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Full text of "The journal of American folk-lore"

THE JOURNAL OF 
AMERICAN FOLK-LORE 

VOLUME XXIV 






i..\.\( \sri:R. PA.. AND m:\v vork 
$)ubli^l)cD for tt\c American f olhr^llorc .-^ocirrji 

(i. K. STKCllKRT t*t CO., Agknts 

NP:w YORK: i.si-i.ss West 25x11 Street I'ARIS: 76 rue de Rknnes 

LONDON: DAXII) NUTT. 57. 59 LoNc Acrk 

LEIPZIG: OTTO HARRASSOWITZ. guERSTRASsE. 14 

MDCCCCXI 



Copyright, 191 1 and 1912 
By the AMERICAN FOLK-LORE SOCIETY 

All rights reserved 



1 



Press of 

The new Era Printing Companit 

Lancaster. Pa. 



CONTENTS OF VOLUME XXIV 

ARTICLES 

Page 

The Relation of Balladry to Folk-Lore. H. M. Belden I 

The Ballad of the Broomfield Hill. Phillips Barry 14 

Recent Literature on the South American "Amazons." Alexander F. Chamberlain. 16 

Twenty-Second Annual Meeting of the American Folk-Lore Society 21 

The Ritual and Significance of the Winnebago Medicine Dance. Paul Radin 149 

Notes on the Fox Indians. William Jones 209 

Piegan Tales. Truman Michelson 238 

Ojibwa Tales. Truman Michelson 249 

Folk-Song and Folk-Poetry as found in the Secular Songs of the Southern Negroes. 

Howard W. Odum 255 

The Missouri Play-Party. Mrs. L. D. Ames 295 

Some Superstitions in the Cumberland Mountains. Hubert Gibson Shearin 319 

Spanish-American Folk-Songs. Eleanor Hague 323 

Irish Folk-Songs. Phillips Barry, A.M 332 

New Ballad Texts. Phillips Barry, A.M 344 

Folk-Song and Folk-Poetry as found in the Secular Songs of the Souther Negroes — 

Concluded. Howard W. Odum 351 

New-Mexican Spanish Folk-Lore. III. Folk-Tales. Aurelio M. Espinosa 397 

NOTES AND QUERIES 
O-no-dah, J. O. Branl-Sero, 251. The Popular Ballad in America. 350. 

LOCAL MEETINGS 
Texas Branch, 26. Missouri and Illinois Branches, 26. New York Branch, 27, 445. 

BOOK REVIEWS 

J. Francais, L'Eglise et la Sorcellerie, Precis historique, suivi des documents ofTiciels, 
des textes principaux et d'un proems in^dit, G. L. K., 27. A. N. Afanassjew. 
Russische Volksmiirchen (Deutsch von Anna Meyer), 28. Richard Kuhnau. 
SchlcsischeSagen, Vols. I and II, G. L.K., 28. BertholdLaufer. Dcr Roman eincr 
tibetischcn Konigin, Friedrich Hirth, 29. John Mathew, Two Ri-prL-srntative 
Tribes of Queensland, A. A. Goldenweiser, 251. A. S. MacKenzie, The Evolution of 
Literature, Franz Boas, 253. Katharine Berry Juuson, Myths and Legends of 
the Pacific Northwest, Franz Boas, 254. 

Periodical Literature, Alexander F. Chamberlain, 30. 

Officers and Memiiers of tlie American l-Olk-Lon- Socii-ty, 446. 

Index to Volume XXIV, 455. 



Ill 



THE JOURNAL OF 

AMERICAN FOLK-LORE 

Vol. XXIV. — JANUARY-MARCH, 1911 — No. XCI 



THE RELATION OF BALLADRY TO FOLK-LORE ^ 

BY H. M. BELDEN 

The field of the American Folk-Lore Society has been defined by 
Mr. Newell as including the beliefs, customs, and oral literature of 
the aborigines of North and South and Central America, as well as 
the folk-lore that has come into America with the immigration of the 
various European stocks. Professor J. G. Frazer, in his inaugural 
address at Liverpool two years ago, divided the field covered by such 
a definition into two parts, calling the one the study of savagery, and 
retaining the name "folk-lore" (in accordance with its original use) 
for the study of those survivals or remainders of an earlier belief and 
practice which are to be found among the so-called civilized nations 
of our day. And he states very clearly the reason for attaching to the 
beliefs and traditions of the more backward part of our civilized 
populations the same significance as to the social and psychological 
phenomena of savagery. He is speaking of religion ; but what he says 
applies as well to science, art, and civil institutions: 

"The present is the best guide to the interpretation of the past; 
for while the higher forms of religious faith pass away like clouds, the 
lower stand firm and indestructible like rocks." '^ 

It is upon this ground only, it seems to me, that the study of folk- 
lore in the narrower sense — the study of "the beliefs, customs, and 
oral literature" of the less-sophisticated part of our civilized popula- 
tions — can be justified in the eyes of science. Without this postulate, 
folk-lore must stand exposed to the charge once made by a carping 
critic against philology, — the charge of being "an unintelligent 
curiosity about trifles." 

In regard to that part of the field of folk-lore with which alone I 
am at all familiar, the march-land between folk-lore and literature 
which we call balladry, it is especially impoitant to ascertain, if 
possible, whether or no we are right, under the priiuipk- laid down 

' Address of the retiring President, delivered at the Annual Mcelinj; ol the Anierican 
Folk-Lore Society in Providence, R. L, December 29, 1910. 
' Adonis, Attis, Osiris (1906), p. 83. 
VOL. XXIV. — NO. 91. — I I 



2 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

h\ Professor Frazcr, in claiming it for folk-lore. The claim has been 
practically denied by some of the foremost of ballad students. Ac- 
cording to Professor Gummere, "ballad-making is a closed account." 
The ballad faculty is atrophied; ballads are no longer living things, 
but arc extinct like the dodo, and the most that we can do is to gather 
the dead bones. And even of these the gathering is practically com- 
pleted. "Mr. Child," we are told, "made an effort to stimulate the 
collection of such remains of the traditional ballad as still live on the 
lips of the people in this country and in the British Islands. The 
harvest was, in his opinion, rather scanty. . . . Enough was done, 
at all events, to make it clear that little or nothing of value remains 
to be recovered in this way." Merely literary opinion, too, as voiced 
by Mr. Quiller-Couch in the preface to his admirable "Oxford Book 
of Ballads," is to the same effect. "The Ballad has been dead," he 
says, "or as good as dead, for two hundred years." If this is so, it 
would seem that folk-lore, as an active science, has nothing more to 
do with ballads. The bones are there in the museum, and we may- 
study them at our leisure; but there are no living ballads, nothing in 
the present to guide us to the interpretation of the past. If folk-lore 
is the study of existing social and psychological phenomena, it must 
yield to history or to literary criticism the field of balladry. 

Against such a view it may be objected, that, as a matter of fact, 
the activities of the ballad-collector are more earnest and more fruitful 
to-day (chiefly, it should be said, in consequence of the publication 
of Child's great work) than they were fifteen years ago, when Child's 
judgment just quoted was expressed. In England the Folk-Song 
Society has done all its very valuable work since Child's collection was 
finished; and Mr. Barry in the east, and others in the south and west, 
of the United States, have made extensive and significant collections. 
It may be said, too, that if events as recent as the death of Jesse 
James and the assassination of Garfield are made the subjects of 
ballads, ballad-making can hardly be pronounced a closed account. 
An American Ijallad that has much interested Mr. Barry and me — a 
ballad known by oral tradition from Nova Scotia to Texas — seems 
certainly to have been produced not above two generations ago. How, 
then, can it be asserted that the ballad is no longer a living form? 

The answer comes promptly. These recent productions, though 
described as "song-ballads" by the people who cherish them, arc not 
Ijallads; that is, not true ballads, ballads of the folk, "popular" 
ballads. They may be popular enough, in one sense of the word; 
they may no doubt be a proper subject of investigation for the folk- 
lorist; if ballads they must Ije called, let us call them "vulgar" ballads; 
at all events, let us keep them quite distinct from the true ballad of 
tradition, the "popular ballads" of Child's collection. 



The Relation of Balladry to Folk-Lore 3 

Thus we are brought, as the scientific investigator must always be, 
to the problem of definition and classification. In the case of ballads, 
the problem is an intricate one. Several types of theory as to the 
origin and history of ballads may be distinguished, with concomitant 
definitions and classifications. I shall attempt no more than a brief 
review of the leading theories, in order to make clear my own view 
of the relation of the folk-lorist to balladry. 

I begin with the most inclusive, — the doctrine held by Dr. John 
Meier, and expounded by him in his article on "Kunstlieder im 
Volksmunde." Dr. Meier's is really a theory of folk-poetry in the 
widest sense; it includes balladry, but is not simply a theory of the 
ballad. According to him, that is folk-poetry which, from whatever 
source and for whatever reason, has passed into the possession of the 
folk, the common people, so completely that each singer or reciter 
feels the piece to be his own. It comes ultimately, no doubt, from 
the invention of some poet. Indeed, Dr. Meier has traced one poem 
of known authorship, a sentimental little piece by a German nobleman 
of a hundred and thirty years ago, through a most surprising number 
and variety of forms sung by the folk in different parts of Germany. 
What constitutes these versions folk-song in contradistinction to Von 
Stamford's original "Aennchen" is the fact that all consciousness of 
the original authorship is lost, — so far lost that each singer feels the 
thing to be his own, and changes it, or rather simply utters it, according 
to his own fancy. This unconsciousness of any external authorship, 
of any authoritative form, on the part of the people who sing it, is 
what constitutes any given performance folk-song. It may be a piece 
from the concert-hall, or a song of Goethe's, or the work of some 
humbler or earlier poet; whatever its origin or character, it is folk- 
song if it has passed into the possession of the people. If it tells a 
story, we shall have to classify it as a popular ballad. No definition 
of the intrinsic qualities of folk-song is attempted, and the whole 
field — since every fc^lk-version is an instance of folk-taste and of the 
workings of the folk-mind — belongs to folk-lore. 

Coming nearer to our immediate problem, into the field of ballads 
in our own language, where the narrative form of popular song exceeds 
in bulk and value all other forms, we find Mr. J. H. Millar, in his 
"Literary History of Scotland" (1903), setting forth a doctrine not 
less sweeping than Dr. Meier's, though with a different emphasis. 
Everything, it would seem, that is called ballad is ballad to Mr. 
Millar. He is not concerned wilii the actual currency of these poems 
among the people. That is no part of the conception of a ballad. 
A piece may be a true ballad that never was known to any one but 
its author. Ballads are for him nu'rcly a form of literature. "Bal- 
lads," he says, "were written by men of varying degrees of ability. 



4 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

An infuiitN' of grades of excellence ranges from the best minstrels at 
the top to the worst at the bottom. But the dullest attempted in 
his blundering way to copy the example set by the most brilliant and 
popular; and the doggerel which recounts the fate of Mr. Weare who 
lived in Lyon's Inn is as much ballad — belongs, that is, to the same 
genre, is 'produced under the same conditions,' and is impregnated 
with the same ' folk-spirit ' — as the gallant and inspiring stanzas which 
tell us of Otterbourne and Kinmont Willie. That it is worse poetry is 
true, but is not to the purpose. The difference is not that between 
two distinct species of art, but the difference between the work of a 
botcher and of an artist in the same kind." This means, for our 
problem, that the folk-lorist has nothing more to do with ballads than 
he has with sonnets; that ballads, like other poems, are the work of 
poets, to be judged as poems, and produced under substantially the 
same conditions as any other poetry. Joanna Baillie, Hogg, and in 
our own time Kipling, have been possessed of "the true ballad gift." 

Millar writes in protest against the doctrine, of which Professor 
Gummere is the leading exponent, that there are genuine and spurious 
ballads, — more exactly, "traditional" or "popular" ballads and 
"vulgar" ballads, — the latter a low form of literature in the ordinary 
acceptation of that word, the former a product of the folk in a peculiar 
sense and under conditions no longer to be found in the English- 
speaking world. Professor Gummere has admirably made out the 
stylistic peculiarities of the "traditional" ballad, with which alone, 
under his definition, folk-lore has to do — or rather had to do, since 
the traditional ballad is extinct as a living form. 

To this theory, by far the most important contribution to ballad 
study (excepting, of course, the great Child collection) that has been 
made in our time, I shall have to return in a few minutes. I pass on 
here to a brief statement of two opinions that have been formulated 
since the publication of "The Beginnings of Poetry." 

One of these is that held by Mr. Phillips Barry. Although he has 
not yet published his arguments in full, I believe I shall not mis- 
represent his view if I say that, accepting Professor Gummere's 
analysis of traditional ballad style, he holds that its peculiarities are 
due, not to social conditions that have passed away, but to the fact 
of oral tradition itself; that instead of "communal origin," we should 
speak of "communal re-creation ;" and that in American "song-ballads " 
of our own day we may trace the rudiments of the same stylistic 
peculiarities which we find fully developed in the best ballads of Child's 
collection. According to this view, ballad-making is far from being 
a closed account, and the whole field of balladry belongs to the domain 
of folk-lore. 

The last view that I shall consider is that expressed by Mr. Ker, the 



The Relation of Balladry to Folk-Lore 5 

author of "Epic and Romance," in an address "On the History of 
the Ballads," read before the British Academy a year ago. After 
showing the difference between English, Danish, German, and French 
ballads, and distinguishing between the ballad and the romance, he 
reaches this conclusion : "The truth is that Ballad is an idea, a poetical 
form, which can take up any matter, and does not leave the matter as 
it was before." To the consideration of this pregnant utterance I 
shall return in the sequel. 

So far as concerns our problem, the adherents of these diverse 
attitudes toward ballads may be resolved into two groups, — those 
who do, and those who do not, find, in what have passed in print and 
singing for ballads, more than one sort of product. In the latter group 
belong Dr. Meier, Mr. Millar, and — with a difference — Mr. Barry. In 
the former stand Professor Gummere and — again with a difference — 
Mr. Ker. I cannot hesitate to range myself with Professor Gummere on 
this point. It is incomprehensible to me that any one of competent 
critical judgment should read first such ballads as Scott printed in 
the "Minstrelsy," and then such stuff as came from the Seven Dials 
presses in the last century, without seeing between them a difference 
not only in execution, but in conception and in method. Without 
denying certain slight approaches to the manner of the "traditional" 
ballad in some of the "song-ballads" of American origin, I must still 
acknowledge a vital difference between the two. The question, then, 
takes this form: Is the difference between the "traditional" ballad 
of Child's collection, and the kind of ballad that is still in the making 
among the vulgar, such that this latter sort of ballad is of no concern 
to the folk-lorist ? In order to answer this question, we must look 
more closely into the arguments for assigning a peculiar origin to the 
"traditional" ballad. 

At the base of all arguments for the communal origin of ballads lies 
an antithesis, assumed or elaborated, between "popular" and "artis- 
tic" poetry. On the one side stands the poetry of the school, the 
closet, the "ivory tower," — poetry that is the self-expression of the 
individual, conscious artist. Over against this is set the poetry that 
springs from the people, — poetry of no recognized or recognizable 
personal authorship, that has no marks of the individual, that neither 
sprang from the desire for poetic fame nor has made any poet famous. 
Of popular poetry, so conceived, the great representative in our speech 
is the traditional narrative ballad. The structural peculiarities of the 
traditional ballad arc clearly set forth in "The Beginnings of Poetry" 
and in "The Popular Ballad." They are, chiclly, the dwelling upon 
one or a few dramatic situations, the leaping from one such situation 
to another without expounding the connection, and the development 
of the situation by slight but significant variations in a repeated 



6 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

formula, generally in the shape of a climax ("incremental repetition"), 
until the situation has been presented or sufficiently suggested. Such 
a style of narrative, it is contended, must have had its origin, not 
in the conscious and purposed workings of an individual poet's mind, 
but in the communal emotions of a homogeneous and therefore primi- 
tive society. Thus the traditional ballad stands not only as the 
representative of "popular" poetry, but as evidence of a way of making 
poetry no longer in existence among us. The ballads have no note of 
personality, of individual art, just because they are not the work of an 
indi\idual, but of a community. Though of strongly marked quality 
as a kind, the quality runs through them all; there is but one ballad 
style. And because the individual and conscious artist cannot feel 
and sing as the primitive horde does, no cultivated poet, nor any 
member of a complex society, has ever been able to make a true 
ballad. Imitators always betray themselves and miss the true ballad 
quality. 

Thus it is sought to establish a fundamental distinction between 
popular and artistic poetry. It may puzzle the modern mind to form 
a clear notion of how the primitive throng could find expression for its 
communal emotion, except through the inventive activity of some 
indixidual; we may question whether, at the time when most of the 
ballads in Child's collection must have taken shape, society anywhere 
in Great Britain was of the primitive homogeneity required by the 
doctrine of communal composition. But if once we can grasp, and 
accept, the doctrine of communal composition, it does seem to effect 
a radical separation between poetry so produced and the poetry of 
poets; and, since it is confessedly a method of composition extinct 
in our ci\ilization, it would seem to exclude balladry as a living form 
from the field of the folk-lorist. 

Now, the one form of poetry (for so we must call it in the absence 
of any other inclusive term) which most stoutly resists this division 
into popular and artistic is precisely that which the folk-lorist may 
still collect and study in the lixing specimen, — the "vulgar" ballad 
of the street, the mine, the luml)cr-camp, and the cattle-range. It 
certainly resists the classification accorded it by Child and Professor 
Gummcre. Child declared the vulgar ballad to be of a different genus 
from the popular ballads he was collecting; it was "a low kind of 
arL'" Professor Gummere, rmdini; in it small trace of the structural 
peculiarities of "popular" poetr}-, must ])crforce assign it to the 
other of his two classes. That peojile of poetic sensibility should 
wish to sever as sharply as may be the highly poetic ballad like 
"Edward" from the vulgar ballad of the stall, is of course, natural. 
The vulgar ballad is generalh' sorry stuff. It fails altogether to give 
us the "sense of tradition," of 



The Relation of Balladry to Folk-Lore 7 

"Old, unhappy, far-off things, 
And battles long ago." 

It smacks little of the old age; the spinsters and the knitters in the 
sun, and the free maids that weave their thread with bones, we should 
prefer to believe do 7iot use to chant it. Who can wonder that the 
cultivated lover of the "grand old ballad of Sir Patrick Spence" should 
build as high and thick a wall as he can devise to exclude his favorites 
from the contamination of such base fellowship? Yet this distaste 
cannot justify the classification of vulgar balladry with the poetry of 
art as above defined. The distinguishing characteristic of that class 
of poetry is its note of personality, of individuality, of conscious 
authorship, — qualities of which the typical vulgar ballad is as entirely 
innocent as any ballad in Child's collection. Vulgar balladry, as 
truly as the "popular" ballad, may be said to be all alike; it has a 
fairly well marked quality and effect of its own, as a kind, but no 
marks of individual authorship. I do not mean, of course, that no 
author's name is attached to the vulgar ballad, nor that the lovers of 
vulgar ballads are quite unconscious of their having any author. 
This might only prove, for vulgar and "popular" ballads alike, that 
the author had been lost sight of. What I mean is that, in the vulgar 
as in the "popular" ballad, there is nothing of thought or style to 
suggest the conscious poet; that the author of "Johnny German" or 
of "The Faithful Lover" has left no more trace of his own temper and 
turn of mind, of his personality, than the author (if author there 
was) of "Patrick Spens" or of "Child Waters." It would not rccjuire 
a very long course of reading in the stall ballads of the last century 
to convince any one of this fact. Indeed, it could be shown from a 
collection of "song-ballads" — mostly of the vulgar ballad sort — re- 
cently made in one commonwealth of the United States. How, then, 
can vulgar balladry, lacking the primary characteristic of the genus, 
be classed with the poetry of art? 

But, on the other hand, to class it with "popular" poetry as that 
term has been explained above, is hardly more satisfactory. One 
must share all the literary critic's repugnance to including in the same 
category with the "Minstrelsy" and the good things of ihc IVrcy MS. 
such matter as was regularly vented by the ballad press of ihr nine- 
teenth century. And since Professor Gummere lias so well anai>zed 
the style of the besl "popular" ballads, — that is, of those of the 
"English and Scottish Popular Ballads" ili.it most clearh' imi)ress 
us as being of a distinct order of poetry,- — we can base our objec- 
tion on something more detinite than our sensibilities. The vul- 
gar ballad has not the structural peculiarities of the " popular" 
ballad. Instead of dux-lling upon one or two dramatic situations, 



8 Journal of Americatt Folk-Lore 

and leaving us to infer the preliminaries and connections, it generally 
tells the whole story in orderly succession ; and with all its conventional 
sameness of beginning and ending, its limited vocabulary, its stereo- 
t>ped commonplaces and its clumsy repetition, it makes scarcely 
any use of incremental repetition, the clearest mark of the "popular" 
ballad style. For still another reason the classification is inadmissible. 
Whatever may be thought of the probability of a communal origin 
for such a ballad as "Patrick Spens" or "Child Waters," vulgar 
balladry at least is no product of an undififerentiated primitive throng, 
but belongs unequivocally to the vulgar of our modern complex civiliza- 
tion. If popular poetry can come into existence only in a homogeneous 
society that knows no distinctions of culture, then the vulgar ballad 
cannot possibly be popular poetry. 

This is not the time for a demonstration of the truths regarding the 
vulgar ballad here aflfirmed. I hope to present them in detail else- 
where in the near future. Here I can only say that an analysis of 
"The Faithful Lover," a ballad printed by both Pitts and Catnach 
in the first half of the last century, and still sung in Somerset, — a 
typical vulgar ballad upon the subject of Schiller's "Der Handschuh," 
Leigh Hunt's "The Glove and the Lions," and Browning's "The 
Glove," — shows nothing that can be called evidence of individual 
feeling on the author's part, no poetic self-consciousness, not even 
the conventional moral so often found in this type of poetry; and, 
on the other hand, shows practically complete absence of those poetic 
devices — suspense, suggestion, climatic iteration — to which, in the 
case of "Edward," even Professor Gummere is constrained to apply 
the word "art," and to which the poetic efifect of the best "popular" 
ballads is due. The lady, conventionally wealthy and of high degree, 
and her two suitors, a captain in the army and a naval lieutenant) 
stand as much alone, without background or circumstance, upon this 
London ballad stage, as do Fair Annie and Lord Thomas and Lord 
Thomas's new bride in their castle. Not one of the characters has a 
name. The court setting, which plays so large a part in Hunt's and 
Browning's poems, and indeed in the original anecdote of Brantome, 
from which the story is derived,^ has here no mention. The feelings 
of the lady, to which Hunt and Browning devote so much attention, 
receive no more from our vulgar balladist than does the beauty of the 
wild beasts which Schiller la\ishes his art in describing, or their 
homesickness for the desert, which Browning, with ingenious art of 
contrast, elaborates as the reason why De Lorge was not devoured. 
The reflections upon the lady's conduct which even Brantome feels 
called upon to make, and which Browning, taking them up as champion 

' Since this was written, Professor Kittredge has informed me that the story is extant 
in Spanish of the sixteenth century. Brantome is therefore not the originator. 



The Relation of Balladry to Folk-Lore 9 

for the lady, makes the point of departure for some characteristic 
psychologizing of his own, — these, too, our balladist has passed by 
unheeding. Indeed, the moral of Brantome's anecdote implies a more 
delicate social sense than vulgar balladry knows. The author of 
"The Faithful Lover" has recast the story into a test of valor, in 
which the lady throws her glove into the lion-pit merely to determine 
which of her two lovers is a "man of honor" and worthy of her hand. 
The "bold lieutenant" meets the test, and she throws herself into his 
arms; while the "faint-hearted captain" acknowledges the justice of 
his defeat, and consigns himself to exile. The balladist is interested 
in the action, not in the setting or the inner consciousness of the actors. 
In short, by pretty much all those tests of content, of conception of 
character, of creative individualization, and of artistic development 
by which Professor Hart, in his "Ballad and Epic," distinguishes 
between the "popular" ballad and a literary poem like "Beowulf," 
"The Faithful Lover" belongs with the ballads. But as soon as we 
turn to the structural and stylistic peculiarities, to those devices of 
style upon which the special aesthetic effect of the "popular" ballad 
depends, the gulf yawns wide. Our vulgar ballad, as I have said, 
has hardly a trace of suggestion or suspense, no leaping from one 
situation to another, no dwelling upon a dramatic situation, no relative- 
climax, no incremental repetition, no unassigned speeches, and only 
twenty per cent, of dialogue against fifty per cent, in the "popular" 
ballad. 

My purpose in insisting upon this dilemma is to call in question what 
I believe to be a false assumption of the romantic age from which 
we are just emerging, — a romantic distortion of the poet's function, 
to which Goethe has perhaps given the most complete expression in 
the " Vorspiel auf dem Theater." The poet, according to the romantic 
creed, is a lonely, superior being, loathing the vulgar herd, working 
and suffering in the solitude of genius, shunning 

" The fretful stir 
Unprofitable, and the fever of the world," 
"Singing hymns unbidden 
Till the world is wrought 
To synipathj' with hopes and fears it heeded not." 

He works not for the applause of a world that cannot ccMnprchcnd him, 
but for the satisfaction of his own ideals. Now, the half-truth of this 
picture, when it is drawn for the poets of the romantic age, has blinded 
us to its essential unreality as a picture of the creative artist in general ; 
for poetry is, and always has been, fundanuMitalK' a social product. 
Solitary man, were he conceivable, would lie (liimh. The poet's work 
inevitably implies an audience. In fact, it !-> in the la^t analysis called 



10 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

into being by its audience. In a complex, or a decadent, or a transi- 
tional stage of culture, the audience may be composed of a selected 
few like-minded with the poet; in a simple society, or in a thoroughly 
wrought-out culture, like that of Europe in the eighteenth century, 
the audience will be more general. But without the audience, we 
may be sure that neither the "Iliad" nor the " De Rerum Natura," 
neither "Beowulf" nor the "Essay on Man," neither Shakspeare's 
sonnets nor the "Song of Myself," would have come into existence. 
All poetry expresses feelings and interests that already exist potentially 
in the minds of the hearers. 

And not only is poetry always a social product; it is also always a 
thing of tradition. Search where we will among ancient monuments 
or savage hordes, we shall never find the first poem any more than we 
shall find the first man. The poetry of the Cannibal Islander and of 
the Faroe fisherman is no less dependent upon preceding poetry for 
form and matter than are Sidney's sonnets or the " Idylls of the King." 
Indeed, it is, if anything, more dependent. We recognize readily enough 
the traditional character of ballads; we do not always remember (at 
least when we are studying ballads) that the greatest works of ac- 
knowledged poets proclaim in almost every line their indebtedness to 
the poetic culture that has gone before them. The fact that the 
great poets have been able to impress something of their own person- 
ality upon the form and material they have inherited, must not blind 
us to the fact that they have inherited them. 

If an apology is due for thus insisting upon truisms, I must seek 
my excuse in the obliquity of vision which seems to follow upon too 
intent contemplation of the antithesis between popular and artistic 
poetry. To make the distinction logically workalilc, we must see 
nothing but conscious, individual originality in the work of acknowl- 
edged poets, and we must see in the stock material and traditional 
forms of "popular" poetry the proof that no individual could have 
produced them; whereas a little reflection will show us that no such 
line can be drawn, that in any verse we know it is impossible to say 
how much is original and how much traditional, that an ornamented 
«tyle may be no more original than a simple one, and that the common- 
places for form and feeling in the best old ballads no more exclude the 
conscious maker than do the less pleasing commonplaces of the street 
balladist or the hackneyed "poetic diction" of the eighteenth century 
poetaster. If we are to see in the imitators of Pope proof of the in- 
fluence of the school upon the individual, must we not see the same 
thing in the quite impersonal banality of the vulgar ballad? Neither 
its impersonality nor its commonplaccness can be held to show that it is 
not the work of some person. It is the work of an individual following 
the traditions of a school, — "a low kind of art," precisely. But if 



The Relation of Balladry to Folk-Lore 1 1 

this quite impersonal following of tradition is no bar to personal 
authorship in the case of vulgar ballads, how should it be a bar in the 
case of the best "popular" ballads? Of the individual authors of 
them, to be sure, we know nothing; just as little, and just as much, 
as we do of the authors of most of the vulgar ballads. 

Let me not be understood as calling in question either the soundness 
or the value of Professor Gummere's analysis of the ballad style. 
That analysis is perfectly convincing, and it is the chief step forward 
in ballad study in our time. I do not mean even to dispute the com- 
munal origin of the ballad style. The style is there in the earliest 
British ballads of which we have knowledge, though the best examples 
of it came to record a good deal later. The origin of this style is 
matter for conjecture rather than for documentary proof. I am 
inclined, I confess, to hold with Mr. Joseph Jacobs that "the Folk 
is simply a name for our ignorance," and with the late Professor James 
that "mankind does nothing save through initiatives on the part of 
inventors and imitation by the rest of us;" that "individuals of genius 
show the way, and set the patterns, which common people then adopt 
and follow." But I have no expectation of finding the individual of 
genius who set the pattern for the "popular" ballad, nor his imitators 
who made the ballads in Child's collection, nor those imitators of 
another pattern who made the vulgar ballads of the last century. 
Of course we may catch a vulgar ballad in the making here or there, 
though I have failed to get at the origin of some pretty recent ones. 
Where tradition is so strong, the part of the individual must be small, — 
smaller even than in a sixteenth-century sonnet or an eighteenth- 
century pastoral, — and is soon lost sight of. But I can see little more 
reason to doubt his having existed in the one case than in the other. 
I can see no more reason why the humble popular poet in Scotland 
or Denmark, where the "popular" ballad style (whatever may have 
been its origin) was in vogue, should not ha\-e made his poem in that 
fashion and got currency for it among his fellows, than I can wh\' the 
huml)le popular poet of the street or the cattle-range, where the vulgar 
ballad style was in vogue, should not ha\e made his poem in that 
style and got currency for it there. There is, I believe, no sufficient 
reason for ascribing personal authorship to one and den\ing it to the 
other. 

What, then, is the conclusion of thr wIioK- matter? Simply this, 
I think: that the "popular" ballad and the "vulgar" ballad are both 
of them, to borrow Mr. Ker's happy word, ideas. Each, that is to 
say, is a generalization, a type, derixed 1)\- the critical student from 
many individual instances, and existing in his mind as a standard 
by which to judge and classify new indi\i(luals that present themselves. 
The question. Is this i)oem really a ballad? is very much liki- the 



12 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

question, Is a certain poem a sonnet? George Herbert — a far cry 
from ballads, of either type! — suggests the illustration. He has a 
poem that conforms in certain outward respects to the "idea" of the 
sonnet; it has fourteen lines, rhymed in a certain way, which we 
recognized as belonging to one of the sonnet types. Then we look 
more closely, and find that in temper, in subject-matter, and, further, 
in rhetoric and rhythm, it does not conform to the "idea" of the sonnet 
which we have derived from our study of Petrarch and Shakspeare 
and Milton, and we decide that it is not a sonnet — or not a proper 
Petrarchan sonnet — or not a right Shakspearean sonnet — and so on. 
Similarly, if a poem comes to our hands labelled "ballad," we try 
it by our standards, and thereby classify it as a "Hterary" ballad, 
or a "vulgar" ballad, or a "popular" ballad (allowing, for convenience, 
the question-begging epithet), or throw it out altogether. The ballad, 
so conceived, is just as real as any other "idea," just as ascertainable 
and definable. It has two main types, of which one has already been 
defined by Professor Gummere, and the other no doubt will be, if it 
is fortunate enough to enlist the attention of an equally competent 
critic. 

Both kinds of ballad are popular in character and in vogue. They 
belong to unlettered simple folk. They are perpetuated, whether by 
print or by oral tradition, or both, without any consciousness of 
individual authorship; but they differ widely in poetic quality, and 
somewhat in age. The "popular" ballad of Grundtvig's and Child's 
collections, the ballad idea arrived at by Professor Gummere's analysis, 
seems to be no longer an active type. It arose — whether from the 
homogeneous communal throng, or from decaying minstrelsy, or, as 
seems to me not improbable, from the poetic art of the vikings — in 
the later Middle Age, and was perpetuated in full vigor among simple 
folk in northern Europe, chiefly in Scotland and Scandinavia, down 
into the nineteenth century. It attained, in its own style, a high 
degree of art, reaching its best estate, if we may judge from recorded 
British specimens, in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Since 
then it has gradually given way, as an expression of the poetic senti- 
ment of simple folk, to another type, the "vulgar" ballad. This 
latter type has been known since the introduction of printing, was 
in full vigor in the early nineteenth century, and is not yet extinct. 
Probably of urban origin, it moved like a wave from the centre to the 
remote bays and back-waters of civilization, until at the present time 
it is likelier to be found in the hills of Somerset than in London, in the 
backwoods of Maine or of the Ozarks than in Boston or Chicago. 
Wherever it is found, it is the poetry of simple folk, just as were the 
ballads Scott collected for the "Minstrelsy" a hundred years ago. 

If the view here set forth is the right one, neither the "popular" 



The Relation of Balladry to Folk- Lore 13 

nor the "vulgar" ballad is primitive poetry. Both contain some 
elements of art in the wide sense of that term, as do all the works of 
man. The "popular" ballad is vastly better poetry, and contains 
more of superstition and old folk-custom than does the "vulgar" 
ballad. But we shall not therefore conclude that contemporary 
balladry is of no concern to the folk-lorist. Quite the contrary. 
The "song-ballads" of Maine and Kentucky, of Missouri and Texas 
and Montana, with their simple ethics and rudimentary aesthetics, 
their crude tragedy, their obvious pathos, still reveal the tastes, the 
ideals, the preferred themes, and the poetic methods, of the backward 
part of our modern population. They are therefore, it seems to me, 
of immediate significance to the anthropologist and the sociologist. 
They constitute an important part of the material which folk-lore 
has to offer to the student of human society. And even for the special 
investigator in literary evolution they have this great advantage over 
the ballads gathered by Professor Child, — that in them we may still 
observe the processes of transmission, of modification, of transforma- 
tion into a recognized type, which constitute the " ballad" problem 

University of Missouri, 
Columbia, Mo. 



14 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

THE BALLAD OF THE BROOMFIELD HILL 

BV PHILLIPS BARRY 

Six versions of "The Broomfield Hill" are to be found in Professor 
Child's " English and Scottish Popular Ballads" (No. 43). The ballad 
is still current in England/ and cannot have been extinct in America 
in 1846, when the following version appeared in a printed song-book.^ 
This version must be ascribed to oral tradition. One naturally expects 
to find, in song-books and broadsides, such versions of popular ballads 
as have fallen under the influence of Grub Street; but sometimes, as in 
the present instance, one meets with a folk-singer's version quite 
untouched by the pen of the shoddy minstrel. 

GREEN BROOM FIELD 

1. I'll lay you down five hundred pounds, 

Five hundred pounds to ten, 
That a maid can't go to the green broom field, 
And a maid return again, 

2. Then quickly speaks a pretty girl, 

Her age was scarce sixteen. 
Saying, a maid I'll go to the green broom field, 
And a maid I'll still be seen. 

3. Then when she went to the green broom field, 

Where her love was fast asleep, 
With a grey goose hawk and a green laurel bough, 
And a green broom under his feet. 

4. She then ])lucked a sprig from out the green broom, 

And smelt'd of it so sweet, 
She sprinkled a handful over his head, 
And another under his feet. 

5. And when she had done what she thought to do. 

She turned her steps away. 
She hid herself in a bunch of green brooms. 
To hear what her true love would say. 

6. And when he awoke from out of his sleep. 

An angry man was he. 
He looked to the east and he looked to the west 
And he wept for his sweetheart to see. 

^Journal of the Folk-Song Society, iv, pp. 110-116. 

^The Pearl Songster (New York, C. P. Huestis, Publisher, 104 Nassau St., corner 
of Ann, 1846), p. 34. 



The Ballad of the Broomfield Hill 

7. Oh ! where was you, my grey goose hawk, 

The hawk that I lov'd so dear, 
That you did not awake me from out of my sleep, 
When my sweetheart was so near. 

8. Come saddle me my milk-white steed, 

Come saddle me my brown, 
Come saddle me the fleetest horse, 
That ever rode through town. 

9. You need not saddle your milk-white steed, 

You need not saddle your brown. 
For a hare never ran through the street so fast 
As the maid ran through the town. 

10. If my hawk had awaked me when I was asleep, 
Of her I would had my will, 
Or the vultures that fly in the wood by night, 
Of her flesh should have had their fill. 

Boston, Mass. 



1 6 Journal of American Folk-Lore 



RECENT LITERATURE ON THE SOUTH AMERICAN 
"AMAZONS" 

BY ALEXANDER F. CHAMBERLAIN 

In his monograph on "The Myths and Legends of the Primitive 
Peoples of South America,"^ Dr. Paul Ehrenreich classes the Amazon 
legend among mythic tales serving to explain customs, social insti- 
tutions, etc. He regards it as "seeking, as it were, to legitimatize 
the union of the males over against the aspirations of the women" 
(p. 117). As typical legends he cites the Caraya tale of "The Jakare 
and the Revolt of the Women;" the Guiana legend of Toeyza 
given by Brett; the legend from the Rio Jamunda reported by Bar- 
boza Rodriguez. In the legends of the Yurupari or "wood-demon," 
of the Tupi, etc., Ehrenreich finds the Amazon episode intentionally 
modified in the direction just indicated. Concerning the origin and 
distribution of the legend he observes (p. 65), — 

"The Amazon-legend seems to be distributed over all northern South 
America. Its native origin has been unjustly doubted by Humboldt, 
v. Martins, Schomburgk, etc.; while Herbert, Smith, and Barboza 
have defended it on good grounds. It must have originated among the 
northern Caribs; in any case, it must have reached the Caraya from 
the north, since it does not occur south of Amazonas. The report of 
Amazons in the source-region of the Paraguay, spread by the Spanish 
Conquistadores of the second half of the sixteenth century, is only a 
mistaken interpretation of the account of Orellana." 

The earlier article of Beauvois,^ on " Precolumbian Amazons," 
seems not to have been accessible to Ehrenreich or to Lasch, who later 
on treats of the same subject. Beauvois' work, as Friederici remarks, 
is more valuable for its abundant bibliographical references than for 
its contribution to the solution of the Amazon problem. 

Dr. Richard Lasch 's paper "On the South American Amazon- 
Legend"^ discusses briefly many of the Amazon stories and their in- 
terpretations from Orellana down to Ehrenreich. He is of opinion 
that "the Amazon-legend is, however, neither a historical nor a new 
culture-myth, but a mythic narration specially invented to explain 
social arrangements. Particularly in the gyna^cocratic traits, which 

1 Die Mythen unci Legenden der Sudamerikanischen Urvolker iind Hire Beziehungen zu 
denen Nordamerikas und der Allen Welt. Berlin, 1905. 107 p. 

2 "La Fable des Amazones chez Ics Indigenes de I'Amerique Precolumbienne," Le 
Museon (Louvain), N. S., vol. v, 1904, pp. 287-326. 

'R. Lasch, "Zur slidamerikanischen Amazonensage," Milt. d. k. k. Ceograph. Ces. 
in Wieii, vol. liii, 1910, pp. 278-289. 



Recent Literature on the South American Amazons 17 

give the legend its peculiar character, this tendency is very apparent, 
the culture-historical motives being more hidden" (p. 286). 

From acertain point of view, "the Amazon-legend is only a somewhat 
idealized picture of the dual division of primitive society (i. e., according 
to sex)." The economic motive here implied is also accompanied in 
the Amazon legend by the psychologic one of the natural antipathy of 
the sexes, of which Schurtz made such use in his interpretations of 
primitive human society. In various parts of the northern region of 
South America the legend has had added to it certain elements due 
to the masculine mind, in its endeavor to justify the existence of the 
men's institution par excellence in the community. This appears, e. g., 
in the Caraj'a version of "The Jakare and the Revolt of the Women," 
and in the tale from British Guinea, where the women are represented 
as rising against the men, killing them in battle, or poisoning them, 
and then leaving the country. This is held to justify the men in 
establishing their peculiar institutions and organizations as a means of 
preventing the possible recurrence of such events. But Lasch ob- 
serves further (p. 288), — 

"But as the motive by no means occurs in all American Amazon- 
legends, we may conclude that it is of a secondary nature only and has 
nothing to do with the essence or the core of the myth. The original 
form of the legend was one which depicted in a rather idealized fashion, 
without any biased extraneous matter, the special economic and social 
position of woman in primitive life. Later on, the legend was permeated 
with ideas coming from the male section of the community, modified 
by the introduction of the episode of the revolt of the women, and so 
made serviceable for the purposes of the men's organizations." 

Dr. Lasch accepts the view that the Amazon legend arose among the 
North-Caribs, "because, among that people, the separate position of 
woman seems to have appeared earliest and continued longest, and 
here the contrast between the sexes was particularly great." He 
calls attention to the higher culture-status of the Caribs, as compared 
with some of their neighbors, and remarks (p. 289) that "the fact 
that this people of itself created a myth that so very closely resembles 
the classical legend of the Amazons is a fine illustration of Bastian's 
theory of Elementargedanken.'' 

Dr. Georg Friederici's brief monograph on "The Amazons of Amer- 
ica,"^ like his other ethnological essays, is well documented. He 
holds that the Amazon problem is much more complicated than Lasch 
considers it to be. According to Fricderici, the stories of American 
Amazons have arisen as follows: 

I. From the notably warlike character of the women of many jirim- 
itive communities in America. 

iG. Friederici, Die Amazoncn Amerikas. Leipzig, 1910. 25 p. 
VOL. XXIV. — NO. 91. — 2 



1 8 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

2. From tlie fact of women having in a few tribes (for economic, 
religious, etc., reasons) power or influence that seemed strange and 
extraordinary to the mass of the surrounding population. 

3. From rumors of the barbaric splendor of the Empire of the 
Incas, which had penetrated the wildernesses to the East. 

4. From reports of a certain unusual sexual relation of Indian women 
appearing astonishing and remarkable in contrast to the usual state 
of affairs. 

5. From tales of Amazons due to native reports misunderstood 
by the Spaniards, or from such tales intentionally spread by the 
latter. 

After discussing the various reports of explorers, travellers, etc., 
concerning the Amazons, he points out that five of the sources of 
information (Castellanos, Ribeiro de Sampaio, Thevet, Fritz, Maroni) 
point to the warlike spirit of the women; two (Yves d'Evreux, La 
Condamine) indicate an independent community of women in the 
sense of Payne; one (Carvajal) seems to have in mind the Peruvian 
vestals of the sun; two (Magalhaes de Gandavo and the author of the 
"Dialogos") emphasize the sexual relations of the so-called Amazons; 
while five others (Soares de Souza, Acufia, Texeira, P. Laureano, v. 
Martius) bring nothing to the solution of the question (pp. 12-13). 
This is for Brazil. South and west of Brazil, Amazon legends are also 
reported. Some of those in the West certainly have something to do 
with accounts of the vestals of the sun, etc., in Incasic Peru ; and some 
of those to the south reflect more or less the important position of 
women and their warlike character among such tribes, e. g., as the 
Morotocos, in the Chiquitos country. The notably warlike character 
of the Carib women is responsible for other Amazon legends from the 
northeast. 

Friederici points out that Ramon Pane gives a characteristic Amazon 
legend from the Antilles, which is quite natural, considering the fact of 
Arawakan and Cariban occupation of the West Indies. The Amazon 
legends reported from Colombia (whose content favors Lasch's view, 
although he did not happen to make use of this evidence) are older 
than those from Brazil (e. g., the female state of the caciquess Jarativa), 
and are of considerable importance, for the reason that they emphasize 
the peculiar sexual relations of the women concerned. 

Certain customs reported from Nicaragua, Friederici thinks, point 
to "Amazons," and the first discoverers of Yucatan told of "islands 
of women." In Mexico, Amazon legends point to Lower California 
and to Sinaloa; but Friederici believes that the Mexican legends, to 
which Beauvois devotes more than a third of his monograph, are 
"the least founded of all ethnologically or mythologically " (p. 23). 
Amazon stories seem also to have been reported by the Spanish dis- 



Recent Literature on the South American Amazons 19 

coverers from California, and traces of them may be found still farther 
to the north; but the evidence is poor in all cases. 

Friederici does not agree with the view of Ehrenreich and Lasch, 
that the Amazon legend originated among the northern Caribs, 
spreading from them to the neighboring tribes, etc. He believes 
that "there are several Amazon legends, and also other Amazon tales, 
which in content and in origin are very different from one another." 
Certain resemblances, indeed, are due to their transmission and repe- 
tition by Europeans, "who were not at all surprised to find again 
in America the Amazons of the Greek classics, just as they sought with 
the greatest zeal the Paradise of the Bible and the Lost Ten Tribes 
of Israel in the New World" (p. 2). 

Incidentally Friederici points out that the account ascribed to 
Orellana belongs to Carvajal (p. 7); and that the name "Amazons" 
was really given by the Spanish explorers (Orellana) by reason of 
the valor of Indian women met with by them. 

The literature of the "Amazons" for the year 19 10 includes also 
the book of G. C. Rothery, ^ which treats in detail of the Amazons 
of Antiquity, Amazons of Far Asia, Modern Amazons of the Caucasus, 
Amazons of Europe, Amazons of Africa, Amazons of America, and 
Amazon Stones. Pages 139-163, forming Chapter YIII of this work, 
are devoted to the "Amazons of America;" while Chapter IX is largely 
concerned with the "Amazon Stones," which, according to Raleigh 
and others, have their origin with the famous "Amazons." 

Rothery cites freely from Orellana-Carvajal, Acuna, Raleigh, etc., 
and he also refers to Payne; but his book was evidently in press too 
early in the year for him to have taken advantage of the studies of 
Lasch and Friederici, the utilization of which would have giv^en it 
more of a scientific character. He divides the legends and traditions 
of an Amazonian character into three main classes: 

" I . Women living apart in colonies, but having occasional communi- 
cations with the outside world on a peaceful footing. 

" 2. Women banded together as a fighting organization. 

"3. Nations ruled over by queens, and mainly, or to a considerable 
extent, governed by women" (p. 178). 

All three "arc simple outcomes of different stages in social evolution," 
and "often profoundly modified by local conditions" (p. 178). Ac- 
cording to Rothery (p. 206), "It is curious to find that where rumors 
of fighting Amazons are most persistent we have abundant proof of 
savagery lingering on." He thinks also (p. Ii) that "the elaborate 
tales of travellers who followed in the footsteps of the conquistadors, 
however, are suspect, both on account of their too close resemblance 

> G. C. Rothery, Thr Ama-ous in Aiill(ii<ily ami Modcr>i Times. London, 1910. 
viii, 218 p. 



20 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

to Asiatic myths, and because of the absence of corroboration in de- 
tail." Rothery, in this regard, is not so well acquainted with the 
literature of the subject as is, for example, Friederici, and his opinion 
on this matter is therefore not so competent. 

On the whole, Friederici's brief monograph is, up to the present, 
the best treatment of the interesting question of the South American 
"Amazons." 

Clark University, 
Worcester, Mass. 



Annual Meeting of the American Folk-Lore Society 21 



TWENTY-SECOND ANNUAL MEETING OF THE AMERICAN 
FOLK-LORE SOCIETY 

The twenty-second annual meeting of the American Folk-Lore 
Society was held in Manning Hall, Brown University, Providence, 
R. I. On Thursday, December 29, 1910, the business meeting was 
called to order at 2 p.m. The meeting for the reading of papers was 
held in affiliation with the American Anthropological Association. 

In the absence of the President, the past President, Dr. John R. 
Swanton, presided. 

The Treasurer's Report for 1910 was presented and accepted. 
Prof. R. B. Dixon and Dr. A. M. Tozzer were appointed to audit the 
report, which follows. 

RECEIPTS 

Balance from last statement $1059.14 

Receipts from annual dues 976.60 

Receipts from life-membership dues 50.00 

Subscriptions to the Publication Fund 196.00 

Sales through Houghton Mifflin Co. (net of mailing and other charges): 

Memoirs 93-59 

Journal of American Folk-Lore, November i, 1909, to December i, 1910. 395.27 

Sales of reprints to authors 4.38 

Dr. Charles Peabody, for 27 copies bound, list of members of the American 

Folk-Lore Society, October-December, 1909 .50 

Dr. Felix Grendon, for printing his article in Journal of American Folk-Lore, 
No. 84, further instalments toward the amount which he agreed to pay the 

American Folk-Lore Society 120.00 

Interest Old Colony Trust Company 30.09 

$2925.57 

DISBURSEMENTS 

Houghton Mifflin Co., for manufacturing Journal of American Folk-Lore, Nos. 

86, 87, and 88 1 $1101.98 

Houghton Mifflin Co., for printing reprints for authors 1 14-35 

Houghton Mifflin & Co., for paper 35-52 

Houghton Mifflin & Co., for changing die . . . . > .64 

Houghton Mifflin & Co., for binding 27 copies of list of members of the American 

Folk-Lore Society for Dr. Chas. Peabody, Secretary .50 

American Anthropological Association, one-half of the cost of composing and 

printing "Periodical Literature" for publication in the Journal 341-64 

Dr. Franz Boas, Editor, Columbia University, New York, N. Y., for expenses 

of editorial work on the Journal during 1909 and 1910 65.00 

Treasurer's postage, envelopes, and sundry charges 12.87 

M. L. Taylor, New York, N. Y., for work on indexing Journal of American 

Folk-Lore, to be published by the American Folk-Lore Society as the 

" Tenth Memoir " 699.90 

Amount carried forward $2372.40 

• The bill for Journal of American Folk-Lore. No. 89, has not yet come in, and should 
be added to the expenses of manufacturing the Journal for the current year, and deducted 
from our balance. 



22 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

Amount brought forward 52372.40 

J. Richard, New York, N. Y., for work on indexing Journal of American Folk- 
Lore for " Tenth Memoir " 20.00 

Insurance on catalogue in New York, N. Y 2.00 

Fitz-Henry Smith, Jr., Treasurer, for sending out first notices of the year to 

the Boston Branch 2.70 

Rebate to Cambridge Branch, M. L. Fernald, Treasurer i7-50 

Rebate to Boston Branch, Fitz-Henry Smith, Treasurer 53-00 

Rebate to Missouri Branch, Miss Idress Head, Treasurer 5.50 

Rebate to Illinois Branch, H. S. V. Jones, Treasurer 4.50 

Rebate to New York Branch, Stansbury Hagar, Treasurer 5.00 

Rebate to Texas Branch, Miss Ethel Hibbs, Treasurer i5-50 

Old Colony Trust Co., for collecting checks 3.70 

J2501.80 

Balance to new account 423.77 

$2925.57 
Audited January 9, 191 1. 

R. B. Dixon, 
A. M. TozzER. 

I would call attention to the large increase in the cost of publishing 
the Journal of American Folk-Lore for the current year, due to the 
increase in the number of pages, our expense for this account amount- 
ing to $1779.40;^ while our annual income from dues, sale of the Journal 
through other sources, and sale of reprints, amounted to $1376.25. 

Work on indexing the Journal of American Folk-Lore during the 
year cost the American Folk-Lore Society $719.90. 

These two items have not only taken all the money which the 
Society has received during the year, but have also made a large in- 
road into the balance left over from the previous year, notwithstanding 
the fact that our returns from annual dues have increased over last 
year. 

Our expenses should l)e kept within our income, and a respectable 
balance be maintained, to continue and increase the important work 
of the American Folk-Lore Society in the field of folk-lore. 

Eliot W. Remick, Treasurer. 

The permanent Secretary reported as follows: — 
I. The membership of the Society for 1910 is given in the following 
table, together with that for the previous year: — 

JQIO I9OQ 

Honorary members 14 I4 

Life members 8 7 

Annual members 344 352 

Subscribing libraries i35 "V 

> This does not include the bill for the last number of the Journal for the year 1910 
(No. 89), or the bill for work on indexing the Journal of American Folk-Lore for the 
Memoir, or for binding list of members for Dr. Charles Peabody, Secretary, or for insurance 
of index. 



Annual Meeting of the American Folk-Lore Society 23 

2, The Boston, Cambridge, New York, Illinois, Iowa, and Missouri 
Branches have continued in acti\'e existence. There is hope of 
establishing a Branch in Philadelphia; and a somewhat diversified, 
if sincere, interest has been awakened in Milwaukee, which it is highly 
desirable to concentrate into some channels leading to direct results. 
The work of Professor John A. Lomax in arousing interest in folk-lore 
in Texas has been successful, and at present there are thirty members 
of the general Society in that State. 

In view of the universality of the material included under the study 
of folk-lore, and of a corresponding ignorance, not to say apathy, 
on the subject, the Secretary has been gratified at receiving through 
the year letters of inquiry of general and particular import. It is 
his belief that such correspondence should be encouraged, and thus, 
so far as in the ability of the Secretary lies, one of the objects of the 
Society's existence be attained. 

The Editor presented the following report: — 

It has been the policy of the Editor to endeavor to embody in the 
Journal longer and weightier papers, without, however, excluding 
in any way short communications. The Editor would like an expres- 
sion of opinion on the part of the Society as to whether this policy 
meets with its approval. The long delay in the publication of the 
numbers of the past year was due essentially to the fact that proofs 
of two of the very long papers were inordinately delayed by their 
authors. 

The Editor is making special efforts to develop a department of 
Spanish-American folk-lore, and hopes that during the coming year 
considerable progress may be made in this direction. He suggests 
that an effort be also made to develop the Negro Department. 

During the past year a change has been made in the presentation of 
the bibliography, which has been issued jointly by the American Folk- 
Lore Society and the American Anthropological Association. The 
Editor believes that a considerable saving could be made by separating 
the bibliography and related matters completely from the Journal, 
and establishing this subject as a separate publication, to be issued 
jointly by the Folk-Lore Society and the Anthropological Association, 
and to be issued four times a year. The Folk-Lore Society and the 
American Anthropological Association might subscribe as much to 
the publication as the printing of the iMbliograjihy costs at the present 
time, in return for which one copy of the bibliography should be fur- 
nished to each member of both associations. 

I think the Society ought also to consider seriously the ([ucstion 
whether it would not be desirable to change the printer of the Journal. 
While Messrs. H. O. Houghton & Co.'s printing is very satisfactory, 
it is also very expensive. The imprint of the firm of the Houghton 
Mifflin Company is, however, a valuable asset of the Journal. 



24 Journal oj American Folk-Lore 

Work on the general index has made such progress, that all the 
material is in hand and arranged alphabetically. The preparation of 
the volume is a very expensive piece of work, and an estimate of the 
material in hand indicates that the total volume will be between 1200 
and 1400 pages. Before going any further, the Editor believes that it is 
essential to raise a publication fund for this purpose; and he believes, 
that, in order to proceed safely, this fund ought not to be less than 
$1000. 

Franz Boas, Editor. 

The suggestion that it might or might not be advisable to print 
longer articles in the Journal was discussed, and, as it proved to be 
one largely of finance, there did not seem to be any reason for immediate 
affirmative action. 

The suggestion of the Editor that a separation of the bibliography 
and related matters from the Journal might prove advisable was 
discussed, and a Committee appointed to confer with a similar Com- 
mittee from the Anthropological Association was appointed: viz., 
Dr. C. Peabody, Chairman; Mr. Eliot W. Remick; Professor Franz 
Boas; and Professor A. F. Chamberlain. 

A motion made by Professor Dixon was carried, to the effect that 
hereafter all charges for proof corrections in Journal articles, to the 
extent of ten per cent, of the cost of composition, should be paid by 
the Journal, and that all charges for proof corrections above this must 
be paid by the authors; that if such a regulation already existed in the 
records, it should be enforced. 

Referring to the estimate of $1000 as necessary to the completion 
of the Tenth Memoir or Memorial Index, on motion of Professor Dixon, 
it was carried that an attempt be made to raise one-half of this sum, 
$500, and that until $500 were in hand no further progress should be 
made on the Memoir. 

It was voted that the next annual meeting of the Society be held 
with Section H of the American Association for the Advancement of 
Science, presumably at Washington in Convocation Week, 191 1. 

The possibility of a closer affiliation with tlie Modern Language 
Association was the subject of discussion, under the leadership of 
Professor A. C. L. Brown of Northwestern University, Evanston, 111. 
The desirability of such a step seemed apparent. 

The Secretary was empowered to cast a ballot for the re-election 
of the existing officers, with the necessary corollary that the outgoing 
members of the Council be re-elected for the full term. The officers 
are — 

President, Professor H. M. Belden, University of Missouri, Co- 
lumbia, Mo. 



Annual Meeting of the American Folk-Lore Society 25 

First Vice-President, Professor G. L. Kittredge, Harvard 
University, Cambridge, Mass. 

Second Vice-President, Dr. J. Walter Fewkes, Bureau of American 
Ethnology, Washington, D. C. 

Editor of Journal, Professor Franz Boas, Columbia University, 
New York City. 

Permanent Secretary, Dr. Charles Peabody, Peabody Museum, 
Cambridge, Mass. 

Treasurer, Mr. Eliot W. Remick, 300 Marlborough St., Boston, 
Mass. 

Councillors. For three years: P. E. Goddard, Mrs. Zelia Nuttall, 
S. A. Barrett. For two years: J. A. Lomax, J. B. Fletcher, A. F. 
Chamberlain. For one year: E. K. Putnam, G. A. Dorsey, Albert 
Matthews. Past Presidents: A. L. Kroeber, Roland B. Dixon, John 
R. Swanton. Presidents of local branches: F. W. Putnam, K. G. T. 
Webster, Miss Mary A. Owen, Charles B. Wilson, A. C. L. Brown, 
Joseph Jacobs. 

Votes of thanks were passed to the Corporation of Brown University 
for their hospitality in the offering of Manning Hall as a place of 
meeting, and for their very kind invitation to luncheon in the Lyman 
Gymnasium on December 28, 1910, and also to the Providence Art 
Club for their very kind invitation to tea on December 28. 

At the conclusion of the business meeting, the address of the Presi- 
dent, Professor H. M. Belden, on "The Relation of Balladry to Folk- 
Lore," was read by the Secretary. The following papers were then 
presented : 

Phillips Barry, "A Garland of Ballads." 

A. F. Chamberlain, "Recent Literature of the American Amazons;" 
"Recent Progress in the Study of South American Languages;" 
"The Uran, a New South American Linguistic Stock." Discussed 
by Dr. Dixon. 

A. C. L. Brown, "Fire and Fairies with Reference to Chretien's 
Ivain," vv. 4385 to 4575. Discussed by Professor Fogcl. 

E. M. Fogel, "The Survivals of Germanic Heathendom in Penn- 
sylvania German Superstitions." Discussed by Dr. Peabody. 

Paul Radin, "The Religious Ideas of the Winnebago Indians." 
Discussed by Drs. Goldcnweiser and Lowie. 

Professor Roland B. Dixon, "Melanesian and Polynesian Mythol- 
ogy," "Polynesian Gods." Discussed by Dr. Lowie. 

Dr. Leo J. Frachlenberg, "A Grammatical Sketch of the Molala 
Language" (read by title). 

Charles Peahodv, Secretary. 



26 Journal of A^nerican Folk-Lore 



LOCAL MEETINGS 

TEXAS BRANCH 

The Texas Folk-Lore Society was organized at Dallas, Tex., December 29, 

1909, with a membership of sixty-six. The Constitution provided for four 
kinds of members, — annual members, or those who pay an initiation fee of 
fifty cents and annual dues of twenty-five cents; annual members with 
Journal privileges, or those who pay, through the Texas Folk-Lore Society, 
three dollars as the annual subscription price of the Journal of American 
Folk-Lore, thereby becoming members of the Texas Folk-Lore Society and 
of the American Folk-Lore Society without the payment of any additional 
fee; life members, or those who shall at any one time pay five dollars into the 
treasury of the society; patrons, or those who shall at any one time donate 
twenty-five dollars to the furtherance of the work of the Society. In January, 

1910, the membership had increased to ninety. The following officers were 
elected by the Society: President, Dr. L. W. Payne, Jr., University of Texas, 
Austin, Tex.; Vice-Presidents, Judd Mortimer Lewis (of "The Houston 
Post," Houston), Edw^ard Rotan (Waco), Mrs. Lillie T. Shaver (South- 
western Normal), San Marcos; Secretary, John A. Lomax, University of 
Texas, Austin, Tex.; Treasurer, Miss Ethel Hibbs, Rosenberg Library, 
Galveston; Councillors, Theo. G. Lemmon (Dallas), Mrs. Joseph B. Dibrell 
(Seguin), Mrs. C. C. Garrett (Brenham). The first annual meeting of the 
Society was held at the LTniversity of Texas on x*\pril 8, 191 1, and the fol- 
lowing papers were read: Dr. L. W. Payne, Jr., "Preliminary Survey of 
Folk-Lore Interests in Texas;" Dr. Reginald H. Grififith, "Method of 
Study in Folk-Lore;" Mrs. Lillie T. Shaver, "Indian Customs;" Mr. Theo. 
G. Lemmon, "Some Little-Known Myths of the Moqui Pueblos;" Dr. 
Herbert E. Bolton of Stanford University, "Religious Beliefs and Customs 
of the Hasinai Indians;" Dr. Robert Adger Law, "The Pronunciation of 
Some Huguenot Proper Names in South Carolina;" Mrs. John A. Lomax, 
"The Ballad of the Boll Weevil;" Dr. Sylvester Primer, "German Folk- 
Lore in Texas;" Miss Adina de Zavala of San Antonio, "A Ballad of the 
Missionary Period;" Dr. Bliss Perry of Harvard University, "The American 
Short Story." 

MISSOURI AND ILLINOIS BRANCHES 

The fifth annual meeting of the Missouri Folk-Lore Society and the third 
annual meeting of the Illinois Folk-Lore Society were held at a joint annual 
meeting in the rooms of the Missouri Historical Society, St. Louis, on 
December 28 and 29, 1910. The executive Boards of the two Societies 
held their meetings on Tuesday, December 27, at 2 p.m. Following is a 
programme of the meeting: Professor H. M. Belden, Columbia, Mo., "The 
Relation of Balladry to Folk-Lore;" Dr. H. S. V. Jones, University of 
Illinois, "A Proverb in Hamlet;" Mrs. Walter B. Ver Steeg, St. Louis, 
"Negro Superstitions;" Professor W. Roy Mackenzie, Washington Uni- 
versity, " Ballad-Collecting in Nova Scotia;" Miscellaneous notes and reports 
from absent members; Miss Mary Douglas, St. Louis Public Library, 
"Old Tales and Modern Adaptations;" Dr. Arthur E. Bostwick, St. Louis 
Public Librarv, "The Scientific Status of Folk-Lore;" Professor Julius 



Book Reviews 27 

Goebel, University of Illinois, "De X'erbo Magnifico;" Professor George T. 
Flom, University of Illinois, "The Phonology of the Language of the Alask- 
waki Indians;" Dr. J. Walter Rankin, University of Missouri, "The Origin 
of the Kalevala Runes" (read by title). 

NEW YORK BRANCH 

Meetings of the New York Branch of the American Folk-Lore Society were 
held as follows. Nov. 17, 1910, the Branch met in Earl Hall, Columbia 
University, and Mr. A. A. Goldenweiser read a paper on "Levy Bruhl's 
' Les fonctions mentales des Societes Inferieures.' " Professor Boas, Dr. 
Lowie, and the speaker conducted the discussion. — Feb. 16, 191 1, the officers 
of the Society met and elected officers for the year 1911-12, as follows: 
President, Professor Joseph Jacobs; Vice-President, Dr. Robert H. Lowie; 
Secretary, Dr. A. A. Goldenweiser; Treasurer, Mr. Stansbury Hagar. The 
lecture of the evening, on "Two Sources of the Beast Epic," was given by 
Miss Louise Haessler. A discussion by Messrs. Lowie, Goldenweiser, and 
Hagar followed. — April 13 Professor Boas reported on the "Significance 
of Childhood Associations" as revealed by the work of Mr. Sigismund 
Freud. An animated discussion followed, in which Messrs. Osborn, Halpern, 
Fishberg, Goldenweiser, and the speaker participated. 



BOOK REVIEWS 



L'Eglise et la Sorcellerie, Precis historique, suivi des documents 

OFFICIELS, DES TEXTES PRINCIPAUX ET d'uN PROCES INEDIT. Par J. 

Fran^ais. Paris, Librairie Critique (Emile Nourry), 1910. 

The author of this compact and interesting volume announces his bias 
very frankly in his preface: "The history of sorcery appears as one of the 
most significant episodes of the anti-scientific contest undertaken b>' the 
Church." It is a tiresome thing that the subject of witchcraft cannot now 
and then be treated without passion and without tendcnz. Every competent 
student of folk-lore knows that the burden of responsibility for witch-prose- 
cution rests upon the human race, not upon any nation, or church, or sect, 
or group of law-givers. Yet this self-evident truth (which can be demon- 
strated a thousand-fold whenever there is call for proof) has hardly made its 
way beyond the circle of anthropologists. 

However, the book before us, though more or less one-sided, is not so 
bigoted as we might expect, and it gives a good deal of information in a 
convenient form. It is "documented" throughout, so that the reader has 
himself to blame if he rests content with the author's sole authority. TIu' 
sources of information are mostly obvious and well known, but there is here 
and there a new reference. Mr. Frangais, in word, is not profoundly 
learned in dcmonological lore, but he is a skilful vulgarisateitr. 

Naturally, the author is most at home in France; the rest of the wdiKI is 
rather scantily treated. The chapter on Scotland, I-'.ngland, and .America 
is a poor makeshift of ten pages. James \T of Scotland is called "le defenseur 
de la vraie foi," although the title Fidei Defensor did not belong (o him 
until lie Ixnainc King of England. His "theology" is held rhielly ac- 



28 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

countable for the Scottish prosecutions after 1589, — as if his theology differed 
in these matters from that of the clergy or the laity. The usual misappre- 
hensions with regard to the Statute of 1604 are repeated. King James is 
said to have written his " Diemonologie" to oppose Reginald Scot and 
George Gijfard, — instead of Scot and Wierus. The ignorance of Mr. Frangais 
on the extensive literature of British witchcraft is abysmal. 

The ineditcd trial mentioned in the titlepage is that of Suzanne Gaudry 
in 1652. It is from the archives of Lille. Its inclusion gi\es the book its 
chief claim on the attention of scholars. 

G. L. K. 

A. X. Ak.\nassjew. Russische Volksmarchen. Neue Folge. Deutsch 
von Anna Meyer. Vienna (Dr Rud. Ludwig), 1910. 

The first series of this translator's versions of Afanas'ev's folk-tales 
appeared in 1906. We welcome the second series warmly. Everybody 
knows how interesting and important these Russian stories are. The more 
generally accessible they are made, the better. The translations are ex- 
cellent reading. The volume is beautifully printed, and sells for only three 
marks. We hope for more work of this kind from the sam.e hand. 

ScHLESiscHE Sagen. V'on Richard Kuhnau. I. Spuk- und Gespen- 
stersagen. II. Damonen- und Teufelsagen. 2 vols. Leipzig, B. G. 
Teubner, 1910-11. 

Two thick volumes, each containing an instalment of Kiihnau's elaborately 
planned work on Silesian traditions, are now before the learned world. They 
are included in the series of Schlesiens volkstilmliche Uberlicfcrungcn which 
the Silesian Folk-Lore Society is publishing under the general editorship of- 
Theodor Siebs. 

The society is to be congratulated on securing the services of so active 
and enthusiastic an editor as Kuhnau. He has gathered his materials 
from many sources, in print and in manuscript, as well as from the lips of 
the people. The result is a great body of trustworthy matter to which the 
investigator of the popular spirit will have recourse with ever-increasing 
gratitude. Nor will the general reader find these volumes destitute of 
entertainment, for many of the legends are absolutely first-rate, considered 
merely as stories. 

The classification is sensible, and not, as is sometimes the case, finical or 
over-subtle. Every demand of science is satisfied in the exactness of the 
references. 

The richness of the collection is almost amazing. Yet a third volume is 
announced as ready for the printer. Stories about Riibezahl, local legends 
of Breslau, and Mdrchen are not included in the editor's plan. 

Particularly interesting is the group of vampire stories, covering nearly 
fifty pages, and illustrating almost every phase of this gruesome super- 
stition. Two especially famous \ampires are the Breslau shoemaker of 
the sixteenth century and Johann Cuntze of Pentsch. Of the former the 
editor remarks, "Ja selbst im Auslande ist die Geschichte bekannt geworden, 
und Henricus Morus Cantabrigicnsis, der englische Theologe, erwahnt in 
seinen Opera den Sutor Watislaviensis" (p. 168). This is a rather vague 



Book Reviews 29 

reference, since the works of Henry More, the Platonist, are somewhat 
extensive. The tale is, in fact, retold (from Weinrich's preface to Pico 
della Mirandola's Strix) in More's Antidote against Atheism, Book iii, chapter 
8. Oddly enough, Kiihnau neglects to mention that More (Book iii, 
chapter 9) also gives a full account of Cuntze's post-mortem exploits. 

The genuine vampire, as Kiihnau rightly says, is especially a creature of 
the Slavic imagination. Vampire stories, he adds, are hardly current in 
Silesia to-day, and, where they have survived, the vampire has sunk to 
the position of a poltergeist (p. xxxiii). There are, however, a good many 
Icelandic stories which come close to vampirism, and the whole subject 
awaits its investigator. 

Lack of space forbids further citation of specimens from Kiihnau's ad- 
mirable collection. We must be content with recommending it to all 
students of folk-lore and kindred subjects. 

G. L. K. 

Der Roman einer tibetischen Konigin. Tibetischer Text und Ueber- 
setzung. By Berthold Laufer. Leipzig, Otto Harrassowitz, 191 1. 

Dr. Berthold Laufer, who not long ago presented us with an excellent 
book on "Chinese Pottery of the Han Dynasty," in which he combines the 
standpoint of an eminent practical collector with that of a student of Chinese 
literature, gives us in the present volume a specimen of his learning as a 
Tibetan scholar. He began the translation of this work in Darjeeling, while 
on a journey to Tibet, and what he had occasion to see and hear in the eastern 
part of that mysterious country became a great help to him in his translation. 
Readers ought not to expect a novel in our sense of the term, but the story 
told reveals a mine of information throwing light on the culture and eth- 
nography of this "hermit kingdom," a name which now no longer applies 
to Corea. We learn a good deal of what is new about the religious and 
mythological features of Tibetan life, which was of especial interest to the 
author on an important expedition undertaken on behalf of the Field Museum 
of Natural History in Chicago, where he holds the position of curator. 
He is going to embody the material contained in this work for a future 
full publication on the mythology and rites of the Buddhists in Tibet. 

An introduction prepares the reader for the understanding of literary 
technicalities. It is followed by the Tibetan text, beautifully printed by the 
W. Drugulin offices in Leipzig, and the author's German translation with 
copious notes; an appendix containing an essay in Tibetan, with the 
author's translation and notes, on the life of the second Buddha Padma- 
sambhava; and an al])habetical index. A number of attractive illustrations 
of the Tibetan Pantheon, drawn by Professor Griinwedel of Berlin, ha\e 
been added. Dr. Laufer's new work is beyond doubt an addition to our 
Orientalist literature which is as important as it is welcome. 

Friedkkii lIlKlll. 



30 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



PERIODICAL LITERATURE 

Conducted by Dr Alexander F. Chamberlain 

[Note. — Authors, especially those whose articles appear in journals and other 
serials not entirely devoted to anthropology, will greatly aid this department of the 
American Anthropologist and the Journal of American Folk-Lore by sending directly 
to Dr A. F, Chamberlain, Clark University, Worcester, Massachusetts, U. S. A., 
reprints or copies of such studies as they may desire to have noticed in these pages. 
— Editor.) 



GENERAL 

Acher (R. A.) Spontaneous construc- 
tions and primitive activities of children 
analogous to those of primitive man. 
(Amer. J. Psychol., Worcester, 1910, 
XXI, 114-150.) Written from the 
point of view of atavism and the theory 
of recapitulation. Treats of use of 
blocks for building, playing with sand 
and earth, use of stones in play and 
building, collections of stones, playing 
with snow and ideas about it, snow- 
balling, etc., use of strings (string 
games and plays), points and edges 
(liking for knives, scissors, arrows, 
phobias for sharp objects), modifi- 
cations of bodily form (attempts 
to change stature, features, bodily 
peculiarities, etc.), attitude towards 
clothing, striking and hitting propen- 
sity, throwing, etc. A. sees "phyletic 
background" for these activities and 
tendencies and thinks that the analogy 
between the child and primitive man is 
very close. But not a few of these 
analogies vanish on closer scientific 
study. The material considered was 
obtained by the questionnaire method. 

Andree (R.) Anthropologische Indices 
(Globus, Brnschwg., 1910, xcviii, 160- 
161.) Calls attention to the need for 
and the value of indexes to the series of 
anthropological periodicals, etc. The 
recent index to the first 20 volumes of 
L' Anthropologic is heartily welcomed. 

von Andrian (F.) Dr Ernest Theodor 
Hamy. (Mitt. d. Anthrop. Ges. in 
Wien, 1910, XL, 51-58.) Treats of life, 
scientific activities, publications, etc., 
of Dr E. T. Hamy (1842-1909), the 
French anthropologist and Americanist. 



Anthony (R.) Quelques modifications 
adaptatives secondaires du thorax chez 
I'homme. (R. de I'Ec. d'Anthr. de 
Paris, 1910, XX, 257-266, 3 fgs.) 
Treats of secondary modifications of 
the human thorax (antero-posterior 
flattening of thorax and sternum instead 
of bilateral flattening; considerable 
development of the clavicle; separation 
of the superficial pectoral muscles, etc.; 
regression of the deep muscles of the 
anterior region of the thorax), con- 
sidered as "the results of the mechan- 
ical conditions of man's special adapta- 
tion." 

Bartels (M.) Uber europaische und 
malayische Verbotszeichen. (Z. d. 
Ver. f. Volksk., Berlin, 1910, xx, 202- 
207, 2 fgs.) Treats of European 
(ditch, heap of twigs, pole set up with 
straw-wisp on top, "the King's glove" 
in a vineyard of Meran, black, or red 
as in the Tirol; pole with bleached 
skull of horse or cow placed on top, 
among Tatar peasants of Crimea) and 
Malayan (matakdu trespass and pro- 
tection signs for plantations, gardens, 
etc., in the Malay Archipelago, espec- 
ially on the islands of the Alfuro Sea, 
— there is a fine collection in the Royal 
Ethnological Museum in Berlin). In 
Italy (although referred to in Boccac- 
cio) such signs seem not to occur. The 
erection of a matakdu is somewhat of a 
ceremonial and the punishments threat- 
ened are enmity of relatives, sudden 
death, certain diseases, etc., which fall 
upon the trespasser or offender, of 
themselves. 

Baudouin (M.) La luxation congcnitale 
de la hanche au point de vue anthro- 
pologique. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de 



Periodical Literature 



31 



Paris, 1909, v° s., x, 144-147.) Dis- 
cusses anthropological aspects of con- 
genital dislocation of the hip, — sex 
(not essentially a female trouble), 
bilateralism (bilateral almost as com- 
mon as unilateral; bilateral a little rarer 
in males), right and left (right a little 
more common; unilateral right more 
common in males than left), lesions, 
frequency in prehistoric times, etc. 

et Tate (E.) Humerus anormal, a 

exostose double, d'origine prehistorique 
(Ibid., 262-264.) Brief account of a 
left humerus (possibly neolithic, but 
more likely Gallo-Roman, to judge 
from objects found with it) from the 
Grotte des Bas-V'ignons, commune of 
Essonnes, Seine-et-Oise, with two 
exostoses, one of which the authors 
consider to be a reversional anomaly, 
the other, perhaps, " an exostosis of 
development." 

Belck (W.) Die Erfinder der Eisen- 
technik. (Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1910, 
XLii, 15-30.) Discusses the question 
of the origin of iron-smelting and iron- 
working, etc. The late appearance of 
iron among them shuts out the whole 
Assyro-Babylonian area from the list 
of places where this art might have 
originated. B. argues against the 
origin of iron-smelting among the 
African negroes and its transfer thence 
to the ancient Egyptians and its 
spread elsewhere from them. B. holds 
that the oldest mention of hardened 
iron or steel is to be found in the Bible 
(Joshua, XVII, 16, 18; Judges i, 19 and 
IV, 3.) where the chariots of the 
Canaanites are referred to. 

Bellucci (G.) Sul bisogno di dissetarsi 
attribuito all'anima dei morti. (A. 
p. I'Antrop., Firenze, 1909, xxxix, 
213-229, 4 fgs.) Treats of the belief 
that the spirit of the dead needs some- 
thing to drink (a bowl or vessel of some 
sort is placed at the feet of the corpse 
or elsewhere near it), a rite illustrated 
in prehistoric times (e. g. necropolis of 
Tani; neolithic grave of Sepino in 
Campobasso, etc.), among primitive 
peoples (Mincopis), African Musul- 
mans (Tunis, Algeria), modern Italians 
of Umbria, the Marche, the Abbruzzi, 
etc., by various customs and beliefs 
respecting the "thirst" of the dead. 

Belot (A.) A propos dc vocabulaire. 
(Bull. Soc. Libre p. I'Etude psychol. 
de I'Enfant, Paris, 1910, x, 101-105.) 
Gives results of experiments to deter- 



mine extent of vocabulary of ignorant 
peasants, etc. Instead of being "only 
about 400 words," as Payot asserted 
in 1900, the stock of words of such an 
individual certainly reaches 3,000 and 
over quite often. See also the Bulletin 
for 1905-1907. 

Bloch (A.) La grosseur du mollet comme 
caractere anthropologique. (Bull. Soc. 
d'Anthr. de Paris, 1909, v" s., x, 87-96, 
2 figs.) General discussion of the size 
and development of the calf of the leg 
as an anthropological characteristic, 
with special reference to the white and 
negro races. B. concludes that the 
lack of development of the calf is a 
mark of the negro race, and that this 
feature elsewhere (e. g., Ethiopians, 
Australians, Papuans, Veddas, Dra- 
vidians, etc.) is atavistic, showing their 
negro origin. A negroid element ex- 
plains also the presence of this char- 
acteristic among the ancient Egyptians 
(the ancient Assyrian calf was very 
large). The very large calf of many 
white women is due to fat, not muscular 
development as is the case with men; 
in this they resemble young children. 

Presentation de portraits de deux 

jeunes chimpanzes, d'un jeune orang 
et d'un jeune gorille. (Ibid., 148-155, 
4 pi.) Notes on the young chim- 
panzees (2 males, one female) at the 
Olympia Theater, a young orang and a 
young gorilla (in 1891 in Paris), with a 
succinct account of the intelligence and 
the external characteristics of the 
chimpanzee. The young gorilla is 
much less sociable than the chimpanzee 
and the orang. The intelligence of 
the chimpanzee is natural to it and not 
the result of "ancestral domestication 
hereditarily transmitted." 

BIythe (W. H.) On a slide rule and 
tables to calculate P = .000365 X L X 
B X H. (Man, Lond., 1910, x, 124- 
126.) On the upper fixed rule the scale 
of logarithms of the product (P) is 
indicated; on the lower fixed scale the 
logarithms of the breadths (B), and on 
the movai)le slide those of the length 
(L) and the height (H) measured in 
opposite directions; the scales should 
be so arranged that one value of the 
product must agree with the proper 
positions of the respective logarithms 
of L, B and H, — the rest will follow. 

Boas (F.) Psychological problems in 
anthropology. (Amer. J. Psychol., 
Worcester, 1910, xxi, 371-384) 1^'s- 



32 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



cusses question of "the psychological 
laws which govern man as an individual 
member of society." Treats of ex- 
amples from the domains of industrial 
activity, social structure, religious 
ideas, totemism, valuation of actions, 
art, language, groups of activities and 
of thoughts appearing in certain typical 
associations, etc. Such associations 
are exemplified in nature-myths (the 
distinction between the folk-tale and 
the nature-myth lies solely in the 
association of the latter with cosmic 
phenomena, something natural in 
primitive society, but occurring only 
as a survival in modern society); 
primitive decorative art (with us almost 
the sole object here is esthetic, among 
primitive peoples there is also the 
symbolic motif); totemism. The im- 
portance of automatic actions in the 
development of the customs and beliefs 
of mankind is pointed out (e. g., table 
manners, customs of modesty, taboos, 
local conventional styles of art, etc.). 
The older customs of a people, under 
new surroundings develop into taboos 
(cf. Eskimo taboo against eating cari- 
bou and seal on same day). The cus- 
tomary tends to become the ethic, or 
even the beautiful. The other later 
tendency to discover the motives of 
customary behavior leads to "secondary 
explanations," found at all stages of 
culture. Many of these "secondary 
explanations" are due to conscious 
reasoning. The development of the 
nature-myth, e. g., shows how, "when 
primitive man became conscious of the 
cosmic problem, he ransacked the entire 
field of his knowledge until he happened 
to find something that could be fitted 
to the problem in question, giving 
an explanation satisfactory to his 
mind." 

Borgeld (A.) Uit een oud reisboek. 
(\olkskunde, Gent, ipio, xxi, iii- 
115.) Reprints from a book of travel 
printed at Amsterdam in 1679, some 
medical instructions for travelers of 
interest to the student of folk-medicine. 

Boule (M.) Le docteur Leon Laloy. 
(L'Anthropologie, Paris, 1910, xxi, 
612-613.) Brief account of life and 
scientific activities of Dr Laloy (1867- 
1910), collaborator on L' Anlhropologie 
and author of two notable volumes, 
L'tvolulion de la vie (1902) and Parasi- 
tisme el mutualisme dans la nature 
(1906). In 1905 he became Librarian 



of the Academy of Medicine (Paris). 
He was distinguished as a polyglot. 

Broomall (H. L.) Variation of accent in 
English words. (Proc. Del. Co. Inst. 
Sci., Media, Pa., 1910, v, 29-40.) 
Shows from numerous data that "the 
general shift of English accent is 
toward the beginning of the word, but 
it may be restrained by (i) the ten- 
dency to dift'erentiate the verb from 
other parts of speech, (2) the difficulty 
of pronouncing too many unaccented 
syllables, and (3) prefixes." The fail- 
ure of the lexicographer to recognize 
many shifts of accent is pointed out. 

A current variation in English 

pronunciation. (Ibid., 69-74.) Treats 
of the pronunciation of ^ or ti followed 
by i or y preceding a vowel, "vacillat- 
ing between its original I or d sound 
and its palatalized cli or j sound respec- 
tively." The extent of this variation 
shows how far "a spoken language be- 
longs to its speakers and not to the 
grammarian and the lexicographer." 

Buschan (G.) Die Bedcutung der Ver- 
wandtschaftsheiraten fur die Nach- 
kommenschaft. (Neuland des Wis- 
sens, Lpzg., 1910, I, 721-727, 772- 
775.) Discusses the significance of 
close intermarriage for the offspring, 
the arguments against consanguineous 
marriages (frequency of diseases in 
children, tendency toward infertility, 
greater mortality, malformations, etc., 
of offspring, occurrence of deafmutism, 
diseases of the eye, mental anomalies 
etc.) are considered. The conclusion 
reached is that when both consanguine- 
ous parents are bodily and mentally 
sound and come from stock free from 
hereditary taint, there is hardly danger 
of the offspring being affected for the 
bad. But long continued close inter- 
marriage may finally lead to degenera- 
tion. Although the origin and progress 
of human culture are due to close- 
breeding (Reibmayr has emphasized 
this), nevertheless, occasional inter- 
mixture and "freshening" from outside 
is necessary for the avoidance of de- 
generation. 

del Campana (D.) Notizie intorno all'- 
uso della "siringa" o "flauto di Pane." 
(A. p. I'Antrop., Firenze, 1909, xxxix, 
46-61, I pi., 3 fgs.) Treats of the use 
of the syrinx or "Pan's pipe": Classic 
myth, use by Greeks and Romans, 
elsewhere in Europe; Asia, — Liu-Kiu 
is., China; Africa, — Congo region; Am- 



Periodical Literature 



33 



erica, — no records from N. America, 
but known in S. America from Colum- 
bia, Ecuador, Brazil, ancient Peru, etc.; 
Philippine is.; New Guinea; Timor; 
Solomon is., Fiji is., New Britain; Ton- 
ga is., etc. Many specimens of this 
instrument are in the Italian ethno- 
logical museums. 

■ Notizie sopra la raccolta etno- 

grafica del Prof. Domenico Del Cam- 
pana. (Ibid., 1910, xl, 264-269.) The 
ethnographic collection of Prof. Del 
Campana, begun in 1903, consists of 
cult-objects, ornaments, dress, musical 
instruments, weapons, etc., from British 
India; musical instruments, ornaments, 
etc., from ancient Egypt and a few ob- 
jects from the Congo; ornaments, weap- 
ons, dress, fish-nets, etc., from Australia 
and New Guinea; a few specimens from 
Canadian Indians. South America is 
represented by numerous ornaments, 
weapons, manufactures, etc., from the 
Chiriguanos, Tobas, Matacos, Choro- 
tis, etc. 

Cartailhac (E.) Eugene Trutat. (L'An- 
thropologie, Paris, 1910, xxi, 613.) 
Note on the scientific activities of E. 
Trutat (d. 1910), director of the 
Museum of Natural History at Tou- 
louse, the first real museum of human 
paleontology, and one of the early in- 
vestigators of cave-man. 

Chaillou (A.) Considerations gen6rales 
sur quatre types morphologiques hu- 
mains. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de Paris, 
1910, vi*-' s. I, 141-150, 4 pi., 4 fgs.) 
Describes and figures the four "morpho- 
logical types" recently set up by Dr 
Sigaud of Lyons (with the additional 
evidence derived from measurements 
of roo psychopaths, 100 soldiers, etc.): 
Muscular (the most wide-spread type; 
furnished the canon for Greek statuary; 
head more commonly brachycephalic; 
thorax well-developed; shoulders broad 
and high, etc.); digestive (represented 
most purely by the Eskimo; common 
in rich provinces of France, such as 
Beauce, Normandy, Lorraine; predomi- 
nance of digestive apparatus, especially 
at the level of the trunk; soft parts of 
digestive regions of body easily de- 
formable); respiratory (great develop- 
ment of thorax and of middle range of 
face; this type constitutes the chief 
part of the Semites and other nomads, 
and is founfl also among the Basques 
and B6arnais. — in the mountains of 
Central and Southern France); ce ehral 

VOL. XXIV. — NO. 91 — 3. 



(the head is here the chief characteristic, 
this type exhibiting those hierarchic 
traits of the skull which belong to the 
superior man from the intellectual 
point of view; occurs only among peo- 
ples of advanced civilization: Ptole- 
maic Egypt, southern Touraine, in 
France, etc.). 

Chamberlain (A. F.) Some difficulties in 
Bible translation. (Harper's Mag., 
N. Y., 1910, cxxi, 726-731.) Treats 
of difficulties in rendering the Bible, or 
parts of it, into the languages of 
primitive peoples, with illustration 
from Hottentot, Kootenay, Kele, Carib, 
Iroquois, Natick (Massachusetts), Ojib- 
wa, Eskimo, Kacongo, Fjort. Quechua, 
etc. Notes also some clever achieve- 
ments. 

Clodd (E.) In Memoriam: Alfred Nutt. 
(Folk-Lore, Lond., 1910, xxi, 335- 
337, portr.) Sketch of life and activi- 
ties of Alfred Nutt (1856-1910), folk- 
lorist, author of eleven books and 
numerous articles, etc. 

Cockerell (T. D. A.) The future of the 
human race. (Pop. Sci. Mo., N. Y., 
1910, Lxxxvii, 19-27.) Argues that 
"in the case of man, as with domesti- 
cated animals and cultivated plants, 
it is possible to get rid of many un- 
desirable qualities, to combine others 
which are desirable, and to maintain 
indefinitely that which has been once 
secured." We may get a race of 
people "none of whom have a certain 
hereditary taint, all of whom have a 
certain hereditary quality." Beyond 
that we ought not to go, if we could, 
for "no one would wish to sacrifice the 
interesting diversity of human types 
which makes life chiefly worth while." 

Comby (J.) Tache bleue mongolique. 
(Arch, de Med. d. Enf., Paris, 1910, 
XIII, 854-858, I fg.) Describes, with 
references to literature of subject, two 
cases of "blue Mongolian spot," — one 
in a Jewish boy of 13 years, brunet, 
with a genital anomaly (hypospadias); 
the cfther in a boy of 13 months, born 
in the department of Seine-et-Marne. 
In the first case the si>ot is in the 
lumljar region, on the left of the verte- 
bral column; in the other at the sacrum. 
It is evidently no "race-sign" in the 
European white child. The age of 13 
is rather late for its persistence. 

Cuvier (G.) Note instructive sur les 
recherchcs i faire relative aux dif- 
ferences anatomiqucs disdiverses races 



34 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



d'homme. (R. de I'Ec. d'Anthr. de 
Paris. 1910, XX, 303-306.) Test of 
aiuhropolosical instructions drawn up 
in 1800 by the great naturalist Cuvier 
for the Haudin expedition to the South 
Seas. Calls attention to observation 
of cranial form in the various races, 
the defects of ethnic paintings (of the 
Negro especially), the need of anatom- 
ical specimens, of face and profile views, 
care in representing and describing 
dress and ornament, etc., the prepara- 
tion and preservation of specimens. 
The Papuans, Australians, Patagonians, 
and Malagasy are mentioned, as 
deserving special attention. See Herve 
(G.). 

Cyrus Thomas. (Amer. Antrop., Wash., 
3«. 1910, N. S., XII, 337-343. portr., 
bihliogr.) 

De Cock (A.) Sprcekworden, zegswijzen 
en uitdrukkingen op volksgeloof berus- 
tend. (Volkskunde, Gent, 1910, xxi, 
31-35. 70-76, 96-101, 143-150.) Con- 
tinuation of proverbs, sayings and ex- 
pressions (plants named after the Vir- 
gin Mary; after angels, after Jesus, or 
referring to them; after the apostles, 
saints; after thunder, etc.) based on 
folk-beliefs. 

Geparodieerde sermoenen. (Ibid., 

37-40, 80-83.) Gives 7 mock-sermons 
in Dutch from various sources. See 
Bockenoogen (G. J.). 

Het Kerstfeest. (Ibid.. 49-66.) 

Treats of the Christmas festival and 
its analogues, particularly in various 
countries of Europe (Teutonic lands, 
France, .Silesia, Italy etc.). 

Spreekwoorden en zegwijzen over 

de vrouwen, de liefde en het huwelijk. 
(Ibid., 78-80, 115-120, 155-160.) Nos. 
399-570 (with additional notes) of pro- 
verbs and sayings about women, love, 
and marriage. 

Sterfgcval. Florimond van Duyse. 

(Ibid., 120-121.) Appreciation of the 
works of F. van Duyse (1843-1910), 
son of the poet P. van Duyse, and 
author of numerous folk-lore articles, 
especially on folk-music, etc. 

Dirr (A.) Linguistische Problcmc in 
ethnologischcr. anthro[)oligischer und 
geographischer IJeleuchtung. (Mitt. d. 
Anthrop. Ges. in Wien, 1909, xxxix, 
301-320; 1910, XL, 22-43.) Treats of 
the history of language as the history of 
its changes (Dr D. confines the term 
"evolution," Entwicklung, to a progress 
from lower to higher), and the causes 



of such changes; phenomena of contact 
and "contamination"; special and class 
languages, minor languages of all sorts. 
According to D. "the most compre- 
hensible and most easily and safely 
observable causes of all linguistic 
changes (whether phonetic, grammat- 
ical or syntactical in nature) are to be 
sought in the effects of two languages 
upon one another, whether these 
languages occur successively in one 
and the same people, or whether they 
are used side by side by the same 
people." And "what holds for a w-hole 
people is true also for its subdivisions, 
for even a unilingual people is not al- 
ways a linguistic unity, but is made up 
of linguistic unities. This influence of 
the old language on the new and of the 
new on the old is illustrated by many 
examples. The evolution of a language 
occurs most rapidly when a mutual 
penetration of all strata and classes of 
people is possible or necessary." Re- 
construction of "a common vocabu- 
lary," or, with its help, of "a primitive 
culture," must, according to D., remain 
mere patchwork, a useless undertaking. 
No anthropological (racial) substrate 
lies beneath, e. g., the linguistic "Indo- 
European." The "Indo-European" it- 
self "is only a form of an earlier 
speech," and by this means we arrive 
at an ultimate first human language. 
Language is a social function and its 
variations are likewise of a social 
nature. Dr D. is writing a book on the 
Caucasian languages as illustrating the 
points discussed in this article. The 
Caucasus is "a linguistic laboratory." 

Dresslar (F. B.) Suggestions on the 
psychology of superstition. (Amer. J. 
Insan., Baltimore, 1910, Lxvii, 213- 
226.) Based on the author's Siipcr- 
slilion and Education (1907). Super- 
stition seems to be "an exclusively 
human manifestation"; and "super- 
stitions represent in part those con- 
clusions which men have adopted in 
Older to free the mind from the strain 
of iticoinplctc tiiinking." 

Dubreuil-Chambardel (M.) Uncasd'hy- 
pei ph.'ilaiiKic du pouce. (Bull. Soc. 
d'.Antlir. dc Paris, 1909, v" s.. x, 118- 
128, 3 fgs.) Detailed account, with 
x-ray photographs, of a case of double 
left thumb (large right thumb also) in a 
typographer, aged 24. with family 
heredity of abnormalities of a similar 
kind. 



Periodical Literature 



35 



Ellis (H.) The symbolism of dreams. 
(Pop. Sci. Mo., N. Y., 1910, Lxxxvii, 
42-55.) Notes that among the ab- 
surdities of popular oneiromancy there 
are some items of real significance and 
discusses the theories of the Freudian 
school, pointing out objections to the 
theory that the wish-dream is the one 
and only type of dream and that we 
dream only of things that are worth 
while. See the author's book, Dreams 
(N. Y.. 1911). 

Eolithen. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1910, 
xcvii, 305.) Brief resume of Dr 
Laloy's article in L'Anthropologie 
(1910). 

Fishberg (M.) Ethnic Factors in Edu- 
cation. (Proc. Nat. Ass. f. Study and 
Ed. of Except. Children, 1910, 117- 
123.) Discusses "race," educational 
capacities of negro, Australian (black) 
and Jewish children. Holds that the 
American public school is of the great- 
est value in transforming child of other 
races. Dr F. is also of opinion that in 
the practical work of the teacher, 
especially in the elementary schools, 
ethnic factors may be disregarded. See 
the author's book, The Jews (Lond. 
and N. Y., 1910). 

Forster (B.) Stanley's Selbstautobiogra- 
phie. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1910, xcv'ii, 
299-303.) Resume and critique of The 
Autobiography of Sir Henry Morton 
Stanley (London, 1909), with special 
reference to his African explorations, 
his relations with Emin Pasha, etc. 

Foy (W.) Zur Gcschichte des Gebliises 
und zur Hcrkunft der Eiscntechnik. 
(Ibid., 142-144, I fg.) Treats of the 
history of the bellows and the origin of 
iron-smelting. F. holds that Africa 
can not at all be considered the home of 
iron-smelting, all the chief forms of 
bellows found in that continent being 
of Asiatic (partly Asia Minor, partly 
southern Asia) origin. The sutjject is 
discussed in detail in the author's 
article Zur Geschichte der Eiscntechnik 
in Ethnologica (i, 1909). Sec American 
Anthropologist. 1910, N. s., xit, 112. 

Fritsch (G.) Die Entwicklung und Vcr- 
breitung der Men.Hchenrasscn. (Z. f. 
Ethnol.. Berlin. 1910, xi.il. 580-586). 
Discusses the origin anfl development of 
the human race (scheme on p. 583.) 
F. adheres to the idea of protomorphic, 
archimorphic, and metamorphic, with 
these stock-races (archimorphic) : black, 
white, and yellow. The present pro- 



tomorphic representatives of "primitive 
man," are not, according to F., the 
predecessors in line of the modern 
culture-peoples, but must be left out 
of the scheme of their evolution. The 
Malay is a mixed and not a principal 
race; likewise the American. Accord- 
ing to F., the "Gfis, Maku, Fuegians," 
represent the protomorphic primitive 
aborigines of America, the part "in- 
capable of civilization," and the oldest 
American culture has affinities with 
Oceanic and Asiatic (in C. America) 
and European (in N. America). The 
centers of distribution of the human 
races have been in S. W. Asia (white), 
N. E. Asia (yellow) and central Africa 
(black). The protomorphic primitive 
"cultureless" race of Europe was the 
Neandertal; in Asia the Vedda, etc.; in 
Africa, the Bushman; in Australia, the 
aborigines of Queensland . This scheme 
by no means fits America well. 

Frizzi (E.) Ein Beitrag zur Konstruk- 
tion des Sagittaldiagramms auf Grund 
absoluter Masse. (Korr.-Bl. d. D. 
Ges. f. Anthrop., Brnschwg., 1909, XL, 
43-44, I fg.) Note'on graphic repre- 
sentation (Martin apparatus) from 
measurements from nasion, lambda, 
prostion, and inion. 

Galton (F.) Numeralized peoples for 
classification and recognition. (Na- 
ture, Lond., 1910, Lxxxni, 127-130, 5 
fgs.) Describes formula based on "five 
cardinal points" of portrait or human 
profile: nose-brow notch, nose-tip, 
notch between nose and upper lip, tip 
of chin, by extension of which peculiari- 
ties of profile (racial, family) can be 
expressed numerically so as to be serv- 
iceable for eugenic records. Examples 
of application. 

van Gennep (A.) Paul Ehrenreichs 
Methode in der Deutung der allge- 
meinen Mythologie. (Hess. Bl. f. 
Volksk., Lpzg., 1910, IX, 199-207.) 
Criticises the views and theories ex- 
pressed in Dr E.'s Die allgcmeine 
Mythologie und ihrc ethnologischen 
Grundlagen (Lpzg.. 1910), particularly 
its "lunar theory" aspects, and the 
doctrine of the priority of "nature 
mythology." In more than one place 
Dr E. seems to put the cart before the 
horse in the way of explanation and 
interpretation. 

Giuffrida-Ruggeri (V.) I caratteri pscu- 
do-infanlili. (A. p. I'.Xnlhrop., Fircnze, 
1909. .\xxix. 15-17.) Discusses, with 



36 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



critique of the views of Hagen, the 
"pseudo-infantile" characters of man. 
Hagen maintains that the human races 
are lower the more they depart from 
the proportions of the new-born Euro- 
pean child. An abuse of analogy is 
seen in some of these rapprochements. 
As. G.-R. says, "some are infantile only 
in the mental infantilism of him who 
maintains their existence." The so- 
called "infantile characters" of the 
female skull, e. g., are pseudo-infantile. 

Alcune idee controverse sul di- 

morfismo sessuale nell'uomo. (Ibid., 
191 o, XL, 44-50.) Discusses recent 
theories concerning sexual dimorphism 
in man (Hoernes, Stratz, Ellis, etc.). 
G.-R. argues, contrary to Hoernes, 
that "woman is more plastic than 
man," this greater plasticity result^ 
ing from a greater variability. Sexual 
dimorphism receives its explanation 
from the fact that "greater differenti- 
ation and greater variability and 
plasticity cannot coexist in the same 
sex." Sexual dimorphism is greater 
with the "higher" races, the diver- 
gence being lealt in the protomorphs. 
Secondary sexual characters are to be 
explained as characters of orthogenetic 
correlation, not the result merely of 
sexual selection. 

Classifi cation des groupes 

humaines. (Scientia, Bologna, 1910, 
VII, 1-9.) Discusses the classification 
of human groups, with special reference 
to the views of Deniker, Sergi, Stratz, 
etc. According to Dr G.-R., neither 
the groupings of Deniker (17 in num- 
ber), nor those of Sergi and other poly- 
genist^ are justified, by reason of the 
unity of the human species. The real 
systematization of human groups must 
arise from investigations and studies 
such as those of Klaatsch, Martin, the 
Sarasins, Hagen, Stratz, etc. A classi- 
fication of the somatic groups based on 
phylogenetic researches is possible to 
the monogenist (cf. Stratz's "phyletic 
classification," founded on the idea of 
physical characters regarded as "i)rimi- 
tive," or as "progressive"). For the 
monogenist it is of great importance 
to know whether the American Indians, 
c. g., present at one and the same time 
the primitive characters of the whites 
and the primitive characters of the 
yellow race, i. e., whether they belong 
to the common undifferentiated stem 
from which these two later branched 



off; whether, in like manner, the Aus- 
tralian blacks are pre-Negroid and 
pre-Mongoloid, and whether there are 
also correspondents to the rude Eu- 
ropean type (Klaatsch's Australoid), to 
the type of Darwin, and to the type of 
Socrates. 

Applicazioni di criteri paleonto- 

logici in Antropologia. (Monit. Zool. 
Ital., Firenze, 1910, xxi, 35-46, i fg.) 
Discusses the application of paleonto- 
logical criteria in anthropology, with 
reference particularly to the views of 
Sergi, Deperet, etc. In man local or 
regional varieties and "races," exist, 
not separate species (the Australian, 
e. g., and the Samoyed, as Sergi, e. g., 
thinks) and this is true of prehistoric 
times as well, — the so-called Homo 
Neanderthalcnsis is not extinct even yet. 
No other species than the present one 
has been shown to have existed. The 
law of increase of stature phyletically 
and the law of specialization are of 
importance with regard to prehistoric 
man. Polygenism is not justified by 
prehistoric data. 

Paragone antropologico fra i due 

sessi. (Riv. d'ltalia, Roma, 1909, xii, 
650-662.) Discusses the problems of 
the anthropological comparison of the 
two sexes (relation of brain-weight and 
body-weight, — coefficient of cephaliza- 
tion; comparative volume of bones, etc.; 
relation of weight of femur, mandible, 
etc., to cranial capacity; body-weight 
and stature; length of trunk and of 
various members of the bodj', limbs, 
etc.; pelvis; relation of sections of 
limbs to one another, etc.). Quanti- 
tatively the variability of woman is 
greater than that of man, qualitatively 
(i. e., with respect to physiological 
ends), less. In general woman is more 
macroplastic and, therefore, microsome. 
In woman the functions of nutrition 
are developed at the expense of muscu- 
lar energy. Woman is predominantly 
anabolic, man catabolic. 

Incroci ai due estremi della gerar- 

chia delle razze umane. (Ibid., 1910, 
XIII, 167-173, 3 fgs.) Discusses the 
effects of metissage between "higher" 
and "lower" races as exemplified, e. g., 
in the "Bastards" of German Southwest 
Africa, who are the result of a mixture 
of Hottentots and Boers, — they number 
now some 2,500. In this "mixed race" 
there is a distinct improvement in 
physical appearance and constitution : 



Periodical Literature 



37 



Stature shows the effect of European 
influence; Hottentot steatopygy has 
disappeared (although the women are 
fatter in the region in question than 
Europeans; the smallness of the hands 
shows the Hottentot influence; the hair 
and beard may be said to be "inter- 
mediate" between the Hottentot and 
the European; the skin-color is like 
that of the southern European; the 
"Mongolian fold" appears in the 
"Bastards" as an infantile character 
only and is not carried over into adult 
age. Prof. Fischer (q. v.) says that 
these "Bastards" present on the whole 
"an intermediate type with an ampli- 
tude of variation of characters greater 
than that of their ancestral races. ' ' Prof. 
G.-R. thinks that in this mixture the 
higher characters may be most favored, 
there being throughout all mankind a 
tendency toward refinement of physical 
type. The case of the disappearance 
of the "Mongolian fold" may typify 
the course of evolution here in general. 
This tendency has assured the preva- 
lence of the characters of the white, 
wherever he has mixed with the Negro; 
that we are not in presence of a simple 
"return to the white ancestor" is 
shown by the fact of the transmission 
in the case of the "Bastards" of the 
Hottentot hand in preference to the 
European. 

Godin (P.) Asymetrie des oreilles. 
(Rev. Scientif., Paris, 1910, xlviii, 
811-812.) Gives results of observa- 
tions of asymmetry of the ears in 100 
boys and 100 adults. The left ear 
was larger in 89 per cent, of boys and 
79 per cent, of adults. 

De la puberte 3. la nubilite chcz 

I'adolescent moyen au point dc vuc de 
la croissance. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de 
Paris, 1910, vi*-" s. i, 497-501.) Treats 
of the period from puberty to nubility 
in the average adolescent from the 
point of view of growth ("puberty is 
the seminal factor of nubility"). The 
average adolescent of igj^ years of age 
has ended puberty when he is 17H; to 
become a nubile arlult physiologically 
he will need three years; at 21 he is adult. 

Goldenweiser (A. A.) Totemism, an 
analytical study. (J. Amcr. F"olk-Lore, 
Boston, 1910, XXIII, 179-293.) 

Goldstein ( — ) Bcsitz und Vcrinogcn bci 
den primitiven Volkern. (Globus 
Brnschwg., 1910, xcviii, 221-223.) 
Review and severe criticiue of Prof. J. 



Kohler's article with this title in No. 
24 of the Internationale Wochenschrift 
(1910). According to G., Prof. K. 
"repeats all the doctrines which recent 
scientific ethnography has given up as 
erroneous." 

Goldziher (I.) Wasser als Damonen ab- 
wehrendes Mittel. (A. f. Religsw., 
Lpzg., 1910, xiii, 20-46.) Treats of 
water as a means of keeping away 
demons. In Arabian poetical litera- 
ture and folk-lore (blessing: may the 
thunderclouds be generous to you when 
dead; curse: may the rain never fall on 
your grave), names for rain indicating 
mercy, blessing, etc. ; water as opposed 
to demons and demonic powers (India, 
water kills rakshas; exorcism by water 
among various peoples; Morocco, ex- 
posure to rain prevents headache, water 
cures many diseases), baptism and 
sprinkling in therapeutics and religion, 
use of water for and by the dying (use 
of water from the well of Zemzem), em- 
ployment of water for the dead (sprink- 
ling, washing, bathing, — of the ground, 
the grave, the corpse; rain on the 
grave, etc.), dew on the bones of the 
dead (in modern Jewish poetry), Jewish 
"water of life," Mohammedan "rain 
of the resurrection," etc. This article is 
confined to Semitic data. 

Gomme (G. L.) Heredity and tradition. 
(Folk-Lore, Lond., 1910, xxi, 385-386.) 
Emphasizes importance of influence of 
environment ("superstition is not al- 
ways inherited; it is also created"). 
More attention must be paid to the 
impressions of the surrounding life in 
their influence upon primitive thought, 
for "tradition is an external product 
operating on the human mind, instead 
of an inheritance from folk-memory." 

Hahn (E.) Niederer Ackerbau oder 
Hackbau? (Globus, Brnschwg., 1910, 
xcvii, 202-204.) Critique of part of 
the article of Dr K. Sapper (q. v.) in 
which the latter ascribes the origin of 
Central American Indian agriculture 
to men, and prefers the term "lower 
agriculture" to the Hahn-Ratzcl expres- 
sion "hoc-culture" (Hackbau). It is 
probable that the time and labor ex- 
pended by women in the grinding and 
preparation of foods (c. g., mai/o in C. 
America) prevents them from agricul- 
tural work in the field, etc. For the 
condition of the coffee-plantations, etc., 
in Guatemala. H. would use the term 
suggested by him 20 years ago, — 



38 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



Plantagenhau. An article on "Brand- 
cultur" l>y H. will soon appear. 

Halliday (.W. R.) The force of initiative 
in magical conflict. (Kolk-Lore, Lond., 
1910, XX, 147-167.) According to H., 
"all magic is in a sense a conflict" and 
it is by his power or mana or orenda 
that the sorcerer, "medicine-man," 
etc., works his will; "so-called sympa- 
thetic magic is based, not on a supposed 
axiomatic law that like causes like, 
but on the contagion of qualities"; 
union or contact with power is the 
foundation of magic, no less than of 
religion, and "the wide area of person- 
ality, as it is conceived in the lower 
culture, enables persons quite easily to 
be united, or brought into contact with 
power." Magic is almost "a conflict 
of wills," and the stronger personality 
absorbs the weaker. The secret of 
success "is to be the aggressor, to assert 
your power, to secure the upper hand 
and keep it." In certain rites, "con- 
tact with a dangerous power is deliber- 
ately anticipated in order to secure 
safety or to annul harm magically 
inflicted by that power." It is priority 
of action and initiative that constitutes 
success in such contacts. 

Herv6 (G.) A la recherche dun 
manuscrit. Les instructions anthro- 
pologiques de G. Cuvier pour le voyage 
du "Gf'ographe" et du "Naturaliste" 
aux Terres Australes. (R. de I'Ec. 
d'Anthr. de Paris, 1910, xx, 289-302, 
2 fgs.) Discusses the jjreparations for 
the Baudin expedition to the South Seas 
and the relation of the naturalist 
Cuvier to it. Cuvier's anthropological 
instructions drawn up in 1800 for this 
expedition are given verbatim at pages 
(264-269) of M. Girard's Fr. Pcron, 
naturaliste, voyageur aux Terres Aus- 
trales. (Paris, 1856.) Peron was the 
representative of comparative anatomy 
on this voyage. See Cuvier (G.). 

Le professeur Arthur Bordier. 

(Ibid., 104.) Brief sketch of life and 
works of F"rench anthropologist (d. Feb., 
1910). His chief publications related 
to medical gcograi)hy, scientific colon- 
ization, comparative pathology. From 
1878 to 1895 he occupied the chair of 
medical geography in the Ecole d'An- 
thropologie (Paris). 

Le premier programme de I'an- 

thropologie. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de 
Paris, 1910, vr, s., 1, 473-487.) Pub- 
lishes (pp. 476-487), after the original 



Ms., L. F. JalTret's Introduction aux 
Memoires de la Societe dcs Observaleurs 
de r Ilomtne, read in 1801 (the Society 
was founded in 1799 and lasted till 
1805), in which are sketches of the inves- 
tigations which such a Society might 
undertake, — the study of physical man, 
the varieties of man, the traits dis- 
tinguishing him from the animals, 
comparative anthropology, manners 
and customs of ancient peoples, modern 
peoples, savages, etc., topographical 
anthropology, anthropological museum, 
study of deaf-mutes, experimentation 
with children segregated for the obser- 
vation of the development of language, 
investigation of the mechanics of speech, 
etc. The only publication of the Society 
was J. M. de Gerando's ethnographic 
instructions to Capt. Baudin, entitled 
Considirations sur les diverses methodes 
d suivre dans V observation des peuples 
sauvages (Paris, an VIII, pp. 57). 

Hutchinson (W. M. L.) A myth-maker's 
progress. (Oxf. & Cambr. Rev., Lond., 
1910, No. 10, 78-94.) Treats of the 
Pindaric Odes, — "from the myth as 
an ornament, Pindar has advanced to 
the myth as ideal reflection of the local 
and particular, but already he stands 
on the threshold of a further dev'elop- 
ment, — the myth as embodiment of 
the universal." 

Jespersen (O.) International language. 
(Science, N. Y., 1910, N. s., xxxi, 
109-112). Advocates Ido as against 
Esperanto, replying to criticisms of 
Kellerman, etc. 

Just (K.) Charakteristik des Kindes- 
alters. (Jahrb. d. Ver. f. wiss. Padag., 
Jena, 1910, xlii, 245-364.) Cata- 
logues under 10 heads (domination of 
feelings, sudden change of disposition, 
joyous nature, weakness of attention 
and domination of sense-perceptions, 
covetousness, egoism and selfishness, ex- 
travagant imagination and fancy, 
fear-psychosis, shyness and embarrass- 
ment, lack of esthetic sense) and dis- 
cusses the characters which distinguish 
the child from the adult. 

Keller (A. G.) William Graham Sumner. 
(Amer. Anthrop., Lancaster, Pa., 1910, 
N. s., XII, 118-119, portr.). 

Klotz (E.) Die "organgesetzliche" Oricn- 
tierung des Organismus Mensch im 
Raume. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1910, 
xcviii, loi-ios, 2 fgs.). Sets forth 
the author's ideas that the conception 
of man as Erectus bitnanus (Ratzel) is 



Periodical Literature 



39 



a phantom, and that organically man 
is a quadruped (e. g. coitus can be 
carried out "organically" only in the 
quadrupedal position of the female). 
See further K's Der Mensch als Vier- 
f ussier. 

Kiihl (H.) Antike und moderne Bronzen. 
(Ibid., 21-24.) Gives analysis of 
ancient Egyptian, Trojan, Hindu, 
ancient Cyprian prehistoric bronze 
from several places in Brandenberg and 
Posen, Roman, Celtic, Japanese and 
Chinese, medieval European, etc. In 
the Middle Ages, aluminum, phosphor- 
us, and manganese bronzes were un- 
known (belonging to the last century). 
Japanese and Chinese bronzes are 
lead-copper alloys. All ancient Greek, 
Egyptian, and Celtic bronzes have no 
lead or merely a trace; many ancient 
Roman bronzes have lead. 

Lehnert (G.) Ein Sympathiezauber. 
(Hess. Bl. f. Volksk.. Lpzg., 1910, ix, 
207-208.) Cites from Krusenstein's 
Reise urn die Well (Berlin, 1811, Bd I, 
S. 249) a fine example of "sympathetic 
magic," — a case of obtaining revenge 
through the kaha magic (burying 
spittle, urine, or e.xcrements of enemy). 

Primiti%e Kunst. (Ibid., 207.) 

Calls attention to the representations 
of American Indian art (musical in- 
struments, textiles, ceramics, etc.) in 
the Leaflets of the American Museum 
of Natural History, (N. Y.) Nos. il, 
15. 24. 

Le Professeur Hamy. (J. de la Soc. d. 
Am^ricanistes, Paris, 1908, (1909], 
N. s., V, 141-156, portr.) Apprecia- 
tions of life and labors of Professor 
E. T. Hamy (i 842-1909) as president 
of the Society of Americanists of Paris, 
as worker in the lai>oratory, as historian 
and geographer, as prchistorian and 
Americanist, etc., by MM. \'ignaud, 
Verneau, II. Cordicr, Capitan, Babclon 
(address at funeral), Richer, etc. 

Leuba (J. II.) Magic and religion. 
(Sociol. Rev., Lond., 1909, It, 20-35). 
L. argues that "the primary forms of 
magic probably antedated religion," 
but, "whether magic antedated ri-iigion 
or not, rt'ligion arose indcpentlently 
of magic; they arc difTercnt in principle 
and inflepcndent in origin. This article 
is a cha[)ter from Prof. L.'s book The 
Psychological Origin of Religion (191 o.) 
Liming (M. D.) A study of the methods 
of determining fame. (Science, Lan- 
caster, Pa., 1910, N. s., xxxti. 157-159) 



Compares "Hall of Fame" votes, 
"descriptive adjective" method, and 
"lines of space" method, with respect 
to 50 American-born men. L. thinks 
either of the objective methods (ad- 
jective or space) "may be successfully 
employed in the selecting of a list of 
indefinite length." 

Loth (\V.) Der heutige Stand unserer 
Kenntnisse iiber die Phylogenie des 
menschlichen Fusses. (Stzgber. d. 
Warschauer Ges. der Wiss., 1909, 208- 
221, 10 fgs.) R4sum6s present knowl- 
edge of the phylogeny of the human 
foot. The anthropoid foot is nearest 
the human; the Lemur foot, however, 
does not belong with the human but 
represents a stage of evolution very 
much beneath it phylogenetically, — 
hence Klaatsch's derivation of the 
human from the Lemur foot is not to 
be approved. Certain peculiarities 
of the anthropoid foot make it impos- 
sible that it should have been in the 
direct line of evolution of the human 
foot, the common ancestral form having 
to be sought among some of the lower 
types, e. g., the higher Cercopithecidae 
(the Semnopithecidae are a side-branch). 
The European foot is simply a walking- 
organ and has lost its original prehensile 
function which still occurs to some ex- 
tent with primitive peoples and children 
where also the mobility of the big toe 
is considerable. At pages 183-208 is 
given the original more detailed Polish 
text of this paper. 

Anthropologische Untersuchungen 

iiber das Hautleistensystem der Polen. 
(Z. f. Morph. u. Anthrop., Stuttgart, 
1910, XIII, 77-96, I pi.. I fg.) Study 
of the markings of the fingers, hands, 
soles of the feet, toes of 107 Poles, 
in comparison with the investigation 
of Wilder (Mayas, Anglo-Americans, 
negroes), Schlaginhaufen (Hindus, etc.), 
based on 214 hand, 1,120 finger and 136 
sole-prints. The group of Poles is 
probably racially purer than the Anglo- 
Americans and Central ICuropoans and 
they show a less variability and no ex- 
treme values. The Poles ar<" ncucr 
the Anglo-.Americans than the Hindus, 
and the palm and solc]of the Poles show 
a more "i)rogressive" system of niark- 
ini;s than the .\nglo-.\mcricans. 

MacAulilTe (L.) rt Marie (A.) Observa- 
tion et nuMisuration de aoo orcilles d' 
alitnds, 6pilepti(iue3 on idiots. (Bull. 
Soc. d'Anthr. de Paris, lyio, vi's., t, 23- 



40 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



33.) GivcslenKth-measuremcntsof botli 
ears of 100 mental defectives, with 
records of "degenerative stigmata." Ac- 
cording to Drs M. and M., the so-called 
"degenerative stigmata" (here auricular 
malformations) occur in about the same 
proportion in the general population 
and in the mental defectives here 
considered, with the exception of a few 
things such as derivation of the superior 
posterior lobe, convex folds of antihelix, 
His's supertraginian tubercle, absence or 
effacement of the superior fold of the 
antihelix. Idiots present no more 
stigmata than other mental defectives. 

MacCurdy (G. G.) Anthropolog>^ at the 
Boston Meeting, with Proceedings of 
Section H. (Science, N. Y., 1910, N. 
s., XXXI, 350-354.) Resumes of papers 
by Sapir, Moorehead, Hessler, Pepper, 
Montgomery, Speck, Lowie, Golden- 
weiser. Chamberlain, etc., on The Ute 
language, A Remarkable birch-bark 
fragment from Iowa, The OjiI>wa of 
northern Minnesota, Ill-health of Dar- 
win, Peale Museum, Calf Mountain 
Mound (Man.), Huron moose-hair em- 
broidery, Totemism, Myth of Seven 
Heads, etc. 

Anthropology at the Boston Meeting 

with Proceedings of the American An- 
thropological Association for 1909. 
(American Anthrop., Lancaster, Pa., 
1910, N. s., XII, 61-74.) 

Magni (J. A.) The ethnological back- 
ground of the eucharist. (Amer. J. 
Relig. Psych. & Ed., Worcester, 1910, 
IV, 1-47.) This article is narrower 
than its title. Treats of the Christian 
eucharist in relation to the Oriental 
mystery-cults (Mithraism, Gnosticism, 
St Paul's mysticism, etc.). According 
to M., "even the Christian eucharist 
is of ancient pagan origin, having be- 
come an integral part of the Christian 
cult by a process of theological specu- 
lation on the meaning of Christ's death, 
resurrection and mission in the world." 

Mahoudeau (G. P.) Notes compltmen- 
taires sur les deux grands bovides pleis- 
tocenes: I'aurochs et le bison. (R. de 
I'Ec. d'Anthr. de Paris, 1910, xxi, 379- 
386.) Treats of the history of the 
aurochs and the bison in Europe since 
the quaternary epoch. Towards the 
middle of the i6th century, when the 
aurochs began to be very rare, its 
name was transferred to the bison, — 
and now the Bison europaeus, the last 
specimens of which are preserved in 



the forest of Bialowicza (Lithuania) 
is commonly termed aurochs. The 
aurochs (Bos primigenius) was known 
to the ancient Hebrews, Chaldeo-Assyri- 
ans, etc. 
Marie (A.) Note sur la mesure de la 
taille chez les alienes. (Bull. Soc. d' 
Anthr. de Paris, 1909, v* s., x, 97-100. 
I fg.) Gives general results of meas- 
urements of stature of 1,500 individuals 
suffering from general paralysis, mental 
debility of various sorts, manias, 
neuroses, alcoholism, etc.; from the 
department of the Seine. The low 
averages of height occur in those suf- 
fering from congenital psychoses (here, 
too, the minimum and the maximum 
indi\idual heights were found) and 
exotoxic psychoses. In the cases of 
involution-psychoses, functional psy- 
choses, general paralysis, etc., averages 
resembling closely the normal occur, — 
in these mental troubles physical de- 
generation is not marked. Dwarfism 
and giantism occur often in combination 
with arrested cerebral development. 

Nano-infantilisme et folic. (Ibid., 

ior-113, 4 fgs.) Discusses nano-in- 
fantilism in relation to idiocy and 
other mental defects and diseases. 
Dr M. recognizes three varieties of 
nanism or dwarfism: i. Pure nanism 
with relative perfection of reduced 
forms and proportions; 2. Nanism and 
infantilism due to skeletal deformities; 
3. Nanism and infantilism due to 
distrophy (total, local). The African 
pigmies are ethnic types of pure nanism. 
The nanism of the degenerate is 
" merely the permanence of an infantile 
condition through which all normal 
individuals pass." The theories of 
various writers (Apert, Marfan, Meige, 
etc.) are referred to. At p. loi is 
given a photograph of 4 dwarfs in one 
German family observed by the author. 

Gigantisme et folie. (Ibid., 113- 

117.) Discusses giantism in relation 
to psychic defects and diseases. Ac- 
cording to Dr M. acromegaly occurs 
sometimes without tall stature, just 
as infantilism is not infrequently in- 
dependent of nanism. Giantism may 
be regarded as "acromegaly of infancj' 
prolonged." 

Mausser (O.) Zur Psychologic dcr Sol- 
daten. (Globus, Brnschwg., i9io,xcvn, 
101-104, 125-128.) Gives texts of 
6 letters from soldiers' notebooks. 
Also texts of the soldiers' "Vater-Unser 



Periodical Literature 



41 



und Ave Maria," the soldiers' "Stations 
of the Cross," the Munich soldiers' 
"Litany," Regensburg soldiers' "Lit- 
any," "Recruit-life," "Auction," etc., 
all dating about 1907-1908. The 
parodying of religious documents is one 
of the interesting psychological aspects 
of military life and its expression. 

Meyer (R. AL) Mythologische Studien 
aus der neuesten Zeit. (A. f. Religsw., 
Lpzg., 1910, XIII, 270-290.) Treats of 
the mythopoeic phenomena of present- 
day man. Three types are recognized. 
In the nursery, among religious fanatics, 
and among the political, social, and 
scientific dreams, real and surprising 
analogies with myth-creations are to 
be found. Fancy of child-speech, 
growth of sects around central dogmas, 
scientific myths (e. g. "cult is older 
than myth"), myths of devotional 
origin, "seeing things," cult-phenomena 
arising out of ecstasy, mythic element 
in Mormonism. mystic and mythic 
factors in religious founders and saints 
and imitation of such. Messianic 
longing, visions of Swedcnborg, etc., 
"learned legends," meditation-myths, 
cosmogonic myths, mythology of mod- 
ern science (e. g. in philology), etc., are 
discussed. 

Mochi (A.) Collezioni antropologiche ed 
etnografiche della Citt^ di Milano. 
(A. p. I'Antrop., Fircnze, 1909, xxxix, 
137-142, 3 fgs.) Brief account of the 
anthropological material in the Munici- 
pal Museum of Natural History in 
Milan (200 plaster-casts of heads and 
skulls of celebrated men, due to a 
disciple of Gall; crania from various 
parts of the globe, including a score 
or so American Indian; many models 
of crania; ethnographic specimens, some 
fine ones from America). At p. 139 
are given the measurements of a Lapp, 
2 Arab, a Dinka, a Danikali, and an 
Abyssinian skull. In the Archeologic 
and Artistic Museum of the Caslello 
Sforzesco is also some good elhnografico 
material; likewise an oneolithic and 
some (iallo- Roman skeletons. In the 
house of the Counts Turati is the col- 
lection made in 1846- 1848 by the Mi- 
lanese traveler G. Osculati, partly 
figured and described in his Esplora- 
zione drlle rfgioni rqnaloriali Itittj^o il 
Napo eil il l-'iumc dellc Amuzumi (Mi- 
lano. 1854). 

de Mortillet (.\.) Lc travail dc la picrrc 
au.\ temjjs j)r6historiques. (R. dc 



r£c. d'Anthr. de Paris, 1910, XX, 1-23, 
41-51, 18 fgs.) Treats of the working 
of stone for implements, etc., in pre- 
historic times. The various methods 
employed are discussed with some 
detail: Cracking and bursting by means 
of exposure to the heat of fire (Anda- 
manese obtain in this way flakes of 
quartz; experiments of the Abbe 
Bourgeois and, recently of de Mortillet; 
prehistoric man of Thenay may have 
used this method), percussion of various 
sorts (used in the Puy-Courny epoch; 
experiments of Carl Haake), pressure 
(Solutrean epoch; Aztecs obtained 
obsidian blades by this means; Fue- 
gian glass arrow-heads, etc.), "pitting" 
(used for crystalline rocks, etc.; Roben- 
hausen epoch), sawing (common in 
Robenhausen epoch; known to Aus- 
tralians, etc.), polishing of two sorts 
(neolithic period in Europe, but known 
to many primitive peoples elsewhere), 
boring of two sorts (begins with neolithic 
period in Europe; known to many 
primitive people elsewhere). 

Mueller (A.) Die fiinf typischen Profil- 
Kurven des Schadels der Neugeborenen 
und ihre Beziehungen zum Geburtslauf 
und zur Kopfform der Erwachsenen. 
(A. f. Anthrop., Brnschwg., 1910, 
N. F., IX, 53-63, 2 pi.) Treats of the 
5 typical profile-curves of the skull of 
new-born children and their relation 
to birth and to the cranial form of 
adults. The 5 types are: occipital, 
vertical, sincipital, frontal, and facial. 
The basal form of cranium, according 
to Dr M., is "an ovoid of 13 to 14 cm. in 
length 8 to 9 cm. in breadth, and 7 to 
8 cm. in height; this shape being most 
favorable for passage through the 
pelvis. The head born in jmsition of 
type I leads to acrocephaly ; type 2 
produces a skull with lengthened occi- 
put-bregma fliametcr; type 3 (rare) is 
unfavorable for the ovoid form and the 
fronto-suboccipital diameter is in- 
creased; type 4 is characterized by 
increase of the fronto-occipital diam- 
eter. The relations of the birth- 
mechanism to skull-form have been 
considered in detail by the author in 
his article in the Arcliiv f. Gyn&kologie, 
Bd. 82. 

Nannetti (A.) Note sulla divisione nn- 
omala del malare. con illustrazioni dl 
undici nuovi casi. (A. p. I'Antrop.. 
Firenze, 1909, xxxix, 18-45. 16 fgs.) 
After general discussion with reference 



42 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



to previous investigations, describes 
and figures ii cases of anomalous 
division of the malar bone. As to 
the prevalence of these anomalies 
according to race, sex, and social 
classes, much difference of opinion and 
doubt exist. The percentage attrib- 
uted to the Japanese is probably far 
too great. Some have seen in this 
anomaly of the malar bone a regressive 
or atavistic character. One reasonable 
explanation sees the cause of division 
in the origin of the malar bone from 
three centers of ossification. 

Nutt (A.) Cuckoo heroes. (Folk-lore, 
Lond., 1910, XXI, 20-235.) R^sum^ 
and critique of the article of Dr 
Pokorny on the King Arthur legend as 
a myth of the cuckoo-hero. Dr P.'s 
views are altogether rejected. 

How far is the lore of the folk 

racial? (Ibid., 379-384.) Argues 
that we must "seek for the remains of 
what is racially distinctive among the 
artistic rather than among the practical 
elements of the lore of the folk." From 
the lore of the folk alone, e. g., we could 
not safely infer the Scandinavian settle- 
ments of the 9th-iith centuries in 
Britain. 

Oppenheim (S.) Ein Beitrag zur exakten 
Bestimmung des Inion. (A. f . Anthrop. 
Brnschwg., 1910, N. F., ix, 18-22, 4 
fgs.) Discusses the exact determina- 
tion of the inion (Klaatsch, Schwalbe, 
Broca, Le Double, Martin. Merkcl, 
etc.). Miss O. holds that "the inion 
is the point of union of the lineae ntichae 
stiperiores in the median sagittal plane," 
i. c. "at the middle of the tuberciilum 
linearum." 

Palmer (A. S.) Folk-lore in word-lore. 
(Ninct. Cent.. Lond., 1910, 545-5S7-) 
Treats of Atild Muffy, Old Harry, Old 
Nick, Old Scratch, "deep as Carry 
(Garratt, etc.), Hecklcburnie," "go to 
Hummer," "Jenny Grecntcclh," "Roger's 
blast," etc., in English dialects, chiefly 
appellations of the Devil. 

Papillault (G.) Sur tiuclques crrcurs 
(W niethode en criminologie. (R. de 
r£c. d'Anthr. de Paris, 1910, xx, 321- 
334.) Discusses modern theories of 
crime pointing out their errors, etc.: 
The Lombrosan biological theory, 
recently attacked by Dr Lebas in his 
iilude critique des stigmates analomiques 
de la criminalite, etc. (Paris, 1910) and 
Dr de Lanessan in his La lutlc conlre 
le crime (Paris, 1910) in which works 



education is strenuously advocated; 
the views of Alimena, who holds that 
the feeling for punishing offenders 
is a "protective feeling," socially ef- 
fective, — thus both the biological and 
the reformative schools are deceived in 
looking at punishment only in its 
relations with the criminal. There is a 
difference between normal and abnormal 
criminals; there are also abnormals who 
are not criminals and criminals who are 
not abnormals. According to Dr P. 
both schools are right in a way, but the 
proportion of rightness belonging to 
each has not yet been determined. 

Pastor (W.) Die Musik der Naturvolker 
und die Anfange der europaischen 
Musik. (Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1910, 
XLii, 655-675.) Treats of the music 
of primitive peoples (there is a threefold 
stratification: music as magic, devel- 
oped in a pre-animistic epoch; music 
as rhythm, developed in an already 
advanced epoch of social division, — 
war and hunting, or labor songs; 
music as melody, developed first in 
contact with peoples of higher culture); 
prehistoric European music (trumpets, 
horns, lyres, etc.); musical sense of 
early Christian church, etc.; origin of 
multii)le- voiced music (made its way in 
Europe against the church and not 
through its help). According to P., no 
uninfluenced primitive people was able 
to rise above a certain degree of hori- 
zontal two-grade music. The decisive 
step was taken by Europe and by the 
race dominating the North, with their 
freer and broader outlook upon the 
world, — to this we owe the beginnings 
of our European music. A clearer 
mental atmosphere there caused the 
freedom of the solar cult to rise out 
of the dull cult of the dead formerly 
prevailing; out of the cave-cult of the 
south with its lower races arose in 
the North a cult of the mountains. 
In primitive times music was bond, 
with the culture-bearing race of the 
North it became free. 

Peladan ( — ) Theorie plastique de I'an- 
drogyne. (Mercure de Paris, 1910, 
Lxxxiv, 634-651.) Discusses the 

androgynous concept in sculpture, — 
the esthetic problem was to fuse into 
one type the young man and the young 
woman, — in antiquity, early Christian 
Europe, the Renaissance, etc. Christi- 
anity was "a reaction of the Aryan and 
Occidental genius against Asiatic cor- 



Periodical Literature 



43 



ruption." The purity of the androg- 
ynous figure pleased Christian chastity 
freed from the vice and immoraHties 
of Rome. The androgyne is the flower 
of humanity and is truly archetypal. 

Peters (J. P.) O. Hamdy Bey. (Rec. of 
Past, Wash., 1910, ix, 176-181, 2 fgs.) 
Brief account of the life and activities 
of Hamdy Bey (son of Edhem Pasha), 
who died February 24, 1910, having 
been since 1881 Director of the Im- 
perial Museum at Stamboul. 

Pieron (H.) Les methodes iconometri- 
ques dans I'etude de la gendse psycho- 
sociale de la statuaire. (Bull. Soc. 
d'Anthr. de Paris, 1910, v'l'' s., i, 122- 
127.) Based chiefly on J. Laran's 
Recherches siir les Proportions dans la 
Statuaire franfaise du xii' si&cle (Paris, 
1909, pp. 108) in which the chief 
anthropometric data have been studied 
on 300 statues, and a new "science" of 
"iconometry" developed. Laran's 

results indicate the extraordinary vari- 
ability (sometimes almost "anarchy") 
of the so-called "canons" (e. g. of the 
number of "heads" in the statue). 
"Spiritualization" had led to the dimin- 
ution of the size of the head in figures 
of saints, archangels, the elect, etc.; 
gallantry has had the same effect with 
respect to women. M. Laran con- 
cluded that: a) In proportion to height, 
the head of a statue is smaller according 
as the height is greater; b) when the 
dimensions of a figure are made to vary, 
the height of the head varies much more 
slowly than the total height of the 
figure. M. P. notes that this law holds 
in anthropometry also, the shorter 
human beings having a proportionately 
greater head. M. Laran's statue-data 
give a proportion of heads in total 
height varying from 4 to loj^, that 
of the French Schools being 73^. The 
influences of individuals and of society 
are clearly revealed. Statues of one 
artist, of one school, of one epoch, of 
one and the same iconographic and 
monumental significance. On the 

same monument two statues or two 
artists fliffer more than two statues by 
one artist on two distant monuments; 
and likewise with different schools. 

Pinard (S.) niieUiues pr&isions sur la 
mfethodc compart-e. (Anthropos, St 
Gabriel-Modling. 1910, v. 534-558.) 
Discusses the comparative method in 
the study of religion, etc. (hicrography, 
hierology. hierosophy, in the nomen- 



clature of Goblet d'Alviella). Princi- 
ples of uniformity, originality, primacy, 
unity are considered. 

Preuss (K. T.) Religionen der Naturvol- 
ker 1906-1909. Allgemeines. (A. f. 
Religsw., Lpzg., 1910, xiii, 398-465.) 
Reviews and critiques of works dealing 
with the general question of the religion 
of primitive peoples, fundamental 
problems, customs, ceremonies, mater- 
ial culture in relation to religion, etc. 
Works by Foucart and Goblet d'Al- 
viella (comparative method), Wundt 
(myth and religion, pp. 402-413), 
Jevons, Achelis, Meyer, Lehmann, 
Hartmann, Marett, Wissler (Black- 
feet), Vierkandt (magic and religion), 
Crawley (idea of the soul), Combarieu 
(music and magic), Hofschlaeger (thera- 
peutics), Lasch (the oath), Frazer 
(kingship), Bethe (Doric paidophily), 
van Gennep ("rites de passage"), Runze 
(sacrifice), Seligmann ("evil eye"). 
Hertz (right hand), Diels (twitchings of 
limbs, etc.), Hahn (agriculture), Mac- 
culloch ("childhood of fiction"), Ab- 
raham and Rank (Freudian views of 
myths and dreams), Siecke (attributes 
of deities), Lessmann (comparative 
mythology), etc., are considered. 

Proceedings of the Anthropological Soci- 
ety of Washington. (Anicr. Anthrop., 
Lancaster, Pa., 1910, n. s., xii, 75-90.) 

Puccioni (N.) Museo Nazionale di An- 
tropologia e Etnologia in Firenze. Le 
collezioni Antropologiche. (A. f. 

Antrop. Firenze, 1909, xxxix, 265- 
273.) Notes on the anthropological 
collections (crania, parts of skeletons, 
models, etc.) in the National Anthro- 
pological and Ethnological Museum 
in Florence. Europe is represented by 
268 prehistoric, ancient, and medieval 
Italian crania, 1,434 modern Italian 
and 222 non-Italian; Africa i)y 168 
crania. Asia by 285, Oceania by 574 and 
America by 472 (Eskimo 3, California 

8, Haida 3, Chinook i, Apache 2, 
Tarahumare 3, Mound-builders i, 
Me.xico 4, Ecuador i, Colombia 5, 
Bolivia i. Brazil 4, Gran Cliaco 9, 
Pamjias 14. Chile 9, Patagonia 12. 
Fuegia 21. ancient Peru 200, Calcliaqui 

9. The Miisciiin contains also several 
casts and models clii<'fly o( Papuans, 
American Indians, etc., many models 
of human hands and feet, models, etc.. 
of anthropoids specimens of hair, a 
series of skulls illustrating fetal develop- 
ment, and other series showing sexual 



44 



Joiinidl of Anicriaui Folk-Lore 



differences, Sergi's cranial varieties, 
etc. 

Rabaud (£.) Lamarck, fondateur du 
transformisme, et la crise du trans- 
forniisme. (R. de I'Ec. d'Anthrop. de 
Paris. 1909, XIX, 309-319). Discusses 
Lamarckianism, with reference to the 
recent works of Le Dantec, La Crise 
du Transformisme (Paris, 1909) and 
Landrieu, Lamarck, le fondateur du 
transformisme (Paris, 1909). Landrieu 
points out tlie newness and modernity 
of Lamarck and the place of the Philos- 
ophie zoologique in the thought of to-day. 

Read (C. H.) Enrico Hillyer Giglioli. 
(Man, Lond., 1910, x, 17, i pi.) Brief 
account of scientific activities of Prof. 
Giglioli (1845-1909), the ethnologist 
and versatile man of science, with good 
portrait. 

Regnault (F.) La forme dcs doigts sup- 
pi ementaires, dans la polydactylie, 
indique que leur origine n'est point 
atavique. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de 
Paris, 1909, v" s., x, 79-80.) Argues 
from data of osseous morphogeny (in 
man and other animals) that supple- 
mentary fingers are not of atavistic 
origin, but due to embryonic causes, 
preventing the atrophy of one or more 
of the other four cellular sets, which 
generally fail to develop into fingers. 
The atrophy and development seem 
both to bear on the transverse diameter. 

Les types humains d'aprSs les 

principales proportions du corps. (Rev. 
Scientif., Paris, 1910, XLViii, 683-689, 
4 fgs.). Sketches history of subject, — 
ideas of Charpey (1892-1908), Manouv- 
rier (1902), Regnault (1903). Lati- 
form and longiform types of body (with 
parts and organs corresponding) jus- 
tified by folk-thought and scientific 
measurements, etc. These two types 
are adapted to different modes of life 
and ends; they are accompanied by 
different motor functions, etc. A dis- 
harmonic type (part latiform, part 
longiform) also exists; it may arise 
through disease, too prolonged physical 
exercise, muscular inactivity, etc.). 

Reichel (H.) ct Burle (E.) Du trouble 
(BefanKfnhcil) romme motif de sus- 
picion. (R. d. £t. Ethnogr. et Sociol., 
Paris, 1909. 11, 374-376.) Argues 
against the acceptance of the recent 
"demonstration" by the experimental 
psychological method of guilt as re- 
vealed by emotional reaction and 
disturbance. 



Reinach (A. J.) Sur I'origine du coq. 
(L'Anthropologie, Paris, 1910, xxi, 
75-78.) Discusses the figure of the 
cock on coins found in ancient Ar- 
temisia, possibly not Lydian but 
Ephesian, since it appears on coins 
of Ephesus as well. Mention of the 
cock in Greece goes back to the verse 
of Theognis in the middle of the 6th 
century, B. C. R. rejects the common 
view that the cock reached Europe 
through the Persians (cf. the sacred 
bird of Mazdeism), by way of Lydia, 
about the beginning of the 6th century. 
The Cretan coins of Phaistos, with 
figures of the cock and the god-name 
Welchanos, belonging to a people of 
Etruscan affiliations lead R. to attribute 
to them "a thousand years before the 
appearance of the Persians, the dif- 
fusion of the cock and its cult in Crete, 
Lycia and Lydia." See also Baeth- 
gen's De vi ac significalione galli in 
religionibus et arlibus (Gottingen, 1887) 
and D. G. Hogarth's The Archaic 
Artemisia (London, 1908). 

Rivet (P.) Rechcrches sur le prognath- 
isme, II. (Ibid., 505-518.) Gives 
results of the study of the naso-alveolo- 
basilar angle in 5,615 human, 151 
anthropoid, and 334 simian skulls. In 
simians and anthropoids prognathism 
is noticeably less in the young than in 
the adult; in the simians great variety 
exists within the same family or species; 
the orang, gorilla, and chimpanzee 
females are considerably less prog- 
nathic than the males, particularly 
the gorilla and the orang. In man 
prognathism is less in the child and in 
the aged than in the adult; but there 
appears to be no regular or marked 
variation according to sex; prognathism 
is probably not at all, or very little, 
connected with the general form of the 
skull; as to form of face, it may be that 
in a general fashion tiie most marked 
prognathism occurs in skulls with 
narrow and long face, — prognathism 
is more allied to leptoprosopy, orthog- 
nathism to chamaeprosopy, but long 
and short faces alike may be found 
among very prognathous groups of 
mankind, such as, e. g., the Eskimo and 
Neo-Caledonians, and also among the 
very orthognathous, e. g., Polynesians 
and V'eddas. 

Roth (E.) Der bose Blick. (Globus, 
Brnschwg., 1910, xcvii, 80-81.) R6- 
sum^s briefly the data in S. Seligmann's 



Periodical Literature 



45 



monograph on the "evil eye," — Der 
bose Blick (2 Bde. Berlin, 1909). The 
belief in the "evil eye" is ancient and 
world-wide. Animals are not so often 
credited with it as man. Innumerable 
eiTects are attributed to it and the 
charms against it are legion. When the 
eye came to be regarded as the seat of 
the soul many things that had nothing 
whatever originally to do with that 
folk-thought, were gradually attached 
to it. The "evil eye" represents mis- 
understood anatomical, physiological, 
and physical observation of human and 
animal eyes, unexplained e.xperiences 
of human and animal life, suggestion, 
etc. 
Sabre (M.) Pieter Breugel en de folk- 
lore. (Volkskunde, Gant, 1910, xxi, 
93-95-) Treats of the folk-lore value 
of the works of P. Breugel for the study 
of the i6th century. In 1907 was 
published R. v. Bastelaer and G. H. de 
Loo's Peter Breugel, I'ancien, son 
oeuvre el son temps. 

Folkloristische Hazenpastei. 

(Ibid., 129-142.) Treats of the hare 
in folk-lore (among Algonkian Indians, 
ancient Egyptians, Celts, Hebrews, 
Aztecs, Hottentots, Teutonic peoples, 
French, Basutos, proverbs, legends, 
etc.). Hare as deity, tabu animal, 
totem, hare in moon and moon-spots, 
hare-lip, cowardice and cunning of hare 
in beast-fables and animal-tales, hare- 
blood as medicine, hare in folk-medi- 
cine, coagulum leporinum (hasclpruit), 
eating hare-flesh to gain beauty, change 
of sex as well as color attributed to 
the hare. 

Duifje en Willemijntje. (Ibid., 

155.) Note on the saying common in 
Bruges, "Ze komen ovcrecn lijk Duifje 
en W'illemicntje." These two per- 
sonages figure in a Dutch folk-book 
Duyfkcns en W illemynkens Pcl^rimagie 
tot haren beminden binnen Jerusalem 
(oldest ctlition, Antwerp, 1627) by 
Boetius k Holswert. A French edition 
of 1734 bears the title Le Pllerinagc 
de deux soeurs Colnmhelle el Volon- 
lairelle vers leur Bicn-Ayml en Cili de 
Jerusali-m. 

Saintyves (P.) Talismans et rcliqucs 
tonii)63 <lu cicl. (R. d. £t. Ethnogr. 
et Sociol., Paris. 1909, 11. 175-192.) 
Treats of talismans and relics "fallen 
from the sky": Acroliths (sacred stones 
of the Semites, brith-rl, thunderbolts), 
gemmae ccrautiiae in the ancient world 



from Europe to India; fossils regarded 
as thunderbolts (belemnites; the Spar- 
tan Ihrasydile); natural "sports" 
thought to be of celestial origin; pre- 
historic stone weapons and imple- 
ments, axes, etc., looked upon by the 
ignorant as "thunder-stones," etc.; 
idols, fallen from the sky {Xoana, 
palladia, diopeles statues, etc.). 

Sapper (K.) Einige Bemerkungen iiber 
primitiven Feldbau. (Globus, Brn- 
schwg., 1910, xcvii, 34S-347-) S. 
regards "digging-stick cultivation" and 
"plant-stick cultivation" (two distinct 
forms, the one in the South Pacific, 
the other among the Indians of Central 
America) as lower forms beneath the 
higher form of "hoe-culture" (Hahn). 
He holds also to his view of the in- 
vention and maintenance of agriculture 
in C. America by men. 

Sawalischin (Marie) Uber Gesichtsin- 
dices. (A. f. Anthrop., Brnschwg.. 
1909, N. F., VIII, 298-307, 6 fgs.) 
Gives results of study of facial indices 
in 121 skulls (19 Papuan, 25 Battak, 
5 Fuegian, 20 Usa, 25 Egyptian and 27 
Swiss) in the Anthropological Museum 
of the University of Zurich, — 4 vari- 
eties each of total and upper facial 
inde.x are discussed, also formulae for 
reckoning facial indices of the skull 
from those of the living subject. No 
agreement in the groupings of the total 
and upper facial indices of various 
authors existed hitherto. No marked 
correlation between the total and upper 
facial indices. The measurement- 

points of the V'irchow index for facial 
width disqualify it in the comparison. 

Schmidt (VV.) L'origine de I'idte de 
Dieu. (Anthropos. St Gabriel-Mod- 
ling, 1910, IV, 1075-1091; 1910, V, 231- 
245.) Discusses theories of Dr C. T. 
Preuss on origin of religion and art; 
E. Lchmann on religion ami magic; 
A. \'ierkandt on beginnings of religion 
and magic; E. S. Hartland on early 
religion. Also rfoumC'S results of 

criticism of "magic" theory of religion 
(l'\ithcr S. gives King the credit of 
having best demonstrated the origin 
of magic properly so-called, i. c, from 
the aspect of new. strange things). An- 
other cause of "magic" is representeil by 
Hui)ert and Mauss to be the deeply felt 
social need. Marett and Vicrkandt 
have pointed out the importance as 
a fecund source of magic iflcns of the 
external movements of tiie body pro- 



46 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



ceeding from the vivacity of internal 
agitations. Father S. maintains that 
the normal and not the "magic" caus- 
ality comes first and suffices to ex- 
plain the psychological, ethnographic 
and prehistoric facts in question. This 
monograph by Father Schmidt on the 
origin of the idea of God has been re- 
printed in French: L'origine de I'Idie 
de Dieu. Etude hislorico-critique el 
positive (V'ienne, 1910, pp. xiii, 310). 

Schrader (O.) Begraben und \'erbren- 
nen im Lichte der Religions- und 
Kulturgeschichte. (Mitt. d. Schles. 
Ges. f. Volksk.. Breslau, 1910, xii, 
48-73.) Treats of burying and cre- 
mation from the point of view of re- 
ligion and culture-history. Burial with 
property and grave-gifts (in parts of 
white Russia today grave-gifts are 
still buried with the dead), burial of 
horses, slaves, wives or concubines, 
death-feasts and funeral-meals, memor- 
ial ceremonies, abandonment of house 
in which death took place, cairns, 
monuments, graves, megaliths, mounds, 
house for the dead, position in which 
corpse is buried (knee-elbow, etc.), 
toilet of the dead, use and arrangement 
of coffin and contents, "death-trees" 
for burial, etc. Funeral pyres and 
cremation (possibly of accidental ori- 
gin, a sort of preservation process at 
first, then intentional burning to ashes), 
the soul freed in smoke and through 
flame, burning up of property and fun- 
eral-gifts, incineration of children not 
common, burning of corpses in the 
grave, urn-burial and hut-urns (an- 
alogy between house and tomb, etc.). 
S. is of opinion that cremation is 
gaining in Germany today. See 

further on this subject the author's 
Reallexikon der Indog. Allertutnskunde 
(Strassburg, 1901) and his article on 
Aryan Rdigion in Hastings' Encyclo- 
pedia of Religion and Ethics, vol. 11., 
1910. This interesting address has 
been reprinted in pamphlet-form (Bres- 
lau, 1910, pp. 31). 

Schrijnen (J.) Duivelsnamen. (V'olks- 
kundc, Gent, 1910, xxi, 5-7.) Notes 
on folk-names of the devil: Zwarl 
Hennecke, duker, ter duker, etc. 

Uie oudchristclijke licfdemalen. 

(Ibid., 66-70.) Notes on the early 
Christian agapic, compared with the 
"death meal" among Teutonic peoples 
and other heathen analogues. 

Schwalbe (G.) P. W. Schmidt's "Arbeit 



Die Stellung der PygmSenvolker in der 
Entwicklingsgeschichte des Men- 
schen." (Globus, Brnschwg., 1910, 
xcviii, 53-56.) Resume and critique 
of Father Schmidt's book on Die 
Stellung der Pygmaenvolker in der 
Entwicklungsgeschichte des Menschen 
(Stuttgart, 1910, pp. 309). Schwalbe 
does not believe in the unity of the 
African and Asiatic pigmies, or that 
brachycephaly is an absolute charac- 
teristic of the pigmies (this would not 
agree with the infantile-form theory, 
as Schwalbe notes), or that the pigmy 
culture is "homogeneous," or that they 
all have ideas of a supreme being. 

Schwerz (F.) Untersuchungen tiber das 
Verhaltnis von Frontal-, Parietal- und 
Occipitalsehne zur Schadelbasislange. 
(A. f. Anthrop., Brnschwg., 1910, N. F., 
IX, 50-52, I fg.) Treats of the relation 
of the frontal, parietal, and occipital 
nerves to the length of the basis of the 
skull in man and the anthropoids, 3 
indices being obtained in this way; 
200 human and 100 monkey skulls 
were studied. None of the anthropoid 
indices was less than 100; the youngest 
animals show the smallest indices, also 
children. The general result shows 
that human and anthropoid skulls 
differ much, the former having long, 
the latter short roof bones. Both in 
man and the anthropoids the length of 
the skull-basis grows faster in the 
course of development than that of the 
roof-bones. 

Sera (G. L.) Sul piano orizzontale del 
cranio. (A. p. I'Antrop., Firenze, 1910, 
XL., 19-43, II fgs., Bibl.) According to 
S., "craniological research must deal 
exclusively with the problem of the 
production of the different adult forms 
on tlie basis of the mechanics of evo- 
lution." The idea of the horizontal 
jjlane of the skull (the various methods, 
French and German, are considered), 
"is neither purely physiological nor 
purely anatomical." The existence 
of movements in the orbit does not 
invalidate the "bi-orbital plane," and 
the orientation of the skull can only be 
accomplished by improving and per- 
fecting the technique of Broca. 

L'attuale controversia su poli- 

gcnismo e monogenismo in Italia. 
(Ibid., 97-108.) Treats of the con- 
troversy concerning polygeny and 
monogeny in Italy, particularly the 
writings of Sergi, Giuffrida-Ruggeri, 



Periodical Literature 



47 



the protagonists of these two views. 
The latter is a "neomonogenist"; Sergi 
seeks now to establish 4 human species: 
Archeanlhroptis (here belongs Ame- 
ghino's H. Pampaeus) , Paleanlhropiis 
(H. Etiropaeus or H. Primi genius), 
Notoanthropus {H. Afer), Heoanthro- 
pus (H. Asiaticus). 

Australoidismo e neandertaloid- 

ismo. (Ibid., 189-202, i pi., 3 fgs.) 
Discusses the question of the resem- 
blances of the Neandertal type of 
cranium with that of the modern 
Australian aborigines. S. holds that 
the Neandertaloid is really "Australoid" 
in its characteristic features, — the 
Neandertal skull itself is a more'special- 
ized type. "Australoidism" may be 
partial or complete, involving all the 
skull, or limited to some trait of the 
face or of the cranium. Australoid 
skulls may turn up with a certain 
frequency in isolated regions of Sardinia 
and continental Italy. Three such 
skulls (one from Roccasecca in the 
province of Caserta, the second from 
the island of Liri, the third a Sardinian 
skull) are described by S, — there are 
also notes on two others. S. considers 
Australoidism to be "morphological 
atavism," a form of reversion in Euro- 
pean dolichocephaly. 

Siffre (A.) Presence sur une mandibule 
de gorille d'une 4*^^ molaire. (Bull. 
Soc. d'Anthr. de Paris, 1909, v* s., x, 
81-82.) Briefly describes occurrence 
of a fourth molar (rare in both man and 
anthropoids) in the jaw of a female 
gorilla belonging to the Museum of 
the Ecole d'Anthropologie, Paris. 

SoUas (VV. J.) Paleolithic races and their 
modern representatives, II. (Scicnt. 
Progr. Lond., 1909, in, 500-533.) 
Treats of early pleistocene man and the 
Tasmanians (prc-Chellean man's state 
of culture "was not far removed from 
that of the now extinct Tasmanians), 
and lower paleolithic man (Strepyian, 
Chellcan, Acheulean, Mousterian 
stages). Evidence points to exten- 
sion of a primitive race allied to the 
Australian over a great part of the 
old world. 

S(tarr) (F.). Charles Staniland Wake. 
(Amer. Anthrop., Wash.. 1910, N. 
s.. XII. 343-344) 

Steinmetz (S. R.) Eine Bcrichtigung zu 
Eduard Hahns Aufsatz "Nietlercr 
Ackerbau oder Ilackbau." (Globus, 
Brnschwg., 1910, xcviii, 66-67.) 



Points out that H. Schurtz was not 
the first predecessor of Hahn to attrib- 
ute the invention of agriculture to 
women. Von den Steinen in 1894 and 
Mason in 1895 were before him, and 
anterior to them Lippert in 1886. S. 
also notes that the sex division of 
labor in the explanation of family- 
forms has not been so neglected by 
ethnologists as Hahn has stated. 
Stratz (C. H.) Wachstum und Pro- 
portionen des Menschen vor und nach 
der Geburt. (A. f. Anthrop., Brnschwg., 

1909, N. F., VIII, 287-297, 8 fgs.) 
Treats of height, weight, and propor- 
tions of the body from early fetal life 
(earliest noted human embryo is 
0.015 cm. long) to adult age with dia- 
grams illustrating increase, etc. The 
ripe fetus has a length of 4 head-heights 
or 50 cm., and a weight of 3000 gr. 

Szombathy (J.) Dr MatthSus Much. 
(Mitt. d. Anthrop. Ges. in Wien, 1910, 
XL, 48-50.) Brief account of life, 
scientific activities, and publications of 
the archeologist M. Much (1832- 
1909), who paid special attention to 
Teutonicand European Aryan prehis- 
tory. 

Tauber (C.) Die Ursprache und ihre 
Entwicklung. (Globus, Brnschwg., 

1910, xcvii, 277-282.) Dr T. seeks to 
trace the Indo-Germanic tongues back 
to a few roots (and after that to dis- 
cover the primitive language from 
which all others have sprung). His 6 
primitive roots of Indo-Gcrmanic are 
"w+a vowel" (liquid food), whence 
all sorts of words from tnama to 
Mcinung; /)-sound -|-a vowel (solid food) 
words of the type of Latin panis 
(bread). Papa, Latin pater, and such as 
Flammc, Blul, etc., with subsidiary 
root bar (cave, hi<ling place); n-fa 
vowel (atmospheric fluid), words like 
Mass, Netz, Schnee (snow; Lat. mix), 
neu (new), Nacht, etc.; /-sound -|-a 
vowel (wood), tree, tanne, stehen, tun 
(do), L. domus, etc.; /- (or r-) sound +a 
vowel (food and drinking-placc), Lxich 
(Lat. lacus). Lust. Lippe, rinnen, L. 
rivus, Greek r/i<*o, etc. ; A-souiid -f-a vowel 
(animal-world), Kuli, Kalh, L. caprr, 
Hals. Ildlilf. kUssrn. Haul. etc. These 
same ideas are ex|)resse(l in tin* author's 
recent book Ortsnanifn und Sprath- 
U'issrnschaft. Ursprache und IWf^rifs- 
entwicklung (Zilrich, igoS). Dr T. also 
believes that Hasriue, Etruscan, Li- 
gurian and Pelasgian are "the last 



48 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



posts of the Ural-Altaians ere they 
were driven from Europe." 

Thompson (A. H.) The psychology of 
the tool-using faculty. (Dental Cos- 
mos, 1910, Repr., pp. 1-7.) Discusses 
absence among animals of rational use 
of tools and weapons; man's use of 
tools and psychic emergence coinci- 
dent; man's evolution clue to ter- 
restrial habits and omnivorous diet; 
evolution of man's thinking powers 
coincident with increase of manual 
skill; artificial shaping of natural 
substances into tools and weapons as 
completing man's evolution; the tool- 
using faculty the main factor in human 
evolution. 

Valette (P.) Le Dieu Soleil et la f6te de 
N06I. (Bibl. Univ. et Rev. Suisse, 
Lausanne, 1910, lvii, 72-96.) Com- 
pares heathen and Christian rites of 
Christmas. Christianity "celebrates 
at this time the birth of the divine 
child and the birth of the sun." 

Van der Linden (J.) Discours. (Volk- 
skunde, Gent, 1910, xxi, 160-163.) 
Address at opening of the National 
Folk-Lore Exhibition, July 29, 1910, 
in the Jubelpark, Brussels. 

Variot (G.) Nigritie congenitale du 
scrotum et hyperpigmentation des 
petites levres chez des enfants nouveau- 
n4s. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de Paris, 
1910, vi'' s., I., 76-77.) Note on cases 
of congenital dark pigmentation of 
the scrotum (observation of 4,000 
children gives about i in 300, or .33%) 
in European new-born children, and a 
case of hyperpigmentation of the labia 
minora in a girl 10 days old. , Such 
hyperpigmentations of a precocious 
nature compared to very marked dark 
pigmentation in adults. 

Verneau (R.) Le professeur E.-T.- 
Hamy et ses pred^cesseurs au Jardin 
des Plantes. (L'Anthropologie, Paris, 
1910, XXI, 257-279.) Treats of the 
late Prof. Hamy and his predecessors 
at the Jardin des Plantes (created in 
1635), their scientific activities, etc. 
M. C. de la Chambre (professor 1635- 
1639), F. C. de la Chambre (1671, after 
1672 titular only), P. Crcsse. P. Dionis 
(anatomist, 1680). G. J. du Vcrney 
(anatomist), P. J. Ilunauld (anatomist), 
J. B. VVinslow (anatomist, 1 745-1 758), 
A. Ferrein (anatomist, 1 758-1 769), 
A. Petit (anatomist, 1769-1777), F. 
Vicq-d'Azir, Antoine Portal. In 

June 1793 the Museum d'Histoire 



Naturelle was created by decree of the 
National Assembly. The chair of human 
anatomy was occupied afterward by 
A. Portal (until 1832), M. J. P. Flour- 
ens (1832-1865). In 1838 the title 
of the chair was changed to "anatomy 
and the natural history of man," and 
was occupied by E. R. A. Serres (1838- 
1855). In 1855 the chair was renamed 
"Anthro[)ology" and its occupants 
since have been J. L. A. de Quatrefages 
de Breau (1855-1892), T. J. E. Hamy 
(1892-1909) and R. Verneau (1909-). 
An account of Dr Hamy's life and works 
in particular is given (pp. 270-278). 
Virchow (H.) Bericht iiber den Stand 
der Rudolf Virchow-Stiftung fiir das 
Jahr 1909. (Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1909, 
XLI, 956-961.) Report on activities, 
etc., of the Rudolf Virchow Founda- 
tion for 1909. The investigations of 
Gaupp (China and Manchuria), Fro- 
benius (Niger region of W. Africa), 
H. Schmidt (archeology of lower 
Danube and Balkan regions) were 
aided. Grants have been made to 
Hr. Oesten (archeology of Tollense and 
Lieps Lake, Fischer I.), B. Hantzsch 
(2500 M. for expedition, primarily 
ornithological, but also ethnological and 
philological, to northern Baffin Land), 
Hr. Wiegers (diluvial man in Germany), 
H. Schmidt, etc. 

Uberzahlige Skclettstucke (Epi- 

physen) an Handen und Fiissen eines 
Gorilla. (Ibid., 1910, XLII, 320-336, 
I5fgs.) Treats of three supernumerary 
epiphyses on the Pisiformia and 
Hamata of the hands and the Navi- 
ctdaria of the feet of a gorilla from 
Jaunde in the Cameroons; also pos- 
sibly a former epiphysis on the fifth 
metatarsal. Reference is also made 
to corresponding phenomena or their 
traces in man. These epiphyses are 
probaiily due to mechanical causes. 

Muskelmarken am Schadel. (Ibid., 

638-654, 14 fgs.) Treats of muscle- 
marks on the human skull (Ilerero, 
Chinese, negroes, Jaunde, hydroceph- 
alic boy, ape, Guayaqui girl, Cameroon 
negro, Egyptian mummy, etc.), ac- 
cording to 5 groups: the biting-chewing 
muscles; the neck-muscles, etc.; the 
upper-face muscles; the muscles of the 
anterior and posterior surfaces of the 
lower jaw. 

Vram (U. G.) Le deformazioni artificial! 
della testa nell'arte. (A. p. I'Antrop., 
Firenze, 1909, xxxix, 255-256.) V. 



Periodical Literature 



49 



believes that many of the ancient terra- 
cottas of Greece, Asia Minor, Italy, 
etc., exhibiting deformations of the 
head, are not caricatures of living 
persons, or masks, but are faithful 
representations of subjects known to 
and seen by the artists, — probably 
racial characters, etc. 

Wake (C. S.) Unity or plurality of man- 
kind. (Amer. Antiq., Salem, Mass., 
1910, XXXII, 65-76.) Discusses views of 
M. de V'irey (1801) as revived by Dr 
G. A. Dorsey, Topinard, de Quatre- 
fages, etc. W. concludes that "there 
is no evidence of serious importance of 
the dual origin of man; that is of the 
original division of mankind into white 
and black stocks." 

Waldeyer (W.) Weitere Untersuchungen 
iiber den Processus retromastoideus. 
(Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1910, XLii, 316- 
317.) Examination of 1224 skulls in 
various Berlin collections shows that 
the P. r. occurs in all races, but most 
frequently in P-pvon skulls. "The Drei- 
hockerbild" occurs in 3 Alfuro skulls, 
and traces of it may be quite frequent 
in those of Europeans. 

Wehrhan (K.) u. Olbrich (— .) Die 
Freimaurerei im Volksglauben. Eine 
Umfrage. (Mitt. d. Verb, deutschen 
Ver. f. Volsk., 1909, Nr. 10, 14-20.) 
Questionnaire on folk-lore of Free- 
masonry; 17 questions and answers 
and resumes of 22 legends, etc., con- 
cerning Freemasons. 

Weinreich (O.) Zum Tod des grossen 
Pan. (A. f. Religsw., Lpzg., 1910, 
XIII, 467-473.) Cites 16 examples of 
the use of the ancient legend of the 
death of Pan (Bigot, 1549; Rabelais 
1552; Noel du Fail, 1585; Gloss to 
Spenser's Shepheards Calender, 1611; 
A!)b6 Anselm, 1722; Wicland; Pedro 
Scxia, 1542; Fischart, 1586; Magica 
(Eissleben, 1600; Rcmigii Dacmonlal- 
ria, 1693; Boissard, 1615; Pierre du 
Moulin, 1568-1658; Oudaans, 1664; 
Bishop Huct, 1679; A van Dale, 1683; 
Gottschcd, etc.). 

Weissenberg (S.) Dcr jUdische Typus. 
(Globus, Hrnschwg., 1910, xcvii, 309- 
311, 328-331, 13 fgs.) Treats of 
"Jewish type," — Polish, Galician, 
South Russian, Grusian, Caucasian, 
Tunisian, Jcmenite, etc., are considered. 
According to Dr W., there exists, 
beside the European-Asiatic type an 
African type longer-headed with finer 
facial traits. The relation of this type 

VOL. XXIV. — NO. 91. — 4 



to the European and to the primitive 
Semitic is not yet determined. Dr W. 
holds that the genuine Semitic type 
has been preserved in its purity by 
the Jemenite Jews. The Jewish type 
is not merely and solely a product of 
environment. 

Werner (A.) The evolution of agricul- 
ture. (J. Afric. Soc, Lond., 1910, ix, 
401-415.) Review and critique of 
the views and theories of E. Hahn in 
his Die Entslehiing der wirlhschaftlichen 
Arbeit (1908) and Die Entstehung der 
Pflugkulliir (1909). Miss W. notes 
that "all over the world the results 
of fuller investigations tend to show 
that the old 'three stages' theory is 
completely untenable." Collecting, 
not hunting, was in all probability 
the most primitive mode of gaining a 
living. Hahn sees the origin of work 
in the economic activity of women; the 
digging stick, with its magic associa- 
tions, may be considered the ancestor 
of the conjuror's wand. Agriculture, 
invented by women, was largely left 
in their care since man thought it con- 
nected with child-birth, etc., as Rendel 
Harris and others have pointed out. 
Economic ignoring of women resulted 
from the change from hoe to plough 
culture. Ploughing, according to Dr 
Hahn, originated in a religious cere- 
mony. The cart with wheels came 
from the "sacrificial bowls or cauldrons 
mounted on rollers for greater ease in 
moving them about." There are 
many far-fetched things in Dr Hahn's 
books, but many brilliant ideas also. 

Wetzel (G.) Ein neuer Apparat zur 
Aufstellung des SchSdels fiir diagraph- 
isclie Aufnahmen. (Korr. Bl. d. D. 
Ges. f. Anthrop., Brnschwg., 1909, XL, 
41-43, 2 fgs.) Describes new dia- 
graphic apparatus in which by using 
the inner surface only of the skull for 
fastening in position, all portions of 
the exterior are accessible for drawing. 

Woodworth (R. S.) Racial differences 
in mental traits. (Science, N. Y., 
1910. N. s., XXXI, 171-186.) Discusses 
powers of vision (essentially equal, 
myopia to be excluded, if native 
differences are to be determined), 
hearing (whites possibly superior; no 
clear superiority of savages), smell 
(special interests and training, as in 
the case of sight, account for any alleged 
superiority of the "lower" races), 
touch (little evidence; no general con- 



50 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



elusion can be drawn; Papuans excell, 
Indian about same as whites), pain- 
sense (difference rather in conception 
of pain, or in understanding the test, 
than in pain-sense), color-sense (very 
much the same all over the world). 
"tappinR-test" (no absolutely marked 
differences of importance), rightlianded- 
ness (no marked racial differences), 
illusions and errors of judgment (same 
degree apparent in peoples of widely 
different cultures), "form-test" (when 
fair, no large differences, much over- 
lapping), stage of culture as index of 
mental endowment (not an accurate 
measure of intelligence; greatest part 
of civilization of any generation is 
bequeathed to it, only its own pro- 
ductive increase can be laid to its 
credit), invention (spontaneous varia- 
tion and previouslyacquired knowledge; 
size of group an important factor; acci- 
dental factors important as a prime 
cause of human progress, sexual selection 
or mating customs more important than 
natural selection), selection by migra- 
tion, etc. The "illusory appearance of 
great racial differences" has been made 
too much of. 

The puzzle of color vocabularies. 

(Psychol. Bull., Baltimore, 1910, vii, 
325-334) Discusses the question of 
the relation of color-sense and color- 
vocabulary, with special reference to 
race, and particularly to primitive 
peoples, the civilized Englishman, etc. 
Absence of a color-name does not 
necessarily indicate absence of a sense 
for that color (some languages seem 
even devoid of conventional color- 
names). Where color serves as the 
mark of an important object, or con- 
dition of an object, a color name is 
most likely to develop, — "if cows had 
affected the blues and the greens, the 
history of color vocabularies would 
probably have been f|uite different." 
And "it is probably owing to the use of 
pigments that names for green and blue 
have become stereotypes in European 
languages." 

Wright (E. B.) The relations of the 
great museums to the independent 
local investigator. (Rec. of Past. 
Wash.. IX, 80-83, I fg.) Argues for 
assistance and encouragement for the 
local investigator both in research and 
publication. Great museums "keep 
their appropriations for their own fam- 
ily circle." Instances of valuable work 



of investigators unconnected with in- 
stitutions are given. 
Zachariae (T.) Scheingeburt. (Z. d. 
Ver. f. Volksk., Berlin, 1910, XX, 141- 
181.) Treats of acts and ceremonies, 
symbolic performances, etc., in imita- 
tion of child-birth and its concomi- 
tants: Lifting from the ground, placing 
next to one's naked body or in one's 
clothes, passing through a dress, shirt, 
or other article of clothing, putting to 
the breast, laying in the bosom, in 
the lap, on the knees, etc.. making pass 
or crawl through or handing through a 
door, window, opening of any kind 
(e. g. a hollow in a tree, wall, rock, etc.), 
passing through fire, water, etc.. and 
other pseudo-genital and regenerational 
symbolisms, particularly the Hindu 
" Iliranyagarbha rite" (pp. 159-167), or 
"re-birth through the golden cow"; 
creeping-through as a ceremony of 
purification, ordeal, test of chastity, 
etc. (pp. 167-180). 

EUROPE 

Alsberg (M.) Deutschtum und Volks- 
bewegung in Osterreich-Ungarn. (Glo- 
bus, Brnschvvg., 1910, xcvii, 360-362.) 
Treats of the German element in 
Austro-Hungary, the movement of 
races, etc. In Bohemia the German 
language-area has increased during the 
last decade; but in northern Moravia 
and western Austrian Silesia it has lost 
considerably. Fear from decrease 

in the surplus of births in the German 
area in the Empire is hardly justified, 
— it is the German towns lying in Slavic 
surrounding that are most affected here, 
not the German territories themselves. 

Andree (R.) Ratschen. Klappern und das 
Verstummen der Karfreitagsglocken. 
(Z. d. Ver. f. Volksk., Berlin, 1910, XX, 
250-264, 14 fgs.) Treats of the silenc- 
ing of bells and the use of noise-making 
apparatus, hand rattles and clappers of 
various sorts, larger instruments moved 
by handles, etc.. in various parts of 
Protestant and Catholic Europe: Ger- 
man Ratschen, Klappern, etc., Roman 
and Neapolitan Irocola, Spanish ma- 
Iraca, Greek simandra, P'rench daquelle, 
etc. In Protestant lands the custom 
of muting the bells has declined, the 
"Ratschbuben" have disappeared in 
Easter week, but they arc still remem- 
bered in song and story. 

d'Andrian Werburg ( — ). L'anthropologie 



Periodical Literature 



51 



en Autriche-Hongrie. (Bull. Sue. 

d'Anthr. de Paris, 1910, vi'' s., i, 
345-352) Report on state of anthro- 
pology in Austro-Hungary. Notes 
the numerous and successful investi- 
gations of the remains of prehistoric 
man, — at Krapina, Briinn, Preclmost, 
Lautsch, etc., by Gorjanov^ic-Kram- 
berger, etc., investigations of the 
bronze age in Hungary at V'elem-Sent- 
Vid; the anthropological activities 
centering in Cracow; the physical 
anthropological studies of Weisbach, 
Matiegka, etc.; the linguistic work of 
F. Miiller, Miklosich, Tomaschek, Hun- 
falvy, etc.; African investigations of 
Holub, Paulitschke, etc.; the linguistic 
and ethnological labors of Father 
Schmidt, editor of Anlhropos (founded 
in 1907); the extensive researches in 
folk-lore of all kinds (F. S. Krauss 
deserved mention here) in all parts of 
the Empire; the studies of the peasant- 
house by Bancalari, Meringer, Biinker, 
Murko, etc. A new journal, Worler 
und Sachen, devoted to culture-history 
is shortly to appear. 

de Aranzadi (T.) De la "covada" en 
Espaf^a. (Anthropos, St Gabriel- 

Modling, 1910, V, 775-778.) Argues 
that the absence of a native name for 
couvade in Basque is no proof of the 
non-existence of the custom itself and 
notes that in somewhat attenuated 
forms (father remains in bed for some 
time with mother and child, public 
presentation of child by father, etc.) 
actually exists to-day in certain parts 
of N. W. Spain, also in the Balearic is. 
In some cases the father keeps in the 
house for a week. According to Prof. 
de A. the couvade is no literary myth, as 
some have thought. 

L'attclage dcs boeufa par la tSte 

cst-il d'origine gcrmanique? (Bull. 
Soc. d'Anthr. de Paris, 1909, v'' s., 
X, 264-268, map.) Discusses the dis- 
tribution of the various methofls of 
yoking oxen, — by the neck or shoulders 
(Latin. Slav) and by the horns ("Teu- 
tonic," according to Braungart). It 
remains to be proved that the horn- 
yoke (e. g. Basf|ue form) is really Teu- 
tonic. It may be "Alpine." 

Austin (G.) A trip around Iceland. (So. 
Wkmn., Hampton, Va.. 1910, xxxix, 
535^545. 598-605, 9 fgs.) Contains 
notes on schools, hospitals, churches, 
morals, dress and ornament, agricul- 
ture, fishing, politics, etc. 



Bardon (L.) cl Bouyssonie (J. el A.) 
La grotte Lacoste, prds Brive, Corr^ze. 
(R. de I'Ec. d'Anthr. de Paris, 1910, 
XX, 28-40. 60-71, 15 fgs.) Treats of 
caves investigated in 1899, with de- 
scriptions of human artefacts found 
(borers of great variety and in great 
abundance, scrapers, flint flakes, and 
blades of various sorts, piercers, 
knives, etc.) In all 826 borers and 2,227 
other specimens were found. The 
material gives the impression of 
"Aurignacian put to new uses." The 
cave belongs to the upper Aurignacian. 

Bartels (M.) Deutsche \'olkstrachten. 
(Z. d. Ver. f. Volksk., Berlin, 1910, XX, 
241-249, 9 fgs.) Treats of German 
folk-costume: Sachsen-Altenburg, Ham- 
burg, Upper Bavaria, Hesse, Alsace, 
Wiirttemberg, Baden, etc. Besides 
local and geographical groups, Ger- 
man folk-costumes can be divided 
othervvise, e. g. costumes of men and 
those of women (girls, married women, 
widows); everyday and holiday cos- 
tumes; Sunday, evening, wedding cos- 
tumes, etc.; costumes for various pro- 
fessions and occupations (shepherds and 
herdsmen of the Alps, fisherwomen of 
Cuxhaven, etc.). It is not true, as 
some have maintained, that there are 
really no German folk-costumes, what 
are thought such being merely retained 
court or patrician fashions of the 17th 
or i8th centuries. The "Museum fiir 
deutsche V'olkstrachten und Erzcug- 
nisse des Hausgewerbes," founded in 
Berlin in 1888 has thus a real raison 
d'itre. 

Bates (W. N.) Sculptures from Lake 
Nemi. (Univ. of Penn. Mus. J., 

Philo., 1910, I. 30-33. 2 fgs.) Notes 
on figures of Eros bending his bow and 
a youthful faun, the former doubtless 
inspirerl by the work of Praxiteles. 

Baudouin (M.) Dc'couvcrte, fouille 

et restauration d'une all6c m^-gali- 
thique si'pulcralc avec cerclcs p^'ri- 
taphiqucs aux Tabcrnaudes, d I' He 
d'Yeu, Vendee. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. 
de Paris, 1910, vi" s.. i. 95-120. 2 pi., 
4 fgs.) Treats of the discovery, in- 
vestigation and restoration of a mega- 
litliic "way" (sepulchral) with two 
pcntaphic circles, in IQ07 at Les Taber- 
naudcs. on the northwestern end of tlie 
island of Ycu in \'en<lce; history, 
geography, description and arcliitcc- 
tonic study, the perit.iphic circles, etc., 
are di.scussed in (l<-tail. This covered 



52 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



way belongs to the neolithic period, 
but was partly destroyed. Traces of 
pcritaphic circles are all around it. The 
restoration was made as carefully and 
exactly as possible. Except a few chips 
of Hints no prehistoric remains, bones, 
grave-gifts, etc., were found in the great 
cavity. From the covered way itself 
were obtained a number of pebbles, 
fragments of fhnt, a polished axe, etc. 
It seems that the entire contents of 
this neolithic tomb must have been 
removed and destroyed at the time of 
the first Christian settlement of the 
island. 

Behrend (F.) Das Handschriftenarchiv 
dor Dcutschen Kommission der Konig- 
lichen Preussischen Akademie der Wis- 
senschaften. (Z. d. V. f. Volksk., 
Berlin, 1910, xx, 321-322.) Notes 
that by the last report the collection 
contains 4000 descriptions of AIss. from 
all parts of Europe. These Mss. include 
much of value for the history of German 
folk-lore: Songs, charms and conju- 
gations, riddles, folk-rhymes, etc. 
Examples are the German Ms. 333b 
of the National Library in Paris and 
Ms. XVIF3 of the University of Prague. 

Benziger (J. C.) Das Brunner Bartli- 
spiel. (Schw. Arch. f. Volksk., Basel, 
1909, XIII, 271-304.) Describes, with 
citations from two fragmentary texts 
the "Bartlispiel," formerly (e. g. most 
of the 1 8th century) performed as a 
part of the carnival proceedings at 
Brunn. Barlli is evidently corrupted 
from the name of St Bartolomiius, but 
is now merely a symbol of festivity. 
The personages appearing are such as 
occur often in older German comedies, 
etc. (captain, councillors, clerk, "har- 
leking" and wife, ambassador, singers, 
dancers, etc.). 

Biasutti (R.) L'attuale dibattito sulla 
cronologia del quaternario europeo. 
(A. p. I'Antrop., Firenze, 1909, xxxix, 
244-255, I fg.) Resumes and dis- 
cusses data and theories concerning the 
quaternary chronology of Europe 
(Penck and BrUckner, Boule, Ilahne, 
Behlen, Rutot, Obermayer, Hocrncs, 
Gorjanovic-Kramberger, etc.) B.'s 
conclusions are: The Chellean with 
fauna of warm climate has not been 
shown to ! belong in the interglacial; 
the fauna of the cold climate (pachy- 
derms, etc.) seems to have maintained 
itself from its first appearance 
without other interpolations of warm 



fauna. The Achulean and Mousterian 
(where the warm fauna appears typic- 
ally for the first time) come certainly 
before the last glacial (Wurmian) and 
probably after the "maximum of the 
penultimate" (Rissian). The post- 
glacial age of the Upper Solutrean and 
the Magdalenian is recognized. 
Bockenoogen (G. J.) Nederlandsche 
sprookjes uit de xvii de en hot begin 
der X\TII de eeuw. (Volkskunde, Gent, 
1910, XXI, 7-21.) Two tales "Van de 
boer die kon waarzegen," and "Van 
de berzorgte Bruid." 

Nederlandsche sprookjes en vertel- 

sels. (Ibid., 76-78). Two brief tales, 
"Hier is de tijd; waar is de man?" 
and "Men moet den duivel niet ver- 
zoeken," from North Holland. 

Geparodieerde sermoenen. (Ibid., 

loi-iii, 150-155.) Cites in whole or 
in part 11 mock-sermons in Dutch 
from works of the 17th and i8th 
centuries. 

Bolte (A.) Zu dem christlichen Warn- 
ungsbriefe. (Z. d. Ver. f. Volsk., 
Berlin, 1910, xx, 319-321.) Cites a 
copy of "the Christian letter of warn- 
ing," from a colored lithograph (ca. 
i860) from Neuruppin, found in the 
village of Briesen near Cottbus. The 
pictures are worse and the verses 
changed a good deal. See Kirchner 
(V.). 

Neuere Sagenliteratur. (Ibid., 

329-332.) Reviews and critiques of 
recent publications on folk-tales, etc. 
WockaV s Die denlsche Volkssage (Lpzg., 
1909), F. Rankc's Die deulschen Volks- 
sagen (Miinchen, 1909), Kiihnau's 
Schleiische Sagen (Lpzg., 1910), de 
Cock and Teirlinck's Brahanlsch sag- 
enboek (Gent, 1909), F. Hcinemann's 
Sagen, etc. (Bern, 1910), Nyrop's 
Forlids sagn og sange (K^benhavn, 
1909), etc. 

Die Sage von der erweckten Schein- 

toten. (Ibid., 353-381.) Well- 

documented study of the tale of the 
awakening of the apparently dead 
woman: The simpler form with the 
motif oi the tlicft of the ring (the woman 
of Cologne, 1499 and parallel tales 
in Germany, France, Italy, etc.); the 
romantic form with the kiss-tnolif 
(Thomas of Chantimpre's tale ca. 
1260; the tale of the Icelandic bishop 
Halld6rsson, died 1339; the version in 
Boccaccio's Filocopo, and also in the 
Decameron; the Florentine legend in 



Periodical Literature 



53 



the Tuscan poet A. Velletti concerning 
Ginevra degli Almieri, and other Ht- 
erary uses of this story; Bishop 
M. Bandello's version of 1554; numer- 
ous revampings and working over of 
the motif in Spanish, French, English, 
Dutch, German, Swedish, cited on 
pages 372-373- On pages 374-377 are 
given two versions (one prose, one in 
verse) of the legend, the first dating 
from the beginning of the i8th century 
in its origins. Besides the many 
European versions, Kirghiz, Chinese, 
American, and Hindu parallels ex- 
ist in part or in whole. Dr B. considers 
the Greek tales of Chariton and Xeno- 
phon unrelated. The story grew up 
possibly about some real case of 
"burial alive." 

Xeuere Arbeiten iiber das deutsche 

Volkslied. (Ibid., 404-411.) Re- 
views and critiques of recent publica- 
tions concerning the German folk-song, 
periodical articles, books, etc. Among 
the most important works are: A. 
Daur's Das alte deutsche Volkslied 
nach seinen festen Ausdrucksformen 
betrachtet (Lpzg., 1909), K. Hennig's 
Die geistliche Kontrafaktiir itn Jahr- 
hiindert der Reformation (Halle, 1909). 
K. Bode's Die Bearbeiliing der Vor- 
lagen in des Knaben Wunderhorn 
(Berlin, 1909), W. Jiirgensen's Die 
Martinslieder (Breslau, 1910), A. Hart- 
mann's Historische Lieder und Zeit- 
gedichte (2 Bde. Miinchen, 1910), J. P. 
Clock's Badischer Lieder hort (Karls- 
ruhe, 1910), S. Grolimund's Volks- 
lieder aus dem Kanton Solotliiirn 
(Basel, 1910), G. Hccgerund W. VVUst's 

Volkslieder aus der Rlieinpfalz (Kaiser- 
lautern, 1909), E. H. H. John's Volks- 
lieder und volkstilmliche Lieder aus 
den s&chsischen Erzgebirge (Annaberg, 
1909). J. Dillrnan's llausrilckcr Kindcr- 
lieder und Kindcrrcime (Frankf. A. M., 
1909), 1'". Schon's Kindcrlieder und 
Kindcrspicle des Saarbriicker Lanrlcs 
(SaarbrUckcn, 1909), M. Raflczwill's 
Singspiele (I.pzg., 1908), G. Meyer's 
Volksldnze (I-pzg., 1909), H. Hesse. M. 
Lang and E. Strauss's D<:r Lindenbaum: 
Deutsche Volkslieder (Berlin. 19 10), A. 
Bonus's Deutsche Wcihnacht, Spiel und 
Lied aus alter Zeit (Mtlnchcn, 1909), A. 
Nef's Das Lied in der deutschen Schwciz 
Zurich, 1909). 

Das polnischc Original dcs Licdcs 

'An der W'eichsel gcgcn Ostcn' und das 
echwedischc Lied, '.Spinn, spinn, Tocli- 



ter, mein.' (Ibid., 210-215.) Adds a 
fifth melody heard in 1861 in Stuben- 
dorf, in the Gross-Strehlitz district by 
P. Grossman (see Oberschl. Heintat, 
III, 208-210) and compared with the 
Swedish spinner's song, the melody 
of which is possibly Silesian. 

— Das Ringlein sprang entzwei. (Ibid., 
66-71.) Well-documented study of 
the line in EichendorfT's song "In 
einem kiihlen Grunde" (1810). Bava- 
rian, Silesian, French, Russian, Scot- 
tish, etc., parallels, etc., are cited and 
the significance of the "broken ring" 
considered. 

— Eine Ratselsammlung aus dem Jahre 
1644. (Ibid., 81-83.) Cites 26 riddles 
in German from a fiy-leaf printed at 
Bale in 1644. 

Neuere Marchenliteratur. (Ibid., 

91-100). Reviews and critiques on re- 
cent Mdrchcn literature. Among the 
chief contributions are: Gerould's The 
Grateful Dead (Lond., 1908), v. Sydow's 
Tvi Spinnsagor (Stockholm, 1909), 
Schuster's Griseldis in der franzosischen 
Literatur (Tubingen, 1909), Dilhn- 
hardt's Naturgeschichtliche Volksm&r- 
chen (2 Bde. Lpzg., 1909), Jegerlehner's 
Ayn Herdfeuer der Sennen (Bern, 1908), 
and Sagcn aus dem Unterwallis (Basel, 
1909), Schiller's Schlesische Volks- 
mdrchen (Breslau, 1907), Knoop's 
Oslmarkische Sagen, etc. (Lissa, 1909), 
Konrad's Neiies Mdrchenbuch (Lissa, 
1906), Behrend's Mdrchenschatz (Dan- 
zig, 1908), Baltus's Mdrchen aus Ost- 
preussen (Kattowitz, 1907), Wisser'g 
IVat Grotmoder vertellt (Jena, 1909), 
V. Harten u. Henniger's Nicdersdch- 
sische Volksmdrchen und Sclncdnke 
(Bremen, 1908), Polsterer's Futilitales 
(Wicn, 1908), Leroy's Oudvlaamsche 
zeisels en vertellingen (leper, 1908) 
Asbjornscn u. Moe's Norwegische Volks- 
mdrchen (Berlin, 1908), Galiot ct Cor- 
camons' Contcs licencieux dc Toulouse 
ctdcl' Aquitaine (Paris. 1907), Grisanli's 
Usi, credenze e racconti popolari di Isnello 
(Palermo, 1909). Smith's Ancient Tales 
and Folklore of Japan (Lond.. 1908), 
Schonharl's Volkskundliches aus Togo 
(Dresden, 1909), Bourhill and Drake's 
Fairy-talcs from South Africa (Lond., 
1908). Jones's Fox texts (Leidi-n, 1007). 
Strchlow's Mythrn, Sagcn und Mdrchcn 
des Aranda-Stammes (Frankf. a. M., 
1907). The periodical literature of the 
subject is also well revicwc<!. 

Bildcrbogcn des 16. unci 17. Jahrhun- 



54 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



derts. (Ibid.. 182-202.) Treats of 
Nos. 11-16 of illustrated fly-leaves of 
the i6th and 17th centuries: A recipe 
for bad wives. Punishment of carousing 
husbands. Land of Cocaigne, Priest- 
hunting. Ship of fools, etc. At pages 
195-202 is a list of 90 fly-leaves pub- 
lished by Paul Fiirst of Niirnberg and 
his widow 1638-1696. 

Bosson (Mrs G. C. Jr.) Notes on Nor- 
mandy. (Nat. Geogr. Mag.. Wash.. 
1910, XXI, 775-782. 5 fgs.) Treats of 
Caen, Falaise (birthplace of William 
the Conqueror), Dinan (dating from 
Roman times), Mont Saint Michel, the 
fast-disappearing Breton costumes (p. 
779), etc. 

Bourgeois (H.) Eine baskische Roland- 
sage. (Z. d. Ver. f. Volksk.. Berlin. 
1910. XX. 213-214.) Notes on a Basque 
"tale of Roland" from the Soule 
country in the French Pyrenees, not 
so far from Roncesvalles. The hero 
of this Basque legend, however, resem- 
bles more Gargantua, or Kalewipoeg, 
the Esthonian national hero; he is a sort 
of Hercules (there is a Soule proverb. 
Errolan bezan azkar, " strong, as Rol- 
and"). In this region also is a "Roland's 
rock," etc. 

Bovil (W. B. F.) Some Servian folk-tales 
and songs. (Oxf. & Cambr. Rev.. 
Lond., 1909. No. 8. 18-31.) Discusses 
characteristics (naturalness of poetry, 
cheerfulness or "a serene and cheerful 
transparency"; meter unrhymed tro- 
chaic), and gives English versions of 
several tales (How the prince found a 
a wife; The forgiven sons; The obedient 
son). 

Brandenburg (E.) Italische Untersuch- 
ungen. (R. d. fit. Ethnogr. et Sociol., 
Paris, 1909, II. 321-344. 25 fgs.) Gives 
results of Dr B.'s investigations, in 
the summer of 1909. in the caves, etc.. 
in the valley of theTiber (up from Rome) 
and its tributaries: In the region of 
Due Ponte. Villa Spada, Prima Porta. 
Civita Castellane (especially), ancient 
Faleria. etc.; also the large caves of the 
Alban lake; and steps and other works 
in the solid rock, etc., of these regions. 
The passages, niches, steps, walls, 
etc.. of these "cult-caves" and the other 
places in question are compared with 
the corresponding objects in the "cave- 
dwelling" regions of Asia-Minor. 
B. thinks it i)robable that the ideas 
connected with these cult-objects are 
of eastern origin. Here, as in Etruscan 



art proper, are to be found a whole 
series of Asia Minor forms, etc., on 
Italian soil. These passages evidently 
served not one but various ends. Dr 
B. is of opinion that many "steps" are 
nothing more than conventionalized or 
abbreviated figures of a sitting deity. 
The Palatine and the Tarpeian rock 
were originally, according to Dr B., 
kalchs, to use the Turkish word intro- 
duced by Perrot. 

Breuil (H.) Sur la presence d'eolithes 
k la base de I'eocene parisien. (L'An- 
thropologie, Paris, 1910, xxi, 385-40S, 
77 fgs.) Discusses the question of the 
existence of eoliths at the base of the 
Parisian eocene, the sands of Bracheux 
(Thanetian) de Belle-Assise. etc. These 
"eocene eoliths" are represented by 
cylindrical pieces, rognons of all sorts, 
irregular fragments, fragments with 
percussion bulbs, etc. These "eoliths" 
are all probably of natural formation and 
M. I'Abbe B. thinks criterion of dis- 
tinction between real and "pseudo- 
eoliths" does not j'et exist. 

fitudes de morphologic paleo- 

lithique. I. La transition du mouste- 
rien vers I'aurignacien k I'abri Audi 
(Dordogne) et au Moustier. (R. de I'Ec. 
d'Anthr. de Paris, 1909, xix, 320- 
340. 17 fgs.) Discusses the transition in 
flint implements ("coups-de-poing." 
discs, strikers, points, incurved points, 
"awls," notches, scrapers, borers, etc.), 
as exemplified particularly at the rock- 
shelter of Audi and also at Le Moustier, 
from the Alousterian to the Aurig- 
nacian type. 

Briickner (A.) Neuere Arbeiten zur 
slavischen Volkskunde. i. Polnisch 
und Bohmisch. (Z. d. Ver. f. Volksk.. 
Berlin. 1910. xx, 215-225.) Reviews 
and critiques of recent publications 
concerning Polish and Bohemian folk- 
lore (])eriodical literature, books, etc.). 
The most important works include 
Dr P. Dabowski's book on Polish 
private law, Prawo prywalne polskie 
(Lemberg, 1910), A. Grabowski's recol- 
lections, edited by Prof. S. Estreicher 
Wspomnicnia (2 vols. Cracou, 1909); 
Prof. Zibot's Markoll a Nevim v liter- 
ature slaroceski (Prag, 1909) and 
several other publications, C. Holas's 
Ceski uarodni pisne a tance (Prag. 1908) 
treating of Bohemian folk-songs and 
dances, Prof. V. P^lajshans's collection 
of Bohemian proverbs, Ceskd prislovi 
(Prag, 1909-1910), L. Niederlc's Her- 



Periodical Literature 



55 



kuyift und Anfange der Sudslaven 
(PraK, 1910), etc. 

Briinner (K.) Bauerntopferei und volk- 
stiimliche Fayencen. (Ibid., 265-289, 
103 fgs.) Treats of peasant cer- 
amics and io\k-fa'iences as represented 
in the Berlin Museum, by German 
specimens belonging to the i8th and 
19th centuries: So-called "Jute" or 
"Tatar" pots (made without wheel); 
"Cassube" pottery (retention of Old 
Slavonic technique and form); Liibeck 
"Mulapen"; pottery for offerings at 
shrines, etc.; pottery for baking articles 
used in festivals, etc.; pottery with salt 
and lead glazing and coloring, etc., 
sieve- vessels; night and funeral lamps. 
Colored and ornamented glazed wares: 
Marburg, Burgel (near Jena), Bunzlau 
(Silesia), Heimberg (near Thun), Lang- 
nau (Bern), Offenheim (Alsace), Hund- 
ham (Bavaria), Tirol, Bohemia, Rom- 
bitten (E. Prussia), Mecklenburg, 
Schleswig-Holstein, Braunschweig, etc. 
The Museum's "faience" specimens 
are from the Spreewald, Weizacker, 
Monchgut, Schlewig-Holstein, etc.; 
also peasant "fae'inces "with tin glazing 
on both sides from Kellinghausen (Hol- 
stcin). Delft, Lusatia, Alsace, Bavaria- 
Austria, etc. 

Burne (C. .S.) Presidential address: The 
value of European folk-lore in the 
history of culture. (Folk-lore, Lond., 
1910. XXI, 14-41.) Notes the im- 
portance and interest of children's 
games as exemplifying "survival in 
culture," the need of studying differ- 
ences as well as likenesses and similar- 
ities (cf. the changes in the observation 
of "Garland Day"), the character of 
the folk-customs at Castleton in the 
Peak o fDerbyshire on May-Day, etc., 
and oft he "Horn Dance" at Abbot's 
Bromley, Staffordshire (the Monday 
alter Sept. 4, yearly) the "Squirrel 
Hunt" on Good Friday in Siicrvage 
Wood on the slope of the Quantock 
Hills and a similar performance at the 
"Novcmijer Wake" by Dufficlcl men 
in Kedleston Park, the septennial 
"W'iiitsuntide Ale" held at the entrance 
to Blenheim Park, etc. Acc<)r<ling 
to Miss H. "ICuropean folklore is the 
missing link, the bridge over the gulf, 
between savagery on the one side and 
culture on the other," and "now we 
need to study European survivals to 
understand the developments of sav- 
age customs, just as thirty years ago 



we studied savage customs to explain 
European survivals." 

Busse (H.) Hocker- und Brandgriiber, 
sowie Wohngruben auf dem grossen 
Reiherwerder im Tegelersee, Kreis 
Nieder-Barnim. (Z. f. Ethnol., 

Berlin, 1910, xlii, 598-600.) Notes 
on burial-places, hut-pits, etc., on the 
large Reiherwerflen Id. in the Tegel 
lake. Urn-burial with cremation, etc. 
The "station" belonged probably to a 
Teutonic people of about 1000-1400 
B. C. This paper will appear in full in 
the Prahistorische Zeitschrift. 

Caine (W.) The guignols of the Luxem- 
bourg. (Oxf. & Cambr. Rev., Lond., 
1910, NO., 10, 135-148.) Notes on the 
tlieatre Guignol," etc. 

Cameron (M. L.) The dragon of La 
Trinita: an Italian folk-tale. (Folk- 
Lore, Lond., 1910, xxi, 349-350.) 
Tale told by a charcoal-burner in a 
Tuscan roadside inn at Le Bagnore on 
the edge of the great forest on the 
slopes of Monte Amiata concerning 
the jawbone kept in "the lonely little 
Franciscan Friary of La Trinita up 
miles of stony mule-track on the slopes 
of Amiata." The dragon was killed 
and beheaded by the Duke of Sforza. 

Camus (P.) Note sur la carie dentaire 
u I'cpoque neolithique. (Bull. Soc. 
d'Anthr. de Paris, 1910, vi*^ s., i, 136- 
141, map). Discusses the distribution 
of dental caries (maximum in regions 
of high stature and vice-versa) in 
France, according to the map of Magitot 
based on 25,918 recruits (1831-1849) 
rejected out of 3,295,202 for faulty 
dentition, in comparison with the dis- 
tribution of neolithic peoples. Dental 
caries was much less frequent in pre- 
historic times, but the tall dolicho- 
cephalic blonds were more affected than 
the shorter brachycephals. In this the 
maps of ancient and modern times 
would agree. 

Cannington (M. E.) A medieval earth- 
work in Wiltshire. (Man, Lond., 1910, 
X, 7-13. 4 fgs.) Describes a bank and 
ditch or valley entrenchment about 
4 miles north-east of Devizes. Inside 
the larger enclosure is a smaller one, 
both of the same source. The relics 
found (pottery, etc.) indicate that the 
earthwork is neither prehistoric nor 
Roman, but dates from Ix-tween the 
i2tii and the i6th centuries. 

Cantacuzdne (G.) Contribution t\ la 
craniologic dcs Romains ancicns. (L' 



56 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



Anthropologic, Paris, 1910, xxi, 55-74. 
4 ffis.) Treats, with measurements, of 
II skulls from the ancient Roman 
necropolis of Corneto near Civita- 
Vecchia (6 male, 5 female). Average 
cranial capacity of males 1584 cc, 
females 1268; cephalic indices, males 
78.8 females 79-13. The higher cranial 
capacity here indicated Prince C. at- 
tributes to mixture with the Etruscans; 
also the dolichocephaly or subdoli- 
chocephaly of 4 skulls. The brachy- 
cephalic element is considered Ligurian. 
The ancient Roman skull is mesati- 
cephalic, low, and of less cranial ca- 
pacity than the Etruscan. 

Capitan (L.) et Peyrony ( — ). Deux 
squelettes humains au milieu de foyers 
de I'epoque mousterienne. (Bull. Soc. 
d'Anthr. de Paris, 1910, vi" S., i, 48-53, 
I fg.) Describes the finds near Sarlat 
(skull of child of 6 and other bones of 
man and animals, Mousterian flints, 
etc.) and near Bugue (skeletons in 
rock-shelter at important prehistoric 
station of Ferrasserie, Dordogne) of 
human remains of Mousterian locus. 
The adult skeleton was photographed 
immediately on exhumation and before 
being manipulated, — the oldest skele- 
ton to be so treated. 

Deux squelettes humains au 

milieu de foyers de ^I'epoque mous- 
terienne. (R. de I'Ec. d'Anthr. de 
Paris, 1909, XIX, 402-409, 3 fgs.) 
Describes finding of a human skeleton 
of the Mousterian epoch in a cave at 
Pech de I'Aze near Sarlat, and another 
in the prehistoric deposit of La Ferras- 
sie, near Bugue (Dordogne), the second, 
with more detail. A full account is to 
be communicated to the Academic des 
Inscriptions. 

Carstens (H.) Volksglauben und Volks- 
meinungcn aus Schleswig-IIolstein. (Z. 
d. Ver. f. Volksk., Berlin, 1910, xx, 
382-387.) Cites from various parts of 
Schlcswig-Holstein 70 items about 
luck and ill-luck, 24 about dreams, 12 
about sorcery, and 43 about premo- 
nitions, the devil, and spirits. 

Chantre (E.) L'anthropologie & Lyon, 
1878-1908. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de 
Paris, 1910, vi'' s., i, 365-370). Treats 
of laboratory, ethnographic iiuiseuin, 
instruction (place in program of munici- 
pal courses in 1880), Anthropological 
Society (since 1881), etc. The An- 
thropological Society has published 27 
volumes; the books in its library 



number nearly 5,000. The lectures in 
anthropology, carried on during 1878- 
1908 by E. Chantre are to be continued 
by M. Lucien Mayet, one of his most 
distinguished pupils. At Lyons an- 
thropology, it ought to be added, owes 
all to M. Chantre. 

Clark (C. U.) Romantic Spain. (Nat. 
Geogr. Mag., Wash., 1910, xxi, 187- 
215, ^41 fgs.) Contains notes on agri- 
culture and pastoral life, architecture, 
Moorish types, activities of people. 
Figure on p. 190 shows "Iberian" ox- 
yoke. 

Corner (F.) el Raymond (P.) Le crane 
de Galley Hill. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de 
Paris, 1910, vi"' s., i, 487-497.) Treats 
of the Galley Hill (Kent) skull, dis- 
covered in 1888 and much discussed 
since 1895. Accepted as quaternary 
in England, much doubt of this is ex- 
pressed in France. According to C. 
and R. this skull forms a link between 
the race of Neandertal and that of 
Cro-Magnon, in which respect it is 
closely related to the skull of Briinn. 
In the discussion Manouvrier stated 
his belief that the Galley Hill skull is 
nearer to the Cro-Magnon than to the 
Neandertal; M. Fraipont considered it 
different from the Neandertal, the Spy 
and the Chapelle-aux- Saints skulls; 
Herve and A. de Mortillct doubted the 
Neandertaloid characters; Rutot re- 
peated his former opinion, — if genuine, 
it is the first example known of paleo- 
lithic man (Strepyian) of the colithic 
age; Mochi thought the afifiliations 
were Australian. 

Corso (R.) Amuleti contemporanei 

Calabresi. (Rev. des Et. Ethnogr. et 
Sociol., Paris, 1909, 11, 250-257.) 
Treats of modern Calabrian amulets: 
personal (evil eye, devil, etc.), house 
(sign of the genius domi, etc.), amulets 
protective of useful animals and plants. 
The Calabrian amulets may be clas- 
sified thus: zoological amulets (totem, 
medicinal), magico-religious amulets 
(pagan, Christian). 

Cozzi (E.) La vendetta del sangue nelle 
Montague dell'Alta Albania. {.\n- 
thropos, St Gabriel-Modling, 1910, v, 
654-687.) Treats with some detail of 
the blood-vendetta in the mountains of 
Upper Albania, past and present. For 
the Albanian the vendetta is idealized 
almost into a religious and civil duty. 
It is not limited to the offender alone, 
but includes his family and group 



Periodical Literature 



57 



{vllazni. phratry). In an appendix 
(pp. 681-687) are given texts and trans- 
lations of several funeral songs referring 
to victims of the vendetta. 

Malattie, morti, funerali nelle 

Montagne d'Albania (Ibid., iv, 1909, 
903-918.) Treats of diseases (syphilis, 
pellagra, tuberculosis, etc., cutaneous 
troubles, small-pox, contagious diseases; 
medicine and antidotes), death and 
burial, funeral-songs, etc., mourning- 
customs, funeral-rites, burial-ground, 
etc. 

Curtiss (A.) Majestic Trier. (Rec. of 
Past, Wash., 1910, ix, 235-240, 4 fgs.) 
Notes on the "grandest and most im- 
posing Roman remains of Germany, 
and, indeed, of all northern Europe," 
Porta Nigra, Roman palace, amphi- 
theater, etc. Also the cathedral, 
"the most important example of pre- 
Carlovingian building in Germany" 
(Liibke). 

Czekanowski (J.) Zur DifTerentialdiag- 
nose der Neandertalgruppe. (Korr.- 
Bl. d. D. Ges. f. Anthrop., Brnschwg., 
1909, XL., 44-47, I fg.) From con- 
sideration of differences in measure- 
ments (average of 27 in Neandertal 
and Briix is 7.301 mm.), C. concludes 
that the "Neandertal group" is not 
unitary, — one group includes Spy, 
Krapina, Neandertal, Gibraltar; a 
second. Galley Hill, Briinn, Brii.x, 
Egisheim, and Nowosiolka; the Can- 
statt skull is isolated but perhaps re- 
lated to the second group; the skull of 
Pithecanthropus departs from both, 
but is relatively nearer the Neandertal. 

D^chelette (J.) Note sur les influences 
ogc'cnncs au Caucase. (L'Anthropolo- 
gie, Paris, 1910, xxi, 425-434, 4 fgs.) 
Treats of Egean influences in the Cau- 
casus, suggested by the resemblances 
between the bronze poniards, swords, 
etc., of Lenkoran and similar objects 
from the lEgean-Mycenean region — 
poniards of the "Cypriot" type; pon- 
iards ornamented with a crescent at the 
top of the blade; narrow, short-tanged 
poniards, with rivet-hole at top; 
short swor<is with large semi-circular 
hanrlles, etc. D. concludes that "those 
Asiatic specimens arc derived either 
from Egcan mofjels or from prototypes 
(in some yet unexplored region) 
common to both Caucasian and Egean 
art." In this matter importance at- 
taches to the yet unexplored nccropoll 
of the Caucasus, Arnienia, Siberia, etc. 



Deniker (J.) La pigmentation en 

Europe. Communication preliminaire. 
(Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de Paris, 1910, 
vi'' s., I, 509-517, map.) Treats of the 
distribution of brunettism in Europe 
(there are three "zones," — blond, 
chestnut, brown; in each "zone" there 
are "islets" of the other colors). On the 
map from north to south the "zones" 
are, less than 17 per cent, brown, from 
1 7 to 30 per cent., more than 30 per cent. 
Deniker recognizes two blond, Europ- 
pean races (Nordic or Homo Europaeus; 
Oriental, short, sub-brachycephalic) 
and 4 brunette races (Occidental or 
H. Alpinus; Iberian or if. Meridionalis; 
Atlanto-Mediterranean, sub-dolicho- 
cephalic; Adriatic, brachycephalic). 

La taille en Europe. La taille 

des populations Turco-tatars et des 
Caucasiens. (Ibid., 66-77.) Resumes 
recent investigations of the stature of 
the Turco-tatars of Europe (Chuvashes, 
Bashkirs, Aletchcheriacs, Tatars of the 
Volga, Crimea and Astrakhan, Kirghiz. 
Osmanli Turks, Mountain Tatars of 
Caucasus, Turkmen, Karachai; Cir- 
cassians, Lesghians, Georgians, Imere- 
tians, Mingrelians, Suanetians, Ossetes; 
Tates, Caucasian and Persian Kurds, 
Armenians of the Caucasus, Kalmucks 
of Astrakhan. Good bibliography 
(73-77). The forest Bashkirs seem 
somewhat taller than those of the 
steppes; also less brachycephalic. A 
curious group are the Lithuanian 
Tatars, or Muslims, who are Moham- 
medans but all speak Polish or Lithu- 
anian (a mixture of Volga and Nogai 
Tatars). 

Diehl ( — ). Zur Entstehungsgeschichte 
der Hessen-Darmstiidtischen Verord- 
nung gegen das "Eieraufhcben" bei 
Hochzeiten vom 9. September, 1695. 
(Hess. Bl. f. Volksk., Lpzg., 1910. ix, 
190-195.) Gives, pp. 192-105. the 
record (July 30, 1695, at Giessen) of the 
evidence of 4 witnesses concerning the 
happenings at a doul)le wedding, in- 
cluding the "Eycrufheben," leading to 
the issue of an edict against such prac- 
tices. On pp. 190-191 is a copy of the 
edict. The exact origin of the edict 
is now known through I)r D.'s dis- 
covery of these documents. 

Dorler (A.) Volkslieder aus Tirol. 
(7. d. Ver. f. Volksk., Berlin. 1910. xx. 
306-317.) Dialect texts of Nos. 14-34 
of Tirolesc folk-songs. No. 21 is "The 
7 ages of Man"; No. 24 children's 



58 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



rimes; Nos. 23-30 "Star-singers" or 
"Klopfcllieder." 
Drechsler (P.) Miirchen und Sagen aus 
( )berschlcsien. (Mitt. d. schles. Ges. 
f. \'oIksk., Breslau, 1909, XI. 94-98.) 
Literary German texts of 8 Upper 
Silesian tales: Adam and the horse, 
God as debtor. Why the Jews have 
crooked noses. The child walled-up 
alive, The golden cluck at Tost, The 
soul as white-shining hay. The otters 
and the otter-king, The angry mermaid. 

Scherz- und Ernsthaftes fiber 

besondere Zusammensetzungen mit atis- 
und be- im Schlesischen. (Ibid., 99- 
103.) Treats of such Silesian terms in 
aus- and be- as sich ausdoktern, sich 
ausgusteln, sich ausgejungefern, sich 
ausbiirgermeistern; ausprahlen, aus- 
haben, ausmachen, austanzen, aus- 
regnen; beablen, bcmuttern, bekoch- 
loffeln, beklunkern; betulich, betusam, 
beschargen, bekumpabletiiten, bewel- 
tsahn, bejunkern, etc. 

Ein alter Vertragsbrauch. (Ibid., 

208-210.) Notes on siupfen {lipfcn), 
or "touching fingers," when two drink 
a glass of liquor together, a relic of the 
old custom of "hand striking." In 
the 17th century einlipfen, dipping the 
finger in the beer, etc., was in practice 
among peasants, etc. 

Oberschlesiches vom Wassermann. 

(Ibid., 212-214.) Cites tale of the 
appearance of the "water man" with 
red cap and green eyes on the bridge 
over a brook in Alt-Zabrze. 

Dunn (F. S.) A study in Roman coins of 
the Empire. (Rec. of Past, Wash., 
1910, IX, 31-52, 2 pi.) Treats of coins 
of the Julian-Claudian era, 27 B. C.- 
68 A.D. (Augustus, Tiberius, Calig- 
ula, Nero), Flavian dynasty 78-96 
A.D. (Titus, Domitian), the Antonines, 
98-117 A.D. (Trajan), illustrated by a 
dozen pieces. 

Dutt (W. A.) Lynchets. (Man, Lond., 
1910, X, 104-105.) Compares the 
"narrow terraces generally known as 
lynchcls," believed by some to he relics 
of a particular system of hillside culti- 
vation dating from neolithic limes, with 
the stone-wallod terraces on the Kucha 
and Uba mountains in the Kikuyu 
country of Africa, as described by Capt. 
C. H. Stigand in his To Abyssinia 
through an Unknown Land. These 
terraces are used for planting crops. 

Ebert (M.) Uber eine Ustrina auf 
cincm bronzezeitlichen Friedhofe. (Z. 



f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1909, 940-946, 2 fgs.) 
Treats of an iislrina, or place of incin- 
eration of human bodies, discovered in 
connection with a burial-place of the 
bronze age near the village of Cosil- 
enzien, in the district of Liebenwerda. 
Upon the wooden substructure the pyre 
was, doubtless, built up, with the 
corpse on top. In the discussion some 
differences of opinion as to the nature 
of these remains developed. 

Een Museum voor Volkskunde te Gent. 
(X'olkskunde, (ient, 1910, xxr, 40-45.) 
Proposes the establishment in Ghent of 
a Folk-Lore Museum, such as has 
already been instituted in Antwerp and 
Brussels. 

Favraud (A.) Une dufense d' Elephas 
anliquus portant des traces de travail 
humain de I'epoque acheuleenne, trou- 
vee aux Quatre-Chemins, commune du 
Gond-Pontouvre, pres d'Angouleme. 
(R. de r£c. d'Anthr. de Paris, 1910, 
XX, 243-247, I fg.) Describes finding 
of piece of tusk of Elephas anliquus 
with marks of human origin (attempts 
to cut), belonging to the Achulean 
period, as indicated by other remains. 
This find indicates that the art of 
using bone, ivory, etc., was already 
developed in Achulean times. 

Fenwick (N. P., Jr) A note on four 
Icelandic cairns. (Man, Lond., 1910, 
X, 22.) Brief references to four Bein- 
akerling, or "crone of bones," at Kaldi- 
dalur, near Arnavatn, near Krisavik, 
etc. The curious custom exists of 
those who ride past writing a stanza 
on a scrap of paper, rolling it up and, 
after putting it into the hollow bone 
of a pony (these bones lie scattered 
about), leaving it among the stones of 
the cairn to be found by the next 
traveler. 

Fischer (E.) Die Kuche der rumiinischen 
Bauern. (A. f. Anthrop., Brnschwg., 

1909, N. F., VIII, 246-248.) Notes 
on the kitchen and cooking of the 
Rumanian peasant, — vegetables and 
I)lants, baking and roasting, oils and 
grease, sour substances, drinks, milk, 
flesh food (at festivals), fast-days (there 
are 163), dainties, etc. In Rumania, 
beneath the upmost stratum, accord- 
ing to Dr F., we find "everywhere 
circumstances that were quite common 
in the later Stone age." 

Die thrakische Grundlage im 

Rumiinischen. (Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 

1910, XLH, 311-315.) Seeks to show 



Periodical Literature 



59 



from linguistic, folk-lore and socio- 
logical evidence that the essential 
basis of the Rumanian people is 
Thracian (there is a certain "unity in 
the internal speechform of the Balkan 
peoples"). Folk-lore, proverbs, riddles, 
songs, Miirchen, superstition, folk- 
medicine, dress and ornament, food 
and its preparation, social customs, and 
institutions indicate such a unity. The 
obicleii pamanltditi or old Rumanian 
customary law "goes right back to 
Thracian." 

Sind die Rumanen, anthropo- 

logisch betrachtet, Romanen? (Ibid., 

1909, XLi, 847-849.) Argues from the 
unusually hish birth and death rate 
that the Rumanians are not Romanic. 
— linguistic, genealogical, prehistoric, 
toponymic, social and historical in- 
vestigations point the same way. Ac- 
cording to F., the Rumanians are a 
remarkably mixed people (Thraco- 
Romanic antl Slavs). 

Flechtner-Lobach (A.) Die Volkskunst 
in Schweden. (Globus, Brnschwg., 

1910, xcviii, 174-177.) Treats of 
folk-art in Sweden, based on personal 
studies in museums, etc., and on 
Montelius's Ktdliirgeschichle Schwedens, 
etc. Ancient Scandinavian art (al- 
ready finely developed in prehistoric 
times, with, perhaps, notable foreign 
influences), the effect of the richness of 
this region in woods leading to devel- 
opment in wood-work, influence of 
the environment on motifs, basketry, 
etc., feeling for color, patterns, weaving 
and embroidery, folk-dress, etc. The 
influence of the "Handarbetets "Viin- 
ncr," etc., is noted. 

Frauer (E.) Das Osterrcichische Kilsten- 
ianrl an der Schwellc fler Geschichtc. 
(Ibid., 1910. xcvM, 183 186.) Treats 
of the coast of Austria at the Ijeginning 
of the historical period, and the peoples 
inhabiting that region. Hy means of 
etymologies of place-names the author 
seeks to show that the ancient Istri- 
ans were not Illyrian, Graeco-Tiiracian 
or Celtic, but S<'initic, — the Colchians, 
or Moschoi. were tiie Mcsccii (properly 
Mosocii) of tlic Hil)le. 

Freire-Marreco di.) The West Riding 
Teachers' .Anthropological Society. 
(FoIk-J-ore. I.ond., 1910, xxi, ioj-104.) 
The practical work of this Society has 
been in the direction of folk-lore, a 
beginning having been made in the 
collection of local sinKing-ganics. The 



"Vacation Course" for teachers at 
Scarborough in 1910 will include "a 
short course of lectures on some branch 
of anthropology." 

Fris (V.) Le folk-lore gantois. (Volk- 
skunde. Gent. 1910. xxi, 83-86.) 
Notes on Ghent folk-lore (the legend 
of the spookhuis (haunted house) of the 
Jodenstraatje; names of Supreme Being, 
Cies-ons-Heere, terms like Godsklop, a 
"decisive blow." etc.; processions. 
Reprinted from Gaud XX^" slide for 
Jan. 31. 1910, pp. 5-6. 

Gaster (M.) English charms of the 
seventeenth century. (Folk-Lore, 

Lond., 1910, XXI, 375-378. 4 fgs.) 
Reproduces from the Ms. (1693-5) of 
a certain Thomas Parker charms to 
"make a woman follow thee." "to 
know a woman's counsel," to gain one's 
wish, to tell a thief, to fear no one, to 
win homage from all, a blessing, etc. 

Gebhardt ( — ) Zimmermannsspruch. 
(Mitt. d. schles. Ges. f. V'olksk., 
Breslau, 1909, xi, 210-212). Gives the 
text (in verse) of the carpenter's 
"speech" at the completion of a new 
house, as written down by the father of 
the author (a teacher at Cantersdorf, 
in the district of Brieg). 

Gengler (J.) Die Schwalben im V'olks- 
glaubcn. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1910, 
XCVIII, 31-32.) Items of folk-lore 
concerning the swallow: bringer of 
spring, holy and not to be harmed 
(Si)ain, S. Germany, England, Ireland), 
bringer of luck (swallows in staljle, 
Franconia and Thuringia; rnartcnica 
in Macedonia), medicines prepared, 
from swallows, interpretation of swal- 
low's song (Germany), migration of 
the swallow (legends, etc.). 

Das Schnupfen im Bayerischen 

Wald. (Ibid., 91-94. 3 fgs.) Treats 
of snuff-taking in the Bavarian Forest. 
— the "national tobacco" is "der 
Schinalzer." collotiuially. "Gschmei." 
or "Sihmai." Women and girls do 
not take snuff, but men and youths and 
even boys; and all classes of peasiints 
and townsmen, teachers and clergy. 
".SnulT-glasses" are of various .sorts. 
Till- habit is said to have sprung up at 
the end of the Tiiirty Veais' Wai . and 
to have been introduced from I'f.mce. 

van Gennep (.\.) Die neueren Ausgra- 
bungcn in der Stadt Alesia. (Ibid.. 
165-169, 6 fgs.) R('-suin«''s recent 
literature concerning the exploration 
of Alesia. the Gallic city on Mont 



6o 



Journal of American Folk- Lore 



Auxois. There is now a monthly 
Pro Alfsia, published in Paris. The 
name Alesia, the images of deities 
found (Ucuetis, Bergusia, the so-called 
"Mothers," etc.), bronze artefacts, 
"horse-shoes," etc., are considered. 
The archeology of Alesia is now illus- 
trated by Alesian post-cards. 

Giovannozzi (U.) Brachi-platicefali e 
brachyipsicefali nel'Europa. (A. p. 
I'Antrop., Firenze, 1909, xxxix, 62- 
114, 3 fgs.) Discusses the question 
of brachy-platycephaly and brachy- 
hypsicephaly in Europe. Descriptions 
and measurements of 6 Greek, 5 Al- 
banian, 3 Rumanian skulls (comparison 
with studies of \'irchow, Nicolucci, 
Pittard, Wateff, Zampa, Weisbach). 
Also of 25 Tirolese, compared with 
results of Vram, etc. In Europe, 
according to Dr G. there are two vari- 
eties of brachycephaly, with different 
geographical distribution and distin- 
guished by the height of the cranium. 
The first of these, the hypsicephalic 
Armenoid (akin to the brachj'cephals 
of Asia Minor), occupies a great part of 
the Balkan peninsula, pushing north 
at least as far as Hungary, and mingling 
in the west with the second variety, 
the platycephalic Mongoloid, which 
has one of its centers in the regions of 
the eastern Alps especially in Carinthia 
and the Tirol. 

Giuflfrida-Ruggeri (Y.) Nuove addizioni 
al tipo di Galley-Hill e Tantichita 
della brachicefalia secondo il Rutot. 
(Ibid., 1910, XL, 255-263, 2 fgs.) 
Discusses the crania of Briinn and 
Engis, which G.-R., with Birkner adds 
to the Galley-Hill type, making, how- 
ever, some differences in the points of 
resemblance, etc. The Aurignac skull 
also resembles much that of Galley 
Hill, and that of Clichy, but hardly 
Rutot's Grenelle cranium. The re- 
mote antiquity (Krapina, Grenelle, 
Mugem) of brachycephaly is now 
abundantly proved. G.-R. repeats his 
belief that the human race was "pre- 
cociously autonomous" in its evolution 
anrl no well-differentiated anthropoid 
forms arc in the asccnclant line. 

Godley (M.) "Quare things." (Ninet. 
Cent., Lond., 1910, 175-178.) Notes 
on folk-lore of the "banshee," etc. 

Greenwell (— ) and Gatty (R. A.) The 
pit-rlwellings at Holderncss. (Man, 
Lond.. 1910, X, 86-90, 2 fgs.) De- 
scribes dwellings, contents, etc., ac- 



cording to Canon G., with additional 
data from Rev. R. A. Gatty, who was 
present with Prof. Boyd Dawkins at 
the opening of the Rolston pit (M. 
Morfitt, the original discoverer, has now 
opened some 30 pits). In the Rolston 
pit were discovered: fire-place »« silu, 
broken cooking-pot, broken bones of 
domestic animals (also of Bos longi- 
frous), heavy stone pounders, rude 
knives and flint flakes, etc. Other 
things found in these pits are red pig- 
ment (made from burnt clay, pottery, 
etc. These pits date from the early 
neolithic period; after they had been 
filled in with a deposit of surface soil, the 
ordinary neolithic man lived over them. 

Gross (V.) Une station neolithique 
terrestre dans le Canton du \'aud. (Z. 
f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1909, XLI, 963-965.) 
Brief account of the discovery of the 
remains of huts (with human and 
animal bones, flints, bone and horn 
implements, conical slate objects like 
those of Locras, fragments of pottery, 
etc.), at the village of Chgnee-Paquier, 
about 10 kil. from Lake Neuchatel. 
These land-dwellings were contem- 
porary with the lake-dwellings of the 
neolithic period, — the discovery of such 
is unique in Switzerland. 

Grosse (H.) Der Rundwall von Mollen- 
dorf im Kreise Luckau. (Ibid., 918- 
940, 12 fgs.) Treats of the fortification 
known as the "Rundwall" at Mollen- 
dorf. The old accounts, present con- 
dition, older finds, situation and topog- 
raphy, newer finds (whetstones, pieces 
of clay objects, iron knife, flints, stones 
for querns or hand-mills, pottery 
fragments, etc.) are considered. There 
was probably a Slavonic "station" 
here, where pottery was manufactured, 
etc., the "station" or "work-place" 
being later than the throwing up of the 
wall, — the oldest culture represented 
being also Slavonic. 

Gusinde (K.) Von Land und Leuten 
in Spanien. (Mitt. d. schles. Ges. f. 
Volksk., Breslau, 1910, xii. 1-40.) 
Treats of Spain and the Spaniards. A 
land of contrasts, geographically and 
ethnologically: Catalans (peculiar and 
apart), Basques (non-Indogermans), 
Asturians (freedom-loving like the 
Basques), Galicians ("poor devils"), 
Aragonese (thick-headed, bigoted, in- 
dustrious), Castilians (still full of 
grandcza), Andalusians (mobile and 
imaginative, full of life; Moorish in- 



Periodical Literature 



6i 



fluence in speech, etc., distinctly per- 
ceptible here), Gipsies (a people by 
themselves), etc. The isolation of 
Spain (the Pyrenees are a sort of 
"Chinese wall") has led to misconcep- 
tions of its nature, etc. Politics, in- 
dustry, education (discipline and order 
lacking every hwere), religion (land 
full of cloisters; feasts, festivals), tem- 
perament (easily aroused and led into 
wild passion; bull-fights; tendency to 
cruelty, touches of savagerj-, etc.; 
courtesy toward women), poverty and 
beggars (regularly organized), child- 
like love of nature unknown, home and 
domestic life, democratic pride (use 
of the title Don, etc., orders numerous 
and easily obtained), pride in the great 
past. 
Hartland (E. S.) The cult of executed 
criminals at Pailermo. (Folk-Lore, 
Lond., 1910, XXI, 168-179, 3 pi.) 
Treats of the "Chiesa delle Anime de' 
Corpi Decollati" (originally the church 
of the Madonna del Fiume or Madonna 
del Ponte) near the bridge on the Oreto, 
south of Palermo, and the cult of 
"beheaded" (criminals), — the special 
days of devotion are Monday and 
Friday, the pilgrims chiefly women. 
The graveyard is filled with the tombs 
of criminals of rank. The special 
center of the cult is a small side-chapel, 
filled with votive offerings (legs, heads, 
feet, babies, etc.) of wax. In and 
about the church arc representations of 
criminals in Purgatory, accidents, 
murders, etc. Paintings of the decol- 
lati appear also on the characteristic 
Sicilian carts. Veneration of the souls 
of departed malefactors is known all 
over the island. On page 173 is given 
a si)ccinicn prayer. 
Hauffen (A.) Geschichte der deutschen 
Volkskunde. (Z. d. Ver. f. Volksk.. 
Berlin, 1910, XX, 1-17, 129-141, 290- 
306.) Sketches the history of German 
folk-lore studies from the time of 
Tacitus to the post-Grimmian epoch 
and the scicnt\/ic movements of 
today. The value of medieval and 
O. H. G. theological Ms., Latin ser- 
mons, medieval poems, collections of 
charms ami conjugation-formulas of 
the High German period (SchOnbach 
listed 1,500 such), exempla, etc. is 
pointed out. The "oldest folk-lore 
monograph" is the Weslfalia (ca. 1478) 
of W. Kolevinck, the Carthusian, of 
Cologne. In the last third of the i7lh 



century and in the beginning of the i8th 
many collections containing folk-lore 
material, discussions of superstitions, 
etc., appeared. Next comes the in- 
fluence of Percy's Reliques, the era 
of Herder, Goethe and the "romantic 
school" with the honor done to Volks- 
buclier, etc., by the "Stiirmer" and 
"Driinger" collections of folk-songs, 
etc. Next the scientific beginnings of 
the Grimms and the recognition of 
folk-prose {mdrchen, etc.), followed by 
attention to mythology, legends, cere- 
monies and rites, customs and usages, 
and the modern study of "folk-lore." 

Heilig (O.) Karfreitagsglockcn und 
damit Zusammenhangendes. (Ibid„ 
398-399.) In addition to data of 
R. Andree cites 8 items concerning 
Good Fridaj' bells from Baden (north- 
ern part) and customs connected there- 
with. See Andree (R.). 

Hellmich (M.) V'olkstracht in der Ge- 
gend von Boyadel. (Mitt. d. schles. 
Ges. f. Volksk., Breslau, 1909, xi, 
203-208). Notes on folk-costume in the 
Boyadel region (the w-ork-dress of the 
women; differences in dress of women 
according to age; various kinds of 
coats; the "Einhulle"; caps, etc.; 
little remaining of men's dress that is 
distinctive). 

Helm (K.) Mittelalterliche Geburtsben- 
cdiktionen. (Hess. Bl. f. Volksk., Lpzg., 
1910, IX, 208-211.) Cites Latin 
texts of three medieval "birth-bles- 
sings," one from Germany, two from 
England. In the first this passage is 
peculiar: Tribtis vicibus cum de.xtro 
pede, in domttm in qua jacel calca; in 
the third occurs Arepo tenet opera rotas; 
in the second Caspar, Melchior and 
Baldesar figure. Near the end of the 
third are the words bhurnon-\-blictaono. 

Herv6 (G.) Anthropologic de la Suisse. 
(R. de I'Ec. d'Anthr. de Paris, 1910, 
XX, 248-251.) Risumcs studies of 
E. Pittard on Swiss anthropology: 
Crania Helvetica, Les crdnes valaisans 
de la vallie du Rh6ne (Paris, 1909- 
1910), based on investigation of Soo 
crania (chiefly 13-19111 century) from 
Valais ossuaries. The dotninant type 
87-89 per cent, is hrarliycfphalir, — 
in Sierrc there is a relatively dolicho- 
cephalic "island," clue proiiably to 
survivals of the type of Cliamblandes, 
or, perhaps, in i)art, to Hurgundian 
immigrants. 

Heuft (H.) Westfalischc Ilausinschriftrn. 



62 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



(Z. d. Ver. f. Volksk., Berlin, 1910, xx, 
85-90). Nos. 55-100 of Westphalian 
housc-inscrii)tions in German, Latin, 
etc., from Oelde (town and parish), 
(latiiiji liom 1609 to 1880. 

Hoffmann-Krayer (E.) Bibliographic 
iiber die schweizerischen V'olkskunde- 
literatur des Jahres 1909. (Schw. 
Arch. f. Volksk., Basel, 1910, xiv, 
92-96.) Cites 78 titles distributed 
under following heads; General and 
bibliographical, miscellaneous, folk- 
industry, house and furniture, food, 
dress, folk-art, customs, visages and 
festivals, folk-beliefs, folk-poetry, and 
folk-tales, names, language. 

Hofler (M.) Der Kohl. (Hess. Bl. f. 
Volksk., Leipzig, 1910, ix, 161-190.) 
Treats of the cabbage in mythology, 
folk-lore, folk-medicine among the 
Romans (Pliny, Cato), Greeks (Hip- 
pocrates), etc., — at pages 168-181 are 
given with comments of a comparative 
nature 18 items from Dioscurides, a 
Roman military physician from Ana- 
zarba in Cilicia, contemporary of Pliny 
and author (ca. 77 A.D.) of a work on 
medicine (5 books) in Greek; and on 
pages 1 81-184 other and later data con- 
cerning the folk-medicinal uses of 
cabbage; pages 184-189 items of folk 
custom, etc., concerning this vegetable 
(special times of planting; among the 
Esths the planters must be clothed in 
white; must be used only during a 
certain season or at a certain cult-time; 
is a soul-plant; source of new-born 
infants, "the cabbage-bed"; proverbs 
and folk-sayings in which the cabbage 
figures; cabbage-dance at weddings, 
etc.). The cabbage came from the 
Orient and reached Italy from Greece, 
thence Germany in the 6th century and 
many folk-customs and much folk-lore 
traveled with it from country to 
country. The South German peoples 
took it over both as a healing i)lant 
and a sacrifice for the houso-spirits. 

Holden (J. S.) The existence of an early 
paleolithic bed beneath the glacial 
boulder clays in southwest Suffolk. 
(Man, Lond., 1910, x, 43-44, i fg.) 
Brief account of finding of several 
genuine paleoiiths at Great Walding- 
field and Stanstearl in situ beneath the 
blue boulder clay, indicating that "man 
must have existed on this old lanfl 
surface before the commencement of the 
glacial period." 

Houze ( — ) L'Institut de Sociologie 



Solvay de Bruxelles. (Bull. Soc. d' 
Anthr. de Paris, 1910, vi*^^ s., i, 355- 
360.) Treats of the field of investiga- 
tion of the Institut Solvay of Brussels, 
founded in 1901 for applying to the 
social sciences the methods of investi- 
gation that have produced such brilliant 
results in the fields of biology and phys- 
iology. The study of anthropology 
serves as a solid basis for sociology, 
whose aim is to interpret the actions 
and the reactions of individuals among 
themselves. 

Hubert (H.) La Commission des Monu- 
ments prehistoriques. (L'Anthro- 
pologie, Paris, 1910, xxi, 321-331.) 
Treats of the activities of the Com- 
mission on Prehistoric Monuments, 
reorganized in 1909; gives list of mem- 
bers and of monuments classed 1900- 
1908 and since 1909. Also discusses 
methods of investigation, problems, etc. 

Ilberg (J.) Zur gyniikologischen Ethik 
der Griechen. (A. f. Religsw., Lpzg., 
1910, XIII, 1-19.) Treats of the con- 
troversies over abortion, etc., in an- 
cient Greece (Soranos and after), the 
ethics of gynecology, etc. 

Jacques (V^) Societe d'Anthropologie 
de Bruxelles. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de 
Paris, 1910, vi' s., i, 352-355.) Notes 
on the Brussels Anthropological Society, 
founded in 1882, with Prof. L. Vander- 
kindere, of the University of Brussels, 
as President (extracts given from 
inaugural address). It began with 45 
members and now has several hundred. 
Of its Bulletin 27 volumes have ap- 
peared. 

Jaeger (J.) Tolz und die Isarlandschaft. 
(Globus, Brnscliwg., 1910, xcviii, 
37-40, 62-65, map.) Contains notes 
on the prehistoric remains (regular 
settlement of man here dates only 
from the metal period, bronze and 
Hallstatt epoch especially), Roman 
period (place-names), Germanic in- 
vasion (Bajuvari; few Reihcngrdber 
as yet discovered; place-names; Ale- 
manni). Slavs (especially Wends), 
later Germanic influences, etc. 

Jubile du Cinquantenaire de la Societe 
d'Anthropologie. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. 
de Paris, 1910, Vi" s., i, 297-530.) 
Report of the celebration of the Jubilee 
of the foundation of the Anthropolog- 
ical Society of Paris, Speeches, lists 
of Delegates, reports of foreign dele- 
gates on the condition of anthropology 
in their respective countries (Germany, 



Periodical Literature 



63 



England, Austro-Hungary, Belgium, 
Denmark, Cuba, Italy, Poland, Russia, 
Switzerland), toasts (pp. 409-438), 
scientific addresses (pp. 438-530). 
Jungwirth (E.) Volksratsel aus Oster- 
miething, im oberen Innviertel. (Z. 
d. Ver. f. Volksk., Berlin, xx, 83-85.) 
Cites dialect texts of 34 riddles in 
German of the Inn region. 
Kahle (B.) Flandern. (Mitt. d. schles. 
Ges. f. \'olksk., Breslau, 1909, xi, 
53~54-) Points out that the word Flan- 
derer (flatterer, unstable, etc.) and cog- 
nates, had originally nothing to do with 
the country of Flanders, with which 
folk-etymology now associates them. 
Eaindl (R. F.) Das deutsche Ansied- 
Icrliaus in Galizicn und sein Einfluss 
auf die einheimischen Bauernhiiuser. 
(Globus, Brnschwg., 1910, xcvii, 104- 
iio, 117-123. 21 fgs.) Treats in detail 
of the house of the German settlers in 
Galicia and its influence upon the native 
peasant-houses. German influence 
upon the town-life, etc., of Galicia, 
began in the 13th century, and to a 
certain extent the country also influ- 
enced, as may be seen from words in the 
Polish vocabulary, the use of tile and 
stone houses, etc. But it was with the 
"colonization" schemes of Emperor 
Joseph II, that German influences made 
themselves strongly felt in the agri- 
culture, architecture, etc., of the 
Galician peasantry, — the "Swabians," 
were followed in the 19th century by 
many Germans from Bohemia. The 
German influence is notable in the 
arrangement of fire-place and chimney; 
also in better floors, larger windows, 
better barns, stables, etc. Influence 
on furniture, implements and utensils, 
even clothing is also seen here, as, again, 
tin- vocabulary shows with its numerous 
(ii-iinan loan-words. 
Karbe (W.) Mecklenburgische Nixcn- 
sagen. (Ibid., 29-33.) Treats of tales 
and legend.s of water-spirits (nixes) 
in Mecklenburg (the fair-haired woman 
of the Glambeck lake, the "water- 
women" of Wanzka lake, Stolp lake, 
etc.). Author discusses the origin, 
etc., of bflicfs in the evil character of 
water and of things nu)rc or less directly 
connected with it; the relation of water- 
lilies, etc., witii the water-spirits. A 
good deal of the legends in question may 
be reflexes of the relations of contiuercd 
and ruling races, etc., as Gomme has 
sought to show. 



King (H.) Small kist and urn at Tregif- 
fian \'ean, St Just-in-Penwith, Corn- 
wall. (Man, Lond., 1910, X, 44.) Brief 
note on discovery of urn (ca. 400 B. C; 
no bones or ashes) in a small kist 
(24X15X12 ins.). 

and Polkinghorne (B. C.) Holed 

stone at Kerrow, St Just-in-Penwith, 
Cornwall. (Ibid., 29-30.) Note on 
discovery in 1907 of a circular slab of 
granite with a cylindrical hole (appar- 
ently worked with iron tools) in the 
center, some 8 inches deep and 8 inches 
in diameter, the slab being 12-14 inches 
thick and 48 inches in diameter. Under- 
neath was much wood charcoal but no 
bones. The hollow may have been 
"a receptacle for cremated bones, if 
not for a small urn." 

Kinnaman (J. O.) The transformation 
of Roman monuments. (Amer. Antiq., 
Salem, Mass., 19 10, xxxii, 3-26, 4 
fgs.) Treats of the House of Vestals 
(became state property in 394 A. D.), 
.the Senate House (rededicated as a 
new building in 29 B. C; converted 
into two churches in the 7th century 
A. D.), the "Augustan group" on the 
Palatine (general neglect began with 
transfer of government to Constanti- 
nople; art treasurers soon scattered), 
destruction and filling up of the aque- 
ducts, the Circus, etc. 

Kirchner (V'.) Einchristlicher Warnungs- 
brief. (Z. d. V. f. \'olksk., 1910, xx, 61- 
66, 2 fgs.) Rejjrochiccs with exi)lana- 
tory notes a "warning letter," printed in 
1850 at Frankfurt a. M., and of ortho- 
dox Christian origin and import. The 
letter is directed: "An dich und mich 
und alle Menschen." 

Klaatsch (H.) Die Aurignac-Rasse und 
ihrc Stellung im Stammbaum der 
Menschheit. (Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 
i9io,XLii,si3-S77,3pl.. 46fgs.) Treats 
in detail of the osseous remains of the 
"race" of Aurignac {Homo Aitrignacen- 
sis Ilauseri), represented by the skele- 
ton found in the lower Aurignacian of 
the "station of Combe-Capelle near 
Montfcrrand in Pc'rigord. .Skull, hu- 
nuTus. ulna, and radius, tibia and femur, 
etc., are studied and compared with 
those of other human races and the 
anthropoids. According to K., "the 
Aurignac species and the Ncandertal 
species arc as difTerent from each tithcr 
as the Orang and (jorilla." Paleolithic 
races may l)e intermediate forms and 
nf)l niixcil types of these. The Galley 



64 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



Hill skeleton of all paleolithic finds most 
resembles the H. Aurignacensis. The 
dolichocephalic Teutonic races may be 
descendants of the //. A., thus settling 
the Aryan question against a late "In- 
do-Germanic" immigration, and prov- 
ing continuity of the dolichocephalics in 
Europe. K. believes in a gorilloid 
relationship of the Neandcrtal man 
(also Le Moustier, La Chapelle-aux- 
Saints, etc.), and an orangoid affinity 
of the Aurignac man; gibbonoid affini- 
ties appear in the Pilhecanlhropus and 
the Homo Heidclbergensis. A scheme 
of the origin and distribution of the 
human races and anthropoids (exclusion 
of gibbonoids and anthropoids) is given 
on p. 567, in which the Aurignac man is 
assigned an Asiatic provenance. K. 
accepts the view of the development of 
the taller races from pigmoid forms. 

M. Hauser (O.) Homo Aurignacen- 
sis Hauseri, ein palaolithischer Skelet- 
fund aus dem unteren Aurignacien der 
Station Combe-Capelle bei Montfer- 
rand Pcrigord. (Priihistor. Ztschr., 
1910, 1, 273-338, II pi.) Gives account 
of discovery of the "Aurignac man" in 
August, 1909. See previous title. 

Klapper (J.) Schlesische Sprichworter 
des Mittelalters. (Mitt. d. schles. 
Ges. g. Volksk., Breslau, 1910, xii, 77- 
109.) Cites from Latin Mss. of Ser- 
mons of the 14th and 15th centuries 
454 specimens of Silesian proverbs 
(arranged alphabetically under catch- 
words), some in Latin only. In these 
proverbs are revealed a healthy egoism, 
self-limitation, and a sense of the indi- 
vidual's relations to the whole. 

' Die schlcsischen Geschichten von 

den schiidigcnden Toten. (Ibid., 1909, 
XI, 59-94.) Pages 59-70 treat of 
the vampire idea (the numerous varie- 
ties are briefly considered), form, 
nature, etc., of these "monsters"; pages 
71-94 deal with Silesian tales of the 
harmful and injurious dead; upiors, 
misbirths, ghosts of suicides, witches 
and others, incubi, nightmares, etc. 
Beheading or mutilating corpses was 
practiced to prevent the return of the 
dangerous dead. 

Eine Weltchronik des ausgehenden 

Mittelalters. (Ibid., 119-141.) Treats 
of the world-chronicle of Johannes von 
Hagcn (a Carthusian monk) dating 
from 1468, and forming pages 1x5-225 
of Ms. IV. F. 54 of the Royal and Uni- 
versity Library in Breslau. Numerous 



mythological and folk-lore items are 
cited from this chronicle, e. g. legends 
of Alexander, Charlemagne, etc., and 
folk-lore data concerning witches, 
demons, dreams, ghosts, "black Greta," 
etc. 

Korff (Alletta) Where women vote. 
(Nat. Geogr. Mag., Wash., 1910, xxi, 
487-493.) Discusses effects of woman's 
suffrage in Finland, — conditions of 
women improved, etc. 

Notes on Finland. (Ibid., 493- 

494.) Calls attention to present 
nationalistic movement for replacing 
Swedish with Finnish; Finns of pure 
stock are now prominent in political 
and academic life. 

Krause (P. G.) u. Krause (E.) Uber 
Quartzit-Eolithe im Lossgebiet von 
AUrath im Rheinland. (Z. f. Ethnol., 
Berlin, 1910, XLii, 586-597, i fg.) 
Treats of quartzite eoliths (Miocene) 
from two places W. of Allrath. The 
finds here are Flenusian, to judge from 
the other evidences. 

Kiihnau (R.) Schlesische Flurumziige, 
besonders das Saatenreiten. (Mitt. d. 
schles. Ges. f. Volksk., Breslau, 1909, 
XI, 173-186.) Treats of the custom 
of marching around the fields between 
Easter and Whitsuntide, etc., in 
various parts of Silesia, now and form- 
erly: on foot (Glatz, Jauernig, etc.), 
on horseback ("the King's riding" in 
Austrian Silesia; also "Easter riding," 
"Seed riding," etc., in Neiss, Lausatia, 
Frankenstein, etc.). The circuiting in 
vogue at Schonwalde, near Franken- 
stein (pp. 181-186) is notable in 
several ways and is shared in by the 
whole community. 

Kupka (P.) Uber eine neue spiitneolith- 
ische Kultur aus der Altmark. (Z. f. 
Ethnol., Berlin, 1910, XLii, 601.) 
Note on finds at Neuhaldcnsleben, 
Schonfeld und Gr.-Ellingen, represent- 
ing a new late-neolithic culture (pot- 
tery ornamentation, etc.) for Altmark. 

Lang (A.) Method and Minotaur. 
(Folk-Lore, Lond., 1910, XXI, 132-146.) 
Discusses the "bull-headed, bull-hoofed 
and bull-tailed man-monster, the Mino- 
taur" in ancient Greek mythology, 
etc. According to L., "the Attic 
Theseus story is but a world-wide 
tnarchcn, colored, probably by a mem- 
ory of the sports in the bull-ring (at 
which captives may have been the 
performers), and perhaps by repre- 
sentations in art of men with bovine 



Periodical Literature 



6.S 



heads." The only possible historic 
fact in the myth is the sending of 
Attic captives into the Cretan bull- 
ring, — "the rest of the myth is a com- 
mon mdrchen localized." There is no 
proof of human sacrifices in Crete in 
prehistoric times. The bull-headed 
monster is only one of many fantastic 
and grotesque figures in Cretan art, 
and not confined to it (cf. Elam ca. 
3,000 B. C). For the story of con- 
flicts with the Minotaur, "we have no 
evidence beyond the Athenian adapta- 
tion of the mdrchen of the Lad, the 
Giant (or Elephant), and the Giant's 
Daughter to the names of Theseus, 
Minos, and Ariadne." The view that 
the Minotaur was the king or prince 
of Knossos (=god), masked as a bull 
and fighting every nine years for his 
life and his rights, or being butchered 
in a cave, has no standing. 

"Sex-totems" in England. (An- 

thropos, St Gabriel-Modling, 1909, 
IV, 1095-1096.) According to L., in 
medieval England, the holly-tree was the 
sex-totem of the men, the ivy-lree that 
of the women. To the killing of the 
men's emu-wren by the women of the 
Australian Kurnai, correponds "the 
Kentish custom by which the lads 
steal the 'ivy lass' of the girls, the girls 
steal the 'holly lad' of the boys." 

Lattes ( — ) A che punto siamo colla 
quistione della lingua Etrusca? (Rend. 
K. Inst. Lomb., Milano, 1910, S., 11, 
XLiir, 157-160.) Resumes recent 
studies of the Etruscan language. 
Three important facta suggest Aryan 
relationship (identity of Etruscan 
proper names with Latin, Etruscan 
rule in Rome, Latinity of Tuscan speech 
to-day). See the author's more de- 
tailed article in Atene e Roma. 

Lauffer (O.) Neue Forschungcn Qber 
die ;iu3scren Denkmiiler dcr <leutschen 
\'olkskundc: volkstilmlichon Ilausi>au 
und (jeriit, Tracht und Baucrnkunst. 
(Z. d. V'er. f. Volkak., Berlin, 1910, 
XX, 100-107). Treats of recent lit- 
erature on the various types of German 
houses, furniture, costume, folk-art, 
etc. Among the chief works noted are: 
W. Pessler's Ihts ultsdchsische liaitcrn- 
haus f Braunschwg., 1906). treating of 
the Old Saxon house and its geographic- 
al distribution, and wveral periodical 
artirlcs by the same author. 

Laville (A.) Silex tailirs des Kraviers do 
fond rappelant les types neolithiques. 

VOL. XXIV. — NO. 91. — 5 



(Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de Paris, 1910, 
vi"-s., I, 152-155, 7 fgs.) Describes two 
quaternary flints from gravel and sand 
pits at Eragny and Cergy, resembling 
neolithic types of Pressigny, etc.; also 
several other specimens of Chellean, 
Mousterian, Magdalenian, etc. The 
crown of an upper molar of Equus 
Sle7ionis was also found at Cergy, 
with teeth of other animals. 

R^peangulairencolithique. (Ibid., 

63-64, 3 fgs.) Notes on an angular 
neolithic "rasp" described by M. 
Fremont. This sort of implement 
replaced the earlier "coup de poing." 

Le climat chaud presume du 

pleistocene. (Ibid., 64-68.) From 
study of animal remains, human arte- 
facts, etc., at Cergy, Creteil, Chelles, 
the valley of the Bi^vre, etc., L. con- 
cludes that the commonly accepted 
classification and ideas about the 
climatology of the periods of the 
quaternary deposits of this region are 
not justified. Probably a temperature 
neither absolutely cold nor absolutely 
warm existed at the Chellean epoch. 

Trace de rapage? sur bois, de cerf 

prehistorique. (Ibid., 1909, v' s., x, 
57.) Brief note on a fragment of deer- 
horn from the bronze-age "dopdt" of 
Villeneuve-Triage showing marks of 
having been rasped by a stone im- 
plement. 

Les gisements prohistoriques des 

berges de Villeneuve- Saint-Georges. 
(Ibid., 243-258, 29 fgs.) Lists and 
describes 87 objects (flint implements, 
pieces of pottery, teeth and other 
human remains, animal bones, shells), 
several hearths, etc., from deposits of 
the neolithic age, first explored in 1865 
by M. Roujove and by L. in 1876, and 
from 1880 to the present time. 

Lewalter (J.) Drum Brilder, stosst die 
(jliiser an: Es lebe der Reservemann! 
(Z. d. Ver. f. Volksk., Berlin. loio. xx, 
207-209.) Text and music, with 
bibliographical notes. The melody 
conies from F. B^rat's "Ma Normandie, 
borrowed by some German soldier 
before 1865 (Bi'rat lived 1800-1855). 
In a foot-note J. Bolte point.s out that 
Brrat's nu-lody had already been in- 
troduccil into Germany in 1842 by 
F. .SilcluT, to a German version of the 
text by A. Keller. 

Lewis (A. L.) Some stone circles In 
Ireland. (J. Roy. Anthr. Inst., Lond.. 
1909, XXXIX, 5 1 7-529, 5 fgs.) Treats 



66 



Journal oj American Folk-Lore 



of circles in the Lough Gur region, 
near Limerick, where such were once 
very numerous, — stone and earth 
circles, rings, lines of stones, standing 
stones, "giants' graves," circular walls, 
dolmens, etc. See also Amer. Anliq., 
iQio, XXXII. 50-51. 

Lindenstruth (W.) Zum Kometenglaub- 
en. (Hess. Bl. f. V'olksk., Lpzg., 
1910, IX, 198-199.) Cites the edict for 
a day of penance issued by the author- 
ities of the village of Busseckerthall, 
the 7th of January 1619, on account of 
the appearance of a comet at the close 
of the previous year. 

Die Ortsnamcn Bramaren und 

Beuern. (Ibid., 195-198.) Shows 
that linguistically these words are not 
identical and must denote different 
places. 

Livi (R.) ^ L'esclavage domestique au 
Moyen Age et son importance en an- 
thropologic. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de 
Paris, 1910, vi" s., i, 438-447.) Treats 
of domestic slavery in the Middle 
Ages and its anthropological impor- 
tance. Adds to previous articles on this 
topic (see Amer. Anlhrop., 1909, n. s., 
XI, 718), facts concerning France 1338- 
1456, — purchase, sale, manumission 
of slaves. 

Lohmeyer (K.) Der Pfingstquak in der 
Saargegend (Z. d. Ver. f. \'olksk., 
Berlin, 1910, xx, 399-401.) Treats 
of the "Quak riding" and singing by 
young people in search of eggs from 
house to house at Whitsuntide in the 
Saar region about i860: Duchveilcr, 
Waldhamljach, Hirzweiler, Ottwcilcr, 
Fechingen, etc., and in St Ingbcrt 
outside of Saarland. In some of the 
villages "Quacken" on foot continued 
till late in the 19th century. In 
Ettingen on Whit Sunday even now a 
boy acts as "Neschquack." 

Lowak (A.) Drei Dramen mit Verwcn- 
dung der schlesischen Mundart aus 
den Jahre 1618. (Mitt. d. schles. 
Ges. f. Volksk., 1909, xi, 141-173.) 
Gives parts of the Silesian dialect texts 
of three plays published at Wittenberg 
in 1618, the author being Rev. Mar- 
tinus Bohemus (1557-1622) of Lauban. 
The peasant parts in these plays are 
in dialect. The plays are: " Acolasttts; 
Eine Lustige Comocdia vom verlorencn 
Sohnc"; "Eine Schcine Comocdia vom 
Alien unnd Jungcn Tobia"; Tragico- 
moedia. Ein Sch5n Tcutsch Spiel vom 
Holoferne und der Judilh." 



Luquet (G. H.) Sur la signification des 
pctroglyphes des megalithes bretons. 
(R. de r£c. d'Anthr. de Paris, 1910, 
XX, 348-352, 17 fgs.). Second part. 
Treats of pcdiform and pectiniform 
signs. According to L. the pediform 
sign is often "the schematization of 
the frontal line, either directly or by 
way of the jugiform sign." A similar 
origin is proposed for the pectiniform 
sign, — here the vertical lines represent 
the hairs of the eyebrows. 

Sur les caractSres des figures 

humaines dans I'art paleolithique. 
(L'Anthropologie, Paris, 1910, xxi, 
409-423, 24 fgs.) Treats of the char- 
acteristics of paleolithic figures of 
human beings (grottos of Altamira, 
Combarelles, Mas d'Azil, Marsoulas, 
Laugerie-Basse, etc.) compared with 
modern graffiti and the drawings of 
children. After discussing the theory 
that these "anthropomorphic" figures 
represent "sorcerers" or "medicine 
men" of a primitive sort, L. argues 
that the people capable of drawing as 
the paleolithic artists did good heads 
of animals on animals, would not, if 
they intended to put animals' heads on 
human beings, make such poor ones 
as occur on these figures. Hence, they 
must have been trying to draw human 
beings, a field of art in which they 
as yet, like children, were novices. 
But with children drawing evolves 
inversely from the way it does with 
prehistoric man, "not from animals to 
man, but from man to animals." With 
the cliild, in many cases, its first animals 
are horizontal human beings; for pre- 
historic man human beings are animals 
set up vertically. This accounts for 
certain peculiarities of the human 
figure in ijalcolithic art, — "men drawn 
as C|uadrui)cds to begin with have not 
yet c|iiite ceased to be such. 

MacAulifife (L.) cl Thooris (— ). Men- 
suration coinparoe des pavilions auric- 
ulaircs de 100 soldats du 104"^ regiment 
d'infantcrie et de 100 alienes, 6pilep- 
tiques et idiots. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. 
de Paris, 1910, vi* s., i, 62-63.) Gives 
results of measurement of ears of 100 
soldiers and 100 lunatics, epileptics, and 
idiots. The percentage of ears of 
equal length was: soldiers 35, abnormals 
20; right car longer than left, 23, 44; 
left car longer 42, 36. 

Machoire de Heidelberg (Ibid., 1909, 
v'' s., X, 57-61.) Discussion by MM. 



Periodical Literature 



67 



Manouvrier, de Mortillet, Regnault, 
etc., on the jaw bone of the Homo 
Heidelbergensis. M. Manouvrier objected 
to its recognition as belonging to a new 
species, and M. de Mortillet thought it 
was only an exaggerated form of the 
Spy-Xeandertal type. See Siffre (A.) 

Maeterlinck (L.) Le R61e comique du 
Demon dans les Mystdres flamands. 
(Mercure de France, Paris, 1910, 
Lxxxvii, 385-406.) Treats of the 
comic r61e of devils and imps in the 
old Flemish mystery-plays, — the de- 
mons were made to serve the part of 
the modern circus-clown, their dress, 
conversation, etc., being constituted 
to that end. On this subject see 
further Dr P. H. van Moerkerke's 
De Satire in de nederlandscheu Kunst 
der Middeleeuwen (Amsterdam, 1904). 
l>i\.z.GtQT\\nck'sGenresalirique,fantastique 
et licencieux dans la sculpture flamande 
et wallonne (Paris, 1910). 

Mangier (L.) Zweigeistliche Lieder aus 
den Odenwalde. (Z. d. V. f. Volksk.. 
Berlin, 1910, xx, 401-403.) Text and 
music of two spiritual songs, heard by 
the author as a boy from the wife of a 
forester of Buchen in the Baden 
Odenwald: "Sankt Katharina," and 
"Die arme Seele"; the first is in Erk- 
Boehme's Liederhort, Xo. 21 16; the 
other corresponds to 217a of the same 
collection. 

Mankowski (H.) Die Adventskurrende 
uml die Jutrznia in Masuren. (Ibid., 
326-327.) Notes on advent customs of 
the Masures of Sensburg 40 years ago, 
particularly ihe jutrznia (dawn) singing, 
etc. 

Manouvier (L.) Les cauterisations i 
I'epoque ncolithique. (Bull. Soc. 
d'.Anthr. de Paris, 1910, vi'" s., i, 530.) 
Note affirming, from evidences on the 
skulls in the Broca Museum, the ex- 
istence of cauterizations in the neolithic 
pcrio<l, — the marks were earlier termed 
by M. "the sincipital T." 

La Societe d'AnthropoIogie de 

Paris dcpuis sa fondation 1859-1909. 
(Ibid., 305-328) History of the Soci- 
ety by the General Secretary. Of 
the founders of the Society 16 out of 
19 were physicians; in 1861 the pro- 
portion was 73 f)Ut of 91 ; the average for 
the 50 years is 5t.6 per cent.; out of 
its 1 102 ordinary French members 
4q6 were physicians in civil life. 56 
army and 57 naval physicians. But the 
Society has always had representatives 



of other sciences, from mathematics 
and physics to history. Paleoeth- 
nology and prehistoric archeology have 
largely grown up with the Society. 
Its publications, exclusive of laboratory 
manuals and guides for travelers and 
investigators, etc.. number 62 volumes, 
the contents of which cover all fields 
of anthropological research. Dr M. 
defines anthropology as "the study of 
the differences of all sorts concerning 
human beings" (p. 328). 

Note sur les debris humains du 

dolmen de Barbeh^e, Gironde. (Ibid.. 
1909, v"^ s., X, 135-141.) Describes, 
with some measurements, an incomplete 
female skull (index 74), fragments of 
6 male and 2 female femurs, two male 
and one female tibias, from the dolmen 
of Barbehfire at Potensac. One of the 
femurs shows dislocation of the hip 
(congenital), and in the discussion Dr 
M. Baudouin cited several examples 
from caves, dolmens, and Gallo-Roman 
graves of pelvic bones (whole and frag- 
mentary) indicating such dislocation, etc. 

Martian (J.) Archaologisch-priihistor- 
isches Repertorium fiir Siebenbiirgen. 
(Mitt. d. Anthrop. Ges. in Wien, 1909, 
XXXIX, 321-358, I fg.) Alphabetical 
list of 769 localities in Transylvania of 
archeological prehistorical interest, with 
indication of remains found; also biblio- 
graphy of 195 titles and list of more 
important sorts of objects, remains, 
etc., with reference to place where 
found. This valuable adjunct to re- 
search might well be imitated in 
America. 

Mascarauz (F.) La grotte Saint-Michel 
d'Arudy (Basses-Pyrenees, fouillesdans 
une station magdalenicnnc. (R. de 
I'Ec. d'Anthr. de Paris, 1910, xx, 
357-378, 21 fgs.) Treats of the ex- 
plorations (begun in 1888) of the grotto 
of Saint Michel d'Arudy and the finds 
there made: flints, bone and horn 
implements (arrow and spear points, 
piercers, needles, harjioons. b&lons.) 
pieces of horn and bone with figures of 
animals, etc., carved upon them, 
ornaments, etc. According to M. this 
"station" (Magdalenian) "belongs to 
that phase of artistic evolution com- 
prehending the close of the C-pofjuc 
hippiqiiicnnr" and the "t'lwquc rangi- 
ferienne" (Piettc). The objects found 
at the grotto of .'^aint Michel have been 
figured in K. Pictte's I' \it t'ru.lant 
I'dge du renne (1907). 



68 



JoiiruaJ of American Folk-Lore 



Mather ([•. J.. Jr) The evil eye. 
(Century. N. Y., 1910. Lxxx. 42-47. 
6 fgs.) Treats of the "evil eye" in Italy 
and the charms and amulets against 
it. Among those said to have had the 
"evil eye" were Pope Pius IX and a 
recent prime minister. 

Meier (J.) Geschichte einer modernen 
\olksliedes. (Schw. Arch. f. V'olksk., 
Basel, 1909, XIII, 241-270.) Discusses 
the history of the modern folk-song 
"Es gieng einmal ein verliebtes Paar 
Im griinen Wald spazieren," cited from 
Wiggertal and the Hinterland of Lu- 
cerne by Gassmann, gives numerous 
examples of shorter and longer versions, 
etc. The original song emphasizes the 
final bliss and sanctity of the couple. 
The original metric form was the 8-lined 
strophe. The melody is for the most 
part not old. See also, Gassmann 
(A. L.) Das Volkslied im Luzerner 
Wiggertal und Hinterland (Basel, 1906). 

Menghin (O.) Ein Weihnachtszelten- 
spiel aus Tirol. (Z. d. \'er. f. Volksk., 
Berlin, 1910, xx, 387-394.) Gives 
dialect text (258 lines and music) of a 
Christmas folk-play of the Tirol 
recorded from the dictation of a 73 
year old man, who had taken part in its 
presentation, when a youth. The 
IVcihnachtszcll is furnished to foreign- 
ers during the whole year as "Tirolese 
fruit bread." These little plays 
originate in the poorer people seeking 
by their presentation to obtain this 
"festal food" from the richer. 

Meyer (A. O.) Einiges iiber den italie- 
nischen V'olkscharakter. (Mitt. d. 
schles. Ges. f. Volksk., Breslau, 1909, 
XI, 1-37.) Interesting folk-psycho- 
logical study of the Italian people. 
The keynote is pazicnza with which 
goes failure to appreciate the value of 
time, but also courtesy, child-likeness, 
joie de vivre (Lebenslust), social tact, 
indifference to the world outside, no 
"tourist-sense," feeling for nature not 
absent (past and present prove this), 
artistic in pose and movement and in 
language, unlovely aspects of business 
and the market, lack of sound business 
sense, red tape and bureaucracy, 
national feeling, I)ut almost no slate 
feeling. 

Mielert (E.) Die Insel Korsika. (Glo- 
bus, Brnschwg., 1910, xcviii, 56-62, 
69-74, 85-90, 21 fgs.) Contains notes 
on the people and their culture, oc- 
cupations, etc.: Banditism, vendetta. 



hospitality, clothing, food, various 
towns, etc., houses, etc. 

Carrara und sein Marmor. (Ibid., 

1910, xcvii, 293-299, 7 fgs.) Treats 
of Carrara and its famous marble- 
quarries, the workmen, etc.; method of 
transportation; use and workings of 
the material. 

Mielke (R.) Uber die Aufnahme der 
Getreidepuppen. (Mitt. d. Verb, 
deutschen Ver. f. Volksk., 1909, 
Nr. 10, 6-8.) Notes on "Getreide- 
puppen" ("corn maidens," "last 
sheafs"), — the author's collection, from 
more than 100 places, represents all 
Germany; their names, the number of 
sheaves (sometimes 30), and con- 
stituents other than grain (e. g. clover, 
lucern, etc.), shape and form, etc. 

Mochi (A.) Per un "Atlante Antro- 
pologico deiritalia. (A. p. I'Antrop., 
Firenze, 1909, xxxix, 257-264.) Dis- 
cusses and approves the proposal for 
an anthropological atlas of Italy made 
by Prof. F. Frassetto, of the University 
of Bologna, at the meeting of the Italian 
Association for the Advancement of 
Science. At the meeting of Italian 
anthropologists at Padua in September, 
1909, a committee (Mantegazza, Sergi, 
Tedeschi, Frassetto, Giuffrida-Ruggeri 
and Pulle) was appointed to further 
the project. 

Les institutions et les etudes 

anthropologiques en Italic. Histoire 
et etat actuel. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. 
de Paris, 1910, vi* s., i, 376-392.) 
Good resume of Italian anthropological 
activities (Nicolucci in 1858 published 
a book on human races; in 1871 the 
Italian Anthropological Society was 
founded; in 1870 Mantegazza was made 
Professor of Anthropologj' at the Royal 
Institute of Higher Studies in Florence 
and the National Anthropological and 
Ethnological Museum established in 
that city, the ethnographic section of 
this Museum now contains 16,000 
specimens, the anthropological section 
proper, some 5,000; in connection with 
the Museum, an anthropometric labor- 
atory was established in 1901; in 1907 
a Museum of Italian Ethnography 
was founded at Florence). Partial 
university courses in anthropology 
began as early as 1869 at Pisa,— since 
then, Bologna, Naples (1880), Rome 
(1884), Padua (1898), the three last 
having chairs, assistants, laboratories, 
etc. The activities of the Anthro- 



Periodical Literature 



69 



pological Society, the labors of Colini, 
De Michelis. Pitrc, Pigorini (with the 
BoUetlino de Palelnologia Ilaliana 
since 1871), the physical anthropolog- 
ical researches of Livi, Pagliani, 
Riccardo, Maggi, etc.; Mantegazza 
and the Archivio per I' Antropologia, 
Sergi and his descriptive craniological 
system; the criminal anthropological 
school of Lombroso and its criticisms 
by Mantegazza, Tanzi, etc.; the 
evolutionistic doctrines of Morselli; 
the neo-evolutionist contributions of 
Giuffrida-Ruggeri, etc. 

Montane (L.) Rapport sur I'etat des 
sciences anthropologiques a Cuba. 
(Ibid., 370-375.) Treats of anthro- 
pology in Cuba, which goes back to 
the time of M. R. Ferrer's Naliiraleza 
de la grandiosa isla de Cuba, — he was 
sent to Cuba from Madrid in 1847; the 
Cuban Anthropological Society, found- 
ed in 1877; the chair of Anthropology 
in the University of Havana, founded 
in 1899, the first in Latin America; the 
Anthropological Museum, founded in 
1880, and in 1905 re-named the Mon- 
tane Museum. On pages 373-375 are 
given the list of lectures offered in 
anthropology. 

Montelius (O.) The sun-god's axe and 
Thor's Hammer. (Folk-Lore, Lond., 
1910, XXI, 60-78, 6 pi. with 30 fgs.) 
Produces evidence (Indra with his axe, 
the lightning; Assyrian deities with axe 
and thunderbolt in hand, Zeus Lab- 
randeus with the double-axe; the 
ancient Cretan double-axe; double-axe 
of Asia Minor and of the Syrian deities; 
the double-axe symbols of the European 
bronze age. etc.; the axe of the Thracian 
sun-god and tiie mallet of Heracles; the 
sun and thunfler deities of Gauls, 
Slavonians. Lithuanians, Teutons and 
Scandinavians with axe and hammer in 
hanrl, — the hammer of Thor is dis- 
cussed particularly on pages 70-78). 
Dr M. concludes that the idea of Thor's 
hammer is not peculiar to the Scandin- 
avians, for "the god of the sun and 
that of thunfler were originally one 
and the same gixl. and from time out of 
mind and by widely dilTcrent peoples 
the axe has been considered as the 
sun-god's weapon, and amongst cer- 
tain peoples it became a hammer." 

Moser (L. K.) Alte und ncuc priihis- 
torische Karsthohlenfunde von Nab- 
resina. (Globus. Brnschwg.. 191 o. 
xcvii. 372-378, 23 fgs.) Treats of 



the finds of prehistoric objects (flints 
and implements of like material, horn 
and bone with human and animal 
figures, stone hammer, obsidian arte- 
facts, animal and human bones, pottery 
painted and ornamented, etc., in the 
"Karst" caves of Nabresina, above 
Triest. The lowest strata belong to 
the paleolithic period; the ash-layers 
above these are neolithic. The human 
figure incised on bone belongs to the 
lowest culture-stratum. Interesting 
also is the figure of a tortoise on a piece 
of bone. The pottery is relatively 
well developed. Some of the ceramic 
ornamentation suggests Mycenae. 

Mosher (A. M.) A singer of folk-lore. 
(Century, N. Y., 1910, lxxx, 18-23, 
4 fgs.) Treats of the life and character 
of Marc'harit F"ulup, recently dead, 
"the last of the old-time popular singers 
of Brittany," whose name is linked 
with those of Luzel and Le Braz. The 
author's personal visit to the singer is 
described. 

de Mot (J.) The devil-fish in ancient 
art. (Rec. of Past, Wash., 1910, ix, 
276-278, I fg.) Notes devil-fish in 
Mycenean art (e. g. on a vase from 
Rhodes). This creature then, as now, 
was an important source of food, and 
furnished to the art of the Egean 
Archipelago some characteristic images. 
Translated by H. M. Wright from the 
original article in Bull. d. Miis. Roy. d. 
Arts Decor, el Indtislr. (Bruxelles), 
April, 1907. 

Neckel (G.) Die altisliindische Saga. 
(Mitt. d. schles. Ges. f. V'olksk., Bres- 
lau, 1909, XI, 38-52.) Treats of the 
history and character of the Old Ice- 
landic saga. Varieties of the saga: 
Fornaldarsogtir, tales of the period be- 
fore the settlement (ca. 900 A.D.) of 
Iceland; Konunga sognr, biographies 
of Old Norse Kings, particularly St 
Olaf (d. 1030 A.D.); tslendinga sdgur, 
tales of Iceland. The oldest Saga- 
Mss. date from ca. 1300. Oral tale 
and written tale are not always the 
same. An important element of the 
saga was local tradition. History, 
tradition, and literary invention are to 
be distinguishetl. The saga-account 
can be controlled by other sources 
(cf. Jessen's treatment of the Kgilssaga), 
wander-fables disguised may be dis- 
covered (e. g. the episode of the dying 
Arab in the X'iga-Ciliimssaga). the 
styli/ing tradition betrays itself (cf. in 



70 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



the tale of F16ki), dimmed tradition 
often appears (e. g. in the "Icelandic 
sagas)," interpolated strophes occur 
(e. g. in the first part of the Njalssaga) 
often much later than the rest of the 
material. The life of Icelanders in 
the saga-age resembled much that of 
the Teutons of the Merovingian period. 
Nestle (E.) Inschriften auf dem Schen- 
kel. (Berliner Philol. Wchnschr., 
1910, XXX, 1398-1399.) Cites ex- 
amples of inscriptions on the thigh 
(statue of Apollo, figure of horse, wolf, 
Etruscan statue from Martha) in 
Greek and Roman antiquity. Apu- 
leius in his De Magia notes as religiously 
harmless the practice of marking 
statues on the thigh. 

Nippgen (J.) La langue primitive des 
Lapons d'apres K.-B. Wiklund. (Bull. 
Soc. d'Anthr. de Paris, 1909, v" s., x, 
198-210.) Resumes K. B. Wiklund's 
Entwurf einer urlappischen Laullehre 
published in the Memoirs of the Finno- 
Ugrian Society for 1896: Data for our 
knowledge of pro-Lapp and pro- 
Finnish; primitive home and period of 
pro-Lapp; Lithuanian loan-words in 
Lapp, Lithuanian loan-words via Fin- 
nish in the pre-Lapp period; Slav loan 
words in Lapp in the pro-Lapp period. 
W. concludes: The pro-Lapp is practic- 
ally identical with an ancient stage of 
the pro-Finnish. The primitive tongue 
out of which grew both pro-Lapp and 
pro-Finnish is much older than that 
from which have been derived the 
various modern Finnish languages. 
See Zaborowski (S.) 

Olbrich (K.) Literatur and Volkskunde. 
(Mitt. d. schles. Ges. f. Volksk., Bres- 
lau, 1909, XI, 54-56.) Notes on novel 
and folk-lore (a fine example is W. 
Meinhold's Bernsteinhexe, 1843) and 
the cat in literature and folk-belief. 
The latter is illustrated in Dr F. Lepp- 
mann's Kalcr Murr und seine Sippe 
(Miinchen, 1908). 

Was die Grossmutter singt. 

(Ibid., 103-110.) Cites numerous 
items from the folk-song repertory of an 
aged lady in Breslau and refers to 
corresponding songs in Erck-Boehme 
and Hoffmann von Fallersleben — 
Richter: Rittcr und Magd, Die Schenk- 
dirne, Die Verlassene, Oderschiffer- 
lied, Meuchclmord der Geliebten, 
Der treue Husar, Die Gartnerfrau, 
Der eifersiichtige Knabe, Der Deser- 
teur. 



Ostergiessen auf Schloss Lubowitz, 

1804. (Ibid., iio-iii.) Cites from 
Eichendorff's Tagcbiichaiif:icichnungen 
a brief account of the "Ostergiessen" as 
practiced April 2, 1804. 
Olrik (A.) Wettermachen und Neujahrs- 
mond im Norden. (Z. d. Ver. f. 
Volksk., Berlin, 1910, xx, 57-61.) 
Cites items concerning "weather-mak- 
ing" in Denmark from H. Feilberg and 
E. T. Kristensen, and other folk-lore 
evidence as to the ancient conception 
of the first moon of the year as a "king 
and lord," the relation of the month- 
names to the visible periods of the 
moon; the distribution of the months 
(January for men, February for women, 
March for youths, April for girls, 
Alay for boys, etc.). The merry 
"weather-making" in Iceland and 
Denmark goes back to the old adora- 
tion of the new moon. 
Parmalee (G.) The coilTure of Roman 
women as shown on portrait busts and 
statues. (Rec. of Past, Wash., 1910, 
IX, 167-176, 4 pi., 2 fgs.) Describes 
briefly 8 types (late Republic, early Em- 
pire, Flavian, "Matidia," "Faustina," 
"Lucilla," "Julia Domna," and type of 
Illd centry A. D.), and the fixed tj-pe of 
the Vestal Virgins. Though hairpins 
were used, and combs also, they are 
not represented on the statues, etc. 
Ovid made sport of the infinite varieties 
of coiffure during the period of the 
early Emjiire. 
Pastor (W.) Die Megalithcn. (Z. f. 
Ethnol., Berlin, 1910, xlii, 601-606.) 
Notes on dolmens, passage-graves, 
stone-circles, "troy-towns," etc. Stone- 
henge represents "a brilliant renaissance 
of the earlier cult suppressed by the 
cult of the dead which came in from 
the South toward the end of the later 
stone age." The sun-cult was a 
profluct of the North. In the discus- 
sion (604-605), E. v. Baelz called at- 
tention to the mcgalithic area in Japan, 
where such monuments occur in several 
places. Hr. Schuchardt emphasizes 
the distinction between graves and 
sanctuaries. 
Patiri (G.) Le corna emblematiche in 
uso sin dall'eta paleolitica. (A. p. 
I'Antrop., Firenze, 1909, xxxix, 230- 
243, I pi.) Discusses emblematic 
horns, etc., and their use since the 
paleolithic period. Prof. P. thinks 
that "primitive man, in the midst of 
the virgin forests, a terrified spectator 



Periodical Literature 



71 



of the jealous and tremendous combats 
of the Bos primigeriius, could attribute 
mysterious energies and inexplicable 
powers ... to these powerful bovine 
quadrupeds," and he was struck by the 
horns of the creatures, to which he 
attributed all the strength and valor 
displayed in the fight. As a symbol of 
physical force the horns became asso- 
ciated with religion (on the altar, etc.), 
were regarded as prophylactic against 
the "evil eye," etc. Many pierres- 
figures are "horns." 

Patschovsky (W.) Volkstumliche Zim- 
mer-, Garten-, Fold- und Waldpflanzen 
im Liebauer Tale. (Mitt. d. schles. 
Ges. f. Volksk., Breslau, 1909, xi, 
186-203.) Lists with indication of 
uses, etc., 26 house-plants, various 
garden-plants, a number of kitchen- 
plants, 28 ornamental plants, some 60 
plants used in folk-medicine, etc., be- 
sides a dozen more medical plants from 
the woods. 

Peter ( — ) Unsere Pfianzen in Sage 
und Aberglauben. (Korr.-Bl. d. Ges. 
f. Anthrop., Brnschwg., 1909, xl, 
47~S5) Treats of German folk-lore 
of plants, — peculiarities of form and 
color, doctrine of signatures, folk- 
medicine, peculiarly formed plants 
and superstitions connected there- 
with, mistletoe, hazel, divining rod, 
etc. 

Pfeiffer (L.) Beitrag zur Kenntnis 
der steinzeitlichen Korbflcchterci. 
(Ztschr. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1910, xlii, 
369-380, I fg.) Treats of basketry in 
the stone age: Raw material; hut- 
lining; the "bender" (traced back from 
the steel implement of to-day to the 
bone or horn ones of the stone age, — 
the so-called bAlons de commandcmenl 
may have been such "benders"); trim- 
ming-knife (those of flints widespread 
in neolithic Europe); clamps, si)litters, 
stretchers, etc., of modern basket- 
makers, and their neolithic represen- 
tatives, flint scrapers (used rather in 
basketry tlian as polishers for spear 
and arrow-iicads). 

Pittard (K.) Rapport. (Bull. Soc. d' 
Anthr. de Paris, 1910, vi" s., i, 407- 
409.) Notes on condition of anthro- 
pology in Switzerland (the work of the 
Geneva National Institute of which 
Carl V'ogt was president for many 
years; the influence of archeological 
discoveries on text-books of history, 
etc.) The Girl's High School in Geneva 



has this recognition of anthropology 
in its curriculum: "Elementary ideas 
about the zoological position of man 
and the principal human races." See 
Schenk (A.). 

Contributions a I'ctude anthro- 

pologique des serbes du royaume de 
Serbie. (Ibid., 307-311.) Gives re- 
sults of measurements of 60 Servians 
observed by the author. Stature 
(av. 1,655 mm.; range 1,520 to 1,830 
mm.), cephalic index (av. 80.38, range 
70.59 to 86.34; 34.8 % dolichocephals, 
26.5 % brachycephals, 38.3 % meso- 
cephals), nasal index (av. 73.09, range 
59.26 to 87.28; leptorrhines 36.6 %, 
mesorrhines 60 %, platyrrhines, 3.3%). 

L'indice cephalique dans une 

serie de 795 cranes valaisiens de la 
vallee du Rhdne (R. de r£c. d'Anthr. 
de Paris, 1910, xx, 24-27.) Gives 
results of study of 458 male and 337 
female skulls from 9 localities in the 
valley of Conches. The average index 
of the males is 84.46, of the females 
84.51; average index, 84.48, altogether 
89% brachycephalic, 9.3% mesati- 
cephalic, 1.6% dolichocephalic. The 
proportion of brachycephals is much 
greater among the females; there is a 
slight excess of mesaticephals and sub- 
brachycephals among the males. The 
people of Valais may be considered 
one of the most homogeneous of the 
"Celtic" (Alpine) peoples. 

Polivka (G.) Neuere Arbeiten zur 
slawischcn Volkskunde. 2. Siid- 
slawisch. (Ibid., 411-428.) Reviews 
and critiques of recent publications 
(books, periodical articles, etc.) in 
relation to the folk-lore of the South 
Slavs. Slovenian (works of PotoCnik, 
Strekelj, Kostiil); Serbo-Croatian (Mo- 
ringer, Gjorjevic, Vatef, Zupanic, 
Trojanovic, Popovic, Maretic, Tomic. 
Gavrilovic, Misirkof, Corovic, Andric 
Iladziomcrspahic, Vasilijevic, Drechs- 
Icr, Magdic, V. S. Krauss, Skarpa, 
Medic, Mijatovi2, etc.); Bulgarian 
(Kondakof, Si.skof). Of special im- 
[jortance are the continuation of Prof. 
K. Strekclj's collection of Slovenian 
folk-songs; Prof. T. Man-tic's honk on 
the Serbo-Croatian folk-epic; Toinic's 
studies of the Prince Maiko epics; 
Dr N. AndriC's collection of Croatian 
woman-songs. Tlie Servian Academy 
has institued under the leadership of 
Dr T. R. (ijorjevic a systematic 
collection of customs, usages, etc., of 



72 



Jotirnal of American Folk-Lore 



which two volumes have already ap- 
peared. 

Pradel (F.) Ein altcs Spiel. (Mitt. d. 
schles. Ges. f. Volksk., Breslau, 1909. 
XI, 56-58.) Treats of the children's 
sport of making flat stones skip as many 
times as possible over the surface of the 
water ("ducks and drakes" in England), 
a "game" known to the ancient Greeks. 
Often a wish is made and interpreted 
by the movements of the stone. 

Puccioni (N.) Appunti di craniologia 
canariense. (A. p. I'Antrop., Firenze, 
1909, XXXIX, 115-130, 3 fgs.) Meas- 
urements and descriptions of 9 male 
and 6 female skulls from Teneriffe in 
the Canaries, now in the National An- 
thropological Museum, Florence. Dis- 
cussion of views of V'erncau, Meyer, 
Luschan, Shrubsall, Sergi, etc. Dr 
P. believes that in the Canary islands 
types an anthropological composi- 
tion resembling the ancient European 
has been preserved. The ancient 
Canarians were of European rather 
than of African origin. The Guanches 
resemble the Cro-Magnon type. 

Retzius (G.) The so-called North Euro- 
pean race of mankind. (J. Roy. An- 
throp. Inst., Lond., 1909, xxxix, 277- 
313.) Treats of views and theories 
of Linnaeus, Blumenbach, Anders 
Retzius (who called attention to the 
diversity of race within the white 
variety of man and noted the marked 
prevalence of dolichocephaly in North- 
ern Europe, — Teuton, and brachyce- 
phaly in the South), Welcker, Virchow, 
Broca, Huxley, Beddoe, Deniker, Koll- 
mann, Bogdanof, Lapouge, Roese, 
Ammon, Hultkranz, Fiirst, Broman, 
Nielsen, Ripley, Buschan, etc. Dr 
R. considers as proved the existence of 
these three European races: Northern 
European, 'dolichocephalic, blue-ej-ed, 
tall race; Middle European, brachy- 
cephalic, dark-haired, dark-eyed, short- 
statured race; South European, doli- 
chocephalic, dark-haired, dark-eyed, 
short-statured race, — these are in 
reallity "only sub- variations of a 
variety, viz., the so-called white race 
of man." He objects to the terms 
Homo Europaeus, H. Alpinus and //. 
Medilerraneiis. The Neanderlal race 
is "a special variety of low standard." 
The present North European dolicho- 
cephalic race branch is "descended in 
direct line from the Cro-Magnon 
'race."' In Europe the brachycephals 



have for a long time been suppressing 
the dolichocephals. There is no proof 
that the Middle European brachy- 
cephals are Mongoloid. Three prob- 
lems need special study: Sphere of 
variability, laws of heredity of racial 
characters, fixedness of races, etc. 

Ridgeway (W.) Fifty years of anthro- 
pology in Great Britain and Ireland. 
(Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de Paris, 1910, 
vi" s., I, 341-343.) Notes contribu- 
tions of Darwin, Huxley, Maine, Tylor, 
Boyd Dawkins, Christy. The pub- 
lications of the Journal of the Anthro- 
pological Institute and Alan and the 
proposal for an Imperial Bureau of 
Anthropology are also referred to. 

Ross (C. F.) Roman milestones. (Rec. 
of Past, Wash., 1910, ix, 8-15, 9 fgs.) 
Treats of ancient (republican Roman 
milestones are very rare) and modern 
Roman milestones, their inscriptions 
(e. g., that of one of 184 B. C, on the 
Via Appia) which vary greatly in dif- 
ferent periods and under different of- 
ficials. Stones far from Rome con- 
form to local conditions. 

Rother (K.) Im Krauterladen. (Mitt, 
d. schles. Ges. f. Volksk., Breslau, 1910, 
XII, 1 09-1 1 7.) Lists, in the ordinary 
(and also popular) and Latin scientific 
names, and the purposes for which the 
plants, etc., are employed in folk- 
medicine, the entire contents of an herb- 
stall in Breslau, some 80 items in all. 
Also (pp. 115-116) some additions to 
the list of flowers and plants in the 
Silesian peasants' gardens as given by 
Dr Olbrich; and (pp. 116-117) 20 
peculiar folk-names of plants from the 
region of Camenz. 

Rutot (A.) Un homme de science peut-il, 
raisonnablement, admettre I'existence 
des industries primitives, dites colithes? 
(Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de Paris, 1910, vi® 
s., I, 447-473.) Argues, from the three 
methods of investigation, scientifically 
employed (observation, comparison, 
experiment), that the eoliths are really 
of human origin. The pseudo-eoliths 
of Mantes are also discussed. 

Discours. (Ibid., 360-363.) Re- 
ports on anthropological activities in 
Belgium (work of Geological Society, 
Royal Natural History Museum), 
and particularly the discovery of the 
"eoliths." University extension lec- 
tures in prehistory are givc;n in Brussels. 

Sarasin (P.) Einige weitere Beitriige zur 
Frage von der Entwicklung des griech- 



Periodical Literature 



73 



ischen Tempels aus dem Pfahlhause. 
(Ztschr. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1910, xlii, 
434-443, 5 fgs.) Produces more evid- 
ence in favor of author's theory of the 
development of the Greek temple from 
the pile-dwelling and resumes recent 
literature of the subject. The theories 
of Fuchs, Muchau, etc., will not ac- 
count for the Egyptian temple. The 
pile-dwelling lies at the bottom of 
Oriental ideas of the world as a "house" 
supported on pillars. The grooved 
columns of the Doric temple of Her- 
cules at Selinunt and the grooved piles 
of a pile-dwelling in Borneo, figured by 
Nieuwenhuis, in his Qtier dtircli Borneo 
(1897. Bd. II, PI. 27) are remarkably 
alike. Dr S. holds also that the Euro- 
pean house with "stories" (the upper 
part used for dwelling and sleeping, the 
lower and often only partly enclosed, for 
work-shops, etc.) is also the descendant 
of the pile-dwelling. How this may well 
be is illustrated by the "Rathaus" of 
Burgau (St Gall), figured on p. 438. 

Schachtzabel (A.) Die Schwiilmer Volks- 
tracht. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1910, 
xcvii, 10-12, 3 fgs.) Treats of the 
folk-costume of the people of the valley 
of the Schwalm, a river of the Weser 
area, who are assigned to the Chatti by 
Pfister in his Chattische Stammes- 
kunde (Kassel, 1880). The character- 
istic hats, caps, hair-dress, coats, 
stockings, etc., are now disappearing 
by reason of the decay of spinning, the 
influence of manufactured articles, etc. 
See also Chr. Langc's Land und Leute 
auf der Schwalm (Kassel, 1895). 

Schell (O.) Der Klingelstock der Hirten, 
(Z. d. Vcr. f. Volksk., Berlin, 1910, xx, 
317-318. 4 fgs.) Treats of the stick 
with iron-rings attached used as a 
cow-call l)y herdsmen: the Heck of 
the Westerwald, the Klinge of West- 
phalia, the Klimperkeule of horse- 
herders in Brandenburg, the Ringel- 
slov of Scandinavia, etc. It goes back 
to a high anti(iuity. 

Schenk (A.) La science anthropologique 
en Suisse. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de 
Paris. 1910, vrs., i, 400-407.) Report 
on conflitions of anthropology in 
Switzerland. Notes ihielly the dis- 
covery of lake-dwellings and the im- 
petus given thereby, the work of Keller, 
His, RUtimeyer, Kollmann, Studer, 
etc. Some branches of antliropology 
are taught at the University and 
Federal Polytechnic School (by Martin, 



Heierli), at Geneva (by E. Pittard), at 
Freiburg (by I'abbe Breuil), at Berne 
(by Zeller and Schurch), and at 
Lausanne (by Schenk). In the Canton 
of Vaud anthropology is beginning to 
enter the secondary schools. Prof. 
Schenk's own researches deserve men- 
tion. See Pittard (E.). 

Schmit (E.) Presentation de quelques 
cranes neolithiques, trepanes recueillis 
a Congy, Marne. (Ibid., 502-509, 
8 fgs.) Treats of 6 skulls from a 
neolithic cave-burial near Congy in the 
Department of Maine, all bearing 
marks of trepanation. 

Schnippel (E.) Leichenwasser und 
Geisterglaube in Ostpreussen. (Z. d. 
Ver. f. Volksk., Berlin, 1910, XX, 394- 
398.) Treats of East Prussian beliefs 
concerning "corpse- water" (i. e. water 
in which the corpse was washed), 
which was scattered or poured upon 
people as a good omen, etc. (water 
serves as a barrier against ghosts, etc.), 
"death-straw," "death-meal," "death- 
shirt," return of the dead, etc. 

Schrader (F.) Questions d'Orient. (R 
de I'Ec. d'Anthr. de Paris, 1910, xx, 
73^85.) Anthropo-geographical notes 
on the Oriental question resulting 
from the Turkish invasion of Europe 
in the i6th century and the Slavonic 
and Teutonic Drang nach Osten. The 
"Young Turks" are to be thanked for 
"having introduced into the Oriental 
question the new action of liberty and 
modern thought." Progressive "new 
Turkey" may settle gradually the 
tumult in the Orient. 

Schreiber (VV.) Zur Anthropologic der 
Karaimkinder Galiziens. (A. f. An- 
throp., Brnschwg., 1910, N. F., IX, 
64-74.) Gives details of observation 
and measurement (stature, head and 
face measurements, cephalic indices, 
length of mouth and ear, length of 
trunk, color of hair and eyes, etc.) of 
8 boys and 7 girls (from 8 to 13 years of 
age) belonging to the Karaits of the 
village of Ilalicz in eastern Galicia, 
compared with Christian and Jewish 
children of that region. In height 
they are closer to the Christian children, 
and are more brachycephalic than 
Christians or Jews; their facial index 
approximates that of Jewish children; 
their nasiil index is narrower than that 
of both, and their mouth wider; the 
hair-color is Nr. 4 of Fischer, eye-color, 
3 to 5 of Martin. Dr \V. thinks that 



74 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



the view is incorrect that the 
Karaits are "Turkish Jews," who came 
from Constantinople to Gahcia, in the 
i6th century. Indeed they were in 
Lemberg already in the 15th century. 
Perhaps Judaei trocensis and Judaei 
tiircenses have been confused. Many 
Karaites were brought from Crimea 
to Troki in Lithuania in the 14th 
century. They speak "Tatar." 

Schuchardt (— ). Buckelkeramik. (Z. 
•■. EthnoL, Berlin, 1909, xli, 946-950.) 
Treats of "knob" pottery, its origin, 
distribution, etc. The pottery of N. 
W. Germany of the stone age, accord- 
ing to S., rests as to form and decora- 
tion on earlier basketry (i. e. the 
pottery of the megaliths and of Rossen 
especially); that of the south ("ribbon 
pottery"), goes back to the gourd 
a form lending itself to free decoration. 
One of the ornamental motifs of the old 
North German vessel is the presence of 
4 bosses or little knobs on the side. 
These "knobs" appear later in Hungary 
and Asia Minor (Troy), and S. would 
assign to them a Teutonic development 
from neolithic pottery. (Cf. Lausitz 
pottery.) 

Schullerus (A.) Siebenbiirger Miirchen. 
(Mitt. d. Verb, deutschen Ver. f. 
Volksk., 1909, Nr. 10, 8-1 1.) Dis- 
cusses methods and points of view in 
the investigation of mdrchen in the last 
few years: Comparison of material 
(Kohler, Bolte), psychological analysis 
(Laistner, v. d. Leyden), stylistic re- 
search (Petsch, Weber), influence of 
medieval story-literature (Schonbach, 
Katona). Another field of research 
lies in the isolation and local phenomena, 
the geographical and cultural history of 
a limited area (Transylvania, e. g., 
where several races have lived to- 
gether). Need of investigation and 
lines on which it should be carried out. 

Schutte (O.) Der Schiifergruss. (Z. 
d. Ver. f. Volksk., Berlin, 1910, xx, 
328.) Cites riddles and rhymed 
greetings of shepherds in Brunswick. 

Der Schimmelreiter, ein braun- 

schweigisches Hochzeitsspiel. (Ibid., 
79-81.) Cites some 200 lines from a 
wedding-play "Der Schimmelreiter," 
given in the sixties of the last century 
at Cremlingen near Brunswick. 

Scraps of English folk-lore. (Folk-Lore, 
Lond., 1910, XXI, 222-227.) Items by 
various collectors from Buckingham- 
shire, Essex, Lancashire, Surrey, Som- 



erset, Yorkshire (pp. 225-227), relating 
to ghosts, luck and ill-luck, cure for 
whooping-cough, teething, taking lights 
out of house, disposal of Christmas 
greenery (to be burnt), squint-eye, 
lucky and unlucky actions, omens 
relating to birth and childhood, mar- 
riage, death, etc. 

Scraps of Scottish folk-lore. (Ibid., 
88-92.) Numerous items from Aber- 
deenshire (A. Macdonald), Argyll- 
shire (M. Cartwright), Kirkcudbright- 
shire (H. M. B. Reid) and Lanarkshire 
(D. Robie), concerning marriage, 
"sleeping fever" and its cure, "white 
birds," luck and ill-luck omens, fairies 
and kelpies, love omens, "whuppity 
scourie" (celebration of coming of 
spring). 

Selke (G.) Probe glatzischer Mundart: 
die Kirmes. (Mitt. d. schles. Ges. f. 
Volksk., Breslau, 1910, xii, 11 7-1 19.) 
Gives phonetic text of a description of 
the church-festival in the dialect of the 
village of Neu-Weistritz (district of 
Habelschwerdt). This village lies on 
the border between the Oberdorf and 
Glatz dialect, but belongs to the latter. 

Sera (G. L.) Nuove osservazioni ed 
induzioni sul cranio di Gibraltar. (A. 
p. I'Antrop., Firenze, 1909, xxxix, 151- 
212, 2 ,pl., 9 fgs.) Gives results of 
author's study in London of the 
"Gibraltar skull"; discovered in 1863 
and now in the Surgical Museum: 
Detailed description, chief measure- 
ments, discussion of peculiarities, com- 
parison with other "fossil" skulls, etc. 
Dr S. believes that "the Gibraltar 
skull represents morphologically a 
pre-Australoid, and (if the Neanderthal 
represents a type posterior to the 
Australian), a decidedly pre-Neander- 
thaloid type," — if not indeed tertiary 
man, the Gibraltar man was very closely 
related to him. According to Dr S., 
the Neanderthal man is late in anthro- 
pogenesis, and not correctly termed 
Homo primigenius. Certain morpho- 
logical peculiarities (e. g. of the basis) 
in the Gibraltar skull indicate relation- 
ship with the gorilla and chimpanzee 
and "prove that the specialization of 
man occurred late, in the midst of a 
form of marked simian affinities." 

Sififre (A.) A propos de la mandibule 
Homo heidelbergensis. (Bull. Soc. d' 
Anthr. de Paris, 1909, v" s., x, 80-81.) 
Note on character of dentition, marks 
of wearing, perhaps hypoplasia. 



Periodical Literature 



75 



Usure des dents. Sepulture neo- 

lithique de Montigny-Esbly. (Ibid., 
82-87, 3 fgs.) Describes difference in 
wearing between the two milk molars 
(upper right) in the jaw of a child of 6-7 
years found in the neolithic grave of 
Montigny-Esbly, not discoverable in 
children of to-day, and not entirely 
explicable from the nature of food in use. 

Sinclair (A. T.) Folk-songs and music 
of Catalufia. (J. Amer. Folk-Lore, 
Boston, 1910, xxin, 171-178.) 

Smith (S. C. K.) Mr Rackham and the 
the fairies. (Oxf. and Cambr. Rev., 
Lond., 1909, No. 7, 88-95.) The 
author holds that "Mr R. does not 
create fairies, but takes them ready- 
made." He has failed in his illustra- 
tion of Alice in Wonderland, "because 
there are no real fairies in Lewis Car- 
roll's imperishable work." Mr Barrie's 
fairies, however, are "Shakespeare's 
fairies," and "the fairies of all time," 
and here Mr R. succeeds (e. g., Peler 
Pan). Mr R.'s fairies excel in natural- 
ness and possibility. And fairies, how- 
ever beautiful, are still uncanny. 

Sokeland (H.) Entwicklung der sogc- 
nannten romischen SchnelKvage: 
Moderne Laufgewichtswage in ihrer 
einfachsten Form. (Z. f. Ethnol., 
Berlin, 1910, XLii, 493-513, 24 fgs.) 
Treats of the development of the so- 
called "Roman steelyard," in Germany, 
etc. Among the latest forms is a 
specimen from Albania; the earliest 
form is seen perhaps in Schleswig. 
Sonnemark (K.) Zur Osterreichischen, 
franzosischen und englischen National- 
hymne. (Mitt. d. schles. Ges.f. Volksk., 
Breslau, 1910, xii, 73-76.) Adds to the 
data in Bohn's Die N alionalhymncn der 
Europdischen Volker (Breslau, 1908). 
A third Austrian national hymn exists 
"Hymne auf Kaiser Ferdinand," by 
K. V. Iloltci (185s). Of the "Marseil- 
laise" only 6 verses are due to Rouget 
dc rislo, the last having been composed 
by the Abbe Pcssonncaux, of Vienne 
in Isirc. not by the poet Lelirun or the 
poet Clicnier as has liecn maintained. 
Part of the text of the "Marsellaisc" was 
taken by Rouget fie I'lsle from Racine's 
"Esther" and "Atlialie"; th<- melody 
he took from tiuion's oratorio "Esther." 
The luigiisli national hymn was first 
played in 1745. 

Soren-Hansen ( ) Rapport. (Bull. 

Soc. d' .\nthr. de Paris, 1910, vi" s., i, 
364-365.) Report on condition of 



anthropology in Denmark (work of the 
Anthropological Commission in the 
investigations of physical characteris- 
tics; publications in the Commtmications 
on the Anthropology of Deyimark). 

Steigelmann (A.) Les petroglyphes des 
Alpes Maritimes. (R, de I'fic. d' Anthr. 
de Paris, 1910, xx, 98-102, 3 fgs.) 
Treats of petrolgyphs of the region of 
Lac des Merveilles, etc., and at Fon- 
talba. The first consist of horns, lance- 
heads; the second of human figures, ox- 
heads and yokes, a man ploughing, 
crosses, hatched figures, concentric 
circles, etc. The author thinks that we 
must consider these petroglyphs, the 
"horns" especially, very ancient ex-t'o/o, 
the mountainous regions being the place 
where they would naturally be found. 

Sterjna (N.) Les groupes de civilisation 
en Scandinavie a I'cpoque des sepultures 
a galerie. (L'Anthropologie, Paris, 
1910, XXI, 1-34, 62 fgs.) Treats of the 
various regional "civilisations of the 
gallery-grave period in Scandinavia, 
belonging entirely to the stone age, and 
corresponding to the Robenhausian 
epoch of western Europe. Dr S. recog- 
nises three different peoples (not to say 
races) in the period in question: A people 
of hunters and fishers in the east and 
North, who "preserved a good part of 
the epipaleolithic traditions," had no 
military organizations, and had 
relations over the Aland peninsula with 
the peoples of S. E. and E. Europe; in 
the Danish islands and on the adjacent 
coasts of the peninsulas of Jutland and 
Scandinavia "a people acquainted with 
apiculture," (possessing a well-devel- 
oped military equipment, given to 
active navigation (on the North Sea 
chiefly), and having a higher civilization, 
resembling somewhat that of the people 
of the East; in the West a foreign 
population originally from Central 
Europe (drawn north to take possession 
of the amber-producing country), 
possessing a special civilization, which, 
at the close of the gallery-grave period; 
begins to influence the liniitrophal Scan- 
dinavian peoples. In the course of 
this period a levelling of the differences 
in the interior took place. Mcgalithic 
civilization conquered Scandinavia from 
the East and the North. In the West 
differences between Jutland objects and 
the megalithic disappear. Interesting 
are the relations with Croat Britain. 



76 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



Stolyhwo (K.) Rapport sur I'ctat de 
I'anthropologie en Pologne. (Bull. Soc. 
d'Antlir. de Paris, 1910, Vi", s. i, 392- 
395.) Notes on anthropology in Poland. 
Among names to be remembered are 
Glogow (physiognomist of the 15th 
cent.), A. Sniadecki (Univ. of VVilno), 
Joseph Majer (1808-1889, — first Polish 
anthropologist; gave at Cracow Uni- 
versity in 1854 a course of lectures in 
anthropology; organized in 1874 an 
Anthropological Committee in the 
Academy of Sciences), J. Kopernicki 
(taught anthropology in the University 
of Cracow 1 876-1 891; author of many 
monographs), Talko-Hryncewicz (now 
professor of anthropology at Cracow, 
since 1908), and outside of Poland, 
Kubary (d. 1896), Chudzinski (d. 1897), 
and S. Zaborowski of Paris. At 
Warsaw a chair of ethnology is oc- 
cupied by L. Krzywicki, and another of 
anthropology by K. Stolyhwo, both 
since 1906. The university at Leopol 
is soon also to possess a chair of anthro- 
pology. In the Polish language there 
exists a great mass of valuable an- 
thropological literature. 

Stiickelberg (E. A.) Der vSchutzpatron 
der Kiiser in der Lombardei. (R. d. 
Et. Ethnogr. & Sociol., Paris, 1909, 
II, 196-199, I pi., 6 fgs.) Treats of 
S. Luzio, the patron of cheese-makers 
in Lombardy, his legend, worship, etc. 
Luzio is really Hugo, from which 
name with coalesced article the appel- 
lation in use since 1700 has arisen. 
See next title. 

San Lucio (S. Uguzo), der Sen- 

nenpatron. (Schw. Arch. f. Volksk., 
Basel, 1910, XIV, 36-70, 13 fgs., 2 pi., 
map, bibliogr.) Treats of San Lucio 
(Uguzo a poor herdsman in the Cawar- 
gna valley), the patron saint of the Alp- 
shepherds, legend, name (many Latin 
and Italian forms, from Lucius to 
Iluguilio), festival day (July 12; also 
pilgrimage August 16), age and ex- 
tension of the cult (already at Lugano 
in 1280; traces of cult in 55 places in 
the canton of Ticino and in northern 
Italy, — a list of these, pp. 56-63), ex- 
pression of the cult (pilgrimages, broth- 
erhoods), relics (in the S. Lucio Pass 
and at Puria), ecclesiastical approbation 
(Ugozo does not find place in the Roman 
martyrology), the pilgrimage-church 
of S. Lucio, pictures, etc., of the saint 
(earliest a fresco of 1280 at Lugano), 
attributes and objects associated with 



him (list given, p. 68). St Lucius 
is patron of cattle, cheese, eyes, the 
lame, the poor, and helper against 
the plague. See next title. 

San Lucio Hagiographisches und 

Ikonographisches. (A. f. Religsw., 
Lpzg., 1910, XIII, 333-343. 3 fgs.) 
Treats of the lonely little mountain 
church of S. Lucio in the pass between 
Val Colla in Ticino and Val Cavergna 
in Italy, a Milanese enclave in the 
bishopric of Como, the saint, the sanc- 
tuary, pilgrimages, offerings, history 
of cult, etc. S. Lucio is the patron 
of Alp-industries, particularly of milk 
and cheese-making, etc. (his symbol is 
a cheese). He is also a healer of eye- 
diseases. The shrine was visited 
last year by 1500 pilgrims. 

Tagliaferro (N.) The prehistoric pottery 
found in the Hypogeum at Hal-Saflieni, 
Casal Paula, Malta. (Ann. Arch. & 
Anthrop., Univ. of Liverpool, 1910, 
III, 1-21, 17 pi.) Treats of 20 classes 
(all but one ornamented). The lamps 
(if not imported) "bear testimony to 
the high degree of perfection attained 
by the ceramic art in Malta during the 
early bronze age." The variety of 
shapes in the vases is remarkable. 
The occurrence of buffaloes with long 
horns on two covers suggests Libyan 
origin or influence. 

Tamblyn (W. F.) British druidism and 
the Roman war policy. (Amer. Hist. 
Rev., N. Y., 1909, XV, 21-36.) Author 
doubts the claim of British druidism 
to a place in sober history. Gallic 
druidism is well-attested but it was 
not representative or Pan-Celtic. 

Tarbell (F. B.) Catalogue of bronzes, 
etc., in Field Museum of Natural His- 
tory. (Field Mus. Nat. Hist. Publ., 
130, Anthr. Ser., vii, Chicago, 1909, 
91-144, 81 pi.) Lists with descriptions 
12 pre-Roman (Greek, Etruscan) and 
288 Roman (chest, couches, tables and 
stands and other furniture, lamps, 
candelabra, censer, lamp-rests, lanterns, 
braziers, water-heaters, cooking-stove, 
pails, mixing-vessels, amphoras, ewers, 
small pitchers, handles of vessels, 
basins, oval bowl, fruit-dishes (?), 
strainers, saucepans, kettles, moulds, 
other kitchen utensils, miscellaneous 
and chiefly domestic articles, balance 
and weights, steelyards, musical in- 
struments, industrial implements, sur- 
gical implements, etc.) all reproductions 
of originals in the National Museum of 



Periodical Literature 



77 



Naples. The great majority of these 
Neapolitan bronzes come from the 
Campanian cities buried by the erup- 
tion of \'esuvius in 79 A. D. 

Tetzner (F.) Begrabnis, Feste und 
Fasten bei den ostpreussischcn Philip- 
ponen 1839. (Globus, Brnschwg., 
1910. xcvii, 331-335.) Describes, 
after Chapters 19-22 of M. Gerss's 
Ms. Die Philipponen, burial ceremonies 
and customs, festival-days (list, pp. 
332-333). feasts, fasting, etc., as in 
vogue about the year 1839. 

Die Brautwerbung der Balten und 

Westslawen. Volkskundliche Streif- 
zuge an der Ostgrenze Deutschlands. 
(Ibid., 1910, xcviii, 154-158, 170-174.) 
Treats of wooing among the Balti and 
western Slavs. Besides accounts from 
Hieronymus and Johannes Maletius 
(1551), Gerss, Lepner, Pohl, etc., Dr 
T. describes the wooing customs in 
connection with 5 periods of the bride's 
life: Announcement of nubility (chiefly 
dress and ornament), "showing the 
bride," love-making, wooing and be- 
trothal. 

Thomson (A.) Anthropology at the 
University of Oxford. (Bull. Soc. d' 
Anthr. de Paris, 1910, vi*' s., i, 343- 
345.) Notes labors of Tylor, Pitt- 
Rivers, etc. Oxford was the first 
English university to recognize the 
claims of anthropology as a branch of 
higher education (E. B. Tylor, Reader 
in 1884, was made full Professor in 
1895). A diploma is now conferred 
in Anthropology, after adequate and 
appropriate examination. The Pitt- 
Rivers collection, presented in 1885, 
has grown and is now an important 
center for stufly and research. 

Treblin (M.) Zur Volkskunde im Kirch- 
spiel Langenfils, Krcis Laubau. (Mitt, 
d. schles. Ges. f. Volsksk., Brcslau. 1909, 
XI. 93-94) Notes on folk-lore relating 
to bai)tism, women dying in child-bcfl, 
the Lord's Supper, items of folk-medi- 
cine, etc. 

Trechmann (C. T.) Note on the occur- 
rence of a so-called pigmy or midget 
implement made from a quartz crystal 
in a neolithic lake-dwelling on the 
Greifensee, near Zurich. (Man, Lond., 
1910. X, 13-14. I fg.) This occurrence 
of a "pigmy" implement at one of 
the earliest Swiss lake-dwellings is of 
considerable interest. The specimen, 
which is fjuitc characteristic, was 
found in November. 1906. 



Tricomi Allegra (G.) Sul peso deU'ence- 
falo umano e delle sue parti nei Mes- 
sinesi. (Ann. di Nevrol., Napoli, 1907, 
XXV, 300-357.) Gives results of weigh- 
ings (Chiarugi method) of 100 brains of 
subjects from the province of Messina. 
The average was 1238.67 gr. Male 
brains were heaviest between 26 and 
30 years, female between 30 and 40. 
Dr T. A. concludes that men of equal 
stature exceed women in average brain 
weight; individuals of lower stature 
exceed those of higher in average brain 
weight; the average weight is directly 
proportional to the cephalic index; 
no influence of sex or of age can be 
seen in the predominance of one hemi- 
sphere or the other. 

Vauville ( — ) Cimeti^re gallo-romaine 
des Longues-Raies sur le territoire des 
Soissons. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de 
Paris, 1909, V* s., x, 215-222, 4 fgs.) 
Describes objects (pottery of various 
sorts, glass vessels, iron and bronze 
objects and ornaments, Roman coins, 
etc.) found in 1900 at the Gallo- 
Roman burial-place of Les Longues- 
Raies, explored also 1 897-1 899. Chris- 
tian burials probably took place here 
up to the fifth century. 

van Veerdeghem (F.) Oude aardigheden 
over de \rouwen. (Volkskunde, Gent. 
1910, XXI, 22-30.) Cites numerous 
facetiae about women from D'excel- 
lentie vati d'edele Maegdhen, the eighth 
book of J. B. Houwaert's Pegasisdes 
Plcyn ende den Lust- H of der Maeghden. 

Vincent (A. et G.) Recherches sur des 
ra\incments artificiels de I'epoque 
antc-romaine. (Ztschr. f. Ethnol., 
Berlin, 1910, XLii, 381-389, 14 fgs.) 
Treats of ravincments, groups of ditches 
in various parts of Belgium, dating 
from pre-Ronian times, and having, 
according to MM. \'., nothing to do 
with fortifications, but being connected 
with religious rites and ceremonies, 
the only thing that will account for 
their arbitrary character, etc. 

Kilnstliohe Griibensysteme au3 

vorromischer Zeit in Nordwesteuropa. 
(Globus, Hrnschwg., 1910, xcvu, 181- 
183, 8 fgs.) Describes prc-Roman 
systems of dikes and ditches particu- 
larly in the forest of Soigncs (east of 
Brussels), in Ilainault. Lidgc, in the 
Ardennes, in the Eifel country, in 
Luxembourg, and in German Lorraine. 
They are probablyof some religious signi- 
ficance. Same data as previous article. 



78 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



Vinson (J.) Quckiues donnees anthro- 
pologiques sur la linguistique basque. 
(Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de Paris, 1910, 
vi*-' s., I, 150-152.) Discusses the 
names of the months and relationship 
names and their significations in the 
Basque language. According to V., 
the Basques counted formerly 6 seasons 
of 2 months each. Waters, sowing, 
cold, leaves, heat, harvest. The old 
Basque year ended in September. 
The ctj'mologies of certain relation- 
ship-names lead V. to conclude that the 
Basque family was polyandrous of a 
collective order with maternal filiation. 
But the etymologizing of Basque 
words is still too hazardous for many 
such arguments. 

Vire (A.) Ossuaire gaulois de Lacave, 
Lot. (Ibid., 73-75.) Brief account 
of a Gaulish ossuary (melange of human 
bones, fragments of pottery, etc.) be- 
longing to the end of the period of 
Gallic independence. The remains are 
perhaps to be attributed to the de- 
fenders of Uxellodunum (Puy d'lssolu, 
only IS km. from the cave-burial in 
question). 

Volkov (T.) Rapport sur les sciences 
anthropologiques en Russie. (Ibid., 
396-400.) Notes on anthropology 
in Russia. In 1887 Bogdanov founded 
the Anthropological Section of the 
Society of Friends of the Natural Sci- 
ences and published his work on the 
kurgans of Moscow. His pupil 
Anutchin became Professor of An- 
thropology in the University of Moscow 
in 1884; in 1888 the Russian Anthro- 
pological Society was founded, also 
a chair of Geography and Ethnography 
at St Petersburg; in 1900 the Russian 
Anthropological Society began the 
publication of the Russian Anthropo- 
logical Journal, in which have appeared 
many valuable anatomical, anthropo- 
metrical, ethnographic and ethno- 
logical monographs; others have been 
published in the Proceedings (and, 
since 1905, in the Yearbooks of the 
Anthroi>oIogica1 Society of St Peters- 
burg; others till in the Works of the 
new Anthropological Society, founded 
at St Petersburg in 1893, particularly 
the anatomical monographs, of Tare- 
netzky, etc. At present courses in 
anthropology exist only at Moscow, 
St Petersbhrg and Kharkov. Besides 
those at Moscow and St Petersburg, 
the Museums of Minusinsk, Kiev, 



Odessa, Tiflis, Poltava, etc., deserve 
mention. 

Wace (A. J. B.) A modern Greek festival 
at Koroni in Messenia. (Ann. Arch. 
& Anthrop., Univ. of Liverpool, 1910, 
III, 22-25, I pl-) Treats of relics, 
church and festival. Of the ikons, 
"two are Christian, but they are graven 
images (crucifix and Madonna with 
Child) which the orthodox church 
should ban; the other two (a Hellen- 
istic terra-cotta figurine; and a bronze 
Greek weight of the 4th or 3rd century 
B.C.) are frankly pagan." The ikons 
were found in an old cistern as the 
result of the dream of an old woman 
in 1896. 

Waldeyer (W.) L'anthropologie en 
Allemagne. (Bull. Soc. d' Anthr. de 
Paris, 1910, VI® s., i, 337-340.) Brief 
report (in German) on the condition 
of anthropology in Germany. German 
Anthropological Society, Berlin Anthro- 
pological Society, progress of Museums 
(the collections of crania in Berlin, e. g., 
number some 12,000 specimens), peri- 
odicals (the newest is Mannus) devoted 
to prehistory. Dr W. thinks that 
what Germany most needs is regular 
anthropological chairs at the Univer- 
sities. 

Weber (H.) Die Storndorfer Volks- 
lieder. Der Liederschatz einesVogels- 
berger Dorfes. Gesammelt in den 
Jahren 1907-1909. (Hess. Bl. f. 
Volksk., Lpzg., 1910, IX, 1-225.) Gives 
texts and music of 177 folksongs 
(historical songs 1-12, war-songs and 
soldiers' songs 13-22, songs of profes- 
sions and occupations 23-32, ballad- 
like songs 33-55. love-songs 56-134. 
"Schurzlieder" and travel-songs 135- 
141, marriage and cloister songs 142- 
147, miscellaneous songs 148-152, jest 
and riddle songs, 153-161, "Triller" 
162-177) constituting the folk-achieve- 
ment in this field of the village of 
Storndorf in Vogelsberg, all obtained 
orally, — they represent a period of 
about 30 years. The material is rich 
and manifold. 

Wehrhan (K.) Die Pferdesegnung auf 
dcm Laurcnziberge bei Gau-Algesheim 
im Rheingau und rheingauische Wachs- 
votive. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1910, 
xcvii, 133-136, 3 fgs.) Treats of 
the blessing of horses, the procession 
and festival connected therewith at 
the village of Laurenziberg, fluring the 
week previous to and including St 



Periodical Literature 



79 



Lawrence Sunday. The ceremonial of 
blessing these animals probably arose 
as the result of some terrible plague 
such, e. g., as occurred shortly after 
the Thirty Years' War. The important 
day is the Sunday nearest the loth of 
August. Wa.xvotive-gifts of horses and 
other animals are described and figured. 

Die Kapelle St Amorsbrunn bei 

Amorbach im Odenwalde. Ein Beitrag 
zur Quellenverehrung und Votivfor- 
schung. (Ibid., 282-285, 3 fgs.) 
Treats of the chapel of St Amorsbrunn 
at Amorbach, once the seat of a famous 
Benedictine Abbey,— earlier known as 
Thorbrunn, etc. The votive offerings 
preserved in the chapel include wax- 
figures as large as new-born children, 
the shrine being reputed helpful for 
women's troubles and diseases. 

Weinitz (F.) Die lappische Zaubertrom- 
mcl in Meiningen. (Z. f. Ethnol., 
Berlin, 1910, XLii, 1-14, 4 fgs., i pi.) 
Treats of a Lapp shaman's drum in the 
collection of the Henneburg Archeo- 
logical society at Meiningen, with dis- 
cussion of the shaman and his art among 
the heathen Lapps (the mountain 
Lapps are thought to be the cleverest 
"sorcerers"). The drum is used to help 
out the shaman in his "magic," "pro- 
phesying," etc., and also for the pur- 
poses of excitation by drumming, 
"sending into sleep," etc. A real 
noiad or shaman must have been born 
with "teeth in his mouth." The 
Meiningen drum is not unique. The 
40 figures upon the skin are listed on 
page II and the Lapp drums in other 
collections, to the number of 54 noted 
(p. 11). In the "Linnaeus-Portrait" 
book of Tuilijerg, puljlishcd in connec- 
tion with tlie Linnaeus celebration in 
1907, 13 a picture of the great natur- 
alist in Lapp co.stume, with a shaman's 
drum; and in a Ms. in the Tibetan 
collection of the Royal Library in 
Berlin, is a picture of two Bon-priests, 
one of whom holds a shaman's drum, — • 
the Bon-rcligion in pre-Buddhislic. 

Weinreich (O.) Wundcrscltzanic Rc- 
cept. (lless. BI. f. X'olksk., Lpzg., 
1910, IX, 126-138.) Clives numerous 
examples of facetious and jesting 
charms and incantations, sometimes 
quite vulgar in i)art, from the facetiae, 
jest-hooks, pri'crptori.i, anec<lote-coI- 
lections. sermon-lxioks. etc., of the 
i6tli and 17th centuries and later. An 
addition to the material in Ocstcrley. 



EinbewiihrterFeuersegen. (Ibid., 

139-142.) Gives text of "Ein bewehr- 
ter christlicher Feuer-Segen," pub- 
lished at Cologne in 1733, with notes 
on the language, variants, etc., of the 
fire-charm." 

Westropp (T. J.) A folk-lore survey of 
County Clare. (Folk-Lore, Lond., 
1910, XXI, . 180-199, 338-349. 2 pi.) 
Treats of place-names and legends of 
places, banshees (pp. 186-191), the 
death-coach, fairies and fairy forts 
and mounds (pp. 194-199), will-o'-the- 
wisps and corpse-lights, underground 
folk, water-spirits and mer-folk, ghosts 
and haunted houses (pp. 343-349)- 

White (G. E.) Religious uses of food in 
Turkey (Hartf. Sem. Rec, Hartf., 
Conn., 1910, XX, 97-102.) The sacri- 
fice is ofTered, and the food afterwards 
eaten by the people. Sacrificial 
meal, "soul food" at death, heathen 
relics in the Christianity of the Eastern 
Church, St George, etc. 

Wiazemsky ( — .) Les slaves orientaux. 
(Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de Paris. 1909. v" 
s.. X. 273-296.) Resumes the author's 
anthropometric studies of students of 
Russian (3.290 m.. 318 f.), Servian 
(4,260 m., 454 f.) and Bulgarian 
(1,080 m., 1,098 f.) gymnasia, between 
the ages of 10}/^ and 18 H years. The 
material seems to be the same as that 
earlier published by Prince W. 

Williams (H.) Revolution and language. 
(Oxf. & Cambr. Rev., Lond., 1910, 
No. 9, 49-67.) Shows that in Russia 
"to a large extent during the past two 
years linguistic development has gone 
in the direction of making wonis used 
hitherto exclusively by the intelligent- 
sia the property of the masses of the 
people: Constitution, Respublika (once 
folk-etymologized as Ryezh-publiku, 
"cut the public to pieces"), sx'oboda 
(liberty), "home-rule" (Russianized 
phonetically, and many parliamentary 
and political terms, names of political 
parties, tnajorisl, vtitiorisi, (|uite a 
number derived from English, others 
from Gernian and French; words for 
lab()r-troui)les; hooliunn (naturali/c<! 
and "in much more common use th.in 
it is in English"); newly-coinol terms 
like massorka (mass-meeting), wk;?- 
sovik (one who attends a mass-meeting), 
etc.; also abusive wonls ami expressions, 
etc. The Russian language has re- 
cently had "a sudden emichment," 



8o 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



which argues well for the birth of a 
new form of European culture. 

Wimmer (J.) Italiens Adriakiiste in 
ihrergescliichtlichcn Bedeutung. (Glo- 
bus, Brnschwg., 1910, xcvii, 136-142.) 
Treats of the historical significance of 
the Adriatic coast of the Italian penin- 
sula, the development of the settle- 
ments in this region (Spina, Adria, 
Aquileia, Ravenna, Venice, Rimini, 
Pesaro, Sinigaglia, Ancona, Sipontum, 
Salapia, Barletta, Trani, Bari, Brin- 
disi, Otranto, etc.) and their decay in 
many cases. 

Wutke (K.) Schlafen in der Bedeutung 
von Verriicktsein. (Mitt, d.sch les. 
Ges. f. Volsk., Breslau, 1909, xi, 214- 
215.). Notes the use in the i6th century 
of schlafen (sleep) in the sense of "to 
be crazy." Grimm's Dictionary has 
only "die schlafende Sucht." 

Zaborowski (S.) Hellenes barbares^et 
Grtco-Pd'lages civilises. (R. de I'Ec. 
d'Anthr. de Paris, 1910, xx, 229-242.) 
According to Z., the Hcllcnization of 
Greece occurred irregularly and slowly, 
at least up to the time of the Dorians, 
who were "the pure, genuine Hellenes." 
Before the arrival of the Hellenes 
some influence of the brilliant civili- 
zation of Crete had been felt on the 
continent. In the time of Herodotus, 
even, Pelasgi (non-Aryan aborigines) 
still survived in parts of Greece. The 
mass of the lonians "was formed of 
Pelasgi Hellenized by a warlike aris- 
tocracy"; the Athenians were largely 
Pelasgian. If Athens had not pre- 
served it, Cretan civilization would 
have entirely disappeared under the 
regime of the rude, barbarian Dorians, 
who did not differ from the proto- 
Aryans, and whose mind was typified 
by the meager culture-ideals of the 
Spartans. The physical type of the 
barbarous Hellenes, if preserved any- 
where, is to be found in the Pelo- 
ponnesus. 

L'origine des Lapons d'apres 

leur langue. (Bull. Soc. d' Anthr. 
de Paris, 1909, v" s., x, 211-214.) 
Holds that the Lapps are not to 
be too closely allied with the Samo- 
yeds, that their presence in Sweden 
in the neolithic period is not yet proved 
(such brachycephaly as is there noted 
is not Lappanoid), and that the primi- 
tive home of the Lapps was south of 
Finland, where they underwent some 
Lithuanian influence. See Nippgen (J.). 



Ziegler (H.) Die dcutschen \'olksnamen 
der Pflanzen und die V'erwandtschaft 
und Vermischung der deutschen V'olk- 
stiimme. (Z. d. V. f. Volksk., Berlin, 
1910, XX, 18-35.) Treats of German 
popular names of plants in connection 
with the relationship and intermingling 
of German peoples. Z. has studied 
these names in 9 localities, and lists 
are given (pp. 30-35) of "village- 
names" and those known to wider 
territories. The distribution of plant- 
names alTords information as to "colon- 
ization" and the ethnical composition 
of folk-groups, the exact origins of 
particular groups, folk-migrations (local 
and recent) and adds to the criteria of 
resemblance and distinction. 

Zimmern (A. E.) Was Greek civilization 
based on slave labor? (Sociol. Rev., 
Lond., 1909, II, 1-19.) Z. argues that 
w-hile the Greeks had slaves, "the 
conditions which are the natural 
results of a system of slave labor did 
not exist in Greece; in other words, 
the Greek city-state was not a slave 
state." In Greece apprentice-slavery 
predominated over chattel-slavery. 

Zuidema (W.)Amsterdamer Hiiusersagen. 
(Z. d. Ver. f. Volksk., Berlin, 1910, XXI, 
72-73.) Gives 8 brief house-tales 
from Amsterdam: The house with 
the (six) heads; The house with the 
three heads; The house with the golden 
chain; The inerasable blood-sign; The 
Atlas statue on the palace; The flies 
bring it (murder) to light; The weepers' 
tower; The picture of the beggar who 
became ricli. There is evidently much 
interesting folk-lore connected with 
house-signs and the like. 

AFRICA, 

Ankermann (B.) Bericht iiber eine 
ctlmoLjraphischc Forschungsrcise ins 
Grasland von Kamerun. (Z. f. Ethnol., 
Berlin, 1910, XLii, 289-310, 15 fgs.) 
Gives results of journey of author and 
wife through the grass-land of the 
Cameroons in 1907-1909 particularly 
Bali. Physical characters (av. 1,750 
mm.; women small-statured; darker 
and lighter types; reddish tone also), 
character and intellect (lying; tales, 
legends, and riddles numerous; A. col- 
lected 300 talcs in Bali, chiefly animal- 
stories in which the dwarf-antelope is 
the clever beast, the silly ones being 
the leopard and elephant; the heroes of 



Periodical Literature 



8i 



the myths play no r61e in religious 
festivals and have no cult; cult of 
spirits of dead; festivals public and 
private), houses (type with square 
foundation and pyramid or cupola 
roof; "men's house," "women's house," 
chief's house, etc.), villages and towns 
(Fumban ca. 1 8,000, Bail 8,000 in- 
habitants), market-place (center of 
village), chief and his power, daily life, 
art and industry (pottery; cooking- 
pots, etc., made by women, pipes 
by men; wood-carving, — door-posts, 
bowls, seats, masks, drums, etc.; stone 
animal-figures on floor of house; 
basketry; iron-working still flour- 
ishing; bronze-casting in two places 
Bamum and Bagam only, — ends of 
drinking-horns a specialty at Bamum), 
etc. The grass-land is culturally as 
well as linguistically a transition-area 
(West Africa, the Sudan, and East 
Africa). 

Arnett (E. J.) A Hausa chronicle. (J. 
Afric. Soc, Lond., 1910, ix, 161-167.) 
Translation from a Ms. of considerable 
interest, known in the Hausa country 
as Daura Makes Sariki, containing the 
legend of Daura (the Hausa belief as 
to the origin of their race), which is of 
considerable antiquity. A list of 41 
Amirs of Katsina (1456-1902 A.D.) is 
given, besides the origin-legend. 

Astley (H. J. D.) A sacred spring and 
tree at Hamman R'Irha, Algeria. 
(Man, Lond., 1910, x, 122-123.) At 
this sacred pool are performed ritual 
acts and ablutions, and strips of cloth 
torn from clothing are hung on every 
branch of one of the trees; around the 
pool are pots and sherds (offerings 
originally). The presiding genius is 
the spirit of a marabout, who died a few 
generations ago. Hamman R'Irha is 
the Roman watering place of ancient 
times. Aquae Calidae. 

Atgier (E.) Lcs Touarcg a Paris. (Bull. 
Soc. d'Anthr. de Paris, 1909, v" s., 
X, 222-243.) Ethnographical, ethno- 
logical, anthropological, and an- 
thropometric data concerning the 
"Tuareg" on exhibition in Paris. 
Habitat, dwellings (camel-hair tent), 
exercise (imitatif)n caravan, make- 
believe fight, dances), dress and orna- 
ment, weapons, dromedary and harness, 
etc., food anfl drink. Arabs of S. Al- 
geria (Ulcd-Xails), negroes of Tini- 
buctoo, Chamba, Tuareg, Negritizcd 
Tuareg and Negro-Tuareg arc repre- 

voL. XXIV. — NO. 91. — 6 



sented in these "Tuareg." The an- 
thropometric measurements are given 
for one Chamba, one Tuareg, 3 Negrit- 
ized Tuareg, 2 Negro-Tuaregs, all of 
whom except the second are dolichoce- 
phalic or sub-dolichocephalic. The 
Berbers or Tuareg (here much mixed 
with negro blood) are, according to 
Dr A. "the Aryans of Africa," of like 
origin with those of Europe. 

Avelot (R.) Le pays d'origine des Pa- 
houins et des Ba-Kalai. (Ibid., 61- 
66.) Capt. A. seeks to show that the 
Pahouins (originally in some region 
near the Upper Nile) were driven 
thence by Bantus, driving before them 
in their migration the Ba-Kalai into 
the valley of the Ogowe. The Ba- 
Kalai in question were descendants of 
the Ba-Kalai driven out of their country 
, by the A-zande. According to Capt. 
A. the Pahouins, anthropologically and 
ethnographically, but not linguistically, 
belong with the Monbuddo-group. 

Bieber (F. J.) Durch Siidathiopien zum 
Nil. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1910, xcvii, 
69-74, 85-90, 15 fgs.) Account of trip 
through southern Ethiopia to the 
Nile in 1909, with notes on the native 
tribes and peoples, Harar, the metrop- 
olis of the Mohammedan eastern Galla 
country, Adis Ababa with its cave- 
dwellings, rock church of Eka Michael, 
etc., the Emperor Menilik, etc. 

Das Land Kaffa und seine Bei- 

wohner: Beitriige zur Ethnographic 
Nordost-Afrikas. (R. d. fit. Ethnogr. 
et Sociol., Paris, 1909, 11, 225-249.) 
Treats of names of country, people, 
tribes, names of neighboring tribes and 
names given by them (the people are 
Kafficho, "those of Kaffa"); situation, 
boundaries and divisions of the country, 
and lists of these; divisions of the people 
(primitive inhatiilants, not very num- 
erous: Mandsho, She, Najo; later 
immigrants: the Gonga or KalVicho, 
the Aniaro and the Nagado; smaller 
divisions; castes; foreigners); mental 
character, etc. (sense of sight very well 
developed, smell and hearing well 
developed, touch little developed, 
taste spoiled by excessive use of red 
pepper aii<l tobacco-smoking; memory 
good, imagination little developed; very 
expressive of feelings, etc.; piou<l; 
loyal; industrious); population (about 
500.000); settlements, villages, towns, 
etc. (oldest town in Kaffa was founded 
ca. 1400-143S A. D.). 



82 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



Blackman (A. M.) Some Egyptian and 
Nubian notes. (Man, Lond., iQio, 
X, 25-29. 7 f^s.) Notes on famous 
tombs (miracle of the appearance of the 
Sheik Uakrilri in his tomb at Behnasa; 
tomb of tlie 7 maidens; tomb of Abu 
Samrac], etc.), superstititions about 
twins (become cats at night), barren- 
ness amulets and cures (hair from back 
of neck of hyena; blood spilling), fox 
as birth-amulet, hoopoe heart eaten 
raw to make one a clever scribe, bridal 
^d wedding customs, stone-circles 
with offerings (sick people sleep inside 
the circle), circumcision rags hung up 
in Sheik's tomb at Qurna, near Luxor, 
other famous tombs, charms, and 
amulets, door-plates to insure bread, 
etc. 

Bloch (A.) Presentation de portraits de 
jeunes ndgresses pour faire voir la , 
forme particuli^re de I'aureole de la 
mamelle. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de Paris, 
1909, v"' s., X, 141-142.) Treats of the 
convex projection of the mammellar 
aureola in young negresses as evidenced 
in portraits from Dakar. This convex 
form occurs also among natives of New 
Guinea, the Caroline Is., etc., and has 
been found among Sicilian Italians and 
Spaniards, — Bloch suggests negro ad- 
mixture. The convex aureola occurs 
particularly at the age of 12-16 years. 

Boone (C. C.) Some African customs and 
superstitions. II. On the Congo. 
(So. W'kmn., Hampton, Va., 1910, 
XXXIX. 625-627.) Notes on prevalence 
of "don't" (bika), methods and words 
of salutation and greeting, rarity of 
association of men and women to- 
gether, family-customs, wife-getting, 
and marriage. 

von Boxberger (L.) Wandertage auf 
Mafia. ((Jlobus, Brnschwg., 1910, 
xcviii. 197-205, 8 fgs., map.) Treats 
of the islanrl of Mafia (visited by Dr 
V. B. in 1909) and its minor islands off 
the coast of German E. Africa, its 
people, etc. On the island of Djuani 
are the ruins of Kua, a settlement 
founded about 1000 A. D. by Asiatic 
colonists from Shiras. and for a long 
time capital of the Mafia group. The 
attack of the Sakalavas caused its 
abandonment in the beginning of the 
19th century. On Mafia there are 
as yet only 3 European planters. See 
also Dr O. Baumann's Die Insel 
Mafia und Hire Klcinen Nachbarinscln 
(Leipzig, 1896). 



Brandenburg (E.) Anthropologisches aus 
Tripoli. (Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1910, 
XLii, 148-150, I fg.) Gives color of 
eyes and hair of 43 Tripolitan Arabs of 
all classes (from city and oasis) between 
the ages of 10 and 50 (male 35, female 
8), — only women of the lowest and 
worst classes could be observed, — who 
had not dark-brown eyes and at the 
same time black hair. Actual count 
made them 8.5 Sc of all Arabs seen. 
Also notes on two beggar-dwarfs (man 
37 years old, girl 14). said to belong to 
a village in the "Jebel" beyond Tripoli. 
The man measured 109 and the girl 
96 cm., and both were in good health. 

Bericht aus Tripoli. (Ibid., 578- 

580, I fg.) Describes a cripple (9 yrs. 
old), son of an Arab peasant of Chidua. 
said to have been born so, — his 
mother was frightened at seeing a cow 
give birth to a crippled calf. The child 
(normal in health and intelligence) 
goes on all fours. 

Bright (R. G. T.) An exploration in 
Central Equatorial Africa. (J. Afric. 
Soc, Lond., 1910, IX, 224-232, 2 pi.) 
Treats of the work of the British section 
of the Uganda-Congo Boundary Com- 
mission in the western frontier dis- 
tricts of the Uganda Protectorate in 
1907-1908. Contains notes on "dug- 
outs," Toro war-dance, Bavira women, 
the Bahima tribe, etc. 

Broad (\V. H.) and Paterson (— ). Re- 
port on a Nigerian skull. (Ann. Arch. 
& Anthrop., Univ. of Liverpool. 1910, 
III, 71-72.) Description and measure- 
ments (ceph. ind. 69.7., cap. 1275 c. c.) 
of young adult male cranium of 
negroid character. 

Brown (W. H.) Circumcision among the 
Bageshu, a tribe on tlie N. W. limits 
of Mount Elgon, Uganda Protectorate. 
(Man., Lonfl., 1910, x, 105-106, i fg.) 
Describes operation as observed at 
Mbale, in July, 1909, on young men 
al)out 18 years old, the accompanying 
dances, etc., — "the women look on and 
take part in the dances." 

Brutzer (E.) Tierfabeln der Kamba. 
(A. f. Anthrop. Brnschwg., 1910, N. F., 
IX, 23-42.) German texts only of 18 
animal-tales of the Kamba, of British 
East Africa: Hen and guinea-hen; 
Hare, hyena, and lion; Hyena, lion, and 
hare; Leopard, antelope, and hare; 
Hare and all the animals; Stork and 
frog; Man and woman hyena; Hyena; 
The wild-cat Kitzuli and the related 



Periodical Literature 



83 



wild-cat Ikandzanga; The leopard 
child and the antelope child; The 
juaa (a species of bird); The antelope; 
The hawk and the tortoise; The ngaka 
bird; The chameleon and the tsyotolo- 
ka; The dog-ape and the bee; The dog- 
ape and the woman; The hawk and the 
hen. The large animals (elephant, lion, 
leopard, rhinoceros, hyena) represent 
force and might, and opposed to them 
are the wild-cat, antelope, gazelle, 
monkey, hare, etc. The hare and 
hyena are favorite figures in these 
stories, — they typify two marked 
characteristics of the Kamba, cunning 
and greediness. The hare is the em- 
bodiment of cunning and slyness. The 
chameleon represents truth, but, on 
account of his slowness, too late. 

Burns (F. M.) Trial by ordeal among 
the Bantu-Kav-irondo. (Anthropos, 
St Gabriel-Modling, 1910, v, 808.) 
Note on poisoned-beer ordeal for 
settling cases of homicide (the only 
manner of its use now prevalent) 
among the Hantu-Kavirondo. 

de Calonne Beaufaict (A.) Zoolatrie et 
Totcmisme chez les peuplades septent- 
trionales du Congo-Beige. (R. d. 
Et. Ethnogr. et Sociol., Paris, 1909, 11, 
193-195-) Notes on zoolatry and 
totemism among the Asande, Mang- 
betu, Mogbwandi, Mabinza, Banggala, 
Ababua, etc., of the Belgian Congo. 
Both collective and individual "pro- 
tectors" occur; also tabus, zoolatrie 
rites of a positive nature, etc. 

Cayzac (P.) La religion des Kikuyu, 
Afrique Oricntalc. (Anthropos, St 
Gabriel-Modling, 1910, v, 309-314.) 
Treats of ideas of God (Ngal, Molungu, 
master of all; two sorts black and ivhilr), 
spirits {ngoma, "those who sleep"; the 
dead to whom all private ills are at- 
tributed), origin of human race (boy and 
girl had three sons, from whom arc 
descended the Kikuyu and Kamba, the 
Masai, and the Ndorobo), morality 
anfl sin (noki, "sin," «»violation of law, 
custom, ceremony, rite, etc.), ethnic 
mutilations (circumcLsion of boys anci 
girls; removal of incisor), animals 
(certain ones, carnivora in general have 
relations with the spirits; animal 
tabus), shamanism (the mogo is i)riest, 
doctor, fortnnc-tfllcr, etc.). No totem- 
ism. or at least only its germs or traces 
of it. Some of the arguments and 
answers of the natives are given. 

Chisholm (J. A.) Notes on the maimers 



and customs of the Winamwanga and 
Wuva. (J. Afric. Soc. Lond., 1910, ix, 
360-387.) Treats of origin legend 
(great man, named Musyani, culture- 
hen, from Wisa country), houses and 
villages, food, activities; religious ideas: 
God {Leza, probably "nurse," "food- 
giver"), thunder and lightning ("God 
coming down to earth"), soul-lore, 
sacrifices (none made to God; priest 
and family sacrifices to spirits of 
chiefs and ancestors), offerings of 
first fruits to spirits, specimen of prayer 
to spirits (pp. 366-367), witchcraft 
(poisonous medicines) and its punish- 
ment (burnt after ordeal), divination 
(examples), poison ordeal, charms 
(received from "doctor"), fetishism, 
sickness (chiefly due to spirits and witch- 
craft) and treatment, death and burial 
(PP- 377-380). initiation ceremony 
(no rites for males at puberty; seclusion 
of girls), marriage, family relationships 
(traces of totemism in family names), 
superstitions (pp. 384-387), rights of 
property, etc. 

Claus (Dr) u. Meinhof (K.) Die 
Wang6mwia. (Z. f. Ethnol.. Berlin, 
1910. XLii. 489-497, I fg.) Pages 
489-494 contain ethnological notes 
(houses, clothing and ornament; cir- 
cumcision, both sexes; death and burial; 
physical characters) and a vocabulary 
of 90 words of the language of the 
Wang6mwia of the Ung6nuvia region 
of the Ugogo plateau; pages 494-497 
notes on the vocabulary by K. Meinhof, 
pointing out Bantu loan-words (?) 
and making comparisons with M.'s 
Mbulunge and Mbugu vocabularies. 
M. finds the \Vang6mwia language to 
be "Hamitic." 

Cole (VV. K. R.) African rain-making 
chief, the Gondokoro district, White 
Nile, Uganda. (Man, Lond., 1910. X. 
90-92.) Describes "rain-making" as 
observed by the author among the 
Bari. Luhiba. Lokoiya. Latuka. etc. 
The best-known "rain-maker" is per- 
haps Hombo. the i)aram<>unt chief of 
the Bari; odiers are Kiialla of the 
Liilub.i. Luinmchin ol the Lokoiya. and 
Lukiinyero of the Latuka. I'nless it 
carries with it the chieftainship, the 
post of "rain-maker" is very precarious. 

Collins (G. N.) A primitive g>ros<:opc in 
Liberia. (Nat. (ieogr. Mag.. Wash., 
1910. XXI. .S3i-.';35. 3 fgs.) Describes 
a gyroscopic toy in use among the 
Golahs, — "certain members of this 



84 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



primitive tribe have developed a very 
remarkable skill in manipulating this 
top-like toy, which they keep spinning 
for any length of time in midair merely 
by whipping it." The toy is made from 
the hard-shelled spherical fruit of a 
species of Balsamocilrics. 

Conditions in Liberia. (Ibid., 729-741, 
9 fgs.) Notes from the Report of the 
U. S. Commissioners to Liberia, Messrs 
R. P. Falkner, G. Sale and E. J. Scott. 
There are no revolutions. Liberia is 
not bankrupt, nor a failure in self- 
government. The Liberians have 
advanced, not retrograded in civiliza- 
tion. See Forbes (E. A.). 

Crahmer (W.) Zur Frage der Enste- 
hung der "Beninkunst." (Globus, 
Brnschwg., 1910, xcvii, 78-79, i fg.) 
Argues for Hindu Virathadra pictures 
as the suggestion molif for the Benin 
bronze plates (on p. 78 is represented one 
of these from Bandora in Thana, Bom- 
bay). C. believes the relations be- 
tween Africa and Asia to be very 
ancient, the eastern coast of the 
dark continent having been the gate- 
way for Asiatic influences in prehis- 
toric times. Later influences such as 
those found on the Guinea coast, seem 
to have started from the west coast 
directly, which they must have reached 
by sea. There is much evidence of 
influences from India in that region. 

Daniel (F.) Etude sur les Soninkes ou 
Sarakoles. (Anthropos, St Gabriel- 
Modling, 1910, V, 27-49.) Treats of 
the Soninkes (Sarakoli in Soninke 
means "white man") a Mande people 
of the Senegal, etc. Religion (all 
Moslems, chiefly of the Tidjiania 
sect, a few of the Kadria), language 
(Mande dialect; a few speak and write 
folk-Arabic), social organization (/aw- 
kamon, ruling and rich class; plebs), 
family (polygamy; patria potestas), 
marriage, birth, circumcision and ex- 
cision, death, funeral, succession, per- 
sonal names (generally Arab or taken 
from the Koran), salutations, totem- 
ism (tunna), tattooing (girls tattooed 
at 12-14), clothing and ornament, food, 
tobacco (snuff only), villages and houses 
("men's house"), names of villages, 
agriculture, industries, and arts (cotton; 
dying; pottery by wives of smiths; 
blacksmith), dance and music (xylo- 
phone only real musical instrument), 
trade (marked aptitude), etc. At 
pages 45-49 are given French versions | 



of 10 brief animal talcs: Lion, hyena 
and hare; hyena and iguana; elephant, 
hippopotamus and hare; fox and cock; 
mouse and cat; eagle and sparrow; 
7iaja (serpent) and the king of the toads; 
crow and snipe; lion and hare; sparrow 
caught in trap. 

Dayrell (E.) Some "Nisibidi" signs. 
(Man, Lond., 1910, X, 113-114, i pi.) 
Lists with figures and explanations 
41 nisibidi signs collected by the author 
in Southern Nigeria; also a short story 
written in nisibidi, with translation. 
See on nisibidi the Jour. R. Anlhrop. 
Inst., XXXIX, 209. 

Deyrolle ( — ). Les Haouanet de Tunisia 
(Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de Paris, 1909, 
v*-' s., X, 155-170, 5 fgs.) Treats of 
recent investigations (particularly those 
of the author since 1904) of the ha- 
ouanet or cliff-tombs in Tunisia, at 
Kalaa-es-Snam, etc. At Kalaa-es- 
Snam dolmens and haouajict occur 
together. Dr Carton's theory of Punic 
origin and Dr Bertholon's ascription to 
the Aegeans of the haouanel botli find 
support, according to Dr D. Other 
Asiatic (Asia Minor, etc.) and Euro- 
pean analogies are pointed out. Dr D. 
suggests an ancient Syrian origin for 
these haouanet. 

Dickerson (M. C). In the heart of 
Africa. The first published account of 
the Museum's Congo Expedition. 
(Amer. Museum, J., N. Y.,' 1910, x, 
147-170, 30 fgs., map.) Treats of 
expedition of H. Lang and J. Chapin 
now in Upper Congo region (reached 
Africa in the end of June, 1909). Con- 
tains some notes on places visited. 
The illustrations (photographed by 
Mr Lang) include bartering-scene, 
tom-tom "telegraph," fruit-stone spin- 
ning game, cannil)al chief, etc. 

Die Gebiete im Norden von Wadai. 
(Globus, Brnschwg., 1910, xcvii, 189- 
190.) Resumes Lieut. J. Ferrandi's 
account of Ennedi and Mortcha in 
L' Afriquc Francaisc for January and 
February, 1910; the nomadic Nakasa, 
the cattle-breeding Mahamids, etc., 
are briefly described. 

Die innerpolitischen Verhaltnisse Abes- 
siniens. (Ibid., 1910, xcviii, 141- 
143.) Cites from a letter of Mgr, 
Jarosseau in the Missions Catholiques 
for July 1, 1910, an account of the 
coup d'etat of March 21, by which 
Jeassu was declared Mcnclik's successor 
and the power of the Empress Taitu 



Periodical Literature 



85 



shown, thus favoring the "Young 
Abyssinian" party. 
Die Wasiba. (Ibid., 77-79.) Resumes 
data in H. Rehse's Kiziba, Land und 
Leule (Stuttgart, 1910, pp. xi, 394). 
Royal family and other groups, foods 
tabus, houses, deformations and muti- 
lations of body, hunting, cattle-breed- 
ing (chiefly for milk), banana-beer, 
tobacco (king must not smoke a pipe), 
pottery-making (occupation of men), 
divorce, priesthood (only spirits have 
priests, not deity), kissing (not prac- 
ticed by adults; mother kisses infant) 
supreme being (creator of men and 
cattle), time-reckoning, counting of 
cattle, etc. 

Dufays (F.) Lied und Gesang bei Braut- 
werbung und Hochzeit in Mulera-Ru- 
anda. (Anthropos, St Gabriel-Mod- 
ling IV, 1909, 847-878, I fg., 4 pi.) 
Describes in detail (at work, at the 
family-table, asking in marriage, giving 
consent, a sacrifice, preparation for the 
wedding, departure for the wedding, 
the wedding and after) wooing and 
wedding among the Ruanda, of Mulera, 
German East Africa, with native text 
and translations of all the songs, etc., 
used in connection therewith. 

F. (B.) Torday's Reisen im siidlichen 
Kongobecken. (Globus, Brnschwg., 
1910, xcviii, 130.) Brief resume of 
E. Torday's account, in the Geograph- 
ical Journal for July 1910 (pp. 26-53) 
of his travels (1907-1909) in the south- 
ern Kongo country, with notes on the 
native tribes, etc. (Bushongo, and 
the pygmoid people dwelling with them; 
Badjok, Bankutu, Betetela, Bambala, 
Bapende, Bashitcle, etc.). 

Kordofan. (Ibid.. 1910, xcvii, 224- 

225.) Resumes briefly article of Gov. 
Watkins" Lloyd in the Geographical 
Journal for March, 1910. The popu- 
lation of Kordofan consists of Arabs and 
N'ul>as (negroes), who have withdrawn 
to the rocky hill-country of the south. 
The iNuba religion is fetishism. 

Fischer (K.) I.e peuple des "Bastards" 
de Rchoboth, Afrique sud-occidcntale 
allemanfle. (R. dc I'fic. d'Anthr. dc 
Paris, 1910, XX. 137-146, 4 fgs.) Trans- 
lated by J. NippKcn from Prof. F.'s 
article in Dir Umschau (Berlin), 1909, 
xiii, 1047-1051. The "Bastards" are 
the result of the mi.xturc of white 
(Dutch) men and Hottentot women. — a 
type in process of formation. PhyHically 
and intellectually as well, tlicy are rnilis. 



Prof. F. thinks that through proper 
education and instruction they may 
become an industrious and useful class 
of the population. He is violently op- 
posed to miscegenation. See Giuffrida- 
Ruggeri (V.). 

Flamand (G. B. M.) el Laquiere (E.) 
Idoles (pierres roulces a tfite de chouette 
du Sahara central, Tassili des Azdjer. 
(Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de Paris, 1909, v® 
s., x, 179-197, 10 fgs.) Treats in detail 
of 6 "owl-headed" stone idols discov- 
ered in 1905 by Capt. Touchard, 10 or 
12 kilom. s. w. of Teb^lbalet in the 
Djanet region of the Central Sahara. 
These megaliths are from 24 to 37 cm. 
high, with a maximum diameter of 20 
cm. The human face outlined at the 
top is of the "owl-head" variety, — no 
mouth, lips, or chin indicated. Sex 
is not clearly indicated. The patina on 
the idols suggests that they are older 
than the prehistoric and Libyo-Berber 
inscribed stones. These idols were pos- 
sibly funerary stones with some religious 
significance. 

Forbes (E. A.) Notes on the only Ameri- 
can colony in the world. (Nat. 
Geogr. Mag., Wash., 1910. xxi, 719- 
729, 14 fgs.) Points out how "Ameri- 
can" some things are in Liberia. The 
houses are built "in the styles of the 
Southern States," and they are equipped 
from the United States. There is "no 
real difference between the people 
of Monrovia and those of the same race 
in the United States," and "even their 
shortcomings are homelike." Tlie 
"American saloon" and the "negro 
dive" seem absent. Liberia is not a 
failure in self-government. 

Fritsch (G.) Uber vernachliissigte Mu- 
iiiienschadcl des alten Reichcs in Agyp- 
ten. (Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1910, xm, 
318-320.) Calls attention to the need 
for investigationg the skeletal remains 
of the lower classes of the ancient Egyp- 
tian population. As judged by frag- 
mentary, neglected skulls from 
Sakkara, this element belonged to the 
"gross type." In Egypt, as well as 
elsewhere (e. g. Japan), "fine" and 
"gross" types are to be distinguished. 
F. questions the conception of Ilamitcs 
helfl in certain quarters, which attri- 
butes lo those peoples the origin of the 
the -Semites. According to F. the 
Nubians are Negroid and distinct from 
the Berbers. 

Frobenius (I,.) Ethnologischc Ergeb- 



86 



Jounml oj American Folk-Lore 



nisse dcr zweiten Reiseperiode der 
Deutschcn Inncrafrikanischen For- 
schungsexpcdition. (Ibid., 1909, XLI, 
759-783, 1 1 fgs.) Resumes results of the 
Central African expedition of 1908- 
1909. The northern Niger region 
(Tinibuctoo) was not first founded in 
the 1 2th century, an older native town 
underlies the newer Mohammedan one; 
also an earlier pre-Gana empire of 
native origin; the so-called "white" 
rulers of Gana were Fulas; the sha- 
manism of this region is important; 
the graves of the mountain-population 
deserve special studj-, the tumuli, 
architecture, etc., the bronze finds here, 
resemble the famous ones of Benin); 
the older Sudan-culture (not de- 
stroyed and mutilated altogether as 
has been generally believed, but pro- 
portionately little annihilated or sub- 
stituted); culture-area of the Mande 
plateau (represents the institution of 
castes; nobles; subjects, — peasants, 
workers, subjected tribes; bards and 
singers; the old inhabitants, iron-work- 
ers, etc., the controlers, etc., of religion; 
slaves); culture-area of the Moasi- 
plateau (no bard-institution, court- 
song, or court-poetrj-; characteristic 
festivals in honor of the dead; sort of 
feudal regime); methods of bow-string- 
ing (5 sorts in various parts of the 
continent); departures from usual type 
of Negritic culture (Asiatic influences 
in certain implements; different types 
of weaving, Mediterranean, Indian; 
house-architecture); myth of Atlantis 
(possibly due to some distorted account 
of the early culture of this region, be- 
longing to certain Guinea negroes). 
F. suggests the former existence of an 
"Atlantic culture." Atlantis was not 
submerged by the Ocean, but the 
knowledge of this culture passed away 
from the minds of the Mediterranean 
civilized peoples. 
Garbutt (H. W.) Native superstition 
anrl witchcraft in South Africa. (J. 
Roy. Anthr. Inst., Lond., 1909, 
XXXIX, 530-558, 2 pi., 4 fgs.) Treats 
of witches and witchcraft, witch- 
doctors (male and female of various 
sorts), bone-throwers (sickness, lost 
property and food; minor and major 
bones; before going to war; readings 
of bones; names of bones; for theft, 
witchcraft, etc.). rain-making (witch- 
doctors not usually consulted; every 
tribe has its own protecting god, who 



always has a medium through whom 
he speaks; spirits; girl-dancers) and 
rain-doctors (not confined to males; 
king is chief one), grave-doctors, 
necromancers or sorcerers, sacrifices 
(good and bad spirits), ordeals (castor- 
oil bean, boiling water, fire, etc.). 

Garstang (J.) Preliminary note on an 
expedition to Meroe in Ethiopia. 
(Ann. Arch. & Anthrop., Univ. of 
Liverpool, 1910, in, 57-70, 4 pi., 2 fgs.) 
Gives results of excavations, etc., 
during winter of 1909: Peripetal temple 
at Messawrat (plan), temple of Amon 
(kiosk, main building), sun temple, 
two smaller temples, the necropolis. 
The pottery and character of the 
Meroitic tombs was distinctive, pecul- 
iar, and entirely non-Egyptian. 

Giovannozzi (U.) Gli oggetti etiopici 
della Accademia Etrusca di Cortona. 
(A. p. I'Antrop., Firenze, 1909, xxxix, 
132-137, I fg.) Lists, with brief de- 
scriptions, 29 Ethiopian specimens 
(ornaments, weapons, implements, 
etc.). The most interesting object is a 
wooden mattock, figured on p. 136. 
Most of the specimens are probably 
from the Galla. 

Groom (A. H.) The main characteristics 
of the "Inland" Igbirras in Kabba 
Province, Northern Nigeria. Q. 
Afric. Soc, Lond., 1910, ix, 176-183.) 
Treats of origin (said to have come from 
Panda or Romasha on the Benue), 
chief and rain-maker, marriage (in- 
fant-betrothal general; wife husband's 
property and domestic drudge), cere- 
monies at birth of child (twins not 
considered unlucky), circumcision (uni- 
versal; performed when child is from 
2 to 5 months old), death and mourning 
cutoms, burial, sacrifices (goats and 
fowls at all festivals, etc.), ancestor- 
worship universal, Ihinegba (one god, of 
hazy personality, beneficent and pun- 
ishing evil by sickness), religion (largely 
"rain-worship"), ju-ju ("devil-cult"), 
ordeal (by passing quill through tongue; 
bending or breaking indicates guilt), 
games (dances, archery, sort of draught- 
game with stones), war and hunting 
(bow with poisoned arrows; hunting 
"medicine"). 

Haarpaintner (M.) Grammatik der 
Yaundesprache, Kamerun. (Anthro- 
pos, St Gabriel-Modling, 1909, iv, 
919-930.) Pt. II. Treats of adverb, 
comparison (no real adjectival c), 
preposition, verb and its classes (ex- 



Periodical Literature 



87 



ercises with native text and translation, 
pp. 926-928), yes and nb, auxiliaries, 
etc. Numerous examples are given 
under the various sections. 

Hamberger (A.) Nachtrag zu den 
religiosen tjberlieferungen und Ge- 
brauchen der Landschaft Mkulive, 
Deutsch-Ostafrika. (Ibid., 1910, v, 
798-807.) Treats of the imuawa, 
nanyau'ili or mama ndnwi (Wafipa 
kalai) an incorporeal, pure-minded 
spirit, a sort of medium between man 
and God, that sometimes appears 
in human form (his commands are 
usually given through the mouths of 
persons "possesssed"), — he also brings 
diseases (e. g. small-pox) upon man and 
is feared on that account; viwa or 
ghosts, born of the bones of dead and 
decayed corpses (not the mzitnti or 
soul); kinkula (a child whose upper 
teeth break through first; causes as 
much fear as a kiwa); milembo dawa 
(folk materia medica; medicine-bag; 
dawa or "medicine" and its employ- 
ment, treatment of the sick, etc.). 

Hart-Davis (M.) Trade signs in Chris- 
tianborg, Gold Coast. (Man, Lond., 
1910. X, 33, I pi.) Note, with figures 
of 12 signs of thin sheet tin, seemingly 
of recent origin, and representing the 
trade of the owner (saw, hammer, anvil, 
etc.). The hand, occurring in several, 
is possibly talismanic. Christianborg 
is a suburb of Accra, but "boasts its 
own king, its own fetish hut, and a fetish 
grove of somewhat sinister fame." 

Hatch (J. E.) Some African customs and 
superstitions. I. In Rhodesia. (So. 
Wkmn., Hampton, Va., 1910, xxxix, 
624-625.) Notes on worship of an- 
cestral spirit, Mudzimu, and on beer- 
drinking. 

Hofmeyer (VV.) Zur Gcschichte und 
SDzialcn und politischcn Glicderung rlcr 
Scliilluknrgor. CAnthropos, St Gab- 
ricl-MiWIIiiiK, 1910, v. 328-333.) Notes 
on the iiistory, and political and social 
institutions of the Shilluk negroes. 
Origin-legend (descended from Uruku- 
as, a powerful chief on the river Giur in 
the Bahr-el-Gazal. whose eldest son 
Nyang migrated some 200 years ago); 
veneration of Nyang in numerous 
temples. The most important tril)os, 
castes, etc., are the (Jinarcd (flesrencl- 
ants of Nyang; the lowest class are the 
half-Arabs and flesccndants of the 
aborigines found in the land now oc- 
cupied by the Shilluks), {)uamal (de- 



scendants of those who came "from 
above," — the legend of their falling 
down is given in Shilluk and German, 
P- 331). Quadschal (originating from 
the wonderful "land of silver"), Ororo 
(descendants of Dag; are in a manner 
high-priests); Qiia-okal (descended from 
a relative of Nyang, but made ordinary 
Shilluk in consequence of crime against 
his house), etc. After Nyang's time 
the Shilluk country became a hereditary 
kingdom. 

Hollis (A. C.) Taveta sayings and 
proverbs. (J. Afric. Soc, Lond., 1910, 
255-266.) Gives 81 items with trans- 
lations and explanatory notes. The 
Taveta in the Luma river region at 
the foot of Kilimanjaro, in the southern 
part of the British East Africa Pro- 
tectorate, are a mixed Hamite-Bantu 
people, some 4000 in number, who have 
lived in their present habitat not more 
than 300 years. Sir H. Johnston says 
that they are a very pleasant people. 

von Hornbostel (E. M.) Wanyamwezi- 
Gesiinge. (Anthropos, St Gabriel- 
Modling, 1909, IV, 1033-1052.) Con- 
tinuation. Treats of melody, harmony, 
rhythm, time, etc.; opinions of Wan- 
yamwezi music (various Europeans); 
also two educated natives from the 
coast. On pages 1050-1052 are notes 
to the texts by C. Mernhof. The 
texts contain many Suaheli words. 
Stanley termed the Wanyamwezi "by 
far the best singers on the African con- 
tinent." 

Hrdlicka (A.) Note sur la variation 
morphologiquc des egyptiens depuis 
les temps prehistoriques ou prcdy- 
nastiques. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de 
Paris, 1909, v" s., x, 143-144.) Briefly 
resumes results of author's examination 
of 300 skulls and skeletons of the 12th 
dynasty (ca. 2000 B. C), a series of 
skeletons of subsequent dynasties and 
150 mummies, skeletons and skulls of 
the Copt periofl in the Great Oasis; 
likewise 100 male and 50 female skulls 
(with long bones), in the Cairo Medical 
Museum, of the pre<lynastic period, a 
series of skulls from the 6th. Qth and 
n-i4th dynasties, besides some 20 
Copt skulls of the 3rd century. In 
adflition in the Great Oasis 155 adult 
men of the ICgyiUian type were im-as- 
ured, examineil. and photographed. 
The present population of the Nile 
valley is "a mixed mass, a very unhomo- 
geneous mixture of Egyptians, Arabs 



88 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



and other Semites, Libyans, Nubians, 
negroes, and still other ethnic elements 
from Asia Minor and Europe," but in 
certain localities the ancient type of the 
valley (coinciding with the Egyptian 
type) can still be recognized, e. g., 
in the Great Oasis (Kharga). The 
pre-dynastic material shows that even 
then the population contained foreign 
elements. The tendency to brachy- 
cephalism noted as early as 6000 B. C, 
is explained by Dr H. as of slow growth 
and "due to the gradual infiltration of 
new ethnic elements (and perhaps 
other factors), but not to the displace- 
ment of one race by another." 

Huguet (J.) Les sofs chez les Abadhites 
et notamment chez les Beni Mzab. 
(L'Anthropologie, Paris, 1910, xxi, 
151-184, 313-319.) Historical and 
sociological notes on the sofs or groups 
for offensive or defensive union among 
the Abadhites, particularly the Beni 
Mzab of Algeria. The formation and 
evolution of the sofs and their partici- 
pation in the great events in the Mzab 
before the French occupation, their 
activities since the annexation of the 
Mzab in 1882, are considered. The 
history of the sofs is in a sense the key 
to the history of the Mzab. 

Hurel (E.) La trouvaille d'un couteau 
de pierre (prehistorique?) dans I'Afri- 
que Orientale Allcmande. (Anthropos, 
St Gabriel-Modling, 1910, v, 247-248, 
I fg.) Describes a stone knife (70 cm. 
long, weight 56 lbs.), made of the gran- 
ite of the country, found imbedded in 
the soil of the kibira or sacred forest 
of the village (Mission of Ihangiro). 
This object is of ancient date. 

Hutter (Hptm.) Im Gebiet der 
Etoshapfanne, Deutsch-Sudwestafrika. 
(Globus, Brnschwg., 1910, xcviii, 
1-7, 24-30, IS fgs.) Contains (p. 30) 
notes on the natives of the Etoslia 
region (in the west Bushmen, in the 
east mountain-Uamara), musical in- 
struments. In this region only one 
"painting" has been found (that of a 
hippopotamus near (Ghaub); but many 
tracks of animals cut in the rock. 

Hyde (W. W.) A visit to the pyramids 
of Gizeh. Part L (Rec. of Past. 
Wash., 1910, IX, 247-265, 10 fgs.) 
Historical and descriptive notes. The 
pyramid (the form was "derived from 
the prehistoric funeral mound of earth 
transferred to stone"), was "merely 
the abode of the royal mummy, a tomb. 



whose sepulchral chamber was hidden 
away in the interior." The character- 
istic of having 4 faces is the only one 
common to all Egyptian pyramids, — 
"in c\x>ry other detail they show the 
most surprising variation of form and 
structure." 
Ishmael (G. C.) The Babinza. (Man, 
Lond., 1910, X, 114-117.) Notes on 
the Babinza of the Belgian Congo, 
Likati-Itimbiri region: Physical char- 
acters (neither tall nor well-propor- 
tioned; women small and ill-shaped), 
tribal divisions (some 20 clans), villages 
and houses, food, occupations and in- 
dustries (women cook, fetch wood, till 
fields, make pots; men hunt, fight, 
occasionally tend the children; dex- 
terous canoe-men and hunters of 
monkeys), succession and inheritance, 
human sacrifices at chief's death, war 
(not only between clans, but between 
parts of same sub-clan), ordeal for 
murderer, condition of women (poly- 
gamy), child-birth, circumcision (males 
before 20), aiTection (great; father often 
plays with child), religion ("do not 
believe in a God, gods, or future state," 
but revere a spirit called miimbo). 

and Kagwa (A.) Old customs of 

the Baganda. (Man, Lond., 1910, x, 
38-43.) Translates from Sir Apolo 
Kagwa's book of Old Customs items 
relating to law (fraud, ordeal by 
datura seed juice, bewitching, theft, 
adultery, debt, theft of food, witnessing 
sales, herdsman's oft'enses, etc., as- 
saults and fighting, cattle-stealing, 
etc.), twins (dance and kibtduhi cere- 
mony). 

Joyce (T. A.) On a wooden portrait- 
statue from the Bushongo people of the 
Kasai district, Congo State. (Ibid., 
1-2, I pi.) Describes statue of Shamba 
Bolongongo, 93d (the present ruler is 
I2ist) in the list of Bushongo kings 
"from the creation," a very wise man, 
many of whose sayings have been 
recorded. This statue is one of 4 
portrait-figures in wood brought by 
Mr E. Torday from the Kasai country. 
It is important, since "the art of por- 
traiture in the round, so far as Africa is 
concerned has usually been supposed 
to be confined to ancient Egypt." 

Note on the Pigment-blocks of the 

Bushongo, Kasai district, Belgian 
Congo. (Ibid., 81-82, I pi., i fg.) 
Treats of the cakes or blocks of the 
lukula (rich crimson pigment) into 



Periodical Literature 



89 



which the Bushongo mould their 
dye-paste, — forms of animals, human 
heads, ornaments, etc. The pigment 
is used to adorn the body on festive 
occasions, to color palmcloth and 
embroidery fiber, and also to rub in 
on wooden carvings, etc. Tukula 
blocks are also distributed at funerals 
(cf. our "mourning rings)" by the chief 
mourner to the principal friends of 
the deceased. 

Langlume ( — ) Deux legendes des 
Mossis. (L'Anthropologie, Paris, 1910, 
XXI, 614-615.) French te.xts only of 
the contest between sun and moon 
(eclipse) and origin of the world; ob- 
tained from an old chief of the Mossis 
at Ouahigouya (Yatenga) on the 
occasions of an eclipse of the moon in 
1903. 

Mabuda (E.) Mission work in Natal, 
South Africa. (So. Wkmn., Hampton, 
Va., 1910, XXXIX, 181-183.) Reports 
effects of mission work since 1835. 
Author is a Zulu woman from Umzum- 
be, graduate of the Lovedale Institute 
in the Cape Colony. 

MacMichael (H. A.) Rock pictures in 
North Kordofan. (J. Roy. Anthr. 
Inst., Lond., 1909, xxxix, 562-568, 
20 fgs.) Treats of pictures at Jebel 
HarSza (145 miles W. S. W. of Om- 
durman), and at Jebel Afarit, "Hill 
of Goblins" (30 miles E. S. E. of 
Foga). Those at J. Maraza are of three 
sorts (at J. .Shalashi, red and white 
pigment, superior in workmanship, full 
of life and movement, — men, animals, 
etc.; at J. Karshul, red pigment, corre- 
spond to ordinary "Lihyo-Berber" 
rock-pictures; at J. Kurkeila. roughly 
chipped on lumps of granite on hill- 
side). At J. Afarit the pictures are in 
hlarkisli pigment on overhanging rock 
(men crirry shields). 

Mahoudeau (P. G.) Le p^-riple d'llan- 
non. (R. dc I'fic. d'Anthr. dc Paris, 
1910, XX, 149-169.) Study and in- 
terpretation of tlje voyage of Hanno, 
— a P'rench version of the Greek of llic 
Ms. of Heidelberg is given at pages 
150-152. and it is discussefl paragraph 
by paragraph. Dr M. thinks that if 
by the "gmillas" of Mannr) antliroixiids 
were meant, they were prol>al)ly 
chimpanzees; evidence of their having 
been men (hairy pigmies) is not sufTi- 
cient. The fires seen may have been 
large bush-fires .xet by the natives to 
clear away the forest, or for other 



purposes. Besides Berbers (e. g. 
Hanno's Lixiies) the e.xpedition also 
met with negroes. 

Mehlis (C.) Die Berberfrage. (A. f. 
Anthrop., Brnschwg., 1909, N. F. 
VIII, 249-286, 3 fgs.) Resumes and 
discusses views and theories of writers 
and investigators, ancient (Herodotus, 
Strabo, Sallustius Crispus, Pomponius 
Mela, Ptolemy, etc.) and modern 
(F. Mueller, Peschel, Kiepert, Ros- 
sellini, Quedenberg, Faidherbe, Broca, 
Hommel, Forrer, Wilser, Flinders 
Petrie, Th. Fischer, Lissauer, Sergi, 
etc.) concerning the origin, migrations 
physical characters, etc., of the Libyans 
and Berbers, their relations to the 
peoples of Europe, Asia Minor, etc. 
(at pages 274-284 Dr M. discusses 
numerous North African place-names 
in comparison with European). Ac- 
cording to Dr M., the tall, blond 
Libyans (the classic type was known to 
the ancient Egyptians) originated in 
North Central Europe. Linguistic 
data point to Aryan relationship, as 
do also myths, religion, habits and 
customs, etc. Place-names indicate 
the route taken. 

Meldon (J. A.) The Latuka and Bari 
languages. (J. Afric. Soc, Lond., 
1910, IX, 193-195.) Gives the numer- 
als i-io in Latuka and Bari, besides a 
Bari vocabulary of more than 100 words. 
These languages belong to the same 
stock as the Masai. 

The Latuka. (Ibid., 270-274, 

I pi., map.) Notes on physical char- 
acters (tall race), houses and villages, 
etc. 

Miller (F. V. B.) A few historical 
notes on Feira and Zumbo. (Ibid. 
416-423, 2 pi.) Treats of the rela- 
tions of the Portuguese in this region 
of Rhodesia with the natives from 
1720 to 1864, — Zumbo is still Portu- 
guese, but Feira now belongs to Gt 
Britain. 

de Morgan (J.), Capitan (L.) el Bondy (P.) 
fitude sur les stations pn'liisturic|ue3 
du sud tunisien. (R. dc I'hc. d'.\ntlir. 
dc Paris, 1910, xx, 105-136, 206-221, 
267-286. 335-347, 109 fgs.) Treats 
of the pr<"liist(iric "stations" of South 
Tunisia, investigated in 1906-1907 by 
M M. de Morgan and Bondy, — a geo- 
Icigical sketch jircccdes: EI-Mckta (to 
the north of the Gafsa oasis); the 
implements correspond even in detail 
to the Achculean and Mousterian of 



90 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



France; also some specimens corre- 
sponding to the lower Aurignacian, 
middle Aurignacian, Aurignacian; the 
Capsian type is also represented); 
Gafsa (offers all the paleolithic forms 
of El-Mekta), Foumel Maza (paleoliths 
rare), Redeyef (Capsian; Chellean- 
Mousterian; Acheulean-Mousterian), 
Oum-Ali, Guetrana, Jeneyen Chabet- 
Rechada. The paleolithic period in 
South Tunisia can not be divided into 
3 successive periods corresponding to 
those of Europe. The Capsian has 
been named from Gafsa (in Latin 
Capsa), and corresponds to the Euro- 
pean Aurignacian. In the southern or 
pre-Saharan zone the Capsian (lower 
and upper) has a great importance and 
a remarkable extension; in the extreme 
South or Saharian zone (Jeneyen) the 
Capsian is not much represented. 

de Mortillet (A.) Notes sur la prehis- 
toire de I'Orangie d'apres J. P. Johnson. 
(Ibid., 312-317, 3 fgs.) Resumes data 
in J. P. Johnson's Geological and Arche- 
ological Notes on Orangia. (London, 
1910.) Treats of stone implements, 
rock carvings and paintings, etc. 

Moszcik ( — ) Daggarauchen. (Int. 
Arch. f. Ethnogr., Leiden, 1910, xix, 
162-165, 2 fgs.) Notes on the smoking 
of dagga, Indian hemp, or the African 
variety of it, among the Kaffirs, etc. 
of South Africa. Only the leaves are 
used ; the apparatus employed resembles 
the Turbish nargileh. There are two 
waj^s of smoking. The effects of 
dagga-smdk\n% have not yet been 
thoroughly studied. 

Nahon (M.) Les Israelites du Maroc. 
(Rev. des Et. Ethnogr. et Sociol., Paris, 
1909. II, 258-279.) Treats of the Jews 
of Morocco. Number (in 1904, 109, 
712) and distribution, language (3 
linguistic groups, Spanish, Arabic, and 
those of the Berber zone), manners and 
customs, religion (the only cultural 
factor), communal organization, eco- 
nomic condition, legal status ("sub- 
jects of inferior rank"), attitude of the 
authorities, relations with Musulman, 
population, murders and plundering 
(fanaticism at Sale, and especially Fez), 
the European representatives and the 
Jews. "L'Alliance Israelite," etc. 

Newberry (P. E.) The Egyptian cult- 
object -= o >■ and the "thunderbolt." 
(Ann. Arch. & Anthrop., Univ. of 
Liverpool, 1910, in, 50-52, i pi.) 
Suggests that this symbol, which Prof. 



Petrie regards as a garland of flowers, 
is really a thunderbolt, like that of the 
Greek Zeus. 

Obermaier (H.) Ein "in situ" gefun- 
dener Faustkeil aus Natal. (Anthro- 
pos, St. Gabriel-Modling, 1909, iv, 
972-975, 4 fgs.) Treats, after infor- 
mation from Br Otto of Mariannhill, 
Natal, a typical coup-de-poing of red- 
dish porphyry, found in 1907 in the 
valley of the Umhlatuzane river, near 
Mariannhill, in the course of digging a 
well. The find is important as not 
being a surface one, and lying 5 or 6 
meters deep. 

Offord (J.) The antiquity of the great 
Sphinx. (Amer. Antiq., Salem, 

Mass., 1910, XXXII, 27-28.) Dis- 
cusses the significance of the texts on 
the "Stele of the Daughter of Cheops," 
in which reference is made to the 
repairing of the head-dress of the 
Sphinx. The new work may have been 
graven in the 12th dynasty fashion 
and not the like the original stone. 
There is need of research for the oldest 
statements, in papyri or on monuments, 
relating to the Sphinx. 

Palmer (H. R.) Notes on traces of 
totemism and some other customs in 
Hausaland. (Man, Lond., 1910, X, 
72-76.) Treats of totemism, etc., 
among the Maguzawa, pagan Fulani 
and other non-Moslem people of the 
Hausa country (the Hausa was polyga- 
mous and exogamous; the Fulani mono- 
gamous and endogamous). The totems 
of the pagan Fulani of northern Hausa- 
land are chiefly birds (there is also a 
tabu on sheep and cattle and the killing 
of them except on certain occasions, 
e. g., the ceremony of Biwali): mar- 
riage is permitted between children 
of the same father, but not of the same 
mother among some of the pagan 
Fulani. The pagan Hausa or Magu- 
zawa have a curious custom of shutting 
up together for a month young men 
and maidens, called fita fuwa. All 
Maguzawa have "at least one 'totem' 
or 'tabu,' " and they sacrifice to certain 
spirits, but do not make images or 
fetishes. On pages 75-76 are given 
data concerning totems and tabus from 
native informants belonging to 28 
different Hausa communities. 

Notes on some Asben records. 

(J. Afric. Soc, Lond., 1910, ix, 388- 
400.) Gives a chronology of the chiefs 
of Asben (Tuareg) and their wars 



Periodical Literature 



91 



(from notes in Arabic complied by a 
Hausa Mallino, deri%-ed in part, prob- 
ably from Mss. and from Tuareg 
sources) from 1406 to 1908 A. D. 

Passarge (S.) Henry Hubert's Forschun- 
gen in Dahomey. (Globus, Brnschwg., 
1910, xcvii, 312-317.) Resumes data 
in H. Hubert's Mission Scienlifiqiie au 
Dahomey (Paris, 1908). Notes the 
influence of geological and geographical 
conditions on the distribution of the 
native tribes. There are three great 
vegetal zones: oil-palm, butter-tree, 
mimosa (or better, thorn-bush). 

Petersen (E.) Die Serapislegende. (A. 
f. Religsw., Lpzg., 1910, Xiii, 47-74.) 
Discusses the origin of the Alexandrine 
cult of Serapis and the legend of the 
origin of the statue in Tacitus and 
Plutarch, etc., with reference to the 
recent literature of the subject. Two 
kings, two sculptors, two gods (Osiris 
and Serapis), and two statues (the old 
one made at the behest of Sesostris and 
the new one brought from Sinope) are 
confused in some of the legends and 
reports. 

Petrie (W. M. F.) The earliest stone 
tombs. (Man, Lond., 1910, x, 129- 
130, I pi.) Treats of the tombs of 
Nefer-maat and another great noble 
of the end of the third dynasty ("the 
oldest stone tombs of subjects") at 
Meydum, opened by the British School 
the last winter. The burial in tomb 
No. 17 antedates the adjacent pyramid 
of Sneferu, 4600 B.C., being the earliest 
private stone tomb that can be dated. 
Both bodies were unfleshed before 
being wrapped in linen. The skull 
found in the granite sarcophagus was 
of a high type (ccph. ind. 75.4). 

Peyr6 (1^.) (Juelques notes sur lile 
de Mad^re. (Anthropos, St Gabriel- 
Modling, 1909, IV, 976-988.) Con- 
tains some notes on the people, partic- 
ularly the "permanent" population. 
The native of Madeira is ugly 
(partly due to African ancestry) short- 
statured, a great worker, a great 
"walker," and a "toter" (born with a 
basket on his head). There are three 
types (all trades of the negro): hnciro, 
driver of ox-sled; arriciro, groom and 
porter for the tourist on horse-back; 
and the ham mock-bearer. Dress and 
ornament, songs (not very varied; 
canto dos villoes; improvisation), re- 
ligion and superstition (festivals of .'^t 
JoAo, the patron of the bociro; of St 



Peter, the festival of old maids, sol- 
teirai), etc., are considered. The 
author probably overestimates the 
"Negro element" in Madeira. 

Poch (R.) Reisen im Innern Siid- 
afrikas zum Studium der Buschmanner 
in den Jahren 1907 bis 1909. (Z. f. 
Ethnol., Berlin, 1910, xlii, 357-362.) 
Resumes results of expedition of 1907- 
1909 among the Bushmen of the interior 
of S. Africa. The Kalahari tribes (all 
those of the central Kalahari are more 
or less mixed with Hottentot and negro 
blood; the customs and habits of the 
Bushmen as hunters have been least 
influenced); Bushman-paintings of 
Rhodesia (the Bushman-race is older 
than the ancient Rhodesian buildings); 
the Cape and Kham Bushmen and their 
language (the Kham Bushmen repre- 
sent a much purer type of the race 
than do those of the Kalahari); the 
Nu Bushmen of the north (linguistic- 
ally and somatically very close to the 
Kham; the Bushmen north of the 
Molopo-valley (closer to the Kalahari 
type), etc., are considered. Dr P. 
found no evidence for the existence 
of the Kattea, a race smaller in stature 
than the Bushmen, concerning whom 
there is a legend among the Boers, etc. 

Poutrin ( — ) Notes ethnographiques sur 
les populations M'Baka du Congo 
frangais. (L'Anthropologic, Paris, 

1910, XXI, 35-54, 18 fgs.) Treats of 
clothing and ornaments (women go 
naked till puberty; special ornaments 
of warriors; men wear sort of apron of 
beaten bark, women apron of fine 
bark-fiber), dwellings and furniture 
(wooden "pillows"; skulls painted red 
hung above the fire-place), domestic 
animals (chiefly small hens), division 
of labor (men largely iiUe, but obtain 
palm-wine; women agriculturalists, 
etc.), hunting and weapons (skillful in 
chase and in war; bow, s()ear, knives; 
rat-traps; shields), kotolouRo (dance 
after success in hunt or war, etc.). 
musical instruments ("harp-guitar," 
bells, signal tom-toms), iron-working, 
basketry (rudimentary art, practised by 
few men or women in each village), 
drawings and paintings on walls of 
houses), food (manioc chief basis), 
anthropophagy, money (used to buy 
victims to eat, — pairs of iron bells, 
kurokuro). death and burial, sup<T- 
stition. The M'Baka by their culture 
rank above the lowest negro tribes. 



92 



Jounial oj American Folk-Lore 



Tattooing in relief is rare. Though 
not tall, they are well-built. 

Notes anthropolosiques sur les 

ncgres Africains du Congo frangais. 
(Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de Paris, iqio, 
vi"^ s., I, 33-47.) Notes on physical 
characters, dress and ornaments, food, 
dwellings, occupations, implements and 
instruments, tattooing and mutilation, 
etc., among the Negro peoples of the 
French Congo: Bateke (losing native 
manners and customs more and more 
through contact with European cul- 
ture), Bondjios (anthropophagous and 
resemble their northern neighbors, the 
M'Baka), Mandjia-M'Baka and Mand- 
jia-Baya (work iron, use primitive 
forge of the Niam-niam; considerable 
variation from tribe to tribe in customs, 
mutilations, etc.), Babinga (groups of 
nomad pigmies scattered among the 
Mandjia), Ba-Tua (negrillos near 
Makumu, less brachycephalic than the 
Babinga), Banda (numerous tribes; 
scattered among them several rem- 
nants of primitive peoples, e. g., the 
Sabanga on the Ombella), Sara (tall 
and sub-brachycephalic, men 82.5, 
women 79.97). Baghirmi (mixed and 
varied in race), Miltus and Nielim, 
Buduma and Kuris of the islands in L. 
Tchad, Kanembus, Uled-Sliman (from 
Fezzan), Teddas and Dogordas from 
Borku. 

Contribution al'etude des pygmees 

d'Afrique. Les Ncgrilles du centre 
africain, type brachyccphale. (L'An- 
thropologie, Paris 1910, xxi, 435-S04. 
7 fgs. 2 pi., map, bibl., 89 titles). 
Valuable monograph on the brachy- 
cephalic negrillos of Central Africa. 
The tall negro tribes of the Gaboon, — 
Banga-Akalai, Okande, Fiotle, Fan, 
or Pahouin and their possible relations 
and intermixture with these Negrillos 
are first considered, pp. 442-463; then 
the milissage of the Bantu negroes of 
the Gaboon with the Negrillos; and 
the brachycephalic tall negroes, pp, 467 
-473. Also the plurality of Negrillo 
types (pp. 473-479). dolichocephalic, 
mesaticephalic, brachycephalic pigmies 
of the Gaboon, etc. (A-Bongo and 
A-Kora, Ba-Raka and Bc-ku, A-Jongo, 
etc.) and studies of 3 pigmy skulls (A- 
Koa, O-Bongo). On pages 496-500 are 
anthropometric details of 14 male and 7 
female Fiotte, 3 male and 4 female N* 
Komi, 6 male and 7 female Ba-kalai, 5 
male anrl 2 female M'pongwe, 4 male 



Benga-Akalai, 3 male and 3 female 
Ashango, etc., 27 male and 21 female 
Fan, 2 male Adouma, i male and i 
female N'javi, 6 male and 8 female 
Boulou. Dr P. concludes that there 
does e.xist in the Gaboon country a 
brachycephalic type of pigmy. The 
Negrillo type averages in height for 
males 1,430 mm., females 1,370 mm., but 
with great individual variations. The 
three crania studied give an average 
cephalic index of 83.06. Skull capacity 
is small absolutely but relatively to 
stature considerable. 
Priebusch (M.) Die Stellung des Haupt- 
lings bei den Wabena. (Globus, Brn- 
schwg., 1910, xcviii, 205-206.) De- 
scribes the position and prerogative 
of a chief in the time of independence of 
the Wabena (unlimited power, a certain 
right to property of subjects, special 
and valuable clothing, special booty- " 
day in war-time, judge without appeal 
from decisions, death and funeral cere- 
monies, sacrifice, etc.) . 
Puccioni (N.) Crani della necropoli di 
Siuwah. (A. p. I'Anthrop., Firenze, 
1910, XL, 131-144, 6 fgs.) Describes, 
with measurements, 15 skulls (8 
female, i child, and 6 male) of various 
ages from Siuwah (Oasis of Jupiter 
Ammon) now in the National Anthro- 
pological Museum. — collected by the 
engineer Robecchi-Bricchetti in 1885. 
The cephalic index ranges from 69.44 
to 80.84, two only of the crania reach- 
ing 80 or over, the average being 75.86, 
mesaticephalic. The general character 
is Mediterranean of a fine type of skull 
with long face (Zaborowski's "Semitic 
type," rare not only in ancient Egypt, 
but also among the modern Arabs). 
The presence of mesaticephalic crania 
in a Libyan series of the pre-Arabic 
period excludes the idea that the pres- 
ence of that type in Mediterranean 
Africa is due to the historical Arabic 
invasion. 
Randall-Maclver (D.) The Eckley B. 
Cox Junior Expedition. (Univ. of 
Penn. Mus. J., Phiia., 1910, i, 22-28, 7 
fgs.) Notes on excavation of temple 
of .'\menliotep II at Behen, the priests' 
dwellings, the door-way set up to King 
Aahmes (first of the i8th dynasty) 
by Thuri, a notable of Behen, the statue 
of the scribe Amenenhat, etc. 
Range (P.) Steinwerkzeuge der Busch- 
leute des deutschen Namalandes. 
(Globus, 1910, XCVIII, 207-208, I fg.) 



Periodical Literature 



93 



Notes finding in 1906 near Rotekuppe 
in the German Nama country of stone 
implements of paleolithic type belong- 
ing to the Bushmen. 

Rawson (H. E.) The Basuto. (J. Afric. 
Soc.Lond., 1910, IX, 153-160.) Review 
and critique of Sir G. Lagden's The 
Basulos (2 vols. Lond., 1909), a his- 
torical sketch, containing matter of 
ethnologic interest. 

Read (C. H.) Note on certain ivory 
carvings from Benin. (Man, Lond., 
1910. X. 49-51, I pi., 2 fgs.) Treats 
of two elaborate armlets and a mask, 
carved in ivory; also an ivory carving 
of a leopard and another of a baton 
surmounted by a mounted warrior. 
According to R., there is no question 
of the native manufacture of such ivory 
carvings and they "show conclusively 
that the Bini craftsmen were fully capa- 
able of producing work of quite as high 
a type, without the aid of the European 
motives and, as far as we can tell, with- 
out European suggestion." The work- 
manship of the famous bronzes is native, 
though sometimes the metal used may 
have been of Portuguese origin. The 
art of Benin is native. 

Reitemeyer (E.) Hochzeitsgebrauche in 
der Oase Biskra. (Globus, Brnschwg., 
1910, xcvii, 165-167, 4 fgs.) Describes 
wedding ceremonies and customs, 
dances, etc., as observed by the author 
in 1908-1909 in the village of Ras el 
Gueria (Algerian Oasis of Biskra), 
among the Arabized Berbers. Also a 
wedding in the negro village near 
Biskra. 

Ruete (T.) Fiber plants in West Africa: 
a possible industry. (J. Afric. Soc, 
Lond., 1910, IX, 168-175.) Contains 
some notes on native use of fibers, etc. 

Sacleur (C.) L'article dans Ics langues 
ijantoues. A propos dc la Gramniaire 
Ki-nindi du R. P. F. Mf-nard. (An- 
thropos, St Gal)riel-M6d!ing, 1910, v, 
513-518.) Discusses the article in 
the Bantu languages with special 
reference to Father M6nard's Cram- 
maire Ki-Rtindi (Alger, 1908). The 
conclusion reached is that "the Rundi 
possesses in the varial)Ie vowel u, », a, 
a real grammatirai element, which may 
be termed an article." It is not, of 
course, in exact correspondence to the 
article of our European languages. Nor 
do the Ganda, N'yoro, and Kercwc use 
it in the same way as the Rundi. 

Sarbah (J. M.) Maclean anrl Gold 



Coast judicial assessors. (J. Afric. 
Soc, Lond., 1910, IX, 349-359, i fg.) 
Notes on the administrations of G. 
Maclean, B. Cruickshank, Capt. 
Brownell, W. A. Parker, D. P. Chal- 
mers, J. Marshall, etc., and their activ- 
ities, opinions, etc., in the judicial affairs 
of the Gold Coast from 1830 down. 
The association of intelligent native 
chiefs with the English judicial officers 
is of great importance, and decisions 
such as that of the late SirW. NicoU 
in the Chidda case (Axim, 1901) have 
valuable educational bearings. 

Sayce (A. H). Meroe. (Ann. Arch. & 
Anthrop., Univ. of Liverpool, 1910, 
I". 53-561.) Notes on history of city, 
Greek and Roman influence, etc. 

Schonken (F. T.) Die Wurzeln der 
kaphollandischen Volksiiberlieferungen. 
(Int. Arch, f, Ethnogr., Leiden, 1910, 
XIX, Suppl., vii, 1-91.) After a brief 
historical and literary introduction 
treats of the old condition (pp. 6-32) 
and what the Dutch brought with 
them to the Cape: customs and usages 
(children's games, some well-preserved; 
wedding-customs less so), material 
culture (village and house), religion, 
law, morality, etc., superstition (lucky 
and unlucky^ omens, p. 19), festivals and 
merry-makings (opposition of church to 
many dances, etc.), folk-poetry (less 
than in mother-country; numerous 
riddles and riddle-questions, pp. 24-25; 
jests, teasings, proverbs, pp. 25-26; 
like children's play the folk-song has 
suffered much; examples of lullabies 
and nursery-songs, pp. 28-29), folk- 
medicine (many European folk materia 
medica still in use). Influence of new 
environment on the Frisian house of 
the Boers and its arrangements, fur- 
niture, etc.; on clothing; efTect of oxen 
and wagon trek; effect of the new animal 
world upon folk-lore and language, 
proverbs, etc.; new amusements, modi- 
fications of old dances, riddles, etc.); 
folk-poetry (the new is still young and 
scanty; specimens pp. 52-54); nomen- 
clature of plants, animals of the 
new environment; lists of such names 
PP- 56-57; place-names p. 57; nick- 
names, personal and family-names. 
On pages6i-7o the natives (Hottentots, 
Bushmen, Kallirs) are considered (im- 
portance of Hottentots as preservers 
of African animal-tale; local coloring 
of old Teutonic tales in .S. Africa; 
European influence on native tales; 



94 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



influence of Hottentot and other native 
languages upon speech of Boers; in- 
fluence on manners and customs, food, 
dress, etc.; to the Bushmen, S. attri- 
butes the woer-woer or "buzzer" of 
Boer children; effect of contact with 
Kaffirs on customs, folk-literature, 
etc.; effect of slaves and servants. The 
immigrant peoples from the Orient 
(slaves, coolies, etc.) are discussed on 
pages 71-74 and the non-Dutch Euro- 
peans on pages 75-83. The "Malayo- 
Portuguese" of the Indian immigrants 
(cooks, household workers and attend- 
ants, nurses) has contributed about 
100 words (10 e. g. relating to family 
life and many more to house, kitchen, 
clothing, occupations, etc.) to the Boer 
language. German influence on the 
Boers is scanty (a few loan-words, etc.); 
the only influence of the Huguenots is 
seen in certain family-names. English 
influence is marked in the school and 
in children's plays and games, where 
English words get a firm footing. On 
pages 85-86 the author gives in parallel 
columns the characteristics of the 
Dutchmen of Holland and the Boers 
of South Africa, showing them to be 
essentially one. 
Sechefo (J.) The twelve lunar months 
among the Basuto. (Anthropos, St. 
Gabriel-Modling, 1909, iv, 931-941; 
1910, V, 71-81.) Treats in detail of the 
"peculiarly-named" Basuto months, 
their meaning, associations and rela- 
tions to the life of the people; Phalo 
(August), a bold, dull, and harsh month; 
Loelse (September), "anointed," a 
month of "tenderness to plants, 
humanity to animals, and pity to the 
land"; Mphalane (October), the month 
of the /e5/)owa-plant, also of the circum- 
cision of girls; Pulun^oana (Novem- 
ber), "month of the young gnu"; Tsitoe 
(December), "-(little) grasshopper," 
from the continual noise of the insect; 
Phcrekhotig, (January), "to interjoin 
sticks," i. e. putting up of maphcphc- 
huts; Tlhakola (February), "wiping- 
off" (the tnolula), i. e. when the grain 
of the tnolula is to be seen above the 
husks; Tlhakiibcle (March), "when the 
Kafir-corn (mabele) is in grain," 
Mesa (April), "kindling fire," i. e. to 
roast the ripe mealies; Molseaanong 
(May), "bird-laugher," the time when 
the joyous mabclc grain seems to mock 
the bird, it being at harvest and too 
hard to be pecked; Phupjoane (June), 



"beginning to swell," in reference to the 
senyareli-balemi bulb; Phiiphu (July), 
"bulging-out," not merely of bulbs 
underground, but of the stems of some 
hardy plants. 

Seiner (F.) Der Verbindungsweg zwis- 
chen Deutsch-Siidwestafrika und der 
Betschuanaland-Eisenbahn. (Globus, 
Brnschwg., 1910, xcviii, 122-128, 133- 
137, II fgs.) Contains some notes 
on the natives of the region, Bushmen, 
etc. 

Die Buschmiinner des Okawango- 

und Sambesigebietes der Nord-Kala- 
hari. (Ibid., 1910, xcvii, 341-345. 
358-360, II fgs.) Treats of the Bush- 
men of the North Kalahari and Zam- 
besi region. Physical characters (in 
the Central Kalahari the Bushmen 
have been much influenced by Hotten- 
tot mixture, in the North by negro; 
some of the Northern Bushmen are tall 
and might easily pass for negroes), the 
Tannekwe (river or marsh Bushmen) 
and the steppe Bushmen (Hukwe and 
Galikwe), dwellings, dress, activities, 
etc. The upper limit of the Bushmen 
is 17" N. lat. The Marsh Bushmen 
are probably made up of the remains 
of several tribes dri%^en out of the 
surrounding steppes in the river countrj\ 
etc. The culture of the Tannekwe is 
more significant than that of the steppe 
Bushmen, and a good deal of it has 
been borrowed from the surrounding 
Bantu (iron tools, e. g., from the 
Barutse). 

Sharpe (A.) Recent progress in Nyasa- 
land. (J. Afric. Soc, Lond., 1910, IX, 
337-348, I pi.) Contains a few notes 
on natives, the labor question, develop- 
ment of cotton-planting, etc. The 
illustrations represent a Yao village 
and a band of Awemba musicians. 

Shelford (F.) Notes on the Masai. 
(Il)id., 267-269.) Treats briefly of 
weai)ons, dress and ornament, houses 
and villages, hunting ("rounding up" 
a lion), marriage (not until 30 years 
of age), etc. 

Smend (Ohll.) Haar- undKopftracht in 
Togo. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1910, 
XCVII, 245-250, 261-266, 32 fgs.) 
Describes and figures the fashions of 
dressing the hair and the head among 
the negroes of Togo (German VV. 
Africa): Fetish women of Atakpame 
with white turbans; Ewhe, Haussa 
turbans, etc.; Sokode "hair-islands"; 
Basari, Sokode, Grussi fashions; shaved 



Periodical Literature 



95 



head and tattooed neck of Shakossi 
men; Konkomba brass hair-ornament; 
Lama ornamental "helmets"; Lama, 
Ssoruba, Buda, Ssola, Fulla fashions; 
dance-helmets of Ssola and Difale, etc. 
Certain hair dressings of the Lama 
resemble strikingly the "Greek" method 
of arranging the hair now in vogue in 
parts of the U. S. A. 

Spiess (C.) Verborgener Fetischdienst 
unter den Evheern. (Ibid., 1910, 
xcviii, 10-13, 5 ^gs.) Brief account of 
the insignia of a Boko (shaman) among 
the Ewe negroes; the Gboni or fetish 
in the "temple," a sort of house of 
refuge; the Aweli, a fetish of the Legba 
group; the Nuheiviho or Busuyiwe 
("huts to keep away evil spirits"); 
Wumetrowo (from wu, "sea"), a fetish 
for good luck with the whites, etc., — 
it includes figures of a European and 
his wife, a boat signifying also "from 
over sea." 

Stam (N.) The religious conceptions of 
the Kavirondo. (Anthropos, St Ga- 
briel-Modling, 1910, v, 359-362, i pi., 
map.) Notes on ideas of God (Supreme 
Being not adored; sun chief and moon 
secondary deity; ancestors minor 
spirits); sun-worship (spitting toward 
the East in the early morning, etc.); 
death and burial of chief, child, woman, 
exorcism of spirit of defunct; circum- 
cision (no fi.xed age, all young men 
treated at one time), marriage (girl 
must be full-grown; bride-price), etc. 

Stannus (H. S.) Alphabet boards from 
Ci.ntral Africa. (Man, Lond., 1910, X, 
37-38, 2 fgs.) Treats of 2 ubare or 
"alphabet" boards for learning to 
read the Koran, from the Yao, — "the 
making of these boards was introduced 
from the coast along with Mohammed- 
anism among the Yao, and practically 
they are only found among the Machin- 
ga Yao in this country, with a center 
at Fort Johnston." They are not 
common anrl it is hardly correct to say 
that they are used as "slates." 

Native paintings in Nyasaland 

(J. Afric. Soc, Lond.. 1910, ix, 184- 
188, I pi., I fg.) Treats of painting of 
a boat by Manyani and an antelope 
by Chipoka, both Machinga Yaos, 
and discusses the painting of a monkey 
by Moynpcnibi, also a Machinga Yao, 
recently described and figured in this 
Journal. Of the work of a boy of 12 
years S. says, "it was of the same type, 
but showed many characteristics of 



a European child's drawing." The 
boat-painting "shows an unconscious 
knowledge of perspective." He is of 
opinion also that "this painitng on 
houses is the outcome of European 
influence," the natives themselves 
reporting that none was done before the 
coming of the whites. The carving of 
images has a parallel history; little 
sun-dried images of cattle and men were 
made by all the Angoni children and 
the Zulus, but the Yaos and other 
tribes neither modeled nor carved until 
a few years ago, "under the influence 
of the white man." The Yaos have 
adopted for their girl-initiation cere- 
monies the ground-drawings (in white 
ashes or flour; or in grass) of the Nyanja 
tribes. In a note Miss Werner thinks 
"Dr Stannus has completely disposed of 
the theory of a Bushman origin of the 
native drawings at Mponda's. 

Staudinger ( — ) tjber Bronzeguss in 
Togo. (Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1909, 
XLi, 855-862. I pi.) Treats of a 
number of bronze and copper casts 
(masks, statue, plates with numerous 
figures, etc.) from German Togo land. 
The maker of these is Ali Amonikoyi 
(the art is ancient in his family, which 
came from Ilorin in thej Yoruba 
country) of Kcte-Kratshi. They are 
said not to have borrowed the art 
from foreigners (details about Ali and 
his art from Prof. Mischlich, the Geman 
governor of the district, are given at 
pp. 857-859). One of the plates 
represents obscene scenes. These 
bronze objects are of value in connec- 
tion with the much discussed "Benin 
bronzes." 

Struck (B.) On the Ethnographic no- 
menclature of the Uganda-Congo 
border. (J. Afric. Soc, Lond.. 1910. 
IX, 275-288.) Treats of Baamba. 
Bambuba. Babira, Balega and Lendu. 
Banyari, etc. According to S., the 
appellations of Waxonnora (Basongola) 
and Walioko (Hahuku) should be 
avoided; Balff^a (Lendu) and BiircRa 
(Bantu) "are homogeneous but not in- 
digenous names and apply to entirely 
distinct tribes and languages, but 
Balfga should be retained for the 
southern group of the Lendu; Bnbira 
and Biiktimu are local, but ancient 
variations and as such are to be re- 
spected." 

StrUmpell (llpim.) und Struck (B.) 
Verglcichendes WOrtcrvcrzeichnis der 



96 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



Heidensprachen Adamauas. (Ztsclir. 
f. Ethnol.. Berlin, 1910, xlii, 444-488.) 
Gives more than 100 words and 50 
phrases, etc., in 29 languages of the 
heathen natives of Adamaua (German 
Camcroons). The historical and eth- 
nographical introduction by Struck 
informs us that only 3 of these tongues 
are represented in print (Baya, Batla, 
Daba); of 17 linguistic material is 
presented for the first time, — of 5 only 
the names were previously on record. 
The vocabulary of the KSk& extends 
the northern limit of genuine Bantu to 
8° N. lat. Other interesting facts are 
noted. The 29 languages are: Baia, 
Batla, Dama, Dari, Durru (2), Falli, 
Gidder, Hina, Jassing, Kik^, Kfilbllia, 
K6't6p6, Lakka. Mangbei, Mberre, 
Mbum, Mboa, Mono, Musugeu, Mu- 
turua, Namschi, Niam-niam, Pape, 
Ssari, Suga, Tschamba (2), Were. A 
vocabulary of the Adamaua dialect 
of the Ful is also given. 
Tate (H. R.) The native law of the 
southern Gikuyu of British East 
Africa. Q. Afric. Soc, Lond., 1910, 
IX, 233-254, 1 pi.) Treats of clans (ii 
or 14); laws of succession (eldest gets 
lion's share, all others equal portions 
after him); criminal law: blood-money 
for murder, compensation for injuries 
(in goats and sheep); offenses against 
property: damage to crops, stock- 
thefts, arson; offense against sexual 
morality (adultery, rape, seduction); 
offenses against tribal religion: tres- 
pass in sacred grove, sacrilege, snake- 
killing; breaking of oaths; crimes 
committed by persons of unsound 
mind (must be compounded by rela- 
tives); civil law: debts (liability inher- 
ited), enforcement of decrees now by 
protectorate courts; marriage-laws (wife 
buying); property-inheritance (if no 
male children exist, goes to eldest 
brother; widows retain for life own 
plots of land); disputes as to ownership 
of property; guardianship of minors 
(eldest brother or next of kin or clan); 
accidental and intentional injury not 
distinguishcfl; forms of oath, affir- 
mation and ordeals: 3 oaths, red-hot 
knife on tongue, witch-grass in eyes, 
etc.; legal procedure and constitution 
of courts (elders; council of elders), etc. 
On p. 236 is given the Southern Kikuyu 
legend of their own origin and that of 
the Kamba and Masai. 



Tepowa (A.) The titles of Ozor and 
Ndiche at Onitsha. (Ibid., 189-192.) 
Treats of the process of obtaining the 
grades of ozor and ndiche in the aris- 
tocratic set of Onitsha, a town on the 
East bank of the Niger, with 9 out- 
lying villages. The title of ndiche 
can be obtained only by those who are 
at least 40 years of age, and already 
possess that of ozor. 

Tessmann (G.) Verlauf und Ergebnisse 
dcr Liibecker Pangwe-Expedition. 
(Globus, Brnschwg., 1910, xcvii, 1-8, 
25-29, 17 fgs., map.) Gives account 
of expedition of the author (under 
auspices of the Lubeck Ethnological 
Museum, etc.) in 1907-1909 in the 
Pangwe region of W. Africa, between 
the Ogowe and Sanga (parts of the 
German Cameroons, Spanish and 
French Congo), inhabited by Mpongwe 
tribes (Eton, Mwelc, Jaunde, Bene, 
Bulu, Ntum, Mokuk, Mwai. Fang (the 
Okak are a section of the Fang, closer 
to the Ntum) forming a linguistic and 
ethnological group with only dialectical 
etc., variations. Physical character- 
istics (lighter, almost reddish tint of 
skin and finer Hamitic type often seen; 
also broadnosed; short-headed, darker 
type); villages and houses; division 
of labor; iron-smelting (many tabus 
connected with it) ; dress and ornament- 
tation (scarification earlier, tattooing 
of recent introduction); polygamy; 
religious ideas (soul-cult, wooden an- 
cestral figures; cult of evil and good, 
— 550 and Nf;i, the latter the personi- 
fication of fire. Huge Sso and Ngi 
figures made of clay, put in holy 
places and shown only to initiates); 
preparation of poison; "medicine;" 
specimen of a proverb (p. 28). The 
author's collections include 58 tales, 
400 proverbs, riddles, etc. A compre- 
hensive monograph on the Pangwe 
is in preparation. 

Religionsformen der Pangwe. 

(Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1909, XL, 874- 
889, 5 fgs.) Treats of the religion of 
the Pangwe of the southern Cameroons, 
northern French Congo and Spanish 
Congo (sub-tribes Mvele, Jaunde, 
Eton, Bene, Bulu, Ntum, Mvai, Fang, 
Mokuk). Ideas about life and the 
soul (detailed dualism; scheme on p. 
778); good side and bad side of things; 
shamanism; ancestor-worship and skull- 
cult; ancestral legends; huge figures 
erected on ground in connection with 



Periodical Literature 



97 



the T\gi and Sso cults, also bokung 
and elong "bad" and "good." 
Thomas (,X. W.) Decorative art among 
the Edo-speaking peoples of Nigeria: I. 
Decoration of buildings. (Man, Lond., 
1910, X, 65-66, I pi., 2 fgs.) Treats of 
scroll-work, concentric circles, triangles, 
animal figures, etc. In the extreme 
N. E. of Ifon, occurs a curious pattern 
giving a sort of "jig-saw" effect. Some 
of the native names of patterns are 
"tortoise shell," "200 mark," "palm 
leaf," — but they are generaly termed 
simply oba, i. e. "mark." In the Edo 
family (of which the Bini is the best 
known and most populous tribe), 
"there is, on the whole, a marked ab- 
sence of incised plastic, or laid-on 
ornament." 

Pottery-making of the Edo- 
speaking peoples Southern Nigeria. 
(Ibid., 97-98, I pi.) Describes the 
various stages in the processes of manu- 
facture at Utekon in the Bini country 
and at Sabongida (large pots only) in 
Ora. In Benin city pots are made with 
human figures on them. As a rule 
pots are more useful than ornamental. 

The incest tabu.- (Ibid., 123-124.) 

Notes that in more than one place in 
Southern Nigeria (Agbede, especially), 
although marriage between sisters and 
brothers was prohibited, se.xual inter- 
course was "exceedingly common." 
In the case of a man who had sexual 
intercourse with his mother, he was 
treated by her as an infant for 3 months, 
and the second son took his place as 
the eldest child. This is a most inter- 
esting example of "birth-simulation." 
The only kind of avoidance practiced 
at Agbcde is between bride and bride- 
groom. 

Thompson (R. C.) Three Bishartn folk- 
tales. (Ibid., 99-102.) Native texts, 
with translation and notes of three 
brief stories (Uncle teaches nephew to 
steal; ghoul and woman (woman gets 
bread from ghoul, who cats her cliil- 
dren); Two brothers and ghoul), told 
by a Bisharln boy of the Ilftrano- 
Odcdno mountain region of the Eastern 
Sudan. 

Torrend (J.) Likenesses of Moses* 
story in the Central Africa I'"olk-Lore. 
(Anthropos, St (iabriel-Modling. 1910, 
V, 54-70.) Gives native texts and 
translations (with notes) of the talc of 
"Uancisa Ngoma" ("Drum you have 
hurt me") as told by two girls from 

VOL. XXIV. — N'v 01 — 7 



Siabusu's kraal on the Chikuni, N. W. 
Rhodesia, with versions of the same 
story from Chasha's village (Renje 
dialect) on the Nguerere river; also 
versions of the tale "Nseyandi" ("I 
do not want") from the Chikuni river 
region. Father T. thinks that these 
"saved child" tales "look notably like 
vestiges of Moses' story." The records 
of the Tonga stories were made on the 
phonograph and the translations are 
quite literal. 

Tremearne (A. J. N.) Pottery in north- 
ern Nigeria. (Man, Lond., 1910, x 
102-103, 3 fgs-) Describes manufac- 
tures as observed by author in 1909 
at Jemaan Daroro in Nassarawa 
province, with additional information 
from the potter himself. The clay is 
usually moulded over an inverted pot; 
sometimes, however, in a hole in the 
ground. See Thomas (N. \V.). 

Fifty Hama tales. (Folk-Lore. 

Lond., 1910, XXI, 199-215, 351-365.) 
First two sections. English versions 
only of 18 talcs obtained in 1908-1909 
from severalfilliterate Hausa : The spider, 
the hippopotamus and the elephant; 
The spider, the hyena and the corn; 
The tnalari (magician), the spider and 
the hyena; How the spider outwitted 
the snake; The snake and the dove 
outwit the spider; The spider has a 
feast; How the spider obtained a 
feast; The spider outwitted by the 
tortoise; The spider and the rubber 
baby; The jackal's revenge on the 
spider; The lion, the spider, and the 
hyena; The cunning spider and his 
britie; How spiders were reproduced; 
How the woman taught the spider 
cunning; The hyena, the scorpion and 
the ram; The ungrateful hyena; The 
girl who prevented the beast from 
drinking; The cunning he goat, the 
hyena and the lion. With the Hausa 
the lion is the king of beasts, but 
really no match for the crafty spider; 
the hyena is the bufToon of the animal 
world; the dog is not very clever; the 
elephant is wise; the jerboa is next 
to the spider in cleverness. According 
to the author, "many of the other tales 
refer to the unfaithfulness ol wives, 
and are hardly fit for publication." 

VSlkerstiimme (Die) iin Nonlcn Dcutsch- 
(Jstafrikas. (Globus, HrnschwR., 1910, 
xcvii. 153-157. 7 fgs.) Rt'suinc's data 
in M. VVeisa's Die X'dlkfrsliimmf im 
Norden Deutsch-Oslafrikas (Berlin, 



98 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



igioj, treating of the Wahima (or 
Watussi), Wanjambo (Wapororo, VVa- 
hutu), Waganda, Waheia, Wagcia 
CVV'aka-virondo), Bakulia, Masai, Wan- 
dorobbo. In this resume the Bakulia 
are considered (dwellings, clothing and 
ornament, weapons, circumcision, oc- 
cupations, marriage, etc.)- 
Weeks (J. H.) Anthropological notes on 
the Bangala of the Upper Congo River. 
(J. Roy. Anthr. Inst., Lond., 1909, 
XXXIV, 416-459, 3 fgs.) Part II. 
treating of writing (message-tokens, 
credit-tokens, knot-counting, notch- 
tally), astronomy (divisions of day 
and night, star-names, milky way as 
rain-sign, eclipses, new moon, astral 
superstitions), arithmetic (ordinal and 
cardinal numerals, use of fingers in 
counting 1-12, toes rarely used), 
currency and value (brass rods), 
weights and measures (sleeps, position 
of sun, a "paddling," arms-fathom), 
trade (exchange of various merchan- 
dise and manufactured products be- 
tween person and person, town and 
town, and even between districts; 
slave-labor; no markets and no market- 
places; credit, dunning, wife seized 
by creditor; trade language), property 
(land owned by men, women, children, 
if cleared for farms, also slaves bought 
or inherited; river joint-property of 
town for fishing purposes; money lent 
and borrowed; right in palm-trees by 
planting or inheritance; slaves held 
property by master's permission), in- 
heritance, slavery, government (no 
great paramount chiefs; each town had 
its set of families and each family its 
mala or head, the eldest son; in a 
district usually a chief appointed by all 
the town to act as judge), justice and 
crimes (blood revenge, theft, homicide; 
drunkenness and madness no excuse; 
retaliation in kind; jury trial), organ- 
ization (houses and villages; family — 
"those who sit around the same fire"; 
birth only membership of the tribe), 
kinship (hazy ideas of relationship, list 
of terms in Lutoba and Intongi), mar- 
riage (young girls and even babies 
betrothed, wooing and bride-gifts, 
polygamy when can be afforded, pun- 
ishment of husband for ill-treatment, 
virgins rare above age of five, divorce, 
forbidden degrees), family (status of 
child depends on freedom or slavery of 
one or both parents, blood-brother- 
hood and milk-brotherhood), widows 



(really none, because they become wives 
of the heir), morals (words for good and 
bad, lati and bi, have wide range of 
meaning; public reprobation visited 
upon doers of wrong acts when clumsily 
performed; death and disease abnormal 
states produced by witchcraft and 
fetishes of enemies; adultery a personal 
injury), sexual relations (free access 
from early age to puberty, after that 
restrictions upon girls; illegitimate 
children; masturbation; bestiality; so- 
domy common), death and burial 
(causes of death; decoration of bodies 
of important persons; coffins often 
made out of old canoes; mourning rags; 
three kinds of graves; slave-killing in 
former times; funeral rites; treatment 
of suicides, personal ornaments (paint- 
ing and decking out of pregnant wom- 
an), metallurgy (social position of 
smith high; fire not to be polluted); 
fire (new fire, extinguishing fire); food 
(mud-eating; European salt avoided); 
cannibalism; narcotics (sugar-cane 
wine); hunting and fishing. 

Werner (A.) Some recent linguistic pub- 
lications. (J. Afric. Soc, Lond., 1910, 
289-310.) Reviews and critiques of 
Edgar's A Grajtunar of the Gbari 
Language, clc, Chatelain's Thonga 
Pocket Dictionary, Steane's Kleine 
Fidlah-Grammalik, Kotz's Grafnmatik 
des Chasii, Raum's Versuch einer 
Grammalik der Dschagga-S prache {Mos- 
chi-Dialekt), Meinhof's Die Sprachen 
des dunklen Weltteils, Brockelmann's 
Precis de Lingnistique Semitiqiic, etc. 
Recent progress in the classification 
of African languages is noted. The 
similarity in grammatical structure 
between the members the "Bantu 
family" is striking, even where great 
difference in vocabulary exists. The 
"Negro group" may represent an earlier 
stage of development than Bantu. 
Meinhof believes that "Bushman is 
built upon a monosyllabic basis, and 
belongs to the Sudanese family." 

Wiedemann (A.) Agyptische Religion 
1906-1909. (A. f. Religsw., Lpzg., 
1910, XIII, 344-372.) Reviews and 
critiques of works by Naville, Erman. 
Amclineau, Petrie, Foucart, etc., on 
general topics; Schneider (ancient 
Egyptian culture and ideas); Massey 
(Hamitic origin of Egyptian, Arj'an 
and Semitic mythology and religion); 
Issleib, Meyer, Jeremias (Egyptian and 
Jewish religions); Daressy, Weill, v. 



Periodical Literature 



99 



Bissing, Davies, Baertsch, Xaville, 
Loret, etc., dealing with special deities, 
ideas of monotheism, etc.; Mader, Otto, 
on cults and priesthood; Sethe, Lacau, 
Pierret, Davis, Loret, etc. (Osiris and 
related topics); Meyer, Moret, Schafer, 
Garstang, Pieper, Newberry, etc., on 
graves, grave-gifts, amulets, magic, etc. 

Witte (A.) Zur Trommelsprache bei den 
Ewe-Leuten. (Anthropos, St Gabriel- 
Modling, 1910, V, 50-53, i pi.) De- 
scribes briefly the drum-language of the 
Ewe (borrowed from the Ashanti; the 
phrases belong to the Tshi dialect) 
with seven specimen sentences. The 
key-note is "drum as you speak"; 
long syllables are struck long, short 
short; on the "male" drum with the 
right hand, high tones on the "female" 
drum with the left hand lower. Only 
a few individuals in each village know 
the "drum language." The "drum 
language" is a sentence-language, not 
a mere collection of conventional 
signals. 

Work (M. N.) African agriculture. I. 
Its origin and early history. (So. 
Wkmn., Hampton, Va., 1910, xxxix, 
615-618.) Treats of legends dealing 
with the origin of agriculture (Fjort 
attribute its origin to children; Swahile 
story of tobacco; Fjort and other 
legends of Earth as mother of all 
things), prayers and devices for rain, 
ceremonies connected with the har- 
vesting of crops, sacrifices to harvest 
deity, festivals of "the new yam," etc. 
Agriculture is very ancient among the 
Africans and widespread over the 
continent; agricultural implements are 
few and simple. 

ASIA 

Abdullah (S.) el (Macler (F.) £tudes sur 
la miniature armOnienne. (Rev. des 
Et. Ethnogr. ct Sociol., Paris, 1909, n, 
280-302. MS-W'- 5 pl-. 15 fKs) Treats 
of Armenian niiniature as represented 
in the Indjudjian Ms., of the 17th 
century (1683), now in the collection 
of M. Indjudjian of Pari.s (it came from 
Sivas. the ancient Scbastc, in Asia 
Minor). The Ms. is an alsmavurkh, 
containing llic lives of the saints 
^.Armenian; (".reek; Latin up to the 
6th century; Syrian), the greater part 
being Greek and the martyrology 
reaching tn the loth century, — to all 
this are added the live.M of St Nerses 



Chnorhali and St. Nerses Lambronatsi, 
of the 1 2th century. The chief types 
represented in the miniatures are de- 
scribed with some detail. Some Ar- 
menian Mss., prior to looo A. D. are 
listed and briefly considered on pages 
292-297. The rest of the first article 
deals with the miniaturists and the 
schools of miniature. The second arti- 
cle gives a list of ancient convents and 
illuminators who have worked in them; 
also (pp. 347-364) a chronological list, 
from 1019 A.D. to 1795 A.D., of 
known illuminators, etc. The Indju- 
djian a'ismavurkh is "a perfect type of 
the Armenian illuminated Ms." 

Aus Kurdistan. (Globus, Brnschwg., 
1910. xcvii, 366-368.) Resumes data 
in Capt. B. Dickson's account of his 
travels in the parts of Kurdistan lying 
east of the Tigris, in the Geographical 
Journal (Vol. XXXV., 357-379). 
Physical character (a "Semitic" type 
is marked in the south), tribal divisions, 
village, agriculture, manners and 
customs, religion, family-life, of the 
Kurds and "Assyrians," etc. 

Aziz (P.) Delia differenza fra la gram- 
matica e scrittura araba e la gram- 
matica e scrittura siriaca. (Anthro- 
pos, St Gabricl-Modling, 1910, v, 
444-453.) This Italian translation 
from Arabic is an extract (6th session) 
from the debate between Elia Bar-scina, 
Nestorian Bishop of Nisibi, Mesopo- 
tamia, and the Vizir Abi Alkasim Al- 
husein ibn Ali Almagribi, on the dif- 
ference between Arabic and Syriac 
grammar and writing, from a book left 
by the Bishop. The Bishop main- 
tains the superiority of Syriac and 
the greater beauty, exactness, and util- 
ity of Syriac writing as compared with 
.•\ral)ir. 

Babylonian legal and business documents. 
(Kec. of Past, Wash.. 1910, ix, 84-88, 
6 fgs.) Notes and extracts from the 
Babylonian documents published by 
the University of Pennsylvania, — 
HahyUmian Expedition, \'ol. \'I, Pt. a. 

Bade (W. F.) A Semitic discovery in 
Rome. (.Amer. Antiq., Salem, Mass., 
1910, xxxii, 115-117.) Notes on ex- 
cavation of the second Syrian temple 
(beginning of 4tli century A.D.) on 
the Janiculum, "devoted to the worship 
of a Syrian B.'ial, in one of the composite 
form.s which foreign cults usually 
assumerl in a Roman environment." 

Baron Budberg fR.) .Vns dor Mand- 



lOO 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



schurci. Die Cliunchudzen. (Globus, 
Brnschwg.. 1910. xcvii. i49-i53. 
168-173, 2 fgs.) Treats of the Chun- 
chudzes ("red beards"), robber-bands 
or "cossacks," of the northern frontier 
of the Chinese empire, their depreda- 
tions, the Chinese efforts at repression, 
methods of punishment (torture, beat- 
ing, fettering of various sorts, behead- 
ing, stranghng), with details of an 
execution, etc. 

Chinesiche Prostitution. (Ibid., 

317-319-) Treats of prostitutes in 
China, their origin, distribution, con- 
ditions of life, etc. Prostitutes by 
free will and for their own "benefit" 
are very few. The chief source is 
the sale of children by their parents in 
times of need, etc. They are closely 
connected with public houses and the 
stage. Prostitution is really not so 
wide-spread in China as in Europe and 
is most prevalent (as are sexual dis- 
seases) in places open to international 
trade. The large Chinese brothels 
resemble the "Tingeltangel" of Ger- 
many. 

Zur Charakteristik chinesischen 

Seelenlebens. (Ibid., 1910, xcviii 
111-113.) Notes on psychology of the 
Chinese: Confucianism as satisfactory 
substitute for religious system, crime 
and its causes (due in part to lack of 
consolatory faith), paralyzing effect of 
schools, toleration (remarkable), soul- 
lore, folk-medicine, ancestor-cult. 

Becker (C.) Die Nongkrem-Puja in 
den Khasi-Bergcn, Assam. (Anthro- 
pos, St Gabriel-Modling, 1909, iv, 
892-902, 5 pi.) Treats of the great 
yearly ceremony of Nongkrem-Puja, 
or goat-killing of the Khasis of Nong- 
krem in the mountains near Shillong. 
The preparations, sacrificial, ceremony 
itself, and the festival afterwards are 
described with some detail. The 
religious and social ideas and customs 
of the matriarchal Khasis are revealed 
in this groat rite, which is usually 
rcic-ljrated in May. 

Bertrand de Chazand ( — ) La mission de 
Lacoste dans la Mongolie septentrio- 
nale. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de Paris, 
1910, vi'' s., I, 127-133.) Notes on the 
de Lacoste expedition of 1909 in north- 
ern Mongolia. Ourga (the Lama city, 
of "the living God"), ruins of Karako- 
rum in the valley of the Orkhon, Oulias- 
sontai, Kobdo. etc. At Ourga anthropo- 
metric measurements were taken in 



detail of 80 Mongols. In the discus- 
sion, M. Deniker cited the Mongol- 
Kalmuck proverb "Ears are deceitful, 
eyes truthful." 

Bhutan (Globus, Brnschwg.. 1910. xcvii, 
98.) Brief resume of article by J. C. 
White in the Geographical Journal for 
January, 1910. W. finds among the 
better classes of the Bhutanese 3 dif- 
ferent types (a broad-, pleasant-faced, 
"rather French in character"; a "Sem- 
itic"; an oval- and fine-faced). 

Boerschmann (E.) Architektur- und Kul- 
turstudien in China. (Ztschr. f. Eth- 
nol., Berlin, 1910, xlii, 390-426, 23 
fgs.) Gives results of author's in- 
investigations in 1 906-1 909 (14 Chinese 
provinces were visited). Notes on 
Chinese wall, palaces, and temples, 
flux of Chinese population, classes of 
society, seclusion, philosophy of Laotze, 
Chinese and Buddhist conception of 
universe, diagrams, temple of heaven 
in Pekin, pagodas, temple of T'aishan 
in Shantung, Confucius temple in 
Wan hsien in Szech'uan, dragon- 
figures, plans of Chinese cities, holy 
mountains (5 old Chinese: T'aishan, 
'Hengshan, 'Huashan. Sungshan, 'Heng 
shan; and 4 Buddhistic), rock and cave 
temples (the sign for spirit is composed 
of those for wan and jnoiinlain), 
family-graves and their characteristic 
architecture, altars, ancestor wor- 
ship and cult of the dead, etc. 
Chinese basal ideals are the vastness 
and unity of conceptions, fundamental 
male and female forces in universe, 

8 diagrams (rhythm and harmony), 
unity of man with nature. 

Burlingame (E. W.) Buddhaghosa's 
Dhaiiimapada Commentary, and the 
titles of its three hundred and ten 
stories together with an Index thereto, 
and an Analysis of Vaggas I-I V. (Proc. 
Amer. Acad. Arts and Sciences, 1910, 
XLV, 467-550.) Brief analyses are 
given of 14 stories in Bk. I, 9 in Bk. II, 

9 in Bk. Ill, and 12 in Bk. IV. 
Burne (C. S.) Occult powers of healing 

in the Panjab. (Folk-Lore, Lond., 1910, 
XXI, 313-334.) Based on data col- 
lected by H. A. Rose. Treats of cure 
by touch or contact (direct and in- 
direct) with certain persons (fishermen, 
Jats, Brahmans, fakirs, "descendants of 
the Prophet "), special healings by 
touch, healings by contact with the 
tombs of saints, shrines, etc., drinking 
the water of sacred wells, going into 



Periodical Literature 



lOI 



sacred groves, cures by breathing on 
the patient, cures by voice, charms, 
incantations, formulas, amulets, cures 
by combined virtues of healer and 
words (specimen incantations for bites 
of snakes and stings of scorpions, pp. 
329-331), written charms, etc. In 
much of the folk-medicine of the Panjab 
the sympathetic or symbolic rite is 
secondary, the essential element of 
magic being "the occult power (the 
'virtue,' the mana) of the wonder- 
worker, or of the words or materials 
(plants, water and so on) used by the 
'cunning man.' " 

Cadidre (L.) Sur quelques faits religieux 
ou magiques observes pendant une 
epidemic de cholera en Annam. (An- 
thropos, St Gabriel-Modling, 1910, v, 
519-528.) First section of account 
of Annamese superstitions and religious 
ideas and practices in time of a cholera 
epidemic (supplication to Heaven, vows, 
offerings to dead, cult of the spirit of a 
boundary-stone, etc.) and discussion 
of the data. 

Chemali (B.) Naissance et premier age 
au Liban. (Ibid., 734-747. 3 pl-) 
First part of account of the ideas and 
practices of the people of the region 
of Lebanon (Syria) concerning birth 
and childhood. Sterility and con- 
ception (sterility a dishonor, diet of 
pregnant woman, divination for birth 
of son; pregnant woman fecundates 
fruit-trees), birth (mid-wife, cere- 
monials, son preferred), cradle, nam- 
ing the child (lucky and unlucky 
names), suckling, sanitary and curative 
procedures, superstitious practices (evils 
due to bachelors, old maids, menstru- 
ating women; evil eye; dentition, 
dreams, good and bad auguries), amu- 
lets, etc. 

Crawshay (A.) An Armenian household. 
(Oxf. & Cambr. Rev., Lond., 1909, 
No. 7, 61-65.) Treats chiefly of bridal 
chamber and contents in house of 
banker in a town of Asia Minor. 

Dahmen (I-.). The Kunnuvans or Man- 
na'li-, a hill-tribc of the I'alnis, South 
India. (Antliropos, St Ciahriel-Mixj- 
ling, 1910, V. 320-327. 2 fgs., .» pl.) 
Treats of ca.stc subdivisions, villages 
(usually in some deep, broad valley), 
houses (like those of the plains.) diet 
(chiefly vegetarian; animal fond rare 
and reserved for feasts; Sinna Kunnu- 
vans eat rat-snake and sliort ackal). 
dress (that of women only calls for 



special notice), occupation (agricul- 
ture chiefly, both sexes), cattle, village 
officials (each village has its chief, with 
his mandiri or "minister," i. e., helper), 
village assemblies, religion (greatly 
resembles that of plains; Subramaniyan 
and Puleiyar, sons of Siva, chief objects 
of worship; temples), origin-legend, 
marriage and marriage-rites (every man 
has claim to paternal aunt's daughter; 
child-marriage, polygamy, marriage- 
ceremony, bride-price, pouring of 
water, tying of the tali or neck-jewel, 
divorce easy and common, door-post 
marriage, — leads to prostitution), etc. 
Most of Father D.'s data relate to 
Periya Kunnuvans whom the Jesuit 
missionaries are now seeking to evan- 
gelize. 

Daniel (C.)* Armenische Marchen. 
(Z. d. Ver. f. Volksk., Berlin, 1910, 
XX, 74-7S, 323-326.) German texts 
only of 5 Armenian tales (recorded in 
Constantinople from a youth of Agn on 
the Euphrates, who heard them from 
his grandmother: The imprisoned boy. 
The horse of Kaimakam (pp. 74-76), 
The boy with the golden hair (pp. 
76-78), the wise magician (pp. 323- 
325), The covetous man. The first 
is the "Dreamseer" in Chalatianz's 
collection of Armenian tales and legends; 
the second belongs with Grimm's "De 
Gaudeif un sien Meester"; the third 
with "Grindkopf" and the fourth with 
"Doktor Allwissond." 

Dirr (A.) FUnfundzwanzig georgische 
\'olkslieder. (Anthropos, St Gabriel- 
Modling, 1910, V, 483-512.) Gives 
native text, translation, and music of 
25 Georgian folk-songs selected from 
publications of J. G. Kargaretheli (1899) 
and D. Araqischwili (1905), the col- 
lection of the latter having been in- 
tended for the public scliools of Tiliis 
and Kutais. Georgian folk-songs 
include "table-songs," love-songs (very 
numerous), harvest-songs, etc., work- 
songs, lullabies, etc., the characteristics 
of which arc briefly note<l. In the 
25 songs the Gurians. Miiij;rciians, 
Kartvelians, Kachetians, Imeiians, 
etc., are represented. 

Dodd (Isabel F.) An ancient capital. 
(Nat. Gcogr. Mag., Wash., kjio. xxi. 
111-124, II (r^-) Treats of the ruins 
and sculptures of Moghaz Kcouy, a 
modern Turkish village in northern 
C'appadocia, but in the i6th and isth 
centuries B. C. a great fortified city 



I02 



Journal of Afnerican Folk-Lore 



of the Ililtitcs. The Ilittilc doublc- 
caglc, figure of Amazon, pictured rocks 
(two galleries with remarkable series 
of figures), secret passages and tunnels, 
cuneiform day tablets (still unde- 
ciphcred), — some in Hittite, some in 
Assyrian, but no bilinguals are con- 
sidered. According to Prof. D., "As- 
syrian cuneiform claimed more im- 
portance and a greater vogue than 
did Latin, since for 3000 years and 
more it was the language of commerce 
and literature among all the civilized 
nations of the world." 

Forder (A.) Excavated Jericho. (Rec. 
of Past, Wash., 1910, ix, 202-207. 5 
fgs.) Notes on the hovels of sun- 
dried bricks, remains of a small cita- 
del, Canaanitish wall ^possibly the 
original wall of the city), pottery, 
primitive hand-mills, door-hinges, skel- 
etons under foundations, etc. 

Forrest (G.) The land of the cross-bow. 
(Nat. Geogr. Mag., Wash., 1910, xxi. 
132-156, 16 fgs.) Treats of the Upper 
Salwin basin in Burma, from whence 
the Lissoo race are thought to have 
spread N. E., E., and S. over Yunnan 
and parts of N. W. Szechuan, — the 
cross-bow, with poisoned arrows, is 
their characteristic weapon. Contains 
notes on women's ornaments, rope- 
bridges, cross-bow and its use, Lissoo 
character, food (rice a luxury, wild- 
honey staple), houses, etc. 

Franke (O.) Die religionswissenschaft- 
iiclic Literatur iiber China seit 1900. 
(A. f. Religsw.. Lpzg., 1910, xiii, iii- 
152.) Resumes and critiques of pub- 
lications on Chinese religion. ^The 
works of J. J. M. de Groot. Dvorak, 
Parker, Grube, Giles, Hcigl on Chinese 
religions in general, and Courant 
(Corean), Finot (Chams), Gilhodes 
(Kachins); Courant (monotheism), 
Chavannes (sun-god), Farjenel (an- 
cestor-worship, imperial cult), Havret 
("heaven-lord "); Tschcpe (cult-places 
and sancuaries of Confuctius, etc.), 
Moule (Confucian sacrifice, musicial 
instruments); Hadcn, Edkins. Hattori 
(Shuncius); Maclagan, Kingsmill, 
Tsussaint, Hartmann. Ular, Hey- 
singcr, Giles, Suzuki and Carsus, Fai- 
jenel. on Taoism and Lao Tze; Parker. 
Watter Chavannes. Hubcr, Takakusu, 
Suzuki. Richard. Carus. Pclliot, Laufer 
(on Uigur Buddhistic literature) 
Franke, on Buddhism, etc.; GrUn- 
wedel, Laufer, on Lamaism; Williams, 



Magel, Macgowan, Grube, Stenz, Box. 
Walshe, Dols, \'olpert. Carus, Betts 
(Miaotse), on folk-religion ond folk- 
lore; Mtlller, V. le Coq, Bonin, Havret. 
Tobar, Pelliot, Laufer. on foreign 
religions (MiniiSm, Manichaeism 
Nestorianisni, Judaism, etc.) in an- 
cient China. 

Friedlander (I.) Zur Geschichte der 
Chadhirlegende. (Ibid.. 92-110.) 

Treats of the origin of the Chadhir 
legend, name (Al-Chadir, "the green 
one," the sea-demon into whom the 
cook of Alexander the Great was 
changed), the relationship of the tale 
(Pseudo- Kallislbencs, rabbinic legends 
of Elijah, the Koran; Christian tradi- 
tions; Oriental, particularly South- 
Arabian and Abyssinian, identification 
of Chadhir with Mclchisedek; genealo- 
gies of Chadhir; relationship to Messi- 
anic legends and ideas; identification 
with St George and with the Wander- 
ing Jew). 

Alexanders Zug nach dem Lebens- 

quelle und die Chadhirlegende. 
(Ibid., 161-246.) Treats in detail the 
march of Alexander the Great in 
search of the fountain of life (the foun- 
tain episode occurs in his letter to his 
mother Olympias and his teacher 
Aristotle) and the legend of Chadhir. 
The Pscudo-Kallislhetics (the work from 
which Alexander-legends of all times 
and lands have borrowed; here the 
fountain-march legend appears for the 
first time), the Talmud (the Babylo- 
nian Talmud enlivens the legend with 
a tale of his finding of Paradise), the 
so-called Homily of the Syrian bishop, 
Jacob Sarug (d. 521 A.D.; this is a 
metrical version of the Syrian Alex- 
ander legend, which arose ca. 514-515 
B. C), the Koran (cf. Sura 18. verses 
59-63 and verses 82 ff.. where borrow- 
ings from the Syrian legend have taken 
place). Chadhir and the cook of Alex- 
ander, etc.. are discussed. According 
to F"., "the Syrian form of the legend 
of the fountain of life is the bridge 
that unites not only the legend of the 
Pseudo- KaUislhcncs but also the Glau- 
kos legend with the Mohammed Chad- 
hir-idea" (p. 237). In the gradual 
expulsion of the heathen elements of 
the fountain of life legend the 
Glaukos-Chadhir sea-demon lost his 
identity and was almost forgotten. 
Later he is raised from the humble 
position of cook or servant of Alexander 



Periodical Literature 



103 



and becomes his vizir, and gradually 
overshadows the great Macedonian 
himself, and so assumes an integral 
rdle in the oriental Alexander-legends. 
Gaudin (P.) el Regnault (F.) Une paire 
de lunettes antiques. (Bull. Soc. 
d'.Vnthr. de Paris, 1910, vi*" s., i, 
7-8, I fg.) Brief description of an 
ancient pair of glasses of the double- 
monocle type from the excavations at 
Smyrna. They probably are intrusive 
and not really "ancient." 

Gilbert (O.) Spekulation und Volks- 
glaube in der ionischen Philosophic. 
(A. f. Religsw., Lpzg., 1910, xiii, 
306-332.) Treats of speculation and 
folk-belief in the Ionic philosophy. 
Pantheism and monism, cosmogonic 
ideas, conceptions of deity (particularly 
in Heraclitus. G. concludes that 
"the Ionic doctrine of deity and of 
deities was not a break with folk- 
belief, but an attempt to comprehend 
and base this more firmly." 

Gilhodes (C.) La culture matcrielle des 
Katchins, Birmanie. (.Anthropos, St 
Gabriel-Modling, 1910, v, 615-634.) 
Treats of habitat, tribal and social 
divisions (5 principal families; 2 classes 
(Du ni, seigneurs, and Tarat ni, com- 
moners,) origin (from North, probably 
some part of Tibet; origin-legend), 
physical characters, clothing and orna- 
ment, head-dress, food (women cook, 
but sometimes men and even children; 
3 meals a day; meat favorite), drink 
(water chiefly; also phye or beer, and 
brandy obtained from Chinese and 
Shans), tobacco (chewed; a few men 
smoke; no snufTmg; betel), opium (use 
widespread), travel and hospitality, 
dwellings (form, construction, site, 
house-festival, decoration, furnishing, 
barns, etc.), di8()osition of village, fire 
(bamboo-friction; fire-place in center 
of each chief room; exorcism of the 
nat of fire and legend of it.s origin), etc. 

Goldstein ( — ) Gibt cs cinen Berg 
Ararat? (Globus, Brnschwg., 1910. 
xcvii. 190 191). Points out that in 
Hebrew Ararat refers to a region or 
country not a mountain, and questions 
Sven Hedin's recent use of the term 
"Mt Ararat." 

Grimme HI.) I'Ikt oinigc unbegrUndi-te 
\'orwfirfe fics Korans gegen die Juden 
Jathribs. (.\nthrj)po9. St Ciabriel- 
MiidliMi;, 1910. v. 529-533.) Discusses 
Sura .}..j8 and Sura 2.98 of the Koran 
in which the Jews are rebuked. The 



three phrases objected to by the Prophet 
are harmless dialectic forms due to the 
Aramaic influence on Arabic spoken 
by the Jews of Jathrib. No religious 
offence on their part is connoted by 
these passages in the Koran. 

Griinwedel ( — ) Die archaologischen 
Ergcbnisse der dritten Turfan-Ex- 
pedition. (Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1909, 
XLi, 891-917, 22 fg.) Resumes the 
archeological results of the third Turfan 
expedition 1904-1906. The various 
styles of sculpture, etc. (GandhSra, 
"horesmen with long swords," older 
Turkish, later Turkish, Lamaistic), are 
described and the chief examples dis- 
cussed, as represented in the temples, 
caves, etc. At Turfan the intellectual 
atmosphere is full of care of "death 
and devil," while around Kutsha the 
thing sought after is salvation and the 
exercise of transcendent virtue. Re- 
markable is the poor material under- 
neath these gilded pictures. Wonder- 
ful effects were produced in this way. 
But decay and destruction have also 
been easy and one can find a basket- 
cover that was once a Buddha's halo. 

Haas (H.) Religion der Japaner 1905- 

1908. (A. f. Religsw., Lpzg., 1910, 
XIII, 373-397) Reviews and critiques 
of works on Shintoism, Buddhism. 
Confucianism. Publications of Wenck- 
enstern (bibliography); Lange, Florenz, 
Aston, Revon, all treating of Shintoism; 
Hackmann, Haas, Lloyd, Suzuki, 
dealing with Buddhistic themes; I- 
nouye, Lloyd, Knox, etc.. on Confucian- 
ism and Philosophy. 

Harris (E. L.) The American Excava- 
tions at Sardes. (Rec. of Past. Wash.. 
1910, IX, 278, 2 fgs.) Note on excava- 
tions of April-June, 1910. Probable 
temple of Cybele discovered; also one 
of three or four known Lydian tablets; 
golden trinkets and pottery fron> the 
tombs, etc. 

Hartmann (R.) Damaskus. Lage und 
Bilil eiiur orientalischen Grossstadt. 
(Globus. Hrnscliwg., 1910, xcvii, 303- 
305.) Briefly dcicribcs Damascus, 
situation, plan, building, etc. 

Herv6 (G.) Le Chinois Tchong-.\-S;im A 
Paris. Note et rapport inedits de 
L.-F. JaufTret ct de Le Blond A la 
Sociftf dfs OhsfrvaUurs df V Homme, 
an VHI. (Bull. .Soc. d'Anthr. de Paris 

1909. v" s., X, 1 71 -179. 2 fgs.) Pub- 
lishes with notes the reporl.s of Jauf- 
frct and Lc Blond on Tchong-A-Sam, 



104 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



a young Chinaman in Paris in 1800, 
having been brought to Bordeaux as a 
prisoner from a captured English vessel. 
He was not the first Chinaman seen in 
France. The presence of one Chin-Fo- 
Tsung is noted in 1687 and one named 
Hoang married and died in Paris, 1716. 

Higgins (F. C.) A Chinese bronze tablet 
of the Sung dynasy. (Amer. Antiq., 
Salem, Mass., 1910, xxxii, 41-44.) 
Describes, with translation of inscrip- 
tion (ca. 976 A. D.), a tablet in the 
possession of Mr D. Proskey of New 
York. The text is in "seal" charac- 
ters, and refers to the erection of a 
memorial urn to the Emperor Tai 
Tsung. 

Hodson (T. C.) Some Naga customs 
and superstitions. (Folk-Lore, Lond., 
1910, XXI, 296-312.) Treats of "men's 
houses," eschatological beliefs, cleavage 
by sex in this world and the next, tabu 
of flesh of male animals to unmarried 
girls, treatment of children up to 
puberty, tattooing as a pre-nuptial 
or quasi-initiatory rite, head-hunting, 
tests of physical and mental strength, 
distinctions made between the married 
and the unmarried; "before and after 
marriage," gcn^ias or communal rites 
with special food-tabus, hixt\\-gennas 
(pp. 308-312). 

Hoogers (J.) Theorie et pratique de la 
piete filiale chez les Chinois. (An- 
thropos, St Gabriel-Modling, 1910, v, 
1-15,688-702, 4 pi., 2 fgs.) Treats of 
filial piety in theory and practice among 
the Chinese. At pages 604-702 are 
given a translation (and reproduction 
of illustrations) of the little book on 
The 24 traits of filial piety. Chinese 
practice of filial piety is "external 
rather than spontaneous." The theory 
is an apotheosis of the parents. 

Hubert (H.) L'origine des Aryens. A 
propos des fouilles amcricaines au 
Turkestan. (I.'Anthropologie, Paris, 
1910, XXI, 519-528, 15 fgs.) Based on 
R. Pumpclly's Exploration in Turke- 
stan: Expedition of IQ04. Prehistoric 
Civilitzaions of Anau, etc. (Washing- 
ton, 1908, 2 vols.). Treats of the 
pottery of Anau. H. is of opinion that 
the cradle of Aryan civilization was in 
Asia and perhaps south of Turkestan. 

Huntington (E.) The fringe of verdure a- 
round Asia Minor. (Nat. Geogr. Mag., 
Wash., 1910, XXI, 761-775, 15 fgs.) 
Contains notes on the region and people 
of Girmeh, Kuzzililar, Adana, etc. 



The illustrations are of ethnologic inter- 
est. 

Junor (K. E.) Curious and character- 
istic customs of China. (Ibid., 791- 
806, 8 fgs.) Treats of great forces of 
life (belief in an omnipotent force, not 
always a person); deep sense of retri- 
bution, inevitable for all men; rever- 
ence; sense of filial obligation); form of 
government (an imperial democracy); 
literature (scholars rule; the "superior 
man" corresponds to our "good man"); 
dignity of correspondence ; position of 
the sexes (woman degraded); etiquette 
of the table; Orient and Occident; deli- 
cacies of the table; inventions and 
artistic and industrial skill; view of the 
foreigner; ancestral worship and fear 
of devils; the logic of the Chinaman and 
his spirit zone; driving out devils; 
power of money; exalted ideas em- 
bodied in proverbs. 

Karutz (R.) V'on kirgisischer Hochzeit 
und Ehe auf Mangj-schlak. (Globus, 
Brnschwg., 1910, xcvii, 37-43, 9 fgs.) 
Based on information obtained in 1909 
from an intelligent Kirghiz of Alex- 
ander fort, named Ura, and adds to 
the information in Pallas, Radloff, 
Schwarz, Lansdell, etc. The Kirghiz 
wedding really consists of seven 
" weddings," or ceremonies of a festal 
sort. The present ritual and other 
performances are a mixture of old 
customs and new additions, — unmis- 
takable relics of bride-theft with com- 
promises of a more peaceful epoch, 
regulations of patriarchal strictness 
with the lax concessions of decaying 
customs. Although polygamy is al- 
lowed half the Kirghiz are content with 
one wife; the rest with not more than 
two. 

Kasi (M. M. D.) Der Kurdenstamm 
Manggur. (Ibid., 1910, xcviii, 213- 
215, 2 fgs.) Notes on the Kurdish tribe 
Manggur, south of Saudshbulagh to- 
wards the Wesneh mts. Chief, history, 
nomadism, fighting, duels, religion (all 
Runnitcs), etc. 

Ketkar (S. V.) Inaccurate anthropologic 
data regarding India. (Amer. An- 
throp.. Wash., 1910, n. s., xii, 133-134.) 

Eling (L. W.) Transcaspian archeology. 
(Nature, Lond., 1910, lxxxiii, 157- 
159' 3 f^s.) Resumes R. Pumpelly's 
Explorations in Turkestan: Expedition 
of IQ04. Prehistoric Civilization of 
Anau (Wash., 1908). K. regards P.'s 
suggestion of such dates as 8000 B. C. 



Periodical Literature 



105 



for the beginning of the Neolithic settle- 
ment at North Kurgan as "wholly 
fanciful." 

Kohlbach (B.) Spuren der Tatowierung 
im Judentum. (Globus, Brnschwg., 
1910, xcvii, 237-241.) Cites evidence 
as to the former practice of tattooing 
among the Jews. According to 
Dr K., "the lefillin (phylacteries) are 
the most important residuum of former 
tattooing among the Jews"; the blood- 
sign was probably tattoed on the fore- 
head and right arm of the first born son, 
at the time of the Exodus, etc. In the 
blood-signs on the door-posts, the 
mesHsah, we have the transference of 
the tattooing to the dwelling. 

Kohler (K.) Seltsame Vorstellungen und 
Briiuche in der biblischen und rabbi- 
nischen Literatur. Ein Beitrag zur 
vergleichenden Sagenkunde. (A. f. 
Religsw., Lpzg.. 1910, xiii, 75-84.) 
Treats of the significance of Job, 5. 23 
("stones of the field," etc.), where the 
mandragora-root seems to be referred 
to, and not, as some have thought, a 
semi-human creature; certain customs 
and ceremonials (symbolic of re-birth 
or renewal of life) performed among the 
Jews on occasion of the return of one 
long absent, etc.; marking with blood 
and the phylacteries (the blood-sign 
belonged to persons and houses in 
ancient Jewish times; like the phylac- 
teries they have developed from amu- 
lets for the body and for the house). 
See also p. 84. 

Langenegger (F.) Die Grabesmoscheen 
der Schi'iten in Iraq. (Globus, Brnsch- 
wg., 1910. XCVII, 231-237, s fgs.) 
Describes the grave-mosques of the 
Shiite Mohammedans in Iraq (Baby- 
lonia), — the sanctuary of the Nlaluli at 
Samarra on the Tigris, the grave- 
mosques of Kazimejin (near Bagdad), 
of Ilussejin near Kurbela, of Ali in 
Mcshetl Nedjef. etc. The architecture 
of these mosques resembles most 
that of Persian structures of a like sort. 
The cemetery of the Shiites near Bagdad 
is also described. 

Lannelongue (M.) Une fonction sup- 
pli'iiiciit;iire <Iu pied dans la race jaunc. 
(C. K. Acad. d. Sciences. I'aris, 1910, 
CL, 503-507.) Treats of use of foot as 
a prehensile organ among the peoples 
of the yellow rare (Chinese, Japanese, 
etc.). Objects are easily picked up by 
the toes. Position of feet in sitting, 
— several varieties. Boatmen "steer 



with hands and row with feet." Special 
adaptation of foot for diverse uses, — 
"mice caught alive." 

Laufer (B.) Zur kulturhistorischen Stel- 
lung der chinesischen Provinz Shansi. 
(Anthropos, St Gabriel-Modling, 1910, 
V, 181-203.) Gives results of observa- 
tions during a journey from T'ai-Yiian 
to Hsi-an in February, 1909. The 
peculiar character of the culture-zone of 
Shansi is pointed out and the need 
emphasized of the study of "the geo- 
graphical dififerentiations of all phe- 
nomena of culture" in China. Of the 
folk in China the most important class 
for the ethnographer is the peasant, 
the laborer and workman. L. treats 
in some detail the peasant-house of 
Shansi (construction, ornament, etc., — 
the "soul" of the Chinese house is not 
the hearth but the roof), village-ar- 
rangement, etc. The Chinese house has 
been decentralized from time imme- 
morial. It also illustrates well "the 
non-identity of culture and psyche"; 
the impossibility of apphing to China 
the European "genetic" successions of 
stone, bronze, iron, etc., is also indi- 
cated. In the great car of Shansi is 
to be seen the primitive type of the 
Chinese wagon. Modern China is 
built up on two culture-zones. North 
and South. The North (e. g. Shansi) 
represents the older. Chinese culture 
proper (under strong Siberian and Cen- 
tral Asiatic influences); the South 
largely non-Chinese (and under S. E, 
Asiatic influences). Shansi exem- 
plifies a culture-zone created by local 
differentiations and foreign historic 
influences in combination. 

Laurentii (I.) Uer persische Bauer. 
(Cilobus, Brnschwg., 1910. xcvii. 
62-63.) Notes on the Persian farmer. 
In Persia, agriculture is the basis of 
everything. The life of the Persian 
peasant needs to be made freer. 

Leclire (A.) Le Zodiatjue Camodgien. 
(Rev. des £t. Kthnogr. et Sociol., Paris, 
1909, II, 159-174, I pi., 4 fgs.) De- 
scribes in detail the Cambodian zodiac 
(the 12 levodas of the little cycle, the 
signs of the 12 years of the little cycle, 
the 12 signs of the solar zodiac, the 
circle of the 27 signs of the lunar 
zodiac, the signs of the 12 months, etc.). 
L. thinks that the Graeco-Kgyptian 
zodiac may have been brought to 
India by the successors of the generals 



io6 



Journal of American Folk-Lorc 



of Alexander; the Hindu zodiac was in 
Cambodia in the 9th century, A. D. 

L'Almanach Cambodgien et son 

calendrier pour 1907-1908. (Ibid., 
367-373.) Treats of the Cambodian 
almanac and calendar for 1907-1908, 
"the year of the serpent, the ninth of 
the little cycle," with translation of 
the Cambodian original. 

Legendre (A. F.) Far West Chinois. 
Kicntchang. Les Lolos. (R. de 
r£c. d'Anthr. de Paris, 1910, XX, 185- 
205, 7 fgs.) Based on personal ob- 
servation, etc., of the Lolos of western 
China, 1907-1909. Treats of habitat, 
dwellings, furniture, utensils, etc.; 
weaving of woolen garments and mak- 
ing of "rain-coat"; physical and moral 
characters (vigorous and healthy; 
would make perfect soldiers if they had 
perseverance; vendettas; slavery mild; 
altruistic towards feeble, women, child, 

. aged, etc.; honest); family, clan, tribe 
(family independent, education merely 
physical, male descent, clan-exogamy, 
feudalism, 3 castes; ordinary theft 
within clan does not exist; intertribal 
and inter-clan robberies; murder by 
member of another tribe causes war; 
products of soil belong to cultivator 
and not to clan-chief); religious ideas 
(belief in good and bad spirits, the latter 
only being supplicated by shamans, 
never by the party interested; augury 
by scapulum of goat or sheep; traditions 
(origin-myths, first man fell from sky; 
deluge-legend, — Sifan, Lolos, and Chi- 
nese descended from 3 sons of brother 
and sister who escaped flood in wooden 
chest), funeral rites (cult of dead not 
known before meeting Chinese), etc. 
At pages 199-204 are notes on utensils 
(no pottery of Lolo origin), currency 
(none of Lolo provenance), weights and 
measures, clothing, trades and pro- 
fessions, fire-making, modesty (highly 
developed); p. 204, translation of 
Lolo wedding-song. The Lolos are not 
a compact nation, only one in process 
of formation. 

Les Lolos. Etude anthropologi- 

que. (Ibid., 1910, vi® s.i, 77-94, 
3 pi. Gives details of anthropometric 
measurements and descriptions of 19 
Lolos of the upi)cr valley of the Kien 
Tch'ang, on the river Ngan Ning 
(hunters and shepherds, now become 
agriculturists, after the devastation 
of their forests, an art taught them 
by the Chinese; the latter are also 



responsible for the ravages of alcohol 
among them). These Lolos tend 
to subbrachycephy or mesaticephaly 
(brachycephalic i, sub-brachycei)halic 
9, inesaticcphalic 7, sub-dolichocephalic 
2; average 80.2); stature ranges from 
1,560 to 1,780 mm., average 1,684; 
color of skin close to brunette white, 
when not bronzed by wind and sun; 
eye-color chestnut 3.1; the fore-arm 
is well-developed. Besides the Lolos of 
fine stature, there are to be found 
among them (outside of Chinese 
mills) two other types: o) a rare, mar- 
kedly negroid type, but with rosy 
tint of face and bronzed color of skin; 
b) a type resembling a. Of these two 
types, both small statured (1,500-1,600 
mm.) Dr L. considers a to represent 
the original inhabitants of the south- 
western region of China, while b is more 
allied to the Negrito. Evidently, a 
good deal of race-mixture has occurred 
in the Lolo country. 

V. Lowis (A.) Eine Umformung der 
Gregoriuslegende im Kaukasus. (Z. 
d. V. f. Volksk., Berlin, 1910, xx, 
45-56.) Gives German text of "The 
Wanderer out of the river," a variant 
(probably told by an Armenian) from 
Transcaucasia, of the Gregorius legend 
of the "Story of the good Sinner." 
Variations from the Latin version occur 
in the absence largely of personal and 
place names, elimination of unnecessary 
detail, subordinate personages, elimi- 
nation of specifically Christian items, 
smoothing away of individual charac- 
teristics, incorporation of certain mdr- 
c/;cM-traits.^ 

Marie de St Elie (A.) Le culte rendu par 
les Musulinans aux sandales de 
Mahomet. (Anthropos, St Gabriel- 
Modling, 1910, V, 363-366, 2 pi.) 
Reproduces, with translation, etc., two 
leaves, obtained with difficulty at 
Damascus, the first entitled "Descrip- 
tion of the Sandals of the Prophet, etc." ; 
the second represents one sandal only. 
The figure of the Prophet's sandal is 
a talisman against evil, etc. The 
amount of arabesquing around the 
sandals indicates the respect, love, and 
veneration in which these relics are 
held. 

M. Aurel Stein's jiingste Forschungen 
in Innerasien. (Globus, Hrnschwg., 
1910, xcvii, 59-62, 74-77.) Resumes 
Dr Stein's explorations of 1906-1908 
in Kashgar, ruins of Tatis (Graeco- 



Periodical Literature 



107 



Buddhistic art), Khadalik (Mss. in 
Sanskrit, Chinese and "Khotanese, un- 
known tongue," many wooden tablets 
in these and some in Tibetan), ruins in 
the oasis of Nija (tablets in Hindu, 
etc.; from numerous houses explored), 
Tcliarklik, Lopnor (here as elsewhere 
many Kharoschti documents), ruins of 
boundary-fortifications (from Anhsi 
on), "Caves of the thousand Buddhas" 
(sculptural art testifies to relations of 
India and China during the period of 
flourishing of Chinese Buddhism), — 
—in this oasis Dr S. discovered many 
manuscripts, pictures, etc., of which 
he was able to obtain a goodly number 
from the priest of the temple. In 
the ruins of an old boundary fort on 
the Masartag hill, west of the Jurun- 
kash, a considerable number of doc- 
uments (Mss. and tablets) were also 
found. 

Meissner (B.) Mondfinsternisse im 
\'olksglauben der antiken und modern- 
en Babylonier. (Mitt. d. schles. Ges. 
f. Volksk., Breslau, 1909 XI, 113-119.) 
Compares the idea of the eclipse of the 
moon being due to its oppression by 
evil spirits, found in the ancient 
Babylonian records (cited on pages 
116-117), with the same idea reported 
by Layard of the natives of this region 
and confirmed by M. on the spot in 
i89(>-i900. The author considers the 
modern Arabian account to have been 
borrowed from the Babylonian original. 

Luftfahrcn im altcn Orient. 

(Ibid., 1910, XII, 40-47.) Treats of 
legends and stories of flying in the 
ancient Orient. The descent and ascent 
of deities, the flight of the soul (in 
Parsce and Jewish religion), the 
"taking up" of Enoch, Elijah, the as- 
cension of Cbrist, flying by means of 
wings or on bird.s (chiefly eagles), etc. 
At i)agcs 42-43 is given the description 
of the flight of the hero Etana. from 
an aiuicnt Babylonian legend. The 
tale of the bir(I-<harir)t of Alexander the 
Great (in the Pseudo-Kallisthenes), the 
story of the achievement of Achiqar, 
the wise minister of Sanherib (used by 
Maximus I'lanudcs and known to the 
author of the book of Tobit), etc., are 
considered. 

Michow (II.) Zur Geschichtc der Bc- 
kanntschaft mit Sibirien vor Jermak. 
Alte russische I->zahlung "Ober di<' 
unbekannten \i)lker der O.mgcgend." 
(Mitt. d. Anthrop. Ges. in Wien. 1910, 



XL, I-2I, 14 fgs., 2 maps.) Treats, 
after Anutschin, the relations of Euro- 
pean Russia with Siberia before the 
time of Jermak, with special reference to 
a Russian account belonging to the 15th 
century ("On the unknown peoples of 
the Eastern region," i. e., the Obi 
country, etc.), found in a Novgorod 
Ms., which has been printed. Nine 
kinds of Samoyeds are treated of in this 
account: the cannibal Samoyeds; the 
Samoj-eds who shed their skins; the 
Samoyeds who are shaggy-haired from 
the navel down, the Samoyeds who 
have their mouths on top of their heads; 
the Samoyeds who freeze up for the 
winter; the people on the upper Obi 
who live under ground; the headless 
Samoyeds, with their mouths between 
their shoulders and their eyes in their 
breasts (these shoot out of iron tubes); 
people who step deep in the ground, on 
a lake where silent trade is carried on; 
mountain Samoyeds. Only iron imple- 
ments are mentioned, acquaintance 
with the Tungus and other stone and 
bone using tribes having come later. 
The illustrations to this paper are of 
interest; also the maps. 

Montgomery (J. A.) The pronunciation 
of the "ineffable name" according to a 
Jewish text in the Museum. (Univ. of 
Penn. Mus. J., 1910, i, 28 30, i fg.) Dis- 
cusses thespellingoutof ia/jfcc/i ( Ka/i?e/i) 
in the proper name of a man Berechiah 
(Blessed of Yahu) in an inscription on 
a Hebrew incantation-bowl. M. thinks 
the exorcist "has expressed the pro^ 
nunciation of the ineffable name because 
of its magical potency." 

Neiters (R.) Strassenrufe in Tokyo. 
(Cilobus, Brnschwg., 1910, xcvii, 325- 
328.) Treats of street-cries in the city 
of Tokio, Japan. Cries of tinkers and 
repairers of all sorts, salesmen of 
various articles, food of all kinds, etc.; 
cries of buyers (of old or second hand 
articles, ashes, manure, etc.). Many 
Japanese street-merchants have ono- 
matopoetic cries. The Japanese chil- 
flren often call out insulting terms to 
ICuropcans on the street. 

Neues ilber die Lasen. (Ibid., 1910, 
xcviii. 143-144.) Resumes from the 
Proc-ccdings of the Academy of Sciences 
in .St Petersburg. Prof. Marr's account 
of his visit to the I-a.ses. a Grusinian 
|)cnple of the Caucasus. In politics the 
!,asrs arc all "YounR Turks." Ordi- 
narily they use Turkish in conversation. 



io8 



Jourual of American Folk-Lore 



leaving tlitir niotlicr-toiiRue "to the 
women." They are very much Turk- 
ized in other respects. Prof. Marr is 
about to pubhsh a grammar, dictionary, 
and chrcstomathy of the Tchan or 
I.asic tongue. 

O'May (J.) Playing the wcr-bcasl: a 
Malay game. (Folk-lore, Lond., 1910, 
XXI, 371-374.) Describes a favorite 
game of boys of the Malay Penin- 
sula, Hantu musang (civet-cat demon), 
in which a boy is "hypnotized" and 
"turned temporarily into such a beast 
by possessing him with the 'hantu of the 
musangs.'" If kept so for an hour 
there is danger of his becoming a real 
■musang. 

Paradies, Sintflut und die VViederbewas- 
scrung Mesopotamiens. (Globus, 
Brnschwg., 1910, xcvii, 123-125.) 
Resumes article of Sir W. Willcocks in 
the Geographical Journal (London) for 
January, 1910, treating of the site of 
the Garden of Eden, the deluge, and the 
possibility of re-watering Mesopotamia. 

Paton (L.) Some Syrian baskets. (So. 
Wkmn., Hampton, Va., 1909, xxxviii, 
657-664, 18 fgs.) Describes varieties 
of baskets made in the Lebanon (shal- 
low baskets for displaying vegetables 
and fruits, made of unpeeled twigs; 
large trays for collecting silk-worms, 
made of light-colored or peeled oziers; 
woven rush baskets; split bamboo 
baskets; sewed baskets) with account 
of the process of manufacture of the 
Damascus type and of the sewed basket. 

Pilsudski (B.) Schwangcrschaft, Ent- 
Ijindung und Fehlgeburt hei den Ein- 
wohncrn der Insel Sachalin, Giljaken 
und Ainu. (Anthropos, St Gabriel- 
Modling, 1910, v, 756-774.) Treats of 
pregnancy, childbirth, miscarriages, 
abortion, etc., among the Giliaks and 
Ainu of the island of Saghalin. The 
Giliaks have a special "birth-house," 
lan-raf; quiet during the act of giving 
birth is enforced; no artificial helps are 
known; new-born children are not 
called "boys" or "girls" at once; natu- 
ral miscarriages are common; during 
the birth-pains of his wife the man 
"loosens" all he can in the way of dress 
and personal ornaments, and performs 
other symbolic actions; in the case of 
twins one is thought to be a son of the 
mountain and forest god, and twins 
arc looked on with frar all their lives, 
those who die in infancy arc feared even 
more. Among the Ainu certain prep- 



arations for chikl-birth taboos are in 
vogue; the Ijirth takes place with the 
woman at her accustomed place in the 
house, but children, young men, and 
sometimes also adult menare driven out; 
massage to help delivery is practiced 
and there are midwives; the facts of 
birth are not concealed from children; 
the husband is often helpful and some- 
times acts as midwife; women in child- 
bed are given special attention, cared 
for and fed well; likewise the child, 
whose head is "reshaped" by hand-pres- 
sure; miscarriages are rare, abortion is 
much more common among the Ainu 
than among the Giliaks; transference 
of infertilitj' is believed in; menstrua- 
tion is more irregular than with white 
women; menstrual blood is thought to 
have talismanic qualities. With the 
Ainu there are many traces of the time 
when woman played the chief rdle in 
family-life. 

Pinches (T. G.) Discoveries in Baby- 
lonia and the neighboring lands. (Rec. 
of Past, Wash., 1910, ix, 95-112, 2 fgs., 
map.) Slightly abridged from the 
Joiirn. of the Trans, of the Victoria Inst. 
(Lond.), vol. XLi, with illustrations 
added. Treats of proto-EIamite dis- 
coveries (inscriptions, bas-reliefs, etc.), 
Bablyonian investigations of recent 
years, etc. 

Rao (C. H.) The Gonds of the Eastern 
Ghauts, India. (Anthropos, St. 
Gabriel-Modling, 1910, v, 791-797.) 
Based on visit in 1907. Treats of 
physical features (not favored; few 
with curly hair; no case of woolly 
hair), divisions (3 strictly exogamous), 
totemism (each division has many 
totemistic septs), marriage (before or 
after puberty; ceremonies; "house son- 
in-law"; eloping; bridle-capture; re- 
marriage of widows), religion (numer- 
ous deities, spirits, demons, etc.; chief 
gods worshiped are Budha Deo and 
Dhula Deo; sacrifices; dead usually 
burned. 

Rescher (O.) Weib und Ehe in der 
Spruchwcisheit der Araber. (Globus, 
Brnschwg.; 1910, xcviii, 186-188.) 
Cites numerous Arab proverbs con- 
cerning woman, marriage, etc., from 
Mohammed ben Cheneb's Proverbes 
d' Algerie (Algier, 1904-1907), etc. 
The more or less brutal or gallant 
sensuality of the Orient appears in 
many of them. Of etiinological sig- 
nificance is this: "Let him who loves 



Periodical Literature 



109 



beauty seek a Georgian, who loves 
cunning a Jewess, who loves quiet a 
Christian, who loves pride and fancy 
a Turk, who loves generosity and 
nobility an Arab." 

Ronzevalle (P. S.) Hittite stele from 
the environs of Restan. (Rec. of 
Past, Wash., 1910, IX. 67-69, 4 fgs.) 
Brief account of a stele of grey local 
basalt found on the right bank of the 
Orontes, near Restan, in 1902, and 
rescued later by the author. This 
inscribed stone is probably the most 
southerly Hittite monument of the 
sort yet discovered. The account is 
translated from the author's original 
article in the Melanges de la Faculle 
Orienlale (Univ. de S. Joseph, Bey- 
routh, Syrie, 1909), by H. M. Wright. 
Hittite monuments of Arslin-Tepc. 
(Ibid., 69-71, 2 fgs.) Treats of four 
Hittite relievos from the little hill of 
Arslan-Tepe, at Orda-Su, a village 
about an hour north of Malatia, 
two representing religious scenes. 
There is need of careful excavation 
at Arslan-tepe. ' 

Rose (H. A.) Folk-medicine in the 
Panjab. (Folk-Lore, Lond., 1910, 
XXI, 83-86.) Items from the Gurgaon 
district (earth-smelling to test well- 
water; hydrophobia-cure, cures of 
stomach-ache, tumors, etc.; heredi- 
tary powers, — in one case among the 
Rohtak Jats in the female line; cures 
for scrofula, boils, cattle-plague, etc.), 
Hissar district ("blowing of spells"), 
Jliilam district (one man "cures" 
tooth-ache and ring-worm by spells 
learned from a negro cook in East 
Africa; amulet for inflamed eyes; 
charms against evil spirits), Ludhiiina 
district (snake-bite cure). Salt Range 
(cattle-healing). In these cures brah- 
mans, fakirs, Koran-reciters, black- 
smiths, descendants of saints, chil- 
dren born by the foot-presentation, 
cattle breeders, etc., all figure as 
healers. 

Panjab folk-lore notes. (Ibid.. 

216-217.) Items of good and bad 
luck, concerning birtls and animals 
(owls, blue-jay, shrike. li/ards. snakes, 
king crow bird, fishhawk). sugar-cane, 
several plants, etc. 

Fictitious Kinship in the Punjab. 

(Man. I.onfl.. 1910, x. 17-21.) Treats 
of various types of fictitious kinship 
or fraternal relation: Gangd-liali&is 
(formed irrespective of caste or sex, by 



drinking Ganges water together from 
each others hands, exchange of shawls 
at a sacred place; pahid among Sikhs 
is similar; adoption (not common as 
a religious rite; exchanging ganans or 
wedding-wristlets and eating rice and 
milk together by two youths; pagwat 
(looser social bond by exchange of 
pagri or turban); Chadar or orhna- 
badal (for women, corresponding to 
the pagwal for men) ; customs of women 
in Delhi, terms for adoptive sisters, etc. 
The applications of the pagwat, etc., 
among cattle-lifters and other crimi- 
nals is discussed. 

Saad (L.) Jafa. (Globus, Brnschwg., 
1910, xcviii, 137-141, I fg.) De- 
scribe s.with plan, the city of Jaffa 
(New Testament Joppa), houses, in- 
habitants, churches, etc. The popu- 
lation of some 35-40,000, is verj' mixed,' 
including 300 negroes, 600 Egyptians, 
100 Armenians, etc., — the Moham- 
medans number more than half. 
Dress is taking on more and more a 
European aspect. It is visited yearly 
by 4,000 tourists and 9,000 to 10,000 
pilgrims. 

Schmidt (E.) n. Bartels (P.) Beitrage 
zur Anthropologic Siidindiens. (A. f. 
Anthrop., Brnschwg., 1910, N. F., ix, 
90-158, 7 pi., 3 fgs.) Edited from 
Ms. of late Dr S. by Dr B. Ethnologi- 
cal introduction (pp. 91-110) treating 
of European element, Eurasians, Arabs, 
Persians, Jews (white and "black"), 
Parsees, Chinese. Burmese. Malays; 
Aryans. Dravidians. etc.; the his- 
torical contact of Indian peoples with 
others). Pages 1 10-158 are occupied 
with anthropological data (descrip- 
tions and details of measurements, 
etc.) concerning 17 Hrahmans. 23 
Sudras, 23 Wellala, iq Shanar, 28 
Badaga, 22 Toda, 21 Kota, 28 Paria, 
27 Malser. 20'MaUi-ArrJlan. 30 Kur- 
umbas. 14 Irulas. The eyes of the 
southern aborigines show shades of 
brown like the skin, and the hair is 
regularly black. Among the Dravid- 
iaii peoples stature varies from 1.5 15 
mm. (Lllade) to 1,690 (Todas); the 
cephalic index from 72 (Badaga) to 
79.31 (Wellala). the whole range 
being from 70.4 among the Badaga 
to 81.8 among the Wellala. In 
cephalic, facial, ami nasal indices 
there is a marked difTcrciir*' between 
the tribes of the Nilgiri Hills and the 
great mass of the Dravidian tribes of 



I 10 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



the south, greatest in the nasal index, 
least in the cephalic. 

von Schultz (A.) Der "Turssuk." 
X'erkehrs-geographische Betrachtungen 
aus dem westlichen Pamir. (Globus, 
Brnschwg., 1910, xcvui, 105-108.) 
Describes the nature and use of the 
turssuk (a raft of inliated sheepskins, 
resembling the old Assyrian raft or 
skin-float still in use under the name 
of kellek in Armenia and Mesopo- 
tamia) employed on rivers in western 
Pamir. 

Scidmore (Eliza R.) Mukden, the 
Manchu home, and its great art 
museum. (Nat. Geogr. Mag., Wash., 
19 10, XXI, 289-32029 fgs.) Contains 
notes on people, dress and ornament, 
shop-signs, city-life, houses and their 
adornment, Manchu samovar, dragon 
throne, Kicnlung and Kanghsi pottery, 
porcelain (the most marvellous collec- 
tion in the world), tombs of Manchu 
ancestors, etc. 

Shakespear (J.) Manipur festival. 
(Folk-Lore, Lond., 1910, xxi, 79-82, 
I pi.) Describes the Kwak Jalra 
or "Crow Festival" as observed by the 
author in 1909. It exemplifies the way 
in which "customs prevalent before the 
conversion of the people to Hinduism 
have been adapted to the requirements 
of the new faith." Part of the cere- 
mony is the shooting of Ravan the ten- 
headed, the ravisher of Sita. The 
Manipur story of how he got his ten 
heads is given on p. 82. 

Note on the Manipuri "Yek." 

(Man, Lond., 1910, x, 59-61.) Treats 
of the 7 main divisions of the Meithei 
population, known as salai or yek, each 
named after a mythical ancestor, and 
each subdivided into a large number of 
sagcis or yumnaks, each of these being 
named after its founder. Each yek has 
"a certain flower, animal, etc., which is 
preferred by the god of the yek and used 
in his worship." The Manipuri yek 
seems not to be a totcmistic division. 
Originally there were 9 salais or yeks. 

Stiibe (R.) Oskar Miinsterbcrg's "Chi- 
nesische Kunstgcschichte." (Globus, 
Brnschwg., 1910, xcviii, 40-45, 13 fgs.) 
Resumes and reviews O. MUnsterberg's 
Chincsische Kunslgcschichlc, Bd. I 
(Esslingen a. N., 1910), which treats of 
art of the pre-Buddliistic period and of 
high art, painting, and sculpture from 
the third century to the present time. 
A second volume is to deal with archi- 



tecture and industrial art. Munster- 
berg assumes relations of Chinese art 
with that of the West even in the stone 
age (third millennium B. C.) 

Thompson (R. C.) On some prehistoric 
stone implements from Asia Minor. 
(Man, Lond., 1910, x, 71-72, 4 fgs.) 
Brief account of two andesite imple- 
ments from near Angora, an axehead 
from near the entrance of the Soghanli 
Dere, about 25 miles west of the great 
mountain Argaeus, and a beautifully 
polished serpentine axehead bought at 
the Hittite ruins of Enyuk. In the 
country between Angora and Eregli are 
scores of tumuli, and at Ajemi is "a 
prehistoric village of stone hut circles 
extending for more than a mile down a 
small valley." 

Vaillant (L.) Note sur un berceau sarte. 
(Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de Paris. 1910, vi', 
s., I, 22-23.) Describes a wooden 
cradle of the Sartes (the type is common 
in Russian Turkestan and Kashgaria), 
its accessories, ornamentation, etc. 
Its use induces flattening of the occiput, 
exaggerating the brachycephaly preva- 
lent in this region. 

Le Turkestan chinois. (Ibid., 8-17, 

2 pi.) Treats of country, inhabitants, 
religion, dress, activities, social life, 
Buddhist remains (terra-cottas, etc. of 
Toqquz Saral), physical characteristics, 
race-contact, etc. The Turkestan Mu- 
sulmans have never been fanatics, nor 
has Islam changed their mentality, 
still calm and nonchalant. 

Volpert (A.) Das chinesische Schauspiel- 
wesen in Sudschantung. (Anthropos, 
St Gabriel-Modling, 1910, v, 367-380, 
8 pi.) Treats of the theater in South 
Shantung, China. Actors professional 
(despised by people) and amateur, 
female companies of players {Ma banise 
hi); the stage, representation, costume 
(true to period), texts of plays (taken 
mostly from old tales, etc.; comedy, su 
hi, and tragedy, ku hi, also love-plays, 
fenn hi), times and occasions of plays 
(all classes and for various purposes), 
theater-attendance, etc. At pp. 377- 
3S0 the acting of a play witnessed by 
the author in 1907 is described. 

Weissenberg (S.) Die kaukasischen 
Jurlen in anthropologischer Beziehung. 
(A. f. .Anthrop., Brnschwg., 1909, N. F., 
VIII, 237-245, I pi.) Gives results of 
anthropometric studies (head and 
bodily measurements, cephalic, facial, 
nasal indices, color of skin, hair, eyes) 



Periodical Literature 



III 



of 33 Grusian Jews (also 4 Jewesses), 
and 20 Mountain Jews. The Cau- 
casian Jews are brunette, brachy- 
cephalic (with tendency to hyper- 
brachycephaly), — stature of Grusian 
Jews averages 1,630 mm., that of the 
Mountain Jews 1,640 mm.; average 
cephalic index, of former 85, of latter 
84.7. The straight nose is the preva- 
lent form, the "Semitic" type occurring 
in 20 %. Dr VV. believes that the orig- 
inal Semitic type was dolichocephalic, 
and inclines to accept the view of von 
Luschan that the Jews had already in 
prehistoric times mi.\cd with the Ar- 
menoid Hittites and taken on their 
physical type. The East European 
Jews owe their characteristic traits 
(since weakened by mixture of Euro- 
pean blood) to migration through the 
Caucasus or to mixture of races there. 

Whatham (A. E.) The origin and signifi- 
cance of the worship of the Diana of the 
Ephesians. (Amer. Antiq., Salem, 
Mass., 1910, XXXII, 35-40.) Discusses 
the views of Prof. Ramsay, in his article 
in Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible on 
"Diana of the Ephesians." W. sees 
in the goddess in question not "the 
type of the queen bee, a counterpart to 
the Diana of the Greeks and Romans," 
but "the lustful Semiramis of Western 
Asia, the Astarte of the Hittites, 
Syrians, and Phenicians, and the Istar 
of the Assyrians and Babylonians," etc. 

Whyte (C. D.) The incest tabu. (Man, 
Lond., 1910, X, 98-99.) Cites the case 
of the fertility of the Chinese of the 
south as proof of the incorrectness of 
the statement of Havclock Ellis, cited 
by Mr Aston (see Man, 1909) that "the 
pairing impulse is not evoked in boys 
and girl.s brought up together from 
infancy." 

Wingate (J. S.) Armenian folk-tales. 
(Kolk-Lore, Lonrl., 1910, xxi, 217-222, 
365-371) English texts only of three 
talcs. The foolish man. Brother laml)- 
kin. The maK|)ic. and iiis tail. The two 
first arc from Bishop Servantzdiantz's 
collection of Armenian folk-tales callcfl 
Manana (1878), the third from his 
later work, llamnv llmlov. 

Zimmerman fj.) The .Samaritan pass- 
over. (Rec. of Past, Wash., 1910, ix, 
131-153. 16 fgs.) Describes this "re- 
markable religious feast" a.s witnessed 
by the author at Nablus. on the site 
of the ancient Shechem, in April. 
1904. 



Zumoffen (G.) Le neolithique en Pheni- 
cic. (Anthropos, St Gabriel-Modling, 
1910, V, 143-162, 9 fgs., 8 pi.) Treats 
of the neolithic period in Phenicia 
(represented by implements of polished 
stone and crude pottery, here as else- 
where). The "stations" of Ras el 
Kelb, Djalta (caves, etc.), Ras Bey- 
routh, Harajel (cave), Tartedj (cave 
with human bones, etc.). The paleo- 
lithic implements, e. g., at Ras el Kalb, 
seem better preserved often than the 
neolithic (a fact due to the surface 
exposure of the latter). For the neo- 
lithic implements stone foreign to the 
Lebanon region was employed. At 
Ras el Kelb and Ras Beyrouth no 
remains of fauna have been found; 
those of Djalta seem to have belonged 
to species already known to paleolithic 
man in this region; no remains of 
domestic animals have yet been dis- 
covered. Ras el Kelb was a place for 
the manufacture of stone implements, 
etc. Except for parallel lines in many 
cases the pottery of Djaita is not 
ornamented. At Ras Beyrouth is "an 
indescribable p^le-mSle" of heteroge- 
neous objects, — "bits of Phenician 
glass, fragments of carafes, sardine- 
boxes, pieces of locks, Italian marble, 
Egyptian granite, etc.," — the refuse- 
heap of ancient and modern times. 
The Harajel grotto was not used for 
human habitation. 

INDONESIA, AUSTRALASIA, 
POLYNESIA. 

Alexander (W. D.) The origin of the 
Polynesian race. (J. of Race Devel., 
Worcester, Mass., 1910, i, 221-230.) 
Discusses theory of American origin, 
anti(|uity of man in Polynesia, Asiatic 
origin of the Polynesians, Aryan and 
Semitic theories, etc. According to 
A., "the remote ancestor of the Poly- 
nesian race in prehistoric ages dwelt 
in Northern In<li;i," Irorn whence they 
spread through I-'arlher India into the 
East Indian Archipelago, driving into 
the mountains or exterminating the 
aboriginal black races, being themselves 
afterward "conquered, amalgamated 
with, or <'Xi)olIed by Mongoloid tribes 
from the mainland of Asia; a subse- 
quent migratiini of the more enterpris- 
ing to tiic islands of the Pacific, and par- 
ticularly Polynesia, took place." Out- 
side of W. V. Humboldt and H. C. v. d. 



112 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



Gabelentz, the author cites authorities 
in English alone, and seems to have 
missed the more recent literature in 
German, etc. It is hardly exact to 
state (p. 222) that "the natives of the 
western coast of America are among 
the least maritime of known races." 
Other inaccuracies of statement also 
occur. 

Archambault (M.) Les sculptures et les 
gravures sur roches de la Nouvelle- 
CalCdonie. (Bull. Soc. d" Anthr. de 
Paris, 1910, xi" s. i, 517-530.) Treats 
of sculptures and engravings on rocks 
in New Caledonia: "La Muette" (Ne- 
gropo), "Henriette" (Gouenreu), "Ca- 
th^dre" (Bouerou), "Grange" (valley of 
Koua), "Jessie's stone" (Gouenreu), 
"Frangoise" (ravine of D6-Neva), 
"Lucien Dubois" (Moneo), "Feillet" 
(Poncrihouen), Chambeyron (Pt Bogo- 
ta), "Badimon" (Canala), "Bernier" 
(Ni), "Cent Pierres" (Poro). "Beau- 
deau" (valley of Dothio), "Jeanneny" 
(Fouwary), "Petites Pierres" (Houail- 
ou), "Pierre des Mineurs" (Kouenthio), 
etc. The chief figures in these rock- 
carvings are in a sort of relief alter- 
nating with the hollowed out motif. 
The concentric cross, the spiral, the 
concentric circle, the concentric cres- 
cent, the oval (approximate) are the 
chief ornamentation, — figures of human 
beings, often with geometric stylizing, 
abound. Among animals represented 
are birds, crocodiles, serpents (no land- 
species exists on the island); plants are 
less numerous. Figures of weapons, 
implements, etc., are also found. 
"Hieratic symbols" (triangles, ladders, 
concentric squares, rectangles, etc.) 
and also "alphabctiform" signs (these 
are discussed on pages 528-529) are 
likewise represented. The origin of 
these signs of a "letter" sort needs 
further investigation. 

Quelques sculptures sur pierre 

d'origine n6o-caledonienne. (Ibid., 
1909, v" s., X, 258-260.) Treats of 
sculptures in relief on stones (the only 
examples of the sort attributed to the 
Kanakas of New Caledonia), human 
face, lizard, — founrl in the territory of 
the Gonde tribe in the valley of Huailu. 
The li/ard-sculj)tures may have some- 
thing to do with totemism. 

Basedow (H.) Der Tasmanierschadel, 
cin Insulartypus. (Z. f. Ethnol,, 
Berlin, 1910, XLii, 176-227, 16 fgs.) 
Based on study of 126 Australian and 



36 Tasmanian skulls in the Museum of 
the Royal College of Surgeons in Lon- 
don, etc. (measurements, etc., are 
given). The average capacity of the 
Australian crania is, male 1287 cc, 
female 1145; Tasmanian male 1314, 
female 1156CC.; the whole range being, 
Australian 1010-1640 cc, Tasmanian 
1 060-1465 cc. The average cephalic 
index of the Australian crania is, male 
70.8, female 72.5; Tasmaniaa male 
74.8, female 76.8. The Australian 
cranium is dolichocephalic, the Tas- 
manian mesocephalic. The great de- 
velopment of the supraorbital region 
in the Australian skull is, according to 
B., rather secondary than primary, or 
atavistic. Hair of the Tasmanian type 
is not rare among the Australians. 
B. holds that the Tasmanian was 
originally a genuine Austral type, and 
has been insularly modified. The din- 
go was probably never in Tasmania; its 
entrance into Australia even may have 
been subsequent to the separation of 
Tasmania from the mainland. 

Bean (R. B.) Types of Negritos in the 
Philippine Islands. (Anier. Anthrop., 
Wash., 1910, N. s., XII, 220-236, 16 fgs.) 

Biasutti (R.) I Tasmaniani come forma 
d'isolamcnto geografico. (A. p. I'An- 
trop., Firenze, 1910, xl, 108-116, map.) 
Resumes and criticizes recent studies 
(Griibner, Klaatsch, Frobenius, Thom- 
as, Schmidt, Ling Roth, Turner, 
Basedow, etc.). In essentials of race 
and culture the Tasmanians represented 
an older type than the general Austra- 
lian, a type preserved by geographical 
isolation. Craniologically and in the 
form of the hair tiie Tasmanians differ 
from the Australians. The distribu- 
tion-map (p. 113) shows the percent- 
ages of skulls broader than high, — 
greatest (84%) in Tasmania, least (9%) 
in the north of Australia. The Austra- 
lians are the more modified and less 
primitive people. 

Bird (W. H.) Some remarks on the 
grammatical construction of the Chowie 
language as spoken by the Buccaneer 
Islanders, North-Wcstern Australia. 
(Anthropos, St Gabriel-Mudling, 1910, 
V, 454-456, map.) Brief notes on pro- 
nouns (no gender-distinction), nouns 
(no special form for plural; adjectives 
of quality follow), adverbs, verb (verb 
"to be" regular, but seldom used). 
These natives have "remarkable initia- 
tion and other ceremonies, blood- 



Periodical Literature 



113 



drinking customs, and also some inter- 
esting legends." 

Blackenhorn (M.) Vorlage eines fossilen 
Menschenzahns von der Selenka- 
Trinil-Expedition auf Java. (Z. f. 
Ethnol., Berlin, 1910, XLii, 337-354, 5 
fgs.) Treats of the finding of a lower 
left molar human tooth from the allu- 
vium of the Sonde, a stream in the Trinil 
area, its nature and significance, with 
a report of the investigation of the 
tooth by VValkhoff, who thinks it may 
be older than the tooth of Dubois' 
Pithecanthropus. The age of this relic 
is, however, still doubtful. 

Bolsius (A.) Une Icgende alfoure. (An- 
thropos, St Gabriel-Modling, 1909, iv, 
879-891.) Gives native text, with 
translation and notes, of "the tale of 
Pandagian" in the language of the 
Alfurus of Minahasa, to which is pre- 
fixed a brief grammatical sketch of the 
Tumbulur dialect. Further details 
may be found in the author's article 
"Eenige mededeelingen over het Tou- 
um-bulu," in Stud, op Godsd., Welen^ch. 
en Letlerk. Geb., vol. XL. 

Brown ^\. R.) Puluga: a reply to Father 
Schmidt. (Man, Lond., 1910, X, 33- 
37.) B. argues that S. is seeking 
evidence merely for a pre-formed 
theory, and points out mistakes due 
to lack of intimate knowledge of the 
Andamanese, their language, etc, 
There is no evidence, according to B., 
that the Andamanese believed in a 
Supreme Being. See Schmidt (W.). 

Marriage and descent in North 

Australia. (Ibid., 55-59, 2 fgs). 
Treats of the question of the rules of 
descent in tribes having 8 matrimonial 
classes (e. g., Arunta and Chingalce). 
In tribes of the Arunta type the phra- 
tries are strictly exogamous with 
patrilineal descent; the child's class is 
d<'tcrmincfl by that of its father; the 
totem is not acquired by inheritance. 
In tribes of the Chingalee type the 
phratry is not strictly exogamous. and 
the generally patrilineal descent is 
Bometimes irregul.ir; the child's class 
is determined by that of its mother; 
the totem of the child is generally inher- 
ited from its father, but there arc 
many exce()tions. 

Bryant (11. G.) A traveler's notes on 
Java. (Nat. Geogr. Mag., Wash., 
1910. XXI, 91-11 1, 17 fgs.) Contains 
items concerning rice-culture, dress of 
natives and Kuropeans. Javanese dan- 

voi.. XXIV. — NO. 91. — 8 



cers, and wajang wong, temple ruins of 
Brambanam and Boro Boedocr, etc. 

Cole (E. C.) The Bukidnon of Minda- 
nao. (Amer. Anthrop., Wash., 1910, 
N. s., XII, 134-135) 

Conant (C. E.) The names of Philippine 
languages. (Anthropos, St Gabriel- 
Modling, 1909, IV, 1069-1074.) Gives 
examples of the diversity and uncer- 
tainty of usage as to the orthography 
of some well-known names (e. g. 
Tagalog, Tagalo, Tagala, Tagal, Taga- 
lan) of Philippine languages in Spanish, 
English, French, German, etc., and 
proposes, that, with the exception of 
Pampanga, which represents a native 
Kapang-pangan, "all Philippine lan- 
guages and dialects be designated by 
their native names without inflectional 
endings, and that in their spelling all 
peculiarities of Spanish orthography be 
eliminated." A list of 42 such names 
is given. 

Couteaud ( — ) Les origines de I'lle de 
Piques. (R. de I'fic. d'Anthr. de Paris. 
1910, XX, 86-97, r fg-) Discusses the 
problems connected with Easter id., 
its inhabitants, gigantic statues, hiero- 
glyphics, etc. One of the names of the 
island is Rapa-nui, and legends of the 
island of Rapa, E. of Tahiti and in 
about the same latitude as Easter id., 
suggest that Rapa-nui was peopled 
from Rapa. Dr C thinks the Poly- 
nesian expansion eastward may have 
touched S. America. He favors the 
theory of a submerged continental area 
in the region of Easter id. The great 
statues he attributes to the authors of 
the other megalithic monuments in 
( )<oania. 

Crampton (II. E.) A fourth journey 
to the South Seas. (Amer. Museum 
J., N. Y.. 1910, X, 122-132, 8 fgs.) 
Notes on journey of 1909, among the 
Society, Cook, Tonga, Samoa, Fiji, 
Hawaiian is.. New Zealand, etc. The 
fishing-parties of the men of Opoa 
Raiatea (.Society is.) are represented 
in one of the illustrations. C. be- 
lieves that "precisely similar phe- 
nomena are disjjlayed by the various 
Polynesian island-races and lower 
forms like the snails." ami "subser- 
vient, like other living things, to the 
control of evolution, the natives, ns 
well as the snails, have come to differ 
more or less wiflely in correlation with 
their greater or lesser isolation in 
geographical respects." 



114 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



Die heutige Lage der Gilbert-Insu- 
laner. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1910, 
xcviii, 223-224.) Items concerning 
the natives of the Gilbert is. (popu- 
lation now reduced to 25,000; houses; 
food; decline of ancient arts; con- 
sumption due to adoption of European 
dress; quarrels and disputes, etc.) 
from a recent parliamentary report 
by A. Mahafify, Assistant to the West 
Pacific High Commission. 

Eberlein (J.) Die Trommelsprache auf 
der Gazellenhalbinsel, Neupommern. 
(Anthropos, St Gabriel Modling, 
1910, V, 635-642, I pi.) Brief account 
of the a garamul or signal-drum of the 
natives of the Gazelle peninsula. New 
Pomerania, its form, preparation use 
(torriJ-signals at deaths of impor- 
tant persons, great dances, etc.; lin- 
tid in g-signaXs on less important oc- 
casions; kulaliding for calling chiefs), 
with musical illustrations of signals, 
etc. (pp. 641-642). 

Edge-Partington (J.) Maori forgeries. 
(Man, Lond., 1910, x, 54-55.) Cites 
evidence from Prof. Andree (see Z. /. 
Elhtiol., 1907, p. 493) confirming the 
manufacture of objects of New Zealand 
jade by the lapidaries of Oberstein 
and Idar (Germany) and from Mr 
Hamilton, director of the Dominion 
Museum, Wellington, N. Z., as to the 
manufacture of "Maori" bone and 
wooden relics of various kinds, — 
indeed "no class of New Zealand 
'curios' is exempt from the imitator's 
art." 

Egidi (V. M.) Question! riguardanti la 
costituzione fisica dei Kuni, Nuova 
Guinea Inglese. (Anthropos, St 
Gabriel-Modling, 1910, v, 748-755. 
2 pi.) Notes on the physical character 
of the Kuni of British New Guinea. 
Stature and physical constitution 
(rather low statured, av. 1,500 mm., 
lowest adult measured, 1,450, tallest 
1,600 mm.; no well-defined type; 
male inferior in physical strength to 
European, but not tiie women; able 
to bear hunger and thirst well), 
acuity of senses (color-sense not much 
developed; hearing shows education 
rather than greater acuity per se; 
sense of sight keener than that of 
Europeans; sensibility to cold marked), 
diseases and remedies, special ab- 
stinences from food, etc. (in preparation 
for dances, war; special regime for 
both se.xes from puberty to the birth 



of first child, or till two or three years 
after marriage; special food-taboos 
for women), cannibalism (ncithei 
indigenous nor ancient; probably in- 
troduced through imitation of tribe 
of Boboi and Kauaka. 

Erdland (A.) Die Sternkunde bei den 
Scefahrern der Marshallinseln. (Ibid., 
16-26.) Treats of the star-lore of the 
sailors among the natives of the Mar- 
shall is., its use in sea-faring, etc. At 
pages 18-20 is given a list of 66 stars 
and constellations with native names; 
also (pp. 21-26) explanations of the 
names of the more important ones, 
items of mythology, folk-lore, turns 
of speech, etc. The Polar star is "the 
good star"; the Southern Cross is the 
bub-fish; the Pleiades are "the double 
vessel"; the Magellanic clouds are "the 
star in the sandstone." Many large 
stars, like Sirius, e. g., have no names. 

Forster (B.) Das moderne Australien. 
(Globus, Brnschwg., 1910, xcvii, 
347-349.) Resumes a series of articles 
by J. F. Eraser in the Standard for 
March, 1910. Features emphasized 
are the monotony and half-finished 
aspect of nature, lack of the spirit of 
enterprise, disinclination of the squat- 
ter to turn farmer, Mongolian immi- 
gration, etc. The bright side of 
Australian life is seen in the care for 
education of children and the pro- 
visions for their welfare in other 
respects. 

Foy (W.) Nochmals iiber den Nanicn 
der Insel Celebes. (Anthropos, St 
Gabriel-Modling, 1910, v, 253-254.) 
Discusses etymologies suggested by 
Wichmann, Sarasin, etc. The oldest 
form of the word is Celebe (1516), a 
term applied first to the island group 
from the southern Philippines to 
modern Celebes, then to the northern 
part of this island and finally to the 
whole of it. The etymology is not 
known. 

Friederici (G.) Anir oder Feni? (Glo- 
bus, Brnschwg., 1910, xcvii, 50-51.) 
Argues against the attempt to intro- 
duce Feni, instead of Attir (a native 
name) as the appellation of an island- 
group in the east of South New Meck- 
lenburg, as made, e. g., by Dr. O. 
Schlaginhaufen. 

Geurtjens (H.) Le ceremonial des voy- 
ages aux lies Keij. (Anthropos, St 
(iahriel-Modling, 1910, V, 334-358, I 
fg.) Treats in detail of the ceremonies 



Periodical Literature 



115 



of the sea-travelers of the Key is. 
(every native is a seaman). These 
ceremonies, conducted by the priest, 
include taking a horoscope; planting 
of the belrin (a slim tree); choosing a 
house for the rites; watching of sacred 
fire; singing at night of the ngel 
(laconic songs in obscure style, and not 
especially appropriate to the occasion; 
native texts and translations of ngel, 
PP- 339-347); the Kaifal or festival of 
departure (for those leaving only); the 
embarcation; ceremonies, etc., in the 
house after the departure of the seamen, 
and actions of the participants; cere- 
monies (not numerous) observed by the 
seamen themselves; return-festival, — 
the seamen are heroes for several days, 
but soon everything resumes its com- 
mon and monotonous character. 

Girschner (F.) Zur Sprache von Ponape 
und der Zentralkarolinen, Siidsee. 
(Ibid., 560-563.) Treats of the origin 
of the plural-form-a(7 (probably from 
tjil, "three"), suffixing of possessives, 
possessive genitive, numerals, etc. In 
a note Father Schmidt points out that 
Dr G has here furnished the first 
positive evidence of the former exist- 
ence in Ponape of a Papuan language. 

Giufifrida-Ruggeri (V.) La posizione an- 
tropologica dei Maori. (A. p. I'An- 
trop., Firenze, 1910, XL, 13-18, 2 pi.) 
G. R. recognizes in the Maori a char- 
acteristic facial type, originating from 
isolation, and deserving the appellation 
of "local form" in the sense of the 
Sarasins; a type not found outside of 
New Zealand, — long-faced, with large 
chin and lower jaw (dolichocllipsoid, 
rarely pentagonoid). He believes in a 
primitive type of man, very variable, 
very plastic, and yet without conspicu- 
ous differentiations, as the first stage of 
the human race, a sort of "prophetic" 
state, then a stage rt-prcsented by the 
Galley Hill man, followed by anotiier 
stage with numerous protomorphic 
groups, followed by the divergence of 
the negroids, thr-n the xantlioderms and 
leucodcrnis and the independent forma- 
tion of numerous local varieties, etc.) 
Leucoderm tenrlcncies occur in the 
most disparate regions of the globe 
(Miaotse in China, certain American 
Indians. Minahassa of Celebes, etc.) 
and no chronological succession or 
synchronism can be maintained. The 
real explanation lies in the plasticity 
of the species. Diversities, indeed, arc 



often quite relative and do not depart 
far from the fundamental line. 

Graebner (F.) Noch einmal P. VV. 
Schmidt und die siidostaustralische 
Kulturgeschichte. (Globus, Brn- 

schwg., 1910, xcvii, 362-366.) Crit- 
ique and reply to Father Schmidt's 
effort to prove the non-existence of 
father-right group-totemism in eastern 
\'ictoria; also as to the extent, etc., of 
sex-totemism, whose culture-relations 
Dr G. regards as doubtful. G. also 
objects to Father S.'s assumption of 
"an unmythological, ethic monothe- 
ism," as the initial and the final stage 
of human religious development. 

Die melanesische Bogenkultur und 

ihre Verwandtcn. (Anthropos. St Ga- 
briel-Modling, 1909. i\', 998-1032, 
map.) Concluding section. Treats of 
related culture outside the Pacific Ocean 
area: S. E. Asia (the cultural analogies 
with Melanesia are not merely to be 
found in the East Indian Archipelago, 
but extend even to Assam), Africa (in 
S. Africa, the Nile country, and the 
region of the primitive African forest 
culture-elements exist that are related 
to the oldest Pacific-Ocean culture), 
America (phenomena suggesting the 
Melanesian "bow-culture" are found 
over a large portion of Central and 
Northwestern S. America and Central 
America: Bororo, Arawaks, Caribs; 
crooked flat bows, certain sorts of 
arrows, pile-dwellings, certain sorts of 
weaving and basketry, forms of paddles, 
head-trophies, masks, etc.), Europe 
(pile-dwellings, flat-bow, pottery, etc.), 
N. E. Asia (along the Pacific coast, in 
Korea, China, Japan, etc., scattered 
evidences). Pile-dwellings, skull-cult, 
"Ilocker" figure in art, spiral in orna- 
ment, belong in the culture in cjuestion. 

Grisward (J.) Notes Grammaticali-s sur 
la langue des Telel. (Ibid.. 191 o, v. 
82-94, 381-406.) Grammatical sketch 
(phonetics, noun, adjective, numerals, 
pronouns, verb, — in detail pp. 381-402. 
adverb, post-position, conjunction, etc.) 
of the Telel. a language of tht- moun- 
tainous interior of southern Bfingain- 
ville, one of the Solomon is. I'"ather 
Schmidt notes that is "tlic first gram- 
mar pulilislied of a Papuan tongue on 
the island." Relationship-names have 
special dual and |>hiral forms; numerous 
classification-numorals exist; the use of 
the verb irolai (do) is interesting; there 
are some defective verbs. 



Ii6 



Journal of American Folk- Lore 



Groneman (J.) Der Kris der Javaner. 
(Int. Arch. f. Ethnogr., Leiden, 1910, 
XIX, 91-109, 123-161, 39 fgs., 7 pi.) 
First two sections of a detailed mono- 
graph on the Javanese kris. The 
forging of Japanese weapons is treated 
with jjarticuiar reference to nomencla- 
ture, etc., of metals used, parts of 
weapons, etc. 

Die Heirat eines javanischen Kron- 

prinzen. (Mitt. d. K. K. Geogr. Ges. 
in Wien, 1910, Liii, 426-460.) Detailed 
account of the ceremonials and festivi- 
ties in connection with the marriage in 
August, 1907, of the present crown- 
prince of Jogjakarta, based on personal 
observation of the author and on 
ofhcial documents. 

Haddon (A. C.) New Guinea pygmies. 
(Nature, Lond., 1910, Lxxxiii, 433- 
434.) Resumes evidence as to New 
Guinea pigmies, said to have been dis- 
covered on the Mimika river by the 
British Ornithologists' expedition. See 
article on "The Discovery of a Pygmy 
Race," by W. R. Ogilvie-Grant in 
Country Life, xxvii, 797, and the 
London Times for June 3, 1910. 

Herrick (S. B.) A summer festival in 
Tahiti. (Century, N. Y., 1910, Lxxx, 
701-708, 18 fgs.) Describes the cele- 
bration of the French national holiday 
(July 14). Native music and singing, 
dancing, "fire-walking," etc. 

Hocart (A. M.) A point of Fijian orthog- 
raphy. (Man, Lond., 1910, x, 77- 
78.) Criticises official orthography for 
its rule that "an i should be aflixed to 
the word preceding a noun with instru- 
mental and kindred senses." This is 
"a remarkable piece of blindness, which 
can only be explained by a mechanical 
adherence to first impressions, instead 
of a constant revision of grammatical 
rules with increasing experience." See 
Ray (S. H.). 

A Tongan cure and Fijian eti- 
quette. (Ibid., 102.) Describes 
briefly the fuafua cure as performed on 
a little girl, for pain in the ear, by 
Lolohc, a Tongan woman of Lakemba. 
in the eastern F"iji group. Soon after- 
wards the little girl's neck swelled (she 
had fula due to a breach of etiquette) 
and the young chief had to be called in 
to cure his sister's disorder. 

Lang (A.) Puluga. (Ibid., 5I-53-) 
Reply to Mr A. R. Brown in which L. 
holds that "Biliker (female) and Puluga 
(male) are creations of imagination in 



search of a first cause," and not "per- 
sonifications of the N. N. E. Monsoon," 
as B. contends. See Brown (A. R.), 
Schmidt (W.). 

The "historicity of Arunta tradi- 
tions." (Ibid., II8-I2I.) L. thinks 
these traditions are "not historical, but 
dictated by the logic of fancy." They 
are not "historical evidence on any 
point of prehistoric manners." Ac- 
cording to L., the Arunta "have passed 
out of normal totemism, in which each 
totem is strictly confined to one phratry 
only." 

The puzzle of Kaiabara class- 
names. (Ibid., 130-134.) Critique of 
data in Howitt, etc., concerning the 
class-names of the Kaiabara tribe of 
South Queensland. It would seem that 
Howitt has confused the names of the 
classes and sub-classes with those of 
the totems. A few other mistakes are 
also pointed out. 

The Alcheringa and the All Father. 

(Rev. des Et. Ethnogr. et Sociol., Paris, 
1909, II, 141-154.) Seeks to show from 
evidence in Spencer and Gillen's 
Native Tribes of Central Australia 
(1899) and Northern Tribes of Central 
Australia (1904), that "the more anim- 
ism, the less All-Fathcrism"; from 
these tribes "the All I-'athcr has faded 
from men's interests and knowledge, 
and in some cases has wholly disap- 
peared, owing to the amazing northern 
development of animism, the all ex- 
plaining philosophy (for it is a philos- 
ophy) of spirits." According to L., 
"the sky-dwelling great beings of the 
center are obsolescent survivals, not 
primal germs of the South Eastern 
conceptions of the All Father." 

and Schmidt (VV.) On the sociolog- 
ical (k'velopnient of the tribes of 
Australia, etc. (Anthropos, St Ga- 
briel-Modling, 1909, iv, 1096-1099.) 
Critique of Father Schmidt's view as 
exj^rcssed in Anthropos with his replies. 
L. believes that group-marriage did not 
precede individual marriage; that the 
change from the female line to the 
male was not caused by a Papuan in- 
vasion, but "is an evolution from with- 
in"; that "immense social changes have 
occurred within Australia"; "local exog- 
amy "occurs as a sequence to totcmic 
exogamy. H"ather S. differs with L. as 
to the sociological position of the 
Kurnai, etc. 

Leenhardt (M.) Note sur la fabrication 



Periodical Literature 



117 



des marmites canaques en Nouvelle- 
Caledonie. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de 
Paris, 1909. v" s., x, 268-270, 2 fgs.) 
Describes the making of coiled pottery 
(spatula used) at Wanass in the valley 
of the Tinande by a woman of the 
upper Tipindje. Among the Kanakas 
of New Caledonia pottery is an art of 
women and its manufacture seems con- 
fined to the northern half of the island, 
although by purchase its products are 
known in all parts. 

Percuteurs et haches de Nouvelle 

Caledonie. (Ibid., 270-272, 2 fgs.) 
Brief description of a striker and three 
stone axes (two showing process of 
manufacture), from New Caledonia. 

von Leonhardi (M.) Der Mura und die 
Mura-mura der Dieri. (Anthropos, 
St (Jabriel-Modling, 1909, iv, 1065- 
1068.) Treats of the beliefs, etc., of 
the Dieri concerning the Mura (su- 
preme being, good spirit, creator) and 
the Mura-mura (mythic ancestors). 
Based on data from the missionary 
J. G. Reuther. The legends of the 
various Mura-mura are set forth in 
firamatic songs, tnura-wima. 

Lobingier (C. S.) The primitive Malay 
marriage law. (Amer. Anthrop., Wash., 
1910, N. s., XII, 250-256.) 

Lowie (R. H.) Asia. Africa. South 
Sea Islands. (Anthrop. Pap. Amer. 
Mu8. Nat. Hist., N. Y., 1910, iv, 312- 
329, 3 pi., 14 fgs.) Notes on new 
specimens. Starr's Philippine collec- 
tion of over 700 items, including 
Negrito weapons, musical instruments, 
etc.; Tibetan collection (scrolls, relig- 
ious objects in particular, prayer- 
etone); Kavirondo (Bantu) collection 
(dress, ornaments, weapons, shaman- 
istic objects, musical instruments, etc.); 
Turkana (Lake Rudolf) head-dress; 
West Africa (knives, sheaths, pipes, 
dance-masks of Fan, Bali, and cere- 
monial paddle from Sierra Leone; 
Southwest Africa (Ovambo baskets, 
Hcrcro weapons, ornaments, etc.); 
Congo (Starr collection, Kasai par- 
ticularly well represented); Waters col- 
lection (over 2000 specimens) dis- 
tinctively Fijian (and Solomon is.) 
Maori (carved canoe prow and model 
of a piitaka (food utorc); S<-hroedcr col- 
lection (chiedy article.s of personal 
decoration from Micronesia). 

Mannucct (F.) Crani della Malcsia. 
(A. p. I'Antrop.. Firenzc, 1910, XL, 145- 
188, II fgs.) Describes, with measure- 



ments and figures "skulls from Malaysia 
(Moluccas 2, Malay 5, Java 3, Madura 
i) and 2 plaster models (Maduran 
Malay, Javanese), all male, collected 
by the traveler Beccari. The cephalic 
index ranges from 75.43 to 87.50, only 4 
being below 80. The natives of the 
Moluccas are racially very heter- 
ogeneous. The Malay is generally 
brachycephalic. The Javanese are also 
very mixed racially (dolichocephaly 
12% as compared with 6% among 
Malays and 34% in the Moluccas), — 
brachycephalic 72 S^. Cranial defor- 
mations are considered at pages 175- 
185 (frontal deformations do not occur). 

Marett (R. R.) Queensland corroboree 
songs. (Folk-Lore, Lond., 1910, xxi, 
86-88.) Gives music and words of 4 
songs obtained by Mr R. B. B. Clayton 
from the Goorang-goorang tribe about 
1863-5 (musical notation by Miss I. S. 
Clayton). 

de Marzan (J.) Quelques espdces de 
magie fidjienne. (Anthropos, St Ga- 
briel-Modling, 1909, iv, 1092.) Notes 
on rain-stopping (some of the shamans 
are women), stones to stop rain, to 
bring on rain, and to obtain winds of a 
certain sort. 

Mutilatio ethnica in Australia sub- 

incisio (mika) dicta existitne in insula 
Fiji? (Ibid., 1910. V, 808-809.) Cites 
evidence proving the existence in \'ita 
Levu (Fiji is.) of the mika operation 
known from Australia. 

Mathews (R. H.) Die Bundandaba- 
Zcrtinonie in Queensland. (Mitt. d. 
Anthrop. Gcs. in Wien. 1910, XL, 44- 
47.) Describes the bundandaba, or 
final initiation ceremony of the abori- 
gines of the coast region from the border 
of New South Wales north to about 
Port Curtis (extending some 150 to 200 
miles inland). The tribe is divided into 
two primary groups. Dcawai and /v()/>- 
paian. an<l each of these has two sub- 
divisions. The common bat, dcrritif^. 
is the friend of all men; a small owl. or 
night hawk, booroo-kapkap. the friend 
of women. The bundandaba begins six 
months or a year after the toara cere- 
mony. 

Meier (J.) Der Glaube an den ittal und 
den tutatia vurakit bei den l-iinKeboienen 
im Kilstengebiet der Hhuu iiebut ht. 
(.Anthropos, St Gabriel-Modling. loio. 
V. 95 112, 2 pi.) Treats of the beliefs 
of the natives of the ct)ast-region of 
Blanche bay, New Pomerania, con- 



Ii8 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



cerning the inal, a good spirit, bird like 
in form and living on the giant giao or 
banyan tree {Ficus prolixa), and the 
ulana vurakil ("the eternal man"), the 
latter standing in relation to human 
beings as wild animals do to tame, — 
he vegetates simply, having lost the 
use of reason and speech. Belief in the 
tulana-vurakit is connected with the 
mysteries of the Iniel society, whose 
ceremonies are briefly described. The 
tulana-vurakil can change himself into 
a bird {Tanysiplera nigriceps), \\\\\c\i is 
eagerlj' hunted by the natives. 

Meyer (O.) Funde prahistorischcr Top- 
ferei und Steinmesser auf Vuatom, 
Bismarck-Archipel. (Ibid., 1909, iv, 
1093-1095, II fgs.) Treats of frag- 
ments of prehistoric pottery found on 
Vuatom, Bismarck Archipelago. See 
earlier item in Anlhropos, 1909, iv, 251. 

Mj'then und Erziihlungen von 

der Insel Vuatom, Bismarck-Archipel, 
Sudsee. (Ibid., 1910, v, 711-733, 
map.) Besides some notes on the 
Vuatom dialect. Father M. gives native 
texts and translations of 10 myths and 
tales: The fish-catching. The Two (To 
Kambinanai and To Karivuvu) build 
themselves huts, The Two make the 
sea, To Karivuvu makes the Island 
of Vuatom, The head of To Natnangur 
the orphan. She takes the mango-fruit 
(sea-cow), Fire (origin of death), 
Grandmother and granddaughter. The 
fish-eagle, The Arum (Phalager orieti- 
talis). 

Moszkowski (M.) Beitrage zur Ent- 
wicklungsgeschichte des Wohnhauses 
in Ostsumatra. (A. f. Anthrop., Brn- 
schwg., 1910, N. F. IX, 1-17, 27 fgs.) 
Interesting discussion of the develop- 
ment of the dwelling-house based on the 
author's observations among the primi- 
tive peoples of Eastern Sumatra and 
the accounts of other investigators, — 
particularly the house of the Sakai. 
According to M., the house originated 
more often as a protection for fire than 
as a protection for man against in- 
clement weather, etc. The primitive 
house of the natives of the primitive 
forest, the round-hut, under the neces- 
sity of protecting fire has developed 
in various ways, — the simple wind- 
shelter, the platform with wind-shelter, 
the primitive pile-dwelling, etc., are 
treated with some detail. M. believes 
that the dwellings in tree-tops have 
developed out of the pile-dwellings and 



not vice-versa (the tree-Sakai, e. g.. 
although expert climbers and adapted 
to tree-life use always the ladder to 
enter their houses, — the ladder that 
goes with the pile-dwellings). The 
Sakai houses with fires underneath the 
floor are characteristic. The walls 
arise as wind-shields. 

Sagen und Fabeln aus Ost- und 

Zentralsumatra. (Anthropos, St Ga- 
briel-Modling, 1909, iv, 989-997.) Ger- 
man version of 8 Malayan tales from 
Eastern and Central Sumatra. Legend 
of Tungku Malim Dewa (Siegfried- 
Briinhild cycle). Sultan Yangkut and 
Sultan Arimau, War between Rokan 
and Rau; About the nig'it-monkey 
(telling of origin of use of powdered 
Kokang-hones as medicine). The tale of 
Dantor (the rhinoceros-bird). About 
the death-birds (ravens, owls, pun- 
iianak). About the Orang-Biinlen 
(dwarfs), About the Orang-gedang 
(giants). Some native words of songs, 
etc., passim. 

Miiller (W.) Uber die Wildenstiimme 
der Insel Formosa. (Z. f. Ethnol., 
Berlin, 1910, xlii, 228-241.) Treats of 
the wild tribes of Formosa: Numbers 
(ca. 120,000), tribal-groups (Ataiyal, 
Vonum, Tso'o, Tsarisen, Paiwan, 
Pyuma, Amis, Pepo, Yami), psychical 
characters (brachycephalic 79-83; mid- 
dle-sized), language (all Malayan; at 
pp. 238-239 the numerals i-io in all 
Formosa dialects), political relations, 
family and domestic relations (strict 
monogamy generally), birth and death, 
dwellings (not built close together), 
dress and ornament, tattooing (general 
with many tribes), food, tobacco (not 
much cultivated; great smokers, men, 
women and children), betel-chewing 
common, weapons (firearms obtained 
from Chinese; spears chiefly in Central 
and S. Formosa; bow and arrow, — in 
N. used only for birds; swords of all 
forms and sizes), musical instruments 
(jew's-harp played by boys and girls; 
bamboo-flute of men), agriculture, 
money {binluan), art and industry 
(weaving and wood-carving somewhat 
developed), fire (flint, friction, boring), 
law and punishment, religion and super- 
stition (soul-lore; spirits, exorcism, fes- 
tivals for ancestors' spirits), head-hunt 
(widespread and deep-rooted). 

Neuhauss (R.) Brief aus Neu-Guinea. 
(Ibid., 1909, XLi, 962-963.) Letter of 
Sept. I, 1909, from Sissenau, describing 



Periodical Literature 



119 



voyages up the Markham river (to a 
place where the natives had never 
before met a white man), on the 
Augusta, etc. In the Kai country 
traces of a "prehistoric" people were 
found. The pottery and wood-carving 
of some of the Augusta river tribes are 
remarkable. N. thinks that the native 
population of New Guinea has been 
much underestimated. Collections of 
more than 1,550 objects (Kai, Bakaua, 
Sissanu, etc.), 52 skulls (14 from Au- 
gusta river), 700 developed negatives, 
43 kinematograph films, 90 phonograph 
records (60 songs with texts and trans- 
lations), etc., were made. 

Nollen (H.) Les difTerentes classes d'age 
dans la socicte Kaia-Kaia. (Anthro- 
pos, St Gabriel-Modling, 1909, iv. 
553-573. II pl-) Well-illustrated ac- 
count of the age-classes in the Kaia- 
Kaia society (passage from stage to 
stage is the occasion of festivals and 
dances) of Merauke, Dutch New 
Guinea, with description of dress, 
ornaments, etc., distinguishing each 
class. The men's classes are: Pattir 
(boy), aroi-patiir (boys of pubertal age), 
wokravid (well-developed boys), ewali 
(youth and time of wife-choosing), 
miakim (fiance condition), amnaugib 
(^marricd man), mesmiakim (old man). 
The women's: kivaznm (little girl), 
wahiikii (girl of 10 to 11 years). Kiva- 
ziim-iwag (corresponds to the male 
ewali), iivag (marriageable girl; most of 
these are betrothed or promised), saf 
(married woman), mes-iwag (old wo- 
man; the very old are called somb- 
anum). The head-dresses differ ac- 
cording to the parts of the country. 

Paulinus (P.) Lautc mit Kehlkopfvcr- 
schluss and Palatale in der Yap- 
Sprache. (Ibid., 1910, v, 809-810.) 
Notes on /', p', t\ k', I', m' , n' and a 
genuine palatal 6 in the Yap language 
of the Carolines. 

Ray (.S. H.) Note on a point in F"ijian 
orthography. (Man, Lond., 1910, x, 
104). Notes that as long ago as 1885 
Rev. S. H. Codrington jiointed out the 
absurdity of using the instrumental 
prefix » in Fiji as a suffix to the pre- 
ceding word. .See Hocart (A. M.). 

Reche (O.) Eine Boroisung ties Kaiscrin- 
Augusta-Flusscs, Neuguinea. (Globus. 
Brnschwg., 1910. xcvii, 285-286, map.) 
Brief account of journey up the ICm- 
press Augusta River in 1909. Three 
culture groups at least were noted, — 



the sago-swamp culture of the mouth 
of the river (identical with that of 
lower Ramu); a pile-dwelling culture, 
poorer in content; a third culture 
centering on the upper part of the 
river, with well-developed art and 
industry. Anthropologically also three 
types are to be distinguished, of which 
two are long and one short headed. 

Reiter (F.) Les "Kopftrophaen" aux 
lies de Tonga. (Anthropos, St Ga- 
briel-Modling, 1910, V, 254-256.) Cites 
evidence that the custom of presenting 
the heads or the entire bodies of people 
killed in war, to chiefs, idols, or gods, 
was in vogue in Tonga, — the Tongan 
language has a special name for it, 
fakaulu. 

Rice (A. P.) Cannibalism in Polynesia. 
(Amer. Antiq., Salem, Mass., 1910, 
XXXII, 77-84.) Treats of cannibalism 
in Fiji (religious; but revenge is main 
cause; one "jolly chap, very hospitable 
to strangers," boasts of eating 900 
human beings), Tonga (no fixed hold on 
people), Melanesia (eating old relatives, 
bodies of enemies killed in battle, etc.), 
Marquesas (fond of human flesh; 
women relished as tid-bits), Samoa 
(human flesh not so much relished as in 
Fiji; bodies of those slain in war eaten). 
New Zealand (only in Taupo were 
women and girls permitted to eat 
human flesh; ceremonial eating of the 
heart), etc. 

Rivers (W. H. R.) The father's sister in 
Oceania. (Folk-Lore, Lond., 1910, 
XXI, 42-59.) Treats of relation of man 
to father's sister on the island of 
Pentacost or Raga in the New Hebrides 
(father's sister chooses wife for nephew; 
he obeys aunt generally, and all his 
possessions are at her command; helps 
her in garden-work, etc.; aunt and 
nephew may eat together, but he may 
not say her name; httrina, special term 
for husband of father's sister). Banks' 
is. (of ail relatives father's sister is 
most higiiiy honored; names "queen" 
and "mother," etc., applied to her: 
lier personal name never used in 
s()ecch; community of goods to a cer- 
tain extent between a man and iiis 
father's sister; ceremonial functions in 
connection with pregnancy and child- 
birth in which father's sister figures 
for wife and offspring of nephew, sliarc 
in ceremony of l)oy's entrance into a 
certain rank of the suqe or men's club; 
relation between man and husband of 



120 



Journal oj American Folk-Lore 



his father's sister, poroporo or "chaff- 
ing"), etc. The resemblances of these 
customs to those concerning a man and 
his maternal uncle are close, but they 
may be explained on the ground that 
the father's sister is a member of the 
opposite veve or social division of the 
community. 

Schlaginhaufen (O.) Zur geographischcn 
Nonicnklatur im Bismarckarchipel. 
(Globus, Brnschwg., 1910, xcvii, 241- 
242.) In reply to Dr G. Friederici 
(q. v.), Dr S. holds that "Feni is 
the real aboriginal name used by the 
natives" of the islands in question. 

Schmidt (W.) Die soziologischen Ver- 
haltnisse der siidostaustralischen Stiim- 
me. (Ibid., 157-160, 173-176, 186- 
189.) Treats of the sociological rela- 
tions of the aborigines of southeastern 
Australia, — tribes without marriage- 
totemism, tribes with marriage-totem- 
ism, the significance of sex-totemism, 
mythology and religion, with special 
consideration of the views of Howitt 
and Graebner, and a critique of the 
latter. Father S. protests against the 
positing of marriage-totemism as the 
ever-present oldest stage per se. Real 
marriage-totemism exists in some south- 
eastern Australian tribes, but in origin 
and character it may be different from 
that of the western and northern tribes. 
He holds that sex-totemism has nothing 
to do with marriage-regulations, but 
has for its object the expression of a 
certain equalizing of the two sexes in 
symbolical fashion. The idea of the 
highest being is connected neither with 
the totemistic solar mythology, nor 
with the lunar mythology of the two- 
class culture. Such traces of it as 
occur in southeastern Australia must 
have been already present in the older 
"Nigritic" culture. 

Puluga, the supreme being of 

the Andamancse. (Man, Lond., 1910, 
X, 2-7.) Replies to Mr A. R. 
Brown's "attack on Puluga." Father 
S. holds that Puluga originally had 
nothing to do with lunar mythology 
(being without wife and children, and 
therefore all the more "a true supreme 
being"), although his wife has accrued 
to him from that source. In the 
mythology and religion of the Austro- 
nesian peoples Father S. finds "an 
intimate connection between the spider, 
the plaiting and sjjinning women anfl 
the waning moon." 



Nochmals: Puluga, das hochste 

Wesen der Andamanesen. (Ibid., 66- 
71, 82-86.) Reply to A. R. Brown 
(q. V.) on the nature of "Puluga, the 
Supreme Being of the Andaman Is- 
landers," with answers to points raised 
by him. See Lang (A.). 

Grundlinien einer V'ergleichung 

der Religionen und Mythologien der 
Austronesischen Volker. (Denkschr. 
d. K. Akad. d. Wiss. in Wien, Phil.- 
hist. Kl., 1910, Liii, viii, 1-142, i pi.) 
Outlines of a comparative study of the 
religions and mythologies of the Austro- 
nesian (Indonesian-Melanesian-Polyne- 
sian) peoples. The Bornean Dyaks, 
the Bataks of Sumatra, the Macassars, 
Bugis, Toradjas and Alfuros of Celebes, 
the natives of the island of Nias, the 
Malagasy of Madagascar, the natives 
of the smaller eastern and southeastern 
Indonesian islands, the Polynesians and 
Mclanesians (Admiralty is.. Gazelle 
peninsula in New Pomerania, New 
Mecklenburg, Solomon is.. Banks is.. 
New Hebrides, Gilbert is., Marshall 
is., etc.) are considered with respect to 
the idea of a Supreme Being and his 
characteristics, part in creation, etc., 
myths of creation and origin, sun and 
moon, earth and sky and their r61es 
in mythology, etc. Father S. holds 
that solar mythology is later than 
lunar; the first has often very skilfully 
made use of certain earlier things 
connected with the latter. Austro- 
nesian solar mythology knows sexual 
reproduction, Austronesian lunar myth- 
ology does not. Solar mythology was 
originally foreign to the purely Austro- 
nesian lands, its real territory being at 
the same time of the region of languages 
and tribes radically' different from the 
Austronesian, e. g., Papuan. The 
l)hallic magic-rites in the Austronesian 
region follow and do not precede the solar 
mythology. Solar mythology is a deep 
and materially interested seeking after 
the causes of the fertility of the earth 
and an endeavor in some way or other 
to influence it. Animism is later than 
reverence for great deities, later than 
lunar mythology. Solar mythology 
and lunar mythology were preceded by 
the idea of a "supreme being," with 
certain high, even ethical qualities. 
See also Father S.'s "Die Mythologie 
der austronesischen Volker" in Milt. d. 
Anlhr. Gcs. in Wioi, 1909, xxxix, 240- 
259- 



Periodical Literature 



121 



Seligmann (C. G.) A classification of the 
natives of British New Guinea. (J. 
Roy. Anth. Inst., Lond., 1909, xxxix, 
314-333. 10 pl-. I fg) Treats briefly 
of following ethnic groups of the 
western Papuo-Melanesians: Lakwa- 
haru (Motu, Koita, Lakwaharu, Ikoro, 
Gaboni, Sinangolo, Kabadi, etc.), 
Keapara (from Hood pena. E. to the 
Aroma villages; taller and more brachy- 
cephalic than their eastern neighbors), 
Keveri (shorter, darker, and more long- 
headed than Keapera; little known of 
tribes between Aroma and Mullins 
Harbor), Mailic (around Pt Glasgow 
and Milport Harbor; Massim influence 
in pottery, tattoo patterns, etc.), Roro 
(Marihau, Roro, Paitana, Waima, 
Bereina, Kevori, about mouth of St 
Joseph river; cultural differences from 
eastern coastal neighbors), Mekeo (on 
St Joseph river above Roro; two im- 
portant tribes, Biofa and Vee; Mekeo 
men distinctly brachycephalic), Pokao 
(in Nara region; many individuals with 
curly, wavy, or almost straight hair; 
many women have unusually light 
skins), Koiari (in Motu hinterland; 
tribes are Gasiri, Sogeri, Uberi, Ebe, 
Agi, Meroka; mesaticephalic), Kage 
(in higher mountains behind Koiari 
zone; more Melanesian than Papuan 
blood). Carta (E. of the Koiari; two 
dialects, Garia and Manukoro), Kovio 
(Kuni, Mafulu. Kambisi, etc.; no other 
Melanesian language spoken as far in- 
land as the Kuni). At p. 331 are a 
few notes on the Agaiambo of the 
Barigi hinterland, who speak a Papuan 
language but are not Papuans. Dr S. 
observes (p. 332) that he has seen 
oblif|ue eyes atnong the Koita, Motu, 
Pokao, and at Ihila; Capt. Barton has 
noticed them at Aroma and O. C. Stone 
among the Koiari. 

Siebert (O.) Sagen und Sitten der Dieri 
und Nachbarstamme in Zcntral-Aus- 
tralien. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1910, 
xcvii, 44-50. 53-59. 9 fgs.) Gives 
German versions of 12 brief legenris 
(also native texts of Nos. 4 and 7) of 
the Dieri and otiier ('entral Australian 
tribes, — sun and moon myths, origin 
of marriage, circumcision, etc. Also 
notes on ideas about storms (lightning 
■■rain-penis); pintara, tn&duka and 
mddti; nRdmbii (plant totem); u6lka- 
(lard (sacred stones); birth and child- 
hood; counting; cooking; medicine; 
musical instruments (wima-koko, a 



wooden trumpet used in ceremonies 
such as circumcision, etc.; striking 
together of boomerangs, clubs, etc.); 
expeditions for ochre and piUheri; visit 
of strangers; vengeance-expedition or 
pinja; "bone-giving" (sorcery); kunki 
(shaman); sorcery of various sorts; 
ideas about the soul, spirit, etc.; death 
and burial customs; the wiiiuMga-dance, 
brought to the Dieri only in 1901 it has 
since gone further south to the Wirangu 
tribe, north of Port Augusta (photo- 
graphs made by the author are the 
basis of the illustrations given of this 
dance, the migration of which from the 
extreme north has been treated of by 
W. Roth). The mulunga dance has a 
cohabitation postlude. 
Speiser (F.) Bcitriige zur Ethnographic 
der Orang Mamma auf Sumatra auf 
Grund der Sammlung G. Schneider im 
ethnologischen Museum zu Basel. 
(A. f. Anthrop., Brnschwg., 1910, N. F. 
IX, 75-89, 29 fgs.) Ethnological notes 
(based on the collections of G. Schnei- 
der 1897-1899) on the Orang Mamma 
(so termed from their matriarchy) of 
Indragiri, Sumatra. Habitat, settle- 
ments ( 3 or 4 huts, with 30-40 people), 
houses (on piles in forest; not particu- 
larly primitive and probably a rather 
late acquisition; little furniture; lamp 
of Malay origin, spoons possibly also, 
clothing and ornament (little variety 
and ornament), mutilations, etc. (upper 
incisors filed down at puberty, teeth 
blackened, no tattooing or scarifying), 
betel-chewing and tobacco-smoking 
(cigarettes), hunting and fishing (wo- 
men take part in latter), implements, 
weapons, etc. (snares; spears, harpoon 
with release; fish-traps; fish-|)<>isoning; 
knives; bow and arrow unknown) 
domestic animals (fowl, dog, cat. and 
often goat; no systematic breeding), 
food ("anything"; no traces of totcin- 
ism here), fire-making (bow-string 
apparatus), rice-cultivation (both sexes 
take part; several implements of Malay 
origin), gathering of ;;arH-wood, resin 
caoutchouc, wilil honey and wax, 
rotang. etc. (traded off to the Malays 
for salt, cotton, iron, tol)acco, etc.). 
manufactures (sieves, baskets, grass- 
bags, etc., rotang-strips). musical in- 
struments (bamboo flutf). wowi-carv- 
ing (knives, spoons, sticks of a <Iecora- 
tive sort), weaving and pottery (un- 
known), songs and dances, games and 
play (no data), family and tribal 



122 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



ofRanization (most matriarchal of all 
Siunatran peoples; divided into siikus, 
within which marriages cannot take 
place), marriage (monogamy and no 
divorces); adultery unknown), diseases 
and medicine (shamanic dances), 
"spirit-boat" (due to Malays), dance 
and drum ceremonies, shamans (not 
invariably men), burial, etc. In many 
things the Orang Mamma are not 
higher than the Kubu; from the Malays 
they have evidently borrowed much. 
In height they range from 1570 to 1640 
mm. (women 1480 mm.). These abori- 
gines probably belong somewhere be- 
tween the V^eddas and the Malays. 

Pfeile von Santa Cruz. (Ibid., 

1909, N. F., VIII, 308-311, 17 fgs.) 
Treats of the collection of arrows from 
the Santa Cruz is., in the Berlin 
Ethnological Museum, — parts, points 
(fine bone-pointed more common, long 
bone-pointed less so), ornamentation, 
etc. Dr S. thinks that the Santa Cruz 
arrows represent an earlier higher form 
of arrows. 

V. den Steinen (K.) Neuseeliindisches 
Hoitiki und Nephritbeil. (Ibid., 1910, 
N. F., IX, 43-49, 8 fgs.) Treats of 
heitiki, miscalled "idols." of the Maori 
and the nephrite axes, etc. The 
heiliki is of stereotyped appearance 
and does not vary greatly in size, and, 
according to Dr V. d. S., "is nothing 
else than a figuratively sculptured edge 
of an axe." The heitiki, like all other 
Maori things, is no free sculptural 
product, but a purely decorative object. 
We have here a notable example of the 
development of a carved ornamental 
attachment out of the simple tool-orna- 
ment. The child-ornaments of axes 
among the Xingu Indians of Central 
Brazil may be cited in parallel here. 

Thurnwald (K.) Die eingeborenen Ar- 
bcit?-Krafte im Siidseeschutzgebiet. 
(Kolon. Rundschau, Berlin, 1910, 607- 
632, 10 fgs.) Treats of the working 
capacities of the native peoples of the 
German colonies, etc., in the South 
Pacific Ocean: Melanesians of Bis- 
marck Archipelago, Solomon is., and 
German New Guinea (pp. 609-629), 
Microncsians of the Carolines, Poly- 
nesians of Samoa, etc. The Micro- 
ncsians and Polynesians (in intelligence 
nearest to the Malays) are the least 
useful as laborers; the less intelligent 
and less cultured Melanesians are far 
more suited for physical labor in the 



plantations, etc., but they are very 
diverse with regard to intelligence and 
productive capacity. Attention must 
be i^aid to the native's conception of 
working when he feels like it, then rest- 
ing or amusing himself. He is not 
lazy; he is "active," but his "activity" 
is not the "work" imposed upon him by 
the European. Some accommodation 
or compromise between these two ideas 
has been suggested as a solution of the 
labor-problem. The call for Melane- 
ian laborers has already led to decrease 
in population (e. g. in Neu-Mecklen- 
burg). This may ultimately lead to 
dependence upon imported Chinese, 
Malays, etc. The metissage of whites 
and Micronesians and Polynesians 
seems more hopeful than that between 
whites and Melanesians. The ideal 
is a symbiosis which will utilize the 
capacities of all races in the best way. 

Ermittlungen iiber Eingeborenen- 

rechte der Siidsee.(Z. d. vergl. Rechts- 
wiss., Stuttgart, 1910, xxiii, 309-364.) 
A valuable monograph on the laws 
(national, government, intertribal, etc.; 
family and personal; property; punish- 
ment; legal processes, etc.) of the 
Melanesian aborigines of the district 
of Buin, south of Mari mountains on 
the island of Bougainville, between the 
Aku river and Lahal lake. Their 
culture is relatively higher that that 
of the nieghboring mountain tribes. 
Characteristic of the Buin are the 
iinii (or ceremonial pledging of allegi- 
ances between vassals and chiefs); the 
abdcio (or "chiefs' houses") with their 
bolibai or particular spirit; feasting 
after battle; totemism; naive ideas 
(p- 330) as to origin of children; mixture 
of age-classes and descent in relation- 
ship-terms (list of these pp. 330-334); 
monogamy common; chastity of wives 
more esteemed than that of girls before 
marriage; complicated weddings lasting 
several days; children independent at 
an early age (corporal punishment 
rare); infanticide and suicide rare; 
complicated ceremony of name-giving; 
dead cremated; real adoption not in 
vogue, but temporary exchanges of 
children frequent; slavery proper not 
present, only vassalage; soil property 
of district and not alienable, and 
usually not taken away after battle, 
taxes based on labor, not on land; in 
movable objects, there is rather per 
sonal than individual property, — tools, 



Periodical Literature 



I2-^ 



implements, weapons, ornaments, 
money, e. g., are made by one's own 
labor for one's own use; no markets; 
shell currency (table of values of dbtila, 
PP- 353-356); practically only three 
crimes, homicide and murder, adultery 
and sorcery; blood-revenge almost only 
retaliatory process; theft unimportant; 
abortion common; legal processes 
proper hardly exist. 

Im Bismarckarchipel und auf den 

Salomoinseln 1906-1909. (Z. f. Eth- 
nol., Berlin, 1910. xni, 98-147, 20 fgs., 
3 maps.) Treats chiefly of the ab- 
origines of Buin, anthropology and 
culture. The upper social section of 
the Buin consists of a Solomon is. type, 
the lower strata of a type related to the 
mountain-tribes of Bougainville. The 
Mono represent the first type (dolicho- 
cephalic), the Baining of the Gazelle 
peninsula (Xcu-Pommern), perhaps 
better than the Buin lower class, 
the mountaineer-type (brachycephalic). 
The non-Melancsian language spoken 
in Buin is closely related to that of the 
mountain tribes (in the mountains of 
the Admiralty is., also a non-Melanes- 
ian language is spoken). Pages 113- 
147 contain notes on villages and houses 
(sleeping-houses, work-houses; tem- 
porary shelters of leaves, branches, 
etc.), economics (basal food taro; also 
yams, bananas, etc.); hunting proper 
unknown (only snares and pits, as for 
men); tcchnifiue and labor (se.\ divi- 
sion); trade and exchange; currency; 
women and marriage (festal prostitu- 
tion in vogue); children (weaned by 
third year; adoptive education); totem- 
ism (animaLs not ancestors); political 
institutions; blood-revenge; weapons, 
war, etc.; cult of the dead (realm of 
dead in north; cremation); religion 
(spirits of dead chief factor); forest- 
spirits; celestial spirits (sun. moon, 
Venus, etc.; ornamental motifs derived 
from these); sorcery antl love-charms; 
the in;?n«W-80cicty of the Gazelle penin- 
sula; songs (German text of love and 
mourning songs, pp. 137-139); music; 
psychological observation (concrete 
method oi thinking; great variations 
in ability tf) use numerals; people age 
rapidly; improvidence; laziness only 
relative; knowledge of nature very ini- 
perfect; faculty of abstraction largely 
lacking; great variations in intelligence, 
rhnrarter, etc.. among individuals). 

Vormann (F.) Zur I'sychologie, Reli- 



gion, Soziologie und Geschichte der 
Monumbo-Papua, Deutsch-Neuguinea. 
(Anthropos, St Gabriel-Modling, 1910, 
V, 407-418). Notes on the psychology 
(strongly-built, proud, rule of strongest, 
good-humored, presence of Semitic 
types, well-clothed children, agricul- 
ture, hunting and fishing, food generally 
boiled or roasted, blood-revenge, no 
head-hunting), religion and ethics (no 
Supreme Being, no moral good and 
evil; land of spirits, death no real 
complete separation from world of 
living; great fear of sorcery and magic; 
taboos of sex, etc.), sociology (marriages 
arranged by parents, etc.; monogamy 
the rule, principal men take another 
wife; adoption much in vogue; children 
follow relation-groups of father; in- 
heritance of property; no political 
organization), mythology and historj- 
(origin-legend, etc.). 

Woodford (C. M.) The canoes of the 
British Solomon Islands. (J. Roy. 
Anthr. Inst., Lond., 1909. xxxix, 506- 
516, I fg., 7 pi.) Describes canoes of 
Shortland id., Ysabel id. (Bugotu), 
Malarta id., with native names of 
parts; and (pp. 51 1-5 13), description of 
a tomako or head-hunting canoe of New 
Georgia, with list of native names of 
parts in the language of Xew Georgia 
Main id., and the language of Gore- 
gore or X'ckavekala. 

Note on a stone-headed mace from 

Rennell Island. (Man. Lond., 1910, x, 
1 21-122, I fg.) The basaltic stone 
head is in form of an eight-pointed star; 
the handle is of hard, dark wood, the 
lashings of rattan. 

Wulflf (K.) Indonesische Studien. I. 
Beitrage zur Stammbildungslehre der 
indonesischen Sprachen. (.Anthropos. 
St (jabriel-Modling, 1910, v, 219-230. 
457-472.) Dr K., from the examina- 
tion of numerous words in the various 
Indonesian languages (but Batak and 
Karo especially), concludes that "com- 
position of two synonymous, or almost 
synonymous, root-words has been, from 
primitive Indonesian limes, one of the 
most notable factors in the morphology 
of these languages, an<l a feature- 
shar|)ly distinguishing them fiom the 
related tongues of Farther India." 

AMKRICA 

A Laguna folk-tale. (So. Wkmn.. 

Il.uiipton. \'.i.. 1910, XXXIX. 618-619.) 



124 



JounuiJ of American Folk-Lore 



Legend of "the seven sisters." — seven 
black, ragged, and peculiar looking 
rocks, near the Pueblo of Laguna in 
New Mexico. They were seven ugly 
young women who ill-treated their 
beautiful younger sister; a sort of 
("iiiiliTclla-tale. 

Ambrosetti (J. B.) Un documento gra- 
fico de etnografia Peruana de la cpoca 
colonial. (Fac. de Kilos, y Letras, 
Publ. de la Secci6n Antrop., Nr. 8, 
Buenos Aires. 1910, 1-25. 11 fgs.) 
Treats in detail of a painting (in posses- 
sion of the author), more than two 
centuries old and surviving all sorts 
of vicissitudes, representing the miracle 
said to have been performed by the 
Virgin Mary during the memorable 
siege of Cuzco by the Inca Manco in 
the revolution of 1 535-1 536. In the 
picture are figured Cuzco and the fort 
of Sacsaihuaman. Indian warriors. 
weapons (bow and arrow, lance, shield, 
sling, partizans or axes), banners, 
drums, etc. Dr A. compares the data 
in the picture with the accounts and 
representations elsewhere of Peruvian 
dress, ornament, weapons, etc. The 
picture was painted by Indians, pos- 
sibly those employed by Don Francisco 
de Toledo, ca. 1600 A. D. It was in- 
tended for the Capilla del Triunfo at 
Cuzco. 

Ameghino (F.) Sur I'orientation de la 
calotte du Diprothomo. (An. d. Mus. 
Nac. de Buenos Aires. 1910. xx. 319- 
327.) Replies to the critiques of his 
description of the crania of the Diprot- 
homo which maintained that certain 
peculiarities attributed to it were due 
to incorrect position when observed 
and that the skull, after all. was that 
of alow variety of man. A. argues that 
these peculiarities (glabellar projection, 
etc.) are real and mark off the skull 
in question as a distinct species, not 
Homo, and farther removed than the 
anthropoifls. etc., from the latter. 

Montancia anthropomorpha un 

g^nero de monos hoy extinguido de 
la Isla de Cuba. Nota preliminar. 
(Ibid., 317-318.) Brief account ofi6 
teeth, discovered in the cave of S. 
Spiritu in Cuba, where had been pre- 
viously found the jaw of the Homo 
Cubrnns. These Dr A. determines to 
belong to an extinct species of American 
monkey (no monkeys exist in the island 
of Cuba), to which he attaches the 
name of Montaneia in honor of the 



discoverer Dr Luis Montane. Certain 
resemblances in the crowns of the 
molars, etc.. to the anthropomorphic 
apes and man justify the qualification 
anthropomorpha. 
Andrus (C. A.) \'acation days among 
Hampton Indians. (So. Wkmn., 
Hampton, \'a., 1910, xxxix. 145-150. 6 
fgs.) Brief account of visits to the 
Lower Brule, Crow Creek, Yankton, 
Santee, Omaha, Oneida, and Winne- 
bago reservations (over 200 Hampton 
Indians were seen in 3 months). Life 
seems much easier among the Omahas 
and Winnebagos than among the Sioux. 
The very good houses of the Indians 
surprise one. 

The Indian convocation at Medi- 
cine Creek. (Ibid., 273-276, 4 fgs.) 
Treats of the Convocation of the Epis- 
copal Church (Indian) of South Dakota 
at Medicine Creek on the Lower Brule 
Reservation, in July, 1909. The dis- 
trict includes 91 congregations, with 
6 white and 14 Indian clergymen and 
over 80 catechists and helpers, mostly 
native. 

van Antwerp (A. L.) The aqueducts of 
the city of Mexico. (Rec. of Past, 
Wash.. 1910. IX, 16-22, 3 fgs.) Notes 
on the old aqueduct on the Calzada de 
Chapultcpec (a waterway dating from 
before the Conquest), the fountains at 
Chapultcpec. El Salto del Agua. etc., 
and the Spanish inscriptions connected 
therewith. 

San Hip61ito. (Ibid., 89-94. 2 

fgs.) Treats of the church of San 
Hip61ito, Mexico, and the monument 
marking the scene of Cortes's battle 
with the Aztecs. The legend (from 
Fr. Diego de Duran) serving as the basis 
for the carving of the eagle with an 
Indian in his claws is given on pp. 
93 9)- 

Ashmead (A. S.) Some observations on 
certain pathological questions concern- 
ing thf mutilations rei^resented on the 
anthropomorphous huacos pottery of 
Old Peru. (N. Y. Med. J., 1909, 857- 
861, 4 fgs.) According to Dr A., uta, 
as a disease, is not responsible for all 
the amputation of feet shown on the 
huacos pottery, — "it made no differ- 
ence to the artists whether the diseased 
conditions, which had frequently rc- 
fiuired amputation during life for cure 
was uta, or syphilis, or both together, 
or another disease; they sculptured a 
picture of misery, a condition of 



Periodical Literature 



125 



physical distress, expressing it in their 
clay." Reproductions from photo- 
graphs of five living cases of uta are 
given. Citations are also made from 
Dr J. C. Tello, author of La antiquedad 
de la Sifilis en el Perii. Dr M. O. 
Tamayo, author of La uta en el Peru, 
etc. There is no doubt of armless 
kuacos, but there is yet doubt of actual 
surgical amputation in ancient Peru.. 
See Lehmann (W.) 

Barrett (S. A.) The material culture of 
the Klamath Lake and Modoc Indians 
of northeastern California and southern 
Oregon. (Univ. of Calif. Publ. in 
Amer. Arch. & Ethnol., Berkeley, 1910, 
V, 23Q-292, 16 pi.) Treats of territory 
and environment, buildings (semi- 
subterranean earth-lodge, summer- 
house, sweat-house of two sorts), im- 
plements of war (bow and arrow and 
javelin), hunting implements (bow and 
arrow; moose-snare; bird-net), fishing 
implements (dug-out canoe, dip-net, 
string gill-net, hook and line, fish-spears 
of 3 kinds), stone implements (two- 
horned muller, looped muller, etc.; 
small mortars and pestles, maul, arrow- 
straightener, obsidian and flint arrow- 
heads, spear-points, etc., stone pipes of 
several forms), games (many for both 
adult and young, — these have been 
treated by Dorsey and Culin), basketry 
(soft and pliable, stiff and rigid, first 
largely predominating), fire-making 
(usual drill; sage-brush bark torch), 
miscellaneous (deformation of head in 
childhood; porcupine-tail hair-brush; 
special bone implement for separating 
inner from outer hark of pine). The 
Klamath and Modoc people "possess a 
specialized culture due largely to the 
extensive use of tule in the making of 
houses, basketry and various utensils." 
They stand by themselves also with 
respect to stone objects, implements for 
use on the water, their characteristic 
fooils, etc. 

Bateman (L. C.) The Passamaquoddy 
Indians of Maine. (So. VVkmn., 
Hampton, Va.. 1910, xxxix, 17-27. 3 
■ fgs.) Treats of history, population 
(about 500 at Pleasant Pt near Kast- 
port and on the regular reservation at 
Dana's Pt in Princeton), political 
organization ("old party" and "no 
party," the latter more radical and 
stronger), marriage, death, language 
(only Finglish taught in schools; use 
Indian among themselves, three re- 



spected authorities (parish priest, 
Indian Agent, Sisters of Mercy who 
teach the children), state aid (Sio,ooo 
a year), Indians of ability (Gov. Tomah 
Joe), legends (tale of Glooscap; tale of 
twins; a tale of war with the Mohawks), 
etc. 

Bauer (L. A.) The most curious craft 
afloat. (Nat. Geogr. Mag., Wash., 
1910, XXI, 223-245, 30 fgs.) Some of 
the illustrations (Guatemalan bread- 
oven, wooden plow, Greenland natives, 
etc.) are of ethnologic interest. 

Berry (R. M. F.) The American gipsy. 
(Century, N. Y., 1910, lxxx, 614-623, 
8 fgs.) Notes on language (Kalojib), 
"patteran" (tracing footsteps or wagon- 
tracks, etc.), methods of travel, cooking 
conveniences and cleanliness (modern 
cook-stoves; although tripod and kettle 
have not altogether disappeared), 
methods of domestic work, traits and 
habits (shrewd money-makers), for- 
tune-telling or "dukkering," devotion 
to family life (the really predominant 
trait), division into families, respect for 
age, gipsy queens, gipsy wives and 
mothers, religious faith (little outward 
part; buro-duvel and tickno-dtivel). 
Real .American Romany is well-off. 

Beuchat (H.) el Rivet (P.) La famille 
lingusitique Zaparo. (J. de la Soc. d. 
Am^ricanistes de Paris, 1908, n. s., v. 
235-248.) Treats of the Zaparan lin- 
guistic stock of Ecuador. List of tribes 
(some 40), vocabulary (pp. 241-245), 
grammatical notes (pp. 245-247) and 
te.xts (Sign of the Cross, Pater Noster, 
Ave Maria, and Credo) in the Iquito 
dialect, with translation. The best 
known of these Indians arc the Zaparo 
proper; some are almost entirely un- 
known linguistically. The Iquito is 
represented here by the religious texts 
reprinted from Gonzalez Suarez. 

La langue Jfbaro ou Siwora. 

(Anthropos. .St Gabriel-.MOdling, 1909, 
IV, 1053-1064.) Continuation of mon- 
ograph on the Jivaro language. tJram- 
matical and lexicological affinities 
(loan words from other tongues; af- 
finities with Arawak dialects, particu- 
larly the Campa; possessive pronouns); 
texts (pp. 1059-1064): Pater Noster. 
Ave Maria, Commandments, part of 
Christian Doctrine, etc.. in Gualaquiza 
and Macas. with interlinear translation. 
For comparison the Paler Noster in 
Jtbcro (Mainan) is given. The au- 
thors arc of opinion that the Jibaro 



126 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



belongs to the Arawakan stock; but, 
to the reviewer, this is not yet proved. 

Biasutti (R.) Contributi all'antropologia 
e allantropogeografia delle popolazioni 
del Pacifico settentrionale. (A. p. 
I'Antrop., Firenze, 1910, xl, 51-96, 23 
fgs.) Based on study of Californian 
and Haida crania in the National 
Anthropological Museum in Florence, 
and crania of Haida, Tsimshian, 
Kolusches, Aleuts, Eskimo, Chukchee 
and Giliaks in the Museum of Natural 
History at Paris, with references to the 
literature developed by Boas and the 
Jesup North-Pacific expedition; cranio- 
logical details, measurements (pp. 88- 
94) of 2 Eskimo, 4 Haida, 8 Californian 
skulls, and comparisons with other 
races. In California, according to 
Prof. B., we "are fully in the territory 
of the Homo Afnericanus," with the 
absence of Mongolian traits. The 
"Paleoasiatics," Eskimo, Aleuts, and 
partly also the coast peoples (Tlinkit, 
etc.) down to California are, as Boas 
observes, typically "fringe peoples." 
The Ainu are "antecedent to the in- 
vasion of the fades mongolica." No 
direct relations of the American type 
with Oceanic or European races can be 
established; secondary intrusions of 
Mongolian character seems demon- 
strated. The American aborigines pro- 
per "are derived from an amongolic 
Asiatic type, which passed into the 
New World in some interglacial 
epoch." 

Blackham (R. J.) Cheese: its position in 
history, commerce and dietetics. (J. 
Sanit. Inst., Lond., 1910, xxxi, 440- 
450.) Contains some interesting facts 
regarding the antiquity of cheese and 
its varieties. 

Blackiston (A. H.) Archeological inves- 
tigation in Honduras. (Rec. of Past, 
Wash., 1910, IX, 195-201, 12 fgs.) 
Briefly describes author's investigations 
of the mortuary mounds near San 
Pedro Sula and the Playas de los 
Muertos, in the valley of the river 
Chamelecon, on which are also located 
the ruins of the ancient city of Naco, 
the remains discovered, etc., — the 
Blackiston collection is now in the 
U. S. National Museum. 

Bolton (R. P.) The Indians of Washing- 
ton Heights. (Anthrop. Pap. Amer. 
Mus. Nat. Hist., N. Y. 1909, ill, 75" 
109, 5 pi., 6 fgs.) Historical notes, 
aboriginal remains (shell-heaps, dog- 



burials, human burials, cave at Cold 
Spring, stone implements, pottery, in- 
cluding jar of Iroquois pattern, human 
skeletons, etc.), relations with the first 
settlers, the town of New Haerlcm and 
the passing of the red man. The re- 
mains in question belong to the Wick- 
quas-keck (corrupted into "Wickers 
Creek") Indians of the Mohican section 
of the eastern Algonkians. 

Breton (A.) Seventeenth International 
Congress of Americanists, Buenos 
Aires, May 16th to 24th, 1910. 
(Man, Lond., 1910, x, 141-144.) Gives 
brief resumes of most important papers, 
notes on other proceedings, etc. 

von Buchwald (O.) Zur \'olkerkunde 
Siidamerikas. II. (Globus, Brnschwg., 
1910, xcviii, 74-75.) Treats of the 
culture-history, etc., of Peru and the 
N. W. Coast of S. America (older on 
the coast and in the mountains, later at 
L. Titicaca; lea culture resembles that 
of Tiahuanaco). \'on B. sees Asiatic 
influences in Peru. Discusses distribu- 
tion of words for "water (rain)." The 
whole coast from southern Colombia 
to the desert of Atacama "was pos- 
sessed by related peoples, with some- 
what uniform culture." 

Bushnell (D. I., Jr) The bows and 
arrows of the Arawak in 1903. (Man, 
Lond., 1910, X, 22-24, 9 ^gs) Repro- 
duces, from a Ms., dated 9 May, 1803, 
descriptions and drawings of 9 arrows 
(3 for war; i to walk with; 2 for birds; 
I for wild hogs; i for fish; 1 for all 
quadrupeds, and their "Arowaak" 
names, with notes on the use of the 
bow and arrow. These arrows are 
said to be from 5 H to 6 ft. long. The 
Ms. belonged to Hon. J. H. H. Holmes, 
who in the early part of the last century 
was a court officer of Demerara and 
Essequebo; they are now in Virginia, 
where Mr B. had access to them. 

Capitan (L.) Le xv" Congres Inter- 
national des Americanistes, Vienne, 
.Scptcmbre 1908. (J. de la Soc. d. 
Americanistes de Paris, 1908. N. s., v, 
221-234.) Brief account of proceed- 
ings with notes on principal papers and 
discussions. 

Les sacrifices humains et I'anthro- 

pophagie rituelle dans I'Amcrique anci- 
enne. (R. de I'fic. d'Anthr. de Paris, 
1910, XX, 170-179, 15 fgs.) Treats of 
human sacrifice and ritual cannibalism 
in prehistoric America, particularly as 
represented in the ancient Mexican 



Periodical Literature 



127 



manuscripts. According to Dr C.,for 
the ancient Mexicans the victim often 
represented the god and sacrifice meant 
closer union with him, while his flesh 
and blood became those of the divine 
being. This fact removes some of the 
horrible character attached to these 
practices by the old chroniclers. 
Chamberlain (A. F.) Note sur I'associa- 
tion des idees chez un peuple primitif: 
les Kitonaqa de la Colombie Britan- 
nique. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de Paris, 
1909, V* s., X, 132-134.) Cites 17 
association-groups of words in the 
language of the Kutenai Indians 
(birch-bark, onion; wild-cherry, plum, 
etc.; ear of corn, pine-cone; ear of corn, 
lupine; rose-hip, apple, etc.; shot, peas; 
juniper-berries, pepper; elk, horse; 
grouse, turkey; mud, flour; ice, glass; 
fog, frost; cloud; dust, smoke, steam; 
cradle, hobble, corral; sun, clock, 
watch; salt, vinegar; water, whisky). 

Note sur I'influence exercee sur les 

indiens Kitonaqa par les missionnaires 
catholiques. (R. d. Et. Ethnogr. et 
Sociol., Paris, 1909, 11, 155-158, i pi.) 
Treats of modification of pagan institu- 
tions and ceremonies (e. g. great 
hunting dance at Christmas times) of 
Kutenai Indians by the Catholic 
missionaries; word for "God," etc.; the 
phraseology of the "Lord's Prayer" 
(terms for "Our Father," "heaven," 
"will," "hallowed," etc.); names of the 
days of the week; influence on art 
(Shaman; "shaman of whites," — 
figure of Christ). 

Noun composition in the Kootenay 

language. (Anthropos, St Gabriel- 
Modling, 1910, v, 787-790.) Cites 
numerous examples under 9 head- 
ings. 

Chervin (A.) Anthropologie boliviennc. 
(Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de Paris, 1909, v" 
S., X, 128-132.) Ki'sumes briefly the 
Anthropologie boliviennc (Paris. 1908, 
3 vols.) of the author, containing the 
results (ethnological and dcmograph- 
ical, anthropomctrical and craniolog- 
ical) of the Mi.ssion Francaise en 
Ani<'ri(|ue flu Sufi." Metric photog- 
raphy was employed on a large scale. 

Clark (H. W.) The tale of Tshihat. 
(Pacif. Mo., Portland. 1910. xxiv. 525- 
530, 9 fgs.) 1 reals of Tshishat (1833- 
1908), hereditary chief of the Makahs 
of Cape Flattery and his troubles with 
the whites. In 1881 he was made 
captain of police for his people. He 



was finally deposed in favor of a 
younger man. 

Davis (J. B.) Some Cherokee stories. 
(Ann. Arch. & Anthrop., Univ. of 
Liverpool, 1910, ni, 26-49.) English 
texts of myths and legends (the author 
is a Cherokee of Chelsea, Okla.): How 
the world was made. How they got 
fire. Why the moon's face is dirty. How 
they tried to kill the sun. The pleiades. 
The race between the terrapin and the 
rabbit. Why the turkey carries a scalp. 
How the partridge got his whistle. 
How the rabbit killed Flint, Why the 
Terrapin's back is patched. Why the 
woodpecker's head is red. Why the 
opossum's tail is bare. The first ball 
game, Why some animals can see at 
night. The origin of the bears. The 
race between the crane and the hum- 
ming-bird. Why the mole has to hide, 
Why the pheasant drums. The first 
quarrel, How sin came. How disease 
started. 

Die Choctaw-Indianer am See Pon- 
tchartrin. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1910, 
xcvii, 349-351.) Resumes data in 
D. I. Bushncll, Jr.'s The Choctaw of 
Bayou Lacomb, St Tammany Parish, 
Louisiana (Bull. 48 Bur. Amer. Ethnol. 
Wash., 1909). 

Dieseldorff (E. P.) Uber Klassificicrung 
niiiner archaologischen Funde im 
nordlichen Guatemala. (Z. f. Ethnol., 
Berlin, 1909, xli, 862-873, 6 fgs.) 
Notes on rude, inartistic vessels, idols, 
etc., found in caves or deep beneath 
the surface, belonging to the prehistoric 
inhabitants (probably of Mayan stock); 
objects from the Lacandon Indians 
(pottery, sacrificial vessels, etc.), ob- 
jects from the Kekchi Indians (idols, 
hollow with hole for producing sounds; 
pottery, fine enameled vessels, etc.); 
objects from the Chols or Acalas (idols, 
heads, etc.). objects of similar kinds 
from the Pokonichi In<lians, etc. D. 
considers it incorrect to suppo.se that, 
because the moflern Lacandons carry 
out certain ceremonies at the temple 
of Mencli^'-Tenamit. their ancestors 
built it. The primitive home of the 
Lacandons is the forest-region west of 
Usumasintla. The finds at ChaniA 
are probably Kekchi. The finds froni 
Alta \'rra I'a/ resemble the most of all 
the Maya Codirrs. 

Die sUdamerikanische Amazoneosage. 
(Globus, Hrnscliwg., 1910, xcvii, 351- 
353.) Resumes the article of R. Lasch 



128 



Journal oj American Folk-Lore 



on "The South American Amazon 
LcRcnd" in the Mitt. J. K. K. gcograph. 
Ges. in W'icn, 1910, Liii, 278-289. See 
Lasch (R.). 

Dixon (R. B.) Shasta myths. (J. Amer. 
Folk-Lore. Boston. 1910, xxiii, 8-37.) 

The Chimariko Indians and Lan- 
guage. (Univ. of Calif. Publ. in Amer. 
Arch. & Ethnol.. Berkeley. 1910, v. 
293-380.) Treats of culture (pp. 295- 
306) and language (307-380). Terri- 
tory and history (population never 
more than some hundred), material 
culture (dress, bodily decoration and 
ornament, ear-piercing, tattooing; food, 
roasting and boiling; houses of old type 
now disappeared; weapons; canoes; 
pipes; flutes; nets; twined basketry). 
social organization (only social units 
were village communities, no clans; 
monogamy general; puberty ceremonies 
simple; inhumation; "grass-game." 
cup-and-ball game, cat's cradle, etc.), 
religion (shamans of both sexes, 
instructed in dreams; dance of shaman 
neophyte, puberty dance, and simple 
sweat-dance for men only; "round 
dance" in summer) and mythology 
(dog chief figure in creation with 
coyote; fire-myth, animal-stealers), etc. 
The cultural affinities of the Chimariko 
are closest perhaps with the Shastan 
stock. Besides a grammatical sketch 
this monograph contains (pp. 339-361) 
the native texts of 6 myths and legends 
(the Sorcerer, The flood, The unsuccess- 
ful hunter. The theft of fire. etc.). 
with interlinear and free translations, 
explanatory notes, etc.; and also an 
English-Chimariko (pp. 363-370) and 
Chimariko-English (pp. 370-379) 
vocabulary, two columns to the page, 
together with some sentences, place- 
names (pp. 379-380), etc. On pages 
337-338 is a list of lexical resemblances 
between Chimariko and languages of 
the Shastan families, which together 
with "the considerable degree of 
similarity in grammatical and phonetic 
character between the Chimariko and 
the Shastan families," arc of interest 
in connection with cultural rapproche- 
ment. According to Dr D.. there is a 
possibility of real relationship between 
these two stocks. 

Dominian (L.) The pyramids of San 
Juan Teotihuacan. (Rec. of Past, 
Wash., 1910, IX, 267-275, 7 fgs.) 
Describes "Pyramid of Sun" and 
"Pyramid of Moon," smaller mounds, 



remains of dwellings; obsidian knives, 
etc. The "giants" are also discussed. 

Dunlop ( — ) Instruments en pierre de 
Texas. (Bull. Soc. d' Anthr. de Paris, 
1909, v" S., X, 56-57.) Notes on 
some hematite implements and sea- 
shells found together at Eagle Food, 
Texas, and sent to the Anthropological 
Society of Paris. 

Eberhardt (C. C.) Indians of Peru. 
(Smithson. Misc. Coll., Quart. Iss., 
Wash., 1909, V, 181-194, 2 pi.) 
Gives list of tribes with estimated 
population, and notes on Huitotos, 
Campas, Aguarunas, Huichipairis, 
Inji-inji (lowest of Peruvian Indians; 
on Curaray R.), Nahumcdcs (tradition 
says they are the Indians who gave 
rise to the story of the "Amazons" 
or women warriors), Orejones. Also 
notes on the tribes as a whole: Form 
of government, languages (many inde- 
pendent stocks), houses, food, physical 
characters (dark tribes of Putumayo 
probably have strains of negro blood 
from runaway slaves; light Huarayos 
of Madre de Dios possibly some 
Spanish blood), mental traits (as a 
rule quick to adopt customs of whites), 
polygamy common, diseases (small- 
pox, beri-beri, etc.), medicines ("won- 
derful knowledge of value of herbs, 
plants, roots," etc., a myth), canni- 
balism (still practiced by some tribes 
of Putumayo), slavery (exists in Peru, 
but Indian slaves not harshly treated). 
Information in this article is from a 
consular report of 1907 by the author 
to the Department of State at Wash- 
ington, and is largely derived from Mr 
G. M. von Hassel, "probably one of the 
best authorities on the subject." 

Sound-signalling by Indians of tropi- 
cal .South America. (Ibid., 269-271, 
I fg.) Brief account of the contrivance 
(suspended "male" and "female" logs 
hollowed by burning, which are beaten 
by stick with rubber head) found 
among several tribes of the Amazonian 
region in Peru-Brazil, known to the 
Uilolos as inangunre, and by other 
tribes as hiidra, lumlny, etc. 

"Eine anthropologische Entdeckung von 
fundamentaler Wicktigkeit." (Globus 
Rrnscliwg., 1910, xcvii, 336-337.) 
Note on the investigations of Dr F. 
Boas as to the changes in skull-form, 
etc., of immigrants and the children 
of such, as revealed in the publication 
of the Immigration Commission re- 



Periodical Literature 



129 



cently issued by the Government at 
Washington, Changes in Bodily Form 
of Descendants of Immigrants (1910). 

Etienne (J.) Les Boruns. (Anthropos, 
St Gabriel-Modling, 1909, iv, 942- 
944.) Notes on habitat (between 
Rio Mucury, Rio Jequitinhonha and 
the Serra dos Ay mores), physical 
characters (old Indian claiming to be 
108 years), customs (house and con- 
tents; ear-ornaments of women), lan- 
guage (list of 27 words, pp. 943-944, ob- 
tained at Olivenga), of the extinct 
Boruns. The speech is plainly Tupian. 

Farabee (\V. C.) Some customs of the 
Macheyengas. (Proc. Amer. Antiq. 
Soc, Worcester, N.s. xx, 127-131.) 
Treats of attitude toward the dead 
(no fear; body handled with impunity 
and disposed of without ceremony), 
"burial" (body carried on litter from 
house and thrown into swift river, 
no ceremony at house or at river; 
some Indians of the tribe bury with 
no ceremonies, marking of grave or 
grave-gifts the bodies of those killed 
in warfare; some again bury small 
children among the rocks on the hills), 
house where death has occurred (if 
small child had died there, house is still 
used, but if other member of family, 
it is abandoned and new one built at 
some distance; this is done, not from 
fear of the dead but from fear of the 
disease that killed him), soul-lore 
(according to tradition, souls of Mach- 
eyangas enter the red deer; the flesh 
of this animal they never eat, but do 
not oijject to others so doing, and will 
even kill it and cook the flesh for them; 
the soul is neither the deer, nor the 
soul of the deer, "it is the end of it 
when it enters the deer"; they dis- 
tinguish between the soul and life; 
the soul "has nothing to do with life, 
sleep, disease or death"), religion and 
mythology ("big man in the sky"; 
creator, l)Ut has little to do except 
to thunder and send rain; attitude 
towarfis him of Indians is one of 
indifference, as is his towards them). 
These Arawakan Indians of Eastern 
Peru "make no offerings nor prayers 
and liavc no ceremonies, no feasts, 
no sacred dances, no ceremonial 
objects, no charms, no fetishes." 
This paper is valuable for the psychol- 
ogy of primitive man. 

Fewkes (J. W.) Cremation in Cliff- 
dwellings. (Rec. of Past, Wash.. 

VOL. XXIV. — NO. 91. — 9 



1910. IX. 154-156, 2 fgs.) Cites 
evidences of the cremation of human 
bodies (bone ashes, smoke-blackened 
roof, absence of human bones, relatively 
small number of human burials, etc.) 
in refuse heaps of caves, on the mesas, 
etc., indicating a wide distribution 
of this custom among both the pre- 
historic and historic peoples of Arizona 
and the Cliff-dwellers of the Mesa 
Verde. 

Prehistoric ruins of the Gila valley. 

(Smithson. Misc. Coll., Quart. Iss., 
Wash., 1909, V, 403-436, 5 pi., 10 fgs.) 
Treats of the Middle Gila valley 
compounds (ruins near Florence, Es- 
calante ruin, Tcurik Vaaki, ruins 
near Casa Grande, near Blackwater, 
Santan ruins. Snake and Sweet Water 
Ruins, Casa Blanca and Gila Crossing 
ruins), Santa Cruz river compounds 
(ruins near Tucson, Chakayuma, 
Aquituno, Quitoac, ruins near Qwa- 
hadt), Salt River compounds: Ruins 
near Phenix (Patrick compound, Kalfus 
and Heard mounds), Tempe ruins (great 
Tempe mound, Carroll compound). 
Mesa City ruins (Stewart compound, 
Los Muertos, Draine's compound), 
Ruins on the San Pedro (ruins opposite 
old Ft Grant, opposite Monmouth, 
Seven Mile ruin, ruin near Clark's 
Ranch, Fifteen Mile ruin, etc.). Ac- 
cording to Dr F. "these settlements were 
built by the ancestors of the present 
house-building Indians of the South- 
west"; and "the abandonment of the 
custom of building Casas Grandes 
dates back to prehistoric times, and 
none of the great buildings in the Gila 
valley were constructed subsequent to 
the arrival of the Spaniards" (p. 435). 
The war between the nomads and the 
house-builders of the Gila had prac- 
tically ceased before the Spanish ad- 
vent. The overtlirowers of the Casas 
Grandes were not the Apaches, but 
rather people from the west, from the 
Gulf of California. The Pimas and 
Papagos represent the mixed blood of 
conquerors and conc|uercd. The circu- 
lar houses may have been introduced 
by the prehistoric hostiles from the 
west. 

Finch (J. K.) Aboriginal remains on 
Manhattan Island. (Anthrop. Pap. 
Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., N. V., 1909, 

. Ill, 63-73.) Notes on archeologica! 
sites (Ft Washington I't, The Knoll, 
Cold Spring. Inwood Station, Harlem 



I30 



Journal of Americati Folk-Lore 



Ship Canal. Harlem River, Isham's 
Garden. Academy Street Garden. Dog 
burials found in 1895. Shell pockets at 
aiitli St.. etc.), chiefly shell-deposits. 
— the only Indian remains now left are 
at Inwood and Cold Spring. Mr 
Calvcr's discoveries since 1886 are 
described and some historical references 
added. The Indians known as Man- 
hattans (their territory includes Man- 
hattan Island and that part of the 
mainland which is west of the Bronx 
River north of Vonkers) were a sub- 
tribe of the Wappingcr division of the 
Mohicans. See Bolton (R. P.), Skin- 



ner (A.) 
Goddard (P. 
Southwest, 
Va., 1910 



E.) Apache tribes of the 
(So. Wkmn., Hampton, 
XXXIX. 481-485, 6 fgs.) 
Notes on the Jicarilia. Mescalero, etc. 
Houses, food-gathering, hunting, cere- 
monies (annual feast of the Jicarilia 
resembles, and may be copied from, the 
well-known yearly feast at Taos). The 
Apache believe that "the present age 
is one in which the gods are against 
them," and they have sought to estab- 
lish a new moon cult in lieu of the old 
sun religion; but after 6 years have 
given up the attempt. 

— Navajo blankets. (Amer. Mu- 
seum J., N. Y., 1910, X, 201-211, 12 
fgs.) Treats of the beginnings of 
Navajo weaving, method of weaving, 
colors of blankets, designs, kinds of 
blankets, recent acquisitions of the 
museum (some 42 specimens). The 
most valuable blankets are those con- 
taining hayela, which have not been 
made since about 1875. The designs 
are partly taken over from basketry, 
partly influenced from Pueblo and 
Spanish sources, partly the result of 
"a natural growth coordinate with the 
development of Navajo weaving." In 
recent years aniline dyes have super- 
seded native ones. Blanket-making is 
now the chief art of the Navajo. 

— Kato texts. (Univ. of Calif. Publ. 
in Amer. Arch. & Ethnol., Berkeley, 
1909, V, 65-238, I pi.) Gives native 
texts, with interlinear and free transla- 
tions, explanatory notes, etc., of 37 
myths, legends, and talcs of the Kato 
Indians of the Athapascan stock, 
Mendocino county, California (1-9 
myths of origin, 10-24 tales of animals, 
25-37 tales of the supernatural). The 
language is "unmixed Athapascan, 
distinct to a considerable degree from 



Wailaki." The myths and tales also 
show considerable difference from those 
of the Wailaki. Pomo influence in folk- 
lore and culture is traceable. The 
coyote is a prominent figure. Other 
figures are: Wolf, j^ellow-hammer, 
skunk, elk, gray-squirrel, grizzly, doe, 
turtle, gopher, meadow-lark, goose, 
serpent, rattlesnake, milk-snake, water- 
panther, "man eater," kangaroo-rat, 
etc. In the creation-myths Nagaitcho 
anfi Thunder are prominent. The 
processes of creation, transforming, and 
"becoming" in these myths are par- 
ticularly interesting from a psycholog- 
ical point of view. In one myth a 
"supernatural child" figures. 

Greene (J.) Indian traditions. (So. 
Wkmn., Hampton, \'a., 1909, xxxviii. 
691-692; 1910, XXXIX, 38-39.) Brief 
creation legend (Good ruler made man 
and fish; evil one made snake and 
monkey); marriage customs; idea of 
end of world; example of Indian humor; 
animal stories (why horse and dog 
cannot speak, but are friends of man); 
happy hunting-grounds. Author is a 
Seneca graduate of Hampton Institute. 

Grinnell (G. B.) Coup and scalp among 
the Plains Indians (Amer. Anthrop., 
Wash., 1910, N. s., XII, 296-310). 

Hamy (E. T.) La corbeille de Joseph 
Dombey. (J. de la Soc. d. Amer. de 
Paris, 1908, N. s. v, 1 57-161, i fg.) 
Treats of a willow basket, now in the 
Trocadero Museum belonging to the 
American collection of J. Dombey, but 
evidently not native to the regions 
explored by him (Peru, Chili, Brazil). 
Form, texture, ornamentation, etc., 
suggest the Northwest Pacific Coast 
region as the place of origin (perhaps 
some part of California). To the shell 
disks with wliich this basket is orna- 
mented feathers seem once to have 
been attached. Dr H. sees in the 
resemblances between ars plumaria 
of the Hawaiians and the Indians of 
California proofs of Polynesian origins 
of some Indian tribes. 

Hardenburg (W. E.) The Indians of the 
Puluinayo, Upper Amazon. (Man, 
Lond.. 1910, X, 134-138.) Treats of 
the Iluitotos: Tribal organization 
(sub-trii>es independent with own chief; 
vary in number from 25 to 500 or more 
individuals), language ("a simple dia- 
lect, with but little grammar"), physical 
characters (small but well-formed and 
strong; epilation; men toe outward, 



Periodical Literature 



131 



women inward; flexible big toe), mu- 
tilations (perforation of septum of nose, 
ear-lobe, etc.), character (humble and 
hospitable, except the "wild ones"), 
marriage (few formalities; women 
naturally chaste), child-birth, naming 
(name of dead passed on to another), 
burial under floor of hut (new one then 
built), tobacco-drinking ceremony, 
houses (several families in each usually, 
each one having own place, utensils, 
etc.), hammocks, weapons (blow-gun 
and cwrare-tipped arrows; light spear 
with poisoned tip; macana) fishing 
(nets, spears, hooks); mangttare or 
"wireless telegraphy," dress, food, and 
drink (preparation from yuca and 
agiiaje pulp), use of coca; dances (rare; 
paint themselves all over), religion 
(worship sun and moon; tisinatnu, a 
sort of superior being). 
Harrington (J. P.) Notes on the Piro 
language. (Amer. Anthrop., Wash., 
1909, N. s., XI, 563-594) 

An introductory paper on the 

Tiwa language, dialect of Taos, New 
Mexico. (Ibid., 1910, N. s., xii, 11- 
48.) 

On phonetic and Icxic resemblances 

between Kiowan and Tanoan. (Ibid., 
119-123.) 

On the etymology of Guayabe. 

(Ibid., 344.) 

"Butterfly" in Southwestern lan- 
guages. (Ibid., 344-345-) 

Harrington (M. R.) The last of the 
Iroquois potters. (N. Y. State Mus. 
Bull. 133, Fifth Rep. Dir.. 1908, Al- 
bany, 1909, 222-227. 10 pl) Gives 
results of investigation in July, 1908, of 
pottery-making (jar, pot, bowl) among 
the eastern Cherokee of North Caro- 
lina, — half the specimens obtained wore 
the product of one old woman, who 
with one other, still knew and practiced 
tlie art. The Cherokee pottery of to- 
day resembles the Iroquoian type, but 
"the ancient pottery of the Cherokee 
embraced forms still more like the 
Iroquois styles timn are those of modern 
make." Tlu* carved decorating paddle 
becanie obsolete among the Irorninis 
at an early date. A few years will see 
the last of the Irofiuoian potters. 

The rock-shelters of Armonk, 

New York. (Anthrop. Pap. Amer. 
Mus. Nat. Hist., N. Y.. 1909, lit, 123- 
138, 3 pl.. 7 fgs.) Notes on Finch's 
Rock House, the largest and most 
important (pp. 125-127). N'ebo Rocks. 



Helicker's Cave, Leather Man's Shelter. 
Little Helicker's, Mahoney shelter, 
Quartz Quarry Rock-Shelter, Riverville 
Shelter, etc.. and remains found, giving 
results of investigations of 1 900-1 901, 
etc. In some of the caves evidence of 
European contact was common. In 
"Finch's Rock House" a potteryless 
people first used the cave; then, after a 
period of non-use came Indians with 
pottery of the Iroquoian type chiefly; 
the last Indians represented were 
Algonkins (Siwanoy or Tankitekes) 
who saw the coming of the white man. 
See Schrabisch (M.). 

Ancient shell-heaps near New 

York City. (Ibid., 167-179, 3 fgs.) 
Notes on shell-heaps and remains found 
in them at Tottenville (Staten I.). 
Cold Spring, Pelham Bay Park, near 
near Westchester, Port Washington, 
L. I., Oyster Bay, etc.). 

Harsha (W. J.) The sense of humor 
among Indians. (So. Wkmn., Hamp- 
ton, \'a.. 1910, XXXIX. 504-505.) Cites 
numerous examples from Omaha, 
Arapaho, Apache, Kiowa, Comanche 
Indians. The Indian's reputation for 
gravity has led to a general mistaken 
impression that he lacks a sense of 
humor, but those who meet him or who 
know him well are fully aware that, in 
the privacy of the lipi, or around an 
evening camp-fire, or out on a com- 
panionable hunt; he can be "full of 
simple pleasantries that are of the 
essence of humor." 

Haynes (H. W.) Discovery of an Indian 
shell-heap on Boston Common. (Rec. 
of Past, Wash., 1910, ix. 79.) Note on 
discovery during the autumn and 
winter of 1909 of traces of an Indian 
shell-heap (soil blackened from decay 
of animal substances, broken and black- 
stained slu'lls of the soft clam, etc.), in 
one of the trenches excavateil for 
irrigation purposes. No flints or im- 
plements of stone or bone occurred, but 
"a smooth, thin, flat pebble, marked 
with deeply incised cuts," possibly a 
game-marker, was found. 

Herv6 (Ci.) Kcmarc|ues sur un CrAne do 
rile aux Chiens di'crit par Winslow, 
1722. (R. de r£c. d' Antlir. de Paris, 
1910. XX. 52-59. s fgs.) Treats of the 
skull of an American Indian from 
He aux Chiens. an islet near Saint- 
Pierre in the French po-^sessions w. of 
Newfountlland. an<l luielly described 
in the \tim. dc V Acad. Row d. Sciences 



132 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



for 1722 by the celebrated anatomist 
J. B. Winslow. According to H., this 
skull (the body to which it was at- 
tached, when found in 1721, was "•^till 
clothed") is not Eskimo, or Beothuk, 
but Micmac. It is very dolichocephalic, 
with very prominent zygomatic regions. 

Hewett (E. L.) The excavations at El 
Rito de los Frijoles in 1909. (Amer. 
Anthrop., Wash., 1909, n. s., xi, 651- 
672, 13 fgs.) 

Hilliard (J. N.) Sitting Bull's capture 
and the Messiah Craze. (So. VVkmn., 
Hampton, Va., 1910, xxxix, 54S-55I-) 
Treats of the arrest and death of 
Sitting Bull. In the "messiah craze," 
Sitting Bull saw his chance for revenge 
on the white man, and he was one of the 
first to accept the doctrine of "the Red 
Messiah." 

Hodge (F. W.) The Jumano Indians. 
(Proc. Amer. Antiq. Soc, Worcester, 
1910, N. s., XX, 249-268.) Cites his- 
torical, ethnological, etc., evidence 
that the Jumano Indians (the "Cow 
Indians" of Cabcza de Vaca. in 1535), 
known also as Patarabuey es, ' ' Rayados, ' ' 
etc., of Chiuahua, New Mexico, Texas, 
and, subsequently, Kansas, were the 
Tawehash, "the name of a division of 
the Wichita, also the term by which 
other Caddoan tribes knew the Wichita 
proper." This identification of the 
"Jumanos" with the Wichita "accounts 
for the disappearance of a tribe that 
has long been an enigma to ethnologists 
and historians." 

Holand (H. R.) Are there English words 
on the Kensington rune-stone? (Rec. 
of Past, Wash., 1910, ix, 240-245.) 
Shows that from, of vest, illy, dhedh, 
mans may be good Scandinavian. See 
Upham (W.). 

Holmes (W. H.) Some problems of the 
American race. (Amer. Anthrop., 
Wash., 1910, N. s., XII, 149-182, 15 fgs.) 

van Hyning (T.) The Boone mound. 
(Rcc. of Past, Wash., 1910, ix, 157-162, 
4 fgs.) Treats of the Boone mound in 
Boone co., Iowa, practically void [of 
the usual artefacts (except a few stone 
implements, numerous fragments of 
pottery and many shells of Unionidae), 
but said to be unique in possessing a 
stone floor. Scattered over the flioor 
were many human bones, including 
one entire skull and parts of four others. 
On top of the floor were logs against 
which on the outside were stone slabs 
forming an enclosure. 



Ignace (E.) Les Indiens Capiekrans. 
(Anthropos, St. Gabriel-Modling, 1910, 
V, 473-482.) Notes on habitat (upper 
Maranhao near the Serra dos Canelas), 
physical characters, manners and cus- 
toms {cou'i or ear-plug; toto or village- 
chief; marriage-festival; drum and 
maraca), religion (Catholic with many 
remains of heathenism), language (list 
of 36 words, p. 479), classification and 
comparison with other tribes (table, 
p. 480), history, etc. The Capiekrans 
belong with the Timbiras or GSs 
(Tapuyan stock). 

Indian workers and leaders. (So. 
Wkmn., Hampton, Va., 1910, xxxix, 
277-279, 2 fgs.) Notes on Indian dele- 
gates to Washington (Dept. of Inte- 
rior) from Standing Rock and Cheyenne 
River reservations re cession and open- 
ing of Indian lands. 

Jackson (J.) The upward march of the 
Indian. (Ibid., 242-245.) Notes re- 
sults of Indian education since the first 
bringing of Indians to Hampton 
Institute in 1878. 

Jones (S. B.) Indian Warner, a Carib 
Chief. (Ibid.. 555-558.) Gives story 
of "Indian Warner," half-blood son of 
Sir Thomas Warner, a colonist of some 
note, Governor of St. Kitts, who after 
the Carib massacre of 1629, took one 
of the women who were parceled out 
among the whites. He was ultimately 
killed by the Caribs at the instigation 
of the English. 

Kessler (D. E.) The outpost mission of 
Santa Isabel. (Ibid., 31-32.) Notes 
on the past and present condition of the 
Santa Isabel Mission, one of the oldest 
in southern California. Its first padre 
was Father Craegorio. 

El Capitan Blanco — the White 

Chief of the Mesa Grande. (Ibid., 
1909, xxxviii, 655-671, 5 fgs.) Treats 
of Edward Davis, adopted by these 
mission Indians of California and their 
hereditary chief Mata Whur or Cinon 
Duro, the keeper of their sacred tra- 
ditions. Brief account of the adoption- 
ceremonies. 

Kinnaman (J. O.) Chippewa legends. 
(Amer. Antiq., Salem, Mass,. 1910, 
xxxii, 96-102.) English texts only 
of three legends of the Lake Superior 
Ojibwa: "The Phantom Canoe (the 
story of the wife of Weetshahstyshy 
Aptapee)," "The White Stone Canoe," 
and "Wawabezowin" (a sort of Undine 
myth). 



Periodical Literature 



133 



Koch-Griinberg (T.) Die Chipaya und 
Curuahc, Para, Brasilien. (Z. f. Eth- 
nol., Berlin, 1910, xlii, 609-611.) In- 
troductory historical ethnographical re- 
marks to the article of E. Snethlage 
(q. V.) on the Chipaya and Curuahc, 
two Tupian tribes of the Iriri-Curua 
region of Para. The Chipaya is close 
to the Yuriina language. 

Kroeber (A. L.) Noun composition in 
American languages. (Anthropos, St 
Gabriel-Modling, 1910, v, 204-218.) 
According to Dr K., "of 30 North 
American families in which the order 
of composition has been established, 22 
place the determining noun differently 
from the determining verbal or adjec- 
tival stem, 8 treat them alike; 29 
American families place the determin- 
ing noun first, 6 place it second; 13 
place the determining verb or adjective 
first, 21 place it second." Illustrations 
from numerous languages are given. 
The Indo-European order of composi- 
tion is followed by the Algonkian, 
Uto-Aztecan, Kootenay, and some small 
families in N. California and Oregon 
(here the determining element, irre- 
spective of its part of speech, precedes 
the determined noun): in the Maya- 
Tsimshian type the noun follows; the 
most common method, especially north 
of Mexico, is where the noun precedes. 
The Yokuts "lacks composition nearly 
as thoroughly as Eskimo," but for 
quite a different reason. Iroquoian, 
according to Mr Hewitt, "cannot com- 
bine two noun-stems into one word." 
Eskimo "is a purely derivative lan- 
guage." Shoshonean "employs deriva- 
tion much more freely than composi- 
tion." There is evidence that "ad- 
jacent languages of unrelated origin 
and diverse vocabulary have influenced 
each other in their methods of struc- 
ture." See Chamberlain (A. F.). 

The Chumash and Costanoan lan- 
guages. (Univ. of Calif. Publ. in Amer. 
Archeol. & P^timol., Berkeley, 1910, 
IX, 237-271.) Treats of the dialects 
and territory, phonetics, grammar, etc., 
of these two Californian linguistic 
stocks. The Costanoan language has 
7 known dialects, in two groups, 
northern (San Francisco, San Jose, 
Santa Clara, Santa Cruz), and southern 
(San Juan Hautista, Soiedad, and Mon- 
terey); a comparative vocabulary of 
these dialects is given on pages 243- 
249. Besides versions of the Lord's 



Prayer, the text of a Monterey legend 
of the origin of the world, with inter- 
linear translation, etc., and a few brief 
songs are given (pp. 253-260). Of the 
Chumash comparative vocabularies of 
5 dialects belonging to 3 groups are 
given (pp. 265-268), with text of the 
Lord's Prayer and two brief songs. 
In spite of marked lexical divergencies 
the Chumash dialects are compara- 
tively uniform in grammar. On pages 
259-263, with a comparative word-list, 
Dr K. discusses the possible relation- 
ship of Costanoan and Miwok, based 
on lexical and grammatical resem- 
blances, and suggests that if such a 
relationship be ultimately determined 
the name Miwok be applied to the 
resulting larger family of speech. The 
Miwok of the interior represents perhaps 
"a more primitive stage of synthetic 
structure, which has already largely 
broken down in the coast Miwok 
dialects and has been replaced by an 
almost entirely analytic one in Costa- 
noan." 
Lasch (R.) Zur siidamerikanischen 
Amazonensage. (Mitt. d. K. K. 
Geogr. Ges. in Wien, 1910, 278-289.) 
Brief, well-documented study of South 
American "Amazon myths," from the 
report of Orellana in 1541 down to 
recent attempts at interpretation. 
Among the tribes credited with "Ama- 
zons" are: Natives on the Amazon 
(named from this) near Trombetas, 
Indians beyond the Xarayes and 
Urtueses of Bolivia, Indians east of 
the Tapacuras, Indians of the Icamiaba 
mountains at the source of the Nha- 
munda. The Trombetas region seems 
specially favored in the earlier reports. 
Tlie myth itself is widespread over 
northern S. America; it occurred also 
in the Antilles and in C. America, in 
isolated fashion. L. thinks that "the 
legend of the Amazons is neither a 
historical nor a new culture-myth, but 
a mythical story invented to explain 
social arrangements." It represents 
the primary economic separation of the 
sexes and is also only "a somewhat 
idealized picture of this division of 
primitive society." It is also an at- 
tempt to justify the male-association 
against the aspirations of tiic women. 
L. agrees with Ehrenreich in assigning 
to this legend an origin among the 
northern Caribs, — the mj-thopoeic dis- 



134 



Journal of American Folk-Lorc 



position being very marked in the 
Cariban stock. 

Latcham (R. E.) Ethnology of the 
Aiaucanos. (J. Roy. Anthr. Inst., 
Lond.. igog, x.xxix, 334-376, 2 pi.) 
Treats of clotliing (anciently skins only; 
spinning and weaving, making "bark" 
cloth learned from Calchaquis), orna- 
ments (not much given to personal 
adornment; women's ear-rings, brace- 
lets, pendants, collars, head-bands, etc.; 
no face-painting nor tattooing now), 
habitations (primitively loldo or skin 
tent, now wattle and daub huts at first 
circular, then oval, finally rectangular) 
and furniture, weaving, skins, pottery 
(generally made by women; coarse 
variety for domestic purpose, finer in 
burial-places), fire (now by matches 
or with flint and steel; friction method 
occasionally; no special rites), food 
(various tubers, fruits, berries, piHon, 
flesh and fowl; maize and beans intro- 
duced by Incas; cooking done by 
women; horse-flesh favorite meat; 
meals generally at mid-day and sun- 
down; now greatly addicted to drunk- 
enness), agriculture (due to Incas; 
desultory and primitive even now; irri- 
gation in north adopted from Incas), 
religion (great admixture of Christian 
beliefs and customs; rude form of 
nature-worship; chief deities evil genii 
to be propitiated; Pillan, the thunder- 
god, now almost entirely replaced by 
Ngune mapun, lord of the earth; moon 
the only beneficent deity; no hell; 
Mocha id., starting-place for other 
world), superstitions (omens, dreams), 
magic and witchcraft (sorcerers, di- 
viners, exorcists), morals, laws and 
customs, relationship (list of terms 
(PP- 357-358), marriage customs (poly- 
gamy general, limited by wealth), 
child-birth, totemism (not now in 
vogue, but author sees traces in 
children's names), cannibalism (no 
case known for nearly a century; only 
prisoners of war wore eaten), war, 
burials, ceremonies (detailed account 
of ceremonies of moclii or medicine-man 
at house of chief supposed to be 
poisoned, pp. 365-369). 

Laval (R. A.) Del latin en el Folk-lore 
chileno. (An. de la Univ., .Santiago de 
Chile, 1910, cxxv, 931-953.) Cites 
numerous phrases, expressions, re- 
frains, verses, anecrlotes, etc., in Chilian 
folk-use, containing Latin words and 
sentences (Latin is no longer a com- 



pulsory subject). Curious is the prov- 
erb, Beati indiani qui mandiicant 
charquicanem. Macaronic Latin verses 
in imitation of liturgical phrase, also 
occur, with other joco-serious "poems" 
in which Latin words are included. 

Cuentos chilenos de nunca acabar 

(Ibid., 955-996.) Cites 26 examples 
of "endless tales." 

Leden (C.) Kurzer Bericht iiber meine 
Gronlandreisc 1909. (Globus, Brn- 
schwg., 1910, xcvii, 197-202, 6 fgs.) 
Contains notes on Eskimo of Umanat- 
siak, Umanak, North Star Bay, etc. 
According to the author, "the Christian 
Eskimo of Danish Greenland seemed 
like withering leaves as compared with 
the heathen Eskimo of Cape York." 
The "only place, perhaps, in Danish 
Greenland, where the Eskimo have 
preserved their culture is Umanatsiak." 
From Umanatsiak came four singers of 
the old native songs and the author 
was able to obtain a number of good 
phonographic records. A few songs 
were also obtained elsewhere; observa- 
tions of dances, etc., were made. In 
Jacobshavn the Eskimo sang banal 
religious verses, learned from the 
missionaries. 

Lehmann (W.) Syphilis und Uta in Peru. 
(Globus, Brnschwg., 1910, xcviii, 12- 
13.) Resumes the data in J. C. Tello's 
La anligu'idad de la Sifilis en el Peril 
(Lima, 1909) and R. Palma's La Uta 
del Peru (Lima, 1908) concerning the 
alleged existence of syphilis in pre- 
historic Peru, etc., which question is 
not settled by these works. Uta, may 
be another disease, leprosy of some 
sort, and not syphilis, — Uta is popu- 
larly thought to be carried by a fly or a 
mosquito. Syphilis-infection of the 
llama from man has not been substan- 
tiated. Tello thinks that the repre- 
sentations on Peruvian pottery refer 
to syphilis rather than to Uta. See 
Ashmcad (A. S.) 

Lehmann-Nitsche (R.) Dibujos primi- 
tivos. (Univ. Nac. de la Plata, Extens. 
Univ., Confer, de 1907 y 1908, La 
Plata, 1909, 111-132, 49 fgs.) Treats 
of drawings of children of the white 
race (Argentinian boys and girls) and 
of adults of primitive races, especially 
American Indians, — Guat6, Bakairf, 
Caingud, Fuegian, Baniva, Boror6, 
Ipurinfi, etc. (Schmidt, v. d. Stoinen, 
Koch, Ambrosetti, etc. The rarity of 
trees and plants is noted. Dr L.-N. sees 



Periodical Literature 



135 



parallelism of ideas and artistic develop- 
ment in the child and the uncivilized 
races. 
Lenders Indian collection. (Amer. Mu- 
seum J., N. Y., 1910, X, 92-95.) Brief 
account of collection made by Mr E. 
W. Lenders, a noted artist of Phila- 
delphia and bought for the Museum 
by Mr J. P. Morgan. Represented are 
the Sioux (costumes especially), Chey- 
enne, Arapaho, Blackfeet ("medicine 
man's" costume and paraphernalia, 
etc.). Crow, Nez Perce, Plains Cree, 
Apache, Comanche and Kiowa (dress, 
etc.), Shoshone; also by art-work, 
weapons, etc., articles of painted buf- 
falo hide. Plains Indians, Indians of 
the North Pacific Coast, the Southwest 
and the Eastern Woodlands. 

Levi (E.) Albinismo parziale eredo- 
famigliare in Negri della Luisiana. 
(A. p. I'Antrop., Firenze, 1909, xxxix, 
5-13, I pi.) Treats of hereditary par- 
tial albinism involving 14 members of 
one family-stock (genealogical tree, p. 
9) of Louisianian negroes (resident 
about a century in that State). From 
a normal negro father and his wife 
(affected partially with albinism) have 
descended 15 children of whom 8 are 
partial albinos, and 5 grandchildren, 
all partial albinos. Of the normal 
children 3 are male; of the partial 
albinos 3. The third generation con- 
sists of 4 females and i male. Attenua- 
tion of the phenomenon with successive 
generations is shown. In none of these 
cases was the eye affected. 

Lewis (L. M.) Sunlight legend of the 
Warmspiing Indians. (So. Wkmn., 
Hampton, Va., 1909, xxxviii, 685- 
686.) Poem. Tells how Ah-ah, the 
crow, got the box of sunlight from 
Qui-am-er, the eagle, and dashed it 
down on the rocks, letting the light 
out into the world. 

1 he Warnispring Indian legend of 

the fox ant! the-spirita. (Ibid., 1910, 
xxxix, 94-98.) Poem. TelLs how the 
crafty fox, Lutc-si-ah, made Whool- 
whool. the lark, inform him how to 
signal for the spirits, and how he 
visited the little daughter he had lost, 
in the spirit-land. 

Libbey (O. G.) The proper identifica- 
tion of Indian village sites in North 
Dakota: A reply to Ur Dixon. (Amer. 
Anthrop.. Wash., 1910, N. S. XII, 123- 
128.) 

Lipps (O. H.) The co-education of 



Indians and whites in the public 
schools. (So. Wkmn., Hampton, Va., 
1910, XXXIX, 152-161, I fg.) Records 
the success of the Fort-Lapwai (Idaho) 
co-educational school for whites and 
Indians (125 Nez Perces, no white 
pupils). The State Normal Schools 
and State University are open to 
Indians on the same terms as to whites. 
At p. 155, the word Lapwai is said to 
mean "the place where the butterflies 
dwell." 

Loewenthal (L.) Ein irokesisches Mar- 
chen. (A. f. Religsw., Lpzg., 1910, 
XIII, 479-480.) Gives Mohawk text 
and English translation of a brief 
tale, — Kaniengahaka akaran, "People- 
of-the-hunt (i. e. Mohawk) story" of 
the "Great Frog" from Ms. of J. O. 
Brant-Sero. 

Ludwick (L.) The Oneidas of to-day. 
(So. Wkmn., Hampton, Va., 1910, 
XXXIX, 34-36.) Many are prosperous 
farmers; women are energetic and 
hard-working (almost all have learned 
lace-making), education appreciated 
(nearly 200 have been at Hampton; 
some educated Oneidas have gone 
abroad to teach, etc., in Canada, New 
Mexico, etc.), bad effects of money and 
liquor of whites (particularly during the 
last two or three years). Last summer 
the reservation was incorporated as a 
township. Author is an Oneida girl. 

Manuel (V.) The Pimas: Christian 
Indian tribe of the Southwest. (Ibid., 
161-162.) Calls attention to peaceful 
character of this tribe, every member of 
which belongs to some church, and all 
the children go to school. The Pima 
"were tillers of the soil before the first 
paleface discovered this country." 
According to M., who is a Pima, the 
name Pima comes from pimatre, "I 
don't know," in the language of these 
Iiulians. 

Marelli (C. A.) La complicaci6n y 
sinostosis de las suturas del craneo 
cereijral de los primitivos habitantes 
de la Repiiblica Argentina. (Rev. d. 
Mus. de La Plata. Buenos Aires, 1909, 
XVI, 353-487.) Detailed study of 
sutural complication and synostosis 
(complication, ol)literation; inlluencc of 
coinpliration, metopism, sex, age, 
cephalic index, cranial capacity, de- 
formations and anomalies, etc.. on 
oi)literation) in the skull.s of Argen- 
tinian Indians, with comparisons with 
material from other races, and refer- 



136 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



ences to the literature of the subject 
(Ribbe, Frederic, etc.)- The crania 
investigated number some 600 includ- 
ing 91 Araucanian, 86 Calchaqui, 306 
PataRonian, 13 Ona and Vamana, 14 
Toba, I Guaycuru, i Guayaqui, i Ma- 
taco and 2 Tereno. Complication and 
age seem not to have direct influence 
upon the synostosis of the cranial 
sutures. Influences of metopism, sex 
(less capacity and a finer cranial 
type have their effect here also), 
cephalic index (extreme variations 
of the index are correlated with anal- 
ogous variations of ossification; synos- 
tosis increases with dolichocephaly. and 
is retarded in hyper- and ultrabra- 
chycephaly), cranial capacity, deforma- 
tions and anomalies are found. Greater 
or less capacity is accompanied by less or 
greater ossification respectively; defor- 
mation by an accentuation of synostosis 
due to plagiocephaly and changes of 
ossification parallel with the cephalic 
index in artificial deformation. The 
groups studied are characterized by 
simplicity of serration of the two upper 
divisions of the coronal suture (exo- 
cranial), quite different from the Indo- 
European skull, when we find here so 
often the pars complicala. Three sorts 
of beginning of obliteration occur (tem- 
poral, vertex, obelion). 

Mead (C. W.) South American. (An- 
throp. Pap. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., 
N. Y. 1910, IV, 307-312, I pi., 3 fgs.) 
Notes on recentlj^ acquired specimens. 
Schmidt and Weiss collections from 
Baniva Indians of Rio Isana (hut- 
building, cassava-products, implements 
used in making farinha, tapioca and 
caxiri; Furlong Patagonian collection 
(some 100 specimens; Yahgan spears 
and basketry; Ona arrow-maker's out- 
fit complete; Tchuelche material. Also 
decorated paddles from the Madre de 
Dios and the Rio Bcni; prehistoric nose- 
ornaments from Yarumal, Antioquia 
(Colombia). 

Mochi (A.) Appunti sulla paleantro- 
pologia argcntina. (A. p. I'Antrop.. 
Firenze, 1910, xi,, 203-254, 12 fgs., i 
pi.) Discusses the evidence as to the 
antiquity of man in the Argentine, 
and gives the results of the author's 
studies of the crania of Arrecifes, 
Chocori, Miramar (La Tigre), Neco- 
chea, etc. That other than quaternary 
man existed in Argentina is not yet 
proved, the human origin of some of the 



objects in evidence being still doubtful. 
The Arrecifes cranium is of the Lagoa 
Santa type corresponding to quaternary 
European skulls of Galley Hill, Engis, 
Briinn, etc., being not specially "Amer- 
ican" in type. The Chocori cranium 
corresponds to a part of Verneau's 
platydolichocephalic Patagonian type 
and to the quaternary Cro-Magnon of 
Europe. Amcghino's Homo Pampaeus 
(Miramar, Necochca) suggests relation- 
ship with the ciuaternary European type 
of Chancclade and Combe-Capelle, and 
with the Eskimo, — it may, indeed, be 
termed pre-Eskimoid, and in relation to 
the simian stocks, Hapalidoid. S. 
doubts that Ameghino's H. capuline 
clinalus is a new species; also his H. sin- 

DlOltO. 

Montgomery (H.) "Calf Mountain" 
Mound in Manitoba. (Amer. An- 
throp., Lancaster, Pa., 1910, n. s. xii, 
49-57. 5 fgs., I pi.) 

Recent archeological investiga- 
tions in Ontario. (Trans. Canad. 
Inst., Toronto, 1910, ix, Repr., 12 
pp., 8 pi.) Gives results of 4 ex- 
cavations in the so-called "serpent 
mound," in the township of Otonabee, 
Peterboro co., with lists of copper 
(axe, spear, knife; "thin sheet of native 
silver and copper greatly resembling the 
pieces of naturally mixed silver and 
copper seen in northern Michigan), 
stone (scraper, "banner-stone," adze, 
gouges, celts, slate spear and arrow- 
heads, flint and chert scrapers and 
arrow-heads, limestone bird "amulet") 
objects, pottery (sherds, pipe), cowry 
shell from Pacific ocean, flat, circular 
peicc of lead ("nearly similar to the few 
leaden discs which have been found in 
Wisconsin"), etc. Prof. M. concludes 
that the earthwork in question is an 
artificial mound intended for the burial 
of the dead; it is of prehistoric date 
(ca. 1000 years old); no evidence of 
contact with whifes. The skeletal 
remains and the character of the arti-. 
facts indicate that "these Ontario 
mounds arc closely related to those 
of Ohio." They were perhaps built 
by the Ilurons. 

Morice (A. G.) The great Dene race. 
(Anthropos, St Gabriel-Modling, 1910, 
I, 1 13-142. 419-443, 643-653, 13 pi., 38 
fgs.) Continuation of monograph on 
Athapaskan tribes. Treats of hunting 
(criterion of tribal status, fur-bearing 
game of D6nes, modes of hunting. 



Periodical Literature 



137 



chase, impounding, decoying, snaring, 
beaver-hunting, observances of the 
hunter, game laws and etiquette), 
fishing (fishes and fish-names, ich- 
thyophobia in the south among Nava- 
hos and Apaches, fish-nets, fish-traps, 
other fishing methods, fishing observ- 
ances), berry picking and preserving, 
esculent roots and plants, occupations 
of Hupa women (food-gathering and 
preparation), sheep-tending and agri- 
culture among the Navahos, occupa- 
tions according to seasons among 
Denes of the North, travel and trans- 
portation (snow-shoes, and snow- 
shoeing), sledges (until about a century 
ago "women-sledges only were known 
among the northerners," their dogs 
being unfit for draught), and sleighing, 
hauling, canoes and navigation (sails 
now used, but not before advent of 
whites; no truly native name for "sail" 
in Dene tongues), commerce (home 
transactions, intertribal commerce, ab- 
original middlemen, native currency of 
hiaqtia or dentalium), the trading com- 
panies and their relations with and 
influence upon the Indians, modern 
currency of the fur-trade, etc. 

Morley (S. G.) The inscriptions of 
Naranjo, northern Guatemala. (Amer. 
Anthrop., Wash., 1909, N. s., xi, 543- 
562, I fg.) 

Nelson (N. C.) The Ellis Shell-mound. 
(Univ. of Calif. Publ. in Amer. Arch. 
& Ethnol., Berkeley, 1910, vii, 357- 
426, 25 pi.) Gives results of investiga- 
tions of 1906-1907 of the Ellis Land- 
ing mound near Richmond, San Fran- 
cisco Bay, the largest of over 400 in 
this region, with descriptions of human 
remains (the mound, used from the 
beginning for burial purposes, and from 
3.000-4,000 years old, must have con- 
tained several thousand skeletons, — 
from the portion excavated 160 more 
or less complete were obtained), arte- 
facts, etc. (about 630 imiilements, 
weapons, ornaments, etc., of stone, 
bone, antler, shell; meager indications 
of pottery and textiles), etc. Whatever 
peoples (if more than one) flwelt u\wn 
the mound, "were all essentially of the 
same type of culture (no important 
breaks) anfl the last occupants . . . 
were proi)al)ly Indians similar to those 
that lived in Midfjle California within 
historic times." 

Shell mounds of the .San Francisco 

Bay region. (Ibid.. 1909. vii, 309- 



356, 3 pi., map.) Resumes results of 
investigations of 1908; on the map are 
located 425 separate accumulations, 
but at greater distances from the shore 
many more evidently exist and earlier 
the number must have been larger still. 
The mounds range from a basal 
diameter of 30 to one of 300 feet; in 
height from a few inches to 30 feet; 
the typical outline is oval or oblong. 
The bulk of the mound-material is 
made up of the soft-shclled clam," and 
the "soft-shelled mussel." The condi- 
tion of the animal bones found suggests 
the absence of the dog. The burial of 
human bodies seems to have been by 
interment rather than cremation (occa- 
sional evidence of latter), group burials 
being not uncommon. The material 
culture is "neolithic," and there are 
certain minor local variations. On its 
positive side, in its broader features, 
this culture "conforms to that of the 
late Indians of the surrounding terri- 
tory roughly designated as Middle 
California." Some of the mounds are 
at least from 3,000 to 4,000 years old; 
the mound-territory could have con- 
tained 20,000 to 30,000 persons. 

Newton (E. A.) Some observations on 
Indian education. (So. Wkmn., 
Hampton, Va., 1910, xxxix, 281-293.) 
Argues that "the logical plan to be 
pursued by the Government" is "prep- 
aration for the gradual assimilation of 
Indian children by State school sys- 
tems." The Indian should first be 
taught "what he needs to know"; and 
iniliative should be brought out in the 
Indian child. Character must be 
educatcfl. 

Nordenskiold (E.) Meinc Reise in 
Bolivia 1908-1909 (Globus, Brnschwg., 
1910, xcvii, 213-219, 13 fgs.). Con- 
tains notes on the Asluslay (in many 
of their villages no white man has ever 
been seen; they now count some 10,000 
souls); Tapiete ("a Guaraniized Chaco 
tribe"; deaf-mute signs collected); 
Chan6 (many legends olitained; Ara- 
wakan "half-culture" in E. Bolivia); 
Yan&ygua (partly-wild Taijietc); the 
wild Tsiri'ikua of the Rio I'arapiti and 
Rio Grande region, with very low 
culture (Samucan family; artefacts ob- 
tained); Yuracfire and Cliacolio (good 
collertioiis made); Movima and Chi- 
mane, the latter closely related to the 
Mosetenes; Trinitarios (civilized); 
Gu'irayns; Chiriguanos, etc. Mounds 



138 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



of the Rio Yvari region, graves, etc., 
with urn-burial (later culture; the 
older buried the dead simply laid out 
straight). The secret language in use 
among the Chane is Arawak, showing 
their pre-Guaranian speech. Impor- 
tant archcological finds were made in 
the Caiijipcndi valley. Altogether N.'s 
collections, ethnographic and archeolog- 
ical numbered some 11,000 specimens. 

Sind die Tapiete ein guaranisierter 

Chacostamm? (Ibid., 1910, xcviii, 
181-186, 6 fgs.. map.) Ethnological 
notes (houses, ornaments and dress, 
tembela, food, implements, tattooing, 
language, etc.) on the Tapiete (Tapii, 
Tapuy), an Indian tribe of the region 
between 20° and 21° 30' S. lat. and 
62°-63° W. long, in Bolivia, with a 
sketch-map of the distribution of the 
Indians of the Bolivia-Argentina bor- 
der-region. According to N. the Tapi- 
ete belong culturally with the Mataco, 
Choroti. Toba. etc., although they now 
speak Guarani; they are, in fact, "a 
Guaraniized Chaco people." 

Spiele und Spielsachen im Gran 

Chaco und in Nordamerika. (Ztschr. 
f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1910, XLii, 427-433, 
12 fgs.) Describes "dice-games" (in 
detail) on the Lengua, Choroti and 
other Chaco tribes; "hockey" of the 
Matacos; racket ball game of the 
Chiriguanos; "buzz," "bean-shooter," 
"bull-roarer," tops, stilts, etc., are 
noted as in use among one or other of the 
Chaco tribes. References to the corre- 
sponding games in Culin's monograph 
(Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., 1902-1903) 
are given. Some (if not most) of the 
dice-games of the Gran Chaco Indians 
have Spanish or Quechuan elements. 
The taba game, with astragalus bones, 
is of Spanish origin. In the Mataco 
"hockey" sometimes 50 Indians take 
part. N. is preparing a monograph on 
S. American Indian games. 

Nordenskjbld (O.) Fr&n danska Syd- 
vastgrOnland. (Ymer, Stckhlm., 1910, 
XXX, 17-46, 12 fgs.) Account of visit 
in 1909 to Danish S. W. Greenland. 
Pages 33-41 treat of the Eskimo (houses 
and settlements, trade, education, social 
life, etc.) As to race-mixture, N. 
observes, "all the individuals of im- 
portance in the modern development 
of Greenland are of mixed blood." 

Nuttall (Z.) The Island of Sacrificios. 
(Amer. Anthrop., Wash., 1910, n. s., 
XII, 257-295, II pi., I fg.) 



Odum (H. W.) Religious folk-songs of 
the Southern Negroes. (Amer. J. 
Relig. Psychol., Worcester, 1909, ill, 
265-365.) Forms Chapters I-II of a 
projected volume on Negro Folk-Song 
and Character. Numerous specimens 
are given, and content discussed. Treat- 
ment of God, Jesus, Satan, Hell and 
Heaven, reference to religious and 
other historical characters, mother and 
other relatives, sinners of various sorts, 
calamities and afflictions, Bible refer- 
ences, etc. The songs here considered 
"are distinctly the representative aver- 
age songs that are current among the 
negroes of the present generation," 
and they "are as distinct from the 
white man's song and the popular 
'coon songs' as are the two races." 
These songs are "beautiful, childlike, 
simple and plaintive." The "spirit- 
uals" current now "are very much like 
those that were sung three or four 
decades ago." Little trace of original 
African songs can be found in the songs 
of today. Spontaneous and individual 
compositions are common. This mono- 
graph is a valuable addition to the 
literature of the folk-lore of the Amer- 
ican negro. 

O'Donnell (S.) People of the puckered 
moccasin. (So. Wkmn., Hampton, 
Va., 1910, XXXIX, 439-440.) Notes on 
name {Ojibwa or Chippewa means 
"people of the puckered moccasin"), 
art and ornament, activities, religion 
(great and less spirits; summer-taboo 
of legend-telling; medewiwin still has 
influence) relations with whites, etc. 
Author is a Chippewa woman of 
Mahnomen, Minn. 

Orchard (W. C.) Notes on Penobscot 
houses. (Amer. Anthrop., Wash., 

1909, N. s., XI, 601-606. 3 fgs.) 

Penosbcot collection. (Anthrop. 

Pap. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., N. Y., 

1910, IV, 282-284, 4 fgs.) Notes on 
recent acciuisitions: birch-bark vessels 
with ornamentation, wood-carving 
(decorated cradle-board), splint basket, 
hair-brush, metate and muller. 

Outes (F. F.) Informe sobre la IV* re- 
uni6n del Congreso Cientifico (i" 
Panamericano) Santiago de Chile, 25 
de diciembre de 1908 a 5 de enero de 
1909, presentado al Seflor Prcsidente 
de la Universidad. (La Univ. Nac. de 
La Plata en el IV" Congr. Cientlf.. 
Buenos Aires, 1909, 41-46, Repr.) 
Brief report to President of University 



Periodical Literature 



139 



on the First Panamerican Scientific 
Congress, held at Santiago, Dec. 25, 
1908-Jan. 5, 1909. Contains (pp. 44- 
46) alphabetical list of papers by 
authors not connected with the univer- 
sity. 

Comunicaci6n preliminar sobre los 

resultados antropol6gicos de mi primer 
viaje a Chile. (Ibid., 216-221.) Gives 
results of anthropological expedition to 
Chile in February-April, 1908. Dr O. 
measured 50 male natives of Chiloe 
(av. stature 1,603 mm., av. cephalic 
inde.x 80.90), 2 male and 7 female 
Alacalufs (av. stature of males 1,597 
mm., females 1,511; av. cephalic index 
of males 78.96, females 81.31), and 11 
female and 3 male Onas (av. stature of 
males 1,781 mm., females 1,577; av. 
cephalic index of males 76.52, females 
80.25). Color of skin and eyes are also 
given. An interesting male cranium 
(ceph. ind., 72.41) from the Guaitecas 
is., and a female skull (ceph. ind., 
78.40) from the same locality, are 
described (p. 219). 

el Bucking (H.) Sur la structure 

des scories et "terres cuites," trouvees 
dans la scrie pampc'enne et quelques 
elements de comparison. (R. d. Mus. 
de La Plata, Buenos Aires, 1910, 
XVII, 78-85, I pi.) Supplement to 
previous memoir (see Amer. An- 
throp., 1909, N. s., XI, 808). Gives 
descriptions and microphotographs of 
the lava of Monte Hermoso and the 
material under discussion, also of the 
loess of Monte Hermoso and the ma- 
terial in question from Chapadmalal, in 
comparison with scoria of maize 
sweepings, scoria produced in the 
laboratory, and the material in question 
from Los Talas. The artificial human 
origin of the scoria and "terra cotta" 
is flisproved. 

Parker (A. C.) Iroquois uses of maize 
and other food plants. (Educ. Bull. 
N. Y., No. 482. N. Y. S. Mus. Bull. 144, 
Albany, igio, 1-119, 31 pi., 23 fgs.) 
This valuable monograph, after briefly 
treating of maize, or Indian corn, in 
history, early records of corn cultiva- 
tion among the Iroquois and cognate 
tribes, deals with Irtjcjuois customs of 
corn cultivation (pp. 21-36), cere- 
monial anrl legendary allusions to corn 
(36-40), varieties of maize usctl (41-43), 
corn-cultivation terminology (44-45.) 
Utensils employed in the preparation 
of corn for food (45 58), cooking and 



eating customs (59-65), foods prepared 
from corn (66-80), uses of the corn 
plant (80-88). Pages 89ff. treat of 
the use of beans and bean-foods, 
squashes and other vine vegetables, 
leaf and stalk foods, fungi and lichens, 
fruit and berry-like foods, food nuts, 
sap and bark foods, food-roots. A 
welcome feature is the giving (in pho- 
netic transcription) of the Iroquois 
names of foods, articles, processes, 
plants, and parts of plants, implements, 
etc., concerned (a good contribution to 
philology, — and the author gives them 
in the Seneca dialect, for one reason 
because "the Seneca are the most 
conservative of the Iroquois and re- 
member more concerning their ancient 
usages"). 

Pennsylvanien zur Zeit Penns. (Globus, 
Brnschwg., 1910, xc\iii, 189-190.) 
Cites items concerning the Delaware 
Indians of Pennsylvania in the time of 
Penn from E. Heuser's Pennsylvanien 
im 17. Jahrhunderl tmd die ausgcwan- 
derten Pfdlzcr in England (Neustadt, 
1910). 

Perkins (G. H.) Aboriginal remains in 
the Champlain valley. (Amer. An- 
throp., Wash., 1910, N. s., xii, 607-623, 
9 pl.) 

Peterson (C. A.) A possible father for 
Sequoya. (Ibid., 132-133-) 

Pierini (F.) Mitologia de los Guarayos 
de Bolivia. (Anthropos, St Gabriel- 
Modling, 1910, V, 703-710.) First 
part of article on the mythology of the 
Guarayos of Ascensi6n, Bolivia. Princi- 
pal figures are Tiipa or Tiimpa (higher 
good spirit), Abaangid and his brother 
Zaguaguayti, and Candir. Mbiraciicha 
(evidently Quechuan Viracocha, also 
appears as Mbiracucha) made the land of 
the Brazilians, Abaangtii that of the 
Guarayos, Candir that of the negroes. 
Abaangiii in the legends comes to 
figure as the chief progenitor to the 
neglect of the rest. The journey to the 
land of ancestors is described with some 
detail. 

Pittier (H.) Costa Rica — X'ulcan's 
Smithy. (Nat. Gcogr. Mag.. Wash., 
1910. XXI, 404-524, 32 fgs.) Some of 
the illustrations (pottery-making) are 
of ethnologic interest. 

Pratt (R. H.) The Indian no problem. 
(Proc. Del. Co. Inst. .Sci., Me<lia. Pa.. 
iOO<;, V, 1-21.) Cites examples of 
Indian acceptance and successful main- 
tenance of white civilization (e. g. Dr 



140 



Journal of American Folk-Lorc 



Carlos Montezuma, a full-blood Apa- 
che), argues that civilization and 
savagery are both only "habits." 
The policy of reservations and merely 
Indian schools is wrong; likewise much 
of missionary work which keeps the 
Indian Indian. The Indian "must get 
into the swim of American citizenship." 

Prince (J. D.) A Passamaquoddy avi- 
ator. (Am. Anthrop., Wash., 1909, n.s., 
XI, 628-650.) 

The Penobscot language of Maine. 

(Ibid., 1910, N.S., XII, 138-208.) 

Radin (P.) The clan organization of 
the Winnebago. A preliminary paper 
(Ibid., 209-219). 

Reproduction of the ruins at Mitla, 
Mexico. (Amer. Museum J., N. Y., 
1910, X, 95-101, 4 fgs.) Describes the 
reproduction of the south chamber and 
chamber of the grecques and the court 
of the quadrangle of the grecques in 
the restaurant of the museum. The 
stained glass windows represent pre- 
Columbian mythologic figures from 
an ancient Codex. 

Richards (J. E.) The Y. M. C. A. 
secretary for the Sioux. (So. Wkmn., 
Hampton, \'a., 1910. xxxix, 150-152, 
I fg.) Account of Stephen Jones, 
an Indian now Secretary of the Y. M. 
C. A. among the Sioux, having under 
his charge some 60 Associations, from 
Poplar, Montana, to Santee, Neb. 

Rivet (P.) Note sur deux cranes du 
Yucatan. (J. de la Soc. d. Ameri- 
canistes de Paris, 1908, n. s. v, 251- 
259. 4 fgs.) Treats, with details of 
measurement, description, etc., two 
skulls exhumed in 1907 by M. de 
Perigny at the church of Chichanha 
in southern Yucatan and now in the 
collection of the Anthropological Lab- 
oratory of the Museum of Natural 
History (adult male; child of 5 to 6 
years). The index of the adult skull 
is 93.16 and it does not seem to have 
been deformed. The type is antithetic 
to that of Lagoa Santa. To the list 
of Yucatecan skulls available for 
comparison should be added the 
cranium from Progreso studied by 
Boas (Proc. Amcr. Antiq. Soc, 1890). 

Recherchcs anthropologiques sur 

la Basse-Californie. (J. de la Soc. d. 
Amcricanistes, Paris, 1909, N.s., 
VI, 147-253, IS fgs., map, bibliogr.) 
Treats with details of measurements 
and description (stature from long 
bones; bodily proportions; particular 



bones: ribs, and vertebrae, clavicle; 
humerus, radius, metacarpians, coccic 
bone, sacrum, femur, tibia, peroneum, 
astragalus, calcaneum, metatarsians 
and phalanges), of the physical charac- 
ters and crania (12 male and 3 female 
adult; 3 children) of the Indians of 
Lower California, chiefly from El 
Pescadero and Espiritu Santo id., all 
probably belonging to the Pericu 
tribe of the Yuman (?) stock. Altogether 
188 long bones of adults and 52 of 
children were studied. The bones of 
children are treated on pages 68-70. 
These Lower Californian Indians 
are characterized by absence of platyc- 
nemia, a high pilastric index, low rela- 
tive length of the neck of the femur 
and low torsion, marked sexual di- 
morphism, greater robusticity of the 
proximal over the distal segment of 
both limbs, stature below the average. 
The average cranial capacity is 1,438 
c. cm. for males and 1.325 for females; 
average cephalic index, males 66.15, 
females 68.50. According to Dr R. 
the Indians in question were of quite 
limited distribution in the Lower 
Californian area; they are closely 
related to the South American type of 
Lagoa Santa and present likewise 
marked resemblances with the hyp- 
sistenocephalic race of Melanesia and 
Australia. Ten Kate's view of a re- 
semblance between the skulls of Lower 
California and those of Lagoa Santa, 
set forth in 1884 is thus confirmed. 

Roe (W. C.) A broom factory for 
Winnebago Indians. (So. Wkmn., 
Hampton, Va., 191 o. xxxix, 459-460.) 
Suggests such a plant as likely to help 
much in the renascence of these 
Indians. One of the leading members 
of the tribe has already begun making 
and selling brooms on a small scale; 
and the region is well-adapted for 
raising broom-corn. 

de la Rosa (G.) A propos de la rede- 
couverte de la ville antique de Choque- 
quirao sur la rive droite de I'Apurimac, 
Pcrou. (J. de la Soc. d. Americanistes 
de Paris. 1908 [1909I, n. s. v, 261-264.) 
Cites references to the "famous Inca 
city" of Choqiiequirao ("cradle of 
gold"), — the name does not occur 
earlier than the close of the 17th 
century, — and its reported discovery 
in 1909 by Prof. H. Bingham of 
Harvard (Yale). 

Sapir (E.) Two Paiute myths. (Mus. 



Periodical Literature 



141 



Journ., Univ. of Pa., Phila., 1910, i, 
15-18.) English texts of the Stratagem 
of Wood Rat and The Contention 
of Sparrow Hawk and Gray Hawk, 
obtained from Tony Tillohash, a 
young Paiute Indian from S. W. Utah. 
Many myths were gathered from this 
source and the author intends to 
publish a volume of Paiute texts, 
with translations, etc. 

An Apache basket-jar. (Ibid., 

13-15, I fg.) Detailed account of a 
large urn or jar-shaped basket (decor- 
ated), from the Arizona Apache, said 
to have taken two years in the making. 
An idealized form of the smaller and 
less profusely decorated fiat-bottomed 
basket jar used by the Apache for 
storage purposes. 

Takelma texts. (Anthrop. Publ. 

Univ. of Penn., Phila., 1909, li, 1-263.) 
See Amer. Anthrop., 1910, N. s., xii, 
320, review by T. Michelson. 

and Dixon (R. B.) Yana texts. 

(Univ. of Calif. Publ. in Amer. Arch, 
and Ethnol., Berkeley, 1910, ix, 
1-235.) Gives native text with inter- 
linear and free translations, explanatory 
notes, etc., of 9 myths in the central 
dialect, 4 in the northern, beside 9 
items concerning manners and customs, 
all by Dr Sapir; also 2 myths in the 
northern dialects and 13 Yana myths. 
(pp. 209-235), collected by Dr Dixon. 
Among the principal figures are coyote, 
blue-jay, pine-marten, loon, buzzard, 
heron, lizard, fox, grizzly, woodpecker, 
wood-rat, rabbit; the flint i)eople, the 
goose people; the rolling-skull. This 
is a decided addition to the mytholog- 
ical literature of the Yanan stock. 
In Curtin's Creation Myths of Primi- 
tive America (Boston, 1903) are 
printed "thirteen Yana myths, some 
of which are closely parallel forms of 
myths published in this volume," 
but neither names of informants nor 
places where the materials were 
obtained arc given by Curtin. Cur- 
tin's version of "the theft of fire" 
and that obtained by Dr Sapir are 
interesting for comparison. 

Sapper (K.) Dcr Feldbau mittcl- 
amerikanischer Indiancr. (Globus, 
Brnschwg.. 1910, xcvii. 9-10.) Treats 
of agriculture among the Central 
American Indians, — grubbing and 
"Pflanzstockbau" (not llackhau, a.s 
the role of the hoc is not great here). 
Central American agriculture is attend- 



ed to by the men, — the Caribs, how- 
ever, where the "agriculturalists" are 
women, are a South American people. 
Dr S. believes that for the South 
American Indians, negro and South 
Pacific peoples, where agriculture is 
largely the concern of women, it 
was invented by them; but in C. 
America, in all probability man has 
been the inventor. 

Schmidt (M.) Szenenhafte Darstel- 
lungen auf alt-peruanischen Geweben. 
(Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1910, XLii, 
154-164. 10 fgs.) Treats of scenes 
represented on ancient Peruvian fabrics 
from Pachacamac in the Museum fur 
\'61kerkunde in Berlin (old Tiahuanaco 
style with human figures; boat-scene 
on cotton fabric; picture-writing; plan- 
tation-scenes; mythologic motif; ani- 
mals helping to build a house, etc.) 
S. thinks that the loom, the plant- 
motifs and the mythological coinci- 
dences with E. Asia, suggest trans- 
Pacific origins. 

Schrabish (M.) Indian rock-shelters in 
northern New Jersey and southern 
New York. (.Anthrop. Papers Amer. 
Mus. Nat. Hist., N. Y.. 1909, 111, 139- 
165.) Notes on rock-shelters in Pas- 
saic CO. (Upper Preakness, Pompton 
Junction), Morris co. (Pompton 
Plains, Towakhow), Rockland co. 
(Torne Brook, Torne Mt., Ramapo 
river, Pound Hill, Mine Hill), Orange 
CO. (Tuxedo, Horsestable Rock, Gos- 
hen Mt.). The frequenters of these 
shelters were all Algonkian Indians, — 
those of northern Jersey the Minsi 
division of the Lenape, those of the 
Ramapo Mt shelters either Minsi or 
Mohegans. but the determination of 
the boundaries between the two is 
difficult. Since 1900 the author has 
discovered altogether 17 such shelters, 
9 in New Jersey and 8 in New York. 
The remains found in some indicate 
great frequenting by Indians; those 
with a northern exposure invariably 
show few signs of former occupation. 
All are situated near water. They 
seem to have been "used only tem- 
porarily and chiefly during the hunt." 
A succession of culture-horizons is 
indicated in all. Sec Harrington (M. 
R.). 

Seler (E.) Die Ticrbilder dcr mexikani- 
schcn und tier Maya-Handschriften. (Z. 
f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1909. xi.i, 784-846, 
fgs. 415-653; 1910. Xi.11, 31-97. 242- 



142 



Journal oj Avierican Folk-Lore 



287, fgs. 654-1005.) Continuation of 
detailed study of the figures of animals 
in the Mexican and Maya Mss. : Birds 
(eaRlo, vulture, owls, »MoaM-bird, turkey. 
Fa* coca/i;>n</,quail, grouse, dove, heron, 
etc.), reptiles, etc. (crocodile, tortoise, 
lizard, serpents, rattlesnake, frog, toad, 
fishes), insects, etc. (butterfly, beetles, 
grasshopper; the "bee" of some 
authorities is according to S., a beetle, 
of some sort; spider, scorpion, centi- 
pede; wingless insects, larvae, worms), 
crabs, snails, shcll-fish, etc. 

Bericht ilber die Reise Dr Kissen- 

berth's. (Ibid., 1909, xli, 965-968.) 
Notes on Dr K'.s travels among the 
Caraya and Cayap6 Indians of the 
Araguaya region in Central Brazil in 

1909. The Tapirape were also visited. 
Some 300 ethnological objects (includ- 
ing 22 mask-costumes) were collected. 
In the Cayap6 village of Mekaron- 
kotukikre a great dance-festival was 
witnessed. Many excellent photo- 
graphs were obtained. 

Costumes et attributs des divinitcs 

du Mexique selon le P. Sahagun. (J. 
Soc. d. Amcr. de Paris, 1908 (1909]. 
N. s., V, 163-220, 14 fgs.) First part of 
Sahagun's account of the costumes and 
attributes of Mexican deities. Trans- 
lated from E. Selcr's "Ein Kapitel 
aus dem Geschichtswerk des P. Saha- 
gun," in Veroff. aus dem Kgl. Miis. 
f. Volkrkde, 1890. 

Antrittsrede. (Stzgber. d. k. 

preuss. Akad. der Wiss., Berlin, 1909, 
XXXIII, 867-870.) Treats of the study 
of the languages and civilizations of 
the ancient peoples of Mexico and C' 
America, with references to the work 
of Buschmann, A. v. Humboldt, 
Forstermann, and the patronage of the 
Due de Loubat, and the progress 
hitherto made in interpreting manu- 
scripts and explaining the significance 
of statues, monuments, etc. 

Seljan (M. u. S.) Drei siidamerikani- 
schen Sagcn. (Globus, Brnschwg., 

1910, xcviii, 94-96.) German texts 
only of "Los Penitentes" (origin of 
snow-figures resembling human form), 
"Lake Ipacaray (origin through curse 
of woman, whose daughter had died 
of thirst), and "Jandira" (tale of a 
cacique's daughter), from Punta de 
Vacas, the Itaran' (a tributary of the 
ParanSpanema), J^. Ipacaray, etc., in 
the Paraguay-Brazil-Argentine border 
region (Tupi-Guarani area). 



Tupi und Guarani. Eine theo- 

kosmogonische Indianerlegende. (Ibid., 
1910, xcvii, 160-161.) Gives Ger- 
man text of tale of brothers Tupi 
and Guarani, a legend of fratricide 
(cf. Cain and Abel), obtained from 
tliQ Indians -of the Rio MaracS, a 
tributary of the Amazon. Tupi be- 
came the ancestor of the Pitiguaras, 
Tupinambas, Tabajaras, Cahetes, Tu- 
piniquias, and many other tribes; 
Guarani became ancestor of the Gua- 
vanas, Carijds, Tapes, etc. 

Shimer (H. VV. and F. H.) The litho- 
logical section of Walnut Canyon, 
Arizona, with relation to the Cliff- 
dwellings of this and other regions of 
Northwestern Arizona. (Amer. An- 
throp.. Wash., 1910, N. S., XII, 237- 
249, 4 fgs.) 

Shufeldt (R. W.) Examples of unusual 
Zuiiian pottery. (Rec. of Past, Wash., 
1910, IX, 208-212, 3 fgs.) Describes 
two rather unique jars obtained in 1885 
in the Pueblo of Zufii. One of these is 
elaborately decorated but is a crude 
piece of work, made perhaps by some 
little girl (the make is modern, but the 
reliefs archaic in style of pattern, etc.). 
The other, with "scarified" ornamenta- 
tion, may likewise be the work of an 
unskilled potter. 

Skinner (A.) The Winnebago Indians of 
Wisconsin. (So. Wkmn., Hampton, 
V'a., 1910, xxxix, 217-221, 4 fgs.) 
Notes on name, historj', dress and 
ornament, religion (still hold to ancient 
beliefs; two families converted to 
Christianity and two to the "Mescal 
religion"), relations with whites 
(friendly; evil influence of whisky), 
moral condition (very good, "much 
higher than neighboring Ojibway and 
imported New York tribes"). Many 
of these Indians still live in "the primi- 
tive semi-globular mat-houses." 

A visit to the Ojibway and Cree of 

Central Canada. (Amer. Museum J., 
N Y., 1910, x. 9-18, II fgs.) Gives 
account of trip of the summer of 1909 
among Ojibwa and Cree of Lac Seul, 
Ft Osnaburgh (on L. St Joseph), 
Ft Hope, the Albany river, etc. 
Notes on shaman, influence of white 
culture (few practice primitive culture); 
author offered Indian girl by father 
(■medicine-man). According to S., 
Ojibway once lived further to the 
south, and since coming north they 
have not only given up many of the 



Periodical Literature 



143 



manners and customs of the topical 
Ojibway of the south, but have also 
taken on some of the customs of the 
Eastern Cree. In addition they have 
"evolved some new points of culture 
distinctively their own." 

Iroquois material. (Anthrop. Pap. 

Amer. Mas. Nat. Hist., N. Y., 
1910, IV, 278-281, 2 fgs.) Notes on 
recently acquired specimens: Onondaga 
"false faces," Seneca witch masks, 
elk-horn war-club (fine example but 
non-Iroquoian in design and form, 
being decidedly Siouan), ornamented 
burden-strap, Seneca bowls, etc. 

Cherokee collection. (Ibid., 284- 

289, 4 fgs.) Notes on winnowing- 
basket, pottery, rattles, clothing, 
weapons, ceremonial objects (arm- 
scratcher, dance-wand, masks), dice- 
games, etc., from the Eastern Cherokee 
of North Carolina. 

Wisconsin Winnebago collection. 

(Ibid., 289-297, I pi., 7 fgs.) Notes on 
skin-tanning, ear-rings, hair-dress, 
moccasins, leggings, other garments, 
garters, head-dress, bead belts and 
cross-belts, medicines, utensils and 
appurtenances of shamanism, (bag, 
rattle, doll, etc.), ball-game (lacrosse 
rackets), cup-and-ball game, tomahawk 
pipe, etc. 

The Lenape Indians of Staten 

Island. (Ibid., 1909, iii, 1-62, 12 pi., 
5 fgs., map.) Notes on 24archeological 
sites, descriptions of specimens (stone 
implements, hammerstones, rubbing or 
polishing stones, knives, drills and 
scrapers, banner stones, plummets, 
stone mask, bone and antler tools, 
pottery, pipes, copper, trade articles; 
history and ethnography of Staten 
Island (pp. 29-38); cultural reconstruc- 
tion (pp. 38-58). The prehistoric 
culture of Staten Island was "identical 
with that of the Algonkin Lcna[)e, 
Harkcnsacks, Raritans and Tap[)an3 
of the historic period." The arclieo- 
logical remains, as a whole "differ from 
those of the Mahican of the Hu<lsf>n 
valley and the tribes speaking Algonkin 
dialects in New England and Long 
Island in a numijcr of ways." Irocjuoia 
traces are faint. 

Archeology of Manhattan Island. 

(Ibid., Ill- 121, fgs.) Notes on 
arrow-points, net-sinkers, stone im[)le- 
ments of various sorts, gorget, "banner- 
stones," bone and antler implements, 
awls, etc., pottery (two rare methods 



of design). On 214th St., near East 
River, "a splendid and nearly perfect 
Iroquoian vessel of great size was found 
in 1906. 

Archeology of the New York 

Coastal Algonkins. (Ibid., 211-235, 
6 fgs.) Notes on chipped articles 
(arrow and spear points, knives, 
scrapers, drills), rough stone articles 
(hammerstones, netsinkers, hoes, hand 
choppers, axes, celts, adzes, gouges, 
pestles, mullers, grinders, polishing 
stones, sinew stones, mortars, pigments, 
paint-cups, plummets, masks, knives, 
beads), polislicd stone articles (gorgets, 
amulets, banner-stones, pipes, steatite 
vessels), pottery pipes and vessels, 
metal beads, articles of shell (wampum, 
pendants, scrapers, potter stamps, etc.), 
fossils, articles of bone and antler 
(awls, needles, arrow points, harpoons, 
beads and tubes, worked teeth, turtle 
shell cups and rattles, cylinders, pottery 
stamps, etc.), trade articles. During 
historical times the Delaware, Wap- 
pinger and Montauk occupied this 
area, and the remains found indicate 
no very great geological antiquity, — 
the oldest remains in every case are 
Algonkian. Absence or scarcity of 
steatite vessels, long stone pestles, 
gouge, adze, and plummet and the 
abundance and character of bone and 
pottery articles indicate that the local 
Indians were "intermediate in char- 
acter between the Lenape on the south 
and west and the New England tribes 
on the east and north," 

Smith (De Cost). Jean Francois Millet's 
drawings of American Indians. (Cen- 
tury, N. Y., 1910, Lxxx, 78-84, 5 fgs.) 
Rejjroduccs, with notes, etc., pictures of 
Indian and frontier life made by Millet 
under the inspiration of Bodmer, the 
Swiss artist, who had been in .America 
among the Iiiflians of the Canadian 
Northwest. In 1852 4 lithographs, of 
which j)arts were due to Hodmer. were 
l)ul)!ished. One was called "Simon 
Hutter," and later "The Indian Ma- 
zoppa." 

Smith (II. I.) A visit to the Indian tribes 
of the Northwest Coast. (Amer. 
Museum J.. N. Y.. 1910, x, 31- 
42. 7 fgs.) Treats of expedition of 
summer of iqoq. Kwakititl of -Alert 
Hay (i)urial in tree-tops still in vogue; 
evt-n Christian cemetery burials show 
traces of old customs; totem poles, etc.); 
KwakiutI of Rivers Inlet (potlatch 



144 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



with labor-agitation); Bella Coola 
(chipped implements marking the 
farthest north of art of chipping stone 
in Hritish Columbia; wooden represen- 
tatives of "coppers" and canoes in 
native cemetery; carved posts); Tsim- 
shians of Skeena and Nass rivers, etc.; 
Tlingits of Wrangell (totem-poles, 
carved grave posts and mortuary 
columns; Chilkat blankets). See Tay- 
lor (VV. S.). 

Fire-making apparatus. (So. 

Wkmn., Hampton, \'a., 1910, xxxix, 
84-94, 6 fgs.). Describes various 
methods of producing fire: The fire- 
plow (Polynesia, Papua, Australia), 
fire-saw (usually bamboo; Malay 
Archipelago, Farther India, etc.), 
fire-drill (American Indians, Africa, 
Ceylon, and a large part of Australia; 
simple among Thompson Indians of 
British Columbia; string-drill of 
Ojibwa; pump drill of Iroquois; com- 
plicated forms of string-drill, bow-drill 
of Chukchee and Eskimo), flint and 
iron ("strike-a-light"), fire-syringe 
(Malaysia, Farther India), use of 
tinder, slow-match, friction-matches, 
optical fire-making lens or mirror, 
electricity, etc. 

Archeological remains on the coast 

of northern British Columbia and 
southern . Alaska. (Amer. Anthrop., 
Wash., 1909, N. s., XI, 595-600, 2 pi., 
2 fgs.) 

An unknown field in American 

archeology. (Bull. Amer. Geogr. Soc, 
N. Y., 1910, XLii, 511-520.) Treats 
of the area stretching from the Gulf of 
Mexico to the Arctic Ocean and 
occupying most of the country between 
the Mississippi valley and the Coast 
Range, — "darkest archeological Amer- 
ica," the character of the peoples 
inhabiting it, their culture, etc. An 
interesting part of this area is the region 
of Wyoming in which numerous 
archeological fliscoveries have recently 
been made (new type of steatite pot; 
stone circles; prehistoric quarries; pot- 
tery; boulder figures, petrogiyphs, etc.) 

Ancient methods of burial in the 

Yakima valley, Washington. (Amer. 
Antiq., 1910, xxxii, 111-113.) Notes 
on rock slide graves (Nachcs river, 
Ncz Perc6 region) and cremation 
circles, — these may be "the caved-in 
remains of earth-covered burial lodges, 
built somewhat on the plan of the semi- 
underground winter-houses." 



British Columbia and Alaska. 

(Anthrop. Pap. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., 
N. Y., 1910, IV, 298-299, I pi., I fg.) 
Notes on recently secured specimens, 
including two Chilkat blanket pattern- 
boards from Kluckwan. Other speci- 
mens secured by Mr Smith were 22 
paddles from Alert Bay, a Nutka cedar- 
bark hat, etc. 

Snethlage (E.) Zur Ethnographie der 
Chipaya und Curuahe. (Z. f. Ethnol., 
Berlin, 1910, XLii, 612-637, 4 fgs.) 
Treats of the two Tupian tribes of Para 
(Brazil), the Chii)aya and Curuahe. 
Dwellings (malocas), culture-relations 
(furniture, implements, food, ham- 
mocks, mats, clothing and ornament, 
hair-dress, feather-ornament rare, no 
tattooing, blue-coloring of lips, native 
weapons only bows and arrows; good 
boat-builders, preparation of food; 
fishing with limbo; monogamy general; 
treatment of sick; sensitiveness to cold 
marked; dances and ceremonies to 
receive strangers), relations with other 
tribes and whites, language (vocabulary 
of some 225 words, with many corre- 
sponding items in Yuruna and Mun- 
duruku; also a few personal names). 
The Chipaya differs much from the 
Curuahe, the latter resembling more 
the Munduruku. See Koch-Grunberg 
(T.). »M 

Speck (F. G.) Some uses of birch bark 
by our eastern Indians. (Univ. of 
Penn. Mus. J., Phila., 1910, i, 33-36, 6 
fgs.) Notes on Penobscot birch-bark 
canoe, pack-basket, cooking-vessels, 
"moose-call"; decorative designs (e. g. 
the double curve motif, rendered com- 
plex by added interior modifications 
in the center and at the sides, — the 
symbolism seems at first obscure). 

Notes on the Mohegan and Niantic 

Indians. (.Anthrop. Pap. Amer. Mus. 
Nat. Hist., N. Y., 1909, iii, 181-210, 
4 pi., 4 fgs.) Treats of history (only 
100 now left, none pure-blood; negro 
strain), local traditions (tale accounting 
for Papoose Rock), material life 
(wooden mortars, spoons, bowls, 
knives, pipes; basketry still manu- 
factured of several types; bows and 
arrows; food; skunk-hunting), clothing 
and ornaments (women's leggings alone 
preserved), customs, etc. (clans and 
relationship-terms; burial; dance; green 
corn dance; death-song), shamanism 
(witch-tales, etc.; medical herbs), be- 
liefs and folk-lore (dwarfs; ghosts, 



Periodical Literature 



145 



will-o'-the-wisp; scraps of folk-lore), 
myths (3 brief tales of TcMnamlcJ, the 
trickster). On pages 205-206 the 
Scaticook Indians (14 now left) are 
briefly considered and on pages 206-210 
the western Niantic formerly dwelling 
s. e. of the Mohegan on Long Island 
sound (outside of possible survivors 
among the Brothertons of Wisconsin, 
one woman is all of the tribe now living, 
— from whom the information here 
given was chiefly obtained). 

Stefansson-Anderson Arctic Expedition 
(.-Vmer. Museum J.. N. V'., 1910, x, 
133-138. map.) Gives data in letters 
from Herschel id., Aug. 22, and camp 
near Toker pt., Oct. 16, 1909. Con- 
tains a few notes on Eskimo. 

Swanton (J. R.) Some practical aspects 
of the study of myths. (J. Amer. Folk- 
Lore. Boston, 1910. xxiii, 1-7.) 

Taylor (\V. S.) Results of an art trip to 
the Northwest Coast. Mural decora- 
tions planned to show Indian industries. 
(Amer. Museum J., N. Y., 1910, x, 42- 
49, 2 fgs.) Gives account of author's 
visit to Wrangell and Kluckwan to 
obtain material and sketches for a 
mural painting representing the weav- 
ing of the Chilkat blanket; and to 
Masset for a similar purpose in regard 
to the art-occupations of the Haida 
Indians. Also notes on the natives of the 
places visited. See Smith (M. I.). 

Tozzer (A. M) and Allen (G. M.) Ani- 
mal figures in the Maya codices. (Pap. 
Peab. Mus. Amer. Arch. & Ethnol., 
Harv. Univ., Cambr., 1910. iv, 273- 
372, 39 pl-. 24 fgs.) Synoptic con- 
sideration of the meaning and occur- 
rence of animal forms, zoological 
identification and ethnological exi)Iana- 
tion of animal forms. Covers much the 
same grounrl as the similar work of 
.S<"Ier (q. V.) but treats with more detail 
of the Maya side of the ciiiestion, Dr 
S<'ler concerning himself more with the 
Mexican. The authors utilize the 
material in the stone carvings, stucco 
figures, fresco, etc., as well as that in 
the Maya Mss. 

"Turning Kogmollik" for science. 
(.Vitier. MuMcuni J.. N. Y.. 1010, x, 212 
220. map.) Treats of the Steffinsson- 
Anrlerson expedition to the Kogmollik 
Eskimo of the Mackc-nzie delta and 
eaatwarfl. the leaders of which are now 
living "as Eskimo" among the ICskitno. 
At Coronation gulf and on X'ictoria 
Lanfl to the north are "tril)cs wholly 

vol.. XXIV. — NO. 91. — 10 



uninfluenced by the white race." 
Since 1906 the Eskimo of the Mackenzie 
delta, who would then hardly take pay 
for anything, have changed so that now 
"an Eskimo seldom remains i)erma- 
nently satisfied with the most liberal 
pay for services." Many photographs, 
a large series of head-measurements, 
data concerning the ceremonial lan- 
guage of the shamans, records of songs 
and tales, specimens, etc., are among 
the results of the expedition. 

Uhle (M.) Peruvian throwing-sticks. 
(Amer. Anthrop., Wash., 1909. N. s., 
XI, 624-627, 3 pl.) 

Uhlenbeck (C. C.) Ontwerp van eene 
vergelijikende vormleer van eenige 
Algonkin-talen. (Verh. d. k. Akad. v. 
Wetensch. te Amsterdam, Afd. Let- 
terk., 1910, .N. R., D. XI, NO. 3, pp. v, 
67.) Sketch of the comparative mor- 
phology of Ojibwa, Cree, Micmac, 
Natick, and Blackfoot, based on 
Baraga, Wilson, Lacombe, Horden, 
Maillard, Rand, Eliot, Trumbull, 
Tims, Miiller, Sowa, Schoolcraft, Hul- 
burt, Cuoq, Adam, etc. Nouns, pro- 
nouns, and verbs are considered. 

Zu den einheimischen Sprachcn 

Nord-Amerikas. (Anthropos, St Ga- 
briel-Modling, 1910, v, 779-786.) 
Adds to data in previous article on 
the literature of North .American 
Indian languages further titles con- 
cerning Athapaskan, Algonkian, Siouan 
(notes on Catawba from Gatschet). 
Muskhogean, "Aztecoid" (notes on 
Luiseflo from .Sparkman), Mariposan 
(Kroeber on Yokuts), Moquelumnan, 
Washoan (Kroeber), etc. 

Upham (W.) The Kensington rune 
stone, its discovery, its inscriptions 
and opinions concerning them. (Rec. 
of Past, Wash.. 1910. ix, 2-7, 2 fgs.) 
Treats of alleged rune stone, discovered 
in August, 1898, by a Swedish farmer, 
about 3 miles N. of Kensington station 
on the Minneapolis, St Paul, and 
•Sault Ste Marie K. R., Douglas co., 
Minnesota, purporting to be the 
record of an exploring expedition oi 
Norsemen from X'ineland in the year 
1362. The stone is now in the Museum 
of the Minnesota Historical Society. 
According to Mr H. R. Iloland and 
others, this is a genuine runic recoul; 
but the proof has not convinced many 
others. 

Valentine (R. G.) The United States 
linli.in Service problem. (S^. V\'kniii.. 



146 



Jonnial of American Folk-Lore 



Hampton, Va., lyoy. xxxniii, 678- 
683.) Address by Coniinissioner of 
Indian Affairs. Emphasizes need of 
corps of inspectors, real superintend- 
ents, and proper attention to health, 
schools, and industries. Stealing from 
Indians by whites must be made as 
much a breach of the moral code as 
the reverse. 

Vom Tocantins-Araguaya. (Globus, 

Brnschwg., 1910, xcvii, 379-382.) 
Resumes, from the Mouvemenl Gio- 
graphique, L. Thiery's account of his 
1901-1902 expedition in the Tocantins- 
Araguaya region of Brazil. Contains a 
few notes on the Caraya (p. 382) and 
Cayap6. The bad effects of contact 
with the whites (especially for Indian 
children) are noted. The Dominican 
missionaries among the Cayap6 are 
praised. 

Waterman (J. T.) The religious prac- 
tices of the Dieguefio Indians. (Univ. 
of Calif. Publ. in Amer. Arch. & 
Ethnol., Berkeley, 1910, viii, 271-358, 
8 pi.) See Amer. Anlhrop., 1910, N. s., 
XII, 329-335, review by J. P. Harring- 
ton. 

Hudson Bay Eskimo. (Anthrop. 

Pap. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., N. Y., 
1910, IV, 299-307, 8 fgs.) Notes on 
new collection from this area: speci- 
mens from old house-sites; three- 
pronged fish-spear; sewing implements; 
mouth-piece for drill-apparatus; deco- 
rated hair-ornament (notable variation 
in type); combs; nuglalang game; types 
of ornament. 

Will (G. F.) Some new Missouri River 
Xallcy sites in North Dakota. (Amer. 
Anthrop., Lancaster, Pa., 1910, n. s., 
.XII, 58-60.) 

Willoughby (C. C.) A new type of cere- 
monial blanket from the Northwest 
Coast. (Ibid., i-io, 4 fgs., 2 pi.) 

Wilson (G. L.) Sinew arrowheads. 
(Ibid., 131-132, I fg.) 

Wissler (C.) Publications on the Indians 
of the Northern Plains. (Science, 
Lancaster, Pa., 1910. n. s., xxxii, 
562-564.) Notes on Dr R. Lowie's 
The Northern Shoshone (1909) and The 
Assiniboine (1909) embodying in- 
vestigations of 1906-1908; also Dr C. 
Wissler's The Material Culture of the 
Blackfoot Indians (1910). All are 
publications of the American Museum 
of Natural History (N. Y.). 

Woltereck (K.) Indianer von Heute. 
(Globus, Brnschwg., 1910, xcviii, 90- 



91.) Notes on the reservation Indians 
of the United States (Pueblos, Navahos. 
Sioux, etc.), class of old and new 
civilization, work of the "Women's 
National Indian Association," Indian 
Schools (visited by author), etc. 

■ Aus dem Leben eines Sioux- 

Indianers. (Ibid., 128-130.) Notes 
(from oral and written data) on the life 
and experiences of Dr Charles A. 
Eastman, "Ohiyesa," personally known 
to the author. Dr Eastman is a 
graduate of Dartmouth College and 
Boston University (Medical). He 
married in 1891 Miss Elaine Goodale. 
Woodworth (E. E.) Archeological ob- 
servations in South Dakota. (Amer. 
Anthrop., Wash., 1910, N. s., xii, 128- 
131. I fg-) 
Work of the School of American Archeol- 
ogy. (Rec. of Past, Wash.. 1910, ix. 
162-165.) Resume of activities from 
Bulletin for February, 1910. The San 
Juan valley and the Rio Grande valley 
are the two general regions being 
investigated at present. 
Wright (R. R.) The northern negro and 
crime. (So. Wkmn., Hampton, V'a., 
1910, XXXIX, 137-142.) Treats of 
statistics (difficulty of finding accurate 
basis for comparison), analysis of 
otifenses (numerous convictions for 
petty offences hardly equal a convic- 
tion for a very serious offense. Histori- 
cally negroes have had to prove their 
innocence. Credibility of negro wit- 
nesses has been often impeached. The 
crimes of the poor are generally their 
vices, which afTect them more than they 
do the rest of the community. Poverty 
suffers even before justice. 
YoflSe (L. R.) Yiddish folk stories and 
songs in St Louis. (Washing. Univ. 
Rec, St Louis, 1910, v, 20-22.) 
Stories are of two kinds, religious (deal- 
ing usually with the wonder-working 
power of a rabbi in some little Russian 
town, — the tales about Bal Shem Tov, 
the "Master of the Good Name," are 
legion; also leviathan stories, and tales 
of the river Sambatian in "Never 
never never Land"; there is a proverb, 
"even the river Sambatian rests on the 
Sabbath"). 
Zaborowski (S.) Decouverte, par M. 
Engerrand, d'une station de la pierre 
au Mexique. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de 
Paris, 1910, vi'^ S., I, 6-7.) Resumes, 
from the publication of the Geological 
Society of Mexico, M. Engerrand's 



Periodical Literature 



147 



accouiiL of liis discovery near Concep- 
cion, in the State of Campeche, of a 
"station" of the stone age, "represent- 
jns; the quatcnarj- man of this region " 
The flints are numerous and of Chellean 
and Achulean type. 



— Les nictissages au Mexicjue. 
(Ibid., 48.) Notes, after M. Enger- 
rand, that in the State of Yucatan, 
with a total population of only 200,000 
there are now 600 Ja\anese families 
and a number of Koreans, besides 
Chinese. 



THE JOURNAL OF 

AMERICAN FOLK-LORE 

Vol. XXIV. — APRIL-JUNK, 1911 — No. XCII 



THE RITUAL AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE WINNEBAGO 
MEDICINE DANCE 1 

BV P.A.UL RAD IN 

CONTENTS 

Page 

A. Description OF THE Ritual OF THE \ViNNEB.\GO Medicine Dance .... 149 
I. Organization of the Bands 150 

II. Prescribed Duties of the Bands 151 

III. Division of the Ceremony 153 

I\'. Types of Component Elements of the Ceremon\- 154 

1. Types of Speeches 154 

2. Types of Songs 156 

3. Types of Action 156 

4. Types of Ritual 156 

\'. Ceremony as a Whole 161 

B. Description OF THE OjiBVVA Miue'wiwin 165 

C. Description of the Menominee Miuk'wiwin 167 

D. The Significance ok the Ritial 16S 

I. The Common Elements 168 

II. The Interpretation of the Common Elements — Schurtz's Theor> .... 169 

III. The Shooting Ritual 175 

IV. The Initiation Ritual 179 

\'. The General Ceremony 186 

\'I. The Complete Ceremonial Complexes 188 

\'II. Resum6 and Conclusion 198 

A. DESCRH'TIO.N OF TIIIC RlTl AI, ( »l" THE WlNNKMAf ;<) Mi.DK IM-; 

DANCE* 

The Medicine Dance is a society, admission into which is gained 
by purchase. The \Vinne!)aR;o suppose it to he a repetition of a 
ceremony originall>' instituted by the Rabbit, when he initiated the 
first man into its secrets. The society consists of five bands, which, 
during the ceremony, are known respectively as the Ancestor-Host's, 

' Sul)milte(| in partial luirilmeiit of the re(|uireinent3 for the degree of dot tor of phi- 
losophy in the Faculty of Philosophy. Columbia University. 

* The description of the ritual i.s bascti on material collected by me, and now in the 
possession of the Bureau of American Ethnology. The full descri|)tion will appear as a 
memoir of the Bureau. 

vou. XXIV. — NO. 93. — II 149 



I50 Journal oj Auicricau Folk-Lore 

the East, North, West, and South Bands. These five bands are also 
known In- the names of their leaders. Any band may act as host, 
and the position of the others in the lodge is dependent on the order 
in which they are invited by the band acting as host. It thus fellows 
that each band must know the entire ceremony of the society. 

1. C)rc..\nizatiox of the Bands. — For purposes of descrijjtion it 
will be best to divide each band into three parts, — the leader, his two 
assistants, and the rest of the band. Leadership depends upon a 
thorough knowledge of the ceremony and its complete esoteric signifi- 
cance, which is in the possession of only one individual in each band. 
This knowledge can be obtained solely by purchase and religious quali- 
fications. These religious qualifications, to which might be added moral 
as well, play little part at the present day, but there can be no doubt 
that they were essential in the past. The leader likewise often pos- 
sessed other characteristics, such as those of warrior and shaman, 
but they w-ere not essential for his position. 

The two assistants were generally men who h^id purchased sufticient 
information and privileges to entitle them to help the leader in certain 
details of the ceremony. The drummers, rattle-holders, dancers, etc., 
were always recruited from their ranks. Eventually they became the 
leaders. Those who were neither leaders nor assistants possessed a 
knowledge varying from that of elementary information, required for 
admission, to such as would entitle them to the position of assistant. 

There is a priority of position in the lodge depending on priority 
of invitation. The band invited first, occupies the east position; that 
invited second, the north; that invited third, the west; and that in- 
vited fourth, the south. Flic east is the position of highest honor; 
the south, that of the lowest. Between the bands, there exists an 
order of invitation based on tradition, the exact nature of which is 
unknown. According to one informant, if one band invited another, 
the latter in turn would be obliged to give it the position of honor; but 
as there are five bands, this can apply only to special cases. Whatever 
may be the order, it is certain that each band has ample occasion to 
occupy all five positions. 

There are two ways in which a man ran join the Medicine Dance. 
He may simply apply for admission to an>- of the fi\"c leaders, or he 
may take the place of a deceased rclati\e. In the former case, if 
his payment is satisfactory, and he has the other (|ualifications, he is 
accepted. In the other case, he or his relatives decide to ha\e him 
take the place of a deceased relative. This latter form of candidacy 
is by far the commoner. At the present day, initiation recjuires the 
payment of about three luiiHlrcd or four hundred dollars, in the form 
of goods and tol)acc(j. (^f this, a portion is gi\en to the leader of the 
Ancestor-Host's Band during the P'our Nights' Preparation, and the 
est to the leaders of the other four bands during the ceremony proper. 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 151 

Exactly how much information an individual obtains on entering, 
cannot be determined. This would depend on the amount of the 
payment. The minimum of knowledge would be an acquaintance 
with the bare externals of the ceremony, its general significance, and 
such knowledge of the legendary origin of the Lodge as a single recital 
could give. The new member is not initiated into the symbolism of 
the ritualistic myths, and consequently a large portion of the same 
must be unintelligible to him. What he obtains is practically only 
the right to hold the otter-skin bag and to use it in a certain way. 
He cannot take part in any of the forms of dancing or singing, nor 
can he even shoot at will. He very rarely remains in this condition 
long, but takes the first opportunity to purchase additional knowledge 
and privileges. 

There are three kinds of members, — mature men, women, and 
children. The privileges of women differ from those of the men, in 
that the women do not have to partake of the sweat-bath, may never 
become assistants, and are privileged to dance in a certain way. In 
other respects they have equal privileges with men. In practice, 
there are certain privileges that women never have, but this is due to 
the fact that either they do not care or they are not in a position 
to buy them. Children belong to a quite different category. Al- 
though they possess an otter-skin, they have not even the power of 
making it effective, and, in order to do so, must have it guided by 
some older member. There does not seem to be any evidence indicat- 
ing that women were ever excluded from membership. 

II. Prescribed Duties of the B.\nds. — The duties of the host, 
who is known as x'okera,' and whose band is called Minank'ara- 
k'onangire'ra,^ are as follows: 

1. To rehearse the songs and rituals with his band four nights 
previous to the ceremony proper. At this rehearsal the candidate 
(ha-birok'aragu'-incra, literally " the one for whom they seek life ") is 
always present, and instructed in the ceremony. 

2. To send out invitation-sticks and tobacco to the leaders of the 
other four bands. The messengers are always his sisters' sons. 

,V To bcKiii llif I'oiir Nights' Ceremony preceding llu- ci-rt-moiu- 
proj)er. 

4. To recei\'e the leaders and assistants of the otJKT four Iiaiuis 
before the sweat-lodge ritual, and to begin the same. 

5. To begin the ceremony proper. 

' X'okfi' means literally "root" or "aiicrstor. " ".\iicostor-liost" will be used as its 
equivalent. 

' This word means literally "lie who puts himself in the place to benefit his relatives." 
The reference is to the Rabbit, who. at the first performance of the ceremony, acted as 
host and initiated his relatives; i. <•., the human beinRS. 



152 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

6. To take part in the following portion of the cereinonx jjroper. 

(a) To welcome the four bands. 

(b) To lead the candidate to the secret brush and instruct him in 
certain precepts. 

(c) To act as preceptor of the candidate before he is shot with the 
sacred shell. 

(d) To turn the candidate over to the charge of the leaders of the 
East and North Bands. 

(e) To relate certain of the myths. 

(/) To deliver certain speeches and to perform certain actions that 
constitute the basic ritual of the ceremonj' proper. This will be 
discussed later. 

The East Band is known as Tconi mina'iigera (Those-who-sit-first), 
Ha"p'ogu homina'iigere (Where-the-day-comes-from), Wiayephu- 
regi (Where-the-sun-rises). All these terms are used frequently. 
The duties of the leader are — 

1. To assist the ancestor-host in passing upon the eligibility of a 
candidate. 

2. To take part in the following portions of the ceremony proper, 
(a) Accompanied by his two assistants, to take part in the brush 

ritual. 

(6) To take charge of the candidate after he has been handed over 
to him by the ancestor-host. 

(c) To shoot the sacred shell into the candidate's body. 

(d) To relate certain of the myths. 

(e) To perform the basic ritual. 

The North Band is known as Siniwagu mina'ngera (Where-the-cold- 
comes-from). The leader has the same duties as those of the East 
leader. The myths recited are of course difTerent. 

The West Band is known as Wioi're mina'ngera (Where-the-sun-goes- 
down). The leader has the duty of reciting certain myths and per- 
forming the basic ritual. 

The South Band is known as NangOojedja" minangera (He-who- 
sits-at-the-end-of-the-road) or Horotcfl'iidjeregi (Where-the-sun- 
straightens). The duties of the leader are the same as those of the 
leader of the West Band, except that the myths he recites are 
difTerent. 

The distrilnition oi the gifts to the different bands is the following: 

The leader (^f the East Band receives one-half of the numi)er of 
blankets, the ujiper half of the new suit worn b\ the candidate, and 
onc-fiuarter of the food. 

The leader of the North Band receives one-half of the blankets, 
the lower half of the suit, the moccasins, and one-quarter of the food. 

The leaders of the West and South Bands receive each three yards 
and a half of calico and a fourth of the food. 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 153 

The ancestor-host receives various gifts of food and tobacco from 
the leaders of the other bands. He receives his payment from the 
candidate before the ceremony proper. 

The candidate is present at the Four Nights' Ceremony of the 
ancestor-host's band preHminary to the ceremony proper. At the 
latter ceremony he sits to the right of the ancestor-host's band. He is 
not dressed in his new suit until after the secret ceremonies in the 
brush. 

There are facial decorations distinctive of the different bands. The 
host's band and the candidate paint a blue circle on each cheek, but 
its significance is unknown to me. 

The regalia used are simple and few. They consist of eagle, hawk, 
squirrel, weasel, beaver, and otter skin bags, a drum, gourd rattles, 
and invitation-sticks. The otter-skin bags are always beaded and 
contain the sacred shell and various medicines. A few red feathers 
are always inserted in the mouth of the otter-skin bag. The gourds 
contain buck-shot at the present day. They are painted with blue 
finger-marks. 

HI. Division of the Ceremony. — The Medicine Dance is divided 
into five well-marked parts. The first part (I) consists of the Two 
Nights' Preparation preceding the sending-out of the invitation-sticks. 
This takes place at the home of the ancestor-host (x'okera), in the 
presence of the members of his band and the candidate. The second 
part (H) consists of the Four Nights' Preparation preceding the sweat- 
lodge ritual. Each band has its own Four Nights' Preparation, 
although that of the ancestor-host begins before the others. The 
third part (HI) consists of the rites held in a sweat-lodge specially 
constructc'fl for this purpose near the medicine-lodge, on the morning 
after the Four Nights' Preparation. The participants are the ancestor- 
host; the leader of the East, North, West, and South Bands, each 
with his two assistants; and the candidate. The fourth part {W) 
consists of the ceremony proper, which in turn must be di\ided into 
the night ceremony (a) and the day ceremony (6). The fifth part 
(V) consists of the rites held in the brush, at which the secrets of the 
society are imparted to the candidate. Special guards are placed on 
all sides of the brush to prevent the intrusion of outsiders. The 
participants are, beside the candidate, the ancestor-host, the leaders 
of the East and North Hands, each with his two assistants, and all 
other individuals who have bought the privilege of attending. These 
ceremonies take [)la(e at the dawn i)recediiig the day cerenioin . 

Two feasts and one intermission interrupt the main ceremon\ . The 
feasts always take place at the end of the ritual of the East Band; i. e., 
generally at noon atul at midnight. The intermission generally lasts 
from the dawn j)receding the day ceremony until 7 or S a. M. The 



154 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

intermission begins as soon as the drum and gourds iiavc been returned 
to the ancestor-host, and ends as soon as the people return from the 
brush ritual. 

The first and second parts are concerned entirely with a recital of 
certain ritualistic myths, and a rehearsal of the songs and the specific 
ritual of each band, used during the remaining parts. 

IV. Types of Component Elements of the Ceremony. — For 
purposes of greater clarity, the speeches, songs, and types of action, 
will be carefull}' differentiated, and referred to by some designation 
characterizing their essential traits. These speeches, songs, and types 
of action, together form complexes which can be regarded as units, 
and I will therefore also refer to these by some designation characteris- 
tic of their function. 

I. Types OF Speeches, (i) Salutations. — No formal salutation is 
used during Parts I and II, the individuals being addressed by their rela- 
tionship terms. In Parts III, IV, and V the salutations are invariably 
the same. The ancestor-host and his band are addressed as follows: 
"The-one-occupying-the-seat-of-a-relative (deceased) (some relation- 
ship terms) -and-you-who-sit-with-him, I salute you!" The East is 
addressed, " You-who-represent-the-place-where-the-sun-rises;" the 
North, " You-who-represent-the-place-where-the-cold-comes-from ;" 
the West, " You-who-represent-the-place-where-the-sun-sets;" and the 
South, " You-who-represent-the-place-where-the-sun-straightens" or 
(prcferabl)') " You-who-represent-the-end-of-the-road." 

The appellations of the bands, as before stated, refer to the creation 
myth and the four guardian spirits whom the Rabbit visited for the 
purpose of inquiring into the necessity and meaning of death. He was 
compelled to travel around the earth, which is conceived of as an 
island, and received no answer imtil he came to the spirit at the 
end of the road. In the dramatic performance of the medicine dance 
the lodge typifies the earth, and the four bands and their leaders 
typify the four spirits. The ancestor-host's band typifies the ancestor 
of the Winnebagf), their leader being known as x'okera (literally " root," 
metai)horically "ancestor"). 

(2) Speeches. — Under lliis head will l)e treated (a) speeches of 
welcome; (b) speeches of acceptation; (c) speeches of presentation; 
{d) speeches exjjlanatory (jf the significance of the ritual; and (e) 
speeches of acl monition, addressed exclusi\ely to the candidate. This 
does not exhaust all the speeches. There are many others, generally 
short, that can hardly be classified. It must be understood that in 
their rf)ntent, as well as in the order of their succession, the speeches 
must follow a traditionally determined sequence. In practice this is 
certainly not always true, but to the mind of the Winnebago these 
speeches appear as old as the cerenion\-. It is llieir lirni belief that 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 155 

any departure from the accepted norm will interfere with the efficacy 
of the ceremony. 

(a) Speeches of Welcome. — When the leader of the East Band enters 
after the ancestor-host has begun the main ceremony {W , b), he 
addresses him as follows: "It was good of you that you condescended 
to invite me to this dance. I am a poor pitiable man, and you be- 
lieved me to be a medicine-man. But I know that you will show me 
the true manner of li\ing, which I thought I possessed, but which I 
(lid not." In this strain he continues, weaving into his speech refer- 
ences to the ritual connected with his band, and giving words of 
thanks for the beautiful weather (should it be a clear day). In con- 
cluding, he thanks all again, and informs them that he will sing a 
song. With slight alterations, the leaders of the other bands address 
the ancestor-host similarly. The ancestor-host's answer of welcome is 
as follows: "Whatever I desired, you have done for me. All night 
have you stayed with me, and by your presence helped me in the proper 
performance of this ceremony. I am ready with a dancing-song; and 
when I have finished it, and sit down, I shall pass unto you tobacco 
and liie other means of blessing (the gourds and the drum). You 
all, who are present, do I greet." 

(6) Speeches of Acceptation. — After the ancestor-host has been pre- 
sented with food, he thanks the donors as follows: "You have had 
pity on me. You have been good to me, and have given me to the 
full w-hatever I might have desired. You have made my heart full 
of the blessing of thankfulness. In return I gi\'e you a blessing. Here 
is s(jme food for you. It is not anything special, nor is it as much as 
it ought to be, and I know you will remain hungry. It was prepared 
U)V the spirits of the four quarters (whom you represent), but it is 
lacking in all those (jualities which would have made it acceptable 
to them. Such as it is, however, ma\' its presentation be a means of 
blessing to you!" 

((") Speech of Presentation. — Hast jiresents the food to the ancestor- 
host with the following words: "I have not very much to tell nou, 
because I am too poor, but our ancestf)rs told us to gi\e food to nou. 
This little that I give you is all that I can do, being a person of so 
little importance." 

{(1) Explanatory Speeches. — These are of so specific a natun- that 
no single one can be considered typical. 

{e) Speeches of Admonition. — "Nephew, now I shall tell ><)ii the 
path you must walk, the life you must lead. This is the life the Rabbit 
obtained for us. This is the only kind of life, this that our ancestors 
followed. Listen to me. If you will always help yourself, then you 
will attain to the right life. Never do anything wrong. Never steal, 
never tell an untruth, and never light. If you meet a woman on the 



156 J oiinnil oj American Folk-Lore 

left side of the road, turn to the right. Never accost her, nor speak 
famiharly with a person whom >ou are not permitted thus to address. 
If you do all these things, then you will be acting correctly. This is 
what I desire of you." 

2. Types OF Sox GS. — The songs ma\- be <li\ided into two grtjups: 
(i) those that are sung in connection wiiii ni\ ths and after the speeches 
of a more general nature, and (2) those that are sung to accompany 
definite and specific actions. These latter can therefore be most 
conveniently divided into (a) minor dance songs, {b) major dance 
songs, (0 initial songs, {d) terminal songs, {e) loading songs, and (0 
shooting songs. The medicine-men distinguish only between four 
kinds of songs, — major and minor dance songs, terminal and shooting 
songs. Each has a different rhythm and music. For purposes of 
description, however, the above division is more convenient. 

3. Types of Acriox. (i) Blessing. — Either hand is held out- 
stretched, palm downward, and moved horizontally through the air. 
It is always used when entering and leaving the lodge, and on any 
occasion where an individual has to pass from one part of the lodge 
to another. It is always rendered as "blessing" by the Indians; and 
they particularly insisted upon the fact that the "blessing" was not 
conveyed by any words used in connection with the action, but by 
the action itself. Each person who is thus passed answered with a 
long-drawn-out "ho-o-o," and with an obeisance of the head. 

A modification of the ab()\-cis thena"sura ninkuruhintce (or "l)lcssing 
of the head"), which consists of a simple laying of the hand upon the 
head; both the giver and recipient keeping their eyes fixed on the 
ground, and the recipient slightly bending his head. A few nuiniblcd 
words accompany this action. 

(2) Direction of Walking in the Lodge. — One must always pass con- 
trary to the hands of the clock. A person in the East Band must make 
the entire circuit of the lodge in order to pass out. In only excep- 
tional cases can this rule of passing be broken; and that is when an 
old and specially privileged member crosses from his seat to that 
directly opposite him, during the shooting ceremony. I was given 
to understand that this was an extremely expensive privilege. 

4. Types of Ritual. — Parts III, IV, and Y can be so analyzed that 
the>' fall into a fairly well-defined number of complexes, consisting 
of speeches, songs, and mo\ements. These are nine in number. Arti- 
ficial distinctions have been avoided in this division, as far as possible. 
The complexes are (i) entrance ritual; (2) exit ritual; (3) fire ritual; 
(4) presentation-of-food ritual; (5) shooting ritual; (6) initiatif)n ritual; 
(7) sweat-lodge ritual; (8) smoking ritual; (9) basic ritual. 

Of these, (3), (5), (7), (8), and (9) are found in Part III; all, except 
(7) and (6), in Part IV (a); and all except (7) in Part IV {b)\ (5) 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 157 

does not actually occur in Part III, but is described in detail in 
the myth related there. The order in which we will discuss these 
ceremonial complexes is not the order in which they follow one another 
in the ritual. Some of them arc likewise interwoven with one another. 
Both these factors will, however, be considered in the description of 
the entire ritual, following the description of each ceremonial complex. 
(i) Entrance Ritual. — The band enters the tent, makes one complete 
circuit, and stops. The leader now delivers a short speech, followed 
by a song. They then continue to the west end, where another speech 
is delivered and another song sung. After this, the>' continue again, 
and stop at the cast end, where the leader talks and sings. Now all 
sit down. After a short pause, the leader again rises, and, walking 
over to the ancestor-host, talks to him, and gives him some tobacco. 
He then returns to his seat. Each band entering repeats the same 
ritual. This applies, however, only to Part IV (a) and {b). 

(2) Exit Ritual (Part IV, a and b). — The East leader rises and speaks, 
followed by North, West, and South. The\- then speak again, and, 
singing, walk towards the entrance in such a wa\- that the South, 
North, and West Bands make complete circuits of the lodge, thus 
enabling the East Band to precede them. Near the entrance all stop 
singing, and say "wahi-hi-hi" four times, and pass out. This exit 
ceremony diflfers slighth- in the two di\isions of IV. 

(3) Fire Ritual (Part III). — The ancestor-host rises and goes to the 
leaders of the four other bands individually; and after he has blessed 
them, they respond; and all rise, make four circuits of the lodge, and 
then sit down again. Now the leader of the East Band rises, holding 
in his hands the invitation-sticks and some tobacco, delivers a speech, 
and, going to the fireplace, kindles a new fire. 

(H) Smoking Ritual. — The leader of the East Band jiours tobacco 
into the fire, first at the east, and then at the north, west, and south 
corners. Then he lights his pipe, puffs first towards the east, then 
towards the north, west, and south. That oxer, he passes his pipe to 
the leader of the North Band, who takes a few whiffs, and in turn 
passes it around to the next member of the lodge. When the pipe has 
made the complete circuit, it is placed in front of the fireplace. In the 
mean time (he ancestor-host has returned to his siat, and after a short 
pause, rises, speaks, and sings again. This smoking ceremony occurs 
after each entrance ceremony of IV (a) and (h), and before both feasts 
of IV (a) and (h). 

(4) Prcscitt<ition-of-Foo(l Ritual (Part I\', a and !>). The U-ader of 
the East Band rises, and brings meat, berries, wild potatoes, etc., to 
the ancestor-host, d(li\cring a minor speech at the same time. Each 
of the other leaders re[)i'ats the same ceremonv'. Wiicii .dl ha\(> 
finished, the ancestor-host rises and thanks them. 



158 JoiiDial oj Avicrican Folk-Lore 

(5) General Shooliti^ Ritual (Part I\', a and /;). — The leaders of 
the East, North, West, and South Bands, holding; their otter-skins in 
their hands, rise, and, taking three men with them, make a complete 
circuit of the lodge. The>' first speak in undertones to these three 
men, giving them directions. At each end the leader of the East 
Band speaks, and then, singing, walks toward the west end, sa\ing 
" yoho-o-oya-a " three times, and ending with a long-drawn-out 
">o-ho." At the west end both he and the leader of the South Band 
speak. Then chanting "yo-ho" again, they all walk towards the 
east end. Here the leader of the East Band speaks twice. X(nv all 
place their otter-skins on the ground in front of them. East then 
speaks again. At the conclusion of his speech, all kneel in front of 
the otter-skins and cough, at which the sacred shell drops from their 
mouths upon the otter-skins. They thereupon pick it up, and holding 
the shell in one hand, and the otter-skin in the other, make a circuit 
of the lodge four times, increasing their speed with each circuit, and 
singing. All this time the shell is held in full view of the spectators, 
on the outstretched palm of their right hand. As they near the east 
end of the lodge, toward the end of the fourth circuit, standing in 
front of the Ancestor-Host's Band, they supposedly swallow the shell, 
and fall down instantaneously, head foremost, as if dead. Finally 
they come to, and, coughing the shell up, they put it into their otter- 
skin bag, and, making the circuit of the tent, shoot four members 
of the Ancestor-Host's Band, four of the East, four of the North, two 
of the West, and two of the South Band. Each person, as he is shot, 
falls prostrate on the ground, but, recovering after a few moments, 
joins those making the circuit of the tent. Each leader now takes his 
drum and gourds to the fireplace. Then the general shooting com- 
mences. Every person possessing the right, shoots one individual, 
until all the members have been shot. As each person is shot, he 
falls to the ground, feigns unconsciousness, and then slowly recovers. 
The slowness or speed of his recovery depends exclusively upon the 
privileges he possesses, and the number of years he has belonged to 
the society. As soon as the person shot recovers, he falls in line im- 
mediately after the last one shot. While all are thus walking around, 
the half-dozen people at the fireplace sing shooting-songs to the 
accompaniment of drum and gourds. The amount of noise at this 
point is quite considerable. 

(6) Initiation Ritual (Part IV, /;). — All the members of the Ancestor- 
Host's Band, and the candidate, make one circuit of the lodge, taking 
their otter-skins along with them. As they pass around, they gently 
touch the heads of the members wMth the mouth of the otter-skin, 
saying, "yoho'-o-o," to which the members respond with "ho-0-0." 
After the circuit, all return to their seats with the exception of the 



The Ritual of the Wmnebago Medicine Dance 159 

candidate, who remains at the east end, in front of the fireplace. 
After a pause, the ancestor-host joins him again, and dehvers a speech 
of the admonition type. The candidate first faces the south, and 
then the north. During his speech, the ancestor-host touches him 
on iiis head and on his chest, and makes him face first south, and then 
north. When the speech is over, the ancestor-host sings, and takes 
the candidate to the west end of the tent. 

The tent is now prepared for the initiation proper. Two long 
strips of caHco are stretched from the west to the east end of the lodge. 
They are about a foot and a half wide, and are separated from each 
other by the fireplace. At the west end a much shorter strip of the 
same material is stretched along the width of the lodge, across the 
two long strips. Upon this the candidate is placed. When these 
preparations are completed, the ancestor-host rises, and, going to each 
of the four leaders, speaks to them in an undertone. He then returns 
to his seat. The leaders of the East and North Bands now rise and 
make the complete circuit of the lodge. The former now speaks, 
then the latter. He, in turn, is followed by the former, who speaks 
twice. Then the leader of the North Band delivers another speech, 
and, together with his partner, walks to the west end of the lodge, where 
the candidate is kneeling. The two leaders here speak again. Both 
now take their sacred shells, swallow them, and walk to the east end. 
Here they speak again. Now they hold their otter-skins in readiness 
for the shooting, but first jerk them forward twice towards the four 
cardinal points, saying "dje-ha-hi, dje-ha-hi," and concluding with 
"e-hohoho." Standing upon the two long calico strips in a slightK' 
bent position, and holding their otter-skins tigluK' in their hands, 
b(jlh run raf)idly t(jward the reclining form of the candidate, making 
hnui, threatening sounds in a cjuavering \'oice, and strike his bod>' 
twice with the mouth of the otter-skin, ejaculating, as lhe\' do this, 
two short sounds, as of an animal who has succeeded in caiitiuing his 
pre>-. The candidate falls prostrate to the ground instantaneousK-, 
He is immediately covered witli a blanket, ui)oii which are pi a crd the 
(jtter-skins of the two leaders. A number of peoi)le specialK' i)ri\ iloged 
now gather around the covered figure, dance, sing, and shout to the 
accompaniment of the shouts of tiu- otlu-r members of the societN', 
all of whom seem to be in a fren/\- of e.xcitemeiit. When the noise 
has somewhat abated, the blanket is remoxed, and the figure of the 
candidate is shown, ^till a|)parentl\' imconscious. Hi- comes to 
slowly, but finally succeeds in raising himself and sitting uj). He then 
coughs violently, and the shell, which has ap|Kirently bei-n shot into 
his body, falls out of his motiili. .After this, his recovery is r.ipid. 
He is then undressed; and all tin- linery, as well as the new Inickskin 
suit, moccasins, etc., are distributed to tho.se to whom it is cuslomar\ 



i6o Journal of American Folk-Lore 

to Ri\e thrm. He now returns to his seat to the right of the Ancestor- 
Host's Band, where sonic female relative, generally his mother, dresses 
him in an ordinary suit. 

(7) Sicca t- Lad iie Ritual (Part III). — The East leader rises, and with 
his tw'o assistants makes the circuit of the sweat-lodge, during which 
time the North, West, and South leaders, each with his two assistants, 
join hiin. At the east end the leader makes four steps with his right 
foot, each time saying "wahi-hi-hi. " He then makes the circuit of 
the lodge four times. After the third circuit, he goes directly to the 
heating-stone, "in defiance of the rule," as he himself says, but with 
the hope that through this defiance he will gain additional strength. 
After he has made the fourth circuit, he seizes the two entrance-lodge 
poles, and, shaking them gently, shouts "e-ho-ho-ho." All now sit 
down. Now the ancestor-host takes four sticks and smears them with 
a special kind of greenish clay, and hands them to the leader of the 
East Band. The latter seizes them and holds them tightly with 
both hands. By this action he is supposed to obtain strength. The 
sticks are then passed in rotation to the leaders of the North, \\Vst, 
and South Bands, all of whom repeat the same ceremony. 

(9) Basic Ritual (Part IV, a and h). — This ritual is that upon which 
the ritual of the ceremony proper (Part IV, a and h) is built. In a 
certain sense it may be justifiable to consider all the abo\-c ritualistic 
complexes, with the exception of the entrance and exit rituals, as 
parts of this basic ritual. The important religious function of the 
Medicine Dance is the "passing of the blessing, " consisting of speeches, 
songs, and the blessings which each individual passes from one band 
to the other for the greater benefit of both the host and his guests. 
These blessings are symbolized by the drum, the gourds, the songs, 
the speeches, and the specific actions in which each band participates. 
The ceremony begins when the ancestor-host delivers his first speech, 
and ends when drum and gourds are returned to him. All that takes 
place between the ancestor-host's first speech, up to the time that the 
drum and gourds are placed before the members of the East Band, 
constitutes the unit that I have called the "basic ritual." Into it 
are thrust, as intrusive elements, other rituals; so that it is at times 
extremely difficult to discern the basic ritual itself. But it is there, 
and remains intact; for as soon as an intrusive ritual is finished, the 
thread of the basic ritual is taken up, and continued to the end. Such 
a ritual as the general shooting or initiation, or such myths as the 
origin myth, require hours; and yet as soon as they are over, the basic 
ceremony is continued from the point where it had been interrupted. 

The East leader rises and speaks, then sits down, and together with 
the other members of his band, sings a song (initial song). When 
this song is finished, he rises and speaks again, and then sits down and 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance i6i 

commences a song known as the "minor dancing-song." While he 
and a few others are singing, drumming, and using the gourd rattles, 
other members of his band, as well as members of the other bands, 
who care to, and who have bought the privilege, come to his seat and 
join in the dancing. When this is over, he and a few others either 
from his own or from some other band, who have bought the prixilege. 
go to the fireplace, where the leader delivers a speech and begins the 
major dancing-songs, in which the privileged members participate. 
When this is over, the drum is tied to one of the members thus privi- 
leged, generally the one who has been drumming, and the circuit of 
the lodge is twice made, the leader and his two assistants at the head, 
followed by the other members of his band. Two stops are made at 
the west, and two at the east, end of the lodge, where songs known 
as "completion songs" arc sung. Then the lodge circuit is made four 
times, all chanting " wahi-hi-hi," slowly at first, but then faster, the 
speed of the walking corresponding to that of the chanting. Then, 
with a final strong "e-ho-ho, " drum and gourds are deposited in front 
of the next band. All now return to their seats, where, before sitting 
down, the leader delivers a short speech. 

This basic ritual is repeated by each band in the manner described. 
As it is so often broken up by the intrusion of other rituals, it will be 
best to divide it into four parts. These parts are never broken up. 
Whenever intrusive elements occur, they either precede or follow. 

The first part consists of all that takes place between the first 
speech of the leader and the completion of the initial song. The speech 
referred to is the one that follows the smoking ritual, which ma\', on 
the whole, be reckoned as belonging to the introductory ritual, such as 
the entrance ritual. The second part consists of all that transpires 
between the second speech and the completion of the minor dancing- 
.song. The third part consists of all that transpires between the speech 
at the fireplace and the completion of the major dancing-songs. The 
fourth part consists of all that transi)ires between the completion of 
the major dancing-songs, and the last speech the leader makes after 
he has pa.ssed the drum and gourds to the next band. 

The mf)st bewildering intrusion is that which follows the second 
part. Before the leader and his assistants go to the fireplace, the 
elaborate general shooting ritual takes place. After the sjxjcially 
designated men of each band ha\e been shot, those specialU- pri\i- 
leged proceed to the fireplace. Here they sing the shooting-songs 
until the shooting ritual isoM-r. The first set of drummers and gourd- 
rattle holders ari- often relie\e(l l)\- a second set. It is onl\- wlu-n the 
shooting-songs have been completed, that the leader and his assistants 
proceed to the fireplace to begin the third i)art of the It.isic ritual. 

V. Ci:ri:m()NV .\-^ a Wiioi.i:. — As stated before, there are certain 



i62 Joiinuil of American Folk-Lore 

speeches and iyjK>s of action that cannot he lilted into the above 
description. This is esi)ecially true of nnihs; and these, with the 
exception of the content of tlic nn th, will now he considered in con- 
nection with the description of the entire ritual as related to nic by 
Blowsnake, and based on the above di\"isions. The ceremony begins 
with an account of the manner in which Blowsnake was induced to 
join the society, l^pon his acceptance, and payment of the recjuired 
amount of material, the ceremony began. 

The first two nights consisted of an informal salutation, two ex- 
planatory speeches and four myths, the latter in no way connected 
with any part of the Medicine Dance. The last three myths deal with 
the legendary account of the origin of the Winnebago Medicine Dance, 
and its dissemination among the tribe. 

At sunset the leader of the band to which the candidate has applied 
for admission, gathers together the members of his band, and all re- 
tire to a little lodge near his home, in order to begin the Four Nights' 
Preparation. It is only after the leader has finished the first song that 
the other four bands who are holding corresponding preparations are 
allowed to begin. What actually takes place during these four nights 
is not positively known, but there is little doubt that they are used as 
a general rehearsal of songs, speeches, and other elements of the cere- 
mony.^ In all probability, the candidate who is i)rcsent in the lodge 
of his future ancestor-host is likewise instructed in as many things as 
an uninitiated member is allowed to know. This instruction consists 
in the teaching of certain m^'ths and types of action. 

On the morning after the last of the four nights, the candidate is 
given some sacrificial tobacco, and told to go in search of a stone for 
the sweat-bath. He selects a stone that he can carry on his back 
easily. Before picking it up, he pours tobacco on it. As soon as the 
stone is brought to the lodge of the host, it is heated. The candidate 
is now despatched for some oak-branches, four pieces of oak-wood 
about two feet and a half in length, and some grass. The grass is 
used for improvised scats. The oak-wood is used for the four con- 
struction poles of the sweat-lodge. They are placed in the east, 
north, west, and south points respectively. It is not permitted to 
trim the tops of the oak-wood. When all the bands have gathered 
near the medicine-lodge, and retired to their improvised lodges, the 
ancestor-host and the candiflatc go to the lodge of the East leader 
(that is, to the lodge of the band first invited), and greet him by 
touching his head with their hand. 

' The speeches arc not actually rehearsals of speeches to be delivered during the cere- 
mony proper, but they refer to the purpose of tlie Medicine Dance much in the same way 
as do some of the speeches in the ceremony proper. A large number of miscellaneous 
myths are likewise related. 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 163 

He answers with "ho-0-0." The leader of the first band rises, and, 
accompanied by his two assistants, goes to the sweat-lodge. The 
ancestor-host goes to the lodges of the other bands and greets the 
leaders in a similar manner. After the leader and assistants of the 
band last invited have entered the sweat-lodge, the ancestor-host, 
the candidate, and his assistants enter, and the ceremonies begin. 

After the ceremonial salutation and an introductory speech, the 
ancestor-host, as the leader of the band gix'ing the Medicine Dance 
may now be called, rises, and, taking his invitation-slick and some 
tobacco, approaches the leader of each band, and, blessing him, 
thanks him for coming, and assures him at the same time to how great 
a degree his presence will contribute toward the success of the per- 
formance of the ritual. He then returns to his seat. The leaders 
thank him in turn. Xow follow the fire and smoking rituals, which 
in turn are followed by twelve speeches of a general and of an ex- 
planatory character. Then comes the "strengthening" ritual; and 
immediately after come two exceedingly long myths describing the 
initiation of the first man into the secrets of the lodge, as well as the 
symbolic meaning of the shooting ritual. All now undress and take 
a sweat-bath. Female candidates are excluded. A number of short 
speeches follow, and the whole concludes with the exit ritual. 

The drum and gourds are used to accompany the song. The basic 
ritual is perhaps present, to a certain extent. However, it was im- 
possible to witness the ritual, and for this reason the procedure seems 
somewhat hazy to the writer. 

When the ritual in the sweat-bath is over, there is a slight pause. 
The candidate, the ancestor-host and his band, enter the medicine- 
lodge, and, after taking their seats, sing a few songs. When the 
last song is concluded, the other bands enter in the order of their 
invitation. Now comes the entrance ritual followed by the smoking 
ritual. Thereui)on the ancestor-host rises and delivers the opening 
speech of the basic ritual. The ancestor-host does not go through 
the entire basic ritual at this lime, because he is not permitted to 
begin tlic shooting ritual. Soon after tlir Ix-^iiiiiing of the basic ritual 
by I he ancestor-host, generally after the second speech, gourds and 
drum are passed to tlie leader of the ICasl Band. This one rises and 
begins the l);isic ritual, which he intcrru|)ts at the end of the second 
pari, in order to begin the gc-neral shooting ritual. When that is 
finished, he contiiuies with the third and fourth |)aits of tlu' basic 
ritual. Then driiin and gourds are passed to the Noitii Haml. Its 
leader now in turn begins his basic ritual, but stops after the si-iond 
part, where the j)resentation-of-food ritual and the smoking ritual 
intervene. It is now about niiduii^lit, and a ti-asl is partaki-n of. 
As soon as the feast is finished, .iiid the lodge has bi-tn ck-ared of 



i64 Jounial of American FoJk-Lore 

food and catiii^-utonsils, the leader of the North Band continues with 
the third and fourlli parts of the basic ritual. The leaders of the 
West and South Bands perform the basic ritual without any interrup- 
tions, except, of course, that of the general shooting ritual between 
the second and third parts. The drum and gourds ha\e now reached 
the ancestor-host, who goes through the third and fourth parts of 
the basic ritual. There is, however, some doubt as to whether this is 
alwa\s done. Then follows the exit ritual, and all pass out to rest 
for a few hours. 

A short time preceding dawn, the candidate, the leaders of the East 
and North Bands, and the ancestor-host, each with two assistants, 
and all other members who are privileged to do so, leave the lodge and 
walk to tiie brush, where the candidate is to be initiated into the 
mysteries of the sacred shell and the shooting. Each band must 
ha\e one or more of its members present at this ritual.' When they 
are near the place set aside for the secret ritual, the order of marching, 
which up to this time had been of no consequence, changes into that 
of single file, the leader of the East Band leading. W^hen they have 
arrived at the place, all stop. The East leader now informs those 
present that he is going to make a road for the candidate, symbolical 
of the path of life, which forms the basis of the sweat-bath and Medi- 
cine Dance. Singing, he circles the spot four times. At the end of 
the fourth circuit he stops, and all turn around and face east. The 
leader of the North Band has also the right to go through this ritual, 
but he does not always do it. Repeating the ceremony is in all 
probability connected with extra expense. All now sit down, and 
the specific rites of the brush ritual begin. 

The ancestor-host rises, and, taking the candidate with him, goes 
to the leader of the East Band and speaks to him. Then he and the 
candidate return to their seats. The East leader now relates to the 
candidate a portion of the story of the creation of the earth and of the 
first man. The North leader then tells the story of the journey to 
the land of the spirits, to the lodge of the earth-maker. When this 
is finished, the two leaders teach the candidate how to go through the 
actions incidental to the shooting, the swallowing of the shell, and 
the recovery from its effects. W^hen they think that he is sufficiently 
adept in all these actions, they dress him in his new suit, put on a new 
pair of moccasins, decorate him with finery, and return to the medicine- 
lodge. 

These rites generally la'st until about eight in the morning; so that 
when those who have participated in the brush ritual are returning, 
the other members of the Medicine Dance are also about ready to 

'This has been contradicted by some of my informants, who claim that only the East 
and North Bands have representatives at the brusli ceremony. 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 165 

begin the cla>' ceremon\-, the |)riiuii)al one of tlie entire Medicine 
Dance. The ancestor-host again precedes the other leaders in entering 
the lodge. Then follows the entrance ritual. During this ritual the 
drum is struck four times at stated intervals. The smoking ritual 
now follows. When it is concluded, the ancestor-host rises to begin 
the basic ritual, which is interrupted at the end of the second part. 
Gourds and drum are passed to the East Band, whose basic ritual is 
also interrupted at the end of the second part. Now follows, first the 
initiation of the candidate into the Medicine Dance, and then the 
general shooting ritual. When the East leader has concluded, drum 
and gourds are passed to the North Band, whose basic ritual is not 
interrupted, as upon the preceding day. At the conclusion of the 
basic ritual of the North Band, the food-presentation ritual follows, 
then that of the smoking ritual, and finally the feast. After the feast, 
the leader of the West Band narrates the origin myth of the Medicine 
Dance, which is continued by the leader of the South Band. The 
presents are then distributed. After this, the basic ritual is continued 
by the leader of the West Band, followed by that of the South Band, 
and finally drum and gourds are passed to the ancestor-host. He 
either finishes the third and fourth parts of the basic ritual, or takes 
drum and gourds to the fireplace. The exit ritual now begins, and 
at about sunset the entire ceremon>' of the Medicine Dance is over. 
On the whole, it must be said, that the main difference between (a) 
and (b) of Part IV setting aside the initiation, lies simply in the 
number of myths told and the greater length of the speeches. 

H. DHSCKII'TION OF TIIK OJIHWA MlI)i;WIWI\ 

.•\i I shall ha\L' occasion to refer fre(iuentl\ to the Midewiwin of the 
Ojibwa and Menominee, a short suniniar\ of these two ci-renionies 
will be inserted here. 

Tlie Ojibwa Midewiwin is a society of shamans of hotii sl-xi>s. 
It. is graded into four degrees, special initiation being reciuired for 
each degree. The ritual of all the degrees seems to be the propert>()f 
five shamans, - I he four so-called " ini(le-i)riests" and the preceptor. 
In the lodge the prece|)tor occupies a i)osilion to the side of the candi- 
date and the mide-prii-sis sitting near the western entr.uue.' 

I here .ire two methods of adnii^^ioii. A man may appl\ in'cause 
in his fasting some nianito connected with the Midewiwin ha.s ap|)eared 
to him. or he may take the place of an indi\ iduai who li.is died while 
[)repariiig for initiation. As .so<tn a> the candidate's .i|)pli( ation has 
been ac(e|)ted, a |)receptor is selected, whose (liit\ it is to instruct the 
new pii|)il in the mide teachings, and explain to him tlu- meaning and 
origin of the regalia, the songs, and tlie orii^in of the Midiw i\\ in itself, 

^Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, vul. vii. p. iSH. <tiaKr<im. 
VOL. XXIV. — NO. 92. — 12 



i66 Joiiniiil of A))icric(i)i Folk-Lore 

by means of birch-bark records. The time reciuired for ihis instruc- 
tion varies, depending ui)on the preceptor and the amount of i5a>ment. 
The knowledge required for each degree is definitely determined, and 
is imparted almost entirely during this preparatory instruction. When 
the candidate has acquired the specified information, and the required 
payments have been made, a four-nights' preparation takes place, 
during which he takes four sweat-baths. At dawn of the day of ini- 
tiation he repairs to the sweat-lodge, clad in his best clothes, to await 
the arrival of his preceptor and- the four officiating priests. 

The initiation ceremonies which follow are the same for the second, 
third, and fourth degrees in almost all details, except that those for the 
fourth are more elaborate. The first degree is like the others in its 
possession of a shooting ceremony and general speeches, but dififers 
in elaboration and symbolism of the ritual. 

The shooting is performed by the four officiating mide; but it is 
only the leader of these four who succeeds in rendering the candidate 
unconscious. A candidate for the first degree is shot in the breast; 
one for the second, in the joints; and one for the third and fourth, 
in the joints and forehead. After he has been initiated, the candidate 
tries his power on all the members present. Indiscriminate shooting, 
as described among the Winnebago, only occurs at the initiation into 
the fourth degree. 

To the Ojibwa the Midewiwin is the dramatization of the struggle 
of the bear-spirit with the evil spirit, bear, serpent, panther, etc. 
The candidate impersonates the good bear-spirit, and some mide 
sometimes take upon themselves the impersonation of the evil spirits.^ 
In the ritual of the fourth degree, representing the complete initiation, 
the dramatization and its symbolistic interpretation are best shown. 
He who succeeds becomes correspondingly powerful in his profession. 
Hunters, warriors, and lovers have occasion to call upon him, and 
charms to counteract the evil effects of an enemy's work are some- 
times sought. - 

The Ojibwa intcri^rctation of the Midewiwin is seen in all its details 
in the birch-bark records.' A mide of the second degree can look 
into futurity; can hear what is transpiring at a distance; can touch, 
for good or for e\il, friends and enemies at a distance, howe\'er remote; 
and has the ability to traverse all space in the acconii)lishnient of his 
desires or duties.* A bad mide of this degree has the power of assuming 
the form of any animal. In this guise he may destroy the life of his 
victim immediately, and then resume his human form and ai:)pear 
innocent of the crime. A "fourth-degree mide" is presumed to be 

^Annual Report of I he Bureau of American lillniology, vol. vii. pp. 245, 255-274. 
^Ibid.. p. 257. 
^Ibid., pp. 167-181. 
*Ibid.. p. 168. 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 167 

in a position to accomplish the greatest feats in necromancy and magic. 
He is not only endowed with the power of reading the thoughts and 
intentions of others, but also of calling forth the shadow (soul) and 
of retaining it within his grasp at pleasure. 

From the above it will be seen that the Midewiwin covered prac- 
ticalK- all the religious and the shamanistic ideas of the Ojibwa. 

C. DESCRIPTION OF THE MENOMINEE MIDEWIWIN 

Among the Menominee, initiation generally takes place as a sub- 
stitution of one individual for one who has died, although any person 
who gives proof of eligibility is accepted. The former is by far 
the more common method. Generally a person makes the promise 
of procuring a substitute for some deceased member, and a favorite 
relative or dear friend of the deceased may be elected. There are 
four mide-priests who determine upon the candidacy and appoint an 
instructor. The instruction the candidate receives is confined to 
the knowledge of the remedies known to the instructor.* Each remedy 
must be paid for separately. The four mide-priests select two sets 
of assistants and two ushers, who all play a prominent part in the 
ceremonies proper.- 

When a candidate is taking the place of a deceased member, the 
ceremonies begin at the grave of the latter,' and, after a service which 
lasts from dusk of one day to dawn of the next, all proceed to the 
Midewiwin lodge. Rut only the four highest officiating mcdicinc-mcn 
enter. After a ritual which consists of chants and speeches of welcome, 
and the passing of the drum from the first to the other three mide, 
the other members who arc to take an active part enter. A short ritual 
then takes place, after which the second set of mide enter and another 
ritual follows. Then the ordinary and visiting mide enter, the former 
taking seats according to the phratries to which they belong; and the 
candidate, his nearest relations, and he who had promised to give the 
feast, enter with them and take seats near the mide of the first group. 
FiiialK' the third set of mide enter. The seating in the lodge is, 
candidate, friends, etc., near the eastern end; first four mide, next 
to them; second set, on northern side near western entrance; and third 
set of mide, at the middle of the southern side. 

Tlu' ceremonies begin by calling the candidate forward to stand 
before the mide of I lie first group. His famih- and friends stand 
around liiiii in .1 >eiiiieircle, dancing in lime to the chanting and 
drumming. < )iie of the mide begins a chant, at the end of which a 
pause occurs, and the candidate and friends resuiiu- their seats. The 

' Annual Report of the liureau of American lithnology, vol. .xiv, (). O9. 
' Compari" diaKratn, ihid.. \t. 75. 
' lhi,l, p. 75. 



i68 Joiirfial of American Folk-Lore 

tlriini is passed in rotation U) the second, third, and fourth niide. As 
they chant, the candidate, etc., stands before them. The last of the 
four tlicn chants the origin myth of the Midewiwin. The drum is 
now passed to the midc who liad chanted first. He continues the 
narration of the rituaUstic myths. Drum and gourds are then passed 
from one mide to the other, and from the first set of mide to the third, 
until the circuit has been made. 

These ceremonies are continued through the night, although only 
the three sets of mide remain in the lodge all that time. Shortly- 
after sunrise, almost all leave the lodge. When they return, prepara- 
tions are made for the initiation. The shooting of the candidate is 
performed by the second set of mide. The candidate, after recovering, 
makes the circuit of the lodge, shooting whomsoever he desires. The 
characteristics of this shooting ceremony are practically identical with 
those of the Winnebago. 

D. THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE RITUAL 

1. The Common Elements. — The common elements in the forego- 
ing ritualistic complexes are both general and specific in nature. We 
have, as general, an initiation ritual; and as specific, a shooting ritual. 
There are in addition, in the Central Algonkin and Winnebago group, 
other resemblances, such as similarities in the ethical teaching, in the 
details of the shooting ritual itself, aiid in the presence of the secret 
brush ritual. To the above must be added the fact that the songs 
of the Winnebago ceremonies are to a large extent in some Central 
Algonkin dialect. 

The meaning of these general similarities will be touched upon later. 
What I wish to insist upon here is, that if the ritualistic complexes 
are at all to be regarded as identical, this is so by reason of the presence 
in each of a shooting ritual. This identity is strengthened in each 
case by the association of this specific shooting ritual with the more 
general feature of initiation. The most dramatic phase in the main 
ceremony is this initiation and shooting complex; and it seems, there- 
fore, (juitc intelligible why the number of similar details thus asso- 
ciated together should have been interpreted as the historically pri- 
mary and basic elements. 

To postulate an historical i(k'iuit\-, however, on the basis of a 
number of common elements, in the face of numerous and important 
differences, imj^lies a specific attitude toward the nature and signifi- 
cance of the common elements in these ceremonies. We know, indeed, 
that almost all theoreticians place greater insistence upon the simi- 
larities than upon the differences in cultural phenomena. There is 
perhaps a natural tendency to do so. But quite apart from this 
tendency, there must likewise be certain definite reasons for such an 



( 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 169 

interpretation. It is essential, consequently, to understand at the 
very outset the theoretical justification of this position. 

II. The Interpretation of the Common Elements — Schurtz's 
Theory. — This question has been taken up in extenso by Schurtz,' 
in his work on "Age Classes and Men's Societies." Here, as well as 
in previous theoretical discussions, the presence of a number of simi- 
larities has been considered sufficient for establishing the identity of 
a group of ceremonies that admittedly possess a large number of 
specific peculiarities. But Schurtz gives us a detailed psychological 
exposition (and in this lies perhaps his superiority over others who 
have discussed the same subject) of the reasons which have prompted 
him to take a certain attitude toward these "similarities." If 
Schurtz's work is therefore selected in preference to that of others, 
it is because of the fact that, in addition to practically taking the same 
position as most of the other theoreticians, he has most clearly defined 
some of the assumptions underlying their position. 

Schurtz's line of argument seems to ha\e been the following. .-\n 
investigation of civilized as well as of primitive organizations has 
disclosed a number of similarities. Their historical development is 
unknown; but the enormous distance separating them geographically, 
precludes the possibility that these similarities have been due either 
to borrowing or to dissemination from someone original centre. They 
must consequently be explained by assuming that the\' ha\e devel- 
oped independently, as external manifestations of the unity of the 
human mind. We are thus led to the assumption accepted by most 
cthn(jl(;gisls to-day, that the human mind tends to express itself in 
similar modes of thought and action the world over. The variation 
in these modes is to be ascribed either to the dilTerences in the nature 
of the geograi)hical and social surroundings or to the emotional and 
intellectual in(li\iduality of different groups of people, or to both. 
We are, however, concerned here not so much with the variations as 
with the common mfxles of thought and action. It is conseciuently 
of prime importance to determine first the nature of these modes, 
their sc(|uencc, and the extent to which this sequence has been con- 
ditioned by the modes themselves. 

We start at the very outset with an implied assumption; for by 
"sefiuence," Schurtz distinctly understood an ordered se(|uence. His 
work is primarily an attempt to determine what this ordered se(|uence 
has been, and how it has been determined. The norm of organization 
in which the human race expressed itself primarily, is. according to 
him, the age-group. Owing to the historical <levcl(>|)men( of \arious 
cultural areas, it is no longer possible tf) detect this "primary element;" 
and he conse(|uenlly finds it necessary to demonstrate its existence 
from another point of view, which is essentially psychological. 

' Hrinrich Schurtz. AlUrskUissm und Stiinni-rltundr. lyoj; cf. I'MiK-cialiy pp. i 8a. 



170 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

The developnicMit of the age-group has followed a very definite 
sequence — definite, because it has been determined by certain in- 
herent tendencies of the human mind. These tendencies are "the 
instinct for association " ^ {Geselligkeitstrieb) and "the sexual instinct" 
{Geschlechtstrieb). Granting the existence of these two tendencies, 
we have then to inquire how they have conditioned the essential 
similarities in the evolution of our social life, and the forms in which 
that social life has expressed itself. 

There are two possible assumptions. We may assume that at a 
certain stage of cultural development groups of people possessed no 
social individuality sufificiently strong to determine their own develop- 
ment, and that the GeseUigkeitstrieh and Geschlechtstrieh alone, or 
reinforced by other factors, were sufificiently strong to condition devel- 
opment along certain lines; or we may, on the other hand, assume that 
the primary modes in which people have expressed themselves are 
necessarily of so simple and generalized a type, that they always were 
the same. Schurtz has practically assumed a stage in human develop- 
ment when the individuality of the component units of a social group 
was at a minimum; when there was, so to say, a "group mind," 
whose initial development is most easily explained by the influence 
of inherent tendencies. It must be said, in fairness to Schurtz, that 
the other alternative mentioned above was probably also in his mind. 
However, he seems to have elaborated his theory with the first alter- 
native constantly before his eyes. 

This unexpressed assumption is of the greatest possible moment 
in Schurtz's interpretation, because it immediately establishes a 
certain fixity for his primary norm; and excluding as it does the 
possibility of variation, because the two tendencies, as constants, are 
acting upon social groups whose component members have a minimum 
of individuality, brings it about that the same primary norm must be 
simple and generalized in its nature. 

Schurtz has thus given us a psychological milieu, and we must now 
proceed to investigate what are the specific norms of development, 
the method by which these norms have been determined, the nature 
of their sequence, and how this sequence has been absolutely condi- 
tioned. The first tw^o of these points become clearer if we attack the 
question of sequence first. 

It is apparent from Schurtz's work that to him the necessity for 
an ordered sequence was self-evident. This acceptance of an ordered 
sequence as axiomatic was conditioned primarily by the fact that he 
implied at the very outset that the ordered sequence present in the 
evolution of biological phenomena was to be found in an essentially 

• Wherever the phrase "instinct for association" is used, it is an attempt to render 
the German Geselligkeilslrieb. 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 171 

comparable manner in the development of ci\ilization. In the same 
way Schurtz's use of the terms "highest" and "lowest" and of "inter- 
mediate stages" is only inadequately explained when regarded as 
derived from the study of history. Neither can we assume that these 
terms were merely a reflection of the conclusion he had drawn from a 
comparison of the palpable differences between Europeans and 
"primitive" people. His whole treatment of "intermediate stages," 
and of the factors he calls to his aid in explaining them, — such as 
divergences due to variations from a type, vestiges, functional changes, 
— these are all strictly biological not merely in their terminolog\-, but 
likewise in their general connotation. 

The justification for equating the processes which have played a 
large part in historical and biological evolution seemed, indeed, ap- 
parent. In the cultural history of any people, we find elements splitting 
up and giving rise to innumerable variations. In this divergence we 
meet again and again with two phenomena, — first, that of the general 
decay of cultural elements, of their total disappearance in some cases 
and of their persistence as vestigial remains in others; and, secondU', 
that of the incessant change, of the re-adjustment and re-interpretation 
of cultural phenomena, so that elements often take upon themselves 
functions which they originally did not possess, while these original 
functions are either partially or totally obscured. Numerous other 
points, more specific in nature, could be adduced to demonstrate more 
full>' the essential similarity of cultural and biological phenomena. 

The comparability of the data of civilization and biology brought 
in its train, however, the natural corollary that the general course of 
their development was the same. Such an assumption fitted in 
admirably with the psychological presuppositions of Schurtz, and with 
the inferences he felt justified in drawing from the historical data. 
Neither Schurtz, nor, for that matter, any theoretician of his time, 
ever made any attempt to prove that the method of biological evolution 
was the same as that of the historical. It was commonly assumed to 
have been the same; but, (juite apart from this accei)tance of a fact 
that seemed to need no pnxjf, the similarity in the evolution of bio- 
logical and historical phenomena was b>' implication conditioned by 
his psychological assumptions. The number of norms are necessarily 
reduced to a miiiimuin when inherent tendencies are acting on a 
"group mind," foi- it would l)r tacitly admitting a large range for 
personal indi\idualit>', to assume the existence of many norms; but 
if there are only a few norms, or, as Schurtz concludes, one norm, — 
that of the age-group, — variations can onl\ have arisen as differentia- 
tions of this norm, due to influences either from within or from witiiout. 
We are consecjuently reduced to a condition exactK' parallel to 
that whi( h wc find, according to the theory of evolution, in biology. 



172 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



Variations are the result of a differentiation of some unit. It is the 
()l)ject, in the classification of biological data, to demonstrate, by 
means of a series of ascending forms, the evolution of the most 
highly differentiated from the least differentiated. In thus arranging 
the data, it followed that the least-differentiated forms contained the 
simple general manifestations of life, and that at the same time the 
most highly-differentiated forms likewise contained all these simple 
general manifestations, although they were here, as a rule, so changed 
as to be entirely obscured, if not unrecognizable. 

In a manner almost exactly parallel to the above, Schurtz sought 
to classify the phenomena of social organization. The highest must 
contain within itself the simple and general phenomena of the lowest 
form. Having thus demonstrated to his satisfaction the existence 
and the necessity of an ordered sequence, he turned his attention to 
demonstrating that this sequence was psychologically as well as his- 
torically conditioned. His line of argument here can best be shown by 
analyzing the first few chapters of his book. 

At the basis of all social organizations lie two elementary forces, — 
the "instinct for association" and the "sexual instinct." The sexual 
instinct is primary, because it is obviously an essential condition of 
life. The instinct for association is secondary in so far as its expression 
in outward form is concerned. It is as old as the sexual instinct; but, 
since at the initial stage of human development the sexual instinct 
is so strong a force, the instinct of association had no obser\able 
influence on the actions of men. 

The forms of social organization which the sexual instinct conditions 
are those based upon certain kinds of blood relationship. These forms 
are primary. To establish the priority of the forms thus imposed 
by blood relationship, w^e have but to remember that, as the relation- 
ship of individuals to one another preceded everything else, so the 
social forms based upon blood relationship must have preceded all 
other social forms. \Vc are therefore to regard as the earliest stage 
of social f)rganization that of groups bound together by blood rela- 
tionship. But what has been the force differentiating these groups? 
Obviously not the same sexual instinct that has caused the formation of 
these primary groups. To explain the factors that have caused this dif- 
ferentiation we must call to our aid two i)henomena, — first, that of 
sexual solidarity; and, sccondK-, that of the instinct for association. 

Sexual solidarity has its roots in the nature of man and woman, 
and is possessed by them in equal intensity. The instinct for associa- 
tion is, however, a specifically masculine trait. It is found among 
women only in a minimal degree. An imi)ortant corollary follows 
from this fact: If women societies are found anywhere, the>' are to be 
considered merely as imitations of men's societies. If women are 



Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 173 

found as members in a society, this is to be regarded as secondary and 
purely adventitious. These, and some more specific points to be 
enumerated later, must be borne in mind continually, as Schurtz 
makes a far-reaching use of them. 

The instinct for association, he goes on to say, expresses itself, 
however, between those of like interests; that is, between those who 
would most likely be of the same age. It is not likely, for instance, 
to occur between married and unmarried men. We have here two 
apparently organically determined classes. In the earliest stages of 
social development, however, when the norms of social expression 
conditioned by the sexual instinct were still of paramount importance, 
insistence was most naiuraily placed upon the most important stage 
of man's physiological development, — the age of pubcrt>'. The strong 
line of demarcation between tiie period preceding and following sexual 
maturitN' was so ever-present a fact to the mind of primitive man, that 
it found expression in the multitude of initiatory rites. In these 
initiatory rites we have another of the specific "symptoms" with which 
we shall ha\e to deal afterward. 

When the instinct for association de\cloped more strongly, the dif- 
ferences due to age, plus the physiological factor, conditioned the 
natural formation of two classes, — one of men before puberty, and 
one of men after puberty. This natural twofold division was also 
strengthened by another factor; for until the age of pubert>-, boys 
were under the influence of women, and were therefore to be reckoned 
as one with them. 

The three groups — men before pul)crt\', unmarried nun after 
j)uberl\, and married men — are thus buill upon the basis of age dis- 
tinction and common interest. They are the norms of primiii\ e social 
organization, and, as we ha\e seen, their origin is due lo inherited 
instincts. By implication Schurtz has here also assunuil 1 he existence 
of a definite seciuence; for the dixision into pre- and i)()sl-pubert>" groups 
is a conse(|uen<e of the sexual instinct, and is therefore primar\-. 
Differentiation into the groups of married and unmarric-d mi'ii tiu-re- 
upon fr)ll()wed; but the initiation, which is s\nchronous with the age 
of sexual maturity, has introduced another factor, that of |)romiscu()Us 
sexual intercourse; and tlu- regulation tliat tliis has demanded is 
found oiilwardK' expressed in the "men's house." The common 
interests that drew men togethi-r into groups ha\e thus far been those 
conditioned largeK by age. In the (le\ cloiJinent of sociel\'. however, 
interests became more and more diNcrNilied, and rt'sulled, first, in the 
disap[iearan<(' of the age factor as the i-ssentia! element for associations, 
and, secondK , in I lie necessity for more closely organized imits with 
specific characteristics. To obtain this close organization, one of the 
essential elements was secrecy, and thus develoi)e(l out of the "men's 



174 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

house" those innumerable clubs and secret societies which we find 
so common to-day. 

In such manner we have constructed an ascending evolutionary 
series. It must not be forgotten that in such a series the highest 
stage is but a differentiated lower stage. It must likewise be remem- 
bered that there is a tendency for intermediate stages to leave vestigial 
remains wherever they developed into higher stages. We may con- 
sequently expect to find traces of "age groups" and "men's houses" 
all over the world. In addition, we must remember that a number of 
"symptoms" — such as "the exclusion of women" from a society, the 
presence of "an initiation," of "degrees," and of "secrecy" — have 
always been associated with certain stages of growth. They may 
serve us for criteria of this growth and of the stages thereof, and they 
constitute proofs of historical identity. They will often appear 
unassociated with the definite stage assigned to them; but that is 
immaterial, for their almost universal presence is a sufficient guaranty 
of their significance. It is not necessary to inquire into their indi- 
vidual significance among definite societies, because a negative answer 
would prove nothing, as differences from the general scheme outlined 
can be interpreted most easily in terms of some functional change. 

It must of course be remembered that the various points of view 
from which Schurtz approached his problem were so inextricably inter- 
woven, that it is unwarranted to assume that every position he took 
was as distinctly analyzed as I have attempted to show. 

From two points of view, a psychological and a biological one, 
Schurtz obtained similar conclusions. It is now only necessary, after 
we have seen how he established his psychological milieu and his 
sequence of norms, to investigate the manner in which he approached 
the ethnological data themselves. 

Schurtz claims to have reached his interpretation from an inductive 
study of the available data. We have seen that there is good reason 
to suppose that he approached the data with certain preconceptions, 
the most important of which was the necessity of "ascending stages" in 
the evolution of society. He had to determine, before everything else, 
the initial stage of social evolution, and to look for it or for as close an 
approximation to it as might still be found to-day. However, as 
soon as we accept what Schurtz thought were the necessary conse- 
quences of the two tendencies, — of the instinct for association and of 
the sexual instinct, — obviously, then, that organization which conforms 
closest to the conditions there imposed would be the most primitive. 

He thereupon found himself confronted with the relatively easy 
task of finding such an organization. He found it in Australia, and 
selected it as the starting-point of his series. In justice to Schurtz 
and other theoreticians, it should, however, be said that the Australian 



The Rihial of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 175 

cultures impressed many then, and continue to impress many now, 
as cultures that either had been stunted in their growth, or had 
developed only as far as the most primitive stages. From that point 
on, the construction of a series was a simple task. 

Such, in brief, is the position of Schurtz. 

He wished to convey the impression that his theory was based 
entirely upon an inductive study of the data; but we have seen that, 
by means of two powerful tendencies, he in reality based his interpreta- 
tion upon a deductive study. He does, it is true, claim that the exist- 
ence of these tendencies was established inductively; but even if we 
were to grant this, it is apparent that he subsequently disassociated 
the tendencies from the data, and used them as new entities from 
which to re-interpret the facts. 

It has been pointed out before that Schurtz did not believe that the 
absence of any or all of the "symptoms" constituted an argument 
against his theory. In the same way, any evidences of convergent 
evolution, of the appearance of "symptoms" of higher stages asso- 
ciated with those of a lower stage, would not militate against his 
position. Such phenomena were to be regarded as purely adventitious. 
Dissemination of cultures, he held, was possible; but, although simi- 
larities due to such an agency might obscure the normal development, 
this normal development could hardly be fundamentally disarranged 
thereby. 

The theory of Schurtz might be examined from' two points of 
view. One might critically examine the validity of the assumptions 
per se, and the justifiability of his inferences; or one might temporarily 
lay aside the theory entirely, and examine the data individually. 
It is the latter method of approach that I shall here adopt. 

With this purpose in view, I have selected for examination and inter- 
pretation the data furnished by the Ojibwa-Menominee Midewiwin, 
the Winnebago Medicine Dance, and the Omaha Shell and Pebble 
Societies. The investigation of specific data will, however, not have 
any general validity, unless it can be shown that their specific content 
is the result of certain very general psychological tendencies. 

The cf)mmon elements in the ceremonial complexes have led to the 
predication of their identity, and it will be best therefore to begin 
our study with an analysis of them. 

III. liii': SiiooTiNc; Ritual. — Ii niiglit perhaps lie expedient, 
before discussing the phenomena of "shooting" in general, to analyze 
what is supposed to be its precise nature among the \arious tribes 
possessing it in one form or another. Generally speaking, the essential 
idea lies in the siiiuilation of being shot \)\ a nn'ssile, and re-acting \)\ 



I7<i JoHDial of American Folk-Lore 

simulatin.c: nuiscular contractions until the individual falls prone upon 
the ground. The general theory of the Ojibwa-Menominee and of the 
Winnebago is, that death must thereupon normally result, but that 
certain conditions may change this fatal efTect into one of temporary 
unconsciousness. Among the Omaha, the simulated death is inter- 
preted as the dramatic representation of the death of certain persons 
known in the ceremony of the Shell Society as "children." Among 
the Santee Dakota, it seems to have had no very definite meaning.^ 

The Ojibwa,'^ Menominee,' Winnebago, and Dakota are at one in 
interpreting the effects of the shooting as the result of the magical 
powers inherent in the missile used. Efficiency in shooting, howe\er, 
depends not merely upon the missile, but also upon the shaman using 
it. According to the esoteric interpretation of the Winnebago, the 
specific results could only be obtained by being a member of the 
Medicine Dance. There are indications that this specific efficacy was 
associated with the general magical power of shamans, — a power that 
had been obtained through personal visions, not in any way connected 
with this society. For the Ojibwa-Menominee, this latter seems to 
have been by far the more important source for efficacy. For example, 
the otter-skin bag could be used with the same effect quite apart 
from the performances of the Midewiwin. In the Omaha ceremonies 
it is not quite clear exactly what renders the shooting efficacious, 
and whether the result is inherent in the magical power of the missile. 

In all the ritualistic complexes there are variations both as to the 
manner in which the shooting is done, and as to the portion of the 
body aimed at. Excluding the Omaha societies, these variations in all 
cases depend upon the status of membership. The Ojibwa-Menominee 
shooting is in nature and in interpretation quite similar to that of the 
Winnebago; while the Omaha presents a number of \-ariations from 
the type. 

In the Ojibwa-Menominee ceremonies the shooting ritual is always 
associated with the admission of a new member. This includes, of 
course, also the initiation of individuals into higher degrees, wherever 
such exist. The shooting is done principally by the newly initiated 
individual, because he is supposed to be tr>ing his powers. There 
occurs, besides this, a general shooting, in wliich all members indulge, 
and which is supposed to increase their shooting powers. The 
strengthening of their power is supposed to resist the effects of the 
shot. Among the Omaha this general shooting is unassociated with 
initiation, while among the Winnebago it is found associated both with 
initiation and with the basic ceremony. It is therefore of considerable 

' S. R. Riggs, Dakota Grammar and Ttxts. 

' Hoffman, in Annual Report oj Bureau of American FMinology, vol. vii. 

' Ibid., vol. xiv. 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 177 

importance to understand what relation this general shooting ritual 
bears to the specific shooting associated with initiation. Shooting 
is either an element primarily associated with initiation, and after- 
wards separated, or it is some general element that has become 
associated with any of a large number of other cultural elements. 
In order to determine this, we have ne.xt to examine with what ele- 
ments shooting becomes associated. 

Among the Kwakiutl ' there is a dance in which an individual 
(ma'maq'a) throws disease into the people. This disease is repre- 
sented by some object, either a stick or a harpoon-head. The shooting 
has precisely the same effect as in the Medicine Dance. No associ- 
ation of shooting of any kind occurs with initiation into a societ\'. 

The Kwakiutl example brings up the real question involved in 
the shooting. To what extent is the shooting ritual of the Medicine 
Dance of the Winnebago merely one of the forms of disease-throwing 
which is so common a practice of sympathetic magic? The Central 
Algonkin Midewiwin are really loose associations of men and women, 
whose powers are obtained more from individual revelations obtained 
outside of the Midewiwin than from the benefits of membership in 
that society. Shamanistic practices appear to form an integral part 
of this society. But apart from this, the shooting of disease, or of 
any malignant power, at an enemy, is an extremely common feature 
among the Central Algonkin as it is among all other American shamans. 
The question that presents itself is, whether the shooting, as found 
in the Ojibwa-Menominee and Winnebago Medicine Societies, is not 
one aspect of this same general shamanistic practice. 

To judge from the speeches and the songs of these societies, the 
main religious function is to obtain the power to resist the infiuence 
of the shot. The muscular contortions and the various movements 
the individual shot at goes through, are intended to be s>mbolical of 
this resistance. What the members expect to obtain are powers 
sufficiently strong to resist any malignant inlUieiHes that the'\- might 
meet in the general course of a lifetime; that is, we are dealing with a 
\'er\- general manifestation of shamanism, and we ought therefore not 
to be surprised to find it wherexer shamanism occurs, lithir iiitirel> 
unassociated, or a.ssociated with a large number of dilTereiit elements. 
We find it imassociated in a large number of places scattered over 
North America, .\inong tin- Kwakiull it is associated with a certain 
dance; am(jng the ("i-ntral Algonkin and Winnebago, with initiation. 
If it can now be shown that among the ( )maha, and among the Winne- 
bago also, we find it again in a different association, then the association 
of shooting with an initiation ritual will have to be regarded as one 

' Boas, Tlie Social OrKanization and the Secret Sociclii\s oi tin- Kwakiutl Iinii.i-.-i 
{Annual Report of the U. S. National Museum for iSqj. p. 485). 



178 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

of a number of complexes into which shooting has entered. Whether, 
in a specific case, shooting, or the initiation-shooting complex, is 
historically related to a similar ritual among other tribes, is a question 
that only direct historical evidence or a strong historical probability 
can determine. The presence of shooting in a number of different 
ceremonies, however, will not in itself demonstrate any relationship 
between these ceremonies. 

We will now examine the nature of the complex with which shooting 
is associated in the night division of the general ceremony of the 
Winnebago Medicine Dance and in the Omaha Pebble and Shell 
Society. 

A large number of the societies among the Winnebago and Omaha 
are based on the common possession of revelations from the same 
animal. We may have a society "of those who have had communica- 
tion with the Thunders," or with the Nights, or with the Grizzly Bear, 
or what not. The bond of such a society is generally expressed out- 
wardly, by the possession of some "gift" which is intimately connected 
with the animal, be it a head-dress, a tail, facial decorations, or the 
right to the use of a certain drum, etc. The only society among 
the Winnebago where no revelation is required for admission is the 
Medicine Dance. There are, however, a number of elements which 
connect the Medicine Dance with the other type of society so common 
among the Winnebago. For instance, there is an outward mark of mem- 
bership; namely, the otter-skin and the " migis." ^ On the warpath the 
Winnebago wraps the otter-skin around his shoulder to signify that, as a 
member of the Medicine Dance, he is protected from the attacks of 
his enemies. In the shooting ritual of the night division of the general 
ceremony of the Medicine Dance, and in the Medicine Feast, there 
are a number of features similar to those of the Winnebago Buffalo, 
Grizzly Bear, Night, etc.. Societies. From the point of view of organi- 
zation, the only difference would seem to be, that, instead of a common 
bond lying in a supernatural communication, it lies here in the mutual 
shooting. If we wished to describe the Medicine Dance in terms of 
Winnebago society norms, we might call it a "society of those who 
shoot one another." The shooting forms an integral part of the 
ritualistic complex, much in the same way as do the set songs and the 
set speeches. In the basic ritual of the day ceremony, the shooting 
occurs in two combinations, — on the one hand, as an initiation-shoot- 
ing-complex, set off more or less from the general ceremony; and, on 
the other hand, in a complex that is a repetition of one which occurs 
at night, and which forms unquestionably the basic portion of the 

'Migis is the Ojibwa term for tlio shell used in the Midevviwin. It is employed here 
as a convenient term to designate the objects used by the Winnebago and Omaha in shoot- 
ing. 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 179 

entire Medicine Dance. We will return to a discussion of this sub- 
sequently. 

Shooting in the Omaha Pebble and Shell Societies is associated 
precisely in the same manner as in the basic ritual of the Medicine 
Dance. In the Pebble Society we have, as a matter of fact, exactly 
the condition which we assumed might perhaps be the correct inter- 
pretation of the Medicine Dance. The society is named "Those who 
shoot the Pebble." In the Shell Society the bond of union is simi- 
larly the shooting, the society being called "Those who shoot with 
a Shell." 

It therefore seems quite probable, taking into account the fact that 
three Siouan (one Winnebago and two Omaha) societies present a 
shooting feature in their basic rituals, that this ritualistic complex is 
a general characteristic of this area. To sum up, a shooting ritual 
has entered into a complex quite different from that existing among the 
Kwakiutl, Central Algonkin Midewiwin, and in one part of the day 
ceremony of the Winnebago Medicine Dance. We must therefore 
conclude that the association of shooting with initiation is merely 
one of many possible associations, and that the shooting found in 
the basic complex must be regarded as historically different from the 
shooting found in the initiation complex. 

Returning to the question of shooting as associated with an initia- 
tion ritual, it must be granted that it is somewhat improbable that 
this particular association should have arisen independently among 
two tribes living in closely contiguous geographical areas. We may 
therefore assume that the Winnebago either borrowed from the Central 
Algonkin, or vice versa. All indications point to the former as having 
been the case. 

The shooting, then, as found in the societies discussed, is merely 
one phase of sympathetic magic. A cultural clement common to a 
very large area has become associated with a special significance and 
with special ceremonies. For the cultural areas discussed, this as- 
sociation seems to have developed into two types of complexes, — 
the shooting-initiation complex of the Central Algonkin, and the basic 
complex of the Omaha and Winnebago. 

1\'. Tin-: Initiation Ritual.— The elements common to the Central 
Algonkin Midewiwin and to the Winnebago Medicine Dance consist 
of two parts, — an initiation and a shooting. Of these, the shooting 
was shown to have been a more or less free element, cafxible among 
other tribes of entering into an indefinite number of associations; that, 
indeed, in the Medicine Dance itself, il had become associated with 
two different ritualistic complexes. We have already examined the 
shooting ritual; and we will tlicrcfore proceed to examine the initiation 



i8o Journal of American Folk-Lore 

ritual, in order to understand its precise significance and its position 
in the general ceremony and in the complete ceremonial complex of 
the Medicine Dance. 

I. Ojibwa- Menominee. — The simplicity of the organization of the 
Ojihwa-Menominee Midewiwin impresses one at a glance. Only a small 
number of indi\-iduals take active part. It is similarly impossible 
to discern any elaborate ritual. A few ritualistic myths are told, 
some songs sung, speeches delivered, and then preparations are 
made for the shooting of the novice. The ceremony practically ends 
as soon as the shooting terminates. In this semi-public performance 
there is practically only one ritualistic complex, that of the shooting- 
initiation. The only purpose of this complex seems likewise to be 
the initiation of an individual into the Midewiwin. 

This initiation ritual, we know, is only the terminal element in a 
long course of instruction which the novice must go through. It is 
during this instruction that the specific teachings and practices of the 
Midewiwin are elucidated, and it is then that the symbolism used in 
the bark records is explained. 

These teachings and practices, apart from some ethical teachings 
of the most general nature, vary with each mide. In each case the 
novice is taught the mide's individual songs, his particular tricks and 
practices, his specific herbs, and the uses to which he puts them. 
The bond connecting the teaching of the mides is of the loosest nature. 

When the instruction is over (and it is over as soon as the novice 
has exhausted the wealth he expects to spend in each particular case), 
the novice is ready for initiation. But into what is he really being 
initiated? It would seem purely into the powers purchased from a 
certain mide. If this particular mide did not chance to be a member 
of the Midewiwin, the same or an extremely similar method of trans- 
ference of personal powers would be gone through. In other words, 
the no\ice is being initiated into. the status of a mide. If one may 
speak of any formal initiation here, it consists in giving to the new 
mide some object which is generally regarded as a s)'mbol of the pre- 
ceptor's power. It may be a medicine-pouch, or herbs, or anything, 
in fact. But is this not precisely what takes place at the initiation 
into the Midewiwin? There, a person is presented with the "migis" 
and otter-skin bag, which is symbolical of the powers of a certain 
tyi)e of shaman, the mide. 

The Midewiwin, from this point of view, is hardly a society at all. 
It does, nevertheless, possess some of the essential characteristics of a 
society: a number of indi\iduals form a rather definite unit, owing to 
their possessing in common a number of ritualistic myths, a symbol 
and common status, in the eyes of outsiders. 

As a society, the Midewiwin presents no such unit as does the 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance i8i 

definite organization of the Winnebago Medicine Dance or the Omaha 
Shell and Pebble Societies. The bond of unity in the Midewiwin lies 
in the fact that all members are mide. An individual is a mide, 
however, not by reason of membership in the Midewiwin. The 
powers that make him a mide have nothing to do with the Midewiwin 
at all. They are purely personal. The Midewiwin is primarily, then, 
an association of mide; not of individuals who have become mide 
because they belong to that society. It is because of this fact that 
the individuality of the members is so potent a factor, and it is because 
of this fact that no strong ceremonial unit exists. It is for the same 
reason that initiation into the society presents, in all its essentials, 
the picture of a normal transference of individual mide power. 

Historically I do not doubt that it really is such a transference. 
As the idea of the Midewiwin as a ceremonial unit developed more 
definitely, the individual transference of the individual mide power 
may have become associated with initiation into the Midewiwin itself. 
It is perfectly natural, when all the mide became members of the Mide- 
wiwin, that the transference of power should not have been thought 
of apart from the society to which the mide belonged. It thus fol- 
lowed that obtaining knowledge from a mide would be synonymous 
with joining the Midewiwin. 

As the Midewiwin grew in popularity, and as all the mide and a 
majority of the other members of the tribe joined it, there came to 
be associated with it certain specific benefits, that had in themselves 
nothing at all to do with the mide, but which were generally charac- 
teristic of Central Algonkin culture. The association of these specific 
benefits played necessarily an important part in the history of the 
society, because it meant that an individual, in joining the society, 
obtained much more than certain mide powers. He obtained, in fact, 
all the mide powers, plus those specific benefits which membership 
in the Midewiwin now brought with it. Through the transference of 
the objects symbolical of the mide's power, — "the migis" and the 
otter-skin bag, — shooting now initiated him not only into the status 
of a mide, but also into that of a member of a society with an esoteric 
ritual. The shooting itself no longer bore the impress of a general 
shamanistic practice, but stood as a symbol of initiation into a society. 
At the transference of individual shamanistic power, shooting did 
not occur. It must conscfiuenlly have become associated with initia- 
tion when the loose union of tlu' mide developed into a more or less 
definite society. 

Summing up briefly, we may be justilud in n.in inj; tliat ihr initiation 
ritual of the Ojibwa-Menominec Midewiwin is a transference of indi- 
vidual power as found among the individual mide, modified by the 
addition of another element, the shooting-incident. The initiation 

VOL. XXIV. NO. yj. 1.} 



i82 Journal oj American Folk-Lore 

can in no way be regarded as necessarily associated with shooting, 
but this association will have to be regarded as simply a characteristic 
of the Central Algonkin Midewiwin. In other words, just as "shoot- 
ing" may enter into an indefinite number of associations, conditioned 
by the cultural indi\i(luality of an area, so initiation may similarly 
enter into an indefinite number of combinations. 

2. Shell Society. — In the Shell Society of the Omaha there is no 
specific initiation ceremony. According to the origin legend, an 
animal appears to a family consisting of father, mother, and four 
children, and helps them to obtain food. They, in order to show their 
gratitude, offer him their children. The children are subsequently 
shot and killed. As they lie on the shore of a lake, four tremendous 
waves sweep them away. They afterwards emerge from the midst 
of the lake, and assure their parents that, although they are dead, 
they are quite content, and they would advise them to put off their 
mourning, return to their own tribe, and form a society. They could 
obtain new members by selling to other people the powers they had 
obtained. The shooting that occurs in the ceremony proper, and 
which is interpreted by the Omaha as a dramatic representation of the 
shooting of the four children, has nothing to do with initiation into 
the society. Initiation consists entirely in the transference of certain 
knowledge and symbols by one of the owners of the society to any 
individual who is considered eligible, and who has paid the requisite 
price. 

As a matter of fact, only members are shot. The shooting, what- 
ever may have been its original significance, is here but one element 
in an intricate ritualistic complex similar to the basic ritual of the 
Winnebago Medicine Dance. Its purpose seems to be exclusively that 
of "strengthening" the powers of the members. 

Anything approaching the dramatic initiation into the Midewiwin 
does not exist. Admission into the society is in no way connected 
with the shooting ritual, although the shooting ritual is actually found 
in the society. 

3. Pebble Society. — The nature of initiation into the Pebble Society 
is not definitely known. As membership, however, depends upon 
supernatural communications from the same animal, it probably is the 
same as that found among other Omaha societies of the same kind. 
Initiation would thus consist in the obtaining of the supernatural 
communication itself. Every person who has had a supernatural 
communication with a spirit — in this particular case, the water spirit 
— is eligible for membership into the society. Shooting is found, but 
it is in no way connected with admission or initiation into the society. 
It has, it would seem, practically the same significance as in the Shell 
Society. 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 183 

4. Medicine Dance. — In the Winnebago Medicine Dance, member- 
ship does not depend upon supernatural communication of any kind, 
but must be purchased from the leader of one of the five bands. A 
long preparation is necessary, lasting in olden times as long as four 
years. The individual is then initiated into certain of the teachings 
of the society. It makes no difference into which of the five bands 
he is initiated. The knowledge he obtains will, to all intents and 
purposes, be the same, excluding certain songs. This does not mean, 
of course, that there may not be information belonging to the member 
as an individual, w^hich is taught to the novice; but it is understood 
that any powers belonging specifically to an individual, and which 
the novice wishes to purchase, have primarily no connection with the 
society. As every leader is likely to be a prominent shaman as well 
as a member of the Medicine Dance, it would be quite impossible to 
draw a hard and fast line between what belongs specifically to him as 
a shaman, and what belongs to him as a member of the Medicine 
Dance. However, it is generally understood that a leader is initiating 
an indixidual into those powers that are the special property of the 
society. 

As among the Ojibwa-Menominee, initiation is accompanied b}- a 
formal transfer of a "shell" and of an otter-skin bag. Externally 
the general ceremony- of the Medicine Dance might consequently be 
regarded as similar to the semi-public ceremony of the Midewiwin. 
There are two features, however, which stand out promincntK- in the 
general ceremony of the former, which must be explained before we 
can accept this external similarity as real. They are, first, the peculiar 
position of the initiation ritual of the general ceremony; and, secondly, 
the presence of another ritual, the basic ritual, and the importance 
it assumes. 

Precisely the same ritual that we found among the Ojibwa-Menomi- 
nee — the initiation-shooting complex; that is, initiation associated 
with shooting, the transference of the otter-skin bag and of a shell, 
plus a number of incidental elements — occurs in the general ceremonw 
This complex intervenes between the performance of the basic ritual !)>■ 
the \f)rth anrl West Bands. There is absoluteK' nothing in tlu' ba-^ic 
rit u.il preceding or following the initiation that could possibly be intiT- 
pretedasa preparation for the latter. Asitisfoimd there, the initiation 
seems (juite out of place, and con\'e>'s forcibh' the impression of being 
intrusive. The general ceremony is 1)\- no means terniinalfd when 
initiation is over; but the West Hand continues with its performance 
of the basic ritual as though there had been no interruption, vww 
though the int(r\al between North's and West's performanci- of the 
basic ritual generall>' lasts a number of hours. The initiation ritual 
is, on the whole, treated as an incidental feature. It ran certainly 



184 Joiir)ial oj American Folk-Lore 

not be the main or most important ritual of the general ceremony. 
As a matter of fact, it occurs only in the day ritual of that ceremony. 
In the nii^lu ritual it is absent. A ritual of which shooting is one of 
the essential features occurs in the latter, but, as we shall see later, 
this has nothing to do with the initiation. 

That the shell and the shooting are unquestionably considered 
necessary and essential for initiation, is borne out conclusively by 
the nimierous references in the speeches. We must therefore not 
jjcrmit the position of the initiation ritual in the general ceremony 
to interfere with its interpretation as a real initiation into the society. 
However, this position may have been due to secondary causes. It 
is (juite impossible to determine them definitely now; but it is possible, 
by studying the significance and nature of the basic ritual, to explain 
to a \Qvy large extent the reason for the position of the initiation ritual. 

The basic ritual is a definite ceremonial complex, which constitutes 
the most conspicuous unit of the Medicine Dance. Both in the 
night and the day ritual of the general ceremony, each indi\idual 
band repeats it, and in both cases the ceremony terminates as soon 
as the last band has finished it. A number of other rituals separate 
the various performances of the basic ritual, and even intervene be- 
tween the separate constituent elements of the ritual itself. In each 
case, nevertheless, the basic ritual is continued as soon as the disturbing 
ritual has been removed. It is for these reasons that it seems to me 
unquestionable that we are dealing here with the essential ritualistic 
unit of the general ceremony. What strengthens this impression is the 
fact that a ritualistic complex similar in its general nature, although 
not in the component elements of which it is made up, is found in 
almost all the other societies of the Winnebago. In the BufTalo, 
Grizzly Bear, Ghost, and Night Societies, there is a basic ritual of 
essentially the same functions and significance. In all these societies, 
likewise, objects of specific value to the members are passed from one 
indi\idual to another; and this "passing" is accompanied by songs, 
speeches, and ritualistic details. Although the complex differs for 
each society, it nevertheless presents a definite ritualistic unit, which 
must be repeated by each person, or each band belonging to the 
society, as the case may be. 

To judge from the general tenor of the speeches, the purpose of the 
ritual in every one of these societies is the "strengthening" of powers 
obtained in a vision. Now, the tenor of the speeches in the basic 
ritual of the Medicine Dance is precisely of the same nature; and 
as we have there, in addition, the characteristic passing of the "bless- 
ing," — that is, the passing of the drum, the gourds, and the associate 
actions, speeches, songs, and dances; in other words, the means of 
assuring the continuance and the strengthening of the specific powers, 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 185 

— there can be little doubt that the basic ritual is essentially the 
same for all these societies. 

Of course, the demonstration that the basic ritual is at present 
the main and most important ritual in the Medicine Dance, does not 
prove that it is historically primary. There are, however, a number 
of facts that speak in favor of this assumption. In the first place, 
it is undoubtedly the characteristic ceremonial complex of all Winne- 
bago societies, and likewise of a large number of societies among 
other Siouan tribes; and, secondly, it is associated with an organization 
that is typical of other Winnebago societies. It differs from these 
primarily in the fact that membership is purchased, and not obtained 
through supernatural communication from some animal. Even the 
absence of the customary manner of admission might perhaps be 
hypothetically accounted for, for we have an interesting instance of 
the disappearance of the "vision" qualification in the Night Dance. 
The Night Dance, now known as the Sore-Eye Dance, previously 
required for admission a vision from the night spirits. This qualifica- 
tion has now disappeared, and its place has been taken by purchase, 
pure and simple, as in the case of the Medicine Dance. Now, it is 
possiljle that the same development may have taken place for the 
Medicine Dance. In the absence of any such positive evidence, 
however, as has been adduced for the Night Dance, this assumption 
can only be regarded as a possible explanation. 

If the basic ritual is to be regarded as the principal and characteristic 
feature of the Medicine Dance and as historically primary, then the 
intrusive character of the initiation ritual may be explained by regard- 
ing it as secondarily associated. We are of course in no position to say 
in what way this association occurred, and we are therefore not in a 
position to tell whether the initiation ritual was associated from the 
very beginning in such a way as to perform the functions of a normal 
initiation into a society, or whether it was at first a purely adventitious 
addition with no special significance. 

If it was regarded from the very beginning as an initiation, there 
seems no reason why it should have been given the position in the 
general ceremony that it now possesses. It consequently seems better 
to regard its position as older than the references made in the speeches 
to its functions as an initiation into this specific Winnebago society. 

There can be little doubt that the initiation-complex of the Medicine 
Dance was born^wed from the Central Algonkin Midewiwin. We 
may consequently conclude that, notwithstanding the present inter- 
pretation of the initiation as an initiation into the Medicine Dance, 
it is historically really an initiation ritual of one ceremony that has 
become secondarily associated with another. In support of this, it 
can be pointefl out that no iiiilialioii bearing the slightest resemblance 



1 86 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

to this one, occurs in any other of the numerous Winnebago societies, 
and that tlie Medicine Dance reall>' possesses two initiations, — the one 
bein^ the purchase of membership; and the other, that mentioned 
abo\e. It might also be added that non-members never speak of the 
shcKiting as an initiation. To them the shooting always appears as a 
shamanistic practice associated with the "strengthening" of power. 
The esoteric interpretation, however, regards this "secondar>" initia- 
tion as primary. 

Summing up briefly the results of the analysis of the three initiations 
discussed, we must emphasize again the fact that we are dealing with 
initiations essentially different in nature. In the Ojibwa-Menominee 
it is evidently a formal transfer of shamanistic powers from one 
individual to another, which has subsequently become synonymous 
with admission into the social status of a mide and then with admission 
into a society. In the Shell Society the transfer of powers is analogous 
to the purchase of specific powers by one individual from another; 
and as these hav^e become associated with a society, the individual 
buying them purchased at the same time admission into the society. 
In the Pebble Society, initiation is synonymous with the acquisition 
of power through supernatural communication from some animab 
There is no transfer at all, except in so far as the spirit animal transfers 
something to the person fasting. Initiation is connected simply with 
the individual. No initiation into the society exists. In the Winne- 
bago Medicine Dance, whatever may have been the primary method 
of initiation, we have to-day a definite initiation like that found in the 
Midewiwin. This, however, has been borrowed from another cere- 
mony, and secondarily associated. Even now it is not in its proper 
organic position in the general ceremony, despite the fact that an 
esoteric re-interpretation has transformed it into a specific initiation 
into the Medicine Dance. 

Initiation is thus seen to be both a concept and a ritualistic complex, 
varying considerably in different tribes. As a ritualistic complex, 
it has entered freely into innumerable associations, which can only 
be determined by a study of each specific ceremony. The same holds 
true with regard to the concept of initiation. It is also apparent that 
the concept has a marked influence in determining the nature of the 
ritualistic complex connected with it, and vice versa. In both cases, 
then, we have to examine not merely the nature of these two phenomena 
in a given area, but likewise whether they represent historically 
primary concepts and complexes, before we can make any attempt 
to investigate what arc the concepts that underlie all initiations. 

V. The Gener.\l CERi:Mf)XV. — In the foregoing remarks we have 
dealt with the nature and significance of those specific rituals that go 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 187 

to make the larger complex we ha\e called the "general ceremony." 
We will now proceed to examine the nature and significance of this 
general ceremony itself. 

1. Ojibwa-Menominee. — The general ceremony of the Ojibwa- 
Menominee Midewiwin is to all intents and purposes the initiation 
ritual itself. There is really no other ritualistic complex with which 
it is associated; nor is there any feature which interrupts in any wa>' 
the dramatic progress of e\ents from the beginning, to the actual 
initiation of the new member. In reality this general ceremony must 
be looked upon solely as the comj^letion of a long course of preparatory- 
instruction. Nothing, indeed, accentuates the minor part which the 
actual "society" aspect of the Midewiwin plays than this slight 
development of the general ceremon\-. The long course of preparator\- 
instruction, in which the shaman, as an individual, plays the major 
part, seems practically to be the main feature. 

2. Shell Society. — In the Shell Society the general ceremony 
consists of a large number of ritualistic complexes. The basic ritual 
runs like a red line through the whole, and with this are associated 
the following rituals: the passing of the in\itation-sticks, the opening 
of the pack by the keepers, the circling of the fire "by the four chil- 
dren," the filling of the wooden bowl w'ith water, and finally the shoot- 
ing. Both the secret and the public ceremonies consist almost exclu- 
si\ely of the shooting, and of the "passing" of the drum and the 
ritualistic details associated with it. The meeting terminates as soon 
as the last of the five ceremonial bands has finished this basic ritual. 

3. Pebble Society. — In the Pebble Society the characteristic pas.-ing 
of the drum likewise occurs, and with it occur the details connected 
with it, as well as the jireparation for shooting and the actual shooting. 
The number of ritualistic complexes is much smaller than in the Shell 
Society. However, this may be due to the meagreness of our informa- 
tion. As contrasted with the marked unit>' of action displa>ed in the 
Shell S(jciety, we find here a marketl tendenc>' for indi\ idual tlevelop- 
ment, that is perhaps to be expected, considering that the bond of 
union (namely, the powers obtained through common \i>i()ns) is a 
rather vague one from the point n{ \ iew of organization. 

4. Medicine Dance. — In the Medicine Dance the general ceremony 
includes, in addition to the basic and initiation rituals, a secret cere- 
mon\ that takes place outside (jf the lodge itself. As in the Shell 
ami Pebble Societies, there are here also two sessions, but both seem 
to be secret. 

The signilic iUK «• ol the general ceremon> mentioiu-d is the ju'ilorm- 
ance of a ritual lor a variety of purpo.ses, the princip.il of which 
are, first, pureK the perpetuation of (he ritual; and, secondly, the 
"strengthening" and ri-new.il of ci-rtain special powers. These two 



1 88 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

seem to be pre-eminently the functions of those Omaha and Winnebago 
societies that are based upon common visions. In the former the 
element of initiation plays no part at all. The meetings of the society 
take place at almost any convenient time of the year. For the Winne- 
bago the element of initiation is more pronounced. The meetings 
are called for two reasons, — either for the purpose of initiating a 
member, or for the purpose of acquiring additional powers. 

In each case the general complexes arc different, and in each case 
they depend upon associations that are both historically and psycho- 
logically determined by the specific cultural characteristics of the area 
in question. 

VI. The Complete Ceremonial Complexes. — The general cere- 
mony is only one element in an extremely elaborate complex. Its 
position in this complex has been touched upon before. We have 
now, however, to examine this complex itself, and to see what are 
the ritualistic elements that form it. And in this final complex we 
have again to see whether there is a tendency for certain elements to 
be associated in a definite manner; and, if this proves to be the case, 
how this definite association is to be interpreted. 

I. Ojibwa. — The Ojibwa Midewiwin consists of a long course of 
preparation, and a formal public initiation into a society containing 
four degrees. We have seen that the preparation is entirely shaman- 
istic in character, and that the general public ceremony is to all intents 
and purposes as much an initiation into the status of a mide as 
it is into a society. This interpretation is again strengthened by the 
marked association of the general ceremony with shamanistic tricks. 
Among the Cree it appears that this function of the Midewiwin is of 
prime importance.^ In the "degrees" we have another confirmation 
of its shamanistic character. The four degrees are merely the four 
instalments in which an old shaman sells his knowledge and power. 
The number 4 has no especial significance, except in so far as it is the 
sacred number of the tribe. Miss Densmore^ found eight degrees among 
another division of the Ojibwa; and the number will doubtless be 
found to vary from division to division. The requirements for admis- 
sion into the second, third, and fourth degrees, are greater payments, 
and greater evidences of religious fitness. The possessors of the various 
degrees do not form distinct classes. Those of the first degree alone, 
possess one degree only. There is no passing from one to another 
degree, but simply an addition of degrees, so that an individual with 
the fourth degree possesses all the other degrees; in other words, 

• Alanson Skinner (MS.)- 

' Frances Dcnsmore, "Chippewa Music" {Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 45). 
Washington, Government, 1910. 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 189 

degrees are merely marks of increased power. It is for this reason 
that an initiation practically the same as that for the first degree is 
necessary for the other degrees. The fact that a new initiation into 
the society is necessary for each degree, and that the distinctions 
represented by the degrees are merely transferences of increased sha- 
manistic powers, differing accordingly as they have been obtained from 
one or another shaman, emphasizes strongly the specific shamanistic 
nature of the Midewiwin. 

As w'e have said before, the Midewiwin is a society, not so much 
because it is an association of mide, but because there have come 
to be associated with it certain functions of a religious and social 
nature, setting it ofT as a unit. The fact that the members are mide 
will, of course, have an enormous influence on some of the functions 
that the society is supposed to possess. 

The powers of the individual mide are those connected with the 
healing of wounds, the curing of disease, the ability to transform one's 
self into any animal or object at will, the performance of seemingly im- 
possible tricks, and lastly the practice of evil magic. In the teachings of 
the individual mide in his role as a member of the Midewiwin, all these 
elements are present; but there are, in addition, two other powers 
which are specifically Midewiwin functions, — namely, the power to 
prolong life, and the power to assure a successful passage to the future 
world. The power of prolonging life is not supposed to be an effect 
of the shooting. The belief is, that membership in the society, and 
the proper observance of the ritual and precepts, will enable an in- 
dividual to surmount successfully the crises of life and fthe e\il 
designs of his enemies. Just as the proper observance of ritual and 
precepts prolongs life, so it will likewise insure the safe passage of a 
soul from this to a future world. According to William Jones, "it 
was believed that the soul followed a path to go to the spirit world, 
and that the path was beset with dangers to oppose the passage of the 
soul; but that it was possible to overcome the obstacles b\- the use 
of the formulas which could be learned only in the Midewiwin." ' 

To assert dogmatically that these two powers do not come within 
the scope of the individual mide, may perhaps be unwarranted; but 
at present the evidence among the Ojibwa is certainly negative. 
However, the Midewiwin is considered to be intimately associated 
with these specific functions. They are not associated with the specific 
powers of the mide. In reality, thc>' are the general religio-magical 
possessions of the tribe, that li.i\-e bi-t-n si-coiidiirilN associated wii Ii 
the Midewiwin. 

2. Menominee. — PrarticalK- ail that has been said of the Ojibwa 
applies in efiiial (Ici^rcc to the M( ■nominee Midcu i\\ in . 1 >iit t wo iinpor- 

' Annual Archaeological Re pur'., iqos U<<I><'rt of Minister of li«liii.iti>>ii. OiUaiii)). \^. \.\(>. 



IQO JoiinuiJ of American Folk-Lore 

tant differences are noticeable, — first, a member is al\va\s succeeded by 
a near relati\e; and, secondly, not only is the Midewiwin connected with 
the function of insuring the safe passage to the future world, but the 
ceremon\- itself begins at the grave of the deceased member as 
soon as the mortuary rites are over. They may even be regarded as a 
continuation of the same. 

3. Shell Society. — In the Shell Society the organization, in contra- 
distinction to the Ojibwa-Menominee Midewiwin, is not based on 
individuals as such, but on definite ceremonial group units. There 
are fi\e to-day, but there seem to haN'c been more formerly. 

We find a fourfold designation for the lodges. They arc known 
to-da>- as those of the eldest son or sun, second son or stars, daughter 
or moon, and youngest son or earth. Sometimes, however, these same 
are known in order as Black-Bear, Elk, Buffalo, and Deer Lodge. 
The first "old man's lodge" {uju) is also known as that of the Eagle. 

The general ceremony has been described before, and we will there- 
fore proceed to discuss what appears to be the purpose of the society, 
what powers its members possessed, and with what functions it was 
associated. 

The definite purj^ose of the society seems to be the performance of a 
certain ritual. That in addition there is likewise the desire to increase 
or at least strengthen the jwwcrs received at purchase, is extremely 
probable, but this cannot be definitely stated. What can be definitely 
stated, however, is the fact that an absolutely essential condition 
for efticacy of the powers obtained is the performance of the ritual; 
and in this it is radically distinct from the Midewiwin, for there the 
powers obtained from the shaman have no relation to the ritual. 
The efticacy then, of the powers, remains always what it was when 
taught to the new member. 

In discussing what the powers of the members are, it is again essential 
to distinguish what they possess by virtue of membership, and what 
they possess as individuals. We should most naturally expect that 
certain conceptions, certain cultural possessions, belong to a large 
body of Omaha. If, then, we find them in a certain societ\', it is 
most natural to assume that they have not been obtained by reason 
of membership lluriiii, luit that this society will reflect general Omaha 
ideas. This or that society may emphasize certain ideas, and may 
de\elop them along certain lines, iiut it certainly does not originate 
them. Tlu'\- haw no relation of caiisc and elTect to any particular 
society. This has sometimes been assumed to be the case, and such 
a view comes out clearly in Miss I'lctcher's ' statement that all secret 
societies among the Omaha dialt more or less with magic as well as 
Willi healing by means of herbs and roots. It is palpably not because 

' Annual Report of the Bureau <'f \nurican Ethnology (1905-06), vol. xxvii. 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 191 

they are secret societies that their members have developed any such 
tendencies, but because, as secret societies, they reflected Omaha 
customs and modes of thought. For the same reason Miss Fletcher's 
conclusion, that because in both the Shell and Pebble Societies shaman- 
istic tricks are performed, they may possibly be historically connected, 
is unwarranted. The observance of shamanistic tricks is so general a 
phenomenon, that all that can be said, when two societies are found 
emphasizing them, is that two societies emphasized or developed one 
or many Omaha customs. There is no need of assuming any historical 
connection unless this has been shown to be the case. 

Let us now return to what is distinctive in the powers of a member 
of the Shell Society. 

The name of the society is "Those-who-have-the-Shell." It is the 
possession of the shell that separates them from other societies. 
In the ideas clustering around the powers of this object we are most 
likely to find one of the important specific advantages of membership. 
As far as can be gathered from Miss Fletcher's account, the shell is 
connected with certain magical qualities. It is difficult to say what 
specific magical qualities are meant. However, to judge from the na- 
ture of the general ceremony and the songs, we are really dealing with 
magic in its most general sense, but connected in this case with a specific 
object, a shell; that is, we might imagine hypothetically that the 
society originated in connection with the vision of an individual, in 
which the magical power was associated with a shell. The same 
power might, in the case of another individual, be associated with 
a drum, a flute, a gourd, a stone, or what not. Apart from dif- 
ference in ritualistic detail, and in the nature of some of the elements 
that go to make up the general ritualistic complex, it is this association 
of magical powers with one object in one case, and with another in 
another case, that constitutes the difference between the various 
Omaha societies. 

To illustrate how general is the magical power of the shell in the 
SIull Society, and how essential is the specific object possessing the 
magic, we will give the following instances. In the origin nnth, 
shooting is supposed to kill the "children;" in the general ccrcmonN- 
it probably serves to strengthen powers already acquiriii; in the 
ceremony for [)unishing ofTenders, of which w(> sli;ill speak l.iiir. it is 
merely an example of sympathetic magic. 

Together with the magic specifically associated with thi* >ln.ll, the 
members exercised individual magic; as, for exam|)k', killing a horse 
because its owner had offended him, or killing another member by 
magically having a snake hidden near the place where the other was 
accustomed to work. These instances of the exercise of magic iiui><t 
not, however, be considered as specific <>f ih.> ^ocictN-. 



192 Joiinidl of American Folk-Lore 

In addition to the association of the Shell Society w'wh niai;i(- in 
its more general aspect, and also in its apjilication to some specific 
object, we find it associated with general shamanistic practices, with 
conceptions relating to life after death, and with a magical ceremony 
for punishing ofTenders. The shamanistic practices ha^•c been dwelt 
on before. All that can be said about the connection of the society 
with ceremonies performed upon the death of a member is, that the 
deceased is carried to a tent in which the regular ceremonial is gone 
through.' Whether this ceremony has any definite connection with 
ideas relating to the journey of the soul to the future world, is not 
known. 

By far the most interesting ceremony associated with the Shell 
Society is that for punishing ofifenders.'* The main purpose seems to 
be the punishment of an individual "in order to keep the people in 
order and check crime, such as molesting wives or daughters and 
destroying property and so causing mischief in the tribe." This was 
effected through a sacred figure supposed to represent the society. . . . 
"The arms contained poisons for punishment, and the leg the magic 
shells which made it possible to administer this punishment. . . . When a 
man committed an offence that seemed to demand punishment, the 
society met at night, and if it had determined to punish the man, then 
this figure was brought out."^ Now, it must be borne in rriind that 
there is here no suggestion of any legal procedure, but merely, as 
we shall see, an application of the magical powers of the society to a 
very specific social purpose. Punishment consisted in causing the 
offender to become sick through the application of poison to a figure 
supposed to symbolize him, which is drawn on the earth. This figure 
was subsequently shot at. When the ceremony was over, the leaders 
waited until they had been informed that the offender had become sick, 
when they assembled in a tent and sang until the man died. 

In this ceremony we have again a shamanistic practice which was 
probably exercised by many members of the tribe, associated in one 
of the societies with a definite and specific function. But this specific 
function, plus the other traits that have been enumerated as charac- 
teristic of the society, go to make up a complex that is looked upon 
as a definite unit. 

4. Pebble Society. — The remarks made on the purpose of the Shell 
Society are, generally speaking, applicable to the Pebble Society. 
Instead of being attached to a shell, the magical powers are here 
attached to a translucent pebble. The possibility for a greater varia- 
bility in the nature of the powers obtained was given by the fact that all 

' Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology (1905-06), vol. xwii. 
' In the Cheyenne Medicine Arrow Society a similar association occurs. 
' Miss Fletcher, in Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, vol. xxvii. 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 193 

those who had had a vision of water, or its representative, the pebble 
or the water-spirit, could become members. The water-spirit was 
always associated with the granting of knowledge relating to medicinal 
herbs and the power of healing sickness generally; and we find in the 
society, consequently, a large preponderance of individuals with such 
powers. The association between these powers and some definite 
object, in this case the pebble, is not as intimate as that found to 
exist between corresponding powers and a similar object in the Shell 
Society; in other words, the shaman, as an individual, is more promi- 
nent. 

The most important association of the society is that connected 
with the curing of disease. It would be erroneous to consider this 
function as a secondary association, as it is conditioned by the fact 
that the \isions from the water-spirit would necessarily be connected 
with "the powers" relating to medicinal herbs and their healing 
virtues. 

5. Medicine Dance. — The Medicine Dance, looked upon in its 
entirety, is composed of a long course of preparation (now discon- 
tinued), the Four Nights' Preparation, the sweat-bath ceremony, the 
night and the day divisions of the general ceremony, and the secret 
brush ceremony. These ceremonies have all become amalgamated 
into a more or less firm unit, whose individual characteristics we have 
touched upon before. 

The society is known in Winnebago as Manka"'ni, the word mafika"', 
meaning "medicine" in its medicinal aspect, as opposed to wase' , 
meaning "medicine" in its magical aspect. As far as can be seen 
from a detailed study of the rituals, no i^rominence seems, howe\er, 
to be given to the therai)eutic or herbalist aspect. There are, it is 
true, medicines for general therapeutic practice and for hunting, fish- 
ing, love, and especially for "had" purposes. But in the ceremony 
as given to-day, and as described by those' well \'ersed in the ritual of 
the society, these medicines find no place. 

There is, however, a very persistent exoteric ititeri)r(.>tatioii ol the 
Medicine Dance, according to which the members are regarded pri- 
marily as |)owerful shamans concerned preferably with the practice 
of "bad" magic. In this practice theyare greatly aided by the fact 
that tiieir membership in the society increases their magical jiowers. 
esi)ecially that connected with the ability to transform themscKes into 
all kinds of animate and iiianiinate objects for tlu,- lui tlierance of their 
e\il designs. The most feart-d shamans — those who are (listinguishe(l 
from all others by the posse.ssi(jn of the iron moccasins (nurziKi'iiiiilJi) 
— belonged to this society. This exoteric interpretation d(x\s not, 
however, seem to tally with the designation mauka'"ni. IVrsonall^ 
I think this term is a f)opular one, and has no real significance as a 



1^4 Jonr)HiI of Aiucricau Folk-Lorc 

characterization of the functions of the society, at least to-day. This 
exoteric interpretation is in all probability true to a certain extent. 
It would, however, be essential to determine whether these shaman- 
istic powers are characteristic of members as indixiduals, and only 
secondaril}' connected with them as members of the society, before we 
can properly understand their significance. That membership was 
connected in any way with an increase of shanianistic powers, is 
certainly improbable. These powers are unquestionably identical 
with the general shamanistic and magical practices mentioned pre- 
\ iously in the Shell and Pebble Societies. 

In other words, the general shamanistic and magical beliefs of the 
tribe are found present in this society, as they are found in other 
societies. 

What would tend to minimize our considering these features as in 
any way significant of the Medicine Dance, is the fact tliat there has 
been no tendency to develop or emphasize any specific aspect of magic, 
and that shamanistic practices are absent and appear entirely dis- 
associated from the society. 

The purpose of the Medicine Dance is in part the desire to attain a 
long life, a safe journey to the next world, and the possibility of 
a return to this life again, preferabK- in human shape. All these 
benefits may be obtained by taking an active i:)art in the ceremony, 
and by performing to the best of one's ability all the duties of a 
member. Although it is essential to participate in the entire ritual in 
order to obtain these benefits to the fullest extent, nevertheless the 
phenomena of shooting and being shot at play an especially important 
role in this connection. 

Long life means essentially the life consisting of a normal length of 
years, with all the possessions of wealth, social and intellectual dis- 
tinction, that would naturally be included. Among the Winnebago, 
this concept of years is very definite, because they bclie\e that to 
each individual has been assigned a life containing a certain number 
of years, a certain amount of wealth, a certain number (A enemies 
killed on the warpath, etc. If a man, theref<jre, dies before he has 
reached the end of his "predestined" life, the residue, it is hoped, 
will be distributed among his relatives. 

When in the Medicine Dance they pray for long life, what they mean 
is the al)ility to surmount the crises of life. Whatever may be the 
nature of these crises, — whether they relate to family disasters, sick- 
ness, old age, etc., — it is expected that they will be overcome by mem- 
bership and active participation in the society. There seems to be no 
suggestion that this is attained through the influence of magic. It is 
mere membership and obedience to the society's teachings, ambition to 
raise one's status by purchasing more and more privileges, that accom- 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 195 

plish the desired end in view. The safe journe\' to the future world 
and the beUef in transmigration may be obtained in a similar way. If 
one performs his duties and rises to the highest distinction, he will 
have no difficulty in attaining his object and in successfully o\ercoming 
all the obstacles to his passage. 

The prayer for long life is specifically addressed to the Rabbit, 
the mythical founder of the society, and indirectly addressed to Earth- 
Maker {ma"" una), the spirit who sent him to clear the earth of the 
obstacles to man's progress. It is the only prayer ever addressed to 
him. No supernatural communication is possible. As a matter of 
fact, it is onl>- in this and in the Winter Feast that Earth-Maker is 
associated with this specific power of granting long life. 

It would be quite erroneous to imagine that the prayer for long life, 
passage to the next world, and transmigration, are ideas specifically 
connected with the Medicine Dance. As a matter of fact, the>' con- 
stitute the characteristic cultural traits of the Winnebago, and crop 
out everywhere in the folk-lore and in the general rituals. The 
question of the safe passage to the next world is perhaps even more 
specifically associated with the Four Nights' Wake. The purpose of 
the wake is to enable the deceased to successfully overcome the four 
great obstacles on the road to the spirit home of his clan. This is 
accomplished, first, by the performance of a definite ritual; and, 
secondl>', by some warrior relating one of his exploits on the war- 
path and putting at the disposal of the deceased the spirit of the man he 
had killed, to act as a servant to him. The close relation between the 
ethical worth of the deceased and of the one who relates the exploit, 
on the one hand, and the safe journey to the spirit world, on the other, 
comes out as strongly here as it does in the Medicine Dance; but it 
seems unnecessary-, for that reason, tf) i)redicate any historical con- 
nection between the iwo. The\- both rclk-cl the cultural background 
around them. 

Similarly the \arious elements that make u\) iJir lifi- wiiiih the 
members of the Medicine Dance pray for, — the food-siippK , the 
power of healing, success on the warjjath.a normal (|uota of years, — 
these are all definitely associated with spirits and ceremonials. Suc- 
cess in war is associated, not willi one s()(ii-t\-. but wilji a nuinluT of 
societies. It would, however, be maiiifestl\- erroneous and unni-cessary 
to claim that it belongs essi-ntiall\- more to the one than to tlu- other 
society, unless direct historical proof for such a statement were lorih- 
coming. 

6. Sumtuary. W'v are now in a better |)osition to sie in what the 
nature of the complete ceremonial complex consists. The unit it 
consists of is loose in the Ojibwa-Menominee, and strong in the Shell 
and Pebble Societies and in the Medi(ine Dance. The specific com- 



196 Journal oj A^nerican Folk-Lore 

ponciU elements are to a large extent different in each. It is 
iitterK- impossible now to discover the origin of the differences in 
the iiuli\i(liial component elements; but it is quite clear that the 
forces tending to develop the larger ceremonial complexes have been, 
not those of a dissociation, but distinctly those of an association, of 
elements. 

These associations may be of the most diverse kind. Certain fea- 
tures may always have been associated with certain other elements, 
such as medicinal herbs and medicines with the water-spirit, as in 
the case of the Omaha and Winnebago. This, then, is for all practical 
purposes an ultimate unit. If, consequently, we find an intimate con- 
nection between a vision from the water-spirit and the practice of 
medicinal herbs, we must not consider this as a secondary association 
that has come about through the influence of a ceremony. 

In the same way, the connection of the buffalo with the magical 
renewal of the food-supply will probably have to be looked upon as 
such an ultimate unit. 

Our first object, therefore, when we find certain elements associated, 
is to determine whether there is any reason for believing that we are 
dealing with some such ultimate complex or unit. 

On the other hand, when we find a magical ceremony for punishing 
offenders (viewed from its social aspect) associated with the Shell 
Society, or mortuary ceremonies associated with the Menominee 
Midewiwin, these associations cannot be considered as being ultimately 
connected with any particular aspect of the society's function, as the 
complexes which they form exhibit an extreme variability. Their 
presence in various societies must be interpreted as secondary asso- 
ciations of some kind. As secondary associations, however, they 
may have been conditioned either by their specific nature or by the 
specific development of the society. As such we might, for 
instance, view either certain aspects of the shamanistic practices 
of the Ojibwa Midewiwin, or the mortuary ceremonies connected 
with the Menominee Midewiwin, or the punishment of offenders in 
the Shell Society. 

When, however, we find cultural phenomena, which are generally 
possessed by a tribe, associated in varying degrees with this or that 
ceremonial, this association must be looked upon as due to the influ- 
ence of the cultural environment. This influence may be conceived 
as setting in at any time during the historical development of the cere- 
mony, while the ceremony itself remains passive ; as, for instance, if the 
journey to the spirit land is connected with the Medicine Dance, or with 
the wake, with the telling of truth, or with membership in a clan. 
Here it is obviously the cultural environment that has been active. 
If, however, tRe mide, united in an organization, develop certain 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 197 

phases of this general cultural environment, such as magic and shaman- 
istic practices, in a specific way, we have a right to credit this develop- 
ment as due to the acti\ity of the society, and we have consequently 
a real secondary association of definite practices with an historically 
older organization. Of course, a good deal in this particular case 
would be caused by the fact that the members are mide; but after 
this historically preliminary stage, the Midewiwin became an active 
unit as a society; and in this sense, if it then specifically utilizes 
certain beliefs in a special manner, it can be said to be secondarily asso- 
ciating them. 

It is thus seen that the mechanism of the association is both psy- 
chologically and historically highly complex. One thing, however, 
seems to be quite demonstrable; namely, that there is always one 
constant element, — the specific cultural background or type of each 
tribe. 

Bearing this in mind, the similarities in the association of the Mide- 
wiwin of the Ojibwa-Menominee, the Medicine Dance of the Winne- 
bago, and the Shell and Pebble Societies of the Omaha, do not neces- 
sarily indicate an historical relationship, but would most likely tend to 
show that a number of ideas and customs were common to a large cul- 
tural area. This does not of course interfere in the least with the 
possibility of an historical connection, but this historical connec- 
tion must in each case be demonstrated. However, even if it 
were proved, an historical connection alone cannot possibly explain 
the entire phenomenon; for the cultural environment, if it is the 
same, will condition general similarities and resemblances in cere- 
monies that historically are cjuite unrelated, so that the convergent 
evolution thus resulting will completely obscure at times the indi- 
vidual history of a ceremony. It is, for instance, possible that his- 
toricalK- the journey to the spirit land was connected with the wake 
among tiu- Winnebago. The general prevalence of the same idea 
among so many social and ceremonial grou[is to-da\', howe\'er, makes 
it unjustifiable to assume such a connection in the absence f)f any 
direct historical data; so that, although there is to my mind little 
doubt that these associations are all historicall\- dilTerent, owing to 
the inlluencc of certain general cultural idi-as. tlu'\- pn-sriit to-day 
the same picture. 

It is (|uite safe to assume that, just as we have shown that the shoot- 
ing ceremony in the Medicine Dance is the borrowed initiation ritual 
of the Midewiwin, so it would l)e possible to demonstrate, were wi* in 
the possessif)!! of fuller historical data, that other elements have been 
borrowed. Howe\'er, when we ha\e demoiistraled the borrowing of a 
certain eli'ment, we lia\c oiilx paitiall\-, and ofleii mily iiia(le(|u.iti'I\', 
explained it. Its further ixpjanation is possiliii- onK in terms of the 
vi»i.. x.xiv. — NO. 92. — 14 



198 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

specific type of ceremony, and of the general cultural environment with 
which it has been associated. Both of these may change. It does 
not follow that because, among the Winnebago to-day, all the societies 
are practically associations of individuals who have obtained super- 
natural communication from this or that spirit, this was therefore 
always the basis of the societies. To-day the Medicine Dance and 
the Night Spirit or Sore-Eye Dance have a diflferent type of organiza- 
tion. Originally the latter had the former type, and the Medicine 
Dance may have had it. It is, for instance, barely possible that we 
may in this case be dealing with the beginning of a change of type of 
organization, and that, similarly, types of organization preceded that, 
whose essence to-day lies in the possession of common visions. 

We ha\e now finished the examination of a number of definite 
ceremonies. Our object in analyzing them was to determine in what 
the significance of the common elements lay, and what general his- 
torical and psychological tendencies were operative in their growth. 
We may now examine the results of our study in the light of Schurtz's 
theory, and examine the data upon which Schurtz liased his theory 
in the light of the leading points of view emphasized above. 

VII. Resume and Conclusion. — The main thesis Schurtz sought 
to establish was the demonstration of the parallel historical develop- 
ment of society as determined by certain psychological tendencies 
of the race. It is of prime importance to remember that he claimed 
to have found certain survivals by means of which he was able to 
reconstruct the stages in the history of society. Initiation degrees, 
the exclusion of women, etc., he considered "symptomatic" of these 
stages. His main object was to prove the existence of these symp- 
toms. Wherever he found them, he was satisfied that he was deal- 
ing w'ith vestiges (jf the stages through which society had passed. AH 
these symptoms, according to Schurtz, had definite and specific conno- 
tations, and were associated with definite and specific stages in the 
development of society. 

We have seen, in the analysis of the ceremonies of a limited area, 
that the common elements which were supposed to be symptomatic 
of historical relationship had no such value, and that they entered 
into a number of cultural complexes historically distinct one from 
another. In the same way we will now examine the more fundamental 
s\mjitoms — initiation, degrees, and the exclusion of women — to see 
whether any specific significance attaches to them, and whether they, 
too, have not become associated with a number of cultural complexes 
historically distinct. If they have thus become associated, then their 
value as criteria for definite stages of social evolution is nil. 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 199 

I. Initiation. — It was our main purpose, in analyzing the above 
ceremonies, to examine them quite apart from any theoretical pre- 
suppositions. In so proceeding, we obtained as a resultant the 
fact that initiation connoted psychologically and historically a num- 
ber of different things, and that this difference seemed dependent 
upon the historical and psychological individuality of each tribe. To 
Schurtz, however, initiation meant primarily an initiation into puberty, 
and into that social status with which puberty has been so long and 
closely associated, — an association that seemed, historically speaking, 
almost an ultimate complex; namely, initiation into the tribe. He 
assumes that if it is found to mean anything else, then this new mean- 
ing is either a secondary association, or, preferably, an historical 
development from the first conception. Carried out logically, we 
should therefore have to consider initiation into a masonic order or 
into a college fraternity as a transformation of an original tribal 
initiation. To this, I think, Schurtz would have taken serious ex- 
ception, on the ground that we are here dealing with a purely rational 
and artificial social group. But are we not to a certain extent dealing 
with the same phenomenon in the primitive societies discussed? 

In examining a phenomenon such as initiation, we must not forget 
that it is, in a general way, absolutely conditioned by the specific 
individuality of one man as opposed to that of another. The desire 
of one man for participation in the possessions of another, or in those 
of some differentiated group, is an ultimate fact for which we need 
give no explanation. What is essential for our discussion is the realiza- 
tion that the methods of this participation are infinite, depending 
entirely upon the influence of cultural factors in the development of 
specific areas, and of institutions within them. Thus initiation into 
the Midcwiwin is the transfer of certain mide powers; into the Pebble 
and other Omaha Societies, a common vision; into the Medicine 
Dance, the transfer of certain knowledge. This transfer or initiation 
is in no way different from that which takes place between two indi- 
viduals, except that in the former case we are dealing with phe- 
nomena between an individual on the one hand, and a group of 
individuals on the other. This conception of initiation has become 
associated everywhere with social and ceremonial groups. One may, 
for instance, be initiated into a clan, into a name, into a family, etc. 

To Schurtz, however, the concept of initiaticMi is primarily associated 
wiili i)ubert\'. His argument is that puberty is a physiological stage 
through which cNcry one must pass. The change to .sexual maturity 
is so important a fact, that it cannot [)ossil)ly have escaped any tribe. 
It follows that this physiological change must have been correlated 
with a change in the position of the indi\i(lual in the tribe. He will, 
for instance, among (Jther things, be less sul)jectc<l to ilic inlliicMcc 
of his mother, and more to that of his father, etc. 



20O JoHDial of American Folk-Lore 

All these jjeneral propositions are true; and it is also unquestionably 
true that there has been a marked tendency for ceremonies to cluster 
around that period of physiological change which we call puberty. 
SimilarK', in some cultural areas there has been a secondary, or, if 
\ou wish, a constant association of pul)erty rites with a formal adop- 
tion into the tribe. In Australia, for instance, the individual does 
not become of acti\e social importance until he has passed through cer- 
tain rites at the age of puberty. 

The essential point, however, is whether he does not always become 
of active social importance at about that age. He unquestionably 
does. We cannot, therefore, assume offhand that it is the fact of 
puberty that is being emphasized by the initiatory rites. This would 
be the case only if we could prove that puberty is invariably asso- 
ciated with some form of initiation. If it is not, then we must 
regard the clustering of the concept of initiation around the age of 
puberty, among the Australians and other tribes, as a cultural peculi- 
arity of these peoples.^ 

In other words, the beginning of the social importance of an indi- 
vidual may be associated with puberty initiation rites. Initiation 
may, however, be associated with any period of development. For 
instance, among the Christians and Semites, it is found associated 
with l)irth in the forms of baptism and circumcision; and just as 
with any age, so it may become associated with any social or cere- 
monial unit. It can thus become associated with entrance into a 
society; and we may consc(}uently say that a society is only one of 
the numerous cultural elements with which initiation has become 
associated. 

It is, however, a truism to state that initiation is essential for group 
differentiation; excluding, of course, the case where membership in a 
group is not synonymous with birth. When Schurtz, therefore, re- 
constructs the evolution of initiation, and connects the initiation into 
a society with that at puberty, he must have been guided by some 
more fundamental facts than that of the presence of initiation. The 
postulation of a genetic relationship between the two initiations lay 

' Van Gennep, in a very interesting chapter on "Initiatory Rites" (Chapter VI of his 
Les Riles de Passage), has divided puberty into two divisions, — puberiS physique and 
puherli sociale, — and has shown that the age variations of both are considerable. He 
insists that many writers have consicierably obscured the points at issue by confusing 
the two. Van Gennep beUevcs that the puberli physique and puberle sociale rarely fall 
together. It seems to me that this is not entirely borne out by the facts of the case; for 
it must be remembered that, accompanying the physiological changes at puberty, there 
are mental changes which in many cases permit an individual to become of active social 
importance; and while I think that it is this social activity that is emphasized by the 
initiatory rites, nevertheless the fact must not be overlooked that this social activity often 
coincides with the physiological puberty. We must, of course, not identify physiological 
puberty with any too definite a time, but allow for considerable fluctuations. 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 201 

really in the fact that he detected in the form of initiation into the 
society certain "symptoms" which he regarded as being primarily 
associated with puberty initiation. These symptoms were the pres- 
ence of "tests" as essential for admission into a society; and group- 
initiation or the initiation of a number of youths at the same time. 
That he was thinking of tests in the most general way, can be seen 
by the following statement. "Das Austeilen von Schlagen . . . im 
Duk-Duk hangt wohl mit den Mutproben der Knabenweihe zusam- 
men." ' It is hardly necessary to insist that the test concept used in 
this generalized manner is found associated with the ordinary forms 
of eligibility; so that, wherever the idea of eligibility is associated 
with a social or ceremonial group, there it will be natural to find tests. 
There is no need of giving any examples : they must occur to every one. 
The test feature must consequently be considered so general a cultural 
possession that its association with diverse cultural phenomena is 
quite natural, and its significance will in each case depend upon specific 
conditions. We cannot, therefore, predicate any general significance 
for the association of the test feature in specific cultural complexes. 

Schurtz's second symptom comes out strongly in his discussion 
of the Ruk-Ruk Society of Northern Bougainville.- We have here, 
he says, a remarkable connecting link between simple men's associa- 
tions (Mdnnerbiinde), firmly established by puberty rites and secret 
societies. He arrives at this conclusion, because he finds it customary 
there to have a group of youths initiated into the society at the same 
time. Here both the youth of the novices and the group initiation 
are emphasized as being symptomatic of a development from former 
men's associations (Mdnnerbunde). 

It must, however, be remembered, as we have said before, that a 
man becomes socially active at about the age of puberty, and that his 
social acti\ity will naturally take those channels cust()mar>- in a given 
tribe. The fact that a youth enters a society like the Ruk-Ruk. to 
which most members of the tribe belong, should not excite wonder. 
As a matter of fact, we should find it necessary to explain why he did 
not join. His failure to become a member would most certainK l)e 
associated, in such a case, with a low social status. What is (o be 
emphasized here is not the youth of the novices, but the iiitelKctual 
development occurring at that age. This comes out clearK in the 
case of the Duk-Duk, where the parents generally purchase inrmlur- 
ship for their children immediately after birth, ^'oung children be- 
have like regularly initiated members, but tlie\ only heconie active 
members at the age of sixteen. Similarly in the W'iinubago Medicine 
Dance individuals may be initiated in early childhood, but it is at a 

' Schurtz, Allcrsklassfn und MiinncrbUn<Ii'. p. 376. 
' Ihi.l.. p. 379. 



202 JoHniiil of American Folk-Lore 

much later period that they possess the powers of adult members. 
As a matter of fact, admission depends upon so large a number of 
factors in difTerent societies, that it would be possible to draw up a 
table that would include all ages from birth to old age. 

In the same way the initiation of a group of individuals at one time 
depends upon too large a number of factors to permit any single 
interpretation. The burden of proof rests with Schurtz to show that 
the presence of a specific test connects the Ruk-Ruk Society with 
puberty rites, and that the presence of a group initiation in the Duk- 
Duk connects that society with the men's associations. 

Perhaps a few examples might bring out more clearly the different 
kinds of initiation. 

In the Ruk-Ruk Society the novices retire to the woods, work for 
their sponsors, lay out their plantation^, etc. They are also supposed 
to converse with spirits. ^ Similar conditions are found in the Matam- 
bala Society of the Island of Florida.- This retirement to the woods 
and to a holy precinct, and consequent re-appearance, are character- 
istic of a large number of initiations. The work the novice performs 
for his sponsor must also be regarded as a characteristic of this area. 
The tests of the novice have been spoken of before. They are, as 
might be expected, of the most diverse kind. In Fiji, for instance, a 
ceremonial attack upon the novices occurs, which is said to symbolize 
their death.' 

In Africa we find many of the characteristics noted above. In the 
Purrah the novices retire to a holy precinct, and are said to endure 
extreme hardship. Only warriors thirty years of age can be initiated.^ 
In the Mumbo-Djumbo only youths older than sixteen are admitted.* 
The other conditions are similar to those of the Purrah. In the Simo 
organization novices were circumcized and lived seven years in the 
woods.^ In the Mwetyi Society, in addition to probations, the youths 
adopt a taboo of certain foods or drinks, to which they remain faith- 
ful ever after.^ In the Ndembo Society novices are shot by a rattle, 
and fall down as if dead. They are then carried away to some holy 
precinct, where often as many as from twenty to fifty individuals 
remain at the same time. At this place they stay sometimes as long as 
three years. Their bodies are supposed to disintegrate during this 
time. When they are supi)oscd to return, the shaman gathers their 
bones and restores them to life. On the return to their villages, they 
behave like unknown children, fail to recognize their relatives, to 
understand their own language, etc.^ In the Nkimba similar condi- 
tions are found." 

' .Schurtz, Altcrsklassen unci Manncihunilo, i)p. 378 (T. 

s Ihid., p. 379- ^ ^hid.. pp. 413-415. « Ibid., pp. 433-435. 

' Ihtd., pp. 386 ff. « Ihid., p. 415. » Ibid., pp. 435-437- 

< //x'J.. pp. 410-413. ' //^((/., pp. 430 ff. 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 203 

The \'ariability of the method and concept of initiation is thus seen 
to be enormous. It might be interesting in this connection to point 
out how certain ideas will cluster around initiation in one large geo- 
graphical area, and how the same ideas will cluster around a different 
cultural complex in another large geographical area. For instance, 
in the South Seas and in Africa, initiation is found generally asso- 
ciated with tests or probations; whereas in North America tests are 
not associated with initiation into the society, but with the obtaining 
of visions at the age of puberty. 

2. Degrees. — To Schurtz, degrees are symptomatic of age classes. 
Wherever he finds them in societies, and wherever they seem to be 
correlated with certain ages, he concludes that they are vestiges of 
former age groups. However, he seems to have overlooked one fact, 

— that the same social and individual forces that would tend 
toward the formation of societies would necessarily tend toward the 
development of distinctions within them. It will depend entirely 
upon the nature of the people and the individual history of the organi- 
zation, in what manner these distinctions will be emphasized. One 
of the possible methods of emphasizing them is marking off those with 
common possessions in some definite manner. Here, again, much will 
depend upon the kind of group into which the individual is initiated. 
If, when he enters the society, he is initiated into all that pertains to it, 
gradations will not be likely to arise. Generally, however, there is 
certainly a marked tendency for some sort of gradation, be it due to 
length of membership, insistence upon separate payments, unwilling- 
ness of the older members to imjxirt all to a new member who may 
withal be quite young, a desire to impart piecemeal in order to enhance 
the value of the teachings, etc. Whether these possible lines of 
cleavage will associate themselves with definite markings or rites, 
is a fjuestion of individual cultural development. Thc\' ma\- or tlie\' 
may not. In Melanesia, for instance, they did not. 

In the Ruku-Ruku' of the Fiji Islanders we find three gradations, 

— those of uninitiated youths, grown-up men, and old men. In the 
Purrah- there were two gradations, consisting respecti\ely of those 
over thirty and of those over fifty years. In the Egbo' Society there 
are eleven degrees, into which membership may be purchased one 
after the other in an ascending scale. In Old Calabar Mhere are five 
classes. 

Ill the Purrah we are dealing with an exceedingly intricate complex, 
in which military and judicial functions are (|uite prominent. The 
age factor seems secondary and artifici.il. In the Kgbo there is no 
age factor at ill. In tin- Kuku-Ruku an age factor exists. Owing 

' .Schurtz. .AltiTskliissiMi im<l Mamuil.Un<l<-. p. .JS'". • Ihid.. p. 420. 

« Ibid., p. 4:0. * tbid., p. 422. 



204 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

to the social \aluc of the Ruku-Ruku, all iiulix iduais seem to be 
potential members at birlli. At the same time, the oldest members 
always have specific functions to perform. In this way two groups 
are formed. Those who do not belong to these two groups belong 
to the third grouj). All that can be said here is, that a societ>- has 
utilized a rough age factor for specific purposes. That in reality 
the entire tribe is divided into three divisions, is due to the fact that 
all the members of the tribe are members of the society. This is 
therefore not a phenomenon that has any general significance in the 
evolution of society, but is purely and simply a phenomenon of certain 
secret societies. The threefold division is not due to a persistence 
of a former threefold division of the tribe, but grew out of the needs 
of a specific society. The same remarks hold for the twofold division 
of members in the Purrah. Similarly the four and eight degrees 
found among the Ojibwa Midewiwin are due to a development within 
the society. To-day practically all the members of the tribe belong 
to the Midewiwin, and the tribe may be said to be divided into four 
divisions. (However, in this case the main element, that of the 
association of a certain age with a certain degree, does not exist, 
because there is no fixed age at which a man buys admission into the 
higher degrees.) 

It will consequently be necessary to determine the significance of 
degrees in each particular case before any general significance can 
be attached to them. 

3. Exclusion of Women. — The admission of women into a society is, 
according to Schurtz, a secondary feature. This followed directly 
from his negative position with regard to w^omen's Geselligkeitstrieh, 
and from his assumption that societies were merely transformed 
men's associations, which in turn were transformed age groups. The 
question of the Geselligkeitstrieh of women hardly lends itself to any 
accurate discussion, as, generally speaking, women have not been sur- 
rounded by those conditions which played an important part in develop- 
ing that trait among men. In our own civilization, where men and 
women are to a certain extent subjected to the same conditions, a 
large number of women societies has developed, and large numbers of 
women have been admitted into men's societies. Among us, this 
admission of women is due to the fact that they are now in the same 
industries that men are. However, there are manifold factors which 
can and do bring about the admission of women into men's societies 
or their exclusion therefrom. The nature of some societies may exclude 
men, just as it may exclude women. A soldiers' society will exclude 
women, because women are not soldiers. Similarly a sewing society 
will prol)ably exclude men. The exclusion of women will therefore 
depend upon the specific functions of a society; but the right of 



The Rithial of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 205 

women to participate in certain activities will again depend upon the 
manner in which each specific culture area separated the spheres of 
action of men and women. 

The possibility of infinite variation must force upon us the conclusion 
that we can only begin to investigate the reasons for the exclusion 
or admittance of women when we have a clear understanding of the 
ideas each tribe possesses with regard to the specific functions of the 
men and women. This determination is in a large number of cases 
utterly impossible, because we are in no position to know whether 
the reasons now given are historically the true ones. If, for instance, 
in a men's college fraternity women are debarred on the ground that 
the fraternity is interested in fencing, card-playing, etc., which are 
occupations of men, historically this is not the true reason. Ori- 
ginally fraternities were merely social gatherings of indi\iduals who 
attended a college. There were no women students to admit. To- 
day, when women attend the colleges, wherever new fraternities arise, 
women are admitted. It is thus apparent, that, in the absence of his- 
torical evidence, we must be extremely careful in interpreting the 
reason for this exclusion. 

In Melanesia, for example, women are entirely excluded from the 
societies. However, in Melanesia, societies are associated with a multi- 
tude of religious and social functions in which women are not per- 
mitted to participate. In other words, the Melanesians draw the line 
of demarcation between the activities of men and women along 
these lines. If, for instance, in the New Hebrides, women have nothing 
to do with the funeral and mortuary rites, and a secret society is inti- 
mately connected with such rites, then we ought not to be surprised 
that women are not admitted into the society. It seems to me, there- 
fore, that we should make much better progress in our study of this 
phenomenon in Melanesia and in Polynesia, if we were first to exam- 
ine whether either the conceptions of the tribe, or the nature of the 
specific society, or the cultural elements with which it was associated, 
deljarrcd women from membership. 

A few examples from Africa will einphasize this point even more 
forcibly, and at the same time indicate along what lines the respective 
spheres of men's and women's actions are drawn there. In the Purrali 
Society, women are excluded. The society has general war and judicial 
functions which do not rf)nu' within the domain of women, accord- 
ing to the ideas of the tribe. In the Attonga Society' of Senegambia, 
only women are admitted, and the society is associated with mortuary 
rites. In the Dschcngu we have another women society connected 
here with the cult of some water deity.' In the region around the 

' Schurlz, AllcrsklaMcn iiml MiinnerhUndc. p. 416. 

' Ibid., p. 4J<). 



2o6 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

mouth of the Ogowe there are a number of powerful women societies 
associated with \arious elements.' 

If we now proceed to Schurtz's contention, that women societies 
are merely imitations of men's societies, we shall see that, as a general 
statement, this is as unjustified as is his interpretation that the admis- 
sion of women into societies is a secondary feature. That it is true 
in a number of cases, is unquestioned. However, when, as in Africa, 
we see a very strong tendency for the formation of societies, and see 
at the same time a very large number of women societies, it seems 
far more justifiable to assume that the women societies are formed 
in response to the same tendencies as those of men. To judge from 
parallels in other parts of the world, it is extremely likely that women 
will form societies wherever men show a strong tendency to do so. 
A number of factors may, however, interfere wuth a development of 
such societies. For instance, it is quite plausible that where, as 
among the Melanesians, a strong society-forming tendency existed, 
and women did not participate in it, some strong reason existed which 
might perhaps be ascribed to the fact that women do not there par- 
ticipate in those rites that are almost universally associated with 
societies. 

In North America there are numerous examples of women belonging 
to men's societies. A cursory examination will bring out what were 
the possible factors at work there. In the Objibwa-Menominee Mide- 
w'iwin, women are admitted. Now, in the Ojibwa-Menominee culture, 
women may become shamans as well as men, and the society based 
on shamans will naturally include both sexes. If there are fewer 
women than men, this is because fewer women become shamans. In 
the Winnebago Medicine Dance, wealth and certain requirements 
possessed by both men and women are the only essentials for admis- 
sion; and both sexes can accordingly become members. In the pres- 
ent Sore-Eye Dance, women are admitted. Formerly the same 
society, known as the Night Dance, excluded women. The reason 
is very simple. Formerly, supernatural communication with the 
night spirits was essential for membership, and owing to the 
specific associations attached to these night spirits, women never 
obtained visions from them. When subsequently it was no more 
essential to have had a vision, and membership could l)e purchased by 
any one, women were admitted. Among the Blackfool, women are 
part members of the religious society, because, according to Blackfoot 
ideas of property, the former have a part in the medicine-bundle of 
the man. The possession of the medicine-bundle is necessary for ad- 
mission into the society.^ It is tlius apparent that the explanation for 
the exclusion of women from a society must lie in a large number of 

' Schurtz, Altersklassen uirl MiimierbilmJe, p. 429. 
' Oral communication of Dr. Wissler. 



The Ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance 207 

factors, not the least important of which is the nature of the specific 
ideas of propcrt>' and the respective spheres of activity of men and 
women. 

4. Functions of the Society. — Our analysis of the five ceremonies has 
clearly established the differences in the functions of the societies. 
To Schurtz these differences were due to developments from one his- 
torically primary function. His line of argument is a direct conse- 
quence of his assumption that secret societies have dexeloped from 
the men's associations. 

If we glance at the West African, the Melanesian, the Polynesian, 
North American, and our own societies, we see that their functions 
are legion. Now, it can be demonstrated that where the whole or a 
large part of the tribe is included in a society, that society will possess 
many of the functions of the tribe, because individuals are primarily 
carriers of their culture, and secondarily members of a society; or, 
it might be better said that these two functions of an individual are 
so inextricably connected that they cannot be thought of apart. It 
can also be demonstrated that specific societies have associated with 
them a variety of functions. In each case we are dealing with the 
same phenomenon. The number of possible combinations is prac- 
tically infinite. It is, however, a suggestive fact that certain functions 
of a society are distributed over large areas. In Melanesia, for in- 
stance, the most constant functions of societies seem to be those con- 
nected with mortuary rites and ancestor worship. In Africa, again, 
they are primarily judicial and administrative. In the case of our 
fi\e North American ceremonies, they are religious and magical. For 
the latter our explanation lay in assuming that we were dealing there 
with a common cultural background. The same exj^lanation holds 
true for Melanesia and Africa. In other words, societies, like all 
other social units in which an individual takes part, must necessarily 
associate themselves with the cultural background in which they are set. 

5. Conclusion. — The study we have undertaken can only indi- 
rectly be considered an e.xamination of Schurtz's theories. What wi- 
ha\e attempted is the analysis of a number of ceremonies, in order to 
discover what tendencies were operative in their growth. These exam- 
ples, combined with others taken from the South Seas and Africa, 
have demonstrated clearly that there exist in the world certain gen- 
eral ideas that may associate them.selves with any t\ |)e of social and 
ceremonial organization. Ceremonies in origin historically distiiu t 
may thus come to possess general and often specific resemblances. It 
is consecjuently of extreme importance, in any scheme of social recon- 
struction, to determine first whether the common elements in thr 
ethnological data compared are not due to such a convergent e\'olu- 
tion. 



2o8 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

LIST OF AUTHORITIES 

Boas, F. The Social Organization and the Secret Societies of the Kwa- 
kiutl Indians {Report of the U. S. National Museum for iSqs). 

Uensmore, F. Chipp&wa Music {Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 
45). Washington, Government, 1910. 

Fletcher, A. The Omaha {Annual Report of the Bureau of American Eth- 
nology, vol. xxvii [1905-06]). 

Frobenius, L. Die Masken und Geheimbiinde Afrikas {Abhandlungen 
der Kaiserlichen Leopoldinisch-Carolinischen Akademie der Naturforscher, 
Band 74). Halle, 1899. 

Hoffman, W. The Mide'wiwin of the Ojibwa {Annual Report of the Bureau 
of American Ethnology, vol. vii). 

The Menominee {Ibid., vol. xiv). 

Jones, W. Central Algonkin {Annual Archaeological Report, 190S, of 
Ontario). 

Radin, p. The Winnebago Medicine Dance (MS.). 

RiGGS, S. R. Dakota Grammar and Texts. 

ScHURTZ, H. Altersklassen und Mannerbiinde. 1902. 

Skinner, A. Cree Notes (MS.). 

Van Gennep, A. Les Rites de Passage. 
CoLU.MBiA University, New York. 



Notes on the Fox Indians 209 

NOTES ON THE FOX INDIANS 

BY WILLIAM JONES 

[Note. — The following notes were found among the manuscripts 
left by Dr. William Jones, who was murdered in the course of his 
explorations in the Philippine Islands. They are given here, without 
any modification, as they were written down by the author. The 
notes evidently form part of his extended observations on the Fox 
Indians. — Fraxz Boas.] 

wis a' K A* 

Wisa^kd" and Creation of the Earth. — Wlsa'ka" now lives far of^ 
in a place where it is always winter. It is so far away that nobody 
can go there. Once on a time long ago he lived here on earth, he 
and his younger brother. At that time the manitous became angered 
against the brothers, and met in council to devise means how they 
should best do to kill them. They succeeded in killing the younger 
brother, but with Wisa'ka* they could not accomplish their purpose. 
First they tried fire, and then they used water. They searched for 
him everywhere; they made a great roar and a din as they mo\ed 
in their search. 

The water drove him to flight upon a high mountain. He had to 
climb a tall pine on top of the mountain. From thence he took to a 
canoe which slid off the top of the pine, and about over the water he 
went a-paddling. A turtle-dove fetched him some twigs, and a muskrat 
brought him up some mud. With the mud he made a small ball, and 
into the ball he stuck the twigs. He flung them together into the 
water. The ball grew so fast that the water straightway subsided. 
The earth we now live upon was from the lit tit- mud ball which 
Wisa'ka" flung into the water. 

Six Men visit Wlsa'kd". — Once on a time six men set out to ^ isit 
Wisa'ka* in his lodge at the north. The journey was far, and full of 
toil. On the way they had to i)ass o\er the place where the sun goes 
down, ll was an abyss, and not easy to pass. They watched the 
mouth cl(jse and o[)en; back it closed and opened again. l"i\e men 
stepped safely across when it closed; but one lost his fooling, and fell 
in. 

The men had no means of rescuing their comrade, and so had to go on 
without him. They came to a sea; and while the\- looked out on the 
water, they beheld a narrow slicct of land lloatiniL; towards them; it 
api)roache(l with the side towards the shore. W hen tiie shores touched 
together, oxer they hopped, and out to sea they floated. They were 
carried to the shore of another land. 



2IO Journal of A iucricaii Folk-Lore 

They stepped across on the strange shore. There was land all the 
way from this 'place to the lodge of Wfsa'kii". They saw the lodge 
from afar, and it was beautiful to look upon. They drew nigh and 
beheld two doors in the lodge; one opened at the south, the other at 
the north. 

Within sat Wisa'kii", he and his grandmother, Mother-of-all-the- 
Earth. Both were seated on a mat on the ground; they sat beside 
each other, and before a fire. 

"Behold, and here have come my uncles!" said Wisa'ka*. "Be 
seated." Then he said to his grandmother, "My grandmother, fix 
food for them to eat." And Mothcr-of-all-the-Earth rose and began 
to prepare food. She laid a mat in front of her grandchildren; on 
the mat she set wooden bowls, and in the bowls was a mixture of 
bufifalo-meat and hominy. The buffalo-meat had been cured over a 
fire and in the sun, and then pounded in a mortar; the hominy had 
been ground into meal. Both were put together in one dish, and her 
grandchildren had never before eaten any food so delicious. When 
they had eaten, they sat back, and smoked the tobacco which Wisa'ka* 
had given them to smoke. Long they smoked, and in silence. 

By and by Wisa'ka" asked, "WHiat do you wish, and why have you 
come? Surely you must have come for something." 

One spoke, and said, "I seek to know the ways of women, for I 
wish to find myself a suitable wife among the women at home. For 
this reason I have conic, and I ask that I may take the power with mc; 
I wish to pass it on to others who may long for the same thing." 

Wisa'ka" made reply, and said, "You ask for a great gift. But you 
have been a good man, and you have come from afar. For this reason 
I give what you ask." 

Another spoke, and said, "I come for power to heal the sick and to 
make possible long life." 

Wisa'ka* said, "The pine lives a long time, and then dies; but the 
granite lives on forever." And then he transformed the man into a 
granite bowlder. 

A third man said, " I come to ask for power to prevail over those who 
play against me at lacrosse, who run against me in a foot-race, who 
take sides against mc in all games of chance." 

Wisa'kii* gave to the man what he asked. 

The fourth man said, " I come to ask for the power that will enable 
me to get game with ease. I wish for the power that will guide me 
straight to the place that game of all kind freciucnts." 

And Wisa'ka" gave the man his wish. Then Wisa'ka" loosed the 
cord from his moccasin and heUl it o\'er the fire. The cord shrank 
to half of its former length. He held it up, and said, "Tiius, by half. 
is the length of your journey shortened." 



Notes on the Fox Indians 21 1 

The men rose and departed, and went by the way they came. They 
arrived at home in half the time that it had taken them to go to the 
lodge of their nephew. Verily, the journey was shortened by half, 
as Wlsa'ka" had said. 

The men lived and practised e\cry one his own peculiar power. But 
the power of the hunter had evil effects. It worked ill with every one 
who chanced to cross the path along which it had been carried. It 
wrought weakness to the body, and shortened life. None dared to 
live neighbor to him who held the power. 

THE ORIGIN OF THE SALKS AND FOXES 

Origin of the Saiiks (Fox Version). — The Foxes are an ancient 
people, more ancient than all others; and every nation that exer came 
on a visit bore testimon\' to the fact. They are even so ancient that 
none among them e\er knew when first the Foxes came upon earth. 
It must have been a great while ago when the great manitou placed the 
first of our people here on earth. 

Thc\' dwelt a long lime by the sea. Old men used to congregate 
at the shore, where they could sit and look out over the sea. On one 
of these occasions they beheld an object coming from afar, and making 
straight for the shore where they were. They watched, and saw that 
it was a huge fish. For a while its head reared above water; and 
when it ducked beneath, up came the tail a-switching. Thus it 
came, first the head out <>i' the water, and then the tail. 

When the fish drew nigh, the people saw that its head was like the 
head of a mrm, and the\' were astonished. They watched it come to 
the shore, and when it arri\e<i in water too shallow for swininiing, 
it rose; and e\ery part that was lifted out of water became the same 
as a man. The tail was the last to change; it became legs and feet 
after leaving the water behind. 

Behind the strange being came a great school of other fishes, and 
the same thing ha[)[)ened to them. Tlie\- changed from fishes into 
pco|)le. Tln'\- went up from the w.itcr and followed their leader. 
He was bigger and taller than all the rest. He was their chief. He 
led them olT to a |)lace close by the town, and there they made them- 
selves the same kind of a town. 1C\ i-r\ tin'iig tiu\- saw llu'\ cojiied. 
Everything they saw the I-'oxes do, they went and did the sami-. 

The Foxes asked them who they were, why tlu-y lift the sea, what 
manner of life the\- h.id while there. Rut the new folk wi-re unable 
to tell. ;\ll they knew was, th.it they had lived in the sea, that one 
day the>" followed their chief inshore, and became transformi-d into 
people when the\- (|uit the water. Nothing more (onld ilie\ (ell. 

Thereujjon. because they knew nought of themseKes while in the 
sea, the Foxes named them Osagiwag', which is "people who come out 



212 Jourmil of American Folk-Lore 

into the open." They giue the name as a symbol to show that they 
came from under the water, that they came out from one kind of 
creatures and entered the form of another, and that they came out of 
one manner of Hfe and entered into another which they knew nothing 
of before. It was a sign that they came out to become a race of people. 

Creation of the Fox. — The Fox was the first of men on earth. He 
came before all others. He was red at the face, at the hands, at the 
legs, all ()\(T his body e\erywhere. He was red, like the color of the 
blood within him. Siu h was the way he was made by Wisa'ka", and 
such was the way he looked when his maker let him step forth on earth 
among the manitous. 

Among the manitous he mingled. He was present at their councils, 
and had the right of speech. The manitous looked upon him with 
wonder, and made comment when he passed in and out among them. 
He was very much of a manitou. 

Afterwards came other Foxes, manitous like the first. By and by 
they grew great in number. As time went on, they took on the form, 
the looks, and the nature, of the people that they now are. 

Things have changed since those times. The people are now in 
distress. They no longer reap the good of the land which is theirs; 
little by little it is slipping from their hands. Bird and animal kind is 
vanishing, and the world is not as it was in the beginning. \\\{h all 
this the manitou is displeased. On some day in the future the manitou 
will lake it upon himself to destroy this earth. He will then create it 
anew, and place his chosen to dwell there once more. In that day the 
Fox will look as he did in the beginning; he will be red all over the 
body, red as the blood within him. 

MANITOUS 

South Manitou, Star, Sun. — The name of the south wind is Cawana- 
anwi, and Cawan" is the name of the great manitou of the south. 
He and the South Wind are friends. In the lodge of Cawan" dwell 
the Thunderers, that go forth to guard the people. 

Cawan" and Wisa'kii" are friends. A road leads across the sky 
from the lodge of one to the other. A Star journeys along the road, 
and stops midway between the two lodges. The stop is at noon, and 
is taken with a little rest and gossip with the Sun, who happens along 
at the same time. His path leads westward from a lodge at the east. 
His stop is for only a short while. It would never do for him to delay 
long; we shf)uld all speediK- burn up, — we, and the world anrl all that 
is in it. 

Cdwand"; the Thunderers. — There dwell four Thunderers in the 
lodge of Cawano'. They are the guardians of the people. 

Sky Country. — Above the clouds somewhere, far into the distant 



N^otes on the Fox Indians 213 

blue, is a wide country. Manitous without number dwell there. A 
long lodge stands on the shore of a great white river, and in the lodge 
abide many manitous. Among them is one great manitou who is 
chief of the sky-country manitous. 

Much doing goes on in the lodge, such as singing, dancing, and 
feasting. The sound of the drum, rattle, and whistle, is ever in the 
air. Frequenth- the Thunderers leave the course of their beat and 
stop at the lodge. There they are feasted with choice food. But 
their visit is short, and then they are gone again. Some people are 
destined to live in that country after this life. Our knowledge of the 
place and the doings there comes from them. 

Thituderers and Other Manitous. — There are four great manitous 
that keep watch over us, — one on the north, one on the south, one 
on the east, and one on the west. They dwell aloft in among and 
beyond the clouds; and we call them Xeneme'kiwag'. They move to 
and fro, here and there, and keep a constant watch over the safety of 
the people. They frequently meet; then we hear them move with 
heaving rumble. In their anger they strike with fire. They hold in 
check the manitous of the wind and storm, and keep them from 
de\-astating our homes. When one beholds the trees ripped off and 
toppled over, one should know that it is the doing of the manitous 
moving in the wind. Often the wind leaps, and leaves an intervening 
space untouched. Such a thing is the doing of a manitou. Such is 
h(nv the manitous spare the homes of the people from danger; such 
is how the winds often leave them unharmed. A mutual feeling of 
good-will prevails between the manitous and the people. Such is why 
the i7ianilous first look where the j^eople are before they strike the 
earth with fire. 

Abo\e the manitous, far up on high, are others who are in great 
number. They keep themsehes familiar with affairs on earth, and 
look down upon the people with (•()nii)assi()ii. T1k'\- ha\e a chief, and 
he is called the great manitou. 

Beneath the earth are other manitous. T1r\' ha\e charge of water 
and fire. They supply the peopK- with trees and with the fruits of 
every kind of i)lant. They are also acquainted with the people on 
earth and with the manitous o{ other worUls. Amcjiig them is a 
manitou who is like a chief; he, too, is a great manitou. Tiiese 
manitous often come upon earth and pass among the people; tluN- arc 
not alwa\s visibk- to the eyes of everylxxK'. Tlie\- and other manitous 
hold communion one with another; they often iiuit in council. 

Thunderers as Protectors. — The Thunderers an- kept bus\- with 
watching over us. The coming of wind and tin- approach of clouds 
are sure signs of an immediate presence of tin* riuMidrr manitous. 
They grow angry at the sight of wrong dour to U'^. With great effort 

VOL. XXIV. — NO. 92. — 15. 



2 14 Journal of American Folk-Lorc 

they restrain tlK'Hisclves when they behold the people driven to an 
extremity, when they behold the people enduring wrongs beyond all 
endurance. Naturally there must be an end of this thing; it will l)e 
on a day yet to come. The Thunder manitous will no longer withhold 
their patience. In that day they will crack open this earth and Ijlow 
it to pieces. Where the white man will be hurled, no one knows, 
and no one cares. After this, the manitou will then create this world 
anew, and put the people back into it to li\e again. In that da\- they 
will no longer be pestered with the white man. 

The white man often gets a gentle reminder of what he will come to 
if he does not let up with his o\erweaning arrogance; it's when he 
beholds his houses blown away by the wind and struck w iili lightning. 
That he ciuite fears these things, is shown by the way he takes to a hole 
when such danger is in sight. He flics to it like a prairie-dog; it seems 
quite natural to him. 

But with us it is different. When the sky is full of wind and shooting 
fire, out of the lodges we go and meet the manitous there; to them we 
make an offering of sacred tobacco, and they are pleased. 

Attitude of People totvard the Thunderers. — There are four great 
Thunder manitous, and their abode is in a lodge at the south. When 
they are there together, they sit one on the north, one on the south, 
one on the east, and one on the west. In such wise they sit and hold 
council, and tell of their wanderings across the sky. These four 
manitous are mighty. 

We stand toward them as a child toward its parents. We feel safe 
in their power of protection. That's why we go to meet them when we 
hear the sound of their ai)proach. They look down at the holy 
tobacco in our hands, and it jileases them. Even though our houses 
are made of poles stuck into ground, and of sheets of bark, and of 
mats hung on with thongs, yet withal the Thunderers send no wind 
or rain so strong as to beat them down. 

Northern Li'i^hts. — In the winter, flames of fire flash upward from 
the place where the northern sky meets the earth. They are the 
ghosts of our slain enemies trying to rise. They arc restless for 
revenge. The sight iA them is an ill omen, it is a sign of war and 
pestilence. 

Fire. — Our fire comes from the manitous who live in the world 
under the earth. They created the fire, and it is theirs. All their 
time they spend watching after and caring for ii . The fire that people 
use first came from this place under the earth. Even the Thunderers, 
who keep w'atch over the people, obtain their fire from the manitous 
of the underworld. This is the fire one sees flashing fn^m their mouths 
when they pass across the sky. 

Snakes. — We never kill a snake, because it is a manilou; an\way, 



Notes on the Fox Indians 215 

it is not safe to kill a snake. The manitous keep watch for the sla>er, 
and hurt him in some way, either by illness or by an accident. A 
sudden swelling of the arm or leg or jaw, or in an\' part of the body, 
is a sign that the manitous are getting in their baneful work. The 
manitous have a way of prolonging the pain and agony; they bring 
the person up to the threshold of death, but don't quite let him pass in. 

For the same reason we do not kill an owl, fox, or wolf. They are 
manitous, and we and they are friends. We often meet and converse; 
they understand us, and we understand them. 

Toads. — Toads are manitous, and they are our grandparents. 
They live in the summer lodges, dwelling in the ground under the 
platforms. We like to have them there because they have the power 
of healing the sick. They are peaceful beings, and they ha\e a 
friendly feeling towards us. It is meet never to kill them. 

Earth and Plant Life. — The earth is grandmother both to us and 
to Wlsa'ka*. Her name is Mother-of-all-Things-Everywherc. This 
grass, these sprouts, and these trees are as the hair upon us, only 
upon her they are not hair but as mortal beings. They are all grand- 
parents to us. They hold converse with one another the same as we 
do, and they discern what passes on among people, as between you 
and me at this moment. 

The murmur of the trees when the wind passes through is but the 
voices of our grandparents. Often a whole forest hums with talk, 
and the trees can be heard at a distance. They have jovs and trials 
like us. So we often hear the sound of their laughter and the sound 
of their lamentations. Hence one should be careful not to hurt their 
feelings. That is why it is meet to offer a tree tobacco when one is 
about to cut it down; that is why it is good not to fell trees wantonly. 

The trees woo in the spring-time. They yield and refuse, the same 
as people. They whose tops bend and meet together are such as find 
each other agreeable; and they that sway aj)art are not so congenial. 
Not till later in the summer and fall does one know the treis (h.it 
have mated; such arc these that bear fruit and acorns. 

Corn — Grains of Corn. — Wisa'ka" gave the corn to the Kul- 
Earths to be used by them as the best of all tiieir foods. It is eviii a 
manilou, and tlial is why it is so nourishing. 

Every grain has the nature (^f a human being. "It shall not be 
removed from the cob except to be eaten and to be planted," so 
commanded the maniioii in limes gone by. It should never be w.isted, 
yet people forget; and when they become careless and wasti-ful with 
the corn, then the little grains weep; they become .sad, like children 
neglected .md lift alone. 



2i6 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

RICMARKS ON CLANS 

Fox Clan and the Animal Fox. — Wako* denotes a member of the 
Fox Clan, and Wakucii' is the word for a fox. One is applied to a 
person, the other to an animal; but both express the same meaning, 
which is that the person and animal are one and the same. 

The manitou looks upon both as the same kind of creature. They 
are his friends, and he pities them alike. 

Once the manitou wished to create something which would give 
him special delight. So he created a fox. The covering on the fox 
shone like silver in the sunlight. The manitou was pleased with the 
looks of what he had made. 

Then he let it down on the ground to see whither it would go and 
how it would behave. It started off on a run and went toward the 
south, but the place grew so warm that the fox became faint and 
could not travel. The heat of the place angered it and caused it to 
return northward. On the way back the fox regained its strength and 
soon fell into a run. It kept on until it arriv^ed at the lodge of Wlsa'ka*. 
Wlsa'ka" took the fox inside and gave it welcome. He was pleased 
with it and gave it food. 

All this took place in the sky country. 

The fox left the lodge of Wlsa'ka" and descended down to earth, 
and here it has been ever since. It is guardian to all those who bear 
the fox name. 

Bears, and People of the Bear Claji. — There is no difference between 
a bear and one who goes by the name of a bear; both are the same, 
they are like brothers and sisters. The manitou created them alike 
in the beginning; he made them like bears, and they moved on four 
feet and under a heavy robe. Their life was the life of the bear. 

The resemblance now between a bear and one of the Bear name is 
not as it used to be. They of the Bear name walk with the body 
erect, and the manner of their life is different. How this came to be, 
and when, no one knows, and is not likely to know. One thing only is 
certain, it was the work of the manitou. 

Bears are present at all gatherings of the Bear-people; thc>- are not 
always visible, but yet they are there, and their presence is always 
felt. Bears, and people of the Bear name, are still brothers and sisters. 
That is the way the manitou willed it in the beginning, and that is 
the way it shall always be. Fathers with a Bear name shall call 
their children by something peculiar to a bear; this shall they do till 
the end of time. 

WITCHCKAIT 

Witches. — There are some persons among us who are witches. It 
is not safe to anger such people, because of the risk of having to sufifer. 
A wiicli works evil in various ways. All that a witch needs to do is 



Xotes OH the Fox Indians 217 

to touch a man on the shoulder, and it will not be long before the man 
will feel pain there. A witch may brush against a man on the hip, 
and the place will soon be big with swelling. 

Witches have great power, and they can work evil at a distance. 
I once knew of a witch that had something in a knot as big as my 
thumb. There was magic power in the knot, and the power was of 
long range. The witch would speak to the power in the knot, and 
tell whom and where to hit. If the witch said to hit so and so on the 
thumb, so and so would be struck on the thumb and suffer swelling 
there. It never failed to do execution. Magic power, the same as a 
witch, enters a lodge by way of the door. 

Witches like to travel by night. They often spit fire as they pass; 
the flash is frequently so big as to light up the whole landscape. 
They often seem in great hurry, passing by with a whir and a hiss in 
their wake. A witch frequently goes forth in the form of a bear. The 
swing of its walk is slow, and a grunt comes with every step of the foot; 
and at ever>' grunt is a flash which lights up the path in front. 

It is possible to kill a witch, but not always on the spot. A witch 
is said to live four days after a fatal wound. One who dies without 
any sign of previous illness or as soon as one has been taken with 
sickness is usually looked upon as one who has been a witch. 

It seems that the manitous do not like for witches to visit the graves 
of the dead. Hence every grave is guarded by four manitous. They 
station themselves about ten paces northwest from the grave. They 
keep watch by turns; one stands guard while the other three sleep. 
Witches are accustomed to visit a grave at night. A witch approaches 
with a whir, and lands at the grave with a thud. It stamps on the 
ground, and immediately up from the grave rises a ghost. The object 
of the witch's coming is to take the ghost on a wandering journey in 
the night. 

As soon as a witch arri\es, the manitou on guard moves up and 
lays hold of the witch before it can get away. If the witch makes 
a promise not to visit the grave again, the manitou is likely to let 
it depart. But usually the guard wakens the other manitous, and 
they cut the witch up into pieces, which the\' scatter o\'cr the grave 
as a warning to other witches. The manitous depart at the coming 
of dawn, and nturii again at dusk. 

5(?fr5. — .Among us are some persons who have [)ower to look 
into the future, and therefore can foretell when anylxnly is going to 
die or whenever anything is going to happen. There are also other 
persons who can see witches as they travel about at night; and they 
can also see those people who have long since bi-en dead. Of course, 
what they see is the ghosts of the dead, for it is a common thing f(»r 
ghosts to travel forth at night, ^'et it i> not so easy to liold coun crse 



2 1 8 Journal of A inerican Folk- Lore 

with ghosts. Persons who can see them can of course speak to them, 
but ghosts do not always answer back; and when they do answer, it 
is not always jjossible to catch what they sa\ . 

GHOSTS AND THE SOUL 

Ghosts. — Ghosts will not conic to the halloo made 1)\ blowing 
upon the palms clasped, with a hollow inside; but llie\- will come to a 
whistle long sustained. The sound of their ajiproach is like the pit-a- 
pat of bare feet on hard ground. They come up on the run, with 
bodies forward, arms extended backward, and with wild looks this 
way and that. They come through the air, and light on the ground 
with a thud; and then they stand silent by the caller's side, waiting 
to know the cause of their summons. This takes place in the night, 
and may happen at any time between dusk and the sight of coming 
dawn. 

Sonl. — Noganaw" is in the heart of every man, woman, and child. 
It often comes forth when one is asleep, and wanders around, but it 
remains in its abiding-place while one is awake. It goes in the form 
of the person in whose heart it dwells. Its movement is swift and 
silent. 

It leaves the heart when a man is at the point of death. It goes 
to the lodge of Tclpayaposw" in the spirit-land. If it returns without 
delay, the man will live; but if it tarries, the man will die. It returns 
after the man is dead, and lingers four days about the old home. 
Then it goes to the spirit-world to stay for good. 

On the way it meets a manilou that opens the top of its skull and 
takes out a pinch of brain. 

TOBACCO 

Source of the Present Sacred Tobacco. — The tobacco once failed, 
and there was no more to be had. Thereupon a man went into a fast. 
Once as he lay asleep, the manitou appeared unto him and spoke 
these things: 

"Arise, and prepare thyself for a journey. Four days thou shalt 
travel northward, go till thou comest to the sea. I will guide thee 
into a grove, and bring thee up to a tree the top of which will curv^e 
downward. One branch thou wilt see pointing straight down at the 
ground. There thou shalt look, and thou wilt fmd a plant tiny and 
tender. Take up the plant and fetch it home. Be watchful in thy 
care of it, for it is holy. Thy people will have need for much use of it." 

The man did as he was told. That is the source of the tobacco 
which we now have for sacred use. 

Tobacco, its Groivth. — Tobacco is grown in an out-of-the-way place 
which people are most likely not to frecjuent. A number of aged men 



Azotes on the Fox Indians 219 

personally tend ii during growtli, and see to its drying and preparation 
for use. The\' pluck the leaf and take out most of the main stem, 
leaving only enough of it to keep the leaf together. The leaves are 
laid out on a flat wootlen surface and dried in the sun. After the 
drying, the tobacco is crumpled between the palms of the hands, and 
crushed into powder. The shoots and the poorer growth are sorted 
out and put aside for indi\idual or social smoking; such kind is used 
for medicine or as an ingredient for some medicinal mi.xture. It has 
no ceremonial use. 

The better tobacco is put away for holy purposes; it is burned as an 
incense; it is smoked during a ceremony; and is used as an offering, 
either burned or otherwise. 

It is the custom for no woman to go near the place where the tobacco 
is growing, or to be around where it is in process of drying and prepara- 
tion for use. It is believed that during such a period a woman can 
do tobacco much harm; the harm can be partly unintentional on her 
part. The character of the harm is a loss of magic and sacred eftec- 
tiveness. When things don't turn out right by the use of holy tobacco, 
the blame is liable to be laid to some woman. 

I(3WA 

The country toward the south is too warm in summer; the water 
there is not good to drink, and the hot winds parch the soil and the 
plants that try to grow. The country at the north is better than thai 
at the south. Game is more plentiful, and rice can be gathered from 
the lakes. But the winters are too cold. The land westward is too 
much prairie, woofl is scarce, and water is not always to be had. We 
have reason to be satisfied with the place where we now dwell. There 
is not too much prairie; wood is f)lentiful, of which there are many 
kinds, and enough for all our nct'cU. WatiT is aiwaxs good to drink. 
Winters are ne\er too cold, and the suinnurs are always pleasant. It 
is our wish to dwell here alwa\ s. 

ni;.\KiN(; and u.ndkrsta.mmnc. 

We hear sounds all around us. The mere hearing of them is by 
way of the car. That is one kind of hearing, .\iiotlur is b\' wa\' of 
the mouth, anfl that gives us understanding. It happens in this wa\'. 
We hear a spoken word and are able to catch its mi-aiiing. Tlu- soimd 
of the word came by way of the car, but the .sense came by way of the 
mouth. The sense enters anrl lodgi-s within us. and becomes a part 
of us. Such is the .source of our understanding. 

We often fail to grasp the meaning of the sjxjken word. The reason 
of the failure is that the setise h()\ered in front of the mouth, and tlitted 
away before finding an entrance. 



220 Journal of American FoJk-Lorc 

Aiul we sometimes find it hard to understand. Tlie reason for the 
difficulty is that the sense was a long while beating against the face 
before it finalK' hit the entrance and flew in. 

AIM'ROI'RIATKNKSS OF DRESS 

We let you inside the lodge because you are one of us, — not one 
of our clan, but one of our people. One thing only we ask of you: it 
is that you remove your hat and your coat before you enter the lodge. 
Leave them behind. The reason is plain: the manitous are inside the 
place; off^erings are being made to them, — offerings of prayer, song, 
tobacco, and foods of many kinds. The manitous are pleased with 
these things. No one is there with hat or coat, everybody is in ap- 
propriate dress. So what we ask is merely for the purpose of removing 
the fear of disturbing the peaceful presence of the manitous. 

BEAR-CLAN FEAST AND DAVENPORT 

It is not our custom to let white people inside the lodge during a 
feast of the clan. There was once a white man who was our friend. 
His name was Davenport. He spoke some Fox. He liked us, and 
there was always truth in what he said. For these and other reasons 
we used to ask him into the lodge; he came, and was glad to be there. 

SOCIAL DIVISIONS 

There are two social divisions in the tribe, — KIcko and To'kan. 
One enters a division at birth. The father usually, but not always, 
determines which division his child will enter. If he is a To'kan, 
it is likely his children will be the same. Often the first-born is the 
same as the father, and the next child is the other. No distinction 
is made on account of sex. 

The division creates rivalry in athletics and in e\crything where 
the spirit of emulation exists. 

ADOPTION 

An Adoption. — Tama, June 30, 1902. Tiiis morning I attended 
an adoption ceremony. The people w'cre yet in the winter flag-reed 
lodges, and so most of the ceremony was held out-doors. 

I arrived when the men and boys were playing at cards. There 
was gambling in the play, but things put up were of small value. 

The invited were bidden to eat. 

Just previous to the eating the adojjted ai)peared dressed in holiday 
garb. Later both — for there were two — went through the camps 
and among the crowd, covered with green blankets and in holiday dress. 

After the eating, the To'kanagi and Kickohagi played at moccasin. 
Twelve sticks were used. In the circle were sixteen or seventeen men. 



Notes on the Fox Indians 221 

They played with a lead bullet and four gloves. A long stick was used 
to find the bullet. Two leaders, a To'kana and a Kickoha, sat at the 
east end of the circle and beside each other. Each beat the can (for 
drum) and sang when his side had the bullet. Others of his side 
sang with him. 

After the moccasin game, cards were playetl. Then came the ball 
game. 

The players were called to the centre of the field midway between 
the goals. They faced each (jther in line, — the To'kanSgi on the 
north side, and the Kickohilgi on the south side. At the east end, 
between the two lines, stood the two leaders. They faced the west. 

The two adopted sat between the lines of players, and faced the 
west. An old man stood near them and spoke. 

The game was played in mud and pools, and was won by the Kicko- 
hSgi by the score of four to nothing. This gave them the privilege to 
eat at a feast soon after the game. At the lodge of the adoption a 
short dance was held just after the game. 

Lacrosse played at an Adoption. — Two boys went to the middle of 
an open ground and stood facing the west. They were in mcjccasins, 
leggings, breech-clout, blanket, and eagle-feather, — in full ccrenionicd 
dress. Both were made conspicuous with paint. One, on the right, 
was in green and black; the other, on the left, was in white. The one 
in green held a lacrosse-stick, with a ball in the pocket. Both slick 
and ball were colored green. 

In front and on the right stood seven To'kan men. They were 
painted with black and blue. Facing the seven To'kan men were se\en 
Klcko men, who were painted with white clay. Both sevens held 
lacrosse-sticks in their hands. 

An aged To'kan man stepped into tlie space between the se\ens, 
and spoke to the players. A high wiiid was blowing, and it w.is 
difficult to catch all he said. The following was part of the talk: — 

"We obtained this ball game from the manilou. 1 1 was gi\en to us 
long ago in the past. Our ancestors played it as the manitoii taiiL^ht 
them; in the same way have we always played it, and in the s.inie 
way shall our people continue to play it. IMay hard, but pla\' lair. 
Don't lose your heads and get angry." . . . 

After him spoke an old Kicko man. and the siib^taine ol lii> talk 
was much the sanu-. 

As soon as the second man had finished speaking, iluii the boN- who 
held the lacrosse-stick tossed the green ball into the air between the 
two sevens, and the game was on. Then from the gallery came other 
players, until more than twenty on a side were at play. The game 
ended with the score of three to one in favor of the Kicko side. 

A great supply of food had been prepared in a lodge near b\ the 



222 Joiinial of American Folk-Lore 

field. It was prepared and given by the pecjple who had adopted the 
boys. By virtue of their victory the Kicko players had the right to 
claim the food as theirs. So, assuming the role of hosts, they ex- 
tended an invitation t'o their defeated opponents to come to the feast 
and eat. At the same time they twitted them of the ease with 
which they disposed of them in the game. A few To'kan men accepted, 
placidly submitting themselves to the fun poked at them during the 
feast. 

Two ponies, saddled and bridled, and laden with calico, blankets, and 
other gifts, stood in front of the lodge. As soon as the feast began, 
the boys climbed into the saddles, and then their ponies were led 
away toward the west. Each pony was led by a man on foot. About 
half a mile from the lodge the boys dismounted and led the ponies 
themselves afoot. The men went back to the feast. 

The departure of the boys from the lodge was a symbol that the 
souls of the dead whose places the boys took were then set free and 
on the road to the spirit-world. 

KlYAGAMOHAG' 

The Klyagamohag' are the ones who do the fighting for us. When 
war is made against us, they are the first to go; others follow after- 
wards. They have manitou power, and the manitou looks upon them 
with favor. They have the power to change themselves into a thin 
mist. This mist is like faint blue smoke, and it enables them to keep out 
of sight of the enemy. When they die in battle, it is as if they were 
weary unto fatigue and lie down to sleep. They lie down with the 
hope of rising with the dawn in the spirit-world. 

Kiyagamo" takes the place of a comrade who has died in battle or in 
quiet life. There is dancing and feasting at the time, and it takes al- 
most a whole day. Only the invited come to the ceremony. There 
is one who is in charge of all that is doing. He walks around with a 
whip in his hand, and sends away all who are not invited. He keeps 
up the enthusiasm of the dance; he prods any one who lags, and he 
often uses the lash. He sees to it that none shall sit while music and 
dancing are going on. It is not right to show lack of interest in the 
feast and dance, because it makes the journey of the soul slow, toilsome, 
and lonely. 

The KTyagamohag' put some food in wooden bowls, and place the 
bowls with ladles beside the fire. Then they eat up all the food and 
put away the vessels. But this is only going through the act of eating 
and of putting away the vessels, for the food is yet in the vessels, and 
the vessels are still by the fire. The food is for the souls of dead 
KTyagamohag'. The souls come to the fireplace at dusk, and carry 
the food with them to the world of ghosts. There they, and the soul 
for whom the dance and the feast were made, eat of the food together. 



Notes on the Fox Indians 223 

The Kiyagamohag' end the dancing and feasting when the sun is 
going down behind the west. They leave in a body, and go, beating 
on drums, and singing lamentations. The lamentations are sung for 
the soul then on its way along the spirit-road. The soul hears the 
songs even until it enters the world of ghosts. 

TWITCHINC; (JF EVE AND MOLTH, AND RINGING IN THE EARS 

Twitching of the eyes is a sign that one will see a stranger: a \oung 
man will see a girl, he will fall in love with her, and she with him; a 
girl will see a young man, and the same thing will happen to them; 
and old folks will have a visit from old acquaintances. 

Twitching at the mouth is a sign that one will eat something par- 
ticularly delicious. 

A ringing in the ears means that one is being talked about; in the 
right ear, it is of good report; in the left, it is unpleasant. 

FASTING OF CHILDREN 

Some children are born with dark comple.xion. It is a sign that 
they have manitou power, which makes it easy for them to commune 
with the manitou world. Such children begin early to acquaint them- 
selves with the mysteries of life and the spirit-world. They learn to 
converse with ghosts. 

They fast and keep vigil. Four days they remain in that state. 
They go with faces painted black with charcoal. A face blackened 
with charcoal is a sign that the child seeks the presence of the mani- 
tou. Often children fast merely for the sake of reaching the presence 
of the manitou; but fasting in this way usually comes to an end when 
a child has arrived at the age of ten, sometimes twcK'e. Fasting after 
that is for a purpose. 

But in these days few are the children who come born wiili an easy 
access to the manitou. 

DE.\TH 

On Death. — All of >()U remember when 1 was \c'r\- ill and e\er\- 
body seemed to think my time had come to die. M\' feelini; about 
death at the time was the same as it was before the illiu-ss. 

I would lia\e died with a calm and easy niimb I aski-d that my 
garnuiits be as plain and simple in death as in life, and that m\- face 
and bod\' bi- free from ornamentation with jjaint or jewel. It was my 
wish to ap|)ear the same in death as in lite, for I dislike the idea of 
getting into a gay costinni-. 

Much display at a funeral never has impressed ini- with deep feeling; 
and so I desired that no un<lue ado bi- made at m\' burial, and that the 
re\erent regard for tlu- last lingering moments of m\ soul be shown 
with silence and repose. 



224 Joiirual of American Folk-Lore 

It is natural for one to die, and hence there is nothinp; unusual about 
it. It is the same as going on a far journey, and I like the thought of 
making' it as a journey here in life. I know that yonder behind the 
west, somewhere in the great distance, there flows a river, that over 
the river is a bridge for me to cross, and that there on the farther shore 
awaits one who will give me welcome. I do not know what my life 
in the spirit-world will be like. I concern myself little about the 
thought of it. I simply rest confident that I shall find it natural and 
simple, the same as here. 

Such are my notions about death, and I have yet no good reason to 
change them. 

Burial. — I once saw a body brought to a grave on a stretcher. The 
stretcher was made of two long poles and a reed mat. The poles ran 
parallel, about two feet apart; and the mat doubled into half, forming 
the bed in between. Four men carried the body, the shoulder of each 
under one end of the pole. 

Over the mouth of the grave, and resting on supporting sticks, lay 
the cofifin, which was made of pine planks. The body, wrapped in 
the mat of the stretcher, was laid in the cofifin. 

The face of the dead was then uncov^ered. Two vessels — one with 
food, another with water — were placed beside the body. An elderly 
man stepped up to the head of the coffin and sj^rinkled holy tobacco 
over the place where he stood; and then he delivered a farewell to the 
dead, sprinkling the holy tobacco over the body all the while he 
talked. 

When he was done talking, then friends and relatives walked up to 
sprinkle some more of the same kind of powdered tobacco. Relati\es 
of nearest kin added parting words in an undertone. 

The cofifin was then lowered into the grave by the burial attendants, 
and covered over with earth. Over the mound was built a shelter 
made of the logs of small trees. It was to keep burrowing animals 
from injuring the grave. At the west of the grave was stuck a stick 
with a curve at the top. The curve was painted red, and pointed 
westward. Two dead puppies were placed in front of the stafT. 
Both faced the west with legs outstretched, and were represented as 
if running along ahead. They had been choked to death a little 
while before, and were still warm and limp. Small bands of red cloth 
were tied about each neck and each front foot. 

A man closely related by blood to the dead sat a few steps away 
from the head of the grave. About him was a quantity of goods of 
various sorts. The goods consisted of calico, blankets, beads, and 
domestic articles, like wooden bowls and ladles and woven bags. 
They were gifts for the burial attendants. The man waited until 
the mourners and others began to disperse, and then distributed the 
presents. The burial attendants were the last to leave. 



Notes on the Fox Indians iiz^ 

Behavior at Death. — Deatli in ihe village creates silence and calm 
throughout all the lodges. Conversation is subdued and held in an 
undertone. Laughter is controlled, and children are permitted to 
make no noise. 

Burial and Funeral Rites. — A girl had died. Her father then went 
out and asked a number of men to look after her burial. The mother 
had women come to care for the body and dress it. The men dug 
the grave, and at noon they fetched the body there. 

A man had been chosen to say a farewell to the dead. He was the 
first to sprinkle holy tobacco on the bod>-, and after him came the 
attendants. Then the body was lowered into the grave and covered 
over with earth. 

When this was done, the father began the distribution of gifts to 
those who had helped at the burial. The gifts consisted mainly of 
things which the parents had got for the purpose, like garments and 
the material for garments. But some of the things were the girl's 
own personal belongings, and they were given to the attendants she 
had known best, and with whom she stood in an intimate relation. 

The attendants had iiad nothing to eat all day. In the evening, 
after the sun had set, they went to the lodge where the girl had lived. 
There they found food already prepared for them, — the best kind of 
food that the parents were able to get. The father and mother ate 
with them. This was done every evening for four da\s. The men ate 
nothing during the light of day, and came to the lodge at evening to 
eat of the food which was laid and prepared for them. It was done 
with the idea that the soul of the girl lingered four days and four 
nights about the old home, and then went its wa>' westward to the 
spirit-world. It was, furthermore, a symbol of feeding the soul. The 
soul partook of the food through and by means of each om- who ate. 

Sacred Tobacco at Burial. — Sacred tobacco is sprinkled on the dead 
as an offering to Tclpayaposwa. The soul takes it to the spirit-world, 
and there gives it to Tclpayaposwa. The soul names the persons who 
made the ofTering. This pleases Tclpayaposwa. Ik- listens to liu-ir 
prayers, and brings to pass the things they ask. 

Mourning at Burial. — S(jiiu-tinu-s a lamunt is sung at burial, h 
comes after the grave is covered over, aiul when all but the relations 
have gone. Often only but one remains to wail the l.iment. It is 
believed that the soul hears the song, and takes it away after the fourth 
day, when it departs for the s|)irit-world. 

Fccdin;^ the Dead. — I was once stopf)ing at an old woman'.s lodgr. 
With her was living a young man who was cousin to htr. ( )ne evening 
at dusk she asked us inside, and gave us a small bowl of l)lackl)erries 
cooked with maple-sugar. She withdrew to another part of the lodge, 
where she sat in silence. 



226 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

When we were done eating, we went back outside, and this is what 
the young man told me out there: — 

"She once had a daughter, and she was fond of her above everything 
else. The girl had grown uj), and was kind, obedient, and never a care 
on her mind. By and by the girl died, and it seems that the mother 
has never been happy since. I have often found her alone, and seen 
her wet in the eyes; that is when she has been thinking of her daughter. 
Her thoughts seem constantly about her. She believes that when she 
is asleep, the girl comes to her and often converses with her. 

"What she did this evening, she has done over and again. She 
seldom forgets her daughter when she has something delicious to eat. 
She likes to prepare it as she did the berries, and call somebody in to 
eat it. She does it because she is feeding the soul of her daughter. 
She gets a good deal of consolation on these occasions, because she 
feels that then her daughter is present. To have us eat the berries 
was the same as having the soul of her daughter eat them. We took 
the berries into our bodies, but they have nothing to do with the 
nourishment of our bodies. It is the soul of the girl that gets the good 
of the berries." 

MOCCASIN GAME 

The appurtenances of themoccasin game contain four moccasins, a 
lead bullet, a. bullet-finder, twelve point counters, a number of game 
tallies, a blanket to play on, and a drum to sing by. The moccasins 
are usually of buckskin, of man's size, and laid side by side with soles 
down. The lead bullet varies in size; one about a quarter of an inch 
in diameter is good. The bullet-finder is a stick about as thick as a 
finger, and varies in length from two to three feet; it can be dispensed 
with, the hand can be used instead. The twelve point counters are 
small wooden stems, each of which is usually about as big and as long 
as an ordinary unused lead-pencil. The game tallies are short sticks 
sharpened at one end to stick in the ground; their number depends 
upon the number of games required to win a stake. One stick stuck 
in the ground cf)unts a game won. The flruin is usualh' the kind held 
in the hand, and having but one head. 

The game is played by two opposing sides, who sit on a blanket 
facing each other. Any number can play on a side, and a still greater 
number can take a siflc. The latter take no active part in the play; 
they can bet, and lend iheir sympathy. 

One man at a time hiflcs the bullet, and one man at a time hunts 
for it. The players take turns hiding and hunting; but he who is 
good at hiding, and he who is clever at hunting, have a longer inning 
than those not so proficient. The side that hides the bullet has the 
drum to sing by; they keep it as long as the other side fails to find the 
bullet. It follows the bullet, changing hands wiien it does. 



Notes on the Fox Indians 227 

The hunter seeks for the bullet with tiie finder. He uses the finder 
to turn over a moccasin or to strike it. To turn the moccasin over 
is a guess that the bullet is somewhere else, but to strike the moccasin 
means that it is there. 

Twelve points make a game, and the side first making them wins 
a game. The scoring of points may be described as follows: 

Let the moccasins be called i, 2, 3, and 4. Let the bullet l)e hid 
under moccasin 2. If the seeker first turns over any one or two of 
the other three moccasins and then turns o\er moccasin 2, he loses a 
point. But if, after he has turned over any one or two of the other 
three moccasins, he then strikes moccasin 2, he wins a point. Further- 
more, he gets the bullet, and it is his turn to hide. 

If the seeker does not turn o\er any moccasin at all, but at once 
strikes moccasin i or 3 or 4, he loses four points. But if he happens 
to strike moccasin 2, then he wins four points; it is also his turn then 
to hide the bullet. 

The side that first wins twel\e points wins the game. If the other 
side wins the next game, then both stand nothing to nothing, the 
same as when they began. To win a bet, one side must hold a "lo\e" 
score of games against the other. For instance, if each side puts up a 
pony and it is agreed that five games shall win the bet, then the side 
that gets five games to the other's nothing is counted the winner. 

VISITINGS 

Visit of a Stranger. — It is best for a visitor coming to the Foxes for 
the first time to show himself as soon as possible at the lodge of the 
chief of the Fox Clan. The chief receives him with due hospitality. 
He welcomes him with a shake of the hand, he has food placed before 
him, and lights a pipe for the stranger. TIumi the chief waits to 
hear the (jbject of the visit. 

After the chief has heard what the guest has to sa\-, he takes him 
to the chief of the Ik-ar ("Ian. After an introduction, tlu' l-'ox chief 
states what he has just heard from the lips of the visitor. This 
taking of the visitor to the lodge of the Bear chief is a sign that the 
stranger is welcomi-. 

The Bi-ar chief entertains him with food and a smoke, and offers 
the hospitality of his lodgi-. The \isitor is tlu-n free to go to the 
lodge of any one he knows, llis lajl on the two chiefs gi\es him 
protection while he is among the peopk-. Ihe tribe holds itself 
responsible for his i)rf)tection. It holds itself responsible for any 
physical xiolrmc that nia\- Ii.ipptii to liim winle on his \isit. This 
responsibility lasts till his depariiiri'. The responsibilit\- does not 
hold if the call is not made on the two chiefs. 

Visit. — A stranger's first visit to a lodge means a gocxl (leal to him 



228 Joiinuil of American Folk-Lore 

personally. Ik- is on parade. He is not stared at, but nexerthcless 
he is watched. Much is made of the eyes, for it is supposed that tiie 
character and direction of a plancc have much to do with l)etra\ing 
the thougiits of the mind. 

The placing of food before him to eat is one of the first acts of 
hospitality he meets. It is good etiquette to show that the food is 
delicious; soup should be sucked from the spoon with much demonstra- 
tion; and nothing should be left on the plate uneaten, especially if 
the food was put there by the host. Illness of a most apparent nature 
is the only excuse for inability. It is common to make the guest a 
present. This is a token of welcome and a sign of good-fellowship. 
A tactful guest will show his appreciation and gratitude more b\' his 
general manner and behavior than by word of mouth. 

The subject of conversation can be on anything of mutual interest. 
But there are a number of topics which are almost sure to come out. 
For instance, an old man is apt to speak of past experiences; an old 
grandmother is likely to talk about her grandchildren; an unmarried 
man is liable to be subjected to questions about marriage, and may 
be made to listen to advice, partly in jest, of the desirability of a wife, 
the means of obtaining one, and where she is likely to be found. A 
young man who is unable to play at love is looked upon as abnormal. 

It pleases the mothers and grandmothers to see the visitor bestow 
some attention on the children, but it is not good form to be effusive 
or over-attentive while the acquaintance is yet in the making. Over- 
indulgence is liable to be misinterpreted, and the vdsitor may be sus- 
pected of designs. 

One takes leave at one's own pleasure, and can pass out of the lodge 
without a parting word with the host. The departure, however, must 
not be done while cooking is going on, or wlien a mat is being laid for 
a meal. 

After this introductory visit, one is expected to look upon the lodge 
as a place where one is always welcome, no matter at what hour of the 
day or night one may happen in. The next reception may be shown 
with very little attention, with nothing more than a passing recognition 
of the caller's presence; it is sure to be free from an>- formalit\- if the 
people happen to be engaged at the time in some kind of work, like 
the preparation of corn, the making of a mat, or getting ready for a 
ceremony. A feminine member will come and s[)read a mat, and on 
it place vessels containing food. It is just as likel\' that this will be 
done in silence; the woman will return to lur work without a spoken 
word, and leave the guest alone to his own devices. 

Visiting Relatives. — Within the circle of one's kin and acquaintance 
f)ne moves with \ar\ing degrees of familiarity. The character of the 
familiarity corresponds with the nature of the intimacy. Usually 



Notes on the Fox Indians 229 

one can enter any lodge within this sphere, and violate no convention. 
It is expected that one shall know one's relations, both by blood and 
adoption. Lack of recognition of a relationship leads to a number 
of interpretations. One is that the relationship is ignored simply 
because of ignorance; such a fault is easily passed over. A second 
is based on a suspicion that one has committed something dishonorable, 
and that a feeling of shame leads one into isolation; blame of this kind 
is not rigorous. Another is that one feels an uncomfortable sense of 
the fact of the relationship, that one stands in a patronizing attitude 
and feels a kind of shame because of the connection; this is a serious 
accusation, and if one is suspected of ignoring the relationship to the 
point of disowning it, then the blame is pitiless. 

It is not good form to call at a lodge where one is not acquainted, 
except in answer to an invitation or for some special purpose, as the 
conveying of a message and the doing of things that bear an impersonal 
character. This reception on such occasions is that of a stranger. 

A simplicity of manner prevails on the side of both guest and host. 
The politeness and consideration shown on both sides is marked by 
naivet6 and sincerity. 

The Return of a Relative. — It is the first duty of a person who has 
been absent for a long time to visit his relatives. It is a good thing, 
though not essentially necessary, to take presents along. 

DISPERSION 

First Version. — The I'oxes used to dwell at the nortii, b>- the shore 
of the sea. There they lived until many nations came together and 
fought against them. Of all the nations, only two there were that 
did not war against them; they were the loways and Otoes. 

There was a certain young man in the cami) o{ the F^oxes, and Ik- had 
the knowledge and use of m>stcrious power. He beheld how sore 
the Foxes wi-rc pressed. And when the nations came and camped 
round about the Foxes, hemming them in from all ^ides, he blackened 
his face and fasted. 

All this took place in iIk- >unimcr, at the season ol rijicning corn. 
By and by the young man came out of the fast. Speedily he sat dow n 
by a drum and began to beat upon it. .\l the same instant he sang 
a song; it was a song of prayer calling for elelixerance. The song 
contained power; lor, lo, it began to stiow! .Ml night long it snowed 
soft, silent , and deep. 

The lighting men of the enein\ had withdrawn to tjitir lodges, and 
there great sleep fell oxer tluin all. In the morning the snow lay 
(lee|) everywhere. When the sun hanged high, it began to be noised 
about in the camp that the l-'c^xes had escaped; and then a great cry 
went up, "They have gone! They have gone!" 
vol.. XXIV. — NO. yi. — 16 



230 J oiinial of American Folk-Lore 

Tlicrcupon the camp was nio\cd with a great stir; bodies of men 
ran to and fro, seeking whither the Foxes had fled. 

Episode of the Dispersion. — In the days when the Foxes were 
hemmed about and surrounded by the nations, a thousand men came 
together. They were the oldest in the nation. They called the young 
men together and spoke to them in this wise: — 

"The end of our days is nigh at hand, and wc ha\e but a short 
while yet to live. We feel it best to free you of the burden of caring 
for us. We are now going forth to meet the enemy, and we will fight 
as long as life and strength in us will permit. We shall never return; 
and when we die, it will be at the hands of the enemy, and, we hope, 
after we have caused them sacrifice. We leave a parting wish with 
you, young men. Protect the women and children. Treasure the 
mystery-bundles, and take care that you never lose possession of 
them." 

And the old men went forth to battle, and never a one came back. 

Episode of the Dispersioyi. — Of those that went into the northwest, 
four hundred women and a man were made captive. The name of the 
man was Ta'kc^misaw". They were led away with hands bound behind 
their backs. 

One night the women began to wail for their people, and they cried 
to the manitou for deliverance. Lo, and their prayer was not in vain! 
Deep sleep fell over their captors, and that same night they made 
their escape. By day they lay in the reeds of the hollows, and by 
night they journeyed over the plains. They were seen by the enemy 
on the fourth day of their flight, but they were able to make their 
escape. At last they overtook their people. 

Second Version. — Long ago the Foxes dwelt in a distant land at 
the east. It was when all the nations came together and made war 
against them. They were a long time fighting, and many fell on both 
sides. The nations came and camped round about them, and the 
Foxes had no way of escape. 

Then it was that the Foxes saw it was best for them to leave the 
land if they could, else they would all be slain. One night late in 
summer a deep snow fell on the earth. On that same night a man 
took a rawhide rope and started off on a walk; he held the rope in the 
hand, and let it pass over the shoulder and drag behind on the snow. 
Thereupon, men, women, and children fell into line behind the rope; 
they followed it out of the circle of the besieging camp, and away from 
danger of the foe. So silently moved they out of the camp, that not 
a sound did the enemy hear during all that night. The fighting men 
of the enemy had taken to their lodges when the snow began to fall, 
and there they remained and slumbered uiuil the sun rose on the 
morrow. .Xnd when they awoke and found the camp of the Foxes 



Notes 071 the Fox Indians 231 

abandoned, a cry wcni up, "They are gone! They are gone!" Then 
they went in pursuit. 

At the time, Wapasaiy* was chief of the Foxes. He let the foe 
take him captive. He was led away to a place where a great throng 
gathered to behold him. There he was bound fast to a tree; his back 
was against it, and he stood straight. The warriors sat on the ground 
in front, and watched him in the face. The people drew nigh, and 
began to mock and reproach him. Stiff and rigid he stood for a long 
while, and without a word he took his abuse. 

Then all of a sudden out came one of his arms, and he pointed his 
forefinger at them who mocked. Speedily a deep breath he took, and 
snapped the cords over his chest. The cords fell to the ground, and 
he walked forth from the tree. The people opened apart, and gazed 
upon him with wonder as he passed out of their midst. Verily, he 
was a manitou, and not an ordinary mortal. 

Migration. — The Foxes journeyed northward until they came to a 
place where they parted in three directions. Some went past the 
head waters of the Mississippi, and fought their way through the land 
of the Sioux; then they turned southward, and journeyed over the 
great plain country; again they changed their course, and went east- 
ward until they came to the broad Mississippi; they crossed the 
water and came to Rock River; they saw the land was good; they 
seized and held it, and there they dwelt. 

Others went away into the northwest. It is said that they jour- 
neyed across the plains, and arrived at the source of the Missouri. 
Here they stopped to live, and joined themselves with other nations. 

The rest continued northward, and there they scattered again. 
They stopped among the lakes, and there they dwelt. There they 
<;an be found even to this day. 

W.UJ.VSAIV* 

Wiibasaiy' was a chief of the F'o.xes when liu-y dwell 1)\- the sea. 
He was not mcjrlal, he came from the manit<jus of the sky country. 
He was chief when the nations came against the Foxes and surrounded 
them on every side. 

In the camp of the f(je were some Sauks and Kickapoos. These stole 
into the Vn\ cain[), and warned the peo|)le of what would happen if 
the enemy prevailed; they warned the Foxes that they would all be 
slain, — all of them together, men, women, and children. The Sauks 
and Kickapoos advised them to make an escape, and |)roini>e(l them 
help to accom|)lish it. 

Thereupon one evening a young man began to beat upon a drum 
and to sing a song. The song he sang was a manitou song, and it put 
the enemy to sleep and caused the snow to fall. The snow fell all 



2^2 Jonrndl of American Folk-Lore 

nij^ht and pik-d up high; and while it snowed, a man went outside 
with a rawhide rope. He dragged it over the snow and made a trail, 
which the peo[)le followed. He led them eastward U) a place where 
ihe\- fortified themselves. 

At the same time a great host of young men sli])i)ed ihrough the 
circle of the enemy, and went in another direction; the\- made a wide 
path in the snow purposely to draw the enemy into pursuit. 

The enemy awoke in the morning, and found that the Foxes had left 
their camp. Straightway they began to Icjok for them; and when they 
found the wide trail, they fell in, and followed it up until the\' came 
upon the young men waiting in battle array. They rushed at the 
Foxes, and, oh, what a fight! The Foxes held ground until they 
thought that the old men, women, and children had secured and 
fortified themselves, and then they gave way. The\' fled toward the 
fort, and made it without being cut ofT. 

The foes came with a rush, and Hung themselves against the fort; 
but they were beaten back as often as they came. They were unable 
*,o make a breach. So many of them fell, that they lost heart and 
withdrew. 

By and by the Foxes felt it safe to leave the stronghold. They went 
with haste toward the northwest, and came to a place where the seas 
joined with narrow waters. The straits were frozen; and they were 
passing over the ice when u]) from behind came the enemy on the run. 
They had the women and children pass on ahead, while they set 
themselves in array and waited. 

As they watched the foe come on, lo, they beheld that they were 
only the Ojibwas, the nation that had taken the lead in all the war. 
The fight took place there on the ice, and it went ill with the Ojibw^as. 
Some got away, but most went under the broken ice. After this fight, 
the Foxes had no further trouble with the enemy. 

They continued their flight on a westward course; and when they 
had come to a great distance, they swung round toward the south. 
They kept going till they came to the country of Green Bay and Wis- 
consin River. There they tarried; and, liking the country so well, 
they decided to abide there and make the place their home. 

This was not altogether pleasant for the peoj^le living round about. 
As a result, the Foxes had to fight them to IkjUI what they held. On 
the north were the Ojibwas and Menominees; on the west were the 
Sioux. With these nations they were ever at war. At last, but still 
holding claim to the country, they moved southw'ard into the Rock 
River country, w here their friends the Sauks lived. They joined them- 
selves with these people, partly with the object of protecting them- 
selves, and partly with the purpose of becoming stronger so as to hit 
back at their enemies. 



Notes on the Fox Indians 233 

The Sauks had come from the northeast, somewhere south of the sea. 
They were at peace with the Foxes on the north. After long years 
there came to be much going to and fro between the two peoples, — 
Sauks to the Foxes, and the Foxes to the Sauks. In time the two 
peoples began to get wives from each other; and since the language 
was so nearly alike, it was easy for them to make an alliance. 

This kept up until the Sauks began to have trouble with the white 
man over the possession of the Rock River country. The Foxes as a 
nation took no part in the dispute. They moved across the Mississippi 
to a country which they claimed as a hunting-ground. Here they 
began to dwell when the Sauks went to war with the white man and 
the Indian nations that helped him. And here, when the war was 
over, came the Sauks, who found an asylum and a place of refuge. 
Both peoples lived in a way like one nation, but they had different 
chiefs and different villages. This continued so till they went to 
Kansas; and while there, thc\' began to grow wider apart. Finally 
the Fo.xcs were not satisfied with the way the Sauks were trying to 
control matters of common interest, and so went back to Iowa. 
Mamlnwaniga' was chief of the F^oxes then. 

CHICAGO 

Once on a time long ago the Red-Earths were dwelling by the sea. 
During that time some men once went out to look for game. They 
stopped and made camp near the shore. On looking out at sea, they 
saw a black object off there. PresentK' they could observe that it 
was appHKiching. They kept watching till they made out a great 
skunk. It was making straight for the place where they were. 

Thereui)on they went into hiding. They waited for the skunk; and 
when it came out of the water, they killed it. 

It was a big skunk; they had never seen one larger. Then the\ 
remembered that the place where they were was a region of man\- 
skunks. The big skunk probably lived there, and was on his way home 
when he was killed; so, at least, was what the men thought. They 
regarded tiic skunk as a manitou, so they named the region Place-of- 
the-SkiMik. riiey meant by the name all that part of the sea where 
they saw the skinik, and the adjoining region, where the skunks were 
so many. 

At the southern end ot the sea is a white ni.in's town lo-da\ ; it i> 
a big town, and it liad also the name of the I'lare-of-the-Skunk. It 
was ne.ir there somewhere thai the Kcd-l-'.arths killed the gri-.it niaiiitoti 
skunk. 

AN INCIDKNT 

Once a man fasted. In the vision he had he was told that his enemy 
was to be found at one or the other of two hills. The hills were far 



234 Journal oj American Folk-Lorc 

nut on the jilaiiis of what is now Kansas. He set out for the place to 
find his enemy. The enemy were the Comanches. The scouts on 
ahead reconnoitri'd ilie first hill which the adopted in his fast had seen. 
No enemy was found. The scouts reported no enemy, and pushed on 
to the next. Before arri\inj; at the place, they came upon an old 
Comanche man pickins; the lice from his hair. Beyond him was a big 
camp of the Comanches. 

The scouts did a most unusual act. They shook hands with the old 
man, they themselves extending first the greetings. This was con- 
trary to all custom, for their mission was especially that of vengeance 
and death; and so, instead of showing ]3eace and friendship to the 
old man, they ought to have slain him then and there. And then they 
should have reported the news of the camp to the main body that was 
yet coming. The whole force then would surjirise the camp by a 
sudden attack. But instead of doing what they should have, the 
scouts let the old man go to his village, while they retired in the direc- 
tion of their main war-party. 

In a little while the scouts were fleeing for their lives with the whole 
force of the Comanche warriors after them. The Comanches were 
gaining ground on them; and at the river the scouts saw on the 
opposite shore from them their war-party just coming down to the 
water to cross. The scouts pushed on to meet them, and hardly 
were they in the water when over the high bank into the water plunged 
the Comanche horsemen. The Sauk and Fox war-party came on to 
meet them, and the fight was fought in the water in the middle of 
the stream. 

The Comanches were beaten back, and many scalps were taken 
there in the river. The dead Comanches were floated down stream 
after the scalps were taken from them. 

In the retreat the Comanches left one of their men to cover the 
rear. He was a short man, with only a bow and a few arrows. He 
alone held back the body of the Sauks and Foxes till his friends had got 
far away. As the men rushed on him, he would feign as if to shoot, 
and thereupon the Sauks would fall back; the same thing re-occurring 
till at last the men rushed upon him, and trampled him under with 
their ponies. They had to ride over him, because they seemed unable 
to hit him by shooting at him, and he seemed able also to dodge their 
bullets! 

The Sauks cut him open to take out his heart; but, instead of the 
heart that is usual for man to have, there was found in this man only 
a small piece of gristle. The possession of the small heart was what 
made him the brave man that he was! 



Notes on the Fox Indians 235 

BLACK-HAWK WAR 

The Sauks and Foxes were living together at the time, in the Rock 
River country. White people had been coming in for some time, and 
helping themselves to the land. Wherever they selected places to 
live, there they settled down and began to make homes for themselves. 
The people beheld these doings, and were not at all pleased. When 
they made protests, the reply they got was that the land was no longer 
theirs, that it was now the white man's. 

About this time came officers of the government, and the chiefs and 
head men met them in council. The white men presented a paper. 
It said that an agreement had been made between officers of the govern- 
ment and head men of the Sauks and Foxes; that according to the 
agreement, the people had given up the possession of all the Rock River 
country, in return for which the government had paid money, sugar, 
cofifee, pork, tobacco, salt, and whiskey; and at the bottom of the 
paper was signed the names of the men of both sides who made the 
agreement. The principal man on the side of the government was the 
head official at Shallow Water (St. Louis) ; and the principal man on 
the side of the Sauks and Foxes was Kwaskwami\ The agreement 
had been made in the winter-time. 

The whole business came with great surprise upon the chiefs and 
councillors. The paper made clear one thing: it verified the ugly 
rumors that had gone from mouth to mouth about Kwaskwami*. It 
was known to all that he had gone to spend the winter near Shallow 
Water. His object was to be near a trading-post where he could dis- 
pose of his pelts as fast as he got them. But it was rumored that he 
spent much time at the post, and that he hunted little; that he hob- 
nobbefl with the big official there, and that he had much money to 
spend ; that he drank a great deal, and was often so drunk that he was 
absent from his camp for a long period at a time; and that all the 
while, even up to the lime of his departure, he had plenty of food to eat. 

Now, all this was very strange, and the people wondered how it had 
come to pass. Then, as ncnv, they knew they kept tab on the wealth 
of one another, and it was easy to guess the limit of one's possessions. 
Moreover, it was particularly easy to guess how much a man like 
Kwaskwami* had. lie was just a proiniiienl man of a small group of 
peoj)le who happened to have their camps near l)\- one anotlur. This 
small band made up the |)arty that went to camp near Shallow Water. 
It was men in this party who signed tin- paper with Kwaskwami"; and 
it was the people of this [)arty who spread the gossip about Kwriskwami* 
and his doings at Shallow-Water post. Kwa.skwrimi" and the men 
whose names were on tin- |)ap(T denied e\cr h.i\ ing touched the pen. 
They must have lied, or else tlie\- were drunk at tlu- tinu' and did not 
know they had touche<l the pen. 



2-^6 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

The chiefs aiitl councillors tried to explain to the ofticers the posi- 
tion of Kwaskwamr, — that the man was not a chief; that he had 
no power to make a treaty with another nation; that his act was not 
known before or at the time he did it; that he was not made a delegate 
to make a treaty on behalf of his people; and that what he did, he 
did as an individual. They tried to explain to the officers that it was 
necessary, when a question came up about the cession of land, to let 
the whole nation know about it; and that when a cession was made, 
it was necessary first to get the consent of e\'ery chief and councillor. 

It was of no use to talk about these things. The ofificers said that 
the agreement had been made, and that both parties would have to 
stand by it; that they had come, not to talk ai^out the treaty, but to 
tell the people to move as soon as possible across to the west bank of 
the Mississippi. 

Naturally the people were loath to leave their old homes; but some 
had made up their minds to make the best of a bad bargain, and go 
to the new country. Those most of this mind were the Foxes. Pa- 
wiclg" was chief of the F"oxes then, and he led his people over across 
the river. With the Foxes went a band of Sauks. 

Among the Sauks was a man who had been prominent in council; 
his name was Keokuk. 

Most of the Sauks were not for going, especially men of the younger 
class. There was at this time among the Sauks a great warrior; he 
was of the Thunder Clan, and his name Big-Black-Bird-Hawk. The 
young men rallied about him, and talked to him about holding the old 
home, even if ii meant war with the white man. He was not willing 
at first, because the number of his Sauk warriors was not big enough 
for a long, hard fight; and they had few guns and little ammunition, 
though they all had bows and arrows. He had fought with the English 
and with the Shawnee Tecumseh, and knew what it was to fight against 
the government. 

In the midst of these events, he was visited by emissaries from 
other nations, — from the Potawatomies, Kickapoos, Winncbagoes, 
Omahas, and the Sioux, — all of them offering help to dr'wc back the 
white man. A prophet among the Potawatomies told of a vision 
he had of the manitou, by which power came to him to foretell events. 
He said that the Big-Black-Bird-Hawk was the man to lead the nations 
and win back the old homes of the people; that when the fight began, 
speedily would rise the dead to life again, and the warriors would be 
without number; that back would come the buffalo and the game-folk 
that had disappeared; and that in a little while the white man would 
be driven to the eastern ocean and across to the farther shore from 
whence he came. 

In the end ilie Big-Black-Bird-Hawk was prevailed upon to go to 



Notes on the Fox India us 237 

war. No sooner had he begun, when he discovered that he would have 
to do the fighting with only the warriors of his own nation and a few 
others that came from the Kickapoos and Foxes. The chief of the 
Potawatomies who had urged him so strongly to fight gave the alarm 
to the white people, and took sides with them as soon as the fighting be- 
gan. Instead of the Sioux and Omahas coming to his help, they fought 
against him; and when the Winnebagoes saw how things were 
going, they joined also with the whites. Indeed, there was little 
fighting between the Sauks and the white men ; most of the fighting was 
between the Sauks and the other nations. It was the Winnebagoes 
who made the Big-Black-Bird-Hawk captive. They turned him 
over to the white men, who carried him away to the east and kept him 
there a prisoner. After a time he was permitted to return to his 
people, whom he found living on the west bank of the Mississippi. 
A short while after he died. Some white men stole his skeleton, and 
placed it in a great building, where it was on view. The great build- 
ing caught fire; and it was burned up with the bones of the warrior of 
the Thunder Clan. 

The reason why these other nations took sides with the white man 
was partly because they were urged to do it; but the main reason 
was that they now saw a chance for them to get back at the Sauks. 
But they had occasion to regret what they did. When the war was 
over, and when the white man knew nothing about it, the Sauks, with 
the help of the Foxes, went at the various nations; they went at them 
one at a time. And of them all, the Sioux were the only ones who 
came back to fight. This war was the last of the wars with the Sioux. 
They were dri\en out of the country which the white men call Iowa. 
Such was how the Sauks and Foxes came into possession of Iowa. It 
was a right which the government acknowledged when it came to the 
purchase oi the couiitr\' from the Sauks and I'oxes. 



238 Journal of American Folk-Lore 



PIEGAX TALES' 

HV TRr.MAN MK'HELSON 

W'liiLi-; with tlie Piegans of Montana last summer, I collected the 
folUnving tales in English. This was merely incidental to obtaining 
some first-hand knowledge of the language to determine its general 
position among Algonquian languages. Though Mr. D. C. Duvall in- 
terpreted but one of these tales himself, and related the last one, I 
have to thank him for providing interpreters for the others when he 
was not available. The informants were Big-Brave, Mrs. Julia White 
Swan, George Pable. 

I. HOW THE BEAVER-BUNDLE WAS INTRODUCED ^ 

A boy was an orphan, and his grandmother reared him. He was 
very poor, very ragged. He had sore eyes, and was very dirty. 
After he was washed, he was a very decent-looking fellow. 

In those days the Piegans had no horses, but only dogs, with which 
to travel about the country. The head chief then had three wives; 
the youngest was a girl. 

In those days Piegans were not jealous of their wives. The women 
had a dance-society, and at those dances they would imitate the 
dress of their lovers. So it appears, now and then the head chief's 
youngest wife had had connection with this boy. 

The women started to have one of these dances. They began to 
dress up as they were going to the dance. So the head chief said 
to his wives, "Some one of you must have a lover. Why don't 
you dress up and go to the dance?" For a long time none of them 
got ready. Finally the youngest began to fix up, asked her husband 
if he had any coyote-skin. So the old chief began to dress her up 
as her lover looked. Her lover was very fond of carrying coyote- 
skin around his arms and legs and on his head. So she dressed just 
as he used to dress. He always wore the bottom of his robe round in 
front, so she cut her robe round in front. As soon as the chief saw 
how she was dressed, he knew who her lover was; and it made him 
ashamed that she had had connection with such a poor fellow with 
sore eyes, and so dirty; but he said nothing. So after the girl went 
to the dance, all who were in the dance knew whom she was imitating. 

So when they commenced dancing, this young fellow told his chum 
between-times, "I've been having something to do with the chief's 
youngest wife." His chum didn't believe him. He laughed at him. 

' Published with permission of tlie Smithsonian Institution. 
' Compare VVissler-Duvall. pp. 81-83. 



Piegan Tales 239 

"Well, partner, I don't think that girl would have anything to do 
with you." — "Chum, let's go down to where they are dancing, and 
see who is there!" So they went down there. When they arrived 
there, he saw the girl dressed just as he was; and his partner saw her 
too. So his partner believed him, and said, "You're right, partner; 
you have had something to do with her; she's dressed just like you." 

They were dancing at the time; so the girl spoke out after she had 
finished dancing, and told the people, "When the river gets warm, I'll 
float to the shore." 

So it made the fellow ashamed to see her dressed as he was, because 
everybody knew then that he had had connection with her. They 
walked away, this fellow and his partner. He said to his partner after 
they had walked away, " Partner, come with me ! I am going to some of 
these lakes to search for a dream, so that I may be a medicine-man. 
You will know where I am, then you may go home." His partner 
went with him to the side of a lake where there was a beaver-dam. 
He said to his partner, "In four days come back after me." So his 
partner went home and left him there. 

He lay there four days, but didn't get his dream. He got up and 
left the place, and his partner came back in four days. He searched 
diligently everywhere for him, but could not find him anywhere. He 
went home. He thought his chum had been killed by the enemies. 

The fellow that was searching for a dream went to the ri\er and 
lay on a high clifT. He lay there crying, and acted in such a wa\- as 
to inspire pity. He looked, and saw a boy near him. This boy said 
to him, "Partner, my father wants you to come down to his lodge. 
Shut your eyes." He shut them. When he looked up, he found 
himself in a beaver's lodge. He looked around. He saw the old 
man and old woman, who were Beavers. The old Beaver said, "My 
son, what are you sleeping around here for?" — " I'm sleeping around 
trying to find a dream to lead me through life." The old Beaver said, 
"My son, that's not very hard to do. Some day you will be a head 
chief of your tribe, but you have to stay here all winter with me." 
The old Beaver said to him, "What do you eat?" The young fellow 
said, "Well, I cat meat, and I eat pemmican." So the old Beaver 
said to his own son, "You go out and get me some bufTalo-dung." 
So the yoimg boy went out and fetched a lot of bufT.Mo-dung. The old 
Beaver went through his performance of medicine-man, and covered 
up this manure. When he took the cover off this maiuire, it w.is all 
pemmican. 

The young fellow lived on pemmican that winter. .\11 .iromul the 
inside of the lodge the old Beaver had different medicines tied up, - 
birds, beaver, weasel-skin shirts, and other medicine-shirts. At tin- 
exact rear there w.is a round pool of water. In th.it |)ool of water there 



240 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

was a stick floating. That was supposed to l)e the old Beaver's son, but 
had turned into a stick. The old man said to the young fellow, "My 
son, when the river goes out three times, you may go home." 

Every moon (i. e., month) the old man sent his own son out to 
see if spring had come; and every moon the old man sent his own 
son up and down the river to invite all the Beavers on the river and 
creeks; and every moon all the Beavers used to come and sing beaver- 
songs. At last the old man went out himself. He came back. He 
said to the young fellow, "The river's breaking up; in four days you 
may go home." He said to his own son, "You go and invite all the 
Beavers you can find to come. I want them to sing for your brother 
here, so he can take them (the songs) to his tribe." So the boy invited 
all the Beavers; and all the Beavers came, and sang for four days and 
four nights for the young fellow. They taught him the songs. The 
morning after the fourth night the old man said to the young fellow, 
"Well, my son, you may go home to-day." The next morning (after 
the fourth night?) the old man and old woman went outside. When 
they went out, the old Beaver's son told the young fellow, "You see all 
these medicines which are hung up around here? When my father 
comes in, he is going to ask you, ' Now, my son, look around all through 
these medicines here, and pick out what you want to take along with 
you;' and don't you take any of them. When he asks you, you tell 
him that you want the stick in the water here. The stick that's in 
the water, that's the chief of his medicines. He is going to ask you 
that four times. Don't you pick out anything but that stick. When 
he asks you that the fourth time, he will let you have it. He will try 
to put you off and get you to take something else; but don't you take 
anything else. When he sees he can't put you off, then he will give 
it to you." The old man came in. Well, the old man sat down. 
" Now, my son, you're going home to-day. You see all these medicines 
hanging around my lodge. They are all strong medicines. Pick out 
your choice, — anything you want to take home with you." The 
young fellow said, "I don't want any of them. I want that stick in 
the water." The old Beaver said, "Well, my son, that stick won't 
do \c)u any good ; there are all these other medicines hanging around 
here. They are better than that stick: you will get some benefit from 
them." The youn'g fellow said again, "No, I don't care for any of 
them; I'd rather have that stick." — "Well, my son, you're very 
foolish. That stick will do you no good. You'd better take something 
else hanging around here."— "No, I'd rather have that stick in the 
water." The old man said, "Why, my son, that's foolish; there are 
other medicines here; they're better than that stick; they'll be of 
some benefit to you." The young fellow said, "No, I don't want 
anything else, only that stick." Well, the old man thought long 



Piegati Tales 241 

before he said anything more. Finally he gave a grunt, "Anhahan" 
{this means it was against his will; he didn't wish to part with that 
stick). The old man said, "All right! Take your brother, then — 
take your brother, and look out for your ears. Do not leave him down : 
always wear him around your shoulders. If you leave him down, 
that's the last you'll see of him. That stick there is your youngest 
brother." Then he gave him a bone whistle. "Now, when you are 
on your way home, you will meet this big river here. When you cross 
it, it is going to be pretty deep: you can't wade it. Just put your 
stick down and sing one song. That stick will turn into a beaver. 
He'll cut some trees down for you, so you can make a raft to cross with." 

Meanwhile he was fixing up the young man's face, and made a 
good-looking man of him. He cured his sore eyes, and everything 
like that. He made a fine-looking young man of him. 

Well, the boy started out for home, bade him good-by, and kissed 
him. 

When he came to the river, he couldn't wade it: it was high water. 
He put his stick down, sang a little song, and the stick turned into a 
Beaver. The Beaver walked off and chawed on a tree for him with 
his teeth. The young man threw the tree into the water. They got 
on, the Beaver and the young man, and they got across. The Beaver 
turned into a stick again. 

The young man walked and walked ; and, as luck had it, when he got 
to the top of a big hill, he saw a big camp-circle, — a camp of Picgans. 
He staid on that hill all night. Next morning, when it was early, 
the Picgans were searching for their horses all over. A Piegan saw 
the fellow sitting on the hill. This Piegan thought he was an enemy. 
He rode over to see who it was. He said to the young fellow, "Who 
are you?" The young fellow said, "Well, I'm so and so." He called 
his name. "Arc any of my peoi)le still living? — my sister, grand- 
mother, my brother-in-law, and my chum?" This Piegan said, "Yes; 
they're alive yet. They were looking very pitiful. They camp outside 
the circle there. We thought you were dead, that you had been 
killed. They're mourning for you. Their hair is cut off, and their legs 
are gashed. They're mourning for you." The young fellow said, 
"Will you tell my chum and my sister and my brother-in-law to make 
me four sweat-houses just as soon as they can. When they gel the 
sweat-houses finished, send some one after me." So the fellow went 
back to ramp and notified (he [)eo|)le to build four sweat-housrs just 
as soon as they could; and he notified them to invite several old men 
to be sitting there when he (the young man who had been with the 
Beavers) came. 

The sweat-houses were tinished, and the young man was sent for. 
The young fellow came up and went into the first sweat-house. He 



242 JoKfiiiil of A))icric(ni Folk-Lorc 

iiuilod the cjld men to lake a sweat wilh him. Ik- saitl to the old 
men, "I'm going to sing you songs that \'()U ne\cr heard in Nour Hfe, 
bea\er-songs." He started in with his medicine bea\er-songs in this 
sweat-house, and these old men were N'ery much surprised. They 
had nc\cr heard these songs in all their li\-es. They went from the 
rirst sweat-house into the second, and went through the same perform- 
ance. When he went from one sweat-house to the next one, he always 
left a pile of sand where he had been sitting until he went into the 
fourth sweat-house, and then the sand was all out of him. 

From the sweat-lodge he went home, to his lodge where his brother- 
in-law was; and all his people came there to see him. They kissed 
him. They were all glad to see him. 

Next day after he had got home, in the morning, a war-party 
was starting out. He said to his partner, "We don't want to keep 
where the bunch are: we'll keep to one side, just the two of us to- 
gether." 

After they started for war, he began to tell his chum what a medicine- 
man he was, and his dreams, and all that was given to him when he 
wintered with the Beavers. 

When they had been out two days, they saw the enemy. They 
walked up to the river. The enemy were on one side of the river, and 
they were on the other. The enemy were the Cheyenne. The river 
was so broad and high that they couldn't get at one another to fight. 
The Cheyenne's chief would come down to the water, and would go up 
on the hill again. He was talking to his own people, but the Piegans 
did not understand what he was saying to his people. 

The young fellow said to his chum, "Partner, I am going to play 
at beaver; I'm going to swim across under the water; and I am going 
to kill yon Cheyenne chief. You watch me when I get across. When 
I kill him, I'll dive down stream. But don't go away from here. 
When the Piegans all rush down stream, I'll come up here. We'll 
divide his scalp between us two." That's what he told his chum. 

The young man jumped under the bank to make his medicine. 
He started in with this song [a beaver-song; I couldn't take it 
down]. When he was about to cross, his partner saw his head above 
the water. When the Cheyenne chief saw him jump in the water, he 
ran to the river. He jumped down the bank. He had a big spear. 
When the young fellow came out of the water to his waist, the Chey- 
enne chief waded in after him to strike him with his spear. When 
the Cheyenne chief waded in, the young fellow walked backwards to 
coax the Cheyenne to come in a little farther. The Cheyenne struck 
at him with his spear. The young fellow threw up his stick, and the 
spear struck the centre of the stick, and did not strike the young man 
at all. As the Cheyenne struck the stick with the spear, the young 



Pieman Tales 243 

man grunted "Anan!" lie ujok the spear away from the Chey- 
enne and killed the Cheyenne with his own spear. He took the 
Cheyenne and dove down the creek with him. The Piegans saw 
him dive down the creek. They all rushed down the creek. He 
dove up stream to where his partner was sitting when he was halfway 
across. He pulled the enemy out to his partner, scalped the fellow, 
and divided the scalp with his partner; and took all that was on 
the Cheyenne, and di\ided that with his partner. When the Pie- 
gans rushed up again, thc\' had taken ever>'thing the fellow had on 
him. 

Well, he and his partner led the way back then. The\- were chiefs. 
When they got pretty near home, the Piegans saw the war-party 
coming over the hill, singing scalp-songs. Some of the leaders of the 
camp began to cry out, "The war-party is coming back! You had 
better go out and meet your relatives. There are two fellows in the 
lead. I don't know who they are. They must have done something 
wonderful: that's the reason they're so far in the lead." When they 
got a little closer, then the Piegans saw who it was. The leaders cried 
out again, " It's so and so and so and so. They're leaders; they must 
have done something wonderful; their relatives had better go and 
meet them." 

When the head chief heard it was so and so, he said lo his wife, 
"Where's the girl?" Her sister looked for her, and found her in the 
brush, picking rosebuds, and told her, "There comes your lo\er; 
you'd better go change your clothes and go to meet him." She sjiilled 
her rosebuds right there on the ground, and started running home. 
The girl changed her clothes, ran back to her lover, met her lover wilii 
a kiss. Her lover gave her that spear and that scalp, and told her. 
"Give that to my partner. [You see, when one has connection with 
another's wife, they call him 'partner']." 

So when the girl went home with this spear and scalp, she told 
her husband, "This is what your partner gives you;" and the old 
chief was very well satisfied. The old chief said to his oldest wife, 
"Go ahead and cook sonie i^riil): 1 w.nit to iiuiir iiu- f)artner omt 
here to supper." 

When supper was ready, he crictl oul lor his partner lo come over 
and eat with him. When his parliur, the young man, came in, the 
old chief said to him, " I'm thi- head cliii-l ot the I'ii\i;an tribe here, but 
I'm going to give away my chiefshii); nou shall be the head chiif now. 
There's our wife (pointing to the girlj; I give her to you. \'ou shall 
h.i\e her for g(KKl, And this lodge, I give you this lo<lgc-; and III 
mo\e out. There's my roll of bea\ers, I give that to you. I have 
four dogs and four tra\<)is; I'll give you two ilogs and two lra\«)is to 
haul you aroimd. .And now you're the leader of the Piegans. ^'ou're 
the head chief now." 



244 J our }nil of American Folk-Lore 

Tliat Nounj; follow iniioduccd tlu- hcaNer-biindle. The arrow-point 
on the turnip-boniK'l is the arrow-i)oiiU the \'oun^ fellow got from 
the (Mic\eiine. 

2. THI-: WOMAN WHO TURNED INTO A HKAK 

A woman had seven brothers and one younger sister; that made 
eight beside herself. The seven brothers went to war. The woman 
was in a tepee in a big camp. One evening she told her nKHher, " I 
must take a walk." Every evening she told her mother, " I am going 
to take a walk." The old lady said to her younger daughter, "You 
must follow your sister next time she takes a walk." 

So the younger girl followed her sister that evening, when she took 
a walk. Her sister went into a thick woody brush. The younger 
sister crawled up to her. She saw a large bear playing with her. The 
younger girl became frightened and ran home. She said to her mother, 
"O mamma! What did I see down there? I saw a big bear." The 
old woman told her husband, "Your daughter has been with a bear 
down in the timber." The old man said, "We will go down there and 
kill him the next time our daughter goes down there." 

The girl took a walk again that evening. The old man got a 
lot of young men to get their guns. They all followed the young girl 
down to the brush. They sneaked up. When they looked, the bear 
was playing with her. The girl just started home when they shot at 
the bear. The elder sister went home, crying, with her younger sister. 
She sent the younger sister back. "Here, you go back; get me the 
bear's paw; don't let any one see you." So the younger girl went 
back and got a paw'. When the Indians were cutting the bear in pieces, 
the girl sneaked up and got one of the paws. She went back with it. 
"Here you are, sister!" The elder sister was glad to get that, because 
the bear was her sweetheart, you know. 

That evening she sat down crying. The younger sister said, "What 
are you crying about?" — "I was lonesome for my sweetheart," she 
said. "To-morrow get all the boys and girls together. We'll go down 
the brush, and I'll play bear." 

So the younger one gathered all the boys and girls, and they went 
down to the brush. The elder girl, who lay in the brush, said to the 
girls, "You must take little arrows and tickle me." The boys and 
girls came up and tickled her. She jumped up and cried out like a 
bear. The boys pretended to shoot at her. She went into the brush 
again. The girls tickled her again. She calk-d to her younger sister, 
"Don't tickle me on the hips; you can tickle me any place else; you 
must all look out." The younger girl went to the boys and girls. 
"What did your sister say?" — "My sister says you must not tickle her 
on her hips." The youngest said, "She can't do anything; let's tickle 



Piegan Tales 245 

her there." So they all sneaked up; and the >'oungest one tickled 
her on the thighs. So the elder girl turned into a bear. She ate them 
all up except her younger sister, and her seven brothers who were at 
war. The bear ran into the tepees and ate everybody. She went into 
her mother's lodge and turned into a woman again. She called her 
\ounger sister, "You must come. I shall not kill you." So the 
younger sister came out from the brush. The elder sister said, "Here, 
sister, you're my servant." — "All right! I'll wait on you, and do 
anything you want." So she cut wood, got meals, and did e\er\thing 
a girl can do. 

One morning the younger one went after water. Somebody called 
her. "Sister!" She looked all around. It was the seven brothers 
who had come back. "Come over here! We want to see you," 
they said to her. "What has become of all the people?" — "Don't 
talk loud! Sister will hear you. Our sister turned into a bear and 
killed off all the people." — "You go ask your sister what will kill her." 
The girl went back. When she came in, her elder sister sniffed around, 
and said, '.'It smells as if a person were around." — "Don't say that! 
There's nobody around." — "Come up here!" the elder one said. 
"Look on my head and put me to sleep." The younger sister said, 
"All right!" So she looked on her head, and felt around her face. 
"Poor sister!" she said, "I love you! I'll be an orphan if any one 
comes along and kills you." — "Oh, don't be frightened about that, 
sister. Nobody can kill me with a gun, nor can a fire burn me, nor 
can I get drowned; I'm a medicine-woman." — "What can kill you, 
sister?" — "Where I walk on my paws, an awl will kill me there." 
— "Is that so? I didn't know that." So she put her elder sister 
to sleep, and went after water again. Her brothers called her again. 
"What did your sister say was going to kill her?" — "Oh, yes! She'll 
die by an awl, brothers. You go around the camp and pick up all 
the awls." They did so. 

The next day they went down to the ri\er when the younger sister 
went to the water. "You take these awls," they said to their sister. 
'Here's a rabbit for you. You cook it when you get homo. Don't 
gi\e her any, even if she asks for it. Stick all the awls clo.se to the 
lepce." So the girl went and hid the awls outside, and went into 
the tepee. She said to her elder sister, " I've got a rabbit for you." — 
"Cook for yourself alone," the elder sister said. So the younger one 
started cooking the rabbit. Her sister said, " Look on my head ! Put 
me to sleep again." So she did so. Then she went out and put awls 
all around the tent, near the dfK)r an<l all around. The girl went back 
to the Imlge. The rabbit was done, but she didn't eat it; she was 
waiting for her sister to wake uj). She woke up. The younger sister 
-.lid, "The rabbit's done; do nou want a piece of it?" - "No! I'.at 



246 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

it alone. Go ahead and eat it. It smells like persons. Somebody 
must be around." — "No, there's nobody around." So the younger 
started to eat the rabbit, but hid half of it. " I guess my sister must 
have eaten all that rabbit," the elder one said, " I had none of it." — 
"No, I've got some more here for you." — "Eat it all up; don't save 
any for me," said the elder sister. The younger was putting away 
the dishes. "Did you eat it all up?" said the elder sister. "Yes; 
I don't care; I ate it up." — "I'll eat you up," the elder said. "I 
don't care; you may eat me up," the younger said. She ran out of 
the lodge. The elder sister turned into a bear again, and chased her. 
When she jumped out, she stepped on one of the awls and could go 
no farther. Her brothers shot and stabbed her, and made a fire, and 
pulled her into it. So the bear was nearly dead. "Let's make a 
bigger one, so that she will burn up well!" said the brothers. Then 
she burned to death. Then all left. At the time a little piece of her 
finger blew to one side. So she came together again. When the 
brothers and sister looked back, the bear was coming at them again. 
The oldest one told the middle one, "What do you think? Do you 
know of anything [that will be advantageous]?" — "I'll save all of 
you. I'm stronger than sister [i. e., the bear]; I'm medicine," he said. 
He took out a little feather. He blew it up into the sky. All seven 
brothers went up into the sky. They became the seven stars [the 
dipper]. "You run to that rock over there!" they cried to their sister. 
She ran there. Old-Man sat there making arrows. "Save me, save 
me! my sister is coming to kill me! She's a bear." Old-Man raised the 
rock up. "Sit under there!" She crawled under. He shut the rock 
down on her. He sat there making arrows. The bear came. 
"Where is my sister?" Old-Man said nothing, but kept on fixing his 
arrows. "Where's my sister, before I swallow you?" — "Get out!" 
he said. He took a butcher-knife, cut off her ears and tail. "I'm 
not going to kill you, just make you suffer," said he. "You're 
going to look like that." He opened the rock again. "Come out 
and be happy!" he said to the younger sister. That's the end of it. 

3. THE BUFFALO-ROCK 1 

There was once a very poor woman who was married. She was 
the second wife. She had a buffalo-robe. It was all full of holes, 
it was so old. Her moccasins were as old and ripped as mine. 

This woman went after wood. While she was gathering wood, 
she heard some one singing. She found a buffalo-rock that was sing- 
ing. It sang, "Take me! I am of great power." 

The camp of Indians was about starving. They were near a bufifalo 
drive. She told her husband to call all the men, and they would 

' Compare GrinncU, Blackfoot Lodge Tales, pp. 125 et seq. 



Picgan Tales 247 

sing and bring the buffalo back. Her husband asked her if she was 
in earnest. She said, "Yes," and asked him to get a small piece of 
the back of a buffalo from the Bear-Medicine man. She told her hus- 
band how to arrange the lodge inside in a kind of sfjuare box with 
some sagebrush and buffalo-chips. She told her husband to ask 
some men to come, and to ask for the four rattles they used. 

It is a custom for the first wife to sit close to her husl)and. After 
the second wife had told him this, he had her dress in the first wife's 
dress and sit ne.xt to him. 

One of these buffalo-rocks began to sing, after all the men were 
seated, "The buffalo will all drift back." So this woman asked one 
of the young men to go beyond the drive and put a lot of buffalo-chips 
in line; then they were to wave at them with a buffalo-robe about 
four times, and at the same time to shout in a singsong. At the 
fourth time they (the buffalo-chips) would all turn into buffaloes and 
go over the drixe, which the\' did. 

The woman led in the singing at the lodge. She knew what the 
young man was doing. A cow-buffalo took the lead. The woman was 
singing about the leader that would take them over the drive. All the 
buffalo went over the drive and were killed. She sang a different 
song: "I have made more than a hundred buffalo fall over, and the 
man above the earth hears me."' 

4. OLD-MAN AND HIS STEP-DAUGHTER 

Old-Man had a step-daughter. He fell in love with her. One day 
he became sick. He said to his wife, "I am going to die to-morrow. 
Don't wrap me up in blankets: just bury me on the top of the hill." 
When he was dying, he called his wife and step-daughter to him, and 
said, "If any >'oung man comes an^und here, make your daughter 
marry him. He will help you along. I'm sorry I'm going to die." — 
"I'm sorry. All right, Old-Man, I'll make my flaughter marry any 
one wh(j comes along." 

Old-Man pretended to die that night. They buried him on the top 
of the hill. They covered him (not wrapped him) with a blanket. The 
old lady and her daughter were crying all day. That evening some- 
bcxly came along. The daughter said, " Mamma, some one is coming 
along." The old lady said, "You know what your ste|)-father said. 
You'll be married to that fillow if he comes here." Old-Man, changed 
to look young, and painted up, went into the old woman's lodge. He 
said, "Where are you travelling to?" The old lady said, "I'xe just 
lost my husband, Old-Man. I buried him over on the hill." "What 
are you folks going l*» do/" ( )1(|-M.iii ^.lid, " I fii'l ><orry for \t)U folks. 

' I 8US|Hrl<«l Cliiisiian inllinin «■ in thin last, aiul asked UiK-Hravc (MouiUaiii-Chicf^ 
lather) wliat tlie name <if tin- man abuvc was. He replied, he didn't knuw. 



248 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

Vou ought to get >-our daughter married." The old lady said, "Old- 
Man said the first man that came along should marry my daughter. 
You may have her." — "All right," said Old-Man. 

The old lady fixed up a tepee for them to li\e in. The next morn- 
ing, when Old-Man was sleeping, the girl got up first. He had a scar 
on his shoulder. The girl saw it. She looked hard at him. The paint 
had rubbed off his face. She knew he was Old-Man. She went to 
her mother's lodge. "That's Old-Man; that's your husband. I'm 
not going to stay with him." The old woman said, "I'm going o\er 
and fix him." Old-Man heard her. He took his blanket and skipped 
out. The old lady went to the top of the hill where they had buried 
him. There was only the blanket there. He was gone. She said 
to her daughter, "Trick on us." 

5. OLD-MAN AND THE GEESE 

Old-Man saw some Geese. He went to them, crying. They asked 
him what the matter was. "So and so, the chief of the Geese, is dead." 
— "We never heard of him." — "Well, to think that you don't know 
about your own chief, w^hile a stranger does! All the Geese know 
about him." They became interested. He got them to agree to 
smoke a pipe with their eyes shut. He took a curved stick and killed 
several by hitting them over the head. The rest peeped and flew 
away. Old-Man cried out, "What fools you were to think there was 
a chief of the Geese!" 

Bureau of American Ethnology. 
Washington, D. C. 



Ojibna Tales 249 



OJIBWA TALES' 

BY TRUMAN MICHELSON 

The following tales were obtained last winter, when a delegation of 
Ojibwas from White-Earth visited Washington. The informants were 
Julius Brown (aged forty-two) of the Sturgeon Clan, and Big-Bear 
(fifty-nine years old) of the Marten Clan. Both are full-bloods, and 
belong to the Mississippi Band of Ojibwas. The former served also 
as interpreter. 

I. TWO STORIES OF SPOTTED-GOPHER 

There was one old man by the name of Spotted-Gopher. He was 
a story-teller. All that he said was not true. He told at one time 
that he saw Those-that-live-in-the- Water- early in the morning. 
When he went after his net, they stole his fish. He followed them 
with his canoe. He overtook them. And he struck them with his 
paddle, and he never saw them again. 



Another story that happened to him, he told. Once he chased 
human beings. The one he chased was called Bird. His speed was 
as fast as sight. Spotted-Gopher's speed was as fast as thought. 
And he overtook the one whose speed was as fast as sight, and he killed 
him. This is one of the stories of Spotted-Gopher. 

r 2. AN ADVENTURE OF WENAIU'ZU 

WCiiabu'/.u was living with his grandmother. While huniini; in the 
woods for his grandmother, at one time he thought about his mother. 
He wfjndered what hafl become of his mother: so he concluded to ask 
his grandmother. When he returned home from hunting, after he 
had eaten his supper of venison, he asked his grandmotlur. "\\ lurv is 
mother? Whatever became of mother?" — "M\' grandson, some 
enemy came and took >f)ur mother awa\', and murdered her. This 
enemy lives way off. lie li\is on an inland in a great big lake. It is 
almost impossible to reach him. E\(.'ntually he will murder nou if 
you ever reach him. I therefore a(l\ise >-ou not to go." So when 
Wriiabu'i^u went oiii lumting again the next da\-, he lhoui;ht o\ er 
this matter of going to war with this m.m. lie was now getting to 
manlnxKl. He was (|uite a Noung man. lb- then-fore aski-d his 
grandmother how to reach this enenu'. So his .i;r.in<lmoiher gave 

' I'ut)lislu'(l wilh the p<Ttiii«ti(>n of tlic Smilhsoinaii lustitiitifni. 

' Thosi'-that-livf-in-thc-VVat«T arc a tiny ix-oplc. rntircly naked, and liairy all Dver. 



250 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

him iiislrucli(jiis lunv to reach this place. "The first thing to do is 
to make a canoe of birch-bark, and sew it willi cedar-roots, and pitch 
it with pine-pitcli. And then j^o on the hike. Get some fish that 
have a lot of oil in them." Well, he went according to the directions 
of his grandmother. The grandmother made oil from this fish. So 
he started with this oil in his canoe. When he had gone quite a ways 
off, and reached the island where his enemy iixed, then the water 
began to change into pitch while he was paddling. So he took his 
oil. He began to oil his paddle and his canoe. Finally he got through 

I this pitchy water. W'hen he got to the shore, there were a lot of birds 
there, and scjuirrels. All these birds and animals which he saw on the 
island belonged to this man, the enemy. They were all ready to make 
known to the man that an enemy had come on shore. Wenabu'zu 
prevailed on them; for Wenabu'zu had power to talk with those 
animals, thosebirds. So he went up to the wigwam. It just happened 
that the man was away from home. In the mean while, while he was 
waiting for him, he took his pipe and began to smoke; and he examined 
the wigwam inside. He found his enemy's bows. These were twelve 
in number. He noticed that there was a little bird there. It was 
a chickadee. Wenabu'zu asked this Chickadee which was the best 
bow in the whole lot. The Chickadee showed him two or three bows, 
telling him that these bows were used for war. "If you battle with 
him, he will be bound to get one of these bows." As a reward to the 
Chickadee, Wenabu'zu painted him. Then the man came, the enemy 
came. Wenabu'zu got up, introduced himself, telling him he came 
on a friendly visit. Then they smoked their pipes, telling stories to 
one another. Wenabu'zu, during the absence of his enemy, made 
arrangements with the Owl to come hooting around there in the 

) morning, promising the Owl, "If I succeed in beating him, I will 
liberate you all, so you can go anywhere you wish," Just at daybreak 
in the morning, the Owl came hooting there. Wenabu'zu jumped 
up with his arrows, ran out. His enemy followed right after him. 
Wenabu'zu turned around and shot his enemy. The enemy returned 
the shot. They had a battle all day. Wenabu'zu shot this man all 
over, endeavoring to find out where the seat of his life was. Just at 
sundown he shot him on one of the braids of his hair (this man had 
verv long hair). He killed him instantly. After he killed this man, 
he looked all over the house, the wigwam. Then he found the scalp 
/of his mother. After he liberated all the animals that had been kept 
there, then he returned back to his grandmother. Then the old 
grandmother prepared a feast. They had a dance, which they call a 
scalp-dance because he had brought a scalp to his grandmother. 
w This was Wenabu'Xu's first war-path. 
Bureau of American Ethnology, 
Washington, D. C. 



Book Reviews 2 ; i 



NOTES AND QUERIES 

0-NO-DAH. — Men of science will probably learn with interest that among 
the Canadian Iroquois there exists a strange but firm faith in the medicinal 
value of an herb they term "o-no-dah." Their faith in this herb for good is as 
great as is their allegiance to the old Iroquois Confederation. It has been 
explained to me, that, with the scattering of the Confederate nations from their 
native home in the United States, the plant was dug up with its roots, and 
carried to different places by the several nations. It was never replanted. 
Although this took place over one hundred years ago, the supply may last 
another century. The greatest care is taken to whom small quantities of this 
herb are intrusted. To keep its medicinal quality "good," the indi\idual who 
is given charge of it must be one of good moral character. A chief lately told 
me that a quantity of it was spoiled by a young man who took to drinking 
"hard-stuff" and "told lies." 

I have never seen the herb, though I have heard of it from childhood. It is 
generally thought that Pagans were the only class of Indians foolish enough to 
place any reliance on its value, but that is a great mistake. I have seen and 
heard too many death-bed wishes and declarations to believe it. O-no-dah is 
not a cure-all, but it will cure more ills than any other herb these Indians have 
ever known. The conditions under which this medicine is administered to a 
patient are so mysterious, and it is so jealously guarded, that it makes it both 
valuable and interesting to the student of Indianology. Its efficacy as a cure 
is so thoroughly rooted in the hearts of the people, that no skill of medical 
science, no amount of ridicule from "missionaries," during the last four centuries, 
have lessened the Indian's faith in o-no-dah. Whatever ceremonial practice 
there may be, attending the use of this remedy, — and there are many, — it is 
never directly a public one. The name itself is scarcely ever uttered outside 
of a sick-chamber. O-no-dah is only an instance in point, showing the field for a 
scientific investigator in Canada. But, alas! we Canadians are so patriotic, 
we hate to lea\e our mangers, lest the cause of science should become too a])- 
|)arent, and reflect u[H)n our own p()\trt>- in the matter. 

J. O. Bkant-Sero. 

Hamilton. Ont., Canada. 



BOOK KIAl i:\VS 



Two Kki'Kkskntativk Tkiuks of Oi;i:i:N.si,ANn. By John Mathfav, with 
an Inlnxltiction by .A. II. Kkanf:. London and Leipzig, T. I'isher I'nwin, 
1910. xxiii -f- 25^) p., I maj), and f) illustrations. 

This little \olume is a moiiograiili l)\' the author of "Eagle-hawk and Crr)w," 
on two trilx's (the Kabi and the W'akka) which occu|)y the coast and part of 
the interior of Queensland, roughly op|>o^^ite Eraser Island. The entire first 
chapter is devoted to the author's |)et subject, the origin of the Australian race. 
He wades through the literature of the subject, only to arrive at his old con- 
clusion that the .Australian is a mixture containing P.ipuan, Malay, and Dra- 
vidian elements (pp. j.S-30). .Malhew's treatment of the e\ idence is largely 



o- 



Joiinial oj American Folk-Lore 



dialectic; and, in the expectation of more convincing data, judgment may well 
be suspended. It must be noted, however, that Berry and Robertson, in a 
recent "Biometrical Study on the Relative Degree of Purity of Race of the 
Tasmanian, Australian, and Papuan" (Proceedings of the Royal Society of 
Edinburgh, vol. xxxi, part I, no. 2), have arrived at results which support 
Mathew's general contention. These authors made use of Pearson's biometrical 
method in a study of measurements of length, breadth, and height of 86 Tas- 
manian, 100 Australian, and 191 Papuan crania. The calculations seem to 
show that the Tasmanian comes first in purity, followed by the Australian and 
the Papuan {op. cit., p. 27). 

As in his former work, Mathew proceeds to apply his theory of the origin 
of Australians to an interpretation of the two-phratry system of Australian 
tribes. The phratries, he maintains, correspond to two distinct races. In 
support of his contention, the author mentions actual physical difTerences 
observed between individuals belonging to opposite phratries; the native belief 
in the existence of such differences; conflict myths (see the story of "The 
Spiteful Crow," etc., given on pp. 190-196); phratry names expressing contrast 
of color (Eagle-hawk and Crow, Black Cockatoo and White Cockatoo, etc., 
pp. 30-36). 

It is, of course, obvious that any such origin of the Australian phratries is 
quite beyond the range of the probable. Moreover, if any physical differences 
between the individuals of the two phratries had at any time existed, they must 
have long since become obliterated, owing to the fact that the phratries are 
exogamous with reference to each other (cf. Wallis, "Australian Marriage 
Classes," in Mail, March, 191 1). 

Passing over the sections dealing with the geographical location, physical 
and mental traits, and material culture of the Kabi and Wakka, we may now 
turn to Chapter VIII, which deals with social organization, and proves to be 
of great interest (pp. 128-152). In several of his earlier publications, Mathew 
had claimed that the Kabi, Wakka, and neighboring tribes counted descent 
through the mothers, Howitt ("Native Tribes," etc., pp. 116 et seq.) dis- 
regards this evidence; and Thomas, following Howitt, represents the area on 
his map ("Kinship and Marriage in Australia," p. 40) as paternal. Now 
Mathew once more returns to the subject, and proves, to my mind conclusively, 
the prevalence of maternal descent among the Kabi, Wakka, Gurang, and a 
number of neighboring tribes which have the same classes as the Wakka. The 
phratries and classes among the Kabi may be represented as follows: 

^.„ . ( Dhgrwain (I) „. .. . j Barang (III) 

Dilbai i r>v , ni\ Kopaitthm i „ n • /ixn 

( Bonda (II) * (. Balkum (IV) 

This arrangement differs from that given by Howitt, who pairs II with IV, 
and I with III. That Mathew is right, becomes clear when we note the marriage 
regulations. The phratries are exogamous. II (m) marries HI (/). If, how- 
ever, no females of class HI arc available, II (m) may also marry IV (/); and 
so on with the other classes. F"rom this it follows, of course, that I and II 
constitute one phratry, HI and IV constituting the other. Now, if II (m) 
marries HI (/), the children are IV; if II (m) marries IV (/), the children are HI. 
In other words, the children belong to the mother's phratry, and to the class 
which, together with the mother's class, constitutes her phratry. .'\11 nature, 
moreover, or at least a large part of it, is apportioned between the two phratries 



Book Revicii's 



-DJ 



as constiluled respectively by the classes I/II and III/I\' (p. 144). The totem, 
of course, also follows the mother, which fact, in the light of Mathew's data, 
ceases to be an anomaly {cf. Howitt, op. cit., pp. 22t>-23o). 

As a result of Mathew's careful inquiry, the Kabi, Wakka, and neighboring 
tribes no longer constitute an exception, but fall in line with the other tribes 
of the vast area with four classes and female descent. If that is so, the following 
accounts should be revised: Howitt (op. cit., pp. 116-117 and 129); Thomas 
(op. cit., map on [). 40, and Zeitschrift fiir Ethnologic, 1005. map on p. 762) ; 
Goldenweiser (yo«r«a/ 0/ .Imcr/VaH Folk- Lore, 1910, p. 1S5); Frazcr (Totem ism 
and Exogamy, I, pp. 443-449). 

The author also tells us that among the Kabi and Wakka "a man was not 
debarred from killing and eating his totem, but in practice he protected it and 
regarded it as belonging to his own iieople" (p. 145). The family, kinship and 
marriage, are treated in Chapter IX; myths and legends, parts of which are 
recorded in text, in Chapter X. A short discussion of the Kabi and Wakka 
languages, and a brief comjiarative vocabulary, comjilete the volume. 

.•\. .A. Golden wEisER. 

Columbia University. 
New York. 

The Evolution of Liter.vtlre. By A. S. Mackenzie. Xew York, Thomas 
V. Crowell & Co., 191 1. 

It is an indication of the increasing a|)i)reciation of the importance of anthro- 
pological studies that a student of English and comparative literatures should 
attempt to attack his problems from the standpoint of the student of the art of 
primitive man. The problem is an important and promising one, but we fear 
that the author's use of anthropological data will not yield the desired results. 

The comparative anthropological method is beset with dangers. Much of 
the current material is so i)lastic, that it may be moulded so as to fit any form, 
and the trenchant criticism of which philologists are past masters has not yet 
given to anthropological data that rigidity which is recjuircd for the framework 
of a well-built theory. The author accepts all that writers, good, bad. and 
indifferent, offer him, groups it in accordance with a bold classification of human 
civilization, — primitive, barbaric, autocratic, democratic, — and thus gives a 
ficductive interpretation to all his data, which will be rejected by all who reject 
his fundamental classification, I lis implicit reliance \\\)^^n the comparative 
method will Im- doiibtcfl b\ those who believe in the necessity (^f a more careful 
study of the iiithiences of historical connection. The material that the author 
uses is hardly such as can l)e used for establishing far-reaching theories. What 
would the author say of a student who tries to generalize on English literature, 
witlK)Ut any s|x;cific i)roofs of his facts derived from that literature itself: and 
here — to take thee.vample of American "primitive" literature — we areexiK'Cted 
to fr)rm a judgment on the basis of the forms of oral art as shown by the l-'iiegians, 
Bj)to<udo, antl S-ri, about which the Ix-st authorities on these triln^s know next 
to nothing, and by the Eskimo, whose oral art the author certainly does not 
know. The few authentic specimens of Eskimo literary art (Thalbitzcr, 
Kaladtlit Okalluktualli.iit, Barnum) are not mentioned at all: and the char- 
acteristics as given are l)as<'d esM-ntially on Alaskan m.iterial. which is least 
characteristic of the I'.skimo. but highlv mo<lil'u'fl by the roast Indi.insof .Maska. 
The standard of philological criticism applied is throughout so inade(|uate. that 



2 54 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

for this reason alone the descriptions, as well as the specuhuions based on them, 

seem without value. All that is said about rhyme, metre, poetic dialect, would 

bear an entirely different aspect if the author had presented us with any definite 

information on these subjects as found in primitive poetry. For this reason 

we may also be excused from a discussion of the author's "provisional laws" of 

the evolution of literature, all of which appear to us entirely unrelated to the 

material presented in the book. 

Franz Boas. 

Myths and Legends of the Pacific Northwest. By Katharine Berry 

JuDSON. Chicago, A. C, McClurg & Co., 1910. 

This is a miscellaneous collection of Indian tales, chiefly from the Pacific 

coast, gathered from older collections, and rewritten according to the literary 

taste of the author. Although the reader is assured that a consistent efi'ort 

has been made to tell these stories as the Indians told them, the student of 

folk-lore will go back to the original sources. To the general reader the collection 

is entertaining, a little cumbersome by being overburdened with badly-spelled 

Indian names, but entirely misleading so far as they may be intended to give 

an impression of the true character, scope, and form of Indian mythologies. 

The book is accompanied by excellent illustrations representing Indian types 

and Western scenery, 

Franz Boas. 



THE JOURNAL OF 

AiMHRICAN FOLK-LORE 

Vol. XXIW — JULY-SEPTEMBER, 1911 — No. XCIII 



FOLK-SONG AND FOLK-POETRY AS FOUND IN THE 
SECULAR SONGS OF THE SOUTHERN NEGROES 

BV HOWARD W. ODU.M 

An exaniinaiion of ilie first t\vent>' volumes of the Journal of Amer- 
ican Folk-Lore, and a stud\' of the published folk-songs of the Southern 
negroes, reveal a large amount of valuable material for the student 
of folk-songs and ballads. Investigation of the field indicates a still 
larger supply of songs as yet not collected or pul)lished. Unfortu- 
nately the collection of these songs has been permitted to lapse within 
recent years, although there is no indication that even a majority 
have been collected. In fact, the supply seems almost inexhaustible, 
and the present-day negro folk-songs appear to be no less distinctive 
than formerly. It is hoped that special efforts will be made by as 
many persons as i)ossible to contribute to the negro dejxirtment of 
American folk-lore as many of the songs of the Southern negroes 
as can be obtained. That they are most valuable to the student of 
sociology' and anthropology, as well as to the student of literature and 
the ballad, will scarcely be doubted. 

Two distinct classes of folk-songs have been, and are, current among 
the Southern negroes, — the religious songs, or "spirituals;" and the 
social or secular songs. An examination of the i)rincipal collections 
of negro songs, a list of which is ap|)ended at the end of this pajHr, 
shows that emphasis has been placetl heretofore upon the religious 
songs, although the secular songs appear to be ecjually as interesting 
and valuable. My study of negro folk-songs inclutled (jriginalK the 
religious and secular songs of the Southern negroes; analssi> of their 
content; a discussion of tlu iiuiitai imagery, style and habit, nlleclcd 
in them; and the word-vocabulary of the collection of songs. The 
religious songs have already been published in the American Journal 
of Religious Psychology and Fxlucation (vol. iii. |)p. 265-365). In order 
to bring this pajuT within the scope and limits of the Journal of 
American Folk- Lore, it has been necessary to omit the introductory 
discussion of the songs, for the most part, and to omit i-ntirely the 
v«ii.. XXIV. — NO. g.i — 17 35s 



256 Journal oj American Folk-Lorc 

Nocabulary and discussion ot the uK-nlal imagery, st>'le and habits, of 
the negro singers. In this paper, therefore, only the secular songs are 
given, which in turn are dixidcd into two classes, — - the general social 
songs, and work songs and phrases. 

To understand to the best advantage the songs which follow, it is 
necessary to define the usage of the word "folk-song" as applied in 
this paper, to show how current negro songs arise and become common 
property, to note their variations, and to observe some of the occasions 
upon which they are sung. Each of these aspects of the Southern 
negro's songs is interdependent upon the others; the meaning of the 
folk-songs is emphasized by the explanations of their origin and varia- 
tions; the singing of the songs by many individuals on many occasions 
emphasizes the difiiculty of confining any song to a given locality or 
to a single form; and the value of the song is increased as it passes 
through the several stages. 

The songs in this collection are " negro folk-songs," in thai lhe> 
have had their origin and growth among the negroes, or have been 
adapted so completely that they have become the common songs of 
the negroes. They are " folk-poetry which, from whatever source and 
for whatever reason, has passed into the possession of the folk, the 
common people, so completely that each singer or reciter feels the 
piece to be his own." ' Each singer alters or sings the song according 
to his own thoughts and feelings. How exactly this applies to the 
negro songs may be seen from the explanations which follow, and from 
the study and comparison of the difTerent songs. It is not necessary, 
therefore, in order to classify the songs as negro songs, to attempt to 
trace each song to its origin or to attempt to determine how much is 
original and how much borrowed. Clearly many of the songs are 
adapted forms of well-known songs or ballads; others, which in all 
probability had their origin among the negroes, resemble very strongly 
the songs of other people; while still others combine in a striking way 
original features with, the borrowed. In any case, the song, when it 
has become the common distinctive property of the negroes, must be 
classed with negro folk-songs. Variations of negro folk-songs among 
themselves may be cited as an illustration of this fact. Likewise there 
is abundant material for comparing with well-known folk-songs or 
ballads of other origins. One may note, for instance, the striking 
similarity between the mountain-song — 

"She broke the heart of many poor fellows. 
But she won't break this of mine" — 

and the ncgrcj song " Kelly's Love," the chorus of which is, 

"You broke de heart o' many a girl. 
But you never will break dis heart o' mine." 
'Dr. John Meier, quoted by Professor II. M. ^Sdvn. Journal of American Folk-I^re, 
vol. xxiv. p. 3. 



Negro Folk-Song and Folk-Poetry 257 

Or, again, compare the version of tlie Western ballad, " Casey Jones," 
— which begins, 

"Come, all >ou rounders, for I want you to hear 
The story told of an engineer. 
Casey Jones was the rounder's name, 
A heavy right-wheeler of mighty fame," — 

with the negro song, " Casey Jones," which begins, 

"Casey Jones was an engineer. 
Told his fireman not to fear. 
All he wanted was boiler hot. 
Run into Canton 'bout four 'clock," 

and, having recited in a single stanza the story of his death, passes 
on to love afTairs, and ends, 

"Wimmins in Kansas all dressed in red. 
Got de news dat Casey was dead; 
De wimmins in Jackson all dressed in black. 
Said, in fact, he was a cracker-jack." 

Thus Canton and Jackson, Mississippi, arc locali/.ed; in "Joseph 
Mica" similar versions are found, and localized in Atlanta and other 

cities, — 

"All he want is water 'n coal. 
Poke his head out, see drivers roll;" 

and the entire story of the engineer's death is told in the verse, 

"Good ole engineer, but daid an' gone." 

In the same way comparisons nia\' be made with "Jesse James," 
" Eddy Jones," "Joe Turner," " Brady," "Stagolee,"of the hero-songs; 
" Won't you marry me?" " Miss Lizzie, won't you marry me?" "The 
Angel Band," and others similar to some of the short Scottish ballads 
and song-games of American children; and " 1 g(jt miiH," "When she 
roll dem Two While Kyes," " Ain't goin' be no Rinc," and many others 
adapted from the- popular "coon-songs;" together with scores of 
rhymes, riddles, and conundrums. In any case, the songs with the 
accomi)anying music have become the |)roperty of the negroes, in their 
present rendition, regardless of their sources or usage elsewhere. 

In the same way that it is not possible to learn the exact origin ol 
the folk-songs, or to determine how much is original and how miu h 
traditional, it is not possible to classify negro songs accor<ling to tin 
exact locality or localities from which thcN' come. The extent to 
which they become common property, and the scope c^f their circula- 
tion, will be explained in subsequent discussions of the songs. Tin 
best that can be done, therefore, is to cla.ssify the songs according 
to the locality /row? which they were collected,^ and to give the dilTereni 

I Such a classification, by numbcrii, i» given ut the roncltisiun of iliiti arliilc. 



258 Journal oj American Folk-Lore 

versions of ilu- >anK' song as they are found in difTerent localities. 
1 lu- niajorit> of ilie songs collected from Lafayette County, Mis- 
sissippi, \verc also heard in Newton Count\', Cleorgia; and a large 
number of the songs heart! in Mississippi and (ieorgia were also heard 
in Tennessee (Sumner ( Ounty). From many iiuiuiries the conclusion 
seems warranted that the majority of the one hundred and ten songs 
or fragments here reported are current in southern Gecjrgia, southern 
Mississippi, parts of Tennessee, and the Carohnas and \'irginia. It 
may well be hoped that other collections of negro songs will be made, 
and that similarities and differences in these songs may be pointed 
out in other localities, as well as new songs collected. The large 
number of " one-\erse songs" and " heave-a-hora's " were collected 
with the other songs, and are representative of the negro song in the 
making. 

In studying the negro's songs, three important aids to their inter- 
pretation should be kept in mind, — first, facts relating to the manner 
of singing, and the occasions upon which they are sung; second, the 
general classes of negro songs, and the kinds of songs within each class; 
and, third, the subject-matter, methods of composition, and the pro- 
cesses through which the songs commonly pass in their growth and 
development. The majority of songs current among the negroes are 
often sung without the accompaniment of an instrument. The usual 
songs of the day, songs of laborers, of children, and many general 
care-free songs, together with some of the songs of the evening, are 
not accompanied. In general, the majority of the songs of the evening 
are accompanied by the "box" or fiddle when large or small groups 
are gathered together for gayety; when a lonely negro sits on his 
doorstep or by the fireside, playing and singing; when couples stay 
late at night with their love-songs and jollity; when groups gather 
after church to sing the lighter melodies; when the " musicianers," 
"music physicianers," and " songsters " gather to render music for 
special occasions, such as church and private "socials," dances, and 
other forms of social gatherings. Special instances in which a few 
negroes play and sing for the whites serve to bring out the combined 
features of restrained song and the music of the instrument. The old- 
time negro with his " box " (a fiddle or guitar), ever ready to entertain 
the " white folks " and thus \)C entertained himself, is less often observed 
than formerly. The majority of younger negroes must be well paid 
for their music. In the smaller towns, such negroes not infrequently 
organi/.e a small " ochestra," and learn to play and sing the new songs. 
They often render acceptable music, and are engaged by the whites 
for serenades or for occasions of minor importance. They do not, 
however, sing the negro folk-songs. 

Of special imi)ortance as makers and me(Hums for negrr) folk-songs 



Negro Folk-Song and Folk-Poetry 259 

are the " music physicianers," " musicianers," and " songsters." These 
terms may be synonymous, or they may denote persons of different 
habits. In general, "songster" is used to denote any negro who 
re^uhirly sings or makes songs; "musicianer" applies often to the 
indi\idual who claims to be expert with the banjo or fiddle; while 
"music physicianer " is used to denote more nearly a person who is 
accustomed to travel from place to place, and who possesses a combina- 
tion of these qualities; or each or all of the terms may be applied loosely 
to any person who sings or plays an instrument. A group of small 
boys or >-oung men, when gathered together and wrought up to a high 
degree of abandon, appear to be able to sing an unlimited number of 
common songs. Perhaps the " music physicianer " knows the " moest 
songs." With a prized " box," perhai:)s his only property, such a negro 
may wander from town to town, from section to section, loafing in 
general, and working only when compelled to do so, gathering new 
songs and singing the old ones. Negroes of this type may be called 
professionals, since their life of wandering is facilitated by the practice 
of singing. Through their influence, songs are easily carried from 
place to place. There are other " music physicianers " whose fields of 
activity are only local. In almost every communit\' such individuals 
may be found, and from them many songs can be olnained. From 
them and from promiscuous individuals, a "musicianer" may be in- 
fluenced to obtain songs new to himself, which he, in turn, will render 
to the collector. Finally, a group of young negroes, treated to a 
" bait "of watermelons or to a hearty meal, make excellent " songsters " 
in the rendering of the folk-songs. In addition to these special cases, 
it is a constant source of surprise to the obser\er to learn how many 
songs the a\erage negro knows; and they ma\' be heard during work 
hours, or, in some cases, by recjuest. 

The great mass of negro songs nvA\ be divided into three general 
classes, the last of which constitutes the ftjlk-songs as commonK' used, 
— first, the modern " coon-songs " and the newest popular songs of the 
day; second, such songs greatly modified and adapted parliidly b\ 
the negrfM's; and, third, songs originating with tiie negroes or adapted 
so comjiletely as to become common folk-songs. The first class of 
songs is heard more frequently by tin- whites. All manner of "rag- 
times," " roon-songs," and the latest " hits," replace the simjiler negro 
melodies. \'oung negroes pride themselves on the number of such 
songs they can sing, at the same time that the\- resiiii a re(|U(si to 
sing the older melodies. Very small bo>s and girls sing the dilficult 
airs of the new songs with surprisine skill, until one wonders when 
.nid how they learned so man\ words .iiid tunes. The second class of 
songs ea>ily arises from the singing of popular songs, varied through 
constant singing or through misunderstanding of the original versions. 



26o Journal of American Folk-Lore 

These songs appear to be typical of the process of song-making, and 
indicate the facility of the negroes in producing their own songs from 
material of any sort. The third class of negro songs is made up of 
the " ft)lk-songs" proper; and while the variations of the songs of the 
first and second classes would constitute an interesting study, they 
are in reality not negro songs. Accordingly, only those that have 
become completely adapted are given in this collection. In all of these 
the characteristic music and manner prevail, and the principal char- 
acteristics may be enumerated simply. The music may be reduced to 
a few combinations. The harmonies are made up mostly of minor 
keys, without reference to studied combinations or movement toward 
related ke>s. There is much repetition in both words and music. 
The song and chorus are adapted to an apparent mood or feeling. 
Verses are sung in the order in which they occur to the singer, or as 
they please the fancy. The great majority of the songs are made up of 
repetitions, but they do not tire the singers or the hearers. The negro 
song often begins with one conception of a theme, and ends with 
another entirely foreign to the first, after passing through various other 
themes. This may be explained by the fact that when the negro 
begins to sing, he loves to continue, and often passes from one song to 
another without pausing. In time he mingles the two or more songs. 
Most of the groups and "socials," and especially the dance, require 
continuous music for a longer period of time than the average song 
will last. It thus happens that the negro could sing the great majority 
of his songs to a single tune, if the necessity called for it; although it is 
likely that the last part of his melody would scarcely be recognizable 
as that with which he began. In words, as in music, variation seems 
unlimited. As is pointed out subsequently, and as was true in the 
case of the religious songs, there is no consistency in the use of dialect. 
Perhaps there is less consistency in the social songs than elsewhere. 
It is common for the negro to mingle every kind of song into one, or to 
transpose the one from its usual place or origin to any other position. 
Thus "coon-songs," "rag-times," " knife-songs," "devil-songs," "corn- 
songs," "work-songs," — all alike may become love-songs or dancing 
"breakdowns." The original names given to such songs serve to 
distinguish them in the mind of the negro, rather than to indicate 
their separateness. However, the distinctions arc often made clearly 
enough for a definition of what the negro means to be made. 

The "musicianer" will play many "rag-times," which he carefully 
names, and calls off with pride. Usually they are not accompanied 
by words, but are represented on the fiddle or guitar. When he is 
through with these, he will ofifer to play and sing " some song." This 
he does to precisely the same music as the "rag-time." With the 
words, it is a song; witiiout the words, it is a "rag-time," in which 



Negro Folk- Song and Folk-Poetry 261 

case the negro puts more life into the music. Likewise the " knife- 
song " is by origin instrumental only, but it is regularly associated with 
several songs of many verses. Its name is derived from the act of 
running the back of a knife along the strings of the instrument, thus 
making it " sing " and " talk " with skill. Instead of the knife, negroes 
often carry a piece of bone, polished and smooth, which they slip 
over a finger, and alternate between picking the strings and rubbing 
them. This gives a combination of fiddle and guitar. The bone may 
also serve as a good-luck omen. The knife, however, is more com- 
monly used. The "musicianer" places his knife by the side of the 
instrument while he picks the strings and sings. He can easily take 
it up and use it at the proper time without interrupting the harmony. 
In this way the instrument can be made to "sing," "talk," "cuss," 
and supplement in general the voice and the ringing of the fiddle or 
the tinkling of the guitar. It is undoubtedly one of the negro's best 
productions, and defies musical notation to give it full expression. 
The " train-song " derives its name from its imitation of the running 
train. The most popular name for it is "The Fast Train." The 
negro's fondness for trains and railroad life has been observed. In the 
railroad-songs that follow, the extent to which the train appeals to 
the negro may be seen. In no way is this spirit better portrayed 
than in the train-songs, which picture to the vivid imagination the 
rapidly-moving train. This imitation is done by the rapid running of 
the fingers along the strings, and by the playing of successive chords 
with a regularity that makes a sound similar to that of the moving train. 
The train is made to whistle by a prolonged and consecutive striking 
of the strings, while the bell rings with the striking of a single string. 
As the negroes imagine themselves observing the train, or riding, tlu- 
fervor of the occasion is increased; and when "she blows for the sta- 
tion," tlu- exclamations may be heard, " Lawd, (iod, she's a-runnin' 
now!" or, " Sho' Ciod railroadin'! " with others of a similar nature. 
The train " pulls out " from the station, passes the roatl-crossings, 
goes up grade, down grade, blows Uiv the crossing, blows for smaller 
stations, blows for the oi)erators at the stations, rings the bell for 
crossings and for stopping the train; this train meets tlu' "express" 
and the mail-train, blows for the side-track, rings the bell; the mail- 
train in turn whistles, rings thr bell, passes; both bells ring, and tlu'\ 
continue on their run; the wheels are heard rolling on the track and 
crossing the joints in the rails. If the song is inslrunu'iital only, the 
man at the guitar announces the several stages of the run. If the 
song is one of words, such as the railroad-songs cited subsecjiicntK , 
the words are made to heighten the imagination, and between the 
stanzas there is amph- tinle to pi( turc the train and it- occupants. 



262 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

I. GENERAL SOCIAL SONGS 

A study of the social songs current among the Southern negroes 
shows that they have arisen from every-day life, and that they portray 
many of the common traits and social tendencies. The majority- may 
be said to have sprung up within comparatively recent years. For 
the subject-matter of his songs, the negro has drawn freely upon his 
favorite themes; and the growth and development of his songs have 
been spontaneous and natural. The singers are often conscious that 
they are singing folk-songs, and they attempt to pose as the authors; 
others give interesting stories to show how they learned the songs; 
while many negroes are averse to singing or collecting such songs for 
those desiring them. The accounts given by negroes concerning the 
origin and authorship of their songs, while most interesting, are quite 
misleading, for the most part. One negro af^rmed that he had heard 
a song " played by a white lady in New York," and that, from hearing 
it there, he had learned to reproduce the music on his guitar and sing 
the song to accompany it. Another affirmed that he got the same 
song from a neighboring town, and that he had been forced to pay 
dearly for it (therefore he should be rewarded accordingly). The song 
was one of the widest known of the negro songs. So, too, negro singers 
may often purposely mislead the investigator by misquoting the song, 
or by giving verses which they have got from books or papers, or 
heard from " coon-songs." Many negroes maintain that they are the 
original authors of the songs they sing, and they are able to give 
apparent good evidence to substantiate the statement. Even if one 
were inclined to accept such testimony, it would be a difficult matter 
to select the author from a number who thus claim to have composed 
the song. This is well illustrated by the young negro who wished to 
call out his name before each song which he was singing into the grapho- 
phone. " Song composed by Will Smith of Chattanooga, Tennessee," 
he would cry out, then begin his song; for, he maintained, these songs 
would be sung all over the world, and he deserved the credit for them. 
His varied song furnished excellent material for getting the character- 
istic notation of the music. Once or twice he hesitated before giving 
his name as the author, and several times said he guessed that the 
song was composed by some other person whose name he wished to 
give. This person was a " partner rounder " of his acquaintance; and 
when told that the origin of a song which he was singing was not that 
which he gave, but was well known, he begged to have his name taken 
away, adding that he only meant to say, " Song sung by Will Smith." 
This may be cited as an illustration of the difficulty of getting at the 
origin of a song through the negroes. In no case could the general 
testimony be accepted for any purpose other than to give an insight 
into the negro's own conception of the possible origin of songs. 



Negro Folk-Song and Folk-Poetry 263 

The negroes have many songs which they call "one-verse songs." 
By this they mean a single line, repeated again and again, constituting 
the entire song. Usually the line is repeated with regularity, so that 
it makes a stanza of two, four, or six lines, sometimes three and five. 
In such cases the last repetition adds some word or exclamation, as 
"oh," "my," "yes," "well," "and," "so," and others. The great 
majority of negro songs which are current now are " one-verse songs," 
and almost all have arisen and developed along the one-verse method. 
A close examination of the songs that follow in subsequent pages will 
show the processes. In this way the origin of song is simple and 
natural. Any word may lead to a phrase which itself becomes a 
one-verse song, and naturally calls for a rhyme and additional verses. 
A negro is driving a deli very- wagon; the weather is cold, and the wind 
is blowing with a drizzling rain. He pulls his coat around him, and 
says, "The wind sho' do blow." Not having any special song wliich 
he wishes to sing at the moment, he sings these words and others: 
" She' God is cold dis mornin'," " Ain't goin' to rain no mo'," " Coin* 
where chilly win' don't i)low." In the same way he sings whatever 
haj)pcns to be foremost in his mind. Perhaps it is, " I bin workin' so 
long — hungry as I kin 1)l;" "Where in de worl' you bin?" " Tni 
goin' 'way some day;" "Jus' keep a knockin' at yo' do';" "Had a 
mighty good time las' night;" or as many others as there are common 
scenes in the negro's life. The examples given in the list of one-verse 
songs will serve to illustrate further this common origin of many of the 
negro songs. In the same general wa\' the i^njse or monotone songs have 
arisen. The negro often talks to himself; his singing is simpK' a 
musical " thinking out loud." His monologues uttered in a monotone 
manner lead to song. Perhajis he will talk to himself a while, then 
sing the same words that he has been uttering. Pleasiil with this 
effect, he may then introduce his chtint into a gnnip. Such a sonj: i> 
given farther on. 

I. nONY COT A MOI.K IN DK WAI.I. 

■' A girl was luvin' a coon," so the story goes, " an' she thought he 
did not go to see any otlu-r girl; she found out he did, an' sin- made a 
hole ill the wall ol htr house so she could watch an' sec did lur lovir 
go to see an> other coon. Her luvin' man found this out an' it matle 
iiim laugh; an' he wus sorry, too." Thus is given the origin of a 
bit o{ song. The loNcr makes a song, and says, — 

" Dony Rot a holt- in dc wall. 
Dony Rot a hole in <lf wall. 
Dony Rot a hole in de wall, 
Oh, m\ Dony Rot a liolc in de wall. 



264 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

"Baby weahs a number fo' shoe, 
Baby weahs a number fo' shoe, 
Baby weahs a number fo' shoe. 
Oh, my baby weahs a number fo' shoe." 

In this way the negro makes a story back of the song. If it is a lover's 
song, he tells of a particular man and his woman. If it is Railroad 
Bill, he tells when and where he lived and what he did, then sings the 
song. If it is another " bully boy," the same is true. If the song be 
that of the wanderer, he tells of the adventures; if it is of a murder, 
he narrates the story of arrest and trial. A study of the songs reveals 
the immense possibilities for stories back of the song. No song is 
enjoyed so much as when the singer has told his story before singing it. 
In theory at least, then, the negro song is based on incident; in prac- 
tice it develops through the common events of negro life. Indeed, 
one may accept the statement that many of their songs are actually 
derived from story; but there may be as many variations to the song 
and story as there are negroes w^ho sing it. 

Individuals among the negroes take pride in making secular songs, 
as they do in claiming the composition of religious songs. Enough has 
been said to indicate this habit. But undoubtedly the negro has a 
consciousness of power or ability to create new songs when he wishes to 
do so. This very feeling enables him to make his boasts true. Most 
negroes arc bright in composing songs of some kind. Besides being 
led to it by their own assertions, they enjoy it. It matters little what 
the theme is, the song will be forthcoming and the tune applied. Nor 
would one suspect that the song was a new one, were it not for its 
unfinished lines and the lack of characteristic folk-song qualities. In 
the examples here given it will be seen that the lines do not have the 
finished form of the older songs. In time they too may become good 
folk-songs. 

2. MULE-SONG 

The negroes have much to say about the mule in their work, and 
have much to do with him in actual life. Their songs also contain 
references to him. A mixture of parts of song added to experience 
and imagination produced the following " mule-song:" 

" I went up Zion Mill this mornin' on a wagon, 
I went on a wagon up Zion's Hill this mornin'. 
The durn ole mule stop right still this mornin', this mornin', so soon. 

"I got out an' went 'round to his head this mornin', 
I got out an' went 'round to his head this mornin', 
The durn ole mule was standin' there dead, this mornin', so soon. 

"Yes, I hollow at the mule, an' the mule would not gee, this mornin'. 
Yes, I hollow at the mule, an' the mule would not gee, 
An' I hit him across the head with the single-tree, so soon." 



Negro Folk-Song and Folk-Poetry 265 

The negro expected that his song would be a humorous one, as indeed 
it is. Such songs lack the rhyme and more regular measures, and 
employ words at randona to fill out the lines. 

3. THE NEGRO AND HIS MULE 

In the following song the same characteristics may be observed: 

"Say, look here, Jane! 

Don't you want to take a ride?" — 
"Well, I doan care if I do." 

So he hitch up his mule an' started out. 

Well, it's whoa, mule, git up an' down, 
Till I say wlwa-er, mule. 

\\ oil it's git up an' down 

Jus' fas' as you can, 
Fer I goin' to buy you 

.•Ml of de oats an' bran. 
An it's whoa-er mule, git up an' down, 

Till I say whoa-er mule: 
Ain't he a mule, Miss Jane — 'm — huh. 

4. POOR JOHN 

In the next song may be observed a peculiarly mixed imagcr\". 
Quite a number of phrases are borrowed from other songs, but the 
arrangement is new. " Poor John" is a common character with the 
negro; stabbing and running are common accomplishments with 
the criminal. The other scenes, losing his hat, falling down the 
steps, the cry of murder, and the policemen, all appeal to the imager\ 
of the negro. He sings, with a combination of vaufleville rln nie, — 

"Yes, he caught pcjor John with his hawk-tail coat, 
•An' he stal) him to the fat; 
He ran the race an' he run so fas'. 
Till he bust his beaver hat. 

" I'oor Jt)hn fell down them winding steps, 
Till he could not fall no further; 
.'\n' the girls all holler murder; 
(io tell all jiolicemen on this beat to sec. 
Can't they catch that coon. 

"'What roon am you talkin' about?" 
'Till* coon that stab po' John; 
I'm goin', I'm goin', to the shuckin' o" dc corn. 
I'm goin' jus' sho's you born.' 

5. AT rilM HAM, 

An adopted form ol an old song, "Won't \iiii in.irr\ inr, " but i'(|iiallN- 
as true in its representative features, is ihesong ' .\t the U ill " Here 



266 Journal of Americiui Folk-Lore 

the rhyming elTort is clearly felt, and the picture is definitely portrayed. 
The negro's idea of courtship may here be hinted at, as it has been in 
many of the songs that follow. 

Yes, there's going to he a ball. 
At the negro hall; 
Ain't you goin'? 
Lizzie will lie there, 

Yes, with all her airs; 

Don't you want to see the strolling? 

Ha, ha, Miss Lizzie, don't you want to marry me — marry met 
I will be as good to you as anybody — anybod-e-e, 
If you'll only nuirry me. 

Yes, I goin' to the negro hall, 

Have a good time, that's all, 

For they tell me Miss Lizzie will he there; 
An' you bet yo' life, 

I goin' win her for my wife. 

An' take her home to-night. 

Well, Miss Lizzie could not consent, 
She didn't know what he meant. 
By askin' her to marry him; 
Well. Miss Lizzie couldn't consent, 
She didn't know what he meant, 
Hy askin' her to marry him. 

So he got down on his knees, 

"O Miss Lizzie, if you please. 
Say that you will marry me; 
.An' I'll give you every cent, 
If I git you to consent; 

If you'll only marry me." 

6. WHEN HE GITS OLD OLD AN* GRAY 

There are apparently a good many sayings current among the 
negroes about the whites. Few of these, however, are heard by any 
save the negroes themselves. Likewise the songs of this nature 
would scarcely be sung where the whites could hear them. Two of 
these are here given. The first is a reply to the accusation that the 
negroes are nothing more than apes or monkeys. As the story goes, 
it is likely that the song originated with a bright negro's retort behind 
the back of a white whf) had called him an ape. " That's all right," 
said the negro in the proverbial phrase; but 

When he gits old, 

old and gray, 
When he gits old, 

old and gray. 
Then white folks looks like monkeys, 
When dey gits old. old an' gray. 



Negro Folk-Sofiii and Folk-Poetry 267 

It is needless to say that the song struck a responsive note as well as 
appealed to the negro as a very bright song for the occasion. In 
fact, it must be admitted to be a good rejoinder. The subtle and sulky 
manner in which it is sung is a powerful comment on the negro's 
growing sense of race feeling. Whether there are other verses to this 
comment on the aged whites has not been ascertained. 

7. ain't it h.vrd to be a nigger 

The second song which is now well known is composed of two 
popular riumcs about the negro and the white man, together with 
other verses composed to make an agreeable song and to make suitable 
rhymes and combinations. The effort to make a complete song is 
easily felt as one reads the words. The tune may be one that the 
singer happens to think of; it matters little which he chooses. The 
theme " Ain't it Hard?" is one that is common in negro life and song. 
He sings, — 

"Ain't it hard, ain't it hard, 
Ai7i't it hard to be a nigger, nigger, nigger f 
Ain't it hard, ain't it hard. 
For you can't git yo' money when it's due. 

"Well, it make no difference. 
How you make out yo' time; 
White man sho' bring a 
Nigger out bchin'. 

"Nigger an' wliilc man 
Playin' seven-ups; 
Nigger win de money — 
Skeered to pivk 'em up. 

"If a nigger git 'restt-d. 
An' can't pay his fine, 
They sho' send him out 
To the county gang. 

"A nigger went to a white man, 
An' asked him for work; 
While man tokl nigger, 
'Yes, git out o' y(j' shirt.' 

"Nigger got (lilt ()' hi*- sliirt 
An' went to work ; 
When pay-day come, 

\\ hill- man sii\ lie ain't work 'iiiif. 

"If yon work all the week. 
An' work all the time. 
While man sho' to bring 
Nigger out lu-hin'. " 



268 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

The above song illustrates the method of making song out of rhymes, 
fragments, sayings, and improvised rhymes. The song as heard in 
its present form was collected in Newton County, Georgia. In a negro 
school in Mississippi, at a Friday afternoon "speaking," one of the 
children recited for a " speech " the stanza " Nigger an' white man 
playin' seven-ups," etc., exactly as it occurs in the song. The stanza 
ending "white man sho' bring nigger out behin' " incorporates the 
exact sentiment of an old ex-slave who maintained that in slavery and 
out of slavery the white man always brought the nigger out behind. 
So also it is a most common saying among the negroes that "if 
nigger git 'rested, he sho' be sent to gang." The other two stanzas 
are clearly made to order in the effort to make song and rhyme. 
However, this mixed assortment of verses and sentiments made a most 
attractive song when sung to a common tune. 

Just as in the religious songs many verses are composed with the 
avowed intention of contributing a song, so in the secular songs original 
" poems " are turned into songs. One thrifty teacher wrote verses 
on the sinking of the " Maine," to be sung to the tune of " John Brown's 
Body," etc.; another, called " Hog-killin' Time," to be sung to the 
tune of "The Old Oaken Bucket." While such songs do not ordi- 
narily become standard folk-songs, they illustrate the ease with which 
any sort of song may arise and become current. Thus the " songster " 
closes his description of a day's ploughing in the hot month of June: 

" Dem skeeters dey callin' me cousin, 
Dem gnats dey calls me frien', 
Dem stingin' flies is buzzin', 
Dis nigger done gone in." 

Enough has been pointed out to show something of the environ- 
ment of the negro songs. Further explanations and analysis must 
be made in connection with the songs themselves. It was pointed 
out that the negro's religious songs did not lend themselves to exact 
classification. The social songs can be classified with no more exact- 
ness than can the spirituals. The best that can be done is to arrange 
the songs according to a partial analysis of the subject-matter; but 
any such classification must be considered entirely flexible, just as, 
for instance, work-songs may be sung on occasions where no work is 
done, and just as any popular song may be adapted to become a 
work-song. Themes are freely mingled ; verses, disjointed and incon- 
sequential, are sung to many tunes and variations. Repetition of 
words and thought is thus most common. Each song may consist of 
a numl)er of themes, which in turn are sung to other songs of other 
subject-matter. Thus it happens that it matters little what the song 
is called, provided it is given its proper setting. In the songs that 
follow, not infrequently a song is reported as having only three or 



Negro Folk-Song and Folk-Poetry 269 

four stanzas, whereas stanzas already reported are included by the 
singer until his song is as long as desired. The effort is made to 
avoid as much repetition as possible, and at the same time to report 
the songs in such a way as to do justice to the characteristic qualities 
of the song. Hence stanzas that have been given in one song will 
generally be omitted in others in which they are found. The dialect 
is that of the average singing; for the negro, in his social and secular 
songs, even more than in his religious songs, uses no consistent speech. 
The language is neither that of the whites nor that of the blacks, but 
a freely mingled and varied usage of dialect and common speech. 
Colloquialisms are frequent. The omission of pronouns and con- 
nectives, assyndeton in its freest usage, mark many negro verses, while 
the insertion of interjections and senseless phrases go to the other 
extreme. Such peculiarities may be best noted when the songs are 
studied. In the songs that follow, the words of the chorus are itali- 
cized. It should be remembered that in addition to beginning and 
ending the song with the regular chorus, each stanza is followed b>- 
the same chorus, thus doubling the length of the song. 

Perhaps no person is sung more among the negroes than the home- 
less and friendless wanderer, with his disappointments in love and 
adventure; but here the negro sings of woman, and the desire for pity 
and love, as the accompanying feelings of the wanderer. These refer- 
ences must be added to those songs of the next division which tell of 
woman, sweetheart, and love. In no phases of negro life do the 
negro's self-feeling and self-pity manifest themselves more than in the 
plaintive appeals of the wandering negro. With his characteristic 
manner, he appeals to both whites and blacks for pity and assistance. 
As the tramj) invents many ingenuous stories in order to arouse the 
pity of those whom he meets; as the cook tells of many misfor- 
tunes in the family, thinking thus to secure more provisions, — so 
these songs portray the feelings of the negro vagrant. He especially 
appeals to his women friends, and thus moves them to pity him. His 
appeals to their sympathy are usually effective; and the negro thus 
gets shelter, food, and attention. The wandering "songster" lakes 
great pride in thus singing with skill some of his favorite songs; then 
he can boast of his achievements as "a bad man" with his "box." 
As he wanders from negro community to community, he finds lodging 
and solace. So the negroes at home take up the songs, and sing them 
to their companions, this constituting |)erhaps the most effective 
iueth(Kl of courtship. In these songs the roving, rambling thoughts of 
the negro are well brought out by the quick shifting of scenes; so his 
rambling and unsteady habits are depicted with unerring though un- 
conscious skill. 



270 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



8. PO' BOY LONG WAY FROM HOME 

In the following song, which is sometimes sung with the knife 
instrumental music described elsewhere, each stanza consists of a 
single line repeated three times. 

I : I'm po' boy 'long way from home, : ] 
Oh, I'm po' boy 'long way from home. 

I : I wish a 'scushion train would run, : | 
Carry me back where I cum frum. 

Come here, babe, an' sit on yo' papa's knee. : | 

You brought me here an' let 'em throw me down. : | 

I ain't got a frien' in dis town. : | 

I'm out in de wide worl' alone. : | 

If you mistreat me, you sho' will see it again. : | 

My mother daid an' my father gone astray. 

You never miss yo' mother till she done gone away. 

I : Come 'way to Georgia, babe, to git in a home. : | 

No need, O babe! try to throw me down, 
A po' little boy jus' come to town. 

I wish that ole engeneer wus dead. 
Brought me 'way from my home. 

Central gi' me long-distance phone. 
Talk to my babe all night long. 

If I die in State of Alabam', 

Send my papa great long telegram. 

In the same way the following " one-verse " songs are added: 

I : Shake hands an' tell yo' babe good-by. : ( 

Bad luck in de family sho' God fell on me. 
Have you got lucky, babe, an' then got broke? 
I'm goin' 'way, comin' back some day. 
Good ole boy, jus' ain't treated right. 
I'm Tennessee raise, Georgia bohn. 
I'm Georgia bohn, Alaljama rais'. 

9. ON A HOG 

Very much like the above song is "On a Hog," which means the 
condition of a " broke ho-bo " or tramp. By " broke " he means the 
usual state of being without money, or place to sleep, or food to eat. 
The song, like the above one, consists of lines repeated, without a 
chorus. There is little sense or connection in the words and verses. 
It represents the characteristic blending of all kinds of words to make 



Negro Folk-Song and Folk-Poetry 271 

some sort of song. At ilu- same time its verses are classics in negro 
song. 

I : Come "way to Georgia to git on a hog, : | {three times) 
Lord, come 'way to Georgia to git on a hog. 

I : If you will go, babe, please don't go now, : | 

I : But heave-a-hora. heavc-a-hora, babe, heave! : | 

I : I didn't come here to be nobody's dog. : | 

I : I jest come here to stay a little while. : | 

I : Well, 1 ain't goin' in Georgia long. : | 

•And with characteristic rhyme-making, a negro, after he had finished 
the few verses that he knew, began adding others. Said he, 

"I didn't come here to be nobody's dog. 
Jes' come here to git olT'n dat hog." 

10. FRISCO RAG-TIME 

Even more disjointed and senseless is the song called, for convenience 
at the moment, " Frisco Rag-Time," " K. C," or any other railroad 
name that happens to be desired. The song may be sung by man or 
woman or by both. It is expected that the viewpoint of man be 
indicated in the use of woman as the object, and woman's viewpoint 
be indicated in the reference to man. Such is sometimes the case; 
but usually the negro sings the song through, shifting from time to time 
from man to woman without so much as noticing the incongruity of 
meaning. In the verses which follow the scenes will be portrayed 
with clear vision i)y the negro singer. 

Got U|) in the mornin', couldn't keep from cryin', : | (tlirir timrs) 
Thinkin' 'bout that brown-skin man o' mine. 

Yonder comes that lovin' man o' mine. : | {three times) 
Comin' tt) pay his baby's fine. 

Well, 1 begged the jedge to low' m> baby's line, : | (three titties) 
Said de jedge done fine her, clerk dune wrote it down. 

Couldn't pay dat fine, so taken her to de jail. : I {three times) 

So she laid in jail back to de wall, : | (three times) 
Dis bi own-skin man (ausc of it all. 

I : No need babe tryin' to ilimw me down, : \(three times) 
Cause I'm jx)' boy jus' come to town. 

I : Hut if you don't want me, please don't dog me 'mmul. ' \thri-r tlni'-\) 
Give mc this money, .slio' will leave this town. 

I : Ain't no use tryin' to send me 'roun'. : | (three times) 
I got plenty money to pay my fine. 

VOL. XXIV. — NO. 93 — 18 



272 Journal oj American Folk-Lore 

It will be observed that the last-named verses are practically the 
same as those p;iven in other songs, and have no connection with the 
theme with which the song was begun; yet they formed an integral 
part of the song. In the same way single lines repeated four times 
are sung at length, altiiough one would need to search diligently for 
the connection of meaning. 

If you don't find me here, come to Larkey's dance. 
If you don't find me there, come to olc Birmingham. 
Ain't goin' to be in jungles long. 
Yonder comes that easy-goin' man o' mine. 
Ain't Jedge Briles a hard ole man! 

" Jedge Briles" is only a local name given to Judge Broyles of 
Atlanta. His reputation is widely known among the negroes of 
Georgia. Instead of this name are often inserted the names of local 
characters, which serve to add concreteness to the song. So instead 
of Birmingham, the negro may sing Atlanta, Chattanooga, or any 
other city that ranks as a favorite among the negroes. Besides the 
feeling of the wayward wanderer, the scenes of court and jail are here 
pictured. Another division of song will group these scenes together. 
The difficulty of any sort of accurate classification of such a song is 
apparent. In addition to the words of the wandering man, this song 
gives also an insight into the reckless traits of the negro woman, which 
are clearly pictured in many of the negro love-songs. 

II. look'd down de road 

Mixed in just the same way, and covering a number of themes, 
utterly without sense-connection, the following song might well be a 
continuation of those just given. It is sung, however, to a different 
tune, and should be ranked as a separate song. Its form is not unlike 
that already cited, — repetition of a single line twice, or, in rare 
instances, a rhymed couplet. 

Look'd down de road jes' far as I could see, 

Well, the hand did i)lay "Nearer, my God, tf) Thee." 

! : I got the bUu's, hut too damn mean to cry. : | 

Now when >'ou git a dollar, you got a frien' 
Will stick to you through thick an' thin. 

I didn't come here fer to steal nobody's find. 
I didn't jes' come here to serve my time. 

I ask jailer, "Captain, how can I sleep?" 
All 'round my bedside Police S. creeps. 

The jailer said, "Let me tell you what's best: 
Go 'way back in yo' dark cell an' take yo' rest." 



Negro Folk-Song and Folk-Poetry 273 

If my kind man quit me, my main man thruw me down; 
I goin' run to de ri\er, jump overboard 'n' drown. 

Here, again, the local policeman is aKva\s spoken of as creeping around 
the bedside. It makes an interesting comparison to note the contrast 
between the police and the angels of the old wish-rhyme. Various 
versions of the above stanzas are given, some of which are far from 
elegant. So in the last stanza the negroes sing, " If m>' .ijoori man quit 
me, my main man throw me down." Profanity is inserted in the 
songs in proportion as the singer is accustomed to use it, or as the 
occasion demands or permits its use. 

12. IF I DIE IN ARKANSAS 

Ridiculous and amusing in its pathos, "If I die in Arkansas" is 
typical and representative. It is quite impressive when sung with 
feeling. The negro gets a kind of satisfaction in believing that he is 
utterly forlorn, yet begs to. be delivered from such a condition. He 
.sings, — 

" If I die in Arkansa', 
Oh, if I die in Arkansa', 
If I die in Arkansa', 
Des ship my body to m\ mother-in-law. 

I : "If my mother refuse me, shij) it to my pa. : | 
I : "If my papa refuse me, ship it to my girl. : | 

"If my girl refuse me, sho\e me into de sea, 
\\ here de fishes an' de whales make a fuss over me." 

.And then, after this wonderful rh>me and sentiment, the singer merges 
into plaintive appeal, and sings further, — 

I : " Pore ole boy, hmg ways from iiome,: \ 
Out in (lis wide worl' alone." 

Suppose he should die! Suppose he has no friends! How he pities 
himself! Indeed, he is a forlorn being, and his emotion^ mi.^ht wi-Ii 
be wnjught up. 

13. GOT NO \viii;kI': to lav .mv wkauv iii-.ah 

Another song, also called " I'o' Boy 'way from Home," reixats mu( h 
the same sentinuni ; and besides many \'erst's of other songs, the singer 
adds,— 

" I want to see do my baby know right from wrong. () babe! : | 

"Will, I got no where to lay my weary head, O l)al)c' : I 

I : "Wfll, a rork was my pillar las' night, O girl!" : I 

Thus repetition makes a long song of a short oiu-. 



274 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

14. HAUY, YOU SHO' LOOKIN' WARM 

So in the next song, " Baby, You sho' lookiu' Warm," three lines 
are alike, while the fourth varies only by an exclamation. This, too, is 
an appeal to the " I)aby " or sweetheart for pity and admission into 
the house. 

I : Baby, you sho' lookin' warm, : I {three times) 
O my babe! you sho' lookin' warm. 

I : Baby, I'm feelin' so tired, : | {three limes) 
O my babe! I'm feelin' so tired. 

: Got no whar' to lay my weary head, : \ {three times) 
O my babe! got no whar' to lay my weary head. 

] : Sometimes I'm fallin' to my face, : [ {three times) 
O my babe! sometimes I'm fallin' to my face. 

I'm goin' whar' de water drinks like wine, {as before) 

Gwine whar' I never been befo'. {as before) 

Baby, I love the clothes you wear, {as before) 

Whar' in de worl' my baby gone? (as before) 

Gone away never come back no more, {as before) 

15. TAKE YOUR TIME 

"Take your Time" represents the negro in a more tranquil and 
independent state of mind. It niatters little what the circumstances 
may be, he does not care: there's no hurry, so "take your time." 
And these circumstances are varied enough: from the home to the 
court he is rambling aimlessly about. 

Baby, baby, didn't you say, 

You'd work for me both night and day? 

Take your time, take your time. 

Baby, baby, don't you know 
I can git a girl anywhere I go? 
Take yo' time, take yo' time. 

Baby, baby, can't you see 

How my girl git away from me? 

Take yo' time, take yo' time. 

Went down country see my frien', 
In come yaller dog burnin' tlir win', 
Take yo' time, take yo' time. 

'Taln't but the one tiling grieve my mind: 
(join' 'way, babe, an' leave you behin'. 
Take yo' lime, take yo' lime. 

Carried mc 'roun' to de court-house do'. 
Place wher' I never had been befo', 
Take yo' time, take yo' time. 



Negro Folk-Song and Folk-Poetry zjz^ 

Jedge an' jury all in (it- stan'. 
Great \n^ law-books in dere ban', 
Take yo' lime, lake yo' lime. 

Went up town 'bout four o'clock, 
Rapt on door, an' door was locked. 
Take yo' time, take yo' time. 

I'm goin' back to de sunny South, 
Where sun shines on my honey's house, 
Take yo' lime, take yo' lime. 

16. 'tain't nobody's uizness but my own 
Jingling rhymes are sought at the sacrifice of meaning and the 
sense of the song. Rhymes are thus more easily remembered. If the 
sentiment of the subject of the song appeals to a negro, he may take 
it and make his own rhymes, departing from the original version. The 
frequent omission of words, and the mixing of dialect and modern 
slang, usually result. " 'Tain't Xobody's Bizness but my Own " 
represents the more reckless temperament of the wanderer. 

Baby, you ought-a tolc me, 
Six months before you roll me, 
I'd had some other place to go, 
'Tain't nobody's bizitess but my owu. 

Sometimes my baby gets boozy. 

An' foolish 'bout her head. 

An' I can't rule her, 

'Tain't nobody's bizness but my own. 

I'm goin' to happy Hollow, 
Where I can make a dollar, 
'Tain't nobody's bizness but my own. 

I want to see my Manner 

Turn tricks in my manner. 

'Tain't nobody's bizness but my oun. 

Don't ca'-f if I don't jnake a dollar. 
So I wear my shirt an' collar, 
'Tain't nobody's bizness but my own. 

17. I'm (.oin(; 'way 

The swaggering tramj) decides to leave the town, .i> indeed he is 
often doing; but he experts to come back again. Ili- looks forward to 
the adventures of the trip with pleasure, not with fear, although he 
knows he must ride the rods, go without victuals, and Avv\^ where he 
may. He sings, — 

"I'm goin' 'way, comin" back some day, 
I'm goin' 'way, comin' back some day, 



276 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

I'm just from the country, come to town — 
A Zoo-loo-shaker from my head on down. 
If I git drunk, who's goin' ter carry me home? 
Brown-skin woman, she's chocolate to de bone." 

18. o babe! 

Thus he visualizes and grows boisterous. He begins again the life 
of the " rounder," whose adventures are sung in other songs. In 
anticipation of his future adventures, the negro continues, — 

"Late every evenin' 'bout half pas' three, 
I hire smart coon to read the news to me. 
babe, O my babe, tny babe! 

"O babe, O babe, O my babe! take a one on me, 
An' my padhna', too, that's the way sports do, 
babe, my babe, my babe! 

"Well you talk 'bout one thing, you talk 'bout another. 
But 'f you talk 'bout me, gwine talk 'bout yo' mother. 
babe, my babe. my babe!" 

19. SWEET TENNESSEE 

But this is not all the easy times he is going to have. To be sure, 
he will not work: he will have his own way, where the " water drinks 
like wine," and where the " wimmins " are " stuck " on him. He bids 
farewell. 

"Come an' go to sweet Tennessee, 
\\ here de money grows on trees, 
Where the rounders do as they please, babe! 
Come an' go to sweet Tennessee. 

"Come an' go to sweet Tennessee, 
Where the wimmins all live at ease. 
Where the rounders do as they please, babe! 
Come an' go to sweet Tennessee. 

"Come an' go to sweet Tennessee, 
Where the wimmins do as they please, 
Where the money grows on trees, babe! 
Come an' go to sweet Tennessee." 

As woman occupies a prominent place in the songs of the wanderer, 
so woman and sweetheart occupy the most prominent part in the 
majority of negro social songs. The negro's conception of woman as 
seen in his songs has been observed. There are few exalted opinions 
of woman, little permanent love for sweetheart, or strong and pure 
love emotions. Woman and sensual love, physical characteristics and 
actions and jealousy, are predominant. The singer is not different 



Negro Folk- Song and Folk-Poetry ijj 

from the wanderer who figured as the hero in the class of songs just 
given. Woman here is not unHke woman there. The negro sings, — 

20. I ain't bother yet 

I got a woman an' sweetheart, too, 
If woman don't love me, sweetheart do, 
Yet, I ain't bother yet, I ain't bother yet. 

Honey babe, I can't see 

How my money got away from me, 

Yet I ain't bother yet, ain't bother yet. 

Or the woman sings in retort to the husband who thus sings, and who 
does not support her properly, or has failed to please her in some trifle, 

I got a husband, a sweetheart, too. 

Ain't goin' to rain no mo'. 
Husband don't love me, sweetheart do. 

Ain't goin' to rain no mo'. 

21. I'm on my last go-round 
But the negro lover sometimes gets more or less despondent, after 
which he assures himself that he does not care. The theme of rejected 
love is strong, but the sorrow lasts only a short time. While this 
feeling lasts, however, the lover, in his jealousy, will do many things 
for his sweetheart, and often is unwilling to be out of her presence. 
Sometimes he is determined. 

I : It's no use you sendin' no word, : | 

It's no use you sendin' or writin' no letter, 
I'm comin' home pay-day. 

I : I'm on my last go-round, : | {three times) 
God knows Albirdie won't write to mc. 

I : There's mo' pretty girls 'an one, : | 
Swing an' clang an' don't git lost, 
There's mo' pretty girls 'an one. 

22. LEARN ME TO LET ALL WOMEN ALONE 

The negro is constantly singing that woman will get him into 
trouble; and such is tin- rase. In a large per cent, of his (juarrels and 
fights the cause of the trouble is (he " woman in the case." It is she 
who gets his money and makes him do all manner of trilhng things to 
please her fanc> . lb- then claims that she will turn from him as soon 
as she has got all he has. Such is, in fact, trni*. It is not surprising 
to hear the song " Learn me to let all Women alone " as (he exi)ressi()n 
of a disgruntled laborer. 

One was a boy, an' one was a nirl, 
If I ever sjjccs to sec 'cm again, 
I'll sec 'cm in dc other worl': 
Learn me to let nil u-amen alone. 



278 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

All I hope in this bright worl', 

If I love anybody, don't let it be a girl: 

Learn me to let all ivomen alone. 

Firs' girl I love, she gi' me her right han', 
She's quit me in de wrong fer anoder man: 
Learn me to let all women alone. 

Woman is a good thing, an' a bad thing too, 
They quit in the wrong an' start out bran'-ncw: 
Learn me to let all ivomen alone. 

I got up early nex' mornin', to meet fo' day train. 
Goin' up the railroad to find me a man: 
Learn me to let all women alone. 

23. o MY babe! won't you come home 

The negro sings, " I don't know what I'll do! Oh, I don't know what 
I'll do!" "Oh, I'll take time to bundle up my clothes! Oh, I'll take 
time to bundle up my clothes," and he is off; but he is soon involved 
again, and sings his promiscuous allegiance. 

"I love my babe and wouldn't put her out of doors, 
I'd love to see her kill a kid wid fohty-doUar suit o' clothes, 

my babe! woji't you come home? 

"Some people give you nickel, some give you dime; 

1 ain't goin' give you frazzlin' thing, you ain't no girl o' mine. 
my babe! won't you come home? 

"Remember, babe, remember givin' me yo' han'; 
When you come to marry, I may be yo' man, 

O my babe! won't you come home? 

"Went to the sea, .-^ea look so wide, 
Thought about my babe, hung my head an' cried. 
my babe! woti't you come home?" 

24. MAKE ME .\ I'ALAT ON DE FLO' 

Perhaps the lover is again turned out of doors, and pines around the 
house. He studies up various means to regain the affections of his 
lady-love, but finds it difficult. "That's all right, treat me mean, 
treat me wrong, babe. Fare you well forever mo', how would you 
like to have a luvin' girl turn you out o' doors? " he sings, and pretends 
to leave. But true to the negro proverb, "Nigger ain't gone ever 
time he say good-by : " he returns again to sing, — 

" Make me a palat on de flo'. 
Make it in de kitchen bchin' de do'. 

"Oh, don't turn good man from yo' do'. 
May be a fricn', babe, you don't know\ 



Negro Folk-Sou g and Folk-Poetry 279 

"Oh, look down dat loncsonif Ian', 
Made me a palat on de llo'. 

"Oh, de reason I love Sarah Jane, 
Made me a palat on de flo'." 

In another strain the lover sings promiscuously, — 

"O Jane! love me laic you usetcr, 
O Jane! chew me lak you useter, 
Ev'y time I figger, my heart gits bigger. 
Sorry, sorry, can't be yo' piper any mo'." 

So, too, he sings " Ev'y lime I dodge her, my heart gits larger." 

25. can't be your turtle any mo' 

Somewhat like it is the song " Can't be >our Turtle any mo'," local- 
ized to apply Ui Atlanta, Memphis, or other specific places. 

Goin' to Atlanta, goin' to ride de rod, 
Coin' to leave my babe in de hands o' God, 
Sorry, sorry, can't be your turtle any mo'. 

Goin' up town, goin' hurry right back. 
Honey got sumpin' I certainly lak', 
Sorry, sorry, can't be yo' warbler any mo'. 

26. NO MORE GOOD TIMK 

While there is much repetition in thought in the songs of woman and 
sweetheart, the>' are very true to actual life, and depict with accuracy 
the common scenes and speeches of the negroes. The morals of the 
negro are also reflected. Some of his ideals of love and "a good time" 
are indicated. "No More CjoocI Time" tells of a common scene. 

.No more good time, woman, like wc used to have, 
Police knockin' woman at my back do'. 

Meet me at the depot, bring m\- flirty clothes, 

Meet me at depot, woman, when the train comes down; 

••"or I goin' back to leave you, ain't comin' back no mo'; 
You treated me so dirty, ain't comin' l)ack no mo'. 

I got a little black woman, honey, an' her name's .Mary Lou. 
She treat me better, liaby, heap i)eltcr than you. 

The negro adds miu h /e.-t .iiid fun to his song wluii in- introduces local 
characters. In the above line it is " Tolice Johnson, woman, knockin' 
at de do'," or in other localities it is the name of the most dreaded 
officer. The negroes sing these and laugh hctirtily, boasting now and 
then of fortunate escaiHis. 



28o Journal of American Folk-Lore 

2~. DIAMON' joe 

Wry imuh like the above in general tone, but sung by a woman, 
" Diamon' Joe" typifies the usual custom common in every negro 
community. It is a love-song. 

Diamon' Joe, you better come an' git me: 
Don't you see my man done quit? 
Diamon' Joe com'n git me. 

Diamon' Joe he had a wife, they parted every night; 

When the weather it got cool, 

Ole Joe he come back to that black gal. 

But time come to pass, 

When old Joe quit his last. 

An' he never went to see her any mo'. 

28. BAHY, WHAT HAVE I DONE? 

" Baby, what have I done? " introduces the various scenes of negro 
love-life. The same wail of " knockin' at de do' " is heard again and 
again, — a hint at infidelity, which is so often sung in the next few 
songs. The simple life and simple thought appear primitive. What 
if this poetry means as much to him as any other? No other ideals 
would satisfy him, or even appeal to him. 

Late las' night an' night bcfo', 

Heard such a knockin' at my do', 

Jumped up in stockin' feet, skipped across the flo'. 

Baby, don't never knock at my do' no mo'. 

I : Oh vie, oh my! baby, what have I done? : \ 

Where were you las' Saturday night, 
When I lay sick in my bed? 
You down town wid some other ole girl. 
Wasn't here to hold my head. 

I : Ain't it hard to love an' not be loved? : | {four times) 

Other verses of one long line are divided into two short lines or re- 
peated each four times to make the stanza. The art of negro singing 
is brought out best in his repetition. 

It's ninety-six miles from jiirniingham 
I tramped it day by day. 

It's fifteen cents' wuth o' morphine. 
A dollar's all I crave. 

I didn't bring nuthin' in this bright worl', 
Nuthin' I'll carry away. 

I laid my head in bar-room do'. 
Ain't goin' to get drunk no mo'. 



Negro Folk- Song and Folk-Poetry 281 

Han' inc down my grip-sack, 
An' all my ole dirly clothes. 

If my baby ask for mc, 
Tell luT I boiin' to go. 

29. TH1N(;S ain't same, babe, since I WENT 'WAY 

Both men and women appear chant^eabie in their afTections. A 
husband and wile may (quarrel the first of the week, separate, vow that 
they will never speak again; the latter part of tlie week may \\n(.\ them 
as lovinc; as ever. This does not happen one week, but many times. 
-A negro man will often give his entire week's or month's wages in order 
to pacify his wife who has threatened to go li\e with some other man. 
She in turn spends the money, and begins to c|uarrel again. In the 
same way the wife may often beg to be received i)ack after she has 
left him; she is often received, sometimes with a beating, sometimes 
not at all. \ typical appeal of these characters is sung: 

Things ain't same, babe, since I went 'way. 
Now I return, please let me stay; 
I'm sorry I lef you in this worl' alone, 
I'm on my way, babe, I'm comin' home. 

30. BABY, LET .ME BRINO .MY CLOTHES BACK HOME 

Another appeal of the husband to his wife is a little more forceful. 
It is the present moment that counts with the average negro: he will 
easily promise to do anything to get out of an emergency or to get 
into favor. So the negro f)ften makes promises of fidelity, if only he 
will be given another chance. The picture of the big, brawny negro 
thus whining before his "woman's" door is an amusing one. It is, 
however, characteristic in its adaptation of the "coon" song into a 
negro song : 

The burly coon, you know. 

Me packed his clothes to go. 

Well, he come back las' night. 

His wife said, "Honey, I'm tired o' coon, 

I goin' to pass for white." 

Milt the (tum got n>ad. 
He's 'bliged to play bad. 
Because his color was black; 

my lovin' baby! don't you make me go; 

1 git a jf)b, if you let mc, sho*. 

I'll wuk both iiiv;hl an' day, 

;\n' lei you draw my pay; 

Baby, let me bring my clothes back home' 

When you kill ( hicken, save nw the bone; 

When yon bag beer, give me the foam. 



282 Journal oj American Folk-Lore 

I'll work both night an' day, 

An' let you draw the pay; 

Bal)\ , let nie bring my clothes back home; 

\\ hen she make them strange remarks, 

He look surprise — goin' roll them white eyes. 

Coin' cry, baby, don't make me go! 

31. LONG AND TALL AN' CHOCOLATE TO THE BONE 

One of the most common descriptions, and one of the most com- 
plimentary to the negro woman, as found in negro songs, is " chocolate 
to the bone." The negro often makes trouble for the meddler in his 
home. Here arises many of the capital crimes of the negroes. Jeal- 
ousy runs riot among both men and women. In the following song 
a hint is given of the boasting spirit of the negro: 

Well, I'm goin' to buy me a little railroad of my own, 
.\in't goin' to let nobody ride but the chocolate to the bone. 

Well, I goin' to buy me a hotel of my own. 

Ain't goin' to let nobody eat but the chocolate to the bone. 

I : She's long an' tall an' chocolate to the bone, : | 

Well, I goin' to start a little graveyard of my own, 
If you don't, ole nigger, let my woman alone. 

She's long an' tall an' chocolate to the bone. 

She make you married man, then leave yo' home. 

32. coin' back to sweet MEMPHIS, TENNESSEE 

In much the same way, now the woman, now the man, sings back at 
each other. In the first stanza of the song " Yo' Man," the woman is 
supposed to be talking; the man often sings the song, however, as he 
does all of them. It is also interpreted to be the words of one man 
to his wife, and also of one woman to another. The song is well mixed. 

I : Well, if that's yo' man, you'd better buy a lock an' key, O babe! : | 
An' stop yo' man from runnin' after me-e-e. 

1 : Well, I gain back to sweet Memphis, Tennessee, babe! : | 

Where de good-lookin' wimmins take on over me — make a fuss over me. 

Now, a good-lookin' man can git a home anywaher' he go, 
The reason why is, the wimmins tell me so. 

She change a dollar an' give me a lovin' dime, 
I'll see her when her trouble like mine. 

33. STARTED TO LEAVE 

The sense of humor is very marked in many of the verses sung by 
the negroes. The commonplace, matter-of-fact statement in the 



Negro Folk-Song and Folk-Poetry 283 

following song is noticeable. Says the negro, " Yes, 

" I'm goin' 'way, goin' 'way, 

Goin' sleep under the trees till weather gits warnicr, 

Well, me an' my baby can't agree, 

Oh, that's the reason I'm goin' to leave." 

But, as in other cases, the negro does not stay long. Perhaps it is too 
cold under the trees for him; perhaps the song has it all wrong, any- 
way. But the negro again sings, — 

"Well, I started to leave, an' got 'way down the track. 
Got to thinkin' 'bout my woman, come runnin' back, O babel 

"She have got a bad man, an' he's as bad as hell. 1 know, 
For ev'body, she' God, tell me so. 

"I thought I'd tell you what yo' nigger woman'll do. 
She have another man an' play sick on you." 

34. I couldn't (".it in 

Thus, although the singer begins, as he often does, with the belter 
thoughts of the woman, he ends with the usual abuse and distrust. 
This spirit of infidelity is unfortunately common among the negroes. 
W'ith s(jme it is a matter of no concern, for what does it matter to 
them? with others it is a matter of anger and revenge; while still 
others are jealously troubled about it. What has already been touched 
upon in the songs given may be shown further in " I couldn't git in." 

Lawd, I went to in\ woman's do'. 
Jus' lak 1 bin goin' befo': 
"I got my all-night trick, l)al)y. 
An' you can't git in." 

"Come back 'bout half pas' fo'. 

If I'm done, I'll open dc do', (or let you know) 

(jot my all-night trick, baby, 

An' you can't git in." 

I keep a rappin" on my woman's do', 
I.ak I never had been dere befo'; 
She got a midnight creeper dere. 
An' 1 < iiiildn't git in. 

" Mu<ldy, you ought«r to do lak me, 

(iit a good woman, let the cheap ones be, 

Fur (ley always got a midnighl creeper, 

An' you can't come in. 

" Mu<l(ly, ^top .III' let me tell you 

What yo' wonian'll do; 

She have 'ntither man in, [)lay sick on %(tu. 

She got all-night creeiur, l'iidd\ , 

An' you can't git in. 



284 Journal oj American Folk-Lorc 

"You go home; well, she layin' in bed, 
With red rag tied all 'round her head; 
She done had fo'-day creeper in here, 
Dat's de reason you couldn't git in." 

Ill the same way other verses are sung: " Keep a knockin', can't 
come in, I got company an' you can't come in," or " Yoti can't come 
in dis do'." 

35. WHAT, STIRRIN', BABE 

The singer uses the common slang " fallin' den" for his bed. As 
he has sung of his love and jealousies, so he sings of varied affection 
and infidelity, but with little serious regret. 

"Went up town 'bout four o'clock. 
What, stirrin' babe, stir r in'' babe? 
When I got there, door was locked: 
What stir'd babe, what stir'd babe? 

"Went to de window an' den peeped in: 
What, stirrin' babe, stir r in' babe? 
Somebody in my fallin' den — 
What, stirrin' babe, stirrin' babe?" 

The woman tells the " creeper " that he had best be watchful while he 
is about her house. At the same time, besides his general rowdyism, 
he is perhaps eating all the provisions in the house. She sings, — 

I : Don't you let my honey catch you here — : ! {three times) 
He'll kill you dead jus' sho's you born. 

36. HOP RIGHT 

It will thus be seen that the songs of the most characteristic type 
are far from elegant. Nor are they dignified in theme or expression. 
They will appear to the cultured reader a bit repulsive, to say the 
least. They go beyond the interesting point to the trite and 
repulsive themes. Nor can a great many of the common songs that 
are too inelegant to include be given at all. But these are folk-songs 
current among the negroes, and as such are powerful comment upon 
the special characteristics of the group. A few of the shorter themes 
thus sung will illustrate further. 

I : Hop right, goin' to see my baby Lou, : | 
Goin' to walk an' talk wid my honey, 
Goin' to hug an' kiss my honey, 
Hop right, my baby! 

The negro does not mind that his comment may not be undignified, or 
that it may be injurious to personal feelings or race opinion. Sings 

he, — 

"I wouldn't have yellow gal, 

Tell you dc reason why: 
Her neck so long, 'fraid she never die. 



Negro Folk-Song and Folk-Poetry 285 

"I wouldn't have a black gal, 

Tell you de reaso^i why: 
Her hair so kinky, she break every comi> I buy." 

37. IK YOU WANT TO (;o A COUKTIN' 

More original and satisfying in sentiment and rhyme and sensuous 
pictures is the following: 

If you want to go a courtin', I sho' you where to go, 
Right down yonder in dc house below. 

Clothes all dirty an' ain't got no broom, 
01c dirty clothes all hangin' in de room. 

Ask'd me to table, thought I'd take a seat. 
First thing I saw was big chunk o' meat. 

Big as my head, hard as a maul. 
Ash-cake, corn-bread, bran an' all. 

38. IF YOU WANT TO MARRY 

Another that sounds like some of the songs used in children's games 
in the Colonial days is " Marry Me." The song has come to be 
thought a negro song, but is apparently a form of the old rhymes, "If 
you will marry, marry, marry; If you will marry me," or " For I 
want to marry, marry, marry, you; " " Soldier, will you marry me? " 
The negro sings, — 

"If you want to marry, come an' marr\- me-e-e, 
Silk an' satin you shall wear, but trouble you shall see-e-e. 

"If you want to marry, marry the sailor's daughter. 
Put her in a coffee-pot and sen' her 'cross the water. 

"I marry black gal, she was black, you know, 
For when I went to see her, she locjk like a crow-ow. 
She look like a crow-ow-ow." 

V). noNKY, TAKH A ONK ON MK 

A varialion ot the well-known little song, " Honey, take a One on 
Me," has a great number of verses that ha\e become popular, and 
are undonbledU negro verses. Most of these, however, are not suit- 
able for public ation. An idea may be gi\fn of the song. 

Comin' down State Street, comin' down Main, 
bookin' for dc woman dat use cocaine, 
Ilnury, take a otic on mr! 

('•(•in' down Peter Street, comin' down M.iin, 
bi)nkin' for de woman ain't got no man. 
IIoucv, fake a one on nic! 



286 



Journal oj American Folk-Lore 



40. DON T HIT THAT WOMAN 

One other illustration may be given, to show this mental attitude 
toward a woman: 

Don't hit that woman, I tell you why: 

Well, she got heart-trouble an' I scared she die. 

That shot got her, how do you know.'' 
For my woman she told me so. 

Now, if >()u hit that woman, I tell you fine, 
Shi" will give you troultlr all the time. 

41. I LOVE THAT MAN 

More serious and of much better scntiincnt is the lover's song, 
ordinarily sung as the appeal of a woman. 

I : I love that man, O God I I do. 
I love hi in till thr day he die; : | 

I : If I thought that he didn't lo\-c me, 
I'd eat morphine an' die. : 

: If I had listened to what mamma said, 
I wouldn't a been here to-day; : | 

: But bein' so young, I throwed 
That young body o' mine away. : ] 

: Look down po' lonesome road, 
Hacks all dead in line. : 

: Some give nickel, some give dime. 
To bury dis po' body o' mine. : i 

42. Kelly's love 
In " Kelly's Love " the note of disappointed love is sounded : 

: Love, Kelly's love, : | {three times) 

You broke de heart 0' many a girl, 

You never break dis heart 0' mine. 
: When I wo' my aprons low, : | (three times) 

Couldn't keep you from my do'. 
: Now I weahs my aprons high, : | (three times) 

Sca'rely ever see you passin' by. 
: Now I weahs my aprons to nn' chin, : | (three times) 

You pass m\' do', but can't come in. 
: See what Kelly's love have done. : ! (three times) 

See what Kelly's love have done. 
: If 1 luid listened to what my mamma said, : | (three times) 

I would a been at home in mamma's bed. 



4.^. MY love for you IS ALL I KNEW 

Nearer the simple longing of a sincere affection is the chorus " Fare- 
well." This conception has been fotind in the common mixed song 
that is current: 



Negro Folk-Song and Folk-Poetry 287 

I : My love for you is all I knew, : | {three times) 

Hope I will see you again. 
I : Farewell, my darling, farewell! : | {three times) 

Hojje I will see you again. 

44. THOUGHT I HEARD THAT K. C. 

The negro grows imaginative when he thinks of things absent. In 
his religious song it is Heaven and the angels that bring forth his best 
expressions. He is an idealist, and utopianism is perhaps only the 
childlike imagery of fairy fancies. So in his social songs he tells of 
the good times he has had and is going to have. He does not sing 
so much of the present: he sings of dangers he ha> escaped. In the 
same way he longs to see his sweetheart while he is away from her. 
Says he, "My honey might be far from home; ask central to gi' 
me long-distance phone." 

Thought I heard that K. C. whistle blow, 
Blow lak she ne\er blow befo'. 

How long has Frisco train been gone? 
Dat's train carried my baby home. 

Look down de Southern road an' cry, 
Habc, look down de Southern road an' cry. 

45. SWEET, FORGET ME NOT 

The negro looks longingly for the train and the time when he will 
have money enough to go back "home." Pay-day will come, and 
for a time he will be happy. Sometimes he thinks of all good times 
in the future. Sometimes, however, he sings plaint i\cK' that tlu-y 
are gone. 

I : O girl, O girl! what have I done? 

Sweet, forget me not. : \ {three times) 

I've got a girl dat's on de way, 
Sweet, forget me not. 

Times ain't like dey use ter be, 
Sweet, forget me not. 

Times have been, won't be no more, 
Surrl, forget me not. 

Nowlierc is the iiegnj more characteristic than in his wanton .md 
reckless mcxxls. Nothing pleases this type of negro fancy more th.m 
deeds of bravado and notoriety. He l()\is to tell of them and hear 
them recited, lie is apparently at his best on such occasions. lli> 
self-feeling in its positive stale is given gratification, and his \i\i(l 
imagination easily makes him the hero of the hour. The feeling of 
rowdyism is thus encouraged. Tlu* notorious ( h.iractir is thus simg 
as the hero of the race: his deeds are m.irvelled at. Perhaps he is 
v«ii.. XXIV — NO. 9.1 — 10 



288 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

ilu- most interesting figure within the whole fuld of activities. Cer- 
tainly he is a distinct character, and has a tremendous inlluence upon 
the conduct of his people. He is admired l)y young and old; and 
those who do not approve of his deeds or example marvel at his powers. 

46. STAGOLEE 

" Stagolee " must have been a wonderful fellow! tlu)ugh not so much 
dreaded as " Railroad Bill " and some others. Here the negro sings 
in his best vein. 

Stagolee, Stagolee, what's dat in yo' u;rip? 

Nothin' but my Sunday clothes, I'm goin' to take a trip, 

dat man, bad man, Stagolee done come. 

Stagolee, Stagolee, where you been so long? 

1 been out on de battle ficl' shootin' an' havin' fun, 
dat man, bad man, Stagolee done come. 

Stagolee was a bully man, an' ev'y body knowed, 
When dey seed Stagolee comin', to give Stagolee de road, 
dat man, bad man, Stagolee done come. 

The refrain " dat man, bad man, Stagolee done come " is sung at the 
end of each stanza, and adds much to the charm of the song, giving 
characteristic thought to the words, and rhythmical sw'ing to the 
music. The singer continues his narration, adding the refrain to 
each stanza, — 

Stagolee started out, he give his wife his han', 
"Good-by, darlin', I'm goin' to kill a man." 

Stagolee killed a man an' laid him on de flo', 
What's dat he kill him wid? Dat same ole fohty-fo'. 

Stagolee killed a man an' laid him on his side. 
What's dat he kill him wid? Dat same ole fohty-five. 

Out of house an' down de street Stagolee did run, 
In his hand he held a great big smokin' gun. 

Stagolee, Stagolee, I'll tell you what I'll do, 

If you'll git me out'n dis trouble I'll do as much for you. 

Ain't it a pity, ain't it a shame? 

Stagolee was shot, but he don't want no name. 

Stagolee, Stagolee, look what you done done, 

Killed de best ole cilerzen; now you'll hav' to be hung. 

Stagolee cried to de jury an' to de judge: Please don't take my life, 
I have only three little children an' one little lovin' wife, 
O dat man, had man, Stagolee done come. 

47. STAGOLEE 

The above version is more usually sung in Mississippi, Louisiana, 
and Tennessee, though it is known in .Alabama and Georgia, besides 



Negro Folk-Song and Folk-Poetry 289 

being sung by the negro vagrants all over the country. Another 
version more common in Georgia celebrates Stagolee as a somewhat 
(lirtereiu character, and the song is sung to different music. The 
negro sings, — 

I got up one mornin' jes' 'bout four o'clock; 
Stagolee an' big bully done have one finish' fight: 
What 'bout? All 'bout dat raw-hide Stetson hat. 

Stagolee shot Bully; Bully fell down on de flo', 
Bully cry out- "Dat fohty-fo' hurts me so." 
Stagolee done killed dat Bully now. 

Sent for de wagon, wagon didn't come, 
Loaded down wid pistols an' all dat gatlin' gun, 
Stagolee done kill dat Bully now. 

Some giv' a nickel, some giv' a dime, 

I didn't give a red copper cent, 'cause he's no friend o' mine, 

Stagolee done kit! dat Bully now. 

Carried po' Bully to cemetary, people standin' 'round, 

When preacher say Amen, lay po' body down, 

Stagolee done kill dat Bully now. 

Fohty dollah coffin, eighty dollah hack. 

Carried po' man to cemetary but failed to bring him back, 

Ev'y body been dodgin Stagolee. 

The scenes of Stagolee's activities are representative of this type of 
negro life. From the home to the cemetery he has gone the road of 
many a negro. Sometimes the man killed is at a picnic or public 
gathering, sometimes elsewhere. The scenes of the burial, with its 
customs, are but a part of the lifi': hence they are jiorlrayed witli 
equal diligence. 

4S. HAILKO.AI) Hill. 

Hut Stagolee has his equal, if not his superior, in the admiration of 
the negro. " Railroad Bill " has had a wonderful career in song and 
story. Tlu- negro adds his part, and surpasses any other in his por- 
trayal of this hero of the track. One must take all the versions of 
the song in order to appreciate fully the ideal of such a character. 
ill the first song that follows, the reader will note that after the thenu- 
is once in the mouth of the singer, it matttrs little what the song i>^. 
The cITort is to sing something alunit " Bill," and to make this conform 
to the general ifjea; and at the same time it must rhynu-. Here is 
the --ong, and .1 woiidirful picture it is: 

Sdiiu- one went JKimr an' lole my wife 
All about — well, my pas' life. 
// was that l)ad Railroad Bill. 

kailroad Bill, Railroad Bill. 
Ill- iifviT work, an' he nev«'r will. 
Well, it's that had Ratlroad Hill. 



290 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

Railroad Bill so mean an' so bad, 
Till he tuk ev'ything that farmer had, 
It's that had Railroad Bill. 

I'm goin' home an' tell my wife. 
Railroad Bill try to take my life, 
Ws that bad Railroad Bill. 

Railroad Bill so desp'rate an' so had. 
He take ev'ything po' womens had. 
An' it's thai bad Railroad Bill. 

49. it's that bad railroad bill 

With all these crimes to his credit, it is high time that some one was 
going after Railroad Bill. The singer starts on his journey £^s quickly 
as he can, but has to make many trips. 

I went down on Number One, 
Railroad Bill had jus' begun. 
It's lookin' for Railroad Bill. 

I come uj) on Number Two, 
Railroad Bill had jus' got through. 
It's that bad Railroad Bill. 

I caught Number Three and went back down the road. 
Railroad Bill was marchin' to an' fro. 
7/',v that had Railroad Bill. 

An' jus' as I caught that Number Fo', 
Somebody shot at me wid a fohty-fo'. 
It's that had Railroad Bill. 

I went back on Number Five, 
Goin' to bring him back, dead or alive. 
Lookin' for Railroad Bill. 

When I come u]) on Number Six, 
All the peoples had done got sick, 
Lookin' for Railroad Bill. 

When I went down on Number Seven, 
All the peoples wish'd they's in heaven, 
A-loohiti' for Railroad Bill. 

I come back on Number Fight, 
The folks say I was a minit too late. 
It's lookin' for Railroad Bill. 

When I come back on Number Nine, 
Folks say, "You're just in time 
To catch that Railroad Bill." 

When I got my men, they amounted to ten. 
An' that's when I run po' Railroad Bill in, 
An' that was last of po' Railroad Bill. 



Negro Folk-Song and Folk-Poetry 291 

50. it's lookin' for railroad uill 

But that was not the last of Railroad Bill; for the singer had onK 
imagined that he was the hero to "down him." Railroad Bill soon 
appears again, and now he is worse than before. The next version 
differs only slightly from the foregoing one. One must remember 
that the chorus line follows each couplet, and the contrast in meaninj^ 
makes a most interesting song. 

Railroad Bill mighty bad man, 
Shoot dcm lights out o' do brakeman's han', 
Il's lookin' fcr Railroad Bill. 

Railroad Bill mighty bad man, 
Shoot the lamps all off the stan', 
An' it's lookin' for Railroad Bill. 

First on table, nex' on wall, 
Ole corn whiskey cause of it all. 
It's lookin' fer Railroad Bill. 

OIc McMillan had a s|)ccial train, 
When he got there wus a shower of rain. 
Wus lookin' fer Railroad Bill. 

I'A-'ybody tole him he better turn back, 
Railroad Bill wus goin' down track, 
.1;/' //'.v lookin' fer Railroad Bill. 

Well, the policemen all dressed in blue, 
Comin' down sidewalk two by two, 
Wus lookin' fcr Railroad Bill. 

Railroad Bill had no wife, 
Always lookin' fer somebody's life. 
An' it's lookin' fer Railroad Bill. 

Railroad Bill was the worst ole coon, 
Killed McMillan by de light o' de moon. 
It's lookin' fcr Railroad Bill. 

Ole Culpepper went up on NumK'cr Fivr, 
Cto'in' bring him back, dead or alive, 
Wici lookin' fc Railroad Bi'l. 

Standin' on corner didn't ini-an no harm. , 

f'oliceman grab me by my arm, 
Wus lookin' fer Railroad Bill. 

1 1h negroes sing different forms of these verses, as (hey are sug- 
gest e<l at the moment ; so they a<l(l others or omit p.irt^. Also an- sung : 

.MacMillan had a sjx-ci.il traiti, 
When he got there, it was sjiring. 
Two policenu'n all dn-ssfd in blur 
Come down strcrt in two an" two. 

Railroad Bill led a nn'ghty bad life, 
.'\lway.H after some otln-r man's wife. 



292 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

Railroad Bill went out W'es', 
Tlu)iight he had deni cowboys bcs'. 

Railroad Bill mighty had man, 

Kill McCirudcr by dc liv;hl o' the moon. 

51. RIGHT ON DESPERADO BILL 

It is not surprising that a song so popular as " Railroad Bill " should 
lind its way into others of similar type. Another version of the same 
song has a separate chorus, to be sung after each stanza. This 
chorus, of which there are two forms, adds recklessness to the theme. 
Another achievement is given the desperado; and he combines gam- 
bling, criminal tendencies, and his general immorality, in one. The 
following version is somewhat mixed, but is known as " Railroad Bill :" 

Railroad Bill was mighty sport, 

Shot all buttons off high sheriff's coat, 

Den hollered, "Right on desperado Bill!" 

Lose, lose — / don't keer, 

If I -ii'in, let me ivin lak' a man, 

If I lose all my money, 

I'll be gamblin for my honey, 

Ev'y man ought to know ivhen he lose. 

Lose, lose, I don't keer. 

If I win, let me win lak' a man. 

Lost fohty-one dollars tryin' to win a dime, 

Ev'y man plays in tough hick some time. 

Honey babe, honey babe, where have you been so long? 
I ain't been happy since you been gone, 
Dat's all right, dat's all right, honey babe. 

Honey babe, honey babe, bring me de broom, 
De lices an' chinches 'bout to take my room, 

my baby, baby, honey, chile! 

Honey babe, honey babe, what in do worl' is dat? 
Got on tan shoes an' black silk hat. 
Honey babe, i^irc it all to me. 

Talk 'bout yo' five an' ten dollar bill. 
Ain't no Bill like ole desperado Bill, 
Says, Right on desperado Bill. 

Railroad Bill went out west, 

Met ole Jesse James, thought he had him best. 

But Jesse, laid ole Railroad Bill. 

Honey babe, honey babe, can't you never hear? 

1 wants a nulher nickel to git a glass o' beer, 
Dal' .s all right, honey babe, dat's all right. 

Some of the verses just given are far from elegant; others still less 
elegant must be omitted. Some conception of popular standards 



Negro Folk-Song and Folk-Poetry 293 

of conduct and dress, social life and the home, may be gained from the 
song, in addition to ihc now famiUar character of " Railroad Bill." 

52. lookin' for that bully of this town 

In most communities there is one or more notorious characters 
among the negroes. Often these are widely known throughout the 
State, and they are familiar names to the police. Sometimes they 
are known for the most part to the negroes. Such characters, noted 
for their rowdyism and recklessness, sometimes with a criminal record, 
are usually called "bullies." To be sure, "Stagolee," " r<ailroad 
Bill," " VAi\y Jones," and the others, were "bullies," but they were 
special cases. The song " I'm lookin' for the Bully of this Town" 
represents a more general condition. It is rich in portrayals of negro 
life and thought. 

Monday I was 'rested, Tuesday I was fined. 
Sent to chain gang, done serve my time, 
Still I'm lookin' for that bully of this town. 

The bully, the bully, the bully can't be found. 
If I fin' that bully, goin' to lay his body down, 
I'm lookin' for that bully of this town. 

The police up town they're all scared, 

But if I fin' that bully, I goin' to lay his body 'way. 

For I'm lookin' for that bully of this town. 

I'm goin' down on Peter Street; 

If I fin' that bully, will be bloody meet. 

For I'm lookin' for that bully of this town. 

I went down town the other day, 

I ask ev'yhody did that bully come this way, 

/ wus lookin' fcr that bully of this town. 

Oh, the gov'ner of this State offer'd one hundred dollars reward. 
To any body's arrested that bully boy, 
/ sho' lookin' for dat bully of this town. 

Well, I found that bully on a Friday night, 
I told that bully I's gwine to take his life, 
/ found dat bully of this town. 

I pull out my gun an' begin to fire, 
1 shot that bully riglu through the eye. 
A n' I kill that bully of this town. 

Now all the wininiins come to town all dressed in nil. 
When they heard that bully boy was dead, 
.!«■ // was the last of that bully of this town. 

What a picture the song gives of the bulK .iini his jjut^uit! The 
boasting braggart ^ccs himself the luio of the wholi- comniuuitN'. 



294 Journal of American FoJk-Lore 

but chiefly anit)nii the women. He is better than the police: they 
will CN'en thank him for his valor. The governor will give him his 
reward. Everybody he meets he asks about the bully boy, and takes 
on a new swagt2;er. What satisfaction he gets from it! Perhaps he 
too will be a bully. The scene of the shooting, the reaching for the 
pistol, and the " laying-down " of the bully's body, — these offer 
unalloyed satisfaction to the singer. Every word ])ecomes pregnant 
with new meaning and feeling; and invariably he must remember 
that his deeds are lauded, and he is the hero among the " wimmins" 
from the country round about. His picture would never be complete 
without this. Altogether it is a great song, and defies a superior 
picture. 

53. EDDY JONES 

Other notorious characters are sung with the same satisfaction. 
The characteristic pleasure and oblivion of time accompany the sing- 
ing. While at work, one may sing the words, whistle the tunes, and 
visualize the picture, thus getting a richer field of vision. When 
alone, the negro gets much satisfaction out of songs like those here 
given. Likewise such songs are sung in groups, at which times the 
singers talk and laugh, jeer one another, and retort, thus varying 
the song. "Eddy Jones" seems very similar in character to 

" Stagolee." 

Slow train run thru' Arkansas, 
Carryin'' Eddy Jones. 

Eddy died with a special in his hand. 
Eddy Jones, Eddy Jones. 

Eddy Jones call for the coolin'-board, 
Laii'dy, lawdy, lawd! 

Eddy Jones look'd 'round an' said, 
"Man that kill'd me won't have no luck." 

Ain't it sad 'bout po' Eddy bein' dead? 
Eddy Jones was let down in his grave. 

What did Eddy say before he died? 
He said, "Nearer, my God, to Thee." 

luldy's mother she weeped a day, 
Lawdy, Eddy Jones, Eddy Jones! 

The singer turns to the " ladies," if they be present, and sings, — 

You want me to do like Eddy Jones? 

^■()U mus' want me to lay down an' die for you. 

{To be continued.) 



The Missouri Play-Party 295 



THH MISSOrRl I'LAV l'ARr\' 

BY MRS. L. D. AMES 

Some thirty years ago, in most country places, the Missouri play- 
party was at the height of popularity as a serious form of amusement, 
— serious not in the sense of lacking in fun and jollity, but in the 
sense that it was held not as a revival of old customs or in defiance 
of better taste, but because it yielded more genuine pleasure and 
recreation than any other form of amusement known to those who 
took part in it. In the neighborhood where I was born and reared, 
the play-party was the common form of amusement at the gatherings 
of young people of the best class. As a little girl, I was permitted 
to sit up and look on when the parties were held at my father's or my 
grandfather's home. 

These play-parties were rcalh' dances. The pla\ers did not dance, 
however, to the music of instruments, but kept time with various steps 
to their own singing. But they were not called dances: they were 
called simply parties. The better class of people in the country did 
not believe in dancing. Regular dances, where the music was fur- 
nished by a " fiddler," were held, for the most part, only in the homes 
of the rough element. They were generally accompanied by card- 
playing, and freciuentl>' by drunkenness and fighting. The better 
class ranked dancing, in the moral scale, along with gambling and 
fishing on Sunday. It was not good form, and was ta})ooed on grounds 
of respectability. 

At that time, also, the country church was alive and nourishing. 
Many, perhaps most, of the people who attended the parties, were 
church members. The church rules forbade dancing, and there was no 
thought of evading the letter of the law. Therefore, if the boy or girl 
danced a single ()uadrille to the music of a \iolin, he had " broke ox t-r," 
as the common ex[)ression was, and knew that at the next protracted 
meeting he was a fit subject for reconversion, and that the preacher's 
pointed words were aimefl straight at him; while, on the other hand, 
he migiit dance to the time of his own singing from seven in tin- evening 
to three o'clock the next morning, and suffer therefrom noiiualmsof 
con.science. It was not dancing: it was only pl.i>ing. 

The invitations to these parties wri- by word <»l mouth, an<l di- 
livered by one or more young nun on horseback, who were said to 
" get up " the |)arty. .All of the eligible \'oung |H'o|)le within a radius 
of from three to Ww mik-s were iiuited. The prcp.ir.it ions made by 
the hostess consisted in rcmo\iiii; ilu" carpets and linniiurc from tin- 
rooms to be used by the |)I,iyiTs. Chairs an<l bent lu's wwv pl.ii cd 



2o6 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



around the sides of the rooms. It was not customary to serve refrcsh- 
mcnls. When they were served, they consisted of pies and cakes, 
and perhaps apples or cider. The young people came to the party 
on horseback, in carts, buggies, spring-wagons, and " big " (farm) 
wagons, or, if tluTO happened to be snow on the ground, in sleighs and 
on sleds. 

The playing would begin as soon as four or five couples had arrived, 
and would continue, with only short intermissions for breathing-spells, 
until the part\- broke up. This might be anywhere from midnight 
to three o'clock in the morning. Sometimes the playing went on in 
two or three rooms at one time. The playing consisted in keeping 
step to the singing, and at the same time going through various move- 
ments: as swinging partners by one hand or both; advancing, re- 
treating, and bowing; dancing in circles of four or eight; promenading 
singly or in pairs, sometimes hand in hand, sometimes with crossed 
hands; weaving back and forth between two rows of people going in 
opposite directions, and clasping right and left hands alternately with 
those they meet; etc. Sometimes the words of the song sung by the 
players indicated the various movements. At other times the players 
were supposed to know the manner of playing. They never " called 
off " the changes, as was done in the regular dances; and the method of 
playing depended somewhat upon the whim of individual leaders. 

The words of the songs they sang were a very crude lot of rhymes, — 
crude in sense and in form. The tunes were frequently familiar airs 
i:)orrowed to suit their needs. 

The playing was generally started by a song that went like this: 

BOUNCE AROUND 




A — ^ — N ^ ' 



-=1^ 



=^=1= 



We come here to bounce a-ronnd, We come here to bounce a-round. 



'8--=?: 



t 



^- 



-^-"^ 



1- 



We come liere to bounce a-round, tra, la, la, la ! La-dies, do si do. 






—I — ^ — ^-# — •— -M- 



-5>- 



s 



GentH, you know, Swin^ to the right and tlien to the loft, and all prome-nadc. 



We come here to l)ounce around. 
We come here to bounce around. 
We come here to bounce around, 

Tra, la, la, la! 

Ladies, do si do, 

Gents, you know, 



The Missouri Play -Party 



297 



Swing to the right 
And then to the left, 
And all promenade. 

Just us four to bounce around, 
Just us four to bounce around, 
Just us four to bounce around, 
Tra, la, la, la! 

These words and the movements accompanying them were repeated 
till the players felt the need of a change. The parties took their 
name later from this song. In a few years this kind of party was 
dying out in most places. In our neighborhood it gave way to a 
much milder sort of party, known as a " social." To distinguish the 
play-party from the " social," it was called a " bounce-around." 
Other dance-songs used are given below. 

we'll all go down to rowser 



m^=^ 



M=it 



■#— ^ 



We'll all go down to Row - ser, to Row-ser, to Row-ser, We'll 



m* 



all go down to Row - ser, And stay a - way all night, And 



^^ 



i 



:: ^^— zMi 



stay a - way all night, And stay a - way all night, We'll 






^tf 1 ^ I 



all go down to Row - Her, And f>tay a - way ail night. It's 



'8=^ 



m 



■^ 



-I 



right and left to Itow - ser, to liow - ser, to Row - ser. It's 



yj J- J j-ij.-i^ ^ g 



right juiil left to Row - Hcr, And .slay a - wiiy all night. 

I. Wf'll all go down lo Rowser, to Rousci, ii> Knu-,! 
We'll all go down to Rowser, 
And slay away at! night, 
.\nd stay away all night. 
And stay away all night, 
W e'll all go down to Rowser, 
And stay away all night. 



n 



298 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



2. My father he will scold nic, scold iiic, scold me, 
My father he will scold me 

For staying away all nieht, etc. 

3. My mother she'll uphold me. uphold me, uphold me, 
My mother she'll uphold me 

And sa\- I did just right, etc. 

4. We'll all go down to Rowser's, to Rowser's, to Rowser's, 
We'll all go down to Rowser's 

And get some good old beer, etc. 

5. It's right and left to Rowser's, to Rowser's, to Rowser's, 
It's right and left to Rowser's, 

To get some good old beer, etc. 

To the same tune they sang, — 

1. My father and mother were Irish, 
My father and mother were Irish, 
My father and mother were Irish, 

And I was Irish too. 
And I was Irish too, 
And I was Irish too; 
My father and mother were Irish, 
And I was Irish too. 

2. We kept the cow in the kitchen, etc.. 

And that was Irish too. 

3. We kept the pig in the parlor, etc.. 

And that was Irish too. 

JIM .\LONG JO 



) rt ». ^ ^ 




1 — :: S ly 1 


1 ~1 


J 


^ i _r _.^ ^ ^ 


*. *. "^ 


1 _r _j^ ^ ^ 


^ ^ 


\ A d ' * r 1 


P r \ d 




1 r 1 


7 =^ • mm 




• —1—1 




J 


t 


••••-^ ' ' m m ^ 

Cat's in the cream-jar, Run, girls, run! Fire in (Ik' indiintains, Fun.bovs.fun! 


- I fv R— 5— ,- 


^ p»,_ 


— ^— S — R — r- 




\ 


^ 


y— J d' S' 


'15~U~> f'~m~ 


-d — iT d" ■ 


~U~!J~1^ — 1~ 


V 


^ d 


\ \ \ J m 


• J 


^ N ! ! 


tJ 




» m 


m » 







• • ^ 





Hey, .Jim a lonj,', Jim a lunj; Jo - sie! Hey, Jim a long, Jim a long, .IdI 

1. Cat's in the cream-jar, 

Run, girls, run ! 
Fire in the mountains, 
Fun, boys, fun! 

Chorus 

Hey, Jim along, Jim along, Josie! 
Hey, Jim along, Jim along, Jo! 

2. First to the court-house, 

Then to the jail. 
Hang my hat on a 
Rusty nail. 



The Missouri Play-Party 



299 



ANGELINA 



?=^=^ 



n*: 



Ad - ge - li - na, do go borne, do go borne, do go bome, 



i 



rpzis: 







.^ ^ ' ' ' '-^ " — * ■ V V 

An - ge - li - na, do go home and get your bus-band's snp - per 



:a=3: 



1^=^ 



W^^ 



An - ge - li - na, do go home, do go home, do go bome, 



;l 



I 



^^ 



An - ge - li - na, do go bome and get your boa-band's snp - per. 

1. Angelina, do go home, do go home, do go home, 

Angelina, do go home, and get your husband's supper. [Repeat.] 

2. Nothing there but bread and butter, bread and butter, bread and butter. 
Nothing there but bread and butter and a cold cup of tea. [Repeat.] 

3. Fiddler's drunk and he can't play, he can't play, he can't play, 
Fiddler's drunk and he can't play so early in the morning. [Repeat.] 

The difTcrcnt stanzas sung to the same tune frequently had no 
connection in meaning, but were sung for the sake of variety. 

OH, ain't I GONE? 



^~s^^ 


=js: 


=:^ 


— A- 

—4 — 




=^" 


"T" 


ij" 




— fK- 




-^ 


K 1 


=fq 


S^i^ 


_* 


_* 




-^ 


-r- 


-#- 


-t^ 




:^ 


-0— 


-r- 


— S--4— 


¥ . 



I went np to the bill-top, And I gave my bom a blow; I 



f^^^ 



I 



ti-^— r 



^ 



« ^ t # 



^5 — ^- 



,j -' — • — ' — • ' • . * 

thought I lu-iinl flome-bod - y m»y, "Oh, yonder oonie.'^ my l)»'au!"()h, 




r^Ti^. >"IJ ; ^1^ ^. 1; 



»'n't I K'x^f, >«'<'»«■ goiu' I Oil. iiin't I >;"IH', goiu', roiu' I Oh, 



^m 



^-Zj^fTT^ 



:t=l=t: 






ain't I gone, gone, gone! 80 good - by. 8u - san Jane I 



300 Journal of American Folk-Lore 

1. I went 11)1 tu lilt' hill-top, 

And I sa\e my horn a blow; 
I ihtnight I heard st)mebody say, 
"Oh, yonder comes my beau!" 

Chorus 

Oh, ain't I gone, gone, gone, 
Oh. ain't I gone, gone, gone. 
Oh, aint 1 gone, gone gone! 
So gooci-l)\-, Susan Jane! 

2. I wouldn't marry an old maid, 

I'll tell you the reason why: 
Her neck's so long and slender, 
I'm afraid she'd never die. 

3. You can ride the old gray horse. 

And I will ride the roan. 
You can talk to your sweetheart, 
But you'd better let mine alone. 

4. I wish 1 had a needle and thread 

As fine as I could sew, 
I'd sew my true love to my side, 
And down the river I'd go. 

5. 1 wish 1 had a little red box 

To put my true love in, 
To take her out and kiss her, 
And init her in again. 

6. Higher up the cherry-tree. 

Riper grows the cherry, 
I never saw a pretty girl, 

But what she wanted to marry. 

7. Master had an old black cow. 

She had a hollow horn; 
Every tooth in her old head 
Would hold a barrel of corn. 

8. They took nu- to the station 

And put me on the train, 
.\nd sent me down to Jefferson 
To wear the ball and chain. 

9. I went to see my Susan, 

She met me at the door, 
Her shoes and stockings in her hand. 
Her feet all over the floor. 



The Missouri Play-Party 



;oi 



SHOOT THE BUFFALO 



# — ^ — ::^—B — • — m- 

lo, Yes, we'll shoot the Ruf - fa - lo, 



Oh, we'll shoot the Biif - fa 



^E^ 



:f^i4: 



m 



U =i=s -- 



:;—*--• — ■ 

And we'll ral - ly round the cane-brake, Aud shoot the Bof - fa - lo. 

1. Oh, we'll shoot the ButTalo, 
Yes, we'll shoot the BulTalo, 

And we'll rally round the cane-brake 
And shoot the Buffalo. 

2. Oh, the girls will knit and spin, 
.•\nd the boys will sit and grin, 

And we'll rally round the cane-brake 
And shoot the Buffalo. 

,v Oh, the hawky shot the buzzard, 
-And the buzzard shot the crow, 
•And we'll rally round the cane-brake 
And shoot the Buffalo. 

4. Oh, the Buffalo will die, 
For we shot him in the eye, 

And we'll rally round the cane-brake 
And shoot the Buffalo. 

5. Oh, the Buffalo is dead, 
P"or we shot him in the head, 

And we'll rally round the cane-brake 
.And shoot the Buffalo. 

If tlu-rr were- not stanzas enough to make the jjjay sufficiently long, 
the same stanzas were sung again and again. Wiien one set of phiyers 
exhausted themselves, they yielded the floor to others who had been 
resting and talking. 

CONSOLATION FLOWINO FREE 



^^-^^^^E0 



^ 



^ 



S=^' 



Con - so - la - tion flow - ing free, Con - so - la - tion flow - ing free, 



^^^ ^^^^=N=^^^-^?fT^ 



Con - no - la - tion flow - ing free. Conn-, my lave, niul k<> with me! 

I. Consolation llowin^; free. 
Consolation (lowiiin free, 
Consolation flowing free, 
Come, my love, and go with inc 



.^o^ 



JoHrnaJ of American Folk-Lore 



I'm too young, I cannot go, 
I'm too young, I cannot go, 
I'm too young, I cannot go. 
For ni\' mother told me so. 

You're old enough, you are just right, 
You're old enough, you are just right, 
You're old enough, you are just right, 
I asked your mother last Saturday night. 

Cream and peaches twice a week, 
Cream and i)eaches twice a week. 
Cream and jjcaches twice a week, 
Kiss her on the rosy cheek. 

WKEVILY WHEAT 



-^ &•- 



^ 



:^ 



Come, hon - ey, my love, and trip with me In the morn-ing ear - ly, 



^ 



^¥=i=i^ 



H^-^-^ 



-N — K- 



Heart and hand, we'll take oar stand; 'tis trne, I love yon dear - ly. Oh, I 




A — ly — \-A — i- — I 1 5* — ^ 

t — g'^ • — 0- 



— A- 



4: 



won't have none of your weevily wheat, And I won't have none of yonr bar-ley, 



31 



-N— ; 



But I mnst have some of the best of wheat to bake a cake for Char-ley. 

1. Come, honey, my love, come trip with me 

In the morning early. 
Heart and hand, we'll take our stand; 
'Tis true I love you dearly. 

Clwriis 
Oil, I won't have none of your weevily wheat. 

And I won't have none of your barley, 
But I must have some of the best of wheat 

To bake a cake for Charley. 

2. F"or Charley he's a nice young man, 

Charley he's a dandy; 
Charley loves to kiss the girls 
Because it comes so handy. 

T,. It's over the river to see the gay widow, 
It's over the river to Charley, 
It's over the river to feed my sheep 
And measure up the barley. 



The Missouri Play-Party 



303 



4. If you love me like I love you, 
We have no time to tarry, 
We'll keep the old folks fixing round 
F"or you and I to marry. 

In the above song all the stanzas after the first were sung to the 
tune of the chorus. 



n 




SANDY HE 


BELONGED TO THE MILL 








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1 




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. 


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San - dy be be - longed to tbe mill, San - dj be 



be 



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longed to the mill, San - dy he be - longed to the mill, And the 



? 



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-N— -N- 



niiil lie - !nn>;e(l to 



San 



dy. " Say, 



Mr. 



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1"--^ 



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San-<ly, won't you 



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loan meyonrmill? Say, Mr. San-dy, won't yoa loan me your mill? 



9 



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i^ 



:^— •- 



:^ 



Say, Mr. San-dy, won't yoa loan me your miil?""Cour8e I will, "says San-dy. 

Sandy he belonged to the mill, 
Sandy he belonged to the mill, 
Sandy he belonged to the mill, 
.And the mill belonged to Sandy. 

"Say, Mr. Sandy, won't you loan me your mill? 
Say, Mr. Sandy, won't you loan me your mill? 
Say, Mr. Sandy, won't you loan nu- your niiil-'" 
"'Course I will," says Sanrly. 

I've been to the east 



f ^S.MJ'/J'/jjizi^ 



s^ 



f=r- 



* ^' »-'-J 



I'vftheen to the EoHt, I've Imtii !■<) the WpmI, I'vp 1k«cii to the jiiy -bird's nl - tar, 




-#_#- 



11 



And tbe pret-ti • ettt ^irl I cv - er did lee Was old John Jones's daaghtsr. 

I 'vc Ix'i-n to the I'.ast 
I've birn to the Wrsl, 
VOL. XXIV. — NO. 9j — 20 



304 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



I've been to the jay-bird's altar, 
And the prettiest girl I ever did see 
Was old John Jones's daughter. 

As this was sung, the real name of the father of some girl on the floor 
was substituted for " John Jones," and the young man without a 
partner chose her for his partner. Many of the plays included a 
method of changing partners. In the following the players took the 
lloor with one too many boys. At first the boy without a partner had 
to promenade between two rows of players while they sang: 



F^fr^ 


^ 


=J!l: 


~>" 




SKIP-TO-MY 

1 — "V — s — ^ 1 


I.OU 


-A- 


N 


jV 


-fr 


--^- 


=tn 


— 1 — , 

— 1 — 


t^Lt 


i_ 


* 


-*— 


lid 


19 §. * 1 


■• 


-• — 


— 1 — 

-• — 


^=i 


-0 — 


-• — 


• 





Lost your part-ner, What'll you do ? Lost your part-ner, What'll you do ? 



I 



Lost your part - ner, What'll you do ? Skip - to-my - Lon, my dar - liug. 

1. Lost your partner, 

What'll you do? 
Lost your partner, 

What'll you do? 
Lost your partner, 

What'll you do? 
Skip-to-my-Lou, my darling. 

To this the boy answered, as he took some other fellow's partner and 
swung her around, — 

2. I'll get another one, 

Better one, too, 
I'll get another one, 

Better one, too, 
I'll get another one, 

Better one, too, 
Skip-to-my-Lou, my darling. 

The young man who was robbed of a partner then had to secure a new 
one in the same way. Sometimes the attempt to secure a partner 
failed, the boy who was with the girl swinging her around himself. 
The refusal was accepted, and the disappointed young man tried 
again while they sang,^ — 

3. Can't get a red bird, 

A blue bird will do. 
Can't get a red bird, 

A blue bird will do. 
Can't get a red bird, 

A blue bird will do, 
Skip-to-my-Lou, my darling. 



The Missouri Play-Parly 



305 



Sometimes the young man whose partner had been taken turned im- 
mediately and took her back, while they sang, — 

4. Gone again, 

Skip-to-my-Lou, 
Gone again, 

Skip-to-my-Lou, 
Gone again, 

Skip-to-my-Lou, 
Skip-to-my-Lou, my darling. 

5. Common as corn-bread. 

Commoner, too, 
Common as corn-bread, 

Commoner, too, 
Common as corn-bread. 

Commoner, too, 
Skip-to-my-Lou, my darling. 

6. Chicken in the dough-tray, 

Shoo, shoo, shoo! 
Chicken in the dough-tray. 

Shoo, shoo, shoo! 
Chicken in the dough-tray. 

Shoo, shoo, shoo! 
Skip-to-my-Lou, my darling. 

Another jjlay which helped to choose partners was — 



A 




THE JUNIPER-TREE 






V 1 ^ ' 


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1^ ^ ». 


AlnV 


r. r\ r\ %. 


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m J 


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01(1 Sia - ter Phoe-l^, how hap - py were we The night we .sat 



S 



4t=q: 



^^ 



atzj: 



nn • der the jn - ni - per -tree, The ja - ni - per -tree, hi - o, 



^ 



:^ 



-^ 



I 



hi 



— I— U ^- 



h\ 



The jn - ni - per - tree, hi 



1. Old Sister Phoebe, how happy were we 
The night we sat under the juniper-tree, 
The junii)er-lree, hi-o, hi-o, hi-o. 

The juni|)er-tree, hi-o! 

2. Here is a young lady sits down to sleep, 
And wants a young gent to keep her uwake, 
To keep her awake, hi-o, hi-o, hi-o. 

To kecj) her awake, hi-o! 



3o6 



Journal of America?i Folk-Lore 



3. Write his name down and send it by me, 
And send it by me, and send it by me, 
Tom Todd it shall be, hi-o, hi-o, hi-o, 
Tom Todd it shall be, hi-o! 



THE JOLLY OLD MILLER 




-:^ — f« — N ? ^ ^ — 2^ 



Oh, the jol-ly old mil-lerboyhe lived by the mill, The 



i^^W=^ 



'-^ — &■ — & — ^ — ^^ 



^— *- 



*f-ff 1 H N i ^ — ^ — f 



^-^- 



:^-K 



mill tamed round with a right good will, And all that he made he pnt 




gain - ing in his wealth, One hand in the hop-per, and the 




^-J^^- j ^ 



=s— 



:s: 



S^^i^p 



oth - er in the sack, Genta step for-ward, And la - dies step back. 

Oh, the jolly old miller boy he lived by the mill, 
The mill turned round with a right good will. 
And all that he made he put it on the shelf. 
At the end of the year he was gaining in his wealth. 
One hand in the hopper, and the other in the sack, 
Gents step forward, and ladies step back. 

Another was the slower tune of 

we're marching round the levee 



%#=3 



±=^ 



q: 



We're maroh-ing round the lev - ee, We're marching ronnd the lev - ee, 




lit • 

We're marching round the lev - ee, For we shall gain the 

I. We're marching round the levee. 
We're marching round the levee, 
We're marching round the levee. 
For we shall gain the day. 



day. 



The Missouri Play-Party 



307 



2. Go out and in the window, 
Go out and in the window, 
Go out and in the window, 

For we shall gain the day. 

As they sang this second verse, the one without a partner went out 
of and into the circle under the raised arms of the players. The next 

verse ran, — 

3. Go forth and face your lover, 
Go forth and face your lover, 
Go forth and face your lover. 

Fur we shall gain the day. 

The lover being chosen, the player was directed by the next verse 

as follows: 

4. I kneel because I love you, 
I kneel because I love you, 
I kneel because I love you, 

For we shall gain the day. 

The next verse ran, — 

5. I measure my love to show you, 
I measure my love to show you, 
I measure my love to show you, 

For we shall gain the day. 

In measuring the love, the boy took the girl's hands in his own and 
extended his arms as far as possible to the sides, throwing the boy and 
girl close together. The next verse ran, — 

6. I'll take a sweet kiss and leave you, 
ril lake a sweet kiss and leave you, 
I'll take a sweet kiss and leave you, 

For we shall gain the day. 

The dirccticjns in the last verse were not carried out. It may have 
been tempting to some oi the players; but public sentiment was dead 
against kissing-games, and i)ublic sentiment was respected. 

Another of the plays in which the words gave the directions for 
playing was - - 

OLD URASS WAdON 



^ 



^ 



4: 



^^ 



Lead ber np and down the 



old 



braas wag 



on. 



-=j^=5: 



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?=^ 



ZMZH 



Lead her np and down 



tbe 



old bram wag 



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-V 1«^ 



^^ 



on. 



n 



Lead her apand down tlie old bnww >v(\^ - on, Yi)u'rr tin- <»iip, my dar - ling. 



308 



Journal of A merican Folk-Lore 



1. Lead her up and down the old brass wagon, 
Lead her up and down the old brass wagon, 
Lead her up and down the old brass wagon. 

You're the one, my darling. 

2. Swing and turn the old brass wagon, 
Swing and turn the old brass wagon, 
Swing and turn the old brass wagon. 

You're the one, my darling. 

3. Hands all around the old brass wagon, 
Hands all around the old brass wagon. 
Hands all around the old brass wagon, 

You're the one, my darling. 

4. Right and left around the old brass wagon. 
Right and left around the old brass wagon, 
Right and left around the old brass wagon. 

You're the one, my darling. 

5. Promenade around the old brass wagon, 
Promenade around the old brass wagon. 
Promenade around the old brass wagon. 

You're the one, my darling. 



CAPTAIN JINKS 



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— -j-^ — 


— ^— 



I'm Cap - tain Jinks of the horse ma-rines, I feed my horse on 



i^ 



corn and beans, And court young la - dies in their teens, For 




— N- 



:^ 0—^ 

that's the style of the ar - my. We'll all go round and 

-N — ^- 




N .N - 



--A — — A-- 



^^ 



:5i=t^ 



cir - ole left, We'll cir - cle left, We'll oir - cle left, We'll 



^ 



^— I — *-- • — g- — - — H 



rtE^^Ei 



all go round and oir - cle left, For that's the style of the 



1/ -»- -m- ' -m- ^ -0- 



ar - my; The la - dies right and form a ring, And 



The Missouri Play-Party 



309 



::r 



/:=*=•: 



:t=^ 



when they form yon give'm a swing, And when you swing, You 



i 



-N- 



B 



S=t 



— #^— .^— ■ — =^ W r 

give'm a call, And take your la - dy and prom 

I'm Captain Jinks of the horse marines, 
I feed my horse on corn and beans, 
And court young ladies in their teens, 

For that's the style of the army. 
We'll all go round and circle left, 
We'll circle left, we'll circle left. 
We'll all go round and circle left, 

For that's the style of the army; 
The ladies right and form a ring, 
And when they form you give'm a swing, 
And when you swing you give'm a call. 

And take your lady and promenade all. 

OLD DAN TUCKER 



e - nade all. 




Old Dan Tuck - er, he got drunk, He fell in the fire, and 



he 



-/K"^- 



^E^^^^E^^^.^ 



^ 



^ 



kicked up a chunk; The red-hot coals got in his shoe, And 




whew-wee! how the ash - ea flew! Get out of the way for old Dan Tuok-er, 



^ 



r=:r^ 



^ 



^ 



He's too late to get his sup - per! Get out of the way 

^ V -. 



5^ 



t^ 



i 



=^ 



-• ^-^ ■ :#^' V -J . — *- 

for old Dan Tuck - er, He's too late to get his sap - per. 

I. Old Dan Tucker, he got drunk. 

He fell in the fire, and he kicktil up a chunk; 
The red-hot coals got in his shoe, 
And whew-wee! how the ashes flew! 

Chorwi 
(iet out of till' way fur oM Dan Tucker, 
He's too late to get his supper! 
Get out of the way for old D.m Tucker, 
He's too late to get his supper. 



3IO 



Journal of American Folk-Lore 



2. Old Dan Tucker was a fine old man, 
He washed his face in the frying-pan, 

He combed his head with a wagon-wheel. 
And he died with the tooth-ache in his heel. 

3. Daniel Tucker, he's a Quaker, 

He drinks buttermilk by the acre. 
Supper's over, dishes washed, 
Nothing left but a little bit of squash. 

4. Old Dan Tucker was a fine old man, 
He used to ride the Derby ram. 

He sent him a-whizzin' down the hill. 

And if he hasn't got up, he's a-lyin' there still. 

YONDER SHE COMES 



:£: 



3=3= 



^=i 



^' 



-:ir-:^ — i^r 



Yon 



der she oomee, and ifc'a "How-dy, how- dy do? 



1 



liszi 



-^il-"^ 






Oh, where have yon been since the last 



saw you?" 



Yonder she comes, and it's "Howdy, howdy do? 
Oh, where have you been 
Since the last I saw you?" 



INDIAN BOYS 




T 






1 H ' — (- 

One lit - tie, two lit - tie, three lit - tie In - dians, Four lit - tie, 



^ 



-=N- 



4- J- 



? 



-/ -J- 



?^ 



five lit - tie, six lit - tie In - dians, Sev - en lit - tie. 



:ii 



eight lit - tie, nine lit - tie In - dians, Ten lit - tie In - dian boys. 

One little, two little, three little Indians, 
Four little, five little, six little Indians, 
Seven little, eight little, nine little Indians, 
Ten little Indian boys. 



This was repeated, counting backwards. 



The Missouri Play-Party 



3H 



n 








PASS ONE WINDOW 








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— N- 


— fv— 


— N- 


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— K- 




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— J — 


— • — 


—0— 


=^— ^- 


"T — ' 


-• — 




— 15 — ^ — \ — 


t/ • 
















^ V -#- 



Pass ODB win - dow, tod-dy O, Pass two win-dows, tod - dy O, 



i^ 



-*.- 



Pasa three win - dows, tml - dy 



o, 



=r:ft 



Pass four win - dows, 



-K ^ ^- — <-■ s 1 P 



tod - dy O, Swing to the oen - tre and bow to your beaa, 



-w ^ 

And all go jin - gle at the tod - dy 



O; jin - gle, jin - gle, 



I 



:^: 



^: 



jin - gle O, We'll all go jin - gle at the tod - dy O. 
Pass one window, toddy O, 
Pass two windows, toddy O, 
Pass three windows, toddy O, 
Pass four windows, toddy O, 
Sing to the centre and bow to your beau. 
And all go jingle at the toddy O. 
Jingle, jingle, jingle O, 
We'll all go jingle at the toddy O. 

OLD (iRAY HOSS 



V 1 f> ». ».. ^ 


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\\) ■•• ( _j • • • 


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Old gray hoss come a - tear - 

f) 


in' 


out o' the wil 


- der - 


neas, 


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- new, 
Fink. 


Tear - in' oat o' the wil • der-neM, tear - 
A 


in' 


out o* the wil 




- der 


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c t c c " 


IS 


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ef pi 


Old gray hom come a-tearin' out o' the wil 


- (ler 


• 
iicsH.Down in A 


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[ irorrf« mumng 

Old gray hoss come a-tcarin' out o' the wilderness, 
Tcarin' out o' the wilderness, tearin' out o' the wilderness. 
Old gray hoss come a-tearin' out o' the wilderness, 
Down in Alabain. 



312 



Journal of American Folk- Lore 



I'll come back and be your beau 



i^ 



t^t^ 



Corn-Btalk fid - die and shoe-string bow, I'll come back and 



-^T-^ 



:?^=^ 



-" J- V 



be your bean, Be your bean, be your bean, be your bean, be yonr bean; 



-K — IS 



5. — ^■ 



I 



Corn-stalk fid-die and shoe-string bow, I'll come back and be yonr bean. 

Corn-stalk fiddle and shoe-string bow, 
I'll come back and be your beau, 
Be your beau, be your beau, 
Be your beau, be your beau; 
Corn-stalk fiddle and shoe-string bow, 
I'll come back and be your beau. 



OLD mother keturah 




U^zia: 



i 



^ 



Old Moth - er Ke - tu - rah and I, And two or three oth - era 



more; We put ont the old worn - an's eyes, And 



^- 



'Jt^ 



she ooald-n't see an - y more. And she could-n'tsee an - y 



-1^^ 






more. We 



more. And she could - n't see 



4!^==:I^ 



3=T 



^ d I r , 



pat ont the old wom-an's eyes. And she oonld-n't see an - y more. 

1. Old Mother Keturah and I, 

Anrl two or three others more; 
\Vc put (jut the old woman's eyes, 

And she couldn't see any more. 

And she couldn't see any more, 

And she couldn't sec any more. 
We put out the old woman's eyes. 

And she couldn't see any more. 



The Missouri Play-Party 313 

2. Put your right foot in, 

Take your right foot out, 
Give your right foot a shake, shake, shake, 
And turn your part about. 

3. Put your left foot in, etc. 

4. Put your right hand in, etc. 

5. Put your left hand in, etc. 

6. Put your ugly mug in, etc. 

Sometimes during a resting-spell the players would choose partners 
by means of a game called " Clap-in, clap-out." In this game the 
young men retired to another room, leaving the girls alone. Some 
girl would then name a boy as her choice for a partner. He was then 
called into the room to guess who had chosen him. He indicated his 
guess by sitting down by the girl. If he guessed the right one, the 
girls kept silent, and another boy was called in to try his luck. If the 
first boy made a mistake, all the girls clapped their hands. He there- 
upon had to withdraw and try it again later on. This was kept up 
till all in the company had partners. 

The devices for choosing partners served a useful and practical 
purpose. There were always bashful girls and boys who would miss 
their share of the fun and have no partners unless they were led out 
and helped along by these partner-choosing games. 

Other games played in resting-spells or by those who found the 
dancing too strenuous were " Simon says wigwag;" " Brother, I'm 
bobbed;" " See, laugh, and say nothing." 

Occasionally a small group of boys and girls would get into a corner 
as the playing went on, and play what were known as real " kissing- 
games." Here are the words to one: 

King William was King James's son, 
.And the royal race he run. 
He wore a star upon his breast, 
Pointing to the cast and west. 
Go choose your cast, go choose your west, 
Go choose the one that you love best. 
If she's not here to take your part. 
Choose another with all your heart. 
Down on the carpet you must kneel. 
Sure as the grass grows in the field. 
Salute your l)ride and kiss her sweet. 
Now rise upon your feet. 

Followin^^ arc i)art of tlir vvonls of another: 

I'o.ssuni pie 
Made of rye, 

Possum was the meat. 
Rough rnough and tough enough. 

More than we all could eat. 



314 Journal of Americayi Folk-Lore 

This was played as a counting-out game. This thing, however, was 
rare. Kissing-games were frowned upon by most of the young people 
and all of the elders; and those girls who took part in them forfeited, 
to some extent, the respect of the rest. 

These parties were not rough and boisterous gatherings, as might 
be sui)|)oscd by some, on account of the character of the poetry and 
music which sustained them. To be sure, they were noisy and merry, 
rollicking and jolly, but they were participated in by young people 
who were proud of good blood and good behavior; and they were con- 
ducted in a spirit of decency and order. There were well-established 
metes and bounds of conduct, beyond which one could not go with 
impunity. The character of the amusement indicated merely a lack 
of social experience in those taking part. 

These play-parties as I have described them were the chief form of 
social activity of my uncles and aunts, of my parents, and of my grand- 
parents before them, all of whom grew up in Missouri, either in this 
county (Boone) or in the adjoining county of Audrain. Here are the 
words of one of the songs that comes down from my grandmother's day : 

Come, all ye young people that's wending your way. 

And sow your wild oats in your youthful day. 

For the daylight is past, and the night's coming on, 

So choose you a partner and be marching along, marching along. 

Before I was old enough to attend these parties, this style of party 
had gone entirely out of fashion in our neighborhood. Many of our 
set went " away to school," and saw enough of the ways of the world 
to make us look contemptuously down upon the noisy and undignified 
parties held b\' that unsophisticated set of young people of a few years 
before. We still did not dance, but were ridiculously sober and sedate 
and correct at " socials," as our parties were called. 

These old-fashioned play-parties, however, arc not by any means 
entirely out of date. In many rural neighborhoods remotely situated 
they have never ceased to be the chief form of amusement at social 
gatherings of young people. In other neighborhoods they have been 
revived after a lapse of many years. Following are some of the party 
songs recently collected from some young people who still occasionally 
attend these parties. 

EIGHTEEN HUNDRED AND SIXTY 




A pret - ty lit - tie girl in Georgia, How dear - ly she loved me! 



The Missouri Play -Party 



315 




r r r r 

9 9 ^ ZJEL 



:t^=^ 



rJTitze 



a: 



want - ed