  wet  our  winding  sheet." 

2.   THE   LOWXANDS    LOW 

This  version  of ''  The  Sweet  Trinity "  {Child,  No.  286)  was  written 
down  by  Owen  Davidson,  of  the  West  Plains  (Missouri)  High  School, 
as  *'  learned  from  his  father,  who  learned  it  from  a  hired  man."  It 
was  sent  to  me  by  Miss  G.  M.  Hamilton,  teacher  in  the  school. 


430  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

I.  "0  captain,  dear  captain!  what  will  you  give  to  me 
If  I  sink  that  vessel  called  the  Yellow  Golden  Tree, 
As  she  sails  in  the  Lowlands  low,  low, 
As  she  sails  in  the  Lowlands  low  ?" 


2.  "One  thousand  pounds  I'll  give  to  you  and  my  daughter  to 

be  your  bride, 
If  you'll  sink  that  ship  called  the  Yellow  Golden  Tree, 
As  she  sails,"  etc. 

3.  He  took  with  him  an  auger  well  fitted  for  the  use, 
And  bored  nine  holes  in  the  bottom  of  her  sluice. 

As  she  sailed,  etc. 

4.  "0  captain,  dear  captain!  come  and  take  me  up, 

For  I  have  sunk  that  vessel  called  the  Yellow  Golden  Tree, 
As  she  sailed,"  etc. 

5.  The  captain  wrapped  him  up  in  an  old  rawhide. 

And  sunk  him  to  the  bottom  with  a  fair  wind  and  tide, 
As  they  sailed,  etc. 

6.  Nine  months  later  his  ghost  did  appear. 

Which  caused  the  wicked  captain  great  dread  and  fear. 
As  he  sailed  in  the  Lowlands  low,  low. 
As  he  sailed  in  the  Lowlands  low. 


3.   THE   CAMBRIC   SHIRT 

This  version  of  Child,  No.  2,  was  contributed  by  Fred  Wilkinson, 
West  Plains,  Missouri,  from  his  grandmother's  manuscript  collec- 
tion of  ballads  made  in  her  youth  at  Brownington,  Vermont.  See 
Child,  1, 19;  V,  284. 

1.  "  Can  you  make  me  a  cambric  shirt 

Fluma  luma  lokey  sloomy  — 
Without  seam  or  fine  needle  work? 
From  a  teaslum  tasalum  templum 
Flvmia  luma  lokey  sloomy. 

2.  "  Can  you  wash  it  in  a  well 

Where  water  never  nm  nor  water  never  fell? 

3.  "  Can  you  dry  it  on  a  thorn 

That  never  was  since  Adam  was  born?  " 


Three  Old  Ballads  from  Missouri  43 1 

4.  "  Can  you  buy  me  an  acre  of  land 

Between  the  salt  water  and  the  sea  land? 

5.  "  Can  you  plow  it  with  a  hog's  horn, 

And  seed  it  all  down  with  one  pepper  corn? 

6.  "  Can  you  put  it  in  a  horn 

That  never  was  seen  since  Adam  was  born?" 

7.    When  the  fool  has  done  his  work, 

He  may  come  to  me  and  have  his  shirt. 


432  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


ROBIN  HOOD  AND  LITTLE  JOHN 

RECORDED   BY  E.  L.  WILSON,  URBANA,  ILLINOIS;   EDITED  BY 
H.  S.  V.  JONES 

This  ballad  of  Robin  Hood  and  Little  John  is  an  American  version 
of  Child,  125,  which  is  "in  a  rank  seventeenth-century  style."  It  is 
about  half  as  long  as  the  English  ballad,  to  which,  however,  it  is 
closely  similar  in  phraseology.  Although  the  abridgment  is  most  at 
the  end,  it  will  be  noted  that  stanza  20  of  this  version  corresponds 
to  29  and  30  of  ChiWs.  The  following  points  also  may  be  noted: 
the  repetition  in  stanza  13,  the  confused  dialogue  in  stanza  5,  the 
change  of  place  between  Robin  Hood  and  the  stranger  in  stanza  11, 
and  the  patchwork  of  stanza  20.  To  faciUtate  reference,  I  have 
placed  in  parentheses  at  the  side  of  each  stanza  the  numbers  borne 
by  the  corresponding  stanzas  in  Child. 

The  ballad  was  sung  in  January,  1908,  by  William  Shields  McCul- 
lough  of  Normal,  Illinois.  Mr.  McCuUough  was  born  at  Harper's 
Ferry,  Virginia,  December  10,  1816,  and  moved  to  Illinois  in  1854. 
He  learned  this  song  from  an  old  man  whom  he  heard  sing  it  about 
eighty  years  ago. 

(i)  I.  Scarce  sLxteen  years  old  was  bold  Robin  Hood, 
When  first  he  met  Little  John, 
A  steady  young  blade  well  fit  for  his  trade, 
And  he  was  a  handsome  young  man. 

(2)  2.  Although  he  was  Httle,  his  limbs  they  were  large, 
His  height  about  seven  feet  high; 
And  wherever  he  came  he  straight  cut  his  name, 
And  quickly  he  made  them  aU  fly. 

(5)  3.  "I  have  not  been  sporting  for  fourteen  long  days, 

So  now  abroad  I  will  go, 
And  if  I  get  beat,  and  I  can't  retreat, 
My  horn  I  will  suddenly  blow." 

(6)  4.  Thus  took  he  the  leave  of  his  merry  men  all, 

And  bid  them  a  pleasant  good-by, 
And  down  to  the  brook  a  journey  he  took. 
And  a  stranger  he  chanced  for  to  spy. 

(7,  8)  5.  There  these  two  fellows  met  on  a  long  narrow  bridge, 
And  neither  of  them  would  give  way; 
The  stranger  he  said,  "I  will  lather  your  hide; 
I  will  show  you  fine  Nottingham  play." 


Robin  Hood  and  Little  John  433 

(9)     6.  "You  speak  as  a  fool,"  bold  Robin  replied. 
"If  I  should  bend  my  long  bow, 
I  would  shoot  a  dart  then  quite  through  your  heart, 
Before  you  could  give  me  one  blow." 

(10)  7.  "You  speak  as  a  coward,"  the  stranger  replied, 

"To  bend  your  long  bow  as  I  stand, 
To  shoot  at  my  breast,  as  I  do  protest, 
And  I  but  a  staff  in  my  hand." 

(11)  8.  "The  name  of  a  coward  I  do  disdain; 

Therefore  my  long  bow  I'll  lay  by; 
And  now  for  your  sake  a  staff  I  will  take, 
And  the  strength  of  your  manhood  I'll  try." 

(12)  9.  Robin  stepped  down  in  a  thicket  of  wood, 

And  chose  him  a  staff  of  brown  oak, 
And  that  being  done,  he  straight  back  did  come, 
To  the  stranger  he  merrily  spoke: 

(13)  10.  "Oh,  here  is  my  staff  both  steady  and  stout; 

Therefore  on  this  bridge  let  us  play. 
Whichever  falls  in,  the  other  shall  win. 
And  after  all  that  we'll  away." 

(17)  II.  Robin  struck  the  stranger  a  crack  on  the  crown. 
Which  caused  the  red  blood  to  appear. 
The  stranger  enraged,  then  closely  engaged. 
And  laid  on  his  blows  most  severe. 

(16)  12.  "As  long  as  I'm  able  my  staff  for  to  handle. 
To  die  in  your  debt  I  would  scorn." 
And  so  thick  and  so  fast  they  laid  on  each  other. 
As  though  they  were  threshing  out  corn. 

(17,  19)  13.  The  stranger  struck  Robin  a  crack  on  the  crown, 
That  caused  him  a  terrible  flow, 
And  with  the  same  blow  he  laid  him  quite  low, 
And  tumbled  him  into  the  brook. 

(20)  14.  "Oh,  where  are  you  now,  my  gay  fellow  ?"  he  said; 
And  with  a  loud  laugh  he  rephed, 
"It's  I,  by  my  faith,"  bold  Robin  Hood  said, 
"I  am  floating  away  with  the  tide." 

(22)  15.  Robin  floated  down  all  into  the  deep, 
And  drew  himself  out  by  a  thorn. 
And  with  his  last  gasp  he  blew  a  loud  blast, 
A  blast  on  his  own  bugle-horn, 


434  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

(23)  16.  Which  caused  all  the  hills  and  the  valleys  to  ring, 

And  all  his  gay  men  to  appear. 
There  were  threescore  and  ten,  all  clothed  in  green, 
That  straightway  to  the  master  did  steer. 

(24)  17.  "Oh,  what  is  the  matter?"  said  Wilham  Stellee, 

"Methinks  you  are  wet  to  the  skin." 
"No  matter,"  said  he,  "the  lad  that  you  see 
By  fair  fighting  has  tumbled  me  in." 

(25)  18.  "He  shall  not  go  free,"  said  WilHam  Stellee, 

While  still  stood  the  poor  stranger  there; 
"We  will  duck  him  likewise."  Bold  Robin  replies, 
"He  is  a  stout  fellow,  forbear," 

(28,  29)  19.  "His  name  is  John  Little,  he  is  made  of  good  metal, 
No  doubt  he  will  play  his  own  part." 
"He  shall  not  go  free,"  said  William  Stellee, 
"Therefore  his  godfather  I'll  be." 

(29,  30)  20.  They  called  him  a  babe;  he  was  none  of  the  least; 
They  had  rum  and  all  Uquors  likewise, 
And  there  in  the  woods  these  bold  fellows  stood, 
While  this  little  babe  was  baptized. 


Negro  Songs  and  Folk-Lore  435 

NEGRO  SONGS  AND  FOLK-LORE 

BY  MARY  WALKER  FINLEY  SPEERS 
I.   WHO   BUILT  DE   AHK? 

The  following  rhymes  seem  to  be  known  by  Virginia,  Washington 
(D.  C),  and  Maryland  negroes.  The  air  is  accompanied  with  patting 
and  shuffling  of  the  hands  and  feet  and  a  swaying  motion  of  the  body 
of  those  "  wrapping  him  or  her  up"  (as  they  term  it)  that  can  best  be 
compared  with  the  swaying  motion  of  the  head  of  a  caged  bear.  Every 
few  moments  one  of  the  "  wrappers  "  will  jump  upwards  of  a  foot,  and 
cry, ''  Ah,  Lawd! "  or  "  Wrap  hit  hup,  wrap  hit  hup! "  or  *'  Cum  toe  hit, 
boys !  cum  toe  hit ! "  And  they  will  keep  this  up  until  you  wonder  that 
both  the  "  wrappers  "  and  the  dancers  do  not  collapse  from  exhaustion. 
Finally  they  are  "  spelled"  by  another  bunch  of  darkies;  but,  as  soon 
as  the  first  set  are  able,  they  start  in  again. 

Chorus 

Uh!  whoo  built  de  ahk? 

Brudder  No-rah,  No-rah. 
Uh!  who  built  de  ahk? 

Brudder  No-rah  built  de  ahk. 

1.  "Say,  Mistah  Rabbutt, 

Wat  makes  yoe  head  so  ball?  " 
"  Glory  be  toe  Gaud, 

lah  bin  er  buttin'  thoo  de  wall." 
Cho.  En,  uh!  whoo  built  de  ahk?  etc. 

2.  "Say,  Mistah  Rabbutt, 

Wat  makes  yoe  eyes  so  big?  " 
"  Glory  be  toe  Gaud, 

I  bin  er  wearin'  fals'  wig." 
Cho.  Sez,  uh!  whoo  built  deahk?  etc. 

3.  "  Say,  Mistah  Rabbutt, 

Wat  makes  yoe  nose  so  flat? 
"Er  Glory  be  toe  Gaud, 
I  'se  bin  cot  in  er  trap." 
Cho.  En,  etc. 

4.  "  Say,  Mistah  Rabbutt, 

Wat  makes  yoe  teeth  so  sharp?" 
"Er  Glory  be  toe  Gaud, 

I've  bin  cuttin'  caun  top." 
Cho.  Sez,  etc. 


43^  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

5.  "Say,  Mistah  Rabbutt, 

Wat  makes  yoe  sides  so  thin?" 
"Er  Glory  be  toe  Gaud, 

Deze  bin  er  skeetin'  thoo  de  win'." 
Cho.  En,  etc. 

6.  "Say,  Mistah  Rabbutt, 

Wat  makes  yoe  legs  so  long?" 
"Glory  be  toe  Gaud, 

Deze  bin  hung  hon  'rong." 
Cho.  Sez,  etc. 

7.  "Say,  Mistah  Rabbutt, 

Wat  makes  yoe  nails  so  long?" 
"  Glory  be  toe  Gaud, 

Deze  bin  diggin'  hup  caun." 
Cho.  En,  etc. 

8.  "Say,  Mistah  Rabbutt, 

Wat  makes  yoe  cote  so  brown?" 
"  Glory  be  toe  Gaud, 

Hits  humble  toe  de  groun'. " 
Cho.  Sez,  etc. 

9.  "  Say,  Mistah  Rabbutt, 

Wat  makes  yoe  tail  so  w'ite?" 
"Glory  be  toe  Gaud, 

I  keeries  hit  outer  site." 
Cho.  En,  etc. 

n.  DERE   IS   NO  HIDIN'   PLACE  DOWN  YHAR 

Chorus 

I-ah  run  ter  de  rock  fer  ter  hider  maw  face, 
De  rock  cry  out,  "No  hidin'  place,"  — 
Dere  is  no  hidin'  place  down  yhar, 
Dere  is  no  hidin'  place  down  yhar. 

I.  0-00  sinner  man,  sittin'  on  de  gates  ub  yhell,  — 
Dere  is  no  hidin'  place  down  yhar, — 
0-00  sinner  man,  sittin'  on  de  gates  ub  yhell,  — 

Dere  is  no  hidin'  place  down  yhar,  — 
0-00  sinner  man  sittin'  on  de  gates  ub  yhell, 
De  gates  floo  open,  en  de  sinner  man  fell, 
Dere  is  no  hidin'  place  down  yhar. 

Cho. 


1 


Negro  Songs  and  Folk-Lore  42)7 

Halli-lu-jah!  Dere  is  no  hidin'  place  down  yhar. 
I  run  ter  de  rock  fer  ter  hider  maw  face, 
De  rock  cry  out,  "Dere  is  no  hidin'  place,"  — 

Dere  is  no  hidin'  place  down  yhar, 

Dere  is  no  hidin'  place  down  yhar. 
Halli-lu-jah!  Dere  is  no  hidin'  place  down  yhar. 

Cho. 

0-00  who 's  ober  yhondar  dress'  in  w'ite? 

Dere  is  no  hidin'  place  down  yhar  — 
0-00  w^ho  's  ober  yhondar  dress'  in  w'ite? 

Dere  is  no  hidin'  place  do-wn  yhar  — 
0-00  who's  ober  yhondar  dress'  in  w'ite? 

De  Chilluns  ob  Eez-reel,  er  Eez-reellites. 

Cho. 

0-00  who 's  ober  yhondar  dress'  in  red? 

No  hidin'  place  down  yhar  — 
0-00  who 's  ober  yhondar  dress'  in  red? 

Er  no  hidin'  place  down  yhar  — 
0-00  who 's  ober  yhondar  dress'  in  red? 
De  Chilluns  ober  Eez-reel  er  Mozess  led  — 

Dere  is  no  hidin'  place  down  yhar. 

Cho. 


0-00  hush,  ole  Annie,  don't  schew  run,  — 
Dere  is  no  hidin'  place  down  yhar,  — 

0-00  hush,  ole  Annie,  don't  schew  run,  — 
Dere  is  no  hidin'  place  down  yhar,  — 

0-00  hush,  ole  Annie,  don't  schew  run, 

Des  er  wait  en  seed  w'at  de  light'nin'  done, 
Dere  is  no  hidin'  place  down  yhar. 

Cho. 

Ob  all  'lig-gins  I  refress,  — 

Dere's  no  hidin'  place  down  yhar,  — 
Ob  all  'lig-gins  I  refress,  — 

Dere  is  no  hidin'  place  down  yhar,  — 
0-b  al-1  'Ug-gins  I  refress, 
I-ah  do  confer  de  Med-o-des. 

Dere  is  no  hidin'  place  down  yhar. 

Cho. 

I-ah  do  belief  widout  er  doubt,  — 
Dere  is  no  hidin'  place  down  yhar,  — 


438  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

I-ah  do  belief  widout  er  doubt,  — 

No  hidin'  place  down  yhar  — 
I-ah  do  belief  widout  er  doubt 
Dat  de  Creeschins  hev  er  right  ter  shout. 
Dere  is  no  hidin'  place  down  yhar. 

Cho. 

8.  Sis'  Maery  hez  er  golden  chain,  — 

Dere  is  no  hidin'  place  down  yhar  — 
Sis'  Maery  hez  er  golden  chain,  — 

Ah!  No  hidin'  place  down  yhar,  — 
Sis'  Maery  hez  er  golden  chain, 
En  ebry  link  iz  jis  de  same. 

Dere  is  no  hidin'  place  down  yhar. 


in 

The  following  tale  was  told  to  me  by  both  a  Maryland  and  a  Virgin- 
ian negro.  The  supposed  original  name  of  the  dog  was  "  May  ship," 
which,  as  it  seems  to  me,  must  be  a  corruption  of  "  Makeshift." 

HOW  MISTAH  MAYSHEP  CUM  TER  BAHK,  EN  HAB    TRIMMIN'  'rOUN'  HIS 
MOUF,  EN  HOW  CUZIN  RABBIT's   TAIL  GOT  WYTE 

Mistah  Rabbit,  in  de  olden  times,  cood  whisel  same  ez  er  man;  en 
yeah  'e  cum  er  whisellin'  downde  road  wif  'is  ban's  in  'is  paukets.  Mr. 
How-oon'  'e  cum  'long  tow  en  sez,  "  Look  yeah,  Cuzin  Rabbit,  wa't 
makes  I  can't  whisel  same  like  chew?"  Den  Cuzin  Rabbit  sez,  "  Oh! 
y'us  moufs  tow  big,  get  me  a  needle  en  hy  '11  sew  hit  hup  fer  yus  'viding 
yer  dues  ez  hy '11  tell  yer."  So  Mr.  Mayship  'e  goes  en  gits  de  needle  en 
tred  fer  'im,  en  Cuzin  Rabbit  'e  sews  hit  hup.  "  Now,"  'e  sez,  "  yus 
wait  twill  I  gits  hup  on  yhondah  hill  fer  yer  whisels."  So  Mr.  Mayship 
'e  waits  twill  Cuzin  Rabbit  gits  hup  dah,  er  dues,  den  tries  ter  whisel, 
en  Mr.  Rabbit  'e  sits  hup  dah  ar  laurfin'  twill  'is  sides  near  erbout  ter 
bus',  en  Mr.  Mayship  'e  don't  do  a  thing  en  dis  blessed  world,  but  gis 
try  ter  open  hup  'is  mouf,  en  sez  "  woof,  woof,  woof! "  en  dat's  how  de 
dog  'menced  ter  bahk.  En  'e  keeps  hon  a  tryin'  so  hard  dat  'e  broke 
de  stitches  en  dey  tore  does  er  ragged  places  in  'is  mouf.  Dat  w'ats 
makes  der  trim'in'  dat 's  dere,  —  sorter  kind  ub  lace,  —  dat  flappy  part 
wid  de  pints  er  roun'  ub  de  dog's  mouf.  Yus  des  teck  notice  nex'  time 
yus  sees  er  dog,  honey,  en  yer  '11  see  w'at  I  'se  tryin'  ter  'splain  ter  yer. 

Well  den,  Mr.  Mayship  'e  took  arter  Mr.  Rabbit,  en  Mr.  Rabbit 
took  arter  de  briar  patch,  en  der  dey  wuz  dez  ez  Cuzin  Rabbit  got 
ter  de  briar  patch,  en  wuz  er  gwin  thoo  de  fence,  Mr.  Mayship  wuz 
so  hard  on  'im  en  uz  yelpin'  al  de  tim,  'case  'es  mouf  wuz  hertin'  'im  so, 
dat  w'en  Mr.  Mayship  got  ter  de  fence  'e  gist  cautch  paht  ub  Cuzin 


Negro  Songs  and  Folk-Lore  439 

Rabbit's  tail  en  bit  hit  clean  short  off,  en  dat  Cuzin  Rabbit  wuz  skeered 
so  bad,  dat  de  piece  ub  tail  dat  'e  hab  left,  done  turn  w'ite,  en  dat's  why 
Mr.  Rabbit 's  caU  de'/'  Cotton  Tail"  een  's  skeered  w'en  'e  yearhs  dem 
How-oons  er  yelpin'. 
Eailleigh  Heights  on  Severn, 
Maryland. 


440 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


THE  ORIGIN  OF  FOLK-MELODIES 

BY  PHILLIPS  BARRY 

The  inimitability  of  folk-song  has  long  been  the  delight  and  the 
despair  of  poet  and  musician  alike.  Kipling  alone  has  imitated  the 
ballad  style  with  any  degree  of  success/  and  to  Foster  we  owe  the 
only  imitations  of  folk-music  worthy  of  the  name.-  Yet  neither  has 
produced  anything  that  in  its  present  state  can  find  place  in  the  same 
class  with  "  Child  Maurice,"  or  a  folk-melody  of  undoubted  authen- 
ticity, such  as  the  following. 

The  Banks  of  the  Roses. ^ 


$ 


ms^tf^^im'^i^^ 


The  reason  is,  that  folk-song,  in  fact,  is  song  ahve.  It  is  subject  to 
perpetual,  and  often  extremely  capricious,  erratic  processes  of  change 
and  growth.^  Of  the  exact  nature  of  these  processes,  which  may  be 
conveniently  grouped  under  the  head  of  "tradition,"  or,  better,  of 
"  communal  re-creation,"  ^  much  still  remains  a  matter  for  debate. 
Their  results,  however,  at  least  the  most  obvious  of  them,  are  well 
known ;  namely,  multipHcity  of  versions,  and  impersonality  of  author- 
ship, —  unfailingly  characteristic  features  of  poetry  of  the  folk,  and 
music  of  the  folk,  the  world  over. 

In  analyzing  the  influence  of  tradition  on  folk-song,  it  is  necessary, 
first,  that  the  word  be  used  in  its  widest  sense.  It  must  not  be  stated, 
on  the  basis  of  internal  evidence  alone,  that  one  song,  widely  current 
among  the  folk,  is  a  folk-song,  and  another  is  not.  The  ephemeral 
popular  melodies  of  the  day  are  folk-melodies  in  the  making.  A  com- 
posed tune  of  this  sort,  given  time  enough  and  folk-singers  enough, 

1  See  "The  Last  Rhyme  of  True  Thomas." 

2  Yet  the  melody  of  "Old  Folks  at  Home"  is  very  likely  borrowed  from  "Annie 
Laurie,"  as  are  the  melodies  of  "Way  down  in  Ca-i-ro"  and  "Old  Uncle  Ned"  clearly 
reminiscent,  respectively,  of  "Oft  in  the  Stilly  Night"  and  "Rosin  the  Bow." 

3  "  The  Banks  of  the  Roses,"  A,  Folk-Songs  of  the  North  Atlantic  States.  From  S.  C, 
Boston,  Mass.,  as  sung  in  Co.  Tyrone,  Ireland. 

*  Deviations  from  the  composer's  ipsissima  verba  (or  puncta),  from  the  viewpoint  of 
art-song,  are  errors,  from  the  viewpoint  of  folk-song,  constitute  communal  re-creation. 

'  The  choice  of  one  or  another  set  of  a  folk-melody  as  authentic,  to  the  exclusion  of 
all  other  sets,  as  in  the  case  of  "Yankee  Doodle,"  is  but  arbitrary. 


The  Origin  of  Folk-Melodies  441 

may  remain  in  tradition  so  long,  that  its  form  and  melodic  structure 
will  be  more  or  less  markedly  changed.  Indeed,  in  the  case  of  the 
following  melody,  this  has  actually  happened. 

Come  back  to  Erin.^ 


5# 


%^^^^-i^;^g^Q^ 


=F=I5 


fe  J-J'J  iJ^I^^Tp^^^^^aS^^ 


The  foregoing  represents  but  one  of  a  possible  large  number  of  va- 
riants, derived  by  oral  tradition  from  the  original  melody.  So  also 
in  the  case  of  the  air  to  "  The  Rose  of  Allan  Dale,"^  a  similar  result 
has  taken  place.  The  obvious  derivation  of  the  several  sets  of  the  air, 
as  sung  by  American  college  students,  is  at  once  apparent.  Moreover, 
"Yankee  Doodle,"  as  whistled  in  the  streets  to-day,  differs  from  the 
set  current  at  the  close  of  the  Revolution.^ 

Such,  then,  is  the  re-creative  and  transforming  influence  of  oral 
tradition,  carried  through  a  greater  or  lesser  period  of  time.^ 

'  From  S.  C,  Boston,  Mass.,  as  sung  by  a  soldier  in  Ireland.  Compare  with  the  above 
the  corresponding  phrases  of  the  original  melody  composed  by  Charlotte  A.  Barnard 
(Claribel) :  — 


^^^^^^^f^^^^^^ 


g^^^M^J^^F^i^ 


-i=^ 


2  Composed  by  S.  Nelson.  Compare  "General  Grant''  {Harvard  University  Songs 
p.  21)  and  "The  Mermaid"  {Columbia  University  Songs,  p.  50),  these  being  the  best- 
known  variants. 

^  The  accompanying  set  is  from  a  manuscript  of  lygo:  — 


*  J.  Meier,  Kunsiiieder  im  Volksmunde,  p.  cxii.  — 

"In  voUstandig  gleicherWeise  wie  die  Texte  werden  die  Melodien  zerstiickt  und  zer- 
fasert.  Das  Volk  geht  hier  ganz  ebenso  vor,  es  verwendet  Theile  alter  Volksweisen, 
verkniipft  verschiedene  Lieder  oder  Theile  von  solchen  zu  neuen  Melodien,  und  verfahrt 
ebenso  mit  dem  Gut  gebildeter  Musiker,    Auch  hier  sehen  wir  Compositionen  und 


442 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


Turning  now  to  a  study  of  contemporaneously  current  ballad  airs, 
—  instructive  not  only  as  further  and  more  convincing  illustrations 
of  communal  re-creation,  but  also  for  the  Hght  they  shed  on  the 
vexed  problem  of  origins,  —  let  us  examine  four  sets  of  a  melody 
to  the  ballad  "Fair  Charlotte,"  as  sung  in  different  parts  of  the 
country. 

First  set.^ 


^ 


^ 


e 


i 


I 


4^ 


i 


w. 


Second  set.^ 


i 


m 


5^=t 


1^ 


-*-*- 


w 


^t£ 


B 


^ 


#-»^ 


Third  set.^ 


i=it 


»•   V 


^j ij.  n 


Fourth  set.^ 


5#= 


l¥A. 


d    d    d 


^ 


t 


M 


i 


^ 


^^^ 


Theile  von  solchen  einfach  heruber  genommen,  in  Stucke  zerlegt,  umgesungen,  und  zu 
neuen  Gebilden  geformt." 

See  also  W.  Tappert,  "  Wanderade  Melodien,"  for  a  discussion  of  the  reflex  influence 
on  art-music. 

^  Recorded  by  M.  W.,  Cameron,  Clinton  Co.,  Missouri.  (Communicated  by  Pro- 
fessor Henry  M.  Belden,  University  of  Missouri.) 

2  "Fair  Charlotte,"  D.,  Folk-Songs  of  the  North  Atlantic  States.  From  N.  A.  C, 
Rome,  Pa. 

'  From  H.  S.,  Mexico,  Missouri,  (Communicated  by  Professor  Henry  M.  Belden, 
University  of  Missouri.) 

*  From  M.  D.,  Columbia,  Missouri.  (Communicated  by  Professor  Henry  M.  Bel- 
den, University  of  Missouri.) 


The  Origin  of  Folk-Melodies 


443 


The  close  relationship  of  the  foregoing  sets  is  apparent  at  once.  It 
is  to  be  noted,  that  whereas  the  first  set  is  composed  of  four  elements, 
—  a,  b,  c,  d,  —  the  remainder  are  composed  of  but  three,  —  a,  b,  b', 
c;  the  partial  melody  in  the  second  measure  having  by  communal 
re-creation  become  assimilated  to  the  partial  melody  in  the  third  meas- 
ure. To  the  same  cause  is  due  the  loss  of  the  plagal  cadence  in  the 
fourth  set.^ 

A  more  complicated  instance  of  relationship  —  owing  to  the  fact 
that  both  ballad  and  melody  are  very  old,  and  have  been  subjected  to 
a  much  longer  period  of  communal  re-creation  —  is  observed  in  the 
case  of  "Lord  Randall."  Not  only  are  at  least  ten  sets  in  existence, 
but  from  the  same  source  as  the  melody  to  "Lord  Randall"  are  de- 
scended the  airs  "Lochaber  no  More,"  ^  "King  James's  March  to 
Ireland,"  "Limerick's  Lamentation,"  and  "Reeve's  Maggot."  For 
the  purpose  of  the  present  investigation,  however,  it  will  be  sufficient 
to  put  in  evidence  six  sets  from  New  England,  five  of  which  are  very 
closely  related. 


First  set.^ 


i 


^ 


4-i^»^ 


d  d  d 


t= 


^^ 


*  d\»  d^\^J.V\ 


-d  d  d  -d 


d' -d-^-^zSz3t±d 


Second  set.^ 


Third  set.^ 


rjgrjt^ 


g 


:itjL 


^=1=^: 


m 


1  It  is  not  unlikely  that  the  6rst  set  may  be  identical  with  the  original  air,  the  second 
set  not  far  removed,  whereas  the  fourth  set  is  most  distant  of  aU. 

^  "Lochaber"  has  probably  been  affected  also  by  conscious  individual  recomposition, 
as  well  as  by  subconscious  communal  re-creation. 

*  "Lord  Randall,"  I,  Folk-Songs  of  the  North  Atlantic  States.  (From  G.  B.,  Boston, 
Mass.) 

*  "Lord  Randall,"  K,  Folk-Songs  of  the  North  Atlantic  States.  (From  H.  E.  K.,  New 
York,  N.  Y.,  as  traditional  in  Pomfret,  Conn.) 

*  "Lord  Randall,"  L,  Folk-Songs  of  the  North  Atlantic  States.  (From  R.  P.  U., 
Cambridge,  Mass.,  as  traditional  in  Charlestown,  N.  H. 

VOL.  XXIII.  —  NO.  89.  28 


444  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

Fourth  set.^ 


imj  J  J I  J'J.  ;j|  J  j^^^^p^'-j^^gji^ 


Fifth  set.  2 


^m 


=t 


s 


^ 


atTti 


h2- 


:i± 


*=J=i^ 


li^ 


It  will  be  seen  at  once,  that,  though  there  are  some  marked  differ- 
ences in  the  above  sets,  they  are  not  as  great  as  the  variations  in  the 
different  versions  of  the  ballad.^  Moreover,  where  there  is  similarity, 
it  amounts  almost  to  identity.  Nor  is  it  too  much  to  suppose  that 
these  five  sets  are  descended  from  a  common  source,  removed,  how- 
ever, by  several  degrees  from  the  original  air  to  "Lord  Randall." 
The  relationship  of  the  following  set,  more  distant,  it  is  true,  is  yet 
recognizably  apparent. 

Sixth  set.^ 


^ 


^d-d 


^^^s^i^s 


i 


s 


fc 


^- 


g 


^=ji± 


#-*+z^ 


The  accompanying  diagram  will  serve  to  show  roughly  the  relation- 
ship to  the  original  melody  of  the  foregoing  sets,  and  some  others,  not 
mentioned  here.^ 

Original  Melody 


Lochaber 


<{>6 


I  I  INS  I  I 

n  C  K  L 

»  "Lord  Randall,"  N,  Folk-Songs  oj  the  North  Atlantic  States.  (From  G.  T.  A.,  Boston, 
Mass.,  as  sung  by  an  Irish  serving-man.) 

2  "Lord  Randall,"  S,  Folk-Songs  of  the  North  Atlantic  States.  From  E.  W.  H.,  Water- 
town,  Mass. 

^  See  my  article,  "Traditional  Ballads  in  New  England,"  in  Journal  of  American 
Folk-Lore,  vol.  xviii,  pp.  201,  203-205,  for  versions  I,  K,  L,  N,  of  the  ballad. 

*  "Lord  Randall,"  C,  Folk-Songs  of  the  North  Atlantic  Slates.  From  A.  M.,  source 
unknown. 

^  The  diagram  is  merely  tentative,  —  a  further  degree  of  exactness  being  impossible, 
owing  to  the  fact  that  so  many  of  the  intermediary  sets  of  the  melody  have  perished- 
For  convenience,  *•  may  be  assumed  as  the  original  of  the  closely  related  Irish  sets 
(N.  A.  S.  —  I,  K,  L,  N,  S),  and  T  as  the  source  of  the  Scottish  sets,  represented  by 
N.  A.  S.,  C,  and  the  set  in  Johnson's  Musical  Museum,  here  designated  as  ^. 

'  The  set  designated  as  4>,  from  which  are  derived  I,  K,  L,  N,  S,  is  almost  certainly 


The  Origin  of  Folk- Melodies  445 

Examples  might  be  multiplied.  Thus  in  the  case  of  "  Barbara  Al- 
lan," it  is  certain  that  several  distinct  melodies  have  come  down  to 
us,  resolved  into  sets  by  the  re-creative  force  of  oral  tradition.  The 
same  may  be  proved  for  "  The  Golden  Vanity."  At  some  time  in  the 
nineteenth  century  a  melody  was  sung  to  "  Springfield  Mountain," 
which  now  appears  in  a  number  of  more  or  less  diversified  sets,^ 
each  sung  to  a  different  version  "of  the  ballad.  "Lord  Randall," 
however,  is  in  all  probability  unique  as  being  the  only  old  ballad  which 
has  retained  its  original  melody. 

Unto  its  present  state,  then,  folk-music  has  evolved.  Yet  individ- 
ual invention  must  be  the  ultimate  origin  of  the  oldest  folk-melody 
in  existence.  By  the  subsequent  history  of  each  is  measured  the  dif- 
ference between  such  a  folk-melody  and  latest  air  from  musical 
comedy;  for  into  the  folk-melody  have  gone  not  only  the  inventive 
efforts  of  the  composer,  but  also  the  slowly  transmitted  re-creative 
influences  of  a  large  number  of  folk-singers,  good,  bad,  and  indifferent. 
Boston,  Mass. 

of  Irish  origin.  In  the  ballad  itself,  the  name  is  "Terence,"  variously  corrupted, —  I, 
Tyrante,  K,  Taranty,  N,  Tyranting,  S,  Wrentham.  Moreover,  in  the  sets  K,  L,  S,  the 
close  is  characteristically  Irish. 

^  See  my  article,  "Traditional  Ballads  in  New  England,"  in  Journal  of  American  Folk- 
Lore,  vol.  xviii,  pp.  298,  300,  301. 


446  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


A   GARLAND   OF  BALLADS 

BY  PHILLIPS  BARRY 

The  ballad  is,  the  world  over,  a  tale  of  common  things.  Simple 
events  in  human  experience  are  its  subjects.  It  is  not  surprising,  then, 
that  many  themes  are  quite  old;  that  some,  moreover,  are  universal. 
The  error  in  judgment  lies  in  assuming  that  actual  borrowing,  or 
even  direct  transmission,  are  the  only  causes  of  the  provenience,  in 
different  localities,  of  ballads  constructed  upon  variants  of  the  same 
theme,  or  of  the  recurrence  of  the  same  theme  in  ballads  of  different 
date,  native  to  the  same  country.  If  in  a  given  instance  borrowing 
seems  probable,  there  is  always  an  even  chance  that  we  should  de- 
cide upon  coincidence  as  the  true  explanation,  and  vice  versa.  Whereas 
"Sir  Aldingar"  and  "Earl  Brand,"  as  appears  from  the  retention  of 
obviously  Scandinavian  names,  are  quite  evident  relics  of  the  Danish 
conquest,  it  is  yet  quite  likely  that  "The  Douglas  Tragedy,"  ^  though 
based  on  a  theme  identical  with  that  of  "Earl  Brand,"  may  have  its 
only  source  in  an  event  of  Scottish  tradition. 

Too  long,  in  fact,  has  the  later  British  ballad,  the  so-called  "vulgar 
literary"  or  "broadside"  ballad,  lain  neglected  and  despised.  Its 
literary  worthlessness,  of  course,  no  one  denies.  Yet,  aside  from  its 
value  as  throwing  light  on  the  vexed  question  whether  the  "ballad 
style,"  according  to  the  principles  laid  down  by  Professor  Gummere,^ 
is  in  aU  cases  an  original  or  an  acquired  pecuUarity  of  the  "good" 
ballads,^  it  is  worthy  also  of  our  attention  in  determining  the  origin 
and  dispersion  of  ballad  themes.  Professor  Child  understood  this, 
and  unhesitatingly  accepted  "The  Suffolk  Miracle"  as  "the  repre- 
sentative in  England,  of  one  of  the  most  remarkable  tales,  and  one 
of  the  most  impressive  and  beautiful  ballads  of  the  European  conti- 
nent." So  also  to  the  later  British  ballad  we  owe  the  preservation  of 
several  forms  of  the  Returned-Lover  motif.  In  none  of  these  instances 
however,  can  we  say  with  any  certainty  whether  or  not  the  broad- 
sides have  preserved  for  us  any  traces  of  lost  traditional,  never- 

1  "Earl  Brand,"  B.,  Child,  English  and  Scottish  Popular  Ballads.  See  also  the  version 
recorded  by  me  from  an  American  folk-singer  ("The  Ballad  of  Earl  Brand,"  ed.  by 
Phillips  Barry,  Modern  Language  Notes,  xxv,  4,  pp.  104-105). 

^  F.  B.  Gummere,  The  Popular  Ballad. 

^  It  is  a  fact  substantiated  by  good  evidence,  that  certain  of  the  later  British  ballads 
have,  in  traditional  versions  whose  ultimate  source  is  the  printed  archetype  of  the  broad- 
side press,  devoid  of  the  ballad  style  characteristic  of  the  ancient,  i.  e.,"popular  "  or 
"communal"  ballad,  actually  developed  the  same  ballad  style  to  a  greater  or  less  degree, 
as  one  of  the  several  re-creative  effects  of  long-continued  traditional  singing.  For  in- 
stance, "The  VVittam  Miller"  {Roxburghe  Ballads,  viii,  68,  176,  629)  appears  thus  re- 
created in  "Pretty  Oma,"  as  sung  by  American  folk-singers. 


A  Garland  of  Ballads  447 

recorded  ballads.  There  is  nothing  to  show  that  such  ballads 
existed. 

Yet  it  seems  not  to  have  been  generally  observed  that  themes 
known  to  ancient  balladry  reappear,  sometimes  almost  unaltered,  in 
later  ballads.  Nor  are  these  later  ballads,  with  the  exception  of  "The 
Squire  of  Edinborough  Town,"  —  a  broadside-disseminated  Irish 
version  of  "Katherine  Jaflfray,"^  —  actual  versions  of  the  ancient 
ballad,  tricked  out  with  the  tawdry  finery  of  Grub  Street.  Some  con- 
nection they  may  have  with  the  ancient  ballad,  however.  It  would 
not  be  incredible  that  a  Seven-Dials  Homer  should  have  the  effront- 
ery to  rewrite  the  story  of  "Earl  Brand"  in  his  own  words.  Yet,  as 
we  cannot  be  sure  of  either  "borrowing"  or  "coincidence"  as  a  work- 
ing theory  infallible  in  the  case  of  the  ancient  ballads,  the  same  is 
true  in  the  present  instance.  The  event  which  furnishes  the  theme 
might  recur  at  any  time.  "Lord  Randall,"  for  example,  is  based  on 
a  theme  in  which,  historically  speaking,  the  victim  might  as  well  have 
been  the  Emperor  Claudius  or  King  John  as  the  unknown  Randall. 

A  few  words  may  here  be  said  relative  to  certain  themes  common 
to  the  ancient  and  later  ballad. 

I.  ERLINTON 
(Theme:  Unwelcome  suitor,  elopement,  pursuit.) 

This  theme  was  taken  up  by  the  broadside  writers  at  an  early  date. 
The  oldest  traceable  treatment  of  it  is  in  "The  Masterpiece  of  Love- 
Songs,"  2  the  plot  of  which  is  thus  outhned  by  the  author:  — 

"A  Dialogue  betwixt  a  bold  Keeper  and  a  Lady  gay, 
He  woo'd  his  Lord's  Daughter,  and  carried  the  day, 
But  soon  after  Marriage  was  forc'd  for  to  fight, 
With  his  Lord  and  six  Gentlemen,  for  his  own  Right, 
He  cut  them  and  hew'd  them,  and  paid  them  with  blows, 
And  made  them  his  Friends,  that  before  were  his  Foes." 

To  the  later,  accordingly,  rather  than  to  the  earlier  ballad,  is  the 
following  version  to  be  referred. 

THE   SOLDIER  ' 

I.  I  '11  tell  you  of  a  sold'er, 

Who  lately  came  from  war. 

1  Broadside  by  Such  (Brit.  Mus.,  Bks.  3,  g.  4,  vol.  iii,  p.  39).  Traditional  versions, 
ultimately  derived  from  the  broadside,  are  still  current.  I  have  recorded  two  from  Irish 
singers. 

2  Licensed  and  Entered,  London.  Printed  for  A.  M.  W.  O.,  and  Tho.  Thackeray,  at 
the  Angel  in  Duck-Lane.  Brit.  Mus.,  c.  22,  f.  14,  p.  20-vo,  cf.  Roxburghe  Ballads,  vi 
pp. 229-231. 

^  "The  Soldier,"  A,  Folk-Songs  0}  the  North  Atlantic  States,  as  derived  from  L.  A., 
Camden,  N.  J.,  by  MS.  of  I.  L.  M.,  Vineland,  N.  J. 


448  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

A  courting  a  lady, 

Both  wealthy  and  fair. 

Her  portion  was  so  great, 
It  scarcely  could  be  told, 

But  yet  she  loved  the  soldier 
Because  he  was  so  bold. 

2.  She  says,  "My  dearest  jewel, 

I  fain  would  be  your  wife, 
But  my  father  is  so  cruel, 

I  fear  he'll  end  my  life." 
He  took  his  sword  and  pistol, 

And  hung  them  by  his  side, 
He  swore  he  would  marry  her, 

Whatever  might  betide. 

3.  To  church  they  went, 

And  returning  home  again, 
Her  father  met  them 

With  seven  armed  men. 
"Oh,  dear!"  says  the  lady, 

"I  fear  we  shall  be  slain."  — 
"Fear  nothing,  my  jewel!" 
The  soldier  said  again. 

4.  Then  up  speaks  the  father, 

With  a  great  frown  he  said, 
"  'T  is  this  your  behavior, , 

To  me  this  very  day, 
Since  you  have  been  so  silly 

To  be  a  soldier's  wife. 
Here  in  this  lonesome  valley, 

I'll  end  your  pleasant  life!" 

5.  Then  up  speaks  the  soldier, 

"I  do  not  like  this  prattle! 
Although  I  am  a  bridegroom, 

I  am  prepared  for  battle." 
He  took  his  sword  and  pistol. 

He  caused  them  forth  to  rattle. 
The  lady  held  the  horse. 

While  the  soldier  fought  the  battle.* 

6.  The  first  one  he  came  to. 

He  quickly  had  him  slain, 

^  Compare  "The  Masterpiece  of  Love-Songs: " 

"  Come  on,  quoth  the  Keeper,  't  is  no  time  to  prattle, 
I  see  by  yoiir  swords,  you're  prepar'd  for  battle. 
With  his  sword  and  buckler  he  made  them  to  rattle. 
The  Lady  did  hold  the  horse  {or  the  Keeper." 


A  Garland  of  Ballads  449 

The  next  one 

He  ran  him  through  amain, 
"Let's  flee,"  cried  the  rest, 
"Or  we  all  shall  be  slain, 
To  fight  with  this  brave  soldier 
Is  altogether  vain." 

7.  "Oh,  stay  your  hand!"  the  old  man  cried, 

"  It  makes  my  blood  run  cold, 
I  give  you  up  my  daughter, 

Five  thousand  pounds  in  gold!"  — 
"Fight  on!"  says  the  lady, 

"Your  portion  is  too  small,"  — 
"  Oh,  stay  your  hand,  kind  soldier, 
And  you  shall  have  it  all! "^ 

8.  He  took  the  soldier  home. 

Acknowledged  him  his  heir, 
'T  was  not  because  he  loved  him, 

But 't  was  for  dread  and  fear. 
There  never  was  a  soldier. 

Who  was  fit  to  carry  a  gun. 
That  would  ever  flinch,  or  start  an  inch, 

Until  the  battle 's  won. 

9.  Despise  not  a  soldier 

Because  he  is  poor. 
He  is  as  happy  in  the  field  of  war 

As  at  the  bar  of  door. 
He 's  merry,  brisk,  and  lively. 

Brave,  sociable,  and  gay. 
And  as  ready  to  fight  for  love 

As  for  his  Uberty. 

II.  YOUNG  BEICHAN 

(Theme:  Captive-lover.) 

"Stories  and  ballads  of  the  general  cast  of  'Young  Beichan'  are 
extremely  frequent."  ^  Even  the  familiar  tradition  of  Pocahontas 
and  Capt.  John  Smith  is  not  very  far  removed  from  this  theme.  A 
later  British  ballad,  in  this  instance,  probably  an  actual  rewriting 
of  some  version  of  "Young  Beichan"  by  a  metre-ballad-monger,  is 
still  current. 

1  Compare  "The  Masterpiece  of  Love-Songs:  " 

"0  then,  quoth  the  Lord,  bold  Keeper,  hold  thy  hand, 
If  you'll  give  your  daughter  thirty  thousand  in  land, 
You  shall  not  dye  by  the  hand  of  the  Keeper. 

Keeper,  quoth  the  Lady,  't  is  too  small  a  portion. 
Peace,  quoth  the  Lord,  daughter,  let  your  will  be  done.' 

«  F.  J.  Child,  s.  V,  "Young  Beichan." 


450 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

THE  TURKISH  LADY^ 


^ 


i^ 


^ 


Young  vir-gins  all,    I     pray  draw  near,  A   pret  -  ty    sto  -  ry   you  shall  hear, 


fEEfef 


1 


S 


5=ti 


'Tis    of     a  Turk-  ish     la  -  dy  brave, Who  fell   in  love  with  an  Eng-lish  slave. 

1.  Young  virgins  all  I  pray  draw  near,^ 
A  pretty  story  you  shall  hear, 

'T  is  of  a  Turkish  Lady  brave, 

Who  fell  in  love  with  an  English  slave. 

2.  A  merchant's  ship  at  Bristol  lay, 
As  they  were  sailing  o  'er  the  sea, 
By  a  Turkish  rover  took  were  we, 
And  all  of  us  made  slaves  to  be. 


3.  They  bound  us  down  in  irons  strong. 
They  whipped  and  lashed  us  along, 
No  tongue  can  tell,  I  'm  certain  sure, 
What  we  poor  souls  did  endure. 

4.  Come  sit  you  down  and  listen  awhile. 
And  hear  how  Fortune  did  on  me  smile. 
It  was  my  fortune  for  to  be, 

A  slave  unto  a  rich  lady. 

5.  She  dressed  herself  in  rich  array. 
And  went  to  view  her  slaves  one  day, 
Hearing  the  moan  this  young  man  made, 
She  went  to  him,  and  thus  she  said,  — 

6.  "What  countryman,  young  man,  are  you?"  — 
"I  am  an  Englishman,  that's  true."  — 

"I  wish  you  was  a  Turk,"  said  she, 
"I'd  ease  you  of  your  misery. 

7.  "  I '11  ease  you  of  your  slavish  work. 

If  you'll  consent  to  turn  a  Turk, 
I  '11  own  myself  to  be  your  wife. 
For  I  do  love  you  as  my  life." 

1  "The  Turkish  Lady,"  A,  Folk-Songs  of  the  North  Atlantk  States.  Melody  from 
MS.  of  O.  F.  A.  C,  Harrisburg,  Pa. 

2  From  The  Forget-me-not  Songster,  Nafis  and  Cornish,  New  York  (c.  1845),  P-  i^- 


A  Garland  of  Ballads 


451 


10. 


"No,  no,  no,"  then  said  he, 

"Your  constant  slave,  madam,  I'll  be, 
I  'd  sooner  be  burnt  then  at  the  stake, 
Before  that  I'll  my  God  forsake." 

This  lady  to  her  chamber  went, 
And  spent  that  night  in  discontent, 
Little  Cupid  with  his  piercing  dart, 
Had  deeply  wounded  her  to  the  heart. 

She  was  resolved  the  next  day, 
To  ease  him  of  his  slavery, 
And  own  herself  to  be  his  wife. 
For  she  did  love  him  as  her  hfe. 


11.  She  dressed  herself  in  rich  array, 
And  with  the  young  man  sail'd  away, 
Unto  her  parents  she  bid  adieu. 
Now  you  see  what  love  can  do. 

12.  She  is  turn' d  a  Christian  brave, 
And  is  wed  to  her  own  slave, 

That  was  in  chains  and  bondage  too, 
By  this  you  see  what  love  can  do.^ 


in.   THE   CRAFTY  FARMER 

(Theme:  Biter  bit.) 

A  t3^ical  broadside  ballad  constructed  upon  this  theme  is  the  fol- 
lowing: — 

THE  YORKSHIRE   BITE  ^ 


i 


s* 


^EE 


^^ 


¥^ 


In      Lon  -  don    there    liv    -    ed 
D.c,  A     York  -   shire  boy 


a        ma  -  son      by     trade,      He 
he      had      for      his      man,     And 

D.C. 


I 


^-E— f 


£ 


had  for 

for         to     do 


his       ser   -   vants        a       man 
his      busi    -  ness, —  his     name 


and         a      maid, 
it        was    John. 


m 


^ 


m 


^^=^1^3^ 


-•-i- 


^--s>^ 


Fol      de    lol,     fol      de     lol,  Whack,  fol      de    did  -  die,   all     the    day. 

^  From  The  Forget-me-not  Songster,  Nafis  and  Cornish,  New  York  (c.  1845),  P-  ^69. 
*  "  The  Yorkshire  Bite,"  A,  Folk-Songs  of  the  North  Atlantic  States,  communicated 
by  H.  J.  C,  Boston  Mass. 


452  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

1.  In  London  there  lived  a  mason  by  trade, 
He  had  for  his  servants  a  man  and  a  maid, 
A  Yorkshire  boy  he  had  for  his  man, 

And  for  to  do  his  business,  —  his  name  it  was  John. 
Fol  de  lol,  fol  de  lol, 
Whack  fol  de  diddle  all  the  day. 

2.  So  early  Monday  morning,  his  master  called  for  John, 
Jack,  hearing  his  master,  he  quickly  did  come, 


Johnny  took  the  cow  out  of  the  barn, 
And  drove  her  to  the  Fair,  as  we  do  learn, 
While  on  his  way  there,  he  met  with  a  man. 
And  he  sold  him  his  cow  for  five  pound  ten. 


While  he  was  picking  up  the  money  Jack  had  lost, 
To  make  his  amends.  Jack  ran  off  with  his  horse. 

5.  Then  home  to  his  master  Jack  he  did  bring, 
Horse,  saddle  and  bridle  and  many  fine  things, 
They  took  off  the  saddle  bags,  as  it  was  told, 
Five  thousand  pounds  of  silver  and  gold. 

6.  Besides  a  pair  of  pistols,  and  Jack  says,  "I  vow, 

I  think,  my  good  old  master,  I  've  sold  well  your  cow." 


7.  "As  for  a  boy  you  have  done  very  rare, 

And  half  of  this  money  you  shall  have  for  your  share, 
And  as  for  the  villain,  you  've  served  him  just  right. 
To  think  you  put  upon  him  a  Yorkshire  bite."  ^ 

In  the  matter  of  this  widespread  theme,  the  following  interesting 
tradition  is  worthy  of  record.  ^ 

ANECDOTE  OF  REV.  IVORY  HOVEY 

A  strange  story  is  related  concerning  Rev.  Ivory  Hovey,  who  was 
settled  in  Manomet  Ponds,  April  18,  1770,  and  continued  pastor  of 
this  ancient  church  until  Nov.  4,  1803,  when,  as  their  records  say, 
Mr.  Hovey  died,  aged  89  years,  to  the  great  grief  of  his  people.  Many 

^  The  Yorkshireman's  shrewdness  in  driving  a  sharp  bargain  is  proverbial. 

*  Copied  from  a  scrap-book  compiled  by  A.  J.,  Newbury  Center,  Vermont,  before  1870. 


A  Garland  of  Ballads  453 

of  his  descendants  still  Uve  in  South  Plymouth,  and  the  writer  has 
taken  much  pains  to  ascertain  the  facts  connected  with  the  singular 
story  to  which  allusion  has  been  made.  Molly  Bly,  who  was  long  a 
domestic  and  faithful  friend  in  the  family  of  Mr.  Hovey,  is  still  re- 
membered by  various  individuals  in  the  church  as  a  woman  of  God, 
and  she  is  said  to  have  told  the  story  often,  with  much  feeUng,  as  re- 
lated to  her  by  the  venerable  divine  himself. 

His  grandfather,  who  resided  in  England,  was  in  moderate  circum- 
stances, but  he  loved  the  Savior,  and  had  an  earnest  desire  that  a 
son  whom  God  had  given  him  should  become  a  minister  of  the  Gospel. 
Such,  however,  were  his  limited  means,  that  he  could  not  educate 
his  son  for  this  sacred  office.  In  these  days  of  soHtude,  he  is  said  to 
have  been  assured  in  a  dream  that  a  grandson  should  enter  the  min- 
istry, and  labor  for  his  Master.  It  chanced  that  on  the  occasion  of 
building  a  barn,  he  sent  his  son,  the  father  of  Rev.  Ivory  Hovey, 
to  the  nearest  village  to  purchase  nails.  While  returning  home,  as 
he  was  riding  on  horseback  through  a  piece  of  woods,  his  saddle- 
bags being  pretty  well  stored  with  nails,  he  was  met  by  a  highway- 
man, who  ordered  him  to  dehver  up  his  saddle-bags  of  money.  ^  Mr. 
Hovey  determined  that  some  pains  should  be  taken  by  this  unwel- 
come intruder,  and  hastily  threw  the  supposed  treasure  over  the  hedge ^ 
which  bordered  the  roadside.  The  robber  sprang  from  his  horse^ 
to  secure  the  prize,  when  Mr.  Hovey,  leaving  his  own  more  tardy 
animal,  sprang  into  the  empty  saddle,  and  hastily  drove  homeward.^ 
The  highwayman  called  loudly  to  Mr.  Hovey  to  stop,  declaring  that 
he  was  only  in  jest;  but  the  latter,  replying,  *'I  am  in  earnest,"  ^ 

1  Compare  "The  Crafty  Farmer"  {Child,  283,  A): 


*  Compare: 


*  Compare: 


*  Compare: 


'  Compare: 


As  they  were  riding  along, 

The  old  man  was  thinking  no  ill, 
The  thief  he  pulled  out  a  pistol. 

And  bid  the  old  man  stand  still. 


10.  But  the  old  man  proved  crafty, 
As  in  the  world  there 's  many, 
He  threw  his  saddle  o'er  the  hedge. 

Saying,  "Fetch  it,  if  thou  'It  have  any!" 


The  thief  got  off  his  horse. 
With  courage  stout  and  bold, 

To  search  for  the  old  man's  bag, 
And  gave  him  his  horse  to  hold. 


The  old  man  put's  foot  i  the  stirrup, 

And  he  got  on  astnde, 
To  its  side  he  clapt  his  spur  up, 

You  need  not  bid  the  old  man  ride. 


"Oh,  stay!"  said  the  thief,  "Oh,  stayl 
And  half  the  share  thou  shalt  havel"  — 

"Nay,  by  my  faith  1"  said  the  old  man, 
"For  once  I  have  bitten  a  knave  I" 


454  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

drove  forward,  and,  on  arriving  home,  found  the  saddle-bags  of 
his  new-found  horse  well  filled  with  filthy  lucre.  ^ 

This  God-sent  treasure  was  preserved  with  much  care,  and  with  it 
Rev.  Ivory  Hovey  was  educated  for  the  ministry. 

A  parallel  prose  tradition  exists  in  the  case  of  some  ballads. ^ 
There  is  no  reason  to  question  the  truth  of  the  anecdote,  —  encoun- 
ters with  highwaymen  were  common  enough,  —  yet  the  closeness 
with  which  it  follows  the  narrative  of  "The  Crafty  Farmer"  is  sus- 
picious. Some  version  of  the  ballad,  stored  perhaps  in  Molly  Ely's 
memory,  has  doubtless  colored  the  story.  We  may  with  right,  there- 
fore, speak  of  a  traditional  ballad-mythology,  stereotyped  ornamen- 
tations and  details,  suited  to  certain  events. 

Other  examples  might  be  put  in  evidence,  but  lack  of  space  forbids 
giving  them  more  than  passing  mention.  The  grusome  story  of 
"Lizie  Wan"  {Child,  51)  reappears  in  later  balladry  as  "  The  Bloody 
Brother."  3  Two  familiar  Irish  come-all-ye's  —  "Johnny  Doyle" 
and  "The  Constant  Farmer's  Son"  —  are  exact  counterparts,  respec- 
tively, of  "Lord  Salton  and  Auchanachie"  {Child,  239)  and  "The 
Braes  of  Yarrow  "  {Child,  2 14) .  In  a  word,  the  origin  and  transmission 
of  ballads  and  ballad  themes  may  not  in  any  two  given  instances 
be  the  same,  or  due  to  the  same  causes.  The  subject  is  large,  and 
calls  for  more  extended  research. 

Thornton,  N.  H. 

*  Compare: 

17.  He  opened  the  rogue's  portmantle, 
It  was  glorious  to  behold, 
There  were  three  hundred  pounds  in  silver, 
And  three  hundred  pounds  in  gold. 

*  Compare  "Lady  Isabel  and  the  Elf-Knight"  (in  Child,  iv,  p.  496),  also  "King  John 
and  the  Bishop,"  as  recorded  by  me  in  this  Journal,  vol.  xxi,  pp.  58-59. 

'  Forget-me-nol  Songster,  p.  247. 


Song  Recitative  in  Paiute  Mythology  455 

SONG    RECITATIVE   IN   PAIUTE   MYTHOLOGY.^ 

\  BY  EDWARD   SAPIR  ^ 

The  prominent  place  occupied  by  song  in  the  mental  culture  of  the 
American  Indians  is  weU  recognized  by  ethnologists,  in  spite  of  the 
relatively  small  bulk  of  aboriginal  musical  material  that  has  hereto- 
fore been  published.  Generally  Indian  music  is  of  greatest  significance 
when  combined  with  the  dance  in  rituahstic  or  ceremonial  perform- 
ances. Nevertheless  the  importance  of  music  in  non-ceremonial  acts 
—  for  instance,  in  the  hand-game  played  by  practically  all  tribes  west 
of  the  Rockies  —  should  not  be  minimized.  It  is  the  purpose  of  this 
paper  to  call  attention  to  the  part  that  song  plays  in  one  of  these  non- 
ceremonial  cases,  as  illustrated  by  the  southern  Paiutes  of  southwest- 
ern Utah.  2  Not  infrequently  in  America,  particularly  where  song  en- 
ters in,  mythology  is  closely  linked  with  ritual;  but  as  Paiute  myths 
have,  as  far  as  could  be  learned,  no  ritualistic  aspect  whatever,  the 
term  "non-ceremonial"  as  appHed  to  them  seems  justified. 

There  is  one  t}^e  of  myth-song  that  is  evidently  very  common  in 
America.  This  is  the  short  song  found  inserted  here  and  there  in  the 
body  of  a  myth,  generally  intended  to  express  some  emotion  or  striking 
thought  of  a  character.  It  is  generally  of  very  Hmited  melodic  range 
and  very  definite  rhythmic  structure.  Sometimes  it  is  quite  different  in 
character  from  the  regular  types  of  song  in  vogue,  not  infrequently 
being  considered  specifically  appropriate  to  the  character  involved; 
while  at  other  times  it  approximates  in  form  such  well-recognized 
t^'pes  as  the  round-dance  song  or  medicine  song,  according  to  the  exi- 
gencies of  the  narrative.  The  text  to  such  a  song  is  very  often  obscure. 
Even  where  it  does  not  consist  either  entirely  or  in  part  of  mere  bur- 
dens, the  words  are  apt  to  be  unusual  in  grammatical  form,  archaic, 
borrowed  from  a  neighboring  dialect,  difl&cult  to  translate,  or  otherwise 
out  of  the  ordinary.   Ordinarily  collectors  of  Indian  myths  have  re- 

*  Published  with  consent  of  the  Museum  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania. 

2  Reference  is  here  had  to  the  Kaibab  Paiutes  of  the  neighborhood  of  Kanab,  in  south- 
western Utah,  and  Moccasin  Springs,  in  northwestern  Arizona.  They  hunt  deer  on  the 
well-timbered  Kaibab  Plateau  south  as  far  as  the  Colorado  River.  They  now  number 
about  eighty  or  ninety  individuals.  Linguistically  Kaibab  Paiute  belongs  to  the  Ute- 
Chemehuevi  group  of  Plateau  Shoshonean,  diflEering  only  dialectically  from  Ute,  than 
which,  it  would  seem,  it  is  more  archaic.  The  Paiute  material  made  use  of  in  this  paper 
was  obtained  in  four  months'  work  for  the  University  Museum  of  the  University  of  Penn- 
sylvania (February-June,  1910)  with  Tony  Tillohash,  a  young  man  of  the  Kaibab 
Paiutes,  then  finishing  a  course  of  study  at  Carlisle.  Despite  his  five  years'  absence  from 
home,  Tony's  musical  memory  was  quite  remarkable.  Besides  the  myth-songs  spoken  of 
here,  over  two  hundred  other  songs  of  various  kinds  (three  or  four  varieties  of  "cry"  or 
mourning  songs,  bear-dance  songs,  round-dance  songs,  ghost-dance  songs,  medicine  songs, 
gambling  songs,  scalp  songs,  and  others  less  easy  to  classify)  were  obtained  from  him. 


45^  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

f rained  from  taking  down  music  and  words  of  such  songs,  ^  though 
there  is  small  doubt  in  the  mind  of  the  writer  that  they  occur  in  regions 
widely  apart.  From  the  point  of  view  of  style  in  native  mythology,  an 
aspect  of  the  subject  not  generally  given  the  attention  it  deserves,  it 
would  be  highly  desirable  to  record  carefully  all  such  myth-songs.  A 
few  such  songs  have  been  recorded  by  the  writer  in  Uintah  Ute  and 
Kaibab  Paiute  myth- texts.  As  it  is  intended  topubhsh  them  in  their 
proper  setting,  it  is  not  necessary  to  anticipate  in  this  place.  They  do 
not  differ  in  general  character  from  songs  of  the  t}^e  already  published. 

There  is  evidence  of  the  existence  of  a  second  type  of  myth-song  in 
America,  —  the  song  which  itself  narrates  a  myth.  The  most  elaborate 
examples  known  of  such  myth-songs  are  the  Homeric  poems,  which, 
as  is  well  known,  were  sung  by  rhapsodists  to  the  accompaniment  of 
a  stringed  instrument.  Dr.  Kroeber  refers  to  dream  myths  of  the 
Mohave,  that  are  sung  by  the  person  who  has  dreamt  the  myth.  As  he 
has  as  yet  pubHshed  no  example  of  these  songs,  it  is  impossible  at  present 
to  say  whether  the  myths  are  sung  entire  or  only  in  part,  and  whether 
the  words  are  set  by  the  dreamer  once  for  all  to  a  definitely  recurring 
melody  or  set  of  melodies,  or,  as  seems  more  probable,  may  vary  in 
actual  form  so  long  as  they  fit  the  rhythm  of  the  song  and  tell  the  story. 
It  is  not  clear  whether  the  Mohave  myth-songs  referred  to  are  of  the 
same  general  type  as  the  Diegueno  songs  of  which  specimens  have  been 
recently  published  in  text  without  music  by  Mr.  Waterman.^  These 
are  set  songs  of  no  great  length,  that,  in  a  more  or  less  definitely  deter- 
mined series,  relate,  or  perhaps  more  accurately  refer,  to  a  myth.  It 
seems  that  also  the  Navaho  and  the  Pueblo  Indians  have  such  series  of 
songs  of  mythical  reference.  In  any  case,  however,  such  songs  do  not 
adequately  reflect  the  mythology  of  the  tribe,  but  seem  rather  to  form 
an  ancillary  body  of  artistic  material  of  ritual  use,  based  on  the  myth- 
ology proper.  As  far  as  can  be  gathered,  it  seems  more  probable  that 
the  long  Mohave  myth-songs  that  Dr.  Kroeber  speaks  of  are  in  a  class 
apart  from  these.  Perhaps  they  resemble  the  Paiute  recitatives  to  be 
spoken  of  presently. 

So  far  as  known,  the  Paiute  do  not  have  set  songs  referring  to  mythi- 
cal incidents,  though  it  does  not  seem  unlikely  that  the  texts  of  at 
least  some  of  the  mourning  and  bear-dance  songs  did  originally  have 
such  reference.  On  the  other  hand,  what  may  be  called  "  song  recita- 
tive" is  well  developed  in  the  mythology  of  this  tribe.  The  narrative 
portions  of  a  myth  are  always  recited  in  a  speaking  voice.  The  conver- 

^  Published  examples  of  this  type  of  song  are  to  be  found  in  Boas,  Tsimshian  Texts,  pp. 
II,  63;  Boas,  Kathlamet  Texts,  pp.  24,  154;  Boas,  Chinook  Texts,  pp.  116,  117,  118,  144, 
146, 150, 151, 192,  235;  Sapir,  Wishram  Texts,  pp.  58,  68,  90,  94,  96, 134, 142, 150;  Sapir, 
Takehna  Texts,  pp.  14,  15,  46,  62,  102,  104,  106,  164. 

2  T.  T.  Waterman,  The  Religious  Practices  of  the  Diegueno  Indians  (University  of  Cali- 
fornia Publications  in  American  Archaeology  and  Ethnology,  vol.  8,  no.  6,  1910). 


Song  Recitative  in  Paiute  Mythology  457 

sational  passages,  however,  are  either  spoken  or  sung,  according  to  the 
mythical  character  who  is  supposed  to  be  speaking.  Some  characters, 
such  as  Porcupine,  Chipmunk,  Skunk,  and  Badger,  are  represented  as 
talking  rather  than  singing;  at  any  rate,  the  writer's  informant  did  not 
know  of  any  style  of  singing  connected  with  them.  Other  characters, 
and  among  them  are  Wolf,  Mountain-Bluejay,  Gray-Hawk,  Sparrow- 
Hawk,  Eagle,  Lizard,  Rattlesnake,  Red-Ant,  Badger-Chief,  and  a 
mythical  personage  known  as  Iron-Clothes  (literally,  Stone-Clothes), 
regularly  sing  in  speaking.  Coyote  regularly  speaks,  though,  as  often 
in  other  mythologies,  character  is  sometimes  given  his  words  by  a  style 
of  dehvery  meant  to  convey  conceit,  scorn,  astonishment,  or  other 
state  of  mind  appropriate  to  him.  Once,  however,  on  the  death  of  his 
brother  Wolf,  he  breaks  out  into  an  excitedly  melancholy  recitative. 
A  Paiute  song  recitative  is  not  pecuUar  to  any  particular  myth,  but  al- 
ways to  a  particular  character,  there  being  as  many  distinct  styles  of 
recitative  as  there  are  singing  characters.  Both  Wolf  and  Gray-Hawk 
have  been  found  in  more  than  one  myth,  yet  their  recitative  style  re- 
mains the  same  in  any  myth  that  they  are  actors  of.  On  the  other 
hand,  in  one  myth,  that  of  Iron-Clothes,  three  styles  of  recitative  are 
found  exemplified,  belonging  to  Rattlesnake,  Red-Ant,  and  Iron- 
Clothes  respectively.  It  is,  then,  theoretically  possible,  aside  from 
rhythmic  difficulties,  to  sing  any  given  text  to  the  tune  of  any  recita- 
tive; and  when  so  sung,  the  character  in  whose  mouth  the  words  are 
put  is  determined,  as  no  two  characters  sing  exactly  alike. 

The  recitative  consists  of  a  melody  of  determined  rhythm,  there  being 
a  definite  number  of  beats  to  the  period,  that  recurs  indefinitely.  In 
some  cases  the  recurring  period  is  linked  to  the  preceding  period  with- 
out a  pause;  in  others  there  is  a  sHght  pause  between  the  periods, 
which  are  thus  given  more  evident  unity  of  form.  Owing  to  the  vary- 
ing words  that  go  with  the  recurrent  periods,  and  the  consequent  vari- 
ations in  number  of  syllables  for  each  period,  there  must  necessarily 
be  slight  changes  in  details  of  melody  in  passing  from  one  period  to  an- 
other. Thus  a  quarter-note  may,  on  its  recurrence,  be  broken  up  into 
two  eighths;  two  eighths  may  be  resolved  into  a  triplet  of  eighths;  a 
triplet  of  eighths  maybe  combined  into  a  triplet  consisting  of  a  quarter 
and  an  eighth;  and  so  on  indefinitely,  the  fundamental  rhythm  and 
melody,  however,  always  remaining  the  same.  A  few  flaws  of  rhythm 
have  been  found  here  and  there;  but,  on  the  whole,  the  ryhthmical 
march  of  these  recitatives  is  good,  as  indicated  by  the  fact  that  for  very 
considerable  stretches  the  phonograph  records  have  been  found  to  go 
well  with  the  beats  of  the  metronome.  The  words  that  go  with  the 
recitatives  are  not  fixed,  except  in  one  or  two  cases  to  be  noted  below, 
but  are  composed  on  the  spur  of  the  moment.  Obviously  the  singer,  in 
other  words  the  narrator  of  the  myth,  has  to  be  careful  to  choose  words 


458  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

of  appropriate  syllabic  structure,  though  he  is  helped  out  to  a  large  ex- 
tent by  the  freedom  with  which  he  can  lengthen  or  break  vowels  and 
add  padders.  These  padders  are  either  meaningless  syllables  (like  vi, 
vin'i,  viAnin'a,^  and  others  of  similar  form)  or  words  and  paren- 
thetical statements  of  rather  colorless  content  (such  are  oqwdyd,  prose 
'*'qwdi''^,  ''that,"  invisible  objective,  which  may  be  rendered  " truly, 
forsooth;"  and  mai'an  gqw  aikd,  "that  is  what  I  say"). 

The  linguistic  form  of  the  recitative  texts  differs  also  in  another  re- 
spect from  the  ordinary  prose  form.  Paiute  and  Ute,  in  their  normal 
form,  are  full  of  voiceless  and  whispered  (in  Paiute  murmured)  vowels 
that  are  reduced,  owing  to  general  phonetic  laws,  from  original  fully 
voiced  vowels;  they  may  at  times  be  lost  altogether.  In  recitative,  and 
indeed  in  song-texts  generally,  these  reduced  vowels  are  restored  to 

1  Note  on  Phonetics.  —  Some  of  the  characters  here  used  require  explanation. 
i  is  short  and  open. 
i  short  and  close. 
i  long  and  open. 
I  long  and  close. 

a  is  long  and  open  (cf.  oo  in  English  poor). 
0  is  short  and  open. 
0  short  and  close. 

0  long  and  close. 

A  like  M  in  English  but. 

a  like  a  of  hat. 

i  is  high  back  unrounded. 

U  differs  from  i  in  being  lower  and  perhaps  slightly  rounded. 

p,  t,  tc,  q,  k,  are  "intermediate"  (voiceless  and  lenis). 

tc  approximately  like  ch  of  EngHsh  church. 

q  not  very  decidedly  velar. 

g  occurs  in  songs  as  variant  of  q,  k,  or  of  corresponding  spirants  7.  x. 

V  is  either  dentolabial  or  bilabial. 

''  tongue-tip  weakly  trilled. 

y  velar  voiced  spirant. 

V,  R,  and  X  are  voiceless  spirants  corresponding  to  v,  r,  y. 

v>  is  bilabial  v  with  inner  rounding  and  is  not  identical  with  w. 

y  is  weak  7-glide, 

ky  and  xy  are  palatalized  k  and  x  (xv  like  German  ch  of  ich). 

r)  is   ng  of  English  sing. 

ml"  is  m  with  w-glide  to  following  vowel. 

'/  and  'p  are  ta.nd  p  with  simultaneous  closure  of  glottis,  not  identical  with  "fortis"i/ 

and  pi,  which  are  not  found  in  Paiute. 
'  represents  aspiration  (/>'  /',  tc,  k',  q' ,  k'y  are  voiceless  aspirated  stops). 
•y  palatalized  aspiration  (practically  weak  xy). 
^  weak  x  resulting  from  '  before  q. 
*  glottal  stop. 
■  length  of  preceding  consonant. 

1  nasahzation  of  vowel. 

superior  vowels  are  unvoiced  when  found  after  ',  murmured   (German  Murmelstimme) 

before  and  after  «. 
'  over  vowel  (e.  g.,  c)  denotes  a  with  weak  "glottal  r"  or  Knarrstimme  (a*  sometimes 

becomes  a*  or  i  ). 


Song  Recitative  in  Paiute  Mythology  459 

their  original  form,  and  may,  like  other  vowels,  be  lengthened  or  broken 
at  will.  Thus  Paiute  ("qud'm*  (''your  flesh")  becomes  toqga'amt'i 
in  one  of  the  recitatives ;  in  another  recitative,  with  different  rhythmic 
requirements,  it  might  just  as  readily  have  become  toggg'atn'di.  In 
order  to  give  an  idea  of  how  a  recitative  text  compares  with  the  corre- 
sponding prose  text,  a  passage  from  one  of  Sparrow-Hawk's  speeches 
will  be  given  in  both  forms.  In  the  myth  to  which  the  passage  applies 
some  one  has  maltreated  his  wife,  so  that  she  flees  to  Gray-Hawk  for 
protection.  The  latter  refuses  to  give  her  up,  so  that  Sparrow-Hawk 
prepares  to  contend  with  him.  Before  leaving,  he  addresses  the  follow- 
ing words  to  the  people  of  his  village.  It  may  be  noted  that  the  text 
was  composed  by  the  informant  as  he  sang  the  recitative  into  the  horn 
of  the  phonograph. 

ayanik^'avaat'sir/u'/w'  aik'^'ai  ii^/wai' 
m'^ymintcu'aT7'aa[vu]  'u^waia[v)'] 
sapigaq'avaatsiT/w*  ^  aik'^aiy*i  [vi  ] 
tiv'^itsisampaa'7  uv  'uru'aiyi[vi] 
qwiiqwai'maaiy  uv  'ur(iaiyi'[vi] 
U'/wAvafcfiqwaaqwai'ivanix^aa  ^ 

The  accent  (')  indicates  a  beat,  of  which  there  are  six  to  a  period. 
Padding  syllables  are  enclosed  in  brackets.  The  prose  form  with  trans- 
lation, of  this  speech,  is,  — 

ayan' ^k^avat'si^wA^w  aik'^ai  u^ywai* 

Being  about  to  do  (pi.)  in        are  saying  (pi.)         that  one  (invis.  obj.)? 
what   way  to  him  (invis.) 
you  (pi.) 

m'^Vmintcu'ai?  u^wai* 

You  (pi.)  inter,  him      that  one  (invis.  obj.) 

s*pix'^*qavat'si'?w  ^ik'^ai' 

being   about  to  overcome    are  saying  (pi.), 
(pi.)  him  (invis.) 

tiv'^its'sampa'?       uv  urti'ai 

really  although  his    she  (invis.)        is 

qwiiq'w'ain'a'7  u^  uru'ai' 

his  having  taken         she  (invis.)         is? 
away 

uvwavslV  cux"  ^^qw'aivan'  ix^a" 
To  that  one  (invis.)  off  will  I  go  thenl 

That  is,  ''What  is  it  that  you  all  do  say  you  will  do  to  that  (Gray- 
Hawk)?  Do  you  say  that  you  will  overcome  him,  even  though  really 
he  has  taken  her  away?  To  that  one,  then,  away  I  will  go!" 

'  -ga-  and  -qwdd- with  stop  consonants  instead  of  the  spirant  consonants  y  (or  x)  and 
yu'  (or  xw)  that  would  be  expected;  (cf.  prose  forms -«'^''- and -*'  -).  They  are  used 
because  there  is  enough  of  a  pause  between  them  and  the  preceding  vowels  to  prevent 
spirantization. 

VOL.  XXIII.  —  NO.  89.  29 


460 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


The  musical  period  or  melodic  unit  of  each  song  recitative  obtained 
will  now  be  given,  including  the  first  Hne  or  two  of  text.  It  is  highly- 
probable,  indeed  certain,  that  there  are  many  more  recitative  styles, 
corresponding  to  as  many  more  mythological  characters,  than  could  be 
obtained;  but  enough  are  given  here  to  indicate  clearly  the  general 
character  of  Paiute  myth  recitative.^ 


I.   WOLF  S   MYTH   RECITATIVE 


%un^^^ 


M.  M.  #=126 


si- 


-^-H-d • • • 1  1^ N-a j         J       I      r- H H 

-a^0-^—- 0_0_||_H-H--* — « — «-—(-# — 4 — d — ^ 


no  u  -  v'a- 


Si  -  na7;-wa    -   vi         u    -  v'u  -  xwa 


tvi] 


*    J    * — '    '2  J — 2^-i^« — • — ^—i^-^J"^^— 


na-    7uq-qwT»;-     qi-         tfl    -    wa-  mi-  ya    [uq-qwa- 


ya] 


The  full  period  of  this  recitative  {s'ina-qwdvl  .  .  .  uq'wdyd)  consists 
of  twenty-two  beats,  and  is  divided  into  two  sections  of  eleven  beats 
each.  The  sections  are  parallel  in  structure  throughout,  the  first  three 
beats  of  each  being  identical  in  melody,  while  with  the  fifth  beat  of 
the  second  section  begins  the  musical  answer  to  the  latter  part  of  the 
first  section.  The  half-note  may,  on  recurrence,  be  split  up  into  two 
quarters,  while  a  group  of  two  eighths  may  be  combined  into  a  quarter. 
The  pauses  at  the  end  of  each  section,  particularly  the  one  ending  the 
period,  are  somewhat  irregular  in  length.  They  are  frequently  a  trifle 
too  long  to  be  metrically  correct,  in  order  to  allow  time  for  the  catch- 
ing of  the  breath.  The  fifth  recurrence  of  the  period  is  given  for  the 
sake  of  showing  the  extent  of  melodic  variation.  It  should  be  ad- 
mitted, however,  that  it  is  often  difficult  to  distinguish  ^  *^  •* 
from  J" .  J" ' 


dz 


^W 


^^ 


^ 


& 


m 


w 


4^^- 


'^- 


Nim  -  pi?;  -  wa     -    ri"-  tcai?  -  wa- 


piij- 


wa-       7a- 


yo 


^m 


-TZl- 


^=^ 


3::^rT> 


W 


I 


mai  -  yan    [6-      qw]ai-        ka-    [vi- 


nl     ]    ci  -  na?;-    wa- 


Following  is  the  prose  text  and  translation  of  these  two  periods,  to- 
gether with  the  translation  of  the  text  of  the  four  intervening  periods. 

'  Transcriptions  are  by  the  author. 


Song  Recitative  in  Paiute  Mythology  461 

Padders,  indicated  above  by  brackets,  are  omitted.  The  wives  of  the 
Badger  people  have  abandoned  their  husbands  and  joined  the  village 
of  Wolf  and  Coyote.  Wolf  tells  Coyote  not  to  lie  around  lazily,  but  to 
get  ready  for  battle. 

sinaiywav*  uv'^uxwa'np  uv^'a 
Coyote,  go  ahead  then      there! 

nayuq'wi^/qit'uAm'i  ^ 
Go  and  engage  in  battle  along  with  others! 

One  should  not  be  acting  in  that  way  (as  you  act),  forsooth. 
When  he  has  as  wife  some  one  else's  wife  that  he  has  taken  away. 
Go  ahead  then  there,  go  and  engage  in  battle  along  with  others, 
That,  forsooth,  I  say,  O  Coyote! 
But  here,  I  say,  I  shall  be  lying  down. 
Coyote,  go  ahead  then  there! 

Go  and  engage  in  battle  along  with  others,  that,  forsooth,  I  say! 
One  should  not  be  lying  down  in  that  way, 

nimpi7/waritsa'?wap"i^waxaai  ^" 

When  he  has  as  wife  some  one  else's  wife  that  he  has  taken  away, 

maian  aik'^  cina^wav* 

That  I       say,      O  Coyote! 

2.  badger-chief's  myth  recitative 

M.  M.  J  =160. 


''^T'Tf^^^^inr-x^^^^  J'  ^^j  ru 


Qat    -   too        tcA  -  ni-     [vun  -ni']        a     -    it-  ti  -    no    -  no   -  si' 


rrTLTia 


:p=^=t^ 


:^t45=l^ 


etc. 


• — i^ — w 


g    S     4 


i    -   ya«  -   ap  -  pa  -  [vun-  ni']       si  -  na??  -  wa  -  vi    -    yan*-  077-w  aik-'^ 

The  period  of  this  recitative  (qat'cotcAmvun'i)  consists  of  a  single 
measure  of  five  beats.  Rhythmically  it  is  characterized  by  the  synco- 
pation of  the  second  beat  and  the  decided  staccato  of  the  last  note,  to 
which  corresponds  the  aspiration  of  the  final  vowel  in  the  text.  At 
times  the  eighth  pause  following  the  period  is  irregularly  lengthened, 
as  in  the  preceding  recitative.  The  scant  melody  and  characteristic 
rhythm  of  Badger-Chief's  recitative  remind  one  strongly  of  the  first 
type  of  short  myth-song  referred  to  above,  and  it  seems  probable  that 
it  was  extended  into  a  recitative  from  what  was  originally  a  mere 
snatch  of  rhythm  occurring  once  or  twice  in  a  particular  myth.  So  short 
is  the  period,  that  it  is  often  found  inadequate  for  words  of  some  length. 
In  such  cases  either  the  word  is  cut  in  two  and  divided  between  two 
periods  (the  second  and  third  periods  above  are  a  case  in  point) ,  or  the 
period  is  irregularly  extended  to  six  beats  (as  in  the  fourth  period  above) . 


462  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

The  use  of  six  instead  of  five  beats  seems,  however,  to  be  considered  a 
flaw.  When  the  attention  of  the  informant  was  called  to  the  metrical 
structure  of  the  fourth  period,  for  instance,  he  suggested  the  following 
with  anacrusis  and  resolution  of  the  characteristic  J^  i*  into  J*  j^ , 
as  an  improvement: 


^ 


^ 


Si    -    naT;      -      wa       -      vi-  yan  ot?         -      wa' 

The  prose  form  of  the  first  four  periods,  and  the  translation  of  Badger- 
Chief's  speech,  follow,  the  periods  after  the  fourth  being  separated  by 
bars.  The  speech  is  taken  from  the  same  myth  as  the  preceding  recita- 
tive. The  chief  of  the  Badger  people  (i.e.,  people  who  are  wont  to  hunt 
badgers) ,  then  away  from  their  home,  has  dreamt  of  the  abandonment 
of  the  Badger  women  for  Coyote's  village.  He  tells  his  people  of  his 
dream : 

qat'cufcan*  ^^afin'onos'ia'p*  *      sina^waviyan*     u^w  aik'^ 

I  did  not  not  dream  well  of  Coyote  I         he  (invis.)        say^ 

Of  that  one  (invis.)  |  our  wives  (obj.)  j  our  wives  (obj.)  he  (invis.)  |  his  (invis.)  having 

taken  to  wife,  j 
I  did  not  ]  not  dream  well  1  not,] 
While  you  (pi.)  keep  on  doing  so  to  them,^  |  that  forsooth  I  say,  ]  of  those  (invis.)  our 

wives  1 
What  (they)  all  will  eat.^  |  Soon,  forsooth,  we  [shall  start  back  home.] 
Coyote  he  (invis.)  |  our  mves  (obj.)  |  caused  to  turn  away,  1  that  I  have  dreamt. 

3.   MYTH   RECITATRTE   OF   MOUNTAIN-BLUE  JAYS 


etc. 


i  t  -  t'i-  7an  -  ni    aik  -  k^a-[vun-ni']    man  -  ni  -  mi-  ^a  -  xa  -  *i-  [vun-  ni'] 


The  period  of  this  recitative  {it'i'an'i  .  .  .  man'imi'axaHvnn'i) , 
as  of  the  former,  consists  of  a  single  measure  of  five  beats,  of  which 
only  four  are  taken  up  by  the  melody.  The  pause  at  the  end  of  the 
period  is  rarely  a  full  quarter;  generally  it  is  a  trifle  less,  as  indicated 
by  the  minus-sign  under  the  stafT.  Again,  as  in  the  second  recita- 
tive, each  line  of  text  ends  in  aspiration.  What  was  said  above  in  re- 
gard to  the  rhythmic  character  and  possible  origin  of  the  period  in  the 
second  recitative  applies  equally  here.  The  G  of  the  melody,  it  may 
be  noted,  is  not  always  a  clear  minor  third  from  the  tonic  E,  but  at 

^  Meaning  "of  that  Coyote,  I  say." 

*  That  is,  keep  on  digging  for  badgers. 

^  That  is,  which  our  wives  are  to  have  as  food. 


Song  Recitative  in  Paiute  Mythology 


463 


times  seems  to  be  depressed  to  F*.  The  form  of  melody  given  is  the  one 
that  most  commonly  occurs;  but  the  two  following  are  also  found,  of 
which  the  second  has  only  three  sung  beats : 


This  recitative  is  taken  from  the  same  myth  as  the  first  two.  Among 
the  helpers  of  the  Badger  people  in  their  war  upon  Wolf  and  Coyote 
are  the  Mountain-Bluejays  or,  as  they  are  termed  in  the  myth,  Blue- 
Hat  people.  Wolf  and  his  companion  Panther  retreat  before  their 
enemies  to  a  mountain  where  protection  is  in  store  for  them.  Two 
Mountain-Bluejays,  who  still  survive,  press  on  and  exult: 


'  tian"i 

'  T  is  too  bad  you 


aik->^ 

say 


man  im  miaxa 
thus  doing  as  you  go  along,^ 


O  Panther!  [  my  |  my  going  to  be  had  as  panther-skin  blanket,  |  I  having  slain  you. 
T  is  too  bad  you  say  |  thus  doing  as  you  go  along,  | 

In  front  of  me  |  standing  as  you  go  along,  |  mountain  (obj.)  |  having  started  towards  it. 
What  have  you  there  |  on  that]  mountain  it?  | 
Thus  saying  j^ou  do,  |  in  front  of  me  |  standing  as  you  go  along.  | 
'T  is  too  bad  you  |  thus  say  as  you  move,  |  whom  I  shall  slay,l 
Youj  who  have  great  power,  |  say  you  so?  |  O  Wolf!  | 
'Tis  too  bad  |  will  thus  be  |  your  I 
Your  flesh  1  this  earth  (obj.)  on  it  lying. 


4.  RATTLESNAKE  S  MYTH  RECITATIVE 
M.  M.  J  =116. 


fc-= 


Ci  -  nai;  -  wa  -  vi      ci  -  na??-  waV     mai  -  vat  -  tci  -  cam  -  pa 


i 


t9 


W 


m^- 


^. 


__ — ^- — . —  — ^ — V — ^_ 

ci  -  naij  -  wa  -  vi      ci  -  \\z.-r\-    wav' 


;b 


Ti-      v'it-  ni      ai  -  vat-     tci 


Instead  of  -J"?^  it  is  possible,  and  perhaps  preferable,  to  write 

>-  

*^  I  iTn  with  anacrusis ;  instead  of  J    I  ^Ttm  we  may  write  J . ,    ^\  j~J^ . 

This  recitative  has  a  period  (cinavwavi  .  .  .  second  cinavwdY^)  of 
sixteen  beats,  the  period  being  divided  into  two  well-marked  sections 
of  eight  beats  each.  The  second  half  of  the  second  period  is  identical 
with  the  first  half  of  the  first  period.  Instead  of  the  first  two  eighths  of 
the  second  measure  (F  and  El'),  we  sometimes  have  a  triplet  consist- 
ing of  F,  Ei',  and  F.  The  half-note  of  the  second  measure,  to  a  less 
degree  the  corresponding  long  notes  of  the  other  measures,  are  accele- 

^  That  is,  't  is  too  bad  you  have  to  retreat. 


464  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

rated  somewhat  from  their  due  length.  This  seems  to  occur  so  regu- 
larly, that  it  is  perhaps  better  considered  a  rhythmic  characteristic  of 
the  song  than  a  metrical  flaw.  The  long  note  of  the  second  measure, 
moreover,  regularly  begins  with  a  pecuhar  slurred  break  in  the  voice, 
as  it  were,  which  may  be  inadequately  rendered  by  writing  *^  J.,  in- 
stead of  J.  In  the  myth  from  which  this  speech  of  Rattlesnake's  is 
taken,  Coyote  carries  Rattlesnake  around  in  a  sack  while  on  his  way 
to  help  war  against  the  wicked  Iron-Clothes.  He  derides  his  legless 
friend  as  one  unfit  to  do  battle,  but  Rattlesnake  claims  that  he  can  kill 
the  antelope  which  serves  Iron-Clothes  as  a  warner  of  impending  dan- 
ger: 

Cinav^wav'     cina7?wav'       maivat'cicamp'^ 

O  Coyote,  Coyote!      though  ever  speaking  thus,^ 

tiv'^it'sin'i  aivafc'  cina^wav'     cina^wav' 

As  though  truly  ever  speaking,^  O  Coyote,  Coyote! 

While  teasing  people,  carry  me  then  on  your  back,  carry  me  then  on  your  back! 
I  forsooth  am  the  one,  that  antelope  of  his 
Who  will  slay,  that  forsooth  I  say. 
O  Coyote,  Coyote,  Coyote,  Coyote! 

5.  iron-clothes'  myth  recitative 

M.M.J  =108. 3 


S 


-0-  -0-  =-  -•- 


-!V=I~N 


N^^ 


-1 « 1 H 0 — I 

O  -  a  -  ri  -  a  -  ni       a  -  ni-     k^ain'      o  -  a  -  ri  -  a  -  ni        a  -  ni-  k^ain' 

In  this  recitative  the  full  .period  {oar'iani  .  .  .  second  aniWain) 
consists  of  ten  beats.  As  in  the  case  of  the  preceding  recitative,  the 
period  is  divided  into  two  sections  of  equal  length,  the  first  half  of  each 
section  being  the  same.  Once  or  twice  the  second  section  begins  with 

an  anacrusis  [-^— s-  .  The  [^""j^  of  the  first  section  may  be  omitted, 

also  the  final  eighth-note  (C)  of  the  second  section.  Iron-Clothes  has 
begun  to  scent  danger,  having  taken  note  of  unwonted  occurrences. 
His  wife,  whom  those  that  have  set  out  to  war  against  him  have  come 
to  liberate  from  his  tyranny,  is  continually  grinding  seeds,  eventually 
to  serve  as  food  for  his  enemies.  His  antelope  has  made  an  unwonted 
sound,  having  been  slain,  as  Iron-Clothes  does  not  yet  know,  by  Rattle- 
snake. Iron-Clothes  addresses  his  wife,  and,  suspecting  a  spy's  work, 
voices  his  uneasiness : 

^  That  is,  always  mocking  people. 

*  That  is,  pretending  always  to  speak  truthfully. 

'  In  the  last  measures  of  the  song  the  tempo  accelerates  to  J  =  115. 


.    Song  Recitative  in  Paiute  Mythology  465 

oarian'        anik'^ain^        oarian'  anik'^ain' 

Of  one  spying    (is)  what  has        of  one  spy-  (is)  what  has 

on  me  been  done,  ing  on  me  been  done/ 

That  forsooth  I  say.  Are  you  wont  to  do  thus,^ 

You,  then,  as  that  Coyote 

As  he  has  caused  to  do,  acting  in  that  manner? 

That  antelope  of  mine,  he  that  is  mine. 

Has  uttered  a  raucous  sound  qx+ ,  never  having  done  so  before. 

Are  you  thus  wont  to  do,  always  grinding? 

(You)  who  do  as  one  who  is  spying  on  me  has  told  (you), 

As  that  same  Coyote  has  caused  (you)  to  do, 

He  saying,  "You  shall  grind!"  you  who  are  doing  (thus). 

6.   red-ant's   myth  RECITATIVE 


S 


Na  -  ri-   v'i-    yan  *'a  -  ro-v''a*       *a-ro-'a-  va-  at-tci-[vi] 


coq   -  qu  -  cam  -       p  ut;  -  wa-  [vi] 

Instead  of  the  JT^  ^^  the  beginning,  we  may  also  have  J     ^  .  The 

period  {nar'iv^iydn  .  .  .  uvwavi),  consisting  of  twelve  beats,  is  di- 
vided into  two  sections  of  unequal  length.  The  first  consists  of  four 
beats;  the  second,  of  eight  beats,  is  just  twice  as  long.  It  seems  prefer- 
able to  look  upon  the  second  and  third  measures  as  forming  a  single  sec- 
tion rather  than  to  divide  the  song  into  three  sections  of  equal  length,  as 
the  beginning  of  the  second  measure  dupHcates  that  of  the  first  in  a  man- 
ner suggesting  two-sectioning  of  the  whole  melody;  moreover,  after  the 
B  of  the  first  measure  there  is  no  natural  note  to  pause  on  until  the  B 
of  the  third  is  reached,  the  dominant  (F?)  of  the  second  measure  being 
particularly  impossible  as  a  sectional  close.  The  whole  song  as  recorded 
ends,  on  its  last  recurrence,  with  the  first  section.  This  is  of  no  further 
significance  except  as  showing  that  it  is  not  absolutely  necessary, 
though  doubtless  in  better  form,  to  round  out  a  recitative  with  a  full 
period.  In  the  final  combat  with  Iron-Clothes'  people,  his  daughters 
prove  for  a  long  while  to  be  invincible.  Red- Ant,  the  valiant  hero  with 
but  one  arrow,  attempts  a  ruse.  He  calls  out  to  the  daughters  to  turn 
their  backs  to  their  opponents  and  bend  down,  claiming  that  he  too 
has  found  that  proceeding  of  service  to  him  in  combat.  He  then  pre- 
pares to  shoot  them  with  his  one  arrow.  His  speech  runs,  — 

^  That  is,  some  one  who  is  spying  on  me  has  done  all  this. 

'  That  is,  you  have  never  done  thus  before,  never  kept  grinding  seeds. 

*  Fragmentary  form  anticipated  from  following  word. 


466  Journal  of  American  Folk -Lore 

nariv'^iyan    'ar6^avafc"     cu'q''"camp      nv'^^ 

'Tis  my  wont      always  being      only  one  (obj.)     he  (invis.) 

Always  having  arrow  1/  you  Coyote. 

I  forsooth  am  he  that  is  ever  wont  to  have  but  one  arrow. 


My  (task)  too  was  it  once,  facing  backwards,  to  keep  bending  down  with  buttocks  held 

out, 
My  (task)  too  was  it  once  to  do  so  facing  this  way. 


O  tearful  thing  that  we  all,  as  it  seems,  do  lose  in  combat, 
We  all,  as  it  seems,  are  losing  in  combat, 
O  tearful  thing,  forsooth!  Let  me,  then,  just  for  fun 
Shoot  at  them! 

7.  eagle's  myth  recitative 

M.  M.  •=  152. 


['oq  -  qwa     -     ya] 


Sometimes,  in  fact  generally,  the  eighth  pause  of  the  last  measure  is 
accelerated,  so  that  the  measure  does  not  receive  the  full  value  of  four 
beats.  The  period  of  this  recitative  (piya^nip'utsi  .  .  .  ^oq'wdya), 
consisting  of  sixteen  beats,  is  quite  symmetrically  divided  into  two 
eight-beat  sections,  the  first  halves  of  the  sections  being  identical. 
Young-Eagle,  who  dwells  in  the  west,  is  about  to  travel  east  into  the 
country  of  the  Sibit  Paiutes^  in  order  to  hunt  jack-rabbits  and  get 
him  a  wife.  Before  leaving  he  tells  his  mother, — 

piyan^'puts'    uv^utcan'    tiintu-ywAntimpan' 

Little  mother,*  let  me        me  be  about  to  go  eastward, 

Let  (me)  go  and  eat  jack-rabbits  that  I  have  killed  myself,*  but  do  you  here 

Continue  to  stay,  forsooth.   In  the  Sibit  land,  forsooth,  I  say. 

There  (am)  I  about  to  go  and  eat  jack-rabbits  that  I  have  killed  myseK. 

Here  shall  you  stay  forsooth,  there  at  our  house, 

That  forsooth  I  say,  there  at  our  house  stay. 

^  That  is,  I  am  he  who  is  ever  wont  to  have  but  one  arrow. 

^  A  band  of  Paiutes  living  west  of  the  Kaibab  Paiutes  in  the  neighborhood  of  St.  George 
on  the  Virgin  River. 

^  Diminutives  are  often  used  in  Paiute,  as  elsewhere,  to  express  affection. 
*  This  was  forbidden  to  boys. 


Song  Recitative  in  PaiiUe  Mythology 


467 


8.  sparrow-hawk's  myth  recitative 

M.  M.  J=ii 


s^^^=s 


A  -  yan  -  ni  -  k'^a  -  va  -  at  -   tsi-T/UTj-w'  aik-k^ai  u?;- 


wai     m"u- 


^^^EEi 


-A 1 — Jetc. 


min  -  tcu*  -  a?;   -  Tja   -    a-       [vu]    'utj  -  wai  -  a-  [vi] 

The  period  of  this  recitative  (ayan'ik^'avadt'sivuvw'  .  .  .  urjwai') 
has  six  beats,  and  is  divided  into  two  sections  of  three  beats  each.  It 
is  the  only  recitative  secured  of  which  the  melody  is  in  triple  time. 
The  sections  are  here  Hnked  somewhat  more  closely  than  usual,  each 
beginning  with  an  anacrusis  in  the  preceding  measure;  still  there  is 

sometimes  a  time-disturbing  pause  before  the  ^  that  begins  the  sec- 
ond section.  In  the  first  two  rounds  of  the  period  the  second  measure 
seems  to  have  Szj"!!^,  as  given  above,  but  after  that  always 


^e 


.  There  is  nothing  further  involved  here  than  inaccuracy 
of  singing  or  perception.  A  metrical  flaw  occurs  once  in  the  song, — 
the  groupr  pa=#=3E  of  the  first  section,  which  ordinarily  occurs  but 

twice,  has  been  once  found  to  occur  three  times,  its  measure  thus  con- 
taining four  instead  of  three  beats.  Text  and  translation  of  the  song 
have  been  given  above  (p.  459). 

9.  gray-hawk's  myth  recitative 


-K—A- 


=N— PV- 


ga  -wi   -  wi     ya  -  ni     pai  -  ya-      ya  -  ni     pai  -  ya-     ya  -  ni 


to 


S 


-€n^»- 


etc. 


go  -  ga  -  wi   -  wi     ya  -  ni     pai  -  ya       ya  -  ni      pai  -  ya    -    ya  -  ni 

This  recitative  might  as  well  have  been  written  in  |  time  by  dividing 
each  measure  as  given  into  two,  but  it  seemed  preferable  to  write  eight 
beats  to  the  measure  for  convenience  of  comparison  with  the  following 
recitative.  The  period  {togogawvwi  .  .  .  second  paiydyani)  has  six- 
teen beats,  and  is  divided  into  two  sections  of  equal  length,  each  sec- 
tion beginning  with  an  anacrusis  of  a  sixteenth.   There  is  no  pause 


468  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

between  the  sections,  the  song  moving  on  without  a  halt  until  the  end 
ffl^^3!|  is  reached.   Gray-Hawk  sets  out  to  gamble  with  Toad,  and, 

before  leaving,  addresses  his  wife  Lizard,  — 

TogogawiwI    yani    paiyayani    paiyayani, 
togogawiwi  yani    paiyayani  paiyayani. 

Behold,  I  shall  forsooth  go  off  there, 

Behold,  I  shall  forsooth  go  off  to  visit, 

But  do  you  stay  here. 

I  shall  forsooth  return  in  the  evening,  forsooth. 

You,  then,  shall  stay  here,  that  I  (say),  there. 

That  forsooth  I  say,  who  am  about  to  go  forth. 

The  text  of  the  first  period  cannot  be  translated,^  and  is  not  felt  as 
conveying  any  meaning.  It  seems  to  serve  merely  to  set  the  pace  for 
the  melody  and  rhythm  of  the  recitative.  Nearly  every  speech  of  Gray- 
Hawk's  begins  with  the  words  togogawiwi  .  .  .  paiyayani,  either  for 
the  first  period  or  only  for  its  first  section.  It  seems  very  likely  that 
the  words  originally  had  a  definite  meaning  or  specific  reference  in  a  par- 
ticular myth  deaHng  with  Gray-Hawk,  and  later,  being  associated 
with  Gray-Hawk,  came  to  form  part  of  his  recitative.  Should  this  be 
the  case,  it  would  corroborate  the  theory  above  suggested  (Nos.  2  and 
3)  for  the  origin  of  myth  recitative  as  an  elaboration  of  the  omnipres- 
ent simple  Indian  myth-song. 


10.   LIZARD  S  MYTH  RECITATIVE 


^ 


M.  M.  j: 


=:»  3  8  ==-  3 

Ta  -   vi   -    a  -  VI    -    gim    pa  -  siij-    wi-    yun  -  ta  -  qa  -  yItj-       itn 


^^E^-^~i~^^--^=^.=t^-^:^m 


pa  -  vi   -  a-      vi    -    gim    pa  -  sirj  -  wi  -  yun  -  ta  -  qa  -  fit} 

There  is  at  times  an  irregular  pause  at  the  end  of  the  period 
(taviavigtm  .  .  .  second  pasivwiyuntaqayiv)  which  permits  the  singer 
to  catch  his  breath.  Melodically  there  is  no  pause  in  the  recitative, 
which,  like  the  preceding,  moves  on  without  a  halt  until  the  end  of 
the  song.   As  recorded  on  the  phonograph,  the  end  is  reached  shortly 

after  the  beginning  of  the  last  recurrence  of  the  period :  f.M  1  -ri^=^-^^-^^ 

^f~5-  3  *       3 
^  It  is  possible  that  paiyayani  is  a  song  form  of  paiydn*  ("  my  breast"). 


Song  Recitative  in  Paiute  Mythology  469 

another  example  of  incomplete  rounding-out.  It  is  evident,  after  a 
brief  examination,  that  the  melodic  movement  of  this  recitative  is 
identical  with  that  of  the  preceding,  the  eight-beat  section  of  the  latter 
being  replaced  by  a  five-beat  section,  while  the  characteristic  melodic 

figure  •^•' is  replaced  by  a  triplet  J~;  j.  There  is  Httle  doubt  that  this 
practical  identity  of  melody  is  quite  intentional.  It  is  appropriate 
enough  for  Gray-Hawk  and  his  wife  to  sing  in  similar  strain,  —  Gray- 
Hawk  in  more  measured  fashion,  as  comports  with  greater  dignity; 
Lizard  in  flightier  spirit,  as  befits  a  woman.  These  two  recitatives  are 
thus  an  interesting  example  of  the  presence  among  Indians,  as  among 
ourselves,  of  a  distinct  feeling  for  melody  as  apart  from  rhythm.^  On 
hearing  of  her  husband's  resolve  to  go  off  visiting,  Lizard  begs  him  to 
take  her  along: 

Taviavix^a  t'*'ciT7wiyuntaq'ayei 

While  lying  in  the  sun        like  gravel  (she)  changes  color  as  sunbeams  wave  over  (her) , 

taviavix^a  t  ^  ci^/wiyuntaq'ayei' 

While  lying  in  the  sun        like  gravel  (she)  changes  color  as  sunbeams  wave  over  (her) 

How,  forsooth,  say  you?  whither,  forsooth,  will  you  go  off? 
Pray,  then,  take  me  along  with  you, 
With  you,  then,  let  me  go  along. 

The  text  of  the  first  period  of  the  recitative  refers  to  the  basking  in  the 
sun  of  the  lizard,  and  has  no  more  direct  bearing  on  the  matter  in  hand 
than  the  togdgawiwi  of  Gray-Hawk.  Like  the  latter,  it  generally  takes 
up  the  first  period  or  section  of  any  speech  of  Lizard's,  evidently  serv- 
ing to  outline  the  melody  of  the  recitative.  Perhaps  the  very  similarity 
of  the  melodies  of  the  two  recitatives  made  the  use  of  such  preHminary 
melodic  tags  of  service.  In  any  event,  the  conventional  and  irrelevant 
character  of  Lizard's  first  words  again  points  to  the  origin  for  Paiute 
recitative  already  suggested.  Linguistically  the  poetic  form  of  these 
words  is  decidedly  pecuKar.  -gim  and  -yirfim  are  to  be  explained  as 
secondary  developments  of  -x^^^ai  (prose  -x'-^^a)  and  -yeiy'i  (prose 
-yei^'')  with  unexplained  inserted  (?)  -v-  and  added  -m,  the  latter  nasal 
assimilating  following  t-  to  p-.^ 

^  This  is  borne  out  by  the  fact  that  some  of  the  mourning  songs  were  recorded  in  two 
forms,  —  an  old-fashioned  and  new-fashioned  way  of  singing,  —  which  differ  not  melodi- 
cally,  but  rhythmically. 

^  Ordinarily  nasal  consonants  are  assimilated  by  following  stopped  consonants.  Thus 
-yeiyin  tavi-  would  have  been  expected.  Perhaps  -yimm  pavi-  is  due  to  assonance  of 
-gim  pasir]-. 


470  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

II.  coyote's  myth  recitative  or  lament 


M.  M 


•  J=i56. 


-^- 


o  -    yo    -    yo    -  yo  o   -  yo    -    yo    -   yo 


^ 


etc. 


o     -     yo       -        yo        -        yo 

The  period  of  this  recitative  consists  of  ten  beats  distributed  among 
the  five  measures  of  two  beats  each.  In  accordance  with  the  excitedly 
lamenting  character  of  the  text  and  melody,  the  period  does  not  show 
clear  sectioning  into  two  parts,  but  is  best  considered  as  a  series  of  five 
disjointed  fragments  of  melody,  of  which  the  fourth  and  fifth  are  re- 
spectively identical  with  the  second  and  third.  The  period  begins  with 
a  sixteenth  anacrusis,  and  ends  of  course  with  the  last  C  of  the  last 
measure  given  above.  The  five  melodic  fragments  making  up  the 
period  may  be  considered  conventionalized  musical  forms  of  wails  or 
sobs.  The  cry  of  sorrow,  gygygyg,  which  makes  up  the  text  of  the  first 
round,  is  repeated  every  now  and  then  in  the  succeeding  rounds,  serv- 
ing as  a  convenient  padder.  On  account  of  the  shortness  of  the  melodic 
fragments,  some  of  the  words  have  to  be  cut  up  into  two  or  three  parts ; 
thus  iydntifuivqiyaiyaq' an*  ("while  giving  warning  to  me  of  it")  be- 
comes iydnt'i,  tuHvq'igai,  and  iyaq'ani.  Wolf  and  his  younger  brother 
Coyote  have  been  doing  battle  against  their  enemies.  Owing  to  diso- 
bedience, on  Coyote's  part,  of  his  brother's  directions,  Wolf  has  been 
slain,  whereupon  Coyote  laments : 

Oyoypyo  oyoypyo  oypyoyp  pypypyp  pypypyp, 

Here  I  shall  put  away  my  quiver  against  my  return,  pypypyp  pypypyp. 
Why  should  that  one^  have  said  to  me,  pypypyp, 
Warning  me  of  this  ?  oyoypyo. 

From  the  musical  point  of  view,  perhaps  the  most  remarkable 
fact  to  be  noted  in  regard  to  these  recitatives  is  the  variety  of  rhythms 
employed.  Out  of  only  eleven  examples  obtained,  no  less  than  five 
meters  can  be  illustrated,  —  |  (Nos.  4,  6,  7,  and  9),  |  (No.  11),  | 
(No.  8),  I  (Nos.  2,  3,  5,  and  10),  and  V"  (No.  i);  the  relative  fre- 
quency of  quintuple  time,  and  the  occurrence  of  an  eleven-beat 
melodic  unit,  being  particularly  noteworthy.  As  regards  musical  form, 
the  recitatives  fall  into  two  types,  —  those  whose  period  or  largest 
melodic  unit  is  not  subdivided  into  sections  (Nos.  2  and  3),  and 
those  whose  period  is  built  up  of  two  balancing  sections  (Nos.  1,4,  5, 

1  That  is,  Wolf. 


Song  Recitative  in  Paiute  Mythology  4^1 

6,  7,  8,  9,  and  10).  In  every  case  but  one  (No.  6)  these  sections  are 
of  equal  length,  and  in  five  cases  (Nos.  i,  4,  5,  6,  and  7)  the  second 
section  repeats  material  already  made  use  of  in  the  first. 

The  existence  of  myth  recitative  in  Paiute  is  interesting  in  connec- 
tion with  style  and  characterization  in  Indian  mythology  generally. 
It  seems  to  be  generally  assumed  that  the  only  element  of  interest  or 
importance  in  American  mythology  is  the  incident  or  complex  of  inci- 
dents, and  myth  comparison  has  been  almost  entirely  confined  to  a 
comparison  of  such  incidents.  It  seems,  further,  to  be  often  thought 
that  character  plays  Httle  or  no  part  except  in  so  far  as  the  identification 
of  a  mythological  being  with  a  given  animal  necessitates  certain  pecu- 
liarities of  action.  Had  most  or  all  of  the  many  American  myths  now 
already  published  been  collected  as  fully  dictated  texts,  there  is  small 
doubt  that  Indian  mythologies  would  be  more  clearly  seen  to  have 
their  pecuharities  of  style  and  character  as  well  as  incident.  A  myth 
obtained  only  in  English  may  sometimes  be  more  complete  as  a  narra- 
tive than  the  same  myth  obtained  in  text,  but  will  nearly  always  have 
much  of  the  baldness  and  lack  of  color  of  a  mere  abstract.  As  a  matter 
of  fact,  there  is  a  very  considerable  tendency  in  American  mythology 
to  make  characters  interesting  as  such.  One  of  the  most  common  styl- 
istic devices  employed  for  the  purpose  is  to  set  ofif  the  speech  of  the 
character  by  some  peculiarity.  Thus  in  Takelma  we  find  that  Coyote 
almost  regularly  begins  his  sentences  or  words  with  a  meaningless  5- 
OTC-,^  while  Grizzly-Bear  uses  in  parallel  fashion  an  l,  a  sound  not  other- 
wise made  use  of  in  Takelma.  ^  Similarly,  in  Ute  mythology  a  meaning- 
less -dik'^d  is  sometimes  added  to  words  spoken  by  Coyote.  When  col- 
lecting material  from  the  Wishram  Indians  of  Yakima  Reservation,  the 
author  heard  of  myths  in  which  Bluejay,  generally  a  humorous  char- 
acter, begins  words  with  a  meaningless  tsf-.  These  myths  were  said 
to  be  characteristic  rather  of  the  down-river  tribes,  such  as  the  Clack- 
amas, than  of  the  Wishram  and  Wasco  themselves.  Were  pertinent 
material  available  to  any  considerable  extent,  it  would  probably  be 
found  that  this  simple  quasi-humorous  styHstic  device  could  be  illus- 
trated by  hundreds  of  examples  from  large  regions  in  America.^  Given 
such  a  general  tendency  to  give  color  to  the  speech  of  a  mythological 
character,  we  have  a  contributing  factor  towards  the  development  of 
myth  recitative. 

It  seems  quite  possible  that  the  Paiute  have  borrowed  the  idea  of 
myth  recitative  rather  than  developed  it  themselves.    The  closely 

^  Sapir,  Takelma  Texts,  p.  56,  note  2;  p.  66,  note  i;  p.  87,  notes  4  and  6. 

*  Ibid.,  p.  118,  note  2;  p.  120,  note  3. 

2  Since  this  was  written,  the  author  has  come  across  a  rather  interesting  example  of 
such  phonetic  play  in  the  mythology  of  the  Nootka  of  Alberni  Canal.  In  the  speech 
of  Deer,  every  5  or  c  becomes  i,  ts  or  tc  becomes  L,  and  tsl  ov  Id  becomes  l!. 


472  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

related  Utes  seem  to  possess  no  such  device.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
Mohave  to  the  west  have  been  said,  as  we  have  seen,  to  possess  long 
song-myths,  though  ignorance  of  the  exact  character  of  these  makes  it 
impossible  at  present  to  decide  on  their  relation  to  the  Paiute  recita- 
tives. It  would  not  be  surprising  if  it  turned  out,  indeed,  that  these 
have  been  suggested  by  something  similar  among  the  Mohave,  in  which 
case  the  Muddy  River  Paiutes  of  southern  Nevada  will  have  served 
as  intermediaries.  In  this  connection  we  must  not  fail  to  note  that 
practically  all  of  the  more  than  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  Paiute 
mourning-songs  obtained  are  not  in  Paiute  text,  but  in  an  unintelli- 
gible language  said  to  be  Mohave,  —  at  any  rate,  some  un-Shoshonean 
form  of  speech  spoken  to  the  west  along  the  Colorado.  There  is  thus 
reason  for  beheving  that  the  Mohave  or  other  Yuman  tribes  have  ex- 
erted a  considerable  influence  on  the  musical  stock  in  trade  of  the 
Paiute. 

Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania, 
Philadelphia. 


Iroquois  Sun  Myths  /\.'J2> 

IROQUOIS  SUN  MYTHS 

BY  ARTHUR  C.  PARKER 

The  Iroquois  of  New  York  and  Canada  still  retain  vestiges  of  their 
former  adoration  of  the  sun,  and  observe  certain  rites,  very  likely  sur- 
vivals of  more  elaborate  sun  ceremonies. 

The  writer  has  witnessed  several  so-called  "sun-dances"  among 
the  Iroquois;  but  in  every  case  the  dance  was  the  Ostowa"gowa,  or 
Great  Feather  Dance,  the  prime  religious  dance  of  the  Gai'wiu  reli- 
gion. This  modern  religion  was  originated  about  1800  by  Ganio'  dai'u 
("Handsome-Lake"),  the  Seneca  prophet,  and  almost  entirely  revo- 
lutionized the  religious  system  of  the  Iroquois  of  New  York  and  On- 
tario. Few  of  the  early  folk-beliefs  have  survived  the  taboo  of  the 
prophet;  and  these  beliefs  are  not  easily  traced,  or  even  discovered, 
unless  one  has  before  him  the  Gai'wiu  of  Handsome-Lake  and  the 
Code  of  Dekanowi'da,  the  founder  of  the  Confederacy. 

The  Seneca  sun  ceremony,  findeka  Da'kwa  Dannon'dinon'nio' 
("Day  Orb-of-light  Thanksgiving  "),  is  called  by  any  individual  who 
dreams  that  the  rite  is  necessary  for  the  welfare  of  the  community. 
The  ceremony  begins  promptly  at  high  noon,  when  three  showers  of 
arrows  or  volleys  from  muskets  are  shot  heavenward  to  notify  the  sun 
of  the  intention  to  address  him.  After  each  of  the  volleys  the  popu- 
lace shout  their  war-cries,  "for  the  sun  loves  war."  A  ceremonial  fire 
is  built, — anciently  by  the  use  of  a  pump-drill,  modernly  by  a  match,  — 
and  the  sun-priest  chants  his  thanksgiving  song,  casting  from  a  husk 
basket  handfuls  of  native  tobacco  upon  the  flames  as  he  sings.  This 
ceremony  takes  place  outside  of  the  Long  House,  where  the  rising 
smoke  may  hft  the  words  of  the  speaker  to  the  sun.  Immediately 
after  this,  the  entire  assemblage  enters  the  Long  House,  where  the 
costumed  Feather  dancers  start  the  Ostowa"gowa. 

Among  the  Onondaga  of  the  Grand  River  Reserve  in  Ontario,  the 
leader  of  the  sun  ceremony  carries  an  efi&gy  of  the  sun.  This  is  a  disk 
of  wood  ten  inches  in  diameter,  fastened  to  a  handle  perhaps  a  foot 
long.  The  disk  is  painted  red  in  the  centre,  and  has  a  border  of  yellow. 
Around  the  edge  are  stuck  yellow-tipped  down-feathers  from  some 
large  bird.  The  New  York  Iroquois  have  no  such  effigies,  and  the 
writer  seriously  doubts  that  the  preachers  of  Handsome-Lake's  Gai'- 
wiu  would  permit  such  a  practice,  it  being  a  violation  of  the  prophet's 
teaching.  The  Canadian  Iroquois,  however,  received  the  revelations 
later  than  their  New  York  brethren,  and  were  longer  under  the  influ- 
ence of  the  older  religion,  which  may  account  for  the  survival  and  use 
of  the  sun-disk. 

The  writer  has  discovered  several  sun  myths  among  the  Seneca, 


474  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

the  one  which  follows  being  related  by  Edward  Cornplanter,  Soson'- 
dowa  ("  Great  Night "),  the  recognized  head  preacher  of  the  Gai'wiu 
of  Handsome-Lake.  Cornplanter  is  a  Seneca,  and  a  descendant  of 
Gaiant'waka,  the  prophet's  brother. 

The  fragments  of  the  cosmological  myths  which  conclude  this  arti- 
cle are  from  a  mass  of  ethnological  and  folk-lore  data  which  it  is  hoped 
will  shortly  be  edited  and  pubHshed. 

THREE    BROTHERS    WRO    FOLLOWED    THE    SUN  UNDER  THE   SKY's  RIM 

This  happened  in  old  times,  when  there  were  not  many  people. 
There  were  three  brothers,  and  they  were  not  married.  They  were 
hunters,  and  had  spent  their  lives  hunting.  When  the  brothers  were 
young,  they  enjoyed  the  excitement  of  hunting;  but  as  they  grew 
older,  it  did  not  give  them  so  much  pleasure.  The  youngest  brother 
suggested  that  for  new  experiences  they  walk  to  the  edge  of  the  earth, 
where  the  sky  comes  down  and  touches  the  big  sea  of  salt  water. 
There  is  salt  water  west,  and  this  world  is  an  island.  The  other  broth- 
ers thought  the  plan  a  good  one;  and  when  they  had  prepared  every- 
thing, they  started  on  the  journey.  They  travelled  a  good  many  years, 
and  a  good  many  things  happened  to  them.  They  always  went 
straight  westward. 

At  last  the  brothers  came  to  a  place  where  the  sun  goes  under  the 
sky's  edge.  The  sky  bends  down  there,  and  sinks  into  the  water.They 
camped  there  for  a  month,  and  watched  the  things  that  happened 
there.  They  noticed  how  the  sun  got  under  the  rim  of  the  sky  and 
went  away  quickly.  Some  men  came  there  and  tried  to  get  under  the 
edge  of  the  sky,  but  it  descended  quickly  and  crushed  them.  There  is  a 
road  there.  Now  they  noticed  that  when  the  sky  came  up,  the  water 
sank  lower;  and  that  when  the  sky  went  in  the  water,  the  water  rose 
higher. 

The  younger  brothers  desired  to  pass  under  the  rim  of  the  sky  when 
the  sun  slipped  under  on  his  road;  but  the  elder  brother  said  that  the 
happenings  were  too  evilly  mysterious,  and  that  he  was  afraid.  The 
younger  brothers  ran  under  the  rim  of  the  sky  quickly,  and  the  rim 
was  very  thick.  They  kept  on  the  road,  and  water  was  on  each  side. 
They  were  afraid  that  the  sky  would  come  down  and  crush  them. 
Now,  the  oldest  brother,  it  is  said,  watched  them;  and  when  he  saw 
that  nothing  happened  to  injure  his  brothers,  he  began  to  run  after 
them.  The  younger  brothers  turned  from  their  safe  place  to  encour- 
age him;  but  the  sky  came  down  on  the  sun's  road  and  crushed  him, 
but  they  saw  his  spirit  (notwai'sha")  shoot  by  quickly.  The  brothers 
felt  sad. 

On  the  other  side  of  the  sky  everything  is  different,  so  it  is  said.  Be- 
fore the  brothers  was  a  large  hill;  and  when  they  had  ascended  it, 


EFFIGY  OF  THE   SUN  CARRIED   BY  THE    LEADER  OF  THE 
SUN   CEREMONY  OF  THE  ONTARIO  ONONDAGA 

VOL.  XXIII.  —  NO.  89.  30 


476  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

they  saw  a  very  large  \nllage  in  the  distance.  A  man  came  running 
toward  them.  He  was  in  the  distance;  but  he  came  nearer,  and  he 
called  out,  "Come!"  It  was  their  elder  brother.  "How  did  you 
come  so  quickly,  brother?"  they  asked.  "We  did  not  see  you  come." 

The  brother  answered  only,  "I  was  late."  He  passed  by  on  a 
road. 

An  old  man  came  walking  toward  them.  He  was  youthful  and  his 
body  was  strong,  but  his  hair  was  long  and  white.  He  was  an  old  man. 
His  face  was  wise-looking,  and  he  seemed  a  chief. 

"I  am  the  father  of  the  people  in  the  Above-the-Sky-Place,"  he 
said.  "Haweni'u  is  my  son.  I  wish  to  ad\ise  you,  because  I  have 
lived  here  a  long  time.  I  have  always  lived  here,  but  Haweni'u  was 
born  of  the  woman  on  the  island.  When  you  see  Haweni'u,  call 
quickly,  'Niawe^'skano"!'  If  you  fail  to  speak  first,  he  will  say,  'You 
are  mine,'  and  you  will  be  spirits,  as  your  brother  is." 

The  brothers  proceeded,  and  saw  a  high  house  made  of  white  bark. 
They  walked  up  the  path  to  the  door.  A  tall  man  stepped  out  quickly, 
and  the  brothers  said,  "Niawe°"skano'"!"  and  the  great  m.an  said, 
"Doge"s',  I  have  been  watching  you  for  a  long  time."  The  brothers 
entered  the  house.  Now,  when  they  were  in  the  house,  the  man  said, 
" In  what  condition  are  your  bodies?  "  The  brothers  answered,  "They 
are  fine  bodies."  The  great  man  answered,  "You  do  not  speak  the 
truth,  I  am  Haweni'u,  and  I  know  all  about  your  bodies.  One  of 
you  must  lie  down,  and  I  will  purify  him,  and  then  the  other." 

One  brother  lay  down,  and  Haweni'u  placed  a  small  shell  to  his 
lips,  and  put  it  on  the  brother's  mouth.  He  also  tapped  him  on  the 
neck,  and  sealed  the  shell  with  clay.  He  began  to  skin  the  brother. 
He  took  apart  the  muscles,  and  then  scraped  the  bones.  He  took 
out  the  organs  and  washed  them.  Then  Haweni'u  built  the  man 
again.  He  loosened  the  clay  and  rubbed  his  neck.  He  did  this  with 
both  brothers;  and  they  sat  up,  and  said,  "  It  seems  as  if  we  had 
slept."  Haweni'u  said,  "Every  power  of  your  bodies  is  renewed.  I 
will  test  you." 

The  brothers  followed  Haweni'u  to  a  fine  grove  of  trees  surrounded 
by  a  thick  hedge.  All  kinds  of  flowers  were  blooming  outside,  "My 
deer  are  here,"  said  Haweni'u. 

A  large  buck  with  wide  antlers  ran  toward  them.  "  He  is  the  swift- 
est of  my  runners.   Try  and  catch  him,"  said  Haweni'u. 

The  men  ran  after  the  deer,  and  rapidly  overtook  him.  "He  has 
given  us  good  speed,"  the  brothers  said.  They  soon  discovered  that 
they  had  many  surpassing  abilities,  and  the  great  man  tested  them 
all  on  that  day. 

They  returned  to  the  white  lodge,  and  the  brothers  saw  a  messen- 
ger running  toward  them.   Upon  his  wide  chest  was  a  bright  ball  of 


Iroquois  Sun  Myths  477 

light.  It  was  very  brilliant.  In  some  unknown  language  he  shouted  to 
Haweni'u  and  dashed  on. 

"  Do  you  understand  his  words,  or  do  you  know  that  man?  "  asked 
Haweni'u.  "He  is  the  sun,  my  messenger.  Each  day  he  brings  me 
news.  Nothing  from  east  to  west  escapes  his  eye.  He  has  just  told 
me  of  a  great  war  raging  between  your  people  and  another  nation. 
Let  us  look  down  on  the  earth  and  see  what  is  happening." 

They  all  went  to  a  high  hill  in  the  middle  of  the  country,  and  looked 
down  through  a  hole  where  c  tree  had  been  uprooted.  They  saw  two 
struggling  bands  of  people  and  all  the  houses  burning.  They  could 
hear  people  crying  and  yelling  their  war-cries. 

"Men  will  always  do  this,"  said  Haweni'u,  and  then  they  went 
down  the  hill. 

The  brothers  stayed  a  long  time  in  the  upper  world,  and  learned  so 
much  that  they  never  could  tell  it  all.  Sometimes  they  looked  down 
on  the  earth  and  saw  villages  in  which  no  one  lived.  They  knew  that 
they  were  waiting  for  people  to  be  born  and  hve  there.  In  the  upper 
world  they  saw  villages,  Hkewise,  awaiting  the  coming  of  people. 
Haweni'u  told  them  a  good  many  things,  and  after  a  time  told  a 
messenger  to  lead  them  to  the  path  that  the  sun  took  when  he  came 
out  on  the  earth  in  the  morning.  They  followed  the  messenger  and 
came  out  on  the  earth.  They  waited  until  the  sun  went  over  the 
earth  and  had  gone  to  the  west.  Again  then  they  went  under  the 
edge  of  the  sky  in  the  east,  and  came  out  in  their  country  again. 
It  was  night,  and  they  slept  on  the  ground.  In  the  morning  they 
saw  their  own  village,  and  it  was  overgrown  with  trees.  They  fol- 
lowed a  path  through  the  woods,  and  came  upon  another  village. 
Their  own  people  were  there,  and  they  went  into  a  council-house  and 
talked.  They  told  their  story;  and  no  one  knew  them  except  their 
own  sister,  who  was  ?  n  aged  woman. 

"  The  war  of  which  you  speak  took  place  fifty  years  ago,"  the 
sister  said. 

The  brothers  did  not  care  for  the  earth  now,  but  wished  themselves 
back  in  the  upper  world.  They  were  not  Hke  other  men,  for  they  never 
grew  tired.  They  were  very  strong  and  could  chase  animals  and  kill 
them  with  their  hands.  Nothing  could  kill  them,  neither  arrows  nor 
disease.  After  a  while,  both  were  struck  by  Hghtning,  and  then  they 
were  both  killed. 

It  seems  ajjite  likely  that  there  are  modem  features  in  this  legend; 
but  my  hiformant  assured  me  that  the  portion  relating  to  the  sky 
and  the  sun  was  very  old.  He  said  also  that  he  had  always  heard 
the  up)per  world  described  as  related  in  the  legend.  He  added  that 
the  su.n  loved  the  sound  of  war,  and  would  linger  in  his  morning  jour- 


478  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

ney  to  see  a  battle,  but  that  after  he  reached  mid-heaven  he  travelled 
at  his  usual  speed. 

Mrs.  Asher  Wright,  who  spoke  Seneca  perfectly,  and  who  labored 
as  a  missionary  among  them  for  fifty  years,  recorded  two  Seneca 
myths  as  they  had  been  related  to  her  by  Esquire  Johnson,  an  old 
Seneca  chief.  One  describes  the  origin  of  good  and  evil,  and  says  that 
the  sun  was  made  by  the  Good-Minded  spirit  from  the  face  of  his 
mother.  That  legend  makes  the  first  woman  the  mother  of  the  twins. 
The  second  manuscript,  dated  1876,  relates  practically  the  same 
story,  but  mentions  the  Sky- Woman  as  having  borne  first  a  daughter, 
who  became,  without  any  knowledge  of  man,  the  mother  of  the  twins. 
The  mother,  having  died  at  their  birth,  was  buried  by  her  mother. 
The  Sky-Woman,  the  grandmother,  then  turned  and  addressed  the 
Good-Minded  spirit,  according  to  Esquire  Johnson,  quoted  by  Mrs. 
Wright,  as  follows: 

"Now  you  must  go  and  seek  your  father.  When  you  see  him,  you 
must  ask  him  to  give  you  power."  Pointing  to  the  east,  she  said,  "  He 
lives  in  that  direction.  You  must  keep  on  until  you  reach  the  limits 
of  the  Island,  and  then  upon  the  waters  until  you  reach  a  high  moun- 
tain which  rises  up  out  of  the  water,  and  which  you  must  climb  to  the 
summit.  There  you  will  see  a  wonderful  being  sitting  on  the  highest 
peak.  You  must  say,' I  am  your  son.'" 

The  "wonderful  being"  appears  from  the  succeeding  text  to  be  the 
sun,  although  not  specifically  so  named. 

We  thus  have  three  conflicting  ideas  presented,  —  the  sun  as  the 
messenger  of  the  Creator  and  as  the  patron  of  war,  as  the  face  of  the 
first  mother,  and  as  the  father  of  mankind  of  earthly  origin,  —  al- 
though this  latter  conclusion  may  be  disputed  by  some  for  lack  of  a 
definite  reference. 

This  leads  us  to  the  fact  that  Iroquois  mythology  in  its  present 
state  has  been  derived  from  several  sources.  This  has  been  caused, 
without  doubt,  by  the  poKcy  of  adopting  the  remnants  of  conquered 
tribes.  Thus  we  may  expect  that  in  Iroquois  mythology  are  the  sur- 
vivals of  early  Huron,  Neutral,  Erie,  and  Andaste  elements.  It  is 
now  only  possible  to  trace  the  Huron.  A'lgonquian  elements  came  in 
through  the  Delaware,  the  Chippewa,  the  Shawnee,  the  Munsee,  the 
Mahikan,  and  possibly  the  Nanticoke.  It  is  not  difficult  to  trace 
Siouan  influence. 

The  writer  has  been  able  to  trace  some  of  the  influencing  elements 
to  their  sources,  but  it  is  nevertheless  admitted  that  the  problem  of 
critically  sifting  and  comparing  Iroquois  myths  is  a  dehcate  task. 

Section  of  Archeology  and  Ethnology, 
New  York  State  Museum,  Albany,  N.  Y. 


Book  Review  479 


BOOK  REVIEW 

Allgemeine  Einleitung  und  die  totemistischen  Kulte  des  Aranda- 
Stammes.  By  C.  Strehlow.  (Veroffentlichungen  aus  dem  Stadtischen 
Volker-Museum  Frankfurt  am  Main :  I.  Die  Aranda-  und  Loritja-Stamme 
in  Zentral-Australien.  III.  Teil.  Die  totemistischen  Kulte  der  Aranda- 
und  Loritja-Stamme.  I.  Abteilung.)  Frankfurt  am  Main,  Joseph  Bear 
&  Co.,  1910,  xviii  +  140  pp.,  I  map  and  2  tables. 

Part  III  of  C.  Strehlow's  work  is  a  welcome  contribution  to  Austra- 
lian ethnology.  The  thoroughness  and  care  with  which  the  data  are  pre- 
sented deserve  the  more  emphasis,  as  the  remarks  of  a  recent  writer  of  re- 
pute may  be  expected  to  cast  a  shadow  on  the  reliability  of  Strehlow's 
material.  It  is  true  that  Strehlow,  in  his  capacity  of  a  missionary,  could 
not  in  person  witness  the  ceremonies  he  describes.  On  the  other  hand, 
however,  as  Von  Leonhardi  points  out,  his  knowledge  of  the  Aranda  and 
Loritja  languages  enabled  him  to  penetrate  more  deeply  into  the  mean- 
ing of  songs  and  performances  than  did  Spencer  and  Gillen.  The  discre- 
pancies in  the  accounts  of  the  German  and  the  English  investigators 
cannot,  without  further  e\adence,  be  ascribed  to  cultural  and  dialectic 
differences  between  the  Aranda  roara  of  Spencer  and  Gillen  and  Strehlow's 
Aranda  ulbma.  Lang's  attempts  in  that  direction  are  conciliatory,  but  un- 
justifiable (see  Man,  1909  and  1910,  and  various  articles  in  Hastings'  "En- 
cyclopsedia  of  Rehgion  and  Ethics").  A  much  more  detailed  comparison 
of  the  two  groups  of  the  Aranda  is  necessary,  before  the  question  can  be 
finally  settled;  in  some  points,  however,  Strehlow's  information  is  clearly 
more  exact.  Take,  for  instance,  the  case  of  Spencer  and  Gillen's  intichiuma 
ceremonies.  Strehlow  also  uses  the  term  intitjiuma,  but  he  found  it  to  apply 
to  those  ceremonies  which  are  performed  at  the  initiation  of  boys  in  order 
to  acquaint  them  with  the  character  and  significance  of  the  ceremonies. 
The  magical  performances,  on  the  other  hand,  which  further  the  multiplica- 
tion of  the  totem-animal,  are  called  by  the  natives  mbatjalkatiuma  (p.  2). 
Strehlow's  analysis  of  the  two  terms  leaves  little  doubt  that  his  informa- 
tion is  correct  (cf.  p.  7).  The  vexed  question  of  cohabitatio  and  conceptjo 
among  the  Aranda  is  again  touched  upon  in  Von  Leonhardi's  preface.  He 
endorses  Lang's  and  Schmidt's  contention  that  the  beliefs  of  spiritual 
conception  held  by  the  natives  cannot,  in  this  instance,  be  due  to  primi- 
tive ignorance;  for,  in  the  case  of  animals,  they  are  fully  aware  of  the  nat- 
ural connection  of  things.  In  one  point  Strehlow  now  endorses  Spencer 
and  Gillen's  opinion:  cohabitation  is  not  regarded  as  a  mere  pleasure, 
but  as  a  kind  of  preparation  for  conception,  without  which  the  latter  can- 
not take  place  (p.  xi).  The  beliefs  as  to  impregnation  through  certain  va- 
rieties of  food  remain  obscure.  Von  Leonhardi  appends  to  his  preface  a 
list  of  Aranda  associated  totems  {" befreundete  Totems")  furnished  by  Streh- 
low. The  list  is  of  the  highest  interest  (pp.  xiii— xvii).  Mammals,  birds, 
amphibia,  reptiles,  fishes,  insects,  etc.,  figure  as  associated  totems.  The 
numbers  in  parantheses  which  appear  in  the  list  refer  to  the  corresponding 


480  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

totems  given  in  Part  II,  pp.  61-72.  The  442  totems  there  enumerated  can 
thus  be  tentatively  classified,  and  their  munber  henceforth  becomes  less 
amazing.  The  natives  assert  that  their  beliefs  as  to  associated  totems  are 
based  on  the  totemic  traditions,  in  which  the  main  totem-ancestor  is  al- 
ways in  some  way  connected  with  his  associated  totems  (p.  xii).  Here  we 
have  a  new  set  of  facts,  which  must  be  brought  in  line  with  the  multiplex 
totems  of  the  Euahlayi  and  of  some  tribes  of  South-East  Australia,  with 
the  "linked  totems"  of  New  Guinea,  as  well  as  with  similar  totemic  beliefs 
of  the  Fiji  Islanders  (pp.  xii-xiii). 

In  his  introduction,  Strehlow  makes  the  interesting  point  that  the  won- 
ninga  used  in  the  totemic  ceremonies  always  represent  some  part  of  the 
body  of  the  mythical  ancestor.  Strehlow  gives  a  list  of  26  such  wonninga, 
with  their  native  names  and  English  equivalents  of  the  same  (pp.  3-4). 
A  short  generahzed  account  of  an  mhatjalkatiuma  performance  follows 
(pp.  4-8).  Strehlow's  informers  asserted  categorically  that  the  eating  of  the 
totem-animal  by  the  head  man  of  the  totem  clan  was  not  an  indispensable 
item  of  the  performance.  The  success  of  the  rite,  at  any  rate,  did  not  de- 
pend on  that  feature  (p.  7). 

The  main  part  of  the  work  (pp.  10-137)  is  devoted  to  an  account  of  59 
totemic  ceremonies  of  the  Aranda.  Each  section  consists  of  a  short  descrip- 
tion of  the  ceremony,  followed  by  the  song  in  text,  with  interlinear  and 
free  translation,  and  in  some  cases  an  interpretation  of  the  song.  Copious 
notes  clarify  the  meaning  of  the  native  words,  but  no  grammatical  analy- 
sis is  attempted.  A  more  detailed  discussion  of  these  songs  will  be  in  place 
when  the  parts  on  the  ceremonies  of  the  Loritja,  and  the  social  organiza- 
tion of  the  two  tribes,  are  published.  Von  Leonhardi  announces  that  the 
completed  manuscript,  including  a  section  on  material  culture,  is  already 
in  his  hands.  We  may  thus  expect  to  see  the  rest  of  this  valuable  work 
given  to  the  public  within  a  reasonably  short  time. 

[Since  writing  the  above,  I  learned  of  the  premature  death  of  Von 
Leonhardi  in  October,  1910.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  work  which  he 
pursued  with  such  enthusiasm  will  be  continued  by  hands  as  zealous 
and  able.] 

A.  A.  Goldenweiser. 

Columbia  Uniyersity, 
New  York. 


I 


Members  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society        481 


OFFICERS  OF  THE  AMERICAN   FOLK-LORE  SOCIETY   (1910) 

President,  Henry  M.  Belden. 

First  Vice-President,  G.  L.  Kittredge. 

Second  Vice-President,  J.  Walter  Fewkes. 

Councillors.  For  three  years:  J.  A.  Lomax,  J.  B.  Fletcher,  A.  F.  Chamberlain.  For  two 
years:  E.  K.  Putnam,  G.  A.  Dorsey,  Albert  Matthews.  For  one  year:  P.  E.  Goddard, 
Mrs.  Zelia  Xuttall,  S.  A.  Barrett;  Past  Presidents,  Miss  Alice  C.  Fletcher,  A.  L.  Kroeber, 
R.  B.  Dixon,  J.  R.  Swanton;  Presidents  of  local  branches,  F.  W.  Putnam,  K.  G.  T.  Web- 
ster, Miss  Mary  A.  Owen,  Charles  B.  Wilson,  A.  C.  L.  Brown,  R.  H.  Lowie. 

Editor  of  Journal,  Franz  Boas,  Colimibia  University,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Assistant  Editors,  A.  F.  Chamberlain  and  G.  L.  Kittredge. 

Permanent  Secretary,  Charles  Peabody,  197  Brattle  Street,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Treasurer,  Eliot  W.  Remick,  300  Marlborough  Street,  Boston  Mass. 

MEMBERS    OF   THE  AMERICAN   FOLK-LORE   SOCIETY 
(for  the  year  1910) 

HONORARY   MEMBERS 

Juan  B.  Ambrosetti,  Buenos  Ayres,  Argen-  George  Laurence  Gomme,  London,  Eng- 

tine  Republic.  land. 

John  Batchelor,  Sapporo,  Japan.  Angelo  de  Gubernatis,  Rome,  Italy. 

Alexander    F.    Chamberlain,    Worcester,  Edwin  Sidney  Hartland,  Gloucester,  Eng- 

Mass.  land. 

Francisco  Adolpho  Coelho,  Lisbon,  Portu-  Friedrich  S.  Krauss,  Vienna,  Austria. 

gal.  Kaarle  Krohn,  Helsingfors,  Finland. 

James  George  Frazer,   Cambridge,  Eng-  Giuseppe  PitrS,  Palermo,  Sicily. 

land.  Paid  Sebillot,  Paris,  France. 

Henri  Gaidoz,  Paris,  France.  Edward  Burnett  Tylor,  Oxford,  England. 

LIFE  MEMBERS 

Eugene  F.  Bliss,  Cincinnati,  Ohio.  Frederick  W.  Lehmann,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Hiram  Edmund  Deats,  Flemington,  N.  J.  J.  F.  Loubat,  Paris,  France. 

Mrs.  Henry  Draper,  New  York,  N.  Y.  Miss  Mary  A.  Owen,  St.  Joseph,  Mo. 

Joseph  E.  Gillingham,  Philadelphia,  Pa.  Felix  Warburg,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

ANNUAL  MEMBERS] 
Boston  Branch  Francis  Blake,  Aubumdale,  Mass. 

President,  Prof.  F.  W.  Putnam.  Mrs.  W.  D.  Boardman,  Boston,  Mass. 

First  Vice-President,  Dr.  W.  C.  Farabee.    Charles  P.  Bowditch,  Boston,  Mass. 
Second  Vice-President,  Miss  Helen  Leah    ^iss  Abby  Farwell  Bro^^-n,  Boston,  Mass. 
j^gg^j  Alexander    F.    Chamberlam,    Worcester, 

Secretary,  Mrs.  Alexander  Martin.  Mass.  ^    .     ,-  1 1  ■• , 

Treasurer,  Fitz-Henry  Smith,  Jr.  ^I^s  M  Chapman,  Spnngfield  Mass. 

Miss  Ellen  Chase,  Brooklme,  Mass. 

Mrs.  G.  A.  Alden,  Boston,  Mass.  Mrs.  A.  M.  Childs,  Boston,  Mass. 

W.  H.  Alline,  Boston,  Mass.  Miss  S.  I.  Clark,  Newton  Centre,  Mass. 

Mrs.  Jennie  ]SI.  Babcock,  Boston,  Mass.  Miss  Anna  Clarke,  Boston,  Mass. 

F.  N.  Balch,  Boston,  Mass.  Mrs.  Otto  B.  Cole,  Boston,  Mass. 

]Mrs.  Lucia  Gale  Barber,  Boston,  Mass.  ^liss  Helen  Collamore,  Boston,  Mass. 

Miss  Laura  Barr,  Boston,  Mass.  !Mrs.  G.  A.  Collier,  Boston,  Mass. 

PhiUips  Barr\^,  Boston,  Mass.  D.  F.  Comstock,  Boston,  Mass. 

Mrs.  F.  D.  Bergen,  Cambridge,  Mass.  Miss  S.  H.  Crocker,  Boston,  Mass. 

Dr.  Clarence  Blake,  Boston,  Mass.  ^Mrs.  E.  T.  Da\^s,  Boston,  Mass. 


482 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


Mrs.  Samuel  Deane,  Roxbury,  Mass. 
Miss  Grace  Donworth,  Boston,  Mass. 
Mrs.  Carl  Dreyfus,  Boston,  Mass. 
Prof.  L.  B.  Evans,  Tufts  College,  Mass. 
Miss  Marie  L.  Everett,  Boston,  Mass. 
Dr.  W.  C.  Farabee,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Prof.  Charles  E.  Fay,  Tufts  College,  Mass. 
Frederick  P.  Fish,  Boston,  Mass. 
Miss  Margaret  Fish,  Longwood,  Mass. 
Miss  Emma  J.  Fitz,  Boston,  Mass. 
Miss  M.  E.  Foster,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Robert  G.  Fuller,  Brookline,  Mass. 
C.  W.  Furlong,  Watertown,  Mass. 
Mrs.  F.  W.  Gaskill,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Dr.  F.  A.  Golder,  Boston,  Mass. 
Mrs.  M.  H.  Gould,  Boston,  Mass. 
Mrs.  J.  M.  Graham,  Boston,  Mass. 
Mrs.  John  C.  Gray,  Boston,  Mass. 
Mrs.  H.  A.  Hall,  Boston,  Mass. 
John  L.  Harbour,  Dorchester,  Mass. 
Miss  A.  B.  Hawes,  Boston,  Mass. 
C.  I.  Hay,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Henry  W.  Haynes,  Boston,  Mass. 
H.  D.  Heathfield,  Boston,  Mass. 
Mrs.  Lee  Hoffman,  Portland,  Oregon. 
Dr.  G.  P.  Howe,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Mrs.  T.  W.  Hyde,  Boston,  Mass. 
Miss  Rebecca  R.  Joslin,  Boston,  Mass. 
Miss  Marion  Judd,  Boston,  Mass. 
Mrs.  Laurence  Keeler,  Boston,  Mass. 
Mrs.  Frederick  Kendall,  Boston,  Mass. 
Miss  Louise  Kennedy,  Concord,  Mass. 
Mrs.  David  Kimball,  Boston,  Mass. 
Prof.  G.  L.  Kittredge,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Mrs.  W.  M.  LeBrun,  Manchester-by-the- 

Sea,  Mass. 
Mrs.  M.  V.  Little,  Boston,  Mass. 
James  Longley,  Boston,  Mass. 
Mrs.  Daniel  Lothrop,  Concord,  Mass. 
Dr.  A.  H.  Lybyer,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Mrs.  Thomas  Mack,  Boston,  Mass. 
Mrs.  Alexander  Martin,  Boston,  Mass. 
Mrs.  W.  M.  Martin,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Miss  Frances  Massoletti,  Brooldine,Mass. 
Albert  Matthews,  Boston,  Mass. 
Miss  Frances  H.  Mead,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Dr.  S.  N.  Merrick,  Boston,  Mass. 
Miss  Sophie  Moen,  Boston,  Mass. 
Mrs.  Jane  Newell  Moore,  Wayland,  Mass. 
Mrs.  J.  N.  North,  Brookline,  Mass. 
Dr.  Horace  Packerd,  Boston,  Mass. 
Dr.  Sarah  E.  Palmer,  Boston,  Mass. 
Dr.  Charles  Peabody,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Mrs.  John  F.  Perry,  Boston,  Mass. 
Mrs.  E.  M.  Plummer,  Charlestown,  Mass. 
Dr.  C.  Augusta  Pope,  Boston,  Mass. 
Dr.  Emily  F.  Pope,  Boston,  Mass. 
Dr.  Murray  A.  Potter,  Boston,  Mass. 
Mrs.  W.  G.  Preston,  Brookline,  Mass. 


Prof.  F.  W.  Putnam,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Mrs.  F.  W.  Putnam,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Mrs.  Henry  E.  Raymond,  Boston,  Mass. 
Miss  Helen  Leah  Reed,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Ehot  W.  Remick,  Boston,  Mass. 
Prof.  B.  L.  Robinson,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Dr.  C.  A.  Scott,  Boston,  Mass. 
Miss  Selmes,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Mrs.  H.  N.  Sheldon,  Boston,  Mass. 
Mrs.  W.  P.  Shreve,  Brookline,  Mass. 
Albert  T.  Sinclair,  Allston,  Mass. 
Fitz-Henry  Smith,  Jr.,  Boston,  Mass. 
H.  J.  Spinden,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
J.  B.  Stetson,  Ashbourne,  Pa. 
Dr.  J.  C.  Tello,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
A.  R.  Tisdale,  Boston,  Mass. 
Prof.  C.  H.  Toy,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Dr.  A.  M.  Tozzer,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Dr.  S.  G.  Underbill,  Groton,  Mass. 
Mrs.  W.  O.  Underwood,  Boston,  Mass. 
Dr.  F.  H.  Verhoef,  Boston,  Mass. 
Mrs.  C.  N.  W.  Ward,  Boston,  Mass. 
Samuel  D.  Warren,  Boston,  Mass. 
Mrs.  J.  C.  Whitin,  Whitinsville,  Mass. 
Mrs.  Ashton  Willard,  Boston,  Mass. 
Mrs.  M.  V.  Wolcott,  Boston,  Mass. 
Dr.  J.  H.  Woods,  Boston,  Mass. 

Cambridge  Branch 

President,  Keimeth  G.  T.  Webster. 
Vice-President,  Mrs.  W.  S.  Scudder. 
Secretary,  Miss  Margaret  Leavitt. 
Treasurer,  M.  L.  Fernald. 

Prof.  Irving  Babbitt,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
C.  F.  Batchelder,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Miss   Mary   E.    Batchelder,    Cambridge, 

Mass. 
Prof.  George  H.  Chase,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Prof.  Roland  B.  Dixon,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
E.  B.  Drew,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Prof.  W.  S.  Ferguson,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Prof.  M.  L.  Fernald,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
W.  H.  Graves,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Prof.  W.  F.  Harris,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
J.  G.  Hart,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Prof.  Max  Kellner,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Mrs.  A.  E.  Kennelly,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Francis  Kershaw,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Miss   Margaret  A.  Leavitt,   Cambridge, 

Mass. 
Prof.  L.  S.  Marks,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Prof.  W.  A.  Neilson,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Prof.  Charles  Palache,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Mrs.  Charles  Peabody,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Prof.  R.  B.  Perry,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
C.  R.  Post,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Dr.  Benjamin  Rand,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Prof.  B.  L.  Robinson,  Cambridge,  Mass. 


Members  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society        483 


Miss  Fannie  Russell,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Mrs.  Winthrop    S.    Scudder,    Cambridge, 

Mass. 
Mrs.  J.  G.  Thorp,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Miss  Maud  Tilton,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Prof.  H.  A.  Torrey,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Miss  Bertha  Vaughan,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Dr.  E.  R.  O.  Von  Mach,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Prof.  J.  A.  Walz,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Hollis  Webster,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Dr.  K.  G.  T.  Webster,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Mrs.    Walter    Wesselhoeft,    Cambridge, 

Mass. 
Miss  Margaret  White,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Miss  Constance  B.  Williston,  Cambridge, 

Mass. 
Mrs.  George  Winlock,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Prof.  C.  H.  C.  Wright,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Miss  Sarah  Yerxa,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Illinois  Branch 

President,  A.  C.  L.  Brown. 

Vice-President,  G.  T.  Flom. 

Secretary  and  Treasurer,  H.  S.  V.  Jones. 

Prof.  A.  C.  L.  Brown,  Evanston,  III. 
Prof.  Alphonse  De  Salvio,  Evanston,  III. 
Prof.  G.  T.  Flom,  Urbana,  111. 
Prof.  Edward  Fulton,  Urbana,  111. 
Prof.  Julius  Goebel,  Urbana,  111. 
Prof.  H.  S.  V.  Jones,  Urbana,  HI. 
Prof.  T.  E.  Oliver,  Urbana,  111. 
Prof.  Arthur  S.  Pease,  Urbana,  111. 
Dr.  Arthur  R.  Seymour,  Urbana,  111. 

Iowa  Branch 

President,  Charles  B.  Wilson. 
Vice-President,  George  T.  Flom. 
Secretary  and  Treasurer,  Edward  K.  Put- 


Edward  Borcherdt,  Davenport,  la. 
Hon.  C.  A.  Ficke,  Davenport,  la. 
Prof.  George  T.  Flom,  Urbana,  111. 
Dr.  Henry  Matthey,  Davenport,  la. 
Miss  Julia  Miller,  Davenport,  la. 
Edward  K.  Putnam,  Davenport,  la. 
Miss  Elizabeth  D.  Putnam,  Davenport,  la. 
Prof.  B.  F.  Shambaugh,  Iowa  City,  la. 
Prof.  C.  B.  Wilson,  Iowa  City,  la. 

Missouri  Branch 

President,  Miss  Mary  A.  Owen. 
Vice-Presidents,  Dr.  W.  L.  Campbell,  Miss 

Mary  A  Wadsworth,  Prof.  J.  L.  Lowes. 
Secretary,  Prof.  Henry  M.  Belden. 
Treasurer,  Miss  Idress  Head. 
Directors,  Mrs.  W.  S.  Johnson,  Miss  V.  E. 

Stevenson,  Miss  J.  M.  A.  Jones.  ^ 


Mrs.  L.  D.  Ames,  Columbia,  Mo. 
Prof.  H.  M.  Belden,  Columbia,  Mo. 
Miss  Mary  B.  Breed,  Columbia,  Mo. 
Prof.  W.  G.  Brown,  Columbia,  Mo. 
Dr.  W.  L.  Campbell,  Kansas  City,  Mo. 
Miss  L.  R.  Ernst,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 
Mrs.  L.  N.  Fitch,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 
Miss  Idress  Head,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 
Prof.  B.  F.  Hoffman,  Columbia,  Mo. 
Mrs.  W.  S.  Johnson,  Tuscumbia. 
Miss  J.  M.  A.  Jones,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 
Hon.  Gardiner  Lathrop,  Chicago,  111. 
Prof.  J.  L.  Lowes,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 
Mrs.  Harry  McCullough,  Fayette,  Mo. 
Miss  Mary  A.  Owen,  St.  Joseph,  Mo. 
Miss  V.  E.  Stevenson,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 
Douglass  Stewart,  Chillicothe,  Mo. 
Miss  Antoinette  Taylor,  Webster  Groves, 

Mo. 
Miss  Mary  A.  Wadsworth,  Columbia,  Mo. 
Mrs.  A.  C.  Woods,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

New  York  Branch 
President,  R.  H.  Lowie. 
Vice-President,  Joseph  Jacobs. 
Secretary,  L.  J.  Frachtenberg. 
Treasurer,  Stansbury  Hagar. 
Executive  Committee,  Franz  Boas,  Marshall 
H.  Saville,  E.  W.  Deming. 

Prof.  Franz  Boas,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Prof.  Edward  S.  Burgess,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Dr.  A.  Bressler,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Frederick    S.    Dellenbaugh,    New    York, 

N.  Y. 
E.  W.  Deming,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Prof.    Livingston    Farrand,    New    York, 

N.  Y. 
Dr.  Maurice  Fishberg,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Prof.  Jefferson  B.   Fletcher,    New  York, 

N.Y. 
L.  J.  Frachtenberg,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Dr.  George  Bird  Grinnell,  New  York,  N.Y. 
Dr.  Alex.  A.   Goldenweiser,   New   York, 

N.Y. 
Dr.  J.  L.  Gerig,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Prof.  Ginsberg,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
I.  Goldstein,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Miss  Louise  Haessler,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Stansbury  Hagar,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Prof.  Joseph  Jacobs,  Yonkers,  N.  Y. 
Prof.  C.  F.  Kayser,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Dr.  R.  H.  Lowie,  New  York,  N.  Y, 
Rev.  Dr.  Martin  A.  Meyer,  Brooklyn,  N.Y. 
Mrs.    Laurent    Oppenheim,    New    York, 

N.  Y. 
Mr.  Max  Radin,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Mr.  Paul  Radin,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Dr.  Ernst  Richard,  New  York,  N.  Y. 


484 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 


Prof.  MarshaU  H.  Saville,  New  York,  N.Y, 
Miss  Gerda  Sebbelov,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Alanson  Skinner,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Harlan  I.  Smith,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Hugo  J.  Sommerich,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Texas  Branch 

President,  Dr.  L.  W.  Payne,  Jr. 
Secretary,  John  A.  Lomax. 

Mrs.  A.  H.  Belo,  Dallas,  Tex. 

Miss  E.  Brackenridge,  San  Antonio,  Tex. 

Prof.  Lila  M.  Casis,  Austin,  Tex. 

Mrs.  W.  H.  Christian,  Houston,  Tex. 

Miss  Adina  de  Zavala,  San  Antonio,  Tex. 

Mrs.  J.  B.  Dibrell,  Seguin,  Tex. 

Mrs.  A.  M.  Fischer,  San  Antonio,  Tex. 

Mrs.  C.  C.  Garrett,  Brenham,  Tex. 

Miss  Helen  Garrison,  Austin,  Tex. 

W.  A.  Halford,  Garland,  Tex. 

Mrs.  Laura  B.  Hart,  San  Antonio,  Tex. 

Mrs.  J.  A.  Jones,  San  Antonio,  Tex. 

Miss  A.  F.  Keifer,  Dallas,  Tex. 

J.  A.  Kirkley,  Greenville,  Tex. 

Prof.  R.  H.  Leavell,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

T.  G.  Lemmon,  Dallas,  Tex. 

Prof.  J.  A.  Lomax,  Austin,  Tex. 

C.  Lombardi,  Dallas,  Tex. 

Mrs.  Lipscomb  Norvell,  Beaumont,  Tex. 

Dr.  F.  U.  Painter,  Pilot  Point,  Tex. 

F.  C.  Patten,  Galveston,  Tex. 

Dr.  L.  W.  Pa>Tie,  Jr.,  Austin,  Tex. 

Prof.  J.  E.  Pearce,  Austin,  Tex. 

Mrs.  Percy  V.  Penn>packer,  Austin,  Tex. 

Mrs.  W.  F.  Price,  Nacogdoches,  Tex. 

Dr.  S.  Primer,  Austin,  Tex. 

Miss  Daisy  M.  Reedy,  Tyler,  Tex. 

Edward  Rotan,  Waco,  Tex. 

Mrs.  Charles  Scheuber,  Fort  Worth,  Tex. 

Rev.  E.  L.  Shettles,  MarHn,  Tex. 

Alonzo  Wasson,  Dallas,  Tex. 

A.  H.  Wilkins,  Dallas,  Tex. 

Members  at  Large 

Edward  D.  Adams,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Dr.  J.  Adler,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Stanberry  Alderman,  McConnelsville,  O. 
Prof.  K.  Amersbach,  Freiburg,  Germany. 
Mrs.  Samuel  W.  Backus,  San  Francisco, 

Cal. 
Mrs.  G.  F.  Baker,  Seattle,  Wash. 
Mrs.  G.  E.  Barnard,  Oakland,  Cal. 
Dr.  S.  A.  Barrett,  Milwaukee,  Wis. 
Mrs.  Alfred  Bayliss,  McComb,  111. 
Charles  J.  Billson,  Leicester,  England. 
Mrs.  T.  B.  Bishop,  San  Francisco,  Cal. 
A.  Black,  Fort  Defiance,  Ariz. 
E.  F.  Bliss,  Cincinnati,  O. 
Mrs.  Phila  Bliven,  Grant's  Pass,  Ore. 


Mrs.  J.  G.  Bourke,  Omaha,  Neb. 
Philip  Greely  Brown,  Portland,  Me. 
S.  A.  R.  Brown,  Denver,  Col. 
Mrs.  W.  Wallace  Brown,  Calais,  Me. 
A.  L.  C.  Buckwalter,  Casey,  la. 
L.  D.  Burdick,  Oxford,  N.  Y. 
John  Caldwell,  Edgewood  Park,  Pa. 
C.  H.  Clark,  Jr.  Philadelphia,  Pa. 
W.  E.  Connelley,  Topeka,  Kan. 
Miss  K.  T.  Cory,  Polacca,  Ariz. 
Stewart  Cuhn,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 
Roland  G.  Curtin,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 
Miss  Natalie  Curtis,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Charles  F.  Daymond,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
E.  J.  Decevee,  Harrisburg,  Pa. 
George  E.  Dimock,  Elizabeth,  N.  J. 
R.  E.  Dodge,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Dr.  George  A.  Dorsey,  Chicago,  111. 
Mrs.  Henry  Draper,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Rev.  C.  B.  Dudley,  Altoona,  Pa. 
Mrs.  Henry  Fames,  Lincoln,  Neb. 
Prof.  C.  L.  Edwards,  Hartford,  Conn. 
L.  H.  Elwell,  Amherst,  Mass. 
Carl  Enkemeyer,  Yonkers,  N.  Y. 
Prof.  J.  Walter  Fewkes,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Miss  Ahce  C.  Fletcher,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Prof.  E.  M.  Fogel,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 
Prof.  Alcee  Fortier,  New  Orleans,  La. 
Miss  Beatrice  Frank,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Miss  Beulah  L.  Frank,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Prof.  I.  Friedlander,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Prof.  John  Fryer,  Berkeley,  Cal. 
Dr.  Fletcher  Gardner,  Bloomington,   Ind. 
A.  C.  Garrett,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 
O.  K.  Gerrish,  Lakeville,  Mass. 
Dr.  A.  G.  Gerster,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Dr.  P.  E.  Goddard,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Dr.  G.  B.  Gordon,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 
Prof.  C.  N.  Greenough,  Wakefield,  Mass. 
Prof.  Charles  C.  Harrison,  Philadelphia, 

Pa. 
Mrs.  Ralph  C.  Harrison,  San  Francisco, 

Cal. 
S.  Hart,  Newport,  R.  I. 
W.  O.  Hart,  New  Orleans,  La. 
Rudolf  Haupt,  Leipzig,  Germany. 
Mrs.  J.  B.  Havre,  High  Point,  N.  C. 
Mrs.  Dwight  B.  Heard,  Phoenix,  Ariz. 
Mrs.  S.  McV.  Hemenway,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Mrs.  H.  Herrman,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
E.  W.  Heusinger,  San  Antonio,  Tex. 
Frederick  W.  Hodge,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Robert  Hoe,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Miss  A.  B.  HoUenback,  Brookl>Ti,  N.  Y. 
Prof.  W.  H.  Holmes,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Mrs.  T.  J.  Hoover,  London,  England. 
Dr.  Walter  Hough,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Dr.  Henry  M.  Hurd,  Baltimore,  Md. 
Prof.  A.  V.  W.  Jackson,  New  York,  N.  Y. 


Members  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society        485 


Dr.  A.  Jacobi,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Lieut.  J.  R.  James,  Fort  Liscomb,  Alaska. 

Robert  Junghanns,  Bayamon,  Porto  Rico. 

Charles  Keeler,  Berkeley,  Cal. 

P.  Kelly,  London,  England. 

Mrs.  D.  Kendig,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

L.  S.  Kirtland,  Minneapolis,  Minn. 

H.  E.  Krehbiel,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Prof.  A.  L.  Kroeber,  San  Francisco,  Cal. 

Walter  Learned,  New  London,  Conn. 

Edward  Lindsey,  Warren,  Pa. 

C.  A.  Loveland,  Milwaukee,  Wis. 

Prof.  L.  Loria,  Florence,  Italy. 

Benjamin  Smith  Lyman,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Leon  Maseieff,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Mark  Mason,  Chicago,  111. 

Miss  E.  M.  McBride,  St.  Paul,  Minn. 

Prof.  Kenneth  McKenzie,  New  Haven, 
Conn. 

Mrs.  J.  L.  McNeil,  Denver,  Col. 

Dr.  C.  Hart  Merriam,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Prof.  W.  C.  Mitchell,  Berkeley,  Cal. 

E.  J.  Molera,  San  Francisco,  Cal. 

Mrs.  W.  J.  Monro,  Berkeley,  Cal. 

Dr.  Lewis  F.  Mott,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

W.  Nelson,  Paterson,  N.  J. 

Miss  Grace  Nicholson,  Pasadena,  Cal. 

Rev.  James  B.  Nies,  London,  England. 

Prof.  G.  R.  Noyes,  Berkeley,  Cal. 

Mrs.  Zelia  Nuttall,  Coyoacan,  D.  F.,  Mex- 
ico. 

Monsignor  D.  J.  O'Connell,  Washington, 
D.  C. 

Pehr  Olsson-Saffer,  Mexico,  D.  F.,  Mexico. 

Miss  Orr,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

C.  L.  Owen,  Chicago,  111. 

Haywood  Parker,  Ashe\alle,  N.  C. 

Harold  Peirce,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Prof.  T.  Mitchell  Prudden,  New  York, 
N.  Y. 


Dave  Rapoport,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Dr.  Ernst  Riess,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Mrs.  Thomas  Roberts,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 
C.  E.  Rimisey,  Riverside,  Cal. 
N.  L.  Russell,  Shanghai,  China. 
Dr.  E.  Sapir,  Ottawa,  Can. 
Jacob  H.  Schiff,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
James  P.  Scott,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 
Prof.  W.  A.  Setchell,  Berkeley,  Cal. 
J.  B.  Shea,  Pittsburgh,  Pa. 

E.  Reuel  Smith,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Miss  Lauren  P.  Smith,  Warren,  O. 
Leon  Smith,  San  Francisco,  Cal. 
Otto  C.  Sommerich,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Dr.  F.  G.  Speck,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

S.  G.  Stein,  Muscatine,  la. 
Mrs.  B.  Wilder  Stone,  MiU  Valley,  Cal. 
Dr.  J.  R.  Swanton,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Benjamin  Thaw,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Prof.  G.  B.  Tirrell,  CitroneUe,  Ala. 
Dr.  H.  K.  Trask,  Bridgeton,  N.  J. 
H.  H.  Vail,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
A.  C.  Vroman,  Pasadena,  Cal. 
Miss  Rose  E.  Walker,  Colony,  Okla. 
Felix  Warburg,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Paul  Warburg,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
H.  Newell  Wardle,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

F.  W.  Waugh,  Toronto,  Can. 

Dr.  David  Webster,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Prof.  Raymond  Weeks,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Miss  H.  W.  Whitney,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Miss  J.  E.  Wier,  Reno,  Nev. 
F.  P.  Wilcox,  Grand  Rapids,  Mich. 
C.  F.  WiU,  Bismarck,  N.  D. 
Prof.  H.  R.  Wilson,  Athens,  O. 
W.  J.  Wintemberg,  Toronto,  Can. 
Dr.  Clark  Wissler,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Dr.  Henry  Wood,  Baltimore,  Md. 
Miss  A.  C.  Woods,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 
J.  M.  Woolsey,  Mt.  Vernon,  N.  Y. 


486  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore 

LIST  OF  LIBRARIES,  COLLEGES,  AND  SOCIETIES,  MEM- 
BERS OF  THE  AMERICAN  FOLK-LORE  SOCIETY,  OR 
SUBSCRIBERS  TO  THE  JOURNAL  OF  AMERICAN  FOLK- 
LORE   FOR   THE    YEAR    19 10 

Adelbert  College,  Cleveland,  O. 

American  Geographical  Society,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

American  Museimi  of  Natural  History,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

American  Philosophical  Society,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Amherst  College,  Amherst,  Mass. 

Athenaeum  Library,  Minneapolis,  Mimi. 

Boston  Athenaeum,  Boston,  Mass. 

Canadian  Institute,  Toronto,  Can. 

Carnegie  Free  Library,  Allegheny,  Pa. 

Carnegie  Free  Library,  Atlanta,  Ga. 

Carnegie  Free  Librarj',  Nashville,  Tenn. 

Carnegie  Library,  Pittsburg,  Pa. 

Chicago  Normal  School,  Chicago,  111. 

City  Library,  Manchester,  N.  H. 

City  Library,  Springfield,  Mass. 

Columbia  University,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Cornell  University,  Ithaca,  N.  Y. 

Dartmouth  College,  Hanover,  N.  H. 

Delaware  County  Institute  of  Science,  Media,  Pa. 

Drake  University  Library,  Des  Moines,  la. 

Education  Department,  Toronto,  Can. 

Fairbanks  Library,  Terre  Haute,  Ind. 

Forbes  Library,  Northampton,  Mass. 

Free  Library  of  Philadelphia,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Free  Public  Library,  Evanston,  111. 

Free  Public  Library,  Jersey  City,  N.  J. 

Free  Public  Library,  Louisville,  Ky. 

Free  Public  Library,  L>Tin,  Mass. 

Free  Public  Library,  Newark,  N.  J. 

Free  Public  Library,  San  Diego,  Cal. 

Free  Public  Librar>%  San  Joae,  Cal. 

Free  Public  Library,  Stockton,  Cal. 

Free  Public  Library,  Worcester,  Mass. 

Grand  Serial  Library,  Weimar,  Germany. 

Hackley  PubHc  Library,  Muskegon,  Mich. 

Harv^ard  University,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Historical  Library  of  Foreign  Missions,  New  Haven,  Conn. 

Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Houston  Lyceum  and  Carnegie  Library,  Houston,  Tex. 

Hoyt  Library,  Saginaw,  Mich. 

Indiana  State  Normal  School,  Terre  Haute,  Ind. 

The  John  Crerar  Library,  Chicago,  111. 

Johns  Hopkins  University,  Baltimore,  Md. 

Leland  Stanford,  Jr.,  University,  Stanford  University,  Cal. 

Library  Company  of  Philadelphia,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Library  of  Congress,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Library  Normal  School,  Toronto,  Can. 

Library  of  Parliament,  Ottawa,  Can. 

Librarian  Supreme  Council,  A.  A.  S.  Rite  33,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Marietta  College  Library,  Marietta,  O. 

Mechanics'  Library,  Altoona,  Pa. 


Members  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society        487 

Mercantile  Library,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 
Newberry  Library,  Chicago,  111. 
Newton  Free  Library,  Newton,  Mass. 
Northwestern  University,  Evanston,  III. 
Peabody  Institute,  Baltimore,  Md. 
Peabody  Museum,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Pratt  Institute,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 
Public  Library,  Baltimore,  Md. 
Public  Library,  Boston,  Mass. 
Public  Library,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 
Public  Library,  Buffalo,  N.  Y. 
Public  Library,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Public  Library,  Chicago,  111. 
Public  Library,  Cincinnati,  O. 
Public  Library,  Cleveland,  O. 
Public  Library,  Decatur,  111. 
Public  Library,  Denver,  Col. 
Public  Library,  Des  Moines,  la. 
Public  Library,  Detroit,  Mich. 
Public  Library,  Fall  River,  Mass. 
Public  Library,  Grand  Rapids,  Mich. 
Public  Library,  Haverhill,  Mass. 
Public  Library,  Indianapolis,  Ind. 
Public  Library,  Kansas  City,  Mo. 
Public  Library,  Lexington,  Ky. 
Public  Library,  Long  Beach,  Cal. 
Public  Library,  Los  Angeles,  Cal. 
Pubhc  Library,  Maiden,  Mass. 
Public  Library,  Milwaukee,  Wis. 
Public  Library,  New  Bedford,  Mass. 
Public  Library,  New  London,  Conn. 
Public  Library,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
Pubhc  Library,  Omaha,  Neb. 
Public  Library,  Peoria,  111. 
Public  Library,  Portland,  Me. 
Public  Library,  Providence,  R.  I. 
Pubhc  Library,  Rockford,  lU. 
Pubhc  Library,  Sacramento,  Cal. 
Pubhc  Library,  St.  Joseph,  Mo. 
Public  Library,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 
Public  Library,  St.  Paul,  Minn. 
Pubhc  Library,  San  Francisco,  Cal. 
Pubhc  Library,  Seattle,  Wash. 
Pubhc  Library,  Spokane,  Wash. 
Public  Library,  Syracuse,  N.  Y. 
Pubhc  Library,  Toronto,  Can. 
Pubhc  Librarj^,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Reynolds  Library,  Rochester,  N.  Y. 
State  Historical  Library,  Madison,  Wis. 
State  Historical  Society,  St.  Paul,  Minn. 
State  Historical  Society,  Topeka,  Kan. 
State  Library,  Albany,  N.  Y. 
State  Library,  Augusta,  Me. 
State  Librarj',  Boston,  Mass. 
State  Library,  Des  Moines,  la. 
State  Library,  Harrisburg,  Pa. 
State  Library,  Indianapohs,  Ind. 
State  Library,  Lansing,  Mich. 
State  Library,  Sacramento,  Cal. 


488  Journal  of  Americaji  Folk-Lore 


State  Normal  School,  Spearfish,  So.  Dak. 
Swarthmore  College,  Swarthmore,  Pa. 
Trinity  College,  Hartford,  Conn. 
University  Club,  Chicago,  111. 
University  Club,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
University  of  Cahfornia,  Berkeley,  Cal. 
University  of  Chicago,  Chicago,  111. 
University  of  Illinois,  Urbana,  111. 
University  of  Iowa,  Iowa  City,  la. 
University  of  Kansas,  Lawrence,  Kan. 
University  of  Michigan,  Ann  Harbor,  Mich. 
University  of  Missouri,  Columbia,  Mo. 
University  of  Nebraska,  Lincoln,  Neb. 
University  of  Pennsylvania,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 
University  of  South  Carolina,  Columbia,  S.  C. 
University  of  Washington,  Seattle,  Wash. 
W.  &  J.  Memorial  Library,  Washington,  Pa. 
Washington  University,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 
Wellesley  College,  Wellesley,  Mass. 
Wesleyan  University,  Middletown,  Conn. 
Western  Illinois  State  Normal  School,  Macomb,  111. 
Worcester  City  Library,  Worcester,  Mass. 
Yale  University,  New  Haven,  Conn. 


Members  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society        489 


SUBSCRIBERS   TO  THE  PUBLICATION   FUND    (1910) 


Dr.  I.  Adler. 

Prof.  H.  M.  Belden. 

Dr.  C.  P.  Bowditch. 

Prof.  H.  C.  D.  Brandt. 

C.  H.  Clark. 

W.  G.  Davies. 

G.  E.  Dimock. 

Prof.  R.  B.  Dixon. 

E.  B.  Drew. 

Mrs.  Henry  Draper. 

Mrs.  Carl  Dreyfus. 

Frederick  P.  Fish. 

S.  W.  Gisriel. 

Mrs.  D.  B.  Heard. 

Miss  Amelia  B.  Hollenback. 


G.  P.  Howe. 

Dr.  A.  Jacobi. 

Miss  Louise  Kennedy. 

Walter  Learned. 

Edward  Lindsey. 

Mark  Mason. 

Dr.  C.  Peabody. 

Mrs.  J.  F.  Perry. 

Prof.  F.  W.  Putnam. 

J.  B.  Shea. 

Jacob  H.  Schiff. 

S.  D.  Stein. 

J.  B.  Stetson,  Jr. 

Paul  Warburg. 


INDEX   TO  VOLUME  XXIII 


Adamson,  John,  377,  380. 

Admiralty  Islands,  277. 

Africa,  233,  244,  261,  267,  273,^295. 

Alaska,  193,  286. 

Alberni  Canal,  471. 

Amazon,  tribes  on,  295. 

American  Folk-Lore  Society: 
Twenty-first  Annual  Meeting,  38-40  ;  re- 
port of  Treasurer,  38,  39;  report  of  Acting 
Secretary  on  financial  status  and  mem- 
bership, 39;  Tenth  Memoir,  39;  recom- 
mendations adopted  by  Council,  39;  elec- 
tion of  officers,  40;  papers  read,  40; 
Proceedings  of  branches,  394;  List  of 
Officers  and  Members,  481. 

Amerinds,  264. 

Amulets,  216,  264. 

Ancestor,  clan  or  totemic,  192-196,  283, 
480;  human,  284;  mythical,  285;  tribal, 
277. 

Ancestral  spirits,  reincarnation  of,  207-213. 

Animals  in  folk-lore  and  myth: 

Amphibia,  479;  ant,  411;  ant  (red),  316, 
457,  465;  antelope,  35, 302,  321,  333,  334, 
337-339,   342,   344-346,   464,   465;   ass 
(female),  410;  baboon,  253,  254;  badger, 
9,  10,  36,  369,  370,  457,  461-463;  bandi- 
coot, 197,  198,  244;  bat,    215;   basiUsk, 
403,  404;  bear,  10,  11,  13,  20,  187,  194, 
198,  204,  207,  213,  219,  254-256,  258,  259, 
296, 300, 302, 303, 305, 306, 314, 317, 318, 
342-348,  351,  353,  355,  356,  363   (see 
black  bear,  grizzly  bear);  beaver,  36,  191- 
193,  195,  205,  207,  304,  360;  bird,  23,  26, 
27,  30,  31,  32,  34,  194, 19s,  200,  214,  216, 
251,  252,  254,  255, 315, 322, 378, 406, 479; 
black  bear,  36,  198,  199,  217,  251,  282; 
bluejay,  457,  462,  463,  471;  bob-cat,  15- 
18;  buffalo,  251,  257,  301,  304,  305,  308, 
31S-317, 328,  329, 33^,333, 334, 338,  339, 
342-346,  349-357;  bush-rat,   244,   245; 
butterfly,  216;  buzzard,  365;  calf,  257; 
caribou,  217,  257,  282;  cat,  377,  409,  416, 
417;  cattle,  427,  428;  chicken,  320,  354- 
357,  378;  chicken-hawk,  13  (see  hawk); 
chipmunk,    216,    457;    cock,    403    (see 
rooster);  cockatoo,  197;  condor,  296;  cor- 
morant, 199;  cow,  252, 356,  357, 411, 425, 
426,  428;  coyote,  13-20,  22-37,  205,  296, 
VOL.  XXIII.  —  NO.  88.  31 


297, 299-317, 335-349, 351, 352, 355, 356' 
358, 362, 363, 369, 370, 457, 461-466, 470 
471;  crane,  221;  cricket,  19,  20;  crow,  345* 
346,  349,  351,  353-357,  411;  deer,  8,  10- 
12, 16-18,  23, 31-33, 36, 37, 199,  217,  255, 
257, 282,  296,  302, 321,  322,  327-329, Z33> 
334, 340,  341, 345,  347-349,  351-357, 361, 
362,  365,  455,  471,  476;  dog,  9,  12,  198, 

199,  250,  257,  259,  319,  347,  396,  399, 
409-411,  438,  439;  dove,  254,  396;  duck, 
15,  193,  310-314;  duyker,  253;  eagle,  13, 
18,  22,  23,  26,  29,  187,  189-191,  197,  198, 
205,  214,  257, 308, 310, 312, 313, 318-320, 
341,  342,  366,  457,  466;  echidna,  197;  eel, 
232;  eland,  253;  elk,  11,  12,  18,  36,  217, 
282,  SS3, 334,  340,  345, 347, 359, 360;  emu, 
197,  198,  223,  224,  261,  278;  euro,  196, 
256;  falcon,  297;  fish,  197,  199,  206,  255, 
259, 302, 314, 357, 358, 366, 419, 420, 479; 
fisher,  36;  fish-hawk,  254  (see  hawk); 
flicker  (red-winged),  205;  fly,  302;  fljing- 
fox,  255;  flying-squirrel,  245;  fox,368,397; 
frog,  187,  193,  195,  223,  224,  302;  geese, 

200,  310,  311,  314;  gopher,  22,  grasshop- 
per, 37,  357;  grizzly-bear,  18,  20,  23,  24, 
31,  32,  36,  187,  194,  195,  198,  216,  218, 
471;  ground-seal,  257;  grouse,  13;  grub, 
202,  278;  halibut,  187;  hare,  198,  205,  399; 
hartebeest,  253;  hawk,  187, 192,  197, 198, 
205,  255,  310,  361,  362,  457,  459,  467- 
469  (see  chicken-hawk,  fish-hawk,  sparrow- 
hawk);  hen,  403,  412,  417;  herring,  200; 
horse,  301-304,  317,  318,  320,  328-332, 
337-340, 342-346,  348-356, 375,  376,  397; 
insects,  252,  479;  jackass,  354-357;  jack- 
rabbit,  466;  jay,  32;  kangaroo,  196,  197, 

201,  202,  223,  224,  279;  killer-whale,  187, 
191, 193, 195, 199,  213, 221,  222,  227,  258; 
land-otter,  206,  207,  218;  lark,  9,  15;  lice, 
14,  411;  hon,  422;  lizard,  11,  20,  23,  24,31, 
32,  191,  256,  309,  310,  457, 468, 469;  lynx, 
198;  magpie,  403,  425,  426;  mammals, 
479;  marten,  207;  mink,  360;  monkey, 
252;  moose,  217,  282,  359;  mosquito,  197; 
mountain-goat,  205;  mountain-lion,  36, 
308,  317,  318,  347,  348,  353;  mountain- 
sheep,  199,  316,  321,  340,  341,  345,  351, 
356;  mouse,  9, 10, 12, 198,  216;  mule,  328- 
335,349-356,358;  muskrat,36o;  narwhal, 


492 


Index 


257;  newt,  364;  octopus, 232,  255;  olachen, 
206;  opossum,  197,  244,  24s,  278,  279 
otter  (see  land-otter,  sea-otter);  owl,  200 
205,  232,  396-398;  panther,  15-18,  199 
463;  parrot,  197,  254,  376,  377;  pelican 
244;  pig,  356,  357;  pigeon,  320,  321;  por- 
cupine, 36,  198,  316,  317,  457;  quail,  13 
rabbit,  36,  303,  304,  312,  313,  342,  361 
364, 427, 428, 435, 436, 438, 439; raccoon 

35,  36,  207;  rat,  198,  216;  rattlesnake,  24 
26,  297, 365, 366, 457, 463, 464; raven, 17 
18, 187, 189, 191,  194,  218,  222,  286;  rein- 
deer, 260;  reptiles,  479;  rock-cod,  200 
rooster,  354,  355,  402  (see  cock);  salmon 
27-29, 33, 34, 198, 199,  204-206, 366, 367 
sardine,  417;  screech-owl, 9  (see  ow/);  seal 
194,  215,  221,  222,  258;  sea-lion,  213,  222 
sea-mammal,  257;  sea-otter,  213;  skunk 
457;  snake,  9-11,  33,  191,  192,  197,  204 
208,  (double-headed)  216,  223,  224,  258 
261,  351,  418  (see  rattlesnake);  snow-bird 
16;  sparrow,  215, 378;  sparrow-hawk,  308 
457,  459,  467;  spider,  9,  416;  squirrel,  35 

36,  216;  stingray,  255;  swallow,  417 
swan,  244;  thunder-bird,  195;  toad,  468 
turtle,  13, 14,  28,  29,  255,  257,  297;  viper 
403;  wallabies,  279;  water-hen,  244 
water-lizard,  415;  weasel,  361;  whale,  187 
199,  221,  257-260;  wild-boar,  254;  wild- 
cat, 15,  36,  197,  224,  255,  301,  305,  306 
319;  wild-snake,  321;  wild- turkey,  197 
198;  wolf,  15-18,  36,  187,  189,  190,  199 
213, 218, 251, 260,  368,  399, 413,  457, 460, 
461,463,470;  wombat,  255;  woodpecker 
21,  33,  34;  worm,  214;  yellow-hammer 
34;  yellow- jacket,  11,  27-29. 

Animals,  "mysterious"  parts  of,  198;  mys- 
terious powers  of,  205;  worship  of,  258- 
260,  263,  267. 

Arizona,  395. 

Art,  of  Australian  tribes,  223-225,  228,  229, 
261;  of  British  Columbian  tribes,  216, 
218,  220-222,  224,  225,  228-230,  267,  271, 
286;  of  Utah  Indians  (rock-painting),  307; 
of  coast  of  Washington,  287;  veneration 
of  totem  expressed  through,  266. 

Asia,  ethnographic  problems  of  southeast- 
em,  295. 

Astronomy,  Indian,  394. 

Australia,  183-186,  188-192,  196-198,  201- 
204,  207-211,  219,  220,  223-230,  262,  264, 
267-269,  273,  276,  277,  287,  480. 

Aztec  myth,  probable,  403. 

Babylonian  Deluge  story,  discovery  of,  5. 
Bafl&n  Land,  259. 
Banks  Islands,  255. 
Barrett,  S.  A.,  297. 
Barrett,  Stephen,  419. 


Barry,  Phillips,  on  Native  American  Bal- 
lads, 40;  The  Origin  of  Folk-Melodies, 
440-445- 

Barry,  Phillips,  A  Garland  of  Ballads,  446- 
454: 

Introductory,  446;  Erlinton,  447-449; 
Young  Beichan,  449-451;  The  Crafty 
Farmer,  451-454- 

Basketry  decorations,  286,  287. 

Belden,  H.  M.,  Three  Old  Ballads  from  Mis- 
soim,  429-431: 

The  Lone  Widow,  429;  The  Lowlands 
Low,  429-430;  The  Cambric  Shirt,  430- 

431- 

Bengal,  eastern,  294. 

Bergen,  Mrs.  Fanny  D.,  39. 

Bergin,  O.  J.,  419- 

Bibhography  of  Chilian  folk-lore,  385,  386. 

Birth,  beliefs  regarding,  412. 

Boas,  Franz,  on  Literary  Form  in  Oral  Tra- 
dition, 40;  cited,  215,  219,  222,  223,  246, 
259,  264,  270,  286,  394,  456. 

Boas,  Franz.  TheOriginof  Totemism,  392, 

393. 

Books  reviewed,  294-297,  479,  480: 
Play  fair,  Major  A.:  The  Garos,  294,  295; 
Eartland,  E.  S.:  Primitive  Paternity,  295, 
296;  Merriam,  C.  Hart:  The  Dawn  of  the 
World,  296,  297;  Streklow,  C:  Allgemeine 
Einleitung  und  die  totemistischen  Kulte 
des  Aranda-Stammes,  Part  III,  479,  480. 

Bougainville  Island,  Salomon  Group,  254. 

Boiurke,  John  G.,  395. 

British  Columbia,  183,  186-196,  198-201, 
204-207,  212-230,  251,  253,  261,  262,  265, 
267-270,  280,  281,  284,  286-288. 

Burial,  methods  of,  287,  295. 

Burma,  294. 

California,  8,  296,  297,  395. 

Campbell,  on  the  Marathas,  260. 

Cataluna,  folk-songs  and  music  of ,  171-178. 

Chamberlain,  A.  F.,  on  The  Myth  of  the 
Seven  Heads,  40;  Periodical  Literature, 
41-170;  The  Chilian  Folk-Lore  Society 
and  Recent  Publications  on  Chilian  Folk- 
Lore,  etc.,  383-391- 

Charms,  rhyming,  411,  412. 

Children,  superstitions  and  beliefs  regard- 
ing, 192,  208,  209,  415,  416. 

Chili,  383-391,  396,  397,  399,  402-404,  4i5- 

Christmas,  customs  at,  401,  402. 

Cifuentes,  V.,  cited,  399-401. 

Colorado,  395. 

Colorado  River,  455,  472. 

Columbia  River,  286. 

Combs,  Josiah  H.,  A  Traditional  Ballad 
from  the  Kentucky  Mountains:  Sweet 
William,  381,  382. 


Index 


493 


Conception,  beliefs  regarding,  212,  277,  279, 

280,  295,  296,  479. 
Concordance  of  American  Myths,  3,  5. 
Congo,  Upper,  252. 
Crawford,  J.  P.  W.,  402. 
Cremation,  20,  21,  287,  295. 
Crests,   181,   182,  187,  191-196,   219-224, 

226-228,  271,  282,  284. 
Cross,  Tom  Peete,  An  Irish  Folk-Tale:  The 

Fisherman  who  had  Seven  Sons,  419-424. 
Cunow,  H.,  189,  289. 

Dance,  the,  455;  animal,  32;  bear,  origin  of, 
363;  of  dead,  19,  21;  guardian-spirit,  216- 
218;  peasant,  172-174,  177;  sacred,  224; 
secret-society,  219,  220;  sun,  473;  war,  20; 
winter,  282,  285. 

Davidson,  Owen,  429. 

Dead,  Island  of,  209. 

Dean  Inlet,  246. 

Death,  beliefs  regarding,  400,  401,  403-406, 
408,  409,  416. 

Descent,  behef  in  common,  267,  275,  295; 
paternal  and  maternal,  284,  285;  from 
totem,  180,  182,  183,  191-196,  229-232, 
244, 252-254, 263, 26s, 266,  269-273,  283, 
284. 

Diseases,  New-Mexican  superstitious  reme- 
dies for,  410,  412. 

Dixon,  Roland  B.,  Shasta  Myths,  8-37, 
364-370: 

The  Lost  Brother,  8-13;  The  Theft  of 
Fire,  13-14;  The  Girl  who  married  her 
Brother,  14-15;  The  Magic  Ball,  15-18; 
Origin  of  People  and  of  Death,  18-19; 
Origin  of  Death,  19-20;  Origin  of  Crema- 
tion, 20-21 ;  The  Dead  brought  back  from 
the  other  World,  21;  The  Caimibal-Head, 
21-22;  Eagle  and  Wind's  Daughters,  22- 
23;  The  Wrestling-Match,  23;  Lizard  and 
the  Grizzly-Bears,  23-24;  Winning  Gam- 
bling-Luck, 24-25;  The  Captive  of  the 
"Little-Men,"  25;  Coyote  and  the  Rogue 
River  People,  25-26;  Coyote  and  the  Yel- 
low-Jackets, 27-29;  Coyote  and  Eagle, 
29;  Coyote  and  the  Moons,  30-31;  Coyote 
and  the  Grizzly-Bears,  31-32;  Coyote 
and  his  Grandmother,  32-33;  Coyote  as 
a  Doctor,  33-34;  Coyote  and  the  Two 
Women,  34;  Coyote  and  the  Pitch-Stump, 
34;  Coyote  and  Antelope,  35;  Coyote  and 
Raccoon,  35-36;  Coyote  and  the  Flood, 
36;  Coyote  and  the  Beaver,  36-37;  Co- 
yote gambles,  37;  Coyote  and  Deer- 
Hunters,  37;  The  Rolling  Sun,  37;  Uruts- 
maxig,  364-368;  The  Race  with  Thimder, 
368;  Coyote  and  the  Cannibal,  369-370. 

Dixon,  Roland  B.,  Twenty-first  Annual 
Meeting  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Soci- 


ety,  38-40;    review   of   Playfair's   The 

Garos,  294-295 ;  review  of  Merriam's  The 

Dawn  of  the  World,  296-297. 
Dreams,  408-409,  456. 
Duncan,  John,  302,  303,  306,  307,  310,  316, 

335,361. 
Dwarfs,  25,  399,  400. 
Dwellings:  lodges,  287;  houses  of  Garos,  294, 

Egypt,  ancient,  258. 

Endogamy,  236,  237,  246,  265. 

Espinosa,  Aurelio  M.,  New-Mexican  Span- 
ish Folk-Lore,  395-418: 
Material  and  methods  of  study,  395. 
Myths,  396-404:  Witches,  396-399; 
Dwarfs,  399-400;  The  Evil  One,  400-401; 
The  Weeping  Woman,  401;  The  Buga- 
boo or  Bugbear,  401-402;  The  Devil, 
402;  The  Monster  Viper,  403;  The  Basi- 
lisk, 403-404. 

Superstitions  and  Beliefs,  404-418: 
Ghosts,  404-408;  El  Ojo,  409-410;  Super- 
stitious Remedies,  410-412;  Celestial 
Bodies,  Thunderbolts,  etc.,  412-415;  Mis- 
cellaneous Superstitions  and  Beliefs,  415- 
418. 

Evil  spirits.    See  Supernatural. 

Exogamy,  181,  182, 184-189,  201,  225,  229- 
234,  237,  247,  264-266,  282-284. 

Face-paintings,  216,  223. 

Festivals:  bear  (Gilyak),  259;  in  Chili,  383; 

whale  (Koryak),  259,  260;  wolf  (Koryak), 

260. 
Fetishes,  264. 

Fetishism  and  totemism  distinguished,  180. 
Fletcher,  Alice  C,  392. 
Food-prohibitions,  232  (see  taboo). 
Food-supply,  ceremonies  for  multiphcation 

of,  276;  regulations  regarding,  267. 
France,  399,  412. 
Frank,  Andrew,  304,  317-320. 
Frazer,  J.  G.,  cited,  179-182,  211,  216,  269, 

277,  278,  280,  288-290. 
Frazer,  J.  G.,  on  Totemism  and  Exogamy, 

392. 

Gambhng,  stories  relating  to,  24-27,  37. 
Games,  Chihan,  383;  children's  390,  391. 
Gammon,  Mrs.  James,  371,  379. 
Garden-culture,  277. 
Gatuellas,  M.  S.,  on  Spanish  music,  171- 

172. 
Giant,  23. 

Goldenweiser,  A.  A.,  cited,  393. 
Goldenweiser,  A.  A.,  review  of  Strehlow's 

AUgemeine  Einleitung  und  die  totemis- 

tischen  Kulte  des  Aranda-Stammes,  479- 

480. 


494 


Index 


Goldenweiser,  A.  A.,  Totemism,  an  Analyt- 
ical Study, 179-293: 

Definitions  and  features  of  totemism, 
179-183;  areas  discussed  (Australia  and 
British  Columbia),  183,  184;  exogamy, 
184-189;  totemicnames,  189-191;  descent 
from  the  totem,  191-196;  taboo,  196-201; 
magical  ceremonies,  201-207;  reincarna- 
tion of  ancestral  spirits,  207-213;  guard- 
ian spirits  and  secret  societies,  213-220; 
art,  220-225;  summary  of  results  of  com- 
parison between  two  areas  discussed,  225- 
230;  the  totemic  complex,  231-288;  clan 
exogamy  and  the  other  symptoms,  231- 
232;  local  exogamy,  233-234;  clanship 
and  kinship,  234-236;  the  Australian 
totem  clan  and  exogamy,  237-243;  tend- 
ency to  regulate  marriage,  243-245;  some 
origins,  245-247;  regulation  of  marriage 
and  of  psychic  intercourse,  247-251;  to- 
temic names  in  totemic  groups,  251- 
253;  descent  from  the  totem  in  totemic 
groups,  253-254;  taboo  and  the  other 
"symptoms,"  254-256;  historical  and 
psychological  complexity  of  taboo,  257- 
258;  worship  of  plants  and  animals,  258- 
260;  totem  worship  and  the  totemic  stage 
260-264;  summary  of  evidence,  264-268; 
theories  of  totemism,  268-273;  totemism 
defined,  274-276;  origins,  in  theory  and 
history,  276-288;  bibhography,  288-292; 
list  of  abbreviations,  292-293. 

Grand  River  Reserve,  Ontario,  473. 

Greene,  Belle,  393. 

Guardian  animals,  255,  272. 

Guardian  spirits,  213-220,  227-230,  264, 
267,  268,  272,  273,  392. 

Gypsy  music,  171,  172. 

Gypsy,  note  on  spelling  of  word,  294. 

Haddon,  A.  C,  cited,  181,  182,  261,  290. 

Hagar,  S.,  394. 

Hamilton,  Miss  G.  M.,  429. 

Hartland,  E.  S.,  on  conception,  cited,  212. 

Hartland,  E.  S.,  Primitive  Paternity,  re- 
viewed, 295-296. 

Hecate  Strait,  284. 

Hereditary  chiefs,  281-283;  crest  groups, 
282;  nobiUty,  284;  objects,  285;  personal 
names,  281,  social  position,  281;  totem, 
_27i,  273,  274,  279. 

Hill-Tout,  cited,  219,  264,  268, 269, 273,392. 

Himalaya,  294. 

Homeric  poems,  origin  of,  4;  an  example  of 
myth-songs,  456. 

Hovey,  Rev.  Ivory,  anecdote  relating  to, 
452-454- 

Howitt,  A.  W.,  182,  233,  234,  245,  249,  255, 
288. 


Human  beings,  parts  of,  in  folk-lore  and 

myth: 

Breast,  252;  buttocks,  466. 
Huntington  Expedition,  8. 

Inanimate  objects  in  folk-lore  and  myth: 
Abalone,  199;  antlers,  217,  282,  340, 
345;  ark,  435;  arrow-flaker,  8,  11,  27,  366, 
367;  arrows,  31,  32,  36,  37,  259,  331-333, 
338, 339, 341, 344>  346, 357,  361,  466, 473, 
477;  ashes,  319,  320, 410,  415;  ball,  15-18; 
bastings,  418;  batons,  decorated,  220; 
beads,  25,  26,  37;  bead-work,  353,  354; 
beans,  416;  bear-meat,  259  (see  meat); 
bell,  406;  blankets,  26,  305-307,  348,  350, 
354,  355,  362;  boat,  319;  bones,  15,  20,  21, 
23, 203,  216,  360, 361  (see  deer-bones);  bow 
and  arrows,  304,  305,  312,  314,  315,  333, 
340,351,  362,  397,433  (see  arrows) ;  bread- 
crumbs, 416;  broom,  398,  400,  417;  bugle, 
373;  bull-roarer,  262;  cake,  417;  candle 
(lighted),  407,  408,  417;  candy,  417;  can- 
nibal-head (rolling),  21,  22;  chains,  401, 
406;  cigarettes,  415;  coin,  410;  coral 
(string  of),  410;  com,  320;  cross,  398,  415, 
417;  deer-bones,  18,  365;  deer-head,  10, 
11;  dolls,  409;  down,  204,  223,  224  (see 
eagle-down);  eagle-claws,  21S;  eagle-doWn 
285,  367;  eagle-feathers,  324,  327,  338, 
341,  342;  ear-ornaments,  322-324,  329; 
earth,  368;  egg,  354,  355  ,  4io,  411.-  4i6; 
excrement,  35,  339,  354,  (hen)  410, 
(human)  410,  411;  eyes,  315,  316,  349, 
396,  397,  418;  feathers,  205,  206,  310,  311, 
314,  473  (see  eagle-feathers);  finger-nails, 
412,  415,  417,  418;  fire-spindle,  8,  11; 
flame  or  light,  406;  flint,  365,  366;  flint 
knife,  20;  flute,  27;  food,  418;  fork,  326, 
416;  fur  blankets,  18;  gambling-sticks, 
25,  26,  365-367;  gold,  337,  420,  421,  426- 
428;  golden  chain,  438;  gum,  408;  guns, 
3>3'^,  332,  344;  hair,  14,  18,  30,  31,  37, 
(dead  man's)  216,411,412,416-418;  hat, 
335,  411;  horse-hair,  357;  iron,  457,  464, 
465;  kettles,  362;  key,  410,  412;  knife,  23, 
24,  205  {see  flint  knife,  stone  knife);  leg- 
gings, 335,  353,  354,  362;  marrow,  316; 
meat,  409;  mirror,  403,  404,  415-417; 
moccasins,  16,  353,  354,  362;  money,  35; 
mud,  337,  347;  needles,  398,  416;  nipple 
of  gun,2i6;  obsidian, 367;  ochre, 224;  pins, 
398,  399,  416;  pipes,  318,  353;  pitch,  9, 
10,  31,  34,  369;  pole,  327,  364,  368;  porcu- 
pine-quill-work, 353,  354;  quiver,  470; 
rags,  398,  399,  410;  rattles,  25,  220;  rings, 
307,  308,  348,  350,  377,  378;  rock,  436, 
437;  rolling  stone,  12,  306-309;  rope,  15, 
251,  327,  335,  336;  rosary,  418;  rotten 
logs,  27;  salmon-trap,  366;  salt,  408,  415, 


Index 


495 


416;  scapular,  418;  shell,  232,  476;  shoes, 
409;  skulls,  31Q;  smoke-sack,  321;  snake's 
tail,  216;  spears,  332,  344,  352,  367;  split 
animal  tongues,  218;  stick,  311-313,  332, 
337;  stockings,  409;  stone  club,  332;  stone 
knife,  10,  11,  27,  358;  stones,  (sacred)  207, 
(3  blue)  411;  straps,  259;  sugar,  259,  416; 
sweepings,  410;  sword,  319,  373,  374,  423, 
424;  tallow,  200;  teeth,  216,409,413;  tom- 
ahawk, 2,2>'^-2,3Z,  338;  urine,  399,  410; 
veils,  32-1,  325,  327;  water  (hot),  326,  327, 
(to  drink)  362;  weapons,  400;  wool  or 
fleece,  400. 

India,  247,  255,  256,  258;  260,  294,  295. 

Indians.     See  Tribes. 

Intichiuma,  note  regarding  use  of  word,  288. 
See  Magical  ceremonies. 

Jacobs,  J.,  392. 

Jesup  North  Pacific  Expedition,  184. 

Jochelson,  Waldemar,  on  whale  festival  of 

Koryak,  260. 
Jones,  H.  S.  V.    See  Wilson,  E.  L. 

Kentucky,  ballad  from  mountains  of,  381, 
382; 

Kiriwina  Island,  252. 

Klaatsch,  H.,  on  the  Niol-Niol  of  north- 
west Australia,  242,  243. 

Koch-Gruenberg,  295. 

Korting,  cited,  400,  401. 

Kroeber,  A.  L.,  297,  299,  456. 

Lake  Victoria  Nyanza,  231,  252. 

Lang,  A.,  182,  211,  219,  268,  279,  2S0,  290, 

479- 
Langille,  Mrs.  Jacob,  371,  380, 
Langille,  John,  374,  380. 
Langille,  Mrs.  Levi,  371,  374,  378-380. 
Langille,  "Ned,"  378,  380. 
Laval,  415. 

Lenz,  R.,  383,  384,  386,  390,  391,  396. 
Literature,  periodical,  41-170. 
Lowie,  R.  H.,  40,  299. 
Lummis,  C.  F.,  395. 

McCullough,  William  Shields,  432. 
Mackenzie,  W.  Roy,  Three  Ballads  from 

Nova  Scotia,  371-380: 

Little   Matha   Grove,    371-374;    Pretty 

Polly,  374-377;  Six  Questions,  377-378; 

sources  of  the  three  ballads,  371,  378- 

380. 
Madagascar,  function  of  taboo  in,  256. 
Magic  ball,  15;  harpoon,  213. 
Magical  ceremonies,  196,  201-207,  227,  229, 

230,  262,  267,  270,  276-280,  479;  powers 

of  supernatural  helpers,  behef  in,  among 

Haida  and  Tlingit,  218. 


Mallorca,  173. 

Manitou  beUefs,  180,  264,  266. 

Marillier  L.,  260,  263. 

Marriage,  181,  233-235,  237,  243-247,  251, 
256,  260,  267,  283,  285. 

Maryland,  435,  438. 

Masks,  216,  218,  220,  224,  226,  283. 

Mason,  J.  Alden,  Myths  of  the  Uintah  Utes, 
299-363: 

Introductory,  299-300;  Coyote  kills  the 
Bears,  300;  Coyote  learns  to  swim,  300; 
Coyote  and  Wildcat,  301 ;  Blind  Coyote 
and  his  Wife,  301;  Coyote  learns  to  ride, 
301-302;  Coyote  and  his  Reflection  in 
the  Water,  302;  Coyote  hunts  Bear,  302- 
303;  Coyote's  Horses,  303-304;  Coyote 
hunts  with  Bow  and  Arrow,  304-306; 
Coyote  steals  the  RoUing  Rock's  Blanket, 
306-307;  Coyote's  Adventures  with  a 
Rolling  Rock  and  with  Lizard,  307-310; 
Coyote  and  Doctor  Duck,  310-314;  Co- 
yote juggles  his  Eyes  and  becomes  Bhnd, 
314-316;  Porcupine  crosses  the  Big  Water, 
316;  Porcupine  rides  on  a  Buffalo,  316- 
317;  Porcupine  kills  the  Coyotes,  317; 
The  Bear-Ears'  Country,  317;  Mountain- 
Lion  wrestles  with  Bear,  317-318;  The 
Council  of  the  Bears,  318;  The  Great  Eagle 
318-319;  Origin  of  the  Water  Indian,  319; 
The  Six-Headed  Monster,  3 19;  The  Aban- 
doned Boy  and  Tawicutc,  319-320;  A 
"Devil"  steals  Pigeon-Boy,  320-321; 
Nowintc's  Adventures  with  the  Bird- 
Girls  and  their  People,  322-335;  Coyote 
and  his  Son,  335-358;  Two  Brothers  and 
a  "Devil,"  358-361;  The  Two  Hawk 
Brothers,  361-362;  The  Indians  of  Long 
Ago,  362-363;  Origin  of  the  Bear  Dance, 

363- 

Meeker  Massacre,  300. 

Melanesia,  265. 

Mermaid,  419,  420,  422,  424. 

Merriam,  C.  Hart,  The  Dawn  of  the  World, 
reviewed,  296-297. 

Metaphysics,  277. 

Meyer,  Kuno,  419. 

Michaehs,  Kate  Woodbridge,  An  Irish  Folk- 
Tale:  Three  Men  of  Galway,  425-428. 

Missouri,  393,  429-431. 

Missouri  River,  300,  316. 

Monsters:  Cannibal,  369;  Chilian,  388,  389; 
Dzo'noqwa,  213;  mythical  snake,  262; 
New-Mexican,  401,  402;  of  the  sea,  367, 
423,  424;  Si'siuL,  213,  214,  222;  six- 
headed,  319;  viper,  403;  the  WoUunqua, 
261,  262. 

Mother-right,  original  state  of,  295. 

Mount  Shasta,  22,  29,  36. 

Muddy  River.  Nevada,  472. 


496 


Index 


Murray  Islands,  233. 

Music,  Spanish,  171-178;  of  folk-melodies, 
440-444,  450,  451;  Indian,  significance  of, 
455 ;  of  Paiute  song  recitatives,  460-468, 
470. 

Mythic  beast  of  the  Warramunga  (Wol- 
lunqua),  ceremony  connected  with,  261, 
262. 

Mythical  period,  totemites  of,  278. 

Mythology,  American,  concordance  of,  3, 
S;  British  Columbia,  192-195,  286;  Cali- 
fornian,  296,  297;  Celtic,  400;  Chilian, 
388-389;  Iroquoian,  473-478;  New-Mexi- 
can Spanish,  396-404;  Paiute,  455-472; 
Scandinavian, 400;  Shasta, 8-37,  364-370; 
Shoshonean,  299;  some  practical  aspects 
of  the  study  of,  1-7;  Ute,  299-363. 

Names,  animal,  265, 268, 283, 296;  clan,  252; 
explained  by  myths,  279;  personal,  216, 
283;  plant  and  animal,  280;  totemic,  229, 
230,  251-253,  265,  266. 

Naming,  doctrine  of,  268. 

Natural  objects,  phenomena,  etc.,  in  folk- 
lore and  myth. : 

Blood,  31,  34,  201,  202,  409;  clouds, 
414,  415;  cold,  31,  205,  313,  314;  comet, 
414;  creation,  18-19;  death,  18-21,  297; 
disease,  33;  earth,  378,  474,  477;  the  east, 
215;  famine,  217;  fire,  8,  10-15,  31.  35-37. 
205, 206, 223, 296,  299,  311-314,  321,  360- 
363,  365,  369,  370,  409,  473;  fog,  16,  27, 
215;  flood,  36;  hail,  27,  30;  hunger,  ^t,, 
217;  ice,  26,  27;  lightning,  210,  414,  417, 
477;  Milky  Way,  21;  moon,  30,  31,  217, 
368,  411-413,  415;  mountain.  36,  37,  205, 
320,  323,  324,  340,  341,  407,  478;  night, 
215;  pain,  13-14,  34,  35",  rain,  27,  30,  205, 
209,  414,  415;  rock,  202,  207,  209,  302- 
307,  309,  310,  312-314,  316,  318,  340; sky, 
21,  366,  368,  378,  474,  477,  478;  smoke, 
21,  28,  29,  257,  473;  snow,  30,  32,  33,  205, 
311;  stars  36,  413,414;  stone,37,20i,202; 
storm, 313; sun, 16, 37, 195, 368, 413, 415, 
469,  473-478;  thunder,  368,  414;  water, 
25-27,  36,  37,  197, 223, 300,  302-305,  308, 
310-312,  314,  315,  319,  322,  323,  325,  328, 
329,  335,  357-361,  364,  367,  411,  474; the 
west,  215;  wind,  16,  22,  23,  30,  257,  315, 

415- 
Nevada,  Paiutes  of,  472. 
New  Britain,  250,  252. 
Newell,  W.  W.,  39. 
New  Guinea,  277,  480. 
New-Mexican  Spanish  Folk-Lore,  395-418 
New  South  Wales,  tribes  of,  180. 
Nile,  Upper,  252. 
North  America,  295. 
North  Pacific  tribes,  287. 


Notes  and  Queries,  294,  392-394: 
The  word  " Gypsy,"  296;  The  Origin  of 
Totemism,  392-393;  Capturing  the  Soul, 
393-394- 

Nova  Scotia,  Three  Ballads  from,  371-380. 

Oregon,  myths  collected  at  reservations  in, 
8;  tribes  of,  188. 

Pacific  islands,  295. 

Parker,  Arthur  C,  Iroquois  Sun  Myths, 
473-478: 

Influence  of  "sun-dances"  on  religious 
system  of  Iroquois,  473;  description  of 
Seneca  sun  ceremony,  473;  survival  and 
use  of  sun-disk,  473,  475;  Three  Brothers 
who  followed  the  Sun  under  the  Sky's 
Rim,  474-477;  two  Seneca  myths  of  the 
origin  of  good  and  evil,  478;  Iroquois 
mythology  derived  from  various  sources, 
478. 

Peabody,  Charles,  review  of  Hartland's 
Primitive  Paternity,  295-296. 

Penitentes,  407-408. 

Peimsylvania  German  folk-lore,  collection 
of,  by  Mr.  Fogel,  recommended  for  Elev- 
enth Memoir  of  Folk-Lore  Society,  39. 

Pennsylvania,  University  of,  299,  455. 

Periodical  Literature,  41-170. 

Phonetics,  Paiute,  458. 

Plants,  etc.,  in  folk-lore  and  myth: 
Alder,  222;  asp  (quaking),  340,  345; 
berries,  205,  206,  227,  302;  birch,  205; 
brier,  438;  cabbage,  423;  carrots,  355;  cat- 
tails, 9,  10; cedar,  222,  309,  313,  359,  362; 
cherry,  302,  305,  378;  choke-cherries,  322; 
clover,  189;  com,  354,  355,  435,  436;  Cot- 
tonwood, 222,  343;  elderberry,  206;  garhc, 
410;  grass,  209,  260,  278,  317,  328,  330, 
334;  hemlock,  222;  herbs,  216;  juniper, 
366;  melons,  355;  mistle,  209;  moss,  16, 
26;  nettles,  33;  oak,  30,  2,Z,  433;  peppers 
(red),  399;  pine,  20,  28, 307,  308,  314,  340; 
plantain, 303,  304;  plum,  196, 224;  poison- 
roots,  17;  rice,  259;  rose,  382;  rushes,  360; 
sage-brush,  342,  362;  seaweed,  257;  sedge, 
27;  service-berries,  25,  322,  332,  343,  346, 
353;  spinach,  417;  spruce,  286;  squashes, 
355;  strawberries,  317;  tobacco,  206,  259, 
318,  473;  trees,  26,  207,  209,  211,  216, 
223, 258, 303, 317, 318, 326,  330,  346-348, 
358-360,  365-368,  377,  378,  476,  477; 
turnips,  355,  423;  wheat,  354,  355;  wild- 
parsnip,  19;  wild-raspberry,  206;  willow, 
315, 318, 322, 323, 343, 344,  356,  376,  377. 

Plants,  Chilian,  383;  as  guardian  spirits, 
216,  217;  as  totems,  180, 181;  worship  of, 
258-260,  267. 

Playfair,  A.,  The  Garos,  reviewed,  294-295. 


Index 


497 


Polynesia,  232,  256. 

Ponds  Bay,  257. 

Potlatches,  252,  284,  286. 

Powell,  Major,  268. 

Pregnancy, 197-199,  209^211,  254. 

Proceedings  of  branches  of  the  American 
Folk-Lore  Society. 
New  York  Branch,  394. 

Psychic  intercourse,  249-251. 

Psychological  complexity  of  taboo,  257,  258; 
nature  of  exogamy,  265 ;  aspect  of  totem- 
ism,  266. 

Radin,  P.,  244.  394. 

Reif  Islands,  255. 

Reincarnation,  207-213,  227,  229,  230. 

Religion,  of  Bahima,  261;  of  Iroquois,  473. 

Religious   aspect   of    totemism,    258-264; 

societies,  271,  272. 
Rivas,  El  Duque  de,  400,  404. 
Rivers,  W.  H.  R.,  182,  233-236,  244,  246. 
Rock  drawings  or  paintings,  223,  228,  307. 
Rogers,  David,  374,  380. 
Rogue  River  people,  25-27. 
Roscoe,  J.,  253. 
Roth,  W.  E.,  288,  291. 
Routledge,  W.  S.,  and  K.,  244. 

St.  Clair,  H.  H.,  299. 

Samoa,  232. 

Santa  Barbara,  invocations  to,  414. 

Santa  Fe,  399,  401,  406. 

Sapir,  Edward,  cited,  300. 

Sapir,  Edward,  Song  Recitative  in  Paiute 
Mythology,  455-472: 
General  types  of  myth-songs,  455-456; 
description  of  Paiute  recitatives,  456- 
458;  note  on  phonetics,  458,  459;  Wolf's 
Myth  Recitative,  460-461 ;  Badger-Chief's 
Myth  Recitative,  461-462;  Myth  Recita- 
tive of  Mountain-Bluejays,  462-463; 
Rattlesnake's  Myth  Recitative,  463-464; 
Iron-Clothes'  Myth  Recitative,  464-465; 
Red- Ant's  Myth  Recitative,  465-466; 
Eagle's  Myth  Recitative,  466;  Sparrow- 
Hawk's  Myth  Recitative,  467;  Gray- 
Hawk's  Myth  Recitative,  467-468;  Liz- 
ard's Myth  Recitative,  468-469;  Coyote's 
Myth  Recitative  or  Lament,  470;  variety 
of  rhythms  employed  in  recitatives,  470; 
musical  forms,  470-471;  peculiarities  of 
style  and  character  of  Indian  mytholo- 
gies shown  by  the  myth  recitative,  471- 
472. 

Schmidt,  P.  W.,  269,  276,  277,  479. 

Secret  societies,  217,  218,  219,  225,  227,  228, 
268,  282,  285. 

Shamans,  216-218,  222,  260,  297. 

Shasta  Myths,  8-37,  364-370. 


Shasta  Valley,  29. 

Sinclair,  A.  T.,  Folk-Songs  and  Music  of 
Cataluna,  40,  1 71-178: 
Aims  and  activities  of  Spanish  Folk- 
Lore  Society,  171,  172;  results  of  a  study 
of  Spanish  music,  172;  musical  instru- 
ments and  dances  of  Spain,  172-178. 

Sinclair,  A.  T.,  The' Word  "Gypsy,"  294. 

Sleep  and  dreams,  superstitions  concerning, 
408-409. 

Smith,  Robertson,  on  totemism,  5. 

Socialization,  275. 

Soul,  beUefs  regarding,  212,  213,  215,  227, 
267,  270,  295, 393-394, 397. 398, 400, 401, 
405, 406,  418. 

South  America,  395. 

Spanish  Folk-Lore  Society,  396. 

Speers,  Mary  Walker  Finley,  Negro  Songs 
and  Folk-Lore,  435-439: 
Who  built  de  Ahk?  435-436;  Dereisno 
Hidin'  Place  down  yhar,  436-438;  How 
Mistah  Mayship  cum  ter  bahk,  en  hab 
Trimmin'  'roun'  his  Mouf,  en  how  Cuzin 
Rabbit's  Tail  got  Wyte,  438-439. 

Spencer  and  Gillen,  182,  183,  203,  208-211, 
223, 224, 234, 237, 239, 240, 269, 288, 479. 

Spencer  and  Lubbock,  on  origin  of  totem- 
ism, 268. 

Stanford  University,  396. 

Sternberg  on  the  Gilyak,  235,  248-251,  259. 

Stikine  clan,  193. 

Strehlow,  C,  Allgemeine  Einleitung  imd 
die  totemistischen  Kulte  des  Aranda- 
Stammes,  Part  III,  reviewed,  479-480. 

Strehlow,  C,  cited,  183,  201,  202,  207,  209- 
211,  219,  272,  288,  292,  480. 

Supernatural  beings  or  things,  194,  217,  218; 
Devil,  320,  321,  358-361,  369,  370,  378, 
389;  evil  beings,  9,  22,  28,  34,  36,  260, 
262, 364, 365, 369, 389,  396-402, 406, 417, 
421;  ghosts,  19,  21,  214,  215,  259,  261, 
262,  404-408,  430;  "mystery  being"  or 
"spirit,"  255;  spirit  children,  192,  208, 
209;  spirit  individuals,  203;  water  of  life, 
213. 

Superstitions  and  beliefs,  192,  208,  209, 
404-418. 

Swanton,  John  R.,  cited,  40,  212,  264,  284. 

Swanton,  John  R.,  Some  Practical  Aspects 
of  the  Study  of  Myths,  1-7: 
Literary  and  scientific  ideals  distin- 
guished, 1-2;  kind  of  knowledge  gained 
through  study  of  myths,  2;  comparative 
mythology,  its  value  and  use,  2-3;  rela- 
tion of  myths  to  history,  literature,  and 
religion,  3-5;  classification  of  myths,  5-7. 

Taboo,  180, 183, 196-202,  226, 227, 229, 230, 
232,  251-259,  265-267,  270, 277, 284, 393. 


498 


Index 


Tattooing,  i8i,  216,  221, 

Teeth,  knocking  out  of,  181,  267. 

Teit,  James,  212,  282,  283. 

Texas,  395. 

Texts,  Paiute,  459,  461-466,  468. 

Thomas,  N.  W.,  182,  263,  268. 

Tibet,  294. 

Tikopia  Island,  232,  255. 

Tonga,  232. 

Torres  Straits,  276. 

Totemism,  5,  179-293.  392-393,  479.  480. 

Totem-poles,  220,  224. 

Trade,  use  of  totems  as  articles  of,  277,  279. 

Trade-routes,  288. 

Tribes  or  peoples  of  Africa,  233,  261: 
Abarambo,  252;  Akiktigu,  244;  Azande, 
252;  Baganda,  253;  Bahima,  252,  253, 261; 
Bahurutshe,     253,     254;     Bamangwato 
(Becwana),   253;  Bangba,  252;  Kiziba, 

252,  253;  Nandi,  231,  232,  244,  252. 
Tribes  or  peoples  of  America,  441-445: 

Algonquian,  478;  Andaste,  478;  Arap- 
aho,  352;  Athapascan,  284,  286,  287; 
Babine,  287;  Bella  Coola,  188,  217,  246, 
284-286;  Blackfeet,  235;  Carrier,283,  284, 
287;  Chickasaw,  4;  Chilcotin,  283,  284, 
287;  Chinook,  286;  Chippewa,  478;  Choc- 
taw, 4;  Clackamas,  471;  Coast  tribes  of 
British  Columbia,  234,  246,  247,  282-284, 
286;  Comanche,  352;  Comox,  286;  Cree, 
394;  Creek,  4;  Crow,  231,  352,  353;  Da- 
kota, 3;  Delaware,  478;  Diegueno,  456; 
Erie,  478;  Eskimo,  257,  259,  286;  Gros 
Ventres,  231;  Haida,  3,  5,  6, 186-193,  ^95. 
196, 199,  206, 217-219, 225-227,  229, 239, 
244,  284-286;  Huron,  478;  Iroquois,  184, 

253,  256,  260,  269,  274,  473-478;  Kansas, 
251;  Klamath,  26;  Kwakiutl,  187-191, 
194-196, 199,  200,  206,  213-215, 217, 218, 
222, 225-227, 229, 264, 273,  282,  284-286; 
Lau'itsis,  2i5;Lillooet,  188, 196,  198,  199, 
204,  212,  216,  283,  284;  Mahikan,  478; 
Maidu,  296,  297;  Ma'maleleqala,  215; 
Mewan,  296,  297;  Mexican  335;  Micmac, 
286;  Mission  Indians,  296;  Miwok,  296, 
297;  Mohave,  456,  472;  Munsee,  478;  Na- 
hane,  287;  Nanticoke,  478;  Navaho,  300, 
456;  Negro,  435-439;  Neutral,  478;  New- 
ettee,  286;  New  Mexican,  395-418;  Nim- 
kish,  215;  Nootka,  199,  287,  471;  North 
American  Indians,  180,  266;  North  Paci- 
fic coast  Indians,  392:  Ojibwa,  286; 
Omaha,  231,  251,  257,  265,  267,  268,  270, 
286;  Onondaga,  473,  474;  Osage,  251; 
Pacific  coast  Indians,  214,  225;  Paiute, 
455-472;  Ponca,  286;  Pueblo  Indians,  403, 
456;  Sahsh,  188,  205,  206,  246,  255,  269, 
282-284;  Seneca,  473,  474,  478;  Shasta, 
8-37>  364-370;  Shawnee,  393,  478;  Sho- 


shone, 299,  300,  315,  455;  Shuswap,  188, 
199,  212,  216,  281,  282,  287;  Sioux,  4, 
184,  261,  311,  337,  338,  351-353-  392, 
478;  Snake,  352;  South  American,  295; 
Tahltan,  284;  Takelma  of  Oregon,  471; 
Thompson  Indians,  198,  206,  212,  215, 
216,  218,  272,  273,  281,  283,  284;  Tlingit, 
3-6,  186-190,  192-195,  212,  217-219,  221, 
225-227,  229,  239,  284-287;  Tsimshian, 
3,  4,  187,  188,  190-192,  196, 199, 206, 217- 
219,  225-227,  229,  284-287;  Ute,  299-363, 
455.  456,  458,  471.  472;  Wasco,  471; 
Water  Indians,  307,319;  Winnebago,  244, 
394;  Wintun,  296;  Wishram,  471;  Yokuts, 
296,  297;  Yuman,  472. 

Tribes  or  peoples  of  Asia: 

Bhils  of  Barwani,  252;  Brahman,  247; 
Garos,  231,  254,  294,  295;  Gilyak,  235, 
236,  247-251,  258,  259;  Hindu,  294; 
Khasis  (Assam),  231,  244;  Koryak,  259, 
260;  Meitheis  (Assam),  231,  243,  245; 
Mikirs,  231;  Mohammedan,  236,  294; 
Semites,  5;  Tamil,  236;  Tibeto-Burman, 
294;  Todas,  234-237,  244,  246;  Turkish, 
450. 

Tribes   or   peoples  of  Australia   and   the 
islands  of  the  Pacific  Ocean,  188, 189,  261, 
270,  278,  393,  480:^ 
Anula,  192,  197;  Arabana,  185,  191,  196, 

208,  209,  211,  225,  241,  244;  Aranda,  184, 
186, 191,  196-198,  201-203,  207-211,  220, 
223, 224, 237, 239,  240,  243,  255, 259, 269, 
272,  273,  277-280,  479,  480;  Binbinga, 
192;  Dieri,  185,  238-240,  245 ;  East  Torres 
Straits  islanders,  261;  Euahlayi,  220,  255, 
257,  480;  Fiji,  232;  Gnanji.  192,  211;  II- 
pirra,  203,  210,  211;  Itchimundi,  245; 
Kaiabara,  185;  Kaitish,  192, 196,  202,  203, 
207,  209-211,  239;  Kamilaroi,  185,  240- 
242,  248;  Karamundi,  245;  Kuinmurbura, 
245;  KuUn,  249;  Kurnai,  233,  255;  Loritja, 

209,  211,  479,  480;  Mara,  192,  197,  233; 
Miriam  of  the  Murray  Islands,  233;  Niol- 
Niol,  242,  243;  Tjingilli,  203;  TuUy  River 
Blacks,  211;  Umbaia,  192,  203;  Unmat- 
jera,  192,  196,  202,  203,  207,  210;  Wakel- 
bura,  245,  249;  Walpari,  203;  Warra- 
munga,  185,  192,  197,  203,  208,  209,  211, 
223,  228,  239,  261,  276;  Wiradjuri,  245; 
Wonghibon,  245;  Worgaia,  202,  203,  208; 
Wotjo,  249;  Wotjobaluk,  233,  249,  278; 
Wulmala,  203. 

Tribes  or  peoples  of  Europe : 

English,    446,   447,  449.    451.  452,  479; 

German,  39,  479;  Gypsy,  171,  172,  294; 

Irish,  419-428,  445,  447,  454;  Scotch,  446; 

Spanish,  171,  172. 
Twins,  199,  252. 
Tylor,  E.  B.,  262,  263,  270,  292. 


Index 


499 


Utah,  299,  455. 
Ute  myths,  299-363. 

Vancouver  Island,  188. 

Van    Gennep   on    taboo    in   Madagascar, 

256. 
Victoria,  tribes  of,  180,  233,  257. 
Virginia,  435,  438. 
Von  Leonhardi,  209,  479,  480. 

Washington,  D.  C,  435. 

Washington,   basketry   of    coast    of,    287; 

tribes  of,  188. 
Waterman,  T.  T.,  456. 


Wedderbum,  Captain,  courtship  of,  377. 

White  River,  300. 

White  Rocks,  Utah,  299. 

Wilkinson,  Fred,  430. 

Wilson,  E.  L.,  and  Jones,  H.  S.  V.,  Robin 

Hood  and  Little  John,  432-434. 
Wissler,  Clark,  235. 
Witchcraft,  396-399. 
Witches,  401,  402. 
Wrangell,  Alaska,  193. 
Wright,  Mrs.  Asher,  478. 
Wundt,  W.,  263-264. 

Yakima  Reservation,  471. 


0 


BINDING  SECT.  AUG  2  - 1967 


GR     The  Journal  of  American 

1  folk-lore 

J6 

V.23 

cop.  2 


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