Full text of "The Journal of American history"

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1919 



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Blountal of Ammran Ijiatoru. 

Jfftrat (Barter * $ftttrtmt Ntnrtwtt 

VOLUME XIII JANUARY- FEBRUARY- MARCH NUMBER 1 

by h,r National ^iatnriral (tomjiami. in (puarlrrhf 

IFoiir iBiuikii to thr ifulitmr. at Jour Hollars Annuallg. 

QDn? Hollar a (Hopg for &ino> Numbers, for 

National ijifitnriral 



Copyright, 1919, by The National Historical Society 

Publication Office: 240 Hamilton Street, Albany, New York. Ira G. Payne, Manager 
Editorial Offices: 37 West Thirty-ninth Street, New York 

txrrutiur (Oftirrrs of 0-hr National lEoitorial Sirrrtnra of ehr Journal 
^tatoriral ^orUtg of Ammran Ststnnj 

FRANK ALLABEN, President FRANK ALLABEN, Editor-in-Chief 

MABEL T. R. WASHBURN, Secretary MABEL T. R. WASHBURN, Genealogical Editor 

DUDLEY BUTLER, Treasurer JOHN FOWLER MITCHELL, JR., Associate Editor 



(rani> (Uounril of tlj* Hirp- 

Arkansas MR S. J- H. Me EL HINNEY 

PHILANDER KEEP ROOTS Daughters of the American Revolution 

George Washington Memorial As- 

sociation (Holoraoo 

MRS. Louis FLICKINGER MRS. JOHN LLOYD McNEiL 

State Recording Secretary Daughters Past Regent, Colorado, Daughters of 

of the American Revolution the American Revolution 
MRS. THOMAS MOSES CORY 

Daughters of the American Revolution (EonnwtifUt 

(California ^ ISS ADELINE E. ACKLEY 
ROY MALCOM, A. M., PH. D. 

Professor of History, University of fiistrtrt of (Columbia 

Southern California ^RS- HENRY F. DIMOCK 

MRS. CYRUS WALKER President George Washington Me- 

HONORABLE NATHAN W. BLANCHARD, morial Association 

A. M. Ex-California Representative CAPTAIN ALBERT HARRISON 

NELSON OSGOOD RHOADES DEUSEN 

Mayflower Society, Colonial Wars, Holland Society, Sons of the Ameri- 

Sons of the Revolution can Revolution 

[5] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 



LEWIS HORN FISHER, LL. M. 

Secretary United States Civil Service, 
Fourth District 



MRS. CLAUDE STELLE TINGLEY, B. S., 

M. A. 
SISTER ESTHER CARLOTTA, S. R. 

Ex-President Florida Division United 
Daughters of the Confederacy 



GEORGE P. CASTLE 
WILLIAM D. WESTERVELT 

lUfcwte 

HONORABLE JOHN H. HUNGATE 

President First National Bank, La 

Harpe 

MRS. GEORGE A. LAWRENCE 
Honorary State Regent for life, Illi- 
nois Daughters of the American 
Revolution 

MRS. HENRY CLAY PURMORT 
Life-Member Society Mayflower 

Descendants in Illinois 
A. G. ZIMMERMAN, M. D. 

JstbUma 

JOHN FOWLER MITCHELL 

President William Mitchell Printing 

Company 
HONORABLE GEORGE H. COOPER 

Cashier Greenfield Citizens' Bank 

Junta 

SHERMAN IRA POOL 

Sons of the American Revolution, 

Iowa State Historical Society 
EDWIN WELCH BURCH 

First President Iowa Baptist Brother- 
hood 



iCrrtturky 

CHARLES ALEXANDER KEITH, B. A. 
OXON. 
History and Civics, East Kentucky 

Normal School 

MRS. WILLIAM H. THOMPSON 
Vice-President General, National So- 
ciety Daughters of the American 
Revolution 
Miss MARY NATHALIE BALDY 

fflaiur 

Miss NELLIE WOODBURY JORDAN 

Instructor in History, State Normal 
MRS. EDWARD EDES SHEAD 



HUGH MACLELLAN SOUTHGATE, B. S. 

American Institute Electrical Engi- 

neers 
JOHN GLENN COOK 



ALPHONZO BENJAMIN BOWERS, C. E. 
President Atlantic Harbor Railroad 

Company 
HENRY Louis STICK, M. D. 

Superintendent Hospital Cottages for 

Children, Baldwinsville 
J. VAUGHAN DENNETT 

New England Historical and Genea- 

logical Society 
MRS. Louis PRANG 

President Roxbury Civic Club 
MRS. SARAH BOWMAN VAN NESS 

Honorary Life Regent, Lexington, 
Daughters of the American Revolu- 
tion 

Miss CAROLINE BORDEN 
Trustee American College, Constan- 
tinople 



[6] 



GRAND COUNCIL OF THE VICE-PRESIDENTS 



MRS. CARL F. KAUFMAN 
FRANK REED KIM BALL 
Society of Colonial Wars, Sons of the 
American Revolution 

iflidmum 
FREDERICK W. MAIN, M. D. 

Jackson Chamber of Commerce 
MRS. JAMES H. CAMPBELL 
State President, United States Daugh- 
ters of 1812 

MRS. FORDYCE HUNTINGTON ROGERS 

Ex-Dean Women, Olivet College 
MRS. FREDERICK BECKWITH STEVENS 

ifliminuitii 

MRS. MARY ELIZABETH BUCKNUM 
Minneapolis Chapter, Daughters of 
the American Revolution 



Miss LUELLA AGNES OWEN 

Fellow American Association for the 
Advancement of Science and Amer- 
ican Geographical Society 

Xrhraiiku 

T. J. FlTZPATRICK, M. S. 

Fellow American Association for the 
Advancement of Science 



MRS. ERASTUS GAYLORD PUTNAM 
Honorary Vice-President General, 
National Society Daughters of the 
American Revolution 
ELEANOR HAINES, M. D. 

Life-Member, New Jersey Historical 
Society 



MRS. EX-GOVERNOR JOSEPH DORSETT 
BEDLE 
Past President New Jersey Colonial 

Dames 

MRS. ORVILLE T. WARING 
New Jersey Colonial Dames, New 

Jersey Historical Society* 
MRS. RUTH E. FAIRCHILD 

Life-Member Daughters of the Amer- 
ican Revolution, Member New Jer- 
sey Colonial Dames, Life-Member 
New Jersey Historical Society 
MRS. JAMES E. POPE 



fflrxirn 

HON. L. BRADFORD PRINCE, LL. D. 
Ex-Governor, President Historical So- 
ciety of New Mexico 

Nntt fork 

ARCHER M. HUNTINGTON 

President Hispanic Society of America 
REVEREND GEORGE CLARKE HOUGHTON, 

D. D. 
Society of Colonial Wars, Sons of the 

Revolution 
CHARLES JACKSON NORTH 

Life-Member Buffalo Historical So- 

ciety 
HENRY E. HUNTINGTON 

President Los Angeles Railway Cor- 

poration 
JOSEPH A. MCALEENAN 

Associate Member Explorers' Club 
FRANK JOSEF Louis WOUTERS 

President Oleogravure Co., Inc. 
OTTO MARC EIDLITZ 
MRS. BENJAMIN SILLIMAN CHURCH 
Incorporator and Past Vice-President 
Colonial Dames, New York 



[7] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 



MRS. FREDERICK F. THOMPSON 

Vice-President George Washington 

Memorial Association 
MRS. HENRY FAIRFIELD OSBORN 
Philanthropist, Trustee Barnard Col- 
lege 

MRS. JOHN CARSTENSEN 
MRS. ALICE B. TWEEDY 

National Society Daughters of the 

American Revolution 
MRS. MELVILLE AUGUSTUS JOHNSON 
Director Onondaga County Historical 

Association 

MRS. CORNELIA E. S. HOLLEY 
Chapin Association 

MRS. HENRY A. STRONG 
Life-Member George Washington 

Memorial Association 
Miss MAY OSBORNE 

National Society Daughters of the 

American Revolution 
MRS. VIOLA A. BROMLEY 

Fort Greene Chapter, Daughters of 

the American Revolution 
MRS. W. B. SYLVESTER 

Founder and Honorary Regent, Mon- 
roe Chapter, Daughters of the 
American Revolution 

MRS. NELLIS MARATHON RICH 

National Society Founders and Pa- 
triots of America 
MRS. J. HULL BROWNING 
MRS. WILLIAM WARD DAKE 
Miss MARGARET A. JACKSON 

G. ALFRED LAWRENCE, M. D., PH. D. 
New York Academy of Medicine, 

Sons of the American Revolution 
Miss LUCILE THORNTON 



CHARLES FREDERICK QUINCY 

Chairman, Executive Committee, 
American Forestry Association 



iakota 

C. HERSCHEL KOYL, PH. D. 

Fellow Johns Hopkins University 



HONORABLE B. F. WIRT 

President Equity Savings and Loan 

Company 
S. O. RICHARDSON, JR. 

Vice-President Libbey Glass Company 
MRS. OBED J. WILSON 

Life-Member George Washington 

Memorial Association 
MRS. HOWARD JONES 

Life-Member Ohio Archaeological and 

Historical Society 
MRS. JOHN GATES 

Life- Member George Washington 

Memorial Association 
MRS. JOHN SANBORN CONNER 

Life-Member George Washington 

Memorial Association 
Miss MARIE A. HIBBARD 

Daughters of the American Revolu- 
tion, Toledo Art Museum Associa- 
tion 
MRS. GUSSIE DEBENATH OGDEN 

Life-Member Mercantile Library, Cin- 

cinnati 

FREDERICK J. TRUMPOUR 
W. B. CARPENTER, M. D. 

Sons of the American Revolution, 
Vice-President Columbus Mutual 
Life Insurance Company 
B. F. STRECKER 

President The Citizens National Bank 
of Marietta 



[8] 



GRAND COUNCIL OF THK VICE-PRESIDENTS 



(Drrgon 

DAVID N. MOSESSOHN 

Lawyer, Publisher and Editor The 
Oregon Country 

prmtmjluama 

FRANCIS AUGUSTUS LOVELAND 
President Chrome and Beck Tanning 
Companies 

PERCEVAL K. GABLE 

JOSEPH J. DESMOND 

President Corry Citizens' National 
Bank 

GEORGE T. BUSH 

Life-Member Sons of the Revolution 

MRS. FREDERIC PICKETT 

Miss MARY MEILY 

lUfOO? jhilauft 
ALFRED TUCKERMAN, PH. D. 

American Association for the Ad- 
vancement of Science 



Virginia 

MRS. BALDWIN DAY SPILMAN 
Past Vice-President General, 



tional Society Daughters of the 
American Revolution 
MRS. LEVIN THOMAS CARTWRIGHT 
Virginia Historical Society, Daugh- 
ters of the American Revolution, 
United Daughters of the Confed- 
eracy 

p0t Virginia 
C. M. BOGER, M. D. 

Ex-President International Hahne- 

mann Association 
MAJOR WILLIAM H. COBB 
Director General, Knights of Wash- 
ington 

mtaronain 

MRS. ANDREW M. JOYS 

Honorary Life-President. Wisconsin 

Chapter, Daughters of Founders 

and Patriots of America 
EDWIN MONTGOMERY BAILEY 
MRS. FRANCES A. BAKER DUNNING 



Na- MRS. ALFRED B. SCOTT 



Urmbrra of % fctatr Aoniaorg Soarua 
Colorado 



MRS. PHILLIPS M. CHASE 
Society of Colonial Dames 

Jouta 

MRS. SHERMAN IRA POOL 
State Historian, Iowa, Daughters of 
the American Revolution 

iflaruktuii 
JOHN GLENN COOK 

American Association for the Ad- 
vancement of Science 



ARTHUR F. ESTABROOK 

American Academy of Political and 

Social Science 
CHARLES LYMAN NEWHALL 
George Washington Memorial As- 
sociation 



fork 

HONORABLE GEORGE D. EMERSON 
Ex-Member New York State Senate 

HENRY PARSONS 

Military Order of the Loyal Legion 



[9] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 



MRS. FRANK FOWLER Dow 

Regent Irondequoit Chapter Daugh- MRS. CHARLES EDMUND LONGLEY 

ters of the American Revolution State Regent, Rhode Island, Daugh- 

MRS. GEORGE GEDNEY SANDS ters of the American Revolution 

MRS. GEORGE C. CLAUSEN _, 

(Oh in MRS. EDWARD ROTAN 

FRANK SERVIS MASTEN Daughters of the American Revolution 



[10] 



of Sttrorporation of 
National If tatoriral 





Jnrorporatri unorr % Kama of tip itatrtrt nf (Bolumbta 
at Wafiiytngton, on tip 8Jmrtttg-&iJrti? Bag of April. In tip 
of <0ur Horo, Ntnrtwn funorrfc and JTifton, - Jfar 
of Promoting ^urtoriral KnomUoge and 
ana tljr (rare of EmhtrniwnrBH among 
iNatlona" 

| HE NAME by which the Society is to be 
known is "The National Historical So- 
ciety." 

The Society is to continue in perpe- 
tuity. 

The particular business and objects of 
the Society will be: 

(a) To discover, procure, preserve, and perpetuate 
whatever relates to History, the History of the Western 
Hemisphere, the History of the United States of America 
and their possessions, and the History of families. 

(b) To inculcate and bulwark patriotism, in no par- 
tisan, sectional, nor narrowly national sense, but in recog- 
nition of man's high obligation toward civic righteousness, 
believing that human governments are divinely ordained 
to bear the sword and exercise police duty for good against 
evil, and not for evil against good, and recognizing, as be- 
tween peoples and peoples, that " God has made of one 
blood all nations of men." 

(c) To provide a national and international patri- 
otic clearing-house and historical exchange, promoting by 
suitable means helpful forms of communication and co- 
operation between all historical organizations, patriotic or- 
ders, and kindred societies, local, state, national, and inter- 
national, that the usefulness of all may be increased and 
their benefits extended toward education and patriotism. 

[in 



(d) To promote the work of preserving historic 
landmarks and marking historic sites. 

(e) To encourage the use of historical themes and 
the expression of patriotism in the arts. 

(/) In the furtherance of the objects and purposes 
of the Society, and not as a commercial business, to acquire 
The Journal of American History, and to publish the same 
as the official organ of the Society, and to publish or pro- 
mote the publication of whatever else may seem advisable 
in furtherance of the objects of the Society. 

(g) To authorize the organization of members of 
the Society, resident in given localities, into associated 
branch societies, or chapters of the parent Society, and to 
promote by all other suitable means the purpose, objects, 
and work of the Society. 

The Membership body of The National Historical 
Society consists of 

(1) Original Founders, contributing five dollars 
each to the Founders' Fund, thus enrolling as pioneer 
builders of a great National Institution ; 

(2) Original State Advisory Board Founders, con- 
tributing twenty-five dollars each to the Founders' Fund, 
from whom are elected the Members of the State Advisory 
Boards ; 

(3) Original Life-Member Founders, contributing 
one hundred dollars each to the Founders' Fund, from 
whom are elected for life the members of the Grand Coun- 
cil of the Vice-Presidents ; 

(4) Patrons, who contribute one thousand dollars 
to further the work of the Society ; 

(5) Annual Members, who pay two dollars, annual 
dues, receiving The Journal of American History. 

(6) Sustaining Members, who contribute five dol- 
lars, annual dues, receiving The Journal of American 
History. 

(7) Sustaining Life-Members, who contribute one 
hundred dollars annually. 

(8) Sustaining Contributors, who contribute an- 
nually any sum between five dollars and one hundred 
dollars. 



[12] 



abb of 



ROYAL ARMS OF ITALY. ENGRAVING IN COLORS FROM A 

PAINTING Front Cover 

TITLE-PAGE DESIGN 3 

BOARD OF EDITORIAL DIRECTORS AND OFFICIAL 
ORGANIZATION 5 

ARTICLES OF INCORPORATION OF THE NATIONAL 

HISTORICAL SOCIETY 11 

VICTOR EMANUEL III, KING OF ITALY. ENGRAVING 
PROM A PHOTOGRAPH BY THE INTERNATIONAL FILM SER- 
VICE 17 

ARMANDO DIAZ, COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF OF THE 

ARMIES OF ITALY. ENGRAVING 18 

VITTORIO EMANUELE ORLANDO, PREMIER OF 

ITALY. ENGRAVING 19 

HER MAJESTY, THE QUEEN OF ITALY. ENGRAVING .... 20 

FOREWORD BY THE EDITOR-IN-CHIEF 21 

THE PURITY OF PURPOSE OF ITALY. THE REASONS 
FOR ITALY'S ATTITUDE, AT FIRST A NEUTRAL AND THEN A 
BELLIGERENT His Excellency, Count Macchi di Cellere, 
Italian Ambassador to the United States 26 

ITALY'S ARMY IN THE WORLD WAR. A SHORT STATE- 
MENT ON AN IMMENSE WORK. Major-General Emilio Gug- 
lielmotti, Military Attache to the Royal Italian Embassy at 
Washington 33 

THE ACTIVE SILENCE OF THE ITALIAN NAVY- 
Rear- Admiral Count Massimiliano Lovatelli, Naval Attache 
to the Royal Italian Embassy at Washington 35 

AN INFANTRY ATTACK FROM THE TRENCHES AT 
SANTA CATERINA. FROM A PAINTING BY SARTORIO. 
ENGRAVING 

HIS EXCELLENCY, COUNT VINCENZO MACCHI DI 
CELLERE, ITALIAN AMBASSADOR TO THE 
UNITED STATES. FROM A PHOTOGRAPH BY EDMONSTON, 
WASHINGTON, D. C. ENGRAVING 38 

[13] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

HER EXCELLENCY, COUNTESS DOLORES MACCHI DI 
CELLERE, WIFE OF THE ITALIAN AMBASSADOR 
TO THE UNITED STATES. FROM A PHOTOGRAPH BY 
EDMONSTON, WASHINGTON, D. C. ENGRAVING 39 

NAVY GUNS AT PUNTA SDOBBA. FROM A PAINTING BY 

SARTORIO. ENGRAVING 40 

THE FIGHTING STRENGTH OF THE ITALIAN SOL- 
DIER. VALOR AND POWERS OF ENDURANCE UNSURPASSED 
BY CAESAR'S LEGIONS The Honorable Salvatore A. Cotillo, 
New York State Senator 41 

THE OVERTHROW OF AUSTRIA Captain Alessandro 
Sapelli, former Governor of Benadir, one of Italy's Colonies 
in Africa 47 

THE VOICE OF A SOLDIER FROM CAPODISTRIA- 

Colonel Ugo Pizzarello 52 

DUGOUTS ON THE CARSO. FROM A PAINTING BY SAR- 
TORIO. ENGRAVING 57 

DISTANT VIEW OF TRIESTE FROM HILL " 121 BIS." 
FROM A PAINTING BY SARTORIO. ENGRAVING 58 

BARRACKS AT BONETI ON THE CARSO. FROM A PAINT- 
ING BY SARTORIO. ENGRAVING 59 

ITALIAN WOMEN ERECTING BARBED-WIRE ENTAN- 
GLEMENTS. ENGRAVING 60 

ITALIAN WOMEN DIGGING SECOND LINE TRENCHES, 
WHILE THE MEN WERE FIGHTING IN THE FIRST 
LINE. ENRGAVING 60 

THE WAR SERVCE OF ITALIAN WOMEN Amy A. 

Bernardy, Litt. D., Universities of Rome and Florence 61 

FIUME Doctor Gino Antoni, Vice-Mayor of Fiume and Mem- 
ber of the National Council of the City 71 

TRIESTE Doctor Giorgio Pitacco, Municipal Councillor of 

Trieste ; former Deputy to the Austrian Parliament 74 

AN ITALIAN WAR LOAN POSTER. FROM A DRAWING BY 

M. BORGONI. ENGRAVING 77 

THE PEOPLE OF LISSA WELCOMING FROM THE PIER 
THE ARRIVAL OF THE ITALIAN SAILORS, NO- 
VEMBER 4, 1918. ENGRAVING 78 

[14] 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 

ITALIAN SAILORS LANDING AT LISSA, NOVEMBER 
4, 1918. ENGRAVING 79 

LIME FURNACE AT THE MOUTH OF THE TIMAVO 

RIVER. FROM A PAINTING BY SARTORIO. ENGRAVING... 80 
ITALY REVEALED. A POEM ~ Frank Allaben 81 

LINCOLN'S RECOGNITION OF ITALY'S FRIENDSHIP 
AND HIS PRAYER FOR THE FULFILMENT OF 
ITALY'S ASPIRATIONS. FROM A LETTER, WRITTEN ON 
JULY 23, 1864, BY PRESIDENT LINCOLN TO COMMANDER 
BERTINATTI, ITALIAN ENVOY EXTRAORDINARY 112 

THE TOWN HALL OF CAPODISTRIA. ENGRAVING 113 

ON THE " GRAPPA." ONE OF THE MOST BITTERLY CON- 
TESTED SECTORS OF THE ITALIAN FRONT. ENGRAVING 114 

ITALIAN " ARDITTI " OPERATING A MACHINE GUN. 

ENGRAVING 114 

FIUME. ENGRAVING 115 

THE FLOTILLA COMMANDED BY ADMIRAL MIRA- 

BELLO APPROACHING LISSA. ENGRAVING 115 

WELCOMING THE KING OF ITALY ON HIS ARRIVAL 

AT TRIESTE. ENGRAVING 116 

ARRIVAL OF HIS MAJESTY, THE KING OF ITALY, AT 

TRIESTE, NOVEMBER 10, 1918. ENGRAVING 116 

ITALY'S GREAT WORK IN ALBANIA -- Brigadier-General 

George P. Scriven, U. S. A., Military Observer in Albania. . 117 
DALMATIA Doctor Roberto Ghiglianovitch, Member of the 

Dalmatian Diet 122 

TO AMERICA IN ARMS. A FREE RENDERING, BY JOHN R. 
SLATER, OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ROCHESTER, OF THE LATTER 
PART OF THE ELOQUENT ODE TO AMERICA COMPOSED BY 
D'ANNUNZIO FOR ITALY'S CELEBRATION OF AMERICA'S IN- 
DEPENDENCE DAY, 1918 Gabriele d'Annunzio 126 

D'ANNUNZIO'S SQUADRON OVER VIENNA Lieu- 
tenant Stefano d'Amico, Member of the Italian Military Mis- 
sion for Aeronautics to the United States 129 

THE PILOTS OF THE SQUADRON " SERENISSIMA," 
WITH THEIR CAPTAIN, D'ANNUNZIO, IN THE 
CENTRE. ENGRAVING 133 

[15] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

THE SQUADRON " SERENISSIMA " PASSING OVER 

NOTABLE BUILDINGS OF VIENNA. ENGRAVING. . . 133 

GABRIELE D'ANNUNZIO'S FLIGHT OVER VIENNA. 

THE SQUADRON'S SHOWER OF LEAFLETS. ENGRAVING 134 

PEAKS OF THE ADAMELLO GROUP IN THE ALPS 
. SCENE OF GALLANT FIGHTING UNDER DIFFICULTIES BY THE 
ALPINI TROOPS. ENGRAVING 135 

IN VENETIA ~ END OF THE BRENTA VALLEY. EN- 
GRAVING 136 

MY VISIT WITH THE QUEEN OF ITALY Mary Hatch 
Willard, Founder of the National Surgical Dressings Com- 
mittee, the French Comfort Packets Committee, and 
America's Allies Co-operative Committee 137 

ITALY'S WAR-PLANES Captain Giuseppe Bevione, Mem- 
ber of the Italian Parliament; Chief of the Italian Military 
Mission for Aeronautics 147 

VERDI'S FORECAST OF THE WORLD WAR. THE GREAT 
ITALIAN COMPOSER, MOURNING THE HUN INVASION OF 
FRANCE IN 1870, PREDICTED WAR BETWEEN ITALY AND 
GERMANY 151 

ARISTIDE SARTORIO, THE PAINTER OF ITALY, AT 
WAR. IN THIS ITALY NUMBER OF THE JOURNAL OF 
AMERICAN HISTORY ARE REPRODUCED Six OF THE SUPERB 
WAR SCENES BY THIS SPLENDID ARTIST AND VALIANT 
SOLDIER Ettore Cadorin 153 

FRIENDS OF ITALY. MEMBERS OF THE NATIONAL HISTORI- 
CAL SOCIETY AND OTHERS WHO HAVE GENEROUSLY CON- 
TRIBUTED TOWARD SPECIAL DISTRIBUTION OF THE ITALY 
NUMBER OF THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 155 



[16] 




VICTOK KMAXTKL III. K1X<; OF ITALY 

From a photograph by the lutcriiiitidiiul Film Svrvlc* 



[17] 




ARMANDO DIAZ, COMMANDKU-IN-CHIKK OF THE AKMIKS OF ITALY 






. . 




VITTOKlo KMAM-KLK UKLAMMi. 1'KKMIKH OF ITALY 



[19] 




II10U MA.IKSTV. Till-; (JI'KKX OK ITALY 

[20] 




VOLUME XIII 

NINETEEN NINETEEN 



NUMBER 1 
FIRST QUARTER 



bg tty 




HIS SPECIAL ITALY NUMBER of THE JOURNAL 
OF AMERICAN HISTORY appears at a moment pecu- 
liarly opportune for Italy and America. All of its 
contents except this Foreword was at the point of 
publication before President Wilson issued his state- 
ment of April 23 concerning Italy which led to the 
Italian Delegation's dramatic withdrawal from the 
Peace Conference at Paris. Now, happily, as we go to press with this 
final word of explanation, the world is informed that Premier Orlando 
and Baron Sonnino are on their way back to Paris at the special solici- 
tation of President Wilson, Mr. Lloyd George, and Mr. Clemenceau, 
with the understanding that the justice of Italy's attitude toward 
Fiume and Dalmatia will be recognized and the Treaty of Peace and 
League of Nations consummated. 

By good fortune, this magazine appears just when its readers seek 
the information here presented, which not alone gives us a more ade- 

[21] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

quate sense of the great and indispensable part played by Italy in 
winning the War, but also enables us to understand better the quench- 
less ardor of the Italians of Fiume and Dalmatia for the realization of 
their long dream of reunion with Italy. 

This Italian Number grew out of a Resolution of the Board of 
Directors of The National Historical Society, July 13, 1918, recom- 
mending and authorizing such a Number of the Society's magazine, 
with the special view of setting forth " Italy's ideals, hopes, and con- 
victions," so as to " promote the patriotic education of the people of 
the United States, . . . deepen our friendship with Italy, . . . 
prepare a sympathetic understanding for the co-operation of the 
United States and Italy in a righteous League of Nations at the close 
of the War, . . . and . . . enlighten America concerning 
the peace settlement necessary to liberate all the Italian peoples of 
Europe and secure the just interests of Italy in the Adriatic." 

In preparing its France and Great Britain Numbers of THE 
JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY, this Society was greatly indebted 
for special information and editorial co-operation to their Excellencies, 
the French and British Ambassadors to the United States; and, in 
response to the Society's Resolution and the invitation of THE JOUR- 
NAL'S editors, his Excellency, Count Macchi di Cellere, Italian Ambas- 
sador to the United States, very generously contributed to the pages of 
this Number, while, through his courtesy, much material was obtained 
from Italy for this special purpose. To his Excellency I wish to 
express here the gratitude of the editors of THE JOURNAL OF AMER- 
ICAN HISTORY and of the officers and members of The National His- 
torical Society. I also wish to convey to Mr. Fernando Cuniberti of 
the Royal Italian Embassy our grateful appreciation of his devoted 
labors in acting as Special Editor of this issue. 

Here, too, I tender our thanks to the " Friends of Italy," members 
of The National Historical Society and others, who have generously 
contributed to a special fund for free distribution of the Italy Number. 

The added enlightenment concerning Italy's aspirations which we 
obtained in connection with the preparation of this Number of THE 
JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY increased our fear- lest a grave mis- 
take be made at Paris in rejecting Italy's just recognition of her 
responsibilities toward her people in the Irredenta. Accordingly, the 
Society's Executive Committee authorized the sending of an appeal to 
President Wilson at Paris, and the following letter was cabled to the 
President on the evening of Mav 2, 1919: 

[22] 



FOREWORD BY THE EDITOR-IN-CHIEF 

Dear Mr. President: 

May we not frankly lay before you the reason why we are greatly troubled in conscience 
by the proposed disposition of Fiume by the Peace Conference? We are moved to do this 
because we regard the establishment of a League of Nations to maintain peace through 
international righteousness as a great advance in human government and feel profound 
gratitude for your remarkable labors in behalf of such a League. We have also had full 
fellowship with the principles defined by you during the War including the so-called 
Fourteen Points, for we have believed that you rested them all on the great American 
principle that " government derives its just powers from the consent of the governed." 

Can you wonder at our surprise, therefore, after carefully studying your statement of 
April 23, dealing with the Italian- Jugoslav dispute, to find that this great American principle 
is utterly set aside in the proposed disposition of Fiume, a city of 46,000 inhabitants? 

We agree perfectly with the general principles laid down in your statement of April 23 ; 
and we also agree that the principles you proposed for an armistice with Germany, and which 
Germany and our Allies accepted, should also prevail in the settlement of the questions of 
the Adriatic. But was not the principle of "the consent of the governed" fundamental in 
your entire conception of a just armistice and a just peace? 

How comes it then that in all your references to Fiume in your statement of April 23 
you do not so much as refer to the desire of the population of that city to determine its own 
allegiance, but treat that large community as if it were a pawn to be delivered over either to 
Italy or the Jugoslavs as a matter of commercial convenience? 

Fiume is a commonwealth of nearly 50,000 people, with those of Italian blood and 
aspirations overwhelmingly in the majority. These people passionately refuse to be handed 
over against their will to any power in the world, and question the right and title of the 
Peace Conference at Paris or of any combination of nations to hand them over; and in this, 
when the situation is understood, they will have, the full sympathy and admiration of all 
Americans and, we believe, of all Englishmen. Certain it is that the right of the self- 
disposal of all civilized political communities is the foundation-stone of the Anglo-Saxon 
conception of liberty and justice. 

We have taken pains to obtain the latest reliable information concerning Fiume, and find 
that, according to the census of last December, founded upon the official vital statistics of 
that city, it then had a total civil population of 46,264. We call your attention to the fact 
that, according to the first Census of the United States, Vermont had a population of only 
25,000 in 1770, Delaware had the same. Georgia had 26,000, Maine had 34.000, and Rhode 
Island 55,000. The population of Rhode Island had fallen to 52,000 in 1780, in which year 
Vermont had 40,000 inhabitants, Delaware 37,000, Georgia 55,000, and Maine 55.000. 

In other words, when these American colonies disposed of themselves in our Revolution- 
ary period, and denied the right either of Great Britain or of any of their fellow-colonies to 
dispose of them, they were all little commonwealths with populations considerably less or 
not much greater than that of Fiume. Our American forefathers in one colony did not 
dream of interfering with the self-disposition of the people of these little commonwealths, 
either at the time of the Revolution or of the adoption of the American Constitution. We 
hold that our fathers were right in this, and no American can deny the same right to the city 
of Fiume, over 62% of whose inhabitants are Italian, of a race whose cities were republics 
long before republican institutions were known among Anglo-Saxons. 

Dear Mr. President, you must pardon us for feeling distressed in finding the assertion 
toward the close of your statement of April 23 that " interests are not now in question, but 
the rights of peoples." For in the preceding part of your statement you discuss Fiume in a 
paragraph which refers only to the commercial interests of Hungary, Bohemia, Roumania, 
and the Jugoslavs, without the faintest allusion to the inalienable rights of the people of 
Fiume. 

The Italian population of Fiume is certainly as enterprising, commercially, as the less 
developed Jugoslavs. These Italians would scarcely be human if they did not wish to develop 
their city commercially and afford an outlet for all the commerce which Hungary, Bohemia, 
and Jugoslavia can offer them. But is it comprehensible how the commerce of Hungary, 
Bohemia, and Roumania, through Fiume, could be better served by taking its control out 
of the majority-population of the city, consisting of enterprising Italians, and placing it in 
the hands of a small minority of Jugoslavs? In December, 1918, the Italians in Fiume were 
28,911, while the Croats were only 9.092. the Slovenes 1,674, and the Serbians 161. 

[23] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

You mention Hungary, Bohemia, Roumania, and Jugoslavia. Hungary alone seems 
dependent on Fiume. We hear little of Roumanian business at Fiume, while Bohemia can 
use a nearer port, Trieste. But how are the commercial interests of Hungary and Bohemia 
to be served by Fiume better under the flag of Jugoslavia, an experimental nation not yet on 
its feet whose elements are now in civil war, than under the flag of Italy, an established 
democracy highly organized commercially? 

And are not the Jugoslavs themselves independent of Fiume, being bountifully supplied 
with Adriatic ports under the Treaty of London? In the long stretch of coast assigned them 
from Fiume nearly to Zara have they not the excellent ports of Buccari and Porto Re (near 
Fiume), Cirquenizza, Novi, Segna and Carlopago? And on the still longer coast assigned 
to them south of Sebenico have they not Trau, Spalato, Ragusa and Cattaro? 

All these are largely Italian. Is it not tragedy enough to abandon these Italians to a 
doubtful experiment in human government without the unnecessary martyrdom of Fiume? 
The lament of Spalato is enough. Do not burden our conscience with the reproaches ofj 
Fiume. 

Inasmuch as the major population of Fiume passionately claims its inalienable right to 
choose its own flag and governmental allegiance; and since this is a right which no other 
free people can question for a moment ; and since the people of Fiume, threatened with a 
tyrannical disposition of their destinies by outsiders, have appealed to their blood-kinsmen of 
the Italian nation, we believe, Mr. President, that it would be cowardly and dishonorable 
for the Italian Government and the Italian people not to respond to this appeal in the way 
that they have done. 

Under the circumstances, we do not see how the Italian delegates to the Peace Conference 
could dp less than withdraw with dignity, as they have done, so as to obtain a referendum 
from Fiume and Italy concerning the vital issues involved. But we have been very much 
encouraged by the reasonableness of the statement of Premier Orlando to the Italian 
Parliament and his evident great care to present your views accurately and to emphasize your 
sympathy with the Italian people and your earnest desire for some settlement consistent with 
Italy's natural desire to preserve the liberation of Fiume. 

In view of the great exercise of conscience over this matter throughout the world, if 
now the right of Fiume to dispose of herself be conceded on the ground of the fundamental 
Anglo-Saxon principle of " the consent of the governed," we believe the world can confidently 
count upon the gratitude and sense of honor of the Italians of Fiume and all Italy to deal 
with absolute justice with the rights of Hungary, Bohemia, Roumania, and Jugoslavia, at 
the port of Fiume. If we cannot trust the Italians as trustees of such rights, whom can we 
trust? Are the Hungarians, the Bohemians, the Roumanians, and the Jugoslavs more 
trustworthy? 

The point of view of this letter can be boiled down to one single proposition : we cannot 
concede either to Italy or to Jugoslavia the right to dispose of Fiume against its will, and 
can much less concede such a right to more remote nations. We acknowledge the right of 
Fiume to dispose of itself. 

We add further that if the new-born League of Nations undertakes at the outset to 
dispose tyrannically of communities like Fiume the League will find itself hopelessly arrayed 
against the most enlightened conscience in the world at the present time. Neither this 
League nor any other League can bind eternal wrong upon the conscience of mankind. On 
the other hand, the world's hope from the League is a thing too precious to jeopardize by 
mistakes of policy so grave and so fundamental. 

We feel sure that you will not misunderstand the spirit which moves our protest ; and 
we wish to close with the repeated expression of our profound gratitude to you and all your 
associates at Paris for your devoted efforts to achieve the almost impossible in behalf of 
humanity. 

Very respectfully, 

FRANK ALLABEN, President 
DUDLEY BUTLER, Treasurer 
MABEL T. R. WASHBURN, Secretary 
Executive Committee of 
The National Historical Society 



37 West 39th Street, New York 
May 2. 1919 



[24] 



FOREWORD BY THE EDITOR-IN-CHIEF 

With great relief, which we believe is shared by a large part of 
the world, we learned from the Paris dispatches in the newspapers of 
May 5th that President Wilson had taken the initiative and, on the 
preceding day, with Mr. Lloyd George and Mr. Clemenceau, had 
cordially solicited the return to Paris of the Italian Peace Delegates. 
These dispatches indicate that the London agreement with Italy con- 
cerning Dalmatia will be substantially carried out, while Fiume will 
be permitted to unite with her motherland after a possible brief inter- 
regnum of autonomy, under Italy as mandatory, during which the 
Jugoslavs will be given a commercial outlet through Fiume pending a 
further improvement of one of their own Dalmatian ports under 
supervision of the League of Nations. 

No one can comprehend the point-of-view of Italy, nor the agony 
of the Italians in the Irredenta, at the thought of their abandonment 
to the tender mercies of the Jugoslavs, unless he is familiar with the 
history of the Irredenta since 1866. Prior to that date, Austria- 
Hungary was engaged in a savage attempt to Germanize the Italians 
of the Irredenta. Thousands were persecuted incredibly, and hun- 
dreds were hanged and otherwise martyred. No outsider, even if 
familiar with the facts, can feel them with the everliving horror which 
haunts the Italian heart. 

Finding that her cruelties had made it absolutely impossible to 
Germanize the Italians, from about 1860 Austria-Hungary sought to 
destroy the Italian spirit by the Slavonization of the Italians of the 
Irredenta, and, in the awful outrages of this process, the Croats and 
Slovenes have been Austria-Hungary's ready tools and greedy hands, 
with their fingers ever at the Italian throat. These Slavs have had 
for their battle-cry, U moru Taliansky - ''' Into the sea with the 
Italians ! " This is what is behind the passionate resolution of the 
long-persecuted people of Fiume to die rather than submit to be sold 
into the hands of their most deadly foes. 

Frank Allaben. 



[25] 




fttritg nf JIurjniH? of 

BY 

HIS EXCELLENCY, COUNT MACCHI DI CELLERE 

Italian Ambassador to the United States 



KfaaottH fur Jtalg'0 Attttuto, at 3Ftrat a Nrutral 
and (Uirn a Sr Uujrrrnt 

HE Allies are joint partners against the forces of armed 
brutality. It is of the highest importance that we 
should all appreciate to the full the unselfishness and 
purity of purpose of each of our associates. The 
magnificent and unselfish stand which the United 
States has taken for the preservation of democracy by 
its entry into war is fully realized by my nation. And 
it is with the hope that I may make clear and distinct the unselfishness 
and purity of purpose of Italy that I undertake in a few words to recall 
her situation. Italy's position in the war has been perverted into one 
of faithlessness by a clever propaganda of our common enemy; but, 
fortunately, the great President and the people of the United States 
have come to recognize that this accusation is hideously false. This 
German propaganda has centered around two points : That we were 
traitors to the Triple Alliance; that we entered the war only for 
selfish ends. 

How far from justified are these two accusations, with all the 
consequences that follow them, you know. I will, however, discuss 
them from the Italian point of view. I could easily disregard the 
accusation of treason made by our enemies against us. The word 
treason is unknown to Italy in principle and in fact, and only Teutonic 
mentality could apply it to us. Italy did not betray her former allies. 
She was brutally and repeatedly betrayed by them. One needs merely 

[26] 



THE PURITY OF PURPOSE OF ITALY 

to consider the spirit and the wording of the treaty of the Triple 
Alliance to be at once convinced of the truth of my statement. Italy 
joined the Austro-German combination at a period when her national 
existence had hardly begun. Unable to withstand the dangers of 
isolation, Italy became a party to the treaty, but stipulated that the 
Alliance should be purely defensive and that no step whatever should 
be taken by any of the signatories without previous consultation with 
the others. 

Italy kept her word to the last. How the Teutonic powers kept 
theirs is demonstrated by their sending their ultimatum to Serbia 
without letting Italy know that they were even contemplating such 
a tremendous step. They kept Italy in the dark because they knew 
by experience that Italy would oppose their plans of aggression against 
Serbia or any other nation, and they realized that if their plans had 
been known in time the war they wanted to provoke and did provoke 
would not have been possible. Italy had stood by Serbia when, after 
Austria's annexation of the Serbian provinces of Bosnia-Herzegovina, 
the Central Powers were preparing new aggressions in the Balkans 
and were looking for pretexts which Italy's attitude always forestalled. 
Knowing that Italy would never consent to their criminal plans, Ger- 
many and Austria prepared in secret. When they considered them- 
selves ready, they broke the peace of the world. What Italy's attitude 
would have been if she had known what the Central Powers were 
preparing is demonstrated by the efforts she made with her noble and 
traditional friend, England, to prevent a war which everybody knew 
would be the ruin of Europe and would involve the whole world. Our 
efforts were as vain as were those of England, because the crimes 
which the Central Powers were plotting against humanity and 
civilization had been determined upon. 

Italy was betrayed by her former allies in 1908, when Austria 
with the knowledge and open support of Germany annexed Bosnia- 
Herzegovina; she was betrayed again during her war with Turkey 
in 1912, when Austria threatened instant war if Italy should attack 
Turkey at Prevesa, and when Germany sent her officers and men to 
lead the Turks and the Arabs against the Italian soldiers; she was 
betrayed once more in 1914, when Germany and Austria struck with- 
out consulting her. Italy did the only thing she could possibly do at 
the time she refused to join them, and at once declared her neutrality. 

The history of Italy, even in its darkest periods, abounds in 
instances of nobility and greatness. The Italian nation could not have 

[27] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

become a party to a crime against humanity a crime so cunningly 
premeditated that the most repulsive of crimes suffer in comparison. 

The Teutonic assault on Serbia had released Italy from any obli- 
gation under the Triple Alliance an assault which was only the con- 
summation of a series of crimes all preparatory to the same end, and 
committed in full view of the civilized world, which nevertheless could 
not be brought to realize what was about to happen. 

We are all paying dearly now for our blind faith that no nation 
would dare to break a peace which the world had expended so much 
to secure. 

Let me say that in the bloody sacrifices civilization is making to 
overthrow barbarism once for all, Italy is second to none. 

But then (to take up the second point of my argument against the 
subtle Teutonic propaganda) why did Italy merely declare her neu- 
trality instead of immediately taking up arms and joining the Entente 
in August, 1914? All who follow the course of international affairs 
appreciate the fact that in 1914 Italy was just emerging from a war 
with Turkey in which she had suffered atrociously as a result of 
Turkish cruelty and Austro-German treason. 

I have already referred to the episode of Prevesa and the fact 
established by official documents that German officers and men took 
part on the Turkish side in the Italo-Turkish war. Our military stores 
were exhausted, our artillery was reduced to nothing, our armies had 
been largely disbanded, and only a very small number of them remained 
under arms. The result to the Allies of an immediate Italian partici- 
pation in the war, under these conditions, is easily seen. Italy would 
have been overrun at once, put out of business altogether, and lost to 
the cause of the Allies probably forever certainly for the duration 
of this war. 

However, the mere declaration of neutrality was in itself a proof 
that Italy had made her decision she would not be on the side of the 
aggressors. But it meant far more; it meant that heroic France, 
reassured about our attitude, could, as she did, immediately withdraw 
all of her soldiers from the Italian frontier and send them to immortal- 
ize themselves at the Marne. Thus Italy, by making possible the 
victorious defense of Paris, contributed in saving the war for the 
Allies. 

The Central Powers understood what Italian neutrality meant, 
and began a work of corruption and intrigue which did not, however, 
alter the course of events. Italy had not been ready when the voice of 

[28] 



THE PURITY OF PURPOSE OF ITALY 

history called her to be true to her immemorial traditions of love for 
liberty and justice; but she prepared with all speed to make her par- 
ticipation in the war of material advantage. You all know of what 
technical importance has been Italy's contribution to the war, in the 
perfecting of trench, mountain, and heavy artillery, in the wonderful 
evolution of the aeroplane, in the development of warfare among the 
clouds. 

But let me recall to your minds the immediate practical effects of 
Italy's entrance into the struggle. 

Russia was being rapidly driven back, apparently without any 
hope of recovering from the hammering blows of the Austro-German 
forces. Only a diversion, and a powerful one, could prevent a crush- 
ing disaster to the Allies. Italy undertook the task of creating such 
a diversion. She declared war on Austria, crossed old iniquitous 
boundaries imposed upon her by Austria and Germany in 1866, and 
forced the instant transfer of all available Austrian forces from the 
Eastern theatre of the war to the Italian front. Italy had created the 
necessary diversion and Russia was saved for her victories of a few 
months later. 

For two and a half years Austria had been kept on the verge of 
disaster by the bravery of a country that has been paying for her lack 
of artillery, ammunition, fuel, and food with the purest blood of 
her sons. 

Then, in October, 1917, owing to a combination of circumstances 
now known to all, Teutonic trickery and violence got the better of us. 
Our country was invaded, our army brought near destruction, our 
monuments razed with barbaric thoroughness, our women and children 
martyred. For the moment it seemed that we were lost, not alone to 
the cause of the Allies, but even to our own traditions. Thank God 
that impression proved false ! Never was Italy so great as on the day 
she realized her danger and transformed what appeared to be one of 
the greatest defeats known in military annals into a victorious rally of 
all her forces against the invader. The day will come when we shall 
hear the name of the Piave mentioned in the same breath with that of 
the Marne, thus uniting in a halo of glory the two greatest episodes 
in the history of those nations which are shedding their blood in the 
cause of true civilization. Of this we are assured by the miraculous 
revival of the fighting spirit of our soldiers and by the evidence that 
our country is fully aware of the part history has called on her to play 

[29] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

for the triumph of those principles of justice which the world originally 
learned from Italy. 

With this faith in our destiny, with the assurance that right can- 
not be permanently destroyed by might, with confidence and gratitude 
that the glorious American republic on our side has added her sense 
of right and her unlimited strength, we face the future bravely. 




II 

&trwjn> of S0m* au& Jtalg Against 
Futontr Brutality 

ERHAPS I need not remind you that Italy's struggle 
against the enemy of to-day goes back to the time 
when, some twenty centuries ago, on the selfsame 
fields and mountains that are now a part of our 
common allied front, the Roman eagle was already 
waging that fight against the barbarians in which 
the American eagle has recently joined us. The 
struggle of to-day is, to us Italians, the rounding-out of a tremendous 
cycle of world-history, in which, alone of all civilized nations, Italy was 
in at the beginning, and is in at the finish. 

Since the time when Roman law laid the foundations for the 
international intercourse of the world, the struggle has gone on 
against Teutonic brutality. We are in it as a nation with all the 
traditions and survivals of centuries, with all the memories of the 
race, with all the influences of obscure ancestral heredities. One verse 
of our national hymn reminds us that no Teuton stick ever curbed 
Italy, and that the children of Rome do not grow to a yoke. That was 
the blunder of the enemy: he did not realize that to a liberty-loving 
people the spirit of freedom is like the breathing of pure air an essen- 
tial of life. Sometimes the freeman does not know how essential it is 
until someone tries to take it from him : then he must die or revolt. 
Italy revolted. 

Nowhere else as in Italy have the boldest elements of evil worked 
to disrupt the unity of the nation's will and to nullify the patriotic 
efforts of the government and of the people. Nowhere has the test, 
consequently, been more crucial and significant, nor the spirit and the 
love of freedom more resiliency and convincingly triumphant. 



[30] 



THE PURITY OF PURPOSE OF ITALY 

To-day the whole nation has stood, strong and determined, facing 
the enemy of centuries entrenched once more in the Venetian plains ; 
and never was Italy's spirit higher or her attitude more defiant. Back 
of our lines every old man, woman, and child fought his or her share 
of the war. And though the food and fuel problems with us were 
brought down to actual questions of life and death, through want of 
the necessities of daily existence, yet the hundreds of thousands of 
refugees from our invaded and unredeemed provinces where the 
enemy did his worst to defy every law of God and man were wel- 
comed with fullness of heart throughout the homes of the nation, the 
widow's mite being shared with those more destitute than she. Social 
service and volunteer civic assistance have been a matter of course to 
every citizen who is not a soldier or a war worker. The ruthless treat- 
ment inflicted by the enemy on noble portions of our land merely 
strengthened our determination and gave backbone to our resistance ; 
for peace cannot be between the offender and the offended until the 
wrongs are righted and justice is enforced: 

With our Queen working in the hospitals and our King soldiering 
in the trenches, we felt that the democratic spirit of the Italian consti- 
tutional monarchy needed no interpretation nor explanation to the 
people of this great Republic, and that our place rightfully was with 
those fighting for the triumph of a democracy the spirit of which is 
the essential spirit of our liberally-planned and liberally-evolving 
institutions. 

Whatever the enemy may have had to say, or may have desired 
others to believe about it, Italy was not in this war for any base and 
selfish motives of conquest, imperialism, or unlawful territorial 
aggrandizement. While in fact fighting for the liberation of all man- 
kind, threatened with oppression and slavery, Italy was aiming at the 
liberation of her oppressed sons within and beyond the boundary 
imposed upon her by an iniquitous treaty. 

For the freedom of our country we need security on land and sea, 
a security which Nature itself had assured us, with well-defined geo- 
graphic boundaries, and which the violence of oppressive and barbar- 
ous nations has too long stolen from us. We saw our duty clearly, 
and, faithful to our duty, we could not lay down our arms until the 
freedom of mankind, including the freedom of our oppressed brothers 
and the security of our land, had been attained. 

At the same time we have looked with heartfelt sympathy and 
a sincere spirit of cooperation upon the lawful aspirations and rights 

[31] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

of other countries ; for we have fought too long and too hard for the 
achievement of our national unity and independence to grudge others 
the same blessings. We, who know all the hardships of such strug- 
gles, only wish that others might be spared such distress. All of those 
who have suffered, or are still suffering, from the same oppression 
and injustice, who have been with us in the hopes and throes of redemp- 
tion, the fight for the realization of a great ideal, we have hoped to 
have with us also on the day of victory and vindication. We wish to 
share with them the triumph of such ideals of world-justice and free- 
dom as our patriots, our warriors, and the great thinkers of our race, 
from Dante to Mazzini, Carducci, and Cavour, anticipated with their 
heart's desire, or consecrated with their life's blood, long before the 
material realization could be enforced. It is bound to be enforced 
to-day by the united efforts of all the civilized nations of the world 
from Italy, the oldest, to America, the youngest, whose armies joined 
us and stood firm on the battlefields of France, in communion of ideals 
and deeds, to decide the fight which Humanity has waged for the 
freedom and future peace of her sons. 




1 32 1 



JftaUfa Army in % Unrto 



A &ljuri &tatrmntt on an JmmenBf Hark 



BY 



MAJOR-GENERAL EMILIO GUGLIELMOTTI 

Military Attache to the Royal Italian Embassy at Washington 





NSPIRED by common ideals with France, Italy cour- 
ageously severed the ties binding her to the Central 
Powers and by her neutrality saved France in 1914. 
She saved the great common cause in a most danger- 
ous moment, entering the War in the Spring of 1915. 
Lacking arms and ammunitions, inferior in number 
and positions, she fought victoriously alone during 
two years and a half on a front longer and much harder than the 
French-Belgian front; and later, in spite of being obliged to yield 
against the united and overwhelming forces of the four enemy autoc- 
racies, she succeeded alone, in November, 1917, in barring on the 
Piave their march towards the heart of France through the maritime 
Alps. She renewed victoriously the same miracle in June, 1918, open- 
ing thus the set of Entente victories; and in October, 1918, she 
definitely crushed the secular Austrian military power with the great- 
est victory known in history, of which eight hundred thousand prison- 
ers, seven thousand guns, two hundred and fifty thousand horses 
captured, are the speaking proof and trophy. 

By such a victory Italy opened the road to Germany's southern 
borders, this being one of the decisive factors of Germany's uncondi- 
tional surrender. She gave also a direct contribution to the victory 
on the French front by sending there strong contingents of workmen 
and soldiers. Rheims, Bligny, the Aisnes and the Ailette rivers, 
Chemin des Dames, Rocroy, are French witnesses to Italian glory. 



[33] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

By her long and sharp resistance on Hill 1050 in Macedonia, the natu- 
ral strategic support of the left wing of the Allies, Italy efficiently 
co-operated with the Macedonian drive and the consequent defeat of 
Bulgaria ; to which she also contributed by quickly advancing all along 
her Albanian front. She fought side by side with her Allies in the 
Holy Land and in Siberia; and fought also in Erythrea and in Lybia 
against the intrigues and rebellions organized and encouraged by the 
Central Powers. 

Without coal, without raw material, scant of food, badly handi- 
capped by the decline of her exchange even on the Allied markets, Italy 
spent in the War most of her national wealth, suffered silently up to 
the extreme limits, and silently fought and won on land and sea. 

With a territory 32 times smaller than that of the United States, 
with a population of about 36,000,000, Italy had only 17,000,000 men, 
of which but 9,000,000 were of an available age, owing to the large 
emigration. In spite of all this, Italy called to the colors 5,250,000 men 
and kept up during the whole War an Army of more than four millions. 
Up to September, 1918, her losses were more than one and a half mil- 
lion, of whom about one million are a definite loss to the Nation 
half a million dead, and half a million mutilated, blind, permanently 
disabled. 

Last but not least, Italy made another great, if indirect, contribu- 
tion. Three hundred thousand soldiers of the fighting Army of this 
great America, and half a million of its Army of efficient workmen, 
had Italian blood in their veins. 




[34] 



Arttue i$tltttrr of % Jltaltan Nau 



BY 




REAR-ADMIRAL COUNT MASSIMILIANO LOVATELLI 

Naval Attache to the Royal Italian Embassy at Washington 



HE TASK of the Italian Navy during the War has been 
particularly delicate and difficult because of the char- 
acter of the sheet of water and the coastland in and 
along which it was primarily called to operate. 
Although the protection of innumerable insular bul- 
warks and strong naval bases on the Dalmatian side 
of the Adriatic gave a tremendous advantage to the 
enemy fleet, this did not deter the Italians from seeking and offering 
fair fight in open waters. But when it became obvious that the enemy 
preferred to use the advantage of geography, rather than meet the 
risk of action, Italian effort turned to the bottling-up of the opposing 
fleet within the barriers of its own ports, thus reducing it to harmless- 
ness in fact, to absence from the field of operations. After this the 
Italian big units, less those that enemy intrigue blew up in Italian ports, 
mostly served as training schools for the unending stream of human 
force that was called into service and thence often into eternity - 
by the patrolling of the dangerous waters. 

The small cruisers, monitors, destroyers, torpedo-boats, sub- 
mersibles, chasers, armed motor-boats known as " M A S," and other 
surface-craft, devised to meet the demands of the new type of action 
which the absence of big enemy units from open waters and the enemy 
system of snake-darts and raids on the open Italian shore had forced 
upon us, bore the brunt of the situation; while the naval crews 
manning the armoured trains on the Italian coast very efficiently and 

[35] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

brilliantly co-operated in the general work by which the Navy met 
the conspicuous disadvantages of the Italian situation in the Adriatic, 
and the unfairness of the Austrian system of naval warfare. The 
same can be said of the entire force of naval aviators, whose chief title 
to the world's gratitude, however, lies in the defense and protection 
which they gave to Venice. 

A word of unstinted praise belongs also to the men of the mer- 
chant fleet who, no less than the Royal Navy men, fought a danger- 
ously hard fight of their own; as well as to the crews of the mine- 
sweepers and drifters, who were kept busy combing the sea and watch- 
ing the Otranto gates. 

The medical corps, besides its regular work, added a fine page to 
its records by the fight for sanitation in Albania. 

The sailors who had done well in the lagoons of Grado and the 
plains of Monfalcone, went beyond their previous achievements when 
Venice was menaced and they were detailed to " the frog-ponds " of 
the Piave, which none but waterfowl, it was said, could be expected 
to stand in, much less to hold. 

Half submerged in water, fighting from armed pontoons, they 
held. 

Besides this, care had to be taken of the other seas, entirely 
free from legitimate enemy appearances, it is true, but viciously 
infested by submarines to an extent that can now be admitted, but 
with the exact knowledge of which it would then have been unwise, 
or at best useless, to burden the civilian population. 

To this must be added the convoying of ships through the Medi- 
terranean, the watching and defense of the North African coast, 
co-operation with allied navies in Eastern seas, especially in the trans- 
portation and supplying of the army of Salonica and, last but not 
least, the transportation of the whole bulk of the retreating Serbian 
Army, with 30,000 of their Austrian prisoners, to places of safety 
for the former, of safekeeping for the latter, during the winter and 
spring of 1915-16. 

As a result of this " silent, unremittent daily pressure," many 
deeds were accomplished in silence that came fully up to the standard 
of the few brilliant exploits that have entered into the knowledge of 
the world. Those to whom the world's praise was given deserved it 
wefl ; but it must be said in justice to all the rest that the heroic quality 
of their silence has been a factor of victory not less efficient than the 
most brilliant achievements of their comrades. 

[36] 




[37] 




HIS K\ri:i,LI-:.\<'Y. ( (H NT VINCKN/O MACCHI 1)1 CELLEUE, ITALIAN AMMASSADOU 

TO THE UNITED STATES 
From a photograph by Edmonston, Washington, D. C. 



[38] 




ni:u I:\CI:I.M-:M v. mr.NTKss I>OI,OKI:S MA< < m i>i ci:i.i.i:i:i:. \\ii'i: i>r TIII: ITALIAN 

TO rin: i MTKI> STATKS 



From a photojrraph l>v IvlunuistiMi Wa>liiii(;tiiii. I 



[39] 




C ' 



[40] 



Jtgtfttttg >tr*n0tlf of 
Staltan 




Valor and Jhnurra of tEuimrmtrr 
Inj (apsar's Urgtons 

BY 

THE HONORABLE SALVATORE A. COT1LLO 

New York State Senator 

recent mission to Italy did not concern itself with the 
Italian soldier. What I have seen of him has been 
as a casual observer rather than as a student. Never- 
theless, in spite of unsystematic observation, certain 
qualities of the Italian soldier have impressed them- 
selves with extraordinary force, compelling admira- 
tion, willy-nilly, to stand at attention before this little 
champion of freedom so often misunderstood and misrepresented. 

First and foremost I must mention the Italian soldier's amazing 
capacity for enduring hardship. As my trips through Italy revealed 
what the soldiers had to contend with, and the scarcity of the means 
at their disposal, I could not fail to recognize that in spite of all the 
lapse of distance, the changes and foreign admixtures of two thousand 
years, the olive-grey soldier of Italy to-day is in point of endurance 
the genuine descendant of the tunic-clad legionary of ancient Rome. 
In describing the Trojan forefathers of Rome, Virgil ascribed to them 
the qualities of the Romans of his day : the companions of -^Eneas were 
men of endurance, acquainted with suffering and sacrifice. Cicero 
and other Latin writers also mention as worthy of admiration the 
Roman campaigner's ability to stand the rigors of extreme climates 
and do without the three most primary necessities, food, drink, and 
sleep. 

These qualities are as characteristic of the Italian soldier of to-day 
as they were of the Roman soldier of 2,000 years ago. With small 
rations, with insufficient equipment, with means ridiculously dispro- 
portionate to their needs, the Italians have held on to the snow-clad 

[41] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

mountain fastnesses of their northern front, where the only means of 
communication with the bases in the rear are eerie, swaying cable lines, 
which join peak to peak and span precipices and dizzy chasms whose 
bottoms swim under the eye thousands of feet below. With never a 
murmur, with a disregard for physical comfort not paralleled in any 
other army, the Italian soldier fought, bled, and died for two long 
years, clinging to the dusty, sun-baked, waterless slopes of the 
inhospitable Carso. 

The fighting done by the Italian soldier in this war has been of 
a truly epic character. He has fought on with a fortitude and bravery 
seldom found in great masses of men. Just before Caporetto, par- 
ticularly, the suffering of the soldiers became almost unendurable. 
Oftentimes their meals were scarcely more than a dry crust ! Yet that 
would have been good enough for them. The distressing feature was 
the news from back home, where whole communities were without 
bread for weeks at a stretch. The soldiers' wives and children were 
suffering, and the men were not allowed leaves of absence every four 
months to visit their families, as with the French. They had only a 
leave of absence of ten days once a year. Could it be that they were 
purposely kept from going home ? 

Under these conditions the Austrians made their proffers of 
peace, of "fraternization." Italian newspapers of unmistakable pro- 
war leanings were by the Austrians counterfeited and these forgeries 
circulated among the Italian soldiers with the pretended news that 
British and French soldiers were massacring the people of the Italian 
cities who clamored for bread. Then suddenly, overnight, German 
soldiers took the place of the Austrians who had been "fraternizing" 
with the Italians. Surprised by a powerful foe while in such a state 
of mental and physical suffering, the Italians were overpowered. 
Lack of military foresight, in failing to establish a line of possible 
retreat, created additional trouble and losses. Vast forces had to 
retreat, and in haste. The losses in men, and especially in guns and 
supplies, were staggering for Italy, for Italy lacked the great reserve 
of guns and supplies enjoyed by England and France. 

With an acute shortage of food throughout the kingdom, with an 
army greatly diminished in numbers, with the extreme difficulty 
caused by the enemy's seizure of a large percentage of their weapons, 
the Italian soldiers nevertheless held firm against an enemy enriched 
by these captures, superior in numbers, and flushed with victory. 
The fact that in spite of these terrible handicaps the men of Italy by 

[42] 



THE FIGHTING STRENGTH OF THE ITALIAN SOLDIER 

desperate valor were able to stop the Barbarian onslaught in the fall 
of 1917, and thereby save the allied cause, is a page of imperishable 
glory added to a history of Italian arms already luminous. 

The cause of the free peoples of the earth has never hung by so 
fine a thread as during the days of the second half of October, 1917. 
What was it that saved the world during those critical days ? It was 
the power of self-sacrifice to the uttermost of whole regiments of 
Italy's sons. The twice-famous Piave bears witness to this fact. 
With a blind fury, a heroism arising out of their painful consciousness 
of the critical situation, Italy's manhood held at the Piave after the 
disastrous retreat from Caporetto. The best of Italy's cavalry 
regiments rushed upon the enemy, to certain death, in order to stay 
his advance. 

With hardly anything but their naked bayonets, a brigade of 
Bersaglieri annihilated or captured an entire brigade that had set foot 
across the Piave. With a human wall of sheer devotion and heroism 
they held their lines. 

It has been said that this checking of the Caporetto rout for rout 
it was was a miracle. If by miracle we mean the turning of an 
irresistible physical tide by forces entirely outside the realm of the 
physical, coming from the inmost recesses of a people's soul, then the 
resistance at the Piave was a miracle, just as the battle of the Marne 
was a miracle. But the two wonders had this difference, that the 
Germans at the Marne were also being threatened by an invasion of 
northern Prussia, while at the Piave the Germans, far from suffering 
anv threat against their northern frontiers, were safely installed at 
Riga. 

It has also been suggested that the Piave line was held, thanks 
to the Franco-British reinforcements that came to the aid of Italy. 
Far be it from me to depreciate the aid given by England and France 
at that time. But the truth is that these reinforcements arrived when 
the tide had already been stemmed. The Franco-British reinforce- 
ments no doubt helped to relieve the tension, but when they reached 
the front the stabilization of the Piave line had already taken place. 

The acts of valor which immortalized the Piave, both in October, 
1917, and in June, 1918, would fill volumes. 

In October, 1917, as the Italians were nearing the Piave, a bat- 
talion became separated from its regiment. It was isolated and encir- 
cled by overwhelmingly superior forces. As long as ammunition 
lasted the battalion held its ground to a man. When their ammunition 

[43] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

was exhausted the men still held grimly, knowing that unless help 
came from some source they must surrender or die to a man. They 
preferred to die. Just then a man presented himself to the commander 
of the battalion, with tears in his eyes begging to be permitted to 
attempt alone to run the gauntlet of the enemy's lines in an effort to 
reach the rest of the regiment and summon help. This volunteer was 
strapped to a horse's belly and sent through the enemy's ranks. He 
succeeded, but when reinforcements finally came it was too late. A 
small remnant of the battalion had cut a passage through the foe, but 
the bulk of the battalion, including its commander, lay dead on the 
field of honor. 

During the second battle of the Piave the enemy had succeeded in 
reaching the Italian lines. The Austrians occupied part of the railroad 
leading from Montello to Treviso, the northern and southern ends 
remaining in Italian hands, after the middle portion of the railroad 
had passed into Austrian control. A message from the Italian forces 
holding the extreme end of the Montello reached headquarters : their 
ammunition was running low, whereas success depended upon the 
unceasing fire of the batteries at that end of the line. What was to be 
done? The only means of sending munitions quickly and in sufficient 
quantity was the railway line itself part of it occupied by the enemy. 

General Fadini, commanding the artillery, at once ordered a train 
to be got ready, while meantime battle-planes were ordered to fly over 
the line to observe if it was still intact. The aviators reported that 
they could see no obstruction. At once a single locomotive was rushed 
off, helter-skelter, escorted by battle and bombing planes. After a 
giddy race it reached Montebellura safely, and word was sent back by 
telephone that the line was still practicable. A large convoy of forty 
cars, loaded with ammunition and bristling with machine-guns, was 
then sent headlong towards the enemy. It burst through the Austrian 
lines spreading death in its passage. The fire from all kinds of enemy 
guns a single hit from which would have sufficed to explode the 
entire train was directed upon it, all in vain. The convoy reached 
the exhausted batteries, the Italian cannon belched fire and destruc- 
tion with renewed vigor, and the day was won. 

General Sante Ceccherini, commanding the Third Brigade of 
Bersaglieri, is a hero in the fullest sense of the word. He has been 
decorated five times with the military medal; has been awarded the 
Italian, French, English, and Serbian war-cross ; is a Chevalier of the 
Crown of Italy, and numbers five campaigns to his credit. During 

[44] 



THE FIGHTING STRENGTH OF THE ITALIAN SOLDIER 

the early days of June, 1916, he commanded, on the San Michel, two 
battalions of Cyclist Bersaglieri. At that time he was Lieutenant- 
Colonel. Having reached the top of the mountain he saw about him 
only 150 men and 5 officers out of the 900 men and 18 officers with 
whom he had started the attack. Two Austrian brigades surrounded 
him 12,000 men ! Erect, on the edge of the trench, encouraging and 
setting an example to his men, smiling in the midst of a hellish artillery 
musketry and machine-gun fire, he quietly smoked his strong-smelling 
pipe, "the colonel's gurgley old stein," as his men called it. Realizing 
that the position was untenable, he would not surrender, but gathered 
his men about him and hacked a way through the surrounding foe 
with flashing bayonets ! 

Enrico Toti was another Bersaglieri hero. This young Roman 
had lost his leg as a youth, but by prodigious strength and spirit he 
so far overcame his handicap that his feats as a cyclist, globe-trotter, 
and a swimmer were epic. At the beginning of the War he succeeded 
in convincing the army officials that he could take a soldier's part. 
With his bicycle he kept up with the best of them, and his crutch 
became a formidable weapon. His invincible spirits made him a leader. 
During an attack at Monfalcone he rushed to the attack. Mortally 
wounded, but undaunted, he reached the Austrian trenches. He fell, 
but rose again and, with a supreme gesture of contempt, hurled his 
crutch after the fleeing enemy, shouting " Viva L'ltalia " as he fell 
back, dead, into the trench. 

Lieutenant Franz Fischietti was fourteen years old at the begin- 
ning of the war too young for service. With the aid of a birth certifi- 
cate belonging to an elder brother, who had died a child and would then 
have been seventeen years old, he managed to enlist. Possessing 
physical strength far beyond his years, he had no difficulty so far as 
personal appearance was concerned. He always conducted himself 
like a soldier and by his gallantry attained the grade of First Lieu- 
tenant. When his class was at length called to the colors the class of 
1900 he had to reveal his identity, for he had been listed as a deserter 
although he had been fighting for over three years. He fell, fighting, 
at the head of a company of shock troops. 

Lieutenant Tozzolino had his right hand paralyzed by a wound, 
but stayed at the front for purposes of propaganda. During the 
recent battle of the Piave he managed to reach a battalion which was 
conducting an attack against the enemy. The major in command 
having been killed, the men showed signs of indecision, beginning to 

[45] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

retreat. Lieutenant Tozzolino placed himself at their head, led them 
back to the attack, and reconquered the position. 

Sergeant Crespi of the 16th Bersaglieri, actuated by the loftiest 
sentiments of comradeship and altruism, having played a brilliant part 
in the capture of a difficult mountain position, ran out repeatedly, 
braving the murderous fire of enemy machine-guns 100 metres away, 
leaping over chasms and ravines, in order to bring back to safety five 
wounded comrades. 

Truly these are heroic deeds, a few samples of Italian valor that 
have come within my personal knowledge from the mouths of the men 
who witnessed them. Both of the battles of the Piave, and the eleven 
offensives on the Isonzo, are crowded with such deeds. 

Yet, to my mind, the loftiest examples of heroism I have ever met 
in any army are those of two humble peasant soldiers whom I saw and 
heard personally in Southern Italy. Both were married, while one of 
them had three children. One came home on leave, to find his wife 
dead and his three children motherless and helpless. The other came 
home to find an insane wife. Upon my asking what they meant to do, 
now that their families were wrecked, each replied with sublime 
simplicity, "I must go back to the front to do my duty !" 

These words from the mouths of these humble men were a revela- 
tion to me. I stood amazed, in awed admiration, as one stands before 
the inscrutable wonders of Nature. 

Verily, the breed of Attilius Regulus is not dead in Italy ! 



[46] 



GDurctljrnrn af Awatrta 

BY 

CAPTAIN ALESSANDRO SAPELLI 

Former Governor of Benadir, One of Italy's Colonies in Africa 



CTljr Preliminary $ituatiun 

ERY LITTLE has been said in America of the Italian 
military operations on the Isonzo, though these opera- 
tions were initiated at a moment extremely precarious 
for the Allied armies. Italy entered the fray at the 
very time when the Dardenelles campaign, due to 
lack of quick decision and proper preparation, had 
proven a failure. Italy entered at the very time when 
the Russian armies, on which France relied, had been disastrously 
beaten on the Biale and Dumajez and were evacuating Czernowicz, 
Przemysl, and Leopolis. Italy thus entered the War at the time when 
Germany and Austria, strong in the knowledge of the Russian defeat, 
were ready to throw their entire strength on the western front - 
before England could transport her new army across the Channel, or 
France reorganize her armies and get her " second wind." At this 
moment, most critical for the Allies, Italy entered the conflict; and 
from that hour until the end she kept engaged on her front over one- 
third of the Teutonic coalition. 

But of all the dangers by her undergone, of all the desperate 
struggles, the gigantic efforts, the heroic exploits of the titanic battle 
waged by Italy, the world took little notice until after the disaster of 
Caporetto. Then Italy began to be spoken of, but more in reference 
to the danger to which France would be exposed should the forces of 

[47] 




THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

the Central Empires, passing through the Po Valley, succeed in attack- 
ing her from Savoy and the Delphinate a frontier which, since 1914, 
the declaration of Italian neutrality had permitted France to leave 
undefended, enabling her to take from thence the 500,000 men that 
were the decisive factor in winning the first battle of the Marne. 

Yet, even after Caporetto, the decisions of the Allies were pain- 
fully slow, perhaps because they considered Italy definitely out of the 
fight. The Austro-German invasion of Italy, however, the conse- 
quence of a moral deficiency and not of a military defeat, was stopped 
though he had failed to get the Allied support he looked for, he 
Allied re-enforcements, absolutely inadequate to the situation, had 
orders to entrench themselves on the Mincio, more than 100 kilometers 
behind the firing line. 

After this heroic check of the invaders at the Piave silence again 
enveloped all things pertaining to Italy. Then came the great Austrian 
offensive of June, 1918, that ended for the enemy so miserably, as 
everyone will remember. This Austrian reverse again revealed the 
power of Italy to strike in self-defense, but was not a result of Italian 
initiative. Much was said about it, partly, perhaps, because it helped 
to draw public attention from a critical situation on the western front 
between Bapaume and Chauny, but surely more because it seemed that 
this Italian victory might be as it proved to be the first of a 
series of successes leading into the offensive that should bring the 
Allies to final victory. A signal success was just then needed to 
strengthen the morale of the Allies, and Italy produced it by her 
staggering blow that turned the Austrian attack into a crippling defeat. 

Thus Germany lost the support of her powerful ally ; and with the 
strengthening of the Allied armies by the arrival of the American 
troops, and the unification of the supreme command in Marshal Foch, 
the chances in favor of the Allied arms tremendously increased. In- 
deed from that moment, when Italian valor transformed the threaten- 
ing host of Austria into an army of discouragement, Hindenburg, 
pressed on all sides along the whole front from the sea to the Argonne, 
abandoned all hopes of a victory in France and began hasty disposi- 
tions for a shortening of the front and a full retreat to the formidably 
defended lines of the Rhine, where prolonged resistance would have 
given his country at least a diplomatic victory. 

Most people at this juncture regarded the Italians as played out, 
after their efforts in June, 1918. and as quite incapable of anything 
more than to hug the shores of me Piave. The peculiar thing to note 

[48] 



THE OVERTHROW OF AUSTRIA 

is that Austria alone seemed aware of the menace against her repre- 
sented by Italy; but that Austria herself apprehended the worst is 
clearly proved by her stubborn refusal to send help to Germany, and 
her policy of constantly increasing her armies opposite the Italians 
on the Piave and the Alpine front. 

Then came the final Italian victory so suddenly, and with con- 
sequences so enormous and so immediate, that there seemed hardly 
time to speak of the battle itself, which nevertheless was not only a 
masterpiece of military technique, but a marvelous example of human 
will and intrepidity. 

II 

(Elf* Umrt of % Austrian Arttwa 

With always the same fixed idea of descending through the 
valley of the Po, along the Brenta and Adige valleys, cutting out 
Venice and the Veneto, the Austrians had been concentrating their 
forces in the mountain region. Yet, not having recovered from the 
defeat suffered at the hands of the Italians in June, knowing that no 
help was forthcoming from Germany, and seriously affected by the 
Bulgarian defection, Austria did not dare to resume the offensive. 
This situation had not escaped the keen eye of General Diaz ; and, even 
though he had failed to get the Allied support he looked for, the 
launched his offensive. 

The Brenta and the Piave in their upper courses move, one from 
west to east and the other from east to west, as if they were about to 
meet. Separated about midway of their length by the massif of 
Monte Grappa and Monte Pertica, they reach the sea, almost parallel, 
in a south-easterly direction. The Italian Army formed a semicircle, 
its left wing touching Monte Baldo, the centre on Monte Grappa and 
Montello, between the two rivers, Piave and Brenta, and the right on 
the west side of the Piave. 

The plan of General Diaz, perfectly carried out by his army com- 
manders, was to press hard at the centre, thus calling all the Austrian 
forces toward the point where the valleys seem to meet ; to manoeuvre 
the armies directly on the right of the Grappa in such a way that the 
line would extend itself towards the west, with the front facing north ; 

[49] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

take possession of Monte Cuero, on the left of the Piave; force the 
mountain passes leading to the high valley, and shut off the enemy's 
retreat towards Belluno. From the Altipisino dei Sette Communi, 
simultaneously, an army should descend to trap the foe in the valley 
between Quero and Fonzaso; while, lastly, the extreme left should at 
the same time have advanced through the Valle Arsa upon Rovereto 
and Trento, engaging the Austrian reserves in that quarter and reach- 
ing Trento ahead of any Austrian columns that might succeed in re- 
treating along the Val Sugaria. 

The most dangerous of these actions was that assigned to the 
troops stationed to the east of Monte Grappa, who would have had the 
right flank and their shoulders unprotected. But, to guard against 
this danger, the Italian high command ordered an advance of the 
troops lined up along the lower Piave, who were to move towards the 
Livenza, the Tagliamento, and the old Isonzo line, thus forming a 
right angle with the remaining line of the front covering the action at 
the centre, and could eventually constitute its reserve. 

This plan, which was begun on October 24 (exactly one year from 
the Caporetto disaster), starting with a violent feint in the zone of 
Monte Grappa (that cost the sacrificing of 20,000 Italian lives, and 60,- 
000 wounded), was developed without hesitations during the next few 
days. For some hours it looked as if the encircling movement would 
come to naught, on account of the sudden flooding of the Piave that 
carried away all the bridges, at a moment when only a part of the 
Eighth and Tenth Army had passed on the left shore. But, thanks 
to the activity of the Italian Army Engineers in re-establishing com- 
munications, and the uninterrupted forwarding of supplies and muni- 
tions, the latter carried out by our Capronis, and the tenacious resist- 
ence of our First Division against the attempts of the Austrian troops 
to push the Italians back to the Piave, the most powerful difficulties 
created by Nature were overcome by Man. However, even by the 
evening of the 27th, the plans of the command were slated to win. 
The enemy had re-enforced its lines in front of the Grappa, and was 
wasting itself in desperate attacks, in attempting to reconquer the posi- 
tions, leaving thus ample time for the converging and encircling move- 
ment of the Eighth, Tenth, and Twelfth Armies, that, by the 28th, had 
already reached the heights of Valdobbiadene and the River Solizo. 

From that moment, the fate of the Austrian Army was sure. In 
its retreat, it would be obliged to extend itself through the valleys, lose 
the tactical contact, and moral cohesion. The battle was lost, so far as 

[50] 



THE OVERTHROW OF AUSTRIA 

the Austrian Army was concerned. It still resisted'with the strength 
of desperation, but, on the 3rd of November, when the victorious 
Italians had already to their credit prisoners amounting to 416,116 
soldiers, 10,658 officers, and 6,818 cannon, the Austrian General 
Weber von Webenau accepted the conditions of the Armistice dictated 
by the Council of Versailles. That which had been one of the most 
thoroughly organized armies in the world had nothing left to it but 
disorganized bands of soldiers, of its former seventy-three Divisions, 
which had been completely routed by six Allied Divisions and fifty-one 
Italian Divisions. The Italians, on the llth, had already reached the 
Brennero, ready to march on the southern frontiers of the German 
confederation. But, on that same day also, the Teutonic Empire, left 
alone in the field, threatened by enemies on all sides, asked and 
obtained an armistice. 

The results of the victory on the Piave were superior to all 
expectations, but worthy of the genius with which the plans of the 
battle had been laid and executed and, above all, of the heroism and 
fighting qualities of the soldiers who " carried on." 




[51] 



0f a 
(EapootBtrta 



from 



BY 



COLONEL UGO PIZZARELLO 




OLONEL UGO PIZZARELLO, a valiant fighter in 
the Great War, is a native of Capodistria, which is but 
a few miles south of Trieste. He was born into the 
midst of the tragedy of the unredeemed provinces. 
for, in his infancy, his father was seized and im- 
prisoned for the heinous offence of loving Italy and 
fighting with Garibaldi. His whole family, exiled 
from their home, took refuge in the kingdom of Italy. These circum- 
stances were branded upon his youthful mind as with a flame. His 
young manhood was consecrated to a spiritual and moral preparation 
for that great hour when Italy should rise in maternal power and 
gather into her own fold her children, Trieste, Fiume, Istra, Dal- 
matia, and the valley of the Adige. He took up arms for Italy while 
still a lad. The Great War was to him a clarion call to the fulfillment 
of his early dreams. As Captain of Infantry he fought with such 
heroism that, after twenty-six months in the trenches, and after he 
had received four grievous wounds (one from a bullet that even now 
lies imbedded in the cerebrum), he was promoted to a Colonelcy on 
December 1, 1916. He was awarded two silver medals for military 
valor, and a gold one, as well as the cross of Knight of the Military 
Order of Savoy. The last two were assigned him by the King of 
Italy, and are the two most coveted of all Italian military honors. He 
was also decorated by France, Russia, and Serbia. His words deserve 
a hearing. The Editors. 



[52] 



Hotr? of a >oUtor from 




HROUGHOUT the years of the Great War, I was 
keenly aware of all the enormous sacrifices borne by 
my country for the sake of following up that victory 
which irradiated decisively from every Italian front. 
So it was natural that I should grieve more deeply 
at the unjust discussions to defraud her of her Italian 
provinces in favor of a nationality which, on the 
theatre of action, was our enemy, as well as that of the Entente, to the 
very last battle. 

Our Adriatic aspirations are solely and exclusively national ones. 
To one who understands, it seems to betray ignorance to call such 
aspirations Italian imperialism when we remember that the idea of 
national Italian unity always embraced the regions of the Valley of 
the Adige, eastern Friule, Trieste, Istria, Fiume, and Dalmatia. 

Our ancient mother, Rome, after the second Punic War, felt the 
absolute need of occupying and colonizing Dalmatia for her own life, 
and for the protection of the eastern Adriatic. Even to-day the traces 
of this ancient occupation remain, traces very evident and positive 
that, for the most part, the civilization of modern Dalmatia is essen- 
tially Latin. 

Such a need is necessarily recalled to mind in the case of Venice, 
who, for the protection of her commerce and for her very existence, 
had dire need of the coast of Dalmatia. Only from Dalmatia as a 
base of action could she obstruct the predatory raids of pirates from 
the numerous Illyrian ports. All the little cities of the Dalmatian 
coast, in their great monuments and their architectural constructions, 
sing of Venice and of her glorious spirit of leadership. The same dire 
necessity weighs upon Italy to-day, only it is strengthened by the truth 

[53] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

that, during the Great War, our not having possession of the eastern 
Adriatic coast constituted one of the greatest handicaps in the struggle 
of arms. It is owing almost exclusively to just this strategical handi- 
cap by sea that, in spite of the superb valor of the Italian Navy, we 
Italians met with so many serious losses on the water. The official 
Naval Bulletin, in its publications, made it very clear that, during the 
cruel struggle of her people, Italy sacrificed 60 units, large and small, 
of her Navy and suffered the loss of as many ships of her mercantile 
marine as amounted altogether to 880,000 in the way of tonnage. All 
this depletion did not include the distressing situation of our Adriatic 
coast; for, in the recovered cities which were constantly threatened 
by such accessible invasions and such easy bombardments, we suffered 
heavy material losses, and many ^victims. More than that, they were 
called upon to bear the economic ruin which followed the necessary 
cessation of all their maritime traffic. 

After so many sacrifices on the sea; after that ocean of blood 
that cost some half a million lives; after hundreds of thousands of 
our wounded scattered throughout Italy in every city, every village, 
and in the camps, all recording with the living torture of their bodies 
the price of their victory; after the economic sacrifice, weighing so 
heavily upon us, and even greater than our resources (the expense of 
sixty billion lire for the War) ; must we experience discussion and con- 
test over that national unity for which we Italians in our struggle have 
yearned and in our victory actually achieved? 

Italy had already saved humanity by remaining neutral, and thus 
making possible the first great victory of the Entente, that of the 
Marne. When Italy entered the War, she did so renouncing easy and 
magnificent gains and the offering of lands far more extensive than 
these very ones to which she aspires to-day. She entered it, facing 
serenely all the tortures and all the destruction of a war such as is 
fought to-day, because, land of justice that she is, she was conscious 
of the ideal of right that incited her to uphold the just cause and that 
made clear to her the necessity of the re-establishment of Belgium, the 
restoration of Alsace and Lorraine to France, and the just restoration 
of Bohemia, Poland, Roumania, Serbia, and Armenia. 

But, side by side with the ideal of liberty for other peoples, and 
other nationalities, there always existed and still lives both in the 
people and in the Army a glowing consciousness of impelling neces- 
sity of national unity. That alone can insure Italy's economic develop- 
ment without hindrance or threats, an ecenomic development which 

[54] 



THE VOICE OF A SOLDIER FROM CAPODISTRIA 

can place her in a situation of potential prosperity for the future. 
This national unity to which we are pledged, after a century of 
struggle full of martyrdoms and sublime sacrifices, can not nay, 
must not come to us contested, especially by our great Allies who 
know so well that heroic effort our country made, and know equally 
well how powerfully this effort has contributed to the victory of all. 
We hold, too, that our Adriatic aspirations are reduced to such 
a minimum as certainly can not offend or limit the economic develop- 
ment of the other Adriatic peoples, who, under the protection of the 
free flag of Italy, can have perfectly free scope for their economic 
development and for their commerce. 

We ask for only that tract of coast in Dalmatia where the Italians 
of that land succeeded in defending and maintaining their nationality 
in spite of the great odds against them. The Italians of Dalmatia, 
exalted by their long martyrdom of subjection to a foreign yoke, must 
obtain their just reward for all their sufferings endured in the long 
struggle as only Latins can endure. That reward is union with their 
own country. 

Throughout Dalmatia the tenor of life and civilian prosperity 
has, from of old, borne the stamp of Italian civilization, while, through- 
out her two thousand years of history, there came down to Dalmatia 
from the Dinaric Alps, nothing but barbarians, dangers, devastations, 
and slaughters. Bitter was the struggle of Venice against her 
ferocious exterminator from the eastern Balkans. 

The most recent history of the Balkan nations has placed con- 
spicuously in the light their unrest and violence. After their victory, 
they turned upon each other, tearing each other to pieces. Worse still, 
one people among them, the Bulgarians, did not hesitate to ally them- 
selves with their recent pitiless oppressors, the infidel Turks, to fight 
against Russia, the mother to whom Bulgaria owed her very existence 
as a nation. 

Italy is desirous of friendship with the Slavs, and she has shown 
it by effective diplomatic assistance always extended to Serbia in 
critical moments before the War. She has shown it during the War 
by the deeds performed by Italian Army corps who fought in the 
Balkans and left thousands of dead for the resurrection of Serbia. 
She has shown it by the deeds of the Italian Navy, whose marvellous 
daring and sacrifices both of ships and men saved the heroic Serbian 
Army from ultimate ruin. 

[55] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

Italy has every interest in aiding the rise of the Slav peoples, but 
not to the extent of sacrificing a part of herself and of her people. 
Should she do this, she would but expose herself to new dangers of a 
perilous kind and to increasing occasions of future trouble. Italy 
offers and can offer friendship, just government, autonomous legis- 
lation, and free communities to all the peoples of non-Italian stock 
living in her own territory; but a stern necessity to-day, that cannot 
be ignored, impels us, even more than when the Austrian Empire 
existed, to secure under proper control the eastern shore of the 
Adriatic. This is, and always has been, the Latin outpost of the East. 
Here, we have a people new to the society of civilized nations, a people 
to whom Italy has extended hospitality and actually started on the 
road to civilization for whose redemption Italy has contributed so 
much in her recent sacrifices of life-blood and prosperity. Yet they 
presume to demand that Italy abandon her own people to inevitable 
barbaric violence, signs of which are now only too plainly manifest. 
They, forsooth, would have it that across a narrow sea, and but a short 
distance from her own shores which are incapable of defense, Italy 
should cede that part of her own territory best fortified by nature for 
deflecting dangers which threaten the safety and peace of the entire 
nation. 

To these claims Italy with one voice replies : ' By our sons who 
died in the War ; by the heroism of our fallen ; by the best of our living 
sons, the soldiers; by the bitterly contested battles of the Alps, the 
Carso, the Isonzo, the Grappa, the Piave ; by the epic exploits of Luigi 
Rizzo, Goiran, Pellegrini, Paolucci, Rossetti, Ciano, and d'Annunzio; 
by the martyrdom of Battisti, Sauro, Chiesa, Felzi, Rismondo ; by the 
tortures of all our wounded ; in the name of Justice, Right, and Liberty, 
we plead for them to be restored to us our sons of the Trentino, of 
Eastern Friuli, of Trieste, of Istria, of Fiume, and of Dalmatia. They 
are the special objects of our tender love, because for so many years 
they have suffered in vain under the galling yoke of strangers." 



[56] 




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[57] 




[58] 




[59] 




ITALIAN WOMKN KKICITING ISA KHKD-WI UK KNTANGLKMKNTS 




ITALIAN WO.MKN m<;<;i.\<; s !:<< .\i> UNI: TUKNCIIKS. \vun.i: nn: MI N \VK;M: 

FIGHTINC IN TI1K FIKST LINK 



[60] 




Har &?rtnrr af Utalfem 

BY 

AMY A. BERNARDY 

Litt. D., Universities of Rome and Florence 

|ERY little has been said about the Italian woman's 
share in the work of the war, possibly because very 
little has been said, anyhow, about Italy's share in the 
task that confronts the Allies. The mobilization of 
Italian womanhood in war service has been unher- 
alded as it was unpreconceived. It might almost be 
described as an emotional rather than an intellectual 
achievement a thing of warm-heartedness even more, or rather more, 
than of clear-headedness. At any rate, it proved something of a sur- 
prise even to its own sponsors when it achieved itself out of seeming 
nothingness. For only to those who know by experience how the 
Italian woman hated to assume the duties and privileges of the other 
sex, can there come a fair realization of the wonder that it has been, 
not that the things done were done so well, but rather, as in the case of 
Dr. Johnson's well-known dog, that they were done at all. To attempt 
to induce thousands and thousands of women of all ages and descrip- 
tions to leave their homes in non-industrial regions, cover their shining 
hair with factory caps caps! of all headgear the most unfamiliar to 
Italian tradition, the most unbecoming to the Italian type ! and work 
at a lathe or bench for ten hours or more of the day, would have con- 
stituted a hopeless and at best a thankless task in normal times. No 
amount of coercion or persuasion could then have overcome the inborn 
repugnance of Beppina or Maria for the sort of labor which appeared 
to her mind particularly fit for a man's effort. 

In war time, however, things changed. Women began to know 
about other women's war work in other countries; but chiefly and 
above all the fact appealed to them that their husbands and sons needed 
more guns and more shells to fight the enemy, so that, after a while, 
employment in a munition plant came to be regarded as a sort of dis- 
tinction granted them because of their relationship to men fighting 
at the front. And the government was correspondingly quick in 
appreciating the advisability of encouraging such sentiment. In fact, 

[61] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

in some of the factories under direct government control, employment 
is restricted to those women who have or have had a member of the 
family in active service at the front. It can, therefore, be easily per- 
ceived how a sentimental reason, as well as the omnipresent economic 
reasons (for women's wages in munition plants run as high as ten to 
fifteen lire a day), lies back of this awakening and development of 
the Italian woman's industrial working power, which brought the 
number of Italian women wage-earners from the two million and a 
half of pre-war times to over five million, a number which will by no 
means mark the end. 

On the other hand, in the more cultivated circles of life, the 
change has been equally noticeable and consequential. Women with 
seemingly no public experience have sprung forth from the quiet indi- 
vidual existence of their home into the light of publicity to meet the 
demands of the hour. They have given life to a tremendously com- 
plicated and extensive network of organizations of assistance, infor- 
mation, relief, and education, which has greatly facilitated the exten- 
sion of woman's utility in the industrial world, since it has made it 
possible for working mothers to leave their children for the day in 
the numerous baby wards and nurseries which are commonly known 
throughout the country as "baby nests" (nidi), since the German 
word, kindergarten, has with the little victims of the Lusitania, Bel- 
gium, France, and the invaded Italian districts, forfeited forever its 
readmission or retention in the world of civilization, at least to the 
European mind. 

The first step toward the all-around mobilization of feminine 
energies in Italy was taken when, in November, 1914, in view of the 
general international situation, a Woman's National Committee was 
formed in Milan with the express purpose of preparing every able 
bodied woman in the nation for one form or other of public service 
in case of national emergencies. This was soon followed by other 
committees on preparedness all over the country, in all of which women 
took, from the very beginning, quite a conspicuous part, characterized 
by the fact that all they have offered and achieved has been the result 
of a heritage and tradition of unbroken national spirit, rather than 
the businesslike falling in line of previously trained and organized 
units. The women of Italy have been used for centuries, for decades 
of centuries in fact, to send their men and their hearts out against the 
barbarians and the invaders. Indeed, to come to recent events, the 

[62] 



THE WAR SERVICE OF ITALIAN WOMEN 

greater part of the nineteenth century having been filled up for Italy 
with the struggle against the ancestral foe, the present war is to the 
Italian mind and heart only a natural and consistent continuation of 
the national history, an enforcement of the main issues of millennial 
national fate, the completion of a cycle of centuries, with the whole 
world arrayed in a fight of right against might which Italy had begun 
alone against the Germans some twenty-six hundred years ago, and 
of which she sees the auspicious finish now. 

Moreover, in a nation of large families and early marriages, such 
as Italy is, every woman is likely to have several dear ones in the lines, 
so that her personal rear-guard work is only a part of her offering to 
the Motherland, and her work is no less an effort of personal love than 
an outgrowth of national necessity. Incidentally, it affords light and 
a lesson not without interest and significance of a general character, 
showing how the Latin temperament meets emergencies and defici- 
encies with its primeval power of intuition and adaptability, and how 
the activity and good will of enthusiastic citizenship may efficiently 
offset shortcomings in state organization, and overcome with a tidal 
wave of vigor and energy the original unpreparedness of a nation, 
an unpreparedness which, by the way, in Italy's case, was nothing 
short of tragic. In further proof of which assertion it may come not 
amiss to say right here that all the civic service work, from Red Cross 
nursing down to baby-nest attendance and clerical duties in the charity 
organizations, is entirely of a volunteer description, even Red Cross 
nurses being expected to defray their own expenses in all save quite 
exceptional cases. 

Service has brought close to each other, for the first time, women 
of most differentiated positions, inclinations, and training, and is 
moulding them together into units of power for their own selves and 
the nation. Princess and peasant, working girl and bourgeoise, equally 
deserve credit for their attitude in this war. Women ladies of court 
circles as well as wives of government clerks run community 
kitchens, collect books for the army and navy libraries, organize tag 
and flower days, solicit donations for special charities, gifts of gold 
jewelry and silverware for the mint and the melting-pot, of furs and 
warm clothing for alpine warfare and refugee assistance alike: 
women, mostly, train the maimed, blinded, or disabled soldiers into a 
renewal of active and useful life. 

Two widely different episodes of woman's activity in war time 
may be quoted to show how far-reaching and diversified it is. On 

[63] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

one hand, we hear that the ' 'League for Mutual Aid Among the 
Mothers of the Fallen in War" has just issued a call for a patriotic 
book to be adopted later by the Italian public schools, as representing 
"the most worthy monument to the memory of the heroes who died 
in the war." And from another side we hear that the tremendous 
increase in the price of shoes in Italy has caused the women to join 
in "shoe-making clubs" with expert shoemakers as instructors, and 
that it is now the fashionable thing for an Italian woman to point with 
pride to her feet shod with shoes of her own making. Those who can 
do it "follow the trade" for philanthropic purposes, as the need for 
shoes is very sorely felt among the several hundred thousand refugees 
from the invaded provinces and the families of the soldiers at the front. 

Writers and public speakers, some of them professional, some 
improvised, have given excellent service, especially in popularizing 
the reasons and explaining the ideals of the war to other women ; also 
in connection with the national loans, the Red Cross campaigns, and 
so forth. 

Committees of women have urged national resistance and sup- 
ported government action in connection with the war; the work of 
women doctors and nurses in hospitals has but recently received the 
highest praise in the Medical Congress held at Genoa, special stress 
being laid on the efficiency of moral propaganda by the women in the 
military hospitals. 

As for the working classes, apart from the munition workers 
whom we shall mention later, squads of street sweepers, street car 
conductors, motor women, railroad ticket agents, and so forth, do very 
creditably their work in their respective departments. The "tram- 
women" are especially attractive in their gray top coats and quaint 
black satin caps, emblazoned with the crest of the city to which they 
belong. Let us remark en passant that, exclusive of the nurses on 
hospital duty, no other feminine uniform except that of the "tram- 
women " are especially attractive in their gray top coats and quaint 
streets: the old fashioned apron, wherever necessary, literally 
"covers" all needs. 

As for statistics and figures, they are in a state of transition 
and evolution yet, and can hardly be tabulated so far. The city of 
Rome has been employing about two hundred "tramwomen" and three 
hundred street sweepers. The number of clerks in the various depart- 
ments of state, even in the Department of War, is growing daily. In 

[64] 



THE WAR SERVICE OF ITALIAN WOMEN 

the last clean-out of nonessential exempted men about sixty-three 
thousand have been replaced by women in the most diversified posi- 
tions, from that of stenographer to that of head packer in hospital 
storerooms, from assistant appraiser in military supply bases to mes- 
senger and usher or confidential clerk and accountant. 

But these are only side issues, after all, of the great work that 
women are doing all over the land along the main lines of agriculture, 
munition work, food and cloth saving, and nursing. A cursory glance 
at these will give us a better insight into Italy's effort. 

In a country such as Italy is, where the women of the peasantry 
have always given a great deal of help to agriculture, where the con- 
ditions of intensive cultivation of the land, in fact, make woman's 
work essential to the raising of the crops, it was, perhaps, to be 
expected that the burden of the farmer should fall entirely upon 
feminine shoulders and women become the food producers to the 
nation. But even at that, the effort has been none the less magnifi- 
cent and the result stupendous. When Italy went to war, the crops of 
1915 were ready to harvest and the job was comparatively easy; but 
from 1916 to 1918 the women have had to do it all, or almost all. In 
Lombardy they saved the silk-worm industry and milked over 200,000 
cows : in the south the result of their efforts gave to Puglia a better 
harvest in 1916-17 than had been reaped in 1915-16. 

Prizes having been offered in northern Italy for women farmers, 
207 competed for the honors, some of them conducting farms of over 
20 hectares of land. But in 1916 the prizes given were 13,000, mostly 
to women who had from three to seven children under fifteen years 
of age, and no men, even old men, in the house or on the farm. They 
tilled their fields and raised their cattle and brought their products to 
the market, and their land looked good and prosperous as before. The 
prizes in 1917 were 23,000, and the records show that 38,000,000 
quintals of wheat were raised; the figures for 1918 will be even 
higher. But the most significant fact is perhaps this : of the five mil- 
lion men that Italy has in her army, fully two million and a half were 
peasants before the war their work has been done by their women. 

Munitions is another interesting item in the life of the Italian 
woman these days. On August 1, 1914, there were only 1,760 
women employed in munition factories in Italy. December 31. 1916, 
found the number grown to 90,000. May, 1917, recorded 120,000. 
To-day there are over 300,000, possibly very much over. In some of 
the large shell and cartridge factories fully 70 per cent, of the person- 

[65] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

nel is made up of women, and a percentage of 90 may be reached in the 
near future. Their work is reported to be efficient, accurate, and 
reliable. On small missiles the working force is generally about 80 
per cent, women ; 50 per cent, on medium shells ; 1 5 per cent, on the 
large calibers. On the 38 millimeter bombs four-fifths of the working 
force is female; one-third, on the 240 millimeter. On the five kilo- 
gram weight piece work fully one-half of the workers are women, and 
they only dwindle to one-third of the whole force on heavier weights 
up to 50 kilograms. There is a munitions school for women in Rome 
which turns out fifty-one experts per month; five hundred of these 
have already found employment among the 2,300 women who make 
munitions in Roman factories. There has been recently some talk of 
an aviation school exclusively for women. Whether it will materialize 
or not remains to be seen ; at any rate women are largely employed by 
all the airplane factories of Italy, notably by Pomilio and Caproni. 

As for the food question, here we may really say that every Italian 
woman is an element of success and resistance, and here her supreme 
triumph in the sustenance of the nation has been achieved. Italy has 
been rationing herself since the beginning of the war with extreme 
severity, and with a smile. Surely no other nation could have stood 
the strict frugality that war conditions have imposed upon Italy, and 
it is largely due to the traditional thrift and the culinary ability of the 
Italian housewife (who is, besides, probably the only person in the 
world qualified to grow a kitchen garden on a window sill), if Italy 
was able to stand the tremendous increase of food prices and shortage 
of foodstuffs with which she has been confronted all along. 

Knitting is, as well as food, another common bond between 
women of all classes in Italy. The clicking of needles has been a 
familiar sound throughout the country since the very first days of the 
war, when it was imperative that the deficiencies of the army supply 
stores should be met. Quick knitting for the Italian hands is tradi- 
tional, hereditary, ingrained knowledge of generations, unconscious 
and automatic like the finger play of a skilled typist or pianist. Inci- 
dentally, therefore, the Italian army sock is a thing of beauty to behold 
in the making, even more so on the doorstep of a peasant cottage than 
in the boudoir of a duchess. The wool shortage that confronted the 
Italian soldier in the beginning was a most serious problem and full of 
dire possibilities. Then it was that the women fought the battle in 
their own way. The miraculous hereditary ingenuity of the woman 
who had had to count cents but never counted stitches, saved the day. 

[66] 



THE WAR SERVICE OF ITALIAN WOMEN 

Wool was found, it was utilized and coaxed into ten times its apparent 
natural possibilities. It was patched, joined, quilted, split, raveled, 
knitted, crocheted, colored, and discolored, woven and transformed in 
and out of all shapes, patterns, and forms ; but when winter came the 
soldiers had it. Together with it they had glove-leather and cotton- 
wool jackets, patchwork sleeping bags, quilted newspaper blankets, 
mattress-fleeced storm coats, and all manner and devices of substitutes, 
but "between this and that," cold they were not. And thirty-eight 
million trench candles a month, fabricated, collected, and sent out by 
the National Committee for the Scaldarancio, added their welcome 
glow to the soldiers' comparative comfort amid the alpine snows. 
White bathrobes, hastily foregathered in the waning summer season 
on the bath benches, camouflaged the Alpini in their winter quarters. 
Patterns went out for helmets and sweaters, for mittens and cummer- 
bunds, and there was weaving and knitting in all the homes of the 
land, the women of the poorer classes working for pay, under the 
supervision of the others who gave out the government wool and paid 
out the government money, turning in socks and accounts under their 
own responsibility, acting as agents and middlemen without profit or 
charge. 

From this first experiment actual workshops grew everywhere, 
taking contracts for army furnishings and employing thousands of 
wives and relatives of the fighting men at a scale of wages that was a 
welcome addition to the scanty allowance that every soldier's family 
gets from the government. 

This for the " back yards ! " In the war zone a great quantity of 
women found employment in the army laundries and salvage shops; 
while in mountainous territory women were found very efficient and 
satisfactory agents in keeping the roads clear from snow and in carry- 
ing loads of war material and food to the soldiers up in the mountains, 
through familiar paths. Swift, sure-footed, trustworthy, and loyal, 
these sturdy daughters of the Alps in ministering thus daily to the 
needs of the army engaged in alpine warfare have rendered signal 
services to the nation and surely deserve far more recognition than 
history will ever be able to give them. 

Now for the Red Cross, the efficient Italian Red Cross that had 
achieved its preparation on the oft repeated occasions of floods, earth- 
quakes, epidemics, and so forth, which of late had been so frequent 
in Italian life ! To the Red Cross full credit must be given for what 
preparation a limited contingent of Italian women had achieved in 

[67J 



emergency and army nursing. Queen Elena had always been very 
strongly in favor of a wider following of the nursing profession on the 
part of young women of good families, and through her efforts the 
southern prejudice against this form of activity as a profession was 
fast disappearing. At the first indications of the European conflict the 
Red Cross enlarged immediately its membership and its equipment and 
opened 149 schools for volunteer nurses, who number to-day several 
thousands, seven hundred of which are stationed in the actual zone of 
operations. That they do their duty is evident from the fact that a 
score of them have lost their lives in service, and another score have 
won military recognition for signal bravery under fire. Newly trained 
forces join the ranks of the Red Cross daily and new volunteer assist- 
ants are constantly cropping up for the side tracks of service and the 
ever growing requirements of the situation. "Every woman from six- 
teen to sixty" that isn't some very definite something else in Italy 
nowadays is "something in the Red Cross." There are 348 commit- 
tees, exclusively feminine, active in its interest ; and, besides, the grand- 
mothers volunteer for knitting, dressings, and wardrobe work; the 
flappers for clerks, messengers, and helpers in various capacities, since 
very wisely the Red Cross regulations exclude them from active service 
in the sick wards. 

Another great nursing association, the "Samaritane," has sprung 
into existence to fill other crying needs in the ever growing hospital 
service. With Red Cross and nursing activities the work of the Royal 
Women of Italy has been chiefly connected : the significance of their 
exalted position in the land seems to come home to them chiefly in 
terms of responsibility. It is characteristic of Queen Elena that she 
has turned the Quirinal Palace into Red Cross Hospital No. 1, and 
named each ward, including the transformed throne room and ball 
room, after the name of a humble hero of the present war. It is equally 
characteristic of the merciful and forceful personality of the Duchess 
of Aosta that, as an active nurse in the war zone, she deserved a silver 
medal for military bravery, and as inspector general of the Red Cross 
nurses she wields undisputed authority in the war zone as well as 
throughout the hospitals of the rear lines. The Queen Mother's 
beautiful residence in the Ludovisi gardens at Rome welcomes more 
sick men and officers, while the beautiful castle of Moncalieri has been 
turned by Princess Laetitia into a convalescent home for maimed and 
disabled officers. 

Almost entirely "manned," managed, and largely supported by 

[68] 



THE WAR SERVICE OF ITALIAN WOMEN 

women are the rest-houses, canteens, railroad lunch rooms, "posti di 
ristoro," "segretariati del soldato," and so forth, that stud the country 
from Piedmont to Sicily. The material assistance and comfort which 
they offer to the soldiers is very properly supplemented and completed 
by another woman-devised and woman-managed institution, typical of 
woman's best qualities of thoughtfulness and accuracy the "ufficio 
notizie militari," or Bureau of Information for the interchange and 
distribution of news from the soldiers to their families and vice versa. 
It traces the missing, follows the sick and wounded from emergency 
station to base hospital and convalescent home, writes and forwards 
his correspondence, etc. A very clever system of name-and-place cards 
on file helps materially in the search from every centre, and the good 
work thus done by the thousand branches of the central office, which is 
located in Bologna, and their several thousand volunteer workers, is 
really invaluable in affording daily relief to the anxieties of thousands 
of families and thousands of fighting men. 

In concluding this rapid review of the Italian woman's war work 
we cannot forget that though the bulk of Italian emigration to foreign 
countries is made up of men and not of women, still there are enough 
expatriate Italian women to have done and to keep on doing noble work 
both for Italy and for their adopted countries wherever they happen 
to be. The active interest taken by women of Italian birth or descent 
in the Liberty Loan campaign, Red Cross auxiliaries, and other war 
time organizations in this country is an excellent example of its kind, 
and quite worthy of the favorable comment that it has received. The 
same happens in South America, where Italian emigration is conspicu- 
ously successful, and reports from Paris and Tunis, Zurich and 
London, Alexandria and Bombay, show everywhere active Italian 
women's committees in favor of Italy or the Allies. 

Another item of interest connected with Italian emigration is that 
when, during August and September, 1914, there came back to Italy, 
chiefly from enemy territory, 470,000 expatriates, 63,000 of whom 
were women, work was found immediately for them and for all those 
who happened to follow them. Similarly the problem of the many 
hundred thousand refugees from the invaded provinces has been met 
and solved largely with the help of the women. The housing of fam- 
ilies, the care of children, the search for work and positions and per- 
manent accommodations has only been possible through the unsparing 
sacrifice and devotion of the women volunteer workers in every district 
of Italy. 

[69] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

Although it can fairly be stated, we think, that while the change 
brought about by the war in the condition of women has been greater 
and more deeply felt in Italy than in other countries, where women had 
already for a long time been engaged in pursuits of a character 
preparatory, as it were, to present events, on the other hand the 
changes that in times of peace might have seemed alarming to the con- 
servative Latin mind, have taken place with wonderful smoothness 
and lack of ostentation, as well as of comment, necessity being their 
obvious raison d'etre and their convincing justification; the extraor- 
dinary adaptability and resourcefulness of the Italian character never 
showing up better than under the stress of circumstances. Where men 
had gone, women have stepped in quickly, and, it may be added, grace- 
fully ; so gracefully, indeed, that not the least curious and interesting 
result of the feminine mobilization of Italy may be the fact that quite 
possibly a feeling of national appreciation and gratitude for the 
modesty and simplicity of spirit in which the service was rendered, not 
less than for the efficiency of the service itself, may bring about, as an 
aftermath of the war, the free offering of the political vote as a reward 
to the women of a nation where women as a whole never worried very 
much about it, but where they volunteered for national service in the 
nation's hour of need, irrespective of personal or sex advantage, and 
thereby proved themselves deserving of public recognition for the 
loyalty of their patriotism and the unselfishness of their service. 



[70] 



Jfium? 



BY 




DOCTOR GINO ANTONI 

Vice-Mayor of Fiume and Member of the National Council of the City 



HE HONORABLE GINO ANTONI was born in 
Fiumans, with loyalty in their hearts and the glorious 
ing year a goodly number of impetuous, daring 
their city to its motherland. In 1914 and the follow- 
purpose in life to aid his fellow-Italians in restoring 
Fiume, and for the last tweny years has had but one 
vision of union with Italy before their minds, braved 
the dangers of crossing the frontiers, for the joy of fighting beside 
the Italians. On the Isonzo and in the Alps they fought and died, 
happy in a death that found them on their own soil at last. Volcanic 
feeling was not only finding expression on the battle-fields, but among 
the civilian Fiumans who had succeeded in escaping from Magyar 
tyranny, and among those of their fellow-citizens who were in Italy 
before the War broke out. To be ready for the long-prayed- for hour, 
they formed a National Committee for Fiume and the Quarnaro. The 
cup for which they had bravely lived and bravely died was at their 
very lips, but it proved to be filled with the waters of Tantalus. But 
the bitterness of disappointment only whetted their determination, 
leaving their spirit uncrushed, undaunted. Doctor Antoni speaks for 
himself and his fellow-citizens. The Editors. 



[71] 



Jfltwmr 




OR THE last twenty years my fellow-citizens and I 
have been fighting for the cause of the redemption 
of Fiume. During the War, I was one of those put 
on trial for implacable Irredentism. How I escaped 
the gallows only adds another to the list of unex- 
plained miracles. Now I have come to America to 
make the true voice of my city heard, and to make it 
clear in my official capacity that Fiume craves to be united to Italy. 

Fiume is Italian by the blood that flows in her veins, the words 
of her mouth, and the burning desire of her heart ! 

Fiume has always fought against foreign oppression. She was a 
part of Hungary, but as a " separate body." Hungary was composed 
of three states: Hungary proper, Croatia, and Fiume. The victory 
of the Italian Army severed this union and Fiume regained her 
independence. On the 30th of October, 1918, four days before Austria 
signed the Armistice, Fiume unanimously declared her union with 
Italy, thus repeating her own history. For in 1779 she fought against 
the proposed annexation to Croatia, and in 1868 obtained recognition 
of her peculiar position as a free and independent city, united to 
Hungary in a temporary way, but a state in herself. 

In so far as her self-determination is concerned, she counts on 
the sympathetic encouragement of America. In Fiume all the Mayors, 
all the Deputies, the Members of the Municipal Council, of the 
Chamber of Commerce, and of the Courts, have always been Italian. 
This being the case, they think themselves free to dispose of their own 
fate and who can deny them the right of joining their Mother- 
Country ? 

We hear people say that if Fiume is united to Italy, the popula- 
tions of the interior will not have an outlet to the sea. This is not 



[72] 



FIUME 

true. Jugo-Slavia has excellent natural harbors between Buccari and 
Carlopago. It is not at all necessary to sacrifice the purely Italian 
character of Fiume in order to give an outlet to the interior. It is 
interesting to recall that before the War the commerce of Croatia at 
Fiume was only 7% of the total commercial output, the rest of the 
traffic belonging to Hungary. We are not enemies of the Jugo-Slavs, 
unless they invade our territory. Near Fiume they have the beautiful 
city of Susak which they may easily and naturally develop and enlarge. 
If we can each live within our own boundaries, peace and friendship 
will naturally follow. 

The Mayor, the President of the National Council, and the Deputy 
of Fiume to the Hungarian Parliament were received in Paris by 
President Wilson, to whom the situation was clearly explained and the 
justice of our national aspirations demonstrated. President Wilson 
and the American delegates expressed themselves as profoundly im- 
pressed with their significance: it was even triumphantly reported 
that the silent Colonel House lifted his voice in their favor. 

Fiume has a population of 35,000 native Italians. This popula- 
tion rules its own city, and the will of the citizens of Fiume must be 
seriously considered. We want to be Italians and Italy wants us to be 
Italians. We are like brothers who are at last reunited after centuries 
of suffering and struggles. 




[73] 



mat? 




BY 

DOCTOR GIORGIO PITACCO 

Municipal Councillor of Trieste ; Former Deputy to the Austrian 

Parliament 



HE HONORABLE Giorgio Pitacco, a Member of the 
Municipal Council of Trieste, was a former Deputy to 
the Parliament at Vienna. He was thus in a position 
for close observation and first-hand knowledge of the 
Austrian intrigue for crushing the Italian soul out of 
Trieste and Dalmatia. From 1900 to 1910 he 
watched the Austrians driving human hordes of 
Slovenes and Croats into Trieste solely to outnumber the Italian 
census. Laibach was the centre of this Austrian activity which actu- 
ally subsidized its hirelings of Slovene business men, agents, and 
tradesmen to emigrate into essentially Italian cities, especially Trieste. 
This is the true explanation of the sudden disproportionate increase of 
the Slav element in the immediate environs of Trieste. 

Doctor Pitacco was sent to America by the Political Association 
of Unredeemed Italians as their President. This association is com- 
posed of all those from the Unredeemed Provinces who succeeded in 
escaping to Italy during the War. It has over 10,000 members from 
Trieste, Istria, Trentino, Fiume, and Dalmatia. Among them are 
eleven Deputies to the Parliament at Vienna, thirty-five Deputies to 
the Provincial Diets, and fifty Mayors. The name of the Association 
explains itself ; it was formed to crystallize the national determination 
of the Unredeemed Provinces. The Editors. 

[74] 




E HAVE COME to America in this period in which the 
future of our Unredeemed Country is to be decided, 
to implore the support of the generous American 
people. America, who, like Italy, entered the War of 
its own accord, for liberty and justice, will surely 
not permit the gravest kind of injustice to be per- 
petuated in separating from their Mother-Country 
provinces which always were, are, and are determined to remain, 
Italian. 

Trieste, like the rest of Istria, as a sign of protest, refused to send 
representatives to the Austrian Parliament, in the hope that some day 
they might be able to send them to the Italian Parliament. The 
Provincial Diet of Istria, when called upon to elect its Deputies to the 
Parliament of Vienna in 1867, replied, " Not one," and dissolved the 
meeting. After universal suffrage was introduced, the Italians were 
obliged to participate in the political elections and send their Deputies, 
in order to defend their national existence and their economic interests. 
After 1866, Austrja, with the motive of depriving Italy of every 
claim to the territory along the Adriatic Sea, which had always been 
Italian, began a systematic plan of destruction of the indigenous 
Italian element, in which enterprise she received the effective support 
of the Croatians and Slovenes. All the Government offices were 
entrusted to the Slavs, to the exclusion of the Italians. In Trieste, 
for example, a city with a majority of 200,000 Italians in a population 
of 250,000, the whole personnel of the Department of Post, Railroads, 
Judiciary, Ports, and Customs, was Slav. The employes were sent 
from Carniola, Carintia, Stiria, and from other provinces that had 
nothing in common with the city of Trieste, either in language or 
customs. In one day alone they transported 700 families of Croatian 
and German railroad men, aggregating 5,000 persons in all, to Trieste. 
This system, which was carried out further by the order that the 
Italians should be deported for every small offense, was intended to 



[75] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

secure for the Austrian Government a preponderant number of Slavs 
who had been taught to antagonize the Italians. For the same purpose 
the census was compiled, using figures so evidently false that the 
Central Committee of Vienna could not explain the sudden reduction 
of the Italian population from 78:27% to 62:31%, compared to an 
increase of 100% of the Slav population. This Committee, therefore, 
had to admit that the census was not reliable. 

In spite of all this, the Italian character of Trieste was ardently 
maintained through the many Italian schools for which the community 
of Trieste alone paid an annual sum of over two and a half million 
crowns. 

Trieste and Istria, which form a geographic whole, have alwavs 
loyally demonstrated their great attachment to Italy, especially during 
this War. Many thousands of men from Trieste, Istria, Fiume, and 
Dalmatia volunteered in the Italian Army. Of these, hundreds died 
in action and eight were decorated with the gold medal for extra- 
ordinary acts of heroism. All these volunteers faced a double death : 
that on the battlefield, and that on the gallows, if they were captured, 
as in the case of Nazario Sauro from Istria, Francesco Riamondo from 
Spalato, and Cesare Battisti from Trento. 

In the Parliament at Vienna, the Italian Deputies have held 
memorable debates. The one in defense of the municipal autonomy 
of Trieste in 1906, against the decree which deprived the city of its 
administrative independence, was particularly famous. Not a single 
one of the representatives of the various other peoples which formed 
the Austro-Hungarian Empire supported the Italians, with the excep- 
tion of the Roumanians, who upheld them in their fight against this 
arbitrary act of the Government. 

This war has brought into high relief the utter vileness of the 
reactionary and autocratic Government of Vienna. It, alas, is not yet 
obliterated, since it survives in the hatred of other peoples who are 
trying to reorganize themselves on the spoils of Austria. 

Throughout the War, the Italian people have displayed wonderful 
qualities, on the battlefield and at home. A people whose wounded 
soldiers requested the physicians to attend to the enemy first, because 
they were more seriously wounded, whose same soldiers offered their 
own bread to their prisoners, because they knew them to be more 
hungry, are a people who can look the future straight in the face and 
await the triumph of Justice over every wicked intrigue. 

[76] 




RENDITA CONSOLIDATA 



NETTO 



nl.(S(-i: Miomin.ili -KM DDIIO EFPE11 

-ESEML DA IMPOSM. PKIM.NM | FUTURE 

k- M)tt(.scri/i(ni - >no dal !5OENNAIOal3FI I 

PRESSO IVIIL i, I ILIALI DLdl.l MIFXII Dl I \\hM^M I. 
I'RLSSO (ill ISIII\II 1)1 (KM DUO ORDINAkUV II ( ^Sbl 
1)1 RISPARMIO I I IU\( HI. !\)l't)l \\<\ I ( ooi'lk' \ll\l I.I 
DITTE E SOCII I A hA\( Akli I'XKII.C IIVVM I Al 
PER I! EMISSION! Dl I PRI SI MO. 



AN ITALIAN \VAK l.llAN 

From a drawing by M. Borgonl 



[77 




[78] 




[79] 




[80J 



BY 

FRANK ALLABEN 

I 

Hail, Italy, kindled 
Out of the ash of death ! 
Italy, bruised and crowned 
In glory of thy gashes ! 
Through seven seals unloosed, into thy book 
Of revelation let our wonder look. 

War's caustic scours imaginary sight, 

And we no longer dream we see 

The ghost of Rome in risen Italy 

Time's restless apparition walking 

The Mediterranean mid-way in a mirage 

Whose glitter in the blue mirrors of the air 

Seemed but an echo of thy ancient light. 

Earth's suffering flesh and blood 

Now battle-griefs attest thee, 

Even as pangs of war 

Revived thee when the Corsican swept by, 

And we beheld thee stir, 

Disquieted out of silence. 

A blind dismembered thing, we watched thee waking 

Thy ten disjointed segments; watched their squirm 

Within as many tyrannies, 

Writhing to knit up seams long ripped and frayed. 

Then rose thy orb of empire, lit 

Like a new pole-star in the purple north, 

Reared on a throne above the Piedmont hills, 

Sheer over Savoy's House, whose cry empowered 

Cavour's and Garibaldi's, gathering up 

Maazini's dream unbroken out of night 

Into substantial day. 

We watched thy blowing garments 

Wing over sapphire seas, 

And climb the dreaming airs 

Into the golden sun. 

We saw thee print upon the Red Sea shore 

Thy Abyssinian sandals ; 

Snatch from the shoulder of the smitten Turk 

Tawny-colored Libya 

To gird the loins of thy strength ; 

Out of his turban tear 

Tripoli's black diamond for thy diadem ; 

And stride from isle to isle before 

Adalia's slumbering door 

To bid thy antique ward, old Asia, 

Quit the grey tomb of her antiquity. 

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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

We heard Marconi's pathless lightnings speak ; 

We saw the brawn of thy battleships give 

New patterns to the sea. 

Yet all thy motions staged a pantomime 

That twinkled through our winking eyes 

To glimmer in a thought, 

A pageant filmed, a marvel screened, 

Part posed and part imagined. 

What curious thing, half -wraith, half-life, 

Could shimmer, half -emerged, 

Out of the chrysalis of a thousand years? 

Who'll unroll, Italy, thy seven-sealed book? 

War, blistering war, 

Hell's light of revelation ; 

The branding iron of reality 

Hot on the quick of the soul ! 

War stamps thy succoring image 

On the coin of our need. 

Not war thy Spurred Boot swinging 

Hard at the Musselman 

But unto us an unimpassioned rumor 

Carrying no report 

How, in the fevered frame of thy unquiet, 

Prophetic intuitions stretched and strove, 

Training behind a veil their life-and-death 

Struggle with destiny. 

Never could war to chip the stony Turk 
Chisel thy statue heroic in our heart. 
Maniac war reveals thee : 
Satan incarnate in gorilla herds, 
Mauling the face of man, 
The heart of Belgium, and the soul of France, 
Resisting, dauntless, like an angel torn, 
One shoulder slit and limp. 

Justice was smitten on the cheek ; 

Faith, being ravished, fainted away ; 

The hopes of nations fell ; 

The dry lands swayed like seas ; 

The age bowed down and trembled, her pillars knocking together ; 

The peoples staggered like a drunken man. 

Flung out of pillowed slumber, dreaming Peace 

Swooned into rigid nightmare, staring up, 

Gazing where heaven weighed the quivering earth, 

Hung in a balance high above our hope. 

Italy, it was then our anguish threw 
Out of her black suspense a frantic look 
That caught thy noble gesture in the sky, 
Casting thy glory's weight 
In just neutrality that tipt the scale. 

[82] 



ITALY REVEALED 

That tipt the scale, for out of thy frontier, 
Slung from a sling, the hurtled sons of France 
The invader smote and stretched along the Marne, 
Prone as Goliath in the sling of David ; 
While, cruising up the round ball of the world, 
Securely ferried through thy friendly seas, 
Justice assembled her crusading knights. 

As, locked within the firmament, the star 

Of hope that jewels morning sudden shines 

Out of his crystal casket, so we saw, 

Shining through thy neutrality, thy heart. 

The Mind that thrills the pulse of kings and nations 

Bids, Italy, thy loosed first seal enthrone 

Grave-visaged Justice, weighing iniquity. 

II 

He who thy palsied orbit raised again 

Out of the sepulchre of ruined worlds, 

Had timed thy perihelion to earth's need ; 

And now the event that loosed thy second seal 

He nursed in secret through ten bitter months 

That travailed in thy soul to be delivered 

Of faith, precocious in thy womb 

Thy leaping infant, struggling for mastery 

Over the interloper, German greed, 

With covetous fingers crooked 

In surreptitious clutch in the walls of life. 

When the gorged dragons, clawing Russia down, 
Filled earth with wailing, clang! the clock of God 
Began to strike their doom thou, Italy, 
God's hammer on the gong ! 

Yet swift as thy knighted sword 

Knelt in the bending vow, 

The crouch of the couched panthers sprang, 

Fraud and dishonor, flung 

At the throat of thy plighted word 

To strangle faith in the dust 

At the feet of the hope of the world ! 

God knew His purpose through thy borders walked, 
Bringing thy help, hid in a poet's heart. 

The whirlwind caught d'Annunzio, 

And on the blast he rode 

To Quarto hard by Genoa, 

Thy people, like the swirling gusts of spring, 

Delirious around. 

From Genoa thy visionary son 

Plowed the unknown till his long furrow burst 

Into the hopeful soil of a new world. 

[83] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

From thence, to weave up thy unravelled lands, 
A new Columbus, Garibaldi, sailed 
With his immortal thousand, steering south. 
And here God's finger, in a poet's spirit, 
Builds thee an altar, o'er whose cry we see 
The heavens open and a flame leap down, 
Lighting a hurricane of sparks and brands 
That blow a roaring furnace in thy soul 
Till God forge victory. 

To Rome a peril clings, like fallen clouds ; 
Out of the north, to Rome, thy tempest whirls 
Its purging fiery pillar. 

Now let thy poem be, Italy, 

Both seen and heard. 

Rome weaves through evening's silence her shouted word 

Into an insurrection of delight 

She weaves a tapestry 

Through the warp of the air, 

The woof of the patterns of her ecstasy 

Dartles and hangs and swings, loud-floating there. 

She weaves her torches through the black mat of night, 

And thrilling threads of flaring hearts, more bright ; 

And into a wild bewildering roar 

Her multitudinous shuttles pour 

The poet-tribune, mobbed by jubilation, 

Wheeled on a chariot-throne of exultation. 

What Caesar's Rome 

Brought such a pageant home ? 

Beyond that chanting blaze 

Of light's processional through the slinking dark, 

Biilow and his Italian shadow crouch. 

The knives cringe back, 

The fingers tremble, 

Afraid to stab 

Thy faith and honor, 

Standing circled in the light, 

Beyond the dark and his penumbra's blight ! 

Then, gushing out, thy burning wrath's 
Passionate denunciation, 
Volcanic through d'Annunzio, 
Treason consumes to ashes, fleeing Rome. 

'Tis mid-May : ruddy as the morning sun, 
Spring, bursting through the winter of the world, 
Around thee flings the flaming rose of war, 
Fragrant as angels over nightshade use 
To put to death the noxious weed of evil, 
Red-woven to a scarlet coronal 

[84] 



ITALY REVEALED 

Set in the tresses of mysterious night 
Over unfathomable shining eyes. 

The second seal stands loosed : thy frowning book 
A gleaming messenger of vengeance shows, 
Like red coals staring out of cloudy wrath 
In at the murderous serpent coiled in man. 

Ill 

War grips thy mountains at a bound : 

Hunting the Hapsburg whelps, 

Thy bold Alpini swing from crag to crag, 

Fighting earth, air, snow, ice, hunger and man ! 

Twelve months thy sword victorious climbs the Alps, 

A signal in the night. 

Thy bayonets prick the Turk, menace the sly 

Flesh-eating jackal of Bulgaria. 

But Serbia, shattered, Montenegro, mangled, 

And bruised Albania, lean against thy finger, 

Stretched down to help all three. 

And Verdun, sacrificial Verdun, bleeds, 

Heaping her altar with the blood of France. 

The world stoops faint, in sackcloth, sorrowful. 

Like a black mist, discouragement covers the earth. 

Only around thy head lives light 

Over the northern mountains 

Thrown like a halo from the silver band 

Of six score ransomed towns that crown thy brow, 

Wreathed in a curve from lofty Stelvio 

Four hundred miles to Carso's horny beak, 

Watching the Adriatic. 

Thy hills wear light : huddling to smother it, 

The crafty dragon of the Danube shrugs 

Her mottled foldings through the Trentino, looped 

In gorge and coiled on peak. 

Soon as thy war's first year new mid-May meets, 

The wyvern strikes thy buckler strikes and strikes, 

As furious torrents ram a dam to seize 

The shuddering land below. 

Thy sons fight, backward staggering, step by step, 

To where the verge o'erhangs their homes : there stand, 

A rocking barrier on a dizzy brink, 

Through May, through June, six weeks, a tumult, scrambled, 

Of earth and air and sky and waterfloods, 

Armies and rocks and mountains, sweating blood. 

Hate, hydra-headed, swarms: two thousand throats, 
Arched from the Val Sugana to the Val 
Lagarina, five score to the mile, 
Bark flaming death and cough up killing gas 

[85] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

Out of their black abysses. These have crunched 

Antwerp, Liege, Laon, Ivangorod, 

And B rest-Li tovsk, strongholds of Belgium, France, 

Russia, and Poland. Hooded and puffed, they strike, 

Horribly animated to mutilate, 

Aching to fang thy right flank from the rear, 

And seize and throttle, through her unguarded door, 

France, forspent at Verdun. 

Flushed stands thy third seal loosed : we see the power 
That upheaves towns and crumbles fortresses, 
Unanchoring iron out of masoned stone 
As Samson tore the gates of Gaza up 
See the gross demon of the might of evil 
Recoil from Justice, soldiering in man's heart 
That foams and gallops, wild and violent, 
In the long agonism of good 'gainst evil. 

Hell's horror clings through June. In hot July, 

Back, snarling, dripping, slinks the baffled fiend, 

As, by indomitable Alpini led, 

Like flames ascending up a rising wind, 

With garlands on their helms, through smiling lips, 

Thy irresistible children, Italy, 

Scourge with the songs of their spirit, lashing guns 

That know not how to answer, being cast 

Only to tear the flesh ! The bruised dragon 

Flees, rolling up the mountain ; round thy sons 

The light of God still walks the shining Alp ! 

Prefigured in a semblance, here forethrown 

On the Trentino, as against a screen, 

Thy loosed third seal predicts great wrath to come 

The victory of anguish, long dragged out, 

Walking the furnace of the forge of God 

Toward Italy redeemed. 

Often as rushes the swift leviathan 

To whelm us through the broken dike of earth, 

God thrusts thy spirit, Italy, in the gap ! 

IV 

Three acts have staged their play ; four haste them on. 
Thy fourth seal stirs, the number of a man, 
Impetuous to begin. Thy left guard stands 
In the Trentino, feinting ; like a nerve, 
Cadorna swings the right hand of thy power 
Across the Isonzo, and Gorizia falls, 
As falls Tolmino falls, to rise redeemed. 
August is gladdened by that staggering blow. 
September sees thee seize San Grado so 
Sees thy assistance of her cause 
Lift wearied Verdun into a pause. 
October eyes thy serpent-cutting sweep 

[86] 



ITALY REVEALED 

Far up and on and into the Carso leap. 
November sees thee stun that same plateau 
With a new overthrow. 
Twice five thy victories in that craggy war 
That earth and heaven blots into one scar. 

The miracle of human spirit ran 
Unloosed in thy fourth seal, 
Whose prodigies reveal 
The glory of the stature of a man. 
By children, women, and by men, 
In ice and heat, in storm and sun, 
What man can do is done, 
Calling the age of exploits back again. 
Hail, Alpini, lions of the rocks ! 
Hail, winged Titans, eagles of the sky ! 
Hail, Arditti, tigers of the trench, 
With bombs and knives and fingers in a throat ! 
Hail, soldiers, victors on the Alp ! 
Hail, sailors, conquerors at sea ! 
Hail, valiant women and heroic children, 
, Grinding at your tasks, warring in your hearts ! 
Hail, King and Queen, 
Man and woman glorified, 
Battling on the front, fighting at the sick-bed, 
Loved in all the land, and honored in the earth ! 
Hail, Italy, blazoned in the badge of God, 
The decoration of a million wounds ! 

What billows roll the music of that epic ? 

What thunders crash the chorus? 

Trumpet your psalms, ye Alps ! 

Create a symphony 

Of blending land and sea ! 

And listen, all ye sons of Italy ! 

Let San Martino and Cortina sing, 

Whose shaggy-gleaming eyes grew eloquent, 

Watching their freed kin where your swift advance, 

Cracking the iron of the Austrian keep, 

Unchained the giants of the Dolomites. 

And let the tidal choral, tuned to these, 

The Adriatic and Ionian Seas, 

Tell how your convoys through their waters sprang, 

Steering the Serbs to Corfu and Valona, 

Where all our anxious navies learned to foil 

Ubiquitous submarines and perilous mines. 

Let charmed Zarola out of her thrilling breast 

The tempest of a deep contralto fling, 

To sing around you, heroes, how she saw 

You climb the shoulder of her towering mate 

And off the Altissimo of Monte Baldo brush 

Crawling invaders like a swarm of ants 

Into the vengeful chasm. 

[87] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

Ransomed Trieste, tell how, through your soul, 

Drooping in bondage to demonic hate, 

The wing of expectation flew, as swiftly 

Into your port the Istrian Sauro sped, 

Swooped down a ship, and like a hawk whirled out ; 

So doing, repetitious, till they slew him. 

Tune your loud torrents, Monte Pasubio, 

And chant the anthem of the gallant fight 

That round your loins hung victory for a girdle, 

Buying your freedom with a holocaust. 

Ring out, Durazzo; chime four different deeds 

That awed your harbor on as many days 

From four torpedo-boats : how each pounced in, 

Devoured a dragon-ship, and soared away. 

Hearken, ye engineers ! hark, and rehear 

The orchestras of a thousand hills rehearse 

The oratorio of a thousand scores 

That mid reverberating plaudits sang 

Your fearful blowing up of Castelleto. 

And listen, while Trieste trills again 

Her glee when gallant Rizzo rocked her bay, 

Blasting a battle-monster, blowing another, 

Gaping and paralyzed, against the sea. 

Cry, Monte Cucco, wonderments of May 

That made your passion kiss their soldier- feet 

That leaped incredibly Isonzo's gorge 

And ran up rocky barriers. Pola, sound 

Daring as wonderful, when Pellegrini 

With only three companions at your feet 

A dreadnought slew, torpedoed. Sing, ye joys 

Of saved Bainsizza ; every August wake 

The prickly hills that stud your thorny plain 

Into an anniversary carnival 

To vivify again and celebrate 

Glorious achievements that the Julian Alps 

Perceived with wild amazement! Italy there 

Leaped like a cub through Austria's scampering camps, 

O'er thousands, prisoner, and, spectre-like, 

Stood beckoning on Hermada, o'er the rim 

That bristles round Trieste ! Answer, waves 

That swim the Adriatic, roll us out 

Your song of Rizzo and two motor-boats, 

Sixteen heroic men and four torpedoes, 

That broke the guarding wall of ten destroyers, 

And, killing both the giant dreadnoughts there, 

Entombed them in your sheol ! Airy heights, 

And steep aerial valleys, dizzy skies, 

Rainbows, and high-winds, and ye oft-congealed, 

Recuperating clouds, speak out, declare 

What human hawks, man- falcons, dove among you, 

Hunting their prey ; what climbing seas they sailed, 

O'er strongholds throwing down resounding death, 

Warning like balanced eagles scared Vienna, 

[88] 



ITALY REVEALED 

Pouncing on ships and ramparts out of skies, 
Down-swooping into battle-fields through mists 
As lightnings out of storm-clouds riddle earth, 
And chasing regiments and skimming trees 
Like insect-scooping swallows. Rouse the south, 
Freed Monte Santo ; pitch a key to reach 
San Gabriele in the north till he 
Makes a duetto of deliverance, 
Thrilling Isonzo on his lofty tongue 
Till all the echoing regions round cry out, 
" What bells peal out of heaven?" Let him say, 
\Vas not the fight that crashed around his crest, 
Lighting a taper through the darkened world, 
As if the archangel of his name had sparred 
With dense, surrounding, cloudy hosts of hell, 
Till Michael, with the swords of God, had come, 
Angels and men, blaring on seraph-trumps, 
To rescue glory and restore the light? 

A limit rims the coinage of man's power, 

Though imaged in the mint and die of God. 

Yet we man's emblem, in thy fourth seal stamped, 

Behold henceforward and forever see 

Topping the utmost peak, high over the ledge 

That builds the boldest eagle's windy nest, 

In dark-limned outlines, man, a sable crest, 

On rocks and ice, a black and silver wreath, 

Above a field of Alpine snows, the white 

Of a shield argent, vast, and issuant 

Out of a golden coronet and flames 

Of ribs of sunrise curled around his feet 

This on thy seal and mountains we behold, 

The figure of thy glory on the Alp, 

Man's silhouette engraven in the sky ! 

V 

Blow, organ, blow, 
Plaintive and slow, 
For a world's hope in Italy laid low! 

At last our dragging feet, slow trailing thine, 

Have pledged our rusted sword, that six months toils 

Behind thy spring and summer victories 

To build a forge and hammer out our strength. 

Then sudden comes the eclipse of thy October 

Death's glazing eye, and autumn's. 

October feverish in his caving house ; 

The last red rush of apoplectic life ! 

October when the armies of the wood, 

Brittle and sallow, fly before the blast ! 

God tempers with fire the steel of man's spirit. 
Handling our edge so tight it only cuts 
Our destiny where His grip clenches ours. 

[89] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

About to thrust in heat our weapons all, 
He flings thy falchion foremost. 
Thus, Italy, in thy book, 
The brief and index of our cause, 
The days of agony begin to write. 
Yet if God's anguish angelize our way, 
It posts around the end its guard of light. 

By double treachery tricked, and double-stabbed, 

Great Russia withers fallen, doubly fallen. 

And fallen shrinks Rumania at her side. 

The dragons, from the carcase of the east, 

Swing up their gulping necks, 

To swivel every coil around the west 

To crack thee, Italy, then France constrict. 

As Moses over Egypt stretched the rod 

That bred the east wind through a day and night 

Into a morning drenched with locust clouds 

That quenched with killing pools each greening thing, 

So, Italy, from the rod stretched over thee, 

Out of the east an ominous rustle scouts, 

Lifting a lying tongue among the trees. 

A day, a night, and out of whispers blown, 

Over the Julian and the Carnic Alps 

The dragon of the east wind rears and strikes. 

Hissing the startled hills, 
She coils and rears and strikes, 
As thunders rear and bellow 
And coil and roar and hiss. 
Glaring among the shrinking trees, 
She coils and rears and strikes, 
As wicked lightnings gleam and dart 
In the tongue and eye of night. 

Thy trees are swaying. They exclaim together. 

Their souls are afflicted. They are sore afraid. 

They cringe from the striker. They bend down backward. 

They swerve to heaven. They rock from side to side. 

They strain to escape, but they cannot. 

The lashings of death rail upon them. 

Their veins swell up with poisons of sheol, 

Out of the clouds of the blackness of the locusts of the pit. 

They sting them to fury. They drive them mad. 

Their heads wave together. They tug in frenzy. 

They leap. They pitch. 

In the sweat of the fear of the strength of their anguish 

They wrench their feet out of the earth and crash against the hills. 

Thy leaves are flying. They dance before the dragon. 
Thy red leaves cry out in the venemous air 
Like hearts of men in the torments of hades. 

[90] 



ITALY REVEALED 

Like darting flocks of frightened birds 
They shoot the slopes of Monte Nero, 
Dashing, swirling, clambering over mountains, 
Clamoring among the hills, 
Covering the Alps with terror, 
Falling in the valleys and choking up the streams, 
Where the leap of the locust devours them 
Child and maid and the babe with her mother. 

Earth mirrors in her grey and ghastly face, 
Swung like a pendulum to the swaying rage 
That drives thy hurrying leaves, their blighting fear, 
Where flying torments never couched in words, 
Abnormal as the gouging touch of hell, 
Misshapen, foul, distorted warps of dread, 
Besplashed with every hue of woe and death, 
Yellow as rotting parchments, black as plagues, 
Hectic as fevered cheeks round burning eyes, 
Red as rashes, white as lepers, speckled as pox, 
Grisled as skeletons startled out of tombs 
All shapes and tints and attitudes of terror 
That out of Caporetto stream and wail 
Like flying meteors through a darkened land. 
Waving their shadows up above the earth, 
Fling all their terrifying ghosts across 
The visage of the world. 

Let the earth pray. Let Italy fall on her face. 

Let the peoples cry out of sackcloth. 

Will not the God of mercy hear ? 

The King is with his men, his broken heart 

Ascending up to heaven, and bending down to the land. 

Let God fulfil the promise of the King's name : 

Victor " God with us !" 

The Queen of her people implores their God, 

The soul of her love melted within her, 

The lifted hands of her toil crying aloft. 

The women of Italy writhe in distresses, 

Their hearts poured out into their bended knees. 

Fear, ye wicked, the sword of the prayer of faith. 

Be strong, Diaz ! Gather the youth of the land together, 
The old man, the boy, the straggler broken from rank, 
To reen force the rout, to make a stand at the river. 
They fly, they wade, they sink, they swim the Tagliamento. 
Stand ! stand ! stand ! They fly ; they will not stand. 

Be strong, Diaz ! Gather the youth of the land together, 
The old man, the boy, the cripple crumpled by war, 
To push against the flight, to stand with God at the river. 
They flee, they surge, they dive, they splash across the Livenja. 
Stand ! stand ! stand ! they flee ; they will not stand. 

[91] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

Be strong, Diaz ! Gather the youth of the land together, 

The old man, the boy, the angels camping their wrath. 

In the azure tent of God the cry of Italy kneeleth. 

They come like sheep that leap the wash of the wool at the shearing, 

Quavering through the stream, gasping out of the water. 

Stand ! stand ! stand on the brink of the Old Piave ! 

Stand ! stand ! stand ! They pause, they halt, they stand. 

The number of their king is there. 

The Breaker of Italy's seals hath loosed 

The anagram of God-with-man. 

They gather ; they lean against God 

On the edge of the rim of the river. 

Ye bayonets of Britain and France, 
Why trench behind the Adige ? 
Omnipotence pitches the wall of the land 
On the margin of the Piave. 

Hail, wall of life, damming death and evil ! 
Hail, wall of light, firm as the sway of angels ; 
Burnished with fire of seraphim, 
Incensive, gloriable around, 
Numerous-eyed and numberous-winged, 
All standing by unseen ! 

VI 

Through frozen winter and unthawing spring 
Her frosted courage to the old earth clung, 
Or hibernated in a drawled suspense. 

Prepare, ye nations ! Lest the earth should say, 
" I have delivered me with my own right hand," 
Ye drink of the gall-wine's bitter with Italy, 
France and England staggering in the coil, 
America unhelpful, until God 
On Italy's bank reopen victory. 

As the malicious spirit, barred in ice, 
Foments his rancor till the homing sun, 
Melting the lock, un jails him, and then enters 
The freshet's supple body, driven mad 
By meditations murderous that pitch 
Demoniac fury down the roaring gorge 
In a debauchery of destruction ; so, 
Out of the Arctic and the icy east 
Piling his convolutions' catapult, 
With hate so hot it fires the bitter cold, 
The homicidal dragon of the north 
Sways, preening to the hissing of the blast, 
Before the fascinated soul of France, 
Whetting the murder of his cruel eyes, 
That pop with venom and with cunning glare, 
Plotting to seize the vernal equinox 
And chariot on its wing across the trench. 
He calls his mate ; but, in the fiery menace 

[92] 



ITALY REVEALED 

And blistery grapple of Italy's burning soul, 

She dare not swerve a flank nor shift an eye. 

\Ve watch our hope in pawn between the dragons 

The wedge that splits the forking tongue of hell. 

Hold the Piave ! Heart of Italy, stand ! 
Each sunrise swings a pontoon in the bridge 
That we, adventurous like thy Genoese, 
To pay his new world's debit to his old, 
Build back along the ocean-trail he blazed. 



haste ; 



We strain, America ! Double your ha 
Put spurs to energy ; larrup the task ! 

What fury howls ? The winds of March wrench out, 
And in their lunge the dragon of the north, 
From gashed Saint- Quentin, out of racked Cambrai, 
Encoils the British vitals, whelmed back. 
Brave England buckles. Ravenous, the fangs 
Probe to the heart and reins. Bapaume is down ; 
Bril falls, and Peronne ; the long-suffering Somme 
Is tottering to the fringe of Amiens. 

Shall bending Britain break ? Our engineers 
Drop spade for gun and die against the gap. 
O that our strength were there ! 
Our boys sit bivouacked : O for ships, the ships 
To march them through the sea ! 

The crusher lags, sheers off the British shank, 
Nursing his hurt and cluttering his coil. 
Hi mate stirs sibilant to his beckoning hiss. 

Italy, cling ! The nations, like a shutter, 
Rock on the hinge of their hope, 
Swung from the nail of thy valor. 

We twist on the nerve of our anguish : 
Be swift, America ! 

What month wails meagre in, bleached with despair ? 

Is this young April, darling of the year? 

A worm is in the bud. The north wind yells, 

Rocking life's cradle to the dragon's stroke. 

The unhealed scabs of Flanders, raw again, 

Rip, moaning, off their sores. 

The British blade from Ypres to Arras shakes, 

Crooks at the center to the serpent, props 

The soul of England in her bout with death, 

Her grim back 'gainst the sea. 

The fangs droop baffled, like a criminal 

That cannot awe his judge. 

[93] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

Italy, watch the saurian ! Blazy-eyed, 
Her gorge grows wicked to her mate's distress ! 
Clench the last ounce ! Over the arching trail 
The span thrown out of England, and our span, 
Spliced in mid-ocean double-quick, our boys 
Swing to France, singing. Lock your clutch and cling ! 

Hung in a grapple on the river's rim, 
Against our agony, 

This body raveling from this denuded soul, 
We grip the gnawing lizard to our pain ! 

May throbs in squalling, like the life of man 

That, born in rosy buds, breaks swagging down 

Into red dews of death. All scarlet wrath, 

The great red dragon bloods the bloom of France 

From Noyon unto Rheims. 

May's pinky whites stain into bleeding crimsons 

Around the strangled month her blossoms bleaked, 

Her wheat-fields flailed, her vine and terrace swooning. 

God save thee, France ! the coils unkink again, 

Swimming the Aisne, Soissons enveloping, 

Entangling trouble in the ruddied Marne. 

One lurch away, unterrified Paris wipes 

Hate-snortled virus out of her smarting eyes. 

Perched on his cowardice behind war's risk, 
A grizzly wraith, the parody of Satan, 
In rattling armor clothed, and railing speech, 
Champs Hohenzollern, shaking bloody words 
Out of his heart, and, off his bloody steel, 
A red rain on the earth. 

Screw the last nerve to courage, Italy ! 
One turn of the capstan warps us in. 

Our knuckles clamp around the dinosaur % 

Like wrath round hell's rim ! 

May ends in pangs ; June enters, crying out 

In pain to be delivered. Cruel midwives, 

North winds abrade her, while the embrangling snake 

Constricts maternity into violence, 

Where, eyes in sorrow, bowing on her bed, 

June bears war's monstrous birth of life and death. 

Be valiant, Italy, this wailing day 

A woe and a deliverance are born. 

An omen : Chateau-Thierry sees our sons 

Shunt back the death-lunge shot at Paris. 

Enraged, that his cankerous fangs 
The heart of France should miss, 
The monster flags his mate 
In a red-slavering hiss. 

[94] 



ITALY REVEALED. 

Look to her, Italy ! Her hatred curls 

Round Asiago, smothering his plain. 

She spools her wrath round Grappa, strangling him, 

With his Ferrara in her winding sheath. 

Her covetous fangs lust, lanky, lickerish. 

Her tongue laps murder, thirsty as the pit. 

Her famished dartings knit across the Piave, 

Bridging the banks with needles in thy flesh. 

Zenson reels, tortured. II Montello's rent. 

The Piave leaks from Capo Sile south. 

Her withering poisons cramp thy jerking thews, 
And spray thy seeing into cloudy night. 
Thy soul recedes from the jar of her impact, 
From the sickening thud of her coil on thy chest. 
Back over thy spine thy shoulders jut like cliffs, 
Their vigor bent like Pisa's leaning tower, 
Inclining in a perilous crisis, swaying 
Like Pisa's vertigo in a powerful wind. 
Thy strength is pendulous : elastic spirit's 
Return steers upright, forward, outward, leaning 
Far over the Piave, sword inclined 
Aslant the cringing dragon, cutting deep. 

Thy parched avengement quaffs her, Italy, 

Quenched to the hilt at Castalunga. 

She's tapped at Zenson, half the spigot out. 

Her liquors spurt, more gules than Red-Sea water. 

'Tis drink and bright apparel : she attires 

Thy hurts in dripping gifts 

Clothes II Montello in her scarlet raiment, 

The mantle of her blood, 

And Capo Sile wraps in crimson garments, 

The ebbing of her strength. 

Prodigal with the anilines of death, 

She stains thy kirtle gorgeous. 

The heavens chastise her wickedness, 

Rolling their thunders against her ear, 

And plumbing her heart with the prongs of lightnings. 

They spue her out of their mouth. 

With breath of tempests, in spital of storms. 

The torrents swarm upon her. 

The floods rise out of their bed to maul her. 

The passion of the Piave swings his hate, 

Sweeping away the bridges, plunging her into wrath. 

The river beats her prone, stretched writhing across. 

Heaven reproves her with the weapon of man. 

She is cupped to the quick ; she moults ; 

Her scales peel, scattered ; her flesh flakes off. 

Her strained nerve snaps : recoiling through the stream, 

Her wounds disturb the red ford of their blood. 

[95] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

Listen, ye nations, to the Triumpher, God, 

Blowing the clarion of the Alps to thrill 

Her hour of victory through the widowed earth ! 

VII 

Under two flaming swords and cherubim, 
Stars facing, sun to sun, their amberous wings 
Curving plumed shoulders up a goldeny arch, 
Thy sixth and seventh seals stand, Italy, 
Twin victors, like twin angels double-bloomed 
Out of the twin-bud thy fifth seal disclosed, 
Of Godhead loaning man His agony 
To wrestle darkness on the brink of life. 
Thy radiant sixth around her sister sparkles 
Her mystic number of the deliverance 
Of victory over evil well begun ; 
And thy exultant seventh on tiptoe raises 
Her number to the glorious cherubim, 
To loose the mystery of her warfare finished 
Into the sabbath of a perfect work. 
The touch of glory instantly unseals 
The jeweled swords of five victorious months, 
Keen as the eye of the eagle's swooping wing, 
Stern as the coals of the wrath the heavens fling, 
Warring with war to kill the accursed thing. 

July comes, torch and blade. As once his heat 

Resolved the charter of our liberties, 

And razed the Bastille, melted down off men, 

So now the vehemence of his anger smokes 

To burn away from freedom another hell. 

He sends thee, Italy, his first four days 

To scorch the dragon's hope on Monte Grappa, 

And bids his sixth day singe the last of her 

Off the Piavian delta's wrinkled throat. 

The dinosaur, subdued, 
On bank and hill and plain 
Wails her curdled brood, 
Two hundred thousand slain. 
The earth throws eyelids wet 
Up sparkling into light, 
Where Alpine signals set 
Judgment's return to Right. 
Allies, out with glaives ! advance ! 
Delve the dragon out of France. 

The strangler round the June-scream of his mate 
Had flung a coil ; but no coercive cry 
Ransacks his succor from her sprawling wound. 
Eyeing thee, Italy, out of France, his glare 
Lights on thy outstretched valor ramping through 
Albania ; sees it swinge his warmate off 

[96] 



ITALY REVEALED 

Vayusa, Malacastra Heights, and, coursing 
Astride the Orsum, comb her from Berat ; 
And spies her, in the scuffle in the bend 
Of the Devoli, south of Elbasan, 
Pitched from lozi, Mali Siloves' crest, 
Back drooling to the Skumbi. 

His bristling fury in its own shadow sees 

Thy striplings, Italy, retrieving France : 

Three hundred thousand at the thrilling task 

Of guardianer of Rheims. 

Thy sturdy slips he scowls at olive-tinctured, 

Tinting whole forests of our sapling pines, 

Dug off the husky slopes of liberty 

To reen force the sap and pith of France 

And spread a shelter over her despair. 

He dare allow no pause to loll against 
Our daily thickening of armament. 
Ferocious frenzies through his wicked eyes 
Dart to impale their newest foes. He throws 
His long death-struggle, thrashing in the earth, 
The wrenched old planet creaking on her posts. 
Four fiendish days and four demoniac nights, 
Across the vale of Ardre, Italy, 
The bars of thy flesh go banging to and fro, 
Pounding the slamming blasts unpacked from the pit. 
Four murderous days and slaughterous nights assault 
Rheims' coat of mail the interlinking plates 
Of Italy's lives where death falls, glancing off 
Panoplied Rheims, screened fipernay, masked Chalons. 
Four days and nights the gambling dice of hell 
Rattle against thy ribs, and lose the throw. 

From four climbed days and nights the tide-wave 's pushed 
One foot-slip down the ebb. Like Italy's brave, 
America's with Gouraud shield Champagne, 
Defend Chalons, and, 'gainst the shifting Marne, 
Hanging their pluck in the way of the serpent, 
Cling to that gate of Paris with their souls, 
And almost with the fury of bare hands 
Thrust back the outrageous dragon. 

The trump of thy June battle, Italy, 
Winds through July's stout spirit not in vain. 
He gazes past the brazen skies, and sees 
Our battle-weight pull down the golden scale, 
God's glory in the bowl. Storm-helm and cloud, 
That helped the Piave, rage around us now, 
Between the Marne and Aisne, spinning our strands 
Into the gossamer of the long grey mist, 
Drumming to silence our advancing noise 
With gun-fire out of heaven. 

[97] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

God weaves us into the night and wet 
Till the tangled serpent swings in our net. 

Out of the pillar and cloud of God, 

Mangin, Petain, Foch, and France, 

Pershing, and America, 

Thunder the dragon to the sod, 

Javelined with lightning's lance. 

God's hammers clang him there, 

Writhed in a gnarled despair, 

Against the anvils of the steel of Italy. 

By day, by night, in his flaring forge, July, 

Blowing his fires pitiless-high, 

With iron mallet on the warping thing, 

Rimmed to our hoop of scathing arms that sear it, 

Around, against our incensed ring, 

Pestles the dragon's bulk and spirit. 

The blazing wrath of sweating August swears 
A shriveling vengeance to sear out his stain, 
Blotched four years past, when hydrophobic hate, 
Snapping among the dog-days, bit them mad, 
Gnashing the whole world into crazy war. 
August has weighed our metal, peering through 
The gadding curtains of the skies : he knows 
What bayonets our marching sea-lane throws, 
Three hundred thousand, unto each new month. 
These in a wracking avalanche he crashes, 
And Soissons, salvaged from the crusher, lives ; 
While the maimed demon, skulking from the Ourcq, 
Where fighting palls him, twists around the Vesle 
His snarled resistance in a knot of rage. 

Where murder's garroting loop rubs Amiens, 
Fierce August stokes the furnace of his wrath 
Under the grill of Haig's men, flamed to crisp 
The creeper's edge with broiling bars, that spark 
The prairie boys of Illinois afire, 
Inflammable sons of Lincoln and of Grant 
That smelt the ebbing monster off Chipilly. 
Norward the conflagration chars the coil, 
Crackling from strangled towns, out of whose corses 
Marred Bapaume, blemished Noyon haggard ghosts 
Faint back against the scrawny arm of France. 
August, well done ! Thrust red between thy tongs, 
Fear's hot coal scalds the leathern heart of hate, 
Where Hohenzollern's throne haunts him, aslope. 

What sable-plumy crest 

Waves war-cry ? 'Tis September's, 

Whose unavenged unrest 

Through four black years remembers 

Horrors, whose great welts are 

[98] 



ITALY REVEALED 

Ridged throbbant through his heart, an ulcering scar. 

He watched the hideous heel advance, 

Dripping the crunch of Belgium's bones, 

Swaggering on the breasts of France, 

Grinning through her groans, 

Almost wading to his lust, 

The grinding into blood and dust 

Of the old-young face of Paris. 

Always his days have greedily recalled 

How through the Marne grim Jof f re that horror mauled ; 

And, angel of the avengance of the Somme, 

He waves the scorpion of Britain on. 

It stings: Peronne's redeemed. It flogs a breach 

In the red boa from Drocourt to Queant. 

We gash the curling mangier past the Vesle ; 

And, from the Oise to Rheims, with France we shear 

And tear and fold it, ragged, back to Conde, 

Like tailors ripping cloth. 

Verdun's vendetta cries : September nods ; 

And, swift as words, the knights of Pershing whip 

The serpent's crook off Mihiel at a crack ; 

And grip it in the Argonne, snake and den 

And jungle lashing through the earth and sky, 

Choked in our clutch to cling to crime's convulsion 

Till death has rattled through it. 

These are the days of over-tortured earth's 
Recovery out of shell-shock, morn by morn 
Hearing the whetstone on God's rhythmic scythe 
Mowing the haunch of murder back to hell. 

The ardors of thy reapers, Italy, 

In these crusading tasks to gather France 

Out of the abyss, from dawn to dawning toil 

Even as thy stamina on the Piave's marge 

Makes what is possible. 

And eastward now September 

Invokes the fellowship of thy limber arm 

Against a cunning beast, and, lo, 

Thy aid heaps up the Macedonian blow 

That drops Bulgaria's red tool into woe. 

And a far crash the gibbering Turk appals : 

Down through his crumbling empire's sagging walls, 

Out of his hand, ancient Damascus falls. 

Striding up the mirrors of the sky, 

October's red-gold torch and brand flare nigh. 

Yet ere he quits, September's ire must try 

To break the Hindenburg line, 

That never has budged for man or gun or mine. 

[99] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

Ho, Italy, they come : black-diamond eyes 
Flash Italy from these yellow strings of beads, 
Threaded on khaki, charging for New York 
The high, uplifted giant of the skies 
That swings earth's western gate toward liberty 
Above the crouching nations. 

They'll crack old Hindenburg, or their own hearts. 

They run, swerve, fall, creep, lift, trip, stagger, stumble, 

The sons of freedom in the twisting snake, 

Spectral, before, around, behind, among them, 

A Proteus, up from subterranean lairs 

His helly forms all simultaneous rearing. 

No sooner do we think the battle won, 

Than new fangs stab our flanks that, wheeling, see 

Dizzy eruptions through the old cracked earth 

The virulent eczema of the oozing pit, 

Inflamed in all its pores, exuding fiends. 

So seeing, still we fight, fall, creep, up-stagger, 

And, falling, creeping, staggering, fight until 

The Hindenburg line drops broken into hell. 

Italy, taps ! the frosted plume commands : 

October, gorgeous in his golden mail, 

Remembering Caporetto. 

Taps ! prepare a toil with rest ; 

Then, up at reveille. 

Leaping with conquering dreams, 

Make real what but seems, 

Ripping the dragon's crest. 

The eye of his purpose set to Italy's clock, 
By slaying the saurian to doom her mate, 
October drives the dragon of the north, 
Dragging Saint-Quentin from the haggled snake, 
And tattered Cambrai, shrunk Laon, and Horns, 
And Ostend, Lille, old Douai, and their kin. 

Straught Belgium, in her right mind rearrayed, 
Sits in the gates of Bruges, her coasts redeemed, 
The streaming fragments of the smotherer's power, 
Like a great fungus, creeping toward the north, 
Save where our sons in Argonne-Forest latch 
Hate's throat in death and hem his heart in judgment. 

Leaving the strangler in our stricture caught, 
On Caporetto night, loud trumpeting, 
Dripping blood-crimson flame, October's sword 
Flares on the Brenta and the glad Piave. 
Up, Italy ! with the wrath of heaven 
Sickle the great deliverance given. 

Judgment, thundering out of Monte Grappa, 
Leaps roaring on the rocks of Asiago, 
Under the gleaming eyes of startled night, 

[100] 



ITALY REVEALED 

Who springs awaka, her black flanks on the mountain 

Plunging like frightened steeds. 

A palsied rumble grips the throat of earth, 

Coughing and hiccoughing a sanguine death 

That clutters and coagulates the air. 

The dragon rolls from sleep, 

Pitched out by noises and a noxious hail : 

Hissing and belching like the smudgy pit, 

She murderously wraps the Italian armies, 

Their tussle tramping down the shuddering dark. 

The hours behold it, muttering to heaven, 

While night, grown paler, down the mountain roams, 

Moaning against the woods, 

Entangling in her hair the shivering trees. 

The eyelids of the morning, red and sore, 
Lift heavy out of vigils, opening slow 
The eye of day, all bloodshot, draggling garments 
Splashed and bedabbled in the blood of earth. 
He stares upon the foes, too strung to know it 
His light enrages them : their tearing sinews, 
Streaking the sky with splots of splattering death, 
Make day more hideous than savage night. 

Let wickedness rumple this plateau and peak, 
Light locked in darkness, day in night, until 
The dragon's throes drip limply, trickled thin 
As sievy earth sifts seeping rains ; until 
The number here of Italy's fated sons 
Is twenty thousand perished, and the hurt 
Groan; sixty thousand souls. 

The army of thy right hand's picking up 
The islands of the Piave, Italy, 
While two of thy armies strain, amphibious, 
Sagging from either bank down through the river. 
Why do the heavens weep around the battle ? 
And why does the flood let swollen eyes o'erflow 
The bridges, crashing through his tears, 
Leaving thy hope imperilled ? 

But God sends courage where 
Pent Italy might despair. 
His anger's not in nature, as before, 
And courage can pry open her shut door. 
He bids thy engineers rebuke the river, 
Arguing in the friendly mask of night, 
Under the stingings of the demonian hiss ; 
And bridges rise, and swim : thy armies cross, 
And firm, with legs astride the Piave, fight 
Like two great pillars of a mighty land. 

[101] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

The dinosaurus sways deceived, 

Caught in the vail around her heart, 

The cunning of her fire-eyes steeped 

In folly straight before her. 

She winds up her strength on Monte Grappa, 

Mindless of the winding fingers 

Coiling round her coil like death round death. 

But, wondering at her, under eager brows 

Valdobbiadene sees it from afar ; 

And bright Solize sees it, peeping out 

Over the edges of her shining bank. 

Under October's mask of golden haze, 
Diaz deceived her with a regiment, 
Sons of Ohio and the woods of Penn, 
Whose daily march of new accoutrements 
Out of Troviso, stealing in at night, 
Aroused the laughter of the Carnic Alps, 
To see the dragon damped and Italy thrilled 
With courage as our Blobdingnagians take 
The stature of three hundred thousand men. 
They leap the Piave, and the saurian broods 
Scurry ghost-haunted through Venetia 
And into the Tagliamento plunge their fear, 
Chased by the armies of one regiment. 

The Slinger hurls thee, Italy, out of His wrath 
Straight to the heart of the cause and guilt of the war. 

Thou hast trapped the black night in the mountains 
And broken her flank on thy wheel, 
Heaving the power of her crest 
Into the valley of retribution. 

October sings over the peaks, 
Across the plains, and the valleys of rivers, 
Dragon's-blood splashing on tree and bush. 
Her scales, that swim on his blade, 
Fly into the air like sparks of rainbows, 
Sprinkling forest and thicket and grass 
Green and yellow and red scales, 
And brown and speckled and crimson. 

The leaves clap hands, and laugh at themselves, 

In pied costumes of scales and blood 

As in a day of carnival. 

They sing the song of her judgment, 

Strumming on the wind. 

Dancing showers rinse out of the sky 

The memory of Caporetto ; 

And the good old sun walks out, all tenderly 

Leaning on his daughter, Italy, 

Touching her sorrows with the hues of heaven. 

[102] 



ITALY REVEALED 

The old and new months in the midst of work 
Swap saddles in the field, 
One loth to quit, and one imperious 
To glut his vengeance to a sudden end. 
Done in too bright a flash for mortal eye ! 
Without a lull in battle, swerve, or blench, 
Or jar, where Diaz and his armies sweep, 
October's gone November's crashing blade 
Gallops the charger, furious as he. 

Abrupt November arms eleven days : 
Three at both dragons' throats, eight more at one. 
With double falchions, forged for double tasks, 
Three victoring days serve France and Italy, 
A sword in each ; and in the Meuse-Argonne 
The serpent's power is broken in the neck, 
And keen Americans like greyhounds lope 
To spill his death-wound there. 

Around the dinosaurus, Italy, 

Three knighted days with flashing falchions leap 

From peak to peak, and down thy river banks, 

Where the Piave and the Brenta wind 

Their ribbons out on sea-spools ; chasing death 

Off Monte Grappa, Monte Pertica, 

Montello, and their fellows, driving her 

Down off the ridges to the Piswe's brink; 

And off Fonzazo and Quero, thrown 

Into the vale between ; and, northward, sweep her 

Off Monte Baldo, through the Valle Arsa, 

From Revereto, out of Trento ; scourge her 

South-easterly across the recovered plains 

And ransomed valleys of Venetia, 

Beyond Belluno, and beyond Udine, 

Thrilling Trieste with her dream come true, 

And freeing Pola, singing to the sea 

Leaping from vales to hills, from peaks to valleys, 

Unmanacling the towns, unchaining rivers, 

November's vengeance and his firstborn days 

Destroy the dragon and unhook her spoil, 

Seizing a half a million of her brood 

Alive, and piling up a countless dead 

On the heaped mountains and in choked ravines, 

Like lost leaves out of tempest-stricken woods. 

The end is come 

Of guilty centuries of greedy wrong : 
Surviving victims and dead martyrs strow 
Their exultations on her whimpering woe. 

The dragon of the Danube, 
That through thy mountain rolls, 
Red-writhing in her death, 

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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

Doth she repent our slain souls, 
In her expiring breath? 

The strange amalgamation of old hates 
Undoes her metals : see, 
Out of her crumbled thigh and belly gush 
The swallowed nations, free ! 

'Tis done ! 'tis done ! 
Down the angelic sky 
Let a hymn cry, 
" The war is won ! " 

'Tis done ! November, in a peal of lights, 

Flares eight days thundering round the rim of France, 

Through Flanders-field, through clanging Belgian gates, 

Through Argonne, crashing to avenge Sedan, 

And war is done, the dragon of the north 

Whining for mercy under the peoples' feet. 

What's in the earth? a storm of shooting stars? 
The splitting skies shed crowns and royalties : 
By scores, disheveling the firmament, 
Princes and dukes and kings and emperors 
Shell, parachuting out of tipsy thrones, 
Their dribbled glories frayed to purple sparks 
That fade in transit like the meteor's flit 
The best decoronation earth has seen. 

The peoples slack a sigh through every town : 

Out of the muffled years they slip ungagged ; 

They smile ; they laugh ; they hum ; they sing ; they pour 

Into the streets like bees at swarming-time, 

And shout, grab one another, dance, and yell, 

Old men up-kicking heels like yearling colts, 

And stately dames kidnapping strangers, shying 

Like skittish two-year-olds down crazy streets, 

Entangled in confetti, jangling bells, 

Tooting tin-horns, and murdering fifes and drums 

In wild delirium, under twitching stars 

That rub their poor old orbs at giddy earth. 

Glee's dizziest madcap fits the world to-night. 

Dance on, dear flighty peoples ! life has been 

Four years suspended at the tip of hell, 

Swung from an eyelash nay, the gossamer thread 

Of God's eternal goodness. Dance and sing, 

And loose the heart's thanksgiving, psalming Heaven ! 

'Tis over acted, done ! 

Blue-gold, the avengeful sky 

Wipes his red weapon into the sheathing cry, 

" The war is won ! " 



[104] 



ITALY REVEALED 

VIII 

Here wrath should end. But what fantastic voices, 
Like leaves that rattle grave-yards windy nights, 
Chatter and screak their antique selfishness, 
Till ghostly gabble troubles up an age 
We thought long buried under ugly scars 
In dark unfathomable hates of war? 

Is sense jarred out of cue ? Ears think they hear 
The old snake-charmers of the Senate Chamber 
Beat veto tom-toms and howl incantations, 
Lest earth eclipse war with a League of Nations, 
And, clipping strife and battle, shear 
His wiggeries off the baldness of old greed. 
Howl, old dwarf's fistful of anachronists ! 
Make earth stand still, or trundle back an age ! 

Is this our world late squeezed, by the skin of her teeth, 
Wet-mangled through such agonies as we think ? 
Has war toiled incommensurable war 
Four years, destroying earth ; or do we dream, 
Or waken out of madness? 

Surely, we dream. It is not possible 

Freedom has spokesmen so insensible 

To the world's need, guides so impervious 

To the world's light, as to swing brazen tongues, 

Where honorable law is weighed, to sully men 

Out of man's obligation toward mankind 

With words that shame us with their nude appeal 

To all that 's basest in what 's crooked in us ! 

Back from crusading, must America 

Suffer in audience, assoiling her, 

The same old dragon's hiss of selfishness 

She sailed away to punish ? 

Or is this crawling tickle in our ear 

Only the rattle of the dragon's tail 

That like all tails of new-killed snakes, boys tell us 

Wriggles till sundown ? 

Freedom needs thy example, Italy, 

And thy devotion to it. 

Thou'rt both a builder of the League of Peace 

And one of the chiefest pillars of her house, 

Like thy Columbus, seeking a new world 

To demonstrate the earth a globe of hope. 

Be ever hope our enterprise, that news us, 

Vigorous, Italy, alike in thee 

And thy discovery, America, 

Oldest and youngest of the mightier powers ! 

Or has thy new bud made the old the youngest ? 

Then, Italy, if we lag, let thy resurgence 

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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

Rebuke us out of the youngest face of nations, 
Risen to serve, the springtide in thy heart, 
More human than old Rome ! 

For 'tis in sacrificial scars of service 

No longer faithless, unbelieving, but 

With our own trembling wound-prints thrust in thine 

We know thee, what thou art, one risen indeed 

From earth's dark tomb of thousands of years of strife. 

'Tis not old savage war thou wearest now 

His murderous, dripping, black-red coronet. 

Thou art not crowned of hell, 

In the damned glamors wreathed of cursing night, 

But throned with holier spell, 

Transfigured in the sorrowy scars of Right. 

What scalding centuries burn 

Hell's lesson in, we learn ! 

As children, dancing to a vivid snake, 

Applaud his vicious lunges, like a game, 

We, fascinated, clap war, when his fangs 

Through Caesar or Napoleon venom earth, 

Though ruinous through lands the charmer glides, 

With endless murder in his wicked gleam. 

War drafts our virtues and our faults, and adds 

Nothing to virtue but degrading dust, 

Save war that is crime's strict and just police. 

Courage, our soldier-epaulet, we wear 

With bulls and dogs and game-cocks, volunteers 

That stake a life in battle quick as we, 

And pour it out defending what they love. 

Courage to risk life in the killing of it 

Breeds boldest criminals. 'Tis not too nice 

To march with honor, as to charge with vice : 

The braveries of the battle-legion ken 

The noblest and the wickedest of men. 

War drafts and kills, but cannot father valor. 

War coins no courage ; but the drill of war 

Is the great counterfeiter of brave coin, 

And passes it, coin current, in the field. 

Men, vised 'twixt death and death, war's disciplines 

Compel to bout death's chance-jaw at their front, 

To void death's sure jaw at desertion's rear; 

Whence trapped compulsion dons the helm of zeal. 

War little edifies the officer 

Who clamps his regiment in gyves of death, 

And serves the canons of his killing art 

The more he screens himself behind his men, 

Great safety growing with high rank, that grabs 

War's glory in inverse ratio to hazard. 

This ignobility brave shoulder-straps 

[106] 



ITALY REVEALED 

Often transgress by risks almost a private's, 
And even war blushes to upbraid them for it. 
Its stains of cowardice, birth-marking war, 
Suggest the inventor the hallmark of hell. 

Unscrupulous strategy, war's chief est boast, 

Gambles with tricks, plots inequalities, 

Plants ambuscades, schemes overslaugh with numbers : 

The tactics of the wolf-pack, and its glory. 

War turns us wolves, and drives out nations, packs 

That kill by multitudes, a crime in one man. 

Crime, multiplied by nations, equals glory ! 

Murder retailed is crime ; wholesaled, good war ! 

O hypocritical, inglorious war, 

Red, baseborn, bullying cub of violent hell ! 

Cain taught one-handed murder : thou hast coached us 

To multiply it by ten million men 

And all our sciences, geared up to kill ! 

War is the sheriff, or the criminal ; 
Murder, or retribution's sword run through it. 
Four years in pawn to anguish, earth would pump 
Out of her system war, the asp of ages. 
Let sheriff war end war, the criminal, 
Wry-necked in hangman law's avenging knot. 
All just war 's circumscribed within the sword 
Of justice, law, and right ; who glorifies it, 
Bejewels the hangman. Other war is Cain's, 
At Abel with a hell's-brand : kings and peoples, 
Who crown them with it, wear the bands of hell. 

Only in sheriff's badge can strategy 

Serve -honorably an honest deputy 

Of the reign of law, who, using strategems 

To save good lives, none handcuffs unawares 

Save crooks, whose stock-in-trade is tricking justice. 

Constabulary warfare, Italy, 

Wracking all precedents of the shock of battle, 

With body, soul, and spirit thou hast waged 

To the extremity of an ardent people, 

To pay a priceless ransom for the sins 

Of centuries, and get the world reprieved. 

Thy heroism was not 

In twilight courage, where the unspirituous beast 

Takes death without a speculation in it. 

Thy half a million lives, that guled thy altar, 

Wrenched open-eyed, gold day, and weighed in light 

Life's estimation, highest when they gave it, 

In passionate despair, that earth might live. 

O they were not deceived ! not when they knew 

[107] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

That sin had found us all out, suddenly, 

And not the Teuton only, trapped in crime. 

'Tis easy to confront the wretch and judge 

The deed our guilt has no investment in. 

But to" be striking at a hideous thing 

That is our mirror with our image in it, 

Our image magnified, but only to 

The logical conclusion of our ways ; 

For freedom, life, and light, and hope, to wrestle 

Our own tough wrong of immemorial days ; 

To agonize with Satan, yet to fight 

Our hearts, ourselves, our fathers' fathers' guilt, 

Knowing no people 's clear, no land 's acquitted : 

O this is cruel, cruel ! for the doubt 

If God can choose us starts a leaking wound 

Whose siphon lets the courage of the soul. 

To the full house of earth war staged his play, 

Whose first scenes spoke their lines with double sense, 

Their portents waiting in the wings their cue 

To out their horrors in the more fearful acts 

Staging behind the drop-scene. Actors played 

New parts from day to day without rehearsal, 

Feeling death's terror as they spoke his lines, 

Falling upon his dagger. Thousands stood 

Spectators only till insatiate war 

Made the whole house his stage, peoples and theatre 

Emblazing in a slaughterous hell of wrath. 

Ere God's white flame enlightened war's red glare, 

Millions expired in dread and mystery, 

Hoping they played their death-scene not in vain, 

But perishing in the hope. 

So died they, over brain and heart baptized 

Into the agonies of God's strange work 

Of necessary judgment. 

What tragedy, pitiful, sleeps with our slain! 
There must be in the Heart upholding all hearts 
Through infinite tragedy, beyond our ken 
A terrible compassion for our dead. 

Can God be merciful to the greed that ever 

On earth proposes wicked war again ? 

A passion haunts me that could choke that thing, 

In king or politician, rave it down 

Out of its coil accurst, and crumple it 

Into the shadow of an ended snake. 

This war 's the nailing of God's heart afresh, 
Penumbral round the umbra of His cross 
In Whom we live and move and have our being. 
As beats the word of His power through all that is, 
Felt in the wind, seen in the flower, and heard 

[108] 



ITALY REVEALED 

On trilling boughs, in children, in ourselves 
Experienced in each pulse of heart and brain, 
So, groaning through all sickness of creation, 
His are the burning Eyes of every fever, 
The dying Heart of all we kill in war. 

Our reckless centuries have been more callous 

To God's bruise even than to the hurt of man, 

Though Heaven's heart He lowered out of glory 

One hour to show us while grief lasts God is 

The God of sorrows and acquainted with grief 

Beyond the sum of all the sons of men. 

As God is, we beheld Him, on His shoulder 

Bearing our cross, and made its Curse for us ; 

And now we see Him newly-nailed to war ; 

For Love's eternal life, let down from heaven, 

Is, as it ever was, in sorrows, chief. 

Gashed with war's million wounds, war's million deaths 

He dies in the dying, mourns them in the living, 

And in the wicked, the aggressors, groans, 

Bearing the contradiction of their sin. 

The tragedy and waste of war outreaches 

Its only compensation to him it teaches 

To see Love's crucifixion on earth's cross, 

The Weeper over every soldier's grave. 

A beauty lingers on the lids of death, 

A glory in God's anguish writhing there 

In wistfulness so sorrowful despair 

Seems like, or near that other hovereth. 

Broken, our dust and spirit cling to God's breath ; 

Yet as we break we seem to see Him stare 

Into eur wreck upon His finger, where 

Our life lies in her ashes, as He saith. 

Our grief we know : the Infinite Woe That stands 

Silent we'd guess if our poor children lay 

Crumbled in our just government to clay, 

And dust of some in other, sweeter lands 

Our passionate hearts could clutch with eager hands, 

But some we never could regain that way. 

O Italy, if the Agonies Divine, 

More tortured by this war than all the world, 

Can lift us into faith out of such sorrow, 

Thy half a million have not died in vain. 

But all is lost, and nothing can avail, 

If Christ be not the Hero of this war, 

The true Prometheus, staked to all our woes 

In bringing the fire of God's love to man. 

To give this flag or that some paltry acre, 

Who'd spill the bright red cup of one man's blood ? 

But to maintain earth's light of God is worth 

All that man's Lover lets us pay for it. 

[109] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

It well becomes us to exhort our hearts 

To search the price of peace heaven weighs us at 

Since every mystery of life and death 

This wild war dangles in its savage bud. 

There 's not a people shares this planet's mercy 

That has not sowed the seed war's red scythe reaps. 

Should God mete Germany unmercied justice, 

Which of us could that inquisition bear ? 

We have been saved, but in a great rebuke 

Shaming all calls for penance that yield none. 

Even as the tribes that punished Benjamin 
Were sold in battle to his sword by God, 
So Justice in this war brands the most guilty 
In a hot chastisement that scores us all, 
Warning our past, our present, and our future, 
Of the curst pharisee in every heart, 
Ready to act the Cain condemned in others; 
And warning skepticism, that sold our day, 
Like Judas, to this cross of war, God is, 
And will, at any cost to Him and us, 
Require our evil, and regard His throne. 
Thank Him, He is, lest hell engulf the earth 
Forever and forever. Hark, ye peoples, 
And hear the rod ! let sorrow teach our sin ! 

Let there be hope where God has written books, 

'Scriptures of sorrow, in the nations' hearts ! 

There, Italy, a gospel to the world, 

Against the midnight black of war and death, 

Engrossed by Him Who loosed thy seven clasps, 

The apocalypse of thy existence stands, 

Lettered without and in, an unsealed book. 

Here, in thy palimpsest, lately recovered 

Out of the catacombs of former things, 

Papyrus of a nation old yet new, 

Inscribed in characters Love's hand has traced 

With glorious illumination-work, 

We read thy sufferings, and read with hope. 

Yet, bleared with blood-stain, be thy seven-leaved book 

Only by reverent, trembling fingers took ! 

God crowns His warrior. Italy, we see 

His diadem arraying thee : 

Victorious Anguish ! Agony glory-crowned ! 

Hail, Italy, blazoned in the badge of God, 
The decoration of a million wounds ! 
Thy coronet of glittering scars 
Is brighter than a wreath of stars ; 
Thy gold was beaten out of infinite woes ; 
Thy jewels all reflect 



[110] 



ITALY REVEALED 

Lustre of service, rainbowed over death, 
Flashing the lights of heaven uneclipsed. 

Thou art our token, out of tomb and pall, 
That God can bring a people from their fall 
And make their life peal out a nobler chime. 
O never be apostate to His call ! 
Swing the Torch upward to the last steep of time ! 

Build God Whose toiling visions raise 
Thy slumbers, Italy, from the dead 
A new cathedral's climbing praise, 
With pillared vault and arching spread 
Of psalms by raised-up nations said ! 

Beauty of use and service-stars avow, 

Purer than Rome's thy glory risen now. 

Some olden dreamer of the golden age, 

Met somewhere in thy sleep, we know not how, 

Endorsed his promise on thy rising page. 

And since God gave thy newer birth 

To lure us from our selfish grip, 

Let sacrifices still equip 

And knight thy serviceable worth, 

Till violence learns from stronger ruth, 

And all the daughters of the earth, 

Some image of thy sheen to win, 

Some radiance of Serving Truth, 

God in the hand, as on the lip, 

Come climbing up thy ways, to dip 

The garments of their service in 

Thy fountain of perpetual youth. 



[in] 



SItttroltt'a SUrogtttiton of 3ialg'0 

anfc ^ts |Irapr for 
of 



A0ptratiottH 



a Urttar, Uritfrtt ntt lulg 23, 1064, hg {imttostt Htnrnlw ta 
S^rtinattt. Jtaliatt 




AM free to confess that the United States have, in the 
course of the last three years, encountered vicissitudes 
and been involved in controversies which have tried 
the friendship and even the forbearance of other 
nations, but at no stage in this unhappy fraternal 
War, in which we are only endeavoring to save and 
strengthen the foundations of our national unity, has 
the King or the people of Italy faltered in addressing to us the lan- 
guage of respect, confidence and friendship. 

I pray God to have your country in his holy keeping, and to 
vouchsafe to crown with success her noble aspirations, to renew, under 
the auspices of her present enlightened government, her ancient 
career, so wonderfully illustrated in the achievements of art, science 
and freedom. 



[112] 




[113] 




OX THE " GUAPPA" 
One of the most bitterly contested sectors of the Italian Front 




ITALIAN "AIIDITTI " OPKUATINK A MAClllNK 
GUN 



[114] 




Flt'MK 




TIIK 1-M.oTII.l.A f.MMAM>i:i> I'. V A I M I ISA I, M 1 KAIU-M.l.n A I'I'KoAt 'II I \i J 1JSSA 



[115J 




WELCOMING THE KIN<} OF ITALY ON HIS AKIMVAL AT TIMESTE 




AKK1VAL OF HIS MAJESTY, THK KING OF ITALY, AT TIMKSTK. NOVEMBER 10, 1918 



[116] 



Jtalg'0 (iratt Hlork in Albania 



BY 




BRIGADIER -GENERAL GEORGE P. SCRIVEN, U. S. A. 

Military Observer in Albania 

HAVE seen many things especially in the little-known 
regions of the Balkan Peninsula which deserve the 
attention of thinking people, and will, I am sure, 
receive it, if only I can properly draw the picture. 
I have grown to know much of the officers and men 
of the Italian Army and have learned to add to the 
respect and liking inspired by them in peace a warm 
admiration for their conduct in war, not only as fighting men, the first 
purpose of the soldier, but as leaders and instructors of the non- 
civilized peoples, whose countries they have been called upon to govern. 
It is to fierce, impoverished Albania, lying beautiful but unknown 
within sight of the very shores of Italy, that her soldiers have come as 
a blessing, much as the American soldier twenty years ago came to the 
Philippines, first to fight an enemy, then to redeem a people and to 
build up a nation. Like the American, the Italian has for three years 
been fighting an enemy with one hand, while with the other he has 
guided a people along the road of improvement and uplift. 

In regard to the Balkan Peninsula it will be recalled that the 
Turk a people much better than his always impossible government- 
held sway over the country until the year 1912, when this Old Man of 
the Sea was driven back probably forever to, and perhaps beyond, 
the Golden Horn. 

A time of quiet and progress then appeared about to dawn upon 
the Balkans, especially upon Albania, whose people were recovering 
from the wretchedness imposed by the Balkan wars and were hoping 
to enjoy peace with self-government, when a confused struggle for 
control of the country broke out, a sort of Donnybrook Fair of the 
neighboring nations, which again brought Albania to chaos. The 
Powers interfered, and at the instigation of Italy it was decreed at the 
London Conference that Albania should become an independent state, 
of which the boundaries were outlined. In early March, 1914, Prince 

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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

William of Wied landed at Durazzo to put himself at the head of the 
government. Almost immediately another revolution broke out, insti- 
gated from without, it is said, and the Prince of Wied, with no army 
and no money, failed to quell the uprising, and in the attempt was com- 
pelled to flee from Durazzo, which he did on the 3d of September, 
1914, after a wretched reign of six months. Essad Pasha, a descend- 
ant of the celebrated Ali Bey, raised the flag of Scanderberg and was 
proclaimed and I believe acknowledged as Albania's head, but Essad 
disappeared. 

The great war broke out and the troubles of the little peoples of 
Europe were swept away in the whirlwind that gathered over the 
world. No one knew or cared about the fate of the Prince of Wied, 
nor much about that of Albania. But the Italians, though still neutral, 
were watching the course of events in Albania, and in December of 
1914, as a wise precaution, sent the Tenth Regiment of Bersaglieri to 
occupy Valona, a little fishing village on the shores of a magnificent 
bay. 

The winter passed quietly in watchful waiting, but after a time 
Italy found it necessary, on account of the attitude of Greece, then 
under the influence of its Germanophile King Constantine, to take 
more active measures. Consequently, between August and the middle 
of October, 1915, Italy sent additional forces to Valona, and from 
there, at the request of the people, and without violence, occupied suc- 
cessively Tepeleni, Chimara, Santi Quaranta, Arjirokastro, Premati, 
and Liascoviki all towns of importance in Albania; and owing to 
the disturbed conditions the troops went south as far as Janina, and 
extended the line of occupation eastward along the old Turkish high- 
way to Ersek. 

The town of Valona before the occupation was a pest hole of mud, 
mosquitoes and fever, but around it are magnificent and extensive 
groves of olives, commanding hills and pleasant and fertile valleys. 

It was soon evident that Valona, on account of its position and 
harbor, must become not merely the Italian military base, but the seat 
of government. Soon streets were paved, hospitals, electric light and 
ice plants installed, and well-made motor roads run out to the important 
advance positions. In addition, the back country was opened up and 
a fine highway built across mountain ranges to the east, joining the 
ancient, now destroyed, town of Tepeleni with Arjirokastro and the 
old Turkish road, still in existence, leading thence across Albania and 
Macedonia, to Salonica, nearly four hundred miles away. This work 

[118] 



ITALY'S GREAT WORK IN ALBANIA 

was necessary from a military point of view, but it was also of lasting 
value to the country, and other projects for the benefit of the people 
were commenced. Civil hospitals were opened, buildings assigned for 
the use of prefects and courts, school houses built, and even a cemetery 
for the Moslem dead was laid out to induce these people to give over 
their custom of burying their friends at the doorstep. 

But perhaps the greatest of the works done at this time by the 
Italians was the construction of a road some eighty miles in length 
along the Adriatic, from Santi Quaranta by Porto Palermo to Valona. 
This road runs for much of its distance high above the sea, along the 
edge of steep precipices at whose feet far below lie pretty sandy coves 
extending into fertile valleys, beautiful, but unpeopled. Then zig- 
zagging up the mountains, with turns like a fish-hook, it juts out upon 
spurs looking far away over the blue Adriatic toward Corfu perhaps, 
or towards the distant shore of Italy, and climbing to the snows disap- 
pears in the clouds. This highway which the Italians have given to 
Albania and to the world is far more beautiful than the Corniche of 
the Mediterranean and will one day become more celebrated. 

It was my fortune to be invited to accompany General Ferraro 
at its opening, and the journey gave me the opportunity of observing 
the attitude of the Albanians towards the Italian. This was an atti- 
tude of respect, one even of affection. Everywhere were demonstra- 
tions of welcome ; arches were thrown across the road ; school children 
presented some small address, or offered a little song; houses were 
draped with flags .or eastern rugs; country men and women, priests 
and soldiers, all gathered to greet "Our General," as he was called, and, 
indeed, he seemed to be their general and their friend. To him the 
women came freely to seek some favor for father or brother or husband 
in trouble, and always their petition was given a kindly hearing, what- 
ever the result. Beside the road, here and there as we passed, stood 
long lines of Austrian prisoners who had done a great part of the 
labor. They looked patient, but not cheerful, but as prisoners of war 
their lot did not seem a hard one. Certainly their work was useful 
and they were treated by the Italian officers with the most scrupulous 
courtesy. 

I have no time here to discuss the many other works of material 
improvement performed by the Italian army in Albania. Their efforts 
are continuous, and soon the old life of Albania will have passed away. 
Already the Vendetta seems to have disappeared; an armed man, 
except the soldier, is not seen ; the country is safe ; the people given 

[119] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

work. Often along roads that are coming into existence I have seen 
long lines of women, children and old men, thousands of them, it 
seemed to me, breaking stone from morning to night, for which they 
receive three lire and their bread and cheese per day. Even the very 
little ones are given the ration. Work is provided for those who can 
work, and to the helpless the government issues flour, rice, cornmeal 
and sugar. So by its work and by its charity the Italian Government 
has given the people of Albania the bread which has kept them from 
starvation. 

In the districts where troops are in camp, medical officers are in 
charge of the hospital service for the natives. A municipal doctor is 
appointed for the sanitary care of the town of Valona, and a hospital 
has been built of late with all modern and scientific arrangements. 
Municipal doctors are charged with the visiting of the sick at their 
houses, and necessary medicines are issued by the public dispensary to 
the poor. Special buildings have been fitted up for lodging places for 
homeless natives, and orphans who have been abandoned are confined 
to the care of families on whose morality the authorities can rely. In 
order to fight the most severe and the most characteristic of local sick- 
ness malarial quinine is largely distributed to the natives. It is 
even issued to the schoolmasters for the benefit of their students. 

These seem to be perhaps somewhat trivial matters to relate, but 
are necessary, I think, to show the excellent care given to small details 
of the work done for the people by the Italians. A word in regard to 
schools, of which it may be briefly stated that, during the Turkish 
regimes, the school question was completely ignored. The few schools 
which at that time existed were sectarian in character, Orthodox with 
an Hellenophile tendency, or Turkish Mohammedan. The Prince of 
Wied's government was unable to solve that or probably any other 
problem, but upon the landing of Italian troops the question of schools 
immediately came up, and common and sectarian schools started in 
every village, where both languages, Italian and Albanian, are taught. 
The Italian masters were chosen from amongst professional teachers 
picked from the troops, preference being given to those of Italo- 
Albanian origin, who are able to speak the native language. The 
government considers the problem of native language to be intimately 
connected with the broader one of the development of an Albanian 
conscience. Teaching is at present limited to the standard classics, 
special attention being given to an elementary practical course in agri- 
culture. For this purpose every school is provided with an orchard 

[120] 



ITALY S GREAT WORK IN ALBANIA 

or garden which all the school children help to cultivate. Each boy 
has a bread ration daily, and, thanks to private contributions, clothes 
and books have been distributed in many schools. The schools are 155 
at present, with 278 teachers and about 10,000 school children. At 
Arjirokastro, in behalf of the prefectura, a technical and commercial 
school has just been started, and another will shortly be opened at 
Valona. 

As regards agriculture, it may be said that Italians have made an 
excellent beginning in training the people by means of experimental 
farms. The best of these is at Valona, where the farm is established 
in a valley north of the town. It is an interesting institution and has 
proved useful to the army as well as instructive to the people. There 
are here under cultivation some four hundred acres, which produce 
wheat, vegetables, such as onions, cabbages, lettuce, and other things. 
Excellent houses have been erected and others are in progress. Some 
thirty-five soldiers are quartered here to till the lands and instruct the 
natives; of the latter about the same number are employed. These 
are paid one lira per day, with a little food, principally corn meal, given 
gratuitously. The natives prefer this to labor on the roads, though 
for that work in the neighborhood of Valona the Italian Government 
pays three and one-half lira per day. 

For the instruction of the country people, as well as for practical 
purposes, modern methods of cultivation are used, and approved farm 
machinery employed ; for instance, an American plow and a gasoline- 
driven engine, and other implements, were seen. The farm was this 
spring only in its second season, but already it seems that an average 
of 4,000 lire per month has been received from the sale of the produce, 
chiefly of course to the markets of Valona for use of the soldiers. 
Already the soldier-farmers are raising pigs, chickens, turkeys and 
pigeons and are experimenting with hares. It is a great work, 
intended primarily as an example to Albanian tenants and proprietors 
who are following the instruction they receive. They are given seed 
and farm machinery by the Italian Government, but are required in 
return to sell their produce for the use of the troops. For the cultiva- 
tion of these farms the government advances the money, but is repaid 
from the sales. Prices are fixed at a moderate rate. 

To Italy's course in Albania the world owes the uplift of a people 
from wretchedness and misery into the sunlight of hope. I need 
hardly predict in regard to our Ally's great part in the war that the 
verdict of the future will be: "Well, done, Italy! You and your 
soldiers hare won the gratitude and admiration of the world." 

[121] 



Dahmttia 




BY 



DOCTOR ROBERTO GHIGLIANOVITCH 



Member of the Dalmatian Diet 



I HE HONORABLE ROBERTO GHIGLIANO- 
VITCH is the representative of the Italians of Dal- 
matia. For the last thirty years he has been a 
Member of the Dalmatian Diet ; he is a former Presi- 
dent of the Political Association of the Italians of 
Dalmatia and of the Board of Directors of the 
National League for their Italian schools. During the 
War he was a Member of the Board of Directors of the Political 
Society of Unredeemed Italians in Rome. A man of his calibre would 
naturally be a shining target for the Austrian police, who hounded 
him ceaselessly and finally triumphed in an order for his arrest. This 
he forestalled by his escape to Italy in March, 1915. 

It is a constant source of grief to the Italian Dalmatians to recall 
how near they had come to attaining their goal of unity with Italy 
when Garibaldi, in 1866, had actually planned the expedition for their 
liberation, in which he was supported by Premier Ricasoli. Garibaldi 
conceived of this as a continuation of the general programme of Italian 
unity and freedom. The unfortunate events that followed cut short 
the cherished hopes of Garibaldi and his Dalmatian brothers. The 
latter always assumed that, in any martial activities for liberation and 
Italian unity, they were to take their share of dangers and hardships 
equally with the Italians of the Kingdom. They proved this gloriously 
in 1848, in 1859, and 1866. The following clear statement of Dr. 
Ghiglianovitch is full of inevitable suggestion. The Editors. 

[122] 



Dahuatia 




FTER MAKING MY ESCAPE to Italy in March, 
1915, I had the joy of returning to my native country 
with Admiral Millo, the hero of the Dardanelles, 
whom the Italian Government had named Governor 
of Dalmatia. I landed with him first at Sebenico and 
then at Zara. The two cities, and the Dalmatian 
Islands, had been occupied a few days before by the 
Italian land and sea forces. When we landed, the Italians at Sebenico 
received us with manifestations of joy. I found my native city, Zara, 
in ecstasy after the signing of the Armistice in November, 191*8. Its 
streets were all bedecked with thousands of Italian flags. When the 
Italian battleship arrived, with the Commander who had occupied Zara 
several hours before the signing of the Armistice, the entire population 
of the city gathered along the shore. Young and old, women and 
children, knelt devoutly, blessing Italy, their liberator ! 

When Admiral Millo spoke to the crowd from the balcony of the 
Municipal Palace of Zara, public demonstration knew no bounds. The 
entire population swore eternal allegiance to the Mother-Country, 
Italy, and to her glorious and victorious King. The Italians of the 
Dalmation Islands received the Italian forces of occupation with the 
same joyful acclaim. Thanks to the provisions made by the Italian 
Governor, after the first difficulties of feeding the population were 
overcome, and after dealing with Bolsheviki soldiers and prisoners 
whom Austria scattered through the interior of the country, life 
assumed its normal aspect. Food is plentiful there, and land and sea 
communications are being reestablished. Public administration and 
schools have resumed their regular work. The conduct of the troops 
of occupation is correct in every respect. Even the rural Slavs of 
the interior are receptive and appreciative. 

But the joy of all the liberated Italians is far from unalloyed. 
The chief city of Dalmatia, Spalato the city which bears so long 
and sad a history of struggles for the triumph of Italian sentiment 



[123] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

in Dalmatia has not been occupied by the Italian Army and Navy. 
It was not included in the line of the occupation of Dalmatia as 
traced by the conditions of the Treaty of Armistice between Italy and 
Austria-Hungary. At Spalato there is now a provisional Croatian 
government, acting under directions from the National Committee 
of Sagabria. With unheard-of violence, they suppress every demon- 
stration on the part of the large and important Italian element of the 
city. Italian and foreign newspapers have published for American 
and Allied public opinion news of the outrages committed against the 
Italians at Spalato. Their tragic fate can easily be foreseen if their 
city should not be reunited to Italy as Zara, Sebenico, and the Dalma- 
tian Islands will be. 

As an evidence of the persistently Italian character of Spalato, 
and of the ardent longing of the Italians at Spalato to have their city 
joined to Italy, the following incident will be enlightening. Only two 
days after the signing of the Armistice, about 5,000 Italians in Spalato 
became members of the National Association of the " Dante Alighieri " 
of Rome, which, since its foundation about thirty years ago, has been 
ceaseless in its efforts to uphold the sacred Italian aspirations among 
which, just like the Trentino, Venezia Giulia, Trieste, and Fiume, Dal- 
matia has always largely figured. 

Dalmatia has been as Italian as Rome and Venice for 2,000 years. 
It was Roman up to the time of the fall of the Roman Empire ; then it 
constituted itself into free communities, thoroughly Latin and Italian 
in character. It belonged to the Republic of Venice from 1409 to 
1797, in which year it was given by Napoleon to Austria, together 
with Venice and Istria. 

In spite of the barbarous methods employed by Austria from 1866 
to the day of her disruption, in order to bring about forcibly a pre- 
ponderance of Croatian population in Dalmatia, the Italian sentiment 
there is very much alive. This fact should be recognized and given 
serious consideration. Dalmatia has nothing of the Balkan and 
Eastern character. One has only to see its cities and be genuinely 
in touch with its populations in order to be convinced that Rome and 
Venice did not influence them externally only, but left indelible marks 
of Italian thought and culture upon them. Italy, therefore, has not 
only a legal claim, but a spiritual hold over the country. 

It is only because of her high regard for the aspirations of the 
new State, which comes into being beyond the chain of the Dinaric 

[124] 



DALMATIA 

Alps, that Italy is disposed to make the sacrifice to the new State of a 
very considerable part of the Dalmatian territory. The southern 
part includes the important outlets on the Adriatic of Metcovich, 
Kleck, Neum, Gravosa, Ragusa, Bocche di Cattaro. With these out- 
lets and those south of Fiume reaching the northern border of Dal- 
matia (and that means Buccari, Porto Re, Novi, Cirquenizza, Segna, 
Jablanaz, Carlopago), and with the addition of the harbors of Antivari 
and Dulcigno, the new Jugo-Slav State would possess two sections 
of the Adriatic coast, extending for about 2,000 kilometers (450 
miles), a coast which would more than amply supply their needs for 
any possible economic and commercial development. 




[125] 



Ammra ttt Arma 



A 3fm UfttOfrUto,, by 3foh.n JL >lat*r, of tip HtttarrBitij of orlp0t?r, of 
tip Hatter fart of tip Eloquent ($to to Ammra (EompoBfo by 
for 3talu/B (E*l*bratum of Am?rira*B 

Jlultruritornrr Dan. 1918 



BY 



GABRIELE D'ANNUNZIO 



America, thy soul is marching on! 

John Brown's old song, deep-rooted in thy soil, 

Thy sacred earth that never can forget, 

Springs forth again like some strange crimson flower. 

Out of the deep years still the tolling bells 

That sounded for his passing in the west 

Echo again the call to martyrdom. 

The seed is come to harvest: marching on, 

Thy eager youths leap forth from thy brown furrows, 

Leaving thy white streets for the long, long trail. 

Stars in their hands they bear, and drive before them 

Out of thy States all base designs for peace. 

March on ! In our fair fields the blood is flowing 

That stained the valley of the Shenandoah. 

Here is the clash of steel, the fire, the anguish ; 

Here is the sweat, the rage, the bitter grief ; 

Hunger and thirst are here; the dead, the dying; 

The unclean herd that welters on the field. 

[126] 



TO AMERICA IN ARMS 

March on ! As long ago, so now in battle 
Here in our forests, on our mountain-tops, 
By our Italian lakes and rivers striving, 
By land or sea, man finds his life at last 
Where day by day he meets death face to face. 
No longer is there sleep nor time for waiting, 
No truce, no rest ; the reveille is past. 
March on, to fight the battle of the world! 



Down in the sweet old valley of Virginia 

The birds are singing softly in the grove; 

And Stonewall Jackson wakes again at midnight, 

Scenting the Southern blood that blows afar, 

With shattered arm upraised, shouts, " Forward, march! 

There in the darkness where his loved ones laid him 

He cries, with that old voice they knew so well, 

" Send my men forward they will not retreat." 

Phil Sheridan is once more in the saddle; 
He scents disaster twenty miles away, 
And gallops through the dim years of the dead. 
That great bay horse has neither bit nor bridle ; 
His heart is swifter than his flying feet ; 
And when he comes, the end is victory ! 



*' Ships! Ships! Ships! " cries Farragut the admiral, 

Who sank the rams, and burned the rafts, and tore the chains away. 

Sailor stout of heart, with the love of right and liberty, 

Where is now the barrier that must be broken through ? 

W r here is now the harbor to be wrested from the enemy ? 

What is now the armor that the guns must batter down? 

Farragut is pale in death, but into his own sepulchre 

Premuda's hero * comes to share his glories and his dreams. 



* Captain Rizzo. Premuda is an island in the Adriatic, the scene of Austro- Italian 
naval battles. 



[127] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

" Wings! Wings! Wings! " is the cry in all the air to-day: 

Not the cry of victors who have fallen in the fight, 

Not the cry of air cadets, nor crowds beneath the hurricane, 

But the cry of Victory herself who calls for wings ! 

Give her wings, and see her take the skies and make her home with us, 

Fly by tens of thousands o'er the Piave and the Marne ! 

Hover o'er our sacred streams, and high above our mountain-tops 

Rise forever into life above the realms of death ! 

" Free ! Free ! Free ! " Hear the motors sing for Liberty, 
Never-ceasing thunder as her passing rends the sky. 
Hear the engines booming out the hymn of human Liberty, 
While the clouds conceal the earth and smoke pollutes the air. 
How the breath grows short and the stoutest heart is nigh appalled, 
How the martyr's death is hidden in the gulfs of space ! 
But the Winged Victory grows taller and more beautiful, 
Strong and ever stronger is her voice above the storm ! 



Live, then, America, for truth is living; 

Die, for in death is immortality. 

Form once again with us the line of battle. 

The war begins: for this, the world's great hour 

Of strife and harvest, arms and scythes are ready 

To fight and reap, in Death's great harvest day. 

No longer will we share our bread with brutes. 

At last we're on the march, to plod no longer 

Like driven cattle 'neath the tyrant's goad. 

The people in arms are marching to the future, 

And dedicate their stars to years unseen. 

We're on the march! How long shall we be marching? 

Until the roads of east and west are free ; 

Until beneath the four winds of the world 

Freedom is possible for all mankind ; 

Until we reach the end of our long journey ; 

Until time brings the fullness of the years. 

A Faith in arms is marching to the future ; 

Its flags are consecrated to the dawn ! f 

* Reproduced in THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY through the courtesy of The 
Outlook. 

[128] 



'H &qtutfir0tt owr Hwtna 




BY 

LIEUTENANT STEFANO D'AMICO 

Member of the Italian Military Mission 
for Aeronautics to the United States 

FTER three years of Austrian and German aeroplane 
incursions over the most splendid cities of Italy, after 
hundreds of women, old men, and babies had been 
wickedly slaughtered by murderous bombs, after the 
destruction of priceless treasures of choicest art, eight 
Italian machines, with prodigal skill and boldness, 
arrived above the Capitol of the Monarchy of the 
Hapsburgs, and with undisturbed dominion kept the vast metropolis 
under the menace of the Italian "Vendetta." 

It was 9:20 on the morning of August the 9th. The principal 
streets of Vienna were crowded by a throng, whose stupor was as 
great as their incredulity. That courageous tricolour, passing and 
repassing above the Hof, over the royal palace of Carl I and Carl IV, 
above the towers of St. Stephen, above the Ring, was it indeed the 
flag of Italy ? But the dismay of those who stared up at the invaders 
was only for a second; for not crashing bombs, but showers of tri- 
colored pamphlets, sparkling through the air like rainbow-fragments 
of a silver mine exploded in the sun already high, descended from the 
sky and fell in the streets, in the squares, and on the houses, passing 
the word of civilization. Perhaps some were even able to insinuate 
themselves inside the inaccessible Castle of Schoembrum. 

The squadron was commanded by the famous aviator and poet, 
Gabriele d'Annunzio, the personification of Italy's national aspira- 
tion, he who with a magnificent word, with constant example and 
intrepid boldness, was the radiant light for every Italian soldier. And 
now, with the triumph of his firm desire, with his much-dreamed-of 
flight over Vienna become a glorious military achievement, the incen- 
tive to others still more magnificent, our memory may turn back to 



[129] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

the anxieties and discussions which had to be faced for three years in 
order to convince the commanders of the possibility and effectiveness 
of such an action. Once before everything had been ready for the 
flight. During September, 1917, a squadron of Capronis had been 
completely prepared, with machines and men awaiting the approach of 
the fixed hour, when, a few hours before the appointed time of depar- 
ture, Headquarters, for reasons unknown, forbade the flight. 

D'Annunzio and his pilots with profound regret had to resign 
themselves and renew the daily struggle of persuasion, which they 
continued until their dream was realized. Their flight was expected 
from day to day. Amongst the aviators at the front it had become 
the main topic of conversation. 

In a field in the Venetian plains the perilous trip was prepared 
for with joy, but the changeable weather, sometimes clear and at other 
times stormy, hindered the departure. Finally, on the 9th of August, 
the trip was to be undertaken. On the night preceding that fateful 
dawn d'Annunzio spoke magnificent words of confidence to his com- 
panions, to which they answered by swearing to accompany him any- 
where. Then came the hour of departure, 5:50 A. M. One by one, 
at half-minute intervals, the machines arose and assumed a "closed 
formation." The squadron selected for the raid was called "Serenis- 
sima," the name of the famous Venetian Republic, since it was manned 
entirely by young Venetians, sworn to consecrate their lives to the 
defense of Venice. 

The type of aeroplane employed was entirely of Italian conception 
and manufacture, bearing the name of "S. V. A." It is the most 
perfect machine in the aviation camp, equipped with a "260 H. P.-S. P. 
A." motor, having a velocity of 145 miles per hour. It climbs very 
rapidly and is used largely on the Italian front, either as a pursuit 
machine, or for swift long-distance reconnaissance, being strongly 
armed with two machine guns. It is the terror of the Austrian 
aviators. 

The machines, in their "closed formation," were headed by 
d'Annunzio. The squadron steered for Venice, passed that city, and 
soared on over the Italian lines on the Piave. For a while the more 
advanced lookouts were able to watch the machines, crossing the 
enemy's positions like swift eagles. Then speedily they disappeared 
in, the air, leaving behind them at the aviation field a suspense and 
expectation which seemed infinite, filling a space of time which seemed 
eternal. 

[130] 



D'ANNUNZIO'S SQUADRON OVER VIENNA 

The route, going, was to be over Caorle, Palmanova, Klangenfurt, 
Kapjenburg, Neustad, to Vienna, about 315 miles, while on the return 
the machines were to deviate so as to pass over Gratz, Lubiana, and 
Trieste. All told, 630 miles must be measured by the flight, 500 of 
which were above enemy territory. 

Its boldness of conception and extraordinary aim gave an epic 
character to the undertaking, and the anxiety of those waiting was 
tortured by the imagining of far-off difficulties, nameless snares, and 
unforeseen resistances. The atmospheric conditions, good at the 
departure, became after a short time distinctly unfavorable. Dense, 
black clouds sailed through the horizon, and squalls of wind shook the 
machines, which nevertheless proceeded undaunted toward their goal. 

At Klagenfurt the enemy's flying field was seen to have been 
thrown into astonished confusion. Two machines attempted to climb 
up and give pursuit ; but the Italian aviators passed over and out of 
sight with great velocity, steering directly for Vienna, which they 
were rapidly approaching. 

It was 9:20 A. M. when the eight superb machines appeared over 
Vienna. Descending to an altitude of two thousand feet, always in a 
"closed formation," they arrived above the heart of the city. 

Each machine carried a load of pamphlets, written both in Italian 
and German, testifying to the terrible and marvellous power of 
America, announcing the certain victory of the Allies, and urging the 
people of Austria to break the German yoke that enthralled them. 
Above the center of the city the Italian aviators dropped their cargoes 
of pamphlets, which scattered in the air and descended slowly toward 
the ground, falling amidst the dense crowds, and in some cases even 
inside the walls which surround the Imperial Gardens of Hof fburg. 

After twenty minutes of soaring above the great town, during 
which Vienna was spanned several times, the leader gave the signal to 
return. Not an Italian shot had been fired, not a machine had arisen 
from the city to attempt an attack in defense. 

The return, like the advance, was accomplished as had been 
planned. Over Lubiana a few disorderly cannon-shots were fired. 
Above Trieste a hydroplane, circling over the city, seemed uncertain 
whether or not to attack the closed group of Italian aeroplanes which 
were passing swiftly, but with great prudence renounced the fight. 

Beyond Triese the Adriatic was crossed, the airmen steering for 
Venice. Above Venice d'Annunzio threw down a message of saluta- 
tion to the City "Serenissima," from which his squadron had taken its 

[131] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

name. And then the flying field appeared, afar off, in the waste 
green plains. It was then precisely 12:25 A. M. 

The field was crowded by joyous companions who through inter- 
minable hours had awaited the return with inexpressible anxiety. 
The trip had lasted six hours and thirty-five minutes. Not counting 
the stop above Vienna, nor the time it took to climb to their altitude, 
the aviators had done the 630 miles in less than six hours, notwith- 
standing unpropitious atmospheric conditions. 

The task, so long a dream, had awakened into accomplishment, 
which already thrilled with burning desires to lead into greater things. 

This was the realized vision of Gabriele d'Annunzio! In Ger- 
many and Austria a great legend of hatred was created about the Poet. 
They recognized in him the most powerful enemy they had amongst 
the Italians. The enemy Imperial Government set a large sum upon 
his head, but the only effect was to bring him flying over every part 
of their dominions. There was not a bold undertaking on land or sea 
where his tracks failed to cleave the shining air. 

"D'Annunzio in flights to Cattaro, Pola, and Trieste! D'An- 
nunzio in all the battles! D'Annunzio above Vienna! On the 
breeze of victory, which uplifts itself from the rivers of liberty, we 
have come only out of joy of boldness ! we have come only to show 
you what we shall be able to do when it is our desire, at the time that 
we select ! 

"The rumble of the young Italian wing is not like the death-bell. 
But our audacity suspends a sentence, between St. Stephen and the 
Graban, that is not revocable, O people of Vienna! " 

These were the last words of the message which the Poet dropped 
upon Vienna. 



|132] 




TIIK PILOTS OK TIIK SQfADKOX " SKKKXISS1MA." WITH TIIKIK CAPTAIN, 
n'ANNTN/lO, IN TIIK CKNTUK 




Till sol AIi:ii.N " SKUKNISSIMA ' PASSIM! <>Yi:i; MTAP.I.K III' I I.I >l M !S uK Vli:\N\ 



[133] 




[134] 




[135] 




[136] 



ItHtt witty ttyr Option nf Jttalg 



BY 

MARY HATCH WILLARD 



Founder of the National Surgical Dressings Committee, the French 

Comfort Packets Committee, and America's Allies 

Co-operative Committee 




WORD of explanation is sufficient in presenting Mrs. 
Mary Hatch Willard's very interesting account of 
her visit with the Queen of Italy and the Queen's 
household in the autumn of 1918. Mrs. Willard 
had long been the head of an American organization 
engaged in collecting funds for Italian relief work, 
and had sent into Italy both funds and hospital sup- 
plies in large amounts, the distribution in Italy being done through 
an organization directed by the Contessa di Robilant, wife of General 
de Robilant, who has since been serving as a member of the Italian 
Peace Council. Thus Mrs. Willard was received by the Queen as 
the representative of American women who had been laboring unre- 
mittingly for the relief of Italy throughout the war. The Editors. 
At Bologna they brought me the telegram. Was it possible that 
the Queen was going to receive me at her summer palace, or was I 
dreaming? Twice I read the message. There was no mistaking 
the meaning. I was to see the Queen of Italy. I knew that General di 
Robilant had asked her Majesty for an audience, but as I had been 
told that she received very few people I was prepared to be dis- 
appointed, and had quite forgotten that I had even the remotest 
chance of such an honor. Then the telegram was shown me. 

Preparations were immediately begun for my departure, the 
time tables were consulted, and a telegram was sent to the Court, 
announcing that I would arrive at Pisa the following morning at nine 
o'clock. I was thrilled over the graciousness of her Majesty in allow- 
ing me an audience at her country home, which was but a short 

[137] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

distance by automobile from Pisa. Not even the prospect of a dismal 
night ahead dampened my enthusiasm and the glorious anticipation 
of a wonderful experience. 

My friends of the Ufficio Doni saw me off. After a visit to 
their offices, the Bureau of Distribution, and warehouses, and after 
a dinner at the hotel, with all arrangements made for my extra lug- 
gage, which was to be taken by an officer on to Modane to await me 
there, I boarded the train with a handbag and my " Corona " (which 
even a visit to the Queen could not make me part with), at 7.30 A. M., 
with several dreary hours before me. 

The train was crowded, every seat occupied, with many standing 
in the corridors. It is wonderful, the patience of the Italians over 
the traveling accommodations few trains, long waits, and slow 
progress. ' The war and lack of coal," they will tell you, without a 
murmur, if you criticise the service. 

At midnight I arrived at Florence, where I was to remain until 
six o'clock. Florence ! how well I remembered it, and how I wished it 
were daylight that I might once again revel in its enchanting beauty. 
I. might as well have been in Hoboken or Jersey City as in this, one 
of the most beautiful cities in the world. It was inky black, as I 
followed the porter along the dimly-lighted station, into the street, 
and crossed the road to the hotel. The proprietor, a portly looking 
man, seemed surprised to see an American arriving at that hour of 
the night. " Oh! " I thought. " If I told you I was on my way to 
the Queen, how would your look of surprise turn into wonder and 
respect! " 

I had picked up a few words of Italian, and in my effort to make 
him understand what I wanted, in the presence of a splendid-looking 
officer, who was awaiting his turn for an interview, I mixed up my 
French, my few words of Italian, and my English in an appalling 
way. I wondered later how he had managed to understand that I 
wanted accommodations for a few hours, until the departure of my 
train at six o'clock. I got a room and managed to rest for a few 
hours, until awakened by a loud rap at my door and a voice announc- 
ing that it was five o'clock. Tired and sleepy ? Yes ; but I was on my 
way to the Queen, and the time was approaching for my audience. 

Again the walk in the darkness, and another crowded train. I 
watched the sunrise, and reveled in the fields and hills which it then 
shone upon. Daybreak was propitious for a pleasant day the 
kind I had had since my arrival, with the exception of one day. I 

[138] 



MY VISIT WITH THE QUEEN OF ITALY 

am convinced that the season for Italy is September, when the air is 
soft and balmy, even in the mountains, and the showers, now and 
then, only lay the dust and do not prevent one's enjoying the country. 
I wanted the sunshine, and one of those glorious days, which I had 
had till now ; so I eagerly scanned the horizon, as the sun rose higher 
and higher. A shower ! what a pity ! but the clouds soon broke away 
and the sun was out again, precisely to my wish. It seemed " good 
luck." 

The usual rush to get off the train and to find a porter followed 
our arrival at Pisa. All the time I was wondering if the Queen had 
received my telegram, and if there would be any one to meet me. 
Across the tracks, down a long platform, I hurried after my porter, 
going as directed to the office of the military commander. Just as 
I was about to enter there I noticed a very commanding, fine-looking 
gentleman, different from anyone else I had seen at the station. 
Simultaneously we approached each other. In his hand was a tele- 
gram, and pointing out my name, he asked me in French if I were 
Madame Willard. " I have come to meet you," he said. ' The 
Queen's auto is just outside." ' Have you any baggage? " he con- 
tinued. " No," I replied, " only these," pointing to my bag and type- 
writer, which the porter still held. ' I am on a very hurried trip 
to Italy. The rest of my baggage is being taken on to Modane by an 
officer who will meet me there." I offered this in explanation of 
my meagre outfit. "Do you speak English?" I inquired. " Mal- 
hereusement, non," he replied, and I blessed every moment in which I 
had studied French, so as to be able to converse with this Count, the 
Messenger of the Queen. 

I stepped into the big touring car, feeling like Alice in Wonder- 
land not that this car was different from many others in which I 
had ridden, but it was the Queen's, and it had been sent to meet me. 
' We will go to the hotel, if you wish; Her Majesty will receive you 
at any hour this morning which will be agreeable to you, and you 
must be weary after your trip." How I blessed the thoughtfulness 
of Her Majesty, for I was feeling not at all fit to stand in the presence 
of royalty after that hideous night. 

Curious, this desire one has to be as smart-looking as possible 
when expecting an audience with royalty. I remembered this morn- 
ing that I had felt the same sensation when I was presented at the 
Court of Saint James to make my courtesy to King Edward. The 
preparations then were more carefully considered even than for my 

[139] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

wedding, and, from head to foot, the slippers, the veil, the feathers - 
no detail was overlooked in order to be perfectly gowned, and to have 
everything en regie for the occasion. And yet I was perfectly 
aware that five hundred women were to be presented at the same 
time, with head-gear precisely the same, put on exactly alike, and 
that there was not one chance in a thousand that the King would 
notice the style of my gown, or the texture of the material, or the 
fit which I had so carefully considered. The Queen and the 
Princesses and the other Ladies of the Court, who are always present 
at the King's audiences, might indeed have a care, for I saw them 
that memorable evening smile over some of the dresses worn. 

I remembered, too, that when the Queen of Belgium had the 
graciousness to receive me at her little palace by the sea, at La Panne, 
I thought I ought to give every .possible attention to my outfit ; yet, 
after I had spent a good deal of time in dressing, and in having every 
hair in its proper place, she received me in a simple outing gown and 
a blue Tam-o'-Shanter hat, the color of her eyes. 

So I was glad to have a little time to wash and brush up for my 
audience. " I can be ready in an hour, if that will be a convenient 
time for you," I said to the Queen's Gentleman of the Court. ' I 
will return at that time for you," he replied, and drove away, leaving 
me already more in love with Her Majesty than ever on account of 
her thoughtfulness in biding my time. Womanlike, she knew how I 
would feel, and she was even then trying to make it pleasant for me. 

The Count returned, and we were soon on our way to the 
Queen's palace. I did not have the remotest idea how far we should 
motor before arriving, but we had gone only a short distance from 
the city, by the leaning Tower of Pisa, the wonderful old Church and 
Sacristy, with the lovely view of the hills in the distance, when we 
approached the iron gates of the park of the palace. They were 
opened by the guards, and then other gates, looking down a long vista 
of road bordered by beautiful trees. I saw a large square yellow 
building in the distance, and wondered if this were the lodge of the 
palace, because I had pictured the country home of the King and 
Queen as one of noble proportions, elaborate in design, with terraces 
leading to a sunken garden, superb statuary, flowering shrubs, etc. 
So I wondered if we should not drive on to the palace of my imagina- 
tion; but we began to slow down and drove under the portc cochere 
of the large square building I had first seen from the gates. 

The Count asked me within, and I was ushered into a reception 

[140] 



MY VISIT WITH THE QUEEN OF ITALY 

room, simply but comfortably furnished with some rare antiques. In 
the centre of a large round table, containing magazines from all over 
the world, our own Harper's and Scribner's lay among the others. 
They were arranged, as in a club-room, around a vase of lovely 
flowers. There were flowers also on the mantel. As I waited, I was 
expecting that a Lady-in-Waiting would enter at any moment, who 
would escort me to the Queen, and that I should then make my 
courtesy, and, after a few moments' conversation, retire and be 
motored back to my hotel, where I should spend the rest of the dav 
by myself. I summoned to my mind all the court manners I knew, 
and kept saying to myself,. " Don't forget you are to courtesy, to wait 
until the Queen asks you to be seated. You must be sure that she 
precedes you," etc., etc. 

I was anxiously awaiting the Lady-in-Waiting when, suddenly, 
the door was opened and a tall, beautiful woman with wonderful 
brown eyes, dressed in black, with a row of pearls at her throat and 
a bunch of flowers at the waist of her well-fitting, modish black gown, 
approached me. Graciously she held out her hand in welcome, led 
me into an adjoining room, which was very large, but also simple, 
and bade me be seated. 

' Your Majesty," I said, speaking French, " I recognize the great 
honor you have conferred upon me by receiving me to-day, and I 
thank you for granting me this audience." She replied that she was 
greatly pleased to receive me, and then we talked of many things. I 
asked about the children, the Prince and the little Princesses, and she 
told me how naturally and simply they had been taught to think of 
others. The Princess Yolande, she said, who personally attends the 
sick, takes a part of the sugar, which is her daily allowance, puts it 
away until she has a little bundle of it, and then carries it to some 
sick person whom she is looking after. 

A mother's love and pride in her children were never more 
beautifully expressed than by this beautiful woman, who is an ador- 
able mother, wrapped up in her family. 

" I want them to be real men and women first," she said, " and 
not only Princes and Princesses. I want them to grow up, always 
thoughtful of others, and to appreciate the noble, fine things in life, 
and not to think of their titles and positions as important above all 
else. They lead the life of normal children, and are taught to do 
everything practical. I do not care," this beautiful woman con- 
tinued, " for all the formalities which belong to my position ; I like 

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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

simplicity; I go without a maid; I attend to my own dressing." Then, 
laughing and then putting her hands behind her back : " I do have 
to have some one help me with this. Usually, I wear just simple 
country dresses out here in the country, except when I expect a guest ; 
then I wear this." 

I was charmed, and felt perfectly at ease with this great 
Queen all the greater, it seemed to me, for her cordial, simple 
manners. I asked if I might see the children. I told her how we 
loved the little Prince in our Country, and what pleasure it would 
give me to meet them. " Come with me," she said. " They are at 
the beach; we will meet them coming home." 

Her Majesty called for her hat, and a car was driven to the door. 
She took the wheel, I getting in beside her, and we drove down a long 
straight road in the park which, she explained, led to the sea. " Our 
summer home is really by the sea. I will show it to you, but we are 
not occupying it this summer." 

Presently there came towards us a group of children the 
Princess Yolande and the Prince on biccycle, with the younger ones 
in a pony cart with their governess. The young Prince, a splendid 
boy with the most bewitching smile, waved to his mother. " Ah," 
she said, " he is such a darling boy, he is my companion and friend, 
as well as my son, and is such a comfort to me. He is only fourteen, 
but so big for his age. You will see." 

She called to the children to stop, and we came to a halt. I got 
out of the car and she presented the little Prince and the Princesses 
to me. The Prince kissed my hand, and the others greeted me 
charmingly, as if I had a right to be there. " We will find the baby," 
her Majesty explained, " with his nurse, down by the sea a most 
adorable child, with such a wonderful look in his eyes. You will see." 

We passed a Swiss cottage, surrounded by trees, simple and 
unpretentious. ' This is the home I told you about ; I love it ; and 
the sea is just beyond. That house across the way," pointing to a 
large square building, " was occupied by our staff; but we do not need 
it now, for most of them have gone to war. We must set an example, 
and not keep more employes than we cannot absolutely do without; 
so we have very few with us now. Look," she said, " there is the 
sea ! " I was amazed to see how near it was. ' The wind is heavy 
to-day and it is quite rough. We have left everything just as it 
was the sand dunes, with nothing artificial." 

[142] 



MY VISIT WITH THE QUEEN OF ITALY 

Her Majesty then pointed to a group of little thatched-ropf 
houses, a tiny village built in the sand dunes. ' Here," she said, 
" the children are taught housekeeping, cooking, gardening, the care 
of animals. It is their own little town. I believe in having them 
taught the practical things of life." We stepped into one of the 
little houses. " This is the kitchen where they learn to cook, and 
they often get their own meals here." Then, passing on into another 
room, " This is the dining room." The table was set, as if the 
children had just finished playing there. ' Here they learn how to 
clean and keep the silver in order, and how to manage everything in 
connection with this part of a home." 

" Oh, there is the baby," the Queen cried ; and going over to him r 
a boy of three, she presented the little Prince to me, and he took my 
hand, and we became friends at once such a pretty baby, with 
great brown eyes, with the look which his mother described. She 
took him up in her arms, and then he put his hand in mine as \V 
walked about the little village and inspected the cow-stall, the pigeon- 
house, and the flower and vegetable garden of this miniature village. 

I said to the baby, "What are you doing?" He replied in 
English, " Making soup for Sunday." There was a bowl of spinach 
on the bench beside the nurse. Then her Majesty explained that on 
Sundays the older children cook dinner, and serve it, and often 
have their little friends dine with them not as the Princes and 
Princesses of the Royal House, but just as intimate little friends. 
" I often come to the beach for my dejeuner," she continued, " as I 
can get through so much more quickly, and I have so much to do." 

" You are busy all of the time? " I asked. " Oh, yes," she said, 
" every minute. There is always so much to be accomplished, even 
here in the country; there is not time for all." During our conver- 
sation she talked of the King. " His tastes are so simple ; when he 
is at home he sleeps on an army cot, and he travels as a simple soldier. 
He wraps his brush and other toilet articles in a small package and 
does them up with newspaper. His officers all have their traveling 
cases, but not his Majesty. He has only been at home four days 
since the War. He adores his wife and children. This I heard 
from the Master of Ceremonies at Padua. 

We returned to the house, and I thought I had had enough 

honors for one day, when, in the most cordial way, the Queen said, 

' We should like to have you breakfast with us, if you do not mind 

a simple meal." I was so overcome that I hardly knew how to reply. 

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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

Lunch with her Majesty, in her country home, en famille, that was 
too much; but of course I accepted, and we passed into the house 
together. 

The family was waiting for us, and was lined up in front of the 
dining-room door, which opened into the room where we had had our 
interview. Introductions were in order. The Queen entered the 
room first, I followed, and then the rest of the Royal Household. 
The room was large and the table was set for fifteen people. The 
decorations were simple, the crown, on some of the china and glasses, 
alone designating the rank of the owner. The room was nicely but 
plainly furnished almost what you might expect in any home of 
culture. Liveried waiters were the only evidence of style. 

I was at the right of the charming little Prince, and on the other 
side of me sat the Princess Yonne. Next to her, at the head of the 
long end of the table, was the manager of the studies of the Prince. 
He selects the studies, decides upon the masters, the linguists, etc., 
and the course of education. The Prince, a great student, loves to 
study and read. His favorite study, he told me, was art. He loved 
it the best. He is so brilliant, with a memory, they explained, like 
his Majesty's, that they can have only the most advanced instructors. 
He is only fourteen, but is very tall for his age. Slightly built, yet 
strong and well set, he has the most ravishing smile. He was dressed 
in a white sweater suit, very like a baseball shirt with sleeves. 

The Princess and the two other little Princesses were simply 
dressed for the country, their hair tied up in little pig-tails. Next 
to the Prince's Master was the English head of instruction of the 
three Princesses. She occupies the same relative position to them as 
does to the Queen the Master of Ceremonies, who met me at the 
station. He is a charming man. 

At the Queen's right was the Prince of Servia, a young man of 
whom the Queen is very fond, as they are bound by royal ties. Then 
came the dear Little Princess, who has quite a keen sense of humor. 
Next sat the teacher of languages, and, beside the Prince on his left, 
the Princess. 

The conversation was very general. The children all spoke 
English, but the Queen, the Count, and the Prince spoke French. I 
said I had picked up a few words of Italian, and the Prince asked 
" what words ? " I told them, and they roared with laughter, so we 
were all quite at home with each other. The Princess is a great 
sport, rides horseback, and loves all out-door exercises. The Prince 

[144] 






MY VISIT WITH THE QUEEN OF ITALY 

loves animals, and one day his mother was surprised to feel some- 
thing punching her elbow. She turned to see what it was, and found 
the boy's donkey in her room ! 

After luncheon I thanked the Queen, and shook hands with 
everyone, the little Prince kissing my hand. The Queen's motor was 
at the door, and I passed out, feeling that I had gone from one of the 
happiest homes I had ever had the privilege of visiting. The honor 
of the whole occasion impressed me as nothing else had ever done, 
because it was all done so naturally, and I was made to feel so much 
at home that I forgot who was entertaining me, and seemed to fit as 
naturally into the home-life as if I were an old friend of the family. 

Such is the charm of this beautiful Italian Queen. I loved Italy, 
the beautiful country, and her splendid people; but I shall love all 
still more now, because of the beautiful Queen with whom I spent 
one of the happiest days of my life. 

I returned to the hotel, half dreaming. I stepped out on to the 
balustrade, in front of my room, and looked out upon a dream city. 
The Arno, spanned by beautiful old bridges at my feet, went winding 
in graceful curving lines through the city; the old picturesque tower, 
on the other side of the river, rang out the hour of two o'clock; and 
on the opposite bank was the poem of a Venetian facade, with its 
graceful pillars and carved stone arches. Above, the sun was shin- 
ing brilliantly, the sky was a perfect blue, and the fantastic clouds, 
seen on the horizon, added to the beauty of this Italian scene. The 
Prince's words came to me, " I love Art." " Ah," I thought, " the 
boy has it here in his own Italy, as in no other country ; and this dear 
boy of fourteen will some day be a great Prince, and a great King." 

And so my visit to the Queen was over. The reality had sur- 
passed my wildest imaginations, and I was still wondering why I 
should have had this good fortune, under circumstances which would 
not happen again in a lifetime, when there was a rap at my door, and 
the concierge said, with a good deal of excitement, " Madame Wil- 
lard, a telephone from the Court; and they want to know if you will 
receive the Count at five o'clock, who will have some photographs and 
papers for you." With all the calm I could command, as if I were 
in the habit of receiving telephone messages from the Court, I replied, 
" Say that Mrs. Willard will be very pleased to receive the Count at 
five o'clock." 

The Queen had promised me some pictures of the children, so I 
knew that she was sending them by the Count. There was a beauti- 

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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

ful large portrait of herself, and one of each of the children, all signed 
by themselves, except those of the little girl, signed by the Queen. It 
was another most gracious act, and I shall prize these pictures among 
my treasures. It is the end of a perfect day;* the sun has set, and 
my thoughts are still with that dear Royal Family and their beautiful 
mother. I leave Pisa to-morrow, but I take with me something so 
wonderfully lovely that this will always be a blessed city to me. 



* Mrs. Willard wrote out this account of her visit that same afternoon, after returning to 
her hotel The Editors. 




[146] 



Utahj'a Ifar-flattw 

BY 

CAPTAIN GIUSEPPE BE VIONE 

Member of the Italian Parliament ; Chief of the 
Italian Military Mission for Aeronautics 




IVERYBODY knows that the war industries of all the 
Allied Nations, and particularly the industries of 
aviation, draw from America the essential part of 
the raw materials they use. 

The magnificent victories of the Allied Armies 
during these last days, which have added so much 
glory to the American name, make us wonder at the 
splendid results that might have been obtained, had we been able to 
realize that which we most needed supremacy of the air so as to 
pursue the retreating foe with our squadrons of airplanes, spreading 
terror and disorder among his lines and destroying and closing railway 
junctions, roads, bridges, and trestles. 

The foe's power of resistance would thus have been struck at its 
vitals, in its center of supplies, at the great factories of arms and 
ammunition, at the bridges, railways, and roads by means of which the 
armies at the front were kept in fighting trim. 

But in order to attain to an unlimited output of its powers of pro- 
duction, Italy would have had to obtain from this country an adequate 
and continually increasing quantity of raw materials, metals, wood, 
dopes, and textile matter. It was absolutely necessary that we should 
obtain such assistance from the American Government, of course, in 
perfect harmony with the needs of all our allies, and for this pur- 
pose I was sent to Washington and appointed Chief of the Italian 
Military Mission for Aeronautics. 

It may be of interest to show how efficiently the raw materials 
which were provided us were being utilized. Our progress was 
remarkable, and every Italian may justly be proud of it. Italy passed 
beyond the critical period of experimental research and of uncertain- 
ties, always to be overcome at the beginning of new enterprises. Italy 

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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

was supplying her own needs in motors and planes entirely, besides 
using her own original types of machines. Within a few months all 
the machines flying at the Italian front would have been of Italian 
manufacture and design, and equipped with Italian motors. 

It is generally known that military aviation needs four types of 
machines: fighting, scouting, day bombing and night bombing 
machines. As to fighting aeroplanes, Italy turned out two splendid 
types, the A-l (so-called "Balilla"), a machine developed from the 
S. V. A. of the Ansaldo factory; and the "Pe-Gamma," from the orig- 
inal plans of the Pomilio Works (recently taken over by the Ansaldo 
factory). 

As to the other types of flying machines for warfare, Italy was 
well provided with models of her own, produced in large numbers. We 
have, in fact, two types of scouting machines of high value : The SIA 
8-B (developed from the former 7-B type), made by the SIA factory, 
which is a branch of the FIAT, and the P. P. of the Pomilio factory 
which, as previously stated, has been incorporated into the Ansaldo 
works. 

Two important raids were performed last year by the SIA 7-B 
aeroplane ; that is, the flight from Turin to Naples and return ( 1 ,004 
miles) without landing, and from Turin to London (700 miles), with 
the crossing of the Alps. 

For day bombing, where speed and great power are essential, two 
Italian machines were ready, which had already undegone the most 
severe tests. One is the SVA, built by the Ansaldo factory, which can 
also be used for fighting and scouting, and had accomplished the bomb- 
ing of Inasbruck, besides performing the raid on Friedriechshafen. 
The second machine is the SIA 9-B, equipped with a Fiat engine of 
700 HP, which, owing to its speed and great power, can be flown over 
long distances and be used in broad daylight bombing. 

For night bombing there were the biplane and triplane Caproni, 
now of international fame. The larger model of Caproni biplane 
(CA-5), equipped in Italy with three Fiat motors of 300 HP each, is 
without doubt superior to all similar types in existence, so much so that 
all of our Allies, American, British, and French, largely adopted it; 
and at the French front several Italian squadrons of Caproni were in 
active service, adding new records to their well-established reputation. 
It is also known to-day that at Mineola, L. I., the first Caproni built in 
the United States and equipped with American Liberty Motors, had 
gone through its tests with the greatest success, and that the Federal 

[148] 



ITALY S WAR-PLANES 

authorities had placed with American firms large orders for Caproni- 
Liberty Aeroplanes. 

I firmly believe that Italy can be proud of its aviation achieve- 
ments and victories. On the 15th of last June, the first day of the 
ill-fated Austrian drive on the Piave, 34 Austrian airplanes were 
downed, while only two of our machines were reported missing. 

But no aeroplane, as perfect as may be its design and construction, 
could be of any service unless equipped with the best and most reliable 
motor, and unless the capacity for production of the factories con- 
nected with the manufacture of aircraft could cope with the demands 
necessary to keep up the full efficiency of the aerial force. And here 
again Italy's efforts met with success. 

The FIAT factory stands first, as one of our largest manufac- 
turers of aviation motors, with her two well-known engines, the A- 12 
and the A-14. The A-12 develops 300 HP, and the A-14 700 HP, this 
being the most powerful motor used at the front for aviation by any 
of the Allies. The FIAT had a remarkably large output of these 
engines, and I regret that for obvious reasons I cannot give the exact 
figures concerning it. But I can say that our Aeronautical Depart- 
ment, which bought all this production, after having met all of our own 
requirements, was in position to supply the Allies with an important 
number of these motors daily, in compliance with their urgent 
demands. Besides this, the FIAT had ready a new model, which was 
soon to be produced in large series: The A-15, of 450 HP, greatly 
reduced in size from previous models, light, accessible, and possessing 
new and important characteristics, which would undoubtedly cause a 
further and greater development of our military aviation. 

In addition to the FIAT, we have the SPA, of the well-known 
automobile factory by that name, which with some important changes 
and only a slight increase in weight has been able to develop her old 
220 HP motor into a new 300 HP motor, without being obliged to 
change her former equipment and machinery thus mastering a great 
technical and industrial difficulty, and producing a new engine of slight 
specific weight and great power. These motors were being turned out 
in large series, and were of the greatest value to aviation, being 
especially fitted to fighting aeroplanes. 

Another important factory, the Isotta-Fraschini, produces high- 
grade machines which have won reputation for their reliability and 
perfect workmanship. Here again a new motor was ready, the I. F. 

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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

V-6, developing 300 HP, greatly appreciated both by aeroplane manu- 
facturers and pilots. 

I can not mention all the minor though excellent factories, among 
which excel, with many others, the Nagliati, the Colombo, etc.; nor 
the greater works which have taken up the manufacture of some of 
motors described above, such as Bianchi, Tosi, Breda, etc. 

The following figures may give a more correct idea of Italy's 
effort in the production of aviation motors : 1,500 motors a month was 
the output, and before the end of the year 1918 we could certainly have 
produced over 2,000 motors monthly, which means the astonishing 
figure of 24,000 aviation engines per year, all of them of Italian 
design, of Italian construction, and all of high repute, established after 
the severest tests. And this, when Italy at the beginning of the war, 
possessed not more than 100 aeroplanes, and less than 100 pilots! 

Italy was ready and proud to put at the complete disposal of the 
American Government all that she had accomplished in the aviation 
field ; all of her experience, all of her knowledge and highest results, 
won through long and hard sacrifices. This was the least that we 
could do to prove our deep and everlasting gratitude to this generous 
and glorious Country for the benefits she has bestowed upon us. 





[150] 



of 



altr (Srrat Jialtatt (iwujnsrr. fflmtntimi the iiim Iluuaaiun of If rattrr in 

War ffrtromt Jtalg and (Srrmamj 




IUSEPPE VERDI, from his picturesque hermitage of 
St. Agata, followed political developments attentively. 
His letters to Contessa Clara Maffei, which she en- 
trusted, upon her death-bed, to Antonio Lazzati and 
Tullo Masarani, and which are now preserved in the 
Brera Library at Milan, show a clear, keen vision. 
The following letter of the great composer, written in 
1870, explains itself. 



Dear Clarina : 

This disaster to France makes me, as it does you, desolate at heart. 
It is true that the blague, the impertinence, and the presumption of the 
French was and still is, in spite of all their misfortunes, unbearable. 
But, after all, France has given liberty and civilization to the modern 
world. And if she fall, let us not deceive ourselves : all our liberties 
and our civilizations will perish with her. Let our savants and our 
politicians boast, if they will, the knowledge, the science, and even (God 
forgive them) , the arts of these conquerors ; but if they looked beneath 
the surface they could see that in their veins still flows the ancient 
blood of the Goths, that they are inordinately haughty, hard, intolerant, 
disdainful of everything not German, and of a rapacity that knows no 
limit. 

[151] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

Men with brains, but without hearts, a strong race but not 
civilized ! And that King, who has God and Providence forever on his 
lips, and whose aid is destroying the best part of Europe who 
believes himself predestined to reform the customs and punish the 
faults of the modern world ! What a type of missionary ! Attila of 
old (another missionary of the same calibre), halted before the majesty 
of the capital of the old world; but this man is about to bombard the 
capital of the modern world ; and now that Bismarck wishes it known 
that Paris will be spared, I fear more than ever that it will be ruined, 
at least in part. Why ? I cannot tell. Perhaps so that it will no longer 
exist so beautiful a capital, the like of which they will never succeed 
in building. 

Poor Paris, that I saw so gay, so beautiful, so splendid, last April ! 
And then ? I would have liked a more generous policy ; I would have 
liked to repay a debt of gratitude. One hundred thousand of our men 
might perhaps have saved France. At any rate, to sign a peace, van- 
quished with the French, I would have preferred to this inertia which 
will one day make us scorned. We will not be able to avoid a European 
war, and we will be swallowed up. It will not be to-morrow, but it 
will be. The pretext is readily found. Maybe Rome the Mediter- 
ranean and then is there not the Adriatic, which they have already 
proclaimed to be a German sea ? 

Affectionately yours, 

GIUSEPPE VERDI. 




[152] 



,.: Artattto >artorto, % printer 
'"'-'.""" of JKalg at Har 

Jn 3Uft5 Jtalu, Number of <2ty? lournal of Amrrtran ^tetorn. are 

of % nprrb Uar r*n*B 
Artist ano Valiant fcoloter 



BY 



ETTORE CADORIN 




RISTIDE SARTORIO, most representative among the 
artists of Italy who had produced works of great 
value in the period that preceded the War, he achieved 
fame rather late in life. Born a Roman, he spent 
several years abroad, strengthening his gifts by a 
serious and solid study which made of him a very 
strong and powerful designer. His drawing has 
always been the most important base of his art. His admirable nudes, 
a predominant element of his works, show, in grandeur of pose and 
harmony of form, a classical line combined with a certain modernity 
of expression which results in an ensemble quite personal and interest- 
ing. His art is a glorification of form and of movement. His painted 
figures are statues, the mastery of the claireobscure make them look 
like bas-reliefs. In fact, it is not a vain word to say that he is a 
sculptor who paints as he is a good sculptor as well and in his 
works, painted or carved, the energy of expression of the figures never 
exceeds the faultless perfection of the bodies and elect proportion of 
the limbs. 



[153] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

The decoration of the new Palace of Parliament in Rome is Sar- 
torio's greatest work, composed of several hundred colossal figures 
and horses, one of the most remarkable works of that kind in our time. 
Very important also is the mural decoration of the great Hall of the 
Exhibition of Venice, in the same style and conception. 

When Italy entered the War, Sartorio, although not very young, 
volunteered as an officer of cavalry. During an engagement he was 
surrounded, wounded, and made a prisoner, just as he was trying to 
save his beloved horse. After a year and a half of imprisonment and 
hard suffering, he was sent back to Italy amongst the prisoners con- 
sidered disabled. Since then he has devoted his activity and his art 
to the illustration of the War. His work will constitute a splendid 
document of the great struggle for freedom and for mankind. 




[154] 



of Stalg 



of tUjp National Ifiatortral &omly and (Dtljf rn IBljo ^ 
(grnrroitalu. (Contribute tunwrfc &prnal UtBtribution of 
3talg Number of 0% lonrnal of 
Amwiran 



AN ITALIAN GENTLEMAN, $1,000 

MRS. FREDERICK DELANO HITCH, $110 

MRS. OBED J. WILSON, $100 

MR. FRANK R. KIMBALL, $51 

MR. HIRAM W. SIBLEY, $50 

THE HONORABLE ARTHUR W. DENNIS, $35 

MRS. WILLIAM G. MENDINHALL, $30 

ALFRED TUCKERMAN, PH. D., $30 

MRS. JAMES E. POPE, $27 

Miss LUCILE THORNTON, $27 

MRS. H. M. BARKSDALE, $25 

MRS. J. HULL BROWNING, $25 

SIGMUND EISNER COMPANY, $25 

MR. SIGMUND EISNER, $5 

MRS. JOHN GATES, $25 

MR. A. AUGUSTUS HEALY, $25 

THE HONORABLE JoHN'H. HUNGATE, $25 

COLONEL ALBERT A. POMEROY, $25 

MRS. BALDWIN DAY SPILMAN, $25 

MR. A. BLAIR THAW, $25 

CAPTAIN PHILIP B. WHITEHEAD, $25 

MRS. ALLEN CURTIS, $20 

Miss M. PETREA MCCLINTOCK, $16 

MRS. A. MARTIN PIERCE, $16 

MRS. HIRAM PRICE DILLON, $15 

Miss E. B. SCRIPPS, $15 

MRS. L. A. SCOTT, $13 

Miss MARIANNE CLARKE, $11 

THE REVEREND LEWIS FRANCIS, D. D., $11 

MRS. EMILY J. FRISBIE, $11 

MRS. EDWARD M. HARTLEY, $11 

MRS. CHARLES W. MACHEN, $11 

Miss CAROLINE PEARSON, $11 

MRS. NATHAN ANTHONY, $10 

MR. W. H. BECKER, $10 

MR. L. E. BEHYMER, $10 

MRS. JOSEPH A. BOWEN, $10 

MRS. MARY E. BUCKNUM, $10 

DOCTOR W. B. CARPENTER, $10 

Miss NELLIE P. CARTER, $10 



MR. J. GLENN COOK, $10 

MR. JAMES DOBSON CRUMP, $10 

MRS. WILLIAM WARD DAKE, $10 

MRS. HENRY M. ELLSWORTH, $10 

COLONEL H. S. FOSTER, $10 

MR. O. F. FULLER, $10 

MR. O. P. HAUSE, $10 

MR. J. C. HAYDEN, $10 

MRS. DWIGHT B. HEARD, $10 

MR. JOSEPH M. HIXON, $10 

MR. CHARLES A. HOPPIN, $10 

MRS. ELLA P. HUBBARD, $10 

Miss LETITIA A. HUMPHREYS, $10 

Miss MARGARET A. JACKSON, $10 

MRS. WILLIAM S. KIMBALL, $10 

THE HONORABLE E. B. KING, $10 

GEORGE A. LAWRENCE, LL. D., $10 

MRS. EUGENE B. LAWSON, $10 

MRS. C. E. LONGLEY, $10 

Miss MARIAN B. MAURICE, $10 

THE HONORABLE JOSIAH S. MAXCY, $10. 

MRS. E. L. BREESE NORRIE, $10 

MR. T. H. HOGE PATTERSON, $10 

LIEUTENANT TULLIO RAGGIO, $10 

MR. H. S. REDFIELD, $10 

MR. E. P. REICHHELM, $10 

MR. NELSON OSGOOD RHOADES, $10 

MRS. EDWARD ROTAN, $10 

LIEUTENANT JACOPO SANNAZZARO, $10 

MR. SAMUEL SHAW, $10 

MRS. WILLIAM T. SIMPSON, $10 

MR. ANDREW SMITH, $10 

MR. FRANCIS DREXEL SMITH, $10 

MRS. MOODY B. SMITH, $10 

MRS. JAMES TALCOTT, $10 

MRS. C. C. VIALL, $10 

MR. I. C. WHITE, $10 

MR. CLARENCE HORACE WICKHAM, $10 

MRS. MARY HATCH WILLARD, $10 

THE REVEREND CHARLES WOOD, $10 



[155] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

Ct iwtrilmtumH Heaa tijau Srtt DiUlara 



MRS. CLEMUEL R. WOODIN 

Miss HELENA R. BAILEY 

MRS. CHARLES KEIGHLEY 

T. RICHARD PAGANELLI, M. D. 

MR. ALBERT DICKINSON 

Miss EMMA M. BUCCINI 

MRS. JOHN W. CLARK 

PRESQUE ISLE CHAPTER, DAUGHTERS OF THE 

AMERICAN REVOLUTION 
LIEUTENANT GIORGIO ABETTI 
Miss ADELINE E. ACKLEY 
MR. A. R. BAILEY 
MR. GUIDO BARBANTI 
DOCTOR G. A. BARRICELLI 
DOCTOR CARL G. EARTH 
MRS. G. L. BEER 
MRS. GEORGE S. BILLMEYER 
MRS. GASTON BOYD 
THE HONORABLE W. C. BRISTOL 
MR. MARIO CHELLINI 
MR. WILLIAM L. CURTIS 
MR. J. A. DEMPWOLF 
MRS. FRANK F. Dow 
MR. JOSIAH E. FERNALD 
THE HONORABLE EDWIN W. FISKE 
MRS. Louis FLICKINGER 
MR. WILLIAM H. FOBES - 
MR. FRANK DEAN FRAZER 
MR. ARISTIDE GERVASINI 
MR. HECTOR GRASSI 
MRS. SUMMERFIELD HAGERTY 
THE HONORABLE W. O. HART 
Miss C. HAZARD 
MR. CHARLES M. HIGGINS 
MRS. JULIA STOW LOVEJOY 
Miss HELEN L. MILLER 
MR. EDWARD BRADLEY MORRIS 
MR. W. H. MOULTON 
MR. GEORGE G. MUTH 
D. L. PAGE, M. D. 
MRS. GEORGE W. RADFORD 
MR. J. T. REEDER 
MR. JOHN L. ROEMER 
LIEUTENANT ROMOLO ANGELONI 
CAV. CAMILLO SANTARELLI 
LIEUTENANT ALBERICO SARNO 
PROFESSOR ARTURO SERGIO 
Miss JULIA A. SHEPARD 
EDWARD W. SMITH, M. D. 
MR. G. RANDOLPH STAGG 
Miss A. C. STEWART 
MRS. WILLIAM A. STONE 
MR. C. F. STRECKER 
MR. CHARLES I. THAYER 
MR. GRANVILLE G. VALENTINE 
MR. J. B. WHITE 
MRS*. ROBERT FOWLER CUMMINGS 



CAPTAIN HENRY Louis STICK, M. D. 

Miss A. MARIS BOGGS 

MR. ARTHUR EUGENE BONN 

MRS. P. M. CHASE 

MRS. JULIA PATTERSON CHURCHILL 

MR. G. CIVOLARI 

MR. R. C. COLMAN 

MR. Louis M. FULTON 

MRS. T. HARRISON GARRETT 

MR. T. D. HOBART 

THE HONORABLE JESSE HOLDOM 

MRS. CAROLINE S. HOWELL 

MRS. ARTHUR LEE 

MR. W. R. MANDIGO 

MRS. BENJAMIN MILLER 

MR. J. R. MOLONY 

MRS. H. H. OSGOOD 

MR. A. C. PAUL 

MR. ROSCOE PIERCE 

DOCTOR WENTZLE RUML 

MR. D. E. SWINEHART 

MR. MILO M. ACKER 

Miss SUSAN C. AMORY 

MR. JOHN J. BLAIR 

MR. PAUL BLATCHFORD 

Miss S. F. BEOADHEAD 

BRIGADIER-GENERAL A. R. BUF*FINGTON 

MR. E. A. BURNSIDE 

THE HONORABLE FRANK W. CLANCY 

Miss EMMA B. CROFT 

MR. I. H. DEWEY 

MRS. A. G. DURFEE 

MR. SAMUEL E. ELMORE 

THE HONORABLE W. W. GRIEST 

THE HONORABLE DELBERT J. HAFF 

MRS. ELLEN B. HARRAL 

Miss SARAH B. HASTINGS 

THE REVEREND WILLIAM L. HAYWARD 

MR. JOHN P. HUTCHINSON 

MRS. ROBERT J. KILPATRICK 

MRS. E. O. KlMBERLEY 

MR. ROBERT H. LANYON 
MR. ERNEST M. LOEB 
DOCTOR A. B. LYONS 
MR. A. C. MATHER 
MRS. W. H. MCCLURE 
MRS. LOTTIE L. MCFERREN 
MR. T. HARBINE MONROE 
MRS. NATHAN MORSE 
DOCTOR GIOVANNI PACCIONE 
P. PELUSO, M. D. 
MR. WILLIAM H. PHIPPS 
P. G. SPINELLI, M. D. 
MR. M. D. TOWNSEND 
MRS. C. J. TRAIN 
Miss MARY F. WOOD 
MR. WILLIAM FREDERIC BADE 



[156] 



FRIENDS OF ITALY 



MR. J. E. BANKS 

MRS. R. T. BARTON 

MRS. THEODORE C. BATES 

MR. FRANK A. BOSWORTH 

Miss MARGARET R. BRENDLINGER 

MRS. VIOLA A. BROMLEY 

MR. G. L. BROW NELL 

THE REVEREND JOSEPH BRUNN 

Miss HATTIE E. BURCH 

THE HONORABLE THOMAS BURKE 

ALICE BURRITT, M. D. 

MR. JOSEPH CAMPEGGIO 

MR. ENRICO CARUSO 

MRS. L. C. CLARK 

DR. G. C. CONNETT 

LIEUTENANT VINCENZO CORRICE 

THE HONORABLE SALVATORE A. COTILLO 

MR. THEODORE COTONIO 

Miss EDITH COOKE 

THE HONORABLE PAUL D. CRAVATH 

Miss ANNA LAWRENCE CRAWFORD 

THE REVEREND WALTER J. CRONIN 

MRS. W. L. DAGGETT 

Miss A. DENEGRE 

MR. JOSEPH DEUTSCH 

MRS. FRANCES A. B. DUNNING 

MRS. M. E. DWIGHT 

MRS. HENRY A. EBERT 

Miss ELIZABETH E. ELLMAKER 

THE HONORABLE ELAM FISHER 

MRS. CLAIBORNE J. FOSTER 

MR. G. A. FOWLER 

MRS. B. E. GALLUP 

MR. LEONARD H. GILES 

MR. JAMES' M. GLEASON 

MR. CHARLES F. GRAFF 

MRS. B. M. GRIFFITH 

MR. WILFRID M. HAGEH 

MRS. MARY E. NEAL HANAFORD 

MR. T. S. HENDERSON 

MRS. J. F. HICKS 

MRS. CHARLES S. HINCHMAN 

MR. H. J. HOLT 

MR. ORA HOWARD 

HYANNIS STATE NORMAL SCHOOL 

THE REVEREND VINCENT JANNUZZI 

G. CHAPIN JENKINS, M. D. 

MR. H. N. KELSEY 

MR. CAMILLO LANDRIANI 



MR. MOSES E. LIPPETT 

DOCTOR H. J. LOEBINGER 

MR. OZRO T. LOVE 

MR. M. I. LUDINGTON 

MR. F. ROBERT MAGER 

Miss NANCY L. MILLER 

MR. E. B. MITCHELL 

MR. JAMES E. MORRIS 

MR. DAN MURPHY 

MR. JOHN D. MUSANTE 

Miss CARRIE BLAIR NEELY 

M*. B. D. NICOLA 

Awro. LUIGI PAGANO 

MR. JAMES K. PENFIELD 

DOCTOR A. PESKIND 

MRS. M. R. PEN DELL 

MRS. D. W. PIPES, SR. 

MR. F. E. PLATT 

THE HONORABLE H. R. POLLARD 

RACINE PUBLIC LIBRARY 

MR. T. A. RALSTON 

MRS. WILLIAM RENWICK 

MR. D. M. RIORDAN 

MRS. W. C. ROBERTS 

LIEUTENANT PIF.TRO ROCCA 

MRS. HENRY W. ROGERS 

MR. S. SAITTA 

DOCTOR A. SCATURRO 

DOCTOR FRANCIS E. SHINE 

THE REVEREND M. D. SHUTTER 

MR. MAURICE E. SKINNER 

MRS. MARTIN SLAUGHTER 

Miss KATHLEEN K. SLINGLUFF 

THE REVEREND E. COMBIE SMITH 

CAPTAIN HARVARD PAYSON SMITH 

MRS. JAMES GRIST STATON 

MRS. MARY V. H. STEINMETZ 

MRS. CHARLES L. TECKLER 

MR. HENRY THANE 

MR. FREDERICK M. TOWNLEY 

MR. EDWARD L. UNDERWOOD 

MR. M. VAN EVERY 

MR. A. G. VAN NOSTRAND 

THE REVEREND J. W. VAVOLO 

MR. GEORGF. W. VERITY 

MR. JOHN M. WHITEHEAD 

MRS. HARRY PAINE WHITNEY 

MRS. ROBERT A. WILLIAMS 



[157] 



111 



' \ 



CQ 



IN 



5 -* 







PUBLISHED BY 

THE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 






ENTERED AT THE POST OFFICE AT GREENFIELD, INDIANA 
AS MAIL MATTER OF THE SECOND CLASS 



afmmral 0f Ammnm Kftafcirg 

Inhmt* X3JJ. dwnttb (puart^r, Numhrr 2 

April Hag Juttf 

1919 



LONDON B. F. Stevens & Brown 

4 Trafalgar Square, W. C. 

PARIS Brentano's 

37, Avenue de 1'Opera 



DUBLIN 

EDINBURGH. 



MADRID 



ROME 



. Combridge and Company 

18 Orafton Street 
.Andrew Elliott 

17 Princes Street 
. LibreHa Intemaclonal de 

Adrian Homo, Alcala 5 
. L. Plale 

1 Piazza dl Spagna 



PETROGRAD. . .. Wat kins and Company 

Marskaia No. 36 
CAIRO F. Dlemer 

Shepheard'a Building 
BOMBAY T barker and Company Limited 

planade Road 

TOKIO Methodist Publishing House 

2 Shichome. Gla Ginza 

MKXICO CITY. . . American Book and Printing Co. 

1st San Francisco No. 12 
ATHENS. Const Blectherondakla 

Place de la Constitution 
BUENOS AYRE9. John Grant and Son 

Calle Cangallo 409 



3l0urnal at Ammran ijtHionj 

(Barter Ninrtwn Ntnrtmt 

VOLUME XIII APRIL MAY JUNE NUMBER 2 

JJrniUirrii Iw uJhr National IjtHtoriral (ttompattg, in (Quarterly 
jtfonr Sunks to tip llolnm?, at Jfanr Siillara Anmuiliu. . 
lollar a (Eojifl for fcfotgl* NnmbrrB, for 



Natinnal t 



Copyright, 1919, fry 77* National Historical Society 

Publication Office: 240 Hamilton Street, Albany, New York. Ira G. Payne, Manager 
Editorial Offices: 37 West Thirty-ninth Street, New York 



(Dfiirrrs of SJjp National Editorial lirrrtorfi of hf loimtal 
ifiotortral ^urtrtii of Amrrtran fitatnry 

FIANK ALLABEN, President FRANK ALLABEN, Editor-in-Chief 

MABEL T. R. WASHBUBN, Secretary MABEL T. R. WASHBUKN, Genealogical Editor 

DUDLEY BUTLER, Treasurer JOHN FOWLER MITCHELL, JR., Associate Editor 



(grand QJounrtl of tl|r 

Arkaitiiau MRS. J. H. Me EL HINNEY 

PHILANDER KEEP ROOTS Daughters of the American Revolution 
George Washington Memorial As- 

sociation (ftoloraoo 

MRS. Louis FLICKINGER MRS. JOHN LLOYD MCNEIL 

State Recording Secretary Daughters Past Regent, Colorado, Daughters of 

of the American Revolution the American Revolution 
MRS. THOMAS MOSES CORY 

Daughters of the American Revolution (nmirrtir ut 

(California Miss ADELINE E. ACKLEY 
ROY MALCOM, A. M., PH. D. 

Professor of History, University of fitatrirt of (daluttlbia 

Southern California MRS. HENRY F. DIMOCK 

MRS. CYRUS WALKER President George Washington Me- 

HONORABLE NATHAN W. BLANCHARD, morial Association 

A. M. Ex-California Representative CAPTAIN ALBERT HARRISON VAN 

NELSON OSGOOD RHOADES DEUSEN 

Mayflower Society, Colonial Wars, Holland Society, Sons of the Amcri- 

Sons of the Revolution can Revolution 

[165] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 



LEWIS HORN FISHER, LL. M. 

Secretary United States Civil Service, 
Fourth District 

Jtlorfta 

MRS. CLAUDE STELLE TINGLEY, B. S., 

M. A. 
SISTER ESTHER CARLOTTA, S. R. 

Ex-President Florida Division United 
Daughters of the Confederacy 

ifaman 

GEORGE P. CASTLE 
WILLIAM D. WESTERVELT 



HONORABLE JOHN H. HUNGATE 

President First National Bank, La 

Harpe 
MRS. GEORGE A. LAWRENCE 

Honorary State Regent for life, Illi- 
nois Daughters of the American 
Revolution 

MRS. HENRY CLAY PURMORT 
Life-Member Society Mayflower 

Descendants in Illinois 
A. G. ZIMMERMAN, M. D. 

Jttfctatta 

JOHN FOWLER MITCHELL 

President William Mitchell Printing 

Company 
HONORABLE GEORGE H. COOPER 

Cashier Greenfield Citizens' Bank 



SHERMAN IRA POOL 

Sons of the American Revolution, 

Iowa State Historical Society 
EDWIN WELCH BURCH 
First President Iowa Baptist Brother- 
hood 



CHARLES ALEXANDER KEITH, B. A. 
OXON. 
History and Civics, East Kentucky 

Normal School 

MRS. WILLIAM H. THOMPSON 
Vice-President General, National So- 
ciety Daughters of the American 
Revolution 
Miss MARY NATHALIE BALDY 

fflatnr 

Miss NELLIE WOODBURY JORDAN 

Instructor in History, State Normal 
MRS. EDWARD EDES SHEAD 

fHarglatti 

HUGH MACLELLAN SOUTHGATE, B. S. 
American Institute Electrical Engi- 
neers 
JOHN GLENN COOK 



ALPHONZO BENJAMIN BOWERS, C. E. 
President Atlantic Harbor Railroad 

Company 
HENRY Louis STICK, M. D. 

Superintendent Hospital Cottages for 

Children, Baldwinsville 
J. VAUGHAN DENNETT 

New England Historical and Genea- 
logical Society 
MRS. Louis PRANG 

President Roxbury Civic Club 
MRS. SARAH BOWMAN VAN NESS 
Honorary Life Regent, Lexington, 
Daughters of the American Revolu- 
tion 

Miss CAROLINE BORDEN 
Trustee American College, Constan- 
tinople 



[166] 



GRAND COUNCIL OP THE VICE-PRESIDENTS 



MRS. CARL F. KAUFMANN 
FRANK REED KIM BALL 
Society of Colonial Wars, Sons of the 
American Revolution 



FREDERICK W. MAIN, M. D. 

Jackson Chamber of Commerce 
MRS. JAMES H. CAMPBELL 

State President, United States Daugh- 
ters of 1812 

MRS. FORDYCE HUNTINGTON ROGERS 

Ex-Dean Women, Olivet College 
MRS. FREDERICK BECKWITH STEVENS 

fflutncBOta 

MRS. MARY ELIZABETH BUCKNUM 
Minneapolis Chapter, Daughters of 
the American Revolution 



Miss LUELLA AGNES OWEN 
Fellow American Association for the 
Advancement of Science and Amer- 
ican Geographical Society 

iXrhraaka 
T. J. FITZPATRICK, M. S. 

Fellow American Association for the 
Advancement of Science 



MRS. ERASTUS GAYLORD PUTNAM 
Honorary Vice- President General, 
National Society Daughters of the 
American Revolution 
ELEANOR HAINES, M. D. 
Life-Member, New Jersey Historical 
Society 



MRS. JOSEPH DORSETT BEDLE 

Past President New Jersey Society 

of Colonial Dames 
MRS. ORVILLE T. WARING 

New Jersey Colonial Dames, New 

Jersey Historical Society 
MRS. RUTH E. FAIRCHILD 
Life-Member Daughters of the Amer- 
ican Revolution, Member New Jer- 
sey Colonial Dames, Life-Member 
New Jersey Historical Society 
MRS. JAMES E. POPE 

Nrro Jflrxtro 

HON. L. BRADFORD PRINCE, LL. D. 
Ex-Governor, President Historical So- 
ciety of New Mexico 

Sfatt fork 

REVEREND GEORGE CLARKE HOUGHTON, 

D. D. 
Society of Colonial Wars, Sons of the 

Revolution 

CHARLES JACKSON NORTH 
Life- Member Buffalo Historical So- 
ciety 
HENRY E. HUNTINGTON 

President Los Angeles Railway Cor- 
poration, Society of Colonial Wars, 
Sons of the Revolution 
JOSEPH A. MCALEBNAN 

Associate Member Explorers' Club 
FRANK JOSEF Louis WOUTERS 

President Oleogravure Co., Inc. 
OTTO MARC EIDLITZ 

Ex-Tenement House Commissioner 
MRS. BENJAMIN SILLIMAN CHURCH 
Incorporator and Past Vice- President 
Colonial Dames, New York 



[167] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 



MRS. FREDERICK F. THOMPSON 
Vice- President George Washington 

Memorial Association 
MRS. HENRY FAIRFIELD OSBORN 

Philanthropist, Trustee Barnard Col- 
lege 

MRS. JOHN CARSTENSEN 
MRS. ALICE B. TWEEDY 
National Society Daughters of the 

American Revolution 
MRS. MELVILLE AUGUSTUS JOHNSON 
Director Onondaga County Historical 

Association 

MRS. CORNELIA E. S. HOLLEY 
Chapin Association 

MRS. HENRY A. STRONG 
Life-Member George Washington 

Memorial Association 
Miss MAY OSBORNE 
National Society Daughters of the 

American Revolution 
MRS. VIOLA A. BROMLEY 
Fort Greene Chapter, Daughters of 

the American Revolution 
MRS. W. B. SYLVESTER 
Founder and Honorary Regent, Mon- 
roe Chapter, Daughters of the 
American Revolution 

MRS. NELLIS MARATHON RICH 

National Society Founders and Pa- 
triots of America 
MRS. J. HULL BROWNING 
MRS. WILLIAM WARD DAKE 
Miss MARGARET A. JACKSON 

G. ALFRED LAWRENCE, M. D., PH. D. 
New York Academy of Medicine, 

Sons of the American Revolution 
Miss LUCILE THORNTON 



CHARLES FREDERICK QUINCY 

Chairman, Executive Committee, 
American Forestry Association 

X'urth iakota 
C. HERSCHEL KOYL, PH. D. 

Fellow Johns Hopkins University 



HONORABLE B. F. WIRT 

President Equity Savings and Loan 

Company 
S. O. RICHARDSON, JR. 

Vice-President Libbey Glass Company 
MRS. OBED J. WILSON 

Life-Member George Washington 

Memorial Association 
MRS. HOWARD JONES 

Life-Member Ohio Archaeological and 

Historical Society 
MRS. JOHN GATES 
Life-Member George Washington 

Memorial Association 
MRS. JOHN SANBORN CONNER 
Life-Member George Washington 

Memorial Association 
Miss MARIE A. HIBBARD 
Daughters of the American Revolu- 
tion, Toledo Art Museum Associa- 
tion 
MRS. GUSSIE DEBENATH OGDEN 

Life-Member Mercantile Library, Cin- 

cinnati 

FREDERICK J. TRUMPOUR 
W. B. CARPENTER, M. D. 

Sons of the American Revolution, 
Vice-President Columbus Mutual 
Life Insurance Company 
B. F. STRECKER 

President The Citizens National Bank 
of Marietta 



[168] 



GRAND COUNCIL OF THE VICE-PRESIDENTS 



(Drrgon 
DAVID N. MOSESSOHN 

Lawyer, Publisher and Editor The 
Oregon Country 



FRANCIS AUGUSTUS LOVELAND 
President Chrome and Beck Tanning 
Companies 

PERCEVAL K. GABLE 

JOSEPH J. DESMOND 

President Corry Citizens' National 
Bank 

GEORGE T. BUSH 
Life-Member Sons of the Revolution 

MRS. FREDERIC PICKETT 

Miss MARY MEILY 



ALFRED TUCKERMAN, PH. D. 
American Association for the Ad- 
vancement of Science 



Virginia 

MRS. BALDWIN DAY SPILMAN 
Past Vice-President General, 



tional Society Daughters of the 
American Revolution 
MRS. LEVIN THOMAS CARTWRIGHT 
Virginia Historical Society, Daugh- 
ters of the American Revolution, 
United Daughters of the Confed- 
eracy 

Vast Virginia 
C. M. BOGER, M. D. 

Ex-President International Hahne- 

mann Association 
MAJOR WILLIAM H. COBB 
Director General, Knights of Wash- 
ington 

liiaronfiin 

MRS. ANDREW M. JOYS 
Honorary Life- President, 

Chapter, Daughters of 

and Patriots of America 
EDWIN MONTGOMERY BAILEY 
MRS. FRANCES A. BAKER DUNNING 



Wisconsin 
Founders 



Na- MRS. ALFRED B. SCOTT 



of ttjr &tat* Afcuianry Saarfca 



MRS. PHILLIPS M. CHASE 
Society of Colonial Dames 

JMM 

MRS. SHERMAN IRA POOL 

State Historian, Iowa, Daughters of 
the American Revolution 

IHargland 
JOHN GLENN COOK 

American Association for the Ad- 
vancement of Science 



ARTHUR F. ESTABROOK 

American Academy of Political and 

Social Science 
CHARLES LYMAN NEWHALL 
George Washington Memorial As- 
sociation 

Nroifork 
HONORABLE GEORGE D. EMERSON 

Ex-Member New York State Senate 
HENRY PARSONS 

Military Order of the Loyal Legion 



[169] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

MRS. FRANK FOWLER Dow lUiobr 

Regent Irondequoit Chapter Daugh- MRS. CHARLES EDMUND LONGLEY 

ters of the American Revolution State Regent, Rhode Island, Daugh- 

MRS. GEORGE GEDNEY SANDS ters of the American Revolution 
MRS. GEORGE C. CLAUSEN 



MRS. EDWARD ROTAN 
FRANK SERVIS MASTEN Daughters of the American Revolution 



1170| 



of Snrorjmration of 
National ifiBtoriral ; 




nndrc ihr Eauia of thr Stslrtrt of (Columbia 
at Haaljino,ton. on thr amr ntu,-i*tb Bag of April, in Ihr 
Jrar of (Itor Horo, Ninrtwn ^nnorro ano JTtftwn, "For 
Ihr lIurpiiBr of Promoting ijiatnriral luuiuilroo/ and 
Jatriotiam. ano tljr Jrarr of IxujhlrnuBnrBH among 

Nations" 

| HE NAME by which the Society is to be 
known is " The National Historical So- 
ciety." 

The Society is to continue in perpe- 
tuity. 

The particular business and objects of 
the Society will be: 

(a) To discover, procure, preserve, and perpetuate 
whatever relates to History, the History of the Western 
Hemisphere, the History of the United States of America 
and their possessions, and the History of families. 

(b) To inculcate and bulwark patriotism, in no par- 
tisan, sectional, nor narrowly national sense, but in recog- 
nition of man's high obligation toward civic righteousness, 
believing that human governments are divinely ordained 
to bear the sword and exercise police duty for good against 
evil, and not for evil against good, and recognizing, as be- 
tween peoples and peoples, that " God has made of one 
blood all nations of men." 

(c) To provide a national and international patri- 
otic clearing-house and historical exchange, promoting by 
suitable means helpful forms of communication and co- 
operation between all historical organizations, patriotic or- 
ders, and kindred societies, local, state, national, and inter- 
national, that the usefulness of all may be increased and 
their benefits extended toward education and patriotism. 



[171] 



(d) To promote the work of preserving historic 
landmarks and marking historic sites. 

(e) To encourage the use of historical themes and 
the expression of patriotism in the arts. 

(/) In the furtherance of the objects and purposes 
of the Society, and not as a commercial business, to acquire 
The Journal of American History, and to publish the same 
as the official organ of the Society, and to publish or pro- 
mote the publication of whatever else may seem advisable 
in furtherance of the objects of the Society. 

(g) To authorize the organization of members of 
the Society, resident in given localities, into associated 
branch societies, or chapters of the parent Society, and to 
promote by all other suitable means the purpose, objects, 
and work of the Society. 

The Membership body of The National Historical 
Society consists of 

(1) Original Founders, contributing five dollars 
each to the Founders' Fund, thus enrolling as pioneer 
builders of a great National Institution ; 

(2) Original State Advisory Board Founders, con- 
tributing twenty-five dollars each to the Founders' Fund, 
from whom are elected the Members of the State Advisory 
Boards ; 

(3) Original Life-Member Founders, contributing 
one hundred dollars each to the Founders' Fund, from 
whom are elected for life the members of the Grand Coun- 
cil of the Vice-Presidents ; 

(4) Patrons, who contribute one thousand dollars 
to further the work of the Society; 

(5) Annual Members, who pay two dollars, annual 
dues, receiving The Journal of American History. 

(6) Sustaining Members, who contribute five dol- 
lars, annual dues, receiving The Journal of American 
History. 

(7) Sustaining Life-Members, who contribute one 
hundred dollars annually. 

(8) Sustaining Contributors, who contribute an- 
nually any sum between five dollars and one hundred 
dollars. 



[172] 



abb nf (Enntotta 



TITLE-PAGE DESIGN 163 

BOARD OF EDITORIAL DIRECTORS AND OFFICIAL 

ORGANIZATION 165 

ARTICLES OF INCORPORATION OF THE NATIONAL 

HISTORICAL SOCIETY 171 

VICTOR EMANUEL III, KING OF ITALY. ENGRAVING 
FROM THE PHOTOGRAPH DONATED BY THE KING TO THE 
EDITOR OF " IL CARROCCIO/' THE ITALIAN REVIEW, MR. 
AGOSTINO DE BIASI, AND BY THE LATTER'S COURTESY 
REPRODUCED IN THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 177 

PATRIOTISM THE AFFIRMATION OF GOD His 
Eminence, Desire Joseph Francois, Cardinal Mercier, 
Archbishop of Malines 181 

HOW THE MOUNTAIN OF RHEIMS WAS SAVED 
Luigi Barzini, War Correspondent of "II Corriere delta 
Sera" of Milan 182 

ILLUSTRATIONS 

AN ITALIAN SOLDIER IN FRANCE, FIGHTING 

FOR THE DEFENCE OF RHEIMS. ENGRAVING 178 

PROVISIONING THE ITALIAN TROOPS IN 

FRANCE. ENGRAVING 179 

ITALIAN SOLDIERS BEFORE THE CATHEDRAL 

OF RHEIMS. ENGRAVING 180 

A STUDY IN PUTNAM AND CLEAVELAND ANCES- 
TRY Georgia Cooper Washburn 188 

ILLUSTRATION 

PUTNAM COAT-OF-ARMS. ENGRAVING IN COLORS 

FROM A PAINTING Front Cover 

[173] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

ITALIAN SOLDIERS IN THE DOLOMITE ALPS. RE- 
PRODUCED THROUGH THE COURTESY OF MR. AGOSTINO DE 
BIASI, EDITOR OF " IL CARROCCIO/' THE ITALIAN REVIEW. 
ENGRAVING 213 

THE FIRST AMERICAN TROOPS IN ITALY DURING 
THE WORLD WAR. REPRODUCED THROUGH THE 
COURTESY OF MR. AGOSTINO DE BIASI, EDITOR OF " IL 
CARROCCIO/' THE ITALIAN REVIEW. ENGRAVING 214 

VITTORIO EMANUELE ORLANDO, PREMIER OF 
ITALY. REPRODUCED THROUGH THE COURTESY OF MR. 
AGOSTINO DE BIASI, EDITOR OF " IL CARROCCIO," THE 
ITALIAN REVIEW. ENGRAVING 214 

THE ANCIENT ARENA AT POLA. REPRODUCED THROUGH 
THE COURTESY OF MR. AGOSTINO DE BIASI, EDITOR OF " IL 
CARROCCIO/' THE ITALIAN REVIEW. ENGRAVING 215 

FIUME. REPRODUCED THROUGH THE COURTESY OF MR. AGOS- 
TINO DE BIASI, EDITOR OF " IL CARROCCIO," THE ITALIAN 
REVIEW. ENGRAVING 215 

COASTS OF THE ADRIATIC SEA. REPRODUCED THROUGH 
THE COURTESY OF MR. AGOSTINO DE BIASI, EDITOR OF fc IL 
CARROCCIO/' THE ITALIAN REVIEW. ENGRAVED MAP 216 

AN AMERICAN SEA CAPTAIN IN THE REVOLUTION. 
THE PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF CAPTAIN LUTHER LITTLE, 
BEFORE, DURING, AND AFTER THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 
TRANSCRIBED FROM THE COPY IN THE POSSESSION OF MR. 
JOHN MASON LITTLE OF BOSTON. Concluded from The 
Journal of American History, Volume XI, Number j 217 

ILLUSTRATIONS 

CAPTAIN LUTHER LITTLE. REPRODUCED FROM THE 
PAINTING IN OILS OWNED BY HIS GRANDCHILDREN, 
MR. LUTHER LITTLE AND Miss JOANNA LITTLE OF 
BOSTON. ENGRAVING 233 

THE OLD WELL IN THE KITCHEN OF CAPTAIN 
LUTHER LITTLE'S HOUSE, SEA VIEW, 
MARSHFIELD, MASSACHUSETTS. EN- 
GRAVING 234 

[174] 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 

REAR VIEW OF CAPTAIN LITTLE'S HOUSE. EN- 
GRAVING 234 

CAPTAIN LUTHER LITTLE'S DESK IN HIS OLD 
HOME AT MARSHFIELD, MASSACHU- 
SETTS. ENGRAVING 235 

THE FRONT DOOR-WAY OF THE OLD LITTLE 

HOUSE. ENGRAVING 235 

FAC-SIMILE OF A DANISH DOCUMENT IN CON- 
NECTION WITH CAPTAIN LITTLE'S RUS- 
SIAN AND SCANDINAVIAN TRADING EX- 
PEDITION, 1792. ENGRAVING 236 

FAC-SIMILE OF PART OF THE ACCOMPANYING 
DANISH DOCUMENT IN CONNECTION 
WITH CAPTAIN LITTLE'S RUSSIAN AND 
SCANDINAVIAN TRADING EXPEDITION, 
1792. ENGRAVING 241 

FLEET SIGNALS OF COMMANDER SALTON- 
STALL FOR THE PENOBSCOT EXPEDI- 
TION, 1779, AS DELIVERED TO CAPTAIN 
LUTHER LITTLE. REPRODUCED FROM THE 
ORIGINAL IN THE POSSESSION OF MR, LUTHER 
LITTLE AND Miss JOANNA LITTLE OF BOSTON. FAC- 
SIMILE ENGRAVING 244 

THE LATTER PART OF COMMANDER SALTON- 
STALL'S FLEET SIGNALS, WITH FAC-SIM- 
ILE OF ADDRESS TO CAPTAIN LITTLE, ON 
BOARD THE " PIGEON." ENGRAVING 245 

FAC-SIMILE AUTOGRAPHS OF CAPTAIN 

LUTHER LITTLE. ENGRAVINGS 246, 248-251 

FAC-SIMILE OF A RECORD BY CAPTAIN LUTHER 
LITTLE OF HIS WOUNDS RECEIVED IN A 
VICTORIOUS ENGAGEMENT WITH A BRIT- 
ISH SHIP DURING THE REVOLUTIONARY 
WAR. REPRODUCED FROM THE ORIGINAL IN THE 
POSSESSION OF MR. LUTHER LITTLE AND Miss 
JOANNA LITTLE OF BOSTON. ENGRAVING 252 

[175] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

TRENTO. REPRODUCED THROUGH THE COURTESY OF MR. 
AGOSTINO DE BIASI, EDITOR OF "!L CARROCCIO," THE 
ITALIAN REVIEW. ENGRAVING 253 

THE REDEEMED CITY OF TRENTO. ENGRAVING 254 

DANTE ALIGHIERI. TRENTO'S MONUMENT TO ITALY'S 
GREAT POET, THE FORERUNNER OF MILTON, WHO, LIKE 
MILTON, USED His GOD-GIVEN GENIUS TO LIFT MEN'S 
MINDS TO GOD AND His DEALINGS WITH MEN. ENGRAV- 
ING 255 

TRIESTE. REPRODUCED THROUGH THE COURTESY OF MR. 
AGOSTINO DE BIASI, EDITOR OF " IL CARROCCIO/' THE 
ITALIAN REVIEW. ENGRAVING 256 

RECOLLECTIONS OF NINETY-FIVE YEARS IN CON- 
NECTICUT AND THE ANTHRACITE REGIONS OF 
PENNSYLVANIA William Henry Richmond. Con- 
cluded from The Journal of American History, Volume 
XI, Number 3 257 



[176] 




VICTOR KM AM KL III, KING OF ITALY 

From the photograph donated by tin- Kini: tu tin- Kditor of " II rarn-clo," the 
Italian Review, Mr. Agostlno de lliasl. and by the lattrr'a .-onrtesy repro- 
duced in The Journal of American History 



1 




PROVISIONING THE ITALIAN TKOOPS IX FUAXCE 




mmran 




VOLUME XIII 

NINETEEN NINETEEN 




NUMBER 2 
SECOND QUARTER 



patrtnttam tlj? Affirmation of 

BY 

HIS EMINENCE, DESIRED JOSEPH FRANCOIS, CARDINAL MERCIER 

Archbishop of Malines 

AMILY interests, class interests, party interests, and the 
material good of the individual take their place, in 
the scale of values, below the ideal of patriotism, for 
that ideal is the right, which is absolute. Further- 
more, that ideal is the public recognition of right in 
national matters, and of national honor. Now there 
is no absolute except God. God alone, by His sanctity 
and His sovereignty, dominates all human interests and human wills. 
And to affirm the absolute necessity of subordination of all things 
to right, to justice, and to truth, is implicity to affirm God. 

When, therefore, humble soldiers whose patriotism we praise 
answer us with characteristic simplicity, " We only did our duty," or, 
' We were bound in honor," they express the religious character of 
their patriotism. Which of us does not feel that patriotism is a sacred 
thing, and that a violation of national dignity is, in a manner, a profa- 
nation and a sacrilege ? 

[181] 





BY 

LUIGI BARZINI 

War Correspondent of "II Corriere delta Sera" 
of Milan 

N THE tremendous Battle of Champagne, which was 
the outcome of the fifth great German offensive, the 
action of the Italian troops had a special importance, 
not so much on account of the number of troops 
engaged, as because of the extreme delicacy of the 
sector the defense of which was entrusted to their 
arms. Placed to guard one of the principal avenues 
of a possible German irruption one of the most vital points of the line 
of resistance the Italians justly felt that by the confidence of the 
Single Command a post of honour had been entrusted to them. 

Italians barred the valley of the Ardre at the heights of Bligny. 
Look at the map. The River Ardre, flanked by wooded hills, flows 
from the Mountain of Rheims, where it takes its source, down to 
Fismes, where it pours into the Vesle; and its valley, running from 
south-east to north-west, constituted the principal way of the enemy's 
advance for turning Rheims from the south-west and for reaching the 
green bastions of the Mountain of Rheims, upon the possession of 
which depended the domination of Rheims itself, fipernay, and of 
Chalons. The city of Rheims, closely invested on three sides east, 
north, and west was not directly attacked. It was not necessary. 
The line of the enemy's positions around the city figures on the map 
like a head attached to a body, the Italian positions to the south-west 
and the French positions south-east forming the shoulders. To bring 
about the fall of the entire salient and possess themselves of Rheims, 
the Germans only had to advance appreciably right and left of Rheims, 
pressing on both sides of the neck of that sort of head to effect a 
strangulation. 



[182] 



HOW THE MOUNTAIN OF RHEIMS WAS SAVED 

Descending from the Mountain of Rheims, the Ardre is accom- 
panied, so to speak, by high counter-forts prolongations of the moun- 
tains which follow the course of the river on the right and left like two 
immense banks, framing the valley with their tree-clad sides and end- 
ing abruptly at the road which runs from Rheims to Chateau Thierry. 
The terminal point of one of these counter-forts that on the right 
bank, and the higher constitutes the so-called Mountain of Bligny. 
The Italian forces barred the high valley of the Ardre precisely at the 
point where the river issues from the grip of the counter-forts and 
flows between minor heights in a tortuous course towards Fismes. 

It was not only the extreme tactical and strategical importance of 
the positions, but also the supposed lack of unity and cohesion in the 
defense, that induced the Germans to deliver one of their most formid- 
able blows against the Italian sector. But the experience of Bligny 
had revealed to the enemy an unsuspected robustness in our defense. 
In anticipation of an obstinate Italian resistance, the German Com- 
mand, in order to be certain of success, had prepared a terrible array 
of artillery in front of our sector, had massed between the first and 
second lines a number of divisions four times larger than ours, and had 
brought up along the low valley of the Ardre some squadrons of heavy 
tanks for smashing our defenses on the two banks of the river. We 
had against us the 103rd division, the 123rd, the 22nd, and a great 
part of the 12th Bavarian division, and of the 80th; in immediate 
support were the 223rd and the 50th divisions, without counting other 
troops in reserve. 

It was the enemy's intention that the blow should be irresistible. 
According to the plans of the offensive, the Italian defense had to be 
swept away at the first shock: fipernay had to be reached during the 
evening of the first day, by the Nanteuil-Hautvillers road, across the 
captured Mountain of Rheims. To the Italian command some excel- 
lent French units had been entrusted as a reserve. The presence of 
these reinforcements permitted us to place in line the whole of the 
Italian forces to receive the first shock. The enemy's attack was 
launched after a preparatory bombardment, lasting six hours and of 
unprecedented intensity six hours of inferno. Explosives and gas 
came over in a regular hail of shells of all calibres, and the smoke 
shells filled the valley with impenetrable clouds. In this obscurity the 
German tanks advanced invisibly at the bottom the valley, machine- 
gunning and cannonading on all sides. 

[183] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

On the left of the Italian sector the ground, all hills and dales, 
lent itself admirably to ''infiltration," in the density of the artificial 
mists, and the defense, fighting hand to hand, withdrew to support 
itself on the stronger lines prepared in the rear. An analogous move- 
ment, carried out very slowly, caused our left wing to bend in the 
Valley of the Ardre, where the German tanks formed the tips of dense 
wedges of attack. The withdrawal was so orderly, hard-fought, and 
slow, that the enemy's enormous self-moving fortresses of steel had to 
stop for long hours before they could make even a slight advance. 
At noon our left wing held the village of Marf aux at the bottom of the 
valley. The right wing, on the north of the Ardre, having reached its 
line of resistance, maintained itself there obstinately, delivering furious 
counter-attacks. To get the better of them the enemy, at two o'clock 
in the afternoon, again began an extremely violent bombardment. 
Here the battle raged in a thick wood on the hills flanking the river. 
Except at the bottom of the valley, the whole ground is covered with 
forests so dense that it is impossible to see anything a few steps away. 
Of this invisibility the German attacking troops took advantage to 
penetrate with machine guns in numerous streams of infiltration. 

The fighting no longer developed along a line; it was dispersed, 
like a tremendous hunt. There was ferocious fighting from tree to 
tree and from bush to bush. Thus, while the sustaining troops stood 
firm, clinging to the positions, the individual fights of the mobile par- 
ties raged around them. From the beginning to the end of the battle, 
which lasted four days and four nights, all the French and Italian 
reports sent out from the commands and the liaison officers ended 
with the words "morale very high." Our troops were constantly 
inflamed by an aggressive fury. At the sight of the enemy they 
invariably rushed to the counter-attack with an admirable spontaneity. 
Counter-attacks by platoons, companies, battalions, and regiments, 
succeeded each other with impetuous fury. Mortal fatigue, hunger, 
burning thirst, and the losses sustained, did nothing to diminish the 
sublime fever of combativeness on the part of our men, who still found 
numerically superior forces in front of them. 

On the evening of the first day our right wing was again com- 
pelled to yield a few hundred yards of ground. The left wing, sorely 
tried, was reinforced during the night by one of the French units which 
formed our reserve. These fresh forces were extended on the extreme 
left. The situation was then as follows : our right, oscillated on the 
limits of the second zone of resistance, engaged in furious counter- 

[184] 



HOW THE MOUNTAIN OF RHEIMS WAS SAVED 

attacks; our extreme left, following the general movement of the 
action and pressed by heavy masses, had retired about 3,000 yards; 
and the left centre, which held the base of the Valley of the Ardre, 
bent under the heavier weight of the attack, which was following the 
course of the river and tending directly towards the majestic wooded 
terraces of the Mountain of Rheims, the precious immediate objective 
of the enemy's action at that point. Thus there was formed in the 
valley a German salient, a sort of tentacle, which, however, was con- 
tained on its flanks. In order to advance still further without danger 
of a counter-offensive blow on the flanks, the Germans needed to 
widen the salient, to give space to the sides of the too slender wedge 
thrust into the narrow valley. For this reason, on the second day, the 
whole impetuousness of the German attack was turned against the 
heights on the left of the Ardre, in order to demolish that flanking 
pillar of the resistance. 

The French unit, despatched by our command to reinforce our 
extreme left, had received the full shock of this new assault, carried 
out by fresh troops, even before it had entirely completed its deploy- 
ment. Suddenly it found itself under a bombardment of fabulous vio- 
lence, followed by an impetuous action of masses. For a moment the 
line of defense had to withdraw across the Bois de Courton. The 
enemy infiltrations in the dense vegetation reached the eastern edge 
of the woods at Nanteuil that is to say, half way between the posi- 
tions of departure and Epernay. The Germans had thus practically 
reached the margin of the principal massif of the Mountain of Rheims 
when, in the first hours of the afternoon, the French on our extreme 
left, having reorganized themselves, started a sudden counter-attack, 
together with Italian forces, and in indescribable hand-to-hand fight- 
ing drove the enemy from the woods. Meanwhile our right also 
resumed its furious counter-attacks, thrusting the Germans back as far 
as Clairizet, a tiny village close to the first line, which was taken and 
lost, retaken and lost again, throughout the day. 

We had passed through the most critical phase of the battle. 
From time to time, in the swaying of the struggle, the battle reached 
our artillery positions. The gunners defended their pieces with rifles, 
machine guns, and hand grenades ; there were little violent and spon- 
taneous counter-attacks to liberate the guns, which, still warm and 
surrounded by dead, resumed firing as soon as the enemy was 
driven away. 

[185] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

Whenever the Italian counter-attacks languished on the right, 
they were resumed on the left. The tactics of our Command con- 
sisted in striking incessantly on the flanks of the German salient to 
prevent it from being widened and to keep it immobile under the threat 
of strangulation. It was a struggle without a pause, full of movement 
and fury on the part of the enemy in an effort to open the pincers 
which held his sides. On our part, the object was to pinch him still 
tighter. We defended ourselves by attacking. But while the Ger- 
mans often renewed their attacking forces, the defending troops were 
always the same. Meanwhile we had succeeded in paralyzing the 
penetration into the high valley of the Ardre. By the evening of the 
1 6th our counter-attacks on the left wing were no longer making prog- 
ress. With a view to strengthening them, another French unit from 
our reserve was sent forward with some Italian storming sections, and 
on the morning of the 17th Italians and French together resumed the 
assault in the Bois de Courton and by hard fighting succeeded in 
regaining our second lines. These had been almost completely reoc- 
cupied when the Germans, assembling new forces, returned to the 
attack. Thus on the second lines a shifting of equilibrium began, and 
the fury of the battle passed again and again over the same points. 

While on our left the actions consisted of brief bursts of violence, 
on our right the Italian troops, although given orders to confine them- 
selves to demonstrative actions, seeing an attack advancing, bounded 
forward to meet it and stopped it with the bayonet. On the 18th our 
heroic constancy definitely gained the ascendancy over the enemy. 
The French and Italian forces on our left resumed their attacks and 
progressed gradually up to fixed objectives, while our right, reinforced 
by the last reserves, consisting of French colonial troops, definitely 
made themselves masters of Clairizet, Onrezy, Bouilly, reconquered 
the Bois de Rheims, and practically reoccupied the lines of departure. 
The Germans who had penetrated into the valley of the Ardre, held 
as in a vice, were obliged to retire in order to escape the danger of being 
cut off. Their monstrous attack with tanks had been useless; the 
German march on fipernay had ended in disaster; the Mountain of 
Rheims was definitely saved. 

General Berthelot had given this Order of the Day to the Italian 
troops : 

H. Q., July 23rd. Entrusted during forty days with the defense 
of a delicate part of the front, the II. Italian Corps has completed per- 
fectly its mission, barring to the enemy the road to the Ardre and 

[186] 



HOW THE MOUNTAIN OF RHEIMS WAS SAVED 

resisting magnificently the repeated attacks that it had to meet. In 
intimate union with French troops it has thrown back all the attacks 
of the Germans upon whom sanguinary losses have been inflicted. It 
has held the position that had been entrusted to it, and now at last has 
begun to take a brilliant part in the offensive against the enemy. The 
Latin blood poured out on the soil of France, in common with that 
which has been shed in the war-ravaged regions of Italy, will cement 
in a most solid way the alliance between the two sister nations and the 
indestructible friendship which exists between the two great peoples. 



[187] 




A ^tiriuj in Jtottram 

Aturainj 

BY 

GEORGIA COOPER WASHBURN 

STUDY of the paternal lineage of Erastus Gaylord 
Putnam, Esq., of Elizabeth, New Jersey, presents a 
picture, fraught with interest, of our colonial days and 
of early England. His ancestry has been traced to 
the Fourteenth Century, when his earliest named 
ancestor, William Puttenham, held Puttenham Manor 
in Hertfordshire. Before this period, into the mists 
of feudal antiquity, the line is not authenticated, but it is said to 
ascend to the Simon de Puttenham who possessed the manor in 1 199. 
Mr. Putnam was born in Harford, New York, December 23, 
1833. His father, Hamilton Putnam, was born in Madison, New 
York, September 5, 1807. He was prominent in the affairs of Cort- 
land, in the same State, where he was a merchant for fifty years, 
Justice of the Peace, Director of the National Bank of Cortland, 
acted as Paymaster in the Militia, and for many years was Super- 
visor of Cortland County. His wife, Mr. Erastus Putnam's mother, 
was Jeannette, daughter of General Erastus Cleaveland. 

The Cleaveland family is descended from Thorkill, a Saxon of 
Yorkshire, living at the time of the Conquest, who was called " de 
Cliveland," probable from an estate. His descendant, Moses Cleave- 
land, ancestor of the American family, came to Massachusetts from 
Ipswich, where he was born probably about 1624. He settled at 
Woburn, Massachusetts, where he married Ann, daughter of Edward 
and Joanna Winn, according to an old record, on " ye 26th 7th mo. . . 
1648." She was born in Wales. Grover Cleveland, twice President 
of the United States, was a descendant of Moses and Ann (Winn) 

[188] 



A STUDY IN PUTNAM AND CLEAVELAND ANCESTRY 

Cleaveland. Moses Cleaveland died at Woburn, Massachusetts, 
January 9, 1701. He and his wife had twelve children. Three of 
his sons, Moses, Samuel, and Aaron, were soldiers of King Philip's 
War. 

Aaron Cleaveland, son of Moses and Ann (Winn) Cleaveland, 
was born at Woburn, January 19, 1654, and was made a freeman in 
1680. His wife was Dorcas Wilson, whom he married in Woburn, 
September 26, 1675. She was born January 29, 1657, the daughter 
of John and Hannah (James) Wilson, and died in Cambridge, Massa- 
chusetts, November 29, 1714. Aaron Cleaveland died at Woburn, 
December 14, 1716. 

Captain Aaron Cleaveland, son of Aaron and Dorcas (Wilson) 
Cleaveland, was born July 9, 1680, at Woburn. He owned large 
tracts of land in Charlestown, and perhaps lived there for some years. 
He also lived in that part of Cambridge which became Medford, and 
was admitted as a member of the church at Cambridge, October 7, 
1711. He was constable of Medford in 1707 and '08, was a con- 
tractor and builder, and was prominent in military affairs, being 
successively Cornet, Lieutenant, and Captain of militia. After 1738 
he removed to East Haddam, Connecticut, where he was admitted to 
the church August 10, 1755, and of which place he was one of the 
wealthiest citizens. On the tax lists of the town he is called "Aaron 
Cleaveland, gentleman." He married at Woburn, January 1, 1701, 
Abigail Waters, daughter of Samuel and Mary (Hudson) Waters. 
She was born November 29, 1683, in Woburn, and probably died at 
Norwich, Connecticut. Captain Aaron Cleaveland died about 
December 1, 1755, either at Norwich or at his Massachusetts home 
in Medford. 

Moses Cleaveland, son of Captain Aaron and Abigail (Waters) 
Cleaveland, was baptized at Cambridge, July 19, 1719. His wife 
was Mary, daughter of Thomas and Dorothy (Hurlburt) Clarke, 
born in Wethersfield, Connecticut, June 9, 1724, and there she mar- 
ried Moses Cleaveland. After his death, which occurred before 
1761, she married a Mr. Bliss, and died at Hopewell, Ontario County, 
New York, aged more than one hundred years, some time after 1824. 

Lieutenant Moses Cleaveland, son of Moses and Mary (Clarke) 
Cleaveland, was born May 23, 1745, either at Norwich, or Wethers- 
field, Connecticut. He lived at the former place and also at New 
London, later removing to Morrisville, New York. In the Revolu- 
tion he was a Lieutenant of Cavalry, and was stationed at Roxbury, 

[189] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

Massachusetts, at the time of the siege of Boston, when he acted as 
a scout. His wife Phoebe, daughter of Aaron and Sarah Fargo, was 
born February 14, 1747, at Norwich, where they were married 
February 20, 1766. Moses Cleaveland died at Morrisville, Madison 
County, New York, in 1817. 

General Erastus Cleaveland, son of Lieutenant Moses and 
Phoebe (Fargo) Cleaveland, was born June 20, 1771, at Norwich, 
Connecticut. He lived at Madison, New York, to which place he 
removed in 1793, and which he represented in the Legislature in 1806 
and 1808. He was made a Major in 1807, and, in the War of 1812, 
was Colonel, in command of a Regiment at Sacketts Harbor. He 
was Lieutenant-Colonel in 1812, Colonel in 1814, and later was made 
Brigadier-General of Militia. He married Rebecca Berry, sister of 
Samuel Berry, who bought the land where Madison, New York, was 
built for twenty-five dollars. General Cleaveland and his wife were 
married at Southwick, Massachusetts, on January 8, 1795. He died 
at Madison, New York, on January 27, 1867, at the age of eighty-five. 

Jeannette, the daughter of General Erastus and Rebecca (Berry) 
Cleaveland, was born January 26, 1817, at Madison, and there she 
married on April 20, 1831, Hamilton Putnam, whose career has been 
described above. She died at Middleboro, Massachusetts, while on a 
visit to their daughter, Mrs. Grant, July 31, 1884. 

Erastus Gaylord Putnam, son of Hamilton and Jeannette 
(Cleaveland) Putnam, received his education at Cortiand Academy, 
at Cortland, New York, and, after leaving school, taught for some 
years until attaining his majority. When he was twenty-one years 
of age he went to Cleveland, Ohio, where he entered the wholesale 
drug-house of his uncle, Erastus Gaylord, and studied medicine for 
five years under the tuition of an English chemist. At the outbreak 
of the Civil War, he served on the Sanitary Commission of Ohio, and 
was offered the appointment as Assistant Surgeon, which, however, 
he was obliged to decline on account of ill-health. On his return to 
New York, Mr. Putnam held the position of business manager of 
Cornell University from 1868 to 1871, residing at Ithaca for those 
years. In 1872 he removed to Elizabeth, New Jersey, where he was 
the proprietor of the Library Hall Drugstore until 1887. For ten 
years, from 1877, he was a member of the Board of Education in 
Elizabeth, and was its President for some years. It was due to his 
efforts that the Elizabeth High School was established He was 
Health Officer of the city from May, 1888, until 1898, during which 

[190] 



A STUDY IN PUTNAM AND CLEAVELAND ANCESTRY 

time he fought against an epidemic of small-pox, showing great ability 
and devotion in his profession. His whole life was given up to 
alleviating the lives of his fellow-citizens, and his memory is honored 
by all those who knew of his unselfish labors. Mr. Putnam was a 
member of the Sons of the American Revolution, being one of the 
charter members of the Elizabeth Chapter. He married, at 
" Keewaydin," Orange County, New York, January 30, 1867, Mary 
Nicoll Woodward, born October 1, 1834, daughter of William A. and 
Frances M. (Evertson) Woodward, and a descendant of many 
ancient lines, both of English and Dutch blood. Their children, who 
died in infancy, were: Mary Evertson, born December 27, 1867; 
Rosalie Gaylord and Harry Barrow, born April 7, 1871 ; and William 
Hamilton, born November 4, 1875. 

Doctor Elijah Putnam, the paternal grandfather of Erastus 
Gaylord Putnam, resided in Madison, New York, where he practised 
medicine for forty years, and was an organizer of the Madison 
County Medical Society. He was born in Medford, Massachusetts, 
in 1769, and died in January, 1851. His wife was Phoebe, daughter 
of Captain Abner Wood. 

The father of Doctor Elijah Putnam was Eleazer Putnam, of 
Medford, born in Danvers, Massachusetts, June 5, 1738. Danvers 
was originally old Salem Village, and here the Putnam family lived 
as far back as the first American ancestor. Eleazer Putnam married 
Mary Crosby, of Billerica, Massachusetts, their marriage being pub- 
lished in Charlestown, March 20, 1761. He died about 1806, in which 
year, on March 14, administration on his estate was granted. In the 
administration papers he is called " Eleazer Putnam of Medford, 
yeoman." On the alarm of the 19th of April, 1775, before the Battle 
of Lexington, Eleazer Putnam was in Captain Isaac Hull's Company, 
from Medford, and on the roll is credited with five days' service. 
His children are given as follows: Samuel, unmarried, according to 
family tradition, who was recorded in 1806; John; Henry; Elijah, 
born in 1769, whose biography has been given, as ancester in the 
lineage traced; Hannah, who married Eben Thompson; and Rhoda, 
who married Locke. 

The father of Eleazer Putnam of Medford was Henry Putnam, 
who was born in Salem Village on August 14, 1712. His wife was 
named Hannah. It is related that, on a journey from Medford to 
Connecticut, he stayed over night at Bolton, where he fell in love with 
the daughter of his host, proposed in the morning, was married the 

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same day and returned to his home with his bride and her dowry, 
which, consisting of two cows and twelve sheep, he drove before him. 
He was in command of a company at the capture of Louisburg, and 
his son, Henry, was also there. Henry Putnam, Sr., removed from 
Salem Village, while his son, Eleazer, whose biography has been given, 
the ancestor of Erastus Gaylord Putnam, remained there. In 1738 
Henry Putnam, with his brother, Samuel, and their mother, made a 
deed of land in Salem Village to Benjamin and Joseph Knight. 
About 1745 he sold the old homestead of his father in the Village to 
Phineas Putnam. He stilled owned property there, however, as in 
1752 his name appears on the tax list, and he was one of the three 
tellers at the town meeting of that year, on March 4, to collect and 
count the votes for selectmen. He was chosen surveyor of lumber 
there at the same meeting. About this time he probably removed to 
Charlestown, as the name does not appear on the tax list of Danvers 
again until 1757, when it is probably that of his son, Henry. Henry 
Putnam, Sr., was taxed in Charlestown from 1756 to 1765 for land 
purchased there in 1753. He taught school " without the neck," 
when he was styled " gentleman," and " from Danvers." He was 
appointed May 9, 1763, administrator on the estate of his son, John 
Putnam, " late of Charlestown," and is called " Gentleman," " of 
Charlestown." He probably removed to Medford soon after. 

On the Alarm of April 19, 1775, before the Battle of Lexington, 
Henry Putnam was one of those patriots who responded to the call. 
He may have gone from Medford, or perhaps joined the Minute Men 
who marched from Danvers to Cambridge, more than sixteen miles in 
four hours, taking their stand in a small walled enclosure, forming 
a breastwork of shingles, and waited for the retreating British. It 
was at West Cambridge that the greatest loss was sustained by the 
Americans. Of the Danvers Company was his son, Henry Putnam, 
Jr., who was wounded, but later was in the Battle of Bunker Hill. 
Other near relatives were among the wounded and killed. His son, 
Eleazer, marched with the men from Medford, as before stated. In 
the Battle of Lexington Henry Putnam was killed, giving up his life 
for his country at the age of sixty-three. Five of his sons took part 
in the battle. 

General Israel Putnam was of the same generation as Henry 
Putnam, whose biography has just been given, their fathers being 
first cousins. The General was born in Salem Village on January 7, 
1717-18, in a house near what is now Hathorne Station, where the 

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A STUDY IN PUTNAM AND CLEAVELAND ANCESTRY 

first American ancestor of Nathaniel Hawthorne was born. The 
latter added a " w " to his surname. His emigrant ancestor, Major 
William Hathorne of Salem Village, was father t>f Judge John 
Hathorne, who is tragically memorable as one of the condemnors of 
the unfortunate men and women who were executed in the dreadful 
witchcraft delusion at Salem Village in 1692. The Hathornes were 
allied by marriage with the Putnams. 

General Putnam is described by his grandson, Judge Judah Dana, 
as follows : " For height, about . . . middle size, very erect, thick- 
set, muscular, and firm in every part. His countenance was open, 
strong and animated ... all exactly fitted for a warrior." He 
fought in the French and Indian War at the age of thirty-nine, having 
already had two years of warfare as one of the Rogers' Rangers in 
the vicinity of Ticonderoga and Crown Point. He received the rank 
of Captain, and in 1758 was made a Major, and marched with the 
forces of Lord Howe to Ticonderoga, which met disaster. A month 
later he was captured by the Indians near Fort Edward and tied to a 
tree to be burned to death. One of the savages informed the French 
leader of their company, who saved his life. He was then taken to 
Canada as a prisoner, but finally exchanged through a fellow 
prisoner, who said that he was an "old man" who wished to be at home 
with his family. He again joined the forces and took part in the 
capture of Crown Point and Ticonderoga, when Canada became an 
English possession. 

On April 2.0, 1775, while ploughing at his home at Pomfret, Con- 
necticut, where he had removed, he heard of the Battle of Lexington 
of the day before, and, dropping his plough, without change of dress, 
mounted a horse and rode to Lebanon, where the Governor ordered 
him to Boston. Returning home he found hundreds of men waiting 
to join his command, and, riding through the night for eighteen 
hours, he reached Concord, and before a week had passed was placed 
in command of the minute men and volunteers as Brigadier-General. 
For the remainder of the year 1775 his headquarters were at Cam- 
bridge, on the site of what is now the City Hall. 

At the Battle of Bunker Hill, on June 17, 1775, Israel Putnam 
became the very spirit of fiery patriotism which is balked by nothing. 
His famous order to his men not to fire " until you see the whites of 
their eyes," is well known. " At times he personally directs the dis- 
charge of cannon. When impatient men fired without orders he 
draws his sword and threatens death." When the Americans were 

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threatened with disorganization, he resorted to actual violence, keep- 
ing up their " morale " by his own determination. Long after the 
Revolution had given to the world its first true Republic, Israel 
Putnam was rebuked by some of those who, as at all periods, see 
events in the petty scale by which their own minds are governed, for 
his profanity during the Battle of Bunker Hill, to which he replied 
with an apology, accompanied with the words, " It was enough to 
make an angel swear to see the cowards run." 

He is described by Doctor Thacher, in his " Military Journal," 
as follows : " In person he is corpulent and clumsy but carried a bold, 
undaunted front. He exhibits . . . much of the character of the 
veteran soldier. He visited our hospital and inquired with much 
solicitude into the condition of our patients." 

Israel Putnam died on May 29, 1790. His epitaph, by Timothy 
Dwight, who five years later became President of Yale College, is 
here given : 

" To a Man whose Generosity was Singular, whose Honesty was 
Proverbial, Who Raised Himself to Universal Esteem and Offices 
of Eminent Distinction by Personal Worth and a Useful Life." 

Henry Putnam, the cousin of General Israel Putnam, and an 
account of whom, as ancestor of Erastus Gaylord Putnam, has above 
been given, had the following children: Henry, born in 1737, and 
baptized in the old Salem Village Meeting House, December 2, 1753; 
Eleazer, born June 5, and baptized August 13, 1738, whose biography 
has been given; Elijah, born July 23, and baptized July 26, 1741; 
probably the Elijah Putnam who graduated at Harvard College in 
1766; Roger, born October 10, and baptized the 16th, in 1743; John, 
born October 11, baptized the 13th, 1745, administration on whose 
estate was granted to his father, with Caleb Brooks and Thomas Reed 
as bondsmen, on May 9, 1763; Billings, born May 11, 1749; and 
Benjamin, born August 26, and baptized at Salem Village September 
15, 1751, who died at Savannah, Georgia, in 1801. 

Henry Putnam, whose biography has just been given, was the 
son of Eleazer Putnam, born in Salem Village in 1665. His first 
wife was Hannah, daughter of Daniel and Hannah (Hutchinson) 
Boardman. She was born in Ipswich, February 18, 1670-1. He 
married, second, November 14, 1711, Elizabeth, daughter of Benja- 
min and Apphia (Hale) Rolfe of Newbury, born there December 15, 
1679. Elizabeth (Rolfe) Putnam died January 2, 1752. She was a 
sister of Abigail, wife of Nathaniel Boardman, brother of the first 

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wife of Eleazer Putnam. In family papers, Henry Putnam, born in 
1712, whose biography has been given, the eldest child of Eleazer 
Putnam, wrote of his parents : 

" On Jany the 25 th 173 2/3 Eleazer Putnam Departed this Leife 
about 16 minutes after 3 O :-: the clock in the afternoon in ye 65 year 
of his age. 

" Mother Died Jany 2 nd 1752 between 7 & 8 in ye morn " 

In the same record he writes of four of his brothers and sisters : 

" The age of Hannah is 50 in 1749. 

' The age of Eleazer is 54. 

' The age of Jeptha is 30. 

' The age of Samuel is 42." 

Eleazer Putnam wis in the company of Captain William Ray- 
mond in the expedition to Canada in 1690. He was prominent in the 
affairs of Salem Village, where he lived. With his first wife, he 
was admitted to the church there in 1699, and, in 1717-18 was made a 
deacon. He was " tythingman " in 1700 and in 1705; constable in 
1708, and surveyor of highways on the Topsfield road in 1711. His 
farm was near the Topsfield boundary and north of the General 
Israel Putnam house, on the present site of the preston place. 

Eleazer Putnam lived in troublous times at Salem. The terrible 
witchcraft delusion occurred there in 1692, and soon involved persons 
of the highest character, who were accused by a group of hysterical 
girls, lead by an old Indian woman, of bewitching them. The 
superstition, which at that period existed in all parts of the civilized 
world, was encouraged by some of the ministers and persons in 
authority, and many innocent persons were executed. One of the 
girls was Ann Putnam, daughter of Sergeant Thomas Putnam (a 
first cousin of Eleazer Putnam of the present biography). She was 
twelve years of age at the time. When she was nineteen her parents 
died and she soon became an invalid. Her conscience was troubled 
by the false testimony she had given during the trials of those accused, 
and, on her admission as a member to the church at Salem, under the 
guidance of Reverend Joseph Green, she made public confession as 
follows : 

" I desire to be humbled before God for that sad . . . provi- 
dence that befell my father's family . . . about '92, that I ... 
being in childhood, should ... be made an instrument for the 
accusing of several persons of a grievous crime, whereby their lives 
were taken away from them, whom now I have good reason to 

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believe . . . were innocent persons; and that it was a great 
delusion of Satan that deceived me ... whereby I ... fear I 
have been instrumental, with others, though unwittingly, to bring 
upon myself and this land the guilt of innocent blood; though I can 
truly say, before God ... I did it not out of anger, malice or ill- 
will . . . but . . . ignorantly . . . particularly ... I was 
a chief instrument of accusing Goodwife Nurse and her two sisters. 
I desire to lie in the dust, and to be humbled for it ... and 
earnestly beg forgiveness of God, and from all those unto whom I 
have given just cause of sorrow and offense, whose relatives were 
taken away or accused." 

Several members of the Putnam family did not join with those 
who so unjustly accused others of dealings with Satan, among them 
Joseph Putnam, father of General Israel Putnam, who, with others 
of the family, one of whom was Captain John Putnam, father of 
Eleazer of the present biography, signed a document certifying to the 
good character of the unfortunate Mrs. Rebecca Nurse, one of those 
executed. It is here given: "We whose names are hereunto sub- 
scribed, being desired by Goodman Nurse to declare what we know 
concerning his wife's conversation for time past, we can testify 
. . . that we have known her for many years, and according to our 
observation, her life and conversation were according to her pro- 
fession, and we never had any cause or grounds to suspect her of any 
such thing as she is now accused of." This document was signed, 
among others, by Israel Porter, Elizabeth Porter, John Putnam, 
Rebecca Putnam, Benjamin Putnam, Sarah Putnam, another Sarah 
Putnam, Jonathan Putnam, and Joseph Putnam. The Elizabeth 
Porter who signed was a sister of Judge John Hathorne, the examin- 
ing magistrate in the trials of the " witches," and was mother-in-law 
of Joseph Putnam. She was " among the very few who condemned 
the proceedings from the first." " This venerable lady, whose con- 
versation and bearing were so truly saint-like, was an invalid of 
extremely delicate condition and appearance, of piety and simplicity 
of heart. In all probability she shared in the popular belief on the 
subject of witchcraft and supposed the sufferings of the children 
were real and they were afflicted by an ' evil hand.' At the very 
time she was sorrowfully sympathizing with them . . . they were 
inculcating suspicions against her, and maturing plans for her 
destruction." 

At the trial of some of those accused, Eleazer Putnam is said to 

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A STUDY IN PUTNAM AND CLEAVELAND ANCESTRY 

have " drawn his rapier " and thrust at the supposed invisible devil 
or witch who was at the time torturing the " afflicted " girls. 

He died January 25, 1732-3, at Salem Village. His will was 
dated October 3, 1732, and probated April 9, 1733. In it he men- 
tioned his wife, Elizabeth; his daughter, Hannah Peabody and her 
children; his sons, Eleazer and Jeptha, and his daughter Apphia. 
His sons, Samuel and Henry, were the executors. An inventory of 
his estate was returned on January 22, 1733-4. 

By his first wife, Hannah (Boardman) Putnam, he had the 
following children: Hannah, born December 8, 1693; baptized at 
Topsfield, December 16, 1694; married Doctor Nathan Peabody; 
Eleazer, born September 8, 1695; baptized at Topsfield, August 9, 
1696; Sarah, born September 26, 1697; Jeptha, born August 24, 1699, 
and baptized August 25, 1700, at Salem Village; Joseph and Samuel, 
born May 30 and baptized June 15, 1707. 

By his second wife, Elizabeth (Rolfe) Putnam, he had: Henry, 
born August 14, 1712; baptized at Salem Village August 17, the same 
year, whose biography has been given; and Apphia, born July 8, 1716, 
who married, first, John, son of Benjamin and Hannah (Endicott) 
Porter, and second, Asa, son of Thomas and Sarah (Osgood) Perley. 

Eleazer Putnam was the son of Captain John Putnam of Salem 
Village, who was baptized at Aston Abbotts, Buckinghamshire, Eng- 
land, May 27, 1627, and came with his parents to America. His wife 
was Rebecca Prince, called " step-daughter of John Gedney." She 
was, perhaps, the sister of Robert Prince, who lived nearby in Salem. 
They were married there September 3, 1652. Robert Prince of 
Salem, who had a grant of land there in 1649, is thought to have been 
a brother of Richard Prince, who came to Salem in 1639, and was 
made a freeman December 27, 1642. 

John Putnam was made a freeman in 1665. In 1668 and 1670, 
with his brothers, he signed petitions for a minister at " the farms." 
He also signed, with other members of the family, a petition to 
separate the " Village " from Salem, dated March 14, 1681-2. Those 
signing it were as follows : 

' Thomas Putnam senior Jonathan Putnam 

" John Putnam Thomas Putnam jr. 

" Nathaniel Putnam Edward Putnam." 

' John Putnam jr. 

He was one of those members of the Salem church who, on 

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November 10, 1689, formed the church at Salem Village, now the 
North Parish in Danvers. The members of the Putnam family 
among them were: 

" John Putnam and wife John Putnam jr. and wife 

Benjamin Putnam and wife 

' Thomas Putnam 

Jonathan Putnam and wife 

" Edward Putnam 

Sarah Putnam wife of James." 

The Putnams were allied by marriage with the Endicott family. 
Apphia, daughter of Eleazer, Captain John Putnam's son, as has 
been stated, married John, a son of Benjamin and Hannah (Endicott) 
Porter. Captain John Putnam, of the present biography, in 1678 
testified that he was intimately acquainted with Governor Endicott, 
having, fifty years before that date, been employed on the latter's 
farm, which was noted as one of the finest in the colony. 

In the year 1658 John Putnam deeded twenty acres of meadow 
land on Ipswich River to Robert Prince, styling himself " Planter." 
With Simon Bradstreet and Daniel Dennison, in 1674, he established 
large iron works at Rowley Village, now Boxford, which were con- 
structed and carried on by Samuel and Nathan Leonard. Some 
years before his death he deeded all his property to his children. 

John Putnam was prominent in the military and civic affairs of 
Salem. He was made a Corporal in 1672; was in the Narragansett 
War, and was Lieutenant of a troop of horse at the Village in 1678. 
He is called " Captain " after 1687. He was a Deputy to the General 
Court in 1679, to succeed Bartholomew Gedney, and also in 1680- 
1686 and 1691-1692. On January 24, 1677, he was " ordered and 
empowered to take care of the law relating to the catechissing of 
children and youth be duly attended to all the Village," and is desired 
to have " a diligent care that all the families do carefully and con- 
stantly attend the due education of children and youth according to 
law." He took a leading part in the dispute regarding the boundary 
between Salem and Topsfield. With two of his sons, he owned 
property in the contested territory, and tenaciously held to his rights 
in the matter. It was finally settled by the creation of another town- 
ship called Middleton. As late as 1706, with his son, Captain 
Jonathan Putnam, he was empowered to settle town boundaries. 

Captain John Putnam's farm was the same on which his father 

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A STUDY IN PUTNAM AND CLEAVELAND ANCESTRY 

had lived, now known as " Oak Knoll," the home of the poet, 
Whittier. He died in 1710. The following record of his burial is 
from the diary of Reverend Joseph Green : " April 7 Captain Put- 
nam buried by ye soldiers." His grave is in what is now the Wads- 
worth Cemetery, formerly the old Putnam burying ground, and is 
unmarked. The oldest stone bears date of 1682, and marks the grave 
of the wife of his son, Jonathan. 

Captain John Putnam's children, born at Salem Village, were: 
Rebecca, born May 28, 1653, married John Fuller; Sarah, born 
September 4, 1654, married John Hutchinson; Priscilla, born March 
4, 1657, married Joseph Bailey; Jonathan, born March 17, 1659; 
James, born September 4, 1661 ; Hannah, born February 2, 1663, 
married Henry Brown; Eleazer, born 1665, whose biography has 
been given; John, born July 14, 1667; Susannah, born September 4, 
1670, married Edward Bishop; and Ruth, born in August, 1673. 

Captain John Putnam was the youngest child of his father, John 
Putnam, who emigrated with his family to America. He was born 
at Wingrave, Buckinghamshire, England, where he was baptized on 
January 17, 1579-80, and was the son of Nicholas and Margaret 
(Goodspeed) Putnam. His marriage probably took place in 1611 
or 1612. The marriage records for this period are missing from the 
register at Wingrave, and the maiden surname name of his wife is not 
known. But Priscilla, wife of John Putnam, was admitted as a 
member of the church at Salem, Massachusetts, January 21, 1641, 
and it is believed that she was Priscilla Deacon, a member of the 
Deacon family of Corner Hall, in Hemel Hempstead, Hertford- 
shire. This family was descended from Richard Deacon of Wyn- 
druge, Herts, who died in 1496. Its Coat-Armor is blazoned: " A 
chevron treillisse between three roses. Crest: A demi-eagle." The 
brother of this Richard Deacon was Michael, Bishop of St. Asaph, 
and one of his sons was Secretary to Elizabeth of York, the Queen 
of Henry VII, and daughter of Edward IV. 

In 1658 Zaccheus Gould of Topsfield, Massachusetts, deputed 
" John Putnam of Salem, the younger, his cousin," to be his attorney. 
An account book belonging to John Gould, grandson of this Zaccheus, 
has the following entry : " Grandfather Gould lived in Buckingham- 
shire, and Grandfather Deacon in Hertfordsshire, in Hempstead 
town in Corner Hall." In the same book there is mentioned John 
Putnam, who is called " cousin." A brother of Zaccheus Gould, 
Jeremy, married Priscilla Grover, and lived in Aston Abbotts in 1631. 

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He was in Rhode Island in 1638. John Gould, another brother of 
Zaccheus Gould, had a daughter, Priscilla, who married a Grover, 
and had a daughter, Priscilla, and also had a niece, Priscilla Ware. 
Neither, from the dates, could have been the wife of John Putnam. 
The word " cousin " in the Seventeenth Century often was used for 
" nephew." It may be that Zaccheus Gould and John Putnam mar- 
ried sisters. They both had daughters named Phoebe, and, accord- 
ing to the records of the Gould family, Phoebe, wife of Zaccheus 
Gould, was a daughter of Thomas and Martha Deacon of Corner 
Hall. John Putnam's eldest son was named Thomas. The home of 
the Goulds and the Deacons was in the part of Hempstead called 
Bovington, and is eight miles from Tring, which is close by the 
original home of the Putnam family in Hertfordshire. Nicholas 
Putnam, father of John Putnam, the first, of Salem, Massachusetts, 
had inherited from his brother, Richard, an estate in Wingrave, 
bequeathed the latter by their father, John Putnam, who, at the time 
of his death, in 1597, was living at Stewkley, where Richard Deacon, 
the Queen's Secretary, above mentioned, held the two chief manors 
in 1503. 

Nicholas Putnam bequeathed property at Aston Abbotts, County 
Buckingham, to his son, John, consisting of houses and lands, and it 
was there that the latter's children were baptized and undoubtedly 
born. In 1614 John Putnam was one of the sureties on his mother's 
second marriage at Aston Abbotts. The only other mentions of him 
in the English records are at the baptisms of his children at Aston 
Abbotts, in 1612, when his eldest child, Elizabeth, was baptized, and 
on dates after that year, as late as 1627, when his youngest child, 
John, was baptized. 

The date of his emigration to America is not known. He first 
appears in Salem in 1640. It is thought that his son, Thomas, who 
first settled in Lynn, Massachusetts, came to America before his 
father. His son, Nathaniel, made a deposition in the year 1685-6 
that he had lived in Salem for forty-six years, and, at the same time, 
his brother, John Putnam, Junior, stated that he had lived there about 
forty-five years. There is a tradition in the family that John Put- 
nam came to this country in 1634, but no record has been found which 
authenticates it. It probably was first stated in an account of the 
family given by Edward Putnam in 1733. John Putnam and his 
sons received land grants in Salem, the earliest recorded, on which he 
built his home, being as follows: 

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A STUDY IN PUTNAM AND CLEAVELAND ANCESTRY 

" At a meeting the 20th of the llth month (1640), there being 
present, Mr. Endicott, Mr. Hathorne, John Woodbury, Jeffry Massy, 
the selectmen, there was ' Graunted to John Putnam one hundred acres 
of land at the head of Mr. Skelton's Farme between it and Elias 
Stileman the elder his Farme, if there be an hundred acres of it. And 
it is in exchange of one hundred acres w ch was graunted to the said 
John Putnam formerly & if it fall out that there be not such there 
then to be made up neere Lieutenant Davenport's hill, to be layd out 
by the towne. And tenne acres of meadow in the meadow called the 
pine meadow if it be not there formerly graunted to others/ ' 

Also, at a meeting of the selectmen on March 17, 1652, it was 
resolved that " There being formerlie graunted unto John Putnam 
Sen' 50 acres of land and complaint being made that the said land laid 
out to him is not soe much it is ordered that the layers out of the land 
shall make up what the said land shall want of his grant in land lying 
between his sonne Nathanaells land and Richard Huchisson." 

At a meeting of the selectmen on December 26, 1654-5, another 
grant was made to his son, John, as follows : 

" Granted to John Putnam Jun' 30 acres of upland neare 
adioyning to the Farmes of Captayne Hathorne John Rucke and 
William Nicols, being in exchange of the 30 acres he should have had 
at the end of Captaine Hathorne his Farme." On the same day it 
was " Ordered that whereas there is a small portion of rockie land 
adioyning unto the farm latelie in the possession of Captaine 
Hathorne but now possest by John Putnam Sen' Richard Huchisson 
Daniell Ray and John Hathorne upon the request of the said parties 
the said Rockie land is graunted unto them upon consideration of the 
summe of twentie shillings." 

In 1653 John Putnam divided his lands at Salem between his 
sons, Thomas and Nathaniel. He had already given his homestead 
there to his youngest son, John. 

In the account of the family, already mentioned, compiled by 
Deacon Edward Putnam in 1733, the death of John Putnam, Senior, 
is thus described : " He ate his supper, went to prayer with his 
family and died before he went to sleep." 

The children of John and Priscilla Putnam, who came with their 
parents to America, were baptized at Aston Abbotts, Buckingham- 
shire, and were: Elizabeth, baptized December 20, 1612; Thomas, 
baptized March 7, 1614-15, died at Salem Village, May 5, 1686; 
John, baptized July 24, 1617, died young, and was buried at Aston 

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Abbotts, November 5, 1620; Nathaniel, baptized October 11, 1619, 
died at Salem Village, July 23, 1700; Sarah, baptized March 7, 
1622-3; Phoebe, baptized July 28, 1624; and John, baptized May 27, 
1627, whose biography has been given. 

With the generation before John Putnam, the elder, of Salem, 
Massachusetts, the ancestral line of the American family of Putnam 
passes into English scenes. His father was, as has been stated, 
Nicholas Putnam of Wingrave, Buckinghamshire, who was born 
about 1540. His wife was Margaret, daughter of John and Eliza- 
beth Goodspeed of Wingrave, where she was baptized August 16, 
1556. They were married at Wingrave on January 30, 1577. As 
early as 1585 Nicholas Putnam removed from Wingrave to Stewke- 
ley, where he inherited property from his father and brothers. He 
made his will on January 1, 1597, and it was proved September 27, 
1 598. It is here given : 

" In the name of God Amen the first daye of Januarie Anno Dm 
1597. I Nicholas Putnam of Stukely being sicke in bodie but of a 
whole mind Pfict memorrie thank be to god doe dedeyn and make 
this my last will and testament in maner and forme followinge, first I 
bequeath my Soule to Almighti god my bodie to be buried in 
Christianmenes buriall. 

" It. I will that yf my wife and my sonne cannot agree to dwell 
together that then my sonne John shall paye unto my wife V 11 * a 
yeare as long as she liveth yf she keepe her widdowe, yf she marrye 
then my sonne to paye her V lb a year soe iij yeares after her marriage 
and no longer. It. I geve unto my iiij children Thomas, Richard, 
Anne, and Elizabeth to everi one of them X lb to be payd them by my 
wife and my sonne John when they come to the age of xxi yeares. It 
I make my wife and Sonne John my executors jointley together to 
Receive my debtes. Their hearing witness Wm. Meade, Bennet 
Conley and John Meade w th others Prov. xxij Sept. 1598. (Arch. 
Bucks.)" 

The wife of Nicholas Putnam married, second, William Huxley, 
of Aston Abbotts, on December 8, 1614. They were married at 
Aston Abbotts, where she died four years later, and was buried. 
The surety on her marriage was her son, John Putnam of Aston 
Abbotts, called " husbandman." 

The children of Nicholas Putnam by his wife, Margaret 
(Goodspeed) Putnam, were: Anne, baptized October 12, 1578, mar- 
ried at Aston Abbotts, January 26, 1604-5, William Argett; John, 

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A STUDY IN PUTNAM AND CLEAVELAND ANCESTRY 

baptized January 17, 1579, emigrated to America and settled in 
Salem, Massachusetts, his biography having been given above ; Eliza- 
beth, baptized February 11, 1581, married at Aston Abbotts, October 
22, 1612, Edward Bottome; Thomas, baptized September 20, 1584; 
and Richard, of whose baptism no record has been found; living in 
1597. 

Nicholas Putnam, whose biography is given above, was the son 
of John Putnam of Rowsham, in Wingrave, County Buckingham. 
Wingrave is situated between Aston Abbotts and Long Marston and 
Puttenham, the ancient seat of the Putnam family. The church 
there, where John Putnam, who came with his family to Massachu- 
setts, was baptized on January 17, 1579-80, was restored to much of 
its original beauty early in the Twentieth Century, the old windows 
opened, and ancient sculptures and paintings brought to light. Win- 
grave was the home of the Goodspeeds, of which family the mother 
of John Putnam, the emigrant, was a member. The name of the wife 
of John Putnam of Rowsham is not known, but it is probable that she 
was the Margaret Putnam who was buried at Wingrave January 27, 
1568. He was buried there October 2, 1573. His will was dated 
September 19, and proved November 14, in that year. In it he directs 
that he be buried in the church at Wingrave, or in the churchyard. He 
gives to his son, Nicholas (father of John Putnam of Aston Abbotts 
and Salem, Massachusetts), 30; " two of the best " sheep; and other 
legacies. 

His children were: Nicholas, probably born between 1540 and 
1550, whose biography has been given; Richard, to whom his father 
bequeathed the house and land at Wingrave, lands " in the fields " 
at Rowsham and Wingrave, and twenty nobles, who died without 
issue and was buried at Wingrave, June 24, 1576, in his will, dated 
June 21, and proved October 17, that year, giving his house at Win- 
grave and his " free lands and leaseholds " to his brother Nicholas 
Putnam ; Thomas, of Rowsham, died without issue and was buried at 
Wingrave, July 2, 1576, who married Agnes Britnell, his will, dated 
June 26, proved July 7, 1576, mentioning brothers, John and Nicholas; 
Margaret, married at Wingrave, June 14, 1573, Godfrey Johnson; 
and John, of Slapton, had land at Eddlesborough, his will, dated 
March 5, 1594, and proved February 28, 1595-6, making his brother, 
Nicholas Putnam, and Richard Sawell overseers, and his wife, 
Margaret, and son, Thomas, executors. 

John Putnam of Rowsham, above, was the son of Richard Put- 

[203] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

nam of Eddlesborough and Woughton. The first-mentioned place 
joins Slapton on the west, Woughton is about twelve miles north from 
Eddlesborough, and Wingrave is above the same distance from 
Woughton. The farm to which Richard Putnam removed from 
Eddlesborough was situated in Woughton opposite the present 
rectory. The name of Putnam has long disappeared from the 
locality, and the family, once so numerous in this part of England, 
has almost entirely transferred its home to New England. Richard 
Putnam is mentioned in the Lay Subsidy Roll of 1524 (the sixteenth 
year of the reign of Henry VIII), when he is called " of Edlesbury." 
In the rolls for the 14th and 15th Henry VIII, he is styled " Rychard 
Puttynhn." In the same roll John " Pottman " of Slapton is assessed 
four shillings. 

The will of Richard Putnam is on record at Somerset House, 
London, and is dated December 12, 1556, and proved February 26, 
1556-7. In it his surname is spelled " Puthnam," and he is called 
" of Woughton on the Grene." To his wife, Joan, he leaves his house 
at Slapton, with remainder to his son, John, and bequeathes property 
in Woughton to his son, Harry, whom he makes executor. The over- 
seers were his son, John Putnam, and " Rychard Brynklowe." It is 
witnessed by John Chadde, Laurence Wylson, and others. 

The children of Richard Putnam of Woughton were: John, of 
Wingrave, eldest son, who was the ancestor of the Massachusetts 
family, and whose biography has been given; Harry, of Woughton, 
whose will was dated July 13, 1579, proved October 3, the same year, 
and who had sons, Richard of Woughton, and Harry of Wolnerton ; 
and Jene, married before 1556. 

Richard Putnam, of Eddlesborough and Woughton, whose 
biography appears above, was probably the son of Henry Putnam, a 
younger son of Nicholas Puttenham, or Putnam, of Putnam Place, 
in Penn, Buckinghamshire. He was living in 1526. His will has 
not been found. He was probably also the father of John of Slapton 
and Hawridge, and Thomas of Eddlesborough. The latter owned 
Sewell, and, in 1628, with Matthew Puttenham, was among the 
highest taxed inhabitants in Eddlesborough. This Matthew Putten- 
ham, whose will was proved June 30, 1636, was of Hodenhall. 
Thomas died in 1638, one-third part of the Manor of Northall, alias 
Cowdwell, passing to his son, Gabriel, in 1640. 

Nicholas Puttenham, or Putnam, as his surname frequently 
appeared, the father of Henry Putnam, above, was probably born 

[204] 



A STUDY IN PUTNAM AND CLEAVELAND ANCESTRY 

about 1460. He possessed Putnam Place in Penn, County Bucking- 
ham, now a farmhouse, which probably was first held by the family 
in 1315, and remained in possession of the Putnams until almost 1600. 

In the Visitation of Buckinghamshire, made in 1634, a pedigree 
of " Putnam of Penne " is given, taken from the Visitation of 1566. 
It commences with " Nicholas Puttnam of Penne Bucks gent," and 
names, as his " eldest son and heir," " John Putnam of Penne." His 
son, Henry, probably father of Richard Putnam of Eddlesborough 
and Woughton, does not appear in the pedigree, but the will of his 
eldest son, John, above, dated 1526, names his brother, Henry, and 
also Sir George Puttenham, his father's elder brother. Nicholas 
Puttenham's sons were, therefore: John, of Penn, called "eldest 
son and heir " in the Visitation of 1566; and Henry, living in -1526. 

The Arms of Putnam of Penn, as given in the above-quoted 
pedigree, are: "1. S. crusily fitchee (a) bird A.; a. Lozengy O. and 
B. Crest : Wolves head erased G." Burke's General Armory gives 
the Arms of " Puttenham, or Putnam (Bedfordshire, and Penn, co. 
Buckingham). Sa. crusily fitchee ar. a stork of the last. Crest 
A wolf's head gu." The same authority (Burke's General Armory), 
gives the Coat-Armor of the elder branch of the family, " Puttenham 
of Sherfield, co. Hants" (Visitation of 1634), as borne by Richard 
Puttenham of Sherfield, Esq., grandson of Sir George Puttenham 
of Sherfield, and whose only daughter and heiress, Anne, was the 
wife of Francis Morris of Copwell, as "Ar. crusily fitchee sa, a stork 
of the last. Crest, as the last." The above Sir George Puttenham 
was knighted at the marriage of Prince Arthur, November 17, 1501, 
at which time his Arms are blazoned : " Quarterly, 1 and 4, Sable, 
crusily fitchee and a stork argent; 2 and 3, Lozengy, azure and or. 
(For Warbleton), Crest: A hind's head gules." 

John Putnam of Aston Abbotts, Buckinghamshire, and Salem, 
Massachusetts, was the head of the eldest branch of the family at the 
time of his emigration to America, as the elder line of Sherfield, 
descending from Sir George Puttenham, became extinct in the male 
line in the person of his grandson, Richard Puttenham, whose only 
child was a daughter. The elder line of Penn was also extinct in the 
male line, and the Putnams of Woughton, Hawridge, and Eddies- 
borough were of younger branches than the family of Wingrave. 

Nicholas Puttenham of Penn, County Buckingham, above, was 
the third son of William Putenhatn, of Putenham, the ancient home of 
the family in Hertfordshire, Penn, Sherfield, Warbleton, etc. He 

[205] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

was born about 1430. His wife was Anne, daughter of John Hamp- 
den, Esq., of Hampden, County Buckingham. She was of royal 
descent, her pedigree being as follows : 

The Emperor Charlemagne had a son, 

Louis I, King of France; whose son was 

Charles II, King of France; whose son was 

Louis II, King of France; whose son was 

Charles III, King of France; whose son was 

Louis IV, King of France ; who son, 

Charles, Duke of Lower Lorraine, had a daughter, 

Gerberga (wife of Lambert de Mous), whose daughter, 

Matilda (" Mahant de Louvaine"), married Eustace I, of Boulogne, and 
had a son, 

Eustace II of Boulogne, whose son, 

Geoffrey de Boulogne (living in 1093), had a son, 

William de Boulogne, whose son, 

Pharamon de Boulogne de Tingry, had a daughter, 

Sybilla, who married Ingebram de Fienes, and had a son, 

William de Fienes of Mertock. whose daughter (name unknown) mar- 
ried Bartholomew de Hampden, and had a son, 

Sir Reginald de Hampden, whose son, 

Sir Alexander de Hampden, had a son, 

Sir Reginald de Hampden, who had a son, 

Sir John de Hampden, whose son, 

Sir Edmund de Hampden, whose son, 

John Hampden, Esq., was father of 

Anne Hampden, above, who became the wife of William Puttenham. 

In 1490 William Puttenham was executor of the will of Gilbert 
Stapleton, Vicar of Aston Abbotts. His own will, dated July 10, 
1492, was proved July 23, the same year at Lambeth. To his 
daughter, Agnes, he gives 5 yearly, to be taken from his manor of 
Willeigh in Surrey. He mentions manors of Tannerigg in Surrey; 
and Merston in Hertfordshire, and directs that he be buried before 
the image of the Blessed Virgin in the chapel within the church of 
the Hospital of the Blessed Mary, called the Elsingspytell, London. 
He makes his son and heir, George Puttenham, Sir William Bowlond, 
prior of the Hospital of the Blessed Mary of Elsingspytell, William 
Tysted, Esq., and William Oldacres, chaplain, executors. William 
Puttenham also held the manor of Lagham in Walkenstede, Surrey, 
which was held by Richard Harecourt of him in 1486. In that year 
John Whitehead held the manor of Estthrop of William Puttenham. 

William Puttenham's children were: Sir George, son and heir; 
Edmund, of Puttenham, died without male issue; Nicholas, of Penn, 



A STUDY IN PUTNAM AND CLEAVELAND ANCESTRY 

ancestor of John Putnam of Aston Abbotts, Buckinghamshire, and 
Salem, Massachusetts; Frideswide; Elizabeth; Alionore, married 
Richard Pigott, son of Richard Pigott, Esq., of Aston Rowant, 
Oxfordshire ; Brigide ; and Agnes. 

William Puttenham of Puttenham was the eldest son of Henry 
Puttenham, who was born in the early part of the Fifteenth Century, 
as he is stated to have been over sixty years of age in 1468. With 
Edmund Brudenall, Robert Foster, and Thomas Lombard, he pur- 
chased, in 1449-50, of Thomas Hand and Johan, his wife, a messuage 
in Chalfhunt (Fines, 28 Henry VI), and, two years later, he, with 
Thomas Everdon and Thomas de la Hay, purchased of Thomas More 
and Florence, his wife, a messuage and land in Wycombe and 
Huchenden (Fines, 30 Henry VI). He was named as one of the 
executors of the will of William Whaplod of Chalfhunt St. Giles, 
Bucks, November 14, 1447, and, with others, established a chantry 
at Chalfhunt. 

Henry Puttenham married Elizabeth, widow of Geoffrey Good- 
luck. Her will, dated December 25, 1485, and proved October 9, 
1486, is on record at Somerset House, London. She desires to be 
buried in the chapel of Saint Mary the Virgin in All Saints of Istel- 
worth, by the side of her first husband. To the high altar of Istel- 
worth church she bequeaths her " red girdle silver-gift," and makes 
many other bequests to church and religious institutions. She men- 
tions her daughters, Maude (Matilda), wife of John Chase, and 
Thomasine, wife. of Philip Payn. Her maiden surname was probably 
Wylands, for in a suit concerning a claim on the manor of Maidstone 
(6 Henry VII), the defendants are Matilda, wife of John Chase, 
Thomasine, wife of Philip Payne, and Bridget, wife of Robert 
Stowell, who are called daughters of " Elizabeth Wylands, wife of 
Puttenham." 

Henry Puttenham died July 6, 1473. He was the son of William 
Puttenham, of Puttenham, Penn, etc., born about 1355, whose wife 
was Margaret Warbleton. The Warbleton family held the manor of 
Warbleton, Sussex, from which it took its name, and the manor of 
Sherfield, Hampshire. The latter, in 1469, was possessed by the 
Puttenhams. The earliest mention of the Warbleton family is in 
the Inquisition Post Mortem on the death of William de Muncell, 
August 13, 1243, in the 27th year of the reign of Henry III, at which 
time the said William de Muncell held the manor of Compton of 
of Thomas " de Warblington," which manor pertained to the manor 

[207] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

of Sherfield, " which said Thomas holds of the king." William 
Puttenham's wife, Margaret, was the third daughter of John 
Warbleton of Warbleton and Sherfield, by Katherine, daughter of 
Sir John de Foxle of Foxle, Bramshell, and Apuldrefield. 

William Puttenham may have been the son of Robert Puttenham, 
who was either a son or grandson of Sir Roger Puttenham, High 
Sheriff of Hertfordshire in 1322. Or his father may have been a 
son of Sir Roger Puttenham of Puttenham (1320-1380), grandson of 
the Sheriff. In a pedigree in the Visitation of Hampshire, 1634, the 
descent of Sir George Puttenham is given as from a Robert Putten- 
ham. Robert Puttenham, of Puttenham, was a witness to a deed, 
dated 1346, conveying the manor of Erie in Pittston, of which Putten- 
ham was later one of the enfeof fees. It is at this point that a break 
in the Putnam line of descent appears, the exact relationship of 
William Puttenham of Puttenham and Penn and Sir Roger Putten- 
ham and Robert Puttenham not being clear. It is certain that 
William was of the family of Puttenham manor, as he held it, together 
with Penn, Sherfield, Warbleton, etc. 

Sir Roger Puttenham, above (1320-1380), may have been the 
son of Henry Puttenham, of Puttenham, in Hertfordshire (1300- 
1350). In a pedigree of the Harleian Society, from a Visitation of 
Northamptonshire, Thomas Puttenham is stated to have married 
Helen, daughter of John Spigornell, by whom he had a son, Roger, 
and this Roger had a son, Henry Putterham. Thomas Puttenham of 
Puttenham, in the reign of Edward I, was the father of the above- 
mentioned Roger Puttenham, High Sheriff of Hertfordshire in 1322, 
father of Henry Puttenham of Puttenham, above (1300-1350). 

The line, therefore, continues back with Sir Roger Puttenham, 
High Sheriff of Hertfordshire, 1322, father of the above Henry 
Puttenham. The Sheriff held an important position in early times, 
being frequently one of the most powerful persons of the County. 
He acted as President of the County Court which nominated for 
election the two Knights of the Shire who represented it in Parlia- 
ment. At the period that Sir Roger Puttenham was Sheriff the dis- 
turbances of the reign of Edward II were occurring, the Despensers 
(father and son), friends of the king, having been forced into exile, 
and soon after the king being deposed and murdered. Sir Roger 
Puttenham died at about this time. His wife was Alina Spigornell, 
who, after his death, became the wife of Thomas de la Hay. Sir 
Roger was of age before 1315, when " Final Concord " was made " in 

[208] 



A STUDY IN PUTNAM AND CLEAVELAND ANCESTRY 

the Octave of the Purification of the Blessed Virgin Mary " (8 
Edward II), 1315, between "Roger de Puttenham and Aline his 
wife," plaintiffs, by Robert de Cravell and Alice his wife, defendants, 
concerning rent of thirteen shillings, four pence, in Penn. This is the 
first mention of possessions of the Puttenham family in Penn. Sir 
Roger Puttenham had a son, Roger, who was also Sheriff of Hert- 
fordshire, and Knight of the Shire for Bucks in 1355, '58, '63, '66, 
'67, and 70. 

Sir Roger, the elder (Sheriff in 1322), was the son of Thomas 
de Puttenham and his wife, Alina, or Helen, daughter of John 
Spigornell, and probably the niece or sister of Sir Henry Spigornell, 
the Chief Justice. Thomas de Puttenham's wife, called " the Lady 
of Puttenham," held the manor of Fleet Merston, Bucks., for the king 
in the year 1303. Robert de Puttenham, more than a century after- 
ward, held part of a knight's fee in Merston, which " the Lady of 
Puttenham had held of the Honor of Leicester." 

Thomas de Puttenham may have been the son of John de Putten- 
ham, who held the manor of Puttenham in 1291. In 1279 Elias de 
Bekingham and John de Cobham were appointed " to take assize of 
novel disseisin " by William de Lung of Puttenham vs. John, son of 
William de Puttenham et ah, concerning a tenement in Puttenham. 
In 1297 John, son of John "de Pottenham " appears in litigation con- 
cerning another tenement in the same place, and eight years later, 
with his wife, Agnes, purchases a messuage of Richard Payne and 
Agnes, his wife, in Tykeford, near Newport Pagnel. 

In the records of the King's Court, which commence in the reign 
of Richard I, is recorded a suit, under date of 1199, by Gilbert de la 
Hide against William de la Lane concerning land in Bareworth, in 
which " Roger, son of Simon," Reginald de Portes, Alan de Sumeri, 
and Simon de " Puteham " are appointed to choose twelve men as 
jurors to decide the case. Among those chosen was Ralph de 
" Pudeham." Sir Simon de Puttenham was probably lord of the 
manor, and Ralph de Puttenham and " Roger son of Simon " may 
have been his sons. Ralph de Puttenham held a knight's fee in 
Puttenham, "of the Honor of Leicester," in 1210-1212, when an 
inquisition of knights' fees in Essex and Hertfortshire was made. 
In February, 1218, he purchased property in Stivecle, County Buck- 
ingham. In the reign of Henry III, Simon de Montfort, Earl of 
Leicester, held three parts of one knight's fee which was held by 
Ralph de Puttenham in Puttenham. Ralph de Puttenham probably 

[209] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

died before 1250. Sir Simon de Puttenham was undoubtedly 
descended from Sir Roger de Puttenham, who was a tenant of the 
manor of Puttenham, holding it of Odo, Bishop of Baieux, half- 
brother of William the Conqueror on his mother's side. On Bishop 
Odo's death, in 1099, his English estate were forfeited to the Crown. 

The Manor of Puttenham appears in the Domesday Survey of 
William the Conqueror, 1086, when inquiry was made concerning the 
estates of the realm, as to those who held them at that time, their 
extent, number of inhabitants, value, and their value in the time of 
King Edward the Confessor. From this survey it appears that the 
Manor, before the Norman Conquest, was possessed by Earl Leuium, 
brother of King Harold. It was given by the Conqueror to the 
latter's half-brother, Odo, Bishop of Baieux, as before stated, who 
held it at the time of the Survey. In Domesday Book it is described 
as follows: "The manor (of Puttenham) answers for four hides, 
Roger holds it for the Bishop. There is land to four ploughs. There 
is one in the demesne and another may be made. Four villanes with 
two borders there have two ploughs. There are four cottagers and 
two bondmen, and two mills of ten shillings and eight pence. Meadow 
for four ploughs, and four shillings. Pasture for the cattle. It is 
worth sixty shillings, when the Bishop received it forty shillings. In 
King Edward's time four pounds." 

Puttenham Manor was included in the great fief known as " the 
Honor of Leicester," its lords paying fealty to the Earls of Leicester. 
Puttenham Manor appears to have been held by the Plantagenet 
royal family from the time of the first Plantagenet Earl of Leicester, 
Edmund, younger son of Henry III, who was created Earl in 1264. 

Saint Mary's Church at Puttenham was built about 1280 or 1290. 
In later years it was defaced by sacreligious hands, some of its win- 
dows closed, and its memorials broken. In 1851 the chancel was 
rebuilt. The beautiful tower remains in its original form. The 
roof of the nave is supported by eight carved figures, and between 
them, against the wall, are smaller figures each holding a shield. 

The Manor remained in possession of the Puttenham family of 
the Sherfield branch until the middle of the Sixteenth Century, later 
passing into the possession of the families of Skipworth, Saunders, 
Duncombe, Lucy, Meacher, and Egerton. It was later purchased by 
Baron Lionel Nathan de Rothschild. 

Wingrave, in Buckinghamshire, where lived the parents of John 
Putnam of Aston Abbotts, England, and Danvers (old Salem Vil- 

[210] 



A STUDY IN PUTNAM AND CLEAVELAND ANCESTRY 

lage), Massachusetts, Nicholas and Margaret (Goodspeed) Putnam, 
was a part of the possessions of the Beauchamp family, and later was 
held by the Nevilles, of which family was " Warwick, the King- 
Maker." In the Sixteenth Century it was held by the Hampdens. 
The wife of the great-great-grandfather of John Putnam of Salem 
(William Puttenham, of Puttenham Manor), was Anne, daughter 
of John Hampden, Esq., of Hampden, County Buckingham, as before 
stated, who was of royal descent. Wingrave later was owned by 
the Dormer family, and is now possessed by Baron Rothschild. 
The marriage of William Puttenham and Anne Hampden took place 
in the latter half of the Fifteenth Century, as he was born in 1430, 
and it is probable that the property at Wingrave came to the Putten- 
hams through this marriage. 

There is, besides Puttenham in Hertfordshire, the seat of the 
family of the present sketch, from which it took its surname, Putten- 
ham in Surrey, which perhaps also was once a possession of the same 
family. It will be recalled that William Puttenham of Puttenham, 
Hertfordshire, Penn, etc., father of Nicholas Puttenham of Putnam 
Place in Penn, Buckinghamshire, also held manors in Surrey. 

Puttenham in Hertfordshire is in the Vale of Aylesbury, on 
whose eastern side the Chiltern Hills lie between the Shires of Hert- 
ford and Bedford. Buckinghamshire is on the west, and the valley 
lies in a northwesternly direction, through Hertfordshire and Bucks. 
The ancient town of Tring, about thirty-four miles northwest of 
London, has stood for centuries at the head of the pass. About four 
miles away is the parish of Puttenham, and a few miles farther is 
Wingrave. Following the road from Wingrave, a mile beyond its 
intersection with the highway to Aylesbury, is the village of Aston 
Abbotts, the home of John Putnam who came to Massachusetts. 

Among the beautiful Chiltern Hills the life of the Puttenhams 
had its earliest-known English origin. In the old Church of Saint 
Mary, at Puttenham Manor, from the Thirteenth Century, they were 
baptized, and later are found recorded in the registers of Wingrave 
Church, in Buckinghamshire, nearby. Not far away, at Aston 
Abbotts, the children of John Putnam, the first American ancestor, 
were baptized, and from it the family was transplanted to America. 
The name is now rare in the English localities where for so many 
centuries it was known, and, in the few instances when it is found, 
appears as " Putman," having lost its derivation from the ancient 
Puttenham, retained in sound by the many Putnams in New England, 

[211] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

and in other parts of our country. The virile strength of the race has 
been preserved through the centuries and has been given, in no small 
measure, to the founding and bulwarking of our Nation. 



The following account of Captain Henry Putnam (whose biog- 
raphy is given on pages 191 and 192 in the preceding article), and of 
his heroic death in the War of the American Revolution, has been writ- 
ten by Mrs. Erastus Gaylord Putnam. 

Captain Henry Putnam, born at Salem August 14, and baptized 
there August 17, 1712, was an officer in the French War and did good 
service in the conquest of Canada by the English. A short sword or 
sabre, surrendered to him by a French officer at the capture of Louis- 
burg in 1745, descended into the hands of his great-grandson, Doctor 
E. K. Thompson of Titusville, Pennsylvania. 

At the breaking out of the Revolution, he was living with his 
son, Eleazer, in West Cambridge, Massachusetts. The people were 
afire with enthusiasm to sustain our country and to take up arms in her 
defence. Captain Putnam, though sixty-three years of age, was full of 
youthful ardor for the cause. The British troops were daily expected 
to raid Concord or Lexington from Boston, to destroy war materials 
collected there by the Continentals. Captain Putnam kept his gun and 
ammunition at his bedside, ready for a moment's warning. 

On the 19th of April, 1775, the British troops came out in force to 
accomplish their object. When Captain Putnam waked in the early 
morning, his five sons had gone out to repel the attack, but his gun 
could not be found. His grandson, Elijah Putnam, then four or five 
years old, well remembered his grandfather's distress and indignation 
that his gun had been hidden. But this did not prevent his joining in 
the sortie on the enemy. When his wife would have dissuaded him, the 
Captain said, in the spirit of a true Putnam and '76 heroism, " Hannah, 
I must go to meet the enemies of our freedom." 

He and six or eight other old patriots ensconced themselves behind 
a pile of shingles near the Meeting House and awaited the return of 
the British on their retreat from Concord and Lexington. The enemy 
had out a flanking party, who came upon Captain Putnam and his com- 
panions in the rear, fired upon them, and killed them all. The boy, 
Elijah, said he enjoyed the hubbub, the music, firing, etc., until his 
grandfather was brought home on a cart, dead. 



[212] 







ITALIAN SOLDIERS IN THE DOLOMITE ALPS 

tliroiiKli th<> courti'sy .f Mr. Ap>stin<> di- I'.iasi. Editor of " II Curroceio, 
tin- Italian 




THE FIRST AMERICAN TROOPS IN ITALY DURING THE WORLD WAR 

Reproduced through the courtesy of Mr. Agostino de I>i;isi, Editor of " II Cnrroccio. 

the Italian Review 




VITTORIO EMANUELE ORLANDO, PREMIER OP ITALY 



Reproduced through the courtesy of Mr. Agostino de Biasi, 
Editor of " II Carroccio," the Italian Review 







Till-: ANCIENT ARENA AT I'OLA 

Reproduced through the courtesy of Mr. Agostino de Hiusi, Editor of " II Cnrrocelo. 

the Italian Iteview 







FH.MI: 

Reproduced through the courtesy of Mr. Agostlno de Biasl, Editor of "II 
Currocclo," the Italian Review 






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OJljp frraonal Sfarratinr of (Eaptain Cutijrr Etttlr, Ikfnrr, Unrinn, and 

Aftrr tljr HetJolnttonani War OJrattHrribri from the (nuu; in thr 

|!oBB*Bion of Hr. Joint ittanon HittU of VoHton 

[Concluded from The Journal of American History, Volume XI, 

Number 5] 

HE FOLLOWING summer I commanded the sloop 
Pidgeon in the coasting trade. Sometime during the 
summer, the Penobscot expedition was planned, and 
myself, hands and sloop were pressed into the service 
at Boston, and our vessel was employed as a trans- 
port with a load of provisions. The armed ships were 
the Warren Frigate of 36 guns, also ten 20 gun Ships, 
and four brigs from 16 to 18 guns besides several transports. The 
Warren Frigate was commanded by Com. Saltonstall; the General 
of the army was Solomon Lovell. We arrived there in three days, 
pressing troops along shore. 

The British had landed at Castine one week before, with 1000 
troops. It was agreed between the Com. and Gen. that the former 
should go into Castine harbour with his fleet, and the latter go in 
above to co-operate with him. The troops landed with great spirit, 
but were obliged to encounter the main guard, which they drove into 
their redoubts. The Americans marched about half way to the fort 
back of the army, when they discovered the Com. heave out a signal, 
and haul off his fleet into the bay, which caused the enemy to come 
to a halt. They then began to build forts, and cannonaded with the 
English. We lay there three weeks, the Commodore not willing to 
cooperate. Among us was one tribe of the Penobscot Indians. 

[217] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

Being there three weeks, and nothing done, the English had time 
to send a carrier to Halifax, but finding at that place no man-of-war, 
they dispatched to N. York a fast Sailing cutter, with the news of the 
invasion of the place. Admiral Howe dispatched a Seventy-four and 
4 frigates. In a few days we saw them sailing up the river. The 
American army were taken on board the transports, and the Ameri- 
can man-of-war with the transports proceeded up the Penobscot, the 
British in close chase behind. The American fleet was burned and 
destroyed by the Americans themselves, where now the City of 
Bangor stands. My Sloop lay above where the fleet was destroyed, 
and was left unharmed. 

Many suffered and died in travelling across the woods, from 
fatigue and want of food, ere they reached the Kennebec river. 
During the journey the Com. was shot at twice but without success. 
Myself, and the others, proceeded in a barge down the Penobscot, 
near to the English fleet, where we left the barge, and proceeded into 
the woods; we there pitched a tent for the night, carrying provision. 
The next day we travelled to Belfast where we arrived at noon. The 
inhabitants had fled. We entered a vacant house from a field 
adjoining, we gathered some green corn killed a lamb ; and cooked 
us a dinner; then shut the house and travelled towards Broad Bay. 
Here we purchased a boat, and came up to Boston. Again I reached 
home perfectly destitute, but not at all discouraged. 

The November following I shipped on board a letter-of-marque 
Brig belonging to Col. Waters of Boston, bound to Cadiz in Spain. 
Tobias Oakman, Master. After a rough passage we made the land 
a little to the north of Cape Finisterre; the wind blowing a gale on 
shore, we could not weather the Cape hauled off to the Northward. 
The gale increasing, the following morning we were obliged to heave 
to under short sail, under a reef'd main-sail and a main stay-sail. 
The wind increased to a violent gale. At 4 the next morning, hove 
the lead, and found shoal water. When the day broke, we found 
ourselves embayed. Hauled down our sails, and let go our anchors. 
She gave two or three pitches, then parted her cables. I sent two 
men aloft to loose the main topsail which was close reefed; wearing 
around, we shipped a sea, which carried away her masts, and stove in 
her stern. I was washed from the quarter deck over her bows, 
forward, where I caught hold of the fore-topmast staysail downhaul, 
and hauled myself on to the wreck. After getting on to the wreck, 
I found that one of my legs was broken. Very soon we went ashore 

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upon a reef of rocks, where the vessel filled. There being a channel 
within the reef, which was two miles from the main shore, we lashed 
ourselves to the after part of the wreck, the sea breaking over us, and 
the gale continuing ; we found the vessel breaking in the middle ; 
the forward part was washed away; nothing remained but the stern 
posts and quarter deck to which we were lashed. 

We remained in this perilous situation fifteen hours, when the 
gale abated, and the tide ebbed the water being over the reef three 
feet. On the northerly end of the reef was a castle call'd the Stone 
round castle; it was situated on the south side in going in to Lisbon. 
I sent some of the stoutest of the men to see if they could reach the 
castle; they did and returned. We now resolved to set out for the 
castle. My leg being broken, I was supported by two of the men - 
we arrived safe. 

At the castle we found a sergeant and his guard, who being very 
hospitable, Shared their rations with us. At the upper part of the 
castle were a number of convicts. This castle was built to the height 
of 40 feet the same size and then its diameter was diminished, thus 
leaving a platform all round for a tier of cannon; it then rose thirty 
feet higher its foundation not being dry even at low tide. The 
storm returned that night with redoubled fury, the sea breaking over 
the castle. 

After remaining here five days, a signal gun was fired by the 
sergeant for the castle boat; but the sea being so high, it did not reach 
the castle until two days after, when the sergeant went with us in the 
boat to Bellish castle, and there delivered us to the sergeant of this 
castle. Here we remained until the visit boat came to enquire where 
we were from, and to what country we belonged. Previous to the 
arrival of the visit boat, the Governors secretary entered the Castle, 
making enquiries who we were, and where from. One-half hour 
after, we received four loaves and a ham. 

After the examination of the visit boat, we were allowed to land 
at Bellisle. The first house we entered, was an Inn kept by an Irish 
woman, who showed us much good feeling made us coffee, 
toast &c. 

At eight oclock that evening, a coach with four white horses 
came to the door. It was Mr John Baptise, an officer in the employ 
of the U. S. Government, to enquire if there were any from off that 
wreck, who needed assistance, and wished to go to the hospital. I 

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immediately presented myself, was placed in the carriage, and rode 
to Lisbon, the distance of eight miles. 

When we arrived at the hospital, I was carried up four flights 
of stairs, into a room, where all were strange faces of different 
nations. The hospital was over a church. The head surgeon soon 
made his appearance; he was a Frenchman, his name Maseree. He 
immediately ordered clean bed and bedding. I was also stripped of 
my mangled habiliments, and dressed in clean linen, and placed in 
bed. The shoe on the broken leg was not washed away ; I asked them 
to preserve it, knowing it contained money in the heel ; I had it placed 
under my pillow. The surgeon and his attendants returned with 
warm water and a large poultice, which he applied from the ancle 
to the hip. The limb was shockingly swollen; he applied the poultice 
until he brought down all the swelling; he then made an examination, 
took out several pieces of bone, and set the leg. 

This occured in October. I remained at the hospital until the 
following spring. I was treated with great kindness and attention 
and although in my midnight dreams, the spirit of a kind mother and 
beloved sisters would often hover round my pillow, still on waking, 
the thought that I had escaped an early death, was ever present to the 
mind, and I felt, that although far from home and friends, I had 
every reason to be thankful. 

After the surgeon gave me liberty to use my limb, I took the 
money that was secreted in my shoe. This shoe I had made in 
Marshfield before leaving home, and the money deposited in it while 
making. Previous to this I had been left among strangers, perfectly 
destitute, without money either to assist myself, or remunerate them 
for kindness received. I was now leaving home and those interested 
for me, far behind the future, was covered with a veil which a wise 
Providence had never permitted human knowledge to rend, I knew 
not with what this voyage might be fraught evil or good : I there- 
fore resolved, if possible, to have something laid up, as the old adage 
expresses, " for a wet day." I had a pair of shoes made and in the 
heel of one, I had eight (80) dollar pieces in gold deposited; the 
shoe on the broken leg was the shoe, which the swelling of the limb, 
had prevented from being washed like its fellow, away. There were 
eleven unfortunate Americans discharged from the hospital at this 
time and this shoe possessed the only fund among us. 

My first purchase with this money was at a rag fair, for a suit of 
clothes. I then purchased a Portuguese, French, and Spanish pass. 

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We now all in company commenced our long and tedious journey, 
over three hundred miles by land, ere we could reach a seaport that 
would give us any prospect of a passage home, Our first days 
journey brought us to St. Ubes. Here we spent the night. 

That evening there came on shore, from an English privateer, 
the Captain and Lieutenant. They were particular in their enquiries 
who we were and where from. The former told us he had been 
taken by the Americans, and carried into Salem, and treated exceed- 
ingly well, for which he appeared very grateful, and ordered his 
Lieutenant to go on board and get one dozen of neat's tongues, which 
he gave us to put in our packs, He informed us that he had 
travelled the same route, that the country was desolate and barren 
until we got to Faro, that he had a pilot on board, a Portuguese, whom 
he would discharge to guide us. This offer was gratefully accepted, 
and the next morning, after purchasing some wine, which we put in 
leather bottles, customary for travellers, I paid our bill, and we 
commenced our journey. 

The first two nights we were houseless, and slept upon the 
ground. The third night we reached a village; it being Saturday, 
we saw many shepherds driving home their flocks. We could obtain 
no place to lodge in but a shed, and for that they charged us. Early 
the following morning we were on our way, after hiring a Portuguese 
boy with a mule to carry our baggage, to the next village. We went 
into a tavern; the landlord would not allow us to sleep in the house, 
but gave us a shed where we slept on the ground; for this even, he 
charged us very high. 

Once more the day dawning found us on our weary way the 
pilot told us we should reach a village that night lying on the line 
between Portugal and Spain we asked lodging at a tavern that 
night, and they gave us a small house separate from it, in which to 
sleep without bedding. The Spanish and English were at war, and 
the house was surrounded by Spaniards who swore we were English 
and they would take us prisoners. In vain the landlord expostulated 
with them, saying we were Americans in distress, travelling to Faro; 
they still persisted in forcing the door. We prepared to encounter 
them with our clubs, the pilot told them they had better retreat, for we 
were well armed ; they then disappeared. 

In the morning after settling for our lodging, I purchased some 
salt mackerel of the landlord, which we put in our packs we hired 
a boy and a mule to carry them. While we were preparing to start, 

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he stole the mackerel I had just purchased of him. The pilot enter- 
tained us with tales of murder and robbery committed on that road; 
it was the worst we had to travel, every now and then we would pass 
a cross, which he informed us marked the spot where travellers had 
been robbed and murdered. It was the time of Lent and we could 
obtain no meat, the people being very superstitious. At ten that 
morning we came to a single house by the road side, where there were 
two Spanish females. The pilot asked them if they could sell us some 
meat, they shook their heads he then named that we had tea in our 
packs, which we would exchange for meat, They feared lest their 
husbands should come but after some hesitation, one kept a watch at 
the door, and the other got us some pork we paid her liberally, and 
she motioned to us to be gone, that their husbands would not hesitate 
to stab us, should they return. We marched on our way, with our 
baggage ahead of us ; soon we spied three men rush out of the bushes, 
and seizing the mule take off the baggage ; we rushed upon them - 
they fled. 

This evening we arrived at Faro, a seaport in Spain. There we 
put up for the night, and had a chamber with mats spread on the 
floor, Here quite a tragedy occurred; the landlord whipped his wife 
most inhumanly. The same evening an Englishman came to see 
us he advised us to get a boat to carry us to a place call'd lammont, 
which would be better than to go by land. He was the mate of a 
Portuguese brig, and told us if we got a boat to come alongside, he 
would give us some provisions. Next morning I waited on the 
French Consul, and was treated very politely. He said he would try 
and hire us a boat, which he did, also two men to take the boat back. 
The same day we left Faro to proceed in the boat to lammont; we 
went alongside the Portuguese brig, and the mate hove us in a ham, 
4 dozen of biscuit, and part of a cheese. 

We reached the mouth of lammont river the next morning 
here we met a Spanish shollop, coming out, bound to Cadiz, loaded 
with small fish, and manned by six men. The Captain was very old. 
We shifted on board this shallop, and sailed towards Cadiz with a 
fair wind. When night approached the Spanish Capt. having no 
compass, steered by a star ; at ten the clouds came over, and the stars 
were shut in, the wind blowing fresh. The Spaniards fell on their 
knees, imploring the aid of their saints. Directly the Capt. concluded 
to go ashore, and took his cask of oil to break the surf, and bore 
away towards the shore. We being the strongest party (eleven to 

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six) hauled the shallop onto her course, and obliged the old Spaniard 
to take the helm, it still continuing very thick. At one that morning 
we struck on the Porpoise Rocks at the mouth of the Cadiz bay; we 
shipped two seas and went over, which filled the boat ; with our hats 
we bailed out water, fish and all we lightened her and directly 
made Cadiz light, and ran in near the wall of the City. The Sentry 
from the wall hailed the boat, and told us to come no nearer the shore 
the old Captain then haul'd down sails and let go his anchor ; it being 
very high water, he paid (paid written in pencil above line; beneath it 
in ink is veered. G. C. W.) away his hauser (hauser written in 
pencil over the word hausail. G. C. W.) till the boat got close in, the 
tide ebbed, and left her quite dry. At daylight I paid one dollar 
apiece, passage money, and we left the boat. 

We went to the gate of the City, and sat down on some ship- 
timber ; one of our men was then two days sick with a fever. When 
the gate was opened, and the crowd got out, we marched up to the 
gate two of us carrying the sick man. The keepers began to search 
us, I immediately showed them the Spanish pass, they bid us walk in. 
When a little within the gate, we met a Spaniard who spoke English ; 
he invited us to his house, and gave us a breakfast of coffee and fish, 
and told us we were welcome to remain there until we could find a 
passage home. We very gratefully accepted his offer, my funds 
being entirely exhausted. We lodged in a chamber where there were 
plenty of beds, and soon found we had plenty of company; we 
slept none. At twelve that night, we heard much commotion below. 
Soon the Spaniard came into the chamber accompanied by Spanish 
officers in gold lace; they were in search of their men who had run 
away from the fleet laying in the bay; in consequence of which, we 
had to rise and be examined; finding their mistake, they left the 
house. 

At eleven o'clock the next morning, I waited upon John Jay, Esq., 
Minister Plenipotentionary to the Court of Madrid, who with his wife 
was brought there in the confederacy Frigate. I told him our situa- 
tion, and the circumstance of our having a sick man among us. He 
sent Col. Livingstone, his secretary, with me, to get the sick man into 
a hospital; in which we succeeded. There were then two American 
letter-of-marque ships laying in Cadiz bay. We offered to work our 
passage home, but they both refused taking us. 

Finding no chance of a passage to America, we two days after 
found an English brig, which had captured an American ship, and 

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had then been risen upon by the mate of the captured ship, and 
carried into Cadiz; no one on board except this mate, whose name 
was Morgan ; she was bound for Cape Ann. This brig carried twelve 
guns. In the meantime, Capt. Stevens of the Rambler arrived, being 
captured by an English frigate. Capt. Stevens, his crew and our- 
selves, made twenty-one. I now waited once more on Mr. Jay, told 
him that we had a chance of working our passage home in this brig, 
by finding our own provisions; but we were unable to procure them, 
being destitute. Mr. Jay told me his commission did not extend to 
him the power to find any one supplies, but he was sorry to see Ameri- 
cans there in distress. He said he could do this for us ; we must sign 
an obligation to pay for the provision at the Navy Board Jn Boston, 
or serve on board a continental ship until the debt was paid. We 
signed this obligation, a copy of which was put into the hands of the 
Capt. of the Brig, to be delivered to Mr. Warren, the President of 
the Navy Board at Boston. He then ordered his Secretary to furnish 
us with provisions for the passage. 

We sailed from Cadiz the 26th of March. Thirty days after, 
we got soundings on George's Bank, and were then becalmed. The 
same day we saw an English privateer schooner coming towards us 
by the help of her sweeps. She was on the starboard side. We 
voted in Capt. Stevens commander, in case we had a battle with her, 
then shifted two guns over the side to make out the tier. Capt. 
Stevens ordered us to our quarters. When the privateer came up to 
us, we gave her a broadside ; she fired upon us, then dropped a-stern 
and came up on the larboard side. As soon as the guns would bear 
upon her, we gave her another broadside; they returned the same. 
The schooner giving up the contest, dropped a-stern and made off, 
we giving her three cheers. The breeze springing up, we steered for 
Cape Ann, and arrived safe in the evening. Capt. Stevens invited me 
out to his house at Manchester. The next day we sailed for Boston. 

When we arrived, the Capt delivered our obligation to the Navy 
Board. I obtained some money from friends and went immediately 
and discharged my portion to Mr. Warren. After this I saw Mr. 
Warren, who told me I was the only one of the eleven who had met 
the obligation. Once more I reached home entirely destitute. 

After remaining at home a short time I became weary of the 
monotony of a farmer's life, and bade home and those dear to me 
adieu; and in 1780 I entered on board the U. States Ship Protector, of 
26 guns, crew 230, as midshipman and prize master. She was then 

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nearly ready for a cruise, she was commanded by John Foster Wil- 
liams Esq. of Boston; commission officers my brother Geo. Little 
of Marshfield, first Lieutenant, Joseph Cunningham of Boston 
second Lieutenant, Lemuel Weeks of Falmouth, Cape Cod, third 
Lieutenant. 

We dropped down to Nantasket road, where we laid until the 
first of April 1780. We set sail for a cruise of six months. Our 
course was directed eastward, keeping along the coast, till we got off 
Mt. Desert, and then we steered for the banks of Newfoundland, 
meeting no enemy. We cruised off the banks nearly eight weeks, 
most of the time in a dense fog, without encountering friend or foe. 

On the morning of June the ninth, the fog began to clear away, 
and the man at the mast head gave notice that he discovered a ship to 
the windward of us. We perceived her to be a large ship under 
English colors, standing down before the wind for us. We were on 
the leeward side. As she came down upon us She appeared to be as 
large as a 74, the Capt. and Lieutenant looking at her with their 
glasses. After consulting about the ship, the[y] decided She was not 
an English frigate, but a large ship, and the sooner we got alongside 
the better. The Boatswain was ordered to pipe all hands to quarters, 
and clear the ship for action. Hammocks were brought up and 
stuffed into the nettings decks wet and sanded matches lighted 
and burning bulk head hooked up. We were not deceived respect- 
ing her size. It afterwards proved she was a ship of eleven hundred 
tons burden a Company ship, which cruised in the West Indies 
some time and then took a cargo of sugar and tobacco at St. Kitts, 
bound to London 36 twelve pounders upon the gun deck, furnished 
with 250 men and call'd the " Admiral Duff," Richard Strange 
master. 

We were to the leeward of her and standing to the northward 
under cruising sail. The[y] came down near us, and aimed to pass 
us, and go ahead. After passing a little by to the leeward, She hove 
to under fighting sail. We were all this time under English colors, 
observed her preparing for action. Very soon I heard the sailing 
master call for his trumpet, " Let fall the fore-sail, sheet home the 
main top-gallant sail ! " We steered down across her stern, and 
haul'd up under her lee quarter. At the same time we were breeching 
our guns aft, to bring her to bear. Our first Lieutenant possessed a 
very powerful voice; he hailed the ship from the gang board, and 
enquired " What ship is that? " was answered " The Admiral Duff." 

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" Where are you from, and where bound? " they answered " From a 
cruise, bound for London ;" and then enquired, " And what ship is 
that?" we gave no answer. The Capt. ordered a broadside given, 
and colors changed at the first flash, and the thirteen stripes took 
the place of the English ensign ; they gave us three cheers and fired a 
broadside; the partly overshot us, their ship being so much higher 
than ours, cutting away some of our rigging. The action commenced 
within pistol shot, and now began a regular battle, broadside to broad- 
side. 

After we had engaged one half hour, there came in a cannon 
ball through the side and killed Mr Scollay, one of our midshipmen; 
he commanded the fourth twelve pounder from the stern, myself 
commanded the third; the ball took him in the head, his brains flew 
upon my gun and into my face. The man at my gun, who ram'd 
down the charge, was a stout Irishman; immediately on the death 
-of Mr. Scollay, he stripped himself of his shirt, and exclaimed, " an 
faith, if they kill me, they shall tuck no rags into me! " The action 
continued about an hour, when all the top-men on board the enemy's 
ship were kill'd by our marines, who were sixty in number all Ameri- 
cans. Our marines killing the man at the wheel, caused the ship to 
come down upon us her cat-head stove in our quarter-gallery. 
We lashed their gib-boom to our main shrouds, our marines from the 
quarter deck firing into their port holes, kept them from charging. 
We were ordered from our quarters to board, but before we were able 
the lashing broke we were ordered back to quarters to charge, the 
ship shooting along side of us, the yards nearly locked; we gave her 
a broadside, which cut away her mizen mast and made great havock 
among them. We perceived her a sinking, at the same time saw her 
main-top-gallonit sail on fire, which ran down the rigging and caught 
a hogshead of cartridges under the quarter deck and blew it off. 

At this time, from one of their forward guns, there came into the 
port, where I commanded, a charge of grape shot ; with three of them 
I was wounded one between my neck bone and wind pipe, one 
through my jaw, lodging in the roof of my mouth, and taking off a 
piece of my tongue; the other through the upper lip, taking away a 
part of the lip and all my upper teeth. I was immediately taken down 
to the cock-pit, to the surgeon my gun was fired only once after- 
wards ; I had fired nineteen times. 

I lay unattended to, being considered mortally wounded, and 
was passed by that the wounds of those more likely to live might be 

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dressed. I was perfectly sensible, and heard the surgeon remark, 
"Let Little lay attend to the others first he will die!" Per- 
ceiving me motion to him, he came to me and began to wash off the 
blood, and dress my wound. After dressing the lip and jaw, he was 
turning from me ; I put my hand to my neck he returned and ex- 
amining my neck, pronounced it the deepest wound of the three. I 
bled profusely, the surgeon thought two gallons. I was placed in 
my berth. 

By this time the enemy's ship had sunk, and nothing was to be 
seen of her. She went down on fire, with colors flying. Our boats 
were injured by the shots, and our carpenters were repairing them, 
in order to put out and pick up the men from the English that were 
afloat. They succeeded in getting 55 one half wounded and scalded. 
The first Lieut, told me that such was their pride, when on the brink 
of a watery grave, that they fought like demons, preferring death 
with the rest of their comrades, rather than captivity; and that it 
was with much difficulty that many of them were forced into the 
boats several, even made attempts to jump overboard. Our sur- 
geon amputated limbs from five of the prisoners , and attended them 
as if they had been our own men. One of the 55 was then sick with 
the West India fever, and had floated out of his hammock between 
decks. The weather was excessively warm and in less than ten days, 
60 of our men had taken the epedemic. 

The " Admiral Duff " had two American Capt's with- their crews 
on board, prisoners, these were among the 55 saved by our boats. 
One of the Capt's told Captain Williams, that he was with Capt. 
Strange when our vessel hove in sight; he told him he thought her 
one of our continental frigates. Capt. Strange thought not, but he 
wished she might be, at any rate, were she only a Salem Privateer, 
she would be a clever little prize to take home with him. During the 
battle, while Capt. Williams was walking the quarter deck, a shot 
from the enemy took his speaking trumpet from his hand; he picked 
it up and with great calmness continued his orders. 

We sailed for the coast of Nova Scotia near to Halifax. After 
cruising there a week we discovered a large ship steering for us; we 
aimed for her until we got within two leagues of her, when we found 
her to be a large English frigate ; we hove about and ran from her ; 
our men being sick, we did not dare to engage her, this was at 4 
O'clock in the afternoon ; the frigate made way fast for us ; when she 
came up near us, we fired four stern chasers, and Kept firing, the 

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ship in chase; when she got near our stern she luff'd and gave us a 
broadside, it did no other damage, save one shot lodging in the main 
mast and cutting away some rigging. By this we had gained ahead 
of her; we made a running fire till dark, the enemy choosing not to 
come alongside; at 8 in the evening, she left and haul'd her wind to 
the southward, and we for the North. The following morning she 
was in sight, but did not come near us ; Kept on her course. The Capt. 
thought it necessary to put into an eastern port for wood and water ; 
we sail'd for Broad Bay, and arrived at the mouth and anchored in a 
cove near the shore, called Muscongus. The Capt. made arrange- 
ments with a farmer at this place to land our sick, at an out building 
leaving the surgeons mate to take care of them, making a sort of hos- 
pital. I was then sufficiently recovered to be able to walk the deck. 
The next day, at four in the afternoon, we discovered a large black 
snake coming down from out the bushes abreast the ship ; he took the 
water and swam by us; we judged him to be 40 feet long, and his 
middle the size of a man's body; he carried his head six feet above 
water. We manned a barge, and went in chase of him; when fired 
at, he would dive like a sea-fowl. They chased him a mile and a half 
firing continually. The snake landed at Lowd's Island, and dis- 
appeared in the woods. The barge returned to the ship. 

Among our crew was a fellow half indian and half negro who 
coveted a fatted calf, belonging to a farmer on the shore; he found 
one man only, willing to assist him. Cramps (the negro's name) 
took a boat one evening and went on shore to commit the depreda- 
tion ; he secured the victim and returned to the ship without discovery. 
He arrived under the ship's bows and called for his participator to 
lower the rope to hoist the booty on board, but his fellow-companion 
had dodged below and it so happened the 1st Lieut, was on deck. 
Cramps thinking it was his fellow worker in iniquity, hail'd him in a 
low voice, requesting him to do as agreed, and that quick. The Lieut, 
thinking something out of the way was going on. obeyed the summons. 
Cramps fixed the noose around the calf's neck and cried " pull away, 
blast your eyes! my back is almost broke carrying the critter so far 
on the land, give us your strength on the water ! " The Lieut, obey'd 
and Cramps boosting in the rear, the victim was soon brought on deck. 
Cramps jumped on board, and found both himself and calf in the 
possession of the Lieutenant. The animal was uninjured, and kept 
on board that night; the following morning the thief was ordered to 
shoulder the calf and march to the farmer and ask forgiveness, and 

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return to take the reward for his iniquity fifty lashes, which was 
however remitted by the pleading of the kind hearted farmer. 

Not being sufficiently recovered to do duty, I was dismissed with 
letters, and came up to Boston in a coaster. After the ship was sup- 
plied, she sailed out of Muscongus, on a cruise of two months, leaving 
the sick ashore, and then returned to Boston. A number of the crew 
and some officers died of the epidemic soon after they landed. I 
remained at my father's two months, and was partially recovered of 
my wounds. I then returned to Boston and joined the ship for her 
second cruise, but we did not sail for three months after. This was 
intended for a nine month's cruise. We sailed out of Boston, our 
course east, till we got soundings for Newfoundland, where we 
cruised about two weeks, and then shaped our course for the West 
Indies, where we cruised to the windward of Barbadoes. Soon after 
reaching the latitude of this Island, we retook a Dutch ship which 
was a prize to the English; we manned her and ordered her for 
Boston ; we still cruised in this latitude. 

One morning the man at the main top mast head, cried out a sail 
running down to Barbadoes in the same latitude. It proved to be a 
very large ship ; we made sail and gave chase to her, she being to the 
windward of us, haul'd her wind to the south. We carried a press 
of sail and were beating towards her; when within one half mile, a 
heavy trade wind, as we were going in stays, carried away our main 
top mast with the cap, which made quite a wreck; the English ship 
discovering our loss, bore away and went on her course across our 
stern. We then went to work and got up a new top mast and top 
gallant mast, it took two days to get our vessel in order. 

We cruised in this latitude one more month, took one small 
English brig; then bore away for Martinique for water; lay at 
this Island ten days and then sailed under the lea for Dominique. 
We met a large sloop which the Capt. thought was a Droger. The 
first Lieut, advised to speak with her. She was an English sloop 
from Tobago, loaded with assorted cargo, and twelve slaves. We 
boarded the sloop, manned her with prize master and crew, and took 
her in tow. We then directed our course towards Porto Rico and 
anchored in a cove at the west end of the Island, where the Capt. sold 
the vessel, slaves and cargo. We lay at this cove near two weeks 
we then sailed towards Charleston, South Carolina. One day out 
we experienced a heavy gale, which obliged us to lay too under Short 
sail, the wind to the northward. At two o'clock in the afternoon, we 

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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

discovered a sail at the leeward; we wore around and made sail in 
chase, found we gained fast upon her, and at sunset we could see her 
hull we still gave chase, but when night set in, we lost sight of her. 
There came over a heavy cloud with squalls of thunder and lightning ; 
and by the flashes we discovered the ship, which had altered her 
course; we haul'd our wind in chase, and were soon alongside. The 
next flash of lightning convinced us she was of English colors. We 
hail'd her. She answered " from Charleston, bound to Jamaica," and 
enquired, where we were from ; the first Lieut, answered the Alliance 
U. S. Frigate. Our men were all to quarters, and lanterns burning at 
every port. Our Capt. told him to haul down his colors and heave 
too ; he replied his men had gone below, and would not come up ; that 
he would obey as soon as he could. Twas done, our barge was 
lowered, a prize master and crew put on board, and we took posses- 
sion, of the ship. Our barge then brought both officers and crew on 
board prisoners. She proved to be a ship of 800 tons burden, with 
three decks fore and aft, carrying 24 nine pounders between decks 
and manned with 80 men. We ordered her for Boston she arrived 
safe. 

We then set sail for Charleston, cruising upon that coast until the 
first of April, taking nothing. We now bore away for N. York, where 
we cruised just upon soundings. We fell in with an American letter- 
of-marque Brig bound for Boston, commanded by Capt. Cunningham, 
who was our 2nd Lieut, on our first cruise. He had a large quantity 
of specie on board. He desired Capt. Williams to take it on board 
our ship, thinking it would be more safe, as our cruise was nearly 
finished. Capt. Cunningham arrived safe at Boston. 

Two days after tin's a sail was discovered ahead we came up 
with her, found her from Jamaica, loaded with rum we took her 
and after much persuasion I was prevailed on to take charge of her, 
and selected my crew, keeping the English mate on board. I had a 
copy of a Capt/s commission, but no orders how to proceed, which 
the Lieut, told me he would bring directly on board. The barge 
returned to the ship and was hoisted right in, they having discovered 
another prize, made chase for her immediately. I concluded to 
follow her till dark; but as she showed no lights, I shaped my course 
for Nantucket. It was the mate's watch; after daylight he came 
down and informed me there were two large ships to the leeward of 
use, we haul'd our wind to the southward. I took my glass, went 
aloft to view them, discovered them to be two men-of-war, turning 

[230] 



AN AMERICAN SEA CAPTAIN IN THE REVOLUTION 

my glass to the windward, I discovered our ship bearing down as 
soon as she discovered the men-of-war she haul'd her wind south 
They were within a mile of me, but appeared to take no notice what- 
ever of me, but were in close chase of our ship. They passed me 
within one half mile I bore away across the stern before the wind. 
Ere I was out of sight, the wind shifting brought the men-of-war 
into the Protectors wake. In three days after this I arrived safe in 
Boston with my prize. I waited upon Governor Hancock, and told 
him in what situation I left the ship expected she was taken. 
After he had made enquires of our cruise, I returned on board the 
prize, In ten days after we had news that the Protector was taken 
by the Roebuck and Mayday frigates and carried into New York. 
After discharging the prize and delivering it up, I left Boston for 
home, I was never after in the U. S. service. 

In the spring of 1781, in April, Captain Ingraham, from Salem 
came to Marshfield in a small vessel, to bring rigging and sails for a 
new ship he had purchased, built in North River. He invited me to 
return to Salem with him, saying that if I wished for a good berth, he 
could procure me one. I accepted the offer, and staid two weeks at 
this gentleman's house. I was applied to by a Capt. William Orne, 
who offered me the berth of Lieut, on board a letter-of-marque brig 
call'd Jupiter. This ship was five hundred tons, and carried twenty 
guns and 180 men. I accepted his offer, and after loading we sailed 
for the West Indies. 

To the windward of Turks Island we discovered a large 
Schooner. We were running down before the wind, when we got 
within a mile of her, we observed she showed no colors; we fired a 
gun as a signal for her to show colors, she did not. Our Boatswain 
and Gunner had been prisoners a short time before, in Jamaica ; they 
told Capt. Orne that she was the Lyon Schooner, bearing 18 guns, 
which they had seen in Jamaica, where she belonged. Our Boat- 
swain then piped all hands to quarters, and we prepared for action. 
Capt. Orne not being acquainted with a warlike ship told me I must 
take the command, advising me to run from her. I told him in thus 
doing we should surely be taken. I ordered the men in the tops to 
take in the studden sails; we then ran down close to her, luff'd, and 
gave her a broadside, which shot away both of her topmasts ; she then 
bore away, and made sail and run from us, we in chase. We con- 
tinued thus for three hours; then came alongside; I hail'd and told 
them to shorten sail, or I'd sink them on the spot our barge was 

[231] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

lowered and I boarded her all this time she had no colors set. I 
hail'd our ship, and told Capt. Orne I thought her a clear prize, and 
bade the men prepare to board her. But the Capt. hail'd for the boat 
to return; I obeyed; and told him she had a good many men and 
several guns; the Capt said he would have nothing to do with her, 
as he feared they might rise upon us; much to my reluctance we 
left her. 

We soon after made Turk's Island, and the next day we anchored 
in the harbor of Cape-Francis, where we laid three days then 
sailed for Port-au-Prince. Here it was very sickly the epidemic 
prevailing to a great extent. After laying here two weeks, one night 
from twenty to thirty of our men were attacked with the distemper 
very violently became raving distracted. Our Physician admin- 
istered a powerful emetic, and blistered the back of the neck which 
broke the pain and all but one recovered. We lay here four weeks 
from this. We discharged our cargo of flour, selling at a great price, 
and then freighted with sugar and coffee. The Capt. ordered me to 
sail out of the Bito of Lugan and trim the ship but to stand in at 
sunset, for he should come on board; finding however that the boat 
tarried, laying under a foresail we drafted eastward next morning 
were out of sight of land. I sent the only man I had aloft to cut 
away the gaskets, and loose the top sail, running north west. I 
placed the man at the wheel and went aloft. I saw the Island of 
Sequin ahead being near the mouth of Kennebec river. We got as 
far as the Sugar Loaves, the vessel being so water log'd she would not 
steer we came about and went down towards Rain Island. I 
expected to go ashore on this Island. As we got close to land we 
struck an eddy tide which sheered our vessel off, and the top sails 
fill'd, and we succeeded in running her aground in Eels-Eddy a small 
cove with mud bottom. 

Two Marblehead Schooners were lying there, loaded with wood ; 
their crews came on board and assisted us at the pumps; the mud 
stopping the leak, the vessel was cleared of the water before night. 
The following morning Col. McCobb came on board, and advised me 
to get the brig up to Parker's flats, about 3 miles distant, as there 
she would be more safe. With his and other men's assistance, we 
succeeded. Capt. H. Rogers came on board. I got him to take care 
of the brig that night; myself and crew went ashore to Mr. Parker's. 
The next day got a Physician to attend the frozen men. Looking 
out early in the morning from my window, I found the vessel was 

[232] 







AI'TAIN Ll'TUEK LITTLE 

from tlio piiintinj; Iu oils owned by his grandchildren, Mr. Luther 
Llttk- :iinl Miss .Ionium Little of ISoston 







UrPKK TIIK OLD WELL IN THE KITCHEN OF CAPTAIN LUTHER LITTLE'S HOI SK. 

SEA VIEW, MAKSHFIKLI). MASSACHUSETTS 
LOWEK ItKAU VIKW OF CAPTAIN LITTLE'S HOUSE 







UPPKR-~ CAPTAIN l.ITHKH LITTLE'S DESK IN IMS OLD IIOMK AT MA1ISIIFIELD. 

MASSACHUSETTS 

LOWER THE FKONT DOOK-WAY OF T1IE OLD LITTLK 11"! Si: 







TIL DANMARK ocNORGE, 

TOLD KAMMER ^ ORE-SU$D>aver fig 

vedbprfigen angivet Skiver 




ftrogenogfatforCRONB 
men frat. (' Zc r . ./ *#**/> 
de Ladning , agter fig defmed til 
o nu clareret hvis burde. 



i bar 
erkom- 
nied oniftaaen- 



ORE-SUNOS TOLD-KAMMER, 

. -^7 XV-'V x7 

Ao. 1792, 





FAC-SIMILE OP A ItAMSlI I ( H T.M KNT IN ('( )N\K( 'TI( >N WITH r.M'TAl.N LITTLE'S 
KUSSIAN AND SCANDINAVIAN TItADIM; KX I'Kl HTK >N, 1792 



AN AMERICAN SEA CAPTAIN IN THE REVOLUTION 

not to be seen. I hastened down to the shore, and saw her two miles 
below ; I procured some men and a boat and went to her She had 
brought up her stern just cleared the rocks there came a large 
field of ice, which carried her there ; again succeeded in getting her 
up to the flats The following morning found the ice run so swift, 
it was impossible to lay there; hoisted our anchors and made sail 
down the river, it was very thick, the wind being at the north-east. 
I had hired four men by the run for Boston. When we got out of 
the river, intending to go to Portland, the vapor on the water being 
very thick I concluded to shape my course for Cape Ann with a fair 
wind, the vessel leaking as much as ever. A little before day break 
we made Thachers Island light, which was rather to the southward of 
us, we reefed our topsail and hauled to the southward. At daylight 
came on a heavy snow storm, wind N. E. We bore away and tracked 
the cape Ann shore, and at last through the snow discovered the 
trees on the eastern point. We beat the brig into Cape Ann above 
Ten Pound Island let go both anchors. There we lay two days in 
a heavy snow storm. We had four feet of water in the hold. I went 
on shore and entered Capt. Somes tavern and got some men to help 
pump out the vessel. Remained here three days. 

Capt. Somes commanded a small packet, and returned from 
Boston after the storm cleared away. He told me I could not get to 
Boston unless I went through Broad Sound, the rest of the channel 
being frozen. The next day was clear wind N. W. We sailed 
from Cape Ann keeping up near the Marblehead shore, with a signal 
out for a pilot till I got near Broad-Sound. No pilot came bore 
away for the Light-house Channel. When we got abreast of the 
Light-house, a pilot came on board. I enquired why he did not come 
to carry me through Broad Sound, as the rest of the channels were 
frozen He attempted to go through the Narrows, but did not suc- 
ceed ; tried the ship channel that too was frozen. After getting 
here, he said he must go round and go through Broad Sound. I 
insisted that the vessel should not go without the light we went 
under Georges Island and anchored, we let go our best bower anchor, 
there being every symptom of a squall arising, and handed sail. 
When it was nearly morning, the barge made its appearance; after 
the Capt. was on board, we immediately weighed anchor and set sail 
for Salem. 

Before leaving Port-au-Prince, we had been informed there were 
two English frigates cruising for prizes in Crooked Island passage, 

[237] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

through which we had to pass. When we were about half way 
through we discovered colors hoisted upon a small Island. I was 
in my hammock quite unwell the Capt. sent for me on deck asked 
me if I thought there had been a vessel cast away on the Island 
after spying it attentively with my glass, I told him that it was no 
doubt a wreck and that I could discover men on the Island, and that 
probably they were in distress; advised him to send a boat and take 
them off. He said the boat should not go unless I went in her; I 
told him I was too unwell, to send Mr. Leach the mate, He would 
not listen to me I went and landed at the leeward of the Island, 
and walked towards the wreck, when ten men came towards us. 
They were the Capt. and crew of the unfortunate vessel. They were 
much moved at seeing us said they were driven ashore on the 
Island and had been there 10 days without a drop of water. They 
gladly left their valuable cargo of flour and pork strewed along the 
beach. By this time Capt. Orne had hove a signal for our return, 
there being a frigate in chase. Going to the ship, the wrecked Capt. 
who was an old man, named Peter Trott, asked me where our vessel 
was from I told him we were bound to Salem, an American port ; 
he was quite relieved, fearing it was an English man-of-war. We 
came alongside and the boat was hoisted in, and every sail set, the 
frigate in chase, she gained upon us. At dark the frigate was 
about a mile a-stern. The clouds were thick and it was dark. I told 
the Captain we were nearly in their power, our only chance was to 
square away and run to the leeward, across the passage, it being so 
dark they could not discover us with their night glasses. We lay too 
until we judged the frigate had passed us. Towards morning, made 
sail, and fetched through the passage without being discovered. 

Off Nantucket w? got soundings, at daylight, we made 
Naman's land. At sunrise a pilot came aboard, informing us there 
were two English frigates lying in the Vineyard Sound we bore 
away with a fair wind for Rhode Island, and in the evening we 
arrived safe at Newport. Discharged here 60 Hogsheads of sugar. 
The ship was haul'd in for repairs, and when they were completed, 
went round for Salem, where we safely arrived. 

I remained at home until the following Nov. when I was offered 
a Capt.'s berth of a large brig, which had a round house and steered 
by a wheel, which was uncommon in those days for merchantmen. 
She was loaded with timber and bound to Cape Francis named 
Live Oak. After a short passage reached the Cape safe, discharged 

[238] 



AN AMERICAN SEA CAPTAIN IN THE REVOLUTION 

and freighted with molasses, and sailed for Boston. When in the 
latitude of 38 in a heavy gale of wind, laying too we started a butt, 
which obliged us to keep both pumps going night and day. The 
weather being thick, and wind scant, we did not reach Cape Cod, but 
kept on to the northward with reef sail, and the wind now blowing 
heavy, At four in the afternoon we found we had four feet of water 
in the hold, which obliged us to hand Our sails, all but the fore-sail 
eased off the vessel north. At twelve o'clock we made Cape Eliza- 
beth, the rock close under our bows we wore around under a fore 
sail and hove too, that night all but one of the crew were frozen 
there we lay ten days, both pumps going night and day 

The wind then coming S. E. it became a thaw, we made sail with 
a fair wind and run round long Island head, cutting the ice, into the 
Eastern Channel, taking us the most of one day. This channel being 
opened, the pilot assured me we should be up to town in half an hour; 
but it was not the case. In a few minutes he run the brig on the 
Castle rocks. I left her, got into the boat, telling the pilot to get the 
vessel up if he could. I then went up to Boston; he succeeded in 
getting the brig up to Long Wharf the following morning. We 
discharged her - - The weather remained very cold, and we were 
obliged to cut most of the hogsheads out of the ice I was once more 
safe on terra-firma. 

Here, at this era of my life the wheel of fortune turned. The 
last 17 years had been spent mostly on the wide waters. I had passed 
through scenes at which the heart shrinks, as memory recalls them; 
but now the reader will find the scene change ; my ill luck was ended. 

I remained at home several months, and in the meantime was 
married to Susanna White, daughter of Abijah White Esq. She was 
of the fourth generation from peregrine White, the first man born 
in New England. 

Two months from this I continued my West India voyages, until 
I had made twenty-four successful ones mostly for the same 
owner, Daniel Sargent, Esq. always bringing back every man, even 
to cook & boy. After this I exchanged into the Russia trade, for the 
same owner, where I continued six years, making six voyages. I 
sailed every year the first of January, for Lisbon, and from thence 
about the first of March up to Petersburg in Russia with a freight. 
The first of these voyages I arrived into the Baltic Sea too early in 
the spring; I found great fields of ice. I got by them and succeeded 

[239] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

in getting up the Gulf of Finland as far as abreast of Revel; here I 
was frozen in solid. 

The next day a sleigh with four horses came alongside, and the 
gentleman who was in it offered to take me up to the City. He was 
the Clerk of a German Merchant. He advised me to send my bills 
over by mail to Petersburg. I staid at this merchants house that 
night and he sent me on board my vessel in the morning. 

I was invited, while in Revel, by the gentleman to whom I sold 
my cargo, to the wedding of his niece, given by her Grandmother. 
The ceremony was performed in the Assembly House. 

The guests were 380 in number, some coming a great distance. 
I was the only foreigner among them. The parties married were Mr 
John Fessay to Miss Catherine Dubray. They had a band of Ger- 
man musicians, who struck up a lively air, as every carriage drew up 
to the Assembly House. The Bride was a beautiful Girl, dressed 
with taste and splendor. Her gown was of white satin, spangled, 
with a rich gold border round the bottom. Her brow was orna- 
mented with diamonds valued at 300 guineas. The Bridegroom was 
dressed in a superb suit of black, white satin vest, ornamented and 
spangled with gold. After the Ceremony which was of the Church 
of England, all were seated and took coffee By this time supper 
was announced, which consisted of 110 different dishes of meats, 
besides every variety of jelly, tarts &c &c, then followed a very 
elegant dessert. The meats were all carved by the servants. We 
were three hours at the supper table. The Bride was placed on an 
eminence from which she could overlook the company. The Bride- 
groom's Father proposed drinking her health in a glass of Cham- 
paigne. It was gracefully done by all rising and touching their 
glasses at once. After supper the room was immediately cleared, 
the musicians placed, and then began the leading dance, by the Bride 
and Bridegroom and all their relations, the set dancing fifty couples 
at a time. - - The dancing continued until twelve next day, when the 
gentleman's Father invited all the company to his house the next 
evening. Then followed the gifts; every guest had a present of some 
kind, many of them very valuable mine was a pair of large silver 
spoons marked P. D. The company then all withdrew. 

I staid in the City of Revel six weeks, when the ice opened, and 
we sailed for Petersburg, and got into Cronstadt mould the 28 ht of 
May. I found sending my bills by mail very much to my advantage. 
We loaded and returned to Boston. By this voyage I cleared the 

[240] 



AN AMERICAN SEA CAPTAIN IN THE REVOLUTION 

vessel, and 500 pounds sterling for the owners. The succeeding 
voyages were all successful. 

During one of them when off Norway in a cold snow storm, 
lying too, a man on the main yard, handing mainsail, fell overboard, 
and went under the vessel and came up on the leeward side. I was 
then on the quarter deck, caught a hencoop, and threw it into the 
ocean. He succeeded in getting hold of it. I then ordered the top- 
sails hove back, and to cut away the lashing of the yawl immediately ; 



indbemeldte SKIPPER haver ladt 




PART OP THE ACCOMPANYING DANISH DOCUMENT IN CONNECTION WITH CAPTAIN 
LITTLE'S RUSSIAN AND SCANDINAVIAN TRADING EXPEDITION, 1792 

ordered the mate and two men to jump in. The man not being then 
in sight, I told them to row to the windward. They succeeded in 
taking him and brought him on board ; he was alive, although unable 
to speak or stand ; I had him taken into the cabin, and by rubbing and 
giving him something hot, he was soon restored, and able in three 
hours to do duty. He was in the water thirty minutes. I asked him 
what he expected would be his fate when overboard, he said that he 
tried the hencoop lying too, and found that would not answer, then 
thought he would try it a scuddnig " and Sir," added he, " if you had 

[241] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

not sent your boat just as you did, I should have borne away for the 
coast of Norway," from which we were then five leagues. 

On the same voyage, returning home, my Brother William F. 
Little died of consumption, he being the only man I ever lost; In all 
my West India and Russia voyages never lost a spar, boat or anchor. 

In 1797 I quitted the sea entirely, being 41 years old; my wife 
had been dead four years. In 1798 I married Hannah Lovell, 
daughter of General Solomon Lovell of Weymouth, and returned to 
the farm on which my father lived and died, in Marsh field. I bought 
out the other heirs, retaining myself the homestead which had 
belonged to my great Grandfather; and here I still remain, generally 
having enjoyed good health, and arrived at the advanced age of 84 
years. 

LUTHER LITTLE 

January 5 th 1841 



TRANSCRIPT OF FLEET SIGNALS FOR THE PENOBSCOT 

EXPEDITION SENT TO CAPTAIN LITTLE 
[See accompanying fac-simile reproduction of the document] 

Signals By Day 

For sailing Fore Topsail Loose 

All to Tack Strip. d Flagg att M T M head 

Bear up before the Wind Pendant att Mizen Pee c k & Jack 

att Main Topmast head 
Transports to Disperse & Shift for 

themselves United States Flagg in the Mizen 

Shrouds 

Signals By Night 

To Anchor Three Lights one att Each 

mast [.we] head 

To Weigh Three Lights one Over the other 

in fore shrouds 

To head & Weathermast Ship to 

Tack first To Lights on the Ensign Staff 

To Alter Course. . .- one Gun & one Gun for one Point 

Compass 

[242] 



AN AMERICAN SEA CAPTAIN IN THE REVOLUTION 

Stern & Leew. d mast Ship to Tack 

first Three Lights on the Ensign Staff 

To Bring too on Larb. d Tack Two Lights on the Ensign Staff 

Sail and one false fire 

To make after Lying by Two guns a short time after Each 

Other 

To Speak Four Lights att Mizen Peek 

Land or 

Discover of any Danger To Show four Lights of Equal 

Heights & fire 3 guns 

Fogg Signals 

To Bring Too on Starb. d Tack. . . . Two Guns 

ditto on Larb. d Tack Three Guns 

To make Sail after Lying by Four Guns 

Discover, of Land or any danger . . Five Guns 

Continue of Same Sail Ring of Bells, Beat of Drums & 

Fire of Muskets 

Transports seperateing from the Convoy must make the Best of their 

way & Rendevoris att Townsend 

Transports wantig to Speak with the Com m odore must Sett a White 

Jack in the Main Shrouds 

Nantasket 15 July 1779 

D: Saltonstall. 



Signals by Night Omitted 

To Bring Too on Larb. d Tack. . . . Two Lights on the Ensign Staff 

& one False Fire 

To Bring Too on Starb. d D. One Light On the Ensign Staff & 

one False Fire 

[Address on one side of paper] 

To 
Capt 

Luther Little 

Sloop 
Pidgeon 

F243] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 



7-' 
.._ 




FHBT SIGNALS OF COMMANDER 8ALTONSTALL FOR THH PBNOBSCOT EXPEDITION, 

1779, AS DELIVERED TO CAPTAIN LUTHER LITTLE 
Reproduced from the original In the possession of Mr. Luther Little and Misa Joanna Little of Boston 



[244] 



AN AMERICAN SEA CAPTAIN IN THE REVOLUTION 





THE LATTER PART OP COMMANDER SALTONSTALI/8 FLEET SIGNALS, WITH FAC- 
SIMILE OF ADDRESS TO CAPTAIN LITTLE, ON BOARD THE " PIGEON " 



[245] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

Lisbon Jan.wary Y* 24 th 1780 

Honored Sur these are to inform Yoy of Our Misfortin in Being Cast 
away Y e 20th of Decemb 1 " Having a Sevear Gail of wind for too days 
Before Lying tue under Balence Main Sail at day Lite to our Great 
Supprise Saw the Land Gest to Luard Which we had No chance to 
Escape the wind Bloing On Shore we then Let Go our anchors in 8 
fathums of Water But Y e Cables immeadately parted then Siting Our 
fore Staisail to wave in hops to Git into Lisbon as the harbor was in 
Site Gest as we wore We Shipt Sea that over Sot us for Severel minuts 
till the heave of another Sea Rited us again When we Rited again 
Our decks ware Swep Quarter Rails pumps Boat Cabbons and all 
hands over Bord But Cetcht by Sum of the Riging that hung to the 
Mainmast and fore Topmast Which was Carred away by the heft of 
y e Sea We then Sune Struck on Lisbon Bar all hands Lasht to the 
Rack But with out hope of Gitting a Shore it Being Low water and 
no Land within 2 Mile at hiwater the Brig Stove to peses all Butt ye 
Quarter deck and a Small pese of the Starn Which Remained till Low 
water we kept Lasht on that and Gest at Sun Set Maid our Escape on 
a Reaf of Sand to the fort we all Got Safe to Y e fort and Ware very 
kindly Etertarnd By the Portegea Solgers 
[Written on inner page] 

P S We havent Wanted for Enething Sine we Got Up to Lisbon tho 
we have Lost all most Everithing what my fortin is to Be this Year I 
Cant tell But i am Shure Tis Bin hard anuf the year Past Capt 
oakman And all hands are well and if No other Misfortin hapens I 
Expect to Be at home In may for i Expect Cap 1 oakman will Git 

Another Wessel in these parts 

My Love to All friends So i remain Your 




LETTER WRITTEN AT LISBON BY CAPTAIN LUTHER LITTLE TO HIS FATHER, LEMUEL 

LITTLE, AT MARSHFIELD, MASSACHUSETTS 
Copied from the original In the possession of Mr. Luther Little and Miss Joanna Little of Boston 



[246] 



I 
AN AMERICAN SEA CAPTAIN IN THE REVOLUTION 

[Address on outside of folded letter] 

To M' 

Lemuel Little 

In Marshfield 
To be Left att Cap 1 
Noar Doggedds in Boston 
In Y e State of y e Masachusets 
Bay New England 

[Above the address, and written in reverse position, is written the 
following, evidently in Luther Little's hand, but at a later date] 

Luther Little Just Lett 

8 tizes ( ?) 

Amos oakman have 

5 pietuns 

one tis Ditto 

half pistune 



[247] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

Boston June 7 1788 
Dear Susanna 

I inform you by M r Truant, I shall sail to morrow morning having all 
things ready for sea, I am bound to the Island martineca and shuld I 
meat with markits Shall sell there other wise Shall procead to sum 
other Island In the westindis Expect to be gon about three months 
I own one Quarter of the cargo and have the consinements of the rest 
Besids the consinements of five hundred pounds frate I owe M r 
Sargent fifteen pounds fore and Eight pence I have receivd of M r 
M c Neal Six pounds on georges account and of M rs Bradford twelve 
shillings had paint and oil on his account to the amount of too pounds 
twelve Shiling he owes me for crape cushing & gloves Seven shillings 
Shuld be glad you would settle the note with him which you have in 
your keeping: I have sent you Six pounds By M r Truant, as I have 
not time to rite very pertickeler. I can only desire you to give my 
respects to the holl of Each of our fammelis and all inquiring friends 




LETTER WRITTEN AT BOSTON BY CAPTAIN LUTHER LITTLE TO HIS WIFE, ON THE 

EVE OF A VOYAGE TO THE WEST INDIES 
Copied from the original in the possession of Mr. Luther Little and Miss Joanna Little of Boston 

[Address on outside of folded letter] 
Mrs 

Susanna Little 

Marshfield 
hon d By m r 
Truant 

[248] 



AN AMERICAN SEA CAPTAIN IN THE REVOLUTION 

Boston Jany 14 1792 

Dear Madam I rote to you a fue days a go By Cap 1 Thomas turner 
and have sent you my accounts Settled I now inclose you the Vandue 
masters account of Beef Sold Bitseye Claps too kags is in it pleas to 
Pay hur according as they sold she paying too Shillings for coopring 
and repacking and porsheneble part of truckig and vandu masters 
commishons as you will Se in the bill, I have Been ready to Sale this 
too Days but culd not git out for See but shall Sale to morrow morn- 
ing if the wind is fair and the See wil Let us get out am Bound first 
to Lisbon and from their to Rusha expect to be Back God willing 
next fall give my compliments to Luther and all friends with out 
Exceptions hoping I shall find you and all friends well at my return 




LETTER FROM CAPTAIN LITTLE AT BOSTON TO HIS WIFE, WRITTEN BEFORE 
^ STARTING FOR PORTUGAL AND RUSSIA 

Copied from the original in the possession of Mr. Luther Little and Miss Joanna Little of Boston 



[Address on outside of folded letter] 



[Written on outside of folded letter] 



M rs Luther Little 

Marshfield 



January 14 th 1792 
Madam, 

by Capt Little's desire, I inform you that he saild this day at 
twelve oclock with a fair wind bound for Bilboa 

[249] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

Lisbon Febuary 16 th 1792 

M rs Susanna Little 
Marshfield 
Dea r Madam 

I inform you by Cap 1 Grin [Green] I arivd of the rock off lisbon in 
twenty fore days from Boston, as I rote to you before am now Dis- 
chargin the cargo their is no other vessell here with fish: my cargo 
sold very well, my cargo will fetch here about 4000 Dollars more than 
it cost in Boston I have to Pay thirty Portegeas onboard to work 
taking out fish I expect to make on my own fish ov r too hundred and 
eighteen dollars more than they cost am bound from here to S l Peters 
Berg in rusha with fraigh* Dont expect to be at horn till next October 
have a great chance off making considerable by my adventure from 
here their I find a great many People here that I new when I was 
castayway with Cap 1 Oakman twelve years ago we have the weather 
here now as warm as it is in boston in June all kinds off excelent f rute 
I like these Voyages so well I think I shall never wan 1 to go in the 
westindia trade ene more Brother William is as harty as a buck and I 
think will make a good seman Samuel Hall is well like wise indead all 
my men wants Ducking more than doctors. I had a Very ruf passage 
but Fair winds give my Love to all friends take good care luther dont 
git into the Pond or springs I hope to hear Sally is in beter helth tell 
Luther his papsey will bring him sum fine things from rusha I never 
engoyd beter helth in my life than at present I hope this will find you 
and all friends well Give M Compliments to the Reverent William W 
Wheler and all Inquiring 




LETTER PROM CAPTAIN LITTLE TO HIS WIFE, WRITTEN AT LISBON, PORTUGAL, ON 

THE WAY TO RUSSIA 
Copied from the original In the possession of Mr. Lather Little and Miss Joanna Little of Boston 

[Address on outside of folded letter] 

M s Luther Little 
M 8 . Luther Little 

Marshfield 

Hon d by Cap 1 County Plymoth 

Grin 

Marblehead 

[250] 



AN AMERICAN SEA CAPTAIN IN THE REVOLUTION 

Lisbon February 16 1792 

Dear Madam Mrs. Susanna Little Marshfield 

I rote to you before from this plase which letter I hope you have 
recived : I have been very anchos about you as I left you unwel when 
I saild I hope Before this corns to hand you will be in good helth : I 
hope to make a good voyage as my Cargo sels for the same prise it 
did Last year and everigs more than eney cargo has been sold here this 
too months past am like to git a Ceppetil fraigh* for Russia I have 
been perfectly well sence I Left Boston and at present all hands are 
well onbord I was very much Disopinted in not receving a line from 
you by Cap 1 Sevor who ariv d here from Boston a fue days a goo my 
love to Luther and all friends 




<#**v 






ANOTHER LETTER FROM CAPTAIN LITTLE TO HIS WIFE, WRITTEN AT LISBON 
Copied from the original in the possession of Mr. Luther Little and Miss Joanna Little of Boston 



[Address on outside of folded letter] 

M rs 

Luther Little 

Marshfield 
Ship Dispatch 
Philadelphia 

[251] 




THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 




PAC-SIMILE OP A RECORD BY CAPTAIN LUTHER LITTLE OF HIS WOUNDS RECEIVED 

IN A VICTORIOUS ENGAGEMENT WITH A BRITISH SHIP DURING THE 

REVOLUTIONARY WAR 

Reproduced from the original in the possession of Mr. Luther Little and Miss Joanna Little 

of Boston 



[252] 







2 


- 








DANTE ALIGHIEKI 



Trento's monunifiit to Italy's ^rcat poet, ili- forerunner of Milton, who, like Milton, USMM! his 
(Soil irivi'ii genius to lift men's mimls to Coil ami His lU-nlin^s \\itli men 




, s 

2 <jj 

"a 

Hi*; 



Hmillrrtuws of Nutrtg-Jfiti? f ?ara tn 
QI0nn?rttnrt an& tip Atttlyrarit? ; 




BY 

WILLIAM HENRY RICHMOND 

[Concluded from The Journal of American History, Volume XI, 

Number j] 

S I HAVE SAID, I settled in Carbondale in May, 1845, 
and later purchased the store building which, as I 
have related, was burned in 1855, and the store, now 
on the ground, was built, and used from the beginning 
of 1856. 

On the next lot, adjoining my store property, was 
one of the oldest houses in Carbondale, which was 
built about 1830. I purchased the house in 1849 and leased it to a 
party for a year, reserving rooms which I was to occupy with my 
wife, after our marriage. I was married June 5, 1849, to Lois 
Roxanna Morss, at the home of her brother, Burton G. Morss, at 
Red Falls, Greene County, New York. My wife was the daughter 
of Mr. Foster Morss of Windham, Greene County, New York. 

On my way to reach Red Falls, being in the city of New York, 
the 1st and 2nd of June, I learned from the papers that the first 
coinage of gold dollars in the United States had been brought from 
the mint to the city of New York on June 1st. I went to Wall Street, 
on June 2nd, before leaving for Red Falls, and bought $50 in one- 
dollar gold pieces, paying $53 in currency for them. The marriage 
fee I paid the clergyman on June 5th was ten gold dollars, perhaps 
the first marriage fee paid in gold dollars. I gave a gold dollar to 

[257] 






THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

each of Mr. Morss' seven children, and some gold dollars to my wife. 
My daughter, Miss Clara Richmond, is the only one now known to 
have one of these gold dollars which I gave to my wife. 

After the wedding ceremony, Mr. Morss sent us with his car- 
riage to the Catskill Mountain House. The second day after we 
went down the river in a steamboat and spent a few days in the city 
of New York, visiting there noted objects of interest. We climbed 
the steeple of Trinity Church to view the city, visited Greenwood 
Cemetery in Brooklyn, and went to Barnum's Museum, which was the 
most attractive place of its kind to visit at that time. 

We went to Morristown, New Jersey, for a Sunday, to attend 
the church where Mrs. Richmond's cousin was pastor, the Reverend 
Mr. Kirtland. Then we went by steamer to East Haddam, Con- 
necticut, located on the Connecticut River, where I had an uncle 
living, at Moodus, about four or five miles away. We spent a day 
with them, and then my uncle took us in his carriage to East Hamp- 
ton, Connecticut, some ten miles away, where another uncle, by mar- 
riage to my mother's youngest sister, Mr. Alfred Williams, lived at 
that time in the homestead of my maternal grandmother, in that 
village, where he had built a commodious house. 

There I met also my oldest sister, Harriet, who was two years 
my junior, and Mr. George W. Cheney. The two were wedded in 
the fall of 1849 and settled in South Manchester, Connecticut, where 
he was of the second generation of the Cheney family which com- 
menced the silk manufacturing business in 1830. 

After a few days at East Hampton we went to my native town 
of Marlborough, five miles east, visiting my second oldest sister, 
Emily Foote Richmond, who was the wife of William E. Jones of 
that town. We spent a Sunday there, being entertained by 
friends, &c. 

We proceeded thence to Willimantic, by what was called the mail 
wagon, as there were no public conveyances to be had. As we drove 
up to the Post Office and store building in Hebron, Mr. Buell, who 
was Post Master and proprietor of the store, came out to the wagon, 
greeted me very cordially, and, after introduction to my wife, asked 
me if I were not going down to see Lucy, his wife. I replied: 
am with the mail wagon, Mr. Buell. I can't leave that, though I 
should be glad to see Lucy." He replied : " Never mind that. I'll 
take care of the mail wagon, and of your wife too. You go down 
across the Green to the house and see Lucy." I did so, and had a 

[258] 



RECOLLECTIONS OF NINETY-FIVE YEARS 

cordial welcome and chat of ten minutes. She told me some stories 
of my boyhood days, of which one was as follows : 

She was formerly Lucy Kellogg, sister of my father's partner, 
David Kellogg, and lived on an old farm of the Kellogg family, about 
three miles from my father's home. In the winter of 1831-1832 I 
was sent down to stay with the Kellogg family, to help care for the 
stock that was wintered on the farm, and also to attend school in the 
brick school-house where I first commenced school. At that time 
Mr. Buell was engaged in merchandising, having a large wagon and 
a pair of horses which he drove around the country, with many arti- 
cles which he supplied to merchants. He was accustomed to make 
the Kellogg farm every two weeks, to stay there over Sunday. When 
spring came, the wedding of Mr. Buell and Miss Kellogg took place. 
It was an evening wedding, and none but immediate relatives were 
there. Some came from a distance too far to return that night, so 
all the rooms and beds in the house were occupied. Mother Kellogg, 
who was then some seventy years old, quietly said to me that I might 
get into the rear part of her bed for the night, as my room was to be 
occupied. In the morning, when the bridegroom (who had an 
impediment in his speech), came down, he greeted me very cordially: 
" G-good M-morning, F-f a-ather ! " I soon learned that the family 
knew where I had slept ! I had quizzed Mr. Buell during the winter 
about his " comin' a-courtin'," but when he said that to me in the 
morning I was rather set back. 

This was the Mr. Buell who greeted me at the mail wagon. He 
and his wife are. long since gone to the Heavenly Home. They left 
only one daughter, now living in Hebron, Connecticut, whom I met 
a few years ago for the first time. At this time Miss Mary Hall was 
with us and wished me to call on a valued friend of hers nearby, by 
the name of Bissell. My wife and two daughters were with me at 
this time. Mrs. Bissell was somewhat of an invalid. I was seated 
by her while my wife and daughters were talking to members of the 
family, and soon I learned that Mrs. Bissell was the daughter of Mr. 
Harry Hazen. I told her that Mr. Harry Hazen, and his brother, 
and a Mr. Peckham conducted a dancing school in Middle Haddam, 
Connecticut, in 1835-36, and that I was one of the pupils in that 
school, which was quite a surprise to her. 

But we must resume the journey. Leaving Hebron we made 
Willimantic, where I had an aunt, whose daughter, just of my age, 
was wife of Mr. Daniel Lord. We spent a day or so there, and then 

[259] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

proceeded by carriage to Norwich, taking the railroad train from 
there to Worcester and Boston. We spent some days in Boston, 
visiting Bunker Hill, which we climbed to the top, the noted cemetery 
of Mt. Auburn, and other places of interest. At the hotel at which 
we stopped, the Revere House, on an office counter there was a 
basket of extraordinarily nice strawberries, one of which I measured. 
It was three and a half inches around, being the first of such dimen- 
sions that had come to my notice. 

After leaving Boston, we proceeded to Hartford, Connecticut, 
arriving on Saturday, I think. That evening we dined at General 
Enos H. Buell's, who was formerly of my native town. On Sunday 
we attended the Congregational Church, of which the Reverend 
Doctor Horace Bushnell was pastor, and he preached the sermon. He 
was well known and a man of advanced ideas, which were called in 
question by some of his co-religionists. 

From Hartford we went down the Connecticut River to the city 
of New York, and thence returned to Carbondale. We entered the 
house which I had purchased, and boarded with the tenant for a year. 
Then we went to regular housekeeping there, until 1874, in September, 
when we moved to our house here in Scranton. 

My wife, having been born in Windham, Greene County, New 
York, she had there many friends and relatives, and in the course of 
the years we lived together we had many times driven from Scranton 
to that section by horse and carriage. The country between Scranton 
and that region has been familiar to me and my family all these years. 

I continued my business as a merchant at Carbondale up to 1864, 
when my goods were sold to a party, and my store rented. I should 
have said that in 1853 I became owner of my partner's interest in all 
our business. About 1868 my store building was sold to the firm of 
tPascoe, Scurry, and Company, and it is now occupied by a son of 
Mr. Scurry. 

In 1859 and 1860, I had a contract with the Delaware and 
Hudson Canal Company, for building coal cars, for carrying coal 
over the gravity railroad to Honesdale. I furnished all material and 
wood, with the exception of the axles and wheels. I built some eight 
hundred cars, which were used in extending the railroad from 
Olyphant to Market Street, Providence. 

In December, 1859, I made a verbal arrangement with Mr. 
James W. Johnson and Mr. Abel Bennett for lease of coal of the Cen- 
tral Coal Company, which lay just east of the present Scranton line, 

[260] 



RECOLLECTIONS OF NINETY-FIVE YEARS 

a tract of about two hundred and fifty acres. I agreed to mine fifty 
thousand tons of coal per annum, which was all I could get the Dela- 
ware and Hudson Canal Company to promise to take from me. My 
landlords wanted to sell more coal from the same land, and made a 
verbal arrangement with another party to mine another fifty thou- 
sand tons per annum. The coal was to be paid for at twelve and a 
half cents a ton in the ground. 

We did not get all the preliminaries settled and a written lease 
till April, 1860. But I got to opening coal early in January, 1860, 
expecting to deliver it to the Delaware and Hudson Canal Company, 
after running it over screens and taking out the dirt, just as it came 
from the mines. 

Mr. Thomas Dickson, on January 1, 1860, had been appointed 
by Mr. Charles P. Wurts as manager of the coal department of the 
Delaware and Hudson Company. A short time after he came on to 
look after the business it was determined by the Delaware and Hud- 
son Company that all parties who delivered coal to the Company must 
break up the coal and screen it into proper sizes for the market. Up 
to this time, all coal as it had gone to tidewater had been sent just as 
it came from the mines, only taking out the dust and all sizes below 
chestnut. The Delaware, Lackawanna, and Western Company had 
commenced breaking the coal and sorting it into sizes a year or two 
before. 

After this method of breaking the coal was determined upon, I 
found that I needed more capital, for I had to put up coal breakers 
and machinery for breaking up the coal. I told this to Mr. Charles 
P. Wurts, who had then been for some time past the general manager 
of the business of the Delaware and Hudson Canal Company in this 
section, and had a quarter-interest in a lease made by Jones and Com- 
pany, in 1858, or 1859, of lands belonging to Mr. Hull in Olyphant. 
After considering the matter of a half -interest with me in the coal 
mining, Mr. Wurts replied to me that he had no funds that he could 
use at present. But we concluded that our joint names could raise 
capital sufficient for the work. The result was that he was my 
partner till the latter half of 1863, when I became sole owner. We 
commenced mining about the 10th of May, 1860, to deliver coal to the 
Delaware and Hudson Company's cars. 

We had numerous strikes and troubles with our men, because we 
had determined to mine coal by the car, instead of by the ton as it 
came out of the mines, which had been the practice of all the mines 

[261] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

from Dickson City to Carbondale. The custom, however, at Scran- 
ton, and below Scranton, to mine coal by the car had been in practice 
for some years. We had contentions all summer, and did not get to 
mining thoroughly till fall. Another mine, of much less capacity 
than mine was, started by Mr. J. N. Chittenden, was located on the 
farm east of that my colliery was on. He had some experience in 
mining below Scranton, where they broke up the coal and mined by 
the car, and I was governed somewhat by his experience in deciding 
whether to mine by car or by ton. During the summer we had 
various meetings together to decide how to get business started 
properly. Finally I met him at the mines (my home being then at 
Carbondale), and told him I was resolved to set the mines at work, 
because the losses we were put to by detention would eat up our capital. 

He had two Scotchmen, one who took charge inside and one who 
took charge outside. They each had a number of boys big enough 
to work, and Mr. Chittenden said to me that, whatever I attempted to 
do, his men would come over and work for me. I had two Welshmen, 
one in charge of the inside work and one in charge of the breaker and 
outside work They each had a number of boys able to work. I 
told Mr. Chittenden I was going to employ some men up in Carbon- 
dale to go to work. Then I got about ten or twelve men, one or two 
of whom had been in mines, but mostly wood-choppers. They were 
men who did not fear anything. The fact was well known that we 
had had trouble in getting our miners to mine by the car. 

In those days, at Carbondale, for instance, when a miner was 
called upon to do day work, he was paid about $1.12 a day, and the 
laborer who worked in the mine with the miner was paid .87*/2 cents 
a day. Before attempting to solve the whole question, we tried to get 
men to work thus by the day, but enough work was not done by the 
day. 

Finally, I arranged with Mr. Chittenden for his men, and in 
Carbondale I got ten or twelve men. I paid each $2 a day and gave 
each man a pistol to protect himself outside the mines, we agreeing 
to protect them in the mines. With these men we managed to get 
coal out of six or seven chambers the first few days. Soon we added 
three or four men more, and the second week still more. Soon we 
worked a dozen chambers. The third week the old men began to 
come around, ready to work on our basis. By the end of the third 
week, we had enough men to get out the quantity of coal we wanted. 
Then Mr. Chittenden took his men and opened his mine. 

[262] 



RECOLLECTIONS OF NINETY-FIVE YEARS 

So, after some four months, we got our mines going, mining by 
the car, as we had started to do. Men began to work fairly steadily 
till the Civil War in 1861. Then a number of men enlisted and there 
were a good many interruptions in mining. We sent from Dickson 
about fourteen young men. They came up to Carbondale after 
enlisting to bid farewell to my family and myself. My wife gave 
them luncheon and we had their pictures taken. Some years after 
the war I sent them each one of these pictures. 

In 1862 and 1863 there was a great deal of trouble with the 
" Molly Maguires." We had much trouble with them. One or two 
of the men were killed in Olyphant. President Gowan of the Reading 
Coal Company had several men convicted in the Courts and they were 
hung. 

In 1863 Mr. Wurts and I went to Mauch Chunk for the purpose 
of reaching Hazleton to examine some coal lands in that vicinity. 
Three or four miles from the village of Mauch Chunk coal was 
elevated about one hundred feet in distance of less than a quarter of 
a mile by a stationary engine, and at the head of the plain from the 
valley of the Lehigh a locomotive operated cars as usual into the 
valley of Hazleton, where both the Lehigh Valley and the Central 
Railroad mined coal. At the time of our visit to that valley in the 
middle of 1863, we arrived at the foot of the plain after work for the 
day was closed. But as Mr. Wurts was in charge of the Delaware 
and Hudson Company it was no trouble to get special arrangements 
to take us up that plain and over to Hazleton. After a day or so in 
Hazleton, examining some coal mine properties, Mr. Wurts returned 
home, and I remained a day or two for further examination of the 
mining of the section. 

I went one morning in a car from Hazleton to a mine eight miles 
away, owned by Mr. Markle, who was related by marriage to Mr. 
Pardee, early connected with mining in Hazleton. I spent a few 
hours in examining his colliery, etc. He invited me to lunch, and 
afterward took me in his carriage to Hazleton. He had had much 
trouble with the " Molly Maguires " in his collieries. But he had been 
able to learn what they were doing in their secret meetings. On our 
way to Hazleton he stopped and pointed to a hole in his buggy top, 
where he had been shot at. He said that he had stopped the buggy 
and had gone into the woods with his gun, but had found no one. 
But afterward he learned who it was. 

[263] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

My visit to Hazleton did not result in my then becoming inter- 
ested in mines there. 

I should have said that when we arrived in Hazleton we made 
the acquaintance of the Mr. Calvin Pardee I have referred to. He 
was one of the earliest engaged in developing anthracite coal in the 
Hazleton region. 

After my return we had various experiences in mining coal, the 
whole region being unsettled in consequence of the War. 

In the winter of 1862-63 we applied to the State Legislature for 
an act of incorporation, under the name of the Elk Hill Coal Com- 
pany, with a capital of $300,000. Mr. Wurts was made President 
of the Company, and I was made Treasurer and General Manager. 
Mr. Alfred P. Wurts was made Secretary. Some ten or more years 
afterward it became plain that a larger capital under the Company 
could be used, and I applied to the Legislature to increase the capital 
to $1,200,000, with bond and increased liberties to hold five thousand 
acres in any one County in Pennsylvania and any amount of land out- 
side of Pennsylvania needed. A few years after, another supplement 
was added to the charter, which permitted us to increase our capital 
stock and bonds to such amount as was needed to carry on the busi- 
ness. In the meantime, in 1864, I had become sole owner of the 
property. Mr. Wurts left the employ of the Delaware and Hudson 
Company, in 1863, to travel in Europe, etc., and I became the sole 
owner of the entire property. 

I carried on the coal business up to 1883 at Richmond Colliery 
Number 1, when the coal breaker was burned. Believing that the 
vein of coal I was mining would not warrant building another breaker 
at that time there, I went about three miles into the second ward of 
Scranton, and built a shaft and breaker near the Brisbin mine, owned 
by the Delaware, Lackawanna, and Western Railroad. This was 
known as Richmond Colliery Number 2. I operated that until 1889, 
and then sold it. Then I made a lease of coal lands in the first ward 
of Scranton, owned by the P. Carter Estate, and erected another 
breaker, now known as Richmond Colliery Number 3. This was on 
property about a third of a mile above my own home, as at that point 
I could reach the Delaware and Hudson Railroad and also the Sus- 
quehanna Railroad, less than a mile distant. I had removed from 
Carbondale in 1874 to a residence on a seventy-five acre farm, known 
as Richmond Hill, in the city of Scranton. 

It was necessary to transfer the coal from the shaft on the 

[264] 



RECOLLECTIONS OF NINETY-FIVE YEARS 

P. Carter Estate, a distance of about one mile, by narrow gauge road 
on which locomotive and mine cars were used. I met with much 
trouble in sinking the shaft on the Carter Estate. At a distance of 
ten or fifteen feet from the surface we encountered quicksand, which 
we had to go through a distance of thirty or forty feet. We did not 
reach the rock above the coal until about a distance of seventy feet. 
In sinking through the quicksand we had had trouble on account of 
that and the water. This occupied more than a year in completing, 
at an expense of over $100,000, while estimates for this work had 
been about $15.000 and about quarter the time. My friends had great 
anxiety, believing I might sink all I had there. 

At the same time this work was going on, Simpson and Watkins, 
coal operators, were sinking two shafts in West Pittston, Pennsyl- 
vania, where an effort had been made many years before to sink 
shafts, and given up because of encountering quicksand. They made 
a contract with a firm in New York which had had experience in 
sinking shafts by a method of enclosing the space by driving down 
pipes and freezing the ground so as to enable them to sink the shafts 
in that way. I think these contracts were more than $100,000 for 
each shaft, and I believe the time used was as much or more as that 
used for my shaft. But we have learned much since that time, and 
can now use steel plates around any size shaft we want to make, and 
thus penetrate the quicksand with moderate expense. 

In 1892 and 1893 I built a fourth colliery and breaker, about five 
miles east of Carbondale, on lands belonging to the estate of Mr. G. L. 
Morss, about one thousand acres. That colliery was completed and 
ready to run on October 1, 1893. 

The New York, Ontario, and Western Railroad in 1890 came to 
Scranton with their engineer, and for some time were collecting 
information as to the propriety of opening a branch road united to 
their road at Hancock, New York. Mr. E. B. Sturges, a lawyer, who 
had been instrumental in locating the Susquehanna Railroad when it 
came into our valley, became interested with the chief engineer of 
the New York, Ontario, and Western road, and aided in trying to get 
coal operators to put their coal on that road, if it was built. I, like 
other operators, was interviewed to see if I would give the promise. 
I was then sinking the shaft on the Carter Estate, and Mr. Sturgis 
applied to me to agree to put coal from that shaft on this branch road, 
if it was built. At times we had a number of talks. 

Mr. J. E. Child, who was engineer of the New York, Ontario, 

[265] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

and Western Railroad, was in our city, soliciting the coal operators 
to give them tonnage. He had started to return to New York, and at 
that time had gotten no positive promise from any of the coal 
operators. I happened into Mr. Sturges' office and told him that, if 
the branch road was built, I would agree to put fifty thousand tons 
per annum on it, on the terms they had proposed. Mr. Sturges, being 
pleased with this, telegraphed to Mr. Child at Tobyhanna of this 
promise, which was the first real encouragement they had had to build 
the road. This, with other promises, caused the building of the road 
from Scranton to Hancock, where it connected with the New York, 
Ontario, and Western line running east and west. 

My fourth colliery, known as Richmond Colliery Number 4, built 
at what became known as Richmondale, shipped coal by the cars of 
the New York, Ontario, and Western Railroad on the branch which 
they built. While I operated that breaker and the Richmond Colliery 
Number 3 at Dickson City, I was able to ship three hundred thousand 
tons or more annually, up to 1899, when I transferred my shares in 
the Elk Hill Coal and Iron Company to the Vice-President of the 
New York, Ontario, and Western Company. This covered the lease 
of my coal interests on the Morss Estate, my store and goods, saw- 
mill, some forty odd tenement houses, and all appliances connected 
with the colliery and the lease ; also my interest in coal on the Carter 
Estate; and the use of the coal breaker at Dickson City, called Rich- 
mond Number 3, while they were mining the coal which the lease 
covered ; also any coal outside of the lease which they worked through 
the breaker, I continuing to have some compensation for their use of it. 

Richmond Number 4 breaker adopted a new method of handling 
the coal of the mine. I erected a steel shaft about fifty feet square 
at base over the shafts sunk some three hundred feet down to the coal. 
The shaft was one hundred and eighty-seven feet high and some twelve 
or fourteen feet at the landing place of the carriage. We operated 
two carriages from the bottom of the mine up to one hundred and 
fifty feet above surface. Then, by automatic operation, the car was 
tipped, so that the coal went from it into a steel incline which slid 
down two hundred and twenty feet to a gate controlled by a man who 
fed this coal as proper into a hopper, so that it reached big crushing 
rolls, three or four feet in diameter, with teeth for breaking up the 
large lumps, etc. Also it went through smaller rolls, until sufficiently 
broken to reach the different screens which sifted out the dust and 
sorted the coals into various sizes, from grate size, egg size, stove or 

[266] 



RECOLLECTIONS OF NINETY-FIVE YEARS 

range size, chestnut size, and then through different jig or punched 
plate screens, with apertures of various sizes, to sort the smaller sizes 
of pea, buckwheat, and Numbers 1, 2, and 3 of pea size, the smallest 
being rice size. All these smaller sizes have been used for steam 
purposes for many years. 

This chute was supported by two or more intermediate towers. 
The mode of lifting the coal from the mine was by large engines, 
having two large drums of some six feet in diameter, on which wire 
ropes were used, and attached to the carriages which were lowered 
into the shafts on which the mine cars were placed at the foot of the 
shaft, the mine cars holding two and a half tons each These cars 
with coal were raised to one hundred and fifty feet and the coal 
emptied out automatically. The man placed on the tower at that 
elevation took the tickets for the mine cars as they came up there, and 
controlled the engineer who operated the hoisting engines close to the 
breaker, two hundred and twenty feet away. It was practical to raise 
three thousand tons or more per day by this one man controlling the 
engineer and cars from this platform. The height of the shaft being 
one hundred and eighty-seven feet, at near that height were located 
two chute wheels, six feet in diameter, over which wire ropes ran and 
came down to grade surface, a few feet distant from the shaft, under 
a pair of six feet chute wheels located at the grade of the shaft. Then 
they followed down to the engine room, where the hoisting engines 
and drums were located, and also the engines and machinery to run 
the coal breaker .were located just at the rear of the coal breaker. So 
these two men did the handling of the coal after it was put on the 
carriage down in the mine until it reached the man in charge of the 
gate at the foot of the chute where the coal ran from the head of the 
shaft to the coal breaker. 

After the coal ran through the several rollers, it was crushed 
sufficiently, and went into the several screens which sorted it, all 
culm being taken away, and it was placed where it could be handled 
and taken away from the breaker in some form, no other help being 
needed in manipulating the coal except a man in the screen room, who 
looked after twenty or thirty boys. These were placed in positions 
to watch and pick out all pieces of slate discovered, as it passed by the 
boys and went into the several pockets designed to hold the different 
sizes of coal. Then at the base of these pockets the large cars which 
ran on the railroad, holding, twenty or forty tons or more, were placed 
under these pockets and gates, which were controlled by men who 

[267] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

loaded the big cars, and the cars loaded went to the scales to be 
weighed, and the coal was then ready to go to market. 

Other labor-saving operations I conceived and put in practice. 
One of these was to elevate the culm to about eighty feet toward the 
top of the breaker by ordinary buckets put on ropes. As they came 
up, these buckets emptied the material into a hopper in the rear of 
which was placed an automatic blowing engine, connected with an 
eight-inch pipe in the rear of this hopper. In front of the hopper the 
same eight-inch pipe was continued through the breaker building and 
supported and extended some two hundred feet from the coal breaker. 
The culm was placed in this hopper by a circular movement under the 
hopper, so arranged that the culm was not disturbed as deposited. 
This took the place of three or four boys and two or three mules to 
cart the culm away from the breaker. 

Another saving operation was to have a four-inch pipe of iron 
running from the breaker, where the culm was deposited, some two 
hundred feet to the boiler room, where steam was furnished for carry- 
ing on the work. In this pipe we put a quarter-inch steel rope, on 
which we had discs, about ten inches apart, fastened, and operated 
the rope by machinery in the breaker. It would deposit any amount 
of culm needed in front of the boiler for the firemen to use. 

These were labor-saving operations, and the colliery was worked 
with fewer men than any other that I had acquaintance with. 

This colliery, as noted, was transferred to the New York, Ontario, 
and Western Railroad interests in 1899. It was run by them until 
about 1912, when, by reason of management which may be supposed 
not proper, the coal was mined so much under the coal breaker that it 
caused the breaker to take a lean, and finally it leaned so much that 
the owners thought best to abandon it. The machinery and tower 
were removed from the ground. 



In speaking of my early days at Marlborough, Connecticut, I 
might have said that the schoolhouse which I attended was only about 
five hundred feet from where I was born. I commenced to go to 
school there before I was three years old, and continued in that school 
till I was six years old. The teacher was Ann Pease, and she used to 
correct me quite often. Before I was six I used to read in " The 
Columbian Orator " and " The Spectator," by standing on a bench and 
looking over the heads of the boys in the first class. We studied 

[268] 



RECOLLECTIONS OF NINETY-FIVE YEARS 

reading, writing, spelling, and geography. The books we used were 
printed in old style, with long " s's " like " f's." The last year I was 
at that school I used to do sewing work, such as hemming towels. 

After we moved to the Dean house, I attended the Centre public 
school, until I went as clerk in the store at Middle Haddam, in my 
thirteenth year. 

In the spring of 1837 I returned home from Mr. Whitmore's 
employ and attended the public school at the Centre for nearly two 
years. I studied arithmetic, grammar, logic, history, and the usual 
other studies in an advanced public school. I attempted to study book- 
keeping, but this did not amount to much. 

My general habit was to apply myself to work, and I had few 
holidays. I had no association with young men who spent their time 
at clubs or in amusements unfavorable to progress, and I have never 
belonged to any society in which it was necessary for me to spend my 
evenings away from home. 

On arriving in Honesdale, in May, 1842, I was accustomed, as I 
had been and as my parents were, to observe the Sabbath Day, and to 
attend church. In the fall of 1842 the Reverend Henry A. Roland, 
D. D., who had been pastor of the Pearl Street Presbyterian Church 
in New York, was called to Honesdale. His ministration was an 
active and useful one. In the winter of 1843-44 I became a member 
of the Presbyterian Church, professing Jesus as my Saviour and 
Redeemer. A large number of others made the change during that 
revival. 

Doctor Roland remained in Honesdale for some twelve years, 
and afterward went to Newark, New Jersey, to the First Presby- 
terian Church there, where he remained till his death. He was a 
Connecticut man. His son was the famous Professor Roland of Johns 
Hopkins University. 

My first visit to New York was in 1835, when I went with three 
or four older boys for a holiday. We knew a sailor who was in port 
then at New York, and who had come from Middle Haddam, and he 
showed us around. I arrived in New York the same week as the 
great fire of 1835, which burned Wall, William and other streets, 
covering a large area, and the timbers were still ablaze when I was 
there. I stayed at a boarding house on Park Row. 

At this time I went for the first time to the theatre, to hear the 
play of " Rob Roy," at the old Park Theatre, on Park Row. I saw 
many well-dressed people there, but when I witnessed the stage per- 

[269] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

formance, with women dancing, I concluded I did not wish to go to 
the theatre any more. I never did, till I took my wife to Barnum's 
Museum, when, of course, I must have slipped in to see the perform- 
ance. But I never really attended the theatre after going to the Park 
Theatre in 1835 till about 1874, when my oldest daughter was at 
Vassar College. I used to meet her at the Park Avenue Hotel in 
New York often, and she had expressed a wish many times to hear 
Booth play. I observed at one time we were there that he was to play, 
and I said to her that if she wished to go I would accompany her. In 
after years, when my other two daughters were at college, I did the 
same with them, and took them to the theatre. 

But only once besides have I attended a theatre in all my life. 
That was some thirty years ago, while staying at the old St. Nicholas 
Hotel in New York, where I had quarters for eight or ten years when 
I visited New York. After dinner one evening, meeting Colonel 
Henry M. Boise and his wife, of our city, the Colonel said to me: 
' We are just ready to go to the theatre, to hear the play, ' Around the 
World in Eighty Days/ and won't you go with us? " I replied: " I 
do not go to the theatre." But he said, " Yes," and started immedi- 
ately for the office to get a ticket for me. So, of course, I went. 

After I joined the church I avoided all dancing and card playing, 
which before I had done, but only in a moderate way. We have never 
practised card playing in our household. 

After arriving in Carbondale in 1845, my partner and I soon 
made the acquaintance of a retired merchant by the name of Hopkins, 
who had discontinued business a few years before on account of ill- 
health, and who was then a widower. He invited us to his pew in the 
Presbyterian Church. His health failing, he was obliged to discon- 
tinue going to church, and we became occupants of his pew by renting 
it from year to year, until my partner was married, in the last part of 
1847, when he took another pew. I continued to occupy the same 
pew, and in 1849 I brought my wife to it, and we retained that same 
pew till 1865, when the new church was built, and a choice of pews 
sold at auction. I selected one for myself and family and kept it, by 
paying a premium over the rent, each year. I kept it a few years, 
but, at an annual renting, it was thought by some that I might pay 
more to retain my pew than I was paying. By management, between 
$50 and $100 were bid, more than I was accustomed to pay, and one 
of the elders of the church succeeded in getting my pew, and I had 
to take another. But at the next annual sale the pew came back to 

[270] 



RECOLLECTIONS OF NINETY-FIVE YEARS 

me at about the old price, and it was retained by me till we went to 
Scranton to live at Richmond Hill, in September, 1874. 

After a little time here, we became associated with the First 
Presbyterian Church of Scranton. Mr. W. R. Storrs, a member of 
that church, and Manager of the Coal Department of the Delaware, 
Lackawanna, and Western Railroad, and who was born in Connecti- 
cut, near where I was born, attended the church. We selected a pew 
just in the rear of his in the church, and Mr. W. F. Halstead, Manager 
of the Delaware, Lackawanna, and Western Railroad, was just in 
front of Mr. Storrs' pew. This position was held for a number of 
years by all of us, and then Mr. Halstead came back in the pew Mr. 
Storrs had had, and they exchanged pews. There were one or two 
trains that used to pass through Scranton, during church time, and 
Mr. Halstead knew when those trains should pass, and used to take 
out his watch in church to see whether they were on time. 

We kept those seats till the time the new church was built, up in 
Olive Street, some twenty odd years ago, where my family now attend. 

I did not have much time for reading during the years I was in 
business, but when I was a clerk at Honesdale I used to work in the 
store till nine or ten at night, and then often spent an hour or so in 
reading, especially history and poetry. Some of the works I remem- 
ber especially reading then were Milton's " 'Paradise Lost," Young's 
" Night Thoughts," Pollock's " Course of Time," Pope's " Essay on 
Man," and the works of Sir Walter Scott. 

Since I transferred my coal interests to the New York, Ontario, 
and Western Railroad, in 1899, I have had no occupation, save to 
look after my farm and other interests. For the last ten years we 
have spent our winters in the tropics. For the past four years we 
have been at Varadero, Cuba, on the peninsula dividing the ocean from 
Cardenas Bay, which is about twenty miles long and nine miles across 
to Cardenas. The peninsula is about fourteen miles long and at no 
point more than a mile across. The principal houses are located close 
to the beach, not more than two hundred feet from the water, and at 
an elevation of not more than eight or ten feet. 

The village has probably not more than one hundred houses. In 
the winter simply the plain people live there, who are engaged as 
fishermen or in other employments, but during June, July, and August 
all the buildings are occupied with families from Cardenas, Matanzas, 
and Havana. The population then is a thousand or two, and at times, 
when there is a regatta on the bay, many thousands are brought there. 

[271] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

We have one other family that has spent three winters there, the 
family of Mr. Austin C. Dunham of Hartford, Connecticut, who, two 
years ago, became a house and land holder there. He is engaged to 
some slight extent in farming and gardening, giving lessons to the 
Cuban people in gardening. A few visitors have come to Mr. 
Dunham's during the winters he has spent there, and a few visitors 
have come to see us there. We occupy a rented house. There are 
numerous houses, id'e during the winter months, which can be secured. 

The beach on that peninsula is remarkable, not excelled perhaps 
by any in the world, the tide rising only three feet. One can walk 
out for one hundred feet or more, before the water would rise to above 
the arms. The water is pleasant for bathing, except when the waves 
are too high. We are never troubled by sharks, although the 
youngsters come along the shore sometimes to get their feed from the 
numerous small fishes, such as sardines, which are in abundance along 
the shore. 

We frequently see the steamers, which ply along the sea, eight 
or ten miles distant. 

I should have said that when my partner and I went into business 
in Carbondale we never made any statement to a mercantile agency, 
and we never did so afterward in our business. When I became sole 
owner of my coal business in 1863 I had never reported to a mercantile 
agency or bank as to my financial conditions. Nor have I ever done 
so, down to the present time. I have never been under obligation to 
speak of my affairs financially, in order to borrow money. When- 
ever I have had to borrow money, and could not give some collateral 
security, I have ta^ken occasion to solicit the name of a friend on my 
paper, to whom I could give some security that was satisfactory. 

I have been a fairly consistent member of the Presbyterian 
Church, never holding any office in the church except Trustee or 
Sunday School Superintendent. I was always a Sunday School 
worker, since I joined the Presbyterian Church at Honesdale, and 
have always maintained interest in Sunday Schools, as have also my 
wife and daughters. 

My success in life has been from being trained by faithful parents, 
and being taught that the Lord's Day was a day of worship and rest. 
I have continued to observe that during all my lifetime. I have 
done no labor on the Sabbath Day, except under extraordinary 
circumstances. My object in life has been always to follow what tends 
to the moral and Christian benefit of mankind. 

[272] 




PUBLISHED BY 



IONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 



fsmoFTovS 







^Tawnnm Wiitoru 




. 




w 

* 



t 



. -A, *.. 

' 



Journal of Am? rtran 



3F0urtl| 



lliiliuur X333. 1919 

Dniihlr Xuinbcr 
, Number 3, 
Number 4, 



-fiwnnbrr 






LONDON b. P. Stevens & Brown 

4 Trafalgar Square, W. C. 

P ARI8 Brentano's 

37, Avenue de 1'Opera 



PETROGRAD. 



DUBLIN 

EDINBURGH. 



MADRID. 



ROME. 



. Combrldge and Company 

18 Orafton Street 
.Andrew Elliott 

17 Princes Street 
. Libreria Internaclonal de 

Adrian Romo, Alcala 5 
. K Piale 

1 Piazza di Spagna 



CAIRO. . . 
BOMBAY. 



TOKIO. 



MEXICO CITY. 
ATHENS. . 



BUENOS AYRE8 



Watkins and Company 

Marskaia No. 36 

P. Diemer 

Shepheard's Building 

Tbacker and Company Limited 

Esplanade Road 

Methodist Publishing House 

2 Sbicbome, Oiz Ginza 

American Book and Printing Co. 

1st San Francisco No. 12 

Const Electheroudakis 

Place de la Constitution 

John Grant and Son 

Calle Cangallo 489 



flminuil nf Ammran 

3ri> anil 4tlj (f itartera Ntnrtmt Jfinrtmi 




VOLUME XIII 



JULY- AUGUST SEPTEMBER 
OCTOBER-NOVEMBER- DECEMBER 



NOS. 3 AND 4 



{Iroftnrri hit ahr National ffitulurtral (Eompang, in (Thuirtrrhj iEuitiona. 
3Fuur Iliwkfl In tljr Itulumr, at IFoitr Sullarw Amwaliij, 
Sailor a QJopu fur giiuUr -Kumbf ru. fur 

Nattnnal ^tHtortral 



Copyright, 1920, by The National Historical Society 

Publication Office: 240 Hamilton Street, Albany, New York. Ira G. Payne, Manager 
Editorial Offices: 37 West Thirty-ninth Street, New York 

lExmttitt* (HHfirrrH of 2ty* National Editorial UirrrtorB of elje jiuurual 
Ijiatririnil &ori*tg of Anwriran 

FRANK ALLABEN, President 
MABEL T. R. WASHBURN, Secretary 
DUDLEY BUTLER, Treasurer 

(&rand (Counr.il of 

ArhanaaB 

PHILANDER KEEP ROOTS 
George Washington Memorial As- 
sociation 
MRS. Louis FLICKINGER 

State Recording Secretary Daughters 

of the American Revolution 
MRS. THOMAS MOSES CORY 
Daughters of the American Revolution 

(California 

ROY MALCOM, A. M., PH. D. 

Professor of History, University of 

Southern California 
MRS. CYRUS WALKER 
HONORABLE NATHAN W. BLANCHARD, 
A. M. Ex-California Representative 
NELSON OSGOOD RHOADES 

Mayflower Society, Colonial Wars, 
Sons of the Revolution 



FRANK ALLABEN, Editor-in-Chief 

MABEL T. R. WASHBURN, Genealogical Editor 

JOHN FOWLER MITCHELL, JR., Associate Editor 

tlj* Ute-prrBiopntB 

MRS. J. H. Me EL HINNEY 
Daughters of the American Revolution 

(ftolorado 

MRS. JOHN LLOYD MCNEIL 
Past Regent, Colorado, Daughters of 
the American Revolution 

(Emwrrtirut 
Miss ADELINE E. ACKLEY 

iintrirt of (Columbia 

MRS. HENRY F. DIMOCK 

President George Washington Me- 
morial Association 
CAPTAIN ALBERT HARRISON VAN 

DEUSEN 

Holland Society, Sons of the Ameri- 
can Revolution 



[277] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 



LEWIS HORN FISHER, LL. M. 
Secretary United States Civil Service, 
Fourth District 



MRS. CLAUDE STELLE TINGLEY, B. S., 

M. A. 
SISTER ESTHER CARLOTTA, S. R. 

Ex-President Florida Division United 
Daughters of the Confederacy 

Ijauratt 

GEORGE P. CASTLE 
WILLIAM D. WESTERVELT 

JUtturta 

HONORABLE JOHN H. HUNGATF 

President First National Bank, La 

Harpe 
MRS. GEORGE A. LAWRENCE 

Honorary State Regent for life, Illi- 
nois Daughters of the American 
Revolution 
MRS. HENRY CLAY PURMORT 

Life-Member Society Mayflower 

Descendants in Illinois 
A. G. ZIMMERMAN, M. D. 

Jttftana 

JOHN FOWLER MITCHELL 

President William Mitchell Printing 

Company 
HONORABLE GEORGE H. COOPER 

Cashier Greenfield Citizens' Bank 

lam 

SHERMAN IRA POOL 
Sons of the American Revolution, 

Iowa State Historical Society 
EDWIN WELCH BURCH 
First President Iowa Baptist Brother- 
hood 



CHARLES ALEXANDER KEITH, B. A. 
OXON. 
History and Civics, East Kentucky 

Normal School 

MRS. WILLIAM H. THOMPSON 
Vice-President General, National So- 
ciety Daughters of the American 
Revolution 
Miss MARY NATHALIE BALDY 



Miss NELLIE WOODBURY JORDAN 

Instructor in History, State Normal 
MRS. EDWARD EDES SHEAD 

iflarijlaitil 

HUGH MACLELLAN SOUTHGATE, B. S. 
American Institute Electrical Engi- 

neers 
JOHN GLENN COOK 



ALPHONZO BENJAMIN ^BOWERS, C. E. 
President Atlantic Harbor Railroad 

Company 
HENRY Louis STICK, M. D. 

Superintendent Hospital Cottages for 

Children, Baldwinsville 
J. VAUGHAN DENNETT 

New England Historical and Genea- 
logical Society 
MRS. Louis PRANG 

President Roxbury Civic Club 
MRS. SARAH BOWMAN VAN NESS 
Honorary Life Regent, Lexington, 
Daughters of the American Revolu- 
tion 

Miss CAROLINE BORDEN 
Trustee American College, Constan- 
tinople 



[278] 



GRAND COUNCIL OF THE VICE-PRESIDENTS 



MRS. CARL F. KAUFMANN 
FRANK REED KIM BALL 
Society of Colonial Wars, Sons of the 
American Revolution 

IHtrljujan 
FREDERICK W. MAIN, M. D. 

Jackson Chamber of Commerce 
MRS. JAMES H. CAMPBELL 
State President, United States Daugh- 
ters of 1812 

MRS. FORDYCE HUNTINGTON ROGERS 

Ex-Dean Women, Olivet College 
MRS. FREDERICK BECKWITH STEVENS 



MRS. MARY ELIZABETH BUCKNUM 
Minneapolis Chapter, Daughters of 
the American Revolution 



Miss LUELLA AGNES OWEN 
Fellow American Association for the 
Advancement of Science and Amer- 
ican Geographical Society 



T. J. FlTZPATRICK, M. S. 

Fellow American Association for the 
Advancement of Science 



MRS. ERASTUS GAYLORD PUTNAM 
Honorary Vice-President General, 
National Society Daughters of the 
American Revolution 
ELEANOR HAINES, M. D. 
Life-Member, New Jersey Historical 
Society 



MRS. JOSEPH DORSETT BEDLE 

Past President New Jersey Society 

of Colonial Dames 
MRS. ORVILLE T. WARING 
New Jersey Colonial Dames, New 

Jersey Historical Society 
MRS. RUTH E. FAIRCHILD 
Life-Member Daughters of the Amer- 
ican Revolution, Member New Jer- 
sey Colonial Dames, Life-Member 
New Jersey Historical Society 
MRS. JAMES E. POPE 



iflrxirn 

HON. L. BRADFORD PRINCE, LL. D. 
Ex-Governor, President Historical So- 
ciety of New Mexico 

Xriu fork 
REVEREND GEORGE CLARKE HOUGHTON, 

D. D. 
Society of Colonial Wars, Sons of the 

Revolution 
CHARLES JACKSON NORTH 

Life-Member Buffalo Historical So- 

ciety 
HENRY E. HUNTINGTON 

President Los Angeles Railway Cor- 
poration, Society of Colonial Wars, 
Sons of the Revolution 
JOSEPH A. MCALEENAN 

Associate Member Explorers' Club 
FRANK JOSEF Louis WOUTERS 

President Oleogravure Co., Inc. 
OTTO MARC EIDLITZ 

Ex-Tenement House Commissioner 
MRS. BENJAMIN SILLIMAN CHURCH 
Tncorporator and Past Vice-President 
Colonial Dames, New York 



[279] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 



MRS. FREDERICK F. THOMPSON 
Vice-President George Washington 

Memorial Association 
MRS. HENRY FAIRFIELD OSBORN 

Philanthropist, Trustee Barnard Col- 
lege 

MRS. JOHN CARSTENSEN 
MRS. ALICE B. TWEEDY 

National Society Daughters of the 

American Revolution 
MRS. MELVILLE AUGUSTUS JOHNSON 
Director Onondaga County Historical 

Association 

MRS. CORNELIA E. S. HOLLEY 
Chapin Association 

MRS. HENRY A. STRONG 
Life-Member George Washington 

Memorial Association 
Miss MAY OSBORNE 
National Society Daughters of the 

American Revolution 
MRS. VIOLA A. BROMLEY 

Fort Greene Chapter, Daughters of 

the American Revolution 
MRS. W. B. SYLVESTER 

Founder and Honorary Regent, Mon- 
roe Chapter, Daughters of the 
American Revolution 

MRS. NELLIS MARATHON RICH 

National Society Founders and Pa- 
triots of America 
MRS. J. HULL BROWNING 
MRS. WILLIAM WARD DAKE 
Miss MARGARET A. JACKSON 

G. ALFRED LAWRENCE, M. D., PH. D. 
New York Academy of Medicine, 

Sons of the American Revolution 
Miss LUCILE THORNTON 



CHARLES FREDERICK QUINCY 

Chairman, Executive Committee, 
American Forestry Association 



Daluita 
C. HERSCHEL KOYL, PH. D. 

Fellow Johns Hopkins University 

(ftftP 

HONORABLE B. F. WIRT 

President Equity Savings and Loan 

Company 
S. O. RICHARDSON, JR. 

Vice-President Libbey Glass Company 
MRS. OBED J. WILSON 

Life-Member George Washington 

Memorial Association 
MRS. HOWARD JONES 

Life-Member Ohio Archaeological and 

Historical Society 
MRS. JOHN GATES 

Life-Member George Washington 

Memorial Association 
MRS. JOHN SANBORN CONNER 

Life-Member George Washington 

Memorial Association 
Miss MARIE A. HIBBARD 
Daughters of the American Revolu- 
tion, Toledo Art Museum Associa- 
tion 
MRS. GUSSIE DEBENATH OGDEN 

Life-Member Mercantile Library, Cin- 

cinnati 

FREDERICK J. TRUMPOUR 
W. B. CARPENTER, M. D. 

Sons of the American Revolution, 
Vice-President Columbus Mutual 
Life Insurance Company 
B. F. STRECKER 

President The Citizens National Bank 
of Marietta 



[280] 



GRAND COUNCIL OF THE VICE-PRESIDENTS 



rrgpn 

DAVID N. MOSESSOHN 
Lawyer, Publisher and Editor The 
Oregon Country 



FRANCIS AUGUSTUS LOVELAND 
President Chrome and Beck Tanning 
Companies 

PERCEVAL K. GABLE 

JOSEPH J. DESMOND 

President Corry Citizens' National 
Bank 

GEORGE T. BUSH 

Life-Member Sons of the Revolution 

MRS. FREDERIC PICKETT 

Miss MARY MEILY 



Jalatti 

ALFRED TUCKERMAN, PH. D. 

American Association for the Ad- 
vancement of Science 



Utrginta 

MRS. BALDWIN DAY SPILMAN 
Past Vice-President General, 



tional Society Daughters of the 
American Revolution 
MRS. LEVIN THOMAS CARTWRIGHT 
Virginia Historical Society, Daugh- 
ters of the American Revolution, 
United Daughters of the Confed- 
eracy 



Virginia 
C. M. BOGER, M. D. 

Ex-President International Hahne- 

mann Association 
MAJOR WILLIAM H. COBB 
Director General, Knights of Wash- 
ington 



MRS. ANDREW M. JOYS 

Honorary Life- President, Wisconsin 

Chapter, Daughters of Founders 

and Patriots of America 
EDWIN MONTGOMERY BAILEY 
MRS. FRANCES A. BAKER DUNNING 



Na- MRS. ALFRED B. SCOTT 



of ihr &tat? Aotrtmirg 



MRS. PHILLIPS M. CHASE 
Society of Colonial Dames 

JAM 

MRS. SHERMAN IRA POOL 

State Historian, Iowa, Daughters of 
the American Revolution 

IHarglattd 
JOHN GLENN COOK 

American Association for the Ad- 
vancement of Science 



ARTHUR F. ESTABROOK 

American Academy of Political and 

Social Science 
CHARLES LYMAN NEWHALL 

George Washington Memorial As- 
sociation 



fork 

HONORABLE GEORGE D. EMERSON 
Ex-Member New York State Senate 

HENRY PARSONS 

Military Order of the Loyal Legion 



[281] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 



MRS. FRANK FOWLER Dow 

Regent Irondequoit Chapter Daugh- MRS. CHARLES EDMUND LONGLEY 

ters of the American Revolution State Regent, Rhode Island, Daugh- 

MRS. GEORGE GEDNEY SANDS ters of the American Revolution 

MRS. GEORGE C. CLAUSEN QWaa 

ODfyifl MRS. EDWARD ROTAN 

FRANK SERVIS MASTEN Daughters of the American Revolution 



[282] 



of Jtororporation of 
National IfiBtoriral 




Jnrnrunratrfc nnorr tip UaroH of the SiBtrirt of Columbia 
at 9a01?in0ton, on tip uluientg-&ixtlj Sag of April, in tip 
fear of dhtr fiord, Ninrtrrn $undrri ano Ififlrru, " Jf nr 
tip Jhtruour of Promoting fiatoriral ICnomlrog? ano 
JJairuitumt, ano tl|P JJrarr of jRiiihtroiwnpBa among 

Nations" 

HE NAME by which the Society is to be 
known is " The National Historical So- 
ciety." 

The Society is to continue in perpe- 
tuity. 

The particular business and objects of 
the Society will be: 

(a) To discover, procure, preserve, and perpetuate 
whatever relates to History, the History of the Western 
Hemisphere, the History of the United States of America 
and their possessions, and the History of families. 

(b) To inculcate and bulwark patriotism, in no par- 
tisan, sectional, nor narrowly national sense, but in recog- 
nition of man's high obligation toward civic righteousness, 
believing that human governments are divinely ordained 
to bear the sword and exercise police duty for good against 
evil, and not for evil against good, and recognizing, as be- 
tween peoples and peoples, that " God has made of one 
blood all nations of men." 

(c) To provide a national and international patri- 
otic clearing-house and historical exchange, promoting by 
suitable means helpful forms of communication and co- 
operation between all historical organizations, patriotic or- 
ders, and kindred societies, local, state, national, and inter- 
national, that the usefulness of all may be increased and 
their benefits extended toward education and patriotism. 

[283] 



(d) To promote the work of preserving historic 
landmarks and marking historic sites. 

(e) To encourage the use of historical themes and 
the expression of patriotism in the arts. 

(/) In the furtherance of the objects and purposes 
of the Society, and not as a commercial business, to acquire 
The Journal of American History, and to publish the same 
as the official organ of the Society, and to publish or pro- 
mote the publication of whatever else may seem advisable 
in furtherance of the objects of the Society. 

(g) To authorize the organization of members of 
the Society, resident in given localities, into associated 
branch societies, or chapters of the parent Society, and to 
promote by all other suitable means the purpose, objects, 
and work of the Society. 

The Membership body of The National Historical 
Society consists of 

(1) Original Founders, contributing five dollars 
each to the Founders' Fund, thus enrolling as pioneer 
builders of a great National Institution; 

(2) Original State Advisory Board Founders, con- 
tributing twenty-five dollars each to the Founders' Fund, 
from whom are elected the Members of the State Advisory 
Boards ; 

(3) Original Life-Member Founders, contributing 
one hundred dollars each to the Founders' Fund, from 
whom are elected for life the members of the Grand Coun- 
cil of the Vice-Presidents ; 

(4) Patrons, who contribute one thousand dollars 
to further the work of the Society ; 

(5) Annual Members, who pay two dollars, annual 
dues, receiving The Journal of American History. 

(6) Sustaining Members, who contribute five dol- 
lars, annual dues, receiving The Journal of American 
History. 

(7) Sustaining Life-Members, who contribute one 
hundred dollars annually. 

(8) Sustaining Contributors, who contribute an- 
nually any sum between five dollars and one hundred 
dollars. 

[284] 



of (Eon!? nta 



ROOSEVELT ON HORSEBACK. COPYRIGHT BY G. B. M. 

CLINEDENST Front Cover 

TITLE-PAGE DESIGN 275 

BOARD OF EDITORIAL DIRECTORS AND OFFICIAL 

ORGANIZATION 277 

ARTICLES OF INCORPORATION OF THE NATIONAL 

HISTORICAL SOCIETY 283 

WAR WORK OF THE WOMEN OF ITALY. ENGRAVING.. 289 

WASHINGTON CROSSING THE DELAWARE. FROM THE 
FAMOUS PAINTING BY EMMANUEL LEUTZE IN THE METRO- 
POLITAN MUSEUM OF ART, NEW YORK 292, 293 

IN THE TRENTINO VALLARSA VALLEY. ENGRAVING. ... 296 

THE THEODORE ROOSEVELT MEMORIAL NUMBER 
OF THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY -- The 
Editor-in-Chief 297 

THEODORE ROOSEVELT The Honorable Elihu Root. ... 299 

ROOSEVELT AND THE SQUARE DEAL Colonel William 
Boyce Thompson, President of the Roosevelt Memorial Asso- 
ciation, Vice-President of the Rocky Mountain Club 304 

ROOSEVELT AND THE PUBLIC CONSCIENCE Her- 
bert Hoover 309 

THEODORE ROOSEVELT, " FIRST AMERICAN OF OUR 
DAY " John Hays Hammond, LL. D., President of the 
National League of Republican Clubs and of the Rocky 
Mountain Club 312 

ROOSEVELT'S AMERICANISM The Honorable Alton B. 

Parker 314 

[285] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

THE AMERICAN LEGION AND AMERICAN PROBLEMS 
Colonel Henry D. Lindsley, Commander of the American 
Legion 317 

PERSONAL MEMORIES OF THEODORE ROOSEVELT- 
His Excellency, Jean J. Jusserand, Ambassador from France 
to the United States 320 

THE PERSONALITY AND THE PHILOSOPHY OF 
THEODORE ROOSEVELT - - The Honorable Job Elmer 
Hedges, LL. D 326 

OUR SOLDIERS AND THE ROCKY MOUNTAIN CLUB - 
Major-General David Carey Shanks, Commander of the 
Port of Embarkation 335 

WORDS FOR OUR TIME AND ALL TIME Theodore 

Roosevelt , . 339 

TRIBUTES TO ROOSEVELT. MESSAGES RECEIVED BY THE 
ROCKY MOUNTAIN CLUB AT ITS FIRST ROOSEVELT DAY 
DINNER 341 

IS THE NEW LEAGUE OF NATIONS AN INSTRUMENT 
OF TYRANNY FOR THE REPRESSION OF HUkAN 
LIBERTY? Frank Allaben, President of The National 
Historical Society 351 

THE ADRIATIC " IRREDENTA " Amy^A. Bernardy, 
Litt. D., Universities of Rome and Florence; Writer and 
Lecturer on Italian Historical and Sociological Subjects; 
War-Time Volunteer Worker in America under the Royal 
Italian Embassy : . . 358 

POLA, IN ISTRIA. 1. ARCH BUILT BY THE ROMANS. 2. 
TEMPLE OF AUGUSTUS. 3. THE ANCIENT ROMAN AMPHI- 
THEATRE. ENGRAVING 361 

SCENES AT THE ITALIAN FRONT. ENGRAVING 364 

SCENES IN TRENTO AND TRIESTE. 1. THE CASTLE OF 
BUON CONSIGLIO. 2. THE CATHEDRAL. 3. THE DANTE 
MONUMENT. 4. VIEW FROM THE GRAND CANAL, TRIESTE. 
5. PANORAMA OF TRENTO. ENGRAVING. 365 

[286] 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 

STRUCTURES IN DALMATIA. 1. COURTYARD OF THE 
GOVERNMENT PALACE AT RAGUSA. 2. THE GOLDEN GATE, 
SPALATO. 3. THE CATHEDRAL PULPIT, SPALATO. 4. THE 
CATHEDRAL AT CATTARA. ENGRAVING 368 

ITALIANS IN THE UNITED STATES George Creel, 
Formerly Chairman of the Committee on Public Informa- 
tion 374 

CAVOUR AND THE SLAVS Senator Francesco Ruf f ini, 
Minister of Education in the Italian Cabinet That Declared 
War ; Rector of the University of Turin ; a Foremost Italian 
Authority on International Subjects 375 

ITALY'S SOLDIER-POET Luigi Siciliani, Author and Poet. 380 

OLD CASTLE GARDEN, NEW YORK. POEM Charles 

Nevers Holmes 384 

DANTE ALIGHIERI SQUARE IN TRENTO. SHOWING 

THE STATUE OF ITALY'S WORLD-FAMOUS POET. ENGRAVING 385 

ZARA, REDEEMED CITY OF DALMATIA. 1. INTERIOR 
OF ZARA CATHEDRAL. 2. THE CATHEDRAL. 3. A VENE- 
TIAN CASTLE AT ARBE, NEAR ZARA. 4. THE CHURCH OF 
SAINT GRISQGONO. 5. THE GATE OF THE CITY. 6. COURT- 
YARD OF A RESIDENCE. ENGRAVING 388 

TRIESTE. 1. THE HARBOR. 2. ARCH OF RICCARDO. 3. DOOR 
OF THE CAMPANILE. 4. REMAINS OF ROMAN STRUCTURE IN 
THE CAMPANILE, OR BELL-TOWER OF THE CATHEDRAL. EN- 
GRAVING 389 

BUILDINGS IN TWO DALMATIAN CITIES, SEBENICO 
AND TRAU. 1. THE CATHEDRAL AT SEBENICO. 2. THE 
CATHEDRAL AT TRAU. 3. CARVING ON SEBENICO CATHE- 
DRAL. 4. ENTRANCE TO THE MUNICIPAL BUILDING, TRAU. 
5. THE CATHEDRAL DOOR, SEBENICO. ENGRAVING 392 

HER MAJESTY, THE QUEEN OF ITALY, IN THE GARB 
OF A RED CROSS NURSE. ENGRAVING 393 

[287] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

GREAT ITALIANS OF TO-DAY. KING VICTOR EMANUEL 
III. QUEEN ELENA, IN THE UNIFORM OF A RED CROSS 
NURSE. GENERAL ARMANDO DIAZ. ADMIRAL UMBERTO 
CAGNI, GOVERNOR OF FIUME. GENERAL PETITTI Di 
RORETTO, GOVERNOR OF TRIESTE. ENGRAVING 396 

THREE TRENTINO PATRIOTS MURDERED BY THE 

AUSTRIANS. ENGRAVING 397 

ORLANDO AND SONNINO FORMER PREMIER AND FOR- 
-EIGN MINISTER OF ITALY. ENGRAVING 397 

THE CATHEDRAL OF TRENTO. DURING THE WAR THE 
AUSTRIANS IMPRISONED BISHOP ENDRICI OF TRENTO FOR 
His PATRIOTISM. HE HAS BEEN COMPARED, " FOR NOBILITY 
AND LOFTINESS OF CHARACTER," TO THE VALIANT CHRIS- 
TIAN HERO, CARDINAL MERCIER. ENGRAVING 400 

CASTLE OF BUON CONSIGLIO, TRENTO. ENGRAVING. . 400 

THE OLD CHURCH IN MALPAS. SKETCH OF THE OLD 
WORLD PARISH CHURCH IN WHICH WORSHIPPED THE 
ANCESTORS OF THE AMERICAN STOCKTON FAMILY H. H. 
Stockton 401 

ADVENTURES OF A GREAT DAY. CELEBRATION OF THE 
FIFTIETH ANNIVERSARY OF THE BATTLE OF BUNKER HILL 
IN 1825 AS NARRATED IN AN OLD-TIME NEWSPAPER AND 
PRESERVED IN AN ANCIENT SCRAP-BOOK Contributed by 
Charles Nevers Holmes 406 

SYLLABUS AND INDEX, THE JOURNAL OF AMERI- 
CAN HISTORY, VOLUME XIII, 1919 413 



[288] 




[289] 




[296] 




VOLUME XIII 

NINETEEN NINETEEN 



NOS. 3 AND 4 
3RD AND 4TH QUARTER 



il? 



Number of Jj? Journal nf 
Ammratt Bt0torg 



BY 



THE EDITOR - IN - CHIEF 




CTOBER 27, 1919, the first anniversary of Theodore 
Roosevelt's birth which occurred after his death, 
became the occasion of spontaneous gatherings 
throughout the country to do honor to the memory 
of this great, virile American. Undoubtedly the most 
notable of these gatherings was the dinner given at 
the Waldorf-Astoria, New York, on the evening of 
Roosevelt's birthday anniversary, by the Rocky Mountain Club of 
New York an organization of Western men in New York which is 
rendering conspicuous service by its patriotic activities. 

The members of the Club and their guests, the writer having the 
honor of being one, filled the grand ballroom of the hotel, and 

[297] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

listened to a remarkable series of addresses on Theodore Roosevelt 
and his relation to America, delivered by Honorable Elihu Root, his 
Excellency, the French Ambassador, Mr. John Hays Hammond, 
President of the Rocky Mountain Club, Colonel William Boyce 
Thompson, Vice-President of the Club and President of the Roose- 
velt Memorial Association, Mr. Herbert Hoover, distinguished mem- 
ber of the Club and guest of honor on the occasion, Honorable Alton 
B. Parker, toast-master for the evening, Major-General Daniel G. 
Shanks, the Reverend William T. Manning, D. D., Rector of Trinity 
Church, New York, Colonel Henry D. Lindsley, head of the Ameri- 
can Legion, and Honorable Job E. Hedges. 

The addresses were of such permanent interest, and so timely 
in interpreting and applying Theodore Roosevelt's life and principles 
to the problem of radicalism and unrest now confronting our country, 
that we give entire these expositions of Americanism in the pages 
which follow. 

Americanism the priceless heritage of the true principles of 
righteous government handed down to us by our fathers is at this 
moment like a great continent of hope for the world, towering above 
the lashing seas of class-hatred and revolutionary violence. It is an 
hour when every patriot should instruct his own soul in the divine 
foundations underlying Americanism, that his mind may be armed for 
defense of the principles indispensable to all government of, by, and 
for the people. 



[298] 



BY 

THE HONORABLE ELIHU ROOT 




HEN Colonel Thompson asked me to come here and say 
a few words, a very few words, about Theodore 
Roosevelt, upon his birthday, it seemed to me very 
appropriate, for the great mountains from which you 
draw your inspiration as a society were to him, next 
to his home, the dearest place in the world. Like 
Antaeus of the Greek fable, there he renewed his 
matchless energy by the touch of Mother Earth. He loved every peak 
and plain and valley, from the Bad Lands to the Flat Tops. 

He loved the brave and simple people of the mountains, he knew 
them, he respected them, and he prized the influence of their lives 
upon his. So many of us loved him ! The mystic chords of memory 
draw the hearts of so many of us back to that life so magnanimous, 
so kindly, so affectionate, so appealing to the best in all our natures 
so full of genuine interest in our fortunes, so appreciative of what 
was good in us, so kindly and considerate of our failings! We love 
him ! We could not celebrate his birthday as we do were it not for our 
deep affection. But, that is not the cause of our gathering. He ren- 
dered great service, he did great deeds for us and for our country. 
With the swift intuitions in which he surpassed all men of his time 
he pierced through the complications and uncertainties of political 
and economic life to the fundamental principles upon which rest our 
whole political and social system, the fundamental truths which under- 
lie American institutions and which underlie all government of Justice 
and of Liberty. He saw that in the marvelous development of human 
wealth and human power to produce wealth we had gradually slipped 
away from the old, simple relations of equality among our people, that 
a crust was forming of power and privilege and superiority based 
upon wealth, and a steadily, certainly growing discontent was making: 

[299] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

its way among the people of our country. And he undertook, though 
there was no crisis, to make one, and to bring the people of America 
back to the supremacy of law for liberty. The millions who were 
beginning to feel that our free institutions were failing he taught to 
understand that there was a remedy by law, and he forced a passage 
through the difficulties, doubts and obstacles for law and for the 
application of the great principles of free government through law; 
and in order to prevent revolution, he went up and down the land, 
preaching the principles of justice and freedom not merely solving 
particular questions of corporations and trusts and the use of capital, 
but laying down the rules by which all questions for all time must be 
solved in a free, democratic government. With unthinking and 
instant courage, he declared in clear tones heard throughout the land, 
"All must obey the law. Wealth must obey the law. Labor must 
obey the law." He flinched from no power, from no political power, 
from no social power, in the just and equal and uncompromising asser- 
tion of principles of American liberty and justice for rich and poor, 
for capital and labor, for the great and for the weak. 

Where would we be now, called upon as we are to deal with the 
grave and terrible questions that are before us, if Theodore Roose- 
velt had not restored to the plain people of the United States, the 
men and women of small means, of simple lives, confidence in our 
institutions, an abiding faith in the capacity of our democracy to 
maintain the equality of independent manhood among rich and poor 
alike ? 

Where would we have been in those fateful days when the people 
of the United States were called upon to gird themselves anew and 
offer their fortunes, their lives, their dearest affections, in terrible war 
for the preservation of our liberty, if Theodore Roosevelt had not 
been able to appeal to the affection and the confidence and the trust of 
the American people for a system of free institutions in which we had 
taught them to believe ? But as it is not for our affection, so it is not 
for his deeds that we are now met to honor him. He did more than 
to solve the questions of his time. He presented to our country and to 
the world a great and inspiring example to enforce his teaching ; it is 
not what he did, but what he became. The man was the spirit he 
worked in. 

[300] 



THEODORE ROOSEVELT 

Sermons are forgotten ; men are remembered. Truths are told in 
ten thousand volumes and pamphlets, from a thousand pulpits and 
rostrums. They are forgotten. For a moment they enter the mind, 
and in a moment they are displaced. But the perpetual lesson of a 
great example, inseparably united to "a great truth, carries on the 
work of a lifetime through generations and ages to come. 

And this example is one which appeals so readily to all. Every 
American boy can be Theodore Roosevelt's follower. He was not 
different, not some strange phenomenon unlike the rest of us. He was 
like us all, only more so. There was, as the French Ambassador has 
said, radium in the clay of which he was fashioned, that carried to the 
nth power every great purpose, every noble conception, every deep 
truth that possessed him. 

Every Boy Scout may imitate him. He was strong, powerful, but 
he began weak and puny. He trained himself to strength and power. 
So can all American boys. He was born and bred under the dis- 
advantages of wealth and fashion, with the paving stones of a city 
between him and the earth. He broke over the barriers and became 
the friend of every farmer, of every ranchman, of every huntsman, 
of every laborer, of every good and true man and woman in this great 
land. No pent-up city, no learned institution, no social convention 
restrained his universal and mighty sympathy. He trained himself to 
the habit of courage. So can every American boy. From the habit of 
courage came the natural reaction of truth. That is within the grasp 
of every American boy. He was sincere and simple, not ornate and 
florid. He spoke not the tongue of the poet or the philosopher. He 
had not what Macaulay credited to Gladstone, " a command of a 
kind of language, grave and majestic, but of vague and doubtful 
import." No one ever misunderstood what Theodore Roosevelt said. 
No one ever doubted what Theodore Roosevelt meant. No one ever 
doubted that what he said he believed, he intended and he would do. 
He was a man not of sentiment or expression, but of feeling and of 
action. 

His proposals were always tied to action. He uttered no fine 
sentence, satisfied that that was the end, the thing accomplished. 
His words were always the precursors of effective action. He culti- 
vated promptness in action until it became his natural reaction and 

[301] 




THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

made him an almost perfect executive not an administrator, but an 
executive gifted with the power of swift and unerring decision. Yet 
he was as free from self-conceit as any man I ever knew. His con- 
sciousness of strength was in the strength of his purpose, in the 
cause he advocated, and not at all in his own merits. He was as 
modest as a girl about himself. He was the most hospitable to advice 
of any man I ever knew. He was eager for knowledge. He thirsted 
for knowledge, and in the performance of his public duties he sought 
everywhere from all manner of men, to know their thought, their 
contribution of information. He talked little about common counsel, 
but he practiced it universally and always, and he did come to know 
the very heart of the American people by actual contact. He was no 
unapproachable genius, unlike everyone else. 

He did not originate great new truths, but he drove old fundamen- 
tal truths into the minds and the hearts of his people so that they stuck 
and dominated. Old truths he insisted upon, enlarged upon, repeated 
over and over in many ways with quaint and interesting and attractive 
forms of expression, never straining for novelty or for originality, 
but always driving, driving home the deep fundamental truths of 
public life, of a great self-governing democracy, the eternal truths 
upon which justice and liberty must depend among men. Savonarola 
originated no truths, nor Luther, nor Wesley, nor any of the flam- 
ing swords that cut into the consciousness of mankind with the old 
truths that had been overlooked by indifference and error, wrong- 
heartedness and wrong-headedness. Review the roster of the few 
great men of history, our own history, the history of the world; and 
when you have finished the review, you will find that Theodore Roose- 
velt was the greatest teacher of the essentials of popular self-govern- 
ment the world has ever known. 

What we are here for is to perpetuate that teaching, lift it up. 
striking the imagination, enlisting the interests of the country and 
the world, by signally perpetuating the memory of our friend, the 
great teacher. 

The future of our country will depend upon having men, real men 
of sincerity and truth, of unshakable conviction, of power, of per- 
sonality, with the spirit of Justice and the fighting spirit through all 
the generations; and the mightiest service that can be seen today to 

[302] 



THEODORE ROOSEVELT 

accomplish that for our country is to make it impossible that Theodore 
Roosevelt, his teaching and his personality, shall be forgotten. Oh, 
that we might have him with us now ! 

Be it our duty and our privilege, in our weak and humble way, to 
keep him with us, to keep him with our country in all the trials before 
it, and so pay to him the honor that he coveted most, the highest 
accomplishment of his noble and patriotic purpose. 







[303] 



tlf? 



leal 



BY 




COLONEL WILLIAM BOYCE THOMPSON 

President of the Roosevelt Memorial Association, Vice-President of 

the Rocky Mountain Club 

E members of the Rocky Mountain Club are, as our 
name indicates, men of the great West. We come 
from a region which even now is sparsely settled, a 
country of enormous distances, where men who live 
a hundred miles apart consider themselves neighbors, 
and where the customs and habits of thought of the 
frontier to a large extent still prevail. On the fron- 
tier there are tall men and short men, good men and bad men and 
when you've said that you've said all there is to say about the frontier's 
social distinctions. In a sense we all sleep under the same blanket out 
there yet ; we drink out of the same cup. 

Perhaps it is because Theodore Roosevelt, when he was a ranch- 
man in Dakota, slipped so readily into the frontier point of view, that 
the men of the West feel that he belonged peculiarly to them. The 
West has always loved T. R. The men of the West ever responded to 
him with a sympathetic understanding which the men of scarcely 
any other part of the country equalled and certainly none surpassed. 
" This man," they said, " is like one of us. He is a neighbor. He is 
a real human being. He is what we call an American. That is, he 
is like the fellows we know." They felt that he was for America, first, 
last and always. They felt that in office and out of office he was work- 
ing for them, who were just ordinary American citizens. They felt 
that, in every way possible, he was seeking to make the resources of 
the nation accessible to all the people. He did not promise to make 
everybody rich; he did not promise to make everybody happy. He 
did promise to give everybody a " square deal." That is the reason 
why we men of the West loved Theodore Roosevelt. 






[304] 



ROOSEVELT AND THE SQUARE DEAL 

Roosevelt stood for the " square deal; " he preached the " square 
deal ; " in office and out of office he practiced the " square deal." The 
American people loved him because of it; but I do not believe that 
many of them ever realized how scrupulously careful he was, in deal- 
ing with the great issues before the country, to be just to all the 
elements involved. 

When Roosevelt came to the Presidency, he saw at once that 
capital and labor were drawing too far apart. He made up his mind 
that he would try to pull both capital and labor back from the way in 
which they were going and, if he could, make them walk along the 
middle road of safety. 

"This is not and never shall be a government of a plutocracy," 
he declared. " It is not and never shall be a government by a mob. 
It is as it has been and as it will be a government in which every honest 
man, every decent man, be he employer or employed, wage worker* 
mechanic, banker, lawyer, farmer, be he who he may, if he acts 
squarely and fairly, if he does his duty by his neighbor and the State, 
receives the full protection of the law and is given the amplest chance 
to exercise the ability that there is within him, alone or in combina- 
tion with his fellows as he desires." 

In another speech he said: 

" We need to keep ever in mind that he is the worst enemy of this 
country who would strive to separate its people along the lines of 
section against section, of creed against creed, or of class against 
class. There are two sides to that. It is a base and an infamous thing 
for the man of means to act in a spirit of arrogant and brutal dis- 
regard of right toward his fellow who has less means; and it is no 
less infamous, no less base, to act in a spirit of rancor, envy and hatred 
against the man of greater means, merely because of his greater 
means." 

In trips over the country, first through New England, then to the 
South, then to the West, Roosevelt cried out to capital and cried out to 
labor to remember that before a man is a capitalist or a laboring man. 
he is a citizen of the Republic : 

" We must act upon the motto of all for each and each for all. 
There must be ever present in our minds the fundamental truth that 
in a republic such as ours the only safety is to stand neither for nor 

[305] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

against any man because he is rich or because he is poor, because he 
is engaged in one occupation or another, because he works with his 
brains or because he works with his hands. We must treat each man 
on his worth and merits as a man. We must see that each is given a 
square deal, because he is entitled to no more and should receive no 
less. Finally we must keep ever in mind that a republic such as ours 
can exist only by virtue of the orderly liberty which comes through 
the equal domination of the law over all men alike, and through its 
administration in such resolute and fearless fashion as shall teach 
all that no man is above it and no man below it." 

In all his speeches at the time he was scrupulously careful, in 
pointing out the virtues and the faults of one side, to point out with 
precisely the same vigor and incisiveness the virtues and the faults of 
the other. One day at the White House, in a dramatic manner he 
made his position clear and unmistakable. 

A number of " labormen " were lunching with him, and one of 
them said, "At last, Mr. Roosevelt, there is a hearing for us fellows." 

" Yes ! " cried the President emphatically. " The White House 
door, while I am here, shall swing open as easily for the labor man 
as for the capitalist and no easier." 

There, in a nutshell, was Theodore Roosevelt's doctrine of the 
" square deal." He lived up to it conscientiously all his life and 
because he did live up to it and because the American people felt that 
he lived up to it, men, women and children all over the country are 
coming together during these days to do him honor. Ten months 
after his death, his name is greeted with the same roar of cheers it 
evoked during his lifetime. Last year, it was a man who was cheered ; 
today it is the principles for which that man stood. Vaguely the 
American people begin to recognize that the forces of conciliation to 
which Roosevelt appealed almost twenty years ago must aid us today 
in solving the social and industrial problems that confront the world. 
Roosevelt inaugurated a " get together " movement which, in spite 
of setbacks, in spite of disappointing defeats, has progressed and will 
continue to progress. At the time we did not comprehend the magni- 
tude of the great bringing together of men of all ranks, all creeds, all 
stations in life, under the inspiration of Theodore Roosevelt's appeal 

[306] 



ROOSEVELT AND THE SQUARE DEAL 

ticians of all parties, all men and women who love America, will 
do well to give heed to the evidences of the devotion of the American 
people to the memory of Theodore Roosevelt. This devotion is only 
the expression of their own passion for justice and straight dealing. 

A word about the Roosevelt Memorial Association. I looked 
over a number of telegrams received today just before I left the office, 
and I will quote from some. We have word from all over the United 
States that churches of all denominations and creeds had Roosevelt 
services yesterday. I do not believe that I exaggerate when I say that 
two hundred thousand meetings are being held today in this country 
by people assembled in school-houses, halls, and at dinners in honor of 
Theodore Roosevelt. 

From the national headquarters, we have supplied over 8000 
speakers, and this does not count the speakers that are supplied by the 
States and local speakers. Telegrams are pouring in from every- 
where. 

Oregon wires " 300 grade schools and high schools and 3000 
district schools are holding Roosevelt meetings today. 400 cities and 
villages will have meetings tonight" 

Georgia wires " One county in Georgia that we gave a quota 
of $200 has raised over $4000." 

Illinois wires " 1,950,000 school children in Illinois are today 
observing Roosevelt's birthday." 

Utah wires - " 450 schools observe memorial exercises. 100 
meetings will be held in Utah tonight." 

New Mexico wires " Every school in the State holds Roosevelt 
memorial meetings today. Every city and village in New Mexico 
holds memorial meetings tonight." 

Connecticut wires " Today 42% of undergraduates of Yale 
University have been enrolled as members of the association." 

South Dakota wires " 6000 schools in South Dakota are hold- 
ing Roosevelt exercises today." 

North Dakota wires " 300 Roosevelt meetings will be held in 
Dakota tonight." 

Ohio wires " Every county, city, community and school in the 
State of Ohio will celebrate Roosevelt birthday. 1,036,000 school 
children in 5200 schools in the State will be inspired by lessons on 

[307] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

for a " square deal." We are just beginning to understand it. Poli- 
Roosevelt's life today." 

California wires " 2500 members enrolled. Roosevelt 
Memorial Association will have 7500 California members before 
November 1st." 

Austin Colgate, chairman of New Jersey, wires " 60,000 mem- 
bers have been enrolled in New Jersey. By tonight 1,000,000 men, 
women and children will have attended memorial meetings in New 
Jersey." 

Panama cables - " Up to noon today have received subscriptions 
for over $5000." 

Nelson Gay, Chairman of the Roosevelt Memorial Committee in 
Italy, cables from Rome : :< Permit me to join with America in 
honoring memory of Roosevelt. He united in himself those personal 
and civic virtues which are universal in character and which win 
admiration of people of every race. More than statesman, he was the 
man. For the moral, mental and political force of this virile cham- 
pion of American civilization all citizens of the world hold a common 
feeling of respect and admiration." 

The Mayor of Rome, Adolfo Appolloni, cables : ' I knew the 
man, and admired him. He had a strong will, and labored always 
for the common good. He loved his country and honored Italy, and 
to him who had the Roman spirit, Rome bows in reverence." 

I am in receipt of the following cable from Marshal Joffre: 
" Very happy to attest, on the occasion of Theodore Roosevelt's birth 
anniversary, my warm admiration for his energy and elevation of 
character." 

I am in receipt of the following cable from Marshal Foch : " I 
can never forget the sentiment which inspired Col. Roosevelt in 
regard to the French people. His memory will always be fresh in the 
hearts of Frenchmen. Therefore I take this opportunity to express 
to you my deepest sympathies." 



[308] 



auii thr }J uhltr (Cnusrirurr 



BY 




HERBERT HOOVER 

BELONG to that generation who do not go back far 
with Theodore Roosevelt's life. My contact with him 
came first in January, 1917. As your Chairman has 
said, the Belgian Relief was founded in an attempt to 
save the lives of ten million people condemned to star- 
vation by an outrageous invasion. It has been sup- 
ported in its first few months by the outpouring of the 
charity of the world. At its point of collapse, the governments of 
France and England had saved it from bankruptcy by pouring out 
from their already overburdened treasuries over three hundred mil- 
lions of dollars. At the latter part of 1916, it became evident that these 
overtaxed governments could not go on indefinitely providing huge 
sums of money for expenditure in the United States for food. Their 
own difficulties were becoming overwhelming; and with that depres- 
sion of heart I came to the United States, to see what large support I 
could secure from my own country. The day after my arrival I called 
upon the leading citizen of New York and of the United States. I 
found I had to make no plea to Theodore Roosevelt. He cut short the 
statement that I entered upon with the words, " Young man, the $150,- 
000,000 that you ask for is no tax on the American people to save the 
lives of ten millions of people. That can be found and you need have 
no fear." 

My second contact was with my friend Colonel Thompson, who 
attended to my immediate needs; and my third contact was with my 
fellow members of this club. Some of you will recall that at that time 
you had raised a considerable fund for the erection of a club house 
and that fund was assured to me the third day after my arrival in 
New York. That club house has never been built, but you have built 



[309] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

something infinitely more precious than a mere dwelling. That the 
American people did undertake the burden of Belgium, needs no 
proof beyond the $300,000,000 that our government poured into the 
Belgian Relief before their redemption. 

It is not alone in his benevolence, his inspiration and his con- 
stancy in aid that I came to appreciate Theodore Roosevelt. Those of 
us who have lived among, who have had to deal with, the flames of 
revolution during the last ten months, who have had to witness the 
causes which have led to this cataclysm, appreciate probably more 
than any other that it is due to Theodore Roosevelt that this country 
is not today in those flames. The insistence on a square deal in 
citizenship, amongst a people steeped in cynical materialism a score of 
years ago, laid the foundations upon which our safety lies at this 
moment. To Theodore Roosevelt is due that awakening of public 
conscience which has enabled us to preserve our institutions to this 
moment ; and if we can maintain that, there can be no question of their 
survival. The years ahead of us will be the most solemn in our 
history. The heart of the world has been stirred, by social, political 
and economic wrong and inequality. Our institutions are yet again to 
be put to the test, to a full test of their righteousness. They have 
survived all tests for 150 years, and if in these next few months we 
can preserve the spirit of Theodore Roosevelt, they will yet survive. 

We are in one of those times of hysteria, of extremists, both in 
politics and in economics. We are oppressed with phrase-makers, 
who would solve our national politics with phrases Bolshevism, 
Socialism, trades unionism, internationalism, capitalism, and a hun- 
dred others. Either goverment or gospel by isms or phrases is the 
negation of straight thinking. Today men are undertaking great 
solutions on reckless " hunches " and by playing poker with the fate 
of people. 

We have seen in the last few days the failure of an attempt to 
solve one of the greatest problems in the front of the world, the 
problem of industrial relations. Perhaps that failure really lies 
because we have not paid regard to those truths that Theodore Roose- 
velt thundered in the ears of our people over the last twenty years. 
We have summoned a few men in the belief that social diseases can 
be cured by negotiation, on the assumption that we can stimulate 

[310] 



ROOSEVELT AND THE PUBLIC CONSCIENCE 

class consciousness in a country where there should be no classes, 
and then find a solution to its untoward results by creating some sort 
of automatic machinery for an armistice between battles. 

We have got to go deeper if we are not to be dominated by the 
imported disintegrating social theories of Europe. We must diagnose 
the roots and the causes of this infection. We must impose a con- 
structive social hygiene of our own, and if need be, we must impose a 
surgical operation. That social ideal that we now need lies deep in the 
heart of the American people. It is the social ideal of Theodore 
Roosevelt. It is the simple ideal of equality of opportunity. It is tlie 
same old theme which this nation was founded to perfect, and the 
same theme that received a regeneration at the hands of our friend. 
Perfection has not come to the world in even 150 years, and the 
development of our institutions and our prosperity needs np other 
philosophy, but it needs the study of its application, and it needs its 
execution. 

The heart of the American people is as sound today as it was 
when it was awakened to its responsibilities by Theodore Roosevelt. 
We have a debt of gratitude to pay to him for the awakening of a 
public conscience that will in itself find a solution of the difficulties 
that now confront us. 



[311] 



Ammnm at 



ft 



BY 




JOHN HAYS HAMMOND, LL.D. 

President of the National League of Republican Clubs and of the 

Rocky Mountain Club 

E meet today, the 27th of October, to celebrate the anni- 
versary of the last of the trio of immortal Presidents. 
Such high place in the temple of famous Statesmen 
can rightly be accorded to Theodore Roosevelt. 
Despite the lack of time necessary to assuage the 
asperity inseparable from a militant political career, 
and such, thank God, was his, Theodore Roosevelt is 
already acclaimed as one of the greatest of our greater American 
Presidents. Men of all parties and factions, at home and abroad, 
men of all races and creeds so broad were his sympathies vie in 
their zeal to pay homage to his memory. 

To Theodore Roosevelt there could be no more gratifying tribute 
than to be already recognized by his countrymen as worthy to be 
named with Washington and Lincoln. Doubtless he differed from 
these two great Presidents in temperament and in method, but alike, 
they were sent by Divine Providence to inspire hope and confidence 
in faltering hearts, to arouse their apathetic countrymen to patriotic 
action, and to become leaders, each in the particular National crisis 
with which his name will ever be associated in American history. 

Washington came to overthrow the political and militant forces 
which kept us a subject people and to create a nation destined to exert 
a mighty influence for the welfare of mankind ; Lincoln came to save 
the Union ; and finally Roosevelt, a young Lochinvar from out of our 
own great West, imbued with its spirit of true Americanism, came to 

[312] 



FIRST AMERICAN OF OUR DAY " 



inculcate the duty and responsibility, as well as the rights of Ameri- 
can citizenship, to urge the development of a virile American man- 
hood and to make ours a self-respecting nation at home and a nation 
respected everywhere. If Washington was the father of his country, 
if Lincoln was the great Emancipator, Roosevelt was pre-eminently 
the first American of our day for us and for the world. 

The Rocky Mountain Club is proud of the fact, and it is a 
justifiable pride, that it numbers in its membership many worthy 
sons of those intrepid pioneers who blazed the way for civilization 
through the vast wildernesses of the far West. It is proud too that 
many of its members are leaders in the development of the natural 
resources of that great region, which has contributed in a large 
measure to the industrial supremacy of our Nation. At the organiza- 
tion of the Rocky Mountain Club, 12 years ago, Theodore Roose- 
velt, then President of the United States, expressed his deep apprecia- 
tion of honor, as he termed it, to be elected an honorary member of 
the Club, and from that day up to his untimely and lamented death, 
he evinced a keen interest in the civic activities of the Club. He 
believed that the Rocky Mountain Club, more successfully than any 
other organization, aimed to perpetuate the traditions of that great 
section for which he had so profound an affection and to create in 
the political and civic life of our country an appreciation of those 
ideals of which Theodore Roosevelt, in his own life, was a conspicuous 
personification. Therefore, it is alike the duty and the inspiration of 
the Rocky Mountain Club to commemorate the anniversary of his 
birth with proper demonstration of deep affection and high regard 
for the man above all others who was the exponent of the ideals for 
the observance of which this Club was organized, and the Governors 
of the Club have under consideration the selection of Roosevelt Day 
as the date of its future annual meetings. 

It is a matter of pride and gratification to the Rocky Mountain 
Club, that in connection with the Roosevelt Memorial, such generous 
and efficient service has been rendered by our public-spirited and 
honored Vice-President, Colonel William Boyce Thompson. 



[313] 



'H Ammrantfim 




BY 

THE HONORABLE ALTON B. PARKER 

ESTEEM it a very great privilege to preside tonight 
and I am very grateful to the Rocky Mountain Club 
and to that exceedingly kindhearted President of 
yours for stepping one side to give me the opportunity 
to greet the members of the club on this very interest- 
ing occasion. I shall not take your time in considering 
the services of Colonel Roosevelt as President of the 
United States. They have already been spoken of most felicitously by 
your President. They will a little later be treated, I assume, by his 
Secretary of State, the Honorable Elihu Root. 

I shall content myself with a little more than a sentence on that 
subject. You and I know that very many of the Presidents of the 
past, good Presidents, who have served their country faithfully, are 
but little spoken of or thought of by the great body of the American 
people. This is not because they did not do their duty as they found it, 
day by day, and do it well ; it is because there was no crisis, no great 
situation which they had to meet as Lincoln met the effort to destroy 
the Union. 

In Colonel Roosevelt's case, he did not face a great crisis, and yet 
he served the people of the United States in the absence of a great 
crisis, with such vigor, with such sound judgment, that none of us 
doubts not for a moment that had he been confronted with a 
crisis like that which confronted Lincoln he would have been entirely 
equal to the situation, as Lincoln was. 

But I want to say a few words tonight, with your permission, 
about his services as a private citizen, after he had given his best to 
the people of the United States as President. He was the greatest 
preacher of preparedness and Americanism of his generation, aye, of 
all generations from the dawn of the republic down to this day. 



[314] 



ROOSEVELT S AMERICANISM 

Nearly all of you marched up from Wall Street with 145,000 men 
for the purpose of rousing the people of the United States to make 
ready. You marched because you wanted to help swell that great 
mass of marching and intelligent men. 145,000, remember, is a 
greater number of men than ever marched together at one time in 
the history of the United States before or since and it had its effect. 
All over the country meetings began to be held, and the purpose was 
to bring pressure upon Congress to the end that it might make ready 
for what the most of you thought quite likely, our entry into the world 
war. And yet the voice that more than any other voice aye, in my 
judgment, more than all other voices stirred you, and set you and 
all your fellow-citizens here at work for the purpose of arousing the 
people of the United States to the end that they might demand of 
Congress that we prepare, was the voice of Colonel Roosevelt. 

And as for Americanism, why, when did he not preach it and 
effectively preach it? I want to call your attention tonight to one 
sentence of his, and the wisdom of it will appear at once upon its 
reading. We are all so full of the facts that have been borne in upon 
us in the last few days in this country that we can understand and 
appreciate just what he was aiming at, what he was trying to make 
the people of the United States see, although they did not see it clearly 
enough to make it effective. He said, speaking of immigrants, " We 
cannot have too many of them of the right type, the type that is 
morally, physically, economically right. We should not have any at 
all of the. wrong type. We should not admit them simply because 
there is a need of labor. Better go slow on labor than to bring 
improper men into the body of our citizenship, to dilute it, that citizen- 
ship into which our children are to enter." 

" In practice," he continued, " it is not easy to apply exactly the 
proper tests ; but fundamentally our aim should be to admit only immi- 
grants whose grandchildren will be fit to intermarry with our grand- 
children, with the grandchildren of the Americans of today." The 
American people heard and applauded the wisdom of this sound 
advice, given by their favorite son, but took no steps, unfortunately, 
to make their approval known to Congress. Congress probably heard 
it, too, but unfortunately, too, took no action. What a pity that his 
advice was not accepted at once and made effective by statute and an 

\ 

[315] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

organization to carry it out ! We know now that this fair land of ours, 
which has been made to blossom as the rose, principally by the hard 
work and thrift of generations of Americans, is now coveted by the 
Anarchists, Bolshevists, I. W. W.'s and criminal broods of other 
names who have come to us by the hundreds of thousands from other 
countries. Myriads more of the same general type are ready and 
waiting to come as soon as passage can be obtained in order to join 
their criminal brethren in their ambitious attempt to overthrow the 
best Government the sun ever shone upon. This to the end that they 
may despoil and rob the people who have generously but negligently 
welcomed to our hospitable shores, to become American citizens, what 
has proved to be the scum of the earth; but the would-be despoilers 
will fail to overthrow our Government. The Americans of today, 
and all of them, will see to that. And let no one doubt it for a moment* 
They have the courage, the brains, the strength, and the organiza- 
tion needful to nip in the bud the criminal plans of these offscourings 
of civilized peoples, and they will do it. Never fear! But while we 
are making ready to attend to that job, we need to put Colonel Roose- 
velt's advice into effective legislation legislation that will prevent 
any more of the scum of the world from coming here and will deport 
those already here. 

I think I see in this wise and great movement for a Roosevelt 
Memorial, worthy of him whom we would honor, an opportunity to so 
focus the attention of the people of the United States upon his many 
pleas and exhortations for Americanism, so as to decide them to take 
the needed steps to secure for the future a citizenry worthy of our 
glorious history, and at the same time the preserving of the ideals of 
the past for our benefit and that of the world. If that shall happen, 
and God grant that it may, who can doubt that in that spirit land to 
which Colonel Roosevelt has gone, he will rejoice over his matchless 
contribution to the welfare and happiness of the country and the 
people he so dearly loved. 



[316] 



Ammran Ctgtim attb Asntriratt 



BY 




COLONEL HENRY D. LINDSLEY 

Commander of the American Legion 

WISH as head of the American Legion, to bring to 
your attention what the American Legion means in 
this great crisis of American history. I shall not 
touch the history of the organization itself. You 
know that it was born out of the thoughts of 2,000,000 
men who served in France ; that it had its first meeting 
in Paris, its second meeting in St. Louis ; and that next 
month in Minneapolis it will have its first great annual convention; 
that it has now over 1,000,000 members scattered throughout the 
United States in every city, in every village, in every hamlet, and prac- 
tically on every farm; that potentially it represents the nearly 
5,000,000 men who served in the Army and in the Navy during the 
recent war. There has never been a time, my friends of the Rocky 
Mountain Club, when it was so important for the welfare of our 
country as now that class distinctions should be set aside. Our 
country is being threatened now by 600,000 men, who threaten 
not alone the social or the economic fabric of our land, but the 
very lives of our citizens. There are nearly 5,000,000 men 
potentially in this organization. They know no class. They have 
been drafted from the farms, they have come from the sons of the 
rich man, and the poor man, of this land, and they have come from 
those whose fathers go back to the days of the Revolution, and from 
those whose fathers came as steerage passengers across the ocean to 
our land. They have had an average of a year of discipline. They 
have understood, many for the first time in their lives, a common 

[317] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

language, and thank God it is the English language in which they 
receive their orders. They have had no divided allegiance; they have 
understood that they have but one country, and they have fought 
under a single flag. There can be no greater stabilizing force in 
American life than to have these 5,000,000 men, practically all under 
30 years of age, to band themselves together in an organization which 
understands what this country means, and who are determined above 
everything else to see that this country, which has been the greatest 
success as a republic in the history of the world, remains a constitu- 
tional government. These men are going to look for examples. The 
boys of the world look for examples. Sometimes they look to institu- 
tions, and if they do, I, who am not a member of it, can say to you, Mr. 
President, there is no finer example in an institution in America today 
than the Rocky Mountain Club. No organization, no club, so far as 
I know, has kept its touch so close on the human pulse, and has been 
so ready, through its strong and influential members, in seeing that 
those things are done in this country Which ought to be done. 

But stronger than institutions is the force of individual example, 
and to that of the one who is honored here tonight in his birthday, 
Theodore Roosevelt, whether we are Democrats or Republicans, 
whether we come from Texas, as I do, or from New York, as many 
do, or from the West, we can look to that sterling character of Theo- 
dore Roosevelt as one we can emulate. I am glad that it has been 
pointed out so eloquently tonight by the eminent Secretary of State 
under Mr. Roosevelt, that, with all of the things he taught, he lived 
those things. And I wish to say to you, Colonel Thompson, President 
of the Roosevelt Memorial Association, that the great work that you 
are doing through our land would be as naught, and the monuments 
that will be erected in this land to the memory of Theodore Roose- 
velt of brick and stone and mortar and marble, would count for noth- 
ing, magnificent as they may be, if there were not connected with them 
the indomitable American everlasting spirit of Theodore Roosevelt 
himself. 

I want to ask you, my friends of the Rocky Mountain Club, to 
bear in mind what the American Legion means, not just to these five 
millions of men, but to all of the people of the United States, and to see 
that you as citizens do everything you can so that these impressionable 

[318] 



THE AMERICAN LEGION AND AMERICAN PROBLEMS 

young men, so strong to do for this country and they are ; they have 
proved it again and again since the American Legion was formed, 
since these days of strife came on this country in its internal affairs 
-understand that they are appreciated as citizens, understand that 
they have services to perform in our country, understand that there 
is an interlocking between them and between those who, less fortunate 
than they, in not being able to wear the uniform, nevertheless did their 
full part in seeing that America measured up to its great responsibility 
in the great war. 




[319] 



fkraotral 



nf 



BY 




HIS EXCELLENCY, JEAN J. JUSSERAND 

Ambassador from France to the United States 

HAT the Toastmaster has said is quite true. Never 
before in my life did I see a reception, a movement of 
enthusiasm coming from the heart such as I witnessed 
in New York when the winner of the Marne, Marshal 
Joffre, and M. Viviani entered this noble city. If 
something recalled it once in my life, it was when the 
President of the United States, the victorious United 
States, reached France, entered Paris, and I followed him in a carriage 
where was General Pershing, both of them acclaimed by the whole 
population of our city. For the second time France and the United 
States had won the day together for liberty. 

I have received today a telegram from the other side. The meet- 
ing of the Rocky Mountain Club was known in France, and one of 
our best men has sent me a telegram asking me to hand it to the Vice- 
President of your Club, who has asked me to read it. It comes from 
the President of the Council of France, M. Clemenceau. The tele- 
gram is as follows: 

" I associate cordially with the homage rendered to the great 
patriot and the friend of France that President Roosevelt was. The 
intrepidity of his character, and the intense activity which he dis- 
played in the service of his country will perpetuate forever his mem- 
ory among the men of this earth." 

In the course of my long career, which has now reached its forty- 
third year for I began rather young there is scarcely a thing 
for which I render so great an expression of gratitude to Providence 
as the fact that it was my good fortune, in the zig-zags of my diplo- 

[320] 



PERSONAL MEMORIES OF THEODORE ROOSEVELT 

matic life, to become acquainted with Theodore Roosevelt. I met 
in him a man of such extraordinary power that to find a second at 
the same time on this globe would have been an impossibility; a man 
whom to associate with was a liberal education, and who coyld be 
in every way likened to radium, for warmth, force and light emanated 
from him and no spending of it could ever diminish his store. A man 
of immense interests, there was nothing in which he did not feel that 
there was something worthy of study; people of today, people of 
yesterday, animals, minerals, stones, stars, the past, the future - 
everything was of interest for him. He studied each thing, knew 
something about every subject. 

There is a race in the world to which I am deeply grateful, and 
that race does not know it. It is the race of the Mongols. The 
Mongols are the cause of my being almost at once in terms of friend- 
ship with President Roosevelt. 

One day, when I had just arrived, he started to talk about 
Mongols and their invasion of Europe in the thirteenth century, and 
it so happened that the French Ambassador, at that time at least, 
knew something about the Mongols and how they had reached the 
Adriatic. This pleased President Roosevelt, and our first connecting 
link was the Mongols. From my heart I thank them. 

I saw in the papers that I owed the honor of being asked to this 
grand gathering to the fact that I was a member of the Tennis 
Cabinet. I was indeed, and very proud of it. Sport was only one of 
the occupations of the Tennis Cabinet. After tennis, or after our 
so-called walks, every possible question was discussed, and discussed 
with the greatest sincerity and freedom; the subjects were sometimes 
very confidential, and this is a compliment of which all the members 
of the club can be proud ; it never occurred to President Roosevelt that 
he should say to any one of us, " Mark you, this is confidential." He 
knew quite well that we would understand, and for seven years not 
one word that should not have been repeated was repeated. Then 
we had those so-called walks, a rule of which was to ignore and scorn 
as much as possible all that looked like a road or a bridge. If there 
was a river, we swam it. I have swum the Potomac with him ; others 
have swum rivers of floating ice. We never knew when we started 

[321] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

what would be our trial, but only knew there would be one. It was 
usually in winter, because in summer we played tennis, while we did 
our walks in the snow, in the slush at night, when the day's work was 
done, and we groped our way in the islands of the Potomac or on the 
rocks along the rivers. We never knew what it was to be. Would 
it be wading through the mud? Would we be climbing steep rocks? 
There was between us a silent understanding never to wince at any- 
thing he suggested. We said "All right," because we knew that if we 
winced he would scorn us and we would have to do it all the same. 

I remember an occasion in winter which took us to an island on 
the Potomac. I tried some time ago to find it. I found gardens, 
parks, roads, all that we used to detest. We came to the brink of 
the river and found an iron tube, quite black, not very big, connecting 
at some height the quay with the island, and Mr. Roosevelt, turning 
to the three or four of us, said : ' Well, let's use that to get to the 
island/' We never winced. The tube was not large. It looked very 
slippery and the winter waters of the Potomac not at all tempting, 
but we were spared. He mused a little and said : " Oh, well, we 
shall nod to a boat if we see one." A boat came along and we jumped 
into it, a leaky boat and our shoes became leaky from it, too. The 
man in it rowed us over to the island, and President Roosevelt, put- 
ting his arm around my neck and striking an attitude, said, " Wash- 
ington and Rochambeau crossing the Delaware." 

When we reached the island, an awkward thing occurred. We 
were always asked to leave our valuables and to take our worst clothes, 
to the extent that I had once to confess, " Mr. President, I have no 
worst clothes left." When we reached the other side we wanted to 
give something to the man who had kindly taken us over. We found 
that we had nothing, but in the end, somebody, by fumbling, found a 
quarter, so that our benefactor was recompensed by that quarter for 
having taken over the President of the United States, the Secretary of 
the Interior, the French Ambassador, and, I think, the Assistant 
Secretary of the Treasury. These were happy, charming days. 

Serious matters were discussed rarely while walking, but usually 
when we sat, bespattered with mud, by the fireside after our " walks." 
As the representative of France I was, I assure you, delighted to see 

[322] 



PERSONAL MEMORIES OF THEODORE ROOSEVELT 

the deep understanding by Mr. Roosevelt of the genius of my country, 
what her worth was and what she could do in the world. 

There was at one time an issue of great importance when the 
German Kaiser began to be dangerous and threatening. Mr. Roose- 
velt, being as to this in complete accord with the admirable Secretary 
of State of the United States and I shall not name him because he 
is at this table helped us in a wonderful fashion, in the very manner 
in which Americans should help the French and the French should 
help the Americans. I remember one day, when the situation was 
tense and we thought that perhaps the war that has been waged of 
late would be waged then, Mr. Roosevelt said: " I suppose you would 
be sad if a catastrophe happened to the United States; the same with 
me if a catastrophe happened to France." But, owing in a large 
measure to him, no catastrophe happened and the time for the war was 
postponed. 

Before he left for Africa he told me of his intention to go and 
deliver a lecture in England. I said, " Why not in France ? " He 
answered, " Well, if I deliver one in Paris, I shall have to deliver one 
in Berlin." I replied, " Don't think we are such fools and so narrow- 
minded we far prefer you to deliver twenty lectures in Berlin than 
none in Paris." So it was decided that he would go to Paris and visit 
us and deliver a lecture. He chose for his subject for the French 
lecture one which I liked much, first because it was a subject of which 
he was a master, and second because it was a subject which he could 
not treat in Berlin, " Citizenship in a Republic." He came to France, 
was received with open arms, and that extraordinary magnetism that 
was his played upon my compatriots, who will ever remember him. 
He had been elected a member of the Academy of Moral and Political 
Sciences, and he took his seat there. It is a custom in that Academy, 
even if it is the Chief of a foreign State who is elected, to receive him 
without any more ceremony than the others, the President simply say- 
ing, " Sir, kindly take your seat among your colleagues." That was 
done for Mr. Roosevelt, the only difference being that he came in 
accompanied by two Ambassadors, one of them being a foremost 
member of the Tennis Cabinet, a foremost member of the real Cabinet, 
and a foremost American, one whom we all mourn, as handsome in 

[323] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

his mind and in his heart as he was in his physical features, one whom 
I dearly loved, Robert Bacon. 

A brief address was read by Boutroux, the master philosopher, 
who knew America and who gave an account of his visit to this 
country and of his stay in Harvard; and when he finished he said: 
" Before leaving, like every good American and every good French- 
man, I went to Mount Vernon, and I saw there the bedroom that was 
Lafayette's when he visited Mount Vernon; and we, too," he con- 
tinued, " in our Academy, had a seat that was empty, and we thought 
this seat must be the seat of Mr. Roosevelt." He filled it, and the 
Academy was as sad as any of us when they lost this unique member. 

Mr. Roosevelt delivered his lecture on citizenship in the Sorbonne. 
It had extraordinary success. While 50,000 copies were given away, 
10,000 copies were sold in a week. It was a wonderful piece of work, 
telling, with the knowledge of a man who knows what a man is, what 
is a good citizen and what is a bad citizen. 

He ended with these words, which I ask permission to repeat: 
"And now, my hosts, a word of parting. You and I belong to the 
only two republics among the great powers of the world. The ancient 
friendship between France and the United States has been on the 
whole a sincere and disinterested friendship. A calamity to you " 
and he was repeating what he had told me shortly before about the 
Moroccan fiasco - " a calamity to you would be a sorrow to us, but 
it would be more than that. In the seething turmoil of the history of 
humanity, some nations stand out as possessing a peculiar power of 
charm, some special gift of power or wisdorn^or sympathy which puts 
it among the immortals, which makes it rank" forever with the leaders 
of mankind." He was so good as to say, " France is one of these 
nations." (And I shall add, America is one of these nations.) "For 
her to sink would be a loss to all the world. There are certain lessons 
of brilliance and of generous gallantry that she can teach better than 
any of her sister nations." And the time came for France to show 
whether she was or not worthy of that compliment; whether she 
deserved what Mr. Roosevelt once told me. He had said, " What 
I like in your people is that with all their taste for art and for beauty 
and for literature, when it is a question of fighting, they are always 

[324] 



PERSONAL MEMORIES OF THEODORE ROOSEVELT 

ready." Well, the Germans took us by surprise, but found us not 
unready. In the meantime, this great nation was preparing, listening 
to the manly advice of her former leader, and the manly advice of 
her present leader. The wave went on increasing and increasing until 
the time when it overflowed all bounds, reached France, threw off the 
Germans. You conquered in the Argonne, conquered at St. Mihiel, 
and your troops won imperishable glory. The only regret of Mr. 
Roosevelt was to have to stay at home. During the war I received 
from him letters characteristically signed by him, not by his name but 
by the words, " The Slacker malgre lui " ' The Slacker in spite of 
himself." But we knew what he could do and was doing, and the 
immense help that he was to the good cause. 

Two tombs have been opened that contain the bodies of two 
Roosevelts, one in America, the other in France. Both places of 
pilgrimage, both tombs standing as one more token of the intimacy 
in peace and in war, in happiness or in stress, that must survive 
between our two nations for their safety and for the benefit of the 
liberal world. To the great names of Americans who are admired 
and loved in France, to the list that contains the names of Washing- 
ton, of Franklin, of Lincoln, now has been added, forever to be loved 
and admired in France just as here, the name of Theodore Roosevelt. 



[325] 



BY 




THE HONORABLE JOB ELMER HEDGES, LL.D. 

HAVE been too often at the guest table not to know 
when the evening's exercises are concluded. The hour 
of midnight has just passed, notwithstanding we have 
turned the clock back an hour, and I know that the 
evening must be over because so many are not here 
who started. I am impressed with the shock it must 
be, however, to those who originally came from the 
Rocky Mountain district to find themselves in this sort of company and 
surroundings. They certainly adapt themselves quickly to urban life 
and become urban-like. 

I have listened many times to the French Ambassador and never 
knew until tonight how much of an Ambassador he was. It is a great 
trick to walk yourself into a Presidential confidence, but I do not 
think that the Ambassador walked during all the time of those walks, 
not if his height indicates the length of his legs. 

I think everything has been said about Roosevelt that could be 
said except one or two things. It has been a great thing for the 
average orator that Roosevelt has lived. He has been the cause of 
more speeches which men who delivered them did not understand 
than any man who ever was created. Many a man who did not have 
an idea that was worth a cheer, could mention Roosevelt's name and 
think he was an orator while he spoke. Roosevelt can be quoted on all 
sides of most every question too. When a man wants assistance, he 
quotes Roosevelt. There is one thing certain about him, that wherever 
he was, there was a quorum present. He is the only man I ever knew 
who could put a motion, second it and carry it without reference to 
the crowd. 



[326] 



ROOSEVELT'S PERSONALITY AND PHILOSOPHY 

It does not add to Roosevelt, in my judgment, to compare him 
with Lincoln or Washington. I do not think he was like either one of 
them, and I do not think that the Almighty intended that any two of 
them should resemble any other one. They lived at different times 
and had different problems. Washington created; Lincoln preserved; 
Roosevelt vitalized. And none of them could have done what the 
other did. He had a good preparation when he came here. From 
the solitude of the Civil Service room in Washington, he gathered 
intimates which enabled him immediately to plunge into partisan 
politics through the channel of a non-partisan administration, of which 
I was one. He is the only partisan I ever knew who could argue 
his partisanship through a general proposition of conduct. 

I do not. know of any group of people in the United States in 
which he did not have an intimate. From prize-fighter to preacher 
he had a real intimate friend, and there was no organization with 
which he could not connect through a friend. 

Roosevelt, however, despite these speeches that have been 
delivered tonight and I speak with great deference in the presence 
of these distinguished gentlemen, particularly the Honorable Elihu 
Root, who knew him more intimately than I did - - was remarkable 
on account of his normality or humanness; unfortunately I never 
was intimate with him after he left the Strong Administration. 
There were others who caught up with him, however. 

The remarkable thing about Roosevelt's speeches, to my mind, is 
that there was not a human being, young or old, rich or poor, who did 
not think that Roosevelt was talking to him personally and confi- 
dentially. He was one of the few men prominent in life whom you 
could associate with without having to look up to uncomfortably. 
When men demand a bow from other people with whom they associate, 
they never get on intimate terms. 

Roosevelt is the only man I ever read of who could destroy a 
convention, explain the advantage of it, and go on about his business. 
He was the only man whom I ever knew who could conduct a dialogue 
alone, with entire acquiescence on the part of the man with whom he 
was talking. 

There was no specific field of mental activity in which he 

[327] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

indulged, in which there was not possibly a superior authority, but he 
kept them all so busy that no one had the opportunity to determine 
who took precedence. He was at home in the city or the country. 
He talked a language that people could understand, and that helps 
some in public discourse. He had another peculiarity: you could 
tell what he was thinking about by what he said, which does not always 
pertain. 

I know of no topic on which he did not have a pronounced opinion, 
and where he had time to generate them I do not know. He was the 
busiest man of whom I have ever read, and yet had time on his hands 
now and then to puncture the idiosyncracies of a man whose conversa- 
tion and conduct differed from his own concepts. 

There was no time nor space through which he could not vault, 
and he always landed. I do not know what he would have done if he 
had gotten on the other side during the war ; I know they would have 
known he had been there. 

Whether he was schooled in the modern science lore, I do not 
know, but I do know that after all the eulogies are over, and when men 
have become great orators by describing Roosevelt, whom they do 
not understand, and whose lesson they cannot comprehend, people will 
remember Roosevelt by thinking they have been brought into per- 
sonal contact with him. 

The day he left Washington to return to Oyster Bay, I took 
my pen in hand and wrote him a letter, which he acknowledged, and 
I said this to him: that my own opinion was, that while he had had 
quite a remarkable career, of all the things he had done he would be 
remembered best by the philisophic historian from the fact that he 
had made people think, and he could make people think even if they got 
mad at him, and it didn't annoy him if they were irritated. Roose- 
velt did not believe in anaemic public virtue. He did not believe a 
man's past amounted to anything if it did not extend into his present. 
And he did not believe that his future was a solvent hope unless his 
present was concrete. He knew more about other people than they 
did sometimes, and more than they wished he did. He classified 
everybody. Some classes were not as large as other classes, but they 
were concise and well denominated. He was unique, omnipresent, 

[328] 



ROOSEVELT'S PERSONALITY AND PHILOSOPHY 

always vocalizing, always acting, always human, and so desperately 
human that everyone thought they had an individual contact with 
him. It took a great deal during the Strong administration to always 
tell where he was because he did not know. He did know, however, 
that the more policemen you met, the more would know you. I recall, 
when a bill was passed that provided that boxing exhibitions should be 
given under police protection, that he attended the first night. For 
some reason or other, Dr. Parkhurst did not agree with that proposi- 
tion, and he told the reporter that it was an outrageous thing; that 
he did not believe he was there. The reporter asked Roosevelt if he 
had been there, and he said, " I was there, and I had a good time ; 
moreover, I had to go. The law said I must go." And he would have 
gone anyway. Roosevelt was abnormal in his normality. He was an 
average American citizen, thank God ! Ubiquitous and potential. He 
was not a genius. If he had been a genius he would not have been 
influential. Geniuses are made to worship, and not associate with. 
He will be remembered long after people cease to read him, and 
anecdotes about him will continue so long as memory reigns. 

He was the only impossible, potential, practical, possible human 
being I have heard of, and he enjoyed it. I have conversed with him 
and enjoyed it. He has asked my opinion and told me what it was. 
It didn't make any difference when you were with him whether you 
agreed with him or not the result was unanimous. Disagreements 
with him in conversation were explained after the other man returned 
home. Many a man has gone to Washington on invitation and come 
back of his own volition. I enjoyed his partianship academically. 
Mr. Straus enjoyed it otherwise. But I believe in a partianship which 
does not believe that faith takes the part of works. Roosevelt is the 
first man for some years who has dignified the word " Politics," 
which most people don't understand. He is the man who has most 
clearly demonstrated that there is no such thing as a useful inactive 
citizen. The man who dare not go out nights for fear he will be 
tempted cannot rescue a neighbor in distress. Roosevelt was not 
afraid to expose himself. He had vision, and works. He wrote, he 
spoke, he rode, he wrestled and a lot of things ; but there was no 
place in his category for the parlor Bolshevist. 

[329] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

Personally, if you will permit just a further word, I am not 
unduly worried about these fellows who set fire to houses and try to 
kill people for the purpose of demonstrating an idea that someone 
else has given them. General Shanks and some others will take care 
of these. 

The worst thing of all is the mental indifference of the average 
man of substantial affairs in life who has been lulled asleep by his 
own competency and does not consider that the problems of the 
republic require his participation. 

To misstate a fact to the public which has little opportunity to 
reason is as false a thing as it is to bear arms against the integrity 
of the government. The man who will make a false statement to 
gather applause to himself would touch the torch to the edifice of the 
American Government. The man who considers his career settled 
when he has enough to take care of himself and his progeny, most of 
whom have not been brought up to work, is a man who could well be 
deported, not as an alien, but as a useless citizen. 

The stress is coming. I listened a few nights ago in a public 
school to a lawyer, one of my own profession, advise the recall of a 
judge by hanging him; and there were but four people in the room 
who did not vocally assent to that proposition. And I have mentioned 
that several times and never has it been received, except tonight, by 
other than a smile as if the Republic could be taken for granted. 
The Republic cannot be taken for granted. The propositions are very 
simple. 

You can divide the human race, so far as the males go, into full- 
grown men and shrimps. The shrimps are largely self-perpetuating. 

My own beliefs are very simple. A man is a citizen in fact or 
not. If he doesn't like this place, he can leave, and if he insists on 
staying, he shall live as we live, and if he will not do that, we will 
deport him, and if we cannot deport him, we will put him in jail, and 
if that don't suffice, we'll shoot him, because the life of the Republic 
is more important than any individual life. 

Nobody in this country cares how much money somebody else has ; 
they are very much interested in knowing how they got it. The vulgar 
display of wealth in this country has made more Socialists than all 

[330] 



ROOSEVELT'S PERSONALITY AND PHILOSOPHY 

the Russian doctrinaires who ever got on this side of the water. The 
failure of men of affairs to participate in the activities of this gov- 
ernment is a bid for the incoming immigrant to do likewise; and his 
next instinct is to try to destroy it, in the hope, not of building up 
something else, but that in the breaking down he may be able to get 
something without having the title taken away from him. 

Why, in this little city of ours, this young man Trotsky, who is 
running the Russian Government today unless he was captured 
today preached the same doctrines in the streets of New York 
before he went abroad that he is teaching and practising in Russia, 
and 5,000,000 people let him do it without interfering. And I say the 
City of New York, in permitting that young man to get abroad, is 
indirectly responsible for the loss* of a million lives in Russia and we 
cannot dodge it. 

No man can be flippant on the subject of government. The 
Fathers may be old-fashioned, but their doctrines are new, so far as 
everyday discussion goes. They are so new that most people have not 
heard of them. They are progressive rather than conservative. And 
I like that word in that particular application. No man is progressive 
because he says he is. The question is whether he is progressing. 1 
have known men to progress so fast toward a place that they were out 
of breath when they arrived and could not tell what they were looking 
for. I believe in the Ten Commandments. I have respect for the Four- 
teen Points. I believe in this government, and I have a right to. My 
people have been in every war the country ever engaged in. They 
signed the Declaration of Independence, incidentally. That makes me 
an aristocrat. That makes me old-fashioned. But I cannot help 
believing that the Golden Rule still prevails. I heard a gentleman, of a 
faith other than my own, the other night, say that the way to Ameri- 
canize these immigrants was to open our arms to them, take them to 
our breast and win them by loving kindness, and I said, " Yes, but let 
us search them at the same time." I would rather be able to state a 
fact than to expound a theory that no one can understand. Theodore 
Roosevelt was a fact. I know it. You know it. Everybody knows 
it. A great, glorious, human energy of high ideals, abnormal in his 
normality, on a plane that everybody could see and with whom anyone 
could associate, with bitter enemies, with real friends, with an ever- 

[331] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

present crowd, as people always have, of men to agree with him, of 
others who differed from him, of ambassadors who walked with him, 
who wore their clothes out with him. But just imagine the feeling 
of the man who rowed the boat toward the crowd that could but find 
a quarter among them. 

Interpret that in the light of the demands of the present day when 
soldiers get $1.10 a day and people who didn't go abroad get $8.10. 

Just a word and then I close, because it is tomorrow. I don't 
know much about doctors, I don't know much about any of these 
theories that take long words to describe ; I don't know anything about 
any of these things where you have to have a lot of whereases, and 
use words that you have to practice on before you can pronounce them ; 
I don't know anything about Internationalism, any of those things. 
But I do know that the Almighty created colors in people, climates and 
nations, and provided ways in which they should grow up among them- 
selves ; and I know that when we come to our problem there isn't any 
mind in this audience, or any mind in the U. S. cunning enough; no 
device broad enough; no philosophy skilled enough in human experi- 
ence, to bring any of the warring factions together until each one of 
those factions admits before all the country that their first allegiance 
is to the nation at large, and then they are open for discussion for 
their own matters. 

I know that no problem this country has ever had has ever been 
settled, as a matter of logic, as a matter of reasoning, unless some- 
where, somehow, somebody interjected into it a sentiment; and senti- 
ment starts with the heart and not the brain, and the brain decides the 
amount of service we will give to the sentiment. We argued about 
this great war until we argued in a circle, and we were getting nowhere 
and the war was getting everywhere. But, when the American people 
trusted their emotions, then logic was satisfied, and then we went to 
war. And after that, we saved the world for democracy after 
that. 

It is a difficult thing, when we are talking in hundreds of millions 
of dollars, to have an emotion. It is difficult to have a sentiment when 
you are comparing your financial qualifications with somebody else's. 
It is a very difficult thing when you consider the rewards of publicity 

[332] 



ROOSEVELT'S PERSONALITY AND PHILOSOPHY 

and the sycophants that will pursue a man in public life, to keep your 
reason straight. 

It is dangerous to take the republic for granted. It is very illogi- 
cal to assume that a republic can continue without the individual effort 
of everybody in it. The people of the United States have not learned 
yet to think in terms of " we." The reason many men do not discuss 
things openly is because they would be bound by their own logic. 
When a man lays down a proposition for himself and does not follow 
it, he is not potential with other people. There are too many people 
waiting to be called who will never be chosen. We have great con- 
fidence in our present and in our future, and we bet on our future 
usually, but usually with ourselves, and therefore there is no loss. I 
venture the proposition that the very intensity of the political 
embroglios in which Theodore Roosevelt was engaged, this very 
partisanship which men praised and from which they differed, the 
very activities that tore this country apart in a great big tremendous 
political revolution will somewhere, somehow, be quite as much of 
a mental stimulus to the average man as will anything Theodore 
Roosevelt said as to what a man should do as to any particular degree 
of activity. 

It takes a large degree of nerve and confidence, eliminating 
Providence, for a. man to assert what another man must think; but 
every man has a right to demand, as a matter of citizenship contract, 
that every other man shall think, and having thought, that he shall act. 

I am not certain, as I stand here, that Theodore Roosevelt could 
be more potential today alive than he is. I am not certain but what 
there comes a time when a man reaches the limit of influence from 
personal activity. I am not certain but what there comes a time, how- 
ever brilliant the brain, when the scene needs to change. I am not 
certain, with all his potential influence, that his statements, written 
as they were and spoken as they were, are not quite as influential with 
the American people as a personal activity ; and I say that with great 
respect ; because it is not possible for a man to veneer himself over one 
hundred and ten millions of people. 

Washington would have been a failure in the Civil War. Wash- 
ington had a mind that had to abstract ; he was a constructor, he had 

[333] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

to live away from the picture. He thought in world terms applied to 
a locality. He had not the art of human association except with 
intimates ; he had never been brought up to it. Lincoln could not have 
created what Washington did ; Lincoln had to dream ; Lincoln had his 
associates, high and low, but Lincoln had to be away from the picture. 
Lincoln had to live his thoughts in an attitude of prayer. Lincoln had 
to be abstract in his thinking, while he was concrete in his conduct. 
And until the time of Roosevelt, there had never been a man in the 
White House who had solved the art and it is an art of official 
and human contact with a large number of people. Roosevelt raised 
to its highest influence, the question of personal contact. Roosevelt's 
speeches and his writings would have been impotent without his 
virility and his frequent touch with human life. 

Roosevelt could never have lived potentially and inf luentially as 
A mental abstraction. Therefore, Roosevelt lived, in the providence 
of the great God, at a moment when the factions, social and civil, 
in the United States, required a human being who could be brought 
into contact with every other human being, and demonstrate that 
officialdom did not prevent human association. And that is the phi- 
losophy of Theodore Roosevelt, as I understand it. 



[334] 



(Shtr >0Ufors anh ilj? Unrkg 

ittmmtaiu (Club 



BT 




MAJOR-GENERAL DAVID CAREY SHANKS 

Commander of the Port of Embarkation 

ESTEEM it a great honor to say even a few words for 
Colonel Roosevelt; a soldier himself, he was peculiarly 
the friend of soldiers, and no soldier in a good cause 
ever applied to him in vain. Nearly two years ago, in 
the blackest and coldest of all American winters, our 
great embarkation camp at Camp Merritt was filled to 
overflowing with soldiers who were waiting their turn 
to go abroad in active service. In order to provide for the welfare of 
those soldiers, through the generosity of Mrs. Merritt and others, a 
great Soldiers' Club was instituted, Merritt Hall, which has since 
become the greatest club ever founded in America for our soldiers. 
It was deemed that that club should be opened by some kind of formal- 
ity, something to stir up the spirits of our men, for the news from 
abroad was not good, and there was a general consensus of opinion 
that the man to stir up the soldiers was Colonel Roosevelt. 

I went to his office and asked him to go, but his Secretary 
with kindness informed me that it was impossible, that the Colonel 
was out with a Committee seeing that the poor children of New York 
should have pure milk, that every hour of his time was taken. I left 
a note saying that I would ask only one minute of his time. By phone, 
I had a message to call the next day. And when I told him that our 
soldiers needed somebody to stir them up, that we wanted to hand 
down in that camp a proper spirit and to create the proper spirit, he 
said, " I will come the first afternoon I can get off." He never hesi- 
tated a minute. And when the afternoon came, it was in January, the 

[335] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

roads were covered with snow and ice, one of the coldest days of the 
winter. Many another man would have turned back, but the Colonel 
went out, and he delivered a rousing address in Merritt Hall, which 
was packed like sardines with soldiers; and at the Y. M. C. A. Building, 
which would normally hold twenty-eight hundred, more than four 
thousand were packed in at an overflow meeting. On every post 
and every pillar and even up in the rafters there were soldiers; and 
never in my life have I seen such enthusiasm. The spirit which the 
Colonel aroused at that time was handed on from one organization to 
another. No man can tell the good that address did. 

It was on that trip, too, as I took him out, that I learned how 
deep was his disappointment that he himself could have no active 
participation in this war. I learned to know then how bitter was his 
feeling that he was not able to be a soldier himself. 

He said to me, " Here am I, a man of action, and all I can do is 
only talk and write." 

You have all heard what the Rocky Mountain Club has done 
for the Belgian Relief, but members of that club though you are, I 
doubt if many of you know what you have done for the soldiers. The 
Rocky Mountain Club has been one of the great instrumentalities in 
caring for our soldiers, in making a home for those who are from the 
West. Through that club, more than one hundred and fifty thousand 
letters and telegrams were distributed to men from the Rocky Moun- 
*tain region. There was a cordial greeting there not only for the 
" Boys of the West " but for every American soldier who visited 
the club. 

Thousands and thousands of dollars of the club's money were 
spent to take care of our men. I recall a little incident last June, 
when I was over in France and was waiting on the pier at Brest. I 
went over on the Leviathan and as soon as we got off, they started 
loading sick and wounded back on there, and I saw two soldiers, both 
of them on a litter, one from Colorado and one from Wyoming. I 
went up and talked to them for a moment, asked them where they 
were wounded, and they said they were getting better and they hoped, 
by the time they got to New York, they would be able to get around 
a little bit. But they said they were far from home when they reached 
New York ; and I said to them, " Oh, no, you may be far from home, 

[336] 



OUR SOLDIERS AND THE ROCKY MOUNTAIN CLUB 

but you won't be far. from friends. There is a club in New York that 
looks after men from your section." And I told them where it was, 
and they said, " How will we find it? ' I said, " Go to 44th Street 
near 6th Avenue, and look for that flag which you will find there, 
' Welcome Home, Boys of the West.' ' 

Now that work which was done is little known to your members, 
I imagine. I saw the benefits of it. I know your worthy president 
and your vice-president and others of the club gave all the backing to 
it that they could, but I feel that I ought to say that to your club 
secretary, Mr. Herbert Wall, a very great part of the credit is due. 
He did it in magnificent shape, and on behalf of those soldiers who 
enjoyed the hospitality and the benefits of your club, I want to thank 
you. 

Now, I have covered the incident of going with Colonel Roose- 
velt to Camp Merritt; will you pardon me, if I close by relating one 
little incident which happened to me in my embarkation service a 
little out of the ordinary but in a way very pleasing. 

One day last January, in opening the mail, I found a letter 
addressed to me by name. It was postmarked Detroit, and when I 
opened the letter, the first thing that fell out of it was a large picture 
cut from a newspaper. It fell on the desk and I opened it and it was a 
picture of a ferryboat crowded with soldiers ; you never saw so many 
soldiers on one boat in your life ; and in the foreground was one man 
whose face was particularly clear, rather emaciated; it looked as if he 
had been sick. And on the cap of the soldier, the writer with a pen 
had made a cross-mark and down on the blouse underneath the chin 
was another. I looked to see what the letter that accompanied this 
picture stated, and when I looked at the letter it was in the scrawling 
writing and the simple words of a school girl, and it ran something 
like this. It said, " General Shanks: My mother tells me to write and 
send you this picture. We think it is a picture of my brother, but the 
War Department wired us that he was killed in Flanders last 
October; but my mother says to tell you she knows that is her boy. 
Can you help us? " 

The newspaper clipping had been cut so close that the name of the 
paper and its date were missing; there was nothing but the picture 
itself. But fortunately the girl signed her name and I sent for our 

[337] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

transportation officer, who runs all passenger lists of the great trans- 
ports more than 300,000 came back in some months and I told 
him to get busy and see if they could find that name. 

Within four hours they came back to me with a story and a 
report which was true, that the boy was in Greenhut Hospital, 
wounded, and I was able to send to that mother a telegram which gave 
me more pleasure than any of the thousands that were sent out bear- 
ing my name, that her boy was in Greenhut Hospital, was rapidly 
getting better, and would be able to go home in a few days. 




[338] 



far (ur Sftm* anfo All 

BY 

THEODORE ROOSEVELT 

HE teachings of the New Testament are foreshadowed 
in Micah's verse : u What more doth the Lord require 
of thee than to do justice, and to love mercy, and to 
walk humbly with thy God? " 

Do justice; and therefore fight valiantly against 
the armies of Germany and Turkey, for these nations 
in this crisis stand for the reign of Moloch and 
Beelzebub in this earth. 

Love mercy; treat prisoners well; succor the wounded; treat 
every woman as if she were your sister; care for the little children; 
and be tender with the old and helpless. 

Walk humbly ; you will do so if you study the life and teachings 
of the Saviour. 

May the God of Justice and Mercy have you in His keeping! 
Message placed in all copies of the New Testament given to soldiers 
during the War by the New York Bible Society. 




We shall never be successful over the dangers that confront us; 
we shall never achieve true greatness, nor reach the lofty ideal which 
the founders and preservers of our mighty Federal Republic have set 
before us, unless we are Americans in heart and soul, in spirit and 
purpose, keenly alive to the responsibility implied in the very name of 
American, and proud beyond measure of the glorious privilege of 
bearing it. American Ideals. 

We Americans are the children of the crucible. The crucible does 
not do its work unless it turns out those cast into it in one national 
mould; and that must be the mould established by Washington and 
his fellows when they made us into a nation. We must be Americans ; 
and nothing else. The Foes of Our Own Household. 

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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

The most perfect machinery of government will not keep us as a 
nation from destruction if there is not within us a soul. No abound- 
ing material prosperity shall avail us if our spiritual senses atrophy. 
The foes of our own household shall surely prevail against us unless 
there be in our people an inner life which finds its outward expres- 
sion in a morality not very widely different from that preached by the 
seers and prophets of Judea when the grandeur that was Greece and 
the glory that was Rome still lay in the future. The Foes of Our 
Own Household. 




[340] 



la 

Kwriwrfc by tbr Kurlui Mountain CClub at Us 
iUuisrurlt Bag Btnn*r 




IS MAJESTY the King, deeply appreciates the courte- 
ous invitation of Rocky Mountain Club to be present 
at dinner on October twenty-seventh. Unfortunately 
that day the King will already have left New York. 
The King knows the tremendous aid and effective 
help given to suffering Belgium by the Rocky Moun- 
tain Club, and wishes again to extend to members of 
this splendid organization his sincerest thanks for all that they have 
done for Belgium." - KING ALBERT OF BELGIUM, through His Excel- 
lency, the Belgian Ambassador to the United States. 

' The impress that Theodore Roosevelt's personality has made 
upon the world does not need emphasis. Whatever his fame as a 
statesman, it can never outrun his fame as a man. However widely 
men may differ from him in matters of national policy, this thing men 
in their hearts would wish, that their sons might have within them 
the spirit, the will, the strength, the manliness, the Americanism of 
Roosevelt. He was made of that rugged and heroic stuff with which 
legend delights to play. The Idylls and Sagas and the Iliads have 
been woven about men of this mold. We may surely expect to see 
developed a Roosevelt legend, a body of tales that will exalt the 
physical power and endurance of the man and the boldness of his 
spirit, his robust capacity for blunt speech and his hearty comradship, 
his live interest in all things living these will make our boys for the 
long future proud that they are of his race and his country. And no 
surer fame than this can come to any man to live in the hearts of the 
boys of his land as one whose doings and sayings they would wish to 
make their own." FRANKLIN K. LANE, Secretary of the Interior. 

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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

' It is fortunate for the American people to have at an hour such 
as this a memory like that of Theodore Roosevelt to draw upon. It 
steadies us." - HENRY J. ALLEN, Governor of Kansas. 

" I wish that Mr. Roosevelt's voice could now speak to America. 
It cannot. But the emphasis put upon his life by such events as 
your's, is the next best thing that can be done to help re-Americanize 
America." JOHN H. BARTLETT, Governor of New Hampshire. 

" In the uncertain and anxious days of our preparation for war 
with Germany, more than any other citizen he was the tribune of the 
people, and with a message of true Americanism, which rang from 
Ocean to Ocean, the spirit of Americanism was renewed. That the 
Americanism proclaimed by Theodore Roosevelt will be our guardian 
principle now and in future years is my hope." - R. LIVINGSTON 
BEECKMAN, Governor of Rhode Island. 

" Our entire country owes him a debt of gratitude for his 
unswerving devotion to our country and his noble example of 
patriotism." - THEO. G. BILBO, Governor of Mississippi. 

" Theodore Roosevelt was an outstanding typical American, 
fearless in his moral courage, gifted with a versatility that few of our 
public men have possessed and thoroughly understood and ably repre- 
sented the new American spirit of liberty and democracy. In my 
opinion ex-President Roosevelt did as much as any one leader in the 
country to arouse the dormant spirit of American patriotism and to 
preach the gospel of preparedness that culminated in our glorious 
victories at Chateau Thierry, the Argonne Forest and the Belleau 
Woods." - CHARLES H. BROUGH, Governor of Arkansas. 

" Much to my regret it will be impossible for me to be present at 
the Rocky Mountain Club Dinner on Theodore Roosevelt's birthday. 
It is indeed fitting that such a tribute should be accorded to our late 
foremost citizen, Theodore Roosevelt, whose work in behalf of this 
nation still goes on although he is no longer with us in body." 
THOMAS E. CAMPBELL, Governor of Arizona. 

[342] 



TRIBUTES TO ROOSEVELT 

" What would Roosevelt do if he undertook to settle the thousand 
and one strikes of the day, to cut Bolshevism out of honest labor, to 
speed up production, or to keep one hundred per cent. Americanism 
in our international relations? He was fearless and had but one 
policy, the square deal. His diplomacy was courageous, direct, single- 
purposed, just, effective, American. The career of Theodore Roose- 
velt furnishes the best examples of patriotism and statesmanship to 
guide American citizens in discharging their duties of the day." 
PERCIVAL W. CLEMENT, Governor of Vermont. 

" In his great body and sparkling mind, Theodore Roosevelt 
stands with us no more. He lies as many another of the greater 
works of God, a man rather to be known without the mere physical, 
and we who knew him well will not reach the place where we shall not 
wish he might have tarried longer. Would that we all had the ever- 
lasting fearlessness of Roosevelt to find and face the truth ; to advo- 
cate and fix it when and where it is. Theodore Roosevelt, though 
dead, lives on and on and on. All his life had been a struggle until 
the last. Then he went to sleep and there was no battle. God was 
with him." - W. L. HARDING, Governor of Iowa. 

" Theodore Roosevelt was a dominant factor in American public 
life for thirty years. During all that time he thought and strove for 
a better, juster society. Men differed with him as to the route, but 
not as to the goal humanity should strive to attain. His robust and 
fearless Americanism was like a bugle-call to his countrymen when- 
ever danger threatened, from within or without. Whether in office 
or in private life, he was a leader of thought and an inspirer of action. 
And now with the new problems which the end of the war has 
brought, his voice will be sorely missed. It is fortunate indeed for 
the coming years that he lived long enough to give utterance upon 
many of the important questions which confront us. Whenever 
despotism, whether the despotism of some future Hohenzollern or a 
Bolshevist, shall threaten, Theodore Roosevelt, though in his grave, 
will speak to the American people with a compelling voice. He is still 
the valiant foe of greed, oppression and injustice. He will live for- 
ever in the hearts of the American people." FRANK O. LOWDEN, 
Governor of Illinois. 

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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

' The words and deeds of Theodore Roosevelt express the ideals 
of America. He represented in thought and lived in action all that 
is best in our institutions. To keep sacred his memory in the way he 
would most desire would be to live in community, State and nation as 
an American, as he lived and spoke and worked." - JOHN G. TOWN- 
SEND, JR., Governor of Delaware. 

" He was found faithful over a few things and he was made 
ruler over many ; he cut his own trail clean and straight and millions 
followed him toward the light. He was frail; he made himself a 
tower of strength. He was timid; he made himself a lion of courage. 
He was a dreamer; he became one of the great doers of all time. 
Men put their trust in him; women found a champion in him; kings 
stood in awe of him, but children made him their playmate. He 
broke a nation's slumber with his cry, and it rose up. He touched the 
eyes of blind men with a flame that gave them vision. Souls became 
swords through him ; swords became servants of God. He was loyal 
to his country and he exacted loyalty; he loved many lands, but he 
loved his own land best. He was terrible in battle, but tender to the 
weak; joyous and tireless, being free from self-pity; clean with a 
cleanness that cleansed the air like a gale. His courtesy knew no 
wealth, no class; his friendship, no creed or color or race. His 
courage withstood every onslaught of savage beast and ruthless man, 
of loneliness, of victory, of defeat. His mind was eager, his heart 
was true, his body and spirit, defiant of obstacles, ready to meet 
what might come. He fought injustice and tyranny; bore sorrow 
gallantly; loved all nature, bleak spaces and hardy companions, 
hazardous adventure and the zest of battle. Wherever he went he 
carried his own pack ; and in the uttermost parts of the earth he kept 
his conscience for his guide." O. H. SHOUP, Governor of Colorado. 

' Theodore Roosevelt, thorough American, striving always for 
the good of America." WILLIAM D. STEPHENS, Governor of Cali- 
fornia. 

"As a citizen, Theodore Roosevelt approached the ideal. His 
occupation was America ; his relaxation was study. His pleasure was 

[344] 



TRIBUTES TO ROOSEVELT 

friendship. His family relations, too sacred to be lightly intruded 
upon, were those to which good men everywhere aspire and good 
women best understand and appreciate. While he lived, millions fol- 
lowed him because they believed in him as a force for righteousness, 
justice, peace and progress; and a whole people mourns his loss." 
WILLIAM M. CALDER, United States Senator, New York. 

" Such men are greatly needed in these trying times. Among 
the great world characters, Theodore Roosevelt stands among the 
foremost and history will record him as one of the great leaders of 
the world. Theodore Roosevelt was truly a wonderful man, always 
a true American and always for fair play to his fellow man." 
CHARLES CURTIS, United States Senator, Kansas. 

" I want to assure you that nothing could give me greater 
pleasure, if it were possible to do so, than to be present on this occasion 
and thus testify to my admiration for the man and for that pro- 
nounced Americanism for which he stood." - WILLIAM P. DILLING- 
HAM, United States Senator, Vermont. 

" He not only was the man of his age, but, through his influence 
for good, will remain the man of generations yet to come." WALTER 
E. EDGE, United States Senator, New Jersey. 

" I very greatly wish that I might be with you tonight and join 
in the tributes which will be paid to one of the foremost men America 
has ever produced. Theodore Roosevelt stood for America first, last 
and all the time. A wise statesman, a profound scholar, a fearless 
soldier, and an uncompromising friend of the whole people. He left 
a name that will go down in the history of the United States, and be 
linked in ages to come with the names of the world's greatest men. 
The very fact that all over this land his memory is being revered 
tonight by multitudes of Americans, who loved, honored and 
respected him, is the highest tribute that could be paid him." 
DAVIS ELKINS, United States Senator, West Virginia. 

" Not only was he one of the foremost statesmen of his day, but 
his private life, his love for home and family, is an inspiration and 

[345] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

example not alone to his contemporaries, but to all those who shall 
follow him." - BERT M. FERNALD, United States Senator, Maine. 

" Deeply regret that pending legislation in the Senate prevents 
my being present at the Roosevelt Birthday Dinner at the Waldorf- 
Astoria. The life of Theodore Roosevelt has been an inspiration to 
every red-blooded American. He was the most versatile genius of 
modern history, holding high place. As a Louisianian, I can never 
forget how he established confidence and dispelled existing fear at a 
time when the south land was threatened by an epidemic of yellow 
fever, in nineteen hundred and five, the last visitation of that dread 
disease to our country. I join with you in all honor to the great 
American." EDWARD J. GAY, United States Senator, Louisiana. 

" Theodore Roosevelt stood for America first, not upon occa- 
sion, but upon three hundred and sixty-five and a fourth days in the 
year. His Americanism was twenty karats fine mine run. He 
accepted and obeyed the first commandment of patriotism, ' Thou 
shalt have no other country before me.' To attempt to add to this at 
the present juncture would be vain repetition." THOMAS P. GORE, 
United States Senator, Oklahoma. 

" I sincerely regret that it is impossible for me to leave Wash- 
ington to attend the Roosevelt Memorial Banquet of the Rocky 
Mountain Club. It would have been a real pleasure to pay my per- 
sonal tribute to the memory of the greatest American it has been my 
privilege to know." -FREDERICK HALE, United States Senator. 
Maine. 

" We are only now coming to understand his lofty stature as an 
outstanding and courageous American. It is good to believe that 
every meeting in his memory and every grateful mention of his 
name will contribute to the American spirit which he himself would 
have promoted, and which is so necessary for the great American 
fulfillment." WARREN G. HARDING, United States Senator, Ohio. 

[346] 



TRIBUTES TO ROOSEVELT 

" Theodore Roosevelt was a great American, and I am glad to 
join the efforts of the prominent citizens in Georgia in a memorial 
to his memory." WILLIAM J. HARRIS, United States Senator, 
Georgia. 

" Unexpected developments brought a vote in Senate today on 
Johnson amendment which prevented my attending dinner. I wish 
to add my word of admiration for the late Theodore Roosevelt and his 
Americanism. His many accomplishments place him among the 
greatest men of our country. His devotion to country is an inspira- 
tion to those of us who are permitted to carry on." - C. B. HENDER- 
SON, United States Senator, Nevada. 

" It would have been an honor and pleasure to meet his fellow- 
citizens of New York City on this occasion, thereby expressing my 
profound respect and affection for the great American whose mem- 
ory you will honor and whose virtues, wisdom and patriotism become 
more striking and admirable with the passing of time." - P. C. KNOX, 
United States Senator, Pennsylvania. 

" Permit me to add that one of the truly great men produced by 
America was Theodore Roosevelt. Of course, I differed with him in 
politics, but I always admired his strength of character, his firmness 
of purpose, his sterling patriotism, his willingness to fight for his 
country and his power and aptitude for doing great things." - KEN- 
NETH MCKELLAR, United States Senator, Tennessee. 

" No gathering which contemplates the life of that great Ameri- 
can patriot could fail of inspiration to all those who love their country 
and their fellowmen in practical sincerity; and in the days since his 
passing away, whenever I have had occasion to think of him, the words 
of Froude upon hearing of the death of Carlyle have instinctively 
sprung to my mind : 'A man is dead ! ' - GEORGE H. MOSES, United 
States Senator, New Hampshire. 

" On account of the consideration of the Peace Treaty in the 
Senate it is out of the question for me to leave Washington at this 

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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

time. Were the situation different, I assure you I should most cer- 
tainly attend the banquet and take occasion to pay my tribute of regard 
and respect for the high character, splendid attainments and patriotic 
services of the distinguished statesman whose anniversary you cele- 
brate." BOISE PENROSE, United States Senator, Pennsylvania. 

" Roosevelt's best and freest life was spent in the west, where he 
broadened his ideas and laid up a fund of health which carried him 
through his unparalleled career. I join with you in honoring his 
memory." - JAMES D. PHELAN, United States Senator, California. 

" In many things I differed radically with Theodore Roosevelt, 
but I admired him for the intensity of his Americanism ; and in times 
like these his is a name to conjure with. I wish the memorial move- 
ment every success." ATLEE POMERENE, United States Senator, 
Ohio. 

'* I know the Nation which reveres his memory will be with you 
spiritually in your commemoration exercises. Theodore Roosevelt 
was truly a great American, and while many differed with him on 
important national questions his opponents join almost unanimously 
with his friends and admirers in testifying to the devoted, conscien- 
tious and tireless public service he dedicated to America, and her tradi- 
tions." JOSEPH E. RANSDELL, Uniled States Senator, Louisiana. 

" While I differed radically upon matters of party politics with 
Mr. Roosevelt, there was no divergence of our views on all those 
great questions which involved the honor and independence of the 
United States. 

" Theodore Roosevelt was a great American who believed in a 
great America." -JAMES A. REED, United States Senator, Missouri. 

" Few men in our nation's history have so powerfully influenced 
the American people. The observance of the anniversary of his birth- 
day will give emphasis to the spirit of loyalty to the institutions which 
distinctly characterize our republic, the spirit of intense and never- 
failing Americanism." J. T. ROBINSON, United States Senator, 
Arkansas. 

[348] 



TRIBUTES TO ROOSEVELT 

" I regret exceedingly that the situation in the Senate prevents 
my being present at the dinner tonight in commemoration of the 
birthday of Theodore Roosevelt. Our country is now and always will 
be safer and stronger in patriotism and conduct because of his thrill- 
ing words and his great example. He, being dead, yet speaketh." 
SELDON P. SPENCER, United States Senator, Missouri. 

11 In times like these, every good American citizen will appreciate 
the masterful qualities of Theodore Roosevelt. He was not a mere 
dreamer nor, as his biographer expressed it, a man whose conception 
of duty consisted in ' magnificent ideals at long range,' but one who 
saw and performed the immediate task of the hour. As I have had 
occasion to say, he was at the time of his death our greatest Ameri- 
can. Whence conies such another?" - THOMAS STERLING, United 
States Senator, South Dakota. 

" Theodore Roosevelt was one of the most intensely American 
and intensely human individuals whom we have ever known. We 
lost a true patriot when he passed away; and now in these troublous 
times, we hear on all sides expressions of heartfelt regret that he is 
not here to help us in guiding the destinies of our country whose 
people loved and trusted him, and looked up to his masterly qualities 
of mind with a confidence that is not often given so generally to men 
in public pursuits. The record of his life and works will go down in 
history as an example that American manhood may well emulate." 
FRANCIS E. WARREN, United States Senator, Wyoming. 

" I earnestly trust that the occasion will be worthy of the great 
man in whose honor it is held." - JAMES E. WATSON, United States 
Senator, Indiana. 

" I would like to do honor by my presence, or rather have honor 
done to my presence by being with you on Theodore Roosevelt's birth- 
day. However much we may have differed in our time about partisan 
political matters, we never differed at all in a strenuous and pro- 
nounced Americanism; a determination that aliens and hyphenates 
should not control this country ; and in devotion to the progress of the 

[349] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

human race in liberty, and democracy and fraternity. It is a source 
of consolation to me to remember that we were personally always 
good friends, although he was supreme and I a modest participant in 
the councils of opposing parties. It is my opinion that he was superla- 
tively possessed of the three cardinal virtues: honesty, courage and 
truthfulness." -JOHN SHARP WILLIAMS, United States Senator, 
Mississippi, 




[350] 



JJH tfyp N?ui fG?ao,tt? of Natiotta An 
SttHtrumntt of (Fgratmg for 

f lawman ICibFrty 




BY 

FRANK ALLABEN 

President of The National Historical Society 

| HE question put at the head of this article may seem 
surprising from one who has so many times and so 
emphatically urged in these pages the formation of a 
League of Nations to enforce international righteous- 
ness and to outlaw duelling wars. Yet at Paris the 
dictators of the proposed world peace, President 
Wilson, Mr. Lloyd George, and Mr. Clemenceau, 
made three grave mistakes which bring a great moral issue before the 
conscience of the world. The three errors form a sequence, closely 
related, showing how one moral failure leads directly to a second, and 
this to a third, while the three wrongs together produce a new situa- 
tion, causing widespread apprehension concerning the practicability 
of the proposed League of Nations. 
The three blunders are : 

1. Refusal of Japan's just request for a declaration of the essen- 
tial politisal equality of the white and yellow races. 

2. The proposal to dispose of the City of Fiume in violation 
of the will of its inhabitants and thus contrary to the principle that 
" governments derive their just powers from the consent of the gov- 
erned." 

3. Usurpation by three men of a pretended right to transfer 
goods and privileges in Shantung, which had been seized by a robber 
(Germany), to another robber (Japan), instead of restoring them 
to their lawful owners, the Chinese of Shantung. 

[3511 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

These errors, which followed one another in the order in which 
we mention them, plainly show a descending progression into increas- 
ingly serious iniquities. 

In the first place, it would have been very simple to have pro- 
claimed the general principle of race equality, while safeguarding 
the right of each nation to regulate its own immigration problems 
on economic grounds. President Wilson and Mr. Lloyd George are 
commonly reported to have been responsible for the refusal of Japan's 
just demand for a declaration of race equality, which Premiers 
Clemenceau and Orlando were willing to concede. The effect of the 
error was soon manifest: those who refused this just claim of Japan 
lost the moral power to refuse the unjust claim which she subse- 
quently advanced against the rights of China. 

Again, having partially alienated the Japanese Peace Delegation 
by refusing their righteous claim to a recognition of the equality of 
races, the Italian Delegation and all Italy were completely alienated 
by an unrighteous denial to the City of Fiume of the right to decide 
her own destiny. The consequent withdrawal of the Italian Delega- 
tion from the Peace Conference made it appear that Italy might be 
forced out of the proposed League of Nations and compelled to make 
a separate peace with Germany and Austria. 

At this juncture, with the five principal peace delegations at 
Paris reduced to only four, and with the project of a League of 
Nations thus placed in jeopardy, the Japanese Delegates saw their 
opportunity and pressed, against the rights of China, their grossly 
unrighteous claim to seize for themselves the advantages in Shantung 
which Germany had burglarized from the Chinese. Fearing that the 
Japanese Delegation might withdraw, as the Italian Delegation had 
done, President Wilson, Mr. Lloyd George, and Mr. Clemenceau 
betrayed the world in a cowardly and iniquitious surrender to Japan. 

Having forfeited the support of Italy by wronging her and 
Fiume, these gentlemen had lost the stamina to resist the robber- 
claims of Japan. Having refused Japan where she was right, they 
balanced the scale by sanctioning her violence in a criminal act, 
weighing one wrong against another, and violating every pledge they 
had given their peoples to make a righteous peace. 

[352] 



IS THE LEAGUE AN INSTRUMENT OF TYRANNY? 

At Fiume and Shantung alike we see the grossest violation of 
the great American principle that human government derives its just 
powers from the consent of the governed. In the case of Fiume 
President Wilson played the leading part. In the case of Shantung 
he is thought to have acquiesced reluctantly having fallen into 
the trap set by his previous betrayal of his principles. In both cases 
there is reason to believe that Mr. Lloyd George is behind these 
errors; and, if so, he may find that he has hopelessly confirmed the 
American people in their deep-seated conviction that British politi- 
cians can never be trusted in a stand for righteousness against British 
cupidity. 

Fiume is a city of which Americans know little. But the wrongs 
which republican China has suffered at the hands of autocratic 
Japan are well known in this country, which feels a deep interest in 
the welfare of its friend and imitators, the Chinese. Even should we 
close our eyes to a trampling upon the rights of 50,000 people in 
Fiume, we are not likely to remain indifferent when the same issue 
is raised on a far greater scale by the ceding of the rights of the 
30,000,000 or 40,000,000 Chinese of the Shantung Peninsula to Japan 
without regard to the consent of this enormous population. 

No possible argument of expediency can justify such wrongs. 
No such acts can be expedient, while men have consciences to be 
outraged, and the Throne of Divine Providence refuses to let such 
abominations go unpunished. We fear the consequences, immediate 
and future, not as enemies to the idea of a League of Nations, but 
as those who have been its most devoted friends. 

It should cause no surprise to thoughtful men that such mis- 
takes raise great moral issues, where the complex decisions necessary 
in making peace with Germany and Austria raise none. 

The very different principles involved in the two kinds of cases 
seem to us quite simple, and this difference is felt by man's conscience 
even though he may not analyze the reason. All law, divine and 
human, demands restitution from criminals and their punishment and 
loss of liberty as a safeguard to society. Wherefore the world's 
conscience readily acceps the Paris solutions of the difficult problems 
of exacting restitution and security from the criminal nations, Ger- 
many, Austria, Hungary, Turkey, and Bulgaria. Sympathy for these 

[353] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

evil-doers can be gained only by convincing our consciences that we 
are wrong in thinking them responsible for the great war and for the 
abominations they practiced in carrying it on. 

But any unrighteousness sanctioned in handing over the liber- 
ties or property of friendly, allied or neutral peoples to governments 
they reject must arouse our instant anger. Is not this the very thing 
we fought Germany to prevent and rectify? We cannot get away 
from this. We all know that to use the new-born League of Nations 
to sanction such wrongs, contemplated in the cases of Fiume and 
Kiao-Chau, is to make the League of Nations an instrument of 
unrighteousness at the very start. 

Moreover, we cannot forgive President Wilson and Premiers 
Lloyd George and Clemenceau for mistakes of this kind. For they 
outrage us by putting a great temptation before us. If the peace of 
Versailles and the League of Nations come to us with the handicap 
of such terms it means that the consciences of all the allied nations 
are terribly tempted to sanction these great injustices under the 
penalty of forfeiting the offered Peace and League by rejecting the 
conditions proposed, or delaying and jeopardizing them by attempts 
at amendments to remove these wrongs. 

Yet since the Peace and League come to the American people for 
ratification of such unrighteousness, our people have no option, if 
they wish to avoid the stain upon our national conscience and honor 
involved in the sanction of such wrongs. And just here one of our 
institutions and one of the provisions of our Constitution meet a 
great test. We refer to the United States Senate, and to the Con- 
stitutional limitation of the treaty-making powers of our presidents 
in conditioning the acceptance of treaties by requiring their sanction 
by a two-thirds vote of the Senate. 

As the Peace Treaty and the Peace League come to us dishonored 
by such oppressions of peoples as are contemplated in the .cases of 
Fiume and Shantung, we sincerely hope that the American people, 
through their Senate, will refuse to accept the Peace and the League 
until the proposed wrongs are done away with. 

This is a great test of our democracy. It is perfectly clear to 
the whole world that the Peace terms and the League decisions, in the 
final analysis, that is, in all disputed points, are the terms and deci- 

[354] 



IS THE LEAGUE AN INSTRUMENT OF TYRANNY? 

sions dictated by three men, Wilson, Lloyd George, and Clemenceau. 
They are acting as the representatives of great democracies, but 
where these representatives fail, as they have done in the serious 
matters here discussed, their work must be repudiated by the democ- 
racies behind them, or democratic government will have failed in its 
greatest crisis in human history. 

We candidly expressed our total lack of hope of finding in the 
British Parliament or the Assembly of France sufficient stamina to 
rebuke Mr. Lloyd George and Mr. Clemenceau by rejecting their 
grave errors. The world's hope here lies in the United States Senate 
and in the American people behind their Senate. 

In the American Senate, too, the whole issue is imperiled by 
bitter partisan blindness. We have been constantly reminded of 
Washington's warning against " entangling alliances." But who has 
reminded us of Washington's warning which does apply his warn- 
ing of the peril to America from extreme partisanship in our National 
Councils? 

The partisan blindness of some of our Senators seems to lead 
them to wish to betray the American people and the whole world by 
opposing and rejecting the entire attempt to deal with international 
criminality by means of a League of Nations. One terrible conse- 
quence of Wilson's surrender to unrighteousness is the fact that he 
thus has given these Senatorial wreckers a powerful argument against 
any League of Nations. 

By his grave blunders President Wilson has shown the whole 
world how easily the League of Nations can be made an instrument of 
iniquity. With his fellow-leaders he has demonstrated that the policy 
of the League can be and hereafter also probably will be directed 
by three men, the representatives of three powers, Great Britain, the 
United States, and France. He has furthermore shown that, even 
were the United States always represented by as great a moral force 
as President Wilson himself, Great Britain and France can secure 
their ends in sanctioning iniquities by uniting their influences. 

Will it be said that unanimity is required, and that the repre- 
sentative of the United States may always withhold acquiescence? 
But if at the outset so strong a man as Mr. Wilson surrenders to such 

[355] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

a crime as Japan meditates against China, what shall we expect from 
weaker representatives of the United States in the Council of the 
League ? 

Thus the three greatest leaders of the world by their gross 
blunders have already proven that the League is not safe, as an 
instrument for righteousness, unless some veto check is devised 
some form of referendum by means of which every serious decision 
of the League Council may be referred for ratification to the peoples 
of the nations represented. If already, through our Senate, we as a 
conscientious people are morally bound to wage a fight for the 
liberties of Fiume and Shantung against the three great leaders at 
Paris, are we willing to accept a League which does not equip us to 
wage such a legal fight against wrong whenever the occasion may 
occur ? 

Without such a check the charge is justified that the League can 
readily be made by a few politicians the greatest instrument against 
right and human liberty which the world has ever seen. 

England and France have in the past offended against China 
much as Germany did at Shantung. Is that why they are willing to help 
Japan to offend? Alsace-Lorraine was for centuries under German 
rule, and in 1871 Germany secured it again by enforced treaty. 
Shantung was never under German rule, and Germany forced it from 
China as late as 1898. Thus Germany's title to Alsace-Lorraine was 
far better than her title to Shantung. Why did not the leaders at 
Paris go through the farce of pretending that Germany had a title to 
Alsace-Lorraine, and then ask her to transfer this title to England, 
as they pretended that Germany had a title to Shantung, and then 
asked her to transfer it to Japan? 

Germany had the same right to Belgium that she had to Shan- 
tung, and President Wilson and Mr. Lloyd George have the same 
right to ask Germany to turn Belgium over to France that they, with 
Mr. Clemenceau, have to ask her to turn China's Shantung, or some 
of its rights, over to autocratic and oppressive Japan, the Germany 
of the Far East. 

President Wilson did not like this disposal of Shantung. But 
Great Britain is the secret ally of Japan, had made with her an 



IS THE LEAGUE AN INSTRUMENT OF TYRANNY? 

iniquitous bargain to give her some of China's property, insisted upon 
doing so, and the President of the United States insulted his people 
by consenting to this highway robbery in their name. 

This shows the perils of the League, unless the politicians who 
are to manage it can be subjected, in all their policies, to the speedy 
and effective vetoes of the popular conscience of the nations they 
represent. Do the League proposals provide such a veto system ? 

Yet while the League thus presents a practical problem to be 
solved, this peril and difficulty do not afford a valid argument against 
a League with proper veto provisions. On the contrary, the virtue of 
a League of Nations is disclosed in the very fact that its defects have 
thus become at once so apparent to the whole world. The world has 
waited for just what we see at Paris a method of dealing with 
world problems in the presence of the whole world, so that any grave 
mistakes of the leaders are at once apparent to the conscience of all 
mankind, are subject to world-discussion, and amenable to amendment. 

No fallacy, no amount of dust-throwing, can hide this great 
gain. However few the nation's representatives may be in the League 
Council, their adjustment of world difficulties cannot be hid in a 
bushel. The eyes of the whole world will always rest on all their acts. 
As we have lately seen, any attempt at secret proceedings will cause 
universal scandal. Every act, every decision, will be discussed and 
weighed by mankind. Such a League will be a great transparency, 
through which that which concerns the world will pass clearly. 

All that is needed, then, will be a carefully worked-out system 
by means of which the will of the conscience of the world can register 
itself and lawfully prevail over any leadership or combination of 
leadership which goes astray. 

Thus the greatest opportunity in the world's history is open to 
the American Senate if its members can purge themselves of partisan- 
ship and rise for once to the emergency of the nations. Let them give 
us Peace and a League, but one redeemed from the contemplated 
wrongs against Fiume and Shantung, and provided with adequate 
veto checks or provision for referendum to the conscience of the 
peoples of the earth. 



[357] 



Aftriaitr 




BY 

AMY A. BERNARDY 

Litt. D., Universities of Rome and Florence; Writer and 

Lecturer on Italian Historical and Sociological Subjects; 

War-Time Volunteer Worker in America under 

the Royal Italian Embassy 

[HERE lies to the east of the Venetian plain a region 
which since Roman times was considered the tenth 
region or district of Italy proper, and as such known 
by the name of Venetia Julia. It is nothing but an 
actual and organic part of the former Italian border- 
land of Friuli, and how in mischief anybody but an 
Austro-German coalition could draw a line through 
that region (and call it a boundary and the western part of it Italy and 
the eastern part of it Austria) beats the unfairness of the Alsatian 
boundary by the mile. To meet anything like a natural boundary line 
you must travel eastward, cross the Isonzo and, coming down from 
Tarvis, follow the watershed of the Julian Alps and reach the Monte 
Albio or Nevoso, known in German as Schneeberg, and considered 
from time immemorial as a basic point in the determination of the 
Italian boundary. Thence a fairly straight and clear line does bring 
you down to the sea and the city of Fiume, a junction point between the 
province of Istria, a peninsular appendage of the Italian mainland on 
the west, and the mainland of Croatia on the east. It will be noted 
that the line thus formed, and clearly indicated by all geologic tests and 
by the geographic structure of the land, is practically the same that was 
set for immediate Austrian evacuation by the terms of the armistice 
of November last. Coming down the Adriatic coast, the coastline very 
clearly splits itself in two, the Croatian mainland, and the ridge of 
islands which curve outward along the Morlacca channel and are gen- 
erally known in bulk as the islands of the Quarnero. 

Then comes the actual Dalmatian region, which by a common 
misapprehension is sometimes taken to embrace the whole of the east- 
ern Adriatic coast. Let it be very clearly understood, therefore, that 

[358] 



THE ADRIATIC IRREDENTA 

Dalmatia proper extends from north of Zara to the Bay of Cattaro, 
but the typically and fundamentally Italian Dalmatia reaches from 
north of Zara to south of Spalato. After this, the coast up to Ragusa, 
though teeming with Italian memories and showing Italian influence, 
loses some of what can be called the intensity of the Italian spirit; 
Ragusa on the other hand shows much of it, but Ragusa has always 
been a rather curious autonomous entity, and was an independent 
republic while Dalmatia was a Venetian province. We may add, that 
all geographic and geologic tests from the structure of the subsoil to 
the flora and fauna of the surface, show the close connection of the 
Dalmatian borderland with the Italian coast, while its stony differen- 
tiation from the mainland behind it is proved by the fact that the 
Adriatic watershed is as abrupt and precipitous as a mountain lake 
watershed, whereas the other side of the thick mountain chain offers a 
broad and easy declivity toward a depression that finally leads to the 



So much for geography. History in the Adriatic is written all over 
the sea and the land, the city and the village, the church and the tower. 
And it is written in Italian. Whoever has traveled from Trieste to 
Ragusa can remember the lettering, in marble, in bronze, in stone; I 
am not speaking of Roman history. And though the arena of Pola and 
the palace of Diocletian at Spalato and the ruins of Salona and the 
aqueduct of Fiume. and the Lapidarium of Trieste and the museum 
of Aquileia present to the archaeologist and the aesthete, in a shorter 
space of land, a nobler array of Roman glory than is to be seen any- 
where in Italy with the exception of Rome ; and though they concen- 
trate within those few miles, one may say, beauty and majesty enough 
to outrival the Roman theatres of Orange or Seville, the arches 
of Rimini, Ancona and Salonika, and a few of the Roman traces in 
Asia Minor, Germany and Great Britain besides yet the glory and 
the antiquity being remote it may be held none too significant. But the 
point is this, that whereas in other countries the native element came 
up and began building things and history of its own, in Istria and Dal- 
matia the same Latin element kept on, and the following monuments 
are Italian, Italian and Venetian they remain throughout the Renais- 
sance, that gives some of its best artists' efforts to the cathedrals, the 
"logge," the "municipii" of the coast. Giorgio Orsini, the architect of 
Sebenico and Luciano Laurana, the architect of the ducal palace of 
Urbino in Italy, were natives of this coast. Humanists as Fortunio 

[359] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

da Sebenico, historians as Giovani Lucio, scientists as Marcantonio de 
Dominis, admirals as Coriolano Cippico, were given to Venice and to 
Europe by these coasts. Once the Venetian Senate was called upon 
to decide whether it wouldn't be expedient to set the capital of the 
Venetian republic in Zara, and as late as 1797, when a Venetian patriot 
deplored the slackening of the old spirit in Venice, he was advised 
thus: "Tole su ei corno e ande a Zara" [take up the ducal cap and go 
to Zara], where the old spirit remained. And that it was there all 
right Zara proved by burying under the altar of her cathedral the 
banners of St. Mark, to await there the day of redemption, after the 
fall of the Republic of Venice was announced. At the same time the 
citizens of a small Istrian town, Isola, killed their "podesta," believing 
him to be a traitor when he announced their coming subjection to 
Austria. If you happen to be in any of the small cities of Istria you 
will see an Italian church and an Italian campanile; Zara has such 
good examples of Romanic architecture that Pisa, Lucca and Pistoia 
can hardly compete with her ; the steeples of the cathedrals of Arbe, 
Spalato and Trat are purest Italian style. The city halls of Capo, 
Distria, Curzola, Pola (you see I am quoting at random) could grace 
any Italian city. Trieste, although so largely modern and commercial, 
is unmistakably Italian in her modernity: Milan is her prototype, and 
there is no admixture of Austrian or German to her stately rows of 
green-blinded, square-lined, square-built Italian houses. 

When Napoleon in 1797 traded off to Austria the Venetian 
republic, the Adriatic coastland followed her fate and passed into 
Austrian subjection. It was somehow tacitly understood, as it was 
historically logical, that if a rearrangement of the map ever happened 
the fate of those lands would be determined again by the fate of Venice. 
Instead, when in 1866 Austria was forced to return Venice to Italy, 
she retained the Adriatic provinces for herself, which Italy was not in 
a position to reclaim at the time, but which considered themselves 
Venetian and Italian throughout. 

Where, then, did the Jugo-Slavs come in? They came in in the 
course of centuries, peeping over that very tall ridge of mountains that 
divides Dalmatia from the Balkanic world, quite close to the coast, 
much as the enclosing hills come steeply down to the shore of a moun- 
tain lake. They came quite early in history, in more or less larc:e 
groups, sometimes pushed by natural expansion, sometimes prodded 
by Turkish pressure on the rear. Venice made them welcome as immi- 
grants, and it is recorded that most of them were as loyal to Venice 

[360] 




II 
II 






TOLA, IN ISTUIA 

1. Ai. h built li\ tin- Koinans 

:_'. T-ni|ili> f AiiKHMtus 

3. Tho nnrlcnt Kiin:iii Aiii|i|iltlu>atro 

Italy's pastern frontier lias IH-CII ilrnun ,-\i-r siin-c l>;mti- \\ rt.', 

'At Pola, near tin- Qua mam, 
Which encloses Italy and lavea her IxmiKlarifs.' i.' 



I 
I I 




SCENES AT THE ITALIAN FRONT 





SCKNKS IN TKKNTO AND TKIKSTi: 

1. The Castle of Huon Conslglio 

.' The Cathedral 

3. The Dante Monument 

4. View from tin- (irnml Canul, 
.".. I'anorama of Trento 




Si'UUCTUiiKS IN DALMAT1A 

Courtyard of the Government Palnco :it i:a>rus:i 
The Golden Gate, Spalato 
The Cathedral pulpit, Spalats 
The Cathedral at Cattara 



[368] 



THE ADRIATIC " IRREDENTA 

as the best Americanized immigrant or American of foreign descent 
can be to America. They had no special monuments or civilization of 
their own, but rather absorbed that of Venice and often settled down 
as Venetians. Toward the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries they 
showed some literary ambition, and there was some interchange of 
literary courtesy between Italians who composed Slavic verse and 
Slavs who attempted Italian strains. When Venice fell, they became 
with the Italians fellow-subjects of Austria. Italy as a national 
entity was not yet, and it was only toward the second half of the nine- 
teenth century that Austria became keenly alive to the things that 
began happening in her Italian possessions. Up to that time, Austria 
had been rather exploiting than oppressing her Adriatic subjects, and 
rather favored than otherwise the traditions of the Italian civilization 
and the use of the Italian language along the Adriatic, because she 
realized how great the influence of Venice had been all over it and 
way out into the east, and she hoped to reap for her benefit all the 
advantages that could be reaped from the substitution of the twin- 
headed eagle for the lion of St. Mark as its rightful heir all along the 
millennial trade-routes from Venice to the ^gean Sea and thence to 
Constantinople. It was the "drang nach osten" in its pre-natal stage. 

But when in 1866 Austria lost Venice to Italy she became keenly 
aware of the fact that the severance of Venice from the Adriatic 
provinces would naturally leave in the heart of these provinces a desire 
for reunion with Venice and consequently union with Italy, which as 
a body politic was daily achieving completion of its unity and propor- 
tionately growing as a menace to Austria. 

Now, Austria always was noted in history for having the logic of 
the devil. She instantly knew what to do : destroy Italian nationality 
in her Adriatic dominions so that all desires of the said nationality 
should incidentally, along with the nationality, disappear from the 
world. To do this, she needed a tool ; the Slavs were there. By the 
way, in using the Slavs she achieved another rood turn for herself; 
she gave them something to do and trusted that their natural gratitude 
toward one who gave them of the fill of Italian land and flattered 
their demographic powers of expansion would keep them from eventu- 
ally turning to thoughts of liberty for themselves. She guessed right. 
The denationalization of the Italian Adriatic 'was as good as achieved. 

It would be hard to even attempt a review of the means, systems 
and procedure with which the Italian denationalization and the dehis- 
toriation of the Italian-Adriatic provinces was planned and ultimately 

[369] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

all but achieved. Wholesale importation and deportation of human 
beings, dumping of literally hundreds of inland alien families, with 
their thousands of children, to transform the character of some typi- 
cally Italian district and show up both in the election and in the school 
returns; a policy of boycott and resistance, of obstructionism and 
partiality ; a constant vexation of all that was Italian and encourage- 
ment of all that was alien ; municipal and electoral corruption erected 
to a standard of government; internal espionage ennobled to the 
standing of government service; the hounding and the crushing not 
only of words but of feelings ; wholesale persecution, beginning with 
fines and ending with gaol and death ; every means that can be imag- 
ined, and some of them too brutal for words, were in order against 
the Italians of Dalmatia. Government agitators actually mingled 
among the Slavic peasantry, encouraging them to cut down or burn 
the vines and the crops of their Italian employers. 

Many Italians, weary of the long struggle, left their ancestral 
homes and went to earn a modest living in Italy, thus falling in by 
necessity with Austria's desire for their absence. Many of them 
served and died for Italy in this war. 

In this way, while on one hand the depletion of the Italian element 
was being secured, on the other the land was being rapidly filled with 
alien element. Some of it was there, as I said, as an immigration 
element in the course of history. Some was dumped, and a large 
part of it was attracted by the extra favorable conditions made to Slavs 
by Austria in the Italian provinces, so that it is no wonder that they 
soon became a numerical majority in a number of districts. 

That is largely how and why Italy is confronted to-day by the 
fact, chiefly "made in Austria," that the Jugo-Slavic conglomeration 
of peoples, which has found itself suddenly blessed with freedom of 
motion, expression and ambition, through the action of Italy that 
brought about the disgregation of Austria, regards itself not only as 
naturally entitled to the solid mass of southern Slav mainland thus 
liberated from Austrian control, but to the Italian part of the Adriatic 
shores as well ; and even includes, in an extreme sweep of desire, cities 
and districts where the Italian majority is indisputable, on the ground 
that there is heavy Slavic admixture in their surroundings. And, 
moreover, on the ground that Italy claims for herself in the final peace 
settlement, and as an integral part of "Italia Irredenta," certain dis- 
tricts and territories of the eastern Adriatic coast where there is an 

[370] 



THE ADRIATIC IRREDENTA 

actual numerical majority of Slavic inhabitants, it brings against Italy 
an accusation of "imperialism" and blames Italy's "ambitions" on 
the Pact of London. 

Before we proceed further in our attempt to make plain the situ- 
ation, it is well to state, therefore, that even the much-abused "pact of 
London" (as every fair-minded reader of published news must know 
by this time, and as others always forget to remember), does not by 
any means claim for Italy the whole of the Adriatic or insist upon 
making it a closed sea. In fact, the long strip of coast, from south of 
Fiume to north of Zara, including the ports of Segua and Carlopago, 
besides minor ones, a coastland that is neither generally Italian nor 
specifically Venetian in character has never been claimed by Italy. 
Also, to that other length of coast, that, roughly speaking, goes from 
south of Spalato to south of Ragusa (though it is teeming with Italian 
memories and studded with tokens of Italian irradiation and civiliza- 
tion), Italy makes no territorial claim, fully recognizing the legitimate 
desire of the Serbs and Southern Slavs generally to something more 
in the way of ports and outlets on the sea than the strictly Croatian 
coast of the north, to which we have alluded above. Thus the three 
racial branches of the Slavic people, Croats and Slovenes in the north- 
ern Adriatic, Serbians in the southern, are fairly dealt with and fully 
protected and provided for in the terms of the pact of London, which 
represents actually a minimum of Italian rights and necessities in the 
Adriatic. This will readily be seen by anyone remembering that by 
such an agreement the stronghold of Catharo, the strongest naval 
base not only of the Adriatic but of the Mediterranean, would remain 
out of Italian hands. If Italy wanted to be imperialistic, she would 
ask for Catharo first. Instead, she asks for Zara, which, if anything, 
is sentimental. Also, with what seems almost too much of a renuncia- 
tion even for the sake of peace and good will to neighbors, the city of 
Fiume had not been considered, it appears, in the London agreements. 
And yet the city of Fiume has just recently and very explicitly made 
known her desire to join Italy on grounds of population (26,000 
Italians and 6,000 citizens of Italy against 12,000 Slavonians and 6,400 
Magyars), and asked for allied ratification of her act of self-deter- 
mination at proper time. 

All of these cities had Italian mayors and councils (as the intel- 
lectual and civic leadership is Italian everywhere) which had been 
suspended from office at the outbreak of the war, and who have been 
reinstated by the people as soon as the breakdown of Austria allowed. 

[371] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

More could be said, and in fact ought to be said, but we will con- 
tent ourselves with recalling here the clear language of Roman law : 
"Quod subreptum erit, eins rei aeterna auctoritas esto" [The right of 
the owner over the thing that has been stolen is enduring] . Similarly, 
all the former Austrian territories now reclaimed were once Italian, 
"once" including the very recent past, we might say, the "present" of 
yesterday. What they are "now" is the result of Austrian malprac- 
tice with them. A considerable portion of non-Italian elements 
included in them to-day represents, in other words, the colonization of 
Austria, a colonization designed and achieved with non-Austrian 
elements for definitely Austrian purposes, namely, the eviction of 
Italians from their racial and ancestral homes and the accomplishment 
of the final destruction of Italian nationality within Austrian borders 
as a political consequence of the Austrian system of domination: a 
system against which, we may incidentally remember, this war has 
been fought and won ; a system against which Italian martyrs in the 
Trentino as well as in Istria and Dalmatia have been protesting for 
years with the sacrifice of life and of all that life holds dearest in 
moral and material values. 

That the Slavic elements of yesterday, the Slovenes, Croatians, 
etc., of the Austrian period, the Jugo-Slavs of to-day, were only too 
often the chosen retainers and the willing instruments of Austria in 
her enterprise, is a fact which Italy may agree to consider foreclosed 
to-day in view of present events, but which cannot, unfortunately, be 
blotted out of history, even though we place it to the discredit of the 
last years of Austria rather than to that of the pre-history of Jugo- 
slavia. 

Italy, whose human sympathies have been broadened by suffering, 
and who least of all could wish the perpetuation of iniquity, is willing 
to let bygones be bygones and meet the Jugo-Slavs in a friendly spirit. 
But to her the tragedy of Dalmatia is a tragedy of her national life, 
and the redemption of the Irredenta and the freedom of the Adriatic 
are essentials of her very existence. She cannot, therefore, admit or 
consent to wholesale ratification of Austria's misdeeds, such as the 
Jugo-Slav extremists and their supporters would impose upon her with 
the outcry they raise against the legitimate assertion of her rights on 
the Adriatic Sea. 

" Something is rotten " somewhere in the would-be-accusing 
formula of " Italian imperialism," and in the intentionally confusing 
statements that are being scattered around by more or less irrespon- 

[372] 



THE ADRIATIC IRREDENTA 

sible agencies. As, unless she be expected to betray the highest ideals 
of her national life and the most essential responsibilities of history 
and civilization, Italy cannot be expected to submit to and ratify the 
results arrived at by procedure of this kind ; she cannot accept a test 
by statistics that have been made to order by such means ; she cannot,, 
after having been compelled for thirty years by the unfortunate situa- 
tion of the triple alliance to watch in silence the sufferings of her 
children who were being dispossessed and decimated, refuse to help 
them now and restore for them the ancestral homes which they 
defended with such heroism and from which they were all but ousted 
by foul means when the war began. No other nation has a longer list 
of actual martyrs for the idea of liberty, not men whose words, to use 
a brilliant recent phrase, did cut like swords, but men who were 
actually cut by swords because of the words of freedom they said. 
If other men cannot sleep in Flanders fields unless the sacred pledge 
be kept by those who survive, what of the men and the women, and 
the children, for Austria did not balk at that what of the martyrs 
from Gorizia, from Trieste, from Fiume, from Spalato, from Zara, 
among whom Sauro, Battisti, Rismondo, Chiesa, FiJzi and their com- 
rades are but a few ? * 



"This article was written for THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HJSTOEY in the late spring 
of 1919. 




[373] 



Jffetlfema in % Itattrti 




BY 

GEORGE CREEL 

Formerly Chairman of the Committee on Public Information 

HE ITALIANS in the United States are about four 
per cent, of the whole population, but the list of casual- 
ties on the battle front shows a full ten per cent, of 
Italian names. More than three hundred thousand 
Italians figured on the Army list, and in defense of 
the inner lines as well as on the firing lines they 
proved their devotion to their adopted country. There 
was no shipyard, ammunition factory, airplane factory, steel mill, 
mine, lumber-camp, or dock in which the Italians did not play a large 
part, and often the most prominent part, in actual and efficient work. 
In some places, such as mines and docks, the Italians reached fully 
thirty per cent, of the total number of employes, working at all times 
with full and affectionate loyalty toward the Government of the 
United States. For instance, when a strike was threatened in one of 
the big industrial centres, it was an Italian who jumped on a box and 
cried: " If you leave work now, you will be as though you were 
sneaking back out of a trench, abandoning your comrades at the time 
of a fight when they need you most." And the strike was averted.* 

* Reproduced in THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY through the courtesy of Every- 
body's Magazine. 



[374] 



(Hauour anft >latt0 



BY 

SENATOR FRANCESCO RUFFINI 



Minister of Education in the Italian Cabinet That Declared War; 

Rector of the University of Turin; a Foremost Italian 

Authority on International Subjects 





N SOME of the greatest men of the Italian Risorgi- 
mento the Slavs, under the domination of the Haps- 
burgs, met with perfect judges of their unnatural and 
unhappy political situation and fervent supporters of 
their sacred national demands. In the case of Mazzini 
this is so well known as to have become a common- 
place; and the Slavs themselves venerated him and 
appealed to him as one of the apostles of their cause. Yet even to-day 
there are many people who at the mere mention of any of the causes 
defended by Mazzini either become frightened or smile sardonically, 
as if it were a question of a conspiracy or of some impracticable 
dream. They are unaware of the fact and with them a very large 
number of other people that upon this point Count Cavour was in 
the fullest agreement with Mazzini. 

With regard to a politician who was always in the very thickest 
of the fight, it is more difficult to summarize his ideas and attitude in 
respect to a vast and complex question than it is with a thinker, and 
particularly a thinker so great and so unperturbed about consequences 
as was Mazzini. But fortunately we possess two manifestoes of Count 
Cavour's opinions which stand, the one at the beginning of his political 
career, and the other at its termination, and they are in such perfect 
agreement that our present purpose is rendered singularly easy. We 
are assisted also by the curious circumstance that in the one case, as 
in the other, he found himself confronted by the same man Lorenzo 
Valeric. 

We start with the great discussion in the Sub-Alpine Chamber on 
October 20, 1848, on the question of hastening or delaying the 
resumption of hostilities against Austria. Among the various argu- 
ments adopted by one side or the other, which there is no need to 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

enumerate, was that of the internal agitations within the Austrian 
Monarchy. Count Cavour himself had no illusions at first about the 
liberal character of the German and Hungarian movements. In one 
of his articles in May he clearly showed that he did not despair that 
they might be of benefit to the Italian rising and the liberation of 
Poland. But the Pan-German fanaticism, and the hatred of Italian 
independence, manifested afterwards in the Assembly of Frankfort, 
and the opposition against the Italians as volunteers under the flag 
of Radetzky, by the very students and Liberals who had raised the 
barricades in Vienna, tore the veil from his eyes, and he perceived 
the true state of affairs. He perceived the truth, which, in its sub- 
stance, has remained absolutely unaltered since it was revealed by 
Cavour himself seventy years ago. I quote from the Parliamentary 
reports : 

" But in the Austrian Empire, the question of liberty, the political 
question, is not the only one which causes agitation and moves the 
popular masses. In close association with this there is another, much 
more serious and more threatening, namely, the great struggle of the 
races, the one group endeavoring to maintain an ancient predominance 
and the other striving to acquire a new nationality. There exists in 
the Empire a numerous, energetic, courageous race, the Slavs, who 
have suffered under centuries of oppression. This race extends in 
all the eastern parts of the Empire, from the banks of the Danube to 
the mountains of Bohemia ; it desires to obtain its complete emancipa- 
tion, to reconquer its nationality. Its cause is just and noble. That 
cause is defended by rugged, but daring and energetic masses, and 
therefore it is destined to triumph in a not far distant future. 

" The great Slav movement has inspired the first poet of the cen- 
tury, Adam Mikievitz, and by this fact we are induced to repose com- 
plete faith in the destinies of those peoples ; because history teaches us 
that when Providence inspires one of those great geniuses, like Homer, 
Dante, Shakespeare, or Mikievitz, it is a proof that the peoples in 
whose midst they arise are called to a high destiny. 

" However that may be, shortly after the triumph of the Liberal 
cause in Vienna, the Slav movement began to manifest itself openly 
in the Empire. The most intelligent branch of the Slav family, the 
inhabitants of Bohemia, have been attempting since the month of April 
to release themselves from Germanic domination, and to establish in 
Prague a centre around which the whole of Slavism might unite itself. 
That generous enterprise failed; all the parties in Vienna united to 

[376] 



CAVOUR AND THE SLAVS 

repress the Bohemian movement. The unhappy city of Prague 
attempted to have recourse to force, but it was vanquished after a 
desperate struggle ; it was placed under the military yoke and governed 
by martial la\v, which was still in force only a few days ago. 

" Repressed by brutal force in the north of the Empire, the Slav 
movement spread more vigorously, more menacingly, and with greater 
power in the south, in the Danubian provinces, inhabited by the Slavo- 
Croats. I will not set out here to examine the causes and the pretexts 
which gave rise to the Croatian movement against Hungary. I do not 
wish to enter into the particulars of the great struggle which is waging 
between the Magyars and the Slavs ; I will only remind the Chamber 
that the Magyars, noble and generous when it is a question of defend- 
ing the rights of their nationality against Imperial arrogance, have 
always shown themselves to be haughty, tyrannical, and oppressive 
towards the Slav race inhabiting the provinces of Hungary. 

" Yes, gentlemen, nobody can deny that in Hungary the aristoc- 
racy belongs to the Magyar race, the people to the Slav race, and that 
in that kingdom the aristocracy has always oppressed the people. But 
it is not my intention to make the apologia of the Croats, and not even 
that of their brave leader, the Ban Jellachich. I confine myself to 
the observation that the banner which they have unfurled is the Slav 
banner, and not, as others suppose, the standard of reaction and 
despotism. Jellachich has availed himself of the name of the Emperor, 
and in that he has shown himself an astute politician. But that does 
not prove that his principal, if not his sole object, is not the restoration 
of the Slav nationality. What, in fact, is the Imperial power? A 
vain shadow, of which the parties which divide the Empire avail them- 
selves in turn. Jellachich, seeing the Emperor at variance with the 
Viennese, declared himself on the side of the Central Power, but not 
for the rebuilding of the Gothic political edifice which was brought to 
the ground by the March revolution. 

" In order to prove that the movement of Jellachich is not a mere 
military reaction, it is sufficient to observe that when he approached 
Vienna, the Slav deputies, and more particularly those of Bohemia, 
who represent the enlightened part of Slavism, left the Assembly, with 
the intention of retiring to Prague or Brunn and establishing a Slav 
parliament there. Hence I believe that the struggle which is now rag- 
ing in Austria is not a political struggle, like that of March, but rather 
the prelude to a terrible war of races, the war of Germanism against 
Slavism." 

[377] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

From this conception of the internal struggles of Austria in 
exact contradiction to that of his opponents, whose eyes were set on 
political liberty, whereas he looked for national liberty Cavour drew 
a conclusion which can hardly be called opposite to but rather different 
from that of the others. He maintained that it would be better for the 
Italians, without taking the side of one party or the other, to wait and 
see. Hence they should defer the resumption of the war, but cer- 
tainly should not abandon the idea. 

Twelve years later, towards the end of 1860, Count Cavour is no 
longer the simple and very unpopular deputy against whom the public 
in the galleries had solemnly murmured on that now distant evening 
of October 29, 1848. He is President of the Council, with a world- 
wide reputation and enjoying the respect even of his adversaries. His 
mind is completely occupied by the resumption of the mortal game 
against Austria which has been so bluntly and painfully cut short the 
year before by the Peace of Villafranca. And in his game an im- 
portant card is represented by Hungary. On the very day of the battle 
of Solferino and San Martino, he had had the first of those interviews 
with Louis Kossuth which Lorenzo Valerio being the intermediary 
- were to be continued until the untimely death of the Count, leaving 
in the memory of the Magyar agitator the deepest impression and the 
most unforgettable regret. But in the policy of Count Cavour towards 
Hungary two things are to be noted. They are, in the first place, the 
constant preoccupation of the Count that the simultaneous movements 
for the liberation of Italy and Hungary must be accompanied by an 
agreement with the Slavs of the Monarchy for a simultaneous action 
against the House of Austria, and, in the second place, the not less con- 
stant preoccupation that Hungary must not yield to the enticements 
of Austria and come to an agreement with her for a Dualistic consti- 
tution, and thus become again the most faithful supporter of the Haps- 
burg throne, which Cavour picturesquely represented in his interviews 
with Kossuth, asking him at every meeting whether Hungary was not 
in danger of again adopting the motto: Moriamur pro rege nostro! 
It was, in fact, the Hungary of Kossuth with which the Count intended 
to collaborate, not the Hungary which afterwards allowed herself to 
be imprisoned in the Compromiso of 1867, the Hungary, that is to say, 
of to-day, in which Kossuth refused to live and did not wish to die. 

Valerio had become a useful assistant to Count Cavour. At the 
end of 1860 we find him Royal Commissary Extraordinary for the 
Marches of Ancona. In that capacity he wanted to maintain for the 

[378] 



CAVOUR AND THE SLAVS 

Austrian Lloyd, which had a branch at Trieste, those privileges which 
it had enjoyed under the Papal Government, both in regard to the port 
of Ancona and the Adriatic coast. And of this Cavour approved in 
a letter dated October 30, 1860, in which he said: 

" You have done very well in preserving for the Lloyd the favors 
which it enjoyed, and may issue the appropriate decree. It is very 
useful to maintain good and active connections with Trieste, which, 
according to what I am told, is becoming less Fedelissima and more 
Italiana. I say this not because I am thinking of an early annexation 
of that town, but because it is useful to sow where our children may 
be able to reap." 

On November 8th Valeric issued the decree, in which he included 
the following generous but imprudent declaration : 

" Considering that the enormous capital of which the said com- 
pany disposes is to a large extent Italian, and that the town in which 
it has offices has given many and by no means dubious proofs that it 
regards itself as belonging to Italy rather than Germany, to which it 
was forcibly ascribed by the treaties," etc., etc. 

The heavens opened, and a torrent of bitter recriminations from 
the Prussian Government rained upon Turin, in whose jurisdiction 
Trieste was included. In these documents it was rudely asserted that 
Trieste was a ville allcmandc, and that consequently to attribute Italian 
sentiments to her was a gratuitous accusation that she wished to betray 
patrie commune. It was declared that Prussia, who had remained 
quiet in face of the " troubles " by which the Peninsula had been 
agitated for some time, would have to take action if there was any 
danger of a violation of the Frontieres allemandes. Finally it was 
asked whether the incriminated decree reflected the intentions of the 
Government, and, if not, that it should be rectified. 

Count Cavour had to give the required explanations, but as for 
rectifications, he ordered none. Hence the decree has remained such 
as it was, with its patriotic declaration, and was included in the col- 
lection of the laws and degrees of the Kingdom of Italy. 



I379J 



Stalg'a 



BY 




LUIGI SICILIANI 

Author and Poet 

T LAST, after seven years, it was given to me once 
again to set eyes on the wonderful man whom I had 
so admired in my extreme youth and recently had 
learned to love, Gabriele D'Annunzio. I remember 
that, having known him and heard him speak some- 
what late in my career, when my acute desire to know 
him had waned and I had an unaccountable dread of 
making his acquaintance, I underwent no delusions : he had given me 
the impression of perennial freshness, the freshness of the perfume 
he one day in jest poured on my rough handkerchief. 

I saw him for the first time one evening in the house of his old 
publisher. There I was forced I realized it later on to recite verses 
as in an examination. At the moment, the last person who suspected 
it was the examinee, and perhaps also the examiner. In those days 
he was preparing for the Italian stage the only drama of our literature 
in which the elements of Greek tragedy are felt to live again, a drama 
in which the intelligent spectator has the sensation of assisting at the 
work of a direct disciple of the famous and eternal Three. Both 
proper stage management and suitable actors were lacking for this 
tragedy. After a rapid tour of the principal theatres of the peninsula, 
the play took refuge in the heaven of unappreciated masterpieces. 
Against it arose unexpected experts of antiquity, and professors in 
search of, or waiting for, posts. All to no purpose. The poet could 
repeat to himself : 

"E quella non umana, non divina 
consanguinea di eterni or sente in se' 
una divinita' che irraggia 1' Ade !" 

Phaedra has taken its place among the great shades of phantasy. 
Not many months after I saw him again, in the same city. He had 
become the first Italian chronicler of the airplane. He spoke of it 
with enthusiasm and knowledge, hymning, "Man, lord of the universe." 

[380] 



ITALY S SOLDIER-POET 

I assisted at his frugal meal of cold meat, washed down with no other 
wine than that of his inexhaustible wit and his smile. I saw him 
no more. 

Then followed bitterness, ingratitude, exile. Paris caught him 
in the whirl of its unreal and fashionable life; but often he fled from 
it to live his own life in the solitude of the pines that brought to his 
memory other pines on the shores of the "Amarissimo."* Some men 
of many letters looked at him with the eye of the merchant, and he had 
no lack, either, of willing reporters or of lady artists unskilled even in 
the use of their chalks. But the death of two friends, of a poet humble 
on the heights, and of a simple believer of great, sane, provincial 
France, broke the charm and initiated him into the mysteries, and 
when the trumpets of war roused Europe he was ready: "Cave, 
adsum," said the Latin to the Teuton. 

I know he is the prodigal son. I know he has skirted all the quick- 
sands, tempted all the fates, drunk at all the fountains, cast anchor in 
all ports. He knows the wealth of tropical forests and the icy squalor 
of the poles, and has brought back in his boats the spices and perfumes 
of the most remote lands. He has trampled on many old laws, seek- 
ing (or following) his own. He is the prince of wanderers. But he 
has not forgotten the flame of his hearth, nor the smoke which feath- 
ers from the chimney of his native roof. For a thousand things I 
admire him ; for this I love him. 

He has been intoxicated with visions, with images, with sounds 
and colors ; he had been caught in the nets of Eros, so pleasant to toy 
with, so painful to extricate oneself from; but in the hour of trial he 
has been found in the front rank, first among the first, joyous in 
renunciation, armed with his naked soul, with his iron will, with his 
hard love of destiny. Pardon him, ye pedants and professors, for 
the Book commands to pardon : quia multum amavit. Do not blame 
him for all the human folly and stupidity which has trailed after him. 
Remember the strong, who have held him dear, and those who have 
understood him fully and have followed him. Remember that the 
choicest food of which he has eaten has been that bread offered him 
by an unknown soldier from his native Abruzzi on the night of 
an advance. 

He has given himself up to external things. He has lived in 
them utterly. He has slumbered amidst vanities. But when the 

* Amarissimo is the name given by D'Anmmzio to the Adriatic. 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

bugle sounded he heard it, while others had ears only for the croaking 
of frogs. And for this, in the hour of trial, he has passed safely 
through the fiery furnace. 

For days and days he has not thought, but only felt. Do not 
reproach him, ye custodians of Italian thought, who, when the hour 
of decision came, sighed for the Valkyries. Do not reproach him, you 
epigonies of him who offered the briar-thorn to Giovanni Pascoli, 
whilst he offered him, as prize of the contest, a golden chain and the 
wings of the ode. 

Others, other heroic charlatans, sit brooding in unctuous cow- 
ardice and live on words sold to the highest bidder. He, in the hour 
of peril, embraced daring; and in the apprenticeship of hard service 
prepared himself for the ascent. 

When we stood before him I thought my words would stick for- 
ever in my throat. His Excellency, an old and intimate acquaintance 
of his, relieved me of my embarrassment. He looked at me with his 
sound eye and remembered me when he heard my name. He held out 
his hand. A feeling of respect for the uniform we both wore pre- 
vented me from bending and kissing it. Clicking one heel against the 
other, I drew myself up and held out my hand. I have never been 
more grateful to the Regulations than then, for they contained within 
the stiffness of the subordinate my inward flood of emotion. 

We spoke. He was still shuddering at the affront that the nation 
recently suffered. He praised with profound emotion and a paternal 
heart the youths of the class of 1899, the springtime of our blood, 
consecrated forever to glory. He described their deep, invincible 
sleep in the open, impervious to danger. He then enumerated the most 
urgent necessities of the country. The love of Rome and of the Latin 
race vibrated in every word, for it was the secret substance which 
nourished his thoughts. 

Night fell. His faithful soldier-servant, Rosignoli, lit some 
candles in the room. The face of the poet, above the white collar of 
the Novara lancers, seemed to me emaciated and illuminated, as that 
of an ascetic. I thought once more of that true remark of Giacomo 
Leopardi's the master to whom I owe everything that those who 
set themselves to write great things do so from want of great actions 
to perform. 

This man, who had dominated Italian and European literature 
as an undisputed master, renewing himself always, loved action above 

[3821 



ITALY S SOLDIER-POET 

all things. He spoke in burning words. It was the mind which stayed 
the hand, ready for other work. 

He has been reproached, as for a fault, for his richness, his full- 
ness, and for the stupidity of those who knew not how to use it. But 
the vine cannot be blamed for those who know not how to use its 
fruit. 

How many skins have been filled with his wine? How many 
songless throats have been intoxicated with it? How many people 
have lived still live to fatten on the crumbs of his literary achieve- 
ments ? And how many people levy toll from them ? 

Ask of the artist that which the artist has to give; and if you 
know how, give yourselves. Let each one live and love in his own way, 
but let him Hve and love ! 

This poet, who could say with much more reason than Th6ophile 
Gautier, "I am one for whom the visible world exists," has preferred 
the soul to matter, the inextinguishable lamp of faith to all the colors 
and changes of the shifting waves. He is a Christian. 

The Italian sun has sweetness, the Italian soil has beauty; and 
her sons for centuries have enriched it with ever new beauties. Not 
a book, not a picture, not a statue, not a building, but this man has 
sought it out and loved it. And yet on that evening he said to me: 
"We must not surrender Venice. Better destroy it." And he spoke 
the truth. Had we then surrendered Venice we should have preserved 
her stones, and destroyed the best part of ourselves, the soul by which 
those stones themselves have life. 



[383] 



(JDto toil? (iartett, Km fork 

BY 

CHARLES NEVERS HOLMES 



Where sheltered ocean laves Manhattan's shore 

And southern Broadway looms like canyon'd street, 
Where Castle Clinton stood in years of yore 

Like sentinel awaiting hostile fleet, 
Where silence reigns beside a business roar, 

And once in myriads from foreign strand, 
Like strangers through some hospitable door, 

The aliens passed, were welcomed to our Land, 
Old Castle Garden stands, its age sixscore : 

A quaint Aquarium where fashion's throng 
Heard famous artists who are now no more, 

The Swedish Nightingale's sweet, soulful song. 
Alone it stands, its long life almost o'er, 

Where sheltered ocean laves Manhattan's shore. 



[384] 




[385] 



. 





v 



i- 




X.AKA. UKDKKMEI) CITY OF IALMATIA 

1. Interior of Kara Cathedral 

2. The Cathedral 

3. A Venetian Castle at Arhe, near Xara 
4 The Church of Saint (Irisojjono 

.-,. The <}:itc of the City 

(1. Courtyard of a residence 



| .WX I 




TRIESTE 

1. The harbor 

2. Art-Ji of Ilk'oartlo 

.1. Door of the Cainpauile 

I Kemalni of Uomim striK-ture in the Campanile, 
or Bell-TowiT of the Cathedral 



[389] 




BUILDINGS IN TWO DALMATIAN CITIES, SERENICO AND TRAU 

1. The Cathedral at Sebenlco 

2. The Cathedral at Trail 

3. Carving on Sebanlco Cathedral 

I. Kntrancc to the Municipal Ruilding, Trail 

5. The Cathedral Door, Sebenico 



[392] 




1IEK MAJESTY. THE QUEEN OF ITALY, IN THE GAHB OF A HED CROSS NURSE 



[393J 



's 




QKEAT ITALIANS OF TO-KAV 

King Victor Emanuel III (top, to left) 

Queen Elena, In the uniform of a Red Cross nurse (top, to right) 

General Armando Diaz (rentro) 

Admiral Umberto Cagni, Governor of Fiume (bottom, to left) 

General Petittl dl Roretto, Governor of Trieste (bottom, to right) 



[396] 




TUISKK TUK.NTINO PATRIOTS MI "It I iKUKI I'.V TIIK Al'STIt IANS 




oitl.AMiii AM- BONNINO I-"|:MKI; i -i: I : \l 1 1 : i: \\l |->i:i:i(iN MINISTER OF ITALY 



[397 



; 




THE CATHEDRAL OP TKKNTO 

the Wnr tin' Austrinns imprisoned Itishop Enilrlci of Trento for bis patriotism. 
He lins been compared, " for nobility and loftiness of character," to the 
valiant, riiristian hero. Cnrdhml Mercler. 




CASTl.K OF MCOX CONSICLIti. TUKNTo 



[400| 



OUfurrl? in 




fckrtdj of % to World flarialj OUfurrij in Vijirlj fflor01jijijno tip 
Attreatora of th,* American Stockton IFamUg 

BY 

H. H. STOCKTON 

|VEN in England it is difficult now to find a village 
with old church, market-cross, thatched roof cottages, 
and neighbouring manor-houses, much as they were 
in Tudor days, and still more surprising to find one 
a mile or more from the nearest railroad. 

But such a village a Rhodes Scholar of Oxford 
found Malpas in Broxton Hundred, fourteen miles 
from Chester. He was choosing a quiet place to do his " reading " 
during the " long." He found the nearest way was by motor from 
Chester, but when could a poor scholar afford a motor ? 

He could go by boat on the River Dee to Eccleston Ferry for 
Eaton Hall or Farndon, and then by bicycle for eight or ten miles, or 
from Chester by railway with a mile's walk between Cheshire hedge- 
rows to Malpas. 

This information the efficient, and, always before, helpful Mr. 
Baedeker, failed to give him, but the Scholar wished to see the 
little village of Malpas, as it was the home of his ancestors before their 
coming to America, and where the church, with its family pew, 
brasses, tablets, and monuments still stood. 

It was not the first return of one of the family to the land of his 
fathers; but the others had come in less humble guise. In 1766 one 
ancestor had been sent on a delicate mission to the Court of St. James, 
when he wrote back : 

" Whenever I can serve my native country I leave no occasion 
untried. Dear America, thou sweet retreat from greatness and cor- 
ruption ! In thee I choose to live and die." 



[401] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

Again he had gone to Scotland and successfully sought a Presi- 
dent for an infant university, and afterward these names had been 
side by side on the Declaration of Independence. Still another an- 
cestor, a Commodore in the United States Navy, had, with the tact 
and diplomacy of an older nation, and with great personal bravery, 
restored cordial relations between England and Liberia. 

The Scholar, however, was disappointed to find that the manor- 
house of his forefathers was converted into a farm for the manufac- 
tory of the famous Cheshire cheese. But his amour propre was some- 
what restored by finding that part of the broad acres of the Manor de 
Stockton had descended through " Isabella de Stockton, heiress of the 
[then] over-lord of Stockton, in the reign of King Henry VI., in the 
parish of Malpas," to her descendant, the present Duke of Westmin- 
ister, so that the Victorian-Gothic Eaton Hall (of 1874) now marks 
part of the grant of 1250. 

In spite of Cheshire having lost many distinguished houses during 
the civil wars, Malpas appears to have escaped, and still has its Tudor 
and Jacobian show places within easy walking distance : Edge Hall, 
Broxton Hall, Lower Garden, and Garden Hall (only recently burnt to 
the ground). The three last are country seats almost unaltered of the 
Tudor period; but, like many other English hamlets, the church is 
the centre about which the cottages and the little shops not only cluster, 
but where the interests of " gentle and simple " for many generations 
alike had led, as does the steep paved High Street, with its over-hang- 
ing little gabled houses past the market-cross and " The Crown " 
[Inn], ending always at the church door. Here they have come in 
times of joy and sorrow, and have found their last resting-place under 
the shadow of the yew at the gate, or in the sunshine beneath the sun- 
dial of the tower. 

This church dedicated to the Royal St. Oswald was first 
used as a chapel by the followers of St. Bernard of Cluny, in the 
Middle Ages. The square, low tower of red sandstone suggests an 
early Norman date. Otherwise, it is a good example of the enriched 
Gothic of the latter part of Henry VII, with nave, chancels, and side 
aisles. These are divided from the nave by six lofty arches, resting 
on clustered columns, and terminate in two smaller chancels. These 

[402] 



THE OLD CHURCH IN liALPAS 

chancels were erected by two county families, as were also rood- 
screens, gallery-font, and twelve ancient dark oak stalls. The inscrip- 
tions in English and Latin show that they were put in loving memory 
of those who had lived as children of the Church. One is struck by 
the love of these people for God's house. Every thing is a gift, even 
the wainscoting within the Communion-rail. Some of the names are 
well known in America today: Lord Curzon, Cholmondely of Chol- 
mondely Hall, and Sir Philip Edgerton. There is a large eastern 
window partly concealed by a gallery, under which stands the stone 
font but the windows are largely filled with common glass, showing 
that St. Oswald's Church at Malpas suffered for loyalty to King 
Charles, as did its more pretentious neighbour at Chester. 

The roof is of carved wood, with beams ornamented with foliage, 
and the squares, formed by the crossing of the rafters, filled with 
quarter-foil. In the tower are six bells with inscriptions. The largest 
was given by Sir Randle Brereton, Knight, of Malpas Hall, 1508. 
The Cholmondely chancel is divided from the north aisle by a richly 
carved oaken screen, with Latin inscription. The Edgerton chancel 
is divided from the south aisle in the same way, but here the inscrip- 
tion is in quaint English, placed there in 1522, which makes this 
request : 

" Pray good people for the prosperous 

estate of Sir Randulph Brereton, of 

Thys werke edificatour, wyth his wife 

dame Helenour, and after thys lyfe 

transytorie to obtaine eternal felicitie. 

Amen, Amen." * 

This is the last we hear of the name inside of the church. His 
son, Sir William, like his father a chamberlain of Henry VIII, was 
beheaded in 1536, and his descendant, another Sir William, took the 
side of the Parliament that did so much to deface, and not build, 



*On the death of Dame Eleanor, the tolls of Malpas and part of the ifesm- Manor 
passed to the Stocktons. 

The tenants of Stockton attended the Leet of Malpas. 

In the 34th year of Edward I, the Stocktons held land in Stockton and in Cnddington, 
or Kiddington. 

These statements are found in Omerod's hisiory of Cheshire. 

[403] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

churches. Within sight of St. Oswald's, near Malpas, this Sir 
William commanded the Parliamentary army in a battle against 
Prince Rupert with his Cavaliers (Aug 2, 1644), the Cavaliers sus- 
taining serious loss. 

In the south aisle are freestone mural tablets, more quaint and 
interesting than beautiful, but even in these we find epitaphs less 
stilted and less verbose than those of later times. There is one for a 
John Stockton who must have lived in troublous times between Church 
and State and may have grieved over Mary Queen of Scots' tragic 
end. His gilded tablet, in Latin, reads; I Stocktonus pads Semper 
placid esimus Autor. Sub duro situs hie marmore pace fruor." 
[]. Stockton, ever a gentle promoter of peace, is here laid under the 
hard marble to enjoy peace, died December 2, A. D. 1610.] Nearby 
the Scholar found his family pew, with the date, 1630, and, in the rich 
carving, he was pleased to see the same Coat-of-Arms with Crest used 
on the book-plate and seal that had descended from father to son for 
the last eight generations of his family. That branch of the Stocktons 
had come to America leaving its roots behind in the old Church in 
Malpas. 

In the autumn of 1657, George Fox had stopped in Malpas on his 
way from Swarthmore Hall to Chester, and soon after the Scholar's 
ancestor had joined a Quaker Colony in America. 

Sometime later 1687 William Penn was speaking on the decla- 
ration in the open air tennis-court at Chester before King James II and 
many others who were not Quakers. We can easily believe that some 
of our good churchmen from Malpas listened to him, and, perhaps, 
sent letters by him to their brothers in the New World where they had 
sought liberty of thought and peace of mind. It was shortly after 
Penn's return to America, 1701, that he gave a grant of 5,500 acres 
of land to the Scholar's family here.* 

The living at Malpas was instituted in 1285, the first Rector 
being William de Andelym. Then follows in the church records a long 
list until the present day, giving the names also of their patrons. 



* " William Penn's grants were generally bought from the Indians by measure of what 
a man could walk in a day, about 20 miles. The Governor of Pennsylvania did some of 
flheae walks himself." "Life of William Penn," by J. W. Graham. 

[404] 



THE OLD CHURCH IN MALPAS 

Many of these Rectors held high positions in the Church, and their 
names were also in Doomsday-Book and in the Visitations. 

One Rector, in 1623, Doctor Thomas Dod, of Shoclack Castle, 
Cheshire, appointed by the King, James I, was chaplain to the King, 
Archdeacon of Richmond, Dean of Ripon, Prebendary of Chester, 
and Rector of Astbury. Another Rector was William Dod, A.M., of 
Edge Hall, 1680. He was educated at Wadham College, Oxford 
University (the Scholar's college). Here, over a century later, 
Bishop Heber was born, his father being a Rector of Malpas. 

It is a curious coincidence that one of the early Rectors of ths 
church built by the Scholar's family in America on part of their 
original grant from William Penn should be a William Dod, D.D. 
He was a descendant of the Rector of the same name in Malpas, and 
married an ancestress of the Scholar's, connecting by marriage, after 
many generations, the two families who had been neighbors in 
Cheshire and had occupied adjoining pews in Malpas Church.* 

Through the kindness of the present Rector of Malpas, the 
Reverend Lawrence Armitstead, the Scholar has been able to obtain 
a stone from St. Oswald's, which has been presented to the vestry 
to be used in the new chancel in his church in America, making the 
link still stronger between the new and the old church. The inscrip- 
tion on this stone is a family motto which is frequently seen carved 
in stone and wood HI the Malpas Church, "Omnia Deo Pendent" 

Since this was written, the beautiful new chancel of Trinity 
Church, Princeton, New Jersey (Ralph Adams Cram, Architect), was 
opened for the first time on Christmas Day, and the Malpas stone put 
in place. 



* " The Oaks in the township of Buxton or Broxton passed after the reign of Henry 
III to a branch of the Dods and by female heirs successively to the families of Clayton, 
Stockton, and Thickness." Lyson's Cheshire. 



[405] 



0f a (grrat lag 



(Uclrhratunt of tlj? IFiftirtlj Annteraarg of ifyr Sattk of 
linihrr SiUl In 1325 aa ^ T arralriJ in an 
Cl>imr NruiBpaprr and flrrsmirfc in 
an Anrirnt 




CONTRIBUTED BY 

CHARLES NEVERS HOLMES 

|HE seventeenth of June, 1825, was a proud day for New 
England. On that day was celebrated the fiftieth 
anniversary of the battle of Bunker Hill. The place 
of the event was the spot chosen for the celebration - 
the survivors of the battle were to participate in the 
scene Lafayette was to be present on the occasion 
- Webster was to address the people the corner 
stone of a Monument was to be laid with Masonic ceremonies 
everything, in short, was to be done to render the day and the year 
conspicuous in the annals of New England. 

I rose at an early hour, and with thousands of others, from the 
neighboring towns, repaired to the metropolis. I entered the city, 
the sun rose brilliantly on its spires, and the bells and the cannon 
mingled their loud and joyous voices to announce that the day was 
arrived. Every mast and flag-staff now lifted up their star-spangled 
banners - - of which not a few bore evident marks of a semi-century's 
antiquity. The crowd continued to pour in from every quarter. Old 
and young, the grey-headed and infirm children and grand- 
children young men and maidens every class and description, 
from fifty miles around, on foot, in waggons, and on horseback, were 
seen urging their course towards the common in Boston the place 
whence the procession was to take up its line of march. I have seen 
mobs and crowds in other cities, but I have never witnessed a multi- 
tude of people like that which was here assembled. A deep and im- 

[406] 






ADVENTURES OF A GREAT DAY 

pressive silence prevailed through the whole throng, as, hour after 
hour, it patiently and in the same place awaited the issuing forth from 
the State House, of the old Revolutionary soldiers, with their veteran 
commander, Lafayette, at their head. The countenance of each in- 
dividual of that throng wore a look intelligent of the importance of the 
event about to be celebrated. 

At length the signal announced that everything was ready 
there is no shouting no huzzas no tossing up of hands or waving 
of hats ; all is still and quiet expectation stands tiptoe to catch the 
first glimpse of the interesting scene, as the carriages successively 
draw up in front of the State House, and receive each its compliment 
of old soldiers, to convey them to the scene of their glory. I had sta- 
tioned myself where I could see them distinctly as they passed. Each 
had some time-worn badge some relic of the Revolution which he 
wore on his person or displayed from the carriage. By one was 
borne a tattered color, by another a dilapidated drum here was seen 
a cocked hat, with its gilt mountings tarnished with age there a 
knapsack or cartouch box, moth-eaten and crumbling to pieces - 
some were dressed in their ancient regimentals, and some clad only 
in homespun garments, similar to those they wore on the day of the 
battle. As they passed along, the features of the old soldiers were 
scanned by every eye gazed upon as living records of the events in 
which they had participated records which now for the last time, 
perhaps, were fore'ver to be seen. 

The first and most interesting part of the procession having 
passed me, I felt little inclination to witness the rest ; and, accordingly, 
I joined the crowd which was already moving towards the heights of 
Charlestown. We found the whole neighborhood pre-occupied by a 
vast concourse of people. The hill-tops, steeples, houses and sheds 
all around were alive with heads the battle ground was hedged 
in by a dense crowd, which was kept from entering it by a double 
row of guards. I was anxious to get within the lines, where I ob- 
served a few more favored individuals were occasionally admitted, 
but at every point where I tried to effect an entrance, I was uniformly 
repulsed. The van of the procession was now arrived. I saw the old 
soldiers trembling under fatigue and decrepitude, assisted down from 
the carriages at the side of each walked a young man, upon whose 

[407] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

arms many of the soldiers leaned for support. In this way, slowly 
and with tottering steps, they marched the whole length of the field. 
If any thing could bring up to the mind's eye the events of that day, 
it was the scene now passing before me, and I gazed upon these 
infirm old men, the venerable chroniclers of another age, with feel- 
ings of gratitude and awe. 

The remainder of the procession was now fast arriving. The 
words of the poet, <4 What a length of tail behind," did not fail to recur 
to me. There were the masons, dressed out with all their dazzling 
paraphernalia the uniform companies of soldiers, with their gay 
crests the marshals, swelling with the importance of their brief 
authority the invited guests, smacking their lips with th<i thoughts 
of a sumptuous dinner grave senators and beardless representa- 
tives ministers of church and ministers of state, all full of import- 
ance, and looking upon the crowd with that peculiar smile of com- 
placent satisfaction with which the latter are on such occasions apt 
to be regarded by the former. There was an air of aristocracy in the 
appearance of things, altogether at variance with the feeling of the 
great mass of spectators without. This feeling was exasperated to a 
still greater pitch by an incident which occurred in the part of the 
field where I stood : " All of which I saw, and in part of which I 
was." 

The hill on the side next to the road is surmounted by a street, 
which, in some places, is many feet below its summit, being excavated 
for this purpose, and a stone wall is raised against its side to protect 
the earth from falling. It was on this wall I had taken my station 
with the crowd, which continuing to increase, compelled us to en- 
croach a little upon the line of demarcation. From this position the 
guard attempted to remove us, but the necessity of our situation 
caused us to set at defiance the strictness of military law. Finding 
themselves too weak to carry their point, one of their number was 
despatched for a reinforcement. 

In a short space of time, down came a whole company of soldiers, 
led by their commander, who, as they approached, gave the word to 
charge bayonets. The cry was given on our part for quarter but it 
was not respected there would be little glory in restoring a body 
of citizens to order in so peaceable a manner no laureals would be 

[408] 



ADVENTURES OF A GREAT DAY 

gained in so civil-like a proceeding. On they came, at full charge, a 
whole phalanx of youthful soldiers, whose maiden weapons were now 
for the first time to be signalized in actual service. On they came, 
and over the wall went the whole crowd that had just before occupied 
it, helter skelter, heels over head, full ten feet or more, into the street 
below. The scene of rage and confusion that ensued cannot easily 
be described. For myself, I am a most pacific man a peacemaker 
in every sense of the word but I must confess my indignation was 
so aroused by this transaction, that, in the heat of the moment, I 
seized hold of a stone and was just on the point of hurling it upon 
the aggressors, when my better judgment deterred me from the act. 
Many of my fellow sufferers, however, were not disposed to keep the 
peace so much as myself, and actually took the vengeance which I 
had only meditated. 

Thus far, we had been exceedingly passive, obedient and tract- 
able but a chord was now touched that would not easily cease to 
vibrate the blood of a Yankee is emphatically cold and sluggish, but 
once arouse it, and you might as easily stay the waves on the sea shore 
as check its progress. I almost feared the consequences of this mili- 
tary exploit, for I perceived among my companions a stout determina- 
tion to carry their object. 

It was impossible to regain the walls from behind, but the word 
had gone forth to regain the interior of the lines or to be revenged 
upon our assailants. We moved on in a body, and were joined in our 
march by others. We soon reached a point where there was no wall 
interposing between the street and the battle ground where was 
nothing to check our progress but a slight fence and a guard of 
soldiers. The former was soon overthrown, while the latter perceiv- 
ing their bulwarks so easily and unceremoniously demolished, and 
fearing perhaps the same fate themselves, gave way before us and suf- 
fered us to pass. We were now in the field, a hundred men or more 
the guards resumed their stations as soon as we had passed, and 
thus all communication between ourselves and the street was entirely 
cut off. We had passed the Rubicon and were determined not to retreat, 
whether it was by accident or design I know not, but we formed our- 
selves into a solid triangle the regular Grecian cunex a disposi- 
tion of forces well adapted for the present emergency, whether for 

[4091 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

forcing a further passage, or to resist an attempt, if made, to repel 
us from our 'vantage ground. The latter attempt was made, but in 
so bungling a manner it defeated its own end. On one side, and it was 
that where I stood the charge was made by the cavalry, and on the 
other two, the infantry made a simultaneous attack so that the 
combined forces of these allied powers served only to concentrate our 
ranks more closely together, without stirring us an inch from the 
position we occupied. 

In vain did the horseman brandish his sword in vain urge on 
his prancing steed towards us there we stood, immoveable as a 
rock. On the other side the bayonet was presented close to the breasts 
of our men, but they could not be intimidated or forced to retire. In 
a short time the retreat was sounded by our assailants, and we found 
ourselves in undisturbed possession of the field. 

The position we now occupied was in the immediate vicinity of 
that where the corner stone of the monument was to be laid, the cere- 
monies of which were already commenced, and which, where we stood, 
could easily be discerned. But here we found a new antagonist in the 
masons themselves, who seemed to regard our presence with jealousy 
and suspicion. The only weapons, however, with which we carried on 
our new warfare, were words, and with these some slight skirmishing 
took place. 

The ceremony of laying the corner stone was hardly completed, 
when the procession began to move for the seats arranged on the 
opposite side of the hill, at the foot of which the speaker was to address 
the assembly. A simultaneous movement took place in our ranks, 
with this difference, however, that as the former moved in regular 
order, and at a slow march, the latter took up the double quick step, 
and in Indian fashion scampered each where inclination led him. My 
object was to secure a seat where I might hear the orator, who speak- 
ing in the open air, would, I was aware, be heard only at a short dis- 
tance. Accordingly, I posted myself in the row directly under the 
forum some of my companions took the same seat with myself, and 
others, those in the rear. No sooner were we comfortably seated, than 
the procession approaches. A marshal pops upon the bench we occu- 
pied, and brandishing his white paper wand, as does Chanticleer his 
wings before crowing, cries out, in a lusty voice, " These seats are re- 

[410] 



ADVENTURES OF A GREAT DAY 

served for the revolutionary heroes none but the old soldiers will 
sit here!" 

I have seen some service on Bunker Hill, thought I, remembering 
the scene through which I had just passed, but I can hardly pass 
muster among the veteran soldiers. With this reflection, I deemed it 
wiser to make a virtue of necessity, and so resigned my seat for one 
in the rear of it. The revolutionary soldiers took their places, and I 
was congratulating myself on the seat I had secured, when the marshal 
again made his appearance. 

" These seats," said he, " are for the Senate and House of Repre- 
sentatives they will be reserved accordingly ! " 

Alas, though I must again pull up stakes and shift quarters, I 
never can be mistaken for a senator, and as for a representative, I know 
not whom I represent but my own individual self. There was no time 
for reflection, and so with as good a grace as I could assume, I quit the 
premises, and left the senate and house of representatives in quiet 
occupation. This time, thought I, I will remove far enough from the 
sphere of great men, and, accordingly, I selected a seat some removes 
up the hill. But the big bugs continued to swarm in and around me on 
all sides. Some confusion was beginning to take place, owing to a 
failure of seats, when my evil genius, the marshal, with his white 
emblem in his hand, presents himself before me, and in a voice none 
the sweetest, exclaims, " These seats are reserved for the special use 
of the clergy." 

Finding it impossible to get a seat where I could remain un- 
molested, I again repaired to the vicinity of the forum, and seated my- 
self on the ground in the lane that was formed between two rows of 
benches, where I was suffered to remain without further disturbance. 

The prayer being said, and the hymn, composed by Pierpont for 
the occasion, sung and a most glorious hymn it is the effect of it 
as sung in the open air by ten thousand voices, to that noble old tune, 
" Old Hundred," was the most sublime and impressive I remember 
ever to have witnessed the orator commenced his harangue. I 
hate personal descriptions, and therefore will not attempt to sketch the 
bold outlines of Webster's countenance. I have seen and heard him on 
other occasions, when his smile has seemed to me like that of the tiger 
crouching ere he leaped upon his prey but now there was nothing of 

[411] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

that ferocious look lurking in his countenance, but it was all openness, 
benevolence and majesty. 

I have nothing further to relate of my adventures that day 
there is one incident,however, of which as I was an eye and an ear 
witness, I may be permitted to testify as to its actual occurrence. It 
has, never, I believe, found its way into the newspapers, but it will not, 
I suppose, be regarded on that account as the less entitled to credit. 
The orator was addressing the revolutionary soldiers in that eloquent 
passage commencing, " Venerable men ! You have come down to us, 
from a former generation." As he proceeds, he says to them, " You 
are now, where you stood, fifty years ago, this very hour, with your 
brothers, and your neighbors, shoulder to shoulder, in the strife for 
your Country." This the orator pronounced in his most impressive 
manner, and with his full dark eye fixed upon the veterans before him. 
The appeal was so direct and powerful, that one of their number, 
hoary-headed and infantile, lifts himself from his seat and commences 
the narrative of his own personal reminiscences. 

" Ye-e-s ! Ye-e-s ! " said he, " I remember all about it it was 
this hour fifty years ago, I was fighting here I stood as it might 
be there " pointing with his staff to a spot some rods off. 

" Stop stop my friend," said the speaker, who had sus- 
pended his discourse upon being thus singularly interrupted, " Stop, 
till I have finished my story and then you shall tell yours." 

But the old man did not seem to relish the proposition he had 
told his story too often to listening ears to think it deserved to be 
thus disregarded. 

' I stood right there," he continued, " and it was there, up there, 
that Warren fell " 

Here the old soldier fell himself, overpowered by the hands of 
his companions, who had some difficulty in preventing his rising 
again. 

The oration was continued without further interruption and 
with thousands of others, I sat bareheaded under a burning sun, till 
the services were completed. 



[412] 



attfo 
Slmmtal nf Ammratt 

VOLUME XIII, 1919 



ACTIVE SILENCE OF THE 
ITALIAN NAVY, THE. By 
Rear-Admiral Count Massimi- 
liano Lovatelli, Naval Attache 
to the Royal Italian Embassy at 
Washington 35 

ADRIATIC "IRREDENTA," 
THE. By Amy A. Bernardy, 
Litt. D., Universities of Rome 
and Florence ; Writer and Lec- 
turer on Italian Historical and 
Sociological Subjects ; War- 
time Volunteer Worker in Amer- 
ica under the Royal Italian Em- 
bassy 358 

ADRIATIC SEA, COASTS OF 
THE. Reproduced through the 
Courtesy of Mr. Agostino de 
Biasi, Editor of "II Carroccio," 
the Italian Review. Illustration 216 

ADVENTURES OF A GREAT 
DAY. Celebration of the Fif- 
tieth Anniversary of the Battle 
of Bunker Hill in 1825 As Nar- 
rated in an Old-Time Newspaper 
and Preserved in an Ancient 
Scrap-Book. Contributed by 
Charles Nevers Holmes 406 

ALBANIA, ITALY'S GREAT 
WORK IN. By Brigadier-Gen- 
eral George P. Scriven, U. S. A. 117 

ALPS, PEAKS OF THE ADA- 
MELLO GROUP IN THE. 
Scene of the Gallant Fighting 



under Difficulties by the Alpini 
Troops. Illustration 135 

AMERICA IN ARMS, TO. By 
Gabriele D'Annunzio. A Free 
Rendering, by John R. Slater, 
of the University of Rochester, 
of the Latter Part of the Elo- 
quent Ode to America Composed 
by d' Annunzio for Italy's Cele- 
bration of America's Independ- 
ence Day, 1918 126 

AMERICAN SEA CAPTAIN IN 
THE REVOLUTION, AN. 
The Personal Narrative of Cap- 
tain Luther Little, before, dur- 
ing, and after the Revolutionary 
War Transcribed from the 
Copy in the Possession of Mr. 
John Mason Little of Boston. 
(Concluded from The Journal of 
American History, Volume XI, 
Number 3) ." 217 

AMERICAN TROOPS IN 
ITALY DURING THE 
WORLD WAR, THE FIRST. 
Reproduced through the Cour- 
tesy of Mr. Agostino de Biasi, 
Editor of "II Carroccio," the 
Italian Review. Illustration... 214 

ANCIENT ARENA AT POLA, 
THE. Reproduced through the 
Courtesy of Mr. Agostino de 
Biasi, Editor of "II Carroccio," 
the Italian Review. Illustration. 215 



[413] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 



ANOTHER LETTER FROM 
CAPTAIN LITTLE TO HIS 
WIFE, WRITTEN AT LIS- 
BON. Copies from the Original 
in the Possession of Mr. Luther 
Little and Miss Joanna Little of 
Boston 251 

ARISTIDE SARTORIO, THE 
PAINTER OF ITALY AT 
WAR. By Ettore Cadorin. In 
This Italy Number of The Jour- 
nal of American History are Re- 
produced Six of the Superb War 
Scenes by This Splendid Artist 
and Valiant Soldier 153 

ARMANDO DIAZ, COMMAND- 
ER-IN-CHIEF OF THE 
ARMIES OF ITALY. Illustra- 
tion 18 

ARMS, ROYAL, OF ITALY. 
Engraving in Colors from a 
Painting Front Cover, No. 1 

ARMS OF PUTNAM FAMILY. 
Engraving in Colors from a 
Painting Front Cover, No. 2 

ARRIVAL OF HIS MAJESTY, 
THE KING OF ITALY, AT 
TRIESTE, NOVEMBER 10, 
1918. Illustration 116 

ARTICLES OF INCORPORA- 
TION OF THE NATIONAL 
HISTORICAL SOCIETY.... 

11, 171, 283 

AUSTRIA, THE OVERTHROW 
OF. By Captain Allesandro Sa- 
pelli, Former Governor of Bena- 
dir, one of Italy's Colonies in 
Africa 47 

BARRACKS AT BONETI ON 
THE CARSO. From a Paint- 
ing by Sartorio 59 



BUILDINGS IN TWO DAL- 
MATIAN CITIES, SEBEN- 
ICO AND TRAU. 1. The 
Cathedral at Sebencio. 2. The 
Cathedral at Trau. 3. Carving 
on Sebenico Cathedral. 4. En- 
trance to the Municipal Build- 
ing, Trau. 5. The Cathedral 
Door, Sebenico. Illustration . . . 392 

BUNKER HILL, CELEBRA- 
TION, IN 1825, OF THE 
FIFTIETH ANNIVERSARY 
OF THE BATTLE OF. Nar- 
rated in an Old-Time Newspaper 
and Preserved in an Ancient 
Scrap-Book. Contributed by 
Charles Nevers Holmes 406 

CAPODISTRIA, THE TOWN 
HALL OF. Illustration 113 

CAPTAIN LUTHER LITTLE. 
Reproduced from the Painting in 
Oils Owned by His Grandchil- 
dren, Mr. Luther Little and Miss 
Joanna Little of Boston 233 

CAPTAIN LUTHER LITTLE'S 
DESK IN HIS OLD HOME 
AT MARSHFIELD, MASSA- 
CHUSETTS. Illustration 235 

CARSO, BARRACKS AT 
BONETI ON THE. From a 
Painting by Sartorio 59 

CARSO, DUGOUTS OF THE. 
From a Painting by Sartorio. . 57 

CASTLE OF BUON CON- 
SIGLIO, TRENTO. Illustra- 
tion 400 

CASTLE GARDEN, NEW 
YORK, OLD. Poem by Charles 
Nevers Holmes 384 

CATHEDRAL OF TRENTO, 
THE. During the War the 
Austrians Imprisoned Bishop 



[414] 



SYLLABUS AND INDEX 



Endrici of Trento for his 
Patriotism. He Has Been Com- 
pared, " for Nobility and Lofti- 
ness of Character," to the Valiant 
Christian Hero, Cardinal Mercier. 
Illustration 400 

CAVOUR AND THE SLAVS. 
By Senator Francesco Ruf fini, . 
Minister of Education in the 
Italian Cabinet That Declared 
War ; Rector of the University 
of Turin ; a Foremost Italian Au- 
thority on International Sub- 
jects 375 

COASTS OF THE ADRIATIC 
SEA. Reproduced through the 
Courtesy of Mr. Agostino de 
Biasi, Editor of "II Carroccio," 
the Italian Review. Illustration. 216 

DALMATIA. By Doctor Roberto 
Ghiglianovitch, Member of the 
Dalmatian Diet 122 

DALMATIA, STRUCTURES 
IN. 1. Courtyard of the Gov- 
ernment Palace at Ragusa. 

2. The Golden Gate, Spalato. 

3. The Cathedral Pulpit, Spal- 
ato. 4. The Cathedral at Cattara. 
Illustration 368 

DALMATIA, ZARA, RE- 
DEEMED CITY OF. 1. In- 
terior of Zara Cathedral. 2. The 
Cathedral. 3. A Venetian Castle 
at Arbe, near Zara. 4. The 
Church of Saint Grisogono. 

5. The Gate of the City. 

6. Courtyard of a Residence. 
Illustration 388 

DALMATIAN CITIES, SEBEN- 
ICO AND TRAU, BUILD- 
INGS IN. 1. The Cathedral at 
Sebenico. 2. The Cathedral at 
Trau. 3. Carving on Sebenico 



Cathedral. 4. Entrance to the 
Municipal Building, Trau. 5. 
The Cathedral Door, Sebenico. 
Illustration 392 

D'ANNUNZIO'S SQUADRON 
OVER VIENNA. By Lieu- 
tenant Stefano d' Amico, Mem- 
ber of the Italian Military Mis- 
sion for Aeronautics to the 
United States 129 

DANTE ALIGHIERI. Trento's 
Monument to Italy's Great Poet, 
the Forerunner of Milton, Who, 
Like Milton, Used His God- 
Given Genius to Lift Men's 
Minds to God and His Dealings 
with Men. Illustration 255 

DANTE ALIGHERI SQUARE 
IN TRENTO. Showing the 
Statue of Italy's World-Famous 
poet. Illustration 385 

DISTANT VIEW OF TRIESTE 
FROM HILL "121 BIS." From 
a Painting by Sartorio 58 

DUGOUTS ON THE CARSO. 
Frm a Painting by Sartorio 57 

FAC-SIMILE OF A DANISH 
DOCUMENT IN CONNEC- 
TION WITH CAPTAIN 
LITTLE'S RUSSIAN AND 
SCANDINAVIAN TRADING 
EXPEDITION, 1792 236 

FAC-SIMILE OF A RECORD 
BY CAPTAIN LUTHER 
LITTLE OF HIS WOUNDS 
RECEIVED IN A VICTORI- 
OUS ENGAGEMENT WITH 
A BRITISH SHIP DURING 
THE REVOLUTIONARY 
WAR. Reproduced from the 
Original in the Possession of Mr. 
Luther Little and Miss Joanna 
Little of Boston. . . 252 



[415] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 



FIGHTING STRENGTH OF 
THE ITALIAN SOLDIER, 
THE. Valor and Powers of En- 
durance Unsurpassed by Caesar's 
Legions. By the Honorable 
Salvatore A. Cotillo, New York 
State Senator 41 

FIRST AMERICAN TROOPS 
IN ITALY DURING THE 
WORLD WAR, THE. Repro- 
duced through the Courtesy of 
Mr. Agostino de Biasi, Editor 
of "II Carroccio," the Italian Re- 
view. Illustrated 214 

FIUME. Illustration 115 

FIUME. By Doctor Gino Antoni, 
Vice-Mayor of Fiume and Mem- 
ber of the National Council of 
the City 71 

FIUME. Reproduced through the 
Courtesy of Mr. Agostino de 
Biasi, Editor of "II Carroccio," 
the Italian Review. Illustration. 215 

FLEET SIGANLS OF COM- 
MANDER SALTONSTALL 
FOR THE PENOBSCOT EX- 
PEDITION, 1779, AS DELIV- 
ERED TO CAPTAIN 
LUTHER LITTLE. Repro- 
duced from the Original in the 
Possession of Mr. Luther Little 
and Miss Johanna Little of Bos- 
ton 244 

FLOTILLA COMMANDED BY 
ADMIRAL MIRABELLO AP- 
PROACHING LISSA, THE. 
Illustration 115 

FOREWORD BY THE EDI- 
TOR-IN-CHIEF 21 

FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR, 
AMERICAN ARMY CHAP- 
LAIN OF THE. Life and Let- 
ters of the Reverend Benjamin 



A. Pomeroy, D. D., Colonial 
Preacher and Patriot. By 
Colonel Albert A. Pomeroy, 
Treasurer of the Ohio Soldiers' 
and Sailors' Home Hospital ; Au- 
thor of the Pomeroy Genealogy; 
Secretary and Historian of the 
Pomeroy Family Association ; 
and Original Founder of The 
National Historical Society 413 

FRIENDS OF ITALY. Members 
of The National Historical So- 
ciety and Others Who Have 
Generously Contributed toward 
Special Distribution of the Italy 
Number of The Journal of 
American History 1 55 

FRONT DOOR-WAY OF THE 
OLD LITTLE HOUSE, THE. ^ 
Illustration 235 

GABRIELE D'ANNUNZIO'S 
FLIGHT OVER VIENNA. 
The Squadron's Shower of Leaf- 
lets. Illustration 134 

GREAT ITALIANS OF TO- 
DAY. King Victor Emanuel III. 
Queen Elena, in the Uniform of 
a Red Cross Nurse. General 
Armando Diaz. Admiral Um- 
berto Cagni, Governor of Fiume. 
General Petitti di Roretto, Gov- 
ernor of Trieste. Illustration . . . 396 

HER EXCELLENCY, COUN- 
TESS DOLORES MACCHI DI 
CELLERE, WIFE OF THE 
ITALIAN AMBASSADOR TO 
THE UNITED STATES. 
From a Photograph by Edmons- 
ton, Washington, D. C 39 

HER MAJESTY, THE QUEEN 
OF ITALY. Portrait 20 

HER MAJESTY, THE QUEEN 
OF ITALY, IN THE GARB 



[416] 



SYLLABUS AND INDEX 



OF A RED CROSS NURSE. 
Illustration 393 

H I S EXCELLENCY, COUNT 
VINCENZO MACCHI DI 
CELLERE, ITALIAN AM- 
BASSADOR TO THE 
UNITED STATES. From a 
Photograph by Edmonston, 
Washington, D. C 38 

HOW THE MOUNTAIN OF 
RHEIMS WAS SAVED. By 
Luigi Barzini, War Correspond- 
ent of "II Corriere della Sera" of 
Milan 182 

I N T H E TRENTINO VAL- 
LARSA VALLEY. Illustration 296 

IN VENETIA END OF THE 
BRENTA VALLEY. Illustra- 
tion 136 

INFANTRY ATTACK FROM 
THE TRENCHES AT SANTA 
CATERINA, AN. From a 
Painting by Sartorio 37 

IS THE NEW LEAGUE OF 
NATIONS AN INSTRU- 
MENT OF TYRANNY FOR 
THE REPRESSION OF HU- 
MAN LIBERTY? By Frank 
Allaben, President of The Na- 
tional Historical Society 351 

ITALIAN AMBASSADOR TO 
THE UNITED STATES, HIS 
EXCELLENCY, COUNT 
VINCENZO MACCHI DI 
CELLERE. From a Photo- 
graph by Edmonston, Washing- 
ton, D. C 38 

ITALIAN AMBASSADOR TO 
THE UNITED STATES, HER 
EXCELLENCY, COUNTESS 
DOLORES MACCHI DI CEL- 
LERE, WIFE OF THE. From 



a Photograph by Edmonston, 
Washington, D. C 39 

ITALIAN "ARDITTI" OPER- 
ATING A MACHINE GUN. 
Illustration 114 

ITALIAN FRONT, ONE OF 
THE MOST BITTERLY 
CONTESTED SECTORS OF 
THE. On the "Grappa." Illus- 
tration 114 

ITALIAN FRONT, SCENES AT 
THE. Illustration 364 

ITALIAN NAVY, THE AC- 
TIVE SILENCE OF THE. By 
Rear-Admiral Count Massimi- 
liano Lovatelli, Naval Attache to 
the Royal Italian Embassy at 
Washington 35 

ITALIAN SAILORS LANDING 
AT LISSA, NOVEMBER 4, 
1918. Illustration 79 

ITALIAN SAILORS, PEOPLE 
OF LISSA WELCOMING 
FROM THE PIER THE AR- 
RIVAL OF THE. November 
4, 1918. Illustration 78 

ITALIAN SOLDIER, THE 
FIGHTING STRENGTH OF 
THE. Valor and Powers of En- 
durance Unsurpassed by Cae- 
sar's Legions. By the Honorable 
Salvatore A. Cotillo, New York 
State Senator 41 

ITALIAN SOLDIER I N 
FRANCE, FIGHTING FOR 
THE DEFENCE OF 
RHEIMS, AN. Illustration.... 178 

ITALIAN SOLDIERS BEFORE 
THE CATHEDRAL O F 
RHEIMS. Illustration 180 

ITALIAN SOLDIERS IN THE 
DOLOMITE ALPS. Repro- 
duced through the Courtesy of 



[417] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 



Mr. Agostino de Biasi, Editor of 
"II Carroccio," the Italian Re- 
view. Illustration 213 

ITALIAN TROOPS I N 
FRANCE, PROVISIONING 
THE. Illustration 179 

ITALIAN WAR LOAN 
POSTER, AN. From a Draw- 
ing by M. Borgini 77 

ITALIAN WOMEN DIGGING 
SECOND LINE TRENCHES, 
WHILE THE MEN WERE 
FIGHTING IN THE FIRST 
LINE. Illustration 60 

ITALIAN WOMEN ERECTING 
BARBED-WIRE ENTAN- 
GLEMENTS. Illustration .... 60 

ITALIAN WOMEN, THE WAR 
SERVICES OF THE. By Amy 
A. Bernardy, Litt. D., Universi- 
ties of Rome and Florence 61 

ITALIANS OF TO-DAY, 
GREAT. King Victor Emanuel 
III. Queen Elena, in the Uni- 
form of a Red Cross Nurse. 
General Armando Diaz. Ad- 
miral Umberto Cagni, Governor 
of Fiume. General Petitti di 
Roretto, Governor of Trieste. 
Illustration 396 

ITALIANS IN THE UNITED 
STATES. By George Creel, 
Formerly Chairman of the Com- 
mittee on Public Information. . . . 374 

ITALY, ARMANDO DIAZ, 
COMMANDER-IN -CHIEF 
OF THE ARMIES OF. Illus- 
tration 18 

ITALY, THE FIRST AMERI- 
CAN TROOPS IN DURING 
THE WORLD WAR. Repro- 
duced through the Courtesy of 
Mr. Agostino de Biasi, Editor of 



"II Carroccio," the Italian Re- 
view. Illustration 214 

ITALY, FORMER PREMIER 
AND FOREIGN MINISTER 
OF. ORLANDO AND SON- 
NINO. Illustration 397 

ITALY, FRIENDS OF. Mem- 
bers of The National Historical 
Society and Others Who Have 
Generously Contributed toward 
Special Distribution of the Italy 
Number of The Journal of 
American History 155 

ITALY, THE KING OF. His ar- 
rival at Trieste. Illustration .... 116 

ITALY, HER MAJESTY, 
QUEEN OF. Portrait 20 

ITALY, HER MAJESTY, THE 
QUEEN OF, IN THE GARB 
OF A RED CROSS NURSE. 
Illustration 393 

ITALY, THE PURITY OF 
PURPOSE OF. By His Excel- 
lency, Count Macchi di Cellere, 
Italian Ambassador to the United 
States 26 

ITALY REVEALED. By Frank 
Allaben 81 

ITALY, ROYAL ARMS OF. 
Engraving in Colors from a 
Painting Front Cover, No. 1 

ITALY, VICTOR EMANUEL 
III, KING OF. From a Photo- 
graph by the International Film 
Service 17 

ITALY, VICTOR EMANUEL 
III, KING OF. From a Photo- 
graph Donated by the King to the 
Editor of "II Carroccio," the 
Italian Review, Mr. Agostino de 
Biasi, and by the Latter's Cour- 
tesy Reproduced in The Journal 
of American History 177 



[418] 



SYLLABUS AND INDEX 



ITALY, MY VISIT WITH THE 
QUEEN OF. By Mary Hatch 
Willard, Founder of the National 
Surgical Dressings Committee, 
the French Comfort Packets 
Committee, and America's Allies 
Co-operative Committee 137 

ITALY, VITTORIO EMAN- 
UELE ORLANDO, PREMIER 
OF. Illustration 19 

ITALY, VITTORIO EMAN- 
UELE ORLANDO, PREMIER 
OF. Reproduced through the 
Courtesy of Mr. Agostino de 
Biasi, Editor of "II Carroccio," 
the Italian Review. Illustration. 214 

ITALY, WAR WORK OF THE 
WOMEN OF. Illustration .... 289 

ITALY'S ARMY IN THE 
WORLD WAR. A Short State- 
ment on an Immense Work. By 
Major-General Emilio Gugliel- 
motti, Military Attache to the 
Royal Italian Embassy at Wash- 
ington 33 

ITALY'S FRIENDSHIP, LIN 
COLN'S RECOGNITION OF. 
From a letter Written on July 
23, 1864, by President Lincoln to 
Commander Bertinatti, Italian 
Envoy Extraordinary 112 

ITALY'S GREAT WORK IN 
ALBANIA. By Brigadier-Gen- 
eral George P. Scriven, U. S. A.. 117 

ITALY'S SOLDIER-POET. By 
Luigi Siciliani 380 

ITALY'S WAR-PLANES. By 
Captain Giusseppe Bevione, 
Member of the Italian Parlia- 
ment ; Chief of the Italian Mili- 
tary Mission for Aeronautics ... 147 

LATTER PART OF COM- 
MANDER SALTONSTALL'S 



FLEET SIGNALS, WITH 
FAC-SIMILE OF ADDRESS 
TO CAPTAIN LITTLE, ON 
BOARD THE "PIDGEON," 
THE 245 

LEAGUE OF NATIONS. IS 
THE NEW LEAGUE OF NA- 
TIONS AN INSTRUMENT 
OF TYRANNY FOR THE 
REPRESSION OF HUMAN 
LIBERTY? By Frank Allaben, 
President of The National His- 
torical Society 351 

LETTER FROM CAPTAIN 
LITTLE AT BOSTON TO 
HIS WIFE, WRITTEN BE- 
FORE STARTING FOR 
PORTUGAL AND RUSSIA. 
Copied from the Original in the 
Possession of Mr. Luther Little 
and Miss Joanna Little of Bos- 
ton 249 

LETTER WRITTEN AT BOS- 
TON BY CAPTAIN LUTHER 
LITTLE TO HIS WIFE, ON 
THE EVE OF A VOYAGE TO 
THE WEST INDIES. Copied 
from the Original in the Posses- 
sion of Mr. Luther Little and 
Miss Joanna Little of Boston. . . 248 

LETTER FROM CAPTAIN 
LITTLE TO HIS WIFE, 
WRITTEN AT LISBON, 
PORTUGAL, ON THE WAY 
TO RUSSIA. Copied from the 
Original in the Possession of Mr. 
Luther Little and Miss Joanna 
Little of Boston 250 

LETTER WRITTEN AT LIS- 
BON BY CAPTAIN LUTHER 
LITTLE TO HIS FATHER, 
LEMUEL LITTLE, AT 
MARSHFIELD, MASSA- 



[419] 



CHUSETTS. Copied from the 
Original in the Possession of Mr. 
Luther Little and Miss Joanna 
Little of Boston 246 

LIME FURNACE AT THE 
MOUTH OF THE TIMAVO 
RIVER. From a Painting by 
Sartorio 80 

LINCOLN'S RECOGNITION 
OF ITALY'S FRIENDSHIP 
AND HIS PRAYER FOR 
THE FULFILMENT O F 
ITALY'S ASPIRATIONS. 
From a Letter, Written on July 
23, 1864, by President Lincoln to 
Commander Bertinatti, Italian 
Envoy Extraordinary 112 

LITTLE, CAPTAIN LUTHER. 
AN AMERICAN SEA CAP- 
TAIN IN THE REVOLU- 
TION. The Personal Narrative 
of Captain Luther Little, before, 
during, and after the Revolution- 
ary War Transcribed from the 
Copy in the Possession of Mr. 
John Mason Little of Boston. 
(Concluded front The Journal of 
American History, Volume XI, 
NumberZ.) 217 

LITTLE, CAPTAIN LUTHER. 
DESK IN HIS OLD HOME 
AT MARSHFIELD, MASSA- 
CHUSETTS. Illustration 235 

LITTLE, CAPTAIN LUTHER. 
Fac-simile of a Danish Document 
in Connection with Captain Lit- 
tle's Russian and Scandinavian 
Trading Exposition, 1792 236 

LITTLE, CAPTAIN LUTHER. 
Fac-simile of a Record by Cap- 
tain Luther Little of His 
Wounds Received in a Victori- 
ous Engagement with a British 



Ship During the Revolutionary 
War. Reproduced from the 
Original in the Possession of Mr. 
Luther Little and Miss Joanna 
Little of Boston 252 

LITTLE, CAPTAIN LUTHER. 
Fleet Signals of Commander Sal- 
tonstall for the Penobscot Ex- 
pedition, 1779, as Delivered to 
Captain Luther Little. Repro- 
duced from the Original in the 
Possession of Mr. Luther Little 
and Miss Joanna Little of Bos- 
ton 244 

LITTLE, CAPTAIN LUTHER. 
The Front Door- Way of the Old 
Little House. Illustration. .... 235 

LITTLE, CAPTAIN LUTHER. 
The Latter Part of Commander 
Saltonstall's Fleet Signals, with 
Fac-simile of Address to Captain 
Little, on Board the "Pidgeon.". 245 

LITTLE, CAPTAIN LUTHER. 
Letter from Captain Little at 
Boston to His Wife, Written Be- 
fore Starting for Portugal and 
Russia. Copied from the Orig- 
inal in the Possession of Mr. 
Luther Little and Miss Joanna 
Little of Boston 249 

LITTLE, CAPTAIN LUTHER. 
Letter from Captain Little to His 
Wife, Written at Lisbon, Portu- 
gal, on the Way to Russia. 
Copied from the Original in the 
Possession of Mr. Luther Little 
and Miss Joanna Little of Boston 250 

LITTLE, CAPTAIN LUTHER. 
Letter Written at Boston by Cap- 
tain Luther Little to His Wife, 
on the Eve of a Voyage to the 
West Indies. Copied from the 
Original in the Possession of Mr. 



[420] 



SYLLABUS AND INDEX 



Luther Little and Miss Joanna 
Little of Boston 248 

LITTLE, CAPTAIN LUTHER. 
Letter Written at Lisbon by Cap- 
tain Luther Little to His Father, 
Lemuel Little, at Marshfield, 
Massachusetts. Copied from the 
Original in the Possession of Mr. 
Luther Little and Miss Joanna 
Little of Boston 246 

LITTLE, CAPTAIN LUTHER. 
Part of the Accompanying Dan- 
ish Document in Connection with 
Captain Little's Russian and 
Scandinavian Trading Exposi- 
tion, 1792. Fac-simile 241 

LITTLE, CAPTAIN LUTHER. 
Rear View of Captain Little's 
House. Illustration 234 

LITTLE, CAPTAIN LUTHER. 
Reproduced from the Painting 
in Oils Owned by His Grandchil- 
dren, Mr. Luther Little and Miss 
Joanna Little of Boston 233 

MALPAS, THE OLD CHURCH 
IN. Sketch of the Old-World 
Parish Church in Which Wor- 
shipped the Ancestors of the 
American Stockton Family. By 
H. H. Stockton 401 

MY VISIT WITH THE QUEEN 
OF ITALY. By Mary Hatch 
Willard, Founder of the National 
Surgical Dressings Committee, 
the French Comfort Packets 
Committe, and America's Allies 
Co-operative Committee 137 

NATIONAL HISTORICAL SO- 
CIETY, THE. ARTICLES 
OF INCORPORATION 11 

171, 283 
NATIONAL HISTORICAL SO- 



CIETY, THE. OFFICIAL 
ORGANIZATION .... 5, 165, 277 

NATIONAL HISTORICAL SO- 
CIETY, THE. OFFICIAL 
SEAL. Back Cover, Nos. 1, 2, 3 and 4 

NAVY GUNS AT PUNTA 
SDOBBA. From a Painting by 
Sartorio 40 

OLD CASTLE GARDEN, NEW 
YORK. Poem by Charles 
Nevers Holmes 384 

OLD CHURCH IN MALPAS, 
THE. Sketch of the Old-World 
Parish Church in Which Wor- 
shipped the Ancestors of the 
American Stockton Family. By 
H. H. Stockton 401 

OLD WELL IN THE KITCHEN 
OF CAPTAIN LUTHER LIT- 
TLE'S HOUSE, SEA VIEW, 
MARSHFIELD, MAS- 
SACHUSETTS, THE. Illus- ^ 
tration 234 

ON THE "GRAPPA." One of 
the Most Bitterly Contested Sec- 
tors of the Italian Front. Illus- 
tration 114 

ORLANDO AND SONNINO 
FORMER PREMIER AND 
FOREIGN MINISTER OF 
ITALY. Illustration 397 

ORLANDO, VITTORIO 
EMANUELE, PREMIER OF 
ITALY. Reproduced through 
the Courtesy of Mr. Agostino de 
Biasi, Editor of "II Carroccio," 
the Italian Review. Illustration. 214 

OUR SOLDIERS AND THE 
ROCKY MOUNTAIN CLUB. 
By Major-General David Carey 
Shanks. Commander of the Port 
of Embarkation 335 



[421] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 



OVERTHROW OF AUSTRIA, 
THE. By Captain Alessandro 
Sapelli, Former Governor of 
Benadir, One of Italy's Colonies 
in Africa 47 

PART OF THE ACCOMPANY- 
ING DANISH DOCUMENT 
IN CONNECTION WITH 
CAPTAIN LITTLE'S RUS- 
SIAN AND SCANDINAVIAN 
TRADING EXPEDITION, 
1792. Fac-simile 241 

PATRIOTISM THE AFFIRMA- 
TION OF GOD. By His Emi- 
nence, Desire Joseph Francois, 
Cardinal Mercier, Archbishop of 
Malines 181 

PEAKS OF THE ADAMELLO 
GROUP IN THE ALPS. 
Scene of Gallant Fighting Under 
Difficulties by the Alpini Troops. 
Illustration 135 

PEOPLE OF LISSA WELCOM- 
ING FROM THE PIER THE 
ARRIVAL OF THE ITALIAN 
SAILORS, NOVEMBER 4, 
1918, THE. Illustration 78 

PERSONAL MEMORIES OF 
THEODORE ROOSEVELT. 
By His Excellency, Jean J. Jus- 
serand, Ambassador from France 
to the United States 320 

PERSONALITY AND THE 
PHILOSOPHY OF THEO- 
DORE ROOSEVELT, THE. 
By the Honorable Job Elmer 
Hedges, LL. D 326 

PILOTS OF THE SQUADRON 
"SERENISSIMA,"' WITH 
THEIR CAPTAIN, D'AN- 
NUNZIO, IN THE CENTRE, 
THE. Illustration 133 



POLA, THE ANCIENT ARENA 
AT. Reproduced through the 
Courtesy of Mr. Agostino de 
Biasi, Editor of "II Carroccio," 
the Italian Review. Illustration. 215 

POLA, IN ISTRIA. 1. Arch Built 
by the Romans. 2. Temple of 
Augustus. 3. The Ancient Ro- 
man Amphitheatre. Illustration. 361 

PROVISIONING THE ITAL- 
IAN TROOPS IN FRANCE. 
Illustration 179 

PURITY OF PURPOSE OF 
ITALY, THE. By His Excel- 
lency, Count Macchi di Cellere, 
Italian Ambassador to the United 
States 26 

PUTNAM AND CLEAVELAND 
ANCESTRY, A STUDY IN. 
By Georgia Cooper Washburn. . 188 

PUTNAM COAT-OF-ARMS. 
Engraving in Colors from a 
Painting Front Cover, No. 2 

REAR VIEW OF CAPTAIN 
LITTLE'S HOUSE. Illustra- 
tion 234 

RECOLLECTIONS OF 
NINETY-FIVE YEARS IN 
CONNECTICUT AND THE 
ANTHRACITE REGIONS OF 
PENNSYLVANIA. By Wil- 
liam Henry Richmond. (Con- 
cluded from The Journal of 
American History, Volume XI, 
Number 3.) .....' 257 

REDEEMED CITY OF 
TRENTO.THE. Illustration.. 254 

RHEIMS, AN ITALIAN SOL- 
DIER IN FRANCE FIGHT- 
ING FOR THE DEFENCE 
OF. Illustration . .178 



[422] 



SYLLABUS AND INDEX 



RHEIMS, ITALIAN SOLDIERS 
BEFORE THE CATHEDRAL 
OF. Illustration 180 

ROCKY MOUNTAIN CLUB, 
OUR SOLDIERS AND THE. 
By Major-General David Carey 
Shanks. Commander of the Port 
of Embarkation 335 

ROOSEVELT ON HORSE- 
BACK. Copyright by G. B. M. 
Clinedenst. .Front Cover, Nos. 3 and 4 

ROOSEVELT AND THE PUB- 
LIC CONSCIENCE. By Her- 
bert Hoover 309 

ROOSEVELT AND THE 
SQUARE DEAL. By Colonel 
William Boyce Thompson, Presi- 
dent of the Roosevelt Memorial 
Associaiion, Vice-President of 
the Rocky Mountain Club 304 

ROOSEVELT, TRIBUTES TO. 
Messages Received by the Rocky 
Mountain Club at Its First 
Roosevelt Day Dinner 341 

ROOSEVELT, THEODORE, 
By the Honorable Elihu Root . . . 299 

ROOSEVELT, THEODORE, 
"FIRST AMERICAN OF OUR 
DAY." By John* Hays Ham- 
mond, LL. D., President of the 
National League of Republican 
Clubs and of the Rocky Moun- 
tain Club 312 

ROOSEVELT. THEODORE. 
THE MEMORIAL NUMBER 
OF THE JOURNAL OF 
AMERICAN HISTORY. By 
the Editor-in-Chief 297 

ROOSEVELT, THEODORE. 
THE PERSONALITY AND 
THE PHILOSOPHY OF. By 
the Honorable Job Elmer 
Hedges, LL. D 326 



ROOSEVELT'S AMERICAN- 
ISM. By the Honorable Alton 
B.Parker 314 

REVOLUTION, AN AMERI- 
CAN SEA CAPTAIN IN THE. 
The Personal Narrative of Cap- 
tain Luther Little, before, dur- 
ing, and after the Revolutionary 
War Transcribed from the 
Copy in the Possession of Mr. 
John Mason Little of Boston. 
(Concluded from The Journal of 
American History, Volume XI, 
Number 3.) 217 

ROYAL ARMS OF ITALY. En- 
graving in Colors from a Paint- 
ing Front Cover, No. 1 

SARTORIO, ARISTIDE, THE 
PAINTER OF ITALY AT 
WAR. By Ettore Cadorin. In 
This Italy Number of The Jour- 
nal of American History Are Re- 
produced Six of the Superb War 
Scenes by This Splendid Artist 
and Valiant Soldier 153 

SCENES AT THE ITALIAN 
Front. Illustration 364 

SCENES IN TRENTO AND 
TRIESTE. 1. The Castle of 
Buon Consiglio. 2. The Cathe- 
dral. 3. The Dante Monument. 
4. View from the Grand Canal. 
Trieste. 5. Panorama of Trento. 
Illustration 365 

SLAVS, CAVOUR AND THE. 
By Senator Francesco Ruffini. 
Minister of Education in the 
Italian Cabinet That Declared 
War; Rector of the University 
of Turin ; a Foremost Italian Au- 
thority on International Subjects. 375 

SONNINO AND ORLANDO, 
FORMER FOREIGN MINIS- 



[423] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 



TER AND PREMIER OF 
ITALY. Illustration 397 

SQUADRON "SERENISSIMA" 
PASSING OVER NOTABLE 
BUILDINGS OF VIENNA, 
THE. Illustration 133 

STOCKTON FAMILY, 
SKETCH OF THE OLD- 
WORLD PARISH CHURCH 
IN WHICH WORSHIPPED 
THE ANCESTORS OF THE 
AMERICAN. The Old Church 
inMalpas. By H. H. Stockton. . 401 

STRUCTURES IN DALMATIA. 
1. Courtyard of the Government 
Palace at Ragusa. 2. The Golden 
Gate, Spalato. 3. The Cathedral 
pulpit, Spalato. 4. The Cathedral 
at Cattara. Illustration 368 

STUDY IN PUTNAM AND 
CLEAVELAND ANCESTRY, 
A. By Georgia Cooper Wash- 
burn 188 

THEODORE ROOSEVELT, 
"FIRST AMERICAN OF OUR 
DAY." By John Hays Ham- 
mond, LL. D., President of the 
National League of Republican 
Clubs and of the Rocky Moun- 
tain Club 312 

THREE TRENTINO PAT- 
RIOTS MURDERED BY THE 
AUSTRIANS. Illustration ... 397 

TOWN HALL OF CAPODIS- 
TRIA, THE. Illustration 113 

TRIESTE. By Doctor Giorgio 
Pitacco, Municipal Councillor of 
Trieste; Former Deputy to the 
Austrian Parliament 74 

TRIESTE. 1. The Harbor. 2. 
Arch of Riccardo. 3. Door of 
the Campanile. 4. Remains of 
Roman Structure in the Cam- 



panile, or Bell-Tower of the 
Cathedral. Illustration 389 

TRIESTE. Reproduced through 
the Courtesy of Mr. Agostino de 
Biasi, Editor of "II Carroccio," 
the Italian Review. Illustration. 256 

TRIESTE, DISTANT VIEW 
OF. From a Painting by Sar- 
torio 58 

TRIESTE AND TRENTO, 
SCENES IN. 1. The Castle of 
Buon Consiglio. 2. The Cathe- 
dral. 3. The Dante Monument. 
4. View from the Grand Canal, 
Trieste. 5. Panorama of Trento. 
Illustration 365 

TRIESTE, WELCOMING THE 
KING OF ITALY ON HIS 
ARRIVAL AT. Illustration... 116 

TRENTINO, IN THE. Vallarsa 
Valley. Illustration 296 

TRENTINO PATRIOTS MUR- 
DERED BY THE AUS- 
TRIANS, THREE. Illustra- 
tion 393 

TRENTO. Reproduced through 
the Courtesy of Mr. Agostino de 
Biasi, Editor of "II Carroccio," 
the Italian Review. Illustration . 253 

TRENTO, THE CATHEDRAL 
OF. During the War the Aus- 
trians Imprisoned Bishop Endrici 
of Trento for His Patriotism. 
He Has Been Compared, "for 
Nobility and Loftiness of Char- 
acter," to the Valiant Christian 
Hero, Cardinal Mercier. Illus- 
tration 400 

TRENTO, CASTLE OF BUON 
CONSIGLIO. Illustration .... 400 

TRENTO, DANTE ALIGHIERI 
SQUARE IN. Showing the 



[424] 



SYLLABUS AND INDEX 



Statue of Italy's World-Famous 
Poet. Illustration 385 

TRENTO, THE REDEEMED 
CITY OF. Illustration 254 

TRENTO AND TRIESTE, 
SCENES IN. 1. The Castle of 
Buon Consiglio. 2. The Cathe- 
dral. 3. The Dante Monument. 
4. View from the Grand Canal, 
Trieste. 5. Panorama of Trento. 
Illustration 365 

VERDI'S FORECAST OF THE 
WORLD WAR. The Great 
Italian Composer, Mourning the 
Hun Invasion of France in 1870, 
Predicted War Between Italy 
and Germany 151 

VICTOR EMANUEL III. KING 
OF ITALY. From a Photo- 
graph by the International Film 
Service 17 

VICTOR EMANUEL III, KING 
OF ITALY. From a Photo- 
graph Donated by the King to 
the Editor of "II Carroccio," the . . 
Italian Review, Mr. Agostino de 
Biasi, and by the Lattej's Cour- 
tesy Reproduced in The Journal 
of American History 177 

VIENNA, D'ANNUNZIO'S 
SQUADRON OVER. By Lieu- 
tenant Stefano d'Amico, Member 
of the Italian Military Mission 
for Aeronautics to the United 
States 129 

VIENNA, GABRIELE D'AN- 
NUNZIO'S FLIGHT OVER. 
The Squadron's Shower of Leaf- 
lets. Illustration 134 

VIENNA, THE SQUADRON 
"SERENISSIMA" PASSING 



OVER NOTABLE BUILD- 
INGS OF. Illustration 133 

VITTORIO EMANUELE OR- 
LANDO, PREMIER OF 
ITALY. Illustration 19 

VITTORIO EMANUELE OR- 
LANDO, PREMIER OF 
ITALY. Reproduced through 
the Courtesy of Mr. Agostino de 
Biasi, Editor of "II Carroccio," 
the Italian Review. Illustration. 214 

VOICE OF A SOLDIER FROM 
CAPODISTRIA, THE. By 
Colonel Ugo Pizzarello 52 

WAR SERVICES OF ITALIAN 
WOMEN, THE. By Amy A. 
Bernardy, Litt. D., Universities 
of Rome and Florence 61 

WAR WORK OF THE WOMEN 
OF ITALY. Illustration 289 

WASHINGTON CROSSING 
THE DELAWARE. From the 
Famous Painting by Emmanuel 
L e u t z in the Metropolitan 
Museum of Art, New York. Il- 
lustration 292, 293 

WELCOMING THE KING OF 
ITALY ON HIS ARRIVAL 
AT TRIESTE. Illustration.... 116 

WORDS FOR OUR TIME AND 
ALL TIME. By Theodore 
Roosevelt 339 

ZARA, REDEEMED CITY OF 
DALMATIA. 1. Interior of 
Zara Cathedral. 2. The Cathe- 
dral. 3. A Venetian Castle at 
Arbe, near Zara. 4. The Church 
of Saint Grisogono. 5. The Gate 
of the City. 6. Courtyard of a 
Residence. Illustration . . . 388 



[425] 



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Cmutibr Officers of 
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Cfcitorial directors ot tljr journal 
of amrriran l?istorp 

FRANK ALLABEN, Editor-in-Chief 

MABEL T. R. WASHBURN, Genealogical Editor 

JOHN FOWLER MITCHELL, JR., Associate Editor 



(3cano Council ot 



PHILANDER KEEP ROOTS 
George Washington Memorial As- 
sociation 
MRS. Louis FLICKINGER 

State Recording Secretary Daughters 

of the American Revolution 
MRS. THOMAS MOSES CORY 

Daughters of the American Revolution 

California 
ROY MALCOM, A. M., PH. D. 

Professor of History, University of 

Southern California 
MRS. CYRUS WALKER 
HONORABLE NATHAN W. BLANCHARD, 
A. M., Ex-California Representative 
NELSON OSGOOD RHOADES 

Mayflower Society, Colonial Wars, 
Sons of the Revolution 



MRS. J. H. Me EL HINNEY 

Daughters of the American Revolution 

Colorado 

MRS. JOHN LLOYD MCNEIL 

Past Regent, Colorado, Daughters of 
the American Revolution 

Connecticut 
Miss ADELINE E. ACKLEY 

2Di0trict ot Columbia 
MRS. HENRY F. DIMOCK 

President George Washington Memo- 
rial Association 

CAPTAIN ALBERT HARRISON VAN 

DEUSEN 

Holland Society, Sons of the Ameri- 
can Revolution 



[5] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 



LEWIS HORN FISHER, LL. M. 

Secretary United States Civil Service, 
Fourth District 

tflori&a 

MRS. CLAUDE STELLE TINGLEY, B. S., 

M. A. 
SISTER ESTHER CARLOTTA, S. R. 

Ex-President Florida Division United 
Daughters of the Confederacy 



GEORGE P. CASTLE 
WILLIAM D. WESTERVELT 

JUtnois 

HONORABLE JOHN H. HUNGATE 

President First National Bank, La 

Harpe 

MRS. GEORGE A. LAWRENCE 
Honorary State Regent for life, Illi- 
nois Daughters of the American 
Revolution 
MRS. HENRY CLAY PURMONT 

Life-Member Society Mayflower De- 

scendants in Illinois 
A. G. ZIMMERMAN, M. D. 



JOHN FOWLER MITCHELL 

President William Mitchell Printing 

Company 
HONORABLE GEORGE H. COOPER 

Cashier Greenfield Citizens Bank 

Jo tod 

SHERMAN IRA POOL 

Sons of the American Revolution. 
Iowa State Historical Society 



EDWIN WELCH BURCH 

First President Iowa Baptist Brother- 
hood 



luntucftp 

ALEXANDER KEITH, 



B. A. 



CHARLES 
OXON. 

History and Civics, East Kentucky 

Normal School 
MRS. WILLIAM H. THOMPSON 

Vice-President General, National So- 
ciety Daughters of the American 
Revolution 
Miss MARY NATALIE BALDY 

SBaine 

Miss NELLIE WOODBURY JORDAN 

Instructor in History, State Normal 
MRS. EDWARD EDES SHEAD 



HUGH MACLELLAN SOUTHGATE, B. S. 
American Institute Electrical Engi- 

neers 
JOHN GLENN COOK 

99 assart) usttt0 

ALPHONZO BENJAMIN BOWERS, C. E. 
President Atlantic Harbor Railroad 

Company 
HENRY Louis STICK, M. D. 

Superintendent Hospital Cottages for 

Children, Baldwinsville 
J. VAUGHAN DENNETT 

New England Historical and Genea- 

logical Society 
MRS. Louis PRANG 

President Roxburv Civic Club 



[6J 



GRAND COUNCIL OF THE VICE-1'RKS! 'HINTS 



MRS. SARAH BOWMAN VAN NESS 
Honorary Life Regent, Lexington. 
Daughters of the American Revo- 
lution 

Miss CAROLINE BORDEN 
Trustee American College, Constanti- 

nople 

MRS. CARL F. KAUFMANN 
FRANK REED KIMBALL 

Society of Colonial Wars, Sons of the 
American Revolution 



FREDERICK W. MAIN, M. D. 

Jackson Chamber of Commerce 
MRS. JAMES H. CAMPBELL 

State President, United States Daugh- 
ters of 1812 

MRS. FORDYCE HUNTINGTON ROGERS 

Ex-Dean Women, Olivet College 
MRS. FREDERICK BECKWITH STEVENS 



MRS. MARY ELIZABETH BUCKNUM 
Minneapolis Chapter, Daughters of 
the American Revolution 



Miss LUELLA AGNES OWEN 

Fellow American Association for the 
Advancement of Science and Amer- 
ican Geographical Society 



T. J. FITZPATRICK, M. S. 

Fellow American Association for the 
Advancement of Science 



MRS. ERASTUS GAYLORD PUTNAM 
Honorary Vice-President General 
National Society Daughters of the 
American Revolution 
ELEANOR HAINES, M. D. 

Life-Member, New Jersey Historical 

Society 

MRS. JOSEPH DORSETT BEDLE 
Past President New Jersey Society 

of Colonial Dames 
MRS. ORVILLE T. WARING 

New Jersey Colonial Dames, New 

Jersey Historical Society 
MRS. RUTH E. FAIRCHILD 

Life-Member Daughters of the Amer- 
ican Revolution, Member New Jer- 
sey Colonial Dames, Life- Member 
New Jersey Historical Society 
MRS. JAMES E. POPE 



HON. L. BRADFORD PRINCE, LL. D. 
Ex-Governor, President Historical 
Society of New Mexico 

jftrto ifotft 

REVEREND GEORGE CLARKE HOUGHTON, 

D. D. 
Society of Colonial Wars, Sons of the 

Revolution 

CHARLES JACKSON NORTH 
Life-Member Buffalo Historical So- 

ciety 
HENRY E. HUNTINGTON 

President Los Angeles Railway Cor- 
poration, Society of Colonial Wars, 
Sons of the Revolution 



[7] 



GRAND COUNCIL OF THE VICE-PRESIDENTS 



JOSEPH A. MCALEENAN 

Associate Member Explorers' Club 
FRANK JOSEF Louis WOUTERS 

President Oleogravure Co., Inc. 
OTTO MARC EIDLITZ 

Ex-Tenement House Commissioner 
MRS. BENJAMIN SILLIMAN CHURCH 
Incorporator and Past Vice- President 

Colonial Dames, New York 
MRS. FREDERICK F. THOMPSON 
Vice-President George Washington 

Memorial Association 
MRS. HENRY FAIRFIELD OSBORN 

Philanthropist, Trustee Barnard Col- 
lege 

MRS. JOHN CARSTENSEN 
MRS. ALICE B. TWEEDY 

National Society Daughters of the 

American Revolution 
MRS. MELVILLE AUGUSTUS JOHNSON 
Director Onondaga County Historical 

Association 
MRS. CORNELIA E. S. HOLLEY 

Chapin Association 
MRS. HENRY A. STRONG 

Life-Member George Washington 

Memorial Association 
Miss MAY OSBORNE 

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American Revolution 
MRS. VIOLA A. BROMLEY 

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the American Revolution 
MRS. W. B. SYLVESTER 

Founder and Honorary Regent, Mon- 
roe Chapter, Daughters of the 
American Revolution 
MRS. NELLIS MARATHON RICH 



National Society Founders and Pa- 

triots of America 
MRS. J. HULL BROWNING 
MRS. WILLIAM WARD DAKE 
Miss MARGARET A. JACKSON 
G. ALFRED LAWRENCE, M. D., PH. D. 
New York Academy of Medicine, 

Sons of the American Revolution 
Miss LUCILE THORNTON 
CHARLES FREDERICK QUINCY 

Chairman, Executive Committee, 
American Forestry Association 



>nKota 
C. HERSCHEL KOYL, PH. D. 

Fellow Johns Hopkins University 



HONORABLE B. F. WIRT 

President Equity Savings and Loan 

Company 
S. O. RICHARDSON, JR. 

Vice-President Libbey Glass Company 
MRS. OBED J. WILSON 

Life-Member George Washington 

Memorial Association 
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Life-Member Ohio Archaeological and 

Historical Society 
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Life-Member George Washington 

Memorial Association 
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Life-Member George Washington 

Memorial Association 
Miss MARIE A. HIBBARD 
Daughters of the American Revolu- 
tion, Toledo Art Museum Associa- 
tion 



[8] 



GRAND COUNCIL OF THE VICE-PRESIDENTS 



MRS. GUSSIE DEBENATH OGDEN 
Life-Member Mercantile Library, Cin- 
cinnati 

FREDERICK J. TRUMPOUR 
W. B. CARPENTER, M. D., 

Sons of the American Revolution, 
Vice- President Columbus Mutual 
Life Insurance Company 
B. F. STRECKER 

President The Citizens National Bank 
of Marietta 

Oregon 

DAVID N. MOSESSOHN 

Lawyer, Publisher and Editor The 
Oregon Country 

prnnGplbania 
FRANCIS AUGUSTUS LOVELAND 

President Chrome and Beck Tanning 

Companies 
PERCIVAL K. GABLE 
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President Corry Citizens' National 

Bank 
GEORGE T. BUSH 

Life-Member Sons of the Revolution 
MRS. FREDERICK PICKETT 
Miss MARY MEILY 



LxfjoUr Jolanb 
ALFRED TUCKERMAN, PH. D. 

American Association for the Ad- 
vancement of Science 

Pitginia 

MRS. BALDWIN DAY SPILMAN 

Past Vice-President General, Na- 
tional Society Daughters of the 
American Revolution 
MRS. LEVIN THOMAS CARTWRIGHT 
Virginia Historical Society, Daugh- 
ters of the American Revolution, 
United Daughters of the Confed- 
eracy 

CUrot Pirffinia 
C. M. BOGER, M. D. 

Ex-President International Hahne- 

mann Association 
MAJOR WILLIAM H. COBB 

Director General. Knights of Wash- 
ington 



MRS. ANDREW M. JOYS 

Honorary Life-President, Wisconsin 

Chapter, Daughters of Founders 

and Patriots of America 
EDWIN MONTGOMERY BAILEY 
MRS. FRANCES A. BAKER DUNNING 



MRS. ALFRED B. SCOTT 



Colorado 

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Society of Colonial Dames 



of tljf &tate flbbtcorp Boards 

Jotoa 

MRS. SHERMAN IRA POOL 
State Historian, Iowa, Daughters of 
the American Revolution 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

a? a ry Unto MRS. FRANK FOWLER Uo\v 

JOHN GLENN COOK Regent Irondequoit Chapter Daugh- 

American Association for the Ad- ters of the American Revolution 

vancement of Science ^ R s. GEORGE GEDNEY SANDS 

MRS. GEORGE C. CLAUSEN 



ARTHUR F. ESTABROOK Ohio 

American Academy of Political and FRANK S ERVIS MASTEX 

Social Science 

CHARLES LYMAN NEWHALL m||0lJt 

George Washington Memorial Asso- ,, 

. MRS. CHARLES EDMUND LONGLEY 

State Regent, Rhode Island, Daugh- 
ters of the American Revolution 



HONORABLE GEORGE D. EMERSON 

Ex-Member New York State Senate 
HENRY PARSONS MRS. EDWARD ROTAN 

Military Order of the Loyal Legion Daughters of the American Revolution 



[10] 



Arttrl?0 of Jtarorporatton at 
National irtHtortral 



Jncoiporatco unbci tljr Hatos ot ttjr District of Columbia 
at CUas&ington, on tfjr 'ct!3fnty=fe>ijtf) SDap ot flprtl, in tfjr 
gear of fiDur Eoto, Nineteen DunarcD anb fifteen, "Jpot 
tfie purpose ot promoting historical 1-uiotolebge ano 
patriotism, and tfje peace ot Uig&teouaness among 




NAME by which the Society is to be 
known is "The National Historical So- 
ciety." 

The Society is to continue in perpe- 
tuity. 

The particular business and objects 
of the Society will be: 

(a) To discover, procure, preserve, and perpetuate 
whatever relates to History, the History of the Western 
Hemisphere, the History of the United States of America 
and their possessions, and the History of families. 

(b) To inculcate and bulwark patriotism, in no par- 
tisan, sectional, nor narrowly national sense, but in recog- 
nition of man's high obligation toward civic righteousness, 
believing that human governments are divinely ordained 
to bear the sword and exercise police duty for good against 
evil, and not for evil against good, and recognizing, as be- 
tween peoples and peoples, that "God has made of one 
blood all nations of men." 

(c) To provide a national and international patri- 
otic clearing-house and historical exchange, promoting by 
suitable means helpful forms of communication and co- 
operation between all historical organizations, patriotic 
orders, and kindred societies, local, state, national, and 
international, that the usefulness of all may be increased 
and their benefits extended toward education and 
patriotism. 



(d) To promote the work of preserving historic 
landmarks and marking historic sites. 

(e) To encourage the use of historical themes and 
the expression of patriotism in the arts. 

(/) In the furtherance of the objects and purposes 
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The Journal of American History, and to publish the same 
as the official organ of the Society, and to publish or pro- 
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in furtherance of the objects of the Society. 

(g) To authorize the organization of members of 
the Society, resident in given localities, into associated 
branch societies, or chapters of the parent Society, and to 
promote by all other suitable means the purpose, objects, 
and work of the Society. 

The Membership body of The National Historical 
Society consists of 

(1) Original Founders, contributing five dollars 
each to the Founders' Fund, thus enrolling as pioneer 
builders of a great National Institution; 

(2) Original State Advisory Board Founders, con- 
tributing twenty-five dollars each to the Founders' Fund, 
from whom are elected the Members of the State Advisory 
Boards ; 

(3) Original Life-Member Founders, contributing 
one hundred dollars each to the Founders' Fund, from 
whom are elected for life the members of the Grand Coun- 
cil of the Vice-Presidents ; 

(4) Patrons, who contribute one thousand dollars 
to further the work of the Society; 

(5) Annual Members, who pay two dollars, annual 
dues, receiving The Journal of American History. 

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lars, annual dues, receiving The Journal of American 
History. 

(7) Sustaining Life-Members, who contribute one 
hundred dollars annually. 

(8) Sustaining Contributors, who contribute an- 
nually any sum between five dollars and one hundred 
dollars. 



of 



TITLE PAGE DESIGN 3 

BOARD OF EDITORIAL DIRECTORS AND OFFICIAL 
ORGANIZATION 5 

ARTICLES OF INCORPORATION OF THE NATIONAL 
HISTORICAL SOCIETY 1 1 

AMERICAN VALOR. FRONTISPIECE ENGRAVING 17 

PATRIOTISM. FRONTISPIECE ENGRAVING 20 

ITALIAN MILITARY ACTION IN THE WORLD WAR. 
PREPARED FOR THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY BY 
COLONEL V. Di BERNEZZO, MILITARY ATTACHE OF THE 
ITALIAN EMBASSY By "Italics" 21 

THE FIRST REPUBLICAN-DEMOCRATIC PRESIDEN- 
TIAL CAMPAIGN. AN INTERESTING ACCOUNT OF THE 

FORMATION OF A NEW AND POWERFUL POLITICAL PARTY By 

Charles Nevers Holmes 41 

A FOUNDER-FAMILY OF PENNSYLVANIA. STUDIES IN 
MEILY ANCESTRY By Mabel Thacher Rosemary Washburn, 
Secretary of The National Historical Society. For Meily 
Arms in Colors, See Front Cover of Magazine 49 

PORTRAIT OF MARK TWAIN 72 

LIEUTENANT U. S. GRANT AND LIEUTENANT ALEX- 
ANDER HAYS IN 1845, WHEN THEY WERE START- 
ING FOR THE MEXICAN WAR 73 

PORTRAIT OF HIRAM ULYSSES, LATER KNOWN AS 
ULYSSES SIMPSON GRANT 76 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

HOW GRANT AND SHERMAN SHOCKED THE DIPLO- 
MATS. AMUSING EPISODES AT THE EMBASSY BALL FOR PRINCE 
ARTHUR, DUKE OF CONNAUGHT, IN THE WASHINGTON OF 
THE SIXTIES By Mrs. Benjamin Silliman Church, Vice- 
President of The National Historical Society 77 

WAR VESSELS AT ANCHOR IN THE HUDSON RIVER. 
ENGRAVING 85 

THE MAYFLOWER PASSING THE UNITED STATES 
WARSHIPS IN THE HUDSON RIVER. ENGRAVING... 86 

TABLETS THAT TALK. THE STORY OF THE FIGHTING DAYS OF 
'77 AS TOLD BY THE TOMBSTONES OF OLD BENNINGTON, 
VERMONT 87 

BUST OF ETHAN ALLEN. ENGRAVING 93 

COMMODORE OLIVER HAZZARD PERRY 96 

AN AMERICAN RED CROSS OPERATOR SHOWING 
MOVING PICTURES IN A SICK WARD AT THE 
WALTER REED GENERAL HOSPITAL IN WASH- 
INGTON 97 

MONUMENT AT GREENSBORO, NORTH CAROLINA. 
ENGRAVING 100 

WHAT SHALL WE DO TO PRESERVE THE OLD BURIAL 
GROUNDS? A PLEA FOR THE PROTECTION OF THE ABAN- 
DONED GRAVEYARDS OF OUR COUNTRY By James Woodburn 
Hamilton 101 

FITTING THE WATERS OF THE GREAT PLAINS FOR 
INDUSTRIAL USE By C. Herschel Koyl, Ph. D., Fellow, 
1881-1883, Johns Hopkins University 103 

A HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF 
BANKS AND BANKING AND OF BANKS AND BANK- 
ING IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK By W. Harrison 
Bayles and Frank Allaben 1 10 

[14] 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 

AMERICAN SLEDGES ON THE ICE AT CAPE GEORGE 
RUSSELL. ENGRAVING 129 

AMERICAN SHIP PARTING HAWSERS OFF GODSEND 
LEDGE. ENGRAVING 132 

AN EPISODE OF NORTH AMERICAN HISTORY. THE... 

CONQUEST OF CANADA BY THE KlRKE BROTHERS, 1627-1632 

By Doctor Henry J. Berkley 133 

SIEUR DE LA SALLE. ENGRAVING 149 

THE REGION OF THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR. 
ENGRAVING 1 52 

A COLONIAL PREACHER AND PATRIOT By Colonel 
A. A. Pomeroy 161 

A HISTORY OF BANKS AND BANKING. (Continued) 174 

UNITED STATES STEAMSHIP, "WOLVERINE," FOR- 
MERLY THE "MICHIGAN." ENGRAVING 201 

DECK VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES STEAMSHIP 
"WOLVERINE." ENGRAVING 204 

LAFAYETTE. A POEM By Charles Nevers Holmes 205 

WHOM SHOULD HISTORY RANK NEXT TO WASHING- 
TON AMONG THE HEROES OF OUR WAR FOR 
INDEPENDENCE B y the Reverend George Israel 
Browne, M. A., Rector of St. John's Church, Lancaster, 
Pennsylvania; Member of The National Historical Society. . .206 

PLAN FOR THE ATTACK FOR THE SAINT-MIHIEL 
SALIENT, THE FIRST GREAT EXPLOIT IN FRANCE 
OF THE AMERICAN ARMY ACTING AS SUCH 
UNDER ITS COMMANPER, GENERAL PERSHING. 
ENGRAVING 231 

THE WATERWAYS OF ILLINOIS. ENGRAVING 232 

[15] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

SAINT GEORGE'S AT POPHAM. FORERUNNER OF ALL 
AMERICAN FORTS By Grace Louise Robinson 233 

UNITED STATES WARSHIP FIRING A SALUTE. 
ENGRAVING 236 

FACSIMILE OF THE ARTICLES OF CAPITULATION 
SIGNED BY GENERAL BURGOYNE OF THE BRITISH 
ARMY, AFTER THE BATTLE OF SARATOGA, IN 
1777. ENGRAVING 237 

SECOND PAGE OF ARTICLES OF CAPITULATION 
SIGNED BY GENERAL BURGOYNE. ENGRAVING 240 

A HISTORY OF BANKS AND BANKING. (Continued) ... .241 
PORTRAIT OF EDWARD EVERETT HALE. ENGRAVING. .254 

REPORT OF THE TREASURER OF THE NATIONAL HIS- 
TORICAL SOCIETY 255 




THIS SPIRITED 
IMKCK OF STATUARY, 
DESIGNED BY AUGUSTUS 
LUKEMAN. SCULPTOR. 
ADORNS THE MONUMENT 
AT SUMMERVILLE. 
MASSACHUSETTS. 
ERECTED IN COMMEMORA- 
TION OF THE BRAVERY 
OF THE SOLDIERS IN 
THE CIVIL WAR OF THE 
UNITED STATES 




AMERICAN VALOR 






U1J 






PATRIOTISM 

The Motherhood and Youth of the Nation, as conceived by Evelyn Beatrice Longman, of the 'National 
Academy of Design. One of the bronze doors of the United States Naval Academy, at Annapolis, 

Maryland, unveiled in June, 1909. 




VOLUME XIV 
NINETEEN TWENTY 




NUMBER 1 
FIRST QUARTER 



Jtaltan JKUitorg Arttnn in 



BT 

"ITALICUS" 

Prepared for The Journal of American History by 

COLONEL V. DI BERNEZZO 
Military Attache of the Italian Embassy 

TALICUS" is the nom-de-phime of a high military per- 
sonality of Italy, whose identity must for the present 
remain thus unrevealed, and who is in a position to 
know intimately the plans and purposes of the Italian 
Supreme Command from 1915 to 1917. 

The following study, prepared from the profound 
and interesting discussion of the conduct of operations by "Italicus," 
has been made for The Journal of American History by Colonel V. di 
Bernezzo, Military Attache of the Royal Italian Embassy to the 




[21] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

United States. It has been translated into English by Captain C. H. 
Huntingdon, Assistant to the Military Attache. 

Opinions of C5r rman flut!)oi0 on tfjt action of tfje Italian 
Critfctem becoming to 




HE particular conditions in which the war was carried 
out on the Italian front are not sufficiently known, 
and this has been the reason that even writers of 
authority, like Falkenhayn, 1 were able to give about 
our military operations a general opinion without 
foundation and therefore inexact. 
Other writers, too, of a certain notoriety, have expressed malig- 
nant opinions. First among these is the Prussian general, Von Cra- 
mon, who was for four years chief of the German mission at Austrian 
general headquarters, 2 a surrounding in which the hate toward our 
country was pushed to the unbelievable. Conrad never named Italy, 8 
Cramon tells us, without the epithet of treacherous he who had in 
1907 proposed to attack Italy, an allied nation that was then showing 
towards Austria the most remissive behavior possible. 

The "calomniez, il en restera toujours quelque chose" warns us 
that we must not leave a free field to slanderers ; the task, anyway, to 
put the truth in its right light is rather easy: the elements are fur- 
nished by Cramon himself; one has only to examine his story of the 
battle of the Piave. 

It is in the middle of June, 1918. "The spirit of the Austrian 
troops who were about to attack was excellent. Officers and men 
were anxious, like in the first weeks of the war, to measure themselves 
against the 'Welschen.' ' 

Everything was technically ready for the great offensive : at last 
both Conrad and Boreovic had declared it explicitly. Requested by 
the Emperor to say if, on their conscience, the attack could begin, they 
had both answered "Yes." 8 "Of the sixty Divisions, twenty-eight 
were arranged for attacking in the Asiago region." 9 

iVon Falkenhayn, "Die Oberste Heeresleitung, 1914-16," Berlin, Mittler & Sohn, 19.20. 

2Von Cramon, 'Unser Oesterreich Ungarischer Bundesgenosse im Welt Kriege," Berlin, Mittler 
& Sohn, 1920. 

sVon Cramon, page 55. Cramon, page 169. sCramon, page 170. eCramon, page 165. 

[22] 



ITALIAN MILITARY ACTION IN THE WORLD WAR 

The prologue of the great offensive was a demonstrative action 
on the Tonale. 

"The preparations for this were known under the conventional 
name of 'the avalanche.' But unhappily the facts did not correspond 
to the words ; the attack was immediately held up." 7 

On June I5th Cramon was in Meran with the Emperor and Arz, 
the Austrian Chief of Staff. The first news of the offensive was 
excellent. There was also present the Archduke Frederick, who car- 
ried with him a marshal's baton, gift of the Austrian Generals, which 
was to be presented to the Emperor in Vicenza, or in other Italian 
territory, as a souvenir of the victory. 8 

In the evening, though, during supper, after the toasts, "Arz was 
called to the telephone and came back very serious . . . . " 

"After dinner we knew that the joy of victory had unhappily been 
premature. On the Asiago Plateau and east of the Brenta Italian 
counter-attacks had thrown the Imperial troops entirely back into 
their jumping-off positions." 

"Also, on both sides of the Oderzo-Treviso railway, the principal 
attack of Marshal Boreovic had been broken in the first hours." 

"....Arz received from a conversation with Conrad, deeply 
depressed, the exact impression that the force of attack of the Tyrol 
group of armies was completely exhausted ; none of its divisions could 
be for the present considered in condition of fighting." 8 

Nor were Boreovic's divisions, so Cramon tells us, in any differ- 
ent conditions. 

(The author then examines the causes of this Austrian defeat, 
and comes to the conclusion that it was caused, not by the Italian 
Command having known the hour of attack, nor by an excessive 
extension of the front of attack, but by the Austrian High Command 
having committed the fundamental error of not having estimated the 
Italian Army at its true value.) 

Nor is the example of the Piave the only one which can be used 
to prove, by using the facts told by Cramon, the absurdity of his slan- 
dering campaign. 

In the same way, speaking about the Austrian Offensive in 1916, 
he admits 10 that it had reached, before the coming into action of Brus- 

TCramon, page 166. sCramon, page 176. oCramon, page 165. 

H'Cramon, page 57. 

[23] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

siloff, "the maximum results," and that it could not have continued 
without important reinforcements which were not at their disposal. 
And yet this offensive was carried out by the "finest flower of the Aus- 
trian troops." 1 

Much more measured and impartial is the judgment of Falken- 
hayn, who (the author says) recognizes that Italy's coming into the 
field of battle was of great importance for the results of the war." 

If the Italian Army did not accomplish great territorial conquests, 
it nevertheless powerfully contributed, as is assured by Ludendorf f , to 
the wearing out of the Austrian Army 13 and caused its final 
disruption. 

To say, like Cramon (page 21), that "the entry of Italy in the 
war was not a motive to interrupt the offensive against Russia; she 
then really did not deserve the help given to her by the Russians in 
the summer of 1916," means to assert the contrary of truth. 

II 
fepnttjegig of t&t 3taIian=liluG3ian=li\timaman Cooperation in 1915-16 

The help of Italy to Russia had begun before our entry into the 
war. Before the great German- Austrian Offensive of May, 1915, 
against the giant of the East, there were "considerable forces" 1 
assembled at our frontier. Nor did our preventive influence on opera- 
tions cause only this sensible diminuation of forces. When, in the 
beginning of May, 1915, the Russian front was broken, the pursuit 
could not be carried out by the German- Austrians without preoccupa- 
tions, though the conditions of the Russian Army would have 
allowed it. 

Mackensen's group of armies was given the task of remaining 
north of the upper Vistula, close upon the enemy, and south of the 
river, to reach as quickly as possible the line, San-Wiznia-Dniester : 
"only when in safe possession of this important sector would new 
dispositions be given. The reason of such a proceeding was due to 
Italy's conduct." 13 

When war was declared, other important forces were added to 

iiFalkenhayn, page 204. izFalkenhayn, page 83. 

i3Ludendorff, "Meine Kriegs Errinnerungen," Berlin, Mittler & Solm, 1919, at page 384. 

l4Falkenhayn, page 81. isFalkenhayn, page 77. 

[24] 



ITALIAN MILITARY ACTION IN THE WORLD WAR 

those already against us. Germany sent into Tyrol the Bavarian Alpen 
Korps, a division specially trained for mountain fighting, and a good 
number of heavy batteries on the Isonzo. 16 Austria had to withdraw 
from the Russian front one army corps, the Seventh, and one moun- 
tain brigade, the Fifty-ninth. Two more army corps and one division 
were withdrawn from the Serbian front (XVth and XVIth Corps and 
Fifty-eighth Division) troops composed mainly of Alpine brigades 
or Hungarian divisions." To these troops, mentioned in the German- 
Austrian official sources, others were added in the summer of 1915, 
following our offensive. One is therefore not far from the truth in 
asserting that Italy, in 1915, tied down to her front a force equivalent 
to about twenty divisions. Even when advanced autumn rendered 
operations on the Alps impossible, Austria, though invited by Germany 
to reinforce the Third Austrian Army, which could not at first -over- 
come the Serbian resistance, refused to withdraw any forces from the 
Italian Front. 18 Italy, in fact, during the fight of the Central Powers 
against Serbia, carried out a bloody and obstinate offensive, lasting 
about forty days, which cost our Third Army alone seventy thousand 
men, killed and wounded. 

On the basis of these data one can infer what would have hap- 
pened to Russia and the Allies if, in 1915, the Central Powers could 
have freely disposed of the forces on the Italian front ; the more so, 
considering that Serbia, who had remained inactive during all 1915, 
would not have been capable of moving, if \ve had not come into the 
fray; nor could have Rumania, in such condition, taken that preoccupy- 
ing stand which induced the Central Powers to leave, during the sum- 
mer of 1915, a few divisions at close call of the Rumanian frontier. 

But Cramon's assertion about the undeserved help given us by 
the Russians in the summer of 1916 is, as already said, contrary to 
the truth. Brussiloff's offensive was an unexpected action for the 
German-Austrians, but not improvised in help of Italy. It was an 
offensive arranged months before among the allies, which ought to 
have been carried out before June, and which, for various reasons, 
had been delayed. 

The Austrian offensive against Italy caused its beginning a few 

loFalkenhayn, page 86. 

)T"Der Krieg Gegen Italicn" (pamphlet by Streffleurs) Seidel & Sohn, Wien, 1918, page 35. 

mFalkenhayn, page 149. 

[25] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

days sooner; but it did not disturb its accomplishment; on the con- 
trary, it made it extraordinarily easier. 

To believe, like Falkenhayn, 19 that the attack ought to have been 
made only on July first, is not only to err as to actual facts, but is a 
military deduction which does not correspond to the situation. Where 
is the leader who lets slip by the opportunity to attack the enemy while 
he has weakened himself in front of him to fight elsewhere, and waits 
forty-five days to begin an action on his side, allowing in this way the 
adversary to finish the distant operations and to bring back his forces? 

The fact is that the Austrian front had been so much weakened, 
to furnish men for the war against Italy, that Brussiloff won as he 
wished. "After a relatively short preparation of artillery the Rus- 
sians had jumped out of their trenches and went forward without hesi- 
tation. Only in a few places had they taken the trouble to form 
groups of attack, by massing their reserves . . . . " : " .... As appeared 
afterwards, the Galician front was not only weakened by the with- 
drawal of units to the Italian front, but the power of resistance had 
also, for the same reason, been weakened by every possible means, 
because the numerous artillery, whose importance is known for troops 
of little morale, had been taken away, and besides this, there had been 
withdrawn from the Galician front a considerable number of the 
reliable elements, partly through exchange and partly through replace- 
ment with unreliable ones. In this way was the disaster explained ;" 2 
nor are the conclusions of Hindenburg's calm and masterly work any 
different. 22 

There is no need to add anything more to confute Cramon's 
statements; but it may be worth while to make perfectly clear what 
effects the events we have spoken of had on the general conduct of 
the war. Even as the great Russian victory was greatly helped by 
the fighting in the Tyrol, so did this victory bring a palpable blow to 
the German operations on the French front, and facilitate the British 
offensive on the Somme in the summer of I9i6. 2s 

Nor was the Italian cooperation towards the fortunate Russian 
offensive limited to the reaction shown against the Austrian offen- 
sive. Cadorna, notwithstanding the efforts made to hold up the 

l9Falkenhayn, page 206. 20Falkenhayn, page 206. 2iFalkenhayn, page 211. 

22Hindenburg, "Aus meinem Leben," Hirzel, Leipzig, 1920, pages 141, 144. 
2 3 Falkenhayn, page 210. 

[26] 



ITALIAN MILITARY ACTION IN THE WORLD WAR 

> 

attack, not only immediately took up again the offensive against the 
Austrians on the Plateau, but was able to anticipate the enemy on the 
Isonzo, by inflicting the grave defeat of Gorizia." 

After the battle of Gorizia the Italian Army powerfully ham- 
mered the Austrian Army with the Seventh, Eighth and Ninth Battles 
of the Isonzo, in September, October and November, preventing the 
withdrawal from that front of Divisions to reinforce those operating 
against Rumania. "The Austro-Hungarian troops there (on the 
Isonzo) were so worn out that no forces for use against Rumania 
could be withdrawn." 2 

In 1917 Italy's action in the fight against Austria was gradually 
taking more importance than the Russian one, until, following Keren- 
ski's unfortunate offensive in July, 1917, and the advent of the 
Bolsheviki to the Petrograd government, Italy and Austria remained 
alone against each other. Italy, with the Bainsizza offensive, put the 
near Empire in serious danger. 

The decision, retarded by the Caporetto disaster, did not fail. 
Italy immediately afterwards knew how to arise again with high spirit 
on the Grappa. The defeat inflicted by us on the Piave in June, 1918, 
marked the moral, and Vittorio Veneto the material, disaster of the 
Austrian Army. 

In face of these facts, which summarize the fight between us and 
Austria, is it worth saying that this hard and bitter contest happened 
near the Isonzo, instead of two or three hundred kilometers beyond? 

Ill 
elimination of Strategical aim {Tactical Contrition* ot tfy 



In this the author gives an accurate and profound examination 
of the strategical and tactical conditions of the Italian-Austrian War. 

STRATEGICAL CONDITIONS. The study of the Italian and 
Austrian railway systems puts our inferiority clearly in evidence, 
because, until 1914, the railway situation of Italy towards the Aus- 
trian front had defensive characteristics that is railroad lines of 

.'.kenhayn, page 138. ?-'-I.u<fendorff. page ajo. 

! n I 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

small carrying-power so as not to give means to the enemy in case 
of invasion ; and even if those railways had had the necessary carrying- 
power, in the Trentino, they were too far from the strategic objectives 
to be reached. Now it is known that railroads have a capital impor- 
tance in the vital question of supplies and evacuations of an army. 
The trend of our frontier was most threatening for us : a blow from 
the Tyrol threatened the rear of the whole army, and a blow on the 
Isonzo was a grave threat to our mountain-front. In both cases, the 
Austrian railways arrived nearly to the jumping off line of the enemy 
attack. Therefore in the strategical situation there was to our advan- 
tage only the possibility of a wearing-down warfare ; against us stood 
the extreme sensibility of our front, with the sword of Damocles 
always threatening not the head, but the back of our forces. 

TACTICAL CONDITIONS. As to the conditions of tactical 
action on the Italian- Austrian theatre of operations, one must consider 
that, of 550 kilometers front, 500 were mountains, the rest Carso. 
The author reminds us that all military writers agree in noting the 
great difficulties presented by mountain warfare. 

Undoubtedly the Austrians were confronted with the same diffi- 
culties in their offensives ; but for them the mountainous part to cross 
was much shorter, and their objective was clear: they were near to 
our plains. Contrarily, on all the mountain front, behind the first 
chain of mountains, rose another still harder one, and then still 
others, as obstacles against us. 

Such unfavorable strategical and tactical conditions were to 
weigh heavily on the execution of our war. In the mountains every 
offensive on our part came up against exceptional difficulties; the 
possibilities of great offensives were therefore limited to a narrow 
front, which excluded, very nearly, the possibility of surprise. 

On the defensive front the importance of not losing any ground, 
so as not to render the already delicate strategical situation more dan- 
gerous, obliged us to hold the line with more men than was necessary 
to the enemy. 

All this, given the extension of our front, was the reason why the 
forces at disposal for attacking the Julian front were limited as com- 
pared to other armies. Now, the less an offensive is extended, the 
more it fears the action of lateral artilleries. 

[28] 



ITALIAN MILITARY ACTION IN THE WORLD WAR 

IV 

Crump 



In this chapter the author examines the value of the Austrian 
Army as a whole, and in its elements, the soldiers. According to 
writings and documents of military authors like Cramon, Falkenhayn, 
Hindenbtirg and Alice Schalek, he comes to the conclusion that the 
Austrian Army was excellent and the Austrian soldier an excellent 
fighter. Special moral conditions also increased the value of the 
Austrian soldiers in the war against us, notwithstanding their differ- 
ent nationalities. 

Hindenburg, at page 260 of his book, "Aus meinem Leben," also 
takes note of this fact with the words : "Against Russia the Austrian 
Army was fighting with its soul alone, but against Italy with its 
heart as well." 

The fact is that against us was used always the best part of the 
Austrian Army, which on our front always showed a high degree of 
fighting spirit. The opinions of the authors above named are abso- 
lutely explicit in this matter. 

No one more than the Italians can confirm this opinion about 
yesterday's enemy; but if such was the enemy we had to face, why 
speak with such contempt, if even veiled, of our Army, which had to 
surmount still greater difficulties and was nearly always on the offen- 
sive in the mountains, instead of remaining on the defensive, like 
the enemy? 

V 

tt Jtalian'frrncf) Cooperation in tfjr Spring ano Summer 

Campaign, 1017 

(i) The 1917 Campaign in Italy Foreign Depreciations Results 
Obtained and Sacrifices Accomplished by Italy 

Having thus corrected, by our opponent's own words, the errors 
concerning the part which Italy had in the war ; there remains to give 
an answer to some publications, on the allied side, which show that 

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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

even they did not appreciate dispassionately all that our generous 
country did for the common cause. 

Commandant de Civrieux calls his documented work about the 
French offensive of 1917 "Pages de verite." We will therefore use, 
essentially, his data to rectify his opinions and those of others about 
the Italian action. 28 

During the war, in the breathless seeking of a victorious solution 
which could never be obtained, each of the allies or enemies saw its 
own effort and considered it greater than that of the others. This is 
only human, and equally human one can admit the fact to be that 
somebody, not completely informed about the conditions in which the 
fight was going on on the other fronts, could have thought that the 
allies did not do all they could. 

In this manner, and in no other, can one explain the words which, 
according to the French authors, Lloyd George is supposed to have 
said in the Paris meeting of May 4, 1917: "It is on the shoulders of 
France and of Great Britain that the whole burden of war is weigh- 
ing. What Russia can do is a mystery. What Italy can or will do we 
know enough." 2 The French deputy, Galli, reporter of the Par- 
liamentary Committee for the Army, gives the words as follows: 
"What Italy can or will do we do not know enough." 2 

As a matter of fact the British minister might have considered 
that several German Armies, about eighty divisions, 29 were on the Rus- 
sian front, that the Austrian Army did not bother France and England 
in the least, and that therefore somebody was thinking of keeping it 
busy; but the best answer was given by the Italian Army with its 
blood. From May I2th to June 4th there raged on the Carso the tenth 
battle of the Isonzo; from August I7th to September I2th, the 
eleventh. The military results were considerable on the Carso 
important positions wrenched from the enemy. Further north the 
Second Army had crossed the Isonzo and conquered the formidable 
elevations which commanded the river, from a height of over 1,500 
feet, pushing through the enemy lines to a depth of over 10 kilometers. 
The Second Army had accomplished one of the most difficult tactical 

zeCommandant De Civrieux, "Pages de verite," L'offensive de 1917 et le commandement du 
general Nivelle, Paris, Van Oest, 1919. 

27De Civrieux, page 188. 

28Henry Galli, L'Offensive Franchise de 1917," Gamier, Paris, 1919, page 203. 

2See the publication of the Great German General Staff, "Die Schlachten und Gefechten, 1914-1918," 
Sack, Berlin, 1919. 

[30] 



ITALIAN MILITARY ACTION IN THE WORLD WAR 

actions, the crossing of a river in front of an enemy in position, and 
at the same time the carrying of a mountain position. Here were, 
together, the difficulties which were confronted, separately, on June 
i$th, 1918, by the army groups of Boreovic and Conrad: 53,494 Aus- 
trians were taken prisoners, the enemy army was no more in condi- 
tion to withstand another Italian offensive, and the German plans of 
conquest of Moldavia, 80 which was to have given to the Central Powers 
"a territory extremely rich in the raw materials necessary to the war 
and which we were lacking/' 31 were completely upset. 

But all this had not been accomplished without heavy losses: 
36,000 killed, 96,000 wounded and 26,000 prisoners, of the Second 
and Third Army in our spring offensive, and 40,000 killed, 108,000 
wounded and 18,500 prisoners in the one of August- September ; a total 
of 280,000 casualties and 45,000 prisoners 325,000 men, in round 
figures, for these two offensives alone, in the two armies, without 
counting the 24,000 killed and wounded and the 2,000 prisoners, for 
instance, lost in the operation of the Sixth Army on the Ortigara, on 
the Asiago Plateau, in June of that year. 

This is the volume of the blood shed by Italy in 1917 for her great 
spring and summer offensives : he who has done more, let him say so ! 

Realizing the threat hanging over the Austrian Army, Germany 
decided to operate against us "to prevent Austria's downfall." 3 The 
strategical conditions. on our sector, as we have summarized it, was 
favorable to the Central Powers: the Italian Army, and particularly 
our Second Army, was for the moment tired out. The Caporetto 
defeat broke down our whole Julian front. 

Now it is in war as in battle: as all make a tremendous effort, 
each one thinks his own is the greatest. One can explain, therefore, 
that the Allies, immediately after the Bainsizza, asked Italy for 
another offensive, which our leader suspended when he saw the threat 
of the enemy offensive. Nor is it extraordinary that, in that situation, 
the Allies should have called back to France the few batteries granted 
for the preceding offensive; but it is not permissible that, after the 
events, each should try to claim the entire glory. 

But going back to the spring offensive, why say, as does De Civ- 
rieux, "Notwithstanding so many requests, based on the most sacred 

soCramon, page 126, and Ludendorff, page 383. SiLudendorff, page 237. 

ssLudendorff, page 384. 

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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

and legitimate reasons, Russians and Italians remained at rest, while 
French and British were launched to the attack of formidable German 
positions. A total inactivity persists on the vast eastern front till the 
end of June, the time in which Brusilof f and Korniloff launched their 
offensive of Volinia and Galicia. Only on May I4th Cadorna decrees 
a general attack on the Isonzo and the Carso. And at this same date, 
the western battle having ended on the French front, though continu- 
ing on the British sector, General Nivelle is replaced in the supreme 
command by General Petain. 

"From then on, and for a long time, till after the defeats of the 
spring of 1918, all major operations disappear from the horizons of 
French territory always violated, if not surrendered." 33 

Any one who in the study of history follows the worship of truth, 
must render incontestable admiration to the French Army, which held 
back the first German push of 1914 and sustained the slaughter of 
Verdun; but this high respect must not veil the eyes in judging the 
events of 1917, in a discussion which refers, after all, only to the 
action of the commands. 

Strategy is common sense. Let us leave Russia for the moment 
alone ; in April she had a newly-born revolution at home, and that was 
not the moment for offensives. To fight, there must be some one to 
command. Without any doubt, if Russia could have done in May 
what she did in July, the German High Command would have found 
itself in troubled waters. 34 

As it concerns Italy, the criticism of De Civrieux has no reason 
for its existence. What is meant by concurrent actions? That they 
should be carried out on the same day, perhaps? Has this the least 
influence on the result of operations ? What must be avoided is that 
the enemy, in front of two separate offensives, should manoeuvre by 
internal lines, by carrying reinforcements against the mass which 
attacks first, so as to defeat it while the other remains inactive. Is 
this Italy's case? Did the Central Powers take away, in the spring 
of 1917, one single man or gun from the Italian front to send him 
into France or Russia? Would it have been in any way possible to 
do so? 

Even if the Italians had conquered, in April, 1917, all they took 

33De Civrieux, page 126. 34Ludendorff, page 339. 

[32] 



ITALIAN MILITARY ACTION IN THE WORLD WAR 

in the two offensives of May and August- September, 1917; even if 
the Austrian Army should have been reduced in April to the condi- 
tions in which it found itself in September, Ludendorff was not the 
man to commit the unpardonable error of withdrawing a single man 
from the Franco-British front while the battle was raging in France. 
Nivelle himself did not believe it. "It is certain that, no matter what 
happens on the Eastern or the Italian fronts, he will not take away any 
element for their help on the Western front, as long as the Franco- 
British threat shall not have subsided." 3 

The Italian cooperation with the Franco-British offensive existed, 
and completely so : not one enemy man or gun passed from our front 
to the Franco-British or any other front. But General Nivelle's 
strange pretexts deserve, in the interest of our own country, to be 
discussed. 

(2) Nivelle's Abstractions 

Nivelle, by the telegram of March i6th to Cadorna, through the 
French Mission in Udine, by the letter of March 2ist to Painleve, and 
by a telegram of April igth, handed to the Italian Supreme Command 
by the French Mission with a letter dated April 2Oth, requested 
Cadorna, reminding him of the agreements taken in February, to take 
the offensive. 

These requests seem to De Civrieux of a "nettete impressionante." 
The agreement of Chantilly was to be ready in the first fortnight 
of February for the general offensive, and to launch it, if circum- 
stances were not opposed, at the same time, that is within the limit of 
three weeks, at the date fixed by common agreement of the Comman- 
ders-in-Chief." 

In February Cadorna was ready: was Nivelle ready? 17 It is cer- 
tain that he had lost the opportunity of attacking the Germans while 
they were retreating from the Arras-Soissons front to the Siegfried- 
Stellung. This operation, that is the gradual withdrawal of material 
and artilleries, began on February Qth. 

As came out in the investigation of the French parliamentary 

sHenry Galli, pafe 83, Report prepared by Nivelle, on 4-5-1917, for the War Council of Compiegne. 
BeAgreement of Chantilly, De Civrieux, page 4. 

srPainleve, Minister of War, page 22, "on the Aisnc front nothing was ready. Even on April 16 
our preparations were far from complete." 

[33] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

committee, intimations of this withdrawal were received in February 
on the British front ; 88 on March 4th General Franchet d'Esperey thor- 
oughly warned Nivelle of this fact. He proposed a sudden attack on 
the enemy's first lines, so as to surprise him and capture the artillery 
which had remained in position. Preparations could have been made 
in six days. 

The withdrawal of the German troops began on March i6th, as 
planned. 89 On March 7th Nivelle had decided not to attack. On 
March nth the revolution broke out in Petrograd. On the I4th the 
Petrograd agency gave out the news. On that same day the Austrians 
informed us of it from the trenches. From the end of February there 
was clearly shown, in the Trentino enemy, activity in the preparation 
of a major operation. In March the enemy artillery \vas greatly 
increased on the Asiago and Tonezza Plateaus, and more war materials 
arrived. One noted the arrival of fresh Austrian troops and of Ger- 
man troops on the higher Adige. The French Intelligence Service 
must have confirmed to Nivelle these probable intentions of the 
enemy. 40 

The pretence that Cadorna should not take into consideration the 
facts that the German withdrawal deeply modified the conditions of 
operations on the French front, that the Russian revolution checked, 
at least for the moment, the Russian offensive, that the enemy was 
making offensive preparations in Tyrol, proves that Nivelle had 
formed an inaccurate opinion of the Italian Commander. Cadorna 
did not need any spurring to give to the common cause the full and 
unconditional cooperation of the Italian forces. Nine offensive bat- 
tles on the Isonzo, besides the 1916 operations in the Trentino, from 
the beginning of July, 1915, to the end of October, 1916, were there to 
show it. 

And neither this time did he need any spurring on. On April 
I9th, as soon as the situation was clear in the Trentino, one day before 
receiving Nivelle's telegram, he had sent out the executive orders for 
the offensive on the Julian front, which was to begin on May 7th. 
Bad weather conditions obliged the operation to be postponed for 
about a week, to the extreme regret of the Italian commander. 

It was not in the Entente's interest to expose the Italian Army to 

SSGalli, page 57 and following; Painleve, page 23. 
39Ludendorff, page 323. 40Henry Galli, page 83. 

[34] 



ITALIAN MILITARY ACTION IN THE WORLD WAR 

great danger ; and one does not begin an offensive on the Isonzo when 
there is a threat pending from the Trentino. "To keep the initiative 
of operations" is Nivelle's constant preoccupation, and to a certain 
point it can be explained. It is natural that in his mind should pre- 
dominate the memory of Verdun, where he had reaped so much glory. 
Now at Verdun the initiative taken by the Germans in the middle of 
February, 1916, had broken up all plans of a Franco-British offensive. 
But the initiative of operations, too, is subordinate to the needs of 
strategy, that is to common sense applied to the leading of armies. 

The initiative of operations, the imposing on the enemy one's own 
will, is an advantage. This, if one precedes the enemy in prepara- 
tions, and delivers a blow in a vital point; in substance, when one 
attacks, as in February, 1916, at Verdun. But the case is different 
when these conditions are not present. What would a victorious 
offensive on the Carso have mattered if the enemy could have replied 
with a powerful push from the Tyrol, threatening to compromise the 
whole Italian Army and also the Entente, in that situation? Nivelle 
thought to insure for himself the initiative of operations by attacking, 
in April, 1917, in France, without perceiving that this was already 
gravely compromised. The withdrawal and the destructions accom- 
plished in the evacuated zone, without any interference in February 
and March, had taken away from Nivelle, for a certain time, the 
possibility of carrying out an attack on the most vulnerable part of 
the front. It was not so much a rectifying of the front which, after 
all, as Nivelle told the War Committee, did not diminish to any amount 
the strength of the enemy in the line, as a real, though temporary, 
diminution for over one hundred kilometers of the front at disposal 
for a great attack. In this zone there could be sent into the line tired 
or inferior divisions, and artilleries could be withdrawn to all advan- 
tage of the remaining sector of attack. "The number of German bat- 
teries spotted in action had augmented to over one hundred per cent, 
from January to April." 41 

As a whole Nivelle's initiative had been reduced to being able to 
attack, certainly with a great numerical superiority, in the Laon sec- 
tor, where the enemy, informed as to the intentions of the French 
Command, had cleverly prepared a terrain which, according to Foch, 

4iGalli, page 127. Report of Parliamentary Committee. 

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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

"is not adapted to artillery attacks." 4 As a conclusion, the German 
move had completely changed the situation. As soon as the with- 
drawal was noticed, that is in February and at the beginning of March, 
if one did not want to attack at once the enemy in retreat, there would 
have been time to modify the French attack without causing an appre- 
ciable delay. The northern front had been put aside by Nivelle on 
account of the uncertainty of the climate; the eastern front, because 
there would not have been any liaison with the British. 43 Now the 
liaison had been annulled by the German retreat. And it was not even 
the case of fearing that the enemy would attack, because, undergoing 
himself a crisis through this vast movement of men and material, 
he would certainly not have undertaken a large offensive. 

But Nivelle did not introduce any substantial modification. He 
limited himself, as a whole, to widen the attack to a certain amount 
in the Laon sector and went on rigidly, according to the plan he had 
fathered so long, and from which he hoped for the end of the war. 
Naturally the attack on the Eastern front was reduced to a recon- 
naissance on St. Quentin, immediately broken off. 

There was no modification either at the beginning of April, 
when he knew that documents, showing the plan of attack of an army, 
carried to the front line, had fallen into the enemy's hands. 44 He 
attacked on April i6th, when the exceptional bad weather should 
have advised a short postponement above all, for the colonial army 
corps. The motive which had eliminated the Northern front was held 
no more in consideration by him, though, among the conditions 
imposed on him by the Government for the execution of his plan, was 
that of attacking only with good weather. 45 "It seems," ends the report 
of the Parliamentary Committee, "that the Commander-in-Chief, 
without perhaps enough considering the experience of September, 
1915, and fearing an intervention which he wished to avoid at any 
price, has shown a great impatience for action and for engaging 
himself to the limit, though he did not ignore the fresh difficulties 
which were arising." 4 

With this the Committee lets us understand that Nivelle would 
have avoided any postponement for fear of the Minister deciding to 

42Galli, page 245. *3Oallj, page 45. 44Galli, page in. 

43Painleve, page 30. 46Galli, page 115. 

[36] 



ITALIAN MILITARY ACTION IN THE WORLD WAR 

withdraw his consent to the execution of his plan, as there was motive 
to believe. 

(3) The French Conduct of the War in the Summer of 1917 Accord- 
ing to de Civrieux Italy's Effort to Prevent the Attack 

Against Rumania 

To resume, the criticism against Italy for her delay in interven- 
tion does not stand on its feet. In the World War there is military 
glory for everyone, friends and foes; therefore no one must try to 
deprive Italy of the merits which are her due. No one can question 
the first place in sacrifices sustained by Italy in the spring and sum- 
mer of 1917. 

But what is stranger is that the criticism should come from 
de Civrieux, who tells us that in all that time France did not follow 
the energetic conduct of the war which he himself judges was neces- 
sary. 47 De Civrieux writes that "the only serious operation attempted 
by Petain after his being raised to the Command (May 10, 1917) was 
the one called the battle of Malmaison, a tactical operation carried out 
on October 23, 1917."" Not only so, but de Civrieux himself insists, 
and with right, on the imprudent words spoken on July 7, 1917, by 
the Minister, Painleve, at the French Chamber, "One must finish 
with these ambitious and reckless plans, which under magnificent 
appearances scarcely hide emptiness and unpreparedness," etc. 

"Therefore," continues de Civrieux, "the Imperial General Staff 
rapidly and exactly informed, did not ignore the fact that the official 
words of the Minister of War did not hide any stratagem. These 
words of an impressive ingenuity expressed a war doctrine exposed 
for several months to the light of day and the appliance of which had 
become a reality of every moment. For this reason Hindenbtirg, 
reassured against any possibility of near changes in the French plans, 
and sure of not having to face anything more than local and limited 
offensives between the Oise and Switzerland, did not hesitate in 
withdrawing from the Western front a certain number of divisions 
and transporting them rapidly against Russia. 

"On July 1 6th the Germans were then able to begin a powerful 

4TDe Cirrieux, page 267. tDc Civrieux. page 243. 

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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

counter-offensive from Tarnopol to the Dniester. On their side the 
Austrian armies, deployed on their left in direction of Lemberg, reoc- 
cupied Halicz; then, extending their movement offensively along the 
wooded Carpatian Mountains, completed the rout of the decisively 
wavering Russian armies. Galicia and Bukovina were lost, Bessara- 
bia and Moldavia were threatened with invasion. All the faint hopes 
laid in the soldiers of the Russian revolution foundered. 

"One month later the great city of Riga was taken, Livonia was 
invaded, the Baltic coast was taken as far as the Gulf of Finland, 
Petrograd was threatened. At the same time the only hope of salva- 
tion seemed lost." 4 

It is difficult to establish whether Painleve's words had weight 
or not in Hindenburg's and Ludendorff's decisions. The Nivelle- 
Petain-Painleve discussion has become a personal question. 

If the synchronizing of efforts with Russia could not have been 
carried out in April, because the Russians were then powerless, the 
union of efforts could have been obtained if Petain had attacked in 
France at the beginning of July, doing all that was possible to prevent 
the Germans from transporting against the Russians those seven divi- 
sions 50 which in the second half of July broke up the Russian offensive, 
so well begun in the first half of the month. Strategic cooperation 
must consist essentially in this: preventing the enemy from manoeuv- 
ering by internal lines; not allowing him, by massing his forces, to 
overpower one of the Allies. 

But it is useless to throw "ifs" around. Let us remain with the 
facts. From May, 1917, on Petain spared his army, while Cadorna 
lavished his in bloody offensives, conscious of doing all that was pos- 
sible for great, dying Russia, and, at least, to save Rumania. In con- 
clusion : either one of the two leaders operated in a way which did not 
correspond to the general situation ; or the sparing at that time of the 
French Army, after the glorious and sanguinary trials of 1914, 1916 
and April, 1917, was an unavoidable necessity, as Painleve explicitly 
admits. In either case, do not let us take away from Italy the merit of 
having, in 1917, taken France's place in the martyrdom of the war. 

In any case, Italy's sacrifice was not in vain for the general cause : 
besides the blows inflicted on the Austrian Army, it saved Moldavia 

49De Civrieux, page 239. 

OOLudendorff, pages 345-348; six divisions and the Alpen-Krops. 

[38] 



ITALIAN MILITARY ACTION IN THE WORLD WAR 

from a new invasion, and prevented the enemy from laying his hands 
on that rich territory, which would have given new life to the famished 
empires. 

VI 

<Q$t Htue Palliation ot tf)t Italian flrmp 

We have tried to rectify, by showing the inaccuracies of friends 
and ex-enemies, the synthesis of Italy's effort in the war. How many, 
and what useless, and for some what harmful discussions! And 
what can one say of those foreign libels, circulated under-hand, which 
for political purposes try to undervalue our army and its 
accomplishments ? 

Blind people ! what is the use of a partisan depreciation on paper, 
when the exact valuation has already been shown on the field of battle 
by the enemy and has been confirmed by events? 

In such a long war the valor of an army is measured by the 
enemy forces in front of it, taking in account the offensive or defen- 
sive purpose and the terrain. 

Now the proportion between the Italian and the enemy forces, on 
the Alps and on the Carso, was not any greater than the Entente had 
on the other fronts. As to fighting spirit, no one can ignore that, 
from July ist, 1915, to the end of August, 1917, in twenty-six months, 
there were on the Isonzo alone eleven battles, and one great action in 
the Trentino: one major operation every two months, without count- 
ing the bloody fights in the Alps. 

Let there be an end, therefore, to vain comparisons and a more 
or less veiled work of defamation : truth opens easily its way. 

Let us try to tell the events of the war, remembering that the 
main purpose of history is to know one's self. 

Only one who knows himself completely is master of himself and 
can prevent himself being dragged away by events. From the Aus- 
trian defeat on the Piave to the present abesement of Germany, the 
first cause of insuccess was always the same: the despisal of the 
enemy, caused by excessive self -exaltation of one's own merits. 



[39] 



(Eampaigu 




BT 

CHARLES NEVERS HOLMES 

URING the thirty-three presidential elections in the 
United States, only five political parties have suc- 
ceeded in electing their respective candidates. These 
five parties were the Federalists, Democratic-Repub- 
licans, Democrats, Whigs, and the present Republican 
party. The Federalist party was in power until the 
beginning of the Nineteenth Century, when the Democratic- Republi- 
can party elected Thomas Jefferson. This Democratic-Republican 
party became the Democratic party of Andrew Jackson, and under 
the latter name it exists today. The chief opponent of the Democratic 
party, during its earlier history, was the Whigs, and the Whig presi- 
dential candidates were ejected in 1840 and 1848, the Democrats being 
successful in 1844 (Polk), in 1852 (Pierce), and in 1856 (Buchanan). 
The Whig party came to an end in 1852, when Franklin Pierce over- 
whelmingly defeated its candidate, Winfield Scott. In fact, for a 
while, the Democratic party was left in complete possession of our 
Country's political battlefield. 

Nevertheless, a powerful though scattered opposition to the vic- 
torious Democratic party was present in this Nation, awaiting a proper 
stimulus to unite. This opposition consisted of several elements. One 
of these elements was, of course, the defeated Whig party; another 
element the so-called ''Free Soilers," and there was still another ele- 
ment which was nicknamed the "Know Nothings." The Whigs were 
opposed to the Democrats on "general principles" and on economic 
problems, the "Free Soilers" on the slavery question, while the "Know 
Nothings," or American party, were interested in certain suffrage 
reforms. However, at first, this scattered opposition was rather 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

feeble. It needed a proper stimulus to arouse it to full strength ; and 
this proper stimulus was provided by the Democratic party itself. 

The "Kansas-Nebraska Act" was the cause of the union of the 
several political elements opposed to the Democratic party. As is well 
known, this Congressional Act left to the people in the territories of 
Kansas and Nebraska the decision whether slavery should be forbid- 
den or allowed there. The "Kansas-Nebraska Act" became a law in 
1854, and awakened a tremendous excitement throughout the North- 
ern states. The "Compromise of 1820" had forbidden slavery in these 
territorial regions, but, despite this positive prohibition, this "Kansas- 
Nebraska Act" would permit slavery in these territories, provided 
their people voted in favor of it. The result was that the North began 
to line up more strictly against the South, and the history of our 
country approached closer and closer to the terrible tragedy of the 
Civil War. 

Out of this tremendous excitement in the Northern states, a new 
and powerful political party was rapidly created. Throughout the 
summer and autumn of 1854 the several political elements opposed to 
the "Kansas-Nebraska Act" and to the Democratic Party were coal- 
escing energetically. Men like Lincoln, Sumner, Greeley, Hale, 
Seward, Chase and Garrison became members of this new party, and 
presently it was given its political name. It is not positively known 
who first suggested the name "Republican," although such a sugges- 
tion was made by Horace Greeley in a letter. It has been stated that 
the name, "Republican Party," was chosen at a meeting of some thirty 
members of the House of Representatives, upon the day following the 
passage of the "Kansas-Nebraska Act." However that may have 
been, this name was a natural one, for it had been used before in the 
political history of the United States. It is said that the first official 
adoption of this name was at a convention held in Jackson, Michigan, 
on July 6, 1854. The term, "Republican Party," was also adopted by 
state conventions in Maine, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois and Iowa. 

During the first year of its existence, this new Republican party 
had many successes, its popularity increasing as time went on. In the 
Thirty-third Congress the Republican party was absolutely unknown, 
whereas in the Thirty-fourth Congress, which met December 3, 1855, 
the Senate contained fifteen Republicans and the House one hundred 

[42] 



FIRST REPUBLICAN-DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN 

and eight Republicans. That is to say, the Senate had about one- 
third as many Republicans as Democrats, and the House twenty-five 
more Republicans than Democrats. In this first congressional cam- 
paign of the Republican party, it won popular majorities in fifteen of 
the thirty-one states, its successes being mostly in what was then 
known as the "West." The new party was not as successful in the 
Eastern states, particularly in New England, where many of the voters 
continued to be "Whigs" and "Know Nothings." Unfortunately for 
the Republican party, this Eastern tendency to vote for the "Whig- 
Know Nothing-American party" continued until after the presidential 
election of 1856. 

In December, 1855, the Republican state committees in Ohio, 
Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Vermont, Wisconsin and Michigan 
issued a call for a general convention at Pittsburgh, February 22, 1856, 
to perfect a national organization. The members of this convention 
chose a national committee and decided upon a national convention to 
be held at Philadelphia, on June I7th. This "call" for the first national 
Republican convention was addressed to "The people of the United 
States, without regard to past political differences or divisions, who 
are opposed to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, to the policy of 
the present administration, to the extension of slavery into the Terri- 
tories, in favor of the admission of Kansas as a free state, and of 
restoring the action of the Federal Government to the principles of 
Washington and Jefferson." 

When this first national Republican convention assembled at 
Philadelphia, most of its delegates were in favor of the admission of 
Kansas as a free state, excepting certain delegates from Delaware, 
Maryland and Kentucky. It agreed upon a "Platform" which was 
opposed to the repeal of the "Missouri Compromise," to the extension 
of slavery to free territories, and to the refusal to admit Kansas as a 
free state. This "Platform" further declared, "Resolved, That the 
Constitution confers upon Congress sovereign power over the terri- 
tories of the United States for their government and that in the exer- 
cise of this power it is both the right and the imperative duty of Con- 
gress to prohibit in the territories those twin relics of barbarism, 
polygamy and slavery." It denounced the "Ostend Manifesto," which 
announced that if Spain should refuse to sell Cuba to the United 

[43] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

States, self-preservation would compel the United States to "wrest it 
from her." It was in favor of a Pacific Railroad and of "appropria- 
tions by Congress for the improvement of rivers and harbors of a 
national character." However, this first "Platform" of the Republi- 
can party made no mention at all of what was afterwards one of its 
chief contentions, namely, the Tariff. 

The Republican convention at Philadelphia having thus decided 
upon its "Platform," its delegates next turned their attention to the 
choice of presidential candidates. On the first ballot, John C. Fre- 
mont, of California, received three hundred and fifty-nine votes; 
McLean, one hundred and ninety-six ; Sumner, two, and Seward, one 
vote. This necessitated a second ballot, and on this ballot Fremont 
was nominated unanimously. Afterwards, there was an informal 
ballot to choose a candidate for Vice-President. On this informal bal- 
lot, William L. Dayton, of New Jersey, received two hundred and 
fifty-nine votes ; Lincoln, one hundred and ten ; Banks, forty-six ; Wil- 
mot, forty-three, and Sumner, thirty-five, with fifty-three votes scat- 
tered. A formal vote was then taken, and Dayton was nominated 
unanimously. The first Republican presidential candidates were, 
therefore, Fremont and Dayton. Fremont's nomination was intended 
to attract the votes of certain Free Soilers and Democrats, as well as 
to provide a popular rallying phrase, "Free soil, free speech, free 
men, and Fremont!" Dayton's nomination was made to please the 
Whig element in the new party. 

The Democratic convention met at Cincinnati, Ohio, on June 2, 
1856. Its delegates agreed upon a "Platform" which was a renewal 
of that of 1852, including the original "Platform of 1840," with addi- 
tional resolutions approving the "Kansas-Nebraska Act" and the prin- 
ciple of popular sovereignty, and condemning the "Know Nothing" 
movement. This Democratic "Platform" of 1856 quoted "Resolution 
7" from the "Platform of 1840," and declared, "That the foregoing 
proposition covers, and was intended to embrace, the whole subject of 
slavery agitation in Congress; and, therefore, the Democratic party 
of the Union, standing on this national platform, will abide by, and 
adhere to, a faithful execution of the acts known as the compromise 
measures settled by the Congress of 1850, 'the act for reclaiming 
fugitives from service labor' included; which act, being designed to 

[44] 



FIRST REPUBLICAN-DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN 

carry out an express provision of the Constitution, cannot, with fidel- 
ity thereto, be repealed, or so changed as to destroy or impair its effi- 
ciency; that the Democratic party will resist all attempts at renewing 
in Congress, or out of it, the agitation of the slavery question, under 
whatever shape or color the attempt may be made." 

In choosing their presidential candidate at Cincinnati, the Demo- 
crats experienced much more difficulty than in making their "Plat- 
form." The delegation was divided among James Buchanan, Franklin 
Pierce and Stephen A. Douglas, and much excitement and bitterness 
resulted. Indeed, no nomination was made until the seventeenth bal- 
lot, when Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, was chosen. On the first ballot, 
Buchanan received one hundred and thirty-five votes; Pierce, one hun- 
dred and twenty-two, and Douglas, thirty-three. On the sixteenth 
ballot, Buchanan received one hundred and sixty-eight votes and 
Douglas one hundred and twenty-one. Buchanan was nominated on 
the following ballot, and J. C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, was after- 
wards chosen as the Democratic candidate for Vice-President. 

There was, also, a third party in this presidential campaign, 
which was known as the "Know Nothing" or American party. The 
members of this party acted in so peculiar and mysterious a manner 
that members of the two other parties believed that the "Know Noth- 
ings" were more powerful than they proved to be. This American 
party nominated Millard Fillmore, of New York, for President, and 
Andrew J. Donelson, of Tennessee, for Vice-President. In the elec- 
tion, this third party polled a popular vote of 874,000, and won eight 
electoral votes. 

The first Republican-Democratic campaign was conducted with 
great energy "up North," whereas "down South" there was practi- 
cally no excitement. As would be expected, the citizens in the Southern 
states had very little interest in the new party. Throughout the North, 
however, there was great excitement, which was increased by parades, 
bonfires, public meetings, eloquent speeches, songs and catchwords. 
The subject of slavery was everywhere discussed, and, of course, this 
subject intensified the political excitement. It was an old-fashioned 
campaign, a pre-Civil War presidential campaign, and, although it 
was not equal in general enthusiasm to that of 1840, this presidential 
campaign of 1856 was by no means a dull one. The battle was between 

[45] 






THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

Buchanan and Breckinridge, Democrats, and Fremont and Dayton, 
Republicans ; and James Buchanan, lawyer and statesman, was elected 
over John Charles Fremont, explorer and soldier. Buchanan was 
born in 1791, near Mercersburg, Pa.; Fremont in 1813, at Savannah, 
Ga. Buchanan was a well-meaning man, but he possessed a vacillating 
and not an energetic character. Fremont was a man of fine presence 
and very popular. Nevertheless, Buchanan defeated Fremont in this 
eighteenth presidential campaign by a national vote of 1,838,169 to 
1,341,264, that is, by almost half a million votes. 

In other words, Buchanan did not receive a plurality of the 
popular vote about 4,000,000 votes and he received 377,633 fewer 
votes than the Republican and American candidates together. When 
the electoral votes were counted at Washington, February n, 1857, it 
was announced that James Buchanan had received one hundred and 
seventy-four such votes and John Charles Fremont one hundred and 
fourteen votes, and, accordingly, that Buchanan had been elected 
President by a plurality of fifty-two electoral votes over Fremont and 
Fillmore, or by sixty more votes than the Republican candidate had 
received. However, Buchanan was nearer defeat than his electoral 
vote indicated, for had Fremont received the electoral votes of Penn- 
sylvania and Illinois, he would have beaten Buchanan by a national 
vote of one hundred and fifty-two to one hundred and thirty-six. 
Nevertheless, the citizens of our Republic elected the Democratic can- 
didate, and James Buchanan became the fifteenth President of the 
United States. 

At this point, it will be interesting to study and compare some 
statistics respecting the electoral votes in this eighteenth presidential 
campaign. Maryland, the thirty-first state, is not included, since it 
cast its eight votes for Fillmore. 

For President I 7 or V ice-President 

State Buchanan Fremont Breckinridge Dayton 

Maine 8 . . 8 

New Hampshire . . 5 . . 5 

Massachusetts . . 13 . . 13 

Rhode Island . . 4 . . 4 

Connecticut . . 6 . . 6 

Vermont . . 5 5 

[46] 



FIRST REPUBLICAN-DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN 

New York 35 . . 35 

New Jersey 7 . . 7 

Pennsylvania 27 . . 27 

Delaware 3 . . 3 

Virginia 15 . . 15 

North Carolina 10 . . 10 

South Carolina 8 . . 8 

Georgia 10 . . 10 

Kentucky 12 . . 12 

Tennessee 12 . . 12 

Ohio 23 . . 23 

Louisiana 6 . . 6 

Mississippi 7 . . 7 

Indiana 13 . . 13 

Illinois ii .. ii 

Alabama 9 . . 9 . ;-ivi 

Missouri 9 . . 9 

Arkansas 4 . . 4 

Michigan . . 6 . . 6 

Florida 3 . . 3 

Texas 4 . . 4 

Iowa .. 4 .. 4 

Wisconsin . . 5 . . 5 

California 4 . . 4 

Total 174 114 174 114 

From the above table it will be seen that, in 1856, there were, 
including Maryland, thirty-one states in our Republic, and that these 
states possessed two hundred and ninety-six presidential electors. 
Compared with this, our Nation consists at present of forty-eight 
states, which possess five hundred and thirty-one electoral votes. In 
1856, New York had thirty-five such votes, Pennsylvania twenty- 
seven, Illinois eleven, and Ohio twenty-three. In 1920, New York has 
forty-five votes, Pennsylvania thirty-eight, Illinois twenty-nine, and 
Ohio twenty-four. In 1856, the Democrats carried nineteen states, 
the Republicans eleven states. In that year, Pennsylvania, Indiana, 
Illinois and New Jersey "went" Democratic. New York and Ohio 

[47] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

chose Republican electors. It should be noted that although Fremont 
was a resident of California, and a popular western hero, he did not 
receive the electoral votes of California, Texas, and Missouri. Owing 
to the free-state issue, he was handicapped by the Southern states vot- 
ing against him a total electoral vote of 72. 

Thus began and ended the first Republican-Democratic presiden- 
tial campaign. It occurred sixty-four years ago, and is now almost 
forgotten excepting by historical students. However, it was the initial 
presidential battle between the two great parties which still exist, after 
their sixteenth quadrennial combat. Since its birth, in 1828, the pres- 
ent Democratic party has won ten times, although it has been defeated 
by the present Republican party eleven times. And since its first vic- 
tory over the Republican party in 1856, the Democratic party has 
vanquished the Republicans four times, that is, in 1884, 1892, 1912, 
and in the last election of 1916. 







[48] 



A jfawtfr r- Jamtlg of 




in 9?nlp 



BT 

MABEL THACHER ROSEMARY WASHBURN 

Secretary of The National Historical Society 

SCAR KUHNS, in his "German and Swiss Settlements 
of Colonial Pennsylvania," says: "From their first 
appearance in Switzerland in the early decades of the 
sixteenth century, the Mennonites were the victims of 
systematic persecution on the part of their Reformed 
brethren ; ...... 

"From time to time single families and individuals had fled across 
the frontiers and sought refuge in the Palatinate, where Mennonite 
communities had existed since 1527. In 1671 the first considerable 
emigration took place, when .... seven hundred persons left their 

native land and settled on the .... Rhine .... These Palatine Swiss 

had to suffer the same trials as their neighbors, .... Poverty, floods, 

.... finally induced large numbers of them to join their brethren in 

Switzerland in the movement which resulted in the settlement on the 
Pequea in Lancaster County." 

Among these emigrating Mennonite families was that of Meily, 
which is well entitled to the rank of a Founder-Family of Pennsyl- 
vania, since it was one of those who made the first European settle- 
ment of what is now Lancaster County, and, among these, was one 
of the most eminent. 

The family of Meily, or Meili (the name being spelled in various 
other ways in the early Pennsylvania records), was of the Canton of 
Zurich, in Switzerland. It is said that they lived originally in Hedin- 
gen, in the said Canton; but one branch was of Winterthur, near 
which is a place called Meilen, perhaps an early home of the family. 



[49] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

The Coat-of-Arms is blazoned as of Winterthur, where their chief 
estates may have been. This is described as follows : 

"D'arg. a une tulipe de gu., accostee de deux rose du meme, les 
fleurs alternant avec quatre f euilles de sin. ; le tout soutenu d'un tertre 
de quatre coupeaux escarpes due memes. C. : les meubles de 1'ecu 
(moins le tertre). L. : a dextre d'or et de gu., a sen. d'arg. et de gu." 

This blazon, heraldically Anglicized, may be rendered : 

Arms : Argent, a tulip gules, between two roses gules, the flowers 
alternating with four leaves vert, the whole resting upon a mound of 
four terraces vert. 

Crest : The flowers and leaves of the shield. 

Mantling: Dexter side, or and gules; sinister side, argent and 
gules. 

A valuable paper presented before the Lancaster County Histori- 
cal Society in 1910 states that the Seventeenth Century opened with 
the efforts of Count Witgenstein, Lord of Hamburg, and a Calvinist, 
to exterminate from his domains Catholicism, and the various bodies 
of Lutherans and Anabaptists; and that, in 1601, a decree against 
the last was issued at Groningen, Switzerland, this followed by severe 
measures in Zurich and elsewhere. Among the Anabaptists were the 
Mennonites, followers of Simon Menno, born in 1505, and who died 
in 1561. The distinctive tenets of the Mennonites are opposition to 
infant baptism, to participation in government, and to war. Thus, 
they met with determined opposition in Switzerland, not only from the 
religious adherents of Zwingli and Calvin, but also from the Govern- 
ment. A number were put to torture and imprisoned, and among 
these was Hans Meily, of the Knownow district, in the Canton of 
Zurich, who thus suffered about 1638. His sons, Hans Meily, Junior, 
and Martin Meily, were imprisoned. This Martin Meily was a 
Mennonite minister and an historian of the Mennonite sufferings. It 
has been asserted that Martin Meily, who, as will be shown, came to 
Pennsylvania in 1710, was a nephew of Martin Meilly, this Mennonite 
historian; and, if this be true, the brother of Martin, the historian, 
came here also. For Martin of Pennsylvania was accompanied by, or 
followed by, his father, Hans Meily. 

During the latter half of the Seventeenth Century and the early 
years of the Eighteen Century, a number of Mennonite families set- 

[501 



A FOUNDER-FAMILY OF PENNSYLVANIA 

tied in Holland and in the Palatinate, or German Rhine provinces, 
these settlements being largely caused by Swiss edicts of banishment. 
It was from these exiled Swiss Mennonites, as well as from their 
German neighbors, and, in a far smaller degree, their Dutch neigh- 
bors, that many Pennsylvania colonists originated. Some went first 
to England, where they were generously aided by the Government, 
which assisted them also to come to America. Among those who went 
to England, apparently to arrange there for the transportation of a 
party to America, were the leaders of what became the first settle- 
ment of the present Lancaster County, Pennsylvania. These wrote 
to their co-religionists in Amsterdam, Holland, where their letter, it 
is said, still is extant. It was dated at London, June 27, 1710, and 
stated that they were soon to embark for America. The signers of 
this letter were Martin Oberholtzer, Martin Kundig, Christian Herr, 
Jacob Muller, Martin Meili, and Hans Herr. It is believed that these 
men, with others, arrived in Philadelphia in September, 1710, on the 
ship, Mary Hope. 

On October 10, 1710, a warrant for the survey of ten thousand 
acres on Pequea Creek, then in Chester County, but now in Lancaster 
County, Pennsylvania, was issued, and it was patented October 23, 
1710, to Hans Herr and Martin Kundig, evidently acting as agents 
for the little group of colonists. This tract was subdivided among the 
following: Martin Kundig, Martin Meily, Christian Herr, Hans 
Herr, Wendel Bowman, John Rudolph Bundely, Christopher Fran- 
ciscus, Jacob Miller (or Muller), and John Funk. 

While historians state that Hans Meily accompanied his sons, 
Martin and Hans (John) to America, in 1710, it has been thought 
that he did not do so, but died in Europe, perhaps in Switzerland, pos- 
sibly in the Palatine, or elsewhere. He must have been very aged in 
1710, for there is record that the wife of his son, Martin, was born in 
1672, which indicates the approximate age of the said Martin. Mar- 
tin was apparently the older of the two sons of the old Hans Meily, 
since he took the more active part in the Pequea settlement, and since 
he shared in the original division of the 1710 patent, as has been 
stated. If John Meily, Senior, came to Pennsylvania, he probably 
died soon thereafter. The name of his wife is unknown. 

Martin Meily was probably twice married, and it may be that all 

[51] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

of his children were born of the first marriage. For on the grave- 
stone of his wife, Barbara, in what is called now the old Tchantz or 
Musser graveyard (in West Lampeter Township, on Pequea Creek, 
in Lancaster County), it is stated that she was aged seventy at her 
death in 1742, and that she had lived in marriage with Martin Meily 
for twenty-four years. Thus their marriage took place about 1718, 
when she was forty-six years old. 

Martin Meily made his will on March 17, 1747; added a codicil 
on April 8, 1749; and it was proved January 22, 1750 (Old Style, 
1749). In it he mentioned only one child, his son, Martin. But it is 
apparently clear that Hans Meily, whose gravestone lies close to that 
of Barbara (wife of Martin), was a son of Martin, by the latter's 
first marriage. This Hans died December 26, 1733, aged nineteen 
years, and thus was born prior to the marriage of Martin and Bar- 
bara, which, as said, occurred in 1718. 

From Martin Meily, Junior, son of Martin, the 1710 colonist, and 
grandson of Hans Meily, Senior, probably a colonist of 1710, 
descend the Meilys of Lancaster County, Pennsylvania. The present 
study, however, is especially concerned with the history of the Meily 
family of Lebanon County, Pennsylvania. This branch descends 
from John Meily, son of John (Hans) Meily, Senior, and thus brother 
of Martin Meily, the Lancaster County Meily's ancestor. 

John Meily, brother of Martin (ancestor of the Lancaster County 
Meilys), appears, as has been said, to have been the younger of the 
two sons of Hans Meily. Not only was Martin's part in the early 
settlement far more conspicuous, but, in the aforesaid division made 
to the nine grantees, of the original 1710 patent of ten thousand acres 
(made to Hans Herr and Martin Kundig), these nine men are called 
"Swissers;" whereas, in the grant (described subsequently herein) to 
John Meily, in 1717, he is described as "late of the Palatinate of the 
Rhine in Germany." The indications are that Hans, the father, and 
his elder son, Martin, had been born in Switzerland; that they had 
gone to the Palatinate, as did so many of the Swiss Mennonites ; that 
Hans' younger son, Hans, Junior, or John, had been born in the Pala- 
tinate; that all three had come to Pennsylvania in 1710; that Hans, 
Senior, died very soon after the settlement on Pequea Creek, or, at 
any rate, before 1717. In a deed, to be mentioned subsequently in 

[52] 



A FOUNDER- FAMILY OF PENNSYLVANIA 

this present study, it is shown that, in 1730, there was living a John 
Meily, who was called "eldest son & heir at law of Hans Meilin, 
deceased," and that this "eldest son" had inherited the lands patented, 
in 1717, to his father. Therefore, since it appears that John (son of 
Hans, the 1710 colonist), was younger than his brother, Martin, the 
patentee of 1717 could not have been the elder Hans; for, in that case, 
the "eldest son" of the said 1730 deed would not have been John, 
but Martin. 

Martin Meily, son of Hans, Senior, was probably born prior to 
1672 (the birth-date of his second wife, Barbara). Therefore, since 
Martin's brother, John, was younger, in accordance with the theory 
of evidence set forth above, John Meily, son of Hans, Senior, was 
born probably after 1670, and in the Rhenish provinces of Germany, 
called the Palatinate. In 1671 there was a conspicuous migration of 
Swiss Mennonites to the Palatinate ; and that may have been the year 
when the Meily family, Hans, his wife, and Martin, their son (prob- 
ably a young child), settled en the Rhine, where, perhaps about 1672, 
John Meily was born. 

On August 30, 1717, there was patented to John Meily a tract 
of seven hundred acres, located in what was then the Township of 
Strasburg, Chester County, Pennsylvania. Lancaster County was 
formed from Chester County in 1729. Warrant for survey of this 
tract had been issued to John Meily earlier in the same year. It may 
be that he had lived, up to that time, with his elder brother, Martin 
Meily, on the latter's subdivision of the original 1710 patent, and 
that the occasion of his (John's) activity in securing a tract for him- 
self, as he did in 1717, was the death of his father, Hans Meily, the 
aged 1710 colonist. This 1717 patent describes the land granted to 
John Meily as follows : 

" .... a certain tract of land situated in Township of Strasbury 
[Strasburg] in County of Chester. . . .Beginning at a marked white 
oak at a corner of Isaac Leffeires land and running by the same 
north by west 245 perches to a corner post then by land reputed vacant, 
west by south 485 perches to a corner black oak, then south by east by 
vacant land, the land of Benedictus Vengrif t 245 perches to a corner 
white oak then east by north by the lands of Martin Kendig, Martin 
Mayley and Christian Herr 485 perches to the place of beginning, 

[531 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

containing Seven hundred acres." The document goes on to state 
that "Hans Mayley late of the Palatinate of the Rhine in Germany 
but now of the Township of Strasbury" desires a confirmation by 
patent of the grant of the described land. 

On November 15, 1718, "Hans Meilen of the Township of Stras- 
bury in the County of Chester" deeded to "Charles Christopher of 
Strasbury" one hundred and six acres, described in the deed as being 
part of the tract of seven hundred acres which the Commissioners of 
Pennsylvania had granted to the said "Hans Meilen" on August 30, 
1717. On July 27, 1722, "Hans Meylin" deeded one hundred acres of 
the 1717 patent of seven hundred acres to Martin Meylin, perhaps 
the Martin, brother of John (and son of Hans, Senior), but possibly 
Martin, son of John Meily of the 1717 patent, who, as will be shown, 
had a son, Martin. This tract of one hundred acres was deeded, by 
Martin Meily, to Charles Christopher, July 21, 1747. 

John Meily died before January 29, 1728 (1727, Old Style), for, 
on that date, "John Mylen & Martin Mylen and Joseph Lowe all of 
the County of Chester" were bound as sureties for the administration 
of the estate of "John Mylen," deceased, by "the above bounded John 
Mylen," whose signature to the bond is "Hans Miyli." 

There is preserved in the Register's Office for Chester, dated 
January 16, 1717-1728, "An Inventory of all and singular of the 
goods and chattels of John Mylen late of Conastogo, deceased." In 
this is listed, with cattle, farm implements, "severall Kettles and 
potts," "some beding," "some books," etc., "the plantation 300 acres." 
This was apparently what remained of the 1717 patent of seven hun- 
dred acres (which may, of course, actually have consisted of less 
land), from which tract he had, as stated, deeded away two hundred 
and six acres. 

The name of the wife of John Meily, son of Hans, Senior, and 
brother of Martin, is unknown. He appears to have had five sons: 
John, Martin, Jacob, Samuel, and George. These five had patents of 
land in about the same locality, receiving them at dates close together. 

Of these five, Jacob Meily is the ancestor in the lineage of the 
present study ; but some account of the others will be given, before his 
history is here recorded. 

As has been said, John Meily was administrator of his father's 

[54] 



A FOUNDER-FAMILY OF PENNSYLVANIA 

estate in 1728. On December 10, 1730, "John Mealin of the County 
of Lancaster," "eldest son & heir at law of Hans Meilin, deceased, and 
Katharine his wife" deeded to John Howser two hundred acres of 
land, the instrument of grant stating that this tract was a part of that 
which "William Penn. . . .by Patent. . . .under hands of his late Com- 
missioners to wit Richard Hill, Isaac Norris and James Logan. . . .the 
thirtieth day of August, Anno Domini one thousand seven hundred 
and seventeen. . . .did grant. . . .unto the said Hans Meilin in his life 
time .... in the Township of Strasburg now in the said County of 
Lancaster, containing seven hundred acres. ..." The deed goes on 
to state that the said "Hans Meilin .... Since died intestate seized 
thereof" and is signed by John Meily and his wife, Katharine, as 
grantors to the aforesaid John Howser. 

On March 19, 1736-1737, "John Meiley of Lebanon Township 
in the County of Lancaster yeoman & Catherine his wife" deeded to 
Durst Thomas, also of Lebanon Township, three hundred and forty- 
seven acres "on the head of Conestogoe Creek," the deed stating that 
the land granted was the same patented to the said John Meily "the 
seventeenth day of January past." This tract, thus patented on Janu- 
ary 17, 1736-1737, was warranted for survey for John Meily on Octo- 
ber 12, 1734. The land was partly bounded by "Philip Carpenters 
Settlement" and "Thomas Croyls Settlement." 

Martin Meily, apparently the brother of the preceding John of 
Lebanon Township, and thence the son of John Meily, the 1717 
patentee, (son of Hans Meily, the aged colonist of 1710), received, 
May 17, 1734, a patent for land situated "near Mill Creek a branch of 
Conestogoe by land of Hans Meilin." He is also listed twice as a war- 
rantee of other land in Lebanon Township: June 7, 1738, for four 
hundred acres; and March 28, 1745, for two hundred acres. 

Martin Meily of Lebanon Township married Anna Sabina . 

He made his will March 31, 1770, and it was proved November 7, 
1770. It begins: "In the Name of God Amen I Martin Meylie Senior 
of the Township of Lebanon in the County of Lancaster & Province 
of Pennsylvania yeoman being weack in Body labouring under old age 
& Infirmities but of sound and disposing mind, perfect memory and 
understanding and considering that it is appointed for all men once to 
die do make this my last will and Testament." He recommends his 

[55] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

soul to God, and his body to the earth, provides for the payments of 
any debts on his estate, and goes on to bequeath household goods, fur- 
niture, etc., to "my beloved wife Anna Sabina." He then continues: 
"and be it further made known herewith that whereas I have in my 
Life time provided for my son George Meylie and Henry Meylie with 
land far under the value of half price, as Land is now generally 
valued & sold in the neighbourhood and among my other children Viz 
Martin, Samuel, Sabina and Elizabeth voluntarily and Freely of my 
own accord did divide and distribute my Bonds and Writings concern- 
ing my Estate in four equal shares to each of the four Before named 
the Sum of two Hundred Sixty eight pounds, Eighteen shillings and 
six pence." The testator then arranges that his wife, Anna Sabina, 
shall have the residue of the estate till her death, when it shall pass to 

the testator's "Children, Martin, Samuel, Sabina, Elizabeth but 

my Sons George and Henry are to have nothing of this said Remain- 
der .... because .... they have been .... provided in Lands." He 
appoints as executors of his will, his "Sons Martin Meylie and Samuel 
Meylie." 

An" interesting history could be compiled, from original docu- 
ments, on the descendants of Martin and Anna Sabina Meily of 
Lebanon County; but space for this is lacking in the present study, 
which is especially concerned with the descendants of Jacob Meily, 
brother of Martin (husband of Anna Sabina), as placed in this 
lineage. 

Samuel Meily, believed to have been a son of John, the 1717 
patentee, received a warrant for three hundred acres, dated October 
22, 1734. The conditions of the warrant not being fulfilled, the patent 
was granted to Christian Meily, May 16, 1744. 

George Meily, also believed a son of John, the 1717 patentee, 
received a warrant for three hundred acres, dated March 8, 1734. 

The direct ancestor, as stated, in the line here traced, Jacob Meily, 
placed as son of John Meily (the 1717 patentee, born probably in 
the German Rhine provinces, whence he came to America in 1710), 
the latter being the son of Hans Meily, Senior (born in Switzerland, 
but who probably lived in the German Rhine provinces, before coming 
to America in 1710, with his sons, Martin and John). 

It should be borne in mind that the present Lebanon County, 

[56] 



A FOUNDER- FAMILY OF PENNSYLVANIA 

Pennsylvania, was a part of Chester County, Pennsylvania, in 1710, 
when Hans Meily and his two sons, Martin and Hans (John) came 
over with the little company of Swiss Mennonites who formed the 
colony on Pequea Creek. In 1729, Lancaster County was formed 
from a part of Chester County. The Lancaster County Townships of 
Lebanon, Heidelberg, and Bethel were erected into the County of 
Lebanon in 1813. Doctor Egle, in his history of Dauphin and 
Lebanon Counties, writes: "It is not positively known when the first 
settlements were made within the present limits of the county of 
Lebanon. The earliest assessment extant of taxables which included 
this county is that of Conestogoe Township, Chester County, for. . . . 
1718. Among the names we recognize a number which a few years 
after appear on the tax-list of Lebanon Township,. .. .especially 
among the first warrantees of land." Again, in the history of Lan- 
caster County, published in 1883 by Ellis and Evans, it is said of 
Conestoga Township: "This township was formed as early as 1712, 
and originally embraced a territory much greater .... than at the pres- 
ent time." In the Conestoga Township Assessment List for 1718, 
under "Dutch Inhabitants," "Martin Milan" and "John Milan" 
appear. J. I. Mombert, D. D., in his history of Lancaster County, 
published in 1869, describes the boundaries of Conestogoe Township, 
in 1729, when Lancaster County was erected, as follows: "The 
township of Conestogoe, beginning at the mouth of Pequea, thence up 
Susquehanah, thence to said mouth of Conestogoe creek, thence up 
the said creek to the mouth of Mill creek, then by a direct line to 
Pequea at the mouth of Beaver creek, thence down Pequea to the place 
of beginning." The statement is made in Volume 2 of the Lebanon 
County Historical Society Papers and Addresses: "Lebanon county 
holds two streams .... that may be said to be exclusively its own from 
source to mouth. The one. . . .is the Mill Creek: the other the 
Quittapahilla." 

In the inventory, mentioned above, of the estate of John Meily 
(son of Hans Meily, Senior, the 1710 colonist), the decedent is called 
"John Mylen late of Conastogo, deceased." Some of the early Meily 
patents (of those believed the sons of this John) refer to Mill Creek 
in describing their lands, and, as has been shown, there is clear proof 
that John Meily (eldest son of "John Mylen late of Conestogo, 

[571 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

deceased) and Martin Meily also, lived in what was then Lebanon 
Township. Thus, there is a chain of many links connecting the John 
Meily of the 1717 patent (the same "John Mylen late of Conestogo, 
deceased," and son of Hans Meily, the 1710 colonist), with the Meily 
family which has borne so eminent a part in the history of Lebanon 
County, Pennsylvania. 

In May, 1739, Lebanon Township (then a part of Lancaster 
County), was divided, and its northern part was named Bethel Town- 
ship. It was in Bethel Township that Jacob Meily lived. 

Jacob Meily is said to have been born in 1700 or before that date. 
Thus, it is probable that he was born in the Palatinate, and brought 
to Pennsylvania as a child, in 1710. 

On February 19, 1734, a warrant for survey of two hundred 
acres was issued to him. He did not fulfil the conditions of the war- 
rant, however, perhaps not actually settling on the tract in a given 
time), and the patent was granted to Hugh Thompson, April 20, 1749, 
its extent then stated as two hundred and seventy-six acres, and 
described as "a certain tract of land situated on Mill Creek, within 
the County of Lancaster." 

In 1735 Jacob Meily signed a petition, also signed by John and 
Martin Meily (probably his brothers), which was submitted by 
"sundry the Inhabitants of the Counties of Chester and Lancaster," 
and which petition "Humbly Showeth That your Petitioners being 
seated for the most part at a great Distance from the City of Phila- 
delphia in a part of the said Counties where no Public Road is as yet 
established and having long laboured under many inconveniences 
through the want of such a Road whereby they might have free access 
to the Market to their very great loss and Detriment." They desired 
that a road be laid out from John Harris' Ferry on the Susquehanna 
River (the present Harrisburg), "to join with the Road lately con- 
firmed from Lancaster town to Philadelphia near the now dwelling 
Plantation of Edward Penn commonly known by name of Edward 
Kennisons in the great Valley or thereabouts/ 1 etc. The Council 
authorized the said road, January 23, 1736 (Old Style dating, 1735 ). 

On June n, 1759, Jacob Meily of Bethel Township (now, as 
stated, in Lebanon County, but then in Lancaster County), purchased, 
for forty-nine pounds, four shillings, and three pence, from Peter 

[58] 



A FOUNDER-FAMILY OF PENNSYLVANIA 

Wolf of Hanover Township, Lancaster County, a tract of about one 
hundred and fifty acres. 

He signed a Power of Attorney to his son-in-law, Isaac Groe, in 
connection with indebtedness to Jacob Meily by Henry Miller, July 3, 
1771, and on the 26th day of the same month he made his will, which 
was proved August 27, 1771. This follows: 

"In the name of God Amen, The 26th of July in the year of our Lord one thousand 
seven hundred and seventy one, I Jacob Meily of Bethel Township in the County of Lan- 
caster and Province of Pennsylvania, yeoman being a sound mind and memory and under- 
standing and in perfect health, blessed be God, considering that all men are mortal and the 
hour of death uncertain therefore I make and ordain this my last will and testament in 
the following manner and form. 

"First of all I give & bequeath to my beloved wife Ann out of my estate the sum of 
twelve pounds & ten shillings of good and lawful money of said Province to be paid to 
her or to my hereafter named Executor, yearly & every year during her natural life accord- 
ing to a bond of performance given to me by Henry Miller dated the third day of July in 
the year 1771 moreover my wife shall have of household goods as follows, my new bed- 
stead and the curtains to it, and the best of my beds, and my chest and my little table and 
half dozen pewter spoons and two pewter plates, a pewter beason and a pewter dish and 
an iron pott and a iron pann & a copper leadle & an iron leadel & a pewter tankart and the 
best tin quart tea kittle and a little pewter tea pott, and the tea cups and the smoothing iron 
and the looking glass & spinning wheel and the big and little chairs and the big copper 
kettle and all the yarn in the house woolen linen or cotten and also four sheep and a cow 
air! twenty four pounds 'lawful money of the said Province to be paid her in one month 
after my death. And all the above mentioned articles shall be put into the care and trust of 
Isaac Groe to whom I will that my wife shall live with him after my decease and all the 
above mentioned shall be to her proper use, benefit and behoof forever. And for the better 
encouragement to my daughter Susanna and Isaac Groe my son-in-law to give my said 
wife sufficient and decent maintainance during her natural life suitable to her age I will 
and order that all the whole estate which my wife shall dye possessed of, that which is 
willed and bequeathed to her by me shall descend unto my said daughter Susanna, but if 
in case my said daughter should happen to dye before my said wife, then my wife shall have 
free liberty and choice to remove to wheresoever she shall think proper with all her effects 
which I have willed and bequeathd unto her. 

nd as concerning my eldest Son Henry shall have but one shilling sterling or the 
value thereof for his whole shear and portion out of my whole estate, if he will demand it, 
and no more. And as my daughter-in-law Fronica, wife of my said son Henry, which he 
left behind him, being married contrary to the statutes and laws of the land,* therefore it 
is my will and I order it so that she shall be debarred of any right thereunto. And I will 
and bequeath to my son Henry's four lawful children, Martin, Henry, Mary & Catharina a 
single shear only instead of their father, to be divided equally Amongst the four for their 
shear and no more. 

"And I will and bequeath to my daughter Ann, the Sum of eight pounds lawful money 
of the said Province, besides what she has received already to be paid to her in one year 
after my decease. And I will and bequeath to my son Jacob, and Elizabeth my daughter 
ami my daughter Susanna, & my daughter Barbara and my daughter Catharine, and my 
chuK r hter Slagdalcna, they shall have all Equeal Sheare, one with another But my son 

i) shall have the house clock according to the valuation of it for part of his shear. 

'And as concerning my daughter Mary she shall have an Equal shear with the rest of 
tlie above six children, and then it shall be divided amongst her children, every one an 

This means merely, as will be shown, that his son, Henry, was married to the said Veronic* by a 
Lutheran minister. 

[591 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

Equal Shear. And likewise I constitute make and ordain my beloved son-in-law Isaac Groe 
Executor of this my last will and Testament and to Execute this written will according to 
the true intent and meaning of this my last will and testament. 

"Witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and Seal the day and year first 
above written. Jacob Meily (Seal)" 

The wife of Jacob Meily was Anna Cassell. Their children were : 

i Henry Meily, of whom subsequently. 

ii Elizabeth Meily; born November 18, 1723; died December I, 1773; married, 
first, John Spitler, who was born September 24, 1718, and killed by Indians May 
JO, J757, on which occasion she escaped, and fled to her father's home; mar- 
ried, second, Adam Faber. 

in Ann Meily. 

iv Jacob Meily; perhaps the Jacob Meily of Bethel Township (now in Lebanon 
County), where his father resided, whose wife was named Catherine; and 
perhaps the Jacob Meily of Bethel who died in 1807, leaving children : Jacob, 
Magdalena (who married Jacob Kettle), Martin, and Anna (who married 
Abraham Seebolt* In the list of taxables for Bethel Township for 1782, 

Jacob Meily is listed as having two mills and two hundred and sixty acres of 
land. This was perhaps the Jacob Meily in 1783 Captain of the Third Com- 
pany, Second Battalion, Lancaster County Militia, this Battalion being com- 
posed of men from the Townships of Heidelberg, Lebanon, and part of Bethel. 

v Susanna Meily ; wife of Isaac Groe, who was executor of the will of his father- 
in-law, Jacob Meily. 

vi Barbara Meily. 

vn Catherine Meily. 

vni Magdalena Meily. 

ix Mary Meily, whose children were mentioned, though not named, in her father's 
will, 1771. 

Henry Meily was the eldest son of Jacob and Anna (Cassel) 
Meily of Bethel Township, in the present Lebanon County, Pennsyl- 
vania. He was born probably in 1721 or 1722, as his father, Jacob 
Meily, was born about 1700, Henry was called in his father's will the 
eldest son, and Henry's sister, Elizabeth, was described as the second 
child and first daughter of Jacob Meily in the Hebron Moravian 
church records. Jacob Meily, the father, and his children appear to 
have left the Mennonite people and to have been connected with the 
Moravian denomination. 

Egle's history of the county places Jacob Meily, father of these children, otherwise. 

[60] 



A FOUNDER- FAMILY OF PENNSYLVANIA 

In 1779 he was taxed for two hundred acres of land and for cat- 
tle. In 1782 the tax-lists show that he was possessed then of two 
hundred and fifty acres. 

On July 31, 1743, he married Veronica Spider, the ceremony 
being performed by the Reverend John Casper Stoever, first minister 
of the Evangelical Lutheran Congregation, located about three miles 
northwest of the town of Lebanon, known as the Hill Church and 
erected in 1733. It was this marriage which Henry Meily's father, 
Jacob Meily, as has been noted above in the stern wording of his will, 
regarded as being "without the law," though, in the same document, 
he was careful to refer to the children of that marriage as "my son 
Henry's four lawful children." 

Veronica Meily was baptized December 13, 1753, as recorded in 
the Moravian Register of Hebron. Her family appears to have been 
of Moravian religion, as was that of her husband, Henry Meily: but, 
from some cause or circumstance of which no record has come down, 
or been discovered, these two, at the time of their marriage, chose a 
Lutheran ceremony. But, since the Veronica Meily of the 1753 bap- 
tism appears to have been the wife of Henry Meily, she doubtless had, 
by that date, returned to the denomination of her parents ; and prob- 
ably her husband took the same step, although no definite record of 
this has been located. 

Her father was John Spitler of Bethel Township, whose will was 
dated May 26, 1756, and proved June 12, 1758. His wife was named 
Catherine, and he referred in his will to his son, Jacob Spitler, whom 
he appointed his executor; to his "eldest son," John Spitler, (the John 
Spitler mentioned above as husband of Henry Meily's sister, Eliza- 
beth, and who was killed by Indians in 1757) ; to his "daughter Bar- 
bara the wife of Jacob Hantschi;" and to his "daughter Veronica 
Meile the wife of Henry Meile." He was born December 7, 1690, died 
October 9, 1757, and was buried in the Moravian cemetery, about a 
mile and a quarter from Lebanon (the borough), which ancient rest- 
ing-place was laid out as early as 1748. 

Henry Meily's wife, Veronica, died, according to family records, 
before 1770. These records state that he married, second, January 3, 
1770, Sarah (?) Zanders, and that he died in 1804. 

The children of Henry and Veronica (Spitler) Meily were the 
following : 

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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

I Martin Meily; named in the will of his grandfather, Jacob Meily. 
ii Henry Meily, of whom subsequently. 

in Mary Meily; named in the will of her grandfather, Jacob Meily; probably 
born about 1746, and the "Anna Maria, born Meilin now wife of Caspian 
Kohrs," who was baptized January 18, 1765, aged nineteen, in the Bethel 
Moravian Church. 

iv Catherine Meily ; named in the will of her grandfather, Jacob Meily. 

Henry Meily, son of Henry and Veronica (Spitler) Meily, was 
born in 1748. At the age of seventeen, on March 20, 1765, he was 
baptized, according to the Bethel Moravian church records, receiving 
the name of Christian Henry. He does not seem, however, to have 
used the name Christian, and will thus here be recorded as Henry 
Meily. 

In the will of his grandfather, Jacob Meily, in 1771, he is named 
second among the children of Henry and Veronica Meily. 

In 1782 he was listed as a taxable for fifty acres of land and for 
cattle. 

Henry Meily fought for American independence in the War of 
the Revolution, serving as a Private in the First Company, Fifth Class, 
of the Second Battalion of the Lancaster County Militia, 1782. Fam- 
ily records state that he died in 1796. 

His wife was Magdalena Kroh, and they were married, August 
23, 1778, by the Reverend John Casper Stoever, the minister of the 
Evangelical Lutheran church near Lebanon, who had performed the 
marriage ceremony for Henry Meily's parents, Henry Meily, Senior, 
and Veronica Spitler. 

It has been thought that the maiden surname of Henry Meily's 
wife was misspelled in the marriage record, and that she was Magda- 
lena Kohr, daughter of Michael and Anna Margaretha Kohr, who 
came to Pennsylvania in 1727. Michael Kohr took the required oath 
of allegiance to the English government of Pennsylvania on Septem- 
ber n, 1728. They settled in Bethel Township, now in Lebanon 
County, and their children were as follows : 

I George Casper Kohr; born October 7. 1724; came to Pennsylvania with his 
parents at the age of three years ; was a farmer, miller, and blacksmith in the 
present Lebanon County ; died May 28, 1801 ; in his will appointed, as one of 
its executors, his brother-in-law, Henry Meily ; married Anna Maria Meily ; 
had children: Christian, Casper, Michael, Ludwig, Jacob, John, Barbara. 
Magdalena. 

[62] 



A FOUNDER-FAMILY OF PENNSYLVANIA 

ii Michael Kohr; born September 29, 1732, at Bethel. 

in Margaretha Kohr; married Daniel Born (eldest son of Ludwig and Anna 
Maria Born), February 11, 1755. 

iv A twin child, name and birthdate unknown. 
v A twin child, name and birthdate unknown. 

vi Magdalena Kohr, who, as stated, has been considered as identical with Magda- 
lena Kroh, the wife of Henry Meily, Junior. 

Henry and Magdalena (Kroh or Kohr) Meily doubtless had 
other children, but the only one of record was John Meily. The fol- 
lowing is the gist of statements made in November, 1919, by his 
granddaughter. 

"John Meily, son of Henry Meily, died ninety-three years ago, 
when his grandson, John Meily (son of Martin), was but a tiny babe. 
John Meily was not a member of any church, but some of his children 
joined the Lutherans, and some the Reformed church, while others 
were United Brethren. He was a farmer, and lived south of Frede- 
ricksburg, in Lebanon County, where the house he occupied has only 
recently been replaced by a modern structure. He married Barbara 
Oberholtzer, the daughter of Martin Oberholtzer. John Meily and 
his wife are both buried in the old Grove burying-ground. This is not 
a church cemetery, but simply a place out in the country in which the 
people in that locality buried. It is off the main road that runs from 
Shirkstown and Fredericksburg and is near Grove's Mills, and is 
accessible by private conveyance." 

Since the marriage of John Meily's parents, Henry Meily -and 
Veronica Spitler, took place, as stated above, August 23, 1778, it may 
be assumed that John Meily was born about 1779. 

About 1800, he was married to Barbara Oberholtzer. 

It is thought that the Oberholtzer family originated in a village 
of the name, in the Canton of Zurich, Switzerland. The names of 
Martin and Jacob Oberholtzer appear as Swiss members of a Menno- 
nite congregation in the Upper Palatinate. Possibly this Martin was 
a son of Jacob, and may have been the same Martin Oberholtzer who 
emigrated to Pennsylvania. The latter was born in 1709, in Ger- 
many, thirty miles from Frankfort-on-the-Main. He died April 5, 
1744, aged thirty-eight. 

[63] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

The wife of Martin Oberholtzer, the Colonist, was Agnes 



and they were married November 2, 1736. She was born April 18, 
1713, and died February 15, 1786. Her husband died, aged thirty- 
eight, April 5, 1744. Both were buried in the Mennonite cemetery at 
Deep Run, in Bucks County, Pennsylvania. 

The children of Martin and Agnes Oberholtzer were : 

i Barbara Oberholtzer. 

ii Henry Oberholtzer. 

in Maria Oberholtzer. 

rv John Oberholtzer. 

v Martin Oberholtzer, of whom below. 

Martin Oberholtzer of Bethel Township in the present Lebanon 
County is believed to have been the son of the aforesaid Martin and 
Agnes Oberholtzer, and, from comparison of names and dates, there 
appears cause to accept this conclusion. Martin, son of Martin and 
Agnes, is said to have died after 1815. The will of Martin of Bethel 
Township was proved in 1815. Again, Martin, son of Martin and 
Agnes, had children : Jacob, William, Agnes, Joseph, Mary, Elizabeth, 
Magdalena, Abraham, Barbara, Anna, Sarah, Jacob. , Martin of 
Bethel names in his will, as his children: Christian, Mary, Jacob, 
Barbara, Anna. The wife of Martin, son of Martin and Agnes, was 
Elizabeth Nash, born August 3, 1751. She was the daughter of 
William Nash and his first wife. This William Nash was three times 
married, and his last wife was Agnes, widow of Martin Oberholtzer, 
the Colonist. 

Martin Oberholtzer of Bethel Township made his will November 
12, 1801, and it was proved May 5, 1815. In it he mentioned his 
children : Christian, Mary, the wife of John Meyers, Jacob, "Barbara 
now the wife of John Meily," and Anna. He also refers to "My son- 
in-law John Meily," and makes his son, Christian Oberholtzer, execu- 
tor of his will. 

On November 12, 1801, Jacob Oberholtzer and his wife, Barbara, 
sold to John Meily of Bethel Township a tract of one hundred and 
sixty acres in Bethel Township. The history of this land was as fol- 
lows: On July 21, 1773, it was patented to Martin Oberholtzer. On 

[64] 



A FOUNDER-FAMILY OF PENNSYLVANIA 

August 13, 1800, the said Martin deeded it to his son, the aforesaid 
Jacob Oberholtzer, and the latter, as stated, sold it to John Meily. 

On January 12, 1822, John Meily and his wife, Barbara, in a 
document noting that a milldam "upon certain streams of water 
(called a branch of Swatara Creek) overflowed part of land of John 
Meily," granted unto John Grove "liberty and privilege of raising the 
water of said run." 

John Meily died in 1826, ninety- three years ago from 1919, 
according to the statement of his granddaughter mentioned above. 
He made his will August 5, 1822, and it was proved October 16, 1826. 
The following is an abstract of this document : 

" This fifth August on Towsend Eight Hundred and Twenty two I John 

Meily of Bethel Township Lebanon County Pennsylvania yeoman Sick and weak 

Do make this My last will 1 Give my beloved Wife Barbara all my Estate 

till My youngest child have arrived the ach of twenty one year and aftere, My Estate 

Shall be sold and all the Money devidet My Children alick, And My wife Barbara 

Shol hove the Intrest of the thirth Porte. .. .duremg life.... When My wife Shall Marry 

againe My Estate Shall be Salt the Hous and Two Lots of Ground in Stumpstown 

Bethel Township Lebanon County 

My Son Martin Meily Shall Pay for and the factory Tools for the Porter Trate 

three hunderd Pounds as fowlows. . . .One Hundert Pounds Shall Stand in the Hands 

of My Son Martin Meily as a Shear of his Share and for the Other Two hunerd 

Pounds the said Martin Meily Shall Give Bands Poble first. .. .april one Tousent 

Eight hundred and Twenty fore and the Secont the First April one Towsent Eight 

hundred Tweenty fine, and So on till the Tow hundred Pounds paid, an the Said Bands 

Shall be given to My Herein name Gaurdain of My Minor Children and the many to 

Poing My Debt my herejn Named Gardain over my Minor Children and My Execu- 
tors Shall Consider to gether what is baste when My wife Barbara Gib haus if Shee 

Dinck to Gib up before My yunkest Chil have Twenty one year 1 du Apind My 

bcloed Brotherin Low Christian Oberholser My Soil Gairdoin ober My Miner Children and 

Imbower him To Give Sefischent Deeds of all My Reall Estate to My Son Martin 

Meily.... on The House and two Lots in Stumpstown and When my Plantation Shal be 

Solt Shall Give deed to the Purcha....! do appoint My Beloved wife Borbara My 

Duly Excutrx and My Son Martin Meily My Sail Excutors in the presents of 

Jacob Bagner his 

John Hantz John X Meily (Seal) 

mark 

As stated above, John Meily's will, which was evidently tran- 
scribed or prepared for him by a clerk unfamiliar with the English 
language, was proved October 16, 1826. 

The children of John and Barbara (Oberholtzer) Meily were: 

I Martin Meily, of whom subsequently. 

ii Henry Meily; born February 9, 1806; married Hickinger; had children, 

George, Henry, Richard, and Emma. 

[65] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

in Samuel Meily; married Catherine Boyer; had children, John and George, the 
latter of whom is a resident of Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, and has a son, 
Charles Meily, of Harrisburg. 

iv Jacob Meily; said to have left home in his youth, 
y A child, who died young; name unknown. 

vi Christian Meily; married Seltzer; had children, Jacob, Israel, Uriah, 

Cornelius, and Mary. 

vn Elizabeth Meily; married Gettle. 

vni "Polly" (Mary?) Meily; married Yegar. 

ix Barbara Meily; married Fells. 

Martin Meily, eldest son of John and Barbara (Oberholtzer) 
Meily, was born in Bethel Township, the present Lebanon County, 
Pennsylvania, September 30, 1801. He lived in a house, still standing 
and well preserved (in 1919), at Mt. Nebo, a little way off the main 
road to Jonestown. He was by occupation a farmer and a potter, and, 
as noted above, received, through provision in his father's will, the 
tools used by the latter also in the potter's trade. 

About 1823, or soon after, Martin Meily removed to Mechanics- 
burg, in Cumberland County; but afterwards returned to Lebanon 
County, where he held eminent place in the community. For ten 
years he served as Justice of the Peace, and was for three years a 
Notary Public. He made a study of law relating to land titles, and 
was thrice elected Surveyor of Lebanon County. 

His high sense of duty and patriotic devotion are attested by his 
enlistment for service in the Civil War at a period when he was a 
middle-aged man. He was assigned to duty to preserve order at 
Scranton, Pennsylvania. 

Martin Meily died September n, 1883. 

In June, 1823, at Jonestown, Lebanon County, he was married 
to Mary Magdalena Groh. This was doubtless her baptismal name, 
for she is recorded in documents as Magdalena, while her father, in 
his will, as will be shown, refers to her as "Molly." She was the 
daughter of the Reverend John Groh, a Mennonite minister of Frede- 
ricksburg, Bethel Township, Lebanon County, and the latter's wife, 
Barbara Smutz. John Groh died between February 13, 1849, tne date 

[66] 



A FOUNDER-FAMILY OF PENNSYLVANIA 

of a codicil to his will (made July 20, 1847), an d April 30, 1850, when 
the will was proved. This document follows: 

" 1 John Groh Senior of Bethel Township Lebanon County Pennsylvania being 

weak in Body and of sound mind memory and understanding but Considering this my last 

Will my household Stuff and loose property shall be divided one equeal share 

to my son John one.... to my son Abraham one to my son Jacob one to my son 

Samuel one to the Children of my son Isaac deceased one to my Daughter Barbara 

the Wife of Daniel Wenner one to my Daughter Molly the wife of Martin Meily one 

to my Daughter Catharine the wife of Jacob Hunsickcr One to the children of my 

Daughter Mary late the Wife of George Miller one to my Daughter Elisabeth & one 

to my daughter Susanna the wife of George Light My Son Abraham is to have Mill 

and plantation which I sold to him containing about one hundred and fifty eight Acres 

also Wood land Containing About one hundred and Seventeen acres Situate both 

in Bethel Township Berks County Pa on Condition, Two thousand dollars said Son 

Abraham may have for A legacy the Residue. .. .to be paid to my Executors 

then the Deeds for the said Mill and Land to my said Son Abraham Groh 1 give 

my Daughter Molly the Wife of Martin Meily all the use and possession of three 

tracts two of them which I. .. .purchased of Jacob Pinkeypill one contains twenty 

acres & twenty four and the other Containing ten Acres and Sixteen perches and the 

other which I. .. .purchased of William Reider Containing twenty Acres and one hundred 

and fifty four perches the said three tracts in East Hanover Township Lebanon County 

to my said daughter Molly for her life time and after her death my 

Executors shall sell.... the tracts and divide. .. .the Monies arising amongst all 

the Children of my said Daughter Molly Whereas I have.... sold to my son John Groh 

Land and two thousand dollars of the purchase Money 1 did give to him as a 

legacy and whereas I sold unto my Son Jacob Groh land and two thousand Dol- 

'lars of the purchase money I did give to him as a legacy and whereas I 

sold to my Son Isaac Groh now deceased. . . .Land and two thousand dollars of the purchase 

mpney did give to him as a legacy which shall be Charged against my said Son 

Isaac Groh his children as a legacy and whereas I sold unto my Son Samuel Groh 

land and two thousand dollars. . . .1 did give to him as a legacy. . . .and whereas I did 

heretofore give to my Daughter Barbara One thousand dollars for A Legacy Item 

it is my Will that my Daughter Elisabeth shall have my plantation Adjoining lands of 

John Gring Jacob Groh the heir of John Grove deceased and others. .. .during her lifetime 

or as long as single said plantation situate in Bethel Township Lebanon County and 

State aforesaid and Elizabeth shall live in the half part of the House of the said 

Jacob Groh my Executor shall Collect Bonds notes Money and divide 

the same to my son John my Son Abraham. .. .my son Jacob my Son Samuel 

the children of my said Daughter Molly the Children of my son Isaac deceased and 

the Children of my daughter Mary late the Wife of George Miller and my said Daughter 

Elisabeth Shall draw nothing 1 do Appoint My Said Son Abraham Groh of Bethel 

Township Berks County Pennsylvania and George Light the husband of my said Daugh- 
ter Susanna. .. .Executors the twentyeth July one thousand eight hundred and 

forty seven. 



in the presence John Groh (seal)" 

of us 

Jacob Groh 
Jacob Shnotterly 

The signature of the will is written in German script, and is fol- 
lowed by a codicil in which the testator withdraws from his legacy 

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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

to his daughter, Molly, one of the three tracts bequeathed to her in the 
will, that described as containing twenty acres and one hundred and 
fifty- four perches. This codicil is dated February 13, 1849, an d the 
probate of the will and codicil was April 30, 1850. 

From the foregoing document the children of John and Barbara 
(Smutz) Groh may be listed as follows: 

i John Groh. 

ii Abraham Groh. 

in Jacob Groh. 

iv Samuel Groh. 

v Isaac Groh; died before February 13, 1849 (the date of his father's will), leav- 
ing children. 

vi Barbara Groh; married Daniel Wenner. 

vii "Molly" (Magdalena, and probably christened Mary Magdalena) ; the wife of 
Martin Meily. 

vm Catherine Groh ; married Jacob Hunsicker. 

ix Mary Groh; married George Miller; apparently the latter's widow in 1849, 
when her father made his will. 

x Elizabeth Groh ; unmarried in 1849. 
xi Susanna Groh ; married George Light. 

A daughter of Martin and Magdalena (Groh) Meily, and hence 
a granddaughter of the aforesaid John Groh, stated in 1919 that John 
Groh and his wife had, besides the children above listed, two other 
children, who died young, one of these twin to Catharine, mentioned 
eighth in John Groh's will. 

Magdalena (Groh) Meily, wife of Martin Meily, and daughter 
of John and Barbara (Smuts) Groh, was born October 14, 1798. She 
died March 22, 1883. Her will, dated January 22, 1879, an d proved 
March 31, 1883, describes the testatrix as "I Magdalena Meily wife of 
Martin Meily of East Hanover Township .... County of Lebanon and 
State of Pennsylvania." She directed therein that her "body be 
decently interred in the cemetery at or near Groves Mill in Bethel 
Township." Her husband, Martin Meily, and her son, John Meily, 
were appointed executors, and the will provided for the sale of her 

[68] 



A FOUNDER-FAMILY OF PENNSYLVANIA 

real estate, "within one year after my death and the death of my hus- 
band Martin Meily," the proceeds to be divided between her children 
and grandchildren, named as follows: "My Son John Meily. . . .my 
Second Son Jacob Meily. . . .if he be dead then to his children. . . .the 
children of my daughter Elizabeth, deceased, who had been intermar- 
ried with Abraham Moyer .... my daughter Mary now intermarried 
with Milton Cooper. . . .My daughter Susan now intermarried with 
Solomon Hoke . . . . " 

Her husband, Martin Meily, did not long survive her. He died 
September 15, 1883. 

The children of Martin and Magdalena (Groh) Meily were: 

i Benjamin Meily; born in 1824; fought in the Mexican War; was buried at 
Mt. Nebo, Pennsylvania. 

II The Honorable John Meily, of whom subsequently. 

in The Honorable Jacob Meily; born April 22, 1828; a soldier, and wounded, in 
the Civil War; a member of the Pennsylvania Legislature; was buried at 
Mt. Nebo, Pennsylvania. 

iv Elizabeth Meily, who was first named Barbara, as recorded in her father's 
family Bible; born March 18, 1830; married Abraham Moyer, March 18, 1852. 

v Maria Meily (called Mary) : born April 6, 1834; married Milton Cooper; was 
buried at Mt. Nebo, Pennsylvania. 

vi Susanna Meily (called Susan); born in June, 1838; married, 1857, Solomon 
Hoke, who died in September, 191 1 ; had three children, James, Joseph, and 
Mary Hoke ; living, 1919, at Mt. Nebo, Pennsylvania. 

The Honorable John Meily, son of Martin and Magdalena (Groh) 
Meily, was born at Mechanicsburg, Cumberland County, Pennsyl- 
vania, his parents, as has been mentioned above, having gone there 
soon after their marriage in 1823, though they later returned to 
Lebanon County to reside. He was born on June 9, 1826, and was 
his parents' second child, as recorded in their family Bible. 

He was a member of the Pennsylvania Legislature, was active in 
many business enterprises in Lebanon County, and held a place of 
eminence and esteem in the community. He was a member of the 
Reformed Church at Lebanon, in which city he resided. He died on 
April 3, 1902. 

Mr. Meily was twice married. His first wife was Miss Helen 
Halter, who died February 25, 1873. He married, second, Miss 
Katherine De Hof f, who survived him. 

[69] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

The children of The Honorable John and Helen (Halter) Meily 
were: 

i James Meily. 
ii John Meily. 
in Helen Meily. 
iv Mary Meily. 

It may clarify some of the descriptions of Meily lands and resi- 
dences mentioned in the foregoing study, to note the following. 

The original Pennsylvania Counties were three, Philadelphia, 
Bucks, and Chester. In 1729 Lancaster County was formed from 
part of Chester. In 1875 Dauphin County was formed from part of 
Lancaster. In 1813 Lebanon County was formed from Dauphin and 
Lancaster Counties. 

The Meily colonists, Hans Meily and his two sons, Martin and 
John, lived in what is now Lancaster County, settling first on Pequea 
Creek, in 1710. Hans, the father, evidently died soon after coming 
to Pennsylvania. Martin, the elder of his sons, born in Switzerland, 
as was his father, lived and died in the present Lancaster County. 
His descendants lived there during the early generations and many 
are still in Lancaster County. 

John Meily, brother of Martin, and son of Hans, was probably 
born during his father's residence in the German Palatinate. He 
received a patent of land in the present Lancaster County, in 1717. 
So far as it has been possible to learn, all of his sons settled in what is 
now Lebanon County, but what was at the time Lancaster County, 
and later was Dauphin County. 

Jacob Meily, placed as son of this John (son of Hans, the aged 
colonist), lived in Bethel Township, now in Lebanon County, which 
was then in Lancaster County, and later was in Dauphin County. 
Henry Meily (who married Veronica Spitler), son of Jacob Meily, 
lived also in Bethel Township, the present Lebanon County. Henry 
Meily, Junior (who married Magdalena Kroh, or Kohr), son of 
Henry Meily, Senior, lived in the same locality, Bethel Township. 
John Meily (who married Barbara Oberholtzer), son of Henry Meily, 
Junior, lived near Fredericksburg, Bethel Township, Lebanon County. 

[70] 



A FOUNDER- FAMILY OF PENNSYLVANIA 

Fredericksburg was founded in 1754, by Frederick Stump, whose 
father, Christopher Stump, had settled on the site. Its founder named 
the place Stumpstown, but it was later called Fredericksburg. Mar- 
tin Meily (who married Magdalena Groh), son of John Meily, lived 
at Mt. Nebo (the Post-Office, called Ono), near Jonestown, East 
Hanover Township, Lebanon County. The Honorable John Meily, 
son of Martin Meily, lived in the city of Lebanon, Lebanon County, 
Pennsylvania. 

The trail of the Meily lineage thus has led through more than 
two hundred years : from Switzerland to the German Rhine provinces, 
called the Palatinate ; thence to Pennsylvania, where the land on which 
the family here traced lived was, first, in the present Lancaster 
County, and finally in the present Lebanon County. The Meilys may 
accurately be described as "A Founder-Family of Pennsylvania," for 
they were among the earliest colonists of Lancaster County, that 
great Ancestor-County from which sprang so many of the later 
Counties of the Province and State. They have held eminent place 
in their several communities from the date of their coming in 1710, 
and have been esteemed as men and women of high character, civic 
excellence, and Christian faith. 




PORTRAIT OF MARK TWAIN 



[72] 




I.IKt'TKNANT T. S. (1UANT AND LIEUTENANT ALEXANDER HAYS IN 1845. 
WHEN THEY WERE STARTING FOR THE MEXICAN WAR 

The original picture, owned by Mrs. Agnes M. Hays Gormly. was taken at Camp 
Salubrity. Louisiana, in 1846. Bealde Grant (the figure In the background) is his 
racing pony. Dandy, and beside Lieutenant Hays is his pony. Sunshine. The 
two men had been fellow-cadets at West Point, and served in the same regiment 
in the Mexican War. Afterward Hays, like Grant, retired from the Army to 
re-enter It at the breaking out of the Civil War as a colonel of volunteers. He 
became a brigadier-general and was killed In the Battle of the Wilderness. 
Reproduced through the courtesy of the MacMlllan Company, from Hamlln Gar- 
land's, "Ulysses S. Grant, His Life and Character." page 66. 



[73] 




HIRAM ULYSSES, LATER KNOWN AS ULYSSES SIMPSON GRAXT 

From a photograph by Fredericks, taken at the age of sixty. In 1882. Reproduced through the 

courtesy of the MacMIllan Company, from Hamlin Garland's "Ulysses S. Grant, His Life and 

Character." A very Interesting work of 624 pages. 

"The news was flashed round the world that General Grant was attacked by cancer, and 
was fighting his last battle. The Nation awoke to sympathy. All criticism of the great General 
was for the time laid aside, and the Christian public offered daily prayers for his recovery. But 
the General grew daily weaker. He could not sleep without morphia, and yet he fought against 
Its use. He feared becoming a victim to Its power, and endured to the utmost the agonies of 
sleeplessness before asking for relief. He was the most docile of patients. 'You are in command 
here,' he would say to Doctor Shrady. 

"In order to take even liquid food he was forced to fling the contents of the bowl down his 
throat at one gulp, before the spasm closed his throat. It required his utmost resolution to do 
this. It was terrible to see his effort. And yet he seldom uttered a word of complaint. He 
never forgot to be courteous and mindful of others. He obeyed his nurses like a child, at the 
same time that his great brain pondered upon questions national In scope." Garland's "Ulysses 
S. Grant, His Life and Character," pages 509-10. 



[76] 




VOLUME XIV 
NINETEEN TWENTY 




NUMBER 2 
SECOND QUARTER 



IJnro (grant attfc 

ItphitttatH 



amuoing pi0odro at r&r embdosp Ball toe prince ^rt^ur, ?uKr ot 
Connaugfyt, in tijc Cclasijington of te feittiro 



BY 



MRS. BENJAMIN SILLIMAN CHURCH 

\ ice-President of the National Historical Society 



T WAS early in the first presidential term of General 
Grant when Prince Arthur, Duke of Connaught and 
son of Queen Victoria, visited this country. Before 
his arrival in Washington invitations had been issued 
for a ball to be given him by the English Ambassador, 
Sir Edward Thornton, with Lady Thornton, which 
festivity was to usher in many others. The embassy was not large 
enough for all the officials and residents that had to be asked, so the 
ball was to take place in the great hall of a building which had been 
dally fitted up for such occasions. 




[77] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

We were invited for nine o'clock and word was given "that it 
meant nine" and that under no circumstances were we to be late, for 
it was "de rigeur" to be there before His Royal Highness arrived. 
This gentle reminder came from the lesser attaches of the legations 
and was opportune, although there were many who knew court 
etiquette, despite the belief that Americans were an untutored lot. 

I was one of the "younger set" in that far-off time, and well do 
I remember our eager interest in the new gowns we were to have and 
the discussions as to who would probably dance with the Prince. But 
the moment arrived. We were on our way, and soOn in the line of 
carriages, waiting our turn to alight. The Prince was already beside 
Lady Thornton, near the door of the ball room, at the head of the 
stairway up which we passed to be presented. A stream of people 
were pouring in. The official world did well and, with the army and 
navy, were on time. It was a brilliant array diplomats in full regalia 
and blazing with decorations, along with our most distinguished offi- 
cers, Admirals Farragut and Porter, Generals Sherman and Sheri- 
dan, cabinet ministers and justices of the Supreme Court, and many 
others who figured in the history of that notable period. 

We remained not far from Lady Thornton, watching people enter 
the room. It was amusing to notice how awkward some were, with 
little nods and sidelong movements which one frequently sees on 
similar occasions at the present day, for none are taught now how to 
enter and leave a room. "Manners" are no longer a part of education. 
However, the low courtesy and finished bow predominated and 
bespoke the standards of European life. Finally every one appeared 
to have arrived, and all were standing about rather inanely, I thought. 

It had been pleasant to see so many one knew amid this host of 
strangers, and I had not noticed how the time was passing. The naval 
attache of the English legation was talking to me, but he seemed 
curiously distrait and unlike the cheery, delightful spirit that had made 
him so great a favorite in Washington. Stopping short in something 
I was about to say, I became aware he was no longer Captain Ward. 
His eyes were flashing and he was gazing up and down the length 
of the room, then off to the stairway and entrance hall, to the wide 
door where stood Lady Thornton, the Prince with his suite back of 
him, Sir Edward and the other dignitaries back of him. The Prince 

[78] 



HOW GRANT AND SHERMAN SHOCKED THE DIPLOMATS 

was as impassive as a wax figure. Lady Thornton looked strained 
and was evidently doing her best to entertain him. Then I noticed 
how people remained standing quietly, with little movement, while 
there was no music. 

At last I perceived that things were going amiss. Captain Ward 
looked more "dour" than ever, and was now pulling his mustache, a 
somewhat formidable one, first on one side and then on the other. To 
my amazement I saw other men doing the same. In response to an 
exclamation, "What is the matter!" "Why!" he said, "you do not 
realize what the hour is! Nearly half-past ten o'clock!" tragi- 
cally uttered with a pause between each word. I am sure he was 
swearing inwardly, this exact man of times and seasons and the sacred 
obligations of punctuality. But I understood : the President and Mrs. 
Grant were an hour and a half late. 

I felt scared, as if some national calamity had happened. But 
what nonsense! I rebelled and exclaimed, "Perhaps no one told them 
about being here at nine o'clock. Many did not know until today." 
But that I should try to extenuate was too much. The irate captain 
went off to condole with Sir Edward. Voices seemed to grow hushed 
and a sense of depression began to dampen even my young heart. 
Again I looked at the fixed but somewhat stony smile upon the 
usually amiable countenance of our hostess, and though the Prince 
retained immaculate composure I saw him glance more frequently at 
the stairway. 

Just then a charming old diplomat came up. He was "dean" of 
the corps, the minister from Denmark. General de Raaslof, who was 
for years in this country, beloved and respected by everyone. He 
fairly bubbled with suppressed but decorous merriment when I asked 
him, "What is the use of keeping everything back why not dispense 
with part of the program?" 

"Ah, my fair young American, how the free spirit of your land 
cuts the Gordian knot that our old-world ways have fastened upon us ! 
It is near eleven o'clock, but all must wait for the great General and 
Madame. I think they will soon be here. He has not understood." 

The judgment was generous and reasonable, and I felt comforted, 
especially as at that moment we caught sight of a broad white fore- 
head, with waving hair, and the square shoulders of General Grant, 

[79] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

leisurely ascending the stairs, with Mrs. Grant at his side. They came 
forward like two innocent children, quite unconscious, with no word 
of apology. She always leaned upon him with unquestioning devotion, 
so simple and unaffected that one could not but feel the genial atmo- 
sphere of a sweet and womanly nature. Quite alone, crossing the 
intervening space, all eyes upon them, they approached Lady Thornton 
and the Prince with direct and democratic bearing no bow, heads 
erect, with only a little bend as they took the Prince's outstretched 
hand. 

Immediately the music burst forth into a veritable triumphant 
march; faces cleared or broke into smiles. People fell back, leaving 
a broad aisle to the upper end of the room, where a high dais had been 
erected with draped flags and gilded chairs for the official dignitaries 
and his Royal Highness. The Prince offered his arm to Mrs. Grant, 
and the arm of General Grant was taken by Lady Thornton. The 
Secretary of State, Mr. Hamilton Fish, was assigned to the beautiful 
Mrs. Governor Sprague of Rhode Island, daughter of the Chief Jus- 
tice, Salmon P. Chase, who gave his arm to Mrs. Hamilton Fish. 
They passed along in stately fashion, and imposing array, until, near 
the dais, a court quadrille was formed, which they proceeded to dance 
with exceeding difficulty and many wanderings afield. The assem- 
blage looked on, much entertained, enjoying their efforts to acquit 
themselves creditably. But for the ready wit of Mrs. Sprague, her 
youthful knowledge of how a quadrille should go, and her matchless 
skill in steering things generally, I fear the distinguished dignitaries 
would have made a hopeless mess of it. 

Prince Arthur twice broke into an irresistable smile and looked as 
if he longed to set General Grant right, but he had been too well 
brought up to assume any such initiative. Secretary Fish always 
turned the wrong way, but somehow was rescued just at the crucial 
moment. However, they went through it beautifully and seemed to 
enjoy the unwonted pastime, though evidently relieved when seated 
comfortably on the dais and the general dancing began. 

Just before the cotillion, as the last square dance of the evening 
was forming, I found myself standing beside Admiral Farragut for 
my partner. He had seized my hand and led me forward in his gay 
animated way. "Come, you are to dance this set with me. General 

[80] 



1IOW (iRAXT AND SHERMAN SHOCKED THE DIPLOMATS 

Sherman is to be our vis-a-vis, with Miss Lee," naming one of my 
girl friends. Soon they stood opposite. Then came rollicking General 
I'liil Sheridan, with another young girl, and then Admiral Porter 
"Dave Porter," as they called him, with still another to complete the 
set. Then began altogether the most charming, memorable dance of 
my life. These heroes were all "in a gale," and the girls were quick to 
catch the cantagion. How often have I recalled it with delight. 
Admiral Farragut was noted, as his son Mr. Loyd Farragut is now, 
for marvelous agility and accomplishment in dancing and knowledge 
of all manner of wonderful steps. Every now and then he would 
spring from the floor, carried away by the mere impulse of rythmical 
movement ; then his feet would flash to and fro and twitter in the air 
with inconceivable rapidity, in alighting, only to bound up again. 

Some man standing near cried out, "Brava, Admiral ! That is 
the best pigeon wing I ever saw !" The Admiral laughed back, "Oh, 
that's nothing a mere preliminary ! You know it wouldn't do to let 
go here. It would shock the Prince and my Lady Thornton." He 
scowled at the thought, and then we all laughed. Little cared we for 
shocking any one. We were all in the air buoyant and uplifted with 
youth and happiness. 

General Sheridan was a bit rough and almost whirled the girls 
off their feet, when it came to "swinging corners." It was part of the 
life and jollity and exuberant enjoyment which possessed us all. It 
seemed to open up an inner vision of these men of fame. Their larger 
atmosphere enveloped us. They were so hearty and so whole-souled, so 
self-unconscious, strong, simple and spontaneous. How natural are 
great deeds to such men ! The dance became almost a romp, but the 
music ceased and it was ended. General Sherman called over, "Well 
Admiral, you have distinguished yourself in other lines than naval 
warfare tonight! I haven't had such fun since I was a boy." They 
were all beaming and breathless. 

The sets were now broken and people were walking about or 
gathered in groups, the floor rather crowded. Suddenly I heard the 
clear rough tones of General Sherman. He was standing not very far 
off, talking with some men. 'I don't know ; I'll ask him," he exclaimed. 
Turning, he made straight for the Prince, who was halfway across the 
room with Miss Lee, one of our beautiful girls the third generation 

[81] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

of "Mary Lee's" who since Revolutionary days had been well known 
belles and beauties in Washington society. They were making their 
way toward the dais. The tall figure of General Sherman strode after 
them, coming up from behind. He raised his hand and down it came 
in emphatic fashion on the Royal Scion, as the General called out, 
"Prince!" 

The startled, amazed look, the questioning, dumbfounded expres- 
sion of Prince Arthur is beyond the power of words. Probably never 
before had he so vividly experienced the realism of the land of 
Democracy. But a volly of friendly questions soon involved him in 
dates and engagements, and the General smilingly retracted his steps 
and rejoined his party. 

After the ball Miss Lee told me that Prince Arthur had said to 
her, "Will you not come with me on the dais? I am very tired and 
cannot sit down anywhere else." He had had a busy day. After he 
had described to her the places he had visited, she asked, "Among all 
the things you have seen, what has interested you most?" He did not 
reply at once, but sat thinking, as if the son of Queen Victoria had 
been too well brought up to decline seriously and conscientiously to 
answer questions. He looked up at the ceiling for a moment and then 
said, "What interested me most? General Sherman's sword!" 

Already the chairs were placed around the room for the cotillion. 
Many were already, and others were rapidly, being appropriated. I 
suddenly remembered that I had no partner. Never mind; the last 
dance had been enough; and I was about to find refuge among the 
dowagers, when the deep friendly voice of Mr. Fane, one of the 
English legation, called to me. Fane was a dear angel on all occasions, 
such a kind heart, so thoughtful and ready to do a good turn. That 
night he seemed ubiquitous. Every one was looked after. If he saw 
two people, evidently strangers, he would go up to them with his pleas- 
ant voice and accent : "How do you do ? Ah, you have forgotten me ?" 
Of course he did not in the least know them, but that was of no con- 
sequence. "I am one of the floor committee tonight. Let me intro- 
duce you to - ' here a smothered dropping of the voice, no 
name audible. "You surely ought to know each other. Won't you 
dance this set? Oh, I see it is nearly over ! Well another begins soon. 
Do come with me ; I will find you a place." The two strangers were 

[82] 



HOW GRANT AND SHERMAN SHOCKED THE DIPLOMATS 

soon in animated discussion, and off Fane would flit to minister 
elsewhere. 

He said to me in his hasty way, "I want to introduce to you one 
of the Prince's suite, who has no partner for the cotillion. Permit me 
to present Lord Elfinstone." Thereupon a lovely-looking young man 
was asking if he might hope for the pleasure of dancing with me ; and 
it was a very happy and relieved girl who gave consent. Lord Elfin- 
stone was Prince Arthur's special chum. These royal highnesses 
always have some particular friend, and the two did not look unlike. 

After awhile Mr. Fane came back and said, "You must have a 
turn with the Prince," and later I was led forward. He now seemed 
quite like other young men, and presently I was being whirled and 
whirled, all one way, and so rapidly around the great ball room that it 
was difficult to keep pace. Evidently royal scions were not taught to 
"reverse" as our own men did. He made the extreme circumference 
and we spun at a furious rate. It seemed as if we were traversing 
miles ; but there sat the young laird, guarding our places, and at length 
I was deposited beside him. The Prince actually smiled as he bowed 
and said, "Thank you ; very delighted !" I made my best courtesy, and 
he bowed again and was gone. He did not seem pleased by those rapid 
evolutions, and soon I was talking to my partner about England and 
America and their journeyings in our "wonderful country." 

The officers and older people were gone, save the array of 
mothers and chaperones who always patiently abided to the end. 
They were very ornamental and looked imposing in their velvets and 
laces, their diamonds and the plumes that waved on their heads. In 
those days it was not the fashion for young girls ever to wear heavy 
fabrics or many jewels; and as for feathers in the hair impossible. 
That belonged to gray-haired matrons. 

The dais was now filled with young people even the steps were 
crowded. But the night was wearing on. The chaperones were gath- 
ering their charges. "Just one more turn before you go," the young 
laird said, and I was more than willing. We are young but once 
that joyous season that finds the world so full of sunshine. 

As we recall the scene and remember how many of that brilliant 
throng have passed into the unknown realm, every gentle, gracious act 
of the evening seems invested with living qualities. They linger per- 

[831 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

sistently in the memory, suggesting tender thoughts of those vanished 
ones, and it is a question whether such courtesies on social occasions 
do not deserve to rank among the highest philanthropies of life. If it 
is true, as some claim, that "thoughts are things," surely these winged 
memories, born of kindly consideration for others, are imperishable, 
and must continually react beneficially, making the charm of the high 
art of human intercourse. 





WAR VESSELS AT ANCHOR IN THE HUDSON RIVER 

Drawn In October. 1912. when one hundred and two war vessels of the United State* Navy 
anchor in the historic Hudson off New Tork City. 



[85] 




THB MAYFLOWER PASSING THE UNITED STATES WARSHIPS IN HUDSON'S RITHB. 
OFF NEW YORK, OCTOBER. 1911 



[86] 



aahlrts ahat aalk 




fetorp of tf)f j?iffb,ttnff Dap0 ot 77 OIU bp tljr 'Combstonre 
of Old Be nmngton, Vermont 

BT 

DAVID C. GALE 

[FEW YEARS prior to the outbreak of the Revolution, 
a man by the name of Samuel Robinson, Captain in 
the English Army, set out with his soldiers on the 
trail which led from the shores of Lake George to the 
somewhat more civilized wilds of Massachusetts. He 
had served with the King's forces during the French 
War, and was then on the way home. Had he kept to the trail, there 
would now be nothing to write, but, as was quite excusable in those 
days when there were no signs at the cross roads, he lost his way. In 
short, he mistook the Walloomsac River for the Hoosick, and when 
he came to strike camp his fires were bedded on the very soil that was 
later molded into the streets of Old Bennington. 

No sooner had Robinson driven his stakes and taken time to look 
about him, than he decided that the Walloomsac Valley was every bit 
as good if not better than any of the open sections of New England. 
So he lost no time in applying to the Colonial Governor of New 
Hampshire, Benning Wentworth, for the township charter which in 
due season was turned over to him. As a token of appreciation as well 
as a matter of diplomacy, for governors, then as now, were not 
unmindful of the little niceties that tend to brighten official life, Rob- 
inson named his new town Bennington. 

All this and more is set forth on a plain, marble tablet just within 
the gates of the Old Bennington cemetery. It tells how other settlers 
found their way into the valley, and how Captain Robinson became 
one of those masterful leaders, under whose direction the Grants 
fought their way upward to a position of security and permanency. 

[87] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

It was while he was in London, pleading the cause of the settlers 
hefore the Crown, that the sturdy old warrior received his summons 
from the Great Beyond ; and that is how it happens that his bones rest 
in an English churchyard, far away from the land where the adven- 
turous chapters of his life were unfolded. 

Only the other day the good people of Bennington re-enacted 
some of the impressive scenes in the town's history, taking as their 
stage one of those forest-banked amphitheaters which may be found 
almost anywhere in the Green Mountain state. The spectators who 
gathered there saw the first settlers arrive and the coach of Governor 
Wentworth roll by; and then the departure of Samuel Robinson for 
England to present his message of warning from an aggrieved people ; 
and after that the Council Room of Catamount Tavern and the riding 
away of Ethan Allen's men a little rescue party which aimed to 
punish the New York officials for arresting Remember Baker. They 
beheld also an animated picture of the battle for which the modest 
hamlet is best known to the outside world on the one side the "Ben- 
nington Mob" as the Green Mountain Boys were dubbed in royal 
circles, on the other side Captain Baum's Redcoats and Indians, all 
thrown together under the realistic glare of red fire and the persistent 
popping of make-believe musketry. 

Such pageantry is entirely commendable and nothing should be 
said or done which in ever so slight a degree may rob the promoters 
of their just credit. There is always the danger that the generations 
which now occupy the foreground may come to see only the glamour 
and romance of the earlier periods, and think very little of the danger, 
the hardship and the uncertainty w r hich so often clouded the skies of 
the first settlers. But there is no need for the Bennington resident to 
wait for the pageant to get an inspirational view of the past. Let him 
step inside the quaint village churchyard and digest some of the 
inscriptions he finds there and he will have as complete a panorama 
as anyone might wish to see. 

There in one corner almost hidden by an unrestrained hedge is 
carved the name of Bennington's "first pastor who after a laborious 
life in the Gospel ministry, resigned his office in God's temple for the 
sublime employment of immortality, December 21, 1778." The 
language is rather stilted it is true but the life story is there if one is 

[88] 



TABLETS THAT TALK 

willing to look for it. Consider for a moment the lot of that back- 
woods preacher! It could hardly have been other than laborious. 
And with the labor must have been mixed a liberal amount of peril. 

Across the driveway is a long flat slab which bears the name of 
the landlord of Catamount Tavern. It lies only a few rods from the 
site of that once famous hostelry where gathered so many of the 
King's arch enemies. It presents no eulogy. It simply avers that the 
passing of the valorous inn-keeper took place on the morning of May 
17, 1781. No other word is needed. The name itself is enough to 
conjure from the past a long train of heroic figures. 

Farther down towards the centre is a long brick box, cut low on 
one side so that the marble slab which covers it may catch the full 
light of the setting sun. Thereon is preserved the name and achieve- 
ments of "Anthony Haswell, a patriot of the Revolution. Printer 
and Founder of the Vermont Gazette, 1783. A sufferer in the cause 
of freedom under the Sedition Act of 1798." It was this man Haswell 
who brought into Bennington the historic Daye press, a printing 
machine which had already gained renown as the oldest press in the 
country. Under his direction, it attained further distinction, sending 
forth from week to week the cramped, labor-marked forms of the 
Gazette, Vermont's first newspaper. Who can say that Haswell and 
his paper may not have been the magnet which drew William Lloyd 
Garrison to Bennington? The older man had been gone but a few 
years when Garrison took up his work there and, from the drudgery 
and limitations of that unpretentious newspaper office, he emerged 
as from a training school to take up the larger career that was to be 
his portion. 

A bronze-paneled marker in the parkway west of the churchyard 
bears a likeness of Garrison's clumsy press; and in the space below 
are these words of explanation : 

"Fifty feet west of this spot William Lloyd Garrison, 
edited The Journal of the Times Oct. 3, 1828 March 
27, 1829. Hither came Benjamin Lundy, Dec. 6, 1828, 
to enlist him in the cause of the slave. Garrison de- 
parted hence to lift up in Baltimore the banner of imme- 
diate emancipation." 

[89] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

Throughout the entire town, the air is electric with memories of 
General Stark's eventful battle. They centre naturally about the 
stately shaft of blue dolomite that overtops the town. Thirty-seven 
feet square at the base and three hundred and six feet high, the Ben- 
nington spire raises its head among the mountains to be heralded 
afar as the tallest battle-monument in the world. From, its lofty 
lookout-floor, one may almost breathe again the smoke of the conflict 
and hear the voice of the cannon speaking in the valley. Under its 
tapering shadow is the ground on which Stark's men rested on the 
eve of the battle. The inscription on the rough stone marker is brief 
yet comprehensive. 

"General John Stark's campaign ground August 14-15-16, 1777. 
'There are the Redcoats and they are ours or this night Molly Stark 
sleeps a widow.' ' 

Another slab not far from the base of the monument records the 
passing of the Continental Storehouse which was a rallying point for 
the Green Mountain Boys and a building which Burgoyne expected 
his Hessians to capture. Their failure to plant the British flag on the 
ridgepole of this Colonial arsenal was the first of a series of disasters, 
the end of which was the surrender of their commander. 

Within the churchyard, the Bennington Historical Society has 
reared this tribute, dedicating it to the valiant fighters of both sides 
whose names are past reclaiming. 

"Around this stone lie buried many patriots who fell in the Battle 
of Bennington. Here also rest British soldiers, Hessians who died 
from wounds after the battle. As captives, they were confined in the 
first meeting house built in Vermont which stood on the green west 
of this burying ground." 

In like manner, many of the single marble slabs reflect the battle 
light of Revolutionary days. Perhaps it may be only a line down near 
the ground, worded after this fashion, "Born on the eve of Benning- 
ton Battle." Or again it may remind us that the one whose name we 
behold "fell fighting for the freedom of his country in the battle 
fought between General Stark and Colonel Baum, called Bennington 
Battle." 

Other tablets there are which tell of the less spectacular struggle 

[90] 



TABLETS THAT TALK 

which went on outside the battle lines. Let us forget the grim humor 
of the verse and think only of the character it depicts. 

"A husband tender, a parent dear. 
For human woes dispensing virtues tears: 
With useful toil he filled his narrow span, 
A pleasant neighbor and an honest man." 

No doubt this eulogy, as was usually the case on eighteenth 
century headstones, is somewhat too large for the subject, but after 
all allowances have been set aside, we still feel like making obeisance 
over the narrow mound. Any man who could fill his life with arduous, 
commonplace work and yet find time to be a good neighbor, and an 
honest one withal, is entitled to the homage of every passer-by. All 
hats off to the lowly open-hearted pioneer ! Though his life may have 
been unpolished and restricted, it was charged with a real love for 
the human kind. 

After a thoughtful inspection of the various inscriptions, one 
comes inevitably to the conclusion that good neighbors were every- 
where in those days. There is no dearth of kindly sentiment among 
those weird and aged testimonials. Sometimes the words get to run- 
ning wild, leaving the thought far behind, but always underneath 
them all is the steady glow of loyalty and brotherhood. Here is a case 
in point : 

"Lo ! where the silent marble weeps, 
A friend sincere and a father sleeps ; 
A heart within whose sacred cell 
The peaceful virtues love to dwell." 

The first line sounds well but it rather grates on some of our 
unpoetical theories. It is the more common idea that marble was 
intended by nature as medium for preserving records and handing 
them down to posterity. At least, that has been its chief function in 
the old Bennington Cemetery. There is nothing about the rough 
rudely-finished slabs that is in any way suggestive of weeping. 

The other three lines are better and they frame the kind of pic- 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

ture that lies half hidden on many another of the nearby stones 
the picture of a simple industrious life carried through to a close under 
exacting conditions. Life in Colonial times was never easy; usually 
it was the bitterest kind of a fight. And yet Duty seldom had to 
speak twice to those men. Possibly her voice was stronger then than 
it is today. However that may be, the present generation can do no 
better than emulate their example and keep one ear open for the call. 




[92] 




Itl'ST OF KTHKX AI.LKN 

Th'- fammis l.a.l.T of "Thi- Gr->n Mountain Hoys" and oapturer of Tirondi-roRa at th- l>.-ntnnlns 
of th.- K.-volutionHry War. Koprnilucftl for Th<- Journal cif Aun-riran HUtory from a photograph of 
:Klnal I. ust. iiy H K I'.-rklns. In th.' hall of th.- UaUKht.-rs) of the Am.-rlcan K.-volutton. 
at Wahington. Dlstrli-t of Columbia. 



[931 




COMMODORE OLIVER HAZZARD PERRY 

Reproduced for The Journal of American History from the Gilbert Stuart painting, owned by 
Mr. Oliver Hazzard Perry, of Lowell, Massachusetts. 



[96] 







AN AMERICAN RED CROSS OPERATOR SHOWING MOVING I'lr'ITKKS IN A SU'K W A R I > 
AT THK WALTER REEL) GENERAL. HOSPITAL IN WASHINGTON 

This Interesting picture IB used through the courtesy of the M:u Mlllan Company. Reproduce<l frmii 
their valuable publication. "The American Red Cross in the Groat War," by Henry P. Davison. 

Chairman of the War Council of the American Red Cross. 

"Couple with a shattered nervous system weeks of Inactivity, with the Idea of helplessness, with 
the Idea of life abnormal; outside the pleasures of the world. It Is wonderful that all cripples are 
not helpless. Yon must kill the Idea of helplessness almost as soon as It is born, for In a few 
\\eeks It becomes very strong. You must show moving pictures <>f men who are crippled enjoying 
themselves In normal ways, dancing, skating, paddling a canoe, swimming, playing billiards and 
hundreds of things they cannot or do not know about. I could multiply these things a thousand- 
fi'lil, things which you would refuse to believe. But they must be 'put tcrOM 1 '< the men early, 
and it must he done by men who have had experience first hand." Letter from a erlppled soldier 
to the Surgeon General, quoted In Davlsun's "American Red Cross In the Great War," page 127. 



[97] 




MONUMENT AT GREENSBORO. NORTH CAROLINA 



Erected &a a memorial to the 
the moat decisive battle 
Carolina, near the So 



il to the Revolutionary heroes who, on October 7, 1780, triumphed In one of 
.les for American Independence, at King's Mountain, Cleveland County, North 
iuth Carolina line. Here 910 of the American "Backwoods" Militia, uml'-r 



[ICO] 



>J?all 



In ta 
iurtal 





pita tot tf)c protection of fyt flbanoontb pribatr 
of Our Country 

BY 

JAMES WOODBURN HAMILTON 

O WE not owe it to the memories of the men and women 
whose bodies lie in these little burying spots, many of 
which are totally abandoned and neglected to the ele- 
ments, to take steps to rescue them and protect them 
in the future? 

Scattered throughout the country, principally in the 
South and East, are little burial places, pathetic in their loneliness, 
containing the graves of people whose names are often synonymous 
with the development of their states, people whose lives were devoted 
to the public service, who helped lay the foundation of the very liber- 
ties and culture which we enjoy today, but whose last resting places 
have been too often sold with the old estates and are now almost unrec- 
ognizable, trodden undef foot by the beasts of the field, and some of 
them merged into the farms surrounding them. 

Fortunately many of these people left behind them enduring 
monuments, not made with hands, for otherwise their earthly monu- 
ments would long ago have ceased to remind the passer-by that their 
ashes lie buried in these lonely spots. 

May I suggest that the Historical Society of each state has the 
proper organization to take over this work, which will appeal strongly 
to every right-thinking man and woman. 

Every county, no doubt has some one person, or society, who 
now works with the State Historical Association, and who would 
\\ithout any salary expense, and perhaps without any expense, arrange 
to inspect these private graveyards twice a year, making a photograph 
of the condition on their first visit and reporting regularly to 
headquarters. 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

State Historical Societies should be interested, as much of great 
historical value is connected with these neglected places where so many 
of the leading men and women of the South and the North, as well, 
are buried. 

Surely the state itself from that point of view, would make a 
grant sufficient to start the movement and a yearly grant for the 
small necessary expenses. 

Members of every family connected with these people would no 
doubt gladly make a yearly contribution to the expenses, and wealthy 
people might endow such a movement with sufficient funds; at least 
it will do no harm to ventilate the idea as fully as its merit warrants. 

It is my thought that every state would divide the work by coun- 
ties and then by townships, having a large folder for each such bury- 
ing ground in each township, with a photograph to show the condition 
and a record of the names of those buried, with dates, etc., and the 
addresses of the descendants. 

It might well investigate the best means of protecting these lonely 
little places for the benefit of the families who might themselves bear 
the cost. 






SIR JOHN JOHNSON 



[102] 



Jtttitto, % WatorH of 

atna for Snouatrtal Ma? 




BT 

C. HERSCHEL KOYL, PH. D. 

Fellow, 1881-1883, Johns Hopkins University 

T IS a long way from the Patapsco to the Yellowstone 
and from the pure science of the Johns Hopkins to its 
application to the water of the west, and one hesitates 
to place beside the stately papers of the Alumni Maga- 
zine a simple tale of the development of an art which 
makes life more enjoyable in this new land; but then 
it is still farther in time and place from Athens, Greece, to Baltimore, 
U. S. A., and when I recall the interest with which the scholars of 
the Old World watched the development of the young Johns Hopkins 
University I am emboldened to put this account of my work in the 
west before the readers of the Alumni Magazine. 

This country in itself is most interesting. Here are the evidences 
of the earth's contortions, the towering lines of the Rocky Mountains 
with the isolated peaks of the Sweetgrass Hills in Montana and the 
Turtle Mountains in North Dakota, and here also their complement, 
the innumerable deep wrinkles in the earth's surface now filled to a 
depth of several hundred feet with mud from the adjoining hills. 
Here lived and died and are lightly buried the great animals of earlier 
days : here several glaciers have left their stories written on the low- 
land and on the hillside; here are beautiful agates by the million and 
semi-precious stones by the hundred thousand, petrified trees, beds of 
coal, the Mesabi iron deposits, marble quarries, all on the surface or 
near it; here roamed the herds of bison; here chinooks (narrow warm 
winds) blow in midwinter; and here I have witnessed the temperature 
drop 60 F. in one hour. Here are the headwaters of the Mississippi 
and the Missouri : this is the land of Hiawatha ; here adventured Lewis 

[103! 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

and Clark; here are the wonders of the Yellowstone and Glacier 
National Parks. The country from the Mississippi to the Rockies, 
say eight hundred miles east and west and many more miles north and 
south, constitutes The Great Plains of early American history where 
today would be a vast agricultural country if only it had enough rain- 
fall ; and this brings me to my story. 

On the east coast of America there are no high mountains 
between the Atlantic and the interior, and the wet winds deposit their 
moisture in rain across half the continent. Rainfall along the Atlantic 
coast is some forty-five inches per year, gradually diminishing toward 
the west until in Minnesota it averages twenty-seven inches per year.* 
From the Pacific Ocean warm wet winds blow in, but they must cross 
mountain ranges where it is so cold that they lose their moisture in 
great depositions of rain and snow on the western slopes, so that by 
the time they reach the plains to the east of the Rockies there is little 
moisture left, and the rainfall in northern Montana and western 
North Dakota is often not more than nine inches per year. 

With the ground packed hard by generations of buffalo, with a 
small rainfall, and with evaporation at the rate of one vertical inch 
per week, it is easy to understand that soluble matters have not been 
washed off the ground, much less out of it, and that wells, springs, 
ponds, and slow moving streams are apt to contain water with more 
than its share of mineral salts carbonates and sulphates of lime, 
magnesia, and soda. But the reputation is often worse than the 
water. One disgruntled chap said to me on my arrival : "In the east 
you analyze water to determine its mineral content, here you assay it 
to determine its moisture." As a matter of fact the water is no worse 
than many waters in the east ; but in the east there is such an abund- 
ance of comparatively clean soft fresh water that it is not necessary 
to use the hard or dirty water, while on the Great Plains there is no 
other water but that of the few sluggish streams or the highly mineral- 
ized water of the wells. In the east an objectionable water is either 
dirty or hard, or (from the mines) acid; but on the plains all water 
troubles are ascribed to alkali. There are alkali waters (containing 
sodium salts), also hard waters (containing calcium or magnesium 
salts), also pond or slough waters containing the products of organic 
decomposition, but in the old west any water less than perfect was 
"alkali water." 

[104] 



FITTING THE WATERS OF THE GREAT PLAINS FOR INDUSTRIAL USE 

The ideal water for drinking, for washing, for boiler, and for all 
industrial purposes is clean and soft, practically pure water, and it is 
astonishing how small a proportion of foreign matter will ruin it for 
one or another purpose. Omitting poisons and bacteria and consider- 
ing only the common ingredient, limestone, it is a fact that one part in 
three thousand will render water unsuitable for industrial use. For 
drinking, reasonably hard water containing, say, twenty grains per 
gallon (or one part in three thousand) of dissolved limestone, if taken 
from the gravel of wells or springs is excellent, because it is cool, clear, 
and of good flavor; but for washing it is not suitable, because lime- 
stone combines with soap very readily to form a useless bothersome 
curd, and, to get a lather in hard water, one must use enough soap to 
neutralize the limestone and then enough more to wash with. The 
process is wasteful of three-quarters of the soap and very disagreeable 
because the curd sticks on the wash basin, on your hair, on the clothes 
of the laundry, and on anything it touches. 

When hard water is used in a steam boiler, the heating of the 
water precipitates the limestone as a hard scale on the boiler flues and 
shell the carbonates of calcium and magnesium at about 212 F. and 
the sulphates at about 300 and since this scale retards the flow of 
heat from the flues to the water, more coal is burned, the flues get 
much hotter, and in four or five months burn out and must be 
renewed. In New England, where there is plenty of clean soft water, 
boiler flues last in good condition from twelve to twenty years as com- 
pared with the continuous repairs and the few months of life in a hard 
water country; and when you know that there are, say, two hundred 
and seventy-five flues in a locomotive boiler, and that they cost, say, 
$6.00 each, you will see one of the reasons why it is expensive to use 
hard water in a boiler. Another reason is that with locomotives cost- 
ing $20,000 each and supposed to be earning interest on their value, 
a week in hospital every little while is just so much lost ; and the worst 
of all is that the boiler may, and often does, give way and begin to 
leak on the road and then the train must wait until another engine 
and crew come, often fifty to seventy-five miles, to haul it in. I 
have seen divisions of one hundred to one hundred and fifty miles 
where five dead engines per day was the average during winter. 

In a country of such distances rapid settlement or development 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

is impossible without the railroad ; and in a country still sparsely set- 
tled a railroad must be operated very carefully if its expenses are to 
be kept within its income. Clean soft water is of prime importance to 
any railroad; and in 1910 I came over here to prove it, and to prove 
that it could be made from the water of the plains. It took me two 
years to make the demonstration conclusive; but in 1912 I began to 
build, and today on the Great Northern Railroad, for more than 
eleven hundred miles over The Great Plains, every water station has 
a water treating plant and trains move with as much safety and cer- 
tainty as they do anywhere. 

The art of water treatment requires a certain knowledge of chem- 
istry for the precipitation or conversion of harmful matters which are 
in solution; a certain knowledge of physics to accelerate the settling 
of precipitates, mud, and organic slimes ; a certain facility in practical 
mechanics for the design and construction of appliances which will as 
easily handle one thousand gallons per minute as ten gallons, that 
will automatically feed to the raw water, in continuous streams as it 
is being pumped, the proper amount of each of the two or three chemi- 
cals necessary for the treatment of that water, and which mechanism 
must all be so simple that it can be operated by the ordinary railroad 
pumper, about the poorest paid man in the railroad service. A gallon 
of water weighs fifty-eight thousand grains; and when I tell you 
that the water in any track tank seldom varies two grains per gallon 
from standard quality, no matter what the quality of the raw water, 
and barring only times of sudden changes due to freshets, you will 
know that we have achieved what we sought. 

The chemistry of water treatment is very simple nowadays, but 
its beginning in 1840 by Dr. Clark of Mareschal College, Aberdeen, 
Scotland, made one of the romances of the science. The hardness of 
water was known to be due to carbonate of lime dissolved in the water 
and sometimes amounted to as much as forty grains of limestone per 
gallon of water. But carbonate of lime, that is, marble, ordinary lime- 
stone, chalk, sea shell, cannot be dissolved in water beyond about three 
grains per gallon. So how did that spring or well water get so hard? 

Doctor Clark had been a practising physician and had noted the 
roughened hands, the much scrubbed clothes, the gummy hair, and 
the many discomforts of hard water for washing, and when he become 

[106] 



FITTING THE WATERS OF THE GREAT PLAINS FOR INDUSTRIAL USE 

professor of chemistry at Mareschal College, he immediately set the 
analysis and cure of hard water as one of his problems. Soon he 
discovered that the limestone dissolved in water is not a simple car- 
bonate of lime a union of one molecule of calcium oxide with one 
molecule of carbonic acid, but a bi-carbonate a union of one molecule 
of calcium oxide with two molecules of carbonic acid. Now the bi-car- 
bonate of calcium does not exist in the dry state ; it exists only in solu- 
tion in water, and therefore the water in the ground must have car- 
ried the extra molecule of carbonic acid when it flowed over the mole- 
cule of mono-carbonate of lime, and was thus able to pick up the mole- 
cule of limestone or chalk or marble in its passage. 

Then Doctor Clark's reasoning was something like this: if that 
limestone, that mono-carbonate of calcium, is not soluble in water 
unless the water carries an equivalent amount of carbonic acid, then 
if I can steal away the extra carbonic acid from the water the lime- 
stone will fall to the bottom and the water will be soft. Now how can 
I do that ? Well, in the first place, the atom of calcium has a tremen- 
dous chemical affinity. When it is combined with an atom of oxygen 
to form a molecule of calcium oxide (CaO), the union is practically 
inseparable, and the chemical affinity is not yet satisfied. When it 
also picks up and combines with a molecule of carbonic acid to form 
a molecule of calcium mono-carbonate (CaO, CO 2 ), the grasp is still 
strong, for it requires high temperature or strong acid to tear away 
the molecule of carbonic acid ; but when it picks up a second molecule 
of carbonic acid and becomes a bi-carbonate (CaO, COj, CO*), it 
must be getting overloaded for we know that the heat of boiling water 
in a tea kettle will chase away this last molecule and let down the 
mono-carbonate as scale in the tea kettle. If the molecule of CaO 
holds the first molecule of CO 2 more strongly than it does the second, 
then another molecule of CaO introduced into the water ought to 
steal away that second molecule of CO 2 , and we will have two mole- 
cules of limestone (CaO, CO 2 ), both insoluble in water and both bound 
to settle to the bottom like little snowf lakes! And sure enough, the 
addition of the proper amount of CaO freshly burned lime 
effected just this reaction, precipitated the old limestone and the new. 
and left soft water. 

Can you imagine a more beautiful operation, a chemical combina- 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

tion more nearly theoretically perfect ? Limestone makes water hard 
and in turn lime makes it soft. To this day, to the ordinary man who 
considers lime merely baked limestone this is the most marvelous thing 
in the world. But this was the beginning of the science of water 
softening. 

The process was put in effect in a large way by the use of two 
tanks alternately, one to be filled with water, treated with fresh lime 
stirred in and given time to settle, while the other was being used. 
Soon they learned to destroy the hardness due to sulphate of lime by 
the use of carbonate of soda, and that practically the same methods can 
be used to get rid of the magnesium salts which also make water 
hard. Then the process was made continuous by appliances which 
fed properly proportioned streams of the two chemicals into a steady 
stream of water flowing to the bottom of a settling tank, where the 
precipitated limestone remained while the clear soft water rose slowly 
to the overflow near the top. 

At this stage, simply as a process for softening water for indus- 
trial use, the apparatus and method came to this country in 1898, and 
here have been made the studies and improvements which have devel- 
oped the process into one suitable for treating water of any kind, hard, 
alkaline, or muddy, in any quantity, say, two or three million gallons 
an hour, for any purpose, including drinking. The old plants mixed 
chemicals and water merely by confluence, but the mixing was very 
far from complete and there was much after-precipitation and clog- 
ging of pipes and mysterious "growing" of said grains in filters. 
Nowadays the water and the reagents are mixed for half an hour and 
in some cases for two hours by mechanical stirring with power fur- 
nished by a wheel operated by the inflowing water; nowadays properly 
treated water will flow through a pipe for years and leave the pipe 
cleaner than when new; and as for sand filters, they are not needed, 
for the settling of precipitate is so complete that no sand filter can 
improve the water. 

Most striking of all since adequate mixing has been accomplished 
is the cleaning effect of the great snowstorm of precipitate. It makes 
no matter how many germs are in the raw water, say fifty thousand 
per cubic centimeter, you never find ten per cubic centimeter in treated 
and settled water. And the process is most illuminative of the condi- 

[108] 



FITTING THE WATERS OF THE GREAT PLAINS FOR INDUSTRIAL USE 

tion of ordinary coloring matters dissolved in water the colors from 
woods, fallen leaves, and peat bogs for they all go down with the 
precipitate. From one well in North Dakota the water looks like 
black ink, but the treated water is crystal clear. Not only does the 
railroad profit from the water softening, working one locomotive 
where two worked before, but towns are getting clean soft water for 
everybody's use. Formerly I talked of the "Science of Water Soften- 
ing," now I call it the "Art of Water Purification." 

There is not space to tell you of half the interesting things to be 
found here, but one I must not forget a continental divide in the 
middle of prairies. Everyone knows of the north and south mountain 
ridge in the Rockies where a drop of rain falling an inch to the west 
flows to the Pacific, or an inch to the east to the Atlantic; but very 
few know that in North Dakota is an east and west ridge only a few 
feet high, which separates the waters flowing to Hudson Bay from 
those flowing to the Gulf of Mexico, and that to the north of the ridge 
as also in most of Montana, you do not go down east or up north, but 
"up south." Come to Glacier Park this summer, call for me, and I'll 
show you glaciers in the melting. 




[109] 



A History of the Origin and De- 
velopment of Banks and Banking 
and of Banks and Banking in the 
City of New York :-: x :-: 



BY 
W. Harrison Bayles 

and 
Frank Allaben 



FRANK ALLABEN, Editor-in-Chief 



[no]' 



CHAPTER I 
Banking in flntiquitp 

Necessity for Means of Exchange Exchange of Commodities 
Silver Becomes the Standard of Exchange Hammurabi, King of 
Babylonia, Introduces the Use of the Written Contract The First 
Promissory Note The First Promissory Note with Renewal- 
Stamped Coinage Comes into Use No Fixed Rate of Interest on 
Loans The Greeks Install Money Exchange Markets Pasion 
Establishes a Bank at Athens Rome Comes into Prominence in the 
Banking World Ancient Roman Bronze Coinage Silver and Gold 
Coinage Becomes the Medium of Exchange in the Roman Markets- 
Weight of Coinage Reduced Rome Appoints Public Bankers and 
Fixes the Rate of Interest at Five Per Cent. Beginnings of the Mod- 
ern System of Bookkeeping Rome Adopts from Greece the Use of 
Bills of Exchange Government Loans Installed Counterfeiting 
Becomes Frequent Roman Coinage Becomes the Medium of 
Exchange Throughout the World. 




THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

Hanking in Antujnitg 

HE institution of a bank presupposes the existence of 
some medium of exchange, or money. At the present 
day, in all civilized countries, this is gold or silver or 
its representative. It has been almost an invariable 
rule that every race or community of people, at all 
removed from a savage state, has adopted some 
medium of exchange to facilitate trade, and almost invariably the 
commodity known to them to have the most stable value, it being at 
the same time desirable and durable, has been selected for that purpose. 
The earliest commerce was a simple exchange of goods, as boys 
"trade" knives, marbles, and other trinkets. But trade grew complex, 
and as each man desired to secure many things, from different sources, 
in exchange for the few things he produced, it became indispensable 
to adopt some one thing as a standard of value in the terms of which 
all other values could be stated, and thus all values measured and com- 
pared. The standard of value adopted would thus become a "medium 
of exchange" or money; and if a man traded the few things he had 
to barter for this medium of exchange he would then hold something 
acceptable to all traders alike and thus exchangeable for any 
commodity. 

Among a people advanced in the arts and sciences of civilization 
there are no articles so well suited for such a medium of exchange as 
the precious metals, gold and silver. But in ancient times, when com- 
munication between nations was slow and imperfect, it was not every 
nation that had within its borders sufficient gold or silver to make it 
practical to use either as money, and thus some more abundant material 
had to be used for that purpose. Articles that have been so employed 
at different times by different peoples are numerous, and the facts 
presented to us in history seem very curious at the present day. 

In a community of people supporting themselves by hunting, the 
proceeds of the chase are very likely to be used for trade. The skins 
of wild animals, suitable for clothing, are well adapted to the purpose ; 
and there is abundant evidence that in many ancient nations furs or 
skins were used as money. Jevons claims that this is indicated in the 

[112] 



BANKING IN ANTIQUITY 

passage in Job ii. 4, which reads: "Skin for skin, yea, all that a man 
hath will he give for his life." We have recent illustration of this 
use of skins among the Indians of North America. 

Among a people of pastoral life, sheep and cattle naturally would 
be used to perform some of the functions of money, and there is evi- 
dence that this was the case among the ancient people of the East. 
There are several passages in the Iliad of Homer where oxen are 
spoken of as a measure of value, the worth of articles being named 



in oxen. 1 



Among people supporting themselves by agriculture, different 
kinds of grain were used as a medium of exchange from the most 
remote antiquity down to the present day. In the same way olive oil 
was employed in those countries of the East where it was produced. 
Articles of ornament have also been used as money, as the wampum of 
the North American Indians and the cowry shells of the East Indies. 

When any commodity becomes desirable, not merely from its use 
to the person who owns or desires it, but because it is readily exchange- 
able for other things, that article easily becomes money in the com- 
munity in which it is held, and will be used as such unless another 
material better adapted to the purpose, is at hand. 

The first instance in Biblical history of a purchase of property 
for money was that made by Abraham of the cave of Macphelah. On 
the death of Sarah, Abraham sought to buy a field and cave for a 
burying place. The owner of the property was Ephron, the Hittite, 
and of him Abraham asked the price. Ephron, in a spirit of friend- 
ship, offered to present it to Abraham. 'The land," said he, "is worth 
four hundred shekels of silver: what is that betwixt me and thee? 
bury therefore thy dead." Abraham, however, preferred to pay the 
price and weighed out to Ephron four hundred shekels of silver, 
"current money of the merchants." This is the story as related by 
Moses. 

The land of Canaan, at that time, appears to have been an open 
grazing ground, something like our western country of some years 

iln the pastoral lands of the East the lamb naturally became a medium of exchange and a standard 
of valuation, other things being measured as worth so many lambs. When silver began to displace the 
lamb as a standard, it was almost inevitable for a certain definite weight of silver to be accepted aa the 
exact equivalent of the value _of a lamb; and it would be the most natural thing in the world, at the out- 
set, to describe this fixed weight of stiver as ' a lamb of silver." This explains certain curious passages 
in the Bible (Gen. xxxiii. 19; Josh. xxiv. 32; Job xlii. 11), where in place of the text, "an hundred pieces 
of silver," for example, in Gen. xxxiii. 19, the reader will find in the margin the more literal translation, 
"an hundred lambs of silver." F. A. 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

ago. Abraham was a herder or raiser of cattle. He did not produce 
silver, and the only way that he was likely to obtain it was in exchange 
for cattle. Ephron, also, it seems, was not ignorant of its value, and 
the inference is that silver was a current medium of exchange. It 
was the money of that time and country. If silver was then the 
money among the cattlemen of the land of Canaan, it is more than 
likely that it was such in the neighboring cities ; and we are confirmed 
in this by all we can gather from the history of those ancient lands. 
Skins or grain or cattle may have performed some of the functions of- 
money in limited districts, but there is no doubt that silver very early 
came to be relied upon when trade was extensive. 

Some years later, it is recorded, Jacob pitched his tent before the 
city of Shalem and purchased a part of the field on which he had 
spread his tent for a hundred kesitahs. This is translated in the 
accepted version as "pieces of money," but scholars believe the kesitah 
to have been a weight. 

In the time of famine, when Joseph's brethren came down to 
Egypt to buy corn, their money is spoken of as being returned to them 
in their sacks, "in its full weight." It was, no doubt, silver or some 
other metal. Although silver was extensively used as money in the 
time of Joseph, it was apparently not abundant, for in a short time all 
the money of Egypt and Canaan had been paid into the treasury of 
Pharaoh for grain. Silver, by weight, appears to have been the cur- 
rent money of the nations of the East, dating back beyond the dawn 
of history. The weighing of the precious metals is represented on 
the Egyptian monuments, where gold and silver are shown to have 
been kept in rings. There is no doubt that the Assyrians and Babylon- 
ians, rivals of Egypt in civilization, had a similar custom, as clay 
tablets have been found in the ruins of their cities showing grants of 
money by weight. 

The oldest code of laws in existence the laws of Hammurabi, 
King of Babylonia, a contemporary of Abraham indicates as early 
as 2700 B. C, an advanced state of civilization in trade and all trans- 
actions incident thereto. Among the statutes of this antique code are 
many laws in regard to merchants, agents, landlords, interest, rent, 
mortgage, etc. A few samples will show us that surprisingly well- 
developed business methods existed even in that ancient period. 



BANKING IN ANTIQUITY 

"If a merchant gives to an agent grain, wool, oil or goods of any 
kind with which to trade, the agent shall write down the value and 
return (the money) to the merchant. The agent shall take a sealed 
receipt for the money which he gives to the merchant." 

"If a man shall give silver, gold, or anything whatever to a man 
on deposit, all whatever he shall give he shall shew to witnesses and 
shall fix bonds and shall give on deposit. 

"If without witness and bonds he has given on deposit, and where 
he has deposited they keep disputing him, this case has no remedy." 8 

In Babylonia contracts, or instruments of credit, were drawn up 
in the presence of a proper legal official, on clay tablets. The original, 
inclosed in a clay envelope or case, was deposited for safety in a 
temple, or in the chamber of records provided by law or custom, while 
copies were taken by one or both of the contracting parties. Columbia 
Tniversity is the owner of Babylonian clay tablets, dating as far back 
at 2700 B. C, showing varied commercial transactions. 

Many such documents, preserved in the British Museum, are 
records of deeds and the partition of real estate. Some record loans 
of silver at interest, and these become numerous in the reigns of 
Nebuchadnezzar and Nabopolasser (625-604 B. C). Records of loans 
secured by mortgage on land, and guarantee bonds, are also among 
the curious commercial documents taken from the ruins of the ancient 
city of Babylon. One of the tablets found is very clearly a promissory 
note, wherein one man- promises to pay another a certain sum at the 
end of a fixed time. When the time drew near for him to pay the 
note he renewed it ; there are several renewals written upon the tab- 
lets. For many generations, before and after the reign of Nebuchad- 
nezzar, members of the family of Egibi did an extensive business as, 
bankers, or financiers, for the people of Babylon. 

In the time of Moses, and much later, the money spoken of as in 
ordinary use was principally silver money. Gold is referred to as 

-'Other provisions of this extraordinary codification of the civil and criminal law of primitive times 
indicate that the temples of Babylonia had even then developed the functions of savings institutions and 
banks of deposit; that the temple deposits were invested and loaned out at interest, like the funds of mod- 
ern banks; and that with the temple bankers could be arranged permanent investments of principal, yield- 
ing fixed annuities, which could be bought, sold, and inherited, like those of mediaeval and modern times. 
Such conditions bespeak a high development of trade and industry, with capital constantly in demand 
through never-ending opportunities for remunerative investment. Indeed, the Babylon of Hammurabi's 
:kc that of Nebuchadnezzar two millenniums later, held commerce with the whole ancient world, and 
anticipated the industrial cities of Europe in the Middle Ages in elaboration of trades and organization of 
trade-guilds. A number of provisions in Hammurabi's code regulated conditions of trade-apprentice- 
ship. F. A. 

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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

valuable and as used for ornamental purposes, but less frequently as 
money. Among the spoils taken from the Canaanitish city of Jericho, 
however, we find (Joshua vii. 21), "a goodly Babylonish garment, 
two hundred shekels of silver, and a wedge of gold of fifty shekels 
weight." Early metallic money was in the form of bars, spikes, rings, 
etc., and, whether silver or other metal, being a commodity which 
every one was willing to receive in exchange for his property, was 
just as much money as the stamped coins of a later period. 

Although there probably was no coined money in his time, Solo- 
mon knew the value of ready cash, for in Ecclesiastes x. 9, he says: 
"A feast is made for laughter and wine maketh merry; but money 
answereth all things." Hiram, King of Tyre, was the fast friend of 
David and Solomon and greatly assisted Solomon in building the first 
great temple at Jerusalem. Sidon was also under Hiram's dominion. 
These two Phoenician cities, on the coast, were then at the height of 
their glory and prosperity. They sent out colonies to the islands and 
shores of the Mediterranean, and their maritime trade extended not 
only to all the coasts of this sea, but even beyond the Pillars of Her- 
cules. The metal rings, supposed to be money, found in Celtic ruins, 
are thought to have been introduced among the Celts by Phoenician 
merchants or traders. 3 

sAlthough money had been in use for centuries and even milleniums before the days of Solomon and 
Hiram, the transactions of these kings illustrated, on a truly royal scale, the primitive method of direct 
barter of goods. Solomon suggested to Hiram an exchange of products of Palestine for timber from 
Lebanon, to which Hiram replied: "I have considered the things which thou sendest to me for, and I will 
do all thy desire concerning timber of cedar and concerning timber of fir. Thy servants shall bring them 
down from Lebanon unto the sea; and I will convey them by sea in floats unto the place that thou 
shalt appoint me, and will cause them to be discharged there, and thou shalt receive them; and thou shalt 
accomplish my desire, in giving food for my household." Thus "Hiram gave Solomon cedar trees and 
fir trees according to all his desire, and Solomon gave Hiram twenty thousand measures of wheat for food 
to his household and twenty measures of pure oil. Thus gave Solomon to Hiram year by year." I Kings 
v. 8-n). 

We also learn that from Hiram Solomon received a great store of gold, which he got also, together 
with silver, copper and iron, from the kings and princes all about him, the governors, the merchants and 
the Queen of Sheba. He joined the Phoenician king on the high seas, establishing merchant fleets on the 
Red Sea and Indian Ocean, and also on the Mediterranean, manned by Hiram's sailors. "The servants 
also of Hiram and the servants of Solomon, which brought gold from Ophir, brought" also "the algum 
trees and precious stones." This was the traffic of "the navy of ships" the fleet or merchant marine 
which "King Solomon made ' 'on the lip of the Red Sea' " (I Kings ix. 26) ; while also "the 

king had at sea a navy of Tharhish with the navy of Hiram; once in three years came the navy of 
Tharshish, bringing gold and silver, ivory ['elephants' teeth'], and apes and peacocks" (I Kings x. 22). 

Caravans also plied overland from Egypt, and from Babylonia, Assyria, and other marts in the East. 
"All the earth sought to Solomon and brought every man his present vessels of silver, and vessels of 
gold, and garments, and armour, and spices, horses, and mules, a rate year by year." Solomon "had 
horses brought out of Egypt, and linen yarn. The king's merchants received the linen yarn at a price." 

Was the traffic in linen merely a carrying trade, or did Solomon encourage a guild of weavers at 
Jerusalem, like those in Ancient Babylon and mediaeval Florence and Flanders? As for horses and 
chariots, Solomon supplied other kingdoms as well as his own; for "a chariot came up and went out of 
Egypt for six hundred of silver, and a horse for an hundred and fifty; and so for all the kings of the 
Hittites, and for the kings of Syria, did they bring them out by their hands." Solomon had fourteen hun- 
dred chariots and twelve thousand horsemen, whom he "bestowed in the cities for chariots." He had 
''four thousand stalls for horses and chariots." The vessels of his house were all pure gold, none of 

[116] 



BANKING IN ANTIQUITY 

One step forward from the irregular pieces of silver, or other 
metal, which were weighed out in making purchases, was the adoption 
of a uniform size, or weight, in the pieces or rings, as is shown to be 
the case by the Egyptian monuments, where the rings appear to be of 
the same size. From this to a stamped coin, whose value or weight 
was warranted by the stamp of authority, would be a natural step, 
yet it took a long time to accomplish it. 

In very early times seals were employed to signify possession, to 
ratify contracts, and to indicate authority. Thus, when a ruler certi- 
fied the weights of pieces of metal, he naturally employed his seal, or 
some distinctive mark, to make it known, just as a goldsmith stamps 
his plate. The earliest coins were stamped on only one side, and no 
attempt was made to so shape them that they could not be altered with- 
out destroying the stamp or design. Coinage was in its rudimentary 
stages. 

The stamping of a piece of metal with a mark, guaranteeing its 
weight, which made of it a coin, naturally much increased its useful- 
ness as money, and the invention, if it may be so called, soon spread 
throughout the countries of the East and was of great importance to 
trade and commerce. In the course of time, not long after this, men 
came forward who made it their exclusive business to care for the 
money of other people and to act as agents in all financial transactions. 
These were the bankers and brokers of the ancient. 

It is not within the province of this work to go into the details 
of the history of coins and coinage. It would be too tedious. We 
shall therefore accept as money the coins we shall meet with in deal- 
ing with the history of banks and bankers, giving them attention only 
when of special interest. Silver was first coined, it is alleged, in the 
ninth century B. C, more than a thousand years after the time of 
Abraham. The invention is ascribed to Pheidon, King of Argos. 4 

silver, for silver "was nothing accounted of in the days of Solomon." he having made "silver in Jerusalem 
M stones, and cedars * * as the sycamore trees that are in the vale, for abundance" (I Kings x., 
II Chron. ix.. x.). 

Can we doubt our astonishment, at the perfection of ancient methods and their approach to our own, 
could we discover some treatise setting forth in detail the business, financial, and banking expedients 
behind a world-commerce which heaped up such magnificence? F. A. 

4lt is well to emphasize the fact, therefore, that the necessity of trade had mothered the invention 
of our machinery of credit long before precious metals were cast into the convenient form of coin. If 
details of the credit system and instruments employed in ancient Babylonia have not vet, perhaps, fully 
been brought to light, we at least know that in Assyria as early as the ninth century before Christ, and 
probably much earlier, as well as in the Babylon of Nebuchadnezzar, commerce was carried on, as now, 
by means of promissory notes, bills of exchange, and transfer checks like those of the modern bank of 
deposit, although the values dealt in through these commercial instruments were not coin, but gold and 
silver designated by weight. F. A. 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

The first coins of Greece were of silver, and no other metal was 
used to any great extent until after the time of Alexander the Great. 
The loaning of money for interest was practiced long before coins 
were used. Interest or "usury" is spoken of in the Book of Exodus, 
in Leviticus, and also in Deuteronomy (xxiii. 19, 20), where the Jews 
were allowed to take usury from strangers, but not from their own 
people. In all probability the introduction of coinage made the use 
of money more general and the loaning of money more extensive. 
Solon, among other reforms at Athens, abolished the law by which a 
creditor could sell or enslave a debtor, and prphibited the lending of 
money on a person's own body. The rate of interest on loans was 
left to the discretion of the lender. 

Whether there existed at Athens a class of professed money- 
lenders in the time of Solon is uncertain, but in the time of Demos- 
thenes there were many of them. This kind of business was then 
chiefly carried on by resident aliens or f reedmen. The ancient usurers 
and money-lenders, by the exaction of exorbitant rates, and the 
bankers of antiquity in general, from the great profits gained by them 
and the severity with which they exacted what was due, made them- 
selves as unpopular as the Jewish money-lenders became in more mod- 
ern times. In return for their large profits, Greek lenders, like the 
Jews, had to accept a position of social inferiority and even to endure 
ill-treatment. Demosthenes intimates that among the Athenians the 
fact that a man was a money-lender was sufficient to prejudice him 
even in a court of law. 

In Greece, bankers were called tr apes-it ai, because they sat at 
tables in the market-places. They acted as money-changers and 
money-lenders, received money on deposit, and made payments as 
directed by depositors. For a commission they exchanged money of 
large denominations for smaller, and the money of one system for 
that of another, the difference in standards and the uncertainty of 
the stamped coin creating a considerable trade of this kind. 5 

5We can gather a picture of the important functions discharged by the Athenian money-changers if 
we recollect that the trade-center of the world, passing in turn from Babylonia, Egypt, Assyria, Babylon, 
and Phoenicia, had established itself in the market-place of the Greek metropolis, where the fleets of the 
world discharged their cargoes and the currency of every nation appeared on exchange. The commercial 
paper of the merchants of Egypt and Phoenicia was bought and sold in the Athenian market, and here 
transfers of credit were affected. Here also the foreign traders from every shore, flocking to this central 
depot of world-goods to purchase cargoes for their galleys. each with the currency of his own city in his 
hands, resorted to the money-changers to get the equivalent of his money in the coin of Athens, which 
he could pass without question among the Athenian merchants, and in the terms of which all their goods 
were appraised. F. A. 

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BANKING IN ANTIQUITY 

Money was placed with the Greek bankers, partly for safekeeping 
and partly to benefit from their skilful management of it, the deposi- 
tor engaging the bankers to make all payments. As in modern times, 
Greek bankers received money on deposit at what they considered a 
low rate of interest, and loaned it at a higher one. From the public 
character of their business, the bankers naturally gained considerable 
experience, became proficient at accounts and in finance, and were 
often consulted in the ordinary affairs of life and business, and as 
experts in connection with the finances of the cities. They became, 
too, an unofficial sort of notaries public. They were not always suc- 
cessful in business. There are recorded instances of bankers who lost 
everything they possessed, becoming utterly bankrupt. 

While not altogether escaping the common prejudice against their 
calling, some bankers of the higher class were held in much esteem, 
great confidence being placed in them. Their credit enabled them 
promptly to raise money in distant cities at any time. Pasion was a 
wealthy and well-known banker of Athens. About 380 B. C. he set 
up a banking concern by which, together with a shield manufactory, 
he amassed enormous riches, at the same time establishing a character 
for integrity which gave him credit throughout all Greece. With his 
money, on several occasions, he rendered great services to Athens, and 
was rewarded with the freedom of the city and enrolled in the demus 
of Acharnae. 

About this time money was loaned at Athens at the rate of from 
twelve to eighteen per cent. This high rate is attributed to the lack 
of protection given by the law to creditors, or rather to the lack of the 
proper administration of the law. In cases of bottomry, an early form 
of marine insurance, the rate was much higher, sometimes as high as 
thirty-six per cent. 

Before bankers as a special class came into existence, the func- 
tion of the bank was to some extent supplied, among the Greeks as 
in ancient Babylonia, by the great temple sanctuaries, such as Delphi, 
Delos, Ephesus, and Samos. These were used as safe places for the 

The money of the Greek cities alone would have insured a thriving business, for each city had its 
own currency, which no one cared to take outside the city bounds, with the honorable exception of the 
Athenian silver drachmas, which were accepted far and near. 

Thus the Athenian banker conducted an exchange bank, where the world's traders of his day could 
deposit their diverse currencies and receive an equivalent, less commission, in the standard coin of 
Athens, a service, as we shall see, precisely analagous to that which constituted the chief function of the 
famous Bank of Amsterdam three centuries ago. -F. A. 

[i 19] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

deposit of treasures, and, having large funds of their own, they em- 
ployed productively both these and the sums confided to them by 
means of loans at interest. They had dealings both with individuals 
and states. 

The arrangement of a loan depended on the relation between the 
borrower and lender and their confidence in each other. Sometimes 
no security was given, but a simple acknowledgment was made by the 
borrower, or a formal instrument was drawn up, executed by both 
parties to the transaction, attested by witnesses, and deposited with a 
third party, usually a banker. Witnesses were also present when the 
loan was paid. At Athens, when land was mortgaged or given as 
security, pillars were set up on it, on which were inscribed the amount 
of the debt and the mortgagee's name. In other parts of Greece there 
were public registers of debts, but they are not known to have existed 
at Athens. 

The most ancient coins of Rome and the old Italian states were 
bronze. No other metal was used in the Roman coins till 269 B. C, 
five years before the first Punic War, when silver was first coined. 
Gold was coined in Rome sixty-two years after silver. Here, as else- 
where, in earliest times, cattle were the medium of exchange, one ox 
being reckoned as equal to ten sheep. It is supposed that copper or 
bronze took the place of cattle as the standard of value between the 
years 450 and 430 B. C. 

The unit of value in the early Roman coinage was the as, which 
was of bronze, at first equal in weight to a Roman pound of twelve 
ounces. This gigantic piece was oblong like a brick and bore the 
figure of an ox or other animal, whence the word pecunia, from peciis, 
cattle. The next and most common form was circular, having the 
two-faced head of Janus on one side and the prow of a ship on the 
other, whence the expression of the Roman boys in tossing up capita 
aut navim. This coin was not struck with the punch, but cast. In 
most cases the edges of the coins show where they have been cut from 
the casting. In the British Museum are four ases, joined together, as 
they were taken from the mould. 

According to ancient writers, in order to meet the expenses of 
the state in the first Punic War, 264-241 B. C., the as was reduced 
in weight from one pound to two ounces, or one-sixth of the old 

[120] 



BANKING IN ANTIQUITY 

weight, and the Republic, with coins so reduced, paid its debts, thus 
gaining five parts in six. In the second Punic War ases were made of 
one ounce, the Republic thus gaining one-half. This, of course, was 
a form of repudiation, and the example has been abundantly followed. 
Some writers, however, state that the reduction of the as was gradual, 
and that when the circular form first appeared the weight had been 
reduced to nine ounces. This reduction in the weight of the as took 
place not alone at Rome, but in the neighboring Italian states, and was 
not uniform, so that it became usual to pay out the ases according to 
weight, and not by tale, thus reverting to the original method, as is 
sometimes done at the present day. 

The Roman Forum, in the early history of Rome, was set apart 
as a place for the administration of justice, for holding assemblies of 
the people, and for other public business; but near the end of the 
Republic it seems to have been chiefly used for judicial proceedings 
and as a money-market. Here were found both public and private 
bankers. The public banker of the highest class was a sort of extra- 
ordinary magistrate, or commissioner, appointed by the state to assist 
the people in times of great depression, the office being generally 
filled by men of high rank. He sat in the portico or cloister of the 
Forum, almost in the shadow of the temple of Saturn, where the 
treasures of the state. were kept, at a table (mensa), whence he was 
called mensarius." 

Such public bankers were first appointed by the state in the year 
352 B. C, at a time of great financial distress among the people of 
Rome, when many were so deeply involved in debt that they were 
obliged to borrow from new creditors in order to pay the old ones. 
Laws had been passed to redress the debtors' grievances and to pro- 
hibit excessive interest, but the relief was only partial. In this extrem- 
ity it was thought necessary for the government to interfere, and 
accordingly five commissioners, or public bankers, were appointed for 
this purpose, whose duty it was to loan on proper security money from 
the public treasury to those in need in order to stem the tide of depres- 

If the bankers at Rome did not carry their tables well into the courts of the temple, in some of the 
provincial capitals the dealers in exchange did so. Thus in the Roman province of Judaea, in the courts 
of the sanctuary at Jerusalem, we get a striking picture, when Jesus "found in the temple those that 
sold oxen and sheep and doves, and the changers of money sitting. And when He had made a scourge of 
small cords, He drove them all out of the temple, and the sheep, and the oxen; and poured out the 
changers' money, and overthrew the tables; and said unto them that sold doves, 'Take these things hence; 
make not My Father's house an house of merchandise* " (John ii. 14-16). F. A. 

[121] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

sion. They were also authorized to persuade or compel creditors to 
receive cattle or land in payment of debts at a fair valuation, and in 
various other ways to assist the people in bringing about a normal 
and healthy condition. By these means, Livy tells us, a great amount 
of debt was satisfactorily liquidated, but success was not complete. 
As at Athens in the time of Solon, there was at Rome a rude state of 
society, and the distress was in some respects similar. 

The Roman law as to the payment of borrowed money was very 
severe. Gellius gives us the ancient mode of procedure in the case of 
debt, as fixed by the Twelve Tables. If the debtor admitted the debt, 
or if judgment had been obtained against him by legal process for the 
amount of the debt, he had thirty days allowed him for payment. At 
the expiration of this time, if payment had not been made, he was 
liable to be assigned over to the creditor by the sentence of the praetor. 
The creditor was required to keep him in chains for sixty days, pub- 
licly exposing him on certain days and proclaiming the amount of his 
debt. If no one released him by paying the debt, the creditor might 
sell him as a slave. 

According to the letter of the law a creditor could put the con- 
demned debtor to death, and if there were several creditors, they could 
cut the debtor in pieces and each take his share of his body in propor- 
tion to his debt ; but it is said that there was no instance of a creditor 
ever having adopted this extreme measure. The creditor, however, 
might treat the condemned debtor as a slave and compel him to work 
out his debt, and in many such cases the treatment was very severe. 

Five years after the great depression of 352 B. C, to further 
relieve the distress of the people, which still continued, the legal rate 
of interest was reduced to five per cent. We read of several usurers, 
in 346 B. C., being punished for a violation of the law and subjected 
to a penalty of forfeiture of four times the amount of the loan made. 
Some years later the Genucian laws were passed, which cancelled all 
debts and forbade the taking of any interest whatever. This was 
absurd, for no one will lend without some profit. It was the same as 
forbidding any loans at all, and was, of course, successfully evaded. 
The attempt to abolish the rate of interest by law utterly failed and 
was abandoned. Ten per cent., as prescribed by the Twelve Tables, 
then became the legal and recognized rate. This was the legal rate 
towards the close of the Republic and also under the Emperors. 

[122] 



BANKING IN ANTIQUITY 

Unfortunately, no alteration was made in the law of debt. The 
small farmers, by the ravages of war and the burden of taxes, were 
driven into debt as a desperate and last resort, and debt ended practi- 
cally, if not technically, in slavery. This had a remarkable influence 
on the economic history of Rome. In ancient times lending for a 
profit or interest was so much associated with cruelty and hardship 
that all usury was branded as unjust, and debt and famine in the 
minds of many were classed together. Cato is said to have ranked 
usury with the crime of murder. 

Public bankers, such as have been spoken of, were appointed at 
Rome whenever debts weighed heavily upon the people, but with the 
exception of the first time the number appointed in any emergency 
appears to have been three. The business of these bankers was of 
great importance, but there were two other kinds of public bankers, of 
a lower grade, whose offices were permanent and whose duties were 
of an inferior order. They assayed new coin, and through them the 
newly coined money was put into circulation. They examined all kinds 
of coins and decided whether they were of the proper metal or not, 
and, for a certain percentage, exchanged for strangers all kinds of 
foreign money for the coinage of Rome. Thus they combined, along 
with their public duties, business on their own account. 

Private bankers also, as well as the public bankers, had their 
shops or tables in the cloisters of the Forum, especially under the 
three-arched buildings called Jani, and were called argentarii (from 
argentum, silver). Such bankers were found at Rome as early as 
309 B. C, long before silver was coined at Rome, but the name can 
be explained from the fact that they received foreign, especially 
Southern Italian and Etruscan, silver, in exchange for the bronze 
coinage of Rome. 

The argentarii, in the time of the Republic, were strictly bankers. 
They were money-changers and did all kinds of commission and 
agency business for their customers. They not only received money 
on deposit, but as their customers' agents attended public sales, got 
in outstanding claims, and made payments in liquidation of debts. 
Almost all money transactions were made through their intervention, 
and they kept the account books of their customers. In receiving 
deposits, if the deposit was not to draw interest it was called deposi- 
tion, or vacua pecunia; if it was to draw interest it was called crcditntn. 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

The ancient Roman bankers' books of account are said to have 
given rise to the modern Italian system of bookkeeping by double 
entry. The codex accepti et expensi, or cash book of the banker, was 
a book in which all receipts and payments were entered, with the date, 
the person's name to whom credited or debited, and the details of the 
transaction. The liber rationum, in which each client had a special 
page, with the debit and credit accounts, correspond to the modern 
ledger. Another book, called the adversaria, was used for the entry of 
memoranda of unfinished business. During the time of the Empire 
the public and private bankers were alike under the control of the 
praefcctus urbi. In the provinces they were responsible to the gover- 
nors. They were legally bound to keep their books with strict accur- 
acy, and, in case of dispute, to produce them in court as evidence. 

An argentarius never paid out any person's money without receiv- 
ing a check, which was called praescriptio. The payment was made 
either in cash, or, if the person to be paid kept an account with the 
same banker, simply by a transfer of credit, no cash entering into the 
transaction. In case of failure, the law declared that the claims of 
depositors should be satisfied before those of persons who had money 
at interest in the bank; thus the deposit-urn was paid before the 
creditum. 

When the Romans became acquainted with the Greek custom of 
using bills of exchange, the bankers of Rome made payments for their 
clients at Athens, or other distant cities, by drawing bills payable by 
a banker in the place where payment was to be made. This made it 
necessary for bankers to know the value of the same coins in different 
places and at different times. Bankers also made payments for per- 
sons who had not deposited money with them, which was the same as 
a loan. Money paid through a banker was called per mensam, or de 
m-ensa, while a payment made by a debtor in person was called ex area, 
or dc domo. 

The area was a chest or coffer in which the Romans were accus- 
tomed to keep valuables, especially money. It stood in the atrium of 
the house, and was made of iron, or of wood bound with either iron 
or bronze. It was generally in the care of the porter, or, in the houses 
of the very wealthy, of a special officer (arcarius), who made disburse- 
ments. Some of these strong boxes were adorned with reliefs, as in 



BANKING IN ANTIQUITY 

the case of one taken from the ruins of Pompeii and now in the Naples 
Museum. It stood on a heavy block of stone, or low foundation of 
masonry, to which it was attached by an iron rod passing through the 
bottom. 

As regards the respect in which bankers were held at Rome, evi- 
dence is contradictory, but we are forced to the conclusion that the 
wealthy banker, who carried on business on a large scale and in an 
honorable manner, was as much respected as a banker of modern 
times, but that those who degraded their calling by acting as usurers 
were not held in esteem. The feeling at Rome was about the same as 
it still is in all countries. 

Some claim that we should make no distinction between public 
bankers and private bankers; that those termed public bankers, the 
numularii and the mensularii, carried on their business on their own 
account, and that those termed private bankers, the argcntarii, were 
under the supervision of the state. It is at least true that the three 
terms seem to have been, at times, used indiscriminately, and that all 
three were applied to the grandfather of Augustus. 

Up to the time of the conquest of Southern Italy the Romans had 
only copper or bronze money of a most clumsy kind. From the con- 
quered cities, which were colonies of Greece, thousands of statues and 
works of art were sent to decorate the temples and public buildings of 
the then barbaric city on the Tiber. The silver coinage of these con- 
quered cities furnished beautiful models, and the coins struck at that 
time by the Romans show the first evidence of the influence of Greek 
art. The first denarius, or silver piece of ten ases, struck in the year 
269 B. C, is evidently an imitation of the coins of the Greek cities. As 
trade increased, with increasing dominion, Rome became the political 
and commercial center of a vast empire and was visited by strangers 
from all the surrounding countries. 

In the second Punic War the Roman people were heavily taxed, 
but even then the taxes were not sufficient to meet expenses, and 
therefore a call was made on wealthy individuals to furnish seamen 
and to advance money by way of loans. In payment of accounts for 
stores and clothing for the army, orders on the treasury were given, 
payable at some future time. Thus national debt came into existence. 

The practice of ancient warfare made it certain that the wealthy 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

citizen, if Rome fell, would lose all he had, and perhaps his life. Every 
man had thus an interest in success or failure, and loaning money to 
the state was an act of self-preservation, the payment of the loan 
being certain if Rome prevailed. Rome did prevail, and we find that 
the first installment of this government loan was paid in the year 
204 B. C, immediately after the submission of Carthage, and the sec- 
ond and third installments subsequently at intervals of four years. 

The contractors advanced their property to the state and received 
in exchange tickets promising payment at some future time. In the 
same manner the owners of eight thousand slaves, who were enlisted 
in the army, gave them up to the state and awaited payment for them. 
The fortunes of minors and widows, which were in the hands of 
guardians, were also turned over to the state as loans. For all these, 
treasury bills were issued, which, it is supposed, circulated among 
tradesmen and others pretty much the same as do our bank notes and 
treasury notes of today. 

The comparative value of gold and silver varied considerably at 
different periods of Greek and Roman history. Herodotus states it 
as i to 13; Plato as i to 12; Minander as i to 10; and Livy, about 189 
B. C., as i to 10; thus showing if these statements are correct, a 
gradual increase in the value of silver as compared with gold. Julius 
Caesar, according to Suetonius, on one occasion exchanged gold for 
silver at the rate of i to 9. The most usual proportion, under the early 
Roman emperors, was i to 12. Jevons states that "in the time of the 
Romans gold was about ten times as valuable as silver, and silver 
about ten times as valuable as copper, so that there would then have 
been no difficulty in constructing a perfect decimal system of money." 
Both in the time of the Republic and of the Empire there was great 
difficulty experienced in regulating the circulation of silver and cop- 
per together, and the difficulty was much increased when gold was 
introduced. 

In ancient Greece every free and independent city coined its own 
money. Sparta and Byzantium are said to have coined iron money, 
but no ancient iron coin has ever been found. Iron at that time is said 
by Gladstone to have been a more valuable metal than copper. It has 
been supposed that the government of Athens only watched over the 
weight and purity of the metal, and that the people in their assembly 



BANKING IN ANTIQUITY 

regulated everything relating to the coinage of money. Individuals 
who coined bad money were punished with death. 

Juno was the Roman deity who presided over and was the 
guardian of finance, and under the name of Moneta, or Juno Moneta, 
she had a temple on the Capitoline Hill, in which was the mint, even 
as the aerarium, or treasury, by a similar arrangement, was located in 
the temple of Saturn. Thus this temple of Juno was where the Roman 
money was coined, although the regulation and management of the 
Roman mint during the period of the Republic is involved in obscurity. 
The coining of money at Rome does not appear to have been an exclu- 
sive privilege of the state, and it has been inferred from coins still 
extant that probably every Roman citizen had the right to have his 
own gold and silver coined in the public mint and under the superin- 
tendence of its officers. None, however, had the right to put his own 
image upon a coin. Julius Caesar was the first to whom this privilege 
was granted, and his example was followed by his royal successors. 

So long as only pure silver and gold were used by the state in its 
coinage, bad money does not seem to have been coined by any one; 
but when, in 90 B. C, the expedient was resorted to of mixing with 
the silver one-eighth of its weight of copper, an example was given, 
and temptation to counterfeit was offered to the people. Counterfeit- 
ing appears henceforth to have occurred frequently. As early as 86 
B. C. the making of counterfeit money was carried to such an extent 
that no one was sure whether the money he possessed was genuine or 
false. A means of testing money, and of distinguishing the good from 
the bad, is said to have been discovered at this time. What this was is 
not made clear, but some method of examining silver coins must have 
been known to the Romans long before this. Heavy punishment was 
inflicted on the coiners of false money. 

Roman money was generally coined at Rome, but in some cases 
the mints of other Italian cities were used. During the Republic, 
subject countries and provinces were not deprived of the right of coin- 
ing their own money, which they retained even under the Empire for 
a long time. When all Italy received the Roman franchise, they 
henceforth used the Roman money and consequently lost the right to 
coin their own. From the time of Augustus the emperors assumed 
the exclusive privilege of coining gold and silver, and some time later 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

the right to coin all money. As, however, the vast extent of the empire 
made it necessary to use more than one mint, in several provinces, such 
as Gaul and Spain, Roman money was coined under the superinten- 
dence of quaesters or proconsuls. Roman money gradually came into 
use throughout the whole extent of the empire, at first more com- 
pletely in the western part, but eventually also in the East. 

Rome, in her career of conquest, became the center of all kinds 
of business. Conquered people were sent to Rome as slaves and 
thence were transferred the treasures of the conquered cities. The 
revenue of the state was derived from custom duties, levied on certain 
kinds of goods, both export and import, rents of public property, tolls 
for passengers and goods carried across bridges or ferries, etc. The 
manufacture of salt was a government monopoly, and mines and fish- 
eries were public property. 

In Rome's palmy days, the Provincial land-tax formed the chief 
revenue of the Republic. The Romans served as soldiers and were 
lightly taxed, while there was no land-tax in Italy itself. We find 
that in 167 B. C. the payments exacted from the provinces had become 
so great that extraordinary taxes were dispensed with altogether, and 
the ordinary revenues were sufficient for all future wars, as well as 
for the civil administration. The provincial land-taxes were, every 
five years, put up to public auction, and the highest bidder received 
the contract. The "farmers" of the taxes paid a certain sum for the 
right of collecting the taxes, and made what profit they could. 

There were many wealthy men in Rome, and there was continuous 
intercourse between Rome and her provinces. Moreover, stock-com- 
panies, organized with wealthy Romans as shareholders, enjoyed a 
high degree of development and engaged in great enterprises. From 
all4:his it can be readily seen that Rome, about the end of the Republic, 
afforded an immense field for banking, and we may safely conclude 
that any prominent banker of that ancient city was ready to furnish 
to his client almost any service or accommodation that a banker of 
New York would today render under similar circumstances. 




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DOCTOR HENRY J. BERKLEY 

URING the wane of the Sixteenth Century, and through 
that troublous period of history when Henry of 
Navarre and his son, Louis XIII, reigned over 
France, there resided near the chalk cliffs of the Nor- 
mandy seaport of Dieppe, a certain Gervaise Kertk 
with his wife, Elizabeth, and their four stalwart sons. 
The times were strenuous, Guise and Conde, Huguenot and Cath- 
olic, contending for religious supremacy and the soil of France. Five 
wars had already been the result of these conditions, wars that were 
carried on with great cruelty on either side, but all had ended in giving 
the Huguenots greater and greater liberty, with increased political 




[1331 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

power to conduct themselves and their religion according to the dic- 
tates of their own conscience and faith. Nevertheless, the Catholic 
party continued to dominate France, especially Paris, while the 
strength of the Huguenots lay in the South and along the ocean bor- 
ders of the kingdom. 

The Bourbons, under the Prince of Conde, afterwards under 
Henry IV, supported the Calvinists ; those of the party of the Due du 
Guise, the Catholics. Later, after the assassination of Conde, Henry 
of Navarre, a character unique in the history of France, became the 
champion of the Protestants, fought successfully numerous battles, and 
finally emerged from the tempest as the ruler of the kingdom; a 
brave, wise, generous and sane ruler, devoted to the welfare of his 
people, eventually to fall by the hand of the insane assassin, Ravillac. 

The House of Valois was sovereign over the realm for two hun- 
dred and sixty years, and had given it thirteen kings, of which Henry 
III was the last, none of whom had been of more than mediocre abil- 
ity, but had talents to plunge the country into a succession of wars, 
both internal and foreign, to the almost complete undoing of the realm. 
Henry IV of Navarre saw far beyond his time and beyond the boun- 
daries of his kingdom. It is recorded of him that he suggested, in 
order to put an end to the eternal wars that rent Europe from one end 
to the other, that the nations should send a number of delegates to a 
Supreme Council, which was to regulate all matters of warfare by 
arbitration. The history of the Seventeenth Century will doubtless 
be repeated in the Twentieth, though the times are better prepared for 
this Supreme Council for the welfare of future years than they were 
in his day. The attempt to gain a permanent peace fell through, as 
all the nations would not ratify the proposals, and the net result was 
that wars went on as from all time, and will through all coming time, 
until the millennium arrives. 

Henry was also a great colonizer. During his reign Canada was 
founded, and as the Jesuits were in control of the project, it was stipu- 
lated in the charter that no Huguenot should settle there. 

After the assassination of Henry IV, affairs of state progressed 
badly for the French people. His son, Louis XIII, was a child of nine 
years. Under the circumstances a regency was necessary, and the 
Queen Mother, Marie de Medici, a niece of the famous Catherine, 



AN EPISODE OF NORTH AMERICAN HISTORY 

immediately seized the reins of government and Parliament was 
ordered to be assembled. This Parliament, or States General, delib- 
erated a great deal but accomplished little. The main result coming 
out of its meetings was that, in the debates, Cardinal Richelieu, before 
an unknown person, immediately became a marked man on account of 
his eloquence and abilities. He there made such masterful addresses 
"that the people began to perceive that he was a man of unusual abil- 
ity" and to voice his rise as a leader. 

Richelieu's chief aim was to suppress the Protestant religion, and 
he called forth all the power of the realm to this end. Under his direc- 
tion the siege of La Rochelle, the Calvinist stronghold of the West, 
was undertaken and prosecuted to a victorious conclusion. Dieppe 
also suffered but was not besieged. Shortly after the successful ter- 
mination of the siege of La Rochelle (1624), the Huguenots were 
finally subdued, and his "red Eminence" was master of the religions 
of France as well as lord of the subjects and policies of the country. 

It was during these struggles that Gervase Kertk with his wife, 
Elizabeth, his sons, and a number of relatives, abandoned their homes 
in Dieppe, and fled the kingdom. Nowhere was there a refuge for 
Protestants, except in England ; all other countries were barred except 
Holland, and the Netherlandic States had hardly recovered from the 
rule of the Spaniard. Virginia had not been settled sufficiently long 
to admit of the presence of a numerous colony of foreigners ; besides, 
many of these people were unsuited to the rigors of a new settlement 
among desolate forests and savages. Not a few overrode these bar- 
riers, and ended their lives on the soil of the English colony, and some 
rose to positions of eminence there. 

The change to a London atmosphere, its air of freedom and per- 
sonal liberty, compared to that of the continent, must have been great. 
Nevertheless, memories of the expulsion from their homes lingered, 
and were embittered by reports of more recent refugees who told their 
tales of the final downfall of the Calvinist party in France. Their 
own, as well as the struggle of other members of their faith, called 
for vengeance upon their enemies, and events were quickly coming 
that allowed an opportunity for the use of the spear. 

The power of the Huguenots had been broken for all time by 
the strength of Richelieu, who had united all the Catholic interests of 

[135] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

the kingdom behind him, something that no one had been able to 
accomplish before. In 1629 by the peace of Alais, the Huguenots 
were granted civil equality and liberty to practice their religion, but 
thereafter ceased to be a separate political party in France, and were 
forbidden to emigrate to the New World. This last clause was the 
direct result of the entrance of Richelieu and the Jesuits into the 
affairs of New France. Religion had, since the earliest days of the 
colony, been supreme there, but his Eminence added commercial to 
ecclesiastic influence. 

After their landing in London, the British Colonial Papers and 
the minutes of the Lords of Trade and Plantations enable one to gather 
glimpses of the later life of the Kertks. Gervase was well versed in 
the lore of the sea and we soon find him engaged in trading with 
foreign countries. He possessed sterling qualities, as well as a high 
character, and soon was allowed to join some of the Merchant Com- 
panies. Gradually he became a man of substance, wielding a consid- 
erable influence in the affairs of the commercial world, trading in 
Africa and America. In 1622-23 we find Kertk associated with Wil- 
liam Alexander, Earl of Sterling, and Robert Charlton, also a Scots- 
man, in a plan for the colonization of Nova Scotia. Alexander 
obtained patents from King James, and sent a colony, largely composed 
of his countrymen, to settle somewhere in the region of Port Royal 
on the Bay of Fundy. Alexander remained there two years, until the 
marriage of the Princess Henrietta Maria, sister of Louis XIII of 
France to Charles I of England (1624-25), which was fathered by 
Richelieu, took place, and in the subsequent adjustments Nova Scotia 
was returned to the French. 

To make clear the after part of this story, it is necessary to enter 
shortly into the history of the maritime provinces of Canada, Acadia 
as it was then called. After the discovery of the northern part of the 
American Continent by Cabot, the English Government under Queen 
Elizabeth claimed proprietorship of the entire region from Newfound- 
land to Florida. The first grant made under these claims was in the 
reign of Elizabeth, to Sir Humphrey Gilbert. It was dated 1578, and 
included Newfoundland and the neighboring regions. The wording 
was sufficiently vague to induce disputes of all kinds in after years. 
This patent does not appear to have been made use of, as Sir 



AN EPISODE OF NORTH AMERICAN HISTORY 

Humphrey was shortly lost at sea. Long before this date, French and 
Basque fishermen had made voyages to the Banks of Newfoundland 
and the adjacent land, but did not establish themselves there. In 
1534-5 Jacques Cartier made two voyages of discovery, ascending the 
river Hochelaga, or Canada, to the rapids. The claims of the English 
Crown were antedated many years by the erection of the arms of 
France on the shores of the St. Lawrence River by Cartier, as was 
the custom with European nations. About 1600 Pierre du Guast, Sieur 
de Monts, and the P>aron de Potrincourt, sailed on voyages of discov- 
ery to Newfoundland and the St. Lawrence regions, and, finding them 
unoccupied, established a trading post and again erected the Arms of 
France. In 1603, Champlain and Pontgrave sailed for the St. Law- 
rence, intent upon discovery and the conversion of the Indians to the 
Christian faith. It was shortly after the beginning of the Seventeenth 
Century that de Potrincourt established a fort at Port Royal on 
Frenchman's Bay (Bay of Fundy), La Cadia. Next, Claude de la 
Tour, sieur d'Etienne, a Protestant gentleman, founded a fort near 
what is now St. Johns, New Brunswick. None of these stations seem 
to have been in the nature of permanent settlements, but rather to pro- 
mote traffic with the Indians, obtaining the skins of sea and forest 
animals, as well as other products, to be sent to Europe and sold; or it 
was for the purpose of Christianizing the natives, an object on which 
the French, first with the Recollet friars, later with the Jesuits, were 
especially bent. The first aim for Canada, under their ruling, was of 
this nature, and for nearly one hundred years afterwards trade and 
religion contended for the supremacy of this northern region, some- 
times commerce being foremost, sometimes religion. 

The grant of James I to Sir William Alexander, though in har- 
mony with the discoveries of Cabot, conflicted with the later establish- 
ments of the French, and a century of warfare resulted. "First one 
right was respected and then the other." Baron de Potrincourt 
returned home only to be killed on the battle fields of France, and the 
sieur de Monts, going back, received important commands that 
absorbed his entire time. These effectually prevented him from tak- 
ing an active part in the various projects for the colonization of the 
new country. Claude de la Tour and his son, Charles, who had come 
over to assist him in managing the affairs of the new State, were 

[137] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

therefore the only ones of the originators of the enterprise that 
remained in charge. 

The grants to Alexander and de la Tour were amicably adjusted 
by a fusion of their several interests, and after the former was recalled 
to Scotland, de la Tour remained in charge of the plantations and forts. 

In 1627 war was declared between France and England; the 
Canadian and Nova Scotian provinces thereby becoming a fair mark 
for any adventurer strong enough to overpower and control these 
comparatively weak outposts of European civilization. Soon after 
the declaration of war, Sir William Alexander entered into a compact 
with Gervase Kirke (the name had become anglicised by this time) 
and his sons to recover Nova Scotia, and incidentally conquer Canada 
with it. They enlisted the services of William Barkeley, Alderman of 
London, and his brother, Francis Barkeley, of Shropshire, wealthy 
merchants of London, who were deeply interested in the East Indian 
and Levant Mercantile Companies, the facilities of these brothers with 
shipping and money being an immediate and necessary aid. 

A Company of Merchant Adventurers was formed, a Royal Char- 
ter obtained, and an expedition fitted out without delay, consisting of 
nine vessels of all sizes. Port Royal, Cape Breton, St. Johns and the 
places along the lower reaches of the St. Lawrence River were sur- 
prised and reduced, and the whole of New France, with the exception 
of Quebec and Hochelaga, fell into their hands. Alexander and la 
Tour recovered Acadia, and, until the peace of 1632, remained in full 
possession. After this treaty, the whole of Nova Scotia fell anew 
into French hands. Charles de la Tour, who still remained in the 
country, then found himself in an anomalous situation, his father, 
Claude, whom he had sent to France for succour, having been cap- 
tured on his way back by the Kirkes, now engaged on the English 
side. Nevertheless, Charles remained at his post, compromised with 
the French, and embraced the new order of affairs. After the declara- 
tion of peace, Claude found himself in the position of a traitor to his 
country, but with the assistance of Alexander managed to convey his 
interest in Acadia to his son. 

This restoration of Acadia forced the la Tours back to their first 
allegiance, and through influence at court, Charles swung the pendulum 
toward himself, obtaining a grant of land and a command under the 
ruling of the French Court. 



AN EPISODE OF NORTH AMERICAN HISTORY 

In the meantime another dominant power had entered into the 
affairs of Acadia. After the peace of St. Germain, Isaac de Razilly 
was sent over to receive the surrender of the country from the agents 
of Sir William Alexander. In due course of time he obtained grants 
of territory in conflict with those of the la Tours. After his death 
his interest was claimed by his heir, D'Aunay Charnisay, and a rivalry 
began between these petty chieftains that shook Acadian life to its 
centre. Richelieu favored Charnisay, and la Tour was driven to 
desperate straits. Neither would acknowledge the authority of the 
other. Charnisay commanded at Port Royal, while la Tour built a 
stronghold at Cape Sable. They sent forays into each other's territory, 
killing and capturing each other's retainers, then united against the 
English, then again cut each other's throats. After a time Charnisay's 
influence in France prevailed, la Tour's commission was recalled, and 
his rival was ordered to take possession of his forts and plantations. 
La Tour, in turn, declared himself independent of the Crown and 
became a rebel. He then made overtures to Boston for assistance, 
which at first was granted, and then withdrawn. Finally, Charnisay 
in 1645 captured his last stronghold, St. Johns, and put to death his 
captives. In 1650 he was drowned, and la Tour again obtained pos- 
session of the wrecks of the province. He fortified himself in its 
possession by marrying the widow of Charnisay, and incidentally 
becoming the foster father of a numerous brood of children. 

Acting under orders from Cromwell, Major Robert Sedgwick, 
of Charlestown, in the year 1655 attacked Acadia, overcame some 
slight resistance, and reduced the entire province to submission. The 
Protector granted it to Sir Thomas Temple and Sir William Crowne, 
with instructions to enlarge its trade and protect its fisheries. Charles 
la Tour was again obliged to trim his sails, and he entered into a com- 
pact with the new grantees of the territory, whereby his possessions 
were insured. The course of affairs under the new administration 
did not suit him, and within a few months he withdrew. As there was 
nowhere else for him to go, he sailed for England, leaving a son to 
administer and care for what remained of his property. 

Temple and Crowne do not seem to have had a pleasant sojourn 
in their new possession. Their right to the province was disputed by 
the widow of Sir William Alexander, and also by the Kirkes and their 

[139] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

backers, the Barkeley brothers, together and separately. The affair, 
being brought to the notice of the Lords of Trade and Foreign Planta- 
tions, a Committee decided that the right of Acadia lay with the 
Barkeleys and Kirkes, but despite the defection of his London agent, 
Temple managed to retain a hold on the province until 1667, when, 
under a new treaty, Acadia was again restored to France. Thereafter 
there were numerous suits in the common courts, as well as before the 
Crown, which lasted until the year 1685, in which the Alexander 
heirs, the Barkeleys, the Kirkes, as well as a number of other persons, 
participated ; but the legal proceedings ended in the air. King Charles 
did not abide by his father's Commission to the brave men who were 
the founders of these English North American colonies, but rather 
helped them to an eclipse of their rights under his patents. When the 
King had aught to gain, they were encouraged to undertake expedi- 
tions ; if, for any reason failure attended them, they were in all likeli- 
hood degraded. His patents were as writing upon running waters. 
Doubtless the Alexanders and Kirkes were shortsighted and narrow, 
after the manner of the time, but nevertheless they belonged to the 
nobility of mankind. 

The Jesuits of France, during the reign of Henry IV, obtained 
but slight recognition of rights in the New World. Notwithstanding 
this, an alliance was formed among the Queen, Marie de Medici, 
Henrietta D'Estrange, and Antoinette, Marquis de Guercheville, for 
the promotion of Christianity among the American savages, under the 
care of the Company of Jesus. Madame de Guercheville bought out 
the interests of Mr. de Monts, a first grantee and settler of Acadia, 
and obtained from the minor King, Louis XIII, letters patent for all 
the territory of North American between the St. Lawrence and Flor- 
ida. This writ sufficed to bring the English and French interests into 
direct conflict, the former nation having already colonized Virginia 
in 1606-7. At the time of the grant, Sir Thomas Dale was Governor 
of the settlement. During his administration he despatched Sir 
Samuel Argal in an armed brig on a combined trip for cod fishing and 
determining if the French were intruding on the soil of the northern 
part of the continent, in detriment to the claims of King James. 

At Frenchman's Bay, on Mt. Desert Island, he discovered the 
newly founded settlement of Saint Sauveur, with la Saussaye and 



AN EPISODE OF NORTH AMERICAN HISTORY 

Briand de Messe in command. He promptly attacked their ship, and, 
being unprepared, the Frenchmen fled to the woods. Soon the pangs 
of hunger compelled them to beg Argal for mercy. A number of the 
party were carried to Virginia. The balance, including the Jesuit 
priests belonging to it, were turned adrift, to make their way as best 
they could to a refuge. Soon thereafter Argal, returning to Acadia, 
completely destroyed the town of Port Royal, with all the crops and 
animals, leaving Biencourt, then in command, completely stranded 
until the arrival of succour from home. Not entirely discouraged, the 
following year Biencourt came back and rebuilt Port Royal and its 
fort. This event ends the story of Acadia to the year 1614. 

In 1621 King James, "looking upon the possession of France as 
an invasion," granted Acadia to Sir William Alexander, under the 
name of New Scotland, and in 1622, as narrated, he planted a colony 
of Scotch there. 

In the years following their emigration to London, the Kirkes 
appear to have prospered. The sons grew up and, with the exception 
of Lewis, who remained with his father, became Masters and Cap- 
tains of merchant vessels, and were also in the Royal service. The 
father, as already noted, established lucrative mercantile connections 
and sent ships of his own out of port, besides having warehouses for 
the storage of over-sea products. It was during this time that they 
established business relations with the East India and Levant Com- 
panies, with Alderman William and Francis Barkeley, whose close 
relations made them of much service in the furtherance of their com- 
mercial interests, and whom they afterwards affiliated with them in 
their plans for the conquest of New France. 

With the opening of the war of 1627, the Kirkes found the long 
wished for opportunity to retaliate for their mistreatment at the hands 
of France and Richelieu. With the assistance of the Barkeleys, they 
fitted out an expedition of nine ships, brigs and barkentines, armed 
with suitable artillery. This flotilla sailed with the Royal Commission 
and consent of King Charles, and was especially organized to expel 
the French from the River of Canada and the Arcadian maritime 
provinces. Incidently they were to gain as much booty as possible, and 
established themselves in the fur trade and fisheries, and hold them 
forever afterward. The personnel of the men forming this naval 

[141] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

force is interesting, bearing as it does upon its ultimate motive, 
revenge. The brothers, David, John and James, were commanders 
of units of the fleet. David was Admiral, and under him was Captain 
Michel of Sant Malo, an ardent Calvinist, and noted pilot of his day, 
whose high temper induced many a wrangle with his commander. 
The names of the other captains have not come down to us, but they 
were probably English, representing the Barkeley interest. The 
crews had but few sailors of English nationality, the larger number 
being French and Basque refugees, all animated by two common pur- 
poses, gain and revenge. 

Sailing from London, very early in the spring, they steered a 
course for Newfoundland, and on its Banks captured a considerable 
number of French fishing barques, among them some from the 
Basque province. Weather conditions appear to have been favorable, 
and they next set their course for Cape Breton, where the ships soon 
reduced the forts, incidentally capturing a large French convoy laden 
with cannon and ammunition, destined for the relief of Port Royal 
and Quebec. This loss was a serious one to their enemies, as it left 
them without supplies of ammunition and food for at least a year, 
their stocks being already depleted to the zero mark. At Cape Breton, 
the Kirkes divided their forces ; a part proceeded to reduce Port Royal 
and the scattered Nova Scotian settlements, while the other entered 
the Gulf of the St. Lawrence River. The French nowhere appear to 
have been warned in advance of the 'approach of an enemy, and seem 
to have fallen an easy prey. Altogether the Kirkes captured eighteen 
ships, some only fishermen's barks, but others laden with munitions 
and supplies of all kinds that were valuable. These were sent back 
to the port of London as prizes to be sold, and included, among other 
war material, one hundred and thirty-five pieces of heavy ordnance. 
Flushed with victory, they neglected to pursue their advantage to the 
uttermost and bring the conquest of the provinces to an end that 
season. 

The remaining French posts were reduced to a desperate state by 
the loss of their supplies. Charle de la Tour found means to send his 
father back to France, to ask that relief might be sent, together with 
sufficient armament to overcome the English forces. There he 
arrived, late in the Autumn ; but for Champlain, the Commandant at 
Quebec, there was no possible relief without assistance from home. 

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AN EPISODE OF NORTH AMERICAN HISTORY 

The Northern division of the Kirkes' expedition, under Sir David 
and James Kirke, entered the Gulf of St. Lawrence and proceeded to 
St. Anne and Tadusac, which they reduced. There they hauled down 
the Arms of France and erected those of England. In addition they 
began, at the latter fort, to develop the fur-trade and protect the fish- 
eries, the ultimate object of the expedition being to encourage trade, 
from which they hoped to derive large profits. They expected to gov- 
ern the country under Royal patents for the Company of Adventurers. 
There does not appear to have been any serious resistance at any of 
the river plantations or forts. The places were weak, and the forts, 
designed to resist the Indians, were of little value against the cannon 
of ships, being largely loop-holed palisades of wooden construction. 

The accounts of the later doings of the expedition differ some- 
what in detail. David Kirke, with several of the ships of his squadron, 
remained at Tadusac for the combined purpose of trading and over- 
awing the country, while two barques proceeded toward the upper 
reaches of the St. Lawrence, to reduce the settlements on its banks. 
To these new comers the deep river with its densely wooded and high 
banks, with the outline of gloomy mountains in the remote distance, 
must have been anything but pleasing. The utter air of desolation 
that even today pervades this country must have been aught but 
appealing. Stopping at Cape Tourmente, they went ashore for forage, 
and after remaining a few hours proceeded on their way towards 
Quebec. Finally, passing with the tide the Isle de Bacchus, now 
Orleans, they anchored on a late September evening in the lower part 
of the bason of Quebec, out of reach of the cannon of the citadel. The 
red pennant of England was raised to the masthead, a gun was fired, 
awakening the echoes of Point Levi; thence the thunder rolled back 
to the headland of Quebec, from there to distant Cape Tourmente, to 
be repeated again and again. 

Rumours of their approach had been heralded by swift Indian 
runners, and the town was filled with consternation. Champlain and 
his men had through the summer months been awaiting a convoy of 
French ships with guns, ammunition and provisions, especially the 
last, as their supplies were at a low ebb, and here were the English at 
their gates. The inhabitants crowded the wall of the citadel, eager 
for yet fearful of the news. Champlain and his second in command, 

[143] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

M. le Pont, held council as to what should be done on the morrow, and 
agreed that they should make the best resistance possible with their 
limited means. Even their fort was in a state of dilapidation, a part 
of its walls having recently fallen down, but the decision was to uphold 
the honor of their country, and every means of defense was made 
ready. 

While the town was in a ferment, the English remained quietly 
at anchor awaiting the morning light, secure of their tomorrow. 
Quebec was sleepless. On the ships they could hear the distant drums 
and imagine the consternation that reigned within the walls. 

During the night a great wind storm arose, a late September gale, 
that even today is frequent at this season of the year. The ships 
were buffeted and bruised in the blasts and waves of the St. Law- 
rence, and as soon as the daylight was sufficient to allow of departure, 
they slipped their cables and, with the strong northwest winds favor- 
ing, dropped down the river, not to return again that season. Quebec 
was saved for the time, though with the destruction of the relief con- 
voy, the inhabitants were reduced before long to a state of extreme 
misery and distress for food. 

The second account narrates that Captain David Kirke and his 
squadron remained at Tadusac, trading and celebrating their 
exploits, while he despatched a small captured barque, filled with 
Basque fishermen, to summon Champlain to surrender. On their 
way up stream they stopped at Cape Tourmente, and, being French- 
men, were hospitably received; but no sooner were they landed than 
they began to abuse the inhabitants, kill the cattle, and fire the houses. 
In the struggle that followed the commander, Foucher, escaped. 
Though wounded, with two Indians, in a canoe, he made his way to 
Champlain, to whom he gave the first news of the approach of a hos- 
tile force. The Basques, after destroying the houses of Cape Tour- 
mente, advanced to Quebec and sent a party ashore with a white flag. 
There they delivered Kirke' s message to the commander, retired to 
their vessel, and soon droppd down the river, disappearing in the mists. 

Passing the long reaches of the desolate river they at length 
arrived at Port Tadusac, on the shores of the even more solitary 
Saguinay, only to learn that their commander had met with misfor- 
tune. While lying at anchor in the St. Lawrence, he had been 

[144] 



AN EPISODE OF NORTH AMERICAN HISTORY 

assailed in the early dawn of a September morning by Emery de Caen, 
commanding a heavily armed pinnace laden with French and Indians. 
The watch of his ships, who was either drowsy or asleep, was imme- 
diately overpowered, but managed to give an alarm. For a moment 
the French had possession of the deck, then the Englishmen, headed 
by David Kirke, rallied and a fierce fight ensued. Kirke and his men 
fought valiantly and, being a stronger force than the enemy, at 
length succeeded in driving to their boat all but their captain and a 
few others who still kept up the combat. Caen and Kirke engaged in 
a personal duel, out of which the latter came victorious, and his fol- 
lowers carried de Caen off to the pinnace. Eighteen of the English 
crew lay on the deck, by the side of a number of the French forces, 
and of these, two were dead. Kirke was bruised and wounded, but 
not severely, and held his command, giving orders until his rule was 
restored. The incident seems to have made an unhappy impression on 
Kirke, who ever after nourished rancour in his heart against de Caen, 
and after-events made this hatred even more bitter. Perhaps, also, 
this hatred was embittered by the circumstances that, while both were 
Huguenots, de Caen held posts high in the honor of France, while he 
was a refugee, and from Kirke's viewpoint a traitor to his country. 

Not long after this incident, the Commanders gathered their 
forces together to make preparations for the return voyage. They 
again overawed the inhabitants of the lower river reaches, returned 
to the Saguenay, to leave the post in order for their coming the next 
spring, and then towns in Cape Breton and Acadia were called upon 
and consolidated. The long voyage home seems to have been made, 
like their coming, without delay or accident. The home port of Lon- 
don received them, along with the numerous captured vessels and 
booty of all kinds they brought with them with rejoicing. Now came 
the day of refitting and preparation for the campaign of 1628, during 
which they hoped to consolidate all they had gained the previous year. 

In one short season the Merchant Adventurers had overthrown 
the entire power and treasure that France had expended on its new 
Empire since the days of Jacques Cartier, almost a hundred years 
before. To the Mother Country only remained Quebec and the small 
settlements on the upper St. Lawrence, and these in a most deplorable 
condition. 

[1451 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

During that winter in London, the Company of Adventurers 
again enlisted the assistance of Sir William Alexander in their venture 
for the coming spring. They had reduced the Nova Scotian and Cape 
Breton provinces, in which Alexander was directly interested and of 
which he had been despoiled. An agreement was entered into whereby 
he should be repossessed of his colony, and should in return furnish 
certain moneys and political assistance. 

A considerable force of land and seamen were gathered, organ- 
ized and consolidated into an efficient body, and after this was com- 
pleted, they sailed for Cape Breton as soon as navigation and ice 
conditions permitted. Sir William Alexander went with the squadron, 
and shortly thereafter we find him in the post of Governor-General 
of all the country south of the St. Lawrence River. With William 
Barkeley he was appointed, in addition, "Commissioners of the Gulf 
and River of Canada." 

La Tour had arrived in France, and had stirred Richelieu to 
action by his story of the conquest of Canada and the Maritime Prov- 
inces by the English. Richelieu dismissed the de Caens from his 
service, as representatives of trade in the New France, organized a 
"Company of an Hundred Associates," a body formed to control the 
trade of this region and, with the assistance of the Jesuits, to Chris- 
tianize the Indians. A squadron of four ships under the Admiral of 
the Company, de Roquemond, was assembled at Dieppe and sailed in 
the early spring for the relief of Quebec. Claude de la Tour accom- 
panied it. Early as they were in departing, the English were ahead 
of them and in superior force, under the command of David, John and 
James Kirke, with Michel as pilot. 

On arriving at the Road of Gaspe, de Rochemond despatched a 
barque to advise Champlain that supplies were at hand, also to carry 
to him a Commission from the King as Governor of New France. 
This convoy also carried orders to procure an inventory of all the 
effects of the de Caens in Canada, and expel them. It would appear 
that they had abused their authority ; besides, they were Calvinists and 
therefore objectionable to Richelieu. This vessel was captured. Not 
many days thereafter, de Roquemont learned that the English squad- 
ron was not far distant, and with more valor than discretion, he imme- 
diately weighed anchor and set forth in search of them. Unfortunately, 



AN EPISODE OF NORTH AMERICAN HISTORY 

his heavily laden vessels were not only incapable of manceuvering as 
well as those of the Kirkes, but were inferior in force. 

As soon as the English flotilla sighted the squadron under de 
Rochemond, they cleared for action. For a while there was a fierce 
conflict with considerable carnage on both sides, but by superior 
manceuvering the English soon disabled the rigging of their oppo- 
nents, compelling them to strike. De Rochemond and de la Tour were 
made prisoners, and at the first opportunity sent to England. 

An interesting echo of this combat is found in the annals of the 
Recollet Friars of Canada. It appears that in the vanquished squadron 
were a considerable number of this order. Neither the Kirkes nor 
their Protestant sailors looked upon the members of any monastic 
order with eyes of favor. As soon as possible after the battle, they 
packed them into a small merchant ship, which they had seized, and 
sent them back to Europe. The poor friars, returning after a lost 
voyage, experienced not only the rigors of a second one in confined 
quarters, but when they neared the coast of Spain, were captured by 
Moroccan pirates. Then their new masters were in turn attacked by 
some Spanish frigates, and vanquished ; and finally they were landed 
at "Bayonne en Espagne," whence they were allowed to return to their 
former homes. It would seem more than doubtful, after all these 
hardships, if any of them ever wished to see the billows of the ocean 
again. In return for the insults they received, the narrative refers to 
the Kirkes and the English as "Basque pirates." 

In 1631 the Kirke brothers, with the exception of Lewis, who 
accompanied the squadron in the capacity of civilian, were knighted, 
and were granted the "Coat-armour of Mons. Rockmond to them and 
to their issue forever, for valor in vanquishing the French fleet under 
the command of Mons. de Rockmond and bringing him prisoner to 
England." 

With the total defeat of their succouring ships, the hopes of the 
French in Canada vanished. Nowhere in Nova Scotia or Canada was 
there sufficient force to oppose their enemies, and those that survived 
were stricken by famine and disease. One small hope remained for 
the commander of Quebec, but of that he was unaware. A single 
barkentine had followed the squadron of de Rochemont, laden with 
provisions and war material. It passed into the St. Lawrence, then 

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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

past Tadusac, where the English lay, in a dense fog, and those on 
board were rejoicing in their escape when the bark of John Kirke bore 
down upon them. A sharp cannonade ensued, the echoes reverberating 
from one hill to another on the north bank of the stream, where the 
noise of civilized warfare had never resounded before, and drew all 
the natives within hearing to its banks. Again, by more adroit 
maneuvering, Kirke won the advantage of position and the fight was 
soon over, the barkentine surrendering with its complement. 

John, James and Lewis Kirke sailed up the river on the tide to 
Quebec. Again the thunders of the main were awakened and re- 
echoed from the headland to Cape Tourmente. Again the red pennant 
of England floated at the mast head. Landing at Point Levi, Thomas 
Kirke sent an officer with a flag of truce to summon Champlain and 
the Citadel to surrender. Champlain, reduced to dire necessity, wel- 
comed them in his heart rather as friends than enemies, but resolved 
to put up the best bluff possible and obtain the best terms for himself 
and his men. The past months had been difficult ones for the com- 
mander and his garrison. He had contemplated a foray into the 
Iroquois country for food, but was obliged to give the project up on 
^account of lack of a proper supply of ammunition. For weeks the 
garrison had been reduced to roots and scanty supplies of fish. So 
extreme had their state become that it is said that the English sailors 
found only a single barrel of sour roots in the fortress, the total supply 
of provender for the entire garrison. 

To the demands of the officer sent by Captain Kirke, Champlain 
required (i) "that he show his commission from the King of Great 
Britain, and his powers to treat from his brother, David, who 
remained at Tadusac," a demand that seems to have been observed 
rather in the breach than in the observance; (2) that he be allowed "a 
ship to take all his Company back to France, friars, Jesuits, two sav- 
ages, also weapons, baggage;" (3) "to have sufficient victuals in 
exchange for skins to provision the people of Quebec;" (4) "to be 
allowed favorable treatment for all;" (5) "to allow the ship a stay of 
three days at Tadusac to permit the assemblage of all who desired 
to return to their own country." The final terms allowed by the 
English Commander-in-Chief were so favorable that, in place of a 
wholesale eviction, practically all elected to remain, and were allowed 




SIKTU I'K I. A SA1.I.K 

The famous French-American pathfind-T who did no much to blaze th- w.iy through Canada and 

th- Mississippi Valley, which afterward.* t>.- 1 -;iiii- |,:ut 1.1 Hi" rnli.-d St.u >t:ttu.- .l-slgned 

by l.nuis Cuil>-lin>il. .sculptor. 



AN EPISODE OF NORTH AMERICAN HISTORY 

to pursue their avocations unhampered. They were further given the 
assurance that if they did not like the English rule, after the lapse of 
a year, all were free to return to France, and that passage would be 
afforded them. Furthermore, most of the plebiscite of the town fra- 
ternized freely with the sailors of the squadron, many being compa- 
triots. It is a notable comment on English rule, the rule even of those 
days, that practically none of them eventually returned. Had they 
done so there would have been little more open to them in France than 
the lives of mendicants and dependents. War does not seem to have 
been prosecuted in the days of the early Seventeenth Century on the 
same basis as it is today, and the rights of the individual were respected 
in every possible way by the English after the heat of combat had 
subsided. 

Champlain and a few of his principals were sent, first to Tadusac, 
where he was royally entertained by Sir David Kirke, and afterwards 
to England. There he was hospitably received and means were soon 
afforded him to continue his journey to his own country. He 
remained under the patronage of Richelieu until the treaty of St. Ger- 
main afforded him an opportunity to return to Canada, again in the 
position of Commander-in-Chief . 

Champlain seems to have had a religious, rather than a com- 
mercial instinct, and this grew in intensity as he became older. His 
aim, therefore, became rather the conversion of the savages to Chris- 
tianity than the cultivation and development of the resources of the 
land. He did not live sufficiently long to see the outcome of his policy, 
but died three years after his return. His memory remains, if not 
the most, at least one of the very foremost figures in Canadian colonial 
history, and will ever be remembered as one of its honored dead. 

Shortly after the capture of Quebec, Sir Lewis Kirke received 
the appointment of Governor of all the northernmost provinces, while 
Sir William Alexander returned to his former charge, now extended 
by the inclusion of Cape Breton and the whole of the Nova Scotian 
provinces. There, in order to promote tranquility, he again fused his 
interests with those of Charles de la Tour, and even made him a 
marquis of Nova Scotia, a right that he had received from the King. 
Considerable sums of money were expended, emigrants were settled, 
St. Johns, Port Royal, and the Cape Breton plantations were encour- 
aged, and the future looked most promising. 

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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

In Canada Sir Lewis Kirke, who seems to have been endowed 
with good administrative abilities, ruled the province wisely and for 
the benefit of all. Trade with the Indians was promoted, traffic with 
Europe in skins and fish was enlarged, and the seal industry was 
ordered. David and John, "the men of war," returned to England 
to advance the interests of their Company, while James and the other 
marine commanders under him were employed in the coast settlements 
in keeping off any chance raider, not alone the occasional French but 
Englishmen also, of whom several had been guilty of piratical forays. 
It was an era of reconstruction and advancement, and their enterprise 
flourished. 

For three years the Company of Adventurers remained in undis- 
puted possession. Then came the unexpected treaty of 1632-3, return- 
ing to France all of her possessions in North America. The consum- 
mate skill and diplomacy of Richelieu outweighed any right the Royal 
Commission afforded to the Adventurers' Company. A stroke of the 
pen was greater than years of hard and valiant toil and undid all their 
work, as well as the expenditure, for those days, of vast sums of 
money. At the Royal word the claims of the Alexanders, the Barke- 
leys, the Kirkes, were disregarded and set at naught. Commissioners 
were appointed by France both for Nova Scotia and Canada, and, on 
their arrival at Quebec, Lewis Kirke had the pleasure of surrendering 
the reins of government to the enemy of his house, Emery de Caen. 
Everything was given up in accordance with the royal command, and 
seemingly without hestitation. 

The privileges and royal grants were forgotten by Charles, and 
afterwards slight compensation was returned to the London Company. 
Sir William Alexander fared equally badly, and for the second time 
his provinces of Nova Scotia went back to the French, though not to 
the first grantees. 

In the confused account of claims and counter claims, appeals to 
the Lords of Trade and Plantations, appeals to the Crown for a restor- 
ation of some of their lost properties, ships, forts and expenditures, 
claims against the French that were never satisfied, claims that by 
the treaty should have been met with strict compliance, we discover 
that Charles was not entirely devoid of all sense of responsibility, and 
to a slight extent did afford the Company means, through the agency 

[154] 



AN EPISODE OF NORTH AMERICAN HISTORY 

of the English ambassador at Versailles, to present their case at court. 
Nothing substantial ever came out of it ; but he did grant some of the 
Kirkes certain privileges in northern Canada and Newfoundland that 
further embroiled them with their enemies. 

Under the treaty of St. Germain-en-Laye, the provinces of Acadia 
and the south bank of the St. Lawrence River were returned to 
France. That the north bank was not mentioned showed just how 
thoroughly Richelieu and his associates were interested in the Colony ; 
also that their principal aim was not colonization, but the expulsion of 
the English from the American continent. To surround them on the 
north and west afforded a means at some future time to expel them 
entirely. This omission of mention of the upper bank of the river 
immediately gave rise to a further complication of the already com- 
plicated affairs of Canada. Under the terms of the treaty, the asso- 
ciates of the Kirkes agreed to return the kingdom they had conquered, 
and punctually performed their part of the contract. In accordance 
with their peaceful withdrawal, they were to receive compensation to 
the amount of 9,000, but this was never paid, the agent of Louis XIII, 
though repeatedly admonished by the Barkeleys, never fulfilling the 
agreements. Richelieu and his successor, Marazin, perhaps disdained 
to complete a contract made with Calvinists, who were also regarded 
as traitors to their country. The de Caens evidently thought this way, 
even though they were Protestants. 

Charles did attempt some redress. "In 1633 tne King taking 
notice that though the forts were to be delivered to the French, the 
English were not to be excluded from trade in those regions (the St. 
Lawrence Gulf and north bank of the river), in May, in consideration 
of the 50,000 laid out by the Company of Merchant Adventurers, on 
the fort of Quebec and other fortifications on the St. Lawrence, and 
of the ready obedience in resigning the same at his command, granted 
to Sir Lewis and his brother, John Kirke, for thirty-one years, not 
only for trade in the river of Canada, but to build forts and plant 
colonies where they should think fit." By virtue of this Commission, 
they in 1633 sent the ship, Good Fortune, laden with goods to these 
parts, where she was seized, by a certain Captain Bontempts, carried 
to Dieppe, France, and confiscated "to the value of 12,000, and 
though John Kirke and Lord Scudamore, the English Ambassador, 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

urged that the monies due to them for the ship and lading might be 
restored, they could obtain nothing" and ever afterwards the claim 
remained unsettled. There were also reprisals, on the part of the 
French, for vessels captured before the war had ended in 1632. The 
Admiral of the Company of an Hundred Associates, William de Caen, 
came to London and attempted to recover a cargo of beaver pelts, 
which had been stored in a ware-house belonging to Gervase Kirke. 
Sharp and acrimonious legal proceedings resulted. The Company was 
ordered to make restitution. It refused to restore them, and finally it 
took the entire power of the civil Courts to oblige it to surrender the 
goods. Even the Lord Mayor of London had his authority in the mat- 
ter disputed. Finally the doors of the warehouse were broken in, and 
the Company surrendered. De Caen then received his pelts and 
removed them to France. 

When the London Company vacated New France, they estimated 
that they had spent upwards of 60,000 in the venture. How much it 
had yielded them in the way of captured vessels and cargoes, the 
return from their three years' control of the fur and other trades, is 
not given in the records, but the sum must have been very large. The 
French in the St. Germain treaty agreed to pay back to the Company 
9,000, presumably for additions to the forts and plantations in Acadia 
and Canada, but, as above mentioned, this was not settled. This figure 
may have represented the difference between the debt and credit side 
of the venture, or may have been an arbitrary amount given them for 
their "peaceful withdrawal." 

Beginning with 1633, and up to the year 1685, petition after peti- 
tion was sent in to the Crown and Lords of Trades and Plantations. 
Both acknowledged the justice of the appeals and a Commission was 
appointed for deciding the controversy, but the inquiry did not result 
in anything. Finally, in 1685, the last prayers of the survivors of the 
Company, Francis Barkeley and James Kirke, were heard; then fol- 
lows a blank as to further proceedings on the records. 

The fate of the several members of the Company of Adventurers 
of Canada is not devoid of interest. Alderman Barkeley, after pro- 
longed and acrimonious litigation with the widow of Claude de la 
Tour, died and was buried in Bishopsgate about the year 1650. The 
litigation concerned conflicting claims in Acadia and Massachusetts. 

[156] 



AN EPISODE OF NORTH AMERICAN HISTORY 

Sir William Alexander and his son never forgot their love for Nova 
Scotia, and joined with the La Tours in a kind of sovereignty over it, 
broken later by a renewal of the French pretensions, shortly after 
Cromwell's death. Except in the claims, James Kirke's name is not 
again mentioned, and he probably returned to and died in England. 
Gervase Kirke died in London about 1640, and was survived some 
years by his widow, Elizabeth. 

Sir David Kirke was sent to Newfoundland in the capacity of 
governor of the Colony in 1633, and among his duties was to protect 
the fisheries from the French ; a fertile source of disputes. For over 
an hundred years, Basque and Breton fishermen, in numbers, had fre- 
quented the Banks of Newfoundland, and after taking their catches, 
had dried and salted them upon certain parts of the shores of the 
island, especially Placentia Bay, which seems to have been a common 
meeting ground for all the fishermen. Kirke was commissioned to 
prevent them from practicing a custom founded on the precedent of 
many years. 

In epilogue : As already stated, "New Foundland was the earliest 
of the English Crown grants in North America. Sir Humphrey Gil- 
bert obtained a concession from Queen Elizabeth in 1578, which was 
not availed of and became vacant until 1602," when Sir Francis Bacon 
and associates received a charter from King James, which likewise 
after a time fell into abeyance. In 1620, Sir George Calvert, after- 
wards Lord Baltimore, patented a tract of land on the Island known 
as Aviland or Avalon. There he erected a mansion house, oversaw 
the fisheries, built boats and landings, and for a time lived in what 
was approximately a feudal state. Eventually tiring of the lonesome- 
ness of these desolate regions, he abandoned his house and the colon- 
ists that he had brought with him to their own devices, and returned 
home. As there was little else to do, most of those remaining lived on 
the trade of the foreign fishermen, and supplied them with spirits and 
other luxuries, we fear, to too great an extent, as from time to time 
came back reports of dissolute life in the plantation of Aviland. Cal- 
vert seems to have left his colony previous to the year 1637-8, for at 
that date we find a grant from King Charles to "James, Marquis of 
Hamilton, Philip, Earl of Pembroke, Henry, Earl of Holland, and 
Sir David Kirke," of the entire Island of Newfoundland, a paper still 

[157] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

in existence among the Calvert papers, now owned by the Maryland 
Historical Society, and giving the full details of the patent. It recites, 
in brief, "that George, Lord Baltimore, having left the Plantation in 
no sort provided for: Cecil, his heir, having also deserted it, as have 
several others who had grants of parcels of land, leaving divers of 
poor inhabitants without government, this grant was made at the 
humble petition of the above." 

Kirke settled at Aviland in 1638, dispossessing one William Gill, 
who represented Lord Baltimore, of his house and appurtenances on 
the Plantation. He does not appear to have made an exemplary Gov- 
ernor. Complaint was made, soon after his introduction into the 
office, of "the many tippling houses and taverns that were created by 
him to his own advantage, which was the first cause of debauching 
the seamen and the inhabitants increase." As noted, Kirke was not 
the first delinquent in this respect and he possibly followed only in 
the path of his predecessors. 

After the death of George, the first Lord Baltimore, "Cecil his 
heir" did not propose to submit tamely to the usurpation of his rights 
in the plantation of Aviland. First to the Protector, Cromwell, later 
to Charles II, he addressed petitions in which he relates that his father 
built a fort and house, in which he resided, and spent upwards of 
30,000 in perfecting his claims as well as bringing over colonists; 
also that Charles I would never listen to his prayers. He further 
recites that "in 1637, Sir David Kirke surreptitiously obtained a 
patent, went over the following year, and dispossessed the petitioner 
of all his rights." "In 1655 (Kirke being the sole survivor of the 
grantees) made over a part of his rights to John Claypole, son-in-law 
to Oliver Cromwell, Colonel Rich, Colonel Goffe, and others, and Sir 
Lewis and others are endeavoring to get a confirmation of that 
patent." "He prays that no grant may be passed to his prejudice, and 
his rights restored." Sometime later, about 1658, Sir David Kirke 
returned to England, was arrested by order of Lord Baltimore and 
imprisoned on the charge of having confiscated his Aviland estates. 
English prisons at this time were anything but healthy, and Kirke 
soon died "without satisfying the claims of the Lord Baltimore." 
Some years afterward, in another petition to the Crown, he naively 
rejoices that he has brought an honorable and valiant man to an 

[158] 



AN EPISODE OF NORTH AMERICAN HISTORY 

untimely end, adding that, unfortunately, his imprisonment and death 
did not suffice to fulfil his claim upon him. In 1663 Charles II issued 
an order "to all Commanders, Captains and all subjects in Newfound- 
land, to Sir Lewis Kirke, John Kirke, and the heirs of Sir David 
Kirke to deliver all houses and lands in Avalon to Cecil, Lord Balti- 
more," and the controversy ended. After the death of Sir David, his 
sons, George, David, and Philip, succeeded him and were residents of 
Newfoundland, and in 1680 were described in a petition to a commis- 
sion, called to settle the fisheries question, as "able men of estate," 
who would be capable advisors as to the fisheries, the destruction of 
the forests by fire, and means of remedying these abuses. 

A single further item of interest is to be found in the records 
of the later career of John Kirke, who continued to live in Newfound- 
land. In 1661 he and Thomas Kellond were sent by the King to 
search for Colonels Whalley and Goffe, the regicides, who had 
escaped from Old England to New England. Governor Endicott was 
ordered to afford them every facility to prosecute the search, and fur- 
nish them passage as well as passports to the several governors and 
commanders through whose territory they might wish to pass. They 
did trace the fugitives into Rhode Island, then into Connecticut. 
There the regicides appear to have received sustenance and succour 
from friends, who finally passed them into the Dutch territory of' 
Manhattan, thence over the Hudson into the unknown land to the 
west, among whose forests and lakes they were finally lost sight of 
forever. One cannot think that Kirke pursued the search with avid- 
ity, but rather in a half-hearted manner, and his report to Governor 
Endicott, dated May 29 of the same year, does not portray a whole 
heart. Kirke was possibly acquainted with Goffe in England or New- 
foundland, where he had purchased land that afterwards was returned 
to Lord Baltimore. 

A curious incident concerning Goffe occurred during the middle 
part of the reign of Charles I, when the times were vexatious and dis- 
senters from the royal way of thinking were suffering persecution. 
Oliver Cromwell, nephew of Sir Oliver Cromwell, who was one of the 
members of the Virginia Company, together with Goffe and Whalley, 
planned, in their desperation at the unwholesome outlook for religious 
and political freedom in England, to turn their footsteps to the new 

[159] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

world. They assembled a party of followers and co-religionists, 
engaged a ship to carry them, and were about to sail for a haven of 
peace and religious rest in Virginia. An exodus to the colony had 
lately begun, fomented by the same reasons that were urging them 
away, and the matter was brought to the attention of the King, who 
ordered that no one be allowed to sail without passports from the 
proper authorities. Cromwell and his associates were on board their 
vessel, ready to depart to the colony, when they were ordered to return 
to London. After a delay of several days, during which petitions 
were made for relief, this command was complied with; they separ- 
ated, and went to their several homes. Thus the destiny of an entire 
nation was altered by a single seemingly unimportant mandate. It 
may well be that those of Virginia might also have suffered a total 
change, had Cromwell been allowed to sail as he intended doing. 
Bacon's rebellion might readily have been that of Gof f e and Cromwell, 
and an epoch-making event in England, which has altered the condition 
of the Anglo-Saxon race for all time on this planet, would never 
have taken place. 

An aftermath of the days of the Kirkes is found in the history of 
Nova Scotia. In 1654-5, after the English fleet had reduced New 
Amsterdam, a part of it proceeded to Nova Scotia, and there, acting 
with a body of New Englanders, proceeded to expel the French author- 
ities. After this had been accomplished, they left Sir Thomas Temple 
and William Crowne in control of the government of the maritime 
provinces. Charles de la Tour made his peace with the new authority, 
but withdrew after a few months, departing in disgust. Temple and 
Crowne soon were at daggers' points. They separated. The trade of 
the country was divided between them, Temple assuming the Penob- 
scott region, and Crowne that of the River Damarche, otherwise 
Machias Bay, and the territory contiguous to it. Trouble soon arose 
between Temple and his London agent, a man by the name of Elliott, 
who proved unfaithful to his trust. Temple petitioned the King in 
1668 for redress, alleging that he was now old as well as feeble, and 
had spent all his substance in promoting and caring for his Majesty's 
colony, also that the revenues were insufficient to keep him in ordinary 
estate, and should he be dispossessed of them, he would have nothing 
whereon to live. His management seems to have been bad, and when 

[160] 



AN EPISODE OF NORTH AMERICAN HISTORY 

several other disputes arose in which he was directly concerned, an 
order was issued by the Crown, February, 1669, tnat ne be dispos- 
sessed of the province, and the French, to whom Acadia had recently 
been restored in accordance with the treaty of Breda, assumed control 
there. Peace, such as it was among a population long inured to petty 
warring upon each other, now followed, and lasted until the year 
1710, when another series of events began which have no connection 
with this story. 




[161] 




A (Eohmtal praidj? r attb patriot 



COLONEL A. A. POMEROY 

ERE lies the body of the Rev. Benjamin Pomeroy, D. D., 
Minister of the First Church of Hebron, and a Trus- 
tee of Dartmouth College. Native of Suf field. Ob. 
Dec. 2 ist, 1784; aged 81. For Fifty Years a Zealous 
Preacher of the Gospel, and eminently successful 
about 1743- A Patron of learning, a firm and active 

Pastor, and a Friend to the distressed/' Epitaph on his tombstone at 

Hebron, Connecticut. 

"Along the gentle slope of life's decline 
He bent his gradual way, 
Till full of years he drops, 
Life's mellow fruit, into the grave." 

The Reverend Benjamin Pomeroy, son of Joseph Pomeroy and 
the latter's wife, Hannah Seymour, (who was the daughter of Richard 
Seymour, Jr., of Hartford, Connecticut), grandson of Deacon Medad 
Pomeroy and his wife, Experience Woodward, of Northampton, Mas- 
sachusetts, and great-grandson of Eltweed Pomeroy and his wife, 
Margery Rockett, founders of the Pomeroy family in America, was 
born at Suffield, then in Massachusetts, but later incorporated with 
Connecticut, November 19, 1704, and was thus, "so far as appears 
the oldest at graduation of any of the students [Yale College] com- 
memorated in this volume." [Barber's Historical Collections.} 

He resided at Yale College a year after graduation, as one of 
the first scholars on Dean Berkeley's foundation, receiving as the 
income therefrom 16. He seems at the same time to have prosecuted 
the study of theology, as he began to preach in 1 734 in Hebron, Con- 
necticut, where he was ordained pastor, December 16, 1735. Soon 
after the great religious revival of 1740 began, he identified himself 
with the movement, and thenceforth labored abundantly to promote it. 



A COLONIAL PREACHER AND PATRIOT 

In June, 1742, after the law had been passed for correcting dis- 
orders in preaching, Mr. Pomeroy was accused before the General 
Assembly of disorderly conduct at Stratford, in company with his 
friend, James Davenport (Yale College, 1732), and was brought to 
Hartford for trial, but was dismissed by the Assembly as having been 
comparatively blameless. A summons was again issued by the 
Assembly, October, 1743, commanding his appearance to answer to 
charges of violation of law. Accordingly, he appeared at the next 
session, in May, 1744, was found guilty and compelled to bear the 
costs of the prosecution. He also, about this time, preached in the 
neighboring parish of Colchester without the leave of the resident 
minister and was in consequence deprived of his salary for several 
years. 

The Reverend Doctor Timothy Cooley, of Granville, Massachu- 
setts, said in conversation with Banjamin Pomeroy, of Stonington. 
Esq., in 1850: "After personal contact with George Whitfield your 
grandfather accepted the new teachings and thenceforth his opinions 
and preaching were much influenced by them." Alluding to the 
suspension from the ministry for preaching in another parish con- 
trary to the wishes of the resident clergyman, he said: "Your grand- 
father said : 'Sir, those seven years that I was deprived of my stated 
salary were the most fruitful years of my ministry;' for he went up 
and down country and wherever he found two men and a hay-stack he 
had a pulpit and a congregation and he proclaimed the Gospel to them." 

"The late Doctor Pomeroy and his brother-in-law, Doctor 
Wheelock, were the first who received the interest of the legacy given 
by Reverend Dean Berkeley to the best classical scholars of the senior 
class in Yale College." * * "Samson Occum, the celebrated 

Indian preacher, lived a year with Doctor Pomeroy studying Latin and 
Greek." [Life of Wheelock, 1811.] 

His marriage to the sister of his classmate, Doctor Wheelock, 
caused his active interest in the establishment of the Indian Charity 
School and its successor, Dartmouth College. In the summer of 1766 
he took a journey to consult Sir William Johnson as to the best place 
for building the future college; and in 1770 he accompanied Doctor 
Wheelock on the visit to Hanover, New Hampshire, which finally 
determined the site. He was named as one of the original trustees of 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

the college and continued in office till his death. The same college 
conferred upon him the degree of Doctor of Divinity in 1774. 

For more than a year before his death, Doctor Pomeroy was 
entirely blind. He died December 22, 1784, and a sermon preached 
soon after his death by his son-in-law, the Reverend David McClure 
(Yale College, 1769), was printed. 

The Reverend Samuel A. Peters (Yale, 1757), who was born 
and bred in Hebron, Connecticut, wrote of him in 1781 as "an excel- 
lent scholar, an exemplary gentleman, and a most thundering preacher 
of the New light order." The Reverend Benjamin Trumbull (Yale, 
1759), who was also brought up under Doctor Pomeroy's preaching, 
describes him as a "man of real genius, grave, solemn and weighty in 
his discourses, which were generally well composed and delivered with 
a great deal of animation, zeal and affection. He might be reckoned 
among the best preachers of his day." 

Another parishioner, the Reverend David Porter (Dartmouth, 
1784), wrote of him in 1848: "He possessed considerable native talent 
and more than ordinary attainments in literature and science. Nor 
was he less distinguished for wit and sarcasm. At the commencement 
of hostilities between the American Colonies and Great Britain, he 
showed himself a warm friend to the cause of Independence." 

Benjamin Pomeroy published nothing, but some of his letters 
found the way into print, among them one written to Sir William 
Johnson in 1762, in the "Documentary History of New York," Volume 
IV, Page 316. 

It was in March, 1758, that he was appointed Chaplain of the 
Third Connecticut regiment; and in March, 1759, Chaplain of the 
Fourth Connecticut, of which his son, Benjamin, Jr., had been 
appointed Surgeon. 

It is due to the careful methods of his descendants, Mrs. Henry 
Thorp Bulkley ( Rebecka Wheeler Pomeroy, a former Secretary of the 
Pomeroy Family Association), and Mrs. Brooks Hughes Wells (Mary 
Frances Pomeroy), of New York City, that the present writers is 
enabled to present a series of characteristic letters written by Doctor 
Pomeroy from the seat of war, to his wife. 

In 1757 Doctor Pomeroy was at Fort Edward as Chaplain to the 
Connecticut troops in the French War. The earliest letter from him 



A COLONIAL PREACHER AND PATRIOT 

in my possession is dated "Camp Fort Edward, Sept. 10, 1757," and 
was to Mrs. Abigail Pomeroy at Hebron, Connecticut. It follows : 

CAMP FORT EDWARD, "Sept. 10, 1757. 
My dear : 

I am through unmerited mercy so far recovered that I hope to per- 
form publick exercize tomorrow. I long to hear from you. I trust 
you will improve every opportunity to let me know your affairs, & how 
you do, & how it is with our dear little lambs our family & People. It 
is, I believe generally expected the most of our provincials will soon 
be dismissed, we hear four regiments of Regulars are come to Albany. 
Yesterday arrived here from No. 4 Lieut. Walker with 12 men. 
Informs me that Col. Whiting & his party have been remarkably 
healthy this summer, have lost but one man & he a few days ago, by 
the accidental discharge of one of the N. Hampshire men's pieces, that 
the Col. expected soon to be released from that place &c. But the part 
of our regiment stationed here tho distingstd by divine care above any 
of the Provincials have yet lost about 60 men, mostly by sickness, but 
are now much more healthy. I trust you will acquaint Eleazer with 
these Hints if he be safely arrived. Benjamin is a little better, has not 
been confined, or hindered from business at all. we hope his indisposi- 
tion may pass off lightly, but how long he may escape God only knows. 
Oh that we might be wholly resigned to his will. Corporal Pomeroy 
whom I mentioned in another letter, is I hope mending tho' Ive heard 
nothing today. Cousin Dan Pomeroy, I heard a day or two ago was 
like to do well. I am with kindest Salutation to you, our dear children 
&c. your true, constant, & Loving husband BENJM POMEROY. 
P. S. Our stay is like to be so short Eleazer may omit to send my 
Concordance and Preaching Bible until further orders. I believe 
papers will be a good article. Candles such as you my dear used to 
make for winter store would do extremely well. 
Mrs. Abigail Pomeroy, Hebron, Conn. 

LAKE GEORGE Jul 23d 1759. 
My dear: 

Saturday last at break of day, our troops to the number of 12,000 
embarked for Cabrillous all in health & high spirits. I co'd wish for 
more appearance for Dependance on God than was observable amongst 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

them yet I hope God will Grant Deliverance unto Israel by them. 
Mr. Beebe & I, by ye advice of our Col. stay behind but expect soon to 
follow. A considerable number of Sick are left here in Hospitals, 
Five died last ni[ht. 

Capt. Ichabod Phelps is stationed at Fort Millar. I saw him and 
my neighbor Feulding a week ago. Mr. Chamberlin's son is here in 
ye Hospital but mending. I have been in general as well as when at 
home, want very much to hear from you, our dr. children &c. the 
People & neighboring ministers &c. how does our son Gillet & dau. and 
son Ralph will they not write to me? I wd mention, wod time permit 
me to describe it The affecting scene of last Friday morning. A poor 
wretched Criminal Thos Bailey was executed. Mr. Brainard & myself 
chiefly discoursed with him but almost all his care was to have his life 
prolonged, pleaded with us to intercede with ye General for him, but 
there was no prospect of succeeding, his crime was stealing, or Rob- 
bing, whereof he had been frequently guilty, once rec'd 100 lashes, & 
once reprieved from ye gallows, but being often reproved he still hard- 
ened his heart, & was suddenly destroy'd. Several prayers were made 
at ye place of execution the poor creature was terrified even to 
amazement & distraction at ye approach of ye King of Terrors. An 
Eternity of sinful pleasure would be dear bought with the pains of ye 
last two hours of his life. He struggled with His Executioner, I 
believe more than an hour ere they could put him in any proper posi- 
tion to receive the shot the Capt. of ye guard told me since that he 
verily believed that the devil helped him. I was far from thinking so 
yet his resistance was very extraordinary. 

July 21, 1759. For want of time my dear I send enclosed to 
Dr. Whalock a brief & imperfect journal from ye 3d inst to this pres- 
ent date, which please to open & read & send to him. The wind is 
now fair. I am just going to Embark for Carvillous. I want to hear 
more particularly from you, have any of our people gone to ye 
Eternal world &c. I wod have wrote you before had I opportunity ~ 
I am with increasing love and affection My Dr. 

Your most affectionate loving husband 

BENJ. POMEROY. 



A COLONIAL PREACHER AND PATRIOT 

Mrs. Abigail Pomeroy, Hebron, Conn. 

CROWN POINT Sept. 24th 1759. 
My dear son : 

Were I to spend an hour with you in my study next to enquir- 
ing your health, improvement in learning, Religion &c. I'd be propos- 
ing methods to accomplish you in the best & easiest way for the public 
business, divine providence seems to point out wherein to your intro- 
duction duly qualified, and discharging to God's honour, and accept- 
ance, the good of mankind and your own true peace is truly one of the 
brightest prospects respecing myself & family that yet buoy up the 
sinking spirits of your Father on this side the eternal world, lliis 
sun eclipsed, clouded sullied &c especially through any want of appli- 
cation prudence or steadiness in you, would, cast a dismal gloom all 
around. But I hope the caveat unnecessary, however considering the 
mighty temptations of the day tis paternal kindness to give it. There 
are my son no insuperable difficulties in the way to your improvement, 
both the importance that young men designed for public service, 
should be well accomplished, and the way thereto lie more open to 
me now, than ever before, had some few things been recommended & 
pressed upon me & means of attending to them been afforded 25 years 
ago the influence into my usefulness, as well as comfort has been 
happy beyond account. But for want of some such preparation my 
life is in a measure thrown away. Reap you my son this benefit, from 
your Fathers misfortune to learn a lesson which otherwise experience 
and reflection will lecture upon too late. Accuracy in orthography is 
of more importance than you can well imagine. I learn the worth of 
it by the want of it. Your present situation may perhaps favor your 
importance in this, and it must be done by Patience & Painstaking. 
Never make use of your pen in a hurry if it can be avoided. 

I'll say nothing of oratory now, hoping shortly to see you, which 
failing, may the good Lord provide you a better guide & be to you 
more than my fondest wishes can represent. 

In the mean time remember &c. 

B. POMEROY. 

The next is a letter to the Reverend Eleazer Wheelock, his wife's 
brother. 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

CROWN POINT Oct. 8, 1759. 
Dearest Brother 

Yours of Sept. 29 as it would have been acceptable at any time 
was peculiarly so last Saturday evening as I was parting with two 
very dear brethren Messrs. Brainerd & Forbes who went yesterday 
morning with about 300 invalids for Albany but they both in health 
both salute you Kindly. Mr. Brainerd is forward to support the 
school but I fear will be able to do nothing at Albany for its not 
probable Mr. Ogelive is returned. I hope he will write you from 
Albany but if not soon after he gets home. Majr Rogers has been out 
about 25 days with 200 men, 30 days provisions. We heard little from 
him that can be relyed on. Know not his destination tis said Genl . . . 
has positive orders from Genl Amherst to proceed directly to Montreal 
but Im not satisfyed of ye truth of it. tis expected ye Genl & main 
body of Regular troops with ye new Brig Sloops & other vessels of 
force will sail down ye lake very soon, tomorrow I suppose is the day 
appointed for embarking. But none of ye Provinsial troops are 
appointed. The weather is & generally has been favorable to our busi- 
ness being pretty dry and as warm as summer. If you was to see our 
garden which has been mostly made since our arrival youd imagine it 
May or June no frost having yet touchd ye tenderest plants. I thank 
you for ye care you take to inform of ye state of my family & very 
heartily condole ye afflicted circumstances of any branches of yours, 
if you have opportunity represent me to 'em as sharing their sorrow. 
Ive taken a good deal of pains to get a later act. of Dear Cousin 
Phelp's state but after all my hope is an expiring taper. Sergt Mack 
is informed she was just alive 25th Sept. The post came thro' Hebron 
was at Hosfords when he took his letters ye 27th, but can give no 
act. of Mrs. Phelps. Does not know yt. ee heard anything about her. 
He brought me no letter from my own family or any body in Hebron. 
Bro. Leavenworth only is with me now. he sends kind salutation. I 
hear Col. Wooster & Regt are ordered here & perhaps on ye march. 
Can you think of any body who might be obtained to preach ye 
Thanksgiving to my people if I should not come home soon eno? I 
return kind salutation to Dr Sister Whalock, yr dear family &c, & am 
much as ever your Brother 

BENJA POMEROY. 

[168] 



A COLONIAL PREACHER AND PATRIOT 

P. S. Oct. 1 2th. The post has waited for ye Embarkation for 
St Johns which began yesterday afternoon & was finished by Day- 
light they are about 5000 in number, no provincials except small drafts 
of Sailors, oarsmen &c. Theyeve had a very favorable night this 
morning looks a little threatening. As I trust you will remember 
them all in your prayers, so I would bespeak a particular regard to my 
son Eleazer who has gone with them. 

Oct. 13. The weather is tempestous this morning. Ill boding to 
our troops but God whose thots & ways are above our may mean it 
for good. I fear the Posts long delay will rob you of ye little satisfac- 
tion you might have had from ye above imperfect sketch of news, 
which I can not always remidy, or compensate but by keeping my 
letter open to let you hear from me as late as I can. 

Oct. 14. Ye post is going in a hurry at last. Son Eleazer writes, 
"Camp in Battoes, near Four Islands, 40 miles down ye Lake Oct 13." 
Nothing very extraordinary has happened yet But we hear our ves- 
sels have got below those of ye French. Our men are in high spirits. 
We are like to remain here till ye weather changes." An Ensign who 
brot ye letter says yt an officer of ours & 24 men mistaking a French 
vessel for ours were impressed by her but ours had blocked up the 
creek & were pretty sure of them." BENJA POMEROY. 

Ralph Pomeroy, son of the Reverend Benjamin Pomeroy, sent 
the following to his father, when the latter was serving as Chaplain 
at Fort Edward. 

HEBRON, Oct. 16, 1758. 
Hond Sr: 

Yours of the 4th and 5th instant we have received: were very 
glad to hear of your welfare, and of Bro Eleazer's ; are in hopes the 
Doctr may Recover. The Family at present are all well. Josiah and 
Augustus have been very sick but have recovered. 

Hazkh Holdridge says he left the Drs greatcoat at Albany in his 
chest. He has brot home the old mare and a very old saddle, which 
he says is Eleazer's. The old mares back was very much bruised with 
it. She is very poor and not able to perform a journey. Palmer rides 
up the old horse and your saddle. Mother sends you by Palmer 2 
shirts, i stock, and I caravat ; likewise 2 cheeses one of them for the 
Dtr. and a little balm and sage. 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

The people here have been without preaching but two Sabbaths 
since you left them. The neighboring ministers seem to be very kind, 
and they have engaged to supply the pulpit some Sabbaths longer. I 
shall wait for a line from you before I set out to come. Mr. Wheelock 
says he would not hinder me on account of his school if there be 
necessity for it. I expect to know before you receive this. My Hond 
Mother sends her love to you. The Dr. and Eleaz Tramway says 
give my services to Mr. Pomeroy and tell him my family is well and 
love him. Miss Rockwell sends her duty to you. If Bro Eleazer wants 
anything Brought from home if he has opportunity to send to me 
before and I can bring them. Sarah Ford sends her duty to you. 
Mary Major has gone home on account of the sickness of her grand- 
children, two of which are dead. Sister Abigail, Brother Josiah and 
Hannah join with your unworthy son in duty to you and love to the 
Brothers. 

(Signed) RALPH POMEROY. 

Ralph Pomeroy was a lawyer of good report and served as 
Quartermaster-General of Connecticut during the Revolution. When 
he was appointed Paymaster of Col. Wyllys's Regiment he subscribed 
to the following oath of allegiance : 

"I, Ralph Pomeroy, do acknowledge the United States of America 
to be free, independent and sovereign states, and declare that the people 
thereof owe no allegiance to George the Third, King of Great Britain, 
and I renounce, refute and abjure any allegiance or obedience to him : 
and I do swear, that I will to the Utmost of my Power, support, main- 
tain and defend the said United States against the said King George 
the Third, his heirs and successors, and his and their abettors, assist- 
ants and adherents, and will serve the United States in the office of 
Paymaster to Col. Wyllys's Regiment, which I now hold, with Fidelity 
according to the best of my skill and understanding. So help me God. 
(Signed) RALPH POMEROY, 

West Point, Headquarters, 8th day of March, 1778. 
Personally appeared Ralph Pomeroy, Paymaster to Col. Wyllys's 
Regt. and took the above oath, by him subscribed, before me. 

(Signed) SAMUEL H. PARSONS, B. G." 

[170] 



A COLONIAL PREACHER AND PATRIOT 

The last of Doctor Pomeroy's letters here quoted announced to 
his wife the departure of the Provincial troops from Fort Edward. 

MONTREAL Sept. n, 1760. 
My dear: 

I borrow a friends hand just to inform you that I received Mr. 
Whalock's letter of August 3d on the 4th instant which was peculiarly 
agreeable But before I had opportunity to answer it was seized 
violently with some of the usual camp disorders, but thor' pure mercy 
am now apparently on the gaining hand. 

As our Provincials are returning by the same tedious route by 
which they came, I expect to be left here, "to proceed homeward by 
way of Crown Point, as soon as possible. I hope for the company of 
two worthy and very dear brethren 'Chaplains' Mess. Ogileve & Kirk- 
patrick should divine providence see fit to disappoint us of these 
Expectations may he give us resignation to his Will, prepare us for 
all trials & events & fit us for his holy pleasure. 

Give Kind Salutations to the Family, to Dr. Bro. Whalock, to the 
Ministers & to the dear people of my Congregation desiring their 
prayers, & accept of wonted salutations yourself from, My dear, your 
Loving and Affectionate husband 

BANJA POMEROY. 

P. S. Our son the Doct. is in a poor state of health. 

The Reverend Benjamin Pomeroy was commissioned Chaplain 
of the Third Connecticut Line (Colonel Samuel Wyllys), on January 
i, 1777. He served for one year and six months, resigning on July i, 
1778. He was a zealous and able advocate for the civil and religious 
liberties of his country, and was warm with patriotism while he offi- 
ciated as chaplain. Like a good bishop he was given to hospitality, 
and "The broken soldier, kindly bade to stay, sat by his fire, and talked 
the night away." 

The following statements were extracted from newspaper obit- 
uaries of Doctor Pomeroy (a colonial preacher and patriot). 

The Reverend Benjamin Pomeroy, D. D., departed this life at 
Hebron, Connecticut, the 22nd of December, 1784, in the eighty-first 
year of his age ; in the triumphant hope of a blessed immortality. The 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

Reverend Doctor Huntington, of Coventry, preached at his interment, 
from Daniel 12, 13: "But go thou thy way, till the end be; for thou 
shalt rest, and stand in thy lot, at the end of the days." 

He was descended of a pious and respectable family, whose ances- 
tors, at an early period of the settlement of New England, [1630] 
came from Britain, and settled in the town of Windsor, on the bank of 
the Connecticut river. He was a son of Mr. Joseph Pomeroy, of Suf- 
field. His capacious mind early discovered an ardent thirst for learn- 
ing. He received the first honors of Yale College A. D. 1733. He 
and his brother-in-law, the late President Wheelock, were the two first 
who received the generous legacy of the Reverend Dean Berkley, to 
that College, for superior merit in literature, while they were students 
there. 

To his judgment, which was penetrating, was joined a warm and 
lively imagination. His taste was very good ; and his memory reten- 
tive to an uncommon degree. Theology was his chief study from 
early life. The ancient and modern poets and classics were familiar 
to him, and improved in the cause of virtue and religion. In friend- 
ship he was constant and affectionate; and a pattern of the virtues 
which adorn the head of a family. 

In the days of his youth, he became the friend of God, by the 
power of divine grace. The enlarged powers of his soul and all his 
acquirements, were consecrated to the work of the ministry of the 
gospel, of which he was a most ingenious preacher. 

He excelled in casuistry and experimental knowledge. In this 
perhaps he hath scarce left his superior. He was active and zealous in 
labors in carrying on the reformation, remarkable for the uncommon 
effusions of the divine spirit, thro' New England and other parts of 
the continent, almost fifty years ago. Multitudes in various parts 
of the land rejoiced in his light. His zeal was ardent. It was a zeal 
for God and the immortal interests of mankind. 

He was a Calvinist in principle, but not a bigot. His sentiments 
were liberal. His preaching was evangelical; his address solemn, 
pathetic and affecting. 

He was greatly assisting, by his disinterested labors, to his worthy 
brother, the late President Wheelock, in establishing the foundation 
of the school in his vicinity, from which Dartmouth College arose, 

[172] 



A COLONIAL PREACHER AND PATRIOT 

and exerted his kind offices to that seminary to the close of life; of 
which he was appointed by royal charter, a trustee. The Senatus 
Academics of that University conferred on him the degree of Doctor 
in Divinity, A. D. 1774. 

His charities and compassion were unbounded. He enjoyed the 
luxurious pleasure of mitigating human wo, and wiping the tear from 
the face of sorrow. In relieving the wants of others, he was forgetful 
of his own. "The blessings of many ready to perish came upon him." 

He was called off from his public labors, by a severe asthma, 
more than a year before his death, and was wholly deprived of his 
sight. His mental powers remained unimpaired to the last. He 
familiarly conversed upon his approaching dissolution; and the expec- 
tation of an exchange of worlds was pleasant. "He knew that his 
Redeemer liveth." He took an affectionate leave of his family, and 
sitting in his chair, quietly dropt into the arms of death. He left a 
widow and five children to imitate his great example. 

His son-in-law, the Reverend David McClure, A. M., delivered a 
sermon on the "Death of the Reverend Benjamin Pomeroy, D. D.," 
which was printed in Hartford by Elisha Babcock. 




[173] 



A History of the Origin and De- 
velopment of Banks and Banking 
and of Banks and Banking in the 
City of New York :-: x :-: 



BY 
W. Harrison Bayles 

and 
Frank Allaben 



FRANK ALLABEN, Editor-in-Chief 



[174] 



BANKERS AND BANKING IN THE MIDDLE AGES 



CHAPTER II 

Banket* and Banking in tf)t QSidblr ftgttf 



Venice Becomes the Most Powerful Banking City of the World 
The Venetians Display Marvelous Acumen in Their Commercial 
Expansion Venice Institutes Forced Loans and Issues Certificates 
of Credit Bills of Credit Are Issued in Place of Money Payment 
The Venetian Chamber of Loans Becomes the Forerunner of Modern 
Banking Failure of So Many Private Banks Causes the Venetian 
Senate to Establish the Bank of Rialto Florence Becomes Prominent 
in the Banking World Her Bills of Exchange Are Accepted in All 
Commercial Cities The Church of Rome Forbids Money-lenders to 
Take Interest Jewish Money-lenders Amass Wealth Under the 
Protection of the Pope, the Italian Bankers Become Very Prosperous 

Gold from the Newly Discovered America Enriches Europe 
Supremacy in Commerce Passes to Holland, Making It the Banking 
Center of the World The Bank of Amsterdam is Established The 
Banks of Middleburg, Hamburg, and Rotterdam Become Prominent 

The Bank of Sweden is Founded The First Bank-note is Issued by 
the Riksbank in 1658. 



[1751 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 
II 

Hankers attfc Hanking in 




; FTER the fall of the Roman Empire there arose upon 
the ruins of its government separate Italian states 
which, after passing through a long period of strife 
and uncertainty, about the beginning of the Eleventh 
Century rapidly emerged from their previous insig- 
nificance. Among those which attained the most 
conspicuous places, achieved the greatest success in trade and com- 
merce, and thereby became rich and powerful republics, were Venice, 
Florence, Genoa, Pisa, and Sienna. 

In the northwestern part of the Adriatic Sea, between the mouth 
of the Piave and that of the Adige, some distance from the mainland, 
is a long, narrow sand-bank, through which run a number of sea- 
passages to the inclosed lagoon, a sheet of shallow water navigable only 
by vessels of very light draught. In this lagoon is a cluster of small 
islands, to which, when attacked by the invading Huns in the Fifth 
Century, some of the inhabitants of Venitia on the mainland fled for 
refuge. Here, managing to support themselves by fishing and by the 
manufacture of salt, they remained secure from attack. Engaging in 
trade and manufactures, in the course of time the settlement grew into 
a place of great importance. This was Venicia, or Venice, and thus 
arose from the sea one of the noblest and most singular cities of the 
world. 

Without land, Venice was forced to turn her energies to com- 
merce and manufactures, and so well did she succeed that in the 
course of a few centuries she not only became a wealthy but an inde- 
pendent and powerful city. Her rich merchants and nobles spent their 
fortunes on magnificent palaces, on works of art, and on dress. The 
houses of the early settlers, "built like sea-birds' nests, half on sea and 
half on land," were replaced by marble mansions and magnificent pub- 



BANKERS AND BANKING IN THE MIDDLE AGES 

lie buildings. Venice became the seat of dazzling magnificence. In 
the Fifteenth Century she was called the jewel casket of the world. 

"In the first quarter of the Eighth Century the Venetians, after 
having lent their fleet to aid the Greeks against the Lombards, passed 
from the protection of the Greek Empire to an alliance with Byzan- 
tium. They pushed forward into distant seas, and, by the middle of 
the Eighth Century, they had already reached Africa and the ports 
of the Levant. By their dexterity, sagacity, and activity they obtained 
concessions in every quarter." They carried on an extensive trade 
with Constantinople, and their ships visited the coast of Morocco and 
plowed the waters of the Black Sea and the Sea of Azof. 

On the dismemberment of the Latin Empire, Genoa, in common 
with the other sections of Italy, successively fell under the dominion 
of the Lombards, the Franks, and the Germans; but through all her 
vicissitudes she preserved in a remarkable degree her privileges and 
her prosperity. Her maritime situation opened to her people the pur- 
suit of navigation and commerce, to which they devoted their energies 
and in which they displayed a special aptitude. At tke close of the 
Eleventh Century Genoa commanded large land and .maval forces and 
ranked as a powerful maritime state. 

Meanwhile Pisa had also attained to great prosperity and had 
risen to the rank of a powerful republic. She was at the height of her 
prosperity in the Eleventh Century, and to this period belong most 
of the splendid works of art that still adorn the city. 

The movement of the Crusades brought the three maritime states 
of Italy, Genoa, Pisa, and Venice, to the very forefront of European 
history. The Venetians were slow to act, but when they realized the 
commercial advantages which might result, they accepted the Crusades 
and entered into them with enthusiasm on the grounds of religion and 
commercial utility. The three states, in return for their effective 
cooperation, obtained maritime possessions and valuable commercial 
privileges in the Holy Land. This occasioned much rivalry among 
them. Each was jealous of the others and each determined to prevent 
the others from obtaining commercial advantages. They seem to 
have been as ready to fight each other as they were to engage the 
infidel. The Crusades were the means of opening up a large trade 
with the East, from which the Italian cities reaped a rich harvest and 
by which their prosperity was greatly increased. 

[177] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

In the maritime cities of Genoa and Pisa, as in the growing city 
of Venice, there must have existed some form of banking, handed 
down from the time of the Roman Empire, for all these cities traded 
extensively with the Eastern Empire, which was not involved in the 
barbarian invasions, and therefore had retained much of the civiliza- 
tion of former times. Venice had her mint and coined money in the 
Ninth Century. While it is true that neither history nor the records 
of that city make any mention of private bankers until the Fourteenth 
Century, there probably were banking facilities of some kind much 
earlier, for the Venetians displayed marvelous acumen in their com- 
mercial expansion, in the management of their guilds, and in the plant- 
ing and government of their colonies, and it is difficult to believe that 
they developed no system in financial matters. Certainly there were 
changers of foreign money, called campsores, and doubtless these from 
an early date negotiated loans, and, in course of time, as the business 
of the city increased in extent and volume, became bankers. 

Although the business methods in vogue in the Italian cities came 
down to them directly or indirectly from the Romans, modern bank- 
ing has nevertheless been generally considered as having had an 
independent origin in the reviving civilization of the Middle Ages. 
But business always employs its tools : there had always been a meas- 
ure of business ; and probably there never was a complete discontinu- 
ance of business methods. 

In the Twelfth Century Venice, to meet the expenses of her 
various wars, instituted forced loans from her citizens, to whom were 
issued certificates of credit for the amounts advanced. Commissioners 
were appointed to issue these certificates, or evidences of debt, which 
were divisible, negotiable, and could be mortgaged. They might in 
some measure thus serve in lieu of coin as a kind of government cur- 
rency. A Chamber of Loans was established, into which the interest 
due from the government was paid, and thence distributed to those 
who were entitled to it, and at this office transfers of credit could be 
made from time to time from one creditor to another in place of money 
payments. Thus, in a limited degree, there was the use of certificates 
of debt as a medium of exchange somewhat after the manner of the 
government notes and bank credits of the present day. 

These certificates, although not issued in convenient denomina- 



BANKERS AND BANKING IN THE MIDDLE AGES 

tions, certainly were bills of credit just as much as those issued for 
circulation by governments in recent times, and could be made to 
serve, in some respect, the same purpose, only in a much more clumsy 
way. The Chamber of Loans has been designated by some as the 
Bank of Venice, and the date of its establishment has been given as 
1171, making it the earliest public bank of modern Europe. Others 
have denied it the title of a bank, notwithstanding that it crudely per- 
formed some of the functions of a bank of issue, claiming that it was 
no more than a transfer office of the government loan. As we go 
on, however, we shall see that practically all of the great "banks of 
issue" of modern times have grown out of the exigencies of govern- 
ment in negotiating loans and issuing credits therefor. From this 
viewpoint the Venetian Chamber of Loans was a forerunner of mod- 
ern banking. 

It is an error, nevertheless, to suppose that these early loans gave 
rise to the more famous Banco del Giro of Venice, which was not 
founded until 1619. As soon as the latter was established it made a 
temporary loan to the republic of 500,000 ducats, which accounts for 
the tradition that the Bank of Venice owed its origin to a national 
debt. Private banks, however, grew and multiplied in Venice at a 
much earlier period. They were banks of deposit and discount, and 
their business was very similar to that of modern banks. Some of 
them became very powerful and many of them failed. The series of 
failures, in the latter part of the Fifteenth and the early part of the 
Sixteenth Century, induced the Venetian Senate, by laws passed in 
1584 and 1587, to establish the Banco della Piazza del Rialto, a later 
law decreeing that all bills of exchange should be paid only by bank 
transfers. The Bank of Rialto was thus created solely for the security 
and convenience of trade, like the Bank of Amsterdam a little later. 
It continued down to 1637, when it was absorbed by the Banco del 
Giro, or Bank of Venice, which transacted business in exactly the 
same way. 

Genoa, during the wars of the Fourteenth Century, borrowed 
large sums of money from her citizens, to whom she pledged or 
assigned, as security, at least for the interest, the revenue produced 
from taxation of certain portions of her territory. The subscribers 
to the loans were permitted to collect the taxes, paying into the treas- 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

ury the excess above their claims. The creditors of the state, in 
1371, formed a society called the Chapter, which met in a Chapter 
House, where a staff of administrators resided and the books were 
kept. The loans being of various classes, and the subscribers becom- 
ing numerous, with a view to economy a managing committee of 
eight was formed to take the place of the many employees who had 
formerly administered the different branches of the revenue, and a 
corporation was thus founded, about the year 1407, called the Bank 
of St. George, which from that time was the sole creditor and mortga- 
gee of the state. It soon became almost independent of the state and 
exerted a powerful influence on state affairs. Every senator, on 
assuming the duties of his office, took oath to maintain the rights and 
privileges of the bank, which were confirmed by the Pope and the 
German Emperor. "The bank interposed its advice in every measure 
of government," says Hallam, "and generally, it is admitted, to the 
public advantage. It equipped armaments at its own expense, one of 
which subdued the island of Corsica; and this acquisition, like those 
of our great Indian corporation, was long subject to a company of 
merchants, without any interference of the mother country." How- 
ever, these functions of the so-called Bank of Genoa were neither 
those of the modern bank of issue nor bank of deposit, although anal- 
ogy may be established with some of the fiduciary operations of the 
modern trust company. 

Fiesole (anciently, Faesulae), situated on the crest of an irregular 
hill, was one of the earliest of Etruscan cities. Its site was probably 
originally selected as offering protection from its enemies. Access to 
it was so difficult to the traders who visited its market places, with 
their various articles of merchandise, that it was decreed that they 
should be allowed to assemble at the base of the hill in the fertile 
plain traversed by the Arno, where a few rough shelters were erected 
to accommodate them. These, according to traditions accepted by the 
Florentine historians, became the nucleus from which sprang the 
splendid city of Florence. As early as the time of Sulla there had 
been a Roman colony here; another was sent after the death of lulius 
Caesar, and it soon became a thriving town. 

After the fall of the Roman Empire, true to its traditions as a 
city founded for and devoted to trade, Florence passed through a 

[180] 



BANKERS AND BANKING IN THE MIDDLE AGES 

period of alternate strife and commercial expansion, to find itself, in 
the Eleventh Century, under the protection of Rome, a free city, whose 
trade extended throughout all Europe, whose citizens were the pos- 
sessors of great commercial depots in France and England, and the 
skill of whose workers in jewels and the precious metals had grown 
proverbial. 

Although Florence was not a seaport, yet by the middle of the 
Thirteenth Century her merchants had established commercial rela- 
tions with all the markets of the East and West and had succeeded in 
extending her trade to almost every part of the known world. Her 
nearest rival on the side toward Rome was Sienna, on which she 
looked with envious eyes because the Siennese enjoyed a goodly share 
of the business of acting as financial agents of the Pope, one of the 
main sources of their prosperity. After the great battle of Montiperti, 
Sienna for a time maintained her ascendancy and dominated all Tus- 
cany. But Sienna was Ghibelline, while Florence, strongly Guelph, 
was loud and strong in her support of the party of the Pope. Sienna 
soon felt the powerful hand of the Church, in the form of interdicts 
and excommunications, and was forced to succumb to these irresistible 
influences. Florence then took the lead, especially in trade, and was 
able to maintain it. 

She thus became the center of a vast commercial system which 
radiated through every part of Europe and to all the large and 
important cities of Asia and Africa. This trade was not of sudden 
growth, but was the result of long-continued effort. Having corre- 
spondents or agents in every region, the Florentine merchants had 
little trouble in collecting money or making payments in almost any 
commercial city. For example, they bought up the Flemish wool and 
rough cloth which, after being dressed and dyed in Florence, was 
returned to Northern Europe, or sent to the East, from whence came 
in return silks, dyes, and spices. It was quite natural, therefore, for a 
trader of Antwerp or Bruges, wishing to make a payment in Rome, or 
some eastern city, to apply to some one of the Florentine merchants in 
his own town. 

In such transactions the Florentine merchant received an agio 
on the money to be paid, in some city of the East, for instance, and 
by sending its equivalent in the form of merchandise, reaped a second 

[181] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

profit, or, by sending merchandise to Florence, where it was sold and 
the amount again put in merchandise suitable to the place where pay- 
ment was to be made, realized even a third profit. In making collec- 
tions of money due, the process just described was simply reversed. 
In this way not alone was the trade of the Florentines extended, but 
they gradually became the bankers, money-changers, and negotiators 
of exchange for all Europe. 

Florentine merchants were constantly sending goods to the East, 
and making purchases there, and Florentine bankers presently had 
their branch houses in various cities. Hence it became increasingly 
easy to negotiate a bill of exchange, or letter of credit, making or 
demanding payment in almost any commercial city. Thus the world's 
commercial paper was bought and sold in Florence, as formerly it had 
been in Athens, and a little later in Rome; Florence serving as the 
center of exchange in the Middle Ages, as London and New York 
serve in our own day. 

The bill of exchange has been said by some to have been an inven- 
tion of the merchants of Genoa. Others have attributed its origin to 
the Jews and Lombards, banished from France and England in the 
Thirteenth Century for usury and other alleged vices, who are said 
to have devised the bill of exchange in order to withdraw property left 
in these countries. Neither of these statements nor suppositions is 
credible. As we have seen, bills of exchange were extensively used in 
ancient Chaldea, in Babylon, in ancient Greece, and afterwards in 
Rome, both in the time of the Republic and under the Empire through- 
out its whole extent. After the fall of the Roman Empire there were 
many cities on the shores and islands of the Mediterranean that were 
engaged in extensive trade and had retained the civilization of Rome, 
and it is scarcely possible that during what are called the dark ages 
the art of transferring credit by means of bills of exchange was 
entirely lost. 

The bill of exchange, in its simplest form, is nothing more than 
a letter from one person or business man to another requesting him to 
pay the bearer, or a person named in the letter, a certain sum of money, 
charging it against the writer's account. A bank draft is such a bill. 
Its real importance consists in its convenience, and, therefore, its exten- 
sive use in the adjustment of credits between different commercial 



BANKERS AND BANKING IN THE MIDDLE AGES 

cities, eliminating the necessity of the actual transportation of gold 
or silver, generally involving a higher cost and greater risk and dan- 
ger. Thus, too, at each point of exchange coin is needed only to settle 
the balances of trade, and not the total operations, and thus immense 
exchanges in trade are carried on with the use of comparatively little 
currency. In all this the Italians, and especially the Florentines, early 
became proficient. They were unsurpassed in the art of finance, con- 
ducting business on principles which, by simple elaboration, have been 
made to serve the demands of the complex and enormous transactions 
of modern times. 

In the reviving commerce of the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries 
the fair was employed as a convenient instrument for facilitating 
trade. The fairs of Champagne in eastern France were of an interna- 
tional character, were in fact world-marts. There were six of them 
each year and they attracted traders from every part of Europe. They 
were held in the towns of Lagny, Bar-sur-Aube, Provins, and Troyes, 
each lasting from one and a half to two and a half months, and each 
succeeding the one before in such a way as to make them practically 
continuous throughout the year. 

Each of these fairs was inaugurated on or near one of the great 
holidays of the Church, and its opening was celebrated by a formal act 
of worship, such as was usual in mediaeval times. Wooden booths 
were erected to accommodate the merchants, and scores of tongues 
and dialects resounded along the streets formed by these temporary 
structures. Each man, by his dress or by the style in which he wore 
his hair or beard, gave unmistakeable notice of his nativity. 

Among the merchants thus gathered were many Italians who, on 
account of their sharp bargains, were usually designated as Lombard 
dogs. These were especially active at the end of each fair, for the 
sale of goods having been effected, the work of the banker and money- 
changer was in demand to adjust the differences between the many 
coinage systems. Armed with great leathern purses, these bankers 
offered their services in effecting exchange in the different moneys 
found at the fair, or in extending a loan, on good security, to some 
unlucky trader hard pressed for cash. The rate of interest was rarely 
less than twenty per cent, per annum, and might be as high as fifty 
per cent., or even more. This excessive rate of interest was due, 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

perhaps, not more to the greed of the lender than to the scarcity of 
coin in the Middle Ages and the lack of loaning companies. As inter- 
est of any kind was at that time outlawed as usury, the risk of loan- 
ing was great and had to be paid for by the borrowers. 1 

Letters of Siennese merchants, that have been preserved, show 
how in that city companies were formed for trading at the French 
fairs of Champagne, and it was probably pretty much the same in the 
other Italian cities. Several citizens would form a partnership and 
dispatch one or more of their number to Champagne to turn their com- 
bined capital to account. Almost all the great Siennese families fig- 
ure in this correspondence. While the business appears to have been 
traffic in money, their aim, above everything else, was big profit, and 
the opportunities were great. 

All interest in the Middle Ages was considered "usury," no mat- 
ter at what rate, and was strictly forbidden by the Church. The edict 
of the Church was followed by legislation against usury in almost all 
the states and cities of Europe. As a result the business of loaning 
money was for a time left almost entirely to the Jews, whose Scrip- 
tural law forbade a Jew taking interest from a Jew, but not from a 
Gentile, so that there grew up a system of money-lending from Jews 
to Christians. Circumstance thus made the Jews the first great 
money-lenders of Europe. But when trade, stimulated by the Cru- 
sades, became more active, the Christians were not disposed to allow 
the profitable banking business to be monopolized by the Jews, and, 
during the period of the fairs of Champagne Christian money-lenders 
came to the front. 

In time the prejudice against interest or usury somewhat abated. 
In the Thirteenth Century Sienna, notwithstanding the position of the 
Church, authorized usury, provided the usurer was not a man of ill 
repute and of suspicious religious opinions. To a papal inquisitor it 
was reported that there was in Sienna a notary, Ser Pietro by name, 
who practiced usury, and, besides, "stubbornly asserted that to lend 
money to people was not a sin, and that the brothers and religious who 
said otherwise nesciunt quid loquantiir; they do not know what they 
are talking about." Ser Pietro did not live long enough to feel the 
effects of the denunciation of the Church, which soon followed. It 

iSee note on usury and interest at the end of this chapter. F. A. 

[184] 



BANKERS AND BANKING IN THE MIDDLE AGES 

must be remembered that the attitude of Church and State in regard 
to usury was directed against tremendous interest rates, exacted in 
that day. On the other hand, it no doubt gave opportunity for much 
injustice practiced under the plea of enforcing the law. There was 
scarcely a man in power who did not periodically arrest Jews, and 
sometimes Italians, on the ground of usury. These were released only 
on the payment of a sum sufficient to establish a presumption of 
innocence, which sum was in proportion to their ability to pay. 1 

The business of trading at the French fairs had a romantic and 
adventurous side. The merchants, passing in large caravans across 
valleys and over mountains, were sometimes beset by robbers against 
whom it was necessary to defend themselves with the sword. Lords 
and castle-men, worse than thieves, also imposed exactions, which had 
to be settled with dues and presents as seemed best. The journey from 
fair to fair was made in the midst of the greatest risks and dangers. 
The villages and cities, through which the merchants passed, likewise 
imposed exactions of every sort. If the barons of France allowed the 
merchants and money-lenders to gain large profits from their subjects, 
they did not fail to demand a share of it for themselves; so that the 
agents of the trading companies "were obliged, in order to curry favor, 
to keep their purses open, since without a discreet liberality, neither 
life nor substance was secure." 

Compared with those of more ancient, as well as modern, times 
prices were exceedingly low. The cause of this, in a large measure, 
was the scarcity of the precious metals used as a medium of exchange. 
In the early history of the world kings and rulers were accustomed to 
accumulate as large a treasure of gold and silver as possible. There 
is a fascination in these metals, which it is easy to explain, since the 
possession of a large treasure in them gives power in both peace and 
war. There were always soldiers, ready to serve for pay in gold or 
silver. 

Slaves, generally those captured in war, were by rulers who had 
gold or silver mines used to work them, and it was not a question 
whether the production of the metal was commercially profitable or 
not. The desire to get it was gratified at whatever cost of human 
energy. Enormous quantities of gold and silver were used for orna- 

tSee note at the end of this chapter. F. A. 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

mental purposes, especially of gold. When used in commercial trans- 
actions, the metals passed by weight, as we have seen. They were 
always an important item in the booty of conquered cities. Not being 
largely used in coined money, waste was not great, so that whatever 
was added to the world's stock remained in use and was not lost. For 
many centuries the supply continually increased. 

When Rome became the ruler of the most important part of the 
known world, wars ceased between the different part of what then 
constituted the Empire and in which the precious metals had formed 
a large part of the booty. The Romans had acquired by capture vast 
supplies of gold and silver, which, to a larger extent than ever before, 
were coined into money and used to pay their soldiers. Mints were 
set up in different parts of the Empire and a large amount of gold and 
silver put in circulation as money. It is supposed that in the time of 
Augustus the amount of gold and silver in existence was about four 
hundred million pounds sterling. 

The mining operations, which down to that time had been so 
extensively carried on, were to a large extent discontinued. By the 
Roman system the mines were "farmed" out to persons who worked 
only the best ones and such as would give them profitable returns. In 
the course of time the mines were almost entirely deserted, so that in 
the Sixth or Seventh Century of the Christian era the production of 
gold and silver hardly made a perceptible addition to the existing stock. 
This cutting off of the sources of supply, and the waste in the existing 
stock from being largely used as coin, which is probably the most 
destructive use to which gold and silver can be put, caused the amount 
of the precious metals to decline so that prices were only a fraction of 
what they had been. It is estimated that the world's stock of money 
metal thus became reduced to about two hundred million dollars. 
After the year 800 A. D. the stock was kept from diminishing further 
by supplies chiefly from the mines of Spain. 

The profits of trade in the Middle Ages were enormous. The 
traders possessed virtual monopolies in many lines, and held the keys 
of those eastern countries whence were brought the luxuries for which 
there was a constantly-increasing demand. The merchants of some of 
the cities of Italy became so opulent as almost to rival the ancient 
nobility. In the latter part of the Thirteenth Century the Florentine 

[186! 



BANKERS AND BANKING IN THE MIDDLE AGES 

manufacturers of various kinds were also very considerable. Profits 
were large and wealth increased with great rapidity. The largest for- 
tunes were at this time probably made in the manufacture of woolen 
cloth, which was the most important industry of the city. Throughout 
the Fourteenth Century Florence held the lead in trade and finance 
among the Italian cities, having during the first half of this century 
more than two hundred cloth manufacturing and dyeing establish- 
ments, where from seventy to eighty thousand pieces of cloth were pro- 
duced annually, valued at two million two hundred thousand gold 
florins. More than thirty thousand persons were supported by this 
manufacture and trade. The dressing and dyeing of foreign cloth 
held also an important place. 

As we have seen, it was this commercial activity of the Floren- 
tines, and the connections formed by them in making sales of their 
goods in every part of Europe that had led them to engage in that 
other branch of trade, banking; and in consequence of their energy and 
success in this, the monetary transactions of many of the kingdoms of 
Europe passed through their hands, and in some countries, where 
large loans had been made, they were entrusted with the collection and 
administration of the public revenue. The Florentines were lending 
money at interest to sovereign princes as early as the first quarter of 
the Twelfth Century. 

The prince who at this time supplied the greatest impetus towards 
the development of trade and finance was the Pope. The earliest inter- 
national banking operations seem to have arisen from his need of 
finding means of collecting and transmitting to Rome the dues which 
he gathered in distant parts. He had financial relations with all the 
world. From every part of Europe flowed towards Rome a continu- 
ous stream of money, the collection and transmission of which was 
entrusted to Italian merchants, or bankers. The advantages gained 
in handling the Pope's money were among the features which enabled 
the Italians to take the lead in banking and to keep it for a long period. 
In the city of Sienna may still be seen on the front of an ancient 
building an inscription which states that Angelieri Solafica, campsor 
Domini Papae Grcgorii IX, "built this house," A. D. 1234. 

The Pope entrusted a great deal of business to another Siennese 
banking house, the Buonsignori, one of the greatest of the Thirteenth 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

century, becoming known as the Magna Tavola. In 1289 this house 
had a capital in business of 35,000 gold florins, which at that time was 
considered a tremendous sum of money. Among its clients were 
popes, emperors, kings, barons, merchants, and cities. 

While vast financial advantages resulted from collecting and 
accumulating the Pope's moneys, the Italians who enjoyed them fre 
quently brought down upon themselves the envy and hatred of the 
various peoples among whom they operated. In the reign of Henry 
III. of England (i'2i6-i265) the Pope, through his Italian agents, 
obtained large sums from the English prelates. As the bishops and 
abbots were sometimes unable to pay the sums assessed, they were 
compelled to borrow from the collectors at exorbitant rates of interest. 
Matthew Paris, a chronicler of the time, regards the Italian bankers 
as the pest of his country and designates them as Lombardice canes. 
The Italians, or Lombards, settled in London and carried on their 
business in a part of the city which still bears the name of Lombard 
street, and which has ever since been the locality frequented by banks 
and bankers. It has long been not alone the financial center of Eng- 
land, but of the world ; and to the present time only one other of the 
great centers of finance, New York City, threatens its supremacy. 

When the papal court was transferred from Rome to Avignon, 
and on its return to Rome, there was occasion, twice at least, for the 
movement of great financial interests and the transfer of large sums 
of money. The papal residence at Avignon caused a greatly increased 
sending back and forth of money between Italy and that city. Accord- 
ing to good authority this was the favorable time when the Florentine 
contractors of the papal revenue were enabled to become the principal 
bankers of Rome. 

In the middle of the Fourteenth Century the Alberti had banks at 
Avignon, Bruges, Brussels, Paris, Sienna, Perugia, Rome, Naples, 
Bartella, Constantinople, and Venice. The Peruzzi, and their asso- 
ciates the Bardi, had agencies and dependent houses still more widely 
scattered. The extensive business and colossal operations of the Pe- 
ruzzi and Bardi as bankers and loan-contractors, however, ended in a 
bankruptcy which shook the whole commercial fabric of Europe to its 
very foundation, and occasioned great loss and distress. This occurred 
in the year 1346, and was caused by the failure of Edward III. of 

[188] 



BANKERS AND BANKING IN THE MIDDLE AGES 

England to pay the enormous sum of 1,365,000 gold florins, advanced 
to him by these bankers. The King's inability to pay was caused by 
his wars with France. Various English Kings borrowed largely 
from Florentine bankers. Commines declares that Edward IV. owed 
his throne to help obtained from them. At a subsequent period the 
Strozzi suffered heavy losses through loans made to the King of 
France and to the popes. Such losses lead us to the conclusion that 
loan-contracting was a somewhat hazardous business. At the same 
time there is abundant evidence to prove that, in general, it was an 
extremely profitable one, and that the wealth brought into Florence 
by this branch of trade was enormous. 

Florence had an evil reputation for usury. The money-changers' 
guild, one of the oldest in Florence, prospered as the city prospered. 
The business was carried on in the New Market, which today is the 
flower market, under the graceful colonnades of which the bankers 
had their shops, with counters or tavoletti, money-bags, and ledgers. 
All business had to be transacted in the shop, and registered in the 
account book, and there were heavy penalties for infringement of the 
rules. No one was allowed to practice the craft without being on the 
matriculation list, a privilege obtained by giving proofs of capacity 
and honesty during matriculation and swearing to obey the statutes of 
the guild. In the early part of the Fifteenth Century, when Florence 
had reached the summit of her prosperity, there were seventy-two 
banks in the streets round about the New Market, and it was estimated 
that the amount of gold currency in the city was upwards of two mil- 
lion florins, while the wealth in merchandise and other possessions 
was enormous. 

One of the most important cities on the Mediterranean in the 
Fourteenth Century was Barcelona in Spain. Its merchant ships vied 
with those of Genoa and Venice, trading as far east as Alexandria and 
as far west as the Baltic and the North Sea. Its code of maritime law 
was recognized as authoritative by many European states. Consuls 
represented Barcelona in the principal commercial centers, and this 
city was among the first to adopt the practice of marine insurance. 

Previous to the year 1349 the drapers of Barcelona, probably 
among its most opulent and substantial citizens, had evidently car- 
ried on the business of banking and exchanging money, very much as 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

the rich merchants of Venice and Florence had done, and as the gold- 
smiths at a later period did in London; for, by an order of the King 
of Aragon, the Barcelonian drapers were in 1349 obliged to give secur- 
ity before being allowed to undertake such business. In 1401 the 
magistrates of Barcelona established a bank of exchange and deposit, 
called Taula de cambi (Table of exchange), secured by the funds of 
the city, with the intention of extending the accommodation afforded 
by it to foreigners as well as citizens. 

The following is a close translation of a bill of exchange sold by 
Antonio Quarti, a merchant of Luca residing in Bruges, to John 
Columbo, a merchant of Barcelona also residing in Bruges, to be paid 
at Barcelona in the usual manner by Francisco de Prato, a merchant 
of Florence. 

"Francisco de Prato and Company at Barcelona. 
"In the name of God. Amen the 28th day of April, 1404. 

"Pay this first of exchange at usance to Piero Gilberto and Piero 
Olivo one thousand scutes at ten shillings Barcelona money per scute ; 
which thousand scutes are in exchange with John Columbo at twenty- 
two grosses per scute. Pay on our account and Christ keep you. 

"Antonio Quarti sal. of Bruges." 

This bill and another, differing only in the date and in being 
made payable to Piero Gilberto and Piero de Scorpo, were sent to Bar- 
celona, but were not paid by Prato. William Columbo, acting as agent 
for Gilberto, Olivo, and Scorpo, purchased scutes in Barcelona to pay 
the bills and returned them, protested, to John Columbo at Bruges, 
claiming reimbursement from Antonio Quarti for the expense. But 
Antonio Quarti alleged that William Columbo should have gotten the 
money to pay the bills from the Bank of Barcelona, according to the 
custom of the city in such cases, which would have been less expensive. 
As a result, the magistrates of Bruges wrote to those of Barcelona 
requesting information on this subject, and it was on account of this 
correspondence that these bills were preserved. 

It appears from records still extant that foreign bills of exchange 
were habitually negotiated at the Bank of Barcelona, and that assist- 
ance was given to manufacturers in the purchase of raw material, 
such as English wool, etc. By all accounts, therefore, the Bank of 
Barcelona financed and facilitated business much more in the manner 

[190] 



BANKERS AND BANKING IN THE MIDDLE AGES 

of the bank of the present day than did any other public institution of 
the Renaissance period. Spanish writers claim that it was the very 
first establishment of its kind in Europe, while Ilallam remarks that 
"The earliest bank of deposit instituted for the accommodation of 
private merchants is said to have been that of Barcelona in 1401." 
The creditors of Genoa were at that time not yet incorporated as a 
banking company. 

Many of the early Italian bankers had branch establishments in 
Rome. The Via del Banco of the papal city became the Wall street 
of the Renaissance, and here the bankers had their quarters and car- 
ried on financial transactions with the Camera Apostolica, the greatest 
financial institution then existing, into which were paid the collec- 
tions made for the Pope, through the agencies of these banks, in every 
part of the world. About the middle of the Sixteenth Century, after 
the reform of Paul III., this street lost its prestige, and the section of 
the city in which it was located, considered the most fashionable and 
desirable from the time of Innocent VIII. to that of Paul III., subse- 
quently lost caste, the palaces of bankers, merchants, and prelates 
becoming tenanted by people and tradesmen of the lower classes. For 
this reason the street retained its Sixteenth Century aspect, free from 
such changes as had been made in more fashionable neighborhoods, 
until the year 1888. 

The money sent to Rome from all parts of the world was in coins 
of the greatest variety. To some of these a legal value was given; 
some were tolerated. Monetary transactions were carried on in 
florins, ducats, scudi, carlini, testoni, morapesini, corone, crazie, guilii, 
etc. While the exchanging of all this diverse money for coin, current 
in Rome or in the place where it was to be used, gave business to the 
bankers, it was a great obstacle to commercial enterprises. 

The monetary system of Charlemagne, derived from that of the 
Roman Empire and of the Eastern Empire, was the precursor and 
source of the chief currency systems of mediaeval and modern Europe, 
except that of Spain, which was derived directly from the Roman sys- 
tem without the intermediation of that of Charlemagne. The mone- 
tary basis was the libra or pound. The Florentines, the Venetians, 
and the citizens of many other Italian cities, made their calculations in 
lire, soldi, and denari. The silver lire, originally libra, supposed to 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

weigh a pound, the conventional standard or unit of value, consisted 
of twenty soldi, each equal to the Lombard shilling, while the soldi 
consisted of twelve denari, corresponding to the English pound, shill- 
ing, and pence. In France the reckoning by livres, sols, and denier s, 
was derived from the Prankish Kings. One livre was equal to twenty 
sols, and one sol was valued at twelve deniers. Germany, too, 
inherited her monetary system from that of Charlemagne. The silver 
libra was divided into twenty shillingen, and the shilling into twelve 
pfennings. In The Netherlands the same system was reproduced. The 
ideal Flemish pound was divided into twenty shillingen, and the shill- 
ing into twelve grooten. 

Before the reign of Clement VII., who issued the first state secur- 
ities, the popes borrowed money directly from the bankers, with whom 
were deposited certain valuables as security. In the state archives is 
the account of such a transaction between Pope Leo X. and Piero and 
Giovanni Bini, Florentine bankers in Rome in the year 1521. The 
Pope had become indebted to them by loans made from time to time 
to the total of 156,000 ducats ($195,000), for which they had received 
no special security besides the Pope's written acknowledgment. A 
more substantial safeguard was requested. This was at once granted 
in a document, motu proprio, dated September 25, 1521, which stipu- 
lated that the brothers Bini were authorized to sell to the highest bid- 
der the offices of the papal curia, as fast as they became vacant by 
death, the proceeds of the sale, up to the sum of 30,000 ducats, to go 
to the Bini, the surplus to be equally divided between them and the 
Apostolic Chamber. This agreement was to continue until the Bini 
had recovered the entire loan with interest. As security for the ful- 
fillment of this contract the Pope entrusted to the firm the mitre of 
Paul II., the mitre and tiara of Julius II., and the "sacred pontificial 
silver vessels including those used for the celebration of divine 
service." In the inventory of the strong room of the castle of Sant' 
Angelo, where it was usually kept, the description of the triregnum, or 
tiara of Julius II., occupies as much as four closely written pages. 
This gorgeous headgear was studded with thirty-nine diamonds, 
twenty-nine emeralds, twenty-two sapphires, sixty-nine rubies, 
twenty-seven balases, and five hundred and seventy-one pearls, besides 
an inscription written in small diamonds and punctuated with small 

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BANKERS AND BANKING IN THE MIDDLE AGES 

rubies. These articles, emblems of authority and instruments of wor- 
ship, held as security by the bankers, were probably loaned back for 
use when occasion required. 

The banking house of the Bini was on the corner of the Via del 
Banco and the Via del Consolato. The hall in which the cashiers and 
clerks sat had a vaulted ceiling, in the center of which was a most 
charming composition of Pierimo del Vaga the coat of arms of the 
Bini, in a frame of fruit and flowers, supported by two cupids. The 
building was demolished in 1888. 

Clement VII. was the first pope to raise money from state bonds. 
The sum realized on the first issue was not large, but, having acquired 
the art of raising money on bonds, the burden of which could be dis- 
tributed over future years, Clement VII. and his successors made lib- 
eral use of this method, so essential in modern business, and 
increased the public debt to such an extent that the total revenues of 
the Pontifical States were scarcely sufficient to pay the interest. It is 
said that from the time of Paul III. to that of Paul IV. about twenty 
years the Apostolic Chamber spent some sixteen millions of dollars 
in aiding the German princes who remained faithful to Rome, some- 
times borrowing money at an interest rate as high as twelve and a half 
per cent. 

One of the most successful Italian bankers of the first part of the 
Sixteenth Century was Agostino Chigi, who was born in Sienna about 
1465. He was possessed of such talent for trade that before he 
reached the age of forty years he had become, it is said, the most pow- 
erful man financially in the world. He was not only a great merchant 
and financier, but a patron of the arts and one of the greatest collectors 
of his time. His palace, by the Porta Settimiana, was designed by 
Peruzzi and decorated by Raphael and Guilio Romano. He gave 
employment to many of the great artists whose works still exist in 
the churches of Rome. 

He started in business with Stefano Ghinucci, in the Via del 
Banco, with an aggregate capital of not over two thousand two hun- 
dred and fifty dollars. In May, 1502, he entered into a second part- 
nership with Francesco Tommasi, with a capital of ten thousand 
dollars, and in 1508 was the sole owner and manager of the most 
prosperous and extensive banking concern in the world, dealing in all 

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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

branches of trade with France, Spain, Germany, the Low Countries, 
England, and Turkey, and holding in Italy a monopoly of trade in the 
three staples, wheat, salt, and alum. He was banker to Pope Alexan- 
der VI., and afterwards became Minister of Finance, or financial 
adviser to and confidant of Pope Julius II. 

When Cardinal Giovanni de Medici became Pope, as Leo X., the 
procession to the Lataran, announced for the morning of April n, 
1513, was the most magnificent that Rome had ever seen. In front of 
the residence of Agostino Chigi had formerly stood one of the 
triumphal arches of Rome. This, for the occasion, Agostino caused 
to be restored, and then adorned with figures and groups of living 
men, women, and children, the fairest subjects to be found in Rome, 
representing Apollo, Mercury, Pallas, etc. There were two nymphs, 
attended by Moorish pages, one of whom recited verses as the Pope 
passed by. Agostino was on intimate terms with Leo, and not long 
after the latter became Pope, the banker gave several entertainments 
in his honor, for which the villa Farnisina, on the Tiber, has been 
more celebrated than for all the priceless treasures of art which it 
contained. 

The first of these functions was given in an unfinished building, 
the condition of which, from designs furnished by Raphael himself, 
was so skilfully concealed by means of Flemish tapestries, oriental 
carpets, and cupboards filled with gold plate, that the Pope was 
astonished at the sight of such magnificence. The second was held a 
few months later, in the loggia projected on the Tiber at the south end 
of the garden. At this feast, it is said, the price of three fish alone 
amounted to two hundred and fifty crowns; and to prove that the 
same silver plate was not used twice in the course of the meal, the 
dishes were thrown into the Tiber, where they fell into nets spread 
beneath the surface of the water. The third of these entertainments 
was given in the main hall of the Casino, on the twenty-eighth of 
August, 1519, on the festival of Sant' Agostino, and presented two 
original features. Each of the twenty cardinals, or foreign represen- 
tatives, was served on silver and gold plate bearing his particular 
coat of arms, crest and motto, and each guest was served with fish, 
game, fruit, vegetables, delicacies, and wines peculiar to his own 
country. These supplies had been brought to Rome by messengers 
timed to arrive on the eve of the banquet. 

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BANKERS AND BANKING IN THE MIDDLE AGES 

Agostino's yearly income was estimated at 70,000 ducats, an 
enormous sum for that period. He stated to Pope Leo, whom he was 
fond of entertaining in the beautiful garden of the Villa Farnisina, 
that, besides the central banking establishment at Rome, he had one 
hundred branch houses in Italy alone, that one hundred vessels sailed 
under his flag from the docks and harbor of Porto Ercole, and that 
twenty thousand men were in his employ. He also had houses of 
business in Constantinople, Alexandria, Cairo, Lyons, Amsterdam, 
London, and even in Babylon. He filled his villa with tapestries, gold 
and silver ornaments designed by the foremost goldsmiths, and with 
other works of art. The fixtures of the bath-room were of solid sil- 
ver. His bedstead, it is said, was carved in ivory, encrusted with gold, 
and studded with precious stones. 

Some of the rich bankers of Italy founded families which became 
linked with many of the royal houses of Europe. One of the most 
important of these was the Medici. Two of this family became Popes 
of Rome, Leo X. and Clement VII. Dukes of Florence and of Tus- 
cany were of this family, and it became connected by marriage with 
the royal house of France, members of it becoming ancestors of 
French Kings. Fabio Chigi, nephew and biographer of Agostino 
Chigi, the rich banker of Rome, became Pope Alexander VII. 

The taking of Constantinople, in 1453, an ^ tne victories of the 
Turks throughout the East, cut off in a great measure the trade in 
that direction of the Italian cities, and especially of Venice. But still 
more disastrous to this trade was the voyage of Vasquez de Gama, a 
Portuguese who in 1497 passed around the Cape of Good Hope and 
opened a new route to the East Indies. Hearing of it, a merchant of 
Venice noted in his diary: "This is the worst piece of news we could 
ever have had." A few years before this Columbus had discovered 
the new world. These great events carried important consequences 
to all the nations of Europe. The art of printing, about the same time, 
was exercising a strong influence on the times, while the invention 
and use of gunpowder changed the whole art of war. Notable changes 
were produced in trade. The prosperity of the cities on the Mediter- 
ranean began to be transferred to the ports of the Atlantic. 

Soon after the discovery of America the rich spoils of the Span- 
iards, in the form of gold and silver, were poured into the markets of 

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THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

Europe and produced disturbance in trade. The annual production of 
silver, after the discovery of the rich mines of South America about 
the year 1545, has been estimated at over two million pounds sterling. 
This was a huge addition to the then-existing world-supply of the 
precious metals, supposed to have been about forty millions. The 
effect was not immediate, but in the course of fifteen or twenty years 
prices advanced in England and throughout all Europe. People who 
had depended mainly on fixed incomes had to cut down their scale of 
living. On account of higher prices for English wool, farmers turned 
their plough-lands into pasturage for sheep. Great numbers of ser- 
vants and farm-hands were discharged. Wage-earners also became 
needy on account of the high prices, and poverty was general ; but the 
increase of money had a marvelous effect in developing trade. 

By the close of the Sixteenth Century the supremacy in commerce 
had passed over to Holland. "Before the grandeur of Venice had 
declined," says Macaulay, "another commonwealth still less favored, 
if possible, by nature, had rapidly risen to a power and opulence which 
the whole civilized world contemplated with envy and admiration. On 
a desolate marsh overhung by fogs and exhaling disease, a marsh 
where there was neither wood nor stone, neither firm earth nor 
drinkable water, a marsh from which the ocean on one side and the 
Rhine on the other were with difficulty kept out by art, was to be 
found the most prosperous community in Europe. The wealth which 
was collected within five miles of the Stadthouse of Amsterdam would 
purchase the fee-simple of Scotland." 

The prosperous trade of Amsterdam attracted to that city 
merchants of all nationalities, who brought into it coins of every 
description. 3 Had Amsterdam been the capital or metropolis of an 
extensive country under one control, like England or France, it might 
have been possible, to some extent, to have reformed the currency ; but 
it was surrounded by numerous small principalities, each with its own 
mint and each with its own standard of coinage. All such coins as 
were produced by these separate states were poured into the active 

sHere, too, arose great Dutch hanking and financial houses, rivalling their Italian predecessors. One 
of the most notable of these, the Hochstetters of Amsterdam, attempted to "corner" the tin market of the 
world between 1511 and 1517, and, like some of their imitators since, were squeezed to the extent of 
one-third of the immense sums they had invested in the metal. It was of the head of this house that a 
contemporary wrote: "Princes, counts, nobles, tradesmen, peasants, valets, and servants have placed 
with Ambrose Hocbstetter all their money, for which he pays five per cent." F. A. 

[196] 



BANKERS AND BANKING IN THE MIDDLE AGES 

trade of the city. Some were worn, others clipped or mutilated ; many 
were produced by private mints. On an average they were about nine 
per cent, below their nominal value. Money, fresh from the mint, 
was soon carried away or melted down, as is always the case when 
inferior money is in circulation. To pay their bills of exchange, 
drawn against purchased goods, the merchants of Amsterdam, hav- 
ing great difficulty in finding good money, were put to much incon- 
venience and loss. The uncertain nature of the currency of the city, 
being valued in all foreign states below its actual worth, made the 
exchange very much against the merchants of Amsterdam, and the 
value of their bills of exchange was very uncertain, in spite of every 
effort. 

By an ordinance of the city, January 31, 1609, the Bank of 
Amsterdam was established to remedy these inconveniences, to pre- 
vent loss, and to facilitate trade. It was a bank of deposit without 
capital of its own. The object of the institution was to give a fixed 
and unquestioned value to a bill on Amsterdam ; and for this purpose 
all sorts of coin were received on deposit at the bank, their true weight 
and fineness determined, and credit given for their actual value in 
standard coin, less a small charge for recoinage and expense of man- 
agement. Depositors were allowed to draw out for their own use, or 
to transfer to others, the true value so credited in standard money, or 
in "bank money," as it was commonly called, which was without hesi- 
tation accepted by merchants without the need of testing its value. 

The ordinance which established the bank required that all bills 
of exchange payable in Amsterdam, of six hundred gulden or upwards, 
should be paid through the bank or by the transfer of credit at the 
bank. In 1643 this limit was lowered to three hundred gulden. In 
consequence, every merchant of prominence kept an account with the 
bank, to pay his foreign bills and to reduce the coins he received in 
trade to a known and unmistakable value. Transfers of credit were 
at first made personally at the bank, by the payer or his authorized 
agent, which entitled the payee to the credit on the next day. They 
were later made by orders in writing. Extravagant estimates were 
made of the amount of gold and silver in the vaults of the bank. The 
amount has been placed by some as high as 900,000,000 gulden, but 
the more modern estimate of 33,000,000 gulden ($13,500,000), made 
by Adam Smith, is probably more accurate. 

[197] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

For every gulden of bank money, or credit, it was understood and 
confidently believed that there was a gulden of specie in the vaults of 
the bank. Although this was a regulation of the institution, it was 
not strictly adhered to, for as early as 1657 individuals were allowed 
to overdraw their accounts, while at various times in later years enor- 
mous loans were made to the Dutch East India Company. The truth 
became known to the public in the winter of 1789. In 1795 a report 
was issued showing that the City of Amsterdam was largely indebted 
to the bank, which held as security the obligations of Holland and 
West Friesland. The debt was paid and an effort made to keep the 
bank on its feet, but the need for such a bank had declined with the 
dwindling commercial importance of Amsterdam. The bank was 
accordingly closed by royal decree, December 19, 1819. 

By supplying a currency that would be accepted by anyone with- 
out question, the Bank of Amsterdam contributed greatly to the pros- 
perity of the city.* Similar banks were established in Middelburg 
(March 28, 1616), in Hamburg (1619), and in Rotterdam (February 
9, 1635). Of these the Bank of Hamburg was the most important. 

The Bank of Hamburg was founded on precisely the same plan 
as the Bank of Amsterdam. It had no capital of its own. No loans 
were made and no liabilities created beyond the credits on its books 
for the coin or bullion received on deposit. This rule was faithfully 
kept. When the French took possession of it, on November 5, 1813, 
there was found in the bank 7,506,343 marks in silver, more than 
sufficient to redeem all outstanding liabilities. A large part of this 

4To Amsterdam flowed the available capital of the world in the seventeenth century, and in the Bank 
of Amsterdam the operation of money-changing, a principal function of the ancient and mediaeval banker, 
reached its climax in the largest single institution for this kind of transaction in the history of the world. 
It was an "Exchange Bank," as its name, indeed, Amsterdamsche Wissclbank, expressly declared, and 
became a bank of issue only in a limited sense, through the fact that it issued transferable credits for 
specie or bullion deposited with it, while these passed into general circulation as "bank money." At the 
bank one could either exchange specie or bullion for 'bank money," or "bank money" for specie. 

The analogy of these functions is found in the United States Treasury, which issues Treasury notes 
for bullion and coin, and coins for Treasury notes, and not in the bank-note of modern times, which is a 
bank's promissory demand note, payable to bearer. The loans made by the Bank of Amsterdam to the city 
of Amsterdam, above noted, by issuing its specie credits in exchange for deposited collateral, were analogous 
to some of the loan operations of modern banks, but these transactions were anomalous and not con- 
templated among its designed functions; while its unsecured loans to individuals and the East India Com- 
pany, by issuing credits, or "bank paper," in excess of the bullion deposited, were most irregular, as the 
bank received nothing in exchange on which it could realize the amount of the loans in case they were 
unpaid. It would be an analogous performance for the United States Treasury to issue fiat Treasury 



ki 

must suffer. 

It is an interesting consideration, on the other hand, that the legitimate exchanges of the Bank of 
Amsterdam were the kind of banking operations with which the early merchants of New Amsterdam, now 
New York, were familiar. F. A. 



[198] 



BANKERS AND BANKING IN THE MIDDLE AGES 

was removed, but when the freedom of the city was re-established the 
bank resumed business with unimpaired credit, and what had been 
carried away by the French Army was made good, in 1816, by a 
transfer of French securities. Of all the exchange banks, the Bank 
of Hamburg survived the longest. Its existence was closed by the 
act of the German Parliament, which, creating a new monetary sys- 
tem for Germany, ordered that the bank should liquidate its accounts 
by February 15, 1873. 

The Bank of Sweden (the Riksbcmk) was founded November 30, 
1656, by a Swede named Palmstruch. It has always, from its com- 
mencement, been the state bank of Sweden, and is still in operation, 
being probably the oldest bank in existence in Europe today. To 
Palmstruch is attributed the first issue of bank notes in amounts con- 
siderably in excess of the coin held in reserve to redeem them. By an 
cmjuete, made by the French government in 1729, the priority of 
Sweden in this matter was recognized and the bank-note was declared 
to be an admirable Swedish invention, designed to facilitate trade. 
The first bank-note was issued by the Riksbank in 1658. 

j]2ote top jFtanfc flllaben 

A word may be added to the above references to the prejudices 
against "usury" in the Middle Ages. In all ages the conscience of 
mankind has condemned the extortioner, who wrings out of man's 
necessity exorbitant taxes for the use of money, and no laws are more 
stringent than ours today in outlawing the "loan-shark." We need 
not wonder, then, that usury was indiscriminately condemned in 
mediaeval times, when extortion was the rule. 

On the other hand we must acknowledge that churchmen were 
among the very first to distinguish between the vastly different prin- 
ciples of investment for "interest" and loans to extort what we now 
style "usury." "The rigors of the Church were directed primarily 
against loans for consumption to persons in need," says Conant, while 
he continues, citing Rambaud, that "as early as the Thirteenth Cen- 
tury, Albert le Grand conceded that 'if usury is against the perfec- 
tion of Christian law, it is at least not contrary to civic interests/ ' 
while "St. Thomas [Aquinas] admitted the loss resulting (dammim 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

enter gens) to the lender who was kept out of his money, and the inter- 
val of time and the value lost (quantum ejus inter er at} gave birth to 
the word interest as a substitute for usury (usura)." 

In short, in the loan of money, business and philanthropy should 
not be confused or mixed. The law of Moses indeed recognized this 
distinction by fully sanctioning money-loaning on interest in the ordi- 
nary course of business, while prohibiting the exaction of interest 
when relieving distress. Similarly, in the New Testament, we have 
the clearest possible distinction. At the approach of distress we are 
enjoined to "give to him that asketh thee, and from him that would 
borrow of thee turn not thou away" (Matt. 5 142) ; and we are warned 
concerning the great bankrupt, forgiven a debt of five hundred pence, 
who takes by the throat the little bankrupt, who owes him fifty. 
While, on the other hand, he with talents, who does not put out at 
interest the funds entrusted to him, receives punishment and the 
rebuke, "I should have received mine own with usury" (Matt. 25 127) . 

Yet only in modern times has the full measure of responsibility 
enjoined in this parable begun to dawn upon us in the possibilities of 
the principle of capital and interest, capital becoming the "silent part- 
ner" in every enterprise of man, in which it has the silent partner's 
"interest," in proportion to its value. On the principle of capital and 
interest the products of man's life can be accumulated and stored, 
from generation to generation, not as the miser hoards unproductive 
gold, but like the store of material energy in the world, transfused 
from one form of power into another form, and continually thrown 
back into the channels of life to do the world's work and conserve 
its values. And when we all learn how to acquire an "interest" in 
every good work, moral and spiritual, by loaning all our surplus 
energy, as we loan on interest our surplus capital, the full measure of 
responsibility suggested in the parable will be achieved in the world. 



[200] 




I'NITED STATES STKA.MSHir. ' \V( -I.V Kl; I N ! :. K >KM KKI.Y THK "M H'H K !A V 
From a photograph taken In 1892. 

[201] 




LiECK VIEW, TAKEN IN 1870. OF THE UNITED STATES STEAMSHIP "MICHIGAN," NOW THE 

WOLVERINE," SHOWING TO THE RIGHT AND FRONT OFFICER GRIDLEY, WHO FIRED THE 

FIRST SHOT IN THE BATTLE OF MANILA, WHKN ADMIRAL DEWEY SAID, "YOU MAY 

FIRE WHEN YOU GET READY, GRIDLEY." 

The "Michigan," now the "Wolverine," was the first iron vessel launched upon the Great Lakes. 
The iron for her hull, engines, boilers, etc.. was cast In Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, and carried in 
s.-cti.ms to Krie. Pennsylvania, where the ship was launched on December 5, 1843. She i.s still In 
service, propelled by original engines, being used as a training ship by the Pennsylvania Naval 

Reserve at Erie. 



[204] 




VOLUME XIV 
NINETEEN TWENTY 




NUMBER 4 
FOURTH QUARTER 



BT 

CHARLES NEVERS HOLMES 

What Epochs have men planned and wrought since then! 
That slow birth of our Nation in the war 
Of Concord Bridge to Yorktown, when a youth, 
Forsaking France, hearth, friends and titled ease, 
Fought bravely at the side of Washington. 

How many years ago it seems since he, 
Survivor of a frenzied feud at home, 
Of battlefield and durance long abroad, 
Then highly honored by his countrymen, 
Again returned, like absent, well-loved son 
Revisits kith and kin, to this our Land, 
Revered and feted by its citizens. 

Courageous, righteous, courteous, sincere, 
A noble man of France, grand Lafayette ! 

[205] 



om ^fyoutti ijtatonj Hank Nrat to 
Haaljingtott Among tty 
of (Pur Har for 



BY 




THE REVEREND GEORGE ISRAEL BROWNE, M. A. 

Rector of St. John's Church, Lancaster, Pennsylvania; Member of 
The National Historical Society 

HE great modern historian of Rome, Ferrero, has said 
somewhere, that the history of the Roman Empire 
ought to be re-written for each generation, for each 
will see new things in it, and see it in a new way ; see 
it from a different angle, gain a fresh lesson from 
it, and find in it some peculiar illustration of its own 
problems, to throw light upon the mistakes of the past, the tendencies 
of the present, and the probabilities of the future. 

This is also peculiarly true of our own Colonial and Revolutionary 
eras. Some day, perhaps, it will be seen to have had a value for man- 
kind almost equal to Roman history it may be, even greater. We 
have not yet done conclusive historical work on all the aspects and 
personages of our Epic Era, and it is "epic" to a degree and to an 
extent that we have not yet soberly begun to realize. 

We find, too, strange modern survivals of persistent tendencies 
to create myth and folklore, and the instinct to seize on a few pictur- 
esque details in our early traditions, ignoring to an equal degree the 
great body of other facts which are overshadowed by such treatment, 
so that we lose a true prospective. Then, too, local, family, state, and 
civic partialities and predilections keep alive some memories to the 
exclusion of others : time and chance seem to have their will. 

We propose to outline a fresh treatment of one of the most inter- 
esting personages of our early history, in the form of a series of ques- 
tions. 

[206] 



WHOM SHOULD HISTORY RANK NEXT TO WASHINGTON 

It would be interesting to discover what percentage of our citi- 
zens, even of our fairly well educated ones, could answer each of these 
questions if put to them separately, as of a different person. Of 
course, we suppose the accumulation of them will suggest the soldier 
in mind to most people. But test yourself as you read them. 

1. Who ranked next to General Washington as Senior Major 
General in the Continental Army? 

2. Who was the subject of the first American biography? Of 
whom, during the first one hundred years of our National history, 
were nearly as many biographies written as of Washington himself? 

3. Who was at Ticonderoga, Detroit, Fort William and Henry, 
Fort Edward ; helped in a naval battle on Lake Ontario ; was captured 
by the Indians, tied to the stake to be burned; taken a prisoner to 
Quebec and Montreal ; shipwrecked on the coast of Cuba ; commanded 
Colonial troops at the capture of Havana all before his part in the 
War of Independence? 

4. Who made a longer, harder ride after the news of the Battle 
of Lexington to help secure its results, than Paul Revere did to warn 
the Minute Men to prepare for it with a well-known dramatic episode 
connected therewith, all unsung by the poets? 

5. Who planned and fought the Battle of Bunker Hill? 

6. Who, being well-known to and a companion in arms of many 
of the British officers, was offered the rank of Major General among 
them, and a large pecuniary reward, if he would desert the side of the 
Colonists? 

7. About whose part in the most famous battle of the American 
Revolution has raged a literary contest, and an historical controversy, 
which has elicited more facts about that event than any other, includ- 
ing affidavits of then living soldiers? 

8. Who was born in one State, fought as soldier from another, 
and was attacked, after his death, by an officer of a third New 
England State, defended by his son and other leading men of his 
native State? 

9. What two Generals were of the same name and family in 
our struggle for freedom? 

10. Who commanded one of the two concentration camps during 
the winter of Valley Forge? 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

11. Who selected West Point as a military spot, where today 
exists the remains of a fort bearing his name? 

12. Who was the one General, compelled by the disabilities of 
age, to retire before the intervention of the French, the hopeful turn 
of affairs, and the successful conclusion of our struggle for Liberty, 
therefore, dropping out of sight in the glorification of its termination, 
also being absent when Washington founded the Cincinnati and said 
farewell to his officers? 

There are deeply significant comments to be properly made on 
each of these questions, which make in their total a sum of fascinating 
details, that strikingly illuminate the side currents, as well as the 
main stream, of our National history. 

Here are the answers: 

Question i. Who ranked next to Washington? 

On the granite slabs forming part of the pedestal for the eques- 
trian statue of Israel Putnam, erected by the State at Brooklyn, Con- 
necticut, is the epitaph, written by President Dwight, of Yale College, 
copied from the original stone, now (all hacked and scarred by relic 
hunters), protected behind oak and glass in the battle- flag wing of the 
Capitol at Hartford. The opening words of the epitaph are these : 

"To the Memory of Israel Putnam, Esquire, 
Senior Major General in the Armies 

of 
The United States of America." 

"On July 4th," says Livingston, author of one of the later lives of 
Putnam, "just one year before the memorable day of the Declaration 
of Independence, Washington, on his arrival at Cambridge, issued the 
following in General Orders, about two weeks after the Battle of 
Bunker Hill 

" The Hon. Artemus Ward, Charles Lee, Philip Schuy- 
ler and Israel Putnam, Esq., are appointed Major Generals 
of the American Army, by the Honorable Continental Con- 
gress, and due obedience is to be paid to them as such.' ' 

[208] 



WHOM SHOULD HISTORY RANK NEXT TO WASHINGTON 

Of these, Putnam, alone, had received the unanimous vote of 
Congress, and was given his commission by Washington at once. The 
others he withheld for a time, because of the jealousies aroused among 
some of the officers who thought themselves overlooked. Even Put- 
nam was the victim of like passions. He had just been appointed 
Brigadier General by the Legislature of the Connecticut Colony, but 
there were others who had outranked him on the Colonial basis. Some 
of them left Cambridge without even bidding farewell to Washington, 
throwing up their Commissions in the Army by reason of the fancied 
slight, but were, ere long, persuaded to return to the Service. 

Washington wrote Congress upon the matter, informing it that 
he had given his Commission to General Putnam alone, on whose 
account, also, one officer had left the Army, "Without visiting me, or 
making known his intentions in any respect." 

Silas Dean, the Connecticut delegate, heard this letter of Wash- 
ington read before Congress in Philadelphia, and said in a letter writ- 
ten soon afterward that the members had greatly disapproved of this 
officer's conduct. The same author was elated by the honor won for 
his Colony and country by "the brave intrepidity of old General Put- 
nam/' on whom, he says, "by every account of the battle, the whole 
Army had depended ever since the Lexington battle." With high 
pride, Deane penned: "Putnam's merit rang through the Continent: 
his fame still increases, and every day justifies the unanimous 
applause of the Continent. Let it be remembered, that he had every 
vote of Congress ; and his health has been the second or third at almost 
all our tables in this City. But it seems that he does not wear a large 
wig, nor screw his countenance into the form that belies the sentiments 
of his generous soul ; he is no adept either at political or religious 
canting or cozening ; he is no shake-hand body ; he is therefore totally 
unfit for everything but fighting; that department T never heard that 
these intriguing gentry wanted to interfere with him in. I have scarce 
any patience. O Heaven! blast, I implore thee, every such narrow, 
selfish, envious manoeuvre in the land, nor let one succeed far enough 
to stain the fair page of American politics." (Collections of the Con- 
necticut Historical Society, Vol. II ; Collections of the New York 
Historical Society, Vol. XIX.) 

Question 2. A. Who was the subject of the first American biog- 

[209! 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

raphy? B. Of whom were nearly as many "lives" written as of Gen- 
eral Washington himself? 

A. Israel Putnam was the subject of the first American biog- 
raphy. So says Colonel David Humphreys in the Preface to his "Life 
of the Honorable Major General Putnam," an essay addressed to the 
Society of the Cincinnati in Connecticut. These are the words he 
uses : "The enclosed manuscript justly claims indulgence for its venal 
errors, as it is the first effort at biography that has been made on this 
Continent." 

All the circumstances and the relations of the author to his sub- 
ject are filled with a very deep and varied significance. Colonel 
Humphreys had been aide on Putnam's staff and wrote the book at 
Mount Vernon while a member of Washington's household. He had 
special fitness for his task, and his own career is interesting. He grad- 
uated at Yale College at the age of nineteen, in 1771, and was a fellow- 
student with Trumbull, Dwight, and Barlow, afterwards forming a 
little coterie of literary men called the "Hartford Wits." 

He entered the Army as Captain, was soon promoted to rank of 
Major in General Putnam's Brigade, and was on the retreat from New 
York in 1776. Soon after, he was appointed aide-de-camp to General 
Putnam. Later, he served as aide to General Greene. In 1780, he 
was appointed aide and Secretary to General Washington soon after, 
joining Washington's family, and remaining with him till the close of 
the war. At the siege of Yorktown, he held a separate command, and 
when Lord Cornwallis surrendered to the American forces in 1781, 
Colonel Humphreys had the distinguished honor of receiving the 
Colors, and, as a mark of approbation, was made the bearer of the 
same from the Commander-in-Chief to Congress, taking with him 
copies of the returns of prisoners, arms, ordnance, and twenty-five 
stands of surrendered Colors, and carrying also to Congress a letter 
from Washington commending the bearer to that honorable body. 
Therefrom resulted the presentation of an elegant sword to the gen- 
tleman in question. 

When General Washington surrendered his Commission at An- 
napolis in 1783, he was attended on that memorable occasion by 
Colonel Humphreys, who, at Washington's special request, accom- 
panied him from Annapolis to Mount Vernon. 

[210] 



WHOM SHOULD HISTORY RANK NEXT TO WASHINGTON 

In 1784, Humphreys was appointed by Congress, Secretary to the 
"Commission for Negotiating Treaties of Commerce with Foreign 
Powers," the Commissioners being John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, 
and Thomas Jefferson. 

After two years abroad, Humphreys returned to America and 
again visited Washington at Mount Vernon. In 1789, he was 
appointed first American Minister to Portugal, afterwards being 
transferred to Spain, where he married, in Lisbon, 1797, Ann Frances 
Bukley, daughter of a wealthy English banker. 

In the War of 1812, he was made Brigadier General of Connect! 
cut Militia, and served in the State Legislature. 

He received from three American Colleges, the honorary degree 
of Doctor of Laws, and was a member of the Academy of Sciences of 
Philadelphia and of the Royal Society of London. 

It is, perhaps, well to know what his qualifications for writing 
of the first American biography were, and what was the motive behind 
his work. 

From the preface to William Cutter's "Life of Israel Putnam, 
Major General in the Army of the American Revolution," I quote the 
following extract: 

"Among the multitude of letters which might be referred to, an 
extract from one only will be given. It was addressed to Colonel 
Humphreys in Europe, under date of the 25th of July, 1780. General 
Washington, apparently in reply to a suggestion from Humphreys 
that he (Washington) should apply himself to preparing Commen- 
taries upon the Revolutionary War, says: 

" 'In a former letter, I informed you, my dear Humphreys, that 
if I had talents for it, I had no leisure to turn my thoughts to Com- 
mentaries. I should be pleased indeed to see you undertake this busi- 
ness. Your abilities as a writer, your discernment respecting the 
principles which led to the decision of arms, your personal knowledge 
of many facts as they occurred in the progress of the War, your dis- 
position to justice, candor, and impartiality, and your diligence in 
investigating truth, all combining, fit you, when joined with the vigor 
of life, for the task. 

" 1 should, with great pleasure, not only give you the perusal of 
all my papers, but any oral information of circumstances, which cannot 

[211] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

be obtained from them, that my memory will furnish ; and I can with 
great truth add, that my house will not only be at your service, during 
the period of your preparing this work, but (I say it without an 
unmeaning compliment) I should be exceedingly happy, if you would 
make it your home. You might have an apartment to yourself, in 
which you could command your own time. 

'You would be considered and treated as one of the family, and 
meet with that cordial reception and entertainment, which are char- 
acteristic of the sincerest friendship.' ' 

Colonel Humphreys returned home in May, 1786, after which, he 
was often at Mount Vernon, a member of Washington's family. It 
was there that he wrote the "Life of General Putnam" in 1788, under 
the eye of Washington, and with the best possible means of knowing 
that great man's opinion of the subject of his work. 

The work was written for the Society of the Cincinnati of Con- 
necticut, and by them, and under their sanction, presented to the world. 
The Society was composed of surviving officers of the Revolution, 
comrades and compeers of Putnam. He had not only his own mem- 
ories of Putnam's life, and his stories, but he visited him in order to 
verify his narrative. 

"It would appear, however," says Cutter, "that Putnam was not 
disposed to estimate his own services very highly, or to present in very 
strong colors his own acts of heroism ; since Colonel Humphreys, who 
gathered much of his material from personal conversations with his 
subject, is far more modest and unpretending in many of his state- 
ments, than authentic documents, furnished by both friends and foes 
of that period, would warrant." 

Now there is a touch to stir our imagination, if we ever try to 
re-construct the data of Putnam's own inner consciousness. This life 
appeared while Putnam was still living two years before his death. 
What a pity 'tis, we have no legend or tradition of his receipt of the 
first copy or of his reading it ! 

(B) Surprising as the statement may seem, there were as many 
"lives" written of Israel Putnam as of Washington himself, till the 
steady stream of later years placed our first President in the lead. 

There was, to begin with, Humphreys' first American biography, 
published at Hartford, in 1788, re-printed several times, one edition in 

[212] 



WHOM SHOULD HISTORY RANK NEXT TO WASHINGTON 

New York in 1810, to which was annexed two poems by Humphreys, 
"An Address to the Armies of the United States," and "A Poem to 
the Happiness of America/' which strikingly convey to us a sense of 
the fervor and ardor and very atmosphere of those days. Still another 
edition was published in Boston, in 1818, with notes and additions, 
and an appendix containing an historical and topographical sketch of 
Bunker Hill Battle by Colonel Samuel Swett. It is not known how 
many other editions there may have been. 

These successive "lives" are splendid illustrations of the growth 
and change in scholarship and the changing attitude of the American 
mind, and may be listed as follows: Humphreys, with its evident 
recollections of classical models; the one by William Cutter, New 
York, 1847, freer, easier in style, with unrestrained enthusiasm; one 
by George Canning Hill, Boston, 1858, with still another viewpoint; 
Peabody's, in Sparks' Library of American Biography, characteristic 
of the whole ; that by Increase N. Tarbox, a careful writer and trained 
historian and antiquarian, with its forceful treatment of original 
documents, and written with especial reference to the Battle of Bunker 
Hill ; and, finally, a wholly modern one by William Farrand Living- 
ston, New York, 1905, in the "American Men of Energy" Series, 
making use of much new material, well-balanced, cool and dispas- 
sionate. 

John Fiske and all the historians, of course, treat of him, more or 
less, according to the needs of their task; and there have been many 
children's "lives" of Putnam written in juvenile style. 

Livingston gives an interesting list of early portraits and prints 
of the General, some appearing in London and Paris as early as 1775 
and mentions one whose title unhesitatingly reads: "Israel Putnam 
Esq., Major General of the Connecticut Forces and Commander-in- 
Chief at the Engagement on Buncker's Hill, near Boston, June 17, 

1 775-" 

Question 3. Who was at Ticonderoga, Detroit, a prisoner at 

Montreal and Quebec, etc., shipwrecked on Cuba, at Capture of 
Havanna, all before his part in the War of '76? 

There has been an unnatural cleavage in the continuity of our 
historical consciousness as a people, between our Colonial and Revolu- 
tionary eras. A false and disconnected emphasis has been placed, in 

[213] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

turn, upon each separately. Even the existence and activities of our 
various historical, patriotic, and hereditary societies have tended to 
exaggerate and perpetuate this disconnected and separate emphasis. 
The Colonial Societies confine themselves rigidly to the Pre-Revolu- 
tionary epochs, while the Revolutionary Societies place their emphasis 
and restrict their attention wholly to the Post-Colonial life. 

There were many men, of course, whose careers were confined, 
so far as their public activities, at least, were concerned, to one or the 
other of these marked historical epochs. But there were others who 
played varied and complex parts in both. This is pre-eminently true 
of Israel Putnam. Of no other of the Revolutionary Generals is this 
equally true, and we make no exception even of Washington himself, 
though his part placed him at the strategic centre of events. 

The mere catalogue of events treated in the text as given in the 
Index of Livingston's Life, shows the marvellous extent and range of 
his participation in nearly all our earlier struggles. These are some 
extracts : 

Enlists in French and Indiana War, 1755. 

In Crown Point Expedition. 

In Battle of Lake George. 

Receives Commission as Second Lieutenant. 

Becomes a Ranger. 

Scouting expedition to Ticonderoga. 

Saves Roger's Life. 

Perilous experiences. 

Reconnoitres near South Bay. 

On Winter duty. 

Attempts to relieve Dyer. 

Returns home. 

Rewarded by General Assembly. 

Appointed Captain. 

At Fort Edward. 

Kills an Indian. (This story ought to be told in full.) 

Takes a prisoner. 

Pursues French plunderers. 

Encounters the enemy. 

Reconnoitres Ticonderoga. 

Patrols woods. 

At Fort Edward, 1757. 

Moonlight battle. 

Repels attack on workmen. 

Escorts General Webb to Fort William Henry. 

Discovers hostile force on Lake George. 

Ordered back to Fort Edward. 

Hears distant bombardment. 

Visits scene of massacre. 

Becomes acquainted with Lord Howe. 

[214] 



WHOM SHOULD HISTORY RANK NEXT TO WASHINGTON 

Saves Fort Edward from fire. 

Reconnoitres Northward. 

Returns home. 

Appointed Major. 

In expedition to Ticonderoga. 

In skirmish. 

Mourns death of Lord Howe. 

Shows kindness to wounded enemy. 

Renders efficient aid during assault on French works. 

Covers retreat. 

Returns with main army to head of Lake George. 

Escapes down rapids of Hudson. 

In Roger's party against French plunderers. 

Surprised by an ambuscade; made prisoner; tied to a tree; cruelly treated; led into 

forest to be burned alive. 
Rescued; taken to Ticonderoga. 
In presence of Montcalm. 

Sent to Montreal; receives sympathetic attention from Schuyler. 
Transferred to Quebec, exchanged. 
Cares for Howe's family on homeward journey. 
Appointed Lieutenant-Colonel. 

Superintends work of Connecticut Regiment near Lake George. 
In another expedition against Ticonderoga and Crown Point 
Assists in repairing and rebuilding captured forts. 
Returns home. 

With Amherst's Army against Montreal. 
Disables a French warship. 
His novel project for capture of Fort Lewis. 
On the dangerous passage down the rapids of the St Lawrence. 
Rejoices on surrender of Montreal. 
Cordially greeted by his former captor. 
Again at home. 

In last campaign of French and Indian war. 
On duty at Ticonderoga and Crown Point. 

Acting Colonel of Connecticut Regiment in expedition against Havana. 
Presence of mind in storm at sea. 
Participates in attack on Moro Castle. 
A sharer in prize money. 
Goes into country to buy fresh provisions. 
Embarks for home, taking Cuban negro. 
Works on farm. 

In Bradstreet's expedition in Pontiac's War. 
Meets again the Indian Chief. 
Reaches Fort Niagara. 
Assists in building Fort Erie. 
Arrives at Detroit. 

Embarks with Bradstreet's troops for Sandusky. 
Hardships on Lake Erie and Ontario. 
Reaches home bereaved of wife and daughter. 
Joins Congregational Church. 
A leader of Sons of Liberty. 
Interviews Governor Fitch at Hartford. 
Chairman of Committee on Correspondence. 
Representative to General Assembly. 
Second marriage to Mrs. Deborah Avery Gardiner. 
His Diary at New York and on Voyage to Pensacola. 
Explores Mississippi as far North as Yazoo. 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

Visits Jamaica. 

Voyage homeward. 

Sympathizes with Massachusetts patriots. 

Goes to Boston with letter and flock of sheep. 

Interviews British officers. 

Then the catalogue goes on, but is too voluminous to quote. 

Question 4. Who made a longer ride to secure the results of the 
Battle of Lexington than Paul Revere did to warn the Minute Men to 
get ready for it? 

Bancroft puts Putnam's ride at one hundred miles in eighteen 
hours. This, too, has been a matter of discussion, fortunately, as 
always, for so the real facts are threshed out to final conclusions. 

Tarbox, in his "Life of Putnam," says: 

"Governor Ingersoll, of Connecticut, at the Concord Centennial, 
on April I9th, 1875, made the statement in his speech that Putnam 
was at Concord on the 2ist of April. The statement was doubted. 
Judge Hoar thought it could not be so. Governor Ingersoll rested 
upon Hollister's History of Connecticut for his authority, but would 
not insist upon it in the presence of those who might be supposed to be 
better informed." 

"Here, again, we get an example of the quite natural indifference 
or rather minor degree of interest which the students of history of 
one locality display toward the story of those who come from other 
parts. 

Continuing, Tarbox relates of Governor Ingersoll: "He went 
home, however, and consulted that indefatigable antiquarian, J. Ham- 
mond Trumbull, L.L.D., of Hartford, Conn., close relative of the 
one only Colonial Governor who sided with the Patriots, Jonathan 
Trumbull (the original of "Brother Jonathan"), in whose War Office 
at Lebanon, Washington, Putnam and others met frequently, and of 
whom Washington was accustomed to say, when in doubt, 'Let us 
consult Brother Jonathan!' Dr. Trumbull immediately found and 
produced a copy of an old Norwich paper containing Putnam's letter 
written at Concord, April 2ist, and published at Norwich, Sunday, 
April 23rd." 

Then Trumbull repeated the fact, also attested by Putnam's son, 
Daniel, which has become one of the most picturesque episodes of our 
history. 



WHOM SHOULD HISTORY RANK NEXT TO WASHINGTON 

"When the news of the fight at Lexington and Concord reached 
Pomfret, Israel Putnam," says his biographer, Colonel Humphreys, 
"left his plow in the middle of the field, and without waiting to change 
his clothes, mounted on his horse and set out for the scenes of action." 
He was in Concord the second day after the Battle, and the same day, 
April 21, after a conference with the Massachusetts Committee of 
Safety, he wrote to Connecticut to advise the Governor and Council 
what was to be the Colony's quota to be raised for the Army in New 
England. 

"These facts seem to have escaped the notice of our historians, 
and at the late Centennial Celebration in Concord, Governor Inger- 
soll's allusion to Putnam's visit in 1775, did not pass unquestioned. 
Paul Revere's ride," says Tarbox, "is made famous by its circum- 
stances and the dangers that encompassed him, and especially, by the 
pen of the poet who has glorified it." (Just suppose Holmes had 
matched Longfellow's poem on Paul Revere, with one on Putnam, but 
alas! he was a Connecticut man, and the motive was lacking!) "But 
here," says Tarbox again, "was a ride not attended with any such 
present dangers, but involving marvellous powers of endurance in a 
heavy man of fifty-seven years of age. But the story is not all told 
yet. The same day that he reached Cambridge, he was also in Con- 
cord, and probably returned to Cambridge that same night." 

Question 5. Who planned and fought the Battle of Bunker Hill? 

They all fought it. There was no controversy on the field as to 
who commanded. That came afterward ; but there is no doubt as to 
who planned it. Colonel Prescott has been made the victim of his 
friends, or rather, the friends of his family, a too zealous friendship, 
long after his death. He was an honorable man and a good soldier, 
and commanded with valor the Massachusetts troops, and deserves all 
the credit due him for his part ; but no one dreamed of claiming, till 
years afterward, that he commanded at Bunker Hill. 

In the Council of War at Cambridge, both Generals Ward and 
Warren opposed Putnam's plan of fortifying Breed's Hill. Daniel 
Putnam reports the discussion at length. "Warren," he said, after 
giving the preliminary conversation, "rose and walked several times 
across the room, leaned a few minutes over the back of a chair in a 
thoughtful attitude and said, 'Almost thou persuadest me, General 
Putnam, but I must still think the project a rash one.' ' 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

We cannot be too grateful to Increase N. Tarbox, the careful and 
skilled historian, for his elaborate study of the whole story in his 
"Life," written because of a desire to present the whole truth of the 
matter of who planned and fought the Battle of Bunker Hill. It would 
be ungrateful to condense it, cruel to abridge it. This reference to it 
must suffice. 

At any rate, it was Putnam who gave the command, "Do not fire 
.till you see the whites of their eyes;" who insisted on the fortification 
of Breed's Hill; who constantly rode back and forth across the Neck, 
raked by British cannon balls to seek and bring up reinforcements; 
who fired the last cannon with his own hands ; who was first on the 
field and last to leave it. 

It may be said that Israel Putnam did not stand alone among his 
family in patriotic zeal and devotion, for the Putnams were always 
martial. Lists may be seen of eighty-six Putnams who hastened to 
Lexington from various Massachusetts towns. Henry Putnam was at 
Lexington with seven sons, and lost his life on the field. Over one 
hundred Putnams were in the Continental Army and, at least three 
hundred fought for the Union in the Civil War. 

Question 6. Who was offered the rank of Major General in the 
British Army? 

Twice in Putnam's life did he request another officer, whose 
worth and life he valued, not to expose himself with him, and both 
these men, refusing, met their deaths. 

It was in the attack on Ticonderoga that Lord Howe, brother of 
the General, in command at Boston, and by far the more attractive 
character of the two, met his death. He was much beloved by the 
Colonial troops, and it has been said, had he lived, there would have 
been no Revolution. 

Humphreys narrates the incident. 

"Putnam," said Lord Howe, "what means that firing?" Their 
column was advancing with others, through the thick wood. "I know 
not, but with your Lordship's leave, will see," replied the former. "I 
will accompany you," said the gallant young nobleman. In vain did 
Major Putnam attempt to dissuade him by saying, "My Lord, if I am 
killed, the loss of my life will be of little consequence, but the preserva- 
tion of yours is of infinite importance to this Army." The only 



WHOM SHOULD HISTORY RANK NEXT TO WASHINGTON 

answer was, "Putnam, your life is as dear to you as mine is to me; I 
am determined to go." In the skirmish that followed, it was Howe 
that received the fatal wound. 

Again, at Bunker Hill, Putnam begged Warren to leave the field, 
but it was he who escaped and Warren who was killed. 

He saved the life of Major Small in the same fight, throwing up 
the muskets of his men when he saw them leveled at the breast of 
the British officer, exclaiming, as he did so, "My God, spare that man. 
I love him as a brother!" Small acknowledged the generosity by a 
bow as he retired. Afterward, they met under a flag of truce, and 
Small had a chance to express his appreciation. 

There was then more than the refusal of reward and recognition 
on the British side to emphasize the depth of his sincere loyalty to the 
American cause. It was the severing of many friendships. It was 
to battle against former comrades in arms, for he was popular among 
them, even as among his own men. Not only did they desire to weaken 
the leadership of the rebel armies, but they wanted him for his own 
sake. Never, for one instant, did Putnam hesitate or waver in his 
firm confidence in the rightfulness of his stand. The attempt was 
made, however, to win him from it. 

The British Commander, Gaq'e, having learned that his personal 
friend of the French and Indian War was a leader in the Army 
besieging Boston, "found the means," according to Colonel Humph- 
reys, "to convey a proposal privately to General Putnam, that if he 
would relinquish the rebel party, he might rely upon being made a 
Major General in the British establishment, and receiving a great 
pecuniary compensation for his services. General Putnam spurned 
the offer, which, however, he thought prudent at that time, to conceal 
from public notice." Such efforts of the British General to break the 
rebellion were in vain. A similar offer was made to General Stark of 
New Hampshire. 

The following anecdote, told by his son, Colonel Daniel Putnam, 
discloses the true state of Putnam's mind. "From the arrival of 
Washington at Cambridge, till the enemy left Boston, his and Wash- 
ington's military families were not only on the most friendly terms, 
but their intercourse was most frequent. Not a week passed but they 
dined together at the quarters of one or the other. One day in the 

[219] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

month of September (1775) General Washington gave at his table 
for a toast, "A speedy and honorable peace," and all appeared to join 
with good will in the sentiment. Not many days after, at Putnam's 
quarters, addressing himself to Washington, he said, "Your Excel- 
lency the other day gave us 'a speedy and honorable peace' and I, as 
in duty bound, drank it ; but now, I hope, Sir, you will not think it an 
act of insubordination if I ask you to drink one of rather different 
character. I will, give you, Sir, 'A long and moderate war.' ' 

"It has been truly said of Washington that he seldom smiled, and 
almost never laughed, but the sober and sententious manner in which 
Putnam delivered his sentiment, and its seeming contradiction to all 
his practice, came so unexpectedly on Washington, that he did laugh 
more heartily than I ever remember to have seen him before or after ; 
but presently he said, 'You are the last man, General Putnam, from 
whom I should have expected such a toast, you who are all the time 
urging vigorous measures, to plead now for a long, and what is still 
more extraordinary, a moderate war, seems strange, indeed.' Putnam 
replied, that the measures he advised were calculated to prevent, not 
hasten a peace, which would only be a rotten thing, and last no longer 
than it divided us. 'I expect nothing' (said Putnam) 'but a long war, 
and I would have it a moderate one, that we may hold out till the 
Mother Country becomes willing to cast us off forever.' Washington 
did not soon forget this toast. For years after, and more than once, 
he reminded Putnam of it." 

This was in the first year of the War. The same son records 
how Putnam, before Bunker Hill, in moods of abstraction, used to 
talk aloud to himself : "We must go there;" "we must go in the night ;" 
"I know 'em of old they fire without aim," etc., etc. 

Question 7. Whose part in the most famous battle of the Ameri- 
can Revolution has caused the greatest historical controversy resulting 
therefrom? 

Justin Winsor, Librarian of Harvard, in his "Narrative and 
Critical History of America," gives a complete summary of all the 
literary references, papers, addresses, and books on both sides of the 
question. It is a not wholly creditable story. The friends of Putnam, 
however, can be unreservedly glad that the question was raised when 
and as pointedly and bitterly as it was. It came in time to evoke sworn 
affidavits of soldiers still living who had been present in the battle. 

[220] 



WHOM SHOULD HISTORY RANK NEXT TO WASHINGTON 

"The whole matter," says Livingston, "is at bottom a question of 
Colonial jealousy between Massachusetts and Connecticut, stirred into 
renewed flame by the chance it gave a few people in New Hampshire 
to reveal some slumbering embers of the same human prejudice. Even 
so good men as the Starks seem not to have been entirely free from it, 
but it was General Dearborn who so tremendously overshot his mark, 
going so far as to make the claim (so absurd that it was almost funny) 
'that Putnam was a coward/ ' 

The account of our hero in the new edition of the Encyclopaedia 
Britannica, a characteristically English production not supposed to be 
especially enthusiastic on American affairs, ends with this passage: 

"Putnam was a brave, intrepid and very industrious soldier, 
rather than a great General, but his fame in the Indian Wars, his per- 
sonal courage, his bluff heartiness and his good fellowship made him 
the idol of the rank and file, and he is one of the popular heroes of 
American history. He seems to have taken no part in the political 
manoeuvreings and cabals which busied many officers in the Ameri- 
can Army." 

Colonel Samuel Adams Drake, the eminent historian, says that 
Putnam "was beyond question the foremost man of that army in 
embryo, which assembled at Cambridge after the battle of Lexington. 
Not Ward, or Thomas, or Pomeroy, or even the lamented Warren, 
possessed its confidence to the degree that Putnam did." 

'Yet," says Eben Putnam, "it was this unbounded popularity and 
the high promotion which accompanied it, which he never meanly 
sought for himself or grudged to others, that inspired with a feeling 
of jealousy and envy, certain military officers whose unfriendly spirit 
was never wholly repressed or concealed while yet he lived, but broke 
forth with peculiar violence long after his death, and when most of 
those who knew him best and loved him most were in their graves." 

It was only a few months after the death of Colonel Humphreys, 
Putnam's earliest biographer, that the attack on Putnam culminated 
in a work of General Wilkinson, of \\hich nobody even hears now, and 
which McMaster, in his "History of the United States," justly 
describes as his "three ponderous volumes of memoirs, as false as any 
yet written by man." 

General Dearborn, who corresponded with Wilkinson, also per- 

[221] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

mitted himself to publish an attack on Putnam, in which he bewailed 
his "extraordinary popularity/' his "universal popularity," his 
"ephemeral and unaccountable popularity." 

Justin Winsor, in his "Narrative and Critical History of 
America," as remarked above, gives in full the whole literary range 
and development of the controversy participated in by many writers, 
including Daniel Webster himself. 

Israel Putnam's youngest son, Colonel Daniel Putnam, an able 
and highly esteemed son of the departed veteran, wrote and published, 
I think originally in the "Gentleman's Magazine of Philadelphia," an 
eloquent and triumphant answer, of which, with another letter from 
the same source, John Adams wrote, "neither myself, nor my family, 
have been able to read either with dry eyes." "They would do honour 
to the pen of a Pliny." 

Question 8. Who was born in one Colony, fought as a soldier of 
a second, was attacked by a soldier of a third New England State, and 
defended by leading men of the State of his birth ? 

We will not elaborate : the references in literature are too numer- 
ous. It remains only to briefly state the facts. Israel Putnam was 
born near Salem, Massachusetts. He early bought land of Governor 
Belcher in Pomfret, Connecticut, so lived and died as a citizen of that 
State. We have already outlined the matter of the attack on his 
memory. 

We can learn a little of what the successful consolidation of the 
Thirteen Colonies into one Nation saved us from, when we realize, 
with some amazement, as we study this phase of our history, the 
potentialities of intercolonial jealousy, pride, indifference, and an 
incipient antagonism which fortunately was never allowed to do more 
than mutter and smoulder. The sense of justice in some of the leading 
citizens of Massachusetts has led them to generously repress overt 
manifestations of a lesser spirit. Tarbox, Cutter, Swete, Drake, and 
Webster have nobly striven to restore the balance of equanimity, even 
if, at Concord, they had forgotten, and when the Bunker Hill monu- 
ment was dedicated there remained a little over-emphasis on local 
descendants. As for New Hampshire and the Starks, there is glory 
enough for all, while as to Dearborn, the less said, in this connection, 
the better. Daniel Webster himself came to the defense of Putnam, 

[222] 



WHOM SHOULD HISTORY RANK NEXT TO WASHINGTON 

his legal instincts stirred by the manifest injustice of the prejudice 
and partiality exhibited. But the time was not ripe for a complete 
understanding. 

Question 9. What one family furnished two Generals in the 
War of '76? 

General Rufus Putnam, the engineer officer of the Revolution, 
was born in Sutton, Massachusetts, his grandfather being half-brother 
to Israel Putnam's father. 

In 1898, the Massachusetts Society of the Sons of the Revolution 
placed a tablet on the former home of Rufus Putnam, at Rutland, Mas- 
sachusetts, the home becoming the property of the Massachusetts 
Society. Senator George F. Hoar wrote the inscription and gave an 
oration of great historic value, which was a study of the facts noted in 
the inscription, giving a new interpretation and a fresh emphasis to 
the true significance of his life. This inscription reads: 

Here 
From 1781 to 1783 

Dwelt 

General Rufus Putnam 
Soldier of the old French War 

Engineer of the Works 
Which compelled the British Army 

to evacuate Boston 
and of the Fortifications of 

West Point 
Founder and Father of Ohio. 

In this House 

He planned and matured 

the scheme of the Ohio Company, 

and from it issued the call for the 

Convention 
which led to its organization 

Over this threshold 

He went to lead the Company 

which settled Marietta, Ohio 

April 17, 1788 

[223] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

To him, under God, is owing that the 
Great North West Territory 

was dedicated forever to 
Freedom, Education and Religion 

and that the 

United States of America is not now a 
Great Slave-holding Empire. 

When Sir William- Howe rubbed his eyes on the morning of 
March 5, 1776, looked from Boston over towards Dorchester Heights, 
and saw, through the heavy mist, the entrenchments planned and 
erected by Rufus Putnam, the exclamation was forced out of him, 
"The rebels have done more in a night than my army has in a month." 

The whole story is a fascinating one, and Senator Hoar's oration 
is worth preserving among the classics of our literature. He spoke 
of the fire of patriotism glowing as brightly in the breast of this 
young self-taught officer as in the breasts of a Bayard or a Sydney, 
saying that "the old French War, with its adventures and escapes 
was better for him than a West Point education." 

But we are only calling attention to a few landmarks concerning 
the Putnam family's service in our history, which he who would 
know well his country's story must in no wise forget. The story of 
Ohio is a story by itself. Colonel Israel Putnam, eldest son of "Old 
Put," with his two sons, joined the Ohio expedition and went with his 
relative to found a new State in the West. He went back to bring out 
his family a year or so later, and their descendants are still found 
there. 

A three volume Genealogy of the Putnam family has been written 
by Mr. Eben Putnam, of Wellesley, Massachusetts, Editor of the 
Genealogical Magazine, and son of Frederick Ward Putnam, for 
twenty-five years Professor of American Archaeology and Ethnology 
at Harvard University, in which he traces the past of the family in 
Buckinghamshire, England, to Sir Roger de Puttenham and back of 
him, quoting from Browning's "Americans of Royal Descent," to 
Louis IV. of France, Charlemagne, Alfred the Great, and Geoffrey 
de Boulogne. 

There are fourteen States that have either a county or town bear- 
ing the name "Putnam." 

[224] 



In the Patriotic Societies for both sexes, you will find more 
descendants of Israel Putnam, than any other soldier of the Revolu- 
tion. James Dixon Browne, Esq., a lawyer of Terre Haute, Indiana, 
compiled a manuscript Genealogy of the Putnam ancestry of his 
mother, Emily, wife of James Browne, and daughter of Colonel Daniel 
Putnam. He prefixed to the record his text from the Scriptures: "And 
the children of Israel increased and multiplied abundantly." 

Question 10. Who commanded one of the two Concentration 
Camps during the Winter of Valley Forge? 

It was near Danbury, Connecticut, during the winter of. 1777- 
1778. "In order," says David Humphreys, "to cover the country 
adjoining the Sound, and to support the garrison of West Point in case 
of an attack, Major General Putnam was stationed for the Winter at 
Redding, Connecticut. 

"He had under his orders, the brigade of New Hampshire, the 
two brigades of Connecticut, the corps of Infantry commanded by 
Hazen, and that of Cavalry by Sheldon. 

"The troops, who had been badly fed, badly clothed and worse 
paid, by brooding over their grievances in the leisure and inactivity 
of Winter quarters, began to think them intolerable." So they 
mutinied. To quote Humphreys: "When word was brought to Gen- 
eral Putnam that the two brigades were under arms to march to Hart- 
ford to compel the General Assembly to listen to their complaint, he 
mounted his horse, galloped to the cantonment, and thus addressed 
them : 

1 'My brave lads, whither are you going? Do you intend to 
desert your officers, and invite the enemy to follow you into the coun- 
try? Whose cause have you been fighting and suffering so long in? 
Is it not your own ? Have you no property, no parents, wives or chil- 
dren? You have behaved like men so far all the world is full of 
your praises and posterity will stand astonished at your deeds; but 
not if you spoil it all at last. Don't you consider how much the country 
is distressed by the War, and that your officers have not been any 
better paid than yourselves? Let us all stand by one another, then, 
and fight it out like soldiers.' 

"When he had done, he directed the acting Major of Brigade to 
give the word for them to shoulder, march to their regimental parades 

[225] 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

and lodge arms. All which they executed with promptitude and 
apparent good humor." 

It was about the middle of this winter, when Putnam was on a 
visit to his output at Horseneck, with one hundred and fifty men, 
that he found Governor Tryon advancing on him with fifteen hundred. 
He fired a volley or two, and then, ordering his men to disperse, 
secured his own safety by galloping down the famous stone steps, 
whither the dragoons were unwilling to follow. They fired on him, 
however, and a ball hit his headpiece, which was seen to fly off. 
Tryon sent him the next day a new hat, so the story goes. Grim play- 
fulness between enemies ! The house from which he saw the English 
approaching has been preserved by the Daughters of the American 
Revolution of Greenwich, Connecticut, and is open to visitors. 

Question n. Who selected West Point as a military spot? 

Israel Putnam made the decision, not, however, without asking 
counsel of others in authority, but against the advice of the French 
engineers called in consultation. (Livingston's Life, page 370.) The 
ruins of the old Fort up the hillside above the new chapel of the Mili- 
tary Academy still bears the name "Fort Putnam." 

Colonel Humphreys, who was on the spot at the time, claims for 
General Putnam the whole merit for the selection of this post, and 
adds: "It is no vulgar praise to say, that to him belongs the glory of 

having chosen this rock of our military salvation The British, 

who considered this post as a sort of American Gibraltar, never 
attempted it, but by the treachery of an American officer." For West 
Point was the key to the Hudson, and it was the prize the British 
sought at the price of making Benedict Arnold a traitor. 

Question 12. Who was the one General compelled by the infirm- 
ities of age to retire, all unwillingly, before the conclusion of the War, 
but with a long military career behind him ? 

Generals Greene and Anthony Wayne were younger men by 
nearly thirty years than this old veteran, and gained their spurs in 
reaching their military maturity during the War of the Revolution. 
Putnam had already grown grey in the Seven Years' War, and served 
in many successive campaigns. He reached his military maturity at 
the Battle of Bunker Hill. He was fourteen years older than Wash- 
ington himself, and was the most active commander at Boston until 
Washington came. 

[226] 



WHOM SHOULD HISTORY RANK NEXT TO WASHINGTON 

In December, 1779, after a visit at home, Putnam set out on 
horseback to re-join the Army. On the road between Pomfret and 
Hartford, he suffered a stroke of paralysis, which affected his whole 
right side, and, struggle against it as he might, he was compelled to 
realize that his military days were over. The iron frame that had 
been subjected to the strains of the days of his Indian fighting, of his 
French imprisonment and shipwreck at Havana, succumbed after 
three years of more continuous service. He was an old man even at 
the Battle of Bunker Hill. 

This meant that his part in that struggle was confined to the dis- 
mal days and darkest hours of our great War for Liberty, and ended 
before the new turn of affairs which the French intervention 
afforded. His part, then, in it, belonged to losing days and ended 
before the winnings days, before things began to give any sure 
promise of success. 

This, in turn, meant that he could not be present with the other 
officers, when Washington bade them farewell and organized the 
Cincinnati at Fraunces' Tavern in New York, for Putnam was sick 
and helpless in Connecticut. This was, perhaps, why Colonel Hum- 
phreys dedicated his "Biography" to the Connecticut Society of the 
Cincinnati. 

Putnam was pre-eminently a soldier of the people, for the people 
a true, Democratic soldier. Therefore, the people loved him, and 
his memory struck such fast and strong roots in popular appreciation 
and recollection. In this he was like Andrew Jackson, Grant, Napo- 
leon himself, in part, and the great Joffre, who felt for and with the 
people and whom the people understood. These were no parlor sol- 
diers. Putnam could not spell, but he could offer a pointed toast, one 
filled with a deep political insight, with the wisdom of the true states- 
man, as we have seen elsewhere in this paper. The British officers 
who fought with him, respected and liked him. 

Putnam was "ever attentive to the lives and happiness of his 
men," as President Dwight put it, in his epitaph. He was a fully 
grown American, representing the best in our hearts, sincere, simple, 
unaffected, loyal, brave and true! 

Even in praising Putnam, many writers seem to miss the point, 
betray an inadequate acquaintance with and failure to see the full 

[227! 



significance and success of his career. For example, Washington 
Irving says of him : 

"A yeoman warrior fresh from the plow in the garb of rural 
labor: (he begins, you see, with the historic ride after Lexington, and 
seems not at all to have realized his previous service, this aspect of 
his character seeming to have loomed so large in the eyes of some that 
they fail utterly to see his previous training and exploits the largest 
work of his life), a patriot, brave and generous, but rough and ready, 
who thought not of himself in the time of danger, but was ready to 
serve in any way, and to sacrifice rank and self-glorification to the 
good of the cause. He was eminently a soldier for the occasion. His 
name has long been a favorite one with young and old one of the 
talismanic names of the Revolution, the very mention of which is like 
the sound of a trumpet. Such names are the precious jewels of our 
history, to be garnered up among the treasures of the Nation, and 
kept immaculate from the tarnishing breath of the cynic and the 
doubter." 

General Putnam's epitaph, as written by President Dwight, of 
Yale, and re-carved in granite for the base of the bronze statue in 
Brooklyn, Connecticut, dedicated in June, 1888, follows: 

To the Memory 

of 

Israel Putnam, Esquire, 
Senior Major General in the Armies 

of 
The United States of America 

who 

was born at Salem 

in the Province of Massachusetts 

on the Seventh day of January 

A. D. 1718 

and died 

on the twenty-ninth day of May 
A. D. 1790. 

[228] 



WHOM SHOULD HISTORY RANK NEXT TO WASHINGTON 

PASSENGER 

If thou art a Soldier 

Drop a tear over the dust of a Hero 

who 

Ever Attentive 
To the lives and happiness of his Men 

Dared to Lead 
Where any Dared to Follow ; 

IF A PATRIOT 
REMEMBER the distinguished and gallant services 

Rendered thy Country 

By the Patriot who sleeps beneath this Monument ; 

If thou art honest, generous & worthy 

Render a cheerful tribute of respect 

To a MAN 

Whose generosity was singular 
Whose honesty was proverbial 

who 

Raised himself to universal esteem 

And offices of eminent distinction 

By personal worth 

and 
Useful Life. 

Charles Johnson, graduate of Yale, and English Professor at 
Trinity, read a poem at the dedication of this equestrian statue, 
erected in Putnam's honor, from which we quote these ringing words: 

"He dared to lead 

Where any dared to follow. In their need 
Men looked to him. 

A tower of strength was Israel Putnam's name 
A rally word for Patriot acclaim : 
It meant resolve, and hope, and bravery, 
And steady cheerfulness and constancy, 

[229! 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

And if, in jears to come, men should forget 
That only freedom makes a nation great; 
If men grow less as wealth accumulates, 
Till gold becomes the life-blood of our States ; 
Should all these heavy ills weigh down our hearts, 
We'll turn to him, who acted well his part 
In those old days, draw lessons from his fame 
And hope and strength from Israel Putnam's name." 




[230] 




01 



[23 1 1 




THE WATERWAYS OF ILLINOIS 



[232] 



j&ttni (jfoorgr'a at jtopfyaro 

jforrrunnec of 11 ttmrriran fona 



BT 




GRACE LOUISE ROBINSON 

T WAS a long while ago, even before the landing of the 
Pilgrims, that a simple wooden blockhouse on a jut- 
ting bit of land, near the mouth of the Sagadehoc, 
was built, the first fastness of the British in New 
England. Saint George's it was called, and its place 
was, most likely, on the little promontory called 
Phipsburg, where the Popham Colonists spent their brief historic year. 
Matter of tradition, for the most part, that old fort is now. Not 
even its ruins are to be seen. The Atlantic winds and waves have 
scattered every bit of wood and mortar, every nail and bullet. Yet it 
is not all tradition, after all. For Strachey, the chronicler of the 
Popham expedition,- tells of the building of a fort with trenches about 
it, with twelve cannon mounted on its ramparts; and, in a strange 
place to look for early New England documents, there is a map of the 
old fortification. That place is in Simancos, Spain, where the Honor- 
able J. L. Curry, when he was United States Ambassador to Spain, 
discovered the old drawing. That shows it with towers, flankers, 
bulwarks, an imposing fortification for that early time. 

There, on the sands of Maine, it was built by the communist 
expedition under Captain Popham and Captain Gilbert, at the begin- 
ning of their ill-starred adventure in New World life. With the store- 
house for trade with the Indians, the fifty log cabins, the other com- 
munity buildings, it sprang, mushroom-fashion, into history, and 
passed as quickly. First English-built fastness in New Eangland, it 
rose before the eyes of the Pemaquid Indians, a marvel, a menace. 
Tragic was the drama it played, when some of the colonists, more bull- 
dozing, we are bound to believe, than the most of their number, turned 



THE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

the cannon upon curious, visiting Indians who did not know the hor- 
rors and cruelties of civilized warfare. Tragic for the men of the 
Popham Colony, in its turn, was the aftermath of that sin of the 
English; for the Fort of Saint George's could not protect its colony 
unless there were, for the people of that colony, food, fuel, clothing, 
the chance of trade with the Algonquins. Without that life could not 
go on. But fish and game, skins and furs, corn and other foods the 
outraged Indians would not bring to the Fort. In fear of revenge by 
the natives, the colonists did not dare hunt, fish, or go into the forests 
to cut wood. They had killed the goose that laid the golden egg. 
Civilization, having played false with the natives, must hurry back 
to Europe and wait for another time to make itself strong in New 
England. That the Pilgrims, coming in a different spirit, thirteen 
years later, were to do. 

So the men of Saint George's, who might have made a bigger, 
better history for Maine at that time, left their village, their cabins 
and yards, the place where their burned storehouse had stood, and 
traveled back across the Atlantic. Maybe they took, maybe they left, 
the first little ship built in New England, The Virginia. By the shore 
they left the grave of George Popham, their President, who said : 

"I die content. My name will always be associated with the first 
planting of the English race in the New World. My remains will not 
be neglected, away from the home of my fathers and my kindred." 

But the gallant and courteous gentleman, who was worthy of a 
better company than were many of those who sailed with him and 
Raleigh Gilbert, was no prophet. His grave was neglected. For only 
the fort was left, with the dismantled semblance of a village, to give 
the look of England to that coast region. 

Without a colony to protect, Saint George's was no longer a fort. 
Yet it has a right to a place in the mind of New Englanders and of 
all other Americans, for it was the first of its kind, and, whatever the 
faults and mistakes, spelling ruin to the colony, of the men who should 
have been settlers, their leaders were noble men and the adventure of 
the building of Saint George's was a passionate page in the life of the 
seventeenth century. 

Thinking of that, the men of the twentieth century, three hundred 
years away from the romance, danger, bravery, mistakes of that for- 

[234] 



SAINT GEORGE AT POPHAM 

lorn undertaking, held, on the Popham site, in 1907, a Tercentennary. 
There they unveiled a tablet which reads thus: 

THE FIRST ENGLISH COLONY 

ON THE SHORES OF NEW ENGLAND 

WAS FOUNDED HERE 

AUGUST 29 N. S. 1607 

UNDER 
GEORGE POPHAM 

That is the best memorial of the old Fort of Saint George's, 
Forerunner of All American Forts. 




[235] 




UNITED STATES WARSHIP FIRING A SALUTE 
In October, 1912, when the United States Navy waa anchored off New York City in the Huduon Rlrer. 



[236] 






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SECOND PAGE OF 



.*L BUBOO, 



[240] 



A Hi&ory of the Origin and De- 
velopment of Banks and Banking 
and of Banks and Banking in the 
City of New York :-: :-: :-: 



BY 
W. Harrison Bayles 

and 
Frank Allaben 



FRANK ALLABEN, Editor-in-Chief 



[241] 



CHAPTER III 
of BanKinu in 



Practically No Banking Houses in Existence Before the Time of 
Charles I The Jews Control the Banking in England English Kings 
Extort Huge Sums of Money from the Jews Jews Robbed and Ban- 
ished from England England Begins to Borrow from Italian Bank- 
ers The City of Boston is Forced to Loan to the English 
Sovereign Extravagance of English Monarchs Forces Them to Sell 
Crown Jewels to Gain Credit The English Silver Penny the New 
Medium of Exchange Henry III Issues Gold Coinage The Royal 
Exchange is Established The Royal Exchange Passes Out of Exist- 
ence Corfy Buys the Right of Entire English Exchange-Control 
from the King Royal Exchange is Again Revived The Goldsmiths 
Become the Bankers of England The Famous "Temple Bar" Bank 
is Founded Blackwell and Other Bankers Make Heavy Loans to 
Charles II The Exchequer is Closed and Edward Blackwell is Ruined 
All Other Bankers Who Have Loaned to the King Fail Banking 
Conditions in England Sink Into a Very Uncertain State Only One 
Financial House Survives the Crash. 




Ill 

of lanktttg in 

EFORE the reign of Charles I. there do not appear to 
have been in England any business houses devoted 
entirely or principally to banking or exchange. The 
little of this sort of business done in London was 
transacted by the merchants. The Italian merchants 
of Lombard street, who in the Thirteenth and Four- 
teenth Centuries bought up the wool of England for the cloth manu- 
facturers of Florence, were ready to negotiate bills of exchange, 
through their correspondents, on almost any city of Europe, and were 
also willing to loan money on good security and at high rates of inter- 
est. Earlier than this, as on the continent, the loaning of money was 
almost entirely in the hands of Jews, and seizure and confiscation of 
the property of people of this nationality seem to have contributed to 
a considerable extent to the income of the crown. 

The Jews came in from Normandy with the Norman Conquest, 
and from that time were used by the Kings of England as a source 
of revenue in any sudden need. They were settled by themselves in 
separate quarters, or "J ew ri es >" were protected from the popular 
hatred in the free exercise of their religion, and were allowed to erect 
synagogues and to direct their ecclesiastical affairs by means of 
Rabbis. A royal justiciary was set up to secure law to the Jewish 
merchant, who had no standing in the courts. The Jew had no right 
of citizenship; he was simply the King's chattel, and his life and goods 
were absolutely at the King's mercy; but he was a source of revenue 
and was used without stint. A large portion of the wealth, which his 
industry and enterprise accumulated, was demanded by the King 
when in need, and torture and imprisonment were resorted to in case 
milder means did not succeed. 

King Henry III. squeezed the Jews most unmercifully. One Jew 
alone, called Aaron of York, was on various occasions obliged to pay 
large sums of money, until the total amo