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VOLUME IX
JANUARY— FEBRUARY— MARCH
Jtfimi
NUMBER 1
bg ®lp» Immtal of Atn?riran ijiatorg $«00 to (Srmtfirlo,
3ttatana, for 3ffrank Allabftt (iwttalogtral (Eompang. of
ffittg of 3?w» $ork, fflomtnotuuf altlf of £fan $ork, to
((jtearterhj tdtttotta, 3Fo«r Uooka to tip Holimtr ,
at Jffour Snllarii Annuallg, ®n? dollar a
fflopg for g^ngl?
1915, by Jffrank Allabptt
BOARD OF EDITORIAL DIRECTORS
EDITOR-IN-CHIEF
FRANK AtLABEN
PRESIDENT
FRANK A1AABEN
GENEALOGICAL EDITOR
M. T. R. WASIIHUBN
ASSOCIATE EDITOR
FRANCES M. SMITH
SECRETARY
M. T. R. WASHBTJRN
ASSOCIATE EDITOR
JOHN FOWIEH MITCHELI,, JR
STEPHEN FAHNCM PECKHAM
Publication Office, Greenfield, Indiana: John Fowler Mitchell, Jr., Manager
Addrett all Communications to the Editorial and Subscription Offices in New York
New York Office, Forty-Second Street Building, New York, N. Y.
New York Telephone, Murray Hill 4524; Cable Address, Allaben, New York
LONDON B. F. Stevens & Brown
4 Trafalgar Square, W. C.
PARIS Brentano's
37, Avenue de 1'Opera
HERLIN Asher and Company
Unter den Linden 66
DUBLIN Combridge and Company
18 Grafton Street
EDINBURGH Andrew Elliott
17 Princes Street
MADRID Librerla International de
Adrian Rome, Alcala 6
ROME L. Piale
1 Piazza dl Spegna
ST. PETERSBURG.. Watklns and Company
Marskaia No. 36
CAIRO F. Diemer
Shepheard's Building
BOMBAY Thacker and Company Limited
Esplanade Road
TOKIO Methodist Publishing House
2 Shlchome, Glz Glnza
MEXICO CITY American Book and Printing Co.
1st San Francisco No. 12
ATHENS Const. Electheroudakis
Place de la Constitution
BUENOS AYRES... John Grant and Son
Calle Cangallo 469
nf
lUir Jmmtal of Amrnratt Ijtstont tyas pleasure in tx-
ur rnHituj tie grateful appreciation of % lirtwfnl ro-ourrattou
0f ©if? IJan-Atnmran Union, tn protrioituj for rcproour-
tiiiu in tlfis 2t uuibiT of tlf* fHayasttu1 tfy c r ngramnga of
smtr0. huiUiiniu' an^ mottuutf uta tn (tmlral atta *?nutli
Amcrira
THE CHRIST OF THE ANDES. A BRONZE STATUE, MORE
THAN TWICE LlFE-SlZE, CAST OUT OF CANNON, THAT
STANDS ON THE SUMMIT OF THE MOUNTAINS BETWEEN
CHILE AND ARGENTINA. HERE SAN MARTIN CROSSED IN
1817 TO DELIVER CHILE FROM SPAIN'S YOKE. ERECTED TO
COMMEMORATE THE SETTLEMENT BY ENGLAND'S ARBITRA-
TION OF THE BOUNDARY DISPUTE BETWEEN THE Two COUN-
TRIES. ENGRAVING REPRODUCED FROM A PHOTOGRAPH
COPYRIGHTED BY UNDERWOOD AND UNDERWOOD, NEW
YORK ....................................... Front Cover
THE RULE OF BARBARISM THE CULMINATION OF
THE EUROPEAN SYSTEM. FROM A REMARKABLE,
STRONG-THOUGHTED, AND IMPRESSIVELY WORDED LETTER,
WRITTEN IN 1914 BY SENOR TRIANA TO THE PRESIDENT
OF THE REPUBLIC OF COLOMBIA. THIS LETTER, A TRANS-
LATION OF WHICH APPEARED IN THE NEW YORK TIMES,
DECEMBER 13, 1914, WAS REPRODUCED IN SPANISH IN
HISPANIA, A SPANISH PERIODICAL OF LONDON — SANTIAGO
PEREZ TRIANA ..................................... 13
"WHAT HAS AMERICA DONE FOR THE BENEFIT
OF MANKIND?" FROM AN ADDRESS MADE AT WASH-
INGTON, ON THE FOURTH OF JULY, 1821 — John Quincy
Adams ............................................ 14
THE UNITED STATES A BULWARK FOR ALL AMER-
ICA AGAINST EUROPEAN AGGRESSION TO-
WARD THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE. ANOTHER
EXCERPT FROM SENOR TRIANA'S LETTER TO THE COLOM-
BIAN PRESIDENT — SANTIAGO PEREZ TRIANA ............. 15
[7]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
UNDERSTANDING OF NATIONAL IDEALS A BASIC
ELEMENT OF INTERNATIONAL FRIENDSHIP.
FROM AN ADDRESS DELIVERED AT A LUNCHEON OF THE
MEMBERS' COUNCIL OF THE MERCHANTS' ASSOCIATION,
NEW YORK, MAY 13, 1915, AT WHICH THE LATIN-AMERI-
CAN DELEGATES TO THE PAN-AMERICAN FINANCIAL CON-
FERENCE WERE GUESTS— Frank A. Vanderlip, President of
The National City Bank, New York 16
THE "DEVIL'S NOSE," ZIGZAGGED BY THE GUAYA-
QUIL AND QUITO RAILROAD, ECUADOR 17
ESCOLA NACIONAL DE BELLAS ARTES, RIO DE
JANEIRO, BRAZIL 20
NATIONAL CONGRESS, SANTIAGO, CHILE 21
MAIQUETIA, VENEZUELA, WITH LA GUAIRA IN
THE DISTANCE 24
THE "PRACA 15 DE NOVEMBRO," RIO DE JANEIRO,
BRAZIL 25
SECTION OF OUTER WALL OF THE PRE-INCAN FOR-
TRESS AT CUZCO, PERU 28
FORTRESS OF SACSAHUAMAN, CUZCO, PERU. ONE
OF THE MOST IMPOSING OF PRE-!NCAN RUINS 29
"SUBURBS OF HEREDIA," HEREDIA, COSTA RICA.
THIS PICTURE, BY DON ARMANDO CESPEDES, WAS GIVEN
THE FIRST PRIZE BY THE ATHENAEUM OF COSTA RICA. ... 32
INTERNATIONAL CO-OPERATION IN THE WEST-
ERN HEMISPHERE— Frank Allaben 33
LETTER TO THE DIRECTOR GENERAL OF THE PAN-
AMERICAN UNION FROM THE EDITOR-IN-CHIEF
OF THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 37
THE HONORABLE FRANCIS J. YANES, ASSISTANT
DIRECTOR OF THE PAN-AMERICAN UNION, TO
THE EDITOR-IN-CHIEF OF THE JOURNAL OF
AMERICAN HISTORY ?8
[8]
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PROPOSAL TO MAKE THE PANAMA-PACIFIC INTER-
NATIONAL EXPOSITION A CENTRE OF CO-
OPERATION BETWEEN NORTH AND SOUTH
AMERICA 40
MAY THERE NOT BE CO-OPERATION BETWEEN
THE PEOPLES OF THIS HEMISPHERE ? 42
RESPONSE OF THE DIRECTOR-IN-CHIEF OF THE
PANAMA-PACIFIC INTERNATIONAL EXPOSI-
TION 44
SYMPATHETIC RESPONSE FROM THE PRESIDENT
OF CUBA TO THE PLAN OF ALL-AMERICAN CO-
OPERATION 46
A CELEBRATION OF PEACE AND AMITY BETWEEN
ALL THE NATIONS ON THE WESTERN CONTI-
NENT— His Excellency, Edward F. Dunne, Governor of
Illinois 47
EXTENSION OF THE PRINCIPLE OF ARBITRATION
TO BE RESULT OF THE EUROPEAN WAR— His
Excellency, Simeon E. Baldwin, Governor of Connecticut . . 48
THE PLAZA MURILLO, LA PAZ, BOLIVIA '49
HARBOR OF PORT AU PRINCE, HAITI 52
CUSTOM HOUSE, PORT AU PRINCE, HAITI 53
WEST WALL OF THE KALASASAYA PALACE, PRE-
INCA RUINS OF TIAHUANACU, BOLIVIA 56
DETAIL OF MONOLITHIC IDOL, RUINS OF TIA-
HUANACU 57
A HUT IN MODERN TIAHUANACU. IN THE VILLAGE OF
TIAHUANACU ARE HUTS WITH THATCHED ROOFS WHOSE
ENTRANCES ARE FORMED BY STONES WHICH ONCE
FORMED PARTS OF THE ANCIENT RUINS OF THE PREHIS-
TORIC CITY 60
CORRIDOR OF THE CENTRAL POST-OFFICE, CITY
OF MEXICO 61
MAXIMILIAN'S STATE . COACH. PRESERVED IN THE
NATIONAL MUSEUM, CITY OF MEXICO 61
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
PALACE OF FINE ARTS, SANTIAGO DE CHILE 64
THE WAR IN EUROPE SHOULD SERVE TO UNITE
THE AMERICAN PEOPLES— His Excellency, Samuel
V. Stewart, Governor of Montana 65
COMMERCIAL GREED A DANGER GREAT AS WAR-
His Excellency, L. E. Pinkham, Governor of Hawaii 67
AN OPPORTUNITY FOR THE AMERICAN REPUBLICS
TO FRATERNIZE IN THE TRUE SPIRIT OF LIB-
ERTY, JUSTICE, AND PEACE— The Honorable John
H. Small, United States Congressman from North Carolina 68
SENATOR BRISTOW'S OPINION 69
TAXATION REFORM AS A PREVENTIVE OF WAR-
The Honorable Warren Worth Bailey, United States Con-
gressman from Pennsylvania 70
A LETTER FROM SENATOR CUMMINS 72
NEW WORLD VICTORIES OF PEACE— The Honorable
Henry T. Rainey, United States Congressman from Illinois 73
THE PAN-AMERICAN FINANCIAL CONFERENCE-
Mabel Thacher Rosemary Washburn 75
AMERICA FOR AMERICANS. A SPLENDID EXPOSITION
OF THE REAL MEANING AND THE PRESENT NECESSITY OF
MAINTAINING THE MONROE DOCTRINE, DELIVERED BEFORE
THE PAN-AMERICAN FINANCIAL CONFERENCE — The Hon-
orable Santiago Perez Triana, Chairman of the Delegation
from Colombia to the Pan-American Financial Conference 79
AN INTERNATIONAL SUPREME COURT FOR THE
WESTERN HEMISPHERE. AN OPEN LETTER TO THE
DELEGATES TO THE PAN-AMERICAN FINANCIAL CONFER-
ENCE AT WASHINGTON FROM THE PRESIDENT OF THE
NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY — Frank Allaben 84
THE COURTEOUS REPLY OF THE CHILEAN DELE-
GATES 87
THE GOAL OF PAN-AMERICAN SOLIDARITY. THE
CONFERENCE A PART OF THE GREAT INTERNATIONAL MIS-
SION OF THE AMERICAN REPUBLICS, AS OUTLINED IN THE
SPEECH OF THE SECRETARY-GENERAL — L. S. Rowe, LL. D. 88
[10]
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PRACTICAL RESULTS OF THE PAN-AMERICAN FI-
NANCIAL CONFERENCE 90
AVENIDA RIO BRANCO, RIO DE JANEIRO 97
PITPANS, OR NATIVE CANOES, OF GUATEMALA. ... 100
THE GRENADIERS OF SAN MARTIN PASSING
THROUGH THE STREETS OF BOULOGNE-SUR-
MER. SENT BY THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC TO REPRESENT
THE ARMY, AT THE UNVEILING OF A STATUE TO GENERAL
SAN MARTIN, WHO HIMSELF FOUNDED THIS REGIMENT. . 101
IN THE MUSEO GOELDI, PARA, BRAZIL. A CORNER
OF THE ROOM DEVOTED TO AMAZONIAN ARCHAEOLOGY. . . . 104
PICKING CACAO PODS, SANTO DOMINGO 105
A SKY-SCRAPER IN BUENOS AYRES, SAID TO BE
THE FIRST IN SOUTH AMERICA 108
STATUE OF MURILLO, THE PATRIOT LEADER, AT
LA PAZ, BOLIVIA 109
BOAT CLUBS ON THE TIGRE RIVER, NEAR BUENOS
AYRES 112
THE WORK OF THE PAN-AMERICAN FINANCIAL
CONGRESS— The Honorable John Bassett Moore 113
LATIN-AMERICA'S INVITATION TO THE BUSINESS
MEN OF THE UNITED STATES 119
THE PERSONNEL OF THE PAN-AMERICAN FINAN-
CIAL CONFERENCE 120
THE WAR SYSTEM OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF
NATIONS. FROM AN ADDRESS DELIVERED BEFORE THE
AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY, AT BOSTON, 1849 — Charles
Sumner 127
Stolr of larhartem tty (Mmutatum
of % iEurcp^an 9ijBt?m
a llemarfeablp, g>tn»ttg-<!Ih,flU3ljtrt», atti»
&rti*r, HJrtifrn ta 1914 bg l&nnr ©rtarta to
of thr Hvpublir of (L'uUwtbut
[HE PRESENT EUROPEAN WAR TRANSCENDS.
IN MAGNITUDE AND DISASTROUS POSSI-
BILITIES, ALL THE WARS WITHIN HUMAN
MEMORY. FROM THE START IT UNDER-
MINED THE MORAL TEMPERAMENT OF NA-
TIONS AND FUNDAMENTALLY DERANGED
SOCIAL, INDUSTRIAL, AND ECONOMIC HAR-
MONY. MOREOVER, IT is BRINGING TO THE SURFACE TRAITS
OF BARBARISM AND CRUELTY WHICH ARE INCREDIBLE IN
THE TWENTIETH CENTURY OF THE CHRISTIAN ERA. LAW
HAVING BEEN SWEPT AWAY ALL OVER EUROPE, THAT CON-
TINENT IS TO-DAY RULED ENTIRELY BY MARTIAL LAW, THAT
IS, BY THE ABSENCE OF ALL LAW AND THE SUPREMACY OF
THE SOLDIER'S JUDGMENT, WHICH is GOVERNED ONLY BY
THE NECESSITIES OF WAR. THUS EUROPE IS UNDER THE
RULE OF BARBARISM.
THIS IS THE CULMINATION OF THE EUROPEAN SYS-
TEM OF THE BALANCE OF POWER. THE TWO GROUPS OF
EUROPEAN POWERS WHICH WERE DISPUTING THE DO-
MINION OF THE WORLD, AND WHICH FOR THE LAST FORTY
YEARS - SO-CALLED YEARS OF PEACE — HAVE WAGED INCES-
SANT PREDATORY WARS OF CONQUEST IN THE EASTERN
HEMISPHERE, HAVE BEEN DRAGGED BY THE INEVITABLE
FATALITY OF THE SYSTEM TO THE TERRIBLE COLLISION OF
ONE GROUP AGAINST THE OTHER.
EUROPE HAS TRAVELED ALONG THE ROAD TO CATAS-
TROPHE WITH HER EYES OPEN. EMINENT THINKERS OF
ALL THE EUROPEAN COUNTRIES . . . HAVE BEEN PRE
DICTING DISASTER, DECLARING THAT IS WOULD INEVITABLY
TAKE THE FORM EITHER OF INTERNAL SOCIAL REVOLUTION
IN THE VARIOUS COUNTRIES OR OF WAR BETWEEN
THE VARIOUS NATIONS. SOCIAL REVOLUTION, THEY
SAID, WOULD COME AS SOON AS THE MASSES, STRANGLED BY
TAXES RISING LIKE AN IRRESISTIBLE TIDE, WITHOUT HOPE
OF REDEMPTION AND INCAPABLE OF FURTHER SUFFERING,
SHOULD RESORT TO VIOLENCE. FOREIGN WAR . . .
THE OTHER HORN OF THE DILEMMA — THEY DECLARED
WOULD BE CHOSEN AS A MEANS — AN OLD ONE IN HISTORY
— FOR DISCREDITED AND DYING SYSTEMS TO PROLONG THEIR
DECAYING PREDOMINANCE. THIS LAST IS WHAT HAS
OCCURRED. — Santiago Perez Triana.
Ijaa Am? rtra ion? for
If nefit of Mankind?
5f mm an Aoarwia Haitr at ITUuihtmjton, on Ihr
3Fourtl| of iulu, 1B31
[RIENDS AND COUNTRYMEN, IF THE WISE
AND LEARNED PHILOSOPHERS OF THE
OLDEN WORLD ......... INQUIRE, WHAT
HAS AMERICA DONE FOR THE BENEFIT OF
MANKIND, LET OUR ANSWER BE THIS —
AMERICA, WITH THE SAME VOICE WHICH
SPOKE HERSELF INTO EXISTENCE AS A NA-
TION, PROCLAIMED TO MANKIND THE INEXTINGUISHABLE
RIGHTS OF HUMAN NATURE, AND THE ONLY LAWFUL
FOUNDATIONS OF GOVERNMENT.
AMERICA, IN THE ASSEMBLY OF NATIONS, SINCE HER
ADMISSION AMONG THEM, HAS INVARIABLY, THOUGH
OFTEN FRUITLESSLY, HELD FORTH TO THEM THE HAND OF
HONEST FRIENDSHIP, OF EQUAL FREEDOM, OF GENEROUS
RECIPROCITY. SHE HAS UNIFORMLY SPOKEN AMONG
THEM, THOUGH OFTEN TO HEEDLESS AND OFTEN TO DIS-
DAINFUL EARS, THE LANGUAGE OF EQUAL LIBERTY, EQUAL
JUSTICE, AND EQUAL RIGHTS .........
SHE HAS SEEN THAT, PROBABLY FOR CENTURIES TO
COME, ALL THE CONTESTS OF THAT ACELDAMA, THE EURO-
PEAN WORLD, WILL BE CONTESTS BETWEEN INVETERATE
POWER AND EMERGING RIGHT. WHEREVER THE STANDARD
OF FREEDOM AND INDEPENDENCE HAS BEEN OR SHALL BE
UNFURLED, THERE WILL HER HEART, HER BENEDICTIONS,
AND HER PRAYERS BE. — John Quincy Adams.
Itttfrfc £iata a lultwark for All
Ammra Agamat lEttrnpean
SInana'0
Qlolnmbian flrmtottt
tn
HE WARS OF CONQUEST WAGED BY EURO-
PEAN POWERS DURING THE LAST FORTY
YEARS, IN WHICH NO PART OF THE WO^M)
HAS BEEN SUFFICIENTLY REMOTE, ARID, OR
UNHEALTHY TO BE ADJUDGED UNWORTHY
OF SEIZURE, JUSTIFY THE ASSERTION THAT,
HAD IT BEEN POSSIBLE TO CARRY OUT SUCH
CONQUESTS IN AMERICA, THAT PART OF AMERICA OPEN
TO CONQUEST WOULD HAVE BEEN CONQUERED. THIS ASSER-
TION GAINS WEIGHT FROM THE FACT THAT ON VARIOUS
OCCASIONS EUROPEAN POWERS HAVE ATTEMPTED THE CON-
QUEST OF AMERICAN TERRITORY IN ONE FORM OR AN-
OTHER ................
SOME ASSERT THAT THE COUNTRIES OF LATIN-AMER-
ICA ARE SELF-SUFFICIENT FOR DEFENSE, SO THAT ANY DE-
FENSE FROM OUTSIDE WOULD BE SUPERFLUOUS .........
How COULD A LATIN AMERICAN COUNTRY OR GROUP OF
COUNTRIES RESIST A TRIUMPHANT KAISER OR CZAR?
THAT EUROPEAN CONQUERORS HAVE NOT INVADED
AMERICA IN THE PAST, THAT THEY WILL NOT IN FUTURE,
MAY BE ATTRIBUTED ENTIRELY TO THE POTENTIAL POWER
OF THE UNITED STATES, WHICH, SHOULD NEED ARISE,
WOULD ARRAY MILLIONS OF SOLDIERS, AND DO IT WITHOUT
HAVING TO TRANSPORT THEM ACROSS THOUSANDS OF
LEAGUES OF WATER. — Santiago Perez Triana.
IntorBtanot ng 0f National Jteala a lastr
0f international 3fe noaljtp
Jnim an Atoms Urlinmii at a ftunttyan of tlj?
(JlomtrU of % Mfrrfjattts' Aannriatton, 2fo
13, 1915. at Wlftrlj % ffiattn Ammratt IWr-
gaiwi ta tlje Pan Amfrtratt Jfftnattrial (Entt-
Wen (8i»ata
NDER ORDINARY CONDITIONS IN THE WORLD'S
AFFAIRS, SUCH A GATHERING WOULD BE
NOTEWORTHY, BUT ORDINARY CONDITIONS
DO NOT EXIST IN THE WORLD'S AFFAIRS.
INSTEAD, WE ARE FACING THE MOST EX-
TRAORDINARY CONDITIONS THAT HAVE
PREVAILED IN MODERN TIMES. THE ESPE-
CIALLY SIGNIFICANT ASPECT OF THIS OCCASION SEEMS TO
ME, THEREFORE, TO LIE IN THE FACT THAT, WHILE HALF
THE CIVILIZED WORLD IS IN THE DEATH GRIP OF THE MOST
GIGANTIC COMBAT IN ALL HISTORY, THESE REPRESENTATIVE
MEN ARE COMING TOGETHER FOR SYMPATHETIC, FRIENDLY,
SOBER CONFERENCE, THE OBJECT OF WHICH IS CLOSER NA-
TIONAL RELATIONSHIPS. THEY ARE COMING TOGETHER
THAT THERE MAY BE A BETTER UNDERSTANDING BETWEEN
THEIR COUNTRIES. THEY ARE COMING TOGETHER WITH
THE HOPE THAT BETTER UNDERSTANDING WILL LEAD TO A
RECIPROCAL INTEREST IN THE COMMERCIAL AFFAIRS OF
THESE COUNTRIES WHICH SHALL BE OF MUTUAL ADVAN-
TAGE IN THE LIFE OF THEIR PEOPLES.
NOTHING CAN so FULLY DEVELOP AND CEMENT INTER
NATIONAL UNDERSTANDINGS AND FRIENDSHIPS AS A TRUE
APPRECIATION OF NATIONAL IDEALS ....... I WANT TO
SAY TO YOU REPRESENTATIVES OF THE OTHER NATIONS OF
THIS HEMISPHERE, THAT YOU HAVE COME TO us AT A TIME
THAT OFFERS YOU AN OPPORTUNITY TO OBTAIN AN ALMOST
FLASHLIGHT REVELATION OF OUR NATIONAL CHARACTER.
THE SOUL AND CONSCIENCE OF THE NATION ARE BEING
LAID BARE. YOU MAY IN THESE DAYS LEARN MORE OF OUR
TRUE NATIONAL CHARACTER THAN YOU COULD EVER HAVE
HAD AN OPPORTUNITY TO LEARN BEFORE ............ YOU
WILL BE ABLE TO LEARN WHAT SORT OF FIBRE WE HAVE FOR
SUCH RESPONSIBILITY AND DUTIES AS ARE OURS FOR GUARD-
ING THE PEACE OF THIS HEMISPHERE. WE ARE A DIF-
FKRENT PEOPLE; BUT, IF WE DEMONSTRATE THAT WE REC-
OGNIZE CLEARLY WHAT SHOULD BE THE COURSE OF ACTION
AND THE PRINCIPLES OF HONOR TO WHICH A NATION
SOLEMNLY AND DEEPLY PLEDGED TO PEACE OUGHT TO AD-
HERE, WE WILL BE LAYING A FOUNDATION UPON WHICH
FIRMLY TO BUILD A UNITED AMERICAS. — Frank A. V CM-
derlip, President of The National City Bank, New York.
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VOLUME IX
NINETEEN FIFTEEN
NUMBER 1
FIRST QUARTER
Kntmrattatuti (ttfl-tfpmilum in
IVeatmt ifmtapfyer?
BY
FRANK ALLABEN
Editor-in-Chief, The Journal of American History
HE Pan-American Financial Conference, held in Wash-
ington May 24 to 29, 1915, has inaugurated a new
epoch in the relations of the twenty-one Republics in
the Western Hemisphere; and in this sympathetic
drawing together and co-operation of so many free
peoples we find at least one great blessing growing
out of the present fearful war in Europe. With the
breaking out of that war the feeling that the Republics of the West
should seek to unite their interests and support one another was no
doubt instinctive in thousands of American hearts. In some cases
this found almost instant expression, a vague groping after the right
thing to do.
This feeling was a burden upon the Editor-in-Chief of THE JOUR-
[33]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
NAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY, and, with the hearty approval of other
members of the staff, about ten days after the declarations of war
by the principal European nations he sent out a letter to the Presidents
of all the American Republics, and to our United States Cabinet Offi-
cers, Senators, Representatives, and Governors, suggesting a drawing
together of the peoples of the Western Hemisphere and some form of
co-operative action. As this effort may be typical of others made then
or since, the letter sent is reproduced here, together with some of the
replies received. It will be seen from some of these responses, as it
was still more evident from many others, that most minds were dazed
and stunned by the war-catastrophe. It required time to learn what
our real needs were and what form our co-operation should take. A
suggestion that the Exposition at San Francisco be made a rallying-
centre for the American Republics appealed strongly to the Exposition
managers. Had this been taken up vigorously it is quite possible, as
we suggested, that a visit to the Pacific Coast by Americans during
1915 might have assumed the character of a patriotic pilgrimage and
duty, instead of being merely a pleasure trip, thus realizing a much
greater financial success than now appears possible. But evidently no
one had the imagination to organize such a movement.
On the other hand, the reply of Assistant Director Hon. Fran-
cisco J. Yanes to a letter to Hon. John Barrett, Director-General of
the Pan American Union, made it apparent that that splendid organi-
zation was alert, as ever, to serve all the American nations in the war
emergency. These letters are here given, as well as an exchange of
correspondence with the Director-in-Chief of the Panama-Pacific
Exposition.
What other proposals along these lines were made we do not
know, but the first official suggestions for conference and co-opera-
tion were made public about November 26, 1914, the initiative being
taken by several of the South American governments through their
ambassadors at Washington. According to press notices sent out at
that time representations were made to the Washington Government
by Argentina, Chile, Peru, and Uruguay, embodying the following
proposals:
i — The establishment of nentral zones on the Atlantic and
Pacific coasts of North and South America within which the bel-
ligerents shall be asked to agree not to engage in hostilities or inter-
fere with commercial vessels. A meridian would be designated as
the limit in each case.
[34]
INTERNATIONAL CO-OPERATION IN THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE
f
2 — The convocation of a general conference of diplomatic repre1
sentatives and commercial delegates of all the countries of this hemi-
sphere, with power to vote on steps which can be taken to protect
and restore Pan-American trade.
3 — The appointment by the Pan-American Union of a commis-
sion to recommend steps that would remove dangers to Pan-American
trade.
4 — Prohibition by all nations of the two Americas of the
privilege hitherto exercised by the belligerents of coaling in neutral
ports, or the issuance of only a sufficient quantity of coal to enable
a belligerent vessel to reach the nearest port of another country.
In an editorial, "One Hemisphere to the Other," the New York
World of November 28 said: "Whether it is possible to localize the
war or not, the Latin-American suggestion that a conference of na-
tions on this hemisphere be held is a good one. All have suffered se-
verely in their finance and commerce, and all have had to meet many
vexatious questions of neutrality. Hardly an issue of any kind can be
imagined involving more closely the interests of all the peoples of the
two Americas. With identical problems to solve, no harm and much
good would be likely to result from such a convocation Torn by
war, the Eastern Hemisphere could not fail to give a respectful hear-
ing to the Western united in behalf of peace and civilization."
A little later, on December 9, 1914, a special commission was
appointed at a meeting of the governing board of the Pan-American
Union, in Washington, under a resolution introduced by Ambassador
Naon of Argentina, in part as follows: "A special commission is
hereby appointed to consist of nine members, of which the Secretary
of State of the United States shall form part, acting as chairman there-
of ex of f icio.
''This commission shall study the problems presented by the pres-
ent European war and shall submit to the governing body the events
it may deem of common interest."
But something more was required, and at the suggestion of the
Secretary of the Treasury and upon the hearty recommendation of
President Wilson, Congress by a special act authorized the issuing of
invitations to all the Republics of the Western Hemisphere to send
delegates to a Pan American Financial Conference in Washington
for the week, May 24-29, an appropriation being made for the enter-
tainment of the visiting delegations as the guests of the United States.
An account of the Conference is given, following the letters
above-mentioned. The necessity for co-operation throughout the
[35]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
Western Hemisphere toward a common defense against foreign ag-
gression was emphasized by Mr. Santiago Perez Triana in an elequent
address, which is given in this Number of THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN
HISTORY, as is also an outline of a plan for co-operation of the Ameri-
can Republics in creating a supreme international tribunal, communi-
cated by the Editor of THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY in an
open letter to the delegates.
[36]
tn tty Itmtxir (Stttmil 0f
3lnum fmm
Iiuf of SHji>
Inimral 0f Ammnm
August 13, 1914.
The Honorable John Barrett,
Director General, Pan American Union,
Washington, D. C.
Dear Sir:
TRUST success will crown your efforts to arouse the
United States to grasp the opportunity Providence
offers for mutual commercial service between the
Americas. The present emergency seems to require
some improvised medium of exchange to enable the
_ business houses of the two continents to begin im-
mediate correspondence to learn the needs and pos-
sibilities of supply and demand. While the National City Bank here
only awaits the operation of our new banking law to establish branch
banks in South America, and while the new ship-registry law would
open the way for American capital to invest in American shipping, it
will yet require much time for individual business houses to investigate
the South American markets to discover openings for business.
Can this process be expedited? Can the Pan American Union
act as a sort of emergency clearing-house for information ?
For example, could South American Governments invite their
business houses to register general statements of their requirements,
while business houses here file their catalogues, or furnish editions for
distribution in South America?
These catalogues being now mostly in English, might serve for
compiling, in Spanish and Portuguese, descriptive directories of repu-
table United States manufacturers and dealers, with their lines, with
similar lists in English of South American importers for distribution
here.
I shall be glad to learn what may be done toward this end.
Very truly yours,
FRANK ALLABEN.
[37]
3K.
Assistant itmtor nf % f an-
Ammran Intel, ta ilf? iEJrtto-
tn-GIljtrf 0f Sty? Itfnrnal nf
Ammran If tainnj
PAN-AMERICAN UNION
Dear Sir:
Washington, D. C.
August 25, 1914.
N THE absence of Director-General Barrett, I have
to acknowledge receipt of your esteemed note of
August 13. Pressure of business due to the over-
whelming mail received at this office in reference to
the Latin-America situation, has prevented my
answering before.
The Pan American Union is doing everything
in its power to promote friendly and commercial intercourse between
the United States and the Latin-American republics. That it is al-
ready an "emergency clearing-house for information" is shown by
the enormous number of inquiries constantly being received and
answered regarding those countries. I think, however, it is something
more than an emergency clearing-house, and that it does permanent
service in supplying commercial information.
Your suggestion that South American governments invite their
business houses to register general statements of their requirements
and that business houses here file their catalogues or furnish editions
for distribution in South America, has been noted.
South American imports cover practically the whole range of
human wants and needs, because the South American republics, gener-
[38]
REPLY OF THE PAN-AMERICAN UNION
ally speaking, are not manufacturing countries. They want practi-
cally everything that we want and they import, at least in finished
articles, just as many kinds of things as we import, and a great many
more which we produce and therefore do not import.
Thanking you for your letter and suggestion, I am
Tour a very truly,
Mr. Frank Allaben,
New York, N. Y.
Acting Director General.
[39]
Jntertratumai iEaqwattiim
of GI0-0prrait0tt Irtromt
anft £>0tttl Amrrint
New York, 15 August, 1914.
The Executive Committee,
Panama-Pacific International Exposition,
San Francisco, California.
Gentlemen :
ENCLOSE the substance of a letter which has just
been transmitted to the Presidents of all the Republics
in Central and South America. A similar communica-
tion will also be sent, with requests for response, to
the President of the United States, members of the
Cabinet, Senators, Congressmen, Governors, etc.
Will your Committee, if you approve of the sug-
gestions made, please send me as promptly as possible some state-
ment indicating ways and means whereby .the Exposition at San Fran-
cisco may be made a centre of co-operation between North and South
America ?
The principal European Nations, which declined to participate
in this Exposition, are now engaged in the most gigantic war in human
history. The Exposition represents, not war, but the progress of
peace ; and, held in the Western Hemisphere, while Europe is gripped
in a death-struggle of conflicting ambitions, it becomes typical of the
better aspirations of the free and peaceful Nations of America.
If this idea can be taken up energetically and sown in hearts and
imaginations throughout North and South America, will it not make a
pilgrimage to San Francisco in 1915 not merely a recreation and
pleasure, but a sacred patriotic duty? Let the free peoples of the
[40]"
THE EXPOSITION A CENTRE OF AMERICAN CO-OPERATION
New World be summoned to go up to San Francisco in 1915 in protest
against war and aggression and in approval of peace and righteous-
ness. Very truly yours,
FRANK ALLABEN.
Editor-in-Chief, The Journal of American History.
(E0mmtmtratt0tt to
Qlommttter 0f tlj? Panama -JIartfir
Knfrrnattonal fepnatitott
August 17, 1914.
Gentlemen :
I sent you a copy of a letter sent by The Journal of American
History to the Presidents of the Central and South American Re-
publics, and which is now being sent to the public men of this country ;
and requested some expression from you which could be used to
further the patriotic idea of making the Exposition an expression of
unity and good fellowship between North and South America.
I herewith enclose the substance of a letter sent several days ago
to the Honorable John Barrett, Director-General of the Pan American
Union. This letter explains itself; but it occurs to me that the idea
of a clearing-house for exchange of information to establish better
trade relations between North and South America might be made a
very effective and popular and permanently valuable feature of the
Exposition.
Of course the exhibits, with men in charge and literature for dis-
tribution, would serve in this direction. But cannot some definite
place and system of record and exchange of needs, commercial and
financial, be provided and kept in operation while the Exposition re-
mains open? And cannot this be made known as a valuable feature
for the business men of the Western Hemisphere ?
Very truly yours,
FRANK ALLABEN.
nf
&unnp»tumH 10 Sifts lEnb Hato to Urn Stattttgnialfeo ut UJP Jltthltr
life of tiff Imtpo &tatw. atto tn % $lr?Bttottt0 0f tiff (£? «tral ana
&outlf Am* riratt ikpubltra, fag tiff i-ottor-in-QIlfipf of ®tfp Jjmtnuil
of Ammraa Ijiatoru, August 15, 1914
HE cause of permanent international peace and right-
eousness throughout the Western Hemisphere had
just been powerfully advanced by the success of the
joint-efforts of the United States, the Argentine Re-
public, Brazil, and Chile, in behalf of afflicted Mex-
ico, when the whole world was shocked by the opposite
phenomenon across the Atlantic of a conflagration
of war, involving the greater part of Europe. This fearful world-
disturbance necessarily throws the peaceful Nations of the New
World upon their own resources and into closer co-operation with one
another. In order that some good may be gathered out of this calam-
ity, not by commercial interchange alone, but in lasting moral and
spiritual benefit, may there not be co-operation between the peoples
of this Hemisphere in some or all of the following ways?
1. By a joint-expression of the great sorrow of the peoples of
the Western Hemisphere over the calamity which has fallen upon the
peoples of Europe and indirectly upon the peoples of the whole world.
2. By a joint-expression of the hope that the powers of Europe
will consider the earnest desire of their brethren in the West to serve
them through mediation and to render such service toward alleviation
of the distresses of war as lies within the power of neutrals.
3. By a joint-expression of profound conviction that no spirit
of aggression, no coveting of territory, and no race antipathy should
be permitted ever to whet the swords of the free peoples of the New
World against one another.
[42]
CO-OPERATION IN THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE
4. By general co-operation in turning the present period of ex-
clusion of Americans from Europe into a time of special international
travel and intercourse between the Nations of the Western Hemi-
sphere,— a time of "seeing the Americas" and seeking a better ac-
quaintance and understanding with all our New World neighbors.
In view of the Panama-Pacific Exposition at San Francisco in
1915, with its remarkable exhibits from all the American Nations,
and in view of the present necessity of closer trade relations between
these Nations, may not the Nations of South and Central America con-
sider themselves in a special way the invited guests of the United
States in 1915, and the United States consider herself especially in-
vited to return the visit of South and Central America in 1916?
The Journal of American History is about to devote a special
issue to the historic relations of North, Central, and South America,
and earnestly desires to bring before the people of the United States
any expression along the above lines, or otherwise suggested by the
present crisis, which you may be pleased to send for that purpose,
believing that such a word from you will be of the greatest service
at this time.
With sentiments of deep respect, I have the honor to be
Very truly yours,
FRANK ALLABEN,
Editor-in-Chief.
[43]
ttf?
ti0nal
Jntmra-
V,
EXPOSITION BUILDING,
OFFICE OF THE DIRECTOR-IN-CHIEF.
SAN FRANCISCO, CALIFORNIA,
FIRST SEPTEMBER, 1914.
Frank Allaben, Esq.,
Editor-in-Chief, The Journal of American History,
Number 30 East Forty-Second Street, New York.
Dear Sir :
HAVE the honor to acknowledge receipt of your letters
of August 1 5th and August i7th, together with the
copies of letters sent by you to the Presidents of Cen-
tral and South American Republics and to the Honor-
able John Barrett, Director-General of the Pan Amer-
ican Union. In reply I desire to state that the idea
suggested in your communication, to-wit: That the
conditions both moral and commercial which have been engendered by
the present crisis in Europe be dealt with at the Panama-Pacific In-
ternational Exposition, and that the steps to be taken in view of said
conditions find expression at the Exposition, is a good one and is be-
ing given serious attention by the Exposition Management.
It is but fair to say, however, that the Exposition has no funds
at its disposal, nor is it likely to have such funds, for the national prop-
aganda required by a movement such as you suggest. We have been
forced to this attitude by similar suggestions which have been made
by a considerable number from over three hundred organizations
which will hold conventions in this city in 1915; to them the same
reply has been made. Moreover it has been decided by us that no
series of congresses or conventions shall be directly under the auspices
of the Exposition.
[44]
RESPONSE OF THE DIRECTOR-IN-CHIEF
We shall be pleased to hear further from you on this subject and
shall be glad to give consideration to any suggestions which you may
have to make.
Yours respectfully,
Director-in-Chief.
[45]
Jumt 0f Olutra t0
Ammnm
torn % {Irrat-
an 0f A1I-
REPUBLICA DE CUBA
PRESIDENCIA
Dear Sir:
Havana, Cuba,
August 24th, 1914.
IS EXCELLENCY, the President of the Republic, di-
rects me to acknowledge receipt of your esteemed
favor of the I5th instant, which he has read with
great attention.
His Excellency furthermore requests me to in-
form you that your scheme to obtain the joint co-oper-
ation of the people of this Hemisphere to appeal to the
people of Europe to end the war raging there has his heartiest sym-
pathy and that he prays your endeavors may meet with the success
they deserve.
With the assurance of my most distinguished consideration, I
beg to remain, dear Sir,
Mr. Frank Allaben,
New York.
Yours very truly,
ecrerary to the President
[46]
A Qktehraium
All tlf? Natuma
Amttg
By
HIS EXCELLENCY, EDWARD F. DUNNE
Governor of Illinois
fctate of Jllituris Exprutinr Irpartnwnt &prittgfwli>
EDWARD F. DUNNE
Governor
Dear Sir:
August 20,
1914.
ANSWER to yours of the I5th instant, I think it
would be wise for the authorities having in charge
the Panama-Pacific International Exposition to do
everything in their power towards making the Ex-
position a celebration of peace and amity between all
the nations on the western continent. These nations
at the present time are singularly blessed in that peace
and amity prevail among them.
Some general rule participated in by all these nations, having
for its object the tender of their sympathy for the nations of Europe,
and their kindly offices in and about putting an end to the horrible
war now prevailing in Europe, should be inagurated.
Peace and arbitration should be branded into every demonstra-
tion and exhibition held on the grounds at San Francisco. I would
respectfully recommend that the matter be brought to the attention of
the Panama-Pacific delegates who meet monthly at Washington, and
some effort be made through them to organize this western world
movement of peace and arbitration.
Very truly yours
Mr. Frank Allaben,
The Journal of American History, New York.
[47]
Extimaunt 0f
irattan oto
rmrijtk nf Arbt-
of
By
HIS EXCELLENCY, SIMEON E. BALDWIN
Governor of Connecticut
SIMEON E. BALDWIN
Governor
KENNETH WYNNE
Executive Secretary
FRANK D. ROOD
Executive Clerk
STATE OF CONNECTICUT
EXECUTIVE CHAMBERS
HARTFORD
August 1 8, 1914.
Mr. Frank Allaben, Editor,
The Journal of American History,
30 East 42nd Street, New York.
Dear Sir:
i OUR letter of August I5th is received. I am inclined to
think that the present European war will lead in the
outcome to the extension of the principle of arbitra-
tion, or of the judicial settlement of international
disputes.
You will find my views in these respects stated in
the Quarterly Bulletin Number 17, published this
month by the American Society for the Judicial Settlement of Inter-
national Disputes, at Baltimore.
Yours very truly,
[48]
i'l
K
O
H
03
O
ffi
•WKST WALL OF THE KALASASAYA PALACE. PRE-IXC \ KUINS OF TIA
HUANACU, BOLIVIA
DETAIL OF MONOLITHIC IDOL, RUINS OF TIAHUANACtT
A HUT IN .MODKIIX Tl. \1UTANACCJ
In HIP village of Tiahuanaru art- huts with tliatch.-d roots whose entrances are
formed by stones which om tominl jiai-ts uf tln> uncient ruins of the prehistoric
city.
CORRIDOR OF THE CENTRAL POSTOFFICB, CITY OF MEXICO
MAXIMILIAN'S STATE COACH
Preserved in the National Museum, City of Mexico
u
L
Mar in
Unit? Ammratt
By
HIS EXCELLENCY, SAMUEL V. STEWART
Governor of Montana
fcxmrtutf ©fthp Ijr Inta, JHnutatta
August 21, 1914.
Mr. Frank Allaben, Editor,
The Journal of American History,
New York City.
Dear Sir:
EFERRING to your letter of the fifteenth instant:
The world is full of peace-lovers, notwithstanding
the fact that to-day millions of men are under arms in
Europe, and the hearts of these lovers of peace must
swell with approval when they contemplate the atti-
tude of the United States in the troublous times.
Nothing less than an inspired wisdom could have
brought us down to the present day without a call to arms, and it is
cause for intense gratification that those in power, in the present crisis,
are possessed of a stout determination to prevent our country from
being in any way drawn into the embroilment.
The great heart of the American people beats in full sympathy
with the people of the contending nations, sorrowing over the appall-
ing toll that war inevitably will take, and there is everywhere the
sincere hope that the European powers may accept the good offices of
our country as mediator to the end that the ravages of conflict may
cease.
This deplorable clash of arms should serve to draw the people
of the Western Hemisphere more closely together than ever. There
was never a more propitious occasion for "seeing the Americas," the
countries of our own new land, and by friendly intercourse and closer
acquaintance more indissolubly cementing the ties that bind us one to
another. In the circumstances, the people of Central and South
[65]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
America should be made to feel that they are specially desired at the
Panama-Pacific International Exposition at San Francisco in 1915,
as it should be the desire of our people to return the visit in 1916.
We should be neighbors in all that the word implies, and anything
that may be done to further this plan is worthy of all commendation.
My voice is for peace and good will among all the nations of the
earth, and I trust that this condition may speedily be brought about.
Your a
Governor of Montana,
[66 1
HIS EXCELLENCY, L. E. PINKHAM
fcxmrtiur QUjambrr ijounhtht, if await
September 23, 1914.
Frank Allaben, Esq.,
Editor-in-Chief,
The Journal of American History,
30 East 42nd Street, New York.
Dear Sir:
OUR favor of the i5th August is before us. As
Governor of the mid-Pacific outpost of the United
States and in contact with Oriental populations and
problems, of which the people of the mainland have
no practical conception, it would be improper for me,
from any point of view, to discuss the situation.
Peace has its tragedies as well as war, and com-
mercial greed is more destructive of society and the spirit of manhood.
Beepeot fully,
C&C&K&64-
Governor of Hawaii.
[67]
An ®pp0rtnnttg fnr tty Ammran
U?jmbltr0 5fa JPmternfe* in
Spirit 0f
BY
THE HONORABLE JOHN H. SMALL, OF NORTH CAROLINA
October 17, 1914.
Mr. Frank Allaben,
Editor-in-Chief,
The Journal of American History,
30 East 42nd Street,
New York.
My dear Sir:
HAVE kept on my desk your letter of August 15,
intending at the time to reply, but, as sometimes hap-
pens with us all, this good intention became derailed
and has just again gotten on the track.
Your comments arising out of the European
War, and the opportunity which you emphasize for
the Republics of North and South America to frater-
nize in the true spirit of liberty, justice, and peace impressed me very
much.
At one time I thought of introducing a resolution in the House
of Representatives, along the line of the thought expressed in your
letter, but a conference with some of my colleagues indicated that the
time was not opportune.
At any rate, on my own account, I wish to express to you the
pleasure I received on reading your communication, and my sympathy
with the aspirations which you set forth.
Very sincerely,
[68]
Washington, August 20, 1914.
Mr, Frank Allaben, Editor-in-Chief,
The Journal of American History,
30 East 42nd Street, New York.
My dear Mr. Allaben :
HAVE yours of August i5th, and in reply wish to say
that I think the nations of the Western Hemisphere
should have friendly commercial and social relations.
Very truly yours,
jry truly yours,
[69]
^taxation IRrfjprrm Aa
BT
THE HONORABLE WARREN WORTH BAILEY OF PENNSYLVANIA
Chairman of the Committee on Mileage,
United States House of Representatives
Frank Allaben,
New York.
Dear Sir:
N RESPONSE to yours of August 15, asking me for
an expression touching on the calamity which has
fallen upon the peoples of Europe and indirectly upon
the peoples of the whole world, permit me to say that
in my judgment this frightful condition was rendered
possible only by that system of indirect taxation which
has permitted governments to extort enormous trib-
ute from the people without the people realizing the fact. Were taxes
laid directly on the people for the support of general governments
in the same way they are laid and collected for local purposes, the
taxpayers would be in open revolt against the frightful exactions
which everywhere have prevailed, largely for war purposes. In our
own country sixty cents out of every dollar paid into the federal
treasury go to meet the cost of wars past or anticipated. "Prepared-
ness" is costing us as dearly as it has cost the nations now in conflict
in Europe, and our "preparedness" is no better guaranty of peace than
\ve find that other "preparedness" proved to be.
While I sympathize with the general proposition laid down in
your communication, suggesting a joint expression of the great sor-
row of the peoples of the western hemisphere over the calamity which
has fallen upon the peoples of Europe; by a joint expression of the
hope that the powers of Europe will consider the earnest desire of
their brethren in the west to serve them through mediation and to
render such service toward alleviation of the distresses of war as
lies within the power of neutrals; by a joint expression of profound
conviction that no spirit of aggression, no coveting of territory, and
no race antipathy should be permitted ever to whet the swords of
[70]
TAXATION REFORM AS A PREVENTIVE OF WAR
the free peoples of the New World against one another ; and by gen-
eral co-operation in turning the present period of exclusion of Amer-
icans from Europe into a time of special international travel and inter-
course between the nations of the western hemisphere, I am still con-
strained to believe that all these must fail as far as offering a final
solution of the frightful problems which wars present or wars to
come present; and my suggestion would be that the peoples of the
western hemisphere should devote themselves rather to the working
out of a plan of direct taxation which would make so tremendously
for peace, so surely against that "preparedness" which is the infallible
precursor of war.
You may be interested in knowing that I have in contemplation
a measure looking to this end for presentation to Congress at the
proper time. Under the measure which I have conceived we should
raise a very large part of the federal revenues by a tax on land values,
apportioned among the states on the basis of population, as required
by the Constitution. There is no mechanical or other difficulty in
the way, at least none that should be unduly troublesome. The land
value tax is the most easily levied and the most readily and cheaply
collected of all taxes; and it has the merit of staying exactly where
it is put. It cannot be shifted. It cannot in the slightest degree
hamper industry or retard development. It has in fact exactly the con-
trary effect. It infallibly stimulates industry and as infallibly promotes
progress and development. It imparts new life into enterprise and
tends steadily toward a higher level of diffused prosperity. It would
break down the monopoly of natural resources and in doing so lib-
erate labor and make it possible for every man to be economically
free. The Lloyd George budget, while being merely tentative in
character, has embodied the principle which is incorporated in the
measure I have in preparation. Lloyd George has taken merely the
first step. It is possible that it may not have produced the results
which those who so bitterly opposed it feared, but it has produced
an effect and a very profound one on the economic conditions of the
British Isles, with the certainty that never again will land values as
a source of revenue be ignored by the imperial government. Were
the Tories to be restored to power to-morrow, they would not repeal
the legislation which Lloyd George embodied in his famous budget.
Yours very truly, ,-
'
/>
[71]
A Slrtter Jrnm §>tmtw Olummina
My dear Sir:
Untob States
September 3, 1914.
HAVE your interesting letter of the I5th ultimo. I
would like to do something, say something, or both,
that would be helpful in view of the awful calamity
which has fallen upon Europe, but I am not clear as
yet just what ought to be said or ought to be done,
and therefore I must take time for further reflection
before making any specific proposal.
With high regard, I am
froure very truly,
Frank Allaben, Editor,
30 East 42nd Street,
New York, N. Y.
[72]
Itorto Itrtnma af
BT
THE HONORABLE HENRY T. RAINEY OF ILLINOIS
COMMITTEE ON WAYS AND MEANS
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
August 24, 1914.
Frank Allaben,
Editor-in-Chief,
The Journal of American History,
New York City.
Dear Sir:
HE Latin-American Nations of the Western Hemis-
phere owe much to the United States. Within the
last few months the efforts of the Argentine Republic,
Brazil, Chile, and the United States have brought
peace to the unfortunate people of Mexico, and have
assured to that Country in the future Presidents
elected by the people, not brigands who have been
successful leaders of revolutions, and the concerted action of these
Nations has served to bring nearer together all the Republics of the
Western Hemisphere. It is a tremendous victory for peace.
The building of the Panama Canal means much in the matter of
the establishment of freer trade relations between all the American
Republics. The building of the Canal is a tremendous victory for
commerce and for peace.
The San Francisco Exposition will be the greatest and the most
important Exposition ever given in the Western World, even if only
the United States and the other Republics of this Hemisphere
participate.
We propose to treat Colombia fairly and to do what we can, in
that fair, honest, courageous spirit which ought to prevail between
Nations, to rectify any wrong we may have done her in the past. The
pending Treaty with Colombia, when it is adopted, is a victory for
peace, greater than any victory in the war now raging over half
the world can possibly be.
[731
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
Two or three years from now some of the Nations of Europe
may be celebrating victories, won only at the sacrifice of hundreds
of thousands of lives and millions of treasure. In this Hemisphere
we will have nothing to celebrate except victories of peace, bringing
about more friendly and freer trade relations, and bringing together
those Nations of the Western Hemisphere which govern themselves,
in closer bonds of friendship and of peace than ever.
I am glad to learn that The Journal of American History is about
to devote one issue to a discussion of the historic relations of North,
Central, and South America. I know of no more opportune time for
such a presentation that this. You will render millions of people a
splendid service.
Very truly ycmri
[74]
mt Ammnm Jitumrral
Confer wtr*
BY
MABEL THACHER ROSEMARY WASHBURN
HE PAN AMERICAN UNION says, in its Bulletin,
of the Pan American Financial Conference held in
Washington during the week of May 23-29, 1915,
that it "was undoubtedly one of the most important
meetings which has ever been called together in the
Western Hemisphere."
The idea of Pan American Congresses goes back
to the one held on the Isthmus of Panama in 1826, the fruit of
Bolivar's magnificent ideal of moral union of the Americas. To this
the United States was invited to send delegates, but one of them
died on the journey to Panama, and the other arrived after the
adjournment of the meeting. We were invited to take part also
in the next Pan American Congress, at Lima in 1847, but our engage-
ment in the Mexican War prevented our doing so. Our co-operation
was not invited to the third and fourth Congresses, at Santiago in
1856 and at Lima in 1864.
In addition to these, there have been other important gatherings
of representatives of Latin- American Nations. One of the most not-
able of these was in 1887-88, at Montevideo, when delegates from
Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay, Peru, and Uruguay, dis-
cussed and concluded treaties on international law, these treaties being
ratified by the delegates' Governments.
The present splendidly effective agency for the promotion of
co-operation among the Nations of the Western Hemisphere, the Pan
American Union, should be considered as the direct heir of Bolivar's
far-visioned ideals. In 1888 the Congress of the United States
authorized the President to invite the Latin-American Governments
to send delegates to Washington, for the consideration, with us, of
a number of matters of common concern. To Tames G. Elaine, then
[75]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
Secretary of State, should much credit be given for the carrying
through of this design, and he presided over the Conference, which
lasted from October 2, 1889, to April 19, 1890.
From this Conference came into being the International Bureau
of American Republics, "for the collection and publication of informa-
tion relating to the commerce, products, laws, and customs of the
countries represented."
The next Pan American Congress, under the new organization,
was called by Mexico, at the suggestion of President McKinley, and
met at the City of Mexico, from October 22, 1901, to January 31, 1902.
Perhaps the Pan American Conference which has had the most
far-reaching effects was that held in Rio de Janeiro, in the summer of
1906. All of the twenty-one Republics, except Venezuela and Haiti,
were represented. Mr. Elihu Root, then Secretary of State, although
not officially a delegate, attended the Congress, and his brilliant
address is one of the most vital contributions to Pan American inter-
course.
In 1910, at the fourth Congress, the name of the Pan American
Union was adopted.
The man whose inspiration was the creator of the Pan Amer-
ican Financial Conference of 1915 is the Honorable William Gibbs
McAdoo, Secretary of the Treasury of the United States, and he
acted as presiding officer. A special Act of Congress was passed to
authorize the Congress, and it was the United States Government
which issued the invitations to attend. The Ambassadors and Min-
isters of the Latin-American Republics to the United States co-
operated in the most generous spirit and the Conference, in its incep-
tion and in all of its workings and achievements, is a gratifying
example of the national neighborliness toward which All- America has
been aiming, and which we of the New World hope may serve as a
torch to light the blackness of war-benighted Europe.
On the eve of the Conference Secretary McAdoo said:
"During the last six months every country of the American
Continent has suffered severely by reason of the European conflict.
Financial distress and the paralyzation of industry has been accom-
panied by real suffering on the part of the masses of the people.
In some instances a serious emergency situation has arisen which can
only be met by finding new sources of supply from which to secure
working capital.
"One of the most serious questions confronting the Republics of
this Continent is the utter inadequacy of transportation facilities since
[76]
THE PAN-AMERICAN FINANCIAL CONFERENCE
the outbreak of the European war. Not only have freight charges
advanced, but in a great number of instances transportation facili-
ties have not been available at any price. One of the important
questions confronting this Conference will be whether the Republics
of America can safely continue to be dependent on the merchant
marine of European countries for the maintenance of their normal
commercial relations. Many of the countries of South America are
eager for the establishment of transportation lines that will not be
dependent on the vicissitudes of European affairs.
"The financial questions to be considered by the Conference
cover the most pressing needs of all the countries of the American
Continent. The programme will extend over the entire range of pub-
lic and private financial needs, as well as the problems connected with
the extension of commerce.
"It is expected that the most important results will be secured
through the confidential conferences that will take place in the
respective Group Committees. Each delegation from Central and
South America will meet with a group of eminent American finan-
ciers and business men from every section of the United States.
The opportunity thus offered for a frank and free interchange of
views can not help but be of inestimable value in the formulation of
definite and practical plans. It will require considerable time to
bring these plans to full fruition, but a step, and an important step,
will have been taken in creating for the Republics of the American
Continent a firm, definite, and practical basis for co-operative action
and mutual benefit."
The week of the Conference was socially a brilliant one. Those
who have been in Washington in springtime know its gracious beauty
—the exquisite freshness of April melting into June's soft, glowing
loveliness.
The social welcome to the Conference began with a ball on Mon-
day evening, May 24, in the beautiful building of the Pan American
Union. Its picturesque "Patio," reminiscent of Spanish-America, of
the charm of Old- World Spain, and of the olden times, more far, more
exotic, of Moorish courts and palaces, made a setting never to be for-
gotten, with its green plants, its tropic parrots, flaunting the red and
yellow of the Spain whence came our guests' ancestors centuries ago,
and the silver fountain plashing murmurous welcomes musical as the
liquid-silver tongue of old Castile.
The reception on Tuesday at the Argentine Embassy, with its
rose-blanche ball-room, the tea at Chevy Chase, the pilgrimage of
[77]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
the delegates to Washington's home and tomb at Mount Vernon,
whither they sailed on the President's yacht, the Mayflower, the
garden-party given by Secretary and Mrs. Bryan, the reception of
the Chinese Minister and Madame Shah, will long stand forth in
the brilliant galaxy of historic festivities which illuminated the serious
work of profound thought and conclusions of deepest import achieved
by the Conference.
A memorable incident of the pilgrimage to Mount Vernon
occurred when the Mayflower came opposite Washington's tomb.
Officers and men stood reverently at attention while the bugler played
"Taps," and as the clear, soft notes died in echo against the hills the
splendid triumph-music of "The Star-Spangled Banner" blazed out
the glory that Washington lived and died to make come true.
Pageantry of banners is always to be seen in Washington, but
during the week of the Conference the City was aflame with flags.
Ensigns of the twenty Latin-American Nations, the splendid young
Republics of the West, mingled with the Oriental gorgeousness of
that of China, — new Republic of an ancient State, — while banners
of the fighting lands of Europe held their usual place, and every-
where the Stars and Stripes blazoned forth their loyal friendship
for sister "lands of the free," their tribute of honor to all "homes of
the brave."
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n
THE HONORABLE SANTIAGO PEREZ TRIANA
Chairman of the Delegation from Colombia to the
Pan American Financial Conference
HE happiness of the peoples that inhabit the American
Continent is to be attained by the maintenance and
the strengthening of the principles of social, political,
and international life which have governed this con-
tinent since the days when its emancipation, in its
northern section, was first proclaimed. Those prin-
ciples are the principles of democracy, according to
which all men are born equal, and equality of opportunities before the
law granted to them all.
This continent, therefore, stands first and foremost for liberty
through democracy.
At various times in the history of these nations weighty utter-
ances have been made and transcendent measures have been taken.
They are found, as it were, like the footprints of destiny on the path
of history. Thus a continental status or condition of affairs has been
arrived at, which consists in the inviolability of the continent to polit-
ical activities of conquest or colonization from outside.
This status has been consecrated by the development of history
up to the present moment, and it constitutes the essential safeguard
of American liberties. I use the word American in the full integrity
of its meaning, covering north, centre, and south on the continent
and the adjacent islands geographically entitled to the designation.
The portentous and sombre events that are being developed at
the present lurid moment of history across the seas accentuate with
glaring emphasis the fundamental importance of the status of invio-
lability of the continent. That inviolability stands, as it were, as a
contention wall, which the foresight of the owner of an orchard had
set up against the possible irruptions of a wayward torrent in the
neighborhood. Thus, it happens that the swollen waters in the pres-
[79]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
ent case, unable to overflow the protected precincts, have continued
their mad career to the abyss. In this manner the condition of the
inviolability of the continent has acted as the determining cause of
the present world-wide cataclysm centred in Europe.
A very concise analysis, or rather recapitulation of the pertinent
facts of European international life during me last half century, will
suffice to demonstrate the justness of the preceding appreciation.
This arialysis is not made here in any spirit of bitter or adverse criti-
cism. It is simply a statement of facts that have their intrinsic
weight and importance and gravitate accordingly in the criterion of
men.
The system of the balance of power which has obtained in Europe
with increased strength during the last thirty years, and which dated
from a far longer period of time, had culminated in the constitution
of two separate groups of powerful nations. These nations prided
themselves on having maintained the peace of Europe since the
Franco-Prussian war of 1870; their allegation was truthful on the
surface ; during that period no human blood had been shed in battle on
the soil of those nations.
On the other hand, the selfsame system begot all the burdens of
war, save the killing of men, in the shape of a latent state of warfare
throughout Europe and in wars of conquest.
The two great groups thus accomplished the distribution among
the most favored of their number of every inch of ground on the con-
tinents or on islands of the eastern hemisphere that they could wrest
from weaker hands. In each and every instance the division of the
spoils facilitated the soothing of outraged feelings of unsatisfied ambi-
tion and quieted the squeamish scruples of conscience.
Thus peace in Europe was maintained at the expense of the
sovereignty and independence of foreign peoples in the Eastern Hemi-
sphere. This may have been an evil or a boon to humanity — it is not
for me to say. Men are wont to talk of the "claims of superior
peoples," of the "white man's burden," of the "higher civilization,"
&c., and if the prosecution by fire and steel of those noble ideals did
not happen to coincide every time with material gain one would be
more able readily to comprehend and appreciate their lofty disinter-
estedness.
The Eastern Hemisphere having been parceled, labeled, and dis-
tributed, it became necessary to find new fields for the energies left
unoccupied, brewing and simmering at home, which unavoidably
would entail disaster otherwise.
New lands to conquer ! That was the cry of the hour. The new
[80]
AMERICA FOR AMERICANS
lands exist — they are broad and they are bountiful. The sun smiles
upon them; they have rivers, forests, and plains, all teeming with
wealth, and they are so vast that there is room in them for the over-
crowded generations of the congested lands in the next few centuries.
The congested lands are heavy with a humanity that comes to
the light of life with a burden of tradition in the shape of taxes and
servitudes deep rooted in the past centuries. (For let it be remem-
bered that the European nations are still paying for the Napoleonic
war.) But those new lands were unattainable; they stood there before
the hungry gaze of the two powerful groups of nations like a glorious
mirage of possibilities.
The wall of contention,' the inviolability of the American con-
tinent, prevented the irruption of the torrent of conquest and political
organization on the American continent ; and that torrent had to flow
on, on in its mad career, to plunge into the abyss into which it has
fallen, the depth of which no human eye can venture to fathom.
The inviolability of this continent is the protecting shield of
human liberty. It must be maintained at all costs. It must be forti-
fied by all possible means. Whatever the outcome of the European
conflagration may be, it is safe to say that the desire for political
conquest upon the American continent will persist. Such a desire lies
in the very nature of things as they are; it is not the result of pre-
meditated perversity of collectivities or of individuals. It lies in the
very essence and nature of things.
The hour of watchfulness for us Americans of all sections has only
just begun, and we would be unworthy of the men who achieved our
emancipation and who founded our nationalities if through neglect
or sordid temporizing we were to jeopardize the patrimony of free-
dom of the coming generations. The first element for the protection
of the continent is universal harmony and efficient co-operation.
Financial relationships which signify the lifeblood of industry and
commerce are of paramount importance in this connection, but there
are other indispensable steps rendered necessary by the revelation of.
the present hour.
All feelings of fear or of distrust must disappear. It is neces-
sary that all the nations of the continent should declare in a solemn
manner that the era of conquest of territory has come to an end on
the American continent, alike from outsiders as from other nations
on the continent, and that redress whenever it can be accomplished
should be carried out ; but it is often impossible to retrace steps of
history, and in such cases bygones will have to be bygones, and the
dead past will have to bury "its dead. The attempt to straighten the
[81]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
course of history, following the current up the stream toward its
source, would be idle and futile.
It is the future that concerns us. The microbe of imperialism is
one of easy growth. Men assembled in collectivities called nations
have been accustomed, when occasion has arisen, throughout all his-
tory, to accept iniquity as their guiding principle, and the honest man
who, single-handed, would not take an ear of corn from his neighbor's
field, as soon as he finds himself armed with a collective conscience,
will not only take the ear of corn, but the whole field, and the life
of his neighbor and of his neighbor's family to boot. And then he
will present himself, demanding the crown of patriotism and the halo
of glory in recognition from the future generations.
The microbe must be extirpated from the continent. It has been
proclaimed within recent days from the highest summit of executive
power in this land that honesty and justice and not convenience should
be the guiding principle of life, alike individual and national.
That utterance should stand, as it were, as the pennant of our
hopes and our endeavors. The inviolability of the continent has been
effective for outsiders, but not so for some nations of the continent.
I do not speak in a spirit of complaint or of censure; I simply state
facts. Thus a spirit of distrust has been created which it is indispens-
able to eliminate. The atmosphere of cordiality throughout the con-
tinent must be diaphanous, without a single shadow on the horizon.
The disappearance of distrust will permit of the real union in
sentiment of all the nations of America, and that union will mean
strength for the protection of the continent and of the ideals of liberty
and democracy to which it is dedicated.
The territorial responsibilities of the American nations are
weighty beyond comparison. The total population of the Latin part
of the continent could be comfortably housed in any of the large Latin-
American nations, such as Bolivia, Colombia, Venezuela, or Argentina,
for instance, leaving the rest of the continent empty and free for new-
comers.
It is not difficult to imagine the speech of a Prime Minister at a
private Cabinet sitting in one of the congested monarchies in the pres-
ence of his sovereign :
"Sire, here at home we have reached the extreme possibilities of
taxation, and the armaments call for more and more expenditure.
We are becoming irredeemably poor. We have not only a congested
population, but a yearly surplus of humanity which for years uncount-
able has gone to strengthen the human framework of nations across
[82]
AMERICA FOR AMERICANS
the ocean that may be our rivals and our enemies of tomorrow. Thus
we lose the very blood of our life.
"And yet we could find new homes for our people; homes that
should be racially, socially, and, above all things, politically, the pro-
longation of our nation. There is only one thing that stands in the
way, that is the alleged inviolability of the American continent.
"It is true that that continent is open to our subjects as individ-
uals; that there they can find a home socially and politically on the
same conditions as the children of any other nation of that continent.
But that does not serve our purpose; we do not want new individual
homes for our subjects across the ocean; we want new homes for our
flag in those new lands. We must smash, annihilate, and pulverize
that vaunted inviolability with our iron-covered right hand.
"There are other nations like us, suffering from conditions iden-
tical to ours. In an hour of incomprehensible madness those nations
and ourselves waged war among ourselves with disastrous results,
from which only ruin and misery and disaster untold have accrued.
Let us now be wise and unite our forces to seize lands which are the
gift of God Almighty to those of His children upon earth who can
till them and exploit them, and which it is a crime of unpardonable
arrogance to maintain waste and desert on the plea of a pretended sys-
tem of continental solidarity and of hazy Utopias of democracy, lib-
erty, and what not."
Such speeches would not fall upon unheeding ears, among peoples
tortured by the burdens of the past and tormented by the uncertain-
ties of the future. Whenever they supervene it becomes of paramount
and vital importance for the nations of America that it should be
known that throughout the breadth and length of the continent they
are unanimous in sentiment ; that the continent will be inviolate from
conquest or political colonization ; that it is open and free to the wan-
dering and peaceful multitudes, but that it is closed to the conquering
flags.
[83]
An Jttimratumai ^ur?m? Qhmrt
Att <®pt n Crtter to ilj* Iktegatra to % ipan-Amrciran 3Unanrtal
(£onf rmtrf at Washington from lite }JiTiiiiirnt of <ilir National
ijiatoriral
To the Delegates to the Pan American Financial Conference,
Gentlemen :
TAKE the liberty of addressing this open letter to you,
because you severally represent the highest ideals of
our American Republics, and are now engaged in
rendering all our peoples one of the greatest services
in their history. I have not ventured to intrude upon
your labors, but write only as your Conference is
about to break up.
What is here proposed contemplates one step only beyond the
forms of international co-operation you have been considering, and
bases itself upon principles generally recognized and upon treaties
already in existence.
As you know, it has been widely urged that following the present
war in Europe a confederation of the European Powers, a kind of
United States of Europe, should be formed. As a proposal in the
interest of international peace, such a project must enlist our sym-
pathies. Yet I call your attention to the fact that such a European
combination, should it be effected with the best of motives, would
instantly be recognized by us, human nature being what it is, as a new
menace to all the peoples of the New World.
I mention this possibility simply to emphasize the fact that a
world-crisis has arisen which should incite the peoples of the Western
Hemisphere, now at peace, to a strenuous effort to discover and put
into operation some practical international solution around which all
the law-abiding nations of the earth might unite, instead of leaving
us in separated groups, which might at any time clash.
Race questions have embroiled Europe in the most terrible war
in the world's history. Race issues between the East and West already
[84]
AN INTERNATIONAL SUPREME COURT
exist. A race struggle for the domination of Africa is one of the
clearly-discernible probabilities of the near future.
In the Republics of the Western Hemisphere, on the other hand,
a remarkable process of race amalgamation has been going on, demon-
strating to the whole world that, within national bounds, and under
free institutions, there is no just reason why differences of birth
should prevent the happy progress of the human family. One problem
remains, toward whose solution you, gentlemen, have just been making
a most valuable contribution, to wit: can our American Republics,
Latin- American and Anglo-Saxon, demonstrate to the world that, as
race differences may be blended in a common civilization within a
nation, so may they also be blended in a perfect co-operation between
nations that shall enthrone international law and peace over inter-
national self-will and war?
With this preface, I propose for your consideration, and that of
all thoughtful men and women, the following outline of a plan to
inaugurate among our American Republics an International Supreme
Court, in which all the other nations of the earth may also participate,
on the same equitable basis as ourselves, if they elect to do so.
1. The United States Government has already signed treaties
with a majority of the American Republics, calling for a joint com-
mission between the United States and each of the signatory Repub-
lics, to which will be referred, for a year's study if necessary, any
dispute arising between the two nations which cannot be settled by
diplomacy. Let the United States sign such treaties with all the
American Republics, and let the people of the United States demand
that their Senate abrogate all pretense to exercise rights inconsistent
with the same.
2. Let each of the other American Republics execute such a treaty
with every other American Republic. I understand that Argentina,
Brazil, and Chile have very recently taken such a step among them-
selves.
While such treaties, it is hoped, would prevent war as a result
of a sudden inflaming of the public mind, they would not make war
impossible between two disputing nations. This end requires a fur-
ther step.
3. Let each of the participating nations appoint a judge to sit
in an International Supreme Court; if an even number of judges
results, let them elect another judge, making the total number odd,
and let the decision of a majority determine the law. Let any dispute,
which cannot be amicably adjusted between two or more nations after
the recommendation of their joint commission is before them, be re-
[85]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
ferred to this International Supreme Court, and let its decision be
international law, enforced, if necessary, by the combined police power
— the combined armies and navies — of all the nations represented in
the Court. Any participating power, refusing to bow to this tribunal,
would thus become an outlaw-State. Felonious nations would be dealt
with by the combined arm of the law-abiding nations, as criminal
individuals are now dealt with by a law-abiding community.
4. The judgments of the International Supreme Court, although
commanding absolute obedience while in force, should nevertheless
be subject to rehearings at the ends of certain stated terms of years,
making full provision for any reversals required by human conscience
under growing enlightenment. With this provision, war — except as
an exercise of police power to compel obedience to law, as police
power is now used within a nation, — could no longer find a righteous
excuse.
This plan holds out no impracticable dream of total disarma-
ment. Not until the human heart changes, and we may dispense with
laws, jails, and police within nations, may we contemplate total dis-
armament as a practical possibility. But the proposed plan affords a
just and practical basis for a reduction of armies and navies to the
minimum necessary for efficient police power within each nation,
and efficient police power of the combined nations in maintaining
international peace. The new doctrine will be that armies and navies
are for police power only, to maintain accepted law, and not for that
barbarous and beast-like duelling between nations which we call war
—a method which never determines right or wrong, but only who is
strongest.
Much more could be said, but I forbear. I write this much, how-
ever, under the profound conviction that the whole world now looks
to the free peoples of the Western Hemisphere for some illuminating
suggestion. If we, with our high ideals and comparative freedom
from many of the problems of Europe, are unwilling to curb our
national wills and ambitions within some such limits of international
law and legal procedure as here proposed, how can we hope that other
nations of the earth will consent to do so?
With deep respect,
FRANK ALLABEN.
Xc\v York, May 28, 1915.
[86]
(Emtrtmts Steplg
CONGRESO FINANCIERO PANAMERICANO
1915
Washington, D. C.
MAY 30x11, 1915.
THE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY:
HE CHILEAN DELEGATES ACKNOWLEDGE RECEIPT OF
YOUR OPEN LETTER OF RECENT DATE, AND ARE GLAD
TO CONFESS THAT THEY HAVE READ ITS CONTENTS
WITH GREAT INTEREST.
(Stall 0f an- Ammnm
<E0ttfemtrp a llart of % (6«at Jnfrrttatumal HIts0um
of tip Ammran »Fp«bltr0, AB ©utlttwo in tip &pmlj of
BT
L. S. ROWE, LL. D.
HESE have been happy days for me, in some respects
the happiest of my life, for I have had the feeling
as never before that we are at the beginning of a
new epoch in the international relations of the Amer-
ican Continent. I begin to see, coming to full fruition,
a new concept of international relations, one built
up on the idea of co-operation and mutual benefit
rather than of rivalry and jealousy.
Important as have been the questions presented to this Confer-
ence, I cannot help but feel that its significance is far deeper than the
questions included in the programme. It is an inspiring spectacle
that may well arouse the enthusiasm of every patriotic citizen to
realize that, at a time when hatreds and antagonisms are dominating
so great a part of the Old World, the Republics of America assemble
in a spirit of mutual helpfulness to take counsel of one another, and
to devise ways and means through which they can promote the spirit
of union and co-operation.
Viewed from the broadest possible standpoint, it means that the
great mission of the Republics of the American Continent is coming
to full fruition. We may well rejoice at this great privilege of giv-
ing to the world, at a critical moment, an example of international
solidarity. A new note has been struck in international relations which
cannot help but resound throughout the civilized world.
I am free to confess that my enthusiasm is not aroused by the
mere thought of belonging to a country covering a vast area or con-
taining one hundred or two hundred millions of inhabitants ; but it
is my ambition that the country to which I belong shall be a leader
[88]
THE GOAL OF PAN-AMERICAN SOLIDARITY
in setting a new standard in international relations, and will give to
the world a new idea, namely, that its own welfare, its own great-
ness, its significance in the onward march of civilization, depend on
and are in direct ratio with the service which it is able to perform
to other nations, and particularly to its sister Republics on the Amer-
ican Continent.
Important and far-reaching as is the significance of this Con-
ference, its full and final import can only be judged in that larger
perspective in which loom up the successive steps toward the goal of
Pan American solidarity.
ffrartinil Exults nf % f mt-Ammran
Jttranrtel (Emtfrmtr?
ONCRETE results of the greatest importance to all
countries of the Western Hemisphere were pre-
dicted at the close of the Pan American Financial
Conference, at the close of its six days of exchange
of views, discussion of problems purely American,
and those which have arisen out of the international
tangles of the European war.
The movements here and enterprises which will develop out of
the Conference will not necessarily be visible to the rank and file of
us at once ; but the fulfillment of the delegates' plans for co-operation,
and all our business and other Delations with Latin- America have
been energized to wiser efficiency, strengthened closer in union, by
the cordial spirit of mutual understanding wrought by this week's
work.
When the Congress of the United States convenes, Secretary
McAdoo will make the official report, together with his suggestions
as to the carrying-out of the proposed operations.
Probably the subject of discussion paramount in the attention
paid to it, was that of transportation facilities between the Americas.
Mr. McAdoo said: "We are not here to discuss government
ownership or ship subsidy. We have been anxious above all to keep
the political aspects out of this Conference. Questions of govern-
ment ownership of steamships or of ship subsidies have assumed a
political aspect in this country, and I think this Conference should
avoid them."
The Secretary of the Treasury also said that he should lay
before the President the necessity of continuing the work of the dele-
gates, calling attention to the fact that the representatives of the
various countries participating in the Conference were without power
to take decisive common action in the matter of inter- American trans-
portation, but that each country must deal separately with the ques-
tion. He said that the "Group Committees" of the Conference would
be succeeded by permanent committees to continue the work here.
Mr. Frank A. Vanderlip, President of the National City Bank,
made the following statement :
[90]
PRACTICAL RESULTS OF THE PAN-AMERICAN FINANCIAL CONFERENCE
"The Pan American Conference was a happy conception. It
has turned out better, however, than its very best friends could have
anticipated. The results promise to be really substantial, and not
confined to expressions of good fellowship embalmed in an unopened
volume of proceedings.
"The Conference has been characterized by practical business
sense. It has not been a gathering for mere felicitous speechmaking.
The results promise to be extremely helpful in giving impetus to the
movement for closer trade relations and in removing obstacles that
stand in the way.
"There was one point on which every member in attendance at
the conference seemed to agree, and that was that the greatest obstacle
in the way of this trade development is a lack of transportation
facilities. There were wide divisions of opinion as to how to meet
the demand, but there was unanimous agreement that it must be met
before really great results are attained."
The support of the Chamber of Commerce of the United States
in furtherance of better understanding between the United States
and Latin-America was promised in a resolution presented by Mr.
John H. Fahey, the Chamber's President, and this resolution was
adopted. A plan for settlement of commercial disagreements by
arbitration is to be drawn up by Mr. Fahey, Mr. Vanderlip, and
Senor Aldao of the Argentine Republic.
The President of the Illinois Commercial Federation, Mr. C. A.
Kiler of Champaign, Illinois, one of the delegates, with the Costa
Rican group, said: "Bringing into conference so many men repre-
senting the best interests of the people of the American Continents,
at a time when Europe appears to have gone mad, was a master stroke,
and will surely lead to lasting benefit for all of us."
Mr. Kiler said also: "In my judgment, the address of Doctor
Santiago Perez Triana of Colombia was the greatest single feature
of the Conference, with the exception of that other great speech, by
President Woodrow Wilson. This address will go a long way toward
securing the ends and aims of the Conference.
"I wish it could be made possible to exchange professors from
our universities for those from Latin-American universities for a
series of lectures similar to those which we have had in exchange with
European and Japanese universities. We have much to learn from
Latin-America.
"John Barrett's work as the head of the Pan American Union
is much appreciated by the delegates from all countries, and the im-
portance of this Conference shows the rare judgment he had when
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
he took up this work years ago. If ever a man lived to see his visions
and dreams come to pass, that man is John Barrett.
"I have had the honor to serve on the Committee for Costa Rica,
of which Senor Mariano Guardia is Chairman. Doctor Guardia is
the Minister of Finance in Costa Rica. We also were fortunate in
having J. M. Keith, an American citizen who has lived in Costa Rica
for thirty years and who is thoroughly conversant with conditions
there, as well as in the other Republics of Central and South America.
Two New York bankers, E. A. de Lima and Lewis E. Pierson, did
the heavy work for the United States delegates serving on our
Committee. Both of these gentlemen have had experience in inter-
national banking and are practical business men who know how to go
ahead and get things done.
"The Costa Rica Committee has worked to render a useful report,
as I feel sure every other Committee has also so endeavored.
"I go back to Illinois feeling that the Pan American Conference
will stand in history as the Commencement exercises stand in a uni-
versity. We have found our interests to be mutual with those of
Latin-America, and this surely marks the beginning of great things."
Co-operation between bankers in the United States and merchants
in the other American countries is essential. The bankers should be
in close touch with the merchants and should have accurate and
detailed reports of their financial situation. In regard to this, Mr.
W. S. Kies, foreign trade adviser of the National City Bank, New
York, said :
"We must ask your earnest and sincere aid in this matter of
credit extension. We have heard from many sources of the high
sense of business honor obtaining among your leading firms, but it
is always true that a man to be thoroughly appreciated must be per-
sonally known. We desire sincerely to know you better. May we
not count on your help in this matter?
"Through your commercial organization and through such
permanent committees as it is hoped may grow out of this great
conference, will you not co-operate with us by urging upon your
merchants and your business men the desirability of giving to such
United States banks, and to the representatives of such commercial
interests as may be located in your respective countries, full and com-
plete information regarding their responsibility and financial
standing?
"Our merchants, I can assure you, will be equally frank, and our
banks and our credit organizations are even now prepared to give
to your merchants information in complete detail concerning the com-
[92]
PRACTICAL RESULTS OF THE PAN-AMERICAN FINANCIAL CONFERENCE
mercial houses in this country who may wish to do business with you.
"This Conference will produce results lasting and permanent, if
there shall develop from it a sincere and earnest spirit of co-operation
in a permanent movement for mutual education and acquaintance
along commercial lines."
The suggested banking co-operation between this country and
Latin- America was amplified by Secretary of State William J. Bryan,
at a dinner given during the Conference, and Mr. Bryan's plan was
described in detail in a pamphlet issued by the National City Bank
of New York.
This plan is that the United States have a system for interchange
of credits with the other American Republics, so that the latter should
not be obliged to pay a high rate of interest on loans made them. Mr.
Bryan suggested that we should take from one of these nations its
obligations bearing four per cent, interest and should give such coun-
try an equal amount of three per cent. United States bonds. The one
per cent, thus coming to our Government would be applied to amortiza-
tion of the South American bonds, which would take forty-seven years
if the sinking fund were invested at three per cent.
The National City Bank is enthusiastic over this project and calls
especial attention to one issue: "Every dollar wisely expended in the
development of these countries will yield benefits to the United States.
An essential part of such a programme, of course, although Mr.
Bryan did not touch on it in his brief presentation, would be that our
Government should be entirely satisfied with the purpose for which
each loan was to be incurred, that those purposes should be designed
for the internal development of the countries borrowing, and that that
development should be of a character, generally speaking, which
would tend to increase their commerce and make them more pros-
perous and valuable neighbors."
All delegates to the Conference agreed that the solution of the
problem of transportation between the United States and Latin-
America is essential to the success of closer relations. A permanent
committee was recommended to this end, its members to represent
Argentina, Brazil, Chile. Ecuador, Peru, Uruguay, and the United
States.
Two sub-committee reports were submitted. One, signed by
Delegates, Senor Alda of Argentina, Senor Cavalcanti of Brazil, and
Senor Cosio of Uruguay, proposed a fast line of large steamers, whose
route should be between the United States and Rio de Janeiro, Buenos
Ayres, and Montevideo, the estimated time for the voyage to Rio de
Janeiro to be fifteen days. It was proposed that these ships be exempt
[93]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
from all fiscal charges for a period of five years, and that this plan
should be pushed energetically to completion, bids to be called for not
later than the close of 1915, to be acted on within three months. The
expense would be divided by agreement between the South American
Governments and that of the United States.
The other sub-committee report, signed by the other members
and by Senor Veraga of Chile, proposed two fast steamship lines,
one of these to be from this country to Brazil, Uruguay, and Argen-
tina; the other to be from the United States to Ecuador, Peru, and
Chile.
In a separate report, Senor Veraga proposed that a corporation
be formed, the stock to be offered to public subscription, and unsub-
scribed shares to be taken by the Latin-American Governments and
that of the United States, in proportions to be determined. Senor
Veraga proposed that this organization be incorporated under the
laws of New York State, and that the steamers should be registered
in the several countries in proportion to the capital subscribed.
A compromise resolution was offered by Mr. David R. Francis
of St. Louis, and this was unanimously adopted. The resolution was :
"Resolved, That it is the sense of this Conference that improved
ocean transportation facilities between the countries comprising the
Pan American Union has become a vital and imperative necessity,
and that every effort should be made to secure at the earliest possible
moment such improved means of transportation, since it is of primary
importance to the extension of trade and commerce and improved
financial relations between the American Republics."
Mr. Roger W. Babson of Boston spoke of government-ownership
of steamship lines between this country and the other American
Republics. He said : "The time has come when we should either put
up or shut up. Let us flirt with these Latin-Americans no longer.
Let us either cease our caressing words or else show our faith by
works. This means, let us buy their bonds, help them in financing
their public works, organize banks which will loan money to their
people, adapt our manufactured goods to their needs, and, most
important of all, build ships which will make possible that interchange
of peoples and goods which is fundamental to the growth, prosperity,
and happiness of the Americans."
In reference to ship subsidies, Mr. Babson said : "The experience
of these Latin- American countries with subsidies has been verv unfor-
tunate. However large these subsidies have been, Germany, England,
or one of their own neighbors have outbid them, and the value of the
subsidy has been lost. The use of subsidies, I was told by these South
[94]
PRACTICAL RESULTS OF THE PAN-AMERICAN FINANCIAL CONFERENCE
American officials, consisted in giving one larger than is given to
the ships of competing nations. There seems to be no value to sub-
sidies when the nations begin to bid against one another, which is
the inevitable result under present conditions. My South American
friends also complained bitterly of the deteriorating effects of sub-
sidy legislation, or all other legislation as it opened the way to graft.
"Hence, until all shipping engaged in foreign trade is under uni-
form laws, and flies an international flag, the only means of building
up a merchant marine is by the use of government-owned ships. This
is not only theory, but is the result of practical experience with all
the different systems as used by the South American countries. In
fact, the President of one of these countries asked me: 'Can
democracy lead to any other solution ?'
"Before going to South America, I was opposed to a government-
owned merchant marine, but I am now convinced that it is an absolute
necessity for cementing together the Americas. I therefore beg of
you, my fellow-countrymen, who are official guests at this Confer-
ence, not to oppose this principle without first going to South Amer-
ica and studying the need."
An address was made at the Conference by Mr. W. C. Le Gendre
of the banking firm of Brown Brothers and Company, New York.
Mr. Le Gendre said: "In casting about, during the recent discussion
of the proposed shipping bill, I ran across some information, and will
quote the following case of Captain Dollar of San Francisco. This
gentleman owns both United States and foreign vessels. He had
stated that in a single instance, in taking a ship from the foreign flag,
and putting it under the American flag, it necessitated the employment
of four additional quartermasters at $70 a month, an extra engineer
at $70 a month, three water-tenders at $75 a month, — and, incident-
ally, nobody seems to know what a water-tender is on a foreign ship.
"The total cost was $680 a month, simply for changing the flag on
that ship, or $8,160 a year. In addition to that, the difference in cost
for tonnage dues entering every port is based on a much larger ton-
nage measurement under the American flag. The total cost, or the
total difference in cost, of operating that ship would closely approx-
imate $12,000 a year. Is there any object for an American, who can
own ships and operate them under the English flag, for instance, to
put them under the American flag, and pay that additional amount?
Is not this the reason why we do not get American ships? It seems
to me that this statement sums up the whole question. It might not
be amiss to add that a person more expert and better informed than
[95]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
myself could add further expense, in respect of port dues and other
expenses incurred in loading and unloading."
At the close of the Conference, Secretary McAdoo announced
that measures recommended by the Conference- are to be brought
before Congress next winter. Mr. McAdoo also stated that he should
counsel the President to recommend, in his next annual message to
Congress, that the plans to bring more closely together the business
relations of the American nations be put into operation.
The recommendations of the Conference will be laid before the
South and Central American Governments also.
The most important results of the Conference might, perhaps, be
summed up as they were by the Baltimore Sun.
"Strong recommendations for the establishment of fast and direct
steamship lines, 'at the earliest possible moment/ between the two
American Continents, the creation of an 'International High Com-
misssion' to propose uniform trade and commercial laws to the various
Pan American nations, an agreement to organize a 'trade dispute
court' to arbitrate business differences between merchants of the two
Continents, and the appointment of permanent committees to act as
a 'clearing-house of business and financial information' for each of
the Latin American countries in the United States, constitute the con-
crete results of the Pan American Financial Conference."
[96]
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THE GRENADIERS OF SAX MARTIN PASSING THROUGH THE STREETS
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itue to General San Martin, who himself founded this regiment
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IN THE MfSKU GOELDI, PARA. BRAZIL
A corner of the room devoted to Amazonian archaeology
PICKING CACAO PODS, SANTO DOMINGO
A SKY SCRAPER IN BUENOS AIRES, SAID TO BE3 THE FIRST IN SOUTH
AMERICA
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STATUE OF MUUILLO. THE PATRIOT LEADER, AT LA PAZ. BOLIVIA
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BY
THE HONORABLE JOHN BASSET MOORE
HE following digest of the recommendations of the
various groups of the Conference was presented at
its close by John Bassett Moore, formerly Counselor
of the State Department, this digest not including,
however, the work of the Transportation Committee,
nor that of the Uniform Laws Committee.
itolima
/
First, the report of Bolivia is a full review of the financial con-
ditions and trade and commerce, including its natural resources,
particularly its minerals, rubber, timber, fruit, and live stock. It
also deals with the question of railway extension transportation —
ocean and interior ; with the monetary situation, banking and finance,
and suggests the organization of a central commercial agency in con-
nection with or under the supervision of the United States Chamber
of Commerce.
The group report of Chile recommends the adoption by the various
countries of legislation, first, to facilitate the drawing of bills of
exchange upon one another by the financial institutions of South
American countries and the financial institutions of the United
States; second, to make bonded warehouse warrants and receipts
available as collateral security for the development of international
commerce.
It recommends the advisability of permitting the payment of such
part of the export duties on nitrates from Chile to the United States,
such parts as are now paid in ninety days' sight drafts, sterling on
London, in ninety days' sight drafts "in dollars in New York, at such
rates of exchange as may be periodically fixed by the Chilean authori-
ties ; also, that such changes be made in the laws of the United States
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
as will enable bankers to extend their credit, discount, and rediscount
facilities so as to conform to the trade customs and necessities of
Latin America. It also recommends that a permanent inter- American
commission be established to study commercial problems and con-
ditions.
(Enlombta
The Colombian delegates recommend, first, special committees
on uniform law and on transportation for each country similar to
those appointed in connection with this conference; second, the co-
operation of those committees in financial and commercial matters;
third, the consideration of the establishment of a general executive
council to meet in Washington at least once a year; fourth, the con-
sideration of the appointment of a board of engineers to investigate
projects which require financing.
(Eimta ilxtru
The report of the Costa Rican group gives a full survey of the
public finances of that country, its monetary situation, banking situa-
tion and financing of private enterprises; emphasizes the need of trade
facilities and the extension of inter-American markets. The subject
of the merchant marine and improved transportation facilities are
very fully covered.
Qluba
The report of the Cuban group, after a survey of the1 commercial
relations, recommends that the high duties that hamper the importa-
tion of Cuban tobacco into the United States be ameliorated, and in
view of the abolition by the United States of import duties on sugar,
the principle of the reciprocal reduction of duties be extended by
treaty stipulations in addition to those that already exist, so as to
preserve the principle of reciprocity as the foundation of trade rela-
tions between the two countries.
This report also deals with the question of transportation, with
that of the parcel post, the extension of credit, sending out of experts,
capable commercial representatives, with samples, and also of making
uniform, so far as may be practicable, of commercial laws and the
extension of the system of arbitration for the settlement of commercial
disputes.
Homtatratt Srpubltr
The report of the Dominican Republic reviews the present state
of the public finances in that country and suggests remedies for
present inconveniences. Particularly, it advises a reduction of the
[H4]
THE WORK OF THE PAN-AMERICAN CONGRESS
duties on Dominican tobacco in the United States and the making
of an adequate reciprocity treaty between the Dominican Republic
and this country. The present banking situation and extension and
liberalizing of bank facilities are dealt with; also financing, first of
public improvements and second of private enterprises.
There is a discussion also of the extension of inter-American
markets; the development of the merchant marine and improved
transportation facilities are emphasized; also attention is drawn to
the desirability of the modification of the existing postal conventions
in this particular, first, the extension to the countries embracing the
Pan-American Union of the same letter rates as now exist between
the United States, Cuba, and Mexico; second, the extension to the
same countries of the same rate of newspaper postage as exists in
the United States, and third the adoption by the same countries of
uniform service for postal money orders and parcel post.
The situation in Ecuador is very fully presented by a document
and report presented in a memorandum to the president of this con-
ference — the Secretary of the Treasury before the conference met—
on conditions in that country. This report is very full of suggestions
as to the work that might properly be undertaken by this conference.
These suggestions are grouped under eleven heads, and in all em-
brace thirty-two different topics.
(Euatetttala
The report of the Guatemala group contains a review of the
financial and commercial conditions of that country; recommends,
first, the practical demonstration in Guatemala of agricultural
machinery and tools made in the United States; second, that the
attention of American manufacturers be drawn to the opportunity
for the use of portable sawmills in cutting the woods of the country,
and of improved sugar cane machinery; third, that the shipment of
wares be made in packages suitable to transportation facilities or
requirements in the various countries; fourth, that the American
manufacturers maintain in Guatemala City a permanent exhibition
of their products; fifth, that a uniform postal system through the
Americas be adopted ; sixth, the uniform classification of articles for
the purpose of levying on customs duties; seventh, the grant by
American merchants of credits of not less than ninety days for the
payment of purchases; eighth, the sending out of expert agents to
sell goods; ninth, affording facilities in American schools for young
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
men from Latin America; tenth, increased attention in Latin-Amer-
ican countries to the study of political economy, finance and business
questions in the schools; eleventh, the interchange of professors and
students; twelfth, the teaching of Spanish in the United States and
in courses in history and geography of Latin America; thirteenth,
the more general establishment of chambers of commerce; also the
improvement of transportation facilities, the appointment of consult-
ing commissions in each country and the improvement of banking
facilities.
Niraraijua
The report of the Nicaragua group reviews the political, com-
mercial and financial condition of that country, describes its natural
resources, emphasizes the importance of improving banking facilities,
and draws attention to the fact that Nicaragua has a field for the
investment of capital.
The report of the Panama group makes recommendation in
regard to the acceptance of coupon books issued by the Panama Canal
Company, and the purchase of commodities and certain changes in
the practices of commissary owned directly or indirectly by the
United States. It also recommends the abolition of discriminatory
freight rates of the Panama Railroad Company; and that the use of
the canal for transportation between the ports of Panama and Colon
be secured freely. It also recommends that the federal reserve board
open branch banks in North, Central and South America; that ship-
ping facilities be improved, and that in sending out quotations or
prices and in the drawing of drafts computations be made upon the
United States dollar.
The report of the Salvador group emphasizes the lack of com-
mercial treaties between that country and the United States. It
recommends the establishment of a chamber of commerce to Salvador,
it strongly urges co-operation of banking institutions in establishing
reasonable credit, and recommends the exchange of students and of
the wider dissemination of commercial and agricultural information.
The report of the Uruguay group deals first with the improve-
ment of transportation by abolishing discriminatory duties and by
granting direct or indirect subsidies to shipping, or both; second,
[116]
THE WORK OF THE PAN-AMERICAN FINANCIAL CONGRESS
the adoption of the metric system of weights and measures, and,
meanwhile, making up prices, invoices and bills of lading in the
metrical unit; third, that cheaper cable rates be secured, and that
the governments undertake in co-operation the development of wire-
less telegraph systems. The report also recommends the establish-
ment of the international monetary unit; also improved banking
facilities, granting the more liberal credits, and the adhesion of the
North American countries to the South American postal convention
of Montevideo of June, 1911. The report also recommends the mak-
ing of reciprocity arrangements ; also the interchange of students, and,
lastly, the decrease of duties on the necessaries of life and the adopt-
tion of progressive taxes on inheritance, and also the co-operation
of the governments forming the Pan-American Union in measures
in devising and in the enforcement of measures to overcome frauds
in these particulars.
Irazil
The Brazil reports deal with the financing of transactions
involving importation and exportation of goods, and the question of
local commercial banking and the various questions of trade and of
commerce. It recommends, in particular, first, that greater prom-
inence be given in the public schools and other educational institu-
tions of the United States to the study of the Central and South
American countries, their geographical location, natural resources,
government and languages; second, that emphasis be given to the
necessity of greater liberality being exercised in the interpretation
of customs regulations by the countries of North America, and Latin
America, especially, with respect to the free entrance of drawback
of duty on travelers' samples or other samples introduced into the
respective countries, solely for the purpose of promoting trade;
third, with the necessity of more effective protection of trade marks ;
fourth, to facilitate reciprocal business relations between merchants
and manufacturers of both nations and the granting of such reason-
able credit in both directions as may be safe and desirable, and it
recommends the establishment of a reliable means whereby merchants
and manufacturers of either nation can determine with reasonable
accuracy the financial responsibility of the purchaser of the other
nation ; fifth, it strongly recommends that there be established between
the United States and Latin-American countries a system of direct
exchange based on the dollar unit of the United States of North
America; sixth, in order to facilitate the interchange of products
adapted to the needs of American countries.
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
It recommends the formation of bureaus of standards of the
respective countries to standardize, in so far as possible, the require-
ments of each country, and recommends to the manufacturers and
purchasers of the several countries the immediate recognition of such
standards and corresponding weights and measures; seventh, atten-
tion is drawn to the favorable results which have followed the grant-
ing by Brazil and Cuba of preferential duties applying to certain
products of the United States and recommends the extension of
reciprocal tariff concession between the Latin American countries
and the United States ; eighth, it emphasizes the extreme necessity for
rapid, frequent and dependable marine transportation service to
provide adequately for the maintenance and development of com-
merce between the countries of North and South America.
[118]
Slaitn Ammnt's Jmriiattmt in
L*HE Latin American delegates to the Pan American
Financial Conference unanimously adopted a resolu-
tion, proposing a visit by delegates from the United
States banking, commercial, and industrial interests
represented at the Conference to the South and
Central American represented, this visit to take
place within the next six months.
A committee will be appointed from among the Latin American
delegates to arrange for such a tour by business men of the United
States.
The Honorable John Barrett, Director General of the Pan Amer-
ican Union, said that he regarded such a wholesale invitation as
distinctively characteristic of the Latin American people, and he added
that he has no doubt each and every one of the Governments of South
and Central America will appropriate a large sum toward the enter-
tainment of the visiting delegates from this country.
The resolution, which was presented by Doctor Pedro Cosio,
Chairman of the delegation from Uruguay to the Pan American
Financial Conference, is as follows :
"The Latin American countries here represented invite the
banks, industrial and commercial interests represented in this congress
to unite within a period of six months in visiting the various countries
of South and Central America, where they will be received by the
governments, chambers of commerce, industrial interests, etc.
"2. In this respect the governments of the countries visited will
consider it an honor to entertain the delegates as their guests.
"3. Details respecting itineraries, places to be visited, etc., will
be determined in due time.
"4. A special committee representing the countries here assem-
bled will be formed by the governments' representatives of said coun-
tries accredited to the government of the United States with the
object of formulating the necessary arrangements to carry out this
proposition." \
{foratmtri 0f :% pm- Ammran
JJ«ati»«rts
IHEIR Excellencies, the Ministers of Finance: Senor
Doctor Enrique Carbo, Argentina; Senor Doctor C.
Rojas, Bolivia; Senhor Doctor Rivadavia da Cunha
Correa, Brazil; Senor Doctor Alberto Edwards,
Chile ; Senor Doctor P. L. Mantilla, Colombia ; Senor
Doctor Mariano Guardia Carazo, Costa Rica; Senor
Doctor Leopoldo Cancio E., Cuba; Senor Doctor Sal-
vador B. Gautier, Dominican Republic ; Senor Doctor Juan F. Game,
Ecuador ; Senor Doctor Guillermo Aguirre, Gautemala ; Senor General
Leopoldo Cordova, Honduras ; Senor Doctor Pedro R. Cuadra, Nica-
ragua; Senor Doctor Aristides Arjona, Panama; Senor Doctor Jeron-
imo Zubizaretta, Paraguay ; Senor Doctor L. F. Villaran, Peru ; Senor
and Senor Doctor R. Cardenas, Venezuela.
The Honorable Andrew J. Peters, Assistant Secretary of the
Treasury ; the Honorable Samuel Hale Pearson, Chairman of Argen-
tina Delegation; the Honorable Ignacio Calderon, Chairman of Bolivia
Delegation; the Honorable Doctor Amaro Cavalcanti, Chairman of
Brazil Delegation; the Honorable Luis Izquierdo, Chairman of Chile
Delegation; the Honorable Santiago Perez Triana, Chairman of
Colombia Delegation; the Honorable Mariano Guardia, Chairman of
Costa Rica Delegation; the Honorable Doctor Pablo Desvernine y
Galdos, Chairman of Cuba Delegation; the Honorable Francisco J.
Peynado, Chairman of Dominican Republic Delegation ; the Honorable
Doctor Juan Cueva Garcia, Chairman of Ecuador Delegation ; the
Honorable Carlos Herrera, Chairman of Guatemala Delegation; the
Honorable General Leopoldo Cordova, Chairman of Honduras Dele-
gation ; the Honorable Pedro Rafael Cuadra, Chairman of Nicaragua
Delegation; the Honorable Aristides Arjona, Chairman of Panama
Delegation ; the Honorable Hector Velazquez, Chairman of Paraguay
Delegation; the Honorable Isaac Alzamora, Chairman of Peru Dele-
gation: the Honorable Alfonso Quinones, Chairman of Salvador
Delegation ; the Honorable Pedro Cosio, Chairman of Uruguay Dele-
[120]
THE PERSONNEL OF THE PAN-AMERICAN FINANCIAL CONFERENCE
gation, and the Honorable Pedro Rafael Rincones, Chairman of Vene-
zuela Delegation.
(fcffirtal l^gat* 0
ARGENTINA: Senor Don Samuel Hale Pearson, Senor Doctor
Ricardo C. Aldao, Senor Doctor V. Villamil, Senor Doctor John E.
Zimmerman. BOLIVIA: Senor Doctor Ignacio Calderon, Senor Doc-
tor Adolfo Ballivian. BRAZIL: Doctor Amaro Cavalcanti. CHILE:
Senor Doctor Luis Izpuierdo, Senor Doctor Augusto Villanueva.
Senor Doctor Gonzalos Vergara Bulnes. COLOMBIA: Senor Doctor
Santiago Perez Triana, Senor Doctor Roberto Ancizar. COSTA RICA :
Senor Doctor Mariano Guardia, Mr. John M. Keith. CUBA: Senor
Doctor Pablo Desvernine y Galdos, Senor Doctor Porfirio Franca y
Alvarez de la Campa, Senor Doctor Octavio Zayas. DOMINICAN
REPUBLIC: Senor Doctor Francisco J. Peynado, Senor Doctor
Enrique Jimenez. ECUADOR: Senor Doctor Juan Cueva Garcia,
Senor Doctor Vicente Gonzalez, Senor Doctor Enrique Gallardo.
Carlos Herrera, Senor Doctor Juan Lara. HONDURAS : Senor Doctor
GUATEMALA: Senor Doctor Victor Sanchez Ocana, Senor Doctor
Leopoldo Cordova, Senor Dactor D. Fortin, Senor Doctor Alejandro
S. Lara. NICARAGUA: Senor Doctor Pedro Rafael Cuadra, Mr. Albert
Strauss. PANAMA: Senor Doctor Aristides Arjona, Senor Doctor
Ramon F. Acevedo, Senor Doctor Ramon Arias, Jr. PARAGUAY:
Senor Doctor Hector Velaquez, Mr. William Wallace White. PERU :
Senor Doctor Isaac Alzamora, Senor Doctor Eduardo Higginson.
SALVADER : Senor Doctor Alfonso Quinones, Senor Doctor Jose Suay,
Senor Doctor Roberto Aguilar. URUGUAY: Senor Doctor Pedro
Cosio, Senor Doctor Gabriel Terra, Senor Doctor Carlos Maria de
Pena ; and VENEZUELA : Senor Doctor Pedro Rafael Rincones.
fipttth? ra of % liplutnattr (Enrpa
His Excellency, the Ambassador of Argentina, His Excellency,
the Ambassador of Brazil, His Excellency, the Ambassador of Chile,
the Minister of Bolivia, the Minister of Colombia, the Minister of
Costa Rica, the Minister of Cuba, the Minister of the Dominican Re-
public, the Minister of Ecuador, the Minister of Guatemala, the Min-
ister of Honduras, the Minister of Nicaragua, the Minister of Pan-
ama, the Minister of Paraguay, the Minister of Peru, the Minister of
Salvador, the Minister of Uruguay, the Minister of Venezuela.
l-xMuttu? ©JSrrra
The Presiding Officer, the Honorable William Gibbs McAdoo,
Secretary of the Treasury of the United States; Secretary General,
L. S. Rowe, LL. D. ; Assistant Secretaries General, Mr. William
[121]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
Franklin Sands, Mr. Basil Miles, Mr. J. S. Gittings, Jr., Mr. Brooks
B. Parker.
Gtetttlrmftt $Iljo Attftttofc tljp (Ennfr retire
Aerts, G. A., President Chamber of Commerce, Cincinnati ; Allen,
Frederic W. (vice J. J. Storrow, Boston) ; Ardrey, J. Howard, Cashier
City National Bank, Dallas, Texas; Arnold, J. J., banker, Chicago;
Austin, Richard L., Chairman Federal Reserve Bank, Philadelphia.
Bancroft, Charles G., President International Trust Company,
Boston; Honorable John Barrett, Director General Pan American
Union, Washington, D. C. ; Belmont, August, New York; Bippus, W.
F., Treasurer National Cash Register Company, Dayton, Ohio; Bixby,
William K., St. Louis, Missouri; Boyd, L. C., banker, Indianapolis;
Brand, Charles J., Chief Office of Markets and Rural Organization,
Department of Agriculture, Washington, D. C. ; Brown, F. Q., New
York; Brown, James, Brown Brothers and Company, New York;
Bryan, Honorable William Jennings, Secretary of State, Washington,
D. C. ; Honorable John Burke, Treasurer of the United States, Wash-
ington, D. C. ; Burleson, Honorable Albert Sidney, Postmaster Gen-
eral, Washington, D. C. ; Butterworth, William, President Deere and
Company, Moline, Illinois.
Calderon, Senor Don Ignacio, Minister of Bolivia, Washington,
D. C. ; Chamorro, General Don E., Minister of Nicaragua, Washing-
ton, D. C.; Clapham, A. G., President Commercial National Bank,
Washington, D. C. ; Clausen, John, Crocker National Bank, San
Francisco; Conant, Charles A., New York; Cone, Caesar, Greensboro,
North Carolina; Conklin, Franklin, Newark, New Jersey; Coolidge,
J. Randolph, Boston; Cordova, Doctor Don G., Minister of Ecuador,
New York; Cornell, Charles L., Treasurer Niles-Bement-Pond Com-
pany, New York; Crane, Charles R., Chicago: Curtis, Frederic R.,
Chairman Federal Reserve Bank, Boston.
Da Gamo, His Excellency, Domicio, Ambassador of Brazil, Wash-
ington, D. C. ; Davies, Honorable Joseph E., Chairman Federal Trade
Commission, Washington, D. C. ; Davison, Henry P., New York;
Deans, H. G. P., Merchants' Loan and Trust Company, Chicago ; De
Cespedes, Doctor Carlos M., Minister of Cuba, Washington, D. C. ;
Defrees, Joseph H., Chicago ; De Lanoy, William C., Treasury Depart-
ment, Washington, D. C. ; Delano, Frederick A., Vice Governor, Fed-
eral Reserve Board, Washington, D. C. ; De Lima, E. A., banker, New
York; de Navarro, Alfonso, Vice-President Atlas Portland Cement
Company, New York; De Pena, Doctor Carlos M., Minister of Uru-
guay, Washington, D. C. ; Dominica, Doctor Don Santos A., Minister
[122]
THE PERSONNEL OF THE PAN-AMERICAN FINANCIAL CONFERENCE
of Venezuela, Washington D. C. ; Douglas, William H., New York;
Downey, Honorable George E., Comptroller of the Treasury, Wash-
ington, D. C. ; Duval, G. L., New York.
Eaton, Frederick H., New York; Edson, John Joy, Washington,
D. C.; Eldridge, H. R., Vice-President National City Bank, New
York; Elliott, Honorable Milton C., Counsel Federal Reserve Board,
Washington, D. C. ; Emerson, Guy, New York; Erskine, A. R., Vice-
President Studebaker Company, South Bend, Indiana; Esberg, A. L,
New York.
Fahey, John H., Boston; Fairchild, Samuel J., New York; Fal-
coner, Charles E., President Merchants' and Manufacturers' Associa-
tion, Baltimore; Fancher, E. R., Governor Federal Reserve Bank,
Cleveland; Farguhar, A. B., York, Pennsylvania; Farrell, James A.,
President United States Steel Corporation, New York; Fisher, Ed-
mund D., banker, New York; Flint, Charles R., New York; Forgan,
J. B., President First National Bank, Chicago; Francis, David R., St.
Louis, Missouri; Frederick, Leopold, New York; Fuerth, Otto H.,
New York ; Fuller, Paul, New York.
Galliher, W. T., President American National Bank, Washing-
ton, D. C. ; Gary, Elbert H., Chairman Board United States Steel Cor-
poration, New York ; Given, T. Hart, President Farmers Deposit and
National Bank, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania; Goldstein, L. S., New
Orleans; Goodhue, F. A., Vice-President First National Bank, Bos-
ton; Goodwin, Elliot H., Secretary United States Chamber of Com-
merce, Washington, D. C. ; Gorrell, Frank E., National Canners'
Association, Washington, D. C. ; Grace, Joseph P., New York; Green,
C. A., Foreign Department R. G. Dun and Company, New York;
Gregory, Honorable Thomas Watt, Attorney General, Washington,
D. C. ; Grevstad, Honorable N. A., Ex- United States Minister to Uru-
guay; Guggenheim, Daniel, President American Smelting and Refin-
ing Company, New York.
Ham, Clifford D., Iowa; Hamlin, Charles S., Governor Federal
Reserve Board, Washington, D. C. ; Hammond, John Hays, New
York; Harding, W. P. G., member Federal Reserve Board, Washing-
ton, D. C. ; Hardy, Caldwell, banker, Norfolk, Virginia; Harper,
Robert N., President District National Bank, Washington, D. C. ;
Harris, A. M., New York; Harris, Honorable William J., Commis-
sioner Federal Trade Commission, Washington, D. C. ; Harrison,
Fairfax, President Southern Railroad Company, Washington, D. C. ;
Hart, Francis R., Boston; Hasings, S. M., Chicago; Hepburn, A. B.,
Chase National Bank, New York; Hollander, Professor J. E., Johns
Hopkins University, Baltimore: Holliday, John H., Indianapolis;
[123]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
Howard, A. B., New York; Hurley, Honorable Edward M., Federal
Trade Commission, Washington, D. C.
Imhoff, C. H., Vice-President Irving National Bank, New York;
Ingle, William, Chairman Federal Reserve Bank, Richmond, Virginia.
Jaf fray, C. T., Vice- President First National Bank, Minneapolis ;
Jay, Pierre, Chairman Federal Reserve Bank, New York; Jiminez,
Doctor Enrique, Minister of Dominican Republic, Washington, D. C. ;
Johnson, Alba B., President Baldwin Locomotive Works, Philadel-
phia; Johnston, Archibald, Vice-President Bethlehem Steel Corpora-
tion, New York; Jones, De Witt Clinton, American Dyewood Com-
pany, New York; Jordan, G. G., banker, Columbus, Georgia; Joy, Ben-
jamin, National Shawmut Bank, Boston.
Keith, Charles S., Keith and Perry, Kansas City; Kelly, N. B.,
Chamber of Commerce, Philadelphia; Kent, Fred I., Vice-President
Bankers' Trust Company, New York; Kies, W. S., National City
Bank, New York; Kiler, Charles A., Champaign, Illinois; Kretz,
George H., New York.
Lage, Frederick, New York; Lane, Miles B., President Citizens'
and Southern National Bank, Savannah; Legerdie, William C., New
York; Loeb, William, Jr., American Smelting and Refining Company,
New York; Lufkin, E. C., The Texas Company, New York; Lyerly,
Charles A., President First National Bank, Chattanooga, Tennessee.
McChord, Joseph A., Governor Federal Reserve Bank, Atlanta;
McCrosky, James Warren, J. G. White and Company, New York;
McQueen, H. C., banker, Wilmington, North Carolina; McRoberts,
Samuel, Vice-President National City Bank, New York; Maddox,
Robert F., American National Bank, Atlanta; Mahana, George S.,
Corn Products Refining Company, New York; Malburn, William P.,
Washington, D. C. ; Martin, William McC, Chairman Federal Reserve
Bank, St. Louis, Missouri ; Meeker, Arthur, Armour Grain Company,
Chicago; Mendez, Senor Don J., Minister of Gautemala, Washington,
D. C. ; Miller, Honorable Adofph G., member Federal Reserve Board,
Washington, D. C. ; Miller, J. Z., Jr., Chairman Federal Reserve Bank,
Kansas City; Minotto, James, Guaranty Trust Company, New York;
Mitchell, C. D., President Chattanooga Plow Company, Chattanooga,
Tennessee; Moore, Honorable John Bassett, Professor of Interna-
tional Law, Columbia University, New York; Morales, Doctor Don
E. A., Minister of Panama, Washington, D. C. ; Morgan, J. P., New
York ; Muchnic, Charles, American Locomotive Company, New York.
Naon, His Excellency, Romulo S., Argentine Ambassador, Wash-
ington, D. C. ; Newton, Honorable Byron R., Assistant Secretary of
the Treasury ; Nickerson, J. F., Vice-President Chicago Association of
[124]
THE PERSONNEL OF THE PAN-AMERICAN FINANCIAL CONFERENCE
Commerce, Chicago; Norris, George W., banker, Philadelphia; Nor-
ton, Charles D., First National Bank, New York; Numsen, George N.,
President National Canners' Association, Baltimore.
O'Brien, Honorable Edward C, New York; Olcott, Honorable
J. Van Vechten, President Pan American States Association, New
York; O'Neil, J. F., President Fulton Foundry Company, St. Louis,
Missouri; Osborn, William H., Commissioner of Internal Revenue,
Washington, D. C. ; Osborne, Honorable John E., First Assistant
Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. ; Owen, T. Hart, Pittsburgh,
Pennsylvania; Owens, Doctor Clarence J., Managing Director
Southern Commercial Congress, Washington, D. C.
Paine, A. G., Jr., President New York and Pennsylvania Com-
pany, New York; Parker, Walter, Chamber of Commerce, New
Orleans ; Parry, Honorable W. H., Commissioner Federal Trade Com-
mission, Washington, D. C. ; Patchin, Robert H., National Foreign
Trade Council, New York; Penfield, Walter S., lawyer, Washington,
D. C. ; Penny, David H. G., Vice-President Irving National Bank,
New York; Pepper, Charles M., Washington,, D. C. ; Perry, Marsden
J., President Union Trust Company, Providence, Rhode Island;
Phillips, Honorable William, Third Assistant Secretary of State,
Washington, D. C. ; Pierson, Lewis E., President Austin Nichols Com-
pany, New York; Potter, W. C., Guaranty Trust Company, New
York; Price, Theodore H., New York.
Raskob, John J., Treasurer E. I. du Pont de Nemours Powder
Company, Wilmington, Delaware; Redfield, Honorable William Cox,
Secretary of Commerce, Washington, D. C. ; Reynolds, George M.,
Commercial and Continental Bank, Chicago; Reynolds, Honorable
James B., National Association of Cotton Manufacturers, Washing-
ton, D. C. ; Rhett, R. G., banker, Charleston, South Carolina; Rhoads,
Charles J., Governor Federal Reserve Bank, Philadelphia ; Rice, E. W.,
Jr., President General Electric Company, New York; Rich, John H.,
Minneapolis; Richards, George H., Remington Typewriter Company,
New York; Rossel, John S., Wilmington, Delaware; Rovensky, J. E.,
National Bank of Commerce, New York; Rowe, W. S., President First
National Bank, Cincinnati ; Rublee, Honorable George, Commissioner
Federal Trade Commission, Washington, D. C. ; Rue, Levi L., Phila-
delphia; Ruperti, J., New York; Ryan, John D., President Amal-
gamated Copper Company, New York.
Sachs, Samuel, Goldman, Sachs, and Company, New York; Saun-
ders, W. L., New York; Schiff, Mortimer L., New York; Schmidt,
George P., New York; Schoonmaker, S. L., Chairman Board of Amer-
ican Locomotive Company, New York; Seligman, Isaac M., J. W.
[125]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
Seligman and Company, New York; Shapleigh, A. L., Commercial
Club, St. Louis, Missouri; Sherrill, Charles H., New York; Shirley,
James J., T. A. Gillespie Company, New York; Simmons, W. D.,
Philadelphia; Smith, James E., banker, St. Louis, Missouri; Speyer,
James, New York; Storrow, James J., Boston; Straight, Willard, New
York; Strong, Benjamin, Jr., Governor Federal Reserve Bank, New
York; Suarez-Mujica, His Excellency, Don Eduardo, Chilean Ambas-
sador, Washington, D. C. ; Sulzberger, G. F., Sulzberger and Sons,
New York; Sutter, Charles S., Chairman Business Men's League of
St. Louis, St. Louis, Missouri; Swiggett, Doctor Glen L., Pan Amer-
ican Union, Washington, D. C.
Tedcastle, A. W., Boston; Thomas, E. P., United States Steel
Products Company, New York; Thompson, Honorable Arthur, mem-
ber Nicaraguan-Mexican Commission, Washington, D. C. ; Toby,
George P., A. B. Leach and Company, New York; Townley, Calvert,
Westinghouse Electric and Manufacturing Company, East Pittsburgh,
Pennsylvania ; Traversia, Honorable Martin, Treasurer of Porto Rico.
Untermyer, Samuel, New York.
Velazquez, Hector, Minister of Paraguay, New York; Vanderlip,
Frank A., President National City Bank, New York.
Wade, F. J., banker, St. Louis, Missouri; Warburg, Honorable
Paul M., member Federal Reserve Board, Washington, D. C. ; War-
den, Charles W., President Continental Trust Company, Washington,
D. C. ; Warfield, Edwin, President Fidelity Trust Company, Balti-
more; Warren, Charles B., President Board of Commerce, Detroit;
Warren, Charles W., Continental Trust Company, Washington, D.
C. ; Wells, Rolla, Governor Federal Reserve Bank, St. Louis, Mis-
souri; Wexler, Solomon, President Whitney-Central National Bank,
New Orleans; Wheeler, Harry A., Vice-President Union Trust Com-
pany, Chicago ; White, J. G., President J. G. White and Company, New
York; Wiggin, A. H., New York; Williams, John Skelton, Comptroller
of the Currency, Washington, D. C. ; Williams, R. Lancaster, Balti-
more; Willis, H. Parker, Secretary Federal Reserve Board, Washing-
ton, D. C. ; Wilson, Honorable William Bauchop, Secretary of Labor,
Washington, D. C. ; Wilson, Doctor W. P., Director Commercial
Museum, Philadelphia; Wing, Daniel G., President First National
Bank, Boston ; Wood, Edward Randolph, Vice-President Philadelphia
Board of Trade, Philadelphia ; Woolley, Robert W., Auditor for the
Department of the Interior, Washington, D. C.
Yanes, Honorable Francisco J., Assistant Director General Pan
American Union, Washington, D. C.
[126]
®1?F
Strom an
S?Uttm& Urfhre tiff Aawriran
at iLUnUmt, 1B49
BT
CHARLES SUMNER
EACE is the grand Christian charity, fountain and
parent of all other charities. Let Peace be removed,
and all other charities sicken and die. Let Peace exert
her gladsome sway, and all other charities quicken into
life. Peace is the distinctive promise and possession
of Christianity, — so much so, that where peace is not,
Christianity cannot be. It is also the promise of
Heaven, being the beautiful consummation of that rest and felicity
which the Saints above are said to enjoy. There is nothing elevated
which is not exalted by peace. There is nothing valuable which does
not gain from peace. Of Wisdom herself it is said, that all her ways
are pleasantness, and all her paths are peace. And these golden words
are refined by the saying of the Christian Father, that the perfection
of joy is peace. Naturally Peace is the longing and aspiration of the
noblest souls, whether for themselves or for country. In the bitter-
ness of exile, away from the Florence immortalized by his divine
poem, and pacing the cloisters of a convent, where a sympathetic monk
inquired, "What do you seek?" Dante answered, in accents distilled
from the heart, "Peace!" Not in aspiration only, but in benediction,
is this word uttered. As the Apostle went forth on his errand, as
the son forsook his father's roof, the choicest blessing was, "Peace
be with you!" When the Savior was born, Angels from Heaven,
amidst choiring melodies, let fall that supreme benediction, never
before vouchsafed to the children of the Human Family, "Peace on
earth, and good-will towards men !"
I shall meet all assaults, and show, by careful exposition, that
out objects1 are in no respect visionary, — that the cause of Peace does
not depend upon any reconstruction of the human character, or upon
1. Those of the American Peace Society.
[I27]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
holding in check the general laws of man's being, — but that it deals
with man as he is, according to the experience of history, — and, above
all, that our immediate and particular aim, the abolition of the Institu-
tion of War, and of the whole War System, as established Arbiter of
Right in the Commonwealth of Nations, is as practicable as it would
be beneficent.
I begin by putting aside questions, often pushed forward, which
an accurate analysis shows to be independent of the true issue. Their
introduction has perplexed the discussion, by transferring to the great
cause of International Peace doubts which do not belong to it.
One of these is the declared right, inherent in each individual,
to take the life of an assailant in order to save his own life, — com-
pendiously called the Right of Self-Defence, usually recognized by
philosophers and publicists as founded in Nature and the instincts of
men. The exercise of this right is carefully restricted to cases where
!'fe itself is in actual jeopardy. No defense of property, no vindication
of what is called personal honor, justifies this extreme resort. Nor
does this right imply the right of attack; for, instead of attacking one
another, on account of injuries past or impending, men need only resort
to the proper tribunals of justice. There are, however, many most
respectable persons, particularly of the denomination of Friends,
• ho believe that the exercise of this right, even thus limited, is in
dii ect contravention of Christian precepts. Their views find faithful
utterance in the writings of Jonathan Dymond, of which at least this
may be said, that they strengthen and elevate, even if they do not
always satisfy, the understanding. "We shall be asked," says
Dymond, " 'Suppose a ruffian breaks into your house, and rushes into
your room with his arm lifted to murder you ; do you not believe that
Christianity allows you to kill him?' This is the last refuge of the
cause. Our answer to it is explicit, — We do not believe it." While
thus candidly and openly avowing an extreme sentiment of non-resist-
ance, this excellent person is careful to remind the reader that the
case of the ruffian does not practically illustrate the true character of
War, unless it appears that war is undertaken simply for the preserva-
tion of life, when no other alternative remains to a people than to
kill or be killed. According to this view, the robber on land who
places his pistol at the breast of the traveller, the pirate who threatens
life on the high seas, and the riotous disturber of the public peace
who puts life in jeopardy at home, cannot be opposed by the sacrifice
of life.
Of course all who subscribe to this renunciation of self-defense
must join in efforts to abolish the Arbitrament of War. Our appeal
[I28]
THE WAR SYSTEM OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF NATIONS
is to the larger number who make no such application of Christian
precepts, who recognize the right of self-defense as belonging to
each individual, and who believe in the necessity at times of exercising
this right, whether against a robber, a pirate, or a mob.
Another question, closely connected with that of self-defense,
is the asserted Right of Revolt or Revolution. Shall a people endure
political oppression, or the denial of freedom, without resistance?
The answer to this question will necessarily affect the rights of three
million fellow-citizens held in slavery among us. If such a right
unqualifiedly exists, — and sympathy with our fathers, and with the
struggles for freedom now agitating Europe, must make us hesitate
to question its existence, — then these three millions of fellow-men,
into whose souls we thrust the iron of the deadliest bondage the world
has yet witnessed, must be justified in resisting to death the power
that holds them. A popular writer on ethics, Dr. Paley, has said:
It may be as much a duty at one time to resist Government as it is
at another to obey it, — to wit, whenever more advantage will in our
opinion accrue to the community from resistance than mischief. The
lawfulness of resistance, or the lawfulness of a revolt, does not
depend alone upon the grievance which is sustained or feared, but
also upon the probable expense and event of the contest." This view
distinctly recognized the right of resistance, but limits it by the
chance of success, founding it on no higher ground than expediency.
A right thus vaguely defined and bounded must be invoked with
reluctance and distrust. The lover of peace, while admitting, that,
unhappily, in the present state of the world, an exigency for its exer-
cise may arise, must confess the inherent barbarism of such an agency,
and admire, even if he cannot entirely adopt, the sentiment of Daniel
O'Connell : "Remember that no political change is worth a single
crime, or, above all, a single drop of human blood."
These questions I put aside, not as unimportant, not as unworthy
of careful consideration, but as unessential to the cause which I now
present. If I am asked — as advocates of Peace are often asked —
whether a robber, a pirate, a mob, may be resisted by the sacrifice of
life, I answer, that they may be so resisted, — mournfully, necessarily.
If I am asked to sympathize with the efforts for freedom now find-
ing vent in rebellion and revolution, I cannot hesitate to say, that,
wherever Freedom struggles, wherever Right is, there my sympathies
must be. And I believe I speak not only for myself, but for our
Society, when I add, that, while it is our constant aim to diffuse those
sentiments which promote good-will in all the relations of life, which
exhibit the beauty of Peace everywhere, in national affairs as well
[129]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
as international, and while especially recognizing that central truth,
the Brotherhood of Man, in whose noonday light all violence among
men is dismal and abhorred as among brothers, it is nevertheless no
part of our purpose to impeach the right to take life in self-defence
or when the public necessity requires, nor to question the justifiable-
ness of resistance to outrage and oppression. On these points there
are diversities of opinion among the friends of Peace, which this
Society, confining itself to efforts for the overthrow of War, is not
constrained to determine.
Waiving, then, these matters, with their perplexities and diffi-
culties, which do not in any respect belong to the cause, I come now
to the precise object we hope to accomplish, — The Abolition of the
Institution of War, and of the whole War System, as an established
Arbiter of Justice in the Commonwealth of Nations. In the accurate
statement of our aims you will at once perceive the strength of our
position. Much is always gained by a clear understanding of the
question in issue ; and the cause of Peace unquestionably suffers often
because it is misrepresented or not fully comprehended. In the hope
of removing this difficulty, I shall first unfold the character of War
and the War System, involving the question of Preparations for War,
and the question of a Militia. The way will then be open, in the
second branch of this Address, for a consideration of the means by
which this system can be overthrown. Here I shall exhibit the exam-
ples of nations, and the efforts of individuals, constituting the Peace
Movement, with the auguries of its triumph, briefly touching, at the
close, on our duties to this great cause, and the vanity of Military
Glory. In all that I say, I cannot forget that I am addressing a Chris-
tion association, for a Christian charity, in a Christian church.
And, first, of War and the War System in the Commonwealth
of Nations. By the Commonwealth of Nations I understand the
Fraternity of Christian Nations recognizing a Common Law in their
relations with each other, usually called the Law of Nations. This
law, being established by the consent of nations, is not necessarily
the law of all nations, but only of such as recognize it. The Europeans
and the Orientals often differ with regard to its provisions : nor would
it be proper to say, that, at this time, the Ottomans, or the Mahometans
in general, or the Chinese, have become parties to it.1 The prevailing
elements of this law are the Law of Nature, the truths of Chris-
tianity, the usages of nations, the opinions of publicists, and the written
texts or enactments found in diplomatic acts or treaties. In origin
1. Since the delivery of this Address, Turkey and China have accepted our Law of
Nations.
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THE WAR SYSTEM OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF NATIONS
and growth it is not unlike the various systems of municipal juris-
prudence, all of which are referred to kindred sources.
It is often said, in excuse for the allowance of War, that nations
are independent, and acknowledge no common superior. True, indeed,
they are politically independent, and acknowledge no common political
sovereign, with power to enforce the law. But they do acknowledge
a common superior, of unquestioned influence and authority, whose
rules they are bound to obey. This common superior, acknowledged
by all, is none other than the Law of Nations, with the Law of Nature
as a controlling element. It were superfluous to dwell at length upon
opinions of publicists and jurists declaring this supremacy. "The
Law of Nature," says Vattel, a classic in this department, "is not
less obligatory with respect to states, or to men united in political
society, than to individuals. An eminent English authority, Lord
Stowell, so famous as Sir William Scott, says, "The Conventional
Law of Mankind, which is evidenced in their practice, allows some
and prohibits other modes of destruction." A recent German jurist
says, "A nation associating itself with the general society of nations
thereby recognises a law common to all nations, by which its inter-
national relations are to be regulated." Lastly, a popular English
moralist, whom I have already quoted, and to whom I refer because
his name is so familiar, Dr. Paley says, that the principal part of what
is called the Law of Nations derives its obligatory character "simply
from the fact of its being established, and the general duty of con-*
forming to established rules upon questions and between parties where
nothing but positive regulations can prevent disputes, and where dis-
putes are followed by such destructive consequences."
The Law of Nature is, then, the Supreme Law of the Common-
wealth of Nations, governing their relations with each other, deter-
mining their reciprocal rights, and sanctioning all remedies for the
violation of these rights. To the Commonwealth of Nations this law
is what the Constitution and Municipal Law of Massachusetts are
to the associate towns and counties composing the State, or what, by
apter illustration, the National Constitution of our Union is to the
thirty several States which now recognize it as the supreme law.
But the Law of Nations, — and here is a point of infinite import-
ance to the clear understanding of the subject, — while anticipating
and providing for controversies between nations, recognizes and
L Hefftner, Das Europaische Volkerrecht der Gegenwart.
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
establishes War as final Arbiter. It distinctly says to nations, "If
you cannot agree together, then stake your cause upon Trial by
Battle." The mode of trial thus recognized and established has its
own procedure, with rules and regulations, under the name of Laws
of War, constituting a branch of International Law. "The Laws of
War"" says Dr. Paley, "are part of the Law of Nations, and founded,
as to their authority, upon the same principle with the rest of that
code, namely, upon the fact of their being established, no matter
when or by whom." Nobody doubts that the Laws of War are estab-
lished by nations.
It is not uncommon to speak of the practice of War, or the cus-
tom of War, — a term adopted by that devoted friend of Peace, the
late Noah Worcester. Its apologists and expounders have called it
"a judicial trial," — "one of the highest trials of right," — "a process
of justice," — "an appeal for justice,"— "a mode of obtaining rights,"
— "a prosecution of rights by force,"- -"a mode of condign punish-
ment." I prefer to characterize it as an INSTITUTION, established
by the Commonwealth of Nations as Arbiter of Justice. As Slavery
is an Institution, growing out of local custom, sanctioned, defined,
and established by Municipal Law, so War is an institution, growing
out of general custom, sanctioned, defined, and established by the Law
of Nations.
Only when we contemplate War in this light can we fully per-
ceive its combined folly and wickedness. Let me bring this home to
your minds. Boston and Cambridge are adjoining towns, separated
by the River Charles. In the event of controversy between these
different jurisdictions, the Municipal Law establishes a judicial tri-
bunal, and not War, as arbiter. Ascending higher, in the event of
controversy between two different counties, as between Essex and
Middlesex, the same Municipal Law establishes a judicial tribunal,
and not War, as arbiter. Ascending yet higher, in the event of con-
troversy between two different States of our Union, the Constitution
establishes a judicial tribunal, the Supreme Court of the United
States, and not War, as arbiter. But now mark: at the next stage
there is a change of arbiter. In the event of controversy between
two different States of the Commonwealth of Nations, the supreme
law establishes, not a judicial tribunal, but War, as arbiter. War
is the institution established for the determination of justice between
nations.
Provisions of the Municipal Law of Massachusetts, and of the
National Constitution, are not vain words. To all familiar with our
courts it is well known that suits between towns, and likewise between
THE WAR SYSTEM OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF NATIONS
counties, are often entertained and satisfactorily adjudicated. The
records of the Supreme Court of the United States show also that
States of the Union habitually refer important controversies to this
tribunal. Before this high court is now pending an action of the
State of Missouri against the State of Iowa, founded on a question
of boundary, where the former claims a section of territory — larger
than many Germany principalities — extending along the whole north-
ern border of Missouri, with several miles of breadth, and comprising
more than two thousand square miles. Within a short period this
same tribunal has decided a similar question between our own State
of Massachusetts and our neighbor, Rhode Island, — the latter perti-
naciously claiming a section of territory, about three miles broad,
on a portion of our southern frontier.
Suppose that in these different cases between towns, counties,
states, War had been established by the supreme law of arbiter;
imagine the disastrous consequences; picture the imperfect justice
which must have been the end and fruit of such a contest ; and while
rejoicing that in these cases we are happily relieved from an alterna-
tive so wretched and deplorable, reflect that on a larger theatre,
where grander interests are staked, in the relations between nations,
under the solemn sanction of the Law of Nations, War is established
as Arbiter of Justice. Reflect also that a complex and subtile code,
known as Laws of War, is established to regulate the resort to this
arbiter.
Recognizing the irrational and unchristian character of War as
established arbiter between towns, counties, and states, we learn to
condemn it as established arbiter between nations. If wrong in one
case, it must be wrong in the other. But there is another parallel sup-
plied by history, from which we may form a yet clearer idea : I refer
to the system of Private Wars, or, more^pK.perly, Petty Wars, which
darkened even the Dark Ages. This must not be confounded with
the Trial by Battle, although the two were alike in recognizing the
sword as Arbiter of Justice. The right to zvage -ivar (le droit de
guerrover) was accorded by the early Municipal Law of European
States, particularly of the Continent, to all independent chiefs, how-
ever petty, but not to vassals; precisely as the right to wage war is
now accorded by International Law to all independent states and prin-
cipalities, however petty, but not to subjects. It was mentioned often
among the "liberties" to which independent chiefs were entitled; as
it is still recognized by International Law among the "liberties" of
independent nations. In proportion as any sovereignty was absorbed
in some larger lordship, this offensive right or "liberty" gradually
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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
disappeared. In France it prevailed extensively, till at last King
John, by an ordinance dated 1361, expressively .forbade Petty Wars
throughout his kingdom, saying, in excellent words, "We by these
presents ordain that all challenges and wars, and all acts of violence
against all persons, in all parts whatsoever of our kingdom, shall
henceforth cease; and all assemblies, musters, and raids of men-at-
arms or archers ; and also all pillages, seizures of goods and persons
illegally, vengeances and counter-vengeances, surprisals and ambus-
cades All which things we will to be kept and observed
everywhere without infringement, on pain of incurring our indigna-
tion, and of being reputed and held disobedient and rebellious towards
us and the crown, and at our mercy in body and goods." It was
reserved for that indefatigable king, Louis the Eleventh, while
Dauphin, as late as 1451, to make another effort in the same direction,
by expressly abrogating one of the "liberties" by Dauphine, being none
other than the right of war, immemorially secured to the inhabitants
of this province. From these royal ordinances the Commonwealth
of Nations might borrow appropriate words, in abrogating forever
the Public Wars, or, more properly, the Grand Wars, with their
Vengeances and counter-vengeances, which are yet sanctioned by
International Law among the "liberties" of Christian nations.
At a later day, in Germany, effective measures were taken against
the same prevailing evil. Contests there were not confined to feudal
lords. Associations of tradesmen, and even of domestics, sent defi-
ance to each other, and even to whole cities, on pretences trivial as
those sometimes the occasion of the Grand Wars between nations.
There are still extant Declarations of War by a Lord of Frauenstein
against the free city of Frankfort, because a young lady of the city
refused to dance with the uncle of the belligerent, — by the baker and
other domestics of the Margrave of Baden against Esslingen, Reut-
lingen, and other imperial cities, — by the baker of the Count Palatine
Louis against the cities of Augsburg, Ulm, and Rottweil, — by the
shoeblacks of the University of Leipsic against the provost and other
members, — and, in 1477, by the cook of Eppenstein, with his scul-
lions, dairy-maids, and dish-washers, against Otho, Count of Solms.
Finally, in 1495, at the Diet of Worms, so memorable in German
annals, the Emperor Maximilian sanctioned an ordinance which pro-
claimed a permanent Peace throughout Germany, abolished the right
or "liberty" of Private War, and instituted a Supreme Tribunal,
under the ancient name of Imperial Chamber, to which recourse
might be sad, even by nobles, princes, and states, for the determination
of disputes without appeal to the sword.
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THE WAR SYSTEM OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF NATIONS
Trial by Battle, or "judicial combat," furnishes the most vivid
picture of the Arbitrament of War, beyond even what is found in
the system of Petty Wars. It was at one period, particularly in
France, the universal umpire between private individuals. All causes,
criminal and civil, with all the questions incident thereto, were re-
ferred to this senseless trial. Not bodily infirmity or old age could
exempt a litigant from the hazard of the Battle, even to determine
differences of the most trivial import. At last substitutes were
allowed, and, as in War, bravoes or champions were hired for wages
to enter the lists. The proceedings were conducted gravely accord-
ing to prescribed forms, which were digested into a system of peculiar
subtility and minuteness, — as War in our day is according to an estab-
lished code, the Laws of War. Thus do violence, lawlessness, and
absurdity shelter themselves beneath the Rule of Law!
The Church, to its honor, early perceived the wickedness of this
system. By voices of pious bishops, by ordinances of solemn councils,
by anathemas of popes, it condemned whosoever should slay another
in a battle so impious and inimical to Christian peace, as "a most
wicked homicide and bloody robber;"1 while it treated the unhappy
victim as a volunteer, guilty of his own death, and handed his remains
to unhonored burial without psalm or prayer. With sacerdotal sup-
plication it vainly sought the withdrawal of all countenance from this
great evil, and the support of the civil power in ecclesiastical censures.
To these just efforts let praise and gratitude be offered! Admoni-
tions of the Church and labors of good men slowly prevailed. Proofs
by witnesses and by titles were gradually adopted, though opposed
by the selfishness of camp followers, subaltern officers, and even of
lords, greedy for the fees or wages of combat. In England Trial of
Battle was attacked by Henry the Second, striving. to substitute Trial
by Jury. In France it was expressly forbidden by that illustrious
monarch, St. Louis, in an immortal ordinance. At last, this system,
so wasteful of life, so barbarous in character, so vain and inefficient
as Arbiter of Justice, yielded to judicial tribunals.
The Trial by Battle is not Roman in origin. It may be traced
to the forests of Germany, where the rule prevailed of referring to
the sword what at Rome .was referred to the praetor; so that a judicial
tribunal, when urged upon these barbarians, was regarded as an inno-
vation. The very words of surprise at the German custom are yet
applicable to the Arbitrament of War.
An early king of the Lombards, in a formal decree, condemned
the Trial by Battle as "impious ;" Montesquieu, at a later time, branded
1. Canon XII. Condi. Valent.
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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
it as "monstrous;" and Sir William B.lackstone characterized it as
"clearly an unchristian, as well as most uncertain, method of trial."
In the light of our day all unite in this condemnation. No man hesi-
tates. No man undertakes its apology; nor does any man count as
"glory" the feats of arms which it prompted and displayed. But the
laws of morals are general, and not special. They apply to communi-
ties and to nations, as well as to individuals; not is it possible, by any
cunning of logic, or any device of human wit, to distinguish between
that domestic institution, the Trial by Battle, established by Municipal
Law as arbiter between individuals, and that international institution,
the grander Trial by Battle, established by the Christian Common-
wealth as arbiter between nations. If the judicial combat was impious,
monstrous, and unchristian, then is War impious, monstrous, and
unchristian.
I need not dwell on the waste and cruelty thus authorized. Trav-
elling the page of history, these stare us wildly in the face at every
turn. We see the desolation and death keeping step with the bloody
track ; we look upon sacked towns, ravaged territories, violated homes ;
we behold all the sweet charities of life changed to wormwood and
gall. The soul is penetrated by the sharp moan of mothers, sisters,
and daughters, of fathers, brothers, and sons, who, in the bitterness
of bereavement, refuse to be comforted. The eye rests at last upon
one of those fair fields, where Nature, in her abundance, spreads her
cloth of gold, spacious and apt for the entertainment of mighty multi-
tudes,— or, perhaps, from curious subtility of position, like the carpet
in Arabian tale, contracting for the accommodation of a few only,
or dilating for an innumerable host. Here, under a bright sun, such
as shone at Austerlitz or Buena Vista, amidst the peaceful harmonies
of Nature, on the Sabbath of Peace, are bands of brothers, children
of a common Father, heirs to a common happiness, struggling together
in deadly fight, — with madness of fallen spirits, murderously seeking
the lives of brothers who never injured them or their kindred. The
havoc rages ; the ground is soaked with commingling blood : the air is
rent by commingling cries ; horse and rider are stretched together on
the earth. More revolting than mangled victims, gashed limbs, life-
less trunks, spattering brains, are the lawless passions which sweep,
tempest-like, through the fiendish tumult.
Horror-struck, we ask, wherefore this hateful contest? The
melancholy, but truthful, answer comes, that this is the established
method of determining justice between nations !
The scene changes. Far away on some distant pathway of the
ocean, two ships approach each other, with white canvas broadly
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THE WAR SYSTEM OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF NATIONS
spread to receive the flying gale. They are proudly built. All of
human art has been lavished in their graceful proportions and com-
pacted sides, while in dimensions they look like floating happy islands
of the sea. A numerous crew, with costly appliances of comfort,
hives in their secure shelter. Surely these two travellers must meet
in joy and friendship; the flag at mast-head will give the signal of
fellowship; the delighted sailors will cluster in rigging and on yard-
arms to look each other in the face, while exhilarating voices mingle
in accents of gladness uncontrollable. Alas! alas! it is not so. Not
as brothers, not as friends, not as wayfarers of the common ocean,
do they come together, but as enemies. The closing vessels now
bristle fiercely with death-dealing implements. On their spacious
decks, aloft on all their masts, flashes the deadly musketry. From
their sides spout cataracts of flame, amidst the pealing thunders of a
fatal artillery. They who had escaped "the dreadful touch of
merchant-marring rocks," who on their long and solitary way had
sped unharmed by wind or waves, whom the hurricane had spared,
in whose favor storms and seas had intermitted their immitagable
war, now at last fall by the hand of each other. From both ships the
same spectacle of horror greets us. At length these vessels — such
pageants of the sea, such marvels of art, once so stately, but now
rudely shattered by cannon-ball, with shivered masts and ragged
sails — exist only as unmanageable wrecks, weltering on the uncertain
wave, whose transient lull of peace is their sole safety. In amaze-
ment at this strange, unnatural contest, away from country and home,
where there is no country or home to defend, we ask again, Where-
fore this dismal scene? Again the melancholy, but truthful, answer
promptly comes, that this is the established method of determining
justice between nations.
Yes! the barbarous, brutal relations which once prevailed be-
tween individuals, which prevailed still longer between communities
composing nations, are not yet banished from the great Christian
Commonwealth. Religion, reason, humanity, first penetrate the
individual, next larger bodies, and, widening in influence, slowly
leaven nations. Thus, while condemning the bloody contests of in-
dividuals, also of towns, counties, principalities, provinces, and deny-
ing to all these the right of waging war, or of appeal to Trial by Battle,
we continue to uphold an atrocious System of folly and crime, which
is to nations what the System of Petty Wars was to towns, counties,
principalities, provinces, also what the Duel was to individuals: for
War is the Duel of Actions. As from Pluto's throne flowed these
terrible rivers, Styx, Acheron, Cocytus, and Phlegethon, with lament-
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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
ing waters and currents of flame, so from this established System
flow the direful tides of War. "Give them Hell," was the language
written on a slate by an American officer, speechless from approach-
ing death. "Ours is a damnable profession," was the confession of a
veteran British general. "War is the trade of barbarians," exclaimed
Napoleon, in a moment of truthful remorse, prompted by his bloodiest
field. Alas; these words are not too strong. The business of War
cannot be other than the trade of barbarians, cannot be other than
a damnable profession; and War itself is certainly Hell on earth. But
forget not, bear always in mind, and let the idea sink deep into your
souls, animating you to constant endeavor, that this trade of bar-
barians, this damnable profession, is part of the War System, sanc-
tioned by International Law, — and that War itself is Hell, recognized,
legalized, established, organized, by the Commonwealth of Nations,
for the determination of international questions !
"Put together," says Voltaire, "all the vices of all ages and places,
and they will not come up to the mischiefs of one campaign." This
strong speech is supported by the story of ancient mythology, that
Juno confided the infant Mars to Priapus. Another of nearer truth
might be made. Put together all the ills and calamities from the vis-
itations of God, whether in convulsions of Nature, or in pestilence and
famine, and they will not equal the ills and calamities inflicted by
man upon his brother-man, through the visitation of War, — while,
alas! the sufferings of War are too often without the alleviation of
those gentle virtues which ever attend the involuntary misfortunes of
the race. Where the horse of Attila had been a blade of grass would
not grow ; but in the footprints of pestilence, famine, and earthquake
the kindly charities spring into life.
The last hundred years have witnessed three peculiar visitations
of God: first, the earthquake at Lisbon; next, the Asiatic cholera, as
it moved slow and ghastly, with scythe of death, from the Delta of
the Ganges over Bengal, Persia, Arabia, Syria. Russia, till Europe
and America shuddered before the spectral reaper ; and, lastly, the
recent famine in Ireland, consuming with remorseless rage the popu-
lation of that ill-starred land. It is impossible to estimate precisely
the deadly work of cholera or famine, nor can we picture the miseries
which they entailed; but the single brief event of the earthquake may
be portrayed in authentic colors.
Lisbon, whose ancient origin is referred by fable to the wander-
ings of Ulysses, was one of the fairest cities of Europe. From the
summit of seven hills it looked down upon the sea, and the bay bor-
dered with cheerful villages, — upon the broad Tagus, expanding into
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THE WAR SYSTEM OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF NATIONS
a harbor ample of all the navies of Europe, — and upon a country of
rare beauty, smiling with the olive and the orange, amidst graceful
shadows of the cypress and the elm. A climate offering flowers in
winter enhanced the peculiar advantages of position; and a numerous
population thronged its narrow and irregular streets. Its forty
churches, its palaces, its public edifices, its warehouses, its convents,
its fortresses, its citadel, had become a boast. Not by War, not by the
hand of man, were these solid structures levelled, and all these delights
changed to desolation.
Lisbon, on the morning of November i, 1755, was taken and
sacked by an earthquake. The spacious warehouses were destroyed;
the lordly palaces, the massive convents, the impregnable fortresses,
with the lofty citadel, were toppled to the ground ; and as the affrighted
people sought shelter in the churches, they were crushed beneath the
falling masses. Twenty thousand persons perished. Fire and rob-
bery mingled with earthquake, and the beautiful city seemed to be
obliterated. The nations of Europe were touched by this terrible
catastrophe, and succor from all sides was soon offered. Within
three months, English vessels appeared in the Tagus, loaded with
generous contributions, — twenty thousand pounds in gold, a similar
sum in silver, six thousand barrels of salted meat, four thousand bar-
rels of butter, one thousand bags of biscuit, twelve hundred barrels of
rice, ten thousand quintals of corn, besides hats, stockings, and shoes.
Such was the desolation, and such the charity, sown by the earth-
quake at Lisbon, — an event which, after the lapse of nearly a century,
still stands without a parallel. But War shakes from its terrible
folds all this desolation, without its attendant charity. Nay, more;
the Commonwealth of Nations voluntarily agrees, each with the others,
under the grave sanctions of International Law, to invoke this desola-
tion, in the settlement of controversies among its members, while it
expressly declares that all nations, not already parties to the contro-
versy, must abstain from any succor to the unhappy victim. High
tribunals are established expressly to uphold this arbitrament, and,
with unrelenting severity, to enforce its ancillary injunctions, to the
end that no aid, no charity, shall come to revive the sufferers or alle-
viate the calamity.
It is because men see War, in the darkness of prejudice, only
as an agency of attack or defence, or as a desperate sally of wicked-
ness, that they fail to recognize it as a form of judgment, sanctioned
and legalised by Public Authority. Regarding it in its true character,
as an establishment of the Commonwealth of Nations, and one of the
"liberties" accorded to independent nations, it is no longer the expres-
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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
sion merely of lawless or hasty passion, no longer the necessary inci-
dent of imperfect human nature, no longer an unavoidable, uncontrol-
lable volcanic eruption of rage, of vengeances and counter-vengeances,
knowing no bound; but it becomes a gigantic and monstrous Institu-
tion for the adjudication of international rights, — as if an earthquake,
or other visitation of God, with its uncounted woes, and without its
attendant charities, were legally invoked as Arbiter of Justice.
Surely all must unite in condemning the Arbitrament of War. The
simplest may read and comprehend its enormity. Can we yet hesitate?
But if War be thus odious, if it be the Duel of Nations, if it be the
old surviving Trial of Battle, then must its unquestionable barbarism
affect all its incidents, all its machinery, all its enginery, together with
all who sanction it, and all who have any part or lot in it, — in fine,
the whole vast System. It is impossible, by any discrimination, to
separate the component parts. We must regard it as a whole, in its
entirety. But half our work is done, if we confine ourselves to a
condemnation of the Institution merely. There are all its instruments
and agencies, all its adjuncts and accessories, all its furniture and
equipage, all its armaments and operations, the whole apparatus of
forts, navies, armies, military display, military chaplains, and military
sermons, — all together constituting, in connection with the Institution
of War, what may be called the WAR SYSTEM. This System we
would abolish, believing that religion, humanity, and policy require
the establishment of some peaceful means for the administration of
international justice, and also the general disarming of the Christian
nations, to the end that the prodigious expenditures now absorbed
by the War System may be applied to purposes of usefulness and
beneficence, and that the business of the soldier may cease forever.
While earnestly professing this object, I desire again to exclude
all question of self-defence, and to affirm the duty of upholding
government, and maintaining the supremacy of the law, whether on
land or sea. Admitting the necessity of Force for such purpose,
Christianity revolts at Force as the substitute for a judicial tribunal.
The example of the Great Teacher, the practice of the early disciples,
the injunctions of self-denial, love, non-resistance to evil, — sometimes
supposed to forbid Force in any exigency, even of self-defence, — all
these must apply with unquestionable certainty to the established Sys-
ter of War. Here, at least, there can be no doubt. If the sword, in
the hand of an assaulted individual, may become the instrument of
sincere self-defence, if, under the sanction of a judicial tribunal, it
may become the instrument of Justice also, surely it can never be the
Arbiter of Justice. Here is a distinction vital to the cause of Peace,
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THE WAR SYSTEM OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF NATIONS
and never to be forgotten in presenting its claims. The cautious sword
of the magistrate is unlike — or, how unlike! — the ruthless sword of
War.
Condemning the War System as barbarous and most wasteful,
the token and relic of a society alien to Christian civilization, we except
the Navy, so far as necessary in the arrest of pirates, of traffickers
in human flesh, and generally in preserving the police of the sea. But
it is difficult for the unprejudiced mind to regard the array of forti-
fications and of standing armies otherwise than as obnoxious to the
condemnation aroused by the War System. Fortifications are instru-
ments, and standing armies are hired champions, in the great Duel
of Nations.
Here I quit this part of the subject. Sufficient has been said to
expose the War System of the Commonwealth of Nations. It stands
before us, a colossal image of International Justice, with the sword,
but ivithout the scales, — like a hideous Mexican idol, besmeared with
human blood, and surrounded by the sickening stench of human sacri-
fice. But this image, which seems to span the continents, while it
rears aloft its flashing form of brass and gold, hiding far in the
clouds "the round and top of sovereignty," can be laid low; for its
feet are clay.
I come now to the means by which the War System can be over-
thrown. Here I shall unfold the tendencies and examples of nations,
and the sacred efforts of individuals, constituting the Peace Move-
ment, now ready to triumph, — with practical suggestions on our
duties to this cause, and a concluding glance at the barbarism of Mili-
tary Glory. In this review I cannot avoid details incident to a fruit-
fulness of topics; but I shall try to introduce nothing not bearing
directly on the subject.
Civilization now writhes in travail and torment, and asks for
liberation from oppressive sway. Like the slave under a weary weight
of chains, it raises its exhausted arms, and pleads for the angel
Deliverer. And, lo! the beneficent Angel comes, — no.t like the Gre-
cian God of Day, with vengeful arrows to slay the destructive Python,
— not like the Archangel Michael, with potent spear to transfix Satan,
— but with words of gentleness and cheer, saying to all nations, and
to all children of men, "Ye are all brothers, of one flesh, one fold, one
shepherd, children of one Father, heirs to one happiness. By your own
energies, through united fraternal endeavor, will the tyranny of War
be overthrown, and its Juggernaut in turn be crushed to earth."
In this spirit, and with this encouragement, we must labor for that
grand and final object, watchword of all ages, the Unity of the
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
Human Family. Not in benevolence, but in selfishness, has Unity
been sought in times past, — not to promote the happiness of all, but
to establish the dominion of one. It was the mad lust of power which
carried Alexander from conquest to conquest, till he boasted that the
whole world was one empire, with the Macedonian phalanx as citadel.
The same passion animated Rome, till, at last, while Christ lay in a
manger, this single city swayed a broader empire than that of Alex-
ander. The Gospel, in its simple narrative, says, "And it came to
pass in those days that there went out a decree from Caesar Augustus
that all the world should be taxed." History recalls the exile of Ovid,
who, falling under the displeasure of the same emperor, was con-
demned to close his life in melancholy longings for Rome, far away
in Pontus, on the Euxine Sea. With singular significance, these two
contemporaneous incidents reveal the universality of Roman domin-
ion, stretching from Britain to Parthia. The mighty empire crumbled,
to be reconstructed for a brief moment, in part by Charlemagne, in
part by Tamerlane. In our own age, Napoleon made a last effort for
Unity founded on Force. And now, from his utterances at St. Helena,
the expressed wisdom of his unparalleled experience, comes the
remarkable confession, worthy of constant memory: "The more I
study the world, the more am I convinced of the inability of brute
force to create anything durable." From the sepulchre of Napoleon,
now sleeping on the banks of the Seine, surrounded by the trophies
of battle, nay, more, from the sepulchres of all these departed empires,
may be heard the words, "They that take the sword shall perish by
the sword."
Unity is the longing and tendency of Humanity : not the enforced
Unity of military power; not the Unity of might triumphant over
right; not the Unity of Inequality; not the Unity which occupied the
soul of Dante, when, in his treatise De Monarchia, the earliest political
work of modern times, he strove to show that all the world belonged
to a single ruler, the successor of the Roman Emperor: not these;
but the voluntary Unity of nations in fraternal labor ; the Unity prom-
ised, when it was said, "There is neither Jew nor Greek, there is
neither bond nor free, there is neither male nor female, for ye are all
one in Christ Jesus ;" the Unity which has filled the delighted vision
of good men, prophets, sages, and poets, in times past ; the Unity which,
in our own age, prompted Beranger, the incomparable lyricist of
France, in an immortal ode, to salute the Holy Alliance of the Peoples,
summoning them in all lands, and by whatever names they may be
called, French, English, Belgian, German, Russian, to give each other
the hand, that the useless thunderbolts of War may all be quenched,
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THE WAR SYSTEM OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF NATIONS
and Peace sow the earth with gold, with flowers, and with corn ; the
Unity which prompted an early diplomatist and poet to anticipate the
time when nations shall meet in Congress, —
"To give each realm its limit and its laws,
Bid the last breath of dire contention cease,
And bind all regions in the leagues of Peace ;
Bid one great empire, with extensive sway,
Spread with the sun, and bound the walks of day,
One centred system, one all-ruling soul,
Live through the parts, and regulate the whole ;"
the Unity which inspired our contemporary British poet of exquisite
genius, Alfred Tennyson, to hail the certain day, —
"When the war-drum throb no longer, and the battle-flags be furled,
"In the Parliament of Man, the Federation of the World."
Such is Unity in the bond of Peace. The common good and
mutual consent are its enduring base, Justice and Love its animating
soul. These alone can give permanence to combinations of men,
whether in states or confederacies. Here is the vital elixir of nations,
the true philosopher's stone of divine efficacy to enrich the civilization
of mankind. So far as these are neglected or forgotten, will the
people, though under one apparent head, fail to be really united. So
far as these are regarded, will the people, within the sphere of their
influence, constitute one body, and be inspired by one spirit. And
just in proportion as these find recognition from individuals and
from nations will War be impossible.
Not in vision, nor in promise only, is this Unity discerned.
Voluntary associations, confederacies, leagues, coalitions, and con-
gresses of nations, though fugitive and limited in influence, all attest
the unsatisfied desires of men solicitous for union, while they fore-
shadow the means by which it may be permanently accomplished.
Of these I may enumerate a few. i. The Amphictyonic Council,
embracing at first twelve and finally thirty-one communities, was
established about the year i TOO before Christ. Each sent two deputies,
and had two votes in the Council, which was empowered to restrain
the violence of hostility among the associates. 2. Next comes the
Achaean League, founded at a very early period, and renewed in the
year 281 before Christ. Each member was independent, and yet all
1. Barlow, Vision of Columbus, Book IX.
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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
together constituted one inseparable body. So great was the fame
of their justice and probity, that the Greek cities of Italy were glad
to invite their peaceful arbitration. 3. Passing over other confed-
eracies of Antiquity, I mention next the Hanseatic League, begun
in the twelfth century, completed in the middle of the thirteenth, and
comprising at one time no less than eighty-five cities. A system of
International Law was adopted in their general assemblies, and also
courts of arbitration, to determine controversies among the cities.
The decree of these courts were enforced by placing the condemned
city under the ban, a sentence equivalent to excommunication. 4. At
a later period, other cities and nobles of Germany entered into alliance
and association for mutual protection, under various names, as the
League of the Rhine, and the League of Suabia. 5. To these I add
the combination of Armed Neutrality in 1780, uniting, in declared sup-
port of certain principles, a large cluster of nations, — Russia, France,
Spain, Holland, Sweden, Denmark, Prussia, and the United States.
6. And still further, I refer to Congresses at Westphalia, Utrecht,
Aix-la-Chapelle, and Vienna, after the wasteful struggles of War, to
arrange terms of Peace and to arbitrate between nations.
These examples, belonging to the Past, reveal tendencies and
capacity. Other instances, having the effect of living authority,
show practically how the War System may be set aside. There is,
first, the Swiss Republic, or Helvetic Union, which, beginning so
long ago as 1308, has preserved Peace among its members during the
greater part of five centuries. Speaking of this Union, Vattel said,
in the middle of the last century, "The Swiss have had the precaution,
in all their alliances among themselves, and even in those they have
contracted with the neighboring powers, to agree beforehand on the
manner in which their disputes were to be submitted to arbitrators,
in case they could not adjust them in an amicable manner." And this
publicist proceeds to testify that "this wise precaution has not a little
contributed to maintain the Helvetic Republic in that flourishing con-
dition which secures its liberty, and renders it respectable throughout
Europe." Since these words were written, there have been many
changes in the Swiss Constitution; but its present Federal System,
established on the downfall of Napoleon, confirmed in 1830. and now
embracing twenty-five different States, provides that differences
among the States shall be referred to "special arbitration." This is
an instructive example.
But, secondly, our own happy country furnishes one yet more
so. The United States of America are a National Union of thirty
different States, — each having peculiar interests, — in pursuance of a
THE WAR SYSTEM OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF NATIONS
Constitution, established in 1788, which not only provides a high
tribunal for the adjudication of controversies between the States,
but expressly disarms the individual States, declaring that "no State
shall, without the consent of Congress, keep troops or ships of war in
time of peace, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such
imminent danger as will not admit of delay."
A third example, not unlike that of our own country, is the Con-
federation of Germany, composed of thirty-eight sovereignties, who,
by reciprocal stipulation in their Act of Union, on the 8th of June,
1815, deprived each sovereignty of the right of zvar with its confed-
erates. The words of this stipulation, which, like those of the Con-
stitution of the United States, might furnish a model to the Common-
wealth of Nations, are as follows: "The Confederate States likewise
engage under no pretext to make war upon one another, nor to pursue
their differences by force of arms, but to submit them to the Diet.
The latter shall endeavor to mediate between the parties by means of
a commission. Should this not prove successful, and a judicial deci-
sion become necessary, provision shall be made therefor through a
well-organized Court of Arbitration, to which the litigants shall sub-
mit themselves without appeal."
Such are authentic, well-defined examples. This is not all. It
is in the order of Providence, that individuals, families, tribes, and
nations should tend, by means of association, to a final Unity. A law
of mutual attraction, of affinity, first exerting its influence upon
smaller bodies, draws them by degrees into well-established fellowship,
and then, continuing its power, fuses the larger bodies into nations;
and nations themselves, stirred by this same sleepless energy, are
now moving towards that grand system of combined order which will
complete the general harmony.
History bears ample testimony to the potency of this attraction.
Modern Europe, in its early periods, was filled with petty lordships,
or communities constituting so many distinct units, acknowledging
only a vague nationality, and maintaining, as we have already seen,
the "liberty" to fight with each other. The great nations of our day
have grown and matured into their present form by the gradual
absorption of these political bodies. Territories, once possessing an
equivocal and turbulent independence, feel new power and happiness
in peaceful association. Spain, composed of races dissimilar in origin,
religion, and government, slowly ascended by progressive combinations
among principalities and provinces, till at last, in the fifteenth century,
by the crowning union of Castile and Aragon, the whole country with
its various sovereignties, was united under one common rule. Ger-
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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
many once consisted of more than three hundred different princi-
palities, each with the right of war. These slowly coalesced, forming
larger principalities; till at last the whole complex aggregation of
•states, embracing abbeys, bishoprics, archbishoprics, bailiwicks, coun-
ties, duchies, electorates, margraviates, and free imperial cities, was
gradually resolved into the present Confederation, where each state
expressly renounces the right of war with its associates. France has
passed through similar changes. By a power of assimilation, in no
nation so strongly marked, she has absorbed the various races and
sovereignties once filling her territory with violence and conflict, and"
has converted them all to herself. The Roman or Iberian of Provence,
the indomitable Celtic race, the German of Alsace, have all become
Frenchmen, — while the various provinces, once inspired by such hos-
tile passions, Brittany and Normandy, Franche-Comte and Burgundy,
Gascony and Languedoc, Provence and Dauphine, are now blended in
one powerful, united nation. Great Britain, too, shows the influence
of the same law. The many hostile principalities of England were
first merged in the Heptarchy; and these seven kingdoms became one
under the Saxon Egbert. Wales, forcibly attached to England under
Edward the First, at last assimilated with her conqueror; Ireland,
after a protracted resistance, was absorbed under Edward the Third,
and at a later day, after a series of bitter struggles, was united, I do
not say how successfully, under the Imperial Parliament; Scotland
was connected with England by the accession of James the First to
the throne of the Tudors, and these two countries, which had so often
encountered in battle, were joined together under Queen Anne, by an
act of peaceful legislation.
Thus has the tendency to Unity predominated over independent
sovereignties and states, slowly conducting the constant process of
crystallization. This cannot be arrested. The next stage must be
the peaceful association of the Christian nations. In this anticipation
we but follow analogies of the material creation, as seen in the light
of chemical or geological science. Everywhere Nature is busy with
combinations, exerting an occult incalculable power, drawing elements
into new relations of harmony, uniting molecule with molecule, atom
with atom, and, by progressive change, in the lapse of time, producing
new structural arrangements. Look still closer, and the analogy
continues. At first we detect the operation of cohesion, rudely acting
upon particles near together. — then subtler influences, slowly import-
ing regularity of form, — while heat, electricity, and potent chemical
affinities conspire in the work. As yet there is only an incomplete
body. Light now exerts its mysterious powers, and all assumes an
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THE WAR SYSTEM OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF NATIONS
organized form. So it is with mankind. First appears the rude
cohesion of early ages, acting only upon individuals near together.
Slowly the work proceeds. But time and space, the great obstructions,
if not annihilated, are now subdued, giving free scope to the powerful
affinities of civilization. At last, light, thrice holy light, in whose
glad beams are knowledge, justice, and beneficence, with empyrean
sway will combine those separate and distracted elements into one
organized system.
Thus much for examples and tendencies. In harmony with these
are efforts of individuals, extending through ages, and strengthening
with time, till now at last they swell into a voice that must be heard.
A rapid glance will show the growth of the cause we have met to
welcome. Far off in the writings of the early Fathers we learn the
duty and importance of Universal Peace. Here I might accumulate
texts, each an authority; while you listened to Justin Martyr, Irenaeus,
Tertullian, Origen, Augustine, Aquinas. How beautiful it appears in
the teachings of St. Augustine! How comprehensive the rules of
Aquinas, who spoke with the authority of Philosophy and the Church,
when he said, in phrase worthy of constant repetition, that the per-
fection of joy is Peace! But the rude hoof of War trampled down
these sparks of generous truth, destined to flame forth at a later day.'
In the fifteenth century, The good Man of Peace was described in that
work of unexampled circulation, translated into all modern tongues,
and republished more than a thousand times, "The Imitation of
Christ," by Thomas-a-Kempis. At last it obtained a specious advocacy
from the throne. Henry the Fourth, of France, with the cooperation
of his eminent minister, Sully, conceived the beautiful scheme of
blending the Christian nations in one confederacy, with a high tribunal
for the decision of controversies between them, and had dr^wn into
his plan Queen Elizabeth, of England. All were arrested by the
dagger of Ravaillac. This gay and gallant monarch was little pene-
trated by the divine sentiment of Peace ; for at his death he was gath-
ering materials for fresh War ; and it is too evident that the scheme
of a European Congress was prompted less by comprehensive human-
ity than by a selfish ambition to humble the House of Austria. Even
with this drawback it did great good, by holding aloft before Christen-
dom the exalted idea of a tribunal for the Commonwealth of Nations.
Universal Peace was not to receive thus early the countenance of
Government. Meanwhile private efforts began to multiply. Grotius,
in his wonderful work on "The Rights of War and Peace," while
lavishing learning and genius on the Arbitrament of War, bears testi-
mony in favor of a more rational tribunal. His virtuous nature, wish-
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ing to save mankind from the scourge of War, foreshadowed an
Amphictyonic Council. "It would be useful, and in some sort neces-
sary," he says, — in language which, if carried out practically, would
sweep away the War System and all the Laws of War, — "to have
Congresses of Christian Powers, where differences might be deter-
mined by the judgment of those not interested in them, and means
found to constrain parties into acceptance of peace on just conditions."
To the discredit of his age, these moderate words, so much in har-
mony with his other effort for the union of Christian sects, were
derided, and the eminent expounder was denounced as rash, visionary,
and impracticable.
The sentiment in which they had their origin found other forms
of utterance. In Germany, at the close of the Seventeenth Century,
as we learn from Leibnitz, who mentions the preceding authority also,
a retired general, who had commanded armies, the Landgrave Ernest
of Hesse Rhinfels, in a work entitled "The Discreet Catholic," sug-
gested a plan for Perpetual Peace by means of a tribunal established
by associate sovereigns. England testified also by William Penn, who
adopted and enforced what he called the "great design" of Henry the
Fourth. In a work entitled "An Essay towards the Present and
Future Peace of Europe," the enlightened Quaker proposed a Diet,
or Sovereign Assembly, into which the princes of Europe should enter,
as men enter into society, for the love of peace and order, — that its
object should be justice, and that all differences not terminated by
embassies should be brought before this tribunal, whose judgment
should be so far binding, that, in the event of contumacy, it should be
enforced by the united powers. Thus, by writings, as also by illus-
trious example in Pennsylvania, did Penn show himself the friend of
Peace.
These were soon followed in France by the untiring labors of the
good Abbe Saint-Pierre, — the most devoted among the apostles of
Peace, and not to be confounded with the eloquent and eccentric
Bernardin de Saint-Pierre., author of "Paul and Virginia," who, at a
later day, beautifully painted the true Fraternity of Nations. Of a
genius less artistic and literary, the Abbe consecrated a whole life,
crowned with venerable years to the improvement of mankind. There
was no humane cause he did not espouse: now it was the poor; now
it was education ; and now it was to exhibit the grandeur and sacred-
ness of human nature; but he was especially filled with the idea of
Universal Peace, and the importance of teaching nations, not less than
individuals, the duty of doing as they would be done by. This was his
passion, and it was elaborately presented in a work of three volumes,
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THE WAR SYSTEM OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF NATIONS
entitled, "The Project of Perpetual Peace," where he proposes a Diet
or Congress of Sovereigns, for the adjudication of international con-
troversies without resort to War. Throughout his voluminous writ-
ings he constantly returns to this project, which was a perpetual vision,
and records his regret that Newton and Descartes had not devoted
their exalted genius to the study and exposition of the laws determin-
ing the welfare of men and nations, believing that they might have
succeeded in organizing Peace. He dwells often on the beauty of
Christian precepts in government, and the true glory of beneficence,
while he exposes the vanity of military renown, and does not hesitate
to question that false glory which procured for Louis the Fourteenth
the undeserved title of Great, echoed by flattering courtiers and a bar-
barous world. The French language owes to him the word
Bienfaisance ; and D'Alembert said "It was right he should have
invented the word who practised so largely the virtue it expresses."
Though thus of benevolence all compact, Saint-Pierre was not
the favorite of his age. The pen of La Bruyere wantoned in a petty
portrait of personal peculiarities. Many turned the cold shoulder.
The French Academy, of which he was a member, took from him his
chair, and on the occasion of his death forebore the eulogy which is
its customary tribute to a departed academician. But an incomparable
genius in Germany, — an authority not to ba questioned on any sub-
ject upon which he spoke, — the great, and universal Leibnitz, bears
his testimony to the "Project of Perpetual Peace," and, so doing,
enrolls his own prodigious name in the cataiogus of our cause. In
observations on this Project, communicated to its author, under date
of February 7, 1715, while declaring that it is supported by the prac-
tical authority of Henry the Fourth, that it justly interests the whole
human race, and is not foreign to his own studies, as from youth he
had occupied himself with law, and particularly with the Law of
Nations, Leibnitz says: "I have read it with attention, and am per-
suaded that such a project, on the whole, is feasible, and that its execu-
tion would be one of the most useful things in the world. Although
my suffrage cannot be of any weight, I have nevertheless thought that
gratitude obliged me not to withhold it, and to join some remarks
for the satisfaction of a meritorious author, who ought to have much
reputation and firmness, to have dared and been able to oppose with
success the prejudiced crowd, and the unbridled tongues of mockers."
Such testimony from Leibnitz must have been grateful to Saint-Pierre.
I cannot close this brief record of a philanthropist, constant in
an age when War was more regarded than Humanity, without offer-
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
ing him an unaffected homage. To this faithful man may be addressed
the sublime salutation which hymned from the soul of Milton: —
"Servant of God, well done! well hast thou fought
The better fight, who single hast maintained
Against revolted multitudes the cause
Of Truth, in word mightier than they in arms,
And for the testimony of truth hast borne
reproach, far worse to bear
Than violence : for this was all thy care,
To stand approved in sight of God, though worlds
Judged thee perverse."
Saint-Pierre was followed by that remarkable genius, Jean
Jacques Rousseau, in a small work with the modest title, "Extract
from the Project of Perpetual Peace by the Abbe Saint-Pierre."
Without referring to those higher motives supplied by humanity, con-
science, and religion, for addressing which to sovereigns Saint-Pierre
incurred the ridicule of what are called practical statesmen, Rousseau
appeals to common sense, and shows how much mere worldly interests
would be promoted by submission to the arbitration of an impartial
tribunal, rather than to the uncertain issue of arms, with no adequate
compensation, even to the victor, for blood and treasure sacrificed.
If this project fails, it is not, according to him, because chimerical, but
because men have lost their wits, and it is a sort of madness to be wise
in the midst of fools. As no scheme more grand, more beautiful, or
more useful ever occupied the human mind, so, says Rousseau, no
author ever deserved attention more than one proposing the means for
its practical adoption; nor can any humane and virtuous man fail to
regard it with enthusiasm.
The cause of Saint-Pierre and Rosseau was not without cham-
pions in Germany. In 1763 we meet at Gottingen the work of Totze,
entitled "Permanent and Universal Peace, according to the Plan of
Henry the Fourth;" and in 1767, at Leipsic, an ample and mature
treatise by Lilenf eld, under the name of "New Constitution _ for
States." Truth often appears contemporaneously to different minds
having no concert with each other; and the latter work, though in
remarkable harmony with Saint-Pierre and Rousseau, is said to have
been composed without any knowledge of their labors. Lilienfeld
exposes the causes and calamities of War, the waste of armaments in
time of Peace, and the miserable chances of the battle-field, where, in
defiance of all justice, controversies are determined as by the throw
of dice ; and he urges submission to Arbitrators, unless, in their wis-
THE WAR SYSTEM OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF NATIONS
dom, nations establish a Supreme Tribunal with the combined power
of the Confederacy to enforce its decrees.
It was the glory of another German, in intellectual preeminence
the successor of Leibnitz, to illustrate this cause by special and repeated
labors. At Konigsberg, in a retired corner of Prussia, away from the
great lines of travel, Immanuel Kant consecrated his days to the pur-
suit of truth. During a long, virtuous, and disinterested life, stretch-
ing beyond the period appointed for man, — from 1724 to 1804, — in
retirement,, undisturbed by shock of revolution of war, never drawn
by temptation of travel more than seven German miles from the place
of his birth, he assiduously studied books, men, and things. Among
the fruits of his ripened powers was that system of philosophy known
as the "Critique of Pure Reason," by which he was at once established
as a master-mind of his country. His words became the text for
writers without number, who vied with each other in expounding,
illustrating, or opposing his principles. At this period, after an unprec-
edented triumph in philosophy, when his name had become familiar
wherever his mother -tongue was spoken, and while his rare faculties
were yet untouched by decay, in the Indian Summer of life, the great
thinker published a work "On Perpetual Peace." Interest in the
author, or in the cause, was attested by prompt translations into the
French, Danish, and Dutch languages. In an earlier work, entitled
"Idea for a General History in a Cosmopolitan View," he espoused the
same cause, and at a later day, in his "Metaphysical Elements of Juris-
prudence," he renewed his testimony. In the lapse of time the specula-
tions of the philosopher have lost much of their original attraction;
other systems, with other names, have taken their place. But these
early and faithful labors for Perpetual Peace cannot be forgotten.
Perhaps through these the fame of the applauded philosopher of
Konigsberg may yet be preserved.
By Perpetual Peace Kant understood a condition of nations where
there could be no fear of War; and this condition, he said, was
demanded by reason, which, abhorring all War, as little adapted to
establish right, must regard this final development of the Law of
Nations as a consummation worthy of every effort. The philosopher
was right in proposing nothing less than a reform of International
Law. To this, according to him, all persons, and particularly all rulers,
should bend their energies. A special league or treaty should be
formed, which may be truly called a Treaty of Peace, having this
peculiarity, that, whereas other treaties terminate a single existing
War only, this should terminate forever all War between the parties
to it. A Treaty of Peace, tacitly acknowledging the right to wage
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
War, as all treaties now do, is nothing more than a Truce, not Peace.
By these treaties an individual War is ended, but not the state of War.
There may not be constant hostilities ; but there will be constant fear
of hostilities, with constant threat of aggression and attack. Soldiers
and armaments, now nursed as a Peace establishment, become the
fruitful parent of new wars. With real Peace, these would be aban-
doned. Nor should nations hesitate to bow before the law, like indi-
viduals. They must form one comprehensive federation, which, by the
aggregation of other nations, would at last embrace the whole earth.
And this, according to Kant, in the succession of years, by a sure
progress, is the irresistible tendency of nations. To this end nations
must be truly independent ; nor is it possible for one nation to acquire
another independent nation, whether by inheritance, exchange, pur-
chase, or gift. A nation is not property. The philosophy of Kant,
therefore, contemplated not only Universal Peace, but Universal
Liberty. The first article of the great treaty would be, that every
nation is free.
These important conclusions found immediate support from
another German philosopher, Fichte, of remarkable acuteness and
perfect devotion to truth, whose name, in his own day, awakened an
echo inferior only to that of Kant. In his "Groundwork of the Law
of Nature," published in 1796, he urges a Federation of Nations, with
a Supreme Tribunal, as the best way of securing the triumph of justice,
and of subduing the power of the unjust. To the suggestion, that by
this Federation injustice might be done, he replied, that it would not
be easy to find any common advantage tempting the confederate
nations to do this wrong.
The subject was again treated in 1804, by a learned German,
Karl Schwab, whose work, entitled "Of Unavoidable Injustice,"
deserves notice for practical clearness and directness. Nothing could
be better than his idea of the Universal State, where nations will be
united, as citizens in the Municipal State; nor have the promises of
the Future been more carefully presented. He sees clearly, that, even
when this triumph of civilization is won, justice between nations will
not be always inviolate, — for, unhappily, between citizens it is not
always so; but, whatever may be the exceptions, it will become the
general rule. As in the Municipal State War no longer prevails, but
offences, wrongs, and sallies of venegance often proceed from individ-
ual citizens, with subordination and anarchy sometimes, — so in the
Universal State War will no longer prevail ; but here also, between the
different nations, who will be as citizens in the Federation, there may
be wrongs and aggressions, with resistance even to the common power.
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THE WAR SYSTEM OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF NATIONS
In short, the Universal State will be subject to the same accidents as
the Municipal State.
The cause of Permanent Peace became a thesis for Universities.
At Stuttgart, in 1796, there was an oration by J. H. La Motte, entitled
Utrum Pax Perpetua pangi possit, nee ne? And at Leyden, in 1808,
there was a dissertation by Gabinus de Wai, on taking his degree as
Doctor of Laws, entitled Disputatio Philosophico-Juridica de Con-
junctione Populonim ad Pacem Perpetuam. This learned and elabor-
ate performance, after reviewing previous efforts in the cause, accords
a preeminence to Kant. Such a voice from the University is the token
of a growing sentiment, and an example for the youth of our day.
Meanwhile in England the cause was espoused by that indefati-
gable jurist and reformer, Jeremy Bentham, who embraced it in his
comprehensive labors. In an Essay on International Law, bearing
date 1786-89, and first published in 1839, by his executor, Dr. Bowring,
he developed a plan for Universal and Perpetual Peace in the spirit
of Saint-Pierre. Such, according to him, is the extreme folly, the
madness, of War, that on no supposition can it be otherwise than mis-
chievous. All Trade, in essence, is advantageous, even to the party
who profits by it the least; all War, in essence, is ruinous; and yet
the great employments of Government are to treasure up occasions
of War, and to put fetters upon Trade. To remedy this evil, Bentham
proposes, first, "The reduction and fixation of the forces of the sev-
eral nations that compose the European system;" and in enforcing
this proposition, he says : "Whatsoever nation should get the start of
the other in making the proposal to reduce and fix the amount of its
armed force would crown itself with everlasting honor. The risk
would be nothing, the gain certain. This gain would be the giving
an incontrovertible demonstration of its own disposition to peace,
and of the opposite disposition in the other nation, in case of its reject-
ing the proposal." He next proposes an International Court of Judica-
ture, with power to report its opinion, and to circulate it in each nation,
and, after a certain delay, to put a contumacious nation under the ban.
He denies that this system can be styled visionary in any respect:
for it is proved, first, that it is the interest of the parties concerned ;
secondly, that the parties are already sensible of this interest; and,
thirdly, that, enlightened by diplomatic experience in difficult and
complicated conventions, they are prepared for the new situation.
All this is sober and practical.
Coming to our own country, I find many names for commemora-
tion. No person, in all history, has borne his testimony in phrases of
greater pungency or more convincing truth than Benjamin Franklin.
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"In my opinion," he says, "there never was a good War or a bad
Peace ;" and he asks, "When will mankind be convinced that all Wars
are follies, very expensive, and very mischievous, and agree to settle
their differences by arbitration? Were they to do it even by the cast
of a die, it would be better than by fighting and destroying each other."
Then again he says : "We make daily great improvements in natural,
there is one I wish to see in moral philosophy, — the discovery of a plan
that would induce and oblige nations to settle their disputes without
first cutting one another's throats. When will human reason be suffi-
ciently improved to see the advantage of this?" As diplomatist,
Franklin strove to limit the evils of War. To him, while Minister at
Paris, belongs the honor of those instructions, more glorious for the
American name than any battle, where our naval cruisers, among
whom was the redoubtable Paul Jones, were directed, in the interest
of universal science, to allow a free and undisturbed passage to the
returning expedition of Captain Cook, the great circumnavigator, who
"steered Britain's oak into a world unknown." To him also belongs
the honor of introducing into a treaty with Prussia a provision for
the abolition of that special scandal, Private War on the Ocean. In
similar strain with Franklin, Jefferson says: "Will nations never
devise a more rational umpire of differences than Force?
War is an instrument entirely inefficient towards redressing wrong;
it multiplies, instead of indemnifying losses." And he proceeds to
exhibit the waste of War, and the beneficent consequences, if its
expenditures could be diverted to purposes of practical utility.
To Franklin especially must thanks be rendered for authoritative
words and a precious example. But there are three names, fit suc-
cessors of Saint-Pierre, — I speak only of those on whose career is
the seal of death, — which even more than his deserve affectionate
regard. I refer to Noah Worcester, William Ellery Channing, and
William Ladd. To dwell on the services of these our virtuous cham-
pions would be a grateful task. The occasion allows a passing notice
only.
In Worcester we behold the single-minded country clergyman,
little gifted as a preacher, with narrow means, — and his example
teaches what such a character may accomplish, — in humble retirement,
pained by the reports of War, and at last, as the protracted drama of
battles was about to close at Waterloo, publishing that appeal, entitled
"A Solemn Review of the Custom of War," which has been so exten-
sively circulated at home and abroad, and has done so much to correct
the inveterate prejudices which surround the cause. He was the
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THE WAR SYSTEM OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF NATIONS
founder, and for some time the indefatigable agent, of the earliest
Peace Society in the country.
The eloquence of Channing was often, both with tongue and pen,
directed against War. He was heart-struck by the awful degradation
it caused, rudely blotted out in men the image of God their Father;
and his words of flame have lighted in many souls those exterminating
fires that can never die, until this evil is swept from the earth.
William Ladd, after completing his education at Harvard Uni-
versity, engaged in commercial pursuits. Early, through his own
exertions, blessed with competency, he could not be idle. He was child-
less ; and his affections embraced all the children of the human family.
Like Worcester and Channing, his attention was arrested by the por-
tentous crime of War, and he was moved to dedicate the remainder of
his days to earnest, untiring effort for its abolition, — going from place
to place inculcating the lesson of Peace, with simple, cheerful manner
winning the hearts of good men, and dropping in many youthful souls
precious seeds to ripen in more precious fruit. He was the founder
of the American Peace Society, in which was finally merged the
earlier association established by Worcester. By a long series of prac-
tical labors, and especially by developing, maturing, and publishing the
plan of an International Congress, has William Ladd enrolled himself
among the benefactors of mankind.
Such are some of the names which hereafter, when the warrior
no longer usurps the blessings promised to the peacemaker, will be
inscribed on immortal tablets.
From increasing knowledge of each other, and from a higher
sense of duty as brethren of the Human Family, arises among man-
kind an increasing interest in each other; and charity, once, like
patriotism, exclusively national, is beginning to clasp the world in its
embrace. Every discovery of science, every aspiration of philan-
thropy, are no longer municipal merely, but welcome delegates from
all the nations. Science has convened Congresses in Italy, Germany,
and England. Great causes, grander even than Science, — like Tem-
perance, Freedom, Peace, — have drawn to London large bodies of men
from different countries, under the title of World Conventions, in
whose very name and spirit of fraternity we discern the prevailing
tendency. Such a convention, dedicated to Universal Peace, held at
London in 1843, was graced by many well known for labors of human-
ity. At Frankfort, in 1846, was assembled a large Congress from all
parts of Europe, to consider what could be done for those in prison.
The succeeding year witnessed, at Brussels, another Congress, inspired
by the presence of a generous American, Elihu Burritt, — who has left
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his anvil at home to teach the nations how to change their swords
into ploughshares and their spears into pruning hooks, — presided over
by an eminent Belgian magistrate, and composed of numerous in-
dividuals, speaking various languages, living under diverse forms of
government, various in political opinions, differing in religious convic-
tions, but all moved by a common sentiment to seek the abolition of
War, and the Disarming of the Nations.
The Peace Congress at Brussels constitutes an epoch. It is a pal-
pable development of these international attractions and affinities
which now await their final organization. The resolutions it adopted
are so important that I cannot hesitate to introduce them.
"i. That, in the judgment of this Congress, an appeal to arms
for the purpose of deciding disputes among nations is a custom con-
demned alike by religion, reason, justice, humanity, and the best inter-
ests of the people, — and that, therefore, it considers it to be the duty
of the civilized world to adopt measures calculated to affect its entire
abolition.
"2. That it is of the highest importance to urge on the several
governments of Europe and America the necessity of introducing a
clause into all International Treaties, providing for the settlement of
all disputes by Arbitration, in an amicable manner, and according to
the rules of justice and equity, by special Arbitrators, or a Supreme
International Court, to be invested with power to decide in cases of
necessity, as a last resort.
"3. That the speedy convocation of a Congress of Nations, com-
posed of duly appointed representatives, for the purpose of framing
a well-digested and authoritative International Code, is of the greatest
importance, inasmuch as the organization of such a body, and the
unanimous adoption of such a Code, would be an effectual means of
promoting Universal Peace.
"4. That this Congress respectfully calls the attention of civil-
ized governments to the necessity of a general and simultaneous dis-
armament, as a means whereby they may greatly diminish the financial
burdens which press upon them, remove a fertile cause of irritation
and inquietude, inspire mutual confidence, and promote the inter-
change of good offices, which, while they advance the interests of
each state in particular, contribute largely to the maintainance of gen-
eral Peace, and the lasting prosperity of nations."
In France these resolutions received the adhesion of Lamartine,
— in England, of Richard Cobden. They have been welcomed through-
out Great Britain, by large and enthusiastic popular assemblies, hang-
ing with delight upon the practical lessons of peace on earth and good-
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THE WAR SYSTEM OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF NATIONS
will to men. At the suggestion of the Congress at Brussels, and in
harmony with the demands of an increasing public sentiment, another
Congress is called at Paris, in the approaching month of August. The
place of meeting is auspicious. There, as in the very cave of Aeolus,
whence have so often raged forth conflicting winds and resounding
tempests, are to gather delegates from various nations, including a
large number from our own country whose glad work will be to hush
and imprison these winds and tempests, and to bind them in the chains
of everlasting Peace. Not in voluntary assemblies only has our cause
found welcome. Into legislative halls it has made its way. A docu-
ment now before me, in the handwriting of Samuel Adams, an
approved patriot of the Revolution, bears witness to his desire for
action on this subject in the Congress of the United States. It is in
the form of a Letter of Instructions from the Legislature of Massa-
chusetts to the delegates in Congress of this State, and, though with-
out date, seems to have been prepared some time between the Treaty
of Peace in 1783 and the adoption of the National Constitution in 1789.
It is as follows.
"GENTLEMEN, — Although the General Court have lately in-
structed you concerning various matters of very great importance to
this Commonwealth, they cannot finish the business of the year until
they have transmitted to you a further instruction, which they have
long had in contemplation, and which, if their most ardent wish could
be obtained, might in its consequences extensively promote the happi-
ness of man.
"You are, therefore, hereby instructed and urged to move the
United States in Congress assembled to take into their deep and most
serious consideration, whether any measures can by them be used,
through their influence with such of the nations in Europe with whom
they are united by Treaties of Amity or Commerce, that National
Differences may be settled and determined without the necessity of
WAR, in which the world has too long been deluged, to the destruction
of human happiness and the disgrace of human reason and gov-
ernment.
"If, after the most mature deliberation, it shall appear that no
measures can be taken at present on this very interesting subject, it
is conceived it would redound much to the honor of the United States
that it was attended to by their Representative in Congress, and be
accepted as a testimony of gratitude for most signal favors granted to
the said States by Him who is the almighty and most gracious Father
and Friend of mankind.
"And you are further instructed to move that the foregoing Letter
[157]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
of Instructions be entered on the Journals of Congress, if it may be
thought proper, that so it may remain for the inspection of the dele-
gates from this Commonwealth, if necessary, in any future time."
I am not able to ascertain whether this document ever became a
legislative act; but unquestionably it attests, in authentic form, that
a great leader in Massachusetts, after the establishment of that Inde-
pendence for which he had so assiduously labored, hoped to enlist not
only the Legislature of his State, but the Congress of the United States,
in efforts for the emancipation of nations from the tyranny of War.
For this early effort, when the cause of Permanent Peace had never
been introduced to any legislative body, Samuel Adams deserved grate-
ful mention.
The Legislature of Massachusetts, by a series of resolutions, in
harmony with the early sentiments of Samuel Adams, adopted, in
1844, with exceeding unanimity, declare, that they "regard Arbitration
as a practical and desirable substitute for War, in the adjustment of
international differences;" and still further declare their "earnest
desire that the government of the United States would, at the earliest
opportunity, take measures for obtaining the consent of the powers
of Christendom to the establishment of a general Convention or Con-
gress of Nations, for the purpose of settling the principles of Inter-
national Law, and of organizing a High Court of Nations to adjudge
all cases of difficulty which may be brought before them by the mutual
consent of two or more nations." During the winter of 1849 tne
subject was again presented to the American Congress by Mr. Tuck,
who asked the unanimous consent of the House of Representatives to
offer the following preamble and resolution : —
"Whereas the evils of War are acknowledged by all civilized
nations, and the calamities, individual and general, which are insep-
arably connected with it, have attracted the attention of many humane
and enlightened citizens of this and other countries; and whereas it
is the disposition of the people of the United States to cooperate with
others in all appropriate and judicious exertions to prevent a recur-
rence of national conflicts ; therefore,
"Resolved, That the Committee on Foreign Affairs be directed
to inquire into the expediency of authorizing a correspondence to be
opened by the Secretary of State with Foreign Governments, on the
subject of procuring Treaty stipulations for the reference of all future
disputes to a friendly Arbitration, or for the establishment, instead
thereof, of a Congress of Nations, to determine International Law and
settle international disputes."
Almost contemporaneously, M. Bouvet, in the National Assembly
[158]
THE WAR SYSTEM OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF NATIONS
of France, submitted a proposition of a similar character, as follows :—
"Seeing that War between nations is contrary to religion, human-
ity, and the public well-being, the French National Assembly
decrees : —
"The French Republic proposes to the Governments and Repre-
sentative Assemblies of the different States of Europe, America, and
other civilized countries, to unite, by their representation, in a Con-
gress which shall have for its object a proportional disarmament among
the Powers, the abolition of War, and a substitution for that barbarous
usage of an Arbitral jurisdiction, of which the said Congress shall
immediately fulfil the functions."
At a still earlier date, some time in the summer of 1848, Arnold
Ruge brought the same measure before the German Parliament at
Frankfort, by moving the following amendment to the Report of -the
Committee on Foreign Affairs: —
"That, as Armed Peace, by its standing armies, imposes an intoler-
able burden upon the people of Europe, and endangers civil freedom,
we therefore recognize the necessity of calling into existence a Con-
gress of Nations, for the purpose of affecting a general disarmament
of Europe."
In the British Parliament the cause has found an able representa-
tive in Mr. Cobden, whose name is an omen of success. He has
addressed many large popular meetings in its behalf, and already, by
speech and motion in the House of Commons, has striven for a reduc-
tion in the armaments of Great Britain. Only lately he gave notice
of the following motion, which he intends to call up in that assembly
at the earliest moment : —
"That an humble address be presented to her Majesty, praying
that she will be graciously pleased to direct her Principal Secretary
of State for Foreign Affairs to enter into communication with Foreign
Powers, inviting them to concur in treaties binding the respective
parties, in the event of any future misunderstanding which cannot
be arranged by amicable negotiation, to refer the matter in dispute to
the decision of Arbitrators."
To be continued
[159]
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NUMBER 2
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CHENG HSUN CHANG, CHAIRMAN OF THE CHINESE
COMMERCIAL COMMISSION TO THE UNITED
STATES, 1915, REPRODUCED FOR THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN
HISTORY FROM A PHOTOGRAPH COPYRIGHTED BY UNDERWOOD AND
UNDERWOOD, NEW YORK Front Cover
MEADE COAT- OF-ARMS 173
LANGFORD COAT OF ARMS 174
FLOURNOY COAT-OF-ARMS 175
THE PICTURES OF OLD PROVIDENCE, RHODE
ISLAND 176
LION SHORE, PROVIDENCE BAY. FROM A WATER-
COLOR BY EDWARD LEWIS PECKHAM. ONE OF THE COLOR- .«—.
PRINTS OF OLD PROVIDENCE, RHODE ISLAND, SHOWN IN
THIS NUMBER OF THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 177
THE OBSERVATORY AND PART OF BAKERS POND.
FROM A WATER-COLOR BY EDWARD LEWIS PECKHAM. ONE
OF THE COLOR-PRINTS OF OLD PROVIDENCE, RHODE ISLAND,
SHOWN IN THIS NUMBER OF THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN
HISTORY 180
FURNACE POND. FROM A WATER-COLOR BY EDWARD
LEWIS PECKHAM. ONE OF THE COLOR-PRINTS OF OLD
PROVIDENCE, RHODE ISLAND, SHOWN IN THIS NUMBER
OF THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 181
THE HOLLOW. FROM A WATER-COLOR BY EDWARD LEWIS
PECKHAM. ONE OF THE COLOR-PRINTS OF OLD PROVI-
DENCE, RHODE ISLAND, SHOWN IN THIS NUMBER OF THE
JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 184
THE CHINESE COMMERCIAL COMMISSION TO THE
UNITED STATES 185
[167]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
CHINA'S J. PIERPONT MORGAN ON CHINA'S PRES-
ENT RELATIONS WITH JAPAN. AN INTERVIEW
WITH THE CHAIRMAN OF THE CHINESE COMMERCIAL
COMMISSION BY MR. EDWARD MARSHALL OF THE NEW
YORK TIMES, REPRODUCED IN THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN
HISTORY, THROUGH THE COURTESY OF THE TIMES, FOR
THE ATTENTION OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE, AND AS A PER-
MANENT CHRONICLING OF WHAT CHINA'S CRISIS MEANS
TO ONE OF CHINA'S GREATEST CITIZENS 188
FERTILE LAND IN CUBA. FROM AN ENGRAVING REPRO-
DUCED IN THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY THROUGH
**
THE COURTESY OF THE PAN AMERICAN UNION 197
AGRICULTURAL LANDS IN PANAMA. FROM AN EN-
GRAVING REPRODUCED IN THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HIS-
TORY THROUGH THE COURTESY OF THE PAN AMERICAN
UNION 200
THE CHINESE COMMISSION IN WASHINGTON 201
THE PRESIDENT OF CHINA'S MESSAGE TO AMERI-
CAN MANUFACTURERS 204
NEW YORK MANORS, TOWNSHIPS, AND PATENTS:
A STUDY OF TYPES OF SETTLEMENT— Joel N.
Eno, A. M 207
BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF PEDRO MIGUEL LOCK AND
APPROACHES, PANAMA CANAL. FROM AN EN-
GRAVING REPRODUCED IN THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN
HISTORY THROUGH THE COURTESY OF THE PAN AMERI-
CAN UNION 217
UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT MEDALS. PLATE i.
ILLUSTRATING THE ARTICLE, "UNITED STATES GOVERN-
MENT MEDALS" 220
UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT MEDALS. PLATE n.
ILLUSTRATING THE ARTICLE, "UNITED STATES GOVERN-
MENT MEDALS" 221
[168]
TABLE OF CONTENTS
UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT MEDALS. PLATE in.
ILLUSTRATING THE ARTICLE, "UNITED STATES GOVERN-
MENT MEDALS." 224
UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT MEDALS— Carl
Hawes Butman, OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION,
WASHINGTON, D. C 225
CATHCART COAT-OF-ARMS 232
AN ILLINOIS MERCHANT OF THE EIGHTEENTH
CENTURY— Charles Gilmer Gray 233
HAMMOND COAT-OF-ARMS 238
STARS OF THE FLAG WON BY THE BATTLE OF NEW
ORLEANS— Jean Cabell O'Neill 239
INDIA POINT AND SEEKONK RIVER. FROM A WAT-
ER-COLOR BY EDWARD LEWIS PECKHAM. ONE OF THE
COLOR-PRINTS OF OLD PROVIDENCE, RHODE ISLAND,
SHOWN IN THIS NUMBER OF THE JOURNAL OF AMERI-
CAN HISTORY 241
NAYAT POINT. FROM A WATER-COLOR BY EDWARD LEWIS
PECKHAM. ONE OF THE COLOR-PRINTS OF OLD PROVI-
DENCE, RHODE ISLAND, SHOWN IN THIS NUMBER OF THE
JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 244
JOSEPH WILLIAMS PLACE. FROM A WATER-COLOR BY
EDWARD LEWIS PECKHAM. ONE OF THE COLOR-PRINTS
OF OLD PROVIDENCE, RHODE ISLAND, SHOWN IN THIS
NUMBER OF THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 245
STODDARD'S BLACKSMITH SHOP. FROM A WATER-
COLOR BY EDWARD LEWIS PECKHAM. ONE OF THE COLOR-
PRINTS OF OLD PROVIDENCE, RHODE ISLAND, SHOWN IN
THIS NUMBER OF THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY. 248
TORY 248
JEMIMA WILKINSON, THE UNIVERSAL FRIEND—
The Reverend John Quincy Adams, D. D 249
MARRABLE COAT-OF-ARMS 264
[169]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
FOX POINT HILL. FROM A WATER-COLOR BY EDWARD LEW-
IS PECKHAM. ONE OF THE COLOR-PRINTS OF OLD PROVI-
DENCE, RHODE ISLAND, SHOWN IN THIS NUMBER OF THE
JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 265
WINDSOR PLACE. FROM A WATER-COLOR BY EDWARD
LEWIS PECKHAM. ONE OF THE COLOR-PRINTS OF OLD
PROVIDENCE, RHODE ISLAND, SHOWN IN THIS NUMBER OF
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 268
WHAT WAS THE MISSION OF NATHAN HALE?-
William Henry Shelton, Curator of Washington's Head-
quarters, New York, the Picturesque Old Dwelling on
Washington Heights, Known Also as The Roger Morris
House and The Jumel Mansion 269
ILLUSTRATIONS.
THE BLACK HORSE TAVERN. A BIT OF HISTORY
VIEWED FROM A NEW ANGLE — W. Harrison Bayles .... 290
THE BLACK HORSE TAVERN. From a Drawing by Sarah Jo-
sephine Bayles 291
"THEY HAD DISCOVERED THE TOOTHSOME TERRAPIN." From
a Drawing by Sarah Josephine Bayles 293
RIP VAN DAM 294
COLONEL WILLIAM COSBY, GOVERNOR OF NEW YORK 295
LEWIS MORRIS 297
FAC-SIMILE EXTRACT FROM THE NEW YORK WEEKLY JOUR-
NAL, OCTOBER 31, 1733 299
ANDREW HAMILTON 301
THE BALL AT THE BLACK HORSE. From a Drawing by Sarah
Josephine Bayles 303
"WHICH WERE ALL DRANK IN BUMPERS." From a Drawing
by Sarah Josephine Bayles 304
[170]
TABLE OF CONTENTS
"THE VIOLIN AND GERMAN FLUTE BY 'PRIVATE HANDS.' '
From a drawing by Sarah Josephine Bayles 306
THE BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE IN THE WAR OF 1812.
FROM AN OLD ENGRAVING 309
THE LAWRENCE— FIRST FLAGSHIP OF COMMO-
DORE PERRY IN THE BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE.
AS SHE APPEARED WHEN RAISED FROM THE WATERS OF
THE LAKE To BE TAKEN TO THE CENTENNIAL EXHIBI-
TION AT PHILADELPHIA IN 1876 312
THE WAR SYSTEM OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF
NATIONS. FROM AN ADDRESS DELIVERED BEFORE THE
AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY, AT BOSTON, 1849. PART n
Charles Sumner 313
-MEADE
'I/ANGFORD'
FLOURNOY
N THIS NUMBER OF THE JOURNAL OF
AMERICAN HISTORY HAVE BEEN PRODUCED
TEN OF THE EXQUISITE, DELICATE-TINTED
WATER-COLORS WHICH EDWARD LEWIS
PECKHAM PAINTED OF PROVIDENCE BE-
FORE 1850.
READERS OF THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
WILL REMEMBER WITH PLEASURE THE TWENTY-SEVEN OTH-
ER REPRODUCTIONS OF THIS ARTIST'S WORK WHICH AP-
PEARED IN VOLUME VI AND VOLUME VII OF THE MAGA-
ZINE. THESE WERE MADE FROM HIS WATER-COLORS AND
FROM DRAWINGS IN SEPIA AND INDIA INK, AND THEY WERE
SHOWN IN THE JOURNAL AS COLOR-ENGRAVINGS AND EN-
GRAVINGS IN SEPIA AND BLACK-AND WHITE.
EDWARD LEWIS PECKHAM PAINTED, IN THE EIGHT-
EEN-THIRTIES AND THE EIGHTEEN-FORTIES, THE PROVI-
DENCE OF THE OLDEN TIME, STILL REMINISCENT OF THE
PROVIDENCE OF COLONY DAYS — A VILLAGE-TOWN RATHER
THAN A CITY IN TYPE, WITH A CHARMING COUNTRYSIDE
COMING CLOSE TO AND MINGLING WITH THE STATELY OLD
MANSIONS AND THE STREETS EVEN THEN BUSY WITH THE
LIFE AND INDUSTRY THAT WERE TO MAKE THE PROVIDENCE
OF TO-DAY, — THE SECOND RANKING CITY OF NEW ENGLAND.
THE ORIGINALS OF THE PROVIDENCE PRINTS WERE
LEFT BY EDWARD LEWIS PECKHAM TO THE RHODE ISLAND
HISTORICAL SOCIETY, AND IT WAS THROUGH THE COURTESY
OF THIS SOCIETY THAT THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HIS-
TORY WAS PRIVILEGED TO REPRODUCE THEM.
H
O
O
o
09
THE OBSERVATORY AND PART OF BAKERS POND
FURNACE POND
/sv
o
I]
o
H
s
VOLUME IX
NINETEEN FIFTEEN
NUMBER 2
SECOND QUARTER
QUjtose (Enmmmtai GInmmtaaum
to ftmtrit
S AN historic event of the greatest importance, will
be chronicled in our political and business annals
the visit to the United States, in May, 1915, of the
Chinese Commercial Commission. A voluntary asso-
ciation, Chinese gentlemen of high repute in their
own land, eighteen came to this country for the devel-
opment of relations in trade and finance, and for the
establishment of a merchant marine to connect China with our ports
on the Atlantic coast and on the Gulf of Mexico, via the Panama
Canal.
Under the auspices of the Associated Chambers of Commerce of
the Pacific Coast, they visited many American cities and conferred
with our most eminent financiers and merchants. Everywhere was
emphasized the spirit of friendly co-operation existing between China,
—the youngest Republic but one of the most ancient of nations,—
and the United States, — with but one hundred and thirty-nine years
of nationhood, but the Republic-Type of the world.
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
The Commission was conducted in its tour of this country by
C. B. Yandell, Executive Secretary of the Seattle Chamber of Com-
merce, and Chairman of the Special Committee on Arrangements of
the Associated Chambers of Commerce of the Pacific Coast.
The Chairman of the Commission was Cheng Hsun Chang, one
of the most eminent merchants in China, who is also a distinguished
member of the National Council of Pekin. His business enterprises
have branches outside of China, in Java, Sumatra, and the Straits
Settlements. He is a representative of the Canton Chamber of Com-
merce.
The other members of the Commission were as follows: Vice-
Chairman, Chi Cheh Nieh, representative of the Chinese General
Chamber of Commerce, Shanghai, proprietor of the Heng Foong Cot-
ton Manufacturing Company, and Director of the Cotton Mills Own-
ers' Association; Honorary Secretary, David Z. T. Yui, Executive
Secretary of the Lecture Department, National Committee, Young
Men's Christian Association of China; Limpak Cham, proprietor of
the Ceong Chan Exporting Raw Silk Company; Sheng Chen, repre-
sentative of the Chamber of Commerce and the Shanghai Nanking
Railway, manufacturer of lacquer ware and cloisonne; Yenpei
Huang, Vice-President of the Educational Association of Kiangsu
Province, and Ex-Commissioner of Education; Singming Kung,
Director of the Hui Chang Machine Manufacturing Company,
Shanghai; James H. Lee, importer and exporter of electrical appli-
ances; Huan Yi Liang, mine owner, and President of the Govern-
ment lead mines; Chachsin Pian, representative of the Chamber of
Commerce, Tientsin, and a cotton merchant; Kuanlan Sun, Manager
of the Tung Hai Agricultural Company; S. C. Thomas Sze, coal
merchant, and Assistant General Manager of the Kailan Mining
Administration, Tientsin; Kwong Wong, ship-builder, and President
and Manager of the Yantse Engineering Works, Hankow ; Chaichang
Woo, Senior Secretary, Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce,
Pekin ; S. T. K. Woo, Superintendent of the Hanyang Iron and Steel
Works; Chia Ytt, embroidery merchant, and founder of the Fouciou
Embroidery Institute; Soochow Hsieh Yu, Director of the Huichow
Tea Trade Union, Shanghai; B. Atwood Robinson, American Honor-
ary Adviser, Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce and Ministry of
Finance, and President of the Chinese- American Company.
Three other Chinese gentlemen accompanied the Commission as
personal secretaries: Yingming Chang, Mingtuan Siao, and Antung
Kung.
[186]
THE CHINESE COMMERCIAL COMMISSION
Americans in the party were: E. T. Williams, of the State
Department, E. C. Porter, of the Department of Commerce, Warren
Manley, special representative of the National Chamber of Commerce,
Mrs. Porter, and Mrs. Robinson.
[187]
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5faut $ork QJittttB, Ifoproaurro tn ©Iff ilnurnal of Amrriran
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tention of tlj? Atnpriran Jlwiplp, ano aa a ^rntanpnt
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QHfina'0 Qkrafrat
WO things were emphasized in what Cheng Hsun
Chang, the leader of the distinguished Oriental party
which is visiting this country, said to me when I
asked him to explain China's situation.
One was that the most populous nation in the
world lies prostrate, at the mercy of Japanese exploi-
tation, and the other is that this — now — is the oppor-
tunity of the United States to gain trade and influence in the Far
East.
Cheng Hsun Chang is qualified to speak with wisdom. Besides
being at the head of the Chinese Trade Commission to the United
States, he is a State Councilor; he possesses the decoration of the
Second Order of "Chi Ho;" he is the senior adviser to the Chinese
Governmental Board of Agriculture and Commerce; he was China's
special delegate to investigate commerce in the Straits Settlements,
and he is the High Commissioner for the Preparation for the Opening
of Chinese Interior Ports. He is known as China's J. Pierpont
Morgan.
My first question was : "Would China, the newest of the world's
great Republics, welcome at this crisis in her history the assistance
of the United States, the oldest?"
"Heartily," was the reply. "We have taken your Republic as our
model in fashioning our own. In every way we have endeavored to
copy your efficient Government.
"We feel that by thus giving us a model by which we may profit
you have done us a great service. We earnestly desire that you will
[188]
CHINA'S PRESENT RELATIONS WITH JAPAN
do us many other services — that you will consider us your protege,
as in truth we are.
"It has been the 'open door' policy of the United States which has
done more than anything else to protect us; it is to that policy that
we confidently look for further protection now, when we need help
more than ever we have needed help before."
"The extraordinary demands which have been made of our
unfortunate nation by Japan since we have been absent from Peking
made American friendship and support far more important to us
more than ever we have needed help before.
"We are in a terrible position. We never have been a warlike
nation. We are, upon the contrary, the most peaceful people in the
world.
"If Japan's stipulations, as published in The Times, April i, are
accurately given, there seems to be but little hope for us.
"Japan's demands amount to a declaration that China must be-
come a subject State. She does not openly call for annexation, but
in reality she asks more than the abrogation of Chinese independence.
The fulfillment of her demands would mean that China would have
but one right left — that to labor — and all her labor would be for
Japan's benefit.
"She asks. for police control, for military control and for business
control ; she asks for what would amount to a monopoly in the devel-
opment, for Japan's and not for China's profit, of China's natural
resources, transportation and manufacturing.
"She asks for everything, intending to give in return but one
thing, a government which would be autocratic, without disguise, and
which would be not only unwelcome but humiliating to China.
"Thus is China likely to be the greatest victim of the European
war, for it is only Japan's service as an ally of England which puts
her into a position allowing her to dare to ask such things.
"The interest of the United States in these demands should be
intense, it seems to me. If they are enforced, where, then, would be
your 'open door policy'? Destroyed. For with Japan in control, as
she frankly plans control, opportunities in China will be open only to
the Japanese. Is not this vital to you?
"Similar demands made by Japan before the beginning of the
European war instantly would have been the subiect of effective pro-
test by Great Britain. When we were in San" Francisco and first
learned of the demands we received from reliable sources assurances
that Great Britain and our own Ministers would come promptly out
in a joint statement demanding modifications
[189]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
"But what can Great Britain do? She is fighting for her life
and in that fight Japan is her ally. We have been hoping daily to
learn that the British demand had been made. But we are losing
hope. In the past Great Britain always has been fair. China trusts
her. The Chinese trust her people. But what can they do now?
"If England cannot demand a modification and America does
not demand a modification, it is hard to see whence salvation can come
for China. No other country in the world is in a position to do any-
thing whatever for us.
"The situation seems to make China's greatest disaster inevitable
unless America assists us.
"It is possible, of course, that Great Britain may realize the grim
necessity of coming to our aid, even though she be involved in the
vast European war, with Japan as an ally. As a matter of fact, if
something is not done to check Japan, Great Britain will lose more
in the Far East than she stands to lose in Europe, at the worst which
is conceivable, as the result of the conflict with Germany.
"I believe, and all thinking China believes, that possibly Great
Britain may have paid too high a price for the assistance of Japan. .
"For Japan to take advantage of the present crisis in Europe
as an opportunity for the enslavement of China in the moment of her
weakness has not been an honest nor an admirable course in any way.
No nation ever did a more terrible thing.
"In principle, her course is not unlike the assault of a strong man
upon a child of three, for China, as a republic, is but a child of three,
just learning how to walk. It would have been the better and more
generous course if Japan had helped us. Nations have been generous.
The United States was generous with Cuba, for example.
"But instead of helping us she is making plans to throttle us, to
prevent us from growth.
"I have no opinion, pro or con, to express as to the course which
Germany has taken in the war which now ravages Europe, but
Japan's militarism is modeled upon that of the Germans, as the Jap-
anese Army has been trained by Germans.
"Consider the Tsing-tao episode and other events of the war, and
see if Japan has not been in other ways than in mere military drill
the apt pupil of her instructor. And does not this episode indicate the
moral character of the Japanese? It seems to me that it must do so
to all thoughtful minds."
"If England loses in the war, what will it mean for China?" I
inquired.
"I hate to speculate on a contingency so terrible.
[190]
CHINA'S PRESENT RELATIONS WITH JAPAN
"If she wins, then, with Japan as an ally, will she not feel that
she must pay for Japan's service by keeping her hands off Japan's Far
Eastern policies ?" I asked.
"I cannot think that possible. Japan easily might demand it of
her, but England never would consent to such a course.
"Certainly there is the possibility that a secret agreement between
Japan and England preceded Japan's entrance into the war upon the
side of the Allies, but we cannot believe that even a secret agreement
would impel England to accept such a situation as is outlined in Japan's
demands.
"Nearly all of these demands are detrimental to England's inter-
ests in the Far East, exactly as they are detrimental to your interests
there and to every one's except Japan's.
"Having accepted Japan's help, she finds herself under a great
disadvantage, of course — and she must protect her India at all haz-
ards. It is obvious that India is more important to her than China
can be. She must be very careful. If China suffers, perhaps all she
can do will be to feel sorry."
"Is China capable of self-government now?" I asked.
"Of course she is. She is the oldest of the world's civilized
nations and much more civilized than Japan. We eat from tables, as
we sit on chairs, while Japan still sits upon the floor and eats from
mats upon the floor."
"If your civilization is so much superior to that of Japan, how
comes it that Japan has grown to be so much more powerful than you
are?" I asked.
"That is due to the fact that the Chinese, like the Americans,
are a peace-loving people. We have wished to live. our own lives in
our own way and have never kept a great army and a great navy
ready to invade other countries.
"But Japan has become military. She has had to, for she has
placed herself under the necessity of being predatory. She has been
like a poor family which lives on the scale which only a rich family
should affect.
"She has spent more than she has had. in order to create and
maintain her militarism, and so finds herself unable to exist upon
the product of her own natural resources, which is not very large.
"That army and that navy which Japan has created must be
supported in some way. So she chooses to use them wickedly as a
means wherewith to coerce poor China, making her pay the great
bills of their expense. Japan, in other words, is like a man with a
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
pistol coming upon an unarmed and unsuspecting person and demand-
ing his fortune.
"Although she is an ally of England, she has copied Germany,
which has been less fair than England to China. Did she not take
Tsing-tao without fair payment therefor? She had no right to take
Tsing-tao, even with a payment, without consent from China, and that
she never had, save under duress.
"But even this was less unfair than some of the methods which
the Japanese have followed in their dealings with China. They have
been high-handed to an extent which it is difficult to exaggerate.
"Let us consider some of the Japanese demands, as they were
given in The Times.
"All rights now possessed by the German Government in Shan-
tung must be transferred to Japan. This is making a German con-
quest into a Japanese conquest.
"Japan must be permitted to build such railways as she pleases.
The Port Arthur lease and the Antung-Mukden Railway lease must
be extended to the period of ninety-nine years.
"Japanese subjects must be permitted in South Manchuria and
Eastern Mongolia and must have the right to lease or own land for
manufacturing contrary to existing and, in the circumstances, neces-
sary laws.
"I must explain the necessity for the prevention of foreign owner-
ship or long leases of Chinese land. The Chinese are a frugal people,
and, as individuals, not rich. Chinese money is of small denomina-
tions. Foreign gold will buy much of it. Land is held at prices so low
that they amaze Europeans and Americans.
"If foreigners, with their great comparative wealth, were per-
mitted to buy Chinese land, Chinese individuals, tempted by what
would seem to be large payments, would sell out instantly. The for-
eigners would soon own all the land.
"Then the population would become a tenant people. This soon
might mean something akin to the peonage which so distressed Mex-
ico and always has meant national disaster wherever it has been tried.
"The 'right to work mines,' another of the Japanese demands,
would soon result in a great Japanese monopoly.
"No foreign loans could be secured for railroad building in South
Manchuria and Eastern Mongolia if these demands should be en-
forced, without Japanese consent. No foreign loans could be secured
by taxes there without Japanese consent. No advisers or instructors
[192]
CHINA'S PRESENT RELATIONS WITH JAPAN
for political, financial, or military purposes could be employed without
Japanese consent.
"And so the demands go. I cannot now recapitulate them all.
They reach a climax in that Article i, of Group V., which declares
that the 'Chinese Government shall employ forceful Japanese as ad-
visers in political, financial, and military affairs.'
"What would this mean but complete tyranny, under a less offen-
sive name? Even the Chinese police are to be 'organized and im-
proved' by Japanese. What would that mean but petty local and
greater national tyrannies ? Every question, large or small, would be
settled to the satisfaction of the Japanese, not in accordance, neces-
sarily, with justice.
"No independence whatsoever is left to China by these various
demands and others which I have not enumerated. They reduce her
to the status of a subject province. Does the United States wish this
to occur ? How far open would the door to Eastern trade be, for her,
if Japan were given such complete control of China?
"The situation really is desperate. When the Russians went into
Manchuria the higher class Chinese suffered, but it still was possible
for the lower class to live, because the Russians were glad of their
cheap labor.
"But since the Japanese have gone in even the lower class Chinese
labor has been displaced, to the great distress of a numerous popula-
tion, by cheap Japanese labor. Though they find it necessary to pay
a little more for it, the Japanese prefer Japanese to Chinese labor. It
makes their grip upon the land more firm. But what is to become of
the displaced Chinese?
"Another plan of the Japanese distinctly threatens foreign trade
with other nations. In Japan are few foreign stores. I have traveled
through the country lately and am sure of this.
"Under Japanese control the same will be true of China, where
now are many. Already, in Manchuria, the trade in piece cotton
goods has been almost wholly taken from the Chinese merchants sell-
ing foreign goods and put into the hands of Japanese selling Japanese
goods only.
"America's trade, in this branch, has been very large. It is
dwindling and will disappear. The Japanese are peddlers rather than
merchants, and carry their wares from house to house as no American
or other foreigner would do. If China loses one province to Japan,
that means that the United States loses the trade of that one Chinese
province.
[193]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
"Is it not clear, too, that the munitions of war clause means abso-
lute military domination of China by the Japanese, even as the police
clause would carry the campaign of dominance into every house and
give the Japanese the power of life and death over individual Chinese?
"It would give them the power of life and death and the power
of granting freedom or enforcing imprisonment at will.
"I am a merchant, not in a position to discuss political matters,
but as a citizen of China, with her best interests at heart, I am at
liberty to express my individual opinions.
"I do not pretend to have political knowledge, but I am sure that,
although the Japanese consider themselves wise, they have lost the
confidence of all Chinese. And I think that they will find this loss of
confidence more serious than they dream.
"I believe that it will more than offset any gain which may accrue
through the successful operation of their ambitious schemes.
"The United States Government has been wiser, although what
it did was not done because of its wisdom, but because it was right.
"In returning to China the surplus of the Boxer indemnity, to be
devoted to the education of Chinese students, your country made a
gain out of all proportion to the amount of money involved. It was
right that this should be the case.
"In China the fact that a traveler is an American is now a pass-
port not only to the territory but to the hearts of the native population.
An American traveler is given a respect not shown to others, for
none but America has occupied a stand so high-minded as that which
was evidenced by the return of this large sum.
"Even a coolie will hold up his thumb at sight of one of your
countrymen, and that is a sign of something more than respect — it
is an admission of greatness of character. How different is the feel-
ing which the Japanese have won for themselves in China !
"China could get on very well without any outside assistance if she
were subjected to no outside interference. Thus her future would
be bright. She successfully was organizing a stable Government when
she was interrupted.
"All Chinese have complete confidence in Yuan Shih-kai. He
truly is an able, even a great man. He could have handled the diffi-
cult situation of the construction out of old materials of a new Govern-
ment if he had been unmolested. And the firm attitude which he has
taken since the trouble has arisen has aroused the admiration of the
whole Chinese Nation."
The aged and earnest Chinaman, who had been stating the cause
[194]
CHINA'S PRESENT RELATIONS WITH JAPAN
of his people with a steady flow of explanation which I was certain
must be eloquent, despite the fact that every word had to be translated
to me before I caught its meaning, rose now and paced the room.
He made a striking figure in his robe of neutral tinted silk, his
swinging stride, and his American shoes. His hair is gray. He
wears no queue, his face is deeply lined, his spectacles are enormous.
I asked him what America could do. "We have much wealth,"
he answered, "but we have little money. You could furnish us with
money, for which we could give you abundant security. This not
only would enable us to insist upon our rights from Japan and permit
us to continue the reorganization of our Government, but it would
enable us to establish productive business enterprises.
"Another mighty service which would be rendered to us by
America would be the free education here, during a term of years,
of the poorer Chinese students who are anxious to learn, but who have
no means of earning the money with which learning can be purchased.
"It is a fact, I believe, that these poor students would study more
earnestly than and at least as intelligently as the rich young China-
men who now come here and pay their own way. The same would
be true of American youth in similar circumstances, would it not ?
"Especially we need in China young men of our own who have
been educated in the United States in agriculture and in general pro-
ductive industry.
"Inasmuch as England now finds herself in a position wherein
she cannot help China or protect her, it is our earnest hope that it will
be felt to be the duty of the United States not only to uphold Chinese
rights in state papers but in more substantial ways.
"If the United States should do this not only would China be very
truly and substantially grateful, but the United States, I think, would
gain in other ways, as by the maintenance of her position as a world
power at a time when there are those who venture to question it.
"I am not at all averse to telling you, now that your position is so
strong, while ours is so weak, that there is much criticism of America
in China, despite the respect and admiration which she has won there.
"The English and the Germans assure us that the American talks
only, while they work, and the statement is not without justice. If
the American should work as hard for Chinese trade as the English
and the Germans have worked for it he soon would gain a monopoly
of it.
"During the visit of the delegation of the Associated Chinese
Chambers of Commerce to your Pacific Coast in 1910 it was made
clear that commerce between the two nations could be promoted rap-
[195]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
idly only if steamship lines were established, banking facilities put into
operation, and exhibition houses constructed for the display of the
products of the two nations to the buyers in each.
"Thus America and China first talked such matters over, but
while we talked them over with you others took advantage of your
delay and carried out similar enterprises for their benefit and to your
detriment.
"Japan especially gained by the suggestion which had been made
by America. She immediately asked China to co-operate with her
with joint capital and joint management in the establishment of the
China- Japan Corporation. This was done.
"Japan's benefit has been enormous, while China would have
preferred to work with the United States.
"China still would be glad to co-operate along such lines with
the business men of your country. This desire has been accentuated
by the pleasant and instructive experiences which we have had during
our present visit to your country.
"If America would but do what Japan has done, co-operate with
Chinese capitalists, half and half, in the promotion of international
commercial enterprises, it would tend immensely to promote com-
merce. You have been talking of the establishment of exchange banks
in China. That, we think, is less likely to react favorably, because it
really would not be in the way of co-operation.
"Nothing of which I can think would do so much to promote peace
as such a commercial alliance between the great republic of America
and the young republic of Asia. With such an alliance in existence
the ambitious schemes of others might be checked.
"The direct profit to the United States would be enormous. The
enterprise would soon make of China a manufacturing country, and
America would supply all her machinery. As China developed under
such a stimulus her needs and tastes would more and more be in conso-
nance with American products.
"We progress rapidly when we do progress. Seven years ago,
even four years ago, all China wore long gowns, like that which I,
because I am a man too old to change, am wearing. Now all of
younger China wears American clothes. My son does.
"I cannot see why you should hesitate to take advantage of this
opportunity which is at your doorsteps. But in order to do so you
must study the actual needs of the Chinese, not merely shipping such
goods as you may have on hand, but devising goods especially to fit
our market."
[196]
pg
p
o
p
z
in
HE distinguished citizens of the Republic of China re-
ceived a royal welcome at our National Capital. On
May 28 they were guests of honor at a banquet given
by the Southern Commercial Congress at the Univer-
sity Club, this being the culmination of a series of
entertainments offered them during their stay in
Washington.
A strong note of the sentiments expressed at the banquet was the
contrast shown between the friendly efforts for closer co-operation
of China and the United States, both Republics, and the insane rage
of war-hatred in which wretched Europe now struggles.
The then Secretary of State, William Jennings Bryan, made an
address at the banquet, in which he expressed the hope that a greater
commercial intercourse may be built up between China and the United
States.
Senator Hoke Smith emphasized the common commercial inter-
ests of China and our Southern States. He referred to the fact that
our South furnishes China with her chief import, cotton, at the same
time buying from China her largest exports, silk and tea.
The Honorable John Barrett, Director General of the Pan Amer-
ican Union, made an address, reminding his hearers that he had for-
merly served as Minister to China from the United States.
The Assistant Secretary of Commerce, the Honorable Edwin F.
Sweet, counselled that trade should be direct between the United States
and China, each country cultivating its best products, and dealing in
mutual interchange, rather than through any middle-man nation, as
England.
The Chinese Minister to the United States, the Honorable Kai
Fu Shah, said that China, in her political life, had followed the exam-
ple of the United States ; and that, in like manner, his country would
prosper by the cultivation of close commercial ties with us. He spoke
also of the contrast between the constructive effects of that develop-
ment of peaceful co-operation which these two nations are seeking and
[201]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
the spirit of destruction evidenced elsewhere as a result of interna-
tional jealousies.
Minister Shah cordially invited the investment of American cap-
ital in China, instancing the opportunity for such investment in rail-
ways. He called attention to the fact that Americans had financed
only two hundred of the six thousand miles of present Chinese rail-
ways. He also courteously referred to the welcome which his country-
men would give to American investments, above those of other
nations, as knowing ours to be free from ulterior motives.
The Chairman of the Chinese Commercial Commission, through
Executive Secretary, David Z. T. Yui, who acted as interpreter,
expressed the appreciation of the Commission in the welcome given
them, and voiced his hope for the strengthening of friendly bonds be-
tween his country and ours, as means for the development of a higher
civilization, placing this goal above that of mutual commercial gain
through such co-operation.
Doctor Clarence J. Owen, as Managing Director of the
Southern Commercial Congress, was the host of the occasion. A part
of his speech follows.
"The Southern Commercial Congress takes peculiar pleasure in
receiving the honorary commercial commission of the republic of
China and is honored in having these distinguished representatives of
China as its guests. The congress has been instrumental in organiz-
ing certain business interests in the United States now represented in
Ch.ina, having as their purpose the establishment of relations in trade
and finance, and for the building up of a merchant marine connecting
the ports of China with the Gulf of Mexico and the Atlantic seaboard
by way of the Panama canal. These practical plans are now being
consummated by our representatives in China. We, therefore, take a
peculiar delight in coming into this close personal contact with his
excellency, the Chinese minister, and with his countrymen, who come
to us with the same purpose of establishing ties of friendship that will
lead to commerce and the most pleasing associations in diplomacy and
friendly association.
"The Southern Commercial Congress was honored in its conven-
tion, held in the southwest a few weeks ago, to have as its guest Kai
Fu Shah, the envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the
republic of China. He charmed our people with his message, and
his voice, together with the voices of the honorary commercial com-
mission, brings a new understanding between the orient and the Occi-
dent, a new bond of sympathy between the youngest republic and the
oldest republic, between China and the United States. With a popula-
[202]
THE CHINESE COMMISSION IN WASHINGTON
tion four times as great as that of the United States, and with the
modern and progressive spirit to emerge from the spirit builded
through the ages, given primarily to intellectual rather than commer-
cial activities, China is ready, as we understand her new spirit, to
join hands and hearts with us and our institutions in the extension of
our commerce, in closer international relations, and in leadership in
exemplifying the principles of progress and peace."
[203!
Ammnm
BY
HIS EXCELLENCY, YUAN SHIH-KAI
N THE summer of 1914, the Foreign Trade Commis-
sion of the National Association of Manufacturers
of the United States visited China. As a result of
this visit, the President of China requested the Asso-
ciation to select a Commercial Adviser to the Chinese
Government. This appointment is now in process of
arrangement by the National Association.
The members of the Foreign Trade Commission are: Doctor
Albert A. Snowden of New York City; Captain David M. Parry of
Indianapolis; and Mr. John Kirby, Junior, of Dayton, Ohio.
Through Mr. Snowden, the following letter from the President
of China was received by the Association.
Office of the President,
Peking, Aug. 20, 1914.
"The National Association of Manufacturers of the United States of
America, 30 Church Street, New York City :
"Gentlemen :
"With the closer contact of the different nations with one an-
other through the improvements made in the means of intercommuni-
cation, the economic life of the world has followed a new course of
development. The farmer who produces and the merchant who trans-
ports now all depend upon the work of the manufacturer as their pivot.
"As I understand, your association is founded on broad principles
and applies the scientific knowledge of your country to the develop-
ment of special branches of industries. The progress in manufactures
in the United States marches abreast with the day and the month.
This is a work I emulate and admire.
"Like the United States, China is a country vast in the extent of
[204]
THE PRESIDENT OF CHINAS MESSAGE
territory, prosperous in population, and rich in natural resources.
Commerce thrives in every part of the land. Industries have a great
future of development. Of the students whom China has sent to your
country to be educated, many are paying especial attention to tech-
nical studies. The opening of the Panama Canal as a new trade route
is another factor to promote the commercial relations between China
and the United States. The visit which the representatives of your
association made to China recently has given up an opportunity to
cement our mutual friendship and exchange knowledge with each
other. It is certain that co-operation between the Chinese and the
Americans, which is thus facilitated, will unfold a new phase to the
economic world, not only to the benefit of China and the United
States, but also to the advancement of the cause of universal peace.
"With renewed assurance of my admiration for its past achieve-
ments and best wishes for its future, I remain,
"Yours truly,
"YUAN SHIH-KAI."
"Your Excellency:
"It is with deep appreciation of the high honor conferred upon
this association that we acknowledge the receipt of your Excellency's
kind communication, dated Aug. 20, 1914, and forwarded to us
through Dr. Albert A. Snowden, a member of our Foreign Trade
Commission. This generous and comprehensive expression of good-
will, with your Excellency's valued pronouncement as to international
co-operation, progress, prosperity, and peace, will be at once trans-
mitted to the entire population of America through the medium of the
public press, and we are sure that the constructive ideals therein pro-
posed will find a ready response in the hearts of our countrymen.
"It will likewise be both a pleasure and an honor to lay your
Excellency's message before the Board of Directors of this associa-
tion (at their next meeting, in October), together with certain other
important matters looking toward the promotion of mutual trade rela-
tions between China and the United States, which were the subject
of conversation and correspondence between your Excellency's Min-
isters and the members of our Foreign Trade Commission during the
period of their recent visit to Peking.
"We have no doubt but that the promotive interest which your
Excellency takes in matters of national and international development
v ill be of vast and ever-increasing benefit to the people of both repub-
lics as well as of advantage to the world at large. The members of
our Foreign Trade Commission speak with enthusiasm of the bound-
[205]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
less resources of the great nation of the Far East, and with equal
enthusiasm as to the progress that is being made under the wise
direction of your Excellency's Government. They are exceedingly
grateful for the kind and courteous treatment accorded to them by
the Chinese officials during their visit. This gratitude our entire
?ssociation shares.
"With sincere thanks to your Excellency and with the hope that
many happy years of service to the great Chinese nation may be
vouchsafed to you, we remain,
"Very truly yours,
"THE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF MANUFACTURERS.
"To His Excellency, Yuan Shih-kai, President of China, Peking,
China."
[206]
: A
BT
JOEL N. ENO, A. M.
EVERAL distinct types of settlement appear in the
original Thirteen Colonies ; yet all are probably adap-
tations of two fundamental types, — the feudal or
proprietary, and the community type. Under the
first, the king, or state, as proprietor of a whole
country, gave to one man (as in the case of Lord
Baltimore and William Penn), to a few men, (as in
the case of Mason and Gorges), or to a stock company, (as in the case
of the London Virginia Company and the Plymouth Virginia Com-
pany, and the Dutch West India Company,) the territory of a whole
province, guaranteed by a written instrument, called a charter, with
certain rights, franchises or privileges, and usually, provisions for the
government of prospective settlers, subject to the proprietary; under
the other, a charter was given to the representatives of a body of
colonists, providing that "they and all others now or henceforth ad-
mitted freemen ...... shall be one body corporate and politic,"
accompanied by the right to hold lands within certain specified limits
as to territory; Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Rhode Island, were
such charter colonies, governed under the royal charter, without direct
interference from Parliament.
The ordinary West-European type was manorial; the manor-
house, with its adjacent group of cottages of tenants of different
grades, who worked the large surrounding estate, was represented in
the Southern colonies by the mansion on the great plantation, with
its adjacent group of negro cabins; by the patroonships of the New
York Dutch, and the manors of their English successors. The natural
effect of this manner of settlement, was to make a number of sepa-
rated little baronies; their proprietors an aristocracy,, preservative of
class distinctions ; each of these baronies, was, in the South, for gov-
ernmental purposes, called by its contemporary English name, parish.
[207]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
The Dutch governors, and the English royal governors, as proxies for
their superiors, granted patents or deeds of tracts of land to would-
be settlers; in the Dutch towns, the government was retained in the
power of the governor; but the English towns usually asked for and
obtained the inclusion of charter privileges, as in the renewed patent
to Lady Moody and her company, Dec. 19, 1645, "continuing full
power of self-government and authority to build a town and erect a
body politic and civil combination as free men of the Province and
of the Towne of Grauesend, and to make civil ordinances." (See
patent in v. I, p. 629, of Doc. Hist, of N. Y.) The English royal
governors of New York who succeeded the Dutch, required the towns
to take out new patents, largely for the sake of the fees therefor;
Nicolls in 1665 and Dongan in 1686.
The New England type of settlement, as we have just seen in
the sample transported to Long Island, from Lynn, Massachusetts,
to Gravesend, was quite different from the manorial, governmentally.
Though the smallest English governmental unit, the township was
adopted as the model or basis, the manner of government did not dif-
fer greatly from that of the parish. The authoritative legal definition
of a town in England contemporary with the earliest New England
settlements is given in the first edition of Coke's Commentaries upon
Littleton, published in 1628: "It cannot be a town in law, unless it
hath, or in past time hath had, a church, the celebration of Divine
services, sacraments and burials." But the great difference is that
the manorial or feudal idea of government is entirely ignored ; the
people, not the proprietaries govern, — themselves: distinctions were
based on character rather than on wealth ; for the settlers were mainly
of the middle class of society; yet the chief shaping-force was reli-
gious; lying in the fact that each of these town-communities was a
transplanted congregation of dissidents from the lordship idea either
in the church or the State.
Colonial New York expanded along two lines, both geograph-
ically and racially; the first, from the present Greater New York
up the Hudson valley, was settled mainly from the Netherlands ; the
second, Long Island, except the five Dutch towns at the extreme
western end, was settled mainly from New England. The Dutch
who first came to New York, had only the object of trading, not of
permanent settlement or colonization, in view; their only organiza-
tion was that of association for business, from fortified trading
houses, located" conveniently for the collection of their staple, furs.
The first trading-post, Fort Nassau, was built under the direction
of Hendrick Corstiaensen or Christiansen on Castle (now Van
[208!
NEW YORK MANORS, TOWNSHIPS, AND PATENTS
Rcnsselaer's) Island in the Hudson, in 1614; garrisoned by ten or
twelve men, armed with two cannon and eleven stone-guns, and com-
manded by Jacob Eelkens. Another was built the same year at
Rondout.
The charter of Oct. n, 1614, of the United New Netherland
Company, for whom they seem to have bought furs, expired January
i, 1618, and all the garrison scattered. The first known record of
the name of the territory, Nieuw Nederlandt, occurs in this charter.
Yet the shipments of furs advertised their value and their abundance
in New Netherland to the Amsterdam merchants, and resulted in
the chartering of the Dutch West India Company, June 3, 1621,
under authority from the States General, broader than that of the
first Company, and extending to prospective settlers.
The new Company sent out the ship "Nieuw Nederlandt" in
1623, with 31 families, Dutch and Walloons, under Cornelis J. Mey
and Adrian Tienpont as first Director, to reestablish trade in New
Netherland. Tienpont left eight men on Manhattan, 1624; Mey
and others went for a time to the Delaware and the Connecticut, and
to Long Island; but most up the Hudson, where they built Fort
Orange, a small structure of logs and earth, about four miles above
the site of Fort Nassau. Willem Verhulst became Director in 1625,
to whom Pieter E. Hulft sent more than one hundred head of cattle,
horses, sheep, and swine, with seeds and farming tools, from Amster-
dam, in three ships, to Manhattan.
Peter Minuit was sent as the next Director, clearing from Hol-
land in the Sea-Mew, after a month's delay by ice, January 9, 1626,
and arriving at Manhattan May 4, 1626. In 1628 he built Fort Am-
sterdam, near the present Battery; and made New Amsterdam, as
Manhattan settlement was now called, the market of New Nether-
land; whence were sent to Amsterdam 1629-30, some 130,000 guilders'
worth of commodities, having almost a monopoly of the fur trade;
he also established friendly intercourse with the Pilgrims at
Plymouth.
Yet the Dutch trade-agencies had no basis of permanence until
they were supported by the products of the land. Hence the West
India Company in 1629 adopted a scheme employed elsewhere to in-
duce agricultural settlement ; that of great manors, each planted by a
wealthy patron (Dutch, "patroon") ; a grant of land with sixteen
miles front on any river of New Netherland, or eight miles on each
side and running back as far as necessary,— to any proprietor who
would settle on it within four years, fifty persons above fifteen years
old; otherwise to forfeit the grant. There were at first four great
[209]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
patroons, 1630; Samuel Bloemaert and Samuel Godyn bought of the
Indians, June i, 1629, a tract on the lower Delaware, the Swanendael
patent; Michael Pauw obtained the Hoboken-Hacking grant, named
from himself, Pavonia; to which he added Staten Island and the
site of Jersey City, bought from the Indians, August 10, 1630.
Kiliaen van Rensselaer bought of the Indians a tract 24 by 48 miles,
chartered August 13, 1630; covering most of the present Albany,
Columbia and Rensselaer counties. He sent to settle on his tract
three classes; first, freemen who emigrated at their own expense;
secondly, tenant farmers ; thirdly, farm servants. The official repre-
sentative of the patroon was the schout-f iscaal or sheriff ; the manor
having its own local government. Rensselaerwyck was the only
patroonship to survive.1
Beginning with about 30 colonists, 200 had been settled from
Holland when Kiliaen died in 1646, and 62,000 acres had been added
to his grant. The two manors at Swanendael were destroyed by the
Indians in 1632, and bought in by West India Company in 1634; a
similar fate, after some changes of ownership befell Pauw's later.
Contemporaneously, 300 manors in Holland enjoyed the rights of
free municipalities. Rensselaerwyck assuming considerable inde-
pendence, and becoming a rival in the fur trade, the patroon system
no longer was in favor with the Directors; moreover, Wouter van
Twiller, Director 1633-37, taking advantage of the farm idea and
of his position, to patent the most fertile lands about New Amster-
dam to himself and his friends, brought a reaction lasting for many
years.2 Patroonships had neither a governmental nor popular back-
ing; and against the odds of the Director's monopoly, few would
venture to invest in New Netherland.
A Dutch writer of that day says of New Netherland, "It never
began to be settled till every one had liberty to trade with the In-
dians;" which was granted by the new Director Keift, 1638-40;
this properly includes barter for and purchase of Indian lands; for
it was the settled policy of the original settlers in New Netherland
as well as in New England,8 to give goods or money to the satisfac-
tion of the Indian owners; and as for the inland fur trade, there
were in 1646 only ten houses at Beverwyck (now Albany), the vil-
lage of the Rensselaerwyck region, near Fort Orange. Kieft found
six "bouweries" on Manhattan; the name of Stuyvesant's still sur-
vives as "the Bowery" ; but he proceeded to boom agricultural settle-
1. Lamed, Hist, for Ready Reference, v. 3, p. 2327
2. Wlnsor, Nar. & Crlt. Hist, of America, v. 3, pp.
399-403.
3. Eno, The Puritans and the Indian Laws.
[210]
NEW YORK MANORS, TOWNSHIPS, AND PATENTS
ment by favoring both individual and co-operative taking up of land,
in the neighboring region;3 there were 30 bouweries in 1639. Hence
we may return for a considerable period to the growth of the chief
settlement; which, as far as New York State is concerned, belongs
to the history of the present city, Greater New York (since January
i, 1898).
Representative government began at New Amsterdam under
Kieft in 1641, with the election by all heads of families and masters,
of the Twelve (Select Men or counsellors of the Director), and the
Eight (later, Nine) elected representatives: It was incorporated a
city in 1652, and on February 2, 1653, its city government, consisting
of burgomaster and schepens, was installed in office; the city had
1 20 houses in 1656. For historical purposes it seems best to trace
each of the five boroughs of Greater New York independently; which
brings us to the third settlement, first white settler, 1623, in the
present borough of Brooklyn, which is co-extensive with Kings
county; in 1636, Breukelen village began with the Gowanus patent,
930 acres; and in 1646 it obtained local government. New Amers-
foort (Eng. Flatlands) probably had its first settler in 1624, and
here in June, 1637, van Twiller granted the first land-patent of 15,000
acres to Hudde and Gerretse. August i, 1638, Director Kieft bought
of the Indians the Boswyck tract; in like manner the whole of Kings
and of Queens county was bought, 1636-1640, and granted to actual
settlers, on time, according to the new order regarding patents,
namely: after ten years each settler to pay to the purchaser from
the Indians, one-tenth of all the produce of the land. But the slow,
piecemeal Dutch settlement by land-patents to private individuals soon
found itself outrun by immigration of New Englanders with their
system of township patents or grants, first in Queens and then in
Kings as formed later. Newtown (Dutch Middelburg, and Indian
Mespath (Maspeth) patent, 13,332 acres was granted to a company
of New England settlers, March 28, 1642, by Director Kieft. Hemp-
stead patent (Dutch Heemstede) Nov. 16, 1644, to Stamford, Conn.,
settlers. Flushing (Dutch Vlissingen) patent by charter of Oct. 10,
1645, to New England settlers. Gravesend (Dutch's Gravensande)
patent, Dec. 19, 1645, to New Englanders led by Lady Moody to Kings
county lands: though 't Conijnen Eylandt (Coneyn, now Coney
Island) was bought by Guisbert Op Dyck of the Nyack Indians May 7,
1654. In 1647 Long Island had some fifty farms,— approximately
asjnany as all the rest of New Netherland combined, which was esti-
•Avery, Hist, of the U. S., v. 2, p. 228.
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
mated at fifty "bouweries" and three hundred inhabitants. Flat-
bush (Dutch Midwout, and 't vlacke Bosch) was chartered in 1651 ;
whence New Lots was set off February 12, 1852; both now in
Brooklyn borough. Easthampton, L. I. was bought by Hopkins and
Eaton from the Indians in 1649; conveyed to nine settlers (six from
Lynn), and held a town meeting in 1651. Jamaica (Dutch Dustdorp),
now in Queens county borough, was chartered March 21, 1656, to
New England settlers. Bushwick (Dutch Boswyck) bought of the
Indians in 1638, and chartered February 16, 1660, is now the Green-
point district of Brooklyn ; and New Utrecht, which received its town-
ship charter Dec. 22, 1661, is located by Fort Hamilton and Green-
wood cemetery.1
We diverge momentarily to the fourth settlement, the site of the
old Rondout up the Hudson in Ulster county, which after a broken
existence was strong enough to obtain a charter May 16, 1661, as
Wiltwyck (Wild-town), a name changed to Kingston May 19, 1667;
but are obliged to return quickly to keep pace with the rush of New
England settlers into Long Island and Westchester county. Rye was
bought of the Indians in 1662, and became a town under Connecticut
jurisdiction in 1664.
There were seventeen towns, having thirty-four representatives
in the first Assembly, summoned by Gov. Nicolls, and which met at
Hempstead, L. I., Feb. 28, 1665; the Duke of York having super-
seded the Dutch as proprietor of the province in 1664, when it had
12,000 population, of which 3,000 were on Manhattan. Seawanaka
(Longe Eyland) was renamed Yorkshire, after his dukedom, and like
old Yorkshire was divided into "ridings" ; West Riding included the
present Kings county, Staten Island and Newtown; the rest was
East and North Ridings. John Richbell had obtained a patent of
Mamaroneck May 6, 1662, confirmed by Gov. Lovelace Oct. 16,
1668; his grant including Mamaroneck, White Plains, and Scars-
dale (made a manor in 1697).
Thomas Pell had bought from the Indians (1654) a tract for
a manor, 9,166 acres; he granted to Fairfield, Conn., settlers, June
24, 1664, East Chester, chartered March 9, 1666. Brookhaven, L. I.,
where settlement began in 1655, obtained a township charter March
13, 1666. Shelter Island, settlement begun 1652, was chartered May
31, 1866. Pelham Manor, (now Pelham, New Rochelle, and part
of Westchester) was confirmed to Pell by royal patent, Oct. 6, 1666,
and the remainder after selling East Chester (now, — except East
Chester village, — Mount Vernon) was reserved under patent of Oct.
'Ross, Hist, of L.. I. and Thompson, Hist, of L. I.
[212]
NEW YORK MANORS, TOWNSHIPS, AND PATENTS
8, 1666. Westchester ("Vredeland," bought from the Indians, 1640;
"Oostdorp," when settled by New Englanders, 1647) received its char-
ter Feb. 13, 1667; it included Fordham and Morrisania manors and
West Farms Patent, the latter made a town May 13, 1846, whence
Morrisania Dec. 7, 1855; annexed to N. Y. city 1873-4, and now
districts in the borough of the Bronx.1
On Long Island, Huntington received its charter 1666; Flat-
lands, 1667; Oyster Bay, named by the Dutch for its fine oysters,
and settled by Connecticut people, was chartered Nov. 29, 1667.
Staten Island, sold by de Pauw to the West India Company soon
after he became patroon, was sold, except de Vries' farm, to Cornells
Melyn, 1642; its settlement of about ninety persons being wiped out
in the Indian wars, 1655, Melyn resold to the Company in 1659. Gov.
Lovelace in 1670 repurchased it and finally extinguished the Indian
claims; and it was made an independent judicial district in 1675.
Southhold, L, I., received a charter from N. Y. Oct. 30, 1676,
but had town meetings before; Southampton, Nov. i, 1676; Smith-
town March 25, and New Paltz, in Ulster county, Sept. 29, 1677.
Schenectady began to be settled in 1662, and was chartered 1684,
but nearly wiped out by the French and Indians in 1690. Set-
tlement in Orange county began in 1671 at Haver straw, and the
"Town of Orange" was chartered March 20, 1686. Settlement in
the Hudson valley from New York city to Albany had progressed so
that the region was laid out into counties among the original ten,
Nov. 1683, as Westchester, Orange, Dutchess, Ulster and Albany.
In 1685 New York province after 62 years of settlement had only
18,000 inhabitants, while Pennsylvania, then only in its fourth year,
had 8,000.
Some of the hindrances to New York settlement have been already-
traced ; that, in the first period, to 1638, it appealed almost solely to
the commercial and wealthy class; in the second period there was
destructive assault by the Indians; and at nearly all colonial periods,
the selfish exploiting of the settlers for the benefit of the proprietors ;
whereas William Penn had a benevolent purpose, and more than
that, traveled widely, as in Germany and Ireland, advertising the bene-
fits; and lastly, lived and acted up to his advertisement. Governor
Dongan, in 1686 required the towns in New York to take out new
charters, and collected fees of £300 for New York and Albany, and
£200 for Rensselaerwyck :2 the first two were maintained wholly by
trade with the Indians. Albany was incorporated a city in 1686.
Stephanus Van Cortlandt began the purchase of his manor of
1. Scharf, Hist, of Westchester County.
2. Roberts, Hist. N. Y., v. 1, p. 194-5.
[213]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
86,213 acres, August 24, 1683, from the Haverstraw Indians, and
including the northern part of Westchester county; this was con-
firmed to him by patent, Dec. 23, 1685 and charter of June 17, 1697.
Adriaen van der Donck, schout or manager of Rensselaerwyck in
1641, became the only patroon at that time in Westchester county
about 1649, with his manor of Colen Donck, and the distinctive title
of de Jonkheer, preserved in the name of Yonkers; Frederick Philipse,
1672 to 1693 included part of it in his manor of Philipsburgh, char-
tered by Gov. Fletcher, June 12, 1693. Livingston Manor, 160,000
acres (now in Columbia county) obtained a patent July 22, 1686, but
had only 4 or 5 houses in 1701. The purchase of these large tracts
for resale, was stopped by the law of 1699, providing that no grant
should be made except to actual settlers ; a law not abrogated till May
5, 1786.
The patents were deeds of land, not records of incorporation, as
of an association or corporation; only implied or quasi incorporation
existed in colonial New York and New England town organization;
sometimes as briefly expressed as in Connecticut colonial records of
the General Court, of the date Sept., 1651; "Norwauke shall bee a
towne;" not till 1700 does it become so elaborate as to specify the
powers granted, in Connecticut; the charter of Gravesend has been
quoted because of its remarkable fulness of specification. Bedford
tract, 7,623 acres obtained a township patent May 21, 1697.
The whole province of New York in 1701 is estimated to have
had no greater population than Connecticut; namely, 30,000; and
to have kept even pace till at least 1755, when each is estimated to
have had 100,000. Patents for Rochester and Marbletown in Ulster
county were issued in 1703, and for Hurley Oct. 19, 1708. Next
occurs Hunter's Palatine settlement:1 the Palatines came from the
Lower Palatinate (i. e. territory of the Count Palatine) along the
Rhine above Cologne; Alsace, Lorraine, Mainz, Treves, and the
northern part of Baden and Wiirtemburg). This country was
strongly Lutheran, but in 1692 came under a Catholic ruler.
In 1709, 13,000 of these Palatines emigrated to England.
Robert Hunter, then recently appointed Governor of New York,
took 3,000 Palatines with him from England to settle, sailing in
January, 1710, but not arriving till June 14, 1710, — a very long and
hard voyage, during which 470 died; 339 remained in New York
City; on May i, 1711, 1178 went up the Hudson to East Camp
(later called Germantown) and Saugerties; late in 1712 about thirty
pushed on to Rhinebeck; and some 700 finally settled in Schoharie,
1. Cobb, Story of the Palatines.
[214]
NEW YORK MANORS, TOWNSHIPS, AND PATENTS
and (300 in) Little Falls, 1725-26, Palatine, Palatine Bridge, Man-
heim, Oppenheim, Newkirk, German Flats, Herkimer, and German-
town; although sixty families left Schoharie for Pennsylvania, 1723-
28; dissatisfied with the oppressive dealings of the manorial pro-
prietors, no more came ; but the whole Palatine emigration was turned
to Pennsylvania; amounting to between 30,000 and 50,000 by 1750.
After the Revolution, the new nation found each of its States
except Pennsylvania, bordering east on the seaboard, but several of
them with what then appeared to be limitless extension westward.
How New York received the overflow of population which soon set
in from New England is an interesting reversal of the relations pre-
viously existing between buyer and seller, consulting the buyers'
advantage, which became the settled policy of the State and later
of the national government, and might be termed the land-office sys-
tem of wholesale methods and wholesale prices.
Massachusetts, by the charter of 1629 had her western boundary
at the Pacific ocean, giving her a priority of claim over the grant
to the Duke of York, March, 1664. It was agreed by the commis-
sioners of Massachusetts and New York, Dec. 16, 1786, that Massa-
chusetts should relinquish all claims to New York lands, provided that
New York gave her the preemption right, or first opportunity, to
purchase from the Indians, six million acres, situated west of a line
drawn north and south, from Lake Ontario through Seneca lake to
the Pennsylvania north line; that is, the present Allegheny, Cat-
taraugus, Chautauqua, Erie, Genesee, Niagara, Orleans, Ontario,
Livingston, Monroe, Steuben, Wyoming and Yates, and the western
part of Wayne and Schuyler counties. April 21, 1788, Massachu-
setts sold her preemption right to Oliver Phelps and Nathaniel Gor-
ham of Massachusetts for $1,000,000, to be paid for settlement of
Indian claims. They bought from the Indians in July, 1788, about
2,600,000 acres in the eastern part of the Massachusetts tract;
which was quit-claimed to them by Massachusetts, Nov. 21, 1788.'
They returned the remainder of the tract to Massachusetts' which
was resold to Robert Morris of Philadelphia, through his agent,
Samuel Ogden, March, 1791.
Phelps and Gorham had disposed of about fifty townships, each
six miles square (the inauguration of the United States system of
square sections), before Nov. 18, 1790, when they sold the remainder
of their Indian purchase, — except two townships reserved, — to Rob-
ert Morris, whose holdings now exceeded one and one-fourth million
acres- Morns soon sold to Sir William Pulteney most of the pres-
'Lamed, page 2340.
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
ent Livingston, Monroe, Ontario, Steuben, Yates and western Wayne
counties ; also to Cragie, Greenleaf , and Watson, the Connecticut tract
of 100,000 acres; to Ogden and Cragie, 50,000 acres each; made many
other sales, mostly much smaller ; and reserved 500,000 acres to him-
self, but became bankrupt.1
A company formed in Holland, (later called, without warrant,
the Holland Company) acquired in 1792-93, the western part of the
Massachusetts tract (Allegany, Cattaraugus, Chautauqua, Erie.
Genesee, Niagara, Orleans and Wyoming counties), estimated at
3.600,000 acres.2 In October, 1786, New York also set apart two
tracts to pay her soldiers engaged in the Revolution; the first, 1,680,-
ooo acres in Cayuga, Cortland, Onondaga, Seneca, Tompkins, and
part of Oswego and Wayne counties; the second, 768,000 acres,
or twelve townships in Clinton, Essex, and Franklin counties. All
the town-like organizations, whether settled in the Dutch or the New
England manner, provided they were strong enough to go alone, were
recognized as towns, by the general enabling act of the Assembly,
March 7, 1788.
1. Turner, Pioneer Hist, of Holland Purchase.
2. O. Turner, Hist, of Pioneer Settlement of Phelps & Gorham Purchase & Morris Reserve.
[216]
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BT
CARL HA WES BUTMAN
Of The Smithsonian Institution,
Washington, D. C.
HERE is little doubt in the mind of the writer that
many otherwise well-informed and patriotic Amer-
ican citizens are lacking in knowledge as to the
rewards issued by the home government for deeds
of valor and faithful service rendered on the field of
battle and in naval engagements. Most Americans
are, nevertheless, fairly well acquainted with the dec-
orations of foreign countries, possibly because such rewards are his-
torically much older and figure more frequently in poetry, song, his-
tory, and even fiction.
Nearly every well-read individual knows of the Victoria Cross
and its nationality, the Iron Cross of Germany, the Cross of the
French Legion of Honor, and the coveted Russian Cross of Saint
George ; but few are aware that there is a Medal of Honor issued by
the United States Government; that there are two, in fact, one in the
Army and one in the Navy; and, if they do possess a knowledge of
these facts, they do not always recognize the decorations when seen
on a soldier's or sailor's full-dress uniform, or their respective color
bars on the service uniforms. They who do perhaps fail to realize the
deference which is most assuredly due any such decorated officers and
men. It is unfortunate that such a small number are acquainted with
these medals, for there are twenty-three other official decorations
which are likewise worthy of immediate recognition and respect.
In Europe, it is quite different; military decorations are gener-
ally known, and this can well be imagined when the emblems of the
foreign Powers are even recognized in the United States. To be sure,
foreign rewards are more numerous, due to the far greater size of the
representative armies and the more frequent wars; but there must
[225]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
be other reasons than these for our ignorance on the subject. It may
be that we are indifferent and do not appreciate the efforts of our
Army and Navy when in action. It may be that our national modesty
prevents a general comprehension of these facts.
An ex-Secretary of War is credited with having remarked at the
institution of the Medal of Honor," and the people of the
United States will rejoice to honor every soldier and officer who
proves his courage " Who are they, and when should we
give them the plaudits they deserve? We are all familiar with the
Grand Army of the Republic emblem and the Legion of Honor rosette,
which both have honorable significance indicating personal service
or descent from a military family ; but neither indicates especial cour-
age, self-sacrifice or individual heroism.
It seems strange that a nation which has possessed for fifty years
Congressional decorations for valor, already awarded to about three
thousand men of the Army and Navy, should remain for so long a
time practically ignorant of their existence. Be it indifference or
reserve, we are undoubtedly too negligent in our attention to the con-
ferring of these coveted decorations. Abroad, a solemn military cere-
mony invariably accompanies such awards — the medal is often pre-
sented by a royal personage before a parade of troops, and the name
of the recipient is preserved to posterity by means of official record
and Press. No such attention was accorded our heroes, however, and
each was undoubtedly glad enough to secure the trophy itself. Recently
it has become the custom for the President, in his capacity as com-
mander-in-chief of the Army and Navy, to make such presentations
personally and in the presence of all the members of the Honor Medal
Legion in the city.
In 1904, the War Department issued a circular, to which supple-
ments were added in 1906 and 1909, containing the names of those
who had received the Medal of Honor, briefly indicating the grounds
of award and date. A perusal of this circular reveals many interest-
ing deeds of valor, the following abstracted words and phrases from
which indicate some reasons for the conferring of these particular
medals: courage; bravery; gallantry; volunteer service; the capture
of flags; guns; etc. ; rescue, under fire, of companions and standards;
leading a charge; and service while wounded. Brief remarks tell of
worthy deeds deserving more lengthy chronicling and a larger field of
distribution. Modesty, if it be handicapping us, is to be thrust aside
Dy ihe author and Knowledge allowed to instruct us in order that
Pride may achieve her proper position in regard to our national heroes.
The official recognition and ultimate reward of deliberate heroism
[226]
UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT MEDALS
and personal achievement in the line of military duty, by the soldier's
government, is neither a modern custom nor one of Medieval times,
but reverts back to the glorious days of ancient history, where it was
r.; actised by the great military powers of Rome and Greece. When a
worthy Roman general returned from winning a battle, he was hon-
ored with a triumphant reception; when a man saved the life of a
fell- w, he was crowned with a wreath of oak leaves, a distinction which
carried with it State privileges priceless to the recipient yet costing
the government nothing. Citizen heroes of Greece were presented
with crowns and armor, although the Greeks were a race more prone
to decry the lack of valor than to acclaim its presence. In the history
of nearly every country, suitable public acknowledgment and timely
recompense of bravery is early recorded ; we, of America, although still
practically in our teens, were a little dilatory in recognizing the value
of such a step. It was not until 1861 that the initial official action
was taken in the general requital of meritorious conduct in battle.
The first step in this direction was made during 1776-1804
when Congress issued thirteen individual medals to heroic officers in
the Revolutionary War. Among the recipients were such dis-
tinguished men as George Washington, General Horatio Gates, Major
Harry Lee, General Anthony Wayne, General Daniel Morgan, and
Captains John Paul Jones, Thomas Truxton, and Edward Preble.
Further awards were made during the War of 1812, the War with
Mexico, the Civil War and the Spanish American War. These were,
however, distinctly personal medals and did not apply to many indi-
yi *uals who assisted materially in the accomplishments for which their
chiefs were decorated.
It was probably George Washington who first made the compen-
sation of justly earned honors available alike to officers and men when
he wrote an order in August, 1782, providing that the veteran officers
and soldiers who had served more than three years with bravery, fidel-
ity and good conduct, should wear a stripe on the left sleeve of their
coats, — two stripes for six years service, — in designation of the fact,
thus establishing the present system of service stripes. He went far-
ther : he authorized the wearing of a heart-shaped figure on the left
breast of the uniform coats, of those who had personally distinguished
themselves by singularly meritorious actions, and, to men possessing
this insignia, he granted all the privileges extended his commissioned
officers. Sergeants Elijah Churchill and Brown were the first to
receive this decoration: the former for gallant conduct in the enter-
prises against Fort St. George and Fort Stongo, on Long Island, and
the latter for conducting a forlorn hope with great bravery. These
[227]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
decorations were granted in May, 1783, and seem to mark the first
two Medal of Honor men in the military records of this country.
The Medal of Honor was first made available in the Navy by
an Act of Congress, approved December 21, 1861, authorizing the
Secretary of the Navy to have prepared Medals of Honor suitably
decorated with emblematic devices, to be bestowed upon such petty
officers, seamen, landsmen and marines as should distinguish them-
selves by their gallantry in action or for other seamanlike qualities
during the Civil War. This Act was subsequently extended to cover
such conduct in other wars, and provide a further gratuity, on July
16, 1862, May 17, 1864, March 3, 1901, and April 15, 1904.
The first authorized Medal of Honor for the Navy is still in use
and consists of a bronze five-pointed star, the points terminating in
trefoil with a wreath of oak and laurel contained in each ray. In the
center, within a circle of thirty-four stars, America is represented as
Minerva in classical costume and helmet, her left hand supporting
fasces, while with the right she holds a shield emblazoned with the
United States arms, with which she vanquishes Discord, who is armed
with serpents. The star is mounted on an anchor and suspended from
a silk ribbon of red and white stripes arranged vertically below a field
of blue. The clasps at the top and bottom of the ribbon are open bars
of fasces, the lower being surmounted by a five-pointed star from
which is suspended the anchor and the medal. The original design for
this medal was drawn by Paquet. With the medal, a bronze button
is presented, intended for wear with civilian clothes.
Under date of May, 1910, the Bureau of Navigation of the
Navy Department published a record of the Medals of Honor issued
to the bluejackets and marines of the United States Navy from 1862
to 1910, in the form of a Roll of Honor, which chronicles not only the
names of the distinguished recipients but the deeds of valor performed.
In all, the Navy had issued up to 1910, 641 medals; 487 of them for
gallantry in actual battle, while the remainder were conferred for
individual acts of bravery in times of peace. No provision is yet
made for the donation of Medals of Honor to the commissioned offi-
cers of the Navy.
Undoubtedly General E. D. Townsend was one of the progenitors
of the idea of the Medal of Honor, since he made a recommendation
for such a medal to the War Department and the chairman of that
committee in Congress early in 1861, but the original decoration which
the United States Government gave to non-commissioned officers and
privates of the Army who distinguished themselves by gallantry in
action and soldier-like qualities in the Civil War then in progress, was
[228]
UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT MEDALS
not authorized until July 12, 1862. The medal then authorized was
not a prize for the aristocracy or those elevated to responsible positions
but was essentially for the enlisted men, and thus it remained until a
subsequent Act of March 3, 1863, made it available for commissioned
officers in the Army as well, and perpetuated its distribution for serv-
ice in subsequent wars.
The original issue of the Medal of Honor for the War Depart-
ment was exactly like that of the Navy, except that the whole was
suspended from a trophy of two crossed cannons, below eight cannon
balls and a sword, surmounted by the American eagle, and united by
the ribbon to a clasp composed of two cornucopias and the United
States arms.
A large majority of those who received the first issue of the
Medal of Honor were enlisted volunteers during the Civil War, au-
though many medals were also conferred upon members of the regular
army for acts of self-sacrifice performed at that time or while engaged
in fighting the hostile Indians in the arduous campaigns which fell
to the lot of our frontier army during 1865-1891. A list of the awards
of this medal includes about fifteen hundred names of men who served
in the earlier wars and about one hundred who served in the war with
Spain. Since the first Medal of Honor did not seem to meet with
the approval of many concerned, due to its lack of artistic appearance
as compared with foreign decorations, and since the ribbon was like
that of the Honduras decoration, and, in fact, neither indicated nation-
ality nor the object of its being, an effort was made by Ambassador
Horace Porter and General G. L. Gillespie to provide a new and more
distinctive design. These two worthy gentlemen labored for some
time before they succeeded in having drawn up a satisfactory medal
and rosette, but after two years' labor it was accomplished and ap-
proved in July, 1904, by Mr. Root, the then Secretary of War.
A circular issued by the War Department, dated June 14, 1905,
describes the new Medal of Honor for the Army adopted shortly before
that date. It consists now of a silver pendant heavily electro-plated
in gold, this departure from the use of gun-metal being necessary
since the base metals would not carry the enameling now employed.
In outline, the old medal has been preserved by the five-pointed star,
while in its center now appears the head of the heroic Minerva turned
to the right, representing the highest symbol of wisdom and righteous
war. Surrounding this central feature, arranged in circular form,
are the words "United States of America," representing nationality.
An open laurel wreath, which encircles the star, and the oak leaves
at the bases of the prongs of the star, are enameled green to give them
[229]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
prominence. The medal is suspended by a light blue watered-silk
ribbon, spangled with thirteen white stars representing the original
States, and is attached to an eagle clasp supported on a horizontal bar.
Upon the bar, which is attached to the two topmost points of the star,
appears the word "Valor," indicative of the distinguished service
represented by the medal. The reverse of the medal is engraved with
the name of the person honored, together with the place and date of
the distinguished service rendered. Army regulations specify that this
medal be worn only with the full-dress uniform and special evening
dress, when it may be suspended from the neck by a ribbon. A section
of the ribbon, mounted on a plain bar, is provided for service uniforms.
A rosette for wear with civilian dress is awarded with the medal.
The present rosette, which superseded the old metallic button, is hex-
agonal in form and covered with silk identical with the ribbon of the
medal. The center is fluted in radiating folds and spangled with white
stars.
There are many men in the naval service who, although they may
never have attracted sufficient attention to deserve the Medal of
Honor, are well worthy of recognition by virtue of their long and faith-
ful service; for these thoroughly efficient, though not perhaps spec-
tacularly heroic sailors, there is also a reward known as the Good
Conduct Medal, issued to those only, who have been honorably dis-
charged and hold continuous service certificates, or who are serving
under the same and bear the approval of their commanding officer.
When first issued, in 1870, this medal consisted of a simple mal-
tese cross bearing the words "Fidelity, Zeal and Obedience," arranged
in circular form and "U. S. N.," in the center; being fashioned after
suggestions made by Commander Smith, U. S. N. In 1888, however,
this was recalled, and the present style adopted. It is comprised of
a circular medal having in its center the design of an old warship
with the word "Constitution" beneath, encircled by a rope, with an
anchor in the background; around the edge runs the chain of the
anchor and the words "United States Navy." This is mounted on a
red ribbon and suspended from a plain bar. Further recognition is
provided for, by the issue of a pin and bars. Each award carries with
it a slight increase in the pay of the recipient.
At first, Marines were not included in the distribution of these
medals, although after July 2Oth, 1896, they had in lieu of it, a testi-
monial setting forth the fact that the owner possessed the requisite
habits and abilities. On March 2Oth, 1910, a medal was adopted by
the Marine Corps for this purpose; itself nearly like that of the Navy,
except the central figure which is that of a gunner standing by the
[230]
UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT MEDALS
breech of a gun, and the words "Marine Corps" and "Semper Fidelis."
The mount is a musket, the pin is lettered with the branch of the serv-
ice, and the ribbon is blue and red. Upon the award of this medal a
marine is entitled to an increase in pay.
Other medals and badges of the Navy are ; the Dewey Congres-
sional, the West Indies Campaign Medal, the Merritorious Service
Medal, and the five compaign badges as follows ; the Civil War, Span-
ish War, Cuban Pacification, Philippine Campaign, and China Relief
Expedition.
The Army has medals similar to the above campaign badges and
the Indian Wars badge, the Philippine Congressional Medal, and the
Merit Badge as well. The official badges and medals issued by the
War Department are worn with the full-dress uniform, with the excep-
tion, that the Medal of Honor which may be worn with the Special
evening dress, and that the various distinctive marks awarded for
excellency in marksmanship may be worn with all uniforms, except
when in the field. They are all worn on the left breast of the coat in
a horizontal line about four inches below the middle point of the
top of the shoulder; all of those having ribbons being arranged in a
single line, overlapping if necessary. Narrow bars of similar colored
ribbons to the badges they represent are worn with the service uni-
forms, and when the decorations for marksmanship are worn with
them, they appear in a line slightly below the ribbons and parallel to
them. A regular order for arranging the medals, from right to left is
prescribed as follows by the War Department : the Certificate of Merit
badge, the Philippine Congressional Medal, the Campaign badges in the
order of their dates, the Cuban Pacification Badge, the Lifesaving
medal, of the Treasury Department, and the several marksmanship
decorations.
In the Navy similar regulations are followed in the wearing of
all decorations.
As can readily be seen the later badges, medals and ribbons issued
by the Government are not only of a very attractive design, but
express the sentiment of the different campaigns and other objects
with particular appropriateness. It is of interest, therefore, to note
that the late artist, Francis Davis Millet, designed several for the War
Department. These include: the Certificate of Merit Badge, the
Philippine Congressional Medal, and the five campaign badges. Millet
proved an especially capable artist in this instance, knowing as he did
considerable concerning the Service in which he himself had served
during the Civil War. The results of his efforts stand a permanent
testimonial to his ability.
[231]
€ATHCART-
An JUtnnta Hfrdjant of
BT
CHARLES GILMER GRAY
[OOKING back from to-day, it is difficult to form a clear
conception of the Illinois country as it was during
the period of the American Revolution.
Very little of the vast land area was then used
for agriculture. Every family might have a field
measured by a few arpents in length and breadth,
in which to raise the necessaries of life, but few had
more. For the most part Indian tribes possessed the broad expanse
both of land and water. A dozen tribes, more or less powerful,
pitched their wigwams in the regions between the Ohio and the
Great Lakes, the white population being gathered in settlements
around the forts. The main employments were hunting, trapping and
trading in peltry. Travel was accomplished with much labor, and
transportation of merchandise was slow and tedious. Lakes and
navigable streams were the usual, in fact, almost the only means of
movement, either of person or freight.
This situation of affairs furnished the opportunity for that im-
portant factor of civilization, the merchant, to come to the front.
The merchant of that, as of this or any time, was a most useful citi-
zen in the community. He scattered his money in exchange for the
commodities of the country; he infused a new spirit of enterprise
among the people, himself being a living example; and he raised the
standard of taste of the public, setting before them something to
please the eye or to gratify their more refined desires.
This early period of the Illinois country produced several mer-
chants of more than ordinary prominence, one of these, probably
the most notable, being Thomas Bentley. Not much is known of his
early history. Of English birth, he is first heard of as a merchant
in Western Florida. There he traded at and around Pensacola for
a time. Next, he is found trafficking along the shores of the lower
[233]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
Mississippi River. His trade was principally in skins, furs, guns,
and ammunition, and his dealings were mostly with the Indian tribes
of the region.
In course of time he made Kaskaskia, one of the largest settle-
ments of the Illinois country, and its capital, his centre of operations.
Not long after coming here, he met and married Margaret Blauvais,
a member of one of the wealthiest French families of this vicinity,
in this way adding to his already considerable prestige and fortune.
At this time, his business reached into remote regions and
appears to have been carried on with success. He traversed the
Mississippi from its mouth to its source. His oars skimmed the
waters of the Illinois and the Great Lakes, going to Mackinac and
Detroit; while the Ohio and Wabash were his domain in reaching
the further eastern sections. One can scarcely realize, with our mod-
ern modes of travel, how much time and patience were required to
accomplish these long distances. It took Thomas Bentley, going
from Kaskaskia to Mackinac, at the Straits of Mackinac, from May
24 to July 21, almost two months, it having been, as Bentley himself
says, "a tedious and dangerous passage." This is just one of the
many tedious and dangerous journeys taken by him.
His cargoes were generally of a bulky kind, — beaver, deer-skins,
liquors, tobacco, etc., requiring the use of boats and batteaux of all
sizes. These boats or the larger batteaux, it must be remembered,
were propelled by the stroke of the oar, and the oar was moved by
the strong arm of the oarsman. Compare that with our modern
methods of travel and shipping.
Phillip De Rochelblave was at this time Governor of the Illinois
country. With his duties as Governor, he seems to have had the desire
to unite those of trader or merchant as well. According to some
published letters and depositions furnished by Bentley and his friends,
he tried to purchase a cargo of merchandise brought up the river
from New Orleans by Bentley. Inability to make the purchase seems
to have caused ill-feeling on his part towards Bentley. Then, accus-
ing one of Bentley's clerks of having given a bottle of liquor to an
Indian, he assessed a fine of fifty dollars against the merchant.
Abundant testimony, however, made it appear that Rocheblave him-
self was furnishing liquor to the Indians at night in exchange for
otter and beaver skins. This enraged the Governor and he threat-
ened to make the fine against Bentley double. These and other in-
justices of larger import were the occasion of charges and counter
charges between the two and a settled feeling of bitter enmity came
to exist between them.
[234]
AN ILLINOIS MERCHANT OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY
In carrying on his enterprises, Bentley always had boats plying
on the Mississippi, and it was on one of these trips, in March, 1777,
that an incident occurred which is believed by some to have led to
the occupation of the Illinois country by the Americans.
In July, 1776, Captain Gibson of the Virginia forces, with
Lieutenant Linn and forty-three men, had been sent from Fort Pitt
to New Orleans, to purchase a quantity of gunpowder of which they
were badly in need. Having succeeded in securing nine thousand
pounds they started on the return trip on September 22. Finding it
necessary to winter at Arkansas Point, they again set out early in
the Spring on the return.
On March 3, as they were nearing the mouth of the Ohio, they
met some boats of Bentley's, in charge of M. Bomer, his agent.
These boats were well loaded with one thousand pounds of powder,
corn, lead, rum, wine, salt, guns, coffee, and other merchandise, in
all said to be worth thirty thousand livres. It is sure that a few sacks
of corn and possibly some other merchandise were transferred to
Gibson's boats, but what else transpired is not so sure. Indications
point very strongly to the fact that Bentley at this time gave infor-
mation to the Americans of the defenseless conditions at Kaskaskia
and the other Illinois posts which, being carried to Colonel George
Rogers Clark, who, with his little army, was encamped at the Falls
of the Ohio, caused him to decide to cross over and take possession
of the Illinois country. These troops had been sent out from Virginia
nominally to protect the Kentucky settlements from Indian depreda-
tions, but with a tacit understanding that they could be used for larger
work in the discretion of Colonel Clark.
Bentley nowhere laid claim to giving this important information
to Colonel Clark. In fact, more than once he denied it. From his
peculiar situation, as a merchant in Kaskaskia, the seat of the British
Government in Illinois, he could not safely do otherwise. But certain
it is that Rocheblave believed it and made it the grounds for his sub-
sequent arrest and imprisonment. We find in 1780 he asserted "that
one man had been responsible for the fall of the Illinois country and
that one was Thomas Bentley." Lieutenant Governor Henry Hamil-
ton of Canada, by whose orders Bentley was arrested, says that the
arrest was on information from Rocheblave that Bentley had sent
provisions to the enemy at the mouth of the Ohio, that he was disaf-
fected to the Government, and that he had supported the cause and
interests of the rebels in various ways.
This meeting of Bentley and Clark was in March, 1777. In the
following May he started to go to Mackinac, an important northern
[235]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
trading station, carrying along a good cargo of skins and other
merchandise. On his arrival he was placed under arrest, as men-
tioned above, by the orders of Lieutenant Governor Hamilton and
later was taken to Detroit, where he was held a prisoner for a period
of two and one-half years, until his escape, "by the woods," as he
calls it, to the Illinois country.
Because of his arrest at Mackinac, Bentley claims he suffered
heavy losses on the cargo of merchandise he had taken there for sale,
one item alone of beaver skins, being valued at one hundred and fifty
pounds, English money, and this was just the beginning of his losses.
Not having had expectation of arrest or detention, he had left
no one at home able to take charge of and carry on his affairs. He
tried in every possible way to effect his release. He wrote letters
and had friends write to those in authority, asserting and offering
to prove his innocence. He offered ample indemnity for his good con-
duct, if released, but to no avail. With no one to carry forward his
business at home, nothing but ruin could be expected, and, in fact,
on his return, his affairs had been reduced to a low state. In a letter
to Governor Haldiman of Canada he says, "My affairs have been
totally ruined and all my property gone to rack."
But with will unbroken he set himself to work at once to repair
his broken fortunes. In 1779 we find him, in a letter to Colonel
Clark, offering to take charge of any large business he might entrust
to him. Then, a few days later, he makes a similar offer to Gov.
Haldiman of Canada of willingness to handle any large enterprise
the Governor might have at his disposal. In 1780 we find him plan-
ning to send a cargo of merchandise up the river, and requesting
Major De Peyster of the British forces to see that no savages be
allowed to molest his boats in the passage. Later, we learn that he
took a trip to Williamsburgh, the capital of Virginia, to press a claim
for twenty-one thousand piastres, for which, he held, the State was
liable, because of certain financial wrongs he had suffered at the
hands of some of its officers. With what success this was attended
does not appear.
On this trip he had the pleasure, as he calls it, of seeing Lieu-
tenant Governor Hamilton, who had caused his arrest and imprison-
ment, himself a prisoner, having been captured by Colonel Clark, at
the taking of Post St. Vincent.
Along with other misfortunes, he found, on his return from cap-
tivity, that his wife, a girl sixteen years old when he married her,
had become estranged from him. Some property entanglements,
growing out of this, added to his troubles. There is enough in the
[236]
AN ILLINOIS MERCHANT OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY
published letters and court records connected with this case to form
a basis for many a spicy column for a modern newspaper, if placed in
the hands of some fertile-brained pencil-wielder of the present time.
Bentley must have spent some years in these endeavors to repair
his fortunes, but with what success does not appear. The exact time
of his death is not recorded, but it occurred some time before 1787.
Looking back over his career as a merchant, one would say that
he made several serious mistakes. One of them was his apparent
double-dealing in trying to appear the friend of both the British and
the Americans. He should have chosen his side and been true to that.
The policy of deceit and duplicity which he undertook to practice
turned out badly for him. Another mistake was to antagonize Gov-
ernor Rocheblave to the extent he did, going so far as to make com-
plaint to Governor Abbott of Canada, with a view to the displace-
ment of Rocheblave as Governor of the Illinois country. The hos-
tility on the part of Rocheblave was a prominent cause of Bentley's
imprisonment and resultant financial distresses.
But, no matter what censure or criticism might be fairly passed
upon him, it remains true that Thomas Bentley was a man of ex-
traordinary energy and resource, and that, as a merchant, he ranked
as high as any of that period, standing at the front with Cerre, Vigo,
and our own Pierre Menard of later period.
[237]
of % Mag Wan fag tip Sattb
0f Nm ODrUntna
BY
JEAN CABELL O'NEILL
T HAS been generally believed by the few memories
that yet record events of the Battle of New Orleans,
that that splendid achievement of General Jackson's
was entirely unnecessary, for it is a fact that the
Treaty of Ghent, declaring peace with England,
antedated by two weeks the date of the Battle. There
was then no cable linking up the distant shores of
England and America, no ten-minute wireless communication, to say
that England was holding out the olive branch ; and, before the slow-
sailing packet arrived bearing the Treaty, the Battle had been fought
and won. But there has come to light an interesting bit of talk
with the great Jackson himself along the same line, and he emphat-
ically declared that the whole Louisiana Purchase would have been
lost to the United States had not the defense at New Orleans been a
success.
David Buell, the historian, when a newspaper man, passed several
days as the guest of Governor William Allen of Ohio, who, during
Jackson's second term, was Senator from Ohio. In telling of life in
the National Capital, during that strenuous administration, Allen,
who was an old friend of General Jackson, mentioned calling on the
President shortly after the admission of Arkansas to the Union. It
was entirely characteristic, if history can be believed, that Jackson's
first suggestion was a toast to the new Star in our flag. To quote
the Governor's own words:
"The ceremony being duly observed, the General said, 'Allen, if
there had been disaster instead of victory at New Orleans, there
would never have been a State of Arkansas.'
"This of course interested me, and I asked: 'Why do you say
that, General?'
"Then he said that, if Pakenham had taken New Orleans, the
British would have claimed and held the whole Louisiana Purchase.
[239]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
But I said: 'You know, General Jackson, that the Treaty of Ghent,
which had been signed fifteen days before the Battle, provided for
the restoration of all territory, places, and possessions taken by either
nation from the other during the war, with certain unimportant ex-
ceptions.'
'Yes, of course/ he replied. 'But the minutes of the conference
at Ghent, as kept by Mr. Gallatin, represent the British Commissioners
as declaring, in exact words : "We do not admit Bonaparte's construc-
tion of the law of nations. We cannot accept it in relation to any
subject matter before us."
' 'At that moment,' pursued General Jackson, 'none of our Com •
missioners knew what the real meaning of these words was. When
they were uttered, the British Commissioners did not know it. Now,
since I have been Chief Magistrate, I have learned from diplomatic
sources of the most unquestionable authority that the British Ministry
did not intend the Treaty of Ghent to apply to the Louisiana Pur-
chase at all. The whole corporation of them from 1803 to 1805,—
Pitt, the Duke of Portland, Grenville, Lord Liverpool, and Castle-
reagh, — denied the legal right of Napoleon to sell Louisiana to us,
and they held therefore that we had no right to that territory.
' 'So, you see, Allen, that the words of Mr. Goulburn on behalf
of the British Commissioners, which I have quoted from Albert Galla-
tin's minutes of the conference, had a far deeper significance than our
Commissioners could penetrate. Those words were intended to lay
the foundation for a claim on the Louisiana Purchase entirely ex-
ternal to the provisions of the Treaty of Ghent. . . .
" 'You can see also what an awful mess such a situation would
have been if the British programme had been carried out in full. All
the tangled web that the cunning of English diplomacy could weave
around our unsuspecting Commissioners, by the Will of Providence
was torn to pieces and soaked with British blood in half an hour at
New Orleans by the never-missing rifles of my Tennessee and Ken-
tucky pioneers. And that ended it. British diplomacy could do won-
ders, but it couldn't provide for such a contingency as that. The
British Commissioners could throw sand in the eyes of ours at Ghent,
but they couldn't help the cold lead that my soldiers sprinkled in the
faces of their soldiers at New Orleans. Now, Allen, you have the
whole story. Now you know why Arkansas was saved at New
Orleans.' '
This puts history in a new light, and for many of the Stars added
to the Union since that day we may give our General Jackson the praise.
[240]
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BY
THE REVEREND JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, D. D.
WILKINSON was born in Cumberland,
Rhode Island, not far from the middle of the Eight-
eenth Century, 1758 being the date usually given.
Her father, Jeremiah Wilkinson, was a prosperous
farmer, of good character and ability, having been a
member of the Colony's Council. Her mother, Amy
Whipple, belonged to the Society of Friends, and to
a distinguished family in the colony. Probably Jemima's father was a
Friend also, as there is a record of the expulsion of the family from
the Society because they refused to use the "Plain Language."
Jemima was the eighth of twelve children. Very little is known
of her early life. Her mother died when she was eight years of age,
and it is said that Jemima ruled the household, not being easily con-
trolled by her elder sisters, and that she was taught the usual sub-
jects studied in the common schools of the day. She was beautiful
in person, very fond of dress, and, till she was sixteen, her reading
was chiefly poetry and light literature.
About this time a new sect appeared in Rhode Island, which
rejected all Church organization, and claimed the direct and constant
guidance of the Spirit. They named themselves "New Light Bap-
tists," but the people called them "Separates." Jemima attended and
was much influenced by their meetings, though she never joined
them. The sect soon disappeared. She became more serious and
took to reading her Bible. She was moody, averse to society, com-
plained of ill health, and, in the summer of 1776, took to her bed.
Her physician pronounced her disease mental and beyond his skill.
In the fall she was much worse, and her friends were greatly
troubled and watchers were provided. She described strange experi-
ences and in October fell into a trance for thirty-six hours, when she
scarcely breathed and seemed to be almost dead. Colonel Johnson,
who visited her in her old age, says that she was pronounced dead,
[249]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
had been placed in a coffin and carried to the Church, and that the
preacher was about to begin the funeral service, when a sound was
heard within the coffin. The lid was raised and Jemima sat up and
in a faint voice told her story. At any rate, she recovered from this
illness somewhat suddenly, dressed herself, and went about as if
wholly restored.
She insisted then, and to the end of her life, that she had died
and had gone to heaven, and that then her body was reanimated by a
spirit whose business it was to make known God's will to men. "It
was her prophetic call." Henceforth she was no longer Jemima Wil-
kinson, but "The Universal Friend," with power to foretell the future,
discover the secrets of the heart, and heal disease.
At first her friends were incredulous, but some of them were
:oon persuaded that she spoke the truth. The Sunday following her
restoration, at the close of public worship, she spoke for half an hour
under the trees in the Church-yard to those who would listen. Her
discourse consisted largely of common moral maxims, interspersed
with Scripture quotations, with which then, and throughout her pub-
lic life, she showed great familiarity.
Her story and fame soon spread, and she visited many places in
Rhode Island, Connecticut, and Massachusetts, and in New Milford
and South Kingston, meeting-houses were erected by her followers.
She took special pains at this time to gather in foundlings, the poor,
and those who had no home or friends.
But among her early converts were men and women of character
and considerable wealth. Among them were two men who for years
gave her much help, — James Parker, at whose home she was fre-
qutently entertained, and William Potter, whose house was enlarged
m order to accommodate the Friend and some of her followers. Here
she is said to have made her home for six years. In view of Potter's
later actions it is interesting to note that he was twice, 1775 and
1780, elected Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas in Wash-
ington County, Rhode Island.
In the "History of the Narragansett Church" (Volume I, page
576), a quotation is given from the record of the October session of
the General Assembly at South Kingstown, Rhode Island, in 1778,
which is of interest and is the foundation of some of the scandal
retailed by Hudson. Newport was then occupied by the British.
"Whereas, William Aldrich, of Smithfield, in this state, pre-
ferred a petition, and represented unto this Assembly that Jemima
Wilkinson, of Cumberland, a single woman, who is a preacher and
under a strong apprehension in her mind, that she is divinely called
[250]
JEMIMA WILKINSON, THE UNIVERSAL FRIEND
to go and preach to the people in England ; and has for that purpose,
obtained General Sullivan's permission to go upon Rhode Island, to
take passage from thence to England; and has also obtained his per-
mission to take with her Marcy Wilkinson (presumably her sister
of that name) and Rhoda Scott as companions.
"That they are all unwilling to go, unless some man of their
acquaintance can be permitted to go with them. That he is very
desirous to accompany them, and has applied to General Sullivan for
that purpose, who refuses to permit him without the consent of the
Assembly be first obtained
"It is voted and resolved that the prayer of the said William
Aldrich, in his aforesaid petition contained, be, and the same is hereby
granted."
Jemima, however, never went farther than Newport, where she
preached to the British officers.
In 1782, she went to Philadelphia, where the Friends at first
received her cordially, and provided a meeting house where she
preached to large congregations. Here and at Worcester she remained
for several months, making many converts. She was in Rhode
Island and Worcester during the next two years, but returned to her
native State in 1785 to remain till her removal to the Genesee country.
Meanwhile the Friends had repudiated her, and "attending Jemima
Wilkinson's meeting was a cause of stumbling for which a paper of
contrition had to be presented." (Miss Hazard's "Narragansett
Friends' Meeting," page 171.)
As early as 1786, one of her disciples, Ezekiel Sherman, had
visited the "Lake Country," with a view to selecting a site for a per-
manent settlement, for Jemima was convinced of the necessity of
gathering her followers together into a colony. He reported, how-
ever, that the Indians were too hostile to warrant a removal at that
time. The same year, however, a committee was appointed to make
further explorations, and Thomas Hathaway, Richard Smith, and
Abraham Dayton began their long journey. They went to Philadel-
phia, explored the interior of Pennsylvania, and followed the track
of f ullivan's army to Kanadesaga. At Kashong they were enter-
tained by the French traders, De Bartzch and Poudre, who gave
them glowing accounts of the country, which were confirmed by their
brief ^isit. _ Upon their return to Rhode Island, they recommended a
settlement in the general region of Seneca Lake.
In June, 1788, twenty-five of Jemima's disciples left Schenectady,
where they had gathered, for the new location. In August, they
selected land at City Hill, about a mile south of the present village
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
of Dresden, and, though it was late in the season, they cleared and
sf-wed twelve acres of winter wheat. Some of the party spent the
wiuKT here, and early application was made to Governor Clinton
for a grant of land. Turner says that they were "the pioneers of
the entire Genesee Country, preceding even the Indian treaties for
acquiring land titles."
In 1789, large accessions to the Colony came from Connecticut
and Rhode Island, among them William Potter already mentioned.
Jembia herself remained in the East to secure money and arrange
for others to go. This year she sent her friend and counsellor, Sarah
Richards, to observe and report as to conditions at City Hill. Sarah
was not altogether pleased with what she found, gave the people
some pretty plain advice, returned home, and did not join the colony
till two years later.
1/89 was a trying year also for the settlement. It is the familiar
story of pioneers — a poor crop of wheat, — the first wheat harvested
in the Genesee Country, the wild animals getting the most of what
there was, and the people reduced to sore straits for food. But some
corn was raised this year, and though there were many hard experi-
ences in store for them, the worst was over. This same year, Richard
Smith, James Parker, and Abraham Dayton erected the first grist mill
in the State, west of Seneca Lake. It began operations in January,
1790, and pioneer settlers came even seventy miles with their grist.
A saw mill was built shortly after.
In March, 1790, the Friend started for the settlement, and
reached it in two weeks. There were now two hundred and sixty
persons in it, an orderly, industrious company, held together by com-
mon religious beliefs, and their leader was with them. This year
they built a log meeting-house, the first in the Genesee country,
which was in use for nine years.
The first school in all this region was opened about the same
time by Rachel Malin. Elijah Malin also built a house for the
Friend with money furnished by Anna Wagener. It was the first
frame house in the Genesee country, small and quaint, with nine fire-
places attached to one chimney, but it accommodated a large family
who were personal attendants upon Jemima. Here then she was
comfortably established in the midst of her supporters, but many
difficulties, within and without, confronted the infant colony.
The Indians, fearful of the encroachments of the white men, and
stirred up by the traders and others, were growing more hostile. They
could easily have destroyed the colony and certainly did hinder its
growth.
[252]
JEMIMA WILKINSON, THE UNIVERSAL FRIEND
In 1791, Colonel Pickering, on behalf of the United States Gov-
ernment, made the famous treaty at Newtown (Elmira), with the
Senecas. On their way thither, five hundred Senecas, with Red
Jacket, Corn Planter, Good Peter, an Indian Preacher, the Reverend
Samuel Kirkland, the missionary, with Horatio Jones and Jasper
Parrish as interpreters, camped at Norris' Landing on the Lake, and
held a conference with the colony. Jemima preached, through an
interpreter, to the Indians, claiming that she was a special messenger
of Christ.
"The Indians were cordial and friendly, as all their subsequent
conduct toward the Friend and her Society most clearly proved." She
always treated them kindly and with generous hospitality. They
often called at her house and were sure of a welcome. They fre-
quently supplied her with venison, for which she always paid them.
The Indian troubles of Western New York ended with the treaty
made at Canandaigua in 1794. Here the Friend preached to a large
company of whites and Indians, from the text, "Have we not all
one Father? Hath not God created us all?" The Indians were
greatly pleased, and named Jemima, "Squaw Shinnewanagis taw ge,"
-"A Great Woman Preacher." Henceforth she had their confidence
and respect.
Colonel Johnson has a long and highly ornate description of this
affair, and we only wish that we knew how much of it is true.
Among other things, he describes how she endeavored to convince
the Indians that she was a divine messenger, and finally succeeding
in doing so by the use of a magnet to which she attached a tomahawk
and whirled round her head to the amazement of the warriors. But
much of what he tells is exaggerated and lacks confirmation. It reads
more like the stories of some of his guides or the gossip of the neigh-
borhood than like the result of an intelligent sifting of the various
stories then afloat.
In 1791, Sarah Richards, who was chief manager and counsellor
till her death, joined the colony. She did much to promote its best
interests. Cleveland gives memoranda left by Sarah of various inci-
dents of her regime, but they do not throw much light upon the history.
Of the complications which arose over the Colony lands I can
speak only briefly. Some of the land was purchased from Phelps
and Gorham, and other companies, while fourteen thousand nine hun-
dred and forty acres were bought from the State for twenty-five cents
per acre, on the condition that within seven years one family should
be located on each six hundred and forty acres. Governor Clinton
signed this deed October 10, 1792. The members contributed accord-
[253]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
ing to their means for the purchase of this tract. That from the
State was early surveyed and the members took possession of it.
But now legal troubles began, lasting for many years. James
Parker, already mentioned, was an active business man and had much
to do with the purchase. He had been a magistrate in Rhode Island
for many years, and was an enthusiastic follower and trusted coun-
sellor of the Friend. He was appointed a Justice of the Peace about
1800, and did a large business in this office. For some unknown
reason he and the Friend separated, and about the same time William
Potter, who had contributed more than half of the money needed
to purchase the land from the State of New York, also seceded.
Their defection was a great loss to the colony and created no end
of trouble.
Potter was ejected from the Friend's house in a somewhat sum-
mary manner, but before it happened he had secured papers, signed
by many of the colonists, releasing their lands to him. He then
brought suit against the Friend for blasphemy. The Friend's arrest
was accomplished after repeated attempts had been foiled by her
quick wit, or that of her followers, and after the officers had been
put to much trouble.
The case attracted much attention, and the Court House at
Canandaigua was crowded at the trial, presided over by the venerable
Judge Ambrose Spencer. The Friend managed her own case, refusing
other counsel. The Attorney-General, having presented his state-
ments and evidence, Jemima rose to answer. She was somewhat thea-
trical in manner and matter, and, among other things asserted that
if her doctrines were blasphemous, then the principal witness, Judge
Potter, was a blasphemer also, for he had subscribed to all her doc-
trines, and had not renounced his faith. Of course her speech was
regarded by the legal fraternity present as "traveling out of the
record," but it had won the jury, for, after the judge's charge to them,
the jury did not leave the box, but rendered at once a verdict of
acquittal. Then the Friend was invited to speak before the Court
and the people present, and she received earnest and respectful
attention.
When Judge Spencer was asked what he thought of it he is
reported as saying: "We have heard good counsel, and if we live in
harmony with what that woman has told us, we shall be sure to be
good people here, and reach a final rest in heaven."
Judge Potter next brought a suit of ejectment, in order to secure
possession of the land for which he held release papers. This case
was tried before Chancellor Kent. Again, the Friend refused counsel
[254]
JEMIMA WILKINSON, THE UNIVERSAL FRIEND
though the Court urged it. The plaintiff presented the documentary
evidence which seemed to confirm his title to the land in question
without any doubt. Jemima bided her time and, having delivered a
speech of some power, drew from her pocket "a most formidable
parchment, having appended to it two hundred seals, with the signa-
tures of all her followers, exemplified by the great seal of the State,
certifying that it had been duly recorded in the Secretary of State's
office, long previous to Potter's releases. It bore the same date as
the deeds which had been given to her people. It constituted the
Friend sole trustee for her followers, and referring to the deeds,
modified them thus : "That the interest in the lands, granted by said
deeds, should be held no longer than the subscribers lease of said
lands, by any member, should operate as a forfeiture of his right;
that nothing should pass to the purchaser, by any such sale, but the
land should revert to the said Jemima." The Chancellor immedi-
ately rendered decision in favor of the defendant, and Judge Potter
left the Court in disgrace, with a large bill of costs to pay. Her land
troubles were not by any means ended but the worst were over.
Naturally, the litigation about the land produced much bitterness,
both within and without the settlement, and doubtless this is the chief
reason why Jemima's memory has been pursued with so much venom
and animosity. While the Chancellor decided in favor of the Friend,
and upheld her title to the land, the final decision affirming this
opinion was not given until 1828, nine years after her death, and
seventeen after the suit was begun. Some of the best lawyers of the
State were engaged in the case, and the long and expensive suit
brought little good and much evil to all concerned. (It is reported in
lull in "Wendell's Reports, Volume I, Malin vs. Malin.") Through
it all we are told that the Friend maintained a patient and firm
demeanor, and that, while preached against and denounced she did
not retort.
During these troubles Abraham Dayton was sent to Canada to
obtain, if possible, from Governor Simcoe land for a new location:
A grant was made of land in Beauford Township, Canada West, but
this was afterwards revoked on the ground that the Society was a
new sect and the Governor did not wish to encourage their immigra-
tion to his territory. The grant, however, had been made to Dayton
individually, and his family removed thither, where Mr. Dayton soon
after died.
In 1790, Thomas Hathaway and Benedict Robinson, two .of the
leading men in the Society, bought from Phelps and Gorham, for four
thousand three hundred dollars, thirty-six square miles in the town
[255]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
of Jerusalem. They were able and devoted men and had the approval
of the Friend in the transaction, and on this tract she was to make
her home. Sarah Richards selected the site, in 1791, and in 1793
a few acres were enclosed and a log house erected. But in this year
Sarah, who had suffered much from the hardships of pioneer life,
died, and her death was a great loss to the Friend. By her will,
Richard Malin succeeded her as trustee for Jemima.
In the spring of 1 794, after four years in the original settlement,
the Friend removed to their new home. It was in the midst of a
dense wilderness, ten miles or more from most of the company upon
which she depended. One chief reason for the removal was the land
troubles. The Friend kept a farm of three hundred acres in the orig-
inal tract as long as she lived. It was occupied by Anna Wagener,
and a room in the house was always ready for the Friend when she
visited the place. These visits practically ceased after 1812. Serv-
ices continued to be held both in the house at Jerusalem and the log
meeting-house, till 1799.
Members gradually gathered round their leader in her new
home, and many of the poorer ones were settled on her farm. The
single log house had two others added to it, and the third one was
finally raised to two stories and covered with clapboards. The meet-
ings of the Society were held in the middle room of this house till
1814, when the Friend moved into a new and more commodious house
which had been erected for her special use, and which is still standing.
It was much superior to any of her previous homes, but by no means
the "palace" which her enemies declared it to be. The house and
grounds were always neatly kept, there were no drones about, and
the Friend personally superintended the work. Here she died and
the Society continued to hold services in it to the end.
Notwithstanding secessions from time to time, the Friend's influ-
ence continued to be very great. It was determined far more by her
zealous interest in her flock than by her religious teachings. She
was a mother to her people, helpful to the poor and sick, first to
minister to them in sorrow and trouble, and always attending the
funeral of the members, as well as of many outsiders.
Until the later years of her life she traveled on horseback,
attended by one or more of her disciples. When age and other in-
firmities called for other means, a coach was built for her, luxurious
for those days, which is still to be seen in Penn Yan. Saturday was
the Sabbath of the Society, though Sunday was generally observed
as a rest day, in deference to other people.
[256]
JEMIMA WILKINSON, THE UNIVERSAL FRIEND
When the meetings were held in Jerusalem, large numbers would
ride over from Milo, many of them remaining for two nights at the
Friend's house, and all of them served with dinner on Saturday. Her
hospitality was generous to the very last.
The Society would gather at the appointed hour and sit in silence
till the Friend appeared. Then she would kneel and pray aloud fer-
vently, and, after a few moments of silence, rise and preach for an
hour or more, amid the utmost silence. She had a musical and pleas-
ant voice, black, expressive eyes, and used graceful gestures. No
singing was allowed. Afterwards others would sometimes speak, and
the meeting was dismissed with the shaking of hands led by the
Friend.
The Duke of Liancourt, as he is usually called, in his account of
his visit to Jemima, tells the usual story of the origin of the work and
Jemima's early experiences, and then gives this account of the meeting
he attended :
"Jemima stood at the door of her bed-chamber on a carpet, with
an arm-chair behind her. She had on a white morning gown, and
waistcoat, such as men wear, and a petticoat of the same colour. Her
black hair was cut short, carefully combed and divided behind into
three ringlets; she wore a stock and a white silk cravat, which was
tied about her neck with affected negligence. In point of delivery, she
preached with more ease than any other Quaker I have yet heard;
but the subject matter of her discourse was an eternal repetition of
the same topics, death, sin, and repentance. She is said to be about
forty years of age, but she did not appear more than thirty. She
is of middle stature, well made, of a florid countenance, and has fine
teeth, and beautiful eyes. Her action is studied ; she aims at simplic-
ity; but there is somewhat of pedantic in her manner." ("Travels,
Etc., by Duke De La Rochefoucault Liancourt; Volume I, page 112.)
He also describes her house, which was "built of the trunks of
trees and is extremely pretty and commodious. Her room is exquis-
itely neat, and all resemble more the boudoir of a fine lady than the
cell of a nun. It contains a looking-glass, a clock, an arm-chair, a
good bed, a warming pan and a silver saucer."
Of her conversation, the Duke says : "She seldom speaks without
quoting the Bible. Her hypocrisy may be traced in all her discourses,
actions, and conduct, and even in the very manner in which she man-
ages her countenance." Then he gives some of the stories told of
her, and even charges her with gross immorality. Of course he pre-
sents no evidence of the truth of them, and, so far as actual testimony
goes, they are most of them slanderous and untrue.
[257]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
He describes the meal eaten in Jemima's home, she herself not
being present, as it was not her custom to eat with her guests. "Our
plates, as well as the table linen were perfectly clean and neat; our
repast although frugal, was yet better in quality than any of which
we had partaken, since our departure from Philadelphia. It consisted
of good fresh meat, with pudding, and excellent salad, and a beverage
of a peculiar and yet charming flavor, with which we were plentifully
supplied out of Jemima's apartment, where it was prepared."
He then tells of his conversation with Jemima, but she was alto-
gether too pious for the Duke, and he repeats his statements that
she is an imposter, immoral, etc. In reading the Duke's story one is
impressed with his Eighteenth Century French ways and morals, and
is inclined to believe, as many have, that he was unable to make a
conquest at Jerusalem of a nature to foster his own pride and self-
sufficiency, and that this explains much of the severe criticism he
passes upon the Friend. Certainly much of what he writes about her
must be taken with more than a grain of salt.
The Friend suffered much during her last illness, but she was
often carried into the room where the meetings were held, that she
might comfort her flock. It has been commonly said that they be-
lieved her immortal, but if so it was contrary to her own repeated
statements.
She died, July I, 1819, aged about sixty-one years. Her friends
were informed that certain physicians were determined to get posses-
sion of her body, and this they naturally wished to prevent. So the
body was carefully walled in, in the cellar of the house. Later, it was
buried on a little hillock in an unmarked grave. Her estate was left
to Rachel and Margaret Malin, who were to succeed her as guardians
of the poor of the Society and continue to keep the Friend's house as
its home. They were faithful to their trust till death claimed them.
The Friend had lived an earnest, honest, consistent moral life.
In her preaching she condemned the popular sins of the day, and it
is generally admitted that those who remained faithful to her teach-
ings led pure and upright lives. She never winked at intemperance
nor licentiousness. To one of the early settlers, who was about to open
a distillery, she said: "John, it will prove a snare to thee," and so it
proved.
One of the members who left the Society and joined another
religious body said: "The Friend was all Love. Doubtless she was
ambitious, and often her rule was arbitrary, and not always wise, but
she was uniformly zealous for the welfare of her people, according
to her light. Her kindness and her benevolence were long gratefully
[258]
JEMIMA WILKINSON, THE UNIVERSAL FRIEND
remembered." Cleveland says that the secret of her power "rested in
her sterling humanity."
Possibly she was not cultured by modern standards, but she
possessed quite a library for those days and had quite a fund of legal
knowledge. Her Bible was at her tongue's end. Turner says that
once "Mr. James Wadsworth called to see her. At the close of the
interview, she said, 'Thou art a lawyer; thou has plead for others;
hast thou ever plead for thyself to the Lord?' Mr. Wadsworth made
a courteous reply, when, requesting all present to kneel with her, she
prayed fervently, after which she rose, shook hands with Mr. Wads-
worth, and retired to her apartment."
Till late in life she was very prepossessing in personal appearance.
The only authentic portrait of her, now in Penn Yan, reveals a fine
face, with a searching eye. Much has been made by some writers of
her peculiarities in dress, but they do not agree in their descriptions.
Probably the fashions changed then as now; but Cleveland says that
she always dressed in good taste.
Cleveland says positively that she never claimed to be able to
walk on the water, to work miracles, to be the Messiah or His sub-
stitute,— "but simply minister of truth sent by divine authority to
preach a better life to the world." He states that she never appro-
priated the property of her disciples by saying, "The Lord hath need
of this," nor exacted anything more than they gave willingly, and
that she never punished gossip by compelling the person to wear a
bell. All these things have been charged against her.
Cleveland gives the names of seventy-four men who were enrolled
as members of the Society, "at their own request, and remained
throughout devoted and firm adherents." Many others were mem-
bers for a time and left the Society for various reasons. Most of these
men were heads of families, and he gives brief biographies of nearly
all of them. He represents them as above the average of the early
pioneers, men of character, and many of them men of prominence in
the communities where they had previously lived. He also gives a
list of one hundred and eight women, corresponding to that of the
men. Some of these lived a celibate life. Nearly all of them were
well educated for that day, and were active in temperance and other
good works, as well as devoted in their religious life. They were a
noble pioneer sisterhood. Many of the best people of Yates County
to-day are descendants of these pioneers. The community was always
a quiet and industrious place. Even Colonel Johnson says that these
first settlers in this county were "bold, enterprising, persevering men,
who think and act for themselves and to the best advantage."
[259]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
In the Rochester (New York) Telegraph of October 10, 1819, a
letter was printed, signed "Neighbor," about Jemima, called forth
by another letter, printed in some other paper which I have not been
able to find, written after her death regarding her character and
doings.
The writer says he had known the colony for eighteen years and
says: "It would be gratifying to me, and I presume to very many
others, to see a correct history of her life, ministry, and doctrines
written with intelligence and candor. But the idle and malicious tales
in circulation respecting her, are utterly unworthy of belief. In fre-
quent conversations with her, I have sought to draw out her peculiar
tenets, and to form a correct idea of her doctrines. This, however, I
have found was not an easy task. To each question, she always replied
by multiplied quotations of Scripture texts, and by recounting visions,
leaving me to draw inferences to suit myself." "Neighbor" thinks
that she began as a Millenarian, and says that it was reported that she
claimed to be the Messiah, at His Second Coming, etc. But he admits
that he could get from her no "satisfactory evidence on this point."
But he says that she had visions and acted from immediate
inspirations.
The following statement of the Friend's doctrine is condensed
from Cleveland, and was originally given by Henry Barnes, one of
the last of her disciples. She believed that there were Three Persons
in the Godhead, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, and that the Three are
eternal. God created man holy and upright and gave him a law
which, if he disobeyed, he should die, holding that where there is a
law there is liberty to break it. Man did break it and caused death,
temporal and spiritual, to enter the world. In consequence of this
sin, an infinite sacrifice of atonement for man, so that the favor of
God might be regained, was necessary. Christ was the Offering,
for the redemption of the human family, and therefore the only
Savior. She taught that all souls introduced by God to dwell in
human bodies are perfect and pure, and so remain till they reach years
of understanding and are old enough to know good from evil. Then,
if they do that which is evil, they forfeit their title to heaven and hap-
piness. The only remedy is repentance and the pardon of God through
the merits of the Redeemer. It is necessary to persevere in the service
of God through life and labor to grow in the grace and knowledge of
the Lord and Savior. She held that the resurrection is spiritual, and
consists in the separation of the soul from its earthly tenement. She
rejected all Church forms and organizations.
[260]
JEMIMA WILKINSON, THE UNIVERSAL FRIEND
Most of this sounds strangely familiar, and there are some echoes
of the controversies of the day which are not wholly silent now.
So far as is known, the only discourse of the Friend in print is
given in full by Cleveland but is too long to copy here. It is entitled :
"THE UNIVERSAL FRIEND'S ADVICE, TO THOSE OF THE
SAME RELIGIOUS SOCIETY, RECOMMENDED TO BE
READ IN THEIR PUBLIC MEETINGS FOR DIVINE WOR-
SHIP. Philadelphia:— Printed by Thomas Bailey, at Yorick's Head,
Market Street, MDCCLXXXIV." It thus belongs to the early years
of the Society. It is a moral homily, full of good practical advice to
the various classes represented in the Society, with many Scripture
quotations interwoven into the text. With very slight changes it could
be read to many congregations to-day, and would give a needed
warning against common every-day sins and the importance of pure
and upright living.
The Friend's last will and testament is a plain, practical docu-
ment, dated /th day of the 7th month, 1818. As already stated, Rachel
and Margaret Malin were appointed her heirs and successors. They
were to pay her just debts, and to care for the poor and those who
were unable to help themselves, who were to receive "such assistance,
comfort and support during natural life as they may need."
The subsequent history of the Society need not detain us long. It
was not attractive to young people, and its teaching as to the superi-
ority of the celibate state inevitably led to a decline. Designing per-
sons obtained more or less influence over the Malins, who did not
prove as wise administrators as the Friend. Divisions arose in the
Society. Margaret died in 1844, and Rachel in 1848. Undue influ-
ence led both to make wills that did not carry out the evident inten-
tions of the Friend regarding the property. Little by little it was dis-
sipated, or passed into possession of individuals who were not faithful
to the Society.
When Cleveland wrote, there were only three aged members liv-
ing, and one of them, Henry Barnes, was dependent upon the gener-
osity of others. Barnes was a remarkable man. For sixty-eight years
he was a faithful and devoted member of the Society, during much
of the time its school-teacher, successful even when seventy-five years
of age. He also aided Cleveland in preparing his history.
Thus ended an interesting experiment and an important chapter
in the religious and pioneer history of Western New York.
[261]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
AUTHORITIES CONSULTED
"Memoir of Jemima Wilkinson, A Preacheress of the Eighteenth
Century; Containing an Authentic Narrative of Her Life and Char-
acter, and of the Rise, Progress and Conclusion of Her Ministry.
'Wherefore by their fruits ye shall know them.' Matt. VII : 20.
Bath, N. Y.
Published by R. L. Underbill and Co.
Richardson and Dow, Printers.
1844."
This is a reprint of the Life by David Hudson and published at
Geneva in 1821, changing the title from "History" to "Memoir."
The Preface affirms the accuracy of the Memoir. The writer, fol-
lowing Buck's Theological Dictionary, says that there are reliable
accounts of twenty- four imposters, who were predicted by our Savior
and who have claimed to come in His place. He leaves it with his
readers to decide whether Jemima is the twenty-fifth. The book is
full of petty gossip, bigotry and unfounded calumnies, and is almost
worthless as history. It is the source of most of the stories about
Jemima in common circulation.
II
"History of Yates County, Volume I, 1848. By S. C. Cleveland.
The writer of this valuable work gives the fullest and most reli-
able account of Jemima which has thus far appeared in print. It is
fair and accurate and largely written from personal knowledge. The
writer of this paper acknowledges his great indebtedness to this
volume.
Ill
"History of the Pioneer Settlement of Phelps and Gorham's Pur-
chase, and Morris' Reserve. By O. Turner. Rochester, 1852."
A chapter is given to Jemima, but it adds little to Cleveland's
account.
IV
"Travels through the United States of America. The Country
of the Iroquois and Upper Canada in the years 1795, 1796 and 1797
—by the Duke De La Rochefoucault Liancourt. Translated by H.
Neuman — London, 1799 — Volume I."
[262!
JEMIMA WILKINSON, THE UNIVERSAL FRIEND
The Duke visited "Jerusalem," interviewed Jemima, and devotes
several pages to his visit. Further reference will be made to this
paper.
"History of the Narragansett Church. By William Updike-
Edited by Daniel Goodwin— 1907— ist edition 1847. Volume I." It
contains a single reference to Jemima quoted herein.
VI
"A Narrative of Thomas Hathaway and His Family, Formerly
of New Bedford, Massachusetts, with Incidents in the Life of Jemima
Wilkinson, and the Times in Which They Lived. By Mrs. William
Hathaway, Jr., New Bedford, Mass., April 23d, 1869. New Bedford.
E. Anthony and Sons, Printers, 1869."
This is a rare pamphlet of forty-three pages and commands a
fancy price. Valuable as a record of the Hathaway family, its state-
ments about Jemima are not of great value.
VII
The Eclectic Magazine, Volume V: 546 (August, 1845). An
article reprinted from Tait's Magazine by "Colonel Johnson." The
writer visited Jemima in her old age, and has preserved some interest-
ing stories about her life and that of the Colony. It deals more or
less in gossip, but is in the main reliable.
VIII
Numerous articles in local newspapers, magazines and other pub-
lications too numerous to mention, and considerable correspondence
with parties who are descendants of some of Jemima's followers, or
otherwise related to the history. Many of them can be divided into
two classes; those which depend upon Hudson, and hence are of no
value, and those which have used Cleveland, or other reliable
authorities.
IX
There is one important source of information which no one has
thus far been able to use. There is in existence "a trunk full" of con-
temporary letters and documents regarding Jemima and her followers.
But thus far the owner in loyalty to Jemima refuses to have them
examined. This is greatly to be regretted. Doubtless they would
add local color and many interesting incidents, though there is good
reason for believing that the main conclusions of this paper would
not be altered.
z
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BY
WILLIAM HENRY SHELTON
Curator of Washington'* Headquarters, New York, the Pitfturesque Old Dwelling on
Washington Heights, Known Also as The Roger Morris House, and The
Jumel Mansion
HE history of that portion of the American Revolu-
tion, between the Battle of Long Island and the
movement to White Plains, became of absorbing in-
terest to me, when, as Curator of the Museum in
the "Roger Morris House of the Revolution," I
found myself located in the old Headquarters on
Washington Heights. Through the kindness of the
late Doctor Billings of the New York Public Library, I had put at
my disposal, in 1908, the seven volumes of the American Archives,
in which all the papers of the Revolution, in the possession of the
United States Government, were published in the Eighteen Fifties.
The facts contained in these documents were unimpeachable, and fre-
quently revealed the inaccuracy of our Revolutionary history and the
absurdity of some of our traditions.
To my surprise, I could find in these official papers but two
references to Nathan Hale. One was in "An Extract from a Letter
from Harlem," dated September 28, 1776, just a week after the great
fire of New York.
"Friday last we discovered a vast cloud of smoke arising from
the north part of the city, which continued 'till Saturday evening.
The consequence was that the broadway from the new city hall to
white hall is laid in ashes. Our friends were immediately suspected
and according to the report of a flag of truce who came to our lines
soon after, those that were found on or near the spot were pitched
into the conflagration, some hanged by their heels, others by their
necks with their throats cut. Inhuman barbarity ! One Hale in New
York, on suspicion of being a spy, was taken up and dragged without
ceremony to the execution post and hung up."
[269]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
The other reference was in a letter dated October 3, 1 776, written
by Tench Tilghman, General Washington's favorite Aide, to Wil-
liam Duer, Secretary of the New York Convention, at a time when
the Convention held prisoners suspected of being spies. The letter
suggested retaliation with the following statement:
"General Howe hanged a captain of ours, belonging to Knowl-
ton's Rangers who went into New York to make discoveries."
Besides these two statements there is silence on the subject of
Nathan Hale.
From other sources of information as unimpeachable as the
Archives, I find that Nathan Hale was captured within the British
lines, in or near the City of New York, on Saturday evening, Sep-
tember 21, 1776, and was hanged the next morning at eleven o'clock
without any trial, although his rank and position in the Continental
Army were known to his executioners. He was executed when the
British army was in an angry mood, following the fire, and even the
common soldiers were permitted to offer insults to his body on the
tree. In support of this surprising statement, I quote from a letter
written from New York by a British officer on September 26, just
four days after the execution. The letter was published on Novem-
ber 9, 1776, in the Kentish Gazette, at Canterbury, England, and the
closing paragraph, with its brutal realism, seems to have been ap-
pended by the writer as the mention of a very trivial event.
"We hanged up a rebel spy the other day, and some soldiers got,
out of a rebel Gentleman's garden, a painted soldier on a board, and
hung it along with the Rebel ; and wrote upon it, General Washing-
ton, and I saw it yesterday beyond headquarters by the roadside."
The great conflagration, which burned a fifth part of New
York City on that terrible Saturday, had been brought under control
by two o'clock in the afternoon, after a number of young officers of
the Continental Army, forgotten heroes, martyrs of the Revolution,
had been thrown into the flames by the British soldiers and sailors,
who were putting out the fire.
Nathan Hale, in his disguise of a Dutch schoolmaster, and with
cool, undaunted courage, had evidently been in the city during the
conflagration. Scores of innocent people had been arrested during
the day and thrown into prison on suspicion of having a hand in the
fire, while he passed unsuspected. The British staff believed that
Washington had ordered the city to be set on fire and that Hale
was one of his agents, and that belief sufficiently accounts for the
brutal haste of his execution and the license permitted to the soldiers.
Between the retreat from Long Island and the evacuation of the
[270]
WHAT WAS THE MISSION OF NATHAN HALE?
city, there was a heated controversy in the army as to whether the
city of New York should be abandoned to the British for their winter
quarters, or whether it should be destroyed by fire to prevent such
occupation. All accounts, before and after the fire, seem to agree
that the New England troops were the strongest advocates of burn-
ing the city, while the New Yorkers were opposed, naturally, to apply-
ing the torch to the principal town in their colony.
As early as September 2, Washington sent a despondent letter
to Congress. He wrote in part :
"Till of late I had no doubt in my own mind of defending this
place, nor should I have yet if the men would do their duty but this
I despair of. It is painful and extremely grating to me to give such
unfavorable accounts, but it would be criminal to conceal the truth at
so critical a juncture. Every power I possess shall be exerted to serve
the cause, and my first wish is, that whatever may be the event, the
Congress will do me the justice to think so.
"If we should be obliged to abandon the town ought it to stand
as winter quarters for the enemy? They would derive great conve-
niences from it on the one hand, and much property would be destroyed
on the other. It is an important question, but will admit of but little
time for deliberation. At present, I dare say the enemy mean to
preserve it if they can. If Congress, therefore, should resolve upon
the destruction of it, the resolution should be a profound secret, as
the knowledge of it will make a capital change in their plans.
"I have the honor to be, with great esteem, sir, your most obedi-
ent servant.
"G. WASHINGTON."
The post riders who carried that letter from New York to Phila-
delphia wasted no time on the road, for the reply of Congress, "To
his Excellency General Washington," signed by "John Hancock,
President," was dated the very next day, September 3d.
"Resolved that General Washington be acquainted that Con-
gress would have special care taken, in case he should find it neces-
sary to quit New York, that no damage be done to the said city by
his troops, on their leaving it; the Congress have no doubt of being
able to recover the same tho the enemy should for a time obtain posses-
sion of it."
Such heroic treatment was not likely to appeal to a deliberative
body at a distance from the field of action. It can hardly be doubted
that Washington awaited the consent of Congress to apply the torch,
but now his hands were tied. At the same time he was relieved of
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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
responsibility, and of outside pressure, which was doubtless, very
great.
General Greene was in favor of burning the city, and sent the
following letter to General Washington.
"The City and Island of New York are no objects for us; we
are not to bring them into competition with the general interests of
America. Part of the army already has met with a defeat ; the coun-
try is struck with a panick; any capital loss at this time may ruin
the cause. 'Tis our business to study to avoid any considerable mis-
fortune, and to take Dost where the enemy will be obliged to fight us,
and not we them. The sacrifice of the vast property of New York
and the suburbs, I hope has no influence upon your Excellency's
measures. Remember the King of France. When Charles the Fifth,
Emperor of Germany, invaded his Kingdom, he laid whole Provinces
waste ; and by that policy he starved and ruined Charles's army, and
defeated him without fighting a battle. Two-thirds of the property
of the city of New York and the suberbs belongs to the Tories. We
have no very great reason to run considerable risk for its defence.
"I would burn the city and suburbs, and that for the following
reasons : If the enemy gets possession of the city, we never can recover
the possession without a superior naval force to theirs ; it will deprive
the enemy of an opportunity of barracking their whole army together,
which, if they could do, would be a very great security. It would
deprive them of a general market; the price of things would prove
a temptation to our people to supply them for the sake of gain, in
direct violation of the laws of their country.
"All these advantages would result from the destruction of the
city, and not one benefit can arise to us from its preservation, that I
can conceive of. If the city once gets into the enemy's hands, it will
be at their mercy either to save or destroy it, after they have made
what use of it they think proper
"If my zeal has led me to say more than I ought, I hope my good
intentions may atone for the offence.
"I shall only add that these sentiments are not dictated from
fear, nor from any apprehensions of personal danger; but are the
result of a cool and deliberate survey of our situation, and the neces-
sary measures to extricate us from our present difficulties. I have
said nothing at all about the temper and disposition of the troops,
and their apprehensions about being sold. This is a strong intima-
tion that it will be difficult to get such troops to behave with proper
spirit in time of action, if we should be attacked.
"Should your Excellency agree with me with respect to the two
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WHAT WAS THE MISSION OF NATHAN HALE?
first points, that is, that a speedy and general retreat is necessary,
and also, that the city and suburbs should be burned, I would advise
to call a general council upon that question, and take every general
officers opinion upon it.
"I am with due respect, your Excellency's most obedient humble
servant, N. GREEN.
"To his Excellency Gen. Washington, Kings Bridge."
The agitation for burning the city had begun even before the
Battle of Long Island, for the Convention of the State of New York,
as early as August 22, on hearing a rumor that the city might be set
on fire, interrogated Washington on the subject. General Washing-
ton's reply shows that he was giving the matter serious consideration.
"I can assure you, gentlemen," he replied, "that this report is not
founded upon the least authority from me; on the other hand I am so
sensible of the value of such a city, and the consequences of its
destruction to many worthy citizens and their families, that nothing
but the last necessity, and such as should justify me to the whole world,
would induce me to give orders for that purpose."
News of the plan to burn the city had reached the camps outside.
A letter from an officer, "to his friend in Edinbrough," written from
Staten Island as early as August n, and published in the St. James
Chronicle, concludes with these words : "We have a fine view of New
York from this place, which we expect soon to see in flames."
The same paper, on October 22, published a letter from an
officer on Long Island, dated September 2, from which the follow-
ing is an extract: "All accounts agree that they are preparing to
evacuate the Town. Whether they will burn it or not is uncertain,
as the Provincials from the Jerseys and the neighborhood strenuously
oppose that measure."
On September 2, another English officer wrote home from Long
Island: "I have just heard that there has been a most dreadful fray
in the town of New York. The New Englanders insisted on setting
the town on fire and retreating; this was opposed by the New Yorkers,
who were joined by the Pennsylvanians, and a battle has been the
consequence, in which many lost their lives."
^Another letter written on September 4, to "a gentlemen in Lon-
don," contains the following curious information: "In the night of
the second instant three persons escaped from the city in a canoe and
informed our general that Mr. Washington had ordered three bat-
talions of New York Provincials to leave New York, and that they
should be replaced by an equal number of Connecticut troops: but
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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
the former assured that the Connecticutians would burn and destroy
all the houses, peremptorially refused to give up their city."
An officer wrote from camp, near Newtown, Long Island, on
September 5:
"Deserters tell us they are in great confusion at New York, one
party wanting to burn the town and the other to save it but in com
passion for their sick, which it is impossible they can remove, the
number being so great, I think they will hardly set fire to the town."
Absurd as many of these letters are, they were written by Eng-
lish officers during the time when the agitation for burning the city
was at fever-heat, and they throw a lurid light on a subject which is
almost completely ignored by American history. They indicate with
precision what they expected and from whom they expected the blow
to come. Their information came from Tories in the city who knew
the feeling of the troops from the different colonies. They expected
the city to be set on fire by New Englanders, and, after the fire oc-
curred, every description of it and every official despatch sent home
claimed that the New Englanders had done so.
"New York, Oct. 7th. The savage burning of this city by the
New England incendiaries will be a lasting monument of their invet-
erate malice against the trade and prosperity of this colony, as well
as rooted disaffection to British law and government. They had long
threatened the performance of this villainous deed: and this is the
best return that the people of property in this city, who have espoused
their cause, are to expect for their heedless credulity." Gaine's Mer-
cury.
I think no military man to-day will question the wisdom of
Greene's contention. General Washington had driven the enemy out
of Boston by siege; if that success had been followed by scourging
him out of New York by fire, at the beginning of winter, it would
have been a brilliant piece of military strategy, that would probably
have compelled him to seek some other port for his fleet, and would
have completely frustrated the plan of campaien prepared over-sea.
And such action by Washington would have been "justified to the
whole world."
On Sunday, September 15, the last of the Continental troops
were withdrawn from the city, leaving it intact for the British officers
to winter in, with a host of their Tory friends to entertain them. It
was a bitter condition to contemplate for the majority of the army
who had favored the burning, with the near prospect of themselves
shivering in huts with inadequate clothing. But something was going
to happen.
[2741
WHAT WAS THE MISSION OF NATHAN HALE?
On the night of Friday, September 20, there was a commotion
in this old house, — old now, as I write, but new then. Any officer
on the Staff who had gone to bed before midnight, — and General
Washington and his young gentlemen had been in the saddle that
day, reviewing Heath's Division, — was roused by the guards. I can
see them assembling on the little balcony under the front porch, and
peering through the windows, for there was a great red light on the
horizon to the south, the light of a great conflagration. Every man
knew that it was the city of New York burning, the city that had
been wrested from them five days before to be the comfortable winter-
quarters of the hated enemy. It was a sleepless night at Headquarters.
There were eyes watching the fire on through the small hours of the
morning, until day broke and revealed a great column of smoke above
the city and the spire of Trinity Church still standing against the
flames. The fire lighted for the purpose of burning the enemy out
of New York City had been a dismal failure. It was subdued on
Saturday afternoon and on Monday, September 30, came the fol-
lowing graphic account in Gaine's Mercury, which was attributed by
the London papers to the pen of "Major Rook, formerly aide-de-
camp to General Gage, and a noted paragraph writer in the Massa-
chusetts Gazette."
"On Saturday the 2ist inst., we had a terrible fire in the City,
which consumed about one thousand houses, or nearly a fourth of
the whole city.
"The following is the best account we can collect of this melan-
choly event. The fire broke out first at the most southerly part of
the city, near White Hall, and was discovered between twelve and
one o'clock in the morning, the wind blowing very fresh from the
south, and the weather exceedingly dry. The rebel army having
carried off all the bells of the city, the alarm could not be speedily
communicated, and very few of the citizens were in town, most of
them being driven out by the calamities of war, and several of the
first rank, sent prisoners to New England and other distant parts.
A few minutes after the fire was discovered at White Hall, it was
observed to break out in five or six other places, at a considerable
distance.
'In this dreadful situation, when the whole city was threatened
with destruction, Major- General Robertson, who had the chief com-
mand, sent immediately for two reeiments that were encamped near
the city, placed guards in several streets, and took every other pre-
caution that was practicable to ward off the impending ruin. Lord
Howe ordered the boats of the fleet to be manned, and after landing
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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
a large number of officers and seamen to assist us, the boats were
stationed on each side of the city in the North and East Rivers, and
the lines near the royal army were extended across the island, as
it manifestly appeared the city was designedly set on fire.
"The fire raged with inconceivable violence, and in its destructive
progress swept away all the buildings between Broad Street and the
North River, almost as high up as the City Hall ; and from thence, all
the houses between Broadway and the North River, as far as King's
College, a few only excepted. Long before the main fire reached Trin-
ity church, that large, ancient and venerable edifise was in flames,
which baffled every effort to suppress them. The steeple, which was
one hundred and forty feet high, the upper part wood, and placed on
an elevated situation, resembled a vast pyramid of fire, exhibiting a
most grand and awful spectacle. Several women and children per-
ished in the fire. Their shrieks, joined to the roaring of the flames,
the crash of falling houses and the wide spread ruin which everywhere
appeared, formed a scene of horror great beyond description, which
was still heightened by the darkness of the night. Besides Trinity
church, the rector's house, the charity school, the old Lutheran church,
and many other fine buildings were consumed. St. Paul's church and
King's CoHege were directly in the line of fire, but saved with very
great difficulty. After raging about ten hours the fire was
extinguished between ten and eleven o'clock, A. M.
"During this complicated scene of devastation and distress, at
which the most savage heart might relent, several persons were dis-
covered with large bundles of matches, dipped in melted rosin and
brimstone, attempting to set fire to the houses. A New England
man, who had a captain's commission under the Continental Congress,
and in their service, was seized, having these dreadful implements of
ruin. On being searched, the sum of five hundred pounds was found
upon him. General Robertson rescued two of these incendiaries from
the enraged populace, who had otherwise consigned them to the flames,
and reserved them for the hand of deliberate justice. One White, a
carpenter, was observed to cut the leather buckets which conveyed
water ; he also wounded with a cutlass, a woman who was very active
in handling water. This provoked the spectators to such a degree,
that they instantly hung him up. One of those villains set fire to the
college and was seized ; many others were detected in the like crimes
and secured.
"The officers of the army and navy, the seamen and soldiers,
greatly exerted themselves, often with the utmost hazard to them-
selves, and showed all that alertness and activity for which they are
[276]
WHAT WAS THE MISSION OF NATHAN HALE?
justly celebrated on such occasions. To their vigorous efforts in
pulling down such wooden buildings as would conduct the fire, it is
owing, under Providence, that the whole city was not consumed; for
the number of inhabitants was small, and the pumps and fire engines
were very much out of order. This last circumstance, together with
the removal of our bells, the time and place of the fire's breaking
out, when the wind was south, the city being set on fire in so many
different places nearly at the same time, so many incendiaries being
caught in the very fact of setting fire to houses; these, to mention
no other particulars, clearly evince, beyond the possibility of doubt,
that this diabolical affair was the result of a preconserted, deliberate
scheme. Thus the persons who called themselves our friends and pro-
tectors, were the perpetrators of this atrocious deed, which in guilt
and villany, is not inferior to the Gun-powder Plot; whilst those who
were held up as our enemies were the people who gallantly stepped
forth, at the risk of their lives, to snatch us from destruction. Our
distress was very great before but this disaster has increased them
ten fold. Many hundreds of families have lost their all, and are
reduced from a state of affluence to the lowest ebb of want and
wretchedness — destitute of shelter, food or clothing'.
"Surely (there must be some chosen curse — some secret thunder
in the stores of heaven, red with uncommon wrath to blast) the mis-
creants who thus wantonly sport with the lives, property and happi-
ness of their fellow creatures, and unfeelingly doom them to inevit-
able ruin."
Another brief account of the fire is contained in the following
extract from a letter from New York, dated September 23, and pub-
lished in the St. fames Chronicle on November 8.
"The fire spread and raged with inconceivable violence. There
were few citizens in town ; the fire engines and pumps were out of
order. -.Two regiments of soldiers were ordered into town, and many
boats full of men were sent from the fleet ; to these under Providence, it
is owing that the whole city was not reduced to ashes. The destruction
was very great ; between a third and fourth of the city is burnt. All
that is west of the New Exchange along Broed Street to the North
River as high as the City Hall and from thence along the Broadway
and North River to King's College is in ruins. St. Pauls Church
and the College were saved with the utmost difficulty. Trinity
Church, the Lutheran Church, the Parsonage and Charity School are
destroyed. Many of the villains were apprehended, with matches
in their hands to set fire to the houses. A fellow was seized just
about to set fire to the College, who acknowledged he was employed
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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
for the purpose. A New England captain was seized with matches in
his pocket, acknowledged the same. Between 1,000 and 1,500 houses
are burnt ; and we are under the most dismal apprehensions that there
are some more of those villains concealed in the town to burn what is
yet left. Our distresses were great before, but this calamity has in-
creased them ten fold. Thousands are hereby reduced to beggary.
This infernal scheme was confessedly executed to prevent the King's
Troops from having any benefit from the city and to distress the
friends of Government."
Besides the New England Captain, mentioned in each of the fore-
going accounts of the fire, two other Continental officers, who per-
ished in the burning city, are named in letters to the London papers
of that day. The St. James Chronicle, Friday, November 8, 1776,
mentions the fire as an "atrocious act, which was conducted by one,
William Smith, an officer in a New England Regiment, who was
taken with a match in his hand and sacrificed on the spot to the fury
of the soldiers."
The London Packet of December 4, published the text of a com-
mission found in the pocket of a provincial officer, who was detected
in setting fire to some of the houses in New York, and put to death
by the soldiers. It reads in part,
"In Congress : The Delegates of the United Colonies to Richard
Brown, Esq.
"We reposing especial confidence in your patriotism, valour, con-
duct, and fidelity, by these presents, constitute and appoint you to be
First Lieutenant of the second company of riflemen, whereof Robert
Cluggage is Captain in the Second regiment of foot commanded by
Col. William Thompson."
The commission is signed by John Hancock. This unfortunate
young officer was a Pennsylvanian, and according to Heitman's
"Historical Register of the Continental Army," he was accounted for
by his regiment as "taken prisoner at Long Island, 27 Aug. 1776."
On the afternoon of Sunday, September 22, 1776, a few hours
after the execution of Nathan Hale, and the day after the fire
Captain John Montressor, an Aide on General Howe's Staff, came
to the American lines, under a flag of truce, the bearer of a letter
from General Howe to General Washington. The letter was written
the day before, in reply to two letters from General Washington,
"of the 6th and igth current," and concerned the exchange of Major-
General Sullivan for Major-General Prescott, and Brigadier-General
Lord Stirling for Governor Montfort Brown. At the end of the
letter, General Howe complained of bullets "cut and fixed to the ends
[278!
WHAT WAS THE MISSION OF NATHAN HALE?
of a nail," which had been found in "encampments quitted by your
troops on the I5th instant." Captain Montressor brought one of these
bullets with him and forwarded it to General Washington. The
letter made no mention of the fire, that had laid a fifth part of the
city in ashes, and which was burning as General Howe wrote.
Colonel Reed, the Adjutant-General, rode down from Head-
quarters to meet Captain Montressor's flag. If he was accompanied
by others officers of the Staff, their names have not been revealed.
It was a very busy afternoon at Headquarters, completing arrange-
ments for the attack on Montressor's Island, now Randal's, which
was named for the father of Captain Montressor.
It was through the gossip of this meeting that the first infor-
mation of the execution of Nathan Hale reached the American lines.
Besides the very brief entry in the British Order-Book, it was,
practically, the only information of that tragic event that ever came
to the American lines. Whatever that unofficial information,
brought by Captain Montressor, may have been, it was never revealed
by General Washington or by Adjutant-General Reed. Neither the
execution of Hale nor the great fire was ever referred to in any
communication between General Washington and General Howe. A
life of Captain Hale, published by the United States Military Library
Association for the instruction of the cadets at West Point, says:
"The capture and execution of Hale was considered of sufficient im-
portance to be communicated formally by the British to the American
General." This statement is not true. The attempt to burn the city
of New York and the execution of Nathan Hale were two subjects
of which the dignity of General Washington and the dignity of Gen-
eral Howe forbade all mention.
On the day following the arrival of the "flag," General Wash-
ington wrote a letter to Jonathan Trumbull, the Governor of Nathan
Hale's State. After giving some account of the fire, he closed the
letter with the following words :
"By what means it happened we do not know; but the gentle-
man who brought the letter from Gen. Howe, last night, and who
was one of his aides-de-camp, informed Col. Reed that several of
our countrymen had been punished with various deaths on account
of it, some by hanging others by burning; alleging that they were
apprehended when committing the fact."
On Wednesday, Lieutenant Tilghman carried Washington's reply
to Howe's letter to the lines, and on Thursday wrote to his father:
"Reports concerning the setting fire to New York, if it was
done designedly it was without the knowledge or Approbation of any
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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
commanding officer in this army, and indeed so much time had
elapsed between our quitting the city and the fire, that it can never
be fairly attributed to the army. Indeed every man belonging to the
army who remained in or were found near the city were made pris-
oners. Many acts of barbarous cruelty were committed upon poor
creatures who were perhaps flying from the flames. The soldiers
and sailors looked upon all who were not in the military line as guilty,
and burnt and cut to pieces many. But this I am sure was not by
Order. Some were executed next day upon good grounds."
The story of Nathan Hale was first given to the public in 1799,
twenty-three years after his execution. It was told in a work entitled
"A Summary History of New England and General Sketch of the
American War," written by Hannah Adams, and published at Ded-
ham, Massachusetts. The story was enclosed within quotation marks
and a footnote informed the reader that "The compiler of this His-
tory of New England is indebted to Gen. Hull of Newton for this
interesting account of Capt. Hale."
Abridgements of this work, for the use of the Boston schools,
were published in 1806 (London), and in 1807 (Dedham), in which
the story, somewhat abbreviated, was repeated with the same caution
of quotation-mark and foot-note.
The name of Nathan Hale was a new name to the public in 1799.
As General Hull says, "It is scarcely known that such a character
ever existed." The peculiar way in which the story was first pub-
lished, and the fact that for twenty-five years after Hannah Adams's
History no historian of the Revolution ever repeated it or even noticed
it, makes it interesting to try to trace its growth and development, and
to discover, if possible, the reason for this prolonged silence, and some
explanation of the strange uncertainty about the place of his capture.
Here follows the story as told in Hannah Adams's History:
"This retreat left the British in complete possession of Long
Island. What would be their future operations, remained uncertain.
To obtain information of their situation, their strength and future
movements, was of high importance. For this purpose General Wash -
ington applied to Col. Knowlton, who commanded a regiment of light
infantry, which formed the van of the American army and desired
him to adopt some mode of gaining the necessary information. Col.
Knowlton communicated his request to Capt. Nathan Hale, of Con-
necticut, who belonged to his regiment.
"This young officer, animated by a sense of duty, and consider-
ing that an opportunity presented itself by which he might be useful
to his country, at once offered himself a volunteer for this hazardous
[280]
WHAT WAS THE MISSION OF NATHAN HALE?
service. He passed in disguise to Long Island, examined every part
of the British army, and obtained every possible information respect-
ing their situation and future operations.
"In his attempt to return he was apprehended, and carried before
Sir William Howe, and the proof of his object was so clear, that he
frankly acknowledged who he was and what were his views.
"Sir William Howe at once gave an order to the provost marshal
to execute him the next morning. This order was accordingly exe-
cuted, in a most unfeeling manner, and by as great a savage as ever
disgraced humanity. A clergyman, whose attendance he desired, was
refused him. A Bible for a few moments' devotion was not procured
although he requested it. Letters which on the morning of his execu-
tion, he wrote to his mother, and other friends were destroyed, and
this very extraordinary reason given 'That the rebels should uot
know they had a man in their army who could die with so much
firmness.'
"Unknown to all around him, without a single friend to offer
him the least consolation, there fell as amiable, and as worthy a young
man, as America could boast, with this dying observation 'that he only
lamented that he had but one life to lose for his country.'
"Although the manner of this execution will ever be abhorred
by every friend to humanity and religion, yet there cannot be a ques-
tion but that the sentence was conformable to the rules of war and the
practice of nations in similar cases.
''it is however a justice due to the character of Captain Hale
to observe, that his motives for engaging in this service were entirely
different from those which generally influence others in similar
circumstances.
"Neither the expectation of promotion nor of pecuniary reward,
induced him to the attempt. A sense of duty, a hope that, in this
way he might be useful to his country, and an opinion which he had
adopted, that every kind of service necessary to the public good
became honorable by being necessary, were the great motives which
induced him to engage in an enterprise by which his connections lost
a most amiable friend, and his country one of its most promising sup-
porters.
"The fate of this unfortunate young man excites the most inter-
esting reflections. To see such a character in the flower of youth
cheerfully treading in the most hazardous paths influenced by the
purest intentions, and only emulous to do good to his country with-
out the implication of a crime, fall a victim to policy, must have been
wounding to the feelings of his enemies.
[28!]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
"Should comparison be drawn between Major Andre and Cap-
tain Hale, injustice would be done the latter, should he not be placed
on an equal ground with the former. Whilst almost every historian
of the American Revolution has celebrated the virtues and lamented
the fate of Andre, Hale has remained unnoticed and it is scarcely
known such a character ever existed.
"To the memory of Andre, his countrymen have erected the most
magnificent monuments, and bestowed on his family the highest
honors and most liberal rewards. To the memory of Hale not a stone
has been erected nor an inscription to preserve his ashes from insult."
The first paragraphs of this belated statement of General Hull
are cunningly worded to mislead the student of history. General
Hull aims to establish : ( i ) that Nathan Hale was sent by Washing-
ton; (2) that he found the British army on Long Island; (3) that he
was captured on Long Island and carried into New York. Of the
first claim there is no evidence, and it should be remembered that the
frankness and honesty of Nathan Hale's character made him about the
most unfit officer in the Continental army to undertake the devious
role of a spy, and the others are known to be untrue.
It is well known that many fables have been added to the orig-
inal story, which have been accepted by certain authors and have
passed into history. This sort of invention culminated in 1856 in
the popular life of Nathan Hale by Isaac W. Stewart, of which the
American Library Association's Historical Guide says: "A wholly
uncritical treatment of the many tales that have gathered about the
name of Nathan Hale. It has been entirely superseded."
In 1805, following Hannah Adams, Mrs. Mercy Warren pub-
lished at Boston "Rise, Progress, and Termination of the American
Revolution." In 1820, a translation of Charles Botta's "American
Revolution" (Italian), was published in Philadelphia. In 1822, Paul
Allen's "History of the Revolution" was published in Baltimore, and
in 1823, a history of the Revolution by James Thatcher. None of
these historians mentions Nathan Hale.
In the following year, however, after a lapse of another quarter
of a century of silence, following General Hull's story in Hannah
Adams's history, the story made its second appearance in "Annals of
the American Revolution," by Jedediah Morse, Hartford, 1824. The
author credits the story to Hannah Adams, and, like that conscientious
lady, he washes his hands of any responsibility for it. "The particu-
lars," he says, "of this tragical event, sanctioned by General Hull,
who was knowing to them at the time, are related by Miss Adams in
her history of New England."
[282]
WHAT WAS THE MISSION OF NATHAN HALE?
Two years later, Stephen Hempstead, then an old man, who had
been the camp servant of Hale and his companion on his ill-fated
mission as far as Norwalk, published a letter, or statement, in the
5"*. Louis Republican, issue of January 27, 1827. All that is of inter-
est in this letter follows :
"Capt. Hale was one of the most accomplished officers, of his
grade and age, in the army. He was a native of the town of Coven-
try, state of Connecticut, and a graduate of Yale College — young,
brave, honorable — and at the 'time of his death a Captain in Col.
Webb's Regiment of Continental Troops. Having never seen a cir-
cumstantial account of his untimely and melancholy end, I will give it.
I was attached to his company, and in his confidence. After the
retreat of our army from Long Island, he informed me, he was sent
for to Head Quarters, and was solicited to go over to Long Island
to discover the disposition of the enemy's camp, &c, expecting them
to attack New York, but, that he was too unwell to go, not having
recovered from a recent illness ; that upon a second application, he had
consented to go, and I must go as far with him as I could, with safety,
and wait for his return. Accordingly, we left our camp on Harlem
Heights, with the intention of crossing over the first opportunity;
but none offered until we arrived at Norwalk, fifty miles from New
York. In harbor, there was an armed sloop, and one or two row
galleys. Capt. Hale had a general order, to all armed vessels, to
take him to any place he should designate : he was set across the
Sound, in the sloop, at Huntington (Long Island) by Capt. Pond,
who commanded the vessel. Capt. Hale had changed his uniform for
a plain suit of citizen's brown clothes, with a round broad brimmed
hat ; assuming the character of a Dutch school-master, leaving all his
other clothes, commission, public and private papers, with me, and
also his silver shoe-buckles, saying they would not comport with his
character of schoolmaster, and retaining nothing but his college
diploma, as an introduction to his assumed calling. Thus equipped,
we parted for the last time in life. He went on his mission, and I
returned back again to Norwalk, with orders to stop there until he
should return, or hear from him, as he expected to return back again
to cross the sound, if he succeeded in his object. The British army
had, in the mean time, got possession of New York, whither he also
passed, and had nearly executed his mission, and was passing the
British picquet guard between the two armies, within a mile and a
half of his own quarters, when he was stopped at a tavern, at a place
called the "Cedars." Here there was no suspicion of his character
being other than what he pretended, until, most unfortunately, he was
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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
met in the crowd by a fellow countryman, and an own relation, (but a
tory and renegade,) who had received the hospitality of his board
from Capt. Hale, at his quarters at Winter Hill, in Cambridge, the
winter before. He recognized him, and most inhumanely and infa-
mously betrayed him, divulging his true character, situation in the
army, &c. : and having him searched, his diploma corroberated his
relative's when, without any formality of trial, or delay, they hung
him instantaneously, and sent a flag over to our army, stating "that
they had caught such a man within their lines, that morning, and had
hung him as a spy." Thus suddenly and unfeelingly did they rush
this young and worthy man into Eternity, not allowing him an hour's
preparation, nor the privilege of writing to his friends, nor even to
receive the last consolations of his religion, refusing to let the chap-
lain pray with him, as was his request. After parting with Capt.
Hale, of all these circumstances I was authentically informed at the
time. * * *
"Such was the melancholy fate of Capt. Hale. While the stern
rigor of military law justified his execution, (betrayed as he was,
most foully, by his ungrateful relation and a villainous Tory,) yet,
who that knew him as I did, embarked in the same hazardous enter-
prise, and had been together in the perilous services of the field, but
would drop the tear of pity for his worth. It is true he died on the
"inglorious tree," not the death of the soldier ; but it is likewise true,
he suffered for his country's sake. And Andre died also the "death
of a spy;" but did he fill an inglorious grave? I do not mourn at
the sympathy for the man, which was felt for Major Andre — in
Europe and America — by the fair, and the brave — the friend and the
foe — by American and by Briton. No. God forbid. But I do think
it hard, that Hale — who was equally brave, learned, young, accom-
plished, and honorable — should be forgotten on the very threshold of
his fame, even by his countrymen ; that while our own historians have
done honor to the memory of Andre, Hale should be unknown ; that,
while the remains of the former have been honored, even by our own
countrymen, those of the latter should rest among the clods of the
valley, undistinguished, unsought, and unhonored.
""STEPHEN HEMPSTEAD, SR."
In 1836, Judge Andrew T. Judson delivered an address before
the Hale Monument Association of Coventry, Connecticut, which
seems to be out of print. Reference is made to it in Thompson's His-
tory of Long Island," which was published in 1843. I" the appen-
dix to this work is a brief story of Hale's capture, and here I find
[284!
WHAT WAS THE MISSION OF NATHAN HAJ.E?
for the first time two stories that have become current history.
One is the story of the drawings found between the soles of
Kale's shoes with the description written in Latin, and the story of
the capture of the sloop. Thompson's account is taken from Hull's
story in Hannah Adams's History, and from Judson's address,
and, as Hull makes no mention of either of the above incidents,
they probably originated in the Coventry address. The capture
of the sloop, for which no date or authority has been given, is
claimed to have taken place in the East River, under the guns of the
Asia, British man-of-war. It is said that Hale and his friends boarded
the sloop in the night, and brought it to shore with the British crew
in the hold as prisoners, and that the vessel was loaded with clothing,
which Hale gave to the destitute and half-clad soldiers. These stories
have no official authority.
It is evident that the subject of Nathan Hale was introduced in
the appendix to Thompson's "History of Long Island" solely because
of the claim, probably made by Judson, that the scene of the capture
was at Huntington, Long Island. Thompson states that the arrest
was at a place called "The Cedars," near Huntington, Long Island,
and by a boat's crew from the British ship Cerberus, at about day-
light, shortly after Hale had left the tavern of one Mother Chichester.
In 1844, the following year, "A Memoir of Captain Nathan
Hale," by S. Babcock, was published by the Hale Monument Associa-
tion of New Haven. Babcock says Hale was captured at a tavern
called "The Cedars," which, he states, was not more than two or three
miles from his own quarters.
In 1848 a life of General Hull was published by his daughter,
Mrs. Mariah Campbell. In the chapter devoted to Nathan Hale she
makes quotations from a manuscript left by her father. After men-
tioning Hale's disappearance from camp, he continues:
"In a few days an officer came to our camp, under a flag of
truce, and informed Hamilton, then a captain of Artillery, but after-
wards an aide of General Washington, that Captain Hale had been
arrested within the British lines, condemned as a spy and executed that
morning.
"I learned the melancholy particulars from this officer who was
present at his execution, and seemed touched by the circumstances
attending it.
"On the morning of his execution," continued the officer, "my
station was near the fatal spot, and I requested the Provost Marshal
to permit the prisoner to sit in my marquee while he was making the
necessary preparations. Captain Hale entered, He was calm and
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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
bore himself with gentle dignity, in the consciousness of rectitude and
high intentions. He asked for writing materials, which I furnished
him. He wrote two letters, one to his mother and one to a brother
officer."
In the statements of General Hull and Stephen Hempstead, who
were the intimates and confidents of Nathan Hale, we have the only
information of value on the movements of Hale.
Stephen Hempstead's story is frank and convincing as far as it
goes. He tells us for the first time where Hale was captured, but
not a word about what his object was in going into the City of New
York, nor does he offer any explanation of, or knowledge, that he
had left New York City during the great conflagration and made his
way to the place where he was captured.
The account of the fire in Gaine's Mercury tells us that "the
lines near the royal army were extended across the island, as it mani-
festly appeared that the city was designedly set on fire." This extra
guard line, "near the royal Army," was to keep out of the city such
troops as were not needed to put out the fire and to prevent the escape
of incendiaries. If Hale, therefore, was captured at the picket line, it
was probably at this inner line and very near the city, and not at the
regular outpost as Hempstead thought.
General Hull says: "He was apprehended and carried before
Sir William Howe, and the proof of his object was so clear that he
frankly acknowledged who he was and what were his views." His
views on what? On the conduct of the war? As he had just left
the burning city his views on the fire would be the only views of any
interest to his captors.
When the first edition of Hannah Adams's abridgement of her
history for the Boston schools was published in London, in 1806, some
one saw the inconsistency, as it related to Hale's departure, of the
first sentence in Hull's story, — "This retreat left the British in com-
plete possession of Long Island," — and changed the statement so as
to read: "As this retreat left the British in complete possession of
New York." This departure from the original wording was repudi-
ated in the edition published the next year at Dedham.
General Hull's story dealt too much in generalities, and leaves
one with the feeling that important facts were omitted. In his notes,
published by his daughter, we find interesting details that show the
sweetness of Nathan Hale's character, and the dignity with which he
met his fate, but still we do not hear enough.
Hannah Adams was a devout woman of the old New England
school, and a peculiarly conscientious writer, who had devoted most
[286]
WHAT WAS THE MISSION OF NATHAN HALE?
of her literary life to religious subjects. She had written with her
own hand, all her history of New England, except this story of Cap-
tain Hale, for which she referred her readers, for its authenticity or
its incorrectness, to General Hull.
There has long been omission by the writers on Nathan Hale, of
any documents that might in any way connect him with the great fire.
Only one account of the fire appears in the American Archives. It
is taken from the New York letter in the St. James Chronicle, which
is given in full in this article, but the following clause is omitted :
"Many of the villains were apprehended with matches in their
hands to set fire to the houses. A fellow was seized just about to set
fire to the college, who acknowledged he was employed for the pur-
pose. A New England captain was seized with matches in his pocket,
who acknowledged the same."
The longer account of the fire, from Gaine's Mercury, also given
in this article, containing the following passage, was also omitted
from the American Archives :
"A New England man, who had a captain's commission under
the Continental Congress, and in their service was seized, having these
dreadful implements of ruin," &c.
The other Continental officers mentioned in the description of
the fire were executed on the spot. There is no such statement con-
cerning this "New England man, who had a captain's commission
under the Continental Congress, and in their service," etc. But the
very next paragraph in the description of the fire reads, "General
Robertson rescued two of these incendiaries from the enraged popu-
lace, who had otherwise consigned them to the flames, and reserved
them for the hand of deliberative justice.
Why have we not heard more of this hero? If he was not
Nathan Hale, he was engaged in a more heroic work than Nathan
Hale's biographers have assigned to him. But I prefer to believe
that this was Nathan Hale, for it does away with the silly claims of
a perfectly useless mission into the enemy's lines.
Nathan Hale went into New York for a definite purpose, and
that purpose was not to make drawings of forts that Washington
had built, and in which he had no further interest, .nor for any other
trivial reason assigned by his biographers. He was a daring enthu-
siast, to whom devotion to his country's cause was his religion ! The
idea of sacrificing the city of New York for the good of the cause,
which had the approval of many in the New England troops would
appeal strongly to a nature like 'Nathan Hale's. Had he succeeded,
he would have been the heroic figure of the War; and if his death
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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
had been the price of his success, his name would have been on every
tongue. To succeed only in part, however, was to fail utterly. It
was a waste of life and property to no purpose.
It is not strange that he has been designated as a "spy," ever
since his execution, and that he was so named in all letters to the
British papers of the time. For the officer or soldier, captured in
disguise within the enemy's lines, there is no other designation. The
British Order Book uses this military term, and the order itself was
read on that Sunday evening, at dress parade, to every British regi-
ment in General Howe's command. "A spy from the enemy by his
own confession, apprehended last night, was this day executed at
eleven o'clock; behind the Artillery barracks."
Stephen Hempstead says, he "had nearly executed his mission
and was passing the British picquet guard, &c."
The Boston Independent Chronicle of May 17, 1781, published
the following : "About four years ago Capt. Hale, an American offi-
cer, of a liberal education, younger than Andre, and equal to him in
sense, fortitude, and every manly accomplishmant, though without
opportunities of being so highly polished, went voluntarily into the
City of New York, with a view to serve his invaded country. He
had performed his part there with great capacity and address but
was accidentally discovered."
Since writing the above I have found a remarkable confirmation
of the statement made by Lieutenant Tilghman, in his letter to his
father, that "Some were executed next day upon good grounds."
All the letters written by Colonel Gold S. Silliman to his wife
during the War of the Revolution are in the possession of Miss
Henrietta Hubbard, of New York City, who is a descendant of Colonel
Silliman and of Governor Trumbull. These letters have never been
published.
It appears that Colonel Silliman was on picket with his regiment
when the first light of the fire began to redden the sky above New
York, and in a letter to his wife, written September 22, 1776, he
charges the burning to the "regulars," meaning the British, as
follows :
"A most extraordinary manoeuvre of the enemy has taken place.
The night before last about midnight a tremendous fire was seen
from our lines, to the southward, which continued the whole night,
and it is said was burning all day yesterday. We are about ten
miles from New York, and we thought it must be the city, and yes-
terday I am informed, an officer came over from the Jersey shore
opposite to New York, and said that the city was almost all in ashes,
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WHAT WAS THE MISSION OF NATHAN HALE?
and the rest of it was burning as fast as it could, and that the fire was
seen first about midnight on the east side of the town, near where
I used to live, and that very quick the fire appeared in ten or twelve
places in different parts of the town. 'Tis supposed it must be the
regulars who fired it, and why they should do it I cant conceive,
unless they are going to some other place, which I see no signs of."
On September 25, he wrote again:
"I find now that all the city was not burnt, but only that part
that lay next to the Grand Battery and so up the Broadway, and I
believe it was not the regulars, but some of our own people in the
city that set it on fire, for they executed several of our friends there
for it the next day."
[289]
Hark ifora? (Zfawrn
A lit of 5fiatonj Hfeuipa from a Sfotu Angl?
BY
W. HARRISON BAYLES
ETWEEN the year 1715 and the year 1740, there was
in New York City a little tavern, known as the Black
Horse, within whose walls transpired scenes and inci-
dents of great importance to the people of New York,
and in which meetings were held which had far reach-
ing influence on the future of the city and of the coun-
try.
On the opening of the eighteenth century the tavern in New York
City, as in other places in the English colonies, occupied a place in
social life quite different from anything of the present day. The tav-
ern next to the church was the most important institution in the com-
munity, for it was the medium of all the gossip and political news
of the day and the place where it was all freely discussed.
At this time there were no clubs such as exist to-day, no theaters,
no newspapers. There was hardly a man in the community who did
not habitually visit some tavern where he met his friends and neigh-
bors to talk over the news of the town. It was the place where he
obtained all the knowledge he possessed of what was taking place in
the world around him; and the political unrest of this period made
the taverns more particularly places of life and excitement.
Taverns were used by the Common Council of the City as places
for the transaction of public business such as auditing accounts, leas-
ing docks and ferries, etc., and by members of the Governor's Council
and of the Assembly for conferences. During Lord Cornbury's ad-
ministration a favorite place for these conference meetings was the
Coffee House or King's Arms, kept by John Hutchins, which then
stood on Broadway next to Trinity Church Yard, where the Trinity
Building now stands. It was the most fashionable public house in the
city and was patronized by the wealthier class of citizens and by those
in official life as well as by the military officers.
There were other taverns where the political atmosphere was
quite different and where what was considered the arbitrary and fool-
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THE BLACK HORSE TAVERN
ish acts of the Governor and his party were freely discussed and
mercilessly criticised.
From the administration of Cornbury to the death of Governor
Montgomerie the governors had made constant and continuous efforts
at arbitrary rule, which were as constantly and carefully resisted by the
Assembly, the elective branch of the Government. The administra-
tions of Hunter and Burnet were mild and tactful and no important
issue was made. The short rule of Montgomerie was mild and devoid
of important incident.
THE BLACK HORSE TAVERN
Records of the Province and of the City show that John De
Honeur was the landlord of a tavern that was on many occasions used
by members of the Governor's Council and of the Assembly for con-
ferences and by the Common Council of the City for the transaction
of public business. This was the Black Horse Tavern which was
for more than twenty years at the southwest corner of what are now
William Street and Exchange Place. During this period there was
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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
more or less excitement over political matters in the Province which
culminated in the administration of Governor Cosby in 1732, when
it became acute.
On January 15, 1714-5, the Common Council of the City ordered
a warrant to be issued to the Treasurer to pay John De Honeur or
order the sum of five pounds, two shillings, current money of New
York, for expenses at several times at his house of the committee for
auditing the public accounts of the Corporation as appears by his
account which was audited by the committee and allowed. In 1726
he was paid four pounds, seven shillings, for the expenses of several
committees at his house.
On October 18, 1727, according to the Journal of the Assembly,
it was ordered that the Committee of Grievances meet every Tuesday
and Friday during the session at five o'clock in the afternoon at the
house of John De Honeur. In August, 1728, Colonel Willet, Chair-
man of the Committee of Grievances, asked that they might have per-
mission to meet at other place or time than that appointed, and it was
ordered that said committee have power to adjoin to and meet at
such other times and places as they shall judge necessary, but that
they, nevertheless, must meet every Thursday evening at the house
of John De Honeur, the Black Horse Tavern. At seven o'clock in
the evening of June 19, 1729, a committee of the Council met in con-
ference a committee of the Assembly at this place.
In June, 1737, it was ordered that the Committee of Privileges
and Elections meet at the house of John De Honeur and that they
have power to adjourn from time to time during the session. The
Journal of the Assembly states that this Committee met on the even-
ing of September 16, 1737, at the Black Horse Tavern and it was
ordered that in the contested election, Captain Cornelius Van Home
and Adolph Philipse should exchange lists; the record showing very
clearly that the house of John De Honeur and the Black Horse Tav-
ern were the same.
The conferences of the committees of the Council and of the
Assembly were, no doubt, held at the best taverns in the city, and at
those frequented by the members, where at other times they talked
of the affairs of state over their wine, and spent a pleasant evening in
social converse; changes being made as the quality of the taverns
changed.
The tavern of the Widow Post appears to have been a favorite
place for members of Assembly where committees met on business of
various kinds and the popularity of her house continued for several
years. In November, 1726, the Assembly taking in consideration the
[292]
THE BLACK HORSE TAVERN
"convicncy and accommodation" which the members had received
every session, as well at the meetings of committees as otherwise, at
the house of the Widow Post, and that the trouble and expense occa-
sioned to her on such occasions far exceeded her gains, resolved that
in the opinion of the House she ought to be exempted from paying
any excise from this time until the first day of November next; and
it was ordered that the Commissioners for letting to farm the excise
take notice thereof accordingly.
Obadiah Hunt was a tavern-keeper whose house seems to have
been used both by the provincial and municipal officials as a place
for conference and consultation. He was a member of the Common
Council for several years, which may have been one cause of his
"THEY HAD DISCOVERED THE TOOTHSOME TERRAPIN"
house being used by that body. It was situated in Dock Street next
door to the Custom House. He owned the house and seems to have
been a man of some property but of little education: nevertheless,
he appears to have been a popular landlord. In January, 1718, the
Corporation paid Obadiah Hunt £4.6: 9 for their expenses at his
[293]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
house on the anniversary of the Coronation on October 26, last, and
on the anniversary of Gunpowder Treason Day November 5.
The Common Council of the City seem to have been always ready
to celebrate anniversaries or other festal days by eating a good dinner
at some popular tavern at the City's expense. They performed this
arduous duty with cheerfulness and alacrity. The Dutch had dis-
covered the toothsome terrapin and it had become an aldermanic
luxury, often served on these occasions. Many tavern-keepers prided
themselves on the skill with which they could prepare this delicious
viand.
The Assembly, like the Common Council, were inclined to meet
at taverns for the transaction of public business, where they were
evidently surrounded by a more cheerful atmosphere than in the
cold halls of legislation and justice. When the room was warmed
by a large and lively fire in the spacious fireplace and when the
inner man was cheered and warmed by good old wine business was
transacted with less friction and greater satisfaction. The Black
Horse Tavern was the scene of many such meetings and of some no
doubt very exciting ones. In the contest over the votes for Van Home
and Philipse there were no doubt some lively discussions.
At the death of Governor Montgomerie on July i, 1731, the
Government of New York devolved on Rip Van Dam as President of
[294]
THE BLACK HORSE TAVERN
the Council, being senior member of that body. Colonel William
Cosby, previously Governor of Minorca, was appointed to succeed
Montgomerie but did not arrive until the ist of August, 1732, so that
Van Dam was acting Governor for a period of thirteen months, and
had been invested with all the powers, duties and rights of the office,
and had been allowed to draw the full amount of the salary from the
public funds.
No Governor seemed more acceptable to the people of New York
than Colonel William Cosby. He had shown his care for their inter-
ests by remaining in London for more than six months after his
appointment in order to oppose the sugar bill, a measure that would
have injuriously affected the colonial trade, and had succeeded in
defeating it in the House of Lords.
Governor Cosby, however, like almost all the governors sent out
to the provinces had a sharp eye to his own profit and had obtained
before he left England an order on Van Dam for one-half of the sal-
ary, perquisites and emoluments received by the latter during the time
that he exercised the chief authority, and accordingly shortly after
his arrival made demand on Van Dam for payment.
Van Dam refused the Governor's demand, but offered as a com-
promise to pay one-half of the salary to Cosby, if he would divide
with him his official receipts during a like period, much in excess of
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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
those received by Van Dam. This, of course, Cosby refused to do,
and instituted suit in the equity side of the Court of Exchequer, set
up by himself, where he was confident of a decision in his favor.
Great excitement ensued in consequence of the conflict of authority
in the Court itself. The counsel for Van Dam, James Alexander,
and William Smith, excepted to the jurisdiction of the Court, denying
that any Court of Equity could be introduced in New York except by
an act of its own Legislature. Chief Justice Lewis Morris supported
the exception, the two associate Justices, De Lancey and Philipse, vot-
ing against the plea.
The opinion of Chief Justice Morris annoyed the Governor, who
demanded a copy of his decision. This Morris sent to him with a
letter both of which he caused to be printed in the Gazette, the only
newspaper then printed in New York. All this exasperated the Gov-
ernor beyond all bounds. Morris was removed from the bench and
James De Lancey, who afterwards became prominent, was appointed
Chief Justice in his place. No final decision was reached in the suit
against Van Dam. The Court of Exchequer, as constituted by Cosby,
never met again.
The contest between Cosby and Van Dam, at first personal,
soon involved the people, and divided them into two parties. Those
in office with their following supported the Governor, while the party
of the people, especially after the removal of the Chief Justice, were
violently opposed to the arbitrary act of the Governor, in removing
a judge because his decision was not as he wished, and to the favor-
itism which could by an ex post facto order divest any of the colonial
officers of salary earned and appropriated to individual use, and
direct the amount to be paid to a stranger who had performed no
service for it. If this were conceded there would be little stability
in the rights of British subjects.
From what is known of the Black Horse Tavern about this time
and for some years following there is hardly a doubt that it was the
center of much of the political excitement of the day and the head-
quarters of the party opposed to what were considered the Governor's
arbitrary acts and extraordinary demands on the people, and from
its future history it seems quite evident that here were planned the
ways and means of active opposition.
Lewis Morris, in spite of his peculiarities, was a popular man,
and now more than ever became an object of regard bv the class of
people who esteemed themselves oppressed. Being removed from the
office of Chief Justice, he retired to his country seat, Morrisania, and
in the fall of 1733 offered himself as a candidate for Representative
[296]
THE BLACK HORSE TAVERN
of the County of Westchester. A remarkable election ensued — one
of the most picturesque episodes of colonial history. Opposed to
Morris was William Forster, supported by the Chief Justice, James De
Lancey, and the second Judge, Frederick Philipse, who appeared in per"
son on the ground and exerted their influence to the utmost to defeat
the election of Lewis Morris. The account of this election as told in
the first number of the New York Weekly Journal reads like a page
from the history of feudal times, when the lords appeared upon the
field followed by their retainers ready for contests in the lists or on
the field of battle.
The high sheriff of the County having, by papers affixed to
the Church of East Chester and other public places, given notice of
the day and place without stating any time of day when the election
was to take place, the electors for Morris were very suspicious of
some intended fraud. To prevent this, about fifty of them kept watch
upon and about the Green at East Chester, the place of election, from
twelve o'clock the night before until the morning of the appointed
day.
The electors of the eastern part of the County began to move on
Sunday afternoon and evening so as to be at New Rochelle by mid-
night. On their way through Harrison's Purchase the inhabitants
provided for their entertainment, there being a table at each house
[297]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
plentifully provided for that purpose. About midnight they all met
at the house of William Lecount. at New Rochelle, whose house not
being large enough to entertain so many, a large fire was made in the
street at which they sat till daylight, when they again began to move.
On the hill at the east end of town they were joined by about seventy
horsemen, electors of the lower part of the County and then pro-
ceeded to the place of election in the following order : First rode two
trumpeters and three violinists, next four of the principal freeholders,
one of whom carried a banner, on one side of which was affixed in
golden capitals KING GEORGE, and on the other side in like golden
capitals LIBERTY & LAW, next followed the candidate, Lewis
Morris, Esq., formerly chief justice of the province, then two colors,
and at sunrise they entered the Green of East Chester, the place of
election, followed by about three hundred horsemen, the principal
freeholders of the county, a greater number than had appeared for one
man since the settlement of the County. After riding three times
around the Green, they went to the houses of Joseph Fowler and Mr.
Child, who were well prepared for their reception.
About eleven o'clock appeared William Forster, the candidate
of the other side; next him came two ensigns borne by two of the
freeholders; then came the Honorable James De Lancey, Chief
Justice of the Province of New York, and the Honorable Frederick
Philipse, second Judge of the Province and Baron of the Exchequer,
attended by about one hundred and seventy horsemen, freeholders and
friends of Forster. They entered the Green on the east side and rode
round it twice. As they passed, the second Judge very civilly saluted
the former Chief Justice by taking off his hat, which the former Judge
returned in the same manner. After this they retired to the house
of Mr. Baker, who was prepared to receive and entertain them.
About an hour after this the high sheriff came to town, finely
mounted, with housings and holster caps of scarlet richly laced with
silver. Upon his appearance the electors on both sides went into the
Green. After reading his Majesty's writ, the sheriff directed the
electors to proceed to their choice, which they then did, a great ma-
jority appearing for Morris. A poll was demanded and the sheriff
insisted that a poll must be taken. A poll was taken, and did not close
until about eleven o'clock at night. Morris, although votes for him of
thirty-eight Quakers were rejected, because they would not take the
oath, was elected by a large majority. "The indentures being sealed
the whole body of electors waited on the new Representative at his
lodgings with trumpets sounding and violins playing and then took
leave of him."
[298]
THE BLACK HORSE TAVERN
The foregoing account follows that which appeared in the New
York Weekly Journal, which was friendly to Morris. In the same
number of this paper appeared the following item of local news:
N E W-Y 0 ,K KfNoKfi.j. Qn'.WTR
a'efJaylhe ?ift. of Gtf^rr.^the late'Chief,
Juftice," but new'4Reprefentatiye for the!
QmiAytfWtfttttft/r, landed in thisCity,
about f o'clock in the Evening, • at the'
Ferry-flairs : On His landjne He was fi-1
luted by a general hire ottheGuns from the
Merchants Veflels lying in the Road ; and
wasjeceiv'd by great Numbers of the moft
confiderable Merchants and Inhabitants of
this City, and by them with loud Aclama-
tions of the People as he walk'd the Streets^
conducted to thcB/afkHorftTavern, where
a handfomeEntertainment-was prepar'd for
Him, at the Charge of the Gentlemen who
received Him ^ and in the Middle of one
Side of theRoom, was fix'd a Tabulet with
golden Capitals, KING GEORGE, LI-,'
BERTY and LAW.,
On Thurfday laft the Houfe of Reprefen-
tatives were adjourned to the third Teuflay
in Afnl next.
Thus we see that the Black Horse Tavern became the rallying
place and rendezvous for the party of the people, and there is every
reason to believe from this time it was the place where they continued
to meet to concert on measures against prerogative and favoritism and
against the arrogance and arbitrary acts of the Governor and his sup-
porters. These sentiments were not new to the people but they had
been lying dormant like smoldering embers which need only a slight
agitation to fan into a flame. Not since the time of Bellomont was
there so much bitterness displayed in party strife.
Since 1725 there had been a newspaper printed in New York,
but William Bradford, its printer, was in the pay of the Government,
and no item in opposition to the Governor and his friends was to be
found in its pages. In November, 1733, appeared the first number
of the New York Weekly Journal, printed by John Peter Zenger, and
devoted to the support of the party of the people, at the head of which
was Lewis Morris and Rip Van Dam. Zenger's paper was entirely
alive and the lampoons on the Government and the criticisms of the
Governor which appeared in its columns were novel in their audacity
and startling in their strength.
Lewis Morris, Lewis Morris, Jr., James Alexander, William
Smith, and Cadwallader Golden were the principal contributors to the
[299]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
columns of this newspaper. To arrange for the appearance of their
contributions they formed a sort of club that met weekly, where, no
doubt, were suggested and arranged the essays, squibs, verses, paro-
dies, etc., for the paper. What more likely place for the meetings of
this club than the Black Horse Tavern?
Whether the landlord of the Black Horse was more in sympathy
than other tavern-keepers with those who were active in opposition
to the administration of Governor Corby or whether the accommoda-
tions of his house were such as to attract them is not known, but the
fact seems to be that the Black Horse was their favorite and was
used almost exclusively by them in their meetings and on festal
occasions.
The Journal soon began to make itself felt. It was eagerly read
and its sarcastic reflections on the Government and its biting criti-
cisms furnished a weekly entertainment to the public and drove the
Governor and his friends almost to madness. Its effect was so keenly
felt that it was resolved in Council that Zenger's papers, Numbers
7, 47, 48, and 49, and also two certain printed ballads were derogatory
to the dignity of His Majesty's Government, and that they should be
burned by the common hangman. The mayor and aldermen were
directed to attend the ceremony. This they positively refused to do.
Attempts were made to have Zenger indicted, but the Grand Jury
refused to bring in a bill.
In November, 1734, Zenger was arrested and imprisoned by order
of the Council for printing and publishing seditious libels. In Jan-
uary, 1735, the Grand Jury not having indicted him, the Attorney
General filed an information against him. In the meantime he was
editing his paper through a hole in the door of his cell. At the April
term of Court his counsel, James Alexander and William Smith, the
two ablest lawyers of New York, filed exceptions to the legality of
the commissions of the two Judges; for this they were silenced, and
John Chambers was appointed by the Court counsel for Zenger.
When the trial came on in August, 1735, Andrew Hamilton of
Philadelphia, a lawyer of great reputation, had been secretly engaged,
and on the day of the trial he unexpectedly appeared by the side of the
prisoner. He was capable, eloquent and fearless, and in conjunction
with Mr. Chambers managed the case with so much ability and skill
that the jury after being out only ten minutes returned with a ver-
dict of not guilty which was received with shouts and cheers. The
judges threatened the leaders of the tumult with imprisonment, when
a son of Admiral Norris, who was a son-in-law of Lewis Morris, de-
clared that applause was common in Westminster Hall and was loudest
[300]
THE BLACK HORSE TAVERN
on the acquittal of the seven bishops, and invited a repetition of the
cheers, which were instantly repeated. There was great excitement
that day in the City of New York which had then a population of not
more than eight thousand.
After the trial was concluded the enthusiasm and demonstra-
tions of satisfaction centered at the Black Horse Tavern where An-
drew Hamilton, hailed as the champion of liberty, was carried almost
on the shoulders of the people, and where in the evening a grand
dinner was given in his honor by about forty of the principal citizens
to celebrate his great victory. At his departure next day the whole
city came down to the waterside to do him honor and "he was saluted
wi'th the great Guns of several Ships in the Harbour as a public Testi-
mony of the glorious Defence he made in the Cause of Liberty in
this Province."
The Corporation of New. York presented Andrew Hamilton with
the freedom of the City in a gold box, "for his learned and generous
defence of the rights of mankind and the liberty of the press."
Zenger was released from prison after having been confined for more
than eight months.
Dr. John W. Francis says in his description of New York that
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
Gouverneur Morris told him that the trial of Zenger in 1735 was the
germ of American freedom — the morning star of that liberty which
subsequently revolutionized America. The Black Horse Tavern, if
it was not the cradle of liberty, was certainly the nursery of those
sentiments which ripened into the Declaration of Independence. Here
was the first organized meeting that stood for rights of the people.
Here was made the first determined stand against prerogative and
usurpation — the extravagant prerogatives of the Crown and the
usurpations of power by the colonial governors. No spot in New
York City is so closely identified with the victory for the rights of
free speech, and for the liberty of the press as that on which stood the
old Black Horse.
Near the corner of Dock Street, now Pearl Street, Robert Todd,
vintner, kept a house which seems to have been a favorite place for
the balls and entertainments of the Governor's party, as the Black
Horse Tavern was for the party of the people. On October 9, 1735,
the Governor was invited "to a very splendid entertainment provided
for him at Mr. Todd's in order to congratulate his Excellency upon
his safe Return from Albany, where he had been to renew the Treaty
of Peace and Friendship with the Six Nations of Indians." After
dinner they drank the health of different members of the royal fam-
ily, and the health of his Excellency, and prosperity to his adminis-
tration, "the music playing all the time." "His Excellency was also
pleased to Drink Prosperity to Trade and at the same time, in a
very obliging manner, assured the Gentlemen there, That if they
could think of any Methods to Promote and Encourage the Trade and
Welfare of the Province, he would heartily contribute every Thing
in his Power thereto." In the evening the house was illuminated.
Two days after this, on the nth of October, the anniversary of
the Coronation was celebrated at the Fort, when was drank the health
of the King and Queen and the other members of the royal family
under the discharge of cannon, "the two Independent Companies
posted there being under Arms all the time." In the evening the
Governor and his friends were entertained at the house of Mr. Free-
man which was handsomely illuminated. "The whole was concluded
with dancing and all the Demonstrations of Joy suitable to the Day."
Thomas Freeman, at whose house this entertainment was given, was
the son-in-law of Governor Cosby.
At the same time, at the Black Horse Tavern, the house of John
De Honeur, "the elected Magistrates with a considerable number of
Merchants and the Gentlemen not Dependents on
made a very handsome Entertainment in Honor of the Day for Rip
[302]
THE BLACK HORSE TAVERN
Van Dam, Esq., President of His Majesty's Council, Matthew Norris,
Esq., Commander of His Majesty's Ship Tarter, and Capt. Compton,
Commander of His Majesty's Ship Seaforth." Thus we see that the
Commanders of the two men-of-war lying in the harbor honored with
their presence and were honored by the party of the people at the Black
Horse: and this accounts for the salutes given by the guns of the
ships in the harbor to honor Andrew Hamilton on his departure from
the city after his great forensic victory.
"At Noon the Company met and while the Great Guns of his
Majesty's Ship Tarter were Firing they Drank the following Healths :
the King, the Queen, the Prince, Duke and Royal Family, the Prince
THE BALL AT THE BLACK HORSE
and Princess of Orange, the Glorious and immortal Memory of King
William the third ; Success to Coll. Morris in his Undertaking, to the
speedy Election of a new Assembly, Prosperity to the Corporation,
my Lord Wiloughton Duke of Dorset, Sir John Norris and General
Compton, and then the Company Din'd, in the Evening the City was
Illuminated, the Afternoon and Evening were spent with all the Joy
and Dancing suitable to the Occasion."
[303]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
The account of the celebration of the anniversary of the Corona-
tion at the Fort was printed in the New York Gazette, which makes
no mention of the celebration at the Black Horse. The New York
Weekly Journal gives an account of the celebration at the Black Horse
Tavern but makes no mention of any celebration at the Fort.
In the same way the account of the celebration of the birthday
of the Prince of Wales by the party of the people is given by the New
York Weekly Journal of January 26, 1736, as follows:
"WHICH WERE ALL DRANK IN BUMPERS"
"The I'Qth instant being His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales'
Birth Day. It was celebrated at the Black Horse in a most elegant
and genteel manner. There was a most magnificent Appearance of
Gentlemen and Ladies. The Ball began with French Dances. And
then the Company proceeded to Country Dances, upon which Mrs.
Norris led up two new Country Dances, upon the Occasion; the first
[304]
THE BLACK HORSE TAVERN
of which was called The Prince of Wales and the second, The Prince
of Saxe-Gotha, in Honour of the Day. There was a most sumptuous
Entertainment afterward at the Conclusion of which the Honorable
Rip Van Dam Esq., President of His Majesty's Council, began the
Royal Healths which were all drank in Bumpers. The whole was
conducted with the utmost Decency, Mirth and Cheerfulness." No
mention is made by the Journal of any celebration at the Fort, and
the New York Gazette, without mentioning any celebration at the
Black Horse, has the following account of the celebration by the
Governor's party: "The Royal Healths were drank at the Fort, by
the Gentlemen of the Council, and the Principal Merchants and Gen-
tlemen of the Place. The Continuance of the Governour's Indisposi-
tion hinder'd the Celebration of the day with the usual solemnity at
the Fort; However there was a Ball in the Evening at Mr. Toad's,
at which there was a very great appearance of Gentlemen and Ladies,
and an Elegant Entertainment made by the Gentlemen, in honour of
the Day."
Lewis Morris at this time was in London where he had gone to
lay his grievances before the home Government. His case came
before the Committee of the Council in November. 1735, "when the
Lords gave it as their opinion that the Governor's Reasons for Re-
moving him were not sufficient." He was not, however, restored to
the office of Chief Justice, but was appointed Governor of New Jersey,
where he had large interests and where the people had long desired to
have a government separate and distinct from New York.
A conference of committees from the Council and the Assembly
was held at the Black Horse on November 4, 1736, to prepare an
address to the king on the nuptials of the Prince of Wales. It seems
also to have been a place for public entertainments. On January
21, 1736, a concert of vocal and instrumental music was given here,
for the benefit of Mr. Pachelbell, the harpsichord part performed by
the gentleman himself, the songs, violin and German flutes by "pri-
vate hands." On March 9, this concert was repeated at Mr. Todd's.
Mr. Pachelbell was probably the music teacher, and was assisted in the
concert by his pupils or friends.
More than one well known writer on the subject of the old tav-
erns of New York has declared that Robert Todd was the landlord
of the Black Horse Tavern. The origin of this mistake in all proba-
bility arose from accepting the accounts given by the Gazette of cele-
brations at Todd's and those given by the Journal of celebrations at
the Black Horse as applying to the same affairs, which they mani-
[305]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
festly did not. When Samuel Bayard died in 1745 he left the house
in Broad Street, next adjoining the DeLancey house which after-
wards became the noted Fraunces' Tavern, to his son Nicholas
Bayard, which he states in his will was in the tenure of Robert Todd.
"THE VIOLIN AND GERMAN FLUTE BY 'PRIVATE HANDS' '
It had been occupied by him for at least eight years. Earlier his
house is described as next door to the Exchange Coffee House.
The Coffee House as well as Todd's was the resort of the
"courtiers," as the Governor's adherents were called, while none of
these were ever to be seen in the Black Horse. A concert of music
was announced to take place on March 9, 1736, at six o'clock, at the
house of Robert Todd for the benefit of Mr. Pachelbel, "the harpsi-
[306]
THE BLACK HORSE TAVERN
chord performed by himself, the songs, violins and German flute by
private hands" * * * "Tickets to be had at the Coffee House, at
the Black Horse and at Mr. Todd's at 4 shillings." It will be noticed
that this interesting function was announced in terms almost identical
with those used in the announcement of a like entertainment at the
Black Horse Tavern on January 21, 1736, mentioned above. A con-
cert of music was given at the house of Robert Todd on the evening of
January 6, 1745, for the benefit of Mr. Rice which the newspapers af-
firm was "thought by all competent judges to exceed anything of the
kind ever done here before."
Rip Van Dam continued to be a member of the Governor's Coun-
cil although he did not attend the meetings in the Fort. He was
extremely obnoxious to Cosby and in case of the Governor's death,
being senior Councilor, would again succeed to the government of the
colony. Cosby had asked permission to remove him, but the request
had not been granted. Impatient at delay, in December, 1735, he sum-
moned the Council for the purpose of removing Van Dam from his
place as Councilor and ordered his name to be stricken from the list,
so that George Clarke, his friend, the next Councilor, should succeed
him in case of death. The Governor died at the Fort on March 7,
1735.6, when the fact of the suspension of Van Dam first became
known to the public, and George Clarke assumed the duties of Gov-
ernor.
Van Dam and his friends declared the suspension illegal and
Van Dam made an effort to obtain control, but Clarke was supported
by the Council, and in the course of a few months received his com-
mission from England as Lieutenant-Governor, which put an end to
the claims of Van Dam.
The political bitterness of the parties which had been formed dur-
ing the administration of Governor Cosby did not end at his death.
Clarke received a legacy of trouble, but he was an astute politician
and a much more prudent man than Cosby. He is credited with a
policy of making it appear that the governorship of New York was
not a desirable post, and by this means held his office of Lieutenant-
Governor for years, and then retired to England with a competency.
The community continued to be divided by party strife. The
government party were in derision called "courtiers," and they char-
acterized the opposition as a "Dutch mob." A visitor to New York
in 1739 describes the different parties as "Courtiers," "Zengerites,"
"Prudents," and "No-party-men," and declares that the women were
more zealous politicians than the men; as he expressed it, "as warm
[307]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
as scalloped oysters in their discussions, although exceptionally good-
natured."
The Black Horse, so conspicuous in the time of Governor Cosby,
was still a prominent tavern in 1738. Before the year 1740, however,
it had passed out of existence, but the name was afterwards revived in
other places.
[308]
THE BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE IX THE WAR OF 1812
From an old engraving
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1B49
CHARLES SUMNER
[Continued from The Journal of American
History, Number i, Volume IX]
HE true character of the War System must be exposed.
Above all, men must no longer deceive themselves by
the shallow thought that this System is the necessary
incident of imperfect human nature, and thus cast
upon God the responsibility for their crimes. They
must see clearly that it is a monster of their own crea-
tion, born with their consent, whole vital spark is fed by their breath,
and without their breath must necessarily die.
But, criminal and irrational as is War, unhappily, in the present
state of human error, we cannot expect large numbers to appreciate
its true character, and to hate it with that perfect hatred making them
renounce its agency, unless we offer an approved and practical mode
of determining international controversies, as a substitute for the
imagined necessity of the barbarous ordeal. This we are able to do;
and so doing, we reflect new light upon the atrocity of a system which
not only tramples upon all the precepts of the Christian faith, but
defies justice and discards reason.
i. The most complete and permanent substitute would be a
Congress of Nations, with a High Court of Judicature. Such a sys-
tem, while admitted on all sides to promise exalted results, is opposed
on two grounds. First, because, as regards the smaller states, it would
be a tremendous engine of oppression, subversive of their political inde-
pendence. Surely, it could not be so oppressive as the War System. But
the experience of the smaller States in the German Confederation and
in the American Union, nay, the experience of Belgium and Holland
by the side of the overtopping power of France, and the experience
of Denmark and Sweden in the very night-shade of Russia, all show
the futility of this objection. Secondly, because the decrees of such
[313]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
a court could not be carried into effect. Even if they were enforced
by the combined power of the associate nations, the sword, as the
executive arm of the high tribunal, would be only the melancholy
instrument of Justice, not the Arbiter of Justice, and therefore not
condemned by the conclusive reasons against international appeals
to the sword. From the experience of history, and particularly from
the experience of the thirty States of our Union, we learn that the
occasion for any executive arm will be rare. The State of Rhode
Island, in its recent controversy with Massachusetts, submitted with
much indifference to the adverse decree of the Supreme Court; and
I doubt not that Missouri and Iowa will submit with equal contentment
to any determination of their present controversy by the same tribunal.
The same submission would attend the decrees of any Court of Judica-
ture established by the Commonwealth of Nations. There is a growing
sense of justice, combined with a growing might of public opinion,
too little known to the soldier, that would maintain the judgments of
the august tribunal assembled in the face of the Nations, better than
the swords of all the marshals of France, better than the bloody terrors
of Austerlitz or Waterloo.
The idea of a Congress of Nations with a High Court of Judica-
ture is as practical as its consummation is confessedly dear to the
friends of Universal Peace. Whenever this Congress is convened,
as surely it will be, I know not all the names that will deserve com-
memoration in its earliest proceedings ; but there are two, whose par-
ticular and long-continued advocacy of this Institution will connect
them indissolubly with its fame, — the Abbe Saint-Pierre, of France,
and William Ladd, of the United States.
2. There is still another substitute for War, which is not exposed
even to the shallow objections launched against a Congress of Nations.
By formal treaties between two or more nations, Arbitration may be
established as the mode of determining controversies between them.
In every respect this is a contrast to War. It is rational, humane, and
cheap. Above all, it is consistent with the teachings of Christianity.
As I mention this substitute, I should do injustice to the cause and to
my own feelings, if I did not express our obligations to its efficient
proposer and advocate, our fellow-citizen, and the President of this
Society, the honored son of an illustrious father, whose absence to-
night enables me, without offending his known modesty, to introduce
this tribute : I mean William Jay.
The complete overthrow of the War System, involving the disarm-
ing of the Nations, would follow the establishment of a Congress of
Nations, or any general system of Arbitration. Then at last our aims
THE WAR SYSTEM OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF NATIONS
would be accomplished ; then at last Peace would be organized among
the Nations. Then might Christians repeat the fitful boast of the
generous Mohawk : "We have thrown the hatchet so high into the air,
and beyond the skies, that no arm on earth can reach to bring it down."
Incalculable sums, now devoted to armaments and the destructive
industry of War, would be turned to the productive industry of Art
and to offices of Beneficence. As in the dead and rotten carcass of
the lion which roared against the strong man of Israel, after a time,
were a swarm of bees and honey, so would the enormous carcass of
War, dead and rotten, be filled with crowds of useful laborers and all
good works, and the riddle of Samson be once more interpreted : "Out
of the eater came forth meat, and out of the strong came forth
sweetness."
Put together the products of all the mines in the world, — the
glistening ore of California, the accumulated treasures of Mexico and
Peru, with the diamonds of Golconda, — and the whole shining heap
will be less than the means thus diverted from War to Peace. Under
the influence of such a change, civilization will be quickened anew.
Then will happy Labor find its reward, and the whole land be filled
with its increase. There is no aspiration of Knowledge, no vision of
Charity, no venture of Enterprise, no fancy of Art, which may not
then be fulfilled. The great unsolved problem of Pauperism will be
solved at last. There will be no paupers, when there are no soldiers.
The social struggles, so fearfully disturbing European nations, will
die away in the happiness of unarmed Peace, no longer incumbered by
the oppressive system of War; nor can there be well-founded hope
that these struggles will permanently cease, so long as this system
endures. The people ought not to rest, they cannot rest, while this
system endures. As King Arthur, prostrate on the earth, with bloody
streams pouring from his veins, could not be at ease, until his sword,
the terrific Excalibar, was thrown into the flood, so the Nations, now
prostrate on the earth, with bloody streams pouring from their veins,
cannot be at ease, until they fling far away the wicked sword of War.
King Arthur said to his attending knight, "As thou love me, spare
not to throw it in ;" and this is the voice of the Nations also.
Imagination toils to picture the boundless good that will be
achieved. As War with its deeds is infinitely evil and accursed, so
will this triumph of Permanent Peace be infinitely beneficent and
blessed. Something of its consequences was seen, in prophetic vision,
even by that incarnate Spirit of War, Napoleon Bonaparte, when, from
his island-prison of St. Helena, looking back upon his mistaken career,
he was led to confess the True Grandeur of Peace. Out of his mouth
[315]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
let its praise be spoken. "I had the project/' he said, mournfully
regretting the opportunity he had lost, "at the general peace of Amiens,
of bringing each Power to an immense reduction of its standing armies.
I wished a European Institute, with European prizes, to direct, asso-
ciate, and bring together all the learned societies of Europe. Then,
perhaps, through the universal spread of light, it might be permitted
to anticipate for the great European Family the establishment of an
American Congress, or an Amphictyonic Council ; and what a per-
spective then of strength, of greatness, of happiness, of prosperity!
What a sublime and magnificent spectacle !"
Such is our cause. In transcendent influence, it embraces human
beneficence in all its forms. It is the comprehensive charity, enfold-
ing all the charities of all. None so vast as to be above its protection,
none so lowly as not to feel its care. Religion, Knowledge, Freedom,
Virtue, Happiness, in all their manifold forms, depend upon Peace.
Sustained by Peace, they lean upon the Everlasting Arm. And this
is not all. Law, Order, Government, derive from Peace new sanctions.
Nor can they attain to that complete dominion which is our truest safe-
guard, until, by the overthrow of the War System, they comprehend
this Commonwealth of Nations,
"And Sovereign LAW, the world's collected will,
O'er thrones and globes elate,
Sits empress, crowning good, repressing ill."
As a measure simple and practical, obnoxious to no objection,
promising incalculable good, and presenting an immediate opportunity
for labor, I would invite your cooperation in the effort now making
at home and abroad to establish Arbitration Treaties. If in this scheme
there is a tendency to avert War, — if, through its agency, we may hope
to prevent a single War, — and who can doubt that such may be its
result? — we ought to adopt it. Take the initiative. Try it, and nations
will never return to the barbarous system. They will begin to learn
War no more. Let it be our privilege to volunteer the proposal. Thus
shall we inaugurate Permanent Peace in the diplomacy of the world.
Nor should we wait for other governments. In a cause so holy, one
government should wait for another. Let us take the lead. Let our
republic, powerful child of Freedom, go forth, the Evangelist of Peace.
Let her offer to the world a Magna Charta of International Law, by
which the crime of War shall be forever abolished.
1. Sir William Jones, Ode in Imitation of Alcaeus.
THE WAR SYSTEM OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF NATIONS.
While thus encouraging you in behalf of Universal Peace, the
odious din of War, mingled with pathetic appeals for Freedom, reaches
us. A portentous cloud, charged with "red lightning and impetuous
rage," hangs over the whole continent of Europe, which echoes again
to the trend of mustering squadrons. Alas ! must this dismal work be
renewed? Can Freedom be born, can nations be regenerated, only
through baptism of blood? In our aspirations, I would not be blind
to the teachings of History, or to the actual condition of men, so long
accustomed to brute force, that, to their imperfect natures, it seems
the only means by which injustice can be crushed. With sadness I
confess that we cannot expect the domestic repose of nations, until
tyranny is overthrown, and the principles of self-government are estab-
lished. But whatever may be the fate of the present crisis, whether
it be doomed to the horrors of prolonged strife, or shall soon brighten
into the radiance of enduring concord, I cannot doubt that the Nations
are gravitating, with resistless might even through fire and blood, into
peaceful forms of social order, where the War System will cease to
be known.
Nay, from the experience of this hour I draw the auguries of
Permanent Peace. Not in any international strife, not in duel between
nation and nation, not in selfish conflict of ruler with ruler, not in the
unwise "game" of War, as played by king with king, do we find the
origin of present commotions, "with fear of change perplexing mon-
archs." It is to overturn the enforced rule of military power, to
crush the tyranny of armies, and to supplant unjust government,—
whose only stay is physical force, and not the consent of the governed,
—that the people have risen in mighty madness. So doing, they wage
a battle where all our sympathies must be with Freedom, while, in
sorrow at the unwelcome combat, we confess that victory is only less
mournful than defeat. Through all these bloody mists the eye of
Faith discerns the ascending sun, struggling to shoot its life-giving
beams upon the outspread earth, teeming with the grander products
of a new civilization. Everywhere salute us the signs of Progress ; and
the Promised Land smiles at the new epoch. His heart is cold, his eye
is dull, who does not perceive the change. Vainly has he read the
history of the Past, vainly does he feel the irrepressible movement of
the Present. Man has waded through a Red Sea of blood, and for
forty centuries wandered through a wilderness of wretchedness and
error, but he stands at last on Pisgah ; like the adventurous Spaniard,
he has wearily climbed the mountain heights, whence he may descry
vast, unbroken Pacific Sea; like the hardy Portuguese, he is sure to
[317]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
double this fearful Cape of Storms, destined ever afterwards to be the
Cape of Good Hope.
From the birth of this new order will spring not only international
repose, but domestic quiet also ; and Peace will become the permanent
rule of civilization. The stone will be rolled away from the sepulchre
in which men have laid their Lord, and we shall hear the new-risen
Voice, saying, in words of blessed truth, "Lo, I am with you alway,
even unto the end of the world."
FRANK ALLABEN GENEALOGICAL COMPANY
EDITORIAL OFFICES IN
THE FORTY-SECOND STREET BUILDING, NEW YORK
PUBLICATION OFFICE AT GREENFIELD. IND.
ENTERED AT THE POST OFFICE AT GREENFIELD
AS MAIL MATTER OF THE SECOND CLASS. PUBLISHED QUARTERLY
SUBSCRIPTION FOUR DOLLARS ANNUALLY • ONE DOLLAR A COPY
ihmnral flf Ammnm
Unlum* 33C, QJljtrti (Quarter, Number 3,
1915
Number
(Enmntrntnraltng tljp &PUFH ^uniw&ttf AttnittprBarg
of tys Slgtttttg of tlf t d»r?at Qlljartpr nf
Anglo-^axon
VOLUME IX
JULY — AUGUST — SEPTEMBER
NUMBER 3
JJroiutri'ii bg QJh,? innrnal nf Ammran Ifiatorg $fr?0« ttt
3ndiana, for Jflrank Allabrn (Sfnealogtral ffiompang, of th.e
(Ettg nf £fam fork, ffimnmonm^alllj nf Jforo $ork, in
(jtoariwlg lEnittonB, Iffour lonka to ttjf Volume,
at IFour iollara AnnuaUg, (§n? iollar a
(Tnpn for
, 1915, hg Frank Allaben ^n*alogtral
»D OF EDITORIAL DIBKCTOKS
EDITOR-IN-CHIEF
FRANK AM.A1SEN
PRESIDENT
FRANK A I.I. AI!E\
GENEALOGICAL EDITOR
M. T. B. WASHBDRN
ASSOCIATE EDITOR
FRANCES M. S5HTH
SECRETARY
M. T. H. WASHBTJRN
ASSOCIATE EDITOR
JOKN FOWLER MITCHELL, JR.
STEPHEN FARNCM PECKHAM
Publication Office, Greenfield, Indiana: John Fowler Mitchell, Jr., Manager
Address all Communications to the Editorial and Subscription Offices in New York
New York Office, Forty-Second Street Building, New York, N. Y.
New York Telephone, Murray Hill 4524; Cable Addreis, Allaben, New York
LONDON B. P. Stevens & Brown
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ATHENS Const. Electheroudakis
Place de la Constitution
BUENOS AYHES.. .John Grant and Son
Calle Cangallo 469
THE BELL THAT RANG OUT OUR INDEPENDENCE
IN 1776. SET IN FLOWERS AND GREENERY, AS IN A
SHRINE, THE OLD BELL STARTED ON ITS WAY TO THE
EXPOSITION AT SAN FRANCISCO, THE SUMMER OF 1915.
REPRODUCED FOR THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
FROM A PHOTOGRAPH COPYRIGHTED BY UNDERWOOD AND
UNDERWOOD, NEW YORK FRONT COVER
LET EVERY MAN REMEMBER THAT TO VIOLATE
THE LAW IS TO TEAR THE CHARTER OF HIS
OWN AND HIS CHILDREN'S LIBERTY. FROM A
"SPEECH DELIVERED BEFORE THE YOUNG MEN'S LYCEUM,
SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, IN 1837 — Abraham Lincoln. . . . 333
THE AMERICAN FLAG. FROM THE POEM— Joseph Rod-
man Drake 334
IS DEMOCRACY THE REMEDY? FROM "THE BOSTON
HYMN" — Ralph Waldo Emerson 335
UNDER THE FLAG OF LOVE— Frank Allaben 336
GENERAL GEORGE ROGERS CLARK. FROM THE POR-
TRAIT BY OTTO STARK, PAINTED FOR THE INDIANA SOCIETY
OF THE SONS OF THE REVOLUTION 337
FAC-SIMILE OF THE DEED OF ENGLAND'S LIBER-
TIES 340-341
GARGOYLE ON THE TEMPLE CHURCH, LONDON.
IN THIS OLD CHURCH OF THE KNIGHTS TEMPLARS,
BUILT IN 1185, WAS BURIED WILLIAM MARSHALL, THE
GREAT EARL OF PEMBROKE, A CHIEF LEADER IN THE PA-
[327]
TABLE OF CONTENTS
TRIOTIC MOVEMENT WHICH WON THE GREAT CHARTER
OF ENGLAND — FREE AMERICA'S HERITAGE 344
MAGNA CHARTA 345
THE WHITE TOWER, THE TOWER OF LONDON.
ERECTED BY WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR, PARTLY ON THE
BASTIONS OF THE CITY WALL BUILT BY THE ROMANS AND
RE-BUILT BY ALFRED THE GREAT IN 885, THIS WAS USED
AS A ROYAL RESIDENCE BY THE NORMAN AND EARLY
PLANTAGENET KINGS OF ENGLAND, INCLUDING JOHN,
HENRY III, AND EDWARD I, FROM WHOM MAGNA CHARTA
WAS WRESTED ; 358
THE GUARDIANS OF ENGLAND'S LIBERTY. LIST OF
THE TWENTY-FIVE BARONS CHOSEN AS SURETIES FOR THE
OBSERVANCE OF MAGNA CHARTA 359
RUINS OF THE ABBEY, ST. EDMUND'S BURY, SUF-
FOLK, ENGLAND. THE COVENANT-PLACE OF MAGNA
CHARTA, WHERE THE BARONS TOOK SOLEMN OATH To
WIN THE LIBERTY OF ENGLAND 361
THE ABBOT'S BRIDGE, BURY ST. EDMUND'S 364
THE ABBEY GATE, BURY ST. EDMUND'S 365
AVENUE IN THE CHURCHYARD, BURY ST. ED-
MUND'S 368
"THE SHRINE OF THE KING, THE CRADLE OF THE
LAW." MOTTO OF BURY ST. EDMUND'S, WHERE ARCH-
BISHOP LANGTON READ TO THE BARONS AND EARLS OF
ENGLAND THE CHARTER OF HENRY I, AND WHERE THEY
TOOK OATH OF WAR AGAINST THE KING IF HE WOULD
NOT GRANT THEM THE LIBERTIES THEREIN GUARAN-
TEED 369
[328]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
THE WINNING AND KEEPING OF ENGLAND'S
GREAT CHARTER— Mabel Thacher Rosemary Wash-
burn 375
THE NORMAN TOWER, BURY ST. EDMUND'S 385
ABBEY RUINS AND THE BRIDGE, BURY ST. ED-
MUND'S 388
ST. MARY'S CHURCH, BURY ST. EDMUND'S. HERE
WAS BURIED THE LAST ABBOT OF ST. EDMUND'S 389
THE TOWER OF LONDON 392
THE CORONATION OF KING HENRY III— ROGER OF
WENDOVER, ENGLISH MONK AND HISTORIAN, WHO DIED
IN 1237 393
PRINCE EDWARD'S DEFENCE OF THE GASCON
WINE MERCHANTS — MATTHEW OF PARIS. WRITTEN
IN 1256 395
THE MARRIAGE OF KING EDWARD I. DESCRIBED BY A
BENEDICTINE MONK AND ENGLISH CHRONICLER, WHO
DIED IN 1259, AND WHOSE DESIGNATION "OF PARIS,"
SOMETIMES USED AS A SURNAME, "PARIS," Is BELIEVED
To HAVE ORIGINATED FROM THE FACT THAT HE STUDIED
AT THE UNIVERSITY OF PARIS. THE FOLLOWING RECORD
WAS WRITTEN IN THE YEAR 1254 — Matthew of Paris. . . 397
THE CURSE OF THE CHARTER BREAKERS— John
Greenleaf Whittier 398
WHAT CAUSED THE BATTLE OF LEWES, 1264.
FROM THE ANNALS OF WAVERLY, WRITTEN CONTEMPORA-
NEOUSLY WITH EVENTS OF ENGLISH HISTORY FROM 1219
TO 1266 400
[329]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
HOW THE BATTLE OF LEWES WAS WON. As THE
BARON'S PARTY VIEWED THE GREAT VICTORY. CONTEM-
PORARY CHRONICLE IN THE ANNALS OF WAVERLY, 1219 TO
1266 402
AN ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLE OF LEWES FROM
THE STANDPOINT OF AN ADHERENT OF THE
KING — THOMAS WYKES, A CANON OF OSENEY, WHOSE
CHRONICLE, COVERING THE PERIOD FROM 1258 TO 1289, Is
THE ONLY IMPORTANT CONTEMPORARY RECORD FAVORING
THE KING'S PARTY RATHER THAN THAT OF THE BARONS. 404
THE BATTLE OF EVESHAM— ROBERT OF GLOUCESTER,
AN ENGLISH MONK OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY AND
AUTHOR OF A CHRONICLE OF ENGLISH HISTORY, IN VERSE. 407
WESTMINSTER ABBEY. THE GREAT, AGE-FAMOUS
CHURCH OF ENGLAND, WHOSE ANCIENT EXISTENCE, AS A
MONASTERY CHURCH, Is LOST IN THE MISTS OF ANTIQUI-
TY; WHICH WAS RE- FOUNDED, IN 1065, BY EDWARD THE
CONFESSOR; AND WHOSE BUILDING ANEW WAS BEGUN,
IN 1245, BY KING HENRY III. HERE WERE BURIED JOHN,
HENRY III, AND EDWARD I, THE KINGS ESPECIALLY CON-
NECTED WITH MAGNA CHARTA 409
THE TEMPLE CHURCH, LONDON 412
INTERIOR OF THE TEMPLE CHURCH 413
SIGNING OF MAGNA CHARTA BY KING JOHN 416
MAGNA CHARTA AND DEMOCRACY IN AMERICA
—Ernest C. Moses 417
KING JOHN 419
KING EDWARD I. ONE OF THE GREATEST OF ENGLISH
MONARCHS, WHO, IN 1297, CONFIRMED THE GREAT
CHARTER AND THE CHARTER OF THE FOREST 421
[330]
TABLE OF CONTENTS
KING CHARLES I 423
THE CONFIRMATION OF THE CHARTERS, 1297. ... 426
THE CHAPEL OF SAINT JOHN, IN THE TOWER OF
LONDON. THIS CHAPEL, IN THE WHITE TOWER, THE
MOST ANCIENT PART OF THE TOWER OF LONDON, WAS, IN
1240, DECORATED BY KING HENRY III WITH PAINTINGS
AND STAINED GLASS 428
A POEM ON THE DEATH OF EDWARD THE FIRST.
WRITTEN IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY 429
A PERSONAL DESCRIPTION OF KING EDWARD I,
WRITTEN ABOUT 1307 — JOHN OF LONDON, AUTHOR
OF "COMMENDATIO LAMENTABILIS IN TRANSITU MAGNI
REGIS EDWARDI" 431
SAINT THOMAS TOWER, AND THE TRAITORS'
GATE, TOWER OF LONDON 432
STEPHEN LANGTON: A GREAT, ENGLISHMAN 433
A PART OF THE TOWER OF LONDON. SHOWING THE
CRADLE TOWER AND WALL OF THE OUTER WARD, THE
LANTHORN TOWER, AND THE CURTAIN WALL OF THE IN-
NER WARD 435
PLAN OF THE TOWER OF LONDON 439
PLAN OF THE MIDDLE FLOOR, THE WHITE
TOWER, TOWER OF LONDON 439
"THE BIRTHPLACE OF AMERICAN INDEPEND-
ENCE, 1687." How IPSWICH, MASSACHUSETTS, WON
THIS INSCRIPTION FOR ITS TOWN SEAL — J. H. Burnham 440
THE WINNING OF THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY. I. THE
CAPTURE FROM THE BRITISH OF THE ILLINOIS FORTS BY
COLONEL GEORGE ROGERS CLARK, IN 1778-1779. II. How
CLARK RE-TOOK VINCENNES IN 1779 — John Gilmer Gray 453
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
A CONDENSED HISTORY OF THE WYOMING VAL-
LEY IN PENNSYLVANIA— Anna Nugent Law 462
AN EARLY FOURTH OF JULY CELEBRATION— ADE-
LAIDE L. FRIES, ARCHIVIST OF THE SOUTHERN PROVINCE
OF THE MORAVIAN CHURCH IN AMERICA 469
THE COLUMBUS LIGHT. THE GIANT BEACON To BE
PLACED AT SANTO DOMINGO IN HONOR OF THE HEROIC
CHARACTER WHOSE GENIUS, COURAGE, AND THE SPLENDID
ENDURANCE BROUGHT TO BIRTH THE NEW WORLD THAT
Is ALL-AMERICA. THE PROJECT INITIATED BY A CITIZEN
OF THE UNITED STATES, BUT To BE CARRIED OUT BY ALL
THE COUNTRIES OF THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE, OUR
OWN NATION, THE LATIN-AMERICAN REPUBLICS, AND
THE DOMINION OF CANADA. CHRONICLE OF THE PLAN FOR
THE GREAT LIGHT AND THE STORY OF THE FINDING OF THE
TRUE REMAINS OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. REPRODUCED
FOR THE ATTENTION OF ALL AMERICANS IN THE JOUR-
NAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY THROUGH THE COURTESY OF
THE AMERICAN CATHOLIC HISTORICAL SOCIETY — Grace
Pulliam 475
l£ti?nj ilatt Skmemter ilj at ©o Utolafr
iOaro 3a 3fo Qfcar % OHjarter of
Oitom attfc Sfts (EJjtlton'0
ET EVERY AMERICAN, EVERY LOVER OF LIB-
ERTY, EVERY WELL-WISHER TO HIS POS-
TERITY, SWEAR BY THE BLOOD OF THE REV-
OLUTION NEVER TO VIOLATE IN THE LEAST
PARTICULAR THE LAWS OF THE COUNTRY,
AND NEVER TO TOLERATE THEIR VIOLATION
BY OTHERS. As THE PATRIOTS OF '76 DID
TO THE SUPPORT OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE,
SO TO THE SUPPORT OF THE CONSTITUTION AND LAWS LET
EVERY AMERICAN PLEDGE HIS .LIFE, HIS PROPERTY, AND
HIS SACRED HONOR — LET EVERY MAN REMEMBER THAT TO
VIOLATE THE LAW IS TO TRAMPLE ON THE BLOOD OF HIS
FATHER, AND TO TEAR THE CHARTER OF HIS OWN
AND HIS CHILDREN'S LIBERTY. LET REVERENCE FOR THE
LAWS BE BREATHED BY EVERY AMERICAN MOTHER TO THE
LISPING BABE THAT PRATTLES ON HER LAP; LET IT BE
WRITTEN IN PRIMERS, SPELLING BOOKS, AND IN ALMA-
NACS; LET IT BE PREACHED FROM PULPIT, PROCLAIMED
IN LEGISLATIVE HALLS, AND ENFORCED IN COURTS OF JUS-
TICE AND, IN SHORT, LET IT BECOME THE POLITICAL RE-
LIGION OF THE NATION; AND LET THE OLD AND THE YOUNG,
THE RICH AND THE POOR, THE GRAVE AND THE GAY OF ALL
SEXES AND TONGUES AND COLORS AND CONDITIONS, SACRI-
FICE UNCEASINGLY UPON ITS ALTARS. — Abraham Lincoln,
in a Speech Delivered before the Young Men's Lyceum,
Springfield, Illinois, in 1837.
American
WHEN FREEDOM FROM HER MOUNTAIN HEIGHT
UNFURLED HER STANDARD TO THE AIR,
SHE TORE THE AZURE ROBE OF NIGHT,
AND SET THE STARS OF GLORY THERE;
SHE MINGLED WITH ITS GORGEOUS DYES
THE MILKY BALDRIC OF THE SKIES,
AND STRIPPED ITS PURE, CELESTIAL WHITE
WITH STREAKINGS OF THE MORNING LIGHT;
THEN FROM HIS MANSION IN THE SUN
5"HE CALLED HER EAGLE BEARER DOWN,
AND GAVE INTO HIS MIGHTY HAND
THE SYMBOL OF HER CHOSEN LAND.
FLAG OF THE FREE HEART'S HOPE AND HOME,
BY ANGEL HANDS TO VALOR GIVEN ;
THY STARS HAVE LIT THE WELKIN DOME,
AND ALL THY HUES WERE BORN IN HEAVEN.
FOR EVER FLOAT THAT STANDARD SHEET/
WHERE BREATHES THE FOE BUT FALLS BEFORE us,
WITH FREEDOM'S SOIL BENEATH OUR FEET,
AND FREEDOM'S BANNER STREAMING O'ER usf
From the Poem by Joseph Rodman Drake.
Ja
GOD SAID, I AM TIRED OF KINGS,
I SUFFER THEM NO MORE;
UP TO MY EAR THE MORNING BRINGS
THE OUTRAGE OF THE POOR.
THINK YE I MADE THIS BALL
A FIELD OF HAVOC AND WAR
WHERE TYRANTS GREAT AND TYRANTS SMALL
MIGHT HARRY THE WEAK AND POOR.?
MY ANGEL — HIS NAME IS FREEDOM
TAKE HIM TO BE YOUR KING;
HE SHALL CUT PATHWAYS EAST AND WEST,
AND FEND YOU WITH HIS WING.
From "The Boston Hymn" by Ralph
Waldo Emerson.
3Ua$ of
IN CALM, IN WAR, AMERICA, THOU ART FAR MORE THAN
FREE:
A HERITAGE OF LIGHT, A HELP, A HOPE GOD WROUGHT IN
THEE.
THY SOUL AND SINEW, COURAGE, ZEAL, HE SIFTED FROM
THE WORLD,
AND O'ER THEE FLUNG His BEAUTEOUS STARS, THE FLAG
OF LOVE UNFURLED.
REFRAIN
THY HEART, THY HAND, AMERICA, GOD FEND IN SER-
VICE FREE,
AND PURGE OUR FAITH UNSTAINED TO HOLD THE TRUST
HE GAVE IN THEE!
GOD BUILD THY BULWARKS SHIELDS TO SUCCOUR SORROW
THROUGH THE WORLD,
BENEATH THE BEAUTY OF THE STARS, THE FLAG OF
LOVE UNFURLED!
THY CHILDREN THOU WILT GUARD FROM BEASTS, FROM
SLANDER, LUST, AND LIE
THAT RAIL AT HOME, AT MOTHERHOOD, AT EVERY HOLY TIE.
THOU'LT TEACH THE STRENGTH OF SACRIFICE, — O'ER
HEARTH AND SCHOOL-HOUSE CURLED,
THE BEAUTY OF THY CLINGING STARS, THE FLAG OF LOVE
UNFURLED !
THY GOLDEN BLADE OF CHIVALRY SHALL SPURN THE WRONG
OF MIGHT;
THOU WILT NOT TREAD DOWN WITH THE PROUD, NOR WITH
THE RABBLE FIGHT;
THE VIOLENCE OF HIGH AND LOW SHALL FROM THY BOSS
BE HURLED
BENEATH THE JUSTICE OF THY STARS, THE FLAG OF LOVE
UNFURLED !
NO RAG OF CLASS, NO FLAUNT OF HATE, THY DAUNTLESS
SOUL SHALL DREAD ;
THOU WILT NOT BROOK THE PIRATE BLACK, NOR CRINGE BE-
FORE THE RED;
BUT LIFT OLD GLORY TO THE SKY, BY EVERY STATE EM-
PEARLED,
AND WAVE THE BEAUTY OF THE STARS, THE FLAG OF LOVE
UNFURLED! Frank Allaben.
GENERAL GEORGE ROGERS
CLARK
From the portrait by Otto
Stark, painted for the Indi-
ana Society of Sons
of the Revolution
See article. "The Winning of
the Illinois Country"
M
a
a
05
3
go
o-
x
a
B.
J
03
^11
GARGOYLE ON THE TKMPLK flll'lJCH. I, ON I MIX
In this old Church of the Knights Templars, built In 1185, was buried William Marshall,
the great Karl of Pembroke, a chief leader in the patriotic movement which won the
Great Charter of England free America's heritage.
VOLUME IX
NINETEEN FIFTEEN
NUMBER 3
THIRD QUARTER
ilagna
JOHN, BY THE GRACE OF GOD KING OF ENGLAND, LORD
OF IRELAND, DUKE OF NORMANDY AND AQUITAINE,
AND EARL OF ANJOU, TO HIS ARCHBISOPS, BISHOPS,
ABBOTS, EARLS, BARONS, JUSTICIARIES, FORESTERS,
SHERIFFS, GOVERNORS, OFFICERS, AND TO ALL BAIL-
IFFS, AND HIS FAITHFUL SUBJECTS, — GREETING.
KNOW YE, that We, in the presence of God, and for the salva-
tion of our own soul, and of the souls of all our ancestors, and of our
heirs, to the honour of God, and the exaltation of the Holy Church, and
amendment of our Kingdom, by the counsel of our venerable fathers,
Stephen Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate of all England, and
Cardinal of the Holy Roman Church, Henry Archbishop of Dublin,
William of London, Peter of Winchester, Joceline of Bath and Glas-
gow, Hugh of Lincoln, Walter of Worcester, William of Coventry,
and Benedict of Rochester, Bishops; Master Pandulph our Lord the
Pope's Subdeacon and familiar, Brother Almeric, Master of the
Knight-Templars in England, and of these noble persons, William
Mareschal Earl of Pembroke, William Earl of Salisbury, William Earl
of Warren, William Earl of Arundel, Alan de Galloway Constable of
[345]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
Scotland, Warin Fitz-Gerald, Hubert de Burgh Seneschal of Poictou,
Peter Fitz-Herbert, Hugh de Nevil, Matthew Fitz-Herbert, Thomas
Basset, Alan Basset, Philip de Albiniac, Robert de Roppel, John Ma-
reschal, John Fitz-Hugh, and others our liegemen; have in the first
place granted to God, and by this our present Charter have confirmed,
for us and our heirs forever :
[I.] That the English Church shall be free, and shall have her whole
rights and her liberties inviolable; and we will this to be observed in
such manner, that it may appear from thence, that the freedom of
elections, which was reputed most requisite to the English Church,
which we granted, and by our Charter confirmed, and obtained the
Confirmation of the same, from our Lord Pope Innocent the Third,
before the rupture between us and our Barons, was of our own free
will; which Charter we shall observe, and we will it to be observed
with good faith, by our heirs forever. We have also granted to all the
Freemen of our Kingdom, for us and our heirs forever, all the under-
written Liberties, to be enjoyed and held by them and by their heirs,
from us and from our heirs.
[II.] If any of 6ur Earls or Barons, or others who hold of us in chief
by military service, shall die, and at his death his heir shall be of full
age, and shall owe a relief, he shall have his inheritance by the ancient
relief; that is to say, the heir or heirs of an Earl, a whole Earl's Bar-
ony for one hundred pounds: the heir or heirs of a Baron for a whole
Barony, by one hundred pounds ; the heir or heirs of a Knight, for a
whole Knight's Fee, by one hundred shillings at most: and he who
owes less, shall give less, according to the ancient custom of fees.
[III.] But if the heir of any such be under age, and in wardship, when
he comes of age he shall have his inheritance without relief and without
fine.
[IV.] The warden of the land of such heir who shall be under age,
shall not take from the lands of the heir any but reasonable issues,
and reasonable customs, and reasonable services, and that without
destruction and waste of the men or goods, and if we commit the cus-
tody of any such lands to a Sheriff, or any other person who is bound to
us for the issues of them, and he shall make destruction or waste upon
the ward-lands we will recover damages from him, and the lands shall
be committed to two lawful and discreet men of that fee, who shall an-
swer for the issues to us, or to him to whom we have assigned them.
[346]
MAGNA CHARTA
And if we shall give or sell to any one the custody of any such lands,
and he shall make destruction or waste upon them, he shall lose the
custody; and it shall be committed to two lawful and discreet men of
that fee, who shall answer to us in like manner as it is said before.
[V.] But the warden, as long as he hath the custody of the lands, shall
keep up and maintain the houses, parks, warrens, ponds, mills, and
other things belonging to them, out of their issues ; and shall restore to
the heir when he comes of full age, his whole estate, provided with
ploughs and other implements of husbandry, according as the time of
Wainage shall require, and the issues of the lands can reasonably
afford.
[VI.] Heirs shall be married without disparagement, so that before
the marriage be contracted, it shall be notified to the relations of the
heir by consanguinity.
[VII.] A widow, after the death of her husband, shall immediately,
and without difficulty, have her marriage and her inheritance ; nor
shall she give any thing for her dower, or for her marriage, or for
her inheritance, which her husband and she held at the day of his
death : and she may remain in her husband's house forty days after his
death, within which time her dower shall be assigned.
[VIII. ] No widow shall be distrained to marry herself, while she is
willing to live without a husband ; but yet she shall give security that
she will not marry herself without our consent, if she holds of us, or
without the consent of the lord of whom she does hold, if she hold of
another.
[IX.] Neither we nor our Bailiffs will seize any land or rent for any
debt, while the chattels of the debtor are sufficient for the payment
of the debt, nor shall the sureties of the debtor be distrained, while
the principal debtor is able to pay the debt ; and if the principal debtor
fail in the payment of the debt, not having wherewith to discharge
it, the sureties shall not answer for the debt; and if they be willing,
they shall have the lands and rents of the debtor, until satisfaction be
made to them for the debt, which they had before paid for him, unless
the principal debtor can shew himself acquitted thereof against the
said sureties.
[X.] If any one hath borrowed anything from the Jews, more or less,
[3471
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
and die before that debt be paid, the debt shall pay no interest so long
as the heir shall be under age, of whomsoever he may hold; and if
that debt shall fall into our hands, we will not take anything except the
chattel contained in the bond.
[XL] And if any one shall die indebted to the Jews, his wife shall have
her dower and shall pay nothing of that debt; and if children of the
deceased shall remain who are under age, necessaries shall be pro-
vided for them, according to the tenement which belonged to the de-
ceased ; and out of the residue the debt shall be paid, saving the rights
of the lords (of whom the lands are held). In like manner let it be
with debts owing to others than Jews.
[XII.] No scutage nor aid shall be imposed in our kingdom, unless by
the common council of our kingdom ; excepting to redeem our person, to
make our eldest son a knight, and once to marry our eldest daughter,
and not for these, unless a reasonable aid shall be demanded.
[XIII. ] In like manner let it be concerning the aids of the City of Lon-
don. And the City of London shall have all its ancient liberties, and
its free customs, as well by land as by water. Furthermore, we will
and grant that all other Cities, and Burghs, and Towns, and Ports,
should have all their liberties and free customs.
[XIV.] And also to have the common council of the kingdom, to as-
sess and aid, otherwise than in the three cases aforesaid: and for the
assessing of scutages, we will cause to be summoned the Archbishops,
Bishops, Abbots, Earls, and great Barons, individually, by our letters.
And besides, we will cause to be summoned in general by our Sheriffs
and Bailiffs, all those who hold of us in chief, at a certain day, that
is to say at the distance of forty days, (before their meeting,) at the
least and to a certain place; and in all the letters of summons, we
will express the cause of the summons : and the summons being thus
made, the business shall proceed on the day appointed, according to the
counsel of those who shall be present, although all who had been sum-
moned have not come.
[XV.] We will not give leave to any one, for the future, to take an aid
of his own free-men, except for redeeming his own body, and for
making his eldest son a knight, and for marrying once his eldest
daughter; and not that unless it be a resonable aid.
[XVI.] None shall be distrained to do more service for a Knight's-
[348]
MAGNA CHARTA
Fee, nor for any other free tenement, than what is due from thence.
[XVII.] Common Pleas shall not follow our court, but shall be held in
any certain place.
[XVIII. ] Trials upon the Writs of Novel Disseisin, of Mort d'Ances-
tre (death of the ancestor), and Darrien Presentment (last presenta-
tion), shall not be taken but in their proper counties, and in this man-
ner: We, or our Chief Justiciary, if we are out of the kingdom, will
send two Justiciaries into each county, four times in the year, who,
with four knights of each county, chosen by the county, shall hold
the aforesaid assizes, within the county on the day, and at the place
appointed.
[XIX.] And if the aforesaid assizes cannot be taken on the day of the
county-court, let as many knights and free-holders, of those who were
present at the county-court remain behind, as shall be sufficient to do
justice, according to the greater or less importance of the business.
[XX.] A free-man shall not be amerced for a small offence, but only
according to the degree of the offence; and for a great delinquency,
according to the magnitude of the delinquency, saving his contene-
ment: a Merchant shall be amerced in the same manner, saving his
merchandise, and a villain shall be amerced after the same manner, sav-
ing to him his Wainage, if he shall fall into our mercy ; and none of the
aforesaid amerciaments shall be assessed, but by the oath of honest men
of the vicinage.
[XXI.] Earls and Barons shall not be amerced but by their Peers, and
that only according to the degree of their delinquency.
[XXIL] No Clerk shall be amerced for his lay-tenement, but ac-
cording to the manner of the others as aforesaid, and not according
to the quantity of his ecclesiastical benefice.
[XXIII.] Neither a town nor any person shall be distrained to build-
ing bridges or embankments, excepting those which anciently, and of
right, are bound to do it.
[XXIV.] No Sheriff, Constable, Coroners, nor other to our Bailiffs,
shall hold pleas of our crown.
[XXV.] All Counties and Hundreds, Trethings, and Wapontakes,
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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
shall be at the ancient rent, without any increase, excepting in our De-
mesne-manors.
[XXVI. ] If any one holding of us a lay-fee dies, and the Sheriff or
our Bailiff shall shew our letters-patent of summons concerning the
debt which the defunct owed to us, it shall be lawful for the Sheriff or
our Bailiff to attach and register the chattels of the defunct found on
that lay-fee, to the amount of that debt by the view of lawful men, so
that nothing shall be removed from thence until our debt be paid to us ;
and the rest shall be left to the executors to fulfil the will of the de-
funct; and if nothing be owing to us by him, all the chattels shall fall
to the defunct, saving to his wife and children their reasonable shares.
[XX VII.] If any free-man shall die intestate, his chattels shall be dis-
tributed by the hands of his nearest relations and friends, by the
view of the Church, saving to everyone the debts which the defunct
owed.
[XXVIII. ] No Constable nor other Bailiff of ours shall take the corn
or other goods of any one, without instantly paying money for them,
unless he can obtain respite from the free will of the seller.
[XXIX.] No Constable (Governor of a Castle) shall distrain any
Knight to give money for castle-guard, if he be willing to perform it in
his own person, or by another able man, if he cannot perform it him-
self, for a reasonable cause : and if we have carried or sent him into the
army, he shall be excused from castle-guard, according to the time that
he shall be in the army of our command.
[XXX.] No Sheriff nor Bailiff of ours, nor any other person shall take
the horses or carts of any free-man, for the purpose of carriage, with-
out the consent of the said free-man.
[XXXL] Neither we, nor our Bailiffs, will take another man's wood,
for our castles or other uses, unless by the consent of him to whom the
wood belongs.
[ XXXII. ] We will not retain the lands of those who have been con-
victed of felony, excepting for one year and one day, and then they
shall be given up to the lord of the fee.
[XXXIII. ] All kydells (weirs) for the future shall be quite removed
out of the Thames, and the Medway, and through all England, except-
ing upon the sea-coast.
[350]
MAGNA CHART A
[XXXIV.] The writ which is called Praecipe, for the future shall not
be granted to any one of any tenement, by which a free-man may lose
his court.
[XXXV.] There shall be one measure of wine throughout all our
kingdom, and one measure of ale, and one measure of corn, namely
the quarter of London ; and one breadth of dyed cloth, and of russets,
and of halberjects ; namely, two ells within the lists. Also it shall be
the same with weights as with measures.
[XXX VI.] Nothing shall be given or taken for the future for the
Writ of Inquisition of life or limb; but it shall be given without charge,
and not denied.
•
[XXXVII. ] If any hold of us by Fee-Farm, or Socage, or Burgage,
and hold land of another by Military Service, we will not have the cus-
tody of the heir, nor of his lands, which are of the fee of another, on
account of that Fee-Farm, or Socage, or Burgage; nor will we have
the custody of the Fee-Farm, Socage, or Burgage, unless the Fee- Farm
owe Military Service. We will not have the custody of the heir, nor of
the lands of any one, which he holds of another by Military Service, on
account of any Petty-Sergeantry which he holds of us by the service of
giving us daggers, or arrows, or the like.
[XXXVIIL] No Bailiff, for the future, shall put any man to his law,
upon his own simple affirmation, without credible witnesses produced
for that purpose.
i
[XXXIX] No free-man shall be seized, or imprisoned, or disposses-
sed, or outlawed, or in any way destroyed; nor will we condemn him,
nor will we commit him to prison, excepting by the legal judgment of
his peers, or by the laws of his land.
[XL.] To none will we sell, to none will we deny, to none will we delay,
right or justice.
[XLL] All Merchants shall have safety and security in coming into
England, and going out of England, and in staying and travelling
through England, as well by land as by water, to buy and sell, without
any unjust exactions, according to ancient and right customs, excepting
in time of war, and if they be of a country at war against us ; and if
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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
such are found in our land at the beginning of a war, they shall be
apprehended without injury of their bodies and goods, until it be known
to us, or to our Chief Justiciary, how the Merchants of our country are
treated who are found in the country at war against us; and if ours be
in safety there, the others shall be in safety in our land.
[XLIL] It shall be lawful to any person, for the future, to go out of
our kingdom, and to return, safely and securely, by land or by water,
saving his allegiance to us, unless it be in time of war, for some short
space, for the common good of the kingdom ; excepting prisoners and
outlaws, according to the laws of the land, and of the people of the
nation at war against us, and Merchants who shall be treated as it is
said above.
*
[XLIIL] If any hold of any escheat, as of the Honour of Walling-
ford, Nottingham, Boulogne, Lancaster, or of other escheats which
are in our hand, and are Baronies, and shall die, his heir shall not give
any other relief, nor do any other service to us, than he should have
done to the Baron, if that Barony had been in the hands of the Baron ;
and we will hold it in the same manner that the Baron held it.
[XLIV.] Men who dwell without the Forest, shall not come, for the
future, before our Justiciaries of the Forest on a common summons ;
unless they be parties in a plea, or sureties for some person or persons
who are attached for the Forest.
[XLV.] We will not make Justiciaries, Constables, Sheriffs, or Bail-
iffs, excepting of such as know the laws of the land, and are well dis-
posed to observe them.
[XLVL] All Barons who have founded Abbeys, which they hold by
charters from the Kings of England, or by ancient tenure, shall have
the custody of them when they become vacant, as they ought to have.
[XLVIL] All Forests which have been made in our time shall be im-
mediately disforested ; and it shall be so done with Water-banks, which
have been taken or fenced in by us during our reign.
[XLVIII. ] All evil customs of Forests and Warrens, and of Foresters
and Warreners, Sheriffs and their officers, Water-banks and their
keepers, shall immediately be inquired into by twelve Knights of the
[352]
MAGNA CHARTA
same county, upon oath, who shall be elected by good men of the
same county ; and within forty days after the inquisition is made, they
shall be altogether destroyed by them never to be restored; provided
that this be notified to us before it be done, or to our Justiciary, if we be
not in England.
[XLIX.] We will immediately restore all hostages and charters, which
have been delivered to us by the English, in security of the peace and
of their faithful service.
[L.] We will remove from their Bailiwicks the relations of Gerard de
Athyes, so that, for the future, they shall have no bailiwick in England;
Engelard de Cygony, Andrew, Peter, and Gyone de Chancell, Gyonne
de Cygony, Geoffrey de Martin, and his brothers, Philip Mark, and his
brothers, and Geoffrey his nephew, and all their followers.
[LI.] And immediately after the conclusion of the peace, we will re-
move out of the kingdom all foreign knights, crossbow-men, and sti-
pendiary soldiers, who have come with horses and arms to the molesta-
tion of the kingdom.
[LIL] If any have been disseised or dispossessed by us, without a legal
verdict of their peers, of their lands, castles, liberties, or rights, we
will immediately restore these things to them; and if any dispute shall
arise on this head, then it shall be determined by the verdict of the
twenty-five Barons, of whom mention is made below, for the security
of the peace. Concerning all those things of which any one hath been
disseised or dispossessed, without the legal verdict of his peers, by
King Henry our father, or King Richard our brother, which we have
in our hand, or others hold with our warrants, we shall have respite,
until the common term of the Croisaders, excepting those concerning
which a plea had been moved, or an inquisition taken, by our precept,
before taking the Cross ; but as soon as we shall return from our expe-
dition, or if, by chance, we shall not go upon our expedition, we will im-
mediately do complete justice therein.
[LIIL] The same respite will we have, and the same justice shall be
done, concerning the disforestation of the forests, or the forests which
remain to be disforested, which Henry our father, or Richard our
brother, have afforested; and the same concerning the wardship of
lands which are in another's fee, but the wardship of which we have
hitherto had, occasioned by any of our fees held by Military Service ;
[353]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
and for Abbeys founded in any other fee than our own, in which the
Lord of the fee hath claimed a right ; and when we shall have returned,
or if we shall stay from our expedition, we shall immediately do com-
plete justice in all of these pleas.
[LIV.] No man shall be apprehended or imprisoned on the appeal of
a woman, for the death of any other man than her husband.
[LV.] All fines that have been made by us unjustly, or contrary to the
laws of the land; and all amerciaments that have been imposed unjust-
ly, or contrary to the laws of the land, shall be wholly remitted, or or-
dered by the verdict of the twenty-five Barons, of whom mention is
made below, for the security of the peace, or by the verdict of the
greater part of them, together with the aforesaid Stephen, Archbishop
of Canterbury, if he can be present, and others whom he may think fit
to bring with him ; and if he cannot be present, the business shall pro-
ceed, notwithstanding, without him; but so, that if any one or more
of the aforesaid twenty- five Barons have a similar plea, let them be re-
moved from that particular trial and others elected and sworn by the
residue of the same twenty-five, be substituted in their room, only for
that trial.
[LVL] If we have disseised or dispossessed any Welshmen of their
lands, or liberties, or other things, without a legal verdict of their
peers, in England or in Wales, they shall be immediately restored to
them ; and if any dispute shall arise upon this head, then let it be deter-
mined in the Marches by the verdict of their peers : for a tenement
of England, according to the law of England; for a tenement
of Wales, according to the law of Wales; for a tenement of the
Marches, according to the law of the Marches. The Welsh shall
do the same to us and to our subjects.
[LVIL] Also concerning those things of which any Welshman hath
been disseised or dispossessed without the legal verdict of his peers by
King Henry our father, or King Richard our brother, which we have
in our hands, or others hold without warrants, we shall have respite,
until the common term of the Croisaders, excepting for those concern
ing which a plea had been moved, or an inquisition made, by our pre-
cept, before our taking the Cross. But as soon as we shall return from
our expedition, or if, by chance, we shall not go upon our expedition,
we shall immediately do complete justice therein, according to the
laws of Wales, and the parts aforesaid.
[354]
MAGNA CHARTA
/
[LVIIL] We will immediately deliver up the son of .Llewelin, and all
the hostages of Wales, and release them from their engagements which
were made with us, for the security of the peace.
[LIX.] We shall do to Alexander King of Scotland, concerning the
restoration of his sisters and hostages, and his liberties and rights, ac-
cording to the form in which we act to our other Barons of England,
unless it ought to be otherwise by the charters which we have from his
father William, the late King of Scotland ; and this shall be by the ver-
dict of his peers in our court.
[LX.] Also all these customs and liberties aforesaid, which we have
granted to be held in our kingdom, for so much of it as belongs to us,
all our subjects, as well clergy as laity, shall observe towards their
tenants as far as concerns them.
[LXL] But since we have granted all these things aforesaid, for GOD,
and for the amendment of our kingdom, and for the better extinguish-
ing the discord which has arisen between us and our Barons, we being
desirous that these things should possess entire and unshaken stability
forever, give and grant to them the security underwritten ; namely
that the Barons may elect twenty-five Barons of the kingdom, whom
they please, who shall with their whole power, observe, keep, and cause
to be observed, the peace and liberties which we have granted to them,
and have confirmed by this our present charter, in this manner : that
is to say, if we, or our Justiciary, or our Bailiffs, or any one of our offi-
cers, shall have injured any one in any thing, or shall have violated any
article of the peace or security, and the injury shall have been shown to
four of the aforesaid twenty-five Barons, the said four Barons shall
come to us, or to our Justiciary if we be out of the kingdom, and making
known to us the excess committed, petition that we cause that excess to
be redressed without delay. And if we shall not have redressed the ex-
cess, or, if we have been out of the kingdom, our Justiciary shall not
have redressed it within the term of forty days, computing from the
time when it shall have been made known to us, or to our Justiciary if
we have been out of the kingdom, the aforesaid four Barons, shall lay
the cause before the residue of the twenty- five Barons; and they, the
twenty-five Barons, with the community of the whole land, shall dis-
tress and harass us by all the ways in which they are able ; that is to say,
by the taking of our castles, lands, and possessions, and by any other
means in their power, until the excess shall have been redressed, oc-
cording to their verdict; saving harmless our person, and the persons
[355]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
of our Queen and children ; and when it hath been redressed, they shall
behave to us as they have done before. And whoever of our land pleas-
eth, may swear, that he will obey the commands of the aforesand twen-
ty-five Barons, in accomplishing all the things aforesaid, and that with
them he will harass us to the utmost of his power : and we publicly and
freely give leave to every one to swear who is willing to swear ; and
we will never forbid any to swear. But all those of our land, who, of
themselves, and of their own accord, are unwilling to swear to the
twenty-five Barons, to distress and harass us together with them, we
will compel them by our command, to swear as aforesaid. And if any
one of the twenty-five Barons shall die, or remove out of the land, or
in any other way shall be prevented from executing the things above
said, they who remain of the twenty-five Barons shall elect another in
his place, according to their own pleasure, who shall be sworn in the
same manner as the rest. In all those things which are appointed to be
done by these twenty-five Barons, if it happen that all the twenty-five
have been present and have differed in their opinions about any thing,
or if some of them who had been summoned, would not, or could not be
present, that which the greater part of those who were present shall
have provided and decreed, shall be held as firm and as valid, as if all
the twenty-five had agreed in it: and the aforesaid twenty-five shall
swear, that they will faithfully observe and, with all their power, cause
to be observed, all the things mentioned above. And we will obtain
nothing from one, by ourselves, nor by another, by which any of these
concessions and liberties may be revoked or dimished. And if any such
thing shall have been obtained, let it be void and null ; and we will never
use it, neither by ourselves nor by another.
[LXIL] And we have fully remitted and pardoned to all men, all the
ill-will, rancour, and resentments, which have arisen between us and
our subjects, both clergy and laity, from the commencement of the dis-
cord. Moreover, we have fully remitted to all the clergy and laity, and
as far as belongs to us, have fully pardoned all transgressions commit-
ted by occasion of the said discord, from Easter, in the sixteenth year
of our reign, until the conclusion of the peace. And, moreover, we
have caused to be made to them testimonial letters-patent of the Lord
Stephen, Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Henry, Archbishop of
Dublin, and of the aforesaid Bishops, and of Master Pandulph con-
cerning this security, and the aforesaid concessions.
[LXIII.] Wherefore, our will is, and we firmly command that the
Church of England be free, and that the men in our kingdom have and
[356]
MAGNA CHARTA
hold the aforesaid liberties, rights, and concessions, well and in peace,
freely and quietly, fully and entirely, to them and their heirs, of us and
our heirs, in all things and places, for ever as is aforesaid. It is also
sworn, both on our part, and on that of the Barons, that all of the
aforesaid shall be observed in good faith, and without any evil inten-
tion. Witnessed by the above, and many others. Given by our hand
in the Meadow which is called Runningmead, between Windsor and
Staines, this fifteenth day of June, in the seventeenth year of our
reign.
[357]
THE WHITE TOWER, THE TOWER OF LONDON
Erected by William the Conqueror, partly on the bastions of tlie City Wall built by the
Romans and re-built by Alfred the Great in J^S5, this was used as a royal residence
by the Normans and early Plantagenet' kings of England, including John,
Henry III, and Edward I, from whom Magna Charta was wrested
Utterly
of tip ulrowttg-SHut Samtta (HtjOBWt aa Swrtiea for ttj?
nf JHagna ffitjarta
iILLIAM D'ALBINI, Lord of Belvoir Castle
HUGH BIGOD, Earl of Norfolk
ROGER BIGOD, Earl of Norfolk
HENRY DE BOHUN, Earl of Hereford
GILBERT DE CLARE, Earl of Hertford and Gloucester
RICHARD DE CLARE, Earl of Hertford and Gloucester
JOHN FITZ-ROBERT, Lord of Warkworth and Clavering
ROBERT FiTZ-W ALTER, Lord of Dunmow Castle
WILLIAM DE FORTIBUS, Earl of Albemarle
WILLIAM DE HARDELL, Mayor of London
WILLIAM DE HUNTINGFIELD, Sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk
JOHN DE LACIE, Earl of Lincoln
WILLIAM DE LANVALLEI, Governor of Colchester Castle
WILLIAM MALET, Sheriff of Somerset and Dorset
GEOFFREY DE MANDEVILLE, Earl of Essex
WILLIAM MARSHALL, the younger, Earl of Pembroke
RICHARD DE MONTFICHET, Justice "of the King's Forests
ROGER DE MOWBRAY
WILLIAM DE MOWBRAY, Governor of York Castle
RICHARD DE PERCY
[359]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
SAHER DE QUINCEY, Earl of Winchester
ROBERT DE Ros, Lord of Hamelake Castle
GEOFFREY DE SAY
ROBERT DE VERE, Earl of Oxford
EUSTACE DE VESCI
Roger de Mowbray was substituted among the Sureties, in place
of Roger de Montbegon, who forsook the Barons' party.
Of the foregoing, Geoffrey de Mandeville, William Marshall,
Richard de Montfichet, Roger de Mowbray, Richard de Percy, died
without leaving issue. The Earl of Albemarle, William de Fortibus,
had one child, who died without issue. No descendants are known
to have been left by William de Hardell, Mayor of London.
Many Americans have authentically traced their ancestry back to
one or more of the other Barons, and it seems fitting that the blood
of these mediaeval champions of the cause of freedom should flow in
the veins of men and women whose Nation, more perfectly than any
other, has made come true the vision of civic liberty dreamed of by the
race since human governments began.
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(Stoarantwh
EW English towns have a more picturesque chronicle
than Bury Saint Edmund's, and few have been more
closely linked with the great chain of English
history. Relics have been there unearthed showing its
existence as a human abiding-place even in that an-
cient past when the mammoth and other pre-historic
animals roamed through Suffolk woods. Some antiquarians believe
that it may be identified with the Villa Faustini of Roman-British
times.
The Saxon story of the town begins with the tradition that the
owner of the land was one Beodric ; and certain it is that its name was
Beodricsworth when, about the year 631, Sigebert, King of the East
Angles, who, during exile in France at the hands of his predecessor,
Erpenwald, had become converted to the Christian faith, here founded
a church and monastery in honor of the Blessed Virgin. It was to
this monastery that Sigebert himself came, to pass his latter days in
the service of God; but he was obliged to forsake its peace for the
defence of his people when they were attacked by the heathen Penda,
King of Mercia.
Beyond all these early associations of the place, however, its con-
nection with Saint Edmund, Martyr-King of the East Angles, has sur-
passing interest.
Little is known of his antecedents, but the fragmentary record
comes down very directly. A very old man, who had been in the serv-
ice of Saint Edmund, told what he knew of the history to King Athel-
stan. This narration was heard by Saint Dunstan, Archbishop of
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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
Canterbury, who re-told it about 985 to Abbo Floriacensis, a monk of
Fleury in France, who had come to England to visit Saint Dun-
stan; and Abbo preserved the tale in a little book, which is said to
be still in existence in the Cotton Library in the British Museum.
Edmund was the nephew of Offa, King of the East Anglia,
whom he succeeded on that throne in 855. His father was Alkmund,
a Saxon Prince, renowned for virtue, courage, and learning. It is
said that Alkmund went on pilgrimage to Rome, and that one day while
he was at prayer a prophetess observed the sunshine fall upon his
breast with peculiar brightness, and she told him it was a sign that
he should have a son whose glory would shine over the whole world.
In the year of this prophecy, 841, Edmund was born, so that he was
only in his fifteenth year when he became King of the East Angles.
King Offa had no children, and was on his way to the Holy
Sepulchre there to beg for an heir, when, stopping to visit his relatives
in Saxony, he was so impressed with his young nephew's virtues and
abilities that he decided to make him his successor. Leaving with the
boy a ring for token, King Offa completed his pilgrimage. On his
return, he was taken seriously ill, and called together a council of the
chief men of his realm to urge their choice of Edmund to succeed to
the throne. This was done, and after Offa's death a delegation of
nobles set out for Saxony to bring back the young King. It is said
that when he first set foot on English soil he fell on his knees in
prayer, and that fresh springs burst through the dry soil as a mark
of Divine favor. In commemoration of this event, he later built
here the town of Hunstanton. A year was spent in study at Attle-
borough, and on Christmas Day, 855, he was crowned at Bury.
The heathen Danes were harassing the coasts of England and rav-
aging far into the interior. John Capgrave, the chronicler, "of North-
folk of the toun of Lynne," wrote of this period : "In thys tyme the
Danes aryved into Yngland with too cussed captaynes, Hingwar and
Hubba. Thei distroyed the cuntre and kylled the gloryous Kyng Ed-
mund first wyth shot of arrowis and then smet of his heed." The story
of King Edmund's death is as follows.
He had reigned wisely and well for about fourteen years, when in
870 the Danes, who had conquered York and spent the winter there,
marched through Mercia to Thetford, then the capital of East Anglia.
Here a great battle was fought, lasting the whole of one day ; but the
issue was undecided at its close. The Danes withdrew, however, for
a time, and the King retired to Eglesdene. The invaders followed him,
and demanded that he renounce the Christian faith and consent to
hold his kingdom as a vassal of the pagan chieftains. Edmund refused,
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"THE SHRINE OF THE KING, THE CRADLE OF THE LAW
but, from compassion on his subjects, resolved to make no further re-
sistance to a foe so savage, in order that they might spare his people,
whom they had treated with a pitiless fury — slaying the defenceless,
burning towns, holding hostages, showing no mercy on women, chil-
dren, or religious. So the young King was bound to a tree, pierced
with many arrows, and at last his head cut off and his body thrown into
a wood nearby. He died in martyrdom for his constancy as a Christian
and in sacrifice for the good of his people — "Every inch a King!"
John Lydgate, the poet, wrote five centuries afterwards "The
noble story to putte in remembrance off Seynt Edmond, Mayd, Mar-
tre, and King," "Uhiche for our feithe suff rede passioun."
There is a story to account for this special attack of the Danes.
Lodbrog, King of Denmark, was passionately fond of hawking. One
day, his favorite hawk fell into the sea, and the King, leaping into a
boat, sought to recover it. But a storm carried the little craft away
and brought him to England, where he landed at Needham, in Nor-
folk. Thence he went to Caistor, where King Edmund held court.
The two monarchs passed the days together in friendly com-
panionship, the English King greatly admiring his guest's skill in
falconry. In fact, he lent him his own falconer, Bern, but the latter
became violently jealous of the favor shown the stranger by Edmund,
and at last his anger overcame him and he murdered Lodbrog in the
woods, concealing the body. Four days afterward, some of the nobles-
followed Lodbrog's favorite greyhound into the forest and so found
his grave, and a part of the evidence against Bern was the antipathy
shown him by the victim's faithful dog. Bern was placed in the same
boat as that in which King Lodbrog had come to England, and
cast adrift. It floated to the shores of Denmark, where Bern sought
the sons of the man he had murdered and told them falsely that he had
been killed by King Edmund's command. It was the force raised
by the Danish Princes to avenge Lodbrog's death that fought against
Edmund and made him a martyr.
There is a curious story told that when the English found the ar-
row-pierced body of their King, they sought in vain for the head,
which had been cut off, but at last they heard a voice crying, "Here !
Here !" Lydgate says they
"Never ceased of al that longe daye
So for to cry tyl they kam where he laye"
They found the King's head guarded between the paws of a great
wolf, which offered them no harm, but remained quietly nearby until
after the funeral, when he disappeared into the forest. The Arms of
Bury show the wolf of the story.
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
Saint Edmund was buried at Hoxne, near the scene of his martyr-
dom, where was built over his tomb a little chapel of wood and mortar
with thatched roof. In 903 his remains were taken to Beodricsworth,
"and history tells us that the body was found perfect and uncorrupted,
and the head re-united."1
By 925 so deeply had the influence of Edmund's life and death
impressed itself on English minds that a college of priests who de-
sired to live under monastic rule was founded at Beodricsworth
and Edmund was chosen as the patron saint. Henceforth the old
Saxon name was lost in the newer title, Saint Edmund's Bury. The
monastic college was founded in the year that King Athelstan came to
the throne, and he bestowed upon Saint Edmund's Church a copy of
the Gospels, offering it upon the altar "pro remedia animae suae."
When Edmund, Athelstan's brother, became King, he gave the
monks of Saint Edmund's Bury jurisdiction of their town, confirming
the grant by charter in 945.
From thence, till the seizure of the monasteries' property by
Henry VIII, Saint Edmund's Bury was one of the great religious
centres of England, bearing high part also in the historic events con-
nected with England's Magna Charta.
Canute was a benefactor and protector to the Monastery at Bury,
and it was during his reign that Bishop Ailwin laid the foundations
of a splendid Abbey Church, which was completed in 1032, when the
body of the Saint was laid in a jeweled shrine.
Saint Edward the Confessor, last of the Saxon kings of Eng-
land, made rich gifts to the Abbey, which enabfed the monks to begin
the building of a new Church of stone, Ailwin's earlier edifice being of
wood. The new Church was finished in 1095. It was five hundred
and five feet long, two hundred and forty feet wide at the front,
and contained many chapels, in one of which was the Saint's shrine.
Besides the Abbey Church there were three other Churches, and other
buildings, within the Abbey walls. Thirty-three Abbots governed here,
during its more than half a thousand years of Benedictine rule. John
Leland, the Sixteenth Century antiquarian, described it as follows :
"A city more neatly seated the sun never saw, so curiously doth
it hang upon a gentle descent, with a little river on the east side;
nor a monastery more noble, whether one considers its endowments,
largeness, or unparalleled magnificence: one may even think the
Monastery alone a city; so many gates it has, some whereof are of
brass, so many towers, and a Church, than which nothing can be more
1. Stories Concerning Saint Edmund's Bury, Page 11.
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"THE SHRINE OF THE KING, THE CRADLE OF THE LAW "
magnificent; as appendages to which there are three more of admir-
able beauty and workmanship in the same Churchyard."
On November 4, 1539, the last Abbot of Saint Edmund's Bury,
with the last Monks, were driven from the home that had been devoted
to the service of God five centuries before, glorified by so many of
England's Kings, venerated and visited by England's greatest men,
chosen as a council-place by England's greatest patriots, and held holy
by all the English people.
John Reeve, or Noell, of Melford, was the last Abbot. He died
in 1540, and was buried in St. Mary's Church at Bury.
The connection of Saint Edmund's Bury with Magna Charta be-
gins in the year 1132, when Henry I came to the Saint's shrine to
vow there amendment of life, as a result of his conscience awakened
by a violent storm during his return to England from Rome, whither he
had gone to visit Pope Innocent III. For it was Henry who issued
the "Charter of Liberty," the grant of English rights on which the
Great Charter was based. It should be remembered, however, that
Magna Charta was claimed as no new code, but as a restoration of the
laws of "Good King Edward," — Saint Edward the Confessor, whose
reign of justice and mercy was remembered with longing through the
tyrannous centuries of Norman, Plantagenet, and Tudor monarchs.
So it is the last of the Saxon Kings and a great Saint who was the
Father of English Liberty. Of Henry I, however, it is fair to say that
history records him as more favorably regarded by the people than
by the nobles, and this may indicate at least a tendency toward liberty
on the part of the King.
Stephen Langton, the great Cardinal and Archbishop of Canter-
bury, called together a council of the nobles at Saint Edmund's Bury
on November 20, 1214. There had been other such meetings: at St.
Alban's, August 4, 1213; at St. Paul's, August 25 of that year. But
Bury was the solemn covenant-place, where the Primate of England,
"Cardinal Langton, standing at the High Altar, read out the proposed
Charter of Liberties, which in the form of Magna Charta was signed
by King John in I2I5,"1 and where each man present went up in stern
solemnity to the Altar and took oath to war against King John for
the abolition of the unjust laws and the restoration of the "good laws"
of Edward the Confessor. Their pledge was not alone for Eng-
land, but was a forerunner of our own Magna Charta, when the great
men of this land pledged "their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred
honor" to defeat a later English tyranny and to win independence for
the heirs of Magna Charta's rights.
1. Francis Fortescue Urquhart, Fellow and Lecturer of Balliol College, Oxford University.
[373]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
The oath of England's Barons was made good at Runnymede,
and thus did Saint Edmund's Bury, "The Shrine of the King," become
truly "The Cradle of the Law." "Sacrarium regis cunabala legis"
became the town's motto, still blazoned for remembrance of the great
days and the great deeds of centuries gone by.
[374]
Winning ani> IC^ping of Sng-
(Sratt
BT
MABEL THACHER ROSEMARY WASHBURN
EVEN hundred years ago, in June, 1215, the nobles of
England, led by the chief prelates of the realm, won
one of the greatest victories in the history of the hu-
man race. It was a victory of justice over injustice, of
liberty over tyranny, of right over might. Europe in
1915 cannot well celebrate this centenary — her sons
are locked in a lif e-and-death struggle, in which some of the combatants
claim to be fighting for the principles of Magna Charta, while others
hold an opposite theory as the right basis of government. But Ameri-
ca — America of Free Republics — was built on the foundation of Mag-
na Charta, America has always, unchangingly, unceasingly, upheld the
principles of Magna Cbarta. America in 1915 stands before the nations
of Europe, blood-soaked with the victims of government by monarchy
and oligarchy, as the proof of Magna Charta's wisdom and righteous-
ness.
True, the Great Charter went only part of the way toward the
goal — the American ideal of "government of the people, by the people,
and for the people," — but the seed of the principle was there, and we
are the only great people that have carried the seed to fruition.
Still do monarchs claim divine authority to rule supreme, but
since Magna Charta England, at least, and other civilized nations in
more or less degree have been governed in accordance with law and
and not as voiceless victims of kings' whims.
Magna Charta was framed to meet the needs of the Thirteenth
Century, and not the Twentieth, nor even the intervening periods, and
many of our dearest rights were not therein specified. But their germ
is to be found. For example, the Charter provided that "no freeman
shall be seized, or imprisoned, or dispossessed, or outlawed, or in any
way brought to ruin ; we will not go against any man, nor send against
him, save by the legal judgment of his peers or by the laws of the
land." In this lies the principle of trial by jury as we have it today. To-
day everyone is admittedly entitled to a fair trial, and the Charter says:
'To none will we sell, to none will we deny, to none will we delay right
[375]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
or justice." Again, it is to the legal tribunals of justice that we go for
trials, and not to individual rulers or even to individual executives, and
the King in Magna Charta declared that "Common pleas shall not fol-
low our court, but shall be held in any certain place."
So with our system of Congresses or Parliaments: the Charter
said "no scutage nor aid shall be imposed in our kingdom, unless by the
Common Council of our kingdom." This is the principle of "No taxa-
tion without representation."
Of course, it is true that forms of jury-trial, and law-making by
councils had been known in ancient times, but in practice they had
ceased in Europe when Magna Charta was wrested by the strong men
of England from their strong and wily, but conquered King.
Hallam called the Charter "the keystone of English liberty," and
said : "All that has since been obtained is little more than as confirma-
tion or commentary; and, if every subsequent law were to be swept
away, there would still remain the bold features that distinguish a free
from a despotic monarchy."
Again, he says: "An equal distribution of civil rights to all classes
of freemen forms the peculiar beauty of the Charter. In this just solici-
tude for the people, and in the moderation which infringed upon no
essential prerogative of the monarchy, we may perceive a liberality and
patriotism very unlike the selfishness which is sometimes rashly im-
puted to those ancient Barons."
Green also declares that "The rights which the Barons claimed
for themselves, they claimed for the nation at large. The boon of free
and unbought justice was a boon for all, but a special provision pro-
tected the right of the poor."
Cardinal Langton's statesman-mind is shown in the wise conser-
vatism of the demands, as well as in the completeness of its provisions'.
Bisset, in "The Pictorial History of England," says that Magna
Charta "was evidently drawn up by men with intellects as sharp as the
swords of the iron Barons who wrested it from the reluctant King."
The fight for Magna Charta was a long and a fierce one. The
Anglo-Saxons, originally a savage, untamed people, had been Chris-
tianized for about four centuries before the coming of the Normans.
Religion has taught them restraint, but they were in the Eleventh Cen-
tury still lacking in civilization to a great extent. Despite the fact that
Saxon England had produced great Saints, great Kings, great scholars,
the mass of the people were unlettered, uncouth, and the Norman Con-
quest was a victory for civilization.
The wild Northmen had acquired in the preceding century in
France knowledge of and zeal for the Christian religion, they had
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THE WINNING AND KEEPING OF ENGLAND S GREAT CHARTER
grasped the essential spirit of the Roman ideals of orderly govern-
ment, and they had not lost their strength of soul and a sort of hardi-
ness of mind, akin to the spirit in the men of primitive Rome. They
built on the foundations of the Saxons in England, so that in a few
centuries Norman and Saxon no longer dwelt there as separate, antago-
nistic races, conquerors and conquered, but as one, English people.
But the Norman Kings, for their very strength, found their in-
tensest struggle in dominion over themselves. They were men of wild
wills, fiery passions, powerful intellects. Where they did right, they
often did right magnificently. Where they did evil, they sinned ter-
ribly.
John was not, as some think, a weak character. On the contrary,
he had the strong qualities of his race. But he seems to have been ut-
terly selfish, utterly irreligious, utterly bad, without a redeeming fea-
ture. He was astute, crafty, a politician for his own ends solely. So far
as can be judged from the distance of seven centuries, he was a man
without any faith in God, any fear of God. He sought to gain the pro-
tection of the Church by disclaiming the responsibility to govern which
his birth laid upon him, yet he fought throughout his reign against the
Church. He was unsuccessful in the wars in France and his own
nobles forced him to their will. But, albeit vanquished, he never sub-
mitted in spirit. Contrasted with his strength in wrong-doing and
wrong-thinking is the higher strength of Edward I, who, after long
struggles against keeping the Charter, stood proudly up in the great
Hall of Westminster, burst into unashamed, kingly tears before his
people, and owned himself in the wrong.
Magna Charta was hard-won and hard-kept. John himself
sought to evade its laws and succeeded in doing so to a great extent.
For months England lay wasted by its King and the nobles were pow-
erless. In desperation, the help of France was invited, and the nation
faced two dreadful issues — continuation of John's ruthless tyranny,
or the rule of a foreign monarch. But John went before the Judge
of all on October 18, 1216, and Henry III, a boy of nine, became King.
The Regent of England was William Marshal, the Earl of Pem-
broke, who at once called together a council, re-affirmed the Great
Charter, and so brought to the new King's standard most of the Bar-
ons who had summoned the aid of France against John. Louis, son
of the French King, had claimed England on the death of John, by
right of the Barons' invitation while John was still alive. A few no-
bles held to Louis, and there was civil war in England, in which Lang-
ton and Pembroke led the King's forces. Louis was permanently de-
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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
feated on August 24, 1217, in a great naval battle off Dover, and the
land was well governed for the years of Henry's minority.
The Earl of Pembroke died in 1219, and Hubert de Burgh, the
Justiciar of England, became Regent. He is supposed to have been
the castellan of Falaise when Prince Arthur (son of Geoffrey, Count
of Brittany, who was the fourth son of Henry II of England and
who married Constance of Brittany), was imprisoned there in 1202.
He was appointed guardian of the Prince's person, but refused
to obey John's savage order to put out the Prince's eyes. Shakespeare,
in his "King John," followed this tradition.
The nobles realized the capacity for tyranny in Henry's character,
and in 1224 Langton demanded of the young King that he again re-
issue the Charter, as his own act, the earlier re-issue having been made
when he was only a child. He was but seventeen years old now, and
some of his courtiers urged him to refuse Langton's demand. The
Cardinal-Archbishop prevailed, however, and in 1225 Magna Charta
was again re-issued.
In 1232, Henry assumed the government in person, and it was
the government of a tyrant. His obligations to his people, as set forth
in the Charter, were to him "trifles light as air." In 1236 his desire
for money led him to accede to the Barons' condition for granting the
funds he then needed, which was confirmation of the Charter. Again,
in 1244, to his demand for more money, the Barons made reply with
a list of his violations of Magna Charta. The King refused to adopt
their plans for the safe-guarding of their rights, and, having no faith
in his cynical offer to renew the Charter, they refused to give him the
money he wished.
In 1253 Henry sought to obtain money from the Barons on the
pretext that it was needed to finance a Crusade. They believed that
this might be only a ruse, but finally consented, making their condition
a new confirmation of Magna Charta, this to be made with all the
safeguards that religion could summon to hold the King to his oft-
broken faith.
Stephen Langton had died in 1228, and Boniface of Savoy was
now Archbishop of Canterbury. When King Henry entered West-
minster Hall on May 3, 1253, he found assembled in solemn state the
Bishops, Abbots, and great nobles of the realm. The ecclesiastics
were vested in their canonical robes, and each held a burning taper.
The Archbishop offered a taper to the King, but his guilty conscience,
dreading the sacred oath which he was unwilling to take with his heart
as well as his lips, made him fear to join the witness of the flame-
symbol of Divine Light and truth's brightness — to the human wit-
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THE WINNING AND KEEPING OF ENGLAND S GREAT CHARTER
nesses of his perjury. "I am no priest," he said, thrusting the taper
aside.
Quietly, solemnly, the Primate of All England pronounced Di-
vine condemnation upon whomsoever should break Magna Charta,
be it subject or be it King, invoking "the authority of God the Father
Almighty, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost; of the Glorious
Mother of God, Mary, Ever-Virgin; of the Blessed Apostles, Peter
and Paul, and all the Apostles; of the Blessed Thomas, Archbishop
and Martyr,1 and of all the Blessed Martyrs of God; of the Blessed
Edward, King of England,2 and of all Confessors and Virgins; and
of all the Saints of God," against "the breakers of the liberties of the
Church, and of the liberties or free customs of the realm of England."
At the close of the curse, the tapers were thrown down and went
out in smoke, and those who had held them said together : "As these
tapers, so may the soul of every one who incurs this sentence go out
and stink in hell!" The King spoke in a low voice: "So help me,
God! I will keep these Charters inviolate, as I am a man, as I am
a Christian, as I am a Knight, and as I am a King, crowned and
anointed !"
It was not long before Henry broke his vow, and in 1258 the
Barons forced his acceptance of the Provisions of Oxford, a charter
of reforms to be carried out by a commission of twenty-four Barons.
Again the King broke faith with his nobles, and in 1264 they rose in
might against him, under Simon de Montfort, Earl of Leicester.3
On May 14 of that year the King was defeated at Lewes, in
Sussex, and, with his son, Prince Edward, surrendered to de Mont-
fort. Thereupon the Mise4 of Lewes was drawn up by the Barons
and agreed to by Henry. It provided for reform measures in the
government.
But in 1265, on August 4, Prince Edward won the Battle of
Evesham, de Montfort and his son, Henry, were killed, and the war
between King and Barons had, for the time, been ended by royal
victory.
Henry III died at Westminster on November 16, 1272, and Ed-
ward learned of his succession to the throne while on his way home
from the Holy Land where he had gone on Crusade in 1270.
Edward I was one of the greatest of the Plantagenets and one
of the greatest monarchs of England. He was born at Westminster
1. Saint Thomas a Becket, murdered in the reign of Henry 11, supposedly by the King's
orders, certainly by the influence of his enmity to the Archbishop.
2. Saint Edward the Confessor, predecessor of William the Conqueror, on the English
throne.
3. He married Eleanor, the sister of Henry III, and the widow of William Marshal,
Earl of Pembroke. His father was the Simon de Montfort, who commanded in the Crusade
against the Albigenses in 1208. The Earl of Leicester came to his title through his grand-
mother, Amicia, daughter of Robert de Beaumont, third Earl of Leicester.
4. The word came from Old French, and signified a settling, or putting in order.
[379]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
in 1239, and was christened by Otho, the Cardinal-Legate, receiving
the name of Edward in memory of Saint Edward the Confessor. The
chronicler, Florence of Worcester, has recorded the people's pleasure
at his being given the name of the beloved Saxon King, and that they
delighted in tracing his succession from Alfred the Great.
In 1254, at Burgos, Spain, in the Monastery of Las Huelgas, a
boy of fifteen, he married Eleanor, sister of Alfonso X of Castile, and
at this time he was knighted by the Spanish King.
A strong affection existed between Henry III and his son, and
a story is told of the fourteen-year-old Prince standing on the shore
weeping bitterly when his father sailed for France. Henry had al-
ready given him Gascony, and after Edward's marriage he received
from the King Ireland, Wales, Bristol, Stamford, and Grantham.
With a dominant spirit, which too often made him a tyrant, Ed-
ward nevertheless was kingly enough in soul to understand the love
of freemen for liberty. The two impulses fought within him for the
mastery. About 1255 the Gascon wine-merchants appealed to him for
redress against the King's extortions, and he took their part against
his father, who was much displeased, but who, though saying that
the times of Henry II had come back, since his son had turned against
him, as did the sons of that monarch, nevertheless yielded to the
Prince's demands for his Gascon subjects.
The Prince was devoted to the pleasures and pursuits of chivalry,
to the neglect of his administrative duties, which he left too much
in the hands of officials. But, writes Bishop Stubbs, 1 "If ever king
came to his throne with a distinct understanding of the work that lay
before him, that king must have been Edward I He had been
trained for the task of reigning, as well by his father's mistakes and
misgovernment as by the means which the nation, under Earl Simon
and the barons, had taken to remedy the evils which those mistakes
and misgovernment had produced Earl Simon and his com-
panions had perished, but the great end of their work had been
achieved ; they had made it impossible for a king again to rule as John
had ruled, and as Henry had tried to rule."
Edward was crowned on August 19, 1274, and, despite his popu-
larity and his nobility of character in many respects, it was not long
before the Barons asked for re-issue of Magna Charta. Stubbs re-
marks that the King "regarded the demands which were made for
the re-issue of the Great Charter as a slur upon his good faith," but
the English nobles had learned to distrust the Plantagenets. The very
1. "The Early Plantagenets." Rt. Rev. William Stubbs, D. D., Late Bishop of Oxford and
Regius Professor of History, of Oxford University.
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THE WINNING AND KEEPING OF ENGLAND S GREAT CHARTER
greatness of Edward's abilities made acquiesence in his exercise of
power a peril to England.
It should be considered, however, that during the war of Barons
and King, "the party opposed to the King was divided between those
who really desired the freedom of the people, and those who wished to
restrict the King's power in order to increase their own. In some
important matters of judicial proceeding the interests of the Crown
and the people at large were still united in opposition to the claims
of the great landowners."
But Edward from the outset of his reign was heavily cumbered
with debt, — his own and those inherited from his father, — to which
were added the huge expenses of his wars with the Welsh, with Scot-
land, and with France, and taxation, both of clergy and lay-people,
was a continuous burden during his reign. "The clergy had
throughout the struggles of the century ranged themselves on the side
of liberty. The inferior clergy had always had much in common with
the people, and John's conduct during the Interdict ' had broken the
alliance which ever since the Norman Conquest had subsisted between
the great prelates and the court. Stephen Langton had set an example
which was bravely followed. Henry III alienated the
Church almost as widely as John had done ; while Simon de Montf ort
had conciliated all that was good and holy."
In 1294 the King seems to have decided to assume all the rights
permitted him under the law for the raising of money, and to take
advantage of all ways, without respect to their legality, for this pur-
pose. He not only called together the clergy, the nobles, and the com-
monalty, practically forcing them to vote him funds ; but he also made
practically a confiscation of the merchants' wool, by obliging them to
consent to pay large increases in custom fees on their exports, and he
had inventories made of the treasures of the churches. While he did
not actually seize the latter, the alarm caused by his unlawful course
grew serious; and this was deepened by his demand in the autumn
of 1294 for one-half the revenues of the Church in England. The
clergy yielded, and the following year another oppressive demand
was made on them by the King. The result was a Bull issued by
Pope Boniface VIII in 1296, forbidding the King to tax the purely
ecclesiastical revenues of the Church and forbidding the clergy to pay
such taxes.
In obedience to this, Robert Winchelsey, the Archbishop of Can-
terbury, refused, in 1297, such a payment, and the King in revenge
1. Stubbs.
2. England lay under Interdict from 1208 to 1213.
3. Stubbs.
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
announced his intent to hold the clergy of the realm as outlaws. His
Chief -Justice at Westminster gave voice to Edward's fury: "You
that appear for the clergy, take notice that in future no justice is to
be done them in the King's Court in any matter of which they may
complain; but nevertheless justice shall still be done to all persons
who have any complaint against them."
At this period all England felt outraged at the King's despotism.
W. H. Hutton, Fellow and Tutor of St. John's College, Oxford, says,
in his "King and Baronage:" "The Barons were chafing under his
inquiry into their privileges, and his restrictions of their rights. The
merchants were protesting against the increase of the customs
It was not hard to organize a determined opposition.
"In 1297 the king summoned the barons.1 It seemed that his
model parliament had soon broken down/ for the clergy were outlawed
and he did not summon the Commons."
The King demanded that the Barons undertake in person war
for the recovery of Gascony, which the French King had seized, while
he himself should attack France from Flanders. ''I do not know,"
writes Hallam, "that England has ever produced any patriots to whose
memory she owes more gratitude than Humphrey Bohun, Earl of
Hereford and Essex, and Roger Bigod, Earl of Norfolk. In the Great
Charter the base spirit and deserted condition of John take off some-
thing from the glory of the triumph, though they enhance the modera-
tion of those who pressed no further upon an abject tyrant. But to
withstand the measures of Edward, a Prince unequaled by any who
had reigned in England since the Conqueror for prudence, valor, and
success, required a far more intrepid patriotism."
These two Earls, as voicing the determination of England's great
nobles, refused to obey the King unless he would restore the rights of
the people by confirmation of Magna Charta. Edward cried out in
anger at the Earl of Norfolk, who was the Marshal of England, with
a wild oath of allusion to his fearless subject's name: "By God, Sir
Earl, you shall either go or hang!" And the Earl's answer came as
fiercely: "By God, Sir King, I shall neither go nor hang!" With
this, both he and Bohun, with their followers, left the King's presence.
"The assembly broke up in wrath," says Stubbs. "Edward again
laid hands on the wool, summoHed the armed force, and put in execu-
tion the sentence against the clergy; the barons assembled in arms, the
bishops threatened excommunication. In spite of this, the king, in
1. To Sail
2. .Stubbs, In his "The F.arly Plantagencts," says: "The task was left for Edward I as
a part of a definite and orderly arrangement, according to which the English Parliament was to
be the perfect representation of the Three Estates of the Realm, assembled for purposes of taxa-
tion, legislation, and united political action." Edward's first Parliament was in 1275.
[382]
THE WINNING AND KEEPING OF ENGLAND S GREAT CHARTER
July, collected the military strength of the nation at London and tried
to bring matters to a decision. As the earls would not yield he deter-
mined to submit to the demands of the clergy, and to use his influence
with the commons so as to get, even informally, a vote of more money.
Winchelsey saw his opportunity. If the king would confirm the char-
ters, the Great Charter and the charter of the forests, he would do his
best to obtain money from the clergy ; the Pope had already declared
that his prohibition did not affect voluntary grants for national de-
fence. The chief men of the commons, who, although not summoned
as to parliament, were present in arms, agreed to vote a tax of a fifth ;
and the people were moved to tears by seeing the public reconciliation
of the archbishop with the king, who commended his son Edward to
his care whilst he himself went to war.
"But the end was not come even now. The archbishop and the
earls knew how often the charters had been confirmed in vain in King
Henry's days; and it was an evil omen that the king, whilst offering
to confirm them, was attempting to exact money without vote of
Parliament. They drew up a series of new articles to be added to the
Great Charter, and, after some difficulty, forced them upon the king
just as he was preparing to embark. Edward saw that he must yield,
but he left his son and his ministers to finish the negotiation. As soon
as he had sailed the earls went to the Exchequer and forbade the offi-
cers of that court to collect the newly imposed tax; the young Prince
Edward was urged to summon the knights of the shire to receive the
copies of the charter which his father had promised, and on October
10 the charters were re-issued, with an addition of seven articles, by
which the king renounced the right of taxing the nation without
national consent the confirmation of the charters was
the completion of the work begun by Stephen Langton and the barons
at Runnymede. It established finally the principle that for all taxa-
tion, direct and indirect, the consent of the nation must be asked, and
made it clear that all transgressions of that principle, whether within
the letter of the law or beyond it, were evasions of the spirit of the con-
stitution."
On November 5, 1297, King Edward, then at Ghent, put his seal
to the confirmation of the Charters. When he returnel from Flanders
the Barons insisted that he again renew his promises, making this
the condition of their aiding him in the war in Scotland. This he
did in March, 1299. Again, in Parliament in London, March, 1300,
a re-confirmation took place, and in 1301, in January, at Lincoln, the
King agreed to certain new provisions, regarding the conditions on
which money was to be granted to the Crown. That Edward yielded
[383]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
only to pressure is evidenced by his imprisonment of the knight who
presented to him the articles at Lincoln, and by his enmity to Arch-
bishop Winchelsey, who, with the Bishops and clergy, had held strongly
against the King.
In a number of cases, in order to raise money, he violated the
spirit, if not also the letter, of his promises. But it was as difficult
for a monarch of the Thirteenth Century, as Americans believe it is for
a monarch of any century, to honestly acknowledge that power comes
from the people and not from the King; and, believing this, and that
efforts to thwart his will were in reality acts of disloyal rebels, Ed-
ward I doubtless believed himself to be within his rights, and but
doing his royal duty.
But there were moments, at least, when King Edward rose above
the consciousness that he was ruler of England to the kinglier concep-
tion of his responsibility of service, and one of these moments came
at his confirmation of Magna Charta at Westminister in 1300, when,
before the assemblage of Bishops, Barons, and Commoners, he burst
into the tears of a strong man splendidly moved and owned that he had
done wrong in opposing the will of the people.
"Take him for all in all," he was a noble ruler, a valiant soldier,
and devoted much of his reign to the development of the laws of Eng-
land. He died fighting, for he fell ill while on the march with his army
in Scotland, and, after a partial recovery, started again to go forward,
when he died on July 7, 1307, at Burgh-on-Sands.
With the death of Edward I came to an end the actual chronicle
of the winning and keeping of Magna Charta.
[384]
'
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BY
ROGER OF WENDOVER
English Monk and Historian, Who Died
in 1237
| N THE death of John, King of England, there met to-
gether at Gloucester on the Eve of the Feast of Saints
Simon and Jude, 1 in the presence of Gualo, Papal
Legate, Peter, Bishop of Winchester, Sylvester,
Bishop of Worcester, Randolph, Earl of Chester, Will-
iam Marshal, Earl of Pembroke, William, Earl Fer-
rars, John Marshal, and Philip d'Albiney, together with Abbots, Pri-
ors, and many others, to crown King John's eldest son, Henry, as
King of England.
And on the next day, when all necessary preparations for the
coronation had been made, Gualo, the Legate, associating with himself
all these Bishops and Earls, conducted the King in solemn procession
to the Conventual Church to be crowned; and there, standing before
the High Altar, in the presence of the clergy and people, Henry swore
on the Holy Gospels and the relics of many Saints to live in honor,
peace, and reverence to God and Holy Church and its ordinances all
the days of his life. He swore also to do strict justice to the people
committed to his charge, and to abolish bad laws and wicked customs,
if so be any exist in the realms, and to keep good laws and make them
be kept of all men. Thereupon he did homage to the Holy Roman
Church and to Pope Innocent for the realm of England and Ireland;
and he swore faithfully to pay a thousand marks, as promised by his
father, to the Roman Church as long as he should hold those realms ;
1. October 28, 1216.
[393]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
and after this Peter, Bishop of Winchester, placed the crown upon
his head and anointed him King, with the prayers and anthems that
are usually sung at a King's coronation. Finally, after Mass had been
duly celebrated, the Bishops and Earls escorted the King in his royal
robes to a banquet, to which all sat down according to their rank
and feasted in gladness and joy.
And on the next day the King received homage and fealty from all
the Bishops, Earls, Barons, and others present, and all promised him
their most loyal service.
King Henry was crowned in the tenth year of his age, on the
Feast of the Apostles Simon and Jude — that is to say, on the twenty-
eighth day of October; and after his coronation the King remained
in the guardianship of William, Earl of Pembroke, the great Marshal,
who forthwith sent letters to all the Sheriffs and keepers of castles in
the realm of England, with instructions to each one to be zealous in
the service of the newly-crowned King, with a like promise to all of
estates and many rewards, according as they stood loyally by the King.
And so all the nobles and keepers of castles, who had served his
father, stood much more loyally by Henry than King John, because
they all thought that the father's misdeeds ought not to be visited
upon the son. Accordingly, they all prepared for defence, and began
to fortify their castles as strongly as possible.
[394]
rtnr? lEfcroari'H irfrttr? nf
BT
MATTHEW OF PARIS
Written in 1256
|T THIS time the Gascon wine merchants had, as usual,
endured much loss and hardship from the royal buy-
ers, and, a quarrel ensuing, had made the following
reply to the royal agents : "We have a new Lord, 1
from whom we hope to derive considerable gain and
advantage, and we suppose, therefore, that you will
change your evil plundering ways, which you call customs, to good,
or, at any rate, passable regulations. Our Lord is new to us, and it is
good for him to be well advised, and, while he is so new, to treat us
affably and justly, so that he who is, we may say, a tender and youth-
ful plant, may grow and increase in prosperity, and be fruitful in
strength."
And when the royal officials refused to listen to them, but, as
usual, took their wine from them by force, without paying for it, the
Gascons applied to their Lord, Edward, and laid before him serious
complaints as to what we have mentioned; and they added that they
could, as merchants, land with more freedom and liberty among the
Saracens, and expose their wares for sale, and get the proper price
without any trouble.
The King's bailiffs, hearing this, came to the King in great anger,
and said : "Sire, until now there has been only one King in England,
whose business it is to do justice. The Gascon wine merchants have
complained to another than you of the wrong they falsely say has been
done to them. This cannot but redound to your prejudice and to that
of the realm.
Just as the King as indignantly listening to this, Edward came,
1. Prince Edward, to whom, upon hie marriage, Henry III grave Gascony
[3951
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
and made a bitter complaint about the wrong inflicted on his subjects,
maintaining that he would certainly not endure such conduct. So,
when the King heard this, he groaned deeply, and said : See, my own
flesh and blood oppose me. Just as my brother, Earl Richard, turned
against me, so now does my eldest son. The days of my grandfather,
Henry II, are come again, against whom his best-beloved sons pre-
sumptuously rebelled."
Many, therefore, drawing gloomy forebodings from this, were
afraid of still worse to follow. But the King, following wiser counsels,
passed over all this in silence, and gave proper instructions for the
wrong to be righted. Edward, as if taking precautions for his own
future, increased his retinue at that time, and rode out with two hun-
dred mounted followers.
[396]
marriage 0f Sting lEiutari 3
1* arriben fag a IB? OP oirtin* HJank ano f-nijlialf QIIjr0ntrbr,
in 1259, anil Wljnap i?aignati0n "®f parta,"
aa a &nrnam?, "Jlaria," 3a Heltmb uta 3|at»
from lljf 3f art tljat ^f S>tuflt^& at ttjf Uniti? rattg 0f Paria jj{
®t;i> KWlomttts S^raro Waa Wnlirn in % $*ar 1254
BT
MATTHEW OF PARIS
T THAT time Edward was sent with great pomp and
state to Alfonso, King of Spain. There he was hon-
orably and courteously received, and at Burgos mar-
ried Eleanor, the King's young sister, the King, who
was well pleased with the young Prince's handsome
bearing, bestowing upon him the honor of Knighthood.
When, therefore, Edward returned home to his father with his
bride, he was welcomed with the greatest joy, as though he had been
an Angel from Heaven. And Sir John Mansel brought with him a
charter of the King of Spain, with golden seals, to the effect that he
withdrew all claims to Gascony for himself and his heirs, in favor of
the King of England and his heirs.
And then our Lord, the King of England, bestowed on his son
and his son's wife, Gascony, Ireland, Wales, Bristol, Stamford,
and Grantham ; so that he himself appeared to be a mere dismembered
kinglet.
[397]
dura? 0f
BT
JOHN GREENLEAF WHITTIER
In Westminster's royal halls,
Robed in their pontificals,
England's ancient prelates stood
For the people's right and good.
Closed around the waiting crowd,
Dark and still, like Winter's cloud ;
King and council, lord and knight,
Squire and yeoman, stood in sight —
Stood to hear the priest rehearse,
In God's name, the Church's curse ;
By the tapers round them lit,
Slowly, sternly uttering it.
"Right of voice in framing laws,
Right of peers to try each cause ;
Peasant homestead, mean and small,
Sacred as the monarch's hall —
"Whoso lays his hand on these,
England's ancient liberties—
Whoso breaks, by word or deed,
England's vow at Runnymede —
"Be he Prince or belted knight,
Whatso'er his rank or might,
If the highest, then the worst,
Let him live and die accursed.
[398]
THE CURSE OF THE CHARTER-BREAKERS
"Thou, Who to Thy Church hast given
Keys alike of hell and heaven,
Make our word and witness sure,
Let the curse we speak endure !"
Silent, while that curse was said,
Every bare and listening head
Bowed in reverent awe, and then
All the people said, Amen!
Seven times the bells have tolled,
For the centuries gray and old,
Since that stoled and mitred band
Cursed the tyrants of their land.
Since the priesthood, like a tower,
Stood between the poor and power ;
And the wronged and trodden down
Blessed the abbot's shaven crown.
[399]
tty ISattl? of
12B4
Jffrotn % Annals of Wawrli}, Written dontemporaneoualu,
uritlj Etttttia of fotgliul} ipaioru from 1319 to 126B
N THIS year a battle was fought between King
Henry III and certain Barons of the realm, at Lewes,
the circumstances of which we have thought right to
give here briefly and summarily, in order that poster-
ity may not be ignorant of them.
The King was relying far too much on the coun-
sel of aliens, who made light of the great nobles of
the realm, and drove them from the King's councils, in many matters
ruling as they pleased. Hence arose indignation against the aliens,
and disturbances, as a result of which the King and the leading nobility
met at Oxford, and effected a settlement between them, by which they
could reform evil laws ; and these provisions they all swore to observe—
King, Earls, Barons, even about a hundred of them ; and the Bishops
took this oath too, and excommunicated all who broke it .............
Now, as a matter of fact, these provisions at first were approved
by the Queen, seeing that certain wild spirits of whom she disapproved
were compelled to leave England; but, when she understood that her
fellow-countrymen were to be expelled the realm, she persuaded the
King that the provisions should no longer hold; and the King, im-
mediately listening to this persuasion, drew over to his opinion his
eldest son and all others he could. Moreover, John Mansel, a clerk of
the Court, serving the Queen's wishes to the best of his power, by en-
treaty or bribery, attracted some to the side of the perjured, and it was
for this that he lost good name and world's gear, and died in exile.
The other side, who refused to turn, were indignant at this, and
threatened those who had broken their oath. On the other hand, their
opponents gave them no peace, but did their best to stir up feud and
enmity. In short, this quarrel became so bitter that, now .that the
previous agreement had been violated by one side, the factions rose
against each other and attacked one another most violently, looting
[400]
WHAT CAUSED THE BATTLE OF LEWES, 1264
and plundering, setting fire to the noblest palaces, and razing castles
to the ground.
When the kingdom was in such confusion, every day some evil
was brought to light, which, as some thought, could only be settled
by arms. So the King got together an army and marched hurriedly to
the Cinque Ports,1 and laid seige to three of them, in order to get a
firmer hold over them, as they did seem to be ready to obey his will ;
and, on learning this, the party of the right-minded — that is to say, the
ever-respected Lord Simon, Earl of Leicester, and Gilbert, Earl of
Gloucester, with their supporters, also hastened to march to the
Ports. And at this news the King came with his army from the Ports
to Lewes.
1. Hastings, Romney, Hythe, Dover, Sandwich.
[4011
Satil? nf
A0
larottn' $artg Etrrorii tty (Errat
OUfrottirl* in % Annala of 5®aD*rhj, 1219
to 12BH
HE King came from the Cinque Ports to Lewes with an
army of nearly sixty thousand fighting men ; and on
the better side there were fifty thousand men, under
vigorous leaders, but for the most part quite young.
They were joined by the Londoners, who, however,
had very little experience in fighting ; for at the first
sight of it they turned to flight.
Now, the Barons wrote to the King that they would gladly serve
him; but the King wrote back without the usual courtesies, and in-
formed them that he was quite indifferent as to their service, but
that he reckoned them his enemies and defied them as public foes.
Also Edward, the King's eldest son, and his uncle Richard, formerly
called King of the Romans, informed them that they would destroy
their property and lives and their friends' as well. The Barons were
saddened at this, for they were anxious for peace and made many of-
fers to secure it ; but they were all rejected with scorn by the King's
councillors, who threatened to ruin the Barons utterly.
Since, therefore, they could obtain peace neither by their offers
nor by their emissaries, they prepared for war ; and, ascending the slope
of a hill, they looked down on to the town in which their enemy lay,
and would have taken them in their beds, but were prevented from
doing so by the chivalry of some among them. For these said : "Let
us await them here and give them time to get up ; for if we attack them
in their sleep, we should do ourselves dishonour." So while they await-
ed themselves they made some new knights, and drew up their men in
position, till they saw the enemy approaching.
Right at the beginning of the fight, the Londoners took to flight,
and were pursued by Edward with a numerous following of Knights,
by whom a great number of the fugitives were slain. Meanwhile, how-
[402]
HOW THE BATTLE OF LEWES WAS WON
ever, the King was captured; for while his followers were intent on
booty — horses, armor, and so forth — the King was overpowered,
along with some great nobles ; but most of these took to flight and left
their Lord on the field.
Gilbert, Earl of Gloucester, took the King captive, for the King
then held him as a greater and more powerful noble than the others,
and gave him his sword in token of surrender; and this was because
the Lord Simon de Montfort, Earl of Leicester, was high in his dis-
pleasure. However, it was to this Earl that the best men on that day
surrendered.
After this had taken place, Edward, ceasing his pursuit of the
Londoners, returned, thinking that he and his followers had gained
a victory; but he was met by the victors, who had now set fire to the
town, and though at sight of them Edward's men tried to escape,
yet most of them were slain and many Knights got into -the Priory,
changing their armor for cassocks. Edward also, followed by num-
bers of his men, threw himself into the Church of the Franciscans.
Some, too, in fleeing by the bridge, hindered each other's flight, so that
many crowded together and were drowned. Those who did escape
hastened oversea. The number of those slain in battle amounted to
nearly three thousand gallant men, not counting those slain before the
fight nor those drowned. The battle took place on May 14.
[403]
An Arnnmi 0f % lattb 0f
fr0m % g>fcmfop0ini 0f an
Aftprati 0f tip King
BY
THOMAS WYKES
A Canon of Oseney, Whose Chronicle, Covering the Period from
1258 to 1289, Is the Only Important Contemporary Record Favor-
ing the King's Party Rather than That of the Barons
1 HE King of England, trusting in the number of his sup-
porters, and despising the scanty forces of the enemy,
under the idea that they would not venture to attack
him, was so ill advised as to command all and every
one of them to renew their homage to him and his
brother, King of the Romans. But the Earl and his
supporters were so indignant at this that they at once renounced their
fealty and homage to the King; and May 14, on the Wednesday next
before the Feast of St. Dunstan, the recreants, with unparalleled wick-
edness, prepared to do battle with their King, and at daybreak put
their squadrons in position, and drew up their lines for battle.
The King's men were ignorant of their movements. It might be
thought the enemy expected to take them in their beds, for they made
their way under cover of thick woods, and, with standards spread,
marched under the Earl's command to the slope of a hill adjacent to
the neighboring town of Lewes, where the King, in great alarm, at
that time lay. But some of the King's men were aroused and, observ-
ing the standards, gave the alarm to the King and all his army, then
in their beds asleep ; and they, rising in amazement, with all speed, as
best they could, armed themselves and went out to meet their un-
righteous host.
Straightway the bugles sounded, and the hostile armies, with
[404]
THE BATTLE OF LEWES FROM THE ROYALIST STANDPOINT
fierce looks, charged one another. But the Earl was careful to secure
that the whole weight of the fight was centred against the King of
England and the King of the Romans, who were in command of the
whole army. However, the Lord Edward, who had under him the
flower of the army, left his father and uncle, and with all the troops
in his command went against the Londoners, against whom he had a
special grudge, in order thus to avenge not only his own, but his
father's and his mother's wrongs.
The large body of Londoners, inexperienced in war, were under
the leadership of Henry Hastings, who was one of the first to let his
terror get the better of his bravery, and fled from the field ; and they
thought it safer to trust to the chance of flight than to wait for the
hazardous fortune of war. And so they left the Earl of Leicester's
horse-litter, on which, if I may say so, he had somewhat dishonourably
planted his standard, in order that he might be thought to be resting
in it, as though disabled or sick ; and in it he had put some citizens of
London — namely, Augustine of Hadestock, Richard Pickard, and
Stephen of Chelmsford, who, in order not to appear disloyal, refused to
don breastplate against our Lord, the King — in order that he might
expose them as cowards or traitors, and so make victims of them ; and
when they saw the Lord Edward with his troopers, boldly making for
them with drawn swords, and observed how inferior they were to
him, they straightway turned their backs, and following the afore-
mentioned Henry at full gallop, staked their safety absolutely on
flight.
But the Lord Edward, after most cruelly butchering those who
had been put in the horse-litter, did not hesitate to pursue the rest of
the fugitives at the top of his speed; and all he could reach by riding
after them at the gallop he slew at the point of the sword, and after
sating his blade with their blood — not to his contentment, however —
he returned to the battle, so exhausted by hard riding — as, indeed,
were all his followers in the pursuit, horses and all — as scarcely to be
able to breathe.
Meanwhile, the King of England and the King of the Romans,
whom he had left to themselves, were surrounded by far superior
numbers, and when, after a stubborn tussle, they were no longer
strong enough to resist the attacks of the surrounding foe, they took
refuge in the conventual church, and, sad to tell, were compelled to
surrender to the miscreants, who, they supposed, would assuredly come
dutifully to their aid, to prevent them from being killed. And after
their capture, all who fled into the town threw down their arms, so
as to share in the misfortune of the Kings, and, without striking
[405]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
another blow, surrendered of their own accord to the same captors.
Even the Lord Edward, along with his kinsman, the Lord Henry,
eldest son of the King of the Romans, was so overcome with weariness
that he was able to fight no further, and, seeing that there was no one
left to help him, he did not blush to share his father's fortune.
[406]
Haiti?
BT
ROBERT OF GLOUCESTER
An English Monk of the Thirteenth Century
and Author of a Chronicle of English
History, in Verse
Then was Sir Simon his father at Hereford i-wis,
With many good men of England, and also of Wales.
He went out of Hereford with fair host enow,
And toward Kenilworth to meet his son he drew;
And 'twas the purpose of both to enclose their foes,
As one saith, in either half, and to disgrace them each one.
So that Sir Simon the old came the Monday, i-wis,
To a town beside Worcester, that Kempsey called is.
Then Tuesday to Evesham he went in the morning,
And there he let him and his folk, priests Masses sing;
And thought to wend northward his son for to meet.
But the King would not a step till he dined or ate.
And Sir Simon the young and his host at Alcester were,
And would not thence a step, ere they dined there.
This to diners doleful was, alas,
For many was the good body that there through slain was.
Sir Edward and his power soon came to ride
To the north half of the town, battle for to abide.
When Sir Simon it knew and they that with him were,
Soon they let them arm and their banners uprear.
The Bishop of Worcester assoiled them all there,
And preached to them, that they had of death the less fear.
Their way against their foes in God's behalf they took,
And thought that Sir Simon the young to meet them came.
When they came into the field, and Sir Simon saw
Sir Edward's host and others all so nigh,
He disposed the host right well, and, through God's Grace,
[407]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
He hoped to win that day the mastery of the place.
Then saw he there beside, as he beheld about,
The Earl's banner of Gloucester and him, with all his rout,
As for him to enclose, on the other half i-wis.
"Lo," he said, "ready folk and full wary is this,
And more cunning of battle than they were before.
Our souls," he said, "God take! for our bodies are theirs."
"Sir Henry," he said, to his son, "this hap is due to thy pride,
Were thy brother arrived, hope we yet might."
They committed life and soul to God's Grace each one,
And into battle smote fast among their foes,
And, as good Knights, to ground slew anon,
That their foes fled soon, thick many a one.
Sir Warin of Basingburn, when he did this did see,
Forward he 'gan spur, and to shout on high :
"Back, traitors, back, and have it in your thought
How vilely at Lewes ye were to ground y-brought.
Turn back, and bethink you that the power all ours is,
And we shall as for naught overcome our foes, i-wis."
Then was the battle strong on either side, alas !
But at the end went down the side that feebler was,
And Sir Simon was slain and his folk all to ground.
More murder was never before in so little time ;
For there was first Simon de Monfort, slain, alas !
And Sir Henry his son, that so gentle knight was ;
And Sir Hugh le Despenser, the noble justice ;
And Sir Peter de Montfort, that strong was and wise ;
Sir William de Perons, and Sir Ralph Bassett also;
Sir John de St. John, and Sir John Dive too ;
Sir William Trussell; Sir Gilbert of Enfield;
And many good men were slain there in that field ;
And among all others, most ruth it was ido,
That Sir Simon the old man dismembered was so.
For Sir William Mautravers — thanks have he none-
Carved off his feet and hands and his limbs many one.
And his head theysmote off and to Wigmore it sent,
To dame Maud of Mortimer, that right foully it shent.
[408]
\VESTMIXSTEK ABBEY
The great, age-famous Church of England, whose ancient existence, as a
Monastery Church, is lost in the mists of antiquity; which was re-founded
in 1065, by Edward the Confessor: and whose building anew was
begun, in 1245, by King Henry III. Here were buried John,
Henry III. and ICdwiird I. the Kings especially
connected with Magna Charta.
THE TEMI'I.K CHURCH, LONDON
a
o
K
t-j
M
U
-
K
EH
H
r-
SIGNING OF MAGNA CHARTA BY KING JOHN
IHagtra Olljarta atti Srautrrarg
in Ammra
BY
ERNEST C. MOSES
HE dawn of democracy in America during the Colonial
period was but the reflection of the same light which
centuries before had illumined the consciousness of
Great Britain with a vital idea of self-government.
This idea did not originate in England, or in America.
Self-government among English-speaking people and
other nations was the natural result of the brightness of Divine law
which radiated from Sinai and Galilee, and which the darkness of the
ages could not extinguish — for the light is permanent, while the dark-
ness is not.
A good measure of democracy was established in England during
the Thirteenth Century, and this progress encouraged the Americans
of the Eighteenth Century to take their stand for self-government. As
we have learned from history, while the American Colonies were sub-
ject to Great Britain, the royal Ministries claimed the right to tax the
people of America without their consent. The Americans protested
vigorously, and, when attempts were made to levy and collect imposts,
the people of the Colonies several times petitioned Great Britain to
make good the damages incurred and to stop such practices. It is
interesting to recall that the Americans and their friends in England
based their pleas on the rights of Americans as English citizens, as
well as on their natural rights as citizens of the Kingdom of God.
The defenders of these rights boldly denied the alleged power of
English authorities to exact taxations, because such measures violated
the liberties guaranteed to the Colonies by the laws of Great Britain.
A clear idea of these constitutional rights can be secured by reviewing
the foundations erected in the national polity of Great Britain at var-
ious periods of its development for upholding common justice and lib-
erty, on both sides of the Atlantic.
[417]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
Back of the Fifth Century Britain was mostly under the control
of Romanized Celts, and there was but a faint expression of the idea
of civil liberty until after the invasion by the Angles and Saxons who
came over from the east coast of the North Sea and conquered the is-
land in 449-455. The laws of Edward the Confessor (1050)) tem-
porarily established the rights of the individual on a broader basis of
liberty and equality than the English people had ever known before that
time. But in 1066 William, the Conqueror, Duke of Normandy, took
possession of England, overthrew the Anglo-Saxon control, and did
much to improve English methods of government; but he also made
firm, for a time, the feudal supremacy of the king and barons. This
method of government was established when the Norman king as-
sembled the great land owners at Salisbury in 1086 and forced each to
swear : "I become your man from this day forth, of life, of limb, of
earthly worship, and unto you will be true and faithful, and bear you
faith for the land I hold of you. So help me God."
Compared with present methods of government among the Eng-
lish-speaking people, this complete subordination of the individual to
the absolute domination of a monarch would seem little less than
slavery. But we must remember that there was an element of protec-
tion in this subordination for the people themselves. They were then
incapable of self-government, and so this feudal control was about the
only way in which they could secure protection from evil-disposed
neighboring tribes or nations. Hence, until the sway of popular in-
telligence became more general, feudalism seemed to be the only practi-
cal way in which to secure solidarity within, and protection against
any common foe without.
"Villeinage," by which a portion of the people became practically
slaves to overlords was one of the institutions of the period. All men
were subject to either arbitrary military service, or a war tax, called
"scutage." Unjust exactions continued until Henry I restored part of
the laws of Edward the Confessor in his "Charter of Liberties," grant-
ed in 1101. But the peasantry were oppressed, the earnings of the
craftsmen and the goods of the merchant were confiscated, until
during the reign of King John the better element of the nobility
rebelled.
The real dawn of liberty for the British people sent its first rays
into a long night of civil oppression in the year 1215 — seven hundred
years ago. The clearest thinkers had long foreseen the result of John's
disregard of the natural rights of his subjects, and had often pleaded
for a grant of constitutional law, which he continually refused. Fi-
nally, during Easter week of the year stated, the barons assembled at
[418]
sfl,
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
Stamford with a force of two thousand armed knights and demanded a
grant of fixed liberties for the people. They proclaimed themselves
the "Army of God" and elected Robert Fitzwalter, Earl of Dunmore,
marshal of their forces. The army then marched to London, where
it was heartily welcomed by the people.
King John fled from the London Tower to Hampshire, sending
back word to the insurgents that he would comply with their peti-
tions, and asked for a conference. The barons replied : "Let the day
be the gth of June — the place, Runnymede." Rtmnymede was on the
Thames, half-way between Odiham and London.
The army promptly marched to Runnymede, where it was met
by the King, eight bishops, fifteen noblemen, and many of the Eng-
lish nobility. Negotiations were started and continued until June
19, 1215, when articles of agreement were drawn up and endorsed.
The "Magna Charta" (Great Charter) was then written out in Latin
and signed by King John.
As the year 1915 celebrates the seven hundredth anniversary of
this great event, some of its principal details and provisions are worthy
of our review. This great document was the basis of constitutional
government in England. From its declarations have descended the civil
rights of British and American citizenship which the Independence
leaders of 1760-76 declared must be as inviolate in the Colonies as in
the mother-country.
Let us examine some of the laws "wrung from King John on the
field of Runnymede" and note how they dealt with personal rights,
taxation, and representation.
Article 12: "No scutage or aid shall be imposed in our kingdom
unless by the general council of our kingdom ; except for ransoming
our person, making our eldest son a knight, and once for marrying
our eldest daughter; and for these there shall be paid a reasonable
aid." ("Scutage" was a tax imposed instead of military service; "aid"
a feudal tax paid by a vassal to his lord.)
Article 14 provides a manner of holding "the general council (or
parliament) for the assessment of aids." Article 16 provides that "no
man shall be distrained to perform more service for a knight's fee, or
other tenement, than is due from thence."
Article 31 reads: "Neither shall we or our bailiffs take any man's
timber for our castles or other uses, unless by the consent of the owner
of the timber." Article 39 provides for protection to both person and
property: "No freeman shall be taken, or imprisoned, or disseised, or
outlawed, or banished, or any way destroyed, nor will we pass upon
him, nor will we send upon him, unless by the lawful judgment of his
[420]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
peers, or by the law of the land." Article 40: "We will sell to no man,
we will not deny to any man, either justice or right." As "disseised"
means deprived of property, it appears plain that this law of the Char-
ter was intended to establish a firm foundation for legal taxing power.
The Great Charter was confirmed by Henry III, and by kings
and parliaments upwards of forty times thereafter. Edward I is-
sued a confirmation in 1300 — "Confirmatio Cartarum" in which "Cap
VI" insures a sweeping declaration of legal taxing power : "to all the
commonality of the land, that for no business from thenceforth we
shall take such manner of aids, tasks, nor prises, but by the common
consent of all the realm, and for the common profit thereof."
So it became a constitutional principle of English law that the
crown could not tax his loyal subjects without their consent or the
consent of their representatives. This was based on a practical idea
of democracy which a contrast cited by E. S. Creasy, M. A., in his
book, "The English Constitution," makes plain indeed: "Sir William
Temple has said that for a prince to govern all by all is the great se-
cret of happiness and safety both for the prince and people. Napo-
leon's maxim was the exact converse : 'everything for the people ; noth-
ing by them.' The fate of Napoleon is the best proof of the superior
wisdom of the English statesman."
The democratic idea of government by popular consent was some-
what of a factor in the Anglo-Saxon polity. Both democratic and aris-
tocratic principles were woven into its structure, but because of the
ignorance of the masses the latter methods prevailed mostly in order to
give security for the time being to person and property. But the idea
of government by representatives of the people steadily grew in power
among the English people during the Anglo-Saxon period. They held
an assembly called "Witenagemot" which comprised the "Witan" or
wise men. It was attended by earls, magistrates of boroughs, bishops,
and the reeves of various townships. This body made laws, voted the
taxes, and was also a supreme court in civil and criminal causes. This
method of government grew out of the assemblies of the principes
of freemen among the primitive Teutons. They passed the practice
over the Angles and Saxons, who established the idea in England after
the Fifth Century.
Later, representative government found expression in the Eng-
lish political economy through a parliament of the realm composed of
elective representatives of the commons and hereditary peers. The
idea of delegated authority from the people was finally conveyed
to America, and government by representation, based upon constitu-
[422]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
tional law and legislative statutes, became the ideal of democracy in the
New World.
In 1628 Charles I gave his royal assent to the "Petition of Right,"
which confirmed and extended the provisions of the Great Charter.
When William, Prince of Orange, ascended the throne of England
(1689) he assembled Parliament and passed another great statute
known as the "Bill of Rights" — "the third great bulwark of English
liberty." This statute continued a government by popular consent
through parliament, and prohibited all interference by "foreign prince,
person, prelate, or potentate."
Thus the foundations of the British constitutional government
provide that the people themselves shall decide matters affecting their
personal liberties and property rights, and exclude all foreign authority.
This principle of rights and exclusion is today fundamental in all demo-
cratic governments and associations. It can not be broken, although
persons may disregard it.
The American and English statesmen who worked to free the Col-
onies from tax aggressions during the Independence period had ample
reason for holding that these rights were just as applicable to the
Americans in Boston or Philadelphia, as they were to the sons of
Britain in London. The charters issued by the Crown of Great Britain
to the "Plymouth and London Colonies" (1606) stated that the colo-
nists, and their descendants should "have and enjoy all liberties, fran-
chises, and immunities of free denizens and natural subjects within
any of our other dominions, to all intents and purposes, as if they had
been abiding and born within this our realm of England, or in any
other of our dominions."
But the people of the New World did not rest solely upon these
ancient declarations to support their defense against attempts to violate
their rights. The leading citizens of the Colonies were persuaded that
their civil privileges were not defined nor limited by scroll or parch-
ment. They believed that the rights of conscience and self-govern-
ment were the continuing gifts of God to man, and that the Giver
would eventually establish these natural rights on a firm basis in
America. Therefore they regarded every foot-step of progress, re-
corded in the English origins of civil liberty and democracy, as signs of
Divine favor available in a larger measure in their own times. The
American patriots realized that they needed but listen to the dictates
of wisdom, work diligently, and go forward with steadfast faith in the
right. As we know, they finally won their cause.
The Magna Charta was a great political scripture — a fore-runner
of better things to come. The conference held at Runnymede was a
[424]
MAGNA CHARTA AND DEMOCRACY IN AMERICA
turning-point in the world's destiny. It opened the way for constitu-
tional liberty in England, and for other great charters which recorded
the political liberties and obligations of the people of the United States
about six centuries later — the Declaration of Independence and the
Constitution.
The granting of the Magna Charta was one of the most imperson-
al events in English history. No triumphant personality of military re-
nown or of statescraft is associated with King John's submission
to the early demand of democracy in England. No man has been lifted
up in English history as either the writer of the document or the central
figure in winning it from the royal hand. The granting of the Great
Charter as a covenant between monarch and subjects was a victory for
justice and democracy. Its establishment was a long and firm step
toward the time wherein the rights conferred by a good God on man
should be expressed in governments of a far broader equality and
benevolence for the English-speaking, and other nations of the world.
[4251
(Eflttfirmattmt of tfye Qlljartwa,
129?
EDWARD, by the Grace of God King of England,
Lord of Ireland, and Duke of Aquitaine, to all those
who shall see or hear these present letters, Greeting!
Know that, to the honor of God and Holy Church,
and to the profit of our whole realm, we have granted
for us and our heirs that the Great Charter of Liber-
ties and the Charter of the Forest, which were made by the common
consent of all the realm in the time of our Father, King Henry, be
kept in all points, without breach. And we will that these same
Charters be sent under our Seal to our Justices, as well of the Forest
as to the others, and to all Sheriffs of Counties, and to all our other
officers, to all our cities throughout the realm, together with our writs,
wherein shall be instructions for them to have the aforesaid Charters
published, and to have the people informed that we have granted their
confirmation in all points ; and our Justices, Sheriffs, Mayors, and oth-
er officers, who have the direction of the law of the land under and by
us, we charge to admit the same Charters in all their points, in pleas
before them and in giving judgment — that is to say, to admit the Great
Charter of Liberties as common law and the Charter of the Forests
according to the Assize of the Forest, for the benefit of our people.
II. And we will that henceforth, if any judgments be given
contrary to the terms of the aforesaid Charters, by our Justices and
other officers who uphold pleas in their Courts contrary to the terms
of the Charters, they be annulled and held for nought.
III. And we will that these same Charters be sent under our
Seal to the Cathedral Churches throughout our realm, and there re-
main ; and that twice a year they be read to the people.
IV. And that the Archbishops and Bishops pronounce sentence
of great excommunication against all those who shall transgress the
aforesaid Charters by word, deed, or counsel, or infringe them in
any point, or break them ; and that these sentences be pronounced and
published twice a year by the aforesaid Prelates. And if the same Prel-
ates, or any of them, be remiss in making the aforesaid denunciations,
[426]
THE CONFIRMATION OF THE CHARTERS
they shall be made and compelled to make the aforesaid denunciation
in the form aforesaid by the Archbishops of Canterbury and York
for the time being, as is fitting.
V. And whereas some people of our realm fear that the aids
and tasks which they have made to us heretofore for our wars and
other business, by their grant and goodwill, in whatever manner they
have been made, may turn to their bondage and to that of their heirs,
because they might be found at another time scheduled in the rolls,
as also the prises taken throughout the realm by our officers, in our
name, we have granted, for us and our heirs that we will not draw into
precedent such aids, tasks, and prises, no matter what may have been
done heretofore, or what can be found by roll, or in any other way.
VI. And, also, we have granted for us and for our heirs to the
Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, and other people of Holy
Church, to the Earls, Barons, and all the commonalty of the realm,
that henceforth, for none of our business, will we take any such manner
of aids, tasks, or prises of our realm except by the common consent of
all the realm and for the common profit of the said realm, save the
ancient aids and prises due and accustomed.
VII. And, whereas the greater part of the commonalty of the
realm feel themselves greatly grieved by the maletote of wools — name-
ly, forty shillings for each sack of wool — and have prayed us to be
pleased to remit the same, we have, at their prayer, fully remitted them ;
and we have granted that henceforth we will neither take these nor
any other, without their common assent and goodwill, saving to us and
our heirs the customs of wools, skins, and leather granted aforetime by
the commonalty of the aforesaid realm.
In witness whereof we have caused these our letters to be made
patents. Witness Edward, our son, at London, the tenth day of Octo-
ber, the twenty-fifth year of our reign.
And it is to be remembered that this same charter in the same
terms, word for word, was sealed in Flanders under the King's great
Seal — that is to say, at Ghent — the fifth day of November, in the
twenty-fifth year of our aforesaid Lord the King, and sent to England.
[427]
A P flpm on tip? iratlj of
Written in the Thirteenth Century
All that be of heart true,
A while hearken to my song,
Of grief that death hath wrought us now,
That makes me sigh and sorrow among;
Of a Knight that was so strong,
On whom God had done His will :
Methinks that death hath done us wrong,
That he so soon shall lie still.
All England ought for to know
Of whom the song is that I sing ;
Of Edward, King, that lieth so low;
Through all this world his name can spring.
Truest man of every thing,
An' in war wary and wise,
For him we ought our hands to wring;
Of Christendom he bare the prize.
Before that our King was dead,
He spoke as one that was in care :
"Clerks, Knights, Barons," he said,
"I charge you by your sware,
That ye to England be true.
I die, I may live no more:
Help my son, and crown him now,
For he is next to be y-core."
[429]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
Now is Edward of Carnarvon
King of England all aright,
God let him never be worse man
Than his father, nor less of might
To hold his poor men to right,
And understand good counsel,
All England for to rule and dight;
Of good Knights there need him not fail.
Though my tongue were made of steel,
And my heart y-got of brass,
The goodness might I never tell
That with King Edward was:
King, as thou art cleped conqueror,
In each battle thou haddest prize:
God bring thy soul to the honor
That ever was and ever is,
That lasteth aye without end!
Pray we God and our Lady,
To that bliss Jesus us send. Amen.
CvJL ft'o!
[430]
A ijffcraonal ifcsrriptum of 2Ctttg
3, Written
About 130r
BT
JOHN OF LONDON
Author of "Commendatio Lamentabilis in
Transitu Magni Regis Edwardi"
OU must know that King Edward was not ruddy or
high-coloured, but of that blend of dark and fair which
is a sign of a hot and dogged temperament; and his
complexion was hardly altered by age and greyness.
He was tall and well built, so that, in walking with
other people, he stood out head and shoulders above
them, just as Saul of old times, the Lord's chosen servant, gladdened
the heart of those who beheld the King walking.
His head was round, the abiding-place of great wisdom and the
special sanctuary of high counsel. His full round eyes were frank and
dove-like when he was in happy mood, but in anger, and when his
lion heart was moved, they flashed fire and lightened up fiercely.
His hair was black and curly, and even in old age he had little to fear
from baldness.
He had a long, somewhat acquiline nose, and bowed legs. He was
long-shanked, like a horse-man, and had a full throat, strong shoul-
ders— all signs of strength, daring, and activity. . . .
Ever straight as a palm, he always maintained the nimbleness of
youth in mounting or riding ; and by keeping under grossness of phy-
sique by continual hard work he was hardly ever ill
No one had a keener wit in counsel, a greater fluency in speaking,
coolness in danger, restraint in success, constancy in failure .... His
affections once pledged were rarely recalled, and if once he hated a
man he seldom favored him afterwards with his friendship.
[431]
-
a
d
H
I
H
H
CO
K
a
a
I
S
O
B
ICmtgimt: A
[ARK PATTISON, the English essayist, Fellow and
Rector of Lincoln College, Oxford University, called
Langton "that great prelate, who, during a twenty-
three years' occupation of the See of Canterbury, acted
in public a most prominent part in material affairs,
and in the cloister produced more works for the in-
struction of his flock than any who, before or since
him, has been seated in that 'Papal Chair of the North,' — who was the
soul of that powerful confederacy who took the crown from the head
of the successor of the Conqueror, — and yet, next to Bede, the most
voluminous and original commentator on the Scripture this country has
produced, — and who has transmitted to us an enduring memorial of
himself in three most different institutions, which, after the lapse of
six centuries, are still in force and value among us — Magna Charta,
the division of the Bible into chapters, and those constitutions which
open the series, and form the basis, of that Canon Law which is still
binding in our Ecclesiatical Courts."
This is the estimate, in epitome, of Langton, prelate, scholar, pa-
triot, given by a learned clergyman of the Established Church of Eng-
land, and it is a just one. Langton was one of the remarkable men of
his land and his century.
He was born at Langton, near Spilsby in Lincolnshire, in the latter
part of the Twelfth Century, the exact date being unknown. His
father was the son of Henry de Langton and the elder brother of
Simon Langton, who became Archdeacon of Canterbury. Dean Hook,
in his "Lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury" (1862), states his
belief that Langton came of the Yorkshire family of the name; but
his family antecedents have never been accurately traced.
Burke blazons for him Arms : Per pale azure and gules, a bend or.
The Coat-Armor of the Langtons of Langton, Lincolnshire, is blazoned
as follows. Arms: Quarterly, sable and or, a bend argent. Crest:
An eagle or and wivern vert, interwoven and erect on their tails. This
is quite different, but there is the use of the bend in both Arms. The
l"433]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
Langtons of Yorkshire have blazoned Arms : Gules, a chevron ermine,
between three lions rampant argent.
Early in his youth, Stephen Langton entered the University of
Paris, where he became associated with Lothaire, the nephew of Pope
Clement III, who later succeeded Celestine III in the Holy See as Inno-
cent III. It is said that while in France Langton was Chancellor of
Paris University and Dean of Rheims.
When Lothaire became Pope, he appointed Langton a member of
his household, and himself attended the lectures given by Langton in
public. In 1206 the Pope made him Cardinal Priest of Saint Chryso-
gonus.
As a patriot, the fame of Stephen Langton has shone so bright,
during the seven centuries since Magna Charta, that his great achieve-
ments as a scholar have been too much forgotten. He was one of the
greatest Bible students of the Middle Ages. "Everyone who reads the
Bible or enjoys the benefit of civic freedom owes a deep debt of grati-
tude to this Catholic Cardinal. If men may be measured by the mag-
nitude of the work they accomplish, it may be safely said that Langton
was the greatest Englishman who ever sat in the Chair of St. Augus-
tine."1
Before Langton, the Bible knew no division into chapters. His
arrangement was adopted in the Vulgate, and thence has been copied
by all modern versions. It has also been applied to the Greek New
Testament and to the Septuagint. "It is indeed one of the few cases in
which Latin scholarship has affected the Eastern Churches. Yet more
remarkable is it that the division has also been adopted by the Jews
themselves, and that the hand of the English Cardinal should leave its
mark on the pages of the Talmud."2
Ralph Higden, in his "Polychronicon" (a history of human events
from Adam to the chronicler's own times), finished in 1366, says of
Langton: "He coted the Bible at Parys and marked the chapitres."
The Cardinal's accession to the See of Canterbury was long and
bitterly opposed by King John. On the death of Archbishop Hubert
Walter in 1205 dispute arose between the Bishops of the Province
and the monks of the Canterbury Cathedral Chapter as to which body
held the right to elect an Archbishop. Some of the monks held a secret
council and elected their Sub-Prior, Reginald, who thereupon set out
for Rome, to obtain the Pope's confirmation.
His election became known after he left England and the King
was deeply angered. He compelled the monks to hold another election
1. Rev. W. H. Kent, O. H. C.
Z. Ibid.
3. Translation Into English made In 1387 by John de Trevlsa.
[434]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
and elect his candidate, John de Gray, Bishop of Norwich. Another
delegation then started for Rome for confirmation of this election.
But the Pope rejected both elections as invalid, the first as hav-
ing taken place in an irregular and secret manner, and the second be-
cause it had been enforced and had been made before the earlier elec-
tion had been annulled. It was, however, decided that that it was the
Canterbury monks who held the right to elect an Archbishop, as this
had been the procedure from Saxon times. Innocent III, therefore, di-
rected the monks of the Chapter to hold another election, and he recom-
mended Cardinal Langton as a candidate.
This election was made, confirmed, and Innocent sent to King
John a letter strongly in praise of the new Archbishop. In a Bull sent
to the Prior and monks of Canterbury, he spoke of "Our beloved son,
Master Stephen Langton, a man verily endowed with life, fame, know-
ledge, and doctrine."
"But neither the words of Innocent nor the merits of Langton
could satisfy the angry king, who wreaked his vengeance on the Church
of Canterbury and vowed that Langton should never set foot in his
dominions. Thus began the memorable struggle between the worst of
English kings and the greatest of the mediaeval pontiffs."
The King persisted for eight years, but at last, — under threat
of excommunication, and fearing that, if this happened, Philip of
France would take advantage of the discredit it would bring to the
English King, and fearing also the growing indignation of the people
of England, — he yielded. The Archbishop arrived in England and
came to his See in July, 1213. A few weeks earlier, on May 15, John
had tendered his kingdom to the Pope, receiving it back as a fief. This
step was taken as a political move to prevent an attack by the French
King, since, as a feudatory of the Holy See, John could claim its pro-
tection— a strong shield of moral influence in the thirteenth
Century.
The Pope obliged him to pledge general reform in the government
of England, but these promises were broken, with the result that Lang-
ton became the head and front of the great wave of indignation, and
determination to enforce the ancient liberties of the ralm, which cul-
minated in the victory of Magna Charta, June of 1215, — just two years
after the Archbishop was allowed to come into his country and his See.
Francis Fortescue Urquhart, Fellow and Lecturer of Balliol Col-
lege, Oxford University, says : "When peace was finally made with the
Pope, the King seems to have thought that the Church would now sup-
port him against the mutinous Barons of the North; but he counted
1. Kent.
[436]
STEPHEN LANGTON: A GREAT ENGLISHMAN
without the new Archbishop. Langton showed from the first that he
intended to enforce the clause in John's submission to the Pope which
promised a general reform of abuses, and his support provided the
cause with the statesmanlike leadership it had hitherto lacked."
"The discontented Barons met at St. Alban's and St. Paul's in
1213, and Langton produced the Charter of Henry I to act as a model
for their demands. Civil war was deferred by John's absence abroad,
but the defeat of Bouvines sent him back still more discredited, and war
practically broke out early in 1215. Special charters granted to the
Church and to London failed to divide his enemies, and John had to
meet the 'Army of God and Holy Church' on the field of Runnymede
between Staines and Windsor."
The St. Alban's meeting was on August 4, 1213, and its formal
purpose was "to make sworn inquest as to the extent or damage due
to churchmen during the years of John's quarrel with Rome," writes
William Sharp McKechnie, M. A./LL. B., D. Pnil., Lecturer on Con-
stitutional Law and History, University of Glasgow ( 1905). He says
that this meeting was "the earliest national council at which the princi-
ple of representation received recognition (so far as our records go).
Four lawful men, with the reeve, from each village or manor on the
royal demesne, were present **** to make a sworn inquest as to the
amount of damage done. Such inquests by the humble representatives
of the villages were quite common locally; the innovation lies in this,
that their verdict was now given in a national assembly."
The Archbishop called the meeting at St. Paul's on August 25,
1213. At this conference he reminded the Barons "that John's absolu-
tion had been conditional on a promise of good government, and, as a
standard to guide them in judging what such government implied, he
produced a copy of Henry I's Charter of Liberties."
Then came the meeting at Bury Saint Edmund's on November 4,
1214, just after the King's return from France. John was present, but
his concessions amounted to nothing practical, still insisting on pay-
ment of scutage, which the Barons continued to refuse. The second
meeting at Saint Edmund's, when the nobles swore to take arms against
their monarch in defense of the ancient liberties of England, which
John had violated, took place on November 20.
How the Archbishop, with Pandulph, the Pope's Legate, the
Bishops, Barons, and Earls of England, wrested the Great Charter of
right and freedom and justice from King John, we all know. The
King yielded from necessity, not from conviction. Throughout his
reign, he seems to have been swayed by the cynic's principle that no
1. "Magna Charta," by McKechnie, as above.
[437]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
action taken, no policy adopted, really mattered in itself, nor needed
honesty of purpose and good faith to back it, since all acts, all courses,
were to be considered in the relation of advantage to his own selfish
ends and rooted determination for personal power and aggrandize-
ment. His opposition to the Pope and the ecclesiastical authorities of
England, his open defiance of the laws of common honesty and hu-
manity in diverting funds of the Church to his own ends by keeping
Sees in vacancy and seizing their revenues (purposed for the needs of
religion, charity, and learning), during such vacancy, were no more
conscienceless than his pretended submission to the Pope as feudal
overlord that he might secure moral support in his war with France.
After his defeat at Runnymede, he still sought to gain the Pope's
influence, using all means at his disposal to convince Innocent that the
Barons and the Archbishop himself had acted wrongfully and that
their patriotic victory was only the success of disloyal rebels. With
only one side of the case before him, and with natural leaning toward
the side of order and constituted authority, the Pope believed to some
extent at least in the truth of John's version of the matter.
Langton himself went to Rome, where he remained some months,
his censure being removed. He then returned to England and devoted
the rest of his life to the government of his See, to study, and to the
guidance of England during the minority of King Henry III. For
Magna Charta was hard to keep, as hard to win, and the great Cardinal
served the England of his love as gallantly during his latter days as
when he pledged the Barons to the fight for England's freedom and led
them to the victory of Runnymede.
Stephen Langton died probably on July 9, 1228, and was buried
at Canterbury on July 15. — one month after the thirteenth anniversary
of Runnymede. A few months after his death, Pope Honorius III
said of him: "The custodian of the earthly paradise of Canterbury,
Stephen of happy memory, a man pre-eminently endued with the gifts
of knowledge and supernal grace, has been called, as we hope and be-
lieve, to the joy and rest of Paradise above."
[438]
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BY
J. H. BURNHAM
OMEONE has truly said that every tree in the forest
has, under ground, roots which are equal in body to
all of its branches above ground. If this is correct,
perhaps it can be said with equal truth that the great
tree of American Liberty possesses, buried in the
remote and distant past, as many roots and rootlets
as its beautiful structure of branches exhibits to our
admiring gaze.
We sometimes think of liberty's roots in the Swiss Mountains
where William Tell slew the tyrant Gessler, and we often refer to the
English Plains of Runnymede where the Barons compelled King John
to assent to England's Magna Charta; but the branches of our own
tree of American liberty have been nourished by many very deep grow-
ing roots concerning which history is sometimes entirely silent, or to
which it has given but niggardly praise, and we can perhaps spend
a few moments profitably in tracing one rootlet of our liberty tree,
which has not been exactly overlooked by history, but which from the
present generation of Americans has attracted little or no general
attention.
I was born in Ipswich, Essex County, Massachusetts, in the very
school district where the leader in the events I am about to describe
was the settled Pastor in the Congregational Church in what was then
called Chebacco Parish, but which is now, since 1819, the little town of
Essex.
Ipswich, whose Indian name was Agawam, is located on the north
side of Cape Ann, about thirty miles from Boston, and fronts on Ips-
wich Bay. It narrowly missed being the Plymouth home of
the Pilgrims in 1620. You will remember that various un-
[440]
"THE BIRTHPLACE OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE, 1687"
foreseen delays prevented the Mayflower from sailing around the
stormy point called Cape Cod, until too late in the season to undertake
the passage of another Cape, which was Cape Ann, and this delay com-
pelled them to settle on the miserably poor, sandy soil around Ply-
mouth, where the limited harvest of Indian corn almost drove them to
seek another location, and where frequent starvation came very near
exhausting their determination and perseverance.
Agawam possessed large areas of fertile, cleared acres of rich,
black soil, adapted to corn growing, where the Indian tribes had once
lived in plenty. It was the intention of the Mate of the Mayfloiver
to land at Agawam, where he vouched for the beauty and fertility of
the neighborhood. Had this landing been made, it is probable the
whole history of New England would have been vastly different.
In 1687 Ipswich was the second town in wealth and population
in the ancient "Province of the Massachusetts Bay in New England,"
as all of its legal papers then described the Province, and its resi-
dents religiously believed that their New England home was far
dearer to them than the old English home which had so bitterly perse-
cuted their fathers and mothers fifty years before.
The people who lived in Chebacco Parish in 1687 must have been
a sturdy, patriotic, intellectual class. There are various evidences of
this, one of which will here be called to your attention. Another is
the fact that in this little community of perhaps five hundred people,
almost entirely made up of old English Puritan families, were to
be found the ancestors of Joshua R. Giddings, Nathan Dane, Seth Low,
Oliver Wendell Holmes, Ralph Waldo Emerson, John Greene Coggs-
well, Edna Dean Proctor, Joseph H. Choate, and Rufus Choate. The
latter was my mother's first cousin. Since commencing this paper
I have discovered that all of the above mentioned persons find among
their ancestors of over two hundred years ago some of the same an-
cestral lineages as are found in my father's and mother's families in
that ancestral Parish.
The town seal of Ipswich bears this inscription: "The Birthplace
of American Independence 1687." The important events I shall de-
scribe were a mere tradition in the town where I was born until recent
publications and celebrations brought them to light. The traditions
had faded almost entirely out of the minds of the descendants of the
actors, and to me it was almost a revelation, when, in later years, I
found unquestioned historical records deserving of national attention.
One of the actors was my Grandmother's Great-Grandfather,
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
thus bringing me within four generations of the event, and I feel a
personal interest in calling attention to the importance of the action.
The English Charter, which was granted on March 9, 1629, to the
first settlers of Massachusetts Bay, — inhabitants of Boston, Salem,
Ipswich, Beverly, Gloucester, and other neighboring towns with good
old English names, — was remarkably liberal in its terms in very many
respects. Puritan influence prevailed at headquarters in London, and
the leading idea of those who procured the Charter was to furnish a
safe home to the Puritan Independents or Congregationalists, although
it was hoped that mines of precious metals might be discovered, or
that the pine forests and the fisheries might yield some return to
the Chartered Corporation of the Massachusetts Bay Company. The
settlers were given the right to make their own laws, elect their own
Legislature and Governor, to make war, if necessary, in their own
defense, and to exercise all of the privileges of Englishmen.
James I was King of England, but, between the granting of
the Charter and the year 1687, successive changes occurred, from
James I to Charles I, who was sent to the scaffold by theCromwel-
lians in 1649, tnen to Cromwell himself, then to Charles II, and finally,
in 1685, to James II. The New England Puritans placed their chief
dependence, for the keeping of their liberties, on that sacred charter
under which they could, in Massachusetts, at least, keep watch and
ward over as much British territory as that paper protected on their
own side of the Atlantic Ocean.
During the great immigration of Puritans, which occurred main-
ly from 1631 to 1640, the population of Massachusetts Bay was in-
creased by over twenty thousand souls, bringing with them property
and money to the amount of one million dollars. When the English
Puritans began to acquire the strength at home which culminated when
Oliver Cromwell came into power, the tide of immigration actually
turned backward to Old England, and quite a number of Cromwell's
ablest officers and assistants were Puritans returned from Massa-
chusetts.
During all of this time, however, the ruling element in the Colony
was the Massachusetts Congregational Church, which held fast to
its faith and jealously guarded its rights under the Charter with a
watchfulness that is to us astonishing. We have no space here to
follow the famous struggle between the British Government and the
Colonists during the years between 1630 and 1680, which consolidated
the advocates of liberty and home rule to an extent which we of the
present find it impossible to understand.
The Colony kept jealous and zealous agents in London much of
[442]
"THE BIRTHPLACE OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE, 1687"
that time, where they were aided and assisted by eminent political and
religious leaders, careful to ward off the attacks of those who eagerly
strove to curb the liberty of the American Puritans. Time and again
did these zealous London friends furnish assistance, and, even when
Parliament sent over its own Commissioners, the Massachusetts Gen-
eral Court contrived to baffle all attempts at subjugation until the
final annulment of the famous Charter in 1684.
We can but admire the statesmanship shown by the hardy repub-
licans of the Colony in tenaciously clinging to their own interpretation
of their liberal Charter. It is, indeed, enough to assert that, as the
sturdy Cromwellians in England, men of almost exactly the same
faith, demonstrated to the world at large the tremendous power of the
people, so the progressive and liberty-loving Puritans of Massachu-
setts Bay demonstrated, to the little world on its side of the Atlantic,
the real value of the large share of independence enjoyed by them be-
fore their Charter was annulled by the British Court of Chancery,
June 21, 1684.
Threatening clouds now began to appear. The British Govern-
ment demanded that all of the old Colonial laws should be amended
and reformed, that all new ones must provide one and one-half years
for the scrutiny of the home Government, and that the Governor and
principal officers should be appointed by the Crown.
During the fifty years of home rule the New England Colonists
had made remarkable progress. They had been confederated together
in 1641 for mutual protection against Indian raids. Plymouth, Con-
necticut, and New Haven had thus united with Massachusetts, and here
we find the germ of our national confederation of a later date. These
communities were bound together by almost the same ties of religion.
However, the others were much more liberal and moderate than was
Massachusetts, and they did not bring upon themselves so much of the
hatred and fury of their British rulers as did Massachusetts Bay.
They did not feel the loss of their Charters at the end of this period
so seriously as did the larger Colony, and in the great struggle of 1687-
1689 the brunt of the contest fell almost entirely on Massachusetts.
A dozen years prior to the annulment of the Charter Massachu-
setts Bay had gone through with a terrible struggle with the Narra-
gansett and other Indians, who, under the lead of the barbarous Philip,
caused the death of over five hundred persons. These Indians burned
over five hundred houses and utterly destroyed thirteen towns. They
brought the frontier to within forty miles of Boston and within fifteen
miles of Ipswich. One-half a million dollars was the financial cost, all
of it borne in New England mostly by Massachusetts, and, at the end
[443]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
of the war in 1676, the sufferings of the people were enough to appal
the stoutest heart. Ipswich furnished its full quota of fighting men
and some of the ablest leaders in this terrible war were from Ipswich.
Less than ten years of partial peace and relief from this intolerable
condition of warfare gave the Colonists some slight rest and relief,
when the loss of their Charter aroused the bitterest resentment, from
the Hudson River to the farthest Eastern extremity of Massachusetts.
Charles II, who died in 1685, was succeeded at once by James II,
and when, on December 12, 1686, his appointee, Governor Andros,
landed in Boston, the full cup of bitterness was now presented to the
liberty-loving citizens of Massachusetts Bay.
In carrying on the expensive Indian War without calling on
England for assistance, Massachusetts had exercised nearly all of the
attributes of sovereignty and independence, and yet felt itself loyal to
Great Britain, and its people were fairly astounded at that interfer-
ence with their Colonial affairs, which was evidenced by King James
when he sent Sir Edmund Andros as General Governor to Boston ac-
companied by the frigate Rose and a company of British Red-Coats.
Political speculations must have been rife in the vicinity of Bos-
ton on the arrival of the new Governor, whose coming was apparently
to punish the Puritans of New England for their long period of actual
intolerance. We must not forget that the Established Church of
England had been barely able to maintain one Church in all of this ter-
ritory, that one being in Boston ; that the Quakers and their sect had
been rudely and scandalously persecuted in Massachusetts; and that
England had some provocation for this demonstration. There were
very few lawyers at this time in all of New England and none in
the Legislature of the Colony. The Pastors of the Churches were
the leading politicians and it had been customary for them to take
the lead in defending and maintaining the much-loved Charter, which
gave the ruling Church of the Puritans power to protect itself. All of
my ancestors were Puritans of the strictest sort, and I can but lament
that their intense zeal for their Church led them so often into the
advocacy of extreme measures.
Now that Great Britain had actually over thrown the Charter,
and had again grasped the governing and legislative authority, what
might reasonably be expected to follow ? King James had evinced re-
ligious toleration in America by the favor and partiality he was
showing William Penn, whose Quaker settlement at Philadelphia
was now but four years old; but he was suspected of being also in
league with the Catholic King of France to overthrow the Protestant
religion throughout the realm of England, and our New England
[444]
"THE BIRTHPLACE OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE, 1687"
church leaders and others were anxiously enquiring of their friends
in Old England concerning the signs of the times.
The appointment of Governor Andros in itself, had it been done
as a measure of real pacification in the settlement of the serious
misunderstandings between Parliament and the various Colonial gov-
ernments, might have been a wise piece of statesmanship in the hands
of moderate, far-seeing statesmen : it might within one-half a century
have consolidated the friends of freedom in all of our American
Colonies; have taken over later the French Canadians as British sub-
jects ; and have been the means of building up an American branch of
the British Nation, embracing the whole of the Franco-English-Amer-
ican peoples, and immensely augmenting the influence of the British
Nation as a vastly superior world-power. The plan of a Governor-
General over all of the Colonies were proposed in 1754 by Benjamin
Franklin, just before the French power in Canada came to an end by
the peace of 1763.
The Puritans of New England were keenly alive to the threat-
ening aspects of English politics and were quite generally informed
as to the affairs of their English friends, but were not yet posted as to
their secret plans, which included the assistance of the Protestants in
Holland under the leadership of William, Prince of Orange.
The town of Ipswich, then second in population and wealth in
Massachusetts, contained quite a number of the ablest religious and
political leaders of New England thought, as will soon appear. In
connection with their leaders in Boston and other places, they cautious-
ly and jealously watched all of the public moves of Sir Edmund and
his British associates. There was at this time no telegraph, no tele-
phone, no local Post-Office, no newspaper, and we can but wonder at
their success in keeping their own counsels from being made public.
When the Charter was annulled, in 1684, the Legislature was
abolished, and the Governor-General with a Council of eighteen, not
elected by the people, were in supreme control and under the orders
of the King. In March, 1687, the Governor and Council ordered a tax
levy of a penny in the pound for the public revenue of the Colony.
This Council assumed to levy taxes which had previously been called
for by the Legislature, by and with the advice of the Council and the
Governor, and the different towns in the Colony were now arbitrarily
ordered to assess this unjust and illegal tax. Boston, Salem, and many
other towns obeyed the Governor's warrant and assessed the tax be-
fore the end of July, but Ipswich and some others did not act at once.
The Ipswich Town Meeting was called for August 23, 1687, and
here commenced the famous rebellion or revolution of New England.
[445]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
The Pastor of Chebacco Parish was the leader in this movement and
was one of the great men of the times. The Encyclopaedia Britan-
nica" has this to say:
"John Wise (1652-1725), a Puritan author deserving better re-
membrance than he has had, was born at Roxbury, Massachusetts,
graduated at Harvard in 1673, began in 1680 to preach in Ipswich,
Mass., and passed his life in that charge."
Here I find sound authority for my attempt to keep this truly
great man in remembrance, and we may well thank this good British
publication for its sturdy commendation of our early genuine Amer-
ican patriot.
Chebacco Parish contained a collection of rich farms, occupied by
prosperous farmers who had, with great difficulty, succeeded in or-
ganizing a new parish and building a church but a few years prior to
1687. The church was situated in the school-district where I was
born, and Mr. Wise's residence, which was at first on the parsonage
land nearby, was later, in 1703, built by himself on land adjoining my
ancestral home, and there his house is still standing in good repair.
On another farm adjoining was my father's ancestral home,
owned in 1687 by his mother's great-grandfather, Captain William
Goodhue, Jr. Captain Goodhue was an able Indian fighter, was Parish
Clerk, a Deacon, and the confidential friends of the Pastor.
Mr. Wise, then thirty-five years of age, was of towering frame,
a vigorous athlete, an able theologian, and an impassioned orator.
The ten-acre field given him by his parishioners at his settlement, about
1681, was on my father's farm and is called "Wise's field" to this
day. While plowing in this field in 1855 I found an ancient gold
mourning ring. Mr. Goodhue died October 12, 1712. On the inside
of this ring may be seen a Latin abbreviation for died and some
initials and figures as follows: "W. G. Obt, Oc. 12, 1712."
In all of this time four generations have come between
me and Captain Goodhue. I have no doubt but following the ancient
custom then in vogue among all well to do English people his widow
presented this mourning ring to her Pastor, her husband's dearest
friend, as a tender memento of the friendship and undying love which
existed between these two leaders who had suffered together in the
great cause we are now commemorating.
I love to think that Mr. Wise must have worn this ring with many
touching recollections of his long and intimate association with his
parish clerk and church deacon, Captain William Goodhue, Jr.
With his friend Goodhue and some of the Ipswich town officers,
[446]
"THE BIRTHPLACE OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE, 1687"
about a dozen in all, Mr. Wise held a meeting at Ipswich Village on
August 22, 1687, the day before the Town Meeting, and discussed with
these and other leading citizens the action to be recommended to the
voters when they should assemble the next day. Mr. Wise addressed
that Town Meeting in a lengthy and impassioned address and it is
deeply to be regretted that no copy of this remarkable speech has been
preserved. History informs us that a manuscript copy was after-
wards carried to a few other towns and was the means of causing
several of them to follow the example of Ipswich. This speech, ac-
cording to tradition, fairly electrified his audience. Could this manu-
script copy, which was read later in other town meetings, be now
discovered it might take high rank with the very ablest American
documents, not even excepting the Declaration of Independence.
In his "History of American Literature," Professor Moses Coit
Taylor says : "Upon the whole, no other author of the Colonial times
is the equal of John Wise in the union of great breadth and power of
thought, with great splendor of speech, and he stands almost alone
among our earlier writers for the blending of a racy and dainty humor
with impassioned earnestness."
The town records of the memorable meeting where this magnifi-
cent speech was delivered quaintly tell us concerning the action of the
town after the hearing thereof, as follows :
"That considering the said act doth infringe their liberty as free
born English subjects of his Majesty by interfering with the statu-
tory laws of the land, by which it is enacted that no tax shall be levied
on the subjects without consent of an assembly, chosen by the free-
holders, for assessing same, they do, therefore, vote that they are
not willing to choose a commissioner with such an end without said
privileges, and moreover consent not that the select men do proceed to
lay out any such rate until it be appointed by a general assembly concur-
ring with the Governor and Council. Voted by the whole assembly
twice."
Taxation without the consent of the people was the issue in Ips-
wich in 1687, just as in 1775 "Taxation without Representation" was
the issue on which our War of Independence was fought to a successful
end. Macauley tells us that Washington and Franklin were both
willing at one time during the Revolutionary War to recommend sub-
mission to England, provided this one principle of self-taxation should
be conceded by the British Parliament, and this single quotation from
Macauley proves that Ipswich stood out the leader in 1687 for the
principle upon which was founded our American Independence, and
its town seal to this day truly declares Ipswich to be "The Birthplace
[447]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
of American Independence," — a proud boast, but one which is literally
true.
Governor Andros soon took steps to crush this rebellion and
caused the arrest of Mr. Wise and a dozen of the town's leaders, who
were imprisoned in the Boston jail ; and six of them were fined as fol-
lows:
Rev. John Wise, Fine loof, Bond iooc£,
John Andrews, Fine 5o£, Bond
John Appleton, Fine 30!, Bond
Robert Kinsman, Fine 2o£, Bond S
Wm. Goodhue, Jr., Fine 2o£, Bond
Thos. French, Fine I5£, Bond 5Oo£.
The other persons who were arrested were dismissed. These he-
roes were kept in jail at Boston about thirty days when they were re-
leased after the payment of all fines and costs, which were afterward
repaid by the town of Ipswich.
During their trial Justice Dudley refused these patriots the privi-
lege of Habeas Corpus. Mr. Wise plead in their behalf the statute
of Magna Charta, the laws of England, and the laws of the Colony,
to show the utter illegality of the action of Governor Andros and his
assistants, but one of the Judges of the Court replied to Mr. Wise
that he must not think the laws of England followed him to the ends
of the earth, and that he and his associates had no more privileges
left than not to be sold as slaves.
Governor Andros, in addition to calling for this illegal tax, had
taken the high ground that none of the inhabitants of Massachusetts
Bay had valid titles to their lands, notwithstanding that the famous
Charter had granted the land to settlers fifty years before. He argued
that as the different towns had assumed title to these lands to which
they were not in fact authorized by the English Government, that new
titles and new deeds must be furnished by his own officers, after the
payment of such patent fees as he and they should order.
No words can express the exasperation of the Colonists, who had
in many cases occupied for over forty years the lands of which they
were in possession, and all of these impositions and inflictions taken
together caused a reign of terror such as has existed in few communi-
ties anywhere else in America.
Our Ipswich men must have felt that by their boldness of speech
and action they had seriously imperiled the fortunes of the friends and
neighbors. They were now in the custody of the officers of King
James, charged with treason and rebellion, and we can imagine their
position should they still contend in a hopeless cause. Now that nearly
[448]
"THE BIRTHPLACE OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE, 1687"
the whole Colony had levied the hated tax, there was apparently noth-
ing further to be gained for their cause, and we need not wonder that
they apologized and took the oath of allegiance to save their townsmen
and friends from further trouble, and that they paid their fines and
returned to their homes. To the lasting honor of Ipswich these fines
and expenses were all refunded to the sufferers.
It should be remembered that the actors in this ancient drama
were generally men of the second generation from the first immigra-
tion, that they always boasted of being Englishmen, and that they had
not the inspiration we feel in being citizens of another nation. When
confronted with the taunt of being little better than slaves, and with
the insolent demand for re-payment for new titles to their lands, which
they and their fathers had laboriously improved, they were face to
face with a dilemna which brought out all of the manhood and re-
sentment of which these independent natures were capable.
History does not fully explain the events of the next few months,
but we can readily see that the excitement must have been intense.
Our patriots were fully aware that only ten years before this time Sir
William Berkely, the Royal Governor of Virginia, had forcibly put
down Bacon's Rebellion, and had executed over twenty of those who
had resisted his government, although they appeared to be actuated by
nearly the same patriotic motives which had influenced the Ipswich
leaders.
The year 1688 was a trying year for our Massachusetts Bay
Colony. In England King James was pushing his efforts for the
acquirement of absolute power. By the end of June, the historian
Green tells us, "He had been deserted by the peerage, by the gentry,
the bishops, the clergy, the universities, and every lawyer, every
farmer and every trader stood aloof from him. He said, 'I will win
all or I will lose all.' '
Finally James quartered an army of thirteen thousand men near
London to over-awe the City and vast numbers of patriotic English-
men of all classes were organizing for some desperate action. These
movements were slowly reported to New England and in some manner,
not fully known even to this day, preparations were being stealthily
made for possible co-operation in some future attempt to parallel the ac-
tion in England.
Thus the year dragged along and when, on November 5, 1688,
William, Prince of Orange, landed at Torbay in England with a large
army, the Great British Rebellion was fairly underway. The want
of regular communication between the two Continents prevented the
New England people from learning of this event until the next April,
[449]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
a most exasperatingly tedious delay, as it appears to this generation
of rapid news-gatherers and news-readers. Merchant vessels brought
news or rumors of news occasionally, several months old, throughout
that winter, but if Sir Edmund was fully informed he effectually
smothered the important information.
When the great news of the Prince's Protestant Dutch Army ar-
rived in Boston on April 4, 1689, it was at first treated as a mere
rumor ; but the people could only be controlled for two weeks longer,
when New England's revolution broke out in Boston without official
news of Prince William's landing at Torbay and of the great revolution
then going on in England.
On April 8, 1689, the drums beat to arms, the streets of Boston
were soon filled with armed men, and several thousand more were on
the march within a few miles of town. Now was witnessed one of the
marvels of the world, and that was the instant organization of un-
uniformed, sturdy, fighting men, maddened almost to fury and yet
under reasonably good military restraint.
Most of these angry volunteers, who were upon the street in ap-
parent disorder, were seasoned Indian fighters who had so desperately
encountered King Philip's Narragansett Indians a little more than a
dozen years before. In carrying on that war the Colony compelled
every able-bodied man to furnish and keep in order his own gun and
gunpowder, and to private ownership of guns and ammunition in
thousands of homes, we no doubt owe the wonderful success of Bos-
ton's revolution in April, 1689, when the people, under the lead of a
committee of leading citizens, took the law into their own hands and
instinctively obeyed the orders of a few Captains.
The story is now briefly told. King James' Governor, Sir Ed-
mund Andros, with his two or three hundred soldiers, was no match
for these terrible Indian fighters, who fell into military order almost
miraculously, and the Red Coats surrendered to them without blood
shed. The proud Royal Governor-General and his officers were placed
in confinement in Castle William in Boston Harbor, and were very
soon sent as prisoners to their homes in England. This appears to
have been the first American re-call of a ruler and will ever stand as
the most successful re-call in American history.
The people were now free, and in a short time their former gov-
ernment was restored by their own acts, and, upon the final accession,
a short time later, of King William and Queen Mary, the Massachu-
setts Colonists were once more in practical control of their own affairs.
The real loyalty of Massachusetts was given a remarkable test in
1690, one year later, by the dispatch of a home-made and home-
[450]
"THE BIRTHPLACE OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE, 1687"
paid naval force under Sir William Phipps, the famous New Eng-
lander, who captured and destroyed the strong Fortress of Port Royal
at Annapolis, in Nova Scotia, and proudly gave to the arms of Great
Britain the glory of a most brilliant victory over France, the ally of
King James, who was at that time still the defeated claimant to the
Throne of England, which he never again occupied.
But we are not yet through with the Rev. Mr. Wise. The article
from the "Britannica," heretofore quoted, goes on to say:
"Gov. Andros, as governor, laid a tax on the Province without
consent of the assembly. Wise, in 1687, advised Ipswich not to obey
the order, as contrary to Charter rights. For this he was arrested,
and pleading Magna Charta, was told by one of the Judges not to
think the laws of England followed him to the ends of the earth. He
was fined, imprisoned and deposed. After Andros' fall he sued
Judge Dudley for denying him Habeas Corpus. In November, 1705,
appeared annoymously Questions and Proposals addressed to the
New England Churches and attributed to the two Boston Mathers.
Wise saw in it a plot to overthrow laic by clerical control in the
Church and answered at his leisure with the 'Church's Quarrel
Espoused' (1710).
"Prof. M. C. Tyler says: 'Its invectiveness, its earnestness, its
vision of truth, its flashes of triumphant eloquence simply annihilated
the scheme it assailed.' The topic was further handled in a 'Vindica-
tion of New England Churches (1717),' which fully evolves the
democratic theory. The two pamphlets were re-printed in one volume
one-half century later ( 1772) to do duty in the Revolutionary struggle,
and the correspondence of many of the sentences in the Declaration of
Independence with the very expressions of Wise in his book are sug-
gestive of something like plagiarism. This volume was reproduced
by the Congregational Board in 1860 as an authority upon that polity."
Samuel Adams, John Adams, and Josiah Quincy were among
the members of the famous Committee of Correspondence whose
writings influenced Philadelphia, New Jersey, Virginia, South Caro-
lina, and other localities to join the great movement for independence,
which movement was urtderway in 1772 and culminated in 1775. The
influence of the clergy upon people of all sects was very strong up to
the breaking out of the War of the Revolution, and no doubt ministers
of all denominations had been influenced by the patriotic Pastor's
demonstration of Christian republicanism and Christian democracy
in these re-published volumes. Adams and his radical friends showed
great political shrewdness in this action, and no doubt it was largely
[451]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
through this influence that the ideas of John Wise, which the "Britan-
nica" tells us can be traced in the immortal Declaration of Independ-
ence, were distributed throughout the Colonies, until they became
almost household words in the early days of our American Revolution.
We can thus distinguish very clearly the great influence of that Ips-
wich town meeting, and see the propriety and justice of that patriotic
claim, which will forever be the proud boast of the Town of Ipswich,
that here was "The Birthplace of American Independence, 1687."
AUTHORITIES CONSULTED
Macauley's History of England
Green's History of the English People
Palfrey's History of the English
Bancroft's History of the United States
Ipswich in "The Massachusetts Bay." 1635 to 1700
The Goodhue Family
The Choates in America
History of the First Church in Essex, Massachusetts
Brown's Life of Rufus Choate
Encyclopaedia Britannica
[452]
Mtnntng at % JUtwria (fcntntrg
BY
JOHN GILMER GRAY
b,? fflapturp from % Srtttalj of tlje JUUnota Storta
bg (Colonel (foorgp 3Jonj»ra Ollark, in 177B-1773
HERE is no story of any time or any land of bolder
undertaking, or more skillful performance, than is
the story of the capture from the British of the mili-
tary posts in the Illinois country by Colonel George
Rogers Clark and his brave followers.
By act of the Legislature of Virginia, Colonel
Clark had been placed in command of the forces to
be raised for the better protection of the Western settlements. By
this act, he was empowered, under the direction of the Governor, to
raise seven Companies of soldiers in any County of the Common-
wealth.
The first thing, then, was getting enlistments. To encourage this,
three of the most prominent men of Virginia, Thomas Jefferson,
George Wythe, and George Mason, joined in a letter to Clark, promis-
ing to use their influence to secure from the State three hundred
acres of land for each one who would enlist for this campaign, the
land to be assigned from the conquered territory. Also, to help for-
ward the expedition, the Legislature had appropriated the sum of
twelve hundred pounds.
Colonel Clark at once set to work to secure the enlistments. He
arranged with Major William Smith to recruit men on the Holston
River, giving him one hundred and fifty pounds for expenses that
might be incurred.
Captain Helm and Captain Bowman, both experienced and trusted
men, were to raise a Company each, as were also Captain William Har-
rod, a noted scout, who had seen service against both British and Indi-
ans, and Captain Dillard. But, in securing the required number, much
difficulty was experienced. The distance from home was a bar to
[453]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
many. Then, the fact that Kentucky, to which they were supposed to
be going, was a new country, kept back others : so that it appears, as
Clark himself says, that "only those enlisted who have families there,
or those whose self-interest induced them to go to the new country."
In his original estimate, Clark had expected to get together at
least five hundred recruits. On assembling all his men at the Falls
of the Ohio, early in May, he did not have more than half that number.
The arrangement with Major Smith did not result in anything;
but, fortunately, Captain John Montgomery, with his Company, joined
the four already there. Captain Montgomery brought most of his re-
cruits from the Holston River country. He too, had seen service
against the British and Indians.
Camp was established on Corn Island, at the Falls of the Ohio,
near the present city of Louisville. Having his men all together, Clark
now spent some time in drill and discipline. He chose this time, too,
to disclose to them that the real object of the expedition, which had
been supposed to be Kentucky, was the capture from the British of
the military posts in the Illinois country.
Besides the Governor and several of his trusted counselors,
Colonel Clark was the only one who had knowledge of this. With
this in mind, and to guard against any defection when announcement
was made, he had wisely selected Corn Island in the middle of the
Ohio River as the place of rendezvous, considering that when the
destination became known he would there be better prepared to check
any disaffection should any arise. As a matter of fact, when an-
nouncement of destination was made, part of Captain Dillard's Com-
pany, under Lieutenant Hutching, did actually desert, making escape,
to the north side of the river.
Everything was now in readiness for the start. Post St. Vin-
cent being much closer to the starting point, Colonel Clark would nat-
urally think of attacking this first, but, for several reasons, he decided
to first attack the posts lying over towards the Mississippi River, such
considerations as these influencing him in the decision. Post St.
Vincent and the close-lying fort were garrisoned by a force of nearly
four hundred men, almost twice as large as his own, and, besides, many
Indian allies of the British were in the same neighborhood. Then,
Posts Kaskaskia and Cahoes, aside from not being so well defended
in case of defeat, from their location, would afford a retreat across
the Mississippi to Spanish territory.
The start was made June 24, 1778, a day notable, too, on account
of the Sun's almost total eclipse. Boats had been prepared, and the
men were loaded in, almost two hundred in all, and moved down the
[454]
THE WINNING OF THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY
Ohio. Running day and night for four days brought them to old Fort
Massac, where they pushed their boats up a creek in hiding, and dis-
embarked. Resting one night here, they started the next day by
land in a northwest course to march to Kaskaskia, one hundred and
fifty miles distant. They had along only four days' provisions. It
took six days to reach their destination, and during the last two days
they were without food.
On the evening of the Fourth of July, they reached a point three
miles distant from Kaskaskia. Finding a supply of boats moored here,
and using all precaution not to be surprised, they crossed the Kaskaskia
River, reaching the other side without discovery.
It was now almost midnight, and everything seemed favorable
for the attack. Dividing the forces into two parts, one to capture the
town, the other the fort, Colonel Clark gave the order to push forward.
In a short time, all the streets of the town were in possession of the
Americans, and without bloodshed, word having been sent out by run-
ners ordering all the people, on pain of death, to keep close to their
houses.
As to the fort, it was surprised and captured without the firing
of a gun, and, along with it, Phillip Rocheblave, the Commandant of
the Post was taken, as were all his official papers, valuable for the
secret information they contained. At the time of capture, the fort
was well manned with cannon and soldiers, with plentiful supply of am-
munition and provisions. Captain Bowman in commenting on it in
one of his letters says: "It was so fortified, that it might have suc-
cessfully fought a thousand men."
The town of Kaskaskia at that time consisted of several hundred
families. It seems strange that it was taken without any attempt
at defense, and incredible that the coming of Clark's forces was such
a complete surprise. Certain it is, that neither the Commandant
nor his officers used ordinary precautions to guard against surprise
of town or fort.
Rocheblave was sent a prisoner to Williamsburg, the Virginia
seat of Government. His correspondence disclosed instructions from
the Governors of Canada to set the Indians upon the Americans with a
reward for scalps.
The ease with which the town was captured may be explained
somewhat, by certain recent political changes. It will be remembered
that these townspeople were mostly French. Just before leaving the
Falls, word had come to Colonel Clark, by special messenger sent by
Governor Henry, of the treaties between France and the United States,
whereby France became an ally of the United States. Clark made use
[455]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
of this fact with the French residents, in conciliating them, and bring-
ing them into friendly relations with the Americans.
But there was something more to do : for Posts Phillipe du Rocher
and Cahokia, still further to the north, were to be taken. Wishing to
spend some time in Kaskaskia establishing order, Clark sent Captain
Bowman with a detachment to take possession of these posts. A num-
ber of the French citizens of Kaskaskia accompanied him, and ren-
dered valuable assistance on their arrival, calling aloud to the resi-
dents, many of them their friends, "to submit to their happier fate."
In the meantime, Colonel Clark had called a meeting of the princi-
pal men of Kaskaskia, to give them an answer, as to what was to
be their fate, for they all expected nothing but the harshest treatment.
In this meeting, he told them that they were a conquered people, and, by
the fate of war, were at his mercy, but that one of the principles of
the Americans was to make those they reduced, free, and that, if he
could be assured of their attachment to the American cause, they
should at once enjoy all the privileges of our government and should
be insured in their property. This greatly rejoiced the people, and
they announced themselves as ready to espouse the American cause.
To test their sincerity, Clark told them he would require an oath
of fidelity, but gave them several days' time to choose their course. At
the same time, he directed any of them that chose to do so to leave
the country with their families.
With the people of these posts attached thus to his interests, the
next object of attack was Post St. Vincent.1 In making plans for this
campaign, something out of the usual was finally adopted. As men-
tioned above, the French residents of the conquered posts were so
elated at the treatment accorded them, and so rejoiced at the freedom
they enjoyed, that they showed a great willingness to give any possible
assistance to the Americans anywhere.
Also Reverend Father Pierre Gibault, a French Catholic priest,
lately come from Canada, had shown himself friendly to the Americans
during all these stirring events at Kaskaskia and the adjacent posts.
He had large influence with the people at this time, and Post St. Vin-
cent was in his charge. On hearing that this fort was next to be
taken, Father Gibault offered to undertake to win that post to the
American interest, without the trouble of marching against it. As
a priest charged with sacred things, he disclaimed having anything to
do with temporal affairs, but, with the assistance of some" persons
of influence and address, he felt sure he would be able to say the
word that would complete the matter.
1. Also known as St. Vincents, St. Vincennes, and Vlncennes, the last being its modern name.
[456]
THE WINNING OF THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY
Realizing the priest's sincerity, and convinced of his great influ-
ence wth his parishioners, Colonel Clark, at his suggestion, named
Doctor Laffout as his associate, to look more particularly after the
temporal features of the undertaking. On the day set, a party of
citizens accompanying, they started on their mission. Arriving at
St. Vincent, after a tedious journey of two hundred miles, and spend-
ing a time explaining matters, the people, almost without exception,
agreed to ally themselves with the American cause.
An officer to command the fort was elected, possession of the
latter was taken, and it was immediately garrisoned, and the Ameri-
can Flag displayed. On August i, Father Gibault, with his party,
returned, bringing this news of the peaceful conquest of Post St.
Vincent, the best fortified and most important of the forts south of
Detroit.
This was far beyond anything that could have been expected. The
victories gained had been bloodless ; but their importance was not les-
sened by that fact. All the military posts in the Northwest, except
Detroit, were now in the hands of the American forces; and all
the Northwest country, covering an area out of which at a later period
were carved nearly half a dozen of the most wealthy and populous
States of the Union, came under American rule.
II
Ijout (Clark Sr-amik lUumutrii in 1773
HE expedition under Colonel George Rogers Clark, for
the purpose of retaking Fort Sackville1 at Post St.
Vincent, is one of the most remarkable of any time,
when considered as to difficulties met and overcome,
or as to the far reaching results of its successful ac-
complishment.
Early in December, 1778, Colonel Clark, receiv-
ing word from Captain Helm, Commandant at Post St. Vincent, of his
need of provisions and ammunition, sent Francis Vigo, a French mer-
chant of St. Louis, always friendly to the American cause, to sup-
ply these needs. When about six miles from St. Vincent, he was taken
prisoner by a party of Indians under a British officer. On being taken
to the fort he found Captain Helm there, a prisoner of war. The
fort had been re-taken by Lieutenant-Governor Hamilton some time
prior to this, but word had not reached Colonel Clark of its fall be-
fore Vigo started on his journey, nor had he heard of it on his way.
1. After Fort Sackville at Vinoennes was taken by the American forces under Clark, its name
was changed to Fort Patrick Henry.
[457]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
Vigo, being a merchant and non-combatant, was soon released and
allowed to return to his home, on promise that he would do nothing to
injure the British cause during his journey home. Immediately after
arrival at St. Louis, he went to Kaskaskia and told Colonel Clark of the
fall of the fort, and gave him full information as to the strength of
the enemy. This was a great surprise, and caused much excite-
ment at Kaskaskia. A council of the officers was immediately called,
and all agreed with Clark, that the post must be re-taken at the earliest
possible moment.
All efforts were now bent to forwarding the new campaign.
Captain McCarty, at Cahoes, was recalled, with his Company of
French and Creoles. Captain Bowman with his old Company, and
Captain Worthington with a Company of Americans, were placed in
readiness. Captain Williams was also placed in charge of a Com-
pany of Kaskaskia residents. These made up the little army, and it
may be called an army, considering what it accomplished. There were
a scant two hundred of them as they started out on February 4, 1779,
on their march to St. Vincent. Accompanied by a goodly number
of Kaskaskian residents to the edge of the town, the French priest,
Father Gibault, gave them his blessing.
The events of the two hundred mile march, occupying eighteen
days, is of extreme interest. The country travelled over was unknown
to them all. Their guide got lost more than once. It was mid-winter,
and the weather, whether good or bad, — always an important factor in
campaigns, — no one could foretell. The details of the journey are
gathered mostly from the journals of Colonel Clark and Captain Bow-
man. They tell a thrilling story of hardships endured, and victory won.
The first week was not especially eventful, — just marching, a
greater or less distance each day. The first day they went only
three miles, and then remained in camp two days ; then on again, one
day marching nine hours, meeting with much slush and mud on ac-
count of heavy rains. As they came out of the timber country into
the lowlands this trouble increased as the rains kept up causing the
troops great fatigue.
On the fifth day they crossed the Petit Fork, a considerable
stream, on trees cut so as to fall across the water. It was then still
raining. On February 12 they killed a number of buffalo, thus fur-
nishing much-needed meat. On February 13 they arrived at the two
Wabashes, which are three miles apart, but at this time, on account
of swollen conditions, they formed one broad river, five miles across.
One would say it was impassable, but they passed through it. The
record of February 15 says: "Waded and ferried across the two
[458]
THE WINNING OF THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY
Wabashes — the strong waded, the weak in boats — troops much fa-
tigued: camped on opposite shore — still raining." On February 16
they marched all day through the rain until they came to the Embarass
River, which was impossible to cross, it was so swollen by rains. On
February 18 they came to the banks of the Wabash River and made
rafts. Two boats were procured, but for two days they had no provi-
sions. They spent February 20 in making canoes for ferrying, killed a
deer. On February 21 they began to ferry the men over, using two
canoes, many wading up to the neck in water, and all suffering from
hunger. They were still marching in water on February 22, to gain a
small island ahead with half an acre of dry land, where they camped.
The last day of the march, February 23, Colonel Clark encour-
aged the men with cheering words, but it was still raining, and the
bottom lands were flooded. How were they to reach the mainland over
the waste of waters between?
Colonel Clark himself went ahead to take soundings, and found it
up to his neck in places, waist-deep most of the way. Having only
two canoes, the only way to do was to wade. Many of the men were
weak from exposure and lack of food. The French militia, tired and
hungry, were wishing they were home, and many of the Americans,
exhausted by the labors of the march, were ready to quit. But this
was no time for quitting. St. Vincent and the fort, just now appearing
in sight, must be retaken.
The safety of the Illinois settlements and their own lives depended
on it ; for, should they fail and fall into the hands of the enemy, mostly
savages, they could expect nothing but torture and death. These
considerations urged them on to the work before them, — the capture
of the fort.
Clark's resourcefulness now came into play. He harangued the
soldiers to put courage into their breasts. To get the men to enter the
water covered with thin ice near the shore, he resorted to this ex-
pedient; for all were expectant to see what he would do. Whisper-
ing to those about him to do as he did, he put some water on his
hands, poured on some powder out of his flask, then smearing his
face with the mixture, and giving a warwhoop, he stepped into the
water. The soldiers, to a man, followed. He next requested some one
to start a favorite song, in which all joined heartily. Then, as a pre-
caution against any one turning back, Captain Bowman, with twenty-
five picked soldiers, had been deployed with orders to put to death any
man who turned back. If any became faint, and unable to go forward,
he was picked up by boats, plying back and forth, and taken to land,
[459]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
many, who would have otherwise perished, being in this way brought
safely over.
Then, for further encouragement, some of them, as they got pretty
well across, were instructed to pass word back, that it was getting
shallower, and that they would easily come to land. As a matter
of fact, it was deeper — neck-deep many times as they came closer to
shore, but the ruse served its purpose. But, finally, they all came to
land on a dry point, where they encamped. Many were so benumbed
by the icy waters, they had to be walked up and down, a man on each
side, to restore them, and all were exhausted by hunger and fatigue.
It was one o'clock of the 23rd when they reached shore. Badly
as they needed rest, they could not safely take it. By some good for-
tune, an Indian canoe had been captured with a supply of buffalo meat
aboard. Out of this, broth was made and served to the men, refreshing
them in a measure for the work to be done. With everything ready,
Colonel Clark resolved to go forward without delay.
But he must take all possible advantage of the situation. He
must make up in skill, what he lacked in numbers. The fort was
situated some distance from the town. He sent a proclamation to the
people of the town to the effect that he was at the edge of the town
with a large force, and intended to capture the fort; that he did not
want to injure any one friendly to the Americans, and wanted all
such to go off the streets into their houses ; but if any were friends of
the English, they should retire into the fort and fight with them.
Then, putting his men in motion, and doing some manoeuvering to
show off his strength to the best advantage, about sundown, he
started with his main force to gain the town, at the same time sending a
detachment to attack the fort.
Coming into possession of the town without any conflict, all
effort was now directed against the fort. During the night, en-
trenchments were thrown up. Early on the morning of the 24th, the
garrison began a defense by opening a musketry fire. At 8 o'clock,
Clark sent a flag of truce with a letter to Lieutenant Governor Ham-
ilton, demanding the surrender of the fort with all stores, and that
nothing be destroyed, and stating that, otherwise, no mercy would be
extended.
Hamilton returned answer, declining to surrender. A general
attack was then ordered. At 12 o'clock, Hamilton sent a messenger
saying he would surrender if honorable terms were granted. Clark
sent reply "must surrender at discretion, and half an hour to de-
cide." After several messages back and forth, Hamilton signed arti-
[460]
THE WINNING OF THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY
cles to surrender the fort and all stores, the officers to retain necessary
baggage, and to march out the next day at 10 o'clock.
This was a glorious enough ending of this remarkable campaign,
but it was not all. The day after the surrender, three boats with fifty
men, under Captain Bowman, were dispatched up the Wabash to
capture some stores and provisions which were being sent from De-
troit to St. Vincent. They succeeded in capturing seven boats with
forty men, and, along with them Phillip Dejean, who was a judge in
Canada ; also, a good supply of provisions and stores. The capture of
these principal leaders was the cause of much rejoicing amongst the
Americans.
Rocheblave, the Commandant at Kaskaskia, had already been
sent forward to Williamsburg, Virginia, as a prisoner of war, and
now Lieutenant-Governor Hamilton, the worst-hated of all the British
officers in the Northwest, instigator and director of many of the
raids against the settlements where savages were used as allies of the
British, was sent a prisoner to the Virginia Capital. With him was
sent Major Hay, British paymaster, also a prisoner, and a squad of
twenty-five soldiers, prisoners under guard.
On their arrival at Williamsburg, Governor Patrick Henry, elated
by the unprecedented series of victories, sent a letter to the Legis-
lature then in session, reciting the success of their arms in the Illinois
country, and praising Colonel Clark for his skill and bravery, and the
men for their valor.
As a fitting finale to such a brilliant campaign, the Legislature
voted thanks to Clark, and also a sword, in appreciation of his services.
At the same time, reinforcements were voted to be placed under his
command to conduct a further campaign against Detroit ; and a com-
mission was sent him, raising his rank from Lientenant Colonel to that
of Colonel of the Virginia forces.
In January, 1781, Jefferson, then Governor of Virginia, issued a
commission appointing George Rogers Clark "Brigadier-General of all
the forces to be embodied in an expedition westward of the Ohio."
A (Ejmtott0?&
n
BY
ANNA NUGENT LAW
HE Wyoming Valley lies in the eastern part of Pennsyl-
vania in Luzerne County. It extends from a gap in
the Blue Ridge Mountains in the north where the
Lackawanna (formerly Lackawannock) River joins
the Susquehanna, to a gap in the south, where the
river breaks through the wooded hills. The length of
the valley is twenty-two miles. In the early days, when
the Indians entered the valley, it was wild and beautiful with thick
verdure.
Sidney George Fisher, in his "The Making of Pennsylvania,"
says:
"It was the great natural wonder, the Yosemite of that day. It
aroused the interest and became the talk of every one in England. It
was described as 'one of the happiest spots of human existence, both
for the simplicity of the inhabitants and the beauty and fertility of the
land.'
"The History of Pennsylvania is generally considered to have had
its beginning with the early settlements on the Delaware Bay, for the
reason that some of these ancient people extended their habitations for
a few miles within the present limits of our State, and, also, because
any title the Dutch had to the land on the river included part of our
present territory.
"The early settlers were, first of all, the Dutch, who, beginning
the year, 1623, occupied the shores of the Delaware for fifteen years.
After them came the Swedes, who held the country for seventeen years.
The Dutch reconquered the country and held it for nine years when
the English took it, and under the Duke of York held it until the ar-
rival of Penn and the Quakers in 1682. The Dutch were the first
Europeans who attempted to occupy Pennsylvania. Any right they
may have had to it, as well as their right to New York, was acquired by
thediscoveries of Henry Hudson, the explorer, who was an Englishman
in their employ."
The frontier, as the land along the eastern coast of the Atlantic
[462]
A CONDENSED HISTORY OF THE WYOMING VALLEY
Ocean, was called, was gradually being settled. In the north the
Puritans had made their homes in the established colony of Massa-
chusetts.
Fisher says: "The two little colonies of New Haven and Con-
necticut, the latter being situated at Hartford, were amalgamated into
one commonwealth under a charter granted by Charles II in 1662. At
the time of their first settlement they had no definite legal title to the
land they occupied, and they had no charter giving them the right of
civil government. The Connecticut Colony at Hartford was an off-
shoot from Massachussetts. The New Haven people had come direct
from England. They were all Puritans of the sturdiest stock, aggres-
sive, enterprising and independent."
They occupied the land by squatters' rights, — that is strangers
were allowed to take up land under certain legal conditions, but with-
out title. There was great leniency concerning this matter, such as
would not be thought of to-day, which was a natural outcome of such
a newly inhabited territory. Other people besides those from Connect-
icut settled by squatters' rights in the Wyoming Valley.
The Moravians were the first white men to enter the Valley. One
of these people, Count Zinzendorf, was the first white missionary
among the Indians in Pennsylvania, and was greatly revered by
them. The story is told that while he once sat in his tent reading
the Bible by the fire, a serpent crawled from the warmth of the
blaze and passed over his feet without doing harm. The Indians who
were gathered around thought their teacher was preserved by the
Great Spirit.
To make clear how closely the interests of the Connecticut people
were joined to this territory of the Wyoming Valley, Fisher says : "If
any one will look at a map of the United States and carry out the
northern and southern boundaries of Connecticut, he will see that they
slice off nearly the whole of the upper half of Pennsylvania. The
northern line of Connecticut will correspond very closely with the
northern line of Pennsylvania, passing, in fact, only about a mile or so
to the north of it, and the extreme southern limit of Connecticut, is
carried westward, will pass a short distance above the forks of the
Susquehanna."
The Wyoming Valley lies within these boundaries. A charter
had been granted to the people of Connecticut on April 23, 1662, by
King George the Second. The portion granted was a part of his royal
domain lying between the forty-first and forty-second degrees of lati-
tude, and extended across what they supposed was a narrow continent.
The early settlers of this territory had also received a charter for the
[463]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
same territory, granted by the same sovereign. It was an unjust and
inconsiderate act, but was done at other times by other Kings. This
last charter was granted to William Penn in 1681. The double grant
naturally caused various conflicts in the formation of the Colony,
and disputes as to proprietorship.
Penn's charter stated that the territory was one hundred and
twenty miles long and forty miles wide.
The people of Connecticut having spent a number of years in de-
veloping their towns and taking care of their families, desired, as
people do, to visit other places to see how other people lived. Fol-
lowing this desire and hearing more of the beautiful Wyoming Val-
ley than of other districts, a number of people visited it, and some de-
cided to make permanent homes. They had heard of the promising
country, with its rich bottom lands along the river, which were ex-
cellent for farming, and of the fishing afforded by the many streams,
and of the heavily wooded tracts which would give material for house-
building and fuel.
So some of the men of Connecticut — six hundred in number — de-
cided to form a Company, in order to strengthen their movements.
This was called the Susquehanna Company and was organized in 1753.
A number of parties went forth to make investigations, and in 1769
forty men were sent. Soon after the party left, two hundred more
followed. They were given land and two hundred pounds in Connecti-
cut currrency, to provide themselves with farming tools and weapons,
on condition that they would stay in the Valley and defend it against
Pennsylvania.
The view that spread before the pioneers as they reached the
summit of the Blue Ridge and looked down into the Valley is described
thus:1
"The broad, rippling Susquehanna wound through it, now burying
itself in groves of sycamores, and again flashing into the sunlight in
wide expanses. There were woodland and meadow, level plains, and
rolling plains, and the remains of ancient fortifications of a vanished
race. Mountain ranges bounded every side, and on the open places
along the river and streams the laurel and pine were abundant. The
valley had evidently been a deep lake, which had gradually drained it-
self at the outlet, leaving a fertile floor, and it was afterward dis-
covered to be underlaid by a bed of anthracite coal.
"The Delaware Indians held the Eastern side and the Shawanese
the western side with the river between them. At the foot of the val-
ley were the Nanticokes. Game was abundant. The quail whistled in
1. Fisher, as above.
[464]
A CONDENSED HISTORY OF THE WYOMING VALLEY
the meadows, the grouse drummed in the woods, and the wild ducks
nested along the river. The deer and elk wandered at will from
the lowlands to the mountains. The streams that poured down the ra-
,vines to join the river were full of trout and in the spring large
schools of shad came up the Susquehanna River. Wild grapes and
plums grew in the woods and here and there on the plains the Indians
had cultivated tracts of corn. It was an ideal spot, the natural home
of the hunter and the poet, a combination of peace and beauty and
abundance, and wild life such as is seldom found."
A poet of Connecticut, Halleck, in 1823, described the Wyoming
Valley:
"I then but dreamed ; thou art before me now
In life, a vision of the brain no more.
I've stood upon the wooded mountain brow
That beetles high thy lovely valley o'er
And now, where winds thy greenest shore
Within a bower of sycamore am laid;
And winds as soft and sweet as ever bore
The fragrance of wild flowers through sun and shade
Are singing in the trees whose low boughs press my head.
"Nature hath made thee lovelier than the power
Even of Campbell's pen hath pictured; he
Had woven, had he gazed one sunny hour
Upon thy smiling vale, its scenery
With more of truth, and made each rock and tree
Known like old friends, and greeted from afar;
And there are tales of sad reality
In the dark legends of thy border war,
With woes of deeper tint than his own Gertrude's are."
The people from Connecticut were well pleased with the valley,
and succeeded in making a purchase of land along the river, from the
Six Nations (six tribes of Indians which had made certain agreements
among themselves as to the territories they inhabited). The land was
purchased for the sum of two thousand pounds. The people who were
already in the valley prepared to resist the claims of the Yankees, as
they called the Connecticut settlers. This name is said to have been
derived from Jankin, the Dutch term for an Englishman, meaning
"Little John."
S. R. Smith, in his "Story of Wyoming Valley," writes: "The
Yankees came. It was not necessary for them to clear the land, as the
[4651
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
flats (flat lands bordering the river) were ready for plowing. They
built log houses and planted crops. Their friends heard only cheer-
ful accounts from them until one day a message came that the entire
settlement had been wiped out by the Indians, only a few settlers
having escaped to tell of the terrible act."
A short time after this first attempt at occupancy of the Valley,
the Connecticut people determined to make a second trial. The Eng-
lish and Germans owned land along the Delaware River and settled
there. When the Yankees came down, the English leased their land
to three men, — Ogden, Stuart, and Jennings. This lease was for a term
of seven years and the land was divided into two manors. It was
found necessary to guard it with soldiers and military occupation was
declared.
The Susquehanna Company divided this section into five town-
ships, each five miles square, and then subdivided a portion into forty
shares as a free will offering to the forty pioneers.
The French and Indian War had closed, the French having ceded
the northern portion of the Continent to the English. The Indians,
now that they were not aiding foreigners to fight with each other, be-
gan fierce warfare against the White Man. They plundered and
burned in many sections.
When the War of the Revolution broke out, the people in the
Valley prepared for the coming conflict. Orders were given to form
a Militia Company in Westmoreland, midway in the Valley, and now a
suburb of Wilkes Barre, and Congress stationed there two Companies
for the people's protection. The Indians sent a petition saying that
they desired to live peaceably with the white people, but it was feared
this was a ruse, and their request was refused. When Washington had
need of soldiers and sent for the Westmoreland Militia, the Indians
rose, and the awful massacre of July 3, 1778, took place.
The wife of an Indian Chief, who was named Esther and who was
of French descent, offered negotiations of peace with the settlers ; but
when they approached the meeting-place she ordered their capture.
The Indians fell upon them and they were slain on a rock on the banks
of the Wyoming River.
General Sullivan was appointed by Washington to go to the set-
tlers' assistance, and with the aid of General Clinton and thirty-five
hundred men nearly every vestige of the Indians was destroyed
within two months and with a loss of only forty Americans.
By the close of the Revolution the dwellers in the Valley were
tired of the conflicts which had been carried on so long between the
Pennsylvania settlers and those from Connecticut, and both sides
[466]
A CONDENSED HISTORY OF THE WYOMING VALLEY
were ready to let the Courts decide the question of rightful ownership.
After some disagreements, an Act was passed, in 1787, called "The
Confirming Act," giving the land to Connecticut, with just compensa-
tion to the Pennsylvania colonists.
These disagreements were called the Pennamite Wars. The
Connecticut people had been required to pay for their land, while the
Pennsylvanians had not been required to do so. But the Connecticut
settlers had been refused papers of proprietorship. The Pennsylva-
nians also had grievances and plead for the right to peaceful inhab-
itance of the Valley. They were liable to ejection at any time, and they
had never received the promised compensation for lands they had been
obliged to give up to the State.
S. R. Smith, in his History to which reference is made above says:
"In 1800, the population of Wilkes Barre, which had become the
largest community, was about 300. The standard intelligence was
equal to that of New England. Agriculture was the chief employment.
Coal had been mined and sent to Carlisle for the forges of the United
States Army. By 1820 digging coal and its portage in arks down the
river had become a source of revenue. Col. George Shoemaker sent
nine wagon-loads of coal from Pottsville to Philadelphia ; some he sold
and part he gave away and was arrested for swindling as the people
could not make it burn. They tried putting it in a furnace to test it,
they blew on it from the open door but without result, then they shut
the door in disappointment and went to their midday meal; when
they returned the furnace was red with heat. The problem of
draught was soon -soly«d. It is quite certain that coal has been used
for domestic purposes since 1803."
One of the great natural landmarks of the Wyoming Valley, is a
rocky peak which stands at the head of the Valley, and is six hundred
feet high. It is called Dial Rock, and is also known as Campbell's
Ledge. Toward the top of the peak is a bare face of rock, from which
its name is derived; for Dial Rock faces the south, and when the sun
brightens the rocky ledges, it is noon. The Rock was the time-piece of
the early settlers working in the fields at the foot of the peak. When
the farmers saw the bright face at noon and its shadowed face at
sundown, they left their work to partake of their meals.
In the tangled locks of this old Guardian — Dial Rock — lies, al-
most secretly, the trail of Sullivan's army, traces of which have been
found. The Dial's rugged body gives fruitage of conglomerate rocks,
useful in construction work ; while, from the still densely wooded tracts
surrounding it, are procured the large logs used as supports in min-
ing. Stretching away from the Guardian's foot are numerous cities,
[467]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
boroughs, and towns, which are like a chain fastened together by the
black diamond brooch, Wilkes Barre, the County-seat.
At the head of the Valley are East Pittston (or Pittston City),
and West Pittston, where forts of prominence were once located. These
are now marked with monuments erected by the Dial Rock Chap-
ter of the Daughters of the Revolution.
Three miles below West Pittston is the Borough of Wyoming,
the place where the Indian massacre occurred. The stone upon which
Esther, the Indian Queen, slew her victims, is covered by an iron
grating to preserve the rock, which has been much mutilated by
memento-seekers. At the lower end of Wyoming is a high monu-
ment under which lie the collected bones of many patriots who fought
to preserve their families and homes in the Valley.
Three miles below Wyoming is the Borough of Forty Fort,
where the largest fort was built, the only one having an underground
passage to the river, and the only one having watch-towers. It is
named, obviously, for the forty pioneers who came from Connecticut
and settled in the Valley.
A mile below is Kingston, where another fort was located. King-
ston is across the river from Wilkes Barre, with Westmoreland lying
in between, built on the "flats" on the Kingston side.
Wilkes Barre is the only city beside Pittston on the west side of
the river. Below Kingston is Plymouth, and at the foot of the Valley
is Nanticoke, another early camping-ground of the Indians..
The whole of the Wyoming Valley, from Dial Rock at the north-
ern point, to Tillbury's Knob at the southern end, is a beautiful, pro-
ductive region. Its name is derived from an Indian word, Maugh-
wanwame, — "Broad Valley."
[468]
An
iulg
BY
ADELAIDE L. FRIES
Archivist of the Southern Province
of the Moravian Church in America
F ANY one should ask you when the Fourth of July be-
came a National holiday, what would you say ? From
the very first, or at least as soon as American Inde-
pendence was established? Well, you are wrong, for
the "Glorious Fourth" is not and never has been a Na-
tional holiday ! As a matter of fact the United States
ha? no National holiday, neither the Fourth of July,
nor Washington's Birthday, nor any other, for to make it National
in a strict sense wotiM mean that Congress had so declared it, and that
Congress has never done.
In early years it set apart certain days as Days of Fasting and
Humiliation, or Days of Thanksgiving, according to circumstances,
but these were for the special occasion only, though the custom lingers
in the annual Proclamation of the President appointing Thanksgiving
Day.
But to make the President's Proclamation effective rests with each
State, which has either provided for it by Legislative Enactment, or
follows it with a Proclamation from the Governor. Legal holidays as
affecting the Post Office and National Banks are set apart by State
law, the National Government having recognized them by providing
that the legal holidays of each State should apply to Post Offices and
Banks therein.
The actual age, therefore, of the Fourth of July observance varies
with each State, and here again a great surprise awaits us. In the city
of Philadelphia, the birthplace of the Declaration of independence, the
anniversary was celebrated from 1777 on, but the State of Pennsyl-
vania did not make it a legal holiday until 1873. No, that is not a
printer's mistake, — it was actually one hundred years, less three, before
Pennsylvania formally recognized her most highly prized anniversary,
and the Legislature of other States took the same step even later,
[469]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
though each State and Territory now has the Fourth of July as one
of its legal holidays.
So far as is known, the first celebration of the Fourth of July by
Legislative Enactment took place in North Carolina in 1783. That
was the year in which Peace began to smile once more upon the war-
weary but victorious Colonies.
In November, 1782, the Commissioners of the Colonies and of
England had met in Paris, and (most reluctantly, no doubt) "his
Britannic Majesty acknowledged the United States of America free,
sovereign and independent, and for himself, his heirs and successors
relinquished all claims to the Government, proprietary and territorial
rights of the same." Hostilities were to cease as soon as England and
France had corne to terms on their own account.
News travelled slowly in those days, the Atlantic cable had not
been dreamed of, and a "wireless" was beyond the reach of the wildest
imagination, so we may imagine the courier carrying his dispatches
to the nearest sailing vessel, the slow progress of that little craft across
the storm-tossed wintry Atlantic, the copying of the dispatches, and
their transmission by courier again to each of the thirteen States. When
the word finally reached North Carolina, on April 19, 1783, the Leg-
islature was in session, and with great gratification Governor Alexan-
der Martin communicated the good news to that body.
Eleven days later another dispatch arrived, this time a Proclama-
tion from Congress "declaring the cessation of arms as well by sea as
land;" and orders were given for the release of prisoners of war, etc.
A great wave of rejoicing and gratitude thrilled through the
Legislature, and before it adjourned it recommended the State-wide
observance of the Fourth of July "as a day of Solemn Thanksgiving,"
and called upon the Governor to issue a Proclamation to that effect.
A manuscript copy of this Proclamation has recently been found and it
reads as follows.
"State of North Carolina
"By his Excellency Alexander
Martin Esquire Governor Cap-
tain General and Commander in
chief of the State aforesaid.
"A PROCLAMATION
"Whereas the honorable the General Assembly have by a Reso-
lution of both Houses recommended to me to appoint Friday the fourth
of July next being the anniversary of the declaration of the Ameri-
[470]
AN EARLY FOURTH OF JULY CELEBRATION
can Independence, as a Day of Solemn Thanksgiving to Almighty God,
for the many most gracious interpositions of his Providence manifest-
ed in a great and signal manner in behalf of these United States, dur-
ing their conflict with one of the first powers of Europe : — For res-
cuing them in the Day of Distress from Tyranny and oppression, and
supporting them with the aid of great and powerful allies: — For
conducting them gloriously and triumphantly through a just and neces-
sary War, and putting an end to the calamities thereof by the restora-
tion of Peace, after humbling the pride of our enemies and compelling
them to acknowledge the Sovereignty and Independence of the Amer-
ican Empire, and relinquish all right and claim to the same: — For
raising up a distressed and Injured People to rank among independent
nations and the sovereign Powers of the world. And for all other
Divine favors bestowed on the Inhabitants of the United States and
this in particular.
"In conformity to the pious intentions of the Legislature I have
thought proper to issue this my Proclamation directing that the said
4th Day of July next be observed as above, hereby strictly command-
ing and enjoining all the Good Citizens of this State to set apart the
said Day from bodily labour, and employ the same in devout and re-
ligious exercises. And I do require all Ministers of the Gospel of
every Denomination to convene their congregations at the same time,
and to deliver to them Discourses suitable to the important occasion
recommending in general the practice of Virtue and true Religion
as the great foundation of private Blessing as well as National happi-
ness and prosperity.
"Given under my hand and the great Seal of the State at
Danbury the i8th Day of June in the year 1783 and seventh
year of the Independence of the said State.
"ALEX. MARTIN.
"By his Excellency's
Command
P. Henderson Pro Sec.
"God Save the State."
In October, 1783, the representatives of the United States in Con-
gress assembled issued a somewhat similar Proclamation, calling upon
the people to observe a Day of Thanksgiving, for the Lord "has been
pleased to conduct us in safety through all the perils and vicissitudes of
the War," "in the course of the present year hostilities have ceased,
and we are left in undisputed possession of our liberties and In-
dependence." But to these causes for gratitude were added thanks
[47i]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
"for plentiful harvests," "the light of the blessed Gospel," and "the
rights of Conscience in faith and worship," and the date appointed was
not the Fourth of July but the second Thursday in December, that
being the month in which the annual Thanksgiving Day was then cele-
brated.
Nowhere was the news of Peace more gladly received than in little
Salem, and Governor Martin's Proclamation for the Fourth of July
was willingly obeyed. On the time-yellowed page of Pastor Peter's
diary stands the full account of the observance of the day, — no gun-
powder, no accidents, but a "sane Fourth" that left the little village
refreshed and strengthened for the new life just beginning.
Early in the morning the sleeping people were aroused by the
sweet strains of trombones, playing appropriate chorals. Then a large
congregation assembled in the prayer-hall, where the "Te Deum Laud-
amus" was chanted, the minister preached a beautiful sermon on the
blessings of peace, and the choir sang, "Glory to God. in the highest,
and on earth peace, good will toward men." In the afternoon another
service was held, largely choral, and the full text is preserved in the
old diary aforesaid.
Picture to yourself that large upper room, with its sanded floor,
and the men and women seated on opposite sides, in the old-fashioned
way. In front, to the minister's right, would be the little .girls, with
their white net caps tied under the chin with pretty pink ribbons ; be-
hind them the older girls, wearing white linen caps and cherry ribbons ;
behind them again, the older women, their linen caps tied with light
blue or pink or white, as circumstances required. To the left were the
boys and men ; and for this occasion two choirs led the singing, many
of the stanzas being composed expressly for this day. Listen : *
} 4£ 4^,7,7,4,5, Arabic.)
GREGOR'S 66TH METRE.
Ich vAWs wagen.
Moravian.
J I J J I F\ I III i I I J I J J I J «J
j J J J * ,» J. eJ ' 3 J jTi * • 2— 3— ^ * J f '•
-&•
1. The diary does not indicate the tunes, but the following is typical and may well have been
one of those used.
[472]
AN EARLY FOURTH OF JULY CELEBRATION
First Choir. — "Peace is with us ! Peace is with us !
People of the Lord.
Second Choir. — Peace is with us ! Peace is with us !
Hear the joyful word!
All. — Let it sound from shore to shore!
Let it echo evermore !
Men. — Peace is with us!
Women. — Peace is with us !
All. — Peace, the gift of God!
Choirs. — "Let the Heavens rejoice and the earth be glad;
Let all the land pray to Him and sing praises
to his name ; for He hath done glorious deeds ; He
hath done mighty deeds ! Selah !
All. — "Full of joy our hearts are singing
And to God thank offerings bringing,
For His great miracle of Peace!
Far and wide the war was spreading,
And terror by its side was treading,
To daunt us, and our woe increase,
And little else was heard
Than foe and fire and sword,
Need and sorrow.
How often I cried, anxiously:
"Look down, oh God! and pity me!"
Choirs. — "The Lord is a mighty warrior ; Jehovah is His
name. He causeth war to cease in all the earth.
Because the miserable are distressed, and the poor
cry, I will arise, saith the Lord ; all soldiers must
drop their hands. For I will arise, saith the Lord;
they must put down their hands.
All. — "Oh, Rest that softly cometh,
So gracious and so blest !
We hail it with rejoicing,
For we in Peace may rest !
Redeemed from present sorrow,
And trusting for to-morrow,
Secure from every foe
Thy flock may come and go.
[473]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
All. — Pour out thy richest blessings now
Wide as the clouds of heaven;
From churches, homes and governments
Be every evil driven;
Give blessed peace in Christendom,
Let godly fear and concord come
To reign in every nation,
Oh God of all creation!"
These and other hymns were sung by choirs and congregation,
and, at length, a stately Hallelujah Chorus closed this celebration of the
Fourth of July, one hundred and thirty years ago.
[474]
(Enhtmtwa iCtgljt
uhr (fount Srarnn QJo ftp JUarrii at £anto Domingo in Sjonor of %
tjrrnir (Di«rartrr Whoar QJrnUta. (Cuttragr. and ifylmdid lEndnr-
an« Srounlft to Strth. tlf* £fan World 3tyat 30 All-Am* rirajgQUf*
Jlnnrrl Juttiatrd bg a (Citizen of tlir United Stairs, *nt an S*
Ularririi ODtrt b^ All % (Eouttlrlra of Ihr Wratrnt $?tmaph,rr?, (Our
©inn Nvtton, Ihf Hatin-Atnmran Krpnhltra, and HIP Onmimon of
(£cmana,sJj (Cliromrlr of the ^Un for tl^r (>>rrat Ciglft and % 4?tnrii
of % Jinoing of tip (true Srmama of (C^rifltnptjrr (tuluutlnw
BT
GRACE PULLIAM
[OW that the Pan-American movement is gaining added
prominence every day and Pan-American subjects are
so much in the conversation everywhere, with the
great possibilities by way of opening up new markets
for our products — due in part also to the war closing
the doors of many ports that were formerly entered
— it is timely that another movement, also Pan-Ameri-
can, should be gaining national importance. In the near future, if cer-
tain plans are realized, there will be erected a great world-famous
Marine Light, which will shed its rays out over the Carribean Sea. This
light is proposed as a monument of the co-operation of North, South,
and Central America, as well as Canada. In all, some twenty-one
Republics and the Dominion of Canada will thus join in a truly Pan-
American movement to pay belated honor where honor is due.
Centuries have passed since the little boy in far-away Genoa
listened to the bomb-bomb of his father's shuttle in the daytime and
dreamed dreams at night of the many sailing vessels that came and
went monthly in the harbor. No one thought then that the boy Colum-
bus was destined to have an unusual life; but since then he has been
written of many times, not only as being great, but, as one writer says,
of having a dual personality. According to Frederick A. Ober, his was
"a dual nature : two towns claim the honor of his birth ; two nations
[475]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
held the luster of his deeds in reverence; two continents unite in
laudation of his greatness; after his death two convents in Spain
held his remains temporarily in charge, and now two continents lay
claim to the absolute possession of his ashes."
It is partly to settle this controversy, partly to pay a long-delayed
honor, and partly to do what Columbus was ever striving to do-
help humanity — that the plan of the Columbus Light was first con-
ceived.
The story is a fascinating one. We were all taught when we went
to school that the dying wish of the explorer was that his body might
be taken back to the land which he had discovered for his King Ferdi-
nand. We also learned that in the year 1537 that wish was carried
out.
Here the bones rested in peace until 1795. Then Spain lost her
possessions in Santo Domingo to France, under the Treaty of the
Basilea. Naturally, Lieutenant-General Gabrial de Aristixabal of
the Royal Navy, being a good officer and a loyal Spaniard, did not
think it proper that the remains of their great discoverer should rest
under a foreign flag. So he begged leave that they might be removed
to the Island of Cuba, then under Spanish sovereignty.
The Spaniards were allowed to make the exhumation the fol-
lowing year, but they had nothing to guide them save the fact "that
the remains of Christopher Columbus had been laid to rest in the
Chancel of the Cathedral on the Gospel side, in the place where the
Bishop's throne used to stand." With these meagre instructions they
found what they thought were the remains, or rather dust, for the
casket was almost gone and did not contain any marks, except such
as time had left undecipherable. This dust was carefully taken and
conveyed, with due military and civic pomp, on board a Spanish war
vessel, San Lorenzo, and on it carried and deposited in a specially
prepared niche in the Cathedral at Havana, Cuba.
Here they rested until January, 1899. Again, Spain was called
upon to step aside, that a greater power might be master and, again,
she asked that the sacred remains might be carried away. This time,
they were placed in a sepulchre in Seville. There they lie now.
But are they the remains of the Great Discoverer? Spain says
yes. Unbiased students and thinkers everywhere say no.
Many writers, Spanish, French, German, and American, have
written on the subject — the question of the authenticity of the re-
mains removed in 1796 from Santo Domingo to Havana, and in
1899 from Havana to Seville. In 1877, the Spanish Government
[476]
THE COLUMBUS LIGHT
went through the formality of issuing orders to the Royal Academy
of Spain to make a thorough investigation and report.
Mr. John Boyd Thacher, a prominent citizen of New York
State, formerly Mayor of Albany, who was a distinguished scholar,
and a writer of authority on the West Indies, as well as on other his-
torical subjects, says, in his "Early Discoveries of America" (Volume
III, page 613) : "It is to be regretted that the Royal Academy of
Spain did not cause to be made a more careful investigation of the
question of the remains of Columbus, and that it did not approach the
subject more in a spirit of earnest inquiry and in a desire to know the
truth. It was not merely a Spanish institution; it was an historical
society. History knows no nation except the universal brotherhood of
man. History acknowledges no loyalty except the truth."
But, to go back to the exhumation : it seems that the first exhum-
ers did not know that in the same presbyterium, though in many differ-
ent caskets, there rested the remains of other members of the family of
Columbus.
From time to time there had been revived in Santo Domingo a
vague, unauthorized rumor to the effect that, after all, the remains of
the great discoverer had not been found, but still rested somewhere
within the Cathedral. No one believed this rumor, though no one en-
tirely ignored it. Hence it was that, in April, 1877, repair work was
being done on the Church under the personal direction of Canon Bill-
ini. In May, the workmen unearthed a metallic coffin. The remains
were visible through the crumbling outside, and the Canon ordered
all work stopped immediately, while he awaited the arrival of the
Archbishop, who was then traveling in the interior, and a person
thought to be more fitted to personally superintend a work of such
great moment.
When the prelate arrived, September I, civil and military authori-
ties, and the Consular corps, were invited to be present at the opening
of the casket. And there in the Cathedral, under the watchful eyes
of all, it was opened. Besides the dust and bones of a human body,
the casket contained a plate, which, when read by the Dominican
historical authority, Carlos Neuel, was translated: "Admiral Luis
Columbus, Duke of Veragua, Marquis of " — supposedly Ja-
maica, Luis being the grandson of Columbus. Then the rumor voiced
itself, and it was decided to examine farther and see what might yet
be found.
Excavation work began immediately, and two days later the end
of another box was disclosed, and, again, the Canon held up his hands
to suspend operations. Again, the Archbishop, the Minister of the
[4771
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
Interior, and the Italian Consul were summoned. On their arrival,
the work was resumed, and the box drawn out. Centuries-old dust
covered the top, but it was not thick enough to entirely obliterate
the words, "First Admiral."
This was of too great importance for even this high court of wit-
nesses to share the responsibility alone ; so again work ceased, while the
Cabinet Ministers, Municipal Council, Consular corps, including rep-
resentatives from both Spain and America, and other officials high in
authority, were summoned.
In this august presence, the leaden casket was taken from its long
resting-place, brought out into the dim light of the historic Church,
and reverently opened. The remains, now nothing but dust and bones,
were disclosed, and on both the outside and inside of the leaden cover
were found inscriptions which proved conclusively its proper identity.
On the outside were the words, "Discoverer of America," the
"First Admiral" ; on the inside, "Illustrious and noble personage Don
Christopher Columbus." Among the remains was a silver plate bear-
ing his name and the initials "C. C. A." engraved on the sides.
The Spanish Consul, Don Jose Manuel de Echeverri, did not ques-
tion the genuineness of the find, and, acting on his own initiative and
what he thought to be the true interest of his country and King,
immediately made formal demand that the precious find of that
day be turned over to him that he might convey it to its rightful
home, and thus rectify the great mistake of 1799. This demand was
not granted, and the Spanish King, when he heard all the particulars,
was greatly chagrined and promptly repudiated the action of his
Consul, whom he immediately recalled and dismissed in disgrace from
all further diplomatic service.
Santo Domingo has kept the precious dust, but nothing appro-
priate has been done to honor it. And this, despite the fact that, about
twenty years ago, the Dominican Republic launched a plan to build a
high tomb or monument in Columbus' honor, and for that purpose
dedicated a magnificent site in the southern part of the city of Santo
Domingo on the coral coast of the Caribbean Sea. To-day this ground
is a park of twenty-five acres, known as the Plaza Columbias. The
building of the projected mausoleum was abandoned owing to internal
political differences.
The present campaign for the Pan-American memorial was begun
a year ago by William Ellis Pulliam, at the time Receiver General of
the Dominican customs. He held this post for six years, during which
time he gave a great deal of thought and time to investigating the
Columbus controversy. After being convinced of the genuineness
[478]
THE COLUMBUS LIGHT
of the Republic's claim, he conceived the idea of using the Plaza
Columbias, which is still available. It is proposed to raise by popular
subscription, not exceeding fifty cents per capita, funds for the erection
of a giant Pan- American memorial to the original blazer of the trail
— the man who gave us the Western Hemisphere, the land which is
now our home.
His plans, though tentative as yet, are for a massive tomb or mau-
soleum for the base. Each country assisting will supply a marble slab
or bronze tablet suitably inscribed, bearing the names of all contribu-
tors, to be placed in the interior around the sarcophagus. The general
outline of the whole is to be patterned after the tomb erected for Na-
poleon in Les Invalides, in Paris, and the Grant tomb on Riverside
Drive, in New York. This is to be the foundation, from which will rise
an enormous shaft, on the top of which will be placed the largest,
brightest, most far-reaching Marine Light in the world, so endowed
with a perpetual maintenance fund that, once it is lighted, it will never
be allowed to go out.
On the Plaza are the ruins of the Cathedral where Columbus
worshipped. It is the first place of Christian worship erected in the
New World, and the only building now standing with which it can be
said Columbus was personally associated.
The park faces the open Caribbean Sea, and hence the Light
could guide the present-day perplexed mariner sailing south to the
main land of South America and southwest towards Colon, the en-
trance of the Atlantic to the Panama Canal. The plan is thus seen to
be a happy combination of sentiment, romance, and practicability.
Washington Irving has said of this very port and a similar, though
lesser, movement: "We cannot but reflect that it was from this very
port he was carried away loaded down with ignominious chains;
blasted apparently in fame and fortune ; followed by the revilings of the
rabble. Such honors, it is true, are nothing to the dead — nor can we
atone to the heart, but they speak volumes of comfort to the illustrious,
yet stranded and persecuted, living, encouraging them bravely to bear
with present injuries by showing them how true merit outlives all
calumny and receives its glorious reward in the admiration of after
ages."
[479]
FRANK ALLABEN GENEALOGICAL COMPANY
EDITORIAL OFFICES IN
THE FORTY-SECOND STREET BUILDING. NEW YORK
PUBLICATION OFFICE AT GireeNFfELD. INO.
ENTERED AT THE POST OFFICE AT GREENFIELD
AS MAIL MATTER OF THE SECOND CLASS. PUBLISHED QUARTERLY
SUBSCRIPTION FOUR DOLLARS ANNUALLY • ONE DOLLAR A COPY
fflljurrl? in % Inttefc
3hnmrai 0f Ammnm
2fom Hfoxtni iitsatonB Number.
Unlmtw 3X 3Fn«rtij
(0rtub»r
1915
(f uarter
VOLUME IX
OCTOBER— NOVEMBER— DECEMBER
NUMBER 4
htj (The Smmml of Antmratt Bistuni |JrrflB in (Srmtfirlo,
Jhiiiiaua, far If rank AUahrtt Qsmu'almjtral (Eompattg, of il?r
ffittg of Jfan $ork, (ttotmnottuttaliif of 5fe tu $ork, ta
($uart?rlg lEotttona, Jffour Hooka to % Holume,
at Jfowr Sollara Annually, (®nt Sollar a
(Copy for &tno> Nuntbtra^Sj
1915, bg Jfrank Allafeen (Sintfalogiral (tnntpnmj
BOARD OF EDITORIAL DIRECTORS
EDITOR-IN-CHIEF
FRANK ALLABKN
PRESIDENT
FRANK AI.I.ABEN
GENEALOGICAL EDITOR
M. T. B. WASHBUBN
ASSOCIATE EDITOR
FRANCES M. SMITH
SECRETARY
M. T. B. WASHBCBN
ASSOCIATE EDITOR
JOHN FOWLEB MITCHELL, JR
STEPHEN FARNUM PECKHAM
Publication Office, Greenfield, Indiana: John fowler Mitchell, Jr., Manager
Addrets all Communications to the Editorial and Subscription Officet in New York
New York Office, Forty-Second Street Building, New York, N. Y.
New York Telephone, Murray Hill 45$4; Cable Address, Allaben, New York
LONDON .......... B. F. Stevens & Brown
4 Trafalgar Square, W. C.
PARIS .............. Brentano's
87, Avenue de 1'Opcra
BERLIN ............ Asher and Company
Unter den Linden 66
DUBLIN .......... Combrldge and Company
_ 18 Grafton Street
EDINBURGH ....... Andrew Elliott
17 Princes Street
MADRID ........... Librerla Internaclonal de
Adrian Romo, Alcala 6
ROME .............. U Plale
1 Piazza dl Spagna
ST. PETERSBURG. . Walk ins and Company
Marskaia No. 36
CAIRO ............. F. Dlemer
Shepheard's Building
BOMBAY ........... Thacker and Company Limited
Esplanade Road
TOKIO ............. Methodist Publishing House
2 Shichome, Glz Ginza
MEXICO CITY ..... American Book and Printing Co.
1st San Francisco No. 12
ATHENS ........... Const. Electheroudakls
Place de la Constitution
BUENOS ATRES. . . John Grant and Son
Calle Cangallo 489
0f
uhr immtal of American fjtBtoru, has pleasure in rx~
pressinrt, its grateful apprertaiion of tin* ru-operatimt of
a he l^unurahle U.Sraoforfo |Irtttre, formerly tlje (Suiter nur
of Sfeut fRexirn. in pruuiuinn, for reprnourfton in tins •Num-
ber of tin' fHartastnr tljt wujrautttys of tin4 ^patttsli ifiis-
Btonaof 2faro ittrxiro, attlt ahui tin4 wtiir au ings uf thrrurunw
booh on -Xrui iflrxtru utrittru bg Cunts X1I3J3 of 3Fran«
THE CHURCH OF SAN MIGUEL IN SANTA Ffi, NEW
MEXICO, SAID TO BE THE OLDEST CHURCH
NOW STANDING IN THE UNITED STATES. THIS
PICTURE SHOWS THE CHURCH AS IT APPEARED BEFORE
1872, WHEN ITS FURTHER INJURY BY A STORM NECESSI-
TATED RESTORATION. IT WAS BUILT ABOUT 1605, EX-
PRESSLY FOR THE INDIANS ...................... Front Cover
THE OLD CATHEDRAL OF ST. FRANCIS, SANTA Ffi.
BUILT IN 1713 ON THE SITE OF THE FIRST PARISH
CHURCH OF THE CITY, ERECTED ABOUT 1627 BY FATHER
ALONZO DE BENAVIDES. THE CORNER-STONE OF THE
PRESENT CATHEDRAL WAS LAID BY BISHOP LAMY IN 1869 497
THE GREAT CHURCH AT SANTA CRUZ, NEW
MEXICO. THE ORIGINAL CHURCH WAS BUILT IN
1695, AND THE PRESENT ONE WAS PROBABLY FINISHED
[487]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
IN 1733- IT Is SAID To BE THE LARGEST IN NEW
MEXICO, AND CONTAINS VERY INTERESTING EXAMPLES
OF BOTH SPANISH AND MEXICAN ART OF THE SEVEN-
TEENTH CENTURY 500
INTERIOR OF THE CHURCH AT SANTA CRUZ 501
RUINS OF THE JEMEZ MISSION. JEMEZ WAS VISITED
IN 1541 BY CAPTAIN FRANCISCO DE BARRIO-NUEVO, AN
OFFICER OF CORONADO'S ARMY. THE MISSION WAS
FOUNDED ABOUT 1598. DURING THE INDIAN UPRISING
OF 1680 ONE OF THE FRANCISCAN PRIESTS AT JEMEZ
WAS KILLED BY AN ARROW, WHILE MINISTERING AT
THE ALTAR 504
THE CHURCH AND FRANCISCAN MONASTERY
AT ACOMA, NEW MEXICO. BELIEVED BY SOME
HISTORIANS To BE THE ORIGINAL STRUCTURE, BUILT
ABOUT 1629 BY FRIAR JUAN RAMIREZ, BUT BY OTHERS
THOUGHT To HAVE BEEN ERECTED AT A LATER PERIOD 505
INTERIOR OF THE OLD CHURCH AT ACOMA 508
MISSION CHURCH, LAS TRAMPAS, RIO ARRIBO
COUNTY, NEW MEXICO 509
ST. AUGUSTINE'S CHURCH, ISLET A, NEW MEXICO.
REBUILT IN THE LAST DECADE OF THE SEVENTEENTH
CENTURY ON THE RUINS OF THE FIRST CHURCH, ERECTED
BY 1629 512
SPANISH MISSION CHURCHES OF NEW MEXICO-
L. Bradford Prince, LL.D., President, The Historical So-
ciety of New Mexico, and the Society for the Preservation
of Spanish Antiquities ; Vice-President, The National His-
torical Society; Former Governor and Chief Justice of
New Mexico 513
OLD MISSION CHURCHES AND RUINS AT PECOS,
NEW MEXICO, AS THEY APPEARED IN 1846.
PECOS WAS VISITED BY CORONADO IN 1540. THE FIRST
[488]
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
CHURCH WAS BUILT IN 1598 BY DON JUAN DE QNATE,
GOVERNOR AND CAPTAIN-GENERAL OF NEW MEXICO. IN
THE REVOLUTION OF 1680 THE MISSION WAS DESTROYED
AND THE PRIEST IN CHARGE, PADRE FERNANDO DE VEL-
ASCO, MURDERED BY THE INDIANS. AFTER THE RE-CON-
QUEST OF NEW MEXICO IN 1692-1694 BY GOVERNOR
DIEGO DE VARGAS THE MISSION WAS RESTORED AND THE
CHURCH REBUILT 521
"OUR LADY OF LIGHT." THIS REPRESENTATION, CARVED
IN HIGH RELIEF ON A WOODEN SLAB, WAS BROUGHT TO
JEMEZ, NEW MEXICO, BY THE THIRTEEN REMAINING
INHABITANTS OF PECOS WHO MIGRATED TO JEMEZ IN
1840. THE MISSION AT PECOS WAS FOUNDED SOON AFTER
1598. THIS ANCIENT PICTURE REMAINED IN THE POS-
SESSION OF AGUSTIN PECO, THE LAST SURVIVOR OF THE
THIRTEEN, UNTIL 1882, WHEN IT WAS OBTAINED BY L.
BRADFORD PRINCE, LATER GOVERNOR OF NEW MEXICO. . . 524
THE ANCIENT BELL OF SAN MIGUEL, IN SANTA
F£. CAST IN SPAIN IN 1356 FROM GOLD AND SILVER
AND JEWELRY OFFERED BY THE PEOPLE FOR A BELL To
BE DEDICATED TO SAINT JOSEPH, AS A GAUGE OF THEIR
CONFIDENCE IN His PRAYERS FOR THEIR VICTORY OVER
THE MOORS, BROUGHT TO AMERICA IN THE SEVEN-
TEENTH CENTURY BY NICOLAS ORTIZ NINO LADRON DE
GUEVARA, WHO WAS ASSOCIATED WITH DE VARGAS IN
THE RE-CONQUEST OF NEW MEXICO IN 1692, THIS HIS-
TORIC BELL NOW HANGS IN WHAT Is THOUGHT To BE
THE OLDEST CHURCH STANDING IN THE UNITED STATES 525
INTERIOR OF THE CHURCH OF SAN MIGUEL,
SANTA Ffi. SHOWING THE GALLERY AND CARVED
Vigas, OR ROUND TIMBERS OF EQUAL SIZE 528
ST. JOSEPH'S CHURCH, LACUNA, NEW MEXICO,
BUILT IN 1699. OVER THE ALTAR Is A PICTURE OF ST.
JOSEPH, PAINTED ON ELK SKIN, PROBABLY THE LARGEST
PAINTING ON SKIN IN THE WORLD 529
[489]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
THE SANTUARIO OF CHIMAYO, NEW MEXICO.
CHIMAYO, FROM TIME IMMEMORIAL, HAS BEEN FAMED
FOR THE HEALTH-GIVING PROPERTIES OF ITS SOIL, AND
THE CHURCH WAS BUILT IN 1816 THAT HERE MIGHT
BE A SPECIAL SHRINE FOR WORSHIP AND THANKSGIVING 532
INTERIOR OF THE SANTUARIO OF CHIMAYO 533
THE ROSARIO CHAPEL, SANTA Ffi. ERECTED IN 1807
ON THE SITE OF THE ORIGINAL CHAPEL, BUILT IN 1692,
BY DON DIEGO DE VARGAS, IN FULFILMENT OF A Vow To
FOUND HERE A CHAPEL AND To INSTITUTE AN ANNUAL
MEMORIAL PROCESSION, STILL MADE, IN THANKSGIVING
FOR DIVINE FAVOR SHOWN IN THE RE-CONQUEST OF NEW
MEXICO AFTER THE REVOLUTION OF l68o 536
MISSION CHURCH OF SAN LORENZO, PICURIS,
NEW MEXICO. PICURIS Is THE LEAST MODERNIZED OF
THE NEW MEXICO PUEBLOS. THE MISSION WAS
FOUNDED, JOINTLY WITH THAT OF TAGS, IN 1598, BY
DON JUAN DE ONATE, GOVERNOR AND CAPTAIN-GENERAL
OF NEW MEXICO. IN THE INDIAN UPRISING OF 1680,
THE PRIEST, PADRE MATIAS RENDON, WAS KILLED, AND
THE CHURCH BURNED. THE PRESENT CHURCH WAS
BUILT AFTER THE RE-CONQUEST, WHICH BEGAN IN 1692 545
RUINS OF THE MISSION AT CUARA, NEW MEXICO.
BUILT PROBABLY IN 1629, BY PADRE ACEVEDO, AND
DESTROYED BY THE APACHES IN 1676 548
WHAT IS LEFT OF THE MISSION AT CUARA
CHURCH OF TOMfi, NEW MEXICO 552
THE CHURCH OF RANCHOS DE TAOS, NEW
MEXICO. BUILT PROBABLY IN 1772, THIS "Is ONE OF
THE FINEST SPECIMENS STILL STANDING OF THE EARLY
NEW MEXICAN CHURCH ARCHITECTURE" 553
CHURCH OF OUR LADY OF GUADALUPE, SANTA
Ffi, AS IT APPEARED IN 1880. THE DATE OF
[490]
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
ERECTION Is UNCERTAIN, BUT IT WAS SOMETIME AFTER
THE RE-CONQUEST OF NEW MEXICO IN 1692, WHILE THE
ORIGINAL CHURCH Is THOUGHT To HAVE BEEN BUILT
ABOUT 1640 556
THE CHURCH OF SAN BUENAVENTURA, IN THE
PUEBLO OF COCHIT1, NEW MEXICO. REBUILT IN
1694 ON THE SlTE OF THE EARLIER CHURCH, RUINED IN
THE REVOLUTION OF 1680 557
CHURCH OF THE PUEBLO OF SAN FELIPE, NEW
MEXICO. THE MISSION WAS FOUNDED IN 1598, BUT
THE FIRST CHURCH WAS DESTROYED IN 1680. SOON
AFTER 1693 IT WAS REBUILT AND THE RUINS OF THIS
STRUCTURE MAY BE SEEN TODAY. THE PRESENT
CHURCH, SHOWN IN THE PICTURE, WAS ERECTED ON
ANOTHER SITE, EARLY IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. . 560
THE ANCIENT CARVED DOOR OF THE MISSION
CHURCH OF SANTO DOMINGO, NEW MEXICO.
THE MISSION WAS FOUNDED ABOUT 1598, AND THE FIRST
CHURCH WAS BUILT IN 1607 BY PADRE JUAN DE ESCA-
LONA. THREE PRIESTS WERE HERE MASSACRED IN 1680,
BUT THE INDIANS DID NOT DEMOLISH THE CHURCH.
THIS PICTURE WAS MADE IN 1880 BEFORE THE DESTRUC-
TION OF THIS ANCIENT EDIFICE BY THE FLOODING OF
THE Rio GRANDE. THE FIGURE Is THAT OF A. F. BANDE-
LIER, THE ARCHAEOLOGIST, WHO Is SEEN EXAMINING
THE WONDERFUL HERALDIC CARVINGS 560
PRICE COAT-OF-ARMS 562
CHAUMIfiRE DU PRAIRIE. THE CHARMING STORY OF
AN IDEAL HOME IN KENTUCKY, RECALLING THE GENIAL
HOSPITALITY, SCHOLARLY TASTES, AND GRACIOUS NEIGH-
BORLINESS WHICH WERE THE FINE FLAVOR OF AMERI-
CAN GENTLEHOOD A HUNDRED YEARS AGO — Mrs. Ida
Withers Harrison 563
GORDON COAT-OF-ARMS 574
[49i]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
THE FAMOUS OLD OCTAGON HOUSE IN WASHING-
TON—Jean Cabell O'Neill 575
WHERE THE TREATY OF GHENT WAS RATIFIED.
THE OCTAGON HOUSE IN WASHINGTON WHERE PRESI-
DENT MADISON RESIDED AFTER THE WHITE HOUSE HAD
BEEN DESTROYED BY THE BRITISH IN THE WAR OF 1812. 577
AN ANCIENT TORREON IN NEW MEXICO. THESE
ROUND TOWERS WERE BUILT BY THE SPANISH COLONISTS
AS LOOK-OUTS AND REFUGES IN THEIR WARFARE WITH
THE INDIANS 580
TITLE-PAGE OF A FANTASTIC BOOK, NOW VERY
RARE, ON NEW MEXICO, WRITTEN IN 1784 BY
THE PRINCE WHO LATER SUCCEEDED TO THE
THRONE OF FRANCE AS LOUIS XVIII, HIS
NOM-DE-PLUME HERE BEING AS OF A NEW
MEXICAN VICEROY 581
A CHILEAN MONSTER AS PICTURED IN LOUIS THE
EIGHTEENTH'S IMAGINARY DESCRIPTION OF
NEW MEXICO. THE HABITAT OF THIS "MALE
HARPY" HE PLACES IN CHILE, NEAR SANTA FE" 584
FEMALE AMPHIBIOUS MONSTER. FROM Louis THE
EIGHTEENTH'S BOOK ON NEW MEXICO 585
THE FIRST OFFICE OF THE E. I. DU PONT DE
NEMOURS COMPANY 588
ANOTHER VIEW OF THE DU PONT OFFICE OF
MORE THAN A HUNDRED YEARS AGO 589
PIERRE SAMUEL DU PONT DE NEMOURS, WHO,
WITH HIS SON, ELEUTHERE IRfiNfiE DU PONT
DE NEMOURS, CAME TO AMERICA IN 1800,
THUS BECOMING THE FOUNDER, IN THE
UNITED STATES, OF THE FAMILY WHICH, IN
ITS INDUSTRIAL AND SCIENTIFIC ACTIVITIES,
HAS GIVEN PATRIOTIC SERVICE TO THE NA-
TION FOR MORE THAN ONE HUNDRED YEARS 592
[492]
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
IN THE SERVICE OF THE REPUBLIC. CHRONICLES OF
A GREAT INDUSTRY, FOUNDED IN 1802 UNDER THE
AUSPICES OF THOMAS JEFFERSON, JOHN HANCOCK, AND
JOHN MASON. How THE Du FONTS SERVED AMERICA
IN THE WAR OF l8l2, THE ClVIL WAR, AND OUR WAR
WITH SPAIN. THE Du PONT POWDER WAGON AND How
IT HELPED WIN PERRY'S VICTORY. THE PRINCIPLE OF
"NOBLESSE OBLIGE" BROUGHT INTO BUSINESS AS A BASIC
IDEAL. PATRIOTISM, ACHIEVEMENT, AND RESOURCES
WHICH HAVE BEEN AT THE COMMAND OF THE UNITED
STATES FOR ONE HUNDRED AND THIRTEEN YEARS, AND
WHICH ARE READY TO-DAY — OR TO-MORROW — FOR THE
NEEDS OF THE NATION IN PEACE AND IN WAR — Mabel
Thacher Rosemary Washburn 593
THE DU PONT POWDER WAGON AND HOW IT
HELPED WIN PERRY'S VICTORY— Mabel Thacher
Rosemary Washburn 598
AMERICAN SOLDIERS GUARDING THE DU PONT
POWDER WORKS DURING THE WAR OF 1812. . 601
AN OLD ADVERTISEMENT OF DU PONT GUN-
POWDER 601
THE DU PONT WAGON CARRYING POWDER TO
PERRY IN 1813. WITH THIS POWDER COMMODORE
PERRY WON THE GREAT VICTORY ON LAKE ERIE, WHICH
MADE THE MIDDLE WEST PART OF THE UNITED STATES
INSTEAD OF BRITISH TERRITORY OR AN INDIAN BUFFER
STATE. FROM THE PAINTING BY HOWARD PYLE, DONE IN
FLORENCE IN 191 1 604
AN OLD DU PONT POWDER WAGON. IT WAS IN USE
UNTIL 1889 605
THE FIRST DU PONT POWDER MILL. BUILT IN 1802 IN
DELAWARE, ON THE BRANDYWINE 608
THE SECOND DU PONT POWDER MILL. BUILT EARLY
IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 609
[493]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
A LETTER FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON TO ELEU-
THERE IRfiNfiE DU PONT DE NEMOURS 612
A LETTER WRITTEN IN 1810 BY JOHN HANCOCK
TO THE DU PONT COMPANY 613
THE OLD CHAIR OF ELEUTHERE IRfiNfiE DU
PONT DE NEMOURS, FOUNDER OF THE COM-
PANY. IT Is STILL USED IN THE OFFICE OF THE COM-
PANY'S PRESIDENT 616
PERSONAL RECOLLECTIONS OF DOLLY MADISON
AND A PLEA FOR NATIONAL RECOGNITION OF
HER SERVICES TO THE NATION IN THE WAR
OF 1812. BY A VENERABLE DESCENDANT OF DISTIN-
GUISHED VIRGINIA ANCESTRY, FRIEND OF MANY OF THE
"FIRST LADIES OF THE LAND/' WHO DIED IN WASH-
INGTON ON FEBRUARY 2, 1915, AGED EIGHTY-FIVE. SHE
WAS THE COUSIN OF MRS. MADISON, AND IT WAS FAIR
MISTRESS DOLLY WHO INTRODUCED HER TO HER FUTURE
HUSBAND, CAPTAIN NICHOLAS BIDDLE VAN ZANDT, OF
THE UNITED STATES NAVY. THIS REMINISCENCE WAS
DICTATED BY MRS. VAN ZANDT A FEW WEEKS BEFORE
HER DEATH, TO HER DAUGHTER, MRS. JEAN CABELL
O'NEILL 622
WHERE MISTRESS DOLLY MADISON DIED— HER
WASHINGTON HOME FOR NINE YEARS. SITU-
ATED ON THE CORNER OF H STREET AND LA FAYETTE
PLACE, FACING THE WHITE HOUSE, IT Is Now OCCU-
PIED BY THE COSMOS CLUB 625
MISSION CHURCH AT SANTA ANA, NEW MEXICO.
THE FIRST CHURCH Is BELIEVED To HAVE BEEN
ERECTED SOON AFTER 1598. IT WAS DESTROYED IN 1680
BY THE INDIANS AND REBUILT IN THE LAST DECADE OF
THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY 628
MISSION CHURCH AT NAMBfi. ONE OF THE EARLIEST
OF THE FRANCISCAN MISSIONS IN NEW MEXICO AFTER
[494]
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
THE COUNTRY WAS COLONIZED IN 1598 WAS AT NAMBE.
THE MISSION PRIEST, PADRE TOMAS DE TORRES, WAS
KILLED BY THE SAVAGES IN 1680, AND THE CHURCH DE-
STROYED. THE CHURCH WAS RESTORED ABOUT 1695, AND
AGAIN REBUILT IN 1729 BY DON JUAN DOMINGO DE Bus-
TAMENTE, GOVERNOR AND CAPTAIN-GENERAL OF NEW
MEXICO. IT WAS DESTROYED IN OUR OWN TIMES IN A
MISGUIDED ATTEMPT TO MODERNIZE THE ANCIENT
EDIFICE 629
CARVED VIGA IN THE OLD CHURCH AT SAN JUAN,
NEW MEXICO. THE VIGAS, OR CROSS-TIMBERS OF THE
ROOF, ARE CHARACTERISTIC OF THE MISSION CHURCHES
OF NEW MEXICO 632
CHURCH OF SAN FELIPE, OLD ALBUQUERQUE,
NEW MEXICO. BUILT ABOUT 1706. As IT WAS
BEFORE RESTORATION AND CHANGES ABOUT FORTY YEARS
AGO 632
RUINS OF THE MISSION CHURCH OF SANTA
CLARA. THE ORIGINAL CHURCH WAS BUILT BY
FATHER BENAVIDES IN 1629. DESTROYED IN THE 1680
REVOLUTION, IT WAS BUILT ANEW BY GOVERNOR DE
VARGAS SOON AFTER THE RE-CONQUEST OF NEW MEXICO.
DURING AN ATTEMPT IN RECENT TIMES To MODERNIZE
IT, THE OLD MISSION FELL CRASHING TO THE GROUND. . 633
DOOR OF THE OLD CHURCH AT SANTA CLARA .... 633
RUINED CHURCH AT ZUftI, NEW MEXICO 636
FRONT VIEW OF THE CHURCH AT COCHITl 636
RUINS OF THE CHURCH, TAGS PUEBLO, NEW
MEXICO 637
RUINS OF THE MISSION OF SAN GREGORIO, AT
ABO, NEW MEXICO. THE GREAT CHURCH OF ABO
WAS BUILT ABOUT 1629, BY FATHER ACEVEDO. IT WAS
DESTROYED ABOUT 1678 637
[495]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
THE CHURCH AT ARROYO HONDO, TAGS COUNTY,
NEW MEXICO. THE MISSION WAS FOUNDED ABOUT
1598. IN 1680 THE FRANCISCAN PRIEST IN CHARGE AND
His ASSISTANT, A LAY-BROTHER, WAS SLAIN BY THE
SAVAGES, AS WERE NEARLY ALL THE SPANIARDS IN THE
LOCALITY. THE CHURCH WAS PARTLY DESTROYED
DURING OUR MEXICAN WAR. A NEW CHURCH WAS
ERECTED IN 1914 ON THE SITE OF THIS ANCIENT STRUC-
TURE 640
[496]
V*?-
INTERIOR OF THE CHURCH AT SANTA CRUZ
INTERIOR OF THE OLD CHURCH AT ACOMA
MISSION CHURCH, LAS TRAMPAS, RIO ARRIBO
COUNTY, NEW MEXICO
i'H
BT
L. BRADFORD PRINCE, LL. D.
President, The Historical Society of New Mexico, and the Society for
the Preservation of Spanish Antiquities; Vice-President,
The National Historical Society ; Former Governor
and Chief Justice of New Mexico.
HERE is no series of structures in the United States
that possesses such interest as the old Missions of
California. Whether intact, or partially restored, or
in ruins, they have an attraction and a charm that are
unequalled.
There are various reasons for this. In the first
place our country is so comparatively new, that anything that has a
flavor of antiquity is attractive in itself. Especially is this so, if in
its architecture and general arrangement it differs widely from that
to which the average American is accustomed in his home. The fact
that there is a chain of these structures, various in size and form and
style, yet all parts of one comprehensive plan, multiplies the interest.
The story of their inception, of the noble plan and the vigorous reali-
zation of his ideal by the untiring and self sacrificing Serra; of their
almost miraculous success and prosperity, and then of their equally
rapid fall and destruction, all these things appeal to everyone who
has human sympathies and aspirations and enthusiasm. They make
our quieter life seem tame and uneventful, and they have presented a
field to poet and novelist and painter which has brought forth some
of our choicest productions in literature and art.
So these old Missions have become the Mecca. of thousands and
tens of thousands of tourists, and there can be no doubt that their
very existence, standing as monuments to zeal and self-sacrifice, and
preaching a never ending sermon of love and devotion and conse-
cration to God and humanity, has been a continual influence for good,
and helped to weaken the widespread spirit of selfishness and com-
[513]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
mercialism. The whole story is inspiring, and God forbid that any
one should even by comparison detract from its beauty and influence.
We see a vast country favored above all others by nature in
climate and resources, thinly settled by wandering tribes, who lived as
their fathers had lived generations before. Though on the coast of
Earth's greatest ocean, its people knew nothing of the world beyond
the limitations of their frail canoes, and the world knew as little of
them.
The white man had come from afar, almost three centuries before,
and the Spaniard had settled to the south and the Russian to the north ;
but this fairest spot in the New Continent had only been glanced at
by the venturesome navigator and explorer. For generations the light
of the Gospel had been brought to Lower California and Sonora on
the south by the Jesuit Fathers, and to New Mexico on the east by
the zealous Franciscans, but Alta California, far richer than either,
was ignored.
The Russian had journeyed southward from Alaska to the Bay of
San Francisco, and held the services of the Greek Church there; but
he had not remained. Even before that, Sir Francis Drake had an-
chored by the shore and set up an English standard, and his Chaplain
read the first service of the English Church on the Pacific Coast
under its shadow ; but he sailed away and was forgotten.
Years passed, until, in 1767, the Jesuits were expelled from the
Spanish possessions, and the Franciscans were placed in charge of all
their Missions in California and Northern Mexico. They were full
of missionary zeal, and to lead their work came Father Junipero Serra,
who was not satisfied simply to continue the old work on the lower
peninsular, but looked beyond to the region on the north, to Alta
California, and determined to Christianize its people. At last the hour
and the man had come!
This is no place to tell of his efforts and his success. With the
strong will and practical ability of Galvez, the Visitador General of
New Spain, to aid the marvelous zeal and enthusiasm of Father Ju-
nipero, the latter performed the work of a century in a few short
years.
The plan projected was to establish a line of missions all the way
from San Diego in the south to Monterey and San Francisco in the
north, each near to the sea, yet out of gunshot from national enemies
or the buccaneers of the day ; near enough to each other to be a support
and a solace, but not so near as to cause over-lapping of activities.
The missionaries came by sea and land. King Charles the Third
of Spain was interested in the work, and sufficient troops were sent
[5H]
SPANISH MISSION CHURCHES OF NEW MEXICO
to offer protection. Three ships were sent from different ports of
western Mexico, and two safely anchored in the beautiful Bay of San
Diego, where the soldiers, after a march of two months, were rejoiced
to find them. The second division of the little army, with the Royal
Governor of California and Serra himself, arrived on July ist, and
on the 1 6th, with a full ceremonial both of Church and State, a great
Cross was erected, the Royal Standard was planted and its banner
unfurled, Mass was celebrated and firearms. discharged, and the Mis-
sion of San Diego was established.
The work went bravely on in spite of innumerable trials and
obstacles. The next year the Mission of San Carlos Borromeo was
founded, and two more in 1771. Before the end of the century there
were eighteen in all, of which San Luis Rey was last. In the first ten
years the Franciscans claimed three thousand native Indians as con-
verts, and in 1800 this number had increased to ten thousand, under
about forty priests of the Seraphic Order.
Father Junipero did not live to see all this accomplished, but
succumbed to his untiring labors in 1784, and was buried, as he desired,
in his beloved mission of San Carlos. But his spirit survived and con-
trolled and vivified the work.
The list of the whole chain of California Missions, including the
three established after the year 1800, with their dates, is as follows:
San Diego, July 16, 1769.
San Carlos Borromeo, June 3, 1770.
San Antonio de Padua, July 14, 1771.
San Gabriel Arcangel, September 8, 1771.
San Luis Obispo, September i, 1772.
San Francisco de Asis, October 9, 1776.
San Juan Capistrano, November i, 1776.
Santa Clara, January 12, 1777.
San Buenaventura, March 29, 1783.
Santa Barbara, December 15, 1786.
La Purisima Concepcion, December 8, 1787.
Santa Cruz, August 28, 1791.
La Soledad, October 9, 1791.
San Jose, June n, 1797.
San Juan Bautista, June 24, 1797.
San Miguel Arcangel, July 25, 1797.
San Fernando Rey, September 8, 1797.
San Luis Rey, June 13, 1798.
Santa Inez, September 17, 1804.
[515]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
San Rafael Arcangel, December 17, 1817.
San Francisco Solano, July 4, 1823.
The last was established just as the days of prosperity of all,
were to end. As long as Spanish authority continued, the Missions
were protected and fostered. With Mexican independence this was
reversed, and decay and disintegration followed.
Some of the structures are in ruins, others have been most care-
fully repaired and preserved, others have been "restored" or "mod-
ernized" almost beyond recognition, but all have an undying interest
as monuments to the zeal and energy of their founders and builders.
I have dwelt thus long on the Missions of California because in
a comparison between them and those of New Mexico, I wished to
detract in no way from the great interest that attaches to that remark-
able chain of structures, or from the glory and admiration which are
so justly due to their builders. Fortunately, there can be no rivalry
between the achievements of the early missionaries in the two fields,
for all were of the same Order of St. Francis, and displayed the same
heroic self-sacrifice, and each field has its list of martyrs who gave
their lives for their Christian faith.
But we are dealing simply with the material structures which they
built, many of which remain to-day, some intact and some in ruins, as
their monuments; and with the interest which the ordinary traveler
or tourist finds in what is still to be seen of their work.
The claim of New Mexico to superiority in this view of the sub-
ject is based firstly on the far greater antiquity of its Mission
Churches, and secondly on the greater variety in the history which
they have experienced.
The first Mission Church in California was built in 1769 — while
nearly all of the original missions in New Mexico were established a
century and a half before that time, and several of them one hundred
and seventy years before. One whole chain of churches, those in
the Salinas Valley, whose ruins are today the most interesting of any
in New Mexico, had been built, and had done their Christian service
to generations of Indians, and were deserted and destroyed, with that
service ended, almost exactly a century before Padre Junipero came
to establish the first mission in California.
Without wishing to anticipate what must appear more at large in
subsequent chapters, it is not to be forgotten that the first mission
church in New Mexico was built in August, 1598, and that before
1630 the whole "Kingdom" was well supplied with both churches and
the adjoining "conventos," which were at once the residences of the
SPANISH MISSION CHURCHES OF NEW MEXICO
priests and the centers of missionary work in their respective parochial
districts. Fortunately we have exact and accurate chronicles of those
early days in both the civil and ecclesiastical records, which under
the Spanish system were much more scrupulously kept, and amply
certified, and extended far more into detail, than anything recorded
by English officers or clergy.
Those who are not familiar with the Spanish documents of that
era are always amazed at the circumstantial manner in which every
little event, however trivial, is made the subject of an "Auto," written
at length, and attested not only by the responsible official, as the
governor or commanding officer, but certified to by secretaries and
witnesses, with official signatures and "rubrics" that seem to us un-
necessarily prolix and formal; sometimes in the old Archives a half-
dozen of such narrations being made in a single day.
In addition to these official chronicles, New Mexico possesses
the unique distinction of having the history of its earliest settlement
in the form of the most extensive epic poem ever written in the New
World. This poem, entitled "Historia de la Nueva Mexico," by Cap-
tain Caspar de Villagra, contains no less than thirty-three cantos, con-
stituting 182 pages of ordinary modern print, and gives a minute as
well as graphic narration of all the events of the exploration and
colonization under Ofiate, from first to last.
Villagra was a captain in Onate's expedition and also held the
position of procurador general. He was a valiant soldier as well as
a courtier and a poet, and his testimony is that of an actual participant
in all that occurred in those early days. H. H. Bancroft, the eminent
historian of the West, says of the poem, "I found it a most complete
narrative, very little, if at all, the less useful for being in verse. The
subject is well enough adapted to epic narrative, and in the generally
smooth-flowing endecasyllabic lines of Villagra loses nothing of its in-
tense fascination. Of all the territories of America, or of the world,
so far as my knowledge goes, New Mexico alone may point to a poem
as the original authority for its early annals."
In considering the promptitude with which the Mission Churches
in New Mexico were founded, after the discovery and very first
settlement of the country, we must bear in mind the intimate connec-
tion which then existed in all Spanish dominions between colonization
and religion, and the important place which the conversion of the
heathen held in all projects for exploration and conquest.
The ecclesiastical influence of that time, especially in Latin
countries, was the dominating power, and had at least as much to
do in shaping public events, as the civil authority ; and in addition to
[517]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
this, it was the age of the high tide of the great religious orders, most
of which had been founded not very long before, and were now in
the full exercise of their vigor and enthusiasm ; and after the discov-
ery of a new continent, filled with a great heathen population awaiting
conversion to Christianity, the desire to accomplish that work perme-
ated the whole Spanish nation with almost as much force as the de-
termination to rescue the Holy Sepulchre from the unbelieving Mos-
lems had aroused all over Europe in the days of the Crusades.
The sovereigns of Spain in that era were zealous in religious mat-
ters, and showed in all their acts a genuine desire to bring about the
conversion of the millions of new subjects that the discoveries by
Columbus and his successors had providentially brought under their
control, and to extend the bounds of Christian influence farther and
farther into the unknown regions of the New World.
The connection between Church and State was never more strong
and close than at that period. Pope Alexander VI, under a claim to
universal dominion, had divided all of the newly found regions of the
the world between the sovereigns of Spain and Portugal, by establish-
ing a line which gave to the latter country all of what is now Brazil,
and to the former the remainder of the American continent; and this
became the foundation of the claim to sovereignty over newly found
regions more relied upon even than any right by discovery. The power
thus bestowed was of course to be exercised for the establishment of
ecclesiastical institutions as well as civil ones ; and this idea of the "two
authorities" was constantly expressed in formal documents, and was
almost the first thing taught to the newly discovered races. "There is
one God who rules in the Heavens above, and one Emperor who reigns
upon earth," in the time of Charles the Fifth was the foundation of all
the teaching to the natives, and of the organization of government.
The first documents that relate to the discovery and settlement of
New Mexico are excellent illustrations of these conditions. The grant
made by the Emperor Charles V to Panphilo de Narvaez, included all
of the continent from the extremity of Florida to the Rio de las Palmas
in Mexico, and by it Narvaex was authorized to take possession of the
whole of that enormous territory and assume the government thereof.
This Rio de las Palmas is on the east coast of Mexico considerably
south of the Rio Grande; so that the region to be explored, occupied
and governed, embraced not only the States of our Union which border
on the Gulf of Mexico but also all of northeastern Mexico, including
what is now New Mexico, and the great unknown and undefined coun-
try beyond.
The petition of Narvaez for this vast grant of power sets forth
SPANISH MISSION CHURCHES OF NEW MEXICO
clearly its religious objects as well as the more material ones connected
with sovereignty and riches. It begins as follows :
"Sacred Caesarean Catholic Majesty: In-as-much as I, Panfilo de
Narvaez, have ever had and still have the intention of serving God and
Your Majesty, I desire to go in person with my means to a certain
country on the main of the Ocean Sea. I propose chiefly to traffic with
the natives of the coast, and to take thither religious men and ecclesi-
astics, approved by your Royal Council of the Indies, that they may
make known and plant the Christian Faith. I shall observe fully what
your Council require and ordain to the ends of serving God and Your
Highness, and for the good of your subjects."
This petition was referred to the Council of the Indies, and they
acted favorably upon it, largely perhaps because Narvaez had offered
to pay all of the expenses of the expedition from his own funds ; and
they recommended that the king concede the right of conquest
requested by Narvaez on condition that he take no less than two hun-
dred colonists from Spain and found at least two towns. He was
provided with a proclamation to be made to the native inhabitants,
when they were discovered, which distinctly sets forth the grounds
of the Spanish claims to sovereignty over America. It is addressed
"To the inhabitants of the country and provinces that exist from Rio
de las Palmas to the Cape of Florida," and reads in part as follows:
"I in behalf of the Catholic Caesarean Majesty of Don Carlos,
King of the Romans and Emperor ever Augustus, and Dona Juana,
his mother, Sovereigns of Leon and Castilla, Defenders of the Church,
ever victors, never vanquished, and rulers of the barbarous nations,
I, Panfilo de Narvaez, his servant, messenger, and captain, notify and
cause you to know in the best manner I can, that God our Lord, one
and eternal, created the heaven and the earth. All these nations God
our Lord gave in charge to one person called Saint Peter, that he
might be master and superior over mankind, to be obeyed and be heard
by all the human race where-so-ever they might live and be, of what-
ever law, sect, or belief, giving him the whole world for his kingdom,
lordship, and jurisdiction. This Saint Peter was obeyed and taken for
King, Lord, and Superior of the Universe by those who lived at that
time, and so likewise have all the rest been held, who to the Pontifi-
cate were afterward elected, and thus has it continued until now, and
will continue to the end of things. One of the Popes who succeeded
him to that seat and dignity, of which I spake, as Lord of the world,
made a gift of these islands and main of the Ocean Sea to the said
Emperor and Queen, and their successors, our Lords in these King-
[519]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
doms, with all that is in them, as is contained in certain writings that
thereupon took place, which may be seen if you desire."
Having thus demonstrated the rightful power of the sovereign,
the proclamation calls on them "to recognize the Church as Mistress
and Superior of the Universe, and the High Pontiff, called Papa, in
its name ; the Queen and King our masters, in their place as Lords Su-
periors, and Sovereigns of these Islands and the main, by virtue of said
gift. If you shall do so, you will do well in what you are held and
obliged; and their Majesties, and I, in their Royal name, will receive
you with love and charity. If you do not do this, and of malice you be
dilatory, I protest to you that with the help of Our Lord I will enter
with force, making war upon you from all directions and in every man-
ner that I may be .able, when I will subject you to obedience to the
Church and the yoke of their Majesties."
Unfortunately for Narvaez, this proclamation never was actually
used, as this was the ill-starred expedition of which Alvar Nunez Ca-
beza de Vaca was treasurer, and which was destroyed on sea and land
until only that historic man and his three companions were left to tell
the tale, and to be the first strangers from the Old World to tread on
the soil of New Mexico.
The history of all the subsequent expeditions shows the same re-
ligious character and influence. When the "Land of the Seven Cities"
was to be explored from Mexico, it was Marcos de Niza, a Francis7
can, who was placed in charge. Two years later, when Coronado
started on his wonderful march, he was accompanied by a goodly num-
ber of Franciscan friars ; and of these, two — Juan de Padilla, a priest,
and Louis a lay brother, — remained in the newly discovered regions,
one at Quivira and one at Cicuic, when the disappointed little army
commenced its homeward march ; and they soon received the crown of
martyrdom which was their sure reward.
The next to penetrate the New Mexican region were Friar Ruiz
and his devoted companions, Francisco Lopez and Juan de Santa
Maria, all three Franciscans ; and their journey was exclusively a mis-
sionary pilgrimage, induced by their burning zeal for the conversion of
the unknown tribes who lived in the Rio Grande Valley in heathen
darkness. They penetrated the wilderness as far as Puara, near the
present Bernalillo, and then the little guard of soldiers was afraid to
proceed or even to remain ; and so they separated ; the soldiers of the
king returned to the safety and ease of the garrison life, and the
Soldiers of the Cross went forward, braving hardships and dangers,
until they also joined the "noble army of martyrs."
And when the actual settlement of New Mexico came, under
[520]
•,\- '. '* ^^1
£5i£
S'li
"OUR LADY OF LIGHT"
This representation, carved in high re-
lief on a wooden slab, was brought to
Jemez, New Mexico, by the thirteen re-
maining inhabitants of Pecos who mi-
grated to Jemez in 1840. The Mission
at Pecos was founded soon after 1598.
This ancient picture remained in the
possession of Agustin Peco, the last
survivor of the thirteen, until 1882,
when it was obtained by L. Bradford
Prince, later Governor of New Mexico.
THE ANCIENT BELL OF SAN MIGUEL, IN SANTA FE
Cast in Spain in 1356, from gold and silver and jewelry offered
by the people for a bell to be dedicated to Saint Joseph, as a
gage of their confidence in his prayers for their victory over
the Moors, brought to America in the Seventeenth Century by
Nicolas Ortiz Nino Ladron de Guevara, who was associated with
de Vargas In the re-conquest of New Mexico In 1692, this his-
toric bell now hangs in what is thought to be the oldest
Church standing in the United States.
INTERIOR OK' THE CHURCH OF SAN MIUUEL, SANTA Ffi
Showing the gallery and carved Vigas, or round timbers of equal size
* ™
ST. JOSEPH'S CHURCH, L.AGUNA, NEW MEXICO, BUILT IN 1699
Over the Altar is a picture of St. Joseph, painted on elk skin, probably the largest paint-
ing on skin in the world.
afo S
nj t- <u
SPANISH MISSION CHURCHES OF NEW MEXICO
Onate, the colonists were accompanied by no less than ten Francis-
can friars, for the conversion of the Indians. This expedition started
from San Bartolome, in Mexico, on January 20, 1598, and three months
lated encamped in a beautiful grove on the banks of the Rio Grande,
a little below Paso del Norte, where Onate raised the royal standard
and took possession of New Mexico and the adjoining provinces for
God and the King. The formal declaration made by Onate on this
occasion, is so characteristic of the time, and illustrates so well the
union of the religious and the secular powers, that we present its es-
sential parts, as of general interest. It reads as follows :J
"In the name of the Most Holy Trinity, and the undivided Eternal
Unity, Deity and Majesty, Father, Son and Holy Ghost, three persons
in one sole essence, and one and only true God, that by his eternal
will, Almighty Power and Infinite Wisdom, directs, governs and dis-
poses potently and sweetly from sea to sea, from end to end, as begin-
ning and end of all things, and in whose hands the Eternal Pontificate
and Priesthood, the Empires and Kingdoms, Principalities, Dynasties,
Republics, elders and minors, families and persons, as in the Eternal
Priest, Emperor and King of Emperors and Kings, Lord of lords,
Creator of the heavens and the earth, elements, birds and fishes, ani-
mals and plants and all creatures corporal and spiritual, rational and
irrational, from the most supreme cherubim to the most despised ant
and tiny butterfly; and to his honor and glory and of his most sacred
and blessed mother, the Holy Virgin Mary, our Lady, gate of heaven,
ark of the covenant, and in whom the manna of heaven, the rod of
divine justice, and arm of God and his law of grace and love was
placed, as Mother of God, Sun, Moon, North Star, guide and advocate
of humanity; and in honor of the Seraphic Father, San Francisco,
image of Christ, God in body and soul, His Royal Ensign, patriarch
of the poor, whom I adopt as my patrons and advocates, guides, de-
fenders and intercessors.
"I wish that those that are now or at any time may be, know that
I, Don Juan de Onate, governor and captain general, and Adelantado
of New Mexico, and of its kingdoms and provinces, as well as of those
in their vicinity and contiguous thereto, as settler, discoverer and pac-
ifier of them and of the said kingdoms, by the order of the King, our
lord. I find myself today with my full and entire camp near the river
which they call Del Norte, and on the bank which is contiguous to the
first towns of New Mexico, and whereas I wish to take possession of
the land today, the day of the Ascension of our Lord, dated April 3Oth,
of the present year 1598 through the medium of the person of Don
Juan Perez de Donis, clerk of his Majesty, and secretary of this expedi-
[537] '
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
tion and the government of said kingdoms and provinces, by authority
and in the name of the most Christian King, Don Felipe, Segundo,
and for his successors, (may they be many) and for the crown of Cas-
tile, and kings that from his glorious descent may reign therein, and
for my said government, relying and resting in the sole and absolute
power and jurisdiction of the Eternal High Priest, and King, Jesus
Christ, son of the living God, universal head of the Church, because
they are his, and he is their legitimate and universal pastor, for which
purpose, having ascended to his Eternal Father, in his corporal being,
he left as his Vicar and substitute, the prince of Apostles, St. Peter,
and his successors legitimately elected to whom he gave and left the
Kingdom, power and Empire. By the medium of the aforesaid power,
jurisdiction and monarchy, apostolical and pontifical, there was
granted and sanctioned, recommended and entrusted to the kings of
Castile and Portugal and to their successors since the time of the Sov-
ereign Pontiff Alexander VI, by divine and singular inspiration, the
empire and dominion of the East and West Indies, in and to the kings
of Castile and Portugal and to their successors, transferred and lodged
upon them by the church militant and by the other sovereign pontiffs,
successors of the said most holy pontiff of glorious memory, Alexander
VI, to the present day, on which solid basis I rest to take the aforesaid
possession of these kingdoms and provinces, in the aforesaid name.
"And therefore, resting on the solid basis aforesaid I take the
aforesaid possession, in the presence of the most Reverend Father Fray
Alonzo Martinez of the order of our lord Saint Francis, Apostolic
Commissary, (and others). And this said possession I take and ap-
prehend, in the Voice and name, of the other lands, Pueblos, Cities,
and Villas, solid and plain houses that are now founded in the said
Kingdoms and Provinces of New Mexico, and those that are neighbors
and contiguous to it, and which were founded before in them, with the
mountains, rivers, river banks, waters, pastures, meadows, dales,
passes, and all its native Indians as are included and comprised in
them, and the civil and criminal jurisdiction high and low from the
edge of the mountains to the stone in the river and its sands, and from
the stone and sands in the river to the leaf of the mountains. And I,
Juan Perez de Donis, clerk of his Majesty and post secretary, do
certify that the said lord Governor, Captain General and Adelantado
of the said Kingdoms, as a sign of true and peaceful possession placed
and nailed with his own hands on a certain tree, which was prepared
for that purpose, the Holy Cross of our Lord Jesus Christ, and turning
to it, with his knees on the ground, said : 'Holy Cross, divine gate of
heaven, altar of the only and essential sacrifice of the Body and the
[538]
SPANISH MISSION CHURCHES OF NEW MEXICO
Blood of the Son of God, way of the Saints, and possession of their
glory; open the gate of heaven to these infidels; found the Church
and Altars where the Body and Blood of the Son of God may be of-
fered; open to us a way of safety and peace for their conversion and
our conversion, and give to our King, and to me, in his Royal name,
peaceful possession of these Kingdoms and Provinces for his holy
glory. Amen.'
"And immediately after he fixed and set in the same manner with
his own hands the Royal Standard with the Coat of Arms of the most
Christian King, Don Felipe, our lord; on the one side the Imperial
Arms, and on another part, the Royal, and at the time this was being
done, the clarinet sounded, and the arquebuses were discharged with
the greatest demonstration of gladness."
Before proceeding to take up the stories of the different Missions
separately, it is desirable to devote a chapter to the general history of
church-building in New Mexico, so as to have a connected view of the
subject.
The commencement of missionary work was almost simultaneous
with the first Spanish settlement. The Expedition of Coronado was
military and in the nature of an exploration of an utterly unknown
region. No women or families accompanied the army and there was
no idea of colonization or permanent occupation by the expedition.
Consequently there was no attempt at church-building. The journey
of Espejo was equally without any intention of settlement ; but the com-
ing of Onate was expressly with a view to permanent occupation.
After overcoming many obstacles he left the mines of Santa Barbara
on January 20, 1598, with the long line of his soldiers and colonists,
which was increased somewhat on the march by the addition of some
who were not ready at the time of departure.
According to the best authorities, this expedition when it entered
New Mexico comprised about four hundred men, one hundred and
thirty of whom were accompanied by their families. There were in the
train eighty-three wagons and seven thousand head of cattle. Ac-
companying the expedition were no less than ten Franciscan friars, of
whom eight were priests and two lay brothers, all in charge of Padre
Alonzo Martinez as comisario. Its progress was necessarily slow on
account of the women and children and domestic animals. Onate
crossed the Rio Grande not far from Paso del Norte, on May
4, 1598, and the advance guard reached the most southerly pueblos,
near the present San Marcial, on May 28th. Continuing up the Rio
Grande Valley they arrived at Santo Domingo and San Ildefonso early
in July and San Juan on the 9th of that month. On account of the
[539]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
kindness and hospitality received from the Indians of San Juan, the
words "de los Caballeros," "of the gentlemen," were added to the name
of the town, and the pueblo has always retained its full title of "San
Juan de los Caballeros." The beauty and broad expanse of the valley
across the river from San Juan and extending up the Chama as far as
the eye can reach, attracted the attention of the Spandiards, and it was
soon determined that this was the most favorable spot that had been
found for the location of their settlement and capital; and the San
Juan Indians generously allowed them to occupy the houses in the little
pueblo of Yunque until they could erect their own buildings.
It was on the I2th day of July that the settlement was finally made
and the colony permanently located; so that this may be called the
Birthday of Spanish New Mexico ; and the three hundreth anni-
versary of this event was elaborately celebrated by the Historical So-
ciety of New Mexico on July 12, 1898, with a procession of Indians on
horseback and a number of historical addresses.
Onate was a man of untiring energy, and after determining on
this location, he made a rapid journey to Picuris and Taos on the
north, and within a fortnight had not only visited those pueblos but ex-
tended his rapid excursion to Pecos on the east, to San Marcos and
San Christobal on the south, and to Santo Domingo on the southwest,
where he met the main body of his little army, which had marched
more slowly that the comparatively small advance guard. He then
went directly west to Cia and Jemez, and returned to the new capital,
which had been named San Gabriel, on August loth.
Meanwhile the wagons and cattle of the colony were slowly ar-
riving, and on August i8th the last of them had reached the little town,
and there were great rejoicings that the whole body of settlers was at
length reunited after their journey of more than six months.
No time was now lost in building their church, the first Mission in
New Mexico and almost the first in what is now the United States;
for the time antedated the settlement of Jamestown by more than
eight years and that of Plymouth by twenty-two. Under the direction
of the Governor and the zealous Franciscans, the work proceeded
rapidly.
It did not need to be very large to meet present requirements,
and the record shows that it was completed in two weeks ; but, if its size
was small, the ceremonies of its dedication were made as elaborate as
possible in order to impress the minds and hearts of the natives. These
ceremonies took place on September 8th, and at their conclusion there
was a dramatic representation of a conflict between the Christians
and the Moors, in which the former by the timely aid of St. James were
[540]
SPANISH MISSION CHURCHES OF NEW MEXICO
gloriously victorious, to the great satisfaction of all the audience, both
white and red. To cement the friendship of the Indians and afford
them entertainment, festivities were continued for an entire week ; all
kinds of sports, both of the Spaniards and of the Pueblos, being in-
dulged in, amid much rejoicing.
Advantage was taken of this era of good feeling, and of the pres-
ence of large numbers of Indians from all directions, to hold a great
meeting of the Spanish officials and ecclesiastics and the representa-
tives of all the pueblos that could be reached, under the grandiloquent
title of "Universal Meeting of all the Earth (Junta universal de toda la
tierra). On this occasion their obligations both to the Cross and
Crown were elaborately explained to the Indians, and they acknowl-
edged the sovereignty of the Spanish king, and agreed to receive the
Franciscans as their religious guides, though at the same time they
tactfully suggested that the Spaniards certainly would not wish them
to profess a belief which they did not yet comprehend.
All of the friars were of course in attendance, and as soon as the
ceremonies were concluded, the comisario began the practical part of
their missionary work by dividing the whole inhabited territory of
New Mexico into seven districts, each of which was assigned to one
of the Franciscan Fathers.
As this was the initial point of all the missionary work, and those
thus sent out were the first band of church-builders in our land, it is
well to preserve their names.
To Fr. Francisco de San Miguel was assigned the Province of the
Pecos, with seven pueblos on the east, and also the pueblos of the Sa-
linas country extending to the great plain.
To Fr. Juan Carlos, the Province of the Tihuas, on the Rio Grande
and including the Piros pueblos below, as far as Socorro and San
Antonio (Teipana and Qualacu).
Fr. Juan de Rosas was placed in charge of the Province of the
Queres, including Santo Domingo, Cochiti, San Felipe, San Marcos,
San Cristobal, etc.
Fr. Cristoval de Salazar was appointed to the Province of the Te-
huas, including San Juan (Caypa), San Gabriel, San Yldefonso, Santa
Clara, etc.
To Fr. Francisco de Zamora was assigned the Province of Picuris
and Taos and the surrounding country.
To Fr. Alonzo de Lugo was given the Province of Jemez, includ-
ing Cia, and many pueblos whose names cannot now be identified, in
that general vicinity.
[541]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
Fr. Andres Corchado was put in charge of a Province com-
posed of the country west of Cia, including Acoma, Zuni, and Moqui.
The other Franciscan Friars not so assigned were Pedro Vergara
and Juan de San Buenaventura, the lay brother, who appears to have
remained with Father Martinez, the comisario, to aid in his work.
The seven who were placed in charge of the districts into which
New Mexico was divided, left immediately for their fields of labor;
each taking his way into an unknown land, among a people whose lan-
guage he did not understand, isolated from all familiar faces, with
nothing but his undaunted faith and missionary zeal to support him in
his lonely work.
"The harvest was plenteous but the laborers were few;" and so,
in the succeeding year, Friars Martinez, Salazar, and Vergara went to
Mexico for the purpose of securing more Franciscans for the Missions
then being established. On the journey Padre Salazar died ; Comisario
Martinez remained in Mexico, and Fr. Juan de Escalona was sent in
his place as the head of the Mission, with six or eight additional
brothers.
Besides the inevitable difficulties of their work, the Franciscan
missionaries, from the very first, found themselves antagonized, and
many of their efforts rendered futile, by the action of Ofiate and suc-
ceeding governors, and their opposition to the methods of the Fran-
ciscans. Their points of view were essentially different. The govern-
ors generally had no thought but of holding the Indians in subjection,
of making further explorations and conquests, and of securing any per-
sonal gain possible from their official position. The other officials
and the little army of soldiers naturally agreed with the governor and
his wishes.
The friars, on the other hand, thought only of the salvation of
souls, of the baptism of the natives of all ages, and the stamping out
of heathen ceremonials. These essential differences created much
friction and finally open antagonism. The first letters written at San
Gabriel of which we have copies, express this bitterness of feeling.
They appear in Torquemada's "Monarguia Indiana," and are written
by Father Escalona, the comisario, to the Superior of the Franciscan
Order in Mexico. They accuse the governor of all kinds of crimes and
malfeasance. They charge cruelty in sacking Pueblo villages without
reason; that he had prevented the raising of corn necessary for the
garrison and people and thereby brought on a famine and caused the
people to subsist on wild seeds ; and insisted that the colony could not
possibly succeed unless Onate was removed. On his part, the gov-
[542]
SPANISH MISSION CHURCHES OF NEW MEXICO
ernor wrote to the Viceroy and the King, charging the friars with
various delinquencies and general inefficiency.
But notwithstanding these drawbacks, the missionary work went
on. There were changes in the person of the chief Franciscan, but no
change in policy. Fr. Alonzo Peinado succeeded Fr. Escobar as comi-
sario in 1608, and brought with him eight or nine additional friars. At
this time, just ten years after the first settlement, the Missionaries re-
ported that over eight thousand Indians had been converted to Chris-
tianity.
Six years later, Fr. Peinado gave place to Fr. Estevan de Perea,
and he in turn was succeeded by Fr. Zarate Salmeron, who instilled
new energy into the missionary work. By 1617 the number of sup-
posed converts had reached fourteen thousand, but there were yet only
eleven of the friars. Salmeron was a great orator and indefatigable
worker; for eight years he lived at Jemez "sacrificing himself to the
Lord among the pagans," and also having charge at Cia and Sandia;
and he tells us himself that he baptized no less than six thousand five
hundred and sixty-six persons with his own hands. His success and
the account of it which he took personally to Mexico, attracted much
attention, and resulted in the elevation of the New Mexican Mission
into a "Custodia" called the "Custodia de la Conversion de San Pablo,"
claiming sixteen thousand converts, and having at its head the cele-
brated Alonso de Benavides, who came from Mexico with twenty-
seven additional friars. This increase in the clerical force showed
immediate results, as only five years later the baptized converts are
reported at thirty-four thousand.
Benavides was not only a most energetic custodio, constantly mak-
ing visitations and inspiring the friars to greater activities, but we are
indebted to him for the most authentic history of the mission work
which had yet been written, with incidental descriptions of the towns
and pueblos, of climate and products, of great interest and value. He
had been induced to make the journey across the ocean to Spain in
order to interest the King himself in the far distant work of the Fran-
ciscans, and his report was presented to the King of Spain in person, in
Madrid, in 1630. Benavides never returned to New Mexico but be-
came Archbishop of Goa in Asia.
There can be no doubt that his estimates of the number of Indians,
like most of those of that day, were much exaggerated. Apart from
the usual enlargement in the numbers of the population when they are
estimated and not counted, there was throughout the whole report an
evident attempt to impress the King with the greatness of the field
and the importance of sending additional assistance to the Franciscan
[543]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
missionaries, and especially of providing a bishop for New Mexico in
order that the converts might be confirmed and a better administration
secured. But the report is the best authority for the condition of the
Missions of that time, and certainly describes a wonderful work per-
formed within only thirty days after the first settlement.
He describes each group or "Nacion" separately, and the fol-
lowing condensed summary contains the substance of the report so far
as the Missions and Churches are concerned:
"Piros nation, most southerly in New Mexico ; on both sides of the
Rio Grande for 15 leagues, from Senecu to Sevilleta; 15 pueblos, 6,000
Indians, all baptized; 3 missions, Nuestra Seiiora del Socorro at Pi-
labo, San Antonio de Senecu and San Luis Obispo at Sevilleta.
"Tihua nation, 7 leagues above Piros, 15 or 16 pueblos, 7,000
Indians, all baptized; 2 missions, at Sandia and Isleta.
"Queres nation, 4 leagues above the Tihuas, extending ten leagues
from San Felipe and including Santa Ana on the west ; 7 pueblos, 4,000
Indians, all baptized; 3 missions.
"Tompiros nation, ten leagues east of the Queres, extending 15
leagues from Chilili; 14 or 15 pueblos, over 10,000 Indians, all of
whom were converted and most all of them baptized; six missions;
these lived near the Salinas.
"Tanos nation, 10 leagues northwest of the Tompiros, extending
10 leagues; 5 pueblos and i mission; 4,000 Indians, all of whom had
been baptized.
"Pecos pueblo, of Jemez nation and language ; 4 leagues north of
the Tanos; 2,000 Indians and a very fine mission.
"Villa de Santa Fe ; 7 leagues west of Pecos ; capital ; 250 Span-
iards and 700 Indians.
"Tehua nation, west of Santa Fe toward the Rio Grande, extend-
ing 10 or 12 leagues; 8 pueblos, including Santa Clara; 6,000 Indians;
3 missions, including San Ildefonso.
"Jemez nation; 7 leagues to the west there were 3,000 Indians,
but half died, people now gathered in 2 pueblos of San Jose and San
Diego.
"Picuris pueblo; 10 leagues up the river from San Ildefonso,
2,000 Indians baptized, and the most savage in the province.
"Taos pueblo, of same nation as the Picuris, but differing some-
what in language, 7 leagues north of Picuris; 2,500 baptized Indians;
church and convento.
"Acoma pueblo, 12 leagues west of Santa Ana, containing 2,000
Indians; which was reduced in 1629 and at which one friar was
located.
[544]
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J'i'3
CHURCH OF THE PUEBLO OF SAN 1'KLIPE, NEW MEXICO
The Mission was founded in 1598, but the first Church was de-
stroyed In 1680. Soon after 1693 it was rebuilt and the ruins of
this structure may be seen to-day. The present Church, shown in
the picture, was erected on another site early in the Eighteenth
Century.
Till-: ANC1KNT CAKVEI) 1> )()K OK THE MISSION
ciintcil OF SANTO DOMING'.). NK\V MEXICO
The Mission was founded about 1598, and the first
Church was built in 1607 by Padre Juan de Escalona.
Three Priests were here massacred in 1680, but the
Indians did not demolish the Church. This picture
was made in 1880 before the destruction of this
ancient edifice by the flooding of the Rio Grande
The figure is that of A. F. Bandelier, the archaeolo-
gist, who is seen examining the wonderful heraldic
carvings.
SPANISH MISSION CHURCHES OF NEW MEXICO
"Zuni nation, 30 leagues west of Acoma, extending 9 or 10 leagues
containing n or 12 pueblos and 10,000 converted Indians; there were
2 missions at Zuni."
Benavides summarizes the whole matter by saying that at that
time there were about fifty Friars in New Mexico, serving over 60,000
natives who had accepted Christianity ; that they lived in ninety pueb-
los, grouped into about twenty-five Missions with churches and con-
ventos, and that each pueblo also had its own church.
In 1629 a considerable number of friars arrived from Mexico un-
der the leadership of Father Estevan de Perea ; and these occupied new
fields and erected some of the most important churches. Among these
was Father Garcia de San Francisco who founded a church at Socorro,
and Father Francisco Acevedo, who is credited with the direction of
the churches at Abo, Tenabo, and Tabira, in the Salinas region. He
died in 1644, so that we have an approximate date for the building of
those notable edifices. The Salinas pueblos were destroyed or aban-
doned owing to the persistent attacks of the Apaches, between 1669
and 1676, as will be stated in more detail when those pueblos are
described.
The "Cronica" of Vetancur contains a list of the principal Mis-
sions as they existed in 1680, just prior to the Pueblo Revolution, with
the name of the priest in charge of each. The points of interest in this
will be embodied in the separate descriptions of the Missions. It shows
how thoroughly the whole of New Mexico was covered at that time by
the Missions of the Franciscans, most of them being the centers of dis-
tricts, from which the friars living in the central convento visited and
served the smaller surrounding villages.
[56i]
ratru
QHjartmtuj &torg of an Jtoal ijom* in 2&nturkg,
ralUng tfj* dental ijoapttalitg, &rlfolarlu, uFaatwi, and
(grarioua Jfatojfborltnwia OTJftrh, W*« % 3Ht» Jfiattor of
Attwrtran (Enrtlrifoofc a Bjunoreo f ?ara Ago
MRS. IDA WITHERS HARRISON
JElj? Autijor'a JFarenunra
AM indebted to Mrs. Margaret Robertson Letcher
Bronaugh of Nicholasville, Kentucky, great-great-
granddaughter of Colonel David Meade, of Chau-
miere du Prairie, for the information on which this
article is based. She kindly placed at my disposal a
large volume, printed only for family use, called:
"Chaumiere Papers, Containing Matters of Interest
to the Descendants of David Meade, of Nansemond County, Virginia."
This notable collection contains various articles of interest to dif-
ferent members and friends of the Meade family ; but the most valu-
able part of it is a Family History, written by Colonel David Meade, of
Chaumiere du Prairie, Jessamine County, Kentucky, when he was
about eighty years old. Of it, he says quaintly: "It was written for
the amusement, and, peradventure, the edification of the House of
Meade."
It was not intended for publication, and was never revised, or
re-written. The editor of these family papers says of his auto-
biography :
"The manuscript was a half century old, when it was first copied
by our cousin, Elizabeth Thompson, who had to use a magnifying
glass to decipher it. One unfamiliar with David Meade's handwriting
cannot appreciate the magnitude of the undertaking. Possibly his
hieroglyphs have been mistranslated in some instances, but the marvel
is the work has been so well done under the circumstance."
[563]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
In addition to this large volume, Mrs. Bronaugh also loaned me
several articles on Chaumiere du Prairie, all of these being papers
bequeathed to her by her mother, Mrs. Anna Meade Letcher, who was
a great student of family history.
"The manuscript was a half century old, when it was first copied
by our cousin, Elizabeth Thompson, who had to use a magnifying
glass to decipher it. One unfamiliar with David Meade's handwriting
cannot appreciate the magnitude of the undertaking. Possibly his
hieroglyphs have been mistranslated in some instances, but the marvel
is the work has been so well done under the circumstances."
In addition to this large volume, Mrs. Bronaugh also loaned me
several articles on Chaumiere ; all of these papers were bequeathed to
her by her mother, Mrs. Anna Meade Letcher, who was a great student
of family history.
CCORDING to the Memoirs of Colonel David Meade,
the American history of the Meade Family began
with the emigration of Andrew Meade, an Irish gen-
tleman, who came to the Colonies in the latter part
of the Seventeenth Century. He was of illustrious
birth, being a descendant of Roderick O'Connor, the
last independent King of Ireland. He settled per-
manently in Virginia, at the head of navigation on Nansemond River,
where he accumulated a handsome estate and a large number of
slaves.
These were inherited by his only son, David Meade, who married
in 1730 Susannah Everard, daughter of Sir Richard Everard, Baro-
net, and granddaughter of Doctor Richard Kidder, Bishop of Bath
and Wells.
The Everards were of ancient lineage, tracing their pedigree
as far back as the reign of King Henry II, and had on their family
tree the name of Oliver Cromwell.
Sir Richard served with distinction as a Naval officer in the days
of Queen Anne, who made him Proprietary Governor of North Caro-
lina, and it was during his term of office that his daughter married
the young Virginian. The male line of Everard became extinct with
him, and his two daughters, of whom Susannah was the elder, inher-
ited very valuable property in England — large country estates with
handsome mansions on them, furniture, jewels, and objects of art.
David Meade of Chaumiere, was the oldest son of this marriage,
and he writes in his memoirs of his father and his fair English wife:
[564]
CHAUMIERE DU PRAIRIE
"No pair ever enjoyed more happiness in the hymeneal state than
they did. He was the most affectionate of husbands, the tenderest
of parents, the best of masters, and an ingenuous and sincere friend.
He was just, generous and hospitable, and deceased in the year
1757, being then in his 47th year."
David Meade, the hero of this sketch, was born in 1744. He was
a delicate child, and was sent to England when he was only seven
years old. It seems to have been customary in Colonial times for
Virginians of wealth and culture to send their sons to the Old Country
to be educated. There were no adequate schools in the Province, and
even if a well equipped tutor could be found, the solitudes of those
great estates, peopled by negroes, was not adapted to the development
of youth in an age that held, "polish for the manners as indispensable
as powder for the hair."
Of course, this did hot apply to the daughters, for in those days
the most rudimentary education was all that was considered neces-
sary for a woman. Anything beyond that was supposed to unfit her
for the sphere to which God had assigned her.
For ten years, the young Virginian attended the best schools in
England. His ample fortune, his advantages of birth, through his
mother's as well as his father's family, and his own bright mind and
personal charm threw him into the best society, and he was honored
with the friendship of some of the most distinguished men and women
of the day. He says in his autogiography, "I associated upon equal
terms with any Lord, Duke, or Sir Harry of them all."
One interesting incident of his stay in England occurred at the
funeral of a member of the Meade family, who was a stranger to
him. He went to it on account of the name, and found that the dead
man was supposed to be the last of his race, and that they had placed
the family escutcheon on his coffin, to be buried with him — which
seems to have been the custom when the male line became extinct.
When the American boy told who he was, it was given to him, and
has been preserved in the family ever since. It now belongs to Mrs.
Bronaugh, and the heraldic marks on it are perfectly distinct. Every
line and device on it mean something, and it is supposed to trace the
descent of the Meades from the Irish O'Connors.
David Meade returned to Virginia in 1761, "after a passage of
about two months, on board a ship of 100 hogsheads burdens," and
found his father dead, and a family of brothers and sisters, who were
all but strangers to him. As he was the eldest, he became the head of
the family, but his modest narrative has little to say of himself. It
[565]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
is filled with praise and appreciation of his grandfather, his father,
his brothers, and his friends.
He was especially proud of his brother, Richard Kidder, who
seems to have had more taste for public life than any of them. During
the Revolutionary War, he was aide-de-camp to General Washington,
and had the painful distinction of being the commanding officer at
the execution of Major Andre.
The Meades were intimately associated with the distinguished
Randolph family. The most personal part of David Meade's Memoirs
is an account of a journey he took through New York and Canada, in
company with the two Randolph brothers, one of whom afterward
married his sister, Anne. His brother, Richard, also married Eliza-
beth Randolph, who was aunt to the famous John Randolph of
Roanoke.
In 1768, David Meade married Sarah Waters, a beautiful girl
of Williamsburg, Virginia. He writes of himself at this time, "That
he was chaste and sober, an avowed enemy of gaming, and free from
all the great vices, which disturb the order and peace of society, and
stamps the seal of Satan on the perpetrator." His long and useful
life bore out this estimate of himself, for he was ever a model husband,
father, and friend.
Though his young manhood fell in the stirring times of the Revo-
lution, yet he made only one brief entry into public life. The year
after his marriage, in 1769, he was elected First Burgess from Nanse-
mond County to the Virginia Assembly. He relates, "That he went
to Williamsburg, afflicted with a tertian fever and ague, but that the
thought of speaking before that distinguished body bore more heavily
upon him than his bodily sickness."
Lord Botetourt, the Governor of Virginia, was an ardent Tory,
and was so incensed at the freedom with which the Burgesses dis-
cussed the differences between England and the Colonies, that he
abruptly dissolved the Assembly, and the young representative from
Nansemond County returned home, completely cured of all political
aspirations, and never more took part in public life.
But, though he spent the eventful years of the struggle for inde-
pendence managing his large estate, and devoting himself to his rap-
idly growing family, there was no more devoted patriot in Virginia
than David Meade. While his long residence in England had given
him all the graces of a courtier, and implanted in his mind the ideals
of home and social life that he found there, yet they in no way weaned
him from the Democratic principles for which his country was
struggling.
[566]
CHAUMIERE DU PRAIRIE
Just before the War began, he sold the ancestral home in Nanse-
mond County to his brother, Andrew, and bought an estate on the
James River, in Prince George County, which he called Maycox.
Here for twenty-two years he practiced that hospitality, which was
one of the fine arts of his day, and often had as his guests the leaders
of his State, and of the Nation. In a publication of the Massachusetts
Historical Society, "The Pleasure Grounds of David Meade, Esq., of
Maycox," are thus described:
"These grounds contain about 12 acres, laid out on the banks of
the James River in a most beautiful and enchanting manner. Forest
and fruit trees are here arranged, as if nature and art had conspired
together to strike the eye most agreeably. Beautiful vistas which open
pleasing views of the river, the land thrown into many artificial
hollows or gentle swellings, with the pleasing verdure of the turf,
and the perfect order in which the whole is preserved, altogether tend
to form one of the most delightful seats that is to be met with in the
United States, and to do honor to the taste and skill of the proprietor,
who is also the architect." (Massachusetts Historical Society Col-
lections, Volume III, Page 90.)
Maycox was on that part of the James River where so many
historic Virginia homes were situated, whose names are still synonyms
for hospitality in its fullest flower. Just across, was Westover, the
home of Colonel William Byrd, with whom the Meade family became
connected by marriage. Above and below, on either side of the broad
river, were Brandon, Shirley, Berkeley, Powhatan, Cawsons, the
homes of the Harrisons, the Carters, the Mayos, the Blands, the Ran-
dolphs, and many others. In this lovely spot, the family of David
Meade and Sarah Waters increased to nine children, and there they
spent twenty-two tranquil and useful years.
Until the last quarter of the Eighteenth Century, white settle-
ments in our country were exclusively along the Atlantic seaboard.
For more than one hundred miles, the Allegheny Mountains rose, a
solid, rocky wall, between them and the unknown land beyond. In
the early seventies, however, a few daring pioneers ventured through
Cumberland Gap, the one break in that frowning barrier that was
known, and discovered the favored land beyond. When they returned,
they painted it as a veritable Eldorado. Daniel Boone called it, "a
second paradise." Felix Walker, one of his companions, wrote, "Of
the pleasing and rapturous appearance of the plains of Kentucky; a
new sky and strange earth seemed to be presented to our view."
Not only the natural beauties appealed to an imaginative and
adventurous age, but stories of the quantities of game that haunted
[567]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
its rich canebrakes and abundant salt licks captured a time, when men
"were mighty hunters before the Lord." Doctor Felix Walker, an-
other early explorer, who only remained in the new land a few months,
wrote in his diary: "We killed 13 buffaloes, 8 elks, 53 bears, 20 deer,
4 wild geese, about 150 wild turkeys, besides small game. We might
have killed three times as many, if we had cared."
This was a veritable call from the West to the East, and the re-
sponse to it was a burst of immigration through Cumberland Gap and
Eastern Kentucky, surpassing any movement of population before or
since, of which we have any record — although the Revolutionary
War was going on for part of the time. In the twenty-five years,
from 1775 to 1800, two hundred and twenty thousand people streamed
over the rough, rocky footpath, blazed by Daniel Boone, which was
dignified with the name of the Old Wilderness Road.
It is not hard to understand the lure of the new and unknown
country to adventurous spirits like Daniel Boone and Simon Kenton,
or to those to whom enrichment, and betterment of their material
condition was a prime necessity. But it is difficult to know what was
the magnet that drew David Meade, a man fifty-two years old, of
large wealth, and cultured, refined tastes, to leave his beautiful estate
on the James River, and bring his gentle wife and large family into
what was practically virgin wilderness. He gives no clue as to his
motive for this migration in his narrative, merely stating that, in the
summer of 1796, he and his family, with a large retinue of servants,
left Virginia and came to Kentucky.
He bought a large tract of land, nine miles from Lexington, and
devoted the rest of his long life to making a home in this forest prim-
eval, modeled after the splendid country seats he had so admired in
England.
The natural beauties of this Bluegrass Region lent themselves
admirably to the art of the landscape gardener; the gently-rolling
land, clothed in richest green, made the curving line of beauty every-
where; the superb forest trees of unequaled size and variety, the rich
limestone soil, the mild climate, made an ideal setting for this first
and fairest of Old Kentucky Homes.
With characteristic modesty, he gave it a name suited to its sylvan
surroundings, "Chaumiere du Prairie" — "The Cottage in the
Meadow" — and only mentions his famous place at the close of his
Memoirs, in these simple words:
"At the precise period of recording this the writer, David Meade,
has resided in tranquil retirement thirty years, with a numerous house-
hold, at his seat of Chaumiere du Prairie, where his days have been
[568]
CHAUMIERE DU PRAIRIE
engaged in the wholesome and agreeable, and he trusts, innocent occu-
pation of the improvement of his grounds, after the mode of horti-
culture, calculated more to please the eye, than to result in the acquire-
ment of what the world generally deems the more substantial goods
of life."
But though he speaks thus briefly of his palatial home, there are
more adequate descriptions of it in the Chaumiere Papers. One of
the frequent visitors to Chaumiere was Doctor Horace Holley, Presi-
dent of Transylvania University from 1818 to 1827, who writes this
tribute :
"I went with a party of ladies and gentlemen, nine miles from
Lexington, to the country seat of Colonel Meade, where we dined and
passed the day. This gentleman, who is past seventy, is a Virginian
of the old school. He was a good deal in England in his youth, and
brought back with him English notions of a country seat — though he
is a great republican in politics. He and his wife dress in the costume
of the olden time; he wears the square coat and great cuffs, the long
court vest, knee breeches, and white silk stockings at all times; the
buttons of his coat and vest are of silver, with the Meade crest on
them. Mrs. Meade has the long waist, the stays, the ruffles at the
elbows, and the cap of the past century. She is very mild and lady-
like, and though between 60 and 70, plays upon her pianoforte, the
first one brought to Kentucky, with the facility and cheerfulness of a
young girl. Colonel Meade is entirely a man of leisure, never having
followed any business, and only using his fortune in adorning his
place, and entertaining his friends, and strangers. No word is ever
sent him that company is coming — to do so offends him. Servants
are always in waiting. Twenty of us went out one day without
warning, and were entertained luxuriously on the viands of the coun-
try His house consists of a cluster of buildings, in front of
which spreads a beautiful sloping lawn, smooth as velvet. From this,
walks diverge in various directions forming vistas, terminated by
picturesque objects. Seats, verdant banks, alcoves, and a Chinese
temple are interspersed at convenient distances. The lake, over which
presides a Grecian temple, that you may imagine to be the home of the
Water Nymphs, has in it a small island, which communicates with
the shore by a white bridge of one arch. The whole park is sur-
rounded by a low, rustic stone fence, almost hidden by roses and honey-
suckle, now in full flower. You enter from the road through a gate
with massive columns, and follow a drive, which winds through a
noble park, to an minor gate, the capitals to whose pillars are formed
of the roots of trees, carved by nature. There the rich scene of ver-
[569]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
dure and flower-capped hedges bursts upon you. There is no estab-
lishment like this in our country."
In 1825 Doctor Craik, Rector of the Episcopal Church in Lexing-
ton, writes of it with equal enthusiasm. He says :
"Every one who went to Lexington, or any part of the bluegrass
country, visited Chaumiere as a matter of course, to enjoy the won-
drous beauty which the taste and genius of one man had created ; the
result was that for a time every day at Chaumiere was like a levee.
My first visit was paid with Dr. Holley, the brilliant and admired
President of Transylvania. Colonel and Mrs. Meade were then
quite aged, but they had lost nothing of the refined courtesy of their
day — a day when culture was of the highest in the class to which they
belonged. Colonel Meade told me he had selected his present residence
on account of the natural beauties of the country, and he pointed with
enthusiasm to several groups of sugar maples, with the lovely grass
beneath them, as the most attractive features of the place. The
grounds were enclosed with a low stone wall ; lakes with boats, streams
crossed by bridges, meandering walks, made a scene of delightful
enchantment. There is nothing like it in this country."
One of David Meade's granddaughters, Mrs. Susan C. Williams,
gives a more intimate description of this paradise in the wilderness.
"The house might be called a villa, built in an irregular style of
various materials, wood, stone and brick. The part composed of
brick was a large octagon drawing room. The dining room was large
and square, wainscotted with black walnut, with very deep windows,
where we children used to hide ourselves behind the heavy curtains;
there was a large, square hall, and numerous lobbies, passage ways,
and areas. The grounds were extensive and beautiful ; at that time, it
was said there was not so highly and tastefully improved a country
seat in America; distinguished visitors to Lexington were always
taken there And then, the walks ! — The serpentine one mile
around, the haw-haw, a wide, straight walk with an echo — both with
white benches at intervals, and in a secluded nook, a tasteful Chinese
pavilion. The bird-cage walk was cut through a dense plum thicket,
excluding the sun, and lead to a dell, where was a large spring of water,
and the mouth of a cave. At this point was the terminus of the lake,
and after a hard rain there was a waterfall, in which my grandfather
greatly delighted I should not omit to say that both my grand-
father and grandmother were all that their servants could desire as
master and mistress ; all that were capable of taking care of themselves
were manumitted at his death."
The servants were indeed an important part of their sumptuous
[570]
CHAUMIERE DU PRAIRIE
and spacious establishment. Seven men were kept at work on the
grounds, mowing the grass, trimming- and tending the trees, shrub-
berries, and gardens; not a leaf or twig was ever allowed to remain
on the velvet turf.
At least twenty were employed about the house, under the abso-
lute rule of Betsy Miller, the housekeeper. She was of good Scotch
descent, and of unusual strength and nobility of character. She was
entirely devoted to the Meade family, and at her death (at ninety
years of age), she left all her possessions to Evelyn Bird Woodson,
one of the grandchildren.
All the rest of the servants were negroes. There were cooks,
dining-room servants, coachmen, footmen, outriders, valets, and house-
maids. All these were under the special charge of Dean, the negro
butler, who copied the polish and grace of his master's manners, with
the imitative talent of his race. The plate and jewelry, and the liveries
of the servants were under his oversight. The butler and men of
the establishment wore a livery of drab cloth with silver buttons and
low-cut shoes. The care of the silver and cut glass was no little
charge. The magnificent solid silver plate, which was brought from
England, and the costly china and cut glass were on such a lavish scale,
that one hundred guests could be easily served at one time.
Mrs. Anna Meade Letcher, a great-granddaughter of Colonel
Meade, writes of the house :
"Most of it was but one story, but it contained a great number
of rooms, which were richly furnished. In the octagon drawing room
hung four handsome mirrors, which were draped, as were the windows
and the eight sides of the room, with hangings of brocaded satin.
The large square hall was called the stone passage, where in summer
afternoons tea was served. The pictures on the wall were mostly
family portraits, some of them by celebrated artists. One of David
Meade at eight years of age was by Hudson, the teacher of Sir Joshua
Reynolds, and several were by Sir Joshua himself. One was by the
celebrated Sully. When Edward Everett visited Chaumiere, just
after a stay abroad, he pronounced the art collection there, though
small, the equal of any he had seen in private galleries in Europe."
Mrs. Letcher also speaks of the many distinguished visitors to
Chaumiere. Among them were four Presidents of the United States
—Thomas Jefferson, James Monroe, Andrew Jackson, and Zachary
Taylor. General Scott and George Rogers Clark were guests there a
number of times.
Mrs. Letcher says: "Of all the noted visitors to the place, I
have heard my grandmother talk most of Aaron Burr and Blenner-
[57i]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
hassett; at one time they were guests there for several weeks. Next
to these, she considered Andrew Jackson the most remarkable man she
ever knew. She has often described to me how he looked on his war
horse, as he came through the gates of the porter's lodge, and rode up
to the house."
But the most honored of Chaumiere's guests was Lafayette,
when he visited Lexington in 1825. It was that he might be enter-
tained in a fitting manner, tha Colonel Meade built this splendid
octagon drawing room. This is all that remains of the old home, and
is an apartment of noble and ample proportions, with lofty windows,
and beautiful woodwork of black walnut. If its mute walls could
speak, what stories it could tell of the courtly gatherings there, and
the spacious hospitalities of those days that are no more !
It goes without saying, that all the old Kentucky families were
frequent guests. Henry Clay, then a young man, was a constant
visitor ; Constantine Samuel Raf inesque, the eccentric and brilliant nat-
uralist, during his seven years' stay in Lexington, found a congenial
spirit in Colonel Meade, and a contributor and shareholder to his
scheme of a Transylvania Botanical Garden. He makes three allu-
sions to him in his diary of that short-lived enterprise. One entry
says, "David Meade sent Billy, an able black man, for labor."
Doubtless, the generous master of Chaumiere contributed Billy's
work, for there is no record of paying him wages, as there is about
James Stewart, Wasson, and William.
On March 19, the diary notes: "Sent Billy to Mr. Meade's to
bring cart load of trees, cuttings, and seeds from his pleasure
grounds." And a day later he writes, "Billy comes back with cartload
of slips and cuttings from David Meade's — We begin to plant." Those
were surely large-hearted days, when gifts from one's gardens and
shrubberies were made by the cartload!
This stately and serene old couple lived to a good old age. Mrs.
Meade died in 1829, in her eightieth year, and Colonel Meade fol-
lowed her in six months, at the ripe age of four score and six years.
The death of his son, David Meade, who inherited his refined
tastes, and to whom he looked to keep up the traditions of Chaumiere,
was the great grief of Colonel Meade's life. As none of his daugh-
ters was able to own the place, it was put up for sale at his death, and
his personal effects divided between his heirs.
Mrs. Letcher writes of the tragic passing of this unique and mag-
nificent home :
"On the day of the sale, a large crowd collected to hear Chau-
miere cried off to a coarse, vulgar man; when he bought it, every
[572]
CHAUMIERE DU PRAIRIE
one was so surprised and indignant, that a murmur of disapproval
was heard, and soon after, some one wrote on the pleasure houses all
through the grounds, Paradise Lost. This so enraged the purchaser,
that he determined to make these words true. In less than a week, the
beautiful grounds were filled with horses, cattle, sheep, and filthy
swine. He felled the forest trees in the grounds and park, and cut
down the hedges — in fine, committed such vandalism, as has never
been heard of in this country. He pulled down some of the prettiest
rooms in the house, stored grain in others, and made ruins of all of the
pleasure houses and bridges through the place. He only kept it long
enough to destroy it, and the next purchaser found Chaumiere but a
wreck of its former beauty."
To-day, the old octagon drawing-room is all that remains of this
noble home. Not a vestige is left of those pleasure grounds, that
were the marvel of all who saw them. The place is but a beautiful
memory — but a memory that has done much to make the phrase
"An Old Kentucky Home," a standard and an ideal of hospitality,
famovis alike in song and story. Happy the community and the State,
that has among its traditions such a home as Chaumiere, and such gra-
cious and generous hospitality as was there dispensed by Colonel David
Meade, and Sarah Waters, his wife !
[573]
JtattuntH GDttn QDrtagrm
in Ma0tjmgt0n
BY
JEAN CABELL O'NEILL
F TREATIES and the abrogation thereof, of universal
peace-talk while a good percentage of the world's
horizon is draped with war-clouds, the press keeps
the public well informed. But a treaty so important
that for nearly a century it has kept harmony between
Great Britain and these United States is practically
forgotten, though the theatre of its ratification is
within sight of the White House, at the National Capital.
The Treaty of Ghent, which amicably closed the quarrel between
Uncle Sam and John Bull, restoring the harmony which during
1812-1814 had been sadly disturbed, was ratified in the Octagon
House in Washington, D. C., during the Administration of President
Madison, that building serving at the time as the private and official
residence of our fourth President and the notable "Mistress Dolly,"
the Executive Mansion proper being in ruins, as a souvenir of the
visit of the invading force a short while before. The room above
the main entrance was the scene of the sealing of the peace bond
which holds as well to-day as before the ink was dry on the parchment,
one hundred and one years ago.
The Octagon House, — its popular cognomen having become offi-
cial during the passing years, — was among the first residences erected
in the Federal city. It is said that General Washington helped to draw
the plans of the house for his friend, Colonel Tayloe, who was reputed
the third richest man in the country, and who paid a pretty penny for
the land, and a good many other pennies before his splendid home was
complete. In design, it was a startling departure from the conven-
tional four-square pattern of the Colonial dwelling, and historians
say caused much comment of adverse nature among the conservative
element of Washington society.
It was to this house that the portrait of General Washington was
sent by Mrs. Madison before she fled from the White House, just
before the British captured Washington. The picture proved a mas-
[575]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
cot, for the Octagon House was one of the few pretentious buildings
in the infant city that escaped destruction. Probably for this reason
it became the logical residence of the Administration on its return
to the city after the storm had routed the enemy and quenched their
torches. Colonel Tayloe was too wealthy to have desired to rent his
beautiful home, but, like the majority of the Americans of that period,
he was patriotic, and through the remaining term of Madison and
the first seventeen months of Monroe's Administration this house
v» as the home of our Chief Magistrate, its owners residing elsewhere.
This building is still one of the show-places in the city it adorns,
bat even among Washingtonians its history had been almost for-
gotten, until the Daughters of the American Revolution came to the
rescue of its tradition-encrusted fame and cleared away the cobweb
of fancy, by a plain statement of facts, recorded on a bronze tablet,
set in the wall of the room of chief interest.
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TITLE-PAGE OF A FANTASTIC BOOK, NOW VERT
RARE, ON NEW MEXICO, WRITTEN IN 1784 BY
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HIS NOM-DE-PLUME HERE BEING AS
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lUMERET COXXAI ."RE .
PIERRE SAMUEL DU PONT DE NEMOURS, WHO, WITH
HIS SON. ELEUTHERE IRfiNfiE DU PONT DE NEMOURS,
CAME TO AMERICA IN 1800. THUS BECOMING THE
FOUNDER. IN Till': UNITED STATES. OK THE FAMILY
WHICH, IN ITS INDUSTRIAL AND SCIENTIFIC ACTIV-
ITIES, HAS GIVEN PATROTIC SERVICE TO THE NATION
FOR MORE THAN ONE HUNDRED YEARS
(Eljrotttrlea of a (ireat Jnbnatrg, 3Founb*b in 1802 Hnbrr ilj*
Auapwa of QJlfomaa iefferaon, 3oh,n Ijanrork, anb 3Iob,n flla-
aon5$Ijout % bit Jlonta &?rwa Atnmra in ib,? War of 1812,
% dim! Mar, anb (fur Mar uritb. ^patnjgol^ bit Punt $oro-
bw Wagon anb f|mu 3t ijelptb Ut« ^rrg'a Itrtanj^Sif?
^rinrtyb of "Nobbaa? (fbltgp" Srougljl into HJuainpaa aa a
Saair Jbtal^^atriotiam, Adfimnwnt, anb Sfaourrta WIfirJj
^auf $wtt at tljp Olommaub of tiff Intfrb ^tatea for ©np 2jun-
brrb anb ©Ijirtwn f eara, anb Wjirlf A« Spabg QJo-bag— or
®o-morrom— for lift Nwba of % Nation in Jjkare anb in liar
BY
MABEL THACHER ROSEMARY WASHBURN
HE following article, concerning the patriotic activities
of the du Pont de Nemours Company in connection
with Perry's victory on Lake Erie in the War of 1812
and the centennial celebration of the Battle, was writ-
ten by the author in 1913, and it was read by the
Mayor of Erie, Pennsylvania, in his public address
when the "du Pont Powder Wagon" arrived in that city one hundred
years after its first coming "with powder for Perry."
The grave menace which the World War of 1914 and 1915 has
written in letters of black and red in the minds of all serious and
patriotic Americans has led many of us to the consideration of one
great advantage which the United States would possess should the
terrible Scourge of the Nations ever become a present evil in our own
beloved Land — which may God avert !
This advantage is the existence of well-equipped organizations
for the manufacture of munitions. Among such, for efficiency of
service and for a fine tradition of obligation to patriotism, the du Fonts
stand out before the Country with the strength of their historic past
as well as of their remarkable present-day achievement.
Because of this, and in the light of immediate problems, and
possible needs of to-morrow, the author has considered some account
[593]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
of this storied industry might be of interest to the people of America
at this time.
Not only in the Battle of Lake Erie did the du Pont powder blaze
the trail to victory, but throughout the War of 1812 its prompt and
efficient supply was unceasing. As a family and as a business organi-
zation the du Fonts served faithfully their new Motherland in her
second struggle for Independence.
During the first quarter of the Nineteenth Century they placed
themselves squarely behind the cause of liberty by supplying powder
to the Latin American Republics, fighting to win or maintain their
independence from European tyranny. During this period also their
ammunition was of the greatest value to the pioneers of our Far West
in defence against the Indians.
The resourcefulness and boldness of a du Pont untied a hard
knot for us in the Civil War. There seem to have been joined in the
character of Lammot du Pont the fire of his French ancestors with
the gallant recklessness of danger and cool wit in the teeth of diffi-
culties that are characteristic of Americans. He was the son of
Alfred Victor, and grandson of Eleuthere Irenee, the founder of the
du Pont Company. All his life, he was in the midst of exciting events,
and he died in an explosion of the du Pont dynamite and nitroglycerine
works, on March 29, 1884. Some one rushed in to tell him that one
of the mills had caught fire, crying to him to save himself. But he
stayed at his post, seeking to save his men and the works, and so died
bravely, as he had lived.
During the Crimean War he undertook to deliver a large ship-
ment of powder to the Russian Government, for use in the Siege of
Sebastopol. English frigates were sent to our coast to prevent the
powder ship from getting away, but Lammot du Pont, then a young
man of twenty-five, took charge in person, ran the British blockade,
and carried the powder to the Russians.
The Civil War burst, a horror, upon the Country when he was
thirty years old. Before the actual conflict began, with General Henry
Algernon du Pont (who received from Congress a medal of honor
for "most distinguished gallantry and voluntary exposure to the en-
emy's fire at a critical moment" in the Battle of Cedar Creek, and
was later a United States Senator), and with others of the family,
Lammot du Pont was called into consultation with President Lincoln,
the Cabinet, and chiefs of the Army and Navy; and in 1860 he was
honored with a mission of the greatest importance.
He had informed the Government that the supply of saltpetre,
necessary for the making of gunpowder, would soon become ex-
[594]
IN THE SERVICE OF THE REPUBLIC
hausted. Sailing for England, to get the needed supply, he arranged
that half a million dollars in gold should be sent by the next ship. On
his arrival, without waiting for the money, he at once purchased all
the saltpetre obtainable. The brokers who delivered it pressed for
immediate payment, for his enormous purchases had caused a rise in
price, and they hoped he would be forced to cancel the orders, through
lack of money for prompt payment, which would enable them to sell
the saltpetre elsewhere at the advanced price. Du Pont sought aid
from London bankers, — Brown, Shipley, and Company, and
the Barings, — but it was refused. Whether or not this was due to
sympathy with the Confederate States is not known. Finally, the
firm of Peabody and Company agreed to furnish the money if du
Pont proved his identity, which he did. He paid for the saltpetre,
ordered more, faced the disappointment of the next ship's arrival with-
out the gold, and pluckily waited for the third vessel, which brought
the longed-for funds.
But in the meantime a wave of opposition to the shipment of the
saltpetre had arisen, and was being fomented by the London Times.
Lammot du Pont was a man of quick thought and prompt action.
He chartered a vessel, procured a crew, but, just as the cargo was
nearly loaded aboard ship, a Customs officer arrived and forbade the
sailing. Du Pont informed the officer that he must show his authority
for this high-handed conduct, and was invited to come to the Custom
House to see the officer's credentials. Before leaving the ship, the
American found time to whisper to the Captain : "Load every pound
of saltpetre as quickly as possible, and be ready to sail at a moment's
notice."
He found a way to give his Captain time to do this by inviting
the Customs officer to lunch with him before they proceeded to the
Custom House, and on his return to the docks found the entire cargo
safely loaded on board. Although he had learned that the order to
stop the shipment cvtme direct from Lord Palmerston, the Prime Min-
ister of England, j 1 directed sails set for four o'clock the next morn-
ing. But when the hour came, a detachment of British soldiers lined
up on the wharf, and, for the time being, du Pont was defeated. He
returned to the Unived States, in a frank talk with President Lincoln
advised that our Government present an ultimatum of war if England
would not release tUe saltpetre, received necessary credentials from
Secretary of State Seward, and started again for England.
Palmerston refused to grant him an interview, although he called
four times to see him. On his fourth visit, du Pont decided that bold-
ness would untie the knot of red tape. He brushed aside the door-
[595]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
keeper, hastened into Palmerston's private office, and presented his
card to the startled Premier. The latter was plainly told that per-
mission for the shipment must be given. Palmerston agreed to
summon a conference at once and to give a reply to the American's
demand that afternoon. The answer was duly given, and it was a
refusal to let the saltpetre leave England. Lammot du Pont quietly
informed the Minister that this refusal meant war between America
and Great Britain, and withdrew, stating that he should leave England
the next day.
That evening, while du Pont was dining at Morley's Hotel, he
received a personal visit from Lord Palmerston, who withdrew his
refusal, and promised a permit for the shipment would be given the
next day. But Lammot du Pont had learned that princes and princes'
servitors are not to be trusted, and he demanded an immediate authori-
zation. Perhaps he remembered the words of Eleuthere Irenee du
Pont, his family's founder in America : "Soutiens ton courage. Les
du Fonts ne s'abandonnent pas !" At any rate, he stood firm against
the actual head of the English Government, and he won the day. The
Prime Minister, then in his carriage, descended, entered the hotel,
and wrote the permit releasing the saltpetre. At the same time he
informed du Pont that he was "at liberty to state confidentially to
Mr. Lincoln that scarcely for any cause would England at that period
go to war with America."
Lammot du Pont continued, throughout the Civil War, to give of
his strength and his skill, raising a Company of Volunteers, to fight
for the Union, and working unceasingly to supply the ammunition
needed to win the cause.
Among the other du Fonts who served the Union in this war
was Samuel Francis du Pont, who was a sea-commander, winning
many battles, and serving in the Navy for nearly half a century. By
Act of Congress du Pont Circle in the city of Washington was named
for him, as was also Fort du Pont at Delaware City.
In our War with Spain in 1898 the family upheld the same tradi-
tion of matter-of-course patriotism that has been their charac-
teristic. During President Roosevelt's Administration, a charge was
made that the Government was being overcharged for its powder
supply. The Committee on Naval Affairs in the House of Repre-
sentatives investigated and the du Pont Company was asked to appear
before the Committee to give such information as might be useful to
the latter. General Crozier and Admiral Mason were present at this
interview, and their testimony, as heads of the Ordnance Bureaus of
the Army and Navy, to the exactness of every statement made by the
[596]
IN THE SERVICE OF THE REPUBLIC
representative of the du Fonts, together with the evidence brought
out as to the high standard of service and business relations which
the du Fonts held in their Government transactions, caused a with-
drawal of the efforts which had been made to limit the Government's
purchase of powder.
It was found in this examination that in 1898, while many con-
tractors raised the price of gunpowder sold to the United States
Government, the du Fonts maintained their former price, and, for
some kinds of material, reduced the prices. It was also brought to
light that, at the outbreak of the War with Spain, when smokeless
powder was first used to a large extent, the du Pont Company had
contracted with the Government to furnish monthly quantities, erect-
ing much new machinery to manufacture this material on a broad
scale; but that, at the close of this short war, when not only was the
amount contracted for superfluous, but it had been learned that this
powder was of no value in military operations, the du Fonts had
cancelled their contract.
The story of the development of the powder industry, as applied
to peaceful conditions, and the high order of scientific attainment and
practical efficiency which the du Pont Company has reached in these
directions, is an interesting one, but has its proper place elsewhere.
It is the du Fonts themselves, no less than the organization they have
brought to the service of the United States for more than a hundred
years, that may to-day be regarded as an asset by the people of Amer-
ica. President Wilson has said recently that "We ought to be pre-
pared, not for war, but for defense, and very adequately prepared."
Let us hope and pray that the need to use our adequate preparation
may not come, but let us be thankful that, if this Nation of Freemen
is ever called upon to hurl back from our shores any of the besavaged
hordes now trampling the civilization of the Old World, our munition
problem will have been already solved. America can supply her own
men, her own guns, her own ships, and her own powder.
[597]
Jm Punt ftfrotor Wagntt anfc If
3t 3f tflpri* Kin P errg'ja Btttarg
BT
MABEL THACHER ROSEMARY WASHBURN
NE of the most picturesque features of the Perry's Vic-
tory Centennial Celebration in 1913 was the pilgrim-
age from Wilmington, Delaware, to Erie, Pennsyl-
vania, of an old "Conestoga" wagon laden with
gun-powder and guarded by United States Cavalry-
men.
The"$i'- wagon, of the kind used by the Pennsyl-
varia Germans in the olden times, — and so called "Conestoga" from
their early settlements on the Conestoga Creek in Lancaster County,
—was sent out by the E. I. du Pont de Nemours Powder Company,
to signalize the patriotic part which this historic industry and business
took in the Battle of Lake Erie one hundred years before. For it was
the du Pont Company which furnished Perry the powder with which
his gallant guns won for America the freedom of the Lakes.
During the War of the Revolution we were greatly handicapped
by the poor quality of the gun-powder which the Colonists had to use,
and the memory of this disadvantage, — together with the tremendous
importance of powder in those days of pioneering, Indian ravages, and
potential foreign attacks on our new-born Nation, — made most oppor-
tune the proposition of the du Ponts to establish a scientific powder
plant in the United States. This was made between 1800 and 1802,
and Thomas Jefferson, then President, John Hancock, and General
John Mason, were the Americans who rendered possible this founda-
tion, which has proved, in its century and more of existence, so practi-
cally valuable to the country, not only in every American war, but in
times of peace.
At the outbreak of the War of 1812 Eleuthere Irenee du Pont de
Nemours, the actual founder of the Company, at once placed at the
Nation's disposal his services and his equipment. When Perry's fleet
had been built at Erie, when the splendid young American sailors and
soldiers had assembled for the defence of the Lakes, the next consider-
ation was the provision of powder for their guns. A consultation was
held, and a courier was sent to Wilmington asking the du Ponts to
[598]
THE DU PONT POWDER WAGON AND PERRY'S VICTORY
furnish the necessary ammunition. Payment was not offered and pay-
ment was not asked. The manufacture of the powder was completed
as rapidly as possible and when ready it was carefully packed into a
great covered wagon, drawn by six horses, and guarded by four Amer-
ican troopers, and the long, toilsome journey to Erie and victory was
begun.
The way led then past the Quaker town of Philadelphia, past the
quaint old towns of Chester and Lancaster and York, past tiny ham-
lets scattered through the wilderness, on through dense forests, perilous
with concealed British foes and their savage Indian allies, on to the
little town of Erie, waiting, tense and valiant, for the onslaught of the
enemy and the succour of the du Fonts. When the old wagon arrived,
on 6 July, 1813, the people thronged out to meet and convey the powder
to the waiting vessels.
So, one hundred years afterwards, the du Fonts sent forth another
old Conestoga wagon, to travel by the old route by which they bore
the powder to Perry, — the same route, and yet so vastly changed in a
century of progress.
On June 2, 1913, the pilgrimage left the du Pont factory in Wil-
mington, escorted by four United States troopers, dressed as were their
predecessor-guards of the summer of 1813. Sabres and flintlock
pistols were their side arms, and they bore powder horns, bullet boxes,
and water casks. The wagon passed through Chester, Philadelphia,
Devon, Paoli, Downingtown, Coatesville, Lancaster, York, Latimore,
Carlisle, Shippensburg, Chambersburg, McConnellsburg, Everett, Bed-
ford, Stoyestown, Ligonier, Greensburg, Pittsburg, Allegheny, Butler,
Mercer, Meadville, and then to Erie. It reached its destination on
7 July, and two Cavalry troops rode out to welcome and escort the
wagon into the city.
The four troopers who escorted the wagon were all from the
United States Fifteenth Cavalry, stationed at Fort Myer, Virginia.
They were Sergeant Joseph L. Smith, Troop C, Private Marcus O.
Giles, Troop A, Private George Statham, Troop B, Private Peyton
W. Byron, Troop D.
The wagon was lent for the Celebration by a resident of Lan-
caster County, Mr. Gingrich, and was inscribed: "The wagon that
carried du Pont powder to Perry, Wilmington, Del, to Erie, Pa., 1813-
1913." The harness was similar to that used on the journey of
1813, including a set of bronze bells for the horses.
All along the route Chapters of the Society of Daughters of 1812
met the wagon as it passed through the several towns, and made its
passing the occasion of a patriotic celebration.
[599]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
There are critics of America who claim that the American spirit
is bound by commercialism, that ideals have no place in our conceptions
of modern business, that we are a race of materialists. To them, the
history of the du Pont de Nemours Company might serve as a refuta-
tion of their charges. Their guiding principle, since, in 1800, Pierre
Samuel du Pont de Nemours, and his sons, Victor and Eleuthere
Irenee, came from France to become citizens and servers of America,
has been a principle of loyalty and devotion which considered their
business to be always at the Country's service. Theirs has been called
a "policy of patriotism," but this, like the proverbial "policy" of hon-
esty to men of honor, is an inadequate term to express the generous
zeal which has characterized the du Fonts.
Perhaps the ancient traditions of "Noblesse oblige" in the Old
World history of the du Pont de Nemours family have helped to main-
tain this spirit. For the founder of the family here, Pierre Samuel
du Pont de Nemours, was true to his King, when fidelity meant impris-
onment and exile, and, frequently, death, at the hands of the French
Revolutionists.
He was born Pierre Samuel du Pont, on 14 December, 1739, in
Paris. He studied medicine, but the dominant call of the hour in
France was to active participation in the public affairs, — then in so
turbulent and ominous a condition. In his early manhood he became
absorbed in questions of political and economic science, and was
actively associated with Frangois Quesnay, Turgot and other leaders
of the Economist school of philosophy.
He was the author, at this period, of many noteworthy pamphlets
and articles on finance, which were of the greatest value in propa-
gating the theories of the Economists. He wrote for, and became
the Editor of the Journal de I' Agriculture, du Commerce, et des
Finances, and afterwards of the Ephemerides du Citoyen.
In 1772, Stanislas Poniatowski, then King of Poland, appointed
him Secretary of the Council of Public Instruction of that country.
He remained in this office for two years, and then returned to Paris,
where his friend, Turgot, had been made Minister of Marine.
Anne Robert Jacques Turgot, Baron de Laune, was one of those
men of France who, in the doom-presaged hour before the storm of
the Revolution broke, sought to ward off the ruin which they saw
waiting to ravage and desolate the Nation. He was unfortunate in
his failure to conciliate the various parties, and was perhaps too much
of a theorist for the terrible exigencies of the time. Authorities hold
of him diverse views. Oncken, for example, considers him to have
[600]
AMERICAN SOLDIERS GUARDING THE DU PONT POWDER WORKS DURING THE
WAR OF 1812
E.I.DUPONT DK HEMOUBS iC?
AN OLD ADVERTISEMENT OF DU PONT
GUNPOWDER
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THE i-'IRST DU PONT POWDER MILL
Built in 1802, in Delaware, on the Brandywine
THE SECOND DU PONT POWDER MILL
Built early In the Nineteenth Century
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A LETTER FROM THOMAS JEKKK1 JSOX TO ELEUTHERE IRfiNftE DU PONT
DE NEMOURS
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THE OLD CHAIR OK ELEUTHERE IRfiNCE DU PONT DE
NEMOURS, FOUNDER OF THE COMPANY
It is still used in the office of the Company's President.
THE DU PONT POWDER WAGON AND PERRY'S VICTORY
been a confused thinker, while Leon Say says that, "though he failed
in the Eighteenth Century, he triumphed in the Nineteenth."
The cause of his fall from power is not clearly known, but his
serious differences with other advisors of Louis XVI brought about,
in 1776, a demand for his resignation. He retired from public life and
died in 1781.
With the retirement from active official life of Turgot, came
that of Pierre Samuel du Pont, who had been in full sympathy with
his friend, and had co-operated with him in his earnest efforts to find
a practical solution for the economic problems of France that might
preserve her from the threatening evil of Revolution.
He became absorbed in a life of study and literary work at
Gatinais, in the neighborhood of Nemours, an ancient town whose
beginnings had been a Roman lumber camp. During this period
he translated (1781) the writings of Ariosto, the Italian poet of the
Renaissance, and wrote his Memoir es sur la Vie de Turgot (1782).
In the latter year de Vergennes, who was then the Minister of
Foreign Affairs, persuaded du Pont to resume his public career, and
placed in his hands the negotiations, in 1/82, which France conducted
with the English Commissioner, Doctor James Hutton, for the recog-
nition of the independence of the United States. In 1786 he again
fulfilled an important diplomatic service in the preparation of a treaty
of commerce with Great Britain.
When Charles Alexandre de Calonne, in November, 1783, was
summoned to take general control of affairs, this meant further
political advancement for du Pont. The ideas of de Calonne as to
extending taxation to the then privileged classes were those of Turgot,
and it was natural that he should seek to further the interests of
Pierre Samuel du Pont, for this reason, and also because de Vergennes,
through whom de Calonne had won his high office, had trusted and
honored du Pont. The latter, under the regime of de Calonne, became
Councillor of State and Commissary-General of Commerce.
When the storm of the French Revolution broke, du Pont advo-
cated a constitutional monarchy, and he was elected as Deputy from
Nemours to the States General, and later to the Constituent Assembly,
of which he became the President, 16 October, 1790. But the Revo-
lutionists soon became far too extreme, too maddened against all
Governmental control, to have part with a man who dreamed of lib-
erty, but not license, of a free France, but not an anarchy.
On 10 August, 1792, when the Revolutionists captured the royal
palace, and the Legislative Assembly declared the royal government
to be suspended until the meeting of the National Assembly in Septem-
[617]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
her, du Pont sided with the King. He was forced to seek concealment
from the Revolutionists and remained for some time hidden in the
Observatory of the Mazarin College. Later, he escaped to the coun-
try, but was at last discovered and imprisoned, in 1794, in La Force.
It was while he remained in hiding that he wrote his Philosophic de
I'Univers.
Du Pont in some way, however, escaped the guillotine, and, in
the same year of his imprisonment, upon the fall of Robespierre, he,
with many others, was released. He became a member of the Council
of Five Hundred, and carried on a steady policy of resistance to the
Jacobins, who were as steadily gaining supreme power, to the woe of
France. When their ascendency became certain, in 1797, du Pont's
house was attacked by the mob, and he barely escaped a sentence of
transportation to Cayenne.
In 1799, convinced that France, for the time, at least, could not
serve as a safe or happy home, Pierre Samuel du Pont de Nemours,
with his two sons, and their families, emigrated to the United States.
The high opinion held of the elder du Pont by Thomas Jefferson
is evidenced by the fact that the President chose him to perform an
exceedingly delicate diplomatic mission. This was the conveyance,
but unofficially, to Napoleon of the protest and the warning of the
United States Government against the French occupation of Louisiana.
Before this, Jefferson had requested du Pont to prepare a system
of national education. This plan was published in 1800, under the
title, Sur I'Education Nationale dans les Etats-Unis d'Amerique. This
system was not adopted in this country, but in part has been incor-
porated in the French method of national education.
In 1802 Pierre Samuel du Pont de Nemours returned to France.
He refused to accept any office under Napoleon, and absorbed himself
in literary work. He was elected a member of the Institnt. But
when Napoleon fell, in 1814, du Pont became Secretary to the Pro-
visional Government, and on the Restoration, he was made Councillor
of State.
Napoleon returned to brief power in 1815, and du Pont decided
to leave France for a second time. He returned to America, and
remained until his death, 7 August, 1817, with his son, Eleuthere
Irenee, who had established his home and his great industry on the
banks of the Brandywine River.
Eleuthere Irenee du Pont de Nemours was born June 24, 1772,
in France. While very young he had been placed by his father in
charge of the printing works which Pierre Samuel du Pont de
Nemours had established in Nemours, for the purpose of spreading
[618]
THE DU PONT POWDER WAGON AND PERRY'S VICTORY
abroad the ideas of progress which he held, and which he desired
to teach to all his countrymen. During the French Revolution this
establishment, together with the family home, was, wrecked by the
mob. Eleuthere fled to Ensonne. There the Government's powder
factory was located. The young man had inherited his father's love
of study, but his intellectual desires tended to the physical sciences,
rather than to the theories and problems of public affairs, which had
been his father's life-work.
He ardently threw himself into the study of chemistry, and
became a pupil of the famous Lavoisier. When the office of superin-
tendent of the Government powder works became vacant, it was
Lavoisier who recommended his brilliant pupil for the position. He
now devoted himself to a study, both minute and profound, of the
manufacture of explosives.
The history of gun-powder is wrapped more or less in mystery.
It is claimed by some students that the ancients know of its composi-
tion, and it may be that some of the peoples of antiquity had a knowl-
edge of explosives. Records of the employment of some substance,
similar, at least, to gun-powder have been found in Egypt. It was
used long ago in China, but may have been introduced there by Euro-
peans. This holds good also of its use in India. The "Greek Fire,"
used at the time of the Crusades, has been thought to have been of
the nature of gun-powder.
In the National Library at Paris is a manuscript, Liber Ignium,
ascribed to one Marcus Graecus. This writer evidently had some
knowledge of an incendiary composition. But many have believed that
no such person as Marcus Graecus ever existed, and that the manu-
script bearing his name as author was really a collection of writings
of a later period than that claimed for him.
But it is clear that there has existed in the world for hundreds,
and possibly thousands, of years, some knowledge of incendiary com-
positions. These, however, were in ancient times projected or blowit
by engines, and not of themselves.
The actual discovery of gun-powder, however, belongs to Roger.
Bacon, Franciscan Friar, scientist, and thinker far beyond the age
in which he lived. In his De mirabili potestate artis et naturae, writ-
ten in 1242, he mentions an explosive composition, which, he states,
was known before his day, and which was used for "diversion, produc-
ing a noise like thunder and flashes like lightning." He speaks of
saltpetre as an explosive, but appears to have known that it was not
self -explosive, unless mixed with other substances. In his De secretis
operibus artis et naturae, he says : "From saltpetre and other ingre-
[619]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
dients we are able to make a fire that shall burn at any distance we
please."
Bacon wrote in cipher a recipe for gun-powder, which is essen-
tially that of its modern manufacture: saltpetre, 41.2; charcoal, 29.4;
sulphur, 29.4. But, as this was written in anagram, it was long before
it was comprehended.
Berthold Schwartz, a German monk, is held by some to have been
the discoverer of gun-powder, but their claim does not seem to hold
weight, in comparison with our actual knowledge of Bacon's words.
The use of gun-powder in Europe certainly existed in the early
part of the Fourteenth Century. In a manuscript at Oxford Univer-
sity, De officiis re gum, dated 1325, is an illustration of a gun.
According to Oscar Guttmann (Monument a pulveris pyrii), we know
also that guns were used in Florence in 1326, and in France in 1336.
J. A. Conde (Historia dc la Dominicion de los Arabes en Espana)
says that the Moorish King of Granada, Ismail ben Firaz, in 1325,
when he besieged Boza, had among his machines "some that cast
globes of fire," and it has been thought that these were guns.
From the beginning of the use of gun-powder in Europe its manu-
facture has been regarded as a public trust. Indeed, the earliest
positively authentic document regarding it gives authority to the
Council of Twelve of Florence to appoint superintendents for the
manufacture of cannons of brass and iron balls for the defence of
the Republic. This document was dated at Florence n February,
1326, and is still in existence. In 1346 Edward III of England decreed
that all saltpetre and sulphur (two of the ingredients of gun-powder)
should be bought up for sole royal ownership. So also Henry V of
England forbade the exportation of gun-powder, without license from
the Crown.
And so, although without royal decree or legislative enactment,
but through their spirit of public responsibility, has been the manu-
facture of gun-powder in America by the du Fonts de Nemours.
Their scientific knowledge has increased with the progress in the
world of chemical science; their practical efficiency has developed
with the stimulus of their intellectual growth ; and always their work
has been immediately and ardently at the service of their Country.
In the War of 1812, when, as we have seen, the du Fonts sent
"powder for Perry," in the Mexican War, the Civil War, and our
War with Spain, the du Fonts have, with their ability, their energy,
and their generosity, given of themselves for the Nation's weal as
truly as have the men who fought bodily under the Flag.
When the terrible conflict between North and South broke out,
[620]
THE DU PONT POWDER WAGON AND PERRY'S VICTORY
the Company was straining every nerve to keep pace with the new
discoveries that were being made in the older laboratories of Europe ;
and, during the War, the work of Alfred Nobel, the great chemist
of Sweden, which led to the discovery of nitroglycerine, was becoming
famous. It was essential that the American manufacturers should
not fall behind in the acquisition of the new attainments of science;
yet they put all this aside and devoted all their forces to the manufac-
ture of powder for the National Army, that the Union might be saved.
But it is not only in wartime that the du Fonts have served
America. From the foundation of the powder plant on the Brandy-
wine by Eleuthere Irenee du Pont de Nemours, he and his sons and
their descendants have sought always to turn their forces and their
scientific knowledge to the peaceful uses of explosives.
Always with the magnificent achievements of American engineers
has gone the du Pont powder. There have been constructed in the
United States more than a quarter of a million miles of railroad, and
a large part of them has been laid with the help of the du Pont
powder. Over two millions of miles of highways have been built,
and for much of this has been required the du Pont powder. In
the life-time of the Company, a little over a century, more than four
hundred millions of acres of American land have been cleared, and
du Pont powder has helped to clear it. The use of the powder in min-
ing is incalculable.
But it is the du Pont service, its more than "policy of patriotism,"
rather than its scientific or industrial achievements, that it seemed
appropriate to comment upon in connection with the Perry's Victory
Centennial Celebrations. May they continue to work manfully and
loyally for the Common Good!
[621]
ItoUg
a ?a fnr Nattanal
Naium in War 0f 1B12
a WnprabUlfHrfttJiantnfStattngutBljpilltrgtnta Anrpstrg,
of flang of th,* "SHrat Eaifea of % CanV Wbjo Butf
in Waalftngton nn Stebruarg 2, 1915, Agri> ?Eigb,Jg-3Ftttr3$
&b,? Mas tbp (Cnufltu 0f ^Ira. ^Ja&taon, anb 3t Waa 3^atr
Utatrraa Snllg Hljn Jtttrn&urrti ^r tn ^pr 3F«t«« lyuabanti,
ffiaptatn 5?trljolaa Itfi&b Han Zattfct, nf tljf Ittitpb &latw
Namj5g Ollfia Spmtniarpnrf Waa itrtat^ bg Mrs. Han Zanfot,
a Jffwu Bpffea brfnrr i^fr Swtb,, In Ifcr iaugljtfr, Ura. 3? an
QIabHl
BY
MRS. JANE HENRY MEREDITH CABELL VAN ZANDT
ATRIOTIC Americans, without sectional distinction,
confidently expected that Congress would in fitting
manner celebrate the hundred years of peace existing
between Great Britain and our own country, secured
to us a century ago by the treaty signed at Ghent
and ratified in Washington. But the time has
passed and war clouds hanging low over many lands
make any such celebration seem unwise.
But in war or peace there is one name of undimmed brilliancy,
that of Mistress Dolly Madison, whose connection with the stirring
events of a century ago deserves more substantial recognition than
has yet been accorded. The United States has celebrated the cen-
tennial of many men, and of many events but a nation-wide celebra-
tion in honor of a woman has not been attempted.
For an hundred years the memory of Mrs. Madison's devotion
to her country, in saving the State Papers, incluring the Declaration
of Independence, has remained fresh in the minds of the historians;
but few outside of that class associate her patriotism with this great
document. And truly she took her life in her hands when she re-
[622]
PERSONAL RECOLLECTIONS OF DOLLY MADISON.
mained in a city filled with an invading force, until our American
Magna Charta was secured, — quite as much as did the great signers
of the paper themselves.
I knew Mrs. Madison intimately during the last decade of her
life, — from my eleventh year until my marriage, which in a measure
was of her contriving, for not long before her death, she introduced
her young cousin to me, also her cousin.
So modest as to the part she had played in the history-making
of our country was Mrs. Madison, that she rarely spoke of those
clouded days of the War of 1812, when the British attacked Wash-
ington and burned the Capitol; but from Mr. Nicholas Biddle Van
Zandt, whose son I wed, and who was present when the preparations
for the flight from Washington were being made by Mrs. Madison,
I have heard much of her splendid conduct, her high courage and
self-forgetting, in the face of the gravest danger than can threaten
a woman, — the danger of falling into the hands of an enemy.
It is almost forgotten (except to those who have read Mrs. Madi-
son's letter to her sister, finished just as she was leaving her home,
the Executive Mansion), that Mr. Madison was in the field towards
Bladensburg with a handful of troops; Washington deserted by all
the official family who could get away; the wife of the President
with a couple of servants and half a dozen friends packing hastily,
but without panic, while the sky was reddening from the burning
Capitol not a mile distant.
A large coach waited, while Mrs. Madison saw to the taking-
down of the picture of the first President, George Washington, and
into that coach was put all the property of value in the way of State
and diplomatic papers it would hold. Not one personal belonging of
Mrs. Madison's went into it. She loved jewels, but took none with
her. Every inch of room in that coach, except that occupied by her
own body, a self-appointed guard to National treasures — was saved
for documents which could not have been replaced. Hardly had the
coach turned west, toward Georgetown, when the forces from the
British put the White House to the torch. Mrs. Madison was cool,
unhurried, the directing force to whose nerve the country owes a
tribute of National recognition.
There are not many of Mrs. Madison's kin remaining, and of her
direct descendants not half a score ; and, of her personal friends, I am
probably the last alive. But all American women should feel akin to
this wise and witty lady, who, through a life of unusual vicissitudes,
seemed always to do the right thing.
Our country has its Moll Pitcher and its Barbara Fritchie,-but is
[623]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
has not a popular heroine of the high social grade of Mrs. Madison.
So it would seem to me that, to yield national recognition and honor
to this unique personality, even if for only one day, would be of
splendid educational value, an incentive to the younger generations,
and would mark for all time events connected with a period of which
every true citizen should be proud.
Through four Presidential terms, sixteen years in all, Mrs. Madi-
son held the social helm in the Federal city, — a distinction in itself
never paralleled in any Republic. First, during the tenure of Mr. Jef-
ferson, who was a widower with children too young to take social
part in affairs, Mr. Madison was Secretary of State, and the par-
ticular friend of the President and thus his brilliant wife was the
logical selection for a social leader of the Administration. Mr. Jef-
ferson's terms were immediately followed by Mr. Madison's election
to the Presidency, in which he continued for two terms.
After her widowhood, Mrs. Madison returned to Washington,
and this was the period in which I knew her so well. Though poor,
— for she had loved too fondly her son, who was a waster, and her
fortune was thus dissipated, — and without official position, she still
was a leader by the power of her personality, her goodness, and her wit.
In those days the first of January and Independence Day were
celebrated by great receptions at the White House, and practically
everyone of importance who attended went across La Fayette Square
to pay their respects to Mrs. Madison. She was accorded, by vote, a
seat on the floor of the Senate Chamber, and Congress granted to
her the franking privilege,— no small concession in the days when
letters were charged for according to mileage.
I am very glad the Daughters of the Revolution have honored
Mrs. Madison by naming a Chapter for her, and the yearly celebra-
tion of her natal day is as it should be; for it is doubtful if any woman
known to this land had as much to do with forming morals and man-
ners, and with the elevation of the whole tone of society during a
period of nearly sixty years, as did this lady, born a Quakeress and
gentlewoman, in whose veins ran the best blood of both North and
South.
In all that was. truly patriotic, that was fine and high, Mrs.
Madison easily led. Her influence is potent to-day with all who
know of her character and her deeds, — but there are many strangers
within our gates, many who will shape their lives in the country of
adoption by the ideals we furnish them. Is it not then fitting to give
an example, so appealing, so interesting, and so ennobling, as that of
the wife of our fourth President, — Mistress Dorothy Madison?"
[624]
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ciQ
CARVED VIGA IN THE
OLD CHURCH AT SAN
JUAN, NEW MEXICO
The Vigas, or cross-tim-
bers of the roof, are
characteristic of the
Mission Churches o f
New Mexico
CHURCH OF SAN FE-
LIPE, OLD ALBU-
QUERQUE, NEW
MEXICO
Built about 1706. As it
was before restoration
and changes about forty
years ago
^^^•ww«"wni •«;". "IT"' mmlHHv
RUINS OF THE MIS-
SION CHURCH O F
SANTA CLARA
The original Church was
built by Father Bena-
vides In 1629. Destroyed
in the 1680 Revolution,
it was built anew by
Governor de Vargas soon
after the re-conquest of
New Mexico. During an
attempt in recent times
to modernize it, the old
Mission fell crashing to
the ground
DOOR OF THE OLD CHURCH
AT SANTA CLARA
RUINED CHURCH AT ZUNI,
NEW MEXICO
FRONT VIEW OF THE CHURCH
AT COCHIT1
RUINS OF THE CHURCH, TAGS
PUEBLO, NEW MEXICO
RUINS OF THE MISSION OF
SAN GREGORIO, AT AB6, NEW
MEXICO
The great Church of Ab6 was
"built about 1629, by Father Ace-
•vedo. It was destroyed about 1678
, o \
%mriml 0f Ammnin
VOLUME IX
1915
A
ABBEY GATE, THE. BURY ST. ED- ADDRESS OF THE FIRST PRESBYTERY OF
MUND'S. Illustration 365 THE EASTWARD TO GEORGE WASH-
INGTON, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED
STATES 258
ABBEY RUINS AND THE BRIDGE, BURY
ST. EDMUND'S. Illustration .... 388
ABBOT'S BRIDGE, THE, BURY ST. ED-
MUND'S. Illustration 364
ABO, NEW MEXICO, RUINS OF THE
MISSION OF SAN GREGORIO AT.
The Great Church of Abo, Was
Built about 1629, by Father Ace-
vedo. It Was Destroyed about
1678. Illustration 637
ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLE OF LEWES
FROM THE STANDPOINT OF AN AD-
HERENT OF THE KING, AN. By
Thomas Wykes, a Canon of Os-
eney, Whose Chronicle, Covering
the Period from 1258 to 1289, Is
the Only Important Contempo-
rary Record Favoring the King's
Party Rather than That of the
Barons 404
ACOMA, INTERIOR OF THE OLD
CHURCH AT. Illustration 505
ACOMA, NEW MEXICO, THE CHURCH
AND FRANCISCAN MONASTERY. Be-
lieved by Some Historians To Be
the Original Structure, Built
About 1629 by Friar Juan Ram-
irez, but by Others Thought To
Have Been Erected at a Later
Period. Illustration 505
[i]
AGRICULTURAL LANDS IN PANAMA.
From an Engraving Reproduced
in The Journal of American His-
tory through the Courtesy of The
Pan-American Union 200
ALBUQUERQUE (OLD) NEW MEXICO.
CHURCH OF SAN FELIPE. Built
about 1706. As It Was before
Restoration and Changes about
Forty Years Ago. Illustration . . 632
AMERICA FOR AMERICANS. A Splen-
did Exposition of the Real Mean-
ing and the Present Necessity of
Maintaining the Monroe Doctrine,
Delivered before the Pan-Amer-
ican Financial Conference. By
the Honorable Santiago Perez
Triana, Chairman of the Delega-
tion from Colombia to the Pan-
American Financial Conference 79
AMERICAN FLAG, THE. From the
Poem. By Joseph Rodman Drake 334
AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE. THE
BIRTHPLACE, 1687, OF. How IpS-
wich, Massachusetts, Won This
Inscription for Its Town Seal.
By J. H. Burnham 44°
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY, From atl
Address, The War System of the
Commonwealth of Nations, De-
livered at Boston, 1849, before
the. Part II. By Charles Sum-
ner
ARBITRATION, EXTENSION OF THE
PRINCIPLE OF. TO BE THE RESULT
OF THE EUROPEAN WAR. By His
Excellency, Simeon E. Baldwin,
Governor of Connecticut
ARROYO HONDO, TAGS COUNTY, NEW
MEXICO, THE CHURCH AT. The
Mission Was Founded about
1598. In 1680 the Franciscan
313
48
Priest in Charge and His Assist-
ant, a Lay-Brother, Was Slain by
the Savages, as Were Nearly All
the Spaniards in the Locality.
The Church Was Partly De-
stroyed During Our Mexican
War. A New Church Was
Erected in 1914 on the Site of
This Ancient Structure. Illus-
tration 640
AVENIDA RIO BRANCO, RIO DE JA-
NEIRO. Illustration 97
AVENUE IN THE CHURCHYARD, BURY
ST. EDMUND'S. Illustration .... 368
B
BALL AT THE BLACK HORSE, THE.
From a Drawing by Sarah Jose-
phine Bayles 303
BATTLE OF EVESHAM, THE. By Rob-
ert of Gloucester, an English
Monk of the Thirteenth Century
and Author of a Chronicle of
English History, in Verse 407
BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE, FIRST FLAG-
SHIP OF COMMODORE PERRY IN
THE. The Lawrence, as She
Appeared When Raised from the
Waters of the Lake To Be Taken
to the Centennial Exhibition at
Philadelphia in 1876. Illustra-
tion 312
BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE IN THE WAR
OF 1812, THE. From an Old En-
graving 309
BATTLE OF LEWES, AN ACCOUNT OF
THE, FROM THE STANDPOINT OF
AN ADHERENT OF THE KING. By
Thomas Wvkes, a Canon of Ose-
ney, Whose Chronicle, Covering
the Period from 1258 to 1289, Is
the Only Important Contempo-
rary Record Favoring the King's
Party Rather than That of the
Barons 404
BATTLE OF LEWES. How the Battle
of Lewes Was Won. As the
Barons' Party Viewed the Great
Victory. Contemporary Chron-
icle in the Annals of Waverly,
1219 to 1266 402
BATTLE OF LEWES, WHAT CAUSED THE.
From the Annals of Waverly,
Written Contemporaneously with
Events of English History from
1219 to 1266 400
BATTLE OF XFW ORLEANS, STARS OF
THE FLAG WON BY THE. By Jean
Cabell O'Neill ". . . . 239
BELL THAT ,;AXG OUT INDEPENDENCE
IN 17/6, THE. Set in Flowers
and Greenery, as in a Shrine, the
SYLLABUS AND INDEX, VOLUME IX
Old Bell Started on Its Way to BOLIVIA. Statue of Murillo, the
the Exposition at San Francisco, Patriot Leader, at La Paz. Illus-
the Summer of 1915. Repro- tration 109
duced for The Journal of Ameri- BOLIVIA. THE PLAZA MURILLO, LA
can History from a Photograph PAZ. Illustration 49
Copyrighted by Underwood &
Underwood, New York. .Front Cover BOLIVIA. WEST WALL OF THE KAL-
ASASAYA I'ALACE, PRE-INCA RUINS
BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF PEDRO MIGUEL OF TIAHUANACU. Illustration . . 56
LOCK AND APPROACHES, PANAMA
CANAL. From an Engraving Re- BRISTOW, SENATOR, OPINION OF.
produced in The Journal of Concerning International Rela-
American History through the tlons of the Nations of the West-
Courtesy of The Pan-American ern Hemisphere 69
Union 2I7 BUENOS AYRES, A SKY-SCRAPER IN.
"BIRTHPLACE OF AMERICAN INDE- Said to be the First in South
PENDENCE, 1687" (THE). How America. Illustration :... 108
Ipswich, Massachusetts, Won BUENOS AYRES, BOAT CLUBS ON THE
This Inscription for Its Town TIGRE RIVER^ NEAR Illustration 112
Seal. By J. H. Burnham 440
BURY ST. EDMUND'S. ABBEY RUINS
BLACK HORSE TAVERN, THE. A Bit AND THE BRIDGE. Illustration . . 388
of History Viewed from a New
Angle. By W. Harrison Bayles 290 BURY ST. EDMUND'S. AVENUE IN
THE CHURCHYARD. Illustration.. 368
BLACK HORSE TAVERN, THE. From
a Drawing by Sarah Josephine BURY ST. EDMUND'S, MOTTO OF. "The
Bayles 293 Shrine of the King, the Cradle of
the Law." Where Archbishop
BLACK HORSE, THE BALL AT THE. Langton Read to the Barons and
From a Drawing by Sarah Jose- Earfs of England the Charter of
phine Bayles 303 Henry I>; an(1 Where They Took
BOAT CLUBS ON THE TIGRE RIVER, Oath °f War Against the King
NEAR BUENOS AYRES. Illustra- He Would Not Grant Them
tjon II2 the Liberties Therein Guaranteed 369
BOLIVIA, A HUT IN MODERN TIAHU- BURY ST- EDMUND'S. ST. MARf S
ANACU. In the Village of Tia- CHURCH. Here Was Buried the
huanacu Are Huts with Thatched Last Abbot of St. Edmund's.
Roofs Whose Entrances Are Illustration 389
Formed by Stones Which Once BURy gT EDMUND,S THE ABB£Y
Formed Parts of the Ancient GATE Illustration 6s
Ruins of the Prehistoric City.
Illustration 60 BURY ST. EDMUND'S. THE ABBOT'S
BRIDGE. Illustration 364
BOLIVIA. DETAIL OF MONOLITHIC
IDOL, RUINS OF TIAHUANACU. BURY ST. EDMUND'S. THE NORMAN
Illustration 57 TOWER. Illustration 385
[iii]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
CARNEGIE COAT-OF-ARMS 495
CATHCART COAT-OF-ARMS 232
CELEBRATION OF PEACE AND AMITY
BETWEEN ALL THE NATIONS OF
THE WESTERN CONTINENT, A. By
His Excellency, Edward F.
Dunne, Governor of Illinois .... 47
CHAPEL OF SAINT JOHN, IN THE
TOWER OF LONDON, THE. This
Chapel, in the White Tower, the
Most Ancient Part of the Tower
of London, Was, in 1240, Deco-
rated by King Henry III with
Paintings and Stained Glass.
Illustration 428
CHILEAN MONSTER AS PICTURED IN
LOUIS THE EIGHTEENTH IMAGI-
NARY DESCRIPTION OF NEW MEX-
ICO, A. The Habitat of This "Male
Harpy" He Places in Chile "Near
Santa Fe." Illustration 584
CHIMAYO, INTERIOR OF THE SANTU-
ARIO OF. Illustration 533
CHIMAYO, NEW MEXICO, THE SAN-
TUARIO OF. Chimayo, from Time
Immemorial, Has Been Famed
for the Health-Giving Properties
of Its Soil, and the Church Was
Built in 1816 That Here Might
Be a Special Shrine for Worship
and Thanksgiving. Illustration 532
CHAPMAN COAT-OF-ARMS 494
CHARLES I. KING. Illustration
423
CHAUMIERE DU PRAIRIE. The
Charming Story of an Ideal
Home in Kentucky, Recalling the
Genial Hospitality, Scholarly
Tastes, and Gracious Neighborli-
ness Which Were the Fine Flavor
of American Gentlehood a Hun-
dred Years Ago. By Mrs. Ida
Withers Harrison 563
CHENG HSUN CHANG, CHAIRMAN OF
THE CHINESE COMMERCIAL COM-
MISSION TO THE UNITED STATES,
1915. Reproduced for The Jour-
nal of Americal History from a
Photograph Copyrighted by Un-
derwood & Underwood. New
York Front Cover
CHILEAN DELEGATES, THE COUR-
TEOUS REPLY OF THE 87
CHINA'S j. PIERPONT MORGAN ON
CHINA'S PRESENT RELATIONS WITH
JAPAN. An Interview with the
Chairman of the Chinese Com-
mercial Commission by Mr. Ed-
ward Marshall of The New York
Times, Reproduced in The Jour-
nal of American History, through
the Courtesy of The Times, for
the Attention of the American
People, and as a Permanent
Chronicling of What China's
Crisis Means to One of China's
Greatest Citizens 188
CHINESE COMMERCIAL COMMISSION
TO THE UNITED STATES, THE .... 185
CHINESE COMMISSION IN WASHING-
TON, THE 2OI
CHRIST OF THE ANDES, THE. A
Bronze Statue, More than Twice
Life-Size, Cast out of Cannon,
That Stands on the Summit of
[iv]
SYLLABUS AND INDEX, VOLUME IX
the Mountains between Chile and
Argentina. Here San Martin
Crossed in 1817 to Deliver Chile
from Spain's Yoke. Erected to
Commemorate the Settlement by
England's Arbitration of the
Boundary Dispute between the
Two Countries. Engraving Re-
produced from a Photograph
Copyrighted bv Underwood &
Underwood, New York. .Front Cover
CLARK, GENERAL GEORGE ROGERS.
From the Portrait by Otto Stark,
Painted for the Indiana Society
of the Sons of the Revolution . . 337
COCHITI, FRONT VIEW OF THE
CHURCH AT. Illustration 636
COCHiTI, NEW MEXICO, THE CHURCH
OF SAN BUENAVENTURA IN THE
PUEBLO OF. Rebuilt in 1694 on
the Site of the Earlier Church,
Ruined in the Revolution of 1680.
Illustration 557
COSBY, COLONEL WILLIAM, GOVERNOR
COLUMBUS LIGHT, THE. The Giant OF NEW YORK. Illustration 295
Beacon To Be Placed at Santo
Domingo in Honor of the Heroic COSTA RICA. "SUBURBS OF HEREDIA"
Character Whose Genius, Cour- This Picture, by Don Armando
age, and Splendid Endurance Cespedes, Was Given the First
Brought to Birth the New World Prize by the Athenaeum of Costa
That is All- America. The Proj- Rica. Illustration .' 32
ect Initiated by a Citizen of the
United States, but To Be Carried COURTEOUS REPLY OF THE CHILEAN
Out by All the Countries of the R_
,,, i TT • i /~v s-\ Ufc,Lfc.CjAlfc,b, THE O7
Western Hemisphere, Our Own
Nation, the Latin-American Re-
publics, and the Dominion of Can- CUARA> NEW MEX'C°; RILINS. OF THE
ada. Chronicle of the Plan for M'SSI°N £T' BAullt P™bab]? m
the Great Light and the Story of '629' *?**%* Acevedo, and De-
the Finding of the True Remains * .ro-ved ty the APaches m l676'
of Christopher Columbus. Repro- Illustration 548
duced for the Attention of All
Americans in The Journal of CUARA, WHAT is LEFT OF THE
American History through the CHURCH AT. Illustration 549
Courtesy of the American Cath-
olic Historical Society. By Grace
Fulliam 475
COMMERCIAL GREED A DANGER
GREAT AS WAR. By His Excel-
lency, L. E. Pinkham, Governor
of Hawaii 67
CONDENSED HISTORY OF THE WYOM-
ING VALLEY IN PENNSYLVANIA, A.
By Anna Nugent Law 462
CONFIRMATION OF THE CHARTERS,
THE, 1297 426
CORONATION OF KING HENRY III, THE.
By Roger of Wendover, English
Monk and Historian, Who Died
in 1237 393
CORRIDOR OF THE CENTRAL POST-
OFFICE, CITY OF MEXICO. Illus-
tration 61
[v]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
CUBA, FERTILE LAND IN. From an
Engraving Reproduced in The
Journal of American History
through the Courtesy of The
Pan American Union 197
CUBA, SYMPATHETIC RESPONSE TO
THE PLAN OF ALL-AMERICAN CO-
OPERATION FROM THE PRESIDENT
OF
DANIEL COAT-OF-ARMS
DETAIL OF MONOLITHIC IDOL, RUINS
OF TiAHUANACU. Illustration . .
"DEVIL'S NOSE/' THE, ZIGZAGGED BY
THE GUAYAQUIL AND QUITO RAIL-
ROAD, ECUADOR. Illustration ....
DU PONT COMPANY, A LETTER WRIT-
TEN IN 1810 by John Hancock to
the
DU PONT COMPANY, THE. See Arti-
cle "In the Service of the Re-
public."
' DU PONT DE NEMOURS COMPANY (THE
E. I.), THE FIRST OFFICE OF. I11US-
tration
DU PONT DE NEMOURS ELUTHERE
IRENEE, A LETTER FROM THOMAS
JEFFERSON TO
DU PONT DE NEMOURS, ELEUTHERE
IRENEE, FOUNDER OF THE COMPANY
THE OLD CHAIR OF. It is Still
Used in the Office of the Com-
pany's President. Illustration . .
DU PONT DE NEMOURS, PIERRE SAM-
UEL, WHO, WITH HIS SON, ELEU-
THERE IRENEE DU PONT DE NE-
MOURS, CAME TO AMERICA IN l8oO,
THUS BECOMING THE FOUNDER, IN
THE UNITED STATES, OF THE FAM-
ILY WHICH, IN INDUSTRIAL AND
SCIENTIFIC ACTIVITIES, HAS GIVEN
PATRIOTIC SERVICE TO THE NA-
TION FOR MORE THAN ONE HUN-
DRED YEARS. Illustration . .
CUMMINS, SENATOR, A LETTER FROM "J2.
CURSE OF THE CHARTER-BREAKERS,
THE. By John Greenleaf Whit-
tier 398,
CUSTOM HOUSE, PORT AU PRINCE,
HAITI. Illustration 53
46
D
493 DU PONT GUNPOWDER, AN OLD AD-
VERTISEMENT OF. Illustration . . 601
57
DU PONT OFFICE OF MORE THAN A
HUNDRED YEARS AGO, ANOTHER
VIEW OF THE. Illustration 589
DU PONT POWDER MILL, THE FIRST.
Built in 1802, in Delaware, on the
613 Brandywine. Illustration 608
DU PONT POWDER MILL, THE SEC-
OND. Built Early in the Nine-
teenth Century. Illustration .... 609
DU PONT POWDER WAGON AND HOW
IT HELPED WIN PERRY'S VICTORY,
THE. By Mabel Thacher Rose-
mary Washburn 598
DU PONT POWDER WAGON, AN OLD.
It Was in Use Until 1889. Illus-
tration 605
DU PONT WAGON CARRYING POWDER
TO PERRY IN l8l4, THE. With
This Powder Commodore Perry
Won the Great Victory on Lake
Erie, Which Made the Middle
West Part of the United States
Instead of British Territory or an
Indian Buffer State. From the
Painting by Howard Pyle, Done
in Florence in 191 1 604
DU PONT POWDER WORKS DURING THE
WAR OF l8l2, AMERICAN SOLDIERS
592 GUARDING THE. Illustration . . . 601
[vi]
593
588
612
616
SYLLABUS AND INDEX, VOLUME IX
E
EARLY FOURTH OF JULY CELEBRA-
TION, AN. By Adelaide L. Fries,
Archivist of the Southern Prov-
ince of the Moravian Church in
America 469
ECUADOR. THE "DEVIL'S NOSE," ZIG-
ZAGGED BY THE GUAYAQUIL AND
QUITO RAILROAD. Illustration . . 17
EDWARD I, A PERSONAL DESCRIPTION
OF, WRITTEN ABOUT 1307. By
John of London, Author of "Com-
mendatio Lamentabilis in Tran-
situ Magni Regis Edwardi" 431
EDWARD I. HIS DEFENCE OF THE GAS-
CON WINE MERCHANTS. By Mat-
thew of Paris. Written in 1256. . 395
EDWARD i, KING. One of the Great-
est of English Monarchs, Who, in
1297, Confirmed the Great Char-
ter and the Charter of the For-
est. Illustration 421
EDWARD I, THE MARRIAGE OF. De-
scribed by a Benedictine Monk
and English Chronicler, Who
Died in 1259, and Whose Desig-
nation "Of Paris," Sometimes
Used as a Surname, "Paris," Is
Believed To Have Originated
from the Fact That He Studied
at the University of Paris. The
Following Record Was Written
in the Year 1254. By Matthew
of Paris 397
EDWARD THE FIRST, A POEM ON THE
DEATH OF. Written in the Thir-
teenth Century 429
ENGLAND'S GREAT CHARTER, THE
WINNING AND KEEPING OF. By
Mabel Thacher Rosemary Wash-
burn 375
ESCOLA NAC1ONAL DE BELLAS ARTES,
RIO DE JANEIRO, BRAZIL. Illustra-
tion 20
EUROPEAN SYSTEM, THE RULE OF
BARBARISM THE CULMINATION OF
THE. From a Remarkable, Strong-
Thoughted, and Impressively
Worded Letter, Written in 1914
by Senor Triana to the President
of the Republic of Colombia. This
Letter, a Translation of Which
Appeared in The New York
Times, December 13, 1914, Was
Reproduced in Spanish in His-
pania, a Spanish Periodical of
London. By Santiago Perez
Triana 13
EXTENSION OF THE PRINCIPLE OF AR-
BITRATION TO BE THE RESULT OF
THE EUROPEAN WAR. By His Ex-
cellency, Simeon E. Baldwin,
Governor of Conecticut 48
FAC-SIMILE EXTRACT FROM THE NEW
YORK WEEKLY JOURNAL, October
3i, J733 299
FAC-SIMILE' OF THE DEEDS OF ENG-
LAND'S LIBERTIES 340-341
FAMOUS OLD OCTAGON HOUSE IN
WASHINGTON, THE. By Jean Ca-
bell O'Neill 575
FERTILE LAND IN CUBA. From an
Engraving Reproduced in The
Journal of American History
through the Courtesy of The Pan-
American Union 197
FLOURNOY COAT-OF-ARMS 175
FORTRESS OF SACSAHUAMAN, CUZCO,
PERU. One of the Most Imposing
of the Pre-Incan Ruins. Illustra-
tion 29
[vii]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
FOURTH OF JULY CELEBRATION, AN
EARLY. By Adelaide L. Fries,
Archivist of the Southern Prov-
ince of the Moravian Church in
America 469
FOX POINT HILL. From a Water-
Color by Edward Lewis Peckham.
One of" the Color-Prints of Old
Providence, Rhode Island, Shown
in This Number of The Journal
of American History 265
FURNACE POND. From a Water-
Color by Edward Lewis Peck-
ham. One of the Color-Prints of
Old Providence, Rhode Island,
Shown in This Number of The
Journal of American History ... . 181
G
GARGOYLE ON THE TEMPLE CHURCH,
LONDON. In This Old Church of
the Knights Templars, Built in
1185, Was Buried William Mar-
shall, the Great Earl of Pembroke,
a Chief Leader in the Patriotic
Movement Which Won the Great
Charter of England — Free Amer-
ica's Heritage. Illustration 344
GOAL OF PAN-AMERICAN SOLIDARITY,
THE. The Conference a Part of
the Great International Mission
of the American Republics, as
Outlined in the Speech of the
Secretary-General. By L. S.
Rowe, LL. D 88
GRENADIERS OF SAN MARTIN PASSING
THROUGH THE STREETS OF BOU-
LOGNE-SUR-MER, THE. Sent by
the Argentine Republic to Repre-
sent the Army, at the Unveiling
of a Statue to General San Mar-
tin, Who Himself Founded This
Regiment. Illustration 101
GUARDIANS OF ENGLAND'S LIBERTY,
THE. List of the Twenty-Five
Barons Chosen as Sureties for the
Observance of Magna Charta . . .. 359
GUATEMALA, PITPANS, OR NATIVE
GORDON COAT-OF-ARMS 574 CANOES OF. Illustration 100
H
HAITI. CUSTOM HOUSE, PORT AU
PRINCE. Illustration 53
HAITI. HARBOR OF PORT AU PRINCE.
Illustration 52
HALE, NATHAN, WHAT WAS THE MIS-
SION OF? By William Henry
Shelton, Curator of Washington's
Headquarters, New York, the Pic-
turesque Old Dwelling on Wash-
ington Heights, Known Also as
The Roger Morris House and
The Jumel Mansion 269
HAMILTON, ANDREW. Illustration. . 30:
HAMMOND COAT-OF-ARMS ......... 238
HANCOCK, JOHN, A LETTER WRITTEN
IN l8lO TO THE DU PONT COM-
PANY BY ..................... 613
HARBOR OF PORT AU PRINCE, HAITI.
Illustration 52
HENRY in (KING), THE CORONATION
OF. By Roger of Wendover,Eng-
lish Monk and Historian, Who
Died in 1237 393
[viii]
SYLLABUS AND INDEX, VOLUME IX
HOLLOW, THE. From a Water-Color
by Edward Lewis Peckham. One
of the Color-Prints of Old Provi-
dence, Rhode Island, Shown in
This Number of The Journal of
American History 184
HONORABLE FRANCIS J. YANES,
ASSISTANT DIRECTOR OF THE PAN-
AMERICAN UNION, THE, TO THE
EDITOR-IN-CIIIEF OF THE JOUR-
NAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 38
HOW THE BATTLE OF LEWES WAS
WON. As the 'Barons' Party
Viewed the Great Victory. Con-
temporary Chronicle in the An-
nals of Waverly, 1219 to 1266 . . 402
HUT IN MODERN TIAHUANACU, A. In
the Village of Tiahuanacu Are
Huts with Thatched Roofs Whose
Entrances Are Formed by Stones
Which Once Formed Parts of the
Ancient Ruins of the Prehistoric
Citv. Illustration . 600
ILLINOIS COUNTRY, THE WINNING
OF THE. I. The Capture from the
British of the Illinois Forts by
Colonel George Rogers Clark, in
1778-1779. II. How Clark Re-
took Vincennes in 1779. By
Charles Gilmer Gray 453
ILLINOIS MERCHANT OF THE EIGH-
TEENTH CENTURY, AN. By Charles
Gilmer Gray 233
INDEPENDENCE BELL. The Bell That
Rang Out Our Independence in
1776. Set in Flowers and Green-
ery, as in a Shrine, the Old Bell
Started on Its Way to the Expo-
sition at San Francisco, the Sum-
mer of 1915. Reproduced for
The Journal of American History
from a Photograph Copyrighted
by Underwood & Underwood,
New York Front Cover
INDIAN POINT AND SEEKONK RIVER.
From a Water-Color by Edward
Lewis Peckham. One of the Col-
or-Prints of Old Providence,
Rhode Island, Shown in This
Number of The Journal of Amer-
ican History 241
INTERNATIONAL CO-OPERATION IN
THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE. By
Frank AHaben 33
INTERNATIONAL FRIENDSHIP, UNDER-
STANDING OF NATIONAL IDEALS A
BASIC ELEMENT OF. From an Ad-
dress Delivered at a Luncheon of
the Members' Council of the Mer-
chants' Association, New York,
May 13, 1915, at Which the Latin-
American Delegates to the Pan-
American Financial Conference
Were Guests. By Frank A. Van-
derlip, President of The National
City Bank, New York 16
INTERNATIONAL SUPREME COURT FOR
THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE, AN.
An Open Letter to the Delegates
to the Pan-American Financial
Conference at Washington from
the President of The National
Historical Society. By Frank Al-
laben 84
IN THE MUSEO GOELDI, PARA, BRAZIL.
A Corner of the Room Devoted
to Amazonian Archaeology. Illus-
tration I04
[ix]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
IN THE SERVICE OF THE REPUBLIC.
Chronicles of a Great Industry,
Founded in 1802 under the Au-
spices of Thomas Jefferson, John
Hancock, and John Mason. How
the Du Fonts Served America in
the War of 1812, the Civil War,
and Our War with Spain. The
Principles of "Noblesse Oblige"
Brought as a Basic Ideal into Bus-
iness. Patriotism, Achievements,
and Resources Which, for One
Hundred and Thirteen Years,
Have Been at the Command of
the United States, and Which Are
Ready To-day — or To-morrow —
for the Needs of the Nation in
Peace or in War. By Mabel
Thacher Rosemary Washburn . . 593
IPSWICH, MASSACHUSETTS, THE
BIRTHPLACE OF AMERICAN IN-
DEPENDENCE, 1687." How Ips-
wich, Massachusetts, Won This
Inscription for Its Town Seal.
By J. H. Burnham 440
IS DEMOCRACY THE REMEDY? From
"The Boston Hymn." By Ralph
Waldo Emerson 335
ISLETA, NEW MEXICO. ST. AUGUS-
TINE'S CHURCH. Rebuilt in the
Last Decade of the Seventeenth
Century on the Ruins of the First
Church, Erected by 1629. Illus-
tration 512
J
JAPAN, CHINA S J. PIERPONT MORGAN
ON CHINA'S PRESENT RELATIONS
WITH. An Interview with the
Chairman of the Chinese Com-
mercial Commission, by Mr. Ed-
ward Marshall of The New York
Times, Reproduced in The Jour-
nal of American History, through
the Courtesy of The Times, for
the Attention of the American
People, and as a Permanent
Chronicling of What China's
Crisis Means to One of China's
Greatest Citizens 188
JEFFERSON, THOMAS. A LETTER TO
ELEUTHERE IRENEE DU PONT DE
NEMOURS FROM 6l2
JEMEZ MISSION, RUINS OF THE. Je-
mez Was Visited in 1541 by Cap-
tain Francisco de Barrio-Nuevo,
an Officer of Coronado's Army.
The Mission Was Founded About
1598. During the Indian Upris-
ing of 1680 One of the Franciscan
Priests at Jemez Was Killed by
an Arrow, While Ministering at
the Altar. Illustration 504
JEMINA WILKINSON, THE UNIVERSAL
FRIEND. By the Reverend John
. Quincy Adams, D. D 249
JOHN, KING. Illustration 419
JOHN, KING, SIGNING OF MAGNA
CHARTA BY. Illustration 416
JOSEPH WILLIAMS PLACE. From a
Water-Color by Edward Lewis
Peckham. One of the Color-
Prints of Old Providence, Rhode
Island, Shown in This Number
of The Journal of American His-
tory 245
[x]
SYLLABUS AND INDEX, VOLUME IX
KENTUCKY. Chaumiere du Prairie. Flavor of American Gentlehood a
An Ideal Home Recalling the Hundred Years Ago. By Mrs.
Genial Hospitality, Scholarly Ida Withers Harrison .......... 563
Tastes, and Gracious Neighbor-
liness Which Were the Fine KING JOHN. Illustration ......... 419
LACUNA, NEW MEXICO. ST. JO- LET EVERY MAN REMEMBER THAT TO
SEPH'S CHURCH BUILT IN 1699. VIOLATE THE LAW is TO TEAR THE
Over the Altar Is a Picture of St. CHARTER OF HIS OWN AND HIS
Joseph, Painted on Elk Skin, CHILDREN'S LIBERTY. From a
Probably the Largest Painting on Speech Delivered before the
Skin in the World. Illustration 529 Young Men's Lyceum, Spring-
field, Illinois, in 1837. By Abra-
LANGFORD coAT-OF-ARMS 174 ham Lincoln 333
LANGTON, STEPHEN. A GREAT ENG- LETTER TO THE DIRECTOR GENERAL
LISHMAN 433 OF THE PAN-AMERICAN UNION
FROM THE EDITOR-IN-CHIEF OF THE
LA PAZ, BOLIVIA. STATUE OF MURILLO, JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY. . 37
THE PATRIOT LEADER. Illustration ICX)
LION SHORE, PROVIDENCE BAY. From
LAS TRAMPAS, RIO ARRiBO COUNTY, . a Water-Color by Edward Lewis
NEW MEXICO. MISSION CHURCH. Peckham. One of the Color-
Illustration 509 Prints of Old Providence, Rhode
Island, Shown in This Number of
LATIN-AMERICA'S INVITATION TO The Journal of American His-
THE BUSINESS MEN OF THE UNITED tOfy 177
STATES 119
LOUIS XVIII. TITLE-PAGE OF JV FAN-
LAWRENCE, THE. FIRST FLAG-SHIP TASTIC BOOK, NOW VERY RARE, ON
OF COMMODORE PERRY IN THE BAT- NEW MEXICO, WRITTEN IN 1784
TLE OF LAKE ERIE. As She Ap- BY THE PRINCE WHO LATER SUC-
peared When Raised from the CEEDED TO THE THRONE OF
Waters of the Lake To Be Taken FRANCE AS LOUIS xvm, HIS NOM-
to the Centennial Exposition at DE-PLUME BEING AS OF A NEW
Philadelphia in 1876. Illustration 312 MEXICAN VICEROY 581
M ;
MADISON, DOLLY, PERSONAL RECOL- of Distinguished Virginia Ances-
LECTIONS OF. A PLEA FOR NATION- try, Friend of Many of the "First
AL RECOGNITION OF HER SERVICES Ladies of the Land," Who Died
TO THE NATION IN THE WAR OF in Washington on February 2,
1812. A Venerable Descendant I9I5, Aged Eighty-Five. She
[xi]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
Was the Cousin of Mrs. Madison,
and It Was Fair Mistress Dolly
Who Introduced Her to Her Fu-
ture Husband, Captain Nicholas
Biddle Van Zandt, of the United
States Navy. This Reminiscence
Was Dictated by Mrs. Van Zandt,
a Few Weeks Before Her Death,
to Her Daughter, Mrs. Jean Ca-
bell O'Neill. By Mrs. Jane Henry
Meredith Cabell Van Zandt 622
MADISON, DOLLY. WHERE MISTRESS
DOLLY MADISON DIED HER WASH-
INGTON HOME FOR NINE YEARS.
Situated on the Corner of H
Street and La Fayette Place, Fac-
ing the White House, It is Now
Occupied by the Cosmos Club.
Illustration 625
Died in 1259, and Whose Desig-
nation "Of Paris," Sometimes
Used as a Surname, "Paris," Is
Believed To Have Originated
from the Fact That He Studied
at the University of Paris. The
Following Record Was Written
in the Year 1254. By Matthew
of Paris 397
MAXIMILIAN'S STATE COACH. Pre-
served in the National Museum,
City of Mexico. Illustration ... 61
MAY THERE NOT BE CO-OPERATION
BETWEEN THE PEOPLES OF THIS
HEMISPHERE ? 42
MEADE COAT-OF-ARMS
MAGNA CHARTA 345 MEADE FAMILY. See Article "Chau-
miere du Prairie." 563
MAGNA CHARTA AND DEMOCRACY IN
AMERICA. By Ernest C. Moses . . 41? MEXIC0^ CITY OF. CORRIDOR OF THE
CENTRAL POST-OFFICE. Illustra-
MAGNA CHARTA, SIGNING BY KING tion 6l
JOHN OF. Illustration 416
MAGNA CHARTA, THE COVENANT-
PLACE OF. Ruins of the Abbey,
St. Edmund's Bury , Suffolk,
England, Where the Barons Took
Solemn Oath to Win the Liberty
of England. Illustration 361
MAIOUETIA, VENEZUELA, WITH LA
GUAIRA IN THE DISTANCE. Illus-
tration , . . . . 24
MEXICO, CITY OF, MAXIMILIAN S
STATE COACH, PRESERVED IN THE
NATIONAL MUSEUM OF. Illustration
61
MONSTER, FEMALE AMPHIBIOUS.
From Louis the Eighteenth's
Book on New Mexico. Illustra-
tion 585
MORGAN COAT-OF-ARMS 496
MARRABLE COAT-OF-ARMS 264 MORRIS, LEWIS. Illustration 297
MARRIAGE OF KING EDWARD I, THE.
Described by a Benedictine Monk
and English Chronicler, Who
MURILLO, THE PATRIOTIC LEADER,
STATUE OF. La Paz, Bolivia.
Illustration 109
[xii]
SYLLABUS AND INDEX, VOLUME IX
N
NAMBE, MISSION CHURCH AT. One
of the Earliest Franciscan Mis-
sions in New Mexico after the
Country Was Colonized in 1598
Was at Nambe. Mission Priest,
Padre Tomas de Torres, Was
Killed by Savages in 1680, and
the Church Destroyed. The
Church Was Restored about 1695
and Again Rebuilt in 1729 by
Don Juan Domingo de Busta-
mente, Governor and Captain-
General of New Mexico. It Was
Destroyed in Our Own Times in
a Misguided Attempt to Modern-
ize the Ancient Edifice. Illustra-
tion
629
NATIONAL CONGRESS, SANTIAGO,
CHILE. Illustration 21
NAYAT POINT. From a Water-Color
by Edward Lewis Peckham. One
of the Color-Prints of Old Provi-
dence, Rhode Island, Shown in
This Number of The Journal of
American History 245
NEW MEXICO, AN ANCIENT TORREON
IN. These Round Towers Were
Built by the Spanish Colonists as
Look-Outs and Refuges in Their
Warfare with the Indians. Illus-
tration 580
NEW MEXICO, SPANISH MISSION
CHURCHES OF. By' L. Bradford
Prince, LL. D., President, The
Historical Society of New Mex-
ico, and the Society for the Pres-
ervation of Spanish Antiquities;
Vice-President, The National
Historical Society ; Former Gov-
ernor and Chief Justice of New
Mexico 513
NEW MEXICO, SPANISH MISSION
CHURCHES OF. See Pages 497,
500, 501, 504, 505, 508, 509, 512,
521, 524, 525, 528, 529, 532, 533,
36, 545, 548, 549, 552, 553, 556,
557, 560, 580, 628, 629, 632, 633,
636, 637, 640.
NEW MEXICO, TITLE-PAGE OF A FAN-
TASTIC BOOK, NOW VERY RARE, ON.
Written in 1784 by the Prince
Who Later Succeeded to the
Throne of France as Louis
XVIII, His Nom-de-Plume Being
as of a New Mexican Viceroy . . 581
NEW WORLD VICTORIES OF PEACE. By
the Honorable Henry T. Rainey,
United States Congressman from
Illinois 73
NEW YORK MANORS, TOWNSHIPS, AND
PATENTS. A STUDY OF TYPES OF
SETTLEMENT. By Joel N. Eno, A.
M 207
NORMAN TOWER, BURY ST. .EDMUND S,
THE. Illustration 385
o
OBSERVATORY AND PART OF BAKER S
POND, THE. From a Water-Color
by Edward Lewis Peckham. One
of the Color Prints of Old Provi-
dence, Rhode Island, Shown in
This Number of The Journal of
American Historv . . 180
OCTAGON HOUSE. THE FAMOUS OLD
OCTAGON HOUSE IN WASHINGTON.
By Jean Cabell O'Neill 577
OPPORTUNITY FOR THE AMERICAN
REPUBLICS TO FRATERNIZE IN
THE TRUE SPIRIT OF LIBERTY, JUS-
[xiii]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
TICE, AND PEACE, AN. By the
Honorable John H. Small, United
States Congressman from North
Carolina
'OUR LADY OF LIGHT." This Rep-
resentation, Carved in High Re-
lief on a Wooden Slab, Was
Brought to Jemez in 1840. The
Mission at Pecos Was Founded
Soon After 1598. This Ancient
Picture Remained in the Posses-
68 sion of Agustin Peco, the Last
Survivor of the Thirteen, Until
1882, When It Was Obtained by
L. Bradford Prince, Later Gov-
ernor of New Mexico. Illustra-
tion
524
PALACE OF FINE ARTS, SANTIAGO DE PAN-AMERICAN FINANCIAL CONFER-
CHILE. Illustration 64 ENCE, THE PERSONNEL OF THE . . 120
PARA, BRAZIL. IN THE MUSEO GOEI.DT.
A Corner of the Room Devoted
to Amazonian Archaeology. Illus-
tration " 104
PANAMA, AGRICULTURAL LANDS IN.
From an Engraving Reproduced
in The Journal of American His-
tory Through the Courtesy of
The Pan-American Union 200
PANAMA CANAL. BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF
PEDRO MIGUEL LOCK AND AP-
PROACHES. From an Engraving
Reproduced in The Journal of
American History through the
Courtesy of The Pan-American
Union 217
PANAMA - PACIFIC INTERNATIONAL
EXPOSITION A CENTRE OF CO-OPER-
ATION BETWEEN NORTH AND
SOUTH AMERICA, PROPOSAL TO
MAKE THE : 4°
PANAMA - PACIFIC INTERNATIONAL
EXPOSITION, RESPONSE OF THE DI-
RECTOR-IN-CHIEF OF THE 44
PAN-AMERICAN FINANCIAL CONFER-
ENCE, PRACTICAL RESULTS OF THE QO
PAN-AMERICAN FINANCIAL CONFER-
ENCE, THE. By Mabel Thacher
Rosemary Washburn 75
PAN-AMERICAN FINANCIAL CONGRESS,
THE WORK OF THE. By the Hon-
orable John Bassett Moore .... 113
PAN-AMERICAN SOLIDARITY, THE
GOAL OF. The Conference a Part
of the Great International Mis-
sion of the American Republics,
as Outlined in the Speech of the
Secretary-General. By L. S.
Rowe, LL. D 88
PEACE AND AMITY BETWEEN ALL THE
NATIONS OF THE WESTERN CONTI-
NENT, A CELEBRATION OF. By His
Excellency, Edward F. Dunne,
Governor of Illinois 47
PEACE, NEW WORLD VICTORIES OF.
By the Honorable Henry T.
Rainey, United States Congress-
man from Illinois 73
PECOS, NEW MEXICO, OLD MISSION
CHURCHES AND RUINS AT. As They
Appeared in 1846. Pecos Was
Visited by Coronado in 1540. The
First Church Was Built in 1598
by Don Juan cle Ofiate, Governor
and Captain-General of New
Mexico. In the Revolution of
1680 the Mission Was Destroyed
and the Priest in Charge. Padre
Fernando de Velasco, murdered
[xiv]
SYLLABUS AND INDEX, VOLUME IX
by the Indians. After the Re-
Conquest of New Mexico in 1692-
1694 by Governor Diego de Var-
gas the Mission Was Restored
and the Church Rebuilt. Illustra-
tion 521
PENNSYLVANIA, A CONDENSED HIS-
TORY OF THE WYOMING VALLEY IN.
By Anna Nugent Law 462
PERRY, COMMODORE, THE LAWRENCE,
FIRST FLAG-SHIP IN THE BATTLE
OF LAKE ERIE OF. As She Ap-
peared When Raised from the
Waters of the Lake To Be Taken
to the Centennial Exhibition at
Philadelphia in 1876. Illustra-
tion 312
PERRY S VICTORY, THE DU PONT
POWDER WAGON AND HOW IT
HELPED WIN. By Mabel Thacher
Rosemary Washburn
PERSONAL DESCRIPTION OF KING
EDWARD I, A. WRITTEN ABOUT 1307
By John of London, Author of
"Commendatio Lamentabilis in
Transitu Magni Regis Edwardi"
PERSONAL RECOLLECTIONS OF DOLLY
MADISON AND A PLEA FOR NA-
TIONAL RECOGNITION OF HER SERV-
ICES TO THE NATION IN THE WAR
OF 1812. A Venerable Descend-
ant of Distinguished Virginia An-
cestry, Friend of Many of the
"First Ladies of the Land," Who
Died in Washington on February
2, 1915, Aged Eighty-Five. She
Was the Cousin of Mrs. Madison,
and It Was Fair Mistress Dolly
Who Introduced Her to Her Fu-
ture Husband, Captain Nicholas
Biddle Van Zandt, of the United
States Navy. This Remarkable
Reminiscence Was Dictated by
Mrs. Van Zandt, a Few Weeks
Before Her Death, to Her Daugh-
ter, Mrs. Jean Cabell O'Neill. By
Mrs. Jane Henry . Meredith Ca-
bell Van Zandt 622
PERSONNEL OF THE PAN-AMERICAN
FINANCIAL CONFERENCE, THE .... I2O
PERU. FORTRESS OF SACSAHUAMAN,
cuzco. One of the Most Impos-
ing of the Pre-Incan Ruins. Illus-
tration 29
PERU. SECTION OF OUTER WALL OF
THE PRE-INCAN FORTRESS AT
cuzco. Illustration 28
PICKING CACAO PODS, SANTO DO-
MINGO. Illustration 105
PICTURES OF OLD PROVIDENCE,
RHODE ISLAND, THE 176
PICURIS, NEW MEXICO, MISSION
598 CHURCH OF SAN LORENZO. PicurJS
Is the Least Modernized of the
New Mexico Pueblos. The Mis-
sion Was Founded, Jointly with
That of Taos, in 1598, by Don
Juan De Onate, Governor and
431 Captain-General of New Mexico.
In the Indian Uprising of 1680,
the Priest, Padre Matias Rendon,
Was Killed, and the Church
Burned. The Present Church
Was Built after the Re-Conquest,
Which Began in 1692. Illustra-
tion 545
PITPANS, OR NATIVE CANOES, OF
GUATEMALA. Illustration too
PLAN OF THE MIDDLE FLOOR, THE
WHITE TOWER, TOWER OF LON-
DON 439
PLAN OF THE TOWER OF LONDON . . 439
PLAZA MURILLO, THE. LA PAZ, BO-
LIVIA. Illustration 49
[xv]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
POEM ON THE DEATH OF EDWARD ,
THE FIRST, A. Written in the
Thirteenth Century 429
"PRACA 15 DE NOVEMBRO/' THE. RIO
DE JANEIRO, BRAZIL. Illustration 25
PRACTICAL RESULTS OF THE PAN-
AMERICAN FINANCIAL CONFER-
ENCE 90
PRESIDENT OF CHINA'S MESSAGE TO
AMERICAN MANUFACTURERS, THE 2O4
PRICE COAT-OF-ARMS 562
PRINCE EDWARD'S DEFENCE OF THE
GASCON WINE MERCHANTS. By
Matthew of Paris. Written in
1256 395
PROPOSAL TO MAKE THE PANAMA-
PACIFIC INTERNATIONAL EXPOSI-
TION A CENTRE OF CO-OPERATION
BETWEEN NORTH AND SOUTH
AMERICA 4O
PROVIDENCE, RHODE ISLAND. FOX
POINT HILL. From a Water-Col-
or by Edward Lewis Peckham.
One 'of the Color-Prints of Old
Providence, Rhode Island, Shown
in This Number of The Journal
of American History 265
PROVIDENCE, RHODE ISLAND. FUR-
NACE POND. From a Water-
Color by Edward Lewis Peck-
ham. One of the Color-Prints of
Old Providence, Rhode Island,
Shown in This Number of The
Journal of American History . . 181
PROVIDENCE, RHODE ISLAND. INDIA
POINT AND SEEKONK RIVER. From
a Water-Color by Edward Lewis
Peckham. One of the Color-
Prints of Old Providence, Rhode
Island, Shown in This Number
of The Journal of American His-
tory 241
PROVIDENCE, RHODE ISLAND. JOSEPH
WILLIAMS PLACE. From a Wa-
ter-Color by Edward Lewis Peck-
ham. One of the Color-Prints of'
Old Providence, Rhode Island,
Shown in This Number of The
Journal of American History . . 245
PROVIDENCE, RHODE ISLAND. LION
SHORE, PROVIDENCE BAY. From a
Water-Color by Edward Lewis
Peckham. One of the Color-
Prints of Old Providence, Rhode
Island, Shown in This Number
of The Journal of American His-
tory 177
PROVIDENCE, RHODE ISLAND. NAYAT
POINT. From a Water-Color by
Edward Lewis Peckham. One of
the Color-Prints of Old Provi-
dence, Rhode Island, Shown in
This Number of The Journal of
American History 245
PROVIDENCE, RHODE ISLAND. STOD-
DARD'S BLACKSMITH SHOP. From
a Water-Color by Edward Lewis
Peckham. One of the Color-
Prints of Old Providence, Rhode
Island, Shown in This Number of
The Journal of American History 248
PROVIDENCE, RHODE ISLAND. THE
HOLLOW. From a Water-Color
by Edward Lewis Peckham. One
of the Color-Prints of Old Provi-
dence. Rhode Island, Shown in
This Number of The Journal of
American History 184
PROVIDENCE, RHODE ISLAND. THE
OBSERVATORY AND PART OF BAK-
ER'S POND. From a Water-Color
by Edward Lewis Peckham. One
of the Color-Prints of Old Provi-
dence, Rhode Island, Shown in
This Number of The Journal of
American History 180
[xvi]
SYLLABUS AND INDEX, VOLUME IX
PROVIDENCE, RHODE ISLAND, THE
PICTURES OF OLD 176
PROVIDENCE, RHODE ISLAND. WIND-
SOR PLACE. From a Water-Color
RANCHOS DE TAOS, NEW MEXICO, THE
by Edward Lewis Peckham. One
of the Color-Prints of Old Provi-
dence, Rhode Island, Shown in
This Number of The Journal of
American History . 268
R
CHURCH OF. Built Probably in
1772, This "Is One of the Finest
Specimens Still Standing of the
Early New Mexican Church
Architecture." Illustration .... 553
RUINS OF THE ABBEY, ST. EDMUNDS
BURY, SUFFOLK, ENGLAND. The
Covenant -Place of Magna Charta,
Where the Barons Took Solemn
Oath To Win the Liberty of Eng-
land. Illustration 361
RESPONSE OF THE DIRECTOR-IN-
CHIEF OF THE PANAMA-PACIFIC-
INTERNATIONAL EXPOSITION ....
44
RIO DE JANEIRO. AVENIDA RIO BRAN CO
Illustration 97
RIO DE JANEIRO, BRAZIL. ESCOLA NA-
CIONAL DE BELLAS ARTES. Illus-
tration 20
RIO DE JANEIRO, BRAZIL. THE "PRACA
15 DE NOVEMBRO." Illustration . . 25
RIP VAN DAM. Illustration 294
RULE OF BARBARISM THE CULMINA-
TION OF THE EUROPEAN SYSTEM,
THE. From a Remarkable,
Strong-Thoughted, and Impres-
sively Worded Letter, Written
in 1914 by Senor Triana to the
President of the Republic of
Colombia. This Letter, a Trans-
lation of Which Appeared in The
New York Times, December 11,
1914, Was Reproduced in Span-
ish in Hispania, a Spanish Pe-
rodical of London. By Santiago
Perez Triana 13
SAINT THOMAS TOWER, AND THE
TRAITORS' GATE, TOWER OF LON-
DON. Illustration 432
SAN FELIPE, NEW MEXICO, CHURCH
OF THE PUEBLO OF. The Mission
Was Founded in 1598, but the
First Church Was Destroyed in
1680. Soou After 1693 It v/as Re-
built and the Ruins of This Struc-
ture May Be Seen To-day. The
Present Church, Shown in the
Picture, Was Erected on Another
Site, Early in the Eighteenth
Century. Illustration 560
SAN JUAN, NEW MEXICO, CARVED
VI GA IN THE OLD CHURCH AT.
The Vigas, or Cross-Timbers of
the Roof, Are Characteristic of
the Mission Churches of New
Mexico. Illustration 632
SANTA ANA, NEW MEXICO, MISSION
CHURCH AT. The First Church
Is Believed To Have Been
Erected Soon after 1598. It Was
Destroyed in 1680 by the In-
dians and Rebuilt in the Last Dec-
ade of the Seventeenth Century.
Illustration , . . 628
[xvii]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
SANTA CLARA, DOOR OF THE OLD
CHURCH AT. Illustration 633
SANTA CLARA, RUINS OF THE MIS-
SION CHURCH OF. The Original
Church Was Built by Father Be-
.navides in 1629. Destroyed in
the 1680 Revolution, It Was Built
Anew by Governor de Vargas
Soon after the Re-Conquest of
New Mexico. During an At-
tempt in Recent Times to Mod-
ernize It, the Old Mission Fell
Crashing to the Ground. Illus-
tration 633
SANTA CRUZ, INTERIOR OF THE
CHURCH AT. Illustration 501
SANTA CRUZ, NEW MEXICO, THE
GREAT CHURCH AT. The Original
Church Was Built in 1695, and
the Present One Was Probably
Finished in 1733. It Is Said To
Be the Largest in New Mexico,
and Contains Very Interesting
Examples of Both Spanish and
Mexican Art of the Seventeenth
Century. Illustration 500
SANTA FE CHURCH OF OUR LADY OF
GUADALUPE, AS IT APPEARED IN
1880. The Date of Erection Is
Uncertain, but It Was Sometime
After the Re-Conquest of New
Mexico in 1692, While the Orig-
inal Church Is Thought To Have
Been Built About 1640. Illus-
tration 556
SANTA FE, INTERIOR OF THE CHURCH
OF SAN MIGUEL. Showing the
Gallery and Carved Vigas, or
Round Timbers of Equal Size.
Illustration 528
SANTA FE, NEW MEXICO. THE
CHURCH OF SAN MIGUEL IN. Said
To Be the Oldest Church in the
United States. This Picture
Shows the Church as It Appeared
Before 1872, When Its Further
Injury by a Storm Necessitated
Restoration. It Was Built About
1605, Expressly for the In-
dians Front Cover
SANTA FE, NEW MEXICO. THE OLD
CATHEDRAL OF ST. FRANCIS. Built
in 1713 on the Site of the First
Parish Church of the City, Erect-
ed About 1627 by Father Alonzo
de Benavides. The Corner-
Stone of the Present Cathedral
Was Laid by Bishop Lamy in
1869. Illustration 497
SANTA FE, THE ANCIENT BELL OF
SAN MIGUEL IN. Cast in Spain
in 1356, from Gold and Silver and
Jewelry Offered by the People
for a Bell To Be Dedicated to
Saint Joseph, as a Gage of Their
Confidence in His Prayers for
Their Victory over the Moors,
Brought to America in the Sev-
enteenth Century by Nicolas Or-
tiz Nino Ladron de Guevara,
Who Was Associated with De
Vargas in the Re-Conquest of
New Mexico in 1692. This His-
toric Bell Now Hangs in What
Is Thought To Be the Oldest
Church Standing in the United
States. Illustration 525
SANTA FE. THE ROSARIO CHAPEL.
Erected in 1807 on the Site of the
Original Chapel, Built in 1692,
by Don Diego de Vargas, in Ful-
filment of a Vow to Found Here
a Chapel and To Institute an An-
nual Memorial Procession, Still
Made, in Thanksgiving for Di-
vine Favor Shown in the Re-Con-
quest of New Mexico after the
Revolution of 1680. Illustration 536
[xviii]
SYLLABUS AND INDEX, VOLUME IX
SANTIAGO, CHILE, NATIONAL CON- SKY-SCRAPER IN BUENOS AYRES, A.
GRESS. Illustration 21 SAID TO BE THE FIRST IN SOUTH
AMERICA. Illustration . . 108
SANTIAGO DE CHILE. PalaCC of
Fine Arts. Illustration 64
SANTO DOMINGO, NEW MEXICO, THE
ANCIENT CARVED DOOR OF THE
MISSION CHURCH OF. The Mis-
sion Was Founded about 1598,
and the First Church Was Built
in 1607 by Padre Juan de Esca-
lona. Three Priests Were Here
Massacred in 1680, but the In-
dians Did Not Demolish the
Church. This Picture Was
Made in 1880 before the Destruc-
tion of This Ancient Edifice by
the Flooding of the Rio Grande.
The Figure Is That of A. F.
Bandelier, the Archaeologist,
Who Is Seen Examining the
Wonderful Heraldic Carvings.
Illustration 560
SANTO DOMINGO. PICKING CACAO
PODS. Illustration 105
SECTION OF OUTER WALL OF THE PRE-
INCAN FORTRESS AT CUZCO, PERU.
Illustration 28
"SHRINE OF THE KING (THE), THE
CRADLE OF THE LAW." MottO of
Bury St. Edmund's, Where Arch-
bishop Langton Read to the Bar-
ons and Earls of England the
Charter of Henry I, and Where
They Took Oath of War Against
the King if He Would Not Grant
Them the Liberties Therein
Guaranteed 369
SIGNING OF MAGNA CHARTA BY KING
JOHN. Illustration 416
SPANISH MISSION CHURCHES OF
NEW MEXICO. By L. Bradford
Prince, LL. D., President, The
Historical Society of New Mex-
ico, and the Society for the Pres-
ervation of Spanish Antiquities ;
Vice-President , The National
Historical Society ; Former Gov-
ernor and Chief Justice of New
Mexico 513
STARS OF THE FLAG WON BY THE
BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS. By
Jean Cabell O'Neill . 239
STATUE OF MURILLO, THE PATRIOT
LEADER, AT LA PAZ, BOLIVIA.
Illustration 109
ST. EDMUND'S BURY, SUFFOLK, ENG-
LAND. RUINS OF THE ABBEY. The
Covenant- Place of Magna Charta
Where the Barons Took Solemn
Oath to Win the Liberty of Eng-
land. Illustration 361
ST. MARY'S CHURCH, BURY ST. ED-
MUND'S. Here Was Buried the
Last Abbot of St. Edmund's. Il-
lustration 389
STODDARD'S BLACKSMITH SHOP. From
a Water-Color by Edward Lewis
Peckham. One of the Color-
Prints of Old Providence, Rhode
Island, Shown in This Number
of The Journal of American His-
tory 248
"SUBURBS OF HEREDIA," HEREDIA
COSTA RICA. This Picture, by
Don Armando Cespedes, Was
Given the First Prize by the
Athenaeum of Costa Rica. Illus-
tration 32
[xix]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
SUFFOLK, ENGLAND. RUINS OF THE
ABBEY, ST. EDMUND'S BURY. The
Covenant-Place of Magna Charta,
Where the Barons Took Solemn
Oath to Win the Liberty of Eng-
land. Illustration 361
SYMPATHETIC RESPONSE FROM THE
PRESIDENT OF CUBA TO THE PLAN
OF ALL AMERICAN CO-OPERATION . .
46
T
TAGS PUEBLO, NEW MEXICO. RUINS
OF THE CHURCH. Illustration . . 637
TOWER OF LONDON, A PART OF THE.
Showing the Cradle Tower and
Wall of the Outer Ward, the Lan-
thorn Tower, and the Curtain
Wall of the Inner Ward. Illus-
tration 435
TAXATION REFORM AS A PREVENTIVE
OF WAR. By the Honorable War-
ren Worth Bailey, United States
Congressman from Pennsylvania 70 TOWER OF LONDON, PLAN OF THE . . 439
TEMPLE CHURCH, INTERIOR OF THE. TOWER OF LONDON, PLAN OF THE
Illustration 413 MIDDLE FLOOR, THE WHITE TOWER 439
TOWER OF LONDON. Saint Thomas
Tower and the Traitors' Gate.
Illustration 432
TEMPLE CHURCH, LONDON, GARGOYLE
ON THE. In This Old Church of
the Knights Templars, Built in
1185, Was Buried William Mar-
shall, the Great Earl of Pem-
broke, a Chief Leader in the Pa-
triotic Movement Which Won the
Great Charter of England — Free
America's Heritage 344
TEMPLE CHURCH, LONDON, THE. II-
lustration 412
TITLE-PAGE OF A FANTASTIC BOOK,
NOW VERY RARE, ON NEW MEXICO,
WRITTEN IN 1784 BY THE PRINCE
WHO LATER SUCCEEDED TO THE
THRONE OF FRANCE AS LOUIS
XVIII, HIS NOM-DE-PLUME HERE
BEING A3 OF A NEW MEXICAN
VICEROY 581
TOME, NEW MEXICO, THE CHURCH
AT. Illustration 552
TOWER OF LONDON, THE. Illustration 392
TOWER OF LONDON, THE CHAPEL OF
SAINT JOHN IN THE. This Chapel
in the White Tower, the Most
Ancient Part of the Tower oi
London, Was, in 1240, Decorated
by King Henry III with Paint-
ings and Stained Glass. Illustra-
tion 428
TOWER OF LONDON, THE WHITE
TOWER, THE. Erected by William
the Conqueror, Partly on the Bas-
tions of the City Wall Built by
the Romans and Re-Built by Al-
fred the Great in 885. This Was
Used as a Royal Residence by the
Norman and Early Plantagenet
Kings of England, Including
John, Henry III, and Edward I,
from Whom Magna Charta Was
Wrested. Illustration 358
[xx]
SYLLABUS AND INDEX, VOLUME IX
u
UNDERSTANDING
OF
NATIONAL
IDEALS A BASIC ELEMENT OF IN-
TERNATIONAL FRIENDSHIP. From
an Address Delivered at a Lunch-
eon of the Members' Council of
the Merchants' Association, New
York, May 13, 1915, at Which
the Latin-American Delegates to
the Pan-American Financial Con-
ference Were Guests. By Frank
A. Vanderlip, President of The
National City Bank, New York
16
UNDER THE FLAG OF LOVE. By Frank
Allaben 336
UNITED STATES A BULWARK FOR ALL
AMERICA AGAINST EUROPEAN AG-
GRESSION TOWARD THE WESTERN
HEMISPHERE, THE. Another Ex-
cerpt from Senor Triana's Letter
to the Colombian President. By
Santiago Perez Triana 15
UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT MED-
ALS. By Carl Hawes Butman, of
The Smithsonian Institution,
Washington, D. C 225
UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT MED-
ALS. Plate I. Illustrating the
Article, "United States Govern-
ment Medals" 220
UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT MED-
ALS. Plate II. Illustrating the
Article, "United States Govern-
ment Medals" . . 221
UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT MED-
ALS. Plate III. Illustrating the
Article, "United States Govern-
ment Medals" 224
V
VAN DAM, RIP. Illustration 294 "VIOLIN AND GERMAN FLUTE (THE)
VENEZUELA. MAIQUETIA, WITH LA BY '™VATE HANDS." From_ a
GUAIRA IN THE DISTANCE. Illus- Drawing by Sarah Josephine
tration 24 Bayles. Illustration 306
w
WAR IN EUROPE SHOULD SERVE TO
UNITE THE AMERICAN PEOPLES,
THE. By His Excellency. Samuel
V. Stewart, Governor of Mon-
tana 65
WAR OF l8l2, THE BATTLE OF LAKE
ERIE IN THE. From an Old En-
graving 309
WAR SYSTEM OF THE COMMON-
WEALTH OF NATIONS, THE. From
an Address Delivered Before the
American Peace Society, at Bos-
ton, 1849. By Charles Sumner. .
127, 313
WASHINGTON, THE FAMOUS OLD OC-
TAGON HOUSE IN. By Jean Ca-
bell O'Neill 575
WESTMINSTER ABBEY. The Great,
Age-Famous Church of England,
Whose Ancient Existence, as a
Monastery Church, Is Lost in the
Mists of Antiquity; Which Was
[xxi]
THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY
Re-Founded, in 1065, by Edward
the Confessor; and Whose Build-
ing Anew Was Begun, in 1245,
by King Henry III. Here Were
Buried John, Henry III, and Ed-
ward I, the Kings Especially Con-
nected with Magna Charta.
Illustration 409
WEST WALL OF THE KALASASAYA
PALACE, PRE-INCA RUINS OF TIA-
HUANACU, BOLIVIA. Illustration 56
WHAT CAUSED THE BATTLE OF LEWES
1264. From the Annals of Wav-
erly, Written Contemporaneously
with Events of English History
from 1219 to 1266 400
"WHAT HAS AMERICA DONE FOR THE
BENEFIT OF MANKIND?" From
an Address Made at Washington,
on the Fourth of July, 1821. By
John Quincy Adams 14
WHAT WAS THE MISSION OF NATHAN
HALE? By William Henry Shel-
ton, Curator of Washington's
Headquarters, New York, the
Picturesque Old Dwelling on
Washington Heights, Known
Also as The Roger Morris House
and The Jumel Mansion
WHICH WERE ALL DRANK IN BUMP-
ERS." From a Drawing by Sarah
Josephine Bayles
WHITE TOWER, THE TOWER OF LON-
DON, THE. Erected by William
the Conqueror, Partly on the Bas-
tions of the City Wall Built by the
Romans and Re-Built by Alfred
the Great in 885. This Was Used
as a Royal Residence by the Nor-
269
3°4
man and Early Plantagenet Kings
of England, Including John,
Henry III, and Edward I, from
Whom Magna Charta Was
Wrested. Illustration 358
WILKINSON, JEMIMA, THE UNIVER-
SAL FRIEND. By the Reverend
John Quincy Adams, D. D 249
WILLIAMS, JOSEPH. JOSEPH WIL-
LIAMS PLACE. From a Water-
Color by Edward Lewis Peck-
ham. One of the Color-Prints of
Old Providence, Rhode Island,
Shown in This Number of The
Journal of American History . . 245
WINDSOR PLACE. From a Water-
Color by Edward Lewis Peckham.
One of the Color-Prints of Old
Providence, Rhode Island, Shown
in This Number of The Journal
of American History 268
WINNING AND KEEPING OF ENG-
LAND'S GREAT CHARTER, THE. By
Mabel Thacher Rosemary Wash-
burn 375
WINNING OF THE ILLINOIS-COUNTRY,
THE. I. The Capture from the
British of the Illinois Forts by
Colonel George Rogers Clark, in
1778-1779. II. How Clark Re-
took Vincennes in 1779. By
Charles Gilmer Gray 453
WORK OF THE PAN-AMERICAN FI-
NANCIAL CONGRESS, THE. By the
Honorable John Bassett Moore.. 113
WYOMING VALLEY IN PENNSYLVANIA,
A CONDENSED HISTORY OF THE. By
Anna Nugent Law 462
ZUNI, NEW MEXICO, RUINED
CHURCH AT. Illustration 636
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