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5^utili^ljcb for €f)c American Jolfe^Hore ^ocictp Bp 




Copyright, 1910 and 1911, 

All rights reserved. 




Some Practical Aspects of the Study of Myths. John R. Swanton i 

Shasta Myths. Roland B. Dixon 8 

Twenty-First Annual Meeting of the American Folk-Lore Society 38 

Periodical Literature. Alexander F. Chamberlain 41 

Folk-Songs and Music of Cataluna. A. T. Siticlair 171 

Totemism, an Anal>lical Study. A . A . Goldenweiser 179 

Mjrths of the Uintah Utes. J. Alden Mason 299 

Shasta Myths, continued. Roland B. Dixon 364 

Three Ballads from Nova Scotia. W. Roy Mackenzie 371 

A Traditional Ballad from the Kentucky Mountains. JosiahH. Combs 381 

The Chilian Folk-Lore Society and Recent PubUcations on ChiUan Folk-Lore, etc. 

Alexander F. Chamberlain 383 

New-Mexican Spanish Folk-Lore. Aurelio M. Espinosa 395 

An Irish Folk-Tale. Tom Peete Cross 419 

An Irish Folk-Tale. Kate Woodbridge Michaelis 425 

Three Old Ballads from Missouri. H. M. Belden 429 

Robin Hood and Little John. E. L. Wilson and H. S. V. Jones 432 

Negro Songs and Folk-Lore. Mary Walker Finley Speers 435 

The Origin of Folk-Melodies. Phillips Barry 44° 

A Garland of Ballads. Phillips Barry 446 

Song Recitative in Paiute Mythology. Edward Sapir 455 

Iroquois Sun Myths. Arthur C. Parker 473 


The Word "Gypsy," A. T. Sinclair, 294. The Origin of Totemism, Franz Boas, 392. 
Captiuing the Soul, /. S., 393. 

New York Branch, 394. 



Major A. Playfaie, The Garos, Roland B. Dixon, 294. Edwin Sidney Hartland, 
Primitive Paternity, Charles Peabody, 295. C. Hart Merriam, The Dawn of the 
World, R. B. Dixon, 296. C. Strehlow, AJlgemeine Einleitung und die totemistischen 

! Kulte des Aranda-Stammes, A. A. Goldenweiser, 479. 

Officers and Members of the American Folk-Lore Society, 481. 
Index to Volume XXIII, 491. 






In the title which I have chosen for this address I do not, of course, 
refer to a commercial value of myths in dollars and cents, but to their 
practical bearing on certain questions which have already excited human 
interest. Folk-lore is peculiarly fortunate in appealing both to lovers of 
literature and to lovers of science. On the literary side it may, indeed, 
be claimed that some of the world's great masterpieces, notably the epics, 
come within its province, and literary men are not wanting who find in- 
spiration and occasion for admiration in the folk-tales of our living lower 
races. One cardinal distinction exists, however, between the most at- 
tractive of such tales, even including the Homeric epics, and other liter- 
ary masterpieces ; namely, in the ideals to which the two series of works 
respectively appeal. An ordinary literary work interests because it calls 
forth certain emotions, — for which it was, indeed, intended, — and pre- 
supposes practically the same type of society and the same ethical ideals 
as those entertained by the reader. To a person outside of that society 
and with different ethical standards it might be meaningless and conse- 
quently uninteresting. Now, the judgment which the average reader 
passes upon a folk-tale is apt to depend entirely upon his ability to in- 
terpret it in terms of the ethical ideals to which he is accustomed. The 
stories which interest him will therefore naturally be those which he can 
interpret in those terms ; and those myths or legends which have been 
dressed up to agree with this mental attitude are those which he con- 
siders interesting, while such as are recorded with more fidelity are 
not appreciated or even understood. A considerable number of persons 
who profess an interest in folk-lore and are wont to remark upon the 
"romantic character" of the myths of the lower races are interested 
only in this way, — not in real folk-lore, but in adapted folk-lore. A new 
school of literature, music, or dramatic representation founded upon 
primitive motives, such as is sometimes proposed, must first answer this 
question: Is it possible to use stories constructed for the purpose of 

' Address of the retiring president, delivered at the Annual Meeting of the American 
Folk-Lore Society in Boston, December 30, 1909. 

2 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

appealing to one set of emotions or ideals in appealing to a different set 
or to the same set differently developed? The answer to this will be 
found, I believe, in the answer to another question : Is it possible to con- 
struct a work of art which shall interest readers or beholders, though at 
the same time the readers or beholders realize they are looking into 
the life-histories of persons whose ideals and social condition are dis- 
tinct from their own ? Any attempt to appeal to white standards through 
Indian myth means that the creation, however great in itself, is Indian 
or primitive in nothing but the name. It belongs in the same class with 
Chateaubriand's "Atala" and "Natchez." The success of a legitimate 
Indian drama, opera, or work of fiction, by the terms laid down, W'Ould 
thus depend upon a proper understanding of the ideals underlying 
primitive myths, and hence should follow upon, not precede, a scien- 
tific study of folk-lore. 

On the scientific side, folk-lore has usually been treated as one of the 
group of anthropological sciences, because folk-lore material, particu- 
larly the myths, contains information regarding all departments of primi- 
tive life. To the technologist, myths yield information as to the existence 
of certain implements or certain methods of manufacture; to the student 
of primitive economics they furnish valuable data regarding food-sup- 
plies ; to the sociologist they explain the origin, real or imaginary, of tribes, 
tribal subdivisions, clans, and gentes, while on every page they indicate 
the significance of the terms of relationship employed by that particu- 
lar people ; and to the student of religions they give the mental attitude 
of the tribe towards nature and the beings believed to reside in nature, 
and furnish the explanation for nearly all tribal, society, and personal 
rituals. When obtained in the original language wdth accurate trans- 
lations, they also furnish the best basis for studying the speech of the 
people, since it is there embodied in a form familiar to the users of it. 
These contributions to knowledge are, however, in the nature of 
by-products, the science proper to folk-lore being the comparative study 
of myths, or comparative mythology. Now, taking the myths from any 
one wide area, such as the North American Continent, we find that a 
myth is rarely or never confined to a single tribe, but spreads over sev- 
eral, while certain myths may be traced from the Atlantic to the Pacific. 
On the average, it may be said that these myths vary in proportion to 
the distance, the forms of any myth possessed by contiguous tribes being 
most alike, and those in tribes farthest away from each other being most 
unlike. At the same time, so many other factors have to be reckoned 
with, that the distribution is never a perfectly mathematical one. One 
such factor is environment, since it is plain that a myth will spread most 
readily along trade-routes, or through areas in which the environment 
is similar to that in which the story started, — marine tales spreading 
along the coasts, plains tales over the plains, forest tales through the forest, 

So77te Practical Aspects of the Study of Myths 3 

etc. A second factor is linguistic or racial difference, especially where 
recent movements of population have taken place. As in the case of the 
Tsimshian, demonstrated by Professor Boas by the application of this 
method to stand apart from all of their neighbors, comparative myth- 
ology here becomes a valuable assistant to anthropology and the his- 
tory of primitive races. It is just such facts that the "Concordance of 
American Myths" proposed by this Society will bring out, and the dis- 
covery of them will constitute a large part of its value. In passing I will 
merely suggest that between tribe and tribe greater difference will prob- 
ably be found in what I have in a previous paper designated "the mythic 
f ormulc-e " — i.e. the more or less conventional racial forms in which myths 
are cast — than in the themes of the myths themselves. Among such 
conventional expressions may be cited the "once upon a time" with 
which our own fairy stories are wont to begin, and the "they lived hap- 
pily ever afterward" of the close; or "there was a five-row town" of the 
Haida, and "there was a long town" of the Tlingit — with which myths 
from those people open. Related to these are the atrophied expressions 
encountered in certain myths the original meaning of which has almost 
been forgotten. 

The most important use of comparative mythology, however, and that 
to which I wish to call your attention particularly, is the establishment 
of criteria by which the changes which a myth undergoes in transmis- 
sion may be understood, and a distinction drawn — not merely among 
stories of primitive people — between what is mythical, what is histori- 
cal, and what is purely fictional. 

It is safe to say that most of the myths found spread over considerable 
areas were regarded by the tribes among which they were collected as 
narratives of real occurrences. Nevertheless I have had the experience 
of being told that such and such a tale is "a fairy story" or is "merely 
told," while others "really happened." This scepticism even seems to 
have applied to the trickster stories of the Dakota. Now, it is evident 
that as soon as a story ceases to retain credence as a recital of real events, 
religious reverence for a set form for the tale, and regard for it as a sup- 
posed record of actual events, tend to disappear. The only factor left 
then is the desire to please, or possibly the purpose of pointing a moral, 
as in fables ; and scepticism thus appears as the mother of fiction in such 
cases, though I am very far from taking the ground that it is the mother 
of all fiction. Pursuing this line of thought for a moment, however, 
it also seems clear that along with an increase in the diversional character 
of the story, the importance of the story-teller is at the same time en- 
hanced, and a new personage, the story-maker, becomes prominent. The 
sacred or semi-sacred myth might be and certainly was amplified and 
altered slowly as time went on ; but the opportunity for originality which 
it left to the stor}^- teller was very slight, and he was little more than a 

4 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

repeater of words, whose memory was of more consequence than his 
artistic instincts. In considering a case Hke that of the Homeric poems, 
may it not be of some value to suggest that we have here individual gen- 
ius beginning to cast off its trammels, but still close to the time when 
stories were largely myths, and therefore working upon mythic material ? 
In other epics or literary remains of remote antiquity the same consid- 
erations might equally well apply. 

The great bulk of our recorded myths, however, were evidently taken 
in good faith by those who repeated them, and constitute myths in the 
proper sense of that term. Nevertheless, from our present-day, more 
comprehensive, scientific standpoint, we know that the major part of 
these tales records, not objective fact, but subjective belief, the popu- 
lar conception of what ought to have happened, the sense of " poetic jus- 
tice" as it existed in the tribe from which it was obtained. It is true that 
many such myths, particularly those relating the origin of tribes or 
families, contain references to real historic events, and hints from which 
still others may be inferred. Among such references I may cite the north- 
ward migration of part of the Tlingit Indians of Alaska, the movement 
of the Tsimshian to the coast, of most of the trans-Mississippi Siouan 
tribes from the east, and of the Muskhogean tribes — the Choctaw, 
Chickasaw, Creeks, and their allies — from the west. Such, however, 
are very meagre, and appear only as occasional flashes of objective 
reality through a subjective haze. 

Now, this very condition of affairs is encountered in the field of his- 
tory when we carry our investigations back to earliest times, and great 
divergence exists among historians regarding the historical or mythic 
character of this or that personage or event. In comparatively recent 
times, on the heels of philological and mythological studies of the early 
Aryans, a school of mythologists has arisen which tends to reduce every 
ancient narrative to a solar, or at least a celestial, myth, and has made 
bold to explain supposedly well-established historical events in that 
manner. Although some of the extreme positions taken by members of 
this school have been abandoned, it still flourishes, making itself felt not 
only in the historical field, but in that of literature as well: as, for in- 
stance, in that now old discussion regarding the folk or Homeric origin 
of the Iliad and Odyssey; and most conspicuously, perhaps, in the realm 
of religion, where it has been a favorite aid of many "higher critics" of 
the Hebrew and Christian scriptures. That myths played an important 
part in all of these fields, — the historical, the literary, and the reli- 
gious, — there can be no doubt, and the future value of mythology to 
them is assured; but folk-lorists familiar with the myths of primitive 
peoples must protest that up to the present time they have been employed 
with little intelligence, because no proper effort has yet been made to 
estabhsh criteria by which what are truly myths may be distinguished 

Some Practical Aspects o'j the Study of Myths 5 

from the historical or fictional. Like Robertson Smith, who assumed 
totemism as a fundamental postulate in attempting to account for the 
origin of sacrifice among the Semites before totemism itself was properly 
understood, classical and Oriental students assume mythology without 
any attempt to know really is, or whether it is an element which 
may be reduced to laws. One of the most widespread errors, and one of 
those most unfortunate for folk-lore and comparative mythology, is the 
off-hand classification of myths with fiction ; and this is no doubt re- 
sponsible for the scant courtesy which has been accorded it. At any rate, 
as in the case of totemism above cited, Oriental and classical students 
who have sought to make use of myths in their investigations have time 
and again seen too much, and have drawn the most unwarrantable con- 
clusions from the most superficial resemblances. The discovery of a 
Babylonian Deluge story similar to the Mosaic narrative is not surpris- 
ing, and proves to the comparative mythologist that a legend of this type 
was widespread among Semitic peoples, though, for one, I am sceptical 
of the ability of any student to determine which of the two is the older. 
When, however, Jensen, a German writer, attempts to draw a parallel 
between the story of Moses and that of Gilgamesh, as obtained from 
Babylonian archives, I think that those familiar with myths will consider 
his comparison very far-fetched; and he is but one of many. I believe 
much loose comparing of this kind has been due to the fact that the 
mythic material with which these writers have had to deal has been very 
limited, being confined to what is found in classical writings or what 
has been recorded from the lower classes among civilized peoples long 
after it had ceased to constitute the beliefs of the great body of the 
people; and I am convinced that no very illuminating results can be 
obtained from this until it is supplemented by careful comparative 
studies of the myths collected among those races whose myths are, or 
until recently have been, living things ; notably in Africa, Oceanica, and 

A most important aid and stimulant to the establishment of this sci- 
ence of comparative mythology will be the "Concordance of American 
Myths." Here it is proposed to classify all myths under types, each type 
to have some suitable catch- word ; i. e. its technical term in the science, 
such as "magic flight," "Potiphar," "rolling-stone," etc. Going a step 
further, however, I will suggest that besides classifying the myths under 
types, a rigorous comparison of the myths under each type be made to 
determine the factors, psychological and otherwise, which determine the 
extent and method of their transmission. This study will perhaps in 
time lead to still another set of technical terms, and I will now indicate 
some of these processes as they have been brought to my attention in 
the course of a study of the Haida and Tlingit Indians of the North 
Pacific coast. Broadly we may distinguish between those myths which 

6 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

appear to be the special property of the people among whom they are 
found, and those which may be shown to be exotic. When a myth is 
learned by an individual belonging to another tribe but still located in the 
country from which it was obtained, we have simple "repetition" of that 
myth. When, however, it is applied to some place or people within the 
limits of the tribe borrowing, it may be said to be "adopted;" and, if 
the scene of it is laid at some particular place, it may be said to be "re- 
localized." When it is taken into an older story of the tribe borrowing, 
we have "incorporation." This incorporation may be due to one of 
several causes. Stories referring to the origin of any natural feature or 
custom would by a Haida or Tlingit naturally be incorporated into the 
Raven story, because the larger number of such stories are gathered there. 
In other cases two stories are combined merely because they present 
certain superficial similarities, and we then have "combination on ac- 
count of similars." Two stories resembling each other closely in certain 
details may become fused and reduced to one, or there may be "trans- 
fusion of elements" between them. In still another case we have a kind 
of "myth metathesis," the hero of the one narrative having become a 
monster overcome by the hero in the other. "Alteration of motive" oc- 
curs where a myth told for one purpose at one place is given a different 
explanation in another, here accounting for a certain crest, there for a 
place name, a custom, or the origin of a secret society. " Mythification " 
might be applied to a process similar to that presented by an historical 
Haida war-story into which has been implanted the common mythic 
story of a man ascending to the sky- world and throwing down timbers 
or coals thence. ]More important is the process by which a tale is ren- 
dered more and more consistent either (i) to agree with altered tribal 
circumstances, or (2) to keep pace with a rising level of intelligence and 
a consequently greater demand for consistency. The first of these is that 
process which gives rise to many folk-etymologies, explanations of names 
and things which have nothing to do with their real origin; while the 
second results in those elaborate attempts to explain myths as allegorical 
representations of real events. " Ritualization of myths " takes place when 
an attempt is made to weave together the sacred legends into a consistent 
tribal, clan, or society story, the telling of which is frequently accom- 
panied by external ceremonies. These, furthermore, generally show 
an endeavor to arrange supposed events in chronological sequence, and 
thus indicate the presence of an historical instinct. It is into just such 
tales, evidently, that many of our early histories run back, and it would 
no doubt surprise historians to be shown these very things, in the mak- 
ng, — historical record in its beginnings. Especially this casts a new light 
upon the sacred writings of Jews and Christians, since they present a 
typical blend of historical, mythic, and religious elements, — myths at 
the beginning, then history or mixed history and myth, and finally the 

Some Practical Aspects of the Study oj Myths 7 

ritualistic and other works which grew up about the Israelitish tribal 
cult. The true value of these various elements will never be adequately 
understood, however, until such thorough studies of myths have been 
undertaken as I have suggested. 

I am aware that back of these questions of transmission, accretion, 
and ritualization, looms the problem of ultimate origin. It is clear that 
many m}i;hs have been transmitted, but it is not clear that all have been, 
and as a body they appear to be conterminous historically with the hu- 
man race. What is the basis for their existence ? Why have they played 
such an important part in the life of primitive man ? Why is their in- 
fluence still so powerful? This problem science can clearly perceive, 
but cannot answer until the investigations which I have outlined have 
been carried through, and both mythology and psychology have ad- 
vanced much further than the positions they occupy to-day. 

Bureau of American Ethnology, 
Washington, D. C. 

8 Journal of American Folk-Lore 


I. THE LOST BROTHER {First Version) 

Erikaner lived with his brother Adihotiki. He drove deer into the 
traps. " Get ready, brother," said Erikaner, "go and drive them toward 
me." — " Very well," said Adihotiki, and he went and stood where his 
brother usually stood. Adihotiki drove the deer ; they were close to where 
Erikaner stood. "Hi-hi-hiaa! Erikaner, you always shoot does!" said 
Adihotiki. Now Erikaner shot, and hit the deer in the rear, and the arrow 
came out through the deer's mouth. He laid down his quiver, and broke 
off the antlers of the buck. " Wheu!" said Adihotiki, as he ran to where 
Erikaner stood. "Why is it that a doe lies here ? I thought what I drove 
to you had antlers." Then Erikaner said, "I did n't do anything." 

So they cut it up, and carried it back to the house. The next day they 
did the same way. Adihotiki drove. " You always shoot does. I wonder 
what I can do !" he thought. When Adihotiki arrived at the place where 
Erikaner had stood, there were no antlers on the animal. They cut up 
the meat, and carried it home. Adihotiki thought all night, "I wonder 
what I can do!" Then he said, "Fire-Spindle, you can go! — Base- 
Block of fire-spindle, you can go ! — Arrow-Flaker, you can go ! " And 
they said, "Yes." He named the three of them, and made them his 

" Let us go and drive again ! " said Adihotiki, so they went. "Let us see 
what you can say!" — "Ho'dau-ho'dau-ho'dau," said the Fire-Spindle, 
naming himself. "Let us see what the Base-Block can say!" -— "Ho- 
dawe'ha-hodawe'ha," it said. "My Arrow-Flaker, what can you say? " 
And the Arrow-Flaker said, "Hiu'-hia-hiu'-hia." — "That is good," 
said Adihotiki. "You can say that, ' Erikaner always kills does. You 
go and shoot.' You say that to him; then, after driving the deer toward 
him, you run back here to me." 

So he said that ; and Adihotiki hid, and watched what Erikaner did. 
And when the Arrow-Flaker had driven the deer, he came back to Adi- 
hotiki, who put him in his quiver. The deer passed by Erikaner, and he 
shot. He laid down his quiver, then broke off the antlers, and broke 

* The following myths were collected at the Grand Ronde and Siletz reservations in Ore- 
gon, and at Oak Bar, Siskiyou County, California, during the course of investigations 
in behalf of the Huntington Expedition of the American Museum of Natural History. 
The only previous myths from this tribe known to me were published by L. M. Burns, 
in the Land of Sunshine, vol. xiv, pp. 130-134, 223-226, 310-314, 397-402. The char- 
acteristics and relationships of the Shasta myths have been elsewhere discussed, — "The 
Mythology of the Shasta-Achomawi," American Anthropologist (n. s.), vii, pp. 607-612; 
"The Shasta." Bulletin American Museum oj Natural History, xvii, pp. 491-493. 

Shasta Myths 9 

them up. "That is what you have been doing, Erikaner," said Adi- 

Erikaner went home, picked up his quiver, and put his arrows into it. 
"Let us eat," said Adihotiki. "That is what you did" (telling what he 
had seen). Erikaner did not answer. "Let us eat," said Adihotiki again, 
but all night Erikaner did not answer. In the morning he went to his 
house, and covered it over with a layer of earth. Adihotiki cut up the 
buck, and carried it to his house. Erikaner slept in the covered house. 
He heard something in the other house. " E ! A Screech-Owl is outside." 
— "Erikaner, you will get a big one to-morrow^," thought Adihotiki. 

Now, the Screech-Owl was very hungry for meat. Now "I smell 
grease," said he, and came running to the door, in the form of a little 
striped dog. Adihotiki jumped at it, and caught it. The dog came into the 
house. "I 'II make it trail deer forme," thought Adihotiki. So he fed it. 
The dog grew large, it grew fast. Adihotiki called over to the other 
house, "The dog is biting me, Erikaner!" The dogate up all the food, 
all that he had cached. Now Adihotiki seized his arrows and shot the 
dog. Then he ran over to his brother's house; but the house was 
covered over every^vhere, and there was nowhere to get in. Adihotiki 
cried. Then the dog seized him, and put him betw^een its two horns. " O 
Erikaner! An e\A\ being is carrying me off!" he cried. 

Erikaner opened the door, and saw the dog going off in that direction. 
Then Erikaner went back to the house, and cried. Now it was spring- 
time, and Erikaner followed after his brother. He had put pitch on his 
face in mourning. " Tete'-tsiakwilar, ^ Erikaner is following his brother," 
Meadow- Lark said. He spoke the name of the dead intentionally as an 
insult. Erikaner removed the pitch from his face, smeared it on a stick, 
and caught the bird with it. He tore it to pieces. "You wall be only a 
bird. You talk badly," said he. Then he went on. 

He came to Spider's. Then he said to her, "Aunt, you know every- 
thing. You go everywhere, you make webs everywhere. Which way did 
they take my brother?" — "Yes, I can tell you," said she. "He is over 
there, on the other side of the river. Badger watches him. He splits wood 
on this side of the stream. You must kill him, but ask him questions 
first. Take with you this little mouse, this little snake, these cat-tails. 
When you sprinkle this last on people, they will sleep. You must kill 
that Badger while he sleeps." — "All right!" said Erikaner, and went 

He reached this side of the river at dusk. He heard something ahead 
of him, "Tul-tul-tul," Badger was splitting pitch-wood. "WTiere have 
you come from?" said Badger. "I am going this way, downstream," 
said Erikaner. "What are you splitting?" — "I put pitch-wood in the 
fire. I do not think Erikaner's brother will die. He is all dried up, but 

' A very- close imitation of the note of the meadow-lark. 

lo Journal of American Folk-Lore 

he still cries. If you will help me up with my pack, I will call for the 
boat," said Badger, " What do you do when you get to the house ? " said 
Erikaner. "I drink hot water. If I should shut my eyes, they would 
know I was a stranger. ' My heart is burned,' I say to them then. Now 
help me up ! I will call for the boat. It comes to the middle of the river, 
and there stops. I jump in, and if the boat should tip, they would know 
it was a stranger. Now help me up!" said Badger. "Wait just a mo- 
ment," said Erikaner. Then he seized a large stone, raised it up, and 
killed Badger. 

Then he skinned Badger, and put on the skin, so that he looked just 
like him. He called for the boat, and it came. He jumped in, crossed 
over, jumped out, and ran up to the house. They gave him hot water to 
drink, and he shut his eyes. He could not help it. "He is a stranger," 
they said. "My heart is burned," said he. "All right!" they answered. 
Just then he touched Adihotiki where they had hung him up to dry. 
"Erikaner! Is that you?" said Adihotiki. "Keep quiet!" said Eri- 
kaner, and walked away. 

A^^en it came night, he took out the little snake and the little mouse. 
Erikaner sat by the door. The snake put out its tongue. "Ha! It is 
lightning. There are strangers coming to fight us," said the people. 
Then they went to sleep. Each of the ten had his stone knife tied to his 
wrist. Now the mouse sprinkled cat-tail down and pitch all about, 
sprinkled it over the people as they slept. The people slept soundly, 
they snored. 

Then Erikaner went to where his brother hung, and took him down. 
"O Erikaner! Is that you?" — "Oh, be still!" said he, and took his 
brother outside. It was nearly dawn. Erikaner then set fire to the house, 
and it burned. "Ha, ha! The strangers are coming!" he cried. Then 
those inside woke up, but Erikaner had tied their hair together ; so they 
fought each other, and were all killed and burned. 

Erikaner got back to where his aunt lived. "I am going home," said 
he. " Give me some lunch." So she cooked him some food. He went on, 
and killed deer on the way, for he always carried a deer-head decoy with 
him. He stopped for the night. He ate his supper, the food his aunt had 
prepared, and some deer. "O Erikaner! There is a big buck," said 
Adihotiki. "We are not hunting that," said he. Then he found the en- 
trance to the Bear's house. He set fire to it, and smoke came out of the 
top of the mountain. Then Adihotiki went up to close the hole. He ran 
quickly, and came back. While he was gone, Erikaner shoved a stick into 
the entrace of Bear's house, twisted it around, and dragged out the 
Bear. He skinned it quickly, and hid the sldn in his quiver. Adihotiki 
got back. "Let's stop! I'm tired," said he. "All right!" said Eri- 

They went on. Erikaner was behind, and took out the bear-skin and 

Shasta Myths 1 1 

put it on. Then he went towards Adihotiki, growling. "O Erikaner! 
There is a bear who is going to bite me ! " said Adihotiki. " Where is it ? " 
called Erikaner. Then he took off the hide quickly, and hid it in his 
quiver. "Let us rest, Erikaner!" said Adihotiki. He thought, "I think 
he fooled me. I guess he did that to me. — Let us eat," said he, and sat 
down near the quiver. When Erikaner was not looking, he took out 
the bear-hide, and hid it in his quiver. By and by he said, "Let us go 
on!" So they went. Adihotiki went ahead. He put on the bear-hide. 
Erikaner followed. Adihotiki growled, "O-o-o!" — " WTiere is he?" 
said Erikaner. Then Adihotiki took off the hide quickly, and hid it. 
Erikaner looked in his quiver. "He was the one who did this to me," 
he said. Then Adihotiki gave him back the bear-hide. "Here is your 
bear-skin," he said. 

There were deer-tracks about, but yet they were not like deer-tracks. 
" There it is I " said Adihotiki. Erikaner said, " You must not untie your 
lunch." — "Where is that deer? I don't see it," said Adihotiki. He 
sharpened his knife. Erikaner had fooled him with the deer's head. 
Then Adihotiki saw it; the deer's head touched the sky. "Why did he 
say to me not to untie the lunch ? " Quickly he seized it, he untied it, he 
opened it, and at once the deer ran away. "Ha!" said Erikaner, and 
turned back home. "O Erikaner! I'm going to follow it." Erikaner 
was not ready. " Give me an arrow-flaker, and I'll follow^ it," said Adi- 
hotiki. " Give me a fire-stick, give me a stone knife." Then he followed 
the deer. "Hi pau, hi pau," he said. 

So he followed. All summer he chased it. " Ha ! " he said as he looked 
far away. There were many people gambling ; at Itsurikwai they gambled. 
Lizard looked far off, and said, " Erikaner's brother is coming, following 
a deer." Then all the people looked, but they did not see him. By and 
by he came nearer, and they saw him. They stood in a line. Stone stood 
last in the line, and shot at the deer. The deer rolled over. It was almost 
autumn when he killed it. "Let's take the deer away from Adiho- 
tiki!" said one of the people. "No!" said the others. "That is not a 
person, he has become an evil being." 

" Whee ! " said Adihotiki as he arrived. He began to cut it up. " I come 
from far away," he said. Yellow- Jacket and Snake sat on top of the deer, 
sat on that elk. Adihotiki made a fire with the fire-stick. "Let us take 
all this away from him," said the tw^o. " Be still ! " said Adihotiki. " Cut 
it up quickly ! " But they did not answer. So he pulled out his arrow- 
flaker, and w^alked toward them as they sat on the elk. He struck them 
both. Snake and Yellow- Jacket. Now he made a fire, he cut up the 
meat. He took out the ribs, and gave them to the people. The entrails 
rolled out, and he threw them all about. The people ate them. He tied 
up the meat. " Can you carry that much? " said they. He carried it, and 
went off to his home. 

12 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

He camped every night. Snow fell when he had nearly reached home. 
He heated a stone in the fire, and rolled it ahead of him, to melt the snow. 
It stopped close to the house. He came up, and peeped in. "Oh, my 
brother!" he said. Then they cried. "Oh, my poor brother!" said he. 
Each pitied the other. Adihotiki washed his brother. Then he dragged in 
the elk. He cut it up, and they ate. They ate that elk, that one elk, for 
a whole year. "My brother! they shall tell stories of us. You will be 
Erikaner, I shall be Adihotiki. People shall follow deer as we have. 
They shall run far around, they shall not get out of breath, they shall 
have long wind." That is all. 

2. THE LOST BROTHER (.Second Version) 

Adihotiki and Erikaner lived close together. Adihotiki always was 
killing deer. Erikaner always went to brmg in the deer, and always 
they were thin. "Adihotiki, why don't you kill fat deer?" said he. 
Then Adihotiki replied, "All right! I will kill a fat one by and by." 
Soon he killed a fat one, and Erikaner went to get it. He carried it 
home on his back, he cooked it, roasted it. 

Now the wind carried the smell, so that a little dog smelled it. He 
ran into Erikaner's house. "Adihotiki, there is a Httle dog coming into 
the house. I claim him as mine, I will feed him." He did not answer. 
Next morning Erikaner spoke again, saying, "Adihotiki, he is growing 
fast ! I think he is going to bite me. O Adihotiki ! he is big now. He is 
carrying me off." So he carried him ofT, ran away with him. Adihotiki 
did not know whither he had carried him. 

It was getting to be winter again, and Adihotiki did not know where 
his brother was. So he started off, he listened all about; then he heard 
his brother, Adihotiki's brother. "Somewhere over there," said he, and 
he went off. He got there. There was a man there working, getting 
wood. He was burning down a tree with fire. Adihotiki looked on. "I 
think I'll ask him," he said. So he asked him, "What are you going to 
do with the wood you are getting?" — "I'm going to dry Adihotiki's 
brother," said the man. " How do you break off that wood ? " said Adi- 
hotiki. "Not that way," said the man. "Stand it up on the middle of 
your hand." Adihotiki jumped into the canoe, went across, landed on 
the other shore. "I throw the wood down that way, by the door, and 
it all breaks up," said the man. "I run into the house, and I drink boil- 
ing water, without winking." 

"I am going where Erikaner is, I am about to find him," said Adiho- 
tiki. He got there. He took Erikaner down out of the smoke over the fire. 
He was almost dead. Adihotiki put him inside his shirt. Then he hired 
Mouse to gnaw holes in all canoes, except one. "You make holes in all 
but mine," said Adihotiki. Now he ran off with his brother, he stole him. 
He jumped in his canoe, and all the other people ran after, jumped in 

Shasta Myths ^ 13 

their canoes, and all sank in the river. All of them died in the water in 
that way, when he found his brother. 

Now, Adihotiki went with his brother. "I think I'll start," he said. 
As they went, he thought, "I want to do something." So Adihotiki left 
(went on ahead), and lay down in a bear-skin. "I wonder what he'll 
do !" he thought. He watched; and when his brother got there, he cried 
out, "Wu-wu-wui!" and ran after Erikaner. "O Adihotiki! the hide is 
running after me, " said Erikaner. Then he dropped the hide. Now, 
that is the way they got back to the house. That was the way he found 
his brother in the olden time. 


Long ago, in the beginning, people had only stones for fire. In the 
beginning every one had only that sort of fire-stone. " Do you hear? 
There is fire over there. Where Pain lives there is fire." So Coyote 
went, and came to the house where Pain lived. The children were at 
hom^e ; but all the old people were away, driving game with fire. They 
told their children, " If any one comes, it will be Coyote." So they w^ent 
to drive game by setting fires. 

Coyote went into the house. " Oh, you poor children ! Are you all 
alone here?" said he. "Yes, we are all alone. They told us they were 
all going hunting. If any one comes, it will be Coyote. I think you are 
Coyote," said they. "I am not Coyote," said he. "Look! Way back 
there, far o£f in the mountains, is Coyote's country. There are none 
near here." Coyote stretched his feet out toward the fire, with his long 
blanket in which he had run away. "No, you smell like Coyote," said 
the children. "No, there are none about here," said he. 

Now, his blanket began to bum, he was ready to run. He called to 
Chicken-Hawk, " You stand there ! I will run there with the fire. I will 
give it to you, and then do you run on. — Eagle, do you stand there ! 

— Grouse, do you stand there! — Quail, do you stand there!" Turtle 
alone did not know about it. He was walking along by the river. 

Now, Coyote ran out of the house; he stole Pain's fire. He seized it, 
and ran with it. Pain's children ran after him. Coyote gave the fire to 
Chicken- Hawk, and he ran on. Now Chicken- Hawk gave it to Eagle, 
and he ran on. Eagle gave it to Grouse, and he ran. He gave it to 
Quail, and he ran far away with it. Turtle was there walking about. 
The Pains were following, crying, "Coyote has stolen fire!" Now, 
Turtle was walking about ; he knew nothing, he sang, " Oxiwicnikwiki," 

— "I '11 give you the fire," said Quail (?). " Here ! Take it ! " Just then 
the Pains got there. Turtle put the fire under his armpit, and jumped 
into the water. Pain shot at him, shot him in the rear. " Oh, oh, oh ! 
That is going to be a tail," said Turtle, and dove deep down into the river. 

' Cf. Burns, Land of Sunshine, xiv, pp. 132-134. 

14 * Journal of American Folk-Lore 

All the Pains stood together. By and by they gave it up, and went 
away. Coyote came up, and asked, "Where is the fire?" — "TurUe 
dove with it," they said. " Curse it ! \\Tiy did you dive with it ? " Coyote 
said. He was very angry. After a while Turtle crawled out of the water 
on the other side. Coyote saw him. " Where is the fire ? " he called out. 
Turtle did not answer. " I say to you, where did you put the fire ? " said 
Coyote. "Curse it! \Miy did you jump into the water?" After a while 
Turtle threw the fire all about. "You keep quiet! I will throw the fire 
about," said Turtle. " O children, poor children !" said Coyote; he said 
all kinds of things, he was glad. Now, everybody came and got fire. 
Now we have got fire. Coyote was the first to get it, at Pain's that way. 
That is all. That is one stor}\ 


Ommanutc and Aniduidui were living somewhere. There were ten 
brothers and Aniduidui. Their mother Uved there too. Aniduidui was a 
woman. Aniduidui said, "I wish some one would go with me!" Then 
Ommanutc hid himself, and Aniduidui did not know where he was. 
One of her brothers went with her, — one of her ten brothers. 

Ommanutc bathed early in the morning. When he was swimming, he 
lost one hair. By and by Aniduidui came to that place. She saw the hair, 
and picked it up. She measured it with her own hair. It was longer. 
Now she looked for lice on one of her brothers' heads. She carried the 
hair she had found secretly, and measured it with the brother's hair. 
It was longer. So for another brother she hunted lice, but did not find 
a hair of the same length. So she measured all, but none were the same. 

She thought, "I wonder whose hair it is ! " Ommanutc heard what she 
said. Then one of the brothers said to Aniduidui, " I myself will go with 
you;" but she did not answer. Then another brother spoke, and said, 
"I'll go with you, sister;" but she said, "No!" She would have no one 
in the house. She hunted ever}nvhere. At last she found Ommanutc. 
Then she said again, " Come with me ! You are the one ! " So he came. 
"Why did you hide him?" said she. 

Ommanutc' s brothers felt sad, their hearts felt badly. Then he said he 
would go with her. He got up. He was fine-looking. He put beads about 
his neck, and tied up his hair on top of his head, and put feathers in it. 
Aniduidui loved him, loved her brother. Then he said, "I'll go wdth 
you." — " Good !" said she, and so they went off. It was evening when 
they arrived where they were going. They slept together, x\niduidui slept 
with Ommanutc. In the morning they went on again, and again that 
night they slept together. 

As they were going to sleep, Ommanutc said to himself, "I wonder 
what I can do !" Then he said, "I wish that she should sleep soundly." 
She was sound asleep. Then he got up; he picked up a log, laid it beside 

Shasta Myths 15 

her, and went away. He returned to the house where he and his brothers 
lived. "Everybody must get ready to go," said he. He spoke to all of 
them. He spoke to all things, and told them that they must not tell where 
they had gone. Then all the brothers went above. Ommanutc went 
ahead. Far away they went, cHmbing up the rope to the upper world. 

Now Aniduidui came. She asked everything where her brothers had 
gone, but none wished to answer. She poked the fire, and sparks flew up. 
She looked after them, and saw the people going up. She cried out. She 
said, "I want to come also, brother! " At this, one of them looked back, 
and the rope broke. She set fire to the house, and all of them tumbled 
down into the middle of the fire. 

Aniduidui's heart was glad. Ommanutc burst in the fire. His heart 
flew up, and fell down close by the river. Aniduidui was glad. By and 
by the house had all burned down. She picked up the bones. Om- 
manutc was gone. Some one found him. Ducks found him. The Ducks 
were women. He married them, and had two children, two boys. They 
grew larger, and walked about. There was a house. By and by they 
came to it as they walked about. There was some one pounding meal 
inside. The two children got there, and saw Aniduidui with bones tied 
up in her hair. One of the children said, "Whose quiver is that ? There 
are many arrows in it. Give it to me ! " — "All right," said she, and gave 
it to him. The other said, " Give me one also," and she gave it. 

Then the two boys went back to their father. "We wall kill that old 
woman," said they. They made flint arrow-points, and tied them on. 
Their father said nothing. Next day they went off. They saw Aniduidui 
sitting there, and shot at once, then ran away. She got ready at once, 
took a quiver, and went out. She shot back at them. All day they shot 
at each other, and the old woman did not die. Toward evening the boys 
grew tired. Then Lark called to them. " See ! there is her heel," said he. 
" There lies her heart. Her heart is like fire." So they shot at her heel, 
and she fell, and was dead. Everywhere, all over the world, they heard 
her fall. 

The Duck women were glad. The children went back to their house. 
Ommanutc was sitting there. "We have killed Aniduidui, we have 
burned up her house also." Then they said to their father, "Let us go 
and bury her." — "Very well ! " he said. So they went back, and buried 
her. She was their aunt. 


There was a house, and many people lived in the house. Coyote lived 
there, and Wolf and Panther and Wild-Cat and Bob-Cat. Bob-Cat was 
sick, he suffered greatly. Coyote said, "We shall be hungry! You fel- 
lows better go and hunt deer." Bob-Cat was suffering, and he dreamed 

' Cf. Burns, op. cit. pp. 223-226. 

1 6 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

and saw deer in his dream. At some place there were deer, and it snowed. 
Then Bob- Cat got ready, and next day he went off. Fc went to the place 
he saw in his dream, and saw deer there in the mountains. He looked 
over the ridge, and heard far away the noise of antlers striking together. 
The deer were playing, and their antlers made a noise. 

Bob-Cat thought, "I wish to become something, I wish to become the 
Sun." Now he became the Sun. He was just peeping over the ridge to 
spy out the Deer, when they said, "That Sun that is rising is scowling 
and has a wrinkled nose." The Deer there recognized him. He wished 
to become a fog, and he became a fog. The fog rose. "Halloo ! That 
fog is scowling," they said. They knew it was not what it seemed. They 
were playing ball. Bob-Cat wished to become a piece of moss. He 
became a piece of moss. He came rolling and blowing along. "That 
moss comes scowling," said they. Now, three times the Deer had recog- 
nized him, although disguised. He wished to be wind. He became wind. 
"Halloo! That wind is scowling," said they. He wished to become a 
snow-bird. He became a snow-bird. The Deer almost recognized him, 
but they did not say, "He is scowling." The bird hopped about, it 
came close. " Let us throw it to him ! " said the Deer. Snow-bird made 
ready to jump, when the ball should come close to him. Then they 
threw the ball close to him; and he jumped and seized it, and ran 

He ran fast. The Deer had almost caught him, when right there he 
jumped up into a tree. The Deer struck it with their feet, and it fell. 
Bob-Cat jumped up into a pine-tree. For a while they could not break 
it, but at last they struck it and it fell. He had no time to run, so jumped 
into another tree, into a buckeye. Again the Deer broke it down. Bob- 
Cat was tired. He saw a manzanita, and jumped into it. The Deer hit 
it and split their feet, and for that reason they have double feet to-day 
(i.e. split hoofs). There were many Deer, and Bob-Cat gave up. They 
broke the tree towards evening ; all put their heads against it, and their 
antlers. Toward evening a fawn stunned itself, butting the tree. So the 
Deer took it and laid it down at a distance, and then it died. Bob-Cat 
was watching. When it was near daylight, he came down, he walked 
along the backs of the Deer, and got to the place where the fawn lay. 
Then he took it on his back, and went off, and came to his house. In 
the morning the Deer all waked up. They had lost their ball. They 
went back to where they had played with it. 

"My moccasins are hanging up out there," said Bob-Cat. Coyote 
went out to look, but came back without the moccasins. Another went 
to hunt for the moccasins hanging up, for Bob-Cat's moccasins. His 
brother's wife was sitting there. She went to look for them, and found 
the fawn hanging there. She carried it to the house. Every one looked at 
it. There were many people, Wolves and Panthers. Panther thought, 

J Shasta Myths 17 

"I wish I could see one like that! I wish I could catch one ! What are 
you going to do with it?" No one touched it, only Bob-Cat sat looking 
at it. " Whatever you say, shall be done," said they. "Put it in hot water," 
he said. "Take off the hair." So they put it in hot water. The women 
did it, and they pulled the hair all off. "I'd like to eat that meat," 
thought Coyote. Everybody thought that. Wolf and Panther thought it. 
Then they cut the meat all up, they boiled it. Then Bob- Cat thought, 
"I wonder how many there are!" and he cut it up, and gave some to 
each. He gave to Coyote first, then to all the rest. 

Panther had eaten all his. Wolf cried because he did not have enough. 
All the meat was eaten. "Let us see who is the strongest." No one was 
strong. Panther was not strong. Bob-Cat took the ball out of the house. 
"Lift that," said he. He gave it to Panther, to the smallest Panther, to 
carry. " That is the one," said Bob-Cat, " he can carry it." — " All right ! " 
said Coyote. Every one said, "All right ! That is the one who can carry 
it." Then Bob- Cat said, "To-morrow I will send some one to the place 
where I seized the ball. — Do you go right there. Raven," he said. "I 
wish you to go. You can say, * Come ! Come and get your ball ! ' That 
you can call out." So Raven went. He called out, "Now! Come!" — 
"All right!" the Deer said, and everywhere the brush rustled. Then he 
ran back to Bob-Cat's house, and told him, "They answered. They are 
coming." So all the people ran and hid. All hid in the house. 

Now, there was a noise, there was a sound of trampling, and of feet, 
and the house cracked and shook, as the Deer walked on the roof. Then 
they put poison-roots in the fire. Coyote snapped his finger against the 
belly of the fawn. " Some one snapped my belly," said the Fawn. " That 
is not a mole. Coyote only eats moles," said they. Now the poison began 
to smoke. The Deer smelled it, and all dropped dead. Not one was left 
to go back, all were dead. Then the people began to eat, and after a 
long time had eaten the game all up. 

"You must go again. Raven," said" Bob-Cat. "You can say the same 
thing, you can call out the same way." So he went, and called out. 
The Deer all said, " Yes ! " and he ran away. " Are they coming ? " asked 
Bob-Cat when Raven returned. "Yes, they are coming," said he. So 
all went into the house, until the house was full. Then, just the same 
as before, the Deer came, the people put poison into the fire, the Deer 
smelled it, and all died. Then Coyote ate. A little longer the food lasted 
this time. 

" Only this one time more we can go," said Bob-Cat. So Raven went 
again. He called out in the same place. There was a noise, and he ran. 
Again the Deer came, and all were killed by the poison. Then a person 
came along. He said, " Over there there is fighting." He carried the news. 
"To-morrow we will go," said one. So they went. Each one carried his 
food with him. On the road, when they were half-way there. Coyote was 

1 8 Journal oj American Folk-Lore 

sick. He was not really sick, however, "Let us go back," they said. 
"That man is sick." — "No ! I alone will go back," said Coyote. "All 
right!" said they. So Coyote went back, he returned to the house. He 
was perfectly well, he who had been sick. 

" They said to me, ' You come back, so that you can hold out the ball ! 
There will be fresh meat when you get back.' That is why I have come 
back," said Coyote. Then he said to Raven, "Go! I will hold out the 
ball. Call to the Grizzly- Bears, 'Wherever you are, there stay!' That 
you can say. You can also call the Elk and Buck-Deer : 'Let there come 
many ! ' These things you must say." — "All right ! " said Raven. Then 
he called out, " Grizzly-Bear, come ! — Elk, come ! — Buck-Deer, come ! " 
he said. And at his calling they came. But before they had all gotten 
into the house. Coyote dropped the ball, and they seized it and ran 
away. And then at once all the deer-hides, all the fur blankets, jumped 
up, and ran away, alive again. Bow-strings broke of themselves, bows 
broke in pieces. "Let his belly burst," said they to Coyote; and it burst, 
and his excrement ran out. Everything that was made of deer-bone ran 
away, even some powdered deer-bones. 

The others came back from the fighting, all came back. Coyote sat 
in the house. Everybody cried. Wolf felt very bad, for there was no deer 
to eat. Bob- Cat ran after them, but could not catch them. He saw them 
going. Ten days after that, he saw something dart by in the brush. 
He followed, and saw it. It was a fawn, that was walking along far away. 
Now the fawn got tired, and looked back and saw Bob-Cat, Bob- Cat 
followed, and nearly caught it, finally did catch it, killed it, and carried 
it back to his house. He carried it in. "Let us burn off the hair!" said 
Coyote, " No ! " said Bob-Cat, " we must not burn off the hair. We must 
boil it, must put it in lots of water," Now, they took it off the fire ; and, 
as before, all cried because there was not enough. Then Bob-Cat took 
some of the cold soup and sprinkled it all over the world ; the hair also 
they snapped about into all countries, "You shall be deer," he said, 
he wished, "All kinds of people can eat you," he said. Then after a 
little while he said, "Let us go and hunt deer!" 

He went along, and saw a deer-track. The trail led on. Then "St!" 
said the leader, and pointed. Everybody looked, and there were two 
deer. The Wolf followed them, he ran after them and killed them. Then 
they almost ate the whole deer up in the mountains. There were ten 
brothers. Panthers, who hunted much. They killed ten deer each. 
Bob- Cat remained at home. He was the chief. That is all. That is one 


The Eagle made people. . . . There began to be many. . . . When 
all the water was gone, he sent down his two children, a boy and a girl. 
That was the beginning. The man said to the woman, "Let us sleep 

Shasta Myths 19 

together!" but the woman did not answer. Five times he spoke thus 
to her, and at the fifth time she replied, " WTiy do you say that? I want 
you to tell me. There are no other persons here but ourselves. You are 
my brother." Then he answered, " I will tell you. Our father sent us to 
this place. If we sleep here, there will be children bom." Then she 
answered, ''Very well." 

So they created children, and there came to be many people. No one 
ever died, until, when time was half over, a boy died. All the people 
gathered together. "Let us not die!" said they. Coyote was not there; 
but he said, "No! It shall not be so." Then he came. "It is well," 
said he. "People shall be sad : if a man's wife dies, he shall be sad and 

They buried the boy therefore, but were angry in their hearts towards 
Coyote. "I wish that his child might die!" said they. Then Coyote's 
child died. Coyote wished greatly to follow his child. So he went. He 
arrived at that place, and there the dead were dancing about a fire. 
He stayed over night. "I wish I could do something to get my child 
back ! " said he. Then he built a fire of wild-parsnip ; and when the dead 
people smelled it, they gave him back his son. He put him on his back 
and carried him off. They said to him, "You must not drink water in 
the usual way. You must not take off your pack when you sleep. You 
must not He on your back." 

He came back to the house. The boy said, "For ten years you must 
not beat me, must not scold me." After five years some one scolded 
him, and he died again. Coyote went back again to the same place. 
He followed his child again, taking some wild- parsnip root with him. 
He got there while they were dancing the round-dance. "I will sing 
first," said he to the ghosts. "All right!" said they. So Coyote sang, 
"An'ni saVi na." Then they said to him, "Go back to your home, 
and day after to-morrow come back again for your son." — "All 
right!" said Coyote, and went back, went back alone. He went to sleep, 
and died. Then, not like a person, but only as a ghost, he came. He was 
dead. After that time, no one could follow after the dead to their coun- 
try. It was as it is now. That is all this story. 


People grew in this world in the beginning. There were many people 
here and there. They became numerous. Then one died. Cricket's child 
died. The people were talking about it. " WTiat shall we do ? " said they. 
All the people gathered together. They did not know what to do. Some 
said, "Let us have people come to life again. Let us not bury them!" 
— " Stop !" said others. " Go and tell Coyote. He does not know what 
has happened." So some one went to tell him. Coyote came. "What 
do you think!" said they, " we were saying that the dead should come 

20 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

back again." — " WTiy are you saying that? " said Coyote. " Bury him. 
He is dead. If people come back, then they will fill up everything. 
Around this world there is water. They will fill the world up, and push 
us into the water." So they buried Cricket's child, and cried. 

Now, five days after this they finished the sweating. They felt sad. 
They thought, "Would that Coyote's child might die!" So it died, and 
Coyote cried. He said, " My child is dead. Let us have people come back 
to life." — "No!" they said. "If he should come back to life, my child 
that died before would not smell good. He has decayed. You said we 
must bury people. You said that the dead would otherwise fill up the 
world." So he buried him, and cried. That is the way the first people 
died. That was the first death. 


Grizzly-Bear married Coyote's daughter. Lizard lived with Coyote, 
for Grizzly-Bear and his brothers had killed Lizard's father. The 
Grizzly-Bears were sweating, wxre dancing the war-dance. They sang 
all night. The oldest Grizzly-Bear said, "That is not the way to sing: 
this is the proper w^ay, ' Ansto'weyu,' " he said. Then another said 
" No ! This is the way to sing, ' Hennuhi'yo.' This is the way to sing the 
war-cry." Then another said, "No! This is the way. Listen to me, to the 
way I sing, ' Kitihuku'nnawi.' " Then another said, " Listen to me ! You 
fellows sing this way. Listen! I'll sing, 'Kun'nuhunu.' This is a man's 
song." Then they slept. 

The biggest Grizzly-Bear slept with one foot up, resting on the post of 
the house. Lizard cut off the foot with his little flint knife, and carried it 
off to Coyote's house. "Good!" said Coyote; and he cooked the foot, 
and they ate it. He put the bones in the fire ; and when they were burned, 
he poked them out with a stick, and put them in a basket. Lizard took 
this, and poured the burned bones on the place where the Grizzly-Bears 
always built their fire, "Burn the pine-needles on the floor, all about 
where you cut off his foot. The Bears will blame you," said Coyote. 
"You go and hide in some safe, strong place. I shall go to sleep." So 
he went to sleep. 

By and by the Grizzly-Bears woke up. They hunted for Lizard. 
"Old man! Where is Lizard ?" they said to Coyote. "I don't know," 
said Coyote. "Where is Lizard?" they repeated. "He is asleep up 
there," said Coyote, pointing. "There is no one there, at all," said 
Grizzly-Bear. "Well, what is the trouble?" said Coyote. "Your son- 
in-law has had his foot cut off," they said. " O my son-in-law ! " he said, 
and went to see him. "What is the trouble with you?" Coyote said. 
"Why, it is burned. Here is the bone in the fire. Did not you fellows 
see it ? Come here, my sons-in-law ! " said he. They gathered together. 
"Now, do ye go to Qusak'^ Go to the Table- Rock." He sent them 

Shasta Myths 21 

away in every direction. " I alone will put the body in the fire. In the 
evening do ye come back again," said he. Then he cut it up; he built a 
fire and threw it in. The others looked back. "Now he is putting the 
bones in the fire," said they. Much smoke came out of the fire. Now 
they came back. "Hn-hn-hn!" they cried. "See! Here are only the 
bones," said they. "It shall be done this way." So bodies are put in 
the fire and burned. 


A man had a wife called Woodpecker. She fell into the fire and was 
burned, so that she died. He thought he saw her ghost go up toward 
the sky, and went out back of the house, where he found her trail. He 
followed this, and reached the sky. She went along the Milky Way; 
and her husband, following on, was only able to catch up with her at 
night, as she camped along this trail. In this way — catching up with her 
at night, and losing her in the day — he finally came to the other world. 
Here all the dead were dancing, and having a fine time. For a long time 
he v/atched them, and then asked the fire-tender if he might get his wife 
back. He was told he could not. After a while he fell asleep ; and when 
he woke, it was daytime, and the dead were all asleep. They lay like 
patches of soft white ashes on the ground. The fire- tender gave the hus- 
band a poker, and told him to poke the various sleeping ghosts, saying 
that the one that got up, and sneezed when he did so, would be his wife. 
Following this advice, he found his wife, and picked her up and started 
home with her. At first she weighed nothing, but grew heavier as they ap- 
proached the earth and his house. Before he got back, he dropped his 
burden, and the ghost ran back to the other world. He followed her again, 
and the next time got within a very short distance of his door, when he 
dropped her, and again she ran back. For the third time he returned 
to the land of the dead, but was told that he might not try again. He was 
told to return home, and that in a short time he would be allowed to 
come and live with his wife. He followed these instructions, returned 
home, and went to sleep. He died, and as a ghost then returned to the 
other world for good. 


Twelve children went out to dig camas. They found a human head 
in the ground. One of the children, a girl, snapped it with her digging- 
stick, as if she were playing a game. "Why do you do that? It is Hke 
us," said another of the girls. She cried, and then, with one of the boys, 
she buried the head, and covered it over with earth. Then they went 
home, and at night they danced the round-dance. 

Then the head got up. It cried, "I shall go where they are dancing." 

' Obtained only in English. 

22 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

It rolled along like fire. The two children who had buried it saw it, the 
others did not. " An evil being is coming ! " they said. " Let us run away ! " 
So they got ready and all ran away. The head rolled after them. "Let 
us sleep here !" said they. Now it was midnight. The evil being wished 
them to sleep soundly. They slept on the very top of a hill, their baskets 
scattered all about. 

The two children saw the evil being coming. "Get up," they said; 
but the other ten did not hear them. They slept soundly, with their 
arms about each other. The evil being was close now, and the two were 
afraid and ran. The head arrived at the place where the ten were sleep- 
ing. "Ts-ts-ts!" said he. Then it ate their eyes. Then he followed the 
other two. They came to Coyote's house. " Old man, there is an evil 
being coming!" said they. He understood, he knew what they said. 
Quickly he put stones in the fire, and got some water. He spread out his 
bed, and cleaned up the house. Then he looked out along the trail. 
Pretty soon he saw the head. 

The head came to the door. "Halloo, my son-in-law!" said he, 
" where are my daughters ? " — " They are there on the bed," said Coyote. 
Now, he had put hot rocks there under the bed, in a pit. The head was 
ashamed. He came in, and sat down on the bed. There was some water 
standing near. Now Coyote kicked over the water, and the head fell 
through the bed onto the hot rocks. "If this is a supernatural being, I 
also am one," said Coyote. "People shall not do this when they are 
dead. When they are dead, they shall be dead forever. People shall 
change by and by, and heads shall not follow people." That is all. 


Great- Wind lived on the top of Mount Shasta. She had two daughters, 
and many people went to buy them. But they could not reach the place 
where the girls lived, for the wind blew them back. The people were scat- 
tered about everywhere, who had been thus blown away. The old woman 
did not want her daughters to marry. At this time Eagle thought, " I 
must try! I wonder if I cannot get there !" so he went. 

Eagle sang as he went along. Now, Coyote was setting snares for 
gophers. He said to himself, " Where is it that some one is talking ? " He 
listened, and thought, "It sounds like a song. It is a song." He kept 
listening. "It sounds hke a song," he said; "some one must be sing- 
ing." It came nearer. Coyote looked all about. "Where is it that some 
one is singing?" he said. Then Eagle came, flying. "Eagle! Where 
are you going?" but Eagle went on, singing all the time. "I want to 
go too !" said Coyote. "Wait for me, cousin !" — "Well, you can come 
too," said Eagle. So they went on together. 

Eagle put Coyote inside his shirt ; and they went thus together, went 
to buy wives, singing as they went. Now, soon the wind roared near 

Shasta Myths 23 

by. Now it blew ; and as they got to the bottom of the hill, just there it 
blew Coyote out. The wind tore open Eagle's shirt, and blew out what 
he carried there. But Eagle kept on. The wind blew very hard. The 
skirt of hail, that the old Great- Wind woman wore, rattled as she turned 
round. Eagle was blown quite a way back. Again he came on, and got 
nearer. Then he got pretty close, got over the smoke-hole, and then 
went in through it. Again he was blown back, many times. Finally he 
darted in suddenly in a lull in the wind, and sat down. The wind lifted 
him off the ground where he sat, but the old woman could do nothing 
with him. The wind blew the great logs in the fire about, but he still sat 
there. Finally she gave up. He was the only one who ever got there, to 
buy wives. 


Kale'tsa (a bird, as yet unidentified) lived with his nine brothers, so 
there were ten all together. Now, one went off to hunt for deer, and did 
not return. Again another went, and did not return. Another went, and 
another and another, until all had gone except Kale'tsa, the tenth, and 
the youngest. The youngest went. He saw a big man, and thought, 
"That one has all the time been killing my brothers." 

"Let us wrestle !" said the big man. "I am so small !" said Kale'tsa. 
The big man was called Giant. " Let us wrestle ! " said he. " No ! I will 
not VvTestle, you are too big," said Kale'tsa. Then he said, "Well! I'll 
wrestle, after all." So they wrestled. Now Kale'tsa saw some water. He 
thought, "He threw my brothers in the water." So he lifted Giant, that 
youngest of the brothers, he lifted him ; and then he threw him into the 
river, and so he killed him. Then he went to the river. He picked up the 
bones of his brothers, and went home. He took them inside the house, — 
took them into the sweat-house, made a fire, and, placing the bones 
inside the house, he himself went and lay outside. Then he heard some- 
thing inside the sweat-house, — heard lots of people talking inside the 
sweat-house. By and by they said, " Open the door ! " So he opened it. 
Then they came out, nine of them came out alive again. 


Coyote went on a visit to Grizzly-Bear. After he got there, a child 
called Little-Lizard came to the door of the house and looked in. The 
oldest of the Grizzly-Bears then spoke to the child, calling him by name 
and saying, "Your father used to work and make all sorts of food." 
This ^ hurt the child's feelings, and he went back to his house, crying 
as he went. 

When he reached the house, he said, " Old woman, give me a knife!" 
She sharpened it. "Well, what are you going to do with a knife?" — 

^ It was regarded as a deadly insult to speak the name of a dead relative. 

24 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

"Give it to me!" said he. So she gave it, and he sharpened it all the 
evening. Then he went to Grizzly-Bear's house. He got there after dark, 
when all were asleep. He went in, and with his knife cut off the foot of 
the oldest Grizzly- Bear. Then he carried it off to his own house. 

For some time the bear did not know that any one had cut off his 
foot. Then he remembered, he suffered. "A-a! Some one cut off my 
foot!" Now, Coyote lay by the door. He slept there, and was the first 
to wake. He spoke at once. "You people there, did you hear? Some 
one is suffering." Everybody then woke up ; all the Grizzly-Bears awoke. 
'I am going over there to see where that child is," said Coyote, and 
he went. 

He got there, and said, "He suffers terribly. You are eating his foot, 
and he is talking about you who cut off the foot. I am going back. I 
think he will come after you, and ask you." Coyote then returned to 
Grizzly-Bear. " Oh, the poor child ! I do not think he did that. He lies 
warming his back at the fire." Grizzly-Bear sent Coyote again. " Go 
after him! I am going to ask him questions," said he. Coyote knew 
that already, knew he would ask, " Shall I mash you with my foot ? Shall 
I swallow you alive?" 

Now he arrived. He asked the boy, asked Little-Lizard, " WTiat shall 
I do to you? Shall I mash you with my foot?" — "No," he said, and 
shook his head. " Shall I swallow you ? " — " Yes ! " he said, and nodded 
his head. So Grizzly-Bear opened his mouth, and Lizard jumped in. 
Grizzly-Bear shut his mouth quickly, but Lizard was not there. " A-a-a ! 
It hurts ! " said Grizzly-Bear. Inside him Lizard was cutting his stomach. 
He cut it off, he dragged out the bear's entrails, and then the Grizzly- 
Bear died. The boy carried him home, and he was called "Ta'matsi" 
because he did this. 


Long ago people were living at Seiad. They were gambling. There 
were many people there. They won from one person all that he had. 
After a while he bet his wife, and even her they won from him. So he 
had nothing at all. He did not know what to do. He went off. " I won- 
der what to do!" he thought. He went up into the mountains. He 
thought, " I wish to go to that place." He went there. There was a lake 
at that place, and he jumped into it. In the lake there was a great rattle- 
snake; and when he jumped in, the snake swallowed him; like that. 

Now, at his home they missed him, they worried about him. They 
did not know where he had gone. All hunted for him. His brother 
hunted for him. After five days the snake spit out the man he had swal- 
lowed. On the sixth day his brother found him. He came upon him as 
he lay. "Perhaps he is dead," thought the brother. He touched him, 
and found that he breathed. So he raised him up, he dragged him higher 

Shasta Myths 25 

up on the shore and washed him. Then he took him home. That was 
the way he came back. He arrived at his house. Now he gambled again. 
He won back as much as he had lost. That was the way he got his 


There were many Indians living at Seiad long ago. A man went out to 
hunt, and the "little-men" took him prisoner while he was hunting in 
the mountains. They took him to their house. The house seemed to be 
full of dried deer-meat, of service-berries and other things, packed in 
baskets along the wall. They gave him meat to eat, they gave him ber- 

Now, at home they worried about him. They said, " This man is lost," 
and many went to hunt for him. But they could not find him anywhere. 
"Where is he now?" said his wife, crying. She was crying herself to 
death. The children cried also. Yet all the time he was only a prisoner, 
and he stayed there with those "little-men." The people gave up trying 
to find him. " Where can any one find him ? " they said. So they gave up. 

Now, it came on winter. He had been lost in summer. It came on 
spring, the early spring. Then the "little-men" said to him, "Now go 
back to your home." So he went. They loaded him down with deer- 
meat and berries. Now, another man was going along in that same 
direction. The man who had been lost was dressed in feathers, and 
carried a huge load. The other man spoke to him. So he was found, the 
man who had been lost the year before. That is the way the man was 
captured by the "little-men" long ago. 


People were gambling, and the Rogue- River people won everything. 
An old woman lived in a house with many children. Below, farther 
down the river, were two women. Coyote arrived where the old woman 
lived. She was his aunt; and he came without any bed, carrying his 
gambling-sticks. She gave him some supper; then she said, "Where are 
you going?" — "I am going to gamble," said he. "You are always 
clever. Where is your wager?" said the old woman. Then he took out 
of his sack some beads. "You are always wishing to do something," 
said she, and broke up his gambling-sticks, and threw them into the 
fire. He saved one, however. Then she made his bed for him. 

"You can't strike me with anything," said the old woman. Then she 
put her rattles on her wrists, and rattled them. She placed a basket of 
water near. "Sprinkle me with that," she said, "and I shall come to 
life again." Then she gave him some "poison," and told him to sit on 
the opposite side. Then she sang, " I am going to dance in this direction. 
You thought I was going that way." So he threw at her, and "pak!" 

26 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

e hi her. He forgot what to do. Then he remembered, and sprinkled 
her with the water, and she breathed and sat up. 

"Now do you do the same," said the old woman to Coyote. So he got 
ready, and did just as the old woman had done, he sang her song. He 
made a feint to go in one direction. He was afraid. "Dodge about in 
every direction," said she to Coyote. "Look out!" Then she threw in 
this direction, and he jumped up straight, and escaped. "You take 
this," said she. "Down river are two fine women. You can wager 
them." — "Very well," said he, and went on. He went in a canoe, and 
had all kinds of blankets and shell beads. "See! a chief is coming," 
the people said. He married the two women, and went on down the 

He came now to where the people were gambling. He said to his 
wives, "You must not tell who I am. I will talk the Klamath language." 
— "What did you come for?" the people said. "I came to gamble," 
said Coyote. "What is your wager?" they asked. "Here is some bead- 
money," said Coyote. "No, that will not do. We do differently. We 
wager people." Then Coyote said, "We do not wager people. By and 
by it will be different, there will be another people. I will wager bead- 
money." — " No," said they. " I will measure so much : three fathoms of 
beads you shall have if you win, four fathoms." — "No!" said the peo- 
ple, "we bet persons." — "Well, all right! I will wager my body and 
my two wives. Where are your gambling-sticks ? " said Coyote. " Where 
are yours?" said they. 

Now they were ready. A little bird was concealed in Coyote's hair, 
just back of his ear. " We will throw at you first," said they. " Very well," 
said Coyote, so he sang. "They are going to make a feint," said the 
little bird. They threw to knock Coyote over; but he jumped straight 
upwards, and they missed. " Now it is your turn," said Coyote to them. 
Then the bird said to him, " Throw on that side ! They will dodge in that 
direction." He threw, and knocked them down. "Pa-a-a," said Coyote. 
So he won. He kept on knocking them down. For five days he won, and 
won back all his people. 

Then the Rogue-River people said, "Let us climb for eagles. There 
are some a Uttle ways over there." — " Very well," said Coyote. So they 
ran, and came to a tree. Coyote climbed up; and as he climbed, the tree 
stretched up to the sky, and became ice, — became so slippery. Coyote 
could not climb down. He threw down the young eagles. " I don't know 
how I shall get back," he said. Then he took some moss and floated 
down on that. He ran back, and came to the place where he had gambled. 
So again he won. 

"My friend, let us go and fish at that weir!" said they. "Very well," 
said Coyote. So they ran thither. There was a rattlesnake in the weir. 
He took it out with his spear. Every one ran away. Then he killed it. 

Shasta Myths 27 

It was a Rogue- River person. Coyote then ran back to his gambhng- 
place, and again he had won. 

"My friend, let us dive for dead salmon!" said they. "All right!" 
said Coyote. "Take your arrow-flaker with you," said the Httle bird to 
Coyote. They went to the river and dove. Coyote was almost out of 
wind, he could not hold his breath any longer; but he got the salmon, 
and rose with it. Then he hit his head against the ice, for the people had 
caused the river to freeze. So with his arrow-flaker he made a hole 
through the ice, and came out. "An-an-an," said he. "Here is your 
dead salmon to cook." So he won again. 

"My friend, let us stop!" said they. "Let us sweat!" — "Take a 
flute with you," said the bird to Coyote. Inside the stones cracked with 
the heat; but Coyote made a hole with his flute, and ran through it 
and got out. So he w^on again. 

Now, Coyote went off. "Let us stop here ! " said he. " I '11 sleep here. 
I want to rest." So he slept. By and by it got dark. " Ye must go back 
to my house," said he to his wives, and they went. Then he took three 
rotten logs, and laid them side by side, and covered them wath a blan- 
ket. He then went off, and leaned against a tree near by. Pretty soon 
the Rogue- River people came. They had big stone knives. They mashed 
and struck the rotten logs. "What can this be? " said they. "Long ago 
I said we ought to kill him, ought to catch him and kill him," said they. 
"You cannot catch or kill me, An-an-an!" said Coyote, and ran away. 

They followed him, and were close behind. Coyote jumped into a 
clump of bushes. "Let me become an old woman! I must be an old 
woman!" said he; and he became one. "Hit him! That is the one!" 
said the pursuers. "M-m-m!" the old woman sobbed. "The one you 
follow passed by here running. I bought your mother long ago, I am 
your grandmother. He passed by here running and panting hard." 
[So they went on.] 

Coyote came to a small creek. He jumped in, and said, "Let me be- 
come a salmon." — "That is the one ! Spear it ! " said the ones who fol- 
lowed. "No! We must follow him," said one. "We can spear it com- 
ing back." — "An-an-an ! You will spear it coming back," said Coyote, 
and jumped out. Again they ran after him. " Let me become a sedge ! " 
said he. " Pull that up, cut it !" said they. [But they went on.] Then 
Coyote said, "An-an-an ! You people are going to gather basket-mate- 
rials." So he jumped up again, and again they followed him. "Let me 
become a fog!" said he. Then it rained and hailed. That is all. 


People were living at Ihiwe'yax. There was a fish- weir there on the 
river, and people were drying lots of salmon. Coyote was living at 
Utd'yagig; and he thought, " I had better go and get some salmon." So 

28 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

he went to get salmon. He came to the fish-weir, and the people gave 
him a great pile of salmon. So he went back; he lifted the load with 
difficulty and put it on his back, then he went off. 

By and by he thought, " I guess I will rest. There is all day in which to 
rest. I will take a nap." So he went to sleep. By and by he awoke, 
and it was still only midday. Without looking, he took his pack of salmon, 
which he had used as a pillow while he slept, and took a bite. But while 
he was asleep the Yellow- Jackets had thought of him. "May he sleep 
soundly!" they said, and he did. Then they blew smoke towards him 
to work him harm, and took away his pack of salmon that he had car- 
ried. In its place they put a bundle of pine-bark, tied up. They put this 
under his head. So when he seized what he thought was salmon in his 
mouth, his face came against the bark. 

He jumped up. " Who is it that has done this ?" he said. He looked 
for tracks, but could not find them. "I'll fix that man, whoever he may 
be," said Coyote. Then he ran back to the fish-weir. "Coyote is nm- 
ning hither," the people said. "What can be the trouble with him?" 
He got there, and said, " I rested there at Utcl'yagig. I was tired and went 
to sleep there. When I woke up, I missed something, — missed that 
that I had carried. Some one took every bit of it away." So he stayed 
over night ; and in the morning they gave him much salmon, as before, 
and he went away, loaded down. 

Again, in the same place, he laid down his pack and rested. "I won- 
der what will happen ! " he thought. " I wonder who will come ! " Then 
he slept, he feigned sleep. Now the Yellow- Jackets came. He did n't 
think they were the ones. "They always light on salmon that way," he 
thought. So they lighted on the salmon, on the pack he was leaning 
on. They almost lifted it. Coyote was looking at them as they moved 
it. Then they lifted it up from the ground, and dropped it again. " I 
wish you would help me!" they said to each other. They lifted it, they 
flew away with it. " Not too fast ! " said they. They flew away, and took 
his salmon from him, the salmon he was carrying home. Coyote watched 
them as they flew, he followed them; but just there he grew tired, and 
gave out. 

Then he went back to tell to the people at the fish- weir all that had 
happened "Oh! here comes Coyote again," said they. He got there. 
"It was an evil being who took it from me, who took the salmon I car- 
ried away from here. He went in that direction." Everywhere this was 
reported among the people. They all gathered together, and heard 
about it. Then they got ready. Now, again Coyote went off carrying 
salmon. He rested in the same place; the other people sat about here 
and there, waiting to see the Yellow- Jackets take the salmon away. 
While they waited. Turtle came up. Coyote laughed, "He-he-hg! Who 
ever told you to come?" Turtle said nothing, but sat apart by himself. 

Shasta Myths 29 

"Why did you come?" said Coyote. "You ought not to have come," 
and he laughed at him. But Turtle sat there, and paid no attention to 
Coyote, who laughed at him. 

Now the Yellow- Jackets came. As before, they lifted the load up a 
little ways and down again; then they just lifted it, it was so heavy, 
and flew away with it. The people followed them when they flew. They 
flew in that direction, to where Mount Shasta stands. Thither they went 
in a straight line. The people followed them up the valley and the 
river, straight to Mount Shasta. Coyote got tired not far from where he 
started. Here and there the others dropped out, tired, and formed a 
line of those unable to go on. Turtle, of whom Coyote had made fun, 
was still running. "I'm not really running yet," said Turtle, as he 
passed them. By and by all had given out but Turtle. They were scat- 
tered all along, but Turtle still kept on. The Yellow- Jackets still flew 
with the salmon. They went up the mountain, and Turtle followed. 
Then at the very top of Mount Shasta they took it in through a hole. 
Coyote was the first to get tired ; but Turtle, at whom he had laughed, 
was the only one who went on up the mountain. 

Coyote saw him. "He-he-he!" said he. "Who thought he could do 
anything, and there he is, the one who has overtaken all the rest." Now 
all the people came up, and arrived at the place. They tried to smoke 
the Yellow- Jackets out, and the smoke came up far away there in the 
valley. Coyote ran fast, so as to stop up the hole ; but the smoke came 
out again in another place. So Coyote ran fast, and stopped it up. The 
people fanned the smoke into the house of the Yellow- Jackets ; but the 
smoke rose here and there, coming out at many places all over the valley.^ 
So they gave it up. They could not smoke the Yellow- Jackets out. 
Then the people scattered about everywhere from there. That is what 
the story says happened long ago. 


Coyote was going along, carrying salmon. He sat down to rest. An 
Eagle was perched on the other side of the river. " I wish he would sleep 
soundly!" said Eagle, and Coyote slept soundly. Eagle came down 
then to where Coyote was, and took away from him all his food. Then 
Eagle said to himself, "Wake up! Get up!" Coyote woke up. He 
turned over to eat, and bit a stone. He looked for his bundle of salmon, 
but only the stick (with which he carried it) lay there. Then he looked 
to where Eagle was sitting, and saw him eating from his bundle. " Come ! 
Divide it with me!" he said to Eagle; but Eagle ate it all. So Coyote 
shot at him ; but Eagle was too far o£f, he did not hit him. 

^ Shasta Valley, at the foot of Mount Shasta, is full of small, recent, extinct, volcanic 
vents. It is possible this myth embodies a recollection of their activity. 

3© Journal oj American Folk-Lore 


Long ago, when the first people grew, there were ten Moons. The 
people gathered together and talked. "Shall we kill the Moons?" said 
they. "The winters are too long." Coyote was there with them. 
"Yes!" said he. " I am the one who can kill them. I will do it." The 
Moons lived far to the eastwards. A great bird called Toruk lived there 
too. The Moons had taken out his leg-bones, so he could not go away. 
Every day they went to gather roots, and left Toruk in the house to 
guard it. He cried all day. WTien he was hungry, one of the Moons went 
and fed him. Every night they brought back roots. One came bringing 
big snowflakes with him as he came ; one came with a shower of rain ; 
one brought great hail; one brought strong winds, so that great trees 
were blown over. . . . The other five were not as strong. 

The people said to Coyote, "Well, you go." So he went. "I will 
fool them well," said Coyote. The people told him what to do. He went 
to where the Moons were. He went to kill them. WTien he got close, he 
found they were gone gathering roots. Toruk was there alone. He was 
frightened. He almost called out in warning. "Be still, Uncle! It is a 
friend," said Coyote. "Here is food for you. Eat it. I will fix your legs 
for you." Toruk had no legs, for the Moons had taken out his leg- bones. 
Coyote fixed Toruk's legs. He cut up some young black-oak, and made 
legs out of that. 

"What do they do for you?" said Coyote. "\Vhen I am hungry, I 
cry, and one of them brings me food. That is what I do," said Toruk. 
" Good!" said Coyote. "Do you cry out now, and a Moon will come." 
So he cried out, "To-0-0!" Then the Moons said faraway, "Ha! He 
is hungry. Do you go and take him some food." — "Very well," said one, 
and he went. "He is coming!" Toruk said. Then the storm came, it 
poured down. Coyote slipped behind the door, and watched for Moon 
when he should come in. Soon Moon came; and when he put his head 
in the door, Coyote cut it off. He seized him by the hair, and cut off 
his head. Then he threw the head behind the door, and the body to the 
other side of the house. Then he warmed his hands by the fire, and got 
warm again. "Now cry again ! " he said to Toruk. " All right ! " said he, 
and cried, " To-o-o ! " — " Oh ! the slave is not satisfied," said the Moons; 
"I guess you had better go." — "All right!" said one of them. "He is 
coming ! " said Toruk to Coyote. So the second Moon came to the house; 
and as he came in, Coyote seized him by the hair as he stooped, and cut 
off his head. He did then as before, threw the head back of the fireplace; 
and tossed the body to one side. 

He was nearly frozen, he warmed his hands. When he was again 
warm, he said, "Cry again!" The Toruk called, "To-6-5!" — "Ah! 
what is the matter with that slave ? " said the Moons. "He is calling 

Shasta Myths 31 

again. You had better go." So they said to the biggest Moon. " All 
right!" said he, "I don't know what is the matter with him," and he 
went. Then Toruk said, "Here comes the biggest Moon!" Coyote was 
nearly frozen stiff, it was so cold ; everything froze, everything cracked. 
WTien the ISIoon put his head in the door, however, Coyote did the same 
as before, seizing him by the hair, and cutting off his head. Coyote was 
almost frozen to death, he was numb. . . . 

Now he had killed five Moons. Then they found out what was the 
trouble. Now, Toruk said, "They have found out what has happened. 
The last one that was killed got his hair in the edge of the fire. They 
have smelled the hair burning, out there where they are picking. Let us 
run away!" So Coyote and Toruk ran, and got away. If Coyote had 
not done this, there would have been ten Moons. Coyote killed five of 


There were many people, and Coyote lived with them. Grizzly- 
Bear was staying at his wife's house. Coyote said, "Let us go and drive 
game with fire ! " They said, " Very well ! " So they went. Coyote went 
on ahead, and fixed an arrow-point firmly by wrapping it to the shaft. 
Grizzly-Bear came along, and picked up Coyote's arrow. Coyote took 
it, and struck his hand with it. "That is not an arrow- point," said he, 
"you cannot shoot with that. That will not accomplish anything." 
On account of this, many people looked at him. 

They sat down. Lizard pulled one of his arrows out of his quiver. 
His arrow-point was stuck on with pitch. Coyote took it from him, he 
struck his hand with it. "Give it to me!" said Grizzly-Bear. All the 
people looked at him. He struck his hand with the arrow-point, and 
threw away the arrow. They all looked at him. He sat there, he waved 
his hand; then he said, "I guess that is blood. Oh!" — "Now let us 
all go and hunt!" said Lizard. " Grizzly- Bear, you go in the middle 
of the line." Coyote meanwhile hid and peeped. Grizzly-Bear grew 
very sick ; and the other people went on, leaving him all alone. He dug 
up the ground, he grew angry, he ran at trees and bit them, then he sat 
down. Meanwhile Coyote peeped and watched. Then Grizzly-Bear 
waved his hands about, he lay on his back. Then something said, " Mm I " 
and he died. 

Coyote ran up quickly. He found Grizzly-Bear dead ; so he called out, 
" Grizzly- Bear is dead!" Then immediately all the people out driving 
deer with fire came together, and gathered where he lay. All were there 
except Lizard. "Let us burn the fur off," they said. "Not now. Lizard 
is not here. He can do it when he comes," they said. Now Lizard came, 
and arrived there. "Tell us quickly what to do," said Coyote. "Skin 
him without cutting the skin. Do it that way," said he. So Lizard 
butchered it that way, he left the claws on the hide, he left the teeth. 

32 Journal oj American Folk-Lore 

"Which of you will taste it first?" said he. Then the Jay said, "I 
want to taste first." He did so, fell over dead, and lay there lifeless. 
Then Coyote divided it equally all around, and they went away. In the 
evening Coyote dressed the hide. Next day he danced. "Who will be 
the first to run up and down the line?" said he. Tsi'di (a small yellow 
bird) put on the hide, and said, " I will be the first." Many people were 
dancing; and Tsi'di was afraid, and hid. After a while Lizard put on 
the hide. He jumped in front of the dancers, wearing the hide. They 
looked at him, and by and by he took it off. Then Tsi'di said, " I '11 try 
it on." 

Now "The Grizzly-Bears are coming near," they said. Tsi'di ran 
in front of the dancers, and went up into the air. "That is good," said 
they. Next day the Grizzly-Bears came. " Your brother has gone back," 
said Coyote. "There are the tracks," said he. But the eleven Grizzly- 
Bears could not find them. In the evening the people said, "Let us 
dance!" So they danced. Grizzly-Bears sat there watching. Now, "Let 
us jump in front of the dancers!" said they. Then Lizard jumped out 
in front of them with the hide on. The Grizzly-Bears cried. All stopped 
dancing. They went to sleep. 

The Grizzly-Bears were angry. Next day they came again; they ran 
about outside the house, dodging from side to side. The people had 
few weapons to kill them with. Only Lizard had anything. The Grizzly- 
Bears were angry, and the people dodged about. Then they stopped. 
"To-morrow I think we will fight with arrows," said the Grizzly-Bears. 
Next day they fought. Coyote was killed first. The Grizzly-Bears bit 
him all to pieces. The Grizzly-Bears dodged, and Lizard dodged and 
jumped about also. Axtirunaka'kir also jumped about. It was then 
he was smeared over with blood. Many people were killed among the 
Grizzly-Bears. In the evening all stopped fighting. Only five of the 
Grizzly-Bears were left; six were killed. Then the Grizzly-Bears went 
away, scattered in different directions. Coyote was killed for good. 
He was no longer alive. Then Lizard went to his home, and all the others 
went home to their own countries. That is one story. 


Coyote and his grandmother lived together. It was winter, and the 
snow was deep; in the night it covered over the house. Coyote said, 
" Old woman, I think I '11 go hunting for deer." — " Very well ! Go and 
hunt," said she. So he went. He looked for tracks, for fawn's tracks, 
but in winter there were no fawn- tracks about. He was unable to follow 
a track, so he returned to the house. The old woman said, " Well, are there 
tracks everywhere?" — "Old woman, I think there are no fawns." — 
"It is bad that there are none," she said. "I do not beheve what you 
tell me. It is a bad thing at this time of year to say there are no fawns. 

Shasta Myths ^t, 

You must not say that you do not see fawn- tracks." — "Mm-mm!" 
said Coyote, "there are no fawn-tracks about." 

'' Old woman, I am going to carry all the dog-salmon and throw it in 
the river," said Coyote. "Why do you do that?" said she. "It is not 
good to keep it at this time of year," said he. "You must not say that," 
said she, "we shall be hungry this winter." — "Why!" said he, "I say 
we must throw it in the river." So he went, and threw it into the river. 

Now, those two became hungry. His grandmother was afraid. She 
cried ; she moaned ; she snuffled " Snf, snf ! " She hid some salmon-meat 
under her pillow. Now they were hungry. The snow came deep in the 
night, and in the morning Coyote wanted to go out. He pushed the 
door, but it would not open. " WTiat makes it move so hard ?" he said. 
It was the snow that held the door shut. 

So they stayed there in the house. Both were hungry. The old woman 
lay on the side next the wall. Coyote lay back of the fire, and was starv- 
ing. He looked up. "It looks to me as if she was eating," he said. "I 
think I will get up." He did; he looked, and it seemed that she was eat- 
ing, under her deer-skin blanket. Long ago she had hidden some salmon- 
meat under her pillow, and he suspected that she was eating there. He 
looked again, and saw that she was eating. He went to her, he lifted 
the blanket slowly, then jerked it off quickly. "Why do you hide and 
eat secretly?" said he. He choked her. "K-k-k," she was choking. 
"You alone are eating," said he. The old woman cried. 

Next day his grandmother was hungry, both of them were hungry. 
"WTiat can we get to eat?" said he. "I am going to eat myself." So 
he ate himself all up, all except his tail. He even ate up his blanket. He 
kept on that way, he and his grandmother, until it was spring. 


Coyote was going upstream. From across the river they called to 
him, "Doctor, are you going upstream? A girl is sick here." — "Very 
well," said Coyote. He went across, and doctored her. He covered the 
house up tight, and said, "I must dance alone." — "Very well," said 
they. "I will sing, while ye stay outside and help me by singing too," 
said he. So they went, and he closed the door. "Tow'ille-tow'ille," he 
said, and ravished the girl. A snake peeped in through a hole in the 
wall, and saw him. "Quick! Open the door !" said the snake. "He is 
doing evil." So they opened the door quickly, and Coyote ran out. 
They took nettles, and beat him with them, and he ran. They followed 
after him. He ran into a hollow oak-tree. "Let it close together," said 
Coyote, and it did so. 

For a year Coyote remained there. Then a Woodpecker came and 
pecked at the tree. " Who is making that noise ?" said Coyote. W'ood- 
pecker was afraid, and stopped. By and by he again began. "Listen!" 

34 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

said Coyote. " Go and tell the news. Tell the Great- Woodpecker, tell 
the Yellow-Hammer, tell all kinds of birds, to come." So Woodpecker 
went. All the birds came, they made a hole in the tree. Coyote peeped 
out through the hole. " Do ye all go far away, ^\^len it splits, go towards 
the wind." Then Coyote burst the tree, he split it. "A-a-a," he said. 
Then he pulled out his entrails and painted the birds with the blood from 
them. . He painted them red, and made them look pretty. Then they 
scattered everywhere. 


Coyote was going up river, not thinking of anything. Then he heard 
something somewhere. He laughed. Two women were coming down 
close by the water. "What shall I do?" he thought. "I wish to be a 
steel-head salmon." He was a steel-head salmon. Now the women 
came near; and he made a pile of gravel, as fish do. The women ar- 
rived there, they saw him. " Oh, a steel-head ! Let 's catch it ! " — " You 
watch downstream, I will go upstream and drive it down." She did so, 
and the salmon ran betu-een her legs. Then he ran upstream again, 
and turned and came down once more. " Oh, I feel a pain," said the 
woman. "Do you not feel a pain?" Now Coyote had almost lost his 
breath. " I want to jump out," he said. So he jumped out. "Ou-ou-ou!" 
he said; he was happy. "You shall be steel-head salmon," said he. 
Then they called Coyote evil names. 


"Luni, luni, luni," said Pitch. "Where are you going?" said Coyote. 
Pitch did not answer. Coyote walked up to him. " What is the matter 
with you ? Did n't you hear me ? " Then Coyote seized him, and Pitch 
held him. He was stuck. Coyote said, "Let me go, or I'll kick you." 
So he kicked, and his foot stuck. He stood only on one foot. "Let me 
go, or I'll hit you with my hand, evil being!" said he. So he hit him, 
and was stuck for the third time. "I'll kill you with my other foot," 
said Coyote. He kicked him, and this also stuck. "I can kill anything, 
you evil being, with my tail." So he struck him, and his tail was caught. 
He had used all his members up. "I can eat anything with my mouth, 
I will eat you," Coyote said; but Pitch did not answer. "I'll bite you," 
said Coyote, and he bit him. His mouth was caught, and he could not 
breathe. "Oh, my aunt ! Set fire to him, you are the only one who knows 
everything," said Coyote. Then he was set free, when the fire was set 
"You will be nothing but pitch," said Coyote. "People will call you 
Pitch," said he. " Now go and eat roots at Kwihin'i." (This latter phrase 
is one frequently used in narration, being addressed by the story-teller 
to the hearers, at the end of a tale. It is a traditional way of closing a tale.) 

Shasta Myths 35 


Antelope stole money while people were sweating. Coyote had five 
children, and in the evening Antelope and these five children went to 
steal money from Pain. "Cousin ! Where did you get your money ? " said 
the Coyotes. "My children stole it," said he. "They stole it far away. 
They can run fast." — "That is good," said they, and they went on. 

They reached the place where Pain lived. They picked up money while 
the people were sweating inside the sweat-house. "You must not cry 
the war-whoop. You must not shout until we are far away," said Ante- 
lope. They ran away ; and when they were still near, the Coyotes cried 
out, "An-a-a-a!" The Pains ran out, and chased them. Antelope was 
far in the lead, and the Coyotes were killed. Antelope was caught, and 
cried, " Wa-a-a ! " — " Don't kill it ! Let us make a slave of it ! " said the 
Pains. So they led him back to where the Coyotes had been killed. They 
put money on his neck, all the money that was about the necks of the 
five who were killed. Antelope staggered about under the load. He 
picked up the droppings of the five Coyote children. "Let him go a 
little ways ahead," said the Pains. Then Antelope ran away. 

They could not catch him. He ran away from them altogether. Just 
about dawn he got back. " Old man, get up ! Listen ! You will not be- 
lieve this, but Coyote's children will not come back." — "You are ly- 
ing," said Coyote. "Let us each throw fire in the other's face." Coyote 
picked up the shovel. "You first," said Coyote. "All right!" said he. 
He picked up a shovelful from the middle of the fire, and threw it at him. 
He did nothing, did not move. "Now it is your turn," he said to Coyote, 
and he did the same thing to Antelope. " Atu'-tu-tu'," said Coyote. An- 
telope got back to the house. He gave to Coyote what he had stolen. 
"Here are their droppings," he said. Coyote cried, then he sweated; 
and the droppings all came back to life, the five of them. 


Coyote was going somewhere with some one. He was going to a dance 
with Coon. They returned to their houses. On the way a squirrel ran 
into a hole on the road. "You scare him out the other side," said Coyote. 
"All right ! " said the other. So he scared him, put his hand into the other 
opening of the hole. Coyote at his end put his hand in, and seized some- 
thing. "Lookout! You have hold of me," said the Coon. "No!" said 
Coyote, "that is the squirrel." — "No! That is me," said Coon. "I 
tell you that it is me," said he. " No ! " said Coyote, "' that is the squirrel." 
So he kept on pulling: he pulled off Coon's arm, and killed him. 

Then Coyote went on to his house. WTien he arrived, his children 
went after what he had killed, to bring it home. They brought it all 
into the house, and began to eat it. The youngest child was left out, and 

36 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

he grew angry. So he went across to the other house, to the Coon's chil- 
dren, and told them, " Coyote has killed your father." After this Coyote 
went off somewhere. When he was gone, Coon's children came across, 
and killed all Coyote's children but one. Then they went back to their 
own house, got ready, and ran away. They carried off the one child 
with them, and went up above. 

Coyote came back, and saw that there were no children there. All 
were dead. "I don't know where they are," he said. He ran into the 
house, ran into the other house, but there were none there. He hunted 
everywhere, he asked all things. Now the dust began to rise in eddies. 
He looked up, and saw them rising there. He ran after them, but could 
not catch them. These stars there (Pleiades) are Coon's children. Coy- 
ote's child is the smallest one. (In winter, when coons are in their holes, 
the Pleiades are most brilliant, and continually visible. In summer, when 
coons are out and about, the Pleiades are not seen.) 


Coyote was travelling about. There was an evil being in the water. 
Coyote carried his arrows. Now, the evil being rose up out of the water, 
and said, "There is no wood." Then the water rose up toward Coyote, 
it covered him up. Coyote was covered by the water. Then the water 
went down, dried off, and Coyote shot the evil being. 

Now, Coyote ran away, and the water followed after him. He ran up 
on Mount Shasta, ran up to the top of the mountain. The water was very 
deep. Coyote made a fire, for there only was any ground left above the 
water. Grizzly-Bear swam thither, Deer swam thither, Black-Bear swam 
thither, Elk swam thither, and Gray- Squirrel, and Jack- Rabbit, and 
Ground- Squirrel, and Badger, and Porcupine, and Coon, and Wild- 
Cat, and Fisher, and Wolf, and Mountain-Lion. . . . Then there was 
no more water. It was swampy all about. People scattered every- 


Coyote was travelling along, going along the trail. He saw some one 
coming to meet him. By and by they met. "Where are you going ? " said 
Coyote; but the other, who was Beaver, did not answer. "Did n't you 
hear me ? " said Coyote, but the other said nothing. Coyote went on. " I 
did not kill any one," said he; "your child died because he ate wood." 
Then he went on. By and by he sat down, and Beaver came up behind 
him. He wanted to catch Coyote and kill him. Coyote began to run, he 
was afraid of Beaver. Far away he stopped; Beaver still came on. 
"Wliere are you going?" said Coyote, who was tired. Now, Beaver 
came up quietly, he caught Coyote, he seized him. There was no water 
there; so Beaver said, "Let a lake come to me !" Coyote said, "Let the 
lake not come! Let go of me!" Beaver did not answer. Then water 

Shasta Myths 37 

came, it grew deeper, now it covered over Coyote, and he died. Then 
the water dried up. 


Coyote lived over there by the river. He gambled. He had ten children, 
— five boys and five girls. He lost all his beads in gambling, and had 
nothing to bet ! So he bet a child, and then another, and another, until 
he had lost them all. His wife sat there still ; and so he said to her, " I 
bet you now." Then he lost, he had lost ten children and his wife, so he 
stopped playing. 

He went off far away. He reached a valley. He was thin, he had 
nothing to eat. The valley was his home. He ate food spilled all around 
on the ground. He ate grasshoppers, that were sweet. Then he was very 
thin, there was no meat on him, he was only bones, he could not get 
enough to eat. He looked round and saw a fire burning. His hair caught 
fire, and he ran toward the water. WTien he reached it, it was dried up. 
Far away was a big river : he ran thither, but he was burned all up except 
his head. He got to the water, jumped in, and then got back to the place 
he had lived in before, he got back to the place where he had gambled. 

People were out hunting deer. Every day they did the same. One day 
they were hunting. Coyote stood far away on a mountain. The people 
had their arrows on the bow-string, ready to shoot. Then Coyote called 
out, "Pa-a-a-a-a! Where are you going?" They turned and looked at 
him. They are still standing there, where they stood. They are stone. 
They are at the same place still. That is all. 

A messenger told the Sun, " Some one is coming to kill you." By and 
by a person came. He seized the Sun. He threw him toward the south, 
but the Sun came back. He threw him toward the east. The murderer 
came close to him again. Then the Sun began to roll along. When the 
murderer got there, the Sun was gone. The Sun kept running, and roll- 
ing along. He does so always. 

Harvard University, 
Cambridge, Mass. 

38 Journal of American Folk-Lore 


The Society met at Boston, in affiliation with the American Anthro- 
pological Society and Section H of the American Association for the 
Advancement of Science, December 30, 1909. The meeting was held in 
the Engineering Building of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. 

The Council of the Society met at 9.30, President Swan ton in the chair. 

The Treasurer's report for 1909 was presented as follows : — 


Balance from last statement $1,600.73 

Receipts from annual dues 925.30 

Subscriptions to Publication Fund 270.00 

Sales through Houghton MifSin Co. (net of mailing and other 
expenses) : 

Memoirs 46.55 

Journal of American Folk-Lore, December i, 1908, to Novem- 
ber I, 1909, less 10 per cent, commission, and charges for ex- 

pressage, mailing, printing, etc 521.64 

Dr. Felix Grendon, for printing his long article in Journal of Amer- 
ican Folk-Lore, No. 84, first instalment toward $200 to be 

paid in monthly payments of $25 25.00 

Interest account on balance, Old Colony Trust Co., Boston, Mass. 32.10 



Houghton Mifflin Co., for manufacture of Journal of American 

Folk-Lore, Nos. 82, ^ 83, 84, 85 $1,712.64 

Houghton Mifflin Co., for printing reprints for authors . . . 81.02 

Houghton Mifflin Co., for printing list of libraries 3.15 

Houghton Mifflin Co., for changing die .15 

Houghton Mifflin Co., for printing notice of Annual Meeting . . 5.43 

Houghton Mifflin Co., for printing notice of change of meeting- 

place 5.33 

M. L. Taylor, for work on indexing Journal of American Folk- 
Lore, to be published by the American Folk-Lore Society as the 

Tenth Memoir 396.55 

H. M. Hight, Boston, Mass., for printing bills 3.25 

Edward W. Wheeler, Cambridge, Mass., for printing cards . . 4.25 

Edward W. Wheeler, Cambridge, Mass., for cards for Publication 

Fund 3.25 

Edward W. Wheeler, Cambridge, Mass,, for printing membership 

applications 3.50 

Amount carried forward $2,218.52 

* Journals Nos. 81 and 82 were combined in 1908, but owing to Post Office require- 
ments, the next number of the Journal had to be numbered 82. 

Twenty-First Annual Meeting 39 

Amount brought forward $2,218.52 

For expenses of meeting of the California Branch of the American 
FoLk-Lore Society, held February 25, 1909, to determine the re- 
lation of the California Branch of the Society 13-25 

Secretar)''s postage 9.26 

Dr. Alfred M. Tozzer, Cambridge, Mass, for stenographer . . 15-87 

Treasurer's postage 8.88 

Rebate to the Cambridge Branch, M. L. Femald, Treasurer . 17.00 

Rebate to the Boston Branch, Fitz-Henry Smith, Jr., Treasurer . 50-50 

Rebate to the Missouri Branch, Mrs. L. D. Ames, Treasurer . . 6.00 

Rebate to the Iowa Branch, E. K. Putnam, Treasurer . . . 3.50 

Rebate to the Illinois Branch, S. V. R. Jones, Treasurer . . . 7.00 

Rebate to the New York Branch, Stansbury Hagar, Treasurer . 9.50 

Old Colony Trust Co., Boston, Mass., collecting checks ... 2.90 

Balance to new account 1,059.14 

Eliot W. Remice, Treasurer. 

The report being accepted, an auditing committee, consisting of 
Messrs. Charles Peabody, L. W. Jenkins, and R. B. Dixon, was appointed 
to audit the same. 

The Acting Secretary presented a brief report to the Council. In this 
attention was called to the low balance to the Society's credit, and the 
hope expressed that, in consequence of the increased amount of material 
in the Journal relating to European folk-lore, new members might be 
secured in sufficient numbers to place the Journal on a stronger finan- 
cial footing. The membership, in comparison with the previous year, 
showed a gain of nineteen. 

The Editor reported that the Index to the first twenty volumes of the 
Journal, which is to constitute the Tenth Memoir, was nearly complete. 
The task had proved longer than at first anticipated, but the volume 
would now be carried to press at an early date. 

The following recommendations were adopted by the Council : — 

That the Constitution of the Society be reprinted in leaflet form, for 
distribution to the various Branches. 

That the Secretary be empowered to arrange for the incorporation of 
the Society either in Massachusetts or elsewhere, if this seems desirable. 

That the Questionnaires prepared some years ago by Mr. W. W. Newell 
and Mrs. Fanny D. Bergen be reprinted, if possible, for the use of the 
various Branches. 

That the collection of Pennsylvania German folk-lore made by Mr. 
Fogel be accepted by the Society for publication as the Eleventh Me- 
moir, the details of the arrangement to be left to the Editor of the 

40 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

On nomination by the Council, officers were elected for 1910 as fol- 
lows: — 

President, Professor H. M. Belden, University of Missouri, Co- 
lumbia, Mo. 

First Vice-President, Professor G. L. Kittredge, Harvard Uni- 
versity, Cambridge, Mass. 

Second Vice-President, Dr. J. Walter Fewkes, Bureau of Ameri- 
can Ethnology, Washington, D. C. 

Editor of Journal, Professor Franz Boas, Columbia University, 
New York City. 

Permanent Secretary, Dr. Charles Peabody, Peabody Museum, 
Cambridge, Mass. 

Treasurer, Mr. Eliot W. Remick, 300 Marlborough St., Boston, 

Councillors. (For three years) : Professor J. A. Lomax, College Sta- 
tion, Texas; Professor J. B. Fletcher, Columbia University, New York 
City; Professor A. F. Chamberlain, Clark University, Worcester, Mass. 
(For two years) : Dr. E. K. Putnam,^ Davenport, Iowa; Dr. G. A. Dor- 
sey,^ Field Museum, Chicago, Illinois; Mr. Albert Matthews, Boston, 
Mass. (For one year) : Dr. P. E. Goddard,^ American Museum of 
Natural History, New York City; Mrs. Zelia NuttalV Mexico City; 
Dr. S. A. Barrett, Public Museum, Milwaukee, Wisconsin. 

The following are also members of the Council, either as past Presi- 
dents of the Society within five years, or as Presidents of local branches : 
Miss Ahce Fletcher, Professor A. L. Kroeber, Professor R. B. Dixon, 
Dr. J. R. Swanton, Professor F. W. Putnam, Dr. K. G. T. Webster, 
Miss Mary A. Owen, Professor Charles B. Wilson, Professor A. C. L. 
Brown, Dr. R. H. Lowie. 

At the conclusion of the business meeting, the President, Dr. J. R. 
Swanton, read his Presidential Address on "Some Practical Aspects 
of the Study of Myths." The following papers were then presented : — 

Professor Franz Boas, "Literary Form in Oral Tradition." 

Dr. R. H. Lowie, "Assiniboine Folk-Lore." 

Mr. a. T. Sinclair, "Folk Songs and Music of Cataluna." 

Mr. Phillips Barry, "Native American Ballads." 

Professor A. F. Chamberlain, "The Myth of the Seven Heads." 

Roland B. Dixon, Acting Secretary. 

* Councillors holding over. 

Periodical Literature 


Conducted by Dr Alexander F. Chamberlain 

[Note. — Authors, especially those whose articles appear in journals and other 
serials not entirely devoted to anthropology, will greatly aid this department of the 
American Anthropologist and the Journal of American Folk-Lore by sending 
directly to Dr A. F. Chamberlain, Clark University, Worcester, Massachusetts, 
U. S. A., reprints or copies of such studies as they may desire to have noticed 
in these pages. — Editor.] 


Aarne (A.) Zum Marchen von der 
Tiersprache. (Z. d. V. f. Volksk., 
Berlin, 1909, xix, 298-303.) Cites 
and discusses Finnish (A. notes 11 
variants). Little Russian, Servian, 
Tatar (Caucasian), and Georgian 
versions of the tale of the language 
of animals and the learning of it by 
a man whose wife teases him to 
teach her, which he will not do. 

Andree (R.) Johanna Mestorf zum 80 
Geburtstage. (Globus, Brnschwg., 
1909, xcv, 213-215, portr.) Account 
of life, scientific activities, publica- 
tions, etc., of Miss Johanna Mestorf, 
curator of the National Museum of 
Antiquities in Kiel, the only woman 
to hold the title of Professor, con- 
ferred on her on her 70th birthday 
by the Prussian Government. She 
has also a gold medal for art and 
science from the Raiser. She has 
been a frequent contributor to Globus, 

Ueber den Wert der Ethnologic 

fiir die anderen Wissenschaften. 
(Korr.-Bl. d. D. Ges. f. Anthrop., 
Brnschwg., 1908, xxxix, 66-71.) 
Discusses the value of ethnology for 
prehistory, archeology, philology, sci- 
ence of religion, psychology, history, 
jurisprudence, political economy, 
medicine, geography, art, music, prac- 
tical politics, etc., pointing out in- 
teresting problems, contributions, etc. 

Den Tod betrugen. (Z. d. V. 

f. Volksk., Berlin, 1909, xix, 203- 
204.) Notes on " deceiving Death " 
(empty miniature coffins offered by 
Neapolitan mothers when children 
are sick ; change of name, etc., as 
among orthodox Jews). 

Anthropology and the Empire: Depu- 
tation to Mr Asquith. (Man, Lond., 
1909, IX, 85-87.) Report of presenta- 
tion of memorial for establishment 
of an Imperial Bureau of Anthro- 

pology, — argument by Prof. W. 
Ridgeway, etc. 

Audenio (E.) II mancinismo. (R. 
Sper. di Freniatr., Reggio-Emilia, 
1909, XXXV, 287.) According to A., 
true lefthandedness and true right- 
handedness are not so common as 
hitherto thought, — the righthanded 
and lefthanded in muscular strength, 
e. g., are not so for agility or dura- 
tion of static contraction. Right- 
handedness for one thing, lefthanded- 
ness for another, occurs, within the 
group of righthanded and lefthanded, 
and even ambidextry also. Ambi- 
dextry (not lefthandedness) is ata- 
vistic in character. 

Avebury (Lord) Sir John Evans, 
K.C.B., D.C.L., F.R.S. Born No- 
vember 17th, 1823; died May 31st, 
1908. (Man, Lond., 1908, viii, 97- 
98, I pi.) Brief account of life, 
scientific activities and publications. 
His most notable work was the 
Ancient Stone Implements, Weapons, 
and Ornaments of Great Britain 

B. (E.) Frederick Thomas Elworthy. 
(Folk-Lore, Lond., 1908, xix, 109- 
iio.) Brief account of scientific ac- 
tivities and publications of F. T. El- 
worthy (d. Dec. 13, 1907), author of 
The Evil Eye (1895), Horns of 
Honor (1900), etc. 

Backman (G.) Om manniskans ut- 
veckling efter manniskoblifvandet. 
(Ymer, Stckhlm., 1909, xxix, 218- 
251, 272-308, 56 fgs.) First two 
sections of a discussion of the de- 
velopment of man since the fixation 
of the human species. Treats par- 
ticularly of the " fossil races " of 

Baelz (E.) Ueber plotzliches Ergrauen 
der Haare nach Schreck. (Korr.-Bl. 
d. D. Ges. f. Anthrop., Brnschwg., 
1908, XXXIX, 98-99.) Note on a case 
(woman 30 years old) of hair turn- 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

ing gray from fright (as result of 
steamer collision, fall into water, 
death of child), and another case of 
part-gray hair ; " three-colored " hair 
is also noted. 

Ueber das Lockig^verden schlich- 

ter Haare nach Abdominaltyphus. 
(Ibid., 99-100.) Dr. B. cites five 
cases (of his personal knowledge) 
where, after attacks of abdominal 
typhus the straight hair of patients 
has grown curly after being lost. 
Baudouin (M.) Un cas de manages 
precoces se succedant, pendant cinq 
generations, dans la meme famille. 
Influence possible d'une coutume an- 
alogue a celle du maraichinage. 
(Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop. de Paris, 1908, 
v^ s., IX, 716-723, I fg.) Treats of a 
family in Poitou counting 5 living 
generations (4 mothers of 4 genera- 
tions, 84, 66, 46, 27 years old, — the 
last has 3 children, of 7, 5, and i 
year). The 5 mothers were all mar- 
ried early (the ages at marriage be- 
ing respectively 14, 16, 17, 17, 19) 
and the husbands also were young — 
the majority of girls in this part of 
France entering marriage after 20. 
In the first 4 generations the first 
child has been a girl. Very preco- 
cious marriages may serve a social 
purpose. Monogamy after pregnancy 
(fidelity during marriage) is, accord- 
ing to Dr. B., " not merely a social 
convention, but an instinctive opinion 
of the normal woman, resting on a 
solid physiological basis." 
Bello y Rodriguez (S.) Le femur et 
le tibia chez I'homme et les anthro- 
poides. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop. de 
Paris, 1909, v'' s., x, 37-40.) Resume 
of the author's monograph with this 
title. See review in Amer. Anthrop., 
1909, N. s., XI, 503. 
Bellucci (J.) Quelques observations 
sur les pointes de foudre. (L'Anthro- 
pologie, Paris, 1909, xx, 31-34.) 
Compares the report of Zeltner as to 
the Soudanese belief in " thunder- 
stones " (stone axes) with similar 
ideas of the ignorant Italian peas- 
antry ; also the resemblance of the 
haruspex and the African " rain- 
Berknan (O.) Zwei Falle von Tri- 
gonokephalie. (A. f. Anthrop., 
Brnschwg., 1909, n. f., vii, 349-35Ii 
6 fgs.) Treats of a Jewish skull in 
the collection of the Brunswick Nat- 
ural History Museum, where the tri- 
gonocephaly is due to premature 
synostosis of the frontal bones, etc., 
induced by meningitis acuta simplex ; 

and a case of trigonocephaly in an 
8 year old boy in the Institution for 
the Blind in Brunswick, — here the 
anomaly is due to meningitis on a 
rachitic basis. 
Bloch (A.) Sur le mongoHsme infan- 
tile dans la race blanche et sur 
d'autres anomalies qui sont des car- 
acteres normaux dans diverses races. 
(Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop. de Paris, v* S., 
IX, 1908, 561-570.) Treats of "in- 
fantile Mongolism " (Mongolian 
idiocy, Mongolian ear, hand, and, in 
particular, "Mongolian eye"). Ac- 
cording to B., " Mongolian idiots " 
die young or disappear without de- 
scendants ; such anomalies are not 
hereditary, and no new race-variety 
is formed. Other correspondences to 
other races also exist in idiots. In 
1904 Barr made out a negroid and an 
American Indian type. 
Boas (F.) William Jones. So. Wkmn. 
Hampton, Va., 1909, xxxviii, 337- 
339. portr.) Brief account of life 
and works of the anthropologist and 
Algonl ian specialist, William Jones 
(d. March 28, 1909). 

William Jones, (Amer. Anthrop., 

Lancaster, Pa., 1909, n. s., xi, 137- 
139, portr.) 
Bolte (J.) Neuere Marchenliteratur. 
Z. d. V. f. Volksk., Berlin, 1908, 
XVIII, 450-461.) Brief resumes and 
critiques of recent literature (books, 
periodical articles, etc.) on Mdrchen 
and allied topics : General (Wundt's 
essay on development of the my thus ; 
Olrik's " epic laws " ; Dahnhardt's 
Natiirsagen ; Aarne's comparative 
studies of " the magic ring," the 
" three wish-things " and " the magic 
bird " ; Dahnhardt's Schzv'dnke aus 
aller Welt), Switzerland (Jeger- 
lehner's Mdrchen u. Sagen aus IVal- 
lis), Denmark (Kristensen's great 
collection of tales, 2,827 in number), 
England, France, Italy, Hungary, 
Gipsy (Krauss's Zigeunerhumor) ; 
Arabia and Farther India (Hertel's 
tales from Hemacandra ; O'Connor's 
Folk-Tales from Tibet), Africa, 
America, Philippine Is., etc. The 
second section treats of later litera- 
ture. Among other works, Thimme's 
Das Mdrchen (Lpzg., 1909) ; Rik- 
lin's Wunscherfiillung und Symbolik 
im Mdrchen (Lpzg., 1908) ; Fried- 
rich's Grundlage, Entstehung und 
genaue Einseldeutung der bekanntes- 
ten germanischen Mdrchen, Mythen 
und Sagen (Lpzg., 1909) ; Dahn- 
hardt's Natursagcn (2. Bd., Lpzg., 

Periodical Literature 


1909) ; Hertel's TantrakySyika (Lpzg., 
1909), etc., are discussed. 

Brown (R.) The constellation of the 
Great Bear. (Amer. Antiq., Salem, 
Mass., 1909, XXXI, 27-28.) Notes on 
the " Great Bear " in Assyrian and 
Aryan mythology. 

Buch (M.) Ueber den Kitzel. (A, f. 
Physiol., Leipzig, 1909, 1-26.) Dis- 
cusses the biology, psychology, etc., 
of tickling (skin-tickle, tickle of 
mucous membrane, muscle or deep 
tickle, "psychic tickle"), in the indi- 
vidual and the race. B. favors the 
theory that tickling and the laughter- 
reaction have developed by natural 
selection out of play. Good bibli- 

Die Beziehungen des Kitzels zur 

Erotik. (Ibid., 27-33.) Treats of 
ticklishness in relation to sexuality. 
According to B., ticklishness is in 
woman much more intimately con- 
nected with the erotic element than 
is the case in man, and in woman 
sexual satisfaction dulls ticklishness 
more than in man. 

Buschan (G.) Der Rechenkunstler 
Heinhaus. (Arch. f. Anthrop., Brn- 
schwg., 1908, N. F., VIII, 148-154, 2 
fgs., 2 portr.) Notes on F. A. Hein- 
haus (b. 1848), the mathematical 
calculator (height 1770 mm., normal 
and of normal ancestry; Mobius's 
" Stirnecke " is prominent ; cephalic 
index 80.5 ; dimensions of skull far 
above average ; estimated skull-ca- 
pacity 1552 ccm., and brain-capacity 
1424 gr.). Heinhaus is of both 
the visual and auditive types. His 
memory is phenomenal, but he seems 
to rely on his " gift for calculation." 

Camus (P.) £tude sur la puissance de 
la hache prehistorique et sur revolu- 
tion de son tranchant. (Bull. Soc. 
d'Anthrop. de Paris, 1908, v® s., ix, 
667-671, s fgs.) Points out the 
weakness of paleolithic axes, the 
really powerful implement of this 
sort appearing only with the neolithic 
age, which, indeed, might be termed 
" the age of the axe." The rounded 
edge of the neolithic axe made its use 
as a cutting instrument more easy 
(perfection came with copper, bronze 
and iron). Oblique cutting edges 
were employed only for certain 
special purposes. 

Capitan (L.) Le professeur Hamy. 
(R. de r£c. d'Anthrop. de Paris, 1908, 
xviii, 423-425.) Sketch of scientific 
activities of the late E. T. Hamy 
(d. 1908). Ofvalue to Americanists are 

the three volumes of Hamy's Decades 
americaines, his Galerie americaine 
du musee d'ethnographie dii Troca- 
dero, Codex Borbonicus and Codex 
Telleriaiio-Remensis. His ethno- 
graphic studies covered a wide field. 

Armand Lombard-Dumas. Ulysse 

Dumas. (Ibid., 1909, xix, 109-111.) 
Brief sketches of life and scientific 
activities of A. Lombard-Dumas 
(1836-1909), geologist and archeolo- 
gist, author of a descriptive catalogue 
of megalithic monuments of the de- 
partment of Gard, and an account of 
the neolithic " station " of Font- 
bouisse ; and of U. Dumas (1873- 
1909) archeologist and student of 
prehistoric industries. 

Cartailhac (E.) Notice sur M. Felix 
Regnault, de Toulouse ; ses travaux. 
(Bull. Soc. Archeol. du Midi, Tou- 
louse, 1908, N. s. NO. 38, 312-318, 
portr.) Brief account of scientific 
activities of F. Regnault (1847-1908) 
with list of publications. R.'s in- 
vestigations related chiefly to cave 
man in France. 

Carus (P.) Hazing and fagging. 
(Open Court, Chicago, 1909, xxiii, 
430-437, 4 fgs.) Historical and ety- 
mological notes on hazing, beanism, 
pennalism, etc. 

Foundations laid in human sac- 
rifice. (Ibid., 494-501, 5 fgs.) 
Cites examples from Palestine 
(Gezer, Megiddo, etc.), various coun- 
tries of Europe, etc. 

Sacramental cannibalism. (Ibid., 

564-567.) Cites Prof. Petrie as to 
cannibalism in ancient Egypt and 
argues that " the Christian sacrament 
contains reminiscences of the old 
cannibalistic custom, and yet it has 
done away with it forever." 

Chamberlain (A. F.) Note on some 
differences between " savages " and 
children. (Psychol. Bull., Baltimore, 
Md., 1909, VI, 212-214.) Treats 
briefly of the sign-language for the 
numbers 7, 8, 9 in the speech of the 
Moanus of the Admiralty Is., near 
New Guinea (Meier), the signs for 
5 and 10 among the Zuni Indians 
(Gushing), the counting up to 20 of 
the Calif ornian Yuki (Dixon and 
Kroeber), in relation to the counting 
of children. 

Notes on certain philosophies of 

the day. (Pop. Sci. Mo., N. Y., 
X909, Lxxiv, 575-578.) Brief anthro- 
pological discussions of the rule of 
the dead, mutability, imitation, miso- 
neism (neophobia), struggle. 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

Chervin (A.) Etudes des asymetries et 
des deformations craniennes a I'aide 
des photographies metriques par une 
methode dite " de retournement." 
(Bull. See. d'Anthrop. de Paris, 1908, 
V® s., IX, 693-699, 3 fgs.) Describes 
a method proposed by Dr C. for 
studying cranial asymmetries and de- 
formations by means of metric pho- 
tographs on a reticulated ground, — 
one contour being obtained from di- 
rect tracing of the photograph and 
compared with the same contour 
turned round. Dr M. Baudouin, in 
the discussion, pointed out the ad- 
vantages of this method for ana- 
tomical, clinical, biological, archeo- 
logical purposes, 

Combarieu (J.) La musique et la 
magie. (Idees Modernes, Paris, 1909, 
I, 291-297.) C. argues that music, 
the oldest of arts (its origin, evolu- 
tion, esthetics, etc., are resumed in 
the word charm), owes its first form 
and first use to magic. In the be- 
ginning song (the voice) was a 
"charm," — Latin carmen, Greek aoide, 
Assyrian siptu, Egyptian hosiu, etc. ; 
song was " a higher form of action," 
that could even bend the gods to its 
will. The magical origin of music 
the author develops in detail in his 
book La musique et la magie (Paris, 

da Costa Ferreira (A.) Idiotic et 
taches pigmentaires chez un enfant 
de 17 mois, (Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop. de 
Paris, v*^ S., ix, 1908,646-649.) Brief 
account of large diffuse " blue spot " 
(Mongoloid) prominent particularly 
in the lumbar region in a boy of 
three months (up to that time sane 
and healthy) afflicted with idiocy, — 
now 17 months old. The spots were 
doubtless congenital. 

Couturat (L.) D'une application de la 
logique au probleme de la langue In- 
ternationale. (R. de Metaph., Paris, 

1908, XVI, 761-769.) Criticises Es- 
peranto from the point of view of 
logic in regard to derivation of other 
parts of speech from nouns, from 
verbs, etc. 

Crofton (H. T.) Dukeripen ta Chori- 
ben. (J. Gypsy Lore Soc, Liverpool, 

1909, N. S., I, 227-22?,, I pi.) Treats 
of a drawing (illustrative of Gypsy 
life) made about 1875, " from a piece 
of tapestry believed to be Flemish 
of about 1650 to 1700." 

Crzellitzer (A.) Methoden der Fami- 
lienforschung. (Z. f. Ethnol., Ber- 
lin, 1909, XLi, 181-198, 10 fgs.) 
After discussing previous investiga- 

tions of the family (C. judges Stroh- 
mayer's study in the Arch. f. Rassen- 
biologie for 1908 to be the best), the 
author treats briefly of genealogical 
trees (Stammbaume) and ancestral 
tables (Ahnentafeln). The Stamm- 
bauin (giving merely the male line) 
is of much less use than the Ahnen- 
tafel (giving the ancestors male and 
female of a given individual). But 
C. proposes to use the terms De- 
szendenztafeln and Assendenstafeln 
(or Ahnentafeln) and, for a scheme 
representing everything, Sippschafts- 
tafeln. By a system of squares 
(males), circles (females), inserted 
numbers (for generations), use of 
black color, cross-hatching, etc., in 
various degrees (to indicate physical 
characters, defects, etc., ability, intel- 
lectual, esthetic qualities, etc.), C. 
is able. to give a comprehensive pic- 
ture of the family history of any 
individual. The Sippschaftstafel of 
the author's children has 60 persons, 
his own 120, the Kaiser's 75, — the 
general formula is X = 8 -|- 6C^, 
where C is the average number of 
children (the table goes back to the 
4 Urgrosselternpaare). For the ex- 
pression Ahnenverlust is to be sub- 
stituted Ahnenidentitat. 
Cunningham (D. J.) Anthropology in 
the eighteenth century. (J. R. An- 
throp. Inst., Lond., 1908, xxxviii, 
10-35, 5 pi.) Treats of the lives and 
activities of Peter Camper (1721- 
1789), Charles White (1728-1813), J. 
F. Blumenbach (1752-1840), J. C. 
Prichard (i 786-1848), Sir William 
Lawrence (i 783-1867), of all of whom 
portraits are given. Camper is 
known by his work on the negro and 
the ape and by his celebrated " facial 
angle." White, who possessed a 
museum, published in 1799 An Ac- 
count of the Regular Gradation in 
Man, and in different Animals and 
Vegetables from the Former to the 
Latter. He was one of the founders 
of anthropometry and discovered 
the index of fore-arm to upper arm, 
comparing it in Europeans and Ne- 
groes (of these he measured 50). 
Blumenbach began with his famous 
thesis On the Natural Variety of 
Mankind. He it was who in his 
account of " Wild Peter " disposed 
for good of the belief in so-called 
" Natural man," the Homo sapiens 
ferns of Linnseus. Prichard held 
that the ancestral human pair were 
black. He too began with a thesis, 
De Humani Generis Varietate^ 

Periodical Literature 


Lawrence, known for his Lectures on 
Comparative Anatomy, Physiology, 
Zoology and the Natural History of 
Man, anticipated " Weismannism " 
in some points. 
Cunningham (J. T.) The evolution of 
man. (Science Progress, 1908, iii, 
192-201.) Outlines modern theories 
as to adaptational characters (here 
man differs chiefly from the apes), 
race-types (not Mendelian muta- 
tions), sexual selection, etc. C. 
thinks that " man affords an example 
of a single species which has started 
-a new group, which might become a 
genus or family." Adaptive charac- 
ters " are due not to selection, but to 
the effects of functional and physical 
stimulation, and diagnostic characters 
are not adaptive, and therefore not 
due to selection, but to blastogenic 
Densmore (F.) Scale formation in 
primitive music. (Amer. Anthrop., 
Lancaster, Pa., 1909, n. s., xi, 1-2.) 
Des differents genres d'ecritures. (R. 
de r£c. d'Anthrop. de Paris, 1909, 
XIX, 241-244.) Notes on primitive 
" writing," particularly the beads and 
wampum, feathered pipes, etc., of 
North America and the quipus of 
Dozy (G. J.) In Memoriam: Johannes 
Diedrich Eduard Schmeltz, 1839- 
1909. (Int. Arch. f. Ethnogr., 
Leiden, 1909, xix, i-vi, portr.) 
Sketch of life, appreciation of scien- 
tific activities, chronological 1864- 
1904 list of publications. 
Dubois (E.) On the correlation of the 
black and the orange-colored pig- 
ments, and its bearing upon the in- 
terpretation of red-hairedness. (Man, 
Lond., 1908, VIII, 87-89.) Gives 
chief facts regarding " pyrrhotism " 
(red-hairedness) from author's paper 
in Nederl. Tijdschr. v. Geneesk., Feb. 
8, 1908. In man, as in animals in a 
state of domestication, " pyrrhotism " 
is a common phenomenon. Accord- 
ing to Dr D., it " depends on an 
easily occurring (chemical) modifi- 
cation of the melanochrome into 
pyrrhochrome pigment." 
DubreuU-Chambardel (L.) A propos de 
la camptodactylie. (Bull. Soc. d'An- 
throp. de Paris, 1908, v® s., ix, 
167-170.) Dr D. considers campto- 
dactyly (occurring in 16% of males, 
1 2.5 % females ; more common in child ; 
essentially hereditary) due to ana- 
tomic variations and not pathogenic 
or a mark of degeneracy. It occurs 
most frequently in the little finger. 

Bloch compares camptodactyly to 
genu valgum. 
Elderton (E. M.) On the association of 
drawing with other capacities in 
school-children. (Biometrika, Cam- 
bridge, Engld., 1909, VII, 222-226.) 
Based on the data in E. Ivanoff's 
paper on " Recherches experimentales 
sur le dessin des ecoliers de la Suisse 
romande," in the Archives de Psy- 
chologie for 1908. Ability in draw- 
ing seems more closely associated 
with other characters in girls than 
in boys (except perhaps pedagogic 
character). Slight sexual differences 
Elwang (W. W.) The social function 
of religious belief. (Univ. of Mis- 
souri Studies, 1908, Soc. Sci. Ser., 11, 
1-103.) According to E. "religion 
functions among a culture people like 
ourselves just as it does among the 
nature peoples ; it shifts the individu- 
al's attention from self to society and 
in so doing makes him a better citi- 
jzen." The author cites material 
from the Australians and other prim- 
itive peoples. 
Evans (H. R.) The necromancy of 
numbers and letters. (Open Court, 
Chicago, 1909, XXIII, 85-95.) Treats 
of 3. 9, the date-lore of Louis 
Philippe and Napoleon III, the 
" number of the beast " (Apocalypse), 
" magic opera glass," " magic 
squares," abracadabra, etc. 
Ferguson (J.) Bibliographical notes on 
histories of inventions and books of 
secrets. Fifth supplement. (Trans. 
Glasgow Archeol. Soc, 1908, n. s., v, 
125-185.) Treats of books of nat- 
ural history, receipts in medicine 
and surgery, pharmacy, husbandry 
and housewifery, pyrotechny, and 
practical arts of various kinds, pub- 
lished between 1550 and 1650. 
Frassetto (F.) Sull' origine e sull' 
evoluzione delle forme del cranio 
umano, forme eurasiche. (A. d. Soc. 
Rom. di Antrop., Roma, 1908, xiv, 
163-196, 18 fgs.) Based on the study 
of 156 skulls of fetuses and new-born 
children in the Female Clinic of the 
University of Munich. For the fetal 
period from the 4th to the loth 
month 8, and for that from the ist 
to the 2d month of extra-uterine life 
3 crania are specially described, and 
the growth of the various bones is 
considered. According to Dr, F. the 
succession of intra-uterine forms is 
Spheroides (common and evident, 4th 
month), Ovoides latus (6th month), 
Sphenoides (by 7th month), Pentag- 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

onoides latus obtiisus (7th and 8th 
months), Pentagonoides latus acutiis 
and P. latus complanatus (9th and 
loth months, — also Rhomboides la- 
tus). After birth the succession is 
Pentagonoides latus, Sphenoides, 
Spheroides. Thus the typical adult 
Eurasiatic form of the skuJl is the 
Frazer (J. G.) Howitt and Fison. 
(Folk-Lore, Lond., 1909, xx, 144- 
180.) Sketches life and scientific 
activities of Rev. L. Fison (d. Dec, 
1907) and Dr A. W. Howitt (d. 
March, 1908), pioneers in modern 
ethnologic investigation of the Aus- 
tralian aborigines. 
Froriep (A.) Ueber den Schadel und 
andere Knochenreste des Botanikers 
Hugo V. Mohl. (Arch. f. Anthrop., 
Brnschwg., 1908, n. f., viii, 124-145, 
5 fgs., 4 pi., portr.) Treats of the 
skull (in particular) and brain-model 
irom cast of skull, long bones, etc., 
of H. von Mohl (1805-1872), a dis- 
tinguished botanist ; sketch of life 
and character is given. The leg 
bones show as compared with those of 
the arms a disproportionate length, 
strength, development of tuberosities, 
etc. The estimated brain-weight 
from skull capacity is, by the Welcker 
method 1402.5 gr., by the Rieger 
method 1350 gr., and by that of Man- 
ouvrier 1305 gr. ; the skull capacity 
in proportion to body-mass is rela- 
tively small — his brain-weight could 
not have exceeded the European aver- 
age for males. Skull and brain are 
very asymmetrical ; the general type 
of brain is markedly frontipetal 
(cephalic index 82.48). The relation 
of the peculiarities of brain-develop- 
ment (relatively small development 
of frontal brain and relatively large 
extent of coronal-temporal-occipital 
region) to v. Mohl's psychic charac- 
ter, etc.. is discussed, his lack of the 
gift of cooperative creativeness being 
Fiir die Zigeuner. (Globus, Brnschwg., 
1908, xciv, 49-50.) Notes the efforts 
made in European countries formerly 
and at the present time to repress or 
exterminate the Gypsies, after Win- 
sted, in his " Gypsy Civilization," in 
the Journal of the Gypsy Lore Society 
for 1900. the attempts to "civilize" 
them, etc. ; the case of the Gypsy boy 
educated by Liszt, who returned to 
his people, is of interest. 
G. (J.) F. G. Hilton Price. (Ann. 
Arch. & Anthrop,, Liverpool, 1909, 

II, 94-9S-) Sketch of life and work;j 
of the late vice-president of the 
Liverpool University Institute of 
Archeology (1842-1909), archeolo- 
gist (Roman remains, Egypt). 
Caster (M.) Presidential address. 
(Folk-Lore, Lond., 1908, xix, 12- 
30.) Treats of the fairy-tale, its 
nature, elements (democracy of ani- 
matism, metempsychosis and meta- 
morphosis natural, absence of divin- 
ity in the religious realm, nether 
world a sort of negative Elysium and 
not hell or Gehenna, belief in an im- 
mortality sui generis, men and 
•women few in type but of mani- 
fold combinations, etc., transforma- 
tion of the lazy, dull, small, ugly, 
ignorant, silly, etc., things and crea- 
tures not to be judged by outward 
appearances, absence of normal ani- 
mals as antagonists of hero, superior 
knowledge as weapon that decides 
contest, size of no moment). The 
fairy-tale was " the first attempt of 
man to solve the riddle of life and 
world." The poetic imagination of 
mankind " has created this imagin- 
ary world of unity, beauty and jus- 
tice, and has transported all the 
ideal hopes and aspirations of man." 

• Presidential address. (Ibid., 1909, 

XX, 12-31.) Treats of the origin 
and diffusion of fairy-tales, legends, 
folk-lore, etc., the field and the value 
of the study of folk-lore, The most 
advanced types have retained rudi- 
mentary elements of their primitive 
condition. The folk-lore of one na- 
tion, in spite of all divergence in 
detail, is essentially that of almost 
every other nation. This disposes of 
the narrower mythological theory. 
The discarded literature of the 
classes filters slowly down to the 
masses. There is a mutual play of 
popular and classical literature, the 
written and the spoken. 
van Gennep (A.) Linguistique et 
sociologie. II. Essai d'une theorie 
des langues speciales. (R. d. £t. 
Ethnogr. et Sociol., Paris, 1908, 11, 
327-3Z7-) Treats of special lan- 
guages sacred and profane, with par- 
ticular reference to R. Lasch's Uber 
Sondersprachen und Hire Entstehung 
(1907), the theories of J. G. Frazer, 
etc. Special languages are not mere 
" sports " or " abnormal phenomena," 
but they sustain in the midst of the 
general society the role played by 
each general language in respect to 
other general languages. They are 

Periodical Literature 


one of the forms of variation, de- 
sired and necessary for the life of 

Giannelli (A.) Un caso di milza rudi- 
mentaria. (A. d, Soc. Rom. di An- 
trop., Roma, 1908, xiv, 209-212, i 
fg.) Treats of a case of rudimen- 
tary spleen in a patient (d. at 28 
years) suffering from dementia prae- 
cox in the Lunatic Asylum in Rome. 
The arrested development here noted 
corresponds to the condition of the 
spleen at a period anterior to the 
eighth month. 

^ Anormale suddivisione dei pol- 

moni. (Ibid., 213-217, i fg.) Notes 
on two cases of abnormal subdivi- 
sion of the lungs, — left divided into 
3, and 5 lobes, — the latter a very 
rare anomaly. 

Graebner (F.) Der Neubau des Ber- 
liner Museums fiir Volkerkunde und 
andere praktische Zeitfragen der 
Ethnologic. (Globus, Brnschwg., 
1908, xciv, 213-216.) Discusses the 
new building for the Berlin Ethno- 
logical Museum in relation to prac- 
tical ethnological questions. The 
Berlin Museum, as the center of the 
ethnological world in Germany, 
ought to develop its publications ac- 
cordingly, and the colonial authori- 
ties ought to help much in the labor 
necessary to collect aboriginal ma- 
terial and anthropological data be- 
fore the opportunity to do so has 

Gray (J.) A new instrument for de- 
termining the color of the hair, eyes 
and skin. (Man, Lond., 1908, viii, 
54-58, 6 fgs.) Discusses the meas- 
urement of pigmentation by means 
of an instrument on the principle 
of the Lovibond tintometer, called 
" the pigmentation meter." 

Apparat zur Bestimmung der 

Haut- und Haarfarben. (Korr.-Bl. d. 
D. Ges. f. Anthrop., Brnschwg., 1908, 
XXXIX, 115.) Note on colored-glass 
apparatus for testing color of skin 
and hair (observation as with pho- 
tometer). Same as instrument de- 
scribed in previous article. 

Haddon (A. C.) The regulations for 
obtaining a diploma of anthropology 
in the University of Cambridge. 
(Man, Lond., 1908, viii, 42.) Gives 
the terms stated in the " grace " 
passed by the senate in January, 
1908, and the powers of the "Board 
of Anthropological Studies." 

and Bushnell (D. L, Jr.) Otis 

Tufton Mason. (Ibid., 1909, ix, 17- 

18.) Brief notes on life and works 
of Prof. O. T. Mason (1838-1908). 

Hahn (E.) Das Gestirn des Wagens. 
(Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1909, xli, 
272.) Appeals for the designation 
of the constellation sometimes called 
in German (as elsewhere in W. 
Europe), " der Grosse Bar," as " der 
Wagen," corresponding to the 
" Wain " of older English, etc. The 
Latin term Ursa major signifies 
really " Great She-bear." 

Halbfass (W.) Industrie, Verkehr 
und Natur. (Globus, Brnschwg., 
1908, XCIV, 270-273.) Treats of the 
dangers, etc., of the excessive utiliza- 
tion of natural flowing and subter- 
ranean water for purposes of in- 
dustry and commerce. Some joy in 
unchanged nature is needed for 
man's best development. 

Hallock (C.) Loyalty of tradition. 
(Amer. Antiq., Salem, Mass., 1909, 
XXXI, 159-163.) Argues that "tra- 
dition, as transmitted orally from 
father to son through all the gen- 
erations from the beginning until 
now, is the most reliable resource 
we have to base current or ancient 
history upon," and that " transmis- 
sion goes on infallibly." 

Hambruch (P.) Ein neuer " Ohrho- 
henmesser " nach Professor Kramer. 
(Korr.-Bl. d. D. Ges. f. Anthrop., 
Brnschwg., 1909, xl, 39-40, 2 fgs.) 
Describes a new apparatus for meas- 
uring the ear-height of the living 
subject by a single individual, in- 
vented by Prof. A. Kramer of Kiel. 

Hamy (E. T.) Charles Arthaud de 
Pont-a-Mousson, 1748-1791. (Bull. 
Soc. d' Anthrop. de Paris, 1908, w" s., 
IX, 293-314.) Brief account of life 
and activities and publications of 
Dr C. Arthaud, resident in Santo 
Domingo 1 772-1 791. At pages 303- 
310 and 310-314, respectively, con- 
tains the reprint of an article (pub- 
lished in 1786) by Arthaud on the 
" Constitution of the aborigines, 
their arts, their industry and their 
means of subsistence," and of an 
unpublished Ms. (1790) on "The 
phallus among the aborigines." In 
the first the author treats of agri- 
cultural implements and processes, 
stone axes, fetishes and zemis, 
houses, songs, character and tem- 
perament of Indians, and notes the 
occurrence of simple and ornamental 
pottery, a stone mortar carved in re- 
lief, etc. The second was occa- 
sioned by the discovery in a great 
cavern on the island of several phalli 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

of natural size in connection with 
human remains. 
von Hansemann (D.) Ueber die Asym- 
metric der Gelenkflachen des Hin- 
terhauptes. (Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 

1908, XL, 994-997.) From the ex- 
amination of some 400 skulls (of 
these about 200 from Africa, Aus- 
tralia, Polynesia, etc.) H. comes to 
the conclusion that the well-known 
asymmetry of the articular surfaces 
(condyles) of the occiput is a char- 
acter acquired in early childhood, 
due to some factor of civilized life, 
probably the attitude assumed in 
reading and writing. These surfaces 
continue symmetric in the child up 
to the seventh or the eighth year ; 
of the 200 skulls of non-European 
races 156 showed this symmetry, of 
the 200 European skulls only 17. 

Die Bedeutung der Ossicula 

mentalia fur die Kinnbildung. (Ibid., 

1909, XLi, 714-721.) Discusses the 
significances of the ossicula mentalia 
in the formation of the chin, — views 
of Toldt, Walkh ff, etc. v. H. holds 
that the ossicula mentalia existed in 
the Neanderthal man and probably 
also in the Heidelberg man, and, 
while they may serve to mark man 
off from the lower animals, they 
can be held to distinguish the Nean- 
derthal race from modern man. 

Hellmilch (M.) Aufmessung und Kar- 
tendarstellung vorgeschichtlicher Be- 
festigungswerke. (Korr.-Bl. d. D. 
Ges. f. Anthrop., Brnschwg., 1909, 
XL, 6-1 1, I fg.) Discusses the prob- 
lems concerned in the measurement 
and cartographical representation of 
prehistoric fortification-works, etc. 

Hellwig (A.) Das Eid im Volksglau- 
ben. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1908, 
xciv, 125-126.) Notes on folk-lore 
concerning the oath (pregnant women 
may not make oath lest child be 
harmed in some way, — widespread 
superstition ; dangers of oathmaking, 

Prozesstalismane. (Ibid., 1909, 

xcv, 21-24.) Treats of talismans for 
protection in trials, lawsuits, etc., 
devices for luck in court, etc., in 
various parts of Germany in particu- 
lar: Objects carried on the person 
(powdered snake-skin, heart of a 
raven, baptismal water, caul, roots 
and vegetables, rabbit's foot in 
America, etc.), performance of cer- 
tain action on the way to court or 
during the trial (putting stocking 
on inside out), use of certain 
" magic " formulas (specimens of 

verse to be recited are given), etc 
See also H.'s Verbrechen und Aber- 
glaube (Leipzig, 1908). 

Zufall und Aberglaube. (Ibid., 

293-297.) Discusses the role of 
chance in superstition (misses in the 
case of amulets are forgotten and 
the " hits " only remembered) ; 
harmless unintentional prophecies 
turn out true and the authors be- 
come witches or medicine-men ; dead 
bodies happen to be found only after 
folk-procedure has been resorted to ; 
thieves and other offenders are found 
in like manner ; charlatans often be- 
gin their careers after a lucky chance. 
H. cites many instances of the effect 
of chance in strengthening old super- 
stitions or even setting up new ones 
in quite modern days. 

• Mystische Meineidszeremonien. 

(A. f. Religsw., Lpzg., 1909, xii, 46- 
66.) Treats of mystic ceremonies 
and devices in use to avoid the re- 
sult of perjury, punishment, etc., in 
various parts of Europe, Germany in 
particular : Swearing into the ground 
or into the air (so as to prevent be- 
ing struck by lightning ; " swearing 
off " by holding the palm of the 
raised hand toward the judge ; hold- 
ing something in the hand as a sort 
of " scape-goat " (in use among Ger- 
mans, Poles, Rumanians, Ruthenians, 
Huzuls, Servians, etc.) ; leaving out 
words, mumbling, speaking indis- 
tinctly ; crooking the finger where 
touching the Holy Scriptures (Jews), 
avoiding touchinr; the Bible, the Ko- 
ran, etc. ; "Jesuitical " doctrine of per- 
jury ; devices to cheat the devil, etc. 
A knowledge of some of the data in 
this field is of practical use to the 
lawyer and the judicial authorities. 

Helmolt (H. F.) A friend of the Gyp- 
sies. (J. Gypsy Lore Soc, Liverpool, 
1908, N. S., I, 193-197, portr.) Sketch 
of life and works of Dr H. von 
Wlislocki (d. Feb., 1907), an au- 
thority on the ethnology and folk- 
lore of the Gypsies. Translated 
from Das literarische Echo for Aug. 

Hertel (J.) Zu den Erzahlungen von 
der Muttermilch und der schwimmen- 
den Lade. (Z. d. V. f. Volksk., Ber- 
lin, 1909, XIX, 83-92, 128.) Dis- 
cusses, with additional data (the tale 
of Kuberadatta, etc., published by H. 
in his Ausgeiv. Erzdhlg. aus Hema- 
candras Parisistaparvan, Leipzig, 
1908), especially from Hindu sources, 
the tale of the mother's milk and 
the floating chest, treated by E. 

Periodical Literature 


Cosquin in the Revue des questions 
historiques for 1908. In the various 
versions the chest serves 8 different 
purposes. This cycle includes the 
story of the finding of Moses. 

Zur Fabel von den Hasen und 

den Froschen. (Ibid., 426-429.) 
Discusses the fable of the hare and 
the frogs, and refers the Esthonian, 
Russian and Finnish versions cited 
by Dahnhardt to an Asiatic source 
(cf. Pali-Jataka, 322). An African 
tale of the hare as moon-messenger 
may hail from India also. 

Herve (G.) Les trois glorieuses de 
1859 et leur cinquantenaire. (R. de 
rfic. d'Anthrop. de Paris, 1909, xix, 
1-4, 3 fgs.) The year 1859 is cele- 
brated for having been the time of 
the publication of the Origin of Spe- 
cies by Charles Darwin, the founda- 
tion of the Societe d'Anthropologie 
de Paris by Paul Broca, and the 
acceptance by Sir Charles Lyell, 
President of the British Association 
for the Advancement of Science, of 
the evidence demonstrating the ex- 
istence of post-pliocene man, theo- 
retically argued by Boucher de Perthes 
as early as 1838 and for twenty years 
subsequently on the basis of flints 
from the diluvium of the Somme, 
etc. The relations of these three 
things are discussed by H. It is to 
be noted that the Paris Anthropo- 
logical Society decided in 1883 to 
hold an annual Conference trans- 
formiste (not darwinienne). 

Des pierres-figures au point de 

vue ethnographique. (Ibid., 77-9'i, 
6 fgs.) Treats of pierres-figures (i. 
e., zoomorphic stones (imitations of 
animals, etc.), retouched "sports" 
of nature, among the Lapps, Si- 
berian tribes, Zuiii and other In- 
dians, Eskimo of Alaska, Webias of 
New Caledonia, Australian churin-. 
gas, etc. According to H. these ob- 
jects are intimately connected with 
" magic " and " religion." The 
forms seen in them by prehistoric and 
savage man are largely what we see 
in them now. Some peoples have a 
keen faculty for " seeing " such 
things. See Archambault (M.). 

Hoffman-Krayer (E.) Volkskundliche 
Umfragen X. Gebrauche zu bestimm- 
ten Jahreszeiten und Tagen. I. 
(Schw. Arch. f. Volksk., Basel, 1909, 
XIII, 212.) Questionnaire of 26 
items relating to special days and 
festivals of winter. 

Hospital (P.) L'interversion des habil- 
lements sexuels. (Ann. Med.-psy- 

VOL. XXIII. — xo. 87. 4 

chol., Paris, 1909, g" s., ix, 29-36.) 
Treats of men dressing as women 
and vice versa, from Tiresias down 
to Mme. Dieulafoy and the univer- 
sity gown of to-day. 
How the world is shod. (Nat. Geogr. 
Mag., Wash., 1908, xix, 649-660, 11 
pi.) These illustrations treat of 
Russian high leather boots, Breton 
out-door shoe factory, foot-gear of 
Tower of London guards, shoes of 
Queen's guard at Athens, Chinese 
shoe-stall, fine shoes of Canton 
ladies, wooden shoes of low >.lasses 
in India, Japanese clogs and sandals, 
cliff-dwellers' sandals. 

Hultkrantz (J. W.) Uber Dysostosis 
cleido-cranialis. Kongenitale, Kom- 
binierte Schadel- und Schliissel- 
beinanomalien. (Z. f. Morphol. u. 
Anthropol., Stuttgart, 1908, xi, 385- 
524, 9 fgs., 3 pi.) Detailed discus- 
sion of dysostosis and its anatomical 
peculiarities, origin, etc. Besides 
considering 53 cases listed in the 
literature of the subject, Dr H. gives 
the results of observations on 9 
living dysostotic individuals, investi- 
gations of 5 dysostotic skulls in the 
Pathological Museum in Vienna and 
one in the Anatomical Museum of 
Helsingfors. Dysostosis cleido-crani- 
alis is a congenital malformation of 
the bony system chiefly concerning 
the skull and the clavicle, which ap- 
pears sometimes in quite normal fam- 
ilies, has no sex-preference, and is 
often inherited. 

Isaac Heron. (J. Gypsy Lore Soc, 
Liverpool, 1908, n. s., i, 251-258, 
portr.) Notes on " one of the finest 
living specimens of a Gypsy of the 
old school." 

Kainzbauer (L.) Bedingungen zur Be- 
uerteilungen prahistorischer Zeich- 
nungen. (Mitt. d. Anthrop. Ges. in 
Wien, 1908, XXXVIII, 92-95.) Dis- 
cusses the character of prehistoric 
drawings. Distinguishes decorative 
prehistoric drawings from " free rep- 
resentation." Some are not draw- 
ings but merely expressions of 
thought with most primitive means, 
as is nowadays even the case with 
normal man. Childhood and primi- 
tive man present identical phenom- 
ena. Further study of prehistoric 
drawings is needed to determine 
their real nature. 

Klaatsch (H.) Kraniomorphologie und 
Kraniotrigonometrie. (Arch. f. An- 
throp., Brnschwg., 1909, N. F., viii, 
101-123, 30 fgs.) Treats of cranial 


Journal oj American Folk-Lore 

morphology and trigonometry (the 
lower jaw-bone in particular), with 
special reference to Europeans, Aus- 
tralians and the anthropoids. The 
exactness of the old craniometry (e. g. 
6000 measurements of the lower jaw) 
is but a pseudo-exactness, — and even 
now race-morphology of the man- 
dibula is almost a new field). Most 
Europeans have a " positive " chin, 
ancient diluvial man and the lower 
races a " negative " chin (and the 
anthropoids also). In the human 
race the formation of the chin has 
taken place polyphyletically. The 
" cranial square " with its 4 right- 
angled triangles is important for 

Koch (M.) Demonstration eines 
Schadels mit Leontiasis ossea. (Z. 
f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1909, xli, 703- 
714, 5 fgs.) Treats of the monstrous 
skull of a 6s year old woman (d. 
1909, in the hospital on the Urban), 
and compares it with the skulls of 
Sacy (1799), San Cassiano (1863), 
Liverpool (1866), Haarlem (1883), 
all of which, however, hardly belong 
together. Some cases of Leontiasis 
ossea may not be diseases sui generis, 
but consequences of rachitis. In the 
discussion other examples, etc., were 

Kohlbrugge (J. H. F.) Rote Haare 
und deren Bedeutung. (Globus, 
Brnschwg., 1908, xciii, 309-312, 333- 
335.) Discusses red hair, its origin, 
significance, etc., in the anthropoids 
(and other animals) and man. K. 
compared redhairedness or erythrism 
in the anthropoids with albinism in 
man finding many points of coinci- 
dence, but reached the conclusion 
from further observations that white 
and red color are to be regarded as 
arrests of development, that can be 
restored if not excessively advanced, 
— they may be compared with hypo- 
trichosis or hairlessness. Albinism 
and erythrism are sports (not va- 
rieties) and have something patho- 
logical and degenerative about them 
(this is often very marked in the 
former). Erythrism is a sort of 
albinism ; red is no hair-color, but 
due to lack of color, or of color- 

• Untersuchungen iiber Groszhirn- 

furchen der Menschenrassen. (Z. f. 
Morphol. u. Anthrop. Lpzg., 1908, xi, 
596-609.) Resumes the author's own 
investigations on the sulci of the 
cerebrum in 72 hemispheres of Jav- 
anese, 46 of other Malay peoples 

(Batak, Bugi, Timorese, etc.), 12 
Australians and New Zealanders, 20 
Dutchmen. No constant race differ- 
ences in the cerebral sulci exist, and 
" it is as little possible to distinguish 
the brain of an Australian from that 
of a European, as to distinguish that 
of a man of genius from that of a 
simpleton." This does not however 
signify psychological indifference as 
well as convolutional. 

Kohnstamm (O.) Ausdruckstatigkeit 
als Forschungsprinzip? (Korr.-Bl. 
d. D. Ges. f. Anthrop., Brnschwg., 
1909, XL, 17-18.) Raises the question 
in how far the works and activities, 
etc., of primitive man (cf. the child) 
are teleological (or purposive) and in 
how far expressive. 

Kroeber (A. L.) Classificatory systems 
of relationship. (J. R. Anthrop. 
Inst., Lond., 1909, xxxix, 77-84.) 
Argues (chiefly from American In- 
dian data) that : The generally ac- 
cepted distinction between descrip- 
tive and classificatory systems of re- 
lationships cannot be supported. 
Systems of terms of relationship can 
be properly compared through an ex- 
amination of the categories of rela- 
tion (8 are enumerated and briefly 
discussed) which they involve and 
of the degree to which they give ex- 
pression to these categories. The 
fundamental difference between sys- 
tems of terms of relationship of Eu- 
ropeans and of American Indians is 
that the former express a smaller 
number of categories of relationship 
than the latter, and express them 
more completely. Terms of rela- 
tionship reflect psychology, not soci- 
ology. They are determined pri- 
marily by language and can be util- 
ized for sociological inferences only 
with extreme caution. 

Lang (A.) The origin of terms of hu- 
man relationship. (Proc. Brit. Acad., 
Lond., 1908, III, Repr., pp. 1-20.) 
L. discusses relationship-names in 
Greek, French, English, and particu- 
larly aboriginal Australian, and their 
wide extension, arguing that " as 
tribal laws developed, regulating all 
things by grade of age, the old names 
for the dearest relationships were 
simply extended (sometimes with 
qualifications, such as ' elder,' 
'younger,' 'little') to all persons of 
the same age-grade, in the same 
phratry, with the same duties, privi- 
leges and restrictions. This kind of 
extension is familiar in modern cus- 

Periodical Literature 


torn." It indicates no primal promis- 

— — Alfred William Howitt, C.M.G., 
ScD. ; born 1830, died March 7th, 
1908. (Man, Lond., 1908, viii, 85- 
86.) Brief account of life, scientific 
activities and publications. His great 
work is the Native Tribes of South- 
East Australia (1904). 

Lasch (R.) Das Fortleben geschicht- 
licher Ereignisse in der Tradition 
der Naturvolker. (Globus, Brn- 
schwg., 1908, xciii, 287-289.) Cites 
from various legends of primitive 

' peoples evidence of the handing down 
of a knowledge of historical events 
in legends, traditions, etc. Tlingit 
Indians of Alaska (visit of Cook in 
1778 and Baranoff in 1793) ; Eskimo 
(conflicts with Norsemen 1379- 
1456) ; Makah Indians of Cape Flat- 
tery (coming of Quimper at Neah 
bay in 1792) ; Indonesia (earth- 
quakes, volcanic eruptions, etc.) ; 
Australians (epidemics, coming of 
Europeans, etc.) ; St. Cruz Is. 
(shipwreck of European expedition 
in 1788) ; Maoris (coming of Eu- 
ropeans) ; Tongans (coming of 
Tasman in 1643), etc. L. considers 
it proved that highly-gifted people 
like the Polynesians, e. g., in no wise 
lack the historical sense, and that 
their traditions have often no little 
historical value. 

Le Damany (P.) Le mecanisme de la 
torsion et de la detorsion du femur. 
Le mecanisme de la luxation congeni- 
tale de la hanche. (Bull. Soc. d'An- 
throp. de Paris, 1909, v^ S., ix, 7Z2- 
736.) Congenital dislocation of the 
hip is something " anthropological." 
Marking the rise from the anthro- 
poid (rare in negroes, it occurs in 
male whites in the proportion of 
I : 1000, females i : 200). It is due 
to a malformation of the pelvis 
which increases the normal anterior 
obliquity of the cotyloid cavity and 
to the increase of the normal torsion 
of the femur. The femur is subject 
to torsion in intra-uterine life and 
to detorsion after birth. Dr Le D. 
has constructed a wooden apparatus 
for exhibiting torsion and detorsion, 
the mechanism of luxation, etc. 

Lehmann (J.) Einiges iiber Orna- 
mentik, (Korr.-Bl. d. D. Ges. f. 
Anthrop., Brnschwg., 1908, xxxix, 
134-136.) Discusses the develop- 
ment of ornament, relations to tech- 
nique, material, etc. Ornament is 
sui generis with peoples. Many or- 
nament-motives of different peoples 

are essentially identical in form, but 
iiave arisen through a like model to 
begin with. The transference of 
such patterns from one field of orna- 
mentation to another has been noted 
by Schmidt in the textile art of 
Brazilian Indians. The wire-art of 
Indonesia is also interesting here, 
and likewise the Haussa imitation of 
hair-braids, etc. (also ornaments on 
Somali shields). 

Lejeune (C.) De I'anthropoide a 
I'homme. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop. de 
Paris, 1908, V* s., ix, 450-454.) Dis- 
cusses the views of S. Reinach put 
forth in an article " From the An- 
thropoid to Man," published in the 
Universite de Paris for November, 
1906. R. believes that "man came 
into being the day when the human 
tabu of sex was added to the animal 
tabu of blood." But new needs, 
rather than tabu, have been the mak- 
ing of man, according to L. 

Leuba (J. H.) The psychological ori- 
gin of religion. (Monist, Chicago, 
1909, XIX, 27-35.) Discusses origin 
of ideas of ghosts, nature-beings and 
creators, the origin emotion of prim- 
itive religious life. According to Dr 
L. " all living savages known to us 
believe in ghosts, in spirits, and per- 
haps also in particular beings risen 
to the dignity of gods " (p. 28) — a 
rather broad statement. The order 
of origin of these beings is not set- 
tled. Fear, the first of the well- 
organized emotional reactions, was 
largely the origin of religion, its his- 
tory being the gradual substitution of 
love for fear. See also the author's 
book (London, 1909) with the same 

Lewis (T.) and Embleton (D.) Split- 
hand and split-foot deformities, their 
types, origin and transmission. (Bio- 
metrika, Cambridge, Engld., 1908, vi, 
26-58, 7 pi., 2 fgs.) Based on the 
detailed study of 17 members of the 
" G " family of 44 deformed persons, 
— in allmorethan 180 individual cases 
have been collected. Types of split 
hand and foot, their terminology and 
the nature of cross-bones, origin arid 
transmission of the deformities (ma- 
ternal impressions, extra-uterine 
lesion, arrests of development, 
atavism, intra-uterine conditions, 
" sports," Mendelism, etc.) are dis- 
cussed. This deformity has its ori- 
gin in a " sport," tending to be trans- 
mitted along definite lines. 

von Luschan (F.) Akromegalie und 
Caput progenaeum. (Z. f. Ethnol., 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

Berlin, 1909, xli, 698-703.) Notes 
resemblance of lower jaw, e. g., in 
acromegaly and progenia. The lat- 
ter in high degree can occur without 
serious nervous symptoms and may be 
inherited for many generations (cf. 
Alfonso of Spain and his ancestor 
Charles V.)- It is difficult to distin- 
guish a high degree of progenia from 
a low degree of acromegaly, 
MacCurdy (G. G.) Eolithic and pale- 
olithic man. (Amer. Anthrop., Lan- 
caster, Pa., 1909, N. s., XI, 92-100, 

4 fgs-) 

Anthropology at the Baltimore 

meeting with Proceedings of the 
American Anthropological Associa- 
tion for 1908. (Ibid., 101-119.) 

Theodore - Jules - Ernest Hamy. 

(Ibid., 145-147, portr.) 

Mahe (G.) Terminologie rationelle 
dans la description anatomique des 
dents humaines. (Bull. Soc. d' An- 
throp. de Paris, '908, v'' s., ix, 170- 
178.) Sets forth a " rational termi- 
nology for anatomic description of the 
human teeth," based on these four 
terms of precise and general appli- 
cation : anterior, posterior, external, 

Mahoudeau (P. G.) La question de 
I'origine de I'homme et la faillite de 
la science d'apres Brunetiere. (R. 
de r£c. d' Anthrop. de Paris, 1908, 

XVIII, 361-379.) Critique of Bru- 
netiere's article in the Revue des 
Deux Mondcs (1895) in relation to 
the " bankruptcy of science " and the 
question of the origin of man. An- 
thropology, according to M., de- 
mands facts, not legends, and proves 
the natural origin of man, which is 
not unknown to the Bible, as several 
texts show. 

L'origine de I'homme au point 

de vue experimental. (Ibid., 1909, 

XIX, 145-155.) Discusses the pro- 
posals of Prof. Bernelot-Moens in his 
pamphlet Verite: Recherches expcri- 
mentales sur I'origine de I'homme 
(Paris, 1908), to investigate the ori- 
gin of man by means of experiments 
in artificial fecundation of female an- 
thropoids with human sperma, the 
crossing of anthropoids one with an- 
other, the infection of anthropoids 
with human diseases (particularly 
syphilis), etc. M. is of opinion that 
the " crossing of anthropoids with 
man can never resurrect a being that 
has disappeared ; nor will any new 
beings he may be able to produce 
reveal the secret of man's origin." 

Manacorda (G.) Zu dem volkstiim- 
lichen Motive von den weiblichen 
Schonheiten. (Z. d. V. f. Volksk., 
Berlin, 1908, xviii, 436-441.) Treats 
of folk-motive of " the beauties of 
woman": The 18 beauties (Italian 
sonnet from a Perugian Ms. of the 
15th century) ; the 21 beauties (Celtis 
and Bebel, — ante 1508) ; the 30 beau- 
ties (Ms. of i6th century) ; the 33 
beauties (Italian poem of i6th cen- 
tury) ; the Z7 beauties (Italian poem 
of i6th century) ; 60 and 72 beauties 
also are mentioned. Comparisons of 
woman with the horse likewise oc- 

Manouvrier (L.) Memoire visuelle, 
visualisation coloree, calcul mental. 
Notes et etude sur Mile. U. Dia- 
mandi. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop. de 
Paris, 1908, V* s., ix, 584-642, 1 
fg.) Details of study and experiments 
with Miss U. Diamandi, the mental 

■ L'inauguration de la statue de 

Boucher de Perthes a Abbeville. 
(Ibid., 539-542.) Report of pro- 
ceedings and brief address of M. 
Manouvrier at the dedication of the 
statue of Boucher de Perthes at Ab- 
beville, June 7, 1908. 

Conclusions generales sur I'an- 

thropologie des sexes et applications 
sociales. (R. de I'fic. d'Anthrop. de 
Paris, 1909, xix, 41-61.) Pt. iii of 
general discussion of the anthropol- 
ogy of sex, resumeing the views and 
personal opinions of the author on 
primary and secondary sexual diiTer- 
ences, etc. The social separation of 
the sexes by means of their union 
in the family is a natural law graven 
upon the entire physiology and con- 
stitution of man and woman. There 
is a reciprocal attraction correlative 
with differentiation. Biologically, 
physiologically, sociologically man is 
man, and woman is woman. 

Marcuse (M.) Geschlechtstrieb und 
" Liebe " des Urmenschen. (Sexual- 
Probl., Frankfurt, 1909, v, 721-740.) 
Discusses the question of the strength 
of the sexual impulse in primitive 
man, etc., with numerous bibliograph- 
ical references. Dr M. holds to the 
theory of a strong development of 
the sex-impulse in primitive times, 
rejecting H. Ellis's view of its in- 
crease as a result of civilization. 

Marett (R. R.) The tabu-mana for- 
mula as a minimum definition of re- 
ligion. (A. f. Religsws., Lpzg., xii, 
186-194.) M. argues that tabu and 
mana are " severally the negative and 

Periodical Literature 


the positive modes of the supernat- 
ural," and discusses this formula in 
its relation to Tylor's theory of 
animism, — animism is too wide and 
not so homogeneous as tabu-inana. 
M. applies tabu and viana as cate- 
gories to the phenomena of the stage 
of " savage," " primitive," or better, 
" rudimentary " religion. He holds 
that " the key to religious evolution 
is doubtless to be found in social 
evolution." The illustrative matter is 
taken from Codrington's The Melan- 
esians (Oxford, 1891) and Tregear's 

- The Maori-Polynesian Comparative 
Dictionary (Wellington, N. Z., 1891). 

Mendoza (M. P.), Ramirez (M.), and 
Enriquez (P. V.). An improved 
modelling especially adapted for the 
central nervous system. Preparation 
of brain models. (Philip. J. Sci., 
Manila, 1908, iii, 293-297, 3 pi.) 
Describes method of making brain- 
models of paper pulp. 

Mielke (R.) Ein merkwiirdiger Toten- 
brauch. (Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 190S, 
XL, 623-634.) Discusses the custom 
of burying the dead in a sitting pos- 
ture, its geographical distribution, 
origin, etc. Sitting is symbolic of 
power, personal power especially ; it 
has been developed out of the squat- 
ting (hocken) position, the most nat- 
ural form of temporary rest ; lying 
down suited only the sleeping 
and the sick with many peoples ; in 
the sitting posture, too, the dead can 
easily look over all things, see far, 
etc. In the discussion Hr. Kossinna 
cited from Mecklenburg and Lubeck 
(megalithic graves) 25 cases of pre- 
historic sitting-burial. 

Mollison (T.) Rechts und links in der 
Primatenreihe. (Korr.-Bl. d. Ges. f. 
Anthrop., Brnschwg., 1908, xxxix, 
112-115, IS fgs.) Gives results of 
measurements of length of right and 
left humerus, radius, ulna, femur, 
tibia and fibula of Prosimia, Platyr- 
rhine apes, Cercopithecus, chimpan- 
zee, gorilla, gibbon, orang and man, 
and their graphic expression. As to 
the arm, man (the most marked), 
orang and gibbon are decidedly right- 
handed, the chimpanzee and gorilla 
left-handed, but not so markedly so as 
these are right-handed. In the Cer- 
copithecidse and the monkeys of the 
New World equality of sides pre- 
dominates, with the left side longer 
if either. The Prosimia represent 
all three possibilities, with a ten- 
dency to equality of the sides. With 
regard to the legs, asymmetry is like- 

wise commoner in the higher than in 
the lower forms. In the orang and 
chimpanzee the right femur is long- 
er, in man the left ; in the New 
World apes alone the left tibia is 
longer ; the right fibula is longer in 
man and the Cercopithecidae, else- 
where equal, or the right longer. In 
the orang and chimpanzee all three 
bones of the right leg are longer ; in 
man the left femur and fibula and 
right tibia. If these facts are con- 
firmed by more numerous investi- 
gations, it would appear that the 
origin of righthandedness must be 
due to something common to man 
and the orang and gibbon (not e. g. 
the ramification type of the aorta). 

Mountains (The) and Migrations of 
Man. (Am. Antiq., Salem, Mass,, 
1909, XXXI, 127-144, 9 fgs.) General 
discussion of the " tracing of migra- 
tions of races by mountain ranges," 
and the beginning of the history of 
great nations " between ranges of 
mountains and in valleys through 
which great streams were continually 

Miihsam (H.) Die Bedeutung der 
neueren Methoden der Blutditferen- 
zierung fiir die Anthropologic. (Z. 
f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1908, xl, 573-582, 
4 fgs.) Discusses the recent methods 
of blood-differentiation (precipita- 
tion, absorption, complementary 
union, etc.) and their anthropological 
significance, — experiments of Nattlall, 
Uhlenhuth, Friedenthal, Weichardt, 
Friedberger, Bruck, etc. Bruck's re- 
searches indicate the following bio- 
logical series: i, Man. 2, Orang- 
utan. 3, Gibbon. 4, Macacus rhesus 
and nemestrinus. 5, Macacus cyno- 
molgus. The human species has a 
" dominant receptor," and each race, 
besides, a " partial receptor." If 
these experiments hold good, a useful 
biological race-distinguisher will have 
been found. See Neisser (M.). 

Myers (C. S.) Some observations on 
the development of the color sense. 
(J. Psychol., Cambr., Eng., 1908, it, 
353-362.) Gives results of experi- 
ments with painted " bricks " on the 
author's daughter during the period 
from the 24th to the s8th month of 
life. M. concludes that " it is ex- 
tremely dangerous to formulate any 
opinion on the actual color experi- 
ences of an infant as the result of 
observing what colored objects it pre- 
fers or rejects, when these objects 
are presented with other colored or 
colorless objects," Also that we do 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

not have sufficient evidence to show 
that the color sense materially dif- 
fers in different peoples, or that the 
various color sensations of an infant 
develop at different periods in his 
life. The superior attractiveness of 
red is probably pre-human. 

Neisser (M.) und Sachs (H.) Dem- 
onstration serodiagnostischen Meth- 
oden zur Feststellung von Artver- 
schiedenheiten. (Korr.-Bl. d. D. 
Ges. f. Anthrop., Brnschwg., 1908, 
XXXIX, 97.) Describes the " Kom- 
plementablenkung " method of serum 
diagnosis, by which, e. g., Bruck dis- 
tinguishes the White from the Mon- 
golian and Malayan races. The 
Uhlenhuth method is criticized. 

Nestle (E.) Zum Tod des grossen 
Pan. (A. f. Religsw., Lpzg., 1909, 
XII, 156-158.) Notes on the legend 
of the death of the god Pan in con- 
nection with the death of Jesus, etc. 
The basis is found in Plutarch. 

Neuberger (O.) Das Jubilaum des 
Darwinismus und Lazarus Geiger, 
(Korr.-Bl. d. D. Ges. f. Anthrop., 
Brnschwg., 1908, xxxix, 83.) Calls 
attention to the fact that the idea 
of the evolution of man (bodily and 
mentally) from lower organisms was 
set forth by Geiger In his Ursprung 
und Entzi'ickehmg der menschlichen 
Sprache und Verniinft sent to the 
publishers in part in 1859, though the 
printing did not begin till 1866. 

Neumayer (V. L.) Ein Beitrag zur 
Lehre vom Langenwachstume des 
Hirnschadels. (Mitt. d. Anthrop. Ges. 
in Wien, 1908, xxxviii, 1-16, i fg.) 
Treats of the growth in length of the 
skull of the adult and the human, 
based on measurements, etc., of 78 
skulls of individuals from 19 to 60 
years of age, and 50 of infants from 
birth to 6 mos. According to N. the 
skull of the child " shows an infan- 
tile dolichocephaly, mesocephaly, and 
brachycephaly altogether different 
from the dolichocephaly, meso- 
cephaly and brachycephaly of adult 
skulls." With the child " post- 
auricular," and with the adult " pre- 
auricular " dolichocephaly predomi- 
nates, the former being lost in the 
course of development. The adult 
skull is produced from that of the 
child not only through growth but 
also by means of transformation. 

Os (Les) mentonniers. (Bull. Soc. 
d'Anthrop. de Paris, 1908, v° S., ix, 
645-646.) Resumes Dr Bourgerette's 
Os mentonniers (These de Paris, 
1908), a study of the little bony for- 

mations appearing toward the close 
of intrauterine life between the two 
lateral parts of the lower maxillary, 
at the lower part of the symphysis, 
based on the mandibles of 234 sub- 
jects. Their vestiges are represented 
in the adult by canalicular forma- 
tions. These bones are peculiar to 
man alone. 

Papillault (G.) Le VI* Congres 
d' Anthropologic Criminelle. L'etat ac- 
tuelle de cette science et les con- 
ditions de ses futurs progres. (R. 
de r£c. d'Anthrop. de Paris, 1909, 
XIX, 28-38.) Resumes the proceedings 
(published in 1908) of the Sixth 
International Congress of Criminal 
Anthropology held at Turin in 1906. 
The practical side of the science is 
being more and more emphasized, the 
elimination and cure of the anti- 
socials, or better the formulation of 
an effective " preventive social hy- 

Le Darwinisme et les fetes com- 

memoratives de Cambridge. (Ibid., 
296-302.) Account of Darwin 
celebration at Cambridge, England, 
June 22-24, 1909, with text of ad- 
dress of P. as representative of the 
£cole d' Anthropologic de Paris. 

et Herve (G.) Le cerveau de I'as- 

sassin Gagny. fitude morphologique 
(Ibid., 245-262, 3 fgs.) Morphologi- 
cal study of the brain of the assas- 
sin Gagny. The frontal, parietal and 
occipital lobes present numerous an- 
omalies and peculiarities, the tem- 
poral lobe being the only one at all 
normal, — the external face of the 
left hemisphere seems hardly human 
in type. Cerebrally Gagny was abnor- 
mal, a fact confirmed by his indi- 
vidual history. A note (p. 260) by 
Dr Siffre shows dental anomalies. 

Pearson (K.) On a new method of 
determining correlation between a 
measured character A, and a charac- 
ter B, of which only the percentage 
of cases wherein B exceeds (or falls 
short of) a given intensity is re- 
corded for each grade of A. (Bio- 
metrika, Cambridge, Engld., 1909, 
VII, 96-105.) Treats of relation of 
age to anemia (not very marked in 
children 7-13 years ; increases with 
age in girls, decreases with boys), 
age and capacity to pass examina- 
tions (statistics of London Univer- 
sity Matriculation show " a small 
but sensible correlation between 
youth and ability to pass"), consci- 
entiousness and cephalic index (cor- 
relation zero), effect of enlarged 

Periodical Literature 


glands and tonsils on the weight of 
children (association " slight but sig- 
nificant "), effect of employment of 
mothers on the height of their sons 
(quite sensible correlation for a 
given age of child between its stat- 
ure and the increasing stress due to 
employment of mother). 

On the inheritance of the de- 
formity known as split-foot or lob- 
ster-claw. (Ibid., 1908, VI, 69-79, 
8 pi.) Based on radiographic study 
of three individuals' and other in- 
vestigations of a family scattered 
through the agricultural district some 
distance from London. The abnor- 
mal seem to be twice as numerous 
as the normal. No reduced fertility 
or decrease of intelligence can be 
noted, and no general appearance of 
weak constitutions ; no cousin mar- 
riages. Eugenically the case is 

Peet (S. D.) Arrow heads and spear 
heads. (Amer. Antiq., Salem, Mass., 

1908, XXX, 259-266, 4 fgs.) Treats 
briefly of material, quarries, size and 
shape of bow, use, method of making, 
types of bow and their distribution, 
shapes of arrow, etc. 

The natural and the supernat- 
ural. (Ibid., 289-306, 5 fgs.) Gen- 
eral discussion of the garden, the 
serpent and the tree, the world tree, 
personification of nature-powers, etc. 
The author believes that " the myth- 
ology of the Old Testament was the 
beginning of the world's story," and 
that " the idea of sacrifice is at the 
basis of all human worship, whether 
among the Pagans or Christians." 

The patriarchal age. (Ibid., 

1909, XXXI, 80-91.) General account 
of the life, times and character of 

PeixotO (R.) Jose Vicente Barbosa 
du Bocage. (Portugalia, Porto, 1908, 
II, 681, portr.) Sketch of scientific 
activities and publications of Bar- 
bosa du Bocage (1823-1907), "the 
founder of zoology in Portugal." 

Joaquim Filippe Nery da Encar- 

nagao Delgado. (Ibid., 682, portr.) 
Sketch of scientific activities and 
publications of Gen. Nery Delgado 
(1835-1908), geologist and archeolo- 
gist of note. 

Pieron (H.) L'anthropologie psycho- 
logique, son objet et sa methode. 
(R. de r£c. d'Anthrop. de Paris, 1909, 
XIX, 1 1 3-1 27.) Outlines the field and 
method of psychological anthropology. 
It includes ethnic and social psy- 
chology, criminal and pathological 

psychology, sexual psychology, onto- 
genetic and phylogenetic psychology 
and psychological heredity in man 
(biometry, etc.), — psychology of indi- 
viduals, groups, peoples, races. 

Les probleraes actuels de I'in- 

stinct. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop. de Paris, 

1908, V® s., IX, 503-538.) Treats in- 
stinct and its problems (the term 
" instinct " and its definitions ; cri- 
teria, delimitation ; end of the dogma 
of immutability of instincts ; origin, 
disappearance of instincts, variation 
and atavism, etc.). Instincts may 
have had a double origin, — selection 
of fortuitous variations and trans- 
mission of individual adaptations. 

Ploetz (A.) Lebensdauer der Eltern 
und Kindersterblichkeit. Ein Beitrag 
zum Studium der Konstitutionsverer- 
bung und der natiirlichen Auslese 
unter den Menschen. (A, f. Rassen- 
u. Ges.-Biol., Lpzg., 1909, vi, 33-43.) 
Based on various monographs of 
Karl Pearson, etc., and on the 
author's material (5500 thildren 
from various German genealogical 
sources). Pearson's statistics indi- 
cate that " great child-mortality of a 
posterity corresponds generally to its 
higher mortality and vice versa." 
The other statistics show that " child- 
mortality in the first five years of 
life decreases regularly with the in- 
creasing longevity of the parents." 

Polak (C.) Die Anatomic des Genus 
Colobus. (Verh. d. K. Akad. v. Wet. 
te Amsterdam, 11 Sect., Dl. xiv, N°, 
2, 1908, X -\- 247, 63 fgs.) Detailed 
study (bibliogr. 61 titles) of the an- 
atomy of the Colobus gnereza, a rare 
monkey from the forest region of 
S. W. Abyssinia, compared with the 
Semnopitheciis and Hylobates. The 
Colobns proves that not every seem- 
ingly " progressive " character is 
really such. 

Preuss (K. T.) Die Vorbedeutung des 
Zuckens der Gliedmassen in dfer 
Volkerkunde. (Globus, Brnschwg., 

1909, xcv, 245-247.) Treats of the 
folk-lore of twitching of the body 
and its members. Shivering of the 
body (death is near according to 
Cora Indians ; in Bengal, only he 
who does not shiver at a blast of 
wind is near death), "letting go the 
bones " (Moa of Torres Sts.), " hand- 
feeling " (Australian blacks), twitch- 
ing of eyelids (unlucky with ancient 
Aztec, lucky with Eskimo ; Peru- 
vian Indian's right eyelid twitching is 
good omen, left bad ; Canarese of S. 
India say that right is good for men. 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

but bad for women ; similar differ- 
ences as to upper and lower eye- 
lids in various parts of the globe), 
ringing in ears, trembling of lips, 
twitching of arm, hand, foot, etc. 
(right and left ideas here also), bit- 
ing tongue in eating, striking teeth 
together in bathing (Bengal), twitch- 
ing of breast (in mother indicates 
sickness of child). These " premo- 
nitions " from twitching, etc., are 
probably some of the earliest ideas 
to be afterwards " worked up " by 
magic and religion. 

Proctor (H.) The origin of the art 
of writing. (Amer. Antiq., Salem, 
Mass., 1909, XXXI, 168-169.) Notes 
on ideographic and phonetic bases of 
representation, — ideas, sounds, — out 
of which developed word, syllable 
and letter stages. 

Questionnaire sur les metis. (Bull. 
Soc. d' Anthrop. de Paris, 1908, v" s., 
IX, 688-693.) Text of questionnaire 
of 27 items on metis prepared by a 
standing committee of the Society, 
consisting of MM, Herve, Lapicque, 
Rivet. Papillault, Baudouin, Rabaud, 
Schmidt, Zaborowski. 

Railliet (G.) Sur une anomalie du 
parietal. (Ibid., 289-292.) De- 
scribes in a girl of 32 months, suffer- 
ing from impetigo of the scalp, " a 
partial segmentation of the parietal 
into two pieces, with an intra-parietal 
fontanelle," an anomaly running 
counter to the common conception of 
the ossification of the parietal bone. 

Ranke (J.) Jahresbericht des General- 
sekretiirs pro 1907/08. (Korr.-Bl. d. 
D. Ges. f. Anthrop., Brnschwg., 1908, 
XXXIX, 83-92.) Contains resumes 
and critiques of numerous publica- 
tions in archeology and prehistory 
(Forrer, Michaelis, Meyer, Schlemm, 
Obermaier), ethnology (Hagen, Koch, 
Friederici, Kohlbrugge, Hovarka and 
Kronfeld, Bronner, Breitenstein, Pen- 
ka, Bartels, Nagel, Hopf, Guenther, 
Klotz, Rasmussen), etc. 

Regnault (F.) Le pied prehensile chez 
I'homme. Presentation de deux pho- 
tographies. (Bull, Soc. d, Anthrop. de 
Paris, 1909, V® s., x, 41, 42,) Notes 
on the skill of ectromelians and the 
prehensile nature of the feet, the 
" pied pince," etc. in two cases (one 
living, one skeletal). 

Os parietaux bipartites sur un 

crane atteint de dysplasie. (Ibid., 
42-43.) Treats of a case of bipar- 
tite parietal bones in a skull affected 
by fetal dysplasia. Synostosis of 
sutures is also noted. 

von Reitzenstein (F,) Der Kausalzu- 
sammenhang zwischen Geschlechts- 
verkehr und Empfangnis in Glaube 
und Branch der Natur- und Kultur- 
volker. (Z, f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1909, 
XLi, 644-683, 6 fgs.) Treats of the 
ideas of primitive and civilized 
peoples (beliefs, customs, etc.) as to 
the causal relations between coitus 
and pregnancy : Australians {chur- 
inga-ihtory, coitus pleasure only, 
jntfea-operation a sort of homosexu- 
ality) ; ancient Mexicans (plant-soul, 
supernatural impregnation, etc.) ; 
India (tree-soul, symbolic marriage, 
fixation of father) ; development of 
belief in impregnation (" home of 
children," relation of soul and body, 
plants and parts of plants as car- 
riers of impregnation, animals as 
carriers and media ; the magic of 
fertility, — demons, sun, moon and 
wind, deities, " chastity-nights," fer- 
tility-festivals and puberty-cere- 
monies, shamans and magicians), 
etc. ; the mythopoeic effects of the 
old ideas as to coitus, impregnation, 
fertility, etc. According to v. R., the 
beliefs, legends and customs of all 
peoples indicate for the earliest men 
a period when the relation of coitus 
to conception was utterly unknown 
(cf. certain Australian tribes) ; then 
came a second period in which co- 
habitation was regarded as a part 
(but not the chief) of the prerequi- 
sites for conception, and as before 
the supernatural was the most im- 
portant factor. 

Report of Committee [of Amer. An- 
throp. Assoc] on archeological no- 
menclature. (Amer. Anthrop., Lan- 
caster, Pa., 1909, N. s., XI, 114-119.) 

Rivet (P.) Recherches sur le prog- 
nathisme. I. fitude theorique et cri- 
tique. Expose d'une technique nou- 
velle pour les mesures d'angles. 
(L' Anthropologic, Paris, 1909, xx, 
35-49, 175-187, 10 fgs.) Treats of 
the different conceptions of progna- 
thism, multiplicity of points de re- 
pdre, criticisms of methods (linear, 
angular, radial relations, naso-basal 
angle, — the ideal method must have 
the advantages of the angvtlar meth- 
ods and radial relations without their 
defects) and explains the technique 
of a new method, — the nasion-alveo- 

Rock (F.) Das Vorkommen des Pen- 
tagramms in der Alten und Neuen 
Welt. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1909, xcv, 
8-9.) Treats of the pentagram (pen- 
talpha, " Drudenfuss," witch-cross, 

Periodical Literature 


etc.) in ancient Babylonia (goes 
back at least to 8th century, b. c), 
among the Pythagoreans (signuni 
Pythagoricum), Cabalists ; in the cult 
of the Virgin, folk-lore, etc. R. sees 
the pentagrammic succession in the 
hieroglyphs of the day-signs on the 
" Mexican calendar-stone " ; the pen- 
tagram occurs also on an old Indian 
tent in the Berlin ethnological Mu- 

Romagna-Manoia (A.) Contributo 
alio studio della sindattilia. (R. di 
Patol. nerv., Firenze, 1909, xiv, 252- 
259, 4 fgs.) Describes case of syn- 
dactyly in man of 54 years from 
Reggio Calabria, — ectrodactyly, mega- 
lodactyly, microdactyly of hands, syn- 
dactyly and brachydactyly of feet. 
Heredity and degeneracy are noted. 

Sartori (P.) Das Wasser im Toten- 
gebrauche. (Z. d. V. f. Volksk., Ber- 
lin, 1908, XVIII, 353-378.) A well- 
documented account of the use of 
water in connection with the dead 
in all ages and among all peoples. 
Use of water before death (pail 
placed near ; water poured on dying 
or in face, etc.) ; washing the body 
after death (with warm water ; by 
special persons ; washing of certain 
portions only of body ; vessels, cloths, 
etc., used in washing corpse ; disposal 
of water with which corpse has been 
washed ; its medicinal and other vir- 
tues, its use in magic and folk-medi- 
cine ; washing of bones of dead and 
reburial, as among certain American 
Indian tribes ; throwing away of 
water in the house when death oc- 
curs, or a funeral passes ; avoidance 
of passing over water in a funeral 
or when carrying a corpse ; sprink- 
ling the new-made grave with water ; 
washing, sprinkling, etc., the surviv- 
ors or relatives, and, especially those 
concerned in the burial ; washing, 
etc., at a shorter or longer time 
after the burial ; special washing, etc., 
of women, or of widows and widow- 
ers ; washing of the clothes and other 
objects belonging to the dead ; wash- 
ing the house of the dead, especially 
the death-room, the place where the 
corpse rested, etc. ; provision of water 
for the dead in his journey to the 
Other world, etc. Many are the de- 
vices for defending the dead and de- 
fending the survivors from him con- 
nected with' the use of water. To 
the feeding of the dead corresponds 
the "bath of the soul " and the thirst 
of the spirits. 

Schmidt (W.) Uber die entwickelungs- 
geschichtliche Stellung der Pygma- 
enstamme. (Korr.-Bl. d. D. Ges. f. 
Anthrop., Brnschwg., 1908, xxxix, 
107-108.) Rejects Schwalbe's theory 
of the pigmies as " Kiimmerformen," 
and although limiting the pigmies to 
the curly-haired races (Veddas, Senoi, 
Toala are only " secondary " pig- 
mies), he agrees with Kollmann in 
interpreting the most of their bodily 
peculiarities as " infantile characters." 

L'origine de I'idee de Dieu. 

(Anthropos, Wien, 1908, iii, 801- 
836, 1081-1120 ; 1909, IV, 207-250, 
505-524.) These sections of Father 
Schmidt's monograph on " the origin 
of the idea of God " are de- 
voted to the consideration of criti- 
cisms of Lang's theory by Howitt, 
Tylor, Hartland, Foy, Marett, Van 
Gennep, etc., and to the author's 
ideas on the subject of " the supreme 
beings of the native Australians and 
questions connected therewith." Pre- 
animistic theories of magic (Guyau, 
J. H. King, Marett, Hubert, Mauss) 
are also considered. 

Neuentdeckte Papuasprachen von 

den Salomoninseln, Bougainville. 
(Globus, Brnschwg., 1909, xcv, 266- 
267, map.) Gives, after the mission- 
ary P. Rausch, a brief outline of the 
speech of the Narioi, an inland lan- 
guage of Bougainville Id., which 
seems to belong to the Papuan stock. 
Other languages of the interior 
(Telei, Motuna, Kongara, etc., are 
probably also Papuan.) The Narioi 
is also erroneously called Kieta. 

Schwalbe (G.) Kohlbrugge, Die mor- 
phologische Abstammung des Men- 
schen. (Ibid., 1908, xciii, 341-346.) 
Critical review of Dr J. H. F. Kohl- 
brugge's recent book, Die morpholo- 
gische Abstammung des Menschen 
(Stuttgart, 1908). Kohlbrugge holds 
that the descent of the body has 
nothing to do with the psychical de- 
velopment of man. He favors de 
Vries's mutation-theory to a consider- 
able extent, and is unsympathetic 
toward the theory of descent. K. 
holds that " the races are psycho- 
logically different but yet equivalent." 
Many alleged physical differences 
he discounts. Schwalbe disagrees 
with K. on many points. 

Seconda Reunione (La) della Societa 
Italiana per il Progresso delle Sci- 
enze. (A. p. I'Antrop., Firenze, 
1908, xxxviii, 335-337.) Resumes 
papers read before Anthropological- 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

Ethnological Section by Livi, Giuf- 
frida-Ruggeri, G. Sergi, Loria, etc. ; 
and before Archeological-Paleoethno- 
logical Section by Milani, Regalia, 

Sigiiorelli (A.) II diametro vertebrale 
o altezza dei polmoni. (A. d. Soc. 
Rom. di Antrop., Roma, 1908, xiv, 
219-238.) Based on investigation 
(detailed measurements are given) of 
the " height of the lungs," or " verte- 
bral diameter," tested in the living 
(200 individuals, all males 2-79 
years) by percussion of the vertebral 
column. The lung-height varies with 
age, stature, height of vertebral col- 
umn, transverse and antero-posterior 
diameters of thorax, Broca's thoracic 
index, abdominal height, bi-iliac di- 
ameter. In infants the lungs are 
relatively longer, in adolescents rela- 
tively shorter than at other ages. In 
youth they lengthen and so also in 
the adult, then decrease somewhat, 
to increase again in old age. In 
adults the average lung-height is 30 
cm., i. e., about 16.4% of the stat- 
ure. In children it is 18.94%. In 
woman it is about i cm. shorter than 
in man. 

Smiley (J. B.) The communion cere- 
mony. (Open Court, Chicago, 1909, 
XXIII, 513-525.) Compares the cere- 
mony of the Christian church with 
practices among the ancient Mexi- 
cans, Australian blacks, Chinese, 
Egyptians, Tibetans, Samoans, etc. 
According to S.. the ceremony goes 
back to the killing and eating of a 
" man-god " to acquire his powers. 
See Carus (P.). 

Smith (W. B.) The mystic number 
nine. (Open Court, Chicago, 1909, 
XXIII, 380-382.) General ideas. 

Snouck Hurgronje (C.) In Memori- 
am: Michael Jan de Goeje. (Int. 
Arch. f. Ethnogr., Leiden, 1909, xix, 
49-54, portr.) Sketch of life, sci- 
entific activities, publications, etc., 
of M. J. de Goeje (1836-1909), eth- 
nologist and orientalist. 

Spencer (C. L.) Notes on the cross- 
bow. (Trans. Glasgow Archeol. Soc, 
1908, N. s. V, 186-197, 5 ph) Treats 
of the cross-bow, its use in Europe, 
China, method of manipulation, mis- 
siles, comparison with long-bow, 
types, survival, etc. The Roman bal- 
ista (and possibly also the manii- 
balista) was a sort of cross-bow. Ac- 
cording to S., the only work on the 
cross-bow, ancient or modern, is Sir 
Ralph Payne-Galwey's The Cross- 

bow: Medieval and Modern, etc. 
(London, 1903). 

Stern (C. u. W.) Die zeichnerische 
Entwicklung eines Knaben vom 4. 
bis zum 7. Jahre. (Ztschr. f. angew. 
Psychol., Lpzg., 1909, III, 1-31, 4 
fgs., 12 pi.) Detailed account of the 
development of drawing in the son 
of Professor and Mrs Stern during 
the period from the 4th to the 7th 

Stewart (C. T.) Die Entstehung des 
Werwolf glaubens. (Z. d. V. f. Volksk., 
Berlin, 1909, xix, 30-51.) In this 
brief but well-documented study, the 
author seeks a general world-wide 
explanation for the belief in the 
werwolf (lycanthropy), which is 
" most ancient and belongs to primi- 
tive man." The starting-point is 
found in the primitive custom of 
putting on the skin (clothing) of an 
animal (e. g., a wolf). This was first 
done as a protection against cold, 
and as a means of obtaining food by 
enticing animals ; then personal uses, 
— robbers, spies, individuals seeking 
vengeance or power over others, — 
came into play ; after this profes- 
sional shamans and superstitious per- 
sons invented fabulous stories, etc., 
which were transmitted as tradition 
or sage. The idea of the injurious 
nature of the werwolf S. explains 
from the fact that to the spies or 
food-seekers, who put on animal- 
skins to avoid discovery by enemies, 
later fabulous accounts attributed the 
qualities of the animal they repre- 
sented, and finally asserted that they 
actually assumed for a longer or a 
shorter time the form of the ani- 
mal itself. Many proper names are 
of interest here as indicating the cor- 
relation of skill, boldness, etc., in 
man and animal (Rudolf, Adolf, 
Wulfila, — and among primitive peo- 
ples the bear, wolf, etc., have given 
rise to very many such). The ori- 
gin and development of the use of 
masks, etc., are much the same as 
in the case of the animal's skin. 

The origin of the werwolf su- 
perstition. (Univ. of Missouri 
Studies, 1909, Soc. Sci. Ser., 11, 253- 
289.) English version of previous 
article by Miss S. 

Stolyhwo (K.) Zur Frage der Exis- 
tenz von Uebergangsform zwischen 
H. primigenius und H. sapiens. (Glo- 
bus, Brnschwg., 1908, xciv, 363-365.) 
S. replies to criticisms of G. 
Schwalbe, and maintains his belief 

Periodical Literature 


in the existence of transitional forms 
(occurring even in historical times) 
between H. primigenius and H. 

Stratz (C. H.) Atavismus des men- 
schlichen Ohres. (Arch. f. An- 
throp., Brnschwg., 1908, N. f. viii, 
146-147, 5 fgs.) Brief account of 
two cases, both normal children of 
normal parents, presenting ear-ata- 
visms. The first, at birth, showed 
the human-form of the Cercopithecus 
ear with Spina Darwini, and hair- 
clumps on outer edge ; the second, 
observed during the 7th week of life, 
presented the Cercopithecus type 
with more marked Spina Darwini, 
and hair-clumps. The only other case 
of externally pilose outer ear was 
noted by Schwalbe. Careful observa- 
tion will probably show such pilose 
ears to be much more common than 
is now thought. 

Tandler (J.) u. Grosz (S.) IJber den 
Einfluss der Kastration auf den Or- 
ganismus. I. Beschreibung eines 
Eunuchenskelets. (Archiv. f. Ent- 
wcklgsmech. d. Organ., Leipzig, 1909, 
Lxxii, 35-61, 16 fgs.) Describes the 
skeleton of a 28-year-old Zanzibar 
negro (eunuch) who died of tuber- 
culosis of the lungs, etc., in Vienna 
in February, 1907, with anthropo- 
metric measurements (skull and pel- 
vis in particular), and comparisons 
with other eunuch-skeletons. The re- 
sults confirm generally previous ob- 
servations. Some of the organs and 
parts are childlike or magnified 
childlike rather than female in type. 

Thibon (F.) Les hominides et an- 
thropomorphides comme constituant 
un seul ordre. (An. Soc. Cient. 
Argent., Buenos Aires, 1908, lxvi, 
148-155.) Discusses the classifica- 
tion of the primates, according to 
Linnaeus, Broca, Railliet, Perrier, 
Ameghino, etc., and proposes a new 
classification by the thoracic index 
(man and the anthropoids are all 
brachio-thoracic, all the other mam- 
mals including the lower monkeys, 
dolichothoracic). This makes one 
class of the Hominidae and Anthro- 
pomorphidae, and another of the 
Simioidae and Prosimians, etc. 

Thomson (A.) Daniel John Cunning- 
ham. (Man, Lond., 1909, ix, 97-99, 
portr.) Sketch of life and scientific 
activities of Prof. D. J. Cunningham 
(1850-1909), anatomist and anthro- 
pologist, author of studies on the 
lumbar curve in man and apes ; Cor- 
nelius Magrath, the Irish giant ; brain 

and head of the microcephalic idiot ; 
righthandedness and leftbrainedness ; 
evolution of the graduation cere- 
mony ; the stomach in man and the 
anthropoid apes ; the Australian 
forehead, etc. 

Thulie (H.) Phenomenes mystiques 
dans I'ordre affectif des theologiens. 
(R. de r£c. d'Anthrop. de Paris, 1908, 
XVIII, 329-348.) Treats of precocity 
of emotion, love, etc., in saints and 
religious persons of note, marriage 
to the church, to Jesus, God, etc., — 
particularly Catherine of Siena, St. 
Theresa, St. Francis of Sales, etc. 
The subject is treated in detail in 
T.'s book La Mystique (Paris, 1909). 

Tozzer (A. M.) The Putnam anniver- 
sary. (Amer. Anthrop., Lancaster, 
Pa., 1909, N. s., XI, 285-288, portr.) 

Variot (G.) L'accroissement statural 
et l'accroissement ponderal chez le 
nouveau-ne. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop. 
de Paris, 1908, v'' s., ix, 283-289.) 
Based on measurements of the height 
and weight of 440 (boys 220, girls 
220) infants, from birth to 10 days 
old, in the Maternite de I'Hotel-Dieu, 
the Clinique Tainier, the Hospice 
depositaire des enfants-Assistes, and 
the Hotel-Dieu annexe, in Paris. 
According to the results the growth 
of stature and the growth of weight 
have their own independent individu- 
alities even in pathological condi- 
tions. The osseous system ap- 
proaches the nervous system which is 
normally anticipatory as to growth 
over almost all the other organs. 

von den Velden (F.) Aussterbende 
Familien. (A. f. Rassen- u. Ges.- 
BioL, Lpzg., 1909, VI, 340-350.) 
Based on study of some 1400 mar- 
riages (3% childless; 2.3% no chil- 
dren attain marriage). Extinction 
once begun seems to be progressive. 

Verworn (M.) Ein objektives Kri- 
terium fiir die Beurteilung der Manu- 
faktnatur geschlagener Feuersteine. 
(Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1908, xl, 548- 
558, 2 fgs.) Gives result of exami- 
nation of flints from La Micoque, Le 
Moustier, Abri Audi (Les Eyzies), 
Abri de Laussel, Gorge d'Enfer, Cro- 
Magnon, Laugerie Haute, Laugerie 
intermediare, grotto of Les Eyzies, 
Tasmania, Puy de Boudieu (899 in 
all) with respect to the rule of one- 
sided edge-working. Paleolithic 
worked flints show generally a per- 
centage of 95 following the rule, ex- 
ceptions 5%. 

Vierkandt (A.) Zur Reform der 
volkerkundlichen Aussenarbeit. (Glo- 


Journal oj American Folk-Lore 

bus, Brnschwg., 1908, xciv, 79-82.) 
Discusses the reform of ethnological 
field-work, need of closer touch with 
theory and museum and home work, 
etc. What is needed is fixed organi- 
zation, lengthy sojourn of travelers 
and investigators in the regions to be 
studied, increase in the numbers of 
students, kefeping of diaries and other 
detailed records (so that variation in 
phenomena may be noted), more sys- 
tem and accuracy in the publication 
and use of observations, material, etc. 
Folk-lore, too, needs similar atten- 
tion. V. illustrates the needs dis- 
cussed from researches relating to 
the origin of the domestication of 
animals, agriculture, work (properly 
so called), drawing and primitive art, 
myths, family life, secret languages, 
Virchow (H.) Stand der Rudolf Vir- 
chow-Stiftung fiir das Jahr 1908. (Z. 
f. EthnoL, Berlin, 1908, xl, 972- 
978.) Account of the activities of 
the Virchow Foundation for 190S: 
Reproduction of Mansfeld's photo- 
graphs of scenes (illustrating cus- 
toms, etc.) of life among the Ca- 
meroon tribes ; excavations in the 
Einhorn cave (analysis of earths) ; 
copies of Bushman paintings ; exca- 
vations on Monsheim Frobenius's ex- 
pedition to W. Africa (large num- 
bers of photographs, drawings, eth- 
nological specimens, etc.) ; excava- 
tions at Ehringsdorf ; Weissenberg's 
investigations of the physical charac- 
ters (dolichocephaly thought to mark 
the old Hebrews ; lost on the way to 
Europe) ; list of grants. 
Vogt (H.) Neuere Ergebnisse der 
Hirnanatomie und deren Beziehung zu 
allgemeinen Fragen. (Korr.-BI. d. D. 
Ges. f, Anthrop., Brnschwg., 1908, 
XXXIX, 132-134.) Discusses recent 
studies in brain-anatomy, those of 
Brodmann in particular, whose in- 
vestigations of anthropoids and man 
showed, e. g., that with respect to the 
Area striata, racial differences ex- 
isted, " the Javanese being here mid- 
way between the higher apes and 
man." Not all portions of the cortex 
have the same structure. 
Ward (D. J. H.) The classification of 
religions. (Monist, Chicago, 1909, 
XIX, 95-135.) Concluding section. 
Treats of classifications based upon 
geographical distribution and sta- 
tistics (recent estimates), on phi- 
losophies of religion (Pfleiderer), on 
racial relationship (according to lin- 

guistic affinity, etc.). Dr W. himself 
gives (pp. 131-133) "a tentative eth- 
nographico-historical classification of 
the human races to facilitate the 
study of religions (in 5 divisions)," 
which can hardly be approved. 
Weinberg (W.) Zur Bedeutung der 
Mehrlingsgeburten fiir die Frage der 
Bestimmung des Geschlechts. (A. f. 
Rassen- u. Ges. -Biol., Lpzg., 1909, vi, 
28-32.) Discusses the statistics of 
plural births in Saxony in relation to 
sex of children in order of birth and 
calls attention to certain contradic- 
tory phenomena. 

Die Anlage zur Mehrlingsge- 

burt beim Menschen und ihre Verer- 
bung. (Ibid., 322-339.) First sec- 
tion of discussion of the tendency 
toward plural births in man and its 
inheritance. Individual differences 
are specially considered. 
Weiss (L.) und v. Schwarz (M.) 
Strichprobe zur Erkennung vorge- 
schichtlicher Bronzen und Kupfer- 
gegenstande. (Korr.-Bl. d. D. Ges. f. 
Anthrop., Brnschwg., 1909, xl, ii- 
12.) Note on a test for prehistoric 
bronze and copper objects, — by 
scratching and comparing with ob- 
jects known to contain a certain per- 
cent, of tin. The comparison of the 
colors will then disclose real prehis- 
toric bronze and copper. 
Weissenberg (S.) Das Wachstum des 
Menschen nach Alter, Geschlecht und 
Rasse. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1908, 
XCIV, 101-109, 4 fgs.) Discusses the 
growth of the human body according 
to age, sex and race (with curves and 
tables), with reference to the many 
investigations of the last 30 years. 
Dr W. concludes that the 6 following 
general periods of development in 
stature may be recognized: i. Period 
of excessive growth up to 5th or 6th 
year, the years from 3 to 5 being 
characterized by slower growth. 2, 
Slow increase in height until by the 
io-i2th year, three-fourths of the 
definite height is reached. 3, In- 
creased rate of growth lasting till 17- 
i8th year. 4, Only moderate growth, 
lasting to the 2Sth year. 5, Period 
of adult manhood lasting to about the 
50th year with stature constant. 6, 
Old age with diminished stature. The 
increased growth is a direct conse- 
quence of the maturing-process, 
which occurs with males a few years 
later than with females. The period 
of increased growth (or puberty- 
period) is of great importance be- 
cause before it comes neither the 

Periodical Literature 


peculiarities and qualities of race, 
nor those of sex or of the individual 
clearly appear, such differentiation 
becoming complete only after it. En- 
vironmental influences also are most 
powerful during this period. 

Westermarck (E.) Reinlichkeit, 
Unreinlichkeit und Askese. (Ibid., 
1908, xciii, 109-113.) Reprinted 
from the German translation of Vol. 
II of Westermarck's Origin and De- 
velopment of the Moral Ideas (Lon- 
don, 1908). 

Wetzel (G.) Eine einfache Messvor- 
richtung zur Winkelmessung an Wir- 
beln. (Korr.-Bl. d. D. Ges. f. An- 
throp., Brnschwg., 1909, XL, 34-37, S 
fgs.) Describes a simple apparatus, 
constructed by the author, for meas- 
uring angles of the human vertebrae. 

Weule (K.) Griindung des Vereins 
fur Volkerkunde in Leipzig. (Z. f. 
Ethnol., Berlin, 1908, xl, 6i6-6ig.) 
Brief account of the founding of the 
Leipzig Ethnological Society, really 
a revivefying, and extension of the 
" Museum fiir Volkerkunde zu Leip- 
zig." The first general session was 
held on April 14, 1908. 

Whitley (D. G.) The high intellectual 
character of primeval man. (Rec. of 
Past, Wash., D. C, 1909, viii, 39-56. 
2 fgs.) W. cites the improvability of 
such peoples as the Australians, Fue- 
gians, Minkopis, etc., language (uses 
Hale's article to prove that " many of 
the American aborigines . . . are the 
savage descendants of cultured an- 
cestors"), certain arguments of Wal- 
lace, Hugh Miller, the character of 
glacial man in Europe (clothing, 
weapons, defense against the animal 
world) and of savage man elsewhere, 
to support the view that the ancestors 
of modern savages were once in a far 
higher state of culture. 

Woods (F. A.) Recent studies in hu- 
man heredity. (Amer. Naturalist, 
1908, 685-693.) Critical resumes of 
Dr V, Galippe's L'heredite des stig- 
mates de degenerescence et les famil- 
ies souveraines (Paris, 1905), the re- 
cent Eugenics Laboratory Memoirs 
by Schuster and Elderton, Heron, 
the Drapers' Company Research 
Studies in National Degeneration, by 
Pearson, etc. W. regards Galippe's 
work as unsound, and hopes that " in 
the end there may be harmony be- 
tween the two unfriendly schools, the 
Mendelian and the Biometrical." 
Zachariae (T.) Das Vogelnest im 
Aberglauben. (Z. d. V. f. Volksk., 
Berlin, 1909, xix, 142-149.) Notes 

on superstitions concerning birds' 
nests, — particularly the origin of the 
belief that " if in finding a bird's 
nest, the young are kept and the 
mother let go, this will ensure to the 
finder luck and long life." Z. thinks 
the correct version of the saying is, 
" If anyone finds a bird's nest, with 
the mother and eggs or young in it, 
and the mother does not fly away, 
etc." That the belief goes back to 
Deut. 22, 6 may be doubted. 

Das Dach iiber einem Sterbenden 

abdecken. (Ibid., 1908, xviii, 442- 
446.) Treats of the rather wide- 
spread superstitious procedure of un- 
covering the roof over a sick man, 
who can not die, or whose death it 
is desired to hasten. 


Abt (A.) Von den Himmelsbriefen. 
(Hess. Bl. f. Volksk., Lpzg., 1909, 
VIII, 81-100.) Treats of " letters 
from heaven." Refers to 29 ex- 
amples, divided into 6 groups accord- 
ing to the nature and number of the 
component parts. The Holstein type 
of " letter from heaven " goes back 
to about 1724 A. D. ; the Gredoria 
type is much older. 

Alsberg (M.) Neu aufgefundene fossile 
Menschenreste und ihre Beziehungen 
zur Stammesgeschichte des Men- 
schen. (Globus, Brnschwg., igog, 
xcv, 261-267, 9 fgs.) Discusses re- 
cent finds of fossil human remains 
and their relations to the evolution 
of the race : The Homo mousterien- 
sis of the Dordogne, thought by 
Klaatsch to be ancient diluvial and 
related closely to the Neanderthal 
type ; the skeleton of La Chapelle- 
aux-Saints found in cave in the de- 
partment of Correze, — in a side val- 
ley of the Dordogne, also Neander- 
thaloid, perhaps later than the AIou- 
sterian man ; the Homo heidelber- 
gensis, — the associated remains seem 
to indicate a much earlier date than 
that of the Neanderthal race. The 
Heidelberg jaw favors the opinion of 
those who, like Klaatsch, and, most 
recently Bonarelli, recognize several 
groups of primates (gorilla, chim- 
panzee, Hominidae, gibbon, orang), 
whose common ancestor lived in the 
Miocene). The Pithecanthropus, the 
man of Heidelberg, and the Neander- 
thal man are all in the human line, 
which has been unconnected with 
the others since the Miocene. 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

Andree (R.) St. Georg und die Pari- 
lien. (Ibid., 1908, xciii, 251.) Note 
on article by J. G. Frazer in the 
Rev. d. Etudes Ethnogr. et Social. 
(Paris) for 1908. A. points out, in 
addition to F., tliat St. George is 
honored in Germany (here too in 
connection with cattle ; at Ertingen in 
Swabia on April 21 occurs the 
" Jorgenritt," when often 1000 horses 
are blessed). In S. Germany St. 
Leonhard is cattle-patron. 

Atgier (M.) Les megalithes de la 
Vienne. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop. de 
Paris, 1909, V® s., x, 45-48, 5 fgs.) 
Treats (with maps) of the distribu- 
tion of megaliths in the arrondisse- 
ments of Civray, Loudun, Mont- 
morillon, Poitiers, Chatellerault, etc. 

Auriol (M.) Un mortier roman ser- 
vant de benitier dans I'eglise de Vil- 
lardonnel. (Bull. Soc. Archeol. du 
Midi, Toulouse, 1908, N. s., no. 38, 
234-236, 2 fgs.) Describes, in com- 
parison with a similar object from 
Toulouse, a Roman mortar serving as 
a holy-water vessel in the church of 
- Villardonnel (Aude). 

Baldacci (A.) Die Slawen von Molise. 
(Globus, Brnschwg., 1908, xciii, 44- 
49, 53-58, 6 fgs., map.) Treats of 
the Slav colonists of the communes 
of Acquaviva Collecroce, S. Felice 
Slavo, and Montemitro in the Molise 
district of S. E, Italy, between the 
rivers Trigno and Biferno, their his- 
tory, etc. These Slavs speak a Ser- 
vian-Croatian dialect, in which there 
are many deformed Slavonic words 
and a considerable Italian element 
(the women speak Slav only, as a 
rule, and up to 15 years ago the men 
knew little or no Italian). Customs, 
dress, songs, etc., are gradually 
changing. The Slavic national dance, 
or kolo, has been replaced by the 
spallata or tarantella. Blood-re- 
venge is unknown or forgotten. 
Several festivals (e. g., the national 
feast of S. Blasius) are still kept up. 
The region has many place-names 
of Slavonic origin. The Slavs of 
Acquaviva CoUacroce, etc., go back to 
the beginning of the i6th century. 
Nicola Neri, one of the martyrs 
for Italian liberty in 1799, was a 
Slav from Acquaviva. 

Bartolomaus (R.) Das polnische Orig- 
inal des Volksliedes An der Weichsel 
gegen Osten. (Z. d. V. f. Volksk., 
Berlin, 1909, xix, 1909, 314-316.) 
Cites, with literal German version, 
the Polish text of " The Uhlan and 
the Maiden," a folk-song relating to 

the war of 1831. Also the text of 
" An der Weichsel gegen Osten," a 
popular soldier's song in Germany 
and Bohemia, to which B. assigns a 
Polish origin (viz. the song here 
cited), in opposition to Bruinier 
{Das deiitsche Volkslied, 1908), who 
traces it back to the German " Elisa- 
Baudouin (M.) £tude d'un crane pre- 
historique a triple trepanation, 
executee sur le vivant. (Bull. Soc. 
d'Anthrop. de Paris, v® s., ix, 1908, 
436-450, 2 fgs.) Detailed descrip- 
tion with measurements of a young 
adult female dolichocephalic and 
platycephalic skull, probably neo- 
lithic from Limoges, exhibiting three 
small ante mortem trepanations (an- 
terior left parietal, anterior right 
parietal, posterior right parietal), 
possibly for ritual-therapeutic pur- 

La grotte de Jammes a Martiel 

(Aveyron). £tude anthropologique 
et anatomo-pathologique des osse- 
ments trouves. (Ibid., 746-784, 3 
fgs.) Treats of topography, nature 
of grotto, finds of human bones 
(portions of 7 individuals, including 
one complete skull). The human re- 
mains were probably carried into the 
cave by flood. The pathological le- 
sions suggest the Middle Ages as the 
period to which they belong. The 
" Toulousan deformation " seems to 
occur in some of the skulls. 

Bechtel (F.) Ueber einige thessalische 
Namen. (Nachr. v. d. Kgl. Ges. d. 
Wiss. zu Gottingen, Phil. -hist. Kl. 
1908, 571-580.) Brief etymological 
and historical notes on some 40 
names from Thessalian inscriptions. 

Beck (P.) Volksgericht im Montavon. 
(Z. d. V. f. Volksk., Berlin, 1909. 
XIX, 95.) Note on the folk-justice of 
the exclusive people of Montavon. 
Foreigners who courted native maid- 
ens were tied to a small cart and 
placed in the Alfenz, a mountain- 
stream running into the 111, and left 
there. If the Alfenz rose high over 
night the victim was drowned ; if 
no one passed by soon, he starved to 
death. A law-case involving this cus- 
tom is on record soon after 1805 
when the Vorarlberg, previously Aus- 
trian, became Bavarian. 

Zwei Satiren in Gebetsform auf 

Tokoly und Ludwig XIV. (Ibid., 
186-187.) German texts of Das 
Vater Unser vor den Erz-Rebell 
Teckely and Bin offen Schuld des 

Periodical Literature 


Konigs in Frankreich. See Mehring 

Beddoe (J.) A last contribution to 
Scottish ethnology. (J. R. Anthrop. 
Inst., Lond., 1908, xxxviii, 212-20, 
I pi.) Critique of the paper of Mr 
John Gray on the pigmentation sur- 
vey of Scotland and " map to illus- 
trate the tables into which I have 
boiled down those of Messrs. Gray 
and Tocher." Dr B. thinks that, 
with respect to the index of nigres- 
cence, " racial and historical causes 
will account for most of the phe- 

- nomena (among which is the fact 
that most of the fairest districts lie 
well towards the south), while urban 
selection may be appealed to for an 
explanation of the rest." Climatic 
influences are " indistinct." 

Bellucci (G.) Accette di selce levigate 
in Italia e questioni relative. (A. p. 
I'Antrop., Firenze, 1908, xxxviii, 
259-273, I pi.) Describes and fig- 
ures 7 polished axes of stone (in 
the author's private collection) from 
various parts of Italy, proving (con- 
trary to the view of Chierici (in 
1882) and some later authorities) 
that in Italy, as elsewhere, polished 
stone axes are not a mere importa- 
tion, but represent a progressive 
transformation of arms and instru- 
ments of stone, from the paleolithic 
to the neolithic period. 

Beltz (R.) Das neolithische Grabfeld 
von Ostdorf bei Schwerin. (A. f. 
Anthrop., Brnschwg., 1909, n. f., vii, 
268-295, 2 pi., 15 fgs.) Treats 
briefly of 24 graves in neolithic cem- 
etery at Ostdorf and the objects 
found therein, — human skeletons, 
flint and other stone implements, 
awls and other objects of bone and 
horn, ornaments of horn, pierced 
teeth of animals, pearl bead (in form 
of a double axe), bones of animals, 
pottery, etc. These finds belong to the 
West Baltic late neolithic (stage of the 
great megalithic graves of Montelius's 
third stone-age period). See Schliz. 

Berkusky (H.) Die Lage der rus- 
sischen " Fremdvolker." (Globus, 
Brnschwg., 1909, xcv, 165-171, 186- 
191.) Treats of the vital statistics, 
material conditions, morals, intel- 
lectual culture, etc., of the " foreign 
peoples," who number 22,149,722, or 
17.58% of the population of the Rus- 
sian Empire outside of Finland, 
Bokhara and Khiva. The Turko- 
Tatars (13,601,251) are the most nu- 
merous ; next come the Ugrians and 
Finns (3,502,147), the Asiatic Indo- 

Europeans (2,002,736) and the Cart- 
velians of the Caucasus (1,352,535). 
There are still 3,978 Kamchadales ; 
and the Eskimo and Aleuts of the 
N. E. Siberian coast number respec- 
tively 1,099 3nd 584. The economic 
condition of the northern group of 
tribes is by no means satisfactory, a 
fact due partly to contact with the 
whites ; but in S. E. Russia the con- 
dition of the Tatars is better than 
that of the surrounding population. 
The Bashkirs seem to be deterio- 
rating, owing to intoxicating liquors in 
part. The Turkomans have made 
surprising progress. The sanitary 
conditions of the non-Russian peo- 
ples are in general very unfavorable 
(great child-mortality, infections and 
contagious diseases, dirt, alcoholism, 
etc.). The position of woman usu- 
ally low and moral conditions bad 
(Turkoman women better off). 
Schools have hardly begun their 
work among many of these peoples, 
and their Christianity is often a mere 
skin over old heathenism, to which 
not a few still cling altogether. But 
the Kasan-Tatars count fewer illiter- 
ates than their Russian neighbors, 
Russian culture is still young and the 
Russian himself half-Asiatic, so 
progress is necessarily slow. 

Bezzenberger (A.) Vorgeschichtliche 
Analekten. (Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 
1908, XL, 760-771, 21 fgs.) Notes on 
ancient Carthaginian clay vessels 
with eye-ornaments ; flint sword- 
blades or daggers nicked at the haft, 
from various parts of prehistoric 
Europe ; bronze-objects from Spain 
resembling^ the stone idols and fe- 
male terra-cotta figurines from 
Mycenae, etc. ; copper axes, etc., 
from Spain (chemical analyses) ; 
Iberian slate (ornamented) amulets, 

Billson (C. J.) The " Jass " at Thun. 
(Folk-Lore, Lond., 1909, xix, 438- 
440, I pi.) Treats of the "Jass" or 
" Jester," a sort of " Whipping 
Tom," in connection with the an- 
nual shooting feast in October at 
Thun, Switzerland. 

Bliimml (E. K.) Zur Ballade vom 
Ritter Ewald. (Z. d. V. f. Volksk., 
Berlin, 1908, xviii, 431-433.) Cites 
3 versions (a Transylvanian of 1862 
from Kronstadt ; a Moravian from 
Neustift ; an Upper Austrian of 1870 
from Leonfelder) of the ballad of 
" Ritter Ewald." 

Body (A.) L'art de I'incrustation i 
Spa. (B. de I'lnst. Arch. Liegeois, 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

1907, XXXVII, 287-294, 2 pi.) De- 
scribes a bellows, powder-box, clothes- 
brush, exemplifying the art of in- 
crustation, formerly practised at Spa. 
It came to Europe, apparently in the 
wake of the returning Crusaders, 
with other Oriental influences. 

Boiling (G. M.) A visit to the Forum 
Romanum. (Cath. Univ. Bull., 
Wash., 1909, XV, 211-232.) Treats 
of discoveries since 1898 chiefly: 
House of vestal virgins, Heroon of 
Maxentius, Templum Pacis, Church 
of SS. Cosmas and Damian, Lacus 
luternae. Oratory of the Forty Mar- 
tyrs, etc. 

Bolte (J.) Bilderbogen des 16. und 17. 
Jahrhunderts. (Z. d. V. f. Volksk., 
Berlin, 1909, xix, 51-82, 6 fgs.) 
Continuation of study of picture fly- 
leaves, etc., of the i6th and 17th 
centuries, the verses and songs ac- 
companying the engravings, etc. : 
" The Wooer's basket " (" New bas- 
ket full of Venus-children"), "The 
lover on the fool's rope," Bigorne 
and Chicheface in Holland and Ger- 
many, the Hahnrei (horn-bearer, 
cuckoo, etc.), and Hahnreiter and 
Hennereiterin, etc. These deal with 
bachelors, cuckolds, etc. 

Neuere Arbeiten iiber das deut- 

sche Volkslied. (Ibid., 219-234). 
Brief reviews and critiques of re- 
cent literature (chiefly 1907-1908) 
on the German folksong. Among 
the most important works are Bock- 
el's Das dent soke Volkslied (Mar- 
burg, 1908), Wehrhan's Kinderlied 
und Kinderspiel (Leipzig, 1908), 
Schell's Das detitsche Volkslied 
(Leipzig, 1908), Uhl's Winiliod 
(Leipzig, 1908), Rieser's Des Knaben 
Wunderhorn und seine Qiiellen (Dort- 
mund, 1907), Hartmann's Historische 
Volkslieder (Miinchen, 1907), Bliim- 
ml's Schamperlieder (Wien, 1908), 
Wossidlo's Mecklenburgische Kinder- 
wartung und Kinderzncht (Wismar, 
1906), Thuren's Folkesangen paa 
Faeroenie (Kobenhavn, 1908), etc. 
The periodical literature is also dis- 

Weitere Predigtparodien. (Ibid., 

182—185.) Contains, from various 
sources six sermon-parodies in Ger- 
man and notes on their relations 
to Mdrchen and folklore. In this 
connection Lehr's Studien fiber den 
komischen Eincelvortrag (Diss. Mar- 
burg, 1907) is of interest. See 
Miiller (C). 

Fin Reimsesprach zwischen Prinz 

Eugen und Villeroi, 1702 (Ibid., 190- 

194). Text partly in "broken Ger- 
man," of a dialogue between Prince 
Eugene and the Duke of Villeroi. 
See also pp. 188-190. 

- Ztim Marchen von den Tochtern 
des Petrus. (Ibid., 314.) Resumes 
from Brenner's Besuch bei den Kan- 
nibalen Sumatra's (1894), a- Batak 
parallel for the Danish tale of the 
origin of bad women. 

Der Nussbaum zu Benevent. 

(Ibid., 312-314.) Bibliographical 
notes on the famous " Nut-tree of 
Beneventum " and the legend con- 
nected with it, known to the 
This tree is mentioned as early as 
1521 as a seat of the witches' dances 
and meetings. In 1635 Piperno, a 
Beneventan physician, published a 
monograph, De nuce maga Beneven- 

Zur Sage vom Traum vom 

Schatze auf der Briicke. (Ibid., 289— 
298.) B. points out that " the tale 
of the dream of treasure on the 
bridge," as Grimm showed in i860, 
is widespread in Germany and else- 
where, the oldest German version 
dating from the 14th century, its 
origin, however, to the 12th, a Lower 
Rhenish version of Mainet (soon 
after 1300), beginning with a cog- 
nate tale. Other celebrated bridges 
are the Regensburg, Kampen, Liibeck, 
Bremen and more than a score of 
others from Amsterdam to Palermo. 
According to B., the tale in the 
Mainet (French-Lower Rhenish) is 
based on an Oriental story brought 
to Europe in the time of the Cru- 
sades. See Lohmeyer (K.) 

Ein Lobspruch auf die deutschen 

Stadte aus dem 15. Jahrhundert. 
(Ibid., 300-304.) Cites from Mss. 
in the Hamburg Public Library and 
Niirnberg National Museum the text 
of a 15th century panegyric of Ger- 
man cities. Munich is praised for 
zvine not beer. The old German 
drink met (mead) is highly praised. 

Zeugnisse zur Geschichte un- 

serer Kinderspiele. (Ibid., 381-414, 
I fg.) Cites mention of children's 
games, etc., by 46 authorities, from 
Meister Ingold in 1432 A. D. to Goe- 
the's mother in 1786, — also 10 cita- 
tions for card-games of adults. At 
pp. 412-414 is an alphabetical list 
(ABC-Zwolfte) of the plays and 
games referred to, — some 440 alto- 

Die Herkunft einer deutschen 

Volksweise. (Ibid., 418-421.) Treats 
of a French dance-tune of the 17th 

Periodical Literature 


century which has given rise to sev- 
eral German folk-songs. 

Heinrich Runges schweizerische 

Sagensammlung. (Schw. Arch. f. 
Volksk., Basel, 1909, xiii, 161-176.) 
Brief account of the Swiss folk-tale 
collections of H. Runge (d. 1886) 
and the German texts of 18 tales 
from his Mss. now in the Markisches 
Museum, Berlin. They represent the 
beginning of a work on the Sagen 
der Schweis, entered upon in 1850- 
1855. The tales relate to dragons, 
snakes, witches, dream of treasure 
on the bridge, " white woman," 
silly Peter, etc. 

Bonnier (C.) Les romanichels a la 
chambre. (J. Gypsy Lore Soc, 
Liverpool, 1908, N. s., i, 270-272.) 
Notes on the debate on the Gypsies 
in the French Chamber of Deputies, 
Oct. 29, 1907, on the interpellation 
of M. F. David. 

Bosson {Mrs J. C.) Sicily, the battle- 
field of nations and of nature. (Nat. 
Geogr. Mag., Wash., 1909, xx, 97- 
118, 17 pi., I fg.) Treats of ancient 
temples at Girgenti, the prison- 
quarries of Syracuse, the temples of 
Selinus (Selinunto), Palermo (Pan- 
ormus), where Chaldeans, Greeks, 
Romans, Goths, Saracens and Nor- 
mans have left their marks. Most 
of the illustrations are of ethnic 
types, etc. 

Boule (M.) Skelett-fund von Chapelle- 
aux-Saints, Correze. (Z. f. Ethnol., 
Berlin, 1908, xl, 981.) Brief note. 
See Capitan (L.). 

Brandsch (G.) Die siebenbiirgischen 
Melodien zur Ballade von der Nonne. 
(Z. d. V. f. Volksk., Berlin, 1909, 
XIX, 194-197.) Cites from various 
parts of Transylvania the music of 
the " Ballad of the Nun." See also 
XVIII, 1908, 394. 

Breuil (H.) Le gisement quaternaire 
d'Ofnet (Baviere) et sa sepulture 
mesolithique. (L' Anthropologic, 
Paris, 1909, XX, 207-214, i fg.) 
Treats of the interesting mesolithic 
burial place in the Ofnet grotto (Ba- 
varia), investigated in the fall of 
1908 by Dr R. R. Schmidt, who has 
summarized the results in the Ber. d. 
Natiirzv. Ver. f. Schzvaben n. Men- 
burg, for 1908. The Abbe B. thinks 
the discoveries at Ofnet go further 
to prove " the Mediterranean origin 
of the Azil-Tardenoisians." 

• et Cabre Aguila (J.) Les pein- 

tures rupestres du bassin inferieure 
de I'fibre. (Ibid., 1-21, 9 fgs.) 
Treats of the painted rocks of Cala- 
VOL. XXIII.— NO. 87. 5 

pata at Gretas (Bas Aragon), — deer, 
cattle, goats, etc., in red and black ; 
the frescos in open air of Cogul, 
province of Lerida, Catalonia (hunt- 
ing scenes, — men, deer, bison, half- 
clad women dancing around naked 
man, etc.). The style of the animal 
frescos of Cogul and Calapata is that 
of the French quaternary drawing 
and not more recent. The hunting- 
scenes of Cogul are the first of their 
kind. The dress of the women in the 
dance-scene suggests rapprochement 
with Crete. These rock-pictures dif- 
fer altogether from the ceramic art 
of the ancient Iberians. 
Brewer (W.) Etymology of Greek 
mythological terms. (Open Court, 
Chicago, 1908, XXII, 480-484.) The 
Egyptian etymologies of Psyche 
(Saach), Heracles (Heru-Akel), Pro- 
metheus (Pt-Rom-Theos), Phoebus, 
Neptune, Hades, Demeter, Aphro- 
dite, etc., represent a point of view 
in which the author should be alone. 
This sort of etymologizing belongs 
to a fossil period, unless a joke. 

Names of deity. (Ibid., 1909, 

XXIII, 1 19-123.) Reply to article of 
C. A. Browne in a previous issue. 
The author maintains, with Herodo- 
tus, that " the divine names used by 
the Greeks were nearly all derived 
from those of the Egyptians." 

Broomall (H. L.) Phonetic character- 
istics of the English verb. (Proc. 
Delaware Co. Inst. Sci., Media, Pa., 
1908-9, IV, 23-39.) Argues that 
" there must be something about final 
accent and sonancy that says ' verb ' 
to the English linguistic sense," and 
that " there must be some analogy 
between the action of a verb in the 
sentence, as apprehended mentally, 
and these phonetic peculiarities." 

Vocal imitation of motion and 

mass. (Ibid., 89-102.) Cites nu- 
merous English words to show that 
" at least part of their significance is 
due to association of their vocal 
sounds with motion or mass, as well 
as the sounds of the actions and 
objects named." These things are 
all forms of gesture. 

Bruckner (A.) Neuere Arbeiten zur 
slawischen Volkskunde. I. Polnisch 
und Bohmisch. (Z. d. V. f. Volksk., 
Berlin, 1909, xix. 208-219.) Brief 
reviews and critiques of recent 
(chiefly 1907-1908) literature on 
Polish and Bohemian folk-lore, books, 
periodical articles, etc. 

Bruhns (B.) Geographische Studien 
iiber die Waldhufensiedelungen in 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

Sachsen. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1909, 
xcv, 197-220, 220-225, rnap.) Treats 
of the distribution, history, etc., of 
the colonies settled after the Wald- 
hiife scheme in Saxony, — the immi- 
gration occurred notably in the 12- 
13th centuries. 

Brunner (K.) Die Konigliche Samm- 
lung fiir deutsche Volkskunde auf 
der Internationalen Ausstellung fiir 
Volkskunst, Berlin 1909. (Z. d. V. f. 
Volksk., Berlin, 1909, xix, 281-286, 
I fg.) Describes the collection in 
the " Kammerwagen " at the Inter- 
national Folk-Art Exhibition, held 
in Berlin in January and February, 
1909. This " folk-carriage," artis- 
tically decorated household furni- 
ture, articles of domestic manufac- 
ture, implements and instruments, 
ornaments, etc., are all illustrative of 
German folk-art. 

Ein Holzkalender aus Pfranten. 

(Ibid., 249-261, 7 fgs.) Treats in 
detail of a wooden calendar (now in 
the Royal Collection for German 
Folk-Lore, Berlin), with the name 
of its first possessor, Georg Reychart 
von Pfranten, cut upon it, — probably 
from Pfronten in Bavaria. It con- 
sists of 7 narrow wooden tablets, 
constituting " a continuous Julian 
calendar," with indication of the 
fixed Christian festivals, etc., by 
means of German words, figures, 
symbols, and the like. This calendar 
cannot be earlier than 1690 (from 
internal evidence) and is probably 
not more than a century old. 

Bericht iiber die Neuaufstellung 

der Koniglichen Sammlung fiir deut- 
sche Volkskunde in Berlin, Kloster- 
strasse 36, im Jahre 1907. (Ibid., 241- 
263.) Describes the new installation 
of Royal Folk-lore Collection in 
Berlin, — the N. E. German section 
in the Virchow room, the Spreewald 
room, Alsatian peasant room (with 
rich wood-carvings), Swiss room, 
Bavarian folk-costumes, old lower 
Bavarian and Austrian furniture, 
old Gothic furniture from Tirol, col- 
lections illustrating comparative art, 
folk-architecture, folk-costume and 
ornaments, pottery, Christmas crib, 
votive offerings (including a boat- 
model), the Liineburg room, etc. 

Buchner (M.) Das Bogenschiessen 
der Aegineten. (Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 
1908, XL, 845-856, 14 fgs.) Dis- 
cusses the archers (and the attitude, 
etc., in bow-shooting) in the Eginese 
group of the Salamis age, now in the 
Munich Glyptothek, The arrow-re- 

lease seems halfway between the 
primary and the Mongolian of Morse. 
The stretching of the bow is com- 
pared with Turkish, Chinese, etc. 
The Chinese bow by way of the Scy- 
thian explains the Greek. The Scy- 
thians and the Tatars connect the 
West and the East. 

Bulgaria, the peasant state. (Nat. 
Geogr, Mag., Wash., 1908, xix, 760- 
773, 5 fgs., 8 pi.) Based chiefly on 
Bourchier, F. Moore and H. De 
Windt. The illustrations treat of 
peasant types, village scenes, funeral, 
kolo (national dance), etc. 

Bullen (R. A.) Polished stone im- 
plements from Harlyn Bay. (Man, 
Lond., 1908, viii, 74-79, 2 fgs.) De- 
scribes a stone amulet and a slate 
needle from a prehistoric (late Cel- 
tic) burial-ground. The material of 
the needle is foreign to the Trevose 

Bunker (J. R.) Dorffluren und Bauern- 
hauser im Lungau (Herzogtum Salz- 
burg). I. Teil, (Mitt: d. Anthrop. 
Ges. in Wien, 1909, xxxix, 66-86, 
4 fgs., 4 maps.) First section treat- 
ing of village sites and peasant 
houses in Fanningberg, Hof, Stra- 
nach bei Pichl, Steindorf, etc., — 
places partly of Slavonic, partly of 
German origin. 

Westungarische Vorhallenhauser. 

(Stzgb. d. Anthrop. Ges. in Wien, 
1907-1908, 3-8, 5 fgs.) Treats of the 
West-Hungarian " Vorhallenhaus," 
particularly in Morbisch, Odenburg, 
etc., out of which have arisen houses 
of the character of Meringer's " Mit- 

Busse (H.) Ein Hiigelgrab bei Diens- 
dorf am Scharmiitzelsee, Kreis Bees- 
kow-Storkow. (Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 
1909, XLi, 690-697, 7 fgs., map.) 
Treats of a mound grave on the 
shore of L. Scharmutzel, in the Bees- 
kow-Storkow district and contents 
(remains of 17 clay vessels, spar- 
ingly ornamented, evidences of non- 
burial, etc.). These mound-graves are 
assigned to the period i4-i2th cen- 
tury B. C, with indication of " Thra- 
cian " (Kossinna) influence. 

Das Graberfeld auf dem Kes- 

selberg bei Biesenthal, Kreis Ober- 
Barnim. (Ibid., 1908, xl, 826-830, 
II fgs.) Brief account of the finds 
in II graves in a newly discovered 
burial-place, — investigations of 1907- 
1908. Although no metal grave- 
gifts were found, the cemetery seems 
to belong to the bronze age, with 

Periodical Literature 


Cantacuzene (G.) ' Contribution a la 
craniologie des £trusques. (L' An- 
thropologic, Paris, 1909, XX, 329- 
352, 12 fgs.) Gives results of study 
of 16 crania (10 male, 6 female) 
from the necropolis of Corneto-Tar- 
quinia, on the border of ancient 
Etruria, near Civita-Vecchia, now in 
the Paris Museum of Natural His- 
tory. The average cranial capacity 
is for males 1635, females 1470; 
cephalic index 78.69 and 76.40. The 
Etruscans do not seem to have pos- 
sessed an ethnic unity, but present a 
decided Roman element. 

Capitan (L.), Breuil (H.), Bourrinet 
(P.) et Peyrony (D.) Observations 
sur un baton de commandement orne 
de figures animales et de personnages 
semi-humains. (R. de I'fic. d'An- 
throp. de Paris, 1909, xix, 62-76, i 
pi., 12 fgs.) Treats of the remarkable 
baton de commandement discovered 
by M. Bourrinet at the Mege " shel- 
ter " at Teyjat (Dordogne) in Au- 
gust, 1908. This piece of deer-horn 
contains sculptures of a deer-head, 
three serpents, a large horse and 
part of small one, three swans more 
or less complete, three small semi- 
human figures (horned, long-eared, 
hairy -bodied, two-legged), which C. 
terms diablotins provisionally. They 
are possibly " imaginary objects, e. g., 
Loups-garoiis, or the like " ; or pos- 
sibly " masks " (the horn seems to 
be that of the chamois), — the author 
cites in comparison Bushman paint- 
ings, Melanesian masks, Eskimo 
shamanic carvings, etc. 

Le squelette humain mousterien 

de la Chapelle-aux-Saints Correze. 
L'homo heidelbergensis. (Ibid., 103- 
108, S fgs.) Resumes briefly the ar- 
ticles of Boule. Bouyssonie and Bar- 
don in L'Anthropologie (1908) on 
the human skeleton of the Mousterian 
age discovered in August, 1908, at 
the little cavern of La Chapelle-aux- 
Saints, — of Neanderthal-Spy type, 
normal during this period over a 
considerable part of Europe. Also 
resumes the data in O. Schoeten- 
sack's Der Unterkiefer des Homo 
Heidelbergensis (Leipzig, 1908) con- 
cerning the human jaw from the 
Mauer quarry, which is thought to 
represent " man at a point close to 
the separation of the Hominidse and 
the anthropoids." The name " Heidel- 
berg man " has been assigned to this 
man belonging to the close of the 
Pliocene or to the beginning of the 

Cardoso (F.) O Poveiro: estudio an- 
thropologic© dos Pescadores do 
Povoa de Varzim. (Portugalia, 
Porto, 1908, II, 517-539, 27 fgs.) 
Anthropological study, giving aver- 
age measurements (head, stature) of 
150 males and 65 females, of the 
Poveiros or fishermen of the region 
of Povoa de Varzim, Portugal. The 
cephalic index varies in men from 
70 to 83.4, with an average of 77.5 ; 
in women from 72 to 83.9, average 
77.5. The average stature" for men 
is 1,648 mm., women 1,547 mm. 
This people represents the fusion of 
two neolithic types (dolichocephalic 
and brachycephalic) with later ad- 
mixture of Semitic and Nordic. 

Carey (E. H.) The fifth of November 
and Guy Fawkes. (Folk-Lore, Lond., 

1908, XIX, 104-10S, I pi.) Notes on 
celebration in Guernsey in 1903, — 
the ceremony has recently been abol- 
ished by the Royal Court. 

Carter (J.) Kutchuk Ayiah Sofia and 
San Vitale. (Rec. of Past, Wash., 

1909, VIII, 179-183, 3 fgs.) Com- 
pares the " Little Sophia " (Church 
of SS. Sergius and Bacchus) in Con- 
stantinople with the Church of San 
Vitale in Ravenna, and concludes 
that the latter is " an improved edi- 
tion " of the former. 

Claassen (W.) Die abnehmende 
Kriegstiichtigkeit im Deutschen Reich 
in Stadt und Land von 1902 bis 
1907. (A. f. Rassen.- u. Ges.-Biol., 
Lpzg., 1909, VI, 73-77.) Cites statis- 
tics to show the continued regression 
of the population of Germany in 
military effectiveness as judged from 
physique, both urban and rural. 

Classen (K.) Uber den Zusammen- 
hang der vorgeschichtlichen Be- 
volkerung Griechenland und Italians. 
(Korr.-Bl. d. D. Ges. f. Anthrop., 
Brnschwg., 1909, xl, 37-38.) Com- 
pares the Rhaetian place-names with 
the Etruscan, and the pre-Grecian 
with those of Asia Minor, and these 
with each other. According to C. 
relations between prehistoric Italy, 
Greece and Asia are indicated, with 
probably linguistic connections of an- 
cient tongues of the Rhaetian coun- 
try (also Etruscan, Ligurian, etc.) 
and the speech of the Caucasian peo- 
ples, especially Georgian, as Dirr and 
Wirth have maintained. But much 
of this is too speculative. 

Clinch (G.) Suggestions for a scheme 
of classification of the megalithic and 
analogous prehistoric remains of 
Great Britain and Ireland. (Ann. 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

Arch, and Anthrop., Liverpool, 1909, 

II, 46-48, 2 pi.) Classifies thus: 
Dwellings (caves, rock-shelters, stone 
and earth hut-circles, bee-hive dwell- 
ings, crannoges, lake and marsh 
dwellings, souterrains) ; monoliths 
(rude and worked) ; groups of mono- 
liths ; trilithons ; alignments ; ave- 
nues (open and covered) ; enclosures 
(circular and rectangular) ; sepul- 
chral structures (cromlechs, cists in 
barrows, cists not in barrows, cairns, 
long, chambered and round barrows) ; 
earthworks connected with mega- 
lithic remains (such as Stonehenge, 
Avebury, etc.) ; sculpturings (cup 
and ring markings on natural stones 
and rocks and on sepulchral struc- 
tures, holed stones) ; hill-side struc- 
tures (such as the White Horses) ; 
stones or rocks of natural origin and 
forms associated with folk-lore ; re- 
markable natural features attributed 
to supernatural origin (such as the 
Devil's Punch Bowl, etc.). 

Corso (R.) GH sponsali popolari. 
Studio d'etnologia popolare. (R. d. 
£t. Ethnogr. et Socio!., Paris, 1908, 
I, 487-499.) Well-documented study 
of betrothals, etc., in folk-custom 
in various parts of Europe, par- 
ticularly in Italy, their status in legis- 
lation, etc. The chief ceremonies 
(libellum dotis, per solidum et den- 
arium, " scapellata," fustis, " seg- 
nata," dextrarura junctio, anulus 
fidei, calciamenta, donaritium, oscu- 
lum, potus et biberagium, conscensio 
thalami) are discussed. 

Cox (E. G.) King Lear in Celtic tra- 
dition. (Mod. Lang. Notes, Balti- 
more, 1909, XXIV, 1-6.) Treats of 
the Ossianic ballad Dan Liuir (Eng- 
lish version) (pp. 1-2) and other 
Celtic lore concerning Lir, a '" sea- 
god reduced to a petty kinglet," of 
the Tuatha de Danann, — Shakes- 
peare's Lear. 

Crooke (W.) Some notes on Homeric 
folk-lore. (Folk-Lore, Lond., 1908, 
XIX, 52-77, 153-189.) Treats of 
origin of Homeric poems (Iliad, with 
certain later additions, is probably 
work of a single hand, Odyssey by 
different and later writer), and the 
evidence as to unity, etc., of the 
epics " dependent on the provenience 
of the sagas, Mdrchen and folk-lore 
incidents which appear in the poems." 
Reticence of the poet in dealing with 
folk-tradition, careful selection of 
certain legends for treatment and 
discarding of others, animism (hard 
to distinguish between metaphor and 

real belief), no stratification of the 
more primitive beliefs in the Iliad 
(also magic, etc.), — this may point to 
the poems being the work of a single 
age, if not of a single author ; theory 
not correct that Iliad consists of 
Sagas and Odyssey of Mdrchen. 
The analogies and sources of the 
legends and tales, motifs, etc., of the 
poems, are discussed in detail. C. 
considers Homer " the first of Euro- 
pean folklorists," and " the first and 
noblest writer who has devoted his 
genius to the record of beliefs and 
traditions which it is the task of this 
Society to collect and interpret," 
Cunnington {Mrs M. E.) Notes on ex- 
cavations at Oliver's Camp near 
Devizes, Wilts. (Man, Lond., 1908, 
VIII, 7-13, 3 fgs.) Gives results of 
excavations in summer of 1907. The 
few remains discovered (fragments 
of iron and one of bronze, broken 
pot and 100 potsherds, etc.) fix the 
camp as late-Celtic, later than the 
bronze age but pre-Roman. Hearth- 
site beneath the center of the camp 
seems earlier than the camp itself. 

Notes on a late Celtic rubbish- 
heap near Oare, Wiltshire. (Ibid., 
1909, IX, 18-21, 6 fgs.) Treats of 
the pottery found (most of it is of 
the bowl with bead rim type, purely 
British and characteristic of late 
Celtic ; the round-bottomed bowls are 
suggestive of metal protypes ; frag- 
ments of various foreign makes : Bel- 
gic black, green glazed Roman, thin 
white cream-colored possibly from 
Rheims, " roulette " ornamented, 
painted red, fine red Arretine, etc.) 
in this rubbish heap of the first cen- 
tury A. D. A fibula of bronze and 
another of iron, besides other bronze 
and iron objects, pottery discs, etc., 
were likewise found. 

On a remarkable feature in the 

entrenchments of Knap Hill Camp, 
Wilts. (Ibid., 49-52, I fg.) Treats 
of the 6 openings or gaps through the 
ramparts, which actually form part of 
the original structure of the camp. 
These may have been " sally-ports." 

Czirbusz (G.) Die geographische 
Physiognomik in der Namenkunde. 
(Mitt. d. K.-K. Geogr. Ges. in Wien, 
1908, LI, 463-470.) Treats of the 
place-names of the Hungarian Car- 
pathian region. A number of the 
mountain, lake and river names of 
Transylvania are of Gothic and Celtic 
origin, others Slavonic. These names 
are often in close relation with the 
physical character of the country. 

Periodical Literature 


Dalzell (J. B.) Dalzell : an ancient 
Scottish surname. (Scott. Hist. Rev., 
Glasgow, 1909, VII, 69-72.) Gives 
origin of Dahell (Gaelic Dal geal, 
" white holm," or " beautiful mead- 
ow") and cites 220 different ways in 
which it is spelt, from Dalcall to 

Davies (J. C.) Ghost-raising in Wales. 
(Folk-Lore, Lond., 1908, xix, 327- 
331.) Gives English text of " How 
to obtain the familiar of the genius 
or good spirit and cause him to ap- 
pear," from the library of " Harries 
Cwrt-y-Cadno," a most popular 
Welsh conjuror who lived in Car- 
marthenshire about two generations 
ago ; and also of " The farmer who 
consulted the conjuror, or the fami- 
liar spirits and the lost cows," a story 
of this Welsh wizard's spirit-sum- 

Delisle (F.) Sur un crane negroide 
trouve au carrefour de Revelon pres 
d'fipehy, Somme, (Bull. Soc. d'An- 
throp. de Paris, 1909, v"" S., x, 13-18.) 
Describes, with measurements, a fe- 
male dolichocephalic (index 73.33, 
cranial capacity 1,370 c.c.) of ne- 
groid aspect (prognathism especi- 
ally), found ante 1865 in the Gallo- 
Roman ruins of Revelon. 

Deniker (J.) La taille en Europe. 
(Ibid., 1908, v" s., IX, 456-462.) 
Resumes facts in author's Les races 
de I'Europe. II. La taille en Europe 
(Paris, 1908, pp. 144). 

A propos d'un squelette nean- 

derthaloide du quaternaire. (Ibid., 
736-738.) Discusses the skeleton 
found by Hauser of Bale in the cave 
of Moustier in the Vezere valley, — 
the Homo Mousteriensis Hauseri of 
Klaatsch, a Neanderthaloid skeleton 
found in 1905 in a Moustier rock- 
shelter, and the Bouyssonie-Bardou 
discovery in the Dordogne valley of 
a Neanderthaloid skull and other 
bones. This makes 3 such skeletons 
discovered in France. 

Deperet (C.) et Jarricot (J.) Le 
crane prehistorique de Saint-Paul de 
Fenouillet. (Ibid., 543-561, i fg.) 
Describes, with meastirements, the 
fragmentary skull of an adult male 
found in 1851 in a bone-cave of 
prehistoric age at Saint-Paul de 
Fenouillet, in the department of the 

Dettling (A.) Die Festfeier der Trans- 
lation des hi. Justus in Ingebohl 
1697. (Arch, suisses d. Trad. Pop., 
Bale, 1909, III, 127-136.) Reprints 
from a Ms. copy the play enacted on 

the occasion of the translation of 
St. Justus to Ingebohl. 

Dewert (J.) La fete des rois (Bull, 
de Folk-lore, Bruxelles, 1909, iii, 
129-172, I pi.). Detailed account of 
Holy Night, or the festival of the 
three Kings, as celebrated in Belgium 
(name of festival, names of Kings, 
date, participants, candles, bonfires, 
discharge of fire-arms, processions, 
songs, feast, bean-cake, letters, amuse- 
ments, " lost Monday," superstitions, 
etc.). The texts of many songs, coup- 
lets, etc., are given. In Hainaut the 
celebration is a family affair par 
excellence. A sort of mystery play 
survives in places. 

Dickson (J. A.) The burry-man. 
(Folk-Lore, Lond., 1908, xix, 379- 
387, 2 pi.) Treats of the ceremony 
of the hurry-man (a boy dressed in a 
tight-fitting suit of white flannel 
covered entirely with burrs stuck on, 
and adorned with flowers, ribbons, 
etc.) in connection with the annual 
fair held at South Queensberry (be- 
low the Forth bridge) on the second 
Friday of August. Miss D. suggests 
that this ceremony is " a relic of an 
early propitiatory harvest rite." 

Diehl (D.) Amtliche Berichte iiber die 
Kirchweihfeiern in der Obergraf- 
schaft aus den Jahren i 737-1 740. 
(Hess. Bl. f. Volksk., Lpzg., 1909, viii, 
loo-iii.) Cites from official records 
during the years 1737-1740 13 ac- 
counts and descriptions of church- 
festivals in various parts (Lichten- 
berg, Darmstadt, Arheilgen, Pfung- 
stadt, Braubach, Jagersburg, Riissels- 
heim, Seeheim, Langen, Zwingen- 
berg, Auerbach, Hahnsein, Alsbach) 
of the Obergrafschaft. These records 
speak of the evil and scandalous 
concomitants and consequences of 
some of these festivals. 

von Diest (H.) Ausflug in das Hoh- 
lengebiet von Ojcow, Siidpolen. (Z. 
f. EthnoL, Berlin, 1909, xli, 745- 
75 1) 3 fgs., map.) Account of ex- 
cursion in August, 1909 to the cave 
region of Ojcow in southern Po- 
land, — some 80 caves have already 
been found, and more are being dis- 
covered. The finds in these caves 
include animal bones, teeth of cave- 
bears, etc., flints of Moustier and 
Magdalenian types, pottery fragments, 
ivory objects, human skulls, etc. In 
the Maszycka cave were found ivory 
sticks with ornamentation. R. Vir- 
chow thought the two skulls from 
this cave Slavonic. 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

Dirr (A.) Uber die Klassen (Ge- 
schlechter) in den kaukasischen 
Sprachen, (Int. Arch. f. Ethnogr., 
Leiden, 1908, xviii, 125-131.) Treats 
of " classes " or " genders " in the 
languages of the Caucasus, — they 
number from 6 (male rational beings, 
female rational beings ; many ani- 
mals without distinction of natural 
sex, certain other substantives ; cer- 
tain animals without distinction of 
sex; all not belonging to the other 
classes) in Chechen to 2 in Tabas- 
saran (rational beings; all others). 
A progressive simplification has taken 
place. Several tongues (Ude, Aghu- 
lian, Kurinian) have lost their gen- 
ders by reason of the influence of the 
genderless Turko-Tatar language. 
According to D. the oldest classifica- 
tion of living beings is seen in Art- 
chinian. Social organizations like 
those of the native Australians may 
have existed in remote times among 
the peoples of the Caucasus and 
influenced the classification in lan- 
guages. The oldest classification in 
the languages of the Caucasus ranked 
highest the sexually mature being 
that has reproduced itself ; next to 
this came the sexually mature not 
yet reproduced. 

Die alte Religion der Tschet- 

schenen. (Anthropos, Wien, 1908, 
III, 729-740, 1050-1076.) Trans- 
lated from an article by Baschir 
Dalgat, a Chechen, in the Terskij 
Sbornik for 1893. Treats of the 
other world (2 brief legends ; ideas 
as to its situation, above or beneath 
the earth) ; burial and funeral rites ; 
soul-lore (legends) ; witch craft ; 
demon-lore (jinns, etc.) ; the hearth 
(sacred, hearth-fire at weddings, 
fire in blood-revenge) ; oaths ; protec- 
tive deities (their shrines, cult, etc.) ; 
priests and fortune-tellers, " wise 
women " ; nature-gods (" water- 
mother," v/ood-aliiias, " mother of 
storms ") ; star-cult (sun-worship ; 
seli, the thunderer) ; the supreme be- 
ing Dele, the creator, etc. The 
Chechens, now Mohammedans, were 
formerly Christians and much influ- 
enced by the Georgians. Christianity 
was retained longest by the Ingu- 

von Domaszewski (A.) Die Triumph- 
strasse auf dem Marsfelde. (A. f. 
Religsw., Lpzg., 1909, xii, 67-82, 
I pi.). Treats of the course, etc., of 
the via triumphalis across the Cam- 
pus Martins from the Porta Trium- 
phalis to the Porta Carmentalis. 

Dubreuil-Chambardel (L.) A propos 
des croix blanches des fermes. (Bull. 
Soc. d'Anthrop. de Paris, iqog, v"' s., 
IX, 678-680.) Treats of the "white 
cross " on walls of farms, stables, etc., 
in Touraine, and cites from an abbey 
(Villeloin) record of the end of the 
i8th century the text of a conjur- 
ing formula, explaining such use of 
the Latin cross against cattle-witch- 
ing, etc. M. Huguet suggests that the 
round elements at the extremities of 
the crosses may be the epiphyses of 
bones, — bones being used primitively 
in such cases. 

Duckworth (\V. L. H.) Report on a 
human cranium from a stone cist in 
the Isle of Man. (Man, Lond., 1908, 
VIII, 5-7, 6 fgs.) Describes brachy- 
cephalic (81. i) skull with persistent 
frontal suture, and compares it with 
one from a dolmen at Blankensee 
near Liibeck and with another from 
a stone-lined grave at Cronk-y-Kecil- 
lane. Isle of Man, The skull is 
probably Celtic. 

Note on Mr Klintberg's studies 

upon the folk-lore and dialects of 
Gothland. (Ibid., 43-44.) Mr Klint- 
berg's Ms. consists of " some 25,000 
neatly written sheets, carefully sched- 
uled and pigeon-holed." He has be- 
sides some 200 photographs and sev- 
eral thousand pencil drawings (of 
tools, implements, etc.) intended as 
illustrations to the dictionary. Dr 
D. visited Mr K. in September, 1906. 

von Duhn (F.) Der Sarkophag aus 
Hagia Triada. (A. f. Religsw., Lpzg., 
1909, XII, 161-185, 3 pi.) Discusses 
the Hagia Triada sarcophagus, a 
very important monument of the an- 
cient Cretan cult of the dead (the 
sacrificial-scenes, libations, offerings, 
etc., painted upon it), belonging to 
the later Mycenean period, perhaps 
the second half of the isth century 
B. C. V. D. compares the recent 
description of Paribeni with the re- 
sults of his own observations of the 

Dumas (U.) La Grotte des Fees i. 
Tharaux, Card. (R. de l'£c. d'An- 
throp. de Paris, 1908, xviii, 308-326, 
9 fgs.) Treats of the Grotte des 
Fees (a cave inhabited probably dur- 
ing most of the neolithic period, but 
representing in the objects discovered 
chiefly the transitional period from 
stone to metal and also the first metal 
age in part), the finds of stone (nu- 
merous retouched flints, polished 
axes, disks, pounders, etc.), bone 
(many punchers, etc. ; some used per- 

Periodical Literature 


haps to ornament pottery), horn, shell, 
metal (a needle, a piercer, and a 
dagger blade of bronze or copper), 
pottery (fragments of 250 vessels, 
many ornamented and often of fine 
type), etc. Three graves and traces 
of another were also found, with nu- 
merous grave-gifts. The nature of 
some of the objects found indicates 
prehistoric commerce and relations 
between this part of France and 
Hungary (e. g., the vase-supports). 
In one of the graves was discovered 
a flint dagger-blade that must have 
come from Grand-Pressigny. 

Fouilles d'un nouveau tumulus 

au quartier de Tarde, commune de 
Baron, Garde, £poque hallstattien 
(Ibid., 1909, XIX, 101-102). Describes 
briefly finds (funeral urn, pierced at 
bottom like a modern flower-pot, 
with fragments of skull and hu- 
merus ; a fire-reddened pebble, 2 iron 
nails ; a smaller urn, etc.) of tumu- 
lus of Hallstatt epoch. 

Durham (M. E.) Some Montenegrin 
manners and customs. (J. R. An- 
throp. Inst., 1909, xxxix, 85-96, i 
pi.) Gives the plot of the ballad of 
" The Avenging of Batrich Perovich, 
notes on vilas, the pleme and bratstvo 
(family-group), marriage taboos, re- 
lationships, relationship terms (list 
of 43 at p. 90), funeral, head hunting, 
etc. Childbirth, medicine and " wise 
women," native surgeons, etc., are 
touched upon. 

Dutt (\V. A.) New paleolithic site 
in the Waveney valley. (Man, Lond., 
1908, VIII, 41-42, I fg.) Describes 
" a small and well-worked pointed 
paleolith," found in a gravel pit on 
the common at Bungay, a town al- 
most encircled by the river Waveney, 
in 1907. 

Ebert (M.) Die friihmittelalterlichen 
Spangenhelme vom Baldenheimer 
Typus. (Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1909, 
XLi, 506-507, I fg.) Notes on the 
early medieval buckle helmets of the 
Baldenheim type. These Germanic 
buckle helmets of the migration pe- 
riod were made in Greek workshops 
on the Pontus. This type of helmet 
has been found in Dalmatia, Italy, 
Upper Germany, Eastern France, etc., 
in the southern folk-migration region. 

Eichhorn (G.) Der Grabfund zu 
Dienstedt bei Remda, Grossh. Sach- 
sen-Weimar. (Ibid., 1908, xl, 902- 
914, 22 fgs.) Gives account of finds 
made in 1837 in a skeleton-grave at 
Dienstedt, — they are now in the Mu- 
seum of the University of Jena : 

Silver-wire necklace, silver fibulae, 
chain of amber (and a few glass) 
beads, two silver-wire bracelets, a 
bronze pail, a bronze dish with three 
ring-handles, a broken bone needle, 
a silver needle, an iron knife, an 
S-formed ornament of silver-wire 
with spiral coils, several other ob- 
jects and ornaments of silver wire, 
etc. The age of the grave is the 
late Roman provincial period about 
200-300 A. D. 

Emerson (A.) A Wedgewood vase. 
(Rec. of Past, Wash., D. C., 1909, 
VIII, 207-210, I fg.) Describes a 
vase of the Campagna or Borghese 
form, now in possession of the Art 
Institute of Chicago, as gift from 
James Viles, Esq. 

F. (H. O.) A human fossil from the 
Dordogne valley. (Nature, Lond., 
1909, Lxxix, 312-313. 2 fgs.) Re- 
sumes the accounts by M. Marcellin 
Boule and MM. A. and J. Bouyssonie 
and L. Bardon, in the Coinptes Ren- 
dus de I'Academie des Sciences 
(cxLvii, 1908) of the "fossil man," 
a Mousterian skeleton, found on 
August 3, 1908, in a cave on a small 
tributary of the Dordogne, in the 
Correze. The dolichocephalous (75) 
skull resembles (with certain exag- 
gerations) the Neanderthal-Spy type, 
normal probably in certain parts of 
Europe in the Middle Pleistocene. 
The man of Chapelle-aux-Saints may 
be compared with the " humans " in 
the carvings of Mas d'Azil, etc. 

F. (W.) Boris-Gleb. (Globus, Brn- 
schwg., 1908, xciii, 257.) Resumes 
from the Christiana Morgenbladet an 
account of the northernmost settle- 
ment in Norway and the adjoining 
Russian church of Boris-Gleb on the 
west bank of the Pasvik river. The 
inhabitants are a few Russian Lapps. 

Favraud (A.) La Grotte du Roc, 
Commune de Seres, Charente, avec 
superposition du Solutreen sur 
I'Aurignacien. (R. de I'fic. d'An- 
throp. de Paris, 1908, xviii, 407-423, 7 
fgs.) Treats of the Grotte du Roc 
and the human and other remains 
there discovered : Situation and stra- 
tigraphy, fauna (rather varied, all in 
Aurignacian stratum) ; stone imple- 
ments (retouched flints, borers, 
scrapers, microlithic implements, 
flints of divers sorts) ; fragments 
of iron and lead ore; implements of 
bone, horn, ivory, etc., from the 
Aurignacian stratum (daggers, ar- 
row and spear points, piercing im- 
plements, bone-cases, fragment of 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

baton). From the Solutrean stratum 
lying immediately over the Aurig- 
nacian, few objects were taken. The 
pre-Solutrean age of the Aurignacian 
seems demonstrated here. 

Fawcett (E.) Patrick Cotter— the 
Bristol giant. (J. R. Anthrop. Inst., 
Lond., 1909, XXXIX, 196-268, i pi.) 
Treats of the professional career, 
relics, osseous remains, etc., of 
Patrick Cotter (d. 1806). The meas- 
urements of the bones indicate that 
the giant could not have been more 
than 7 ft. 10 in. in height. The 
cephalic index of the skull is 76.2. 
Cotter probably suffered from acro- 

Feast (The) of St. WHfrid. (Folk- 
Lore, Lond., 1908, XIX, 464-466, I 
pi.) Describes procession and races 
of 60 years ago at Ripon. 

Fischer (E.) Die Herkunft der Ru- 
manen nach ihrer Sprache beurteilt. 
(Korr.-Bl. d. D. Ges. f. Anthrop., 
Brnschwg., 1909, xl, 1-6). Accord- 
ing to Dr F. there are two Rumanian 
languages, " the old Wallachian folk- 
speech used by ca. 5^2 million 
peasants, villagers, etc.," and " the 
new Rumanian ' boulevard language,' 
used by about a million dwellers in 
cities and towns." Of these the for- 
mer is the one of value for tracing 
the ancestry of the people. The 
Slavonic influence (morphology and 
grammar, vocabulary, etc.) is dis- 
cussed, and the important contribu- 
tion (near 4,000 words in the folk- 
speech) of Latin noted. Certain 
differences (parts of body, most do- 
mestic animals, male sexual organs 
Latin ; diseases, fishes, female sexual 
organs Slavonic) are pointed out. 
The conclusion reached is that the 
ancestors of the Rumanians were 
Thraco-romanic pastoral people of the 
mountains who migrated into the 
plains of the lower Danube already 
occupied by the Slavs, — the men took 
Slav wives, and this influence is very 
noticeable in modern speech. 

Paparuda und Scaloian. (Glo- 
bus, Brnschwg., 1908, xciii, 13- 
16, I fg.) Treats of the Rumanian 
folk-custom of the procession of the 
rain-making Paparuda (= Servian 
Dodola), in which figure naked 
gypsy girls with elder branches about 
neck and middle, — rain-songs are 
sung, etc. Also of the Scaloian or 
personification of drought (clay fig- 
ure adorned with leaves and laid in 
a wooden coffin), — here there is a 
funeral procession. These customs 

betray the child-like religious soul 
of the folk and likewise indicate 
South Slavonic influence. 

Mir und Zadruga bei den Rii- 

manen. (Ibid., 252-256.) Discusses 
the origin of the Rumanians or 
Vlachs, — Dr F. considers them to 
have sprung from a mixture of 
ihraco-Romans and Slavs, — particu- 
larly with reference to social organi- 
zation and possession of the mir and 
the zadruga (familia), — common 
" Indogerman " institutions. The 
views of B. N. Jorga and R. Rosetti 
are treated with some detail. Many 
things attributed to the " Romans " 
are to be derived rather directly 
from the Thracians and the South 
Slavs. See also F.'s book on Die 
Herkunft der Rumanen (Bamberg, 

torrer (R.) Analysen keltischer Miin- 
zen. (Z. f. EthnoL, Berlin, 1909, xli, 
458-462.) Gives results of chemical 
analyses of 16 Celtic coins (from 
France, Switzerland, Hungary, etc.) 
made by Dr C. Virchow and col- 
leagues at Charlottenburg. The 
amount of copper varies from 34.20 
to 83.30; tin hardly a trace to 18.7::; 
antimony none to 9.88 ; lead none to 
24.88 ; silver none to 96.64 ; zinc 
none to 16.46; nickel none to 0.41; 
iron 0.03 to 1.72. The north Gaulish 
potins show a high quantity of anti- 
mony, the Hungarian (Szegszard) 
silver potin a strong admixture of 
lead, the Treves bronze coin a strong 
amount of zinc (due to Roman in- 

Fortes (J.) Vasos em forma de cha- 
peu invertido. (Portugalia, Porto, 
1908, II, 662-665, 6 fgs.) Brief ac- 
count of vases in the form of an 
inverted hat found at Villa do Conde 
some five years ago. Similar vessels 
have been found at Terroso, Gul- 
pilhares (Gaya), etc., — the necropo- 
lis of Gulpilhares dates from the 
fourth century A. D. 

Machados avulsos da idade do 

bronze. (Ibid., 662, 2 fgs.) Note on 
two bronze axes now in the Porto 
City Museum, from Familicao and 
Barcellos, both double-furrowed with 
a single lateral ring. 

Esconderijo Morgeano de Ganfei. 

Clbid., 661.) Note on 15 (24 were 
found together) bronze axes from 
Ganfei, in the district of Valenga, all 
double-handled and double-grooved. 

Ouros protohistoricos da Estella, 

Povoa de Varzim. (Ibid., 605-618, 
I pi., 16 fgs.) Treats of objects of 

Periodical Literature 


gold (necklaces, earrings, beads), or- 
namented pottery, etc., belonging to 
the second period of the iron age. 

Frangois (A.) Les caracteres dis- 
tinctifs du frangais moderne. (Univ. 
de Geneve, Rapp. du Recteur, 1908, 
3-23.) Sketches briefly the chief 
distinctive characteristics of modern 
French as compared with Latin, etc., 
and its history of individuality, lit- 
erary and social expansion, etc. 

Freire-Marreco (B.) Notes on the hair 
and eye color of 591 children of 
school age in Surrey. (Man, Lond., 
1909, IX, 99-108, 3 fgs.) Gives de- 
tails of statistics in 7 parishes, con- 
cerning 351 boys and 240 girls from 
3 to 14 years ot age. Beddoe's ni- 
grescence-index and index for eye- 
color, and CoUignon's index of ex- 
cess of dark over light are consid- 
ered. Comparison of surnames is 
also made. Medium eyes (65%) and 
fair hair (47.9%) predominate; dark 
eyes with 21%, and brown hair, with 
36.9%, come next; the lowest per- 
centages are dark hair (12.85%), 
light eyes (15.7%), and red hair 
2.4%). Girls seem to be slightly 
darker than boys. 

de Freitas (E.) Subsidios para o in- 
ventario archeologico do concelho de 
Feigueiras. (Portugalia, Porto, 1908, 
II, 665-666, I fg.) Notes on rock 
inscriptions in Roman letters in the 
valley of the Ave, and some clay 
tubes from Penacova, probably 

Frey (S.) Deities and their names. 
(Open Court, Chicago, 1909, xxiii, 
314-316.) Treats of some very 
doubtful analogies and identities in 
Greek, Hebrew, Egyptian, etc. See 
Brewer (W.), Kampmeier (A.). 

Frizzi (E.) Ein Beitrag zur Anthro- 
pologie des " Homo alpinus Tirolen- 
sis." (Mitt. d. Anthrop. Ges. in Wien, 
1909, XXXIX, 1-65, 3 pL, 22 fgs.) 
After historical introduction, gives 
details of measurements and observa- 
tions of 1 1 22 crania from various 
parts of the Tirol, in comparison 
with the results of other investigat- 
ors (Tappeiner, Strauch, Wettstein, 
Pitard, Ranke) for the Tirol, Val- 
lais, Disentis-type, etc. Also meas- 
urements and observations of 80 Ti- 
rolese men averaging 35 years of 
age, and of the long bones of some 
45 skeletons from the St. Sisinius 
cemetery in Laas. The average 
cephalic index of the 1122 skulls is 
84.2, of the 80 living individuals 85.5. 
According to F., if there exists a 

Homo alpinus there must exist also 
a Homo alpinus Tirolensis. The area 
of Homo a. is very extensive and 
many very different peoples have 
contributed to its formation. 

Gabbud. (M.) La vie alpicole des Bag- 
nards. (Arch, suisses d. Trad. Pop., 
Bale, 1909, XIII, 46-63, 105-126.) 
Treats in detail of the Alp life of 
the people of the Bagnes valley : 
sheep and goats, cattle in the Mayens 
set out thither in May-June), sum- 
mer in the mountains (pasturing, 
food, work, division of labor, wages, 
etc.), milk industry, etc. See 
Zahler (H.) 

Meteorologie populaire. (Ibid., 

199-203.) Cites 41 weather prog- 
nostics and agricultural sayings. 

Geiser (K. G.) Peasant life in the 
Black Forest. (Nat. Geogr. Mag., 
Wash., 1908, XIX, 635-649, 9 fgs., 2 
pi.) The illustrations treat of 
houses, family and domestic life, the 
celebration at Mitteltal, etc. 

Gengler (J.) Frankische Vogelgeschich- 
ten. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1908, xciii, 
69-71.) Cites Franconian folk-tales 
concerning the shrike and its spit- 
ting its prey on thorns ; the cuckoo 
and its eating the eggs of other birds 
to get its throat ready for singing, its 
metamorphosis into a sparrow-hawk, 
etc. ; the bittern and its eating hairs 
from the heads of sleeping men ; the 
blackbird and the cause of its color ; 
the thistle-finch (its variegated colors 
come from the fact that it was the 
last to be painted by God, when only 
remnants of all colors were left) ; 
the " silk-tail," a bird of ill-omen ; 
the q".ail (a prophet of good or bad 
har^'est) ; the owl, etc. 

von Geramb (V. R.) Der gegenwar- 
tige Stand der Hausforschung in den 
Ostalpen ; mit besonderer Beriick- 
sichtigung der Grundrissformen. 
(Mitt. d. Anthrop. Ges. in Wien, 
1908, xxxviii^ 98-135, fgs.) Resumes 
the results of investigations (Ban- 
calari, Liitsch, Haberlandt, Murko, 
Meringer, Bunker, Henning, Meitzen, 
Reishauer, Hohenbruck, Eigl, Dach- 
ler, etc.) of the house of the eastern 
Alps, with special reference to basal 
forms. Of the " Kiichenstubenhaus " 
four forms are recognized. Other 
types are the one-roomed herds- 
man's house, the " Rauchstubenhaus," 
and the atypical Italian house of the 
southern Tirol. 

Gerbing (L.) Fine Volkskunstausstel- 
lung im Dermbach, Feldabahn. (Z. 
d. Ver. f. Volksk., Berlin, 1909, xix, 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

436-438.) Notes on the exhibition 
of hand-embroidery (illustrating the 
local development of this art in the 
last 250 years) held at Dermbach in 
jf^pril, 1909. 

' Die Thiiringer Volkstrachten. 

(Ibid., 1908, XVIII, 412-425, 4 fgs.) 
Treats of folk-costume of men and 
women in Thuringia past and pres- 
ent. The most interesting are : the 
carrier's frock (going back to the 
" shirt-coat " of the 4th century A. 
D.), the " dance-shirt," mantles of 
three sorts (one " Spanish," — the 
" Brettchenmantel," is a real folk- 
garment), the " church cap." The 
dress of the North Thuringian peas- 
ants has been long influenced by 
city fashions. In Eichsfeld the 
" Schniirmiitze " is still to be seen ; 
throughout central Thuringia the or- 
namental " Weimar cap " prevailed. 
The costumes of the Thuringian for- 
est are simpler but more tasteful 
than those of the rich " Land." On 
the north side of the Rennsteig is 
found black-white supper-dress of 
women ; the beautiful girls of Ruhla 
have their special bridal dress. In- 
teresting also are the " Kirmseheid " 
(not forgotten), the " Stirnkappe," 
the " Brautheid," etc. On the south 
side of the Rennsteig many varia- 
tions are met with. The Brotterode 
costume was peculiar, — the fire of 
1894 destroyed all that remained of 
it (there is, however, a doll dressed 
in the old way in the museum at 
Erfurt). The Hessen-Henneberg 
country has its own costume. In 
Altenburg are found the least beauti- 
ful of Thuringian folk-costumes. 
Gessmann (G. W.) Ein Ausflug nach 
den Plitvicer Seen in Kroatien. 
(Mitt. d. K.-K. Geogr. Ges. in Wien, 
1908, LI, 471-488, 4 pi.) Account of 
visit to the Plitvic lakes in Croatia. 
References to Roman remains in 
Ober-Primisjle, the Frankopan ruins 
at Slunj, the " dug-out " canoes of 
Lake Kozjak, etc. 
Giuffrida-Ruggeri (V.) Nuovo ma- 
teriale paleolitico dell'isola di Capri 
a facies neolitica. (A. d. Soc. Rom. 
di Antrop., 1908. xiv, Repr., 2 pi.) 
Treats of paleolithic specimens found 
by Dr I. Cerio during the new ex- 
cavations for the Quisisan inn, and 
dating from a period anterior to the 
Phlegrean eruptions. These paleo- 
lithic implements with neolithic facies 
are probably not contemporaneous 
with the fossil animal remains found 
with them. Some of them resemble 

closely the Vedda flints recently de- 
scribed by the Sarasins. 
Gjorgjevic (T. R.) Von den Zigeunern 
in Serbien. (J. Gypsy Lore Soc, 
Liverpool, 1908, n. s., i, 219-227.) 
Notes on the number, language, be- 
liefs, mode of life, occupations, social 
divisions, name, etc., of the Gypsies 
in Servia. German translation by 
jJr F. S. Krauss, from the Servian 
MSS. of the author. In 1900 there 
were 46,148 Gypsies (1.85% of total 
population), of whom 27,846 spoke 
as their mother-tongue Servian, 
13,412 Gypsy, 4,709 Rumanian, and 
181 Turkish. Officially there are 
34,459 Gypsies belonging to the Greek 
(orthodox) Church and 11,689 Mo- 
hammedans. Their common name is 
Goessler (Dr) Neues von der Ring- 
wallforschung in Wiirttemberg. 
(Korr.-Bl. d. D. Ges. f. Anthrop., 
Brnschwg., 1908, xxxix, 130-132.) 
Notes on recent investigations of the 
Heidengraben " Ringwall " (evi- 
dences of fortification, Gallic " town " 
and settlement of later La Tene pe- 
riod) ; Ipf and Buigen near Boffingen 
and Heidenheim (Hallstatt finds), 
Henneburg (bronze age), Lemberg 
(Hallstatt and La Tene), etc. That 
all the fortifications of the region are 
not Celtic is evident. 
Gomme (A. B.) Folk-lore scraps from 
several localities. (Folk-Lore, Lond., 
1909, XX, 72-83.) Items from Dur- 
ham county (bells, medicine, good 
and bad luck, sayings, times of year, 
folk-tales, rhymes), Yorkshire, Cam- 
bridge, Marborough district of Wilts., 
Gore (J. H.) Holland as seen from a 
Dutch window. (Nat. Geogr. Mag., 
Wash., 1908, XIX, 619-634, I fgv 2 
pi.) Contains notes on tobacco- 
smoking, national character, fishing, 
cities on piles, houses, family and do- 
mestic life, children, etc. 
Gore (L.) In beautiful Dalecarlia. 
(Ibid., 1909, XX, 464-477, 3 fgs-, 7 
pi.) Notes on Sunday services, dress 
and ornament, farm industries (flax, 
lace), houses, drinks, lumbering, etc., 
among Swedes of Dalarne. 
Gorjanovic-Kramberger (K.) Anom- 
alien und pathologische Erschein- 
ungen am Skelett des Urmenschen 
aus Krapina. (Korr.-Bl. d. D. Ges. 
f. Anthrop., Brnschwg., 1908, xxxix, 
1 08-11 2, 8 fgs.) Treats of anomalies 
(molars with prismatic root, espe- 
cially those with root-cover ; the 

Periodical Literature 


number of the Foramina mentalia ; 
the abnormal position of a tooth in 
the Krapina-H lower jaw) and path- 
ological phenomena (small hole 
caused by blow or stab, wound of 
supraorbital ridge, deformation of 
ulna, broken clavicle, defects of teeth, 
some disease-effects of Arthritis de- 
formans, etc.), in the bones of the 
prehistoric man of Krapina. Resi- 
dence in caves, the struggle for ex- 
istence against men and animals, 
character, etc., of food have had 
their influence. 

Neolithische Hiigelgraber bei 

Poserna, Kreis Weissenfels. (Ibid., 
120-124, 2 fgs.) Describes two hill- 
graves excavated in 1900 and 1904, 
containing skeletons with grave-gifts 
(amphora, flint knife and scraper ; 
small vessel, bronze or copper spi- 
rals). Both graves are neolithic. A 
detailed account will appear in the 
Prdhistorische Zeifschrift. 
Gotze (A.) Brettchenweberei im Al- 
tertum. (Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1908, 
XL, 481-500, 14 fgs.) Resumes data 
concerning " board-weaving " in the 
later stone age (Swiss lake-dwell- 
ings), bronze age (woman's belt from 
Borum Eshoi, in Copenhagen Mu- 
seum), Roman imperial age (several 
objects). Viking period (weaving ap- 
paratus from Tonsberg ship). East 
Baltic region (cemetery of Anduln 
3d-6th cent. A. D.). The finds of 
Anduln (implements, types of appa- 
ratus ; their use as grave-gifts, their 
geographical distribution, etc.) are 
treated with some detail. The data 
push back the age of " board-weav- 
ing " in northern Europe to a period 
corresponding to the neolithic lake- 
dwellings and suggest an indepen- 
dent, autochthonous development. 
Grendron (F.) The Anglo-Saxon 
charms. (J. Amer. Folk-Lore, Bos- 
ton, 1909, XXII, 105-237.) 
Grosse (H.) Brandgruben bei Dabern 
und Gross-Bahren im Kreise Luckau. 
(Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1909, xli, 72- 
86, 7 fgs.) Treats of the sand-pits 
of Dabern and the gravel-pits of 
Gross-Bahren. The flat-pits in this 
region seem to have been used in 
prehistoric times for reducing iron- 
ore to iron capable of being forged. 
Resemblances to African iron, etc., 
are noted. See v. Luschan (F.) and 
Olshausen (O.) 
V. Guttenberg {Frhr.) Germanische 
Grenzfluren. (Arch. f. Anthrop., 
Brnschwg., 1908, n. f., viii, 208-229.) 
Treats chiefly of the origin and his- 

tory (signification, variations in form 
and meaning, etc.) of the word Peunt 
(i. e., pi-uiita, bi-iianta), which origi- 
nally meant an enclosed pasture, 
meadow, or clearing at the edge 
(uand) of the forest. Some of the 
author's etymologies will hardly hold, 
especially certain attempts to find 
peunt in personal names. 
Haberlin (K.) Trauertrachten und 
Trauerbrauche auf der Insel Fohr. 
(Z. d. V. f. Volksk., Berlin, 1909, 
XXI, 261-281, 17 fgs.) Treats of 
mourning dress and mourning cus- 
toms on the island of Fohr, ancient 
and modern. The old national cos- 
tume was suppressed largely about 
the beginning of the 19th century by 
foreign (Dutch) influences and city 
fashions, — that of the men especial- 
ly. Among the mourning-customs 
noted are : Death-messengers, wash- 
ing and clothing the dead (by neigh- 
bors), burial-feast, bell-tolling, burial- 
procession, vociferation at grave, etc. 
The oldest grave-stones date from 
the beginning of the 17th century; 
the older ones often have house- 
marks upon them. The epitaphs are 
chiefly High German, rarely Platt- 

Hackl (R.) Mumienverehrung auf 
einer schwarzfigurigen attischen Leky- 
thos. (A. f. Religsw., Lpzg., 1900, xii, 
195-203, 3 fgs.) Describes the 
adoration of a mummy on a black- 
figured Attic lekythos, imitative of 
the Egyptian and dating from ca. 
500 B. C. This hitherto unknown 
art-representation is probably due to 
the fact that Greeks settled in Lower 
Egypt adopted the burial customs of 
the country. 

Eine neue Seelenvogeldarstellung 

auf korinthischen Aryballos. (Ibid., 
204-206, I fg.) Describes the first 
real representation known from 
Corinthian vases of the soul-bird 
with a man completely in its power. 
The specimen is now in the posses- 
sion of a citizen of Munich. 

Haddon (A. C.) Paleolithic man. 
(Nature, Lond., 1909, lxxxi, 131- 
132.) Based on article in Globus by 
P. AdlofE (q. v.). 

Hahne (H.) Neue Funde aus den di- 
luvialen Kalktuffen von Weimar, 
Ehringsdorf und Taubach. (Z. f. 
Ethnol., Berlin, 1908, xl, 831-833.) 
Gives results of investigations in 1907 
as to the existence of several culture- 
strata in the Ilm valley. Details are 
given in Hahne and Wiist's article 
on paleolithic strata and finds in Wei- 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

mar and its neighborhood, in the 
Zbl. f. Mineral., GeoL, u. Pal'dontoL, 

1908, 197-210. 

Hamy (E. T.) Un crane du Camp de 
Chasset. (Bull. See. d'Anthrop. de 
Paris, 1908, V* s., ix, 433-436.) De- 
scribes with measurements a neo- 
lithic dolichocephalic adult male skull 
from the famous " station " of the 
Camp de Chasset near Chagny (Saone- 
et-Loire). In the discussion M. Bau- 
douin thought the skull might be 
Gallo-Roman, on account of the later 
archeological evidence in this region. 

Cranes des tourbieres de I'Es- 

sonne. (Ibid., 723-725.) Notes on 
two skulls (cephalic indexes 75.1 and 
76.1) from Ballancourt and Fon- 
tenay-le-Vicomte, both found in turf- 
pits. According to Dr H. '' these two 
skulls strengthen the theory which 
makes most of the tribes of northern 
France closely akin to the builders of 
the great megalithic tombs of the re- 
gion," — Priiner Bey's " Celt " and 
Hamy's " neolithic dolichocephalic." 

Harrison (M. C.) A survival of incu- 
bation? (Folk-Lore, Lond., 1908, 
XIX, 313-31S, I pi.) Treats of the 
festival and procession of the Ma- 
donna della Libera on the first Sun- 
day of May at Pratola Peligna, near 
Salmona in the Abruzzi. 

Hayes (J. W.) Deneholes and other 
chalk excavations : their origin and 
use. (J. R. Anthrop. Inst., Lond., 

1909, XXXIX, 44-76, I pi.) Cites at 
pp. 64-76 evidence from numerous 
sources as to the probable nature and 
use of these " pits." According to 
the author " the evidence now avail- 
able points ... in one direction ex- 
clusively, namely, that they never had 
a higher claim than that of ' chalk 
pits,' ' chalk wells ' or ' chalk quar- 
ries,' the name ' denehole ' being a 
comparatively modern and mislead- 
ing title." British chalk seems to 
have been exported even in pre- 
Roman days. 

Helm (K.) Tumbo saz in berge. 
(Hess. BI. f. Volksk., Lpzg., igoo, 
VIII, 131-135.) Discusses the old 
German incantation for stopping the 
flow of blood, beginning as above, 
and the Latin variants. The verses 
are ultimately non-German and de- 
rived from Latin. H. thinks the 
oldest German literature has been 
more influenced by Latin than is 
generally believed. 

Hemmendorff (E.) Runo. (Ymer, 
Stckhlm., 1909, XXIX, 197-217, 20 fgs.) 
Gives results of a summer's visit to 

the island of Runo in the Gulf of 
Riga. Notes on people, dress, houses, 

Henaux (F.) La tombe belgo-romaine 
de Borsu. (B. de I'lnst. Arch. Liege- 
ois, 1907, xxxvii, 321-336, 4 pi.) 
Treats of the Belgo-Roman grave 
discovered in 1902 in the center of 
the village of Borsu and the objects 
there found of lead (funerary urn 
with human bones), gold (neck-pen- 
dant in form of urn), bronze (cup, 
candelabra, tripod, patera finely 
worked and richly ornamented, 
pitcher of artistic type and work- 
manship), glass (lachrimatory, cup), 
iron (lamp, dish, vase, strigils or 
curry-combs), clay (urns, dishes, 
plates, etc.) The finds are com- 
pared with those of Vervoz. The 
Borsu grave was perhaps that of a 
child of the rich owner of an ad- 
joining villa. 

Herlig (O.) Zum Spiel von der gold- 
enen Briicke. (Z. d. Ver. f. Volksk., 
Berlin, 1909, xix, 414-416.) Gives 
texts of several versions (from lo- 
calities in Baden) of the game of 
" the golden bridge." 

Hermann (E.) Bedeutungsvolle Zah- 
len im litauischen Volksliede. (Ibid., 
107-110.) Notes on significant num- 
bers in Lithuanian folk-songs : Three 
(three youths and three maidens, the 
third sister, etc. ; three years, three 
weeks, third night), nine (nine 
brooks to wash clothes in, nine suns 
shining in one day, nine branches 
of trees, nine corners, nine clover- 
blossoms ; three and nine are ap- 
plied to all sorts of things), two 
(two weeks of wind-blowing, two 
sisters, etc.), five (five years for vari- 
ous purposes, fifth day, etc.). The 
number seven is hardly mentioned. 
For a large number one hundred is 
usually employed. Indefinite expres- 
sions are tTvo to three and five to six. 

Hermann (O.) Das Palaolithikum des 
Biikkgebirges in Ungarn : Miskolcz. 
Das Szinvatal. Die Hohlen. (Mitt, 
d. Anthrop. Ges. in Wien, 1908, 
xxxviii, 232-263, 8 pi., 19 fgs.) 
Discusses in detail the paleolithic 
remains of the Biikkgebirg region in 
Hungary, — previous researches and 
H.'s own investigations. At Miskolcz 
the diluvial age of the flints, etc., 
found on Mt. Avas in 1891, is con- 
firmed, and the cave-finds also place 
the presence of man in this part of 
Hungary in diluvial times beyond 

Periodical Literature 


Herve (G.) Geant finlandais mesure 
a Paris, en 1735. (R. de l'£c. d'An- 
throp. de Paris, 1908, xviii, 360.) 
Brief note calling attention to the 
record in the proceedings for 1735 
of the Academie Royale des Sciences, 
of the measurement of " a Finnish 
giant" (2184 mm. without shoes). 

Heuft (H.) Westfalische Hausin- 
schriften. (Z. d. V. f. Volksk., Ber- 
lin, 1909, XIX, 101-107.) Nos. 1-54 
of house-inscriptions in German and 
Latin, from various parts of West- 
phalia (Beckum, Bielefeld, Bigge, 

- Clarholz, Giitersloh, Herzebrock, 
Kirchhelden, Lette. Lippstadt, Marien- 
feld, Meschede), dating from 1649 to 

Hildburgh (W. L.) Notes on some 
amulets of the three magi kings. 
(Folk-Lore, Lond., 1908, xix, 83- 
87.) Treats of the medals and 
printed slips issued at the cathedral 
of Cologne as protective amulets, dat- 
ing back to medieval times, in con- 
nection with the relics of the " three 
holy kings." 

Notes on some Flemish amulets 

and beliefs. (Ibid., 200-213.) Treats 
of religious medals, protection against 
storms (" blessed palm," candles, 
wax nails, candle-cakes, medals, 
statuettes of saints), protection of 
houses (medals, stattiettes, horse- 
shoes), protection of person and cura- 
tive amulets (" charms," medals, stat- 
uettes, " Holy Blood " relics, rings, 
etc.), amulets for infants (necklaces, 
teething-rings, statuettes), miscel- 
laneous personal beliefs, protection 
for and against animals, etc. 

Notes on some contemporary 

Portuguese amulets. (Ibid., 213- 
224, 2 pi.) Treats of amulets 
against the evil eye (horns, hand or 
figa, claws, human-faced lunar 
crescents, pieces of red coral, keys, 
hearts, cross and crucifix, eyes, com- 
pound amulets, etc.) 

Hilzheimer (M.) Uber italienische 
Haustiere. (Korr.-Bl. d. D. Ges. f. 
Anthrop., Brnschwg., 1908, xxxix, 
136-141, 2 fgs.) Treats of modern 
Italian domestic animals and their 
ancestry. Alp cattle, Campagna cat- 
tle, horses (the large varieties have 
been imported ; the horse of S. 
Italy is related to the N. African 
and is larger than the small Cam- 
pagna type and the small horses of 
Naples), goats, pigs, dogs (Naples 
small type same as in Pompeiian 
pictures and possibly neolithic ; 
" Calabrian mastiff " of medieval 

importation from beyond the Alps, 
where it is prehistoric ; larger, long- 
haired shepherd dog of the south 
related to the " Pyrenean dog.") The 
Campagna type of cattle (resembling 
the Hungarian ox) H. considers 
autocthonous in Italy. The " Al- 
pine cattle " type is probably a moun- 
tain-form or a " Kiimmerungs form " 
in that region, of the European cattle, 
— it preserves the original color, and 
from it the spotted cattle may be 
derived. The Franqiieiro cattle of 
S. America may represent a rever- 
sion to primitive type {Bos primi- 
genius) in the matter of horns, etc. 

Hindenburg (W.) Ueber einen Fund 
von Maanderurnen bei Konigsberg in 
der Neumark. (Z. f. Ethnol., Ber- 
lin, 1908, XL, 722-y7S-) Brief ac- 
count of two urns with meander- 
ornament, found, together with a 
number of iron objects (buckle, 
point, fibulae, etc.), in 1893, in a 
field on the RoUberg south of Konigs- 
berg in Neumark.^ The form of the 
meander on the second urn is East- 
Teutonic. The find dates probably 
from the first century A. D. (older 
Roman period). 

Hobson (M.) Some Ulster souter- 
rains. (J. R. Anthrop. Inst., Lond., 

1909, XXXIX, 220-227, II fgs.) 

Treats of artificial underground caves 
in the counties of Antrim and Down, 
— at Knockdhu, Crebilly, Shank- 
bridge, Lisnataylor Fort, Connor 
(very many). Bog Head (two- 
storied), Donegore, Ballymartin, Lim- 
inary, Glenmun, Tornamona Cashel, 
Tavenahoney, Bushmillis, Grant's 
Causeway, Ballygrainey, Cove Hill, 
Clanmagery, Slanes, Ardtole, Slieve 
Croob (one of the finest cromleacs in 
the country), Loughcrew Hills, etc. 
They are attributed by the folk to 
" fairies," " Danes," " the good 
people," etc. Seventeen ogham in- 
scriptions have been found in these 
caves. Few are of great antiquity. 

Hofler (M.) Unterhaltung mit Toten. 
(Z. d. V. f. Volksk., Berlin, 1909, 
XIX, 202, I fg.) Reproduces an en- 
graving representing an old Breton 
woman placed by her family at a 
grave-stone in the cemetery so that 
she might converse with the dead. 

Hughes (I. C.) The legend of Savad- 
dan lake. (Folk-Lore, Lond., 1908, 
XIX, 459-463.) A folk-tale of Bre- 
con, concerning a princess and her 
lover, a murderer. 

Ilg (Bertha). Maltesische Legenden 
und Schwiinke. (Z. d. V. f. Volksk., 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

Berlin, 1909, xix, 308-312.) German 
texts of Maltese legends and humor- 
ous tales relating to : The wandering 
Jew, Jesus and the offensive dancer, 
Antichrist, the sirens, the scratching 
wager, the pious man and the leper, 
the sick man and the pills, Dshahan 
and the little kettle. Bibliographical 
notes are appended. 

Jacob (K.) Die La Tene-Funde der 
Leipziger Gegend. Ein Beitrag zur 
vorgeschichtlichen Eisenzeit der Leip- 
ziger Tieflandsbucht. (Jhrb. d. 
Stadt. Mus. f. Volkerk. zu Leipzig, 
1907, II [1908], 56-97, 29 pi., 7 fgs.) 
Treats of the finds of the La Tene 
period in Leipzig itself and the sur- 
rounding region, — burial-grounds, 
dwelling-places, etc. The Celtic 
" iron-culture " is richly represented 
by the La Tene culture in general, 
but here the burning of the dead in- 
dicates a Teutonic people of the 
last four or three centuries B. C, in 
large numbers especially at the be- 
ginning of the period. Bronze was 
in use chiefly for ornaments. The 
objects buried with the dead are pre- 
dominantly of iron. Pottery of fine 
and rude types occurs together. 

von Jaden (H.) Tirol und Island. 
Eine Parallele. (Stzgb. d. Anthrop. 
Ges. in Wien, 1 907-1 908, 39—40, i 
fg.) Points out similarities in cus- 
toms, usages, etc., between the Tirol- 
ese and the Icelanders, — conserva- 
tism, use of ponies, treatment of 
horses, saddles, lamps. 

Jaeger (J.) Bruck an der Amper. 
(Globus, Brnschwg., 1908, xciii, 261- 
26s, map.) Treats of the village of 
Bruck on the Amper in the Bavarian 
highlands not far from Munich, and 
its surroundings, — chiefly from a 
geological point of view. Contains 
also (pp. 263-265) sketch of the his- 
tory of man in this region (clear evi- 
dence of early paleolithic man not 
found ; neolithic " stations " oldest ; 
relics of bronze and Hallstatt epoch ; 
Roman remains ; Teutonic settle- 
ments, Alemanni and Franks, etc.). 

Jarricot (J.) Un crane humain repute 
paleolithique le crane de Bethenas. 
(Bull. Soc. d' Anthrop. de Paris, 1908, 
V* s., IX, 2 fgs., 139-152.) Detailed 
discussion, with description, measure- 
ments, etc., of an adult male dolicho- 
cephalic skull, showing certain re- 
semblances to crania of the ancient 
races of Central Europe. 

Jefferson (M.) Man in west Norway. 
(J. of Geogr., N. Y., 1908, vii, 86-96, 
I fg.) Treats of environment in re- 

lation to man, ice age, etc. Only the 
edges of the land are usable, together 
with a few bits on the old sea-beach. 
Here man has long dwelt ready to 
fare forth on the ocean. This region 
is very thinly inhabited. 

Jentsch (H.) Lineares Menschenbild 
auf einem Tongefass der jiingeren 
Hallstattzeit aus dem Graberfelde 
bei Kerkwitz, Kr. Guben. (Z. f. 
Ethnol., Berlin, 1909, xli, 726-730, 
2 fgs.) Treats of two lineal human 
figures on an earthen vessel of the 
later Hallstatt period found in the 
necropolis of Kerkwitz in the dis- 
trict of Guben, Lower Lusatia, com- 
pared with similar objects from other 
parts of Germany. 

Jones (B. H.) Irish folk-lore from 
Cavan, Meath, Kerry and Limerick. 
(Folk-Lore, Lond., 1908, xix, 315- 
320.) Notes on folk-medicine, death- 
warnings, a rat charm, beliefs about 
hair, seafolks and seals, the dead 
coach and ghost funerals, sleeping 
armies, why the pigeon cannot build 
a proper nest, various beliefs. 

Jones (W. H. S.) Disease and his- 
tory. (Ann. Arch, and Anthrop., 
Liverpool, 1909, 11, 33-45.) Dis- 
cusses the influence of malaria on 
Greek and Roman history, in the 
Sth century B. C. and ist century 
A. D., — " malaria killed off the fair- 
haired element in the Greek people, 
and it is to this fair Northern strain 
that the Greeks owed their best and 
noblest qualities." Malaria was " the 
factor which gave to these other dis- 
integrating forces full scope to work 
out their natural consequences." 

Dea febris : a study of malaria 

in ancient Italy. (Ibid., 97-124.) 
Treats of the Dea febris (to whom, 
according to Cicero, a shrine and 
altar were dedicated on the Palatine 
hill), and the important part played 
by fever in the life of the Romans 
(pestilences, epidemics, etc. ; Rome 
was malarious by 400 B. C.) ; ma- 
laria in Latin literature ; effects of 
malaria (gravely influenced the 
course of events leading to the down- 
fall of the Roman Empire ; large 
death-rate among children). 

JuUian (C.) L'heritage des temps 
primitifs. (Revue Bleue, Paris, 1909, 
XLVii, 74-77.) First part of article 
on heritage from primitive times. 
Treats of man of the reindeer period 
in France ; according to J. he was 
" neither Negro nor Mongol, nor ape, 
but white." He was also intelligent 
and an artist. The hunt and war 

Periodical Literature 


are some of our inheritances from 
these robust men of prehistoric times. 

Kaindl (R. F.) Bericht iiber neue Ar- 
beiten zur Volkerwissenschaft von 
Galizien, Russisch-Polen und die 
Ukraine. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1909, 
xcv, 341-345, 365-368.) Brief 
resumes and critiques of recent liter- 
ature relating to the ethnology of 
Galicia, Russian Poland and the Uk- 
rain region : Rutkowski's anthropo- 
logical studies of the peasants of 
Plonsk (R. does not believe that the 
Teutons were long-headed, the Slavs 
short-headed), and Bochenek's on 
those of the district of Mlawa ; 
Talko-Hryncewicz's account of the 
natives of Wilna in the 1 6-1 7th cen- 
tury, and historical sketch of the 
Tatars in Russia ; Tymienecki's de- 
scription of the La Tene finds at 
Kwiatkow and the archeological re- 
searches of Wawrzeniecki, Hadaczek, 
Szukiewicz, etc. ; Kantor's study of 
the people of Czarny Dunajec (Ger- 
man influence noted) ; Potkanski's 
investigations of place-names ; Szu- 
chiewicz's study of the festival-cal- 
endar of the Huzuls ; Hniatiuk's 
collection of kolomejki or short 
Ruthenian folk-songs and Franko's 
collection of Galician-Ruthenian 
proverbs ; Kulessas's study of rhythm 
in folk-songs of the Ukrain. Many 
periodical articles in Lud, Wisla, 
Swiatowitj etc., are noticed. 

Kampmeier (A.) A word for Aryan 
originality. (Open Court, Chicago, 
1909, XXIII, 302-304.) Protests 
against the attempt to derive so 
many Greek names of deities from 
Egyptian, See Brewer (W.), Frey 

Karo (G.) Archaologische Mitteil- 
ungen aus Griechenland. (A. f. Re- 
ligsw., Lpzg., 1909, XII, 359-381.) 
Treats of recent prehistoric discov- 
eries : The excavations of Tsuntas 
and Staes in the neolithic settle- 
ments of Thessaly at Sesklo and 
Dimini and many other places ; the 
investigations of Sotiriadis in Bootia 
and Phocis revealing a culture cor- 
responding to the Thessalian neo- 
lithic ; Papavasiliu's investigations of 
Euboean graves, etc. (culture unlike 
the North Grecian but resembling the 
Cycladean) ; excavations of K. Ste- 
phanos on Naxos ; Seager's investi- 
gations on the small islands of Pseira 
and Mochlos off eastern Crete (here 
evidences of Cycladean influence oc- 
cur), and the numerous excavations 
at Knosos, Phaistos, etc. ; Kavvadias's 

investigations of the necropolis of 
late Mycenean stone-graves on Cepb- 
alonia; Dorpfeld's investigations in 
Leukas, Olympia, etc. Also recent 
investigations of the archaic and the 
later Greek periods (Bosanquet and 
Dawkins at Sparta ; Hogarth at 
Ephesus ; Pernier at Prinia, in Crete; 
Staes at Sunium ; Holleaux on De- 
los ; Hill at Corinth ; Kavvadias in 
Epidauros ; Kuruniotis and Dickins 
in Lykosura ; Arvanitopullos at 
Pagasai, etc.). The last few years 
have revealed nothing of importance 
for religion, etc., from the Roman 
period in Greece. 

Kassner (C.) Klapperbretter und an- 
deres Volkskundliches aus Bulgarien. 
(Globus, Brnschwg., 1908, xciv, 7-1 1, 
30 fgs.) Brief account of buzzers 
("bull-roarers"), gutter-pipe, booths 
for religious services, chimney- 
covers, bridges, fountains and wells, 
shelter-huts, pig-hobble, butter- 
stamper, spinning-winch, salt-mill, 
yarn-winder, device for making easier 
wood-sawing, taper-extinguisher, 

grave-stone, signal-horn, etc., from 
various parts of Bulgaria. 

Kelemina (J.) Handwerksburschen- 
geographie, ein niederosterreichisches 
Lied des 18. Jahrhunderts. (Z. d. V. 
f. Volksk., Berlin, 1908, xviii, 296- 
300.) Cites, with explanatory notes, 
a Graz MS. of the i8th century, 
an apprentice's song in the dialect of 
Vienna, describing his travels in 
Styria, Carinthia, Italy, France, 
Paris, Tirol, Swabia, Bavaria, Hol- 
land, Croatia, Hungary, etc. 

Kendall (H. G. O.) Paleolithic micro- 
liths. (Man, Lond., 1908, viii, 103- 
104, 7 fgs.) Treats of tiny flakes 
and trimmed pieces of flint from the 
gravel at Knowle Farm Pit, Sav- 
ernake, Essex. 

Remarkable arrowheads and 

diminutive bronze implement. (Ibid., 
1909, IX, 39-40, 3 fgs.) Describes a 
delicate little arrow-head found on a 
farm in Dorset, also another " of a 
most unusual type" ; likewise a diminu- 
tive bronze dagger or knife from 
near Marlborough. 

Kinnaman (J. O.) Prehistoric Rome. 
(Amer. Antiq., Salem, Mass., 1909, 
XXXI, 30-40.) Resumes state of 
present knowledge : Alba Longa 
really existed (its site has been lo- 
cated) and was the mother-city of 
Rome. Rome was founded by shep- 
herds during the bronze age, 8- 
12 centuries B. C. Religious cere- 
monies had become crystallized long 


Jotirnal of American Folk-Lore 

before the founding of Rome and in 
•them iron was proscribed. Romulus 
is a real name, that of the founder 
of Rome. Rome is probably much 
older than we now suspect. K. also 
thinks that " the civilization may be 
of Mycenaean origin." 

Some curiosities in Roman arch- 
eology. (Ibid., 65-77.) Treats of 
the transfer of the temple of Isis and 
the Egyptian cult of that deity from 
Sais to Rome, the bridge of Caligula, 
Maecaenas's reforms in the burial of 
the dead, St Paul and St Peter in 
Rome, the tomb of St Paul, etc. 

Klaatsch (H.) Die neuesten Ergeb- 
nisse der Palaontologie des Menschen 
und ihre Bedeutung fiir das Abstam- 
mungsproblem. (Z. f. Ethnol., Ber- 
lin, 1909, XLi, 537-584, 4 pl-, 30 fgs.) 
Discusses in detail the Homo 
Mousteriensis (particularly jawbone 
and skull) found in March, 1908, by 
O. Hauser of Basel in the lower Le 
Moustier in the Vezere valley, and of 
the jawbone of the Homo Heidel- 
bergensis, compared with the crania 
and mandible of prehistoric and prim.- 
itive races, the anthropoids, etc. At 
p. 572 is a comparison of a Javanese 
and a European embryo, the former 
being much more anthropoidal than 
the latter. The Moustier man is 
assigned to the Neanderthal type. K. 
suggests that the Neanderthal man by 
reason of his relatively short ex- 
tremities is allied rather to the mod- 
ern Arctic than the southern races 
(e. g., Australian), but other charac- 
ters point in other directions (e. g., 
African negroes, etc.). Ennegroid 
is better than negroid as a term to 
apply to some of these characters, 
which suggest types such as the Zulu. 

Die steinzeitlichen Schadel des 

Grossherzoglichen Museums in 
Schwerin. (A. f. Anthrop., Brn- 
schwg., 1909, N. F., VII, 276-286, 6 
fgs.) Treats of the skulls of the 
stone age in the Grandducal Museum 
of Schwerin: i. The sitting "Hook- 
er " (without stone graves) burials 
(skull of Plau) ; 2. Stone chamber 
and cist graves (skulls of Burow, 
Blengow, Basedow) ; 3. Flat graves 
(skulls of Ostorf, Roggow ; 4. Earth 
burials in mound-graves (skull of 
Willigrad). According to Dr S. the 
skulls of Ostorf represent a new 
cranial type, — dolichocephalic with 
high forehead, prognathic, etc. See 
Beltz (R.). 

nnd 0. Hauser. Homo mouster- 
iensis Hauseri. Ein altdiluvialer 

Skelettfund im Departement Dor- 
dogne und seine Zugehorigkeit zum 
Neandertaltypus. (Ibid., 287-297, i 
pi., 10 fgs.) Treats of the finding 
in April- August, 1908, in a cave at 
Le Moustier of a human skeleton ac- 
companied by numerous flint frag- 
ments and implements 01 the Achu- 
lean type, with description of the 
skull, femur, etc. The Homo mous- 
teriensis clearly belongs with the 
men of Spy, Krapina and Neander- 
thal, now shown to have existed in 
prehistoric France. 
Kobligk (Anna) Traumdeutungen aus 
Hessen. (Z. d. V. f. Volksk., Berlin, 

1908, xviii, 312.) Cites numerous 
items of dream-interpretation, obser- 
vations from flights of birds, etc., 
taken down from a Hessian shepherd. 

Koch (F. J.) In quaint, curious Croatia. 
(Nat. Geogr. Mag., Wash., 1908^, 
XIX, 809-832, 6 fgs., 17 pi.) Contains 
some notes on the people, dress, 
markets, etc. The illustrations treat 
of market scenes, peasant types, etc., 
in Agram, houses, gypsy's hut, 
hazel-gatherers, washing, salt-making, 

Kossinna (G.) Grossgartacher imd 
Rossener Stih (Z. f. Ethnol., Ber- 
lin, 1908, XL, 569-573, I fg-) Dis- 
cusses the Grossgartach and Rossen 
ceramic types. Koehl and Schliz dif- 
fer radically as to the relations of 
these types, the former holding that 
the " Hinkelstein type," preceded the 
Rossen, out of which was developed 
the Grossgartach ; the latter that the 
Grossgartach is the older. 

Krause (E.) Ausflug der Gesellschaft 
iiber Stendal nach Salzwedel und 
Umgebung am 27. und 28. Juni 1908. 
(Ibid., 821-826.) Account of visit 
of members of the Berlin Anthro- 
pological Society to the old city of 
Stendal, and the stone-graves at Salz- 
wedel and in the region thereabout. 

Kuratle (G.) Der Toggenburger Senn. 
Seine Tracht und deren Herstellung. 
(Arch, suisses d. Trad. Pop., Bale, 

1909, XIII, 95-105, 7 pl-, 5 fgs.) Treats 
of the " Senn," or cattle-herd of the 
Toggenburg region of Switzerland 
and his dress, ornament, etc., their 
preparation and manufacture. 

Kurth (G.) La Lcgia. Etude topony- 
mique. (B. de I'lnst. Arch. Liegois, 
1907, XXXVII, 123-149.) History and 
etymology of the name Liege and its 
application. The name of the city is 
derived from Leudicitm, designating 
a locality and not a stream as some 

Periodical Literature 


have argued, — Legia is a learned, not 
a folk, derivation from Leodium, 

Lang (A.) "The Bitter Withy Bal- 
lad." (Folk-Lore, Lond., 1909, xx, 
86-88.) Cites versions of " Johny 
Johnston " from Edinburgh, West of 
Scotland, Northumberland, etc. 

Laville (A.) Instrument en silex du 
type dit : Chelleen de I'Ergeron de 
Villejuif. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop. de 
Paris, 1908, v^ s., ix, 742-743, 2 
fgs.) Brief account of a flint of 
Chellean type found at Ergeron, be- 
longing to the end of the quaternary 

Layard (N. F.) The older series of 
Irish flint implements. (Man, Lond., 
1909, IX, 81-85, 2 fgs, I pi.) Treats 
of worked flints from raised beach 
at Lough Larne, in county Antrim. 
These flints, taken as a whole, " cer- 
tainly do not correspond at all closely 
either to the paleoliths or neoliths so 
far found in England." In 16 hours, 
at various times, nearly 1,200 worked 
flints were collected here. 

Lazar (V.) Die Hochzeit bei den 
Siidriimanen (Kutzo-Wlachen, Zinz- 
aren) in der Turkei. (Globus, Brn- 
schwg., 1908, xciv, 316-319.) De- 
scribes in detail the wedding-customs 
(betrothal, pre-marriage ceremonies 
and festivals, wedding-procession and 
songs, church-ceremony, dance and 
feast, etc.) of the South Rumanians 
of the region about Koritza. Among 
the Megleno Rumanians bride-steal- 
ing is still practised. The wedding 
customs of the few South Rumanians 
in Bosnia are quite different by rea- 
son of Slavonic influences. 

Lefevre (A.) Le feodalite et les dia- 
lectes. (R. de I'fic. d'Anthrop. de 
Paris, 1909, XIX, 177-178.) According 
to L., " the diversity of our dialects 
and patois goes back to the transforma- 
tion of popular Latin dialects, al- 
ready localized before the loth cen- 
tury ; maintained and accentuated by 
feudal parcelling, it gave way before 
the preponderance of a conquering 
dialect imposed on France enlarged 
by Capetian royalty and by the as- 
cendancy of the capital." 

Lehmann-Filhes (Margarete). Ein 
islandisches Pfarrhaus vor hundert 
Jahren. (Z. d. V. f. Volksk., Berlin, 
1908, XVIII, 429-431.) Translates 
into German the account of an Ice- 
landic parsonage a century ago given 
in J. Thoroddsen's novel Mathur og 

VOL. XXIII. — NO. 87. 6 

Islandische Bezeichnungen fiir 

die Himmelsgegenden. (Ibid., 207.) 
Note on the folk-terms for the car- 
dinal points in Icelandic. They are 
etymologically intelligible not in sea- 
surrounded Iceland, but in Norway 
with the open sea to the West and 
land to the East. Thus N. W. is 
" out north " ; S. W., " out south " ; 
N. E., " land north " ; S. E., " land 
south," From these are derived the 
names of winds. These terms must 
have come over with the language 
from Norway. 

Vielseitige Verwendung der 

Schafknochen in Island. (Ibid., 
1909, XIX, 433-434, 4 fgs.) Notes 
on various uses of sheep-bones in 
Iceland (astragalus-dice for fortune- 
telling ; yarn-winder often pyrograph- 
icaily ornamented ; valnastakkar or 
sheep-bone coat-of-mail, etc.). Into 
the hole at end of sheep-bones the 
devil was induced to go by making 
himself small and then shut up there 
for good. Children also play mak- 
ing houses with sheep-bones, repre- 
sent them to be animals, etc. The 
bones of sheep (so important to the 
Islander) have multiform uses. 

Livi (R.) La schiavitu domestica in 
Italia nel medio evo e dopo. (A. 
p. I'Antrop., Firenze, 1908, xxxviii, 
275-286.) Treats of domestic slavery 
in Italy in the Middle Ages and 
later. From the middle of the 13th 
to the middle of the 14th century 
the importation of male and female 
slaves, who were rather humanely 
treated and married or mixed with 
the population of the country, was 
very common. Venice was quite 
prominent in the slave-trade, which 
ended with the Middle Ages, except 
in the coast cities where it lingered 
till almost the beginning of the 17th 
century ; in Sicily it continued down 
to quite modern times. In one year 
(1298) the records of a notary of 
Palermo contained 40 items relating 
to slaves out of a total of 477. Of 
these 40, 27 are " Saracens " (col- 
ored as follows: white 13, olive 9, 
black 2, when color is indicated), 
evidently a term not at all desig- 
nating race. A census (for military 
purposes) of male slaves in Palermo 
in 1565 lists 645, of whom 117 were 
white, 115 olive, 224 black. Of the 
blacks 112 are styled nigri di Burno 
(i. e., Burnu, in the region of L. 
Chad). Of the 645 male slaves 
225 (including 23 blacks) were 
casanatizzi. Cases of slavery in 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

Sicily are noted from the begin- 
ning of the 1 8th century. Partly at 
least the variety of anthropological 
(particularly cranial) types met with 
to-day in Sicily, etc., may be ex- 
plained by reason of infiltration of 
these slaves, e. g., the existence of 
skulls with negroid characters. In 
Sicily there are to be found also a 
number of surnames suggestive of 
servile origin (Schiavo, Salvo, Libero, 
Di Liberto, etc.). 

L'esclavage au moyen-age et son 

influence sur les caracteres anthro- 
pologiques des Italiens. (Bull. Soc. 
d'Anthrop. de Paris, 1908, v'' S., ix, 
201-209.) Resume by G. de Gio- 
vanetti of article by Dr Livi on 
" Medieval slavery and its influence 
on the anthropological characters of 
the Italians," in the Rivista italiana 
di Sociologia for July-October, 1907. 

Lohmeyer (K.) Der Traum vom Schatz 
auf der Coblenzer Briicke (Z. d. V. 
f. Volksk., Berlin, 1909, xix, 286- 
289.) Discusses the legend of the 
dream of treasure on the Coblenz 
bridge, and variants (Mannheim 
bridge, Binger bridge, Mayence 
bridge, etc.). The oldest form (later 
than 1600) of the story, L. thinks, is 
the Rinzenberg one (Coblenz). See 
Bolte (J.). 

Lovett (E.) Superstitions and sur- 
vivals amongst shepherds. (Folk- 
Lore, Lond., 1909, XX, 64-70, 2 pi.) 
Treats of " thistle-nut " for rheuma- 
tism, " cramp-nuts " and " cramp- 
stones," " overlooking " pigs, lamb- 
tallies, turf sun-dial, etc., among the 
shepherds of the South Downs. 

Amulets from costers' barrows 

in London, Rome and Naples, (Ibid., 
70-71, I pi.) Treats of metal horns, 
pendants, phalli, symbols, teeth, evil- 
eye charms. 

Lowenhbfer (J.) i. Der Depotfund in 
Diirnfellern. 2. Der Depotfund in 
Hochwald. (Stzgb. d. Anthrop. Ges. 
in Wien, 190S-1909, 3-4, 2 fgs.) 
Notes find of some 50 bronze neck- 
rings at Diirnfellern and 165 bronze 
buckles at Hochwald, belonging to 
the early bronze age. 

Luquet (G. H.) Sur la signification 
des petroglyphes des megalithes bre- 
tons. (R. de I'fic. d'Anthrop. de 
Paris, 1909, XIX, 224-233, 36 fgs.) 
First part of article on the significa- 
tion of the petroglyphs (scutiform, 
jugiform, etc.) of the megaliths in 
Brittany. Of the scutiform signs 
many are doubtless simplifications 
or conventionalizations of the human 

figure, entire or in part. The jugi- 
form signs, according to L., are de- 
rived from the " frontal line " (su- 
perciliary ridges with sometimes 
nose), a schematization of the hu- 
man face. 

McCormick (A.) Nan Gordon. (J. 
Gypsy Lore Soc, Liverpool, 1908, n. 
s., I., 211-218.) English text of "a 
folk-tale dictated by a Galloway 
tinkler-Gypsy woman . . . which 
hints how the Gypsies come to have 
been connected with some of the 
nobility of Scotland." 

MacCurdy (G. G.) Penck on the an- 
tiquity of man. (Rec. of Past, 
Wash., D. C., 1909, VIII, 32-38, 3 
fgs.) Treats of Prof. A. Penck's 
views as to the antiquity of man 
based on the cave of the Prince ; 
the human remains and implements 
from the cave at Wildikirchli (Ap- 
penzell) in Switzerland, the Homo 
Mousteriensis, etc. Dr. MacC. thinks 
that " there is no longer any doubt 
as to the physical characters of man 
of the Mousterian epoch, — man that 
lived in Europe 100,000 years ago. 
But the Chellean industry is older 
than the Mousterian, and up to the 
present time no human remains 
have been found that can with cer- 
tainty be dated back to the oldest 
epoch of the paleolithic period." 

Magof&n (R. v. D.) The via Praenes- 
tina. (Rec. of Past, Wash., 1909, 
VIII, 67-74, 8 fgs.) Describes the 
road from Praeneste to Rome, which 
" shows better preservation, crosses 
finer bridges, and finally enters Rome 
at a more interesting gate than any 
other one of the Roman roads." 

Mahoudeau (P. G.) Sur un tres an- 
cien procede de capture du bison. 
(R. de r£c, d'Anthrop. de Paris, 
1909, XIX, 282-291, 4 fgs.) Accord- 
ing to M., the triangular figures, etc., 
on the representations of bisons, 
horses, mammoths, etc., in the cave- 
paintings of Font-de-Gaume, Com- 
barelles, etc., are wasms, or prop- 
erty-marks, denoting animals cap- 
tured in pit-traps after the manner of 
the ancient Peonians as described by 

Maia (A. S.) A necropole de Cani- 
dello, Terra da Maia. (Portugalia, 
Porto, 1908, II, 619-625, 4 fgs.) 
Gives results of explorations in 1905- 
1906 of the necropolis of Canidello 
in northern Portugal, with descrip- 
tions of finds, — flint and polished 
stone implements, pottery, etc. 

Periodical Literature 


Major (A. F.) Rune-stones in the 
Brodgar circle, Stenness. (Orkn. 
and Shetld., MiscelL, Lond., 1909, 
II, 46-50, 3 pi.) Treats of two stones 
with Runic inscriptions found dur- 
ing the work of restoring the stone 
circles of Stenness. For full ac- 
count see Prof. M. Olsen's article in 
Saga Book of Viking Club, 1908, v, 
Ft. II. 

Malten (L.) Des Raub der Kore. (A. 
f. Religsw., Lpzg., 1909, xii, 285- 
312.) Discusses the carrying off of 
the child of Demeter from the 
flowery mead by the king of the 
lower world, as related in the 
Homeric Demeter hymn, the localiza- 
tion of the legend (Mysion, the old- 
est locality), etc. 

Mankowski (H.) Das polnische He- 
rodesspiel in Westpreussen. (Z. d. 
V. f. Volksk., Berlin, 1909, xix, 204— 
206.) Brief account of the Christ- 
mas play " Going with Herod," still 
acted in parts of West Prussia by 
Polish workmen, etc. 

Mattula (L.) Bericht aus Unter-Retz- 
bach. (Stzgb. b. Anthrop. Ges. in 
Wien, 1907-1908, 21-26, I fg.) 
Resumes finds of 1907, — bronze 
bracelet, pierced copper axes, pot- 
tery fragments, bronze needle, stone 
axes, grave with skeleton and earthen 
vessel (neolithic age), etc. 

Mauz (W.) Volksglauben aus dem 
Sarganserlande. (Schw. Arch. f. 
Volksk., Basel, 1909, xiii, 206-208.) 
Cites folk-lore relating to the num- 
ber 12, onion oracle, influence of 
moon, witchcraft and magic, etc. 

Mayr (A.) Fine vorgeschichtliche Be- 
grabnisstatte auf Malta. (Z. f. Eth- 
nol., Berlin, 1908, xl, 536-542.) 
Gives results of visit in 1907 to the 
subterranean burial-place of Hal- 
Saflieni, south of Valetta in Malta, 
with account of objects (steatopygic 
clay figures all female, stone amu- 
lets, fragments of pottery, skeletons, 
etc.) there found, now in the Valetta 
Museum. This important discovery, 
the details of which are being pre- 
pared for publication by Dr T. Zam- 
mit, the curator of the Valetta Mu- 
seum, will do much toward solving 
the problem of the so-called " sanc- 
tuaries " of Malta. The finds indi- 
cate marked influence of Egean cul- 
ture, particularly in the figurines and 
the architecture of the prehistoric 
" sanctuaries." On the island Gozo 
pottery, etc., like that of Hal-Saflieni 
have been found. 

Mehlis (C.) Der " Hexenhammer " 
von Dorrenbach i. d. Pfalz und Ver- 
wandtes. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1908, 
xciii, 174-176, 4 fgs.) Treats in 
particular of the so-called " witch 
hammer," a stone axe used by a 
" wizard " of Dorrenbach to affect 
cures. These axes are known in 
various parts of Europe as " thunder- 
axes," " thunder-stones," etc., — the 
ceraunia of Pliny and other classical 

Mehring (G.) Das Vaterunser als 
politisches Kampfmittel. (Z. d. V. f. 
Volksk., Berlin, 1909, xix, 129-142.) 
Cites various examples of political 
parodies of and poems based on the 
Lord's Prayer, in addition to the ma- 
terial in the article of Werner in the 
Vrtljhrsschr. f. Literaturgeschichte, 
1892, V, 1—49. There are two sorts 
of these political " Lord's Prayers," — 
the oldest begins in the 15th century, 
lasting to the early years of the 17th 
(Ulm Vaterunser of i486, Reutling 
Vaterunser of 15 19, the former the 
oldest, the latter the best known). 
Of the " peasants' Lord's Prayer " 
Werner cites 15 different versions. 
The text consists of a series of 
couplets, the last line of each of 
which ends with a word of the 
" Lord's Prayer." 

Meisner (H.) Rekrutierungstatistik. 
(A. f. Rassen- u. Ges. -Biol., Lpzg., 
1909, vi, 59-72, map.) Treats of re- 
cent statistics of recruits in Germany, 
1894-1903, comparing the percent- 
ages of acceptability with those of 
density of population, birth, marriage, 
mortality, children of school age, mi- 
gration, morbidity, increase and de- 
crease of population, occupations, in- 
dustries, race, etc. No clear corre- 
spondence of acceptability of re- 
cruits with lung diseases, fertility 
(legitimate and illegitimate children), 
migration, fertility of soil, well-to-do 
life conditions, etc. 

Menzel (H.) Neue Funde diluvialer 
Artefakte aus dem nordlichen 
Deutschland, ihre Kulturstufe und 
ihr geologisches Alter. (Z. f. Eth- 
nol., Berlin, 1909, xli, 503-506.) 
Treats of discoveries of diluvial arte- 
facts in 1908 at Eitzum in the val- 
ley of the Despe in Hannover, also 
at Elze, Hameln, etc. ; near Wege- 
leben in Saxony ; at Westend, Britz 
and Siidende near Berlin ; in the 
region about Werder near Potsdam 
and near Phoben, Prellwitz, etc. All 
the objects (except a few bone frag- 
ments and some pieces of quartzite. 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

etc.) are flints. They are the same 
in culture type although of different 
geological age (later and older in- 
terglacial). They may represent a 
transition from the archeolithic to 
the paleolithic (Verworn). 

Ueber die geologischen Verhalt- 

nisse des Spreewaldes, (Ibid., 687- 
689.) The oldest settlement of the 
Spree forest is doubtless due to need 
for protected dwellings and places 
of refuge as well as for fishing and 
hunting, and the " islands " about the 
Kirchplatz and particularly the 
Schlossberg von Burg. 

Michael (H.) Zur Leukas-Ithaca- 
Frage, (Globus, Brnschwg., 1909, 
xcv, 191-193.) Discusses the ques- 
tion whether the island of Leukas, 
off the coast of Acarnania, is the 
Ithaca of the Odyssey, the home of 
Ulysses, and the efforts of Dorpfeld 
to show that it was actually an 
island in ancient times. Capt. W. 
V. Maree's topographical studies are 
embodied in his Karten von Leukas. 
Beitrdge zur Frage Leukas-Ithaca 
(Berlin, 1908). The identification, 
as M. points out, is not at all success- 

Mielert (F.) Das heutige Serbien. 
(Ibid., 9-15, 7 fgs.) Notes on in- 
dustries, art, agriculture, cities, vil- 
lages, ruins, etc. 

Moesch (H.) Das Fasnachtsrossli im 
Kt. Appenzell. (Arch, suisses d. 
Trad. Pop., Bale, 1909, xiii, I37-I39-) 
Texts of speech made by the " Fas- 
nechbutz," from Tobler and a later 
one in use in Urnasch in 1906. 

Mohl (J.) Mitteilungen iiber Tato- 
wierungen, angenommen an Soldaten 
der Garniston Temesvar. (Mitt. d. 
Anthrop. Ges. in Wien, 1908, xxxviii, 
312-320, 14 fgs.) Treats of tattoo- 
ing as observed among the soldiers 
of the garrison at Temesvar, Hun- 
gary, and its significance, etc. The 
commonest places for tattooing were : 
anterior surface of forearm ; breast ; 
back of hand ; upper arm, finger (ex- 
cept thumb). Rarely tattooed were: 
penis, buttocks, thighs, face, nose. 
Forehead, back, neck vi'ere not found 
tattooed. The tattooings contain 
statements of or indications of mili- 
tary science, civil occupation, etc., in 
letters or symbols, etc. Tattooing is 
very common among these soldiers, — 
in a troop of Servians quartered at 
Nevesinje in 1907 nearly every man 
was tattooed, — not such a proportion 
in Temesvar. The garrison prisons 
are " high-schools of tattooing," — 

then come barracks, hospitals, etc. 
Tattooing takes place oftener during 
active service than before. Home- 
association, ennui, imitation, vanity 
are some of the reasons given for 
tattooing. Tattooing is per se no 
indication of criminality or defective 
Monseur (E.) Le nom des Lombards. 
(Bull, de Folk-Lore, Bruxelles, 1909, 
III, 182-188.) Discusses the origin 
of the legend concerning the name 
Lombard (Langobardi, Longbeards), 
which M. regards as " the remnant of 
a legend of the fraudulent entry of 
women into the other-world reserved 
for warriors." 

Tom Tit Tot. (Ibid., 188-192.) 

Cites variants of this theme from 
Liege, Audenarde, French Flanders, 
Antwerp, etc., known as Verkou, 
Pier-Wier-Wetz, Mynhaentje, Kwis- 

de Morgan (J.) Note sur le developpe- 
ment de la civilisation dans la Sicile 
prehistorique. (R. de I'fic. d'Anthrop. 
de Paris, 1909, xix, 92-100.) Sketches 
the development of civilization in 
prehistoric Sicily (few traces of man 
in pleistocene times, only caverns of 
Termini, etc., represent quaternary 
industries ; neolithic culture from 
continental Europe seen in the re- 
mains at Pantellaria, and at Palaz- 
zolo Acreide, Stentinello, etc., an- 
other later culture, with incised pot- 
tery, representing a second distinct 
neolithic civilization). After these 
come the 4 Sicilian periods, which de 
Morgan dates earlier than do the 
Italian archeologists (first, 3d and 
2d millenniums B. C. ; second, 20- 
2ist centuries B. C. ; third, i2-9th 
centuries B. C. ; fourth, 9th century 
B. C., historic). The remains of 
Palazzolo Acreide date from the third 
millennium B. C. Almost uninhab- 
ited in the quaternary period, Sicily 
was peopled only on the coasts in 
neolithic times (from continental 
Europe) ; then came Cretan, Myce- 
nean and Phenician, and finally Hel- 
lenic elements. 

Morrison (S.) The lazy wife : a Manx 
folk-tale. (Folk-Lore, Lond., 1908, 
XIX, 78-83.) Story told from mem- 
ory by a Peel woman who heard it 
some 60 years ago from her mother. 
English text with Manx words 

Billy Beg, Tom Beg, and the 

Fairies. (Ibid., 324-327.) English 
text of a Manx fairy-tale from Peel. 

Periodical Literature 


de Mortillet (A.) Souterrains et grot- 
tes artificielles de France. (R, de 
I'Ec. d'Anthrop. de Paris, 1908, xviii, 
285-307.) Lists by localities (alpha- 
betically) under departments the 
known souterrains and artificial 
caves, — boves, creuttes, caves, erases, 
calcs, earrieres, marquois, forts, etc. 

Mortimer (J. R.) The stature and 
cephalic index of the prehistoric men 
whose remains are preserved in the 
Mortimer Museum, Duffield. (Man, 
Lond., 1909, IX, 35-36.) Notes on 
skeletons of the late neolithic or early 
- bronze age (of loi skulls, 34 are 
dolichocephalic, 28 brachycephalic, 39 
mesaticephalic ; average computed 
statures respectively 5 ft. 7 in., 5 ft. 
6 in., 5 ft. 6 in.) ; early iron age, 
chiefly from the Danes' graves (53 
skulls, 37 dolichocephalic, 2 brachy- 
cephalic, II mesaticephalic; average 
computed statures respectively 5 ft. 
4.6 in., 5 ft. 4 in., 5 ft. 5 in.) ; Anglo- 
Saxon remains (61 crania, dolicho- 
cephalic 31, brachycephalic 7, mesati- 
cephalic 2;^ ; computed average stat- 
ure respectively 5 ft. 57/11 in., 5 ft. 
4 i/ii in., 5ft. 3 6/1 1 in.) The long- 
headed individuals seem to have been 
somewhat the taller. 

Moser (L. K.) Die Romerstadt Agunt. 
(Globus, Brnschwg., 1908, xciv, 226- 
227.) Resumes the data in A. B. 
Meyer and A. Unterforcher's Die 
Romerstadt Agunt bei Liens in Tirol, 
published preparatory to further in- 
vestigations on the site of Aguntum. 

Bericht iiber Ausgrabungen in 

einigen Felsenhohlen von Nabresina, 
sowie uber einige besondere Fund- 
objekte aus Karsthohlen. (Stzgb. d. 
Anthrop. Ges. in Wien, 1907-1908, 
29-33, 3 fgs.) Notes on pottery- 
fragments, flints, bone implements, 
etc., animal bones (also a bronze 
knife and an iron object) from Na- 
bresina and the caves of the " Karst." 

Much (M.) Vorgeschichtliche Nahr- 
und Nutzpflanzen Europas. (^itt. d. 
Anthrop. Ges. in Wien, 1908, xxxviii, 
195-227, 2 fgs.) Discusses the pre- 
historic food and economic plants of 
Europe, their culture-historic age, ori- 
gin, etc. Wheat (in Solutree period 
wild wheat used as food ; in neolithic 
period cultivation of wheat already 
common, — 4 varieties, of which none 
can be shown to be of Asiatic ori- 
gin), barley (Oriental 4-lined variety 
not found in neolithic Europe ; wild 
form used in Solutree period ; 6-lined 
variety is African or probably Medi- 
terranean), weeds in cultivated land 

(those of neolithic period, — corn- 
flower, Silene, corn-rose, etc., — point 
to the coast-regions of the Mediter- 
ranean), millet (origin of Panicum 
miliaceiim not known; P. italicum 
first used wild by prehistoric Euro- 
peans), buckwheat (used in neolithic 
times as food ; developed from Euro- 
pean wild form), lentil and pea 
(neolithic ; both developed from Eu- 
ropean wild plants), hog-bean (not 
known in neolithic times north of the 
Alps; came from South), "water- 
nut" (much used in neolithic times), 
poppy (derived from the wild poppy 
of southern Europe ; neolithic in 
Switzerland, Upper Italy, etc.), apple 
and pear (derived from wild varieties 
in prehistoric Europe), walnut 
(known in France in paleolithic 
times, whence it spread over central 
Europe), flax (several varieties in use 
in prehistoric Europe derived from 
wild native plants). Dr M. holds 
that the domestic cattle of prehistoric 
Europe were of different race from 
those of the Orient ; their use also 
(yoke ; use of cattle for threshing 
grain not known in prehistoric central 
and northern Europe) was different. 
Prehistoric cattle-culture and agri- 
culture in Europe had their own in- 
digenous beginnings and develop- 

Miiller (C.) Predigtparodien und an- 
dere Scherzreden aus der Oberlausitz. 
(Z. d. V. f. Volksk., Berlin, 1909, 
xix, 1 75-181.) Cites from various 
parts of Upper Lusatia 5 parody- 
sermons and jest-speeches : Wedding- 
sermon and jest-sermon from Ditters- 
bach dating 1830-1850, etc.; cobblers' 
sermon from Lugau ; sale on the 
island of good nothing (from Ditters- 
bach ; the huge bass fiddle (from 
Dittersbach). See Bolte (J.). 

Murke (M.) Die Volksepik der bos- 
nischen Mohammedaner. (Ibid., 13- 
30.) After ethnographical-historical 
introduction (the first large folk-epic 
of the Bosnian Mohammedans, con- 
taining 2,160 verses, was published 
by Krauss in 1886; the first collec- 
tion of epic folk-songs by Hermann 
in 1888-1889), the author gives an 
account of the singers and their 
songs based chiefly on Marjanovic's 
Junacke pjesme muhamedooske (2 
vols., 1898-1899). Marjanovic and 
his collaborators collected in 1886- 
1888 as many as 320 Mohammedan 
songs, of which 290 are epic and 30 
women's lyrical, containing in all 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

some 255,000 verses. Of these songs 
30 contain less than 100 verses and 
4 more than 3,000, the average being 
873. Most of the songs belong to 
the 17th century, few are more than 
200 years old. The favorite hero is 
Mujstaj-beg of Licki (Lika). M. 
criticizes some of the views of 
Krauss as to the guslars, their 
social position, etc. The term 
guslar songs, e. g., is objectionable, 
since at least in N. W. Bosnia they 
are sung only to the tambura. Some 
poems and passages in others belong 
to the most poetic of the folk-epic 
material of the Serbo-Croats. The 
songs seem to have a historical basis, 
with frequent exaggerations, etc. 

Nabe (F. M.) Die steinzeitliche Be- 
siedelung der Leipziger Gegend unter 
besonderer Beriicksichtigung der 
Wohnplatzfunde. (Veroff. d. stadt. 
Mus. f. Volkerk. zu Leipzig, 1908, 
H. 3, viii + 58, 6 pi., 2 maps, 121 
fgs.) Detailed account of remains of 
the stone age (finds at dwelling 
places especially) in the neighbor- 
hood of Leipzig, — at Bienitz, Giin- 
thersdorf, Moritzsch, Eutritzsch, etc. 
No paleolithic remains have yet been 
discovered, but the neolithic are very 
rich (stone implements in depots and 
isolated, pottery, ornamented objects, 
etc.). Interesting are fragments of 
a clay drum (p. 35) from Eutritzsch. 
The Leipzig neolithic people were 
quite numerous, and, at the height of 
the period, sedentary agriculturalists 
and cattle-breeders, living in large 
village-like communities. The absence 
of " Schnurkeramik " settlements is 
probably due to the nomadic charac- 
ter of the people. The Leipzig stone- 
age settlements seem not to have con- 
tinued beyond the time when the 
spiral-meander pottery became com- 

Natividade (M. V.) Alcobaga ethno- 
graphica. L As rocas da minha terra. 
(Portugalia, 1908, 11, 638-646, 42 
fgs.) A study in Alcobaga local 
ethnography. Treats of distaffs, need- 
les, corn-pickers and their ornamen- 
tation, etc. 

Neilson (G.) Brunanburh and Burns- 
work. (Scott. Hist. Rev., Glasgow, 
1909, VII, 37-55, 2 fgs., I pi.) Dis- 
cusses the evidence in the Egla or 
Egil's Saga as to the site of the 
famous battle of Brunanburh, which 
the author would identify with Burns- 
work in Dumfriesshire, — the plans, 
etc., of the military works are given. 

Nelles (W. R.) The ballad of Hind 
Horn. (J. Amer. Folk-Lore, Boston, 
1909, XXII, 42-62.) 

Newstead (R.) On a recently dis- 
covered section of the Roman wall 
at Chester. (Ann. Arch, and An- 
throp., Liverpool, 1909, 11, 52-71, 7 
pi.) Detailed account of recently dis- 
covered remains forming part of the 
original fortifications of Deva and 
objects found in connection there- 
with. Also notes on a Roman con- 
crete foundation in Bridge street un- 
earthed in June, 1905 ; and on a 
paleolithic implement, found in build- 
ing debris in Chester. 

Noll (K.) Fragstiicke beim Rugerricht 
in Rappenau vor 300 Jahren. (Z. d. 
V. f. Volksk., Berlin, 1909, xix, 304- 
308.) Prints a questionnaire (48 
items concerning cultural, legal, 
moral) social, religious and political 
matters) dating from the beginning 
of the 17th century, and forming part 
of the official documents of the vil- 
age of Rappenau in Baden. 

Notes on Macedonia. (Nat. Geogr. 
Mag., Wash., 1908, xix, 790-802, 5 
fgs-, 7 pl-> rnap). The illustrations 
treat of market and street scenes, 
Greek, Macedonian, Albanian, Turk- 
ish types, etc. 

Nunes (J. J.) Costumes algarvios. 
O vestuario. (Portugalia, Porto, 
1908, II, 654-655.) Notes on Al- 
garve folk-dress. 

Obermaier (H.) und Breuil (H.) Die 
Gudenushohle in Niederosterreich. 
(Mitt. d. Anthrop. Ges. in Wien, 1908, 
XXXVIII, 277-294, II pi., 9 fgs.) 
After briefly noting the finds at the 
Vierzchov cave (in Russian Poland 
near Cracow, Galicia), etc., the 
authors treat of the Gudenus cave 
and its remains (west of the village 
of Krems on the Danube in Lower 
Austria) investigated and described 
in 1 883-1 884 by F. Brun and L. 
Hacker, and discussed in detail by 
Woldrich (1893) and Hoernes (1903). 
The finds consist of animals, stone 
implements (coups de poing, scrapers, 
borers, fragments, etc.), bone and 
horn implements (also a " needle- 
case " made of the radius of a bird, 
having the head of a reindeer 
drawn upon it), some bone and ivory 
ornaments, etc. In the main cave 
and in the small cave 7 strata were 
found. The lower paleolithic strata 
may be termed Achuleo-Mousterian. 
The Gudenus cave is one of the 
richest localities in Central Europe 
for coups de poing. Later on, the 

Periodical Literature 


cave was again sought by quaternary 
man, who left there the Magdalenian 
remains. Until the present investiga- 
tion in 1907 the cave was altogether 
assigned to the Magdalenian epoch. 
It ranks now as a most important 
prehistoric " station " of an earlier 
epoch as well. 

Oesten (G.) Bericht iiber den Fort- 
gang der Rethraforschung. (Z. f. 
Ethnol., Berlin, 1908, XL, 559-564, 
915-919, 8 fgs.) Gives the results of 
the Rethra investigations in 1907. 
The discovery of a polished stone 
axe is of interest. Other finds were 
pottery fragments, bones, pieces of 
decayed wood, boards, etc. O. con- 
siders it probable that a pile-dwell- 
ing once existed here. In the last 
excavations, an iron buckle, several 
objects of bronze, etc., were found. 
The alleged foundation of horns 
(text of Thietmar) has not yet been 

de Oliveira (M.) Thesouros encon- 
trados em algunos castros do Norte 
de Portugal. (Portugalia, Porto, 
1908, II, 666-668.) Treats of finds 
of coins of Roman emperors, etc., 
at Monte de Santo Ovidio, Castro de 
Eiras, Monte de Castello, etc., in 
Northern Portugal. 

Olshausen (O.) Eisengewinnung in 
vorgeschichtlicher Zeit. (Z. f. Eth- 
nol., Berlin, 1909, xli, 60-72, 86-107, 
8 fgs.) Treats of the prehistoric 
" iron works " at Tarxdorf in Silesia 
(here iron was obtained in the form 
of soft not-smelted material ; the 
large number of " furnaces " is ac- 
counted for by each having been used 
but once), the so-called " iron-fur- 
naces " in the Neckar district of 
Wiirttemberg, etc. Also the obtain- 
ing of fusible iron in crucibles and 
its geographical distribution. In the 
discussion Hr. Busse spoke of iron 
in prehistoric times in Brandenburg, 
Hr. Krause exhibited photographs of 
the Tarxdorf furnaces and replied to 
O.'s claim that actual smelting had not 
occurred there, Hr. Giebeler treated 
the question of hard and soft iron, 
the amount of iron used in Solomon's 
Temple, etc., Hr. P. Staudinger 
called attention to Lemaire's account 
of iron-furnaces in the Katanga re- 
gion of the Congo State, Hr. v. 
Luschan reiterated his conclusions, 
and A. Schliz spoke of the " smelt- 
ing pits " (not " iron furnaces ") of 
the Neckar country. See v. Lus- 
chan (F.) and Grosse (H,). 

P. Zur Anthropologic der Georgier in 
Kartalinien und Kachetien. (Globus, 
Brnschwg., 1908, xciv, 33S-337-) 
Resumes the anthropological data in 
A. N. Dzavachoo's Antropologogija 
Gruzii (Moscow, 1908), giving the 
results of investigations of 400 indi- 
viduals in Kartalinia and Kachetia 
in 1903-1905. The Georgian is of 
prevailing (54%) dark type, brachy- 
cephalic (only 2% dolichocephalic), 
medium stature. 

P. Slawisches. (Ibid., 208.) Resumes 
some of the data in Prof T. J. Flor- 
inskii's Slavianskoie plemia (The Sla- 
vonic People), a statistical-ethno- 
graphical apergti of the Slavs of to- 
day (Kiev, 1907). The total num- 
ber of Slavs is 148,521,000, of which 
107,496,000 are in the Russian Em- 
pire, 45,000 in Italy, and 3,104,000 in 
the United States (2% of all). The 
Greek church counts 103,740,000, the 
Roman Catholic 34,298,000, the Prot- 
estant churches 1,570,000 and the 
Mohammedans 1,175,000 Slavs. Out- 
side the Russian Empire there are 
37.8% of the Slavs. The movement 
of the Slav is now eastward. Since 
the 9th century the German, Hun- 
garian and Rumanian " islands " 
have kept the Slavs divided into two 
sections, a northwest and a south- 

Pale (J.) Sur les deux petites iles de 
Houat et Hoedic. (Bull. Soc. d'An- 
throp. de Paris, 1909, v"^ S., x, 5-9.) 
Resumed from L'Agriculture Nou- 
velle. Notes on population, houses, 
animals, vegetation, graves, indus- 
tries, etc. There are a number of 
interesting megaliths on the islands 
off the coast of Morbihan. In the 
discussion, MM. Anthony and Bau- 
douin added other data and M. 
Sebillot called attention to Delalande's 
Houat et Hoedic, published in 1850. 

Pappusch (O.) Inschriften an Kruzi- 
fixen und Bildstocken in Westfalen. 
(Z. d. V. f. Volksk., Berlin, 1908, 
xviii, 433-436.) Gives texts of 24 
inscriptions (one Latin, the rest Ger- 
man) from crucifixes, etc., in shrines 
or on the roads near the villages of 
the Westphalia-Miinster country. 

Patrick (Mary M.) The emancipation 
of Mohammedan women. (Nat. 
Geogr. Mag., Wash., 1909, xx, 42- 
66, 18 pi., I fg.) Treats of the prog- 
ress in freedom of Turkish women, 
particularly as a result of the 
" Young Turkey " revolution of July 
24, 1908. They have been for cen- 
turies property-holders, have fur- 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

nished many writers, developed mid- 
wives, acted as financiers of the 
palace, shown ability along com- 
mercial lines, become their own 
lawyers, practised teaching with suc- 
cess, and are now entering politics, 
having abandoned their veils. 

Peet (T. E.) Prehistoric finds at 
Matera and in South Italy generally. 
(Ann. Arch, and Anthrop., Liverpool, 
1909, II, 72-90, 2 fgs., 4 pi.) Gives 
an account (after Ridola, Patroni, 
Mayer, etc.) of the cave-dwellings 
and burials of the neolithic period 
in the Grotta dei Pipistrelli, the 
Murgia Timone and other intrenched 
sites, the hut-foundations of Serro 
d'Alto (neolithic), the graves of the 
bronze age at the Murgia Timone, 
cist-graves of Murgia Timone, cre- 
mation necropolis of Monte Timmari, 
etc. The pottery of Matara (7 types) 
is especially considered. The antiqui- 
ties of Matara extend almost un- 
broken from the neolithic age to the 
Greek period. 

Peixoto (R.) As filigranas. (Portu- 
galia, Porto, 1908, 11, 540-579, S3 
fgs.) Treats in detail of filagree 
work (rings, pendants and ear-rings, 
beads and necklaces, crosses, collars, 
stars, crucifixes, reliquaries, hearts, 
enamels, bracelets, etc.), its history, 
technique, objects and ornaments 
manufactured, accessories (stone, en- 
amels, etc.), uses and customs con- 
nected with ornaments, etc., in Por- 

Os pucareiros de Ossella. (Ibid., 

653.) Note on the makers of the 
black pucaros and their ceramic art 
now in process of disappearing. 

Contos populares de animals. 

(Ibid., 660.) Three brief animal 
tales (wolf and she-fox, she-fox and 
cat, nightingale). 

As exploragoes da cividade de 

Terroso e do Castro de Laundos, no 
Concelho da Povoa de Varzim. 
(Ibid., 677-680, 4 portr., 3 fgs.) 
Notes on the extensive explorations 
in 1906-1907 of Terroso patronized 
by Sr A. F. dos Santos Graga, and 
of Laundos under the auspices of 
Sr Dr D. Alves, the results of which 
are soon to be published. 

O homem da maga. (Ibid., 676- 

677, I fg.) Treats of " the man with 
the club," a stone statue from Santa 
Cruz do Bispo, — probably a figure of 
a warrior. 

Pessler (W.) Die Abarten des altsach- 
sischen Bauernhauses. Ein Beitrag 

zur deutschen Ethno-Geographie. 
(Arch. f. Anthrop., Brnschwg., 1908, 
N. F., vni, 157-182, 23 fgs.) De- 
tailed account of the varieties of the 
Old Saxon peasant-houses (peculiari- 
ties of construction, with distribution- 
map of 6 varieties ; 9 varieties of 
plan, with map of distribution). The 
transitional and mixed forms are in- 
dications of the degree of ethnic mix- 
ture, etc. The Saxon house is co- 
extensive with Saxon art,— the do- 
main of purest Saxondom includes 
the region of the unraised " Kiib- 
bunghaus " and the uninfluenced 
" Flettdielenhaus." 

Peyrony (D.) Station prehistorique 
du Ruth, pres Le Moustiers, Dor- 
dogne. Aurignacien, solutreen et mag- 
dalenien. (R. de I'fic. d'Anthrop. de 
Paris, 1909, XIX, 156-176, 8 fgs.) 
The "station " of Ruth represents 
six well-defined strata, each with 
characteristic implements, etc. : Old 
Magdalenian, upper, middle and lower 
Solutrean, upper and middle Aurigna- 
cian. Stone, bone and horn imple- 
ments, etc., are described, — interest- 
ing is a color grinder from the upper 
Aurignacian. This important " sta- 
tion " again proves the pre-Solutrean 
character of the Aurignacian. 

A propos des fouilles de La 

Micoque et des travaux recents parus 
sur ce gisement. (Ibid., 380-382.) 
Resumes recent monographs on the 
finds in the quaternary strata of La 
Micoque in the valley of the Vezere, 
by Peyrony, Hauser, Obermaier, etc. 
P. considers the facts support his 
views against Hauser. 

Pinho (J.) Castros do concelho de 
Amarante. (Portugalia, Porto, 1908, 
II, 673-675, 27 fgs.) Fourth sec- 
tion treating of the ceramic remains, 
pits, excavations, etc., at Castello 

Pires (A. T.) Os pregoes d'Elvas. 
(Ibid., 654-660.) Texts and music 
of 25 cries of street-venders in Elvas, 
6 from Lisbon and 2 from Porta- 
legre ; 18 other Lisbon street-cries 
are given by A. Merea in the Se- 
roes for April, 1906. 

Ploy (H.) Zur Anthropologie des 
oberen Salzachgebietes. (Mitt. d. 
Anthrop. Ges. in Wien, 1908, xxxviii, 
324-367, 2 fgs., 12 tables). Gives 
details of measurements, color of 
body, eyes, hair, etc., of 423 men 
(48 Tirolese, 59 half-Tirolese, and 
316 from Pinzgau) from the Ober- 
pinzgau region of western Austria. 
Some 300 women and few cretins 

Periodical Literature 


were also measured (they are not 
considered in this article), making 
750 or 14% observed out of an adult 
population of 5,500. In stature the 
Tirolese are rather taller than the 
people of Pinzgau, the latter more 
dolichocephalic, — Pinzgau is one of 
the most dolichocephalic regions in 
the Austrian Alps. The inhabitants of 
Pinzgau go back chiefly to already 
mixed Bajuvarian immigrants, but 
the original types have passed over 
almost completely into mixed types 
(head and skull, face), — the com- 
plexion, however, still recalls more 
the Nordic than the dark, round- 
headed type {Homo alpinus). 

Pokomy (J.) Der Ursprung des Drui- 
dentums. (Ibid., 34-50.) Discusses 
the origin of druidism (priesthood, 
magic, cult of the oak, etc.) Accord- 
ing to P., " druidism originated 
among a people, inhabiting the Brit- 
ish Isles before the Celts, a people 
belonging probably to those great 
stocks that occupied Western and 
Southern Europe long before the 
coming of the Indo-Germans." In 
the discussion Much and Goldmann 
treated the etymology of the word 

Polain (E.) Architecture liegoise. 
Les maisons en bois a pignon a 
Liege (B. de I'lnst. Arch. Liegeois, 
1907, xxxvii, 99-121, 4 pl., 5 fgs.) 
Treats of wooden houses of the 
pignon type in Liege. Blue and 
green seem to have been used as 
colors for painting. 

Polivka (G.) Neuere Arbeiten zur 
slawischen Volkskunde. 2. Sudslaw- 
isch. 3. Russisch. (Z. d. V. f. 
Volksk., Berlin, 1908, xviii, 313- 
331.) Brief resumes and critiques of 
recent South Slavonian and Russian 
literature relating to folk-lore : Bos- 
nian, Servian (the Mijatovic'-Debel- 
kovic-Petrovic Customs of the Ser- 
vian Folk is important), Bulgarian, 
Russian (Malevic's collection of 
White Russian songs ; Markov, Mas- 
lov and Bogoslavskii's collection of 
songs from the shores of the White 
Sea ; Charuzin's study of fire-wor- 
ship ; Charuzin's monograph on the 
Slavonic house, 1907; V. Hnatiuk 
and A. Zacenjajer's study of 2830 
love-songs ; M. Dragomanov's studies 
of Little Russian folk-lore and litera- 
ture ; I. Franko's collection of Little 
Russian proverbs from Galicia ; Z. 
Kuzelja's work on the child in cus- 
tom and belief of the people of the 
Ukrain), etc. 

Neuere Arbeiten zur slawischen 

Volkskunde. 2. Siidslawisch. (Ibid., 
317-328.) Brief reviews and cri- 
tiques of recent literature (books, 
articles in periodicals, etc., relating 
to South Slavonic folk-lore : Slove- 
nian (notable is the third volume of 
Strekelj's Slovenian Folk-Songs deal- 
ing with religious songs, etc.), Serbo- 
Croatian (Rozic's work on the Pri- 
gorje country in western Croatia; 
Krauss's work on the folk-lore of 
the South Slavs, etc.), Bulgarian 
(Derzavin's work on the Bulgarian 
colonies in Cherson and Tauris ; 
Jankor's collection of epic and lyric 
folk-songs, 1908), etc. 

Neuere Arbeiten zur slaw- 
ischen Volkskunde. 3. Russisch. 
(Ibid., 441-457.) Brief critiques and 
resumes of recent Russian folk-lore 
literature : The History of Russian 
Literature (Moscow, 1908) by many 
competent hands, treating of folk- 
literature, folk-poetry, etc. ; V. T. 
Miller's Modern Russian Epic Songs 
(Moscow, 1908); N.Y.Gogol's Little 
Russian Folk-Songs (St. Petersburg, 
1908) ; Oncukov's North-Russian 
Marchen (St. Petersburg, 1908) ; the 
third volume of Jakuskin's Custom- 
ary Laiv (Moscow, 1908) ; V. Ander- 
son's History of Sects, etc. (St. Pe- 
tersburg, 1908) ; Zelenin's The Rus- 
sian Plough (1908), etc., are among 
the chief works noted. 

von Preen (H.) Kopfziegel, ein Giebel- 
schmuck aus Oberbaden. (Ibid., 
1908, XVIII, 277-279, 5 fgs.) Brief 
account of hollow tiles with the rep- 
resentation of a human head at one 
end, used as gable-ornaments in the 
region between Freiburg in Baden 
and Basel, — at Miillheim, Eschbach, 
Oberweiler, Niederweiler, etc. 

Spatzenhafen aus Mullheim in 

Baden. (Ibid., 280.) Note on glazed 
pots ("spatzenhafen"), used as 
gable-ornaments on houses in Miill- 
heim, Baden. 

Primrose (J.) Jocelyn of Furness 
and the place-name Glasgow. (Trans. 
Glasgow Archeol. Soc, 1908, n. s., v, 
220-228). Discusses the interpre- 
tation of the name Glasgow given by 
Jocelyn, a monk of the Cistercian 
Abbey of Furness, ca. 1190 A. D. 
P. favors Jocelyn's etymology = 
" dear church," hybrid Latin-Celtic. 

Raymond (P.) Ceramique de I'epoque 
eneolithique en Gaule. (Bull. Soc. 
d'Anthrop. de Paris, 1908, v® s., ix, 
789.) Notes on fragments of pottery 
from a cave in the department of 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

Gard belonging to the period of 
transition from the neolithic to the 
metal age, — the first discovery of the 
kind in southern Gaul. 

Regalia (E.) Ancora sul Cammello 
della Grotta di Zachito, Salerno. (A. 
p. I'Antrop., Firenze, 1908, xxxviii, 
287-298.) Reply to criticisms, etc., 
of L. Pigorini in a recent article in 
the Bollettino di Paletnologia Italtana 
for 1908, concerning R.'s views as to 
the camel of the Zachito cave and its 

Rehsener (M.) Tiroler Volksmein- 
ungen iiber Erdbeben. (Z. d. V. f. 
Volksk., Berlin, 1909, xix, 198-199.) 
Cites folk-ideas from Tirol concern- 
ing earthquakes : Caused by wind, 
rain flowing into oil underground, 
cold, sun, great sea-animal, fire- 
mountain, cracks in rocks, etc. 

Reinach (A. J.) La fleche en Gaule, 
ses poisons et ses contre-poisons. 
(L' Anthropologic, Paris, 1909, xx, 
51-80, 189-206, 10 fgs.) Well-docu- 
mented study of the arrow in ancient 
Gaul (historic, numismatic, ceramic, 
monumental, sculptural, etc., evi- 
dence), of the use of bow and arrow 
in Gaul, and the employment of ar- 
rows tipped with poison. 

Reinhard (W.) Eine Manuskriptkarte 
der Britischen Inseln aus dem 16. 
Jahrhundert. (Globus, Brnschwg., 
1909, xcvi, 1-2, I pi.) Reproduces 
and briefly describes a MS. map of 
the British Isles (now in the British 
Museum), dating from the middle of 
the i6th century (later than 1534, 
earlier than 1546). The map is 
notable as representing the whole 
island group. 

Renard (L.) Rapport sur les re- 
cherches et les fouilles executees en 
1907 par rinstitut Archeologique 
Liegeois. (B. de I'lnst. Arch. Liege- 
ois, 1907, XXXVII, 361-370, I fg.) 
Notes on a tumulus(?) at Om- 
bret-Rausa, finds of pottery, tiles, 
etc., at Jupille, Belgo-Roman tomb 
at Borsu (see Henaux, P.) and 
burial-place at Tourinne-la-Chaussee 
(also other remains at Chardeneux), 
Belgo-Roman tumulus at Sohert- 
Tinlot, etc. 

Reymond (M.) Cas de sorcellerie en 
pays fribourgeois au quinzieme 
siecle. (Arch, suisses d. Trad. Pop., 
Bale, 1909, XIII, 81-94.) Gives details 
of five trials for witchcraft in 1458, 
1461, 1464, 1477, 1498, in the Frei- 
burg district. In two cases, at least, 
the accused were burned at the stake. 

The sentences in the others are not 

Ridgeway (W.) The relation of an- 
thropology to classical studies. (J. 
R. Anthrop. Inst., Lond., 1909, xxxix, 
10-25.) Points out the valuable re- 
sults of the comparison of the ma- 
terial remains of Greece and Rome 
and those of savage peoples. Origin 
of Greek and Roman coin weights 
(barley-corn as unit), effects of 
Mycenean discoveries, Greek tragedy 
(riddle of lock of hair and foot- 
prints in clay found by Electra), 
elucidation of Homer, Herodotus and 
other ancient writers of Greece and 
Rome, are discussed. Aid given by 
anthropology and language to litera- 
ture emphasized. 

Robertson (D. J.) Orkney folk-lore 
notes. (Ork. and Shetld. Old-Lore 
Miscell., Lond., 1909, 11, 105, 109.) 
Notes on " Finn men," fishermen's 
superstitions, butter-charm, fairies, 

Roediger (E.) Allerlei aus Rollsdorf 
bei Hohnstedt, Mansfelder Seekreis. 
(Z, d. Ver. f. Volksk., Berlin, 1909, 
XIX, 439-440.) Notes on folk-festi- 
vals, wedding and house-lore (luck 
and ill-luck), plant and animal super- 
stitions, etc. 

Rona-Sklarek (Elisabet). Ungarische 
Marchen. (Ibid., 92-95.) Continued 
from Bd. xii and xvii, Nos. 5-6 of 
Hungarian tales (German text only) : 
How long lasts the widow's vow? 
The purse found on the %vay to 

Rossat (A.) Proverbes patois. Re- 
cueillis dans le Jura bernois cath- 
olique. (Arch, suisses d. Trad. Pop., 
Bale, 1909, III, 31-48.) Last section, 
Nos. 226-423 of proverbs from the 
Catholic region of the Bernese Jura, 
phonetic patois text, with versions in 
literary French. The localities rep- 
resented are Mettemberg, Develier, 
Porrentruy and Ajoie, Delemont, 
Soyhieres, Franches-Montagnes, etc. 

Sampaio (A.) Os povoas maritimas 
do norte de Portugal. Capitulo III. 
O mar livre. (Portugalia, Porto, 
1908, II, 580-604.) Historico-eth- 
nographical notes on the peoples of 
the northern coast of Portugal, — 
Atrio, Varzim, Porto, etc. 

Sampson (J.) Welsh Gypsy folk-tales. 
(T. Gypsy Lore Soc, Liverpool, 1908, 
N. s., I, 258-270.) Gypsy text and 
English versions of " The Green 
Man," belonging in the cycle of 
Campbell of Islay's " Battle of the 

Periodical Literature 


Birds," and Conor Maguire's " The 
Man with the Bags," etc. 

A hundred Shelta sayings. 

(Ibid., 272-277.) Collected in Liver- 
pool about 17 years ago, chiefly from 
two old Irish tinkers. Nos. 1-78 
" little sayings," 79-89 proverbs, 90- 
100 wishes, good and evil. 

dos Santos Rocha (A.) Estagoes pre- 
romanas da idade do ferro nas visen- 
hancas da Figueira. Parte 2". O 
Crasto. Parte 3". Choes e Pardinhei- 
ros. (Portugalia, Porto, 1908, 11, 493- 
516, 2 fgs., 6 pi.) Second and third 
parts of monograph treating of the 
pre-Roman " stations " of the iron 
age in the neighborhood of Figueira, 
Crasto in particular : Topography and 
archeological stratigraphy, fortifica- 
tions and dwellings, metal objects 
found (evidence of iron forging, 
lance-base, hook or clasp, etc. ; 
bronze weapons, including a dagger, 
the only one reported so far from 
Lusitania, fibulae and other imple- 
ments and ornaments, a fine small 
sheet of copper, a small ring of tin, 
and a piece of lead left over from 
casting), pottery (less common at 
Crasto than at Santa Olaya ; indigen- 
ous pottery of primitive type and 
exotic wheel-made ; hand-made exotic 
vases, pottery of local manufacture 
modified under influence of exotic 
models), objects of glass (beads, 
fragment of small vase of the sort 
generally held to be of Egypto-Phe- 
nician origin), stone (portions of 
mill-stones, spheroidal piece of 
quartz with pits, stone pestles, etc.), 
horn and bone (holders for small 
objects, made of stag-horn or long 
bones of animals), kitchen-refuse, 
etc. The author concludes that the 
" stations " of Santa Olaya, Crasto, 
and Choes belong to the Marnean or 
La Tene I period of the iron age, 
with considerable evidence of Ibero- 
Punic influences coming from the 
southern part of peninsula by sea, 
and with the Punic element some 
traces of Etruria and the eastern 

Savoy (H.) La flore fribourgeoise et 
les traditions populaires. (Schw. 
Arch. f. Volksk., Basel, 1909, xiii, 
176-190.) Treats of the folk-lore 
of the flora of Friburg, Christmas 
and New Year (the year begins Dec. 
25), activities of winter-time, spring, 
etc. The folk-names of plants, their 
uses, etc., are given, — also rites and 
ceremonies connected therewith, cus- 

toms and plays of children, etc. ; the 
festival of St John ; poisons, etc. 

Saxby (J. M. E.) Shetland names for 
animals, etc. I. Animals. (Ork. and 
Shetld. Old Lore Ser., Lond., 1909, 
Miscell., II, 168-170.) List of some 
80 names of beasts and birds, with 
notes. The diver is called hedder- 
con-dunk from the children's game of 
see-saw. The name brodda, implying 
perfect motherhood, is taken from 
bod, a mother-goose. 

ScheU (O.) Der Donnerbesen in 
Natur, Kunst und Volksglauben. (Z. 
d. Ver. f. Volksk., Berlin, 1909, xix, 
429-432.) Treats of certain parasitic 
growths on tree-branches, known in 
Germany as Donnerbesen, being pop- 
ularly ascribed to lightning strokes ; 
also to the elves, etc. In house-archi- 
tecture they are imitated as a pro- 
tection against lightning, etc. 

Die Entwicklung des bergischen 

Hauses. (Ibid., 1-12, 4 fgs.) 
Sketches the Berg house in its de- 
velopment from the year 1500 down 
to the present. It is a Low German 
house in origin, — a form of house 
with a hearth-fire, contrasted with 
the High German two-fire house 
{Herd, Ofen). The best type of the 
L. G. peasant house, out of which 
by organic transformation the Berg 
house has arisen, is the Low Saxon 
house of the heath-country. Local 
coloring has also occurred. In the 
middle of the i8th century a great 
change, due to industrial develop- 
ment, took place, and imitation of 
French style. The Berg house is 
interesting as having been the basis 
of the so-called " colonial style " in 

Bergische Trachten. (Glo- 
bus, Brnschwg., 1909, xcv, 231-235, 
248-252, II fgs.) Treats of folk 
dress and ornament in the former 
duchy of Berg, past and present. 
The blue frock, the woman's cap, the 
" bride-crown " (to be worn by the 
chaste only), the Boschtlappen (vest), 
wooden shoes, etc., are noted. The 
iron-ware workmen, the knife-grind- 
ers, blacksmiths, carters, weavers, 
milk-men, young recruits, etc., had 
all their characteristic dress and or- 
naments. The Berg folk-costume has 
been influenced essentially on the one 
side from the Rhine region (form- 
erly Franconian) and on the other 
from Saxon Westphalia. 

Schenck (A.) £tude sur I'anthropolo- 
gie de la Suisse. II. (Bull. Soc. 

Journal of American Folk-Lore 

Neuchat. de Geogr., 1908, xix, 5-57, 
4 pi.) Treats, with details of meas- 
urements, of human remains from 
neolithic caves and burial-places 
(Schweizersbild, Dachsenbiiel, Cham- 
blandes) and of the human races of 
Swiss neolithic period (lake-dwell- 
ings, burial-places), — pigmies, race of 
Baumes-Chaudes-Cro-Magnon, n e - 
groid races of Grimaldi, neolithic 
brachycephals, neolithic dolicho- 
cephals of northern origin, most of 
which are represented even now in 
Switzerland. The short skeletons of 
Chamblandes are not pigmies. The 
negroid type of Grimaldi does not 
represent mere erratic individuals. 
The brachycephals are of Asiatic {via 
the Danube) origin. A third part, 
dealing with man in Switzerland in 
the bronze and iron ages and in 
historic times, is to follow. 
Schliz (A.) Die Frage der Zuteilung 
der spitznackigen dreieckigen Stein- 
beile zu bestimmten neolithischen 
Kulturkreisen in Siidwest-Deutsch- 
land. (Korr.-Bl. d. D. Ges. f. An- 
throp., Brnschwg., 1908, xxxix, 92- 
96, I fg.) Discusses the relation of 
the triangular top-pointed stone-axes 
to the neolithic culture-areas of S. W. 
Germany, Grosgartach, Rossen, lake- 
Schmidt (H.) Der Bronzefund von 
Canena, Saalkreis. (Z. f. Ethnol., 
Berlin, 1909, xli, 125-127, i fg.) 
Brief account of a dagger and a so- 
called " Schwertstab " of bronze, fine 
specimens of the oldest Norse bronze 
age of Montelius, part of a depot find 
made years ago at Canena near Halle 
on the Saal. A detailed account will 
appear in the Pr'dhistorische Zeit- 
Schmidt (R. R.) Die spateiszeitlichen 
Kulturepochen in Deutschland und 
die neuen palaolithischen Funde. 
(Korr.-Bl. d. D. Ges. f. Anthrop., Brn- 
schwg., 1908, XXXIX, 7S-S2, 15 fgs.) 
Treats specially of the late glacial 
culture-epochs in Germany in con- 
nection with recent paleolithic finds : 
Beuron in the valley of the upper 
Danube (late diluvial; weapons, im- 
plements, etc., of last paleolithic 
epoch) ; Wildscheuer near Steeden 
a. d. Lahn (important for the Aurig- 
nacian age in Germany), etc. Ac- 
cording to S., the late Magdalenian 
is represented by the finds at Hohle- 
fels, Schmiechenfels, Propstfelsen, 
Ofnet, Andernach ; the middle Mag- 
dalenian at Schussenried, Hohlefels, 
Andernach ; the early Magdalenian at 

Bockstein, Sirgenstein, Niedernau, 
Hohlefels near Schelklingen, Wild- 
scheuer ; the later Solutrean at Sir- 
genstein ; the older Solutrean at 
Ofnet, Sirgenstein, Bockstein ; the 
late Aurignacian at Sirgenstein, Of- 
net, Wildscheuer ; the middle Aurig- 
nacian at Sirgenstein, Ofnet, Bock- 
stein, Wildscheuer ; the early Aurig- 
nacian at Sirgenstein ; the late Mou- 
sterian at Sirgenstein, Irpfelhohle. 
The first evidences of ornamentation 
appear in the middle Aurignacian, — 
of the rich glyptic period (beginning 
in the West in the early Aurignacian) 
there is no trace. Worthy of note is 
the Magdalenian bird's head on stag- 
antler from Andernach. In none of 
the many caves in the Swiss, Fran- 
conian and Swabian Jura, on the 
Rhine and in central Germany, did 
the author find any evidence of the 
" cave art " (wall-drawings, etc.) of 
the West. 
Schneider (L.) Steinzeitliche Gefass- 
malerei in Bdhmen. (Z. f. Ethnol., 
Berlin, 1908, xl, S13-SIS, 2 fgs.) 
Treats of early neolithic painting on 
pottery from Bohemia (Sarka valley, 
Podbaba, Vinor, etc.). The painted 
pottery of the stone age is not only 
a pre-Mycenean culture-item, but, ac- 
cording to H. Schmidt, perhaps a 
contributing factor to the develop- 
ment of Mycenean vase-painting. Its 
appearance in neolithic Bohemia is of 
great interest. The characteristic 
ornaments are volutes. Except on 
the large vessels from the Sarka val- 
ley (where white and red were used) 
the painting was done with black 
pitch, applied while the vessel was 
still hot. 
Schnippel (E.) Volkskundliches aus 
dem Danziger W^erder. (Z. d. V. f. 
Volksk., Berlin, 1909, xix, 158-170.) 
Cites from Frau J. Wust's Erinner- 
ungen einer alten Werderanerin, 
which appeared during 1907-1909 in 
the Wednesday supplement (" Heimat 
u. Welt ") of the " Danziger Zeit- 
ung," items of folk-lore : House (the 
" older Werderhouse " is West Prus- 
sian) and Vorlanbenhans, seasons 
(harvest-festival, " Bullpulsted "), 

wedding-feasts, titles (of a peculiar 
sort due, possibly, to Polish influ- 
ence), etc. 
Schonbach (A. E.) Die Bereitung der 
Osterkerzen im Mittelalter. (Ibid., 
1908, XVIII. 426-428.) Cites from a 
German MS. of the 15th century in 
Basel an account of the preparation 

Periodical Literature 


of Easter tapers. Four ways of 
making new light are mentioned. 
Schuchardt (C.) Die Bauart unserer 
germanischen Graber der Stein- und 
Bronzezeit. (Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 
1908, XL, 813-819.) Based on in- 
vestigation in 1905 of the 4 mega- 
lithic graves at Grundoldendorf in 
the district of Stade, Dr Gotze's finds 
at Langenstein, etc. S. thinks that 
the wooden " round graves " of the 
bronze period continue the archi- 
tectonic tradition of the stone 
" round graves " of the stone age. 
The " round grave " itself is only an 
imitation of the old European round 
huts (cf. those still in use among 
the Kabyles, Wassukuma, etc., in 
Africa). The stone pillar on these 
graves is no phallus, but the top of 
the old center-post of the hut, still 
easily recognizable. The stone-cham- 
ber graves are clan or family graves. 
In the discussion Hr. Kossinna dif- 
fered from S. 

Grabungen auf der Romer- 

schanze. (Ibid., 830.) Note on the 
excavations at the so-called " Romer- 
schanze " (corrupted from " Rauber- 
schanze"). — the old name is " K6- 
nigschanze," near Potsdam, a forti- 
fication of old German origin. 

— — Ausgrabungen auf der Romer- 
schanze bei Potsdam 1908. (Ibid., 
127-133, 4 fgs.) Resumes excava- 
tions of 1908. The fortification was 
built and inhabited in the last cen- 
turies B. C., and from the old Teu- 
tons it passed over, probably by con- 
quest, to the Slavs. 

Neues von Befestigungen der 

Oberlausitz. (Ibid., 1909, xli, 508- 
510.) Notes on recent investigations 
of ancient fortifications in Upper Lu- 
satia, — on the Protschenberg (re- 
mains of stone wall, with pre-Slav- 
onic pottery fragments), on Mt 
Lobau (pre-Slavonic remains only), 
on the Stromberg near Weissenberg, 

Schulze (F.) Die geographische und 
ethnographische Bedeutung von 
Springer's " Meerfahrt " vom Jahre 
1509. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1909, 
xcvi, 28-32.) Cites from the ac- 
count of Balthasar Springer's voyage 
with the Portuguese fleet to India 
(round Africa) and back in 1505- 
1506, published in 1509 ; items of eth- 
nographic and ethnologic interest and 
value. References to Guanches of 
the Canaries ; Bissagos Is. (trade of 
Negroes ; probably the first reference 
to Aggri beads, the Cristallein of 

Springer, said to be introduced by 
the Portuguese) ; Guinea (Springer's 
reference to the gold bracelets and 
anklets of the Negroes indicates the 
antiquity of the gold-work of Upper 
Guinea), Algoa's (Springer's descrip- 
tion of the natives here includes the 
notes on the Hottentots and Kaf- 
firs ; the people seen were probably 
Hottentots, — this is the first account 
of the Hottentots in German) ; Mom- 
basa (traces of African elephant tam- 
ing), India, etc. This valuable little 
pamphlet has been reprinted with 
introduction, etc., by Schulze, as Bal- 
thasar Springer's Indienfahrt 1505/06 
(Strassburg, 1902). 
Schiitte (O.) Vier Liebesbriefe einer 
Braunschweigerin vom Jahre 1642 
and 1643. (Z. d. Ver. f. Volksk., 
Berlin, 1909, xix, 423-426.) Text 
of 2 love-letters in prose and 2 others 
in verse, of Anna Rodewolts of the 
city of Brunswick in 1642-1643. 
Schwalbe (G.) Entgegnung auf den 
Artikel von Stolyhwo : Zur Frage der 
Existenz von Ubergangsformen 
zwischen H. primigenius und H. 
sapiens. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1909, 
xcv, 29-30.) Schwalbe holds against 
S., that the Nowosiolka skull does 
not represent a transitional form be- 
tween H. primigenius and H. sapiens, 
but clearly belongs to the latter. 
Schweisthal (M.) Das belgische 
Bauernhaus in alter und neuer Zeit. 
(Mitt. d. Anthrop. Ges. in Wien, 
1908, xxxviii, 295-311.) Resumes 
the chief data in the author's recent 
monograph on the Belgian peasant 
house past and present, Histoire de 
la maison rurale en Belgique et dans 
les contrees voisines (Bruxelles, 
1907). The Belgian peasant house 
belongs generally with the Fran- 
conian type, one of the three basal 
forms developing from the common 
Teutonic one-room house. Only in 
Liege and Luxemburg does Aleman- 
nic influence make itself felt. The 
oldest pictures of Belgian houses are 
in the Veil rentier d'Audenarde, a 
MS. of the latter part of the 13th 
century now in the Brussels Library. 
The glass window appears towards 
the end of the i6th century as a new 
factor and on the manufacture of 
glass have depended many of the 
subsequent advances and alterations 
in the Belgian house. In western 
Belgium occurs the characteristic 
cheminee flamande. Archaic houses 
may be found especially in Sluys, 
near Moll in the province of Ant- 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

werp. The influence of city style 
(Brussels) is easily seen in Brabant, 

Servia and Montenegro. (Nat. Geogr. 
Mag., Wash., 1908, xix, 774-789, 3 
fgs., 12 pi.) The illustrations treat 
of Servian, Bosnian, Montenegrin, 
and Gypsy types, street-scenes, etc. 

Sharp (C. J.) Some characteristics of 
English folk-music. (Folk-Lore, 

Lond., 1908, XIX, 132-152.) English 
folk-music is characterized by being 
in large part cast in modes (a prima 
facie evidence of its folk-origin), or 
natural scales; by having irregular 
time and rhythm ; by possessing the 
non-harmonic passing note; and by 
having one note only to each syllable 
of the words. Many examples are 

Sidgwick (F.) "The Bitter Withy" 
ballad. (Ibid., 190-200.) Gives sev- 
eral new texts with comparative 

Simon (A.) Nochmals das polnische 
Original des Volksliedes ' An der 
Weichsel gegen Osten.' (Z. d. Ver. 
f. Volksk., Berlin, 1909, xix, 421- 
423.) Cites 4 versions of the Polish 
song, ' Tarn na blonin ' by F. Ko- 
walski ( 1 799-1 862), which has be- 
come a folk-song. See Bartolomaus 


Siret (L.) Les Cassiterides et I'em- 
pire colonial des Pheniciens. (L'An- 
thropologie, Paris, 1909, xx, 129-166, 
283-328, 69 fgs.) Second and third 
parts of discussion of the Cassiterides 
in relation to the Phenician empire. 
S. seeks to identify the Cassiterides 
with the Morbraz Is., and to find 
traces in Armorica of the Phenician 
commerce in tin, by the medium of 
Iberia. The palm and teal symbols, 
cuttlefish, double-axe, etc., are treated. 

Smith (G. C. M.) " Straw-bear Tues- 
day." (Folk-Lore, Lond., 1909, xix, 
202-203, 2 pi.) Note on the leading 
of " straw-bears " (men or boys) 
still surviving at Whittlesey, Cam- 
bridgeshire (Jan. 12, 1909). 

Smith (H. M.) Brittany, the land of 
the sardine. (Nat. Geogr. Mag., 
Wash., 1909, XX, 541-573. II fgs-. 
12 pi.) Contains notes on Bretons 
(temperament, family life and cus- 
toms, houses, position of women, in- 
dustries of farms, fishing, churches, 
markets, menhirs of Concanean and 
Carnac, pardons, etc.). The illustra- 
tions (house and interior, women 
grain-threshers, sea-weed gatherers, 
country-carts, sardine-sorting, mar- 
keting, menhir, pardons, peasant 
types) are of ethnologic value. 

Smith (W. G.) Paleolithic implement 
found near the British Museum. 
(Man, Lond., 1909, ix, 88, i fg.) 
Describes and figures a fine flint tool 
discovered in 1902 while a drain was 
being repaired in Woburn place. It 
" agrees well with the famous Gray's 
Inn implement found in the 17th 

Dewlish " eoliths " and the Ele- 

plias meridionalis. (Ibid., 113-114, 
I pi.) Argues against the acceptance 
of the view that the " eoliths " found 
at Dewlish in Dorset are of pliocene 
date and contemporary with the E. 

" Eoliths." (Ibid., 1908, viii, 

49-53. I pl., 4 fgs.) Treats of early 
searches on the plateaux of the East 
of England (Prigg), the Dunstable 
plateau, the contorted drift, " eo- 
liths," " eoliths " on the Dunstable 
plateau. According to S., nine out of 
ten " eoliths " are " natural stones 
not intentionally touched by man," 
while " the minority are of human 
origin, but of well-known paleolithic 
or neolithic forms." Also, " there is 
no evidence that any of the minor 
paleolithic forms, often termed ' eo- 
liths,' are as old as the boulder clay." 

Sokeland (H.) Dunkelfarbige Marien- 
bilder. (Z. d. V. f. Volksk., Berlin, 
1908, XVIII, 281-295, 9 fgs.) Treats 
of figures, etc., of the Virgin Mary, 
in which she is represented with a 
black or dark-brown skin. These oc- 
cur in various parts of Catholic Eu- 
rope (in Russia : Chenstochov, Mos- 
cow, Kasan ; France : Puy-de-D6me, 
Rodez, Toulouse, etc. ; Germany and 
Switzerland : Einsiedeln, Alt-Ottin- 
gen, Breslau, Cologne, Wiirzburg. 
This " black Madonna and Child " is 
thus not rare. The oldest figures of 
the Madonna in the catacombs of 
Rome show no traces of black. Con- 
trary to Pommerol (Bull. Soc. d'An- 
throp. de Paris, igoi), who attributes 
the " black Madonnas " to heathen in- 
fluences upon early Christianity, S. 
holds that their origin is " due to the 
influence of the peculiar painting of 
the monks of Mt Athos." The char- 
acter of the painting was such as 
readily to turn black or nearly so from 
the smoke of long years of altar- 
tapers. Such pictures were then 
copied in black. Citations of the 
methods of the monks are given from 
G. Schafer's Handbnch der Malerei 
vom Berge Athos (Trier, 1855), a 
German version of Didron's Manuel 
d'iconographie chretienne (1845). 

Periodical Literature 


Soltau (W.) Die Entstehung der 
Romuluslegende. (A. f. Religsw. 
Lpzg., 1909, XII, 101-125.) Author 
seeks to prove that the legend of 
the founding of Rome by Romulus is 
not a Roman folk-story, but was de- 
rived from the Tyro of Sophocles 
through the Alimonia of Naevius, and 
the later efforts of Fabius, the Roman, 
and Diokles, the Greek. The name 
Rome itself is of Tuscan origin 
{Ramos). The she-wolf with the 
children is of Campanian, or Hel- 
lenistic provenance, — the idea was 
copied by the Romans from Cam- 
panian coins. The she-wolf in the 
Lupercal is older than the twins. The 
Romulus story has been fancifully de- 
veloped on the basis of simple Greek 
mythological elements and a local 
Roman Sage. 

Sonne, Mond und Sterne im Volks- 
glauben der Kaschuben am Weitsee, 
Kaschubei. (Globus, Brnschwg., 
1908, xciii, 145-146.) Resumes ar- 
ticle in the Mitt. d. V. f. Kaschiib. 
Volksk. (1908) by J. Gulgowski on 
the sun, moon and stars in Cashubian 
folk-lore. The moon is the dwelling- 
place of Adam and Eve ; the sun is 
the seat of the throne of Jesus 
Christ ; the Milky Way is the guide 
of the birds to foreign lands. 

de Sousa (T. M.) Costumes e tra- 
digoes agricolas do Minho. II. Regi- 
men pastoral dos povos da Serra do 
Gerez. (Portugalia, Porto, 1908, 11, 
646-652.) Notes on pastoral life 
and activities in the Gerez moun- 
tains, — history, special words in use 
(p. 650), contracts, common oil- 
presses, water-rights, plowing, etc. 

Spiegelhalder (O.) Die Glasindustrie 
auf dem Schwarzwald. (Z. d. V. f, 
Volksk., Berlin, 1908, xviii, 267-277, 
7 fgs.) Treats of the glass-making 
industry in the Black Forest, past 
and present, — " factories," varieties 
of glass bottles and vessels made, 
inscriptions, " moon-glasses," work- 
men, salesmen, etc. 

Sprecher (F.) und Stoecklin (Adele), 
Hausinschriften aus dem Schanfigg, 
Graubiinden. (Arch, suisses d. Trad. 
Pop., Bale, 1909, III, 140-145.) Gives 
28 house-inscriptions, dating from the 
beginning of the 18th century to the 
last quarter of the igtii. 

Stiefel (A. L.) Sprichworteranek- 
doten aus Franken. (Z. d. V. f, 
Volksk., Berlin, 1908, xviii, 446- 
449-) Gives 7 anecdotes from the 
valley of the Saale in Franconia, told 

to illustrate the meaning of certain 
proverbial expressions. 
Stiickelberg (E. A.) Bekleidung der 
Andachtsbilder. (Schw. Arch. f. 
Volksk., Basel, 1909, xiii, 191-195, 
2 fgs., 2 pi.) Notes on the clothing 
of images for worship (ancient 
Egypt, Middle Ages, etc.), particu- 
larly in modern Switzerland, the 
Virgins of Einsiedein, Marienstein, 

S. Expedit. (Ibid., 195-199, i 

fg.) Treats of the name, attributes, 
worship, etc., of St Expeditus (" pre- 
pared," i. e., for martyrdom), whose 
adoration (he is not the subject of 
an early Christian or even medieval 
cult) in Italy and France (Lourdes, 
Marseilles, Pornichet) does not go 
back beyond the 18th century. 

Teixeira (T.) Ethnographia Trans- 
montana. Agriculture, Concelho de 
Moncorvo. (Portugalia, Porto, 1908, 
II, 627-638.) Treats of agriculture 
in the district of Moncorvo : Plow- 
ing and cultivation, agricultural im- 
plements (trado, jugo, carro, grade, 
trilho), harvesting, weather lore (20 
proverbs and sayings, p. 632) ; ar- 
boriculture (vine and olive) ; apicul- 
ture, sericulture, cattle, etc. 

Tetzner (F.) Zur litauischen Sprich- 
worterpoesie. (Globus Brnschwg., 
1908, xciii, 63-65.) Gives the Ger- 
man text of some 200 old and new 
Lithuanian proverbs, with interpre- 
tations when the sense is not clear). 
These proverbs exhibit the poetry 
and folk-sense of the Lithuanians 
(they were first called to the atten- 
tion of the literary and scientific 
world by Schleicher in 1857, in his 
Litaiiische Aldrchen^ Sprichwdrter, 
R'dtsel und Lieder). 

Philipponische Legenden. (Ibid., 

1908, xciv, 117-119, 240-243.) Ger- 
man text of 10 legends of the Philip- 
pones, a Slavonic people of East 
Prussia: Creation of the world, The 
war of the angels, The fall of man. 
How the sin of cutting of the beard 
came into the world, The picture 
made by no hand. Origin of the 
Hospodi pomilu (prayer). Erection 
of the holy cross, Mary Magdalene 
and St. Nicholas, The archangel 
Michael and his conflict with Satan, 
St. George. The source is the Mss. 
of Martin Gerss (d. 1895), teacher 
and clergyman, who collected much 
folk-lore material concerning his 

Biirgerliche Verhaltnisse der ost- 

preussischen Philipponen zur Zeit 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

ihrer Einwanderung. (Ibid., 325- 
329, 351-354-) Cites from the Mss. 
of Gerss details concerning the so- 
cial and religious life of the Philip- 
pones at the time of their immigra- 
tion : Objection to military service 
and cutting the beard; objection to 
certain forms of oath ; wills and 
inheritance, police, family-names ; 
prohibition of tobacco, drugs, physi- 
cians ; foods and drinks ; clothing ; 
dwellings and furniture, etc. 

Erzgebergische Hiitereime. (Ibid., 

1909, xcv, 30-31.) Cites from E. 
John's Aberglauhe. Sitte und Branch 
im s'dchsischen Erzgebirge (Anna- 
berg, 1909) and from his own ex- 
perience specimens of rhymes of the 
herdsmen and shepherds of the Erz- 
gebirge, used in driving cattle, etc. 

Wurzeltalismane. (Ibid., 126- 

127.) Notes on root-talismans 
(snake-root among Sioux Indians, 
Japanese, etc.; Europe in i6th cen- 
tury). Ciites letter of 1550 A. D. re- 
lating to a root-talisman for stop- 
ping the flow of blood, used by prin- 
ces of that day. 

Teutsch (J.) Neue Funde aus Sieben- 
biirgen. (Stzbg. d. Anthrop. Ges. in 
Wien, 1907-1908, 34-36, 2 fgs.) 
Notes on finds from Miihbach, Deut- 
sch-Pian (pottery, neolithic axes), 
Kapolna (Roman coins, beads), 
Hatzeg (bronze figure of Dacian 
origin, a copy of Greek), Schass- 
burg (pottery), Sachsisch-Nadesch 
(bronze needle and spear-point), 
Erosd (a pottery-factory of prehis- 
toric times), etc. 

Thielemann (R.) Ein Barmutter-Se- 
gen. (Hess Bl. f. Volksk., Lpzg., 
1908, VIII, 135-137.) Discusses an 
incantation for pregnancy (from a 
Hamburg newspaper of 1908), part 
of which goes back to the nth 

Thilenius (G.) Tatigkeit der anthro- 
pologischen Kommission. (Korr.-Bl. 
d. D. Ges. f. Anthrop,, Brnschwg., 
1908, XXXIX, 92.) Notes that 150 
hospitals in the German Empire have 
declared their readiness to furnish 
material for anthropological investi- 
gation. The authorities in Prussia, 
Bavaria, Wiirttemberg and Saxony, 
agree to permit such investigations 
among soldiers, if no expense be in- 

Thompson (M. S.) Notes from Greece 
and the Egean. (Folk-Lore, Lond., 
1908, XIX, 469-70, I pi.) Evil-eye 
charms of various sorts, etc. 

Tocher (J. F.) Pigmentation survey 
of school children in Scotland. (Bio- 
metrika, Cambridge, Engld., 1908, 
VI, 130-235, y2 tables, 19 diagrams, 
78 maps ; also Appendix, 1-67, 16 
tables, etc.) Gives results of study 
of 502,155 children (boys 251,766, 
girls 244,389) from 2288 schools in 
various parts of Scotland, — records 
of name, age, sex, fraternal and 
cousin relationships, color characters, 
were taken. 

Trojanovic (S.) Eine Ahnung von 
dem Befruchtungsvorgange bei den 
Pflanzen im serbischen Volke. (Glo- 
bus, Brnschwg., 1908, xciii, 382.) 
Note on the Zenite krastavce, bun- 
deve Hi lubenice, or "marriage of the 
cucumbers, pumpkins or melons," as 
the Servian folk term the process 
of scattering over these plants, when 
they begin to blossom, the meadow- 
clover then also in bloom. 

de V. (J.) Materiaes para o inventario 
archeologico do concelho de Baiao. 
(Portugalia, Porto, 1908, 11, 669- 
672.) Notes on the archeological 
remains (with traces of Roman in- 
fluence) at Castro de Porto Manso, 
Castro do Crinto, Castro de Pousada, 
O Castello, Castro de Mantel, O 
Castro, in the district of Baiao ; also 
on the dolmen of Monte da Abo- 
boreira, etc. 

Vauville (O.) Sepulture neolithique 
de Braine, Aisne. (Bull, Soc. d'An- 
throp. de Paris, 1908, v"^ s., ix, 158- 
162, I fg.) Brief account of neo- 
lithic burial place discovered in 1907 
at Braine in the department of Aisne 
and the remains there found (4 skele- 
tons, polished stone axe, several 
earthen vessels, etc.). The grave 
seems to have been neolithic. See 
also p. 275. 

Verworn (M.) Keltische Kunst. 
(Korr.-Bl. d. D. Ges. f. Anthrop., 
Brnschwg., 1909, xl, 21, 12 fgs.) 
Treats of the main characteristics 
of Celtic figurative and ornamental 
art (triquetrum and sun-symbol, 
bow-spiral, etc.) 

Virchow (H.) NeoHthische Wohn- 
platze bei Monsheim in der Pfalz. 
(Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1908, xl, 568.) 
Notes that the Rossen epoch pre- 
ceded that of the spiral pottery. 

Vire (A.) Recherches de prehistoire 
dans le Lot. III. Abri sous roche de 
la " Riviere de Tulle " pres de La- 
cave, Canton de Souillac. (L'An- 
thropologie, Paris, 1909, xx, 273- 
282.) Treats of a Magdalenian rock- 
shelter near Lacave (Souillac), — sit- 

Periodical Literature 


uation and character, implements, 
etc., of flint and stone (scrapers, 
borers, nuclei, pounders, polishers, 
pebbles, coloring matters, etc.), bone 
and horn (arrow and spear heads, 
harpoons, etc.) ornaments and works 
of art (necklaces of shells and beads, 
carved batons — human or simian fig- 
ures), fauna, etc. 

Wagner (M. L.) Das Gennargentu- 
Gebiet. Ein Reisebild aus Sardinien. 
(Globus, Brnschwg., 1908, xciii, 
105-108, 7 fgs.) Account of visit 
in 190S to the Gennargentu region 
of Sardinia, with notes on people, 
etc. Houses, chests and other arti- 
cles of nut-wood, women's costume 
of Aritzo, Busachi, etc., wagons with 
one-piece wheels and ancient methods 
of yoking oxen, plows of the style of 
the time of Virgil, threshing, etc., 
equally antique. 

Das Nuorese. (Ibid., 245-249, 

266-26g, 9 fgs.) Brief description 
of the interesting and picturesque 
region of Nuoro in the heart of 
Sardinia. People (the Nuores moun- 
taineer despises the plainsman), 
dress, songs (thousands of little love- 
songs exist; singers are often young 
girls ; old " death lament," — blood 
revenge not yet extinct ; local song- 
contests), houses and domestic life ; 
" houses of the fairies " — caves of 
which some contain relics of pre- 
historic man ; the " dancing stone " 
of Nuoro ; language (the speech of 
Bitti is the oldest and phonetically 
the most conservative of all Sardinian 
dialects, and it has preserved the old 
Vulgar Latin pronunciation of many 
words unchanged). The viticulture 
of OHena, the nuraghe and domos de 
janas at Onniferi, etc., are also de- 

Wasylewski (S.) Wsprawie wam- 
piryzmu. (Lud, Lwow, 1907, xiii, 
291-298.) Discusses three Polish 
demons, upior, ztnora, strzyga, none 
of which is properly a vampire, — 
belief in the vampire having been 
introduced into folk-lore through 
literary sources. 

Webinger (A.) Tracht und Speise in 
oberosterreichischen Volksliedern. 
(Z. d. Ver, f. Volksk., Berlin, 
1909, XIX, 96-101.) Treats (with 
dialect texts of 4 songs and 
numerous explanatory notes) of dress 
and food in upper Austrian folk- 
songs. One ridicules the dress of 
a vain young woman, another treats 
of the dress of young men and 
women and town-ladies, yet another 
VOL. xxiii. — NO. 87. 7 

compares the food of peasants and 

Wehrhan (K.) Wachsmotive aus Kied- 
rich im Rheingau. (Ibid., 199-201.) 
Lists 18 votive offerings of wax 
(human beings 4 — heart, eye, ear, 
teeth, arm, hand, leg, i each ; horse, 
cow, goat, sheep, pig, i each) from 
Kiedrich, whose church is dedicated 
to St. Valentine and visited by pil- 
grims from both banks of the Rhine. 
These offerings are cast in models 
and not made by hand. 

Rheinische Wachsmotive und 

Weihegaben. (Korr.-Bl. d. D. Ges. 
f. Anthrop., Brnschwg., 1908, xxxix, 
141-143, 2 pi.) Treats of votive 
objects in wax and other material 
(human body, male and female faces, 
breasts, eye, ear, heart, arm, hand, 
leg, foot, tooth " wax-beast," etc.) 
from the shrine of Sayn across the 
Rhine from Coblenz, dating back to 
1201 A. D. In 1509 Sayn had 22,- 
000 pilgrims, and has still many. 
Their use is not entirely confined 
to Catholics. They are sold quite 
cheap in Coblenz. 

Weinitz (F.) Die Schwarzwalder 
Sammlung des Herrn Oskar Spiegel- 
halder auf der Villinger Ausstellung 

1907. (Z. d. V. f. Volksk., Berlin, 

1908, XVIII, 262-267, 2 fgs.) Brief 
account of the Spiegelhalder Black- 
fuest collection at the Villing ex- 
hibition of 1907, particularly the 
" clock-maker's room " and the 
" peasant's room," with their con- 

Weissenberg (S.) Das neugeborene 
Kind bei den siidrussischen Juden. 
(Globus, Brnschwg, 1908, xciii, 85- 
88.) Describes the treatment of the 
new-born child among the South- 
Russian Jews. Defense against 
spirits, bathing, weaning, birth-fes- 
tival (boy 8-days feast ; girl no spe- 
cial festivities), circumcision (on 8th 
day, even if Sabbath ; operation con- 
sists of 3 acts ; still-born children 
and those dying during first week of 
life are circumcised), name-giving, 
redemption ceremony. 

Westermarck (E.) The killing of the 
divine king. (Man, 1908, viii, 22- 
24.) Argues that " the new king is 
supposed to inherit, not the prede- 
cessor's soul, but his divinity or holi- 
ness, which is looked upon in the 
light of a mysterious entity, tempo- 
rarily seated in the ruling sovereign, 
but separable from him and trans- 
ferable to another individual." 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

Cites certain beliefs prevalent among 
the Moors, etc. 
Whistler (C. W.) Sundry notes from 
West Somerset and Devon. (Folk- 
Lore, Lond., 1908, XIX, 88-91.) 
Treats of " hammer and nail " charm, 
split ash-tree, imprisonment of shrew- 
mouse in hole in tree (cure for in- 
fant paralysis), slow-worm, potato- 
cure for rheumatism, hemorrhage 
charm, '' Skimmington riding," treat- 
ment of wife-beaters, etc. 

Local traditions of the Quan- 

tocks. (Ibid., 31-51, map.) Treats 
of effect of Saxon conquest, tradi- 
tions as to Roman camp, dragons, 
conflicts with Danes, ghosts, " hunt- 
ing Judas," the " wild hunt," the 
Devil and the smith, appearances of 
the Devil, pixy legends, etc., in this 
district of West Somerset. 

Wiazemsky (S.) La coloration des 
cheveux, des yeux, et de la peau 
chez les Serbes de la Serbie. (L' An- 
thropologic, Paris, 1909, XX, 353- 
372, 2 maps.) Treats of color of 
hair, eyes and skin in Servians of 
Servia from loyi to 18 H years (and 
over). The dark, light and mixed 
types form, respectively, 56%, 17% 
and 25% of the whole, while with 
the Russians the light type is 42%, 
and with the Bulgarians the dark 
type 63%. The Servians present the 
" purest " of the Slavonic types (the 
basal type is one with dark chest- 
nut hair and brown eyes ; with this 
has mingled another type with blond 
hair and blue eyes, less well de- 
veloped physically and less adapted 
to environment). 

Wide (S.) Grabesspende und Toten- 
schlange. (A. f. Religsw., Lpzg., 
1909, XII, 221-223, 1 pi., I fg.) De- 
scribes a small marble altar from 
Knosos in Crete (now in the Mu- 
seum of Herakleion) on which is de- 
picted the dead man climbing up the 
altar in the form of a serpent and 
feeding from the vessel upon the of- 
ferings left there. Other plastic rep- 
resentations of the serpent on ancient 
Greek vessels are figured. The plas- 
tic and also the painted serpents on 
Dipylon vases may have had a like 


224-233.) Discusses, in connection 
with the recent essay of S. Reinach 
on this topic, an inscription from a 
church at Lindos (Rhodes) and an- 
other from Sunion in Attica. W. 
sees Jewish rather than Orphic in- 

fluence in the reprobation of abor- 
tion in Greco-Roman culture. The 
Xanthian incription, e. g., contains 
sacral and ethical words and expres- 
sions that recur again and again in 
the Septuagint. 

Wiegers (F.) Neue Funde palaolithi- 
scher Artefakte. 2. Aus dem Dilu- 
vium am Grossen Fallstein. (Z. f. 
Ethnol., Berlin, 1908, xl, 543-547, 
3 fgs.) Treats of the geological re- 
lations of the calcareous tufa of Gr. 
Fallstein (animal remains, etc.) and 
describes two artificially shaped flints 
therefrom, indicating the presence of 
man at the northern edge of the 
Harz at the period of the loss. 

Wilke (Dr) Vorgeschichtliche Bezie- 
hungen zwischen Kaukasus und dem 
unteren Donaugebiete ; ein Beitrag 
zum Arierproblem. (Mitt. d. An- 
throp. Ges. in Wien, 1908, xxxviii, 
136-171, 120 fgs.) From considera- 
tion of prehistoric pottery (forms, 
ornamentation), needles, bracelets, 
spirals, sickles, bronze hands, " hand 
figures," skull deformation, pile-dwel- 
lings, etc., Dr W. concludes that 
" soon after the middle of the second 
millennium B. C. Aryan peoples 
from the region of the lower Dan- 
ube north of the Black Sea, ad- 
vanced to the Caucasus, crossing it 
somewhat later, and during the last 
quarter of the millennium spread out 
over all Transcaucasia as far as the 
Araxes. The art of the Caucasus 
that resembles the art of the Dan- 
ube region is thus of European 

Neolithische Keramik und Arier- 

pioblem. (A. f. Anthrop., Brn- 

Schwg., 1909, N. F., Vll, 298-344, 106 

fgs.) Detailed discussion of the pot- 
tery of the neolithic age in relation 
to the Aryan problem. The old 
" Winkelband " pottery (8 chief va- 
rieties of the Hinkelstein type), the 
later " Winkelband " pottery of the 
Rossen, Albsheim and Nierstein 
types, and the " spiral-meander " 
pottery, the bone-amphora, the Bern- 
burg type, the"string" pottery, the bell- 
goblets, etc., their form, ornamenta- 
tion, etc., are considered. Dr Wilke 
favors the " wave theory " of Aryan 
(linguistic) relationship set up by J. 
Schmidt, — with this, according to 
him, the culture-areas of the age of 
the " spiral-meander " pottery corre- 
spond pretty well. A similar " wave- 
theory " for the culture areas of the 
older neolithic is given. Dr W's 
theory that " the formation of defi- 

Periodical Literature 


nite culture-centers during the neo- 
lithic period of Central Europe goes 
hand in hand with the first situation 
of the Indo-Germanic languages 
(Schmidt's ' wave theory ')," would 
give a time-measure for the begin- 
ning of these diflferentiations in 
speech, their order, etc. 

Wolff (G.) Neolithische Brandgraber 
aus der siidlichen Wetterau. (Korr.- 
Bl. d, D. Ges. f. Anthrop., Brnschwg., 
1908, XXXIX, 72-74.) Gives brief 
account of the investigations of 1907- 
1908, in which 36 neolithic crema- 

' tion graves, with finds of flints, 
bones, pottery fragments, ornamented 
stones (also chains of such), etc., 
were discovered, in the south Wet- 
terau region, — Butterstadt, Markobel, 
Kilianstadt, etc. 

Wolkenhauer (A.) Seb. Munster's 
verschollene Karte von Deutschland 
von 1525. (Globus, Brnschwg., 

1908, xciv, 1-6, I pi.) Reproduces 
and describes a copy of the long- 
disappeared map of Germany by 
Sebastian Miinster in 1525, now in 
the National Museum at Niirnberg. 
This is the first map of Germany in 
which the course of the Rhine is 
indicated with any sort of accuracy. 
The map appeared in his Instru- 
ment der Sonnen (1525). 

Woodward (A. M.) A prehistoric 
vase in the Museum of Spalato. 
(Ann, Arch and Anthrop., Liverpool, 

1909, II, 27~2^, I pl-) Treats of a 
neolithic vase of a kind closely re- 
sembling those of the early settle- 
ments in Bosnia (Ripac, Jezerine, 
etc.) found in 1906 at Gardun, in- 
land from Spalato close to the foot 
of the main ridge of the Dinaric 
Alps. Comparison is made with the 
Jezerine finds. 

Wright (A. R.) and Lovett (£.;» 
Specimens of modern mascots and 
ancient amulets of the British Isles. 
(Folk-Lore, Lond., 1908, xix, 288- 
303, 2 pl.) Treats of origin of term 
mascot, books on mascots and amu- 
lets, motor mascots (policemen, gen- 
darmes, representations of St. Chris- 
topher, horse-shoes, etc.), commercial 
(modern made-up) amulets (" lucky 
jade " and other luck ornaments), 
imported " lucky charms " (" Kaffir 
bangles," "Japanese mascots"), im- 
ported foreign amulets and imita- 
tions of foreign amulets, amulets of 
British origin (bone amulets, rabbit's 
foot, horseshoe charms, ring charms, 
shell and stone charms, fossils, neo- 
lithic celts, " thunderbolts," arrow- 

heads, string charms, vegetable 
charms, etc.), ornaments which once 
were amulets (brass horse charms, 
shell necklaces), amulets in disguise, 

Wiinsch (R.) Die Zauberinnen des 
Theokrit. (Hess. Bl. f. Volksk., 
Lpzg., 1909, VIII, 111-131.) Treats 
of the enchantresses of Theocritus. 
The earliest poet to represent magic 
for its own sake was Sophron of 
Syracuse in the time of the Pelop- 
ponnesian war, — by him the niimus 
was introduced into literature. The 
Mimus of Sophron was the stimu- 
lus for Theocritus's Pharniakeiitrai, 
together with the Attic comedy. 

■ Deisidaimoniaka. (A. f. Re- 

ligsw., Lpzg., 1909, XII, I-4S, 7 fgs.) 
Discusses the incantation in the 
Nekyia of Homer (the interpola- 
tions reflect the older national Greek 
magic and the later international) ; 
an ancient bronze ring (now in the 
Royal Museum at Berlin) with figure 
of Anubis and magic inscription ; 
Ephydrias (an amulet-gem with long- 
eared animal-headed god, Seth-Ephy- 
drias) ; silver-tablets from Amisos, 
with incantation inscription ; Aion 
(carved stone with figure of Aion or 
Kronos) ; some unpublished impre- 
catory tablets, etc. 

Zaborowski (S.) Les roux en Hol- 
lande. (R. de I'fic. d'Anthrop. de 
Paris, 1908, XVIII, 358-360.) Re- 
view and critique of article on the 
distribution of red-haired people in 
Holland, by Prof L. Bolk in the 
Zeitschrift fiir Morphologie tind An- 
thropologie for 1907. 

La Sicile. L'ltalie prehistorique 

jusqu' a la penetration aryenne. Le 
peuple de Remedello-Sotto. (Ibid., 
393-406.) Sketches the pre-Aryan 
history of Sicily, southern Italy, etc. 
Outside of little " centers of popula- 
tion," there was, neither in Sicily nor 
in Italy, " civilization " before the 
eneolithic period, when direct rela- 
tions with the eastern Mediterranean 
occur. Relations with central Europe 
came later. The Aryanization of the 
Italian islands is comparatively re- 
cent. In Sicily it was not complete 
before the Christian era ; in Sar- 
dinia it occurred afterward ; the 
Greeks were perhaps the first Aryan 
people of S. Italy. The terramare 
people were followed by the Um- 
brians and preceded by another 
Aryan people, represented by the 
finds of Remedello-Sotto in Brescia, 
and of Gallic race, having come down 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

from the primitive home of that 
stock in the upper Rhine-Danube val- 
leys. They were the introducers of 
copper into Italy. 

La moisson en Sicile. (Ibid., 

1909, XIX, 38-40.) Notes on harvest- 
customs (reaping, threshing, etc.) 
Every two hours there is a period of 
resting and eating (the names of all 
are given). Improvised farces and 
verse-making come at the end. 

Derniere phase de la nationalite 

italienne. (Ibid., 213-223.) Points 
out the roles of Christianity, the bar- 
barians of the north, and the north- 
ern Italian and Tuscan cities, in the 
development and achievement of 
Italian nationality. Modern Italy 
was constituted by reason of the ex- 
ample of Florence in making citizens 
of her bourgeoisie. With Dante an 
Italian language arose that was des- 
tined to become national. Like an- 
cient Rome, modern Italy originated 
in Etruria. 

Les gaulois de Munsingen, Pre- 
sentation d'un travail de M. Victor 
Gross. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop. de Paris, 
1908, v^ s., IX, 743-745.) Resumes 
V. Gross's monograph on the human 
crania from the necropolis of Mun- 
singen in the Canton of Berne, in- 
vestigated in 1906. 

Zahler (H.) Milch, Kase und Ziger im 
Ober Simmental, Kt. Bern. (Arch, 
suisses d. Trad. Pop., Bale, 1909, 
XIII, 1-31, I pi., 20 fgs.) Treats of 
milk (milking and apparatus for 
holding, carrying, etc.), butter 
(churning, apparatus, receptacles, 
etc.), cheese (three varieties, besides 
cheese from goat's milk ; apparatus 
and processes of manufacture), in 
the Upper Simmental in the Can- 
ton of Bern. Also (pp. 25-30) the 
method of keeping tally by means of 
the so-called " Beilen," — pieces of fir- 
wood. See Gabbud (M.). 

ZanoUi (V.) Studi di antropologia 
Bolognese. (A. d. Accad. Scient. 
Ven. -Trent. -Istr., Padova, 1908, n, 
s., v, 44-89.) Pt. I. of detailed study 
with measurements of 25 male and 
25 female modern Bolognese skele- 
tons (skull, long bones, pelvis, etc.) 
belonging to the Anthropological Mu- 
seum of the University of Padua. 
The cranial capacity of males ranges 
1360-1735 cc, females 1100-1590 cc. ; 
cephalic index of males 73.8-93.9, fe- 
males 76.1-88.9. The Bolognese 
skull is " decidedly brachycephalic, 
presenting in both sexes few charac- 
teristic varieties (Torok) of type." 

In Sergian terms there are 21 sphen- 
oid, 3 spheroid, 10 platycephalic, 8 
ellipsoid, i pentagonoid, 6 ovoid and 
I beloid crania. 

Zindel-Kressig (A.) Schwanke und 
Schildbiirgergeschichten aus dem 
Sarganserland. Zweite R e i h e . 
(Schw. Arch. f. Volksk., Basel, 1909, 
203-206.) Cites 16 items of jests 
and folk-wit. 

Zoder (R.) Eine Methode zur lexi- 
kalischen Anordnung von Landlern. 
(Z. d. V. f. Volksk., Berlin, 1908, 
xviii, 307-311.) Advocates the mel- 
ody method of lexical arrangement 
of LSndler and perhaps other folk- 
melodies (dances), as applied to Z.'s 
collection of 3,600 numbers. 

Die Melodien zu der Ballade 

von der Nonne. (Ibid., 394-411.) 
Detailed discussion of the melodies 
of the German folk-song, " Ich stand 
auf einem Berge " (45 German and 10 
foreign melodies are listed ; also 3 
new versions of the song). 

Zur Anthropologic Schottlands. (Glo- 
bus, Brnschwg., 1908, xciii, 352.) 
Resumes briefly data in article by J. 
Gray in the Journ. R. Anthrop. Inst., 
xxxvii, on '.he color of hair and 
eyes of Scottish children. 


Antze (G.) Fetische und Zaubermittel 
aus Togo. I. (Jhrb. d. Stadt. Mus. f. 
Volkerk. zu Leipzig, 1907, 11 [1908], 
36-56, 83 fgs.) First part of de- 
scription and discussion of fetishes 
and " magic " objects from Togo, in 
the Leipzig Ethnological Museum : 
Fofie (8 persons), Nayo (wooden 
stool fetish). The first originally be- 
longed to Djaki, near Kumassi, on 
the Gold Coast ; the second is from 
Pereu, west of Bismarckburg. The 
numerous amulets and ornaments, 
swords, etc., of the fetish-priests are 
figured and described. Connected 
with Nayo is a poison-ordeal. 

Archibald (J. F. J.) In civilized 
French Africa. (Nat. Geogr. Mag., 
Wash., 1909, XX, 303-311, I fg., 6 pi.) 
Illustrations (house-interior, horse- 
men. Bedouin girl, etc.) are of eth- 
nological interest. 

Bargy (M.) Notes etnographiques sur 
1 e s Birifons. (L'Anthropologie, 
Paris, 1909, XX, 167-173.) Treats of 
habitat, tribal groups, physique, food, 
dress and ornament, dancing and 
music, religion (" a mass of gross 
superstitions," according to Dr B.), 
shamans and fetishism (representa- 

Periodical Literature 


tion of fetish by statuette rare), mar- 
riage, birth, death (no ceremonies for 
two former ; but death and burial 
rites), social life, houses, language 
(comparative vocabulary of Birifon 
and Lobi). The Birifons differ from 
the Lobi more in language than in 
anything else. 

Bel (A.) La population musulmane de 
Tlemcen. (R. d. £t. Ethnogr. et So- 
ciol., Paris, 1908, 11, 417-447, 9 pi.) 
Treats of material life, — food, cloth- 
ing and ornament, houses and furni- 
ture, sports, games and dances (nu- 
merous children's games cited), hy- 
giene (Moorish baths common), in- 
tellectual life, — language (spoken and 
literary Arabic) and schools (none 
for girls), plastic and industrial arts 
(low state), expressive arts (song 
and music esteemed; folk-literature), 
family and society (monogamy with 
few exceptions), etc. 

Bieber (F. J.) Die Geistige Kultur der 
Kaffitscho. (Ibid., 1909, in, 37-63-) 
Treats of religion (native hekketino 
or folk-belief, ideas of God ; no cre- 
ation legend ; priests, formalities of 
religion, temples, sacrifices, prayers, 
dancing, festivals, other-world ideas, 
worship of spirits ; Christianity ; la- 
bors of Roman Catholic Church ; 
Ethiopian church (Islam), mythology 
and superstition (" evil eye," were- 
wolf, hero-tales, local legends and 
animal fables), knowledge (foreign 
languages, no writing or books, geog- 
raphy, no schools, proverbs numer- 
ous), medicine (" medicine men " 
now few, materia medica, diseases 
and treatment, list of disease-names), 
art (musical instruments, songs nu- 
merous), play and amusement (toys, 
dances, etc.), festivals (New Year's 
family feasts), calendar (divisions of 
day, month and day names), etc. 

• Das staatliche Leben der Kaf- 
fitscho. (Globus, Brnschwg., igo8, 
xciii, 165-169, 186-189, 3 fgs.) 
Treats of former government and po- 
litical-social life during the Kaf- 
fitcho, from material gathered by the 
author in 1905, — Kaffa ceased to be 
independent after the Abyssinian 
conquest in 1897. Form of govern- 
ment and officials (King and council, 
subordinate kings) ; title, dress, resi- 
dence, court, family and servants of 
monarchs ; death, succession, burial, 
royal graves ; coronation ; officials 
and their duties ; the Abyssinian rule, 

Das Heerwesen der Kaffitscho. 

(Ibid., 1909, xcv, 215-220, 10 fgs.) 

Treats of warfare, weapons, etc., 
among the Kaffitcho : army, declara- 
tion of war, soldiers (men upwards of 
80 and boys under 8 left at home), 
spear-men and bow-men, shield, dag- 
ger, arrows, war-cloak, war-feather, 
order of march and battle, etc., — 
native terms are all cited. 

Blackman (A. M.) The fox as a 
birth-amulet. (Man, Lond., 1909, ix, 
9-10, 4 fgs.) Cites from Nubia two 
instances (suspension of entire dead 
fox over door of forecourt of house; 
3 dead foxes at full length on flat 
roof above door) of use of fox as 
amulet. The modern Nubians seem 
to use the fox as an amulet for pro- 
tecting women in pregnancy and 
child-birth. The ancient Egyptian 
determinative of msy (" to bear," 
" women "), contains ms, a sign made 
up of three foxskins. 

Bloch (A.) A propos de la communi- 
cation de M. Manouvrier sur les 
cranes egyptiens de M. de Morgan. 
(Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop. de Paris, v^ s., 
IX, 1908, 655-657.) Argues for the 
negroid (African) origin of the an- 
cient Egyptians. 

Quelques remarques d'anthro- 

pologie et d'ethnogenie sur les 
Gallas du Jardin d'Acclimatation. 
(Ibid., IX, 681-687, 3 fgs.) Notes on 
the physical characters of the Gallas 
(there are some 40, of which 6 are 
women and 7 children) now at the 
Jardin d'Acclimatation in Paris. 
The men are tall and the women 
above the average ; skin dark, but not 
" negro-black," — sometimes with a 
deep brown tint, chocolate or bronzed 
color ; the dark color is already ap- 
parent in child of 5 to 12 years; 
black hair ; forehead high and 
straight, or " bombe " ; nose some- 
what Caucasian ; mouth longer and 
lips thicker than those of whites ; 
teeth very white and large, seldom 
carious ; calf of leg little developed. 
Dr B. concludes that the Gallas are 
a people of unmixed negro race, with 
the negroid characters attenuated by 
evolution and not by metissage. 

Boas (F.) Industries of the African 
Negroes. (So. Wkmn., Hampton, 
Va., 1909, xxxviii, 217-229, 10 fgs.) 
Treats of native African products 
such as basketry from the region 
north of L. Tanganyika, decorated 
mats from the country about the 
mouth of the Congo, pottery of the 
Bali near the mouth of the Niger, 
wood-carving of the Congo country, 
etc., metal-work (art of making iron 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

may have been a Negro invention), 
etc. Dr B. thinks " the impression 
which we gain from the failure of 
the American Negro to manifest him- 
self in any of these directions is due 
not to native inability but to the de- 
grading conditions under which he 
has been placed for generations." 

Boehmer (J.) Zum Problem der neu- 
arabischen Sprache. (Anthropos, 
Wien, 1909, IV, 170-177.) Accord- 
ing to Dr B. there are dozens or 
hundreds of Arabic dialects spoken 
from Mesopotamia to Morocco, from 
the Mediterranean to the Equator, 
but " no common-Arabic language." 
There is only one Arabic language 
for writing and literature, that of 
the Koran. This question of a com- 
mon Arabic tongue cannot be de- 
cided by politics. A speech-hero 
(like Luther, e. g.) must arise ; a 
man of genius, a religious genius, 
and the language he chooses, literary 
Arabic, or some dialect, will become 
the common Arabic speech. 

Bosson {Mrs. G. C, Jr.) Biskra, the 
Ziban Queen. (Nat. G$ogr. Mag., 
Wash., 1908, XIX, 563-593, I fg., 22 
pi., map.) Gives account of the 
oasis of Biskra and its villages, peo- 
ple, the shrine-town of Sidi-Okba, 
etc. The illustrations treat of cara- 
vans, village scenes, ploughing, street 
barber-shop, bread-seller, dance girls 
and oueled-nails, market-place, play- 
ing marbles, teacher, date-gathering. 
Bedouin encampment, Mussulman de- 
votions, etc. 

Bradley (C. B.) The oldest known 
writing in Siamese. The inscription 
of Phra Ram Khamhaeng of Sukho- 
thai, 1293 A. D. (J. Siam Soc, 
Bangkok, 1909, vi, Pt. I, 64, i pi.) 
Facsimile, transliteration into mod- 
ern Siamese characters, translation 
into English, word-list, historical and 
explanatory notes, with discussion of 
form, style, etc. The inscription 
contains 1500 words of which 404 are 
different; and of these 317 are 
" Thai, native or effectively natural- 
ized, 6^ of Indian origin, 13 of 
Khamen origin, and 11 proper names 
not Thai." The Thai element is thus 
83% of the different words, but 
larger if all words are counted. 

Brisley (T.) Notes on the Baoule 
tribe. (J. Afric. Soc, Lond., 1909, 
viii, 296-302.) Treats of history 
(on Ivory Coast, part of great Agni- 
Ashanti family), customs (order of 
succession same as with Fanti, order 
of precedence, marriage, adultery, 

death and burial, new-moon dances 
and songs), industries, religion (each 
village has fetish-temple ; supreme 
spiritual being called Alnrzva), lan- 
guage (known as Agni ; brief com- 
parative vocabularies of Fanti, 
Ashanti and Agni, from Delafosse). 

Buchner (M.) Benin und die Portu- 
giesen. (Z, f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1908, 
XL, 981-992, 4 fgs.) Discusses the 
role of the Portuguese in Benin with 
special reference to famous " Benin 
brasses," discovered in 1897. Por- 
tuguese influence in W. Africa in- 
cludes not merely items of European 
origin, but also factors from India 
and Brazil, as well as from other 
parts of Africa transmitted by them. 
The bronze fowl of Benin are un- 
doubtedly Indian, as may be also the 
gold weights of Ashanti. The 
archer on one bronze plate is Asiatic, 
likewise the ornaments, etc., of the 
warriors. The stuffed coats of 
mail of some of the soldiers on these 
plates may hail from Brazil. Through 
the Portuguese came manioc, the 
sand-flea, etc., to W. Africa. The 
language of the Angola Negroes has 
even a few American Indian words. 

Bushmen (The) as existing representa- 
tives of the paleolithic races. (Rec. 
of Past., Wash., 1909, viii, 137-138.) 
Brief resume of Prof. W. J. Sollas's 
article in Science Progress for April, 

Buxton (T. F. V.) Missions and in- 
dustries in East Africa. (J. Afric. 
Soc, Lond., 1909, 279-287.) Shows 
" how it is that those interested in 
missions are driven to the consid- 
eration of industrial questions," and 
" describes briefly what is being at- 
tempted for their solution." Manual 
training and industrial work, cotton- 
cultivation, coco-nut planting, laun- 
drying, etc., are considered. 

Camboue (P.) Les premiers ans de 
I'enfance chez les Malgaches. (An- 
thropos, Modling-Wien, 1909, iv, 375- 
386. 4 pi.) Treats in detail of cir- 
cimicision and name-giving among 
the Hova of Madagascar. At pp. 
385-3S6 are given the native texts 
and translations of 16 fady or taboos 
for children. 

de Clercq (A.) Quelques legendes des 
Bena Kanioka. (Ibid., 71-86, 442- 
456.) First part gives native text 
with interlinear translation of 7 
legends (serpent, toad and lizard, old 
woman, Kadiampenga and the ogre, 
Malovu and the crocodile. Kahafua- 
banza, the hunter and the ogre) from 

Periodical Literature 


the Bena Kanioka, of the Mbujimai 
— Lubilashi region in the Congo Free 
State. The second part gives text 
and translations of Nos. 8-14 of 
legends (leopard and antelope, 
Kamundi and the partridge, the ani- 
mals that kill their mothers, the tree 
of God, the girl and her calabash, 
the woman and the bird), Nos. 15- 
18 of songs, and No. 19 a recitative. 

Crahmer (W.) Uber den Ursprung 
der " Beninkultur." (Globus, Brn- 
schwg., 1908, xciv, 301-303.) Argues 
for the Indian origin directly or in- 
directly of the art of the famous 
" Benin bronzes," etc. They may 
have been due to intermediary Por- 
tuguese influence, or some stray In- 
dian bronze-casters may have made 
their way to W. Africa. The art of 
the Malabar coast of India resembles 
much this W. African. C. points out 
that "in the year 1554 there came to 
Portugal the King of Benin, a Caffre 
by nation, and he became a Chris- 

Uber den indoportugiesischen 

Ursprung der " Beninkunst." (Ibid., 
1909, xcv, 345-349, 360-365, 12 fgs.) 
C. holds that the " Benin art " rep- 
resents a mixed style grown up in 
colonial time as result of the Por- 
tuguese-African-Indian intercourse, 
and containing Portuguese, pure Af- 
rican and Indian elements, and per- 
haps others. The Hindu figures of 
gods, C. thinks, have been utilized 
for the Benin bronzes ; also the 
bronze, brass and clay animal and 
votive figures of S. India ; Indian 
bronze casters may actually have 
been in W. Africa. The utensils of 
the Christian church, brought early 
to Africa, had also their influence. 
A native legend attributes brass- 
work, etc., to a white man. These 
first modelers may have been Hindus, 
Portuguese or even Germans (for 
German bronze-casters were in the 
service of Portuguese kings). 

Crawford (J. W. W.) The Kikuyu 
medicine man. (Man, Lond., 1909, 
IX, 53-56.) The medicine-man 
known as nmrgttri (fortune-teller, 
prophet) and miindn mugo (priest- 
physician) is much in evidence in 
social life. His methods as fortune- 
teller and " physician," the ordeal, 
etc., are described. 

Czekanowski (J.) Die anthropolo- 
gisch-ethnographischen Arbeiten der 
Expedition S. H. des Herzogs Adolf 
Friedrich zu Mecklenburg fiir den 
Zeitraum vom i. Juni, 1907 bis i. 

August, 1908. (Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 
1909, XLi, 591-615, colored map.) 
Resumes activities and results of the 
Duke of Mecklenburg's expedition to 
East Africa, 1907-1908, during which 
3350 men and women were measured 
and 1013 skulls collected from the 
Nile valley (chief) and the Congo ; 
casts of 35 faces and i thorax. Of 
ethnographic specimens 1700 were 
obtained from Ruanda, Toro-Unyoro, 
Logo and Manbetu-Momvu. Studies 
were made of social-organization and 
vocabularies of 21 languages (also 
phonographic records, songs, etc.). 
The distribution of languages is in- 
dicated and tribal names are explained, 
— there are also some notes on the 
pigmies (they speak the Balese 
tongue). In this region rivers and 
lakes, not mountains, form anthropo- 
logical boundaries. The primitive 
people of the forests are shorter than 
the inhabitants of the open plains. 
The Batwa of Ruwenzori are iden- 
tical with the forest pigmies. 

Das Land der Iforass-Tuareg. (Glo- 
bus, Brnschwg., 1908, 382-383.) 
Resumes from article in La Geog- 
raphic for April, 1908, Capt. Arnaud 
and Lieut. Cortier's account of the 
country of the Iforass Tuaregs, N. E. 
of Gao in the Sahara. The Adrar 
Tuaregs are not really " noble." 

Delafosse (M.) Le peuple Siena ou 
Senoufou. (R. d. fit. Ethnogr. et 
Sociol., Paris, 1908, i, 448-457, 483- 
486; 1908, II, 1-21, 2 pi.) Treats of 
social classes, castes, families (clans), 
politics, birth and child-life, mar- 
riage, family-life and life of men and 
women, funerals and cult of the dead, 
property, succession and inheritance, 
civil justice, crime and punishment, 
religion (God, spirits, cult and ini- 
tiation, taboos, sacrifice, sacred for- 
ests ; I in 1,000 is Mahometan), 
intellectual and moral characters, etc. 

Delisle (F.) Sur un crane Maure. 
(Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop. de Paris, 1909, 
V* s., X, 10-13.) Describes, with 
measurements, a dolichocephalic (in- 
dex 69.47, approximate capacity 
1,350 cc.) skull of a male member of 
the Moorish tribe of the Ulad-bu- 
Laya, of Selibaby, N. of the Senegal, 
The skull " reproduces certain marks 
of the ancient quaternary race of 
Cro-Magnon," and exhibits at the 
same time certain negroid elements, 
suggesting metissage. 

Dennett (R. E.) At the back of the 
black man's mind. A reply to E. T. 
(Man, Lond., 1908, viii, 89-91.) Re- 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

ply to reviewer's critique of D.'s use 
of linguistic evidence in his recent 

Yoruba salutations. (J. Afric. 

Soc, Lond., 1909, VIII, 187-189.) 
Gives native texts (obtained from 
Mr Beecroft, son of a Yoruba who 
accompanied the late consul Beecroft 
on many of his journeys and there- 
fore adopted his name) and English 
translations of numerous words used 
on meeting, entering and leaving a 
house, on the birth of a child, at a 
marriage, at a death. 

Desparmet (J.) La mauresque et les 
maladies de I'enfance. (R. d. fit. 
Ethnogr. et Sociol., Paris, 1908, i, 
500-514.) Treats of the influence 
upon the hygiene and education of 
childhood of the theory attributing 
diseases, etc., to the " evil eye," 
spirits, witches, etc. Child-birth and 
amulets, sleep, walking, weaning, 
speech, teething, intestinal troubles, 
hernia, scrofula, goitre, fever, whoop- 
ing-cough, cholera infantum, jaun- 
dice, " tizguert " (sore neck), etc., 
and their treatment are considered. 

Diesing (E.) Eine Reise in Ukonongo, 
Deutsch-Ostafrika. (Globus, Brn- 
schwg., 1909, xcv, 309-312.) Con- 
tains some notes on the natives 
(Manika, Nondo, Mpete, Mfipa, etc.), 
their villages, festivals, etc. 

Dokumente fiir die Umschiffung Af- 
rikas zur Zeit Nechos. (Ibid., 1908, 
xciv, 176.) Treats, after A. Moret 
and J. Capart (Mouvement Geogr., 
July 26, '08) of the two scarabei in 
the Musees Royaux du Cinquanten- 
aire in Brussels, containing descrip- 
tions relating to the voyage of Pha- 
raoh Necho around Africa. These 
inscriptions were later shown by A. 
Erman and H. Schaefer, the Egyp- 
tologists, to be modern forgeries, 
made up of known Egyptian texts. 

Duckworth (W. H. L.) Report on 
three skulls of A-Kamba natives, 
British East Africa. (Man, Lond., 
1909, IX, 114-116.) Describes with 
measurements an adult male, an 
adult female and a young female 
skull (cephalic indexes, 75.7, 74-3> 

Dundas (K. R.) Kikuyu calendar. 
(Ibid., 37-38.) Gives native names 
of the 12 months, of the two seasons 
(July-January and February-June), 
and activities of people during each. 
There is no word for our year of 12 
mos., nor for the days of the week 
(market-days serve). Circumci'sion- 
months are carnival months. 

Notes on the origin and history 

of the Kikuyu and Dorobo tribes. 
(Ibid., 1908, VIII, 136-139.) The 
Kikuyu are a mixed race (partly 
Masai) whose invasion dates back 
a century or so ; the earliest inhabi- 
tants of the Kikuyu country were the 
Dorobo, who are not beneath the 
other natives in intelligence. Ac- 
cording to D., " languages go for 
nothing in this country where a 
whole tribe will with the greatest 
facility in the course of a single gen- 
eration change its language." 

Eyles (F.) Fire-making apparatus of 
the Makorikori. (Ibid., 106.) Note 
on flint-steel charred vegetable fiber 
method of fire-making used by the 
Makorikori near Mt Darwin, Mazoe, 
S. Rhodesia. 

Fassmann ( — ) Die Gottesverehrung 
bei den Bantu-Negern. (Anthropos, 
Modling-Wien, 1909, iv, 574-581.) 
Treats of names for " God " among 
the Bantu tribes (two varieties, one 
connected with the sun or sky, the 
other with the ancestor cult or 
spirits), and of their religion — two 
disparate parts, fear of spirits, and 
service of spirits ; right-hand spirits 
and left-hand spirits). At p. 578 is 
given the brief story of " The man 
who wanted to shoot Rnva (sun, 
God) with an arrow." The moon is 
the wife of the sun, and with the 
Wadjagga, the former is neutral, the 
latter good. 

Ferrand (G.) Note sur I'alphabet 
arabico-malgache. (Ibid., 190-206.) 
Treats of the 30 consonants, 23 pure 
vowels, 13 nasal vowels, 27 pure 
diphthongs, 4 nasal diphthongs and 2 
triphthongs, composing the Malagasy 
alphabet ancient and modern. In 
the S. E, Islamization and the Arab 
alphabet have attained their maxi- 
mum of development, — here the 27 
Arab characters have to transcribe 83 

L'origine africaine des Mal- 

gaches. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop. de 
Paris, 1909, V* s., x, 22-35.) Dis- 
cusses and criticizes Grandidier's 
theory (L'origine des Malgaches, 
Paris, 1 901) of the peopling of Mad- 
agascar by successive migrations of 
" Indo-Melanesian negroes " (Melan- 
esians), with its contention as to the 
absence of Sanskrit words from Ma- 
lagasy, and sets forth the view that 
the Malagasy are of Bantu origin. 
The ethnic history of Madagascar, 
according to F., has been as follows : 
I. L^nknown pre-Bantu period. 2. 

Periodical Literature 


Bantu period with important immi- 
gration of Bantus anterior to our 
era. 3. Indonesian, pre-Merina, pre- 
Hova period, with important immi- 
gration in 2d-4th centuries A. D. of 
Hinduized Indonesians from Su- 
matra, who dominated and absorbed 
the Bantus. 4. Arab immigration 
from end of 7th-9th century, and 
Islamizing of Malagasy. 5. Second 
Sumatran immigration about the loth 
century. 6. Persian migration. 7. 
Arab migration ca. 1500 A. D. Some 
of the arguments of F., and certain 
' etymologies, that of Hova, e. g., are 

farfetched and hazardous. 
Ffoulkes (A.) Funeral customs of the 
Gold Coast colony. (J. Afric. Soc, 
Lond., 1909, VIII, 154-164.) Treats 
of forms of notification (donations, 
notifications of debts due by de- 
ceased), hut-burial (fast dying out), 
provision of coffin, action of widow 
(divorced wife takes no part in 
funeral), funeral of an omanhin or 
chief (secrecy, private burial, mock 
funeral ; detailed account, pp. 160- 
164), etc. 
Forster (B.) Aus dem Konigreich 
Kongo, (Globus, Brnschwg., 1908, 
xciv, 93-94.) Resumes article by 
Rev T. Lewis in the Geographical 
Journal for June, 1908, on geograph- 
ical relations, people, intellectual 
life of negroes, slavery, colonizing, 
Frazer (J. G.) Statues of three 
kings of Dahomey. (Man, Lond., 
1908, VIII, 130-132, 2 fgs.) Based on 
article by M. Delafosse in La Nature 
(Paris), for March, 1894, pp. 262- 
266, describing three life-size wooden 
statues in the Trocadero Museum, 
Paris, which " seem to prove that 
kings of Dahomey habitually posed as 
certain fierce animals or birds," a 
fact which " may perhaps throw light 
on such legends as the Minotaur, the 
serpent of Erectheus, and so forth." 
Freise (F.) Bergbauliche Unternehm- 
ungen in Afrika wahrend des Alter- 
tums. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1908, 
xciii, 28-30.) Resumes data as to 
mining in ancient times in Africa : 
Ancient Egypt (gold in Upper 
Egypt and Punt, — Somali, probably 
the Ophir of Solomon, — and perhaps 
farther south ; emeralds in the moun- 
tains of Sikkit and Djebel Zabara : 
iron and copper from Sinai penin- 
sula, etc.; turquoise from Djebel 
Serbal ; stone for building, etc., from 
Upper and Lower Egypt) ; Carthage 
(lead-glance from Tunis, etc.), iron 

industry of N. Africa (flourishing in 
antiquity about Bona) ; Roman cop- 
per-mines in the Djebel Sidi Rgheis 
(Tunis), antimony at Ain-el-Bebbuch, 
south of Constantine ; rock-salt at 
Taodeni in the desert region of the 
western Sudan. 

Frcy (F.) Beschreibung der Mumie des 
Amonpriesters Paneschi im Museum 
zu Colmar " Unterlinden " (Mitt. d. 
naturh. Ges. in Colmar, 1907-1908, 
N. F., IX, 53-66, 3 pi.) Describes the 
mummy of Paneshi, priest of Amon, 
dating from 663-332 B. C, now in 
the Colmar Museum, — coffin, grave- 
gifts, inscription, etc. The golden 
statuettes of gods (Amon, Nefertem, 
Isis with Horus, etc.), and other 
ancient Egyptian works of art in the 
Museum are of interest. 

Frobenius (L.) Reisebericht. (Z. f. 
Ethnol., Berlin, 1908, XL, 799-803.) 
Notes on the peoples, etc., met with 
in a journey from the eastern edge 
of the Senegal region into the south- 
ern country about the source of the 
Niger, as far as the primitive W. 
African forest in the interior of 
Liberia,— the Mandingo (" sons of 
the Ma," — Manatus Vogelii) and 
their neighbor-tribes E. and W. F. 
has obtained much information, 
through personal investigation and 
experience, concerning numerous se- 
cret societies, etc. The fables of 
this region seem to belong more with 
those of the Sahara tribes than 
with those of the Negroes proper. 
Indigenous art has been largely de- 
stroyed. F. has studied especially the 
old state of Mali (the Serrakolle and 
Bammana or Bambara are also old 
state-forming peoples). F.'s assistant, 
Nansen, made 1000 sketches and 
drawings, besides many portraits. 

Brief aus Timbuktu. (Ibid., 

929-930.) Notes success in obtain- 
ing historical and religious data of 
importance. F. " overcame the ter- 
ribly obstinate resistance of the Fula 
and Mandingo mind." 

Reisebericht. (Ibid., 1909, XLi, 

262-266.) Resumes ethnological ac- 
tivities in the triangular region of 
which the angles are Bamako on the 
upper Niger, Mangu in Togt), and 
Timbuktu, north of the Niger, a 
region of many varied types (e. g., 
in houses, villages, etc., W. African, 
S. African forms, etc. ; bows, musical 
instruments) : Mythology and re- 
ligion (Mossi religion based on man- 
ism ; in N. W. tradition limits and 
hinders history), songs (Mande types. 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

Sorokol or Sonrhai songs like central 
Asiatic hero songs ; Fula songs re- 
calling old French epics ; animal tales 
of an /Esopic sort, religious and se- 
cret societies. 

Garstang (J.) Excavations at Abydos, 
1909. (Ann. Arch, and Anthrop., 
Liverpool, 1909, 11, 125-129, 3 pi.) 
Gives brief account of objects found 
belonging to various periods from the 
second dynasty {ante 3000 B, C.) to 
the latest dynasties and Ptolemaic 
period {ca. 300 B. C.) : flint imple- 
ments, royal seal impressions in 
clay, alabaster vases, bronze objects, 
cylinder seal, amulets, pottery vases, 
beads, small stelae, stone objects, 
metal and clay objects, daggers, 
scarabs, ornaments, alabaster and 
pottery figures, vases of stone and 
faience, bronze vessels, jewels of 
gold, personal ornaments, painted 
cartonnage, silver figures, etc. The 
button-seals have seeming relations 
with Cretan seals. Interesting also 
is the collection of coppersmith's 
tools from a tomb of the sixth dy- 

Gaud (F.) Organisation politique des 
Mandja, Congo. (R. d. fit. Ethnogr. 
et Sociol., Paris, 1908, i, 321-326, 2 
pi.) Treats of clan (composed of 
family groups), clan-names (list of 
77), clan-chief (formerly had a sort 
of moral authority making him the 
first of the clan ; since the European 
occupation the role and authority of 
the chief have developed much), sub- 
chiefs (since the French occupation 
these have become capolars, a corrup- 
tion of caporals), meetings (for war- 
like purposes ; the only expression of 
Mandja collective organization), etc. 

Gautier (E. F.) Les mpakafo, cher- 
cheurs de coeur. (Bull. Soc. d'An- 
throp. de Paris, 1908, v** S., ix, 487- 
491.) Note on the "heart-hunters," 
— certain Hovas of Madagascar are 
said to seek to sell (for purposes of 
sorcery) to the Europeans the hearts 
of newly killed infants. The mpaka- 
fo appeared in Tananarive as late as 
1907. In the discussion M. Baudouin 
compared the " Bluebeard " lore of 
western Europe. 

Gayet (A.) Les dernieres decouvertes 
archeologiques faites en Egypte. 
(Mercure de France, Paris, 1909, 
Lxxix, 456-466.) Notes on investi- 
gations of E. Naville (temple of 
Thothmes III), Davis (20th dynasty 
mummy of prince), Schiaparelli 
(princesses of Rameses family in the 
Valley of the Queens), Zucker (pa- 

pyri at Fayiim, mummy cartons, 
etc.), Lythgoe (in the Libyan oasis 
of Kirgheh, temples, etc., city 
founded by Hadrian, etc.). 

van Gennep (A.) L'expedition eth- 
nographique du Prof. Dr K. Weule 
dans I'Afrique Orientale Allemande en 
1906. (R. d'fit. Ethnogr. et Sociol., 
Paris, 1908, I, 517-520, 5 fgs.) Based 
on Dr K. Weule's recent works. 
Notes on a native map of caravan- 
roads, lock and keys, masks and or- 
namental scarifications of the Ma- 

Goldstein (F.) Viehthesaurierung in 
Haussafulbien und Adamaua. (Glo- 
bus, Brnschwg., 1908, xciii, 373-3/6.) 
Treats of the possession of cattle in 
the Hausa-Fulbe country and Ada- 
maua and of the development of 
cattle raising as a source of 
-wealth. The proper recognition and 
exploitation of this economic fact by 
the European colonial authorities 
would be of great benefit to the na- 
tive races and to the whites as well. 

Die Frauen in Haussafulbien 

und in Adamaua. (Ibid., 1908, xciv, 
61-65.) Treats of social position (vei'y 
good among the Hausa and Fulbe ; 
among the Fulbe nobles or Torobe 
full-fledged harem system and polyg- 
amy ; children much desired), legal 
status, etc., of woman in the Hausa 
country, etc. 

Die Lukokescha des Lunda- 

reiches. (Ibid., 1909, xcv, 331-334-) 
Gives an account, after various au- 
thorities (especially Pogge's Im 
Reiche des Muata Jamwo) of the 
lukokesha, the co-regent of the muata 
jamii'o, or king of the Lunda realm 
(now gone to pieces}, her power, 
prerogatives, etc., with references to 
similar " queens " elsewhere in 
Africa. The lukokesha could never 
be married, or have children. Other- 
wise, her power was as great as that 
of the muata jamtvo ; any prepon- 
derance was due to personality, etc. 

Green (F. K.) Folk-Lore from Tan- 
gier. (Folk-Lore, Lond., 1908, xix, 
440-458.) English texts of : The 
reason for abstaining from wine and 
pork, tale of a lantern (pp. 443- 
453), the weight before the door, bay 
and myrtle, the jinns, the tortoise, 
the spring. 

Guebhard (P.) Les Peulh du Fouta 
Dialon. (R. d. fit. Ethnogr. et So- 
ciol., Paris, 1909, II, 85-109, 2 pL) 
Resumes the origin-myths and tra- 
ditions of the natives ; treats of the 
distinction between the Fulbe and 

Periodical Literature 


the Fulah, — the latter in the ma- 
jority in Futa, the family divisions, 
— at pp. 95-99 is given a table of 
Ourourbe, Dial-Diallo, Daedio, Pe- 
redio families with notes on the vari- 
ous groups and families. Also two 
extracts from written documents. 
The Fulah are not a " red people," 
but a mixed race. 
Gutmann (B.) Fluchen und Segnen 
im Munde der Wadschagga. (Glo- 
bus, Brnschwg., 1908, xciii, 298- 
302.) Treats of cursing and blessing 
among the Wadjagga. Words for 

- " thank you " and like greetings ; 
greetings in the name of God or of 
the sun ; wishes and desires for chil- 
dren, food, rich harvests, etc. ; 
wishes for ill-luck, misfortune to 
others, etc. ; conjurative sayings 
against evil eye, disease ; ' flattering 
words, of a " beautiful tongue " ; 
insulting words and expressions ; 
cursing formulae (in the name of 
God), the magic power of the chief, 
the spirits of the dead, disease, the 
terrors of the steppes ; secret cursing, 
indirect malediction; interjections 
with force of a curse ; relief from 
cursing by ceremonial. 

Zeitrechnung bei den Wadjagga. 

(Ibid., 1908, xciv, 238-241.) Treats 
of time-reckoning among the Wa- 
djagga: moon and month =: wzc/iVj; 
" new moon day " ; day-names and 
their meanings, lucky and unlucky 
days (first count of days to 5, then 
new count from one to 10) ; months 
(begin with Kusanu, corresponding 
about to German March) and their 
names ; season (great rain period, 
dew period, first warm period, little 
rain period, great heat period) ; dif- 
ferent sorts of rain ; adverbs of past, 
present, future (a term exists for 
" day after the day after the day 
after to-morrow ") ; divisions of day 
and night and their names (night- 
divisions named after " wakings- 

Kinderspiele bei den Wadjagga. 

(Ibid., 1909, xcv, 286-289, 300-304.) 
Treats of children's plays and games 
among the Wadjagga negroes: ring- 
game with song ; " who is your bus- 
hand?" (played by girls; boys have 
a game somewhat similar) ; monkey- 
game ; imitating the kingfisher ; play- 
ing war ; shooting with bow and 
arrow ; looking each other in the 
eye ; jumping over a stick ; teasing 
and jesting ; playing- owl (in dark 
wood) ; hiding (no counting-out 
rhymes, etc.) ; tests of strength and 

skill ; imitating elders and parents ; 
" grasshopper dance " ; playthings 
(no special toy, but new things made 
again and again out of banana 
leaves, etc. ; wagons in imitation of 
Italian transport-vehicles, stilts ; 
noise-making implements) ; keeping 
children in order (" the ear-cutter," 
— a green locust, — " will get you ") ; 
guessing games and riddles (numer- 
ous examples) ; teasing-game ; dance 
and work-songs (song of girls after 
grass for cows, p. 303), fables and 
parables (example), catching and eat- 
ing locusts (roasting feast for boys) 
and termites (by girls), etc. 
■ Die Opferstatten der Wad- 
schagga. (A. f. Religsw., Lpzg., 
1909, XII, 83-100). Gives details 
concerning the " holy places," or 
sacrificial spots of the Wadjagga of 
E. Africa. The foot of the center- 
post of the hut (where drink for the 
spirits is poured), the fire-place, a 
large flat stone outside near the door 
of the hut (offerings by males here), 
the gravestones of ancestors among 
the banana-trees about the house (of- 
ferings made only by the individual 
families to whom these places are 
sacred), the graves of the "district 
ancestors " (jiikiiu wo mtingo), cer- 
tain pools in the river-bed (these have 
special charms for the Wadjagga, 
on account of the many spirits in 
the water (a legend relates the com- 
bat of a white man with a "pool"), 
the spot where a canal begins to flow 
from the river, the passes and paths 
leading out the Wadjagga country (at 
the border bloody sacrifices are made 
when war threatens), etc. These 
cult-places do not, however, exhaust 
the sacrificial spots of the Wadjagga, 
who can " approach his anywhere 
whenever he has need." 

Haarpaintner (M.) Grammatik der 
Yaundesprache. (Anthropos, Mod- 
ling-Wien, 1909, iv, 684-701). First 
part (nouns, adjective, verbs to be 
and to have, pronouns, numerals) 
of a grammatical sketch of the lan- 
guage of the Yaunde, a people of the 
interior of the Cameroons. 

Haberer (Dr) Beobachtungen in Siid- 
kamerun. (Korr.-Bl. d. D. Ges. f. 
Anthrop., Brnschwg., 1908, xxxix, 
115-1x6.) Brief resume of experi- 
ences in the South Cameroon country. 
H. observed the chimpanzee and 
gorilla in captivity and in free forest 
life, where their high intelligence is 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

Haddon (A. C.) A copper rod from 
the Transvaal. (Man, Lond., 1908, 
VIII, 121-122, 2 fgs.) Describes the 
marali or copper rod currency (em- 
ployed principally for the purchase 
of brides by chiefs) of the natives 
of the Zoutpans district, — this speci- 
men came from Pallaboroa in the 
northern Transvaal. One end has a 
cone with root-like projections. 
See Hemsworth (H. D.) 

Hamberger (A.) Religiose Uberlie- 
ferungen und Gebrauche der Land- 
schaf t Mkulwe. (Anthropos, Modling- 
Wien, 1909, IV, 295-317.) Treats of 
history of Mulkwe since 1750, cos- 
mological and other traditions (na- 
tive texts and interlinear transla- 
tions of 10 brief legends — the first 
two men, original innocence, sin and 
punishment, disease and death, res- 
urrection, the other world, Kenge- 
masala, " the child of wisdom," the 
deluge, the building of the tower), 
the spirit-world (Ngulihvi, creator 
and good God ; Mzi'awa, a subordi- 
nate evil deity), influence of spirit 
world on the fate of man, relation 
of man to the spirit world, prayers 
and penances (several native texts), 
the shaman and " medicine man." 
The Mkulwe are a tribe of German 
East Africa on the lower Saisi 

Hemsworth (H. D.) Note on marali 
currency. (Man, Lend., 1908, viii, 
122.) According to H., marali or 
copper-rods are no longer used as a 
means of exchange, but " seem to be 
regarded more in the light of heir- 
looms, — of value only to the families 
who possess them." They may also 
have some magic of "medicine " as- 
sociations. The copper ore used was 
obtained from the old workings at 
Pallaboroa. See Haddon (A. C.). 

Henry (J. M.) Le culte des esprits 
chez les Bambara. (Anthropos, 
Wien, 1908, III, 702-717, 3 pi., I fg.) 
Treats of the spirit-cult of the Bam- 
bara of the French Sudan : Ideas 
about spirits and their classification ; 
the fetish Dasiri, protector of the 
village (election of dasiri-priest, 
choice of sacred tree, animal, etc., 
sacrifices and formula of sacrifice) ; 
the secret society of Kore, protective 
fetish of harvests (power of spirits, 
priest, sacrifices, sacred Kore dance, 
funeral honors of " sons of Kore, 
the 7 Kore groups). 

V. Hornbostel (M.) Wanyamwezi- 
Gesange. (Ibid., 1909, iv, 781-800.) 
Treats, with 12 pages of native text 

and music (from phonographic rec- 
ords) of the songs (war, wedding, 
travel, marching, dance, women's- 
dance, work, etc.), of the Wanyam- 
wezi, a typical Bantu people of the 
East African Protectorate. 
Huguet (J.) Sur la recherche du man- 
uscrit du Kitab En-Nasab et la tra- 
duction Giacobetti. (Bull. Soc. d'An- 
throp. de Paris, v" s., ix, 1908, 660- 
666.) Notes and additions to Father 
Giacobetti's translation of the Kitab 
En-Nasab, the history of the Ms., 
some citations, etc. This book is of 
importance to orientalists, and belongs 
with the reports of Ibn Khaldun, 
Edrisi, Djenawi, etc. Genealogy and 
legend are intermingled. The legend 
of the origin of Fez is cited by Hu- 
guet (p. 663). 

Dans les zaouias. (R. de I'fic. 

d'Anthrop. de Paris, 1908, xviii, 349- 
357, 6 fgs.) Describes visits to El 
Hamel, the seat of the celebrated 
raotiia of the venerable marabout 
Si Mohammed, and the oasis of Ain 
Madhi, the center of influence of the 
Tedjinia marabouts with their 

Remarques sur la region des 

Dayas. (Ibid., 327-328.) Notes the 
region of dayas (principally in the 
valley of the Oued Nili), fertile de- 
pressions with plethora of vegetation, 
but inundated at times so as to for- 
bid permanent occupation by man. 

Johnston (H.) Where Roosevelt will 
hunt. (Nat. Geogr. Mag., Wash., 1909, 
XX, 207-256, 5 fgs., 29 pi.) Con- 
tains notes on the Masai (disposal 
of dead; poisoned arrows; hunting), 
natives of Uganda, etc. Many of 
the illustrations (ethnic types, vil- 
lage-building by women, villages, 
houses, family scenes, feasts, hunt- 
ing, cane-carriers, fisherwomen, initi- 
ation-cermony, and dance, gala at- 
tire) are of ethnological value. Based 
partly on the author's The Uganda 

Joyce (T. A.) On a carved wooden 
cup from the Bakuba, Kasai district, 
Congo Free State. (Man, Lond., 
1909, IX, 1-3, 1 fg., I pi.) Describes 
vase-shaped elaborately ornamented 
(lizards, weevils, loop, lozenge, diaper 
patterns, etc.) cup now in the Brit- 
ish Museum, obtained from an old 
fetish-man of Misumba, a village of 
the Bangongo sub-tribe of Bakuba. 
The shape suggests European influ- 
ence, and the ornament the art of 
Benin, but no proof of direct Euro- 
pean contact earlier than Wise- 

Periodical Literature 


mann's comparatively recent visit 

Steatite figures from Sierra 

Leone. (Ibid., 65-68, i pi.) Brief 
account of 7 specimens in the col- 
lections of the British Museum, — 
one of these figures, a man seated on 
a stool and carrying a bowl, is rather 
unique. Additional information con- 
cerning these figures, from Rev, A. 
E. Greensmith of Bo, and Maj. G. 
d'A. Anderson of Makondo, is given, 
J. does not consider that the facts 
warrant attributing any great age to 
these works of primitive art. See 
Riitimeyer (L.). 

Note on the relation of the 

bronze heads to the carved tusks, 
Benin City. (Ibid., 190S, viii, 2-4, 
I fg.) Argues (on evidence furnished 
by Mr R. E. Dennett) that these 
bronze heads were used as pedestals 
for elephants' tusks, — they are known 
as hiimzvela and were set up in the 
king's palace. 

Jumelle (H) et Perrier de la Bathie 
(H.) Quelques ignames sauvages de 
Madagascar. (C. R. Acad. d. Sci., 
Paris, 1909, cxLix, 484-486.) 
Treats of several species of wild 
yams used as food by the Sakalavas, 
— the hemandry, soso, macabiha (or 
fanganga), antaly, maciba (or mal- 
ita). angaroka, etc. 

Junod (H. A.) The Balemba of the 
Zoutpansberg, Transvaal. (Folk- 
Lore, Lond., 1908, xix, 277-287.) 
Treats of origin-myth, language 
(Bantu, but not of the S. E. group), 
industry (pottery, metallurgy), spe- 
cial medicines, domestic fowl, treat- 
ment of slaughtered animals, meat- 
taboos, head-shaving, circumcision, 
relations with other peoples, mar- 
riage-custom, effect of European civ- 
ilization (rather disastrous). J. ar- 
gues that the superior knowledge that 
the Balemba brought with them is 
due to their having been " submitted 
to Semitic influences," etc. 

Karasek (A.) Tabakspfeifen und Rau- 
chen bei den Waschambaa, Usam- 
bara. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1908, xciii, 
285-287, 5 fgs.) Treats of tobacco- 
pipes, smoking, etc, among the Wash- 
amba. The pipes consist of clay 
bowl (made by men or women, but 
not from the same clay-pit) and the 
stem (of plant or bush stalks). To- 
bacco is carried in a skin-purse. 
Snuff-taking is rarer than chewing 
and smoking. Cigarette holders of 
wood are very rare. 

King (P. V.) Some Hausa idioms. 
(J. Afric. Soc, Lond., 1909, viii, 
193-201.) Treats of translation of 
" never " and " ever " in " Have you 
ever done so before ? I will never 
do it again " ; the verb suffixes ; the 
rendering of " in vain," " useless," 
" before," " how " and " what," " if I 
had ... I would have," " business," 
"affair." (Hausa = " water "), rend- 
ering of comparative (comparative ab- 
sent from Hausa), possessive particle 
mai or ma (=^ owner of), preposition 
de (makes intransitive verb active), 
enclitic redundant particles ai and 
dci, the unique particle tukitna 
(used positively and negatively), the 
rolling of the r, etc. 

Krauss (H.) Hausgerate der deutsch- 
ost-afrikanischen Kiistenneger. (Glo- 
bus, Brnschwg., 1908, xciii, 357- 
363, 28 fgs.) Treats of the house- 
hold implements, utensils, etc., of the 
coast Negroes of German East 
Africa: Pottery (every hut has 10 
or 12 of different sizes) ; prepara- 
tion of meal (maize, rice, millet, with 
mill-stones, with wooden mortar and 
pestle ; basketry and allied arts (mats, 
fans, covers for food, filters, plates, 
cups, purses, fish traps and weirs) ; 
rope and string (used instead of nails 
in house-building) ; wood-work (beds, 
seats, drums, bee-hives, drinking- 
vessels, ebony sticks, combs of a 
tasteful sort, knife-sheaths, shoes of 
a primitive kind, foot-block for 
chaining slaves ; plank-boats) ; iron 
implements (hoe, axe, knife, etc.) ; 
leather articles (bellows, of two sorts, 
purses, sandals) ; clothing, tobacco- 
pipes (smoking most common, chew- 
ing rare and snuff-taking least com- 

Die Wohnung des ostafrikani- 

schen Kiistennegers. (Ibid., 1908 
xciv, 380-382, 10 fgs.) Describes 
the house (building, rooms, etc.) of 
the E. African coast Negroes of Dar 
es Salem, Duadi, Mpera, Kitchwele, 
Maundi, etc. 

Landor (A. H. S.) Across widest 
Africa. An account of the country 
and peoples seen during a journey 
across Africa from D Jibuti to Cape 
Verde. (Nat. Geogr. Mag., Wash., 
1908, XIX, 694-737, 7 fgs., 30 pi., 
map.) Brief summary of author's 
Across Widest Africa (2 vols., Lon- 
don, 1908). The illustrations treat 
of Abyssinian officials, Galla butter- 
seller, Yambo women's market, stam- 
peding Yuer women, long-legged 
Yuers, leper, Yacoma canoe-crew. 

I lO 

Journal of American Folk-Lore 

Tongu hair-ornament, Sultan of Bon- 
gasso and wives, Ubangi dancer, 
Congo cannibals, long canoe, children 
banana-carriers, women dancers of 
Congo, cannibal dances, Ubangi fish- 
erwomen, Sango cannibals, beauty 
competition, Mandja women and 
babies, Shari women with pelele, 
mud-barns of upper Niger, Timbuktu 

Lissauer (A.) Archaologische und 
anthropologische Studien liber die 
Kabylen. (Z. f, Ethnol., Berlin, 
1908, XL, 501-529, 4 pi., 19 fgs.) 
Gives results of visit in 1907. Treats 
of megalithic monuments (dolmens, 
menhirs and cromlechs like those of 
Europe, hundreds in number in Mo- 
rocco, Algeria, Tunis (e. g. at Hen- 
chir al Hadjar some 400 dolmens still 
existed) ; stone-grave, circles, etc., 
peculiar to Kabylia, — the predeces- 
sors of the fine Moorish royal tombs 
of Medracen near Batna, etc. and the 
so-called " tombeau de la Chre- 
tienne " near Algiers), the Kabyles 
and their habitat, physical charac- 
ters (in general the middle-sized, 
dark-haired, brown-eyed Kabyles re- 
semble markedly the South Euro- 
peans, and the color of their skin 
on all unexposed parts of the body, 
etc., is white ; the blonde Kabyles 
strongly resemble North Europeans, 
particularly Scotchmen ; real negroes 
are rare, mulattos rather common ; 
women often beautiful), clothing, oc- 
cupation, food (flesh diet rare), chil- 
dren (good influence of French rule 
seen in schools and civilizing in- 
fluence). L. attributes the blond 
Kabyles to a prehistoric migration 
of blond North Europeans ; the 
white Kabyles with dark hair and 
brown eyes belong to the Mediter- 
ranean race, and have adopted the 
Hamitic speech of the people they 
found before them in N. Africa, the 
autochthones of the country ; the dol- 
men-graves came with the blond 
North Europeans. The succession of 
peoples in Kabylia has been : Ha- 
mitic autochthones (related to the 
Somali), Kabyles from Iberian pen- 
insula, blond North Europeans, — then 
historic invasions of Phenicians, 
Greeks, Romans, Jews, Vandals, By- 
zantines, Arabs, Turks, Spaniards and 
French. Through all this the Kaby- 
les of Rif, Djurdjura, the Aures, 
Enfida, etc., have preserved their 

Lissauer (Anna) Vier kabylische Fa- 
beln und Mjirchen. (Ibid., 529-535.) 

German texts of 4 Kabyle fables and 
vidrchen (ass and lion, the good son, 
the friends, the three heirs) from 
Taouirt-Amokran in Great Kabylia. 

V. Luschan (F.) Ueber Buschmann- 
Malereien in den Drakensbergen. 
(Ibid., 665-685, 4 pi., 10 fgs.) De- 
scribes visit in 1905 to the Bushman 
paintings in the caves of the Draken- 
berg, — Esikolweni, Bushman's Klip, 
Hoffenthal, valley of the Ulusingati, 
Harrismith, Herschel, etc. Of these 
27 were copied in water colors by 
Hr. Terno, and 26 photographed. 
Of these 18 are reproduced in this 
article. Som.e of these paintings 
must be several centuries old and 
in some cases they are several layers 
of paintings on the same spot. v. L. 
attributes them all " exclusively to 
the Bushmen." The reproductions in 
color of some of these paintings are 
the best yet published. The copies 
are now in the Berlin Ethnological 
Museum. The black neighbors of 
the Bushmen call the latter Abatwa, 
— a name by which the Congo pig- 
mies are known. 

Eisentechnik in Afrika, (Ibid., 

1909, XLi, 22-59, 24 fgs.) Treats 
of bellows and furnaces for smelting 
iron in primitive Africa : Bellows 
of covered wooden or clay bowls, 
etc., with variations in number of 
vessels nozzles, attachments, covers, 
etc. (found all over Africa where 
iron smelting is practised ; known 
also from ancient Egypt at a period 
corresponding to the Mycenean epoch, 
and probably indigenous in Africa) ; 
skin-bag bellows (known to Wangoni, 
Konde, Wamangandja, Masai, etc., 
more widespread than is generally 
thought ; its Indian origin is not yet 
proved — if Indian it is probably a com- 
paratively recent importation) ; pump- 
bellows (in Madagascar; indigeneous 
in India or Indonesia possibly) ; 
leather bellows (Basari region in 
Togo, showing recent European in- 
fluence, but possibly indigenous at 
bottom). Smelting furnaces for re- 
ducing the ore (" high ovens ") are 
described from the Bongo and Dyur, 
Wangoni, the Togo country (Banyeri, 
Basari, Odomi, Lolobi, Misahohe), 
the Yoruba, Wapororo, etc. ; the 
question of iron in ancient Egypt, 
Babylon, India and prehistoric 
Europe is discussed. Neither India 
nor Asia Minor, v. L. thinks, can be 
the original home of the iron in- 
dustry. He concludes that the an- 
cient Egyptians learned of iron and 

Periodical Literature 

1 1 1 

its production from their southern 
neighbors and that its manufacture 
originated in Central Africa, pas- 
sing by way of Egypt and Asia 
Minor to the western Mediterranean 
countries, thence to Northern Europe. 
In the discussion Hr C. Giebeler op- 
posed and Hr C. F. Lehmann-Haupt 
supported v. L.'s views. See 01s- 
hausen (O.) and Grosse (H.) 

Macgregor (J. K.) Some notes on 
nsibidi. (J. R. Anthrop. Inst., Lond., 
1909, XXXIX, 209-219, 98 fgs.) 
Treats of a system of writing, 
" used a little here in the Calabar 
district of the eastern province of 
Southern Nigeria, but much more 
largely up the Cross River and in- 
land from it on both banks." This 
nsibidi writing "is really the prop- 
erty of a secret society, the nsibidi 
society," and some few of its signs 
are known to the uninitiated. Rev. 
M. reproduces 98 nsibidi signs of 
which 1-29 relate to marriage and 
home life, 30-44 to common articles 
of the house, 45-74 to public life 
in town, 75-86 to sickness, 87-97 
miscellaneous, 98 record of an ikpe 
or judgment case. There seems to be 
no order of writing and the same 
sign stands for different things and 
the same thing is represented by differ- 
ent signs. The conventionality about 
some of the signs may indicate con- 
siderable age for this " picture-writ- 
ing." Native tradition attributes it 
to the Uguakima section of the Ibo 
tribe, who learned it from the play- 
ing of the large baboons at making 
signs on the ground and acting them 
out in pantomime. It is now used 
like ordinary writing. The effect of 
European influence is already ap- 

Maes (J.) Essai sur les coutumes 
juridiques des peuplades du Bas- 
Congo Beige. (R. d, £t. Ethnogr. 
et Sociol., Paris, 1909, 11, 11 7-122.) 
Notes on the legal customs of the 
natives of the Belgian lower Congo, 
— Muserongo, Bakongo, Babuende, 
Basundi, Mayombe, Kakongo. 

Les Warumbi. (Anthropos, Mod- 

ling-Wien, 1909, iv, 607-629.) Treats 
of food and drink (fond of meat and 
spices, also famous for wabondo or 
palm wine), dwellings and their con- 
struction and furnishing, toilet, dress 
and ornament, trades and occupa- 
tions (tailoring, basket-making, hunt- 
ing, pottery-making), family-life, re- 
ligion (bolosi, or " fetish " ; the nkisi, 
or objects and personages of varied 

and extensive powers), art (sculpture 
and painting little esteemed ; " tally- 
sticks"), language (numerals in 
Warega and Wasongola, p. 626), 
dance, song and music, other knowl- 

Marquordt (F.) Bericht iiber die 
Kavirondo. (Z, f. Ethnol., Berlin, 
1909, XLi, 753-757, 2 fgs.) Notes 
of visit in June- August, 1909 to the 
country of the Kavirondo on the 
northeastern shore of the Victoria 
Nyanza, — clothing and ornament, use 
of tobacco by both sexes, tattooing 
(women chiefly), body-painting 
(men), fishing and hunting, weapons, 
food, diseases, etc. 

Merrick (G.) Notes on Hausa and 
Pidgin English. (J. Afric. Soc, 
Lond., 1909, VIII, 303-307.) Dis- 
cusses how the native expresses in 
" pidgin English," intention, action, 
possession, with some criticisms of 
the article of P. V. King (q. v.). 
Hausa " is an essentially simple lan- 
guage, entirely innocent of the some- 
what complicated grammar which is 
gradually being built up for it," and 
" to compile a Hausa grammar on 
English lines is to ignore the funda- 
mental differences of the two lan- 
guages, the inevitable result being 
' pidgin ' or ' whiteman ' Hausa." 

Messimy (A.) Les effectifs de I'armee 
et le service militaire des indigenes 
algeriens. (R. Bleue, Paris, 1908, 
V* S. X, 774-776.) First part, chiefly 
historical, of article treating of the 
use of the Algerian natives in the 
French army. 

Millward (R. H.) Natal, the garden 
colony. (Nat. Geogr. Mag., Wash., 
1909, XX, 278-291, 5 fgs., 8 pi.) Con- 
tains some notes on Zulus (marriage, 
etc.). Some of the illustrations 
(Zulu runners, warrior, wrestling 
match, native trial, native preaching, 
native industries, chief and wives) 
are of ethnologic value. 

Moisel (M.) Zur Geschichte von Bali 
und Bami'im. (Globus, Brnschwg., 
1908, xciii, 117-120, map.) Notes on 
the history of Bali and Bamiim, two 
Negro kingdoms of the N. W. Cam- 
eroon country, as derived from data 
furnished to the author by chiefs, 
missionaries, etc. The original home 
of the Bali is unknown, but their 
story begins with their expulsion 
from Kontcha by the Fulbe. The 
history of Bamum begins with Pari- 
fom and runs down to Joja, the 
present king, a sort of man of genius. 

I 12 

Journal of American Folk-Lore 

de Morgan (H.) fitude sur I'figypte 
primitive (R. de I'fic. d'Anthrop. de 
Paris, 1909, XIX, 128-140, 12 fgs.) 
Treats of the archeolithic period of 
primitive Egypt and the author's re- 
searches at the Ouadi-el-Guerroud, 
Mt. Thebes near Gurnah, Esneh, 
Adimieh, Gebel-Silsileh, Mohamid, 
etc., where paleolithic implements 
were found. These are the work of 
the first human inhabitants of Egypt. 

Myers (C. S.) Contributions to Egyp- 
tian anthropology. V. General con- 
clusions. (J. R. Anthrop. Inst. Lond., 
1908, XXXVIII, 99-147.) According 
to M., "in spite of the various in- 
filtrations of foreign blood in the 
past, modern Egypt contains a homo- 
geneous population, which gradually 
shifts its average character as we 
proceed southwards from the shores 
of the Mediterranean to Nubia be- 
yond the First Cataract." There is 
no anthropometric evidence of dual- 
ity of race. The modern Egyptians 
have never been appreciably affected 
by other than sporadic Sudanese ad- 
mixture. The aboriginal people of 
Egypt are " a homogeneous folk 
showing an inclination to vary in 
two or three distinct directions, to- 
wards the Caucasian, the negroid, or 
even the mongoloid." Pages 104- 
146 are occupied by tables of meas- 

Neveux (M.) Sur les Bassaris. (Bull. 
Soc. d'Anthrop. de Paris, 1909, v^ s., 
X, 35-36.) Treats of the " penis- 
cover," and other clothing of the 
Bassaris of the village of Segueko, 
in Upper Gambia (Senegal). The 
men wear no other clothing than the 
sibo and a very primitive breech- 
clout, — the women wear more, often 
the Malinke apron. 

Newberry (P. E.) Impressions of 
seals from Abydos. (Ann. Arch, and 
Anthrop., Liverpool, 1909, 11, 130, 4 
pi.) Figures and describes sealings 
of Kha-Sekhemui, Neter-Khet, of the 
II-III dynasties, and private sealings 
from the second dynasty. 

■ A bird cult of the Old Kingdom. 

(Ibid., 49-51.) Treats of the Wr- 
bird (swallow?) in connection with 
the description (on the fagade of a 
fifth dynasty tomb at Sakkara) of a 
" Khet priest of the double axe." N. 
points out the association of the 
bird and double axe cults in ancient 
Crete, suggesting a Nilotic coloniza- 
tion of that island. Many bird-cults 
(falcon, vulture, ibis, pin-tail duck, 

goose, crane, egret, etc.) existed in 
ancient Egypt. 

Oetteking (B.) Kraniologische Stu- 
dien an Altagyptern. (Arch. f. An- 
throp., Brnschwg., 1909, N. F., viii, 
1-90, 14 fgs., 4 pi.) Also reprint. 
See review of this thesis in American 
Anthropologist, 1909, n. S., xi, 122. 

Offord (J.) Book of the Dead com- 
pared with the Bible. (Amer. Antiq., 
Salem, Mass., 1908, xxx, 276-278.) 
Cites resemblances and analogies 
(other-world ideas, thought of fu- 
ture, idea of soul, etc.). 

Orr (C. W.) The Hausa race. (J. 
Afric. Soc, Lond., 1909, viii, 274- 
278.) Resumes and discusses the 
data in the article of Palmer on the 
Kano chronicle in the /. R. Anthrop. 
Inst, for 1908. See Palmer (H. R.). 

Otto (Br.) Buschmannmalereien aus 
Natal. (Anthropos, Wien, 1908, iii, 
1047-1049, 5 pi.) Describes and re- 
produces Bushman paintings in the 
caves of the Drakensberg, near the 
mission-station of Reichenau, visited 
and photographed in 1893-4. They 
contain figures of horses, cattle, hu- 
man beings, hunting and battle 
scenes, etc. The enemies of the 
Bushmen represented in these paint- 
ings are not Zulus, as shown by the 
absence of the characteristic Zulu 
shield (O. treats this in detail), etc. 
The comparatively recent entrance 
of the Zulus into this region is thus 

iind Stratmann (Th.) Fund 

einer althebraischen Miinze in Natal, 
Siidafrika. (Ibid., 1909, iv, 168-169, 
I pi.) Account of the finding of an 
old Hebrew coin of the age of Simon 
Maccabaeus (143-146 B. C), 2 feet 
underground in the yard of the 
Trappist cloister at Marianhill. 

Palmer (H. R.) The Kano chronicle. 
(J. R. Anthrop. Inst., Lond., 1908, 
xxxviii, 58-98, 2 pi.) Translation, 
with historical-ethnological introduc- 
tion, of the Kano chronicle (MS. of 
1883-1893, based on earlier record 
now destroyed), A. D. 389-1892, 
" the history of the lords of this 
country called Kano." Except for the 
very early kings, this chronicle is 
" roughly accurate." The mixture of 
races and ideas in Hausa-land are 
the result of the action of " Hamitic " 
invaders upon two negro types 
(short-legged and very prognathous ; 
tall and slightly prognathous). 
Papillault (G.) La pudeur chez les 
peuples nus. (R. de I'fic. d'Anthrop. 
de Paris, 1909, xix, 234-237.) 

Periodical Literature 


Treats briefly of modesty among 
peoples who go naked, citing a com- 
munication from Dr Decasse con- 
cerning the Lakkas, a negro tribe of 
the middle Logone, who suffer from 
an affection of the scrotum due to 
their fashion of keeping (even when 
walking) testicles and penis back of 
their thighs, — a " gesture of mod- 
esty " met with elsewhere, originat- 
ing psycho-socially in sexual taboo. 
Parkinson (J.) Yoruba folk-lore. (J. 
Afric. Soc, Lond., 1909, viii, 165- 
186.) Gives English texts of tales 
- told chiefly by natives of Oyo : The 
story of a certain hunter and an ape 
with 16 tails, showing how wrong it 
is to make heavy bets ; how the thun- 
der came for the first time (a light- 
ning bird myth) ; why the cat stays 
at home and does not go into the 
bush ; story of a certain woman 
named Awelli, telling why a bride is 
brought to her husband by day and 
not by night ; story of the two wives, 
pointing out how one should always 
be content with the things that are 
given one (Grimm's Fi-au Holle 
type) ; the worship of the thunder- 
bolt ; how Shango hanged himself, 
and what resulted (origin of the 
catching fire of houses) ; how the 
tortoise helped the animals ; story of 
a tortoise and a man named Tela ; story 
of a dog and a tortoise (nos. 8-10 tell 
how the tortoise got the marks on 
his back) ; story of the pig and the 
tortoise ; Ifa ; how the parrot's beak 
became bent. 
Partridge (C.) The killing of the di- 
vine king, (Man, Lond., 1908, viii, 
59-61.) Cites evidence from the 
customs of the Cross River natives 
of eastern southern Nigeria in sup- 
port of the views of Westermarck. 
See Westermarck (E.). 
Petrie (W. M. F.) Memphis and its 
foreigners. (Rec. of Past, Wash., 
D. C, 1909, VIII, 131-136, 3 pi., 2 
fgs.) Notes on pottery heads of 
foreign types, — Persian, Scythian, 
Semite, Syrian, Sumerian, Baby- 
lonian, Aryan and " Tibetan," — the 
making of which began during the 
Persian occupation, ca. 500 B. C. 
Also some inscriptions and prayers 
of the iSth dynasty showing ears for 
receiving and holding the petitions. 
Pittard (E.) Note sur deux cranes 
Fang. (Bull. Soc. Neuchat. de 
Geogr.. 1908, XIX, 58-68, 4 fgs.) 
Describes, with measurments, two 
skulls (f., m.) of the Fang of W. 
Africa, — the female is dolichoceph- 
VOL. XX!II. — NO. 87. 8 

alic and the male nearly so. Cranial 
capacities (direct cub.) 1340 and 
1380 cc. 
Pooh (R.) Zweiter Bericht uber eine 
Reise in Britisch-Siid-Afrika. (Mitt, 
d. K.-K. Geogr. Ges. in Wien, 1909, 
Lii, 195-197.) A few notes on tribes 
of Kalahari. 

Bericht iiber eine Reise in 

Britisch-Betschuana. (Ibid., 1908, 
LI, 389-391.) Brief account of an- 
thropological investigations among 
Kalahari Bushmen. 

Proctor (H.) Ancient Egypt. (Amer. 
Antiq., Salem, Mass., 1909, xxxi, 
163-166, I fg.) Brief sketch from 
the neolithic age to the close of the 
sixth dynasty, which the author 
imagines ended by the Noachic 

Punch (C.) Further note on the rela- 
tion of the bronze heads to the 
carved tusks, Benin City. (Man, 
Lond., 1908, VIII, 84, I fg.) Adds 
own evidence (and photographs) as 
eye-witness that tusks were standing 
on top of the heads. 

Rathjens (C.) Ein Kirchgang mit dem 
Abuna Petros von Abessinien. (Glo- 
bus, Brnschwg., 1908, xciv, 154-158, 
6 fgs.) Describes (R. was guest of 
the Abuna) the church-going of the 
Abuna Petros, head of the Abys- 
sinian church (a Copt nominated by 
the Metropolitan of the Coptic church 
in Egypt, the mother of the Abys- 
sinian), on April 5, 1908, to St. 
Matthews in Adua. 

Roscoe (J.) Python worship in 
Uganda. (Man, Lond., 1909, ix, 88- 
90.) Treats of the worship, with 
offerings (beer, cowries, goats, 
fowls), at the time of the new moon, 
of a python (" the giver of chil- 
dren ") in Budu on the w. shore of 
Victoria Nyanza. The " temple " 
and ceremonies were attended to by 
the mandvja or " medium," who lived 
there. This worship was " confined 
almost entirely to one clan in 
Uganda, and had a limited sphere of 

Brief notes on the Bakene. 

(Ibid., 116-121.) Treats of habitat, 
houses, canoes, clans and totems, 
marriage (polygamy, exogamy ; woo- 
ing, wedding), child-birth (twins 
welcomed), inheritance, beliefs, fish- 
ing, government, building houses, 
water-ways, dress and ornament. 
The Bakene are a Bantu tribe dwell- 
ing chiefly on the Mpologoma river, 
" where the tall papyrus forms a 
perfect shelter for their floating 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

homes and the fish provides them 
with ample food." 

' Nantaba, the female fetich of 

the king of Uganda. (Ibid., viii, 
132-133.) Brief account of a gourd- 
fetish, " said to have power to assist 
the king's wives to have children and 
become mothers." At the death of 
the king Nantaba is thrown away, 
and a new gourd made for the next 
king. In the procession one of the 
men, who carries the gourd, " walks 
like a woman near her confinement." 
Certain food-taboos are imposed. 

— — Notes on the Bageshu. (J. R. 
Anthrop. Inst., Lond., 1909, xxxix, 
181-195.) Treats of habitat (caves 
as temporary refuges), clans (29 
names), marriage-customs (polygamy, 
exogamy, bride-price), adultery 
(heavy fine), birth, twins, puberty 
and circumcision, puberty ceremony 
for girls, sickness and death, ghosts, 
religious beliefs, rock-spirits, spirit of 
waterfalls, rain-making, warfare, 
dances and music, dress and orna- 
ment, cow-keeping, cultivation (plan- 
tain, millet, semsen ; harvest offer- 
ing), new moon, buildings and vil- 
lages, government (village elder ; 
clan chief), murder, games, hunting, 

Rosenberg ( — .) Die Geschichte de 
Mumifizierung bei den alten Agyptern. 
(Globus, Brnschwg., 1908, xciv, 272,- 
274.) Resumes paper of Prof. El- 
liott Smith at meeting of British As- 
sociation for the Advancement of 
Science, Sept., 1908. The process of 
embalming seems to have been of in- 
digenous origin in Egypt. 

Souire (M.) Les indigenes algeriens. I. 
La suppression des anciennes institu- 
tions et la desagregation de la so- 
ciete arabe. (R. d. Deux Mondes, 
Paris, 1909, XLix, 410-441.) Sketches 
the history of the protectorate in 
Algeria and its effect upon the native 
races, questions of ownership, prop- 
erty, the dispossession of the natives 
from the land, transformation of ad- 
ministrative, civil and judicial in- 
stitutions of these peoples ; results, 
precarious condition of the mass of 
the natives. 

Riitimeyer (L.) Weitere Mitteilungen 
iiber westafrikanische Steinidole, 
(Int. Arch. f. Ethnogr., Leiden, 1908, 
xviii, 164-178, 2 fgs., 2 pi.) Gives 
more data concerning the stone-idols 
of the Mendi region between Boom 
and Kittam, — according to the na- 
tives the original source is a sort 
of tumulus, but the later finds in 

other places seem to make this 
theory doubtful. The figures are 
mostly human and of steatite ; they 
are " prehistoric " for this part of 
Africa, — interesting for comparison 
are th; sculptured stones of Agba 
(S. Nigeria), and perhaps the stone 
columns of Tondidaru, etc., discov- 
ered by Desplagnes. Comparison 
with wooden idols is also made. R. 
cites 18 new specimens (9 stone and 
2 wooden are figured). As to the 
makers of these stone idols nothing 
certain is known. 

Sarbah (J. M.) The oil-palm and its 
uses. (J. Afric. Soc, Lond., 1909, 
VIII, 232-250, 4 pi.) Treats of va- 
rieties (4 chief ones, 5 others) ; cul- 
tivation (not yet systematical by 
land owners or farmers) ; productive- 
ness ; use of nuts as food ; prepara- 
tion of palm-oil in Abura, Krobu, 
Aberle, Pekki, Liberia, Kru coast, 
Lagos and southern Nigeria, Came- 
roons, etc. ; composition and uses of 
palm-oil, palm-kernels, kernel-oil 
preparations, palm-wine, " palm cab- 
bage," etc. At pp. 248-249 are 
given some Tshi and Fanti proverbs 
relating to the palm tree. 

Scenes in Africa. (Nat. Geogr. Mag., 
Wash., 1909, 293-301, 9 pi.) These 
illustrations (bark-carriers of Ger- 
man S. \V. Africa, Angola family, 
marimba or native piano, Congo 
mission children, native drums, King 
Boassine at Kumassi, Kroo warrior 
dressed for religious performance, 
Kroo children, " devil play " in Li- 
beria) are of ethnologic interest. 

Schlangenkult in Uganda. (Globus, 
Brnschwg., 1909, xcvi, 33.) Resumes 
Rev. J. Roscoe's account, in Alan for 
June, 1909, of the python cult for- 
merly in vogue in a temple on the 
west shore of Victoria Nyanza, dis- 
trict of Budu. See Roscoe (J.) 

Schrader (F.) Les origines planetaires 
de I'Egypte. (R. de I'fic. d'Anthrop. 
de Paris, 1909, xix, 15-27.) S. 
argues that " Egypt, with all that 
humanity owes to Egypt, is from the 
time of the first wonder of the savage 
at the yearly overflowing, a gift of 
the planetary or cosmic forces that 
produced the Nile " — a proof of how 
rudimentary the individual and so- 
ciety would remain without the stim- 
ulus of nature. 

Schweinfurth (G.) Ueber altpalaolith- 
ische Manufakte aus dem Sandstein- 
gebiet von Oberagypten. (Z. f. Eth- 
nol., Berlin, 1909, xli, 735-744-) 
Notes on old-paleolithic artefacts 

Periodical Literature 


from the sandstone region of Assuan 
found in 1908-1909. These numer- 
ous finds suggest the future discovery 
in Etbai and southern Nubia of simi- 
lar " stations." A pathway for pre- 
historic peoples antedating the civil- 
ization of Egypt lies hereabouts. 
Sergi (G.) Sulla craniologia degli 
Herero. (Boll. R. Ace. Med. di 
Roma, 1908, XXIV, Estr. 19 pp., 2 
fgs.) Gives details of measurements, 
descriptions, etc., of 6 male crania 
of the Herero (a Bantu people of 
Damaraland, German W. Africa) 
now in the museum of the Anatom- 
ical Institute of Berlin, — only two 
Herero skulls have been previously 
studied by Fritsch and Virchow. The 
cephalic indexes range from 67.5 to 
72.9; cubic capacity from 131 5 to 
1590 ccm., the largest occurring in a 
boy of 12. All the crania are doli- 
chocephalic, orthocephalic, and pre- 
sent all the varieties of long forms 
(2 beloid, 2 ovoid, i ellipsoid, i 
pentagonoid). They are heavy, and 
in capacity are closer to the Kafirs 
of the S. E. coast, in cephalic index 
to the Bantu of Loanda and Ben- 

Osservazioni su due cervelli di 

Ovambo ed uno di Ottentotta. (A. 
d. Soc. Rom. di Antrop., Roma, 1908, 
XIV, 139-147, 3 fgs.) Describes with 
measurements two male Ovambo and 
one female Hottentot brains (all sub- 
jects about 20 years of age), — 
weights respectively 1335, 1132, 1201 
gr. The data suggest that cerebrally, 
as well as craniologically, the Ovam- 
bo belong close to the Herero, while 
the Hottentot are in divers ways dis- 
tinguished from both. Phylogeneti- 
cally the Hottentot brain is not lower 
than the Ovambo. 

Su una deforraazione dei denti 

in Abissinia. Introduzione alio 
studio dei crani di Kohaito. (Ibid., 
197-208, 4 fgs.) Treats of 6 male 
Kohaite skulls from a cemetery 
dating ca. 400-600 A. D., three days 
march from Zula, the ancient Adulis, 
all deformed by the removal of all 
the upper incisors. The distribution 
of this custom in Africa is noted 
(probably a puberty rite). The 
Kohaite skulls are Abyssinian in 

Shrubsall (F. C.) A brief note on two 
crania and some long bones from an- 
cient ruins in Rhodesia. (Man, 
Lond., 1909, IX, 68-70, 2 fgs.) De- 
scribes with measurements a skull 
from the Chum ruins in the 

Gwanda district and another from an 
old mine-shaft nearer Buluwayo, — 
also left femur, radius and ulna and 
a right tibia from the Chum ruins. 
The conclusion reached is that 
" these remains are those of negroes 
of a similar type to those now found 
in Rhodesia." 

Sibree (J.) General Gallieni's " Neuf 
ans a Madagascar " : An example of 
French Colonization. (J. Afric. Soc, 
Lond., 1909, VIII, 259-273.) Resume 
and critique of Gen. G.'s Neuf ans d 
Madagascar (Paris, 1908). Accord- 
ing to Rev. J. S., " the book has a 
great defect in that it almost entirely 
ignores what had been accomplished 
by Christian missionaries during the 
33 years previous to French occupa- 
tion in civilizing and enlightening the 
people of Madagascar, to say nothing 
of the foundation work done from 
1820 to 183s by the first L. M. S. 

Singer (H.) Das neue deutsche Ko- 
lonialprogramm und die Einge- 
borenenfrage. (Globus, Brnschwg., 

1908, xciii, 203-205.) Discusses the 
new German colonial policy of Sec- 
retary of State Dernburg in regard 
to the aborigines of German Africa, 
which seems to indicate a higher 
official estimate of the Negroes and 
their economic value, as well as a 
more human handling of the whole 

Smend (Obletit.) Negermusik und 
Musikinstrumente in Togo. (Ibid., 

1909, xciii, 71-75, 89-94, 39 fgs.) 
Treats of music and musical instru- 
ments among the Negroes of Togo, 
German W. Africa. Drums (several 
varieties, of wood) ; string instru- 
ments (a very primitive one of palm- 
leaf stem and bast strings ; similar 
instruments in Agu, Basari, etc., with 
gourd for resonance ; the Ewe tre- 
sangu, the Hausa niolo ; the Tshan- 
dyo gonye, a sort of fiddle) ; wind 
instruments (simple horns, flutes and 
whistles of bamboo, plant-stems, 
wood ; Hausa flutes of brass, etc.) ; 
rattles of various sorts. The " drum 
language " (invented in Ashanti and 
introduced by Ewe who had been 
prisoners of war) is in use, and all 
drums serve for dance-music ; spe- 
cial drums (" fetish drums ") for 
religious and allied uses. No string 
instrument seems to be used in the 
dance ; some are used by the cattle 
and horse herdsmen. The molos are 
used for song accompaniment. The 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

long trumpet called kakatche (from 
Sokoto) and others are used in 
marches, for signalling, etc. Rattles 
and bells are used to heighten the 
dance. Dances are of considerable 
variety. The underlying motives of 
song and dance are sex, war, hunting, 
family life, wickedness of man, wis- 
dom of life, etc. German texts of 
24 brief songs (10 Hausa) are given. 

Spiess (C.) Yevhe und Se'. (Ibid., 
190S, xciv, 6-7, 2 fgs.) Brief ac- 
count of the fetish yevhe whose cult 
has recently made its way (probably 
from the Agotime, who are Adanme 
from the Gold Coast) among the Ewe 
of Togo, — the Yevhe-stick, Yevhe- 
pots, etc. ; and Se (not to be con- 
fused with the Ewe god Sc), an 
iron rod with bells at the top, in use 
by the medicine-men. 

Zubereitung und Anwendung ein- 

heimischer Arzneien bei den Evhe- 
negern Togos. (Ibid., 1909, xcv, 
281-286.) Brief description of 76 
native medicines (all from plants) 
and their uses among the Ewe ne- 
groes of Togo. Also the native 
names of some 60 diseases, and 15 
names for medicines of Europeans. 
The Togo natives distinguish 3 
kinds of fever. The general term 
for " medicine " is atike (from ati, 
"tree,' and ke, "root") or amatsi 
(from ama, " plant," and tsi, 
" water "). 

Starr (F.) Ethnographic notes from 
the Congo Free State : An African 
Miscellany. (Proc. Davenp. Acad. 
Sci., Davenport, la., 1909, xii, 96- 
222, 13 pi., 72 fgs.) Treats of the 
Batua (physical measurements of 25 
men and 5 women ; av. stature of 
Ndombe males 1511 mm., of those of 
L. Mantumba, etc., 1542; av. ceph. 
index 75.7 and 77.2) ; comparison be- 
tween a pigmy, a dwarf and a Baluba 
boy; albinism (15 subjects, 4 ex- 
amined ; males more common than 
females ; actual number large) ; tooth- 
chipping (teeth of 900 soldiers ex- 
amined, various types and combina- 
tions noted) ; games of Congo peo- 
ples (70 games described and many 
illustrated ; imitative games 4, plays 
with simple toys, 6, athletic sports or 
exercises 9, athletic games with im- 
plements 13, round games 6, guess- 
ing games, etc., 13, games of chance 
and gambling games 10) ; string- 
figures and cat's cradle (^72 described 
and figured, — all made by single 
players) ; proverbs of Upper Congo 
tribes (164 from Nkundu and 16 

from Bopoto, native text, translation 
and application ; English text of 44 
Ntumba proverbs) ; stories (English 
texts of 7 Bobangi and i Foto : Two 
brothers; wife, husband and child; 
Mompana and his four wives ; Pele- 
pele and the tortoise ; the tortoise 
and the eagle ; the tortoise and the 
wild-cat ; the dog and the ncinga 
fish; the jackal and the goat). In 
an appendix are given a Batua vocab- 
ulary of 83 words from Ndumbe (pp. 
220-221) and a non-Bantu vocabu- 
lary of so words from Ndungale. S. 
classes the Batua " with the true pig- 
mies of the Ituri forest," — though 
scattered, " they everywhere appear 
to have been the original inhabitants 
of the country." 
Staudinger (P.) Ein grosses afrikan- 
isches Steinbeil. (Z. f. Ethnol., Ber- 
lin, 1908, XL, 809-813, I fg.) Treats 
of stone implements in W. Africa, 
particularly a large amphibolite 
(slate) axe from Akem. None so large 
have hitherto been reported from 
this region. It is probably of a cere- 
monial nature, not an actual imple- 
ment or a weapon. 

Steinerne Pfeilspitzen aus Sud- 

westafrika. (Ibid., 1909, xli, 270- 
272.) Note on some stone arrow- 
heads from a cacao-field near Wal- 
fisch bay in the Hottentot country. 

Buschmannphotographien. (Ibid., 

272-273.) Notes on a number of 
photographs of Bushmen taken by 
Hr. F. Seiner, author of a work on 
the region between the Okawango 
and Zambezi, in the Mitteilungen aus 
den Schuizgebieten for 1905-1906. 
Some of the Bushmen represented 
seem to have Bantu blood. 

Stigand (C. H.) Notes on the native 
tribes in the neighborhood of Fort 
Manning, Nyassaland. (J. R. An- 
throp. Inst., Lond. 1909, xxxix, 35- 
43.) Treats of the Angoni, Achipeta, 
Achewa, Achikunda, and other minor 
tribes, — general characteristics, chiefs, 
tribal marks, value as soldiers, war- 
customs, arrow-poison, currency, etc. 
Tribal marks " are made when a man 
wishes, generally after puberty has 
been attained, but no compulsion is 
used." The Ayao " are essentially the 
best fighting men to be had in Cen- 
tral Africa, and perhaps the best to 
be had in the whole continent." The 
Achipeta largely use poisoned arrows, 
the Angoni spears. Axes and hoes 
are sometimes used as money. 

Struck (B.) Fine vergleichende Gram- 
matik der Bantusprachen. (Globus, 

Periodical Literature 


Brnschwg., 1908, xciii, 271-273.) 
Resume and critique of C. Mein- 
hof's Grundziige einer vergleichenden 
Grammatik der Bantusprachen (Ber- 
lin, 1906), which S. considers " the 
most important scientific contribution 
so far in the Bantu field." 

Zur Kenntnis des Gastammes, 

Goldkustel. (Ibid., 31-32.) Notes on 
cities of refuge (fleeing to a fetish) 
and servants of fetishes ; account of 
a " palaver " or law-suit ; a fable 
(how the deer became king) ; 12 
proverbs (native text and transla- 
tion). The Ga are a negro people 
of the Gold Coast. 

Ein Marchen der Wapare, 

Deutsch-Ostafrika. (Ibici, 1908, 

xciv. III.) German text of a tale 
of a widow and her two sons, the 
first-fruits of investigation into the 
folk-lore of the Wapare, who speak 
the language called Tsasu, closely re- 
lated to that of Taveta. 

Konig Ndschoya von Bamum 

also Topograph. (Ibid., 206-209, 5 
fgs.) Reproduces and discusses the 
plans of his farm and the way from 
it to the town, made by King Ndjoya 
of Bamum (already noted for his 
other inventions), the inscriptions on 
them, etc. As a first attempt the 
effort is remarkable, with regard to 
both drawing talent and technique. 

Struyf (P. I.) Aus dem Marchen- 
schatz der Bakongo, Niederkongo. 
(Anthropos, Wien, 1908, iii, 741-760.) 
Gives native text and interlinear 
translation of 8 tales (Mother toad, 
Mother crab with her flat back, 
Young Mr Pungwa, Story of two 
brothers. The song of the old people, 
The tortured mouse, the gazelle and 
the leopard. The leopard and the 
greedy mouse) from the Bakongo of 
the lower Congo, 2 from Kimpako, 3 
from Kisantu, 3 from Kianika. 

Taylor (J. D.) Native progress in 
Natal. (So. Wkmn., Hampton, Va., 
1909, XXXVIII, 27-36, 5 fgs.) Notes 
on contrast between heathen kraal 
and houses of Christian natives, gar- 
dens, adoption of European dress, 
effect of school-house and of writing 
and printing, churches (native initia- 
tive marked), industrial progress, new 
individual instead of tribal unit, etc. 
From the blanketed feraa/-man to the 
vision of the educated voter. 

Thompson (R. C.) The ancient gold- 
mines at Gebet in the Eastern Su- 
dan. (Man, Lond., 1908, viii, 70- 
72, 3 fgs.) Account of visit made 
in 1906. The finds in the mines 

indicate that they are " not much 
more than 2,000 years old." Gold- 
mining is still carried on there. The 
ancient miners ground the quartz in 
stone hand-mills. 

Tor-Akobian (S.) Das armenische 
Marchen vom " Stirnauge." (Globus, 
Brnschwg., 1908, xciv, 205-206.) 
Gives German text of the " tale of 
the man with an eye in his fore- 
head," told in Tiflis by an old work- 
man from Achalzich. This Arme- 
nian folk-tale belongs in the cycle of 
Polyphemus and Ulysses. 

Tuareg (Die) des Siidens. (Ibid., 183- 
188, 5 fgs.) Based on Capt. A. Ay- 
mard's article on the southern Tua- 
reg in the Tour du Monde for 
1908. Notes on social divisions, the 
family (the first unity, like the Ro- 
man gens), slavery (production of 
mixed race of Tuaregs with female 
slaves and Sonrhai women), religion 
(Tuaregs are Mohammedans but 
neither very zealous nor fanatic ; 
no mosques, no pilgrimages to 
Mecca ; marabouts belong to certain 
tribes), akiriko or medicine-men, 
spirits and ginns (everywhere), char- 
acter (not so flattering a picture 
drawn now as earlier by Duveyrier), 
woman and her position (mon- 
ogamy ; status high ; woman can 
divorce), children, inheritance, work, 
industry (chiefly in the hands of 
slaves and blacksmiths, — the latter 
Sudanese negroes, a caste by them- 

Virchow (H.) Ueber die Zahnent- 
stiimmelung der Hereros. (Z. f. Eth- 
nol., Berlin, 1908, xl, 930-932.) 
Describes the mutilation of the 
teeth, nahina omajo (teeth consecra- 
tion) among the Hereros and the re- 
ligious ceremonies and festivals con- 
nected therewith. The Hereros are 
exceedingly proud of their artificially 
modified teeth, which are now a 
national or tribal sign. At the 
" teeth festival " some 20 to 40 chil- 
dren (10-15 years) are operated 
upon at once. The Hereros can give 
no satisfactory explanation of the 

Weeks (J. H.) Anthropological notes 
on the Bangala of the Upper Congo 
river. (J. R. Anthrop. Inst., Lond., 
1909, xxxix, 97-136, 9 fgs.) Treats 
of clothing (some bark cloth ; no 
special covering for genitals ; plan- 
tain leaf as umbrella), personal 
ornaments (hair-dress ; brass collars, 
armlets, anklets, etc., ivory anklets, 
armlets, etc. ; belts ; pregnant women 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

painted by medicine man ; incisor 
teeth cut to V-shaped points), paint- 
ing and tattooing (3 varieties), orna- 
mentation (herring-bone pattern on 
saucepans, incised lines, lozenge pat- 
tern ; drawings on houses and letters ; 
first experiences with pictures in vol- 
ume of Graphic), leather-work, string 
(made of bark of a water-plant), 
weaving, basket-work, pottery (3 
kinds made by women), dyeing and 
painting, metallurgy (iron ore im- 
ported from the Lulanga river and 
smelted in native crucibles ; black- 
smiths honored as skilful men, but 
not treated with any superstitious 
fear), conservatism (natives are 
" quick to imitate where imitation is 
possible " ; hindrance due to witch- 
craft, etc.), habitations (one house 
for each wife ; processes of construc- 
tion), fire (stick-rubbing, flint and 
steel ; legends of origin of fire ; puri- 
fication by fire) ; food (eat all fish 
except the nina or electric fish ; 
nearly all fish taboo to some one 
person or another ; cassava chief 
vegetable food, evening meal only 
real meal ; palm maggots, bats, cater- 
pillars delicacies ; milk tabooed and 
abhorred, drinkers unclean ; sweet po- 
tatoes never eaten by men ; salt ob- 
tained from vegetable ashes ; folk- 
lore about greediness ; chief drink 
besides water is manga or sugar-cane 
wine ; drinking-bouts common during 
sugar-cane season), cannibalism (very 
general in 1890), narcotics (tobacco 
not smoked by women), hunting and 
fishing (" making medicine," traps, 
pits ; torching, " fences," basket- 
traps, angling, spearing, poisoning, 
nets, etc.), agriculture and farming 
(chief article cultivated is cassava ; 
every woman has " her own farm "), 
education (" doctors " ; imputated 
teachers of dance and song ; games 
few), mental powers, etc. (very re- 
ceptive and easily taught up to 14- 
15, especially boys, but after that 
" they have to make a continuous 
effort to retain any book-knowledge 
they may have received ") — the psy- 
chical qualities and character of the 
natives are sketched. 

Notes on some customs of the 

Bangala tribe, Upper Congo. (Folk- 
Lore, Lond., 1908, XIX, 92-97.) Cites 
items relating to death and burial, 
" witch-dolls," ordeal by drinking 
nka (pp. 94-97)- 

Notes on some customs of the 

Lower Congo people. (Ibid., xix, 
409-437; 1909, XX, 32-63, 181-201, 

2 pi.) Treats of courtship and mar- 
riage, illness of children (witch- 
craft and poison-ordeal), pregnancy, 
child-birth (treatment, burial ; twins ; 
albinos), education of children, fam- 
ily and clan, chiefship, succession, 
death and funeral customs, spirits, 
hunting charms and fetishes (treat- 
ment and disposal of animals killed), 
dogs, " eating the goat," making war, 
treatment of mad people, markets and 
trade, barter, evil spirits, fetishes, 
God and Devil, cosmological ideas, 
totemism (few indications), hunting 
fetishes and " medicine," ngangas, 
or "medicine men" (182-188), se- 
cret societies and men's houses (189- 
201), etc. Eight sorts of divination 
are used by the ngangas. 

Weiss ( — ) Die von der Expedition 
des Herzogs Adolf Friedrich zu 
Mecklenburg beriihrten Volkerstamme 
zwischen Victoria-Nyanza und Kon- 
gostaat. (Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1909, 
XLi, 1 09-1 13.) Notes the intelligent 
Waheiha or Wassiba of the Kissiba 
hill-country, the Wanjamba of the 
mountainous country of Karagwe and 
Mporo, the industrious Wahutu of 
Ruanda, all aborigines of the region 
and all Bantu ; also the Batwa pig- 
mies, and the Watussi or Wahima of 
Hamitic stock. The iron, wire and 
wood-work of the country is briefly 

Werner (A.) A native painting from 
Nyasaland. (J. Afric. Soc, Lond., 
1909, VIII, 190-192.) Treats of a 
colored painting of a man and a 
monkey on a wall of a hut in Mpon- 
da's village (his people are Machinga 
Yaos) on the Shire, near the lower 
end of L. Nyasa. These " hut-fres- 
coes " may be due to an art handed 
down from Bushmen ancestors, e. g., 
among the Mljange, Angoni, etc., 
who have a Bushmen element. These 
paintings are said to occur only 
where Bushman influence is trace- 
able among the Bantu. 

Bushman art. (Anthropos, Mod- 

ling-Wien, 1909, iv, 500-504, i fg.) 
Treats particularly of a painting of a 
man and a monkey on a hut-wall 
at Mponda's village on the upper 
Shire. Evidently same as noted in 
previous article. 

Wiedemann (A.) Totenbarken im 
alten Agypten. (Globus, Brnschwg., 
1908, xciv, 119-123, 2 fgs.) Treats 
of the " boats of the dead " (row- 
boats and sail-boats) in ancient Eg>-p- 
tian. their structure, equipment, etc., 
models of such vessels for placing 

Periodical Literature 


in graves, etc. Plastic and relief or 
painted models are found together as 
early as the Nagada period ante 3000 
B. C. Based partly on J. G. Gars- 
tang's The Burial Customs of An- 
cient Egypt (London, 1907). 
Willans (R. H. K.) The Konnoh peo- 
ple. (J. Afric. Soc, Lond.. 1909. viii, 
130-144, 288-295). Treats of habi- 
tat, religion (" while acknowledging 
one supreme deity in heaven es- 
sentially stone and ancestor wor- 
shipers " ; " happy belief " regarding 
death," — a clean slate to start with 
again), customs (practically identi- 
cal with those of Mendi and Ko- 
ranko), folk-lore (English texts of 
6 tales : Three kinds of women, first 
war, Tambafassa, How jealousy 
spoiled the rice, division, Jumba and 
Bay Marringa, — Jacob and Esau), 
history as nearly as possible in words 
of native informants (romantic 
period, traditional period founded on 
fact), creation-myth, hunting-cus- 
toms, etc. 
Wolf (F.) Grammatik der Kposo- 
Sprache, Nord-Togo, West-Afrika. 
(Anthropos, Wien, 1909, iv, 142-167, 
630-659.) Outline of grammar of 
Kposo (2 dialects), a negro language 
spoken by 17,000-20,000 people in 
northern Togo Land, West Africa. 
Phonetics, noun (prefixes, sufiixes, 
place-names, composition, number, 
gender, case, article), adjective, nu- 
merals, pronouns, verb, adverb, etc. 
At pp. 648-659 are given native texts 
with interlinear translations. 
Wollaston (A. F. R.) Amid the snow- 
peaks of the Equator : a naturalist's 
explorations around Ruwenzori, with 
an account of the terrible scourge of 
sleeping sickness. (Nat. Geogr. Mag., 
Wash., 1909, XX, 256-277, I fg., 8 
pi.) Abstracted from author's From 
Ruivensori to the Congo (London, 
1909). Contains a few notes on pig- 
mies, people of Kivu (fire-making, 
beads). Some of the illustrations 
(pigmy lady, tattooed beauty, ivory 
carriers, tattooed girls, fire-making, 
village scenes) are of ethnologic 
Work (M. N.) The African family 
as an institution. (So. Wkmn., 
Hampton, Va., 1909, xxxviii, 343- 
353, 433-440, fgs.) Treats of the 
social importance, composition, and 
inner life of the African family. 
Based upon Cunningham, Johnston, 
Leonard, Kidd, Stow, Ellis, Schwein- 
furth, Cruikshank, Mockler-Ferry- 
man, Dennett, Hayford, etc. Accord- 

ing to Prof. W. " among no other 
people is the family relatively more 
important than among the Africans, 
who are very human," and " in their 
love affairs, divorces, and social life 
they are very much like other 

An African system of writing. 

(Ibid., 1908, xxxvii, 518-526.) 
Brief account of the writing of the 
Vai or Vei negroes, with reproduc- 
tion (pp. 522-526) of the original 
and modern symbols from Sir H. 
Johnston's Liberia (London, 1906). 

Zur Frage nach dem Alter der Ruinen 
Rhodesias. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1908, 
xciii, 16.) Resumes two articles by 
R. N. Hall in The African Monthly 
for 1907 on The prehistoric gold 
mines of Rhodesia and Notes on the 
Traditions of South African Races, 
especially of the Makalanga of 


Ancient (The) Symbol of the double 
eagle. (Open Ct., Chicago, 1909, 
xxiii, 51-58, 2 fgs.) Brief account 
of a gariida or double-eagle from the 
ceiling of one of the very oldest 
caves near Oyzl in the mountain 
range near the city of Kutcha, found 
by Prof. Grunwedel. Another double- 
eagle occurs in the rock-sculptures at 
Boghaz Koi, Phrygia. 

Aston (W. G.) A Japanese book of 
divination. (Man, Lond., 1908, viii, 
1 16-120, I fg.) Resumes and dis- 
cusses Kzvannon Hiakusen, or 
" Kwannon's Hundred Divining- 
Sticks," in the preface of which is 
related a legend of its " introduction 
from China in the tenth century by 
a Buddhist dignitary." The authori- 
tative part of the book is the Chinese 
poetry (4 lines for each stick). The 
drawing of the sticks and numbers 
is fully treated by the Japanese au- 
thor. There is plenty of good advice 
and the moral tone is high. 

Aurel Steins zentralasiatische For- 
schungsreise. (Globus, Brnschwg., 
1908. XCIII, 337-338.) Resumes data 
in article in The Geographical Jour- 
nal (London) for May, 1908. 

Bacot (J.) Anthropologic du Tibet. 
Les populations du Tibet sud-oriental. 
(Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop. de Paris, 1908, 
V* s., IX, 462-473, 9 pi.) Treats 
briefly of the Mossos (Sinicized in 
dress, manners, and largely also in 
speech), Lissus (conservative and re- 
sisting Tibetan absorption), Lutzes 
(of same stock as Kiutzes ; quite 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

primitive, peaceful, little agriculture), 
and Tibetans in general (population ; 
family, birth, death, houses, food, 
clothing, hygiene, religion, etc.) The 
Tibetans are in general young and 
healthy in spite of centuries of the 
burden of superstition ; they are gay, 
sober, hospitable, happy (having few 
needs), credulous (because they are 
children), etc. See Delisle (F.). 

Belck (W.) Die Erfinder der Eisen- 
technik. (Korr.-Bl. d. D. Ges. f. 
Anthrop., Brnschwg., 1908, xxxix, 
100-107.) Argues that the Philis- 
tines were the originators of the 
iron industry. 

Besse (L.) Another word about the 
Todas. (Anthropos, Wien, 1908, iii, 
799-800.) Notes that several copies 
of letters and other missionary MSS. 
were often made and distributed in 
Europe. See American Anthropolo- 
gist, 1908, N. s., X, 321. 

Bittner (M.) Ein armenischer Zauber- 
streifen. (Ibid., 1909, iv, 182-189.) 
Detailed account of an Armenian 
paper-strip of magic texts, drawings, 
etc., representing Mahometan-Chris- 
tian superstition. Noteworthy are 
the magic squares, " charmed circles," 
lists of demons, etc. In it is men- 
tioned " God with looi names," 
" God 22223 times beloved," " to be 
obeyed 66666 times." 

Boehmer (J.) Jericho. (A. f. Religsw., 
Lpzg., 1909, XII, 322-334.) Treats of 
pre-Israelitish and later Jericho, or 
rather the successive Jerichos (dif- 
ferent in extent) that have existed. 
A complete destruction by the Israel- 
ites did not occur. The Herodian 
Jericho is represented by the modern 
Riha. The fertility of Jericho in 
ancient times leads us to believe that 
the rose found there still may be the 
" rose of Jericho." The name 
Jericho does not mean " city of per- 
fume," but " the lunar one." 

Tabor, Hermon und andere 

Hauptberge. Zu Ps. 89, 13. (Ibid., 
313-321.) Argues that in this pas- 
sage the Psalmist has preferred Ta- 
bor over Carmel by reason of its an- 
cient use as a sacred place, where a 
sanctuary existed from time imme- 

Bonifacy ( — ) Les Kiao Tche, etude 
etymologique et anthropologique. 
(Bull. Soc, d' Anthrop. de Paris, 1908, 
v" s., IX, 699-706.) Discusses the 
etymology of the name Kiao Tche 
(signifies not " crossed toes," but 
"feet that turn in somewhat"), now 
applied by the Chinese to the An- 

namites, but formerly signifying more 
broadly " Barbarians of the South," — 
a case of generalization on the basis of 
a rare physical peculiarity, with notes 
on several cases of the separation of 
the big toe, with anthropometric data 
(height, cephalic index, size of ear, 
mouth, nasal index). 

Brown (R. G.) Rain-making in Bur- 
ma. (Man, Lond., 1908, viii, 145- 
146, I pi., 3 fgs.) Notes on the 
water-festival (annually in April) 
at Dedaye, a pageant representing 
legendary persons ; the rain-making 
tug-of-war (young people of the vil- 
lage pull against each other) ; setting 
the image of Shin Upagok (a rain- 
god), one of Buddha's disciples, out 
in the broiling sun ; washing the 
cat, — all Burmese rain-making meth- 

• Cheating death. (Ibid., 1909, ix, 

26.) Note on a peculiar mock- 
funeral for a boy at Dabein, Pegu. 

Caius (T.) Au pays des castes. (An- 
thropos, Wien, 1908, III, 637-650, 3 
pi,. I fg.) Continuation. Treats of 
Karmmas or religious observances (5 
are briefly described ; at pp. 642-647 
the 28 constellations and their 
omens are listed). At pages 648- 
650 long lists of names of men and 
women are given. 

Cartij (P.) Moralite, sanction, vie 
future dans le Vedanta. (Ibid., 
1030-1046.) After brief historical 
apergu, Father C. discusses the il- 
lusion and its consequences (atman 
or soul absolute and individual ; all 
is illusion save the absolute atman, 
the true Brahma), retribution and 
its mechanism (the Hindu funda- 
mental moral principle is the law of 
karma), etc. 

Cams (P.) Healing by conjuration in 
ancient Babylon. (Open Court, Chi- 
cago, 1909, xxiii, 67-74, 6 fgs.) Based 
on Dr K. Frank's article in the 
Leipziger Semitische Studien. iii. No. 
3, dealing with a bronze tablet with 
a conjuration scene. 

The Venus of Milo. (Ibid., 257- 

262, 4 fgs.) Gives history of famous 
statue in the Louvre. C. thinks that 
" there is no question that the statue 
represents Aphrodite, the goddess of 
love and beauty," and that it is " one 
of the greatest masterpieces." 

The Buddha of Kamakura. 

(Ibid., 307-313, 6 fgs.) Brief ac- 
count of the colossal statue of Ami- 
tabha, the Buddha of everlasting 
light, erected in 1252 A. D, at 
Kamakura, Japan, 

Periodical Literature 


The mosque of Omar. (Ibid., 

572-575, 2 fgs.) The mosque of 
Omar in Jerusalem covers the holy 
spot of the temple, the holy of holies, 
once the threshing-floor of Arauna, 
the place of the vision or theophany 
of David. 

Japan's seven jolly gods. (Ibid., 

49-56, 6 fgs.) Treats briefly of 
Bisharaon (god of strength and vic- 
tory), Benzaiten (goddess of love 
and beauty), Daikoku (god of the 
well-to-do farmer), Ebisu (wor- 
shiped by traders), Fukurokuju and 
Jurojin (gods of longevity), Hotei 
(god of mirth). These symbolize 
" the ancient Japanese contentedness 
and merry humor of its simple life," 
now perhaps being swept away. 

The Samaritans. (Ibid., 1908, 

XXII, 488-491.) Brief resume of 
Dr J. A. Montgomery's The Samari- 
tans ; the Earliest Jeivish Sect 
(Phila., 1907). The Samaritans are 
dwindling rapidly, " and it is the last 
moment that we can still study their 
religion and traditions in living 

Casartelli (L. C.) Hindu mythology 
and literature as recorded by Portu- 
guese missionaries of the early 17th 
century. (Anthropos, Wien, 1908, 
III, 771-772, 1077-1080.) Treats of 
death and resurrection of Rama ; 
death of Cushna (Krishna) ; story 
of the faithful maid Mellipray ; sects, 
castes, etc. See American Anthro- 
pologist, 1907, N, s., IX, 418. 
Chalatianz (B.) Die iranische Helden- 
sage bei den Armeniern. Nachtrag. 
(Z. d. V. f. Volksk., Berlin, 1909, 
XIX, 149-157.) Gives German texts 
of 3 Iranian-Armenian hero-tales, 
originally appearing in the Ethno- 
graphic Review of Tiflis for 1906 : 
" Rustam-Zal," " Gahraman Gathl," 
and " King Xosrov." 

Armenische Heiligenlegenden. 

(Ibid., 361-369.) Gives German ver- 
sion only of 3 American legends of 
saints : Elexanos, Alexan, Kaguan 
Chemali (B.) Moeurs et usages au 
Liban. (Anthropos, Wien, 1909, iv, 
37-53-) First part of account of 
manners and customs in the Lebanon 
country of Syria (death and funeral, 
etc.). Death-announcement and 
songs connected therewith, condo- 
lences, etc. ; burial and funeral songs, 
— very numerous, but of three chief 
sorts (antari or warrior, elegiac, 
women's). Specimens of these are 

given, with music and some of the 
native words. 
Climate (The) of ancient Palestine. 
(Rec. of Past, Wash., D. C., 1909, 
VIII, 140-144, 3 maps.) Based on 
article by E. Huntington in Bull. 
Amer. Geogr. Soc, Sept.-Nov., 1908, 
showing the "great change (less 
rainfall, more desert) in the climate 
of Palestine and the regions ad- 
joining, since Bible times." 
Crooke (W.) Some notes on Indian 
folk-lore. (Folk-Lore, Lond., 1909, 
XX, 211-213.) Items concerning 
buried treasure and snakes, sex- 
metamorphosis, disposal of the teeth, 
scape-goat, annual mock-hunt and 
ceremonial bathing of the gods, from 
Anglo-Indian newspapers. 

Death ; death rites ; methods of 

disposal of the dead among the 
Dravidian and other non-Aryan 
tribes of India. (Anthropos, Mod- 
ling-Wien, 1909, iv, 457-476.) Treats 
of the conception of death as not 
due to natural causes (but to evil 
spirits, witches, " evil eye," etc.), 
identifying the disease spirit by divi- 
nation, conception of the soul, the 
separable soul, plurality of souls, 
the soul mortal, the disembodied 
soul and its refuge, entrapping the 
soul, the soul abiding near the scene 
of death and near the grave, im- 
portance of funeral rites, the soul 
friendly or malignant in relation to 
the survivors, relations of the living 
to the friendly souls, provision of 
fire and light for the spirit, removal 
of friendly spirits, giving free egress 
to the departing soul, the death wail, 
articles placed with the dead, pre- 
tence in providing these offerings, 
arms, implements, etc., placed with 
the dead, clothing and ornaments for 
the dead, victims slain as attendants 
on the dead, blood sacrifice to the 
dead, drink and food for the dead, 
Delisle (F.) Sur les caracteres 
physiques des populations du Tibet 
sud-oriental. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop. 
de Paris, 1908, v* s., ix, 473-486.) 
Treats, with average measurements, 
of physical characters (color of skin, 
eyes, hair ; stature, height sitting, 
form of head, face, nose, finger-reach) 
of 62 individuals, — male 43, female 
19, — from S. E. Tibet (Minkia, Lolos, 
Lutzes, Lissus, Mossos, Tibetans) ; 
also describes, with measurements, an 
adult male skull (dolichocephalic, 
hypsicephalic) from the same region. 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

— all data due to J. Bacot (q. v.). 
Of the men measured 7 and of the 
women 12 were below 1500 mm. in 
height; 8 men were above 1700. 
The order in stature of men is 
Mossos, Lutzes, Lissus, Lolos, 
Tibetans ; women Lolos, Tibetans, 
Lutzes, Mossos. The cephalic in- 
dexes of the men range from 70.82 
to 83.71, the general averages for 
the various tribes being all sub- 
dolichocephalic and mesaticephalic ; 
women 71.71 to 84.06, with a greater 
tendency toward brachycephaly. 
Der chinesische Kiichengott. (Globus, 
Brnschwg., 1908, xciii, 305.) Brief 
resumes of article on the Chinese 
" kitchen-god " by Nagel in the 
Archiv f. Religionszvissenschaft. 
Deyrolle ( — ) Un secateur indo- 
chinois. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop. de 
Paris, 1908, V' s., ix, 381-383, i fg.) 
Describes a rice-cutter in use among 
the Mans of the valley of the Song- 
Chay, between Luc-an-chau and the 
old post of Pho-rang. The use of 
this instrument is difficult for Euro- 
peans, on account of the different 
manipulation of the fingers. 
Dols (J.) L'enfance chez les Chinois 
de la Province de Kan-sou. (Anthro- 
pos, Wien, 1908, m, 761-770, 5 P'-) 
Treats of childhood among the Chi- 
nese of Kansu. Birth (abortion, 
sterility and the divinities invoked, 
child-bearing, name-giving, infant 
life), instruction (numerous schools, 
also mandarin schools and " univer- 
sity"). The "university" at King- 
yang has a primary section for chil- 
dren and one for boys of 15-20. 
Astronomy, mathematics and gym- 
nastics are taught. 
V. Domaszewski (A.) Der Kalender 
von Cypern. (A. f. Religsw., Lpzg., 
1909, XII, 335-337.) Discusses the 
Roman provincial calendar of Cyprus, 
dating from 12 B. C, and an older 
form discovered by Usener and Boll. 
The origin from Paphos is shown in 
the derivation of the Julii from 
Aphrodite. The changes in the 
month names in the second list were 
occasioned by the catastrophe that 
overtook the Julian house through 
Julia in 2 B. C, and the deaths of 
Agrippa. Octavia and Drusus. 
Ein Hindu iiber das indische Kasten- 
wesen. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1908, 
XCIII, 383.) Briefly resumes an 
article on the caste-system of India 
by K. B. Kanjilal, a Hindu, in the 
Calcutta Review. Reform and liberal- 
izing of the system, not abolition, are 

the steps to be taken, according to 
K.'s view. 
Fischer (A.) Erfahrungen auf dem 
Gebiete der Kunst und sonstige Beo- 
bachtungen in Ostasien. (Z. f. Eth- 
nol., Berlin, 1909, xli, 1-21, 18 fgs.) 
Based on art-objects, etc., collected 
in 1907-1908 for the Berlin Ethno- 
logical Museum : Three Japanese 
statues of the 6th and 7th centuries 
showing Hindu-Greek style ; an ar- 
tistically finished wooden statue of 
the goddess of mercy from the Ko- 
rean-Japanese period (also from this 
epoch a statue of Kanshitsii or dried 
lacquer of interest for the Greco- 
Hindu and pure Hindu style) ; pre- 
Buddhistic sacrificial stone (man and 
woman) sculpture from Yamato 
(now in the garden of the Uyeno 
Museum in Tokyo) : life-size wooden 
statue of the god Enno Gyoja (old 
Buddhistic, 7th century) ; kneeling 
statue of the demon Alyodoki ; life- 
size statue of Jizo by the founder 
of the Jocho school (ii-i2th cent.) 
of sculptors ; the great Shakj'amuni 
statue of bronze in the temple of 
Ta-fo-sse in the ruined city of 
Cheng-ting- fu (Chili), dating from 
the Sung dynasty, 960-1127; the 
Korean hat, vehicles, etc. ; the sub- 
terranean stone chamber (of the 
Silla period, 57-928 A. D.) near 
Taikyu ; mile-stones of wood with 
human faces, etc. ; Buddhistic in- 
fluences on art, etc., in Korea ; old 
Chinese paintings (the Japanese have 
collected them as connoisseurs for 
1,200 years) ; stone-sculpture in 
China (at Confucian temple at Ki-fu, 
highest limit of Chinese stone sculp- 
ture, — Chinese are not at all so suc- 
cessful in stone as in clay) ; pre- 
Buddhistic stone reliefs from grave- 
chambers (3 from the Han period, 
206-221 A. D.) and grave-stones 
(here F. seeks to detect Assyro-Baby- 
lonian influences) ; sculptured stones 
and columns from temples, altars, 
Franke (O.) Die Ausbreitung des 
Buddhismus von Indien nach Tur- 
kistan und China. (A. f. Religsw., 
Lpzg., 1909, XII, 207-220.) Treats of 
the spread of Buddhism from India 
to Turkestan and China, one of the 
most remarkable phenomena in the 
history of the intellectual life of 
mankind. The variety of Buddhism 
which made its way thus into China 
was the form dominant in N. India, 
the Hinayana system of the Mulasar- 

Periodical Literature 


vastivada school, at the close of the 
first century B. C. 

Gaupp (H.) Vorliiufiger Bericht uber 
anthropologische Untersuchungen an 
Chinesen und Mandschuren in Pek- 
ing. (Z. f. EthnoL, Berlin, 1909, xli, 
730-734.) Preliminary notes on 
measurements, etc., of 38 Chinese 
and 5 Manchus, and 3 Mongols in 
Peking. The stature of the first 
averaged 1,674 mm., of the second 
1,710, of the third 1,650; the average 
cephalic indexes were 80.4, 83.3, 81.5. 
North Chinese and South Chinese 
differ in face-type. Manchurian 
women are less Mongolian than the 
Chinese. The Chinese have long arms 
and short legs, the Manchus longer 
legs. Certain differences exist in 
symphysis-height. The measurements 
of 220 Chinese boys and girls indi- 
cate a noticeable cessation of growth 
in the period from the 14th to the 
1 6th year. Chinese new-born chil- 
dren are smaller than those of the 
white race, although the pelvis is about 
the same in women of both races. 
Secondary sexual characters are less 
marked in Chinese women than in 
European. The " blue Mongolian 
spots " are common in Chinese, Mon- 
gol and Manchu children. A high 
fertility for mothers and a high mor- 
tality for infants are noted. 

Gilhodes (C.) Mythologie et Religion 
des Katchins, Birmanie. (Anthropos, 
Wien, 1908, III, 672-679; 1909, IV, 
113-138.) Gives the mythological 
and religious ideas of the Kachins 
or Chimpans of N. and N. E. Burma: 
The origin of things (4 generations 
from the male element of fog or 
vapor and a female element) ; origin 
of the great nats or spirits (9 born 
of Janun) ; origin of fathers, moth- 
ers of many things ; Ningkong wa 
makes the earth, a palace, names ani- 
mals, opens paths, makes waves, 
makes princes and kings ; the deluge 
and the adventures of the two or- 
phans, repeopling of the earth ; ori- 
gin of knowledge, riches, wind, spi- 
rits, sacrifices, use of meat, death, 
rice and cotton, fire, water, loss 
of speech by animals ; origin 
of sun, moon, stars, eclipses, thun- 
der and lightning, knives, lords 
and kings of Europe ; Ningkong 
wa marries Madam Crocodile, — ori- 
gin of the small feet of the Chinese, 
of thread, straw, hair, beauty, flutes, 
salt, heart-fat, liver, lungs ; nat- 
feast of Ningkong wa ; story of 
Ningkong wa's first children, legend of 

Jathoi ; origin of the manau vow, of 
the jathnns (evil spirits) ; genii of 
hunting and fishing; origin of mad- 
ness, of sarons, lasas and 'ndangs, 
marawngs; of sorcerers, sun-sacri- 
fices, sacrifices to the " son of 
thunder " ; origin of officers and cult- 
objects, rice-beer; origin of mar- 
riage (for people and princes) ; 
marriage of the grandson of Ning- 
kong wa ; manau of Ka-ang du-wa ; 
the genealogy of the Kachin chiefs. 
At pages 134-136 are given 3 fables 
(crow and heron, two children, two 
orphans), p. 137 some auguries and 
pp. 137-138 five proverbs with native 

La religion des Katchins, Bir- 
manie. (Ibid., 1909, IV, 702-725). 
Treats of the nature (according to 
bards and priests), cult (invocations, 
offerings), etc., of the Karai Kas- 
ang or supreme being), nats and an- 
cestors (nature, residence, good and 
bad nats), cult of nats and ancestors 
(officials and cult objects, ways of 
honoring the nats, offerings and sacri- 
fices), life and death, other-world 
ideas, spirit-world, paradise and hell, 

Giuffrida-Ruggeri (V.) Les cranes de 
Myrina du Musee imperial de Vienne. 
(Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop. de Paris, 1908. 
v® IX, 162-167.) Gives chief meas- 
urements, etc., of 16 crania (now in 
the Imperial Museum in Vienna) 
from the necropolis of Myrina in 
Asia Minor, — the Greek population 
was " dolicho-mesocephalic with a 
slight tendency toward brachy- 
cephaly." The face measurements 
are less homogeneous. The capaci- 
ties of 10 male crania ranges from 
1359 to 1867; the 3 female from 
1286, 1369, 1396 ccm. 

Goldziher (I.) Alois Musil's ethno- 
logische Studien in Arabia Petraea. 
(Globus, Brnschwg., 1908, xciii, 280- 
285, 5 fgs.) Resumes some of the 
data in A. Musil's Arabia Petraea. 
III. Bd. Ethnographischer Reise- 
bericht (Wien, 1908). Musil's ac- 
count of the life of the modern Be- 
duins has been styled " a living com- 
mentary on ancient Arabian poetry." 
Much information about religion and 
superstition is given by Musil, whose 
book is a rich mine for the ethnol- 
ogist and folklorist. Interesting is 
the Ummal-gheith, or " rain-mother," 
ceremony in case of drought. Some 
curious cases of contact and mixture 
of Islam and Christianity occur. 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

Gottheil (R.) The cadi: the history 
of this institution. (R. d. £t. Eth- 
nogr. et Sociol., Paris, 1908, i, 385- 
393.) According to Rabbi G. while, 
" in the elaboration of the manner 
in which the cadi held court, Roman 
and Persian examples exercised an 
influence," the origin of the whole 
system is not, as Tarrago holds, to 
be seen in those directions. The 
cadis were in many ways important 
personages in Mohammedan civiliza- 

Grignard (F. A.) The Oraons and 
Mundas from the time of their set- 
tlement in India. An essay of con- 
structive history. (Anthropos, Wien, 
1909, IV, 1-19, 2 pi., map.) Dis- 
cusses the data in the Mahabharata 
and the Ramayana and their reli- 
ability ; identity of the Karusha tribe 
of heroic times with the modern 
Oraons and of the Rakshasas with 
the Karushas (Oraons), — according 
to Father G. " Rakshasas, as ap- 
plied to aborigines, is nothing else 
than a wilful mispronunciation of the 
word Karusha." The history and 
migrations of the Oraon, Male and 
Munda tribes, from about 1000 B. 
C, are sketched, down to submis- 
sion of the Mundas in 1832. The 
illustrations figure Oraon types. 

Harris (E. L.) The ruined cities of 
Asia Minor. Some ruined cities ot 
Asia Minor. The buried cities of 
Asia Minor. (Nat. Geogr. Mag.,Wash., 
1908, XIX, 741-760, II pi.; Ibid., 
834-858, 2 fgs, 17 pi.; Ibid., 1909, 
XX, 1-8. 10 pi.) Treats of the ruins 
of Tralles (buried under olive orch- 
ards), wealthy Laodicea (once the 
chief emporium of Asia Minor), 
Hierapolis (with its Plutonium, 
theaters, mausoleums, four necropo- 
lises, etc. Leseos or Mitylene (traces 
of walls of ancient Lesbos ; medieval 
castle), Ephesus (theater, temples). 
Magnesia (only the Gypsy seems now 
to thrive near it), Miletus (seat of the 
Ionian school of philosophy; theater), 
Priene (temples and private houses ; 
once a great religious center) ; Colo- 
phon (great wall, necropolis ; one 
of the claimants as the birth-place 
of Homer) ; Magnesia (vi'ith the fig- 
ure of Niobe on Mt. Sipylus), Sar- 
des (city of Croesus), Philadelphia 
(historic for Christianity), Aphro- 
disias (very imposing ruins ; named 
for Aphrodite), Pergamus (famous 
for its library and for parchment), 
etc. Besides the archeological re- 
mains, the illustrations treat of such 

modern topics as ploughing, gold- 
washing, shepherds, goat-herds, 
school-children, street scenes, types 
of natives, etc. 
Hartmann (R.) Wadi Fara. (Globus, 
Brnschwg., 1908, xciii, 205-208, 5 
fgs.) Brief account of the Wadi 
Fara, a rocky valley north of Jeru- 
salem, the resort of early Christian 
hermits, and before that known as a 
secret place for the hiding of 
Headland (I. T.) Chinese children at 
play. (Everyb. Mag., N. Y., 1909, 
XXI, 201-211. 8 fgs.) Brief descrip- 
tions of " blind man's buff," " hawk 
and chickens," " riding the elephant " 
(a distinctively Chinese game), "the 
way to the village of the Liu family," 
" host and guest," shows for children 
(Dr. H. says " Punch and Judy " ori- 
ginated in China), "selecting fruit" 
(sHi generis, according to H.), " skin- 
ning the snake," " forcing the city 
gates," etc. As a rule boys and girls 
do not play together, but some of the 
games of both sexes are quite alike. 
A counting-out rhyme (with the 
foot) is cited on p. 210. 
Hedin (S.) En resa i Tibet 1906- 
1908 (Ymer, Stckhlm, 1909, xxix, 
161-196, 14 fgs.) Contains some 
notes on peoples, ruins, etc., met with 
in travels in Tibet in 1906-1908. 
Henderson (A. E.) The Croesus (Vlth 
century B. C.) temple of Artemis 
(Diana) at Ephesus. (Rec. of Past, 
Wash., 1909, VIII, 195-206, 6 fgs.) 
Gives results of excavations of 1904 
and 1905, with plan of proposed res- 
toration. Remains of three primitive 
structures were discovered. 
Hertel (J.) Der Kluge Vezier, ein 
xaschmirischer Volksroman. (Z. d. 
V. f. Volksk., Berlin, 1908, xviii, 
379-393.) Concluding section of 
German version of Cashmir folk-tale 
of the wise vizir. 
Hildburgh (W. L.) Notes on Sin- 
halese magic. (J. R. Anthrop. Inst., 
Lond., 1908, xxxviii, 148-206, 6 pi.) 
Treats of magic in general and as- 
trology, miscellaneous magic (charm- 
ers, love-charms, charms to secure 
favor, injury and killing of enemies, 
change of appearance and invisibility, 
charms used by or against thieves, 
gambling, amusing and trick charms, 
divination), curative magic (devil- 
dancing, punishing devils, curation 
practices of many sorts), protective 
magic (perils, infants, houses, crops, 
cattle) and amulets. The information 

Periodical Literature 


has been obtained in nearly all cases 
" direct from believers in, or prac- 
tioners of, the matters discussed," 
and " principally from Sinhalese, but 
partly from Tamils, and, in a very 
small measure, from Indian Moham- 
medans." The material here given is 
supplementary to that already pub- 
lished by J. Callaway, E. Upham, D. 
De Silva Gooneratne and A. Grune- 
wedel. " Devil-dancing " is considered 
with some detail (169-174), also 
votive offerings, etc. Many data, for 
comparison with European folk-lore 
occur in these pages. 

Hinke (W. J.) Legal and commercial 
transactions chiefly from Nippur. 
(Rec. 01 Fast, Wash., D. C. 1909. vni, 
11-19, 4 fgs.) Based on A. T. Clay's 
Legal and Commercial Transactions 
dated in the Assyrian, Babylonian 
and Persian Periods, chiefly from 
Nippur (Univ. of Penn, 1908). Cites 
examples of seals, sales, leases, eject- 
ment, records of debts, memorandum 
of payments, receipt of taxes, promis- 
sory note, transfer of office, etc. 

Hodson (T. C.) Head-hunting among 
the hill-tribes of Assam. (Folk- 
Lore, Lond., 1909, xx, 132-145, 5 pi.) 
Treats of head-hunting in connection 
with foundation-sacrifice, tree-burial, 
sacred stones, funeral ritual, ai cere- 
mony (fascination), oneiromancy, 
marriage, religion, etc. Head-hunt- 
ing cannot be reduced to a single 
formula. In some cases it may be 
no more than a social duty, 

Hoffmann-Kutschke (A.) Indoger- 
manisches. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1909, 
xcv. .J04.) Calls attention to the 
Iranized old Caucasian element in 
Tocharian, the newly discovered In- 
do-European of ancient 
Central Asia, and points out that its 
character is not at all inconsistent 
with the theory of the European 
origin of the Aryans. 

Holbe (T. V.) A propos des dents 
noires des Annamites et de la chique 
de betel. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop. de 
Paris, 1908, v^, ix, 671-678). Dis- 
cusses betel-chewing and the black 
teeth of the Annamese, and gives 
(p. 675) the legend concerning the 
origin of this ancient custom. Dis- 
cusses also the lackering of the 
teeth by professionals from Tonkin. 
Both these processes blacken the 
teeth. In the discussion Dr Atgier 
added some facts. 

Holm (F. V.) The Holm-Nestorian 
expedition to Sian, 1907. (Open Ct., 
Chicago, 1909, XXIII, 18-28, 6 fgs.) 

Account of author's visit to Sianfu 
in 1907 and how he obtained a replica 
of the famous Nestorian Stone or 
Chingchiaopei, a Christian monu- 
ment dating from 781 A. D. The 
replica is now in the Metropolitan 
Museum of Art, New York. 

Hosten (H.) Paharia burial customs, 
British Sikkim. (Anthropos, Mod- 
ling-Wien, 1909, iv, 669-683, 2 pi., 
I fg.) Details chiefly from the dic- 
tation of an intelligent native Chris- 
tian 18 years old, concerning the 
burial customs, ceremonies, beliefs, 
etc., of the zamindar or land-owner 
castes of the Paharias near Kurse- 
ong, who " in language, features, 
customs and religion . . . are near- 
est of kin to the Nepalese, their 
neighbors." Treatment of dying man, 
preparation of body, funeral cortege, 
jadugar, or " medicine-man," and his 
performances, burial, mourning, treat- 
ment of living, day of purification, 
work of brahman, phalaincha or road- 
seat in memory of dead, banquet, 
dancing and other elaborate cere- 
monies, etc. 

Hughes (T. P.) The modern Gand- 
hara. (Open Court, Chicago, 1909, 
XXIII, 75-78, 3 fgs.) Notes on the 
city and people of Peshawur, which 
occupies the site of the ancient Bud- 
dhist city of Gandhara. 

Huntington (E.) Life in the great 
desert of Central Asia. (Nat. Geogr. 
Mag., Wash., 1909, xx, 749-760, 12 
fgs.) Based on author's travels in 
1903. Contains notes on Kurds and 

The mountaineers of the Euphra- 
tes. (Ibid., 142-156, 8 fgs., 3 pi.) 
Treats of the Kurds, Armenians, 
Turks. Religion (in many places all 
reverence the same shrines, probably 
old pagan holy-places, etc. ; shrines 
of Mushar Dagh) ; inflated rafts of 
sheepskin and inflated goatskins for 
swimming across rivers, as in ancient 
days ; ancient castle of Gerger, — Hit- 
tite, Roman Saracen ; old Syrian 
monastery, etc. 

Jacobi (H.) Ueber Begriflf und Wesen 
der poetischen Figuren in der in- 
dischen Poetik. (Nachr. v. d. Kgl. 
Ges. d. Wiss. zu Gottingen, Phil.- 
hist. Kl., Berlin, 1908, 1-14.) Treats 
of the alarnkaras, from which Hindu 
poetry receives its name of alam- 
karasastra ; they are very highly de- 
veloped and have been keenly 

Jaekel (O.) Herkunft chinesischer 
Stilfiguren von primitiven Vasen- 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

reliefs. (Z. f. EtlinoL, Berlin, 1908, 
XL, 932-942, 5 fgs.) J. argues that 
the conventional figures (lion, dragon, 
mountains, waves, etc.) of old Chi- 
nese clay vases are imitated from 
those on older bronze vases of west- 
ern Asiatic, perhaps Babylonian ori- 
gin. In the discussion Hr Messing 
points out that J. overlooks the great 
antiquity of bronze in China. Some 
of the art-objects in question are 
undoubtedly Chinese in origin. 

Janke (A.) Die Bagdadbahn und der 
Giilek Boghas (Cilicische Tore) im 
Taurus. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1909, 
xcv, 201-206, 8 fgs.) Contains a 
few notes on the ruins in the Cili- 
cian Pass in the Taurus. See also 
the author's book Aiif Alexanders 
dcs Grossen Pfaden. 

Jochelson (W.) Die Riabouschinsky- 
Expedition nach Kamtschatka. (Ibid., 
1908, xciv, 224-225.) The ethno- 
logical section of the Riabushinsky 
expedition to Kamtschatka was 
headed by W. Jochelson, assisted by 
his wife (Dr Jochelson), and A. 
Koschewoi. The stay in Kamtschatka 
will be one year, — the first year to be 
devoted to a study of the Aleuts, 
language, archeology, etc. Excava- 
tions will also be made on the Kurile 

■ Some notes on the traditions of 

the natives of northeastern Siberia 
about the mammoth. (Amer. Nat., 
N. Y., 1909, XLiii, 48-50.) Accord- 
ing to the Yukaghir the mammoth, 
whose spirit is the guardian spirit of 
certain shamans, was created through 
a blunder of the Superior Being. 
One legend connects the disappear- 
ance of the mammoth with Noah's 
flood. The Chukchee look upon the 
the mammoth as " the reindeer of 
evil spirits." The export of mam- 
moth ivory from Siberia is still con- 
siderable,— in 200 years the tusks of 
24,500 mammoth have been sent out 
of the province of Yakutsk. 

ten Kate (H.) Notes detachees sur 
les Japonais. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop. 
de Paris, 1908, v^ S., ix, 17S-195.) 
Treats of prostitution (Japanese 
prostitute is known outside of her 
own country in China, Manchuria, 
part of Siberia, Saghalin, Korea, 
Pacific N. America, E. Indies, E. 
Africa, Brazil, Argentina, etc.) ; 
character and physique of woman 
(not really beautiful, contra Stratz, 
first impression only is favorable ; but 
fewer ugly women than men) ; 
Aino mixture (more important than 

commonly thought ; has produced cer- 
tain physical improvements) ; ques- 
tion of Malay element (undoubtedly 
present) and of Negritos (author 
thinks this element negroid rather 
than negritoid and due to a somewhat 
recent metissage with slaves from 
the Philippines, Macao, etc.) ; re- 
ligiosity (deeply religious but not 
generally fanatic ; mikadoism and 
patriotic cult, however, are fanatic) ; 
formalism and politeness (exces- 
sive), attitude toward other Asiatic 
peoples (arrogant ; e. g., even " pros- 
titutes despise the Annamese ") ; 
lack of originality and physiological 
pseudo-stupor ; esthetic sense 
(marked by impersonality, suggesti- 
bility, and certain degeneracy due to 
contact with or imitation of Occi- 
dentals) ; moral (official changes 
without influence on the " soul of 
the people "). Dr t. K. does not 
consider the Japanese intellectual 
elite the equals of those of the white 

Zur Erwiderung an Herrn E. 

Prost in Stettin. (Int. Arch. f. 
Ethnogr., Leiden, 1909, xix, 35-36.) 
Replies to P.'s criticism of ten K.'s 
" unfavorable opinion " of the Japan- 

• ■ Weiteres aus dem japanischen 

Volksglauben. (Globus, Brnschwg., 
1908, XCIV, 373-378.) Gives numer- 
ous items of Japanese folk-lore and 
folk-thought concerning magic, for- 
tune-telling, dreams ; medicine and 
disease ; astrology, mythology, re- 
ligion, etc. The time is not long 
past when many of these supersti- 
tions and primitive ideals were to be 
found in even the official and edu- 
cated classes. No psychic " muta- 
tion " involving the whole people has 
taken place in Japan. 

Kern (R. A.) A Malay cipher alphabet. 
(J. R. Anthrop. Inst., Lond., 1908, 
XXXVIII, 207-211, I pi.) Gives brief 
letter in Gangga Malayu with trans- 
literation, translation, etc., from the 
western coast of the Malay peninsula 
in the native state of Perak. Ac- 
cording to K., " The Gangga Malayu 
has been invented by Javanese living 
in a Malay country and well ac- 
quainted with the Malay way of 
writing, so as to feel no inconven- 
ience in expressing the vowels in the 
less accurate Malay manner." This 
alphabet contains 32 letters and its 
use seems quite limited. 

Ketzereien iiber die Japaner. (Globus, 
Brnschwg., 1908, xciv, 322.) Re- 

Periodical Literature 


sumes article of Dr H. ten Kate on 
the Japanese, in the Btdl. Soc. d'An- 
throp. de Paris for 1908. 

Khungian (T. B.) Glimpses from an- 
cient Armenia. (Amer. Antiq., Sa- 
lem, Mass., 1908, XXX, 270-275.) 
Notes on the ancient history of 
Urarta, Manna (or Minni), Musasir, 
Nairi, Millit and Miltis, which made 
up the Armenian confederacy, and 
their relations with Assyria, etc. 

Knocher (F, W.) Notes on the wild 
tribes of the Ulu Plus, Perak. (J. 
R. Anthrop. Inst., Lond., 1909, 
XXXIX, 142-155, 2 pi., map.) Notes 
on habitat, weapons (blow-pipe), 
spirit-lore, houses, domesticated ani- 
mals (baby gibbon suckled by wo- 
man), clothing and ornament (face- 
painting, nose-quill, tattooing), food, 
etc.; a vocabulary (pp. 148-151) ; 
anthropological descriptions and 
measurements of 4 female and 11 
male individuals (all but 2, adults). 
Average heights of 4 adult females 
1,407 mm. or 4 ft. 7j^ in.; and of 9 
adult males 1,538 mm., or just over 
5 ft. These people are probably 
Sakais somewhat mixed with Se- 

Kugler (F. X.) Auf den Triimmern 
des Panbabylonismus. (Anthropos, 
Modling-Wien, 1909, iv, 477-499.) 
Critique of the " pan-Babylonian " 
theory of mythology set up by Hom- 
me! and Winckler. The astronomic 
and other data in Dr A. Jeremias's 
Das Alter der babylonischen Astrono- 
mie (Leipzig, 1908) are severely 
handled. The character of the older 
Babylonian astronomy, the assumed 
Babylonian knowledge of the pre- 
cession, the Babylonian order of the 
planets, etc., are discussed. See 
Schmidt (W.). 

Latham (H. L.) Ascending to the 
gods. (Open Court, Chicago, 1909, 
XXIII, 161-170, 9 fgs.) Describes as- 
cent of Fuji, the sacred mountain of 

Laufer (B.) Kunst und Kultur Chinas 
im Zeitalter der Han. (Globus, Brn- 
schwg., 1909, xcvi, 7-9, 21-24.) Dis- 
cusses the art of culture of China in 
the epoch of the Han, on the basis 
of the author's own researches, etc. 
The Han Chinese art shows My- 
cenean (not Greco-Hellenic) influ- 
ences, which came by way of the 
great migration-road into Central 
Asia, the Scythians and ancient 
Turkic peoples having doubtless been 
intermediary, — the Persian Sassanide 
art likewise has similar Mycenean 

motives. L. denies the existence of 
Assyrian elements in ancient Chinese 
art. In its general character the Han 
art is an art of the dead, developed 
in connection with ancestor cult and 
worship (" the grave of the Han 
period is a microcosm of the cultus 
of the time"). The great clay vases 
are imitations of old bronze vases. 
In the Han period the slow begin- 
nings of the use of iron (gained from 
the Turks) mark the end of the 
bronze age proper (bronze imple- 
ments and weapons often agree with 
old Siberian types). The stone art 
of the Han period is marked by little 
animal figures, etc., of nephrite, usu- 
ally votive offerings to the dead, and 
the predecessors of the massive stone 
figures of the graves of the T'ang 
epoch. This diminutive art repre- 
sents, perhaps, the best China has 
done ; in the large she has been 
quite backward in form, technique, 

Lehmann-Haupt (C. F.) Alt-kultur- 
elles erlautert durch Neu-Chines- 
isches. (Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1909, 
XLi, 635-643, I fg.) Treats in de- 
tail of a modern Chinese scale (for 
weighing precious metals, money, 
etc.), from the old city of Shanghai, 
as serving to explain ancient Chinese 
culture-phenomena. The scale seems 
made to weigh after several different 

Lyon (D. G.) The Harvard expedition 
to Samaria. (Harv. Theol. Rev., 
Cambridge, 1909, 11, 102-113, 12 pi.) 
Gives account of excavations, etc., in 
April-August. 1908, — stone altar, 
vaulted chamber and stairway, foun- 
dation of wall, platform, inscribed 
stele (Latin, by Pannonian soldiers), 
statue, etc. ; Roman, Greek, Hebrew, 
Arabic remains. 

M. (B. F.) Possible traces of exoga- 
mous divisions in the Nicobar Is- 
lands. (Man, Lond., 1909, ix, 71- 
72.) Cites passage from Nicolas 
Fontana (who visited these islands 
in 1778), with remarks by E. H. 

Maclean (J. P.) Asherah. (Amer. 
Antiq., Salem, Mass., 1909, xxxi, i- 
6.) Treats of term asherah, citing 
the 40 places in which it occurs in 
the Bible, where it has been variously 
translated, — " all interpreters are 
now agreed that the term implies an 
idol or image of some kind." Con- 
tact with the Canaanites gave Ash- 
erah some of the attributes of 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

Maunsell (F. R.) One thousand miles 
of railway built for pilgrims and not 
dividends. (Nat. Geogr. Mag., Wash., 
1909, XX, 156-172, I fg., 12 pi.) 
Treats of Damascus to Mecca rail- 
road. Abstracted from Geographical 
Journal (London). The illustrations 
(pilgrims, sheiks, inaugural sheep- 
sacrifice, rock-tombs, priests, etc.) 
are of ethnologic interest. 

Maurer (F.) Assyrische und babyloni- 
sche Kopfbedeckungen und Wiirden- 
abzeichen. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1908, 
xciv, iio-iii, 10 fgs.) Based on 
article by S. Langdon in Etudes de 
Philologie Assyro-Babyloniemie for 

1908. Brief account of Assyrian and 
Babylonian head-coverings and hono- 
rary insignia. Plant motifs and 
horns are prominent. 

Eine babylonische Damonen be- 

schworung. (Ibid., 143-145.) Cites 
text (in German) of and discusses 
a Babylonian conjuration of demons, 
from a series connected with the 
" house of ablution." In the Old 
Testament occur passages recalling 
portions of such conjurations. 

. Die sumerischen Familienge- 

setze. (Ibid., 1909, xcv, 373-375-) 
Cites and discusses in comparison 
with the laws of the Hebrew Bible 
and other Semitic documents, the 7 
paragraphs relating to family law 
preserved in the code of Hammurabi. 
The harshness of some of these laws 
is notable. 

Mead (C. W.) A collection from the 
Andaman Islands. (Amer. Mus. J., 
N. Y., 1909, IX, 80-91, 7 pi.) Treats 
briefly recently acquired ethnological 
collection (weapons, implements, 
ornaments, basketry, household uten- 
sils, prepared skulls and bones worn 
in mourning). The illustrations de- 
pict fish-shooting, greeting (meeting 
and parting), marriage ceremony, 
turtle-spearing, dance. 

The Andamans and the Anda- 

manese. (So. Wkmn., Hampton, Va., 

1909, XXXVIII, 273-278, 6 fgs.) 
Treats of ornament, customs of greet- 
ing, etc., wedding-ceremony, hunt- 
ing and fishing, social relations, food, 
tattooing, body-painting, pottery, con- 
tact with Europeans, etc. Same data 
as previous article. 

Mills (T. H.) Our own religion in 
ancient Persia. (Open Court, Chi- 
cago, 1909, XXIII, 385-404.) Article 
on Zoroastrianism reprinted from the 
Contemporary Reviezv for January, 

Mochi (A.) Crani cinesi e giapponesi. 
A proposito delle forme craniensi di 
Homo sinicus, Sergi. (A. p. I'An- 
trop., Firenze, 1908, xxxviii, 299- 
328, 12 fgs.) Detailed descriptions 
with measurements of 5 Chinese 
(also 2 casts) and 2 Japanese skulls 
in the Florence Anthropological Mu- 
sevim, with reference to the cranial 
forms of Sergi's Homo sinicus. The 
9 skulls form 4 distinct groups. M. 
holds that the broad low skulls are 
typically distinct from the high, and 
that high and low brachycephals are 
not to be confounded in E. Asia. 

Molz (M.) Ein Besuch bei den Ao- 
Nagas in Assam, Indien. (Anthro- 
pos, Wien, 1909, iv, 54-70, 5 pi.) 
Account of visit to the Aos or Hat- 
tigoria (some 30,000), largest tribe 
of the Assamese Nagas. Habitat, 
physical characters (av. stat., men 5 
ft. 6 in., women 5 ft. 3 in.), diseases, 
villages and houses, burial (plat- 
form), bachelor's and assembly 
houses, food (almost anything), cloth- 
ing and ornament, head-hunting, 
family life, marriage (simple, polyg- 
amy rare, divorce common ; no pu- 
berty ceremonies for women ; death in 
child-birth ill-omened), political orga- 
nization (every village a republic), 
religion and mythology (Sibrai chief 
deity ; myths of thunder and light- 
ning, earthquake, sun, etc.) 

de Morgan (J.) Les stations prehis- 
toriques de I'Alagheuz, Armenia 
russe. (R. de I'fic. I'Anthrop. de 
Paris, 1909, IX, 189-203. 39 fgs., 
map.) Treats of the surface " sta- 
tions " of Alagheuz (Bughuti-Daghi, 
Hadghi-Bagher, Tcham-Meuri, Kip- 
tchakh, etc.) in Russian Armenia, 
where are found together obsidian 
implements (scrapers, arrow-points, 
discs, borers, nuclei, etc.) of archeo- 
lithic and of neolithic forms. It is 
from the obsidian deposits of Armenia 
that came the obsidian found in Susa, 
Chaldea. Luristan, Kurdistan, etc. 

Moskowski (M.) Bei den letzten Wed- 
das. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1908, xciv, 
133-136, 7 fgs.) Account of author's 
visit to the Vedda country and ob- 
servation of Danigala and Henne- 
bedda Veddas, photographing, etc. 
The arrow-dance was performed for 

Mueller (H.) Nahrvater in der chine- 
sischen Literatur. (Z. f. Ethnol., 
Berlin, 1909, xli, 266-270, 2 fgs.) 
Cites from Chinese literature 3 cases 
(2 from the Sheng-yi of the Em- 
peror K'ang-hi, d. 1723, the last edi- 

Periodical Literature 


tion of which appeared in 1856, es- 
sentially the issue of 1728) of chil- 
dren represented as being suckled by 
men. The first two cases are attrib- 
uted to the time of Li-shan (221- 
206 B. C.) and that of the T'ang 
dynasty (618-907). The act is 
characterized by the Chinese as praise- 

Miiller (W. M.) The Semitic god of 
Tahpanhes. (Open Ct., Chicago, 
1909, XXIII, i-s, I pi.) Treats of the 
limestone stele found at Tell Defen- 
neh (Biblical Tahpanhes) in the ex- 
treme N. E. of the Delta. The wor- 
shiping scene (late Babylonian style, 
6th century B. C.) depicted is 
thought by Prof. M. to contain " an 
ancient relief of Jahveh." Its exis- 
tence would illustrate " the great 
freedom of earlier Egyptian Judaism." 

Miinsterberg (O.) Influences occiden- 
tales dans I'art de I'Extreme-Orient. 
(R. d. fit. Ethnogr. et Sociol.. Paris, 
1909, II, 27-36. iog-ii6, 21 pi.) Con- 
tains practically the same facts as 
the article Uber den Einfluss West- 
asieris auf ostasiatischen Knnst vor 
christlicher Zeit (1908), noticed in 
the American Anthropologist, 1908, 
N. s., x, 691. 

Myres (J. L.) Excavations at Tell 
Halaf, in northern Mesopotamia. 
(Ann, Arch, and Anthrop., Liverpool, 
1909, II, 139-144, I fg.) Resumes 
the data in M. von Oppenheira's Der 
Tell Halaf, und die verschleierte G'ot- 
tin (Leipzig. 1908). 

Naganuma (K.) Philology of shell- 
names from ancient manuscripts. 
(Conchol. Mag., Kyoto, Japan, 1909, 
III, Jap. Ed., 23-25, 58-62.) List 
of names with etymologies, etc. 

Nestle (E.) Das Vlies des Gideon. 
(A. f. Religsw., Lpzg., 1909, xii, 154- 
156.) Discusses the test of the 
" fleece of Gideon " and its interpre- 
tation. The Hebrew word rendered 
" fleece " signifies " cut, shorn," used 
of wool and also of grass (" fleece," 
"mown grass "), and the verbal iden- 
tity may have affected the associa- 
tion of ideas. 

Notes and scenes from Korea. (Nat. 
jGeogr. Mag., Wash., 1908, xix, 498- 
508, 2 fgs., 9 pi.) The illustrations 
treat of carriers, shrines, fish-image 
in Buddhist monastery, wishing- 
stone in temple, symbolic stone carv- 
ing, school-boys, " devil house," 
" gallery of names," Korean types. 

O'Brien (A. J.) Female infanticide in 
the Punjab. (Folk-Lore, Lond., 1908, 
VOL. XXIII. — NO. 87. 9 

XIX, 261-275.) Discusses causes 
(necessity for marriage and its im- 
possibility owing to social conditions, 
etc., castes, royal relationship, imita- 
tion of higher by lower classes, etc.), 
recent improvements, irregularity of 
hypergamy and re-marriage of wid- 
ows forbidden, as a by-product. 

Old mines and mills in India. (Nat. 
Geogr. Mag., Wash., 1909, xx, 489- 
490, 2 fgs.) Notes on old gold work- 
ings near Gadug, 300 miles S. E. of 
Bombay, said by some to date back 
2,000 years, and to have been idle 
for at least 400 years. The ore was 
ground by hand in " cups " in bed 

D'OUone's weitere Mitteilungen iiber 
die Lolo und Miautse. (Globus, 
Brnschwg., 1908, xciii, 319-321.) 
Resumes account of visit of d'Ollone 
to Lolo and Miautse from article in 
La Geographie (Paris) for March, 
1908. D'Ollone obtained several Lolo 
" books," and other material of a 
linguistic and historical nature. The 
Lolo movement has been from E. to 
W., not from W. to E. The written 
characters of the Miautse are said 
to be related to the old Chinese char- 
acters, used since 300 B. C, for her- 
aldic inscriptions only. 

Osgood (P. E.) The temple of Solo- 
mon. (Open Court, Chicago, 1909, 
xxiii, 449-468, 526-549, 15 fgs.) 
Two first sections of " a deductive 
study of Semitic culture." Based on 
pictured relics and " the few actual 

P. Die Jenessei-Ostjaken. (Globus, 
Brnschwg., 1908, xciii, 94.) Resumes 
briefly report of W. J. Anutchin, head 
of the expedition 1905-1907 to the 
Turuchan region of Siberia, on the 
Ostiaks of the Yenessei, who are 
more and more taking on Russian 
language, customs, religion. In a 
number of respects (dwellings, art, 
etc.) their conditions are still primi- 
tive. The " chiefs " are chosen for 
3 years, and important questions are 
decided in meetings in which women 
take part. 

Pantoussoff (N.) Le temple chinois 
" Bei-iun-djuan " dans la passe d'Ak- 
Su, province d'lli. (R. d. fit Eth- 
nogr. et Sociol., Paris, 1908, i, 398- 
403, 2 pi.) Describes a Chinese 
temple in a cavern in the pass of 
Ak-Su, its chapels, idols, etc. It is a 
place of pilgrimage. 

Paterson (A. M.) and Broad (W. H.) 
Human skulls from Asia Minor. 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

(Ann. Arch, and Anthrop., Liver- 
pool, 1909, II, 91-95.) Describes 
briefly with chief measurements four 
more or less imperfect skulls (3 adult 
male, one child 14-15 years) found 
in the ancient mercury mines at 
Sisma, in Asia Minor, together with 
stone hammers of diabase and flint 
arrow and spear heads, — in one an- 
cient cutting the skeletons of nearly 
50 entombed miners were found. 
Date and race are quite uncertain. 

Patkanoff (K. P.) Some words on the 
Trans-Caucasian Gypsies. — Bosa and 
Karaci. (J. Gypsy Lore Soc, Liver- 
pool, 1908, N. s., I, 229-257.) First 
section of article treating of the 
Bosa and Karaci Gypsies of Tiflis 
(Bakin, Erivan, etc., a total of some 
3,000), their appellation, character 
and mode of life, language (pp. 245- 
257, — 46 phrases of Bosa, numerals, 
grammatical notes, vocabulary of 238 
words). Translated by D. F, de L. 
Ranking from P.'s monograph on the 
Gypsies, published at St Petersburg, 

Petrie (W, M. F.) The peoples of the 
Persian empire. (Man, Lond., 1908, 
VIII, 129-130, I pi.) Notes on the 
pottery-heads representative of the 
foreign settlement in ancient Mem- 
phis (under Persian rule) ; " Tu- 
ranian " corresponding to similar 
stone heads {ca. 3000 B. C.) found 
in Mesopotamia ; Persian ; Scythian ; 
Tibetan Mongolian ; Aryan Indian, 
etc., — the first remains of Indians 
known on the Mediterranean. The ex- 
cavations about the temple of Me- 
renptah (the Proteus of Herodotus) 
were begun in the spring of 1908. 

Proctor (H.) Symbolism of the He- 
brew alphabet. (Amer. Antiq., Sa- 
lem, Mass., 1909, XXXI, i6-i8.> 
Treats of meanings of letters, after 
the curious ideas of Rev. R. Wil- 
liams, of Jamaica, who published, a 
century ago, a book entitled A Sys- 
tematic View of the Revealed Wis- 
dom of the Word of God, deducir.g 
the Gospel from the arrangement of 
the Hebrew alphabet. 

R. Die Steinzeit auf Ceylon. (Globus, 
Brnschwg., 1908, xciv, 304.) Re- 
sumes briefly Dr P. and Dr F. 
Sarasin's Die Steinzeit auf Ceylon 
(1908). The Nilgala cave remains 
indicate prehistoric stone-age Veddas, 
ancestors of those of to-day, but of a 
more primitive type. 

Rao (H.) The Kasubas, a forest tribe 
of the Nilgiris. (Anthropos, Wien, 

1909, IV, 178-181.) Treats of name, 
septs and totems (cobra, silver, earth, 
etc.), marriage and wedding, divorce, 
cremation of dead. The Kasubas 
here studied live in the forests and 
coffee-clearings at the northern foot 
of the Nilgiris. They are found 
also in the contiguous parts of My- 

Reinach (A. J.) La lutte de Jahve 
avec Jacob et avec Moise et I'origine 
de la circoncision. (R. d. fit. Eth- 
nogr. et SocioL, Paris, 1908, i, 338- 
362.) Discusses the wrestling of 
Jacob and the angel (Jahveh) and 
the contest of Moses and Jahveh. 
Seized in the genital region, the god 
lets the human being go, blesses him 
and declares him his son. By this 
act of craft an alliance is effected. 
According to R., the ritual and social 
explanation of circumcision, as of 
prostitution of the religious sort, is 
found in its character as a sign, 
mark, or bond of alliance. 

Rock (F.) Ethnographische Parallelen 
zum malaiischen Geisterschiffchen, 
der " Antuprau." (Globus, Brn- 
schwg., 1909, xcv, 239-240.) Cites 
parallels for the Malay symbolic use 
of the " spirit-canoe " (antu prau) 
from Japan (straw-boat set adrift on 
water). Babylonia (conjuration-text 
against demon Labartu mentions 
preparation of votive boat), India 
(conjuration-song in 7th book of Rig- 
Veda), etc. 

Rose (H. A.) On caste in India. 
(Man, Lond., 1908, viii, 98-103.) 
Criticises the statements in the chap- 
ters on " Ethnology and Caste." and 
" Religions " by Risley and Crooke 
in the first volume of the new edition 
of the Imperial Gazetteer of India. 
According to Rose " a caste is essen- 
tially a sociological group (but not 
a unit), while a tribe is a natural 
growth from a definite ethnical seed 
Cwith, it may be, affiliated elements 
from other sources)." All the main 
castes in India are " social groups, 
often very highly organized, but of 
heterogeneous origin and not eth- 
nically homogeneous." 

vS. (C. G.) The Sinhalese people and 
their art. (Nature, Lond., i909i 
Lxxxi, 39-40, 2 fgs.) Resumes 
briefly Dr Ananda K. Coomara- 
swamy's Medieval Sinhalese Art 
(Lond., 1908, pp. xvi, 340, 53 pi.). 
Sinhalese art " is largely the result 
of the evolution of an early Indian 
art, in part sheltered by the geo- 

Periodical Literature 


graphical position of Ceylon from 
that Hinduism which overwhelmed it 
upon the mainland," but the Hindu 
influence continually made itself felt 
in post-Asokan and medieval times. 
That a chapter on the moribund art of 
Sinhalese embroidery could be writ- 
ten is due to the efforts of Mrs C. 
Saad (L.) Nach den Ruinen von 
Arsuf und dem muslimischen VVall- 
fahrtsorte Sidna ' AH bei Jaffa. (Glo- 
bus, Brnschwg., 1908, xciv, 89-91, 3 
fgs.) Brief account of visit to the 
ruins of Arsuf and the Mohammedan 
shrine of Sidna ' Ali near Joppa, in 
June, 1907. Arsuf is the ancient 
Apollonia, which name was lost be- 
fore the Crusades. The ruins are 
now little visible. The shrine of 
Sidna ' Ali was built of stones from 
the ruins of Arsuf. 

Die neueren Ausgrabungen in 

Gezer. (Ibid., 1909, xcv, 1 71-174, 3 
fgs.) Brief account of the recent ex- 
cavations (1907-1909) carried on at 
Gezer by Macalister for the Pales- 
tine Exploration Fund, as seen dur- 
ing a visit in November, 1908. Ge- 
zer was apparently international 
rather than specifically Hebrew. The 
cave-dweller period long antedates 
the Semitic and is at least as early 
as 3000 B. C. To the period of 
about 2000 B. C. belong some of the 
most interesting finds: Water-tunnel, 
altar, etc. Canaanite, Israelite, and 
early Christian times are represented 
in the graves. Evidences of subjec- 
tion to Egypt for a long time occur. 

Jericho und die dortigen Gra- 

bungen der Deutschen Orientgesell- 
schaft. (Ibid., 1909, xcvi, 9-13, 6 
fgs.) Account of visit in 1909 and 
of the excavations made by the Ger- 
man Oriental Society. Three Jeri- 
chos at least have existed (Canaan- 
ite, Hebrew, Herodian). Among the 
recent discoveries are part of the 
outer Canaanite city wall, remains of 
Canaanite and Israelite houses, etc. 

Scenes from the land where every- 
body dresses in white. (Nat, Geogr. 
Mag., Wash., 1908, xix, 871-877, 6 
pi.) These illustrations of Korea 
from photographs taken by Rev. J. Z. 
Moore treat of churches, nurse- 
girls, hay-carriers, ploughing with 
bulls, weaving, unwinding thread, 
starching thread, types of natives, 

Scenes in Asia Minor. (Ibid., 1909, 
XX, 172-193, map, 17 pi.) These il- 
lustrations, from photographs by Mr 

H. W. Hicks (transportation meth- 
ods, school-children, sick persons, 
carpenter-shop, grain-sorting, spin- 
ning, Arabian children, tombstone- 
making, saddlery-making, making 
shoes and slippers, preparing cotton, 
tanning, etc.) are of ethnologic in- 

Schmidt (W.) Panbabylonismus und 
ethnologischer Elementargedanke. 

(Mitt. d. Anthrop. Ges. in Wien, 
1908, xxxviii, 73-91.) Critique of 
the " Panbabylonism " (the mythol- 
ogy of the whole world is born of 
the system of sun, moon, star and 
sky-lore wrought out by the Baby- 
lonians 3000 B. C.) theory, begun 
by Winckler and Jeremias, and rep- 
resented more or less by Frobenius 
in his Ini Zeitalter des Sonnengottes 
(Berlin, 1904), a sun-myth advocate, 
and by Sieche in the " panlunarism " 
of his Drachenkampfe (Berlin, 1907). 
Father S. holds that " Panbaby- 
lonismus " only makes clearer the 
truth of the theory of " elementary 
ideas," the development of similar 
effects from similar conditions. At 
p. 87 are given some Pleiad myths 
of the Karesau islanders of German 
New Guinea. 

Schotter (A.) Notes ethnographiques 
sur les tribus du Kouy-tcheou, Chine. 
II. (Anthropos, Modling-Wien, 1909, 
IV, 318-353, 2 pi.) Treats of the 
different Miao tribes. The Yao or 
Yao-jen, — history and habitat, laws, 
writing (doubtful if anything more 
than shamanistic hieroglyphs and 
imitations of Chinese symbols), lan- 
guage (brief vocabulary), character 
(" prudent and timid " according to 
Chinese chronicles), dress, houses, 
marriage, funerals, economic condi- 
tion, feudal regime (monthly taxes), 
religion, ancient cult of the cross and 
its origin (possibly exotic) ; the Pe- 
miao or " White Miao," — name, ori- 
gin, clothing, hunting, dancing, mar- 
riage, funeral, religious traditions, 
language (brief vocabulary), tribal 
divisions, sub-divisions and related 
tribes (at p. 349 some words of the 
language of the Hoa-miao) ; the 
Hong-miao, — habitat, name, customs, 
marriage, moral qualities, language 
(brief vocabulary), etc. 
Schuchardt (C.) Ein Stuck trojan- 
ischer Forschung, in Erinnerung an 
Abraham Lissauer. (Z. f. Ethnol., 
Berlin, 1908, xl, 943-950, map.) Dis- 
cusses the question of the location 
of the various peoples who came to 
the help of the Trojans by land, — the 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

tribes on the rivers Ketios, Mysios, 
Phrygios, Lykos, etc. This limitation 
of the area covered is more likely to 
be near the truth. This area corre- 
sponds to the old kingdom of Tan- 

Scrivenor (J. B.) Malay beliefs con- 
cerning prehistoric stone implements. 
(Man, Lond., 1908, viii, 104-106.) 
Gives views of a Perak Malay con- 
cerning certain stone implements 
known as batu lintar or " thunder 
stones." They are weapons of the 
jins ; lightning is caused by the jins 
throwing them ; they burst into 
flames and explode. R. thinks that 
the idea of " thunderbolts " has been 
attached to them by Europeans. 

Seligmann (C. G.) Quartz imple- 
ments from Ceylon. (Ibid., viii, 
1 1 3-1 1 6, I pi., 6 fgs.) Treats of 
quartz implements from various 
parts of Ceylon, particularly from be- 
neath the floor of a cave in the Hene- 
bedda region of the Uva jungle, still 
used by Veddas, and used some 2000 
years ago by the Sinhalese, who 
probably drove the ancestors of the 
modern Veddas out of many of the 
caves in this part of Ceylon. The 
evidence " indicates a much older 
and more intimate association be- 
tween cave-dwelling Veddas and Sin- 
halese than is usually realized." 
The quartz-workers were probably 

Seligmann's Forschungen iiber die 
Weddas. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1908, 
xciv, 158-159.) Resumes Haddon's 
account in Nature of July 2, 1909, of 
the investigations of Dr C. G. Selig- 
mann among the Veddas of Ceylon. 

Sinclair (A. T.) The Oriental Gypsies. 
(J. Gypsy Lore Soc, Liverpool, 1908, 
N. s., I, 197-21 1.) Treats of dis- 
tribution, wanderings (world-wide), 
jargons (Gypsy speech not born of 
secret languages of " Gypsy-like no- 
mad-castes or tribes of India "), occu- 
pations (fortune-tellers, story-tellers 
and disseminators of folk-lore, " go- 
betweens " for lovers, messengers 
and spies, makers of domestic uten- 
sils, tattooers, horse and cattle deal- 
ers, public musicians, singers and 
dancers, showmen, etc.). Also notes 
on Gypsies of Turkestan and Afghan- 
istan (Gypsy tongue almost lost), 
Persia (more real Gypsy words 
found), Kurds (the Luris are Kurds; 
the Gypsy tongue is not derived from 
Kurdish), Caucasus (language of 
Gypsies here purer than in Armenia, 
but still much corrupted), Syria 

(Armenian dialect; also a jargon), 
Egypt (corrupt dialect with fewer 
real Gypsy words), etc. 

Singh (S. N.) The Americanization of 
Oriental women. (So. Wkmn., 
Hampton, Va., 1909, xxxviii, 91- 
100, 6 fgs.) Notes on modernizing 
movements in China (participation of 
women in Japanese boycott, journal- 
ism, etc.), Japan, Siam, Burma, In- 
dia, Persia, etc. 

■ To-day in Burma. (Ibid., 283- 

293, 353-359, 5 fgs.) Treats of the 
city of Rangoon, use of elephants, 
position of woman, relation and 
status of sexes, social life, religion 
and festivals, village life, Buddhistic 
temples and monasteries, jmf-worship^ 
court-life, rice-cultivation, industries, 
etc. According to S., " in Burma a 
hybrid civilization is rapidly devel- 
oping which has weeded out non- 
essentials from the Oriental and Oc- 
cidental civilizations and welded to- 
gether their beneficent essentials." 

The white man's repression of 

India. (Ibid., 1908, xxxvii, 539-547, 
6 fgs.) General argument that In- 
dia has been drained and impover- 
ished. Bodies and minds have both 
been emasculated. 

India at the parting of the ways. 

(Ibid., 593-600, 7 fgs,) Treats of 
the " awakening of India," the foun- 
dation-laying for India's evolution, 
the spirit of discontent preceding the 
desire for progress, the educational 
propaganda, etc. 

Stein (A. M.) Geographische und 
archaologische Forschungsreisen in 
Zentralasien. (Mitt. d. K.-k. Geogr. 
Ges. in Wien, 1909, lii, 289-324, 4 
pi., 8 fgs.) Account of expedition of 
1906-1908 in Central Asia. Notes on 
ruins of Khadalik (finds of MSS. in 
Sanskrit, Chinese and Khotanese), 
in desert N. W. of Niya (MSS. tab- 
lets, wood-carvings in Greco-Bud- 
dhistic style, etc.), temple-ruins of 
Miran, ruins of Tun-huang (MSS., 
silk and linen paintings, votive gifts, 
etc.), ruins near Chiao-tzu (Buddhist 
cave-temples), etc. 

de St. Elie (A. M.) Aventures d'un 
voyage en 1861 dans le Yemen. 
(Anthropos, Modling-Wien, 1909, iv, 
416-441.) Account of voyage in 
1861 from Aden to Sanaa (sheik, 
people, etc.), Mareb (city of the 
Queen of Sheba), etc., by a mer- 
chant of Bagdad. 

Tafel (A.) Meine mehrjahrige Reise 
im chinesischen Reiche. (Korr.-Bl. 
d. D. Ges, f. Anthrop., Brnschwg,, 

Periodical Literature 


1908, XXXIX, 1 18-122, 2 fgs.) Notes 
on the physical characters of the east- 
ern Tibetans (no division into Tan- 
guts and Tibetans is justifiable, the 
people from Kukunor to the Hima- 
layas being one ; the type is cruder 
than the Chinese, owing to the 
harsher climate perhaps ; differences 
between the Chinese and Tibetans 
somatically are noted), religion, burial 
customs (pp. 118-121), etc. Con- 
trasts in ideas, customs, etc., to the 
Chinese are noted. 

VoUand ( — ) Beitrage zur Ethnogra- 
phic der Bewohner von Armenien und 
Kurdistan. (Arch. f. Anthrop., 
Brnschwg., 1908, n. f. viii, 183-196.) 
Gives original texts, German trans- 
lations, and music of Kurdish, Turk- 
ish and Armenian dance-songs, love- 
songs, war-songs, religious songs, 
patriotic songs, etc., with some dis- 
cussion of Oriental folk-music. 

VoUers (K.) Chidher. (A. f. Religsw., 
Lpzg., 1909, XII, 234-284.) Treats 
of the literature and folk-lore con- 
cerning Chider or Chiser, a compli- 
cated figure, a product of Islamic 
syncretism, and one of the most re- 
markable phenomena in all the his- 
tory of religion, — based on the account 
in the Koran (18, 59-81). In the 
Koran tale Jewish and Babylonian 
elements were already present. The 
mingling with heathen. Christian and 
Hellenic ideas took place in Syria 
and Palestine. Buddhistic influences 
came later. Chidher (Chadir) may 
be nothing more than the Arabic 
transference of the Sumerian Tam- 
uzu, which explains its interpretation 
as " green," " fresh," " fertile." 

Von der Expedition des Oberstleut- 
nants Koslow in die Mongolei. (Glo- 
bus, Brnschwg., 1909, xcv, 319-321.) 
Based on letters of Ivanoff, a mem- 
ber of the KoslofI expedition to 
Mongolia (1907-1909). The island 
of Koissu in L. Kukunor was first 
visited by Europeans in connection 
with this expedition in Sept., 1908, 
— it is inhabited only by a few 
monks. At Luza a Tangut prince 
was met. The monastery of Labrang 
is much visited by pilgrims. 

Weissenberg (S.) Die jemenitischen 
Juden. (Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1909, 
XLi, 309-327, 4 fgs.) Gives results 
of measurements (height, finger- 
reach, head, face, nose, color) of 50 
men and 14 women from the Jemen 
Jews of Jaffa and Jerusalem, also 
partial measurements (stature, head 
length and breadth) of 28 other men 

of the same stock. The Jemen Jews 
differ from the usual Jewish type 
of Europe (S. Russian) in having 
small head-circumference and nar- 
rower head (index men 74.3, women 
76.7 as compared with 82.5 and 82.4 
respectively for the S. Russian), sta- 
ture (Jemen males 1594, S. Russian 
1651 mm.), etc. Noteworthy is the 
complete absence of light hair and 
blue eyes among the Jemen Jews 
(10% blondes among European). 
W. asks if the Jemen Jews, possess- 
ing so many genuine Semitic traits, 
are not true descendants of the old 
Hebrews, — against Luschan's view 
that the latter were a mixture of 
Semites, Hittites and Amorites. In 
the beginning of the 6th century A. D. 
there was an independent Jewish- 
Himyaritic kingdom in Jemen. The 
language of the Jemen Jews is more 
Ashkenasic than Sephardic. 

White (G. E.) Turks praying for rain. 
(Folk-Lore, Lond., 1908, xix, 308- 
312. Gives account of sacrificial 
rain-ceremony in a Shia village. 
Sometimes there is a combination of 
horseplay with a pathetic appeal to 
the mercy of God. 

Wintemitz (M.) D. H. Miiller's Bei- 
trage zur siidarabischen Volkskunde. 
(Globus, Brnschwg., 1908, xciii, 78- 
80.) Notes on the folk-lore material 
in D. H. Miiller's Die ^Mehri- und 
Soqotrisprache. III. Shauri-Texte 
(Wien, 1907). Among these tales 
are two new versions of the " Portia 
legend," which belong with the Peco- 
rone form of the story. They con- 
tain many data as to folk thought, 
life, customs, etc. (demons ; witch- 
craft ; stone-boiling ; love of animals ; 
family and sexual life). 

Wright (A. R.) South Indian folk- 
lore. (Folk-Lore, Lond., 1908, xix, 
474-475.) Cites items concerning 
pilgrims, offerings, silver charms, 
harvest festival with buffalo-races, 
sympathetic magic, bamboo tassels, 
etc., from Madras Government Re-, 

Wylie (A.) Inscription of the Nestor- 
ian monument. (Open Ct., Chicago, 
1909, xxiii, 35-44.) English transla- 
tion with a few explanatory notes. 
The original Chinese text is given on 
pages 28-38. The English version is 
reproduced from Dr S. W. Williams's 
The Middle Kingdom. See also pp. 

Zaborowski (G.) Decouverte d'une 
langue aryenne pretendue primitive 
dans le Turkestan oriental. (Bull. 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

Soc. d'Anthrop. de Paris, 1908, v* s., 
IX, 709-712.) Treats of Tokarian, an 
extinct Aryan tongue, more nearly re- 
lated to the kentiim languages of W. 
Europe than to the satem group by 
which it was surrounded. It belonged 
in the Tokar region of southern East 
Turkestan, and was discovered from 
Mss., etc., by Drs Sieg and Siegling, 
— an account is given by Dr Pischel 
in the Proceedings of the Berlin 
Academy of Sciences and by Dr F. 
Kluge, on which Z.'s article is based. 
It is not the mother-Aryan speech, as 
Kluge seems inclined to hold. 


Archambault (M.) Note sur la faculte 
de saisir les ressemblances fortuites, 
montree par les indigenes neo-cale- 
doniens. (R. de I'fic. d'Anthrop. de 
Paris, 1909, XIX, 91-92.) Calls at- 
tention to the marked faculty of the 
natives of New Caledonia for seizing 
resemblances between rocks or pieces 
of rocks, stones, etc., and birds, rep- 
tiles, fish, insects, moUusks, crus- 
taceae, fruits, vegetables, etc. Such 
stones are used as fetishes, and the 
shamans often retouch them to make 
the likeness more striking. See 
Herve (G.). 

Sur les chances de duree de la 

race canaque. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop. 
de Paris, v^ S., ix, 1908, 492-502.) 
Discusses the survival-possibilities of 
the Kanakas of New Caledonia : Past 
history (first inhabitants of the archi- 
pelago, bad hygienic conditions, sort 
of Malthusianism ; physical effect of 
race-mixture, metissage ; action of 
officials and settlers, effect of Euro- 
pean culture, effect of missions, 
schools, etc.). The metis seem gen- 
erally well-built and intelligent, and 
marriages are fertile. Change from 
native to European food tends toward 
refinement of the race. Hygiene and 
the school are the two chief factors 
that can prolong the existence of the 
Kanakas. A certain amount of self- 
government is also necessary. 

Barbour (T.) Notes on a zoological 
collecting trip to Dutch New Guinea. 
(Nat. Geogr. Mag., Wash., 1908, xix, 
469-484, 3 fgs., 10 pi., map.) Con- 
tains notes on natives (use of to- 
bacco, houses, weapons, canoes, etc.). 
The illustrations treat of Papuan 
types of Dorey, etc., children, canoes, 
Jobi women, Wiak men, etc. 

Further notes on Dutch New 

Guinea. (Ibid., 527-545. 4 fgs., 13 
pi.) Treats of the houses of Djarana 
and the villages in Humboldt bay, 
the karrhvarri (" temples," " bachelor 
houses"), disposal of dead, agricul- 
ture, food, etc. The illustrations 
treat of Papuan types, " temples," 
trading, ferrying, village street, 
archer, etc. 

Barton (F. R.) Note on stone pestles 
from British New Guinea. (Man, 
Lond., 1908, VIII, 1-2, I pi., I fg.) 
Brief description of three stone 
pestles (one from the Yodda valley 
and two from Cape Nelson). The 
handle of one is carved in the form 
of a bird. The other two were re- 
garded by the natives who found 
them as charms and they had " cov- 
ered them with the customary net- 
work." The three pestles are now 
in the British Museum. 

Bean (R. B.) Filipino ears. A classi- 
fication of ear-types. (Philip. J. of 
Sci., Manila, 1909, iv, 27-53, 19 fgs., 
10 pi.) Gives results of observation 
of ears of 942 adult male Filipinos; 
another group of 891 ; a third group 
of 578 pedestrians and 415 riders in 
street cars and carriages, 993 in all ; 
also 6^ prisoners at Bilibilid and 547 
Chinese. Four types are established 
as characterizing the Filipino, and 
four others are not uncommon. Of 
these " 6 are European and 2 are 
not (Negroid and Malay)," It 
would appear that aurally " the 
Filipinos of Manila and vicinity are 
more European than otherwise." 
This, Dr B. says, " is due to the im- 
pregnation of the primary inhabi- 
tants of the Philippines by Mon- 
golian and early European, as well as 
later European (Spanish) peoples." 
Among the pedestrians the Negroid 
and Malay ears predominated. The 
ears of the Bilibilid prisoners are 
not so " European " as those of other 
Filipinos, except in the case of the 
Moros. Chinese and prehistoric Eu- 
ropeans have influenced Filipino ear- 
forms. Ear-type is to some extent 
independent of pigmentation. The 
Negroid, Malay, " B. B. B.," Igorot, 
Alpine, " Cro-Magnon," Iberian (a 
and b), Northern ears are discussed as 
found among Filipinos. An odd, per- 
haps pathological, type is noted on 
p. 41. The Filipinos have a greater 
percentage than the Chinese of " B. 
B. B.," Igorot, Malay and Cro- 
Magnon ears, and less of Negroid. 
Alpine, Iberian b, Northern. Of 

Periodical Literature 


Iberian a each has about an equal 

The Benguet Igorots. A soma- 

tologic study of the live folk of Ben- 
guet and Lepanto-Bontoc. (Ibid., 
Manila, 1908, in, 413-472, 13 fgs., 
8 pi.) Gives results of measure- 
ments (stature, heights of ear, chin, 
sternum, umbilicus, pubis, acromion, 
elbow, wrist, tip of middle finger, 
trochanter, knee ; breadth of shoul- 
der, hip, thigh, pelvis) of 104 adult 
(16 + years male, 10 adult female and 
30 boy (5-15 years) Igorots from Le- 
panto-Bontoc, mountains of western 
Benguet, Agno River valley, Baguio, 
etc. The average height, for males, 
is 1540 mm., for females 1467; the 
cephalic indexes of the 104 males 
varied from 63 to 75 and 41 were 
dolichocephalic 43 mesocephalic and 
18 brachycephalic, the average index 
being 78. According to Dr B., " the 
ear of the Igorot is a most typical 
feature and a true racial character " ; 
and it is not like the ear of the an- 
thropoid apes nor like that of any 
other primitive people, — it is rather 
" a European one, and characteristic 
of the finer types of Europeans." In 
general physical characters the tall 
Igorot is most like, the small Igorot 
least like, a white man, — " an average 
individual Igorot resembles in form 
the woman of Europe, and represents 
a protomorph [Stratz] of the nature 
folk." These types, at least, exist 
among the Igorots (Europe, Negrito, 

Berkusky (H.) Zur Anthropogeo- 
graphie und Wirtschaftsgeographie 
der Philippinen. (Mitt. d. K.-K. Geogr, 
Ges. in Wien, 1909, lii, 325-394, 3 
maps.) Treats of the number and 
distribution of the native peoples, 
material culture (agriculture, fishing, 
mining, trade and commerce, indus- 
tries, houses and villages), intellec- 
tual, social and political culture, etc. 
B. recognizes the Negrito, " Indo- 
nesian," and " Mongoloid-Malay " 
types. He takes an optimistic view 
of the future of Filipinos as a race. 

Best (E.) Personification of the na- 
ture powers as observed in the 
myths and folk-lore of the natives 
of New Zealand. (Amer. Antiq., 
Salem, Mass., 1909, xxx, 267-270.) 
Treats of the mythology and folk- 
lore of earth and sky {papa and 
rangi) and their offspring ; the sun 
and his son ; the personifications of 
the rainbow, water, the sun, stars, 
spirits, etc. 

Blackman (L. G.) The Pacific: the 
most explored and least known re- 
gion of the globe. (Nat, Geogr. 
Mag,, Wash., 1908, xix, 546-563, 2 
fgs,, 9 pi., map.) Contains a few 
notes on Papuans, Micronesians, 
Malayo-Polynesians, The illustra- 
tions treat of village scenes, types of 
men and women from Fiji, Caroline 
Is., Gilbert Is,, Ellice group, Tonga, 
native child. Low Archipelago, chief's 
house, Tonga. 

Bley ( — ) Prahistorische Steingerate 
aus Baining, Neupommern, (An- 
thropos, Modling-Wien, 1909, iv, 
525, I fg.) Notes on prehistoric 
stone mortars and pestles from the 
Baining mountains in New Pomer- 
ania. The Baining speech is Papuan. 

Bobbitt (J. F.) The growth of Philip- 
pine children. (Pedag. Sem., Wor- 
cester, Mass, 1909, XVI, 3-34.) 
Thesis for Ph.D. at Clark University. 
Author, formerly instructor in Phil- 
ippine Normal School, gives with nu- 
merous curves and tables results of 
measurements (height, finger-reach, 
sitting height, weight, vital capacity, 
strength of grip) of 1,180 boys and 
438 girls between 5 and 21 years of 
age, in the various Manila schools 
(chiefly Tagalog, Pampango, Panga- 
sinan Ilocano, but " representing 
about all the Christian provinces ")• 
According to B., " Philippine chil- 
dren show the three marked stages of 
development (steady growth of child- 
hood, accelerated growth of puberty, 
diminishing post-pubertal growth) 
between the ages of 6 and 20 as do 
children of European descent ; and 
the periods appear to be synchronous 
for the two races " ; Philippine girls 
on an average appear to be about 
equal to Philippine boys at all ages 
before 14, and anatomically they are 
superior between 11 or 12 and 14 or 
IS, but functionally weaker, — at 13 
most girls are post-pubescent, most 
boys pre-pubescent, Philippine chil- 
dren show parallel growth with 
American up to 15. 

von Billow (W.) Beobachtungen aus 
Samoa zur Frage des Einflusses des 
Mondes auf terrestrische Verhalt- 
nisse. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1908, 
xciii, 249-254, I fg.) Contains some 
items of Samoan folk-lore relating to 
the moon, some names of fishes, 
plants, etc. 

Naturgeschichtliche Notizen und 

Beobachtungen aus Samoa. (Ibid., 
277-280.) Natural history notes on 
the laumei or Samoan tortoises, and 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

ideas of the natives concerning this 

Notizen zur Ethnographic, An- 

thropologie und Urgeschichte der 
Malayo-Polynesier. (Int. Arch. f. 
Ethnogr., Leiden, 1908, xviii, 152- 
166.) Notes on Polynesian pre- 
history (Polynesian is a composite 
stock ; the Malayo-Polynesians mi- 
grated from India over the great 
islands of Indonesia to Viti and 
Samoa, whence they spread over the 
Pacific, — Viti was already inhabited 
by Melanesians, — some of the N. and 
W. islands were however peopled by 
back-migration ; linguistic unity of 
the stock) ; Samoan anthropology 
(physical characteristics ; skull form 
uncertain, doubtless mixture) ; burial 
customs of Samoans (mourning, 
cantations, scarification, hair-cutting, 
graves, death-feast, preparation of 
corpse, death-feast of individual 
while living, ancestor-worship, etc.). 
Von B. sees in former astronomical 
knowledge and in the lost art of stone 
carving " a further proof of the in- 
fluence of Babylonian-Assyrian cul- 

Carus (P.) Indonesian legend of Nabi 
Isa. (Open Court, Chicago, 1908, 
XXII, 499-502.) As " a stray Chris- 
tian echo among non-Christian peo- 
ple, C. gives an English translation 
of " A legend of Nabi Isa " from 
Bezemer's Volksdichtung aus Indo- 
nesien (Hague, 1904). It is " a story 
of the prophet Jesus retold in the 
style of the Buddhist Jatakas, which 
has reached the island of Java not 
through Europeans but through na- 

Chamberlain (A. F.) Activities of 
children among primitive peoples. I. 
(Pedag. Sem., Worcester, Mass., 
1909, XVI, 252-255.) Cites IS items 
relating to the activities of children 
(betel-chewing, carrying, dancing, 
driving boars in hunt, education of 
youths in " temple," fishing, garden- 
ing, grinding and polishing stone im- 
plements, lime-making, navigation, 
plays and games, preparing twine for 
nets, scarring by fire, shooting, to- 
bacco using) among certain Papuan 
tribes of Dutch New Guinea, as de- 
scribed in Dr G. A. J. van der 
Sande's Nova Guinea (1907). See 
Amer. Anthrop., 1908, n. s., x, 298. 

and Hartland (E. S.) A Macas- 
sar version of Cinderella. (Folk- 
Lore, Lond., 1908, XIX, 230-234.) 
Gives English translation with com- 
parative notes of a version from the 

Macassars of southern Celebes, pub- 
lished in T. J. Bezemer's Volksdich- 
tung aus Indonesian (Haag, 1904). 

Cole (F. C.) The Tinggian. (Philip. 
J. Sci., Manila, 1908, iii, 197-213, 9 
pi.) Treats of habitat, physique 
("almost perfect"), dress, houses 
(also "spirit houses"), rice-culture, 
government (old men ruling class of 
village), religion (Kadaklan and his 
wife Agemem, powerful spirits ; spi- 
rits not feared much in waking 
hours; spirit-lore, "magic"), birth 
and marriage customs (pp. 206-209), 
funerals (elaborate ceremonies for 
adults). The Tinggian are " primi- 
tive Ilokanos." The illustrations 
treat of native types, industries, 
houses, family and village scene, 
mediums and spirits. 

Die Selenka-Expedition nach Trinil. 
(Globus, Brnschwg., 1908, xciii, 58- 
60.) Resumes, from Javanese and 
Dutch papers, the results of the 
Selenka expedition in 1907 to Trinil, 
the locality of the famous Pithecan- 
thropus of Dubois. Among the 
numerous animal remains found are 
many marrow-bones showing marks 
of having been artificially broken ; 
also fragments of bone and ivory pos- 
sibly used as tools. According to Dr 
Carthaus the Pithecanthropus is no 
older than man and cannot be " the 
missing link." 

Edge-Partington (J.) Maori burial 
chests, atamira or tupa-pakau. 
(Man, Lond., 1909, ix, 36-37, 5 fgs.) 
Notes on specimens in the collection 
of Mr A. TurnbuU of Wellington, 
N. Z., — no specimens are in Gt. 
Britain, but the Dominion Museum, 
Wellington, the Auckland and Mel- 
bourne Museums possess some of the 
rare carved wooden chests, — tlie 
bird-like carvings are peculiar. 

Maori forgeries. (Ibid., 31.) 

Brief note calling attention to the 
" great number of extremely well- 
made forged greenstone Maori ' an- 
tiquities ' in circulation in New 
Zealand." Some years ago there was 
a clever German forger of tikis and 

Egidi (V. M.) Casa e villagio, sotto- 
tribu e tribu dei Kuni, Nuova Guinea 
inglese. (Anthropos, Modling-Wien, 
1909, IV, 387-404, 2 pi., 3 fgs.) 
Treats of the form and construction 
of the hut or tsimia of the Kuni of 
British New Guinea, the different 
sorts of huts (7 kinds), the village 
and its social organization (family- 
lists), the foundation of a new vil- 

Periodical Literature 


lage, list of subtribes, statistics of 
the Kuni. During the first years of 
marriage children are not permitted ; 
the dwelling-house, or h'una is the 
woman's realm. 

Elbert (J.) Uber prahistorische Funde 
aus den Kendengschichten Ostjavas. 
(Korr.-Bl. d. D. Ges. f. Anthrop., 
Brnschwg., 1908, xxxix, 126-130.) 
Gives results of author's investiga- 
tions in 1908 in the Kendeng strata 
(Pithecanthropus area) of eastern 
Java and the finds there made : Ani- 
mal bones at Tegoean, undoubtedly 
the remains of " meals " of primi- 
tive man, fire-places (hearth), frag- 
ments of pottery, flint arrow point 
or borer, etc. The geological condi- 
tions are discussed. The " stations " 
of Matar (in Padangan) and Pandea 
are also described, likewise the finds 
of pottery, bronze objects, etc., at 
Kalangan, Ngrepet, etc. The " sta- 
tion " of Tegoean E. regards as 

Prahistorische Funde aus den 

Kendengschichten Ostjavas. (Ibid., 
1909, XL, 33-34.) Gives some addi- 
tional data. Author abandons theory 
of hearth at Tegoean, but maintains 
evidence of pottery, etc. 

Erdland (A.) Die Stellung der Frauen 
in den Hauptlingsfamilien der Mar- 
shallinseln. (Anthropos, Wien, 1909, 
IV, 106-112.) Treats of the position 
of women in the chiefs' families of 
the Marshall Is. (principal and sub- 
ordinate wives, etc.), with notes on 
ceremonies connected with child- 
birth, menstruation, puberty, etc. 
The genealogical tree of the chiefs' 
families of the Ralik group is given. 

Finsch (O.) Ein Plankenboot von 
Buka (Deutsche Salamoninseln) im 
stadtischen Museum in Braunschweig. 
(Globus, Brnschwg., 1909, xcv, 375- 
380, no fgs.) Describes a mon or 
plank-boat (with measurements, etc.) 
from Buka in the Solomon Is., its 
construction, decoration, etc., the im- 
plements used in making it. 

Fischer (H. W.) lets over de wapens 
uit de Mentawei-Verzameling. (Int. 
Arch. f. Ethnogr., Leiden, 1908, 
xviii, 132-136, 8 fgs.) Treats of 
daggers, shields, arrows, ornamenta- 
tion of weapons, etc., of the Men- 
tawei islanders, from specimens in 
the Rijks Ethnographisch Museum. 

■ Een " rammelaar " als hulpmid- 

del bij de vischvangst. (Ibid., 178.) 
Note on the use of a peculiar means 
of attracting fish to be caught, in va- 

rious regions of Indonesia, New 
Guinea, etc. , 

Frazer (J. G.) The Australian mar- 
riage law. (Man, Lond., 1908, viii, 
21-22.) Points out that as early as 
1882 Dr A. W. Howitt had suggested 
that the primary division into two 
classes " was intended to prevent 
brother and sister marriage in the 
commune," while the secondary di- 
visions into subclasses were intended 
" to prevent the possibility of inter- 
marriage between parents (own and 
tribal) and children." This accord- 
ing to F. is " the truth about the 
origin of exogamy in Australia." 

Geisler (B.) Die Kampfschilde der 
Jabim auf Deutsch Neu-Guinea. 
(Globus, Brnschwg., 1908, xciv, 126- 
128, 3 fgs.) Describes the making 
and ornamentation of the war-shields 
of wood, of the Jabim, a Papuan peo- 
ple of German New Guinea. The 
ornamentation is done later at leis- 
ure. The old shields were carved 
and ornamented with stone imple- 
ments alone, — iron is now in use, 
making the process of manufacture 

van Gennep (A.) Questions austra- 
liennes. II. (Man, Lond., 1908, 
VIII, 37-41.) M. van G. points out 
how his theories are confirmed in the 
recent monograph of Strehlow and 
Leonhardi, Die Aratida- und Loritja- 
St'dmme in Zentral-Australien (Frank- 
fort, 1907). 

Goodman (M.) A reconnaissance from 
Davao, Mindanao, over the divide of 
the Sahug river to Butuan, etc. Nar- 
rative of the expedition. (Philip. J. 
Sci., Manila, 1908, iii, 501-511, 2 pi.) 
Contains a few notes on the Manobos, 
Mandayas, Manguanas, Ibabaos, 
Agunitanos, etc. 

Grabowsky (F.) Der Reisbau bei den 
Dajaken Siidost-Borneos. (Globus, 
Brnschwg., 1908, xciii, 101-105, i 
fg.) Describes rice-culture among 
the Dayaks of S. E. Borneo : Prepa- 
ration of ground, interrogations of 
air-spirits and water-god, dreams 
and other om.ens, obtaining rice-seed, 
bad-omens that cause abandonment 
of rice-field, planting of field, offer- 
ings to spirits, observation-hut and 
scare-crows, gathering of first " ears," 
rice-harvest, varieties of rice 
(Dayaks know more than 40), stor- 
ing rice and magic ceremonies con- 
nected therewith, hulling and cook- 
ing, etc. 

Graebner (F.) Die melanesische Bo- 
genkultur und ihre Verwandten. 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

(Anthropos, Modling-Wien, 1909, iv, 
, 726-780, 2 maps.) First part of a 
detailed consideration of the Mela- 
nesian bow-culture and its connec- 
tions with other cultures of the 
South Pacific, etc. The chrono- 
logical order of these cultures is : Old 
Australian (few remains in Poly- 
nesia and Melanesia), totem-culture, 
matriarchal two-class system culture, 
Melanesian bow-culture, Polynesian 

Hagen (K.) Sammlung von Zauber- 
geraten und Amuletten der Batak. 
(Korr.-Bl, d. D. Ges. f. Anthrop., 
Brnschwg., 1908, xxxix, 134.) To 
appear later in the Archiv fiir An- 

Hazen (G. A, J.) Eine Metalltrom- 
mel aus Java. (Int. Arch. f. Eth- 
nogr,, Leiden, 1909, xix, 82-85, 3 
fgs., 4 pi.) Describes a metal drum 
found in 1905, while working a huma 
or dry rice-field in the region of the 
kampung Babakan, district of Tji- 
putri, Tjandur, Java, now in the 
Museum of the Batavia Society of 
Arts and Sciences, 

Howitt (A. W.) A message to anthro- 
pologists. (R. d. fit. Ethnogr. et 
Sociol., Paris, 1908, i, 481-482.) 
Calls attention to the need of " using 
the utmost caution in accepting as 
primitive rules the present marriage 
customs of the majority of Austra- 
lian tribes," — in many cases no com- 
petent natives now survive. Some 
statements of R. H. Mathews are also 
called into question. 

von Hiigel (A.) Decorated maces 
from the Solomon islands. (Man, 
Lond.. 1908, VIII, 33-34, I pi., 2 fgs.) 
Describes and figures two maces with 
stone heads (human) and with the 
shafts encrusted with pearl shell, now 
in the Cambridge University Mu- 
seum. One other is in the British 
Museum, two are in the Godeffroy 
Museum, Dresden, and two in the 
University Museum, Sydney, Aus- 

V. Huth (G.) und Girschner (M.) 
Sagen, Gesange und Marchen aus 
Ponape. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1909, 
xcv, 235-239.) Gives German text, 
with some explanatory notes, of 10 
tales and legends (the conch, and 
fear of thunder ; how Liomejilan 
was bewitched by a female demon or 
list ; how the wave-goddess, Limo- 
konkon sought to seize a woman ; the 
swimming-race between the ;afe-fish 
and the crab ; the spirit-canoe ; the 
discovery of Ponape ; the woman who 

was brought by doves and taken 
away again ; infidelity punished ; song 
of two boys whom a ghost meets), 

Joyce (T. A.) Note on a native chart 
from the Marshall islands in the 
British Museum. (Man, Lond., 1908, 
VIII, 146-149, 3 fgs.) Describes 
chart (framework of sticks, to which 
are fastened small shells, which rep- 
resent definite islands), known as 
rebbelib, showing both of the two 
chains of islands (Ralik and Ratak) 
of which the Marshall group is com- 
posed, — 30 islands have been identi- 
fied as marked by the shells. 

JuynboU (H. H.) Indonesien. (A. f. 
Religsw., Lpzg., 1909, xii, 126-144^) 
Critical reviews and resumes of lit- 
erature of 1906-1907 relating to In- 
donesian religions, mythologies, etc. 
The most important book of the 
year is A. C. Kruyt's Het Animisme 
in den Indischen Archipel (the au- 
thor of which spent 12 years as a 
missionary in Central Celebes, be- 
sides having an acquaintance with 
South Borneo, part of Sumatra, the 
Nias Is., etc. Kruyt diflFers in sev- 
eral points from Wilken, e. g., origin 
of fasting, widow-sacrifice.) Scha- 
dee's monograph on the religion of 
the Dayaks of Landak and Taj an, in 
the Bijdr. v. h. Kon. Inst, z: T., L. en 
Volkenk. (1906-1907) is important; 
also Nyuak's study of the religious 
rites and customs of the Sarawak 
Dayaks, in Anthropos (1906). 

Kleiweg de Zwaan (J, P.) Die an- 
thropologischen Ergebnisse der Su- 
matra-Reise des Herrn A. Maass. 
(Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1909, xli, 167- 
180, 14 fgs.) After briefly discussing 
the numeral theories as to the racial 
origin of the Malays, etc. (from 
Marsden to Fritsch and Hagen), Dr 
K. gives a general description of 
the physical characters of the na- 
tives of Central Sumatra, based on 
the measurements and observations 
of 570 men and 57 plaster casts of 
heads, — no women could be meas- 
ured. Color of skin (mostly between 18 
and 25 of Luschan's scale), color of 
eyes (no absolutely black eyes ; iris 
between 2 and 3 of Martin's table in 
439 cases), color of hair (brown 
shade, never really the " raven 
black" of so many investigators), 
hairiness (slight on body except in 
genital region, probably racial char- 
acter), fine and gross types of face, 
etc. (the former in higher-class Ma- 
lays, the Pengulu, officials in the 

Periodical Literature 


Dutch service, etc.) " Mongolian 
fold" (in about J4 oi the cases), 
prognathism (generally present ; ab- 
sent from 77 men), feet (large in 
proportion to hands ; space between 
!arge and second toes great ; inward 
inclination of three outer toes), 
stature (average of men over 20 
years 1755 mm., finger-reach 1.835 
mm., trunk 45.2), cephalic index 
(average 82), etc. In general the 
natives of the coast highland show a 
taller (also longer-faced) and slen- 
derer type than those of the interior, 
the result, perhaps, of better nutri- 
tion, higher culture, etc. 
Kraemer (A.) Ornamentik und Myth- 
ologie von Pelau. (Korr.-Bl. d. D. 
Ges. f. Anthrop., Brnschwg., 1908, 
XXXIX, 116-118.) Based on visit of 
several months to the Pelau Is. in 

1907. Treats of ornamental art 
(" picture-stories " or " gramma- 
tologies," — ornamentation of bai or 
men's house ; fish-bladder motif, tri- 
dacna shell-fish ornament, figures of 
man, the delarok bird), the peculiar 
money of Pelau, hetairism of the 
bai, creation-legend, etc. K. and 
Mrs K. studied more than 100 of the 
150 bai in Pelau, more or less in 

Vuvulu und Aua, Maty- und 

Durour-Insel. (Globus, Brnschwg., 

1908, xciii, 254-257, I fg.) Resume 
and critique of Dr P. Hambruch's 
Wuvulu und Aua (Hamburg, 1908). 
At p. 25s are given a number of na- 
tive plant-names (Vuvulu, Luf, Sa- 
moa) and some notes on the lan- 
guage ; p. 256, names of boat and parts. 
The people of Vuvulu and Aua show 
two types, a fine (Malayo-Micro- 
nesian) and a grosser (Melanesian), 
the Micronesian predominating. 

Lang (A.) Linked totems. (Man, 
Lond., 1909, IX, 3-4.) Treats of 
S. E. British New Guinea totemism 
as reported by Seligmann, — here 
" society is organized on a hitherto 
unheard of basis." This is compared 
with Fiji. In this part of New 
Guinea, " ' every individual of a par- 
ticular clan has the same linked 
totems,' 4 in all, if the clan has 4." 
Female descent prevails and the clan 
is exogamous. See Seligmann (C. 

Mr Gason and Dieri totemism. 

(Ibid., 52-53.) Points out an error 
of Mr S. Gason regarding the taking 
of totems by sons from fathers and 
by daughters from mothers. The 
statement was adopted by Frazer. 

Lawrence (A. E.) A Milano tale, 
Sarawak. (Folk-Lore, Lond., 1909, 
XX, 83-85.) English text only. 

Leenhardt (M.) Note sur quelques 
pierres-figures rapportees de Nouvelle- 
Caledonie. (R. de r£c. d'Anthrop. 
de Paris, 1909, xix, 292-295, 7 fgs.) 
Treats of " yam stones," " taro 
stones," " rain-stones," " spear- 
stones," phallic stones, and other 
natural stones in which the Kanakas 
of New Caledonia see the forms of 
various things and attach to them 
significance as amulets, talismans, 
etc. See Archambault (M.). 

V. Leonhardi (M.) Ueber einige Hun- 
defiguren des Dieristammes in Zen- 
tralaustralien. (Globus, Brnschwg., 
1908, xciv, 378-380, I fg.) Treats 
of painted (white, red and black) 
figures of dogs made of tree-resin, 
now in the collection from the Dieri 
tribe of Central Australia in the 
Adelaide Museum. These are, ac- 
cording to V. L. " the only original 
evidences of plastic activity of the 
aborigines of C. Australia " ; they 
are probably the work of an indi- 
vidual " touched by higher culture." 

Linke (F.) Samoanische Bezeichnung 
fiir Wind und Wetter. (Ibid., 229- 
232, map.) Treats of wind and 
storm names among the Samoans : 
to'elau (trade-wind) and its opposite 
lai (generally WNW.) ; tuaoloa (a 
stormy S. wind), paolo (gentle W, 
wind in pleasant weather), afa (hur- 
ricane from any direction), matalua 
(a stormy wind) ; fa'atiu, lafalafa 
(N. winds). General terms for 
wind : Matangi, sawili (cool night 
breeze), laufola (gentle winds), 
pi'ipapa, taumulid, etc. L. makes no 
reference to Churchill's " Weather 
Words of Polynesia " in Mem. 
Amer. Anthrop. Assoc. 11, 1-98. 

Lowie (R. H.) The Fijian collection 
(Amer. Mus. J., N. Y., 1909, ix, 116- 
122, 4 pi., 8 fgs.) Brief account of 
recently acquired ethnological collec- 
tion of more than 2000 specimens, 
largely from the Fiji Is. (clubs and 
spears, pottery and household uten- 
sils, bark cloth, kava-bowls, pattern- 
board and stencils for cloth-marking, 
tattooing implements, adzes, fly 
switches, oil and food dishes, neck- 
rests, combs, decorated shell breast- 
plates, etc.). Of special interest is a 
model of a bure or " temple." 

Maass (A.) 57 Gypsmasken aus Mit- 
tel-Sumatra. (Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 
1908, XL, 620-623.) Notes on plas- 
ter-casts of the heads of Minang- 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

kabau Malays made by Dr Kleiweg 
de Zwaan. The broad face and flat 
stub nose mark the primitive Malay. 

Durch Zentral-Sumatra. (Ibid., 

1909, XLi, 143-166, 3 pi., 29 fgs., 
map.) Account of journey across 
Central Sumatra from Padang to 
Siak in 1907 with notes on native 
tribes, etc. Houses (4 types in Pa- 
dang highlands), bird-cages (typical 
of Malay), Malay villages (Salajo, 
etc.), Malay grave at Salajo, balai 
or town-house, new mosque, old 
wood-carvings at Alahan, Pandjang, 
Malay family and matriarchate, fine 
old Chinese porcelain (found even 
in forest-villages), cock-fighting, re- 
mains of temple with Mahakala sta- 
tue at Sungai Lansat (Hindu in- 
fluence), dress and ornament of peo- 
ple of Kwantan district (turban, 
etc.), art (yarn-winder, powder- 
horn, carved paddles, canes, rice- 
knives given as presents by youths 
to maidens, old brass-work (sirih 
set), pottery of Tjerenti, Hari (also 
wooden stampers), marriage-cus- 
toms, position of women and chil- 
dren, children's masks of palm- 
leaves (cat, tiger, monkey, etc.), 
katika or little calendars. Alto- 
gether 573 anthropological measure- 
ments were made, and 57 casts, 363 
color-observations, 1000 ethnographic 
specimens, beside 100 old Chinese 
plates of the i7-i8th century ob- 
tained ; also 350 photographs and 
60 phonographic records. See Klei- 
weg de Zwaan (J. P.). 

de Marzan (J.) Sur quelques Societes 
Secretes aux lies Fiji. (Anthropos, 
Wien, 1908, III, 718-728.) Treats 
of Kalu-vatu (whose members are 
proof against spears, bullets, etc., in- 
sensible as stone, hence the name 
"stone-gods"), Kai buca (coco- 
wood), Kai nakauvadra (the most 
celebrated of all, named after the 
mountain of Na Kau vadra, where 
dwelt the father of the Fijians), 
Lnve ni wai (sons of the water), 
secret societies of the Fijians, their 
constitution, rites and ceremonies, 
songs, etc. The object of the first, 
now represented by the Kai Knbii- 
lau, was to make warriors invulner- 
able ; of the second to demonstrate 
the power of the genie or demon ; of 
the third (of recent origin) to put 
the Fijians into rapport with the 
spirits of their ancestors on Nakau- 
vadra ; of the fourth, whose cere- 
monies are held at the water's edge, 
to learn new mekes or dances. 

Le culte des Morts aux Fiji, 

Grande ile-interieure. (Ibid., 87-98.) 
Ideas concerning death and treat- 
ment of corpse ; burial and grave- 
cairn ; announcement of death by 
messenger ; appeal to spirit of dead 
to find out cause of decease ; signs 
of mourning ; ceremonies in honor 
of dead (for adults, children) ; cere- 
monies to appease spirit of dead ; 
feast of the dead ; the abode of 
spirits (vilavila or cibaciba) ; burial- 
places ; feasts for paying old debts ; 
guard of dead man's house. 

Mathews (R. H.) The Dhudhuroa 
language of Victoria. (Amer. An- 
throp., Lancaster, Pa., 1909, n. s., 
XI, 278-284.) 

Matrilineale Deszendenz beim 

Wombaia-Stamme, Zentralaustralien. 
(Mitt. d. Anthrop. Ges. in Wien, 
1908, xxxviii, 321-323.) Treats of 
the author's views as to the descen- 
dence-organization of the Wombaia 
tribe of Central Australia and those 
of Spencer and Gillen. M. Con- 
siders descent in the maternal line 

Zur australischen Deszendenz- 

lehre. (Ibid., 182-187.) Treats of 
descent among the Australian abo- 
rigines, with criticisms of Spencer 
and Gillen, and other writers, who, 
according to M., have erroneously 
attributed to certain tribes a patri- 
lineal descent. 

Initiationszeremonie des Bird- 

hawal-Stammes. (Ibid., 1909, 

xxxviii, 17-24.) Gives details of 
the dyerrayal, or initiation ceremony 
for boys among the Birdhawal tribe 
in northeastern Victoria, Australia, 
based on personal observation, etc. 

The sociology of the Arranda 

and Chingalee tribes. Northern Ter- 
ritory, Australia. (Folk-Lore, Lond., 
1908, xix, 99-103.) Cites evidence 
for matrilineal descent of children, 
and arrangement in cycles (" phra- 
tries ") of the sections (or 
" classes ") of these two tribes. Ac- 
cording to M., " it is, in fact, a 
question whether there is any well- 
defined law of exogamy in the social 
structure of the Australian abo- 

Folk-tales of the aborigines of 

New South Wales. (Ibid., 224-227, 
303-308.) English texts only of 9 
tales (why fishes inhabit the water, 
why the owl has large eyes, how the 
nankeen-crane makes the reeds 
grow, origin of the bar in the Mur- 
rumbidgee river at Balranald, a 

Periodical Literature 


woman's waist-belt a cure for head- 
ache, how the Kamilaroi acquired 
fire, the emu and the crow, how 
Boolaboolka lake was formed, the 
native cat and the fishermen) from 
the Kamilaroi, Wirraidyuri, Yitha- 
yitha, Wathi-wathi, Burrabinga, Mail- 
purlgu tribes. 

Descendance par la lignee ma- 

ternelle dans la tribu des Binbingha 
du territoire septentrional. (Bull. 
See. d'Anthrop. de Paris, 1908, v*' s., 
IX, 786-789.) Notes on matrilineal 
descent among the Binbingha of 
northern Australia. Among these 
people no phratry or " half " names 
and no indications of male descent 

Aboriginal navigation in Aus- 
tralia. (Amer. Antiq., Salem, Mass., 
1901, XXXI, 23-27.) Notes on use of 
rafts and canoes, one or other or 
both used in every part of Australia 
and Tasmania except a portion of 
the coast of W. Australia from Euela 
to Albany and thence northward 
about as far as Gladstone (canoes 
were never seen in Tasmania, rafts 
only) ; making of rafts, bark-canoes, 
etc. According to M., the " dug- 
out " and " catamarans " of Cape 
York peninsula. Port Darwin, etc., 
are " introductions by the Malays 
and Papuans." 

Mayer (O.) Ein Sonnenfest bei den 
Eingeborenen von Vuatom, Neu- 
Pommern, Siidsee. (Anthropos, 
Wien, igo8, iii, 700-701.) Brief ac- 
count of a sun-festival, with offer- 
ings of harvest-fruits, etc., celebrated 
in the beginning of the year, at the 
time of the wild sugar-cane by the 
natives of Vuatom, New Pomerania. 

Meier (J.) Mythen und Sagen der 
Admiralitatsinsulaner. (Ibid., 651- 
671, 1909, IV, 352-374.) Pt. I. na- 
tive texts and interlinear transla- 
tions of 9 legends and myths (the 
pongopong-fruits that became women ; 
why the leaves of the ndrilis-tree, 
Terminalia litoralis, no longer change 
into women ; why the people of Yap 
are light and the Moanus dark ; why 
in the Yap country there is so much 
and in that of the Moanus so little 
food ; why the sea separates the Yap 
and Moanus country ; a Moanus 
woman who married a Yap man ; a 
tale of brother and sister ; the voy- 
age of Paluar to Yap ; the revenge 
of two Yap women on a Moanus 
man) from the Admiralty Is. The 
second part gives texts and transla- 
tions of 18 tales of devils and spirits 

and 3 other stories (the man who 
wanted to drink up the sea, a family 
drama, the man who ate all the 

A Kaja oder der Schlangen- 

aberglaube bei den Eingeborenen des 
Blanchebucht, Neupommern. (Ibid., 
1908, III, 1005-1029.) Treats in de- 
tail of the Kaja or serpent-cult of 
the natives of Blanche bay. New 
Pomerania. The Kaja, a python 
snake, the most feared of all spirits 
(nature, forms, companions and fol- 
lowers, dwelling-place chiefly in caves, 
etc., activity as creator, /Caya-taboos, 
A'aya-diseases, ancestor-worship of 
Kajas, defence against the Kajas, 
disease-conjurations (native texts 
with translations), etc.). 

Meyer (A. B.) Die Papuasprache in 
Niederlandisch-Neuguinea. (Globus, 
Brnschwg., 1908, xciv, 189-197.) 
Gives vocabulary of 46 words in 5 
languages (Arfak, Hattam, Kapaur, 
S. coast between 138° and 140° E. 
long., Sentani). from various authori- 
ties (the Arfak vocabulary being one 
published by M. in 1874) and dis- 
cusses the question of significance 
of the presence of Papuan and Mel- 
anesian languages in British New 
Guinea. According to M. the Pa- 
puas are a race originating from a 
mixture of " Negritos " and " Ma- 

MoUison (T.) Beitrag zur Kraniologie 
und Osteologie der Maori. (Z. f. 
Morphol. u. Anthrop., Lpzg., 1908, 
in, 529-595, 5 fgs-, 7 pl-) Treats in 
detail of 15 Maori skulls in the Zii- 
rich Anthropological Institute, in 
comparison with other published ma- 
terial of Maoris, Australians, Pap- 
uans, Polynesians, — also 13 lower 
jaws, two imperfect skeletons and 
some long bones. According to Dr 
M., " Polynesians, Melanesians and 
Australians form a mixture-series, of 
which relatively pure terminal mem- 
bers appear in Australia on the one 
hand and in the N. E. Polynesian 
Is. on the other. Between these lie 
mixed forms of different composition. 
In the natives of New Zealand the 
Polynesian element is markedly pre- 
dominant. But the Australian (Mela- 
nesian element) is also clearly pres- 

Monckton's Durchkreuzung von Brit- 
isch-Neuguinea. (G'.obus, Brnschwg., 
1908, xciv, 355.) Brief resume of 
C. A. W. Monckton's account, in 
the Geographical Journal for Novem- 
ber, 1908, of his journey across 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

British New Guinea, with notes on 
the aborigines. 
Moszkowski (M.) Die Inlandstamme 
Ostsumatras. (Ibid., 293-297, 309- 
316, 34 fgs.) Treats of the Sakais 
(a Vedda-like primitive people), 
Semangs (Orang Akit, of Nigritic 
stock), etc., of the interior of E. 
Sumatra, their activities, industries, 
religion, shamanism, etc. Weapons 
(art of forging unknown, iron imple- 
ments obtained by exchange from 
Chinese or Malays ; wooden blow- 
pipe chief weapon of Akit), fishing 
and hunting and the implements and 
devices used therein, fire-making, 
gourds, mats, basketry, agriculture 
(Akits very primitive), song and mu- 
sic, belief in evil spirits (the chief 
antu is a hunter with dogs), con- 
juration of anius among the Akits, 
offerings to spirits (among them the 
model of a boat with 2 masts and 
three pairs of oars, — the names of 
the various parts are given on p. 
31 1 ), shaman's dance, and song (with 
text), economic condition (Akits de- 
generating, Sakais better off and 
learning from Malays), agricultural 
operations, sugar-making, oil-manu- 
facture, cattle-rearing (not extensive 
among Sakais and Malays, not 
known to Akits), character (Sakais 
very good natured and peaceful, but 
learning now lying, etc., from 
Chinese and Malays). 

Die Urstamme Ostsumatras. 

(Korr.-Bl, d. D. Ges. f. Anthrop., 
Brnschwg., igo8, xxxix, 122-124, i 
pi.) Notes on the physical charac- 
ters of the Sakais, their activities, 
culture, etc. In contrast with the 
patriarchal system of the Veddas, 
the Sakais show the beginnings of 
the mother-right status. 

Die Volkerschaften von Ost- 

und Zentralsumatra. (Z. f. Ethnol., 
Berlin, 1908, xi, 634-655, 12 fgs.) 
Gives results of visit in 1907. The 
natives of eastern and central Suma- 
tra may be thus grouped: i. the 
dolichocephalic Sakais and Orang- 
Talang, — identical with the Senois of 
Malacca ; 2. the brachycephalic Aket 
or Akik, Orang Akik, partially 
negritic, possibly a mixture of 
Semangs and Jakuns. 3. Malays 
(smooth-haired brachycephalic ; sel- 
dom racially pure, the people of the 
coast, etc., being much mixed) ; 4. 
Mandelings (dolichocephalic). Phys- 
ical characters, family and social 
life (M. considers that the Sakais 
and Akiks " show still pretty clearly 

the first beginnings of matri- 
archy, the natural initiation of 
all social living together"), food 
(tapioca chiefly, with transition to 
maize and rice), beginnings of ma- 
triarchal feudal-state (difficulties 
caused by Islam), customs of greet- 
ing, birth, circumcision, burial 
(blood-letting, grave-offer, etc.), im- 
plements, instruments, etc. (wood 
now largely displaced by iron), agri- 
culture (rice, sugar-cane, etc.), hunt, 
art (beginnings of music, wood-carv- 
ing, etc., exclusively in the hands of 
men), weaving of mats (work of 
women), pottery (not known to 
Sakais, but both men and women of 
Tapung and Rokan make it), houses 
of several types, transportation (boat, 
horse of recent introduction, wagon 
unknown), psychical character (very 
fond of talking), religion ("fear of 
evil spirits, the very lowest form," 
antxi responsible for everything 
among Sakais ; unlucky numbers), 
etc. At pp. 654-655 are given the 
German translations of 3 songs. 

Entstehungsgeschichte des ma- 

layischen Reismessers, penwai. 
(Ibid., 961-963, I fg.) Discusses 
the origin of the pentvai or Malay 
knife for rice-cutting. Among the 
objects put into the bag with the 
" rice-child," or scmcngat padi (soul 
of the rice) at the ceremony of the 
first rice-cutting is a mussel-shell, — 
this, considering the form of the 
penivai, suggests the development of 
the latter from the older shell-knife. 
The hymn sung against the evil 
spirit of the fields contains the ex- 
pression kerang tumbago, " mussel- 
shells (i. e., knives) of copper." 

Ost- und zentralsumatranische 

Gebrauche bei der Ackerbestellung 
und der Ernte. (Ibid., 1909, XLi, 
469-493.) Treats, with native texts 
and interlinear German versions of 
numerous prayers, songs and 
speeches, of the rites and ceremo- 
nies, etc., in connection with the 
cultivation of rice among the abo- 
rigines of E. and central Sumatra, 
— tribes on the Mandau and the Ta- 
pungs ; the Mandelings, a Battak tribe 
of central Sumatra, etc. Interest- 
ing is the " hymn of thanksgiving." 
on page 489, identical with similar 
songs, etc., recorded by Skeat from 
Malacca. These ceremonies are pre-Is- 
lamic and very old and have had 
probably a common origin in the 
interior of the Malay peninsula. 
When the Sumatrans migrated to 

Periodical Literature 

1 4: 

the island they brought with them 
the rice-culture and the rice-cult. 
Certain evidence shows that the dry 
Srice-culture is the older. Among 
the Mandelings almost all of the 
deities invoked are of Hindu origin. 
The people of the Mandau and the 
Tapungs have learned these customs 
comparatively late (but in pre-Is- 
lamic times) from their neighbors. 
Islamic influences are present in 
names and phrases of religious im- 
port in various parts of primitive 
Sumatra. At pp. 492-493 are given 
the native text and translation of an 
agreement between two Malay not- 
ables of Tapung kiri. 

Neuhauss (R.) Bericht aus Neu- 
Guinea. (Ibid., 75I-7S3-) Notes on 
expedition of December, 1908, to 
May, 1909, among the Kai people of 
Finschhafen and those of the Mark- 
ham river. Traces of a prehistoric 
population were found in the Kai 

Nieuwenhuis (A. W.) Der Gebrauch 
von Pfeil und Bogen auf den grossen 
Sunda-Inseln. (Int. Arch. f. Eth- 
nogr., Leiden, 1909, xix, 55-81, 2 fgs.) 
Treats of the use of the bow and 
arrow among the peoples of Java (in 
gener:.! use in the Hindu period as 
indicated on monuments, etc. ; also 
previously among the Javanese), 
Celebes (known only by tradition, 
linguistic terms, etc., previously in 
use as weapon by the Toradja), Su- 
matra (earlier in use on the coast, as 
now on the Poggi and Mentawei Is.), 
Nias (child's toy), Borneo (earlier in 
use among many tribes), Palawan (as 
weapon among Bataks), Malacca 
(suppressed during the last centuries 
by European fire-arms), Farther In- 
dia (used by many tribes), Madagas- 
car (used by Malay tribes), Philip- 
pines (Malays possessed bow and ar- 
row before they met the Negritos), 
Formosa (used by Malay tribes). Dr 
N. concludes that " the bow-and-ar- 
row belongs to the cultvire-stock of 
the Malayan peoples and has not been 
borrowed from their neighbors." 
Appended are notes by Groneman on 
prize-shooting with bow-and-arrow 
in Jogjakarta, by Brata di Widjaja 
in Soemedang, and by Schroeder in 

Noetling (F.) Studien iiber die Tech- 
nik der tasmanischen Tronatta. 
(Arch. f. Anthrop., Brnschwg., 1908, 
N. F., VIII, 197-207, 7 fgs.) Studies 
of the technique of the tronatta or 
stone implements, made by knocking 

off flakes therefrom, — the author 
possesses the best collection of 
tronatta (from the Tasmanian word 
trona, name of the stone employed 
for the purpose) existing. After care- 
ful study of the European " eoliths," 
N. concludes, that, unless one is pre- 
pared to prove that the Tasmanian 
tronatta have not arisen through the 
hand of man, he must admit the 
human origin of the European " eo- 

Kannte die tasmanische Sprache 

spezielli Worte zur Bezeichnung der 
verschiedenen Gebrauchsart der 
archaolithischen Werkzeuge? (Z. f. 
Ethnol., Berlin, 1909, xli, 199-208.) 
Discusses the words for knife, axe, 
saw in the language of the Tas- 
manian aborigines (vocabularies of 
Calder, Scott, Milligan, etc.). The 
Tasmanians had probably but a single 
word for stone implements. This 
has its application to European 
archeoliths, and eolithic-archeolithic 
man there also may have used but 
one word for his implements. In- 
deed the Tasmanian tronatta covers 
a greater variety of used material 
than in Europe. 

Nuoffer (O.) Ahnenfiguren von der 
Geelvinkbai, Hollandisch-Neuguinea. 
(Abh. u. Ber. d. Kgl. Zool. u. An- 
throp.-Ethnogr. Mus. zu Dresden, 
Lpzg., 1908, XII, Nr. 2, 1-30, 32 fgs., 
I pi.) Treats of 15 korzvare or an- 
cestral figures (5 are skwW-korware) 
of the Papua of Geelvink Bay 
(Dutch New Guinea) now in the 
Dresden Ethnographic Museum. Of 
the usual korzvare 6 are of the Wan- 
demen, 2 of the Dore, and 2 of the 
Ansus type. The balustrade and or- 
namentation of the korzvare are also 
discussed (pp. 17-26). The Dore 
type, with legs apart and the snake- 
balustrade, seems to be native to 
Geelvink Bay. The Wandemen type 
has been influenced by the Dore. 
The motif of these figures seems to 
have come to Wandemen Bay (by 
way of McCluer Gulf) from Indo- 
nesia. The style has been influenced 
by the native skull-cult and its tra- 
ditions, which have modified the In- 
donesian figures. 

Planert (W.) Australische For- 
schungen. II. Dieri-Grammatik. (Z. 
f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1908, XL, 686-697.) 
Outlines of grammar, with texts 
(pp. 693-697) and interlinear trans- 
lations, — 3 legends. 

Pooh (R.) Besteigung des Mount Al- 
bert Edward und Besuch des Chi- 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

rima-Stammes durch C. A. W. 
Monckton. (Stzgb. d. Anthrop. Ges. 
in Wien, 1907-1908, 9-1 1.) Con- 
tains notes on the Chirima tribe of 
British New Guinea from Govern- 
ment reports for 1906, — dwellings, 
clothing, fire-making, tree-felling, 
utensils, weapons, etc, 

Ethnographische Mitteilungen 

iiber die Kworafi. (Mitt. d. An- 
throp. Ges. in Wien, 1909, xxxviii, 
25-33, 4 fgs.) Discusses totemisra 
among the Kworafi of the north- 
eastern coast of British New Guinea 
(villages of Jagirua, Gabarussa, Fe- 
rari, Deriowa, Foduma, Barabara, 
etc.), with lists of relationship- 
names, totem animals, etc. Every 
Kworafi has a totem animal (and 
probably but one) ; women may not 
eat the husband's totem-animal. 
Boys and girls alike receive the 
totem-animal of their father, but may 
not eat that of their mother ; mar- 
riage of those having the same 
totem-animal is forbidden ; in some 
villages a single totem-animal pre- 
dominates ; the members of a totem- 
group live in a connected group of 
houses under one roof. At pp. 32- 
33 the pile-dwellings of the Kworafi 
are described. 

Wanderungen im nordlichen Teile 

von Siid-Neumecklenburg. (Globus, 
Brnschwg., 1908, xciii, 7-12, 5 fgs.) 
Account of visit in March-May, 
1905, in northern New Mecklenburg, 
notes on the natives, etc. The Luluai 
of Ulapatur, dances of the natives of 
Lemessi, language (brief vocabularies 
of Kokola and Laur), totems of 
Kokola and Laur, houses, boats, etc. 

Reisen an der Nordkiiste von 

Kaiser Wilhelmsland. (Ibid., 139- 
143, 149-1SS, 169-173. 15 fgs., map.) 
Gives account of travels in 1004, etc., 
on the north coast of Kaiser Wil- 
helmsland, German New Guinea, eth- 
nological notes on the various peo- 
ples, etc. The Monumbo of Potsdam- 
hafen region (measurements of 30 
individuals taken ; mission school 
has 80 children; blood-revenge), 
their weapons (spear and throwing- 
stick ; bow and arrow in use only 
ceremonially, — made of palm-leaf 
and leaf-stem), trade with other 
tribes, etc. Nubia (formerly head- 
hunters terrorizing the region) west 
of the Moniimbo-Manam of the vol- 
cano-island. Alepapun (an inland 
tribi long at enmity with the Mon- 
umbo), villages of Zepa, Anjam in 
particular. Iku (inland tribe of Iku 

mountains). Watam at the mouth of 
the Kaiserin Augusta River (warlike, 
head-hunting people ; sleeping-bags 
for protection against mosquitos ; 
carved figures and masks). The 
Watan are taller and incline more 
to dolichocephaly than the Monumbo 
(indexes of 14 Monumbo and 10 
Watam given, p. 172), At pp. 172- 
173 are given a grammatical sketch, 
vocabulary and sentences of the 
Watam language; at p. 150 vocabu- 
lary and a few proper names of men 
and women in Manara ; at p. 153 a 
few words of Alepapun. The Watam 
and Monumbo are culturally and eth- 
nologically much alike, but phj-sically 
and linguistically far apart, the 
Monumbo speaking a Melanesian, 
the Watam a Papuan tongue. 

Ray (S. H.) The Ngolok-Wanggar 
language, Daly river. North Australia. 
(J. R. Anthrop. Inst., Lond., 1909, 
XXXIX, 137-141.) Based on informa- 
tion from Father Conrath of Daly 
river. Grammatical notes, text of 
Pater Nosier, and vocabulary (with 
corresponding terms from Rev. 
Mathew's Daktyerat (in his Eagle- 
hazvk and Crozv, Lond., 1899), which 
seems to be the same language. 

Reid (R. W.) Decorated maces from 
the Solomon Islands. (Man, Lond., 
1908, VIII, 59.) Calls attention to 
fine specimen in the Anthropological 
Museum of Aberdeen University, fig- 
ured and described by Giglioli in 
Arch. p. I'Antrop. for 1898. 

Rivers (W. H. R.) Totemism in 
Polynesia and Melanesia. (J. 

R. Anthrop. Inst., Lond., 1909, 
XXXIX, 156-180.) R. considers that 
in the case of the mountain tribes of 
the interior of Viti Levu described 
by Father de Marzan (Anthropos, 
1907), we have to do with "true 
totemism," but there may be differ- 
ent species of totemism in different 
parts of Fiji ; also in Samoa. But 
in the little island of Tikopia (120 
miles S. E. of the Santa Cruz group), 
inhabited by almost physically pure 
Polynesians, we have " the clearest 
evidence for the existence of totem- 
ism in Polynesia." Here the evo- 
lution has been, however, from hero 
and totem together to god. In 
Melanesia the presence of totemism 
cannot be said to have been defi- 
nitely demonstrated, but R. thinks 
that in the Reef Islands, Santa 
Cruz and Vanikola, " genuine totem- 
ism " exists. In some regions of the 
Solomon Is. there is " no totemism 

Periodical Literature 


or only its faint relics," while in 
others (e. g., Ysabel) it exists. In 
Melanesia south of the Santa Cruz 
group " the evidence for or against 
the existence of totemism is very 
slight." In most of the Polynesian 
and Melanesian examples cited, the 
clan, or other social division, has 
more than one totem, — association 
and linkage. 

Roth (W. E.) Australian huts and 
shelters. (Man, Lond., 1909, ix, 49, 
I pi.) Treats of primitive structures 
to withstand rain, etc., rude hut 
thatched with cabbage-palm leaves 
(hinterland of Princess Charlotte 
bay), frameworks of saplings roofed 
with brush, — crudest of all, " a long 
sheet of bark bent mid-way and fixed 
at both ends into the sand." To this 
are sometimes added upright canes 
along one of the open sides, up 
against which may be placed foliage 
or bark. A simple wind-break con- 
sists of " a sheet of bark fixed 
lengthways in the ground and 
propped up with two or more sticks." 

Sarfert (E.) Zwei Bainingsmasken. 
Jhrb. d. stadt. Mus f. Volkerk. zu 
Leipzig, 1907, II [1908], 29-32, I 
pi.) Brief account of two hareigia 
dance-masks from the Baining Pap- 
uans of the western part of the 
Gazelle peninsula (New Pomerania). 
The bamboo framework interwoven 
with banana leaves has a tapa-cov- 

Seltene Waffen von Vuvulu. 

(Ibid., 33-35, I pi.) Describes a 
dagger of dark palm-wood, a spear 
and three other weapons of red horn- 
beam, from Vuvulu (Matty Is.). 

Scherer (O.) Linguistic travelling 
notes from Cayagan, Luzon. (An- 
thropos, Modling-Wien, 1909, iv, 
801-804.) Gives vocabularies of 
Gobgob (so-called " Kalinga ") from 
near Tuao, N. W. of Tuguegarao on 
the Rio Chico de Cayagan, and Agta 
(Negrito) of Pasigi in the interior 
of the N. E. part of Luzon, — these 
languages are said to be hitherto 
unrepresented in the linguistic ma- 
terial from the island. 

ScWaginhaufen (O.) Reisebericht aus 
Siid-Neu-Mecklenburg. (Z. f. Eth- 
nol., Berlin, 1908, xl, 566-567.) 
Notes of travel in December, 1907. 
The language of the Muliama coun- 
try is distinct from languages S. and 
W., particularly from that of the 
mountaineers of Butam, — the villages 
of Maletambit and Kau had never 
before been visited by Europeans. 
VOL. XXIII — MO. 87. 10 

Die Rand-Butam des ostlichen 

Siid-Neu-Mecklenburg. (Ibid., 803- 
809, 3 fgs.) Notes on the moun- 
tain tribes of the Rand-Butam, their 
settlements (3 or 4 huts with 
" men's house ") and plantations, 
weapons (good spears), stone imple- 
ments (replaced by European knives 
and axes), baskets, the papaii secret 
society for men only and its cere- 
monies (pp. 605-608), physical char- 
acters (p. 809, measurements of a 
Butam man from Laget ; interesting 
foot-formation ; Rand-Butam have 
characteristically broad noses), 

Streifziige in Neu-./Iecklenburg 

und Fahrten nach benachbarten In- 
selgruppen. (Ibid., 952-957, 3 fgs., 
map.) Notes on travels in May- 
August, 1908 in the east coast region 
of S. New Mecklenburg, — Muliama, 
etc., with visits to the Greenwich, 
Fisher and Gardner Is. The Green- 
wich islanders physically and cul- 
turally belong with the Micronesians. 

Ein Besuch auf den Tanga-In- 

seln. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1908, 
xciv, 165-169, 6 fgs., 2 maps.) Ac- 
count of visit made in March, 1908 
to the Tanga Is., N. E. of New Meck- 
lenburg, — the largest 4 are inhabited. 
Men's house, a new-made grave, 
drum, canoes, etc., briefly described. 
Average measurements (stature, 
head-length and breadth, height and 
width of nose, cephalic and nasal 
indexes) of 31 men and 5 women 
given (stature 1647.4 for men; 
1540.0, women; cephalic index 85.72 
and 85.69). Ethnological collection 
shows influence of Muliama in New 

Schmidt (W.) Die soziologische und 
religios-ethische Gruppierung der 
Australier, (Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 
1909, xLi, 328-377.) Treats of 
tribes with sex-totemism, tribes with 
classless local totemism and paternal 
succession, tribes with totemless two- 
class system and maternal succes- 
sion, tribes with circumcision and 
subincision, etc. The succession of 
races in Australia, according to 
Father S., has been: 1. Negritic (the 
lowest). Represented in Tasmania 
and part of S. E. Australia, in the 
latter with sex-totemism and pater- 
nal succession, local exogamy with- 
out hereditary marriage totemism. 
The oldest stratum (Tasmanians, 
Kurnai, Chepara had not the initia- 
tion-rite of knocking out teeth. The 
younger stratum had sex-totemism, 
the initiatory rite, and in great part 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

took over the two-class system. 2. 
Primary " west Papuan " local-to- 
temic culture with male succession 
S. Australian Narrinyeri, Narangga, 
Yerkla-Mining typical representa- 
tives). The initiation rite was cir- 
cumcision. 3. " East Papuan " cul- 
ture of the two-class system with 
maternal succession, intruding from 
the east. Characteristic is the my- 
thology of the opposed sun and 
moon ; initiation of youths not so 
important as in other culture-areas. 
In this area there are a southern 
(hawk-crow) group, a northern (kan- 
garoo-emu theme), and a later mixed 
group. 4. In all the Central and 
South and a large part of W. Aus- 
tralia a " secondary ' west Papuan ' " 
stage has arisen, characterized by 
cult of male ancestors, with concep- 
tionism as its extreme expression. 
Its initiatory rite is subincision after 
circumcision. The views of Grabner, 
Foy, Howitt, Spencer and Gillen, etc., 
are discussed, those of the first in 

Die Stellung der Aranda unter 

den australischen Stammen. (Ibid., 
1908, XL, 866-901.) Discusses the 
question of the position of the Arunta 
(Aranda) ; Language (S. thinks the 
multiplicity of languages arose in 
New Guinea, not in Australia itself) ; 
plant-totemism (parallel between Cen- 
tral and Northern Australia and New 
Guinea) ; intichiiima growth-cere- 
monies' and food-taboo (comparison 
with Mabuiag of Torres Sts., etc.) ; 
marriage-taboo (in many points 
Aranda agree with New Guinea 
peoples as against Australian tribes 
of E., W. and S.) ; ideas about con- 
ception (according to S., the Aranda 
belief is secondary and the coitus 
really has some special significance) ; 
the churinga and the " bull-roarer " ; 
fundamental social elements (sex-to- 
temism, clan-totemism, — predomin- 
ance of latter due to New Guinea), 
etc. S. concludes that the " Aranda- 
culture " is not simple and primitive, 
but is really late and complicated, 
the remains of forms of several early 
stages of development grown into 
one, whose latest stage, regarded by 
many as primitive Australian, has 
originated outside that continent 
(i. e., in New Guinea), and, if Aus- 
tralia is to be considered to possess 
the beginnings of human evolution, 
must be separated altogether from 
what is really primitive there. 

Schultz (E.) Ein samoanischer Archi- 
tektenscherz. (Globus, Brnschwg., 
1909, xcv, 289.) Note on carvings 
of vulva, penis and female breast on 
posts of a fale tele or guest-house 
in the village of Samatau, Upolu, 
South Aana, — an architectural joke, 
rather than a cultural atavism. 

■ Drei Sagen aus Ostpolynesien. 

(Ibid., 1908, xciii, 143-145.) Ger- 
man texts of three legends (The 
Huahine people steal a mountain, 
The revenge of the Moorea people 
and the recovery of the mountain. 
The sick man of Huahine and how 
he was roasted to death) told by a 
man of the little island of Moorea 
or Eimeo, west of Tahiti. 

Scale (A.) The fishery resources of 
the Philippine Islands. Part I. Com- 
mercial fishes. (Philip. J. Sci., 
Manila, 1908, iii, 513-531, 3 fgs., 
12 pi.) Treats of anchovies, her- 
rings, silversides, mackerels, mud- 
fishes, snappers, pompanos, sea-basses, 
mullets, milk-fishes, etc., — their na- 
tive names and uses are indicated. 
The native fish-ponds are also de- 
scribed and figured. One of the illus- 
trations represents " the guardian of 
a fish-pond with his family, etc." 

Seligmann (C. G.) Linked totems in 
British New Guinea. (Man, Lond., 
1909, IX, 4-9.) Treats of the chief 
peculiarities of the totemism of S. E. 
British New Guinea as represented 
by the conditions at Wagawaga, a 
Milne Bay community (3 clans ; dual 
grouping, of late largely ignored, 
although totem, exogamy is still quite 
generally observed ; no totem shrines ; 
men showed more regard for father's 
totem than for their own ; relation of 
man to father's totem plant less clear 
than to totem bird ; cannibalism 
" ceremonial and solemn act of re- 
venge " (detail of instance at Mai- 
war a, a few years ago). See Lang 

. (A.). 

A type of canoe ornament with 

magical significance, from south-east- 
em British New Guinea. (Ibid., 33- 
35, I pi.) Treats of 10 munknris or 
wooden carvings with typical bird 
designs (reef-heron, weku-hird, tern, 
cockatoo, etc.) and other minor mo- 
tifs from canoes of the natives of 
Murua. They are of magical effi- 
cacy and highly prized. 

Senfft (A.) Die Ngulu- oder Mate- 
lotainseln. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1908, 
xciv, 303-304.) Contains a few notes 
on natives of Ngulu (50 in number), 
the only inhabited island of the 

Periodical Literature 


group. The language has a rich vo- 
cabulary (30 terms are given) for 
the cardinal points, etc. 

Sluyk (C. I. J.) en Adrian! (N.) Tee- 
keningen op grafsteden uit de Min- 
ahassa. (Int. Arch. f. Ethnogr., Lei- 
den, igo8, XVIII, 144-152, 4 fgs.) 
Treats of figures on the grave-stones 
in the cemetery on the spot where 
formerly was the Tomboeloe village 
of Lola, — snake on roof, headsmen 
with sword, etc. The Dutch texts 
of several Tomboeloe tales are 
given, — The snake Wulawau, the or- 
phan child and the snake, Woeisan 
and Kawoeloesan. 

Smith (W. D.) A geologic reconnais- 
sance of the island of Mindanao and 
the Sulu Archipelago. L Narrative 
of the expedition. (Philip. J. Sci., 
Manila, 1908, iii, 473-499, 4 fgs., 
21 pi., 2 maps.) Some of the illus- 
trations (Subanuns, Moro village, 
houses, etc., native salt-making) are 
of ethnologic interest. 

Strehlow (C.) Einige Bemerkungen 
uber die von Dr. Planert auf Grund 
der Forschungen des Missionars Wet- 
tengel veroffentlichte Aranda-Gram- 
matik. (Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1908, 
XL, 698-703.) Criticises the Aranda 
grammar and texts published by Dr 
Planert in the Z. f. Ethnol., 1907 
(on the basis of material furnished 
by the missionary Wettengel). S. 
is a missionary at Hermannsburg, S. 
Australia. A note in reply by Dr 
Planert is appended. 

Siidsee-Expedition (Die) der Ham- 
burgischen Wissenschaftlichen Stif- 
tung. (Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1909, 
XLi, 689.) Note on progress of ex- 
pedition in New Pomerania from No- 
vember, 1908, to March, 1909. Much 
anthropological and ethnological ma- 
terial was obtained. 

Thomas (N. W.) The disposal of the 
dead in Australia. (Folk-Lore, 
Lond., 1908, xix, 388-408, map.) 
Examines " the light thrown on 
racial problems by the funeral cus- 
toms of the Australians," the rela- 
tion between linguistic areas and 
burial customs, etc. The character- 
istic attitude of the natives of West 
Australia seems to be fear of the 
dead (and burial devices correspond, 
also divinatory ceremonies, etc.) ; in 
the greater part of New South 
Wales simple burial prevailed ; in 
Queensland exhumation and reburial 
of the bones is common ; funeral can- 
nibalism occurred with many tribes, 
especially as to children ; the fire at 

the grave is with some tribes for the 
protection of the living, with others 
for the benefit of the dead ; hut- 
building on the grave is sometimes 
connected with " magic," and some- 
times has to do merely with mourn- 
ing. Influence of Southeast New 
Guinea can be traced in some cus- 

Thurnwald (R.) Reisebericht aus 
Buin und Kieta. (Z. f. Ethnol., Ber- 
lin, 1909, XLi, 512-532.) Notes on 
the country and peoples of the Buin 
region of Bougainville Island (Koro- 
muda, Mare, O'kara, Barere, Roro- 
wan, Derebere) visited in April- 
September, 1908, and of the English 
portion of the Solomon Is., — Short- 
land group, Choiseul, Ysabel, etc., 
from September to December. The 
Buin culture is probably character- 
istic for the whole island. The 
" noble " families of Buin came 
probably from Alu and Mono. 

Venturillo (M. H.) The "Batacs" of 
the Island of Palawan, Phil. Tslds. 
(Int. Arch. f. Ethnogr., Leiden, 1908, 
xviii, 137-144.) Notes on physical 
character, habitat, food, snake-hunt- 
ing, child-birth, naming, courting and 
marrying, dancing, diseases (fear of 
measles and small-pox), feasts, re- 
ligion and mythology (gods Diwata 
and Angogro, other "saints"), fiesta 
of Sangbay, cures by the babailan, 
death and burial customs, govern- 
ment (patriarchal), crimes and pun- 
ishments, agriculture, hunting (wild 
boar), basketry, trade, weapons 
(bow and arrow, blow-gun, lance), 
musical instruments {codiape-gmi&r ; 
budlong; lantoy-Q.ute). 

Volz (W.) Die Bevolkerung Sumatras. 
(Globus, Brnschwg., 1909, xcv, 1-7, 
24-29, 15 fgs.) Treats of the vari- 
ous elements in the native popula- 
tion of Sumatra : Kubus (heathen 
and very primitive, numbering now 
but a few thousand), Bataks (650,000 
at least ; heathen ; 4 tribes, Karo, 
Timor, Toba, Pakpak; culture in- 
fluenced by Hinduism ; cannibalism 
persists), Mandhelings (Mohamme- 
danized Bataks), Alasses and Gajos 
(inland Mohammedan peoples, the 
first counting some 8,000, the last 
60,000 to 70,000 souls), coast-Malays 
(Menangkabau, Acheen ; the latter 
fanatic Mohammedans, the former an 
older people), the "bush-Malays" of 
the east coast, the island peoples 
(the primitive Mentawei, Nias and 
Engano). Houses, general culture. 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

race-characters are briefly consid- 
ered. Besides remains of a very 
primitive ancient population (Kubus, 
etc.), Dr V. recognizes at least 4 
Malay strata : Primitive Malay (pure 
in the Mentawei, mixed all over the 
island) ; Middle Javanese stratum 
(chief part of Bataks, etc.) ; Menang- 
kabau Malays ; " bush-Malays," 
closely related to the third. The 
Simbirriugs are " of Melanesian ori- 
gin, bringing with them cannibalism." 
Javanese and Hindu elements are 
also noticeable and " the essential 
part of the culture of the inland peo- 
ples is due to India." 

Von der Hamburger Siidsee-Expedi- 
tioD. (Ibid., 193-225.) Notes on prog- 
ress of the explorations of the Ham- 
burg Scientific Foundation in the Ad- 
miralty Is. and New Pomerania in 
Oct.-Nov., 1908. Bow-and-arrows, 
now used only for shooting fish, were 
once used in war. Wood-carvings of 
strange and extravagant forms are 
invented and executed for sale to 
Europeans. In Talasea and Barriai 
in New Pomerania New Guinea in- 
fluence is seen in houses, pile-dwell- 
ings, etc. In the region from Move 
Bay to Cape Quoy pile-dwellings do 
not occur. The natives of the west- 
ern section of the north coast of 
New Pomerania resemble very 
closely those of the Admiralty Is. 

Erste Durchquerung von Neu- 

Pommern. (Ibid., 1909, xcvi, 64-67, 
2 maps.) Brief account of the first 
crossing of New Pomerania from S. 
to N., from near Cape Merkus to 
Rein gulf, with notes on natives 
(houses, weapons), etc. New Guinea 
influence (pile-dwellings, mask- 
dances, bull-roarer) appears on the 
S. coast up to Movehafen. On the 
islands near Cape Markus was found 
a language with hitherto unknown 
variations from the Melanesian type. 
The languages of the region tra- 
versed are related to those of the 
southern coast and are of Melanesian 

Vormann (F.) Dorf- und Hausanlage 
bei den Monumbo, Deutsch-Neu- 
guinea. (Anthropos, Modling-Wien, 
1909, IV, 660-668, 3 fgs.) Treats of 
the situation and tribal relations, vil- 
lage organization, etc., of the Mo- 
numbo, with details of house-con- 
struction and arrangement. Also sta- 
tistics of the villages of the 
Kozakoza group. 

Waterston (D.) Skulls from New 
Caledonia. (J. R. Anthr. Inst., 

Lond., 1908, xxxviii, 36-46, 2 pi., i 
fg.) Gives results of cranioscopic 
examination, craniometric observa- 
tions (measurements, etc.) of 3 
adult and i young male, 3 adult and 
I young female skull from various 
parts of New Caledonia. The ceph- 
alic indices run from 67 to 77 (6 be- 
ing 73 or below) ; the cubic capacity 
of males 1180 to 1500, of females 
1185 to 1425 ccm. W. recognizes "a 
distinct N. C. type of skull." Evi- 
dences of " Polynesian, and possibly 
Mongolian intermixture " occur. 
The high degree of prognathism in 2 
crania suggests a foreign element. 

Winthuis (J.) Die Bildersprache des 
Nordoststammes der Gazelle-Halbin- 
sel, Neupommern, SiJdsee. (Anthro- 
pos, Wien, 1909, IV, 20-36.) Treats 
of the richness in figurative language 
of the northeastern tribe of the 
Gazelle Peninsula (New Pomerania). 
Examples relating to incest, betel- 
chewing, corporal punishment, parts 
of the human body, illegitimate chil- 
dren, beautiful children, eating and 
feasting, evil manners, dancing, sex- 
ual immorality, etc., are given. Also 
the native text, with interlinear 
translation, of the speech of a judge 
to a man (himself formerly also a 
native judge) who had committed in- 
cest with his step-mother (here the 
equal of the mother),— a speech that 
is a continuous run of figures. 

Woodford (C. M.) Notes on the man- 
ufactures of the Malaita shell bead 
money of the Solomon Group. 
(Man, Lond., 1908, viii, 81-84, i pi., 
I fg.) Describes making of white, 
red and black shell bead money. 
Also a more precious sort of red 
money made from fragments se- 
lected from the most highly colored 
part of the romu shell, and from se- 
lected shells only, — it is said that 
two years are required to make a 
piece measuring in length from the 
hollow of the elbow-joint to the end 
of the middle finger. Black money 
is also made from a vegetable seed 
called fulu. A scarce kind of bead- 
money comes from Guadalcanar. 

Zaborowski (S.) Les derniers anthro- 
pophages de Formose. (Bull. Soc. 
d'Anthrop. de Paris, 1908, v^ s., ix, 
486-487.) Note on the portrait of a 
cannibal chief of the Taku-kan tribe 
of Formosa published in a Canton 
journal. These "savages" are being 
exterminated by the Japanese au- 

Periodical Literature 



A. Die altesten Spuren des Menschen 
in Nordamerika. (Globus, Brn- 
schwg., 1908, xciii, 270.) Brief re- 
sume of facts in Hrdlicka's Skeletal 
Remains Suggesting or Attributed to 
Early Man in North America (Wash- 
ington, 1907). 

Abeita (A.) The Pueblo Indians. (So. 
Wkmn.. Hampton, Va., 1909, xxxviii, 
477-478.) Notes on religion, wo- 
men's rights, irrigation, agriculture, 

Adams (H. C.) Kaleidoscopic La 
Paz : the city of the clouds. (Nat. 
Geogr. Mag., Wash., 1909, xx, 119- 
141, II fgs., II pi.) Contains notes 
on Quichua and Aymara Indians 
(water-carriers, pongos or house- 
servants, cholos or mixed bloods, 
dress and ornament, markets, music, 
children's mock bull-fight, etc.). 

Some wonderful sights in the 

Andean highlands. The oldest city 
in America. Sailing on the lake of 
the clouds. The Yosemite of Peru. 
(Ibid., 1908, xix, 597-618, 3 fgs., 14 
pi.) Contains notes on ruins of 
Tiahuanuco, dress and ornament of 
natives, Inca fortifications of Ollan- 
taytambo, etc. The illustrations 
treat of Indian types, ruins of Tia- 
huanuco, village band, festival hats, 
balsas of L. Titicaca, ruins of forti- 
fications of Ollantaytambo, Pisac, etc. 

Cuzco, America's ancient Mecca. 

(Ibid., 669-689, 10 fgs., 8 pi.) Con- 
tains notes on the Quichua Indians 
(costume, shrines, relics in museum, 
spinning and weaving, coca-chewing) 
and the Inca ruins, etc. The illus- 
trations treat of street scenes. Vir- 
gin of Cuzco, street-shrine, religious 
processions, old Inca wall, ruins of 
fortress of Sacsahuaman, the " seats 
of the Incas " ; gathering fuel, In- 
dian types, poncho-weaveT, etc. 

Alphabet (The) in America. (Amer. 
Antiq., Salem, Mass., 1909, xxxi, 
149-151.) Based on Brinton. Treats 
of the phonetics of the Cakchiquel 

Alvarez (V. S.) Breve noticia de al- 
gunos manuscritos de interes his- 
torico para Mexico, que se encuen- 
tran en los archivos y bibliotecas de 
Washington, D. C. (An. Mus. Nac. 
de Arqueol., Mexico, 1909, i, 1-24.) 
Notes on MSS. of historic interest 
relating to Mexico in the archives 
and libraries of Washington, D. C. 
A number are of ethnological value. 

Ambrosetti (J. B.) La Faculdad de 
Filosofia y Letras de la Universidad 
Nacional de Buenos Aires y los Es- 
tudios de Arqueologia Americana. 
(Anthropos, Wien, 1908, iii, 983-987. 
4 pi.) Indicates scope of activities 
of the archeological section of the 
Faculty of Philosophy and Letters in 
the National University of Buenos 
Aires and resumes the results of re- 
searches since 1905 in the N. E. of 
Argentina, future plans of work, etc. 

Ammon (W.) Von Sao Bento nach 
Hansa, Siid-Brasilien. (Globus, Brn- 
schwg., 1909, xcvi, 2-6, 5 fgs.) Ac- 
count of visit to German colonies of 
Sao Bento, Hansa, etc., in southern 
Brazil. The existence of a jargon, 
or mixed language, is noted on p. 6. 

Antbony (R.) et Rivet (P.) fitude 
anthropologique des races precolom- 
biennes de la republique de I'fiqua- 
teur. Recherches anatomiques sur 
les ossements (os des membres) des 
abris sous roches de Paltacalo. 
(Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop. de Paris, 1908, 
v^ s., IX, 314-430, 3 pi., 17 fgs.) 
Treats with details of measurements, 
indices, etc., of the human remains 
(long bones, etc.), other than crania 
from the pre-Columbian rock-shel- 
ters of Paltacalo, Ecuador : Shoulder- 
blade, humerus, radius, cubitus, -pel- 
vis, femur, tibia, peroneum, bones of 
foot, proportions of body and stature 
(reconstituted from long bones, etc.), 
are considered from all points of 
view. The material studied con- 
sists of 142 male and 92 female 
bones, ranging from 4 female and 
10 male radii to 28 female and 48 
male femurs. The conclusion 
reached is that " the Indians of 
Paltacalo constitute a people of 
small stature, with robust and vigor- 
ous forms," averaging for men 1,573 
and for women 1,453 mm. In these 
rock shelters occur specimens of 
pottery in a good state of preserva- 
tion. See Rivet (P.). 

Anthropology (The) of the Greenland 
Eskimo. (Nature, Lond., 1909, 
Lxxix, 310-312, 2 fgs.) Resumes 
data in K. Rasmussen's The People 
of the North (London, 1908), 

Araujo (O.) Significado de la voz 
" Uruguay." (An, de Instruc. 

Prim., Montevideo, 1908, v, 762- 
767.) Discusses briefly the half- 
dozen or more etymologies offered 
and decides in favor of " river of 
birds." This derivation is set forth 
in Juan Zorrilla de San Martin's 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

Tabare: Indice alfabetico de algunas 
voces indigenas (Montevideo, 1888). 

Arikara Creation myth. (J. Amer. 
Folk-Lore, Boston, 1909, xxii, 90- 

Arnold {Mary E.) and Reed {Mabel). 
An Indian new year. (So. Wkmn., 
Hampton, Va., 1909, xxxviii, 24-27, 
2 fgs.) Brief account of the pic- 
cioivish, or night dances, and 
" shoot-mark," of the " New Year " 
ceremonies in the first dark of the 
moon in September among the Karok 
Indians on the Klamath river, Cali- 
fornia. The dances last 3 days and 
it is the only time when Indian dress 
is worn. A curious figure is the 
" Santa Claus," or medicine-man. 
The old regime is fast disappearing 
and few Indians know much about 
many of these rites. 

Azul (J.) How the earth was made. 
An Indian legend. (Assembly Her- 
ald, Phila., 1909, XV, 70-71, I fg.) 
Creation legend (first man out of 
darkness ; dust-ball cast into air, flat- 
tened and enlarged ; sun and moon 
made, also stars, trees and plants, 
animals, birds, lastly humans ; flood 
caused by tears of baby ; people 
turned to stone on mountain ; new 
people made). A. is grandson of 
the Christian chief of the Arizona 
Pima, Antonio Azul. 

B. Cerro de Pasco. (Globus, Brn- 
schwg., 1908, xciii, 335-336.) Con- 
tains some notes on the houses, 
church, market, costume of people, 
etc., of this mining town in the heart 
of the Peruvian Cordilleras. 

Barrett (S. A.) Pomo basketry. 
(Univ. Calif. Publ. Amer. Arch, and 
Ethnol., 1908, VII, 133-278, 17 pL, 
231 fgs.) Treats of materials (fibers 
and rods ; feather and shell decora- 
tion a characteristic feature), tech- 
nique (great variety ; twining, wick- 
erwork, coiling), forms (great va- 
riety), ornamentation (design ar- 
rangement ; elemental designs ; tri- 
angular, rectangular, rhomboidal, 
linear, zigzag, diamond, quail-plume, 
etc.), patterns (diagonal or spiral 
patterns ; triangles with zigzags, rec- 
tangles, rhomboids, triangles, lines, 
etc. ; crossing patterns bordering tri- 
angles ; horizontal or banded pat- 
terns ; patterns covering the entire 
surface), elemental and pattern 
names (qualifying terms), etc., glos- 
sary (pp. 266-276). The pattern ar- 
rangements show striking variety and 
the ornamentation " consists of a 
great number of complex and varied 

patterns each composed of simple de- 
sign elements, such as lines, triangles, 
rectangles, rhomboids, etc." Wick- 
erwork is used little, both twining 
and coiling extensively. A valuable 
feature of this monograph is the 
wealth of aboriginal terms recorded. 
The Pomo " from birth until death 
used basketry for every possible pur- 
pose," — secular and ceremonial. 

Barry (P.) Folk-music in America. 
(J. Amer. Folk-Lore, Boston, 1909, 
XXII, 72-81.) 

Bartels (P.) Kasuistische Mitteilung 
fiber den Mongolenfleck bei Eskimo. 
(Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1909, xli, 
721-725, 2 fgs.) Cites data from F. 
Stecker, a missionary at Bethel, Kus- 
kokwim river, Alaska, as to " Mon- 
golian spots" in Eskimo, — some 15 
cases in children from 2 weeks to 3 
years were met with. Spots were 
also noted in adults, on the face, 
nose, etc. The Eskimo believe that 
children born with '" blue spots " will 
have brothers and sisters. The na- 
tive name is keumerit, " blue spot." 

Bascom (L. R.) Ballads and songs of 
western North Carolina. (J. Amer. 
Folk-Lore, Boston, 1909, xxii, 238- 

Bauer (F. M.) Feste der Indianer in 
Peru. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1908, 
xciv, 109-110.) Brief account of the 
festivities (processions, masquerades, 
bull-fights) of the modern Peruvian 
Indians under Christian influence. 
The chief village dignitaries are the 
Majordomo and the Capitan. 

Bauer (W.) Heidentum und Aber- 
glaube unter den Magateca-Indianern. 
(Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1908, xl, 857- 
865.) Treats of life after death (wan- 
dering of dead, — no word for " soul," 
— through the " realm of animals " ; 
partial metempsychosis and meta- 
morphosis of men into animals as 
reward and gift of the gods ; no 
real cult of the dead ; mixture of 
heathen and Catholic doctrines (in- 
vocation of the " lords of the moun- 
tains"), the magic bundle and cere- 
monies connected with it (differing 
somewhat on the Rio Tonto and in 
the mountains near Huautla), 
" magic " and " medicine " (as much 
esteemed now as under caciques ; 
shamans approved by tests ; offering 
of first-gathered ear of maize) ; cur- 
ing the sick (very little knowledge of 
herbs ; sweat house ; " sucking out " 
of disease by ciirandero ; "invoking 
the spirit " ; conjurations) ; washing 
hands of god-parents (mixture of 

Periodical Literature 


heathenism and Christianity). The 
influence of Aztec culture is unmis- 
takable (the shamans' calendar is 
perhaps borrowed). The Mazatec, 
some 18,000 or 20,000 in number, are 
scattered over the N. E. part of the 
State of Oaxaca, and their last 
cacique died about 1880. Their 
own name is a a (nasal). 
Baulig (H.) Sur la distribution des 
moyens de transport et de circula- 
tion chez les indigenes de I'Amerique 
du Nord. (Ann. de Geogr., Paris, 

1908, XVII, 433-456, map.) Well- 
documented study of means of travel 
and transportation among N. Ameri- 
can Indians in Arctic region (dog- 
sled, kayak, umiak), northern forest 
(sled, toboggan, snow-shoe, bark 
canoe, etc.), Atlantic region (travel 
on foot, dug-out). Great Plains 
'(bull-boat, travois, sled). Plateaus 
and interior basins ("packing"), 
Paciiic coast (great dug-outs and 
pirogues in north, smaller in south ; 
farther south, rude balsas, etc.). 
The adaptation to natural conditions 
is noteworthy everywhere. The In- 
dian trails (following " buffalo 
tracks ") have become the highways 
and railroads of to-day. 

Bean (R. B.) A theory of heredity to 
explain the types of the white race. 
(Philip. J. Sci., Manila, 1908, in, 
215-225, 5 fgs., 7 pi.) Based on 
measurements of 923 male and 116 
female students at the University of 
Michigan 1905-1907, among whom 
" 4 primary, 4 secondary and 5 
blended types" were noted. Feminine 
types are nearer in form to the primi- 
tive, not having become so differenti- 
ated. The prehistoric types of man in 
Europe have persisted to the present 
time, and are found in America 
somewhat modified ; other types are 
found representing later intrusions 
into Europe, — a complete fusion of 
all types is in view. The trend of 
the " American type " is " in the di- 
rection of increasing height, blended 
coloring and mesocephaly." Blend 
no. I of the white race in Europe 
was the Celt-Iberian. 

Beatty (A.) Some ballad variants and 
songs. (J. Amer. Folk-Lore, Boston, 

1909, XXII, 63-71.) 

Bergen (J. T.) Our Sisseton pastors. 
(Assembly Herald, Phila., 1909, xv, 
64-68.) Notes on Rev. J. Rogers 
(full-blood Santee), Rev. J. Eastman 
(Sisseton with French strain). Rev. 
I. Renville (Sisseton and French), 
Rev. M. Makey (full-blood Dakota) 

and other preachers. At the church 
of White River one of the elders is 
a son of Sitting Bull. 

Beuchat (H.) et Rivet (P.) La 
langue Jibaro ou Siwora. (Anthro- 
pos, Modling-Wien, 1909, iv, 805- 
822.) History of study, list of 
sources, grammatical sketch (pp. 
810-822) with lexicographical and 
morphological notes, based on ma- 
terial in the Macas, Gualaquiza, 
Aguaruna and Zamora dialects. The 
authors show that the Xebera (on 
which Brinton based his Jivaro 
stock) is a stock by itself and not 
related to Jibaro, which, however, 
according to Drs B. and R., is not 
an independent linguistic stock. 

La famille linguistique Ca- 

huapana. (Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 
1909, XLi, 616-634.) Proposes to 
style Cahuapana (from one of the 
tribes concerned) a linguistic stock, 
combining the Maina of Brinton and 
Xebero or Jebero, and occupying (or 
having occupied) the territory east of 
the Jibaros, south of the Zaparos, 
west of the Panos, Yameos, etc., and 
northeast of the Quichuas in the 
Ecuador-Peruvian region. The list 
of tribes given includes the Ata- 
guates, Cahuapanas, Chayavitas, 
Chonchos, Jeberos, Lamas, Mainas, 
Roamainas, etc. A comparative 
Jebero-Maina-Cahuapana vocabulary 
is given (pp. 622-623), some gram- 
matical notes (623-625), a French 
Cahuapana vocabulary (625-630) and 
texts (with interlinear French ver- 
sions) of the Pater Noster in Jebero, 
Maina and Cahuapana ; also Ca- 
huapana texts of the Ave Maria, the 
Credo, the Salve Regina, the Act of 

Beyer (H.) Der Siiden in der Gedank- 
enwelt Alt-Mexikos. (Mitt. d. An- 
throp. Ges. in Wien, 1908, xxxviii. 
228-231.) Discusses the idea of the 
" south " among the ancient Mexi- 
cans (Codex Borgia, etc.), names for 
" south," etc. The " south " was 
correlated with noon, the heat of the 
sun, day (as opposed to night), 
summer, sun (eagle), fire (stag), 
drought (stag), rainy season, rain, 
vegetation {Xipe Totec), rain-god 
(Tlaloc), water (atl), flame (butter- 
fly), burnt earth (tlachinolli), de- 
scending red sun-god, red quadruped 
(stag), red bird (Arara), red bird- 
head (vulture-head), red maize god 
(Tlatlauhqiii cinteotl), red Tescatli- 
poca, etc. 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

Uber den mexicanischen Gott 

Quetzalcoatl. (Ibid., 1909, xxxix, 
87-89, 4 fgs.) Treats of the repre- 
sentations, etc., of Quetzalcoatl in 
the art of the ancient Mexicans. 
According to B., Quetzalcoatl is the 
god of the Mexican zodiac, and to its 
last constellation, the termination of 
the zodiacal serpent, attached natur- 
ally such ideas as " end," " death," 
" under world," etc. It was sepa- 
rated from Quetzalcoatl as a special 
mythological figure and the latter in- 
corporated particularly the ideas be- 
longing to the first constellation. 

Die Naturgrundlage des mexi- 
canischen Gottes Xiuhtecutli. (R. d. 
£t. Ethnogr. et SocioL, Paris, 1908, 
I. 394-397-) B. seeks to identify 
Xiuhtecutli, the patron of the red 
arara, as a sun-god, or day-god. 
His festival is also discussed. 

Tamoanchan, das altmexikan- 

ische Paradies. (Anthropos, Wien, 
1908, III, 870-874.) B. seeks to 
identify Tamoanchan, the ancient 
Mexican Paradise, with the Milky 
Way, and to interpret its other 
names and relations in that light 
(Aztec and Maya mythology coin- 
cides on this point). 

Der " Drache " der Mexikaner. 

(Globus, Brnschwg., 1908, xciii, 
157-158, II fgs.) Treats of the 
" dragon " in ancient Mexican myth- 
ology, — the " feathered serpent," 
Quetzalcoatl, identified by B. with 
Xhihcoatl. B. holds that the au- 
thors of the ancient Mexican calen- 
dar-system had a zodiacal circle of 
13 parts, of which Quetzalcoatl-Xiuh- 
coatl was the first and the last mem- 

Die Polarkonstellation in den 

Mexikanisch - Zentralamerikanischen 
Bilderhandschriften. (A. f. An- 
throp., Brnschwg., 1909, n. f., vii, 
345-348, 12 fgs.) Treats of the 
polar constellation in the ancient 
Mexican and Maya MSS., the signs 
and names for " north," etc., the 
monkey-head sign for the constella- 
tion " monkey," representing the cir- 
cumpolar region of the sky, etc. 

The natural basis of some Mexi- 
can gods. (Amer. Antiq., Salem, 
Mass., 1909, XXXI, 19-22.) Treats 
of the goddess Chantico, a solar 
deitj', Itzpapalotl (" obsidian butter- 
fly," a personification of the southern 
hemisphere of the nocturnal sky), 
Tezcatlipoca (" black " and " red " 
forms, identified with the starry 
vault), Hitzilipochtli (identical with 

the " red " form of Tezcatlipoca), 

Biasutti ( — ) Presentazione di tre 
crani Haida. (A. p, I'Antrop,, Fi- 
renze, 1908, xxxviii, 355.) Note on 
3 notably large Haida skulls from 
Skidegate presented to the Italian 
Anthropological Society by Rev. Dr 
Llwyd of Seattle, and now in the 
Florence Anthropological Museum. 

Blackiston (A. H.) Recently discov- 
ered cliff-dwellings of the Sierras 
Madres. (Rec. of Past, Wash., 1909, 
VIII, 20-32, 14 fgs.) Gives results 
of author's explorations of cliff- 
dwellings in a large cave on La 
Madre Bonita mountain. No human 
bones were found, and everything 
indicated peaceful occupation. 

Blanchard (R.) Les tableaux de metis- 
sage au Mexique. (J. Soc. d. Amer. 
de Paris, 1908, N. s., viii, 59-66, 2 
fgs.) Treats of the paintings repre- 
senting mixed bloods (various de- 
grees of metissage of whites with In- 
dians and negroes in Mexico) in the 
Paris Museum of Natural History 
and the National Museum of Mexico. 
The 10 paintings (each representing 
father, mother and child, at their or- 
dinary occupations, etc.) in the Paris 
Museum were the work of Ignacio 
de Castro some time in the 18th 
century, and the other 16 in Mexico 
were possibly his, or came from his 
studio. The large canvas in Mexico 
is from the brush of another artist. 
Certain differences in the categories 
in the three works are pointed out. 
The numerical and graphic expres- 
sions of the 16 degrees of metissage 
and the Spanish names are given. 
The Castro paintings have been 
studied in detail by the late E. T. 
Hamy in his Decades AmericaiiCE. 
See Zaborowski (S.). 

Boas (F.) Eine Sonnensage der Tsim- 
schian. (Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1908, 
XL, 776-797.) Gives, with glossary 
and interpretative grammatical notes, 
the phonetic text in native language 
(and German translation) of the 
Tsimshian legend of the day-star 
and the night-star. The story is a 
variant of the myth of the origin of 
the sun, characteristic of the Sho- 
shonean area farther south. The 
tale of the " test-sun," known also to 
the Kutenai, does not occur among 
the Salishan tribe lying between the 
Tsimshian and the Shoshoni. 

Needle-case from Grinnell Land. 

(Amer. Anthrop., Lancaster, Pa., 
1909, N. s., XI, 135-136, I fg.) 

Periodical Literature 


Brannon (P. A.) Aboriginal remains 
in the middle Chattahoochee valley 
of Alabama and Georgia. (Ibid., 
186-198, 9 fgs.) 

Breton (A.) Archeology in Mexico. 
(Man, Lond., 1908, viii, 34-37, 3 
fgs.) Briefly resumes the investiga- 
tions of Batres at Teotihuacan and 
of Maler at Acanceh in Yucatan. 

von Buchwald (O.) Die Kara. (Glo- 
bus, Brnschwg., 1908, xciv, 123-125.) 
Argues on historical and linguistic 
grounds (place-names, etc.) extinct 
Caras of Quito region of Ecuador 
were one with the modern Colorados, 
or rather the Cayapa correspond to 
Caras and the Colorados to the con- 
federate Puruha. According to von 
Buchwald, the Colorado language 
contains (outside of certain numer- 
als) a large number of words re- 
lated to Quichua and Aymara ; some 
also like Chimu. 

Altes und Neues vom Guayas. 

(Ibid., 181-183.) Notes on the 
Guayas region of Ecuador, ancient 
and modern : Balsas, canoes, fishing 
(use of barbasco for benumbing fish, 
ancient house and furniture (In- 
dians have but one word for mosquito 
net and bed, i. e., cama, "bed"), 
agriculture and labor smack of the 
ancient conditions, place-names. Ac- 
cording to V. B. " the Canelos now 
speak Quichua, while in Andoas a 
degenerate dialect of the same lan- 
guage is found." 

Zur Wandersage der Kara. 

(Ibid., 1909, xcv, 316-319, map.) 
Cites from the Historia of the Jesuit 
Father Anello Oliva, written in 1598 
and published at Lima in 1895, the 
migration legend of the Kara as told 
by Katari, cacique of Cochabamba 
and hereditary chronicler of the 
Incas. Father Oliva regarded the 
tale as fabulous, v. B. seeks to show 
at least a kernel of historical truth 
in it, as the local coloring indicates 
(the delta of the Guayas, etc.). 
This legend gives the real genealogy 
of the Incas from Tumbe ; the table, 
according to v. B., was afterwards 
falsified at Quito. 

Bushnell (D. I., Jr.) Shell em- 
broidery from Florida. (Amer. An- 
throp., Lancaster, Pa., 1909, n. s., 
XI, 320-321, I fg.) 

Primitive salt-making in the 

Mississippi valley. (Man, Lond., 
1908, VIII, 65-70, I pi., 4 fgs.) 
Treats of the stone-lined and pottery- 
lined graves near Kiswick, Jefferson 
Co., Missouri, discovered in 1902, 

and the difference between the pot- 
tery from near the spring in the 
lowland and that found on the 
higher. The contents of 22 graves 
are indicated. According to B., 
"the graves and all objects found in 
the upper area, — including the salt- 
pans, — were unquestionably made by 
the Shawnees, or rather a branch of 
that tribe." To them may belong 
also the cloth-marked pottery from 
near the spring. 
Chamberlain (A. F.) Some Kutenai 
linguistic material. (Amer. Anthrop., 
Lancaster, Pa., 1909, n. s., xi, 13- 

Kutenai basketry. (Ibid., 318- 


Uber Personennamen der Kiton- 

aqa-Indianer von Britisch-Kolumbien. 
(Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1909, XLi, 378- 
380.) Cites 53 names of men and 
women of the Kutenai tribes of S. 
E. British Columbia and N. Idaho, 
with etymologies where known. 

Der " Kartensinn " der Kitonaqa- 

Indianer. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1909, 
xcv, 270-271, 4 fgs.) Notes the pos- 
session by the Kutenai Indians of a 
"map-sense " and reproduces 3 river- 
maps made by them. 

(A. F.) and (I. C.) Studies of 

a child. IV. Meanings and " Defi- 
nitions " in the 4th and 48th months. 
(Pedag. Sem., Worcester, 1909, xvi, 
64-103.) Give some 1000 '' defini- 
tions " in form given by authors' 
little daughter. 

Chamberlin (R. V.) Some plant- 
names of the Ute Indians. (Amer. 
Anthrop., Lancaster, Pa., 1909, n. s., 
XI, 27-40.) 

Channing (W.) and Wissler (C.) The 
hard palate in normal and feeble- 
minded individuals. (Anthrop. Pap. 
Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., N. Y., 1908, 
I, 283-349, 8 fgs., 9 pi.) Detailed 
discussion with numerous tables, of 
measurements with Boas apparatus 
of casts of hard palate of some 1000 
feeble-minded individuals and 500 
school-children with certain other 
control-measurements (the tabulated 
data, including age, stature, weight, 
and, for the feeble-minded also head- 
measurements, are on file at the Mu- 
seum). There seems to be "a slight 
difference in' the degree, but not in 
the kind of variability between the 
normal and feeble-minded." Such 
differences are due to " a general re- 
tardation effect during the first few 
years of life." 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

Cobb (C.) Some human habitations. 
(Nat. Geogr. Mag., Wash., 1908, 
XIX, 509-S15, 3 fgs-, 2 pi.) Treats 
of fishermen's camps, Shackelford 
Bank, North Carolina ; Seminole In- 
dian hut at Miami, Fla. ; goat-herd- 
er's house in Texas ; harvest huts 
(annually built) on the now drained 
lake of Sabii (Italy), prehistoric in 

Cross (J. F.) Eskimo children. (So. 
Wkmn., Hampton, Va., 1908, xxxvii, 
433-437, 6 fgs.) Reprinted from the 
American Missionary Magazine, — 
author is missionary at Cape Prince 
of Wales, Alaska. Treats of affec- 
tion for children, early child-life, 
plays and games, occupations of 
children, etc. 

Cross (T. P.) Folk-lore from the 
Southern States. (J. Amer. Folk- 
Lore, Boston, igoq, xxii, 251-255.) 

Cubas (A. G.) and Maudslay (A. P.) 
Piano hecho en papel de maguey, 
que se conserva en el Museo Nacio- 
nal de Mexico. (An. d. Mus. Nac. 
de Arqueol., Mexico, 1909, i, 49-54. 
I pi.) Treats of a plan on maguey- 
paper in the Mexican National Mu- 
seum, evidently a plan of the west- 
ern portion of the barrios of Tlalte- 
lolco, Cuepopan and Moyotla of the 
old city of Tenochtitlan (Mexico). 

Davis (J. B.) Two Cherokee charms. 
(Ann. Arch, and Anthrop., Liverpool, 
1909, II, 131-133.) Gives English texts 
of an ancient Cherokee (Oklahoma) 
" charm to destroy an enemy," done 
in the dark of the moon to cause the 
soul of the other to fade away, and 
of a charm for snake-bite. Also a 
few items of white folk-lore from 
Oklahoma (charm for burned child, 
charm to hive swarming bees). 

The liver-eater : a Cherokee 

story. (Ibid., 134-138.) English 
text only a tale of " Liver-Eater " 
or " Spear-Finger," a witch-story. 
The author is of Cherokee descent. 

Debenedetti (S.) Excursion arque- 
ologica a las nunas de Kipon, Valle 
Calchaqui, Provincia de Salta. 
(Univ. Nac. de Buenos Aires., Publ. 
Secc. Antrop., 1908, No. 4, 1-55. 35 
fgs., map.) Gives results of arche- 
ological expedition in January, 1906, 
to the ruins of Kipon, 8 kilom. S. 
of Payogasta in the Calchaqui val- 
ley, and describes objects found. Cir- 
cular, ellipsoid and amorphous 
graves, the first two categories be- 
ing pircadas. 

Dixon (R. B.) The mythology of the 
Central and Eastern Algonkins. (J. 

Amer. Folk-Lore, Boston, 1909, xxii, 
Dr Walter Lehmann's Forschungen in 
Costa Rica. (Globus Brnschwg., 

1908, xciv, 367-368.) From letter 
of Oct. 27, 1908, giving brief account 
of results of investigations in Costa 
Rica, — archeological (Guanacaste, 
El Viejo, Sta. Barbara, etc.), ethno- 
logical (Chiripo and Bribri vocabu- 
laries obtained). Extensive archeo- 
logical and ethnological collections 
were made. 

Fischer (E.) Patagonische Musik. 
(Anthropos, Wien, 1908, iii, 941- 
951.) Discusses the music of the 50 
Patagonian songs recorded on the 
phonograph by R. Lehmann-Nitsche 
(q. V.) : Tone, melody, rhythm, time, 
etc. The general range is tenor- 
baritone; scales mostly series of 
tones and half-tones ; the melody de- 
clines ; the composition is very 
simple ; the value of the rhythm is 

Fletcher (A. C.) Standing Bear. (So. 
Wkmn., Hampton, Va., 1909, 
xxxviii, 75-78.) Treats of Monchu- 
non-zhi, or " Standing Bear " (d. 
Sept., 1908), the Ponca chief, who 
sued out a writ of habeas corpus, 
leading to the famous decision of 
Judge Dundy in 1879 that "an In- 
dian is a person within the meaning 
of the law, etc." 

Flores (C.) Modo de elegir esposa 
entre los indios naturales del pueblo 
de San Caspar, Est. de Mexico. (An. 
d. Mus. Nac de Arqueol., Mexico, 

1909, I, 59-66.) Brief account of 
the method of choosing a wife 
among the Aztecan Indians of San 
Caspar, south of Tzompahuacan, in 
the State of Mexico. 

Forsyth (L. M. N.) Aztec ruins in 
southern Mexico. (Rec. of Past, 
Wash., D. C, 1909, VIII. 145-154, 
185-191, 5 fgs.) Treats of the ruins 
of Teotitlan del Camino and vicinity 
(El Fuerte, La Eglesia, mounds of 
Petlanco. Pueblo Viejo, Meija, etc.), 
San Martin (ruins, petroglyphs, 
caves, etc.) and objects found, — 
stone implements, gold and silver 
figures, ornaments, etc., pottery, clay 
figurines, etc. 

Fric (A. V.) Die unbekannten 
Stamme des Chaco Boreal. (Globus, 
Brnschwg., 1909, xcvi, 24-28, 3 fgs.) 
Notes on the Karraim, Sotegraik, 
Angaite, Sanapana, Moro (or Moro- 
toko), Kurumro, Camakoko, etc., 
visited by the author. Account of 

Periodical Literature 


Basebigi, " the Alexander the Great " 
of the Camakoko. From the Moro 
F. obtained wooden axes, articles of 
clothing and ornament (including 
wooden moccasins), war-flutes, etc.; 
and from the Kurumro a signal horn 
and a bone flute. 

Friederici (G.) Die Squaw als Ver- 
raterin. Ein Beitrag zur Psycholo- 
gic des Weibes. (Int. Arch. f. Eth- 
nogr., Leiden, 1908, xviii, 121-124.) 
Treats of the role of the squaw or 
Indian woman as traitor in the re- 
lations of her people with the whites. 
Dutch in 1633; French (La Salle 
and Tonty) in 1679; English in 1763 
(Pontiac at Detroit) ; Spanish (De 
Soto) ; English in 1776 (Cherokee 
at Watauga) ; in Mexico (Marina, 
the mistress of Cortez) ; in Darien 
(Fulvia the mistress of Balboa) ; in 
the Antilles and in S. America, sev- 
eral instances in early Spanish days. 
According to Dr F., the greater sen- 
suality of the Indian women, who 
found the Europeans sexually more 
satisfying, was what often made trait- 
ors of them. Women's predilection 
for the new, strange, foreign, and 
the contrast between the life of the 
Indian squaw and that of the Euro- 
pean female, also played a part. 

Furlong (C. W.) Amid the islands of 
the Land of Fire. (Harper's Mo. 
Mag., N. Y., 1909, cxviii, 335-347, 
10 fgs.) Contains some notes on the 
Yahgan Indians of Ushuaia, Tierra 
del Fuego, and on Wagein, a Tehuel- 
che prisoner, — physical characteris- 
tics, etc. Ushuaia is said to mean 
" mouth of the bay " in Yahgan (p. 
338). The number of aborigines in 
the Territorio del Magelhanes to-day 
is estimated at " not over 600 " as 
compared with 10,000 fifty years 

Gardner (W.) Old races unearthed. 
(Amer. Antiq., Salem, Mass., 1909, 
XXXI, 77-79.) Gives results of in- 
vestigations in September-November, 
1906 of a mound in Douglas county, 
Nebraska, — portions of 9 crania and 
bones indicating as many skeletons 
were found. The lower level im- 
plements were crude, those of the 
upper level, with the crania indicat- 
ing a higher type. 

Gates (H.) Traces of a vanished race 
1.1 Kandiyohi county, Minnesota. (Rec. 
of Past, Wash., D. C, 1909, vi, 155- 
162, 9 fgs.) Gives results of exca- 
vation in August, 1907, of m.ounds 
on east shore of Green Lake and ac- 
count of objects found (skulls and 

other human bones, fragments of 
pottery, flints, etc.). 

Traces of a vanished race in 

Kandiyohi county, Minnesota. (Ibid., 
102-108, 7 fgs.) Treats of the 
" summit mounds " on the shore of 
Green Lake, three of which have 
been opened, but one only adequately 
excavated, in 1907. "Fire altars" 
or hearths, calcined bones (none 
human), etc., were discovered. They 
may have been " signal-fire " or 
" torture mounds." 

Gates (P. G.) Indian stone struc- 
tures near Salton Sea, California. 
(Amer. Anthrop., Lancaster, Pa., 
1909, N. s., XI, 322-325.) 

van Gennep (A.) Netting without a 
knot. (Man, Lond., 1909, lx, 38- 
39, I fg.) Points out a parallel for 
the knotless netting of the Angoni 
(described by Miss Werne-) in fish- 
ing-nets of certain Indians of N. W. 
Brazil described and figi.ired Ly Dr. 

Gensch (H.) Worterverzeichnis der 
Bugres von Santa Catharina. (Z. f. 
EthnoL, Berlin, 1908, xl, 744-759, 
2 fgs.) Classified vocabulary taken 
down from Korikra, daughter of the 
chief Kanyahama, killed by the 
Bugre-hunters : also texts of several 
brief songs. Dr E. Seler, who edited 
the vocabulary, furnishes (pp. 744- 
749) a brief ethnographical, intro- 

Giglioli (E.) II XVI Congresso In- 
ternazionale degli Americanisti a 
Vienna 8-14 settembre 1908. (A. p. 
I'Antrop., Firenze, 1908, xxxviii, 
329-333). Resume of proceedings, 
list of chief papers, etc. 

Gilder (R. F.) The " Spanish Dig- 
gings," Wyoming. (Rec. of Past., 
Wash., D. C, 1909, viii, 3-10, 6 fgs.) 
According to Mr G., " There is con- 
clusive evidence that there was a 
vast population here at the time 
these quarries were worked," and 
there is no section of the entire 
world which can show any quarries 
of such magnitude as the ' Spanish 
Diggings.' Immense numbers of 
stone implements of jasper, flint, 
quartzite, etc., must have been be- 
gun or finished here. The author 
thinks the so-called " mound-build- 
ers " took most of the product of 
these quarries. 

Excavation of earth-lodge ruins 

in eastern Nebraska. (Amer. An- 
throp., Lancaster, Pa., 1909, n. s., xi, 
56-79, 7 fgs., 6 pi.). See Hrdlicka 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

Giuffrida-Ruggeri (V.) Die Entdec- 
kungen Florentino Ameghino's und 
der Ursprung des Menschen. (Glo- 
bus, Brnschwg., 1908, xciv, 21-26, 
2 fgs.) Resumes and discusses Ame- 
ghino's discoveries of fossil men and 
apes in the Argentine, Patagonia, 
etc., as set forth in his Les forma- 
tions sedimentaires du cretace supe- 
rieiir et du tertiaire de Patagonie, 
published in the Anales del Mitseo 
Nacional de Buenos Aires for 1906. 
Also treats of the various theories 
of the characters of the most primi- 
tive type of man (Ranke, Hagen, 
Kollmann, Schvifalbe, etc.). The 
great antiquity of the skulls of Mira- 
mar {Homo pampaeus, A.) etc., is 
doubted by G.-R., who differs also 
from Ameghino in other respects 
(the S. American origin of man, the 
recapitulation theory in extreme, 
etc.)- Ameghino's views find sup- 
port in Ranke and Kollmann. His 
view that the Saimiri is the direct 
descendant of the tertiary Homuncu- 
lidae is more favorably viewed by 
G.-R., who holds a theory of the 
precocious and independent origin of 
man. According to G.-R., the Aus- 
tralian, in his bodily proportions, 
corresponds to the stage of the Euro- 
pean youth. 

Un nuovo precursore dell' uomo. 

II " Tetraprothomo argentinus." 
(Riv. d'ltalia, Roma, 1909, xii, 137- 
147, 3 fgs.) Describes after Ame- 
ghino the Tetraprothomo argentinus, 
determined from a femur and atlas 
discovered in the fossiliferous stra- 
tum of Monte Hermoso, about 60 
km. N. E. of Bahia Blanca, and dis- 
cusses its position in the evolutional 
series. As the name indicates, Ame- 
ghino places 3 successive genera be- 
tween it and man, — Triprothoino. 
Diprothomo and Prothomo. Ame- 
ghino sees the evolution of man in 
S. America. The origin of such pre- 
cursors of man G.-R. would attribute 
to "mutation" (De Vries). 

de Goeje (C. H.) Beitrage zur Volk- 
erkunde von Surinam. (Int. Arch, 
f. Ethnogr., Leiden, 1909, xix, 1-34, 
20 pi., 30 fgs.) Gives results of 
expedition to Surinam (Kalinas, 
Arawaks, Ojanas and Trios Indians) : 
Physical character (old men of 50- 
60 years not rare among Trios), 
clothing and ornament (particularly 
in dances), villages, houses and fur- 
niture, canoes, food, weapons and 
implements, weaving, ornamentation 
and drawing (explanation of figures 

and designs, pp. 6-10; numerous 
face-paintings and original draw- 
ings), music (flute and dance melo- 
dies), mythology and folk-lore, 
shamanism, customs and usages 
(evil spirits, flood-legend, "cure" of 
medicine-men, death-festival, — text 
of song sung by women, other dances 
and festivals, wasp-test of youths), 
character of Indians, names (per- 
sonal and tribal, geographical), etc. 
The illustrations are excellent. This 
article is a supplement to the author's 
previous monograph in Vol. xvii of 
the same journal. The description 
of the expedition has appeared in 
Vol. XXV, 2d s. of the Tijdschr. v. h. 
Konink. Nederl. Aardrijksk. Gen. 
Colder (F. A.) Eskimo and Aleut 
stories from Alaska. (J. Amer. 
Folk-Lcre, Boston, 1909, xxii, 10- 
Hamy (E. T.) Les voyages de Rich- 
ard Grandsire de Calais dans 
I'Amerique du Sud, 1817-1827. (J. 
Soc. d. Amer. de Paris, 1908, n. s., 
V, 1-20.) Grandsire saw gauchos at 
Montevideo, traveled in Brazil, Uru- 
guay, Paraguy, etc., and died on the 
banks of the Jary, among the Ca- 
joeira Indians. 

Les Indiens de Raselly peints 

par Du Viert et graves par Firens 
et Gaultier (161 3). fitude icono- 
graphique et ethnographique. (Ibid., 
21-52, 6 fgs., I pi.) Treats of three 
interesting documents dating from 
1 61 3, — engravings by Firens and 
Gaultier after paintings by Du Viert 
of the " Topinambou " Indians from 
the island of Maragnon, brought to 
France by the Sieur de Razilly. At 
pp. 28-40 is reprinted the account 
of the return of de Razilly with 
these Indians, from the Mercure 
frangois of 161 7, with additions 
from Father C. d'Abbeville's Hist. 
de la Miss, des Peres Capucins en 
I'Isle Maragnon (Paris, 1614). The 
Indians in question (the portraits 
are here reproduced) numbered 6, — 
an old chief ; a youth, the son of 
one of the principal men of the is- 
land ; a youth of 20-22 years ; two 
other youths of about this age; and 
another warrior of 38 years. The 
first three died sometime after their 
portraits had been made. Two types 
at least are represented among them. 
The three surviving were baptized at 
Paris in 1613. 
Harrington (M. R.) Some unusual 
Iroquois specimens. (Amer. An- 

Periodical Literature 


throp., Lancaster, Pa., 1909, N. s., 
XI, 85-91, 3 fgs., I pi.) 

Archeology of Everglades re- 
gion, Florida. (Ibid., 139-142, 2 

Among Louisiana Indians. (So. 

Wkmn., Hampton, Va., 1908, xxxvii, 
656-661, 5 fgs.) Notes of visit in 
spring of 1908 to Chitimacha of 
Bayou Teche (the makers of the best 
cane baskets in the United States ; 
" rain making ") ; the Houma of 
Terrebonne parish (only 2 or 3 
pure bloods left ; language of Mus- 
khogean stock spoken by just 2 old 
women) ; Koasati of Calcasieu par- 
ish (some 100 in number, still using 
their mother-tongue ; blow-gun ; 
weaving Spanish moss into saddle 
blankets) ; and Alibamu (a few live 
with the Koasati). 

Harsha (W. J.) Social conditions on 
Indian reservations. (Ibid., 1909, 
XXXVIII, 441-44S, 4 fgs.) Notes on 
the results of the old wild life and 
the tribal usages surviving from the 
social organization born of it (e. g., 
" Indian giving," absence of orphans, 
intense tribal pride coming from 
crude socialism), effects of education, 
religion, etc., mescal eating, gam- 
bling, granting of land in severalty, 
marriage and divorce, etc. Gradual 
absorption of the red race by the 
white is predicted. 

■ Industrial conditions on Indian 

reservations. (Ibid., 1908, xxxvii, 
557-566.) Notes on Indians of 
Warm Springs, Oregon, Apache pris- 
oners at Fort Sill, Oklahoma, Sad- 
dle Mountain Kiowa, Arapaho of 
Washita River. Uinta Ute, effect 
of irrigation, Indians as laborers, 
etc. According to Supt. H., " alto- 
gether the industrial situation on the 
reservations is full of hope and 

Hartwig (A.) Ueber die Schadel- 
funde von Gentilar (Z. f, Ethnol., 
Berlin, 1908, xl, 957-960.) Brief 
account of discovery of mummied 
skeletons with grave-gifts of feath- 
ers, weapons, ornaments, baskets, 
pottery, etc. (no metal objects), at 
Gentilar (now but an insignificant 
settlement of fishing Indians) in the 
pampa tamiiragal of northern Ata- 
cama (Chile). Four skulls were 
presented by the author to the An- 
thropological Society. These re- 
mains indicate the presence of man 
in this region at a period when the 
land was fruitful and the environ- 
ment not so harsh. The mummies 

were wrapped up in the skins of 
birds or in fabrics of vicuiia wool, 
— the bird-skins and absence of 
metal distinguish the Gentilar finds 
from those of Quillagua. 

Heape (W.) The proportion of the 
sexes produced by whites and colored 
people in Cuba. Abstract. (Proc. 
R. Soc, Ser. B, Vol. 81, London. 
1909, 32-37.) Based on data of 
chief sanitary officer of Cuba for 
1904-5-6. Treats of racial propor- 
tion of the sexes (white 108.44 m. 
to 100 f . ; colored 101.12 m. to 100 
f.), sexual ratio in legitimate and 
illegitimate births (whites illegiti- 
mate 104.4 m. to 100 f., legitimate 
107.78 m. to 100 f. ; colored illegiti- 
mate 96.76 m, to 100 f., legitimate 
106.76 m. to 100 f.), breeding sea- 
sons (two sharply defined each year, 
simultaneous in both races), effect 
of breeding seasons on proportion of 
sexes (greatest excess of f. in both 
races at times of greatest fertility), 
limitation of effect of extraneous 
forces (heredity limits influence), 
effect of town and country life on 
sex ratio (higher proportion of f. 
born in towns). 

Henning (P.) Estudio sobre la fecha 
" 4 Ahau " y la cronologia basada en 
ella. Escrito con motivo de la des- 
obstruccion de la antigua Teotihuacan. 
(An. d. Mus. Nac. de Arqueol., Mexi- 
co, 1909, I, 25-48, I pi.) Argues 
that " the glyph Ahati " represents 
decidedly the face of Quetzalcoatl- 
Huracan, as, according to the abo- 
rigines, he appeared at the time of 
the Ehecato iiatiith. 

Herrerra (J. E.) El verdadero reino 
de " El Dorado." (Rev. Histor., 
Lima, 1908, iii, 124-128.) Notes on 
the gold-mines of the regions of 
Loreto and San Martin, the reality 
upon which grew up the legends of 
El Dorado, El Gran Paytite, La 
Casa del Sol, El Reyno de los Oma- 
guas, El Imperio de Enin, Ambaya, 
Rupac-Rupac, etc. 

Herrick (E. P.) Holy week and Easter 
in Cuba. (So. Wkmn., Hampton, 
Va., 1909, xxxviii, 212-217, 4 fgs.) 
Written from Protestant point of 

Herve (G.) Les observations de J. 
Narborough sur I'anthropologie des 
sauvages de la Magellanique. (R. de 
I'fic. d'Anthrop. de Paris, 1908, xviii, 
390-392.) Reproduces, from the 
third book of de Brosse's Histoire 
des navigations anx Terres australes, 
the notes of Narborough (who in 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

1669-1671 visited the Straits of 
Magellan by command of King 
Charles II) on the savages of Eliza- 
beth Is. and elsewhere in Fuegia. 
They are of considerable anthropo- 
logical value. The English account 
of the voyage was published in 1694. 

Hrdlidka (A.) Contribution to the 
knowledge of tuberculosis in the In- 
dian. (So. Wkmn., Hampton, Va., 
1908, XXXVII, 626-634.) Resumes 
recent investigations by the author 
among the Menominee, Oglala Sioux, 
Quinaelt, Hupa, Mohave, and at the 
school at Phoenix, Arizona. The chief 
causes are hereditary taint in the 
young, development of pulmonary 
form from tuberculous glands or other 
tuberculous processes, facility of in- 
fection, exposure to wet and cold, 
influence of other than diseases of 
the respiratory tract (doubtful), dis- 
sipation, indolence, etc., want and 
consequent debilitation, depressing 
effect in non-reservation schools on 
the newly-arrived child of the nu- 
merous regulations in vogue, contact 
with white consumptives, etc. See 
for details the author's volume on 
this topic. 

Report on the skeletal remains 

[found in earth-lodges in Eastern 
Nebraska]. (Amer. Anthrop., Lan- 
caster, Pa., 1909, N. s., XI, 79-84, I 
fg.) See Gilder (R. F.) 

Humbert (J.) Les documents manu- 
scrits du British Museum relatifs a 
la colonization espagnole en Ameri- 
que et particulierement au Venezuela. 
(J. Soc. d. Amer. de Paris, 1908, 
N. s., V, 53-57.) Notes on the fam- 
ous Welser (i 528-1 566) Ms., letter 
of Juan de Urpin (1638), reports of 
governors, etc., Mss. relating to the 
" Guipuzcoan Company of Caracas," 

Ignace (£.) La secte musulmane des 
Males du Bresil et leur revoke en 
1835. (Anthropos, Wien, 1909, iv, 
99-105, 405-415, 3 fgs.) First part 
treats of the theology, liturgical rites 
(prayer, musical instruments, year) 
of the Males or Musulmis (their own 
name), Mahometan negro slaves 
from West Africa in Bahia, Rio de 
Janeiro and Pernambuco, concerned 
in a revolt in 1835. Pt. II. gives the 
historical data of the revolt. 

Janvier (T. A.) Legends of the City 
of Mexico. (Harper's Mo. Mag., N. 
Y., 1909, cxviii, 434-440, I fg.) 
English texts only of Legend of the 
Callejon del Muerto (unfulfilled vow 
and results), Legend of the Altar 

del Perdon (tale of a miracle-pic- 
ture). Legend of the Aduana de 
Santo Domingo (love story). 
Jette (J.) On the language of the Ten'a. 

II. (Man, Lond., 1908, viii, 72-74.) 
Treats of the " emphasizers " (agglu- 
tinant roots, or suffixes, which are 
added to words in order to make 
them an object of special attention) 
a, yii, ril. 

On the language of the Ten'a. 

III. (Ibid., 1909, IX, 21-25.) Treats 
of " root-nouns," number-differentia- 
tion, construction of nouns, compound 
nouns, etc., in the Ten'a, an Alaskan 
Athapascan tongue. " Root-nouns " 
are " short, monosyllabic or dissyl- 
labic, exceptionally trisyllabic." The 
substitution of " equivalent phrases " 
for simple nouns is common. " Suf- 
fix nouns " are capable of all the 
constructions of " root-nouns." Apart 
from exceptional cases " the number 
of a noun is not expressed by a 
modification of the noun itself, but 
by a modification of the verb," — this 
occurs in two ways. 

Kessler (D. E.) The Indian influence 
in Music. (So. Wkmn., Hampton, 
Va., 1909, xxxviii, 168-170.) The 
author seems to believe that the Ghost 
Dance music, the chant of the thun- 
der-god, the swan ceremonial, the 
Omaha love-song, the lesser songs 
of the Plains Indians, the eagle cere- 
monials of the California tribes, etc., 
prove the origin of the American 
aborigines from " the sunken Atlan- 
tean continent," and that " the In- 
dian holds within himself the records 
of a soul civilization which it is for 
us to carry over and restore, thus 
perpetuating the records of past in- 
tellectual achievement." 

The passing of the old cere- 
monial dances of the Southern Cali- 
fornia Indians. (Ibid., 1908, 527- 
538, 6 fgs.) Treats in detail of the 
seven days Eagle fiesta for the dead 
in honor of Cinon Duro, the last 
hereditary chief (d. 1907) of the 
Mesa Grande Indians of San Diego 

Kissenberth (W.) Reisebericht vom 
Araguay, (Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 
1909, XLi, 532-533.) Notes on visit 
to Cayapos and Carajas. K. ob- 
tained a fine ethnological collection 
of 450 objects, including Caraja 
masks, stone axes, lip-stones, wooden 
vessels, etc. 

Reisebericht. (Ibid., 261-262.) 

Notes on travel in Maranhao, 1908. 
K. secured a vocabulary of ca. 1000 

Periodical Literature 


words of the Guajajaras, a Tupi 
tribe, now almost completely civil- 
ized, also a few phonographic records 
of songs, etc. From a village of 
Canella Indians 150 km. from Barra 
do Corda, some ethnographic notes, 
ethnological specimens, photographs, 
a small vocabulary, etc., were ob- 

Koch-Griinberg (T.) Indianische 
Frauen. (Arch. f. Anthrop., Brn- 
schwg., 1909, N. F., VIII, 91-100, 3 
fgs., I pi.) Treats of women and 
their life among the Kobeua, Desana, 
_ etc., of the region of the Icana and 
Caiary-Uaupes region of N. W. Bra- 
zil. Initiation of girls, marriage- 
ceremonies (exogamy ; polygamy 
comparatively rare ; adultery very 
rare ; divorce easy, where no chil- 
dren), position of women (rather 
high, and influence on husband, etc., 
considerable ; their opinion esteemed, 
even in intercourse with foreigners, 
in trade, etc., sometimes practise 
"medicine"), Indian woman as mother 
(child-birth, ceremonial rites of 
parents, mother-love, death and 
burial), childhood (companionship of 
parent, imitation of elders, weaning, 
apparatus for teaching to walk, pets, 
toys, ornaments, behavior), woman 
as house-keeper, etc. A very sym- 
pathetic picture is drawn of Indian 
home-life and of the role of woman 
in it. 

Die Hianakato-Umaua. (An- 

thropos, Wien, 1908, iii, 952-982.) 
Concluding part of monograph on the 
Hianakato-Umaua Indians. Treats 
of relation of language to other 
tongues (brief comparative vocabu- 
lary, p. 953) ; grammatical sketch 
(noun, post-positions, suffixes, ono- 
matopoeia, foreign loan-words ; pro- 
nouns, verb, suffixes, negation, etc.) 
This language belongs to the Carib- 
bean stock. 

Frauenarbeit bei den Indianern 

Nordwestbrasiliens. (Mitt. d. An- 
throp. Ges. in Wien, 1908, xxxviii, 
172-181, 2 pi., 13 fgs.) Treats of 
preparation of manioc (rasping, 
pressing out, etc.) and pottery mak- 
ing (forming, burning, varnishing), 
among the women of the Kobeua, 
Arawak, Tucano and other Indians 
of the Rio Cuduiary, Igana, Tiquie, 

Der Fischfang bei den Indianern 

Nordwestbrasiliens. (Globus, Brn- 
schwg., 1908, xciii, 1-6, 21-28, 20 
fgs.) Treats of fish-catching among 

the Indians of N. W. Brazil, par- 
ticularly the region of the upper 
Negro and its great tributaries, the 
Caiary-Uaupes, etc. Fishing with 
bow-and-arrow (methods of arrow- 
release, form, etc., of bow and ar- 
rows ; children begin early with small 
bows), nets (of great variety large 
and small for fish, crabs, etc.), traps 
and weirs (for large and for small 
fish), the large traps, etc., are com- 
munal property ; fish-poisons, etc. 

Jagd und Waffen bei den In- 
dianern Nordwestbrasiliens. (Ibid., 
197-203, 215-221, 21 fgs.) Treats 
of hunting and weapons among the 
Indian (Caiary Uaupes and Igana 
tribes, Kobeua, Buhagana, Macuna, 
Yahiina, Yabahana, Siusi, Umaua, 
Guariua, Desana, etc.). Bird snares 
and traps (used also for certain 
animals), war-clubs, shields, poison- 
tipped spears are described. De- 
tailed account is given of the blow- 
pipe with its poisoned arrows, quiver, 
etc., — the weapon par excellence of 
these Indians. The Alaku are also 
particularly skilful in the use of 
European firearms. The dance- 
shields of the Caiary-Uaupes region 
are artistically made. 

Einige Bemerkungen zur Forsch- 

ungsreise des Dr H. Rice in den 
Gebieten zwischen Guaviare und 
Caqueta-Yapura. (Ibid., 302-305, 2 
maps.) Notes and criticisms on the 
account in The Geographical Journal 
(London), for 1908, of the travels of 
Dr Rice in the region between the 
rivers Guaviare and Caqueta-Yapura, 
a country visited by K. in 1904. 
Rice's Carigona is a misprint for 
Carijona, — these Indians are the Cari- 
jona of Crevaux, the Umaua of Koch ; 
his Huilote, another misprint for 
Uitoto; his Anagua may be for 
O magna. 

von Koenigswald (G.) Die Botokuden 
in Siidbrasilien. (Ibid., 37-43, 2 fgs.) 
Treats (largely from personal obser- 
vation and the author's ethnological 
collection) of the Botocudos of the 
region between the Iguassu and Rio 
Negro on the north and the plateaus 
of Sta. Catharina on the south, east- 
ward to the Serra do Mar and west- 
ward to the Rio Timbo. Relations 
with the whites (bngreiros or " In- 
dian killers"), warfare (pitfalls, 
etc.), life and activities, dwellings, 
hunting (bow and arrow, pitfalls, 
snares, slings, spears, etc.), weapons 
(powerful bows and arrows, wooden 
spears and clubs, bolas, etc.), pottery. 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

weaving and basketry (in low state), 
navigation (canoes not known ; rafts 
of taquaia-skins ; Botocudos good 
swimmers), etc. Von K. considers 
the Botocudos to be the remains of 
the Carijos of the writers of the i6th 
century and after. They number 
still several hundred. 

Die landesiiblichen Bezeichnun- 

gen der Rassen und Volkstypen in 
Brasilien. (Ibid., 194-195.) Treats 
of the designations of races and peo- 
ples in the Brazilian vernacular, — 
list of terms, with explanations, ap- 
plied to whites, Indians, Negroes, 
Asiatics and the various mixtures of 
all or any of these. To the people 
of the colonies in S. Brazil a Euro- 
pean German is a Deutschl'dnder. In 
the ignorant interior all non-Latin 
white foreigners are Ingles or Ameri- 
cano. As designating descendants of 
camp Indians vaqueiro in the north 
corresponds to gaucho in the south. 
Creoulos (creoles) are the descend- 
ants of the African slaves. Persons 
of mixed race possessing approxi- 
mately three-fourths white blood are 
counted white. The terms applied 
to mixed bloods of various degrees 
of race and of intermixture are 
numerous. Of these Mameluco, Cari- 
boca, Cabra, Cafitzo, Tapanhuna, are 
of Tupi origin. To children of the 
variously mixed parents the term 
pardo is generally applied. 

Die Cayuas. (Ibid., 376-381, 6 

fgs.) Treats of the Cayuas (" wood 
men "), a Guarani people of N. Para- 
guay and southern Matto Grosso. 
Name, language, physical characters, 
senses and disposition, food (chiefly 
game and fish ; maize, wild-honey ; 
ahiva, maize-drink ; food boiled or 
roasted except fruits and honey), 
meal-times and festivals (songs and 
dances with ahiva or chiclia), dwell- 
ings and furniture, plantations, 
weapons (bow and arrow, throwing- 
stick, spears, clubs, etc.), dug-out 
canoes, ornaments (necklaces, brace- 
lets, lip-plug or tembetd, etc.), do- 
mestic and family relations (polyg- 
amy common, number of children 
per mother small), diseases (few) 
and death, religion (dim ideas of 
good and bad beings ; fear of de- 
mons, etc.). Some outwardly Chris- 
tian but inwardly heathen. The 
Cayuas have got along peaceably 
with the whites. 

Die Coroados im siidlichen Bra- 
silien. (Ibid., xciv, 27-32, 45-49, 26 
fgs.) Account of the Coroados of 

S. Brazil (now numbering several 
thousand on the central Rio Parana), 
based on personal observations in 
1903-1904. Situation and relations 
with whites, name, physical charac- 
ters, dress and ornament, family life, 
position of women and children 
(much affection for young ; marriages 
between Indians and whites com- 
mon, with Negroes rare), division 
of labor (men build huts and pre- 
pare plantation), dwellings and furni- 
ture (earthen vessels, pots, baskets, 
nets, wooden mortars and pestles), 
fire-making, daily life, meals, food 
(chiefly meat, fish, maize), drink (in- 
toxicating liquor from maize, dances 
and festivals (kaingire or combats ; 
men's dances in festival huts), do- 
mestic animals (monkeys, parrots 
especially), hospitality, sickness (aid 
of kafange or medicine-man sought), 
death and funeral, religion (traces of 
early Catholic influence ; belief in 
higher being called Tapen), myth- 
ology (" most Coroado myths are of 
modern origin," according to K. ; the 
settled Coroados are nominally 
Catholics), chief ship, weapons (spears, 
clubs, bow and arrow skilfully used), 
ambushing, music (signal-horns, flute, 
rattle, drum, weaving, basketry and 
pottery (work of women). Canoes 
are unknown. 

Die Caraja-Indianer, (Ibid., 

217-223, 232-238, 44 fgs.) Treats of 
the Caraja Indians (with one excep- 
tion the illustrations refer to the 
Carajahis) of the central Rio Ara- 
guaya region of Brazil. History and 
contact with whites, language (women 
are said by Ehrenreich to use many 
expressions peculiar to them), count- 
ing (up to 20 on fingers and toes), 
tribal systems (numerous hordes: 
Carajahis, Javahes, Chambioas, etc.), 
physical characters (face " Mon- 
golian " in aspect with advancing 
age), hair dressing (great hand- 
combs; bodily hairs extracted), tribal 
signs (blue-black circular scar on each 
cheek), lip-ornament (tembetd of 
mussel shell, wood or, rarely, pol- 
ished stone), ear-rosette, senses well 
developed and early trained), in- 
dustries and occupations (hunting, 
fishing, agriculture), plantations, tur- 
tle-hunting, hunting and fishing 
methods and " laws," prairie-firing, 
bee-hunting, tree-climbing, food (great 
eaters ; dislike milk, cheese, butter, 
beef and flesh of all their own do- 
mestic animals ; fond of fruits, — 
cultivate melons, pine-apples and 

Periodical Literature 


bananas), drink (liquor made from 
manioc roots; cultivate tobacco), 
clothing and ornament (necklaces, 
armlets, anklets, feather-crowns, 
body-painting, etc.), festivals (very 
numerous), animal dances, mask- 
dances (in secret places forbidden to 
women), houses and furniture, do- 
mestic animals {araras, parrots ; dog 
and cat from Europeans ; all sorts 
of wild animals kept), inland jour- 
neys for weapon-wood, etc., weapons 
(bow, — festive bow used in ceremo- 
nies; characteristic arrows; fish and 
turtle arrows; spears and clubs), 
musical instruments (few ; horn as 
trumpet, gourd rattles, ankle-rattles 
in dances, etc.), canoes (made by 
men; broad paddle, ornamented), 
division of labor (pottery, weaving, 
basketry by women), social relations, 
chiefs (elected by all males of vil- 
lage ; often shamans as well), crime 
and punishment (chief is judge), 
youth and marriage, position of 
woman (not servile), pregnancy and 
child-birth, childhood, disease and 
death, burial and mourning, religion 
(ideas of good and bad spirits ; con- 
verted Carajas heathen at heart). 

Krause (F.) Bericht iiber meine 
ethnographische Forschungsreise in 
Zentralbrasilien. (Z. f. Ethnol., Ber- 
lin, 1909, XLi, 494-502, map.) Re- 
sumes results of investigations in the 
central Araguaya region in 1908. 
Notes on the Caraja Indians (habi- 
tat, houses, food, agriculture, phys- 
ical characters, dress and ornament, 
weapons, pottery, art, song and music, 
woman's language with an inter- 
calated k between two vowels, posi- 
tion of woman, couvade no longer in 
vogue, disease and "medicine," dance 
and other masks, songs taken on 
phonograph), Cayapos, etc. At the 
mouth of the Tapirape is a Tupi 
tribe, the Tapirape, and inland to- 
ward Sta. Maria, the Tapuyan Ca- 

Kroeber (A. L.) Notes on Shoshonean 
dialects of southern California. 
(Univ. Calif. Publ. in Amer. Arch, and 
Ethnol., Berkeley, igog, viii, 235- 
269.) Grammatical and morpho- 
logical notes on Cahuilla, Agua Cali- 
ente, San Juan Capistrano, Gabriel- 
eiio, Serrano, Chemehuevi, Kawaiisu, 
Kern River, Giamina, with vocabu- 
laries of all except Kawaiisu, Kern 
River. The Giamina may have been 
a link between the Kern River and 
S. California Shoshonean. The Ser- 
rano dialects differ from one another 
VOL. XXIII. — NO. 87. II 

more than was formerly believed. 
San Juan Capistrano is rather a sub- 
division or dialect of Luiseno. 

California basketry and the 

Porno. (Amer. Anthrop., Lancaster, 
Pa., 1909, N. s., XI, 233-249.) 

The Bannock and Shoshoni 

Languages. (Ibid., 266-277.) 

Laval (R. A.) El cuento del medio 
polio. Versiones chilenas del cuento 
del gallo pelado. (R. de Der., Hist, 
y Letras, Buenos Aires, 1909, xxxii, 
526-538.) Gives 3 Chilian versions 
(from Concepcion, Colchagua, Quil- 
lota) of the tale of the bald chicken, 
and compares them with the Arau- 
canian and Argentinian stories re- 
ported by Lenz and Lehmann-Nitsche. 
In Chile are current the phrases : Ser 
6 paracer una cosa el cuento del 
gallo pelado and ser 6 paracer el 
cuento del gayo pelao, used to indi- 
cate that a subject is never-ending, 
a tale too long, etc. See Lehmann- 
Nitsche (R.). 

Lee (F. L.) Harvest time in Old 
Virginia. (So. Wkmn., Hampton, 
Va., 1908, XXXVII, 566-567.) Recol- 
lections of so years ago. 

Christmas in Virginia before the 

war. (Ibid., 686-689.) Notes on 
Christmas doings (present-giving 
dinner, toys, Noah's ark, song, etc.) 
on an old-fashioned plantation. 

Lehmann (W.) Reisebericht aus S. 
Jose de Costa Rica. (Z. f. Ethnol.. 
Berlin, 1908, xl, 925-929.) Notes 
on travels early in 1908, particularly 
in Guanacaste, etc. : Excavations at 
Sta. Barbara (Mexican style recog- 
nizable in pottery), El Viejo (pottery 
different from that of Sta. Barbara) ; 
stone-sculptures of Buenavista, El 
Panama. During his three months 
stay in Guanacaste L. collected some 
2,000 specimens, including gold ob- 
jects from Sta. Barbara and La Vir- 
gen and several wooden masks from 
Nicoya. A Bribri vocabulary and 
mythological texts (Pittier's published 
material was tested) were obtained : 
also much Chiripo linguistic ma- 

— — ■ Reisebericht aus Managua. (Ibid., 
992-993.) Notes of travel in Nica- 
ragua and Costa Rica : Mexican in- 
fluence marked in Ometepe ; the Co- 
robici (wrongly termed Carib) prob- 
ably had a culture of their own 
(afterwards degenerating) ; Mosqui- 
tos and Sumos (vocabularies ob- 
tained) ; " foot-prints " on shore of 
L. Managua (these L. attributes to a 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

quite recent formation, possibly a vol- 
canic outbreak in prehistoric times). 

Reisebericht aus Managua. 

(Ibid., 1909, XLi, 533-S37-) Notes 
on expedition of 1908-1909 in the 
Managua region. L. obtained a few 
words of the now extinct Chorotega 
or Mangua, data concerning the 
mask-dances of the Indians of Mon- 
imbo near Masaya with specimens 
of masks and musical instruments, 
vocabularies of the Sumo Indians of 
the Rio Bocay, and of the Ramas of 
Rama Key and Monkey Pt., some 
Mosquito and Carib mythological 
material, etc. According to L. the 
extinct Matagalpa is a dialect of 

■ Der sogenannte Kalender Ixtil- 

xochitls. (Anthropos, Wien, 1908, 
III, 988-1004.) Gives Spanish text 
from Ms. in Paris National Museum 
(belonging to the Goupil collection) 
treating of the 18 monthly festivals 
of the Aztec year. Part of the Ms. 
may have been written by Ixtilxo- 
chitl, a descendant of the kings of 
Tezcuco. Some of the glosses ap- 
pear to be in a language unknown to 
Dr L., — possibly a tongue of the 
province of Oaxaca. 

Lehmann-Filhes (Margarete). Die letz- 
ten Islander in Gronland. Eine is- 
landische Sage. (Z. d. V. f. Volksk., 
Berlin, 1909, xix, 170-171.) Cites 
in German version, from Dr Jon 
Thorkelsson's Thjodsogur og munn- 
moeli (Reykjavik, 1899), an Icelandic 
legend concerning the last Icelanders 
in Greenland, — the massacre of the 
people of Veithif jorthur by the Eskimo 
of W, Greenland during church- 
service. The basis of the tale is a 
Ms. of 1830-1840 in the public 
library of Reykjavik discovered by 
Dr T. This legend, which doubt- 
less is not all invention, informs us 
that the Eskimo settled on the W. 
Greenland coast in the region in ques- 
tion after the Icelanders. 

Lehmann-Nitsche (R.) Patagonische 
Gesange und Musikbogen. (An- 
thropos, Wien, 1908, III, 916-940, 10 
pi., music, 8 fgs.) After resumeing 
previous literature of subject, gives 
accounts of author's phonographic 
records of songs and of the musical 
bow among the Patagonians (also 
its occurrence elsewhere in the 
world). Some 50 songs were re- 
"lorded from Tehuelches in La Plata, 
the same who had been at the St. 
Louis exposition (see Amer. An- 
throp., 1905, 157). The music-bow 

and its parts are described and fig- 
ured (specimens are in the museums 
of La Plata, Berlin, etc.). The 
Tehuelches have probably borrowed 
their peculiar musical bow from the 
Araucanians, with whom it has pos- 
sibly been the result of the combi- 
nation of old European instruments, 
bow and flute. 

Quiere que le cuente el cuento 

del gallo pelado ? Estudio folklor- 
istico. (R. de Der., Hist, y Letras, 
Buenos Aires, 1908, xxx, 297-306.) 
Gives text in Spanish of " the tale 
of the bald cock," as related by a 
countrywoman of the province of 
San Luis, Argentina. Also the 
Spanish translation of an Araucanian 
(from Lenzj "tale of a pullet." L. 
thinks the " bald cock " of this 
legend was some sort of pelican or 
cormorant. All that is now current 
of the tale is the inquiry of the 
children of Buenos Aires and Mon- 
tevideo, " Would you like to hear 
the tale of the bald cock?" If the 
person questioned answers Si quiero 
(yes, I do), the interrogator replies, 
" I didn't tell you to answer si quiero, 
but si quiere le cuente, etc., and so 
on ad infinitum. The tale belongs 
with No. 80 of Grimm (and " Henny 
Penny," etc.) The refrain in ques- 
tion seems to be known also in Co- 
lombia and Venezuela and in Cura- 
gao. In the Dutch island the formula 
is : Bo ke mi contaboe un cuentu di 
gaij piloiif See also Laval (R. A.). 

Leupp (F. E.) Fighting tuberculosis 
among the Indians. (So. Wkmn., 
Hampton, Va., 1908, xxxvii, 586- 
592.) Resumes efforts of Govern- 
ment, etc. See Hrdlicka (A.). 

Lindsay (E. J.) Indians helping them- 
selves. (Assembly Herald, Phila., 
1909, XV, 68-70.) Notes on Indians 
of Ft. Peck reservation, Montana, — 
out of 1,710 only 480 are getting 

Ling Roth (H.) Moccassins and their 
quill-work. (J. R. Anthrop. Inst., 
Lond., 1908, xxxviii, 47-57, i pi., 
19 fgs.) Treats of the moccasins 
(Kickapoo, Shoshoni, Apache, Hud- 
sons Bay, etc.) and their ornamenta- 
tion, in the collection of the Bank- 
field Museum, Halifax. The various 
methods of quill-work are discussed 
and the development of such decora- 
tion indicated. The decorative use 
of quills on leather may have origi- 
nated from basket work by fixation 
of the sharp ends. Direct sewing on 
is " a later development which may 

Periodical Literature 


have originated with seed or bead 
Lowie (R. H.) The Chipewyans of 
Canada. (So. Wkmn., Hampton, Va., 
1909, XXXVIII, 278-283, 3 fgs.) 
Notes (based on visit in 1908 to the 
L. Athabasca region) on habitat, oc- 
cupation, dwellings (chiefly conical 
lodges " similar to the tipis of the 
Plains tribes, but smaller and of 
cruder construction"), birch-bark 
vessels, skin-dressing, transportation, 
hunting and fishing, social organiza- 
tion, religion (nominally Christian), 
amusements (favorite " hand-game "). 
: An ethnological trip to Lake Ath- 
abasca, (Amer. Mus. J., N. Y., 1909, 
IX, 10-15, 4 fgs.) Notes on visit in 
summer of 1908 among Chipewyan 
Indians. These aborigines, not yet 
on reservations, still hunt and fish 
in primitive fashion about L. Atha- 
basca, L, Claire and the Slave river. 
>Culture much modified by influence 
of Catholic mission and Hudson's 
Bay Co. Have adopted a whole cycle 
of Cree myths, also Cree tea-dance. 
They exhibit the Athabascan traits 
of great simplicity of organization 
and extraordinary susceptibility to 
extraneous influences. 
Lumholtz (C.) A remarkable cere- 
monial vessel from Cholula, Mexico. 
(Amer. Anthrop., Lancaster, Pa., 
1909, N. s., XI, 199-201, 3 fgs.) 
McAfee (C. B,) Studies in the Ameri- 
can race problem. (J. Afric. Soc, 
Lond,, 1909, VIII, 145-153.) Re- 
view and critique of A. H. Stone's 
Studies ill the American Race Prob- 
lem (N. Y., 1908), rather too favor- 
able to the book. 
McClintOck (W.) Brauche und Leg- 
enden der Schwarzfussindianer. (Z. 
f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1908, xl, 606- 
614.) Gives German texts of legends 
of the Beaver-bundle (adoption), 
Seven Brothers (Great Bear), Lost 
Children (Pleiades), Scar-face (ori- 
gin of sun-dance ; Venus, Jupiter, 

Medizinal- und Nutzpflanzen der 

Schwarzfuss-Indianer, (Ibid., 1909, 
XLi, 273-279.) Lists, with native, 
scientific and common names, uses 
by Indians, etc., a collection of herbs 
and plants now in the Carnegie In- 
stitute at Pittsburg : Materia medica 
(38 titles), plants for ceremonials 
(3), berries and wild vegetables used 
for eating (14), perfumes (4), Black- 
foot names for flowers (7). 

Malin (W. G.) The Sac and Fox 
Indians of Iowa. (So. Wkmn., Hamp- 
ton, Va,, 1908, xxxvii, 481-485, 4 
fgs,) Notes on domestic life, burial 
ceremonies, religious ideas, etc. The 
" 340 pure-blood Indians live on 3,000 
acres of land," and many of them in 
very primitive style in typical wick- 
iups, but more progressive ones in 
frame houses. Of their creation 
legend the author says, " they appear 
to believe and accept it as honestly 
and adhere to its teachings as faith- 
fully as do their white brethren the 
Bible story of the Garden of Eden." 
Martinez (J.) The Pueblo of Taos. 
(Ibid., 1909, xxxvii, 500-503.) Brief 
notes on houses, dress, conservatisrn, 
agriculture and stock-raising, reli- 
gion, etc. There is still a tendency 
to distrust the white men. 
Mena (R.) Caballos que trajeron los 
conquistadores. (An. d, Mus. Nac. 
de Arqueol. Mexico, 1909, i. ii3-ii7. 
7 pi.) Treats of the horses used by 
the Spanish Conquistadores of Mex- 
ico, their trappings, markings, etc. 
The representations of the horses of 
the Europeans in the Mexican na- 
tive Ms, of the period enable one to 
identify the breed and this may be 
of value to horse-raisers to-day in 
selecting European animals to cross 
with the Mexican stock. The Con- 
quistadores used " Andalusian " 
Merriam (C. H.) Human remains in 
California caves, (Amer. Antiq., 
Salem, Mass., 1909, xxxi, 152-153-) 
Note on cave-remains in the Miwok 
country, — the human bones found 
must be ancient and belong to " a 
people who inhabited the region be- 
fore the Mewuk came." 
Meyer (J.) und Seler (E.) Sechs 
mexikanische Wachspuppen. (Z. f. 
Ethnol., Berlin, 1908, xl, 960-961.) 
These wax-dolls probably belonged in 
some crib, as is the custom. The 
South European cribs and the Mex- 
ican wax-dolls seem to belong to- 
Mills (W, C.) Explorations of the 
Seip mound. (Ohio State Archeol. 
and Hist, Soc, Publ. in Archeol., 
Columbus, 1909, II. 1-57, 4o fgs.) 
Describes mound and its exploration, 

site, charnel-houses, cremated and 

uncremated burials, graves — gifts, ar- 
tefacts (ornaments, ear-rings, plates, 
axes, awls, etc., of copper ; bone awls, 
needles, bear-teeth, bone gorgets, 
effigy eagle claws of bone; cut and 
polished human jaws; shell beads. 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

ornaments, gorgets, drinking cup ; 
flint knives and spears ; bast fiber 
cloth, tanned skins ; fragments of 
pottery ; mica in blocks and also cut 
into geometric forms, etc.)- From 
the 48 burials were secured " upwards 
of 2,000 specimens representing the 
highest art of prehistoric man in 
Ohio." The Seip mound is pre-Co- 
lumbian, and belongs with the Har- 
ness mound. 

Moeller (J.) Religiose Vorstellungen 
und Zauber bei den Gronlandern. 
(A. f. Religsw., Lpzg., 1909, xii, 409- 
411.) Cites from Mrs Rink's Kajak- 
vi'dnner, Erzdhhmgen gronlandischer 
Seehundsfdnger (Hamburg, 1906") 
items concerning taboos, spirits of 
dead men (lost by accident and not 
found), ceremonies in connection 
with the killing of a bear and the 
disposition of the flesh. 

Moffett (T. C.) Christian Indians in 
the making. (Assembly Herald, 
Phila., 1909, XV, 58-64, 6 fgs.) Notes 
on Digger Indians of California, 
Makah, Nez Perces, Dakota, Five 
Civilized Tribes, Pima and Papago, 
Mohave and Walapai, Navaho, Pue- 
blo. Iroquois, Stockbridge (Mohican) 
Indians of Wisconsin, etc., indicating 
work accomplished and in progress. 

Moreira (A. P.) Zur Kennzeichnung 
der Farbigen Brasiliens. (Globus, 
Brnschwg.. 1909, xciii, 75-78.) 
Treats of the colored population (ne- 
groes in particular) of Brazil, their 
condition, character, etc. This con- 
sists of products of the mixture of 
I. Brazilian Indians. 2. Negroes from 
various parts of Africa (already 
crossed sometimes with Arabs, etc.). 
3. Asiatics (natives of Portuguese 
India, etc.) and Chinese. 4. Crosses 
of these 3 with white Brazilians and 
Europeans. The descendants of the 
Indian aborigines show the effect of 
the education of their ancestors by 
Europeans, as well as the result of 
alcohol, syphilis, tuberculosis, and 
other things due to white contact. No 
special type seems to have been devel- 
oped in this mctissage, and the same 
may be said of the Asiatic melange. 
M. believes that lack of a sense of 
acquisition (laziness), immorality, 
and dishonesty (the three failings 
certain Negrophobes always empha- 
size) cannot be attributed to the Ne- 
groes of Brazil as a race, — these fail- 
ings being not greater than those of 
the whites. Nor do they characterize 
the Mulattos. In Brazil both Negroes 
and Mulattos serve in all sorts of 

stations from those of manual labor 
to the professions (physicians, drug- 
gists, clergy, teachers, lawyers, mer- 
chants, engineers, etc.). One of the 
most noted teachers of Bahia, Flor- 
encio, is a Negro. Among those 
having more or less Negro blood are : 
G. Diaz, one of the most famous of 
Brazilian poets ; Rebougas, noted 
lawyer, and his son, a professor in 
the Polytechnic at Rio ; Jekitinouha, 
great statesman ; T. Baroretto, fam- 
ous jurist, philosopher, poet and 
writer ; Tavares, court-physician ; Pa- 
tricinio, one of the best of S. Ameri- 
can writers ; G. Crespo, Portuguese 
poet and deputy. 

Morice (A. G.) The great Dene race. 
(Anthropos, M6dling-^^^ien, 1909, iv, 
582-606, 4 pi., 14 fgs.) Treats in 
detail of habitations (summer dwell- 
ings of northern and western Dene, 
Apache lodges and Navaho summer 
houses ; winter habitations ; circular 
huts or tents), house-furnishings and 
etiquette, outbuildings ; cooking and 
eating (unspeakable and queer dishes ; 
methods of cooking ; gourmandizing, 
food-preserving, drinking), smoking 
and snuffing, etc. 

Mythology of the Menominees. 
(Amer. Antiq., Salem, Mass., 1909, 
XXXI, 10-14.) Creation and deluge 
legend, probably from Hoffman. 

von Nordenskioid (E.) Siidameri- 
kanische Rauchspfeifen. (Globus, 
Brnschwg., 1908, xciii, 293-298, 16 
fgs.) Treats of the occurrence of 
tobacco-smoking in S. America at 
the time of the discovery and con- 
quest ; archeological evidence of the 
tobacco-pipe in S. America in pre- 
Columbian times (more evidence 
than is commonly thought, in the 
Argentine, Chile, Brazil, Colombia, 
Venezuela) ; distribution of the reed- 
form pipe (widely scattered in N., 
S. and Central America, and evi- 
dently a primitive form, ancient and 
pre-Columbian) ; distribution and 
development of the reed-pipe of 
reed and wood in the Chaco ; develop- 
ment of reed-pipes of burnt clay in 
Rio Grande do Sul ; the different 
types of angular pipes (the " moni- 
tor " pipe is common in Patagonia 
and Chile, but nowhere else in S. 
America), etc. The variety of pipes 
is much greater in N. than in S. 
America. Pipes are undoubtedly 
pre-Columbian in S. America, but 
tobacco-smoking was not so general 
until (as in N. America) the whites 
began to cultivate the narcotic. By 

Periodical Literature 


the time of the Conquest tobacco- 
smoking in the Calchaqui region 
seems to have been suppressed by 
the use of coca. In Peru the use 
of coca seems to have prevented 
altogether the development of to- 
Ostermann (L.) The Navajo Indians 
of New Mexico and Arizona. (An- 
thropos, Wien, 1908, iii, 857-869, 6 
pi.) Present condition, organization 
(neither chiefs nor lawmakers), do- 
mestic life (simple and primitive, 
women largely independent, mother- 
in-law taboo), dwellings (winter and 
summer houses), character (re- 
sourceful beggars, hospitable, adepts 
in lying for personal advantage, skil- 
ful thieves in small things, honest 
upon honor, gamblers, fond of whis- 
key, curious, dignified, affectionate, 
patient), dress and ornament, sheep, 
stock-raising and farming, silver- 
Outes (F. F.) Sobre el hallazgo de 
alfarerias Mexicanas en la Provincia 
de Buenos Aires. (Rev. d. Mus. de 
La Plata, Buenos Aires, 1908, xv, 
284-293, 12 fgs.) Treats of three 
small terra cotta figures (human faces, 
part of head of coyote?) found 
recently at the Laguna de Lobos, 
Province of Buenos Aires. These 
objects resemble so strikingly cer- 
tain figurines from San Juan de 
Teotihuacan in Mexico, that O. does 
not hesitate to assign to them a 
Mexican origin, but offers no ex- 
planation for their presence (acci- 
dent, doubtless, if really exotic) in 
Buenos Aires. 

, Ducloux (E. H.) and Biicking 

(H.). Estudio de las supuestas 
■escorias y tierras cocidas de la serie 
pampeana de la Republica Argentina. 
(Ibid., 138-197, 6 fgs., 4 pi.) After 
careful consideration and examination 
(chemical, microscopical, etc.) of the 
alleged finds of fire-refuse and 
" terra cotta " at Monte Hermoso, 
the Barranca de los Lobos, etc., at 
various periods since 1865, and 
thought by some authorities to be 
human in origin (ashes of fire, bits 
of pottery), the authors conclude that 
the scoria-substance in question comes 
from andesite lavas, while the " terra 
cotta " is eruptive matter. There is 
no reason whatever to attribute them 
to man. 
Owen (L. A.) Another paleolithic im- 
plement and possibly an eolithic 
from northwestern Missouri. (Rec. 

of Past, Wash., 1909, viii, 108-111, 
2 fgs.) Describes a paleolith and a 
yellow jasper eolith from " the 
glacial drift antedating the loess of 
a bluff on the Missouri river near 
Amizonia, about 8 miles from St. 

Parker (A. C.) Secret medicine so- 
cieties of the Seneca. (Amer. An- 
throp., Lancaster, Pa., 1909, n. s., xi, 
161-185, 14 fgs., 2 pi.) 

Snow-snake as played by the 

Seneca-Iroquois. (Ibid., 250-256, 2 
fgs., I pi.) 

Payne (L. J.) A word-list from East 
Alabama. (Bull. Univ. of Texas, 
Austin, 1909, Repr. Ser. No. 8, 1-3, 
279-391.) Author says "I am con- 
vinced that the speech of the white 
people, the dialect I have spoken all 
my life, and the one I have tried to 
record here, is more largely colored 
by the language of negroes than by 
any other single influence. In fact, 
the coalescing of the negro dialect 
with that of the illiterate white peo- 
ple has so far progressed that, for 
all practical purposes, we may con- 
sider the two dialects as one " (p. 
279). This article is reprinted from 
Dialect Notes (Cambr.), 1908-9, V, 
279-288, 343-391- 

Peabody (C.) A reconnaissance trip 
in Western Texas. (Amer. Anthrop., 
Lancaster, Pa., 1909, n. s., xi, 202- 
216, 8 fgs., I pi.) 

Pearson (K.) Note on the skin-color 
of the crosses between negro and 
white. (Biometrika, Cambridge, 

Engld., 1908, VI, 348-353, I pi.) 
Based on inquiries among medical 
men in the West Indies and photo- 
graphs of mixed types. P. believes 
that " the suggestion that skin color 
' Mendelizes ' should not be vaguely 
made until some very definite evi- 
dence in its favor is forthcoming." 
Other characters (lip, hair, alae nasi, 
etc.) may fit the Mendelian theory 
closer than skin color. 

de Perigny (M.) Les demieres de- 
couvertes de M. Maler dans le Yuca- 
tan. (J. Soc. Amer. de Paris, 1908, 
N. s., V, 95-98.) Resumes the ac- 
count by T. Maler of the four groups 
of ruins discovered by him in the 
Usumasintla region in 1891 and re- 
visited in 1905. 

Yucatan inconnu. (Ibid., 67-84, 

I fg., 2 pi., map.) Gives results of 
author's explorations in the unknown 
region west of the Rio Hondo, etc. 
The ruins of Chocoha, Rio Beque 
(large edifice differing in architecture 

1 66 

Journal of American Folk-Lore 

from those of N. Yucatan), No- 
hochna (named by author ; different 
from those of N. Yucatan, resembling 
somewhat those of Rio Beque), Uol- 
tunch', Yaabichna (with hieroglyphs), 
Nohcacab (formerly an important 
place) , etc. The names Chocoha (warm 
water), Nohochna (large house), 
Uoltunchi (rounded stone), Yaabi- 
chni (many rooms), Nohcacab, were 
given by M. de Perigny, the dis- 
coverer of these important ruins. 

Pierini (F.) Los Guarayos de Bo- 
livia. (Anthropos, Wien, 1908, iii, 
875-880, 2 pi.) First part of ac- 
count of the Guarayo Indians of Bo- 
livia, whose language serves to carry 
one over a large portion of that re- 
public (according to Father P. the 
Guarayo " understand the tongue of 
the Sirionos"). A brief comparative 
vocabulary in Paraguayo (Guarani), 
Guarayo and Spanish is given (p. 
876). The subjection of these In- 
dians dates from 1793. 

Powhatans (The). (Amer. Antiq., 
Salem, Mass., 1909, xxxi, 147-149.) 
Based on J. Mooney's article in the 
Amcr. Anthrop. 

Preuss (K. T.) Reise zu den Stiim- 
men der westlichen Sierra Madre in 
Mexiko. (Z. d. Ges. f, Erdk. zu 
Berlin, 1908, 147-167, 6 fgs.) Gives 
account of author's visits of 7, 9 and 
3 months respectively to the Cora, 
Huichol and " Mexicano " (Aztec) 
Indians of the western Mexican 
Sierra Madre, with brief descrip- 
tions of their villages and social life, 
ceremonials, dances, etc. {mitote, 
calabash-festival, peyote-dance, fes- 
tival of field-cleansing), songs, 
myths and ideas about nature. Dr 
P. collected some 300 myths and 
legends (Cora 49, Huichol 69, 
"Mexicano" 175), besides many re- 
ligious songs and some 2300 ethno- 
logical and ethnographic specimens 
(of which nearly 2/2 are of a re- 
ligious nature). 

Ethnographische Ergebnisse 

einer Reise in die mexikanische 
Sierra Madre. (Z. f. Ethnol., Ber- 
lin, 1908, XL, 582-604, 9 fgs.) Treats 
of Huichol, Cora and Mexicano, 
chiefly religion, mythology, folk-lore 
(German text of " Christ and the 
negroes," pp. 584-585 ; rain-song, p- 
588 ; masks, ceremonial songs and 
paraphernalia, altars, soul-lore, songs 
for the dead, maize-roasting festival, 
representations of deities, cave of 
rain-goddess, arrow-offerings for 
sun, morning-star, earth-goddess. 

etc. ; creation myth and song, pp. 
601-603 ; feast of young gourds), 
etc. In the 19 months of his travels 
Dr P. collected 5000 pages of texts 
with interlinear translation. 

Ein Besuch bei den Mexicano 

(Aztelen) in der Sierra Madre Oc- 
cidental. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1908, 
xciii, 189-194, I fg.) Dr P. stayed 
3 months of 1907 in the " Mexicano " 
(Aztec) town of S. Pedro in the 
western Sierra Madre. Notes on 
dance of new maize-ears and winter- 
festival (compared with those of the 
Cora and Huichol), folk-medicine, 
etc. German text (p. 192) of myth 
of ascension of evening star, with 

Reid (M. W.) Calumet. (Rec. of Past, 
Wash., 1909, VIII, 97-101, 2 fgs.) 
Notes on cultivation of tobacco and 
use of calumet by Iroquois, etc. De- 
scribes granite calumet found on the 
bank of the Savannah river (in the 
Cherokee country) in August, 1908, 
^yh^ch the author is inclined to claim 
as " the largest Indian stone pipe in 
America," and probably " the John- 
son-Iroquois calumet," given in 1758 
to the Cherokees at the council at 
Ft. Johnson, N. Y. 

Rivet (P.) La race de Lagoa-Santa 
chez les populations precolombiennes 
de I'fiquateur. (Bull. Soc. d' Anthrop. 
de Paris, 1908, v^ s., ix, 209-274, 3 
pi., II fgs.) Detailed study of 17 
(out of a total of loi normal skulls, 
or 16.83%) skulls from Paltacalo in 
Equador, of the Lagoa-Santa type 
with discussion of the past and pres- 
ent distribution of that type in S. 
America. The burial place is pre- 
Columbian and very old. Dr R. 
holds that the " fossil type " of 
Lagoa Santa is represented strongly 
on the Pacific coast, and its influence 
is discernible over almost all parts 
of S. America, and even in S. Cali- 
fornia, etc. (various authorities find 
the Lagoa Santa type in the man of 
the Sambaqnis, Botocudos, various 
peoples of the Argentine, Tierra del 
Fuego, etc.). Dr R. attaches to it 
also the skulls of Arrecifes and Fon- 
tezuelas. This typical paleo-Ameri- 
can race is hypsidolichocephalic with 
small cranial capacity, non-retreating 
forehead, prominent supraciliary 
arches, broad and low face, leptor- 
rhine nose, mesome orbits, strong 
bony structure, low stature, etc. 
From the north came a mesaticepha- 
lic or sub-brachycephalic race (rep- 
resented now by Carib and Ara- 

Periodical Literature 


wak) which mixed with the Lagoa- 
Santa. Another brachycephalic race 
occurs in the Argentine, etc. In the 
discussion M. Bloch set forth the 
view that these paleo-Americans had 
Papuan affinities. 

Robelo (C. A.) Diccionario de Mi- 
tologia Nahoa. (An. d, Mus. Nac. 
de Mexico, Seg. Ep., 1908, v, 337- 
557.) Concluding sections, Tona- 
catecuhtli-Zacatonfli, of dictionary of 
Nahua mythology. The longest ar- 
ticles are: Tonalamatl, Tonatiiih, 
Totec, Toxcatl, Trecena (Trecenario) , 
Tula (pp. 386—396), Veintena (408- 
445)1 Victinias (446-461), Xiuhte- 
cutli (475-482), Xocohuetzi, Xochi- 
calli, Xochiquetzalli, Yoalteuctin 

de la Rosa (M. G.) Estudio de las 
antigiiedades peruanas halladas bajo 
el huano. (Rev. Histor., Lima, 1908, 
III, 39-45.) Treats of prehistoric 
objects found beneath the guano of 
the Peruvian islands (Chincha and 
Guaiiape, Macabi, Lobos) in 1869- 
1872, some of them at a depth of 30 
meters. Among these remains are 
idols and utensils of wood and clay, 
paddles, mummies, masks of gold, 
gold and silver objects, etc. It 
might be argued that the civilization 
represented here was " as old as the 

■ Les Caras de I'Equateur et les 

premiers resultats de I'expedition G. 
Heye sous la direction de M. Saville. 
(J. Soc. Amer. de Paris, 1908, n. s., 
V, 85-93.) Resume and critique of 
M. H. Saville's The Antiquities of 
Manabi (N. Y., 1907). M. de la 
Rosa prefers " Antiquities of the 
Caras." The " stone seats " he con- 
siders to have been " sacrificial al- 
tars " used in the Cara " open-air 
temples." The Caras played an im- 
portant role in the S. American 
culture of this region. 

Ross (D. E.) A season with the In- 
dian in the hop-fields. (So. Wkmn., 
Hampton, Va., 1909, xxxviii. 481- 
485, S fgs.) Notes hop-picking by 
the Indians of northwestern Wash- 
ington. The author is a member of 
the Clallam tribe. 

Roth (W. E.) Some technological 
notes from the Pomeroon district, 
British Guiana. (J. R. Anthrop. 
Inst., Lond., 1909, xxxix, 26-34, 10 
pi.) Treats of the splitting of the 
strand and preparation for plaiting 
the cassava-squeezer and " Arawak 
fan," with explanation of technical 
terms, processes, account of ma- 

terials employed, etc. In the Ara- 
wak fan, the " saw-fish," " wish- 
bone " and " sting-ray-gill " pat- 
terns are described. 'The excellent 
plates make clear the process of con- 

Sapper (K.) Die Aussichten der In- 
dianerbevolkerung Guatemalas. (A. 
f. Rassen- u. Ges.-Biol., Lpzg., 1909, 
VI, 44-58.) Treats of the ethno- 
logical-sociological and economic con- 
dition (work and wages ; family and 
economic situation; events of 1903- 
1906, — military service and results, — 
and their influence on the Indians, 
especially in Vera Paz, in Alta Vera 
Paz in 1905 10% of the Indian pop- 
ulation are said to have died), etc. 
Dr S. asks for more attention to 
economic conditions in ethnologic in- 

Schell (O.) Die Ostgronlander. 
(Globus, Brnschwg., 1908, xciv, 85- 
88.) Gives data concerning the Es- 
kimo of Angmagssalik from a diary 
kept by the missionary Riittel dur- 
ing August, 1903-Sept., 1904. Habi- 
tat and climate (thunder and light- 
ning are thought to come from the 
moon), dependence on environment, 
hunting on land and sea, family life 
(divorces frequent, polygamy com- 
mon ; sometimes 2 rightful wives 
with concubines and even " exchange 
wives " ; several families often live in 
one house) ; blood-revenge ; birth 
and death ; fear of spirits of the 
dead ; disease and death (many su- 
perstitions ; cure of man torn by 
bear) ; angakok still in repute, 
masks, amulets, etc. At the Danish 
Colonial Exposition at Copenhagen in 
1905 many art and industrial produc- 
tions of the East Greenlanders 
(wood-carvings, wooden-maps, bone 
knives, etc.) were exhibited. Euro- 
pean influence is very noticeable. 

Seler (C.) Mexikanische Kuche. (Z. 
d. Ver. f. Volksk., Berlin, 1909, xix, 
369-381, 3 fgs.) Treats of Mexican 
(white and Indian) foods and drinks, 
their preparation, etc. : Maize (tor- 
tilla and varieties, atole, tamales, po- 
zol, etc.), frijoles, chile in great va- 
riety, mole, olla (puchero or co- 
cido), tasajo, fruits of many sorts, 
cacao, chocolate, etc.), pulque, etc. 
Also kitchen-utensils. The author 
might have referred to the paper of 
Bourke on " Folk-Foods of the Rio 
Grande " in the /. Amer. Folk-Lore. 

Seler (E.) Vorlage einer neu einge- 
gangenen Sammlung von Goldalter- 
tiimern aus Costa Rica. (Z. f. Eth- 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

noL, Berlin, 1909, xli, 463-467, 2 
pi.) Treats of prehistoric gold ob- 
jects from El General and jadeite 
objects from Matina and Lagartero, 
Costa Rica, now in the Royal Ber- 
lin Museum (Lehmann collection, 
etc.). The gold objects are figures of 
" eagles," bats, human-headed figures, 
spiders (sometimes double-headed), 
fish, salamander, monkey, etc. The 
Museum has also 2 gold masks from 
Vijes in Colombia. 

• Die Tierbilder der mexikan- 

ischen und der Mayahandschriften. 
(Ibid., 209-257, 381-457, 414 fgs.) 
Treats of all figures of animals in 
the Mexican and Maya Mss., on 
monuments, etc., and their relation 
to religion, mythology, etc. The 
third part of this detailed mono- 
graph is to follow. See Stempell 

Skinner (A.) The Cree Indians of 
Northern Canada. (So. Wkmn., 
Hampton, Va., 1909, xxxviii, 78-83, 
4 fgs.) Notes based on visit in sum- 
mer of 1908. Treats of life and 
trade at posts and forts. Here " one 
may see every degree of intermix- 
ture of white and Indian blood," and 
" after the second generation in this 
land the white blood tends to disap- 
pear in the Indian." 

The Iroquois Indians of Western 

New York. (Ibid., 206-211, 5 fgs.) 
Notes on history, false-face dance of 
the false-face society of the Sen- 
ecas, " Long House," etc. 

Smith (H. I.) Modoc veterans to re- 
turn home. (Ibid., 450-452.) Brief 
account of Modoc war and removal 
of prisoners to Oklahoma. Of the 
152 banished in 1873, but 49 survive 
to take advantage of the recent act 
of Congress permitting their return 
to their former home in Oregon. 

Speck (F. G.) The Montagnais In- 
dians. (Ibid., 148-154. 6 fgs.) Notes 
on Indians of Pointe Bleue, Lake St. 
John, Que. : Dwellings (mostly 
tents ; also some log and frame 
houses), card-playing, clothing (wo- 
men more conservative ; dress of men 
" very little different from that of 
the ordinary French Canadian habi- 
tant "), Catholic mission, trade (keeps 
the Indian in debt), etc. 

Notes on Creek mythology. 

(Ibid., 9-1 1.) According to S. the 
chief features are culture-hero and 
animal trickster myths, genesis myth, 
fire-stealing, magic flight, race of 
slow and swift " tar-baby," aban- 
doned child, " imitation of host," 

monster invulnerable save in one 
spot, migration legend. Creek myth- 
ology conforms largely to the gen- 
eral American type and to that of 
the Southeast. 

Notes on the ethnology of the 

Osage Indians. (Trans. Dept. Arch., 
Univ. of Penn., Phila., 1907, 11, 
159-171, I fg.) Gives results of 
visit to Osages of Oklahoma in the 
winter of 1908: Houses and fur- 
nishings, cradle-board, clothing and 
ornament, hair-dressing and head- 
gear (elaborate), tattooing (both 
sexes), secret religious society (7 
grades of membership, feasting, face- 
painting and tattooing), social 
groups (gentes with tattoos, rules and 
ceremonies of their own ; war and 
peace sides ; paternal descent ; 
named after animals, supernatural 
objects, etc.; groups possibly endog- 
amous), marriage (both purchase and 
capture), mourning and offerings 
(war-dance, " ceremonial of securing 
an offering to pay for the entrance 
of a human soul into the future 
life"), visiting ceremony (giving 
away ponies and other property) ; 
green corn dance ; " mescal religion " 
(introduced about 5 years ago from 
the S. W. by an Indian named Wil- 
son, — has induced Indians to give 
up whisky-drinking). The Osage 
number now some 1,700 (about 800 

Starr (F.) Indian music and records 
of Iroquois songs. (Amer. Antiq., 
Salem, Mass, 1909, xxxi, 29.) 
Notes need of making hard records 
from soft records now in existence, 
for individual students. 

St. Clair, 2d (H. H.) attd Frachten- 
berg (L. J.) Traditions of the Coos 
Indians of Oregon. (J. Amer. Folk- 
Lore, Boston, 1909, XXII, 25-41.) 

Steele (J. N.) Navajo notes. (As- 
sembly Herald, Phila., 1909, xv, 71- 
75, 2 fgs.) Brief description of 
houses, graves, etc., interviews of 
missionaries with chief Johnnie, a 
noted medicine-man ; also with chiefs 
Tyona and Many Horses. 

Stefansson (V.) The Eskimo trade 
jargon of Herschel Island. (Amer. 
Anthrop., Lancaster, Pa., 1909, n. s., 
XI, 217-232.) 

Stempell (W.) Die Tierbilder der 
Mayahandschriften. (Z. f. Ethnol., 
Berlin, 1908, xl, 704-743, 30 fgs.) 
Treats of figures of animals (monkey, 
jaguar, puma, dog, bear, hare, agouti, 
peccary, deer, mam.moth(?), arma- 
dillo, opossum, parrot, eagle, owl, 

Periodical Literature 


vulture, turkey-buzzard, raven, quet- 
zal-bird, turkey, sea-swallow( ?), 
pelican, alligator, tortoise, lizard, 
rattlesnake, boa, frog, fish, bee, scor- 
pion, snail, etc. At pp. 739-742 is a 
list of figures of animals and parts 
of animals occurring in the Dresden 
Ms., Codex Troano, Codex Cortesi- 
anus, Codex Peresianus. S. thinks 
possibly the member of the Cervidse 
represented may be an extinct spe- 
cies, and rejects Brinton's explana- 
tion of the " elephant-trunks " as 
" tapir snouts." See Seler (E.) 

Strasny (G.) Volkslieder und Sagen 
der westgronlandischen Eskimo. 
(Mitt. d. K.-K. Geogr. Ges. in Wien, 
1909, LI, 327-335.) Gives German 
versions only of some 16 songs 
(spring, evening, mountain, hunt, 
love, cradle, drinking, etc.) and a few 
brief legends, obtained in 1906 from 
men and women of the settlements 
on the West Greenland coast (Uper- 
nivik, Umanak, Jakobshavn, Igdlor- 
suit, Nugsuak, Egedesminde, Pro- 
ven). These songs and many more 
were originally recorded in Eskimo 
by the phonograph and then ren- 
dered into Danish from which the 
German version was made. The 
12,000 Greenland Eskimo are com- 
ing more and more under white in- 
fluences. To their own primitive 
drum have been added the har- 
monica and fiddle introduced by the 
Danes. Fear of being laughed at is 
a hindrance to record of tales and 
songs. The Greenlanders are fond 
of alcoholic drinks ; even the formol 
in the alcohol for preserving speci- 
mens did not make it proof against 
their attacks. The drinking-song 
cited shows, of course, Danish influ- 

Stutzer (O.) Sommertage in Alaska 
und Yukon. (Globus, Brnschwg., 
1909, 277-281, 297-300, 10 fgs.) Ac- 
count of visit to Yukon and Alaska 
in summer of 1908. No anthropo- 
logical data. 

Survivals of pagan beliefs among the 
Indians of South California. (Na- 
ture, Lond., 1909, Lxxix, 295-296.) 
Resume of Miss C. G. DuBois's 
paper on the Luiseilo Indians. 

Tatevin (C.) De la formule de salu- 
tation chez les indigenes du Bresil. 
(Anthropos, Wien, 1909, iv, 139- 
141.) Gives native terms for such 
greetings as " Good day 1 " etc., in 
the speech of certain Indians of 
Amazonas, Brazil. 

Preface a un dictionnaire de la 

langue Tapihiya, dite Tupi ou heen- 
gatii. (Ibid., 1908, 905-915.) Father 
T. is composing a grammar and dic- 
tionary of " the Tupi, he'engatii 
(good language), ne'e (language) azva 
wee' (language of men), or universal 
language of Brazil (Portuguese 
'lingua geral Brasilica '), and this 
preface discusses in general the lan- 
guage and its nomenclature. Some 
of the derivations offered are hardly 
acceptable. He thinks the Tupi and 
Tapuya have one origin and derives 
Tupi from " Tapih'iya or Tapuya." 

Thwaites (R. G.) Local public mu- 
seums in Wisconsin. (Bull. Inf. No. 
43, State Hist. Soc. Wise, 1908, i- 
24, 20 fgs.) Of anthropological in- 
terest are the ethnological collections 
of the State Historical Society at 
Madison, the collections of Indian 
knives and arrow-heads at Appleton 
(Public Library), Oshkosh, etc., of 
Indian bead-work at Superior (P. L.). 
Also the Green Bay Historical So- 
ciety's Schumacher archeological col- 
lection. The local museums con- 
tain likewise numerous relics of the 
French regime and early pioneer 

Uhlenbeck (C. C.) Die einheimischen 
Sprachen Nord-Amerikas bis zuni 
Rio Grande. (Anthropos, Wien, 
1908, III, 773-799.) Lists with de- 
scriptive notes and bibliographical 
references the linguistic stocks of 
the American Indians north of Mex- 
ico. Dr C. follows the Powellian 
nomenclature, except that he makes 
an " Aztecoid " to include Sho- 
shonean and Piman with the Sonoran 
tongues, thus dropping Shoshonean 
as a family-name, and the Waiilat- 
puan is classed with the Shahaptian. 
In many cases the literature is 
brought fairly down to date (under 
Athapascan, e. g., there is a refer- 
ence to the American Anthropologist 
for 1907), but if this monograph is 
intended to supplant or be substituted 
for Powell's, the bibliography needs to 
be extended in various places, e. g., 
Moquelumnan, Pujunan, Kulanapan, 
Shastan, Wakashan. For the Ki- 
tunahan Powell alone is cited. 

Wadsworth (The) paleolith. (Rec. 
of Past, Wash., 1909, viii, 111-113, 
I fg.) Brief account of flint imple- 
ment from gravel pit on west side 
of the river Styx in Wadsworth 
township, Medina co., Ohio, — ^pos- 
sibly from the undisturbed gravel 


Journal of American Folk-Lore 

contemporaneous with that of New- 
comerstown, O. 

Washington (F. B.) Notes on the 
Northern Wintun Indians. (J. Amer. 
Folk-Lore, Boston, 1909, xxii, 92- 

Waterman (T.) Analysis of the Mis- 
sion Indian creation story. (Amer. 
Anthrop., Lancaster, Pa., 1909, n. s., 
XI, 4I-SS-) 

White (R.) Making an individual of 
the Indian. (So. Wkmn., Hampton, 
Va., 1909, XXXVIII, 314-316.) Shows 
how " this new individual, Indian 
only in blood and tradition, has 
come to supplant the stall-fed, reser- 
vation Indian." The modern Indian 
was made possible through the Acts 
of 1887 and 1901. 

The great mystery. (Ibid., 1908, 

XXXVII, 679-681.) Notes on the re- 
ligious ideas of the Indian, who, ac- 
cording to the author, " has always 
believed in one Supreme Being, 
whom he calls the Great Mystery, 
because he cannot understand him." 

Will (G. F.) Songs of western cow- 
boys. (J. Amer. Folk-Lore, Boston, 
1909, XXII, 256-263.) 

Some observations made in 

Northwestern South Dakota. (Amer. 
Anthrop., Lancaster, Pa., 1909, n. s., 
XI, 257-265, 8 fgs.) 

Wilser (L.) Spuren des Vormen- 
schen aus Siidamerika. (Korr.-Bl. 
d. D. Ges. f. Anthr.. Brnschwg., 1908, 
XXXIX, 124-125.) Treats of the cer- 
vical vertebrae (atlas) of the Homo- 
simius (Ameghino) of Monte Her- 
moso and other evidence of the 
" precursor of man " in S. America. 
W. regards Ameghino's theory of 
the S. American origin of man as 
quite untenable, and seeks the place 
of origin in the Arctic region 

Das Alter des Menschen in Siid- 
amerika. (Globus, Brnschwg., igo8, 
xciv, 333-335.) Discusses the age of 
man in S. America as set forth in 
the theories of Ameghino and 
Arldt (in his Tieru.'elt iind Erdalter, 
1908), etc. W. holds that both in 
N. and S. America man is a com- 
paratively recent comer, and Ame- 
ghino's theory of the origin of apes 

and man in Patagonia contradicts the 
facts of geological and biological 

Wilson (R.) Is the prevalence of 
tuberculosis among Negroes due to 
race tendency? (So. Wkmn., Hamp- 
ton, Va., 1908, XXXVII, 648-655.) 
Statistical study with conclusion that 
" environment and ignorance, and 
not innate tendency, are the chief 
factors in the production of tubercu- 
losis among these people." 

Wintemberg (W. J.) Discovery of a 
stone cist in Ontario. (Rec. of Past, 
Wash., 1909, VIII, 75-76, I fg.) 
Brief account of the only stone cist 
(near Streetsville) in Ontario, dis- 
covered in the fall of 1906. It seems 
to be the work of man, but no hu- 
man remains of any sort were found. 

Wright (G. F.) The new Serpent 
Mound in Ohio. (Amer. Anthrop., 
Lancaster, Pa., 1909, n. s., xi, 147- 
149, I fg.) 

Zaborowski (S.) Les metissages au 
Mexique d'apres M. Engerrand. 
(Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de Paris, 1908, 
v^ s., IX, 712-716, 3 fgs.) Gives ex- 
tracts from letters from M. Enger- 
rand, a Belgian savant in Mexico, 
concerning the mixture of races in 
Yucatan (the illustrations represent 
men and women at the hacienda in 
Ticul). In the country between 
Chanchucmil and Celestum, on the 
borders of the State of Campeche, 
E. has seen " working together 
in the forests, and all dressed alike, 
Maya, Chinese, and Corean children." 
Yaqui Indians from Sonora and Ne- 
groes mingle with the Maya, with 
whom Spanish mixture is of old 
date. German immigrants of years 
past have added to the possibilities 
of mctissage. particularly in Guate- 
mala. See Blanchard (R.) 

" Zwei Jahre unter den Indianern." 
(Globus, Brnschwg., 1909, xcv, 182- 
185, 4 fgs.) Notes on the first vol- 
ume of Dr Theodor Koch's Zwei 
Jahre unter den Indianern ; Reisen 
in Nordwestbrasilien 1903 bis 1905 
(Berlin, 1909), the record of a 
" born ethnological explorer," who been " an Indian among the In- 






The folk-songs, music, dances, musical instruments, floral and 
other festivals, the customs, the Catalan dialect, — all confirm what 
history records, that Cataluna, Provence, Languedoc, and other dis- 
tricts, at one time formed one people. 

It may be interesting to the members of the American Folk-Lore 
Society to learn something of the splendid work a sister folk-lore 
society is doing in Spain. 

The "Centre Excursionista de Catalunya" has for its object col- 
lecting and preserving everything connected with the history, art, 
language, traditions, customs, folk-songs, music, dancing, and people 
of Cataluna, and also making mountain excursions in the Pyrenees. 
It is a most flourishing society, which publishes a monthly journal, 
handsome in appearance, and with fine photographs of church porches, 
costumes, dances, etc. One branch of this club is called "The Folk- 
Lore Section," the work of which is illustrated by the fact that it has 
already collected five thousand folk-songs with variants, and three 
hundred folk-dances. Many of these have already been pubhshed 
with the music, and the remainder will soon appear in print. 

The Smithsonian Institution has recently arranged for an exchange 
of publications with this society. Two articles by myself in this Jour- 
nal — "Gypsy and Oriental Music" (January-March, 1907, p. 16) 
and "Gypsy and Oriental Musical Instruments (April-September, 
igoS, p. 205) — led the Secretary of the Cataluna Society, Mr. M. S. 
Gatuellas, to correspond with me on these subjects. The result has 
been the acquisition of many facts which are new and interesting, 
especially about musical instruments. 

During the winter and spring of 1909, Senor Gatuellas delivered a 
course of lectures before their Folk-Lore Society on " Gypsy Music," 
in which he also treated somewhat all Spanish music. The lectures 
were illustrated by songs interpreted by the best artists of the Orphed 
Catala and Barcelona. This musical society (Orpheo Catala) has a 

172 Journal of American Folk-Loie 

handsome building of its own, containing a large exhibition-hall, club- 
room, musical library, etc., and has done much to encourage and 
foster the study of folk-songs and music. 

Mr. Gatuellas has made a special study of Spanish music and mu- 
sical instruments, in which he has received the assistance and cooper- 
ation of the musical people in Cataluna. 

He expressed the following conclusions. The popular music of 
southern Spain differs notably from that of Catalonia. The Andalusian 
music has its principal source in G}'psy music, and also is largely 
influenced by the Arabic, and both are Oriental. The Arabs were 
established there for eight hundred years, much longer than in the 
rest of Spain. In the north are found the gaitas, tenoras, grallas, tam- 
borilos, smdjloviols of different forms; while in Andalusia, the country 
of G}T)sies and toreros (bull-fighters), we see guitars and castanets. 
In the north the type of music is Gallic; in the northeast, Provencal; 
and in the south it is Oriental. 

The Provencal influence is more pronounced in the northeastern 
and central parts of Catalonia and on the slopes of the Pyrenees; 
while in the music of the "Campo de Tarragona," we hear the echoes 
of the Roman and Arabic ci\dlization. 

Musical Instruments. — The bagpipe is called by many different 
names in Spain. Indeed, nearly every district has a special nickname; 
but the name gaita is the general, common word everywhere. Corna- 
musa is sometimes used. 

The favorite term for it in Cataluna is Sack de gemachs (saco de 
lamentaciones), a literary as well as a colloquial word. 

In the Balearic Isles, the nickname Xirimies is common. The origin 
of the word is due, it is said, either to the resemblance of the droning 
pipes to the lamentations of Jeremiah, or to the similarity of these 
tones to the word Xirimies. 

The bagpipe is found in ver}' many districts, but especially in 
Galicia, where every holiday, every festival is enlivened by its strains, 
and all the dances are danced to its music. 

Formerly, even in Cataluna, it was heard everywhere, indeed at 
the very gates of Barcelona (Llano de Llobreget), and was "the king 
of instruments" in all the cohlas. This name cohla is applied to the 
rural orchestras, which consisted of a bagpipe, a tenora (a kind of 
oboe), a tamhoril (small drum), and a floviol (a flageolet). In the 
*'Campo de Tarragona" a gralla was also used. At every festival 
and on every holiday could have been seen in bygone days these 
cohlas entertaining the peasantry, and furnishing their dance music. 

To-day, unfortunately, the " march of progress," the ease of com- 
munication, the modern pianinos (hand-organs), have driven into 
oblivion their old-fashioned orchestras, the pride of the mountain 

Folk -Songs and Music of Cataluna 173 

villages. It is only rarely that some old gaitero (bagpiper), driven 
from his mountain home by a poor harvest, appears in the capital 
city, and that the "moaning" of his gaita is heard. 

Not so in GaHcia, Asturias, and the Baleares, especially the island 
of Mallorca, whose inhabitants play it with religious zeal; and it is 
to the measures of the bagpipe that are danced the Muneiras in 
Galicia, the Purisalla or Purrisalta in Asturias, etc. 

One photograph from Palma, the capital of Mallorca, represents a 
peasant's dance. The music is a guitar and a bagpipe, the upper part 
of the bag of which ends in an animal's head. The handsome country 
lassies are dressed in their beautiful and picturesque costumes, with 
lace headdresses falling to the shoulders, and brought round the neck 
in front. 

Another shows a group of five musicians. Three are playing their 
bagpipes, which have two or three drones hanging down on the right 
side, and a chanter and blow-pipe. The other two are playing a 
Uoviol held in the left hand; while the right beats the tamhoril sus- 
pended by a cord round the neck, and twisted about the left forearm, 
so that it hangs just below the arm in a convenient position for the 
single drumstick to reach it. 

Still another photo portrays the " Cosies de Montuiri." The dan- 
cers are attired in curious fantastic costumes of olden times, some 
wearing masks, and the music is furnished by two musicians Hke 
those last described. 

In Mallorca also is still performed, in the church at AUora, a reli- 
gious dance every year at the festival of St. John. The dancers are six 
boys in tall hats, with one high-pointed peak standing up from each 
side, and otherwise in a peculiar costume. Another boy, called the 
dama, is dressed as a girl. The music is two guitars, and one small 
guitar (called guitarina) about eighteen inches long, and having a 
round body like a banjo some ten inches in diameter. It is new to 
most people that such a dance is now to be seen in a church in Spain, 
except in Seville. 

A similar dance is also performed yearly just outside the church- 
door, in honor of San Juan Palos, at Felenitz, Mallorca. One of the 
boys is dressed as St. John, and bears a cross. The musical instru- 
ments used there are a drum, guitar, and a violin. 

An ancient dance of Ampurdan is the Sardana, which within four 
years has become the " rage " in Barcelona. Everybody is dancing it, 
for everybody dances in Spain ; and all composers feel it a duty to write 
a new Sardana; that is, new music for this dance, but all made and 
elaborated from folk-melodies. Already more than a hundred new 
Sardanas have been published. The Sardana is now proclaimed the 
national dance of Cataluna. The tradition, or perhaps part of it at 

174 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

least, which might be called the old myth current among the Ampur- 
danese, is this. The Sartos were a great and powerful nomadic race, 
who assisted in the building of many of the enormous monuments and 
edifices now seen as ruins in Egypt. They belonged in Asia, and carried 
with them to Greece a dance like the Sardana. In antiquity the 
Greeks founded a large colony, Emporyon, the modern Ampurdan, 
which extended from the Gulf de Rosas (Rhodyon) to Guesaria (now 
Sant Feliu de Guixols). Extensive excavations have been made in 
this district, and many ancient Greek vases discovered upon which 
are displayed figures engaged in a dance similar to the Sardana, and 
which is claimed to be its origin. These Sartos were half-giants, and 
lived all along the Spanish and French shores of the Mediterranean, 
and are supposed to have given their name to Sardinia; but they al- 
ways continued to be nomads. The Ampurdanese are large in size, 
and furnish all the mountain-artillery soldiers for the Spanish army. 

Such is the folk-belief held in Ampurdan. The dance reminds one 
strongly of the kolo, — a popular dance to-day in Greece, Kroatia, 
Servia, Bulgaria, and the whole Balkan Peninsula. Both sexes join 
hands and form a circle, sometimes containing three hundred persons, 
while inside the ring numerous smaller circles are formed. The 
dance is complicated and elaborate in its measures and figures, and 
requires skill and practice for all to exactly fit the peculiar music and 
make the Spanish stop on the right note. 

It is supposed to represent the twenty-four hours of the day, — 
eight for sleep, and sixteen for the waking hours. The measures for 
sleep are sorrowful; but suddenly the crowing of the cock is imitated 
by the shrill tones of the floviol, and every dancer must be precisely 
in time and place, ready for the joyful measures of day. The dance 
occupies eight or ten minutes, and the music is exceedingly peculiar, 
but greatly admired by the Catalans. 

The musicians of the cohlas are country-people. Some are peasants 
who earn a few pesetas by playing a tenora or other instrument at 
festivals. Others have some musical education, and form the cohlas 
which travel over Cataluna. Those of the htst- cohlas are professional 
musicians. The most famous is "La Ampurdanesa Cobla," led by 
Senor Sureda, who has verified the details of instruments here given. 
Another celebrated cohla is "La Principal" of the town of Perelada. 

Every town of much size in Ampurdan has its cohla,vfhich. plays Sun- 
day afternoons in La Plaza Mayor, and sometimes visits other towns. 

The amusement advertisements in the Barcelona newspapers al- 
ways contain notices of where several cohlas can be heard afternoons 
and evenings. 

With the Sardana these cohlas have become the fashion. A cobla 
de Sardanas has one floviol; la primera and segunda tiple; one tarn- 

Folks ongs and Music oj Cataluna 175 

horil; two tenor as, primer a and segunda ; primer a and segundo cornetin 
de piston ; two Jiscornes d cilindro, primer and segundo; one contrabajo ; 
and sometimes two trombones are added. 

(a) The Jloviols are pastoral instruments, typical of the Pyrenees, 
with very sKght variations in construction in different districts. The 
Rousillon instrument said to be caMed fluviol is the same as the Cata- 
lan, which is written /ouzo/ but pronounced flil' viol. The "Essayos 
de Critica Musical," par Antonio Noguera, Preface by Juan Alcover 
y Maspone (Palma, 1903), an exhaustive work on the music, etc., 
of Mallorca, gives fabiol. 

The shepherds make them of reeds (cana) just like those repre- 
sented in old pictures, etc. These are roughly made, but have a power- 
ful tone. Those used by the Barcelona coblas are turned out of ebony, 
or granadillo (wood), and are very nicely made. They have five fin- 
ger-holes and four keys. There is neither mouthpiece nor reed, only 
what is vulgarly called llengueta de floviol. In short, it is a sort of 
flageolet about twenty centimetres long. 

{h) The iiple is a wind-instrument. In Altd Arragon a kind of 
guitar (small) is called tiple. The tiple of the cohlas is a little larger 
than an oboe, and thicker, and is sixty centimetres long. It is made 
oijinjoli or cerezo (cherry) wood, and has six finger-holes, twelve keys, 
and a double reed mouthpiece larger than that of the oboe. 

(c) The tamboril is a very small drum. Those still used by the 
coblas^i Ampurdan itself are of antique type. One of these measured 
by the writer was a handsome instrument very well made, four inches 
high, and three inches and a half in diameter. The body was of a 
black wood, and both ends were covered with skin, held in place by 
two yellowish wood rims. Cross-strings run down the sides, which 
could be tightened by a key. There was a round hole in the side of the 
body. The single drumstick was neatly turned from ebony, and one 
foot long. 

The tamboril-plsiyer also plays the floviol. The Mallorca tamboril 
is somewhat larger. 

In Catalan, tamboril is written tambori (but pronounced tambwri) 
and also tamborino. 

One verse of the dance-song " Ball de Sant Farriol" ("BuUetidel 
Centre Excursionista de Catalunya," Num. 171, April, 1909, p. 114) 
runs thus: — 

"Jo y lo pastor — viviriem d' amoretes. 
Jo y lo pastor — viviriem d' 1' amor, 
GIori6s Sant Farriol — ballarem, si Deu ho val. 
Lo qui toca '1 tamborino — n' ha perdut el floviol." 

"He who plays the tamborino, has not lost the floviol," aUudes to 
the fact that one musician plays both. 

176 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

The miraculous ^vine-skin of Saint Farriol always kept itself full I 

(d) La tenora is made of granadillo or jinjoli wood, has six finger- 
holes, thirteen keys, and the mouthpiece is double reed similar to 
that of the Jogote. It has a bell mouth of white metal thirty centi- 
metres long and twenty centimetres wide at the mouth; whole length, 
ninety centimetres. Its tone is strident, sounding as much like wood 
as metal, peculiar, yet agreeable, and very melodious. It is the classi- 
cal instrument of Ampurdan on which Sardanas are played, and it is 
also used in Rousillon. 

{e) The cornetin de piston is the same as the French cornette d piston. 

(/) The fiscorne d cilindro is a brass instrument with valves made 
in Cataluna, but the cilindros are bought in Germany. The instru- 
ment called in music-stores thtr&fiscorne, and used in theatre orches- 
tras, is different from that of the cohlas. 

Mr. Victor Alahillon writes me that from m.y description it is simi- 
lar to the Flugelhorn. 

(g) The contrahajo is our double-bass viol. 

The tiples, tenoras, floviols, and tamborils are made by country 
people. At Sant Fehu de Pallarols (bajos Pirineos) is one shepherd 
instrument-maker, and in Figueras another, who has inherited his 

The contrahajo a.nd Jiscorne are in the key of C natural; the cornetines 
and tcnoras, in B fiat; the tiples a.ndfioviols, in F natural. 

(h) Of grallas there are many kinds. Those in the north Asturias 
Castillas are well known, but these differ much from those of the 
Xiquets of Vails (Campo de Tarragona). These are made of wood, 
forty centimetres in length, have sLx finger-holes and four keys, and a 
double reed mouthpiece smaller than that of the oboe. 

The Xiquets de Vails are a class of showmen g}Tnnasts peculiar to 
the city of Vails. They appear in the cities of Cataluna on the days 
of festivals, and build their human castillos (castles) eight or nine 
stories high, to the shrill, ringing tones of their grallas, and to the 
rattle of their tanihores (drums). 

The name ''Xiquet" is applied in Vails to the smallest member 
of a family, whether child, man, young or old. A special melody is 
played while these castillos are building. These in Catalan called 
castells or espedats are raised in this manner. Four, six, or eight men 
who resemble toros (bulls) form the base, according to the number of 
stories to be built. On to this base climb the same number of men less 
one, making the second piso (story) ; and so one story is raised abo\-e 
another, each one less man than the one below it, until only one story 
remains, which is formed by a chiquiUo (small boy) ciflled usually 
bayiet. The espedats {ahismo in Catalan) are made with only one man 
for a story. Both castellos and espedats are sometimes even ten stories 

Folk-Songs and Music oj Catahma 177 

high, which occasionally break down and fall. When they come to 
Barcelona and salute the Consejo Municipal, they form an espedat 
and scale the balcony, and the baylet presents his greetings to the 
Alcalde of the city. 

The Pan's pipe called zampona is used in the centre of Spain, and 
the adjacent districts north and south of it; but it is now largely rel- 
egated to the remote parts of the mountains. It is not infrequently 
seen, however, even in Barcelona, played by wandering esmolets 
(scissors-grinders). These generally belong in Central Spain, but some 
of them are Gallegos (from Galicia, etc.), and some come from the 
French Pyrenees. Occasionally also a Castillian beggar is seen so- 
hciting alms to the sound of his zampona. 

Some of these travelling cutlers have zamponas made in the old 
style of reeds; but generally, thanks to their cheapness, metal ones 
are used. 

The one I have, obtained in Barcelona, is of white metal, has twelve 
tubes or pipes from 1% inches to 3%6 inches long. The holes vary in 
diameter from % inch to %6 inch, and are stopped about one inch 
from the bottom with wood or cork. They are held together by a 
metal band % inch wide, and beginning V2 inch from the top; and 
this and the pipes are also soldered together. It is neatly made, and 
has a scale of an octave and a half. 

These are musical instruments in the proper sense of the word ; but 
zamponas of oat-straws, etc., are made by the boys in many districts, 
especially some parts of Andalusia and the centre of Castille. In brief, 
in Spain just as in Italy, although the Pan's pipe has almost disap- 
peared as a musical instrument, as a boy's toy it is common in large 
districts. Some infer from this fact that it was in common use, and 
references in literature tend to confirm this view. 

The Spanish folk-music, sometimes low, sweet, touching, and again 
gay, joyous, so full of life and vigor as to set the feet and fingers in 
motion, has a peculiar fascination, and it is always melodious. The 
rich store and variety of this music, and also of folk-songs, are very 
great, and cannot fail to interest all lovers of folk-lore. The Centre 
Excursionista is cultivating this field with all the ardor and enthusi- 
asm of their Southern blood. 

There is a story among the people of Spain — indeed, the scene 
has been depicted in a noted painting — of the church prelates who 
assembled to pass judgment on the propriety of the Saraband dance. 
They Ustened to the arguments of the accusers with stern brows and 
forbidding aspect. The case seemed hopeless; but somebody sug- 
gested that the prelates should view the dance itself to confirm what 
was plainly their coming decision. Some graceful bailarinas were 
brought in, who commenced the dance to the catching melody. The 

lyS Journal oj American Folk-Lore 

faces of the judges soon began to relax, and a look of pleasure strolled 
over their features, until at last, carried away by the fascinating 
strains, the prelates themselves joined with gusto in the dance. 

Perhaps this is merely a story, but it well illustrates the peculiar, 
bewitching charm of Spanish music. 

Allston (Boston), Massachusetts. 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 





Introduction 179 

I. Australia and British Columbia . 183 

Exogamy 184 

Totemic Names 189 

Descent from the Totem . . 191 

Taboo 196 

Magical Ceremonies .... 201 
Reincarnation of Ancestral 

Spirits 207 

Guardian Spirits and Secret 

Societies 213 

Art 220 

Summary 225 

II. The Totemic Complex . . . .231 
Exogamy and Endogamy . .231 
Clan Exogamy and the other 

"Symptoms" 231 

Local Exogamy 233 

Clanship and Kinship . . . 234 
The AustraUan Totem Clan 

and Exogamy 237 

The Tendency to regulate 

Marriage 243 

Some Origins 245 

The Regulation of Marriage 
and of Psychic Intercourse 247 

Totemic Names 251 

Descent from the Totem . .253 

Taboo 254 

Taboo and the other "Symp- 
toms" 254 

Historical and Psychological 
Complexity of Taboo . .257 
The Religious Aspect of Totem- 
ism 258 

The Worship of Plants and 

Animals 258 

Totem Worship and the To- 
temic Stage 260 

The Complex in the Making . .264 
Summary of Evidence . . .264 
Theories of Totemism . . .268 

Another Theory 270 

Totemism defined . . . .274 
Origins, in Theory and His- 
tory 276 

Bibliography 288 

List of Abbreviations 292 


"A TOTEM is a class of material objects which a savage regards with 
superstitious respect, beHeving that there exists between him and 
every member of the class an intimate and altogether special relation," ^ 
— such are the opening words of a Httle classic on totemism, a work in 
which the leading principles of that ethnic phenomenon received their 
first systematic elaboration. In the light of what subsequent years 
brought us of good and evil in totemistic research and theory, the out- 
Hne of the subject given by Frazer a quarter of a century ago must be 
regarded as httle short of prophetic. Hence it behooves us briefly to 
summarize the doctrines there enunciated. 

Frazer opens his discussion by separating totems "considered in 
relation to men" into three categories, — the clan totem, common to 

' Dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of 
Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Philosophy, Colimibia University. 
* Frazer, T., p. i. For abbreviations, see p. 292. 

i8o Journal of American Folk-Lore 

the whole clan, and hereditary; the sex totem, one common to all the 
males, another to all the females, of a tribe; and the individual totem, 
belonging to a single individual, and not hereditary.^ Under the head- 
ing "Individual Totems," Frazer discusses mainly the various behefs 
and practices associated with the manitou of the North American In- 
dian. In justification of a discussion of "individual totems" on a par 
with clan totemism, he advances the fact that "individuals also have 
their own special totems, i. e. classes of objects (generally species of 
animals), which they regard as related to themselves by those ties of 
mutual respect and protection which are characteristic of totemism." ^ 
A distinction is made, by the way, between fetishism and totemism, 
in the statement that " sometimes the okkis or manitoos acquired by 
dreams are not totems but fetiches, being not classes of objects but 
indi\adual objects." ^ 

As " sex totems," Frazer discusses the "sacred animals whose name 
each individual of the sex bears," found among the tribes of New South 
Wales and Victoria, and described by Fison and Howitt ■* and later by 
Howitt.^ Each individual of the sex bears the name of his sacred ani- 
mal, regarding it " as his or her brother or sister respectively, not kill- 
ing it nor suffering the opposite sex to kill it. These sacred animals, 
therefore," concludes Frazer, "answer strictly to the definition of to- 
tems."^ He admits, however, that " the clan totem is by far the most 
important of all." ^ 

In analyzing clan totemism, Frazer points out that it "is both a 
rehgious and a social system;" the religious side consisting in a special 
attitude of the clansmen towards their totem; the social side, in their 
special attitude towards each other. Frazer proceeds to specify a num- 
ber of phenomena belonging to the religious side of totemism. The 
clansmen bear the name of the totem, and "commonly" trace their 
descent from it.^ Some cases are mentioned where there is no belief in 
descent from the totem. He adds, however, that "in some myths the 
actual descent from the totem seems to have been rationahzed away." ^ 
The totemic taboos are introduced as a psychological consequence of 
the beUef in descent: "BeHeving himself to be descended from, and 
therefore akin to, his totem, the savage naturally treats it with respect. 
If it is an animal he will not, as a rule, kill nor eat it." *" Similar prohi- 
bitions apply to plant totems; moreover, " the clansmen are often for- 
bidden to touch the totem or any part of it and sometimes they may 
not even look at it." ^^ Some examples of cross-totems are given, the 

1 Fmzer, T., p. 2. 2 Ibid., p. 53. 

^ Ibid., p. 52; also pp. 2, 15, and 56. * See Frazer's note, Ibid., p. 51. 

* Howitt, iV. T., pp. 148-151. « Frazer, T., p. 51. 
' Ibid., p. 2. * Tbid., p. 3. 

* Ibid., p. 6. '0 Ibid., p. 7. " Ibid., p. 11. 

Totemism, an Analytical Study i8i 

term being defined as " a totem which is neither a whole animal or 
plant, nor a part of one particular species of animal or plant, but is a 
particular part of all (or of a number of species of) animals or plants." ^ 

A man respects and cares for the totem, but expects help and pro- 
tection inreturn.2 Sometimes the totem gives the clansmen informa- 
tion by means of omens.^ " In order, apparently, to put oneself more 
fully under the protection of the totem, the clansman is in the habit of 
assimilating himself to the totem by dressing in the skin or other part 
of the totem animal, arranging his hair and mutilating his body, so as 
to resemble the totem, and representing the totem on his body by 
cicatrices, tattooing, or paint." ■* The knocking-out of teeth is also 
interpreted as an attempt to imitate the totem.^ A series of ceremo- 
nies at birth, puberty, marriage, and death are described, all performed 
with the object of achieving an " identification of a man with his 
totem." ^ 

Passing now to the social aspect of totemism, Frazer notes that " all 
the members of a totem clan regard each other as kinsmen or brothers 
and sisters, and are bound to help and protect each other." ^ Finally, 
persons of the same totem may not marry or have sexual intercourse 
with each other.^ 

Haddon's conception of totemism is, as he himself points out, in 
substantial agreement with that of Frazer. "Totemism," he says, 
" as Dr. Frazer and I understand it in its fully developed condition, 
implies the di\dsion of a people into several totem kins (or, as they are 
usually termed, totem clans), each of which has one or sometimes more 
than one totem. The totem is usually a species of animal, sometimes 
a species of plant, occasionally a natural object or phenomenon, very 
rarely a manufactured object. Totemism also involves the rules of 
exogamy, forbidding marriage within the kin, and necessitating inter- 
marriage between the kins. It is essentially connected with the matri- 
archal stage of culture (mother-right), though it passes over into the 
patriarchal stage (father-right). The totems are regarded as kinsfolk 
and protectors of the kinsmen, who respect them and abstain from 
kilHng and eating them. There is thus a recognition of mutual rights 
and obligations between the members of the kin and their totem. The 
totem is the crest and symbol of the kin." ^ 

Rivers recently defined totemism in a somewhat more guarded but 
essentially similar way. He gives three essential characteristics of 

^ Frazer, T., p. 13. On pp. 18 and 19 mention is made of Australian food prohibitions 
which do not refer to totems, but seem to vary with age. 

^ Ibid., p. 20. ^ Ibid., p. 23. '' Ibid., p. 26. 

* Ibid., pp. 27-28. * Ibid., p. 32. ' Ibid., p. 57. 

* Ibid., p. 58. 

* Haddon, Presidential Address before Section H, Anthropology, of the B. .\. A. S., 

1 82 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

totemism: "The first and most important feature is that the class of 
animals or other objects are definitely connected with a social divi- 
sion, and in the typical form of the institution this social division is 
exogamous. Often the division takes its name from the totem, or this 
may be used as its badge or crest, but these points are less constant 
or essential. The second feature is the presence of a behef in kinship 
between the members of the social division and the totem, and in the 
most typical form there is behef in descent from the totem. The third 
feature is of a rehgious nature; in true totemism the members of the 
social division show respect to their totem, and by far the most usual 
method of showing this respect is the prohibition of the totem as an 
article of food. When these three features are present we can be con- 
fident that we have to do with totemism." ^ 

Frazer, Haddon, and Rivers have time and again dealt with the 
subject of totemism in articles and reviews, and in the course of these 
writings they have repeatedly rejected one or another of the above 
features or "symptoms" of totemism as not constituting an indis- 
pensable phase of that complex phenomenon. Frazer, especially, has 
in his later writings repudiated the original character of the connec- 
tion between totemism and exogamy," — an attitude shared by Spen- 
cer and Gillen ^ and Howitt.^ As a whole, however, the above writers 
joined hands with Lang, Thomas,^ and Hartland in regarding to- 
temism, with its several features, as an integral phenomenon, both 
historically and psychologically. This attitude is reflected in the way 
various authors deal with the so-called "survivals" of totemism,® 
where from the presence in some region of one or two of the "symp- 
toms" of totemism, or of the fragments of such symptoms, they infer 
the existence in the past of totemism in its " typical form;" that is, 
with all its essential characteristics. 

The main features thus beheved to be s>Tiiptomatic of totemism 
may be summarized as follows : — 

1. An exogamous clan. 

2. A clan name derived from the totem. 

' Rivers, /. A. I., vol. xxxix (1909), pp. 156-157. 

2 Frazer, 1905, p. 459. 

^ Spencer and Gillen, /. A. I., vol. xxviii (1899), pp. 276-277. 

* Howitt, N. T., p. 151. 

^ Thomas, however, in a review of Weule, says, "Dr. Weule has assumed that descent 
from the totem is a characteristic and necessary element in totemism, whereas it is in 
reality frequently absent and is in no sense a criterion " {Folk-Lore, vol. xx, No. 2 (1909) , 
p. 245). See also his book, Kinship Organizations and Group Marriage in Australia, 
where "totemism is . . . treated only incidentally" (Preface). 

" See Jevons, 7. H. R., pp. 113-129; Frazer, T., pp. 92 et seq.; Rivers, J. A. I., 1909, 
pp. 156-157; as well as older writers, such as Robertson Smith, K. M. A., pp. 186 et seq., 
and L. R. S., pp. 83-131; McLennsLn, Forinightly Reviav, 1869, pp. 562-582, and 1870, 
pp. 194-216; and others. 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 183 

3. A religious attitude towards the totem; as a " friend," " brother," 
" protector," etc. 

4. Taboos, or restrictions against the killing, eating (sometimes 
touching and seeing), of the totem. 

5. A behef in descent from the totem. ^ 

The justification of regarding the various features of totemism as 
organically interrelated is not a priori obvious. An analysis of such 
features, as found among various primitive tribes, may demonstrate 
their essential independence of one another, historically or psycholo- 
gically, or both. We should then have to realize that any attempt at 
deahng with totemism without due reahzation of the essential in- 
dependence of its constituent parts must result in grave misconcep- 
tions. In the following pages I shall attempt to analyze the "symp- 
toms" of totemism on the basis first or a detailed comparison of two 
areas in which totemism is a conspicuous and recognized feature, — ■ 
Australia and British Columbia. This will be followed by a somewhat 
difi'erent analysis of the same "symptoms" on the basis of wider and 
more heterogeneous material. 

The conclusions thus reached will lead us to reconsider the current 
conceptions of totemism, and to apply the resulting methodological 
point of view to a critique of the theories advanced to account for the 
origin of totemism, and of the attempts to represent totemism as a 
universal stage in the evolution of religion. 


The selection of these two areas for the purpose of a discussion of 
totemism may be objected to as arbitrary, and to a certain extent it 
is. I beheve, nevertheless, that our choice can be amply justified. 

A number of descriptive works of a high order make our knowl- 
edge of both areas comparatively complete. 

The writings of Spencer and Gillen, Howitt, Roth, Strehlow, and 
others, — not to mention the earher writers, — have given us much 
detailed information on a large number of AustraUan tribes. Part 
of the material is perhaps somewhat chaotic, and at times contradic- 
tory; it cannot be denied, however, that many important data on the 
social organization and culture of many tribes have been brought to 
Hght with sufficient clearness and in great detail. The more specula- 
tive works of another set of British authors have in the main depended 
for their facts and inspiration on these descriptive studies. 

The tribes of British Columbia, on the other hand, which had at- 
tracted the attention of Krause and a number of Russian travellers, 

^ The attitude towards totemism taken by Tylor (/.^.7., vol. xxviii,pp. 138 et seq.) a.nd 
some American students ditlers fundamentally from that expounded in the foregoing 
pages. We shall have occasion farther on to return to the views of these authors. 

184 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

and, much later, of writers like Dawson, Swan, Niblack, and others, 
became the object of more systematic study, first under the auspices 
of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, and later, 
on a much more extensive as well as intensive scale, under the auspices 
of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition. Whatever theoretical discus- 
sion of totemism can be found in America — excluding, perhaps, the 
Iroquois — is contained in the writings of those men, often between 
the lines, as America cannot boast of any theoretical or speculative 
work on totemism which could at all be compared to the far-reaching 
and thoroughgoing discussions of the Britishers. 

If a further justification of our selection be needed, it may perhaps 
be recognized in the fact that the point of ^dew taken is a methodo- 
logical one: hence, if, as the result of a detailed comparison of the two 
areas, a flaw can be discovered in the current attitude towards totem- 
ism, our course will be amply justified.^ 


Australia. — The most constant feature in the social organiza- 
tion of Austrahan tribes is a division of the community into two ex- 
ogamous groups, — the phratries.^ The character of totemic clans and 
of the class organization varies with the groups of tribes; but the 
phra tries remain, as a rule, well defined.^ In some tribes the phratries 
assume some of the characteristics so marked in the phratries of the 
Siouan tribes of North America. Among the Aranda,^ for instance, 
the dichotomous division is well marked in camping, some natural 
feature being generally selected as a boundary.^ We shall see later 
what prominent part the phratry plays in the exogamic regula- 
tions, and how closely the ceremonial Hfe of the tribes is associated 
with it. 

Let us now cover in a rapid review the various types of social 
organization found in AustraHa, taking as examples a few represent- 
ative tribes. 

' See also p. 287. 

^ Howitt, as well as Spencer and Gillen, discard the term "phratry." Howitt 
uses "class" {N. T., p. 88) instead; Spencer and Gillen, "moiety" (ii, p. 71); the latter, 
however, also use "phratry" (see, for instance, ii, pp. 121-122). As the majority of the 
writers on Australia use this term when speaking of the two exogamous groups of a tribe, 
I shall also adopt it with that meaning. "Class " and " sub-class " will be used with the 
meaning given to those terms by Spencer and Gillen (ii, p. 71, note). The terms "clan" 
and "totem clan" will be used to designate the Australian totem group. 

^ Howitt, N. T., p. 88; Spencer and Gillen, i, p. 55. The statement does not apply to 
the tribes "with anomalous class systems and male descent" (Howitt, N. T., p. 129), 
nor to the tribes "without class systems" {Ibid., p. 134). In the above presentation 
those tribes are omitted. 

* For orthography see Strehlow, i, von Leonhardi's "Vorwort." 

* Spencer and Gillen, ii, p. g6. 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 185 

The Dieri are divided into two exogamous phratries, Kararu and 
Matteri, each of which comprises a number of totemic clans, no totem 
occurring in both phratries. The mother's phratry and totem are 
inherited, although, in case of marriage into another tribe, the child 
belongs to the tribe of its father.^ 

Among the Arabana^ the two phratries are called Kirarawa and 
Matthurie. Here the members of a Kirarawa totem group are re- 
stricted in their marital possibilities to one particular Matthurie totem, 
and vice versa. The mother's phratry and totem are inherited.^ 

In the group of tribes of which the Kamilaroi may be taken as 
representative, another feature supervenes. We again find the two 
exogamous phratries — Kupathin and Dilbi — each containing a 
number of totem clans. In addition, however, each phratry comprises 
two classes, while each class contains parts of all the clans of one 
phratry. The Kupathin classes are Ipai (female Ipata) and Kumbo 
(female Buta); the Dilbi classes, Murri (female Mota) and Kubbi 
(female Kubbota). 

The class system introduces further marriage restrictions. A class 
of phratry Kupathin is not only debarred from marrying into the 
other class of the same phratry, but also from marr^dng into one of the 
classes of phratry Dilbi; and so on. Thus a Murri can only marry a 
Kubbota, a Kubbi only an Ipata, etc. The child follows the mother's 
phratry and totem, but belongs to that class which, together with the 
mother's class, forms her phratry.^ 

Essentially similar to the Kamilaroi in class system and concomi- 
tant marriage rules are the Kaiabara, with their phratries Kubatine 
and Dilebi, containing two classes each;^ but the rule of descent is 
different. The child belongs to the father's phratry and to that class 
which, together with the father's class, constitutes his phratry. The 
totem, however, follows the mother, with the additional pecuharity 
that while the child takes the same beast or bird as its mother, it is 
of a different color or gender.® 

In the tribes represented by the Warramunga, conditions are still 
more complex. Here each of the four classes contains in its turn two 
sub-classes (with separate names for males and females) which af- 
fect marriage in the same way as do the four classes in the tribes 
represented by the Kamilaroi, Kaiabara, etc. Thus each phratry is 
divided into four sub-classes, each one of which can only marry into 

' Howitt, N. T., pp. 158 et seq. and 175 et seq. ; Spencer and Gillen, ii, pp. 70 et seq. 
" For orthography see Strehlow, ii, p. 56, note i. 

' Howitt, N. T., pp. 176 and 188-189; Spencer and Gillen, ii, pp. 70 et seq. 
^ Howitt, N. T., pp. 103 et seq. and 199 et seq. 
' Ibid., p. 116. 

' Ibid., pp. 228 et seq.; cf., however, Lang on "The Puzzle of Kaiabara Sub-class 
Names" {Man, vol. x [1910], pp. 130-133). 

1 86 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

one sub-class of the other phratry. Descent of the totem, phratry, 
and class is through the father; but the child belongs to that sub- 
class which, with the father's sub-class, constitutes his class. ^ Simi- 
lar conditions prevail among the northern Aranda. In the southern 
section of that tribe, on the other hand, the system is, or seems to be, 
still more intricate. Here the four classes are not definitely subdi- 
vided into sub-classes; but to each man of the Panunga class, for in- 
stance, the women of the Purula class are either Urawa whom he may, 
or Unkulla whom he may not, marry. ^ Among the Aranda the totem 
clans are not strictly confined to either the one or the other phratry; 
and whenever a particular totem clan is found in both phratries, the 
clan tie is no longer a bar to marriage.^ 

It must be noted here that the phratry, class, and sub-class orga- 
nizations in the various tribes must be regarded as equivalent. When 
a man finds himself in another tribe, he at once occupies a place in the 
social organization strictly analogous to his place in his own tribe, and 
the concomitant marriage restrictions follow as a matter of course.* 

British Columbia. - — Let us now glance at the conditions in our 
American area. 

Geographically the Tlingit comprise fourteen di\asions, each con- 
sisting of several towns. ° The present social division is into two 
strictly exogamous phratries, with descent through the mother. There 
is also a third division which is permitted to marry into both other 
divisions. The phratries are subdivided into clans, the members of 
which regard themselves as more intimately related to each other 
than to members of other clans. Every geographical division contains 
members of both phratries, and usually of several clans of each phra- 
try; while every clan is distributed between two or more geographi- 
cal divisions.® 

Among the Haida we again find two exogamous "clans," ^ descent 
being in the female line. The members of one " clan" were regarded 
as closely related, and marriage between persons of the same " clan" 
"was viewed by them almost as incest by us." Members of opposite 
" clans," on the contrary, were almost Kke enemies to each other. In 
case of internal strife, "clan " ties were considered rather than individual 
"family" ties. As concerns relations to other tribes, a Raven man is 

' Spencer and Gillen, ii, pp. loo et seq. ^ Ibid., ii, pp. 97 et seq. 

' Ibid., i, pp. 73 and 120 et seq. 

* Howitt, N. T., pp. 137 et seq.; Spencer and Gillen, ii, pp. 100 et seq. 

* Swanton, 26th B. E. R., 1904-05, pp. 396-397. 
° Ibid., 1904-05, p. 398. 

' The "clans" of the Haida are strictly analogous to the Tlingit "phratries," while 
the Haida "families" correspond as closely to the "clans" of the Tlingit. It is very un- 
fortunate that Swanton should have adopted diilerent terms for the social divisions of 
the two tribes; to avoid confusion, however, I shall use his terms, in quotation-marks. 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 187 

theoretically always affiliated with the Raven clan of any particular 
tribe; here, however, a curious phenomenon supervenes, which leads to 
instructive situations. The Haida " clans," namely, are transposed as 
compared with those of theTsimshian. The crests of the Haida Raven 
"clan" are found among the Bear and Wolf clans of the Tsimshian, 
while the crests of the Tsimshian Raven and Eagle clans are those of 
the Haida Eagles.^ The same relation obtains between the Haida 
"clans" and the Thngit "phratries:" the killer- whale, grizzly-bear, 
wolf, and hahbut crests, which are on the Wolf side among the Thngit, 
are Raven crests among the Haida; while the raven, frog, hawk, and 
black- whale crests of the Haida Eagle "clan" belong to the Raven side 
among the Thngit.^ 

On this occasion the relative importance of the "clan " eponym on the 
one hand, and of the "family " crests on the other, reveals itself. Crests 
are considered much more important than is the mere name of the 
" clan." A Haida, accordingly, considers that his affiHations are with 
that " clan" or " clans " which contain the crests of his own "clan," and 
calls such "clan" or "clans" his "friends." 

The Haida may be divided into six geographical and historical 
groups, members of both "clans" being represented in each group; 
and again, as among the Thngit, the " clans" comprise several " fami- 
nes" which are similarly geographically distributed.^ 

Among the Tsimshian the famihes are differently distributed. Here 
they form local units; so that in each locahty we find several famihes, 
all of the members of which belong to that particular local group. All 
the famihes are again classified according to the four clans which 
claim their family or families in each locahty. The clans are exoga- 
mous, and descent is through the mother.* 

The northern Kwakiutl are organized hke the Tsimshian, with the 
exception of descent, which is no longer strictly maternal, although 
that form predominates. "Parents are at liberty to place their chil- 
dren in either the paternal or the maternal clan." * 

When we proceed still farther south, we no longer find a number 
of clans represented in all the local groups of a tribe. The southern 
Kwakiutl are divided into clans and famihes, grouped in viUage com- 
munities, but each clan is restricted to one village.* The clans are 
not exogamous; here, in fact, a woman is advised to marry into her 
own clan, for among her own people she is likely to receive better 
treatment.^ Paternal descent prevails among these people, although 
certain curious traces of maternal descent have also been observed, 
of which more is said farther on.® 

' Swanton, Jesup Exped., vol. v, p. 66. ^ Swanton, sdth B. E. R., IQ04-05, p. 423. 

^ Swanton, Jesup Exped., vol. v, p. 68. ■• Boas, Jesup Exped., vol. i, p. 121. 

^ Personal communication by Boas. " Boas, Kwakiutl, p. t,t,a. 
VOL. xxni. — NO. 88. 13 

1 88 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

The Salish of the southern coast are divided into village com- 
munities. Some of these have amalgamated, for instance, among the 
southern tribes of Vancouver Island, where we find a number of septs, 
each occupying a separate village.^ The village communities are not 

Thus we find exogamy in both totemic areas. Any attempt, how- 
ever, to elaborate that most general analogy reveals fundamental dif- 
ferences in the development and present significance of the social 
groups, in the two regions. 

In a large number of Australian tribes we noted the segmentation 
of the community into four or eight matrimonial classes. The classes 
are always exogamous; the regulation of marriage, in fact, being 
apparently their only function. In British Columbia there are no 
such social divisions. 

The clan of the Pacific coast is in its history, as well as in its present 
functions, a very different unit from the Austrahan totem clan. Tra- 
ditions, partly supported by history, refer to a time when the Tlin- 
git "clans" and the Haida "families" were local groups, each "fam- 
ily" or " clan" occupying one town or village. Subsequent migrations, 
separation of some groups, amalgamation of others, led to the present 
organization, where either several famihes occupy each village, being 
classified according to the^clans, as among the Tsimshian and north- 
ern Kwakiutl, or the " families" and " clans" are dispersed throughout 
the geographical areas and towns, as among the Haida and THngit. 
The local sections of the Haida "families" and Thngit "clans" gen- 
erally derive their names from the locahty they originally occupied, — 
"people of Ganax," "of the island Teqo," "of the house in the 
middle of the valley," etc. Thus the consciousness of the common 
local descent is kept aHve in the now dispersed groups.'' 

Among the coast tribes of British Columbia, the village community 
once constituted the unit of political and social organization, a con- 
dition still found among the tribes of Washington and Oregon * as 
well as among the Salish of the interior. 

In the present state of our knowledge, it would clearly be absurd 
to regard, as Frazer once did,^ the " clans" of the Tlingit, for instance, 
as having originated from the Thngit " phratries " through a process of 

' Boas, Jesiip Expcd., vol. i, p. 122. 

^ The Lillooet, Shuswap, and Bella Coola, the social organizations of which tribes pre- 
sent highly interesting peculiarities, will be discussed farther on (see pp. 246, 281 el scq.). 

^ S\va.nton, 26th B. E. R., igo4-os,pp.3g8-3gg; Jcsup Expcd., vol. v, p. 68; Boa.s,K'wa- 
kiutl, p. 334. 

* Lewis, Tribes of the Columbia Valley and the Coast of Washington and Oregon, 
p. 156. 

^ Frazer, T., p. 62. 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 189 

segmentation; although we may not be in a position to fix chrono- 
logically the origin of the two institutions. 

We are still sadly in the dark as to the history of the Austrahan 
totem clans. Cunow's argument notwithstanding/ they may well 
have originated as subdivisions of the phratry; positive evidence of 
the process, however, is not, so far, forthcoming. In regard to two 
points, though, we may be tolerably certain. The totem clans have 
not originated from village communities through a process of fusion 
and sphtting; for it is more than improbable that a development of 
the required complexity and duration should have left no traces. The 
second point refers to the greater antiquity of the phratries as com- 
pared to the totem clans. The occurrence of the phratry over almost 
the whole of the Australian continent; the fact that many phratric 
names and the meaning of many more have been forgotten; the 
importance of the phratry in connection with exogamy and the cere- 
monies, — all these facts point toward a great antiquity of that 
institution. If there is a point of similarity between the Austrahan 
phratries and those of the Thngit, or the Haida " clans," it hes in the 
exogamic character of these social divisions. 

As a social unit, the Austrahan totem clan is conspicuously weak. 
Being in most cases exogamous only as part of the phratry,^ it is im- 
portant only in the ceremonies; but even here the functions of the 
phratry are of equal, often of greater prominence. In British Colum- 
bia, on the other hand, the local clan or family is the social unit. Be- 
ing important in all the tribes, the clan reaches its maximum develop- 
ment among the Kwakiutl. Besides having its own territory, the clan 
is most intimately associated with particular traditions, songs, dances, 
ceremonies, potlatches, names of persons and objects, carvings; fish- 
ing and burying places, and clover-gardens, are also owned by the clan. 
The clan organization, moreover, has affected the character of the 
secret societies, and even that of the two shamanistic brotherhoods.^ 

If we add that the clans are all graded as to rank, and that within 
each clan the individuals are similarly graded, — a feature totally 
foreign to Austraha, — the fundamental dissimilarity of these social 
units in the two areas becomes only too apparent. The only common 
feature, in fact, is the negative one of what one might call "indirect 

Totemic Names 

British Columbia. — The two "phratries" of the Thngit have 
animal names, — Raven and Wolf (in the north also Eagle).'* The 
''clans" of the Haida are Raven and Eagle; the latter, however, bears 

' Cunow, pp. 132-133. ^ See p. 238. 

^ Boas, /. A. K. vol. xiv (1904), pp. 141-148. 
* Swanton, 26th B. E. R., 1904-05, p, 396. 

I go Journal of American Folk-Lore 

also the name of Gitins (perhaps derived from the Tsimshian gU), 
which is not the name of an animal.^ The Wolf and the Eagle are two 
of the four Tsimshian clans; the other two bear names not derived 
from animals. 2 Among the northern Kwakiutl the clans have animal 
names, ^ while the clans and famihes of the Kwakiutl proper have no 
such names.* The " clans" of the Thngit, finally, and the '' famihes" 
of theHaida, bear, with a few exceptions, names derived from locahties.^ 
Australia. — In Australia all the clans derive their names from 
their animal, plant, or inanimate totems. The matrimonial classes do 
not, with possibly a few exceptions, bear animal or plant names. 
The names of phratries are in part forgotten, while the meaning 
of the majority of the names that survive is no longer remembered 
by the natives. A few of the names, however, seem to be derived from 

Notwithstanding the occurrence of animal names for social groups 
in both areas, the analogy must be considered a very superficial one. 
The "phratries" of the Tlingit, and the "clans" of the Haida, — 
social groups which roughly correspond to the Austrahan phratries, — 
bear animal names ; while the evidence for the existence of such names 
among the Austrahan phratries is far from convincing. 

The Austrahan clans, with their totemic names, find an analogy 
in the clans of the northern Kwakiutl and in two of the Tsimshian 
clans; the remaining two Tsimshian clans, on the other hand, and the 
clans and famihes of the Kwakiutl proper, the " clans" of the Tlingit 
and the Haida "famihes," bear no animal names. In British Co- 
lumbia, finally, the groups with animal names are also the exogamous 
groups — excepting the two Tsimshian clans, which are exogamous, 
but have no animal names. In Austraha, on the other hand, the social 
divisions which are the exogamous groups par excellence, — the mat- 

'■ Swanton, Jesup Exped., vol. v, p. 62. 

* Boas, A. A. R. (Toronto, 1906), p. 239. 

^ Boas, Kwakiutl, p. 328. * Ibid., pp. 329-332. 

^ Swanton, 26th B. E. R., 1904-05, p. 398; Jesiip Exped., vol. v, p. 62. 

' I shall not here attempt to discuss the problem of phratry and class names, to which 
Lang and Thomas have given considerable attention (Lang, S. T., pp. 154-170, and 178- 
187; Thomas, Kinship Organizations and Group Marriage in Australia, pp. 42-92). 
Two points are worth mentioning, however: The similarity of phratry and class names 
over wide areas embracing many tribes makes it highly probable that extensive borrow- 
ing of such names has occurred in the past; and, in the second place, in considering the 
names of phratry and class as found to-day, we must always keep in mind the possi- 
bility that many of the ancient names belonging to languages no longer understood 
may have been re-interpreted as animal names by the natives, whose daily experience 
tends to suggest such appellations for social groups. In view of the above consideration, 
extreme care must be exercised in drawing inferences from present conditions as to the 
past history of the names, or of the social groups that bear them. Cf. Lang {Man, 
vol. x[i9io], pp. 133-134). 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 191 

rimonial classes, — do not, with a few doubtful exceptions, bear any- 
animal names. 

If analyzed still further, the dissimilarity of conditions in the two 
areas becomes striking. In Austraha, the social groups that have 
totems invariably derive their names from them. If we take the crests 
of British Columbia to correspond roughly to the Austrahan totems, 
the eponymous functions of the former appear to be more restricted 
and much less uniform. In that area the principal crest animal of the 
group is not always also the eponymous animal. The principal crest 
of the Haida Ravens is the killer- whale; while among the Eagles, the 
beaver crest rivals the eagle in importance.^ All the smaller subdi- 
visions of the two northern tribes, as well as the families and clans of 
the southern Kwakiutl, have their crest animals, but do not derive their 
names from them; and the raven and bear crests of two of the Tsim- 
shian clans are also non-eponymous. ^ 

, Descent from the Totem 

Australia. — The Arabana legends tell us of small companies 
of half-human, half-animal individuals of unknown origin, who wan- 
dered about in the mythical period {alcheringa) . They were possessed 
of superhuman power, and became the ancestors of the totemic groups. 
A great carpet-snake individual gave rise to the carpet-snake group, 
two Jew lizards gave rise to the Jew Hzard group, etc.^ These in- 
dividuals wandered about the country performing sacred ceremonies. 
At certain places they stopped and went into the ground, and a rock 
or water-pool arose to mark the spot; there also a number of spirit 
individuals came into being (the mai-aurli), who became transformed 
into men and women, — the first totemites. 

In the Aranda alcheringa there were no men and women, but only 
incomplete creatures of various shapes (inapertwa). "They had no 
distinct hmbs or organs of sight, hearing, or smell, did not eat food, 
and presented the appearance of human beings all doubled up into 
a rounded mass, in which just the outline of the different parts of the 
body could be vaguely seen." ^ The Ungambikula (''Out-of-Nothing," 
" Self-Existing") took hold of these creatures, and by means of a com- 
plicated surgical operation shaped them into men and women. The 
inapertwa were really animals and plants in the process of transforma- 
tion into men. They belonged to the totems derived from such ani- 
mals and plants; and when they became human individuals, each one 

1 Boas, A. A. R. (Toronto, 1906), p. 239. 

^ For a further elaboration of this tOf,ic, see p. 226. 

' Spencer and Gillen, ii, pp. 145-14O. 

* Ibid., i, p. 388. 

192 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

of these was intimately associated with some particular animal or 
plant. They were the totemic ancestors.^ 

Among the Unmatjera and Kaitish, some totemic ancestors origi- 
nated from indefinitely shaped creatures, who were changed into 
human beings by two little-hawk boys.^ Other ancestors were 
human beings from the start. They were also intimately associated 
with the animals whose names they bore, and were at first semi-hu- 
man. They were men, however, and not incomplete human beings. 
Each ancestor had his class as well as his totem. 

In the Warramunga tribes there was, in the case of most totems, 
only one mythical ancestor, half human and half beast or plant, who 
wandered about the country performing ceremonies at various spots, 
and leaving behind him spirit children who emanated from his body.^ 

Of particular interest is the Warramunga tradition about a snake 
ancestor (later changed into a man), who, in the company of a boy, 
travelled about the country, continually changing his totem to an- 
other snake variety. " Spirit children of the various totems came out 
of his muscles when he shook himself," "* performing sacred cere- 
monies at the mungai spots. Thus he became the ancestor of a num- 
ber of different snake totem groups. 

Among all the tribes farther north, — - the Umbaia, Gnanji, Bin- 
binga, Anula, and Mara, — we find the behef practically identical 
with that of the Warramunga, in one eponymous ancestor who walked 
about the country making natural features, and performing sacred 
ceremonies. At each spot where a ceremony was performed, spirit 
children emanated from his body. 

British Columbia. — In a type of tradition common among the 
Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshian, the ancestors of a clan or family come 
into more or less intimate contact with some animal, which henceforth 
becomes the hereditary crest of the group. The Thngit tradition about 
" The Beaver of Killisinoo " '" may serve as an example. 

" Some people belonging to the De'citan family captured a small Beaver, 
and, as it was cunning and very clean, they kept it as a pet. By and by, 
however, although it was well cared for, it took offence at something, and 
began to compose songs. Afterward one of the Beaver's masters went 
through the woods to a certain salmon creek, and found two salmon-spear 
handles, beautifully worked, standing at the foot of a big tree. He carried 
these home; and, as soon as they were brought into the house, the Beaver 
said, 'That is my make.' Then something was said that offended it again. 
Upon this the Beaver began to sing just like a human being, and surprised 
the people very much. While it was doing this, it seized a spear and threw 

' Spencer and Gillen, ii, p. 389. ^ Ibid., ii, p. 153. 

' Ibid., ii, p. 161. * Ibid., ii, p. 163. 

* Swanton, Tlingit Myths, p 227. 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 193 

it straight through its master's chest, kilUng him instantly. Then it threw 
its tail down upon the ground, and the earth on which that house stood 
dropped in. They found afterward that the Beaver had been digging out 
the earth under the camp, so as to make a great hollow. It is from this story 
that the De'citan claim the Beaver and have the Beaver hat; they also 
have songs composed by the Beaver." 

In traditions like the above, the concept of descent from the crest 
animal is obviously lacking. The ancestors simply come into rather 
intimate contact with the animal, without, however, being in any 
way identified with it. 

In another set of stories the identification of the ancestors with the 
crest animal becomes a more prominent feature. A Haida story nar- 
rates how the killer-whale first came to be used as a crest. 

"Two brothers went hunting buffle-heads, and wounded one. Then they 
were invited under the sea, and entered the house of a killer-whale. There 
the oldest was transformed into a whale, like the others; but the youngest 
escaped. After he reached home again, his spirit was in the habit of going 
hunting with his elder brother, while his body remained in the house. In 
the morning his parents always found a black whale on the beach. One 
morning, however, the younger brother wept, declaring that his elder 
brother had been killed at Cape St. James, and he had brought his body 
home. Going outside, they found the body of a killer-whale, and they 
built a grave-house for it." ^ 

A slightly different psychological attitude is revealed in the Tlingit 
"Story of the Frog Crest of the KiksA'di of Wrangell." 

''A man belonging to the Stikine KiksA'di kicked a frog over on its back; 
but as soon as he had done so, he lay motionless, unable to talk, and they 
carried his body into the house. Meanwhile his soul was taken by the 
frogs to their own town [arranged, by the way, exactly after the mode of 
human towns], where it was brought into the presence of chief Frightful- 
Face. The chief said to the man, ' We belong to your clan, and it is a shame 
that you should treat your own people as you have done. We are KiksA'di, 
and it is a KiksA'di youth who has done this. You better go to your own 
village. You have disgraced yourself as well as us, for this woman be- 
longs to your own clan.' After this the man left Frog-Town, and at the 
same time his body at home came to. He told the people of his adventure. 
All the KiksA'di were listening to what this man said, and it is because 
the frog himself said he was a KiksA'di that they claim the frog."^ 

No more than the Tlingit beaver tradition do the last two stories 
contain any elements which could be interpreted as a form of descent 
from the totem animal. The identification, however, of the ancestral 
individuals with the crest animals becomes in the two stories a rather 
marked feature; the frog tradition, in fact, comes very near the idea 

' Swanton, Jesup Exped., vol. v, p. 231. ' Swanton, Tlingit Myths, p. 232. 

194 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

of an association of a species of animals with a clan of men, thought 
by many to He at the root of totemism.^ 

A favorite motive in many traditions where the ancestor acquires 
the crest is the former's marriage to the crest animal. In the TUngit 
''Story of the Grizzly-Bear Crest of the Te'qoedi," a hunter is caught 
in a bear's den. He finds favor with the bear's wife, whereupon the 
male bear leaves, and the man marries the she-bear, and has children 
by her. He is finally discovered by his younger brother, whom, how- 
ever, he persuades to withdraw. ''Stand right there! Don't do any 
harm. I am here. Although I am with this wild animal, I am living 
well. Don't worry about me any more." When he was first taken 
into this den, it looked like a den, and nothing more; but that night 
he thought that he was in a fine house, with people all about eating 
supper, and his wife looked to him like a human being. Later he rcr 
turns to his village; has, however, nothing to do with his human wife; 
and spends his time hunting, at which he is very successful. During 
one of the hunts, he meets his bear children, to whom he gives the 
seals he has killed. Henceforth he feeds them regularly. His human 
wife overtakes him, and protests against his feeding cubs instead of 
her little ones. He submits, and begins to feed her children. "Pres- 
ently he went hunting again, and again took some seals to his cubs. 
As he was going toward them, he noticed that they did not act the 
same as usual. They lay flat on the ground with their ears erect. 
Then he landed; but when he got near them, they killed him. It is 
on account of this story that Te'qoedi claim the grizzly bear." - Here, 
then, a human ancestor has children from a woman, but has also cubs 
from his bear- wife. Although the bear nature of one of their ancestors 
is very pronounced, the Te'qoedi do not, of course, believe themselves 
to be the descendants of the cubs. This t>'pe of legend is very prev- 
alent. The people of the Kwakiutl clan G'e'xsEm, who claim the 
Q'o'moqoa as their crest, beheve themselves to be the actual descend- 
ants of Aik'a'a'yolisana, Q'o'moqoa's son, and Ha'taqa, the daughter 
of Raven. Q'o'moqoa, however, is not an animal, but a supernatural 
being, the spirit of the sea, and protector of seals, who kills hunters.' 

Still another type of clan tradition is found among the Kwakiutl. 
Here the crest animal comes to earth, and becomes a man, the an- 
cestor of the clan. "A bird was sitting on the beach of TE'ng'is," 
says the O'maxt'a'laLe tradition of one of the Kwakiutl clans. "He took 
off his mask, and then his name was NEm5'gwis. He became a man. 
Then he moved to K''a'qa. He had a son, whom he named O'maxt'a'- 
laLe. The child grew up fast; he became a real man." * In another 

* See Tylor, /. A. I., vol. xxviii, p. 144. 
^ Swanton, TUngit Myths, pp. 228-229. 
^ Boas, Kwakiutl, p. 374. * Ibid., p. 382 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 195 

Kwakiutl tradition, "Ss'iitlae, the Sun, came down to earth in the 
shape of a bird, became a man, and built a house in Yiq'amen. From 
there he went to Qo'moks, visited the Tlau'itsis, the NE'mkic, the 
Na'q'oartok, and finally reached THksi'uae in the land of the Kwakiutl, 
where he settled down in Q''ai'oq. He took a wife from each tribe, and 
his clan bears the name Sfsintle. He decided to remain in Tliksi'uae, 
and married a woman belonging to the Kwakiutl tribe. He had a son 
by her, whose name was Tsqtsqa'lis." ^ . . . 

"The Thunder-Bird was living in the upper world with his wife; 
and the name of the Thunder-Bird was Too-Large," relates the Head- 
Winter-Dancer legend of a Kwakiutl clan. Too-Large and his wife 
decided to go to the lower world. "Then he put on his thunder- 
bird mask, and his wife also put on her thunder-bird mask. They 
came flying through the door of the upper world." Here they saw a 
man at work upon his (future) house, who said, "O friends! I wish 
you would become men, that you may come and help me make this 
house." Too-Large lifted at once the jaw of his thunder-bird mask, 
and said, "0 brother! we are people," etc.^ In all these legends the 
central feature is human descent; but the ancestor is at first an ani- 
mal, and becomes a man by taking off his animal mask. Now, this 
last feature must clearly be attributed to the suggestion of the dances 
of the secret societies (note particularly the mode of becoming a 
man: "Too-Largeliftedatoncethe jaw of his thunder-bird mask" . . .).' 

The last three legends could, of course, be formally interpreted as 
containing the concept of descent from the crest animal.* Such an 
interpretation, however, would but imperfectly represent the actual 
conditions. Traditional as well as historical evidence leaves scarcely 
any room for doubt that human descent is an ancient feature through- 
out the entire area under consideration. We still find it clearly ex- 
pressed in all the clan and family legends; but here it has undergone 
various transformations under the influence of the guardian-spirit idea 
in its many forms and embodiments, including the secret societies 
and the family and clan crests. 

In the Tlingit beaver tradition the association of the ancestors 
with the crest animal is a very superficial one. In the Haida killer- 
whale and the Tlingit frog traditions the intimacy of the association 
becomes very considerable. In the Tlingit grizzly-bear story, and the 

• ' Boas, 7. S., p. 166. 

* Boas and Hunt, Jcsup Exped., vol. iii, pp. 165-166. 

' A derivation in the opposite direction would obviously be out of court, as animal 
guardians and secret societies are of much older standing in this area than the clan 
organization with its concomitant traditions (see Boas, Kwakiutl, pp. 661-663, where 
attention is also drawn to the great variability of traditions accounting for the origin 
of the same ceremonial, as indicative of the more recent character of the former). 

* See Hartland, Folk- Lore, xi (1900), p. 61; and Lang, 5. T., p. 211. 

196 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

many similar traditions of the Haida, Tsimshian, and Kwakiutl, the 
association becomes to a degree an identification through the marriage 
of the ancestor to the crest animal. In all these legends, however, the 
acquisition of the crest does not mark the origin of the exogamic group , 
the ancestral individuals are in existence before the acquisition of 
the crest. In the last-quoted Kwakiutl legends, finally, the ancestor 
actually becomes the crest animal transformed; the concept thus 
originated bearing all prima facie evidence of being a variant of the 
descent from the totem motive.^ 

Summarizing briefly, we may say that the concept of descent from 
the totem as an integral part of the totemic system is absent in British 
Columbia; but here the interaction of two distinct concepts — human 
descent and guardian spirit — resulted in curious modifications of the 
human-descent idea, some of which approximate rather closely to the 
concept which is universal in Australia. 


Australia. — In AustraHa taboo plays a prominent part in con- 
nection with the totemic system, and appears in many different as- 
pects. Among the Arabana the totem animal must not be eaten; 
it may be killed, however, and handed over to members of other 
totems to be eaten by them.^ Among the Aranda, the totemites are 
not absolutely debarred from eating their totem animal, but they eat 
of it sparingly. At the performance of the intichinma^ ceremony, 
however, the alatunja must eat of the totem animal.'* Among the 
Unmatjera and Kaitish the totemites may not eat their totem, while 
members of other totems may eat it, but not without permission of 
a member of the particular totem. ^ 

A man may himself shrink from kilHng his totem animal; he will, 
however, assist others to do so, as in the case of the euro man who 
gave a euro churinga ** to a plum-tree man to assist the latter in his 
chase for euro.^ There is considerable variabihty between the totems 
in regard to this point. Sometimes a man may kill his totem, but in 
doing so he must proceed humanely : a kangaroo man must not bru- 

' A striking development of a similar character has occurred among the Lillooet. 
Here the entire clan and totemic organization is clearly borrowed from the coast tribes, 
the original social and political unit having been the village community, in which all 
the members traced their descent from a common human ancestor. During the process 
of the adoption of the totemic clan system, the crest of the clan became identified with 
the human ancestor, whereupon the clansmen proceeded to trace their descent from the 
cfest animal (see pp. 283-284). 

2 Spencer and Gillen, ii, p. 149. ^ See p. 288, note 3. 

* Spencer and Gillen, i, pp. 167-168. ^ Ibid., ii, pp. 159-160. 

' Strehlow writes tjurunga. ' Spencer and Gillen, i, p. 202. 

Totemisiit, an Analytical Study 197 

tally attack the kangaroo "so that the blood gushes out," but is only 
permitted to hit it on the neck. Having thus killed the animal, he may 
eat its head, feet, and liver; the rest he must leave to his friends. 
The emu man must exercise similar caution. A man belonging to a 
specific fish totem can eat only a few fishes of that species; but if the 
fish stink, he may eat of them to his heart's content. The wild-turkey 
man, on the other hand, may kill his totem, but the eating of any part 
of it is forbidden to him. The same appKes to the eagle man. The 
mosquito man, finally, may neither kill nor eat the insects. A kwatja 
(water or rain) man must be moderate in his use of water; but when 
it rains, he is not permitted to hide himself in his hut, but must stand 
in the open, with no other protection over his head than his shield.^ 

In the Warramunga group a man may neither kill nor eat his totem 
animal; the same prohibition, however, applies also to the totems of 
his father and father's father, whether the latter, as is usually the case, 
be identical with his own, or different. As to the mother's totem, it 
is also subject to restrictions which vary in the different tribes. ^J 

A variety of other regulations, only partly or not at all associated 
with totemism, are plentiful. Some food prohibitions embrace much 
wider groups than a single totemic community. Thus the wildcat 
(achilpa) is taboo to all Aranda,^ while the prohibition against the 
eating of the brown-hawk applies to a still larger number of tribes.* 
Or the prohibition apphes only to the most valued parts of an animal : 
An emu man will eat his totem, but he is careful not to eat the best 
part of it, such as the fat; ^ among the Anula and ]\Iara tribes the full- 
grown totem animal is (usually) taboo, but they will eat a half-grown 
one or just a Httle of a full-grown one." Other prohibitions are as- 
sociated with particular periods in life. A youth, after having been 
circumcised and until he has recovered from the ceremony of sub- 
incision {ariltha), is forbidden to eat the flesh of snakes, opossums, 
echidna, and other animals.^ The Hst of foods prohibited to the 
boy before circumcision is very long, and the consequences sup- 
posed to ensue when such prohibitions are \4olated are as varied 
as they are fanciful. He may not eat a kangaroo-tail (penalty, pre- 
mature age and decay), a female bandicoot (penalty, probably bleed 
to death at circumcision), all kinds of parrots and cockatoos (penalty, 
development of a hollow on the top of the head), etc.^ 

A pregnant woman, and in some tribes her husband, are forbidden 
to eat certain animals.^ Some animals seem to be restricted to the 

' Strehlow, ii, p. 59. 2 Spencer and Gillen, ii, p. 166. 

^ Ibid., i, pp. 167-168. * Ibid., ii, p. 612. 

^ Ibid., i, p. 202. * Ibid., ii, p. 173. 

' Ibid., i, p. 470. * Ibid., i, p. 471. 
' Ibid., ii, p. 614. 

igS Journal oj American Folk-Lore 

use of those above a certain age: " A man is usually well on in middle 
age before he is allowed to eat such things as wild-turkey, rabbit- 
bandicoot, and emu." ^ The old men, on the other hand, are generally 
exempt from all taboos, even (among the Aranda) from that of the 
achilpa, but that only when they are very old and "their hair is turn- 
ing white." 2 

Thus it appears that in AustraHa the phenomenon of taboo, although 
by no means coextensive with totemism, is yet intimately associated 
with it. A great many food restrictions have nothing whatever to" do 
with the totemic animals, but as great a variety of prohibitions have 
become part of the totemic system. The striking feature is the great 
variability of the restrictions, which ought to discourage any attempt 
to directly correlate the taboo with any attitude towards the totem, 
as towards a "brother" or friend, or protector, who must be treated 
with respect, and must not be killed or eaten. The fact remains, how- 
ever, that taboos of one form or another are found in conjunction with 
practically all totems. 

British Columbia. — Among the Thompson River Indians a 
pregnant woman was not allowed to eat or even touch porcupine- 
flesh, or to eat anything killed by a hawk or an eagle. " If she ate flesh 
of the bear, the child would have a hare hp." The lynx and dog were 
interdicted on account of the part played by those animals in mytho- 
logical traditions. Anything her husband was forbidden to eat, she 
also had to abstain from. The flesh of the black bear was also forbidden 
to her. " She must not eat food of which a mouse, a rat, or a dog had 
eaten part; for if she did, she would have a premature birth." If 
pregnant for the first time, she must not eat salmon-heads or touch 
salmon.^ The husband of a pregnant woman is also limited in his 
choice of food. He must not eat or hunt the black or grizzly bear, 
" else the child would dissolve or cease to exist in the mother's womb, or 
would be still-born," etc. Among the Lillooet Indians, on the other 
hand, the pregnant woman and her husband could eat anything, " even 
the hare and porcupine."^ Only the mysterious parts of animals were 
forbidden to them.^ 

After the birth of a child, the husband must not eat or touch the 
flesh of any animal for at least a day after it had been killed; while 

1 Spencer and Gillen, ii, p. 612. ^ Ibid., ii, pp. 167-168. 

5 Teit, Jesiip Exped., vol. i, p. 303. * Ibid., vol. ii, p. 260. 

* "Certain parts of animals were called 'mysterious,' and were only eaten by old men- 
Others, when eating them, would become sick. Hunters cut them out, pierced them with 
a stick, and placed them on the branch of a tree. The parts of greatest mysterious 
power were the 'paint' or 'paint-bag' piece of the ham near the thigh; the ski'kiks, a 
piece of the flesh of the front leg; and the 'apron,' the fleshy part of the belly, extending 
down to between the hind-legs. The head, feet, heart, kidneys, and other portions of 
the inside, were mysterious in a less degree." — Ibid., vol. ii, p. 280. 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 199 

his wife must not eat any fresh meat for from six months to one year 
after the birth of her child. ^ 

Among the Shuswap, a pregnant woman must not touch or look at 
a black bear, nor may she pass near a black bear that has been killed. 
She must not partake of any bird, manamal, or fish (except salmon) 
unless at least a day old.^ 

Among the Haida, a pregnant woman was not permitted to eat 
cormorant, abalone, and other animals. "If she ate the former, the 
child would defecate all the time; if the latter, it would have its neck 
turned aroimd." ^ 

Other restrictions refer to the menstruating period of a woman. 
Among the Lillooet, a woman in that condition was not allowed to eat 
the head, feet, or any part of the inside, of a deer or other large game.* 
A Shuswap woman was, under the same circumstances, prohibited 
from eating any fresh meat but that of the female mountain-sheep. 
"Women at no time ate the head-parts of any animals; and but few 
men ate them, except they were shamans." ^ A Shuswap lad, when 
traim'ng, did not eat any fat, " for it would make him heavy, make it 
difficult to vomit, and stop him from dreaming; " nor could he eat any 
fresh fish, except the tail-parts.® 

Among the Kwakiutl as well as among the Tsimshian, twins stand 
in special relations to the salmon. " They consider twins transformed 
salmon; and, as children of salmon, they are guarded against going 
near the water, as it is believed they will be retransformed into salmon. 
. . . Their mother's marks are considered scars of wounds which they 
received when they were struck by a harpoon while still having the 
shape of salmon." ^ On the coast there is a belief that hunters will 
become killer- whales; accordingly, they do not hunt these animals. 
The wolf, dog, and panther must not be killed among the Kwakiutl, 
else the other animals will be afraid, and will evade the hunters. If 
a man has killed a wolf, he must go to the body and nod his head 
several times, apologizing that he did not know it was a wolf's path 
when laying the trap. He must cry, and express his regret at having 
killed a wolf. He asks the wolf to tell his relatives that he has been 
killed by mistake. Then the wolf's heart, fat, and intestines are 
buried in a hole.^ 

The Kwakiutl do not eat deer, because that would make them for- 
getful. A man must purify himself and abstain from food when he 
chops a tree for his house, else the latter will turn out rotten.^ Among 
the Nootka, " chiefs alone are allowed to hunt whales and to act as 

* Teit, Jesup Exped., vol. ii, pp. 260-261. ^ Ibid., vol. ii, p. 584. 

' Swanton, Jesup Exped., vol. v, p. 47. * Teit, Jesup Exped., vol. ii, p. 269. 

* Ibid., vol. ii, p. 592. ' Ibid., vol. ii, p. 559. 

' Boas, B.A.A.S., vol. 59, 5th Rept., p. 51. ^ Boas, unpublished material 

200 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

harpooners." ^ Among the Kwakiutl, men who catch geese are not 
allowed to eat herring-eggs, because this will cause the geese to scatter; 
nor may they eat rock-cod, which causes the fire to be red and smoky, 
so that they cannot see what they are looking for. Sea-eggs and tal- 
low are also forbidden to them, for these will cause their faces to become 
white and easily visible to the birds. Every Kwakiutl has an owl 
which is his soul; so owls must not be killed, for when an owl is killed, 
a person is killed. 2 ,'.,'.■ 

We see that food and killing restrictions are many and manifold in 
British Columbia, and, as a whole, are strictly comparable to the 
analogous phenomenon in Australia. In the latter area, however, 
taboos are also found in intimate and inextricable association with 
totemic phenomena; so much so, that, as indicated above, the taboo 
on the totemic animal came to be recognized as one of the traits that 
are of the essence of totemism. Accordingly, when the curious con- 
ditions among the tribes of Central Australia came to Hght, where 
the totem animal may in some tribes be eaten of sparingly, and on 
certain occasions must be eaten, the case was pronounced highly 
anomalous, and proved a strong stimulus to speculations as to the 
causes of so strange a phenomenon. 

In British Columbia we fail to find any taboos in association with 
totemism. The living representatives of eponymous species, which 
figure so prominently in myths and traditions, are in no way differ- 
entiated by the natives from other animals: they may be seen, touched, 
killed, and eaten without the least danger of resentment on the part 
of natural or supernatural agencies; and if a killing or eating prohi- 
bition happens to attach itself to such an animal, it is taboo on a par 
with other interdicted animals, not as a living representative of the 

A possible criticism must be met here. True enough, taboo does not 
figure in the totemism of British Columbia. But are we here deahng 
with a primitive condition? Is not rather the totemism of British 
Columbia caught at a very late stage of development ? The totem has 
become attenuated to a crest, to a symbol; the hving, flesh and blood 
relationship with the totem animal has been transferred into the realm 
of mythology; and, naturally enough, the taboo on the totem animal 
has dwindled away and finally disappeared. To a retort of that char- 
acter, I would answer that we may safely assert that there is not one 
phase of human culture, so far represented in an evolutionary series 
of successive stages of development, where the succession given has 
been so amply justified by observation of historic fact as to be safely 
adopted as a principle of interpretation. Totemism is not an excep- 

* Boas, B. /I. /I. 5., vol. 60, 6th Rept., p. 33. ^ Boas, unpublished material. 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 201 

tion. If any traces of totemic taboos were discovered in British Co- 
lumbia, we should hesitate and perhaps suspend judgment; but no 
such traces are extant. Hence the onus probandi rests with those who 
may choose to postulate transformations like the above. 

If we were guided by the traditional "symptoms" of totemism, 
our comparison ought to end here. We have passed in review the phe- 
nomena of exogamy, totemic names, and religious attitude towards the 
totem as reflected in behefs of descent from the totem and in taboos. 
To any one, however, at all acquainted with totemistic discussion in the 
past, the presentation given of the totemic phenomena in AustraHa 
and British Columbia will appear sorely incomplete. What of the 
intichiuma ceremonies and of the belief in reincarnation, about which 
so much has been written ? What of the totemic art of British Colum- 
bia and of the guardian-spirit idea, which in the mind of many a 
student are inextricably associated with that area ? Obviously, we 
must now turn to these phenomena, and try to ascertain their posi- 
tion with reference to totemism, as represented by its classic ''symp- 

Magical Ceremonies 

Australia. — Among the Aranda, the main part of the intichiuma 
ceremonies consists of a series of magical rites supposed to further the 
increase of the totem animal. The chief elements of the kangaroo 
totem intichiuma, for instance, are a stone rubbing ceremony, the 
decoration of the rock-ledge, and a blood-letting ceremony. In that 
instance, one of the two stones is supposed to represent an "old-man" 
kangaroo, and the other a female. The former is rubbed with a stone 
by the Purula man, and the latter by the Bukhara man. 

In the decoration of the rock-ledge, ' ' red ochre and powdered gyp- 
sum are used; and with these, alternate vertical Hnes are painted on 
the face of the rock, each about a foot in width, the painting of the 
left side being done by the Panunga and Bukhara men, and that of 
the right by the Purula and Kumara." ^ The red stripes are the red 
fur, the white ones the bones, of the kangaroo. In the blood-letting 
ceremony which follows, the Panunga and Bukhara men sit down at 
the left side, while the Purula and Kumara sit at the right. "They 
open veins in their arms, and allow the blood to spur tie out over the 
edge of the ceremonial stone on the top of which they are seated. 
While this is taking place, the men below sit still, watching the per- 
formers, and singing chants referring to the increase of the numbers 
of the kangaroos which the ceremony is supposed to insure." ^ The 
ceremony is performed at a spot where in the alcheringa many kan- 

^ Spencer and Gillen, i, p. 201. 
. ^ Strehlow indorses Spencer and Gillen 's views as to the general purpose of the 

202 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

garoo animals have gone into the ground, and the end of increasing 
the supply of kangaroos is achieved "by means of pouring out the 
blood of kangaroo men upon the rock, to drive out in all directions the 
spirits of the kangaroo animals." ^ 

Every totem group has its own totemic ceremony, which is per- 
formed at a time specified by the alalunja, the head man of the group, 
who is in charge of the ceremony. All men belonging to the particu- 
lar totem are allowed to be present; sometimes men of other totems 
but of the same moiety, who happen to be in camp, are invited to 
witness the ceremony; men who belong neither to the right totem nor 
to the right moiety are stringently excluded. 

During most of the intichiuma, the performers follow at least part 
of the path over which the ancestral animals in the alcheringa have 

The cJmringa play an important part in the Aranda ceremonies. 
At one stage, for instance, of the witchetty grub totem intichiiima, the 
alatunja and his associates arrive at a spot where Intwuihuka, the 
great leader of the witchetty grubs in the alcheringa, used to stand 
while he threw up the face of the rock a number of churinga unchima, 
which rolled down again to his feet; accordingly the alatunja does 
the same with some of the churinga which have been brought from 
the storehouse close by. While he is doing this, the other members 
of the party run up and down the face of the rocky ledge, singing all 
the time. The stones roll down into the bed of the creek, and are care- 
fully gathered together and replaced in the store. ^ 

Later in the performance these stones appear on the stage. The 
larger one is called churinga uchaqua, and represents the chrysahs 
stage from which emerges the adult animal; the smaller is one of 
the churinga unchima, or eggs,^ etc. 

When deahng with taboo, we have seen that among the Aranda the 
interdict against the eating and kilKng of the totem is rather mild, 
but that during the performance of the intichiuma ceremony the 
alatunja must eat a little of the totem animal, or else the ceremony 
would not succeed. Among the Kaitish, Unmatjera, and Worgaia, a 
ceremony having reference to some incident in the alcheringa history 
of the totemic group ^ is performed by the head man of the totem 
(ulqua) as part of the intichiuma ceremony. Here the preparations 
for the ceremony, including the decoration of the performers, are not 

intichiuma ceremonies, although he believes that the natives do not have that purpose 
in mind when performing the ceremony, but simply follow the precedent of their fathers 
and fathers' fathers. They are, however, well aware of the fact that an increased food- 
supply will be the inevitable outcome of the ceremony (Strehlow, ii, p. 59, note). 
' Spencer and Gillen, i, p. 206. 

* Ibid., i, p. 172. 3 Ibid., i, pp. 172-173. 

* Ibid., i, p. 173. * Ibid., ii, p. 292. 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 203 

made by the totemites themselves, but by individuals belonging to the 
other moiety of the tribe. Among these tribes, the churinga continue 
to be an important factor in the ceremonies.^ The totemites have the 
power to increase the supply of the totem, but they make use of it 
for the benefit of the members of other totem groups. They eat very 
little of their totem except during the intichiuma ceremony, when — 
as among the Aranda — the head man must eat a little of the totem 
animal. Having completed the ceremony, he gives permission to the 
members of the other moiety to eat freely of his totem, while he and 
his fellow-totemites will henceforth eat of it only very sparingly. If 
a man of any totemic group eats too much of his own totem, he 
will be, as the natives say, "boned" (that is, killed by a charmed 
bone) by men who belong to the other moiety of the tribe, for the 
simple reason that if he eats too freely of his totem, then he will 
lose the power of performing the intichiuma, and so of increasing his 

Among the Warramunga as well as the Walpari, Wulmala, Tjingilli, 
and Umbaia, although the members of a totem group perform their 
intichiuma ceremony, they can do so only on invitation from the other 
moiety of the tribe. All the preparations for the ceremony are made 
by that other moiety, and during the performance no other members 
but the performers themselves of the moiety to which the particular 
totem belongs are permitted to be present.^ 

In all these tribes the churinga are practically absent from the inti- 
chiuma. The sacred ceremonies which constitute the essence of the 
intichiuma among the Aranda and Ilpirra, and predominate in those 
of the Kaitish, Unmatjera, and Worgaia, completely disappear among 
the Warramunga. Here their place is taken by the performance of a 
complete series of ceremonies representing the alcheringa history of 
the totemic ancestor.' 

Spencer and Gillen have witnessed almost a complete cycle of these 
ceremonies, which started on July 26. When, on September 18, our in- 
vestigators left the tribe, the cycle was not yet completed, although 
more than eighty totemic ceremonies had been performed.^ During 
these ceremonies the performers follow, so to say, the footsteps of their 
alcheringa ancestor; they move from rock-ledge to rock-ledge, and 
from water-hole to water-hole, performing at these spots the same 
ceremonies he had performed, and enacting all the while the incidents 
which enlivened his varied career. The characteristic single feature 
of all such ceremonies is the shaking of the body "done in imitation 
of the old ancestor who is reported to have always shaken himself 
when he performed sacred ceremonies. The spirit individuals used to 

' Spencer and Gillen, ii, p. 293. 2 /^/^^.^ \\^ p. 298. 

^ Ibid., ii, p. 297. ■* Ibid., ii, pp. 298-299. 

VOL. XXIII. — vo. 88. 14 

204 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

emanate from him just as the white down flies off from the bodies of 
the performers at the present day when they shake themselves." ^ 

The men of the totem, as well as those of the entire moiety to which 
the totem belongs, are strictly forbidden to eat the totem. They may 
kill it, however, and hand it over to men of the other moiety. " If the 
men of the totem should eat it, the behef is that it would cause their 
death, and at the same time prevent the animal from multiplying." ^ 

When, after the performance of the intichiuma of, for instance, the 
carpet-snake totem, the snake appears, the men of the other moiety 
go out and bring one in to the head man, and say to him, "Do you 
want to eat this?" He replies, "No, I have made it for you; suppose 
I were to eat it, then it might go away, all of you go and eat it." ^ This, 
with considerable variations, is the typical procedure at the end of the 

Our rapid survey has, I think, made it clear that the intichiuma 
ceremonies have become an inextricable part of the totemic Hfe of the 
tribes of Central Australia, nay, that they have become the ceremonial 
expression of that life. In the performance of the ceremonies, the 
functions of the phratries rival in importance those of the totem 
groups; while the peculiar variability of the totemic taboo among 
these tribes is obviously conditioned by its relation to the intichiuma. 

British Columbia. — Ceremonies intended to insure the supply 
of food are by no means foreign to the culture of British Columbia. 
Here we usually find the element of propitiation rather strongly em- 
phasized. When Lillooet hunters killed a bear, they sang a mourning 
song to the dead animal about as follows: "You died first, greatest of 
animals. We respect you, and will treat you accordingly. No woman 
shall eat your flesh; no dogs shall insult you. May the lesser animals all 
follow you, and die by our traps, snares, and arrows! May we now 
kill much game, and may the goods of those we gamble with follow us, 
and come into our possession ! May the goods of those we play lehal 
with become completely ours, even as an animal slain by us!" ^ The 
head of the slain animal was raised on the top of a pole, hung to the 
branch of a tree, or thrown into the water. Thus the bears would be 
satisfied, would not take revenge on the hunters, or send them ill 

The Lower Lillooet believed that the first salmon of the season had to 
be treated properly if the runs were to be good. Ceremonies with that 
end in view were performed at all fishing-stations, under the super- 
vision of the clan chief. When the first salmon was sighted, the chief 
summoned a boy, and sent him to all the fishing-places, and to all the 
streams the salmon were known to ascend, bidding him to pray for a 

^ Spencer and Gillen, ii, p. 301. ^ Ibid., ii, p. 308. 

' Ibid., ii, p. 309. * Teit, Jesup Exped., vol. ii, p. 279. 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 205 

heavy run. The boy prayed to the salmon, and he also prayed to the 
streams and fishing-places. Just before the people were ready to catch 
the first salmon, the tops of the poles of weirs were decorated with 
feathers of the owl, hawk, red-winged flicker, and eagle. After the 
salmon was caught, but before it was taken from the water, it was 
rolled up in a bag or mat; "for, if it should see the ground, no more sal- 
mon would come." ^ All the objects used in the cooking and prepara- 
tion of the salmon were new, never used before, and carefully guarded 
from contact with possible polluting influences. "No unmarried 
adult woman, menstruating woman, orphan, widow, or widower was 
allowed to eat of the first salmon. If they did, there would be a poor 
run. All the other people must eat of the salmon-mush, — the males 
out of one dish, the females out of another. The brew was drunk. . . . 
It is believed that if the first salmon were cut with a knife, there would 
be no run." ^ Other ceremonies must be associated with mysteri- 
ous powers ascribed to animals. Certain animals could control the 
weather, — the coyote and hare, the cold; the mountain-goat, snow; 
the beaver, rain. "If for any reason the people desired cold weather, 
snow, or rain, they burnt the skin of the animal having control of the 
desired weather, and prayed to it."^ When, on the contrary, they 
were anxious to avoid certain kinds of weather, they took good care 
that no part of the skin of the corresponding animal should come 
near a fire.^ In the last-mentioned ceremonies the magical element 
predominates, thus strengthening the analogy with the Austrahan 
intichiuma. Other ceremonies referred to the first berries of the season. 
When the berries were ripe, the chiefs summoned all the people, and 
announced that the time for picking berries had arrived. When the 
men, women, and children, who had meanwhile painted their faces and 
other exposed parts of their bodies red, were seated, "the chief took 
a birch-bark tray containing some of the various kinds of ripe berries. 
Walking forward, he held the tray up towards the highest mountain in 
sight, saying, 'Qai'lus, we tell you we are going to eat fruit. Moun- 
tains, we tell you we are going to eat fruit.' After addressing each of 
the mountain-tops in this manner, he went around the people, follow- 
ing the sun's course, and gave each of them a berry to eat. After this 
the people dispersed, and the women proceeded to pick berries. That 
day they gathered not more than could be eaten the same night. If 
they gathered more than this, they would afterwards be unlucky in 
procuring roots or berries." ^ 

Among the Sahsh of the interior, when the run of salmon began, the 
first caught was brought to the chief, who gathered the people for 
prayer and dancing. Only the chief prayed, never uttering any words 

' Teit, Jesup Exped., vol. ii, p. 280. ^ Ibid., vol. ii, p. 281. 

' Ibid., vol. ii, p. 290. * Ibid., vol. ii, p. 282. 

2o6 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

aloud, the others meanwhile keeping their eyes closed. This last detail 
"was among the Salish an essential feature of the act, the non-observ- 
ance of which always caused failure." Towards the end of the cere- 
mony the salmon was cooked, and "a small piece of it given to each 
person present." ^ Similar ceremonies were performed with the young 
succulent suckers of the wild raspberry, and later in summer with the 
ripe berries of the plant. 

Many similar ceremonies were performed by the Thompson River 
Indians in connection with berries and tobacco-gathering, as well as 
with hunting, 2 while first-salmon ceremonies are a familiar feature 
among the tribes of the coast. Among the Haida, "hunters had their 
own rules. Before going out, they ate certain plants, and it was very 
important to 'count the nights.' After a certain number of these had 
passed, they bathed early in the morning, and started out the next fine 
weather. Sometimes they put black marks on their faces, sometimes 
they chewed tobacco, and sometimes they put feathers upon their 
heads. These hunting-rules descended from uncle to nephew, and as 
well from father to son." ^ 

In connection with fishing, the Haida had evidently reached the 
prosaic insight into the magical power of well-directed effort, for 
"there were some secret regulations used by the old men to bring suc- 
cess in fishing; but it was feared that, if young men began to use them, 
they would make poor fishermen all their fives." ^ 

The Tsimshian perform ceremonies when the first olachen are 
caught. " They are roasted on an instrument of elderberry-wood. . . . 
The man who roasts the fish on this instrument must wear his travel- 
ling-attire, — mittens, cape, etc. While it is roasted, they pray for 
plenty of fish, and ask that they might come to their fishing-ground. 
. . . The fire must not be blown up. In eating the fish, they must not 
cool it by blowing, nor break a single bone. Everything must be kept 
neat and clean. . . . The first fish that they give as a present to their 
neighbors must be covered with a new mat. When the fish become 
more plentiful, they are doubled up, and roasted on the point of a 
stick. After that they are treated without any further ceremonies. " * 

Among the Kwakiutl, the first female land-otter of the season is 

1 Hill-Tout, /. A. I., 1904, p. 330. 

^ Teit, Jesup Exped., vol. i, pp. 346, 350 et seq. 

' Swanton, Jesup Exped., vol. v, p. 57. These hunting-rules of the Haida are interest- 
ing as perhaps illustrating one way in which magical practices to promote the chase or 
increase the food-supply may have developed. As such rules are transmitted from 
generation to generation, they tend to become stable, and in due time categorical. 
A breach of the rules may thus come to carry with it the danger of failure (as is 
indeed often the case); and the strict observance of the rules, which have meanwhile 
become stereot>-ped into a ritual, may acquire a direct magical significance. 

* Boas, B. A. A. S., vol. 59, 5th Rept., p. 51. 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 207 

treated ceremoniously. They place it on a skinning-mat, and move 
the knife from the mouth down along the lower side of the animal, 
without cutting, however. In doing so, they draw in their breath. 
This is repeated three times; the fourth time they cut. Then the skin 
is cut off, and the body is put down on its stomach. Then the skin is 
thrown on it with the words, " Now call your husband!" The skin is 
lifted, turned around, and thrown on again, with the words, " Now call 
your brother!" A third time the skin is Kfted, turned around, and 
thrown on again: '* Now call your uncles!" The process is repeated 
again and again, the land-otter being asked to call its fathers, children, 
and tribe. Then the body is hung up in a corner of the house. Similar 
ceremonies are performed with beavers, raccoons, and martens. When 
a bear is killed, it is treated in much the same way, and then eaten; 
or a loop is put through its nose, and the body is then hung up in a 
corner of the house. ^ 

Magical ceremonies intended to preserve or increase the food-supply 
are thus seen to be a by no means unfamiliar or unimportant feature 
in the daily Hfe of the tribes of British Columbia. Here, however, 
these ceremonies have no reference whatever to totemic animals, and 
stand quite apart from all totemistic beliefs and practices. 

Reincarnation of Ancestral Spirits 

Australia. — Each of the alcheringa ancestors (Aranda) is repre- 
sented as carr}dng with him one or more sacred stones or churinga, each 
one of which was associated v/ith the spirit part of some indi\ddual. At 
the spots where the ancestors originated and stayed, or at the camping- 
places where they stopped during their wanderings, local totem centres 
(oknanikilla) arose; for at such spots a number of the ancestors went 
into the ground with their churinga. Their bodies died,^ but some nat- 
ural feature arose to mark the spot, while the spirit remained in the 
churinga. Other churinga were placed in the ground, a tree or rock 
again arising at the spot. Thus the entire country through which the 
alcheringa ancestors travelled is dotted with totem centres at which 
a number of churinga associated with spirit individuals are deposited. 

The Aranda believe that another spirit being issues from the 
nanja (the sacred tree, rock, or what not, at the oknanikilla). This 
spirit watches over the ancestral spirit which abides in the churinga.^ 
Among the Unmatjera and Kaitish there were comparatively few 
groups of individuals who left spirit individuals behind them associ- 
ated with churinga; but here the ancestors, often two in number, had 

^ Boas, unpublished material. 

'' According to Strehlow (ii, p. 52), the rocks, trees, water-holes, found at such places, 
are the transformed bodies of the ancestors. 
* Spencer and Gillen, i p. 513. 

2o8 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

with them stores of churinga, which they deposited in the ground, thus 
giving rise to totem centres.^ Similar cases occur among the Worgaia. 
Among the tribes farther north, however, beginning with the Warra- 
munga, an association of ancestors with the churinga occurs in but very 
few cases. The chameleonic ancestor of several of the Warramunga 
snake totems - had no churinga of his own, " but he stole a small one 
which belonged to the ancestor of the Wollunqua snake totem." ^ In 
these tribes the ancestor — for, almost without exception, there is 
only one — performs sacred ceremonies at certain spots, leaving be- 
hind spirit children who emanate from his bod}^'* These spirit children 
are completely developed bo3^s and girls, of reddish color, with body 
and soul. They can only be seen by medicine-men.^ From the above 
facts, Spencer and Gillen arrived at the conclusion that '' in every 
tribe without exception there is a behef in the reincarnation of ances- 
tors." In connection with the mai-aurli ancestors of the Arabana, 
we read, " Since that early time when the various totem groups were 
thus instituted, the mai-aurli have been constantly undergoing rein- 
carnation." ^ And when speaking of the Aranda churinga, they insist 
that " in the native mind the value of the churinga at the present day, 
whatever may have been the case in past times, lies in the fact that 
each one is intimately associated with, and is indeed the representa- 
tion of, the alcheringa ancestors with the attributes of whom it is en- 
dowed. When the spirit part has gone into a woman, and a child has, 
as a result, been born, then that living child is the reincarnation of 
that particular spirit individual.^ When an Aranda dies, relate Spencer 
and Gillen, and the mourning ceremonies connected with the burial 
are carried out, the soul of the deceased returns to its nanja, and sta3^s 
there in the company of its spirit guardian. In due time it becomes 
associated with another churinga ; and eventually, " but not until even 
the bones have crumbled awa}^," it may be reborn in human form.* 
Again and again do Spencer and Gillen return to this point, their state- 
ments always being absolutely categorical.^ 

Strangely enough, Spencer and Gillen's conclusions do not seem in 
this instance to be borne out by their own facts. ^"^ When they tell us that 
at the time of their visit to the Warramunga country " there was an old 
Worgaia man visiting the Warramunga tribe, who, together with his 
brother, was the reincarnation of one of their alcheringa yams,^^ it is 
not easy to see how the ancestor's spirit could be reincarnated in both 

^ Spencer and Gillen, ii, p. 273. " See p. 192. 

' Spencer and Gillen, ii, p. 163. * Ibid., ii, p. 161. 

* Strehlow, ii, p. 52. 

' Spencer and Gillen, ii, p. 146; cf. also pp. 148-149. 

^ Ibid., i, p. 138. ^ Ibid., i, p. 515. 

* Ibid., i, pp. 124, 125 et seq. ; ii, 150, 156, 174, 273, 274, 606 et seq. 

'" See Leonhardi, ii, p. 56, note. " Spencer and Gillen, ii, p. 274. 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 209 

brothers at the same time. The erroneousness of the concept (or ter- 
minology ?) , moreover, can be seen throughout. When the mai-aiirli of 
the Arabana are supposed to undergo constant reincarnation, or when 
the ancestral group of Aranda totemites — incomplete creatures orig- 
inally, but shaped into complete men and women by the knife of the 
transformer — are beheved to lead an eternal existence in the bodily 
frames of uncounted generations of totemites, there is a certain plausi- 
bihty in the conception; but when we come to the Kaitish, we generally 
find a small number of ancestors (often two) going about with great 
quantities of chiiringa associated with spirit individuals, which they 
deposit in the ground. Among the Warramunga, as a rule, only one an- 
cestor appears on the scene, and this condition becomes characteristic 
among the northern tribes. These ancestors leave behind spirit chil- 
dren who emanate from their bodies during the performance of sacred 
ceremonies. The spirits associated with the churinga (Kaitish), or the 
spirit children issued from the bodies of ancestors (Warramunga and 
northern tribes), are reborn by entering the bodies of women who pass 
near the spots haunted by such spirits. To speak here of a reincarna- 
tion of ancestors would obviously be either a misstatement or a misap- 
phcation of the term. As far as the Aranda and Loritja are concerned, 
among whom the belief would, logically at least, be plausible, we can 
fortunately make use of Strehlow's data. At the instance of von Leon- 
hardi, the missionary made repeated inquiries among the natives with 
reference to that special point. He speaks in particular of three medi- 
cine-men, one of whom used to have great influence in his tribe. These 
medicine-men, as well as the other natives, pronounced Spencer and 
Gillen's account wrong. In a letter to Leonhardi dated February 9, 
1905,^ Strehlow writes the following: 

The male spirit children {ratapa) dwell in rocks, trees, or mistle- 
branches; the female ancestors, in rock crevices. Wlien a woman 
passes one of these spots, a ratapa enters her in the shape of an adult 
youth or girl with body and soul. Pains and nausea ensue. The ratapa 
in the woman's womb decreases in size, and is born as a child, which 
belongs to the corresponding totem. 2 — When a man dies, his soul 
does not go to the totem centre, but to the north, to the Island of the 
Dead (Laia), where it remains until there is rain on earth and green 
grass grows. It wanders about until it sees a tree with white bark, 
from which it shrinks in terror. Then it goes back to its former habitat 

' Globus vol. xci, No. i8 (1907), p. 285. 

' Von Leonhardi, in his introduction to the iirst volume of Strehlow's work, summarizes 
the different ways in which a woman may become pregnant thus: (i) A ratapa enters the 
woman; such children are born with narrow faces. (2) The totem ancestor emerges from 
the earth, and throws a small whirling-stick at the woman; the child thus conceived is 
bom with a broad face. (3) The ancestor himself enters the woman, and is reborn; such 
children have light hair. 

2IO Journal 0} American Folk-Lore 

on earth, and warns its friends against the dangers that are awaiting 
them. If the deceased left a small child, the father's soul enters it and 
stays until he grows a beard. Then it departs. If the son is an adult, 
the soul does not enter him, but waits behind his back until he marries 
and has a son, whom it enters and stays until the child has grown up, 
when it leaves him. It wanders about until finally killed by a stroke 
of hghtning. " Dieses Aufhoren des Seelenlebens," concludes Streh- 
low, " wird von den Schwarzen auf das bestimmteste behauptet. Man 
kann also nicht von einer Reincarnation sprechen, sondern nur von 
einer zeitweiligen Einwohnung der Seele des Vaters oder Grossvaters in 
seinem Sohn oder Enkel." 

In regard to the other tribes discussed by Spencer and Gillen, we 
have no such supplementary information ; so their data must provi- 
sionally stand, subject, of course, to the doubt which the logical incon- 
sistencies of their presentation arouse. Whatever the facts as to the 
reincarnation of ancestral spirits may turn out to be, the data collected 
by Spencer and Gillen and Strehlow show conclusively, that, in all the 
tribes in question, pregnancy is believed to be caused by a spirit enter- 
ing a woman's body, and that the child is the embodiment, the incar- 
nation, of that spirit. 

These spiritual ideas, as well as the material objects representing 
them, the chnringa, have taken deep root in the totemic life of the Cen- 
tral AustraHan tribes. The churinga is the common body of an indi- 
vidual and of his ancestor, and a guaranty of the latter's protection; 
while the loss of a chiirmga may arouse his revenge.^ Damage done to 
the churinga, however, does not of necessity mean destruction to its 
owner, but it fills him with a vague sense of danger. The churinga is 
not the abode of the spirit or hfe of any particular individual. Spencer 
and Gillen, 2 as well as Strehlow,^ are quite expHcit and positive as to 
this point. The churinga belonging to a totemic group are kept at 
special storage-places, the access to which is interdicted to women and 
uninitiated young men.^ When dealing with the intichiuma,^ we saw 
what an important part the churinga play in those ceremonies among 
the Aranda, Ilpirra, Unmatjera, and Kaitish. At the engwura ceremo- 
nies, special storage-places are provided for the churinga belonging to 
the two moieties of the tribe, and they are constantly being used in 
connection with the rites of initiation. The churinga, as a bull-roarer, 
resounds at the initiation of boys, and it is believed by the women that 
" the roaring is the voice of the great spirit, Timnyirlka, who has 
come to take the boy away."^ 

1 Strehlow, ii, p. 77. 2 Spencer and Gillen, i, p. 138. ^ Strehlow, ii, p. 76. 

* Ihid., ii, p. 78; Spencer and Gillen, i, p. 138. * See pp. 202-203. 

* Spencer and Gillen, i, p. 246; see also Ibid., ii, pp. 497 et seq., and Hewitt, -Y. T., 
pp. 565 el seq. 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 211 

The most significant function of the spirit indi\dduals is to enter the 
body of a woman, thus causing her to become pregnant, determining 
ipso facto the totem of the child. Women will avoid certain localities 
or abstain from touching certain trees, for, if they did not do so, the 
spirits associated with the spot or tree would be sure to enter them. 
The greatest freedom is left to the spirit among theAranda andLoritja, 
where the spirit of any totem may enter a woman, and the child has to 
follow suit. Of course, it is supposed to enter a woman of the proper 
phratry and class, but it may not do so. In connection with the class, 
such blunders do sometimes occur, and the child then follows the class 
of the spirit begetter. The corresponding behefs of the Kaitish are 
quite similar to those of the Aranda. Among the northern tribes, be- 
ginning with the Warramunga, where the paternal law of totemic de- 
scent becomes stringent, the spirits are not supposed to make any mis- 
takes as to class and totem. Among the Gnanji we find, in addition, 
the behef that the proper spirits are following a woman about, and, 
whenever she feels the first pangs of pregnancy, it is one of these spirits 
that has entered her. A most curious adjustment has occurred among 
the Arabana, where, to meet their peculiar rule of descent, the spirit 
child is supposed to change its totem, clan, and moiety at each succes- 
sive reincarnation, with the desired result of the child always belong- 
ing to the same moiety.^ 

* Spencer and Gillen, ii, pp. 148-149. In view of Strehlow's revelations about the 
reincarnation beliefs of the Aranda, statements like the above should be accepted with 
a grain of salt. 

A large body of latter-day speculation clusters about those beliefs of the natives. Say 
Spencer and Gillen, "We have amongst the Arunta, Luritcha, and Ilpirra tribes, and 
probably also amongst others, such as the Warramunga, the idea firmly held that the 
child is not the direct result of intercourse; that it may come without this, which merely, 
as it were, prepares the mother for the reception and birth also of an already formed spirit 
child who inhabits one of the local totem centres" (i, p. 265). Strehlow did not find among 
the Aranda the conception of the sexual act as a "preparation." He asserts that the 
cohahitatio is regarded merely as a pleasure, although in connection with animals the 
physical nexus of things is well understood (ii, p. 52, note 7). Roth furnishes identical 
information as to "the TuUy River Blacks" (Bulletin No. 5, pp. 22, 2.1). In Frazer's 
fertile mind, the above facts become the corner-stone of an hypothetical structure, the 
theory of conceptional totemism (1905, p. 458). Granted the authenticity of the facts, 
Frazer's interpretation of them impresses one as strangely naive. "So astounding an 
ignorance of natural causation," he exclaims, " cannot but date from a past immeasur- 
ably remote" {Ibid., p. 455). Not merely "the intercourse of the sexes as the cause of 
offspring," namely, is ignored, but also " the tie of blood on the maternal as well as the pa- 
ternal side." As to the ignorance of the maternal tie, Lang has said his word (5. T., p. 190). 
Apart from that, however, the deplorable ignorance of the natives could, if at all, be a test 
of primitiveness only if they proved to be too primitive to know better. They do know 
better, however, in the case of animals. This fact, together with some further evidence 
adduced by Lang (/. c.,pp. 190-193) and Schmidt {Z.f. £., 1908, pp. 883 et seq.),o\i%ht at 
least to check any direct psychological interpretation of the native's ignorance. We need 
not with Lang regard the Aranda theory as a "philosophic inference from philosophic 

212 Journal of American Folk -Lore 

British Columbia. — The Thompson River Indians believe that 
in some few cases souls return in new-born infants. If a male child dies, 
and the mother gives birth to another male child, the latter is believed 
to be "his dead brother come to life again." If the second child also 
dies, the same belief is held in regard to the third child, if a male. One 
of the reasons for this belief given by the Indians is that when a child 
dies, the next one born is almost always of the same sex as the deceased 
one. The soul of an elderly person cannot be reborn; nor can the soul 
of a male infant be reborn in a female infant; nor can the soul of an 
infant come to life again in an infant of another mother. " Formerly, ' ' 
adds Teit, "this behef was more general than it is now."^ Among 
the Shuswap, souls of dead children are sometimes reborn b}^ the 
same mother or a near relative; a male is always reborn a male, and 
vice versa. In some rare cases adults were believed to be reborn by 
a loved relative. Human souls could never be reborn in animals. ^ 
Among the Lillooet the belief in reincarnation is well developed. The 
souls "of almost all, if not all" children are reborn by the same mother 
or by a relative. The sex does not change. There is a belief that 
adults may also be reborn, "if they so desire," but that actual cases 
are of rare occurrence.^ Among the Tlingit, Swanton obtained the fol- 
lowing tale: "In a certain town a man was killed and went up to Ki'- 
waA, and by and by a woman of his clan gave birth to a child." In 
the course of the story the child turns out to be the same man who 
had been killed. He told his people about Ki waA, where all people 
killed by violence must go, etc. This story, or one like it, is repeated 
ever^-^vhere in the Tlingit country. If a person with a cut or scar on his 
body died and was reborn, the same marks reappeared on the infant.* 

premises" (Tylor Essays, 1907, p. 212); but in conjecturing that "their psychology has 
clouded their physiology," he probably comes little short of the mark. 

Passing over Reitzenstein's pretentious but uncritical article {Z. f. E., 1909, pp. 644 
et seq.), note Hartland's latest contribution to the subject. In the last chapter, on 
" Physiological Ignorance on the Subject of Conception," he says, "What I do mean is, 
that for generations and generations the truth that the child is only born in consequence 
of an act of sexual union, that the birth of a child is the natural consequence of such 
an act performed in favoring circumstances, and that every child must be the result of 
such an act and of no other cause, was not realized by mankind, that down to the present 
day it is imperfectly realized by some peoples, and that there are still others among whom 
it is unknown" {Primitive Pater)iity, hondon, 1910, ii, p. 250). The question seems worth 
asking, whether this conclusion would not be as convincing without as it is with the copi- 
ous evidence from mj^thology, folk-lore, and custom gathered in the author's two volumes ? 
That mankind did pass, and in part still remains in, a period of ignorance as to the true 
relation between the sexual act, conception, and birth, is scarcely a debatable subject. 
Evidence of the kind adduced does not help us to fix that ignorance chronologically. 
The real problem, therefore, consists in ascertaining, in each indi\'idual case that comes 
under investigation, just how much ignorance or knowledge there is as to the matter. 

' Teit, Jesup Exped., vol. i, p. 259. ^ Ibid., vol. ii, p. 611. 

^ Ibid., vol. ii, p. 287. * Swanton, 26th B. E. R., 1904-05, p. 463. 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 213 

The Kwakiutl believe that "the soul of a deceased person returns 
again in the first child born after his death." ^ The beliefs about killer- 
whales, salmon, wolves, etc., into wliich human beings become trans- 
formed after death, or to which they belonged before becoming men, 
also belong to the same category of ideas. ^ 

The belief in reincarnation may thus be said to be entertained to a 
greater or less extent by the tribes of British Columbia. In Australia, 
however, this belief has become an integral part of a complex system 
of behefs and ceremonies, and in a great many tribes the central fact 
of their totemic organization. In British Columbia, on the other hand, 
no such process has taken place. The belief in reincarnation exists as 
a psychological detail in the lives of these Indians; but it has not af- 
fected their other beliefs and practices. We find no trace of it in the 
ancestral traditions of their clans andfamihes; nor did it become asso- 
ciated with the many rites and ceremonies which form part of their 
totemic clan organization and of their secret societies. 

Guardian Spirits and Secret Societies 

British Columbia. — The southern Kwakiutl, as we saw, are di- 
vided into non-exogamous clans, which, through many transforma- 
tions, arose out of original village communities.^ Each clan derives its 
origin from a mythical ancestor, on whose adventures the crests and 
privileges of the clan depend.^ As described in the section on "De- 
scent," the ancestor, in the course of his adventures, meets the epony- 
mous animal of the clan, and in a variety of ways obtains from him 
supernatural powers or magical objects: such as the magic harpoon, 
which insures success in sea-otter hunting; the water of life, which re- 
suscitates the dead, etc. He also obtains a dance, a song, and cries 
which are peculiar to each spirit, as well as the right to use certain 
carvings.^ The dance always consists in a dramatic presentation of the 
myth in which the ancestor acquires the gifts of the spirit. These 
spirits are certain animals — the bear, wolf, sea-lion, killer-whale — 
and fabulous monsters, who become protectors of men.^ 

Such a monster is the Si'siuL, a fabulous double-headed snake that 
assumes the shape of a fish. To eat or see it is sure death. All joints of 
the culprit become dislocated, and his head is turned backwards. It is, 
however, very useful when friendly, and is claimed by warriors as their 
protector. Another monster is the cannibal woman Dzo'noqwa, who 
resides in the woods, etc.^ 

The more general the use of a crest in a clan, the older is the tradition 

^ Boas, B. A. A. S., vol. 60, 6th Rept., p. 59. ^ See p. 199, 

* Boas, Kwakiutl, p. 334. ■* Ibid., p. 333. 

* Ibid., p. 396. " Ibid., p. 371. 
. ' Ibid., pp. 370-372 et seq. 

214 Journal 0} American Folk-Lore 

of its acquisition. When the tradition is more recent, the use of the 
crest is restricted to the descendants of the person to whom the tra- 
dition refers. An extreme case is when one of the clansmen tells of 
his own acquisition of one of the crests of the clan. In all cases the 
spirits and their gifts are hereditary.^ 

The spirits so far dealt with appear only in the ancestral traditions, 
in which no reference is made to any special relation between such 
spirits and the ancestor's descendants. But we also find other spirits 
acquired individually by the young men : they are the personal guard- 
ian spirits or protectors, thus corresponding strictly to the manitou of 
so many of the Indian tribes of North America. The youth expects to 
meet only spirits belonging to his clan.^ Such a spirit is Making- War- 
All-Over-the-Earth. Under his protection, the youth may obtain 
three different powers : he may become invulnera?3le and acquire power 
over the Si'siuL; he may acquire the capacity of catching the invisible 
dream-spirit (which is a worm), and of using it against his enemies; 
and he may become insensible to the pain of wounds, and proof against 
death itself. With the assistance of The-First-One-to-eat-Man-at- 
the-Mouth-of-the-River, another spirit, nine powers may be obtained.'^ 
The spirit MadEm is a bird, and gives the faculty of flying. Various 
ghost spirits give the power to return to life after having been killed. 
These spirits are also hereditary, and their number is limited. Accord- 
ingly, each spirit belongs to various clans in different tribes, but the 
powers bestowed by it in each case are shghtly different. The spirits 
appear only in the winter, and, as a consequence, the social organiza- 
tion of the Kwakiutl tribes undergoes during that season a complete 

In conformity with a general characteristic of the Indians of British 
Columbia and of a number of other Indian tribes of the Pacific coast 
as well as of the interior, the Kwakiutl tribes distinguish three social 
classes, — nobility, common people, and slaves. The last-named are 
rated on a par with personal property, and thus do not really form 
part of the social structure of these peoples. In the summer, during 
the "profane" season (ba'xus), the two classes comprise clans and 
famihes. The ancestor of each family has a tradition of his own, apart 
from the clan tradition; and with it go the usual crests and privileges. 
In each family only one man at a time personates the ancestor and en- 
joys his rank and privileges. These men constitute the nobility, and 
range in importance according to the rank of their ancestors. At festi- 
vals they sit in order of their rank, called "seat." The noblest clan 
and the noblest name in that clan are called " Eagle. "^ 

' Boas, Kwakiutl, p. 324. ' Ibid., p. 393. 

' Ibid., pp. 396 et seq. * Ibid., p. 418. 

5 Ibid., p. 339. 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 215 

In the winter, the season of "the secrets" (ts^e'ls'aeqa), when the 
spirits appear, a thorough rearrangement of the above social order 
takes place. Individuals are no longer grouped according to clans and 
families, but according to the spirits that have initiated them; while 
the minor subdivisions within these groups are determined by the cere- 
monies and dances bestowed upon individuals. "In summer ba'xus 
is on the top, the ts'e'tsaeqa below, and vice versa in winter," says the 

During the winter ceremonial, which is performed in that season, 
the people are divided into two main bodies, — the initiated ("seals") 
and the unim'tiated {que'qutsa, a kind of sparrow).^ The latter are di- 
vided into groups consisting of individuals who will become initiated 
at approximately the same time, "For this reason, perhaps, natural 
age groups have arisen, which, from the religious point of view, form 
rank-groups within the tribe." ^ There are ten such groups or societies, 
— seven male and three female, — and most of them bear animal 

Throughout the ceremonies the two groups are hostile to each other. 
The "seals " attack and torment the que'qiUsa, who try to reciprocate 
to the best of their ability.^ The object of part of the ceremonies per- 
formed by each society is to secure the return of the youth who has 
been taken away by the supernatural being, the spirit protector of 
the society. When the novice finally returns, he is in a state of ecstasy; 
and ceremonies are performed to restore him to his senses.^ Boas gives 
a list of fifty-three dances, arranged according to rank, which belong to 
the Kwakiutl, Ma'maleleqala, Nimkish, and Lau'itsis, and are per- 
formed during the winter ceremonial.^ 

The idea of guardian spirits among the Kwakiutl, which has given 
rise to a unique phenomenon of social transfiguration, has also taken 
firm root in the other tribes of British Columbia. Among the Thomp- 
son River Indians every person had a guardian spirit which he acquired 
at the puberty ceremonies. Here these spirits were not as a rule inher- 
ited, except in the case of a few exceptionally powerful shamans. All 
animals and objects possessed of magic quahties could become guard- 
ian spirits; but the powers of such spirits had become differentiated, 
so that certain groups of supernatural helpers were associated with defi- 
nite social or professional classes.^ The shamans had their favorite 
spirits, some of which were natural phenomena (night, fog, east, west) ; 
man or parts of human body (woman, young girl, hands or feet of man, 
etc.); animals (bat); objects referring to death (land of souls; ghosts; 

' Boas, Kwakiutl, p. 418. ^ Ibid., p. 419. 

^ Boas, /. A. K., vol. xiv (1904), p. 146. * Boas, Kwakiutl, p. 420. 

^ Ibid., p. 431. ^ Ibid., pp. 498-499. 
' Teit, Jesup Exped., vol. i, p. 354. 

2i6 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

dead man's hair, bones, and teeth, etc.). The warriors had their set of 
spirits; so did the hunters, fishermen, gamblers, runners, women. Each 
person partook of the quahties of liis or her guardian spirit.* 

Among the spirits pecuKar to shamans, parts of animals or objects 
were not uncommon. The tail of a snake, the nipple of a gun, the 
left or right side of anything, etc., occurred as supernatural helpers. ^ 

Another point of theoretical interest comes up in this connection. A 
sharp line cannot always be drawn between a guardian spirit and an 
amulet. A snake's tail, for instance, figures as a guardian spirit; but 
the tail of a snake called "double-headed" snake by some Indians, on 
account of two small eye-like protuberances on the end of its tail, was 
also worn by hunters as a charm, to protect them during the grizzly- 
bear hunt.^ 

Although the range of animals, plants, natural phenomena, inani- 
mate objects, which could become guardian spirits, embraced practi- 
cally the whole of nature, certain animals that had no mysterious power 
did not figure as spirits. Such were the mouse, chipmunk, squirrel, rat, 
butterfly, etc. There were but few birds, and scarcely any trees or 
herbs, among the spirits. 

The young men of the Lillooet acquired guardian spirits, and, at the 
instigation of their elders, performed a "guardian-spirit dance," dur- 
ing which they imitated their supernatural protectors in motion, ges- 
ture, and cry.^ In some of their clan dances, masks were used, which 
sometimes referred to an incident in the clan myth. The dancers per- 
sonified either the ancestor himself or his guardian spirit.^ Powerful 
guardian spirits enabled the shamans to perform wonderful feats. ^ A 
number of animal personal names taken from guardian spirits occur 
among the Lower Thompson and the Lower Lillooet.'^ The weapons, 
implements, and other objects of the Lillooet were often decorated 
with designs representing guardian spirits, and similar figures were 
painted and tattooed on face and body.^ When the Shuswap lad began 

1 Teit, Jesup Exped., vol, i, p. 354. 

^ This feature becomes of especial interest in its bearing on the so-called "split totems." 
That name was given by Frazer to totems which, he thinks, always originated on the occa- 
sion of a spHtting-up of a large totemic group into smaller groups, or of a separation of a 
smaller group from the body of the larger one. In such cases the new groups would have 
as their totem either another variety or species of the original totem, or some part of it 
(Frazer, T., p. 62). Among the Thompson River Indians no such process could be hypothe- 
sized as accounting for the origin of "split" guardian spirits; for these were individual 
helpers, and were not as a rule inherited. This does not invalidate Frazer's hj^jothesis; 
but, the two phenomena being analogous, the existence of "split" guardian spirits makes 
it at least probable that psychological motives or objective processes other than those 
represented by Frazer may also have been responsible for the origin of split totems. 

^ Teit, Jesiip Exped., vol. i, p. 371. * Ibid., vol. ii, pp. 285-286. 

^ Ibid., vol. ii, p. 286. * Ibid., vol. ii, pp. 288-289. 

' Ibid., vol. ii, pp. 294-295, note 3. 

* Ibid., vol. ii, p. 298, note 11. 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 217 

to dream of women, arrows, and canoes, or when his voice began to 
change, his time had arrived for desiring and obtaining a guardian 
spirit. Among these tribes we also find that the common people were 
divided into groups, membership in most of which was not strictly- 
hereditary, while in others, like the Black Bear Group, the hereditary 
character was more pronounced. Teit enumerates twenty-nine protect- 
ors of such groups, of which twenty are animals, while the rest include 
plants, natural phenomena, inanimate objects, as well as hunger and 
famine. Some of these groups were more closely related to one another 
than others ; and they then could perform one another's dances, and sing 
one another's songs. These groups intercrossed the hereditary families 
of the people: hence they were probably analogous to the secret danc- 
ing societies of the Kwakiutl.' The groups had distinct dresses, orna- 
ments, songs, and dances, some of which could be performed at any 
time. Most dances, however, were performed in the winter. During the 
dances, protective animal spirits, Hke the moose, caribou, elk, and deer, 
were impersonated. The persons acting dressed in the skins of these 
animals, with the scalp part hanging over their heads and faces. Some 
had antlers attached to the head and neck. The dancers went through 
all the actions of the animal impersonated, imitating its finding and 
fishing, hunting and snaring, chasing over lakes in canoes, and final 
capture or death. ^ 

Among the Haida, the guardian-spirit idea finds its clearest expres- 
sion in the beliefs about shamans. When a man was '"possessed" by a 
supernatural being, who spoke through him, or used him as a medium 
for manifesting himself, the man was a shaman. When the spirit was 
present, the shaman lost his personal identity and became the spirit. 
He dressed as directed by the spirit, and used the latter's language. If 
a supernatural being from the Tlingit country took possession of the 
shaman, he spoke Tlingit, although he might otherwise have been totally 
ignorant of that language. His name also was discarded, and the spirit's 
name substituted in its stead. And if the spirit changed, the name was 
also changed. "When the Above people spoke through a man, the man 
used the Tlingit language; when his spirit was the moon, he spoke 
Tsimshian; when he was inspired by Wi'git, he spoke Bella Bella." ^ 

Not only a shaman, but any man, could secure physical power, in- 
crease in property, success in war, hunting, fishing, etc., by observing 
strict dietary rules, sta\dng away from his wife, bathing in the sea, 
taking sweat-baths, etc. Supernatural experiences may have followed 
these practices; but the Haida beheved, curiously enough, that satis- 
factory results could be secured without such experiences. * The dances 
of the secret societies among these people were closely associated with 

^ Teit, Jesup Exped., vol. ii, p. 577. ^ Ibid., vol. ii, p. 580. 

' Swanton, Jesup Exped., vol. v, p. 38. * Ibid., vol. v, p. 41. 

2i8 Journal of American Folk-Lore I 

the potlatch, and were performed at no other time. The names of the 
principal dances roughly corresponded to the dance names of the Kwa- 
kiutl societies. The character of the performances of the secret society 
was inspired by shamanistic ideas. As the supernatural being "spoke " 
or "came through" the shaman, so the U'lala spirit, the dog-eating 
spirit, the grizzly-bear spirit, "came through" the novice. Outside of 
the society, however, these spirits — with the exception of the grizzly 
bear and the wolf — were not even mentioned. The ties of member- 
ship in the societies were very loose. "I do this," says Swanton, refer- 
ing to his use of "society" instead of "societies," "because I cannot 
make out that there was any association between those who had been 
possessed by the dance spirit, other than that fact. " ^ 

The Tlingit shamans were even more powerful than those of the 
Haida. Whereas the Haida shaman usually had only one spirit and no 
masks, his Tlingit colleague could boast of several spirits and masks. ^ 
The representations of subsidiary spirits or masks were all designed to 
strengthen certain faculties of the shaman. The shaman, as well as an 
ordinary individual, could increase his powers by obtaining many spKt 
animal tongues, especially those of land-otters, which were com.bined 
with eagle-claws and other articles, and carefully stored away. Sha- 
mans often performed merely for display, or they engaged in battles 
with other shamans who may have been far away, trying to show their 
superior powers. Different spirits appeared to Wolf and Raven sha- 

We see how deeply the beUef in guardian spirits has entered into the 
hfe and thought of the people of British Columbia; and the particular 
forms and apphcations of that belief are as varied as they are numer- 
ous. Reared on the fertile ground of a general animism, guardian 
spirits, among the Thompson River Indians, embrace the greater part 
of animate and inanimate nature. Through the medium of art the 
realm of magical potentialities becomes still wider: for when the repre- 
sentation of a spirit protector is carved on an implement or weapon, the 
object becomes the carrier of supernatural powers.^ Among the Kwa- 
kiutl, the guardian-spirit idea stands in the centre of a complex system 
of secret societies and initiation ceremonies. With the approach of win- 
ter, the guardian spirit, like a ghost of the past, emerges from its sum- 
mer retirement, and. through the medium of names, transforms the 
social organization of the people. Among the Haida and Tlingit, the 
belief in the magical powers of supernatural helpers has engendered a 
prolific growth of shamanistic practices. The type of clan and family 
legend prevalent on the entire coast, particularly among the Tsim- 

^ Swanton, Jcsup Exped., vol. v, p. i6i. 
^ Swanton, 26th B. E. R., 1904-05, p. 463. 
' Teit, Jesup Exped., vol. i, p. 379. 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 219 

shian, Haida, and Tlingit, consists of the account of how the ancestor 
of the clan or family met his guardian spirit and obtained from it its 
supernatural powers; and in the dances of the secret societies that 
mythological motive finds its dramatic embodiment. The guardian- 
spirit idea also becomes one of the standards of rank found among 
these people. The greater the powers of an individual's supernatural 
guardian, the more respect he commands; while secret societies rank 
according to the powers of their members. In the present state of our 
knowledge, it is impossible to determine whether the different rank 
of clans does, or does not, genetically belong to the same category of 

AusTRALL\. — The guardian spirit is not a familiar feature in Aus- 
traha. Thomas finds no difficulty in enumerating the few tribes in 
which the belief has so far been ascertained. ^ Mrs. Parker's y«»6eaf ^ 
bear unmistakably the character of guardian spirits. In Strehlow's 

^ Some of the differences between European and American students of totemism have 
been brought to a point in Lang's and Hill-Tout's discussion of the individual guardian 
spirit of British Columbia in its relation to the clan totem. We shall return to this prob- 
lem farther on, when dealing with the phenomena of descent and the general concept of 
totemism (see pp. 269, 271, and 272). Hill-Tout certainly overstates his case in asserting 
that clan totemism in British Columbia — indeed, he asserts much more than that — has 
developed out of individual guardian spirits. That it may have so developed, is, I think, be- 
yond doubt (Hill-Tout, Totemism : Us Origin and Import, R. S. C, sec. ser., vol. ix, pp. 71 et 
seq.; see also his paperon "The Origin of the Totemism of the Aboriginesof British Colum- 
bia," Ibid. ,vo\.vu, pp. 6 et seq., where his attitude is somewhat more guarded). But what 
is significant for us at the present moment is the fact that the crests of clans and families of 
British Columbia partake strongly of the nature of guardian spirits; and if in many cases 
that character of the crest has become attenuated, so that "the tutelary genius of the clan 
has degenerated into a crest" (Boas, Kwakiutl, p. 336), the fact remains that the crest fig- 
ures as a guardian spirit in the family and clan traditions. The Tsimshian Bear myth does 
not prove "that the natives themselves turn into bears," — so much may be granted to 
Lang: nothing is proved except that in myth-making the natives think that this meta- 
morphosis may have occurred in the past (Lang, S. T.,p. 212). But this thinking in myth- 
making is in itself an important psychological fact. To speak with Hill-Tout, "The main 
fact for us is that between a certain object or being and a body of people, certain mysteri- 
ous relations have been established, identical with those existing between the individual 
and his personal totem " (Hill-Tout, i?. 5. C, 1903, sec. ser., vol. ix, p. 72). We do not know 
whether these people "are the lineal descendants of the man or woman who first acquired 
the totem;" but that they "trace their descent from" that man or woman is for us all- 
important. We need not share Hill-Tout's opinion that "in the concept of a protective 
ghostly genius" lies the "true" significance of totemism in general; but that such is its 
significance "as held by the Indians themselves" (Hill-Tout, /. A. I., 1904, p. 328) is 
the important fact with which we are now primarily concerned. Granting that the totem- 
istic beliefs and practices of British Columbia have become saturated with the guardian- 
spirit idea, we must also remember that the religious character of crests is by no means as 
strong or as constant as is that of individual guardian spirits (see also Boas, in ^. ^. 2?., 
1906, pp. 240-241, who, in speaking of the northern tribes, reaches the conclusion that 
"the reUgious importance of the crest is in most cases very slight"). 

2 Man, 1904, p. 85. 

^ L. Parker, The Euahlayi, pp. 23, 29 et seq, 
VOL. xxm. — NO. 88. 15 

220 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

description, the totem inherited by an Aranda from his mother pos- 
sesses to a certain extent the features of a protective spirit. ^ All these 
beliefs are, however, clearly of secondary importance in the lives of the 
natives. The guardian spirit, moreover, is either, as among the Euah- 
layi, quite distinct from the totem; or where the two concepts tend to 
combine, as in the Aranda mother totem, the guardian-spirit element 
fails to assert itself to any marked degree. 


British Columbia. — One of the striking features of all British 
Columbian villages are the so-called totem-poles erected in front of the 
houses, and decorated with carvings, which generally represent the 
legendary history of the clan or family, ^ but may also represent some 
other story, or the crests of the husband, the wife, or of both.^ In an- 
cient times slaves were sometimes killed, and their remains buried un- 
der the totem or house poles. Later on, they were no longer killed, but 
given away as presents. In all such cases the inverted figure of a man, 
or an inverted human head, was carved on the pole. In other cases, 
coppers were either buried under the poles or given away. Whenever 
that was done, coppers were shown on the poles, sometimes in the posi- 
tion of being held or bitten by totem animals.* During the dances of 
the secret societies, at initiation ceremonies, and other festivals of the 
coast tribes, masks were used which were decorated with carved and 
painted designs of animals.^ Some of these masks were very complex; 
many masks were so made as to open in two or more sections. The 
inner surfaces of the sections were also carved; and when opened, they 
revealed another carved surface, — the inner body of the mask.^ These 
masks were the property of clans, of famihes, or of dancing societies. 
They could be obtained by inheritance or at initiation. In the clan 
and family traditions, the ancestor obtained, together with certain 
powers, a dance and a song, also the right to use certain masks and 
carvings.^ When, during dances, the members of the societies wore the 
masks, they were supposed to impersonate the animals represented on 
the masks. The batons and rattles used at ceremonies were similarly 
decorated.^ The use of animal designs and carvings was not restricted 
to totem-poles and ceremonial objects, but embraced practically the 
entire material culture of the people. We find the characteristic paint- 

1 Strehlow, ii, p. 58. 

^ Boas, Kwakiiitl, p. 324; Swanton, Jesup Exped., vol. v, plates i, ii, iii, and ix. 

^ Swanton, Jesup Exped., vol. v, p. 122. 

* Boas, Kwakiutl, p. 357. 

^ Ibid., plates xxx and xxxi, pp. 447-449, 451 et seq. 

8 Ibid., pp. 357, 464, 465, 467, 470 et seq. 

'' Ibid., p. 396. 

' Ibid., pp. 432-434, and pp. 435-440, 462 et seq. 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 221 

ings or carvings on rocks, ^ coppers, ^ houses ^ and canoes, on paddles, me- 
morial columns,'* dishes, ^ spoons,® gambling-sticks,^ and an innumerable 
variety of other objects. The designs of woven blankets and of tattoo- 
ing are similarly inspired.* The decorations are generally adjusted to 
the form of the object; the latter, in its turn, being sometimes affected 
by the character of the carving. The consciousness of the close rela- 
tion between the decoration and the object decorated is expressed in 
the behef held by the Indians that certain animals assume the shape 
of certain objects. "The whale becomes a canoe, the seal a dish, the 
crane a spoon." ^ 

Apart from the realistic representations of human figures and heads 
which abound, the latter being particularly excellent, ^° the art of this 
area is characterized by the use of conventional animal forms. The 
two dominant tendencies of that art seem to be, on the one hand, to 
represent the entire animal; on the other, to single out some character- 
istic feature of each animal, the representation of which feature would 
furnish an unmistakable means of identifying the animal represented.^^ 
The two tendencies are to a certain extent antagonistic; and the first 
tends, as a whole, to give way to the second: the distinctive feature 
becomes so prominent in the painting or carving as to crowd the rest of 
the animal into comparatively narrow quarters, furthering so high a 
degree of conventionalization as to make identification impossible but 
for the guidance of the distinctive feature. In extreme cases the sym- 
bol is deemed sufficient to identify the animal, the other parts of its 
body not being represented.^' The important point for us is that the 
individuality of the animal has not become effaced : the precise mean- 
ing of the design remains in most cases perfectly distinct.^' 

Stories and traditions are full of interesting episodes reveahng the 
remarkable power of realistic suggestion wielded by the carved repre- 
sentations. In the Tlingit story of the " Killer- Whale Crest of the 
DAqLlawe'di," NatsilAne' is taken by his brothers-in-law to Katsle'- 

^ Boas, Kwakiutl, plates xxiii-xxvi. 

^ Ibid., pp. 342-343 and plate iv. 

^ Ihid., pp. 376-378; Swanton, Jesup Exped., vol. v, plates iv, xi, and xii. 

* Swanton, Jesup Exped., vol. v, plates v-viii. 

^ Boas, Kwakiutl, pp. 392-394; Thompson Art, p. 376; Art of the Pacific Coast, pp. 123, 
160, and 170. 
° Swanton, Jesup Exped., vol. v, plates xiii-xix. 
' Ibid., vol. V, pp. 149-154. 

* Boas, in Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, pp. 351 et seq.; Art of the Pacific Coast, 
pp. 151 and 159. 

" Boas, Thompson Art, p. 377, note 2. 

" Boas, Kwakiutl, plate xlix, and pp. 372, 503, 504, and 652; Art of the Pacific Coast, 
p. 125. 

*' Boas, Art of the Pacific Coast, pp. 124-126. 
" Ibid., pp. 139-140. 
" Ibid., p. 123. 

222 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

uxti Island, far out at sea, where they desert him. "Then he began 
thinking, ' What can I do for myself ? ' As he sat there, he absent- 
mindedly whittled killer-whales out of cottonwood-bark, which works 
easily. The two he had made he put into the water; and, as he did so, 
he shouted aloud, as shamans used to do on such occasions. Then he 
thought they looked as if they were swimming; but when they came 
up again, they were nothing but bark. After a while he made two more 
whales out of alder. He tried to put his clan's spirit into them, as was 
often done by shamans; and, as he put them in, he whistled four times 
Hke the spirit, 'Whu, whu, whu, whu! ' But they, too, floated up. Now 
he tried all kinds of wood, — hemlock, red cedar, etc. Finally he tried 
pieces of yellow cedar, which swam right away in the form of large 
killer- whales. They swam out for a long distance, and, when they 
came back, again turned into wood. Then he made holes in their dor- 
sal fins, seized one of them with each hand, and had the killer-whales 
take him out to sea." ^ 

In the Kwakiutl legend of O'maxt'a'laLe, Qa'watilioala, when about 
to take his prospective son-in-law to his house, warns him. " ' Take care, 
brother, when we enter my house! Follow close on my heels,' said 
Qa'watihqala. He told his brother that the door of his house was dan- 
gerous. They walked up to the door together. The door had the shape 
of a raven. It opened and they jumped in, and the raven snapped at 
him. All the images in Qa'watiliqala's house were ahve, the posts were 
ahve, and the Si'siuL beams." ' 

The tendency of representing the entire animal, coupled with still 
another principle of utilizing for the decoration the entire space avail- 
able, led to the curious interaction between the form of the object and 
the decoration referred to above, as well as to a unique process of dis- 
section and rearrangement of the design.^ 

The art and the crest system of this area have excited a mutually 
stimulating influence. An art using the crest as its dominant motive 
furthered the application of animal designs for decorative purposes. 
Later, designs purely decorative in origin came to be interpreted totem- 
istically. Neither the seal nor the sea-lion occur as totem animals, but 
the designs of these animals are among the most widely used; while the 
many varieties of the canoe-dish owe their origin mainly to animal de- 
signs used for decorating canoes. Some historical and semi-historical 
traditions, on the other hand, state that when a design or a decorated 
object was given a person by a friend or a supernatural being, the ob- 
ject became his crest. ^ Boas beheves that many of the crest myths of 
the Kwakiutl are quite recent, and have developed parallel to the rep- 

* Swanton, Tlingit Myths, p. 23. ^ Boas, Kwakiutl, p. 384. 
^ Boas, Art of the Pacific Coast, pp. 144 ei seq. 

* Boas, Kwakiutl, pp. 392, 393; and A. A. R., 1906, p. 241. 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 223 

resentations of these crests in art. ^ The importance ascribed to semi- 
reaHstic, or at least to intelhgible conventionahzed designs, is well 
brought out in the case of facial paintings. Here the pecuharities of the 
decorative field fostered the development in many cases of extreme 
conventionaHzation. "The full and rather reaHstic representations of 
animals, however, are considered of greater value, and as indicating 
higher rank, than conventional representations which consist of sym- 
bols of the animals." ^ 

AuSTRALLA.. — Representations of animals or plants are of rare oc- 
currence in the art of Central Australia. Crude outlines of animals or 
plants are met with among the rock drawings; but neither objects used 
in sacred ceremonies, nor weapons or household articles, are ever deco- 
rated with realistic designs.^ The great majority of all designs found 
in this region, and with but few exceptions all of the designs used in 
sacred ceremonies, are geometric in character, the most common mo- 
tives being the circle, the spiral, and symmetrical curved lines. ^ A 
characteristic feature of the ceremonies is the use, for decorating ob- 
jects, of " down derived from birds, or from birds and plants combined, 
and either whitened by mixture with pipe-clay or coloured various 
shades of red by means of ochre." ^ 

During the ceremonies of a few of the totems, drawings are made 
on the ground. Spencer and Gillen speak of one emu ground drawing 
among the Aranda^ and of eight such drawings of the Wollunqua to- 
tem of the Warramunga.^ 

With the exception of one curious drawing of the Wollunqua totem 
which contains an imitative feature,^ the designs are purely symbolic, 
circle and bands being the decorative elements used. The meaning of 
these elements is not fixed, however, the identical figure ha\'ing differ- 
ent significance in various designs. Thus the bands in fig. 309, Spen- 
cer and Gillen, ii, p. 737, are interpreted as the neck and the shed skins 
of snakes, while exactly similar bands in fig. 310, Ibid., p. 738, mean 
fire spreading in various directions. In the same figure, the middle 
circle signifies fire; the next two, springs of water; and another, a tree. 
In fig. 315, Ibid., p. 743, the circles stand for the bodies of six women, 
while the double bands are their legs "drawn up when they sat down, 
tired out with walking." Designs which, when drawn on some spots, 
have no meaning whatsoever, acquire a very definite meaning when 
drawn on a sacred object or spot. The designs on the churinga are also 
quite arbitrarily interpreted. A circle may represent a tree, a frog, a 
kangaroo, or what not, according to the totem with which the churinga 

^ Boas, A. A. R., 1906, p. 241. ^ Boas, Jesup Exped., vol. i, p. 14. 

' Spencer and Gillen, i, pp. 614-618. * Ibid., ii, p. 697. 

^ Ibid., ii, p. 722. ' Ibid., i, pp. 179-180. 

' Ibid., ii, pp. 737-740. * Ibid., ii, p. 740. 

224 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

is associated.^ The same applies to the nurhmja of the northern, and 
the waninga of the southern, Aranda. Say Spencer and Gillen, "All 
that can be said in regard to these two characteristic objects is that in 
whatever ceremony either of them be used, then, for the time being, it 
represents the animal or plant which gives its name to the totem with 
which the ceremony is concerned. In a kangaroo ceremony, a waninga 
or nurtunja means a kangaroo; in an emu ceremony, an emu. The dec- 
oration is, so far as can be seen, perfectly arbitrary, and has at the 
present day no significance in the sense of its being intended to have 
any special resemblance to the object which the nurtunja or waninga 
is supposed to represent." ^ 

Towards the end of the engwura ceremony a pole is erected around 
which the men gather, whereupon totemic designs are painted by the 
old men on the backs of the younger men. Although each of these 
designs is distinctive of some totem, there is no necessary relation be- 
tween the design used and either the totem of the man decorated or 
that of the decorator. ''A Panunga man of the snake totem decorated 
an Umbitchana man of the plum-tree totem with a brand of the frog 
totem. A Kumara man of the wild-cat totem painted a Bukhara man 
of the emu totem with a brand of the kangaroo totem," etc.^ 

The contrast between the art of Australia and British Columbia, in 
its relation to totemic phenomena, is a very striking one. In British 
Columbia we find the semi-reaHstic motives pervading, to the exclusion 
of all other designs, the decoration of ceremonial objects, of weapons, 
implements, household objects. Designs and carvings figure prom- 
inently in the myths of these peoples, and through the medium of to- 
tem-poles become the material depositories of their mythologic con- 
cepts. Here masks and carvings, together with songs and dances, are 
the property of clans, families, and individuals; and their possession 
leads to that most cherished goal, social rank. The relation, finally, of 
this art to the crests, being in part passive, is also active: it does not 
merely reflect the totemic ideas of the people, but creates them. 

Not so in Central AustraHa. A total absence of suggestive reaHstic 
motives prevents the art of this region from placing an active part in 
the inner or outer life of the totemite. Not that the decorative element 
is absent from the ceremonies, for much time and care are bestowed 
upon the decoration of the dancers; and such features as the use of 
bird's down and ochre become strongly distinctive of all sacred dances. 
Being thus utilized for totemic functions, the art, however, fails to re- 
spond in its content to the ideas it is made to carry. The same circles, 
dots, spirals, and bands pervade the ceremonies of the many totem 

^ Spencer and Gillen, i, p. 145. ^ Ibid., i, p. 629. 

' Ibid., i, p. 376. 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 225 

groups; but in each particular performance the totemic atmosphere of 
the moment transforms the geometrical designs into the animals, 
plants, or natural objects to which the given ceremony refers. The 
designs of the various totems differ to some extent, and are inherited 
with the totems ; but in the engwura ceremony referred to above, nei- 
ther the decorator nor the man decorated need stand in any special 
relation to the particular decoration used, — a condition that would 
certainly be considered monstrous by a member of a British Columbia 
clan or secret society. 

It is quite possible that, as suggested by Spencer and Gillen, the cere- 
monial art may impress the natives to the extent of prompting them 
to make, in their leisure hours, similar designs on the ground or on 
rocks; but when severed from the ceremonial context, these designs 
fail to carry the associations with which they were momentarily en- 
dowed. The geometrical pattern on the rock or the ground tells no 
story to the mind of the native. 


To summarize the results of our comparison. In two of the "symp- 
toms" — exogamy and totemic names — there is apparently agree- 
ment between the two areas. Even here, however, a deeper analysis 
brings out fundamental differences. In Australia the exogamic func- 
tions are assumed by the phratries, the totemic character of which 
divisions, even in the past, seems problematic ; and by the classes, 
social divisions of a totally different order, to which there is no analo- 
gon among the tribes of the Pacilic coast. The totemic groups, on the 
other hand, are but weakly correlated with exogamy, excepting tribes 
like the Arabana. 

In British Columbia the rule of exogamy refers to the primary 
divisions of the Tlingit, Haida, Tsimshian, and northern Kwakiutl 
(Xaisla and He'iltsuq). The smaller subdi\dsions — here mostly with 
names referring to locaHties, hke the "clans" of the Tlingit, and the 
"famines" of the Haida, Tsimshian, and northern Kwakiutl — are no 
more independent exogamous units than the Australian totemic clans. ^ 

However, the differences between the two areas are even more 
fundamental than when thus represented. In juxtaposing the Austra- 
lian and Indian social divisions, we are not comparing units which are 
in any strict sense analogous. In British Columbia the fundamental 
units are the groups with local names, those bearing a common name 
having originally occupied common territory. The chronological rela- 
tionship of the ancient local groups to the larger exogamous groupings 
remains an unsolved problem. It is certain, however, that the former 
did not originate from the latter through any process of "sphtting-up," 

1 See p. 239. 

226 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

although later processes which led to the subdivision and dispersion 
of the local groups may perhaps be characterized by that term. 

Intricate and in part puzzling as are the relations of the Australian 
totemic clans to the phratries, we must regard the latter as the older 
institution. The loss of names by many phratries (for we cannot doubt 
that they originally had them) ; the fact that the meaning of the exist- 
ing names has in the majority of cases been forgotten by the natives; 
the dominance of the phratry over the clan in almost all ceremonies, — 
all these considerations force upon us the assumption of greater anti- 
quity for the phratry. Now, the matrimonial classes could hardly have 
developed from the phratries by a process of subdivision, but there 
seems little doubt that the totemic clans have so developed. 

In Australia all clans bear the names of their totems; as to the phra- 
tries, we must leave it to Lang to make his case complete. In British 
Columbia the large exogamous groups of the Thngit and Haida, and 
the clans of the Xaisla and He'iltsuq, have totemic names. Of the four 
Tsimshian clans, however, only two have such names. 

Here, again, the resemblance is more superficial than fundamental. 
In Australia the totemic name carries with it the suggestion of an in- 
timate relation with the living representatives of the species, — a re- 
lation which may in a broad sense be called religious. In British Colum- 
bia there is no such direct relation to the individuals of the eponymous 
species. We do, however, find a rehgious element in the myths deal- 
ing with the animals of ancestral times; as well as in the ceremonial 
dances, where the crest animal, as symbolized by the masks and carv- 
ings, becomes the indirect object of a rehgious attitude. Now, if the 
eponymous function were as characteristic of the crest as it is of the 
Austrahan clan totem, the analogy of the two conditions would be 
fairly satisfactory. This, unfortunately, is far from being the case. We 
have seen that the group name, when derived from a crest, may, how- 
ever, not be that of the principal crest of the group. The smaller sub- 
divisions of the tribes — the famiHes and the THngit '' clans" — have, 
in addition to the eponymous crest of the large groups of which they 
form part, also crests of their own, from which no group names are 
derived. Two clans of the Tsimsliian, finally, have names not derived 
from crests. Thus it appears that among these tribes we cannot, as in 
Australia, identify the animal name with the totem. Either the crest 
is the totem to the exclusion of the name, or the name is the totem to 
the exclusion of the crest, or the term "totem" must be expanded so 
as to embrace the functions of both crest and name.^ 

In Australia we find a great many taboos which have nothing to do 
with the totemic system; but there is also a rich variety of restrictions 
applying to totem animals and plants. The character of many of these 

* See p. 276. 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 227 

taboos shows clearly that they are in the majority of cases not the 
expression of an attitude of regard or respect for the totem, but are 
determined by conditions lying in an entirely different plane. The 
taboos found in connection with the intichiuma ceremonies, for in- 
stance, seem to be entirely determined by the latter. 

In British Columbia many familiar and some fanciful taboos are 
common, but none of them bear any relation to crest animals or epony- 
mous animals. If an animal like the killer-whale, which is a favorite 
crest, is taboo to sea-hunters, it is so not in its capacity of a crest, 
but as the animal into which the hunters expect to be transformed 
after death. ^ 

The Australian totem clans invariably trace their descent from 
mythological beings which are represented in the myths as embodi- 
ments of the totem animal, plant, or inanimate object. Among the 
northern tribes of British Columbia (Thngit, Haida, Tsimshian) there 
is no such behef in descent; among the southern tribes, however, be- 
ginning with the Kwakiutl, we must recognize the presence, in many 
cases, of a belief in descent from the crest animal. ^ 

Among the tribes of Central Australia, magical ceremonies, — the 
intichiuma, — which are supposed to regulate the food-supply, give 
the dominant note to the totemism of the region. These ceremonies, 
in fact, together with the ceremonies of initiation, represent the cere- 
monial side of the totemic Hfe of the people. In British Columbia, 
magical ceremonies are performed in connection with fishing, hunting, 
gathering berries, etc., but here these ceremonies bear no relation to 
the totemic system. 

Another characteristic feature of the AustraUan tribes is a behef in 
the transmigration of souls, which pervades their mythology, affects 
their ideas as to birth and descent, figures in a number of tribes as an 
important element of the totemic ceremonies, and, in some cases, de- 
termines the totemic membership of individuals. In British Colum- 
bia, the behef in reincarnation is found in most of the tribes as an iso- 
lated phenomenon, which figures but httle outside of its special sphere, 
and is in no way correlated with totemism. The behef in guardian 
spirits, on the other hand, has among these tribes attained a high de- 
gree of development. The secret societies are based upon it. It gives 
the key-note to the ceremonies of initiation. It has deeply affected 
the totemic art of the region, and finds characteristic expression in 
mythology. It has also fostered the ideas as to the rank of individuals 

^ I do not mean to say that this behef must necessarily have been the cause of the 
taboo, for it is just as plausible to regard it as a secondary interpretation of a taboo 
that may have originated in a quite different way. 

^ The complex nature of the concept among these tribes was indicated before (see 
pp. 195-196). 

228 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

as well as of groups. In AustraKa, guardian spirits, although not found 
in all the tribe.-, are by no means an unusual phenomenon. Here, 
however, they are sterile of associations; and the totemic system is, if 
at all, but Httle affected by them. 

In a prolific development of art — reahstic in part and in part 
highly conventionaHzed — we must see the second dynamic element 
of the totemism of British Columbia. Deeply saturated with totemic 
associations, that art has flooded the entire material culture of the 
area, and has thus become the most conspicuous factor in the cere- 
monial as well as the daily life of the people. Nay, the art of British 
Columbia is more than merely an important factor of totemism, for 
it has become a self-perpetuating source of totemistic suggestion. — 
Paintings (on rocks, and seldom on the ground) and decorations of va- 
rious kinds are extensively used in AustraHan ceremonies. The func- 
tion of art here is, however, a perfectly passive one. The designs and 
decorations scarcely ever directly suggest concrete objects. Identical 
designs and decorations figure in different ceremonies, and acquire 
their specific meaning merely through the temporary association with 
a given ceremony. 

The ideas of rank so prominent in the social Hfe of the Indians 
of British Columbia have also affected the character of totemism. 
Eponymous animals, crests, spirit-protectors of secret societies, are all 
graded as to rank; and in all cases that grading reflects on the social 
standing of the individuals constituting the given group. — This 
feature is conspicuously absent in Australia. Even if one or another 
totem attains, perchance, especial prominence, as seems to be the case 
with, for instance, the Wollunqua totem of the Warramunga, the 
individuals of the clan in no way partake of the eminence of their 

The number of totems, finally, is very large in Austraha, in some 
tribes embracing practically the whole of the native's surroundings, 
animate and ina.nimate. In British Columbia, on the other hand, the 
number of eponymous animals — for here only the animals appear as 
group names — is very small, while that of the crests is also ver}^ hm- 

These conclusions may now be represented in tabular form (p. 229) : 

* The theoretical significance of this phenomenon may perhaps be more fitly discussed 
at another place. 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 229 

ToTEMiSM IN British Columbia and Central Australla. 



Totemic names 

Totemic phratries (Tlingit) 
Totemic clans (Haida, Tsim- 
shian, Northern Kwakiutl) 

Phratries (Tlingit) 
Clans (Haida) 
2 of 4 clans (Tsimshian) 
Clans (Northern Kwakiutl) 




Totem clans (generally not 

independent exogamous 


All totem clans 


Non-totemic taboo, common ; 
totemic, absent 

Numerous totemic and non- 
totemic taboos 

Descent from the totem 

Magical ceremonies . 3 


Guardian spirits 


Absent (Tlingit, Haida, Tsim- 

Occurs (Kwakiutl and farther 


Not associated with totemism 

Not associated with totemism 

Intimately associated with to- 

Intimately associated with to- 

Intimately associated with to- 

Actively associated with to- 


Conspicuous (in individuals 
and groups) 

Number of totems 


Not associated with totemism 

Passively associated with to- 



The above comparison of the totemism of British Columbia and of 
Australia brings out a rather striking contrast. Only in two points — 
exogamy and totemic names — does there seem to be agreement, but 
even here the conditions are not really analogous. A certain rehgious 

230 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

attitude, in the broadest sense, is found in both areas; but in Australia 
it is outside of mythology also dimly perceptible in the attitude of the 
natives towards the hving animals, plants, etc.; while in British Co- 
lumbia the rehgious element must be sought in the ceremonies and 
myths. As to the two remaining "symptoms," — taboo, and descent 
from the totem, — we find them in Austraha; while in British Colum- 
bia the former is absent, and the latter occurs in a somewhat veiled 
form in only a part of the tribes. In addition to these supposedly symp- 
tomatic traits, we find that two other factors — magical ceremonies 
and a beHef in reincarnation — have risen to such prominence in 
AustraHan totemism as to become more characteristic of it, in a large 
number of tribes, than are any of the former traits; while in British 
Columbia, where the above factors, although present, have no totemic 
significance, two other factors — guardian spirits and art — have 
attained such conspicuous development as to again become more 
characteristic of the totemism of British Columbia than are any of 
the other traits. 

Our results may conveniently be separated into three groups. The 
first two phenomena, — exogamy and totemic names, — when sub- 
jected to analysis, sound a note of warning against the seductiveness 
of superficial resemblances in ethnic data. Back of the objective anal- 
ogy may lie a different historical process and a different psychological 
setting. Not that the analogy need, therefore, lose all its significance; 
but, unless those other factors be taken into consideration, we may 
come to view the facts in a totally wrong perspective. In the following 
discussion we shall have occasion to apply this point of view. 

The second group comprises the two "symptoms" — taboo, and 
descent from the totem — which we found lacking in one of the areas. 
This result suggests an analysis of a culturally and geographically 
more extended material, with the view of ascertaining whether the 
variability of our two factors could not be supported by further evi- 
dence, and whether the other "symptoms" may not prove as little 
reliable. If that be so, we should no longer be justified in regarding the 
supposedly permanent factors of the totemic complex as necessary 
elements of the latter, but should have to recognize them as inde- 
pendent ethnic units which may enter into combinations with each 

Our last group, finally, — magic ceremonies and reincarnation, on 
the Australian side; guardian spirits and art, on the American, — goes 
far to show that the possible content of totemism is by no means 
exhausted by the odd five or six elements generally given in that con- 
nection, but that other factors may enter into the composition of the 
totemic complex, and may even rise to a commanding position within 
the latter. 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 231 


Exogamy and Endogamy 

Clan Exogamy and the other " Symptoms." — Clan exogamy, 
which so often occurs in conjunction with totems, taboos, etc., is, 
however, by no means always so associated. 

The Khasis of Assam are divided into a great number of exogamous 
clans with maternal descent. These clans do not (with a few excep- 
tions) bear animal or plant names, nor do the Khasis know of any 
totems.^ The same is true of the Meitheis (Assam), who comprise 
seven divisions called salais or yeks. Each yek contains a great number 
of sageis or yumnaks, which bear the names of their founders. The 
yeks are non-totemic, exogamous groups, with paternal descent; but 
marriage into the maternal yek is also prohibited for three (formerly 
five) generations. 2 The Mikirs comprise three sections, with names 
probably designating localities. Through these sections run four 
principal kurs, — non-totemic, exogamous divisions, which are in 
turn subdivided into smaller groups. Descent is paternal.^ The Garos 
comprise several geographical divisions, through which run two 
katchis; another katchi is restricted to a rather narrow locaHty. These 
social groups are non-totemic and exogamous; they contain minor 
subdivisions, — the machongs, — which are totemic.'' The universally 
exogamous gotras, which generally constitute the minor subdivisions 
of the Indian castes, are sometimes totemic, but non-totemic gotras 
are also very common.^ The Nandi, who live in the neighborhood of 
Lake Victoria Nyanza, are divided into a number of totemic clans. 
Each clan contains several families, with names derived from ances- 
tors who first came to settle in Nandi. Here '' a man may not marry a 
woman of the same family as himself, though there is no objection to 
his marr>dng into his own clan." ^ The Gros Ventres were divided 
into bands, which, although not totemic, were exogamous. Descent 
was paternal, but the prohibition of marriage extended also to the 
mother's band.'' Mr. Lowie tells me that the Crow are dixided into 
six phratries, which contain from two to four exogamous clans. The 
clans do not bear animal or plant names, nor is there evidence of to- 
temistic ideas of any kind. Among the Omaha, many of the totemic 
gentes were exogamous, as well as most of the sub-gentes; in addition, 
however, there were certain other divisions, which, although in no 
way totemic, served the purpose of regulating marriage. Unfortu- 

' Gurdon, The Khasis, 1907, p. 66. 

2 Hodson, The Meitheis, 1908, p. 73; Shakespear, jWom, vol. x, No. 4 (1910), pp. S9-6i. 

' Stack, The Mikirs, 1908, pp. 15-17. * Plaj-fair, The Garos, 1909, pp. 64-66. 

* Risley, 1903, pp. loo-iioand 120-124. * Hollis, The Nandi, 1909, pp. 5-6. 

' Kroeber, Anthrop. Papers, A. M. N. H.. vol. i, p. i47- 

232 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

nately, Dorsey's account is here very general, and we learn nothing of 
the precise nature of these subdivisions. The Ictasanda gens was, 
"' for marriage purposes," divided into three parts; ^ so was the "Deer- 
Head" gens.^ The gens of "The Earth-Lodge Makers" contained 
" three sub-gentes and two for marriage purposes; " ^ etc. In Australia 
the two types of social divisions which are the carriers of exogamous 
functions — the phratry and the class — cannot, as a whole, be 
classed as totemic. At the present time they certainly are not; as to 
the past, the occasional animal names for phratry and class must, of 
course, be taken into consideration; and in the present state of our 
knowledge final judgment must be suspended. Still it remains at 
least probable that the phratry never possessed any totemic character, 
while, in the case of the class, this probabiUty is very high. 

Polynesia furnishes some examples where the presence of some or 
all of the other "symptoms" is not accompanied by exogamy. The 
people of the mountainous district in the interior of Viti Levu (Fiji) 
live in independent communities, each of which has its sacred animal 
that cannot be eaten. These communities comprise smaller divisions, 
which often have their own tabooed animals and plants. Neither the 
large nor the small divisions are exogamous. The belief in descent 
from the totem is, on the contrary, very strongly developed. "Here 
in collecting a genealogy, an informant went back from human to 
human ancestor till as a perfectly natural transition he would state 
that the father of the last mentioned was an eel or other animal." 
The eel was the ancestor of an entire community. The smaller groups 
also often traced descent from their sacred animals.^ In Samoa we 
find a number of districts with their atuas, — the octopus, owl, shell, 
etc. Food prohibitions referring to these sacred animals seem to have 
existed in ancient times; but no traces of a behef in descent from the 
totem can be found, nor are the divisions of the people exogamous.^ 
In Tonga each family had its otua, which could be an animal, a stone, 
or a man. The otua was never eaten by the family which traced its 
descent from it. The famihes were not exogamous.* The people of 
Tikopia Island have their atua animals (the same word is used for 
"ancestor"). Some of the atuas are taboo to the whole community, 
others are merely recognized by one of the four main sections. Descent 
is traced from a man who became the animal sacred to the particular 
group or section. These sections are not exogamous.^ Among the 
Nandi referred to above, where the non- totemic families are exoga- 
mous, the clans which are totemic are not exogamous. Similar condi- 

^ Dorsey, 3d B. E. R., p. 249. ^ Ihid., p. 245. 

* Ibid., p. 242. ■• Rivers, J. A. I., vol. xxxix (1909), p. 158. 

* Ibid., pp. 159-160. * Ibid., p. 160. 
' Ibid., p. 161. 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 233 

tions probably prevail in other African tribes.^ We shall see below 
that in many instances where totemic clans appear to be exogamous, 
the association with exogamy is by no means as fundamental as it at 
first sight appears. 

So much to indicate that clan exogamy, although a usual concom- 
itant of the other totemic features, is not a constant, hence not a 
necessary, concomitant of the latter; and again, where the other fea- 
tures are absent, exogamy may nevertheless occur. 

Local Exogamy. — When we investigate clan organization and the 
distribution of clans, we generally find that each clan is spread over a 
wide area, its members residing in several local groups; thus in each 
local division several clans are represented. In exogamous com- 
munities with maternal descent, clans are almost always so distrib- 
uted. In other cases, however, the locahty rises into prominence, 
and itself assumes certain social functions. If there is exogamy, the 
local group as such may become the exogamous unit. The organiza- 
tion found by Rivers among the Miriam of the Murray Islands is a case 
in point. "In defining their marriage regulations," writes Rivers, 
"the social unit of which the islanders usually speak is the village. 
They say that a man must not marry his father's village or his mother's 
\illage or that of his father's mother, and if one of his ancestors had 
been adopted he is also debarred from marrying into the village to 
which he would have belonged by actual descent." ^ Howitt described 
local exogamy in the Wotjobaluk tribe, where it is found in conjunc- 
tion with the other more common matrimonial restrictions. Class 
(phratry), totem, relationship, are all an individual's " flesh " (yauerin), 
and must be considered when a wife is being selected. " Another re- 
striction depends on locahty, for a man cannot marry a woman from 
the same place as his mother, as it is said that his Yauerin is too near 
to that of those there. Hence it is necessary that a wife shall be 
sought from some place in which there is no Yauerin near to his. The 
same is the case as to the woman." ^ The local feature is still more 
prominent among the Gournditch-mara of western Victoria. Here a 
man, "in addition to the law of the classes [phratries]," was prohibited 
from marrying "into his mother's tribe, or into an adjoining one, or 
one that spoke his own dialect." * Where some definite social division, 
say, a totem clan, is coextensive with a local group, difficulties of 
interpretation may arise which must be kept in mind by investigators. 
Note the case of the Kurnai. Here, through the working of paternal 

^ Ethnographic literature on Africa, which during the last few years has swelled to 
considerable proportions, is characterized by a deplorable, although perhaps Justifiable 
vagueness, in the treatment of social organization. Hence I have almost throughout 
refrained from referring to that material. 

^ Rivers, T. S. Exped., vol. v, p. 121. ^ Howitt, N. T., p. 241. 

* Dawson, cited by Howitt, N. T., p. 250. 

234 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

descent, the totems {thundungs) "became fixed in definite localities." 
Now " as ... a man could not marry a woman belonging to his own 
district, he necessarily married some woman whose thundung name 
differed from his, thus still following unconsciously the exogamous 
rule." ^ Howitt is no doubt right in his interpretation; but granted 
the absence of an acquaintance with the general characteristics of an 
area to which a given tribe belongs, or of an intensive knowledge of 
the particular tribe concerned, and we could not safely answer the 
question, Are we deaUng with an exogamous group which is localized, 
or with a local group which is exogamous? ^ 

Clanship and Kinship. — Similar difficulties arise whenever we 
have to deal with communities where clans or some other definite 
social groups, on the one hand, and individuals standing to each other 
in certain degrees of relationship, on the other hand, appear as impor- 
tant social factors. Spencer and Gillen, Howitt, and others, in their 
accounts of the social organization of Austrahan tribes, have much to 
say about prohibited degrees of relationship, which appear on a par 
with the many other matrimonial regulations referring to phratry, 
class, or clan membership. The above authors do not, however, 
correlate the various sets of prohibitions; they leave us quite in 
the dark, for instance, as to the connection between relationship pro- 
hibitions, on the one hand, and those prohibitions which refer to 
definite social groups, on the other. What Rivers relates about the 
Todas is of interest in this connection. He found among these people 
a number of exogamous clans, as well as a set of strict matrimonial 
regulations based on degrees of relationship. Further inquiry, how- 
ever, revealed the fact that clan exogamy among the Todas was not a 
primary, but a secondary phenomenon; and that in the mind of the 
Toda there really existed only one kind of exogamous rule, — that, 
namely, based on relationship. Says Rivers, " He [the Toda] has no 
two kinds of prohibited affinity, one depending on clan relations, and 
another on relations of blood kinship, but he has only one kind of pro- 
hibited affinity, to which he gives the general term piiliol, including 
certain kin through the father and certain kin through the mother, 
and there is no evidence that he considers the bond of kinship in one 
case as different from the other as regards restriction on marriage." 
And again: " It seemed to me in several cases as if it came almost as a 
new idea to some of the Todas that his piiliol included all the people 
of his own clan." Hence Rivers draws the obvious inference: "The 

1 Howitt, N. T., p. 269. 

2 It seems highly probable that most, if not all, of the coast tribes of British Columbia, 
passed through a stage in which clans occupied separate villages. Now, without much 
fuller information about these remote conditions than is now available, we could not 
possibly decide whether it was the village as such, or the social group occupying a village 
that constituted at that time the important social unit. 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 235 

fact that the Toda includes all those kin whom he may not marry 
under one general term, and that the kin in question include members 
both of his own and other clans, goes to show that the Todas recognize 
the blood-kinship as the restrictive agency rather than the bond pro- 
duced by membership of the same clan." ^ Wissler records a similar 
phenomenon among the Blackfeet, who are at the present time divided 
into bands the members of which "look upon themselves as blood- 
relatives." Here "marriage is forbidden between members of the 
band as blood relatives, but not between the members as such."^ 

The Gilyak, to whom we shall return below, furnish another instruc- 
tive example. These people are organized in gentes, with paternal 
descent. Sternberg describes the gentes as exogamous, and proceeds 
with a detailed exposition of the classificatory system of relationship 
among the Gilyak, the presence of which other authors failed to detect, 
and of the concomitant marriage regulations.^ 

Sternberg's own account makes it clear that here, more obviously 
than among the Todas, the gens as such is not the exogamous unit, but 
that marriage is regulated exclusively by degrees of relationship. The 
men of gens A take wives from gens B. This fact constitutes gens B as 
the gens of " fathers-in-law" (axmalk), while gens A with reference to 
B is the gens of " sons-in-law" {ymgi). These appellations in them- 
selves indicate that it is not gens B as such that a man is concerned 
about matrimonially, but gens B as containing the class of his "fa- 
thers-in-law," and vice versa. Further details corroborate this impres- 
sion. The matrimonial relation A/B, once estabHshed, cannot be 
reversed; the men of B can never take their wives in A. A finds in B a 
class of wives, which makes B axmalk with reference to A; B, on the 
other hand, finds in A, classes of sisters, daughters, nieces, but not of 
wives; hence A is ymgi to B, and can never be anything else. It suf- 
fices for one man of A to marry a woman of B, and the above relation 
is established; the rest follows as a matter of course. Further comph- 
cations presently develop. The young men of B must have wives, 
and find them in C; the fathers of A must have husbands for their 
daughters, and find them in D ; and so on. Thus all the gentes become 
entangled in the matrimonial network. A gens may have several 
axmalk and several ymgi gentes. Each gens appears here as an ax- 
malk, there as an ymgi gens; but no gens can be both axmalk and 
ymgi to another gens. Now the latter condition, which is impossible 
among the Gilyak, is precisely what we find wherever a typical exoga- 
mous relation exists between two groups as such. Clan, or phratry, or 
class A marries B; clan, or phratry, or class B marries A. The two 
groups, moreover, are matrimonially self-sufficient: both are provided 

> Rivers, The Todas, p. 510. 2 Wissler, A. A. R., 1906, p. 173. 

* Sternberg, The Gilyak (MS.). 

VOL. XXIII. — NO. 88. 16 

236 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

with husbands and \\^ves. Among the Gilyak, on the other hand, not 
only does the fact of A marrying into B make it impossible for B to 
marry into A; but A+B no longer constitute a complete matrimonial 
whole, for A lacks husbands, while B lacks wives: C at least is required 
in addition. To contrast the two conditions diagrammatically, — 



In Diagram I, what we may call the minimum exogamous integer 
consists of two units; in Diagram II, of three. That the social corol- 
laries of the two systems are thoroughly different, is obvious. 

It appears from the above remarks that extreme care must be exer- 
cised when one tries to determine the precise nature of the exogamous 
code at any given place and time. We may discover local exogamy or 
kinship exogamy where prima facie evidence disclosed nothing but 
clan exogamy, and vice versa. 

What is true of exogamy is true of endogamy. Again the Todas 
furnish an illustration. 

The exogamous clans of the Todas are segregated into two main 
di\'isions, — Tartharol and Teivaliol. These di\dsions are endoga- 
mous. " Although a Teivaliol man is strictly prohibited from marrying 
a Tartharol woman, he may take a wife of this division to live with 
him at his village.." Such unions are recognized as a form of marriage, 
but they "differ from the orthodox form in that the children of the 
union belong to the division of the mother." Similarly a Tartharol 
man may enter into a union with a Teivahol woman, but then he must 
" either visit her occasionally or go to live at her village. "^ The two 
incidents recounted by Rivers are particularly illuminating. On one 
occasion a Tamil smith, on another a Mohammedan merchant, fell in 
love with Toda women and lived with them. In neither case did the 
Todas resent the woman's action, "so long as she remained in the 
community." ^ Clearly, the sentiment at the bottom of Toda endog- 
amy, as we now find it. is not the pride of superior blood which shrinks 
from pollution, but the fear of depletion of numbers. As long as the 
community is not deprived of one of its members, or if it can at least 
claim as its own the offspring of a union, the parties to the latter may 
belong to different endogamous divisions, or one of the individuals 
may even be an outsider.^ 

1 Rivers, The Todas, p. 505. * Ibid-, p. 509. 

* When we consider that in primitive conditions the success of a group, in the struggle 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 237 

The Australian Totem Clan and Exogamy, — With the fore- 
going discussion well in mind, let us now attempt a more careful 
analysis of marriage relations in AustraHa. 

With reference to the correlation of the totem clan with exogamy, 
in origin and development, opinions differ; but authorities agree as to 
the fixity of the present association between the two factors, in almost 
all Austrahan tribes. No marriage within the totem, is the rule; hence 
the totemic clan is exogamous. When Spencer and Gillen's book on 
the Aranda first saw light, great commotion resulted in the camp of 
anthropologists. Here, for once, the universal law (for Australia, at 
least) seemed to break down: the totem clan was not exogamous; a 
man could marry a woman of his own totem. ^ 

It was an " unheard of kind of totemism," a heresy which went con- 
trary to all established opinions. The non-exogamous character of the 
Aranda totem clan, together with the absence of totemic descent, 
became the Aranda anomaly." Attempts were made to account for 
it;^ and presently the questions arose, Are the Aranda primitive or 
advanced ? Are they on their way out of or into totemism ? 

Now exogamy, of course, literally, means " marriage without or out- 
side of" (a certain group), — an imperative which has its negative 
correlate in the prohibition of marriage within the group. The term 
obviously expresses a relation between at least two groups. The same 
applies to endogamy. An isolated group could not logically be called 
either exogamous or endogamous, whether its members married with 
each other or refused to do so. Apart from this consideration of exog- 
amy (or endogamy) as an objective fact, a psychological factor must 
also be taken into account. Our discussion of clan exogamy in its rela- 
tion to kinship exogamy brought out the variability of the psychologi- 
cal factor. When the fact of a given social group not marrying within 
itself is ascertained, the information acquired is but partially complete. 
The exogamous character of the group may be due to its consisting — 
as in the case, for instance, of the Toda clans — of individuals who 
stand to each other in certain degrees of relationship, excluding the 
possibiHty of intermarriage ; or the group may be exogamous as oc- 
cupying a definite locahty ; or the exogamy of the group may follow as 
an indirect result of its constituting a part of a larger social division 
which is exogamous; the group as such, finally, may be the source of 
its own exogamous functions. Only in the last instance would we be 
justified in regarding the group as an exogamous unit. The failure to 

for existence, depends largely on its numerical superiority, it seems probable that a senti- 
ment like that of the Todas should many and many a time, in the history of human socie- 
ties, have produced endogamous tendencies. 

^ See Spencer and Gillen, i, p. 73. 2 Lang, S. 0., p. 85. 

' See Durkheim, A. S., vol. v (1900-01), pp. 88 et seq.; vol. viii (1903-04), pp. 132 
et seq.; and Lang, S. T., pp. 59-82. 

238 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

differentiate the above concepts may obviously lead to grave miscon- 
ceptions as to the underlying principles of a given social organization. 
With these distinctions well in mind, we may now return to the 
Australian totem clan, in order to define with greater precision its 
position in the social structures of the several groups of tribes, as found 
in that continent. 

Take a typical case of exogamy exemplified by the dichotomous 
division into moieties of a very large number of primitive tribes (not 
only in Australia) . A man of group A cannot marry a woman of group 
A, and must marry a woman of group B. There is complete recipro- 
city : the marriage rights and restrictions of the members of group A 
and of those of group B are strictly parallel, and compensate each 
other. Do the same relations obtain in case of the Dieri, who may in 
our discussion represent the tribes with phratries and totem clans, but 
without classes ? 

Here clan x cannot marry with itself, and must marry into phratry 
B ; phratry B cannot marry with itself, and must marry phratry A. 
There is no complete reciprocity, for the reason that clan x, which 
cannot marry with itself, is also debarred from marrying into any of 
the other clans of phratry A. To put it differently: clan x cannot 
marry into phratry A, and must marry into phratry B. Thus it be- 
haves exactly as would an individual of phratry A if there were no 
clans. And just as the individual would merely figure as a member of 
an exogamous group, the phratry, so does clan x. And psychologically, 
of course, there is all the difference in the world between a clan x that 
is itself an exogamous unit — standing to another exogamous unit 
(clan y) in the same relation as the latter stands to clan x — and a 
clan X which, as part of a large exogamous group A, stands in the same 
relation to another large exogamous group B as the latter stands, not 
to clan X, but to the larger exogamous group A of which clan a: is a part. 
Further inquiry may well bring out the fact that some special senti- 
ment attaches to the prohibition of marriage within the clan, and that 
any infringement of that prohibition is especially resented. Even then, 
however, the clan, in an organization Kke that of the Dieri, could not 
be considered an exogamous unit. An exogamous relation is fully 
represented only when both the group within which marriage is pro- 
hibited, and the one into which it is permitted or prescribed, are 
given. Keeping that in mind, we find that any attempt to represent 
the Dieri clan as an exogamous unit inevitably leads to contradictions. 
Let phratry A contain the clans a, b, and c; phratry B, the clans d, e, 
and/. Assuming clan a to constitute an exogamous unit, the comple- 
mentary unit would be B + & + C. This unit would itself be matrimo- 
nially heterogeneous, consisting of i + c, into which clan a could not 
marry, and of B, into which it could marry. If clan b were isolated in- 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 239 

stead of clan a, the complementary unit would heB + a+c. We see that 
clan a appears as an exogamous unit in the first, but as part of a larger 
group in the second case. The reverse is true of clan c. The same holds 
of the other clans : so that a complete representation of the exogamous 
relations involved would require six separate diagrams; each clan 
appearing as an independent unit only once, and as part of a larger 
group in all other cases, the composition of the group being in each 
case difi'erent. In the majority of tribes, the actual number of clans 
is liable to be larger than six, and the complexity of the conditions 
would be proportionately greater. 

But it is quite inconceivable that arrangements like the above 
should correspond to any actual elements in the attitude of the na- 
tives. The complexity is an artificial one, being due to the attempt to 
represent the clan as an exogamous unit. The fact of the matter, of 
course, is that clan a, as well as clans b and c, may not marry into 
a+6+c = A, and must marry into B. Q.E.D. We thus may be quite 
confident that in organizations like that of the Dieri, the clan could 
not be regarded as an exogamous unit, even if the prohibition of 
marriage within the clan were shown to be particularly stringent.^ 

The plausibihty of our interpretation is brought out by a com- 
parison with the Aranda. Here we have the same division into two 
phra tries, and of each phratry into clans (we may disregard the 
classes for the present) ; but, for reasons into which we need not now 
enter, some of the clans occur in both phratries. What is the result? 
A man of clan x, phratry A, may now marry a woman of clan x, 
phratry B, for she belongs to the phratry into which clan x may marry, 
and the fact that she also belongs to clan x does not seem to alter 
matters in the least. ^ 

^ The attitude towards Australian clan exogamy, assumed by the various authors, is, 
I believe, in the main due to a preconception. Exogamy is supposed to be the natural 
condition for a totemic clan to be in: hence, if totem clans and exogamy are found side by 
side in a given group, the clans are pronounced to be exogamous; unless, indeed, there be 
special reasons to abandon that interpretation (as in the case of the Aranda). The 
"clans" of the Tlingit, or the "famihes" of the Haida, have never, to my knowledge, 
been considered exogamous; although we find in these tribes, as among the Dieri, two 
large exogamous sections comprising a number of smaller groups. The members of a 
Haida "family" or a Tlingit "clan" cannot marry into any of the other groups of their 
"clan" or "phratry," and must marry into the other "clan" or "phratry." The "fami- 
lies" and the "clans" thus behave exactly as the Dieri totemic clans; but no one thinks 
of them as exogamous, for exogamy is not the kind of thing generally found in connection 
with families or clans, with names derived from localities. 

- That Spencer and Gillen should have so persistently represented the Australian 
totem clan as an exogamous unit is very curious, for many of their statements are so 
framed as to make one expect an interpretation like the above to follow in the next 
paragraph. Among the Kaitish "we find the totems divided to a large extent between 
the two moieties of the tribe, so that it is a very rare thing for a man to marry a woman 
of the same totem as himself" (Spencer and Gillen, vol. ii, p. 175). Among the Warra- 
munga and the tribes farther north, the clans are strictly distributed between the phra- 


Journal 0} American Folk-Lore 

Let the Kamilaroi represent the group of tribes with phratnes, 
totem dans, and four matrimonial classes. The two phratries, Dilbi 
(I) and Kupathin (II), comprise a number of totem clans (each clan 
is represented by two symbols, thus : a + ai,c + c , etc. ; and d + di, e+ei, 
etc.). Phratry I also contains the classes Murri (A) and Kubbi (B); 
phratry II, the classes Ipai (C) and Kumbo (D). 


Totem clans 


















B can only marry C, A can only marry D, and vice versa. Here the 
clans (a+ffj, d+di, etc.), far from constituting exogamous units, are 
not even homogeneous in composition with reference to exogamy, for 
each clan contains two sets of members {a and a, c and Cj, etc.), the 
matrimonial obligations of each set being different. Nor do members 
of each clan who belong to one class (Aa, or Be, or Dfi, etc.) constitute 
an exogamous group, for here the Dieri argument applies: each such 
group stands in the same relation to the class as a whole as the 
Dieri clan stands to its phratry; and as with the Dieri the phratry, so 
here the class (A, B, etc.), is the exogamous group. As to the Kamil- 
aroi phratry, we are no longer justified in asserting a priori that it is, 
as a phratry, exogamous. All we know is, that each phratry consists 
of two sections — the classes — which are exogamous. This, how- 
ever, does not exclude the possibihty that the Kamilaroi phratries, 
and the phratries of the other tribes similarly organized, continue in 
the minds of the natives to constitute distinct exogamic groups. A 
cannot marry B, but neither can A marry C; B cannot marry A, but 
neither can B marry D; and so on. The question arises, Is the matri- 
monial prohibition A/B identical in character with the prohibition 
A/C, etc.? Do they merge into one prohibition?^ If that is not the 

tries. "It follows" that "a man must marry a woman of a different totem to his own" 
and "that a man nev^er marries a woman of his own totem" (Ibid., vol. ii, pp. 164 and 
166). Among the Aranda, on the other hand, "no totem is at the present day confined to 
either moiety of the tribe," and " the totems in no way regulate marriage" (Ibid., vol. i, 
pp. 120-121; cf. also Lang, 5. 0., p. 80). Obviously, the "exogamy" of the clan is deter- 
mined by its relation to the phratry; it is not exogamous as a clan, but as part of a much 
wider group to which marriage within its own limits is forbidden. But Spencer and Gillen 
do not draw this inference. 

' One way of ascertaining this would be to determine the relative frequency with 
which the prohibitions are violated, as well as the relative severity of the punishments 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 


case, the phratries must continue to be regarded as distinct exoga- 
mous groups. If, however, the identity of the above prohibitions can 
be estabhshed by a careful investigation with that particular point 
in view, the phratries as such will have to be pronounced as no 
longer exogamous, having bequeathed to the classes the function 
of regulating matrimony.^ 

A similar argument appHes to the tribes with eight matrimonial 
sub-classes. Here the totemic clans form an aggregate of four matri- 
monially heterogeneous units. The sub-class is the exogamous unit; 
while the function of the phratry, and here also that of the class, 
ought to be investigated with the purpose of ascertaining their exact 
character in reference to exogamy. 

It appears from the above discussion that the Australian totemic 
clan is not as such exogamous. The tribes represented by the Arabana 
must be excepted, however; for in those tribes each totem clan of 
one phratry can only marry one particular totem clan of the other, 
which is an approach to pure totemic exogamy. 

The necessity of ascertaining the exact attitude of the natives 
towards all matrimonial regulations, negative as well as positive, 
may perhaps be emphasized by the following juxtaposition. Take 
again the Kamilaroi. We represent their organization thus: — 


Totem clans 


















A marries D, the children are C; B marries C, the children are D; 
and so on. But now suppose that the Kamilaroi organization is being 
described by an investigator who is particularly interested in the 
phenomenon of endogamy. Suppose, also, that he came to the Kami- 
laroi without previous acquaintance with other Austrahan tribes. 
He might represent the Kamilaroi organization as follows : — 

^ Theoretically, the exogamous relation I/II may be, both in its positive and in its 
negative aspect, as strong as the relation A/D or B /C; or either of the two relations may 
tend to supersede the other. The second inference drawn in the text is, however, more 
likely to correspond to the actual conditions; for in the tribes organized like the Kamil- 
aroi we no longer find any solidarity in the phratries, with reference to exogamy; each 
phratry comprises two sets of individuals, whose matrimonial rights and obligations are 
different. In either case, moreover, the class remains the exogamous unit, for in the case 
of the class alone does the true exogamous relation obtain : a man of class A cannot 
marry a woman of class A, and must marry a woman of class D, and vice versa. 

242 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

Endogamous groups I II 


Classes < 


a b c 

ai bi Ci 

di ei Ji 

d e f 

Fig. ] 





Fig. 2 

Two endogamous groups, I and II: Endogamous group I contains 
the two exogamous classes A and D ; endogamous group II, the two 
exogamous classes B and C (Fig. i). A marries D, the children are 
C; C marries B, the children are A; D marries A, the children are B; 
B marries C, the children are D (Fig. 2). 

The second mode of representation fits the objective facts as 
accurately as does the first. ^ The phratry names Dilbi and Kupathin 
would rather suggest the first representation as the true one, among 
the Kamilaroi; but in those tribes of the same type of organization 
that have no phratric names, even that clew would be missing. If, 
then, a choice were to be made between the exogamic and the endo- 
gamic interpretations, a psychological analysis of the native attitude 
would prove the only trustworthy method of ascertaining the truth. 
A number of weeks after the above lines were written, I ran across 
Klaatsch's exposition of the social organization of the Niol-Niol, 
N. W. Australia.^ On my previous reading of his account, I failed to 
observe that he had unwittingly impersonated our hypothetical 
investigator. Professor Klaatsch, who, like our investigator, is homo 
novus in Australian ethnology, found among the Niol-Niol two groups, 
each containing two sub-groups. Group A, the name of which he 
heard as Paddjabor, contains the sub-groups Pardiara and Karimb ; 
group B, for which he heard the name Waddibol, contains the sub- 
groups Borong and Panak. Pardiara marries Karimb, and vice versa; 
Borong marries Panak, and vice versa. Klaatsch does not use the 
terms "endogamy" and "exogamy;" as a matter of fact, however, 

^ It is not improbable, moreover, that, on a par with the dominant phratric organiza- 
tion, there may also exist in these Australian tribes a consciousness of the objectively 
endogamous groups constituted bj' the pairs of intermarrying classes. 

2 Klaatsch, "Schlussbericht iiber meine Reise nach Australien in den Jahren 1904- 
1907" (Z. /. £., 1907, pp. 656-657). 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 


he gives us — just like his hypothetical predecessor! — two endog- 
amous groups, each containing two exogamous ones. 

Klaatsch proceeds to compare the class-names of the Niol-Niol with 
those of the Aranda: — 

Niol- Niol A randa 

Karimb (Kymera) Kumara 

Panak (Banake) Panunga 

Pardiara (Palljarru) Bulthara 

Borong (Burong) Purula 

The analogies are phonetically doubtful (" allerdings bestehen ja im 
Klang einige Unterschiede"); very probably, however, the classes 
do correspond. 

Let Panunga = Panak = I 
Bulthara = Pardiara = II 
Purula = Borong = III 
Kumara = Karimb = IV 

The organizations of the two tribes can then be represented as 
follows : — 

Aranda Niol-Niol 

Phratries Endogamous groups 







Among the Aranda the intermarrying classes — i and iii, 11 and 
IV — belong to opposite phratries; among the Niol-Niol, they consti- 
tute endogamous groups. But organizations like that represented 
in the diagram to the right, with a dichotomous endogamous division 
as a central feature, have not hitherto been found in AustraHa. The 
correspondence of the class names, moreover, suggests an organization 
essentially similar to that of the Aranda. Hence there can be Kttle 
doubt that no such endogamous social units as Paddjabor and Wad- 
dibol really exist among the Niol-Niol; instead, i-ii andiii-iv probably 
constitute exogamous phratries. But what of the names " Paddjabor" 
and "Waddibol"? Perhaps the explanation would come with their 

The Tendency to regulate — Much evidence can 
be adduced to show that even in those communities where marriage 
regulations of some kind or other have assumed a relatively fixed 
form, forces remain at work which tend to further modify or extend 
the regulation of marriages. Thus among the Meitheis, for instance, 

244 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

Hodson records that certain salais do not intermarry with certain 
other salais. The Kumul do not intermarry with the Luang; the 
Moirang, with the Khabananba and the Ckenglei; while no Ang5m 
may take a wife among either the Luang, Moirang, or Khabananba, 
and vice versa,^ etc. Similarly among the Khasis, the Diengdoh may 
not intermarry with the Maser; the Kharbangar, with the Nonglwai; 
the Khongdup, with the Rongsai and Khongru,^ etc. Rivers notes 
that among the Todas certain clans in both divisions tend to inter- 
marry with some special clans, and avoid others. Thus, in the Tar- 
tharol division, the Panol are not allowed to marry the Kanodrsol; 
the prohibition is stringent, as not a single case of intermarriage 
between the two clans could be found in the genealogical records. 
The Piedr of the TeivaHol division do not intermarry with the Kusharf 
and the Pedrkarsol. The Nodrs, Kars, and Taradr, on the other hand, 
who are neighbors in a hilly district, show a tendency to intermarry; 
and the same is true of the Kanodrs, Kwodrdoni, and Pam.^ Hollis 
records a large number of similar regulations among the Nandi clans. 
Here the Kimpamwi and Kipkokos cannot intermarry with the 
Tungo; the Kipaa, with the Kamwaika; while the Tungo are debarred 
from intermarriage with no less than six clans.* In a recent book on 
"The Akikuyu of British East Africa," Routledge speaks of thirteen 
exogamous clans. Descent is paternal, but marriage into the mother's 
clan is also prohibited. In addition, however, "there are said to be 
certain other restrictions as to marriage between particular clans 
which cannot be broken without penalty of barrenness."^ Among the 
Haida, "certain special families and towns were in the habit of inter- 
marrying. This fact was expressed in saying that such and such a 
family were the 'fathers' of such and such another one."® Mr. P. 
Radin tells me that among the Winnebago one of the clans of the 
Upper phratry tends to intermarry with one of the Lower clans. In 
Austraha, as shown above, marriage is as a rule regulated by phra- 
tries, classes, sub-classes, but not by individual totem clans. Excep- 
tions are not lacking, however. Among the Arabana, for instance, 
there seems to be one totem to one totem marriage: a Matthurie- 
dingo man marries a Kirarawa-water-hen woman, a Kirarawa-pelican 
man marries a Matthurie-swan woman,^ etc. In the Wiradjuri tribe, 
similar conditions prevail, except that in the case of some totems the 
marriage restriction is somewhat wider: a Yibatha-opossum, for in- 
stance, may marry either a Kubbi-bush-rat or a Kubbi-bandicoot; 

1 Hodson, The Meitheis, 1908, p. 73. 

2 Gordon, The Khasis, 1907, p. 76; and Appendixes A and B, pp. 216-220. 

' Rivers, The Todas, pp. 506-507. ■• Hollis, The Natidi, 1909, pp. 8-11. 

5 Routledge, The Akikuyu, 1910, p. 20. ° Swanton, Jesup Exped., vol. v, p. 67. 

Howitt, N. T., pp. 188-189. 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 245 

an Yibai-opossum may marry either a Kubbitha-bush-rat or a Kub- 
bitha flying-squirrel, ^ etc. Other deviations from the common phratry 
(class, sub-class) to phratry (class, sub-class) law are recorded 
among the Wonghibon,^ Kuinmurbura,^ Wakelbura; ^ also among 
the Karamundi and Itchimundi.^ 

Further research is needed to determine conclusively whether How- 
itt was right in asserting that "the restriction in marriage to one or 
more totems is certainly later in origin than the Dieri rule." ^ It is at 
least probable that such is the fact, in which case we should have to 
class these AustraKan tribes with the other tribes of other continents, 
referred to before, only that in Austraha the restrictions on marriage, 
which developed in addition to the other restrictions more charac- 
teristic of that continent, had also time to become relatively fixed 
and categorical. 

The above illustrations come from regions selected at random. 
Hence we may safely assume that a more extensive application of 
the genealogical method than has hitherto been attempted will reveal 
the fact that the tendency to regulate marriage is a constant and 
important dynamic factor in the development of human societies.' 

Some Origins. — Thus wherever we turn we find tendencies at 
work which regulate marriage. Nothing short of an historical record 
can enable us to put our finger on the cause of such a tendency in any 
particular case, but the variety of possible causes must be admitted 
to be well-nigh infinite. Here and there a tradition furnishes a sug- 
gestion. The Meitheis saleis Kumul and Luang do not intermarry, 
because "once upon a time a Kumul Wazir saved the life of a Luang 
who had been sentenced to death." ^ In examining the genealogical 

^ Howitt, N. T., p. 209. Howitt's remark with reference to these regulations evinces 
considerable naivete. "A statement made by one of my Wiradjuri informants," he writes, 
"is worth recording, as showing that all the restrictions or enlargements of privileges 
are the result of thought. He said ' Kubbi-guro (bush-rat) and Kubbi-butherung (flying- 
squirrel) can each marry Yibatha-gurimul (opossum), because they are very near to 
each other in the Kubbi-budjan' (that is, sub-class)." 

^ Cameron, quoted by Howitt, N. T., pp. 214-215. 

' Flowers, Ibid., p. 218. * Muirhead, Ibid., p. 221. 

* Howitt, N. T., pp. 189 and 194. * Ibid., p. 189. 

' We may add that throughout historic times and up to the present day, the regulation 
of marriage has been the reflection as well as the instrument of group-formation. The 
prerogatives of descent, of social position, of faith, of occupation, forever tend to check 
intermarriage beyond the limits of certain racial, religious, social, professional groups. 
Opposite tendencies are not lacking : witness the predilection of European noblemen for 
daughters of American millionaires, — a predilection which is reciprocated. Amidst the 
complexities of our civilization these tendencies are checked by innumerable disturbing 
currents and counter-currents; but in the proper time and place, many of these ten- 
dencies may, and as a matter of history did, produce rigid forms of social organization 
backed by categorical imperatives against the marriage within or without certain definite 

' Hodson, The Meitheis, 1908, p. 73. 

246 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

records of the Todas, Rivers did not find a single case of marriage 
between the Panol and the Kanodrsol clans; the " prohibition is said 
to be due to the murder of Parden by Kwoten." ^ 

Similarly, the clans Piedr and Pedrkarsol ceased intermarrying on 
account of a quarrel between the members of the two clans. These 
accounts are traditional, and the incidents thus hjpothesized may 
in the particular cases be pure fiction; there is, however, nothing in- 
herently impossible, or even improbable, in these native theories. 
Two historical cases are worth mentioning. One refers to the develop- 
ment of endogamy in a tribe of British Columbia, — the Bella Coola. 
Historical, archaeological, and linguistic evidence leave no room for 
doubt that these people originally lived among the Salish of the coast, 
to the south of their present habitat around Dean Inlet. When 
they migrated northward, they came under the influence of the north- 
ern coast tribes. Thus they came to ascribe vast importance to their 
clan traditions. Something had to be done to prevent other villages 
from acquiring the tradition, which would then lose much of its 
value. The prohibition of marriage outside the village was an efficient 
means: hence endogamy developed. ''It seems, however," adds 
Boas, " that, owing to the influence of the coast tribes, the endogamic 
system has begun to give way to an exogamic system. Powerful and 
wealthy chiefs marry outside of their own village community, in order 
to secure an additional clan legend through marriage." " The other 
case takes us once more back to the Todas. One of the most widely 
spread forms of social organization in primitive communities is the 
division of a tribe into two exogamous groups. The theories most 
commonly advanced to account for this condition h}'pothesize either 
the splitting in two of an originally "Undivided Commune," or the 
fusion of two originally independent groups. Now, this is what actu- 
ally occurred in the Teivaliol section of the Todas : the people of the 
Kundr clan, owing to their numerical superiority, could follow the 
exogamous law only by marrying most of the members of the other 
clans, " leaving very few to intermarry with one another." During 
the period investigated by Rivers, only 16 out of 177 marriages 
belonged to the latter t}^e. Thus " the Teivahol division has almost 
come to be in the position of a community with a dual marrying 
organization, in which every member of one group must marry a 
member of the other group." ^ 

In addition to the causes referred to, another important factor 
must be mentioned, — a factor which is ever furthering the spread 
of specific types of organizations which regulate marriage. I mean 

1 Rivers, The Todas, p. 506. ^ Boas, Jesiip Exped., vol. i, p. 116. 

^ Rivers, The Todas, p. 507. 

Totemism, an Analytical Study • 247 

borrowing, the influence exerted by one tribe on another. In Aus- 
traha the vast amount of borrowing which must have taken place 
is attested to by the spread of identical class and phratry organiza- 
tions over tremendous areas, as well as by the occurrence of similar 
or identical class and phratry names in many groups of tribes. In 
North America, the maternal clan organization, with its exogamy, 
was carried by the coast tribes of British Columbia to the tribes of 
the interior.^ In India the exogamous gotras of the Brahman castes 
become adopted by tribes originally organized on a different basis, 

The Regulation of Marriage and of Psychic Intercourse. — 
Among the Gilyak, grandfathers and grandmothers,^ fathers and 
mothers, agnatic and cognatic uncles and aunts, cannot intermarry 
with their grandchildren, children, nephews, and nieces. Brother and 
sister marriage — own and collateral — is similarly prohibited. Of 
cousins, sisters' daughters and brothers' sons cannot intermarry, etc. 
Sisters' sons and brothers' daughters, on the other hand, constitute 
the class of rightful " husbands" and " wives" {pu and ahgej). 

In the class of people who do not stand to each other in any degree 
of relationship, any man may have sexual intercourse with, or marry, 
any woman; but neither course of action involves any right. The 
community neither opposes nor sanctions such intercourse or mar- 
riages, but lets the man and the woman take care of themselves and 
of their possible rivals. Not so with the classes of pu and angej: here 
the right to sexual intercourse and marriage often involves positive 

* See p. 285. 

'^ Risley, 1903, p. 177, and elsewhere. 

It is perhaps worth our while to give a generalized account of the origin of exogamy and 
endogamy. Take a tribe, or, for convenience, two tribes, in contact. The only three pos- 
sibilities in the line of marriage relations are indifference (the two tribes marry indiscrim- 
inately), exogamous tendency (each tribe tends to marry into the other rather than within 
itself) , or endogamous tendency (each tribe tends to marry within its own limi ts) . Of these 
alternatives, the first need not be seriously considered. It cannot last. Sooner or later, 
some one of the innumerable possible causes or accidents will break the equilibrium, and 
tip the scale one or the other way. The institution of marriage is of such vast economic 
and social importance, that any tendency — exogamous or endogamous — thus origi- 
nated is bound to be seized upon. The tendency grows into a habit, while the opposite 
course becomes exceptional. Public opinion comes into play; religious sanction super- 
venes. Thus the habit becomes an imperative; the infringement, a prohibition. Specific 
historical conditions may at any given place and time foster, retard, or check processes 
like the one suggested; but the point remains, that marital tendencies of one or another 
sort will develop, — history alone can answer the why in each particular instance, — and, 
once there, will tend to assert themselves. It is easy to speculate about the origin of ex- 
ogamy (or endogamy) on general sociological, psychological, or physiological grounds. 
Any number of possible developments may be guessed at, and in a given case several 
may seem plausible or even probable; but in the absence of an historic backbone, 
the interpretative value of such speculations is nil. 

' These terms of relationship apply, not to individuals, but to groups. 

248 Joutnal of American Folk-Lore 

obligations. In some localities no man or woman may refuse sexual 
intercourse to a person who rightfully demands it. More commonly, 
the widows of deceased brothers become the wives of surviving 
brothers " quite independently of the latter' s sentiments in the mat- 
ter." That marriage between the groups pu and angej is not merely 
appropriate, but imperative, is well illustrated in a tradition recorded 
by Sternberg. A young Gilyak is mortally wounded in a fight with a 
mysterious shaman, and retires to his yurta. While on his death-bed 
he realizes that he belongs to a gens into which the murderer may 
marry, and that his daughter is the murderer's rightful wife (angej). 
Notwithstanding the curse which attaches to his person, the murderer 
is summoned; and in his presence the dying Gilyak declares, "Al- 
though this man killed me, give him my daughter! Remember my 
word!" As a man must marry one of his ahgej, care is taken not to 
leave the matter to chance, and marriages are often agreed upon by 
the parents soon after the births of the future couple. At the age of 
four or five, the bride joins the family of her bridegroom.. The children 
grow up together, calling each other " my husband" and " my wife." 
When sexual maturity is reached, they become de facto husband and 
wife, no special ceremony being required to sanction this last act 
which fixes their marital union. The insignificant part played by the 
purchase-money {kalym) in marriages of the above type is particu- 
larly interesting. The purchase-money received by the bride's father 
or brother is, as a rule, a very important factor in the marriage trans- 
action; but in marriages of the above t}^e, the purchase-money 
recedes to the background. If not quite eliminated, it is either paid 
in small yearly instalments, or is put off for decades until the couple 
are in a position to reimburse themselves by means of the purchase- 
money received for their own female progeny. In view of the great 
economic importance of the purchase-money in the Gilyak house- 
hold, its reduction or elimination, in case of child marriages of pu and 
angej, becomes particularly significant. Such marriages seem to con- 
stitute, in the eyes of the Gilyak, part of the natural order of things. 
There is among the Gilyak of to-day no prohibition against sexual 
intercourse with strangers, although a number of customs make it 
probable that such prohibitions existed in the past. Sexual intimacy 
between persons of prohibited degrees, however, continues to elicit 
public condemnation, and rebukes by relatives, accompanied by 
expulsion from the community. Suicide of the culprit, rather enhanced 
than discouraged by relatives, is of common occurrence.^ 

* Among most Australian tribes, group resentment against incestuous marriages, 
whether determined by phratry and class or relationship, manifests itself in much more 
extreme and violent forms. Some examples may not be amiss. "If a man among the 
Kamilaroi took a woman to wife contrary to tribal laws, her kindred would complain 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 249 

Now, on a par with these positive and negative regulations of mar- 
riage, there exist, among the Gilyak, certain other regulations of what 
Sternberg calls "psychic intercourse." Interdicts of psychic inter- 
course refer, on the one hand, to those individuals between whom 
outbursts of jealousy are most likely to occur, and, on the other hand, 
to the groups of persons who may not intermarry. To the former 
category belong all the wives of an individual husband, the wives 
of "brothers" (whether they are real "sisters" or not), and the men 
married to "sisters" (whether they are real "brothers" or not). Be- 
tween all these persons, occasions for jealousy constantly arise; hence 

to the local division to which he belonged, and they were bound to take the matter up. 
If they did not do this, a fight would be sure to ensue between members of the two sub- 
classes concerned. In some cases, however, if a man persisted in keeping a woman as his 
wife who was of one of the sub-classes with which his sub-class could not marry, he was 
driven out of the company of his friends. If that did not induce him to leave the woman, 
his male kindred followed him and killed him. The female kindred of the woman also 
killed her" (Doyle, cited by Howitt, N. T., p. 208). In the Wakelbura tribe, if a man 
ran away with a woman who ought properly to have married a man of another totem, 
"his own and tribal brothers would be against him, as well as the brothers, own and 
tribal, of the woman, and those also of the promised husband." He would have to fight 
all of them, as well as the promised husband. If the latter was a strong fighting man, 
he would follow the offender to his camp. "The mother of the woman would cut and 
perhaps kill her; and the man's own brothers would challenge him to fight them by 
throwing boomerangs and other weapons about him." If he refused to fight, they turned 
on the woman, who would then be crippled or killed. Then the promised husband would 
fight the offender, who, "in such a fight, would be sure to come off worst; for, even if he 
proved to be a better man than his antagonist, the brothers of the latter, or even his 
own brothers, would attack him, and he would be probably gashed with their knives, 
since his own brothers would not mind if they killed him, for under such circumstances 
his death would not be avenged" (Howitt, N. T., pp. 222-223). 

In one case related by Howitt, an old man of the Kulin tribe "had a grown-up son, 
and a girl lived with them who was in the relation of daughter to the old man, and 
therefore in the relation of sister to his son. The man's friends told him to get the girl 
married, because it was not right to have her living single in the camp with his son. He 
did not do this, and his son took the girl. Then the old man was very angry, and said, 
"'I am ashamed; everyone will hear of this; why have you done this thing ? I have done 
with you altogether!' Then he speared his son, who died soon after" (Howitt, iV. T., 
pp. 255-256). The resentment and the punishment inflicted are milder when the cul- 
prits do not belong to prohibited groups. If a Wot jo man ran away with a girl who was 
promised to another man, "all the girl's male kindred, both paternal and maternal, 
followed the couple and if they found them brought them back with them. The man 
had then to stand out and fight her male kindred. If skilful, he probably remained 
uninjured. The girl, when brought back, was beaten by her father and brothers, as also 
by her mother and sisters, against all of whom she defended herself as best she could 
with a digging-stick. After that ordeal, the man was permitted to keep her, but he had 
to find a sister to give in exchange for her." If, on the other hand, a man ran away with 
a girl whom he could not rightfully marry, relates Howitt, "all the men of both of the 
class names would pursue him, and if he were caught they would kill and bury him. 
My Wotjobaluk informants said that this was always done in the old times before white 
men came, but that they did not do as their western neighbors did, namely, eat him. 
It was the duty of the woman's father and brothers, in such a case, to kill her" (Howitt 
N. T., pp. 246-247). 

2^0 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

the interdict of psychic intercourse applies to them in all its strin- 
gency; no familiarity is tolerated, nor are they permitted to speak to 
each other. Only in case of necessity may an address in the third 
person or a brief business talk be permitted. To the second category 
belong, in the first place, all tuvn, brothers and sisters, own and col- 
lateral. "Brothers" and "sisters" may not even look at each other.^ 
The interdict is as strict with reference to all the women of one's own 
gens, while the interdict between tuvn extends even beyond the limits 
of the gens, for instance, to children of sisters who married men belong- 
ing to different gentes. Curiously enough, there is no interdict be- 
tween "mothers" and "sons." Sternberg suggests that the terms of 
relationship acquired in childhood are a sufficient guaranty of sexual 
indifference between these persons. There is somewhat less freedom 
between "fathers" and "daughters;" conversation and quarrelUng 
is permitted, but no famiharity. There is no interdict between a man 
and his mother-in-law, while the relations of a woman with her father- 
in-law are restricted to a greater or less extent in the various locali- 
ties. ^ The positive regulations of marriage are similarly reflected in the 
rules of psychic intercourse. While the "husbands" {pu) and the 
"wives" iangej), among themselves, stand under the ban of strict 
interdicts, the relations between the pu and the ahgej are of the freest: 
they are natural playmates and companions. Young men unite in 
groups, and spend entire months in the gentes of their "fathers-in- 
law" (axmalk), in the company of their ahgej. The relations between 
brothers-in-law are characterized by the same freedom and cordial- 
ity. None of these groups, however, are as striking for the friendli- 
ness and famiharity of their relations as are the groups of "fathers-in- 
law" {axmalk) and "sons-in-law" (ymgi). The "son-in-law" is an 
ever- welcome guest; the best in the house is put before him; he partici- 
pates in his host's hunting, and carries away with him a large share 
of the booty; at ceremonies one of the honorable functions is assigned 

1 The prohibition of sexual intercourse between brothers and sisters — a prohibition 
of which the above psychic interdict is a reflection — is extended by the Gilyak beyond 
the human species: if a dog is caught in the incestuous act, an expiatory sacrifice of the 
culprit is required by custom. 

A custom recorded among the natives of New Britain may serve as an extreme illustra- 
tion of the "horror of incest." Among these people, "if twins are born, and they are boy 
and girl, they are put to death, because, being of the same class, and being of opposite sexes, 
they were supposed to have had in the womb a closeness of connection which amounted 
to a violation of their marital class law" (Danks, /. A. I., vol. xviii [1889], p. 292). This 
instinct is one of the puzzles of ethnology. Its origin we know not. As we find it to-day, 
it is completely divorced from any direct relation to actual nearness of blood, but attaches 
itself to groups of most varying composition. In any individual case, marriage regula- 
tions, of whatever specific origin, cannot be properly understood without due regard to 
this powerful sentiment which constitutes their emotional backing. 

"^ In Sternberg's opinion, this may be due to the fact that a woman, among the Gilyak, 
lives with her husband's parents, while a man sees but little of his mother-in-law. 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 251 

to him; in times of need he may join his father-in-law, accompanied 
by his entire family, and for months live at the former's house and at 
his expense. 

The above conditions, as found among the Gilyak, illustrate with 
great clearness the close correlation between the positive and negative 
regulations of marriage to which we have repeatedly referred; they 
also illustrate the unmistakable correspondence between the regula- 
tions of marriage, on the one hand, and the rules of psychic inter- 
course, on the other. ^ 

Totemic Names 

The totemic group does not always bear the name of its totem. 
British Columbia furnished some instances. Further examples from 
North America may now be adduced. 

Among the Omaha, the name of the Elk gensis Weji°cte. The mean- 
ing of this word is forgotten, but it does not seem to have any relation 
to the elk. 2 The Black-Shoulder gens (the Inke-sabe) has the buffalo 
as its totem, but its name is not derived from that animal.' Nor are 
the names of the three sub-gentes of this gens derived from their 
totem; the name WaSigije, for instance, is derived from the " hooped 
rope" with which one of the native games is played.^ Another of the 
Omaha Buffalo gentes bears the name Hanga ("foremost," "ances- 
tral"). Among the Kansas and Osages the same name applies to 
gentes with other totems. The two sub-gentes of the Omaha Hanga 
bear two names each, — one referring to their taboos, the other to 
their ceremonial functions.^ One of the sub-gentes of the Catada 
gens bears the name "Those-who-do-not- touch- the-Skin-of-a-Black- 
Bear;" another sub-gens is called " Those-who-do-not-eat-(Small)- 
Birds;"^ etc. The Ma"Sinka-gaxe is a wolf gens. "The members of 
this gens call themselves the Wolf (and Prairie wolf) People," but 
their name means "the earth-lodge makers." ^ The Ictasanda are the 
reptile people. The meaning of the nam_e is uncertain, but it may be 
"gray eyes."^ 

1 The facts with reference to the Gilyak are derived from Sternberg (MS.)- In works 
dealing with marriage regulations we generally find much care bestowed on the elucida- 
tion of restrictions and interdicts, while positive regulations are comparatively neglected. 
The latter, however, are no less important than the former; and a survey of the two sets 
of regulations is indispensable for a clear understanding of the marital situation in any 
given community. The regulations of psychic intercourse, which only too often have 
prompted speculations along mystic lines, are most intimately correlated with the two 
sets of matrimonial regulations: so the latter must ever be kept in mind, if we want to 
grasp the full bearing of the former. It is safe to predict that a study of these phenomena 
in their natural relation, as revealed by the facts, will prove fruitful of results. 

^ Dorsey, 3d B. E. R., p. 225. ^ Ibid., pp. 228, 229. 

* Ibid., pp. 230, 231. ^ Ibid., p. 235. 
" Ibid., pp. 236-238. ' Ibid., p. 242. 

* Ibid., p. 248. 

VOL. xxni. — NO. 88. 1 7 

252 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

The Bahima, a Bantu tribe of the Uganda Protectorate, comprise 
fourteen totemic clans. One of the totems is a monkey (it is monopo- 
lized by the princes); eleven are different varieties of cows; one is 
" twins;" and one, the human breast. Descent is paternal. The names 
of these exogamous clans are not derived from their totems.^ The 
Nandi clans do not (with some exceptions) derive their names from 
their totems.^ The Kiziba, on the western shore of Lake Victoria 
Nyanza, comprise, besides the King's family, twenty-seven famihes 
or clans, with paternal descent. The clans are exogamous, and each 
has its totem (muziro). "Cross" totems are conspicuous, such as 
"the heart of all animals," "the intestines of all animals," etc. The 
clans do not bear the names of their totems.^ The tribes occupying 
the region between the Upper Congo and the Upper Nile, such as the 
Bangba, Azande, Abarambo, etc., are divided into exogamous clans 
with paternal descent. The clans have their totem animals or plants, 
the killing and eating of which is generally prohibited. The names of 
the clans are not those of their totems.^ 

The Bhils of Barwani are divided into forty-one exogamous septs, 
with their totems and taboos. Not all of the totems are eponymous. 
Here " septs with different names, but whose object of special worship 
is the same, cannot intermarry."^ 

On Kiriwina Island (Trobriand group) each of the four exogamous 
divisions has four totems differing in rank. The divisions trace their 
descent from the bird-totem, which ranks highest, but they do not 
take the name of any of the totems.^ The two classes of the New 
Britain group claim two insects as their totems, but bear the names of 
two mythological ancestors who are believed to have descended from 
the totems.^ 

The above instances notwithstanding, eponymous totems must be 
considered one of the most constant features of totemic groups, 
particularly of those with maternal descent. One factor, however, 
tends undoubtedly to exaggerate, in the eyes of investigators, the 
importance of totemic names. I mean the great vitality of names. 
Special attitudes and beliefs will disappear or become modified beyond 
recognition; even taboos, which furnish plentiful "survivals," are 
very unrehable for purposes of reconstruction. Names, on the other 
hand, whether of families, of clans, or of wider groups, cling to these 
units with remarkable tenacity. We admit the common prevalence 

' Roscoe, /. A. I., vol. xxxvii (1907), p. 99. 

2 Hollis, The Nandi, 1909, p. 5; and Appendix II, p. 317. 

^ Rehse, Kiziba, 1910, pp. 4-7. 

* Czekanowski, Z.f. E., 1909, p. 598. 
^ Risley, 1903, p. 162. 

* Rivers, /. A. I., vol. xxxix (1909), P- i79- 
' Danks, /. A. I., vol. xviii (1889), p. 281. 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 253 

of totemic names wherever totemic phenomena exist, as well as the 
numerous cases where, in the absence of other features, only the names 
are extant; while the reverse is of rare occurrence. But we must also 
remember that these facts may, at least in part, be due to the greater 
tenacity of names. Who knows how many totemic communities 
without totemic names may have existed and vanished, leaving noth- 
ing for the ethnologist to build upon ? 

Descent from the Totem 

We found that among the tribes of British Columbia the concept 
of descent from the totem did not develop. Among American tribes, 
the Iroquois also did not trace their descent from the eponymous 

The totems {muziro) of the Kiziba stood in intimate relation to the 
system of taboos, but they were not the ancestors of the clansmen. 
The reason given by the natives for having a particular animal or 
plant for their totem was that the latter had either benefited them in 
the past or had done them some harm. ^ The Baganda are divided into 
clans with totems and animal names. The natives do not trace their 
descent from those totems. '' The only origin they have of the totems," 
says Roscoe, "is that one of their forefathers partook of that animal 
or bird, etc., and fell ill; and from that time it was looked upon as 
injurious to them, and they took it as their totem."^ The same is 
true of the Bahima.^ 

The Bamangwato tribe of the Becwana account for having the 
duyker as their totem by the following tradition : — 

"The original ancestor of the Bamangwato tribe, Nwato by name 
(Nwato means the undercut of a sirloin of beef), was once hard-pressed 
by his foes. In his extremity he hid in a thicket. His pursuers had seen 
him but a little while before, and as he was now nowhere to be seen, they 
surmised that he must be in hiding; and they approached the very thicket, 
intending to examine it. lust as they approached, however, a duyker 
sprang out and bounded away. Upon this, one of them remarked that a 
man and a duyker could not hide in the same thicket, and the party went 
on. Henceforth, says the story, the chief took the duyker for his totem." 

A section of the Bahurutshe, whose totems are the eland and the 
hartebeest, claim the baboon as their totem. They have this tradition: 

"A certain chief of the Bahurutshe tribe captured a young baboon and 
tamed it. One day his son loosed the baboon to play with it, and allowed 
it to escape. There had already been much friction between the son and the 
father, and this was the climax. The father gave the son a sound thrashing. 

1 Rehse, Kiziba, 1910, p. 7. ^ Roscoe, J. A. I., vol. xxxi (1901), pp. 118-119. 

^ Ibid., vol. xxxvii (1907), p. 99. 

254 Journal oj American Folk-Lore 

The son promptly retaliated by seceding, and calling upon his followers to 
follow him. They formed a township of their own and adopted the baboon 
as their totem." 

Another section of the Bahurutshe have, besides the tribal totem, 
the wild boar as their subsidiary totem, for the following reason: — 

"The chief, Makgane, was childless; and almost despairing of a son, he 
called in a celebrated doctor from a neighboring tribe and asked him to 
cure his wife of her childlessness. The doctor venerated the wild boar. 
And having administered his medicines, he assured the chief that a son 
would be born, and ordered that the son and all his descendants should 
venerate the wild boar. The son was born, and the subsidiary totem was 
taken." ' 

Some of the minor subdivisions (machongs) of the Garos had their 
animal totems, to which, however, they showed no respect whatever. 
A number of their family traditions are recorded by Playfair. Thus 
the Rangsam family of the Marak clan recount that a bear once sold 
a basket of food to a Marak girl, who married him. The girl's family 
killed the bear. Her issue have the bear for their totem, and are called 
" children of the bear." According to the tradition of a family of the 
Momin clan, " a little girl was shut up naked in a shed by her mother 
because she was naughty. Being ashamed of her nakedness, she asked 
some children who were playing near by to give her some feathers, 
fire, and wax. By means of hot wax, she stuck the feathers all over 
her body, and, turning into a dove, was able to fly out. This girl 
became the founder of the dove family," ^ The people of Buin 
(Bougainville Island, Salomon group) are divided into exogamous 
classes, which have birds as their totems. These totems are not 
the ancestors of the totemites, although the latter believe them- 
selves to be in some way related to the former. Thus the fish- 
hawk totemites say that the child of a woman became transformed 
into a fish-hawk. The parrot people claim that a parrot-child was 
born from a human mother and a parrot father, etc.^ 

These few examples will sufiice to show that the totem is not 
always conceived as the ancestor. 


Taboo and the other " Symptoms." — A most superficial survey 
of prohibitions against the killing and eating of animals would sufiice to 
reveal the fact that these prohibitions embrace a much wider range of 
phenomena than those included in totemism. Wherever we turn, we 
find prohibitions of killing and eating, referring to pregnant women, 

^ Willoughby, /. A. I., vol. xxxv (1905), pp. 3cx3-30i. 

* Playfair, The Garos, 1909, p. 65. * Thurnwald, Z.f. E., 1910, p. 124. 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 255 

to their husbands, to menstruating girls, to widows and widowers, to 
youths before initiation, etc. The distribution of these customs is so 
general, that we may dispense with concrete illustrations. 

The prohibition to kill and eat the personal guardian animal is of 
common occurrence. It apphes to the manitou of the North Ameri- 
can Indian, to the spirit-protector of the Banks Islands native, to the 
Euahlayi yunheai.^ 

In other cases there is no such prohibition attached to the personal 
guardian. The supernatural protector {sulia) of the Salish tribes fur- 
nishes one instance. Among these people, those who had as their pro- 
tectors one or more of the animals hunted for food were always 
successful hunters of those animals. The man, for instance, who had 
a deer as protector could always find and kill plenty of deer; and it 
was the same with respect to the other animals, birds, and fish.^ The 
cause of this phenomenon probably lies in the spiritual character of 
this belief. The^w/^'aisa " mystery being "or a " spirit." It may take 
the form of a deer, a bear, or any other animal; but it could not be 
hurt or killed, even if the animal were slain.' 

In many instances the taboo in totemic communities reaches beyond 
the limits of a single totemic group. We had occasion to refer to the 
wild-cat {achilpa) taboo, which extends to all the members of the 
Aranda tribe, ^ as well as to that of the brown hawk, which cannot, in 
addition, be eaten by a number of other tribes.^ On Tikopia Island the 
octopus, particularly sacred to the Kavika division, is also taboo to 
the entire island. Of the four totems of the Tafua division, two — 
the fl3dng-fox and the turtle — cannot be eaten by either the Tafua 
or any of the other divisions. The same is true of the stingray.® On 
the Reif Islands several animals are taboo to the whole people.^ Elab- 
orate food taboos may be associated with definite social units, which, 
however, need not be totemic communities. The Indian castes are a 
case in point: the multitudinous food-regulations intimately associ- 
ated with the legion castes and sub-castes of India are as strict as they 
are extravagant.^ 

We must also note that hand in hand with restrictive taboos there 
exist in many tribes numerous positive regulations referring to the 
killing and eating of animals. Howitt ascertained among the Kurnai 
that when a wombat is killed, it is first cooked, then cut open and 
skinned. " The skin is cut into strips and divided with parts of the ani- 
mal thus : — The head to the person who killed the animal. His father 

^ Parker, The Euahlayi, p. 21. ^ Hill-Tout, /. A. I., vol. xxxiv (1904), p. 324. 

' Ibid., p. 325. ■* Spencer and Gillen, i, pp. 167-168. 

^ Ibid., ii, p. 612. " Rivers, /. A. I., vol. xxxix (1909), p. i6i. 

' Ibid., p. 164. 

' See Risley, 1903, pp. 84, 125, 186-187 «^ ^^2- 

256 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

the right rib; mother the left ribs and the backbone, which, with some 
of the skin, she gives to her parents. Her husband's parents receive 
some of the skin. The elder brother gets the right shoulder, the 
younger the left. The elder sister the right hind leg, the younger the left 
hind leg, and the rump and liver are sent to the young men's camp."^ 
A similar set of regulations apply to the preparation and apportion- 
ment of a native bear, the euro, the lace-lizard, etc. The various hunt- 
ing-regulations which belong to the most widely spread ethnic features 
must be classed with this category of phenomena; and, as in the case 
of marriage regulations, the conduct which is forbidden must be stud- 
ied in conjunction with the conduct which is prescribed, if we want to 
see the facts in their proper perspective. 

When viewed from a still broader standpoint, the natural affiliations 
of the prohibitions against the killing and eating of animals are seen to 
lie with the other prohibitions restricting conduct. Van Gennep thus 
summarizes the function of taboo (fady) in Madagascar: "Le tabou 
est un des elements fondamentaux de la vie sociale et individuelle des 
habitants de Madagascar; il regie I'existence quotidienne du roturier, 
du noble, du chef, de la famille, de la tribue meme; il decide souvent 
de la parente et du genre de vie de I'enfant qui vient de naitre; il 
eleve des barrieres entre les jeunes gens et limite ou necessite I'exten- 
sion territoriale de la famille; il regie la maniere de travailler et repartit 
strictement I'ouvrage, il dicte meme le menu; il isole le malade, 
ecarte les vivants du mort; il conserve au chef sa puissance et au pro- 
prietaire son bien; il assure le culte des grands fetiches, la perpetuite 
de forme des actes rituels, I'efficacite du remede et de I'amulette."^ 
The eating and killing restrictions, which are numerous, simply fall in 
with the rest of that elaborate system of reglamentations sanctioned by 
the community. But what is true of taboo in Madagascar or in Poly- 
nesia, where this institution actually holds the community in its 
clutches, applies in a vague form to taboo in general. Being on its emo- 
tional side allied to the concepts of holy, sacred, powerful, for good or 
evil, hence beneficent or dangerous,^ it is on its social side a system of 
regulation of conduct, with human or supernatural sanction. 

While taboo extends far beyond its functions in totemic communi- 
ties, the totem is by no means always an object to be abstained from. 
In tribes like the Iroquois, where the totem is nothing but a name, no 
prohibitions are attached to the living representatives of the epon}TTi. 
We hear little of totemic taboos in India. Howitt found no totemic 

1 Howitt, N. T., p. 759. 2 Van Gennep, T. T. M., p. 12. 

^ Compare Marillier, "Tabou " (in La Grande Encydopcdie, vol. xxx, p. 848) : "II [the 
Polynesian taboo] designe les etres, les objets, les mots et les actes sacres et s'oppose au 
mot de noa, qui s'applique a tout ce qui peut servir aux usages ordinaires ou communs, 
a tout ce qui peut etre touche, regarde, fait ou dit librement." Hence he allies taboo with 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 257 

taboos in Victoria.^ Among the Euahlayi, who will not harm or eat 
their yunheai, the totem animal can be freely killed and eaten. ^ 

Historical and Psychological Complexity of Taboo. — Among 
the Omaha we find a set of curiously artificial taboos. The Eagle peo- 
ple are not allowed to touch a buffalo-head.^ A sub-gens with a name 
meaning "to carry a turtle on one's back" are allowed to touch or 
carry a turtle, but not to eat it. In the Buffalo-Tail gens, "the keepers 
of the pipe "do not eat the lowest buffalo-rib, while " the keepers of the 
sweet medicine " may not touch any calves.^ The Wind people cannot 
touch verdigris, etc.^ These taboos of the Omaha cannot be directly 
deduced from the attitude of the Indians toward their totems, nor 
would it be plausible to suppose that all of these fanciful prohibitions 
had a uniform origin. If the history of these and similar taboos were 
revealed, we should probably find a variety of incidents leading to 
specific prohibitions that became stereotyped. 

Of the many taboos of the Eskimo, one set is of especial interest. 
Among the Ponds Bay people, "at the place where her [Sedna's] tent 
stood, no one is allowed to burn heather, and no caribou-skin must be 
worked on this place during the winter; otherwise her husband, the 
dog, would be heard howling, and she would punish the offenders." 
At Itidlig "the people are allowed to work on caribou-skins until a 
whale, a narwhal, a white whale, or a ground-seal has been killed. 
After one of these animals has been killed, they must stop work on 
caribou-skins for three nights." ^ After a successful whaling season, all 
clothing is discarded near the shore, so that in the deer-hunting season 
the deer may not be offended.^ After the new caribou-skin clothing 
has been made for the winter, and when the men are ready to go seal- 
ing for the first time, the whole of their clothing and hunting-imple- 
ments are hung over a smudge made of dry seaweed. It is supposed 
that the smoke takes away the smell of the caribou, which would of- 
fend the sea-mammals.'* It is believed that caribou are not as plentiful 
as formerly, because the Eskimo, during the caribou-hunting season, 
work on wood brought into the country by the whalers. ** Throughout 
these customs we observe the antagonism between the deer on the one 
hand and the sea-mammals on the other. A plausible origin of these 
practices may be guessed at. The sea-mammals and the deer are hunted 
at different seasons: hence it became habitual to dissociate the two sets 
of pursuits. The mental attitude thus established gave rise to the be- 
lief that any association between the sea-mammals and the deer, or 

1 Howitt, N. T., p. 145. ^ Parker, The Euahlayi, p. 21. 

' Dorsey, ^d B. E. R., p. 240. * Ibid., p. 244. 

* Ibid., p. 241. 

' Boas, Bull. A. M. N. H., vol. xv, Part II (1907), P- 493- 
' Ibid., p. 500. * Ibid., p. 502. 

* Ibid., p. 503. 

258 Journal 0} American Folk-Lore 

between acts referring to them, such as eating, sewing, etc., was objec- 
tionable or harmful.^ 

The above instances bring home the fact that taboos, whether 
totemic or not, permit of a great variety of origins. In the course of 
time these origins become obscured; and then one is easily tempted 
to interpret the prohibition through some simple psychological pro- 
cess, such as the totemite's respect for his totem. While in some 
totemic communities this may be the true derivation, the origin of the 
taboo may in as many cases have been a totally different one. 

The Religious Aspect of Totemism 

The Worship of Plants and Animals. — That animal and plant 
worship is not coextensive with totemism is a proposition which hardly 
requires detailed demonstration. If one glances over the vast mass of 
material on the animal in religion, folk-lore, cult, accumulated in an 
article by a recent writer, ^ the comparatively modest place occupied 
by totemic beliefs in the immense variety of animal cults becomes 
apparent even to the most prejudiced. 

The rather detailed information obtainable on the worship of trees 
and snakes in India^ discloses no connection between these cults and 
any totemic features. The worship accorded to various animals in 
ancient Egypt is similarly devoid of any totemic coloring, We find 
there veneration of individual animals as well as of entire species, but 
in either case the animal seems to commend religious regard as either 
the actual or the potential dwelUng-place of the god.^ 

It will not be amiss here to give one or two illustrations of curious 
animal cults from a different region. The Gilyak never kills the 
killer- whale. If the body of that animal is washed ashore, it is deco- 
rated with inau and buried in a house of wooden boards erected for 
that special purpose.^ The bear, as we shall see presently, although 
hunted, is treated with similar consideration. Great respect is also 
shown to other animals. When a seal is killed, its head, decorated 
with inau, is ceremoniously sunk into the ocean. The heads of white- 
whales are stuck on poles erected on the shore; the heads of other ani- 
mals are similarly treated. 

The Gilyak have the interesting institution of gentile gods. When 
a clansman is killed by a bear or other animal, is drowned or burned, 
he becomes a little " master; " but he is believed to return to earth in 
the shape of some animal, which thus becomes related to the gens.^ 

1 Boas, Reprint from the A. J. Ps., vol. xxxi (1910), pp. 11-12. 

2 See Thomas, "Animals," in E. R. E., vol. i, pp. 483-53S. 
' Crooke, 1896, pp. 94-97, 100, 106, 121 et seq. 

* Cf. Wiedemann, Religion of the Ancient Egyptians (London, 1897), pp. 182 and 185. 

* Sternberg, A.f. R.,vo\. viii (1905), p. 252. 

" Sternberg {Ibid., pp. 256-259) sees in these gentile animals a potential totemism. He 
believes that a typical form of totemism, with special animals for each gens, could not de- 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 259 

Sternberg gives a detailed account of a Gilyak bear festival.* These 
festivals are on each occasion given by some one gens which acts as 
the host, while several other gentes are the guests. The bear is killed 
as part of the ceremony; but Sternberg believes that the procedure 
is not really a bear sacrifice, the things sacrificed being dogs, fish, to- 
bacco, sugar, straps, arrows, etc., while the bear figures as a messenger 
to the great "Master." The guests of honor at these festivals are men 
from the gentes which take wives from the ofiiciating gens. These men 
are, of course, the ymgi referred to before. They play a prominent part 
in the performance, for they alone are permitted to put the bear to 
death. They also receive the lion's share of the meat, while the host 
and his clansmen " diirfen bloss eine dicke Suppe aus Reiss oder Buda 
mit Briihe vom Barenfleisch geniessen." In addition, however, the 
bear's head is also divided between them (" obligatorisch ehrfurchts- 
voll"). Here, then, among the Gilyak, who have no totemism, we find 
a bear festival given by one gens, with others participating; and during 
the feast the meat of the animal is eaten mostly by members of the 
other gentes, while the host and his associates may only eat a Uttle, — 
the head, namely, — but that they must eat, while the ghost of the 
Aranda alatunja looks on in sympathetic appreciation. ^ 

An elaborate whale festival is recorded among the Koryak. As one 
of the regular features of the festival, " women suffering from nervous 
fits confessed transgressions of various taboos committed by them, and 
were then comforted by one of the old men."^ The Koryak believe that 
the killed whale has come on a visit to the village, to stay for some time. 
It is treated with great respect, for soon it will go back to the sea, only 
to return next season. If a hospitable reception has been accorded it, the 
whale may tell its relatives about it, inducing them to come along; for 
according to the Koryak, the whales, like all other animals, constitute 
a family of relatives, who live in villages like the Koryak themselves.^ 

The whale festival is a communal affair, all inhabitants of the village 
velop among the Gilyak, for the reason that there are but few gentes in which a kinsman, 
either a contemporary or an ancestor, did not succumb in a combat with the bear. He 
adds, however, " Daher sage ichnur, dass die Genesis der Gentilgotter bei den Gilyaken 
deutlich zeigt, dass nicht der Totemismus, das heisst der Glaube an die Abstam- 
mung von dieser oder jener Art von Tier, wie gewohnlich angenommen wird, die 
Gentilgotter geschaffen hat, sondern umgekehrt die Gentilgotter den Totemismus 
schufen." Thus Sternberg believes that the origin of Totemism advocated by him is 
"clearly demonstrated" by this one instance, in which, as he admits, totemism did 
not so originate. This is a good illustration of the origin of some " theories of origin," 
— theories which diis juvandis may nevertheless become prominent in scientific dis- 

^ Sternberg, A.f. R., vol. viii (1905), pp. 260-274. 

2 Sternberg (Ibid., p. 258) notes this rather striking analogy. 

» Krasheninnikoff, cited by Jochelson {Jesup Exped., vol. vi [1908], p. 65). The same 
custom was found by Boas among the Eskimo of Baffin Land. 

* Jochelson, Jesup Exped., vol. vi (1908), p. 66. 

26o Journal of American Folk-Lore 

participating. The owner of the skin boat by whose crew the whale 
has been killed acts as the host, and officiates at the festival. The fol- 
lowing passage from Jochelson's vivid description of the ceremonies 
performed at the host's house is particularly suggestive: "The space 
to the left of the entrance . . . was unoccupied. In this section, near 
the wall, was the shrine (op-yan) in which were placed the charms, at- 
tired in grass neckties, — the sacred fire-board, the master of the nets, 
the honor-guardian {yayd kamaklo) , the spear consecrated to the spirit 
of the wolf, and a few other minor guardians. Among them was a 
woodenimageof a white whale, . . . in front of which was a small cup 
filled with water, which was changed every day during the festival; 
and on a grass bag were small boiled pieces of the nostrils, lips, flippers, 
and tail of the white whale. . . . It is interesting to note," adds Joch- 
elson, " that the sacrifice to the spirit of the animal consists of parts of 
its own body, while, on the other hand, these parts represent the white 
whale itself."^ 

The equipment for the journey and the sending-off of the white 
whale embrace another set of ceremonies. 

Similar festivals are held by the Reindeer Koryak at the end of the 
fawning period, on the return of the herds in the fall, and at the rein- 
deer races. ^ There is also a wolf festival, but the wolf is not sent home. 
The Koryak believe that "the wolf is a rich reindeer-owner and the 
powerful master of the tundra." The Reindeer Koryak hold the wolf 
in particular awe; for them "the wolf is a powerful shaman, and he is 
regarded as an evil spirit hostile to the reindeer, and roaming all over 
the earth." ^ 

Totem Worship and the Totemic Stage. — When we look about 
for illustrations of the totem as an object of reUgious regard, we dis- 
cover with some surprise that the material to draw upon is very 
scanty. We know of tribes like the Iroquois, or like any number of 
East Indian tribes,* where the totem is the epon\Tn, nothing but the 
name of a group of individuals who regard themselves as more or less 
vaguely related. Such are a great many of the Indian gotras. Of course, 
we are told that among these peoples the totemic name is the only f ea- 

^ Jochehon, Jesup Expcd., vol. vi (1908), pp. 71-72. Cf.Marillier's statement (i?..ff.i?., 
vol. xxxvii [1898], p. 218) that "le sacrifice en effet se trouve frequemment la ou le totem- 
isme n'existe point; la oii le totemisnne existe, il arrive bien souvent qu'on n'immole pas 
de victimes au totem et surtout qu'on ne I'immole pas a lui-meme." 

^ Jochelson, Jesup Exped., vol. vi (1908), pp. 86-87. 

3 Ibid., pp. 88-90. 

* See Gurdon, The Khasis, p. 66, and the accounts of the religion of the various castes, 
given in Risley, 1903. Campbell, in his chapter on the Marathas {loc. cit., p. 99), refers to 
*' devaks or sacred symbols, which appear to have been originally totems, and affect mar- 
riage to the extent that a man cannot marry a woman whose devak reckoned on the male 
side is the same as his own. They are totems worshipped during marriage and other im- 
portant ceremonies." But while some space is devoted to Marathra religion, nothing is said 
of this totem worship. 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 261 

ture that survived of a one-time totemism, with all its accessories; but 
of this there is no evidence. American examples of an indirect religious 
attitude towards the totems, as expressed in ceremonies, are familiar. 
We dwelt at some length on this feature among the tribes of British 
Columbia. Similar conditions have been described among the Siouan 
tribes.^ African tribes furnish little evidence of a totem worship of any 
kind, while cases like that of the Bahima are instructive. As noted 
above, we find among these people fourteen totemic clans, the majority 
(eleven) of the totems being varieties of cows. But no veneration is paid 
to these animals. The religious side of Bahima life lies in a totally dif- 
ferent direction. " Their rehgion consists chiefly in dealing with ghosts 
of departed relatives, and in standing well with them; from the king to 
the humble peasant the ghosts call for daily consideration and constant 
offerings, while the deities [not the totems, but still another set of su- 
pernatural beings are m.eant] are only sought in great trials or national 
calamities." These deities seem to be gentile protectors; for "each 
clan has its own special deity, who alone takes an interest in that par- 
ticular clan; to this deity the clan resorts for help and advice, "^ Writ- 
ing of the East Torres Straits islanders, Haddon thus summarizes the 
totemic situation on its religious side: "The totem animals of a clan 
are sacred only to the members of that clan; but the idea of sacredness 
is very weak, merely implying a family connection, a certain amount 
of magical affinity, and immunity from being killed by a member of 
that clan. No worship or reverence, so far as I know, was ever paid to 
a totem. "3 How little piety the Austrahan shows, if not in all cases, 
in his dealings with the totem, we saw in preceding pages. There 
is one exception, however, — that of the Wollunqua totem of the 
Warramunga. The ceremonies performed in connection with that 
totem extend over several days, during which period no less than eight 
designs are drawn upon the ground,^ — a very rare feature among 
these tribes, — the only two other totems in connection with which 
such designs are recorded being the emu ^ and the black snake.^ One 
of the Wollunqua designs is drawn upon a mound erected for that 
special occasion. The ceremony "is supposed in some way to be asso- 
ciated with the idea of persuading, or almost forcing, the Wollunqua 
to remain quietly in his home under the water-hole at Thapaeurlu, and 
do no harm to any of the natives. They say that when he sees the 
mound with his representation drawn upon it, he is gratified, and wrig- 
gles about underneath with pleasure. The savage attack upon the 
mound is associated with the idea of dri\dng him down, and, taken 

^ See Dorsey, 3d B. E. R., pp. 361-544. 

^ Roscoe, /. A. I., vol. xxxvii (1907), pp. 108-110. 

' Haddon, T. S. Exped., pp. 363-364. ■• Spencer and Gillen, ii, p. 247. 

^ Ibid., i, p. 181. ° Ibid., ii, pp. 741-743. 

262 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

altogether, the ceremony indicates their belief that at one and the same 
time they can both please and coerce the mythic beast." ^ A visit to the 
water-pool in which the mythical beast resides is described by Spencer 
and Gillen. During the journey the natives had been talking and laugh- 
ing freely, but, as the party approached Thapaeurlu itself, " they be- 
came very quiet and solemn; and, as we silently stood on the margin of 
the pool, the two old Tjapeltjeri men — the chief men of the totemic 
group — went down to the edge of the water, and, with bowed heads, 
addressed the Wollunqua in whispers, asking him to remain quiet and 
do them no harm, for they were mates of his, and had brought up two 
great white men to see where he lived, and to tell them all about him. 
We could plainly see that it was all very real to them, and that they 
implicitly believed that the Wollunqua was indeed ahve beneath the 
water, watching them, though they could not see him." ^ Thus the re- 
ligious sentiment inspired by the Wollunqua must be described as in- 
tense. But then, this my thical snake is quite an exceptional individual. 
He is an individual, and not the representative of a species, for there is 
really no such animal; but the Wollunqua ancestor himself, like Tha- 
balla, the Laughing Boy, but like no other totem, never died, but per- 
sisted from the mythical period up to the present day. The Wollunqua 
is believed by the natives to be " a huge beast, so large that if it were to 
stand up on its tail, its head would reach far away into the heavens." 
When speaking of the snake among themselves, the natives do not call 
it by its real name, Wollunqua, but use a circumlocution meaning 
"snake living in water." ^ Here, then, we have a totem which is actually 
worshipped ; but it is an exceptional totem, and the worship accorded 
it only tends to emphasize the comparative religious indifference of the 
other totems. In the intichiuma and other totemic ceremonies there is, 
however, an undeniable reUgious element. It may be doubted whether 
the religious atmosphere during these AustraUan performances ever 
reaches that frenzied intensity observable in the dancing societies of 
British Columbia, but the impression conveyed by Spencer and Gil- 
len's descriptions is that at some of these quabara nanja religious emo- 
tion runs high. But even then, the bull-roarer is, at least for the women, 
a more prominent religious factor than the totem itself.^ 

If the evidence is taken in its entirety, the religious element does not 
seem to be prominent in the life of totemic communities. This is espe- 
cially true as to any direct veneration of the totem. 

This view is shared by a number of authoritative writers on totemic 
phenomena. "The importance belonging to totem animals as friends 
or enemies of man," says Tylor in his " Remarks," " is insignificant in 
comparison with that of ghosts or demons, to say nothing of higher 

^ Spencer and Gillen, ii, p. 238. ^ /j;^.^ [\^ pp. 252-253. ^ Ibid., ii, p. 227. 

* See Ibid., i, p. 246; and Howitt, N. T., pp. 596, 606, etc. 

Totemisni, an Analytical Study 263 

deities." ^ And again: ''Totemism claims a far greater importance in 
society than in religion." ^ In his article on "Animals," in Hastings's 
" Encyclopjedia," Thomas writes, " One of the most widely distributed 
animal cults is that known as totemism ; it is, however, rather negative, 
consisting in abstinence from injuring the totem animal, than positive, 
showing itself in acts of wprship." ^ And more emphatically than any 
other author, although no longer correct in detail, Marillier declares, " II 
s'en faut de beaucoup, en outre, que le 'totem' soit d'une maniere 
generale I'objet d'un culte veritable de la part des membres du clan 
auquel il a donne son nom : il est respecte et venere, on evite de le tuer, 
on evite plus scrupuleusement encore d'ordinaire de manger sa chair ou 
de se couvrir de sa fourrure, on le choie, on le caresse, on cherche a lui 
plaire, mais on ne celebre que tres exceptionnellement en son honneur 
des rites pareils a ceux qui s'addressent aux dieux naturistes et aux 
ames des morts ; les institutions totemiques sont repandues dans I'uni- 
vers presque entier, bien qu'elles fassent defaut en certains groupes 
ethniques, les cultes totemiques sont relativement rare." * 

Attempts were made from time to time to represent totemism as a 
distinct form of religion, and assign it a permanent place in the evolu- 
tion of religious beliefs.^ As the case now stands, the theoretical objec- 

1 Tylor, /. A. I., vol. xxviii (1899), p. 144. ^ Ibid., p. 148. 

^ Thomas, E. R. E., vol. i, p. 489. 

* Marillier, R. H. R., vol. xxxvi (1897), p. 303. 

^ These attempts were all characterized by an almost complete identification of totem- 
ism with animal worship, and by an abuse of the method of survivals. The former is par- 
ticularly true of Spencer {Principles of Sociology, vol. i); the latter, of McLennan {Fort- 
nightly Review, vol. vi, i86g, pp. 407-427 and 562-584), and of R. Smith {K. M. A. and 
R. S.). In recent years the same method of reasoning was applied with superficial 
success in an ambitious Introduction to the History of Religion (London, fourth edition, 
no date). Jevons's contentions were dealt with in a brilliant and authoritative critique 
by the late Leon Marillier (see his articles on "La place du Totemisme dans I'Evolu- 
tion Religieuse," R. H. R., vols. 36 and 37), a scholar whose contribution to totemic 
thought has not been duly appreciated. Wundt, in his Volkerpsychologie {My thus and 
Religion, Zweiter Teil, 1906), has not risen above the standpoint of the authors referred to. 
He directly allies totemism with "animalism:" "Der urspriinghche Tierkult ist getragen 
von dem Glauben, dass der Mensch vom den Tieren abstamme, und wo immer der Tier- 
kult zum herrschenden Bestandteil der primitiven Mythologie geworden ist, da nimmt 
dieser Glaube in der Kegel die Form an, dass ein Stammesverband seinen eigenen Ur- 
sprung auf ein bestimmtes Tier zuriickfiihrt. Das sind die Erscheinungen die man unter 
dem Namen Totemismus zusammenfasst" . . . {loc. cit., p. 236). Taking the totem- 
ancestor as his point of departure, — "diese Eigenschaft ist vor allem fiir den Totemis- 
mus kennzeichnend" {loc. cit., p. 241), — Wundt leads us over animal gods and sacred 
animals to human ancestor worship — "Manismus." This rectilinear deduction is, of 
course, theoretically untenable; while Wundt's position is, in addition, vitiated by his 
quite groundless assertion that animal worship must have preceded the worship of man: 
"So wird der Tierahne zu einem besonders wirksamen Schutzgeist, und das Vertrauen 
auf seine Hilfe wird um so fester, weil dieser Ahne gleichzeitig der Feme vergangener 
Zeiten und doch auch in seinen eigenen tierischen Abkommlingen der unmittelbaren 
Gegenwartangehort. Sokommt es, dass bei dem Primitiven das Gedachtnis an die mensch- 
lichen Vorfahren nach einer kurzen, kaum iiber die nachste Generation hinausreichen- 

264 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

tions to this mode of procedure need not be raised : for, if the religious 
aspect of totemism is insignificant when compared to either the other 
forms of rehgion or the other features of totemism itself; if the totem, 
as an object of worship, proves to be perhaps the least permanent and 
the most variable, qualitatively, of totemic features, — totemism as a 
necessary stage in the development of religion becomes an absurdity, 
and the concept itself, of totemism as a specific form of reUgion, ought 
to be abandoned.^ Moreover, the particular rehgious coloring assumed 
by totemism in any given cultural area may be due to the presence in 
that area of beliefs which are in no way totemic in their origin, nor in 
their other manifestations, outside the totemic complex. ^ 

The Complex in the Making 

Summary of Evidence. — The foregoing review of the nature and 
behavior of the "symptoms" of totemism was a superficial one, and 
could be vastly extended; it suffices, however, to substantiate the 
tentative conclusions drawn on the basis of a more thoroughgoing 
comparison of AustraHa and British Columbia. 

We find that clan exogamy, far from being a necessary concomitant 
of other totemic phenomena, possesses a good deal of independence 

den Zeit erlischt, wahrend der Tierahne immer von neuem wieder aus der unmittelbaren 
Gegenwart in eine unbestimmte Vergangenheit projiziert wird. Darum ist nun aber auch 
der Tierahne nicht etwa eine merkwiirdige, paradoxe Abart des Ahnenkultus, sondem er 
erscheint als die allein mogliche primitive Form desselben. Dem menschlichen Ahnen 
bereitet er den Weg" . . . {loc. cil., p. 271). The weakness of Spencer's ill-famed theory 
of the human ghost as the prime source of all religion could hardly be better emphasized 
than by this far less plausible inversion of it. 

^ I here defend a position which is diametrically opposed to that of an author who pro- 
fesses to represent totemism "in the American sense of the term." "Totemism to me is 
primarily and essentially a religious phenomenon, the direct result and outcome of the 
savage's mental attitude towards nature," writes Hill- Tout (7. A. I., vol. xxxv [1905], 
p. 141). Referring to the emphasis laid by some on the social aspect of totemism, he pro- 
ceeds : " It does not seem to me scientific to regard what is demonstrably an unstable, and 
therefore a secondary phase of totemism, as its essential and primary characteristic, and 
overlook another coexisting with it, which is clearly more constant, and therefore a more 
essential feature " {Ibid., p. 142). The validity of this opinion may be judged in the 
light of the preceding pages. It may be well to add here that Hill-Tout's "American" 
view of totemism is not shared by two in\-estigators who, like himself, are familiar figures 
in British Columbia. Professor Boas and Dr. Swanton rather incline to the view that 
totemism is essentially a form of association between a religious and a social phenomenon; 
nor are they at all dogmatic on the subject of the genetic relationship between the tute- 
lary spirit and the group totem, although Professor Boas admits the plausibility of 
such a development among the Kwakiutl. It is to be hoped that Hill-Tout's views as 
representative of American totemism are not taken any more seriously by European 
anthropologists than was that other "American View of Totemism" which treated of 
the naming system of the Amerinds (see Man, vol. 2, No. 75 [1902]). 

^ A survey of the manitou beliefs of the American Indian, in their varying manifesta- 
tions as guardian spirits, fetishes, amulets, spirit-protectors of religious societies, and per- 
haps totems, may furnish valuable data in support of the above proposition. I hope at 
another place to attempt such a survey. 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 265 

in character and distribution. In some regions exogamy is absent, 
while some or all of the other " symptoms" are pronounced. In other 
localities a number or all of the other totemic features are lacking, 
but there is clan exogamy. Here the exogamous tendency is found 
in a group scattered over a wide area, and having no territorial unity; 
there, exogamy is a purely local phenomenon. It may be associated 
with a clan the members of which are held together by a vague sense 
of kinship, or, again, it may refer to groups of men and women stand- 
ing to each other in certain definite degrees of relationship. The psy- 
chological nature of exogamy is complex; and in many cases it is diffi- 
cult to decide whether we have to do with clan, or phratry, or relation- 
ship exogamy. The conditions under which exogamy may develop 
are practically innumerable; and in the course of its development it 
may undergo manifold transformations in extent and underlying psy- 
chology, the character of its growth and origin thus becoming obscured. 
What is true of exogamy is in no less degree true of its close cor- 
relate, endogamy. Both tendencies, ha\dng assumed manifold forms 
in various times and places, continue to be operative in our own 

Totemic names, and the concept of descent from the totem, prove 
to be equally variable features. The families and clans of British 
Columbia lack both; a number of the Omaha clans do not have animal 
names; some of the Melanesian groups lack one or both of these traits; 

The evidence as to the phenomenon of taboo points essentially in 
the same direction. The prohibition to eat or kill the totem is by no 
means a universal one. Such prohibitions, on the other hand, are 
often associated with animals that are not totems; such as sacred 
animals of various kinds, individual guardian animals, etc. In many 
ways the prohibitions to eat and kill partake more intimately of the 
nature of the prohibitions referring to behavior, speech, etc., than 
of the nature of other totemic features with which they are often 
associated. History discloses a multitude of origins and developments 
of taboos; without, however, exhausting all the possible ways in 
which taboos may have originated, or all the actual ways in which 
they did originate. And again we must emphasize that a taboo at 
any given place at the time of investigation is but a poor and often 
misleading cue to its past history. We find in our own customs 
numerous survivals and traces of ancient taboos; and the psychological 
tendencies which were responsible for the rise of taboos in the past 
still continue to be operative in the introduction of various prohibi- 
tions, among them prohibitions of killing and eating. 

A religious attitude towards animals, plants, and natural objects 
is obviously an ethnic phenomenon of much wider scope than totem- 

266 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

ism. The totem, on the other hand, by no means always becomes the 
object of religious regard. The variability of this feature, whenever 
it is at all associated with the totem, is striking. We find all degrees 
of emotional attitude towards the totem, from devout and direct 
veneration to mild regard, from a strong but indirect religious atti- 
tude to complete indifference. In the spread of the manitou idea 
among the North American Indians, and in the deep influence of that 
idea on totemistic beliefs (at least in British Columbia), we recognize 
one type of process to which the attitude towards the totem in any 
given locality may owe its specific coloring. 

It may be well to repeat here that pronounced and direct religious 
regard for the totem is not one of the frequent concomitants of 
totemism; indirect veneration through the medium of ceremonies or 
art, alone or combined with a weak direct attitude, or the latter with- 
out the former, seem to be much more prevalent in all those cases 
where the totem calls forth emotional response. 

So much for the traits which are widely accepted as " symptoms" 
of totemism. The evidence is convincing, and, as I said before, it 
could be materially increased. Exogamy, taboo, religious regard, 
totemic names, descent from the totem, — all fail as invariable char- 
acteristics of totemism. Each of these traits, moreover, displays more 
or less striking independence in its distribution; and most of them can 
be shown to be widely-spread ethnic phenomena, diverse in origin, 
not necessarily coordinated in development, and displaying a rich 
variability of psychological make-up. 

If we must regard the groups of phenomena which in various areas 
have been termed " totemic" as conglomerates of essentially inde- 
pendent features, the fundamental error in two lines of totemistic 
inquiry and speculation becomes at once apparent. I mean the 
attempts to assign to the various factors in totemism a correlated 
historical development, and the tendency to either combine these 
factors or derive them from each other, psychologically. An integral 
development of totemism loses its plausibility, in view of the demon- 
strated historical independence of its factors ; while the psychological 
complexity and variabiHty of the latter discourages any attempt at 
direct psychological derivations. Either one of the factors could with 
equal plausibility be taken as a starting-point, and the others could 
be derived from it without transgressing the bounds of either his- 
torical or psychological possibilities. The interpretative value, how- 
ever, of such derivations, as well as of similar ones actually attempted, 
is nil. 

In each individual case the actual historical process has doubtless 
been more complex, both objectively and psychologically, than these 
direct derivations would make it; and it is to such historical 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 267 

processes, or to whatever of them we may safely reconstruct, that we 
must turn in our interpretations.^ 

It was shown before that the composition of the totemic complex 
is not limited to the features enumerated. In Central AustraHa 
magical ceremonies, and a belief in soul-incarnation, rise to great 
prominence in all matters totemic. In British Columbia a similar 
role is assumed by decorative art and the guardian-spirit idea. A more 
intensive study of totemic areas may well reveal still other features 
associated with the rest, and possibly dominating over them. The 
ceremony of knocking out the teeth, which in South Africa and Central 
Austraha has nothing to do with totemism, forms in Southeast Aus- 
tralia part of the totemic initiation rites. Among the Omaha, par- 
ticular ways of fixing the hair have become firmly associated with the 
totems. Thus to the original set of social and rehgious features, a 
number of others are added, — aesthetic, ceremonial, spiritual, and, 
if the regulation of food-supply in the intichiuma be emphasized, 
economic. Most of the important forms of human activity, belief, 
and self-expression reveal the tendency of entering into the composi- 
tion of the totemic complex. 

If totemism includes, roughly speaking, everything, is totemism 
itself anything in particular ? Is there anything specific in this phe- 
nomenon, or has the name "totemism" simply been applied to one 
set of features here, to another set there, and still elsewhere perhaps 
to both sets combined ? 

One point, at least, is quite clear: if we continue to use the term 
" totemism," we may no longer apply it to any concrete ethnic con- 
tent; for, while almost anything may be included, no feature is neces- 
sary or characteristic. On the basis of material furnished by some one 
area or a number of areas, a definite group of features is called " to- 
temism." Another totemic area is discovered where an additional 
feature is found, or where one of the old ones is missing. Immediately 
the questions arise (and here we are on historical ground). Is this 
totemism? or Was that totemism? or Is this true totemism, and that 

^ At this point we may ask the question, Granted that the alleged "symptoms" of 
totemism are independent units, why do we so often find just these traits combined in 
totemism ? Without here trying to answer this justifiable question with any degree of 
thoroughness, a plausible general explanation of the fact which, of course, is undeniable, 
may, I think, be given. All of the "symptoms" are widely-distributed ethnic features. 
Marriage regulations; prohibitions against killing and eating; religious regard paid to 
animals, plants, and inanimate objects; the tendency of social groups to assume (or 
receive ?) animal names; the belief of a group of kindred, or locally associated individuals, 
in a common descent, - — all these are phenomena found in all continents and in most 
cultural areas. Granted, now, that there is a tendency for ethnic features like the above 
to combine, to put the matter vaguely, it is but a question of mathematical probability 
that we should find those features most frequently combined which have the widest 

VOL. XXIII. — NO. 88. 18 

268 Joiirnal of American Folk-Lore 

was incompletely developed, totemism im Werden ? or Was that true 
totemism, and this is a later development? In the light of the fore- 
going discussion, any definite answer to these questions must needs 
be arbitrary. 

Theories of Totemism. — In their attempts to divorce totemism 
from that illusive variability of its *' symptoms," various authors 
tried to emphasize some one of its features which was proclaimed as 
the essential one, while the others were derived, and hence of necessity 
less important and less constant. 

Major Powell thus came to see in totemism the doctrine of naming. 
His article consists in an enumeration of the various uses of the term 
" totem." ^ Hill-Tout conveniently summarizes the main points of 
Powell's exposition under the three heads of " individual guardian 
spirit," the "animal protector of a secret society," and the "epony- 
mous object of a consanguineous group." In all three cases the term 
"totem" is applied to the eponymous object, to the name itself, and 
to the symbolic representation of the object. ^ This doctrine of 
naming calls for little comment. We cheerfully indorse Thomas's 
statement that "it is difficult to see the advantage of a system of 
nomenclature where everything is called by the same name." ^ We 
have seen, moreover, that social groups do not always derive their 
names from their totems. Accordingly a doctrine of naming, even if 
restricted to naming after animals (plants, objects), falls short of the 
mark as a definition of totemism; and why, finally, should just this 
feature, even if it were constant, be considered the original or the 
essential one ? ^ 

For Hill-Tout, the essential element in totemism is its religious side. 
He regards the individual guardian spirit, the tutelary animal of a 
secret society, and the clan totem, as essentially alike. He also 
believes that the latter developed out of the individual guardian spirit. 
We have seen above that this theory, although plausible for certain 
sections of British Columbia and perhaps for the Omaha, is quite 
arbitrary when applied to other groups of North America, and becomes 
more than improbable when extended to the clan totemism of Aus- 
tralia. Nor is he more fortunate in his specific characterizations. Says 
Hill-Tout, "It is important, in the first place, to bear in mind that 
it is always the essence or the 'mystery' . . . which respectively 

1 Powell, Man, 1902, No. 75. 

^ Hill-Tout, B. A.A.S. Proceedings and Transactions, Second Series, vol. ix, pp. 63, 64. 

* Thomas, Man, 1902, p. 116. 

* It will be remembered that Spencer and Lubbock accounted for the origin of totem- 
ism by a process of misinterpretation of nicknames, the former adding the factor of 
ancestor worship, omitted by the latter. Lang also tends to identify the origin of totem- 
ism with animal names received by social groups /row without (Lang, S. 0., p. 161), 
and lays corresponding stress on the presence of totemic names in full-grown totemism. 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 269 

becomes the totem, not the bodily form of the animal or object." ^ 
Now this may be true of the Salish sulia (here Hill-Tout is our first- 
hand authority), but it certainly does not hold even for the rest of 
British Columbia. As to AustraHa, especially the central tribes, it is 
clearly not any essence or "mystery" which is the totem, but the flesh 
and blood animal, for the multiphcation of which ceremonies are per- 
formed. We also know that among the Iroquois, in many cases in 
British Columbia and elsewhere, the rehgious element in totemism 
is reduced to nought, the totem is nothing but a badge or name. The 
- "concept of a ghostly helper or tutelary spirit," concludes Hill-Tout, 
"is the essential element in totemism. This is totemism, in its pure 
and naked state; i. e., shorn of its social accessories." ^ Now, even if 
Hill-Tout's historical and psychological contentions were true, — 
which they manifestly are not, — what but confusion could result 
if we appKed the term "totemism" to that religious element which, 
although always "the same thing," appears in so many different 
settings ? Or, granting the term, would that solution of the question 
throw any light on our crucial problem, — whether, namely, there is 
anything distinctive about the many totemic complexes of varying 
content found in different areas, or whether we simply have to do 
with loose conglomerations of heterogeneous units. ^ 

Schmidt, finally, regards the element of descent as the most im- 
portant one. "Celui ci [totemism, namely] consiste done essentielle- 
ment en ce que ceux qui appartiennent au meme totem ce considerent 
comme les descendants de ce totem, par consequent comme parents 
et par suite comme inhabiles a se marier ensemble." ^ This, of course, 
is no less arbitrary than the other contentions; for the factor of descent 
is by no means a constant one in the totemic complex, nor is there any 
reason to consider just that factor as the original or essential one. 

The above analysis of the various attempts to interpret totemism 
leads to the conclusion that no particular set of features can be taken 
as characteristic of totemism, for the composition of the totemic 
complex is variable; nor can any single feature be regarded as funda- 

' Hill-Tout, B. A. A. S. Proceedings and Transactions, Second Series, vol. ix, p. 9. 

- Ibid., ix, p. 64. 

^ Hill-Tout notes his partial agreement with Frazer, who, as a matter of fact, com- 
mitted the same error by over-emphasizing the religious element. He admits, it is true, 
that there are two sides to totemism, — a social and a religious side, — but he promptly 
abandons this position in classifying totems as individual, sex, and clan totems. In 
Frazer's later writings this religious factor reappeared in the guise of a magical and of 
a conceptional totemism. These two theories followed closely upon the appearance of 
Spencer and Gillen's first and second treatises on the Aranda respectively. The data 
thus brought to light led Frazer to assume, first, magical practices, and then beliefs as to 
the conception of children, to lie at the root of Aranda totemism. And if among the 
Aranda, why not everywhere ? 

* Schmidt, Anthropos, 1908, p. 805. 

270 Journal of American Folk-Lot e 

mental, for not one of the features does invariably occur in conjunc- 
tion with others; nor is there any evidence to regard any one feature 
as primary in order of development, or as of necessity original, 

Another Theory. — One or two American investigators. Boas ^ in 
particular, hold the opinion that the peculiarity of totemic phenomena 
is not to be found in the sum of totemic elements in any given tribe, 
nor in any individual element, but in the relation obtaining between 
the elements. Tylor suggested a similar interpretation. ^ In the light 
of the foregoing discussion, it becomes obvious that if there is any- 
thing specific in totemic phenomena, it can only lie in some such 
relation. That the relation involved is a type of association, will, 
I think, be readily admitted. The five "symptoms." or two or three 
of them, or all and a few others in addition, become associated, and 
thus constitute a totemic whole. That the process is an association, 
and not a mere juxtaposition, is indeed apparent. True, each of the 
elements in question is complex historically and psychologically, and 
variable; but in each totemic combination forces are at work which 
tend to correlate the several heterogeneous elements. Thus it happens 
that the totemic phenomena assume the character of an organic 
whole, prompting the illusion that the units thus found associated 
necessarily belong together; that they either are always associated 
with each other, or are not units at all, but merely different aspects 
of one fundamental phenomenon. 

That the association is an intimate one, is, however, true and 
significant. In studying the organization of the tribes of Central 
Australia, for instance, we can no longer separate the taboos from 
the intichiuma ceremonies; the belief in soul-incarnation from certain 
material objects {the churinga), from descent, as well as from the 
sacred ceremonies. All of these phenomena, finally, are inextricably 
connected with the social organization, at least with the phratries and 
clans, and can no longer be analyzed or understood if abstracted from 
that context. The same is true of the clans of the Omaha, with their 
specific religious practices, modes of wearing the hair, ideas as to 
descent; or of the tribes of British Columbia, with their clan tradi- 
tions, dancing societies, masks, carvings, potlatches, etc. Moreover, 
in some areas we perceive the tendency of some one or few elements 
to dominate, to exert more than an even share of influence on the 
other elements, to become what might be called the Leitmotiv of a 
particular totemic combination. We saw that among the tribes of 
Central Australia, spiritual beliefs and the intichiuma ceremonies, 
in British Columbia, beliefs in supernatural power-yielding guardians, 

1 Boas, reprint from A. J. Ps., vol. xxi (1910), p. 10. 
- Tylor, J. A. I., vol. xxviii (1899), p. 144. 

Totemism, an Analytical Study 271 

and representations of crests and traditions in plastic and dramatic 
art, became such dominant elements. 

The intimacy of the above associations could never become so 
absolute if not for the fact that the various elements — religious, 
aesthetic, ceremonial, and what not — become linked with definite 
social units (say, the clans), of which they henceforth become the 
prerogatives and the symbols. This association with social units is 
what constitutes the peculiarity of totemic combinations. Elements 
which are per se indifferent or vague in their social bearings — such 
as dances, songs, carvings, rituals, names, etc. — become associated 
with clearly defined social groups, and, by virtue of such association, 
themselves become transformed into social values, not merely inten- 
sified in degree, but definite and specific in character. The one obvious 
and important means by which the association with definite social 
groups is accomplished is descent. 

Through descent the heterogeneous elements which enter into the 
composition of the totemic complex become part of the life and soul 
of the group. Whatever the nucleus of the composite institution may 
have been among any given people, — and we may postulate a great 
variety of such nuclei as possible starting-points of totemism, — the 
many beliefs, ceremonies, tradition